authentic narrative of the death of lord nelson: with the circumstances preceding, attending, and subsequent to, that event; the professional report on his lordship's wound, and several interesting anecdotes. by william beatty, m.d. surgeon to the victory in the battle of trafalgar, and now physician to the fleet under the command of the earl of st. vincent, k.b. &c. &c. &c. london: printed by t. davison, white-friars; for t. cadell and w. davies, in the strand. . _to the public_. the surgeon of the late illustrious lord nelson feels himself called upon, from the responsible situation which he held on the eventful day of the st of october , to lay before the british nation the following narrative. it contains an account of the most interesting incidents which occurred on board the victory. (lord nelson's flag-ship) from the time of her sailing from england, in the month of september, till the day of battle inclusively; with a detail of the particulars of his lordship's death, the mode adopted for preserving his revered remains during the subsequent long passage of the victory to england, and the condition of the body when it was deposited in greenwich hospital. this short statement of facts is deemed a small but necessary tribute of respect to the memory of the departed hero, as well as a professional document which the public had a right to expect from the man who had the melancholy honour of being his principal medical attendant on that occasion: and is presumed to be not unappropriately concluded by observations on the state of his lordship's health for some time previous to his fall; with his habits of life, and other circumstances, strongly proving that few men had a greater prospect of attaining longevity, on which account his premature death is the more to be deplored by his country. it was originally intended that this narrative should be published in the life of lord nelson, undertaken by the rev. j.s. clarke and j. m'arthur, esq. and it will still form a part of that work; but from the length of time which must necessarily elapse before so extensive and magnificent a publication can be completed, the author has been induced to print it in a separate form. narrative lord nelson sailed from st. helen's in the victory, with the euryalus frigate, on the morning of the th of september , to take the command of the british fleet cruizing before cadiz. on the th he appeared off plymouth; where he was joined by his majesty's ships thunderer and ajax, with which he proceeded for his destined station. on the th he communicated by private signal with the squadron under the command of rear-admiral stirling, which passed within a few miles of the victory; and the same day at noon, spoke his majesty's ship le decade, having on board rear-admiral sir richard bickerton, who, was on his return to england for the recovery of his health. some bad weather and adverse winds were experienced by the victory in crossing the bay of biscay, and on the th cape st. vincent was seen. lord nelson had dispatched the euryalus ahead on the preceding day, to acquaint admiral collingwood with his approach; and to direct that no salute should take place, nor any public compliments be paid to his flag, on his assuming the command, as he wished the enemy to be kept ignorant of a reinforcement being received by the british fleet. in the evening of the th, the victory joined the fleet; now consisting of twenty-seven ships of the line, including the victory, ajax, and thunderer: the city of cadiz was seen distant about fifteen miles, with the combined fleets at anchor; and admiral louis, with five or six ships under his command, close in shore, watching the motions of the enemy. on the th, prompt and decisive measures were adopted to prevent the enemy from receiving any supplies of provisions by sea, which his lordship was informed they were very much distressed for: cruizers were stationed off the capes st. vincent, st. mary's, and trafalgar; and the frigates euryalus and hydra were ordered to keep off the entrance of cadiz. his lordship now retired with the fleet to the vicinity of cape st. mary's, about fifty or sixty miles westward of cadiz; keeping up a constant communication with the frigates in shore, by means of three or four ships of the line placed at convenient intervals for distinguishing the signals of each other. this distance from, the enemy's port was preserved by his lordship, to prevent them from being speedily acquainted with the force of the fleet under his command; and that he might avoid the necessity of bearing up in bad weather, and running with the fleet through the straits of gibraltar when the westerly gales prevailed: as the inconvenience of being forced into the mediterranean, had been felt by former commanders in chief; and would now have afforded a favourable opportunity to the enemy of effecting their escape from cadiz, or at all events have rendered their obtaining supplies less difficult. on the st of october admiral louis joined the fleet, with a part of his squadron (the canopus, spencer, and tigre), from before cadiz; and departed the next day with those ships, the queen, and the zealous, for gibraltar, to procure a supply of provisions, stores, and water, which they were much in want of. on the th he rejoined with his squadron; having received intelligence from the euryalus by telegraph, that the french ships in cadiz were embarking their troops, and preparing to sail. lord nelson however conceived this to be merely intended as a stratagem, to draw him nearer to cadiz, for the purpose of obtaining a knowledge of his force; and therefore directed admiral louis to proceed in the execution of the orders before delivered to him. between the th and the th, his lordship was reinforced by the royal sovereign, belleisle, defiance, agamemnon, and africa, from england, and the leviathan from gibraltar. the agamemnon, sir edward berry, joined on the th;[ ] with intelligence that she had been chased on the coast of portugal a few days before by an enemy's squadron, consisting of six sail of the line. on the th in the evening, sir robert calder, in his majesty's ship the prince of wales, parted company with the fleet, on his return to england. his departure lord nelson had some days before evinced an anxious wish to procrastinate, and was heard that very day to declare his firm belief that the combined fleets would be at sea in the course of ten days or a fortnight.[ ] on the th the donegal, captain malcolm, left the fleet for gibraltar. on the th his majesty's ships the colossus, mars, defence, and agamemnon, formed the cordon of communication with the frigates in shore: the fleet was lying to. about half past nine in the morning, the mars, being one of the ships nearest to the fleet, repeated the signal from the ships further in shore, that "the enemy were coming out of port." lord nelson immediately ordered the general signal to be made, with two guns, for a chace in the south-east quarter. the wind was now very light; and the breezes partial, mostly from the south-south-west. the fleet made all possible sail; and about two o'clock the colossus and mars repeated signals from the ships in shore, communicating the welcome intelligence of "the enemy being at sea." this cheered the minds of all on board, with the prospect of realizing those hopes of meeting the enemy which had been so long and so sanguinely entertained. it was well known to his lordship, that all the enemy's ships had the iron hoops on their masts painted black; whereas the british ships, with the exception of the belleisle and polyphemus, had theirs painted yellow: and as he considered that this would serve for a very good mark of distinction in the heat of battle, he made known this circumstance to the fleet, and ordered the belleisle and polyphemus to paint their hoops yellow; but the evening being far advanced when the signal was made to them for this purpose, his lordship, fearing that it might not be distinctly understood, sent the entreprenante cutter to them to communicate the order. during the night the fleet continued steering to the south-east under all sail, in expectation of seeing the enemy; and at day-break on the th found itself in the entrance of the straits of gibraltar, but nothing of the enemy to be discovered. the fleet now wore, and made sail to the north-west; and at seven in the morning the phoebe was seen making signals for "the enemy bearing north." at eight o'clock the victory hove to; and admiral collingwood, with the captains of the mars, colossus, and defence, came on board, to receive instructions from his lordship; at eleven minutes past nine they returned to their respective ships, and the fleet made sail again to the northward. in the afternoon the wind increased, and blew fresh from the south-west; which excited much apprehension on board the victory, lest the enemy might be forced to return to port. the look-out ships, however, made several signals for seeing them, and to report their force and bearings. his lordship was at this time on the poop; and turning round, and observing a group of midshipmen assembled together, he said to them with a smile, "this day or to-morrow will be a fortunate one for you, young men," alluding to their being promoted in the event of a victory. a little before sunset the euryalus communicated intelligence by telegraph, that "the enemy appeared determined to go to the westward." his lordship upon this ordered it to be signified to captain blackwood (of that ship) by signal, that "he depended on the euryalus for keeping sight of the enemy during the night." the night signals were so clearly and distinctly arranged by his lordship, and so well understood by the respective captains, that the enemy's motions continued to be made known to him with the greatest facility throughout the night: a certain number of guns, with false fires and blue lights announced their altering their course, wearing, and making or shortening sail; and signals communicating such changes were repeated by the look-out ships, from the euryalus to the victory. the enemy wore twice during the night: which evolution was considered by his lordship as shewing an intention, on their part, of keeping the port of cadiz open; and made him apprehend that on seeing the british fleet, they would effect their retreat thither before he could bring them to a general action. he was therefore very careful not to approach their fleet near enough to be seen by them before morning. the british fleet wore about two o'clock in the morning; and stood on the larboard tack with their heads to the northward, carrying their topsails and foresails, and anxiously expecting the dawn of day. when that period arrived, the combined fleets were distinctly seen from the victory's deck, formed in a close line of battle ahead on the starboard tack, standing to the south, and about twelve miles to leeward. they consisted of thirty-three ships of the line; four of which were three-deckers, and one of seventy guns: the strength of the british fleet was twenty-seven ships of the line; seven of which were three-deckers, and three of sixty-four guns. lord nelson had, on the th, issued written instructions to the admirals and captains of the fleet individually, pointing out his intended mode of attack in the event of meeting the enemy;[ ] and now, previously to appearing himself on deck, he directed captain hardy to make the necessary signals for the order and disposition of the fleet accordingly. his lordship came upon deck soon after day-light: he was dressed as usual in his admiral's frock-coat, bearing on the left breast four stars of different orders which he always wore with his common apparel.[ ] he displayed excellent spirits, and expressed his pleasure at the prospect of giving a fatal blow to the naval power of france and spain; and spoke with confidence of obtaining a signal victory notwithstanding the inferiority of the british fleet, declaring to captain hardy that "he would not be contented with capturing less than twenty sail of the line." he afterwards pleasantly observed that "the st of october was the happiest day in the year among his family," but did not assign the reason of this.[ ] his lordship had previously entertained a strong presentiment that this would prove the auspicious day; and had several times said to captain hardy and doctor scott (chaplain of the ship, and foreign secretary to the commander in chief, whose intimate friendship he enjoyed), "the st of october will be our day." the wind was now from the west; but the breezes were very light, with a long heavy swell running. the signal being made for bearing down upon the enemy in two lines, the british fleet set all possible sail. the lee line, consisting of thirteen ships, was led by admiral collingwood in the royal sovereign; and the weather line, composed of fourteen ships, by the commander in chief in the victory. his lordship had ascended the poop, to have a better view of both lines of the british fleet; and while there, gave particular directions for taking down from his cabin the different fixtures, and for being very careful in removing the portrait of lady hamilton: "take care of my guardian angel," said he, addressing himself to the persons to be employed in this business. immediately after this he quitted the poop, and retired to his cabin for a few minutes: where he committed to paper the following short but devout and fervent ejaculation, which must be universally admired as truly characteristic of the christian hero; and the codicil to his will, which follows it: "may the great god whom i worship grant to my country, and for the benefit of europe in general, a great and glorious victory; and may no misconduct in any one tarnish it, and may humanity after victory be the predominant feature in the british fleet! for myself individually, i commit my life to him that made me; and may his blessing alight on my endeavours for serving my country faithfully! to him i resign myself, and the just cause which is entrusted to me to defend. amen, amen, amen." * * * * * "october st, . _then in sight of the combined fleets of france and spain, distant about ten miles_. "whereas the eminent services of emma hamilton, widow of the right honourable sir william hamilton, have been of the very greatest service to my king and country, to my knowledge, without ever receiving any reward from either our king or country: "first, that she obtained the king of spain's letter, in , to his brother the king of naples, acquainting him of his intention to declare war against england; from which letter the ministry sent out orders to the then sir john jervis, to strike a stroke if opportunity offered, against either the arsenals of spain or her fleets:--that neither of these was done, is not the fault of lady hamilton; the opportunity might have been offered:[ ] "secondly: the british fleet under my command could never have returned the second time to egypt, had not lady hamilton's influence with the queen of naples caused letters to be wrote to the governor of syracuse, that he was to encourage the fleet's being supplied with every thing, should they put into any port in sicily. we put into syracuse, and received every supply; went to egypt, and destroyed the french fleet: "could i have rewarded these services, i would not now call upon my country; but as that has not been in my power, i leave emma lady hamilton therefore a legacy to my king and country, that they will give her an ample provision to maintain her rank in life. "i also leave to the beneficence of my country my adopted daughter, horatia nelson thompson; and i desire she will use in future the name of nelson only. "these are the only favours i ask of my king and country, at this moment when i am going to fight their battle. may god bless my king and country, and all those i hold dear! my relations it is needless to mention: they will of course be amply provided for. "nelson and bronte. "witness {henry blackwood. {t.m. hardy" the prayer and codicil were both written with his lordship's own hand, within three hours before the commencement of the engagement. as the victory drew near to the enemy, his lordship, accompanied by captain hardy, and the captains of the four frigates (euryalus, naiad, sirius, and phoebe) who had been called on board by signal to receive instructions, visited the different decks of the ship. he addressed the crew at their several quarters, admonishing them against firing a single shot without being sure of their object; and expressed himself to the officers highly satisfied with the arrangements made at their respective stations. it was now plainly perceived by all on board the victory, that from the very compact line which the enemy had formed, they were determined to make one great effort to recover in some measure their long-lost naval reputation. they wore in succession about twenty minutes past seven o'clock; and stood on the larboard tack, with their heads toward cadiz. they kept a good deal of sail set; steering about two points from the wind, with topsails shivering. their van was particularly closed, having the santissima trinidada and the bucentaur the ninth and tenth ships, the latter the flag-ship of admiral villeneuve: but as the admirals of the combined fleets declined shewing their flags till the heat of the battle was over, the former of these ships was only distinguished from the rest by her having four decks; and lord nelson ordered the victory to be steered for her bow. several officers of the ship now communicated to each other their sentiments of anxiety for his lordship's personal safety, to which every other consideration seemed to give way. indeed all were confident of gaining a glorious victory, but the apprehensions for his lordship were great and general; and the surgeon made known to doctor scott his fears that his lordship would be made the object of the enemy's marksmen, and his desire that he might be entreated by somebody to cover the stars on his coat with a handkerchief. doctor scott and mr. scott (public secretary) both observed, however, that such a request would have no effect; as they knew his lordship's sentiments on the subject so well, that they were sure he would be highly displeased with whoever should take the liberty of recommending any change in his dress on this account: and when the surgeon declared to mr. scott that he would avail himself of the opportunity of making his sick-report for the day,[ ] to submit his sentiments to the admiral, mr. scott replied, "take care, doctor, what you are about; i would not be the man to mention such a matter to him." the surgeon notwithstanding persisted in his design, and remained on deck to find a proper opportunity for addressing his lordship; but this never occurred: as his lordship continued occupied with the captains of the frigates (to whom he was explaining his intentions respecting the services they were to perform during the battle) till a short time before the enemy--opened their fire on the royal sovereign, when lord nelson ordered all persons not stationed on the quarter-deck or poop to repair to their proper quarters; and the surgeon, much concerned at this disappointment, retired from the deck with several other officers.[ ] the boats on the quarters of the ship, being found in the way of the guns, were now lowered, down, and towed astern. captain blackwood, of the euryalus, remained on board the victory till a few minutes before the enemy began to fire upon her. he represented to his lordship, that his flag-ship would be singled out and much pressed by the enemy; and suggested the propriety therefore of permitting one or two ships of his line to go ahead of the victory, and lead her into action, which might be the means of drawing in some measure the enemy's attention from her. to this lord nelson assented, and at half past nine o'clock he ordered the temeraire and leviathan by signal (the former of which ships, being close to the victory, was hailed by his lordship) to go ahead for that purpose; but from the light breeze that prevailed they were unable, notwithstanding their utmost efforts, to attain their intended stations. captain blackwood foresaw that this would be the case; and as the victory still continued to carry all her sail, he wished captain hardy to acquaint his lordship, that unless her sail was in some degree shortened, the two ships just mentioned could not succeed in getting ahead previously to the enemy's line being forced: this however captain hardy declined doing, as he conceived his lordship's ardour to get into battle would on no account suffer such a measure.[ ] about half an hour before the enemy opened their fire, the memorable telegraphic signal was made, that "england expects every man will do his duty," which was spread and received throughout the fleet with enthusiasm. it is impossible adequately to describe by any language, the lively emotions excited in the crew of the victory when this propitious communication was made known to them: confidence and resolution were strongly pourtrayed in the countenance of all; and the sentiment generally expressed to each other was, that they would prove to their country that day, how well british seamen _could_ "do their duty" when led to battle by their revered admiral. the signal was afterwards made to "prepare to anchor after the close of the day;" and union-jacks were hoisted at the fore-topmast and top-gallant-stays of each ship, to serve as a distinction from the enemy's, in conformity with orders previously issued by the commander in chief. by his lordship's directions also, the different divisions of the fleet hoisted the st. george's or white ensign, being the colours of the commander in chief: this was done to prevent confusion from occurring during the battle, through a variety of national flags. the royal sovereign now made the signal by telegraph, that "the enemy's commander in chief was in a frigate." this mistake arose from one of their frigates making many signals. lord nelson ordered his line to be steered about two points more to the northward than that of his second in command, for the purpose of cutting off the retreat of the enemy's van to the port of cadiz; which was the reason of the three leading ships of admiral collingwood's line being engaged with the enemy previously to those of the commander in chief's line. the enemy began to fire on the royal sovereign at thirty minutes past eleven o'clock; in ten minutes after which she got under the stern of the st. anna, and commenced a fire on her. lieutenant pasco, signal officer of the victory, was heard to say while looking through his glass, "there is a top-gallant-yard gone." his lordship eagerly asked, "whose top-gallant-yard is that gone? is it the royal sovereign's?" and on being answered by lieutenant pasco in the negative, and that it was the enemy's, he smiled, and said: "collingwood is doing well."[ ] at fifty minutes past eleven the enemy opened their fire on the commander in chief. they shewed great coolness in the commencement of the battle; for as the victory approached their line, their ships lying immediately ahead of her and across her bows fired only one gun at a time, to ascertain whether she was yet within their range. this was frequently repeated by eight or nine of their ships, till at length a shot passed through the victory's main-top-gallant-sail; the hole in which being discovered by the enemy, they immediately opened their broadsides, supporting an awful and tremendous fire. in a very short time afterwards, mr. scott, public secretary to the commander in chief, was killed by a cannon-shot while in conversation with captain hardy. lord nelson being then near them, captain adair of the marines, with the assistance of a seaman, endeavoured to remove the body from his lordship's sight: but he had already observed the fall of his secretary; and now said with anxiety, "is that poor scott that is gone?" and on being answered in the affirmative by captain adair, he replied, "poor fellow!" lord nelson and captain hardy walked the quarter-deck in conversation for some time after this, while the enemy kept up an incessant raking fire. a double-headed shot struck one of the parties of marines drawn up on the poop, and killed eight of them; when his lordship, perceiving this, ordered captain adair, to disperse his men round the ship, that they might not suffer so much from being together. in a few minutes afterwards a shot struck the fore-brace-bits on the quarter-deck, and passed between lord nelson and captain hardy; a splinter from the bits bruising captain hardy's foot, and tearing the buckle from his shoe. they both instantly stopped; and were observed by the officers on deck to survey each other with inquiring looks, each supposing the other to be wounded. his lordship then smiled, and said: "this is too warm work, hardy, to last long;" and declared that "through all the battles he had been in, he had never witnessed more cool courage than was displayed by the victory's crew on this occasion." the victory by this time, having approached close to the enemy's van, had suffered very severely without firing a single gun: she had lost about twenty men killed, and had about thirty wounded. her mizen-topmast, and all her studding-sails and their booms, on both sides were shot away; the enemy's fire being chiefly directed at her rigging, with a view to disable her before she could close with them.[ ] at four minutes past twelve o'clock she opened her fire, from both sides of her decks, upon the enemy; when captain hardy represented to his lordship, that "it appeared impracticable to pass through the enemy's line without going on board some one of their ships." lord nelson answered, "i cannot help it: it does not signify which we run on board of; go on board which you please; take your choice." at twenty minutes past twelve, the tiller-ropes being shot away, mr. atkinson, the master, was ordered below to get the helm put to port; which being done, the victory was soon run on board the redoutable of seventy-four guns. on coming alongside and nearly on board of her, that ship fired her broadside into the victory, and immediately let down her lower-deck ports; which, as has been since learnt, was done to prevent her from being boarded through them by the victory's crew. she never fired a great gun after this single broadside. a few minutes after this, the temeraire fell likewise on board of the redoutable, on the side opposite to the victory; having also an enemy's ship, said to be la fougueux, on board of _her_ on her other side: so that the extraordinary and unprecedented circumstance occurred here, of _four_ ships of the line being _on board of each other_ in the heat of battle; forming as compact a tier as if they had been moored together, their heads lying all the same way. the temeraire, as was just before mentioned, was between the redoutable and la fougueux. the redoutable commenced a heavy fire of musketry from the tops, which was continued for a considerable time with destructive effect to the victory's crew: her great guns however being silent, it was supposed at different times that she had surrendered; and in consequence of this opinion, the victory twice ceased firing upon her, by orders transmitted from the quarter-deck. at this period, scarcely a person in the victory escaped unhurt who was exposed to the enemy's musketry; but there were frequent huzzas and cheers heard from between the decks, in token of the surrender of different of the enemy's ships. an incessant fire was kept up from both sides of the victory; her larboard guns played upon the santissima trinidada and the bucentaur; and the starboard guns of the middle and lower decks were depressed, and fired with a diminished charge of powder, and three shot each, into the redoutable. this mode of firing was adopted by lieutenants williams, king, yule, and brown, to obviate the danger of the temeraire's suffering from the victory's shot passing through the redoutable; which must have been the case if the usual quantity of powder, and the common elevation, had been given to the guns.--a circumstance occurred in this situation, which shewed in a most striking manner the cool intrepidity of the officers and men stationed on the lower deck of the victory. when the guns, on this deck were run out, their muzzles came into contact with the redoutable's side; and consequently at every discharge there was reason to fear that the enemy would take fire, and both the victory and the temeraire be involved in her flames. here then was seen the astonishing spectacle of the fireman of each gun standing ready with a bucket full of water which as soon as his gun was discharged he dashed into the enemy through the holes made in her side by the shot. it was from this ship (the redoutable) that lord nelson received his mortal wound. about fifteen minutes past one o'clock, which was in the heat of the engagement, he was walking the middle of the quarter-deck with captain hardy, and in the act of turning near the hatchway with his face towards the stern of the victory, when the fatal ball was fired from the enemy's mizen-top; which, from the situation of the two ships (lying on board of each other), was brought just abaft, and rather below, the victory's main-yard, and of course not more than fifteen yards distant from that part of the deck where his lordship stood. the ball struck the epaulette on his left shoulder, and penetrated his chest. he fell with his face on the deck. captain hardy, who was on his right (the side furthest from the enemy) and advanced some steps before his lordship, on turning round, saw the serjeant major (secker) of marines with two seamen raising him from the deck; where he had fallen on the same spot on which, a little before, his secretary had breathed his last, with whose blood his lordship's clothes were much soiled. captain hardy expressed a hope that he was not severely wounded; to which the gallant chief replied: "they have done for me at last, hardy."--"i hope not," answered captain hardy. "yes," replied his lordship; "my backbone is shot through." captain hardy ordered the seamen to carry the admiral to the cockpit; and now two incidents occurred strikingly characteristic of this great man, and strongly marking that energy and reflection which in his heroic mind rose superior even to the immediate consideration of his present awful condition. while the men were carrying him down the ladder from the middle deck, his lordship observed that the tiller-ropes were not yet replaced; and desired one of the midshipmen stationed there to go upon the quarter-deck and remind captain hardy of that circumstance, and request that new ones should be immediately rove. having delivered this order, he took his handkerchief from his pocket and covered his face with it, that he might be conveyed to the cockpit at this crisis unnoticed by the crew. several wounded officers, and about forty men, were likewise earned to the surgeon for assistance just at this time; and some others had breathed their last during their conveyance below. among the latter were lieutenant william andrew ram, and mr. whipple captain's clerk. the surgeon had just examined these two officers, and found that they were dead,[ ] when his attention was arrested by several of the wounded calling to him, "mr. beatty, lord nelson is here: mr. beatty, the admiral is wounded."--the surgeon now, on looking round, saw the handkerchief fall from his lordship's face; when the stars on his coat, which also had been covered by it, appeared. mr. burke the purser, and the surgeon, ran immediately to the assistance of his lordship, and took him from the arms of the seamen who had carried him below. in conveying him to one of the midshipmen's births, they stumbled, but recovered themselves without falling. lord nelson then inquired who were supporting him; and when the surgeon informed him, his lordship replied, "ah, mr. beatty! you can do nothing for me. i have but a short time to live: my back is shot through." the surgeon said, "he hoped the wound was not so dangerous as his lordship imagined, and that he might still survive long to enjoy his glorious victory." the reverend doctor scott, who had been absent in another part of the cockpit administering lemonade to the wounded, now came instantly to his lordship; and in the anguish of grief wrung his hands, and said: "alas, beatty, how prophetic you were!" alluding to the apprehensions expressed by the surgeon for his lordship's safety previous to the battle. his lordship was laid upon a bed, stripped of his clothes, and covered with a sheet. while this was effecting, he said to doctor scott, "doctor, i told you so. doctor, i am gone;" and after a short pause he added in a low voice, "i have to leave lady hamilton, and my adopted daughter horatia, as a legacy to my country." the surgeon then examined the wound, assuring his lordship that he would not put him to much pain in endeavouring to discover the course of the ball; which he soon found had penetrated deep into the chest, and had probably lodged in the spine. this being explained to his lordship, he replied, "he was confident his back was shot through." the back was then examined externally, but without any injury being perceived; on which his lordship was requested by the surgeon to make him acquainted with all his sensations. he replied, that "he felt a gush of blood every minute within his breast: that he had no feeling in the lower part of his body: and that his breathing was difficult, and attended with very severe pain about that part of the spine where he was confident that the ball had struck; for," said he, "i felt it break my back." these symptoms, but more particularly the gush of blood which his lordship complained of, together with the state of his pulse, indicated to the surgeon the hopeless situation of the case; but till after the victory was ascertained and announced to his lordship, the true nature of his wound was concealed by the surgeon from all on board except only captain hardy, doctor scott, mr. burke, and messrs. smith and westemburg the assistant surgeons. the victory's crew cheered whenever they observed an enemy's ship surrender. on one of these occasions, lord nelson anxiously inquired what was the cause of it; when lieutenant pasco, who lay wounded at some distance from his lordship, raised himself up, and told him that another ship had struck, which appeared to give him much satisfaction. he now felt an ardent thirst; and frequently called for drink, and to be fanned with paper, making use of these words: "fan, fan," and "drink, drink." this he continued to repeat, when he wished for drink or the refreshment of cool air, till a very few minutes before he expired. lemonade, and wine and water, were given to him occasionally. he evinced great solicitude for the event of the battle, and fears for the safety of his friend captain hardy. doctor scott and mr. burke used every argument they could suggest, to relieve his anxiety. mr. burke told him "the enemy were decisively defeated, and that he hoped his lordship would still live to be himself the bearer of the joyful tidings to his country." he replied, "it is nonsense, mr. burke, to suppose i can live: my sufferings are great, but they will all be soon over." doctor scott entreated his lordship "not to despair of living," and said "he trusted that divine providence would restore him once more to his dear country and friends."--"ah, doctor!" replied his lordship, "it is all over; it is all over." many messages were sent to captain hardy by the surgeon, requesting his attendance on his lordship; who became impatient to see him, and often exclaimed: "will no one bring hardy to me? he must be killed: he is surely destroyed," the captain's aide-de-camp, mr. bulkley, now came below, and stated that "circumstances respecting the fleet required captain hardy's presence on deck, but that he would avail himself of the first favourable moment to visit his lordship." on hearing him deliver this message to the surgeon, his lordship inquired who had brought it. mr. burke answered, "it is mr. bulkley, my lord."--"it is his voice," replied his lordship: he then said to the young gentleman, "remember me to your father." an hour and ten minutes however elapsed, from the time of his lordship's being wounded, before captain hardy's first subsequent interview with him; the particulars of which are nearly as follow. they shook hands affectionately, and lord nelson said: "well, hardy, how goes the battle? how goes the day with us?"--"very well, my lord," replied captain hardy: "we have got twelve or fourteen of the enemy's ships in our possession; but five of their van have tacked, and shew an intention of bearing down upon the victory. i have therefore called two or three of our fresh ships round us, and have no doubt of giving them a drubbing." "i hope," said his lordship, "none of _our_ ships have struck, hardy."--"no, my lord," replied captain hardy; "there is no fear of that." lord nelson then said: "i am a dead man, hardy. i am going fast: it will be all over with me soon. come nearer to me. pray let my dear lady hamilton have my hair, and all other things belonging to me." mr. burke was about to withdraw at the commencement of this conversation; but his lordship, perceiving his intention, desired he would remain. captain hardy observed, that "he hoped mr. beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life."--"oh! no," answered his lordship; "it is impossible. my back is shot through. beatty will tell you so." captain hardy then returned on deck, and at parting shook hands again with his revered friend and commander. his lordship now requested the surgeon, who had been previously absent a short time attending mr. rivers, to return to the wounded, and give his assistance to such of them as he could be useful to; "for," said he, "you can do nothing for me." the surgeon assured him that the assistant surgeons were doing every thing that could be effected for those unfortunate men; but on his lordship's several times repeating his injunctions to that purpose, he left him surrounded by doctor scott, mr. burke, and two of his lordship's domestics. after the surgeon had been absent a few minutes attending lieutenants peake and reeves of the marines, who were wounded, he was called by doctor scott to his lordship, who said: "ah, mr. beatty! i have sent for you to say, what i forgot to tell you before, that all power of motion and feeling below my breast are gone; and _you_" continued he, "very well _know_ i can live but a short time." the emphatic manner in which he pronounced these last words, left no doubt in the surgeon's mind, that he adverted to the case of a man who had some months before received a mortal injury of the spine on board the victory, and had laboured under similar privations of sense and muscular motion. the case had made a great impression on lord nelson: he was anxious to know the cause of such symptoms, which was accordingly explained to him; and he now appeared to apply the situation and fate of this man to himself.[ ] the surgeon answered, "my lord, you told me so before:" but he now examined the extremities, to ascertain the fact; when his lordship said, "ah, beatty! i am too certain of it: scott and burke have tried it already. _you know_ i am gone." the surgeon replied: "my lord, unhappily for our country, nothing can be done for you;" and having made this declaration he was so much affected, that he turned round and withdrew a few steps to conceal his emotions. his lordship said: "i know it. i feel something rising in my breast," putting his hand on his left side, "which tells me i am gone." drink was recommended liberally, and doctor scott and mr. burke fanned him with paper. he often exclaimed, "god be praised, i have done my duty;" and upon the surgeon's inquiring whether his pain was still very great, he declared, "it continued so very severe, that he wished he was dead. yet," said he in a lower voice, "one would like to live a little longer, too:" and after a pause of a few minutes, he added in the same tone, "what would become of poor lady hamilton, if she knew my situation!" the surgeon, finding it impossible to render his lordship any further assistance, left him, to attend lieutenant bligh, messrs. smith and westphall midshipmen, and some seamen, recently wounded. captain hardy now came to the cockpit to see his lordship a second time, which was after an interval of about fifty minutes from the conclusion of his first visit. before he quitted the deck, he sent lieutenant hills to acquaint admiral collingwood with the lamentable circumstance of lord nelson's being wounded.[ ]--lord nelson and captain hardy shook hands again: and while the captain retained his lordship's hand, he congratulated him even in the arms of death on his brilliant victory; "which," he said, "was complete; though he did not know how many of the enemy were captured, as it was impossible to perceive every ship distinctly. he was certain however of fourteen or fifteen having surrendered." his lordship answered, "that is well, but i bargained for twenty:" and then emphatically exclaimed, "_anchor_, hardy, _anchor_!" to this the captain replied: "i suppose, my lord, admiral collingwood will now take upon himself the direction of affairs."--"not while i live, i hope, hardy!" cried the dying chief; and at that moment endeavoured ineffectually to raise himself from the bed. "no," added he; "do _you_ anchor, hardy." captain hardy then said: "shall _we_ make the signal, sir?"--"yes," answered his lordship; "for if i live, i'll anchor."[ ] the energetic manner in which he uttered these his last orders to captain hardy, accompanied with his efforts to raise himself, evinced his determination never to resign the command while he retained the exercise of his transcendant faculties, and that he expected captain hardy still to carry into effect the suggestions of his exalted mind; a sense of his duty overcoming the pains of death. he then told captain hardy, "he felt that in a few minutes he should be no more;" adding in a low tone, "don't throw me overboard, hardy." the captain answered: "oh! no, certainly not."--"then," replied his lordship, "you know what to do:[ ] and," continued he, "take care of my dear lady hamilton, hardy; take care of poor lady hamilton. kiss me, hardy." the captain now knelt down, and kissed his cheek; when his lordship said, "now i am satisfied. thank god, i have done my duty." captain hardy stood for a minute or two in silent contemplation: he then knelt down again, and kissed his lordship's forehead. his lordship said: "who is that?" the captain answered: "it is hardy;" to which his lordship replied, "god bless you, hardy!" after this affecting scene captain hardy withdrew, and returned to the quarter-deck, having spent about eight minutes in this his last interview with his dying friend. lord nelson now desired mr. chevalier, his steward, to turn him upon his right side; which being effected, his lordship said: "i wish i had not left the deck, for i shall soon be gone." he afterwards became very low; his breathing was oppressed, and his voice faint. he said to doctor scott, "doctor, i have _not_ been a _great_ sinner;" and after a short pause, "_remember_, that i leave lady hamilton and my daughter horatia as a legacy to my country: and," added he, "never forget horatia." his thirst now increased; and he called for "drink, drink," "fan, fan," and "rub, rub:" addressing himself in the last case to doctor scott, who had been rubbing his lordship's breast with his hand, from which he found some relief. these words he spoke in a very rapid manner, which rendered his articulation difficult: but he every now and then, with evident increase of pain, made a greater effort with his vocal powers, and pronounced distinctly these last words: "thank god, i have done my duty;" and this great sentiment he continued to repeat as long as he was able to give it utterance. his lordship became speechless in about fifteen minutes after captain hardy left him. doctor scott and mr. burke, who had all along sustained the bed under his shoulders (which raised him in nearly a semi-recumbent posture, the only one that was supportable to him), forbore to disturb him by speaking to him; and when he had remained speechless about five minutes, his lordship's steward went to the surgeon, who had been a short time occupied with the wounded in another part of the cockpit, and stated his apprehensions that his lordship was dying. the surgeon immediately repaired to him, and found him on the verge of dissolution. he knelt down by his side, and took up his hand; which was cold, and the pulse gone from the wrist. on the surgeon's feeling his forehead, which was likewise cold, his lordship opened his eyes, looked up, and shut them again. the surgeon again left him, and returned to the wounded who required his assistance; but was not absent five minutes before the steward announced to him that "he believed his lordship had expired." the surgeon returned, and found that the report was but too well founded: his lordship had breathed his last, at thirty minutes past four o'clock; at which period doctor scott was in the act of rubbing his lordship's breast, and mr. burke supporting the bed under his shoulders,[ ] thus died this matchless hero, after performing, in a short but brilliant and well-filled life, a series of naval exploits unexampled in any age of the world. none of the sons of fame ever possessed greater zeal to promote the honour and interest of his king and country; none ever served them with more devotedness and glory, or with more successful and important results. his character will for ever cast a lustre over the annals of this nation, to whose enemies his very name was a terror. in the battle off cape st. vincent, though then in the subordinate station of a captain, his unprecedented personal prowess will long be recorded with admiration among his profession. the shores of aboukir and copenhagen subsequently witnessed those stupendous achievements which struck the whole civilized world with astonishment. still these were only preludes to the battle of trafalgar: in which he shone with a majesty of dignity as far surpassing even his own former renown, as that renown had already exceeded every thing else to be found in the pages of naval history; the transcendantly brightest star in a galaxy of heroes. his splendid example will operate as an everlasting impulse to the enterprising genius of the british navy.[ ] from the time of his lordship's being wounded till his death, a period of about two hours and forty-five minutes elapsed; but a knowledge of the decisive victory which was gained, he acquired of captain hardy within the first hour-and-a-quarter of this period. a partial cannonade, however, was still maintained, in consequence of the enemy's running ships passing the british at different points; and the last distant guns which were fired at their van ships that were making off, were heard a minute or two before his lordship expired. a steady and continued fire was kept up by the victory's starboard guns on the redoutable, for about fifteen minutes after lord nelson was wounded; in which short period captain adair and about eighteen seamen and marines were killed, and lieutenant bligh, mr. palmer midshipman, and twenty seamen and marines, wounded, by the enemy's musketry alone. the redoutable had been on fire twice, in her fore-chains and on her forecastle: she had likewise succeeded in throwing a few hand-grenades into the victory, which set fire to some ropes and canvas on the booms. the cry of "fire!" was now circulated throughout the ship, and even reached the cockpit, without producing the degree of sensation which might be expected on such an awful occasion: the crew soon extinguished the fire on the booms, and then immediately turned their attention to that on board the enemy; which they likewise put out by throwing buckets of water from the gangway into the enemy's chains and forecastle, thus furnishing another admirable instance of deliberate intrepidity. at thirty minutes past one o'clock, the redoutable's musketry having ceased, and her colours being struck, the victory's men endeavoured to get on board her: but this was found impracticable; for though the two ships were still in contact, yet the top-sides or upper-works of both fell in so much on their upper decks, that there was a great space (perhaps fourteen feet or more) between their gangways; and the enemy's ports being down, she could not be boarded from the victory's lower nor middle deck. several seamen volunteered their services to lieutenant quilliam, to jump overboard, swim under the redoutable's bows, and endeavour to get up there; but captain hardy refused to permit this. the prize however, and the victory, fell off from each other; and their separation was believed to be the effect of the concussion produced by the victory's fire, assisted by the helm of the latter being put to starboard. messrs. ogilvie and collingwood, midshipmen of the victory, were sent in a small boat to take charge of the prize, which they effected.[ ] after this, the ships of the enemy's van that had shewn a disposition to attack the victory, passed to windward; and fired their broadsides not only into her and the temeraire, but also into the french and spanish captured ships indiscriminately: and they were seen to back or shiver their topsails for the purpose of doing this with more precision.[ ] the two midshipmen of the victory had just boarded the redoutable, and got their men out of the boat, when a shot from the enemy's van ships that were making off cut the boat adrift. about ten minutes after taking possession of her, a midshipman came to her from the temeraire; and had hardly ascended the poop, when a shot from one of those ships took off his leg. the french officers, seeing the firing continued on the prize by their own countrymen, entreated the english midshipmen to quit the deck, and accompany them below. the unfortunate midshipman of the temeraire was carried to the french surgeon, who was ordered to give his immediate attendance to him in preference to his own wounded: his leg was amputated, but he died the same night. the redoutable suffered so much from shot received between wind and water, that she sunk while in tow of the swiftsure on the following evening, when the gale came on; and out of a crew originally consisting of more than eight hundred men, only about a hundred and thirty were saved: but she had lost above three hundred in the battle.[ ] it is by no means certain, though highly probable, that lord nelson was particularly aimed at by the enemy. there were only two frenchmen left alive in the mizen-top of the redoutable at the time of his lordship's being wounded, and by the hands of one of these he fell. these men continued firing at captains hardy and adair, lieutenant rotely of the marines, and some of the midshipman on the victory's poop, for some time afterwards. at length one of them was killed by a musket-ball: and on the other's then attempting to make his escape from the top down the rigging, mr. pollard (midshipman) fired his musket at him, and shot him in the back; when he fell dead from the shrouds, on the redoutable's poop. the writer of this will not attempt to depict the heart-rending sorrow, and melancholy gloom, which pervaded the breast and the countenance of every individual on board the victory when his lordship's death became generally known. the anguish felt by all for such a loss, rendered doubly heavy to _them_, is more easy to be conceived than described: by his lamented fall they were at once deprived of their adored commander, and their friend and patron. the battle was fought in soundings about sixteen miles to the westward of cape trafalgar; and if fortunately there had been more wind in the beginning of the action, it is very probable that lord nelson would still have been saved to his country, and that every ship of the line composing the combined fleets would have been either captured or destroyed: for had the victory been going fast through the water, she must have dismasted the redoutable, and would of course have passed on to attack another ship; consequently his lordship would not have been so long nor so much exposed to the enemy's musketry. from the same circumstance of there being but little wind, several of the enemy's ships made off before the rear and bad-sailing ships of the british lines could come up to secure them. the victory had no musketry in her tops: as his lordship had a strong aversion to small arms being placed there, from the danger of their setting fire to the sails; which was exemplified by the destruction of the french ship l'achille in this battle. it is a species of warfare by which individuals may suffer, and now and then a commander be picked off: but it never can decide the fate of a general engagement; and a circumstance in many respects similar to that of the victory's running on board of the redoutable, may not occur again in the course of centuries. the loss sustained by the victory amounted to fifty-five killed, and a hundred and two wounded;[ ] and it is highly honourable to the discipline and established regulations of the ship, that not one casualty from accident occurred on board during the engagement. on the day after the battle, as soon as circumstances permitted the surgeon to devote a portion of his attention to the care of lord nelson's honoured remains, measures were adopted to preserve them as effectually as the means then on board the victory allowed. on the surgeon's examining the nature of the wound, and the course of the ball, a quantity of blood was evacuated from the left side of the breast: none had escaped before. the ball was traced by a probe to the spine, but its lodgment could not at that time be discovered. there was no lead on board to make a coffin: a cask called a leaguer, which is of the largest size on shipboard, was therefore chosen for the reception of the body; which, after the hair had been cut off, was stripped of the clothes except the shirt, and put into it, and the cask was then filled with brandy.[ ] in the evening after this melancholy task was accomplished, the gale came on with violence from the south-west, and continued that night and the succeeding day without any abatement. during this boisterous weather, lord nelson's body remained under the charge of a sentinel on the middle deck. the cask was placed on its end, having a closed aperture at its top and another below; the object of which was, that as a frequent renewal of the spirit was thought necessary, the old could thus be drawn off below and a fresh quantity introduced above, without moving the cask, or occasioning the least agitation of the body. on the th there was a disengagement of air from the body to such a degree, that the sentinel became alarmed on seeing the head of the cask raised: he therefore applied to the officers, who were under the necessity of having the cask spiled to give the air a discharge. after this, no considerable collection of air took place. the spirit was drawn off once, and the cask filled again, before the arrival of the victory at gibraltar (on the th of october): where spirit of wine was procured; and the cask, shewing a deficit produced by the body's absorbing a considerable quantity of the brandy, was then filled up with it. on the th the victory's seamen and marines dangerously wounded in the action, were sent on shore to the naval hospital at gibraltar. the interval between this day and the nd of november was employed in repairing the damage sustained by the ship, erecting jury-masts, fitting her rigging, and completing her in every respect for the voyage to england. on the nd of november, preparations were made on board to receive the wounded from the hospital, who had unanimously entreated captain hardy not to leave them behind: but their embarkation could not be effected this day; and the victory being ordered to quit the anchorage in gibraltar bay, to make room for the disabled ships and prizes daily arriving, she sailed in the evening for tetuan bay, for the purpose of taking on board a supply of fresh water, and awaiting there a favourable wind to pass the straits. during the night however, and before the victory gained the coast of barbary, the wind, which had blown for several days from the west, shifted to the eastward, and a fresh breeze sprung up; she therefore changed her course, and stood back again for gibraltar, where she arrived early in the morning. she then lay-to in the bay without anchoring, and the boats were immediately sent on shore for the wounded; who were all brought off by noon, except five of the worst cases who could not be removed.[ ] in the afternoon the victory and belleisle sailed from gibraltar bay, and passed through the straits during the night of the th. the next day at noon they joined the squadron under the command of admiral collingwood, then cruising off cadiz; from which they parted company the same evening, and pursued their course together for england. when the victory had proceeded some weeks on her voyage, adverse winds and tempestuous weather having prolonged the passage much beyond the period that is generally expected, it was thought proper to draw off the spirit from the cask containing lord nelson's body, and renew it; and this was done twice. on these occasions brandy was used in the proportion of two-thirds to one of spirit of wine. at length the victory arrived at spithead, after a tedious passage of nearly five weeks from gibraltar: and as no instructions respecting his lordship's remains were received at portsmouth while the ship remained there, and orders being transmitted to captain hardy for her to proceed to the nore, the surgeon represented to him the necessity of examining the state of the body; common report giving reason to believe that it was intended to lie in state at greenwich hospital, and to be literally exposed to the public. on the th of december therefore, the day on which the victory sailed from spithead for the nore, lord nelson's body was taken from the cask in which it had been kept since the day after his death. on inspecting it externally, it exhibited a state of perfect preservation, without being in the smallest degree offensive. there were, however, some appearances that induced the surgeon to examine the condition of the bowels; which were found to be much decayed, and likely in a short time to communicate the process of putrefaction to the rest of the body: the parts already injured were therefore removed. it was at this time that the fatal ball was discovered: it had passed through the spine, and lodged in the muscles of the back, towards the right side, and a little below the shoulder-blade. a very considerable portion of the gold-lace, pad, and lining of the epaulette, with a piece of the coat, was found attached to the ball: the lace of the epaulette was as firmly so, as if it had been inserted into the metal while in a state of fusion.[ ] the following is the professional report on his lordship's wound and death, made by the surgeon on this occasion; "_his majesty's ship victory, at sea, th december, _. "about the middle of the action with the combined fleets on the st of october last, the late illustrious commander in chief lord nelson was mortally wounded in the left breast by a musket-ball, supposed to be fired from the mizen-top of la redoutable french ship of the line, which the victory fell on board of early in the battle. his lordship was in the act of turning on the quarter-deck with his face towards the enemy, when he received his wound: he instantly fell; and was carried to the cockpit, where he lived about two hours.[ ] on being brought below, he complained of acute pain about the sixth or seventh dorsal vertebra, and of privation of sense and motion of the body and inferior extremities. his respiration was short and difficult; pulse weak, small, and irregular. he frequently declared his back was shot through, that he felt every instant a gush of blood within his breast, and that he had sensations which indicated to him the approach of death. in the course of an hour his pulse became indistinct, and was gradually lost in the arm. his extremities and forehead became soon afterwards cold. he retained his wonted energy of mind, and exercise of his faculties, till the last moment of his existence; and when the victory as signal as decisive was announced to him, he expressed his pious acknowledgments, and heart-felt satisfaction at the glorious event, in the most emphatic language. he then delivered his last orders with his usual precision, and in a few minutes afterwards expired without a struggle. "_course and site of the ball, as ascertained since death._ "the ball struck the fore part of his lordship's epaulette; and entered the left shoulder immediately before the processus acromion scapulae, which it slightly fractured. it then descended obliquely into the thorax, fracturing the second and third ribs: and after penetrating the left lobe of the lungs, and dividing in its passage a large branch of the pulmonary artery, it entered the left side of the spine between the sixth and seventh dorsal vertebræ, fractured the left transverse process of the sixth dorsal vertebra, wounded the medulla spinalis, and fracturing the right transverse process of the seventh vertebra, made its way from the right side of the spine, directing its course through the muscles of the back; and lodged therein, about two inches below the inferior angle of the right scapula. on removing the ball, a portion of the gold-lace and pad of the epaulette, together with a small piece of his lordship's coat, was found firmly attached to it.[ ] "w. beatty." the remains were wrapped in cotton vestments, and rolled from head to foot with bandages of the same material, in the ancient mode of embalming. the body was then put into a leaden coffin, filled with brandy holding in solution camphor and myrrh.[ ] this coffin was inclosed in a wooden one, and placed in the after-part of his lordship's cabin; where it remained till the st of december, when an order was received from the admiralty for the removal of the body. the coffin that had been made from the mainmast of the french commander's ship l'orient, and presented to his lordship by his friend captain hollowell, after the battle of the nile, being then received on board, the leaden coffin was opened, and the body taken out; when it was found still in most excellent condition, and completely plastic. the features were somewhat tumid, from absorption of the spirit; but on using friction with a napkin, they resumed in a great degree their natural character. all the officers of the ship, and several of his lordship's friends, as well as some of captain hardy's, who had come on board the victory that day from the shore, were present at the time of the body's being removed from the leaden coffin; and witnessed its undecayed state after a lapse of two months since death, which excited the surprise of all who beheld it. this was the last time the mortal part of the lamented hero was seen by human eyes; as the body, after being dressed in a shirt, stockings, uniform small-clothes and waistcoat, neckcloth, and night-cap, was then placed in the shell made from l'orient's mast, and covered with the shrouding. this was inclosed in a leaden coffin; which was soldered up immediately, and put into another wooden shell: in which manner it was sent out of the victory into commissioner grey's yacht, which was hauled alongside for that purpose. in this vessel the revered remains were conveyed to greenwich hospital; attended by the reverend doctor scott, and messrs. tyson and whitby. lord nelson had often talked with captain hardy on the subject of his being killed in battle, which appeared indeed to be a favourite topic of conversation with him. he was always prepared to lay down his life in the service of his country; and whenever it should please providence to remove him from this world, it was the most ambitious wish of his soul to die in the fight, and in the very hour of a great and signal victory. in this he was gratified: his end was glorious; and he died as he had lived, one of the greatest among men. the following prayer, found in his lordship's memorandum-book,--and written with his own hand on the night of his leaving merton, at one of the places where he changed horses (supposed to be guildford) on his way to join the victory at portsmouth,--is highly illustrative of those sentiments of combined piety and patriotic heroism with which he was inspired: _"friday night, th september_. "friday night, at half past ten, drove from dear, dear merton, where i left all which i hold dear in this world, to go to serve my king and country. may the great god whom i adore, enable me to fulfil the expectations of my country! and if it is his good pleasure that i should return, my thanks will never cease being offered up to the throne of his mercy. but if it is his good providence to cut short my days upon earth, i bow with the greatest submission; relying that he will protect those, so dear to me, that i may leave behind. his will be done! "amen, amen, amen." his lordship had on several occasions told captain hardy, that if he should fall in battle in a foreign climate, he wished his body to be conveyed to england; and that if his country should think proper to inter him at the public expence, he wished to be buried in saint paul's, as well as that his monument should be erected there. he explained his reasons for preferring saint paul's to westminster abbey, which were rather curious: he said that he remembered hearing it stated as an old tradition when he was a boy, that westminster abbey was built on a spot where once existed a deep morass; and he thought it likely that the lapse of time would reduce the ground on which it now stands to its primitive state of a swamp, without leaving a trace of the abbey. he added, that his actual observations confirmed the probability of this event. he also repeated to captain hardy several times during the last two years of his life: "should i be killed, hardy, and my country not bury me, you know what to do with me;" meaning that his body was in that case to be laid by the side of his father's, in his native village of burnham thorpe in norfolk: and this, as has been before mentioned (in page ), he adverted to in his last moments. an opinion has been very generally entertained, that lord nelson's state of health, and supposed infirmities arising from his former wounds and hard services, precluded the probability of his long surviving the battle of trafalgar, had he fortunately escaped the enemy's shot: but the writer of this can assert that his lordship's health was uniformly good, with the exception of some slight attacks of indisposition arising from accidental causes; and which never continued above two or three days, nor confined him in any degree with respect to either exercise or regimen:[ ] and during the last twelve months of his life, he complained only three times in this way. it is true, that his lordship, about the meridian of life, had been subject to frequent fits of the gout: which disease however, as well as his constitutional tendency to it, he totally overcame by abstaining for the space of nearly two years from animal food, and wine and all other fermented drink; confining his diet to vegetables, and commonly milk and water. and it is also a fact, that early in life, when he first went to sea, he left off the use of salt, which he then believed to be the sole cause of scurvy, and never took it afterwards with his food. his lordship used a great deal of exercise, generally walking on deck six or seven hours in the day. he always rose early, for the most part shortly after day-break. he breakfasted in summer about six, and at seven in winter: and if not occupied in reading or writing dispatches, or examining into the details of the fleet, he walked on the quarter-deck the greater part of the forenoon; going down to his cabin occasionally to commit to paper such incidents or reflections as occurred to him during that time, and as might be hereafter useful to the service of his country. he dined generally about half past two o'clock. at his table there were seldom less than eight or nine persons, consisting of the different officers of the ship: and when the weather and the service permitted, he very often had several of the admirals and captains in the fleet to dine with him; who were mostly invited by signal, the rotation of seniority being commonly observed by his lordship in these invitations. at dinner he was alike affable and attentive to every one: he ate very sparingly himself; the liver and wing of a fowl, and a small plate of macaroni, in general composing his meal, during which he occasionally took a glass of champagne. he never exceeded four glasses of wine after dinner, and seldom drank three; and even these were diluted with either bristol or common water. few men subject to the vicissitudes of a naval life, equalled his lordship in an habitual systematic mode of living. he possessed such a wonderful activity of mind, as even prevented him from taking ordinary repose, seldom enjoying two hours of uninterrupted sleep; and on several occasions he did not quit the deck during the whole night. at these times he took no pains to protect himself from the effects of wet, or the night-air; wearing only a thin great coat: and he has frequently, after having his clothes wet through with rain, refused to have them changed, saying that the leather waistcoat which he wore over his flannel one would secure him from complaint. he seldom wore boots, and was consequently very liable to have his feet wet. when this occurred he has often been known to go down to his cabin, throw off his shoes, and walk on the carpet in his stockings for the purpose of drying the feet of them. he chose rather to adopt this uncomfortable expedient, than to give his servants the trouble of assisting him to put on fresh stockings; which, from his having only one hand, he could not himself conveniently effect. from these circumstances it may be inferred, that though lord nelson's constitution was not of that kind which is generally denominated strong, yet it was not very susceptible of complaint from the common occasional causes of disease necessarily attending a naval life. the only bodily pain which his lordship felt in consequence of his many wounds, was a slight rheumatic affection of the stump of his amputated arm on any sudden variation in the state of the weather; which is generally experienced by those who have the misfortune to lose a limb after the middle age. his lordship usually predicted an alteration in the weather with as much certainty from feeling transient pains in this stump, as he could by his marine barometer; from the indications of which latter he kept a diary of the atmospheric changes, which was written with his own hand. his lordship had lost his right eye by a contusion which he received at the siege of calvi, in the island of corsica. the vision of the other was likewise considerably impaired: he always therefore wore a green shade over his forehead, to defend this eye from the effect of strong light; but as he was in the habit of looking much through a glass while on deck, there is little doubt, that had he lived a few years longer, and continued at sea, he would have lost his sight totally. the surgeon had, on the occasion of opening his lordship's body, an opportunity of acquiring an accurate knowledge of the sound and healthy state of the thoracic and abdominal viscera, none of which appeared to have ever been the seat of inflammation or disease. there were no morbid indications to be seen; other than those unavoidably attending the human body six weeks after death, even under circumstances more favourable to its preservation. the heart was small, and dense in its substance; its valves, pericardium, and the large vessels, were sound, and firm in their structure. the lungs were sound, and free from adhesions. the liver was very small, in its colour natural, firm in its texture, and every way free from the smallest appearance of disorganization. the stomach, as well as the spleen and other abdominal contents, was alike free from the traces of disease. indeed all the vital parts were so perfectly healthy in their appearance, and so small, that they resembled more those of a youth, than of a man who had attained his forty-seventh year; which state of the body, associated with habits of life favourable to health, gives every reason to believe that his lordship might have lived to a great age. the immediate cause of his lordship's death was a wound of the left pulmonary artery, which poured out its blood into the cavity of the chest. the quantity of blood thus effused did not appear to be very great: but as the hemorrhage was from a vessel so near the heart, and the blood was consequently lost in a very short time, it produced death sooner than would have been effected by a larger quantity of blood lost from an artery in a more remote part of the body. the injury done to the spine must of itself have proved mortal, but his lordship might perhaps have survived this alone for two or three days; though his existence protracted even for that short period would have been miserable to himself, and highly distressing to the feelings of all around him. w. beatty. footnotes: [ ] by this ship his lordship received some newspapers from england, one of which contained a paragraph stating that general mack was about to be appointed to the command of the austrian armies in germany. on reading this, his lordship made the following observation: "i know general mack too well. he sold the king of naples; and if he is now entrusted with an important command, he will certainly betray the austrian monarchy." [ ] captain hardy left england in a bad state of health, with which he had been afflicted during the last twelve months; but was now in a progressive state of amendment. lord nelson asked the surgeon this day, "how long he thought it might be before captain hardy's perfect recovery;" and on the surgeon's answering that "he hoped not more than a fortnight,"--"ah!" replied his lordship, "before a fortnight the enemy will be at sea, the business will be done, and we shall be looking out for england." [ ] these instructions will be found at the end of the narrative. [ ] his lordship did not wear his sword in the battle of trafalgar: it had been taken from the place where it hung up in his cabin, and was laid ready on his table; but it is supposed he forgot to call for it. this was the only action in which he ever appeared without a sword. [ ] it has been since recollected that on the st of october , his lordship's maternal uncle, captain suckling, in the dreadnought, in company with two other line of battle ships, attacked and beat off a french squadron of four sail of the line and three frigates, off cape françois. the french commodore was towed into cape françois; and the english ships, being too much disabled to follow up their success, bore away to jamaica to refit. [ ] this phrase has been subjected to misconstruction; to the writer of these pages, however, both the purport and expression of it seem very clear, thus; "_might have been_ offered" (though it _was not_). [ ] the victory's sick-report for this day numbered only ten convalescents, who all attended their respective quarters during the battle; and the whole fleet was in a high state of health. indeed the excellent health enjoyed by the crew of the victory from december up to this period, is perhaps unprecedented: and is attributable solely to captain hardy's attention to their subordination, temperance, warm clothing, and cleanliness; together with the means daily adopted to obviate the effects of moisture, and to accomplish the thorough ventilation of every part of the ship. the victory arrived at spithead from the memorable and arduous chace of the enemies' fleets to egypt and the west indies, in august : and notwithstanding the operation of the unfavourable circumstances of rapid change of climate, and the privation of refreshments experienced in that chace, as well as frequent increase of numbers (as in the west indies there were at one time embarked in her above souls), there was not now a single hospital-patient on board, nor did any occur during the several weeks of her stay in england; with which lord nelson expressed himself highly pleased when he joined the ship again, on the th of september, at st. helen's. the victory's casualties from the th of december to the th of october following, were only five fatal cases (one of these by accidental injury), and two patients sent to a naval hospital. [ ] it has been reported, but erroneously, that his lordship was actually requested by his officers to change his dress, or to cover his stars. [ ] his lordship just at this time found fault with the officer commanding on the forecastle, because the lee (or starboard) lower studding-sail had not been set sooner; a circumstance which, though trivial in itself, shews how well captain hardy knew his lordship's sentiments. [ ] his lordship in a few minutes after this called lieutenant pasco, mr. ogilvie, and some other officers, near him, and desired them to set their watches by the time of that which his lordship wore. [ ] the enemy's fire continued to be pointed so high throughout the engagement, that the victory did not lose a man on her lower deck; and had only two wounded on that deck, and these by musket-bulls. [ ] the reader may judge of the surgeon's feelings at this momentous period, when informed that that excellent young officer mr. ram was one of his dearest friends. [ ] the instance here alluded to occurred in the month of july, in the victory's return to europe from the west indies; and the man survived the injury thirteen days. his lordship, during the whole of that time, manifested much anxiety at the protracted sufferings of an individual whose dissolution was certain, and was expected every hour. [ ] captain hardy deemed it his duty to give this information to admiral collingwood as soon as the fate of the day was decided; but thinking that his lordship might feel some repugnance to this communication, he left directions for lieutenant hills to be detained on deck at his return, till he himself (captain hardy) should come up from the cockpit. lieutenant hills was dispatched on this mission from the victory, at the very time when the enemy's van ships that had tacked were passing her to windward and firing at her. [ ] meaning that in case of his lordship's surviving till all resistance on the part of the enemy had ceased, captain hardy was then to anchor the british fleet and the prizes, if it should be found practicable. [ ] alluding to some wishes previously expressed by his lordship to captain hardy respecting the place of his interment. [ ] it must occur to the reader, that from the nature of the scene passing in the cockpit, and the noise of the guns, the whole of his lordship's expressions could not be borne in mind, nor even distinctly heard, by the different persons attending him. the most interesting parts are here detailed. [ ] immediately after his lordship expired, captain hardy went on board the royal sovereign, to communicate the melancholy event, and the nature of his lordship's last orders, to admiral collingwood. [ ] the redoutable lay alongside and still foul of the temeraire for some time after this, and till several seamen were sent from the latter to the assistance of the two officers and men belonging to the victory who had before taken possession of the prize. [ ] these were the ships commanded by admiral dumannoir, and afterwards captured by the squadron under the command of sir richard strachan. they were nearly half an hour in passing to windward, during the whole of which time they continued firing on the british ships. [ ] about twenty of the redoutable's guns were dismounted in the action. those on that side of her lower deck opposed to the victory, were all dismounted except five or six. [ ] many of those who were slightly wounded did not apply for assistance till after the public return of killed and wounded had been transmitted to admiral collingwood, which therefore reports a smaller number than here stated. [ ] brandy was recommended by the surgeon in preference to rum, of which spirit also there was plenty on board. this circumstance is here noticed, because a very general but erroneous opinion was found to prevail on the victory's arrival in england, that rum preserves the dead body from decay much longer and more perfectly than any other spirit, and ought therefore to have been used: but the fact is quite the reverse, for there are several kinds of spirit much better for that purpose than rum; and as their appropriateness in this respect arises from their degree of strength, on which alone their antiseptic quality depends, brandy is superior. spirit of wine, however, is certainly by far the best, when it can be procured. [ ] of the victory's wounded, three died before she reached gibraltar, one on the day of her arrival there, and another at the naval hospital at that place a few days afterwards: all the rest got well on board except the five left at gibraltar, and five others not perfectly recovered from their wounds in january following; when the victory being put out of commission at chatham, they were sent to the sussex hospital-ship at sheerness. [ ] the ball was _not_ fired from a rifle piece. [ ] it was not deemed necessary to insert in this report the precise time which his lordship survived his wound. this, as before stated, was in reality two hours and three quarters. [ ] fig. . in the annexed plate represents the ball in the exact state in which it was extracted. drawn by mr. w.e. devis, who was then on board the victory. fig. . (drawn also by mr. devis) shews the ball in its present state; as set in crystal by mr. yonge, and presented to the writer of this narrative by sir thomas hardy. the ball, in perforating the epaulette, passed through many of the silk cords supporting the bullions, and through the pad and a doubling of silk besides; as the bag of the pad was composed of yellow silk. this circumstance militates strongly against an opinion entertained by some, that silk possesses in an eminent degree the power of resisting the force, or arresting the velocity, of a musket or pistol ball. [ ] the stock of spirit of wine on board was exhausted and from the sound state of the body, brandy was judged sufficient for its preservation. [ ] these complaints were the consequence of indigestion, brought on by writing for several hours together. his lordship had one of these attacks from that cause a few days before the battle, but on resuming his accustomed exercise he got rid of it. this attack alarmed him, as he attributed it to sudden and violent spasm; but it was merely an unpleasant symptom (_globus hystericus_) attending indigestion. _appendix._ _instructions_ _issued by_ lord nelson _to the admirals and captains of his fleet, several days previous to the battle_. victory, off cadiz, th of october, . general memorandum _sent to the commanders of ships_. thinking it almost impossible to bring a fleet of forty sail of the line into a line of battle in variable winds, thick weather, and other circumstances which must occur, without such a loss of time that the opportunity would probably be lost of bringing the enemy to battle in such a manner as to make the business decisive, i have therefore made up my mind to keep the fleet in that position of sailing, with the exception of the first and second in command, that the order of sailing is to be the order of battle: placing the fleet in two lines, of sixteen ships each with an advanced squadron of eight of the fastest-sailing two-decked ships; which will always make, if wanted, a line of twenty-four sail, on whichever line the commander in chief may direct. the second in command will, after my intentions are made known to him, have the entire direction of his line; to make the attack upon the enemy, and to follow up the blow until they are captured or destroyed. if the enemy's fleet should be seen to windward in line of battle, and that the two lines and advanced squadron could fetch them, they will probably be so extended that their van could not succour their rear. i should therefore probably make the second in command's signal to lead through about their twelfth ship from their rear; or wherever he could fetch, if not able to get so far advanced. my line would lead through about their centre: and the advanced squadron to cut three or four ships ahead of their centre, so as to ensure getting at their commander in chief, on whom every effort must be made to capture. the whole impression of the british fleet must be, to overpower from two or three ships ahead of their commander in chief (supposed to be in the centre) to the rear of their fleet. i will suppose twenty sail of the enemy's line to be untouched: it must be some time before they could perform a manoeuvre to bring their force compact to attack any part of the british fleet engaged, or to succour their own ships; which indeed would be impossible, without mixing with the ships engaged. the enemy's fleet is supposed to consist of forty-six sail of the line; british, forty:[ ] if either is less, only a proportional number of enemy's ships are to be cut off; british to be one-fourth superior to the enemy cut off. something must be left to chance: nothing is sure in a sea-fight, beyond all others; shot will carry away masts and yards of friends as well as foes: but i look with confidence to a victory before the van of the enemy could succour their rear; and then that the british fleet would most of them be ready to receive their twenty sail of the line, or to pursue them should they endeavour to make off. if the van of the enemy tack, the captured ships must run to leeward of the british fleet: if the enemy wear, the british must place themselves between the enemy and captured, and disabled british ships: and should the enemy close, i have no fear for the result. the second in command will, in all possible things, direct the movements of his line, by keeping them so compact as the nature of the circumstances will admit. captains are to look to their particular line as their rallying-point; but in case signals cannot be seen or clearly understood, no captain can do very wrong if he places his ship alongside that of an enemy. plan of the intended attack from to-windward, the enemy in line of battle ready to receive an attack: --------- advanced squadron.} ------------------ weather line. } british. ------------------ lee line. } ------------------------------------------------- enemy's line. the divisions of the british fleet will be brought nearly within gun-shot of the enemy's centre. the signal will be made for the lee line to bear up together; to set all their sail, even studding-sails, in order to get as quickly as possible to the enemy's line; and to cut through, beginning from the twelfth ship from the enemy's rear. some ships may not get through their exact place, but they will always be at hand to assist their friends. if any are thrown in the rear of the enemy, they will effectually complete the business of twelve sail of the enemy. should the enemy wear together, or bear up and sail large, still the twelve ships composing in the first position the enemy's rear, are to be the object of attack of the lee line, unless otherwise directed by the commander in chief: which is scarcely to be expected; as the entire management of the lee line, after the intentions of the commander in chief are signified, is intended to be left to the admiral commanding that line. the remainder of the enemy's fleet, thirty-four sail, are to be left to the management of the commander in chief; who will endeavour to take care that the movements of the second in command are as little interrupted as possible. nelson and bronte. by command of the vice admiral. jno. scott. memorandum book _the following interesting extracts are faithfully copied from_ his lordship's _memorandum book, written entirely with his own hand_. saturday, september th, . at six o'clock arrived at portsmouth; and having arranged all my business, embarked at the bathing-machines with mr. rose and mr. canning, who dined with me. at two got on board the victory, at st. helen's. wednesday, sept. th, . light airs southerly. saw the rock of lisbon s.s.e. ten leagues. at sunset the captain of the constance came on board, and sent my letters for england to lisbon, and wrote to captain sutton[ ] and the consul. the enemy's fleet had not left cadiz the th of this month, therefore i yet hope they will wait my arrival. saturday, sept. th, . fresh breezes at n.n.w. at day-light bore up, and made sail. at nine saw the Ã�tna cruising. at noon saw eighteen sail. nearly calm. in the evening joined the fleet under vice admiral collingwood. saw the enemy's fleet in cadiz, amounting to thirty-five or thirty-six sail of the line. sunday, sept. th. fine weather. gave out the necessary orders for the fleet. sent euryalus to watch the enemy with the hydra off cadiz. wednesday, october th. fresh breezes easterly. received an account from blackwood, that the french ships had all bent their top-gallant-sails. sent the pickle to him, with orders to keep a good look-out. sent admiral collingwood the nelson truth.[ ] at night wind westerly. monday, oct. th. fine weather: westerly wind. sent amphion to gibraltar and algiers. enemy at the harbour's mouth. placed defence and agamemnon from seven to ten leagues west of cadiz; and mars and colossus five leagues east of the fleet, whose station is from fifteen to twenty west of cadiz: and by this chain i hope to have a constant communication with the frigates off cadiz. wednesday, oct. th. moderate breezes westerly. all the forenoon employed forming the fleet into the order of sailing. at noon fresh breezes w.s.w. and squally. in the evening fresh gales. the enemy as before, by signal from weazle. thursday, oct. th. moderate breezes north-westerly. sent the donegal to gibraltar, to get a ground-tier of casks. received accounts by the diligent storeship, that sir richard strachan was supposed in sight of the french rochefort squadron; which i hope is true. friday, oct. th. fine weather: wind easterly. the combined fleets cannot have finer weather to put to sea. saturday, oct. th. fine weather: wind easterly. at half past nine the mars, being one of the look-out ships, made the signal that the enemy were coming out of port. made the signal for a general chace s.e. wind at south; cadiz bearing e.s.e. by compass, distance sixteen leagues. at three the colossus made the signal that the enemy's fleet was at sea. in the evening made the signal to observe my motions during the night; for the britannia, prince, and dreadnought, to take stations as most convenient; and for mars, orion, belleisle, leviathan, bellerophon, and polyphemus, to go ahead during the night, and to carry a light, standing for the straits' mouth. sunday, oct. th. fresh breezes s.s.w., and rainy. communicated with phoebe, defence, and colossus, who saw near forty sail of ships of war outside of cadiz yesterday evening; but the wind being southerly, they could not get to the mouth of the straits. we were between trafalgar and cape spartel. the frigates made the signal that they saw nine sail outside the harbour. sent the frigates instructions for their guidance; and placed the defence, colossus, and mars, between me and the frigates. at noon fresh gales, and heavy rain: cadiz n.e. nine leagues. in the afternoon captain blackwood telegraphed that the enemy seemed determined to go to the westward;--and _that_ they shall _not_ do, if in the power of nelson and bronte to prevent them. at five telegraphed captain blackwood, that i relied upon his keeping sight of the enemy. at five o'clock naiad made the signal for thirty-one sail of the enemy n.n.e. the frigates and look-out ship kept sight of the enemy most admirably all night, and told me by signal which tack they were upon. at eight we wore, and stood to the s.w.; and at four wore and stood to the n.e. monday, oct. st. at day-light saw enemy's combined fleets from east to e.s.e. bore away. made the signal for order of sailing, and to prepare for battle. the enemy with their heads to the southward. at seven the enemy wearing in succession. * * * * * _then follow the prayer and codicil already inserted in pages_ _and_ _of the narrative, which conclude_ his lorship's _manuscript_. footnotes: [ ] with such an inferiority of force as this, his lordship confidently expected not only to gain a decisive victory, but (to use his own favourite phrase) "completely to _annihilate the enemy's fleet_!" [ ] of his majesty's ship amphion, then in the tagus. [ ] it is presumed that his lordship here meant the preceding instructions, which were transmitted the next day to the whole fleet. the letters of lord nelson to lady hamilton; with a supplement of _interesting letters_, by distinguished characters. in two volumes. vol. ii. london: printed by macdonald and son, smithfield, for thomas lovewell & co. staines house, barbican; and sold by all the booksellers. . contents. vol. ii. letters from lord nelson to lady hamilton. letter xl. page xli. xlii. xliii. xliv. xlv. xlvi. xlvii. xlviii. xlix. l. li. lii. liii. liv. lv. lvi. lvii. lviii. lix. lx. supplement. _letters from lord nelson to miss horatia nelson thomson, now miss horatia nelson, lord nelson's adopted daughter; and to miss charlotte nelson, daughter of the present earl_. letter to miss horatia nelson page to miss charlotte nelson _letters from alexander davison, esq. to lady hamilton._ letter i. page ii. iii. _letter from lady hamilton to alexander davison, esq. inclosing her ladyship's verses on lord nelson_ page _letter from lady hamilton to the right honourable henry addington, now viscount sidmouth_ page _letters from sir william hamilton, k.b. to lady hamilton._ letter i. page ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. xi. xii. xiii. xiv. xv. xvi. xvii. _letters from sir william hamilton, k.b. to lord nelson._ letter i. page ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. xi. xii. _letters from lord nelson to sir william hamilton, k.b._ letter i. page ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. xi. xii. the letters of lord nelson to lady hamilton. letter xl. victory, under majorca, january th, . my own dear beloved emma, i received, on the th, your letters of september th, october , , , , th, november th, th, to the th: and i am truly sensible of all your kindness and affectionate regard for me; which, i am sure, is reciprocal, in every respect, from your own nelson. if that lady bitch knew of that person's coming to her house, it was a trick; but which, i hope, you will not subject yourself to again. but, i do not like it! however, it is passed; and, we must have confidence in each other: and, my dearest emma, judging of you by myself, it is not all the world that could seduce me, in thought, word, or deed, from all my soul holds most dear. indeed, if i can help it, i never intend to go out of the ship, but to the shore of portsmouth; and that will be, if it pleases god, before next christmas. indeed, i think, long before, if the french will venture to sea. i send you a letter from the queen of naples. they call out, might and main, for our protection; and, god knows, they are sure of me. mr. elliot complains heavily of the expence; and says, he will retire the moment it is peace. he expected his family, when they would sit down eleven elliots! if, my dear emma, you are to mind all the reports you may hear, you may always be angry with your nelson. in the first place, instead of eight days, mr. acourt; he came on board one day, just before dinner, and left me next morning, after breakfast. what pleasure people can have in telling lies! but, i care not what they say; i defy them all. you may safely rely, that i can for ever repeat, with truth, these words--for ever i love you, and only you, my emma; and, you may be assured, as long as you are the same to me, that you are never absent a moment from my thoughts. i am glad you are going to merton; you will live much more comfortable, and much cheaper, than in london: and this spring, if you like to have the house altered, you can do it. but, i fancy, you will soon tire of so much dirt, and the inconvenience will be very great the whole summer. all i request, if you fix to have it done, [is] that mr. davison's architect, who drew the plan, may have the inspection; and, he must take care that it does not exceed the estimate. if it is done by contract, you must not _alter_; or a bill is run-up, much worse than if we had never contracted. therefore, i must either buy the materials, and employ respectable workmen, under the architect; or, contract. i rather believe, it would be better for me to buy the materials, and put out the building to a workman; but, you must get some good advice. with respect to the new entrance-- * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * letter xli. victory, march th, [ ] off toulon. young faddy, my dearest emma, brought me, two days ago, your dear and most kind letter of november th, and you are sure that i shall take a very early opportunity of promoting him; and he appears to be grown a fine young man, but vacancies do not happen very frequently in this station. however, if he behaves well, he may be sure of me. with respect to mr. jefferson, i can [neither] say nor do any thing. the surgeon of the victory is a very able, excellent man, and the ship is kept in the most perfect state of health; and, i would not, if i could--but, thank [god] i cannot--do such an unjust act, as to remove him. he is my own asking for! and, i have every reason to be perfectly content. mr. jefferson got on, by my help; and, by his own misconduct, he got out of a good employ, and has seen another person, at malta hospital, put over his head. he must now begin again; and act with much more attention and sobriety, than he has done, to ever get forward again: but, time may do much; and, i shall rejoice to hear of his reformation. i am not surprised, my dearest emma, at the enormous expences of the watering place; but, if it has done my own emma service, it is well laid out. a thousand pounds a year will not go far; and we need be great economists, to make both ends meet, and to carry on the little improvements. as for making one farthing more prize-money, i do not expect it; except, by taking the french fleet: and, the event of that day, who can foresee! with respect to mrs. græfer--what she has done, god and herself knows; but i have made up my mind, that gibbs will propose an hundred pounds a year for her: if so, i shall grant it, and have done. i send you mrs. græfer's last letter. whilst i am upon the subject of bronte, i have one word more--and your good, dear, kind heart, must not think that i shall die one hour the sooner; on the contrary, my mind has been more content ever since i have done: i have left you a part of the rental of bronte, to be first paid every half year, and in advance. it is but common justice; and, whether mr. addington gives you any thing, or not, you will want it. i would not have you lay out more than is necessary, at merton. the rooms, and the new entrance, will take a good deal of money. the entrance by the corner i would have certainly done; a common white gate will do for the present; and one of the cottages, which is in the barn, can be put up, as a temporary lodge. the road can be made to a temporary bridge; for that part of the _nile_, one day, shall be filled up. downing's canvas awning will do for a passage. for the winter, the carriage can be put in the barn; and, giving up mr. bennett's premises, will save fifty pounds a year: and, another year, we can fit up the coach-house and stables, which are in the barn. the foot-path should be turned. i did shew mr. haslewood the way i wished it done; and mr. ------ will have no objections, if we make it better than ever it has been: and, i also beg, as my dear horatia is to be at merton, that a strong netting, about three feet high, may be placed round the nile, that the little thing may not tumble in; and, then, you may have ducks again in it. i forget, at what place we saw the netting; and either mr. perry, or mr. goldsmid, told us where it was to be bought. i shall be very anxious until i know this is done. i have had no very late opportunities of sending to naples: but, _viâ_ malta, i wrote to gibbs, to desire he would send over and purchase the _amorins_. they will arrive in time. i hope, the watch is arrived safe. the british fair cutter, i hope, is arrived safe. she has three packets, from me, to england, the expences of the alterations at merton _you are_ not to pay from the income. let it all be put to a separate account, and i will provide a fund for the payment. all i long for, just now, is to hear that you are _perfectly_ recovered; and, then, i care for nothing: all my hopes are, to see you, and be happy, at dear merton, again; but, i fear, this miscarriage of pichegru's, in france, will prolong the war. it has kept the french fleet in port, which we are all sorry for. sir william bolton was on board yesterday. he looks thin. the fag in a brig is very great; and i see no prospect of his either making prize-money, or being made post, at present: but, i shall omit no opportunity. i wrote to mrs. bolton a few months ago; and gave her letter, yesterday, to bolton. he conducts himself very well, indeed. ever, my dearest emma, for ever, i am your most faithful, and affectionate nelson & bronte. although i cannot well afford it, yet i could not bear that poor blind mrs. nelson should be in want in her old days, and sell her plate; therefore, if you will find out what are her debts, if they come within my power, i will certainly pay them. many, i dare say, if they had commanded here, would have made money; but, i can assure you, for prizes taken within the mediterranean, i have not more than paid my expences. however, i would rather pinch myself, than she, poor soul, should want. your good, angelic heart, my dearest beloved emma, will fully agree with me, every thing is very expensive; and, even we find it, and will be obliged to economise, if we assist our friends: and, i am sure, we should feel more comfort in it than in loaded tables, and entertaining a set of people who care not for us. an account is this moment brought me, that a small sum is payable to me, for some neutral taken off cadiz in may ; so that i shall not be poorer for my gift. it is odd, is it not? i shall, when i come home, settle four thousand pounds in trustees hands, for horatia; for, i will not put it in my own power to have her left destitute: for she would want friends, if we left her in this world. she shall be independent of any smiles or frowns! i am glad you are going to take her home; and, if you will take the trouble with eliza and ann, i am the very last to object. tom, i shall certainly assist at college; and, i am sure, the doctor expects that i should do the same for horace: but i must make my arrangements, so as not to run in debt. april th. i have wrote to the duke; but, by your account, i fear he is not alive. i write, because you wish me; and, because i like the duke, and hope he will leave you some money. but, for myself, i can have no right to expect a farthing: nor would i be a legacy hunter for the world; i never knew any good come from it. i send you a letter from mr. falconet. i am afraid, they have made a jumble about the _amorins_. and i send you a very impertinent letter from that old cat. i have sent her a very dry answer, and told her, i should send the sweetmeats to you. i always hated the old bitch! but, was she young, and as beautiful as an angel, i am engaged; i am all, soul and body, my emmas: nor would i change her for all this world could give me. i would not have horatia think of a dog. i shall not bring her one; and, i am sure, she is better without a pet of that sort. but, she is like her mother, would get all the old dogs in the place about her. april th. i am so sea-sick, that i cannot write another line; except, to say--god almighty bless you, my dearest beloved emma! prays, ever, your faithful nelson & bronte. letter xlii. victory, april d, . i have, my dearest beloved emma, been so uneasy for this last month; desiring, most ardently, to hear of your well doing! captain capel brought me your letters, sent by the thisbe, from gibraltar. i opened--opened--found none but december, and early in january. i was in such an agitation! at last, i found one without a date: which, thank god! told my poor heart, that you was recovering; but, that dear little emma was no more! and, that horatia had been so very ill--it all together upset me. but, it was just at bed-time; and i had time to reflect, and be thankful to god for sparing you and our dear horatia. i am sure, the loss of one--much more, both--would have drove me mad. i was so agitated, as it was, that i was glad it was night, and that i could be by myself. kiss dear horatia, for me: and tell her, to be a dutiful and good child; and, if she is, that we shall always love her. you may, if you like, tell mrs. g. that i shall certainly settle a small pension on her. it shall not be large, as we may have the pleasure of making her little presents; and, my dearest emma, i shall not be wanting to every body who has been kind to you, be they servants or gentlefolks. admiral lutwidge is a good man; and, i like mrs. lutwidge--and shall, always more, because she is fond of you. never mind the great bashaw at the priory. he be damned! if he was single, and had a mind to marry you, he could only make you a marchioness: but, as he is situated, and i situated, i can make you a duchess; and, if it pleases god, that time may arrive! amen. amen. as for your friend lady h----, she is, in her way, as great a pimp as any of them. what a set! but, if they manage their own intrigues, is not that enough! i am sure, neither you or i care what they do; much less, envy them their _chere amies_. as for lord s----, and the other, i care nothing about them; for i have every reason, by my own feelings towards you, to think you care only for your nelson. i have not heard of your receiving the little box from naples; bracelets, i fancy, but i did not open them. i wish the _amorins_ may come in time for the conveyance of captain layman; who has, most unfortunately, lost his sloop: he is strongly recommended, by the governor and garrison of gibraltar. but, perhaps, he may not be able to obtain it. we have such reports about the king's health, that the present ministry may be out; and, for what i know or care, another set may be no better, for you or me. as for the admiralty, let who will be in, they can neither do me any great good or harm: they may vex me, a little; but, that will recoil upon themselves. i hope, however, they will confirm captain layman; for he is attached not only to me, but is a very active officer. but, it was his venturing to know more about india than troubridge, that made them look shy upon him; and, his tongue runs too fast. i often tell him, not to let his tongue run so fast, or his pen write so much. letter xliii. victory, off toulon, april th, . my dearest emma, i have received all your truly kind and affectionate letters, to january th, by the thisbe; and, last night, your letter of january th, by naples. the _amorins_ will go under the care of captain layman; who, unfortunately, lost his sloop: but, with much credit to himself, he has been acquitted of all blame. i rejoice that dear horatia is got well; and, also, that you, my dearest emma, are recovered of your severe indisposition. in our present situation with spain, this letter, probably, may never reach you. i have wrote fully; and intend to send them by the argus, who i expect to join every minute. elphi bey, i hear, has had all his fine things taken from him. he escaped into the desert, and is pursued; probably, his head is off, long before this time. the french fleet came out on the th, but went in again the next morning. yesterday, a rear-admiral, and seven sail of ships, including frigates, put their nose outside the harbour. if they go on playing this game, some day we shall lay salt upon their tails; and so end the campaign of, my dearest emma, your most faithful and affectionate -------- i am glad to hear that you are going to take my dear horatia, to educate her. she must turn out an angel, if she minds what you say to her; and eliza and ann will never forget your goodness. my health is _so, so_! i shall get through the summer; and, in the winter, shall go home. you will readily fancy all i would say, and do think. my kind love to all friends. letter xliv. victory, april th, . my dearest emma, i had wrote you a line, intended for the swift cutter; but, instead of her joining me, i had the mortification, not only to hear that she was taken, but that _all_ the dispatches and letters had fallen into the hands of the enemy; a very pretty piece of work! i am not surprised at the capture; but am very much so, that any dispatches should be sent in a vessel with twenty-three men, not equal to cope with any row-boat privateer. as i do not know what letters of your's are in her, i cannot guess what will be said. i suppose, there will be a publication. the loss of the hindostan, was great enough; but, for importance, it is lost, in comparison to the probable knowledge the enemy will obtain of our connections with foreign countries! foreigners for ever say--and it is true--"we dare not trust england; one way, or other, we are sure to be committed!" however, it is now too late to launch out on this subject. not a thing has been saved out of the hindostan, not a second shirt for any one; and it has been by extraordinary exertions, that the people's lives were saved. captain hallowell is so good as to take home, for me, wine as by the inclosed list; and, if i can, some honey. the spanish honey is so precious, that if [any one has] a cut, or sore throat, it is used to cure it. i mention this, in case you should wish to give the duke a jar. the smell is wonderful! it is to be produced no where, but in the mountains near rosas. the cyprus wine, one hogshead, was for buonaparte. i would recommend the wine-cooper drawing it off: and you can send a few dozens to the duke; who, i know, takes a glass every day at two o'clock. i wish, i had any thing else to send you; but, my dearest emma, you must take the will for the deed. i am pleased with charlotte's letter; and, as she loves my dear horatia, i shall always like her. what hearts those must have, who do not! but, thank god, she shall not be dependent on any of them. your letter of february th, through mr. falconet, i have received. i know, they are all read; therefore, never sign your name. i shall continue to write, through spain; but never say a word that can convey any information--except, of eternal attachment and affection for you; and that, i care not, who knows; for i am, for ever, and ever, your, only your, nelson & bronte. poor captain le gros had your note to him in his pocket-book, and that was all he saved. mr. este left him at gibraltar, and went to malta in the thisbe. captain le gros is now trying. i think, it will turn out, that every person is obliged to his conduct for saving their lives. she took fire thirteen leagues from the land. letter xlv. victory, april , . my dearest emma, hallowell has promised me, if the _admiralty_ will give him leave to go to london, that he will call at merton. his spirit is certainly more independent than almost any man's i ever knew; but, i believe, he is attached to me. i am sure, he has no reason to be so, to either troubridge or any one at the admiralty. i have sent, last night, a box of marischino veritabile of zara, which i got jemmy anderson to buy for me, and twelve bottles of _tokay_. i have kept none for myself, being better pleased that you should have it. i am, ever, and for ever, your most faithful and affectionate nelson & bronte. hallowell parted last night; but, being in sight, i am sending a frigate with a letter to the admiralty. may god almighty bless you, and send us a happy meeting! letter xlvi. victory, may , . i find, my dearest emma, that your picture is very much admired by the french consul at barcelona; and that he has not sent it to be admired--which, i am sure, it would be--by buonaparte. they pretend, that there were three pictures taken. i wish, i had them: but they are all gone, as irretrievably as the dispatches; unless we may read them in a book, as we printed their correspondence from egypt. but, from us, what can they find out! that i love you, most dearly; and hate the french, most damnably. dr. scott went to barcelona, to try to get the private letters; but, i fancy, they are all gone to paris. the swedish and american consuls told him, that the french consul had your picture, and read your letters; and, doctor thinks, one of them probably read the letters. by the master's account of the cutter, i would not have trusted a pair of old shoes in her. he tells me, she did not sail, but was a good sea-boat. i hope, mr. marsden will not trust any more of my private letters in such a conveyance; if they choose to trust the affairs of the public in such a thing, i cannot help it. i long for the invasion being over; it must finish the war, and i have no fears for the event. i do not say, all i wish; and which, my dearest _beloved_ emma--(read that, whoever opens this letter; and, for what i care, publish it to the world)--your fertile imagination can readily fancy i would say: but this i can say, with great truth, that i am, for ever, your's -------- letter xlvii. victory, may th, . my dearest emma, yesterday, i took charles connor on board, from the phoebe, to try what we can do with him. at present, poor fellow, he has got a very bad eye--and, i almost fear, that he will be blind of it--owing to an olive-stone striking his eye: but the surgeon of the victory, who is by far the most able medical man i have ever seen, and equally so as a surgeon, [says] that, if it can be saved, he will do it. the other complaint, in his head, is but little more, i think, than it was when he first came to deal; a kind of silly laugh, when spoken to. he always complains of a pain in the back part of his head; but, when that is gone, i do not perceive but that he is as wise as many of his neighbours. you may rely, my dear emma, that nothing shall be wanting, on my part, to render him every service. capel--although, i am sure, very kind to younkers---i do not think, has the knack of keeping them in high discipline; he lets them be their own master too much. i paid charles's account, yesterday; since he has been in the phoebe, one hundred and fifty-five pounds, fourteen shillings. however, he must now turn over a new leaf; and i sincerely hope, poor fellow, he will yet do well. i wrote you on the d, through rosas, in spain; and i shall write, in a few days, by barcelona: this goes by gibraltar. i have wrote admiral lutwidge; mrs. lutwidge must wait, for i cannot get through all my numerous letters: for, whoever writes, although upon their own affairs, are offended if they are not answered. i have not seen young bailey: i suppose, he is in the leviathan. by the parcel, i see, he is in the canopus; and i can, at present, be of no use to him. may th. charles is very much recovered. i write you, this day, by barcelona. your dear phiz--but not the least like you--on the cup, is safe: but i would not use it, for the world; for, if it was broke, it would distress me very much. your letters, by swift, i shall never get back. the french consul, at barcelona, is bragging that he has three pictures of you from the swift. i do not believe him; but, what if he had a hundred! your resemblance is so deeply engraved in my heart, that there it can never be effaced: and, who knows? some day, i may have the happiness of having a living picture of you! old mother l---- is a damned b----: but i do not understand what you mean, or what plan. i am not surprised at my friend kingsmill admiring you, and forgetting mary; he loves variety, and handsome women. you touch upon the old duke; but, i am dull of comprehension: believing you all my own, i cannot imagine any one else to offer, in any way. we have enough, with prudence; and, without it, we should soon be beggars, if we had five times as much. i see, lord stafford is going to oppose mr. addington; the present ministry cannot stand. i wish mr. addington had given you the pension; pitt, and hard-hearted grenville, never will. what a fortune the death of lord camelford gives him! every thing you tell me about my dear horatia charms me. i think i see her, hear her, and admire her; but, she is like her dear, dear mother. i am sorry, if your account of george martin's wife is correct; he deserved a better fate. but, he is like foley; gave up a great deal, to marry the relation of a great man: although, in fact, she is no relation to the duke of portland. i wish, i could but be at dear merton, to assist in making the alterations. i think, i should have persuaded you to have kept the pike, and a clear stream; and to have put all the carp, tench, and fish who muddy the water, into the pond. but, as you like, i am content. only take care, that my darling does not fall in, and get drowned. i begged you to get the little netting along the edge; and, particularly, on the bridges. i admire the seal; and god bless you, also! amen. the boy, south, is on board another ship, learning to be a musician. he will return soon, when he shall have the letter and money. i hope, he will deserve it; but he has been a very bad boy: but good floggings, i hope, will save him from the gallows. mr. falcon is a clever man. he would not have made such a blunder as our friend drake, and spencer smith. i hear, the last is coming, _viâ_ trieste, to malta. perhaps, he wants to get to constantinople; and, if the spencers get in, the smiths will get any thing. mr. elliot, i hear, is a candidate for it. he complains of the expence of naples, i hear; and, that he cannot make both ends meet, although he sees no company. the histories of the queen are beyond whatever i have heard from sir william. prince leopold's establishment is all french. the queen's favourite, lieutenant-colonel st. clair, was a subaltern; la tour, the captain in the navy; and, another! however, i never touch on these matters; for, i care not how she amuses herself. it will be the upset of acton; or, rather, he will not, i am told, stay. the king is angry with her; his love is long gone by. i have only one word more--do not believe a syllable the newspapers say, or what you hear. mankind seems fond of telling lies. remember me kindly to mrs. cadogan, and all our mutual friends; and be assured, i am, for ever, my dearest emma, your most faithful and affectionate nelson & bronte. george campbell desires me always to present his best respects; and make mine to good mr. yonge. what can i write him? i am sure, he must have great pleasure in attending you: and, when you see sir william scott, make my best regards acceptable to him. there is no man i have a higher opinion of, both as a public and private character. you will long ago have had my letter; with one to davison, desiring he will pay for the alterations at merton. i shall send you a letter for the hundred pounds a month, to the bank. letter xlviii. victory, june th, . since i wrote you, my dearest emma, on the th and st may, nothing new has happened; except our hearing the _feu de joie_ at toulon, for the declaration of emperor. what a capricious nation those french must be! however, i think it must, in any way, be advantageous to england. there ends, for a century, all republics! by vessels from marseilles, the french think it will be a peace; and they say, that several of their merchant ships are fitting out. i earnestly pray, that it may be so; and, that we may have a few years of rest. i rather believe, my antagonist at toulon, begins to be angry with me: at least, i am trying to make him so; and then, he may come out, and beat me, as he says he did, off boulogne. he is the admiral that went to naples in december , la touche treville, who landed the grenadiers. i owe him something for that. i am better, my dear emma, than i have been, and shall get through the summer very well; and i have the pleasure to tell you, that charles is very much recovered. there is no more the matter with his intellects, than with mine! quite the contrary; he is very quick. mr. scott, who has overlooked all his things, says, his clothes, &c. are in the highest order he has ever seen. i shall place him in the niger, with captain hilliar, when he joins; but, all our ships are so full, that it is very difficult to get a birth for one in any ship. would you conceive it possible! but, it is now from april d, since i have heard direct from ball. the average time for a frigate to go, and return, is from six to seven weeks. from you, i had letters, april th, and the papers to april th, received may th, with a convoy. this goes through friend gayner. sir william bolton joined last night; and received his letters, announcing his being called _papa_. he is got a very fine young man and good officer. lord st. vincent has desired he may have the first admiralty vacancy for post; but nobody will die, or go home. _a-propos_! i believe, you should buy a piece of plate, value fifty pounds, for our god-daughter of lady bolton; and something of twenty or thirty pounds value, for colonel suckling's. but, my emma, you are not to pay for them, let it rest for me; or, if the amount is sent me, i will order payment. remember me most kindly to horatia, good mrs. cadogan, charlotte, miss connor, and all our friends at dear, dear merton; where, from my soul, i wish i was, this moment: then, i sincerely hope, we should have no cause for sorrow. you will say what is right to mr. perry, newton, patterson, mr. lancaster, &c. you know all these matters. god in heaven bless and preserve you, for ever! prays, ever, your's most faithfully, -------- letter xlix. victory, june th, . my dearest emma, i wrote to you, on the th, _viâ_ rosas: this goes by barcelona; to which place i am sending sir william bolton, to fetch dr. scott, who is gone there, poor fellow, for the benefit of his health! i have just had very melancholy letters from the king and queen of naples, on account of general acton's going to sicily. the insolence of buonaparte was not to be parried without a war; for which they are unable, if unassisted. i have letters from acton, may , on board the archimedes, just going into palermo. he will probably return to naples, unless new events arise: and that may be; for a minister, once out, may find some difficulty in renewing his post. he has acted with great and becoming spirit. i am better, but i have been very unwell. it blows, here, as much as ever. yesterday was a little hurricane of wind. i dare say, prince castelcicala knows it by express; if not, you may tell him, with my best respects. he, and every one else, may be sure of my attachment to those good sovereigns. by this route, i do not choose to say more on this subject. with my kindest regards to horatia and your good mother, charlotte, miss c. and all our friends, believe me, my dear emma, for ever, your most faithful and affectionate -------- i fear, sardinia will be invaded from corsica before you get this letter. i have not small ships to send there, or any where else; not in the proportion of one to five. you may communicate this to mr. addington, if you think that he does not know it; but, to no one else, except castelcicala, of what relates to naples. i have very flattering letters from the grand vizier, in the name of the sultan; and from cadir, now capitan pacha. letter l. victory, july st, . although i have wrote you, my dearest emma, a letter, by rosas, of june th, not yet gone, the weather being so very bad, that ships cannot get across the gulph of lyons, yet i will [not] miss the opportunity of writing by gibraltar. you must not, my emma, think of hearing from me by way of malta; it takes as long to send a letter to malta, as to england. the monmouth, which you complain of not hearing by, i knew nothing of her movements for some months before. the ships from malta, with the convoys, pick up our letters at gibraltar. therefore, do not hurt my feelings, by telling me that i neglect any opportunity of writing. your letters of april th, d, and may th, through mr. falconet, came safe, a few days ago. mr. falconet is the french banker; and he dare not buy a little macaroni for me, or let an englishman into his house. gibbs is still at palermo: i fancy, he will make a good thing of my estate; however, i wish it was settled. he wrote me, a short time since, that he wished i would give him a hint (but without noticing that it came from him) that i thought mrs. græfer and her child had better go to england; on pretence of educating her daughter, &c. but i would have nothing to do with any such recommendation. it would end in her coming to me, in england; and saying, that she could not live upon what she had, and that i advised her to come to england, or she should not have thought of it. in short, gibbs wants to remove her. he is afraid of his pocket, i fancy; and the daughter is, i fancy, now in some seminary at palermo, at gibbs's expence. i wrote him word, fully, i would advise no such thing; she was to form her own judgment. what our friends are after at naples, they best know. the poor king is miserable at the loss of acton. the queen writes me about honest acton, &c. &c. and i hear, that she has been the cause of ousting him: and they say--her enemies--that her conduct is all french. that, i do not believe; although she is likely to be the dupe of french emigrés, who always beset her. i doubt much, my dear emma, even her constancy of real friendship to you; although, in my letter to acton, which mr. elliot says he read to her, i mentioned the obligations she was under to you, &c. &c. in very strong terms. what could the name of the minister signify! it was the letter which was wanted to the prime-minister. but, never mind; with prudence, we shall do very well. i have wrote to davison, by land: who, i am very sorry for; but, he never would take a friend's caution, and he has been severely bit. your accounts of merton delight me; and you will long ago have known, that i have directed the bills for the alterations to be paid. i never could have intended to have taken it from the hundred pounds a month. you will not hear of my making prize-money. i have not paid my expences these last nine months. i shall expect to eat my christmas dinner at merton; unless those events happen which i can neither foresee nor prevent. i am not well: and must have rest, for a few months, even should the country [want me;] which, very likely, they will not. news, i can have none. april th, leviathan sailed; so government don't care much for us. kiss my dear horatia, for me! i hope you will have her at merton; and, believe me, my dear emma, that i am, for ever, as ever, your attached, faithful, and affectionate, nelson & bronte. letter li. victory, august th, . although, my dearest emma, from the length of time my other letters have been getting to you, i cannot expect that this will share a better fate; yet, as the childers is going to rosas, to get us some news from paris--which is the only way i know of what is passing in england--i take my chance of the post: but, i expect the kent will be in england before this letter; and by which ship i write to the admiralty relative to my health. therefore, i shall only say, that i hope a little of your good nursing, with ass's milk, will set me up for another campaign; should the admiralty wish me to return, in the spring, for another year: but, i own, i think we shall have peace. the ambuscade arrived this day fortnight, with our victuallers, &c. and very acceptable they were. by her, i received your letters of may th, d, and th, _viâ_ lisbon; and, of april th, , th, may th, th, th, june st, th, through, i suppose, the admiralty. the box you mention, is not arrived; nor have i a scrap of a pen from davison. the weather in the mediterranean seems much altered. in july, seventeen days the fleet was in a gale of wind. i have often wrote to davison, to pay for all the improvements at merton. the new-building the chamber over the dining-room, you must consider. the stair window, we settled, was not to be stopped up. the underground passage will, i hope, be made; but i shall, please god, soon see it all. i have wrote you, my dear emma, about horatia; but, by the kent, i shall write fully. may god bless you, my dearest best-beloved emma! and believe me, ever, your most faithful and affectionate -------- kind love, and regards, to mrs. cadogan, and all friends. god bless you, again and again! letter lii. victory, august th, . my dearest emma, the kent left us three days ago; and, as the wind has been perfectly fair since her departure, i think she will have a very quick passage, and arrive long before this letter. but, as a ship is going to rosas, i will not omit the opportunity of writing through spain; as, you say, the letters all arrive safe. we have nothing but gales of wind; and i have had, for two days, fires in the cabin, to keep out the very damp air. i still hope that, by the time of my arrival in england, we shall have peace. god send it! i have not yet received your muff; i think, probably, i shall bring it with me. i hope, davison has done the needful, in paying for the alterations at merton. if not, it is now too late; and we will fix a complete plan, and execute it next summer. i shall be clear of debt, and what i have will be my own. god bless you! amen. amen. george elliot goes to malta, for a convoy to england, this day. if you ever see lord minto, say so. -------- letter liii. victory, august st, --say th, at evening. therefore, i wrote, in fact, this day, through spain. my ever dearest emma, yesterday, i wrote to you, through spain; this goes by naples. mr. falconet, i think, will send it; although, i am sure, he feels great fear from the french minister, for having any thing to do with us. mr. greville is a shabby fellow! it never could have been the intention of sir william, but that you should have had seven hundred pounds a year neat money; for, when he made the will, the income tax was double to what it is at present; and the estate which it is paid from is increasing every year in value. it may be law, but it is not just; nor in equity would, i believe, be considered as the will and intention of sir william. never mind! thank god, you do not want any of his kindness; nor will he give you justice. i may fairly say all this; because my actions are different, even to a person who has treated me so ill. as to ----, i know the full extent of the obligation i owe him, and he may be useful to me again; but i can never forget his unkindness to you. but, i guess, many reasons influenced his conduct, in bragging of his riches, and my honourable poverty; but, as i have often said, and with honest pride, what i have is my own; it never cost the widow a tear, or the nation a farthing. i got what i have with my pure blood, from the enemies of my country. our house, my own emma, is built upon a solid foundation; and will last to us, when his house and lands may belong to others than _his children_. i would not have believed it, from any one but you! but, if ever i go abroad again, matters shall be settled very differently. i am working hard with gibbs about bronte, but the calls upon me are very heavy. next september, i shall be clear; i mean, september . i have wrote to both acton and the queen about you. i do not think she likes mr. elliot; and, therefore, i wish she had never shewn him my letters about you. we also know, that he has a card of his own to play. dr. scott, who is a good man--although, poor fellow! very often wrong in the head--is going with staines, in, the cameleon, just to take a peep at naples and palermo. i have introduced him to acton, who is very civil to every body from me. the admiralty proceedings towards me, you will know much sooner than i shall. i hope they will do the thing, handsomely, and allow of my return in the spring; but, i do not expect it. i am very uneasy at your and horatia being on the coast: for you cannot move, if the french make the attempt; which, i am told, they have done, and been repulsed. pray god, it may be true! i shall rejoice to hear you and horatia are safe at merton; and happy shall i be, the day i join you. _gannam justem._ gaetano is very grateful for your remembrance of him. mr. chevalier is an excellent servant. william says, he has wrote twice; i suppose, he thinks that enough. this is written within three miles of the fleet in toulon, who are looking very tempting. kind regards to mrs. cadogan, charlotte, &c. and compliments to all our joint friends; for they are no friends of mine, who are not friends to emma. god bless you, again and again! captain hardy has not been very well: and, i fancy, admiral murray will not be sorry to see england; especially, since he has been promoted * * * * * * * * * * * * * * he expects his flag may get up. god bless you, my dearest emma; and, be assured, i am ever most faithfully your's. ---------- letter liv. victory, september th, . this day, my dearest emma, which gave me birth, i consider as more fortunate than common days; as, by my coming into this world, it has brought me so intimately acquainted with you, who my soul holds most dear. i well know that you will keep it, and have my dear horatia to drink my health. forty-six years of toil and trouble! how few more, the common lot of mankind leads us to expect; and, therefore, it is almost time to think of spending the few last years in peace and quietness! by this time, i should think, either my successor is named, or permission is granted me to come home; and, if so, you will not long receive this letter before i make my appearance: which will make us, i am sure, both truly happy. we have had nothing, for this fortnight, but gales of easterly winds, and heavy rains; not a vessel of any kind, or sort, joined the fleet. i was in hopes dr. scott would have returned from naples; and that i could have told you something comfortable for you, from that quarter: and it is now seven weeks since we heard from malta. therefore, i know nothing of what is passing in the world. i would not have you, my dear emma, allow the work of brick and mortar to go on in the winter months. it can all be finished next summer; when, i hope, we shall have peace, or such an universal war as will upset that vagabond, buonaparte. i have been tolerable well, till this last bad weather, which has given me pains in my breast; but, never mind, all will be well when i get to merton. admiral campbell, who is on board, desires to be remembered to you. he does not like much to stay here, after my departure. indeed, we all draw so well together in the fleet, that i flatter myself the sorrow for my departure will be pretty general. admiral murray will be glad to get home; hardy is as good as ever; and mr. secretary scott is an excellent man. god bless you, my dearest emma! and, be assured, i am ever your most faithful and affectionate n. & b. kiss dear horatia. i hope she is at merton, _fixed_. letter lv. victory, october , [ .] p.m. i wrote you, my dearest emma, this morning, by way of lisbon; but a boat, which is going to torbay, having brought out a cargo of potatoes, will i think get home before the lisbon packet. i shall only say--_guzelle gannam justem_--and that i love you beyond all the world! this may be read by french, dutch, spanish, or englishmen; for it comes from the heart of, my emma, your faithful and affectionate nelson & bronte. i think the gentry will soon come out. i cannot say more by such a conveyance. letter lvi. victory, october , . my dearest emma, the dreadful effects of the yellow fever, at gibraltar, and many parts of spain, will naturally give you much uneasiness; till you hear that, thank god, we are entirely free from it, and in the most perfect health, not one man being ill in the fleet. the cold weather will, i hope, cure the disorder. whilst i am writing this letter, a cutter is arrived from england with strong indications of a spanish war. i hope, from my heart, that it will not prove one. but, however that is, my die is cast; and, long before this time, i expect, another admiral is far on his way to supersede me. lord keith, i think a very likely man. i should, for your sake, and for many of our friends, have liked an odd hundred thousand pounds; but, never mind. if they give me the choice of staying a few months longer, it will be very handsome; and, for the sake of others, we would give up, my dear emma, very much of our own felicity. if they do not, we shall be happy with each other, and with dear horatia. the cutter returns with my answers directly; therefore, my own emma, you must only fancy all my thoughts and feelings towards you. they are every thing which a fond heart can fancy. i have not a moment; i am writing and signing orders, whilst i am writing to my own emma. my life, my soul, god in heaven bless you! your letter is september th, your last is august th. i have not made myself understood, about mrs. bolton's money. you give away _too_ much. kiss our dear horatia a thousand times, for your own faithful nelson. i send two hundred pounds, keep it for your own pocket money. you must tell davison, and haslewood, that i cannot answer their letters. linton cannot be fixed; but you will know whether i come home, or stay, from mr. marsden. god bless you! tell my brother, that i have made mr. yonge a lieutenant, into the sea-horse frigate, captain boyle. once more, god bless my dearest emma! ---------- write your name on the back of the bill, if you send any person for the money. i have scrawled three lines to davison, that he should not think i neglected him in his confinement. i have received the inclosed from allen. can we assist the poor foolish man with a _character_? letter lvii. victory, november , . as all our communication with spain is at an end, i can now only expect to hear from my own dear emma by the very slow mode of admiralty vessels, and it is now more than two months since the john bull sailed. i much fear, something has been taken; for they never would, i am sure, have kept me so long in the dark. however, by management, and a portion of good luck, i got the account from madrid in a much shorter space of time than i could have hoped for; and i have set the whole mediterranean to work, and think the fleet cannot fail of being successful: and, if i had had the spare troops at malta at my disposal, minorca would at this moment have had english colours flying. this letter, my dearest beloved emma, goes--although in mr. marsden's letter--such a roundabout way, that i cannot say all that my heart wishes. imagine every thing which is kind and affectionate, and you will come near the mark. where is my successor? i am not a little surprised at his not arriving! a spanish war, i thought, would have hastened him. ministers could not have thought that i wanted to fly the service, my whole life has proved the contrary; and, if they refuse me now: i shall most certainly leave this country in march or april; for a few months rest i must have, very soon. if i am in my grave, what are the mines of peru to me! but, to say the truth, i have no idea of killing myself. i may, with care, live yet to do good service to the state. my cough is very bad; and my side, where i was struck on the th of february, is very much swelled; at times, a lump as large as my fist, brought on, occasionally, by violent coughing: but, i hope, and believe, my lungs are yet safe. sir william bolton is just arrived from malta. i am preparing to send him a cruise, where he will have the best chance i can give him of making ten thousand pounds. he is a very attentive, good, young man. i have not heard from naples this age. i have, in fact, no small craft to send for news. if i am soon to go home, i shall be with you before this letter. may god bless you! thomson desires to be most kindly remembered to his dear wife and children. he is most sincerely attached to them; and wishes to save what he can for their benefit. as our means of communicating are cut off, i have only to beg that you will not believe the idle rumours of battles, &c. &c. &c. may heavens bless you! prays, fervently, my dear emma, ever your most faithful and affectionate nelson & bronte. letter lviii. victory, march th, . i do assure you, my dearest emma, that nothing can be more miserable, or unhappy, than your poor nelson. from the th of february, have we been beating from malta to off palma; where i am now anchored, the wind and sea being so very contrary and bad. but i cannot help myself, and no one in the fleet can feel what i do: and, to mend my fate, yesterday captain layman arrived--to my great surprise--not in his brig, but in a spanish cartel; he having been wrecked off cadiz, and lost all the dispatches and letters. you will conceive my disappointment! it is now from november d, that i have had a line from england. captain layman says--he is sure the letters are sunk, never to rise again; but, as they were not thrown overboard until the vessel struck the rock, i have much fear that they may have fallen into the hands of the dons. my reports from off toulon, state the french fleet as still in port; but, i shall ever be uneasy at not having fallen in with them. i know, my dear emma, that it is in vain to repine; but my feelings are alive to meeting those fellows, after near two years hard service. what a time! i could not have thought it possible that i should have been so long absent; unwell, and uncomfortable, in many respects. however, when i calculate upon the french fleet's not coming to sea for this summer, i shall certainly go for dear england, and a thousand [times] dearer merton. may heavens bless you, my own emma! i cannot think where sir william bolton is got to; he ought to have joined me, before this time. i send you a trifle, for a birth-day's gift. i would to god, i could give you more; but, i have it not! i get no prize-money worth naming; but, if i have the good fortune to meet the french fleet, i hope they will make me amends for all my anxiety; which has been, and is, indescribable. how is my dear horatia? i hope you have her under your guardian wing, at merton. may god bless her! captain layman is now upon his trial. i hope he will come clear, with honour. i fear, it was too great confidence in his own judgment that got him into the scrape; but it was impossible that any person living could have exerted himself more, when in a most trying and difficult situation. march th. poor captain l. has been censured by the court: but, i have my own opinion. i sincerely pity him; and have wrote to lord melville, and sir evan nepean, to try what can be done. all together, i am much unhinged. to-morrow, if the wind lasts, i shall be off toulon. sir william bolton is safe, i heard of him this morning. i hear, that a ship is coming out for him; but, as this is only rumour, i cannot keep him from this opportunity of being made post: and, i dare say, he will cause, by his delay, such a tumble, that louis's son, who i have appointed to the childers, will lose his promotion; and, then sir billy will be wished at the devil! but, i have done with this subject; the whole history has hurt me. hardy has talked enough to him, to rouze his lethargic disposition. i have been much hurt at the loss of poor mr. girdlestone! he was a good man; but there will be an end of us all. what has charles connor been about? his is a curious letter! if he does not drink, he will do very well. captain hilliar has been very good to him. colonel suckling, i find, has sent his son to the mediterranean; taking him from the narcissus, where i had been at so much pains to place him. i know not where to find a frigate to place him. he never will be so well and properly situated again. i am more plagued with other people's business, or rather nonsense, than with my own concerns, with some difficulty, i have got suckling placed in the ambuscade, with captain durban, who came on board at the moment i was writing. march st. the history of suckling will never be done. i have this moment got from him your letter, and one from his father. i shall say nothing to him; i don't blame the child, but those who took [him] out of the most desirable situation in the navy. he never will get into such another advantageous ship: but, his father is a fool; and so, my dear emma, that _ends_. the box which you sent me in may , is just arrived in the diligent store-ship. i have sent the arms to palermo, to gibbs. the clothes are very acceptable; i will give you a kiss, for sending them. god bless you! amen. april st. i am not surprised that we should both think the same about the kitchen; and, if i can afford it, i should like it to be done: but, by the fatal example of poor mr. hamilton, and many others, we must take care not to get into debt; for, then, we can neither help any of our relations, and [must] be for ever in misery! but, of this, we [will] talk more, when we walk upon the poop at merton. do you ever see admiral and mrs. lutwidge? you will not forget me when you do. to mrs. cadogan, say every thing that is kind; and to all our other friends: and, be assured, i am, for ever and ever, your's, and only your's, nelson & bronte. as i know that all the mediterranean letters are cut and smoaked, and perhaps read, i do not send you a little letter in this; but your utmost stretch of fancy cannot imagine _more_ than i feel towards my own dear emma. god bless you! _amen._ letter lix. victory, off plymouth, september th, [ .] nine o'clock in the morning. blowing fresh at w.s.w. dead foul wind. i sent, my own dearest emma, a letter for you, last night, in a torbay boat, and gave the man a guinea to put it in the post-office. we have had a nasty blowing night, and it looks very dirty. i am now signalizing the ships at plymouth to join me; but, i rather doubt their ability to get to sea. however, i have got clear of portland, and have cawsand bay and torbay under the lee. i intreat, my dear emma, that you will chear up; and we will look forward to many, many happy years, and be surrounded by our children's children. god almighty can, when he pleases, remove the impediment. my heart and soul is with you and horatia. i got this line ready, in case a boat should get alongside. for ever, ever, i am your's, most devotedly, nelson & bronte. mr. rose said, he would write to mr. bolton, if i was sailed; but, i have forgot to give him the direction: but i will send it, to-day. i think, i shall succeed very soon, if not at this moment. wednesday, september th, off the lizard. i had no opportunity of sending your letter yesterday, nor do i see any prospect at present. the ajax and thunderer are joining; but, it is nearly calm, with a swell from the westward. perseverance has got us thus far; and the same will, i dare say, get us on. thomas seems to do very well, and content. tell mr. lancaster, that i have no doubt that his son will do very well. god bless you, my own emma! i am giving my letters to blackwood, to put on board the first vessel he meets going to england, or ireland. once more, heavens bless you! ever, for ever, your nelson & bronte. letter lx. victory, october st, . my dearest emma, it is a relief to me, to take up the pen, and write you a line; for i have had, about four o'clock this morning, one of my dreadful spasms, which has almost enervated me. it is very odd! i was hardly ever better than yesterday. freemantle stayed with me till eight o'clock, and i slept uncommonly well; but, was awoke with this disorder. my opinion of its effect, some one day, has never altered. however, it is entirely gone off, and i am only quite weak. the good people of england will not believe, that rest of body and mind is necessary for me! but, perhaps, this spasm may not come again these six months. i had been writing seven hours yesterday; perhaps, that had some hand in bringing it upon me. i joined the fleet late on the evening of the th of september, but could not communicate with them until the next morning. i believe, my arrival was most welcome; not only to the commander of the fleet, but also to every individual in it: and, when i came to explain to them the _nelson touch_, it was like an electric shock. some shed tears, all approved--"it was new, it was singular, it was simple!" and, from admirals downwards, it was repeated--"it must succeed, if ever they will allow us to get at them! you are, my lord, surrounded by friends whom you inspire with confidence." some may be judas's; but the majority are certainly much pleased with my commanding them. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * supplement. _interesting letters_, elucidatory of lord nelson's letters to lady hamilton, &c. vol. ii. letters from lord nelson, to miss horatia nelson thomson, now miss horatia nelson, (_lord nelson's adopted daughter;_) and miss charlotte nelson, (_daughter of the present earl._) letters of lord nelson, &c. to miss horatia nelson thomson. victory, april th, . my dear horatia, i send you twelve books of spanish dresses, which you will let your guardian angel, lady hamilton, keep for you, when you are tired of looking at them. i am very glad to hear, that you are perfectly recovered; and, that you are a very good child. i beg, my dear horatia, that you will always continue so; which will be a great comfort to your most affectionate nelson & bronte. to miss charlotte nelson. victory, april th, . my dear charlotte, i thank you very much for your kind letters of january d, and th; and i feel truly sensible of your kind regard for that dear little orphan, horatia. although her parents are lost; yet, she is not without a fortune: and, i shall cherish her to the last moment of my life; and _curse_ them who _curse_ her, and heaven _bless_ them who _bless_ her! dear innocent! she can have injured no one. i am glad to hear, that she is attached to you; and, if she takes after her parents, so she will, to those who are kind to her. i am, ever, dear charlotte, your affectionate uncle, nelson & bronte. letters from alexander davison, esq. to lady hamilton. letters of alex. davison, esq. &c. i. [ .] my dear madam, i have, equally with yourself, felt extremely uneasy all night, thinking on _the_ letter, which is a very serious one; and, until we receive our next dispatches, i shall still feel every day more and more anxious. i rely on that kind providence, which has hitherto sheltered him under every danger, upon the occasion. he was on the eve of engaging, for protection--and preservation--it is, indeed, an anxious moment! i have long thought, a plan was in agitation regarding the toulon fleet being given up; but, whether it was in contemplation at the period the last letter was written, i know not. i am rather disposed to think otherwise. the next packet will explain the whole; and, i trust, will relieve our minds of that burden, hardly supportable at present. i shall, this evening, go quietly into the country, and return to town about noon to-morrow: as i require air, and a little relaxation; for i am, actually, overpowered with business. your's, most truly, alex. davison. thursday morning. ii. [ ,] my dear madam, yesterday, i wrote to you just in time to save the post: but, whether that letter, or even this, reach you, i have my doubts--if they do not, you have only yourself to blame; for i cannot, for the soul of me, make out the name of the place. you have been in such a hurry, when writing it, that it really is not legible; and i do not sufficiently know norfolk, to guess at it. i did yesterday, as i shall this--imitate your writing, leaving it to the post-office gentlemen to find it out. i acquainted you, that i would take care to obey your wishes, and hold back your check on coutts and co. till such time as it would be quite convenient to yourself, and you tell me to send it for payment. your mind may be perfectly at ease on that score: as, indeed, it may in every thing in which you have to do with me--though we do, now and then, differ a little in trifles; but, not in essentials: having one, only one, object in mind, that of the comforts, and ultimate happiness, of our dear--_your_ beloved nelson; for whom, what would you or i not do? what a world of matter is now in agitation! every thing is big with events; and soon, very soon, i hope to see--what i have long desired, and anxiously [been] waiting for--an event to contribute to the glory, the independency, of our nelson. i still hope, ere christmas, to see him: that hope founded on the darling expectation of his squadron falling in with a rich _spanish_ flotilla. i think, too, that the french fleet will _now_ come out. i have written to our dear friend every information i have been able to collect, and have sent him a continuation of all the newspapers. it affords me particular pleasure, to hear you feel so happy in norfolk. how is it possible it can be otherwise! seated, as you are, in the midst of the friends of your best friend; enjoying every kindness and attention in their power to shew to the favourite of their brother. i shall be very much rejoiced, when you come back, to talk over very interesting objects which our dear friend will _now_ have to pursue. my best respects to your fire-side; and believe me, most sincerely, your's, alex. davison. iii. saturday, d september . my dear madam, ever obedient to your _lawful_ commands, i have implicitly obeyed your orders, in the purchase, this morning, of messrs. branscomb and co. four quarter lottery-tickets-- { no. .} { , .} { , .} { , .} each, i hope, will come up prize; and be entitled to receive, at least, on the whole, twenty thousand pounds! i paid eighteen pounds eight shillings for them; and i have written upon the back of each--"_property of lord nelson, d september . a.d."_ when i have the pleasure of seeing you, i shall deliver the trust over to you, to receive the _bespoken_ said sum of twenty thousand pounds. what a glorious receipt will it be! i am glad you received my letters, though i could not make out the name of the place; the post-office runners are expert at it. what do you say to a spanish war? i think, now, the breeze begins to freshen; and that the flames, _at last_, will succeed. i sent off, last night, a very long epistle to our dear nelson. i am truly distressed at his not receiving my letters; though i can pretty well guess how to account for it, and in whose hands they were detained. experience teaches us how better to guard against similar misfortunes; and, in future, i shall be cautious to whom i give my letters. so that i know the hero of heroes is well, i care the less about letters; knowing that writing, delivering, or receiving them, will not, either in him or me, make the least alteration, or lessen our attachment or affection. i am pleased to see how happy you are in norfolk. i wish you may not find it so fascinating, that the arrival of "lord nelson" at merton would not induce you to [quit] the county!!! i beg you will make my best respects acceptable to _every_ friend (real) of that invaluable man, lord nelson. your's, most truly, alex. davison. letter from lady hamilton to alexander davison, esq. inclosing _her ladyship's verses on lord nelson_. letter of lady hamilton, &c. clarges street, [_ th january ._] i have been very ill, my dear sir; and am in bed with a cold, very bad cold indeed! but, the moment i am better, i will call on you. i am invited to dine with mr. haslewood to-morrow, but fear i shall not be able to go. i am very anxious about letters; but admiral campbell has told me, he thinks my dear lord will soon be at home. god grant! for, i think, he might remove that stumbling-block, sir john o! devil take him! that _polyphemus_ should have been nelson's: but, he is rich in great and _noble deeds_; which t'other, poor devil! is not. so, let dirty wretches get pelf, to comfort them; victory belongs to nelson. not, but what i think money necessary for comforts; and, i hope, _our_, _your's_, and _my_ nelson, will get a little, for all master o. i write from bed; and you will see i do, by my scrawl. i send you some of my bad verses on my soul's idol. god bless you! remember, you will soon be free; and let that cheer you, that you will come out with even more friends than ever. i can only say, i am your ever obliged, and grateful, emma hamilton. i long to see and know nepean! why will you not ask me to dine with, him _en famille?_ {yes.} {_a.d._} * * * * * emma to nelson. i think, i have not lost my heart; since i, with truth, can swear, at every moment of my life, i feel my nelson there! if, from thine emma's breast, her heart were stolen or flown away; where! where! should she my nelson's love record, each happy day? if, from thine emma's breast, her heart were stolen or flown away; where! where! should she engrave, my love! each tender word you say? where! where! should emma treasure up her nelson's smiles and sighs? where mark, with joy, each secret look of love, from nelson's eyes? then, do not rob me of my heart, unless you first forsake it; and, then, so wretched it would be, despair alone will take it. letter from lady hamilton to the right honourable henry addington, now viscount sidmouth. letter of lady hamilton, &c. april th. [ .] sir, may i trouble you, and but for a moment, in consequence of my irreparable loss; my ever-honoured husband, sir william hamilton, being no more! i cannot avoid it, i am forced to petition for a portion of his pension: such a portion as, in your wisdom and noble nature, may be approved; and so represented to our most gracious sovereign, as being right. for, sir, i am most sadly bereaved! i am now in circumstances far below those in which the goodness of my dear sir william allowed me to move for so many years; and below those becoming the relict of such a public minister, who was proved so very long--no less than thirty-six years--and, all his life, honoured so very much by the constant friendly kindness of the king and queen themselves: and, may i mention--what is well known to the then administration at home--how i, too, strove to do all i could towards the service of our king and country. the fleet itself, i can truly say, could not have got into _sicily_, but for what i was happily able to do with the queen of naples, and through her secret instructions so obtained: on which depended the refitting of the fleet in sicily; and, with that, all which followed so gloriously at the nile. these few words, though seemingly much at large, may not be extravagant at all. they are, indeed, true. i wish them to be heard, only as they can be proved; and, being proved, may i hope for what i have now desired? i am, sir, with respect more than i can well utter, your obedient servant, emma hamilton. letters from sir william hamilton, k.b. to lady hamilton. letters of sir william hamilton, k.b. _&c._ i. persano, [wednesday] jan. , . we arrived here, yesterday, in little more than five hours, and had nearly began with a disagreeable accident; for the king's horse took fright at the guard, and his majesty and horse were as near down as possible. however, all ended well; and he was as gay as possible, yesterday. our first _chasse_ has not succeeded; though there were two wolves, and many wild boars, in the _mena_: but the king would direct how we should beat the wood, and began at the wrong end; by which the wolves and boars escaped, and we remained without shooting power. however, ten or twelve boars have been killed, some how or other, and some large ones. the king's face is very long, at this moment; but, i dare say, to-morrow's good sport will shorten it again. i was sorry, my dear em. to leave you in affliction: you must harden yourself to such little misfortunes as a temporary parting; but, i cannot blame you for having a good and tender heart. believe me, you are in thorough possession of all mine, though i will allow it to be rather tough. let us study to make one another as comfortable as we can; and "_banish sorrow, till to-morrow_:" and so on, every day. you are wise enough to see the line it is proper for you to take; and have, hitherto, followed it most rigorously: and i can assure you, that i have not the least doubt of your continuing in it. amuse yourself as well as you can, as i am doing, whilst we are separate; and the best news you can give me is, that you are well and happy. my cold is already better for having passed the whole day in the open air, and without human _seccatura_. adieu! my dear, dear emma. i am, with my love to your good mother, your's ever, and faithfully, w.h. ii. persano, thursday, [jan. th, .] we got home early, and i have not yet received your daily advertiser. no sport, again! in the midst of such a quantity of game, they have contrived to carry him far off, where there is none. he has no other comfort, to-day, than having killed a wild cat; and his face is a yard long. however, his majesty has vowed vengeance on the boars to-morrow, and will go according to his own fancy; and, i dare say, there will be a terrible slaughter. the last day, we are to keep all we kill; and, i suppose, it will be night before we get home. yesterday, the courier brought the order of st. stephano, from the emperor, for the prince ausberg, and the king was desired to invest him with it. as soon as the king received it, he ran into the prince's room; whom he found in his shirt, and without his breeches: and, in that condition, was he decorated with the star and ribbon by his majesty, who has wrote the whole circumstance to the emperor. leopold may, perhaps, not like the joking with his first order. such nonsense should, certainly, be done with solemnity; or it becomes, what it really is, a little tinsel, and a few yards of broad ribbon. the prince, _entre nous_, is not very wise; but he is a good creature and we are great friends. i have wrote to mrs. dickinson. i forget whether you have, or not: if not, pray do it soon; for, you know, she is a good friend of your's. i have just received your good letter. i am glad they have taken the guarda patana's son-in-law. i insist upon smith's letting the regent of the vicaria know of his having stabbed my porter. he ought to go to the gallies; and my honour is concerned, if this insult offered my livery is unnoticed. the girl had better cry, than be ill-used, and her father killed. adieu, my sweet em. your's, with all my heart, w.h. iii. persano, friday evening. [jan. th, .] i inclose our friend knight's admirable letter to you. i could not refrain reading it; and, i am sure, it was his intention i should do so, having left it unsealed. he is a fine fellow; it was worth going to england, to secure such a sensible friend. you will probably have seen general werner last night; this is friday night, and he will have told you i am well. we have been out all day in the rain; i killed none, and the king and party but few. such obstinate bad weather i really never experienced, for so long a time together. you did perfectly right in buying the lamps; and i am glad the prince asked to dine with you. i am sure, he was comfortably received by you. you see what devils [there are] in england! they wanted to stir up something against me; but our conduct shall be such as to be unattackable: and i fear not an injustice from england. twenty-seven years service--having spent all the king's money, and all my own, besides running in debt, deserves something better than a dismission! the king has declared, he will return to naples next saturday se'n-night; so you know the worst, my dear emma. indeed, i shall embrace you most cordially; for i would not be married to any woman, but yourself, on earth, for all the world. lord a. hamilton's son, you see, recommends a friend of his; who, i suppose, is arrived: if so, receive him well. adieu, again! your's, ever, w.h. iv. persano, saturday night, [january th, .] this has been one of the cruel days which attend the king's _chasse_. all the posts--except the king's, prince ausberg, d'onerato, and priori--bad. we have been out all day, in cold rain, without seeing a boar. the king has killed twenty-five, and a wolf; and the other good posts, in proportion. why not rather leave us at home, than go out with the impossibility of sport? but we must take the good and bad, or give it up. lamberg is too delicate for this business; he has been in bed, with a slight fever, all to-day. you will have another boar, to-day; which boar being a _sow_, i have made a _bull_! the sows are much better than the boars; so you may keep some to eat at home, and dispose of the rest to your favourite english. i am glad all goes on so well. i never doubted your gaining every soul you approach. i am far from being angry at your feeling the loss of me so much! nay, i am flattered; but, believe me, the time will soon come, that we shall meet. years pass seemingly in an instant; why, then, afraid of a few days? upon the whole, we are sociable here; but we go to bed at nine, and get up at five o'clock. i generally read an hour, to digest my supper; but, indeed, i live chiefly on bread and butter. salandra desires his compliments to you, as does lamberg and prince ausberg. adieu, my dear emma! ever your's, and your's alone, w.h. i send you back your two letters. dutens was very satisfactory. i send the papers to smith; who will give them to you first, if you have not read them. the cold and fatigue makes my hand something like your's--which, by the bye, you neglect rather too much: but, as what you write is good sense, every body will forgive the scrawl. v. sunday night, [jan. th, .] we are come in late; and i have but a moment to tell you we are well, and i have killed three large boars, a fox, and four woodcocks. nothing pleases me more, than to hear you do not neglect your singing. it would be a pity, as you are near the point of perfection. adieu, my dearest emma! your's, with my whole soul, w.h. vi. persano, [monday] january th, [ th] . your letter of yesterday, my sweet em. gave me great pleasure; as, i see, all goes on perfectly right for you at naples. your business, and mine, is to be civil to all, and not enter into any party matters. if the wilkinsons are not content with our civilities, let them help themselves. we have had a charming day, and most excellent sport. more than a hundred wild boars, and two wolves, have fallen. i killed five boars, truly monsters! and a fox. vincenzo could not follow me to-day; he cannot walk two steps, without being out of breath. however, i load the guns myself; and, with the peasant i brought from caserta, and another i hire here, i do very well. i fear, poor vincenzo will not hold long. if he chooses it, i mean to send him to naples, to consult noody [nudi.] general werner, prince of hesse, and count zichare, are here since last night; they brought me your compliments. lamberg is still confined. amuse yourself, my dearest emma, and never doubt of my love. your's, ever, w.h. vii. persano, [tuesday] jan. th, . the day has been so thoroughly bad, that we have not been able to stir out; and the king, of course, in bad humour. i am not sorry to have a day's repose, and i have wrote my letters for to-morrow's post. lamberg is still in bed with a fever, and prince ausberg's eyes are a little inflamed with cold and fatigue. my cold was renewed a little yesterday; but a good night's rest, and quiet to-day, has set all to rights again. vincenzo was so bad, yesterday, that he could not follow me, and was blooded. he is better, to-day; but he will never serve more, except to load my guns at the post. he cannot walk a mile, without being out of breath. i am glad you have been at the academy, and in the great world. it is time enough for you to find out, that the only real comfort is to be met with at home; i have been in that secret some time. you are, certainly, the most domestic young woman i know: but you are young, and most beautiful; and it would not be natural, if you did not like to shew yourself a little in public. the effusion of tenderness, with regard to me, in your letter, is very flattering; i know the value of it, and will do all i can to keep it alive. we are now one flesh, and it must be our study to keep that flesh as warm and comfortable as we can. i will do all in my power to please you, and i do not doubt of your doing the same towards me. adieu, my dearest emma! having nothing interesting to write, and as you insist upon hearing from me every day, you must content yourself with such a stupid letter as this. your ladyship's commands shall always be punctually obeyed by, dear madam, your ladyship's most obedient and faithful servant, w. hamilton. viii. persano, wednesday, th jan. [ .] i have just received your letter--and, as i always do--with infinite pleasure. i hope you received twelve wood-biddies, to-day; and, to-morrow, you will have a wild boar: all left to your discretion. no talk of returning, yet. we must complete sixteen days shooting, and one day has been lost by bad weather. we had a good day, and tolerable sport. i have killed two, and one the largest boar i have seen yet here. vincenzo, they say, will be well in a day or two, as it is only a cold; i fear, it is more serious. the king has killed twenty-one boars to-day, and is quite happy. the germans all drink tea with me every evening. lamberg is better. adieu, my ever dear emma! we are always in a hurry; though we have, absolutely, nothing to do, but kill, examine, and weigh, wild boars. i assure you, that i shall rejoice when i can embrace you once more. a picture would not content me; your image is more strongly represented on my heart, than any that could be produced by human art. your most affectionate husband, w.h. ix. persano, thursday night, [jan. th, .] never put yourself in a hurry, my dear emma. i have got your two kind letters. send for gasparo; and give your orders, that the servants attend your call: and let him discharge them, if they do not. you are my better half, and may command. translate this part of the letter to him. we have had good sport to-day, though the bad weather came on at eleven o'clock. fifty-four wild boars have been killed, i had seven shot; and killed five, three of which are enormous. dispose of the boar i send you to-day as you think proper. i always thought ruspoli a dirty fellow; but what has he done of late? as to your mother's going with you to the english parties, very well; but, believe me, it will be best for her, and more to her happiness, to stay at home, than go with you to the neapolitan parties. the king is in good humour to-day, as i foretold. we continue to dine at eight at night, and have nothing from breakfast to that hour. but i give tea and bread and butter, of which prince ausberg and lamberg partake with pleasure. the prince, having no opportunity of making love, does nothing but talk of his new flame, which is lady a. hatton. i put him right; for he thought she spelt her name with two _rr_, instead of two _tt_. i rejoice at your having aprile again; pray, tell him so: for i know the rapid progress you will make under his care. my cold is near gone. the worst is, my room smokes confoundedly; and so do all the other rooms, except the king's. adieu, my dear emma! amuse yourself as well as you can; and believe me, ever, your's alone, with the utmost confidence, w.h. x. persano, friday night, [jan. th, .] we have had a miserable cold day, but good sport. i killed two boars, and a doe; the king, nineteen boars, two stags, two does, and a porcupine. he is happy beyond expression. i send you charles's letter; but do not lose it, as i will answer it when i return. you see, the line we have taken will put it out of the power of our enemies to hurt us. i will give up my judgment of worldly matters to no one. i approve of all you do in my absence; but it would be nonsense, and appear affected, to carry your scruples too far. divert yourself reasonably. i am sure of your attachment to me, and i shall not easily be made to alter my opinion of you. my cold is better, notwithstanding the weather. i have no time to _in'gler_; so, adieu! my dearest wife. your's, w.h. _p.s._ let gasparo pay thirty ducats, for the vase, to d. andrea. by way of charity, we may give thirty ounces to that shabby dog, hadrava; though he knows the picture is not worth more than ten at most. his writing to you in such a stile is pitiful indeed. you will often have such letters, if you do not tell him, now, that it is for once and all. xi. persano, saturday, th jan. [ .] my dear emma, i have received a letter from douglass; with one inclosed, from mr. durno; who, to my surprise, says, he has not received my order on biddulph, cockes, and co. for one thousand five hundred and ninety pounds; which, you know, i sent from caserta. i find, in my book of letters, th of december, that i wrote, that day, a letter to mr. burgess, to deliver to messieurs biddulph and co.--to lord abercorn--and to mr. durno, with the order inclosed. pray, send for smith; and ask him, if he remembers having put such letters in the post, and let him inquire at the naples post about them: and let him send the inclosed, by tuesday's post, to rome. i certainly will not give another order until this matter is cleared up. i fear some roguery. we have had a fine day, and killed numberless boars; a hundred and fifty, at least. i have killed four, out of six shot; and am satisfied, as one is a real monster--the king, thirty--d'onerato, eighteen,--and so on, the favoured shooters. vincenzo is rather better, but not able to serve me. my best compliments to alexander hamilton. you did well, to invite copley. adieu! my sweet em. ever your's, in deed and in truth, w.h. xii. persano, sunday, jan. , . you did admirably, my dear em. in not inviting lady a.h. to dine with the prince; and still better, in telling her, honestly, the reason. i have always found, that going straight is the best method, though not the way of the world. you did, also, very well, in asking madame skamouski; and not taking upon you to present her, without leave. in short, consult your own good sense, and do not be in a hurry; and, i am sure, you will always act right. we have been at it again, this morning, and killed fifty boars; but were home to dinner, at one o'clock: and this is the first dinner i have had, since i left you; for i cannot eat meat breakfasts or suppers, and have absolutely lived on bread and butter and tea. as the prince asked you, you did well to send for a song to douglass's; but, in general, you will do right to sing only at home. the king is very kind to me, and shews every one that he really loves me: and he commends my shooting; having missed but very few, and killed the largest of the society. only think of his not being satisfied with killing more than thirty, yesterday! he said, if the wind had favoured him, he should have killed sixty at least. we must be civil to mr. hope, as recommended by lord auckland; and also to monsieur de rochement, and prince bozatinsky, as recommended by my friend saussure. i inclose his letter, as you are mentioned in it; also knight's, as you desire. god knows, we have no secrets; nor, i hope, ever shall. we have much business between this and saturday: and we are to shoot, saturday morning; so that we shall arrive late. what say you to a feet washing that night? _o che gusto_! when your _prima ora_ is over, and all gone. adieu, my sweet emma! ever your's, w.h. xiii. persano, monday night, [jan. th, .] for your long and interesting letter, i can only write a line, to tell you i am well. we have been out, till an hour in the night, from day-break; and i have fired off my gun but once, having had a bad post. the king, and favoured party, have diverted themselves. to-morrow will, probably, be a good day for me. pray, let smith get orders for the museum, &c. for lord boyle and mr. dodge, as they are recommended by mr. eden. adieu, my lovely emma! let them all roll on the carpet, &c. provided you are not of the party. my trust is in you alone. your's, ever, w.h. xiv. persano, tuesday night, [jan. , .] i told you, my dear em. that i expected good sport to-day! i have killed five boars, and two great ones got off after falling; two bucks; six does; and a hare: fourteen in all. by the bye, i must tell you, that _accept_ and _except_ are totally different. you always write--"i did not _except_ of the invitation;" when, you know, it should be "_accept_." it is, only, for want of giving yourself time to think; but, as this error has been repeated, i thought best to tell you of it. pray, write a very kind letter to our friend the archbishop; and convince him, that emma, to her friends, is unalterable. do not say a word about the telescope; for, i must try it, first, against mine. if it should be better, i cannot part with it, as you know how much use we make of a telescope. the king has killed eighty-one animals, of one sort or other, to-day; and, amongst them, a wolf, and some stags. he fell asleep in the coach; and, waking, told me he had been dreaming of shooting. one would have thought, he had shed blood enough. this is a heavy air; nobody eats with appetite, and many are ill with colds. we shall be home on saturday; and, indeed, my sweet emma, i shall be most happy to see you. to-morrow, we go to a mountain; but no great expectation of sport. your's, ever, my dear wife, w.h. xv. persano, wednesday, [jan. th, .] it was not your white and silver, alone, that made you look like an angel, at the academy. suppose you had put it on nine parts out of ten of the ladies in company, would any one have appeared angelic? i will allow, however, that a beautiful woman, feeling herself well dressed, will have a sort of confidence, which will add greatly to the lustre of her eye: but take my word, that, for some years to come, the more simply you dress, the more conspicuous will be your beauty; which, according to my idea, is the most perfect i have yet met with, take it all in all. it is long-faced day with the king. we went far; the weather was bad; and, after all, met with little or no game: i did not fire off my gun. yesterday, when we brought home all we killed, it filled the house, completely; and, to-day, they are obliged to white-wash the walls, to take away the blood. there were more than four hundred; boars, deer, stags, and all. to-morrow, we are to have another slaughter; and not a word of reason or common sense do i meet with, the whole day, till i retire to my volumes of the old gentleman's magazine, which just keeps my mind from starving. except to-day, on a mountain, i have never felt the least appetite; there, i eat the wings of a cold chicken with pleasure. hamilton is delighted with your civilities. he has wrote me a long letter. i do not mean to keep pace with him in writing; so, send him a line or two, only, in answer. i do not recollect the name of marino soolania; and, if i received a letter from him, it was in the hurry of my arrival, and is lost: so that smith may desire the dutch consul to desire him to write again, and i will answer. i always rejoice when i find you do not neglect your singing. i am, i own, ambitious of producing something extraordinary in you, and it is nearly done. adieu! my sweet em. i rejoice that the time of our re-union is so near--_saturday night_! w.h. xvi. venasso, friday, th january . my dear em. by having grumbled a little, i got a better post to-day; and have killed two boars and a sow, all enormous. i have missed but two shot since i came here; and, to be sure, when the post is good, it is noble shooting! the rocks, and mountains, as wild as the boars. the news you sent me, of poor lord pembroke, gave me a little twist; but i have, for some time, perceived, that my friends, with whom i spent my younger days, have been dropping around me. lord pembroke's neck was very short, and his father died of an apoplexy. my study of antiquities, has kept me in constant thought of the perpetual fluctuation of every thing. the whole art is, really, to live all the _days_ of our life; and not, with anxious care, disturb the sweetest hour that life affords--which is, the present! admire the creator, and all his works, to us incomprehensible: and do all the good you can upon earth; and take the chance of eternity, without dismay. you must tell the archbishop, that he will have the leyden gazettes a week later; as i cannot read them time enough to send by this messenger. the weather is delightful; and, i believe, we shall have done all our business, so as to return on thursday. pray, find out if the queen goes to caserta. here, all is a profound secret. i must work hard, myself, at translating, when i return; for i believe the language-master totally incapable of it. i dined, this morning, at nine o'clock; and, i think, it agreed better with me than tea. i found myself growing weak, for want of a good meal, not daring to eat much at supper. adieu, my sweet love! adieu. divert yourself--i shall soon be at you again. your's, ever, w.h. xvii. burford, eighty miles from london. saturday night, [july th, .] here we are, my dear emma, after a pleasant day's journey! no extraordinary occurrence. our chaise is good, and would have held the famous "_tria juncta in uno_," very well: but, we must submit to the circumstances of the times. sir joseph bankes we found in bed with the gout: and, last night, his hot-house was robbed of its choicest fruit--peaches and nectarines. amuse yourself as well as you can; and you may be assured, that i shall return as soon as possible, and you shall hear from me often. ever your's, my dear emma, with the truest affection, wm. hamilton. my kindest love to my lord, if he is not gone. _p.s._ corn, at this market, fell fifteen pounds a load to-day. letters from sir william hamilton, k.b. to lord nelson. letters of sir william hamilton, k.b. &c. i. [_written before lord nelson's elevation to the peerage._] naples, march th, . my dear sir, the moment i received your letter of the th of march from leghorn, i went with it to general acton: and, although i could not, from your letter only, in my ministerial character, demand from this court the assistance of some of their xebecs, corvettes, &c. that are the fittest for going near shore; as i think, with you, that such vessels are absolutely necessary on the present occasion, i told his excellency--that i trusted, as this government had hitherto shewn itself as sanguine in the good cause, and more so, than any of the allies of great britain, that he would lay your letter before the king at naples; and, without waiting for the demand which i should probably receive soon from sir john jervis, send you such small armed vessels as his excellency thought would be proper for the service on which you are employed. the general, without hesitation, said--that orders should be immediately given for the preparing of such a flotilla, which should join you as soon as the weather would permit. at present, indeed, it is not very encouraging for row-boats. we wait a courier from vienna, to decide the march of eight thousand eight hundred infantry, and artillery included, intended to join the emperor's army in italy: and, although the grand duke of tuscany has refused the permission for these troops to march through his dominions, the king of naples has told his son-in-law that, whenever the safety of italy should require it, he would, nevertheless, march them through tuscany; a liberty which the emperor would likewise take, whenever the good of the service required it. however, the thousand cavalry sent from hence have taken their route, by loretto, through the pope's state. we have had, as i suppose you know, the admirals hotham and goodall here, for some weeks. i can, _entre nous_, perceive that my old friend hotham is not quite awake enough for such a command as that of the king's fleet in the mediterranean, although he appears the best creature imaginable. i did not know much of your friend lord hood, personally; but, by his correspondence with me, his activity and clearness was most conspicuous. lady hamilton and i admire your constancy, and hope the severe service you have undergone will be handsomely rewarded. when i reported to lord grenville, in my last dispatch, the letter i received from you lately, i could not help giving you the epithet of "_that_ _brave officer, captain nelson._" if you do not deserve it, i know not who does. with our love to sam, i am, ever, dear sir, your's, sincerely, wm. hamilton. ii. palermo, february th, . my lord, having received an application from this government, that they might be supplied with lead from on board the british merchants ships in this harbour, that have that article on board--and that, without the help of about a hundred _cantarra_ of lead, this country, and the common cause, would be much distressed--i am to beg of your lordship to use your kind endeavours that this urgent want may be supplied as soon as possible: well understood, that the proprietors of this article should be perfectly satisfied with this government, as to the price of the lead, freight, &c. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, wm. hamilton. iii. palermo, sunday night late, near winding-up-watch hour, may th, . my very dear lord, ten thousand thanks for your kind attention in sending us hallowell's letter to troubridge. it comforts us in one respect, as it flatters us with commodore duckworth's four ships joining you soon. but, i must own, from the junction of five spanish ships and frigates, i now think, something more than going into toulon is intended, and that your lordship may have a brush with them. god send you every success, that your unparalleled virtues and bravery so well merit. adieu, my dear lord! your lordship's truly affectionate, and eternally attached, wm. hamilton. iv. palermo, may th, . my dear lord, whilst emma was writing to your lordship, i have been with acton, to get a felucca, to send ball's dispatch to you. it is of so old a date, that i make no doubt of ball's having joined you before his dispatch reaches. i send your lordship an interesting letter i have just received from our consul at trieste: and acton's answer to my yesterday's letter communicating your kind resolution of taking care of their sicilian majesties and their kingdoms; and which, your lordship will see, gives them great satisfaction. as to the fleet having been seen by the towers near messina, and to the westward--i believe, it was your squadron. i send you, likewise, a strange rhapsody from lord bristol: but something may be collected from it; or, at least, it will amuse you, and you have leisure enough on board, which i have not on shore. be so good as to send back that letter, and graham's, by the first opportunity. above all, take care of your health; that is the first of blessings. may god ever protect you! we miss you heavily: but, a short time must clear up the business; and, we hope, bring you back to those who love and esteem you to the very bottom of their souls. ever your affectionate friend, and humble servant, wm. hamilton. v. palermo, june th, . my dear lord, i am happy to receive the packet from major magra, and which i shall instantly send to general acton. nothing has happened, worth telling you, since the few hours we have been separated. god bless you, my very dear friend; and my mind tells me, that you will soon have reason, either by good news, or by a proper reinforcement sent to you, to be in a much happier state of mind than you could possibly be when you left us this morning. all looks melancholy without you. ever, my dear lord, your truly attached friend, wm. hamilton. vi. palermo, june th, . eight o'clock at night. my dear lord, having wrote fully by the felucca to-day, that went off at three o'clock--and have not yet general acton's answer, with respect to what the court would wish you to do when you hear how the french fleet is disposed of--i have nothing to write by the transport. god bless you! and i hope, somehow or other, we shall meet again soon. my dear lord, your's, most sincerely, wm. hamilton. vii. piccadilly, february th, . my dear lord, whether emma will be able to write to you to-day, or not, is a question; as she has got one of her terrible sick head-achs. among other things that vex her, is--that we have been drawn in to be under the absolute necessity of giving a dinner to ****** on sunday next. he asked it himself; having expressed his strong desire of hearing banti's and emma's voices together. i am well aware of the danger that would attend ******* frequenting our house. not that i fear, that emma could ever be induced to act contrary to the prudent conduct she has hitherto pursued; but the world is so ill-natured, that the worst construction is put upon the most innocent actions. as this dinner must be, or ****** would be offended, i shall keep it strictly to the musical part; invite only banti, her husband, and taylor; and, as i wish to shew a civility to davison, i have sent him an invitation. in short, we will get rid of it as well as we can, and guard against its producing more meetings of the same sort. emma would really have gone any lengths, to have avoided sunday's dinner. but i thought it would not be prudent to break with ******; who, really, has shewn the greatest civility to us, when we were last in england, and since we returned: and she has, at last, acquiesced to my opinion. i have been thus explicit, as i know well your lordship's way of thinking; and your very kind attachment to us, and to every thing that concerns us. the king caught cold at the chapel the other day, and there was no levee yesterday; and, to-day, the queen alone will be at the drawing-room: and, i believe, the new ministry will not be quite fixed, until the levee-day next week. as to my business--i have done all i can to bring it to a point. the pension recommended by lord grenville was only like walpole's--a nominal two thousand pounds. i have represented the injustice of that--after my having had the king's promise of not being removed from naples, but at my own request; and having only empowered lord grenville to remove me, on securing to me a nett income of two thousand pounds per annum. lord grenville has recommended to the treasury, the taking my extraordinary expences into consideration. i have fully demonstrated, to lord grenville and treasury, that eight thousand pounds is absolutely necessary for the clearing off my unfunded debt, without making up for my losses. upon the whole, then, i do not expect to get more than the nett annuity above mentioned, and the eight thousand pounds. but, unless that is granted, i shall, indeed, have been very ill-used! i hope, in my next, to be able to inform your lordship that all has been finally settled. i am busy in putting in order the remains of my vases and pictures, that you so kindly saved for me on board the fourdroyant; and the sale of them will enable me to go on more at my ease, and not leave a debt unpaid. but, unfortunately, there have been too many picture sales this year, and mine will come late. adieu! my very dear lord. may health and success attend you, wherever you go! and, i flatter myself, this political jumble may hasten a peace, and bring you back soon. your lordship's ever obliged, and most sincerely attached, friend and servant, wm. hamilton. viii. piccadilly, february th, . my dear lord, you need not be the least alarmed, that emma has commissioned me to send you the newspapers; and write you a line, to tell you that she is much better--having vomited naturally, and is now purposing to take a regular one of tartar emetic. all her convulsive complaints certainly proceed from a foul stomach; and i will answer for it, she will be in spirits to write to you herself to-morrow. adieu! my very dear lord. i have not a moment to lose, as the bell is going. your ever attached and obliged humble servant, wm. hamilton. ix. piccadilly, march th, . my very dear lord, i wish it was in my power to profit of your kind invitation; you would soon see me and emma on board the st. george: but i am now totally occupied in preparing for the sale of my pictures, and what i have saved of my vases. to my great satisfaction, i have found some of the most capital vases; and which i thought, surely, lost on board the colossus. it has comforted me much. we remain in the same cruel state with respect to the king's recovery. there can be no doubt, but that his majesty is better. however, if my conjectures are true, the regency must soon take place: as it may be long before his majesty could be troubled with business, supposing even his _fever_ to have totally subsided; and, the times admit of no delays. we see, now, the certainty of the french squadron's being in the mediterranean. god knows, how all this will end! but i hope it will be your lordship's lot to bring paul to his senses. god send you every success; and send you home, safe and well, crowned with additional laurels! and then, i hope, you will repose your shattered frame; and make your friends happy, by staying with them. emma emma is certainly much better, but not quite free from bile. ever, my dear lord, your lordship's most attached, and eternally obliged, humble servant, wm. hamilton. x. piccadilly, april th, . what can i say, my dear lord! that would convey the smallest idea of what we felt yesterday, on receiving the authentic letters confirming your late most glorious victory: and read, in your own hand, that god had not only granted you complete success against the enemies of our country; but, in the midst of such perils, prevented your receiving the smallest scratch! we can only repeat what we knew well, and often said, before--that nelson _was_, _is_, and to the _last_ will ever be, _the first_. however, we all agree that, when we get you safe home once more--that you should never more risk your shattered frame. you have done enough, and are well entitled to the motto of virgil-- "_hic victor cæstus artemque repono_." the famous broughton, after he had beaten every opponent, that dared to measure hard blows with him, set up an ale-house--the broughton's head--in london, with the above verse of virgil under it. some years after, he was persuaded to accept the challenge of a coachman, and was beaten. not that i mean to convey, that any such thing could happen to your lordship; but, you have done enough. let others follow your examples; they will be remembered to the latest posterity. it appeared to me most extraordinary, that the th inst. the date of your last letter to emma, the death of the emperor paul (which we have no doubt of here) should not be known at copenhagen! it appears to us that, as soon as that great event is known in sweden and denmark, with the severe blow you have just given the latter, the formidable giant, northern coalition, will of itself fall to pieces; and that we shall have the happiness of embracing you again here, in a very short time. you would have laughed to have seen what i saw yesterday! _emma_ did not know whether she was on her head or heels--in such a hurry to tell your great news, that she could utter nothing but tears of joy and tenderness. i went to davison yesterday morning; and found him still in bed, having had a severe fit of the gout, and with your letter, which he had just received: and he cried like a child! but, what was very extraordinary, assured me that, from the instant he had read your letter, all pain had left him, and that he felt himself able to get up and walk about. your brother, mrs. nelson, and horace, dined with us. your brother was more extraordinary than ever. he would get up suddenly, and cut a caper; rubbing his hands every time that the thought of your fresh laurels came into his head. in short, except myself, (and your lordship knows that i have some phlegm) all the company, which was considerable, after dinner--the duke, lord william, mr. este, &c.--were mad with joy. but, i am sure, that no one really rejoiced more, at heart, than i did. i have lived too long to have _extacies_! but, with calm reflection, i felt for my friend having got to the very summit of glory!--the "_ne plus ultra!_"--that he has had another opportunity of rendering his country the most important service; and manifesting, again, his judgment, his intrepidity, and humanity. god bless you, my very dear lord, and send you soon home to your friends. enemies you have none, but those that are bursting with envy; and such animals infest all parts of the world. the king, be assured, is (though weak) getting well fast. lord loughborough told livingston, who has just been here, that he was with the king the day before yesterday, before and after delivery of the seals, and that he was perfectly calm and recollected. ever your sincerely attached, and truly obliged, humble servant, wm. hamilton. xi. milford, august th, . my dear lord, emma has constantly given me every possible intelligence relative to your lordship, and the important operations you are about at this most interesting moment. you have already calmed the minds of every body with respect to the threatened french invasion. in short, all your lordship does is complete; like yourself, and nobody else. but still, i think, there is no occasion for the commander in chief to expose his person as much as you do. why should you not have a private flag, known to your fleet and not to the enemy, when you shift it and go reconnoitring? captain hopkins, going from hence in the speedwell cutter to join your lordship, will be happy to introduce himself to you by presenting this letter himself. they give him a good character in this country, but my acquaintance with him is but of two days. i was yesterday with captain dobbins, in the diligence cutter. we sailed out of this glorious harbour; and, the day being fine, sailed out some leagues, and examined the crow rock, which is reckoned the greatest danger as to entering the harbour. but the two light-houses lately erected take off all danger in the night; and [it] is visible in the day-time, except a short time in spring tides. i am delighted with the improvements at milford. it will surely be a great town, if we have peace, in three years; the houses rising up, like mushrooms, even in these difficult times. we allow any one to build--at their own expence--at an easy ground-rent, and to fall in at the expiration of three lives, or sixty years. you may judge that, having two thousand acres all round the town, these inhabitants will want land for cows and horses, and gardens, &c. and, of course, i must be a gainer in the end. i visited the two light-houses, and found them perfectly clean, and in good order: and i never could conceive the brilliant light that they give; one has sixteen reflected lights, and the other ten. to-day, i go upon my last visit to lord milford; and, on saturday, set out for piccadilly: and where i am not without hopes of meeting your lordship; as i think, in the manner you dispatch business, you will have completed all by wednesday next, the day i shall probably be in london. charles greville's kind compliments. the name of nelson is in every mouth; and, indeed, we owe every thing to your judgment and exertions. adieu! god bless you. ever your lordship's affectionate friend, and obliged humble servant, wm. hamilton. xii. piccadilly, april th, . my dear lord, emma says--i must write a letter to you, of condolence for the heavy loss your lordship has suffered. when persons, in the prime of life, are carried off by accidents or sickness--or what is, i believe, oftener the case, by the ignorance and mistakes of the physicians--then, indeed, there is reason to lament! but as, in the case of your good father, the lamp was suffered to burn out fairly, and that his sufferings were not great; and that, by his son's glorious and unparalleled successes, he saw his family ennobled, and with the probability, in time, of its being amply rewarded, as it ought to have been long ago--his mind could not be troubled, in his latter moments, on account of the family he left behind him: and, as to his own peace of mind, at the moment of his dissolution, there can be no doubt, among those who ever had the honour of his acquaintance. i have said more than i intended; but dare say, your lordship had nearly the same thoughts--with the addition of the feelings of a dutiful son, for the loss of a most excellent father. it is, however, now--as your lordship is the father of your family--incumbent upon you to take particular care of your own health. nay, you are, by the voice of the nation, its first prop and support. keep up your spirits; and, that you may long enjoy your well-earned honours, is the sincere wish of your lordship's affectionate friend, and attached humble servant, wm. hamilton. letters from lord nelson to sir william hamilton, k.b. letters of lord nelson, &c. i. bastia, may th, . my dear sir, will you have the goodness to forward the inclosed to mr. brand, and to present my letter to lady hamilton? every lover of his country will rejoice in our great and almost unexampled success, to the honour of my lord hood, and to the shame of those who opposed his endeavours to serve his country. general stewart, i am happy to say, is just arrived. we shall now join, heart and hand, against calvi. when conquered, i shall hope to pay my respects to your excellency at naples; which will give real pleasure to your very faithful, and obliged, horatio nelson. ii. agamemnon, leghorn, march th, . sir, mr. wyndham having communicated to mr. udney the conversation of the french minister with the tuscans, i cannot, being intrusted by the admiral with the command of the small squadron in the gulph of genoa, but think it right for me to beg that your excellency will apply for such vessels of war belonging to his sicilian majesty, as may be judged proper to cruize in the gulph of genoa, and particularly off the point of the gulph of especia. xebecs, corvettes, and frigates, are the fittest to cruize; and the first have the great advantage of rowing, as well as sailing, i am told, very fast. general [acton] knows, full as well as myself, the vessels proper to prevent the disembarkation of troops on this coast; therefore, i shall not particularly point them out. last campaign, the word _flotilla_ was misunderstood. i can only say, that all vessels which can sail and row must be useful; and, for small craft, port especia is a secure harbour. whatever is to be done, should be done speedily; for, by mr. wyndham's account, we have no time to lose. if we have the proper vessels, i am confident, the french will not be able to bring their ten thousand men by sea; and; should they attempt to pass through the genoese territories, i hope the austrians will prevent them: but, however, should all our precautions not be able to prevent the enemy's possessing themselves of leghorn, yet we are not to despair. fourteen days from their entry, if the allied powers unite heartily, i am confident, we shall take them all prisoners. i am confident, it can--and, therefore, should such an unlucky event take place, as their possessing themselves of leghorn, i hope, will--be done. i have sent to the admiral. i am, very lately, from off toulon; where thirteen sail of the line, and five frigates, are ready for sea, and others fitting. with my best respects to lady hamilton, believe me, dear sir, your excellency's most obedient servant, horatio nelson. iii. vanguard, syracuse, july th, . my dear sir, it is an old saying, "the devil's children have the devil's luck." i cannot find--or, to this moment learn, beyond vague conjecture--where the french fleet are gone to. all my ill fortune, hitherto, has proceeded from want of frigates. off cape passaro, on the twenty-second of june, at day-light, i saw two frigates, which were supposed to be french; and it has been said, since, that a line-of-battle ship was to leeward of them, with the riches of malta on board. but it was the destruction of the enemy, and not riches for myself, that i was seeking: these would have fell to me, if i had had frigates; but, except the ship of the line, i regard not all the riches in this world. from my information off malta, i believed they were gone to egypt: therefore, on the twenty-eighth, i was communicating with alexandria in egypt; where i found the turks preparing to resist them, but knew nothing beyond report. from thence i stretched over to the coast of caramania; where, not speaking a vessel who could give me information, i became distressed for the kingdom of the two sicilies: and, having gone a round of six hundred leagues, at this season of the year, (with a single ship, with an expedition incredible) here i am, as _ignorant_ of the situation of the enemy as i was twenty-seven days ago! i sincerely hope, the dispatches, which i understand are at cape passaro, will give me full information. i shall be able, for nine or ten weeks longer, to keep the fleet on active service, when we shall want provisions and stores. i send a paper on that subject, herewith. mr. littledale is, i suppose, sent up by the admiral to victual us, and i hope he will do it cheaper than any other person: but, if i find out that he charges more than the fair price, and has not the provisions of the very best quality, i will not take them; for, as no fleet has more fag than this, nothing but the best food, and greatest attention, can keep them healthy. at this moment, we have not one sick man in the fleet. in about six days, i shall sail from hence: and, if i hear nothing more of the french, i shall go to the archipelago; where, if they are gone towards constantinople, i shall hear of them. i shall go to cyprus; and, if they are gone to alexandretta, or any other part of syria or egypt, i shall get information. you will, i am sure, and so will our country, easily conceive what has passed in my anxious mind; but i have this comfort, that i have no fault to accuse myself of: this bears me up, and this only. i send you a paper, where a letter is fixed for different places: which i may leave at any place; and, except those who have the key, none can tell where i am gone to. july . the messenger is returned from cape passaro; and says, that your letters for me are returned to naples. what a situation am i placed in! as yet, i can learn nothing of the enemy: therefore, i have no conjecture but that they are gone to syria; and, at cyprus, i hope to hear of them. if they were gone to the westward, i rely that every place in sicily would have information for me; for it is too important news to leave me in one moment's doubt about. i have no frigate, or a sign of one. the masts, yards, &c. for the vanguard, will i hope be prepared directly: for, should the french be so strongly secured in port that i cannot get at them, i shall immediately shift my flag into some other ship, and send the vanguard to naples to be refitted; for hardly any person but myself would have continued on service so long in such a wretched state. i want to send a great number of papers to lord st. vincent; but i durst not trust any person here to carry them, even to naples. pray, send a copy of my letter to lord spencer; he must be very anxious to hear of this fleet. i have taken the liberty of troubling your excellency with a letter for lady nelson. pray, forward it for me; and believe me, with the greatest respect, your most obedient servant, horatio nelson. sent on shore, to the charge of the governor of syracuse. iv. vanguard, syracuse, july d, . my dear sir, i have had so much said about the king of naples's orders only to admit three or four of the ships of our fleet into his ports, that i am astonished! i understood, that private orders, at least, would have been given for our free admission. if we are to be refused supplies, pray send me, by many vessels, an account, that i may in good time take the king's fleet to gibraltar. our treatment is scandalous, for a great nation to put up with; and the king's flag is insulted at every friendly port we look at. i am, with the greatest respect, your most obedient servant, horatio nelson. _p.s._ i do not complain of the want of attention in individuals, for all classes of people are remarkably attentive to us. sent on shore, to the charge of the governor of syracuse. v. vanguard, mouth of the nile, august th, . my dear sir, almighty god has made me the happy instrument in destroying the enemy's fleet; which, i hope, will be a blessing to europe. you will have the goodness to communicate this happy event to all the courts in italy; for my head is so indifferent, that i can scarcely scrawl this letter. captain capel, who is charged with my dispatches for england, will give you every information. pray, put him in the quickest mode of getting home. you will not send, by post, any particulars of this action, as i should be sorry to have any accounts get home before my dispatches. i hope there will be no difficulty in our getting refitted at naples. culloden must be instantly hove down, and vanguard all new masts and bowsprit. not more than four or five sail of the line will probably come to naples; the rest will go with the prizes to gibraltar. as this army never will return, i hope to hear the emperor has regained the whole of italy. with every good wish, believe me, dear sir, your most obliged and affectionate horatio nelson. th august. i have intercepted all buonaparte's dispatches going to france. this army is in a scrape, and will not get out of it. vi. august th, . my dear sir, as the greater part of this squadron is going down the mediterranean, we shall not want the quantity of wine or bread ordered; therefore, what is not already prepared had better be put a stop to. i will settle all the matter, if ever i live to see naples. i have the satisfaction to tell you, the french army have got a complaint amongst them--caused by the heat, and nothing but water--which will make egypt the grave of the greatest part. ever your's, faithfully, horatio nelson. vii. vanguard, off malta; october th, . my dear sir, i am just arrived off this place; where i found captain ball, and the marquis de niza. from those officers, i do not find such an immediate prospect of getting possession of the town as the ministers at naples seem to think. all the country, it is true, is in possession of the islanders; and, i believe, the french have not many luxuries in the town; but, as yet, their bullocks are not eat up. the marquis tells me, the islanders want arms, victuals, mortars, and cannon, to annoy the town. when i get the elect of the people on board, i shall desire them to draw up a memorial for the king of naples, stating their wants and desires, which i shall bring with me. the marquis sails for naples to-morrow morning. till he is gone, i shall not do any thing about the island; but i will be fully master of that subject before i leave this place. god bless you! is the sincere prayer of horatio nelson. viii. vanguard, off malta, october th, . my dear sir william, although i believe i shall be at naples before the cutter, yet i should be sorry to omit acknowledging your kind letter of the twenty-sixth. when i come to naples, i can have nothing pleasant to say of the conduct of his sicilian majesty's ministers towards the inhabitants of malta, who wish to be under the dominion of their legitimate sovereign. the total neglect and indifference with which they have been treated, appears to me _cruel_ in the extreme. had not the english supplied fifteen hundred stand of arms, with bayonets, cartouch-boxes, and ammunition, &c. &c. and the marquis supplied some few, and kept the spirit of those brave islanders from falling off, they must long ago have bowed again to the french yoke. could you, my dear sir william, have believed, after what general acton and the marquis de gallo had said, in our various conversations relative to this island, that nothing had been sent by the governor of syracuse--_secretly_ (was the word to us) or openly--to this island? and, i am farther assured, that the governor of syracuse never had any orders sent him to supply the smallest article. i beg your excellency will state this, in confidence, to general acton. i shall, most assuredly, tell it to the king! the justice i owe myself, now i feel employed in the service of their sicilian majesties, demands it of me; and, also, the duty i owe our gracious king, in order to shew that i am doing my utmost to comply with his royal commands. as i have before stated, had it not been for the english, long, long ago, the maltese must have been overpowered. including the fifteen hundred stand of arms given by us, not more than three thousand are in the island. i wonder how they have kept on the defensive so long. the emerald will sail--in twenty-four hours after my arrival--for malta; at least, two thousand stand of small arms complete, ammunition, &c. &c. should be sent by her. this is wanted, to defend themselves: for offence, two or three large mortars; fifteen hundred shells, with all necessaries; and, perhaps, a few artillery--two ten-inch howitzers, with a thousand shells. the bormola, and all the left side of the harbour, with this assistance, will fall. ten thousand men are required to defend those works, the french can only spare twelve hundred; therefore, a vigorous assault in many parts, some one must succeed. but, who have the government of naples sent to lead or encourage these people? a very good--and, i dare say, brave--old man; enervated, and shaking with the palsy. this is the sort of man that they have sent; without any supply, without even a promise of protection, and without his bringing any answer to the repeated respectful memorials of these people to their sovereign. i know, their majesties must feel hurt, when they hear these truths. i may be thought presuming; but, i trust, general acton will forgive an honest seaman for telling plain truths. _as for the other minister, i do not understand him_; we are different men! he has been bred in a court, and i in a rough element. but, i believe, my heart is as susceptible of the finer feelings as his, and as compassionate for the distress of those who look up to me for protection. the officer sent here should have brought supplies, promises of protection, and an answer from the king to their memorials: he should have been a man of judgment, bravery, and _activity_. he should be the first to lead them to glory; and the last, when necessary, to retreat: the first to mount the walls of the bormola, and never to quit it. this is the man to send. such, many such, are to be found. if he succeeds, promise him rewards; my life for it, the business would soon be over. god bless you! i am anxious to get this matter finished. i have sent ball, this day, to summon goza; if it resists, i shall send on shore, and batter down the castle. three vessels, loaded with bullocks, &c. for the garrison, were taken yesterday; from tripoli ten more are coming, but we shall have them. i had almost forgot to mention, that orders should be immediately given, that no quarantine should be laid on boats going to the coast of sicily for corn. at present, as a matter of favour, they have _fourteen_ days only. yesterday, there was only four days bread in the island. luckily, we got hold of a vessel loaded with wheat, and sent her into st. paul's. once more, god bless you! and ever believe me, your obliged and affectionate horatio nelson. this day, i have landed twenty barrels of gunpowder (two thousand eight hundred pounds) at malta. ix. palermo, january th, . sir, your excellency having had the goodness to communicate to me a dispatch from general acton; together with several letters from _girganti_, giving an account that a violence had been committed, in that port, by the seizing, and carrying off to malta, two vessels loaded with corn--i beg leave to express to your excellency my real concern, that even the appearance of the slightest disrespect should be offered, by any officers under my command, to the flag of his sicilian majesty: and i must request your excellency to state fully to general acton, that the act ought not to be considered as any intended disrespect to his sicilian majesty; but as an act of the most absolute and imperious necessity, either that the island of malta should have been delivered up to the french, or that the king's orders should be anticipated for these vessels carrying their cargoes of corn to malta. i trust, that the government of this country will never again force any of our royal master's servants to so unpleasant an alternative. i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, your excellency's most obedient and faithful servant, b.n. x. march th, . my dear sir william, i thank you kindly for all your letters and good wishes. it is my determination, _my health requiring it_, to come to palermo, and to stay two weeks with you. i must again urge, that four gunb-oats may be ordered for the service of malta; they will most essentially assist in the reduction of the place, by preventing small vessels from getting in or out. i think, from the enemy, on the night of the fourth, trying and getting out for a short distance, a very fast-sailing polacca, that vaubois is extremely anxious to send dispatches to france, to say he cannot much longer hold out: and, if our troops, as captain blackwood thinks, are coming from gibraltar and minorca, i have no idea the enemy will hold out a week. i beg general acton will order the gun-boats. troubridge has got the jaundice, and is very ill. as i shall so very soon see you, i shall only say, that i am ever, your obliged and affectionate bronte nelson. xi. palermo, march th, . my dear sir william, as, from the orders i have given, to all the ships under my command, to arrest and bring into port all the vessels and troops returning by convention with the porte to france--and as the russian ships have similar orders--i must request that your excellency will endeavour to arrange with the government of this country, how in the first instance they are to be treated and received in the ports of the two sicilies: for, it is obvious, i can do nothing more than bring them into port; and, if they are kept on board ship, the fever will make such ravages as to be little short of the plague. it is a very serious consideration for this country, either to receive them, or let them pass; when they would invade, probably, these kingdoms. in my present situation in the king's fleet, i have only to obey; had i been, as before, in the command, i should have gone one short and direct road to avert this great evil: _viz._ to have sent a letter to the french, and the grand vizir, in egypt, that i would not, on any consideration, permit a single frenchman to leave egypt--and i would do it at the risk of even creating a coldness, for the moment, with the turks. of two evils, choose the least; and nothing can be so horrid, as permitting that horde of thieves to return to europe. if all the wise heads had left them to god almighty, after the bridge was broke, all would have ended well! for i differ entirely with my commander in chief, in wishing they were permitted to return to france; and, likewise, with lord elgin, in the great importance of removing them from egypt. no; there they should perish! has ever been the firm determination of your excellency's most obedient and faithful servant, bronte nelson of the nile. xii. palermo, april th, . my dear sir william, reports are brought to me, that the spanish ships of war in this port are preparing to put to sea; a circumstance which must be productive of very unpleasant consequences, to both england and this country. it is fully known, with what exactness i have adhered to the neutrality of this port; for, upon our arrival here, from naples, in december , from the conduct of his catholic majesty's minister, i should have been fully justified in seizing those ships. we know, that one object of the spanish fleet, combined with the french, was to wrest entirely from the hands of his sicilian majesty his kingdoms of the two sicilies. the spaniards are, by bad councils, the tools of the french; and, of course, the bitter enemy of his sicilian majesty and family. the conduct i have pursued towards these ships, circumstanced as they are, has been moderate, and truly considerate towards his sicilian majesty. the time is now come--that, profiting of my forbearance, the spanish ships are fitting for sea. it is not possible, if they persist in their preparations, that i can avoid attacking them, even in the port of palermo; for they never can, or shall, be suffered to go to sea, and placed in a situation of assisting the french, against not only great britain, but also the two sicilies. i have, therefore, to request, that your excellency will convey my sentiments on this very delicate subject to his sicilian majesty's ministers, that they may take measures to prevent such a truly unpleasant event happening; which would be as much against my wish as it can be against their's: and i request that your excellency will, through its proper channel, assure his sicilian majesty, that his safety and honour is as dear to me as that of our royal master. i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, my dear sir william, your excellency's most affectionate, humble servant, bronte nelson of the nile. the end. printed by macdonald and son, cloth fair, london. the letters of lord nelson to lady hamilton; with a supplement of _interesting letters_, by distinguished characters. in two volumes. vol. i. * * * * * london: printed by macdonald and son, smithfield, for thomas lovewell & co. staines house, barbican; and sold by all the booksellers. . advertisement. in presenting to the public the letters of lord nelson to lady hamilton, something may justly be expected elucidatory of them. their mutual attachment is so generally known, that for the editors to have given notes, however desirable and explanatory, might not, perhaps, have been deemed perfectly decorous. they now stand on their own real merits. some parts (though not very numerous) have been suppressed, from the most honourable _feelings to individuals_, as they would certainly have given pain. that portion of letters now offered to the british nation, written by the first of her _naval commanders_, will shew his most private sentiments of _men_ and _measures_, of _countries_ and their _rulers_. it is the duty of the editors to state, that every letter has been most accurately transcribed, and faithfully compared with the _originals in their possession_. should our immortal hero have expressed an erroneous opinion of some individuals and of things, let us ever remember, they were written (_often under the feelings of sickness and of disappointment_) by him who so repeatedly fought, and almost as frequently bled, for _our country_--for his "dear england;" and let us never forget, that to him we owe more than to any man for our existence as a great and powerful nation. his country has truly honoured him; and it is not presumptuous in the editors to affirm, that his deeds will be remembered, not _only in name_, but in _their consequences_, by our remotest posterity. were we to dedicate them, unto whom should we?--to the british navy; as the genuine sentiments of a _true seaman_--the _first_ even of their own _heroes_; for nelson could forego all private feelings, _all selfish motives_, for that which will ever be the first object of a truly great and brave man--the _glory and happiness of his country_. our task, which has, from various causes, been attended with more difficulties than could be imagined, is thus far accomplished; and we have the pleasure to inform the public, that a very large collection of lord nelson's _most important public and private correspondence_, &c. with the most distinguished characters (_at home and abroad_) is now in preparation for the press. many of the documents will certainly throw a light on political transactions at present _very imperfectly understood_; and those which we intend to present to the world, we doubt not, will be found more than usually interesting. contents. * * * * * vol. i. * * * * * letters from lord nelson to lady hamilton. letter i. page ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. xi. xii. xiii. xiv. xv. xvi. xvii. xviii. xix. xx. xxi. xxii. xxiii. xxiv. xxv. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii. xxxiii. xxxiv. xxxv. xxxvi. xxxvii. xxxviii. xxxix. supplement. _letters from lord nelson to mrs. thomson_. letter i. page ii. _letters from lady hamilton to lord nelson_. letter i. page ii. _letters from the reverend edmund nelson, (lord nelson's father) to lady hamilton_. letter i. page ii. _letters from the reverend dr. nelson, now earl nelson, to lady hamilton_. letter i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi. _letters from the earl of st. vincent to lady hamilton._ letter i. page ii. iii. iv. v. _letters from sir alexander john ball to lady hamilton._ letter i. page ii. _letters from the earl of bristol, bishop of derry in ireland, to lady hamilton_. letter i. page ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. _letter from the honourable charles greville, nephew of sir william hamilton, to lady hamilton_. page _letters from lady hamilton to the honourable charles greville_. letter i. page ii. the letters of lord nelson to lady hamilton. the letters of lord nelson to lady hamilton. letter i. vanguard, off malta, oct. , . my dear madam, after a long passage, we are arrived; and it is as i suspected--the ministers at naples know nothing of the situation of the island. not a house or bastion of the town is in possession of the islanders; and the marquis de niza tells me, they want arms, victuals, and support. he does not know, that any neapolitan officers are in the island; perhaps, although i have their names, none are arrived; and it is very certain, by the marquis's account, that no supplies have been sent by the governors of syracuse or messina. however, i shall and will know every thing as soon as the marquis is gone, which will be to-morrow morning. he says, he is very anxious to serve under my command; and, by his changing his ship, it appears as if he was so: however, i understand the trim of our english ships better. ball will have the management of the blockade after my departure; as, it seems, the court of naples think my presence may be necessary, and useful, in the beginning of november. i hope it will prove so; but, i feel, my duty lays at present in the east; for, until i know the shipping in egypt are destroyed, i shall never consider the french army as completely sure of never returning to europe. however, all my views are to serve and save the two sicilies; and to do that which their majesties may wish me, even against my own opinion, when i come to naples, and that country is at war. i shall wish to have a meeting with general acton on this subject. you will, i am sure, do me justice with the queen; for, i declare to god, my whole study is, how to best meet her approbation. may god bless you and sir william! and ever believe me, with the most affectionate regard, your obliged and faithful friend, horatio nelson. i may possibly, but that is not certain, send in the inclosed letter. shew it to sir william. this must depend on what i hear _and see_; for i believe scarcely any thing i hear. once more, god bless you! letter ii. [may , .] my dear lady hamilton, accept my sincere thanks for your kind letter. nobody writes so well: therefore, pray, say not you write ill; for, if you do, i will say--what your goodness sometimes told me--"you l--e!" i can read, and perfectly understand, every word you write. we drank your and sir william's health. troubridge, louis, hallowell, and the new portuguese captain, dined here. i shall soon be at palermo; for this business must very soon be settled. no one, believe me, is more sensible of your regard, than your obliged and grateful nelson. i am pleased with little mary; kiss her for me. i thank all the house for their regard. god bless you all! i shall send on shore, if fine, to-morrow; for the feluccas are going to leave us, and i am sea-sick. i have got the piece of wood for the tea-chest; it shall soon be sent. pray, present my humble duty and gratitude to the queen, for all her marks of regard; and assure her, it is not thrown away on an ungrateful soil. letter iii. vanguard, may , , eight o'clock. calm. my dear lady hamilton, lieutenant swiney coming on board, enables me to send some blank passports for vessels going to procida with corn, &c. and also one for the courier boat. to tell you, how dreary and uncomfortable the vanguard appears, is only telling you, what it is to go from the pleasantest society to a solitary cell; or, from the dearest friends, to no friends. i am now perfectly the _great man_--not a creature near me. from my heart, i wish myself the little man again! you, and good sir william, have spoiled me for any place but with you. i love mrs. cadogan. you cannot conceive what i feel, when i call you all to my remembrance. even to mira, do not forget your faithful and affectionate nelson. letter iv. may , . my dear lady hamilton, many thanks to you and sir william for your kind notes. you will believe i did not sleep much, with all my letters to read, &c. &c. my letters from lord st. vincent are may th. he says--"we saw the brest squadron pass us yesterday, under an easy sail. i am making every effort to get information to lord keith; who i have ordered here, to complete their water and provisions. i conjecture, the french squadron is bound for malta and alexandria, and the spanish fleet for the attack of minorca." i must leave you to judge, whether the earl will come to us. i think he will: but, _entre nous_, mr. duckworth means to leave me to my fate. i send you (_under all circumstances_) his letter. never mind; if i can get my eleven sail together, they shall not hurt me. god bless you, sir william, and all our joint friends in your house; noble, gibbs, &c. and believe me ever, for ever, your affectionate friend, nelson. letter v. february , . my dear lady hamilton, having a commander in chief, i cannot come on shore till i have made _my manners_ to him. times are changed; but, if he does not come on shore directly, i will not wait. in the mean time, i send allen to inquire how you are. send me word, for i am anxious to hear of you. it has been no fault of mine, that i have been so long absent. i cannot command; and, now, only obey. mr. tyson, and the consul, have not been able to find out the betrothed wife of the priore; although they were three days in their inquiries, and desired the neapolitan consul to send to pisa. i also desired the russian admiral, as he was going to pisa, to inquire if the countess pouschkin had any letters to send to palermo; but, as i received none, i take for granted she had none to send. may god bless you, my dear lady; and be assured, i ever am, and shall be, your obliged and affectionate bronte nelson. letter vi. off la valette, feb. , . my dear lady hamilton, had you seen the peer receive me, i know not what you would have done; but, i can guess. but never mind! i told him, that i had made a vow, if i took the genereux by myself, it was my intention to strike my flag. to which he made no answer. if i am well enough, i intend to write a letter to prince leopold, and to send him the french admiral's flag; which i hope you will approve of, as it was taken on the coast of his father's kingdom, and by as faithful a subject as any in his dominions. i have had no communication with the shore; therefore, have seen neither ball, troubridge, or graham: nor with the lion; when i have, i shall not forget all your messages, and little jack. i only want to know your wishes, that i may, at least, appear grateful, by attending to them. my head aches dreadfully, and i have none here to give me a moment's comfort. i send the packet to general acton; as i think it may go quicker, and he will be flattered by presenting the flag and letter to the prince. malta, i think, will fall very soon, if these other corvettes do not get in. pray, make my best regards acceptable to mrs. cadogan, miss knight, little mary re giovanni, gibbs, &c. &c. and ever believe me your truly faithful and affectionate bronte nelson. letter vii. june , [ .] seven o'clock. my dear lady hamilton, what a difference--but it was to be--from your house to a boat! fresh breeze of wind, the ship four or five leagues from the mole; getting on board into truly a hog-stye of a cabin, leaking like a sieve, consequently floating with water. what a change! not a felucca near us. i saw them come out this morning, but they think there is too much wind and swell. pray, do not keep the cutter; as i have not a thing, if any thing important should arrive, to send you. only think of tyson's being left! may god bless you, my dear lady; and believe me, ever, your truly affectionate and sincere friend, nelson. lady hamilton--put the candlestick on _my_ writing-table. letter viii. january , . what a fool i was, my dear lady hamilton, to direct that your cheering letters should be directed for brixham! i feel, this day, truly miserable, in not having them; and, i fear, they will not come till to-morrow's post. what a blockhead, to believe any person is so active as myself! i have this day got my orders, to put myself under lord st. vincent's command: but, as no order is arrived to man the ship, it must be friday night, or saturday morning, before she can sail for torbay. direct my letters, now, to brixham. my eye is very bad. i have had the physician of the fleet to examine it. he has directed me not to write, (and yet i am forced, this day, to write lord spencer, st. vincent, davison about my law-suit, troubridge, mr. locker, &c. but you are the only female i write to;) not to eat any thing but the most simple food; not to touch wine or porter; to sit in a dark room; to have green shades for my eyes--(will you, my dear friend, make me one or two? nobody else shall;)--and to bathe them in cold water every hour. i fear, it is the writing has brought on this complaint. my eye is like blood; and the film so extended, that i only see from the corner farthest from my nose. what a fuss about my complaints! but, being so far from my sincere friends, i have leisure to brood over them. i have this moment seen mrs. thomson's friend. poor fellow! he seems very uneasy and melancholy. he begs you to be kind to her; and i have assured him of your readiness to relieve the dear good woman: and believe me, for ever, my dear lady, your faithful, attached, and affectionate, nelson & bronte. i will try and write the duke a line. my brother intended to have gone off to-morrow afternoon; but this half order may stop him. letter ix. san josef, february th, . my dear lady, mr. davison demands the privilege of carrying back an answer to your kind letter; and, i am sure, he will be very punctual in the delivery. i am not in very good spirits; and, except that our country demands all our services and abilities, to bring about an honourable peace, nothing should prevent my being the bearer of my own letter. but, my dear friend, i know you are so true and loyal an englishwoman, that you would hate those who would not stand forth in defence of our king, laws, religion, and all that is dear to us. it is your sex that make us go forth; and seem to tell us--"none but the brave deserve the fair!" and, if we fall, we still live in the hearts of those females. you are dear to us. it is your sex that rewards us; it is your sex who cherish our memories; and you, my dear, honoured friend, are, believe me, the _first_, the best, of your sex. i have been the world around, and in every corner of it, and never yet saw your equal, or even one which could be put in comparison with you. you know how to reward virtue, honour, and courage; and never to ask if it is placed in a prince, duke, lord, or peasant: and i hope, one day, to see you, in peace, before i set out for bronte, which i am resolved to do. darby's is one of the ships sent out after the french squadron; i shall, therefore, give the print to hardy. i think, they might come by the mail-coach, as a parcel, wrapped up round a stick; any print shop will give you one: and direct it as my letters. the coach stops, for parcels, at the white bear, i believe, piccadilly. pray, have you got any picture from mrs. head's? i hope, mr. brydon has executed the frames to your satisfaction; the bill, he is directed to send to me. only tell me, how i can be useful to you and sir william; and believe, nothing could give me more pleasure: being, with the greatest truth, my dear lady, your most obliged and affectionate friend, nelson & bronte. i am told, the moment st. george arrives, that i am to be tumbled out of this ship; as the ville de paris is going to plymouth, to be paid, and the earl will hoist his flag here: and if i am as fortunate in getting a fresh-painted cabin, (which is probable) i shall be knocked up. at all events, i shall be made very uncomfortable by this hurry. it has been very good, and friendly, of mr. davison, to travel upwards of two hundred miles, to make me a visit. i rather think, the great earl will not much like his not having called on him; but his manner of speaking of mr. davison, for his friendship to me, in the matter of the law-suit, lord st. vincent states to my solicitors as offensive to him. why should it? only that mr. davison wishes that i should have justice done me, and not to be overpowered by weight of interest and money. once more, god bless you and sir william. n. & b. sir isaac heard has gazetted troubridge's, hood, &c.'s honours; but has not gazetted mine: and he has the king's orders for mine as much as the others. letter x. no . san josef, february th, . my dearest friend, your letters have made me happy, to-day; and never again will i scold, unless you begin. therefore, pray, never do; my confidence in you is firm as a rock. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * i cannot imagine, who can have stopped my sunday's letter! that it has been, is clear: and the seal of the other has been clearly opened; but this might have happened from letters sticking together. your's all came safe; but the numbering of them will point out, directly, if one is missing. i do not think, that any thing very particular was in that letter which is lost. believe me, my dear friend, that lady a. is as damned a w---- as ever lived, and mrs. w---- is a bawd! mrs. u---- a foolish pimp; eat up with pride, that a p---- will condescend to put her to expence. only do as i do; and all will be well, and you will be every thing i wish. i thank you for your kindness to poor dear mrs. thomson. i send her a note; as desired by her dear good friend, who doats on her. i send you a few lines, wrote in the late gale; which, i think, you will not disapprove. how interesting your letters are! you cannot write too much, or be too particular. * * * * * though ----'s polish'd verse superior shine, though sensibility grace every line; though her soft muse be far above all praise. and female tenderness inspire her lays: deign to receive, though unadorn'd by the poetic art, the rude expressions which bespeak a sailor's untaught heart! a heart _susceptible_, sincere, and true; a heart, by fate, and nature, torn in two: one half, to duty and his country due; the other, _better half_, to love and you! sooner shall britain's sons resign the empire of the sea; than henry shall renounce his faith, and plighted vows, to thee! and waves on wares shall cease to roll, and tides forget to flow; ere thy true henry's constant love, or ebb, or change, shall know. the weather, thank god, is moderating. i have just got a letter from the new earl at the admiralty, full of compliments. but nothing shall stop my law-suit, and i hope to cast him. i trust, when i get to spithead, there will be no difficulty in getting leave of absence. the letters on service are so numerous, from three days interruption of the post, that i must conclude with assuring you, that i am, for ever, your attached, and unalterably your's, nelson & bronte. i shall begin a letter at night. letter xi. [march .] you say, my dearest friend, why don't i put my chief forward? he has put me in the front of the battle, and nelson will be first. i could say more; but will not make you uneasy, knowing the firm friendship you have for me. the st. george will stamp an additional ray of glory to england's fame, if nelson survives; and that almighty providence, who has hitherto protected me in all dangers, and covered my head in the day of battle, will still, if it be his pleasure, support and assist me. keep me alive, in your and sir william's remembrance. my last thoughts will be with you both, for you love and esteem me. i judge your hearts by my own. may the great god of heaven protect and bless you and him! is the fervent prayer of your and sir william's unalterable friend, till death. letter xii. friday night, nine o'clock. st. george. [march .] having, my truly dearest friend, got through a great deal of business, i am enabled to do justice to my private feelings; which are fixed, ever, on you, and about you, whenever the public service does not arrest my attention. i have read all, all, your kind and affectionate letters: and have read them frequently over; and committed them to the flames, much against my inclination. there was one i rejoiced not to have read at the time. it was, where you consented to dine and sing with * * * *. thank god, it was not so! i could not have borne it; and, now, less than ever. but, i now know, he never can dine with you; for, you would go out of the house sooner than suffer it: and, as to letting him hear you sing, i only hope he will be struck deaf, and you dumb, sooner than such a thing should happen! but, i know, it never now can. you cannot think how my feelings are alive towards you; probably, more than ever: and they never can be diminished. my hearty endeavours shall not be wanting, to improve and to give us new ties of regard and affection. i have seen, and talked much with, mrs. thomson's friend. the fellow seems to eat all my words, when i talk of her and his child! he says, he never can forget your goodness and kind affection to her and his dear, dear child. i have had, you know, the felicity of seeing it, and a finer child never was produced by any two persons. it was, in truth, a love-begotten child! i am determined to keep him on board; for, i know, if they got together, they would soon have another. but, after our two months trip, i hope, they will never be separated; and, then, let them do as they please. we are all bustle and activity. i shall sail, on monday, after your letter arrives. troubridge will send it, as an admiralty letter. on tuesday i shall be in the downs, if we have any wind; and troubridge will send, under cover to admiral lutwidge. it is not my intention to set my foot out of the ship, except to make my take-leave bow to admiral milbank. i have been much pressed to dine ashore: but, no; never, if i can help it, till i dine with you. eleven o'clock. your dear letters just come on board. they are sympathetic with my own feelings; and, i trust, we shall soon meet, to part no more! monday, i shall be here for letters; tuesday, at deal. recollect, i am, for ever, your's; aye, for ever, while life remains, your's, your's faithfully, nelson & bronte. i charge my only friend to keep well, and think of her nelson's glory. i have written to lord eldon, the chancellor, as my brother desired. pray, as you are going to buy a ticket for the pigot diamond--buy the right number, or it will be money thrown away. for ever, ever, your's, only your's. kindest regards to my dear mrs. thomson, and my god child. letter xiii. deal--[shall be on board the medusa before this letter go from the downs]--july , . my dearest emma, did not you get my letter from sheerness on thursday morning, telling you i was just setting off for deal; as i have no letter from you of yesterday, only those of wednesday, which went to sheerness? it has been my damned blunder, and not your's; for which i am deservedly punished, by missing one of your dear letters. they are my comfort, joy, and delight. my time is, truly, fully taken up, and my hand aches before night comes. i got to bed, last night, at half past nine; but the hour was so unusual, that i heard the clock strike one. to say that i thought of you, would be nonsense; for, you are never out of my thoughts. at this moment, i see no prospect of my getting to london; but, very soon, the business of my command will become so simple, that a child may direct it. what rascals your post-chaise people must be! they have been paid every thing. captain parker has one receipt for seven pounds odd, and i am sure that every thing is paid; therefore, do not pay a farthing. the cart-chaise i paid at dartford. you need not fear all the women in this world; for all others, except yourself, are pests to me. i know but one; for, who can be like my emma? i am confident, you will do nothing which can hurt my feelings; and i will die by torture, sooner than do any thing which could offend you. give ten thousand kisses to my dear horatia. yesterday, the subject turned on the cow-pox. a gentleman declared, that his child was inoculated with the cow-pox; and afterwards remained in a house where a child had the small-pox the natural way, and did _not_ catch it. therefore, here was a full trial with the cow-pox. the child is only feverish for two days; and only a slight inflammation of the arm takes place, instead of being all over _scabs_. but, do you what you please! i did not get your newspapers; therefore, do not know what promise you allude to: but this i know, i have _none_ made me. the extension of the patent of peerage is going on; but the wording of my brother's note, they have wrote for a meaning to. the patent must be a new creation. first, to my father, if he outlives me; then to william, and his sons; then to mrs. bolton, and her sons; and mrs. matcham, and her's. farther than that, i care not; it is far enough. but it may never get to any of them; for the old patent may extend by issue male of my own carcase: i am not so very old; and may marry again, a wife more suitable to my genius. i like the morning chronicle. ever, for ever, your's, only your, nelson & bronte. best regards to mrs. nelson, the duke, and lord william. i have totally failed for poor madame brueys. bonaparte's wife is one of martinique, and some plan is supposed to be carried on. letter xiv. sheerness, august th, . my dearest emma, i came from harwich yesterday noon; not having set my foot on shore, although the volunteers, &c. were drawn up to receive me, and the people ready to draw the carriage. parker had very near got all the honours; but i want none, but what my dear emma confers. you have sense to discriminate whether they are deserved or no. i came on shore; for my business lays with the admiral, who lives in a ship hauled on shore, and the commisioner. slept at coffin's: and, having done all that i can, am off for the downs; to-day, if possible. as far as september th, i am at the admiralty's disposal; but, if mr. buonaparte do not chuse to send his miscreants before that time, my health will not bear me through equinoctial gales. i wish that sir william was returned; i would try and persuade him to come to either deal, dover, or margate: for, thus cut off from the society of my dearest friends, 'tis but a life of sorrow and sadness. but, _patienza per forza_! i hope you will get the house. if i buy, no person can say--this shall, or not, be altered; and, you shall have the whole arrangement. remember me most kindly to mrs. nelson, the duke, and lord william. write to me in the downs. may the heavens bless and preserve you, for ever and ever! is the constant prayer of, my dear emma, your most affectionate and faithful nelson & bronte. the mayor and corporation of sandwich, when they came on board to present me the freedom of that ancient town, requested me [to] dine with them. i put them off for the moment, but they would not be let off. therefore, this business, _dreadful_ to me, stands over, and i shall be attacked again when i get to the downs. but i will not dine there, without you say, approve; nor, perhaps, then, if i can get off. oh! how i hate to be stared at. letter xv. deal, august th, . my dearest emma, your dear, good, kind, and most affectionate letters, from saturday to last night, are arrived, and i feel all you say; and may heaven bless me, very soon, with a sight of your dear angelic face. you are a nonpareil! no, not one fit to wipe your shoes. i am, ever have been, and always will remain, your most firm, fixed, and unalterable friend. i wish sir william had come home a week ago, then i should have seen you here. i have this morning been attending the funeral of two young mids: a mr. gore, cousin of capt. gore, and a mr. bristow. one nineteen, the other seventeen years of age. last night, i was all the evening in the hospital, seeing that all was done for the comfort of the poor fellows. i am going on board; for nothing should keep me living on shore, without you were here. i shall come in the morning, to see parker, and go on board again directly. i shall be glad to see oliver: i hope he will keep his tongue quiet, about the tea-kettle; for, i shall not give it till i leave the medusa. you ask me, what troubridge wrote me? there was not a syllable about you in it. it was about my not coming to london; at the importance of which, i laughed: and, then, he said, he should never venture another opinion. on which, i said--"then, i shall never give you one." this day, he has wrote a kind letter, and all is over. i have, however, wrote him, in my letter of this day, as follows--_viz._ "_and i am, this moment, as firmly of opinion as ever, that lord st. vincent, and yourself, should have allowed of my coming to town, for my own affairs; for, every one knows, i left it without a thought for myself_." i know, he likes to be with you: but, shall he have that felicity, and _he_ deprive me of it? no; that he shall not! but this business cannot last long, and i hope we shall have peace; and, i rather incline to that opinion. but the devil should not get me out of the kingdom, without being some days with you. i hope, my dear emma, you will be able to find a house suited for my comfort. i am sure of being happy, by your arrangements. i have wrote a line to troubridge, about darby. parker will write you a line of thanks, if he is able. i trust in god, he will yet do well! you ask me, my dear friend, if i am going on more expeditions? and, even if i was to forfeit your friendship, which is dearer to me than all the world, i can tell you nothing. for, i go out; [if] i see the enemy, and can get at them, it is my duty: and you would naturally hate me, if i kept back one moment. i long to pay them, for their tricks t'other day, the debt of a drubbing, which, surely, i'll pay: but _when, where, or how_, it is impossible, your own good sense must tell you, for me or mortal man to say. i shall act not in a rash or hasty manner; that you may rely, and on which i give you my word of honour. just going off. ever, for ever, your faithful nelson & bronte. every kind thing to mrs. nelson. letter xvi. medusa, downs, august st, . my dear emma! dearest, best, friend of nelson, sir william is arrived, and well; remember me kindly to him. i should have had the pleasure of seeing him, but for _one of my lords and masters_, troubridge; therefore, i am sure, neither you or sir william will feel obliged to him. the weather is very bad, and i am very sea-sick. i cannot answer your letter, probably; but i am writing a line, to get on shore, if possible: indeed, i hardly expect that your letter can get afloat. i entreat you, my dear friend, to work hard for me, and get the house and furniture; and i will be so happy to lend it to you and sir william! therefore, if you was to take the duke's house, _a cake house_, open to every body he pleases, you had better have a booth at once; you never could rest one moment quiet. why did not the duke assist sir william, when he wanted his assistance? why not have saved you from the distress, which sir william must every day feel, in knowing that his excellent wife sold her jewels to get a house for him; whilst his own relations, great as they are in the foolish world's eye, would have left a man of his respectability and age, to have lodged in the streets. did the duke, or any of them, give him a house _then_? forgive me! you know if any thing sticks in my throat, it must out. sir william owes his life to you; which, i believe, he will never forget. to return to the house--the furniture must be bought with it; and the sooner it is done, the better i shall like it. oh! how bad the weather is! the devils, here, wanted to plague my soul out, yesterday, just after dinner; but i would have seen them damned, before they should have come in. the countess montmorris, lady this, that, and t'other, came along-side, a mr. lubbock with them--to desire they might come in. i sent word, i was so busy that no persons could be admitted, as my time was employed in the king's service. then they sent their names, which i cared not for: and sent captain gore, to say it was impossible; and that, if they wanted to see a ship, they had better go to the overyssel (a sixty-four in the downs.) they said, no; they wanted to see me. however, i was stout, and will not be shewn about like a _beast_! and away they went. i believe, captain gore wishes me out of his ship; for the _ladies_ admire him, i am told, very much: but, however, no captain could be kinder to me than he is. these ladies, he told me afterwards, were his relations. i have just got your letters; many thanks, for them! you do not say, in the end, sir william is arrived. i am glad, that you approve. you may rely, my dear friend, that i will not run any unnecessary risk! no more boat work, i promise you; but, ever, your attached and faithful nelson & bronte. to the duke, and lord william, say every thing which is kind; and to mrs. nelson. i am so dreadfully sea-sick, that i cannot hold up my head! letter xvii. september st, [ .] quarter past ten o'clock. my dear emma, i wish you would send the letter to mrs. dod's, directly; for, otherwise, he may, inadvertently. if done, and it comes to london, deliver some of the things. the wardrobe is her's; and if any of her clothes are at mr. dod's, they had better be separated from mine--and, indeed, what things are worth removing--to have them directly sent to merton. a bed, or two, i believe, belong to my father; but, am not sure. i send you dr. baird's comfortable note, this moment received. you will [find] parker is treated like an infant. poor fellow! i trust, he will get well, and take possession of his room at the farm. ever your affectionate, nelson & bronte. letter xviii. amazon, september , . eight o'clock. my dearest emma, your kind letters came on board about six o'clock. you may rely upon one thing, that i shall like merton; therefore, do not be uneasy on that account. i have that opinion of your taste and judgment, that i do not believe it can fail in pleasing me. we must only consider our means; and, for the rest, i am sure, you will soon make it the prettiest place in the world. i dare say, mr. hazelwood acted, like all lawyers, whose only consideration was for their client: but, i am sure, you will do, for me, all the civil things towards mrs. greaves. if i can afford to buy the duck close, and the field adjoining, it would be pleasant; but, i fear, it is not in my power: but, i shall know, when my accounts are settled, at new year's day. to be sure, we shall employ the trades-people of our village, in preference to any others, in what we want for common use, and give them every encouragement to be kind and attentive to us. from my heart, do i wish that i was with you: and it cannot be long; for, to-day, i am far from well; violent head ache, and very cold; but, it may be agitation. whatever, my dear emma, you do for my little charge, i must be pleased with. probably, she will be lodged at merton; at least, in the spring, when she can have the benefit of our walks. it will make the poor mother happy, i am sure. i do not write to her to-day, as this goes through the admiralty; but, tell her all i would say. you know my unchangeable thoughts about her. i shall have the child christened, when i come up. have we a nice church at merton? we will set an example of goodness to the under-parishioners. would to god, i was with you at laleham. i shall never forget our happiness at that place. mr. davison will pay mrs. nelson fifty pounds, october st. i dare say, mr. shakespeare has some orders about it. i had, yesterday, a letter from my father; he seems to think, that he may do something which i shall not like. i suppose, he means, going to somerset street. shall i, to an old man, enter upon the detestable subject; it may shorten his days. but, i think, i shall tell him, that i cannot go to somerset street, to see him. but, i shall not write till i hear your opinion. if i once begin, you know, it will _all out_, about her, and her ill-treatment to her son. but, you shall decide. our accounts of dear parker, i fear, preclude all hopes of his recovery. it was my intention to have gone ashore this morning, to have called on admiral lutwidge: but, the wind's coming fresh from the s.w. i have declined it; for, i doubt, if i could get off again. at ten o'clock, with your letters, came off dr. baird's note, to say every hope was gone! i have desired, that his death should be sent, by telegraph, to the admiralty. they will, surely, honour his memory, although they would not promote him. what are our feelings, my dear emma! but, we must cheer up: and, with best regards to mrs. nelson, believe me ever, for ever, your most affectionate, nelson & bronte. best regards to sir william. i send you the last report. who knows! letter xix. amazon, october , . my dearest friend, i do not expect, although i am writing, that any boat can communicate with us to-day. what can be the use of keeping me here? for, i can know nothing such weather; and, what a change since yesterday! it came on, in one hour, from the water like a mill-head, to such a sea as to make me very unwell. if i had gone to make my visit, i could not have got off again. i rejoice that i did not go. until i leave the station, i have no desire to go on shore; for, deal was always my abhorrence. that parker is a swindler. langford owed our dear parker twenty-five pounds, of which there was no account; but langford desired his agents to pay mr. parker. langford requested, that he would wait two or three months, as it would be more convenient to him. to which the other agreed--"aye, as long as you please." he got one pound eleven shillings and sixpence from samuel, by casting his account wrong. the first thing he does, is to desire langford's agents to pay thirty-four pounds for langford, nine pounds more than the debt. he is worse than a public thief. his conduct to me was, absolutely, the worst species of thieving; for, it was under false pretences. he sent dr. baird on board, to me, to say that, in london, his pocket book was stole, in which was twenty pounds; and begged my assistance to get him home; and that he had not a farthing to buy mourning for his dear son. at this time, he had forty-seven pounds in his pocket, besides what he had sold of his son's. he has behaved so unlike a gentleman, but very like a blackguard, to both captain sutton, bedford, and hardy, i am now clear that he never lost one farthing, and that the whole is a swindling trick. so, you see, my dear friend, how good-nature is imposed upon. i am so vexed, that he should have belonged to our dear parker! i have now done with the wretch, for ever. i hope he has got nothing from you; and, if you have promised him any thing, _do not send it_. ten o'clock. your kind letters are arrived. i rejoice that you have got into merton. i hope to get the letter on shore; but, it is very uncertain. ministry, my dearest friend, think very differently of my services from you! but, never mind; i shall soon have done with them afloat. make my kindest regards to sir william, and all our friends; and believe me, ever, your faithful and affectionate nelson & bronte. i have just got a very kind letter from captain read. he says, he will come and see me, be where it will. he inquired after you and sir william. letter xx. amazon, ten o'clock, october , . my dearest friend, this being a very fine morning, and smooth beach, at eight o'clock, i went with sutton and bedford, and landed at walmer; but found billy fast asleep: so, left my card; walked the same road that we came, when the carriage could not come with us that night; and all rushed into my mind, and brought tears into my eyes. ah! how different to walking with such a friend as you, sir william, and mrs. nelson. called at the barracks, on lord george; but, he is gone to london. from thence to the admiral's, found him up; and, waiting half an hour to see mrs. lutwidge, who entreated me to stay dinner, came directly on board. i did not even call to see poor langford; who has been worse these few days past, and god knows when he will be well. i am afraid it will be a long time; for several pieces of bone are lately come away, and more to come. but troubridge has so completely prevented my ever mentioning any body's service, that i am become a cypher, and he has gained a victory over nelson's spirit. i am kept here; for what, he may be able to tell, i cannot: but long it cannot, shall not, be. sutton and bedford are gone a tour, till dinner time: but nothing shall make me, but almost force, go out of the ship again, till i have done; and the admiralty, in charity, will be pleased to release me. i am, in truth, not over well. i have a complaint in my stomach and bowels, but it will go off. if you was here, i should have some rhubarb; but, as you are not, i shall go without. sutton has sent into yorkshire, for a cow that, in the spring, will give fourteen pounds of butter a week; and, he has given allen the finest goat i ever saw. the latter, i am afraid, will be troublesome. just as i was coming off, i received your packet; and thank you, from my heart, for all your kindness. what can reverend sir want to be made a doctor for? he will be laughed at, for his pains! i thank you for the king's letters, i shall write a kind line to castelcicala, and answer the king's, very soon: and, write to acton; for he can make bronte every thing to me, if he pleases. i dare say, i did wrong, never to write him; but, as he treated sir william unkindly, i never could bring myself to it. i am glad the duke has been to see you; and taking plants from him, is nothing. make my kindest remembrances to him. i would have every body like your choice; for, i am sure, you have as fine a taste in laying out land, as you have in music. i'll be damned, if mrs. billington can sing so well as you. she may have stage trick, but you have pure nature. i always say every thing, for you and sir william. i wish you had translated the king's and acton's letters, banti cannot. i may be able to dispose of charles, but not of the other, and he would corrupt charles. for ever yours, nelson & bronte. mrs. lutwidge inquires always particularly after you. we all laugh, and say she is more fond of soldiers than ever, since general don has shewn her how he would keep off the french! letter xxi. amazon, october th, . my dearest friend, i have received all your letters of yesterday, and the one sent from the post at merton; and, also, one mis-sent to poole: but i do not write direct to merton, till i hear that mine to sir william, sent yesterday, gets to you before those by london. the admiralty will not give me leave, till the d; and, then, only ten days. what a set of beasts! my cold is now got into my head; and i have such dreadful pain in my teeth, that i cannot hold up my head: but none of them cares a damn for me or my sufferings; therefore, you see, i cannot discharge my steward. and yet, i think, upon consideration, that i will send up all my things, and take my chance as to their sending me down again. what do you think? at all events, every thing except my bed. i have table-spoons, forks, every thing; at least, i shall have, soon, two hundred pounds worth. what a b---- that miss knight is! as to the other, i care not what she says. my poor dear father is wrong. but more of this, when we meet: which will be friday, the d, at farthest; if possible, the d. but, the admiralty are hard upon me. i am sorry to hear, that you have been ill: and my cold is so dreadfully bad, that i cannot hold up my head; and am so damned stupid that you must, my dear friend, forgive my letter. admiral lutwidge is going to portsmouth. sir william parker is going to be tried, for something. make my kindest respects to sir william; and believe me, ever, your's most faithfully, nelson & bronte. i have wrote a line to merton. excuse my letter. letter xxii. amazon october th, . my dearest friend, it being a very fine morning, and the beach smooth, i went to call on admiral lutwidge, and returned on board before ten o'clock. mrs. lutwidge is delighted with your present. sutton, &c. were called forth to admire it. she joins in abusing the admiralty. she pressed me very much to dine with them at three o'clock; but, i told her i would not dine with the angel gabriel, to be dragged through a night surf! her answer was, that she hoped soon i should dine with an angel, for she was sure you was one. in short, she adores you; but, who does not? you are so good, so kind, to every body; old, young, rich, or poor, it is the same thing! i called on poor langford; who has a long time to look forward to, for getting well; he told me your goodness, in writing him a line: and i called upon dr. baird; he disapproves of rhubarb, and has prescribed magnesia and peppermint: and i called on mr. lawrence. so, you see, i did much business in one hour i was on shore. civility to lutwidge was proper for me; and, indeed, my duty. the moment i got your letters, off i came, and have read them with real pleasure. they have made me much better, i think; at least, i feel so. i admire the pigs and poultry. sheep are certainly most beneficial to eat off the grass. do _you_ get paid for them; and take care that they are kept on the premises all night, for that is the time they do good to the land. they should be folded. is your head man a good person, and true to our interest? i intend to have a farming book. i am glad to hear you get fish; not very good ones, i fancy. it is, i thank god, only six days before i shall be with you, and to be shewn all the beauties of merton. i shall like it, leaves or no leaves. no person there can take amiss our not visiting. the answer from me will always be very civil thanks, but that i wish to live retired. we shall have our sea friends; and, i know, sir william thinks they are the best. i have a letter from mr. trevor, begging me to recommend a youngster for him; but, none before your charles. banti, i suppose, must return; but, at present, we know not what ships are to be kept in commission. i have a letter from a female relation of mine. she has had three husbands; and he, mr. sherstone, three wives. her brother, a nelson, i have been trying, ever since i have been in england, to get promoted. the last and present admiralty promised. i never saw the man; he is in a ship in the north seas, forty-five years of age. i have a letter from troubridge, recommending me to wear flannel shirts. does he care for me? _no_; but, never mind. they shall work hard, to get me back again. remember me, kindly, to sir william, the duke, and all friends; and believe me, ever, your most affectionate nelson & bronte. do you ever see castelcicala? he is a good man, and faithful to his master and mistress. letter xxiii. amazon, october th, . my dearest friend, i send you a letter for allen's wife; and one for germany, which i wish you would make oliver put in the foreign post office, and pay what is necessary. i would send you the letter to which it is an answer, but it would be over-weight. it is all compliments; and, the man says, it is all truth. the wind is freshened cold, but very fine day. best regards to sir william, mrs. cadogan, mr. oliver, and all friends. for ever, your's faithfully, nelson & bronte. i have a letter from reverend doctor--he is as big as if he was a bishop; and one from the bedel of the university, to say how well he preached. i hope you ordered something good for him, for those big wigs love eating and drinking. letter xxiv. amazon, october th, . my dearest friend, although my complaint has no danger attending it, yet it resists the medicines which dr. baird has prescribed; and, i fancy, it has pulled me down very much. the cold has settled in my bowels. i wish the admiralty had my complaint: but, they have no bowels; at least, for me. i had a very indifferent night, but your and sir william's kind letters have made me feel better. i send you a letter from lord pelham. i shall certainly attend; and let them see, that i may be useful in council as i have been in the field. we must submit; and, perhaps, these admiralty do this by me, to prevent another application. you may rely, that i shall be with you by dinner, on friday; at half past three, or four at farthest. i shall not dine with pitt, as mr. and mrs. long are staying there. not that i ever saw her in my life, nor care if i never do. i pray that i may not be annoyed, on my arrival: it is retirement with my friends, that i wish for. thank sir william, kindly, for his letter; and the inclosure, which i return. sutton is much pleased with your letter; and, with bedford, will certainly make you a visit. they are both truly good and kind to me. our weather has been cold these two days, but not bad. i have got a fire in the cabin; and, i hope my complaint will go off. may heaven bless you! i send this, through troubridge, direct in piccadilly. i shall, you may rely, admire the pig-stye, ducks, fowls, &c. for every thing you do, i look upon as perfect. dr. baird has been aboard, to see me. he thinks, i shall be better; and, that a few days on shore will set me up again. make my kind remembrances to sir william, the duke, and all friends; and believe me, ever, your most affectionate nelson & bronte. bedford has made me laugh. mrs. lutwidge has been babbling, that she will go to portsmouth with the admiral; who says, he shall be so fully employed that he cannot be much with her. she whispered bedford--"i have many friends in the army there!" she will certainly marry a soldier, if ever she is disposable. but, perhaps, you will agree with me, that no good soldier would take her. i am sure, the purchase would be dear, even if it was a _gift_. don't call this a bull. sutton's man was on the farm; and the sheep, when not belonging to the farm, always paid so much sheep, so much lambs: but, i dare say, you manage well. sir william's letter has delighted me, with your activity and prudence. letter xxv. the two letters would have been over-weight, so i send you the letter i have answered. pray, take care of it, it is a curiosity! ever your faithful nelson & bronte. amazon, p.m. yawkins is in great distress: his cutter paid off; and he, like many others, very little to live upon. he begs his best respects to sir william. he breakfasted here this morning. many very long faces at peace! letter xxvi. my dearest friend, hardy begs you will send the inclosed to naples. i wish tyson would come home; for many are pulling at him, and i want to pay him. i will not be in his debt forty-eight hours after his arrival. hardy is just anchored, and his commodore gone on shore. ever your most faithful nelson & bronte. mrs. nelson had better direct her letters to me, unless i am on the spot. you see, you paid postage, and it lays me open to their post office conversation. letter xxvii. amazon, october th, . my dearest friend, what a gale we have had! but admiral lutwidge's boat came off; and, as your letter was wrote, it got on shore: at least, i hope so; for the boat seemed absolutely swallowed up in the sea. none of our boats could have kept above water a moment; therefore, i could not answer all the truly friendly things you told me in your letters, for they were not opened before the boat was gone. i am sure, you did well to send mrs. lutwidge a gown, and she loves you very much, but there is no accounting for taste. she admires entirely red coats; you, true blue. they dine with billy pitt, to-day; or, rather, with mr. long; for pitt does not keep house, in appearance, although he asked me to come and see him: and that i shall do, out of respect to a great man, although he never did any thing for me or my relations. i assure you, my dear friend, that i had rather read and hear all your little story of a white hen getting into a tree, an anecdote of fatima, or hear you call--"cupidy! cupidy!" than any speech i shall hear in parliament: because i know, although you can adapt your language and manners to a child, yet that you can also thunder forth such a torrent of eloquence, that corruption and infamy would sink before your voice, in however _exalted_ a situation it might be placed. poor oliver! what can be the matter with him? i must leave my cot here, till my discharge, when it shall come to the farm, as cots are the best things in the world for our sea friends. why not have the pictures from davison's, and those from dodd's; especially, my father's, and davison's? _a-propos_! sir william has not sat, i fear, to beechey. i want a half-length, the size of my father's and davison's. i wonder your pictures are not come from hamburg! you have not lost the directions for unfolding them; nor the measure, that i may have frames made for them? for, up they shall go, as soon as they arrive. what, have your picture, and not hang it up? _no_; i will submit, in the farm, to every order but _that_. the weather, to-day, is tolerable; but, i do not think i could well get on shore: but thursday, i hope, will be a fine day. i shall call on mr. pitt, make my visit at the hospital, and get off very early on friday morning. my cold is still very troublesome, i cannot get my bowels in order. in the night i had not a little fever. but, never mind; the admiralty will not always be there. every one has their day. god bless you, my dear friend; and believe me, ever, your's most faithfully, nelson & bronte. write on wednesday. your letters of yesterday are received. reverend doctor would like to be a bishop. i have sent poor thomson's letter, and the distressed mrs. ----, to the earl. kindest regards to sir william. letter xxviii. amazon, october th, . my dearest friend, how could you think, for a moment, that i would be a time-server to any minister on earth! and, if you had studied my letter a little closer, you would have seen that my intention was, to shew them that i could be as useful in the cabinet as in the field. my idea is, to let them see that my attendance is worth soliciting. for myself, i can have nothing; but, for my brother, something may be done. living with mr. addington a good deal; never, in your sense of the word, shall i do it. what, leave my dearest friends, to dine with a minister? damn me, if i do, beyond what you yourself shall judge to be necessary! perhaps, it may be _once_; and _once_ with the _earl_ but that you shall judge for me. if i give up all intercourse--you know enough of courts, that they will do nothing: make yourself of consequence to them, and they will do what you wish, in reason; and, out of reason, i never should ask them. it must be a great bore, to me, to go to the house. i shall tell mr. addington, that i go on the th to please him, and not to please myself; but more of this subject, when we meet. dr. baird is laid up with the rheumatism; he will now believe, that the cold may affect me. this is the coldest place in england, most assuredly. _troubridge_ writes me that, as the weather is set in fine again, he hopes i shall get _walks_ on shore. he is, i suppose, laughing at me; but, never mind. i agree with you, in wishing sir william had a horse. why don't you send to the duke, for a poney for him. i am just parting with four of my ships--captains conn, rowley, martin, and whitter--who are proceeding to the nore, in their way to be paid off. the surf is still so great on the beach, that i could not land dry, if it was necessary, to-day; but, i hope, it will be smooth on thursday: if not, i must go in a boat to dover, and come from thence to deal. sutton says, he will get the amazon under sail, and carry me down; for, that i shall not take cold: bedford goes with a squadron to margate; so that all our party will be broke up. i am sure, to many of them, i feel truly obliged. make my kindest respects to sir william; and believe me, ever, your most faithful and affectionate nelson & bronte. i wish banti was separated from charles, for he is a knowing one. i wish i could get him with a good captain, who would keep him strict to his duty. hardy cannot get paid a hundred pounds he advanced for mr. williams's nephew. many thanks for mrs. nelson's letters. the reverend doctor likes going about. only think of his wanting to come up with an address of thanks! why, [the] king will not receive him, although he is a doctor; and less, for being my brother--for, they certainly do not like me. letter xxix. amazon, october th, . my dearest friend, only two days more, the admiralty could, with any conscience, keep me here; not that i think, they have had any conscience. i dare say, master troubridge is grown fat. i know, i am grown lean, with my complaint: which, but for their indifference about my health, would never have happened; or, at least, i should have got well, long ago, in a warm room, with a good fire, and sincere friends. i believe, i leave this little squadron with sincere regret, and with the good wishes of every creature in it. how i should laugh, to see you, my dear friend, rowing in a boat; the beautiful emma rowing a one-armed admiral in a boat! it will certainly be caricatured. well done, farmer's wife! i'll bet your turkey against mrs. nelson's; but, sir william and i will decide. hardy says, you may be sure of him; and, that he has not lost his appetite. you will make us rich, with your economy. i did not think, tell sir william, that impudence had got such deep root in wales. i send you the letter, as a curiosity; and to have the impudence to recommend a midshipman! it is not long ago, a person from yorkshire desired me to lend him three hundred pounds, as he was going to set up a school! are these people mad; or, do they take me for quite a fool? however, i have wisdom enough to laugh at their folly; and to be, myself, your most obliged and faithful friend, nelson & bronte. best regards to sir william, mrs. cadogan, and all friends. letter xxx. amazon, october st, . my dearest friend, it blows strong from the westward, and is a very dirty day, with a good deal of surf on the beach; but hardy and sutton recommended my going on shore this morning, as they believe it may blow a heavy gale to-morrow. but, what comfort could i have had, for two whole days, at deal? i hope the morning will be fine: but i have ordered a deal boat, as they understand the beach better than our's; and, if i cannot land here, i shall go to ramsgate pier, and come to deal in a carriage. has mrs. cadogan got my peer's robe? for i must send for mr. webb, and have it altered to a viscount's. lord hood wrote to me, to-day, and he is to be one of my introducers. he wanted me to dine with him the th; but i'll be damned if i dine from home that day, and it would be as likely we should dine out the d. if you and sir william ever wish me to dine with his brother, it must be the time of a very small party; for it would be worse than death to me, to dine in so large a party. i expect, that all animals will increase where you are, for i never expect that you will suffer any to be killed. i am glad sir william has got the duke's poney; riding will do him much good. i am sorry to tell you, that dr. baird is so ill, that i am told it is very probable he may never recover. this place is the devil's, for dreadful colds: and i don't believe i should get well all the winter; for both cough, and bowels, are still very much out of order. you are now writing your last letter for deal; so am i, for merton, from deal: at least, i hope so; for, if i can help it, i will not return to it. i have much to do, being the last day on board; but ever, my dearest friend, believe me your truly affectionate nelson & bronte. i am literally starving with cold; but my heart is warm. i suppose i shall dine with lutwidge: but i am not very desirous of it; for i shall have sutton, bedford, and hardy, with me. you must prepare banti's mother, as it is a peace, for some other line of life than the navy. yesterday, he sold a pair of silver buckles; he would soon ruin poor charles, who is really a well-disposed boy. i never shall get warm again, i believe. i cannot feel the pen. make my kindest regards to sir william, mrs. cadogan, oliver, &c. sutton, hardy, and bedford, all join in kind remembrances. as monday is horace's birth-day, i suppose i must send him a one pound note. letter xxxi. may d, [ .] eight o'clock in the morning. my dearest emma, we are now in sight of ushant, and shall see admiral cornwallis in an hour. i am not in a little fret, on the idea that he may keep the victory, and turn us all into the amphion. it will make it truly uncomfortable; but, i cannot help myself. i assure you, my dear emma, that i feel a thorough conviction, that we shall meet again, with honour, riches, and health, and remain together till a good old age. i look at your and my god's child's picture; but, till i am sure of remaining here, i cannot bring myself to hang them up. be assured, that my attachment, and affectionate regard, is unalterable; nothing can shake it! and, pray, say so to my dear mrs. t. when you see her. tell her, that my love is unbounded, to her and her dear sweet child; and, if she should have more, it will extend to all of them. in short, my dear emma, say every thing to her, which your dear, affectionate, heart and head, can think of. we are very comfortable. mr. elliot is happy, has quite recovered his spirits; he was very low, at portsmouth. george elliot is very well; say so, to lord minto. murray, sutton--in short, every body in the ship, seems happy; and, if we should fall in with a french man-of-war, i have no fears but they will do as we used to do. hardy is gone into plymouth, to see our dutchman safe. i think, she will turn out a good prize. gaetano desires his duty to miledi! he is a good man; and, i dare say, will come back: for, i think, it cannot be a long war; just enough to make me independent in pecuniary matters. if the wind stands, on tuesday we shall be on the coast of portugal; and, before next sunday, in the mediterranean. to mrs. cadogan, say every kind thing; to good mrs. nelson, the doctor, &c. &c. if you like, you may tell him about the entailing of the pension: but, perhaps, he will be so much taken up with canterbury, that it will do for some dull evening at hilborough. i shall now stop, till i have been on board the admiral. only, tell mrs. t. that i will write her the first safe opportunity; i am not sure of this. i shall direct to merton, after june st. therefore, as you change, make davison take a direction to nepean; but, i would not trouble him with too many directions, for fear of embroil. may d. we were close in with brest, yesterday; and found, by a frigate, that admiral cornwallis had a rendezvous at sea. thither we went; but, to this hour, cannot find him. it blows strong. what wind we are losing! if i cannot find the admiral by six o'clock, we must all go into the amphion, and leave the victory, to my great mortification. so much for the wisdom of my superiors. i keep my letter open to the last: for, i still hope; as, i am sure, there is no good reason for my not going out in the victory. i am just embarking in the amphion; cannot find admiral cornwallis. may god in heaven bless you! prays your most sincere nelson & bronte. stephens's publication i should like to have. i have left my silver seal; at least, i cannot find it. letter xxxii. [july . my dearest emma, although i have wrote letters from various places, merely to say--"here i am," and "there i am;"--yet, as i have no doubt but that they would all be read, it was impossible for me to say more than--"here i am, and well:" and i see no prospect of any certain mode of conveyance, but by sea; which, with the means the admiralty has given me, of small vessels, can be but seldom. our passages have been enormously long. from gibraltar to malta, we were eleven days: arriving the fifteenth in the evening, and sailing in the night of the sixteenth--that is, three in the morning of the seventeenth--and it was the twenty-sixth before we got off capri; where i had ordered the frigate, which carried mr. elliot to naples, to join me. i send you copies of the king and queen's letters. i am vexed, that she did not mention you! i can only account for it, by her's being a political letter. when i wrote to the queen, i said--"i left lady hamilton, the eighteenth of may; and so attached to your majesty, that i am sure she would lay down her life to preserve your's. your majesty never had a more sincere, attached, and real friend, than your dear emma. you will be sorry to hear, that good sir william did not leave her in such comfortable circumstances as his fortune would have allowed. he has given it amongst his relations. but she will do honour to his memory, although every one else of his friends call loudly against him on that account." i trust, my dear emma, she has wrote you. if she can forget emma, i hope, god will forget her! but, you think, that she never will, or can. now is her time to shew it. you will only shew the king and queen's letters to some few particular friends. the king is very low; lives, mostly, at belvidere. mr. elliot had not seen either him or the queen, from the seventeenth, the day of his arrival, to the twenty-first. on the next day, he was to be presented. i have made up my mind, that it is part of the plan of that corsican scoundrel, to conquer the kingdom of naples. he has marched thirteen thousand men into the kingdom, on the adriatic side; and he will take possession, with as much shadow of right, of gaeta and naples: and, if the poor king remonstrates, or allows us to secure sicily, he will call it war, and declare a conquest. i have cautioned general acton, not to risk the royal family too long; but naples will be conquered, sooner or later, as it may suit buonaparte's convenience. the morea, and egypt, are likewise in his eye. an army of full seventy thousand men are assembling in italy. gibbs and noble are gone to malta. i am, you may believe, very anxious to get off toulon, to join the fleet. sir richard bickerton went from off naples, the day i left gibraltar. we passed monte christo, bastia, and cape corse, yesterday; and are now moving, slowly, direct for toulon. what force they have, i know not; indeed, i am totally ignorant: some say, nine sail of the line; some, seven; some, five. if the former, they will come out; for we have only the same number, including sixty-fours, and very shortly manned. however, i hope they will come out, and let us settle the matter. you know, i hate being kept in suspence. [july th. i left this hole, to put down what force the french have at toulon. seven sail of the line ready, five frigates, and six corvettes. one or two more in about a week. we, to day, eight sail of the line--to-morrow, seven; including two sixty-four gun ships. you will readily believe, how rejoiced i shall be to get one of your dear, excellent letters, that i may know every thing which has passed since my absence. i sincerely hope, that mr. booth has settled all your accounts. never mind, my dear emma, a few hundred pounds; which is all the rigid gripe of the law, not justice, can wrest from you. i thank god, that you cannot want; (although that is no good reason for its being taken from you:) whilst i have sixpence, you shall not want for fivepence of it! but, you have bought your experience, that there is no friendship in money concerns; and, your good sense will make you profit of it. i hope, the minister has done something for you. but, never mind, we can live upon bread and cheese. independence is a blessing; and, although i have not yet found out the way to get prize money--what has been taken, has run into our mouths--however, it must turn out very hard, if i cannot get enough to pay off my debts, and that will be no small comfort. i have not mentioned my bronte affairs to acton, as yet; but, if naples remains much longer, i shall ask the question. but, i expect nothing from them. i believe, even acton wishes himself well, and safely removed. i think, from what i hear, that the king's spirits are so much depressed, that he will give up the reins of naples, at least, to his son, and retire to sicily. sir william, you know, always thought, that he would end his life so. certainly, his situation must be heart-breaking! gaetano returned in the frigate. i believe, he saw enough of naples. he carried his family money; and mr. falconet (gibbs being absent) will pay mr. greville's pension to gaetano's family. i have now [sent] gaetano to the post: and he desires, to present his duty; and to tell you, that mr. ragland, from sir william's death, will not pay any more pensions, without orders from mr. greville. vincenzo has had none paid. he is very poor; keeps a shop. his son wanted, i find, to come in the frigate to me. i cannot afford to maintain him; therefore, i shall give no encouragement. old antonio was allowed a carline a day; that is, now, not paid. sabatello lives with mr. elliot. nicolo, and mary antonio, have left mr. gibbs, for some cause; gaetano says, he believes, for _amore_. francesca has two children living, and another coming. she lives the best amongst them, like _gallant homme_. pasqual lives with the duke montelione; and joseph, with the old russian. your house is a hotel; the upper parts are kept for the marquis, the owner. mr. elliot has taken the house of the baille franconi, on the chaia. doctor nudi inquired kindly after us; and all the women at santa lucia expected, when they saw gaetano, that you was arrived. bread never was so dear; every thing else in plenty. the wages not being raised, gaetano says, the poor of england are a million times better off. so much for gaetano's news. he desires his duty to signora madre; and remembrances to mary ann, fatima, &c. [july th. we joined, this morning, the fleet. the men in the ships are good; but the ships themselves are a little the worse for wear, and very short of their complements of men. we shall never be better: therefore, let them come; the sooner, the better. i shall write a line to the duke, that he may see i do not forget my friends; and i rely, my dearest emma, on your saying every kind thing, for me, to the doctor, mrs. nelson, mrs. bolton, mr. and mrs. matcham, mrs. cadogan; whose kindness, and goodness, i shall never forget. you will have the goodness to send the inclosed, as directed; and be assured, that i am, to the last moment of my life, your most attached, faithful, and affectionate, nelson & bronte. letter xxxiii. victory, off toulon, august , . [i do not know that you will get this letter.] my dearest emma, your letter of may , which came under cover to mr. noble, of naples, inclosing davison's correspondence with plymouth, arrived by the phoebe two days ago: and this is the only scrap of a pen which has been received by any person in the fleet since we sailed from england. you will readily conceive, my dear emma, the sensations which the sight and reading even your few lines [occasioned.] they cannot be understood, but by those of such mutual and truly sincere attachment as your's and mine. although you said little, i understood a great deal, and most heartily approve of your plan and society for next winter; and, next spring, i hope to be rich enough to begin the alterations at dear merton. it will serve to amuse you; and, i am sure, that i shall admire all your alterations, even to planting a gooseberry bush. sutton joined me yesterday, and we are all got into the victory; and, a few days will put us in order. every body gives a very excellent character of mr. chevalier, the servant recommended by mr. davison; and i shall certainly live as frugal as my station will admit. i have known the pinch, and shall endeavour never to know it again. i want to send two thousand one hundred pounds, to pay off mrs. greaves, on october st. but, i have not received one farthing; but, i hope to receive some soon. but mr. haslewood promised to see this matter kept right for me. hardy is now busy, hanging up your and horatia's picture; and i trust soon to see the other two safe arrived from the exhibition. i want no others to ornament my cabin. i can contemplate them, and find new beauties every day, and i do not want any body else. you will not expect much news from us. we see nothing. i have great fear, that all naples will fall into the hands of the french; and, if acton does not take care, sicily also. however, i have given my final advice so fully and strongly that, let what will happen, they cannot blame me. captain capel says, mr. elliot cannot bear naples. i have no doubt, but that it is very different to your time. the queen, i fancy, by the seal, has sent a letter to castelcicala; her letter to me is only thanks for my attention to the safety of the kingdom. if dr. scott has time, and is able, he shall write a copy for you. the king is very much retired. he would not see the french general, st. cyr; who came to naples, _to settle the contribution for the payment of the french army_. the queen was ordered to give him and the french minister a dinner, but the king staid at belvidere. i think, he will give it up soon; and retire to sicily, if the french will allow him. acton has never dared give mr. elliot, or one englishman, a dinner. the fleet are ready to come forth; but, they will not come for the sake of fighting me. i have this day made george elliot, post; lieutenant pettit, a master and commander; and mr. hindmarsh, gunner's son, of the bellerophon, who behaved so well this day five year, a lieutenant. i reckon to have lost two french seventy-fours, by my not coming out in the victory; but i hope they will come soon, with interest. this goes to gibraltar, by sutton, in the amphion. i shall write the doctor in a day or two. i see, by the french papers, that he has kissed hands. with kindest regards to your good mother, and all at merton, &c. &c. &c. ever your's, most faithfully and affectionately, nelson & bronte. letter xxxiv. victory, off toulon, august th, . my dearest emma, i take the opportunity of mr. acourt's going through spain, with mr. elliot's dispatches for england, to send this letter: for i would not, for the world, miss any opportunity of sending you a line. by gibraltar, i wrote you, as lately as the th; but all our ways of communicating with england, are very uncertain: and, i believe, the admiralty must have forgot us; for, not a vessel of any kind or sort has joined us, since i left spithead. news, i absolutely am ignorant of: except, that a schooner, belonging to me, put her nose into toulon; and four frigates popped out, and have taken her, and a transport loaded with water for the fleet. however, i hope to have an opportunity, very soon, of paying them the debt, with interest. mr. acourt says, at naples, they hope that the mediation of russia will save them: but, i doubt, if russia will go to war with the french for any kingdom; and they, poor souls! relying on a broken reed, will lose sicily. as for getting any thing for bronte, i cannot expect it; for, the finances of naples are worse than ever. _patienza_, however; i will-- * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * i see, many bishops are dead. is my brother tired of canterbury? i wish i could make him a bishop. if you see him, or write, say that i have not ten minutes to send away mr. acourt, who cannot be detained. i hope lord st. vincent has sent out sir william bolton. as soon as i know who is first lord, i will write him. letter xxxv. my dear lady hamilton, your friend's godson arrived safe yesterday afternoon; and i shall, you know, always feel too happy in obeying your commands: for, you never ask favours, but for your friends. in short, in every point of view, from ambassatrice to the duties of domestic life, i never saw your equal! that elegance of manners; accomplishments; and, above all, your goodness of heart, is unparalleled: and only believe, for ever, and beyond it, your faithful and devoted nelson & bronte. victory, august th, . letter xxxvi. [_n.b. the mysterious letter appears to have been inclosed in this packet_.] august th, . wrote several days past. my dearest emma, by the canopus, admiral campbell, i have received all your truly kind and affectionate letters, from may th to july d; with the exception of one, dated may st, sent to naples. this is the first communication i have had with england since we sailed. all your letters, _my dear letters_, are so entertaining! and which paint so clearly what you are after, that they give me either the greatest pleasure or pain. it is the next best thing, to being with you. i only desire, my dearest emma, that you will always believe, that nelson's your own; nelson's _alpha_ and _omega_ is _emma_! i cannot alter; my affection and love is beyond even this world! nothing can shake it, but yourself; and that, i will not allow myself to think, for a moment, is possible. i feel, that you are the real friend of my bosom, and dearer to me than life; and, that i am the same to you. but, i will neither have p.'s nor q.'s come near you! no; not the slice of single gloster! but, if i was to go on, it would argue that want of confidence which would be injurious to your honour. i rejoice that you have had so pleasant a trip into norfolk; and i hope, one day, to carry you there by a nearer _tie_ in law, but not in love and affection, than at present. i wish, you would never mention that person's name! it works up your anger, for no useful purpose. her good or bad character, of me or thee, no one cares about. this letter will find you at dear merton; where we shall one day meet, and be truly happy. i do not think it can be a long war; and, i believe, it will be much shorter than people expect: and i shall hope to find the new room built; the grounds laid out, neatly but not expensively; new piccadilly gates; kitchen garden; &c. only let us have a plan, and then all will go on well. it will be a great source of amusement to you; and horatia shall plant a tree. i dare say, she will be very busy. mrs. nelson, or mrs. bolton, &c. will be with you; and time will pass away, till i have the inexpressible happiness of arriving at merton. even the thought of it vibrates through my nerves; for, my love for you is as unbounded as the ocean! i feel all your good mother's kindness; and, i trust, that we shall turn rich, by being economists. spending money, to please a pack of people, is folly, and without thanks. i desire, that you will say every kind thing from me to her, and make her a present of something in my name. dr. scott is gone with my mission to algiers, or i would send you a copy of the king and queen's letter. i send you one from the queen. both king, queen, and acton, were very civil to sir william bolton. he dined with acton. bolton does very well in his brig; but, he has made not a farthing of prize money. if i knew where to send him for some, he should go; but, unless we have a spanish war, i shall live here at a great expence: although mr. chevalier takes every care, and i have great reason to be satisfied. i have just asked william, who behaves very well, whether he chooses to remit any of his wages to his father. it does not appear, he _does_, at present. he is paid, by the king, eighteen pounds a year, as one of my retinue; therefore i have nothing to pay. i have told him, whenever he chooses to send any, to tell mr. scott, or captain hardy, and he will receive a remittance bill; so, he may now act as he pleases. _a-propos_ of mr. scott. he is very much obliged to you for your news of mrs. scott's being brought to bed. no letters came in the cutter, but to me, and he was very uneasy. he is a very excellent good man; and, i am very fortunate in having such a one. i admire your kindness to my dear sister bolton. i have wrote her, that certainly i will assist tom bolton at college. it is better, as i tell her, not to promise more than i am sure i can perform. it is only doing them a injury. i tell her, if _vacancies_, please god, should happen, that my income will be much increased. with respect to mr. bolton--every body knows, that i have no interest; nobody cares for me: but, if he will point out what he wants, i will try what can be done. but, i am sure, he will not be half so well off as at present. supposing he could get a place of a few hundreds a year, he would be a ten times poorer man than he is at present. i could convince you of it, in a moment; but, if i was to begin, then it would be said, i wanted inclination to render them a service. i should like to see sir h---- p----'s book. i cannot conceive how a man that is reported to have been so extravagant of government's money, to say no worse, can make a good story. i wrote to the old duke, not long since. i regard him; but, i would not let him touch you for all his money. no; that would never do! i believe mr. bennett's bill to be correct; but, it was not intended you should pay that out of the allowance for merton; and, how could you afford to send mrs. bolton a hundred pounds. it is impossible, out of your income. i wish mr. addington would give you five hundred pounds a year; then, you would be better able to give away than at present. but your purse, my dear emma, will always be empty; your heart is generous beyond your means. your good mother is always sure of my sincerest regard; pray, tell her so. connor is getting on very well: but, i cannot ask captain capel to rate him; that must depend upon the boy's fitness, and capel's kindness. i have placed another year's allowance of thirty pounds in capel's hands, and given connor a present. what a story, about oliver and mr. matcham buying an estate in holstein; and, to sell out at such a loss! i never heard the like. i sincerely hope it will answer his expectations; it is a fine country, but miserably cold. how can tyson be such a fool! i sincerely hope, he will never want money. i am not surprised at troubridge's abuse; but, his tongue is no scandal. you make me laugh, when you imitate the doctor! i am quite delighted with miss yonge's goodness: and i beg you will make my best respects to her and her good father; and assure mr. yonge, how much obliged i feel for all his kind attentions to you. those who do that, are sure of a warm place in my esteem. i have wrote to dumourier; therefore, i will only trouble you to say how much i respect him. i fancy he must have suffered great distress at altona. however, i hope, he will now be comfortable for life. he is a very clever man; and beats our generals, out and out. don't they feel his coming? advise him not to make _enemies_, by shewing he knows more than some of us. envy knows no bounds to its persecution. he has seen the world, and will be on his guard. i put suckling into a frigate, with a very good man, who has a schoolmaster; he does very well. bulkley will be a most excellent sea-officer; it is a pity he has not served his time. i have answered mr. suckling's letter. gaetano is very well, and desires his duty. i think, sometimes, that he wishes to be left at naples; but, i am not sure. mr. denis's relation has been long in the victory; but, if the admiralty will not promote my lieutenants, they must all make a retrograde motion. but, i hope, they will not do such a cruel thing. i have had a very affectionate letter from lord minto. i hope george will be confirmed; but, the earl will not answer his application. i shall send you some sherry, and a cask of paxoretti, by the convoy. perhaps, it had better go to merton, at once; or, to davison's cellar, where the wine-cooper can draw it off. i have two pipes of sherry, that is bad; but, if you like, you can send the doctor a hogshead of that which is coming. davison will pay all the duties. send it entirely free, even to the _carriage_. you know, doing the thing well, is twice doing it; for, sometimes, carriage is more thought of than the prime cost. the paxoretti i have given to davison; and ordered one hogshead of sherry to canterbury, and one to dear merton. letter xxxvii. victory, september th, . my dearest emma, what can i send you, buffeting the stormy gulph of lyons; nothing, but my warmest affection, in return for all your goodness to me and mine! i have sent to naples, to try and get some shawls from the king's manufactory; and have requested mr. falconet to ask his wife to choose some for you, and also some fine venetian chains. i only wish, my dear emma, that i knew what you would like, and i would order them with real pleasure; therefore, pray tell me. we have so very little communication with the mediterranean world, malta and toulon are in separate worlds. it takes, on the [average,] six or seven weeks to get an answer to a letter: and, in fifteen to twenty days, by the french papers, which we get from paris, we have news from london; not the best side of the question, you may be sure, but enough to give us an idea of how matters go on. i am of opinion, that we shall have a peace much sooner than is generally expected: and that will be, to me, the very highest pleasure in this world; to return to merton, and your dear beloved society. then, i agree with you, that "i would not give sixpence to call the king my uncle!" i have wrote again to gibbs, about my bronte affairs; and [the copy of a letter] to mrs. græfer i will send you, if i can; but you must preserve it, for i have no other. it may be necessary, situated as i am, to keep her in good humour; for a thousand pounds may be easily sold off the estate, and i never the wiser. however, you will see what i have said. i have wrote to mr. elliot about sabatello. what a rascal he must be! gaetano is going to naples, and i shall tell him; but, of course, he would rather favour sabatello, his brother-in-law, than julia. i send you, my dearest emma, an hundred pounds, which you will dispose of as follows--a _present_ for yourself; and, if you like, a trifle to the servants: something to the poor of merton; something for mrs. cadogan, miss connor, charlotte, &c. &c. i only send this as a trifling remembrance from me, whose whole soul is at merton. september th. the day after i wrote the former part of this letter, mr. scott received from venice, and desired to present to you, two very handsome venetian chains, received from venice. this i would not suffer; for i allow no one to make my own emma presents, but her nelson. therefore, he will be paid for them; but, your obligation is not the less to him. he is a very worthy, excellent, modest man, and an excellent secretary. dr. scott is, at times, wrong in the head; absolutely, too much learning has turned him. but we all go on very well. i had a letter from gibbs about bronte, and from noble, which will begin another letter; only, believe me, at all times, sides, and ends, most faithfully your's, for ever, nelson & bronte. letter xxxviii. september th, . my dearest emma, we have had, for these fourteen days past, nothing but gales of wind, and a heavy sea. however, as our ships have suffered no damage, i hope to be able to keep the sea all the winter. nothing, but dire necessity, shall force me to that out of the way place, malta. if i had depended upon that island, for supplies for the fleet, we must all have been knocked up, long ago; for, sir richard bickerton sailed from malta, the same day i left portsmouth. so that we have been a pretty long cruise; and, if i had only to look to malta for supplies, our ships companies would have been done for long ago. however, by management, i have got supplies from spain, and also from _france_; but it appears, that we are almost shut out from spain, for they begin to be very uncivil to our ships. however, i suppose, by this time, something is settled; but, i never hear from england. my last letters are july th, near three months. but, as i get french newspapers occasionally, we guess how matters are going on. i have wrote mr. gibbs, again, a long history about bronte; and, i hope, if general acton will do nothing for me, that he will settle something: but, i know, whatever is settled, i shall be the loser. till next year, the debt will not be paid off; how-- * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * letter xxxix. victory, off toulon, october th, . my dearest emma, your truly kind and affectionate letters, from july th, to august th, all arrived safe in the childers, the th of this month. believe me, my beloved emma, that i am truly sensible of all your love and affection, which is reciprocal. you have, from the variety of incidents passing before you, much to tell me; and, besides, you have that happy knack of making every thing you write interesting. here i am, one day precisely like the other; except the difference of a gale of wind, or not. since september st, we have not had four fine days; and, if the french do not come out soon, i fear, some of my ships will cry out. you are very good, to send me your letters to read. mrs. d---- is a damned pimping bitch! what has she to do with your love? she would have pimped for lord b----, or lord l----, or captain m'n----, * * * * of * * * *, or any one else. she is all vanity: fancies herself beautiful; witty; in short, like you. she be damned! as i wrote you, the consulship at civita vecchia will not, in itself, pay their lodgings; and, the bad air will tip her off. there will be no lord bristol's table. he tore his last will, a few hours before his death. it is said, that it was giving every thing to those devils of italians about him. i wish he may have given mrs. denis any thing; but, i do not think it: and, as for you, my dear emma, as long as i can, i don't want any of their gifts. as for old q. he may put you into his will, or scratch you out, as he pleases, i care not. if mr. addington gives you the pension, it is well; but, do not let it fret you. have you not merton? it is clear--the first purchase--and my dear horatia is provided for: and, i hope, one of these days, that you will be my own duchess of bronte; and, then, a fig for them all! i have just had a letter from gibbs, of which i send you a copy. you see what interest he is taking about bronte. i begin to think, without some assistance like his, that i never should have touched a farthing. it will be , before i touch the estate. neither principal or interest of the seven thousand ounces have been paid; and, it is now eight thousand ounces debt. you will see, gibbs, at last, has fixed on sending his daughter home; and i shall be glad of so good an opportunity of obliging him, as it will naturally tie him to my interest. he was a great fool, not to have sent the child with you, as you wished. i am glad to find, my dear emma, that you mean to take horatia home. _aye_! she is like her mother; will have her own way, or kick up a devil of a dust. but, you will cure her: i am afraid i should spoil her; for, i am sure, i would shoot any one who would hurt her. she was always fond of my watch; and, very probably, i might have promised her one: indeed, i gave her one, which cost sixpence! but, i go no where to get any thing pretty; therefore, do not think me neglectful. i send you noble's letter; therefore, i hope you will get your cases in good order: they have had some narrow escapes. i am glad you liked south end. how that coffin could come over, and palaver, rowley, keith, &c. and coffin to abuse the earl! now, i can tell you, that he is the earl's spy. it is coffin, who has injured sir andrew hammond so much: and his custom is, to abuse the earl, to get people to speak out; and, then, the earl takes his measures accordingly. to me, it is nothing. thank god! there can be no tales told of my cheating; or, i hope, neglecting my duty. whilst i serve, i will serve well, and closely; when i want rest, i will go to merton. you know, my dear emma, that i am never well when it blows hard. therefore, imagine what a cruize off toulon is; even in summer time, we have a hard gale every week, and two days heavy swell. it would kill you; and myself, to see you. much less possible, to have charlotte, horatia, &c. on board ship! and i, that have given orders to carry no women to sea in the victory, to be the first to break them! and, as to malta, i may never see it, unless we have an engagement; and, perhaps, not then: for, if it is _complete_, i may go home, for three months, to see you; but, if you was at malta, i might absolutely miss you, by leaving the mediterranean without warning. the other day, we had a report the french were out, and seen steering to the westward. we were as far as minorca, when the alarm proved false. therefore, my dearest beloved emma! although i should be the happiest of men, to live and die with you, yet my chance of seeing you is much more certain by your remaining at merton, than wandering where i may never go; and, certainly, never to stay forty-eight hours. you cannot, i am sure, more ardently long to see me, than i do to be with you; and, if the war goes on, it is my intention to get leave to spend the _next winter_ in england: but i verily believe that, long before that time, we shall have peace. as for living in italy, that is entirely out of the question. nobody cares for us, there; and, if i had bronte--which, thank god! i shall not--it would cost me a fortune to go there, and be tormented out of my life. i should never settle my affairs there. i know, my own dear emma, if she will let her reason have fair play, will say, i am right; but she is, like horatia, very angry, if she cannot have her own way. her nelson is called upon, in the most honourable manner, to defend his country! absence, to us, is equally painful: but, if i had either stayed at home, or neglected my duty abroad, would not my emma have blushed for me? she could never have heard of my praises, and how the country looks up. i am writing, my dear emma, to reason the point with you; and, i am sure, you will see it in its true light. but i have said my say, on this subject, and will finish. i have received your letter, with lord william's and mr. kemble's, about mr. palmer: he is also recommended by the duke of clarence; and, he says, by desire of the prince of wales. i have, without him, twenty-six to be made captains, and list every day increasing. it is not _one_ whole french fleet that can get through it. i shall, probably, offend many more than i can oblige. such is always the case: like the tickets--those who get them, feel they have a right to them; and those [who] do not get them, feel offended for ever. but, i cannot help it: i shall endeavour to do what is right, in every situation; and some ball may soon close all my accounts with this world of care and vexation! but, never mind, my own dear-beloved emma: if you are true to me, i care not--and approve of all my actions. however, as you say, i approve of them, myself; therefore, probably, i am right. poor reverend mr. scott is, i fear, in a very bad way. his head has been turned by too much learning, and the stroke of lightning will never let him be right again. the secretary scott is a treasure; and i am very well mounted: hardy is every thing i could wish or desire. our days pass so much alike that, having described one, you have them all. we now breakfast by candlelight; and all retire, at eight o'clock, to bed. naples, i fancy, is in a very bad way, in regard to money. they have not, or pretend not to have, enough to pay their officers; and, i verily believe, if acton was to give up his place, that it would become a province of france. only think of buonaparte's writing to the queen, to desire her influence to turn out acton! she answered, properly: at least, so says mr. elliot, who _knows more of naples_ than any of us; god help him!--and general acton has, i believe, more power than ever. by gibbs's letter, i see, he has sent over about my accounts at bronte. he can have no interest in being unfriendly to me. why should he? i want no great matters from him; and he can want nothing from me, that it is not my duty to give his sovereigns: therefore, why should he be against us! for my part, my conduct will not alter, whether he is or not. our friend, sir alexander, is a very great diplomatic character; and, even an admiral must not know what he is negotiating about: although you will scarcely believe, that the bey of tunis sent the man at my desire. you shall judge--_viz_. "the tunisian envoy is still here, negotiating. he is a moderate man; and, apparently, the best disposed of any i ever did business with." could even the oldest diplomatic character be drier? i hate such parade of nonsense! but, i will turn from such stuff. you ask me, do you do right to give charlotte things? i shall only say, my dear emma, whatever you do in that way, i shall always approve. i only wish, i had more power than i have! but, somehow, my mind was not sharp enough for prize-money. lord keith would have made twenty thousand pounds, and i have not made six thousand. poor mr. este, how i pity him! but, what shall i do with him? however, if he comes, i shall shew him all the kindness in my power. october d. the vessel is just going off. i have not a scrap of news! only, be assured of my most affectionate regard. remember me kindly to charlotte. shall always love those that are good to horatia. i will write her by another opportunity. remember me to mrs. cadogan. you may be sure, i do not forget charles, who has not been well; captain capel is very good to him. i am, ever, for ever, my dearest emma, your most faithful and affectionate nelson & bronte. supplement. * * * * * _interesting letters_, elucidatory of lord nelson's letters to lady hamilton. * * * * * vol. i. letters from lord nelson to mrs. thomson. letters of lord nelson, &c. i. see letter x. page . i sit down, my dear mrs. t. by desire of poor thomson, to write you a line: not, to assure you of his eternal love and affection for you and his dear child; but only to say, that he is well, and as happy as he can be, separated from all which he holds dear in this world. he has no thoughts separated from your love, and your interest. they are united with his; one fate, one destiny, he assures me, awaits you both. what can i say more? only, to kiss his child for him: and love him as truly, sincerely, and faithfully, as he does you; which is, from the bottom of his soul. he desires, that you will more and more attach yourself to dear lady hamilton. ii. see letter xxxvi. page . my dearest beloved * * * *, to say, that i think of you by day, night, and all day, and all night, but too faintly express my feelings of love and affection towards you * * * * * * * * * * unbounded affection. our dear excellent, good * * * * * * * is the only one who knows any thing of the matter; and she has promised me, when you * * * * * * again, to take every possible care of you, as a proof of her never-failing regard for your own dear nelson. believe me, that i am incapable of wronging you, in thought, word, or deed. no; not all the wealth of peru could buy me for one moment: it is all your's, and reserved wholly for you; and * * * certainly * * * * * * * * * from the first moment of our happy, dear, enchanting, blessed meeting. the thoughts of such happiness, my dearest only beloved, makes the blood fly into my head. the call of our country, is a duty which you would, deservedly, in the cool moments of reflection, reprobate, was i to abandon: and i should feel so disgraced, by seeing you ashamed of me! no longer saying--"this is the man who has saved his country! this is he who is the first to go forth to fight our battles, and the last to return!" and, then, all these honours reflect on you. "ah!" they will think; "what a man! what sacrifices has he not made, to secure our homes and property; even the society and happy union with the finest and most accomplished woman in the world." as you love, how must you feel! my heart is with you, cherish it. i shall, my best beloved, return--if it pleases god--a victor; and it shall be my study to transmit an unsullied name. there is no desire of wealth, no ambition, that could keep me from all my soul holds dear. no; it is to save my country, my wife in the eye of god, and * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * will tell you that it is all right: and, then, only think of our happy meeting. ever, for ever, i am your's, only your's, even beyond this world, nelson & bronte. for ever, for ever, your own nelson. august th, [ .] letters from lady hamilton to lord nelson. letters of lady hamilton, &c. i. naples, june th, . dear sir, i take the opportunity of captain hope, to write a few lines to you, and thank you for your kind letter by captain bowen. the queen was much pleased, as i translated it for her: and charges me to thank you; and say, she prays for your honour and safety--victory, she is sure you will have. we have still the regicide minister here, _garrat_: the most impudent, insolent dog; making the most infamous demands every day; and i see plainly, the court of naples must declare war, if they mean to save their country. _her majesty_ sees, and feels, all you said in your letter to sir william, dated off the faro di messina, in its true light; so does general acton. but, alas! their first minister, _gallo_, is a frivolous, ignorant, self-conceited coxcomb, that thinks of nothing but his fine embroidered coat, ring, and snuff-box; and half naples thinks him half a frenchman: and, god knows, if one may judge of what he did in making the peace for the emperor, he must either be very ignorant, or not attached to his masters or the _cause commune._ the queen and acton cannot bear him, and consequently [he] cannot have much power: but, still, a first minister, although he may be a minister of smoke, yet he has always something; enough, at least, to do mischief. the jacobins have all been lately declared innocent, after suffering four years imprisonment; and, i know, they all deserved to be hanged long ago: and, since garrat has been here, and through his insolent letters to gallo, these pretty gentlemen, that had planned the death of their majesties, are to be let out on society again. in short, i am afraid, all is lost here; and i am grieved to the heart for our dear, charming queen, who deserves a better fate! i write to you, my dear sir, in confidence, and in a hurry. i hope you will not quit the mediterranean, without taking _us_. we have our leave, and every thing ready, at a day's notice, to go: but yet, i trust in god, and you, that we shall destroy those monsters, before we go from hence. surely, their reign cannot last long! if you have any opportunity, write to us; pray, do: you do not know how your letters comfort us. god bless you, my dear, dear sir! and believe me, ever, your most sincerely obliged and attached friend, emma hamilton. ii. thursday evening, june th, [ .] i have been with the queen this evening. she is very miserable; and says, that although the people of naples are for them, in general, yet things will not be brought to that state of quietness and subordination, till the fleet of lord nelson appears _off naples_. she therefore begs, intreats, and conjures you, my dear lord, if it is possible, to arrange matters so as to be able to go to naples. sir william is writing for general acton's _answer_. for god's sake, consider it, and do! we will go with you, if you will come and fetch us. sir william is ill; i am ill: it will do us good. god bless you! ever, ever, your's sincerely, e. hamilton. letters from the rev. edmund nelson (_lord nelson's father_) to lady hamilton. letters of the rev. edmund nelson, _&c_. i. madam, i am much favoured by your polite letter, and the very friendly regard with which sir william hamilton and yourself always mention my dear son; who is, certainly, a worthy, good, brave man, parental partiality _apart_. but, i myself am by no means satisfied with his present situation; as to its importance, its safety, or its merited rewards. it [is] his to sow, but others reap the yellow harvests. all things, i trust, however, will work together for good. captain parker's misfortune, i see, in every point of view, with a friendly concern. langford will quickly be upon his legs. though the amusements of a dirty sea-port are not the most refined, good health, and domestic cheerfulness, will be a happy substitute. i beg the whole party to accept this my remembrance; and assurance of my regard, respect, and love: and am, madam, your most humble servant, edm. nelson. burnham, august th, [ .] ii. madam, your polite congratulation upon the entrance of a new year, i return seven-fold to you, and the whole of the party now under the hospitable roof of merton place. time is a sacred deposit committed to our trust; and, hereafter, we must account for the use we have made of it. to me, a large portion of this treasure has already been granted, even seventy-nine years. the complaint my dear son has felt is, i know, very, very painful: and can be removed, only, with much care and caution; not venturing, without a thick covering, both head and feet, even to admire your parterres of snow-drops, which now appear in all their splendour. the white robe which _january_ wears, bespangled with ice, is handsome to look at; but we must not approach too near _her_. i shall be very glad to know the lord of merton is recovered. i am, madam, your most humble servant, edm. nelson. bath, january th, . letters from the rev. dr. nelson, now earl nelson, to lady hamilton. letters of earl nelson, &c. i. hilborough, near brandon, wednesday, march th, . my dear lady, i have sent you, by this day's coach, a hunted hare; which, i hope, will prove tender and good. it was killed yesterday. we are very much gratified by your kind and friendly letters: they are very interesting to us, and they give an additional zest to our breakfast; indeed, they are the only things give us any comfort, in our absence. how unfortunate it was, we left town as we did! i had a letter, yesterday morning, from my great and beloved brother. he tells me, he has sent my letter to the new lord chancellor; god grant it may have the desired effect; but, they are all so engaged, that i fear it much. at any rate, our good friend has done what he can. he tells me, he shall be at yarmouth to-morrow or next day. a near relation of our's, who has not seen my lord since his return to england, has offered to take me in his carriage: so, we set out on sunday afternoon; for we parsons can't go till the sunday duty is over. we sleep at norwich, and hope to be at yarmouth early on monday. i have written to my brother by this post; so that, if he is likely to have sailed before monday, he has time to stop us. yarmouth is sixty miles from hence. i have written you all these particulars; because, i know, you like to know all about us. mrs. nelson does not go with us; so you must be charitable to her, and give her a letter or two. we shall return by the following sunday. i see, by the papers, the king was better on tuesday. mrs. nelson is going out for a day; when she returns, she will write. she will thank you to keep the _two_ guineas my lord left for charlotte, till you hear from her; as she has thought of laying it out in a frock for her. we both join in united regards to sir william; and believe me, your ladyship's faithful and most obliged and affectionate friend, wm. nelson. ii. hilborough, march th, . my dear lady, as i have duty to-day, both morning and afternoon, and to preach _twice_, i have only time to scrawl a few lines to you between the services. i will write to my deary to-morrow. i do not much wonder we have no news from the baltic, considering the state of the wind; and, unless it changes, it may be some time first. pray god it may be good, when it does arrive. i was rather surprised to hear _tom tit_ (that bad bird) had taken his flight to town: but, he is a prying little animal, and wishes to know every thing; and, as he is so small and insignificant, his movements are not always observed. but, for god's sake, take care of him; and caution our little jewel to be as much upon her guard as she can. i am terribly afraid, this bird will endeavour to do mischief. he must be watched with a hawk's eye. i almost wish some hawk, or _jove's eagle_, would either devour him or frighten him away. it is not very likely i should hear from yarmouth before you, because our yarmouth letters generally go to london first; but if i should, accidentally, your ladyship shall depend on hearing from me immediately. i am glad my little horace looks so well; and that you think him so like his great, his glorious, his immortal uncle. why should he not be like him? is it so very uncommon for such near relations to have some similitude? they who say otherwise, only say it out of envy, malice and hatred, and all uncharitableness; out upon all such miscreants! say i. my love to deary, charlotte, and the hereditary duke of bronte. god bless you, my dear lady; and believe me, your's faithfully, wm. nelson. tell me, in your next, whether you have seen that little bird, called _tom tit_. iii. hilborough, august d, . my dear lady hamilton, i have written two long letters to my jewel, but i still seem to have more to say. i can't find out whether a certain viscountess is expected at burnham, or no. i am pleased that you propose bringing mrs. nelson to hilborough. i hope, sir william will be able to amuse himself with fishing a little. the weather is too hot for me to come to london, and i can't leave my parish at this time. tell my brother, i should have great pleasure in seeing him; and will go with him to plymouth, or any where else, if he particularly desires it. when you have seen parker and langford, you can give me a particular account of the state of their wounds. i feel much for them. i think it is better the _cub_ did not speak to mrs. n. it will save some trouble. i wish you could get a comfortable house near london. you will find mr. nayler, of the herald's office, a pleasant young man. i believe, he is my friend, and will readily give every information in his power. if _jove_ gets a higher title, perhaps things may be settled more to our minds. now we are already in the patent, as _barons_; it will be no difficult matter, in that case, to have our entails advanced to the highest honour, if my brother wishes. this i only mention _entre nous_, without having a desire on the subject. i am perfectly satisfied, that i am in the patent. i don't mean to say more to my brother. i am told, there are two or three very old lives, prebends of canterbury, in the minister's gift--near six hundred pounds a year, and good houses. the deans of hereford, exeter, litchfield and coventry, york, and winchester, are old men. write from deal, and tell me when you are likely to return to london. you can't come from thence nearer than london, unless my brother lands you on the other side of the river thames, on the essex or suffolk coasts. if that plan takes place, mrs. nelson had better send sarah home before you go. compliments to sir william, and all friends. your's very faithfully, wm. nelson. iv. sunday morning, sept. th, [ .] my dear lady, to be sure, you did promise to write to me on thursday last; and i was very much disappointed at not receiving a letter yesterday, and sent to the post office twice, to be certain there was no mistake: and, now, this morning, comes your roguish, waggish letter, on a sunday morning, (amidst all my meditations for the good of my parishioners) about love, courtship, marriage, throwing the stocking, going to bed, &c. &c. &c.--quite shocking to write to a country parson, who can have no idea of such _things_. it might do well enough for a king's chaplain; or a church dignitary, who is supposed to have more _learning_, and more knowledge of _things in general_. i wish you was here, and you should not laugh at me for nothing. i would give you as good as you brought, at any time. i'll have no emmas, at present. stay till there comes one or two of another sort, to keep the line of the nelsons in the true name and blood, without being obliged to go to others to assume a name which scarcely belongs to them; and, then, as many emmas, elfridas, evelindas, and evelinas, as you please. but, i hope to god, the present young horatio will go on as we all wish, and transmit a long race to posterity. i am delighted with dr. heath's letter to my brother, and the character he gives of him. my only fear is, that we shall spoil him among us. i have not yet heard from him, how he felt himself. i should have liked to have peeped slyly into his room, and seen how he acted on first receiving the joyful intelligence. i don't know enough how to thank my brother, for all his goodness to me and mine; my heart overflows, whenever i think of it: but i can't sit down, and write a formal letter of thanks; it would be too absurd for _me_ to write, or _him_ to read. he well knows me; and i leave it to your ladyship, (my best and truest friend) to say every thing to him, for and from me: it will come best from your lips, and adorned with your eloquence. i wish my brother had done with this business. i hope, a peace will soon put an end to his toils and dangers. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * v. hilborough, september th, . my dear lady hamilton, i hope you will have received my long letter of sunday's date, by this time. i wonder you should accuse me of remissness, in not writing to _you_. i told you then, and i repeat it now, that i would always give you "_as good as you brought_:" and, upon looking back to the last week's letters, i find i have always answered your's, whenever i had one; and, generally, by the _same post_. as i wrote so much on sunday, and you said--you thought you should leave deal on tuesday or wednesday, i said--i should write no more till you got back to london. nor should i now, was it not to rebut the charge of remissness and inattention to you. i am glad mrs. nelson is likely to come home soon; but, i hear nothing about your intentions. i shall write to her to-morrow, and direct my letter to piccadilly; where, i hope, it will find her: and, if this letter travels to deal, and follows you to london, it is no matter; it is not worth having, when you get it. only, i could not bear the thoughts of the appearance of neglect, without deserving it. one or two letters i wrote to mrs. nelson last week, i gave public notice, were intended, in a great degree, for the whole party. mrs. bolton is here for a day, to help my solitary life. i find lady n. has taken a house in somerset street, portman square. she, and my father, are to spend the winter in london; and, i am informed, he is to pay half. whether it is ready-furnished, or not, i can't tell. mr. edwards is this moment gone, and begs his compliments to you all. believe me, your's most faithfully, wm. nelson. compliments to parker and langford. vi. canterbury, february th, . dear lady hamilton, i send you a small parcel; which i will thank you to forward to my brother, if you think there is a chance of his getting it before he leaves the mediterranean. but, if you have reason to expect him home very soon, you will be kind enough to return it to me again; or, keep it till i see you. the ceremony of electing the new archbishop takes place on tuesday morning. i think it more than probable, we shall make choice of the person his majesty has recommended to us, in his letter, which the chapter received yesterday. mrs. nelson begs her love to you, charlotte, mrs. bolton, &c. &c. your's, very faithfully, wm. nelson. i received mrs. bolton's parcel safe on friday. letters from the earl of st. vincent to lady hamilton. letters of the earl of st. vincent, _&c._ i. my dear madam, the prodigies of valour performed by your new chevalier have, i fear, obliterated the memory of your ancient knight. nevertheless, i beg your ladyship will lay me at the feet of the queen of the two sicilies, and assure her majesty of my profound respect for her person, and that my life is devoted to the defence of it: and, for yourself, accept every kind wish of your ladyship's truly affectionate and faithful knight, st. vincent. gibraltar, th october . ii. my dear lady hamilton, ten thousand most grateful thanks are due to your ladyship, for restoring the health of our invaluable friend nelson, on whose life the fate of the remaining governments in europe, whose system has not been deranged by these devils, depends. pray, do not let your fascinating neapolitan dames approach too near him; for he is made of flesh and blood, and cannot resist their temptations. lady st. vincent will be transported with your attention to her. i have sent the fan mounts for lady nelson and her, by sir james saumarez; who, after seeing the french prizes safe moored in the tagus, conveys the duke d'hervie. he, poor man! although a grandee of spain, having been driven out of that kingdom by the insolent intrigues of truguet. i have obeyed your ladyship's commands respecting tom bowen, who is now captain of l'aquilon, and gone to lisbon to take possession of her; and his brother william, who married a daughter of sir william parker, i have appointed to the caroline, the finest frigate i have, and he is employed on the most advantageous service for filling his pockets. should your ladyship have any other protegé, i desire you will not spare me. i am very much penetrated with the condescension their majesties of the two sicilies have graciously shewn to me, through your ladyship, and i rely on your doing justice to my feelings upon the occasion. i have taken up my residence here for some months, that i may be ready to afford succour to the detachments of the fleet i have the honour to command, in the levant and before cadiz; and, when sir william and you arrive, i shall be able to give you some english mutton, in a plain way. continue to love me; and rest assured of the most unfeigned and affectionate regard of, my dear lady hamilton, your faithful and devoted knight, st. vincent. admiral's house, rosia, gibraltar, th october . iii. my dear lady hamilton, i have to thank you, which i do most kindly, for your obliging letters of the th and th of november; and for the gracious letter which your ladyship had received from the charming, delightful queen of the two sicilies, at whose feet i am anxiously desirous to throw myself: and, as i have relinquished my intention of returning to england, (although in possession of leave to go) i hope the period is not far distant. in the meanwhile, have the goodness to keep me alive in the remembrance of her majesty: assure her of my profound respect and admiration for her as queen--i dare not give utterance to what i feel for her as one of the first and most lovely of her sex. our possession of the island of minorca will relieve her majesty, and the government, from one embarrassment, touching their last treaty with france; as lord nelson will now be able to refit his squadron, without committing an infraction of the treaty. our excellent friend, general o'hara, is very busy in erecting two rooms for the accommodation of your ladyship and sir william, when you visit this curious rock. he is among the most hospitable and entertaining of men: and we live together as all commanders of his majesty's land forces and fleets ought to do; and, i hope, will do, from the examples which have been shewn wherever i have acted with the army--as sir charles grey, the governor of this garrison, and general stuart, will testify; and, if the immortal wolfe could be conjured from the grave, he would do so too. i hope soon to hear, our dear lord nelson is quite well, under your fostering care; and, with my warmest wishes for every blessing to be showered down upon you and your's, i have the honour to be, with the truest respect, esteem, and regard, your ladyship's very affectionate, humble servant, st. vincent. rosia house, gibraltar, th dec. . iv. my dear lady hamilton, permit me to introduce to your acquaintance and protection another hero of the nile, in captain darby, of the bellerophon; who you will find a pleasant, queer, and faithful irishman. i also beg leave to interest you in favour of mrs. lock; a daughter of the duchess of leinster, by mr. ogilvie. her husband is appointed consul at naples; which may occasion some difficulty in bringing her forward, unless the etiquette is altered touching consuls. god bless you, my dear madam; and, be assured, i always am your ladyship's truly affectionate st. vincent. rosia house, gibraltar, st january . v. my dear lady hamilton, i cannot sufficiently thank you, for sending me her sicilian majesty's most gracious letter; the contents of which i feel, as becomes a good royalist, and loyal subject: and for your goodness to mrs. lock; who, poor thing! merits a more respectable situation than that of consuless. she is, certainly, a very comely woman, and truly amiable. the designation sir william has in contemplation for him, will place them in an honourable stile; and, i have no doubt, from the protection they have at home, will lead to ministerial character. you are very good to my old friend darby--who is a good-humoured, blundering irishman; and will make you laugh, in the midst of the pangs your ladyship must suffer for the destiny of the delightful city and country to which you have so long contributed a large portion of the gaiety and charming society of sir william's hospitable mansion: for, although i had not the good fortune to revisit naples after sir william's return, all my travelling friends did ample justice to the liberality of the representatives of our royal master and mistress. mr. preston was chargé, when i was at naples with the duke of gloucester; and, though a worthy gentleman, and since a pious bishop, he was certainly a dry comedian. have the goodness to commend me to the queen; continue to nurse my excellent friend, nelson; and, when i have the happiness to see sir william and your ladyship here, i will pour the effusions of my heart upon you both. the governor has added two rooms to the convent, for your accommodation; and mrs. grey, late miss whitbread, wife to the captain of the ville de paris, will contribute all that this house affords for the entertainment of both. god bless you, my dear lady hamilton; and, be assured, no man respects and esteems you more truly than your ladyship's truly affectionate st. vincent. rosia house, th february . letters from sir alexander john ball to lady hamilton. letters of sir alexander john ball, _&c_. i. my dear madam, i cannot help loving and esteeming you very much, although you have proved such a false gipsey to me. pray, do you recollect looking into my hand, and telling me a pretty story of carrying home sir william and lady hamilton, &c. &c. however, i forgive you; as you did not take money, and could only have in view giving me much pleasure. i beg leave to introduce to your ladyship's notice the abbé savoye; who is a sensible man, and the most polished here. he has great influence with the maltese. pray, request sir william to introduce him particularly to le chevalier acton. i shall have the pleasure of seeing you and sir william hamilton in england, this summer. how very much i wished to be near you, when you were reading the parliamentary effusions of gratitude and joy for the services lord nelson has rendered his country! i would rather be lord nelson, than any duke--or, indeed, any man--in england; and you may guess how very proud i am in having such a friend. indeed, i feel, that i owe more to him than any man in this world. i have written to sir william; god bless you both! i remain, with sincere respect and esteem, my dear madam, your ladyship's most devoted and obliged humble servant, alexander john ball. alexander, th february . davidge gould is sighing for palermo; _alias_ miss k----. i wish the admiral would let him recreate for a fortnight, and send hardy to me again. ii. my dear madam, i had the honour of writing to your ladyship and sir william, by the vanguard; since which, i have read the few lines you had the goodness to address to me at the bottom of lord nelson's letter of the th inst. i cannot entertain any hopes of personally paying my respects to you and sir william, before your departure for england; but, be assured, that i can never forget the very flattering attention you have both been pleased to honour me with. you must wait a month longer, for the warm weather; otherwise, the transition may be too great for sir william. we are anxiously waiting for the maltese deputies to return from palermo. the inhabitants are critically situated; but, i hope, all will end well. good news from you will determine it. i find, that you fascinate all the navy as much at palermo as you did at naples. if we had many such advocates, every body would be a candidate for our profession. god bless, and protect, you and sir william. may prosperous gales attend you! may you live a thousand years! believe me, with sincere respect and esteem, my dear madam, your ladyship's most devoted and obliged servant, alexander john ball. d february . letters from the earl of bristol, _bishop of derry, in ireland_, to lady hamilton. letters of the earl of bristol, _bishop of derry, &c_. i. naples, sunday morning, [ .] i return you the inclosed, my dearest emma, which does equal honour to the excellent head and heart of the writer. i shall begin, for the first time of my life, to have a good opinion of myself, after such honourable testimonials. in the mean time, i send you an extraordinary piece of news, just written me from ratisbon--a courier from the elector of mentz, desiring _the empire_ to make a separate peace with france. couriers have been sent from the diet to sweden and denmark, desiring their mediation: "and it is clear," says my letter, "_somebody_ is at the bottom of all this; the elector of mentz only lends his name." the suburbs of warsaw taken; the capitulation of the city daily expected. the king of prussia totally retired beyond potsdam, and supposed to be at the eve of madness. oh! emma, who'd ever be wise, if madness be loving of thee. b. ii. munich, th july . dearest emma, here is great news from england. my letters of the th june assure me, seven thousand men are embarked for st. pol de leon, together with an immense number of emigrés--that, the week before, a bishop, and sixty priests, were most prosperously landed at the same place, and received with the greatest acclamations--that six sail of the line from russia, were in sight, and the pilots gone to conduct them--that, in amsterdam, and other towns of holland, there is the greatest insurrections in favour of that fool the stadtholder. all this, however, can only tend to facilitate peace, but not at all to restore that despicable, odious family of bourbons--the head of which is now at _verona_, where we left him eating _two capons_ a day; ('tis a pity the whole family are not _capons_!) and, what is more, dressing them himself in a superb kitchen--the true chapel of a bourbon prince. emma! if that dear queen of naples does not write, herself, to prince d'oria, for me, i won't look at your beautiful face these six months--"_coute qui coute_." to-morrow, for _pyrmont_, near hanover. emma--adieu! iii. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * there is no doubt but don luizi is implicated: that very circumstance, argues the extent of the mischief; for so cautious a man, and one whose sentiments are so publicly known, would not engage without good support. i have conversed with one of his intimates--one "who is no stranger to his dearest secret." the evidence will be difficult; perhaps, impracticable: unless his most confidential friends can be gained; and that, i deem, impossible. but the character of the garrison at capua is of the most alarming complexion; and, yet, is what i can best depend on. i think, _wade_ could tell much, if he would speak out. adieu! lovel and i were on vesuvius. he goes, like a true parson, only to eat the better. i foresee, he will once more fall into _nudi's_ hands. procyta will be another _duo_; for i hate large parties on such, and especially females--unless they be phoenixes, like yourself. it is a great discouragement to a caserta party, to view the whole town buried in a mist; and the belvidere alone, like a buoy, to point out the shoal. sweet emma--adieu! every wish of my heart beats for the dear queen. iv. send me word, dearest emma! how the invaluable, adorable queen, finds herself. the weather changed so unmercifully, yesterday, that lovel and i both grew ill; and this makes me the more anxious to hear of our too sensible and inestimable queen. my warmest wishes--physical, political, and moral--ever attend her. b. v. here is my cousin's answer, dearest emma--"_io lo capisco_." her brother assured me, there is not the semblance of an insurrection; and, that our dear, dear queen, is misled by a set of scoundrels. send me word where you will be. adieu! vi. yesterday, we dined on mount vesuvius; to-day, we were to have dined on its victim, pompeii: but, "by the grace of god, which passeth all understanding," since bartolomeo himself, that weather-soothsayer, did not foresee this british weather, we are prevented. in the mean time, all this week and the next, is replete with projects to ischia, procita, &c. &c. so god only knows when i can worship, again, my diana of ephesus. write me word, explicitly, how you are, _what_ you are, and where you are; and be sure that, wheresoever i am, still i am your's, my dearest emma. vii. wednesday. my dearest emma, the very unexpected intelligence, which prince augustus has most delicately communicated to me, of poor lord hervey's _decease_, has quite _bouleversée_ my already shattered frame. i would not allow your friendly mind to learn an event so interesting to me from any other hand than that of your affectionate and devoted friend, bristol. viii. my ever dearest lady hamilton, i should certainly have made this sunday an holy day to me, and have taken a sabbath day's journey to caserta, had not poor mr. lovel been confined to his bed above three days with a fever. to-day, it is departed; to-morrow, dr. nudi has secured us from its resurrection; and, after to-morrow, i hope, virtue will be its own reward, and that my friendship for lovel will be recompensed with the enjoyment. this moment i receive your _billet-doux_, and very dulcet it is! all public and private accounts agree, in the immediate prospect of a general peace. it will make a delicious foreground in the picture of the new year; many of which, i wish, from the top, bottom, and centre of my heart, to the incomparable emma--_quella senza paragona_! _dans ce moment, on m'assure que mayence est prise. je ne vous garantis pas cette maudite nouvelle--mais je me flatte que la paix se fait_. ix. ever dearest emma, i went down to your opera box two minutes after you left it; and should have seen you on the morning of your departure--but was detained in the _arms_ of _murphy_, as lady eden expressed it, and was too late. you say nothing of the adorable queen; i hope, she has not forgot me: but, as shakespeare says, "who doats, must doubt;" and i verily deem her the very best edition of a woman i ever saw--i mean; of such as are not in _folio_, and are to be _had_ in _sheets_. i will come on friday or saturday; but our british colony are so numerous, that my duties obstruct my pleasures. ever, and invariably, dearest, dear emma, most affectionately, your b. you see, i am but the second letter of your alphabet, though you are the first of _mine_. x. milan, th november . i know not, dearest emma, whether friend sir william has been able to obtain my passport, or not; but this i know--that, if they have refused it, they are damned fools for their pains: for, never was a _malta orange_ better worth squeezing or sucking; and if they leave me to die, without a tombstone over me, to tell the contents--"_tant pis pour eux_!" in the mean time, i will frankly confess to you, that my health most seriously and urgently requires the balmy air of dear naples, and the more balmy atmosphere of those i love, and who love me; and that i shall forego my garret with more regret than most people of my silly rank in society forego a palace or a drawing-room. but i will augur better things from the justice of my neighbour; and that they will not condemn, against all rules of probability, one of their best friends, unheard: especially, one who, if he be heard, can say so much. my project, then, in case i receive the passport, is to travel on horseback as far as _spalato_ in dalmatia; and, from thence, cross over to manfredonia--a passage of a few hours--and which, in the year , i performed with my horses on board; and, afterwards, had a most delightful jaunt through that unexplored region, dalmatia; where the very first object that strikes both the eye and the imagination, is a modern city built within the precincts of an ancient palace--for spalato stands within the innermost walls of diocletian's palace. for that wise sovereign quitted the sceptre for the pleasures of an architect's rule; and, when he had completed his mansion in that delightful climate, enjoyed that, and life, to a most advanced old age-- "the world forgetting, by the world forgot." _a-propos_ to _spalato_! do not fail hinting to sir william, that a most safe, convenient, and expeditious packet-boat, might be established, in these perilous times, between that and manfredonia: by which all dispatches, and all travellers, either for business or pleasure, might make a very short and safe cut between naples and vienna, and naples and the rest of europe, without touching one palm of any ground but austrian and neapolitan; and, of course, without the risk of being ever stopped. the small towns, too, are in quick succession; and, the whole country being a limestone rock, the roads will make themselves, and afterwards pay themselves, by means of good turnpikes. nothing can exceed the dreariness, gloominess, and humidity, of a milanese sky in winter; which, i conclude, under the _old regime_, led to all the hospitality, and conviviality, practised here, by their voluptuous but social nobility. now, we have nothing left to _comfort_, but another _nudi_--a son of esculapius, born in italy; but an enthusiast for england, and all that is english--an excellent physician, but a still better friend; and, like nudi, when he has a pint of madeira in his belly, and the fumes of it in his brain, a most cheerful and improving companion: for, i protest to you that, during my convalescence, i made greater strides to recovery by his attic evenings, than by his morning potions, or even his beef broth. sweet emma, adieu! remember me in the warmest and most enthusiastic stile, to your friend, and my friend, and the friend of human kind. if sir william does not contrive to send me my passport, i will--i will--excommunicate him, and send him to the devil before his time. letter from the honourable charles greville, _nephew of sir william hamilton_, to lady hamilton. letter of the honourable charles greville, _&c_. august th, . dear lady hamilton, you will, i am sure, be glad to hear, that a favourable change has been announced to me; and that i am reinstated in the king's household, and honoured with a gold key, as his vice-chamberlain--and i hope, in a few days, to be in parliament. you have seen me in prosperity, and in adversity; and know how much i estimate worldly concerns, according to their influencing the opinion of my real friends. friendship has borne me up in the most difficult times; and the general satisfaction which my friends express, on my promotion, renders me very happy at present: and, to make me more so, i have anticipated to my own mind the sincere satisfaction with which you will receive this news. i should not flatter myself so far, if i was not very sincerely interested in your happiness; and, ever, affectionately your's, c.f.g. letters from lady hamilton to the hon. charles greville, _nephew of sir william hamilton_. letters of lady hamilton, &c. i. th of february, [ .] dear sir, i received your letter by mr. campbell. he is lodged with us. we find him a pleasant man; and shall write fully by him. he will tell you a little how we go on, as to our domestic happiness. we are more united and comfortable than ever, in spite of the infamous jacobin papers, jealous of lord nelson's glory, and sir william's and mine. but we do not mind them. lord n. is a truly virtuous and great man; and, because we have been fagging, and ruining our health, and sacrificing every comfort, in the cause of loyalty, our private characters are to be stabbed in the dark. first, it was said, sir w. and lord n. fought; then, that we played, and lost. first, sir w. and lord n. live like brothers; next, lord n. never plays: and this i give you my word of honour. so i beg you will contradict any of these vile reports. not that sir w. and lord n. mind it; and i get scolded by the queen, and all of them, for having suffered one day's uneasiness. our fleet is off malta: lord nelson has taken le genereux, and was after the frigates; so the attempt to relieve malta has failed. i have had a letter from the emperor of russia, with the cross of malta. sir william has sent his imperial majesty's letter to lord grenville, to get me the permission to wear it. i have rendered some services to the poor maltese. i got them ten thousand pounds, and sent corn when they were in distress. the deputies have been lodged in my house; i have been their ambassadress, so his [i.]m. has rewarded me. if the king will give me leave to wear it abroad, it is of use to me. the q----n is having the order set in diamonds for me; but the one the emperor sent is gold. i tell you this little history of it, that you may be _au fait_. ball has it also, but i am the first englishwoman that ever had it. sir w. is pleased, so _i am happy_. we are coming home; and i am miserable, to leave my dearest friend, the q----. she cannot be consoled. we have sworn to be back in six months; and i will not quit her, till sir william binds himself to come back. however, i shall have a comfort in seeing some of my old friends; and you, in particular. we have also many things to settle. i think, i can situate the person you mention about the court, as a _camerist_ to some of the r. f----y, if her education _is good_. it is a comfortable situation _for life_; so, i will bring her out. the q. has promised me. let this remain _entre nous_. ii. [april .] lady hamilton will be glad to know how long mr. greville can permit her to remain in the house in piccadilly, as she must instantly look out for a lodging; and, therefore, it is right for her to know the full extent of time she can remain there. she also begs to know, if he will pay her debts, and what she may depend upon; that she may reduce her expences and establishment immediately. end of vol. i. printed by macdonald and son, cloth fair, london. the two admirals. a tale by james fenimore cooper the author of "the pilot," "red rover," "water-witch," "homeward bound," etc. complete in one volume revised and corrected with a new introduction, notes, &c, by the author. new york: george p. putnam & co., park place. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by stringer & townsend, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states for the southern district of new york. stereotyped by billin & brothers, north william street, n.y. r. craighead, printer come, all ye kindred chieftains of the deep, in mighty phalanx round your brother bend; hush every murmur that invades his sleep, and guard the laurel that o'ershades your friend. _lines on trippe._ preface. it is a strong proof of the diffusive tendency of every thing in this country, that america never yet collected a fleet. nothing is wanting to this display of power but the will. but a fleet requires only one commander, and a feeling is fast spreading in the country that we ought to be all commanders; unless the spirit of unconstitutional innovation, and usurpation, that is now so prevalent, at washington, be controlled, we may expect to hear of proposals to send a committee of congress to sea, in command of a squadron. we sincerely hope that their first experiment may be made on the coast of africa. it has been said of napoleon that he never could be made to understand why his fleets did not obey his orders with the same accuracy, as to time and place, as his _corps d'armée_. he made no allowances for the winds and currents, and least of all, did he comprehend that all important circumstance, that the efficiency of a fleet is necessarily confined to the rate of sailing of the dullest of its ships. more may be expected from a squadron of ten sail, all of which shall be average vessels, in this respect, than from the same number of vessels, of which one half are fast and the remainder dull. one brigade can march as fast as another, but it is not so with vessels. the efficiency of a marine, therefore, depends rather on its working qualities, than on its number of ships. perhaps the best fleet that ever sailed under the english flag, was that with which nelson fought the battle of the nile. it consisted of twelve or thirteen small seventy-fours, each of approved qualities, and commanded by an officer of known merit. in all respects it was efficient and reliable. with such men as hallowell, hood, trowbridge, foley, ball, and others, and with such ships, the great spirit of nelson was satisfied. he knew that whatever seamen could do, his comparatively little force could achieve. when his enemy was discovered at anchor, though night was approaching and his vessels were a good deal scattered, he at once determined to put the qualities we have mentioned to the highest proof, and to attack. this was done without any other order of battle than that which directed each commander to get as close alongside of an enemy as possible, the best proof of the high confidence he had in his ships and in their commanders. it is now known that all the early accounts of the man[oe]uvring at the nile, and of nelson's reasoning on the subject of anchoring inside and of doubling on his enemies, is pure fiction. the "life" by southey, in all that relates to this feature of the day, is pure fiction, as, indeed, are other portions of the work of scarcely less importance. this fact came to the writer, through the late commodore (charles valentine) morris, from sir alexander ball, in the early part of the century. in that day it would not have done to proclaim it, so tenacious is public opinion of its errors; but since that time, naval officers of rank have written on the subject, and stripped the nile, trafalgar, &c, of their poetry, to give the world plain, nautical, and probable accounts of both those great achievements. the truth, as relates to both battles, was just as little like the previously published accounts, as well could be. nelson knew the great superiority of the english seamen, their facility in repairing damages, and most of all the high advantage possessed by the fleets of his country, in the exercise of the assumed right to impress, a practice that put not only the best seamen of his own country, but those of the whole world, more or less, at his mercy. his great merit, at the nile, was in the just appreciation of these advantages, and in the extraordinary decision which led him to go into action just at nightfall, rather than give his enemy time to prepare to meet the shock. it is now known that the french were taken, in a great measure, by surprise. a large portion of their crews were on shore, and did not get off to their ships at all, and there was scarce a vessel that did not clear the decks, by tumbling the mess-chests, bags, &c, into the inside batteries, rendering them, in a measure, useless, when the english doubled on their line. it was this doubling on the french line, by anchoring inside, and putting two ships upon one, that gave nelson so high a reputation as a tactician. the merit of this man[oe]uvre belongs exclusively to one of his captains. as the fleet went in, without any order, keeping as much to windward as the shoals would permit, nelson ordered the vanguard hove-to, to take a pilot out of a fisherman. this enabled foley, hood, and one or two more to pass that fast ship. it was at this critical moment that the thought occurred to foley (we think this was the officer) to pass the head of the french line, keep dead away, and anchor inside. others followed, completely placing their enemies between two fires. sir samuel hood anchored his ship (the zealous) on the inner bow of the most weatherly french ship, where he poured his fire into, virtually; an unresisting enemy. notwithstanding the great skill manifested by the english in their mode of attack, this was the only two-decked ship in the english fleet that was able to make sail on the following morning. had nelson led in upon an american fleet, as he did upon the french at the nile, he would have seen reason to repent the boldness of the experiment. something like it _was_ attempted on lake champlain, though on a greatly diminished scale, and the english were virtually defeated before they anchored. the reader who feels an interest in such subjects, will probably detect the secret process of the mind, by which some of the foregoing facts have insinuated themselves into this fiction. the two admirals chapter i. "then, if he were my brother's. my brother might not claim him; nor your father, being none of his, refuse him: this concludes-- my mother's son did get your father's heir; your father's heir must have your father's land." king john. the events we are about to relate, occurred near the middle of the last century, previously even to that struggle, which it is the fashion of america to call "the old french war." the opening scene of our tale, however, must be sought in the other hemisphere, and on the coast of the mother country. in the middle of the eighteenth century, the american colonies were models of loyalty; the very war, to which there has just been allusion, causing the great expenditure that induced the ministry to have recourse to the system of taxation, which terminated in the revolution. the family quarrel had not yet commenced. intensely occupied with the conflict, which terminated not more gloriously for the british arms, than advantageously for the british american possessions, the inhabitants of the provinces were perhaps never better disposed to the metropolitan state, than at the very period of which we are about to write. all their early predilections seemed to be gaining strength, instead of becoming weaker; and, as in nature, the calm is known to succeed the tempest, the blind attachment of the colony to the parent country, was but a precursor of the alienation and violent disunion that were so soon to follow. although the superiority of the english seamen was well established, in the conflicts that took place between the years , and that of , the naval warfare of the period by no means possessed the very decided character with which it became stamped, a quarter of a century later. in our own times, the british marine appears to have improved in quality, as its enemies, deteriorated. in the year , however, "greek met greek," when, of a verity, came "the tug of war." the great change that came over the other navies of europe, was merely a consequence of the revolutions, which drove experienced men into exile, and which, by rendering armies all-important even to the existence of the different states, threw nautical enterprises into the shade, and gave an engrossing direction to courage and talent, in another quarter. while france was struggling, first for independence, and next for the mastery of the continent, a marine was a secondary object; for vienna, berlin, and moscow, were as easily entered without, as with its aid. to these, and other similar causes, must be referred the explanation of the seeming invincibility of the english arms at sea, during the late great conflicts of europe; an invincibility that was more apparent than real, however, as many well-established defeats were, even then, intermingled with her thousand victories. from the time when her numbers could furnish succour of this nature, down to the day of separation, america had her full share in the exploits of the english marine. the gentry of the colonies willingly placed their sons in the royal navy, and many a bit of square bunting has been flying at the royal mast-heads of king's ships, in the nineteenth century, as the distinguishing symbols of flag-officers, who had to look for their birth-places among ourselves. in the course of a chequered life, in which we have been brought in collision with as great a diversity of rank, professions, and characters, as often falls to the lot of any one individual, we have been thrown into contact with no less than eight english admirals, of american birth; while, it has never yet been our good fortune to meet with a countryman, who has had this rank bestowed on him by his own government. on one occasion, an englishman, who had filled the highest civil office connected with the marine of his nation, observed to us, that the only man he then knew, in the british navy, in whom he should feel an entire confidence in entrusting an important command, was one of these translated admirals; and the thought unavoidably passed through our mind, that this favourite commander had done well in adhering to the conventional, instead of clinging to his natural allegiance, inasmuch as he might have toiled for half a century, in the service of his native land, and been rewarded with a rank that would merely put him on a level with a colonel in the army! how much longer this short-sighted policy, and grievous injustice, are to continue, no man can say; but it is safe to believe, that it is to last until some legislator of influence learns the simple truth, that the fancied reluctance of popular constituencies to do right, oftener exists in the apprehensions of their representatives, than in reality.--but to our tale. england enjoys a wide-spread reputation for her fogs; but little do they know how much a fog may add to natural scenery, who never witnessed its magical effects, as it has caused a beautiful landscape to coquette with the eye, in playful and capricious changes. our opening scene is in one of these much derided fogs; though, let it always be remembered, it was a fog of june, and not of november. on a high head-land of the coast of devonshire, stood a little station-house, which had been erected with a view to communicate by signals, with the shipping, that sometimes lay at anchor in an adjacent roadstead. a little inland, was a village, or hamlet, that it suits our purposes to call wychecombe; and at no great distance from the hamlet itself, surrounded by a small park, stood a house of the age of henry vii., which was the abode of sir wycherly wychecombe, a baronet of the creation of king james i., and the possessor of an improveable estate of some three or four thousand a year, which had been transmitted to him, through a line of ancestors, that ascended as far back as the times of the plantagenets. neither wychecombe, nor the head-land, nor the anchorage, was a place of note; for much larger and more favoured hamlets, villages, and towns, lay scattered about that fine portion of england; much better roadsteads and bays could generally be used by the coming or the parting vessel; and far more important signal-stations were to be met with, all along that coast. nevertheless, the roadstead was entered when calms or adverse winds rendered it expedient; the hamlet had its conveniences, and, like most english hamlets, its beauties; and the hall and park were not without their claims to state and rural magnificence. a century since, whatever the table of precedency or blackstone may say, an english baronet, particularly one of the date of , was a much greater personage than he is to-day; and an estate of £ a year, more especially if not rack-rented, was of an extent, and necessarily of a local consequence, equal to one of near, or quite three times the same amount, in our own day. sir wycherly, however, enjoyed an advantage that was of still greater importance, and which was more common in , than at the present moment. he had no rival within fifteen miles of him, and the nearest potentate was a nobleman of a rank and fortune that put all competition out of the question; one who dwelt in courts, the favourite of kings; leaving the baronet, as it might be, in undisturbed enjoyment of all the local homage. sir wycherly had once been a member of parliament, and only once. in his youth, he had been a fox-hunter; and a small property in yorkshire had long been in the family, as a sort of foothold on such enjoyments; but having broken a leg, in one of his leaps, he had taken refuge against _ennui_, by sitting a single session in the house of commons, as the member of a borough that lay adjacent to his hunting-box. this session sufficed for his whole life; the good baronet having taken the matter so literally, as to make it a point to be present at all the sittings; a sort of tax on his time, which, as it came wholly unaccompanied by profit, was very likely soon to tire out the patience of an old fox-hunter. after resigning his seat, he retired altogether to wychecombe, where he passed the last fifty years, extolling england, and most especially that part of it in which his own estates lay; in abusing the french, with occasional inuendoes against spain and holland; and in eating and drinking. he had never travelled; for, though englishmen of his station often did visit the continent, a century ago, they oftener did not. it was the courtly and the noble, who then chiefly took this means of improving their minds and manners; a class, to which a baronet by no means necessarily belonged. to conclude, sir wycherly was now eighty-four; hale, hearty, and a bachelor. he had been born the oldest of five brothers; the cadets taking refuge, as usual, in the inns of court, the church, the army, and the navy; and precisely in the order named. the lawyer had actually risen to be a judge, by the style and appellation of baron wychecombe; had three illegitimate children by his housekeeper, and died, leaving to the eldest thereof, all his professional earnings, after buying commissions for the two younger in the army. the divine broke his neck, while yet a curate, in a fox-hunt; dying unmarried, and so far as is generally known, childless. this was sir wycherly's favourite brother; who, he was accustomed to say, "lost his life, in setting an example of field-sports to his parishioners." the soldier was fairly killed in battle, before he was twenty; and the name of the sailor suddenly disappeared from the list of his majesty's lieutenants, about half a century before the time when our tale opens, by shipwreck. between the sailor and the head of the family, however, there had been no great sympathy; in consequence, as it was rumoured, of a certain beauty's preference for the latter, though this preference produced no _suites_, inasmuch as the lady died a maid. mr. gregory wychecombe, the lieutenant in question, was what is termed a "wild boy;" and it was the general impression, when his parents sent him to sea, that the ocean would now meet with its match. the hopes of the family centred in the judge, after the death of the curate, and it was a great cause of regret, to those who took an interest in its perpetuity and renown, that this dignitary did not marry; since the premature death of all the other sons had left the hall, park, and goodly farms, without any known legal heir. in a word, this branch of the family of wychecombe would be extinct, when sir wycherly died, and the entail become useless. not a female inheritor, even, or a male inheritor through females, could be traced; and it had become imperative on sir wycherly to make a will, lest the property should go off, the lord knew where; or, what was worse, it should escheat. it is true, tom wychecombe, the judge's eldest son, often gave dark hints about a secret, and a timely marriage between his parents, a fact that would have superseded the necessity for all devises, as the property was strictly tied up, so far as the lineal descendants of a certain _old_ sir wycherly were concerned; but the present sir wycherly had seen his brother, in his last illness, on which occasion, the following conversation had taken place. "and now, brother thomas," said the baronet, in a friendly and consoling manner; "having, as one may say, prepared your soul for heaven, by these prayers and admissions of your sins, a word may be prudently said, concerning the affairs of this world. you know i am childless--that is to say,--" "i understand you, wycherly," interrupted the dying man, "you're a _bachelor_." "that's it, thomas; and bachelors _ought_ not to have children. had our poor brother james escaped that mishap, he might have been sitting at your bed-side at this moment, and _he_ could have told us all about it. st. james i used to call him; and well did he deserve the name!" "st. james the least, then, it must have been, wycherly." "it's a dreadful thing to have no heir, thomas! did you ever know a case in your practice, in which another estate was left so completely without an heir, as this of ours?" "it does not often happen, brother; heirs are usually more abundant than estates." "so i thought. will the king get the title as well as the estate, brother, if it should escheat, as you call it?" "being the fountain of honour, he will be rather indifferent about the baronetcy." "i should care less if it went to the next sovereign, who is english born. wychecombe has always belonged to englishmen." "that it has; and ever will, i trust. you have only to select an heir, when i am gone, and by making a will, with proper devises, the property will not escheat. be careful to use the full terms of perpetuity." "every thing was so comfortable, brother, while you were in health," said sir wycherly, fidgeting; "you were my natural heir--" "heir of entail," interrupted the judge. "well, well, _heir_, at all events; and _that_ was a prodigious comfort to a man like myself, who has a sort of religious scruples about making a will. i have heard it whispered that you were actually married to martha; in which case, tom might drop into our shoes, so readily, without any more signing and sealing." "a _filius nullius_," returned the other, too conscientious to lend himself to a deception of that nature. "why, brother, tom often seems to me to favour such an idea, himself." "no wonder, wycherly, for the idea would greatly favour him. tom and his brothers are all _filii nullorum_, god forgive me for that same wrong." "i wonder neither charles nor gregory thought of marrying before they lost their lives for their king and country," put in sir wycherly, in an upbraiding tone, as if he thought his penniless brethren had done him an injury in neglecting to supply him with an heir, though he had been so forgetful himself of the same great duty. "i did think of bringing in a bill for providing heirs for unmarried persons, without the trouble and responsibility of making wills." "that would have been a great improvement on the law of descents--i hope you wouldn't have overlooked the ancestors." "not i--everybody would have got his rights. they tell me poor charles never spoke after he was shot; but i dare say, did we know the truth, he regretted sincerely that he never married." "there, for once, wycherly, i think you are likely to be wrong. a _femme sole_ without food, is rather a helpless sort of a person." "well, well, i wish he had married. what would it have been to me, had he left a dozen widows?" "it might have raised some awkward questions as to dowry; and if each left a son, the title and estates would have been worse off than they are at present, without widows or legitimate children." "any thing would be better than having no heir. i believe i'm the first baronet of wychecombe who has been obliged to make a will!" "quite likely," returned the brother, drily; "i remember to have got nothing from the last one, in that way. charles and gregory fared no better. never mind, wycherly, you behaved like a father to us all." "i don't mind signing cheques, in the least; but wills have an irreligious appearance, in my eyes. there are a good many wychecombes, in england; i wonder some of them are not of our family! they tell me a hundredth cousin is just as good an heir, as a first-born son." "failing nearer of kin. but we have no hundredth cousins of the _whole blood_." "there are the wychecombes of surrey, brother thomas--?" "descended from a bastard of the second baronet, and out of the line of descent, altogether." "but the wychecombes of hertfordshire, i have always heard were of our family, and legitimate." "true, as regards matrimony--rather too much of it, by the way. they branched off in , long before the creation, and have nothing to do with the entail; the first of their line coming from old sir michael wychecombe, kt. and sheriff of devonshire, by his second wife margery; while we are derived from the same male ancestor, through wycherly, the only son by joan, the first wife. wycherly, and michael, the son of michael and margery, were of the half-blood, as respects each other, and could not be heirs of blood. what was true of the ancestors is true of the descendants." "but we came of the same ancestor, and the estate is far older than ." "quite true, brother; nevertheless, the half-blood can't take; so says the perfection of human reason." "i never could understand these niceties of the law," said sir wycherly, sighing; "but i suppose they are all right. there are so many wychecombes scattered about england, that i should think some one among them all might be my heir!" "every man of them bears a bar in his arms, or is of the half-blood." "you are quite sure, brother, that tom is a _filius nullus_?" for the baronet had forgotten most of the little latin he ever knew, and translated this legal phrase into "no son." "_filius nullius_, sir wycherly, the son of nobody; your reading would literally make tom nobody; whereas, he is only the son of nobody." "but, brother, he is your son, and as like you, as two hounds of the same litter." "i am _nullus_, in the eye of the law, as regards poor tom; who, until he marries, and has children of his own, is altogether without legal kindred. nor do i know that legitimacy would make tom any better; for he is presuming and confident enough for the heir apparent to the throne, as it is." "well, there's this young sailor, who has been so much at the station lately, since he was left ashore for the cure of his wounds. 'tis a most gallant lad; and the first lord has sent him a commission, as a reward for his good conduct, in cutting out the frenchman. i look upon him as a credit to the name; and i make no question, he is, some way or other, of our family." "does he claim to be so?" asked the judge, a little quickly, for he distrusted men in general, and thought, from all he had heard, that some attempt might have been made to practise on his brother's simplicity. "i thought you told me that he came from the american colonies?" "so he does; he's a native of virginia, as was his father before him." "a convict, perhaps; or a servant, quite likely, who has found the name of his former master, more to his liking than his own. such things are common, they tell me, beyond seas." "yes, if he were anything but an american, i might wish he were my heir," returned sir wycherly, in a melancholy tone; "but it would be worse than to let the lands escheat, as you call it, to place an american in possession of wychecombe. the manors have always had english owners, down to the present moment, thank god!" "should they have any other, it will be your own fault, wycherly. when i am dead, and that will happen ere many weeks, the human being will not be living, who can take that property, after your demise, in any other manner than by escheat, or by devise. there will then be neither heir of entail, nor heir at law; and you may make whom you please, master of wychecombe, provided he be not an alien." "not an american, i suppose, brother; an american is an alien, of course." "humph!--why, not in law, whatever he may be according to our english notions. harkee, brother wycherly; i've never asked you, or wished you to leave the estate to tom, or his younger brothers; for one, and all, are _filii nullorum_--as i term 'em, though my brother record will have it, it ought to be _filii nullius_, as well as _filius nullius_. let that be as it may; no bastard should lord it at wychecombe; and rather than the king; should get the lands, to bestow on some favourite, i would give it to the half-blood." "can that be done without making a will, brother thomas?" "it cannot, sir wycherly; nor with a will, so long as an heir of entail can be found." "is there no way of making tom a _filius somebody_, so that _he_ can succeed?" "not under our laws. by the civil law, such a thing might have been done, and by the scotch law; but not under the perfection of reason." "i wish you knew this young virginian! the lad bears both of my names, wycherly wychecombe." "he is not a _filius wycherly_--is he, baronet?" "fie upon thee, brother thomas! do you think i have less candour than thyself, that i would not acknowledge my own flesh and blood. i never saw the youngster, until within the last six months, when he was landed from the roadstead, and brought to wychecombe, to be cured of his wounds; nor ever heard of him before. when they told me his name was wycherly wychecombe, i could do no less than call and see him. the poor fellow lay at death's door for a fortnight; and it was while we had little or no hope of saving him, that i got the few family anecdotes from him. now, that would be good evidence in law, i believe, thomas." "for certain things, had the lad really died. surviving, he must be heard on his _voire dire_, and under oath. but what was his tale?" "a very short one. he told me his father was a wycherly wychecombe, and that his grandfather had been a virginia planter. this was all he seemed to know of his ancestry." "and probably all there was of them. my tom is not the only _filius nullius_ that has been among us, and this grandfather, if he has not actually stolen the name, has got it by these doubtful means. as for the wycherly, it should pass for nothing. learning that there is a line of baronets of this name, every pretender to the family would be apt to call a son wycherly." "the line will shortly be ended, brother," returned sir wycherly, sighing. "i wish you might be mistaken; and, after all, tom shouldn't prove to be that _filius_ you call him." mr. baron wychecombe, as much from _esprit de corps_ as from moral principle, was a man of strict integrity, in all things that related to _meum_ and _tuum_. he was particularly rigid in his notions concerning the transmission of real estate, and the rights of primogeniture. the world had taken little interest in the private history of a lawyer, and his sons having been born before his elevation to the bench, he passed with the public for a widower, with a family of promising boys. not one in a hundred of his acquaintances even, suspected the fact; and nothing would have been easier for him, than to have imposed on his brother, by inducing him to make a will under some legal mystification or other, and to have caused tom wychecombe to succeed to the property in question, by an indisputable title. there would have been no great difficulty even, in his son's assuming and maintaining his right to the baronetcy, inasmuch as there would be no competitor, and the crown officers were not particularly rigid in inquiring into the claims of those who assumed a title that brought with it no political privileges. still, he was far from indulging in any such project. to him it appeared that the wychecombe estate ought to go with the principles that usually governed such matters; and, although he submitted to the dictum of the common law, as regarded the provision which excluded the half-blood from inheriting, with the deference of an english common-law lawyer, he saw and felt, that, failing the direct line, wychecombe ought to revert to the descendants of sir michael by his second son, for the plain reason that they were just as much derived from the person who had acquired the estate, as his brother wycherly and himself. had there been descendants of females, even, to interfere, no such opinion would have existed; but, as between an escheat, or a devise in favour of a _filius nillius_, or of the descendant of a _filius nullius_, the half-blood possessed every possible advantage. in his legal eyes, legitimacy was everything, although he had not hesitated to be the means of bringing into the world seven illegitimate children, that being the precise number martha had the credit of having borne him, though three only survived. after reflecting a moment, therefore, he turned to the baronet, and addressed him more seriously than he had yet done, in the present dialogue; first taking a draught of cordial to give him strength for the occasion. "listen to me, brother wycherly," said the judge, with a gravity that at once caught the attention of the other. "you know something of the family history, and i need do no more than allude to it. our ancestors were the knightly possessors of wychecombe, centuries before king james established the rank of baronet. when our great-grandfather, sir wycherly, accepted the patent of , he scarcely did himself honour; for, by aspiring higher, he might have got a peerage. however, a baronet he became, and for the first time since wychecombe was wychecombe, the estate was entailed, to do credit to the new rank. now, the first sir wycherly had three sons, and no daughter. each of these sons succeeded; the two eldest as bachelors, and the youngest was our grandfather. sir thomas, the fourth baronet, left an only child, wycherly, our father. sir wycherly, our father, had five sons, wycherly his successor, yourself, and the sixth baronet; myself; james; charles; and gregory. james broke his neck at your side. the two last lost their lives in the king's service, unmarried; and neither you, nor i, have entered into the holy state of matrimony. i cannot survive a month, and the hopes of perpetuating the direct line of the family, rests with yourself. this accounts for all the descendants of sir wycherly, the first baronet; and it also settles the question of heirs of entail, of whom there are none after myself. to go back beyond the time of king james i.: twice did the elder lines of the wychecombes fail, between the reign of king richard ii. and king henry vii., when sir michael succeeded. now, in each of these cases, the law disposed of the succession; the youngest branches of the family, in both instances, getting the estate. it follows that agreeably to legal decisions had at the time, when the facts must have been known, that the wychecombes were reduced to these younger lines. sir michael had two wives. from the first _we_ are derived--from the last, the wychecombes of hertfordshire--since known as baronets of that county, by the style and title of sir reginald wychecombe of wychecombe-regis, herts." "the present sir reginald can have no claim, being of the half-blood," put in sir wycherly, with a brevity of manner that denoted feeling. "the half-blood is as bad as a _nullius_, as you call tom." "not quite. a person of the half-blood may be as legitimate as the king's majesty; whereas, a nullius is of _no_ blood. now, suppose for a moment, sir wycherly, that you had been a son by a first wife, and i had been a son by a second--would there have been no relationship between us?" "what a question, tom, to put to your own brother!" "but i should not be your _own_ brother, my good sir; only your _half_ brother; of the _half_, and not of the _whole_ blood." "what of that--what of that?--your father would have been my father--we would have had the same name--the same family history--the same family _feelings_--poh! poh!--we should have been both wychecombes, exactly as we are to-day." "quite true, and yet i could not have been your heir, nor you mine. the estate would escheat to the king, hanoverian or scotchman, before it came to me. indeed, to _me_ it could never come." "thomas, you are trifling with my ignorance, and making matters worse than they really are. certainly, as long as you lived, you would be _my_ heir!" "very true, as to the £ , in the funds, but not as to the baronetcy and wychecombe. so far as the two last are concerned, i am heir of blood, and of entail, of the body of sir wycherly wychecombe, the first baronet, and the maker of the entail." "had there been no entail, and had i died a child, who would have succeeded our father, supposing there had been two mothers?" "i, as the next surviving son." "there!--i knew it must be so!" exclaimed sir wycherly, in triumph; "and all this time you have been joking with me!" "not so fast, brother of mine--not so fast. i should be of the _whole_ blood, as respected our father, and all the wychecombes that have gone before him; but of the _half_-blood, as respected _you_. from our father i might have taken, as his heir-at-law: but from _you_, never, having been of the _half_-blood." "i would have made a will, in that case, thomas, and left you every farthing," said sir wycherly, with feeling. "that is just what i wish you to do with sir reginald wychecombe. you must take him; a _filius nullius_, in the person of my son tom; a stranger; or let the property escheat; for, we are so peculiarly placed as not to have a known relative, by either the male or female lines; the maternal ancestors being just as barren of heirs as the paternal. our good mother was the natural daughter of the third earl of prolific; our grandmother was the last of her race, so far as human ken can discover; our great-grandmother is said to have had semi-royal blood in her veins, without the aid of the church, and beyond that it would be hopeless to attempt tracing consanguinity on that side of the house. no, wycherly; it is sir reginald who has the best right to the land; tom, or one of his brothers, an utter stranger, or his majesty, follow. remember that estates of £ a year, don't often escheat, now-a-days." "if you'll draw up a will, brother, i'll leave it all to tom," cried the baronet, with sudden energy. "nothing need be said about the _nullius_; and when i'm gone, he'll step quietly into my place." nature triumphed a moment in the bosom of the father; but habit, and the stern sense of right, soon overcame the feeling. perhaps certain doubts, and a knowledge of his son's real character, contributed their share towards the reply. "it ought not to be, sir wycherly," returned the judge, musing, "tom has no right to wychecombe, and sir reginald has the best moral right possible, though the law cuts him off. had sir michael made the entail, instead of our great-grandfather, he would have come in, as a matter of course." "i never liked sir reginald wychecombe," said the baronet, stubbornly. "what of that?--he will not trouble you while living, and when dead it will be all the same. come--come--i will draw the will myself, leaving blanks for the name; and when it is once done, you will sign it, cheerfully. it is the last legal act i shall ever perform, and it will be a suitable one, death being constantly before me." this ended the dialogue. the will was drawn according to promise; sir wycherly took it to his room to read, carefully inserted the name of tom wychecombe in all the blank spaces, brought it back, duly executed the instrument in his brother's presence, and then gave the paper to his nephew to preserve, with a strong injunction on him to keep the secret, until the instrument should have force by his own death. mr. baron wychecombe died in six weeks, and the baronet returned to his residence, a sincere mourner for the loss of an only brother. a more unfortunate selection of an heir could not have been made, as tom wychecombe was, in reality, the son of a barrister in the temple; the fancied likeness to the reputed father existing only in the imagination of his credulous uncle. chapter ii. ----"how fearful and dizzy 'tis, to cast one's eyes so low! the crows, and choughs, that wing the midway air, show scarce so gross as beetles! half-way down hangs one that gathers samphire! dreadful trade!" king lear. this digression on the family of wychecombe has led us far from the signal-station, the head-land, and the fog, with which the tale opened. the little dwelling connected with the station stood at a short distance from the staff, sheltered, by the formation of the ground, from the bleak winds of the channel, and fairly embowered in shrubs and flowers. it was a humble cottage, that had been ornamented with more taste than was usual in england at that day. its whitened walls, thatched roof, picketed garden, and trellised porch, bespoke care, and a mental improvement in the inmates, that were scarcely to be expected in persons so humbly employed as the keeper of the signal-staff, and his family. all near the house, too, was in the same excellent condition; for while the head-land itself lay in common, this portion of it was enclosed in two or three pretty little fields, that were grazed by a single horse, and a couple of cows. there were no hedges, however, the thorn not growing willingly in a situation so exposed; but the fields were divided by fences, neatly enough made of wood, that declared its own origin, having in fact been part of the timbers and planks of a wreck. as the whole was whitewashed, it had a rustic, and in a climate where the sun is seldom oppressive, by no means a disagreeable appearance. the scene with which we desire to commence the tale, opens about seven o'clock on a july morning. on a bench at the foot of the signal-staff, was seated one of a frame that was naturally large and robust, but which was sensibly beginning to give way, either by age or disease. a glance at the red, bloated face, would suffice to tell a medical man, that the habits had more to do with the growing failure of the system, than any natural derangement of the physical organs. the face, too, was singularly manly, and had once been handsome, even; nay, it was not altogether without claims to be so considered still; though intemperance was making sad inroads on its comeliness. this person was about fifty years old, and his air, as well as his attire, denoted a mariner; not a common seaman, nor yet altogether an officer; but one of those of a middle station, who in navies used to form a class by themselves; being of a rank that entitled them to the honours of the quarter-deck, though out of the regular line of promotion. in a word, he wore the unpretending uniform of a master. a century ago, the dress of the english naval officer was exceedingly simple, though more appropriate to the profession perhaps, than the more showy attire that has since been introduced. epaulettes were not used by any, and the anchor button, with the tint that is called navy blue, and which is meant to represent the deep hue of the ocean, with white facings, composed the principal peculiarities of the dress. the person introduced to the reader, whose name was dutton, and who was simply the officer in charge of the signal-station, had a certain neatness about his well-worn uniform, his linen, and all of his attire, which showed that some person more interested in such matters than one of his habits was likely to be, had the care of his wardrobe. in this respect, indeed, his appearance was unexceptionable; and there was an air about the whole man which showed that nature, if not education, had intended him for something far better than the being he actually was. dutton was waiting, at that early hour, to ascertain, as the veil of mist was raised from the face of the sea, whether a sail might be in sight, that required of him the execution of any of his simple functions. that some one was near by, on the head-land, too, was quite evident, by the occasional interchange of speech; though no person but himself was visible. the direction of the sounds would seem to indicate that a man was actually over the brow of the cliff, perhaps a hundred feet removed from the seat occupied by the master. "recollect the sailor's maxim, mr. wychecombe," called out dutton, in a warning voice; "one hand for the king, and the other for self! those cliffs are ticklish places; and really it does seem a little unnatural that a sea-faring person like yourself, should have so great a passion for flowers, as to risk his neck in order to make a posy!" "never fear for me, mr. dutton," answered a full, manly voice, that one could have sworn issued from the chest of youth; "never fear for me; we sailors are used to hanging in the air." "ay, with good three-stranded ropes to hold on by, young gentleman. now his majesty's government has just made you an officer, there is a sort of obligation to take care of your life, in order that it may be used, and, at need, given away, in his service." "quite true--quite true, mr. dutton--so true, i wonder you think it necessary to remind me of it. i am very grateful to his majesty's government, and--" while speaking, the voice seemed to descend, getting at each instant less and less distinct, until, in the end, it became quite inaudible. dutton looked uneasy, for at that instant a noise was heard, and then it was quite clear some heavy object was falling down the face of the cliff. now it was that the mariner felt the want of good nerves, and experienced the sense of humiliation which accompanied the consciousness of having destroyed them by his excesses. he trembled in every limb, and, for the moment, was actually unable to rise. a light step at his side, however, drew a glance in that direction, and his eye fell on the form of a lovely girl of nineteen, his own daughter, mildred. "i heard you calling to some one, father," said the latter, looking wistfully, but distrustfully at her parent, as if wondering at his yielding to his infirmity so early in the day; "can i be of service to you?" "poor wychecombe!" exclaimed dutton. "he went over the cliff in search of a nosegay to offer to yourself, and--and--i fear--greatly fear--" "what, father?" demanded mildred, in a voice of horror, the rich color disappearing from a face which it left of the hue of death. "no--no--no--he _cannot_ have fallen." dutton bent his head down, drew a long breath, and then seemed to gain more command of his nerves. he was about to rise, when the sound of a horse's feet was heard, and then sir wycherly wychecombe, mounted on a quiet pony, rode slowly up to the signal-staff. it was a common thing for the baronet to appear on the cliffs early in the morning, but it was not usual for him to come unattended. the instant her eyes fell on the fine form of the venerable old man, mildred, who seemed to know him well, and to use the familiarity of one confident of being a favourite, exclaimed-- "oh! sir wycherly, how fortunate--where is richard?" "good morrow, my pretty milly," answered the baronet, cheerfully; "fortunate or not, here i am, and not a bit flattered that your first question should be after the groom, instead of his master. i have sent dick on a message to the vicar's. now my poor brother, the judge, is dead and gone, i find mr. rotherham more and more necessary to me." "oh! dear sir wycherly--mr. wychecombe--lieutenant wychecombe, i mean--the young officer from virginia--he who was so desperately wounded--in whose recovery we all took so deep an interest--" "well--what of him, child?--you surely do not mean to put him on a level with mr. rotherham, in the way of religious consolation--and, as for anything else, there is no consanguinity between the wychecombes of virginia and my family. he may be a _filius nullius_ of the wychecombes of wychecombe-regis, herts, but has no connection with those of wychecombe-hall, devonshire." "there--there--the cliff!--the cliff!" added mildred, unable, for the moment, to be more explicit. as the girl pointed towards the precipice, and looked the very image of horror, the good-hearted old baronet began to get some glimpses of the truth; and, by means of a few words with dutton, soon knew quite as much as his two companions. descending from his pony with surprising activity for one of his years, sir wycherly was soon on his feet, and a sort of confused consultation between the three succeeded. neither liked to approach the cliff, which was nearly perpendicular at the extremity of the head-land, and was always a trial to the nerves of those who shrunk from standing on the verge of precipices. they stood like persons paralyzed, until dutton, ashamed of his weakness, and recalling the thousand lessons in coolness and courage he had received in his own manly profession, made a movement towards advancing to the edge of the cliff, in order to ascertain the real state of the case. the blood returned to the cheeks of mildred, too, and she again found a portion of her natural spirit raising her courage. "stop, father," she said, hastily; "you are infirm, and are in a tremour at this moment. my head is steadier--let me go to the verge of the hill, and learn what has happened." this was uttered with a forced calmness that deceived her auditors, both of whom, the one from age, and the other from shattered nerves, were certainly in no condition to assume the same office. it required the all-seeing eye, which alone can scan the heart, to read all the agonized suspense with which that young and beautiful creature approached the spot, where she might command a view of the whole of the side of the fearful declivity, from its giddy summit to the base, where it was washed by the sea. the latter, indeed, could not literally be seen from above, the waves having so far undermined the cliff, as to leave a projection that concealed the point where the rocks and the water came absolutely in contact; the upper portion of the weather-worn rocks falling a little inwards, so as to leave a ragged surface that was sufficiently broken to contain patches of earth, and verdure, sprinkled with the flowers peculiar to such an exposure. the fog, also, intercepted the sight, giving to the descent the appearance of a fathomless abyss. had the life of the most indifferent person been in jeopardy, under the circumstances named, mildred would have been filled with deep awe; but a gush of tender sensations, which had hitherto been pent up in the sacred privacy of her virgin affections, struggled with natural horror, as she trod lightly on the very verge of the declivity, and cast a timid but eager glance beneath. then she recoiled a step, raised her hands in alarm, and hid her face, as if to shut out some frightful spectacle. by this time, dutton's practical knowledge and recollection had returned. as is common with seamen, whose minds contain vivid pictures of the intricate tracery of their vessel's rigging in the darkest nights, his thoughts had flashed athwart all the probable circumstances, and presented a just image of the facts. "the boy could not be seen had he absolutely fallen, and were there no fog; for the cliff tumbles home, sir wycherly," he said, eagerly, unconsciously using a familiar nautical phrase to express his meaning. "he must be clinging to the side of the precipice, and that, too, above the swell of the rocks." stimulated by a common feeling, the two men now advanced hastily to the brow of the hill, and there, indeed, as with mildred herself, a single look sufficed to tell them the whole truth. young wychecombe, in leaning forward to pluck a flower, had pressed so hard upon the bit of rock on which a foot rested, as to cause it to break, thereby losing his balance. a presence of mind that amounted almost to inspiration, and a high resolution, alone saved him from being dashed to pieces. perceiving the rock to give way, he threw himself forward, and alighted on a narrow shelf, a few feet beneath the place where he had just stood, and at least ten feet removed from it, laterally. the shelf on which he alighted was ragged, and but two or three feet wide. it would have afforded only a check to his fall, had there not fortunately been some shrubs among the rocks above it. by these shrubs the young man caught, actually swinging off in the air, under the impetus of his leap. happily, the shrubs were too well rooted to give way; and, swinging himself round, with the address of a sailor, the youthful lieutenant was immediately on his feet, in comparative safety. the silence that succeeded was the consequence of the shock he felt, in finding him so suddenly thrown into this perilous situation. the summit of the cliff was now about six fathoms above his head, and the shelf on which he stood, impended over a portion of the cliff that was absolutely perpendicular, and which might be said to be out of the line of those projections along which he had so lately been idly gathering flowers. it was physically impossible for any human being to extricate himself from such a situation, without assistance. this wychecombe understood at a glance, and he had passed the few minutes that intervened between his fall and the appearance of the party above him, in devising the means necessary to his liberation. as it was, few men, unaccustomed to the giddy elevations of the mast, could have mustered a sufficient command of nerve to maintain a position on the ledge where he stood. even he could not have continued there, without steadying his form by the aid of the bushes. as soon as the baronet and dutton got a glimpse of the perilous position of young wychecombe, each recoiled in horror from the sight, as if fearful of being precipitated on top of him. both, then, actually lay down on the grass, and approached the edge of the cliff again, in that humble attitude, even trembling as they lay at length, with their chins projecting over the rocks, staring downwards at the victim. the young man could see nothing of all this; for, as he stood with his back against the cliff, he had not room to turn, with safety, or even to look upwards. mildred, however, seemed to lose all sense of self and of danger, in view of the extremity in which the youth beneath was placed. she stood on the very verge of the precipice, and looked down with steadiness and impunity that would have been utterly impossible for her to attain under less exciting circumstances; even allowing the young man to catch a glimpse of her rich locks, as they hung about her beautiful face. "for god's sake, mildred," called out the youth, "keep further from the cliff--i see you, and we can now hear each other without so much risk." "what can we do to rescue you, wychecombe?" eagerly asked the girl. "tell me, i entreat you; for sir wycherly and my father are both unnerved!" "blessed creature! and _you_ are mindful of my danger! but, be not uneasy, mildred; do as i tell you, and all will yet be well. i hope you hear and understand what i say, dearest girl?" "perfectly," returned mildred, nearly choked by the effort to be calm. "i hear every syllable--speak on." "go you then to the signal-halyards--let one end fly loose, and pull upon the other, until the whole line has come down--when that is done, return here, and i will tell you more--but, for heaven's sake, keep farther from the cliff." the thought that the rope, small and frail as it seemed, might be of use, flashed on the brain of the girl; and in a moment she was at the staff. time and again, when liquor incapacitated her father to perform his duty, had mildred bent-on, and hoisted the signals for him; and thus, happily, she was expert in the use of the halyards. in a minute she had unrove them, and the long line lay in a little pile at her feet. "'tis done, wycherly," she said, again looking over the cliff; "shall i throw you down one end of the rope?--but, alas! i have not strength to raise you; and sir wycherly and father seem unable to assist me!" "do not hurry yourself, mildred, and all will be well. go, and put one end of the line around the signal-staff, then put the two ends together, tie them in a knot, and drop them down over my head. be careful not to come too near the cliff, for--" the last injunction was useless, mildred having flown to execute her commission. her quick mind readily comprehended what was expected of her, and her nimble fingers soon performed their task. tying a knot in the ends of the line, she did as desired, and the small rope was soon dangling within reach of wychecombe's arm. it is not easy to make a landsman understand the confidence which a sailor feels in a rope. place but a frail and rotten piece of twisted hemp in his hand, and he will risk his person in situations from which he would otherwise recoil in dread. accustomed to hang suspended in the air, with ropes only for his foothold, or with ropes to grasp with his hand, his eye gets an intuitive knowledge of what will sustain him, and he unhesitatingly trusts his person to a few seemingly slight strands, that, to one unpractised, appear wholly unworthy of his confidence. signal-halyards are ropes smaller than the little finger of a man of any size; but they are usually made with care, and every rope-yarn tells. wychecombe, too, was aware that these particular halyards were new, for he had assisted in reeving them himself, only the week before. it was owing to this circumstance that they were long enough to reach him; a large allowance for wear and tear having been made in cutting them from the coil. as it was, the ends dropped some twenty feet below the ledge on which he stood. "all safe, now, mildred!" cried the young man, in a voice of exultation the moment his hand caught the two ends of the line, which he immediately passed around his body, beneath the arms, as a precaution against accidents. "all safe, now, dearest girl; have no further concern about me." mildred drew back, for worlds could not have tempted her to witness the desperate effort that she knew must follow. by this time, sir wycherly, who had been an interested witness of all that passed, found his voice, and assumed the office of director. "stop, my young namesake," he eagerly cried, when he found that the sailor was about to make an effort to drag his own body up the cliff; "stop; that will never do; let dutton and me do that much for you, at least. we have seen all that has passed, and are now able to do something." "no--no, sir wycherly--on no account touch the halyards. by hauling them over the top of the rocks you will probably cut them, or part them, and then i'm lost, without hope!" "oh! sir wycherly," said mildred, earnestly, clasping her hands together, as if to enforce the request with prayer; "do not--do not touch the line." "we had better let the lad manage the matter in his own way," put in dutton; "he is active, resolute, and a seaman, and will do better for himself than i fear we can do for him. he has got a turn round his body, and is tolerably safe against any slip, or mishap." as the words were uttered, the whole three drew back a short distance and watched the result, in intense anxiety. dutton, however, so far recollected himself, as to take an end of the old halyards, which were kept in a chest at the foot of the staff, and to make, an attempt to stopper together the two parts of the little rope on which the youth depended, for should one of the parts of it break, without this precaution, there was nothing to prevent the halyards from running round the staff, and destroying the hold. the size of the halyards rendered this expedient very difficult of attainment, but enough was done to give the arrangement a little more of the air of security. all this time young wychecombe was making his own preparations on the ledge, and quite out of view; but the tension on the halyards soon announced that his weight was now pendent from them. mildred's heart seemed ready to leap from her mouth, as she noted each jerk on the lines; and her father watched every new pull, as if he expected the next moment would produce the final catastrophe. it required a prodigious effort in the young man to raise his own weight for such a distance, by lines so small. had the rope been of any size, the achievement would have been trifling for one of the frame and habits of the sailor, more especially as he could slightly avail himself of his feet, by pressing them against the rocks; but, as it was, he felt as if he were dragging the mountain up after him. at length, his head appeared a few inches above the rocks, but with his feet pressed against the cliff, and his body inclining outward, at an angle of forty-five degrees. "help him--help him, father!" exclaimed mildred, covering her face with her hands, to exclude the sight of wychecombe's desperate struggles. "if he fall now, he will be destroyed. oh! save him, save him, sir wycherly!" but neither of those to whom she appealed, could be of any use. the nervous trembling again came over the father; and as for the baronet, age and inexperience rendered him helpless. "have you no rope, mr. dutton, to throw over my shoulders," cried wychecombe, suspending his exertions in pure exhaustion, still keeping all he had gained, with his head projecting outward, over the abyss beneath, and his face turned towards heaven. "throw a rope over my shoulders, and drag my body in to the cliff." dutton showed an eager desire to comply, but his nerves had not yet been excited by the usual potations, and his hands shook in a way to render it questionable whether he could perform even this simple service. but for his daughter, indeed, he would hardly have set about it intelligently. mildred, accustomed to using the signal-halyards, procured the old line, and handed it to her father, who discovered some of his professional knowledge in his manner of using it. doubling the halyards twice, he threw the bight over wychecombe's shoulders, and aided by mildred, endeavoured to draw the body of the young man upwards and towards the cliff. but their united strength was unequal to the task, and wearied with holding on, and, indeed, unable to support his own weight any longer by so small a rope, wychecombe felt compelled to suffer his feet to drop beneath him, and slid down again upon the ledge. here, even his vigorous frame shook with its prodigious exertions; and he was compelled to seat himself on the shelf, and rest with his back against the cliff, to recover his self-command and strength. mildred uttered a faint shriek as he disappeared, but was too much horror-stricken to approach the verge of the precipice to ascertain his fate. "be composed, milly," said her father, "he is safe, as you may see by the halyards; and to say the truth, the stuff holds on well. so long as the line proves true, the boy can't fall; he has taken a double turn with the end of it round his body. make your mind easy, girl, for i feel better now, and see my way clear. don't be uneasy, sir wycherly; we'll have the lad safe on _terra firma_ again, in ten minutes. i scarce know what has come over me, this morning; but i've not had the command of my limbs as in common. it cannot be fright, for i've seen too many men in danger to be disabled by _that_; and i think, milly, it must be the rheumatism, of which i've so often spoken, and which i've inherited from my poor mother, dear old soul. do you know, sir wycherly, that rheumatism can be inherited like gout?" "i dare say it may--i dare say it may, dutton--but never mind the disease, now; get my young namesake back here on the grass, and i will hear all about it. i would give the world that i had not sent dick to mr. rotherham's this morning. can't we contrive to make the pony pull the boy up?" "the traces are hardly strong enough for such work, sir wycherly. have a little patience, and i will manage the whole thing, 'ship-shape, and brister fashion,' as we say at sea. halloo there, master wychecombe--answer my hail, and i will soon get you into deep water." "i'm safe on the ledge," returned the voice of wychecombe, from below; "i wish you would look to the signal-halyards, and see they do not chafe against the rocks, mr. dutton." "all right, sir; all right. slack up, if you please, and let me have all the line you can, without casting off from your body. keep fast the end for fear of accidents." in an instant the halyards slackened, and dutton, who by this time had gained his self-command, though still weak and unnerved by the habits of the last fifteen years, forced the bight along the edge of the cliff, until he had brought it over a projection of the rocks, where it fastened itself. this arrangement caused the line to lead down to the part of the cliffs from which the young man had fallen, and where it was by no means difficult for a steady head and active limbs to move about and pluck flowers. it consequently remained for wychecombe merely to regain a footing on that part of the hill-side, to ascend to the summit without difficulty. it is true he was now below the point from which he had fallen, but by swinging himself off laterally, or even by springing, aided by the line, it was not a difficult achievement to reach it, and he no sooner understood the nature of the change that had been made, than he set about attempting it. the confident manner of dutton encouraged both the baronet and mildred, and they drew to the cliff, again; standing near the verge, though on the part where the rocks might be descended, with less apprehension of consequences. as soon as wychecombe had made all his preparations, he stood on the end of the ledge, tightened the line, looked carefully for a foothold on the other side of the chasm, and made his leap. as a matter of course, the body of the young man swung readily across the space, until the line became perpendicular, and then he found a surface so broken, as to render his ascent by no means difficult, aided as he was by the halyards. scrambling upwards, he soon rejected the aid of the line, and sprang upon the head-land. at the same instant, mildred fell senseless on the grass. chapter iii. "i want a hero:--an uncommon want, when every year and month send forth a new one; 'till, after cloying the gazelles with cant, the age discovers he is not the true one;--" byron. in consequence of the unsteadiness of the father's nerves, the duty of raising mildred in his arms, and of carrying her to the cottage, devolved on the young man. this he did with a readiness and concern which proved how deep an interest he took in her situation, and with a power of arm which showed that his strength was increased rather than lessened by the condition into which she had fallen. so rapid was his movement, that no one saw the kiss he impressed on the palid cheek of the sweet girl, or the tender pressure with which he grasped the lifeless form. by the time he reached the door, the motion and air had begun to revive her, and wychecombe committed her to the care of her alarmed mother, with a few hurried words of explanation. he did not leave the house, however, for a quarter of an hour, except to call out to dutton that mildred was reviving, and that he need be under no uneasiness on her account. why he remained so long, we leave the reader to imagine, for the girl had been immediately taken to her own little chamber, and he saw her no more for several hours. when our young sailor came out upon the head-land again, he found the party near the flag-staff increased to four. dick, the groom, had returned from his errand, and tom wychecombe, the intended heir of the baronet, was also there, in mourning for his reputed father, the judge. this young man had become a frequent visiter to the station, of late, affecting to imbibe his uncle's taste for sea air, and a view of the ocean. there had been several meetings between himself and his namesake, and each interview was becoming less amicable than the preceding, for a reason that was sufficiently known to the parties. when they met on the present occasion, therefore, the bows they exchanged were haughty and distant, and the glances cast at each other might have been termed hostile, were it not that a sinister irony was blended with that of tom wychecombe. still, the feelings that were uppermost did not prevent the latter from speaking in an apparently friendly manner. "they tell me, mr. wychecombe," observed the judge's heir, (for this tom wychecombe might legally claim to be;) "they tell me, mr. wychecombe, that you have been taking a lesson in your trade this morning, by swinging over the cliffs at the end of a rope? now, that is an exploit, more to the taste of an american than to that of an englishman, i should think. but, i dare say one is compelled to do many things in the colonies, that we never dream of at home." this was said with seeming indifference, though with great art. sir wycherly's principal weakness was an overweening and an ignorant admiration of his own country, and all it contained. he was also strongly addicted to that feeling of contempt for the dependencies of the empire, which seems to be inseparable from the political connection between the people of the metropolitan country and their colonies. there must be entire equality, for perfect respect, in any situation in life; and, as a rule, men always appropriate to their own shares, any admitted superiority that may happen to exist on the part of the communities to which they belong. it is on this principle, that the tenant of a cock-loft in paris or london, is so apt to feel a high claim to superiority over the occupant of a comfortable abode in a village. as between england and her north american colonies in particular, this feeling was stronger than is the case usually, on account of the early democratical tendencies of the latter; not, that these tendencies had already become the subject of political jealousies, but that they left social impressions, which were singularly adapted to bringing the colonists into contempt among a people predominant for their own factitious habits, and who are so strongly inclined to view everything, even to principles, through the medium of arbitrary, conventional customs. it must be confessed that the americans, in the middle of the eighteenth century, were an exceedingly provincial, and in many particulars a narrow-minded people, as well in their opinions as in their habits; nor is the reproach altogether removed at the present day; but the country from which they are derived had not then made the vast strides in civilization, for which it has latterly become so distinguished. the indifference, too, with which all europe regarded the whole american continent, and to which england, herself, though she possessed so large a stake on this side of the atlantic, formed no material exception, constantly led that quarter of the world into profound mistakes in all its reasoning that was connected with this quarter of the world, and aided in producing the state of feeling to which we have alluded. sir wycherly felt and reasoned on the subject of america much as the great bulk of his countrymen felt and reasoned in ; the exceptions existing only among the enlightened, and those whose particular duties rendered more correct knowledge necessary, and not always among them. it is said that the english minister conceived the idea of taxing america, from the circumstance of seeing a wealthy virginian lose a large sum at play, a sort of _argumentum ad hominem_ that brought with it a very dangerous conclusion to apply to the sort of people with whom he had to deal. let this be as it might, there is no more question, that at the period of our tale, the profoundest ignorance concerning america existed generally in the mother country, than there is that the profoundest respect existed in america for nearly every thing english. truth compels us to add, that in despite of all that has passed, the cis-atlantic portion of the weakness has longest endured the assaults of time and of an increased intercourse. young wycherly, as is ever the case, was keenly alive to any insinuations that might be supposed to reflect on the portion of the empire of which he was a native. he considered himself an englishman, it is true; was thoroughly loyal; and was every way disposed to sustain the honour and interests of the seat of authority; but when questions were raised between europe and america, he was an american; as, in america itself, he regarded himself as purely a virginian, in contradistinction to all the other colonies. he understood the intended sarcasm of tom wychecombe, but smothered his resentment, out of respect to the baronet, and perhaps a little influenced by the feelings in which he had been so lately indulging. "those gentlemen who are disposed to fancy such things of the colonies, would do well to visit that part of the world," he answered, calmly, "before they express their opinions too loudly, lest they should say something that future observation might make them wish to recall." "true, my young friend--quite true," put in the baronet, with the kindest possible intentions. "true as gospel. we never know any thing of matters about which we know nothing; that we old men must admit, master dutton; and i should think tom must see its force. it would be unreasonable to expect to find every thing as comfortable in america as we have it here, in england; nor do i suppose the americans, in general, would be as likely to get over a cliff as an englishman. however, there are exceptions to all general rules, as my poor brother james used to say, when he saw occasion to find fault with the sermon of a prelate. i believe you did not know my poor brother, dutton; he must have been killed about the time you were born--st. james, i used to call him, although my brother thomas, the judge that was tom's father, there--said he was st. james the less." "i believe the rev. mr. wychecombe was dead before i was of an age to remember his virtues, sir wycherly," said dutton, respectfully; "though i have often heard my own father speak of all your honoured family." "yes, your father, dutton, was the attorney of the next town, and we all knew him well. you have done quite right to come back among us to spend the close of your own days. a man is never as well off as when he is thriving in his native soil; more especially when that soil is old england, and devonshire. you are not one of us, young gentleman, though your name happens to be wychecombe; but, then we are none of us accountable for our own births, or birth-places." this truism, which is in the mouths of thousands while it is in the hearts of scarcely any, was well meant by sir wycherly, however plainly expressed. it merely drew from the youth the simple answer that--"he was born in the colonies, and had colonists for his parents;" a fact that the others had heard already, some ten or a dozen times. "it is a little singular, mr. wychecombe, that you should bear both of my names, and yet be no relative," continued the baronet. "now, wycherly came into our family from old sir hildebrand wycherly, who was slain at bosworth field, and whose only daughter, my ancestor, and tom's ancestor, there, married. since that day, wycherly has been a favourite name among us. i do not think that the wychecombes of herts, ever thought of calling a son wycherly, although, as my poor brother the judge used to say, _they_ were related, but of the half-blood, only. i suppose your father taught you what is meant by being of the half-blood, thomas?" tom wychecombe's face became the colour of scarlet, and he cast an uneasy glance at all present; expecting in particular, to meet with a look of exultation in the eyes of the lieutenant. he was greatly relieved, however, at finding that neither of the three meant or understood more than was simply expressed. as for his uncle, he had not the smallest intention of making any allusion to the peculiarity of his nephew's birth; and the other two, in common with the world, supposed the reputed heir to be legitimate. gathering courage from the looks of those around him, tom answered with a steadiness that prevented his agitation from being detected: "certainly, my dear sir; my excellent parent forgot nothing that he thought might be useful to me, in maintaining my rights, and the honour of the family, hereafter. i very well understand that the wychecombes of hertfordshire have no claims on us; nor, indeed, any wychecombe who is not descended from my respectable grandfather, the late sir wycherly." "he must have been an _early_, instead of a _late_ sir wycherly, rather, mr. thomas," put in dutton, laughing at his own conceit; "for i can remember no other than the honourable baronet before us, in the last fifty years." "quite true, dutton--very true," rejoined the person last alluded to. "as true as that 'time and tide wait for no man.' we understand the meaning of such things on the coast here. it was half a century, last october, since i succeeded my respected parent; but, it will not be another half century before some one will succeed me!" sir wycherly was a hale, hearty man for his years, but he had no unmanly dread of his end. still he felt it could not be very distant, having already numbered fourscore and four years. nevertheless, there were certain phrases of usage, that dutton did not see fit to forget on such an occasion, and he answered accordingly, turning to look at and admire the still ruddy countenance of the baronet, by way of giving emphasis to his words. "you will yet see half of us into our graves, sir wycherly," he said, "and still remain an active man. though i dare say another half century will bring most of us up. even mr. thomas, here, and your young namesake can hardly hope to run out more line than that. well, as for myself, i only desire to live through this war, that i may again see his majesty's arms triumphant; though they do tell me that we are in for a good thirty years' struggle. wars _have_ lasted as long as _that_, sir wycherly, and i don't see why this may not, as well as another." "very true, dutton; it is not only possible, but probable; and i trust both you and i may live to see our flower-hunter here, a post-captain, at least--though it would be wishing almost too much to expect to see him an admiral. there has been _one_ admiral of the name, and i confess i should like to see another!" "has not mr. thomas a brother in the service?" demanded the master; "i had thought that my lord, the judge, had given us one of his young gentlemen." "he thought of it; but the army got both of the boys, as it turned out. gregory was to be the midshipman; my poor brother intending him for a sailor from the first, and so giving him the name that was once borne by the unfortunate relative we lost by shipwreck. i wished him to call one of the lads james, after st. james; but, somehow, i never could persuade thomas to see all the excellence of that pious young man." dutton was a little embarrassed, for st. james had left any thing but a godly savour behind him; and he was about to fabricate a tolerably bold assertion to the contrary, rather than incur the risk of offending the lord of the manor, when, luckily, a change in the state of the fog afforded him a favourable opportunity of bringing about an apposite change in the subject. during the whole of the morning the sea had been invisible from the head-land, a dense body of vapour resting on it, far as eye could reach; veiling the whole expanse with a single white cloud. the lighter portions of the vapour had at first floated around the head-land, which could not have been seen at any material distance; but all had been gradually settling down into a single mass, that now rose within twenty feet of the summit of the cliffs. the hour was still quite early, but the sun was gaining force, and it speedily drank up all the lighter particles of the mist, leaving a clear, bright atmosphere above the feathery bank, through which objects might be seen for miles. there was what seamen call a "fanning breeze," or just wind enough to cause the light sails of a ship to swell and collapse, under the double influence of the air and the motion of the hull, imitating in a slight degree the vibrations of that familiar appliance of the female toilet. dutton's eye had caught a glance of the loftiest sail of a vessel, above the fog, going through this very movement; and it afforded him the release he desired, by enabling him to draw the attention of his companions to the same object. "see, sir wycherly--see, mr. wychecombe," he cried, eagerly, pointing in the direction of the sail; "yonder is some of the king's canvass coming into our roadstead, or i am no judge of the set of a man-of-war's royal. it is a large bit of cloth, too, mr. lieutenant, for a sail so lofty!" "it is a two-decker's royal, master dutton," returned the young sailor; "and now you see the fore and main, separately, as the ship keeps away." "well," put in sir wycherly, in a resigned manner; "here have i lived fourscore years on this coast, and, for the life of me, i have never been able to tell a fore-royal from a back-royal; or a mizzen head-stay from a head mizzen-stay. they are the most puzzling things imaginable; and now i cannot discover how you know that yonder sail, which i see plain enough, is a royal, any more than that it is a jib!" dutton and the lieutenant smiled, but sir wycherly's simplicity had a cast of truth and nature about it, that deterred most people from wishing to ridicule him. then, the rank, fortune, and local interest of the baronet, counted for a good deal on all such occasions. "here is another fellow, farther east," cried dutton, still pointing with a finger; "and every inch as big as his consort! ah! it does my eyes good to see our roadstead come into notice, in this manner, after all i have said and done in its behalf--but, who have we here--a brother chip, by his appearance; i dare say some idler who has been sent ashore with despatches." "there is another fellow further east, and every inch as big as his consort," said wychecombe, as we shall call our lieutenant, in order to distinguish him from tom of the same name, repeating the very words of dutton, with an application and readiness that almost amounted to wit, pointing, in his turn, at two strangers who were ascending to the station by a path that led from the beach. "certainly both these gentlemen are in his majesty's service, and they have probably just landed from the ships in the offing." the truth of this conjecture was apparent to dutton at a glance. as the strangers joined each other, the one last seen proceeded in advance; and there was something in his years, the confident manner in which he approached, and his general appearance, that induced both the sailors to believe he might be the commander of one of the ships that had just come in view. "good-morrow, gentlemen," commenced this person, as soon as near enough to salute the party at the foot of the flag-staff; "good-morrow to ye all. i'm glad to meet you, for it's but a jacob's ladder, this path of yours, through the ravine in the cliffs. hey! why atwood," looking around him at the sea of vapour, in surprise, "what the devil has become of the fleet?" "it is lost in the fog, sir; we are above it, here; when more on a level with the ships, we could see, or fancy we saw, more of them than we do now." "here are the upper sails of two heavy ships, sir," observed wychecombe, pointing in the direction of the vessels already seen; "ay, and yonder are two more--nothing but the royals are visible." "two more!--i left eleven two-deckers, three frigates, a sloop, and a cutter in sight, when i got into the boat. you might have covered 'em all with a pocket-handkerchief, hey! atwood!" "they were certainly in close order, sir, but i'll not take it on myself to say quite as near together as that." "ay, you're a dissenter by trade, and never will believe in a miracle. sharp work, gentlemen, to get up such a hill as this, after fifty." "it is, indeed, sir," answered sir wycherly, kindly. "will you do us the favour to take a seat among us, and rest yourself after so violent an exertion? the cliff is hard enough to ascend, even when one keeps the path; though here is a young gentleman who had a fancy just now to go down it, without a path; and that, too, merely that a pretty girl might have a nosegay on her breakfast-table." the stranger looked intently at sir wycherly for a moment, then glanced his eye at the groom and the pony, after which he took a survey of tom wychecombe, the lieutenant, and the master. he was a man accustomed to look about him, and he understood, by that rapid glance, the characters of all he surveyed, with perhaps the exception of that of tom wychecombe; and even of that he formed a tolerably shrewd conjecture. sir wycherly he immediately set down as the squire of the adjacent estate; dutton's situation he hit exactly, conceiving him to be a worn-out master, who was employed to keep the signal-station; while he understood wychecombe, by his undress, and air, to be a sea-lieutenant in the king's service. tom wychecombe he thought it quite likely might be the son, and heir of the lord of the manor, both being in mourning; though he decided in his own mind that there was not the smallest family likeness between them. bowing with the courtesy of a man who knew how to acknowledge a civility, he took the proffered seat at sir wycherly's side without farther ceremony. "we must carry the young fellow to sea with us, sir," rejoined the stranger, "and that will cure him of looking for flowers in such ticklish places. his majesty has need of us all, in this war; and i trust, young gentleman, you have not been long ashore, among the girls." "only long enough to make a cure of a pretty smart hurt, received in cutting out a lugger from the opposite coast," answered wychecombe, with sufficient modesty, and yet with sufficient spirit. "lugger!--ha! what atwood? you surely do not mean, young gentleman, la voltigeuse?" "that was the name of the craft, sir--we found her in the roads of groix." "and then i've the pleasure of seeing mr. wychecombe, the young officer who led in that gallant attack?" this was said with a most flattering warmth of manner, the stranger even rising and removing his hat, as he uttered the words with a heartiness that showed how much his feelings were in unison with what he said. "i am mr. wychecombe, sir," answered the other, blushing to the temples, and returning the salute; "though i had not the honour of leading; one of the lieutenants of our ship being in another boat." "yes--i know all that--but he was beaten off, while you boarded and did the work. what have my lords commissioners done in the matter?" "all that is necessary, so far as i am concerned, sir, i do assure you; having sent me a commission the very next week. i only wish they had been equally generous to mr. walton, who received a severe wound also, and behaved as well as man could behave." "that would not be so wise, mr. wychecombe, since it would be rewarding a failure," returned the stranger, coldly. "success is all in all, in war. ah! there the fellows begin to show themselves, atwood." this remark drew all eyes, again, towards the sea, where a sight now presented itself that was really worthy of a passing notice. the vapour appeared to have become packed into a mass of some eighty or a hundred feet in height, leaving a perfectly clear atmosphere above it. in the clear air, were visible the upper spars and canvass of the entire fleet mentioned by the stranger; sixteen sail in all. there were the eleven two-deckers, and the three frigates, rising in pyramids of canvass, still fanning in towards the anchorage, which in that roadstead was within pistol-shot of the shore; while the royals and upper part of the topgallant sails of the sloop seemed to stand on the surface of the fog, like a monument. after a moment's pause, wychecombe discovered even the head of the cutter's royal-mast, with the pennant lazily fluttering ahead of it, partly concealed in vapour. the fog seemed to settle, instead of rising, though it evidently rolled along the face of the waters, putting the whole scene in motion. it was not long ere the tops of the ships of the line became visible, and then living beings were for the first time seen in the moving masses. "i suppose we offer just such a sight to the top-men of the ships, as they offer to us," observed the stranger. "they _must_ see this head-land and flag-staff, mr. wychecombe; and there can be no danger of their standing in too far!" "i should think not, sir; certainly the men aloft can see the cliffs above the fog, as we see the vessels' spars. ha! mr. dutton, there is a rear-admiral's flag flying on board the ship farthest to the eastward." "so i see, sir; and by looking at the third vessel on the western side of the line, you will find a bit of square bunting at the fore, which will tell you there is a vice-admiral beneath it." "quite true!" exclaimed wychecombe, who was ever enthusiastic on matters relating to his profession; "a vice-admiral of the red, too; which is the next step to being a full admiral. this must be the fleet of sir digby downes!" "no, young gentleman," returned the stranger, who perceived by the glance of the other's eye, that a question was indirectly put to himself; "it is the southern squadron; and the vice-admiral's flag you see, belongs to sir gervaise oakes. admiral bluewater is on board the ship that carries a flag at the mizzen." "those two officers always go together, sir wycherly," added the young man. "whenever we hear the name of sir gervaise, that of bluewater is certain to accompany it. such a union in service is delightful to witness." "well may they go in company, mr. wychecombe," returned the stranger, betraying a little emotion. "oakes and bluewater were reefers together, under old breasthook, in the mermaid; and when the first was made a lieutenant into the squid, the last followed as a mate. oakes was first of the briton, in her action with the spanish frigates, and bluewater third. for that affair oakes got a sloop, and his friend went with him as his first. the next year they had the luck to capture a heavier ship than their own, when, for the first time in their service, the two young men were separated; oakes getting a frigate, and bluewater getting the squid. still they cruised in company, until the senior was sent in command of a flying squadron, with a broad pennant, when the junior, who by this time was post, received his old messmate on board his own frigate. in that manner they served together, down to the hour when the first hoisted his flag. from that time, the two old seamen have never been parted; bluewater acting as the admiral's captain, until he got the square bunting himself. the vice-admiral has never led the van of a fleet, that the rear-admiral did not lead the rear-division; and, now that sir gervaise is a commander-in-chief, you see his friend, dick bluewater, is cruising in his company." while the stranger was giving this account of the two admirals, in a half-serious, half-jocular manner, the eyes of his companions were on him. he was a middle-sized, red-faced man, with an aquiline nose, a light-blue animated eye, and a mouth, which denoted more of the habits and care of refinement than either his dress or his ordinary careless mien. a great deal is said about the aristocracy of the ears, and the hands, and the feet; but of all the features, or other appliances of the human frame, the mouth and the nose have the greatest influence in producing an impression of gentility. this was peculiarly the case with the stranger, whose beak, like that of an ancient galley, gave the promise of a stately movement, and whose beautiful teeth and winning smile, often relieved the expression of a countenance that was not unfrequently stern. as he ceased speaking, dutton rose, in a studied manner, raised his hat entirely from his head, bowed his body nearly to a right angle, and said, "unless my memory is treacherous, i believe i have the honor to see rear-admiral bluewater, himself; i was a mate in the medway, when he commanded the chloe; and, unless five-and-twenty years have made more changes than i think probable, he is now on this hill." "your memory is a bad one, mr. dutton, and your hill has on it a much worse man, in all respects, than admiral bluewater. they say that man and wife, from living together, and thinking alike, having the same affections, loving the same objects, or sometimes hating them, get in time to look alike; hey! atwood? it may be that i am growing like bluewater, on the same principle; but this is the first time i ever heard the thing suggested. i am sir gervaise oakes, at your service, sir." the bow of dutton was now much lower than before, while young wychecombe uncovered himself, and sir wycherly arose and paid his compliments cordially, introducing himself, and offering the admiral and all his officers the hospitality of the hall. "ay, this is straight-forward and hearty, and in the good old english manner!" exclaimed the admiral, when he had returned the salutes, and cordially thanked the baronet. "one might land in scotland, now, anywhere between the tweed and john a'groat's house, and not be asked so much as to eat an oaten cake; hey! atwood?--always excepting the mountain dew." "you will have your fling at my poor countrymen, sir gervaise, and so there is no more to be said on the subject," returned the secretary, for such was the rank of the admiral's companion. "i might feel hurt at times, did i not know that you get as many scotsmen about you, in your own ship, as you can; and that a fleet is all the better in your judgment, for having every other captain from the land o' cakes." "did you ever hear the like of that, sir wycherly? because i stick to a man i like, he accuses me of having a predilection for his whole country. here's atwood, now; he was my clerk, when in a sloop; and he has followed me to the plantagenet, and because i do not throw him overboard, he wishes to make it appear half scotland is in her hold." "well, there are the surgeon, the purser, one of the mates, one of the marine officers, and the fourth lieutenant, to keep me company, sir gervaise," answered the secretary, smiling like one accustomed to his superior's jokes, and who cared very little about them. "when you send us all back to scotland, i'm thinking there will be many a good vacancy to fill." "the scotch make themselves very useful, sir gervaise," put in sir wycherly, by way of smoothing the matter over; "and now we have a brunswick prince on the throne, we englishmen have less jealousy of them than formerly. i am sure i should be happy to see all the gentlemen mentioned by mr. atwood, at wychecombe hall." "there, you're all well berthed while the fleet lies in these roads. sir wycherly, in the name of scotland, i thank you. but what an extr'ornary (for so admirals pronounced the word a hundred years ago) scene this is, hey! atwood? many a time have i seen the hulls of ships when their spars were hid in the fog; but i do not remember ever to have seen before, sixteen sets of masts and sails moving about on vapour, without a single hull to uphold them. the tops of all the two-decked ships are as plainly to be seen, as if the air were without a particle of vapour, while all below the cat-harpings is hid in a cloud as thick as the smoke of battle. i do not half like bluewater's standing in so far; perhaps, mr. dutton, they cannot see the cliffs, for i assure you we did not, until quite close under them. we went altogether by the lead, the masters feeling their way like so many blind beggars!" "we always keep that nine-pounder loaded, sir gervaise," returned the master, "in order to warn vessels when they are getting near enough in; and if mr. wychecombe, who is younger than i, will run to the house and light this match, i will prime, and we may give 'em warning where they are, in less than a minute." the admiral gave a ready assent to this proposition, and the respective parties immediately set about putting it in execution. wychecombe hastened to the house to light the match, glad of an opportunity to inquire after mildred; while dutton produced a priming-horn from a sort of arm-chest that stood near the gun, and put the latter in a condition to be discharged. the young man was absent but a minute, and when all was ready, he turned towards the admiral, in order to get the signal to proceed. "let 'em have it, mr. wychecombe," cried sir gervaise, smiling; "it will wake bluewater up; perhaps he may favour us with a broadside, by way of retort." the match was applied, and the report of the gun succeeded. then followed a pause of more than a minute; when the fog lifted around the cæsar, the ship that wore a rear-admiral's flag, a flash like lightning was seen glancing in the mist, and then came the bellowing of a piece of heavy ordnance. almost at the same instant, three little flags appeared at the mast-head of the cæsar, for previously to quitting his own ship, sir gervaise had sent a message to his friend, requesting him to take care of the fleet. this was the signal to anchor. the effect of all this, as seen from the height, was exceedingly striking. as yet not a single hull had become visible, the fog remaining packed upon the water, in a way to conceal even the lower yards of the two-deckers. all above was bright, distinct, and so near, as almost to render it possible to distinguish persons. there every thing was vivid, while a sort of supernatural mystery veiled all beneath. each ship had an officer aloft to look out for signals, and no sooner had the cæsar opened her three little flags, which had long been suspended in black balls, in readiness for this service, than the answers were seen floating at the mast-head of each of the vessels. then commenced a spectacle still more curious than that which those on the cliff had so long been regarding with interest. ropes began to move, and the sails were drawn up in festoons, apparently without the agency of hands. cut off from a seeming communication with the ocean, or the hulls, the spars of the different ships appeared to be instinct with life; each machine playing its own part independently of the others, but all having the same object in view. in a very few minutes the canvass was hauled up, and the whole fleet was swinging to the anchors. presently head after head was thrown out of the fog, the upper yards were alive with men, and the sails were handed. next came the squaring of the yards, though this was imperfectly done, and a good deal by guess-work. the men came down, and there lay a noble fleet at anchor, with nothing visible to those on the cliffs, but their top-hamper and upper spars. sir gervaise oakes had been so much struck and amused with a sight that to him happened to be entirely novel, that he did not speak during the whole process of anchoring. indeed, many a man might pass his life at sea, and never witness such a scene; but those who have, know that it is one of the most beautiful and striking spectacles connected with the wonders of the great deep. by this time the sun had got so high, as to begin to stir the fog, and streams of vapour were shooting up from the beach, like smoke rising from coal-pits. the wind increased, too, and rolled the vapour before it, and in less than ten minutes, the veil was removed; ship after ship coming out in plain view, until the entire fleet was seen riding in the roadstead, in its naked and distinct proportions. "now, bluewater is a happy fellow," exclaimed sir gervaise. "he sees his great enemy, the land, and knows how to deal with it." "i thought the french were the great and natural enemies of every british sailor," observed sir wycherly, simply, but quite to the point. "hum--there's truth in that, too. but the land is an enemy to be feared, while the frenchman is not--hey! atwood?" it was, indeed, a goodly sight to view the fine fleet that now lay anchored beneath the cliffs of wychecombe. sir gervaise oakes was, in that period, considered a successful naval commander, and was a favourite, both at the admiralty and with the nation. his popularity extended to the most distant colonies of england, in nearly all of which he had served with zeal and credit. but we are not writing of an age of nautical wonders, like that which succeeded at the close of the century. the french and dutch, and even the spaniards, were then all formidable as naval powers; for revolutions and changes had not destroyed their maritime corps, nor had the consequent naval ascendency of england annihilated their navigation; the two great causes of the subsequent apparent invincibility of the latter power. battles at sea, in that day, were warmly contested, and were frequently fruitless; more especially when fleets were brought in opposition. the single combats were usually more decisive, though the absolute success of the british flag, was far from being as much a matter of course as it subsequently became. in a word, the science of naval warfare had not made those great strides, which marked the career of england in the end, nor had it retrograded among her enemies, to the point which appears to have rendered their defeat nearly certain. still sir gervaise was a successful officer; having captured several single ships, in bloody encounters, and having actually led fleets with credit, in four or five of the great battles of the times; besides being second and third in command, on various similar occasions. his own ship was certain to be engaged, let what would happen to the others. equally as captains and as flag-officers, the nation had become familiar with the names of oakes and bluewater, as men ever to be found sustaining each other in the thickest of the fight. it may be well to add here, that both these favourite seamen were men of family, or at least what was considered men of family among the mere gentry of england; sir gervaise being a baronet by inheritance, while his friend actually belonged to one of those naval lines which furnishes admirals for generations; his father having worn a white flag at the main; and his grandfather having been actually ennobled for his services, dying vice-admiral of england. these fortuitous circumstances perhaps rendered both so much the greater favourites at court. chapter iv. ----"all with you; except three on duty, and our leader israel, who is expected momently." marino faliero. as his fleet was safely anchored, and that too, in beautiful order, in spite of the fog, sir gervaise oakes showed a disposition to pursue what are termed ulterior views. "this has been a fine sight--certainly a very fine sight; such as an old seaman loves; but there must be an end to it," he said. "you will excuse me, sir wycherly, but the movements of a fleet always have interest in my eyes, and it is seldom that i get such a bird's-eye view of those of my own; no wonder it has made me a somewhat unreflecting intruder." "make no apologies, sir gervaise, i beg of you; for none are needed, on any account. though this head-land does belong to the wychecombe property, it is fairly leased to the crown, and none have a better right to occupy it than his majesty's servants. the hall is a little more private, it is true, but even that has no door that will close upon our gallant naval defenders. it is but a short walk, and nothing will make me happier than to show you the way to my poor dwelling, and to see you as much at home under its roof, as you could be in the cabin of the plantagenet." "if any thing could make me as much at home in a house as in a ship, it would be so hearty a welcome; and i intend to accept your hospitality in the very spirit in which it is offered. atwood and i have landed to send off some important despatches to the first lord, and we will thank you for putting us in the way of doing it, in the safest and most expeditious manner. curiosity and surprise have already occasioned the loss of half an hour; while a soldier, or a sailor, should never lose half a minute." "is a courier who knows the country well, needed, sir gervaise?" the lieutenant demanded, modestly, though with an interest that showed he was influenced only by zeal for the service. the admiral looked at him, intently, for a moment, and seemed pleased with the hint implied in the question. "can you ride?" asked sir gervaise, smiling. "i could have brought half-a-dozen youngsters ashore with me; but, besides the doubts about getting a horse--a chaise i take it is out of the question here--i was afraid the lads might disgrace themselves on horseback." "this must be said in pleasantry, sir gervaise," returned wychecombe; "he would be a strange virginian at least, who does not know how to ride!" "and a strange englishman, too, bluewater would say; and yet i never see the fellow straddle a horse that i do not wish it were a studding-sail-boom run out to leeward! we sailors _fancy_ we ride, mr. wychecombe, but it is some such fancy as a marine has for the fore-topmast-cross-trees. can a horse be had, to go as far as the nearest post-office that sends off a daily mail?" "that can it, sir gervaise," put in sir wycherly. "here is dick mounted on as good a hunter as is to be found in england; and i'll answer for my young namesake's willingness to put the animal's mettle to the proof. our little mail has just left wychecombe for the next twenty-four hours, but by pushing the beast, there will be time to reach the high road in season for the great london mail, which passes the nearest market-town at noon. it is but a gallop of ten miles and back, and that i'll answer for mr. wychecombe's ability to do, and to join us at dinner by four." young wychecombe expressing his readiness to perform all this, and even more at need, the arrangement was soon made. dick was dismounted, the lieutenant got his despatches and his instructions, took his leave, and had galloped out of sight, in the next five minutes. the admiral then declared himself at liberty for the day, accepting the invitation of sir wycherly to breakfast and dine at the hall, in the same spirit of frankness as that in which it had been given. sir wycherly was so spirited as to refuse the aid of his pony, but insisted on walking through the village and park to his dwelling, though the distance was more than a mile. just as they were quitting the signal-station, the old man took the admiral aside, and in an earnest, but respectful manner, disburthened his mind to the following effect. "sir gervaise," he said, "i am no sailor, as you know, and least of all do i bear his majesty's commission in the navy, though i am in the county commission as a justice of the peace; so, if i make any little mistake you will have the goodness to overlook it, for i know that the etiquette of the quarter-deck is a very serious matter, and is not to be trifled with;--but here is dutton, as good a fellow in his way as lives--his father was a sort of a gentleman too, having been the attorney of the neighbourhood, and the old man was accustomed to dine with me forty years ago--" "i believe i understand you, sir wycherly," interrupted the admiral; "and i thank you for the attention you wish to pay my prejudices; but, you are master of wychecombe, and i should feel myself a troublesome intruder, indeed, did you not ask whom you please to dine at your own table." "that's not quite it, sir gervaise, though you have not gone far wide of the mark. dutton is only a master, you know; and it seems that a master on board ship is a very different thing from a master on shore; so dutton, himself, has often told me." "ay, dutton is right enough as regards a king's ship, though the two offices are pretty much the same, when other craft are alluded to. but, my dear sir wycherly, an admiral is not disgraced by keeping company with a boatswain, if the latter is an honest man. it is true we have our customs, and what we call our quarter-deck and forward officers; which is court end and city, on board ship; but a master belongs to the first, and the master of the plantagenet, sandy mcyarn, dines with me once a month, as regularly as he enters a new word at the top of his log-book. i beg, therefore, you will extend your hospitality to whom you please--or--" the admiral hesitated, as he cast a good-natured glance at the master, who stood still uncovered, waiting for his superior to move away; "or, perhaps, sir wycherly, you would permit _me_ to ask a friend to make one of our party." "that's just it, sir gervaise," returned the kind-hearted baronet; "and dutton will be one of the happiest fellows in devonshire. i wish we could have mrs. dutton and milly, and then the table would look what my poor brother james--st. james i used to call him--what the rev. james wychecombe was accustomed to term, mathematical. he said a table should have all its sides and angles duly filled. james was a most agreeable companion, sir gervaise, and, in divinity, he would not have turned his back on one of the apostles, i do verily believe!" the admiral bowed, and turning to the master, he invited him to be of the party at the hall, in the manner which one long accustomed to render his civilities agreeable by a sort of professional off-handed way, well knew how to assume. "sir wycherly has insisted that i shall consider his table as set in my own cabin," he continued; "and i know of no better manner of proving my gratitude, than by taking him at his word, and filling it with guests that will be agreeable to us both. i believe there is a mrs. dutton, and a miss--a--a--a--" "milly," put in the baronet, eagerly; "miss mildred dutton--the daughter of our good friend dutton, here, and a young lady who would do credit to the gayest drawing-room in london." "you perceive, sir, that our kind host anticipates the wishes of an old bachelor, as it might be by instinct, and desires the company of the ladies, also. miss mildred will, at least, have two young men to do homage to her beauty, and _three_ old ones to sigh in the distance--hey! atwood?" "mildred, as sir wycherly knows, sir, has been a little disturbed this morning," returned dutton, putting on his best manner for the occasion; "but, i feel no doubt, will be too grateful for this honour, not to exert herself to make a suitable return. as for my wife, gentlemen--" "and what is to prevent mrs. dutton from being one of the party," interrupted sir wycherly, as he observed the husband to hesitate; "she sometimes favours me with her company." "i rather think she will to-day, sir wycherly, if mildred is well enough to go; the good woman seldom lets her daughter stray far from her apron-strings. she keeps her, as i tell her, within the sweep of her own hawse, sir gervaise." "so much the wiser she, master dutton," returned the admiral, pointedly. "the best pilot for a young woman is a good mother; and now you have a fleet in your roadstead, i need not tell a seaman of your experience that you are on pilot-ground;--hey! atwood?" here the parties separated, dutton remaining uncovered until his superior had turned the corner of his little cottage, and was fairly out of sight. then the master entered his dwelling to prepare his wife and daughter for the honours they had in perspective. before he executed this duty, however, the unfortunate man opened what he called a locker--what a housewife would term a cupboard--and fortified his nerves with a strong draught of pure nantes; a liquor that no hostilities, custom-house duties, or national antipathies, has ever been able to bring into general disrepute in the british islands. in the mean time the party of the two baronets pursued its way towards the hall. the village, or hamlet of wychecombe, lay about half-way between the station and the residence of the lord of the manor. it was an exceedingly rural and retired collection of mean houses, possessing neither physician, apothecary, nor attorney, to give it importance. a small inn, two or three shops of the humblest kind, and some twenty cottages of labourers and mechanics, composed the place, which, at that early day, had not even a chapel, or a conventicle; dissent not having made much progress then in england. the parish church, one of the old edifices of the time of the henrys, stood quite alone, in a field, more than a mile from the place; and the vicarage, a respectable abode, was just on the edge of the park, fully half a mile more distant. in short, wychecombe was one of those places which was so far on the decline, that few or no traces of any little importance it may have once possessed, were any longer to be discovered; and it had sunk entirely into a hamlet that owed its allowed claims to be marked on the maps, and to be noted in the gazetteers, altogether to its antiquity, and the name it had given to one of the oldest knightly families in england. no wonder then, that the arrival of a fleet under the head, produced a great excitement in the little village. the anchorage was excellent, so far as the bottom was concerned, but it could scarcely be called a roadstead in any other point of view, since there was shelter against no wind but that which blew directly off shore, which happened to be a wind that did not prevail in that part of the island. occasionally, a small cruiser would come-to, in the offing, and a few frigates had lain at single anchors in the roads, for a tide or so, in waiting for a change of weather; but this was the first fleet that had been known to moor under the cliffs within the memory of man. the fog had prevented the honest villagers from ascertaining the unexpected honour that had been done them, until the reports of the two guns reached their ears, when the important intelligence spread with due rapidity over the entire adjacent country. although wychecombe did not lie in actual view of the sea, by the time the party of sir wycherly entered the hamlet, its little street was already crowded with visiters from the fleet; every vessel having sent at least one boat ashore, and many of them some three or four. captain's and gun-room stewards, midshipmen's foragers, loblolly boys, and other similar harpies, were out in scores; for this was a part of the world in which bum-boats were unknown; and if the mountain would not come to mahomet, mahomet must fain go to the mountain. half an hour had sufficed to exhaust all the unsophisticated simplicity of the hamlet; and milk, eggs, fresh butter, soft-tommy, vegetables, and such fruits as were ripe, had already risen quite one hundred per cent. in the market. sir gervaise had called his force the southern squadron, from the circumstance of its having been cruising in the bay of biscay, for the last six months. this was a wild winter-station, the danger from the elements greatly surpassing any that could well be anticipated from the enemy. the duty notwithstanding had been well and closely performed; several west india, and one valuable east india convoy having been effectually protected, as well as a few straggling frigates of the enemy picked up; but the service had been excessively laborious to all engaged in it, and replete with privations. most of those who now landed, had not trod terra firma for half a year, and it was not wonderful that all the officers whose duties did not confine them to the vessels, gladly seized the occasion to feast their senses with the verdure and odours of their native island. quite a hundred guests of this character were also pouring into the street of wychecombe, or spreading themselves among the surrounding farm-houses; flirting with the awkward and blushing girls, and keeping an eye at the same time to the main chance of the mess-table. "our boys have already found out your village, sir wycherly, in spite of the fog," the vice-admiral remarked, good-humouredly, as he cast his eyes around at the movement of the street; "and the locusts of egypt will not come nearer to breeding a famine. one would think there was a great dinner _in petto_, in every cabin of the fleet, by the number of the captain's stewards that are ashore, hey! atwood? i have seen nine of the harpies, myself, and the other seven can't be far off." "here is galleygo, sir gervaise," returned the secretary, smiling; "though _he_ can scarcely be called a captain's steward, having the honour to serve a vice-admiral and a commander-in-chief." "ay, but _we_ feed the whole fleet at times, and have some excuse for being a little exacting--harkee, galleygo--get a horse-cart, and push off at once, four or five miles further into the country; you might as well expect to find real pearls in fishes' eyes, as hope to pick up any thing nice among so many gun-room and cock-pit boys. i dine ashore to-day, but captain greenly is fond of mutton-chops, you'll remember." this was said kindly, and in the manner of a man accustomed to treat his domestics with the familiarity of humble friends. galleygo was as unpromising a looking butler as any gentleman ashore would be at all likely to tolerate; but he had been with his present master, and in his present capacity, ever since the latter had commanded a sloop of war. all his youth had been passed as a top-man, and he was really a prime seaman; but accident having temporarily placed him in his present station, captain oakes was so much pleased with his attention to his duty, and particularly with his order, that he ever afterwards retained him in his cabin, notwithstanding the strong desire the honest fellow himself had felt to remain aloft. time and familiarity, at length reconciled the steward to his station, though he did not formally accept it, until a clear agreement had been made that he was not to be considered an idler on any occasion that called for the services of the best men. in this manner david, for such was his christian name, had become a sort of nondescript on board of a man-of-war; being foremost in all the cuttings out, a captain of a gun, and was frequently seen on a yard in moments of difficulty, just to keep his hand in, as he expressed it, while he descended to the duties of the cabin in peaceable times and good weather. near thirty years had he thus been half-steward, half-seaman when afloat, while on land he was rather a counsellor and minister of the closet, than a servant; for out of a ship he was utterly useless, though he never left his master for a week at a time, ashore or afloat. the name of galleygo was a _sobriquet_ conferred by his brother top-men, but had been so generally used, that for the last twenty years most of his shipmates believed it to be his patronymic. when this compound of cabin and forecastle received the order just related, he touched the lock of hair on his forehead, a ceremony he always used before he spoke to sir gervaise, the hat being removed at some three or four yards' distance, and made his customary answer of-- "ay-ay-sir--your honour has been a young gentleman yourself, and knows what a young gentleman's stomach gets to be, a'ter a six months' fast in the bay of biscay; and a young gentleman's _boy's_ stomach, too. i always thinks there's but a small chance for us, sir, when i sees six or eight of them light cruisers in my neighbourhood. they're som'mat like the sloops and cutters of a fleet, which picks up all the prizes." "quite true, master galleygo; but if the light cruisers get the prizes, you should recollect that the admiral always has his share of the prize-money." "yes, sir, i knows we has our share, but that's accordin' to law, and because the commanders of the light craft can't help it. let 'em once get the law on their side, and not a ha'pence would bless our pockets! no, sir, what we gets, we gets by the law; and as there is no law to fetch up young gentlemen or their boys, that pays as they goes, we never gets any thing they or their boys puts hands on." "i dare say you are right, david, as you always are. it wouldn't be a bad thing to have an act of parliament to give an admiral his twentieth in the reefers' foragings. the old fellows would sometimes get back some of their own poultry and fruit in that way, hey! atwood?" the secretary smiled his assent, and then sir gervaise apologized to his host, repeated the order to the steward, and the party proceeded. "this fellow of mine, sir wycherly, is no respecter of persons, beyond the etiquette of a man-of-war," the admiral continued, by way of further excuse. "i believe his majesty himself would be favoured with an essay on some part of the economy of the cabin, were galleygo to get an opportunity of speaking his mind to him. nor is the fool without his expectations of some day enjoying this privilege; for the last lime i went to court, i found honest david rigged, from stem to stern, in a full suit of claret and steel, under the idea that he was 'to sail in company with me,' as he called it, 'with or without signal!'" "there was nothing surprising in that, sir gervaise," observed the secretary. "galleygo has sailed in company with you so long, and to so many strange lands; has been through so many dangers at your side, and has got so completely to consider himself as part of the family, that it was the most natural thing in the world he should expect to go to court with you." "true enough. the fellow would face the devil, at my side, and i don't see why he should hesitate to face the king. i sometimes call him lady oakes, sir wycherly, for he appears to think he has a right of dower, or to some other lawyer-like claim on my estate; and as for the fleet, he always speaks of _that_, as if we commanded it in common. i wonder how bluewater tolerates the blackguard; for he never scruples to allude to him as under _our_ orders! if any thing should befal me, dick and david would have a civil war for the succession, hey! atwood?" "i think military subordination would bring galleygo to his senses, sir gervaise, should such an unfortunate accident occur--which heaven avert for many years to come! there is admiral bluewater coming up the street, at this very moment, sir." at this sudden announcement, the whole party turned to look in the direction intimated by the secretary. it was by this time at one end of the short street, and all saw a man just entering the other, who, in his walk, air, attire, and manner, formed a striking contrast to the active, merry, bustling, youthful young sailors who thronged the hamlet. in person, admiral bluewater was exceedingly tall and exceedingly thin. like most seamen who have that physical formation, he stooped; a circumstance that gave his years a greater apparent command over his frame, than they possessed in reality. while this bend in his figure deprived it, in a great measure, of the sturdy martial air that his superior presented to the observer, it lent to his carriage a quiet and dignity that it might otherwise have wanted. certainly, were this officer attired like an ordinary civilian, no one would have taken him for one of england's bravest and most efficient sea-captains; he would have passed rather as some thoughtful, well-educated, and refined gentleman, of retired habits, diffident of himself, and a stranger to ambition. he wore an undress rear-admiral's uniform, as a matter of course; but he wore it carelessly, as if from a sense of duty only; or conscious that no arrangement could give him a military air. still all about his person was faultlessly neat, and perfectly respectable. in a word, no one but a man accustomed to the sea, were it not for his uniform, would suspect the rear-admiral of being a sailor; and even the seaman himself might be often puzzled to detect any other signs of the profession about him, than were to be found in a face, which, fair, gentlemanly, handsome, and even courtly as it was, in expression and outline, wore the tint that exposure invariably stamps on the mariner's countenance. here, however, his unseaman-like character ceased. admiral oakes had often declared that "dick bluewater knew more about a ship than any man in england;" and as for a fleet, his mode of man[oe]uvring one had got to be standard in the service. as soon as sir gervaise recognised his friend, he expressed a wish to wait for him, which was courteously converted by sir wycherly into a proposition to return and meet him. so abstracted was admiral bluewater, however, that he did not see the party that was approaching him, until he was fairly accosted by sir gervaise, who led the advance by a few yards. "good-day to you, bluewater," commenced the latter, in his familiar, off-hand way; "i'm glad you have torn yourself away from your ship; though i must say the manner in which you came-to, in that fog, was more like instinct, than any thing human! i determined to tell you as much, the moment we met; for i don't think there is a ship, half her length out of mathematical order, notwithstanding the tide runs, here, like a race-horse." "that is owing to your captains, sir gervaise," returned the other, observing the respect of manner, that the inferior never loses with his superior, on service, and in a navy; let their relative rank and intimacy be what they may on all other occasions; "good captains make handy ships. our gentlemen have now been together so long, that they understand each other's movements; and every vessel in the fleet has her character as well as her commander!" "very true, admiral bluewater, and yet there is not another officer in his majesty's service, that could have brought a fleet to anchor, in so much order, and in such a fog; and i ask your leave, sir, most particularly to thank you for the lesson you have given, not only to the captains, but to the commander-in-chief. i presume i may admire that which i cannot exactly imitate." the rear-admiral merely smiled and touched his hat in acknowledgment of the compliment, but he made no direct answer in words. by this time sir wycherly and the others had approached, and the customary introductions took place. sir wycherly now pressed his new acquaintance to join his guests, with so much heartiness, that there was no such thing as refusing. "since you and sir gervaise both insist on it so earnestly, sir wycherly," returned the rear-admiral, "i must consent; but as it is contrary to our practice, when on foreign service--and i call this roadstead a foreign station, as to any thing we know about it--as it is contrary to our practice for both flag-officers to sleep out of the fleet, i shall claim the privilege to be allowed to go off to my ship before midnight. i think the weather looks settled, sir gervaise, and we may trust that many hours, without apprehension." "pooh--pooh--bluewater, you are always fancying the ships in a gale, and clawing off a lee-shore. put your heart at rest, and let us go and take a comfortable dinner with sir wycherly, who has a london paper, i dare to say, that may let us into some of the secrets of state. are there any tidings from our people in flanders?" "things remain pretty much as they have been," returned sir wycherly, "since that last terrible affair, in which the duke got the better of the french at--i never can remember an outlandish name; but it sounds something like a christian baptism. if my poor brother, st. james, were living, now, he could tell us all about it." "christian baptism! that's an odd allusion for a field of battle. the armies can't have got to jerusalem; hey! atwood?" "i rather think, sir gervaise," the secretary coolly remarked, "that sir wycherly wychecombe refers to the battle that took place last spring--it was fought at font-something; and a font certainly has something to do with christian baptism." "that's it--that's it," cried sir wycherly, with some eagerness; "fontenoï was the name of the place, where the duke would have carried all before him, and brought marshal saxe, and all his frog-eaters prisoners to england, had our dutch and german allies behaved better than they did. so it is with poor old england, gentlemen; whatever _she_ gains, her allies always _lose_ for her--the germans, or the colonists, are constantly getting us into trouble!" both sir gervaise and his friend were practical men, and well knew that they never fought the dutch or the french, without meeting with something that was pretty nearly their match. they had no faith in general national superiority. the courts-martial that so often succeeded general actions, had taught them that there were all degrees of spirit, as well as all degrees of a want of spirit; and they knew too much, to be the dupes of flourishes of the pen, or of vapid declamation at dinner-speeches, and in the house of commons. men, well led and commanded, they had ascertained by experience, were worth twice as much as the same men when ill led and ill commanded; and they were not to be told that the moral tone of an army or a fleet, from which all its success was derived, depended more on the conventional feeling that had been got up through moral agencies, than on birth-place, origin, or colour. each glanced his eye significantly at the other, and a sarcastic smile passed over the face of sir gervaise, though his friend maintained his customary appearance of gravity. "i believe le grand monarque and marshal saxe give a different account of that matter, sir wycherly," drily observed the former; "and it may be well to remember that there are two sides to every story. whatever may be said of dettingen, i fancy history will set down fontenoï as any thing but a feather in his royal highness' cap." "you surely do not consider it possible for the french arms to overthrow a british army, sir gervaise oakes!" exclaimed the simple-minded provincial--for such was sir wycherly wychecombe, though he had sat in parliament, had four thousand a year, and was one of the oldest families in england--"it sounds like treason to admit the possibility of such a thing." "god bless us, my dear sir, i am as far from supposing any such thing, as the duke of cumberland himself; who, by the way, has as much english blood in his veins, as the baltic may have of the water of the mediterranean--hey! atwood? by the way, sir wycherly, i must ask a little tenderness of you in behalf of my friend the secretary, here, who has a national weakness in favour of the pretender, and all of the clan stuart." "i hope not--i sincerely hope not, sir gervaise!" exclaimed sir wycherly, with a warmth that was not entirely free from alarm; his own loyalty to the new house being altogether without reproach. "mr. atwood has the air of a gentleman of too good principles not to see on which side real religious and political liberty lie. i am sure you are pleased to be jocular, sir gervaise; the very circumstance that he is in your company is a pledge of his loyalty." "well, well, sir wycherly, i would not give you a false idea of my friend atwood, if possible; and so i may as well confess, that, while his scotch blood inclines him to toryism, his english reason makes him a whig. if charles stuart never gets the throne until stephen atwood helps him to a seat on it, he may take leave of ambition for ever." "i thought as much, sir gervaise--i thought _your_ secretary could never lean to the doctrine of 'passive obedience and non-resistance.' that's a principle which would hardly suit sailors, admiral bluewater." admiral bluewater's line, full, blue eye, lighted with an expression approaching irony; but he made no other answer than a slight inclination of the head. in point of fact, _he_ was a jacobite: though no one was acquainted with the circumstance but his immediate commanding officer. as a seaman, he was called on only to serve his country; and, as often happens to military men, he was willing to do this under any superior whom circumstances might place over his head, let his private sentiments be what they might. during the civil war of , he was too young in years, and too low in rank to render his opinions of much importance; and, kept on foreign stations, his services could only affect the general interests of the nation, without producing any influence on the contest at home. since that period, nothing had occurred to require one, whose duty kept him on the ocean, to come to a very positive decision between the two masters that claimed his allegiance. sir gervaise had always been able to persuade him that he was sustaining the honour and interests of his country, and that ought to be sufficient to a patriot, let who would rule. notwithstanding this wide difference in political feeling between the two admirals--sir gervaise being as decided a whig, as his friend was a tory--their personal harmony had been without a shade. as to confidence, the superior knew the inferior so well, that he believed the surest way to prevent his taking sides openly with the jacobites, or of doing them secret service, was to put it in his power to commit a great breach of trust. so long as faith were put in his integrity, sir gervaise felt certain his friend bluewater might be relied on; and he also knew that, should the moment ever come when the other really intended to abandon the service of the house of hanover, he would frankly throw up his employments, and join the hostile standard, without profiting, in any manner, by the trusts he had previously enjoyed. it is also necessary that the reader should understand that admiral bluewater had never communicated his political opinions to any person but his friend; the pretender and his counsellors being as ignorant of them, as george ii. and his ministers. the only practical effect, therefore, that they had ever produced was to induce him to decline separate commands, several of which had been offered to him; one, quite equal to that enjoyed by sir gervaise oakes, himself. "no," the latter answered to sir wycherly's remark; though the grave, thoughtful expression of his face, showed how little his feelings chimed in, at the moment, with the ironical language of his tongue. "no--sir wycherly, a man-of-war's man, in particular, has not the slightest idea of 'passive obedience and non-resistance,'--that is a doctrine which is intelligible only to papists and tories. bluewater is in a brown study; thinking no doubt of the manner in which he intends to lead down on monsieur de gravelin, should we ever have the luck to meet that gentleman again; so we will, if it's agreeable to all parties, change the subject." "with all my heart, sir gervaise," answered the baronet, cordially; "and, after all, there is little use in discussing the affair of the pretender any longer, for he appears to be quite out of men's minds, since that last failure of king louis xv." "yes, norris rather crushed the young viper in its shell, and we may consider the thing at an end." "so my late brother, baron wychecombe, always treated it, sir gervaise. he once assured me that the twelve judges were clearly against the claim, and that the stuarts had nothing to expect from _them_." "did he tell you, sir, on what ground these learned gentlemen had come to this decision?" quietly asked admiral bluewater. "he did, indeed; for he knew my strong desire to make out a good case against the tories so well, that he laid all the law before me. i am a bad hand, however, to repeat even what i hear; though my poor brother, the late rev. james wychecombe--st. james as i used to call him--could go over a discourse half an hour long, and not miss a word. thomas and james appear to have run away with the memories of the rest of the family. nevertheless, i recollect it all depended on an act of parliament, which is supreme; and the house of hanover reigning by an act of parliament, no court could set aside the claim." "very clearly explained, sir," continued bluewater; "and you will permit me to say that there was no necessity for an apology on account of the memory. your brother, however, might not have exactly explained what an act of parliament is. king, lords, and commons, are all necessary to an act of parliament." "certainly--we all know that, my dear admiral; we poor fellows ashore here, as well as you mariners at sea. the hanoverian succession had all three to authorize it." "had it a king?" "a king! out of dispute--or what we bachelors ought to consider as much better, it had a _queen_. queen anne approved of the act, and that made it an act of parliament. i assure you, i learned a good deal of law in the baron's visits to wychecombe; and in the pleasant hours we used to chat together in his chambers!" "and who signed the act of parliament that made anne a queen? or did she ascend the throne by regular succession? both mary and anne were sovereigns by acts of parliament, and we must look back until we get the approval of a prince who took the crown by legal descent." "come--come, bluewater," put in sir gervaise, gravely; "we may persuade sir wycherly, in this manner, that he has a couple of furious jacobites in company. the stuarts were dethroned by a revolution, which is a law of nature, and enacted by god, and which of course overshadows all other laws when it gets into the ascendant, as it clearly has done in this case. i take it, sir wycherly, these are your park-gates, and that yonder is the hall." this remark changed the discourse, and the whole party proceeded towards the house, discussing the beauty of its position, its history, and its advantages, until they reached its door. chapter v. "monarch and ministers, are awful names: whoever wear them, challenge our devoir." young. our plan does not require an elaborate description of the residence of sir wycherly. the house had been neither priory, abbey, nor castle; but it was erected as a dwelling for himself and his posterity, by a sir michael wychecombe, two or three centuries before, and had been kept in good serviceable condition ever since. it had the usual long, narrow windows, a suitable hall, wainscoted rooms, battlemented walls, and turreted angles. it was neither large, nor small; handsome, nor ugly; grand, nor mean; but it was quaint, respectable in appearance, and comfortable as an abode. the admirals were put each in possession of bed-chambers and dressing-rooms, as soon as they arrived; and atwood was _berthed_ not far from his commanding-officer, in readiness for service, if required. sir wycherly was naturally hospitable; but his retired situation had given him a zest for company, that greatly increased the inborn disposition. sir gervaise, it was understood, was to pass the night with him, and he entertained strong hopes of including his friend in the same arrangement. beds were ordered, too, for dutton, his wife, and daughter; and his namesake, the lieutenant, was expected also to sleep under his roof, that night. the day passed in the customary manner; the party having breakfasted, and then separated to attend to their several occupations, agreeably to the usages of all country houses, in all parts of the world, and, we believe, in all time. sir gervaise, who had sent a messenger off to the plantagenet for certain papers, spent the morning in writing; admiral bluewater walked in the park, by himself; atwood was occupied with his superior; sir wycherly rode among his labourers; and tom wychecombe took a rod, and pretended to go forth to fish, though he actually held his way back to the head-land, lingering in and around the cottage until it was time to return home. at the proper hour, sir wycherly sent his chariot for the ladies; and a few minutes before the appointed moment, the party began to assemble in the drawing-room. when sir wycherly appeared, he found the duttons already in possession, with tom doing the honours of the house. of the sailing-master and his daughter, it is unnecessary to say more than that the former was in his best uniform--an exceedingly plain one, as was then the case with the whole naval wardrobe--and that the last had recovered from her illness, as was evident by the bloom that the sensitive blushes constantly cast athwart her lovely face. her attire was exactly what it ought to have been; neat, simple, and becoming. in honour of the host, she wore her best; but this was what became her station, though a little jewelry that rather surpassed what might have been expected in a girl of her rank of life, threw around her person an air of modest elegance. mrs. dutton was a plain, matronly woman--the daughter of a land-steward of a nobleman in the same county--with an air of great mental suffering, from griefs she had never yet exposed to the heartless sympathy of the world. the baronet was so much in the habit of seeing his humble neighbours, that an intimacy had grown up between them. sir wycherly, who was anything but an acute observer, felt an interest in the melancholy-looking, and almost heart-broken mother, without knowing why; or certainly without suspecting the real character of her habitual sadness; while mildred's youth and beauty had not failed of producing the customary effect of making a friend of the old bachelor. he shook hands all round, therefore, with great cordiality; expressing his joy at meeting mrs. dutton, and congratulating the daughter on her complete recovery. "i see tom has been attentive to his duty," he added, "while i've been detained by a silly fellow about a complaint against a poacher. my namesake, young wycherly, has not got back yet, though it is quite two hours past his time; and mr. atwood tells me the admiral is a little uneasy about his despatches. i tell him mr. wycherly wychecombe, though i have not the honour of ranking him among my relatives, and he is only a virginian by birth, is a young man to be relied on; and that the despatches are safe, let what may detain the courier." "and why should not a virginian be every way as trustworthy and prompt as an englishman, sir wycherly?" asked mrs. dutton. "he _is_ an englishman, merely separated from us by the water." this was said mildly, or in the manner of one accustomed to speak under a rebuked feeling; but it was said earnestly, and perhaps a little reproachfully, while the speaker's eye glanced with natural interest towards the beautiful face of her daughter. "why not, sure enough, my dear mrs. dutton!" echoed the baronet. "they _are_ englishmen, like ourselves, only born out of the realm, as it might be, and no doubt a little different on that account. they are fellow-subjects, mrs. dutton, and that is a great deal. then they are miracles of loyalty, there being scarcely a jacobite, as they tell me, in all the colonies." "mr. wycherly wychecombe is a very respectable young gentleman," said dutton; "and i hear he is a prime seaman for his years. he has not the honour of being related to this distinguished family, like mr. thomas, here, it is true; but he is likely to make a name for himself. should he get a ship, and do as handsome things in her, as he has done already, his majesty would probably knight him; and then we should have _two_ sir wycherly wychecombes!" "i hope not--i hope not!" exclaimed the baronet; "i think there must be a law against _that_. as it is, i shall be obliged to put bart. after my name, as my worthy grandfather used to do, in order to prevent confusion; but england can't bear two sir wycherlys, any more than the world can bear two suns. is not that your opinion, miss mildred?" the baronet had laughed at his own allusion, showing he spoke half jocularly; but, as his question was put in too direct a manner to escape general attention, the confused girl was obliged to answer. "i dare say mr. wychecombe will never reach a rank high enough to cause any such difficulty," she said; and it was said in all sincerity; for, unconsciously perhaps, she secretly hoped that no difference so wide might ever be created between the youth and herself. "if he should, i suppose his rights would be as good as another's, and he must keep his name." "in such a case, which is improbable enough, as miss mildred has so well observed," put in tom wychecombe, "we should have to submit to the _knighthood_, for that comes from the king, who might knight a chimney-sweep, if he see fit; but a question might be raised as to the _name_. it is bad enough as it is; but if it really got to be _two_ sir wycherlys, i think my dear uncle would be wrong to submit to such an invasion of what one might call his individuality, without making some inquiry as to the right of the gentleman to one or both his names. the result might show that the king had made a sir something nobody." the sneer and spite with which this was uttered, were too marked to escape notice; and both dutton and his wife felt it would be unpleasant to mingle farther in the discourse. still the last, submissive, rebuked, and heart-broken as she was, felt a glow on her own pale cheek, as she saw the colour mount in the face of mildred, and she detected the strong impulses that urged the generous girl herself to answer. "we have now known mr. wychecombe several months," observed mildred, fastening her full, blue eye calmly on tom's sinister-looking face; "and we have never known any thing to cause us to think he would bear a name--or names--that he does not at least think he has a right to." this was said gently, but so distinctly, that every word entered fairly into tom wychecombe's soul; who threw a quick, suspicious glance at the lovely speaker, as if to ascertain how far she intended any allusion to himself. meeting with no other expression than that of generous interest, he recovered his self-command, and made his reply with sufficient coolness. "upon my word, mrs. dutton," he cried, laughing; "we young men will all of us have to get over the cliff, and hang dangling at the end of a rope, in order to awaken an interest in miss mildred, to defend us when our backs are turned. so eloquent--and most especially, so lovely, so charming an advocate, is almost certain of success; and my uncle and myself must admit the absent gentleman's right to our name; though, heaven be praised, he has not yet got either the title or the estate." "i hope i have said nothing, sir wycherly, to displease _you_," returned mildred, with emphasis; though her face was a thousand times handsomer than ever, with the blushes that suffused it. "nothing would pain me more, than to suppose i had done so improper a thing. i merely meant that we cannot believe mr. wycherly wychecombe would willingly take a name he had no right to." "my little dear," said the baronet, taking the hand of the distressed girl, and kissing her cheek, as he had often done before, with fatherly tenderness; "it is not an easy matter for _you_ to offend _me_; and i'm sure the young fellow is quite welcome to both my names, if you wish him to have 'em." "and i merely meant, miss mildred," resumed tom, who feared he might have gone too far; "that the young gentleman--quite without any fault of his own--is probably ignorant how he came by two names that have so long pertained to the head of an ancient and honourable family. there is many a young man born, who is worthy of being an earl, but whom the law considers--" here tom paused to choose terms suitable for his auditor, when the baronet added, "a _filius nullius_--that's the phrase, tom--i had it from your own father's mouth." tom wychecombe started, and looked furtively around him, as if to ascertain who suspected the truth. then he continued, anxious to regain the ground he feared he had lost in mildred's favour. "_filius nullius_ means, miss mildred, exactly what i wish to express; a family without any legal origin. they tell me, however, that in the colonies, nothing is more common than for people to take the names of the great families at home, and after a while they fancy themselves related." "i never heard mr. wycherly wychecombe say a word to lead us to suppose that he was, in any manner, connected with this family, sir," returned mildred, calmly, but quite distinctly. "did you ever hear him say he was _not_, miss mildred?" "i cannot say i ever did, mr. wychecombe. it is a subject that has seldom been introduced in my hearing." "but it has often been introduced in his! i declare, sir wycherly, it has struck me as singular, that while you and i have so very frequently stated in the presence of this gentleman, that our families are in no way connected, he has never, in any manner, not even by a nod or a look of approbation, assented to what he must certainly know to be the case. but i suppose, like a true colonist, he was unwilling to give up his hold on the old stock." here the entrance of sir gervaise oakes changed the discourse. the vice-admiral joined the party in good spirits, as is apt to be the case with men who have been much occupied with affairs of moment, and who meet relaxation with a consciousness of having done their duty. "if one could take with him to sea, the comforts of such a house as this, sir wycherly, and such handsome faces as your own, young lady," cried sir gervaise, cheerfully, after he had made his salutations; "there would be an end of our exclusiveness, for every _petit maître_ of paris and london would turn sailor, as a matter of course. six months in the bay of biscay gives an old fellow, like myself, a keen relish for these enjoyments, as hunger makes any meat palatable; though i am far, very far, indeed, from putting this house or this company, on a level with an indifferent feast, even for an epicure." "such as it is, sir gervaise, the first is quite at your service, in all things," rejoined the host; "and the last will do all in its power to make itself agreeable." "ah--here comes bluewater to echo all i have said and feel. i am telling sir wycherly and the ladies, of the satisfaction we grampuses experience when we get berthed under such a roof as this, with woman's sweet face to throw a gleam of happiness around her." admiral bluewater had already saluted the mother, but when his eye fell on the face and person of mildred, it was riveted, for an instant, with an earnestness and intentness of surprise and admiration that all noted, though no one saw fit to comment on it. "sir gervaise is so established an admirer of the sex," said the rear-admiral, recovering himself, after a pause; "that i am never astonished at any of his raptures. salt water has the usual effect on him, however; for i have now known him longer than he might wish to be reminded of, and yet the only mistress who can keep him true, is his ship." "and to that i believe i may be said to be constant. i don't know how it is with you, sir wycherly, but every thing i am accustomed to i like. now, here i have sailed with both these gentlemen, until i should as soon think of going to sea without a binnacle, as to go to sea without 'em both--hey! atwood? then, as to the ship, my flag has been flying in the plantagenet these ten years, and i can't bear to give the old craft up, though bluewater, here, would have turned her over to an inferior after three years' service. i tell all the young men they don't stay long enough in any one vessel to find out her good qualities. i never was in a slow ship yet." "for the simple reason that you never get into a fast one, that you do not wear her fairly out, before you give her up. the plantagenet, sir wycherly, is the fastest two-decker in his majesty's service, and the vice-admiral knows it too well to let any of us get foot in her, while her timbers will hang together." "let it be so, if you will; it only shows, sir wycherly, that i do not choose my friends for their bad qualities. but, allow me to ask, young lady, if you happen to know a certain mr. wycherly wychecombe--a namesake, but no relative, i understand, of our respectable host--and one who holds a commission in his majesty's service?" "certainly, sir gervaise," answered mildred, dropping her eyes to the floor, and trembling, though she scarce knew why; "mr. wychecombe has been about here, now, for some months, and we all know something of him." "then, perhaps you can tell me whether he is generally a loiterer on duty. i do not inquire whether he is a laggard in his duty to you, but whether, mounted on a good hunter, he could get over twenty miles, in eight or ten hours, for instance?" "i think sir wycherly would tell you that he could, sir." "he may be a wychecombe, sir wycherly, but he is no plantagenet, in the way of sailing. surely the young gentleman ought to have returned some hours since!" "it's quite surprising to me that he is not back before this," returned the kind-hearted baronet. "he is active, and understands himself, and there is not a better horseman in the county--is there, miss mildred?" mildred did not think it necessary to reply to this direct appeal; but spite of the manner in which she had been endeavouring to school her feelings, since the accident on the cliff, she could not prevent the deadly paleness that dread of some accident had produced, or the rush of colour to her cheeks that followed from the unexpected question of sir wycherly. turning to conceal her confusion, she met the eye of tom wychecombe riveted on her face, with an expression so sinister, that it caused her to tremble. fortunately, at this moment, sir gervaise turned away, and drawing near his friend, on the other side of the large apartment, he said in an under tone-- "luckily, atwood has brought ashore a duplicate of my despatches, bluewater, and if this dilatory gentleman does not return by the time we have dined, i will send off a second courier. the intelligence is too important to be trifled with; and after having brought the fleet north, to be in readiness to serve the state in this emergency, it would be rare folly to leave the ministry in ignorance of the reasons why i have done it." "nevertheless, they would be almost as well-informed, as i am myself," returned the rear-admiral, with a little point, but quite without any bitterness of manner. "the only advantage i have over them is that i _do_ know where the fleet is, which is more than the first lord can boast of." "true--i had forgot, my friend--but you must feel that there _is_ a subject on which i had better not consult you. i have received some important intelligence, that my duty, as a commander-in-chief, renders it necessary i should--keep to myself." sir gervaise laughed as he concluded, though he seemed vexed and embarrassed. admiral bluewater betrayed neither chagrin, nor disappointment; but strong, nearly ungovernable curiosity, a feeling from which he was singularly exempt in general, glowed in his eyes, and lighted his whole countenance. still, habitual submission to his superior, and the self-command of discipline, enabled him to wait for any thing more that his friend might communicate. at this moment, the door opened, and wycherly entered the room, in the state in which he had just dismounted. it was necessary to throw but a single glance at his hurried manner, and general appearance, to know that he had something of importance to communicate, and sir gervaise made a sign for him not to speak. "this is public service, sir wycherly," said the vice-admiral, "and i hope you will excuse us for a few minutes. i beg this good company will be seated at table, as soon as dinner is served, and that you will treat us as old friends--as i should treat you, if we were on board the plantagenet. admiral bluewater, will you be of our conference?" nothing more was said until the two admirals and the young lieutenant were in the dressing-room of sir gervaise oakes. then the latter turned, and addressed wycherly, with the manner of a superior. "i should have met you with a reproof, for this delay, young gentleman," he commenced, "did i not suspect, from your appearance, that something of moment has occurred to produce it. had the mail passed the market-town, before you reached it, sir?" "it had not, admiral oakes; and i have the satisfaction of knowing that your despatches are now several hours on their way to london. i reached the office just in season to see them mailed." "humph! on board the plantagenet, it is the custom for an officer to report any important duty done, as soon as it is in a condition to be thus laid before the superior!" "i presume that is the usage in all his majesty's ships, sir gervaise oakes: but i have been taught that a proper discretion, when it does not interfere with positive orders, and sometimes when it does, is a surer sign of a useful officer, than even the most slavish attention to rules." "that is a just distinction, young gentleman, though safer in the hands of a captain, perhaps, than in those of a lieutenant," returned the vice-admiral, glancing at his friend, though he secretly admired the youth's spirit. "discretion is a comparative term; meaning different things with different persons. may i presume to ask what mr. wycherly wychecombe calls discretion, in the present instance?" "you have every right, sir, to know, and i only wanted your permission to tell my whole story. while waiting to see the london mail start with your despatches, and to rest my horse, a post-chaise arrived that was carrying a gentleman, who is suspected of being a jacobite, to his country-seat, some thirty miles further west. this gentleman held a secret conference with another person of the same way of thinking as himself; and there was so much running and sending of messages, that i could not avoid suspecting something was in the wind. going to the stable to look after sir wycherly's hunter, for i knew how much he values the animal, i found one of the stranger's servants in discourse with the ostler. the latter told me, when the chaise had gone, that great tidings had reached exeter, before the travellers quitted the town. these tidings he described as news that 'charley was no longer over the water.' it was useless, sir gervaise, to question one so stupid; and, at the inn, though all observed the manner of the traveller and his visiter, no one could tell me any thing positive. under the circumstances, therefore, i threw myself into the return chaise, and went as far as fowey, where i met the important intelligence that prince charles has actually landed, and is at this moment up, in scotland!" "the pretender is then really once more among us!" exclaimed sir gervaise, like one who had half suspected the truth. "not the pretender, sir gervaise, as i understand the news; but his young son, prince charles edward, one much more likely to give the kingdom trouble. the fact is certain, i believe; and as it struck me that it might be important to the commander of so fine a fleet as this which lies under wychecombe head, to know it, i lost no time in getting back with the intelligence." "you have done well, young gentleman, and have proved that discretion _is_ quite as useful and respectable in a lieutenant, as it can possibly prove to be in a full admiral of the white. go, now, and make yourself fit to take a seat by the side of one of the sweetest girls in england, where i shall expect to see you, in fifteen minutes. well, bluewater," he continued, as soon as the door closed on wycherly; "this _is_ news, of a certainty!" "it is, indeed; and i take it to be the news, or connected with the news, that you have sent to the first lord, in the late despatches. it has not taken you altogether by surprise, if the truth were said?" "it has not, i confess. you know what excellent intelligence we have had, the past season, from the bordeaux agent; he sent me off such proofs of this intended expedition, that i thought it advisable to bring the fleet north on the strength of it, that the ships might be used as the exigency should require." "thank god, it is a long way to scotland, and it is not probable we can reach the coast of that country until all is over! i wish we had inquired of this young man with what sort of, and how large a naval force the prince was accompanied with. shall i send for him, that we may put the question?" "it is better that you remain passive, admiral bluewater. i now promise you that you shall learn all i hear; and that, under the circumstances, i think ought to content you." the two admirals now separated, though neither returned to the company for some little time. the intelligence they had just learned was too important to be lightly received, and each of these veteran seamen paced his room, for near a quarter of an hour, reflecting on what might be the probable consequences to the country and to himself. sir gervaise oakes expected some event of this nature, and was less taken by surprise than his friend; still he viewed the crisis as exceedingly serious, and as one likely to destroy the prosperity of the nation, as well as the peace of families. there was then in england, as there is to-day, and as there probably will be throughout all time, two parties; one of which clung to the past with its hereditary and exclusive privileges, while the other looked more towards change for anticipated advantages, and created honours. religion, in that age, was made the stalking-horse of politicians; as is liberty on one side, and order on the other, in our own times; and men just as blindly, as vehemently, and as regardlessly of principle, submitted to party in the middle of the eighteenth century, as we know they do in the middle of the nineteenth. the mode of acting was a little changed, and the watchwords and rallying points were not exactly the same, it is true; but, in all that relates to ignorant confidence, ferocious denunciation, and selfishness but half concealed under the cloak of patriotism, the england of the original whigs and tories, was the england of conservatism and reform, and the america of , the america of . still thousands always act, in political struggles, with the fairest intentions, though they act in bitter opposition to each other. when prejudice becomes the stimulant of ignorance, no other result may be hoped for; and the experience of the world, in the management of human affairs, has left the upright and intelligent, but one conclusion as the reward of all the pains and penalties with which political revolutions have been effected--the conviction that no institutions can be invented, which a short working does not show will be perverted from their original intention, by the ingenuity of those entrusted with power. in a word, the physical constitution of man does not more infallibly tend to decrepitude and imbecility, imperiously requiring a new being, and a new existence, to fulfil the objects of his creation, than the moral constitutions which are the fruits of his wisdom, contain the seeds of abuses and decay, that human selfishness will be as certain to cultivate, as human indulgence is to aid the course of nature, in hastening the approaches of death. thus, while on the one hand, there exists the constant incentive of abuses and hopes to induce us to wish for modifications of the social structure, on the other there stands the experience of ages to demonstrate their insufficiency to produce the happiness we aim at. if the world advances in civilization and humanity, it is because knowledge will produce its fruits in every soil, and under every condition of cultivation and improvement. both sir gervaise oakes and admiral bluewater believed themselves to be purely governed by principles, in submitting to the bias that each felt towards the conflicting claims of the houses of brunswick and stuart. perhaps no two men in england were in fact less influenced by motives that they ought to feel ashamed to own; and yet, as has been seen, while they thought so much alike on most other things, on this they were diametrically opposed to each other. during the many years of arduous and delicate duties that they had served together, jealousy, distrust, and discontent had been equally strangers to their bosoms; for each had ever felt the assurance that his own honour, happiness, and interests were as much ruling motives with his friend, as they could well be with himself their lives had been constant scenes of mutual but unpretending kindnesses; and this under circumstances that naturally awakened all the most generous and manly sentiments of their natures. when young men, their laughing messmates had nick-named them pylades and orestes; and later in life, on account of their cruising so much in company, they were generally known in the navy as the "twin captains." on several occasions had they fought enemies' frigates, and captured them; on these occasions, as a matter of course, the senior of the two became most known to the nation; but sir gervaise had made the most generous efforts to give his junior a full share of the credit, while captain bluewater never spoke of the affairs without mentioning them as victories of the commodore. in a word, on all occasions, and under all circumstances, it appeared to be the aim of these generous-minded and gallant seamen, to serve each other; nor was this attempted with any effort, or striving for effect; all that was said, or done, coming naturally and spontaneously from the heart. but, for the first time in their lives, events had now occurred which threatened a jarring of the feelings between them, if they did not lead to acts which must inevitably place them in open and declared hostility to each other. no wonder, then, that both looked at the future with gloomy forebodings, and a distrust, which, if it did not render them unhappy, at least produced uneasiness. chapter vi. "the circle form'd, we sit in silent state, like figures drawn upon a dial-plate; yes ma'am, and no ma'am, uttered softly show, every five minutes how the minutes go." cowper. it is scarcely necessary to tell the reader that england, as regarded material civilization, was a very different country a hundred years since, from what it is to-day. we are writing of an age of heavy wagons, coaches and six, post-chaises and four; and not of an era of macadam-roads, or of cars flying along by steam. a man may now post down to a country-house, some sixty or eighty miles, to dinner; and this, too, by the aid of only a pair of horses; but, in such an engagement would have required at least a start on the previous day; and, in many parts of the island, it would have been safer to have taken two days' grace. scotland was then farther from devonshire, in effect, than geneva is now; and news travelled slowly, and with the usual exaggerations and uncertainties of delay. it was no wonder, then, that a jacobite who was posting off to his country-house--the focus of an english landlord's influence and authority--filled with intelligence that had reached him through the activity of zealous political partisans, preceded the more regular tidings of the mail, by several hours. the little that had escaped this individual, or his servants rather, for the gentleman was tolerably discreet himself, confiding in only one or two particular friends at each relay, had not got out to the world, either very fully, or very clearly. wycherly had used intelligence in making his inquiries, and he had observed an officer's prudence in keeping his news for the ears of his superior alone. when sir gervaise joined the party in the drawing-room, therefore, he saw that sir wycherly knew nothing of what had occurred at the north; and he intended the glance which he directed at the lieutenant to convey a hearty approval of his discretion. this forbearance did more to raise the young officer in the opinion of the practised and thoughtful admiral, than the gallantry with which the youth had so recently purchased his commission; for while many were brave, few had the self-command, and prudence, under circumstances like the present, that alone can make a man safe in the management of important public interests. the approbation that sir gervaise felt, and which he desired to manifest, for wycherly's prudence, was altogether a principle, however; since there existed no sufficient reason for keeping the secret from as confirmed a whig as his host. on the contrary, the sooner those opinions, which both of them would be apt to term sound, were promulgated in the neighbourhood, the better it might prove for the good cause. the vice-admiral, therefore, determined to communicate himself, as soon as the party was seated at table, the very secret which he so much commended the youth for keeping. admiral bluewater joining the company, at this instant, sir wycherly led mrs. dutton to the table. no alteration had taken place among the guests, except that sir gervaise wore the red riband; a change in his dress that his friend considered to be openly hoisting the standard of the house of hanover. "one would not think, sir wycherly," commenced the vice-admiral, glancing his eyes around him, as soon as all were sealed; "that this good company has taken its place at your hospitable table, in the midst of a threatened civil war, if not of an actual revolution." every hand was arrested, and every eye turned towards the speaker; even admiral bluewater earnestly regarding his friend, anxious to know what would come next. "i believe my household is in due subjection," answered sir wycherly, gazing to the right and left, as if he expected to see his butler heading a revolt; "and i fancy the only change we shall see to-day, will be the removal of the courses, and the appearance of their successors." "ay, so says the hearty, comfortable devonshire baronet, while seated at his own board, favoured by abundance and warm friends. but it would seem the snake was only scotched; not killed." "sir gervaise oaken has grown figurative; with his _snakes_ and _scotch_ings," observed the rear-admiral, a little drily. "it is _scotch_-ing, as you say with so much emphasis, bluewater. i suppose, sir wycherly--i suppose, mr. dutton, and you, my pretty young lady--i presume all of you have heard of such a person as the pretender;--some of you may possibly have _seen_ him." sir wycherly now dropt his knife and fork, and sat gazing at the speaker in amazement. to him the christian religion, the liberties of the subject--more especially of the baronet and lord of the manor, who had four thousand a year--and the protestant succession, all seemed to be in sudden danger. "i always told my brother, the judge--mr. baron wychecombe, who is dead and gone--that what between the french, that rogue the pope, and the spurious offspring of king james ii., we should yet see troublesome times in england! and now, sir, my predictions are verified!" "not as to england, yet, my good sir. of scotland i have not quite so good news to tell you; as your namesake, here, brings us the tidings that the son of the pretender has landed in that kingdom, and is rallying the clans. he has come unattended by any frenchmen, it would seem, and has thrown himself altogether on the misguided nobles and followers of his house." "'tis, at least, a chivalrous and princely act!" exclaimed admiral bluewater. "yes--inasmuch as it is a heedless and mad one. england is not to be conquered by a rabble of half-dressed scotchmen." "true; but england may be conquered by england, notwithstanding." sir gervaise now chose to remain silent, for never before had bluewater come so near betraying his political bias, in the presence of third persons. this pause enabled sir wycherly to find his voice. "let me see, tom," said the baronet, "fifteen and ten are twenty-five, and ten are thirty, and ten are forty-five--it is just thirty years since the jacobites were up before! it would seem that half a human life is not sufficient to fill the cravings of a scotchman's maw, for english gold." "twice thirty years would hardly quell the promptings of a noble spirit, when his notions of justice showed him the way to the english throne," observed bluewater, coolly. "for my part, i like the spirit of this young prince, for he who nobly dares, nobly deserves. what say you, my beautiful neighbour?" "if you mean to address me, sir, by that compliment," answered mildred, modestly, but with the emphasis that the gentlest of her sex are apt to use when they feel strongly; "i must be suffered to say that i hope every englishman will dare as nobly, and deserve as well in defence of his liberties." "come--come, bluewater," interrupted sir gervaise, with a gravity that almost amounted to reproof; "i cannot permit such innuendoes before one so young and unpractised. the young lady might really suppose that his majesty's fleet was entrusted to men unworthy to enjoy his confidence, by the cool way in which you carry on the joke. i propose, now, sir wycherly, that we eat our dinner in peace, and say no more about this mad expedition, until the cloth is drawn, at least. it's a long road to scotland, and there is little danger that this adventurer will find his way into devonshire before the nuts are placed before us." "it would be nuts to us, if he did, sir gervaise," put in tom wycherly, laughing heartily at his own wit. "my uncle would enjoy nothing more than to see the spurious sovereign on his own estate, here, and in the hands of his own tenants. i think, sir, that wychecombe and one or two of the adjoining manors, would dispose of him." "that might depend on circumstances," the admiral answered, a little drily. "these scots have such a thing as a claymore, and are desperate fellows, they tell me, at a charge. the very fact of arming a soldier with a short sword, shows a most bloody-minded disposition." "you forget, sir gervaise, that we have our cornish hug, here in the west of england; and i will put our fellows against any scotch regiment that ever charged an enemy." tom laughed again at his own allusion to a proverbial mode of grappling, familiar to the adjoining county. "this is all very well, mr. thomas wychecombe, so long as devonshire is in the west of england, and scotland lies north of the tweed. sir wycherly might as well leave the matter in the hands of the duke and his regulars, if it were only in the way of letting every man follow his own trade." "it strikes me as so singularly insolent in a base-born boy like this, pretending to the english crown, that i can barely speak of him with patience! we all know that his father was a changeling, and the son of a changeling can have no more right than the father himself. i do not remember what the law terms such pretenders; but i dare say it is something sufficiently odious." "_filius nullius_, thomas," said sir wycherly, with a little eagerness to show his learning. "that's the very phrase. i have it from the first authority; my late brother, baron wychecombe, giving it to me with his own mouth, on an occasion that called for an understanding of such matters. the judge was a most accurate lawyer, particularly in all that related to names; and i'll engage, if he were living at this moment, he would tell you the legal appellation of a changeling ought to be _filius nullius_." in spite of his native impudence, and an innate determination to make his way in the world, without much regard to truth, tom wychecombe felt his cheek burn so much, at this innocent allusion of his reputed uncle, that he was actually obliged to turn away his face, in order to conceal his confusion. had any moral delinquency of his own been implicated in the remark, he might have found means to steel himself against its consequences; but, as is only too often the case, he was far more ashamed of a misfortune over which he had no possible control, than he would have been of a crime for which he was strictly responsible in morals. sir gervaise smiled at sir wycherly's knowledge of law terms, not to say of latin; and turning good-humouredly to his friend the rear-admiral, anxious to re-establish friendly relations with him, he said with well-concealed irony-- "sir wycherly must be right, bluewater. a changeling is _nobody_--that is to say, he is not the _body_ he pretends to be, which is substantially being nobody--and the son of nobody, is clearly a _filius nullius_. and now having settled what may be called the law of the case, i demand a truce, until we get our nuts--for as to mr. thomas wychecombe's having _his_ nut to crack, at least to-day, i take it there are too many loyal subjects in the north." when men know each other as well as was the case with our two admirals, there are a thousand secret means of annoyance, as well as of establishing amity. admiral bluewater was well aware that sir gervaise was greatly superior to the vulgar whig notion of the day, which believed in the fabricated tale of the pretender's spurious birth; and the secret and ironical allusion he had made to his impression on that subject, acted as oil to his own chafed spirit, disposing him to moderation. this had been the intention of the other; and the smiles they exchanged, sufficiently proved that their usual mental intercourse was temporarily restored at least. deference to his guests made sir wycherly consent to change the subject, though he was a little mystified with the obvious reluctance of the two admirals to speak of an enterprise that ought to be uppermost, according to his notion of the matter, in every englishman's mind. tom had received a rebuke that kept him silent during the rest of the dinner; while the others were content to eat and drink, as if nothing had happened. it is seldom that a party takes its seat at table without some secret man[oe]uvring, as to the neighbourhood, when the claims of rank and character do not interfere with personal wishes. sir wycherly had placed sir gervaise on his right and mrs. dutton on his left. but admiral bluewater had escaped from his control, and taken his seat next to mildred, who had been placed by tom wychecombe close to himself, at the foot of the table. wycherly occupied the seat opposite, and this compelled dutton, and mr. rotherham, the vicar, to fill the other two chairs. the good baronet had made a wry face, at seeing a rear-admiral so unworthily bestowed; but sir gervaise assuring him that his friend was never so happy as when in the service of beauty, he was fain to submit to the arrangement. that admiral bluewater was struck with mildred's beauty, and pleased with her natural and feminine manner, one altogether superior to what might have been expected from her station in life, was very apparent to all at table; though it was quite impossible to mistake his parental and frank air for any other admiration than that which was suitable to the difference in years, and in unison with their respective conditions and experience. mrs. dutton, so far from taking the alarm at the rear-admiral's attentions, felt gratification in observing them; and perhaps she experienced a secret pride in the consciousness of their being so well merited. it has been said, already, that she was, herself, the daughter of a land-steward of a nobleman, in an adjoining county; but it may be well to add, here, that she had been so great a favourite with the daughters of her father's employer, as to have been admitted, in a measure, to their society; and to have enjoyed some of the advantages of their education. lady wilmeter, the mother of the young ladies, to whom she was admitted as a sort of humble companion, had formed the opinion it might be an advantage to the girl to educate her for a governess; little conceiving, in her own situation, that she was preparing a course of life for martha ray, for such was mrs. dutton's maiden name, that was perhaps the least enviable of all the careers that a virtuous and intelligent female can run. this was, as education and governesses were appreciated a century ago; the world, with all its faults and sophisms, having unquestionably made a vast stride towards real civilization, and moral truths, in a thousand important interests, since that time. nevertheless, the education was received, together with a good many tastes, and sentiments, and opinions, which it may well be questioned, whether they contributed most to the happiness or unhappiness of the pupil, in her future life. frank dutton, then a handsome, though far from polished young sea-lieutenant, interfered with the arrangement, by making martha ray his wife, when she was two-and-twenty. this match was suitable, in all respects, with the important exception of the educations and characters of the parties. still, as a woman may well be more refined, and in some things, even more intelligent than her husband; and as sailors, in the commencement of the eighteenth century, formed a class of society much more distinct than they do to-day, there would have been nothing absolutely incompatible with the future well-being of the young couple, had each pursued his, or her own career, in a manner suitable to their respective duties. young dutton took away his bride, with the two thousand pounds she had received from her father, and for a long time he was seen no more in his native county. after an absence of some twenty years, however, he returned, broken in constitution, and degraded in rank. mrs. dutton brought with her one child, the beautiful girl introduced to the reader, and to whom she was studiously imparting all she had herself acquired in the adventitious manner mentioned. such were the means, by which mildred, like her mother, had been educated above her condition in life; and it had been remarked that, though mrs. dutton had probably no cause to felicitate herself on the possession of manners and sentiments that met with so little sympathy, or appreciation, in her actual situation, she assiduously cultivated the same manners and opinions in her daughter; frequently manifesting a sort of sickly fastidiousness on the subject of mildred's deportment and tastes. it is probable the girl owed her improvement in both, however, more to the circumstance of her being left so much alone with her mother, than to any positive lessons she received; the influence of example, for years, producing its usual effects. no one in wychecombe positively knew the history of dutton's professional degradation. he had never risen higher than to be a lieutenant; and from this station he had fallen by the sentence of a court-martial. his restoration to the service, in the humbler and almost hopeless rank of a master, was believed to have been brought about by mrs. dutton's influence with the present lord wilmeter, who was the brother of her youthful companions. that the husband had wasted his means, was as certain as that his habits, on the score of temperance at least, were bad, and that his wife, if not positively broken-hearted, was an unhappy woman; one to be pitied, and admired. sir wycherly was little addicted to analysis, but he could not fail to discover the superiority of the wife and daughter, over the husband and father; and it is due to his young namesake to add, that his obvious admiration of mildred was quite as much owing to her mind, deportment, character, and tastes, as to her exceeding personal charms. this little digression may perhaps, in the reader's eyes, excuse the interest admiral bluewater took in our heroine. with the indulgence of years and station, and the tact of a man of the world, he succeeded in drawing mildred out, without alarming her timidity; and he was surprised at discovering the delicacy of her sentiments, and the accuracy of her knowledge. he was too conversant with society, and had too much good taste, to make any deliberate parade of opinions; but in the quiet manner that is so easy to those who are accustomed to deal with truths and tastes as familiar things, he succeeded in inducing her to answer his own remarks, to sympathize with his feelings, to laugh when he laughed, and to assume a look of disapproval, when he felt that disapprobation was just. to all this wycherly was a delighted witness, and in some respects he participated in the conversation; for there was evidently no wish on the part of the rear-admiral to monopolize his beautiful companion to himself. perhaps the position of the young man, directly opposite to her, aided in inducing mildred to bestow so many grateful looks and sweet smiles, on the older officer; for she could not glance across the table, without meeting the admiring gaze of wycherly, fastened on her own blushing face. it is certain, if our heroine did not, during this repast, make a conquest of admiral bluewater, in the ordinary meaning of the term, that she made him a friend. sir gervaise, even, was struck with the singular and devoted manner in which his old messmate gave all his attention to the beautiful girl at his side; and, once or twice, he caught himself conjecturing whether it were possible, that one as practised, as sensible, and as much accustomed to the beauties of the court, as bluewater, had actually been caught, by the pretty face of a country girl, when so well turned of fifty, himself! then discarding the notion as preposterous, he gave his attention to the discourse of sir wycherly; a dissertation on rabbits, and rabbit-warrens. in this manner the dinner passed away. mrs. dutton asked her host's permission to retire, with her daughter, at the earliest moment permitted by propriety. in quitting the room she cast an anxious glance at the face of her husband, which was already becoming flushed with his frequent applications of port; and spite of an effort to look smiling and cheerful, her lips quivered, and by the time she and mildred reached the drawing-room, tears were fast falling down her cheeks. no explanation was asked, or needed, by the daughter, who threw herself into her mother's arms, and for several minutes they wept together, in silence. never had mrs. dutton spoken, even to mildred, of the besetting and degrading vice of her husband; but it had been impossible to conceal its painful consequences from the world; much less from one who lived in the bosom of her family. on that failing which the wife treated so tenderly, the daughter of course could not touch; but the silent communion of tears had got to be so sweet to both, that, within the last year, it was of very frequent occurrence. "really, mildred," said the mother, at length, after having succeeded in suppressing her emotion, and in drying her eyes, while she smiled fondly in the face of the lovely and affectionate girl; "this admiral bluewater is getting to be so particular, i hardly know how to treat the matter." "oh! mother, he is a delightful old gentleman! and he is so gentle, while he is so frank, that he wins your confidence almost before you know it. i wonder if he could have been serious in what he said about the noble daring and noble deserving of prince edward!" "that must pass for trifling, of course; the ministry would scarcely employ any but a true whig, in command of a fleet. i saw several of his family, when a girl, and have always heard them spoken of with esteem and respect. lord bluewater, this gentleman's cousin, was very intimate with the present lord wilmeter, and was often at the castle. i remember to have heard that he had a disappointment in love, when quite a young man, and that he has ever since been considered a confirmed bachelor. so you will take heed, my love." "the warning was unnecessary, dear mother," returned mildred, laughing; "i could dote on the admiral as a father, but must be excused from considering him young enough for a nearer tie." "and yet he has the much admired profession, mildred," said the mother, smiling fondly, and yet a little archly. "i have often heard you speak of your passion for the sea." "that was formerly, mother, when i spoke as a sailor's daughter, and as girls are apt to speak, without much reflection. i do not know that i think better of a seaman's profession, now, than i do of any other. i fear there is often much misery in store for soldiers' and sailors' wives." mrs. dutton's lip quivered again; but hearing a foot at the door, she made an effort to be composed, just as admiral bluewater entered. "i have run away from the bottle, mrs. dutton, to join you and your fair daughter, as i would run from an enemy of twice my force," he said, giving each lady a hand, in a manner so friendly, as to render the act more than gracious; for it was kind. "oakes is bowsing out his jib with his brother baronet, as we sailors say, and i have hauled out of the line, without a signal." "i hope sir gervaise oakes does not consider it necessary to drink more wine than is good for the mind and body," observed mrs. dutton, with a haste that she immediately regretted. "not he. gervaise oakes is as discreet a man, in all that relates to the table, as an anchorite; and yet he has a faculty of _seeming_ to drink, that makes him a boon companion for a four-bottle man. how the deuce he does it, is more than i can tell you; but he does it so well, that he does not more thoroughly get the better of the king's enemies, on the high seas, than he floors his friends under the table. sir wycherly has begun his libations in honour of the house of hanover, and they will be likely to make a long sitting." mrs. dutton sighed, and walked away to a window, to conceal the paleness of her cheeks. admiral bluewater, though perfectly abstemious himself, regarded license with the bottle after dinner, like most men of that age, as a very venial weakness, and he quietly took a seat by the side of mildred, and began to converse. "i hope, young lady, as a sailor's child, you feel an hereditary indulgence for a seaman's gossip," he said. "we, who are so much shut up in our ships, have a poverty of ideas on most subjects; and as to always talking of the winds and waves, that would fatigue even a poet." "as a sailor's daughter, i honour my father's calling, sir; and as an english girl, i venerate the brave defenders of the island. nor do i know that seamen have less to say, than other men." "i am glad to hear you confess this, for--shall i be frank with you, and take a liberty that would better become a friend of a dozen years, than an acquaintance of a day;--and, yet, i know not why it is so, my dear child, but i feel as if i had long known you, though i am certain we never met before." "perhaps, sir, it is an omen that we are long to know each other, in future," said mildred, with the winning confidence of unsuspecting and innocent girlhood. "i hope you will use no reserve." "well, then, at the risk of making a sad blunder, i will just say, that 'my nephew tom' is any thing but a prepossessing youth; and that i hope all eyes regard him exactly as he appears to a sailor of fifty-five." "i cannot answer for more than those of a girl of nineteen, admiral bluewater," said mildred, laughing; "but, for her, i think i may say that she does not look on him as either an adonis, or a crichton." "upon my soul! i am right glad to hear this, for the fellow has accidental advantages enough to render him formidable. he is the heir to the baronetcy, and this estate, i believe?" "i presume he is. sir wycherly has no other nephew--or at least this is the eldest of three brothers, i am told--and, being childless himself, it _must_ be so. my father tells me sir wycherly speaks of mr. thomas wychecombe as his future heir." "your father!--ay, fathers look on these matters with eyes very different from their daughters!" "there is one thing about seamen that renders them at least safe acquaintances," said mildred, smiling; "i mean their frankness." "that is a failing of mine, as i have heard. but you will pardon an indiscretion that arises in the interest i feel in yourself. the eldest of three brothers--is the lieutenant, then, a younger son?" "_he_ does not belong to the family at all, i believe," mildred answered, colouring slightly, in spite of a resolute determination to appear unconcerned. "mr. wycherly wychecombe is no relative of our host, i hear; though he bears both of his names. he is from the colonies; born in virginia." "_he_ is a noble, and a noble-looking fellow! were i the baronet, i would break the entail, rather than the acres should go to that sinister-looking nephew, and bestow them on the namesake. from virginia, and not even a relative, at all?" "that is what mr. thomas wychecombe says; and even sir wycherly confirms it. i have never heard mr. wycherly wychecombe speak on the subject, himself." "a weakness of poor human nature! the lad finds an honourable, ancient, and affluent family here, and has not the courage to declare his want of affinity to it; happening to bear the same name." mildred hesitated about replying; but a generous feeling got the better of her diffidence. "i have never seen any thing in the conduct of mr. wycherly wychecombe to induce me to think that he feels any such weakness," she said, earnestly. "he seems rather to take pride in, than to feel ashamed of, his being a colonial; and you know, we, in england, hardly look on the people of the colonies as our equals." "and have you, young lady, any of that overweening prejudice in favour of your own island?" "i hope not; but i think most persons have. mr. wycherly wychecombe admits that virginia is inferior to england, in a thousand things; and yet he seems to take pride in his birth-place." "every sentiment of this nature is to be traced to self. we know that the fact is irretrievable, and struggle to be proud of what we cannot help. the turk will tell you he has the honour to be a native of stamboul; the parisian will boast of his faubourg; and the cockney exults in wapping. personal conceit lies at the bottom of all; for we fancy that places to which _we_ belong, are not places to be ashamed of." "and yet i do not think mr. wycherly at all remarkable for conceit. on the contrary, he is rather diffident and unassuming." this was said simply, but so sincerely, as to induce the listener to fasten his penetrating blue eye on the speaker, who now first took the alarm, and felt that she might have said too much. at this moment the two young men entered, and a servant appeared to request that admiral bluewater would do sir gervaise oakes the favour to join him, in the dressing-room of the latter. tom wychecombe reported the condition of the dinner-table to be such, as to render it desirable for all but three and four-bottle men to retire. hanoverian toasts and sentiments were in the ascendant, and there was every appearance that those who remained intended to make a night of it. this was sad intelligence for mrs. dutton, who had come forward eagerly to hear the report, but who now returned to the window, apparently irresolute as to the course she ought to take. as both the young men remained near mildred, she had sufficient opportunity to come to her decision, without interruption, or hindrance. chapter vii. ----"somewhat we will do. and, look, when i am king, claim thou of me the earldom of hereford, and all the moveables whereof the king my brother was possessed." richard iii. rear-admiral bluewater found sir gervaise oakes pacing a large dressing-room, quarter-deck fashion, with as much zeal, as if just released from a long sitting, on official duty, in his own cabin. as the two officers were perfectly familiar with each other's personal habits, neither deviated from his particular mode of indulging his ease; but the last comer quietly took his seat in a large chair, disposing of his person in a way to show he intended to consult his comfort, let what would happen. "bluewater," commenced sir gervaise, "this is a very foolish affair of the pretender's son, and can only lead to his destruction. i look upon it as altogether unfortunate." "that, as it may terminate. no man can tell what a day, or an hour, may bring forth. i am sure, such a rising was one of the last things _i_ have been anticipating, down yonder, in the bay of biscay." "i wish, with all my heart, we had never left it," muttered sir gervaise, so low that his companion did not hear him. then he added, in a louder tone, "_our_ duty, however, is very simple. we have only to obey orders; and it seems that the young man has no naval force to sustain him. we shall probably be sent to watch brest, or l'orient, or some other port. monsieur must be kept in, let what will happen." "i rather think it would be better to let him out, our chances on the high seas being at least as good as his own. i am no friend to blockades, which strike me as an un-english mode of carrying on a war." "you are right enough, dick, in the main," returned sir gervaise, laughing. "ay, and _on_ the main, oakes. i sincerely hope the first lord will not send a man like you, who are every way so capable of giving an account of your enemy with plenty of sea-room, on duly so scurvy as a blockade." "a man like _me_! why a man like _me_ in particular? i trust i am to have the pleasure of admiral bluewater's company, advice and assistance?" "an inferior never can know, sir gervaise, where it may suit the pleasure of his superiors to order him." "that distinction of superior and inferior, bluewater, will one day lead you into a confounded scrape, i fear. if you consider charles stuart your sovereign, it is not probable that orders issued by a servant of king george will be much respected. i hope you will do nothing hastily, or without consulting your oldest and truest friend!" "you know my sentiments, and there is little use in dwelling on them, now. so long as the quarrel was between my own country and a foreign land, i have been content to serve; but when my lawful prince, or his son and heir, comes in this gallant and chivalrous manner, throwing himself, as it might be, into the very arms of his subjects, confiding all to their loyalty and spirit; it makes such an appeal to every nobler feeling, that the heart finds it difficult to repulse. i could have joined norris, with right good will, in dispersing and destroying the armament that louis xv. was sending against us, in this very cause; but here every thing is english, and englishmen have the quarrel entirely to themselves. i do not see how, as a loyal subject of my hereditary prince, i can well refrain from joining his standard." "and would _you_, dick bluewater, who, to my certain knowledge, were sent on board ship at twelve years of age, and who, for more than forty years, have been a man-of-war's-man, body and soul; would you now strip your old hulk of the sea-blue that has so long covered and become it, rig yourself out like a soldier, with a feather in your hat,--ay, d----e, and a camp-kettle on your arm, and follow a drummer, like one of your kinsmen, lord bluewater's fellows of the guards?--for of sailors, your lawful prince, as you call him, hasn't enough to stopper his conscience, or to whip the tail of his coat, to keep it from being torn to tatters by the heather of scotland. if you _do_ follow the adventurer, it must be in some such character, since i question if he can muster a seaman, to tell him the bearings of london from perth." "when i join him, he will be better off." "and what could even _you_ do alone, among a parcel of scotchmen, running about their hills under bare poles? your signals will not man[oe]uvre regiments, and as for man[oe]uvring in any other manner, you know nothing. no--no; stay where you are, and help an old friend with knowledge that is useful to him.--i should be afraid to do a dashing thing, unless i felt the certainty of having you in my van, to strike the first blow; or in my rear, to bring me off, handsomely. "you would be afraid of nothing, gervaise oakes, whether i stood at your elbow, or were off in scotland. fear is not your failing, though temerity may be." "then i want your presence to keep me within the bounds of reason," said sir gervaise, stopping short in his walk, and looking his friend smilingly in the face. "in some mode, or other, i always need your aid." "i understand the meaning of your words, sir gervaise, and appreciate the feeling that dictates them. you must have a perfect conviction that i will do nothing hastily, and that i will betray no trust. when i turn my back on king george, it will be loyalty, in one sense, whatever he may think of it in another; and when i join prince charles edward, it will be with a conscience that he need not be ashamed to probe. what names he bears! they are the designations of ancient english sovereigns, and ought of themselves, to awaken the sensibilities of englishmen." "ay, charles in particular," returned the vice-admiral, with something like a sneer. "there's the second charles, for instance--st. charles, as our good host, sir wycherly, might call him--he is a pattern prince for englishmen to admire. then his father was of the school of the star-chamber martyrs!" "both were lineal descendants of the conqueror, and of the saxon princes; and both united the double titles to the throne, in their sacred persons. i have always considered charles ii. as the victim of the rebellious conduct of his subjects, rather than vicious. he was driven abroad into a most corrupt state of society, and was perverted by our wickedness. as to the father, he was the real st. charles, and a martyred saint he was; dying for true religion, as well as for his legal rights. then the edwards--glorious fellows!--remember that they were all but one plantagenets; a name, of itself, to rouse an englishman's fire!" "and yet the only difference between the right of these very plantagenets to the throne, and that of the reigning prince, is, that one produced a revolution by the strong hand, and the other was produced by a revolution that came from the nation. i do not know that your plantagenets ever did any thing for a navy; the only real source of england's power and glory. d----e, dick, if i think so much of your plantagenets, after all!" "and yet the name of oakes is to be met with among their bravest knights, and most faithful followers." "the oakes, like the pines, have been timbers in every ship that has floated," returned the vice-admiral, half-unconscious himself, of the pun he was making. for more than a minute sir gervaise continued his walk, his head a little inclined forward, like a man who pondered deeply on some matter of interest. then, suddenly stopping, he turned towards his friend, whom he regarded for near another minute, ere he resumed the discourse. "i wish i could fairly get you to exercise your excellent reason on this matter, dick," he said, after the pause; "then i should be certain of having secured you on the side of liberty." admiral bluewater merely shook his head, but he continued silent, as if he deemed discussion altogether supererogatory. during this pause, a gentle tap at the door announced a visiter; and, at the request to enter, atwood made his appearance. he held in his hand a large package, which bore on the envelope the usual stamp that indicated it was sent on public service. "i beg pardon, sir gervaise," commenced the secretary, who always proceeded at once to business, when business was to be done; "but his majesty's service will not admit of delay. this packet has just come to hand, by the arrival of an express, which left the admiralty only yesterday noon." "and how the devil did he know where to find me!" exclaimed the vice-admiral, holding out a hand to receive the communication. "it is all owing to this young lieutenant's forethought in following up the jacobite intelligence to a market-town. the courier was bound to falmouth, as fast as post-horses could carry him, when he heard, luckily, that the fleet lay at anchor, under wychecombe head; and, quite as luckily, he is an officer who had the intelligence to know that you would sooner get the despatches, if he turned aside, and came hither by land, than if he went on to falmouth, got aboard the sloop that was to sail with him, for the bay of biscay, and came round here by water." sir gervaise smiled at this sally, which was one in keeping with all atwood's feelings; for the secretary had matured a system of expresses, which, to his great mortification, his patron laughed at, and the admiralty entirely overlooked. no time was lost, however, in the way of business; the secretary having placed the candles on a table, where sir gervaise took a chair, and had already broken a seal. the process of reading, nevertheless, was suddenly interrupted by the vice-admiral's looking up, and exclaiming-- "why, you are not about to leave us, bluewater?" "you may have private business with mr. atwood, sir gervaise, and perhaps i had better retire." now, it so happened that while sir gervaise oakes had never, by look or syllable, as he confidently believed, betrayed the secret of his friend's jacobite propensities, atwood was perfectly aware of their existence. nor had the latter obtained his knowledge by any unworthy means. he had been neither an eavesdropper, nor an inquirer into private communications, as so often happens around the persons of men in high trusts; all his knowledge having been obtained through native sagacity and unavoidable opportunities. on the present occasion, the secretary, with the tact of a man of experience, felt that his presence might be dispensed with; and he cut short the discussion between the two admirals, by a very timely remark of his own. "i have left the letters uncopied, sir gervaise," he said, "and will go and finish them. a message by locker"--this was sir gervaise's body-servant--"will bring me back at a moment's notice, should you need me again to-night." "that atwood has a surprising instinct, for a scotchman!" exclaimed the vice-admiral, as soon as the door was closed on the secretary. "he not only knows when he _is_ wanted, but when he is _not_ wanted. the last is an extraordinary attainment, for one of his nation." "and one that an englishman may do well to emulate," returned bluewater. "it is possible my company may be dispensed with, also, just at this important moment." "you are not so much afraid of the hanoverians, dick, as to run away from their hand-writing, are ye? ha--what's this?--as i live, a packet for yourself, and directed to 'rear-admiral sir richard bluewater, k.b.' by the lord, my old boy, they've given you the red riband at last! this is an honour well earned, and which may be fitly worn." "'tis rather unexpected, i must own. the letter, however, cannot be addressed to me, as i am not a knight of the bath." "this is rank nonsense. open the packet, at once, or i will do it for you. are there two dick bluewaters in the world, or another rear-admiral of the same name?" "i would rather not receive a letter that does not strictly bear my address," returned the other, coldly. "as i'll be sworn this does. but hand it to me, since you are so scrupulous, and i will do that small service for you." as this was said, sir gervaise tore aside the seals; and, as he proceeded rather summarily, a red riband was soon uncased and fell upon the carpet. the other usual insignia of the bath made their appearance, and a letter was found among them, to explain the meaning of all. every thing was in due form, and went to acquaint rear-admiral bluewater, that his majesty had been graciously pleased to confer on him one of the vacant red ribands of the day, as a reward for his eminent services on different occasions. there was even a short communication from the premier, expressing the great satisfaction of the ministry in thus being able to second the royal pleasure with hearty good will. "well, what do you think of that, richard bluewater?" asked sir gervaise, triumphantly. "did i not always tell you, that sooner or later, it _must_ come?" "it has come too late, then," coldly returned the other, laying the riband, jewels, and letters, quietly on the table. "this is an honour, i can receive, _now_, only from my rightful prince. none other can legally create a knight of the bath." "and pray, mr. richard bluewater, who made you a captain, a commander, a rear-admiral? do you believe me an impostor, because i wear this riband on authority no better than that of the house of hanover? am i, or am i not, in your judgment, a vice-admiral of the red?" "i make a great distinction, oakes, between rank in the navy, and a mere personal dignity. in the one case, you serve your country, and give quite as much as you receive; whereas, in the other, it is a grace to confer consideration on the person honoured, without such an equivalent as can find an apology for accepting a rank illegally conferred." "the devil take your distinctions, which would unsettle every thing, and render the service a babel. if i am a vice-admiral of the red, i am a knight of the bath; and, if you are a rear-admiral of the white, you are also a knight of that honourable order. all comes from the same source of authority, and the same fountain of honour." "i do not view it thus. our commissions are from the admiralty, which represents the country; but dignities come from the prince who happens to reign, let _his_ title be what it may." "do you happen to think richard iii. a usurper, or a lawful prince?" "a usurper, out of all question; and a murderer to boot. his name should be struck from the list of english kings. i never hear it, without execrating him, and his deeds." "pooh--pooh, dick, this is talking more like a poet than a seaman. if only one-half the sovereigns who deserve to be execrated had their names erased, the list of even our english kings would be rather short; and some countries would be without historical kings at all. however much richard iii. may deserve cashiering in this summary manner, his peers and laws are just as good as any other prince's peers and laws. witness the duke of norfolk, for instance." "ay, that cannot be helped by me; but it _is_ in my power to prevent richard bluewater's being made a knight or the bath, by george ii.; and the power shall be used." "it would seem not, as he is already created; and i dare to say, gazetted." "the oaths are not yet taken, and it is, at least, an englishman's birth-right, to decline an honour; if, indeed, this can be esteemed an honour, at all." "upon my word, rear-admiral sir richard bluewater, you are disposed to be complimentary, to-night! the unworthy knight present, and all the rest of the order, are infinitely indebted to you!" "your case and mine, oakes, are essentially different," returned the other, with some emotion in his voice and manner. "your riband was fairly won, fighting the battles of england, and can be worn with credit to yourself and to your country; but these baubles are sent to me, at a moment when a rising was foreseen, and as a sop to keep me in good-humour, as well as to propitiate the whole bluewater interest." "that is pure conjecture, and i dare say will prove to be altogether a mistake. here are the despatches to speak for themselves; and, as it is scarcely possible that the ministry should have known of this rash movement of the pretender's son, more than a few days, my life on it, the dates will show that your riband was bestowed before the enterprise was even suspected." as sir gervaise commenced, with his constitutional ardour, to turn over the letters, as soon as his mind was directed to this particular object, admiral bluewater resumed his seat, awaiting the result, with not a little curiosity; though, at the same time, with a smile of incredulity. the examination disappointed sir gervaise oakes. the dates proved that the ministers were better informed than he had supposed; for it appeared they had been apprised about the time he was himself of the intended movement. his orders were to bring the fleet north, and in substance to do the very thing his own sagacity had dictated. so far every thing was well; and he could not entertain a doubt about receiving the hearty approbation of his superiors, for the course he had taken. but here his gratification ended; for, on looking at the dates of the different communications, it was evident that the red riband was bestowed after the intelligence of the pretender's movement had reached london. a private letter, from a friend at the board of admiralty, too, spoke of his own probable promotion to the rank of admiral of the blue; and mentioned several other similar preferments, in a way to show that the government was fortifying itself, in the present crisis, as much as possible, by favours. this was a politic mode of procedure, with ordinary men, it is true; but with officers of the elevation of mind, and of the independence of character of our two admirals, it was most likely to produce disgust. "d--n 'em, dick," cried sir gervaise, as he threw down the last letter of the package, with no little sign of feeling; "you might take st. paul, or even wychecombe's dead brother, st. james the less, and put him at court, and he would come out a thorough blackguard, in a week!" "that is not the common opinion concerning a court education," quietly replied the friend; "most people fancying that the place gives refinement of manners, if not of sentiment." "poh--poh--you and i have no need of a dictionary to understand each other. i call a man who never trusts to a generous motive--who thinks it always necessary to bribe or cajole--who has no idea of any thing's being done without its direct _quid pro quo_, a scurvy blackguard, though he has the airs and graces of phil. stanhope, or chesterfield, as he is now. what do you think those chaps at the board, talk of doing, by way of clinching my loyalty, at this blessed juncture?" "no doubt to get you raised to the peerage. i see nothing so much out of the way in the thing. you are of one of the oldest families of england, and the sixth baronet by inheritance, and have a noble landed estate, which is none the worse for prize-money. sir gervaise oakes of bowldero, would make a very suitable lord bowldero." "if it were only that, i shouldn't mind it; for nothing is easier than to refuse a peerage. i've done _that_ twice already, and can do it a third time, at need. but one can't very well refuse promotion in his regular profession; and, here, just as a true gentleman would depend on the principles of an officer, the hackneyed consciences of your courtiers have suggested the expediency of making gervaise oakes an admiral of the blue, by way of sop!--me, who was made vice-admiral of the red, only six months since, and who take an honest pride in boasting that every commission, from the lowest to the highest, has been fairly earned in battle!" "they think it a more delicate service, perhaps, for a gentleman to be true to the reigning house, when so loud an appeal is made to his natural loyalty; and therefore class the self-conquest with a victory at sea!" "they are so many court-lubbers, and i should like to have an opportunity of speaking my mind to them. i'll not take the new commission; for every one must see, dick, that it is a sop." "ay, that's just my notion, too, about the red riband; and i'll not take _that_. you have had the riband these ten years, have declined the peerage twice, and their only chance is the promotion. take it you ought, and must, however, as it will be the means of pushing on some four or five poor devils, who have been wedged up to honours, in this manner, ever since they were captains. i am glad they do not talk of promoting _me_, for i should hardly know how to refuse such a grace. there is great virtue in parchment, with all us military men." "still it must be parchment fairly won. i think you are wrong, notwithstanding, bluewater, in talking of refusing the riband, which is so justly your due, for a dozen different acts. there is not a man in the service, who has been less rewarded for what he has done, than yourself." "i am sorry to hear you give this as your opinion; for just at this moment, i would rather think that i have no cause of complaint, in this way, against the reigning family, or its ministers. i'm sure i was posted when quite a young man, and since that time, no one has been lifted over my head." the vice-admiral looked intently at his friend; for never before had he detected a feeling which betrayed, as he fancied, so settled a determination in him to quit the service of the powers that were. acquainted from boyhood with all the workings of the other's mind, he perceived that the rear-admiral had been endeavouring to persuade himself that no selfish or unworthy motive could be assigned to an act which he felt to proceed from disinterested chivalry, just as he himself broke out with his expression of an opinion that no officer had been less liberally rewarded for his professional services than his friend. while there is no greater mystery to a selfish manager, than a man of disinterested temperament, they who feel and submit to generous impulses, understand each other with an instinctive facility. when any particular individual is prone to believe that there is a predominance of good over evil in the world he inhabits, it is a sign of inexperience, or of imbecility; but when one acts and reasons as if _all_ honour and virtue are extinct, he furnishes the best possible argument against his own tendencies and character. it has often been remarked that stronger friendships are made between those who have different personal peculiarities, than between those whose sameness of feeling and impulses would be less likely to keep interest alive; but, in all cases of intimacies, there must be great identity of principles, and even of tastes in matters at all connected with motives, in order to ensure respect, among those whose standard of opinion is higher than common, or sympathy among those with whom it is lower. such was the fact, as respected admirals oakes and bluewater. no two men could be less alike in temperament, or character, physically, and in some senses, morally considered; but, when it came to principles, or all those tastes or feelings that are allied to principles, there was a strong native, as well as acquired affinity. this union of sentiment was increased by common habits, and professional careers so long and so closely united, as to be almost identical. nothing was easier, consequently, than for sir gervaise oakes to comprehend the workings of admiral bluewater's mind, as the latter endeavoured to believe he had been fairly treated by the existing government. of course, the reasoning which passed through the thoughts of sir gervaise, on this occasion, required much less time than we have taken to explain its nature; and, after regarding his friend intently, as already related, for a few seconds, he answered as follows; a good deal influenced, unwittingly to himself, with the wish to check the other's jacobite propensities. "i am sorry not to be able to agree with you, dick," he said, with some warmth. "so far from thinking you _well_ treated, by any ministry, these twenty years, i think you have been very _ill_ treated. your rank you have, beyond a question; for of that no brave officer can well be deprived in a regulated service; but, have you had the _commands_ to which you are entitled?--i was a commander-in-chief when only a rear-admiral of the blue; and then how long did i wear a broad pennant, before i got a flag at all!" "you forget how much i have been with you. when two serve together, one must command, and the other must obey. so far from complaining of these hanoverian boards, and first lords, it seems to me that they have always kept in view the hollowness of their claims to the throne, and have felt a desire to purchase honest men by their favours." "you are the strangest fellow, dick bluewater, it has ever been my lot to fall in with! d----e me, if i believe you know always, when you _are_ ill treated. there are a dozen men in service, who have had separate commands, and who are not half as well entitled to them, as you are yourself." "come, come, oakes, this is getting to be puerile, for two old fellows, turned of fifty. you very well know that i was offered just as good a fleet, as this of your own, with a choice of the whole list of flag-officers below me, to pick a junior from; and, so, we'll say no more about it. as respects their red riband, however, it may go a-begging for me." sir gervaise was about to answer in his former vein, when a tap at the door announced the presence of another visiter. this time the door opened on the person of galleygo, who had been included in sir wycherly's hospitable plan of entertaining every soul who immediately belonged to the suite of sir gervaise. "what the d----l has brought _you_ here!" exclaimed the vice-admiral, a little warmly; for he did not relish an interruption just at this moment. "recollect you're not on board the plantagenet, but in the dwelling of a gentleman, where there are both butler and housekeeper, and who have no occasion for your advice, or authority, to keep things in order." "well, there, sir gervaise i doesn't agree with you the least bit; for i thinks as a ship's steward--i mean a _cabin_ steward, and a good 'un of the quality--might do a great deal of improvement in this very house. the cook and i has had a partic'lar dialogue on them matters, already; and i mentioned to her the names of seven different dishes, every one of which she quite as good as admitted to me, was just the same as so much gospel to _her_." "i shall have to quarantine this fellow, in the long run, bluewater! i do believe if i were to take him to lambeth palace, or even to st. james's, he'd thrust his oar into the archbishop's benedictions, or the queen's caudle-cup!" "well, sir gervaise, where would be the great harm, if i did? a man as knows the use of an oar, may be trusted with one, even in a church, or an abbey. when your honour comes to hear what the dishes was, as sir wycherly's cook had never heard on, you'll think it as great a cur'osity as i do myself. if i had just leave to name 'em over, i think as both you gentlemen would look at it as remarkable." "what are they, galleygo?" inquired bluewater, putting one of his long legs over an arm of the adjoining chair, in order to indulge himself in a yarn with his friend's steward, with greater freedom; for he greatly delighted in galleygo's peculiarities; seeing just enough of the fellow to find amusement, without annoyance in them. "i'll answer for sir gervaise, who is always a little diffident about boasting of the superiority of a ship, over a house." "yes, your honour, that he is--that is just one of sir jarvy's weak p'ints, as a body might say. now, i never goes ashore, without trimming sharp up, and luffing athwart every person's hawse, i fall in with; which is as much as to tell 'em, i belongs to a flag-ship, and a racer, and a craft as hasn't her equal on salt-water; no disparagement to the bit of bunting at the mizzen-topgallant-mast-head of the cæsar, or to the ship that carries it. i hopes, as we are so well acquainted, admiral bluewater, no offence will be taken." "where none is meant, none ought to be taken, my friend. now let us hear your bill-of-fare." "well, sir, the very first dish i mentioned to mrs. larder, sir wycherly's cook, was lobscous; and, would you believe it, gentlemen, the poor woman had never heard of it! i began with a light hand, as it might be, just not to overwhelm her with knowledge, at a blow, as sir jarvy captivated the french frigate with the upper tier of guns, that he might take her alive, like." "and the lady knew nothing of a lobscous--neither of its essence, nor nature?" "there's no essences as is ever put in a lobscous, besides potaties, admiral bluewater; thof we make 'em in the old planter"--_nautice_ for plantagenet--"in so liquorish a fashion, you might well think they even had jamaiky, in 'em. no, potaties is the essence of lobscous; and a very good thing is a potatie, sir jarvy, when a ship's company has been on salted oakum for a few months." "well, what was the next dish the good woman broke down under?" asked the rear-admiral, fearful the master might order the servant to quit the room; while he, himself, was anxious to get rid of any further political discussion. "well, sir, she knowed no more of a chowder, than if the sea wern't in the neighbourhood, and there wern't such a thing as a fish in all england. when i talked to her of a chowder, she gave in, like a spaniard at the fourth or fifth broadside." "such ignorance is disgraceful, and betokens a decline in civilization! but, you hoisted out more knowledge for her benefit, galleygo--small doses of learning are poor things." "yes, your honour; just like weak grog--burning the priming, without starting the shot. to be sure, i did, admiral blue. i just named to her burgoo, and then i mentioned duff (_anglice_ dough) to her, but she denied that there was any such things in the cookery-book. do you know, sir jarvy, as these here shore craft get their dinners, as our master gets the sun; all out of a book as it might be. awful tidings, too, gentlemen, about the pretender's son; and i s'pose we shall have to take the fleet up into scotland, as i fancy them 'ere sogers will not make much of a hand in settling law?" "and have you honoured us with a visit, just to give us an essay on dishes, and to tell us what you intend to do with the fleet?" demanded sir gervaise, a little more sternly than he was accustomed to speak to the steward. "lord bless you, sir jarvy, i didn't dream of one or t'other! as for telling you, or admiral blue, (so the seamen used to call the second in rank,) here, any thing about lobscous, or chowder, why, it would be carrying coals to new market. i've fed ye both with all such articles, when ye was nothing but young gentlemen; and when you was no longer young gentlemen, too, but a couple of sprightly luffs, of nineteen. and as for moving the fleet, i know, well enough, that will never happen, without our talking it over in the old planter's cabin; which is a much more nat'ral place for such a discourse, than any house in england!" "may i take the liberty of inquiring, then, what _did_ bring you here?" "that you may, with all my heart, sir jarvy, for i likes to answer your questions. my errand is not to your honour this time, though you are my master. it's no great matter, after all, being just to hand this bit of a letter over to admiral blue." "and where did this letter come from, and how did it happen to fall into your hands?" demanded bluewater, looking at the superscription, the writing of which he appeared to recognise. "it hails from lun'nun, i hear; and they tell me it's to be a great secret that you've got it, at all. the history of the matter is just this. an officer got in to-night, with orders for us, carrying sail as hard as his shay would bear. it seems he fell in with master atwood, as he made his land-fall, and being acquainted with that gentleman, he just whipped out his orders, and sent 'em off to the right man. then he laid his course for the landing, wishing to get aboard of the dublin, to which he is ordered; but falling in with our barge, as i landed, he wanted to know the where-away of admiral blue, here; believing him to be afloat. some 'un telling him as i was a friend and servant of both admirals, as it might be, he turned himself over to me for advice. so i promised to deliver the letter, as i had a thousand afore, and knowed the way of doing such things; and he gives me the letter, under special orders, like; that is to say, it was to be handed to the rear-admiral as it might be under the lee of the mizzen-stay-sail, or in a private fashion. well, gentlemen, you both knows i understand that, too, and so i undertook the job." "and i have got to be so insignificant a person that i pass for no one, in your discriminating mind, master galleygo!" exclaimed the vice-admiral, sharply. "i have suspected as much, these five-and-twenty years." "lord bless you, sir jarvy, how flag-officers will make mistakes sometimes! they're mortal, i says to the people of the galley, and have their appetites false, just like the young gentlemen, when they get athwart-hawse of a body, i says. now, i count admiral blue and yourself pretty much as one man, seeing that you keep few, or no secrets from each other. i know'd ye both as young gentlemen, and then you loved one another like twins; and then i know'd ye as luffs, when ye'd walk the deck the whole watch, spinning yarns; and then i know'd ye as pillardees and arrestee, though one pillow might have answered for both; and as for arrest, i never know'd either of ye to got into that scrape. as for telling a secret to one, i've always looked upon it as pretty much telling it to t'other." the two admirals exchanged glances, and the look of kindness that each met in the eyes of his friend removed every shadow that had been cast athwart their feelings, by the previous discourse. "that will do, galleygo," returned sir gervaise, mildly. "you're a good fellow in the main, though a villanously rough one--" "a little of old boreus, sir jarvy," interrupted the steward, with a grim smile: "but it blows harder at sea than it does ashore. these chaps on land, ar'n't battened down, and caulked for such weather, as we sons of neptun' is obligated to face." "quite true, and so good-night. admiral bluewater and myself wish to confer together, for half an hour; all that it is proper for you to know, shall be communicated another time." "good-night, and god bless your honour. good-night, admiral blue: we three is the men as can keep any secret as ever floated, let it draw as much water as it pleases." sir gervaise oakes stopped in his walk, and gazed at his friend with manifest interest, as he perceived that admiral bluewater was running over his letter for the third time. being now without a witness, he did not hesitate to express his apprehensions. "'tis as i feared, dick!" he cried. "that letter is from some prominent partisan of edward stuart?" the rear-admiral turned his eyes on the face of his friend, with an expression that was difficult to read; and then he ran over the contents of the epistle, for the fourth time. "a set of precious rascals they are, gervaise!" at length the rear-admiral exclaimed. "if the whole court was culled, i question if enough honesty could be found to leaven one puritan scoundrel. tell me if you know this hand, oakes? i question if you ever saw it before." the superscription of the letter was held out to sir gervaise, who, after a close examination, declared himself unacquainted with the writing. "i thought as much," resumed bluewater, carefully tearing the signature from the bottom of the page, and burning it in a candle; "let this disgraceful part of the secret die, at least. the fellow who wrote this, has put 'confidential' at the top of his miserable scrawl: and a most confident scoundrel he is, for his pains. however, no man has a right to thrust himself, in this rude manner, between me and my oldest friend; and least of all will i consent to keep this piece of treachery from your knowledge. i do more than the rascal merits in concealing his name; nevertheless, i shall not deny myself the pleasure of sending him such an answer as he deserves. read that, oakes, and then say if keelhauling would be too good for the writer." sir gervaise took the letter in silence, though not without great surprise, and began to peruse it. as he proceeded, the colour mounted to his temples, and once he dropped his hand, to cast a look of wonder and indignation towards his companion. that the reader may see how much occasion there was for both these feelings, we shall give the communication entire. it was couched in the following words: "dear admiral bluewater: "our ancient friendship, and i am proud to add, affinity of blood, unite in inducing me to write a line, at this interesting moment. of the result of this rash experiment of the pretender's son, no prudent man can entertain a doubt. still, the boy may give us some trouble, before he is disposed of altogether. we look to all our friends, therefore, for their most efficient exertions, and most prudent co-operation. on _you_, every reliance is placed; and i wish i could say as much for _every flag-officer afloat_. some distrust--unmerited, i sincerely hope--exists in a very high quarter, touching the loyalty of a certain commander-in-chief, who is so completely under your observation, that it is felt enough is done in hinting the fact to one of your political tendencies. the king said, this morning, 'vell, dere isht bluevater; of _him_ we are shure asht of ter sun.' you stand excellently well _there_, to my great delight; and i need only say, be watchful and prompt. "yours, with the most sincere faith and attachment, my dear bluewater, &c., &c. "rear-admiral bluewater. "p. s.--i have just heard that they have sent you the red riband. the king himself, was in this." when sir gervaise had perused this precious epistle to himself, he read it slowly, and in a steady, clear voice, aloud. when he had ended, he dropped the paper, and stood gazing at his friend. "one would think the fellow some exquisite satirist," said bluewater, laughing. "_i_ am to be vigilant, and see that _you_ do not mutiny, and run away with the fleet to the highlands, one of these foggy mornings! carry it up into scotland, as galleygo has it! now, what is your opinion of that letter?" "that all courtiers are knaves, and all princes ungrateful. i should think my loyalty to the good _cause_, if not to the _man_, the last in england to be suspected." "nor is it suspected, in the smallest degree. my life on it, neither the reigning monarch, nor his confidential servants, are such arrant dunces, as to be guilty of so much weakness. no, this masterly move is intended to secure _me_, by creating a confidence that they think no generous-minded man would betray. it is a hook, delicately baited to catch a gudgeon, and not an order to watch a whale." "can the scoundrels be so mean--nay, dare they be so bold! they must have known you would show me the letter." "not they--they have reasoned on my course, as they would on their own. nothing catches a weak man sooner than a pretended confidence of this nature; and i dare say this blackguard rates me just high enough to fancy i may be duped in this flimsy manner. put your mind at rest; king george knows he may confide in _you_, while i think it probable _i_ am distrusted." "i hope, dick, you do not suspect _my_ discretion! my own secret would not be half so sacred to me." "i know that, full well. of _you_, i entertain no distrust, either in heart or head; of myself, i am not quite so certain. when we _feel_, we do not always _reason_; and there is as much feeling, as any thing else, in this matter." "not a line is there, in all my despatches, that go to betray the slightest distrust of me, or any one else. you are spoken of, but it is in a manner to gratify you, rather than to alarm. take, and read them all; i intended to show them to you, as soon as we had got through with that cursed discussion" as sir gervaise concluded, he threw the whole package of letters on the table, before his friend. "it will be time enough, when you summon me regularly to a council of war," returned bluewater, laying the letters gently aside. "perhaps we had better sleep on this affair; in the morning we shall meet with cooler heads, and just as warm hearts." "good-night, dick," said sir gervaise, holding out both hands for the other to shake as he passed him, in quitting the room. "good-night, gervaise; let this miserable devil go overboard, and think no more of him. i have half a mind to ask you for a leave, to-morrow, just to run up to london, and cut off his ears." sir gervaise laughed and nodded his head, and the two friends parted, with feelings as kind as ever had distinguished their remarkable career. chapter viii. "look to't, think on't, i do not use to jest. thursday is near; lay hand on heart, advise; an' you be mine, i'll give you to my friend; an' you be not, hang, beg, starve, die i' the streets." romeo and juliet. wychecombe hall, had most of the peculiarities of a bachelor's dwelling, in its internal government; nor was it, in any manner, behind, or, it might be better to say, before, the age, in its modes and customs connected with jollifications. when its master relaxed a little, the servants quite uniformly imitated his example. sir wycherly kept a plentiful table, and the servants' hall fared nearly as well as the dining-room; the single article of wine excepted. in lieu of the latter, however, was an unlimited allowance of double-brewed ale; and the difference in the potations was far more in the name, than in the quality of the beverages. the master drank port; for, in the middle of the last century, few englishmen had better wine--and port, too, that was by no means of a very remarkable delicacy, but which, like those who used it, was rough, honest, and strong; while the servant had his malt liquor of the very highest stamp and flavour. between indifferent wine and excellent ale, the distance is not interminable; and sir wycherly's household, was well aware of the fact, having frequently instituted intelligent practical comparisons, by means of which, all but the butler and mrs. larder had come to the conclusion to stand by the home-brewed. on the present occasion, not a soul in the house was ignorant of the reason why the baronet was making a night of it. every man, woman, and child, in or about the hall, was a devoted partisan of the house of hanover; and as soon as it was understood that this feeling was to be manifested by drinking "success to king george, and god bless him," on the one side; and "confusion to the pretender, and his mad son," on the other; all under the roof entered into the duty, with a zeal that might have seated a usurper on a throne, if potations could do it. when admiral bluewater, therefore, left the chamber of his friend, the signs of mirth and of a regular debauch were so very obvious, that a little curiosity to watch the result, and a disinclination to go off to his ship so soon, united to induce him to descend into the rooms below, with a view to get a more accurate knowledge of the condition of the household. in crossing the great hall, to enter the drawing-room, he encountered galleygo, when the following discourse took place. "i should think the master-at-arms has not done his duty, and dowsed the glim below, master steward," said the rear-admiral, in his quiet way, as they met; "the laughing, and singing, and hiccupping, are all upon a very liberal scale for a respectable country-house." galleygo touched the lock of hair on his forehead, with one hand, and gave his trowsers a slue with the other, before he answered; which he soon did, however, though with a voice a little thicker than was usual with him, on account of his having added a draught or two to those he had taken previously to visiting sir gervaise's dressing-room; and which said additional draught or two, had produced some such effect on his system, as the fresh drop produces on the cup that is already full. "that's just it, admiral blue," returned the steward, in passing good-humour, though still sober enough to maintain the decencies, after his own fashion; "that's just it, your honour. they've passed the word below to let the lights stand for further orders, and have turned the hands up for a frolic. such ale as they has, stowed in the lower hold of this house, like leaguers in the ground-tier, it does a body's heart good to conter'plate. all hands is bowsing out their jibs on it, sir, and the old hall will soon be carrying as much sail as she can stagger under. it's nothing but loose-away and sheet-home." "ay, ay, galleygo, this may be well enough for the people of the household, if sir wycherly allows it; but it ill becomes the servants of guests to fall into this disorder. if i find tom has done any thing amiss, he will hear more of it; and as your own master is not here to admonish _you_, i'll just take the liberty of doing it for him, since i know it would mortify him exceedingly to learn that his steward had done any thing to disgrace himself." "lord bless your dear soul, admiral blue, take just as many liberties as you think fit, and i'll never pocket one on 'em. i know'd you, when you was only a young gentleman, and now you're a rear. you're close on our heels; and by the time we are a full admiral, you'll be something like a vice. i looks upon you as bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh,--pillardees and arrestees--and i no more minds a setting-down from your honour, than i does from sir jarvy, hisself." "i believe that is true enough, galleygo; but take my advice, and knock off with the ale for to-night. can you tell me how the land lies, with the rest of the company?" "you couldn't have asked a better person, your honour, as i've just been passing through all the rooms, from a sort of habit i has, sir; for, d'ye see, i thought i was in the old planter, and that it was my duty to overlook every thing, as usual. the last pull at the ale, put that notion in my head; but it's gone now, and i see how matters is. yes, sir, the mainmast of a church isn't stiffer and more correct-like, than my judgment is, at this blessed moment. sir wycherly guv' me a glass of his black-strap, as i ran through the dining-room, and told me to drink 'confusion to the pretender,' which i did, with hearty good-will; but his liquor will no more lay alongside of the ale they've down on the orlop, than a frenchman will compare with an englishman. what's your opinion, admiral blue, consarning this cruise of the pretender's son, up in the highlands of scotland?" bluewater gave a quick, distrustful glance at the steward, for he knew that the fellow was half his time in the outer cabin and pantries of the plantagenet, and he could not tell how much of his many private dialogues with sir gervaise, might have been overheard. meeting with nothing but the unmeaning expression of one half-seas-over, his uneasiness instantly subsided. "i think it a gallant enterprise, galleygo," he answered; too manly even to feign what he did not believe; "but i fear as a _cruise_, it will not bring much prize-money. you have forgotten you were about to tell me how the land lies. sir wycherly, mr. dutton, mr. rotherham, are still at the table, i fancy--are these all? what have become of the two young gentlemen?" "there's none ashore, sir," said galleygo, promptly, accustomed to give that appellation only to midshipmen. "i mean the two mr. wychecombes; one of whom, i had forgot, is actually an officer." "yes, sir, and a most partic'lar fine officer he is, as every body says. well, sir, _he's_ with the ladies; while his namesake has gone back to the table, and has put luff upon luff, to fetch up leeway." "and the ladies--what have they done with themselves, in this scene of noisy revelry?" "they'se in yonder state-room, your honour. as soon as they found how the ship was heading, like all women-craft, they both makes for the best harbour they could run into. yes, they'se yonder." as galleygo pointed to the door of the room he meant, bluewater proceeded towards it, parting with the steward after a few more words of customary, but very useless caution. the tap of the admiral was answered by wycherly in person, who opened the door, and made way for his superior to enter, with a respectful obeisance. there was but a single candle in the little parlour, in which the two females had taken refuge from the increasing noise of the debauch; and this was due to a pious expedient of mildred's, in extinguishing the others, with a view to conceal the traces of tears that were still visible on her own and her mother's cheeks. the rear-admiral was, at first, struck with this comparative obscurity; but it soon appeared to him appropriate to the feelings of the party assembled in the room. mrs. dutton received him with the ease she had acquired in her early life, and the meeting passed as a matter of course, with persons temporarily residing under the same roof. "our friends appear to be enjoying themselves," said bluewater, when a shout from the dining-room forced itself on the ears of all present. "the loyalty of sir wycherly seems to be of proof." "oh! admiral bluewater," exclaimed the distressed wife, feeling, momentarily, getting the better of discretion; "_do_ you--_can_ you call such a desecration of god's image enjoyment?" "not justly, perhaps, mrs. dutton; and yet it is what millions mistake for it. this mode of celebrating any great event, and even of illustrating what we think our principles, is, i fear, a vice not only of our age, but of our country." "and yet, neither you, nor sir gervaise oakes, i see, find it necessary to give such a proof of your attachment to the house of hanover, or of your readiness to serve it with your time and persons." "you will remember, my good, lady, that both oakes and myself are flag-officers in command, and it would never do for us to fall into a debauch in sight of our own ships. i am glad to see, however, that mr. wychecombe, here, prefers such society as i find him in, to the pleasures of the table." wycherly bowed, and mildred cast an expressive, not to say grateful, glance towards the speaker; but her mother pursued the discourse, in which she found a little relief to her suppressed emotion. "god be thanked for that!" she exclaimed, half-unconscious of the interpretation that might be put on her words; "all that we have seen of mr. wychecombe would lead us to believe that this is not an unusual, or an accidental forbearance." "so much the more fortunate for him. i congratulate you, young sir, on this triumph of principle, or of temperament, or of both. we belong to a profession, in which the bottle is an enemy more to be feared, than any that the king can give us. a sailor can call in no ally as efficient in subduing this mortal foe, as an intelligent and cultivated mind. the man who really _thinks_ much, seldom _drinks_ much; but there are hours--nay, weeks and months of idleness in a ship, in which the temptation to resort to unnatural excitement in quest of pleasure, is too strong for minds, that are not well fortified, to resist. this is particularly the case with commanders, who find themselves isolated by their rank, and oppressed with responsibility, in the privacy of their own cabins, and get to make a companion of the bottle, by way of seeking relief from uncomfortable thoughts, and of creating a society of their own. i deem the critical period of a sailor's life, to be the first few years of solitary command." "how true!--how true!" murmured mrs. dutton. "oh! that cutter--that cruel cutter!" the truth flashed upon the recollection of bluewater, at this unguarded, and instantly regretted exclamation. many years before, when only a captain himself, he had been a member of a court-martial which cashiered a lieutenant of the name of dutton, for grievous misconduct, while in command of a cutter; the fruits of the bottle. from the first, he thought the name familiar to him; but so many similar things had happened in the course of forty years' service, that this particular incident had been partially lost in the obscurity of time. it was now completely recalled, however; and that, too, with all its attendant circumstances. the recollection served to give the rear-admiral renewed interest in the unhappy wife, and lovely daughter, of the miserable delinquent. he had been applied to, at the time, for his interest in effecting the restoration of the guilty officer, or even to procure for him, the hopeless station he now actually occupied; but he had sternly refused to be a party in placing any man in authority, who was the victim of a propensity that not only disgraced himself, but which, in the peculiar position of a sailor, equally jeoparded the honour of the country, and risked the lives of all around him. he was aware that the last application had been successful, by means of a court influence it was very unusual to exert in cases so insignificant; and, then, he had, for years, lost sight of the criminal and his fortunes. this unexpected revival of his old impressions, caused him to feel like an ancient friend of the wife and daughter; for well could he recall a scene he had with both, in which the struggle between his humanity and his principles had been so violent as actually to reduce him to tears. mildred had forgotten the name of this particular officer, having been merely a child; but well did mrs. dutton remember it, and with fear and trembling had she come that day, to meet him at the hall. the first look satisfied her that she was forgotten, and she had struggled herself, to bury in oblivion, a scene which was one of the most painful of her life. the unguarded expression, mentioned, entirely changed the state of affairs. "mrs. dutton," said bluewater, kindly taking a hand of the distressed wife; "i believe we are old friends; if, after what has passed, you will allow me so to consider myself." "ah! admiral bluewater, my memory needed no admonisher to tell me _that_. your sympathy and kindness are as grateful to me, now, as they were in that dreadful moment, when we met before." "and i had the pleasure of seeing this young lady, more than once, on that unpleasant occasion. this accounts for a fancy that has fairly haunted me throughout the day; for, from the instant my eye fell on miss mildred, it struck me that the face, and most of all, its expression, was familiar to me. certainly it is not a countenance, once seen, easily to be forgotten." "mildred was then but a child, sir, and your recollection must have been a fancy, indeed, as children of her age seldom make any lasting impression on the mind, particularly in the way of features." "it is not the features that i recognize, but the expression; and that, i need not tell the young lady's mother, is an expression not so very easily forgotten. i dare say mr. wychecombe is ready enough to vouch for the truth of what i say." "hark!" exclaimed mrs. dutton, who was sensitively alive to any indication of the progress of the debauch. "there is great confusion in the dining-room!--i hope the gentlemen are of one mind as respects this rising in scotland!" "if there is a jacobite among them, he will have a warm time of it; with sir wycherly, his nephew, and the vicar--all three of whom are raging lions, in the way of loyalty. there does, indeed, seem something out of the way, for those sounds, i should think, are the feet of servants, running to and fro. if the servants'-hall is in the condition i suspect, it will as much need the aid of the parlour, as the parlour can possibly--" a tap at the door caused bluewater to cease speaking; and as wycherly threw open the entrance, galleygo appeared on the threshold, by this time reduced to the necessity of holding on by the casings. "well, sir," said the rear-admiral, sternly, for he was no longer disposed to trifle with any of the crapulous set; "well, sir, what impertinence has brought you here?" "no impertinence at all, your honour; we carries none of _that_, in the old planter. there being no young gentlemen, hereabouts, to report proceedings, i thought i'd just step in and do the duty with my own tongue. we has so many reports in our cabin, that there isn't an officer in the fleet that can make 'em better, as myself, sir." "there are a hundred who would spend fewer words on any thing. what is your business?" "why, sir, just to report one flag struck, and a commander-in-chief on his beam-ends." "good god! nothing has happened to sir gervaise--speak, fellow, or i'll have you sent out of this babel, and off to the ship, though it were midnight." "it be pretty much that, admiral blue; or past six bells; as any one may see by the ship's clock on the great companion ladder; six bells, going well on to seven--" "your business, sir! what has happened to sir gervaise?" repeated bluewater, shaking his long fore-finger menacingly, at the steward. "we are as well, admiral blue, as the hour we came over the planter's side. sir jarvy will carry sail with the best on 'em, i'll answer for it, whether the ship floats in old port oporto, or in a brewer's vat. let sir jarvy alone for them tricks--he wasn't a young gentleman, for nothing." "have a moment's patience, sir," put in wycherly, "and i will go myself, and ascertain the truth." "i shall make but another inquiry," continued admiral bluewater, as wycherly left the room. "why, d'ye see, your honour, old sir wycherly, who is commander-in-chief, along shore here, has capsized in consequence of carrying sail too hard, in company with younger craft; and they're now warping him into dock to be overhauled." "is this all!--that was a result to be expected, in such a debauch. you need not have put on so ominous a face, for this, galleygo." "no, sir, so i thought, myself; and i only tried to look as melancholy as a young gentleman who is sent below to report a topgallant-mast over the side, or a studding-sail-boom gone in the iron. d'ye remember the time, admiral blue, when you thought to luff up on the old planter's weather-quarter, and get between her and the french ninety on three decks, and how your stu'n-sails went, one a'ter another, just like so many musherrooms breaking in peeling?" galleygo, who was apt to draw his images from his two trades, might have talked on an hour, without interruption; for, while he was uttering the above sentence, wycherly returned, and reported that their host was seriously, even dangerously ill. while doing the honours of his table, he had been seized with a fit, which the vicar, a noted three-bottle man, feared was apoplexy. mr. rotherham had bled the patient, who was already a little better, and an express had been sent for a medical man. as a matter of course, the _convives_ had left the table, and alarm was frightening the servants into sobriety. at mrs. dutton's earnest request, wycherly immediately left the room again, forcing galleygo out before him, with a view to get more accurate information concerning the baronet's real situation; both the mother and daughter feeling a real affection for sir wycherly; the kind old man having won their hearts by his habitual benevolence, and a constant concern for their welfare. "_sic transit gloria mundi_," muttered admiral bluewater, as he threw his tall person, in his own careless manner, on a chair, in a dark corner of the room. "this baronet has fallen from his throne, in a moment of seeming prosperity and revelry; why may not another do the same?" mrs. dutton heard the voice, without distinguishing the words, and she felt distressed at the idea that one whom she so much respected and loved, might be judged of harshly, by a man of the rear-admiral's character. "sir wycherly is one of the kindest-hearted men, breathing," she said, a little hurriedly; "and there is not a better landlord in england. then he is by no means addicted to indulgence at table, more than is customary with gentlemen of his station. his loyalty has, no doubt, carried him this evening farther than was prudent, or than we could have wished." "i have every disposition to think favourably of our poor host, my dear mrs. dutton; and we seamen are not accustomed to judge a _bon vivant_ too harshly." "ah! admiral bluewater, _you_, who have so wide-spread a reputation for sobriety and correct deportment! well do i remember how i trembled, when i heard your name mentioned as one of the leading members of that dreadful court!" "you let your recollections dwell too much on these unpleasant subjects, mrs. dutton, and i should like to see you setting an example of greater cheerfulness to your sweet daughter. i could not befriend you, _then_, for my oath and my duty were both against it; but, _now_, there exists no possible reason, why i should not; while there does exist almost every possible disposition, why i should. this sweet child interests me in a way i can hardly describe." mrs. dutton was silent and thoughtful. the years of admiral bluewater did not absolutely forbid his regarding mildred's extreme beauty, with the eyes of ordinary admiration; but his language, and most of all, his character, ought to repel the intrusive suspicion. still mildred was surpassingly lovely, and men were surpassingly weak in matters of love. many a hero had passed a youth of self-command and discretion, to consummate some act of exceeding folly, of this very nature, in the decline of life; and bitter experience had taught her to be distrustful. nevertheless, she could not, at once, bring herself to think ill of one, whose character she had so long respected; and, with all the rear-admiral's directness of manner, there was so much real and feeling delicacy, blended with the breeding of a gentleman-like sailor, that it was not easy to suppose he had any other motives than those he saw fit to avow. mildred had made many a friend, by a sweetness of countenance, that was even more winning, than her general beauty of face and form was attractive; and why should not this respectable old seaman be of the number. this train of thought was interrupted by the sudden and unwelcome appearance of dutton. he had just returned from the bed-side of sir wycherly, and now came to seek his wife and daughter, to bid them prepare to enter the chariot, which was in waiting to convey them home. the miserable man was not intoxicated, in the sense which deprives a man of the use of speech and limbs; but he had drunk quite enough to awaken the demon within him, and to lay bare the secrets of his true character. if any thing, his nerves were better strung than common; but the wine had stirred up all the energies of a being, whose resolutions seldom took the direction of correct feeling, or of right doing. the darkness of the room, and a slight confusion which nevertheless existed in his brain, prevented him from noticing the person of his superior, seated, as the latter was, in the dark corner; and he believed himself once more alone with those who were so completely dependent on his mercy, and who had so long been the subjects of his brutality and tyranny. "i hope sir wycherly is better, dutton," the wife commenced, fearful that her husband might expose himself and her, before he was aware of the presence in which he stood. "admiral bluewater is as anxious, as we are ourselves, to know his real state." "ay, you women are all pity and feeling for baronets and rear-admirals," answered dutton, throwing himself rudely into a chair, with his back towards the stranger, in an attitude completely to exclude the latter from his view; "while a husband, or father, might die a hundred deaths, and not draw a look of pity from your beautiful eyes, or a kind word from your devilish tongues." "neither mildred nor i, merit this from _you_, dutton!" "no, you're both perfection; like mother, like child. haven't i been, fifty times, at death's door, with this very complaint of sir wycherly's, and did either of you ever send for an apothecary, even?" "you have been occasionally indisposed, dutton, but never apoplectic; and we have always thought a little sleep would restore you; as, indeed, it always has." "what business had you to _think_? surgeons think, and medical men, and it was your duty to send for the nearest professional man, to look after one you're bound both to honour and obey. you are your own mistress, martha, i do suppose, in a certain degree; and what can't be cured must be endured; but mildred is my child; and i'll have her respect and love, if i break both your hearts in order to get at them." "a pious daughter always respects her parent, dutton," said the wife, trembling from head to foot; "but love must come willingly, or, it will not come at all." "we'll see as to that, mrs. martha dutton; we'll see as to that. come hither, mildred; i have a word to say to you, which may as well be said at once." mildred, trembling like her mother, drew near; but with a feeling of filial piety, that no harshness could entirely smother, she felt anxious to prevent the father from further exposing himself, in the presence of admiral bluewater. with this view, then, and with this view only, she summoned firmness enough to speak. "father," she said, "had we not better defer our family matters, until we are alone?" under ordinary circumstances, bluewater would not have waited for so palpable a hint, for he would have retired on the first appearance of any thing so disagreeable as a misunderstanding between man and wife. but, an ungovernable interest in the lovely girl, who stood trembling at her father's knee, caused him to forget his habitual delicacy of feeling, and to overlook what might perhaps be termed almost a law of society. instead of moving, therefore, as mildred had both hoped and expected, he remained motionless in his seat. dutton's mind was too obtuse to comprehend his daughter's allusions, in the absence, of ocular evidence of a stranger's presence, and his wrath was too much excited to permit him to think much of any thing but his own causes of indignation. "stand more in front of me, mildred," he answered, angrily. "more before my face, as becomes one who don't know her duty to her parent, and needs be taught it." "oh! dutton," exclaimed the afflicted wife; "do not--do not--accuse mildred of being undutiful! you know not what you say--know not her obliga--you cannot know her _heart_, or you would not use these cruel imputations!" "silence, mrs. martha dutton--my business is not with _you_, at present, but with this young lady, to whom, i hope, i may presume to speak a little plainly, as she is my own child. silence, then, mrs. martha dutton. if my memory is not treacherous, you once stood up before god's altar with me, and there vow'd to love, honour, and _obey_. yes, that was the word; _obey_, mrs. martha dutton." "and what did _you_ promise, at the same time, frank?" exclaimed the wife, from whose bruised spirit this implied accusation was torn in an agony of mental suffering. "nothing but what i have honestly and manfully performed. i promised to provide for you; to give you food and raiment; to let you hear my name, and stand before the world in the honourable character of honest frank dutton's wife." "honourable!" murmured the wife, loud enough to be heard by both the admiral and mildred, and yet in a tone so smothered, as to elude the obtuse sense of hearing, that long excess had left her husband. when this expressive word had broken out of her very heart, however, she succeeded in suppressing her voice, and sinking into a chair, concealed her face in her hands, in silence. "mildred, come hither," resumed the brutalized parent. "_you_ are my daughter, and whatever others have promised at the altar, and forgotten, a law of nature teaches you to obey me. you have two admirers, either of whom you ought to be glad to secure, though there is a great preference between them--" "father!" exclaimed mildred, every feeling of her sensitive nature revolting at this coarse allusion to a connection, and to sentiments, that she was accustomed to view as among the most sacred and private of her moral being. "surely, you cannot mean what you say!" "like mother, like child! let but disobedience and disrespect get possession of a wife, and they are certain to run through a whole family, even though there were a dozen children! harkee, miss mildred, it is _you_ who don't happen to know what you say, while i understand myself as well as most parents. your mother would never acquaint you with what i feel it a duty to put plainly before your judgment; and, therefore, i expect you to listen as becomes a dutiful and affectionate child. you can secure either of these young wychecombes, and either of them would be a good match for a poor, disgraced, sailing-master's daughter." "father, i shall sink through the floor, if you say another word, in this cruel manner!" "no, dear; you'll neither sink nor swim, unless it be by making a bad, or a good choice. mr. thomas wychecombe is sir wycherly's heir, and must be the next baronet, and possessor of this estate. of course he is much the best thing, and you ought to give him a preference." "dutton, _can_ you, as a father and a christian, give such heartless counsel to your own child!" exclaimed mrs. dutton, inexpressibly shocked at the want of principle, as well as at the want of feeling, discovered in her husband's advice. "mrs. martha dutton, i can; and believe the counsel to be any thing but heartless, too. do you wish your daughter to be the wife of a miserable signal-station keeper, when she may become lady wychecombe, with a little prudent management, and the mistress of this capital old house, and noble estate?" "father--father," interrupted mildred, soothingly, though ready to sink with shame at the idea of admiral bluewater's being an auditor of such a conversation; "you forget yourself, and overlook my wishes. there is little probability of mr. thomas wychecombe's ever thinking of me as a wife--or, indeed of anyone else's entertaining such thoughts." "that will turn out, as you manage matters, milly. mr. thomas wychecombe does not think of you as a _wife_, quite likely, just at this moment; but the largest whales are taken by means of very small lines, when the last are properly handled. this young lieutenant would have you to-morrow; though a more silly thing than for you two to marry, could not well be hit upon. he is only a lieutenant; and though his name is so good a one, it does not appear that he has any particular right to it." "and yet, dutton, you were only a lieutenant when _you_ married, and your name was _nothing_ in the way of interest, or preferment," observed the mother, anxious to interpose some new feeling between her daughter, and the cruel inference left by the former part of her husband's speech. "we _then_ thought all lay bright before us!" "and so all would lie to this hour, mrs. dutton, but for that one silly act of mine. a man with the charges of a family on him, little pay, and no fortune, is driven to a thousand follies to hide his misery. you do not strengthen your case by reminding me of _that_ imprudence. but, mildred, i do not tell you to cut adrift this young virginian, for he may he of use in more ways than one. in the first place, you can play him off against mr. thomas wychecombe; and, in the second place, a lieutenant is likely, one day, to be a captain; and the wife of a captain in his majesty's navy, is no disreputable birth. i advise you, girl, to use this youngster as a bait to catch the heir with; and, failing a good bite, to take up with the lad himself." this was said dogmatically, but with a coarseness of manner that fully corresponded with the looseness of the principles, and the utter want of delicacy of feeling that alone could prompt such advice. mrs. dutton fairly groaned, as she listened to her husband, for never before had he so completely thrown aside the thin mask of decency that he ordinarily wore; but mildred, unable to control the burst of wild emotion that came over her, broke away from the place she occupied at her father's knee, and, as if blindly seeking protection in any asylum that she fancied safe, found herself sobbing, as if her heart would break, in admiral bluewater's arms. dutton followed the ungovernable, impulsive movement, with his eye, and for the first time he became aware in whose presence he had been exposing his native baseness. wine had not so far the mastery of him, as to blind him to all the consequences, though it did stimulate him to a point that enabled him to face the momentary mortification of his situation. "i beg a thousand pardons, sir," he said, rising, and bowing low to his superior; "i was totally ignorant that i had the honour to be in the company of admiral bluewater--admiral blue, i find jack calls you, sir; ha-ha-ha--a familiarity which is a true sign of love and respect. i never knew a captain, or a flag-officer, that got a regular, expressive ship's name, that he wasn't the delight of the whole service. yes, sir; i find the people call sir gervaise, little jarvy, and yourself, admiral blue--ha-ha-ha--an infallible sign of merit in the superior, and of love in the men." "i ought to apologize, mr. dutton, for making one, so unexpectedly to myself, in a family council," returned the rear-admiral. "as for the men, they are no great philosophers, though tolerable judges of when they are well commanded, and well treated.--but, the hour is late, and it was my intention to sleep in my own ship, to-night. the coach of sir wycherly has been ordered to carry me to the landing, and i hope to have your permission to see these ladies home in it." the answer of dutton was given with perfect self-possession, and in a manner to show that he knew how to exercise the courtesies of life, or to receive them, when in the humour. "it is an honour, sir, they will not think of declining, if my wishes are consulted," he said. "come, milly, foolish girl, dry your tears, and smile on admiral bluewater, for his condescension. young women, sir, hardly know how to take a joke; and our ship's humours are sometimes a little strong for them. i tell my dear wife, sometimes--'wife,' i say, 'his majesty can't have stout-hearted and stout-handed seamen, and the women poets and die-away swains, and all in the same individual,' says i. mrs. dutton understands me, sir; and so does little milly; who is an excellent girl in the main; though a little addicted to using the eye-pumps, as we have it aboard ship, sir." "and, now, mr. dutton, it being understood that i am to see the ladies home, will you do me the favour to inquire after the condition of sir wycherly. one would not wish to quit his hospitable roof, in uncertainty as to his actual situation." dutton was duly sensible of an awkwardness in the presence of his superior, and he gladly profited by this commission to quit the room; walking more steadily than if he had not been drinking. all this time, mildred hung on admiral bluewater's shoulder, weeping, and unwilling to quit a place that seemed to her, in her fearful agitation, a sort of sanctuary. "mrs. dutton," said bluewater, first kissing the cheek of his lovely burthen, in a manner so parental, that the most sensitive delicacy could not have taken the alarm; "you will succeed better than myself, in quieting the feelings of this little trembler. i need hardly say that if i have accidentally overheard more than i ought, it is as much a secret with me, as it would be with your own brother. the characters of all cannot be affected by the mistaken and excited calculations of one; and this occasion has served to make me better acquainted with you, and your admirable daughter, than i might otherwise have been, by means of years of ordinary intercourse." "oh! admiral bluewater, do not judge him _too_ harshly! he has been too long at that fatal table, which i fear has destroyed poor dear sir wycherly, and knew not what he said. never before have i seen him in such a fearful humour, or in the least disposed to trifle with, or to wound the feelings of this sweet child!" "her extreme agitation is a proof of this, my good madam, and shows all you can wish to say. view me as your sincere friend, and place every reliance on my discretion." the wounded mother listened with gratitude, and mildred withdrew from her extraordinary situation, wondering by what species of infatuation she could have been led to adopt it. chapter ix. ----"ah, montague, if thou be there, sweet brother, take my hand, and with thy lips keep in my soul awhile! thou lov'st me not; for, brother, if thou didst, thy tears would wash this cold congealed blood that glues my lips, and will not let me speak. come quickly, montague, or i am dead." king henry vi. sir wycherly had actually been seized with a fit of apoplexy. it was the first serious disease he had experienced in a long life of health and prosperity; and the sight of their condescending, good-humored, and indulgent master, in a plight so miserable, had a surprising effect on the heated brains of all the household. mr. rotherham, a good three-bottle man, on emergency, had learned to bleed, and fortunately the vein he struck, as his patient still lay on the floor, where he had fallen, sent out a stream that had the effect not only to restore the baronet to life, but, in a great measure, to consciousness. sir wycherly was not a _hard_ drinker, like dutton; but he was a _fair_ drinker, like mr. rotherham, and most of the beneficed clergy of that day. want of exercise, as he grew older, had as much influence in producing his attack as excess of wine; and there were already, strong hopes of his surviving it, aided as he was, by a good constitution. the apothecary had reached the hall, within five minutes after the attack, having luckily been prescribing to the gardener; and the physician and surgeon of the family were both expected in the course of the morning. sir gervaise oakes had been acquainted with the state of his host, by his own valet, as soon as it was known in the servants'-hall, and being a man of action, he did not hesitate to proceed at once to the chamber of the sick, to offer his own aid, in the absence of that which might be better. at the door of the chamber, he met atwood, who had been summoned from his pen, and they entered together, the vice-admiral feeling for a lancet in his pocket, for he, too, had acquired the art of the blood-letter. they now learned the actual state of things. "where is bluewater?" demanded sir gervaise, after regarding his host a moment with commiseration and concern. "i hope he has not yet left the house." "he is still here, sir gervaise, but i should think on the point of quitting us. i heard him say, that, notwithstanding all sir wycherly's kind plans to detain him, he intended to sleep in his own ship." "that i've never doubted, though i've affected to believe otherwise. go to him, atwood, and say i beg he will pull within hail of the plantagenet, as he goes off, and desire mr. magrath to come ashore, as soon as possible. there shall be a conveyance at the landing to bring him here; and he may order his own surgeon to come also, if it be agreeable to himself." with these instructions the secretary left the room; while sir gervaise turned to tom wychecombe, and said a few of the words customary on such melancholy occasions. "i think there is hope, sir," he added, "yes, sir, i think there is hope; though your honoured relative is no longer young--still, this early bleeding has been a great thing; and if we can gain a little time for poor sir wycherly, our efforts will not be thrown away. sudden death is awful, sir, and few of us are prepared for it, either in mind, or affairs. we sailors have to hold our lives in our hands, it is true, but then it is for king and country; and we hope for mercy on all who fall in the discharge of their duties. for my part, i am never unprovided with a will, and that disposes of all the interests of this world, while i humbly trust in the great mediator, for the hereafter. i hope sir wycherly is equally provident as to his worldly affairs?" "no doubt my dear uncle could wish to leave certain trifling memorials behind him to a few of his intimates," returned tom, with a dejected countenance; "but he has not been without a will, i believe, for some time; and i presume you will agree with me in thinking he is not in a condition to make one, now, were he unprovided in that way?" "perhaps not exactly at this moment, though a rally might afford an opportunity. the estate is entailed, i think mr. dutton told me, at dinner." "it is, sir gervaise, and i am the unworthy individual who is to profit by it, according to the common notions of men, though heaven knows i shall consider it any thing but a gain; still, i am the unworthy individual who is to be benefited by my uncle's death." "your father was the baronet's next brother?" observed sir gervaise, casually, a shade of distrust passing athwart his mind, though coming from what source, or directed to what point, he was himself totally unable to say. "mr. baron wychecombe, i believe, was your parent?" "he was, sir gervaise, and a most tender and indulgent father, i ever found him. he left me his earnings, some seven hundred a year, and i am sure the death of sir wycherly is as far from my necessities, as it is from my wishes." "of course you will succeed to the baronetcy, as well as to the estate?" mechanically asked sir gervaise, led on by the supererogatory expressions of tom, himself, rather than by a vulgar curiosity, to ask questions that, under other circumstances, he might have thought improper. "of course, sir. my father was the only surviving brother of sir wycherly; the only one who ever married; and i am _his_ eldest child. since this melancholy event has occurred, it is quite fortunate that i lately obtained this certificate of the marriage of my parents--is it not, sir?" here tom drew from his pocket a soiled piece of paper, which professed to be a certificate of the marriage of thomas wychecombe, barrister, with martha dodd, spinster, &c. &c. the document was duly signed by the rector of a parish church in westminster, and bore a date sufficiently old to establish the legitimacy of the person who held it. this extraordinary precaution produced the very natural effect of increasing the distrust of the vice-admiral, and, in a slight degree, of giving it a direction. "you go well armed, sir," observed sir gervaise, drily. "is it your intention, when you succeed, to carry the patent of the baronetcy, and the title-deeds, in your pocket?" "ah! i perceive my having this document strikes you as odd, sir gervaise, but it can be easily explained. there was a wide difference in rank between my parents, and some ill-disposed persons have presumed so far to reflect on the character of my mother, as to assert she was not married at all." "in which case, sir, you would do well to cut off half-a-dozen of their ears." "the law is not to be appeased in that way, sir gervaise. my dear parent used to inculcate on me the necessity of doing every thing according to law; and i endeavour to remember his precepts. he avowed his marriage on his death-bed, made all due atonement to my respected and injured mother, and informed me in whose hands i should find this very certificate; i only obtained it this morning, which fact will account for its being in my pocket, at this melancholy and unexpected crisis, in my beloved uncle's constitution." the latter part of tom's declaration was true enough; for, after having made all the necessary inquiries, and obtained the hand-writing of a clergyman who was long since dead, he had actually forged the certificate that day, on a piece of soiled paper, that bore the water-mark of . his language, however, contributed to alienate the confidence of his listener; sir gervaise being a man who was so much accustomed to directness and fair-dealing, himself, as to feel disgust at any thing that had the semblance of cant or hypocrisy. nevertheless, he had his own motives for pursuing the subject; the presence of neither at the bed-side of the sufferer, being just then necessary. "and this mr. wycherly wychecombe," he said; "he who has so much distinguished himself of late; your uncle's namesake;--is it true that he is not allied to your family?" "not in the least, sir gervaise," answered tom, with one of his sinister smiles. "he is only a virginian, you know, sir, and cannot well belong to us. i have heard my uncle say, often, that the young gentleman must be descended from an old servant of his father's, who was transported for stealing silver out of a shop on ludgate hill, and who was arrested for passing himself off, as one of the wychecombe family. they tell me, sir gervaise, that the colonies are pretty much made of persons descended from that sort of ancestors?" "i cannot say that i have found it so; though, when i commanded a frigate, i served several years on the north american station. the larger portion of the americans, like much the larger portion of the english, are humble labourers, established in a remote colony, where civilization is not far advanced, wants are many, and means few; but, in the way of character, i am not certain that they are not quite on a level with those they left behind them; and, as to the gentry of the colonies, i have seen many men of the best blood of the mother country among them;--younger sons, and their descendants, as a matter of course, but of an honourable and respected ancestry." "well, sir, this surprises me; and it is not the general opinion, i am persuaded! certainly, it is not the fact as respects the gentleman--stranger, i might call him, for stranger he is at wychecombe--who has not the least right to pretend to belong to us." "did you ever know him to lay claim to that honour, sir?" "not directly, sir gervaise; though i am told he has made many hints to that effect, since he landed here to be cured of his wound. it would have been better had he presented his rights to the landlord, than to present them to the tenants, i think you will allow, as a man of honour, yourself, sir gervaise?" "i can approve of nothing clandestine in matters that require open and fair dealing, mr. thomas wychecombe. but i ought to apologize for thus dwelling on your family affairs, which concern me only as i feel an interest in the wishes and happiness of my new acquaintance, my excellent host." "sir wycherly has property in the funds that is not entailed--quite £ a year, beyond the estates--and i know he has left a will," continued tom; who, with the short-sightedness of a rogue, flattered himself with having made a favourable impression on his companion, and who was desirous of making him useful to himself, in an emergency that he felt satisfied must terminate in the speedy death of his uncle. "yes, a good £ a year, in the fives; money saved from his rents, in a long life. this will probably has some provision in favour of my younger brothers; and perhaps of this namesake of his,"--tom was well aware that it devised every shilling, real and personal, to himself;--"for a kinder heart does not exist on earth. in fact, this will my uncle put in my possession, as heir at law, feeling it due to my pretensions, i suppose; but i have never presumed to look into it." here was another instance of excessive finesse, in which tom awakened suspicion by his very efforts to allay it. it seemed highly improbable to sir gervaise, that a man like the nephew could long possess his uncle's will, and feel no desire to ascertain its contents. the language of the young man was an indirect admission, that he might have examined the will if he would; and the admiral felt disposed to suspect that what he might thus readily have done, he actually had done. the dialogue, however, terminated here; dutton, just at that moment, entering the room on the errand on which he had been sent by admiral bluewater, and tom joining his old acquaintance, as soon as the latter made his appearance. sir gervaise oakes was too much concerned for the condition of his host, and had too many cares of his own, to think deeply or long on what had just passed between himself and tom wychecombe. had they separated that night, what had been said, and the unfavourable impressions it had made, would have been soon forgotten; but circumstances subsequently conspired to recall the whole to his mind, of which the consequences will be related in the course of our narrative. dutton appeared to be a little shocked as he gazed upon the pallid features of sir wycherly, and he was not sorry when tom led him aside, and began to speak confidentially of the future, and of the probable speedy death of his uncle. had there been one present, gifted with the power of reading the thoughts and motives of men, a deep disgust of human frailties must have come over him, as these two impure spirits betrayed to him their cupidity and cunning. outwardly, they were friends mourning over a mutual probable loss; while inwardly, dutton was endeavouring to obtain such a hold of his companion's confidence, as might pave the way to his own future preferment to the high and unhoped-for station of a rich baronet's father-in-law; while tom thought only of so far mystifying the master, as to make use of him, on an emergency, as a witness to establish his own claims. the manner in which he endeavoured to effect his object, however, must be left to the imagination of the reader, as we have matters of greater moment to record at this particular juncture. from the time sir wycherly was laid on his bed, mr. rotherham had been seated at the sick man's side, watching the course of his attack, and ready to interpret any of the patient's feebly and indistinctly expressed wishes. we say indistinctly, because the baronet's speech was slightly affected with that species of paralysis which reduces the faculty to the state that is vulgarly called thick-tongued. although a three-bottle man, mr. rotherham was far from being without his devout feelings, on occasions, discharging all the clerical functions with as much unction as the habits of the country, and the opinions of the day, ordinarily exacted of divines. he had even volunteered to read the prayers for the sick, as soon as he perceived that the patient's recollection had returned; but this kind offer had been declined by sir wycherly, under the clearer views of fitness, that the near approach of death is apt to give, and which views left a certain consciousness that the party assembled was not in the best possible condition for that sacred office. sir wycherly revived so much, at last, as to look about him with increasing consciousness; and, at length, his eyes passed slowly over the room, scanning each person singly, and with marked deliberation. "i know you all--now," said the kind-hearted baronet, though always speaking thick, and with a little difficulty; "am sorry to give--much trouble. i have--little time to spare." "i hope not, sir wycherly," put in the vicar, in a consolatory manner; "you have had a sharp attack, but then there is a good constitution to withstand it." "my time--short--feel it here," rejoined the patient, passing his hand over his forehead. "note that, dutton," whispered tom wycherly. "my poor uncle intimates himself that his mind is a little shaken. under such circumstances, it would be cruel to let him injure himself with business." "it cannot be done _legally_, mr. thomas--i should think admiral oakes would interfere to prevent it." "rotherham," continued the patient, "i will--settle with--world; then, give--thoughts--to god. have we--guests--the house?--men of family--character?" "certainly, sir wycherly; admiral oakes is in the room, even; and admiral bluewater, is, i believe, still in the house. you invited both to pass the night with you." "i remember it--now; my mind--still--confused,"--here tom wychecombe again nudged the master--"sir gervaise oakes--an admiral--ancient baronet--man of high honour. admiral bluewater, too--relative--lord bluewater; gentleman--universal esteem. you, too, rotherham; wish my poor brother james--st. james--used to call him--had been living;--you--good neighbour--rotherham." "can i do any thing to prove it, my dear sir wycherly? nothing would make me happier than to know, and to comply with, all your wishes, at a moment so important!" "let all quit--room--but yourself--head feels worse--i cannot delay--" "'tis cruel to distress my beloved uncle with business, or conversation, in his present state," interposed tom wychecombe, with emphasis, and, in a slight degree, with authority. all not only felt the truth of this, but all felt that the speaker, by his consanguinity, had a clear right to interfere, in the manner he had. still sir gervaise oakes had great reluctance in yielding to this remonstrance; for, to the distrust he had imbibed of tom wychecombe, was added an impression that his host wished to reveal something of interest, in connection with his new favourite, the lieutenant. he felt compelled, notwithstanding, to defer to the acknowledged nephew's better claims, and he refrained from interfering. fortunately, sir wycherly was yet in a state to enforce his own wishes. "let all quit--room," he repeated, in a voice that was startling by its unexpected firmness, and equally unexpected distinctness. "all but sir gervaise oakes--admiral bluewater--mr. rotherham, gentlemen--favour to remain--rest depart." accustomed to obey their master's orders, more especially when given in a tone so decided, the domestics quitted the room, accompanied by dutton; but tom wychecombe saw fit to remain, as if his presence were to be a matter of course. "do me--favour--withdraw,--mr. wychecombe," resumed the baronet, after fixing his gaze on his nephew for some time, as if expecting him to retire without this request. "my beloved uncle, it is i--thomas, your own brother's son--your next of kin--waiting anxiously by your respected bed-side. do not--do not--confound me with strangers. such a forgetfulness would break my heart!" "forgive me, nephew--but i wish--alone with these gentle----head--getting--confused--" "you see how it is, sir gervaise oakes--you see how it is, mr. rotherham. ah! there goes the coach that is to take admiral bluewater to his boat. my uncle wished for three witnesses to something, and i can remain as one of the three." "is it your pleasure, sir wycherly, to wish to see us alone?" asked sir gervaise, in a manner that showed authority would be exercised to enforce his request, should the uncle still desire the absence of his nephew. a sign from the sick man indicated the affirmative, and that in a manner too decided to admit of mistake. "you perceive, mr. wychecombe, what are your uncle's wishes," observed sir gervaise, very much in the way that a well-bred superior intimates to an inferior the compliance he expects; "i trust his desire will not be disregarded, at a moment like this." "i am sir wycherly wychecombe's next of kin," said tom, in a slightly bullying tone; "and no one has the same right as a relative, and, i may say, his heir, to be at his bed-side." "that depends on the pleasure of sir wycherly wychecombe himself, sir. _he_ is master here; and, having done me the honour to invite me under his roof as a guest, and, now, having requested to see me alone, with others he has expressly named--one of whom you are not--i shall conceive it my duty to see his wishes obeyed." this was said in the firm, quiet way, that the habit of command had imparted to sir gervaise's manner; and tom began to see it might be dangerous to resist. it was important, too, that one of the vice-admiral's character and station should have naught to say against him, in the event of any future controversy; and, making a few professions of respect, and of his desire to please his uncle, tom quitted the room. a gleam of satisfaction shot over the sick man's countenance, as his nephew disappeared; and then his eye turned slowly towards the faces of those who remained. "bluewater," he said, the thickness of his speech, and the general difficulty of utterance, seeming to increase; "the rear-admiral--i want all--respectable--witnesses in the house." "my friend has left us, i understand," returned sir gervaise, "insisting on his habit of never sleeping out of his ship; but atwood must soon be back; i hope _he_ will answer!" a sign of assent was given; and, then, there was the pause of a minute, or two, ere the secretary made his appearance. as soon, however, as he had returned, the three collected around the baronet's bed, not without some of the weakness which men are supposed to have inherited from their common mother eve, in connection with the motive for this singular proceeding of the baronet. "sir gervaise--rotherham--mr. atwood," slowly repeated the patient, his eye passing from the face of one to that of another, as he uttered the name of each; "three witnesses--that will do--thomas said--must have _three_--three _good_ names." "what can we do to serve you, sir wycherly?" inquired the admiral, with real interest. "you have only to name your requests, to have them faithfully attended to." "old sir michael wychecombe, kt.--two wives--margery and joan. two wives--two sons--half-blood--thomas, james, charles, and gregory, _whole_--sir reginald wychecombe, _half_. understand--hope--gentlemen?" "this is not being very clear, certainly," whispered sir gervaise; "but, perhaps by getting hold of the other end of the rope, we may under-run it, as we sailors say, and come at the meaning--we will let the poor man proceed, therefore. quite plain, my dear sir, and what have you next to tell us. you left off without saying only _half_ about sir reginald." "half-blood; only _half_--tom and the rest, whole. sir reginald, no _nullius_--young tom, a _nullius_." "a _nullius_, mr. rotherham! you understand latin, sir; what can a _nullius_, mean? no such rope in the ship, hey! atwood?" "_nullius_, or _nullius_, as it ought sometimes to be pronounced, is the genitive case, singular, of the pronoun _nullus; nullus, nulla, nullum_; which means, 'no man,' 'no woman,' 'no thing.' _nullius_ means, 'of no man,' 'of no woman,' 'of no thing.'" the vicar gave this explanation, much in the way a pedagogue would have explained the matter to a class. "ay-ay--any school-boy could have told that, which is the first form learning. but what the devil can 'nom. _nullus, nulla, nullum_; gen. _nullius, nullius, nullius_,' have to do with mr. thomas wychecombe, the nephew and heir of the present baronet?" "that is more than i can inform you, sir gervaise," answered the vicar, stiffly; "but, for the latin, i will take upon myself to answer, that it is good." sir gervaise was too-well bred to laugh, but he found it difficult to suppress a smile. "well, sir wycherly," resumed the vice-admiral, "this is quite plain--sir reginald is only _half_, while your nephew tom, and the rest, are _whole_--margery and joan, and all that. any thing more to tell us, my dear sir?" "tom _not_ whole--_nullus_, i wish to say. sir reginald _half_--no _nullus_." "this is like being at sea a week, without getting a sight of the sun! i am all adrift, now, gentlemen." "sir wycherly does not attend to his cases," put in atwood, drily. "at one time, he is in the _genitive_, and then he gets back to the _nominative_; which is leaving us in the _vocative_" "come--come--atwood, none of your gun-room wit, on an occasion so solemn as this. my dear sir wycherly, have you any thing more to tell us? i believe we perfectly understand you, now. tom is not _whole_--you wish to say _nullus_, and not to say _nullius_. sir reginald is only _half_, but he is no _nullus_." "yes, sir--that is it," returned the old man, smiling. "_half_, but no _nullus_. change my mind--seen too much of the other, lately--tom, my nephew--want to make _him_ my heir." "this is getting clearer, out of all question. you wish to make your nephew, tom, your heir. but the law does that already, does it not my dear sir? mr. baron wychecombe was the next brother of the baronet; was he not, mr. rotherham?" "so i have always understood, sir; and mr. thomas wychecombe must be the heir at law." "no--no--_nullus_--_nullus_," repeated sir wycherly, with so much eagerness as to make his voice nearly indistinct; "sir reginald--sir reginald--sir reginald." "and pray, mr. rotherham, who may this sir reginald be? some old baronet of the family, i presume." "not at all, sir; it is sir reginald wychecombe of wychecombe-regis, herts; a baronet of queen anne's time, and a descendant from a cadet of this family, i am told." "this is getting on soundings--i had taken it into my head this sir reginald was some old fellow of the reign of one of the plantagenets. well, sir wycherly, do you wish us to send an express into hertfordshire, in quest of sir reginald wychecombe, who is quite likely your executor? do not give yourself the pain to speak; a sign will answer." sir wycherly seemed struck with the suggestion, which, the reader will readily understand, was far from being his real meaning; and then he smiled, and nodded his head in approbation. sir gervaise, with the prompitude of a man of business, turned to the table where the vicar had written notes to the medical men, and dictated a short letter to his secretary. this letter he signed, and in five minutes atwood left the room, to order it to be immediately forwarded by express. when this was done, the admiral rubbed his hands, in satisfaction, like a man who felt he had got himself cleverly out of a knotty difficulty. "i don't see, after all, mr. rotherham," he observed to the vicar, as they stood together, in a corner of the room, waiting the return of the secretary; "what he lugged in that school-boy latin for--_nullus, nulla, nullum_! can you possibly explain _that_?" "not unless it was sir wycherly's desire to say, that sir reginald, being descended from a younger son, was nobody--as yet, had no woman--and i believe he is not married--and was poor, or had 'no _thing_.'" "and is sir wycherly such a desperate scholar, that he would express himself in this hieroglyphical manner, on what i fear will prove to be his death-bed?" "why, sir gervaise, sir wycherly was educated like all other young gentlemen, but has forgotten most of his classics, in the course of a long life of ease and affluence. is it not probable, now, that his recollection has returned to him suddenly, in consequence of this affection of the head? i think i have read of some curious instances of these reviving memories, on a death-bed, or after a fit of sickness." "ay, that you may have done!" exclaimed sir gervaise, smiling; "and poor, good sir wycherly, must have begun afresh, at the very place where he left off. but here is atwood, again." after a short consultation, the three chosen witnesses returned to the bed-side, the admiral being spokesman. "the express will be off in ten minutes. sir wycherly," he said; "and you may hope to see your relative, in the course of the next two or three days." "too late--too late," murmured the patient, who had an inward consciousness of his true situation; "too late--turn the will round--sir reginald, tom;--tom, sir reginald. turn the will round." "turn the will round!--this is very explicit, gentlemen, to those who can understand it. sir reginald, tom;--tom, sir reginald. at all events, it is clear that his mind is dwelling on the disposition of his property, since he speaks of wills. atwood, make a note of these words, that there need be no mistake. i wonder he has said nothing of our brave young lieutenant, his namesake. there can be no harm, mr. rotherham, in just mentioning that fine fellow to him, in a moment like this?" "i see none, sir. it is _our_ duty to remind the sick of _their_ duties." "do you not wish to see your young namesake, lieutenant _wycherly_ wychecombe, sir wycherly?" asked the admiral; sufficiently emphasizing the christian name. "he must be in the house, and i dare say would be happy to obey your wishes." "i hope he is well, sir--fine young gentleman--honour to the name, sir." "quite true, sir wycherly; and an honour to the _nation_, too." "didn't know virginia was a _nation_--so much the better--fine young _virginian_, sir." "of your _family_, no doubt, sir wycherly, as well as of your name," added the admiral, who secretly suspected the young sailor of being a son of the baronet, notwithstanding all he had heard to the contrary. "an exceedingly fine young man, and an honour to any house in england!" "i suppose they _have_ houses in virginia--bad climate; houses necessary. no relative, sir;--probably a _nullus_. many wychecombes, _nulluses_. tom, a _nullus_--this young gentleman, a _nullus_--wychecombes of surrey, all _nulluses_--sir reginald no _nullus_; but a _half_--thomas, james, charles, and gregory, all _whole_. my brother, baron wychecombe, told me--before died." "_whole what_, sir wycherly?" asked the admiral, a little vexed at the obscurity of the other's language. "blood--_whole blood_, sir. capital law, sir gervaise; had it from the baron--first hand." now, one of the peculiarities of england is, that, in the division of labour, few know any thing material about the law, except the professional men. even their knowledge is divided and sub-divided, in a way that makes a very fair division of profit. thus the conveyancer is not a barrister; the barrister is not an attorney; and the chancery practitioner would be an unsafe adviser for one of the purely law courts. that particular provision of the common law, which baron wychecombe had mentioned to his brother, as the rule of the _half-blood_, has been set aside, or modified, by statute, within the last ten years; but few english laymen would be at all likely to know of such a law of descent even when it existed; for while it did violence to every natural sentiment of right, it lay hidden in the secrets of the profession. were a case stated to a thousand intelligent englishmen, who had not read law, in which it was laid down that brothers, by different mothers, though equally sons of the founder of the estate, could not take from each other, unless by devise or entail, the probability is that quite nine in ten would deny the existence of any rule so absurd; and this, too, under the influence of feelings that were creditable to their sense of natural justice. nevertheless, such was one of the important provisions of the "perfection of reason," until the recent reforms in english law; and it has struck us as surprising, that an ingenious writer of fiction, who has recently charmed his readers with a tale, the interest of which turns principally on the vicissitudes of practice, did not bethink him of this peculiar feature of his country's laws; inasmuch as it would have supplied mystery sufficient for a dozen ordinary romances, and improbabilities enough for a hundred. that sir gervaise and his companions should be ignorant of the "law of the half-blood," is, consequently, very much a matter of course; and no one ought to be surprised that the worthy baronet's repeated allusions to the "whole," and the "half," were absolutely enigmas, which neither had the knowledge necessary to explain. "what _can_ the poor fellow mean?" demanded the admiral, more concerned than he remembered ever before to have been, on any similar occasion. "one could wish to serve him as much as possible, but all this about '_nullus_,' and 'whole blood,' and 'half,' is so much gibberish to me--can you make any thing of it,--hey! atwood?" "upon my word, sir gervaise, it seems a matter for a judge, rather than for man-of-war's men, like ourselves." "it certainly can have no connection with this rising of the jacobites? _that_ is an affair likely to trouble a loyal subject, in his last moments, mr. rotherham!" "sir wycherly's habits and age forbid the idea that he knows more of _that_, sir, than is known to us all. his request, however, to 'turn the will round,' i conceive to be altogether explicit. several capital treatises have appeared lately on the 'human will,' and i regret to say, my honoured friend and patron has not always been quite as orthodox on that point, as i could wish. i, therefore, consider his words as evidence of a hearty repentance." sir gervaise looked about him, as was his habit when any droll idea crossed his mind; but again suppressing the inclination to smile, he answered with suitable gravity-- "i understand you, sir; you think all these inexplicable terms are connected with sir wycherly's religious feelings. you may certainly be right, for it exceeds my knowledge to connect them with any thing else. i wish, notwithstanding, he had not disowned this noble young lieutenant of ours! is it quite certain the young man is a virginian?" "so i have always understood it, sir. he has never been known in this part of england, until he was landed from a frigate in the roads, to be cured of a serious wound. i think none of sir wycherly's allusions have the least reference to _him_." sir gervaise oakes now joined his hands behind his back, and walked several times, quarter-deck fashion, to and fro, in the room. at each turn, his eyes glanced towards the bed, and he ever found the gaze of the sick man anxiously fastened on himself. this satisfied him that religion had nothing to do with his host's manifest desire to make himself understood; and his own trouble was greatly increased. it seemed to him, as if the dying man was making incessant appeals to his aid, without its being in his power to afford it. it was not possible for a generous man, like sir gervaise, to submit to such a feeling without an effort; and he soon went to the side of the bed, again, determined to bring the affair to some intelligible issue. "do you think, sir wycherly, you could write a few lines, if we put pen, ink, and paper before you?" he asked, as a sort of desperate remedy. "impossible--can hardly see; have got no strength--stop--will try--if you please." sir gervaise was delighted with this, and he immediately directed his companions to lend their assistance. atwood and the vicar bolstered the old man up, and the admiral put the writing materials before him, substituting a large quarto bible for a desk. sir wycherly, after several abortive attempts, finally got the pen in his hand, and with great difficulty traced six or seven nearly illegible words, running the line diagonally across the paper. by this time his powers failed him altogether, and he sunk back, dropping the pen, and closing his eyes in a partial insensibility. at this critical instant, the surgeon entered, and at once put an end to the interview, by taking charge of the patient, and directing all but one or two necessary attendants, to quit the room. the three chosen witnesses of what had just past, repaired together to a parlour; atwood, by a sort of mechanical habit, taking with him the paper on which the baronet had scrawled the words just mentioned. this, by a sort of mechanical use, also, he put into the hands of sir gervaise, as soon as they entered the room; much as he would have laid before his superior, an order to sign, or a copy of a letter to the secretary of the navy board. "this is as bad as the '_nullus_!'" exclaimed sir gervaise, after endeavouring to decipher the scrawl in vain. "what is this first word, mr. rotherham--'irish,' is it not,--hey! atwood?" "i believe it is no move than 'i-n,' stretched over much more paper than is necessary." "you are right enough, vicar; and the next word is 'the,' though it looks like a _chevaux de frise_--what follows? it looks like 'man-of-war.' atwood?" "i beg your pardon, sir gervaise; this first letter is what i should call an elongated n--the next is certainly an a--the third looks like the waves of a river--ah! it is an m--and the last is an e--n-a-m-e--that makes 'name,' gentlemen." "yes," eagerly added the vicar, "and the two next words are, 'of god.'" "then it is religion, after all, that was on the poor man's mind!" exclaimed sir gervaise, in a slight degree disappointed, if the truth must be told. "what's this a-m-e-n--'amen'--why it's a sort of prayer." "this is the form in which it is usual to commence wills, i believe, sir gervaise," observed the secretary, who had written many a one, on board ship, in his day. "'in the name of god, amen.'" "by george, you're right, atwood; and the poor man was trying, all the while, to let us know how he wished to dispose of his property! what could he mean by the _nullus_--it is not possible that the old gentleman has nothing to leave?" "i'll answer for it, sir gervaise, _that_ is not the true explanation," the vicar replied. "sir wycherly's affairs are in the best order; and, besides the estate, he has a large sum in the funds." "well, gentlemen, we can do no more to-night. a medical man is already in the house, and bluewater will send ashore one or two others from the fleet. in the morning, if sir wycherly is in a state to converse, this matter shall be attended to." the party now separated; a bed being provided for the vicar, and the admiral and his secretary retiring to their respective rooms. chapter x. "bid physicians talk our veins to temper, and with an argument new-set a pulse; then think, my lord, of reasoning into love." young. while the scene just related, took place in the chamber of the sick man, admiral bluewater, mrs. dutton, and mildred left the house, in the old family-coach. the rear-admiral had pertinaciously determined to adhere to his practice of sleeping in his ship; and the manner in which he had offered seats to his two fair companions--for mrs. dutton still deserved to be thus termed--has already been seen. the motive was simply to remove them from any further brutal exhibitions of dutton's cupidity, while he continued in his present humour; and, thus influenced, it is not probable that the gallant old sailor would be likely to dwell, more than was absolutely necessary, on the unpleasant scene of which he had been a witness. in fact, no allusion was made to it, during the quarter of an hour the party was driving from the hall to the station-house. they all spoke, with regret,--mildred with affectionate tenderness, even,--of poor sir wycherly; and several anecdotes, indicative of his goodness of heart, were eagerly related to bluewater, by the two females, as the carriage moved heavily along. in the time mentioned, the vehicle drew up before the door of the cottage, and all three alighted. if the morning of that day had been veiled in mist, the sun had set in as cloudless a sky, as is often arched above the island of great britain. the night was, what in that region, is termed a clear moonlight. it was certainly not the mimic day that is so often enjoyed in purer atmospheres, but the panorama of the head-land was clothed in a soft, magical sort of semi-distinctness, that rendered objects sufficiently obvious, and exceedingly beautiful. the rounded, shorn swells of the land, hove upward to the eye, verdant and smooth; while the fine oaks of the park formed a shadowy background to the picture, inland. seaward, the ocean was glittering, like a reversed plane of the firmament, far as eye could reach. if our own hemisphere, or rather this latitude, may boast of purer skies than are enjoyed by the mother country, the latter has a vast superiority in the tint of the water. while the whole american coast is bounded by a dull-looking sheet of sea-green, the deep blue of the wide ocean appears to be carried close home to the shores of europe. this glorious tint, from which the term of "ultramarine" has been derived, is most remarkable in the mediterranean, that sea of delights; but it is met with, all along the rock-bound coasts of the peninsula of spain and portugal, extending through the british channel, until it is in a measure, lost on the shoals of the north sea; to be revived, however, in the profound depths of the ocean that laves the wild romantic coast of norway. "'tis a glorious night!" exclaimed bluewater, as he handed mildred, the last, from the carriage; "and one can hardly wish to enter a cot, let it swing ever so lazily." "sleep is out of the question," returned mildred, sorrowfully. "these are nights in which even the weary are reluctant to lose their consciousness; but who can sleep while there is this uncertainty about dear sir wycherly." "i rejoice to hear you say this, mildred,"--for so the admiral had unconsciously, and unrepelled, begun to call his sweet companion--"i rejoice to hear you say this, for i am an inveterate star-gazer and moon-ite; and i shall hope to persuade you and mrs. dutton to waste yet another hour, with me, in walking on this height. ah! yonder is sam yoke, my coxswain, waiting to report the barge; i can send sir gervaise's message to the surgeons, by deputy, and there will be no occasion for my hastening from this lovely spot, and pleasant company." the orders were soon given to the coxswain. a dozen boats, it would seem, were in waiting for officers ashore, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour; and directions were sent for two of them to pull off, and obtain the medical men. the coach was sent round to receive the latter, and then all was tranquil, again, on the height. mrs. dutton entered the house, to attend to some of her domestic concerns, while the rear-admiral took the arm of mildred, and they walked, together, to the verge of the cliffs. a fairer moonlight picture seldom offered itself to a seaman's eye, than that which now lay before the sight of admiral bluewater and mildred. beneath them rode the fleet; sixteen sail of different rigs, eleven of which, however, were two-decked ships of the largest size then known in naval warfare; and all of which were in that perfect order, that an active and intelligent commander knows how to procure, even from the dilatory and indifferent. if admiral bluewater was conspicuous in man[oe]uvring a fleet, and in rendering every vessel of a line that extended a league, efficient, and that too, in her right place, sir gervaise oakes had the reputation of being one of the best seamen, in the ordinary sense of the word, in england. no vessel under his command, ever had a lubberly look; and no ship that had any sailing in her, failed to have it brought out of her. the vice-admiral was familiar with that all-important fact--one that members equally of congress and of parliament are so apt to forgot, or rather not to know at all--that the efficiency of a whole fleet, as a fleet, is necessarily brought down to the level of its worst ships. of little avail is it, that four or five vessels of a squadron sail fast, and work well, if the eight or ten that remain, behave badly, and are dull. a separation of the vessels is the inevitable consequence, when the properties of all are thoroughly tried; and the division of a force, is the first step towards its defeat; as its proper concentration, is a leading condition of victory. as the poorer vessels cannot imitate the better, the good are compelled to regulate their movements by the bad; which is at once essentially bringing down the best ships of a fleet to the level of its worst; the proposition with which we commenced. sir gervaise oakes was so great a favourite, that all he asked was usually conceded to him. one of his conditions was, that his vessels should sail equally well; "if you give me fast ships," he said, "i can overtake the enemy; if dull, the enemy can overtake me; and i leave you to say which course will be most likely to bring on an action. at any rate, give me _consorts_; not one flyer, and one drag; but vessels that can keep within hail of each other, without anchoring." the admiralty professed every desire to oblige the gallant commander; and, as he was resolved never to quit the plantagenet until she was worn out, it was indispensably necessary to find as many fast vessels as possible, to keep her company. the result was literally a fleet of "horses," as galleygo used to call it; and it was generally said in the service, that "oakes had a squadron of flyers, if not a flying-squadron." vessels like these just mentioned, are usually symmetrical and graceful to the eye, as well as fast. this fact was apparent to mildred, accustomed as she was to the sight of ships and she ventured to express as much, after she and her companion had stood quite a minute on the cliff, gazing at the grand spectacle beneath them. "your vessels look even handsomer than common, admiral bluewater," she said, "though a ship, to me, is always an attractive sight." "this is because they _are_ handsomer than common, my pretty critic. vice-admiral oakes is an officer who will no more tolerate an ugly ship in his fleet, than a peer of the realm will marry any woman but one who is handsome; unless indeed she happen to be surpassingly rich." "i have heard that men are accustomed to lose their hearts under such an influence," said mildred, laughing; "but i did not know before, that they were ever frank enough to avow it!" "the knowledge has been imparted by a prudent mother, i suppose," returned the rear-admiral, in a musing manner; "i wish i stood sufficiently in the parental relation to you, my young friend, to venture to give a little advice, also. never, before, did i feel so strong a wish to warn a human being of a great danger that i fear is impending over her, could i presume to take the liberty." "it is not a liberty, but a duty, to warn any one of a danger that is known to ourselves, and not to the person who incurs the risk. at least so it appears to the eyes of a very young girl." "yes, if the danger was of falling from these cliffs, or of setting fire to a house, or of any other visible calamity. the case is different, when young ladies, and setting fire to the heart, are concerned." "certainly, i can perceive the distinction," answered mildred, after a short pause; "and can understand that the same person who would not scruple to give the alarm against any physical danger, would hesitate even at hinting at one of a moral character. nevertheless, if admiral bluewater think a simple girl, like me, of sufficient importance to take the trouble to interest himself in her welfare, i should hope he would not shrink from pointing out this danger. it is a terrible word to sleep on; and i confess, besides a little uneasiness, to a good deal of curiosity to know more." "this is said, mildred, because you are unaccustomed to the shocks which the tongue of rude man may give your sensitive feelings." "unaccustomed!" said mildred, trembling so that the weakness was apparent to her companion. "unaccustomed! alas! admiral bluewater, can this be so, after what you have seen and heard!" "pardon me, dear child: nothing was farther from my thoughts, than to wish to revive those unpleasant recollections. if i thought i should be forgiven, i might venture, yet, to reveal my secret; for never before--though i cannot tell the reason of so sudden and so extraordinary an interest in one who is almost a stranger--" "no--no--not a stranger, dear sir. after all that has passed to-day; after you have been admitted, though it were by accident, to one most sacred secret;--after all that was said in the carriage, and the terrible scenes my beloved mother went through in your presence so many years since, you can never be a stranger to _us_, whatever may be your own desire to fancy yourself one." "girl, you do not fascinate--you do not charm me, but you _bind_ me to you in a way i did not think it in the power of any human being to subjugate my feelings!" this was said with so much energy, that mildred dropped the arm she held, and actually recoiled a step, if not in alarm, at least in surprise. but, on looking up into the face of her companion, and perceiving large tears actually glistening on his cheek, and seeing the hair that exposure and mental cares had whitened more than time, all her confidence returned, and she resumed the place she had abandoned, of her own accord, and as naturally as a daughter would have clung to the side of a father. "i am sure, sir, my gratitude for this interest ought to be quite equal to the honour it does me," mildred said, earnestly. "and, now, admiral bluewater, do not hesitate to speak to me with the frankness that a parent might use. i will listen with the respect and deference of a daughter." "then do listen to what i have to say, and make no answer, if you find yourself wounded at the freedom i am taking. it would seem that there is but one subject on which a man, old fellow or young fellow, can speak to a lovely young girl, when he gets her alone, under the light of a fine moon;--and that is love. nay, start not again, my dear, for, if i am about to speak on so awkward a subject, it is not in my own behalf i hardly know whether you will think it in behalf of any one; as what i have to say, is not an appeal to your affections, but a warning against bestowing them." "a warning, admiral bluewater! do you really think that can be necessary?" "nay, my child, that is best known to yourself. of one thing i am certain; the young man i have in my eye, affects to admire you, whether he does or not; and when young women are led to believe they are loved, it is a strong appeal to all their generous feelings to answer the passion, if not with equal warmth, at least with something very like it." "affects to admire, sir!--and why should any one be at the pains of _affecting_ feelings towards me, that they do not actually entertain? i have neither rank, nor money, to bribe any one to be guilty of an hypocrisy so mean, and which, in my ease, would be so motiveless." "yes, if it _were_ motiveless to win the most beautiful creature in england! but, no matter. we will not stop to analyze motives, when _facts_ are what we aim at. i should think there must be some passion in this youth's suit, and that will only make it so much the more dangerous to its object. at all events, i feel a deep conviction that he is altogether unworthy of you. this is a bold expression of opinion on an acquaintance of a day; but there are such reasons for it, that a man of my time of life, if unprejudiced, can scarcely be deceived." "all this is very singular, sir, and i had almost used your own word of 'alarming,'" replied mildred, slightly agitated by curiosity, but more amused. "i shall be as frank as yourself, and say that you judge the gentleman harshly. mr. rotherham may not have all the qualities that a clergyman ought to possess, but he is far from being a bad man. good or bad, however, it is not probable that he will carry his transient partiality any farther than he has gone already." "mr. rotherham!--i have neither thought nor spoken of the pious vicar at all!" mildred was now sadly confused. mr. rotherham had made his proposals for her, only the day before, and he had been mildly, but firmly refused. the recent occurrence was naturally uppermost in her mind; and the conjecture that her rejected suitor, under the influence of wine, might have communicated the state of his wishes, or what he fancied to be the state of his wishes, to her companion, was so very easy, that she had fallen into the error, almost without reflection. "i beg pardon, sir--i really imagined," the confused girl answered; "but, it was a natural mistake for me to suppose you meant mr. rotherham, as he is the only person who has ever spoken to my mother on the subject of any thing like a preference for me." "i should have less fear of those who spoke to your mother, mildred, than of those who spoke only to _you_. as i hate ambiguity, however, i will say, at once, that my allusion was to mr. wychecombe." "mr. wychecombe, admiral bluewater!"--and the veteran felt the arm that leaned on him tremble violently, a sad confirmation of even more than he apprehended, or he would not have been so abrupt. "surely--surely--the warning you mean, cannot, _ought_ not to apply to a gentleman of mr. wychecombe's standing and character!" "such is the world, miss dutton, and we old seamen, in particular, get to know it, whether willingly or not. my sudden interest in you, the recollection of former, but painful scenes, and the events of the day, have made me watchful, and, you will add, bold--but i am resolved to speak, even at the risk of disobliging you for ever--and, in speaking, i must say that i never met with a young man who has made so unfavourable an impression on me, as this same mr. wychecombe." mildred, unconsciously to herself, withdrew her arm, and she felt astonished at her own levity, in so suddenly becoming sufficiently intimate with a stranger to permit him thus to disparage a confirmed friend. "i am sorry, sir, that you entertain so indifferent an opinion of one who is, i believe, a general favourite, in this part of the country," she answered, with a coldness that rendered her manner marked. "i perceive i shall share the fate of all unwelcome counsellors, but can only blame my own presumption. mildred, we live in momentous times, and god knows what is to happen to myself, in the next few months; but, so strong is the inexplicable interest that i feel in your welfare, that i shall venture still to offend. i like not this mr. wychecombe, who is so devout an admirer of yours--real or affected--and, as to the liking of dependants for the heir of a considerable estate, it is so much a matter of course, that i count it nothing." "the heir of a considerable estate!" repeated mildred, in a voice to which the natural sweetness returned, quietly resuming the arm, she had so unceremoniously dropped--"surely, dear sir, you are not speaking of mr. thomas wychecombe, sir wycherly's nephew." "of whom else should i speak?--has he not been your shadow the whole day?--so marked in his attentions, as scarce to deem it necessary to conceal his suit?" "has it really struck you thus, sir?--i confess i did not so consider it. we are so much at home at the hall, that we rather expect all of that family to be kind to us. but, whether you are right in your conjecture, or not, mr. thomas wychecombe can never be ought to me--and as proof, admiral bluewater, that i take your warning, as it is meant, in kindness and sincerity, i will add, that he is not a very particular favourite." "i rejoice to hear it! now there is his namesake, our young lieutenant, as gallant and as noble a fellow as ever lived--would to heaven be was not so wrapt up in his profession, as to be insensible to any beauties, but those of a ship. were you my own daughter, mildred, i could give you to that lad, with as much freedom as i would give him my estate, were he my son." mildred smiled--and it was archly, though not without a shade of sorrow, too--but she had sufficient self-command, to keep her feelings to herself, and too much maiden reserve not to shrink from betraying her weakness to one who, after all, was little more than a stranger. "i dare say, sir," she answered, with an equivocation which was perhaps venial, "that your knowledge of the world has judged both these gentlemen, rightly. mr. thomas wychecombe, notwithstanding all you heard from my poor father, is not likely to think seriously of me; and i will answer for my own feelings as regards _him_. i am, in no manner, a proper person to become lady wychecombe; and, i trust, i should have the prudence to decline the honour were it even offered to me. believe me, sir, my father would have held a different language to-night, had it not been for sir wycherly's wine, and the many loyal toasts that were drunk. he _must_ be conscious, in his reflecting moments, that a child of his is unsuited to so high a station. our prospects in life were once better than they are now, admiral bluewater; but they have never been such as to raise these high expectations in us." "an officer's daughter may always claim to be a gentlewoman, my dear; and, as such, you might become the wife of a duke, did he love you. since i find my warning unnecessary, however, we will change the discourse. did not something extraordinary occur at this cliff, this morning, and in connection with this very mr. thomas wychecombe? sir gervaise was my informant; but he did not relate the matter very clearly." mildred explained the mistake, and then gave a vivid description of the danger in which the young lieutenant had been placed, as well as of the manner in which he had extricated himself. she particularly dwelt on the extraordinary presence of mind and resolution, by means of which he had saved his life, when the stone first gave way beneath his foot. "all this is well, and what i should have expected from so active and energetic a youth," returned the rear-admiral, a little gravely; "but, i confess i would rather it had not happened. your inconsiderate and reckless young men, who risk their necks idly, in places of this sort, seldom have much in them, after all. had there been a motive, it would have altered the case." "oh! but there _was_ a motive, sir; he was far from doing so silly a thing for nothing!" "and what was the motive, pray?--i can see no sufficient reason why a man of sense should trust his person over a cliff as menacing as this. one may approach it, by moonlight; but in the day, i confess to you i should not fancy standing as near it, as we do at this moment." mildred was much embarrassed for an answer. her own heart told her wycherly's motive, but that it would never do to avow to her companion, great as was the happiness she felt in avowing it to herself. gladly would she have changed the discourse; but, as this could not be done, she yielded to her native integrity of character, and told the truth, as far as she told any thing. "the flowers that grow on the sunny side of these rocks, admiral bluewater, are singularly fragrant and beautiful," she said; "and hearing my mother and myself speaking of them, and how much the former delighted in them, though they were so seldom to be had, he just ventured over the cliff--not here, where it is so _very_ perpendicular, but yonder, where one _may_ cling to it, very well, with a little care--and it was in venturing a little--just a _very_ little too far, he told me, himself, sir, to-day, after dinner,--that the stone broke, and the accident occurred, i do not think mr. wycherly wychecombe in the least fool-hardy, and not at all disposed to seek a silly admiration, by a silly exploit." "he has a most lovely and a most eloquent advocate," returned the admiral, smiling, though the expression of his countenance was melancholy, even to sadness; "and he is acquitted. i think few men of his years would hesitate about risking their necks for flowers so fragrant and beautiful, and so much coveted by _your_ mother, mildred." "and he a sailor, sir, who thinks so little of standing on giddy places, and laughs at fears of this nature?" "quite true; though there are few cliffs on board ship. ropes are our sources of courage." "so i should think, by what passed to-day," returned mildred, laughing. "mr. wycherly called out for a rope, and we just threw him one, to help him out of his difficulty. the moment he got his rope, though it was only yonder small signal-halyards, he felt himself as secure as if he stood up here, on the height, with acres of level ground around him. i do not think he was frightened, at any time; but when he got hold of that little rope, he was fairly valiant!" mildred endeavoured to laugh at her own history, by way of veiling her interest in the event; but her companion was too old, and too discerning, to be easily deceived. he continued silent, as he led her away from the cliff; and when he entered the cottage, mildred saw, by the nearer light of the candles, that his countenance was still sad. admiral bluewater remained half an hour longer in the cottage, when he tore himself away, from a society which, for him, possessed a charm that he could not account for, nor yet scarcely estimate. it was past one, when he bid mrs. dutton and her daughter adieu; promising, however, to see them again, before the fleet sailed. late as it was, the mother and mildred felt no disposition to retire, after the exciting scenes they had gone through; but, feeling a calm on their spirits, succeeding the rude interruption produced by dutton's brutality, they walked out on the cliff, to enjoy the cool air, and the bland scenery of the head-land, at that witching hour. "i should feel alarm at this particularity of attention, from most men, my child," observed the prudent mother, as they left the house: "but the years, and especially the character of admiral bluewater, are pledges that he meditates nothing foolish, nor wrong." "his _years_ would be sufficient, mother," cried mildred, laughing--for her laugh came easily, since the opinion she had just before heard of wycherly's merit--"leaving the character out of the question." "for you, perhaps, mildred, but not for himself. men rarely seem to think themselves too old to win the young of our sex; and what they want in attraction, they generally endeavour to supply by flattery and artifice. but, i acquit our new friend of all that." "had he been my own father, dearest mother, his language, and the interest he took in me, could not have been more paternal. i have found it truly delightful to listen to such counsel, from one of his sex; for, in general, they do not treat me in so sincere and fatherly a manner." mrs. dutton's lip quivered, her eye-lids trembled too, and a couple of tears fell on her cheeks. "it _is_ new to you, mildred, to listen to the language of disinterested affection and wisdom from one of his years and sex. i do not censure your listening with pleasure, but merely tell you to remember the proper reserve of your years and character. hist! there are the sounds of his barge's oars." mildred listened, and the measured but sudden jerk of oars in the rullocks, ascended on the still night-air, as distinctly as they might have been heard in the boat. at the next instant, an eight-oared barge moved swiftly out from under the cliff, and glided steadily on towards a ship, that had one lantern suspended from the end of her gaff, another in her mizzen-top, and the small night-flag of a rear-admiral, fluttering at her mizzen-royal-mast-head. the cutter lay nearest to the landing, and, as the barge approached her, the ladies heard the loud hail of "boat-ahoy!" the answer was also audible; though given in the mild gentleman-like voice of bluewater, himself. it was simply, "rear-admiral's flag." a death-like stillness succeeded this annunciation of the rank of the officer in the passing boat, interrupted only by the measured jerk of the oars. once or twice, indeed, the keen hearing of mildred made her fancy she heard the common dip of the eight oars, and the wash of the water, as they rose from the element, to gain a renewed purchase. as each vessel was approached, however, the hail and the answer were renewed, the quiet of midnight, in every instance, succeeding. at length the barge was seen shooting along on the quarter of the cæsar, the rear-admiral's own ship, and the last hail was given. this time, there was a slight stir in the vessel; and, soon after the sound of the oars ceased, the lanterns descended from the stations they had held, since nightfall. two or three other lanterns were still displayed at the gaffs of other vessels, the signs that their captains were not on board; though whether they were ashore, or visiting in the fleet, were facts best known to themselves. the plantagenet, however, had no light; it being known that sir gervaise did not intend to come off that night. when all this was over, mrs. dutton and mildred sought their pillows, after an exciting day, and, to them, one far more momentous than they were then aware of. chapter xi. "when i consider life, 'tis all a cheat; yet fool'd with hope, men favour the deceit; trust on, and think to-morrow will repay; to-morrow's falser than the former day." dryden. although admiral bluewater devoted the minimum of time to sleep, he was not what the french term _matinal_. there is a period in the morning, on board of a ship of war,--that of washing decks,--which can best be compared to the discomfort of the american purification, yelep'd "a house-cleaning." this occurs daily, about the rising of the sun; and no officer, whose rank raises him above mingling with the duty, ever thinks, except on extraordinary occasions that may require his presence for other purposes, of intruding on its sacred mysteries. it is a rabid hour in a ship, and the wisest course, for all idlers, and all watch-officers, who are not on duty, is to keep themselves under hatches, if their convenience will possibly allow it. he who wears a flag, however, is usually reposing in his cot, at this critical moment; or, if risen at all, he is going through similar daily ablutions of his own person. admiral bluewater was in the act of opening his eyes, when the splash of the first bucket of water was heard on the deck of the cæsar, and he lay in the species of enjoyment which is so peculiar to naval men, after they have risen to the station of commander; a sort of semi-trance, in which the mind summons all the ancient images, connected with squalls; reefing top-sails in the rain; standing on the quarter of a yard, shouting "haul out to leeward;" peering over the weather hammock-cloths to eye the weather, with the sleet pricking the face like needles;--and, washing decks! these dreamy images of the past, however, are summoned merely to increase the sense of present enjoyment. they are so many well-contrived foils, to give greater brilliancy to the diamonds of a comfortable cot, and the entire consciousness of being no longer exposed to an untimely summons on deck. our rear-admiral, nevertheless, was not a vulgar dreamer, on such occasions. he thought little of personal comforts at any time, unless indeed when personal discomforts obtruded themselves on his attention; he knew little, or nothing, of the table, whereas his friend was a knowing cook, and in his days of probation had been a distinguished caterer; but he was addicted to a sort of dreaming of his own, even when the sun stood in the zenith, and he was walking the poop, in the midst of a circle of his officers. still, he could not refrain from glancing back at the past, that morning, as plash after plash was heard, and recalling the time when _magna pars quorum_ fuit. at this delectable instant, the ruddy face of a "young gentleman" appeared in his state-room door, and, first ascertaining that the eyes of his superior were actually open, the youngster said-- "a note from sir gervaise, admiral bluewater." "very well, sir,"--taking the note.--"how's the wind, lord geoffrey?" "an irishman's hurricane, sir; right up and down. our first says, sir, he never knew finer channel weather." "our first is a great astrologer. is the fleet riding flood yet?" "no, sir; it's slack-water; or, rather, the ebb is just beginning to make." "go on deck, my lord, and see if the dover has hove in any upon her larboard bower, so as to bring her more on our quarter." "ay-ay-sir," and this cadet of one of the most illustrious houses of england, skipped up the ladder to ascertain this fact. in the mean while, bluewater stretched out an arm, drew a curtain from before his little window, fumbled for some time among his clothes before he got his spectacles, and then opened the note. this early epistle was couched in the following words-- "dear blue:-- "i write this in a bed big enough to ware a ninety in. i've been athwart ships half the night, without knowing it. galleygo has just been in to report 'our fleet' all well, and the ships riding flood. it seems there is a good look-out from the top of the house, where part of the roads are visible. magrath, and the rest of them, have been at poor sir wycherly all night. i learn, but he remains down by the head, yet. i am afraid the good old man will never be in trim again. i shall remain here, until something is decided; and as we cannot expect our orders until next day after to-morrow, at the soonest, one might as well be here, as on board. come ashore and breakfast with us; when we can consult about the propriety of remaining, or of abandoning the wreck. adieu, "oakes. "rear-admiral bluewater. "p.s.--there was a little occurrence last night, connected with sir thomas wycherly's will, that makes me particularly anxious to see you, as early as possible, this morning. "o." sir gervaise, like a woman, had written his mind in his postscript. the scene of the previous night had forcibly presented itself to his recollection on awakening, and calling for his writing-desk, he had sent off this note, at the dawn of day, with the wish of having as many important witnesses as he could well obtain, at the interview he intended to demand, at the earliest practicable hour. "what the deuce can oakes have to do with sir wycherly wychecombe's will?" thought the rear-admiral. "by the way, that puts me in mind of my own; and of my own recent determination. what are my poor £ , to a man with the fortune of lord bluewater. having neither a wife nor child, brother nor sister of my own, i'll do what i please with my money. oakes _won't_ have it; besides, he's got enough of his own, and to spare. an estate of £ a year, besides heaps of prize-money funded. i dare say, he has a good £ , a year, and nothing but a nephew to inherit it all. i'm determined to do as i please with my money. i made every shilling of it, and i'll give it to whom i please." the whole time, admiral bluewater lay with his eyes shut, and with a tongue as motionless as if it couldn't stir. with all his _laissez aller_ manner, however, he had the promptitude of a sailor, when his mind was made up to do a thing, though he always performed it in his own peculiar mode. to rise, dress, and prepare to quit his state-room, occupied him but a short time; and he was seated before his own writing-desk, in the after-cabin, within twenty minutes after the thoughts just recorded, had passed through his mind. his first act was to take a folded paper from a private drawer, and glance his eye carelessly over it. this was the will in favour of lord bluewater: it was expressed in very concise terms, filling only the first side of a page. this will he copied, _verbatim et literatim_, leaving blanks for the name of the legatee, and appointing sir gervaise oakes his executor, as in the will already executed. when finished in this manner, he set about filling up the blanks. for a passing instant, he felt tempted to insert the name of the pretender; but, smiling at his own folly, he wrote that of "mildred dutton, daughter of francis dutton, a master in his majesty's navy," in all the places that it was requisite so to do. then he affixed the seal, and, folding all the upper part of the sheet over, so as to conceal the contents, he rang a little silver bell, which always stood at his elbow. the outer cabin-door was opened by the sentry, who thrust his head in at the opening. "i want one of the young gentlemen, sentry," said the rear-admiral. the door closed, and, in another minute, the smiling face of lord geoffrey was at the entrance of the after-cabin. "who's on deck, my lord," demanded bluewater, "beside the watch?" "no one, sir. all the idlers keep as close as foxes, when the decks are getting it; and as for any of our snorers showing their faces before six bells, it's quite out of the question, sir." "some one must surely be stirring in the gun-room, by this time! go and ask the chaplain and the captain of marines to do me the favour to step into the cabin--or the first lieutenant; or the master; or any of the idlers." the midshipman was gone two or three minutes, when he returned with the purser and the chaplain. "the first lieutenant is in the forehold, sir; all the marines have got their dead-lights still in, and the master is working-up his log, the gun-room steward says. i hope these will do, sir; they are the greatest idlers in the ship, i believe." lord geoffrey cleveland was the second son of the third duke in the english empire, and he knew it, as well as any one on board. admiral bluewater had no slavish respect for rank; nevertheless, like all men educated under an aristocratic system, he was influenced by the feeling to a degree of which he himself was far from being conscious. this young scion of nobility was not in the least favoured in matters of duty, for this his own high spirit would have resented; but he dined in the cabin twice as often as any other midshipman on board, and had obtained for himself a sort of license for the tongue, that emboldened him to utter what passed for smart things in the cock-pit and gun-room, and which, out of all doubt, were pert things everywhere. neither the chaplain nor the purser took offence at his liberties on the present occasion; and, as for the rear-admiral, he had not attended to what had been uttered. as soon, however, as he found others in his cabin, he motioned to them to approach his desk, and pointed to the paper, folded down, as mentioned. "every prudent man," he said, "and, especially every prudent sailor and soldier, in a time of war, ought to be provided with a will. this is mine, just drawn up, by myself; and that instrument is an old one, which i now destroy in your presence. i acknowledge this to be my hand and seal," writing his name, and touching the seal with a finger as he spoke; "affixed to this my last will and testament. will you have the kindness to act as witnesses?" when the chaplain and purser had affixed their names, there still remained a space for a third signature. this, by a sign from his superior, the laughing midshipman filled with his own signature. "i hope you've recollected, sir," cried the boy, with glee, as he took his seat to obey; "that the bluewaters and clevelands are related. i shall be grievously disappointed, when this will is proved, if my name be not found somewhere in it!" "so shall i, too, my lord," drily returned bluewater; "for, i fully expect it will appear as a witness; a character that is at once fatal to all claims as a legatee." "well, sir, i suppose flag-officers can do pretty much as they please with their money, since they do pretty much as they please with the ships, and all in them. i must lean so much the harder on my two old aunts, as i appear to have laid myself directly athwart-hawse of fortune, in this affair!" "gentlemen," said the rear-admiral, with easy courtesy, "i regret it is not in my power to have your company at dinner, to-day, as i am summoned ashore by sir gervaise, and it is uncertain when i can get off, again; but to-morrow i shall hope to enjoy that pleasure." the officers bowed, expressed their acknowledgments, accepted the invitation, bowed once or twice more each, and left the cabin, with the exception of the midshipman. "well, sir," exclaimed bluewater, a little surprised at finding he was not alone, after a minute of profound reverie; "to what request am i indebted still for the pleasure of your presence?" "why, sir, it's just forty miles to my father's house in cornwall, and i know the whole family is there; so i just fancied, that by bending on two extra horses, a chaise might make the park gates in about five hours; and by getting under way on the return passage, to-morrow about this time, the old cæsar would never miss a crazy reefer, more or less." "very ingeniously put, young gentleman, and quite plausible. when i was of your age, i was four years without once seeing either father or mother." "yes, sir, but that was such a long time ago! boys can't stand it, half as well now, as they did then, as all old people say." the rear-admiral's lips moved slightly, as if a smile struggled about his mouth; then his face suddenly lost the expression, in one approaching to sadness. "you know, geoffrey, i am not commander-in-chief. sir gervaise alone can give a furlough." "very true, sir; but whatever you ask of sir gervaise, he always does; more especially as concerns us of your flag-ship." "perhaps that is true. but, my boy, we live in serious times, and we may sail at an hour's notice. are you ignorant that prince charles edward has landed in scotland, and that the jacobites are up and doing? if the french back him, we may have our hands full here, in the channel." "then my dear mother must go without a kiss, for the next twelvemonth!" cried the gallant boy, dashing a hand furtively across his eyes, in spite of his resolution. "the throne of old england must be upheld, even though not a mother nor a sister in the island, see a midshipman in years!" "nobly said, lord geoffrey, and it shall be known at head-quarters. _your_ family is whig; and you do well, at your time of life, to stick to the family politics." "a small run on the shore, sir, would be a great pleasure, after six months at sea?" "you must ask captain stowel's leave for that. you know i never interfere with the duty of the ship." "yes, sir, but there are so many of us, and all have a hankering after _terra firma_. might i just say, that i have your permission, to ask captain stowel, to let me have a run on the cliffs?" "you may do _that_, my lord, if you wish it; but stowel knows that he can do as he pleases." "he would be a queer captain of a man-of-war, if he didn't sir! thank you, admiral bluewater; i will write to my mother, and i know she'll be satisfied with the reason i shall give her, for not coming to see her. good-morning, sir." "good-morning,"--then, when the boy's hand was on the lock of the cabin-door--"my lord?" "did you wish to say any thing more, sir?" "when you write, remember me kindly to the duchess. we were intimate, when young people; and, i might say, loved each other." the midshipman promised to do as desired; then the rear-admiral was left alone. he walked the cabin, for half an hour, musing on what he had done in relation to his property, and on what he ought to do, in relation to the pretender; when he suddenly summoned his coxswain, gave a few directions, and sent an order on deck to have his barge manned. the customary reports went their usual rounds, and reached the cabin in about three minutes more; lord geoffrey bringing them down, again. "the barge is manned, sir," said the lad, standing near the cabin-door, rigged out in the neat, go-ashore-clothes of a midshipman. "have you seen captain stowel, my lord?" demanded the rear-admiral. "i have, sir; and he has given me permission to drift along shore, until sunset; to be off with the evening gun of the vice-admiral." "then do me the favour to take a seat in my barge, if you are quite ready." this offer was accepted, and, in a few minutes, all the ceremonies of the deck had been observed, and the rear-admiral was seated in his barge. it was now so late, that etiquette had fair play, and no point was omitted on the occasion. the captain was on deck, in person, as well as gun-room officers enough to represent their body; the guard was paraded, under its officers; the drums rolled; the boatswain piped six side boys over, and lord geoffrey skipped down first into the boat, remaining respectfully standing, until his superior was seated. all these punctilios observed, the boat was shoved off from the vessel's side, the eight oars dropped, as one, and the party moved towards the shore. every cutter, barge, yawl, or launch that was met, and which did not contain an officer of rank itself, tossed its oars, as this barge, with the rear-admiral's flag fluttering in its bow, passed, while the others lay on theirs, the gentlemen saluting with their hats. in this manner the barge passed the fleet, and approached the shore. at the landing, a little natural quay formed by a low flat rock, there was a general movement, as the rear-admiral's flag was seen to draw near; and even the boats of captains were shoved aside, to give the naval _pas_. as soon, however, as the foot of bluewater touched the rock, the little flag was struck; and, a minute later, a cutter, with only a lieutenant in her, coming in, that officer ordered the barge to make way for _him_, with an air of high and undisputed authority. perhaps there was not a man in the british marine, to whom the etiquette of the service gave less concern, than to bluewater. in this respect, he was the very reverse of his friend; for sir gervaise was a punctilious observer, and a rigid enforcer of all the prescribed ceremonials. this was by no means the only professional point on which these two distinguished officers differed. it has already been mentioned, that the rear-admiral was the best tactician in england, while the vice-admiral was merely respectable in that branch of his duty. on the other hand, sir gervaise was deemed the best practical seaman afloat, so far as a single ship was concerned, while bluewater had no particular reputation in that way. then, as to discipline, the same distinction existed. the commander-in-chief was a little of a _martinet_, exacting compliance with the most minute regulations; while his friend, even when a captain, had thrown the police duty of his ship very much on what is called the executive officer: or the first lieutenant; leaving to that important functionary, the duty of devising, as well as of executing the system by which order and cleanliness were maintained in the vessel. nevertheless, bluewater had his merit even in this peculiar feature of the profession. he had made the best captain of the fleet to his friend, that had ever been met with. this office, which, in some measure, corresponds to that of an adjutant-general on shore, was suited to his generalizing and philosophical turn of mind; and he had brought all its duties within the circle and control of clear and simple principles, which rendered them pleasant and easy. then, too, whenever he commanded in chief, as frequently happened, for a week or two at a time, sir gervaise being absent, it was remarked that the common service of the fleet went on like clock-work; his mind seeming to embrace generals, when it refused to descend to details. in consequence of these personal peculiarities, the captains often observed, that bluewater ought to have been the senior, and oakes the junior; and then, their joint commands would have produced perfection; but these criticisms must be set down, in a great measure, to the natural propensity to find fault, and an inherent desire in men, even when things are perfectly well in themselves, to prove their own superiority, by pointing out modes and means by which they might be made much better. had the service been on land, this opinion might possibly have had more practical truth in it; but, the impetuosity and daring of sir gervaise, were not bad substitutes for tactics, in the straight-forward combats of ships. to resume the narrative. when bluewater landed, he returned the profound and general salute of all on or near the rock, by a sweeping, but courteous bow, which was nevertheless given in a vacant, slovenly manner; and immediately began to ascend the ravine. he had actually reached the grassy acclivity above, before he was at all aware of any person's being near him. turning, he perceived that the midshipman was at his heels, respect alone preventing one of the latter's active limbs and years from skipping past his superior on the ascent. the admiral recollected how little there was to amuse one of the boy's habits in a place like wychecombe, and he good-naturedly determined to take him along with himself. "you are little likely to find any diversion here, lord geoffrey," he said; "if you will accept of the society of a dull old fellow, like myself, you shall see all i see, be it more or less." "i've shipped for the cruise, sir, and am ready and happy, too, to follow your motions, with or without signals," returned the laughing youngster. "i suppose wychecombe is about as good as portsmouth, or plymouth; and i'm sure these green fields are handsomer than the streets of any dirty town i ever entered." "ay, green fields are, indeed, pleasant to the eyes of us sailors, who see nothing but water, for months at a time. turn to the right, if you please, my lord; i wish to call at yonder signal-station, on my way to the hall." the boy, as is not usual with lads of his age, inclined in "the way he was told to go," and in a few minutes both stood on the head-land. as it would not have done for the master to be absent from his staff, during the day, with a fleet in the roads, dutton was already at his post, cleanly dressed as usual, but trembling again with the effect of the last night's debauch on his nerves. he arose, with great deference of manner, to receive the rear-admiral, and not without many misgivings of conscience; for, while memory furnished a tolerable outline of what had occurred in the interview between himself and his wife and daughter, wine had lost its influence, and no longer helped to sustain his self-command. he was much relieved, however, by the discreet manner in which he was met by bluewater. "how is sir wycherly?" inquired the admiral saluting the master, as if nothing had happened; "a note from sir gervaise, written about day-break, tells me he was not, then, essentially better." "i wish it were in my power to give you any good news, sir. he must be conscious, notwithstanding; for dick, his groom, has just ridden over with a note from mr. rotherham, to say that the excellent old baronet particularly desires to see my wife and daughter; and that the coach will be here, to take them over in a few minutes. if you are bound to the hall, this morning, sir, i'm certain the ladies would be delighted to give you a seat." "then i will profit by their kindness," returned bluewater, seating himself on the bench at the foot of the staff; "more especially, if you think they will excuse my adding lord geoffrey cleveland, one of stowel's midshipmen, to the party. he has entered, to follow my motions, with or without signals." dutton uncovered again, and bowed profoundly, at this announcement of the lad's name and rank; the boy himself, taking the salute in an off-hand and indifferent way, like one already wearied with vulgar adulation, while he gazed about him, with some curiosity, at the head-land and flag-staff. "this a good look-out, sir," observed the midshipman; "and one that is somewhat loftier than our cross-trees. a pair of sharp eyes might see every thing that passes within twenty miles; and, as a proof of it, i shall be the first to sing out, 'sail, ho!'" "where-away, my young lord?" said dutton, fidgeting, as if he had neglected his duty, in the presence of a superior; "i'm sure, your lordship can see nothing but the fleet at anchor, and a few boats passing between the different ships and the landing!" "where-away, sure enough, youngster?" added the admiral. "i see some gulls glancing along the surface of the water, a mile or two outside the ships, but nothing like a sail." the boy caught up dutton's glass, which lay on the seat, and, in a minute, he had it levelled at the expanse of water. it was some little time, and not without much sighting along the barrel of the instrument, that he got it to suit himself. "well, master sharp-eyes," said bluewater, drily, "is it a frenchman, or a spaniard?" "hold on, a moment, sir, until i can get this awkward glass to bear on it.--ay--now i have her--she's but a speck, at the best--royals and head of top-gallant-sails--no, sir, by george, it's our own cutter, the active, with her square-sail set, and the heads of her lower sails just rising. i know her by the way she carries her gaff." "the active!--that betokens news," observed bluewater, thoughtfully--for the march of events, at that moment, must necessarily brink on a crisis in his own career. "sir gervaise sent her to look into cherbourg." "yes, sir; we all know that--and, there she comes to tell us, i hope, that monsieur de vervillin, has, at last, made up his mind to come out and face us, like a man. will you look at the sail, sir?" bluewater took the glass, and sweeping the horizon, he soon caught a view of his object. a short survey sufficed, for one so experienced, and he handed the glass back to the boy. "you have quick eyes, sir," he said, as he did so; "that is a cutter, certainly, standing in for the roads, and i believe you may be right in taking her for the active." "'tis a long way to know so small a craft!" observed dutton, who also took his look at the stranger. "very true, sir," answered the boy; "but one ought to tell a friend as far as he can see him. the active carries a longer and a lower gaff, than any other cutter in the navy, which is the way we all tell her from the gnat, the cutter we have with us." "i am glad to find your lordship is so close an observer," returned the complaisant dutton; "a certain sign, my lord, that your lordship will make a good sailor, in time." "geoffrey is a good sailor, already," observed the admiral, who knew that the youngster was never better pleased, than when he dropped the distance of using his title, and spoke to, or of him, as of a connection; which, in truth, he was. "he has now been with me four years; having joined when he was only twelve. two more years will make an officer of him." "yes, sir," said dutton, bowing first to one, and then to the other. "yes, sir; his lordship may well look forward to that, with _his_ particular merit, _your_ esteemed favour, and his _own_ great name. ah! sir, they've caught a sight of the stranger in the fleet, and bunting is at work, already." in anchoring his ships, admiral bluewater had kept them as close together, as the fog rendered safe; for one of the great difficulties of a naval commander is to retain his vessels in compact order, in thick or heavy weather. orders had been given, however, for a sloop and a frigate to weigh, and stretch out into the offing a league or two, as soon as the fog left them, the preceding day, in order to sweep as wide a reach of the horizon as was convenient. in order to maintain their ground in a light wind, and with a strong tide running, these two cruisers had anchored; one, at the distance of a league from the fleet, and the other, a mile or two farther outside, though more to the eastward. the sloop lay nearest to the stranger, and signals were flying at her main-royal-mast-head, which the frigate was repeating, and transmitting to the flag-ship of the commander-in-chief. bluewater was so familiar with all the ordinary signals, that it was seldom he had recourse to his book for the explanations; and, in the present instance, he saw at once that it was the active's number that was shown. other signals, however, followed, which it surpassed the rear-admiral's knowledge to read, without assistance; from all which he was satisfied that the stranger brought intelligence of importance, and which could only be understood by referring to the private signal-book. while these facts were in the course of occurrence, the coach arrived to convey mrs. dutton and mildred to the hall. bluewater now presented himself to the ladies, and was received as kindly as they had separated from him a few hours before; nor were the latter displeased at hearing he was to be their companion back to the dwelling of sir wycherly. "i fear this summons bodes evil tidings," said mrs. dutton; "he would hardly think of desiring to see us, unless something quite serious were on his mind; and the messenger said he was no better." "we shall learn all, my dear lady, when we reach the hall," returned bluewater; "and the sooner we reach it, the sooner our doubts will be removed. before we enter the carriage, let me make you acquainted with my young friend, lord geoffrey cleveland, whom i have presumed to invite to be of the party." the handsome young midshipman was well received, though mrs. dutton had been too much accustomed, in early life, to see people of condition, to betray the same deference as her husband for the boy's rank. the ladies occupied, as usual, the hind seat of the coach, leaving that in front to their male companions. the arrangement accidentally brought mildred and the midshipman opposite each other; a circumstance that soon attracted the attention of the admiral, in a way that was a little odd; if not remarkable. there is a charm in youth, that no other period of life possesses; infancy, with its helpless beauty, scarcely seizing upon the imagination and senses with an equal force. both the young persons in question, possessed this advantage in a high degree; and had there been no other peculiarity, the sight might readily have proved pleasing to one of bluewater's benevolence and truth of feeling. the boy was turned of sixteen; an age in england when youth does not yet put on the appearance of manhood; and he retained all the evidences of a gay, generous boyhood, rendered a little _piquant_, by the dash of archness, roguery, and fun, that a man-of-war is tolerably certain to impart to a lad of spirit. nevertheless, his countenance retained an expression of ingenuousness and of sensitive feeling, that was singularly striking in one of his sex, and which, in spite of her beauty of feature, hair, and complexion, formed the strongest attraction in the loveliness of mildred; that expression, which had so much struck and charmed bluewater--haunted him, we might add--since the previous day, by appearing so familiar, even while so extraordinary, and for which he had been unable to recollect a counterpart. as she now sat, face to face with lord geoffrey, to his great surprise, the rear-admiral found much of the same character of this very expression in the handsome boy, as in the lovely girl. it is true, the look of ingenuousness and of sensitive feeling, was far less marked in young cleveland, than in mildred, and there was little general resemblance of feature or countenance between the two; still, the first was to be found in both, and so distinctly, as to be easily traced, when placed in so close contact. geoffrey cleveland had the reputation of being like his mother; and, furnished with this clue, the fact suddenly flashed on bluewater's mind, that the being whom mildred so nearly and strikingly resembled, was a deceased sister of the duchess, and a beloved cousin of his own. miss hedworth, the young lady in question, had long been dead; but, all who had known her, retained the most pleasing impressions equally of her charms of person and of mind. between her and bluewater there had existed a tender friendship, in which, however, no shade of passion had mingled; a circumstance that was in part owing to the difference in their years, captain bluewater having been nearly twice his young relative's age; and in part, probably, to the invincible manner in which the latter seemed wedded to his profession, and his ship. agnes hedworth, notwithstanding, had been very dear to our sailor, from a variety of causes,--far more so, than her sister, the duchess, though _she_ was a favourite--and the rear-admiral, when his mind glanced rapidly through the chain of association, that traced the accidental resemblance of mildred to this esteemed object, had a sincere delight in finding he had thus been unconsciously attracted by one whose every look and smile now forcibly reminded him of the countenance of a being whom, in her day, he had thought so near perfection. this delight, however, was blended with sadness, on various accounts; and the short excursion proved to be so melancholy, that no one was sorry when it terminated. chapter xii. "nath. truly, master holofernes, the epithets are sweetly varied, like a scholar at the least. but, sir, i assure ye, it was a buck of the first head. _hol._ sir nathaniel, _haud credo_. _bull. 'twas not a _haud credo_, 'twas a pricket." lover's labour lost. every appearance of the jolly negligence which had been so characteristic of life at wychecombe-hall, had vanished, when the old coach drew up in the court, to permit the party it had brought from the station to alight. as no one was expected but mrs. dutton and her daughter, not even a footman appeared to open the door of the carriage; the vulgar-minded usually revenging their own homage to the powerful, by manifesting as many slights as possible to the weak. galleygo let the new-comers out, and, consequently, he was the first person of whom inquiries were made, as to the state of things in the house. "well," said admiral bluewater, looking earnestly at the steward; "how is sir wycherly, and what is the news?" "sir wycherly is still on the doctor's list, your honour; and i expects his case is set down as a hard 'un. we's as well as can be expected, and altogether in good heart. sir jarvy turned out with the sun, thof he didn't turn in 'till the middle-watch was half gone--or _two_ bells, as they calls 'em aboard this house--_four_ bells, as we should say in the old planter--and chickens, i hears, has riz, a shillin' a head, since our first boat landed." "it's a melancholy business, mrs. dutton; i fear there can be little hope." "yes, it's all _that_, admiral blue," continued galleygo, following the party into the house, no one but himself hearing a word he uttered; "and 'twill be worse, afore it's any better. they tells me potaties has taken a start, too; and, as all the b'ys of all the young gentlemen in the fleet is out, like so many wild locusts of hegypt, i expects nothing better than as our mess will fare as bad as sogers on a retreat." in the hall, tom wychecombe, and his namesake, the lieutenant, met the party. from the formal despondency of the first, every thing they apprehended was confirmed. the last, however, was more cheerful, and not altogether without hope; as he did not hesitate openly to avow. "for myself, i confess i think sir wycherly much better," he said; "although the opinion is not sanctioned by that of the medical men. his desiring to see these ladies is favourable; and then cheering news for him has been brought back, already, by the messenger sent, only eight hours since, for his kinsman, sir reginald wychecombe. he has sensibly revived since that report was brought in." "ah! my dear namesake," rejoined tom, shaking his head, mournfully; "you cannot know my beloved uncle's constitution and feelings as well as i! rely on it, the medical men are right; and your hopes deceive you. the sending for mrs. dutton and miss mildred, both of whom my honoured uncle respects and esteems, looks more like leave-taking than any thing else; and, as to sir reginald wychecombe,--though a relative, beyond a question,--i think there has been some mistake in sending for him; since he is barely an acquaintance of the elder branch of the family, and he is of the half-blood." "_half_ what, mr. thomas wychecombe?" demanded the vice-admiral so suddenly, behind the speaker, as to cause all to start; sir gervaise having hastened to meet the ladies and his friend, as soon as he knew of their arrival. "i ask pardon, sir, for my abrupt inquiry; but, as _i_ was the means of sending for sir reginald wychecombe, i feel an interest in knowing his exact relationship to my host?" tom started, and even paled, at this sudden question; then the colour rushed into his temples; he became calmer, and replied: "_half-blood_, sir gervaise," he said, steadily. "this is an affinity that puts a person altogether out of the line of succession; and, of course, removes any necessity, or wish, to see sir reginald." "half-_blood_--hey! atwood?" muttered the vice-admiral, turning away towards his secretary, who had followed him down stairs. "this may be the solution, after all! do you happen to know what half-_blood_ means? it cannot signify that sir reginald comes from one of those, who have no father--all their ancestry consisting only of a mother?" "i should think not, sir gervaise; in that case, sir reiginald would scarcely be considered of so honourable a lineage, as he appears to be. i have not the smallest idea, sir, what half-_blood_ means; and, perhaps, it may not be amiss to inquire of the medical gentlemen. magrath is up stairs; possibly he can tell us." "i rather think it has something to do with the law. if this out-of-the-way place, now, could furnish even a lubberly attorney, we might learn all about it. harkee, atwood; you must stand by to make sir wycherly's will, if he says any thing more about it--have you got the heading all written out, as i desired." "it is quite ready, sir gervaise--beginning, as usual, 'in the name of god, amen.' i have even ventured so far as to describe the testator's style and residence, &c. &c.--'i, sir wycherly wychecombe, bart., of wychecombe hall, devon, do make and declare this to be my last will and testament, &c. &c.' nothing is wanting but the devises, as the lawyers call them. i can manage a will, well enough, sir gervaise, i believe. one of mine has been in the courts, now, these five years, and they tell me it sticks there, as well as if it had been drawn in the middle temple." "ay, i know your skill. still, there can be no harm in just asking magrath; though i think it must be law, after all! run up and ask him, atwood, and bring me the answer in the drawing-room, where i see bluewater has gone with his convoy; and--harkee--tell the surgeons to let us know the instant the patient says any thing about his temporal affairs. the twenty thousand in the funds are his, to do what he pleases with; let the land be tied up, as it may." while this "aside," was going on in the hall, bluewater and the rest of the party had entered a small parlour, that was in constant use, still conversing of the state of sir wycherly. as all of them, but the two young men, were ignorant of the nature of the message to sir reginald wychecombe, and of the intelligence in connection with that gentleman, which had just been received, mrs. dutton ventured to ask an explanation, which was given by wycherly, with a readiness that proved _he_ felt no apprehensions on the subject. "sir wycherly desired to see his distant relative, sir reginald," said the lieutenant; "and the messenger who was sent to request his attendance, fortunately learned from a post-boy, that the hertfordshire baronet, in common with many other gentlemen, is travelling in the west, just at this moment; and that he slept last night, at a house only twenty miles distant. the express reached him several hours since, and an answer has been received, informing us that we may expect to see him, in an hour or two." thus much was related by wycherly; but, we may add that sir reginald wychecombe was a catholic, as it was then usual to term the romanists, and in secret, a jacobite; and, in common with many of that religious persuasion, he was down in the west, to see if a rising could not be organized in that part of the kingdom, as a diversion to any attempt to repel the young pretender in the north. as the utmost caution was used by the conspirators, this fact was not even suspected by any who were not in the secret of the whole proceeding. understanding that his relation was an inefficient old man, sir reginald, himself an active and sagacious intriguer, had approached thus near to the old paternal residence of his family, in order to ascertain if his own name and descent might not aid him in obtaining levies among the ancient tenantry of the estate. that day he had actually intended to appear at wychecombe, disguised, and under an assumed name. he proposed venturing on this step, because circumstances put it in his power, to give what he thought would be received as a sufficient excuse, should his conduct excite comment. sir reginald wychecombe was a singular, but by no means an unnatural compound of management and integrity. his position as a papist had disposed him to intrigue, while his position as one proscribed by religious hostility, had disposed him to be a papist. thousands are made men of activity, and even of importance, by persecution and proscription, who would pass through life quietly and unnoticed, if the meddling hand of human forethought did not force them into situations that awaken their hostility, and quicken their powers. this gentleman was a firm believer in all the traditions of his church, though his learning extended little beyond his missal; and he put the most implicit reliance on the absurd, because improbable, fiction of the nag's head consecration, without having even deemed it necessary to look into a particle of that testimony by which alone such a controversy could be decided. in a word, he was an instance of what religious intolerance has ever done, and will probably for ever continue to do, with so wayward a being as man. apart from this weakness, sir reginald wychecombe had both a shrewd and an inquiring mind. his religion he left very much to the priests; but of his temporal affairs he assumed a careful and prudent supervision. he was much richer than the head of the family; but, while he had no meannesses connected with money, he had no objection to be the possessor of the old family estates. of his own relation to the head of this family, he was perfectly aware, and the circumstance of the half-blood, with all its legal consequences, was no secret to him. sir reginald wychecombe was not a man to be so situated, without having recourse to all proper means, in order, as it has become the fashion of the day to express it, "to define his position." by means of a shrewd attorney, if not of his own religious, at least of his own political opinions, he had ascertained the fact, and this from the mouth of martha herself, that baron wychecombe had never married; and that, consequently, tom and his brothers were no more heirs at law to the wychecombe estate, than he was in his own person. he fully understood, too, that there _was_ no heir at law; and that the lands must escheat, unless the present owner made a will; and to this last act, his precise information told him that sir wycherly had an unconquerable reluctance. under such circumstances, it is not at all surprising, that when the hertfordshire baronet was thus unexpectedly summoned to the bed-side of his distant kinsman, he inferred that his own claims were at length to be tardily acknowledged, and that he was about to be put in possession of the estates of his legitimate ancestors. it is still less wonderful, that, believing this, he promptly promised to lose no time in obeying the summons, determining momentarily to forget his political, in order to look a little after his personal interests. the reader will understand, of course, that all these details were unknown to the inmates of the hall, beyond the fact of the expected arrival of sir reginald wychecombe, and that of the circumstance of the half-blood; which, in its true bearing, was known alone to tom. their thoughts were directed towards the situation of their host, and little was said, or done, that had not his immediate condition for the object. it being understood, however, that the surgeons kept the sick chamber closed against all visiters, a silent and melancholy breakfast was taken by the whole party, in waiting for the moment when they might be admitted. when this cheerless meal was ended, sir gervaise desired bluewater to follow him to his room, whither he led the way in person. "it is possible, certainly, that vervillin is out," commenced the vice-admiral, when they were alone; "but we shall know more about it, when the cutter gets in, and reports. you saw nothing but her number, i think you told me?" "she was at work with private signals, when i left the head-land; of course i was unable to read them without the book." "that vervillin is a good fellow," returned sir gervaise, rubbing his hands; a way he had when much pleased; "and has stuff in him. he has thirteen two-decked ships, dick, and that will be one apiece for our captains, and a spare one for each of our flags. i believe there is no three-decker in that squadron?" "there you've made a small mistake, sir gervaise, as the comte de vervillin had his flag in the largest three-decker of france; _le bourbon_ . the rest of his ships are like our own, though much fuller manned." "never mind, blue--never mind:--we'll put two on the bourbon, and try to make our frigates of use. besides, you have a knack at keeping the fleet so compact, that it is nearly a single battery." "may i venture to ask, then, if it's your intention to go out, should the news by the active prove to be what you anticipate?" sir gervaise cast a quick, distrustful glance at the other, anxious to read the motive for the question, at the same time that he did not wish to betray his own feelings; then he appeared to meditate on the answer. "it is not quite agreeable to lie here, chafing our cables, with a french squadron roving the channel," he said; "but i rather think it's my duty to wait for orders from the admiralty, under present circumstances." "do you expect my lords will send you through the straits of dover, to blockade the frith?" "if they do, bluewater, i shall hope for your company. i trust, a night's rest has given you different views of what ought to be a seaman's duty, when his country is at open war with her ancient and most powerful enemies." "it is the prerogative of the _crown_ to declare war, oakes. no one but a _lawful_ sovereign can make a _lawful_ war." "ay, here come your cursed distinctions about _de jure_ and _de facto_, again. by the way, dick, you are something of a scholar--can you tell me what is understood by calling a man a _nullus_?" admiral bluewater, who had taken his usual lolling attitude in the most comfortable chair he could find, while his more mercurial friend kept pacing the room, now raised his head in surprise, following the quick motions of the other, with his eyes, as if he doubted whether he had rightly heard the question. "it's plain english, is it not?--or plain _latin_, if you will--what is meant by calling a man a _nullus_?" repeated sir gervaise, observing the other's manner. "the latin is _plain_ enough, certainly," returned bluewater, smiling; "you surely do not mean _nullus, nulla, nullum_?" "exactly that--you've hit it to a gender.--_nullus_, nulla, nullum_. no _man_, no _woman_, no _thing_. masculine, feminine, neuter." "i never heard the saying. if ever used, it must be some silly play on sounds, and mean a numskull--or, perhaps, a fling at a fellow's position, by saying he is a 'nobody.' who the deuce has been calling another a _nullus_, in the presence of the commander-in-chief of the southern squadron?" "sir wycherly wychecombe--our unfortunate host, here: the poor man who is on his death-bed, on this very floor." again bluewater raised his head, and once more his eye sought the face of his friend. sir gervaise had now stopped short, with his hands crossed behind his back, looking intently at the other, in expectation of the answer. "i thought it might be some difficulty from the fleet--some silly fellow complaining of another still more silly for using such a word. sir wycherly!--the poor man's mind must have failed him." "i rather think not; if it has, there is 'method in his madness,' for he persevered most surprisingly, in the use of the term. his nephew, tom wychecombe, the presumptive heir, he insists on it, is a _nullus_; while this sir reginald, who is expected to arrive every instant, he says is only _half_--or half-_blood_, as it has since been explained to us." "i am afraid this nephew will prove to be any thing but _nullus_, when he succeeds to the estate and title," answered bluewater, gravely. "a more sinister-looking scoundrel, i never laid eyes on." "that is just my way of thinking; and not in the least like the family." "this matter of likenesses is not easily explained, oakes. we see parents and children without any visible resemblance to each other; and then we find startling likenesses between utter strangers." "_bachelor's children_ may be in that predicament, certainly; but i should think few others. i never yet studied a child, that i did not find some resemblance to both parents; covert and only transitory, perhaps; but a likeness so distinct as to establish the relationship. what an accursed chance it is, that our noble young lieutenant should have no claim on this old baronet; while this d----d _nullus_ is both heir at law, and heir of entail! i never took half as much interest in any other man's estate, as i take in the succession to this of our poor host!" "there you are mistaken, oakes; you took more in _mine_; for, when i made a will in your own favour, and gave it to you to read, you tore it in two, and threw it overboard, with your own hand." "ay, that was an act of lawful authority. as your superior, i countermanded that will! i hope you've made another, and given your money, as i told you, to your cousin, the viscount." "i did, but _that_ will has shared the fate of the first. it appearing to me, that we are touching on serious times, and bluewater being rich already, i destroyed the devise in his favour, and made a new one, this very morning. as you are my executor, as usual, it may be well to let you know it." "dick, you have not been mad enough to cut off the head of your own family--your own flesh and blood, as it might be--to leave the few thousands you own, to this mad adventurer in scotland!" bluewater smiled at this evidence of the familiarity of his friend with his own way of thinking and feeling; and, for a single instant, he regretted that he had not put his first intention in force, in order that the conformity of views might have been still more perfect; but, putting a hand in his pocket he drew out the document itself, and leaning forward, gave it carelessly to sir gervaise. "there is the will; and by looking it over, you will know what i've done," he said. "i wish you would keep it; for, if 'misery makes us acquainted with strange bed-fellows,' revolutions reduce us, often, to strange plights, and the paper will be safer with you than with me. of course, you will keep my secret, until the proper time to reveal it shall arrive." the vice-admiral, who knew that he had no direct interest in his friend's disposition of his property, took the will, with a good deal of curiosity to ascertain its provisions. so short a testament was soon read; and his eye rested intently on the paper until it had taken in the last word. then his hand dropped, and he regarded bluewater with a surprise he neither affected, nor wished to conceal. he did not doubt his friend's sanity, but he greatly questioned his discretion. "this is a very simple, but a very ingenious arrangement, to disturb the order of society," he said; "and to convert a very modest and unpretending, though lovely girl, into a forward and airs-taking old woman! what is this mildred dutton to you, that you should bequeath to her £ , ?" "she is one of the meekest, most ingenuous, purest, and loveliest, of her meek, ingenuous, pure, and lovely sex, crushed to the earth by the curse of a brutal, drunken father; and, i am resolute to see that this world, for once, afford some compensation for its own miseries." "never doubt that, richard bluewater; never doubt _that_. so certain is vice, or crime, to bring its own punishment in this life, that one may well question if any other hell is needed. and, depend on it, your meek, modest ingenuousness, in its turn, will not go unrewarded." "quite true, so far as the spirit is concerned; but, i mean to provide a little for the comfort of the body. you remember agnes hedworth, i take it for granted?" "remember her!--out of all question. had the war left me leisure for making love, she was the only woman i ever knew, who could have brought me to her feet--i mean as a dog, dick." "do you see any resemblance between her and this mildred dutton? it is in the expression rather than in the features--but, it is the expression which alone denotes the character." "by george, you're right, bluewater; and this relieves me from some embarrassment i've felt about that very expression of which you speak. she _is_ like poor agnes, who became a saint earlier than any of us could have wished. living or dead, agnes hedworth must be an angel! you were fonder of her, than of any other woman, i believe. at one time, i thought you might propose for her hand." "it was not that sort of affection, and you could not have known her private history, or you would not have fancied this. i was so situated in the way of relatives, that agnes, though only the child of a cousin-german, was the nearest youthful female relative i had on earth; and i regarded her more as a sister, than as a creature who could ever become my wife. she was sixteen years my junior; and by the time she had become old enough to marry, i was accustomed to think of her only as one destined for another station. the same feeling existed as to her sister, the duchess, though in a greatly lessened degree." "poor, sweet agnes!--and it is on account of this accidental resemblance, that you have determined to make the daughter of a drunken sailing-master your heiress?" "not altogether so; the will was drawn before i was conscious that the likeness existed. still, it has probably, unknown to myself, greatly disposed me to view her with favour. but, gervaise, agnes herself was not fairer in person, or more lovely in mind, than this very mildred dutton." "well, you have not been accustomed to regard _her_ as a sister; and _she_ has become marriageable, without there having been any opportunity for your regarding her as so peculiarly sacred, dick!" returned sir gervaise, half suppressing a smile as he threw a quiet glance at his friend. "you know this to be idle, oakes. some one must inherit my money; my brother is long since dead; even poor, poor agnes is gone; her sister don't need it; bluewater is an over-rich bachelor, already; _you_ won't take it, and what better can i do with it? if you could have seen the cruel manner in which the spirits of both mother and daughter were crushed to the earth last night, by that beast of a husband and father, you would have felt a desire to relieve their misery, even though it had cost you bowldero, and half your money in the funds." "umph! bowldero has been in my family five centuries, and is likely to remain there, master bluewater, five more; unless, indeed, your dashing pretender should succeed, and take it away by confiscation." "there, again, was another inducement. should i leave my cash to a rich person, and should chance put me on the wrong side in this struggle, the king, _de facto_, would get it all; whereas, even a german would not have the heart to rob a poor creature like mildred of her support." "the _scotch_ are notorious for bowels, in such matters! well, have it your own way, dick. it's of no great moment what you do with your prize-money; though i had supposed it would fall into the hands of this boy, geoffrey cleveland, who is no discredit to your blood." "he will have a hundred thousand pounds, at five-and-twenty, that were left him by old lady greenfield, his great-aunt, and that is more than he will know what to do with. but, enough of this. have you received further tidings from the north, during the night?" "not a syllable. this is a retired part of the country, and half scotland might be capsized in one of its loughs, and we not know of it, for a week, down here in devonshire. should i get no intelligence or orders, in the next thirty-six hours, i think of posting up to london, leaving you in command of the fleet." "that may not be wise. you would scarcely confide so important a trust, in such a crisis, to a man of my political feelings--i will not say _opinions_; since you attribute all to sentiment." "i would confide my life and honour to you, richard bluewater, with the utmost confidence in the security of both, so long as it depended on your own acts or inclinations. we must first see, however, what news the active brings us; for, if de vervillin is really out, i shall assume that the duty of an english sailor is to beat a frenchman, before all other considerations." "if he _can_," drily observed the other, raising his right leg so high as to place the foot on the top of an old-fashioned chair; an effort that nearly brought his back in a horizontal line. "i am far from regarding it as a matter of course, admiral bluewater; but, it _has_ been done sufficiently often, to render it an event of no very violent _possibility_. ah, here is magrath to tell us the condition of his patient." the surgeon of the plantagenet entering the room, at that moment, the conversation was instantly changed. "well, magrath," said sir gervaise, stopping suddenly in his quarter-deck pace; "what news of the poor man?" "he is reviving, admiral oakes," returned the phlegmatic surgeon; "but it is like the gleaming of sunshine that streams through clouds, as the great luminary sets behind the hills--" "oh! hang your poetry, doctor; let us have nothing but plain matter-of-fact, this morning." "well, then, sir gervaise, as commander-in-chief, you'll be obeyed, i think. sir wycherly wychecombe is suffering under an attack of apoplexy--or [greek: apoplêxis], as the greeks had it. the diagnosis of the disease is not easily mistaken, though it has its affinities as well as other maladies. the applications for gout, or _arthritis_--sometimes produce apoplexy; though one disease is seated in the head, while the other usually takes refuge in the feet. ye'll understand this the more readily, gentlemen, when ye reflect that as a thief is chased from one hiding-place, he commonly endeavours to get into another. i much misgive the prudence of the phlebotomy ye practised among ye, on the first summons to the patient." "what the d---l does the man mean by phlebotomy?" exclaimed sir gervaise, who had an aversion to medicine, and knew scarcely any of the commonest terms of practice, though expert in bleeding. "i'm thinking it's what you and admiral bluewater so freely administer to his majesty's enemies, whenever ye fall in with 'em at sea;--he-he-he--" answered magrath, chuckling at his own humour; which, as the quantity was small, was all the better in quality. "surely he does not mean powder and shot! we give the french shot; sir wycherly has not been shot?" "varra true, sir gervaise, but ye've let him blood, amang ye: a measure that has been somewhat precipitately practised, i've my misgivings!" "now, any old woman can tell us better than that, doctor. blood-letting is the every-day remedy for attacks of this sort." "i do not dispute the dogmas of elderly persons of the other sex, sir gervaise, or your _every-day remedia_. if 'every-day' doctors would save life and alleviate pain, diplomas would be unnecessary; and we might, all of us, practise on the principle of the 'de'el tak' the hindmaist,' as ye did yoursel', sir gervaise, when ye cut and slash'd amang the dons, in boarding el lirio. i was there, ye'll both remember, gentlemen; and was obleeged to sew up the gashes ye made with your own irreverent and ungodly hands." this speech referred to one of the most desperate, hand-to-hand struggles, in which the two flag-officers had ever been engaged; and, as it afforded them the means of exhibiting their personal gallantry, when quite young men, both usually looked back upon the exploit with great self-complacency; sir gervaise, in particular, his friend having often declared since, that they ought to have been laid on the shelf for life, as a punishment for risking their men in so mad an enterprise, though it did prove to be brilliantly successful. "that was an affair in which one might engage at twenty-two, magrath," observed bluewater; "but which he ought to hesitate about thinking of even, after thirty." "i'd do it again, this blessed day, if you would give us a chance!" exclaimed sir gervaise, striking the back of one hand into the palm of the other, with a sudden energy, that showed how much he was excited by the mere recollection of the scene. "that w'ud ye!--that w'ud ye!" said magrath, growing more and more scotch, as he warmed in the discourse; "ye'd board a mackerel-hoy, rather than not have an engagement. ye'r a varra capital vice-admiral of the red, sir gervaise, but i'm judging ye'd mak' a varra indeeferent loblolly-boy." "bluewater, i shall be compelled to change ships with you, in order to get rid of the old stand-by's of the plantagenets! they stick to me like leeches; and have got to be so familiar, that they criticise all my orders, and don't more than half obey them, in the bargain." "no one will criticise your nautical commands, sir gervaise; though, in the way of the healing airt,--science, it should be called--ye're no mair to be trusted, than one of the young gentlemen. i'm told ye drew ye'r lancet on this poor gentleman, as ye'd draw ye'r sword on an enemy!" "i did, indeed, sir; though mr. rotherham had rendered the application of the instrument unnecessary. apoplexy is a rushing of the blood to the head; and by diminishing the quantity in the veins of the arms or temples, you lessen the pressure on the brain." "just layman's practice, sir--just layman's practice. will ye tell me now if the patient's face was red or white? every thing depends on _that_; which is the true diagnosis of the malady." "red, i think; was it not, bluewater? red, like old port, of which i fancy the poor man had more than his share." "weel, in that case, you were not so varra wrong; but, they tell me his countenance was pallid and death-like; in which case ye came near to committing murder. there is one principle that controls the diagnosis of all cases of apoplexy among ye'r true country gentlemen--and that is, that the system is reduced and enfeebled, by habitual devotion to the decanter. in such attacks ye canna' do warse, than to let blood. but, i'll no be hard upon you, sir gervaise; and so we'll drop the subject--though, truth to say, i do not admire your poaching on my manor. sir wycherly is materially better, and expresses, as well as a man who has not the use of his tongue, _can_ express a thing, his besetting desire to make his last will and testament. in ordinary cases of _apoplexia_, it is good practice to oppose this craving; though, as it is my firm opinion that nothing can save the patient's life, i do not set myself against the measure, in this particular case. thar' was a curious discussion at edinbro', in my youth, gentlemen, on the question whether the considerations connected with the disposition of the property, or the considerations connected with the patient's health, ought to preponderate in the physician's mind, when it might be reasonably doubted whether the act of making a will, would or would not essentially affect the nervous system, and otherwise derange the functions of the body. a very pretty argument, in excellent edinbro' latin, was made on each side of the question. i think, on the whole, the physicos had the best o' it; for they could show a plausible present evil, as opposed to a possible remote good." "has sir wycherly mentioned my name this morning?" asked the vice-admiral, with interest. "he has, indeed, sir gervaise; and that in a way so manifestly connected with his will, that i'm opining ye'll no be forgotten in the legacies. the name of bluewater was in his mouth, also." "in which case no time should be lost; for, never before have i felt half the interest in the disposition of a stranger's estate. hark! are not those wheels rattling in the court-yard?" "ye'r senses are most pairfect, sir gervaise, and that i've always said was one reason why ye'r so great an admiral," returned magrath. "mind, only _one_, sir gervaise; for many qualities united, are necessary to make a truly great man. i see a middle-aged gentleman alighting, and servants around him, who wear the same liveries as those of this house. some relative, no doubt, come to look after the legacies, also." "this must be sir reginald wychecombe; it may not be amiss if we go forward to receive him, bluewater." at this suggestion, the rear-admiral drew in his legs, which had not changed their position on account of the presence of the surgeon, arose, and followed sir gervaise, as the latter left the room. chapter xiii. "_videsne quis venit?_" "_video, et gaudeo._" nathaniel et holofernes. tom wychecombe had experienced an uneasiness that it is unnecessary to explain, ever since he learned that his reputed uncle had sent a messenger to bring the "half-blood" to the hall. from the moment he got a clue to the fact, he took sufficient pains to ascertain what was in the wind; and when sir reginald wychecombe entered the house, the first person he met was this spurious supporter of the honours of his name. "sir reginald wychecombe, i presume, from the arms and the liveries," said tom, endeavouring to assume the manner of a host. "it is grateful to find that, though we are separated by quite two centuries, all the usages and the bearings of the family are equally preserved and respected, by both its branches." "i am sir reginald wychecombe, sir, and endeavour not to forget the honourable ancestry from which i am derived. may i ask what kinsman i have the pleasure now to meet?" "mr. thomas wychecombe, sir, at your command; the _eldest_ son of sir wycherly's next brother, the late mr. baron wychecombe. i trust, sir reginald, you have not considered us as so far removed in blood, as to have entirely overlooked our births, marriages, and deaths." "i have _not_, sir," returned the baronet, drily, and with an emphasis that disturbed his listener, though the cold jesuitical smile that accompanied the words, had the effect to calm his vivid apprehensions. "_all_ that relates to the house of wychecombe has interest in my eyes; and i have endeavoured, successfully i trust, to ascertain _all_ that relates to its births, _marriages_, and deaths. i greatly regret that the second time i enter this venerable dwelling, should be on an occasion as melancholy as this, on which i am now summoned. how is your respectable--how is sir wycherly wychecombe, i wish to say?" there was sufficient in this answer, taken in connection with the deliberate, guarded, and yet expressive manner of the speaker to make tom extremely uncomfortable, though there was also sufficient to leave him in doubts as to his namesake's true meaning. the words emphasized by the latter, were touched lightly, though distinctly; and the cold, artificial smile with which they were uttered, completely baffled the sagacity of a rogue, as common-place as the heir-expectant. then the sudden change in the construction of the last sentence, and the substitution of the name of the person mentioned, for the degree of affinity in which he was supposed to stand to tom, might be merely a rigid observance of the best tone of society, or it might be equivocal. all these little distinctions gleamed across the mind of tom wychecombe; but that was not the moment to pursue the investigation. courtesy required that he should make an immediate answer, which he succeeded in doing steadily enough as to general appearances, though his sagacious and practised questioner perceived that his words had not failed of producing the impression he intended; for he had looked to their establishing a species of authority over the young man. "my honoured and beloved uncle has revived a little, they tell me," said tom; "but i fear these appearances are delusive. after eighty-four, death has a fearful hold upon us, sir! the worst of it is, that my poor, dear uncle's mind is sensibly affected; and it is quite impossible to get at any of his little wishes, in the way of memorials and messages--" "how then, sir, came sir wycherly to honour _me_ with a request to visit him?" demanded the other, with an extremely awkward pertinency. "i suppose, sir, he has succeeded in muttering your name, and that a natural construction has been put on its use, at such a moment. his will has been made some time, i understand; though i am ignorant of even the name of the executor, as it is closed in an envelope, and sealed with sir wycherly's arms. it cannot be, then, on account of a _will_, that he has wished to see you. i rather think, as the next of the family, _out of the direct line of succession_, he may have ventured to name you as the executor of the will in existence, and has thought it proper to notify you of the same." "yes, sir," returned sir reginald, in his usual cold, wary manner; "though it would have been more in conformity with usage, had the notification taken the form of a request to serve, previously to making the testament. my letter was signed 'gervaise oakes,' and, as they tell me a fleet is in the neighbourhood, i have supposed that the celebrated admiral of that name, has done me the honour to write it." "you are not mistaken, sir; sir gervaise oakes is in the house--ah--here he comes to receive you, accompanied by rear-admiral bluewater, whom the sailors call his mainmast." the foregoing conversation had taken place in a little parlour that led off from the great hall, whither tom had conducted his guest, and in which the two admirals now made their appearance. introductions were scarcely necessary, the uniform and star--for in that age officers usually appeared in their robes--the uniform and star of sir gervaise at once proclaiming his rank and name; while, between sir reginald and bluewater there existed a slight personal acquaintance, which had grown out of their covert, but deep, jacobite sympathies. "sir gervaise oakes," and "sir reginald wychecombe," passed between the gentlemen, with a hearty shake of the hand from the admiral, which was met by a cold touch of the fingers on the part of the other, that might very well have passed for the great model of the sophisticated manipulation of the modern salute, but which, in fact, was the result of temperament rather than of fashion. as soon as this ceremony was gone through, and a few brief expressions of courtesy were exchanged, the new comer turned to bluewater, with an air of greater freedom, and continued-- "and you, too, sir richard bluewater! i rejoice to meet an acquaintance in this melancholy scene." "i am happy to see you, sir reginald; though you have conferred on me a title to which i have no proper claim." "no!--the papers tell us that you have received one of the lately vacant red ribands?" "i believe some such honour has been in contemplation--" "contemplation!--i do assure you, sir, your name is fairly and distinctly gazetted--as, by sending to my carriage, it will be in my power to show you. i am, then, the first to call you sir richard." "excuse me, sir reginald--there is some little misapprehension in this matter; i prefer to remain plain rear-admiral bluewater. in due season, all will be explained." the parties exchanged looks, which, in times like those in which they lived, were sufficiently intelligible to both; and the conversation was instantly changed. before sir reginald relinquished the hand he held, however, he gave it a cordial squeeze, an intimation that was returned by a warm pressure from bluewater. the party then began to converse of sir wycherly, his actual condition, and his probable motive in desiring to see his distant kinsman. this motive, sir gervaise, regardless of the presence of tom wychecombe, declared to be a wish to make a will; and, as he believed, the intention of naming sir reginald his executor, if not in some still more interesting capacity. "i understand sir wycherly has a considerable sum entirely at his own disposal," continued the vice-admiral; "and i confess i like to see a man remember his friends and servants, generously, in his last moments. the estate is entailed, i hear; and i suppose mr. thomas wychecombe here, will be none the worse for that precaution in his ancestor; let the old gentleman do as he pleases with his savings." sir gervaise was so much accustomed to command, that he did not feel the singularity of his own interference in the affairs of a family of what might be called strangers, though the circumstance struck sir reginald, as a little odd. nevertheless, the last had sufficient penetration to understand the vice-admiral's character at a glance, and the peculiarity made no lasting impression. when the allusion was made to tom's succession, as a matter of course, however, he cast a cold, but withering look, at the reputed heir, which almost chilled the marrow in the bones of the jealous rogue. "might i say a word to you, in your own room, sir gervaise?" asked sir reginald, in an aside. "these matters ought not to be indecently hurried; and i wish to understand the ground better, before i advance." this question was overheard by bluewater; who, begging the gentlemen to remain where they were, withdrew himself, taking tom wychecombe with him. as soon as they were alone, sir reginald drew from his companion, by questions warily but ingeniously put, a history of all that had occurred within the last twenty-four hours; a knowledge of the really helpless state of sir wycherly, and of the manner in which he himself had been summoned, included. when satisfied, he expressed a desire to see the sick man. "by the way, sir reginald," said the vice-admiral, with his hand on the lock of the door, arresting his own movement to put the question; "i see, by your manner of expressing yourself, that the law has not been entirely overlooked in your education. do you happen to know what 'half-blood' means? it is either a medical or a legal term, and i understand few but nautical." "you could not apply to any man in england, sir gervaise, better qualified to tell you," answered the hertfordshire baronet, smiling expressively. "i am a barrister of the middle temple, having been educated as a younger son, and having since succeeded an elder brother, at the age of twenty-seven; i stand in the unfortunate relation of the 'half-blood' myself, to this very estate, on which we are now conversing." sir reginald then proceeded to explain the law to the other, as we have already pointed it out to the reader; performing the duty succinctly, but quite clearly. "bless me!--bless me! sir reginald," exclaimed the direct-minded and _just_-minded sailor--"here must be some mistake! a fortieth cousin, or the king, take this estate before yourself, though you are directly descended from all the old wychecombes of the times of the plantagenets!" "such is the common law, sir gervaise. were i sir wycherly's half-brother, or a son by a second wife of our common father, i could not take from _him_, although that common father had earned the estate by his own hands, or services." "this is damnable, sir--damnable--and you'll pardon me, but i can hardly believe we have such a monstrous principle in the good, honest, well-meaning laws, of good, honest, well-meaning old england!" sir reginald was one of the few lawyers of his time, who did not recognize the virtue of this particular provision of the common law; a circumstance that probably arose from his having so _small_ an interest now in the mysteries of the profession, and so _large_ an interest in the family estate of wychecombe, destroyed by its _dictum_. he was, consequently, less surprised, and not at all hurt, at the evident manner in which the sailor repudiated his statement, as doing violence equally to reason, justice, and probability. "good, honest, well-meaning old england tolerates many grievous things, notwithstanding, sir gervaise," he answered; "among others, it tolerates the law of the half-blood. much depends on the manner in which men view these things; that which seems gold to one, resembling silver in the eyes of another. now, i dare say,"--this was said as a feeler, and with a smile that might pass for ironical or confiding, as the listener pleased to take it--"now, i dare say, the clans would tell us that england tolerates an usurper, while her lawful prince was in banishment; though _you_ and _i_ might not feel disposed to allow it." sir gervaise started, and cast a quick, suspicious glance at the speaker; but there the latter stood, with as open and guileless an expression on his handsome features, as was ever seen in the countenance of confiding sixteen. "your supposititious case is no parallel," returned the vice-admiral, losing every shade of suspicion, at this appearance of careless frankness; "since men often follow their feelings in their allegiance, while the law is supposed to be governed by reason and justice. but, now we are on the subject, will you tell me. sir reginald, if you also know what a _nullus_ is?" "i have no farther knowledge of the subject, sir gervaise," returned the other, smiling, this time, quite naturally; "than is to be found in the latin dictionaries and grammars." "ay--you mean _nullus, nulla, nullum_. even we sailors know _that_; as we all go to school before we go to sea. but, sir wycherly, in efforts to make himself understood, called you a 'half-blood.'" "and quite correctly--i admit such to be the fact; and that i have no more _legal_ claim, whatever on this estate, than you have yourself. my _moral_ right, however, may be somewhat better." "it is much to your credit, that you so frankly admit it, sir reginald; for, hang me, if i think even the judges would dream of raising such an objection to your succeeding, unless reminded of it." "therein you do them injustice, sir gervaise; as it is their duty to administer the laws, let them be what they may." "perhaps you are right, sir. but the reason for my asking what a _nullus_ is, was the circumstance that sir wycherly, in the course of his efforts to speak, repeatedly called his nephew and heir, mr. thomas wychecombe, by that epithet." "did he, indeed?--was the epithet, as you well term it, _filius nullius_?" "i rather think it was _nullus_--though i do believe the word _filius_ was muttered, once or twice, also." "yes, sir, this has been the case; and i am not sorry sir wycherly is aware of the fact, as i hear that the young man affects to consider himself in a different point of view. a _filius nullius_ is the legal term for a bastard--the 'son of nobody,' as you will at once understand. i am fully aware that such is the unfortunate predicament of mr. thomas wychecombe, whose father, i possess complete evidence to show, was never married to his mother." "and yet, sir reginald, the impudent rascal carries in his pocket even, a certificate, signed by some parish priest in london, to prove the contrary." the civil baronet seemed surprised at this assertion of his military brother; but sir gervaise explaining what had passed between himself and the young man, he could no longer entertain any doubt of the fact. "since you have seen the document," resumed sir reginald, "it must, indeed, be so; and this misguided boy is prepared to take any desperate step in order to obtain the title and the estate. all that he has said about a will must be fabulous, as no man in his senses would risk his neck to obtain so hollow a distinction as a baronetcy--we are equally members of the class, and may speak frankly, sir gervaise--and the will would secure the estate, if there were one. i cannot think, therefore, that there is a will at all." "if this will were not altogether to the fellow's liking, would not the marriage, beside the hollow honour of which you have spoken, put the whole of the landed property in his possession, under the entail?" "it would, indeed; and i thank you for the suggestion. if, however, sir wycherly is desirous, _now_, of making a _new_ will, and has strength and mind sufficient to execute his purpose, the _old_ one need give us no concern. this is a most delicate affair for one in my situation to engage in, sir; and i greatly rejoice that i find such honourable and distinguished witnesses, in the house, to clear my reputation, should any thing occur to require such exculpation. on the one side, sir gervaise, there is the danger of an ancient estate's falling into the hands of the crown, and this, too, while one of no _stain_ of blood, derived from the same honourable ancestors as the last possessor, is in existence; or, on the other, of its becoming the prey of one of base blood, and of but very doubtful character. the circumstance that sir wycherly desired my presence, is a great deal; and i trust to you, and to those with you, to vindicate the fairness of my course. if it's your pleasure, sir, we will now go to the sick chamber." "with all my heart. i think, however, sir reginald," said the vice-admiral, as he approached the door; "that even in the event of an escheat, you would find these brunswick princes sufficiently liberal to restore the property. i could not answer for those wandering scotchmen; who have so many breechless nobles to enrich; but, i think, with the hanoverians, you would be safe." "the last have certainly one recommendation the most," returned the other, smiling courteously, but in a way so equivocal that even sir gervaise was momentarily struck by it; "they have fed so well, now, at the crib, that they may not have the same voracity, as those who have been long fasting. it would be, however, more pleasant to take these lands from a wychecombe--a wychecombe to a wychecombe--than to receive them anew from even the plantagenet who made the first grant." this terminated the private dialogue, as the colloquists entered the hall, just as the last speaker concluded. wycherly was conversing, earnestly, with mrs. dutton and mildred, at the far end of the hall, when the baronets appeared; but, catching the eye of the admiral, he said a few words hastily to his companions, and joined the two gentlemen, who were now on their way to the sick man's chamber. "here is a namesake, if not a relative, sir reginald," observed sir gervaise, introducing the lieutenant; "and one, i rejoice to say, of whom all of even your honourable name have reason to be proud." sir reginald's bow was courteous and bland, as the admiral proceeded to complete the introduction; but wycherly felt that the keen, searching look he bestowed on himself, was disagreeable. "i am not at all aware, that i have the smallest claim to the honour of being sir reginald wychecombe's relative," he said, with cold reserve. "indeed, until last evening, i was ignorant of the existence of the hertfordshire branch of this family; and you will remember, sir gervaise, that i am a virginian." "a virginian!" exclaimed his namesake, taken so much by surprise as to lose a little of his self-command, "i did not know, indeed, that any who bear the name had found their way to the colonies." "and if they had, sir, they would have met with a set of fellows every way fit to be their associates, sir reginald. we english are a little clannish--i hate the word, too; it has such a narrow scotch sound--but we _are_ clannish, although generally provided with garments to our nether limbs; and we sometimes look down upon even a son, whom the love of adventure has led into that part of the world. in my view an englishman is an englishman, let him come from what part of the empire he may. that is what i call genuine liberality, sir reginald." "quite true, sir gervaise; and a scotchman is a scotchman, even though he come from the north of tweed." this was quietly said, but the vice-admiral felt the merited rebuke it contained, and he had the good-nature and the good sense to laugh at it, and to admit his own prejudices. this little encounter brought the party to sir wycherly's door, where all three remained until it was ascertained that they might enter. the next quarter of an hour brought about a great change in the situation of all the principal inmates of wychecombe hall. the interdict was taken off the rooms of sir wycherly, and in them had collected all the gentlemen, mrs. dutton and her daughter, with three or four of the upper servants of the establishment. even galleygo contrived to thrust his ungainly person in, among the rest, though he had the discretion to keep in the background among his fellows. in a word, both dressing-room and bed-room had their occupants, though the last was principally filled by the medical men, and those whose rank gave them claims to be near the person of the sick. it was now past a question known that poor sir wycherly was on his death-bed. his mind had sensibly improved, nor was his speech any worse; but his physical system generally had received a shock that rendered recovery hopeless. it was the opinion of the physicians that he might possibly survive several days; or, that he might be carried off, in a moment, by a return of the paralytic affection. the baronet, himself, appeared to be perfectly conscious of his situation; as was apparent by the anxiety he expressed to get his friends together, and more especially the concern he felt to make a due disposition of his worldly affairs. the medical men had long resisted both wishes, until, convinced that the question was reduced to one of a few hours more or less of life, and that denial was likely to produce worse effects than compliance, they finally and unanimously consented. "it's no a great concession to mortal infirmity to let a dying man have his way," whispered magrath to the two admirals, as the latter entered the room. "sir wycherly is a hopeless case, and we'll just consent to let him make a few codicils, seeing that he so fairvently desires it; and then there may be fewer hopeless deevils left behind him, when he's gathered to his forefathers." "here we are, my dear sir wycherly," said the vice-admiral, who never lost an occasion to effect his purpose, by any unnecessary delay; "here we all are anxious to comply with your wishes. your kinsman, sir reginald wychecombe, is also present, and desirous of doing your pleasure." it was a painful sight to see a man on his death-bed, so anxious to discharge the forms of the world, as the master of the hall now appeared to be. there had been an unnecessary alienation between the heads of the two branches of the family; not arising from any quarrel, or positive cause of disagreement, but from a silent conviction in both parties, that each was unsuited to the other. they had met a few times, and always parted without regret. the case was now different; the separation was, in one sense at least, to be eternal; and all minor considerations, all caprices of habits or despotism of tastes, faded before the solemn impressions of the moment. still, sir wycherly could not forget that he was master of wychecombe, and that his namesake was esteemed a man of refinement; and, in his simple way of thinking he would fain have arisen, in order to do him honour. a little gentle violence, even, was necessary to keep the patient quiet. "much honoured, sir--greatly pleased," muttered sir wycherly, the words coming from him with difficulty. "same ancestors--same name--plantagenets--old house, sir--head go, new one come--none better, than--" "do not distress yourself to speak, unnecessarily, my dear sir," interrupted sir reginald, with more tenderness for the patient than consideration for his own interest, as the next words promised to relate to the succession. "sir gervaise oakes tells me, he understands your wishes, generally, and that he is now prepared to gratify them. first relieve your mind, in matters of business; and, then, i shall be most happy to exchange with you the feelings of kindred." "yes, sir wycherly," put in sir gervaise, on this hint; "i believe i have now found the clue to all you wish to say. the few words written by you, last night, were the commencement of a will, which it is your strong desire to make. do not speak, but raise your right hand, if i am not mistaken." the sick man actually stretched his right arm above the bed-clothes, and his dull eyes lighted with an expression of pleasure, that proved how strongly his feelings were enlisted in the result. "you see, gentlemen!" said sir gervaise, with emphasis. "no one can mistake the meaning of this! come nearer, doctor--mr. rotherham--all who have no probable interest in the affair--i wish it to be seen that sir wycherly wychecombe is desirous of making his will." the vice-admiral now went through the ceremony of repeating his request, and got the same significant answer. "so i understood it, sir wycherly, and i believe now i also understand all about the 'half,' and the 'whole,' and the '_nullus_.' you meant to tell us that your kinsman, sir reginald wychecombe, was of the 'half-blood' as respects yourself, and that mr. thomas wychecombe, your nephew, is what is termed in law--however painful this may be, gentlemen, at such solemn moments the truth must be plainly spoken--that mr. thomas wychecombe is what the law terms a '_filius nullius_.' if we have understood you in this, also, have the goodness to give this company the same sign of assent." the last words were scarcely spoken, before sir wycherly again raised his arm, and nodded his head. "here there can be no mistake, and no one rejoices in it more than i do myself; for, the unintelligible words gave me a great deal of vexation. well, my dear sir, understanding your wishes, my secretary, mr. atwood, has drawn the commencement of a will, in the usual form, using your own pious and proper language of--'in the name of god, amen,' as the commencement; and he stands ready to write down your bequests, as you may see fit to name them. we will take them, first, on a separate piece of paper; then read them to you, for your approbation; and afterwards, transcribe them into the will. i believe, sir reginald, that mode would withstand the subtleties of all the gentlemen of all the inns of court?" "it is a very proper and prudent mode for executing a will, sir, under the peculiar circumstances," returned he of hertfordshire. "but, sir gervaise, my situation, here, is a little delicate, as may be that of mr. thomas wychecombe--others of the name and family, if any such there be. would it not be well to inquire if our presence is actually desired by the intended testator?" "is it your wish, sir wycherly, that your kinsmen and namesakes remain in the room, or shall they retire until the will is executed? i will call over the names of the company, and when you wish any one, in particular, to stay in the room, you will nod your head." "all--all stay," muttered sir wycherly; "sir reginald--tom--wycherly--all--" "this seems explicit enough, gentlemen," resumed the vice-admiral. "you are _all_ requested to stay; and, if i might venture an opinion, our poor friend has named those on whom he intends his bequests to fall--and pretty much, too, in the order in which they will come." "that will appear more unanswerably when sir wycherly has expressed his intentions in words," observed sir reginald, very desirous that there should not be the smallest appearance of dictation or persuasion offered to his kinsman, at a moment so grave. "let me entreat that no leading questions be put." "sir gervaise understands leading in battle, much better than in a cross-examination, sir reginald," bluewater observed, in a tone so low, that none heard him but the person to whom the words were addressed. "i think we shall sooner get at sir wycherly's wishes, by allowing him to take his own course." the other bowed, and appeared disposed to acquiesce. in the mean time preparations were making for the construction of the will. atwood seated himself at a table near the bed, and commenced nibbing his pens; the medical men administered a cordial; sir gervaise caused all the witnesses to range themselves around the room, in a way that each might fairly see, and be seen; taking care, however, so to dispose of wycherly, as to leave no doubt of his handsome person's coming into the sick man's view. the lieutenant's modesty might have rebelled at this arrangement, had he not found himself immediately at the side of mildred. chapter xiv. "yet, all is o'er!--fear, doubt, suspense, are fled, let brighter thoughts be with the virtuous dead! the final ordeal of the soul is past, and the pale brow is sealed to heaven at last." mrs. hemans. it will be easily supposed that tom wychecombe witnessed the proceedings related in the preceding chapter with dismay. the circumstance that he actually possessed a _bona fide_ will of his uncle, which left him heir of all the latter owned, real or personal, had made him audacious, and first induced him to take the bold stand of asserting his legitimacy, and of claiming all its consequences. he had fully determined to assume the title on the demise of sir wycherly; plausibly enough supposing that, as there was no heir to the baronetcy, the lands once in his quiet possession, no one would take sufficient interest in the matter to dispute his right to the rank. here, however, was a blow that menaced death to all his hopes. his illegitimacy seemed to be known to others, and there was every prospect of a new will's supplanting the old one, in its more important provisions, at least. he was at a loss to imagine what had made this sudden change in his uncle's intentions; for he did not sufficiently understand himself, to perceive that the few months of close communion which had succeeded the death of his reputed father, had sufficed to enlighten sir wycherly on the subject of his own true character, and to awaken a disgust that had remained passive, until suddenly aroused by the necessity of acting; and, least of all, could he understand how surprisingly the moral vision of men is purified and enlarged, as respects both the past and the future, by the near approach of death. although symptoms of strong dissatisfaction escaped him, he quieted his feelings as much as possible, cautiously waiting for any occurrence that might be used in setting aside the contemplated instrument, hereafter; or, what would be still better, to defeat its execution, now. as soon as the necessary preparations were made, atwood, his pen nibbed, ink at hand, and paper spread, was ready to proceed: and a breathless stillness existing in the chamber, sir gervaise resumed the subject on which they were convened. "atwood will read to you what he has already written, sir wycherly," he said; "should the phraseology be agreeable to you, you will have the goodness to make a sign to that effect. well, if all is ready, you can now commence--hey! atwood?" "'in the name of god, amen,'" commenced the methodical secretary; "'i, wycherly wychecombe, bart., of wychecombe-hall, in the county of devon, being of sound mind, but of a feeble state of health, and having the view of death before my eyes, revoking all other wills, codicils, or testamentary devises, whatsoever, do make and declare this instrument to be my last will and testament: that is to say, imprimis, i do hereby constitute and appoint ---- ---- of ----, the executor of this my said will, with all the powers and authority that the law gives, or may hereafter give to said executor. secondly, i give and bequeath to ----.' this is all that is yet written, sir gervaise, blanks being left for the name or names of the executor or executors, as well for the 's' at the end of 'executor,' should the testator see fit to name more than one." "there, sir reginald," said the vice-admiral, not altogether without exultation; "this is the way we prepare these things on board a man-of-war! a flag-officer's secretary needs have himself qualified to do any thing, short of a knowledge of administering to the cure of souls!" "and the cure of bodies, ye'll be permitting me to add, sir gervaise," observed magrath, taking an enormous pinch of a strong yellow snuff. "our secretary would make but a lubberly fist at turning off a delicate turtle-soup out of pig's-head; such as we puts on our table at sea, so often," muttered galleygo in the ear of mrs. larder. "i see nothing to object to, sir gervaise, if the language is agreeable to sir wycherly," answered the barrister by profession, though not by practice. "it would be advisable to get his approbation of even the language." "that we intend to do, of course, sir. sir wycherly, do you find the terms of this will to your liking?" sir wycherly smiled, and very clearly gave the sign of assent. "i thought as much--for, atwood has made the wills of two admirals, and of three captains, to my knowledge; and my lord chief justice said that one of the last would have done credit to the best conveyancer in england, and that it was a pity the testator had nothing to bequeath. now, sir wycherly, will you have one executor, or more? if _one_, hold up a single finger; and a finger for each additional executor you wish us to insert in these blanks. one, atwood--you perceive, gentlemen, that sir wycherly raises but _one_ finger; and so you can give a flourish at the end of the 'r,' as the word will be in the singular;--hey! atwood?" the secretary did as directed, and then reported himself ready to proceed. "it will be necessary for you now to _name_ your executor, sir wycherly--make as little effort as possible, as we shall understand the name, alone." sir wycherly succeeded in uttering the name of "sir reginald wychecombe," quite audibly. "this is plain enough," resumed the vice-admiral; "how does the sentence read now, atwood?" "'_imprimis:_--i do hereby constitute and appoint sir reginald wychecombe of wychecombe-regis, in the county of herts, baronet, the executor of this my said will, &c.'" "if that clause is to your liking, sir wycherly, have the goodness to give the sign agreed on." the sick man smiled, nodded his head, raised his hand, and looked anxiously at his kinsman. "i consent to serve, sir wycherly, if such is your desire," observed the nominee, who detected the meaning of his kinsman's look. "and now, sir," continued the vice-admiral; "it is necessary to ask you a few questions, in order that atwood may know what next to write. is it your desire to bequeath any real estate?" sir wycherly assented. "do you wish to bequeath _all_ your real estate?" the same sign of assent was given. "do you wish to bequeath _all_ to one person?" the sign of assent was given to this also. "this makes plain sailing, and a short run,--hey! atwood?" the secretary wrote as fast as possible, and in two or three minutes he read aloud, as follows-- "'secondly, i make and declare the following bequests or devises--that is to say, i give and bequeath to ---- ---- of ------, all the real estate of which i may die seised, together with all the houses, tenements, hereditaments, and appurtenances thereunto belonging, and all my rights to the same, whether in law or equity, to be possessed and enjoyed by the said ---- ---- of ------ in fee, by ---- heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, for ever.' there are blanks for the name and description, as well as for the sex of the devisee," added the secretary. "all very proper and legal, i believe, sir reginald?--i am glad you think so, sir. now, sir wycherly, we wait for the name of the lucky person you mean thus to favour." "sir reginald wychecombe," the sick man uttered, painfully; "half-blood--no _nullus_. sir michael's heir--_my_ heir." "this is plain english!" cried sir gervaise, in the way of a man who is not displeased; "put in the name of 'sir reginald wychecombe of wychecombe-regis, herts,' atwood--ay--that justs fills the blank handsomely--you want '_his_ heirs, executors, &c.' in the other blank." "i beg your pardon, sir gervaise; it should read 'by _himself, his_ heirs, &c.'" "very true--very true, atwood. now read it slowly, and sir wycherly will assent, if he approve." this was done, and sir wycherly not only approved, but it was apparent to all present, the abashed and confounded tom himself not excepted, that he approved, with a feeling akin to delight. "that gives a black eye to all the land,--hey! atwood?" said sir gervaise; who, by this time, had entered into the business in hand, with all the interest of a regular notary--or, rather, with that of one, on whose shoulders rested the responsibility of success or failure. "we come next to the personals. do you wish to bequeath your furniture, wines, horses, carriages, and other things of that sort, to any particular person, sir wycherly?" "all--sir reginald--wychecombe--half-blood--old sir michael's heir," answered the testator. "good--clap that down, atwood, for it is doing the thing, as i like to see family affairs settled. as soon as you are ready, let us hear how it sounds in writing." "i furthermore bequeath to the said sir reginald wychecombe of wychecombe-regis, as aforesaid, baronet, all my personal property, whatsoever,'" read atwood, as soon as ready; "'including furniture, wines, pictures, books, horses and carriages, and all other goods and chattels, of which i may die possessed, excepting thereout and therefrom, nevertheless, such sums in money, stocks, bonds, notes, or other securities for debts, or such articles as i may in this instrument especially devise to any other person.' we can now go to especial legacies, sir gervaise, and then another clause may make sir reginald residuary legatee, if such be sir wycherly's pleasure." "if you approve of that clause, my dear sir, make the usual sign of assent." sir wycherly both raised his hand and nodded his head, evidently quite satisfied. "now, my good sir, we come to the pounds--no--guineas? you like that better--well, i confess that it sounds better on the ear, and is more in conformity with the habits of gentlemen. will you now bequeath guineas? good--first name the legatee--is that right, sir reginald?" "quite right, sir gervaise; and sir wycherly will understand that he now names the first person to whom he wishes to bequeath any thing else." "milly," muttered the sick man. "what? mills!--the mills go with the lands, sir reginald?" "he means miss mildred dutton," eagerly interposed wycherly, though with sufficient modesty. "yes--right--right," added the testator. "little milly--milly dutton--good little milly." sir gervaise hesitated, and looked round at bluewater, as much as to say "this is bringing coals to newcastle;" but atwood took the idea, and wrote the bequest, in the usual form. "'i give and bequeath to mildred dutton,'" he read aloud, "'daughter of francis dutton of the royal navy, the sum of ----' what sum shall i fill the blank with, sir wycherly?" "three--three--yes, three." "hundreds or thousands, my good sir?" asked sir gervaise, a little surprised at the amount of the bequest. "guineas--three--thousand--guineas--five per cents." "that's as plain as logarithms. give the young lady three thousand guineas in the fives, atwood." "'i give and bequeath to mildred dutton, daughter of francis dutton of the royal navy, the sum of three thousand guineas in the five per cent. stocks of this kingdom.' will that do, sir wycherly?" the old man looked at mildred and smiled benevolently; for, at that moment, he felt he was placing the pure and lovely girl above the ordinary contingencies of her situation, by rendering her independent. "whose name shall we next insert, sir wycherly?" resumed the vice-admiral. "there must be many more of these guineas left." "gregory--and--james--children of my brother thomas--baron wychecombe--five thousand guineas each," added the testator, making a great effort to express his meaning as clearly as possible. he was understood; and, after a short consultation with the vice-admiral, atwood wrote out the devise at length. "'i give and bequeath to my nephews, gregory and james wychecombe, the reputed sons of my late brother, thomas wychecombe, one of the barons of his majesty's exchequer, the sum of five thousand guineas, each, in the five per cent. funded debt of this kingdom.'" "do you approve of the devise, sir wycherly? if so, make the usual sign of assent?" sir wycherly complied, as in all the previous cases of his approval. "whose name shall we next insert, in readiness for a legacy, sir wycherly?" asked the admiral. here was a long pause, the baronet evidently turning over in his mind, what he had done, and what yet remained to do. "spread yourselves, my friends, in such a way as to permit the testator to see you all," continued the vice-admiral, motioning with his hand to widen the circle around the bed, which had been contracted a little by curiosity and interest; "stand more this way, _lieutenant wycherly wychecombe_, that the ladies may see and be seen; and you, too, mr. thomas wychecombe, come further in front, where your uncle will observe you." this speech pretty exactly reflected the workings of the speaker's mind. the idea that wycherly was a natural child of the baronet's, notwithstanding the virginian story, was uppermost in his thoughts; and, taking the supposed fact in connection with the young man's merit, he earnestly desired to obtain a legacy for him. as for tom, he cared little whether his name appeared in the will or not. justice was now substantially done, and the judge's property being sufficient for his wants, the present situation of the lately reputed heir excited but little sympathy. nevertheless, sir gervaise thought it would be generous, under the circumstances, to remind the testator that such a being as tom wychecombe existed. "here is your nephew, mr. thomas, sir wycherly," he said; "is it your wish to let his name appear in your will?" the sick man smiled coldly; but he moved his head, as much as to imply assent. "'i give and bequeath to thomas wychecombe, the eldest reputed son of my late brother, thomas, one of the barons of his majesty's exchequer,'" read atwood, when the clause was duly written; "'the sum of ----, in the five per cent. stocks of this kingdom.'" "what sum will you have inserted, sir wycherly?" asked the vice-admiral. "fifty--fifty--_pounds_" said the testator, in a voice clearer and fuller than he had before used that day. the necessary words were immediately inserted; the clause, as completed, was read again, and the approval was confirmed by a distinctly pronounced "yes." tom started, but, as all the others maintained their self-command, the business of the moment did not the less proceed. "do you wish any more names introduced into your will, sir wycherly?" asked the vice-admiral. "you have bequeathed but--a-a-a--how much--hey! atwood?--ay, ten and three are thirteen, and fifty _pounds_, make £ , ; and i hear you have £ , funded, besides loose cash, beyond a doubt." "ann larder--samuel cork--richard bitts--david brush--phoebe keys," said sir wycherly, slowly, giving time after each pause, for atwood to write; naming his cook, butler, groom, valet or body-servant, and housekeeper, in the order they have been laid before the reader. "how much to each, sir wycherly?--i see atwood has made short work, and put them all in the same clause--that will never do, unless the legacies are the same." "good--good--right," muttered the testator; "£ --each--£ --all--money--money." this settled the point, and the clause was regularly written, read, and approved. "this raises the money bequests to £ , , sir wycherly--some or £ more must remain to be disposed of. stand a little further this way, if you please, mr. _wycherly_ wychecombe, and allow the ladies more room. whose name shall we insert next, sir?" sir wycherly, thus directed by the eager desire of the admiral to serve the gallant lieutenant, fastened his eyes on the young man, regarding him quite a minute in silent attention. "virginian--same name--american--colonies--good lad--_brave_ lad--£ ," muttered the sick man between his teeth; and, yet so breathless was the quiet of the chamber, at that moment, every syllable was heard by all present. "yes--£ --wycherly wychecombe--royal navy--" atwood's pen was running rapidly over the paper, and had just reached the name of the contemplated legatee, when his hand was arrested by the voice of the young man himself. "stop, mr. atwood--do not insert any clause in my favour!" cried wycherly, his face the colour of crimson, and his chest heaving with the emotions he felt it so difficult to repress. "i decline the legacy--it will be useless to write it, as i will not receive a shilling." "young sir," said sir gervaise, with a little of the severity of a superior, when he rebukes an interior, in his manner; "you speak hastily. it is not the office of an auditor or of a spectator, to repel the kindness of a man about to pass from the face of the earth, into the more immediate presence of his god!" "i have every sentiment of respect for sir wycherly wychecombe, sir;--every friendly wish for his speedy recovery, and a long evening to his life; but, i will accept of the money of no man who holds my country in such obvious distaste, as, it is apparent, the testator holds mine." "you are an englishman, i believe, _lieutenant_ wychecombe; and a servant of king george ii.?" "i am _not_ an englishman, sir gervaise oakes--but an american; a virginian, entitled to all the rights and privileges of a british subject. i am no more an englishman, than dr. magrath may lay claim to the same character." "this is putting the case strongly,--hey! atwood?" answered the vice-admiral, smiling in spite of the occasion. "i am far from saying that you are an englishman, in all senses, sir; but you are one in the sense that gives you national character and national rights. you are a _subject_ of _england_." "no, sir gervaise; your pardon. i am the subject of george ii., but in no manner a subject of _england_. i am, in one sense, perhaps, a subject of the british empire; but i am not the less a virginian, and an american. not a shilling of any man's money will i ever touch, who expresses his contempt for either." "you forget yourself, young man, and overlook the future. the hundred or two of prize-money, bought at the expense of your blood, in the late affair at groix, will not last for ever." "it is gone, already, sir, every shilling of it having been sent to the widow of the boatswain who was killed at my side. i am no beggar, sir gervaise oakes, though only an american. i am the owner of a plantation, which affords me a respectable independence, already; and i do not serve from necessity, but from choice. perhaps, if sir wycherly knew this, he would consent to omit my name. i honour and respect him; would gladly relieve his distress, either of body or mind; but i cannot consent to accept his money when offered on terms i consider humiliating." this was said modestly, but with a warmth and sincerity which left no doubt that the speaker was in earnest. sir gervaise too much respected the feelings of the young man to urge the matter any further, and he turned towards the bed, in expectation of what the sick man might next say. sir wycherly heard and understood all that passed, and it did not fail to produce an impression, even in the state to which he was reduced. kind-hearted, and indisposed to injure even a fly, all the natural feelings of the old man resumed their ascendency, and he would gladly have given every shilling of his funded property to be able freely to express his compunction at having ever uttered a syllable that could offend sensibilities so noble and generous. but this exceeded his powers, and he was fain to do the best he could, in the painful situation in which he was placed. "noble fellow!" he stuttered out; "honour to name--come here--sir gervaise--bring here--" "i believe it is the wish of sir wycherly, that you would draw near the bed, mr. wychecombe of _virginia_," said the vice-admiral, pithily, though he extended a hand to, and smiled kindly on, the youth as the latter passed him in compliance. the sick man now succeeded, with a good deal of difficulty, in drawing a valuable signet-ring from a finger.--this ring bore the wychecombe arms, engraved on it. it was without the bloody hand, however; for it was far older than the order of baronets, having, as wycherly well knew, been given by one of the plantagenet dukes to an ancestor of the family, during the french wars of henry vi., and that, too, in commemoration of some signal act of gallantry in the field. "wear this--noble fellow--honour to name," said sir wycherly. "_must_ be descended--all wychecombes descended--him--" "i thank you, sir wycherly, for this present, which i prize as it ought to be prized," said wycherly, every trace of any other feeling than that of gratitude having vanished from his countenance. "i may have no claims to your honours or money; but this ring i need not be ashamed to wear, since it was bestowed on one who was as much _my_ ancestor, as he was the ancestor of any wychecombe in england." "legitimate?" cried tom, a fierce feeling of resentment upsetting his caution and cunning. "yes, sir, _legitimate_," answered wycherly, turning to his interrogator, with the calmness of one conscious of his own truth, and with a glance of the eye that caused tom to shrink back again into the circle. "i need no _bar_, to enable me to use this seal, which, you may perceive, sir gervaise oakes, is a _fac simile_ of the one i ordinarily wear, and which was transmitted to me from my direct ancestors." the vice-admiral compared the seal on wycherly's watch-chain with that on the ring, and, the bearings being principally griffins, he was enabled to see that one was the exact counterpart of the other. sir reginald advanced a step, and when the admiral had satisfied himself, he also took the two seals and compared them. as all the known branches of the wychecombes of wychecombe, bore the same arms, viz., griffins for wychecombe, with three battering-rams quartered, for wycherly,--he saw, at once, that the young man habitually carried about his person, this proof of a common origin. sir reginald knew very well that arms were often assumed, as well as names, and the greater the obscurity of the individual who took these liberties, the greater was his impunity; but the seal was a very ancient one, and innovations on personal rights were far less frequent a century since, than they are to-day. then the character and appearance of wycherly put fraud out of the question, so far as the young lieutenant himself was concerned. although the elder branch of the family, legitimately speaking, was reduced to the helpless old man who was now stretched upon his death-bed, his own had been extensive; and it well might be that some cadet of the wychecombes of wychecombe-regis, had strayed into the colonies and left descendants. secretly resolving to look more closely into these facts, he gravely returned the seals, and intimated to sir gervaise that the more important business before them had better proceed. on this hint, atwood resumed the pen, and the vice-admiral his duties. "there want yet some or £ to make up £ , , sir wycherly, which i understand is the sum you have in the funds. whose name or names will you have next inserted?" "rotherham--vicar--poor st. james--gone; yes--mr.--rotherham--vicar." the clause was written, the sum of £ was inserted, and the whole was read and approved. "this still leaves us some £ more to deal with, my dear sir?" a long pause succeeded, during which time sir wycherly was deliberating what to do with the rest of his ready money. at length his wandering eye rested on the pale features of mrs. dutton; and, while he had a sort of liking, that proceeded from habit, for her husband, he remembered that she had many causes for sorrow. with a feeling that was creditable to his own heart, he uttered her name, and the sum of £ . the clause was written, accordingly, read and approved. "we have still £ certainly, if not £ ," added sir gervaise. "milly--dear little--milly--pretty milly," stammered out the baronet, affectionately. "this must go into a codicil, sir gervaise," interrupted atwood; "there being already one legacy in the young lady's favour. shall it be one, two, three, or four thousand pounds, sir wycherly, in favour of miss mildred, to whom you have already bequeathed £ ." the sick man muttered the words "three thousand," after a short pause, adding "codicil." his wishes were complied with, and the whole was read and approved. after this, sir gervaise inquired if the testator wished to make any more devises. sir wycherly, who had in effect bequeathed, within a few hundred pounds, all he had to bestow, bethought himself, for a few moments, of the state of his affairs, and then he signified his satisfaction with what had been done. "as it is possible, sir wycherly, that you may have overlooked something," said sir gervaise, "and it is better that nothing should escheat to the crown, i will suggest the expediency of your making some one residuary legatee." the poor old man smiled an assent, and then he succeeded in muttering the name of "sir reginald wychecombe." this clause, like all the others, was written, read, and approved. the will was now completed, and preparations were made to read it carefully over to the intended testator. in order that this might be done with sufficient care for future objections, the two admirals and atwood, who were selected for the witnesses, each read the testament himself, in order to say that nothing was laid before the testator but that which was fairly contained in the instrument, and that nothing was omitted. when all was ready, the will was audibly and slowly read to sir wycherly, by the secretary, from the beginning to the end. the old man listened with great attention; smiled when mildred's name was mentioned; and clearly expressed, by signs and words, his entire satisfaction when all was ended. it remained only to place a pen in his hand, and to give him such assistance as would enable him to affix his name twice; once to the body of the instrument; and, when this was duly witnessed, then again to the codicil. by this time, tom wychecombe thought that the moment for interposing had arrived. he had been on thorns during the whole proceeding, forming desperate resolutions to sustain the bold fraud of his legitimacy, and thus take all the lands and heirlooms of the estate, under the entail; still he well knew that a subordinate but important question might arise, as between the validity of the two wills, in connection with sir wycherly's competency to make the last. it was material, therefore, in his view of the case, to enter a protest. "gentlemen," he said, advancing to the foot of the bed; "i call on you all to observe the nature of this whole transaction. my poor, beloved, but misled uncle, no longer ago than last night, was struck with a fit of apoplexy, or something so very near it as to disqualify him to judge in these matters; and here he is urged to make a will--" "by whom, sir?" demanded sir gervaise, with a severity of tone that induced the speaker to fall back a step. "why, sir, in my judgment, by all in the room. if not with their tongues, at least with their eyes." "and why should all in the room do this? am i a legatee?--is admiral bluewater to be a gainer by this will?--_can_ witnesses to a will be legatees?" "i do not wish to dispute the matter with you, sir gervaise oakes; but i solemnly protest against this irregular and most extraordinary manner of making a will. let all who hear me, remember this, and be ready to testify to it when called on in a court of justice." here sir wycherly struggled to rise in the bed, in evident excitement, gesticulating strongly to express his disgust, and his wish for his nephew to withdraw. but the physicians endeavoured to pacify him, while atwood, with the paper spread on a port-folio, and a pen in readiness, coolly proceeded to obtain the necessary signatures. sir wycherly's hand trembled so much when it received the pen, that, for the moment, writing was out of the question, and it became necessary to administer a restorative in order to strengthen his nerves. "away--out of sight," muttered the excited baronet, leaving no doubt on all present, that the uppermost feeling of the moment was the strong desire to rid himself of the presence of the offensive object. "sir reginald--little milly--poor servants--brothers--all the rest, stay." "just be calming the mind, sir wycherly wychecombe," put in magrath, "and ye'll be solacing the body by the same effort. when the mind is in a state of exaltation, the nervous system is apt to feel the influence of sympathy. by bringing the two in harmonious co-operation, the testamentary devises will have none the less of validity, either in reality or in appearances." sir wycherly understood the surgeon, and he struggled for self-command. he raised the pen, and succeeded in getting its point on the proper place. then his dim eye lighted, and shot a reproachful glance at tom; he smiled in a ghastly manner, looked towards the paper, passed a hand across his brow, closed his eyes, and fell back on the pillow, utterly unconscious of all that belonged to life, its interests, its duties, or its feelings. in ten minutes, he ceased to breathe. thus died sir wycherly wychecombe, after a long life, in which general qualities of a very negative nature, had been somewhat relieved, by kindness of feeling, a passive if not an active benevolence, and such a discharge of his responsible duties as is apt to flow from an absence of any qualities that are positively bad; as well as of many of material account, that are affirmatively good. chapter xv. "come ye, who still the cumbrous load of life push hard up hill; but at the farthest steep you trust to gain, and put on end to strife, down thunders back the stone with mighty sweep, and hurls your labours to the valley deep;--" thomson. the sudden, and, in some measure, unlooked-for event, related in the close of the last chapter, produced a great change in the condition of things at wychecombe hall. the first step was to make sure that the baronet was actually dead; a fact that sir gervaise oakes, in particular, was very unwilling to believe, in the actual state of his feelings. men often fainted, and apoplexy required _three_ blows to kill; the sick man might still revive, and at least be able to execute his so clearly expressed intentions. "ye'll never have act of any sort, testamentary or matrimonial, legal or illegal, in this life, from the late sir wycherly wychecombe of wychecombe hall, devonshire," coolly observed magrath, as he collected the different medicines and instruments he had himself brought forth for the occasion. "he's far beyond the jurisdiction of my lord high chancellor of the college of physicians and surgeons; and therefore, ye'll be acting prudently to consider him as deceased; or, in the light in which the human body is placed by the cessation of all the animal functions." this decided the matter, and the necessary orders were given; all but the proper attendants quitting the chamber of death. it would be far from true to say that no one lamented sir wycherly wychecombe. both mrs. dutton and mildred grieved for his sudden end, and wept sincerely for his loss; though totally without a thought of its consequences to themselves. the daughter did not even once think how near she had been to the possession of £ , and how unfortunately the cup of comparative affluence had been dashed from her lips; though truth compels us to avow that the mother did once recall this circumstance, with a feeling akin to regret. a similar recollection had its influence on the manifestations of sorrow that flowed from others. the domestics, in particular, were too much astounded to indulge in any very abstracted grief, and sir gervaise and atwood were both extremely vexed. in short, the feelings, usual to such occasions were but little indulged in, though there was a strict observance of decorum. sir reginald wychecombe noted these circumstances attentively, and he took his measures accordingly. seizing a favourable moment to consult with the two admirals, his decision was soon made; and, within an hour after his kinsman's death, all the guests and most of the upper servants were assembled in the room, which it was the usage of the house to call the library; though the books were few, and seldom read. previously, there had been a consultation between sir reginald and the two admirals, to which atwood had been admitted, _ex officio_. as every thing, therefore, had been arranged in advance, there was no time lost unnecessarily, when the company was collected; the hertfordshire baronet coming to the point at once, and that in the clearest manner. "gentlemen, and you, good people, domestics of the late sir wycherly wychecombe," he commenced; "you are all acquainted with the unfortunate state of this household. by the recent death of its master, it is left without a head; and the deceased departing this life a bachelor, there is no child to assume his place, as the natural and legal successor. in one sense, i might be deemed the next of kin; though, by a _dictum_ of the common law i have no claim to the succession. nevertheless, you all know it was the intention of our late friend to constitute me his executor, and i conceive it proper that search should now be made for a will, which, by being duly executed, must dispose of all in this house, and let us know who is entitled to command at this solemn and important moment. it strikes me, sir gervaise oakes, that the circumstances are so peculiar as to call for prompt proceedings." "i fully agree with you, sir reginald," returned the vice-admiral; "but before we proceed any further, i would suggest the propriety of having as many of those present as possible, who have an interest in the result. mr. thomas wychecombe, the reputed nephew of the deceased, i do not see among us." on examination, this was found to be true, and the man of tom wychecombe, who had been ordered by his master to be present as a spy, was immediately sent to the latter, with a request that he would attend. after a delay of two or three minutes, the fellow returned with the answer. "sir thomas wychecombe's compliments, gentlemen," he said, "and he desires to know the object of your request. he is in his room, indulging in natural grief for his recent loss; and he prefers to be left alone with his sorrows, just at this moment, if it be agreeable to you." this was taking high ground in the commencement; and, as the man had his cue, and delivered his message with great distinctness and steadiness, the effect on the dependants of the household was very evident. sir reginald's face flushed, while sir gervaise bit his lip; bluewater played with the hilt of his sword, very indifferent to all that was passing; while atwood and the surgeons shrugged their shoulders and smiled. the first of these persons well knew that tom had no shadow of a claim to the title he had been in so much haste to assume, however, and he hoped that the feebleness of his rights in all particulars, was represented by the mixed feebleness and impudence connected with this message. determined not to be bullied from his present purpose, therefore, he turned to the servant and sent him back with a second message, that did not fail of its object. the man was directed to inform his master, that sir reginald wychecombe was in possession of facts that, in his opinion, justified the course he was taking, and if "mr. thomas wychecombe" did not choose to appear, in order to look after his own interests, he should proceed without him. this brought tom into the room, his face pale with uncertainty, rather than with grief, and his mind agitated with such apprehensions as are apt to beset even the most wicked, when they take their first important step in evil. he bowed, however, to the company with an air that he intended to represent the manner of a well-bred man acknowledging his duties to respected guests. "if i appear remiss in any of the duties of a host, gentlemen," he said, "you will overlook it, i trust, in consideration of my present feelings. sir wycherly was my father's elder brother, and was very dear, as he was very _near_ to me. by this melancholy death, sir reginald, i am suddenly and unexpectedly elevated to be the head of our ancient and honourable family; but i know my own personal unworthiness to occupy that distinguished place, and feel how much better it would be filled by yourself. although the law has placed a wide and impassable barrier between all of your branch of the family and ourselves, i shall ever be ready to acknowledge the affinity, and to confess that it does us quite as much honour as it bestows." sir reginald, by a great effort, commanded himself so far as to return the bow, and apparently to receive the condescending admissions of the speech, with a proper degree of respect. "sir, i thank you," he answered, with formal courtesy; "no affinity that can be properly and legally established, will ever be disavowed by me. under present circumstances, however, summoned as i have been to the side of his death-bed, by the late sir wycherly, himself, and named by him, as one might say, with his dying breath, as his executor, i feel it a duty to inquire into the rights of all parties, and, if possible, to ascertain who is the successor, and consequently who has the best claim to command here." "you surely do not attach any validity, sir reginald, to the pretended will that was so singularly drawn up in my dear uncle's presence, an hour before he died! had that most extraordinary instrument been duly signed and sealed, i cannot think that the doctor's commons would sustain it; but _unsigned_ and _unsealed_, it is no better than so much waste paper." "as respects the real estate, sir, though so great a loser by the delay of five minutes, i am willing to admit that you are right. with regard to the personals, a question in equity--one of clearly-expressed intention--might possibly arise; though even of that i am by no means certain." "no, sir; no--" cried tom, a glow of triumph colouring his cheek, in spite of every effort to appear calm; "no english court would ever disturb the natural succession to the personals! i am the last man to wish to disturb some of these legacies--particularly that to mr. rotherham, and those to the poor, faithful domestics,"--tom saw the prudence of conciliating allies, at such a critical moment, and his declaration had an instant and strong effect, as was evident by the countenances of many of the listeners;--"and i may say, that to miss mildred dutton; all of which will be duly paid, precisely as if my beloved uncle had been in his right mind, and had actually made the bequests; for this mixture of reason and justice, with wild and extraordinary conceits, is by no means uncommon among men of great age, and in their last moments. however, sir reginald, i beg you will proceed, and act as in your judgment the extraordinary circumstances of what may be called a very peculiar case, require." "i conceive it to be our duty, sir, to search for a will. if sir wycherly has actually died intestate, it will be time enough to inquire into the question of the succession at common law. i have here the keys of his private secretary; and mr. furlong, the land-steward, who has just arrived, and whom you see in the room, tells me sir wycherly was accustomed to keep all his valuable papers in this piece of furniture. i shall now proceed to open it." "do so, sir reginald; no one can have a stronger desire than myself to ascertain my beloved uncle's pleasure. those to whom he _seemed_ to wish to give, even, shall not be losers for the want of his name." tom was greatly raised in the opinions of half in the room, by this artful declaration, which was effectually securing just so many friends, in the event of any occurrence that might render such support necessary. in the mean time, sir reginald, assisted by the steward, opened the secretary, and found the deposite of papers. the leases were all in order; the title-deeds were properly arranged; the books and accounts appeared to be exactly kept: ordinary bills and receipts were filed with method; two or three bags of guineas proved that ready cash was not wanting; and, in short, every thing showed that the deceased had left his affairs in perfect order, and in a very intelligible condition. paper after paper, however, was opened, and nothing like a will, rough draft or copied, was to be found. disappointment was strongly painted on the faces of all the gentlemen present; for, they had ignorantly imbibed the opinion, that the production of a will would, in some unknown manner, defeat the hopes of the _soi-disant_ sir thomas wychecombe. nor was tom, himself, altogether without concern; for, since the recent change in his uncle's feelings towards himself, he had a secret apprehension that some paper might be found, to defeat all his hopes. triumph, however, gradually assumed the place of fear, in the expression of his countenance; and when mr. furlong, a perfectly honest man, declared that, from the late baronet's habits, as well as from the result of this search, he did not believe that any such instrument existed, his feelings overflowed in language. "not so fast, master furlong--not so fast," he cried; "here is something that possibly even your legal acumen may be willing to term a will. you perceive, gentlemen, i have it in my possession on good authority, as it is addressed to me by name, and that, too, in sir wycherly's own hand-writing; the envelope is sealed with his private seal. you will pronounce this to be my dear uncle's hand. furlong,"--showing the superscription of the letter--"and this to be his seal?" "both are genuine, gentlemen," returned the steward, with a sigh. "thus far, mr. thomas is in the right." "_mr._ thomas, sirrah!--and why not _sir_ thomas? are baronets addressed as other men, in england? but, no matter! there is a time for all things. sir gervaise oakes, as you are perfectly indifferent in this affair, i ask of you the favour to break the seal, and to inquire into the contents of the paper?" the vice-admiral was not slow in complying; for, by this time, he began to feel an intense interest in the result. the reader will readily understand that tom had handed to sir gervaise the will drawn up by his father, and which, after inserting his reputed nephew's name, sir wycherly had duly executed, and delivered to the person most interested. the envelope, address, and outer seal, tom had obtained the very day the will was signed, after assuring himself of the contents of the latter, by six or eight careful perusals. the vice-admiral read the instrument from beginning to end, before he put it into the hands of sir reginald to examine. the latter fully expected to meet with a clumsy forgery; but the instant his eyes fell on the phraseology, he perceived that the will had been drawn by one expert in the law. a second look satisfied him that the hand was that of mr. baron wychecombe. it has already been said, that in this instrument, sir wycherly bequeathed all he had on earth, to "his nephew, thomas wychecombe, son, &c., &c.," making his heir, also, his executor. "this will appears to me to have been drawn up by a very skilful lawyer; the late baron wychecombe," observed the baronet. "it was, sir reginald," answered tom, endeavouring to appear unconcerned. "he did it to oblige my respected uncle, leaving blanks for the name of the devisee, not liking to make a will so very decidedly in favour of his own son. the writing in the blanks is by sir wycherly himself, leaving no doubts of _his_ intentions." "i do not see but you may claim to be the heir of wychecombe, sir, as well as of the personals; though your claims to the baronetcy shall certainly be contested and defeated." "and why defeated?" demanded wycherly, stepping forward for the first time, and speaking with a curiosity he found it difficult to control. "is not mr. thomas--_sir_ thomas, i ought rather to say,--the eldest son of the late sir wycherly's next brother; and, as a matter of course, heir to the title, as well as to the estate?" "not he, as i can answer from a careful examination of proofs. mr. baron wychecombe was never married, and thus _could have_ no heir at law." "is this possible!--how have we all been deceived then, in america!" "why do you say this, young gentleman? can _you_ have any legal claims here?" "i am wycherly, the _only_ son of wycherly, who was the eldest son of gregory, the younger brother of the late baronet; and if what you say be true, the next in succession to the baronetcy, at least." "this is--" tom's words stuck in his throat; for the quiet, stern eye of the young sailor met his look and warned him to be prudent.--"this is a _mistake_," he resumed. "my uncle gregory was lost at sea, and died a bachelor. he can have left no lawful issue." "i must say, young gentleman," added sir reginald, gravely, "that such has always been the history of his fate. i have had too near an interest in this family, to neglect its annals." "i know, sir, that such has been the opinion here for more than half a century; but it was founded in error. the facts are simply these. my grandfather, a warm-hearted but impetuous young man, struck an older lieutenant, when ashore and on duty, in one of the west india islands. the penalty was death; but, neither the party injured nor the commander of the vessel, wished to push matters to extremity, and the offender was advised to absent himself from the ship, at the moment of sailing. the injured party was induced to take this course, as in a previous quarrel, my grandfather had received his fire, without returning it; frankly admitting his fault. the ship did sail without mr. gregory wychecombe, and was lost, every soul on board perishing. my grandfather passed into virginia, where he remained a twelvemonth, suppressing his story, lest its narration might lead to military punishment. love next sealed his future fate. he married a woman of fortune, and though his history was well known in his own retired circle, it never spread beyond it. no one supposed him near the succession, and there was no motive for stating the fact, on account of his interests. once he wrote to sir wycherly, but he suppressed the letter, as likely to give more pain than pleasure. that letter i now have, and in his own hand-writing. i have also his commission, and all the other proofs of identity that such a person would be apt to possess. they are as complete as any court in christendom would be likely to require, for he never felt a necessity for changing his name. he has been dead but two years, and previously to dying he saw that every document necessary to establish my claim, should a moment for enforcing it ever arrive, was put in such a legal form as to admit of no cavilling. he outlived my own father, but none of us thought there was any motive for presenting ourselves, as all believed that the sons of baron wychecombe were legitimate. i can only say, sir, that i have complete legal evidence that i am heir at law of gregory, the younger brother of the late sir wycherly wychecombe. whether the fact will give me any rights here, you best can say." "it will make you heir of entail to this estate, master of this house, and of most of what it contains, and the present baronet. you have only to prove what you say, to defeat every provision of this will, with the exception of that which refers to the personal estate." "bravo!" cried sir gervaise, fairly rubbing his hands with delight. "bravo, dick; if we were aboard the plantagenet, by the lord, i'd turn the hands up, and have three cheers. so then, my brave young seaman, you turn out to be sir wycherly wychecombe, after all!" "yes, that's the way we always does, on board ship," observed galleygo, to the group of domestics; "whenever any thing of a hallooing character turns up. sometimes we makes a signal to admiral blue and the rest on 'em, to 'stand by to cheer,' and all of us sets to, to cheer as if our stomachs was lull of hurrahs, and we wanted to get rid on 'em. if sir jarvy would just pass the word now, you'd have a taste of that 'ere custom, that would do your ears good for a twelvemonth. it's a cheering matter when the one of the trade falls heir to an estate." "and would this be a proper mode of settling a question of a right of property, sir gervaise oakes?" asked tom, with more of right and reason than he commonly had of his side; "and that, too, with my uncle lying dead beneath this roof?" "i acknowledge the justice of the reproof, young sir, and will say no more in the matter--at least, nothing as indiscreet as my last speech. sir reginald, you have the affair in hand, and i recommend it to your serious attention." "fear nothing, sir gervaise," answered he of hertfordshire. "justice shall be done in the premises, if justice rule in england. your story, young gentleman, is probable, and naturally told, and i see a family likeness between you and the wychecombes, generally; a likeness that is certainly not to be traced in the person of the other claimant. did the point depend on the legitimacy of mr. thomas wychecombe, it might be easily determined, as i have his own mother's declaration to the fact of his illegitimacy, as well as of one other material circumstance that may possibly unsettle even the late baron wychecombe's will. but this testamentary devise of sir wycherly appears to be perfect, and nothing but the entail can defeat it. you speak of your proofs; where are they? it is all-important to know which party is entitled to possession." "here they are, sir," answered wycherly, removing a belt from his body, and producing his papers; "not in the originals, certainly; for most of _them_ are matters of official record, in virginia; but in, what the lawyers call 'exemplified copies,' and which i am told are in a fit state to be read as evidence in any court in england, that can take cognizance of the matter." sir reginald took the papers, and began to read them, one by one, and with deep attention. the evidence of the identity of the grandfather was full, and of the clearest nature. he had been recognised as an old schoolfellow, by one of the governors of the colony, and it was at this gentleman's suggestion that he had taken so much pains to perpetuate the evidence of his identity. both the marriages, one with jane beverly, and the other with rebecca randolph, were fully substantiated, as were the two births. the personal identity of the young man, and this too as the only son of wycherly, the _eldest_ son of gregory, was well certified to, and in a way that could leave no doubt as to the person meant. in a word, the proofs were such as a careful and experienced lawyer would have prepared, in a case that admitted of no doubt, and which was liable to be contested in a court of law. sir reginald was quite half an hour in looking over the papers; and during this time, every eye in the room was on him, watching the expression of his countenance with the utmost solicitude. at length, he finished his task, when he again turned to wycherly. "these papers have been prepared with great method, and an acute knowledge of what might be required," he said. "why have they been so long suppressed, and why did you permit sir wycherly to die in ignorance of your near affinity to him, and of your claims?" "of my claims i was ignorant myself, believing not only mr. thomas wychecombe, but his two brothers, to stand before me. this was the opinion of my grandfather, even when he caused these proofs to be perpetuated. they were given to me, that i might claim affinity to the family on my arrival in england; and it was the injunction of my grandfather that they should be worn on my person, until the moment arrived when i could use them." "this explains your not preferring the claim--why not prefer the relationship?" "what for, sir? i found america and americans looked down on, in england--colonists spoken of as a race of inferior beings--of diminished stature, feebler intellects, and a waning spirit, as compared to those from whom they had so recently sprung; and i was too proud to confess an affinity where i saw it was not desired. when wounded, and expecting to die, i was landed here, at my own request, with an intention to state the facts; but, falling under the care of ministering angels,"--here wycherly glanced his eye at mildred and her mother--"i less felt the want of relatives. sir wycherly i honoured; but he too manifestly regarded us americans as inferiors, to leave any wish to tell him i was his great-nephew." "i fear we are not altogether free from this reproach, sir gervaise," observed sir reginald, thoughtfully. "we do appear to think there is something in the air of this part of the island, that renders us better than common. nay, if a claim comes from _over water_, let it be what it may, it strikes us as a foreign and inadmissible claim. the fate from which even princes are not exempt, humbler men must certainly submit to!" "i can understand the feeling, and i think it honourable to the young man. admiral bluewater, you and i have had occasion often to rebuke this very spirit in our young officers; and you will agree with me when i say that this gentleman has acted naturally, in acting as he has." "i must corroborate what you say, sir gervaise," answered bluewater; "and, as one who has seen much of the colonies, and who is getting to be an old man, i venture to predict that this very feeling, sooner or later, will draw down upon england its own consequences, in the shape of condign punishment." "i don't go as far as that, dick--i don't go as far as that. but it is unwise and unsound, and we, who know both hemispheres, ought to set our faces against it. we have already some gallant fellows from that quarter of the world among us, and i hope to live to see more." this, let it be remembered, was said before the hallowells, and coffins, and brentons of our own times, were enrolled in a service that has since become foreign to that of the land of their birth; but it was prophetic of their appearance, and of that of many other high names from the colonies, in the lists of the british marine. wycherly smiled proudly, but he made no answer. all this time, sir reginald had been musing on what had passed. "it would seem, gentlemen," the latter now observed, "that, contrary to our belief, there is an heir to the baronetcy, as well as to the estate of wychecombe; and all our regrets that the late incumbent did not live to execute the will we had drawn at his request, have become useless. sir wycherly wychecombe, i congratulate you, on thus succeeding to the honours and estates of your family; and, as a member of the last, i may be permitted to congratulate all of the name in being so worthily represented. for one of that family i cheerfully recognise you as its head and chief." wycherly bowed his acknowledgments, receiving also the compliments of most of the others present. tom wychecombe, however, formed an exception, and instead of manifesting any disposition to submit to this summary disposal of his claims, he was brooding over the means of maintaining them. detecting by the countenances of the upper servants that they were effectually bribed by his promise to pay the late baronet's legacies, he felt tolerably confident of support from that quarter. he well knew that possession was nine points of the law, and his thoughts naturally turned towards the means necessary to securing this great advantage. as yet, the two claimants were on a par, in this respect; for while the executed will might seem to give him a superior claim, no authority that was derived from an insufficient source would be deemed available in law; and sir wycherly had clearly no right to devise wychecombe, so long as there existed an heir of entail. both parties, too, were merely guests in the house; so that neither had any possession that would require a legal process to eject him. tom had been entered at the temple, and had some knowledge of the law of the land; more especially as related to real estate; and he was aware that there existed some quaint ceremony of taking possession, as it existed under the feudal system; but he was ignorant of the precise forms, and had some reasonable doubts how far they would benefit him, under the peculiar circumstances of this case. on the whole, therefore, he was disposed to try the effect of intimidation, by means of the advantages he clearly possessed, and of such little reason as the facts connected with his claim, allowed him to offer. "sir reginald wychecombe," he said gravely, and with as much indifference as he could assume; "you have betrayed a facility of belief in this american history, that has surprised me in one with so high a reputation for prudence and caution. this sudden revival of the dead may answer for the credulous lovers of marvels, but it would hardly do for a jury of twelve sober-minded and sworn men. admitting the whole of this gentleman's statement to be true, however, you will not deny the late sir wycherly's right to make a will, if he only devised his old shoes; and, having this right, that of naming his executor necessarily accompanied it. now, sir, i am clearly that executor, and as such i demand leave to exercise my functions in this house, as its temporary master at least." "not so fast--not so fast, young sir. wills must be proved and executors qualified, before either has any validity. then, again, sir wycherly could only give authority over that which was his own. the instant he ceased to breathe, his brother gregory's grandson became the life-tenant of this estate, the house included; and i advise him to assert that right, trusting to the validity of his claim, for his justification in law, should it become necessary. in these matters he who is right is safe; while he who is wrong must take the consequences of his own acts. mr. furlong, your steward-ship ceased with the life of your principal; if you have any keys or papers to deliver, i advise your placing them in the hands of this gentleman, whom, beyond all cavil, i take to be the rightful sir wycherly wychecombe." furlong was a cautious, clear-headed, honest man, and with every desire to see tom defeated, he was tenacious of doing his duty. he led sir reginald aside, therefore, and examined him, at some length, touching the nature of the proofs that had been offered; until, quite satisfied that there could be no mistake, he declared his willingness to comply with the request. "certainly, i hold the keys of the late sir wycherly's papers,--those that have just been seen in the search for the will," he said, "and have every wish to place them in the hands of their proper owner. here they are, sir wycherly; though i would advise you to remove the bags of gold that are in the secretary, to some other place; as _those_ your uncle had a right to bequeath to whom he saw fit. every thing else in the secretary goes with the estate; as do the plate, furniture, and other heir-looms of the hall." "i thank you, mr. furlong, and i will first use these keys to follow your advice," answered the new baronet; "then i will return them to you with a request that you will still retain the charge of all your former duties." this was no sooner said than done; wycherly placing the bags of gold on the floor, until some other place of security could be provided. "all that i legally can, sir wycherly, will i cheerfully do, in order to aid you in the assertion of your right; though i do not see how i can transfer more than i hold. _qui facit per alium, facit per se_, is good law, sir reginald; but the principal must have power to act, before the deputy can exercise authority. it appears to me that this is a case, in which each party stands on his own rights, at his own peril. the possession of the farms is safe enough, for the time being, with the tenants; but as to the hall and park, there would seem to be no one in the legal occupancy. this makes a case in which title is immediately available." "such is the law, mr. furlong, and i advise sir wycherly to take possession of the key of the outer door at once, as master of the tenement." no sooner was this opinion given, than wycherly left the room, followed by all present to the hall. here he proceeded alone to the vestibule, locked the great door of the building, and put the key in his pocket. this act was steadily performed, and in a way to counteract, in a great degree, the effect on the domestics, of tom's promises concerning the legacies. at the same moment, furlong whispered something in the ear of sir reginald. "now you are quietly in possession, sir wycherly," said the latter, smiling; "there is no necessity of keeping us all prisoners in order to maintain your claims. david, the usual porter, mr. furlong tells me, is a faithful servant, and if he will accept of the key as _your_ agent it may be returned to him with perfect legal safety." as david cheerfully assented to this proposition, the key was put into his hands again, and the new sir wycherly was generally thought to be in possession. nor did tom dare to raise the contemplated question of his own legitimacy before sir reginald, who, he had discovered, possessed a clue to the facts; and he consequently suppressed, for the moment at least, the certificate of marriage he had so recently forged. bowing round to the whole company, therefore, with a sort of sarcastic compliance, he stalked off to his own room with the air of an injured man. this left our young hero in possession of the field; but, as the condition of the house was not one suitable to an unreasonable display of triumph, the party soon separated; some to consult concerning the future, some to discourse of the past, and all to wonder, more or less, at the present. chapter xvi. "let winds be shrill, let waves roll high, i fear not wove nor wind; yet marvel not, sir childe, that i am sorrowful of mind." childe harold. "well, sir jarvy," said galleygo, following on the heels of the two admirals, as the latter entered the dressing-room of the officer addressed; "it has turned out just as i thought; and the county of fairvillain has come out of his hole, like a porpoise coming up to breathe, the moment our backs is turned! as soon as we gives the order to square-away for england, and i see the old planter's cabin windows turned upon franco, i foreseed them consequences. well, gentlemen, here's been a heap of prize-money made in this house without much fighting. we shall have to give the young lieutenant a leave, for a few months, in order that he may take his swing ashore, here, among his brother squires!" "pray, sir, what may be your pleasure?" demanded sir gervaise; "and what the devil has brought you at my heels?" "why, big ships always tows small craft, your honour," returned galleygo, simpering. "howsever, i never comes without an errand, as every body knows. you see, sir jarvy,--you see, admiral blue, that our signal-officer is ashore, with a report for us; and meeting me in the hall, he made it to me first like, that i might bring it up to you a'terwards. his news is that the french county is gone to sea, as i has just told you, gentlemen." "can it be possible that bunting has brought any such tidings here! harkee, galleygo; desire mr. bunting to walk up; and then see that you behave yourself as is decent in a house of mourning." "ay-ay-sir. no fears of i, gentlemen. i can put on as grievous a look as the best on 'em, and if they wishes to see sorrow becomingly, and ship-shape, let them study my conduct and countenance. we has all seen dead men afore now, gentlemen, as we all knows. when we fou't mounsheer graveland, (gravelin,) we had forty-seven slain, besides the hurt that lived to tell their own pain; and when we had the--" "go to the devil, master galleygo, and desire mr. bunting to walk up stairs," cried sir gervaise, impatiently. "ay-ay-sir. which will your honour have done first?" "let me see the signal-officer, _first_," answered the vice-admiral, laughing; "then be certain of executing the other order." "well," muttered galleygo, as he descended the stairs; "if i was to do as he says, now, what would we do with the fleet? ships wants orders to fight; and flags wants food to give orders; and food wants stewards to be put upon the table; and stewards wants no devils to help 'em do their duty. no--no--sir jarvy; i'll not pay that visit, till we all goes in company, as is suitable for them that has sailed so long together." "this will be great news, dick, if de vervillin has really come out!" cried sir gervaise, rubbing his hands with delight. "hang me, if i wait for orders from london; but we'll sail with the first wind and tide. let them settle the quarrel at home, as they best can; it is _our_ business to catch the frenchman. how many ships do you really suppose the count to have?" "twelve of two decks, besides one three-decker, and beating us in frigates. two or three, however, are short vessels, and cannot be quite as heavy as our own. i see no reason why we should not engage him." "i rejoice to hear you say so! how much more honourable is it to seek the enemy, than to be intriguing about a court! i hope you intend to let me announce that red riband in general orders to-morrow, dick?" "never, with my consent, sir gervaise, so long as the house of hanover confers the boon. but what an extraordinary scene we have just had below! this young lieutenant is a noble fellow, and i hope, with all my heart, he will be enabled to make good his claim." "of that sir reginald assures me there can be no manner of doubt. his papers are in perfect order, and his story simple and probable. do you not remember hearing, when we were midshipmen in the west indies, of a lieutenant of the sappho's striking a senior officer, ashore; and of his having been probably saved from the sentence of death, by the loss of the ship?" "as well as if it were yesterday, now you name the vessel. and this you suppose to have been the late sir wycherly's brother. did he belong to the sappho?" "so they tell me, below; and it leaves no doubt on my mind, of the truth of the whole story." "it is a proof, too, how easy it is for one to return to england, and maintain his rights, after an absence of more than half a century. he in scotland has a claim quite as strong as that of this youth!" "dick bluewater, you seem determined to pull a house down about your own ears! what have you or i to do with these scotch adventurers, when a gallant enemy invites us to come out and meet him! but, mum--here is bunting." at this instant the signal-lieutenant of the plantagenet was shown into the room, by galleygo, in person. "well, bunting; what tidings from the fleet?" demanded sir gervaise. "do the ships still ride to the flood?" "it is slack-water, sir gervaise, and the vessels are looking all ways at once. most of us are clearing hawse, for there are more round turns in our cables, than i remember ever to have seen in so short a time." "that comes of there being no wind, and the uselessness of the stay-sails and spankers. what has brought you ashore? galleygo tells us something of a cutter's coming in, with information that the french are out; but _his_ news is usually _galley_-news." "not always, sir gervaise," returned the lieutenant, casting a side-look at the steward, who often comforted him with ship's delicacies in the admiral's cabin; "this time, he is right, at least. the active is coming in slowly, and has been signalling us all the morning. we make her out to say that monsieur vervillin is at sea with his whole force." "yes," muttered galleygo to the rear-admiral, in a sort of aside; "the county of fairvillain has come out of his hole, just as i told sir jarvy. fair-weather-villains they all is, and no bones broken." "silence--and you think, bunting, you read the signals clearly?" "no doubt of it, sir gervaise. captain greenly is of the same opinion, and has sent me ashore with the news. he desired me to tell you that the ebb would make in half an hour, and that we can then fetch past the rocks to the westward, light as the wind is." "ay, that is greenly, i can swear!--he'll not sit down until we are all aweigh, and standing out. does the cutter tell us which way the count was looking?" "to the westward, sir; on an easy bowline, and under short canvass." "the gentleman is in no hurry, it would seem. has he a convoy?" "not a sail, sir. nineteen sail, all cruisers, and only twelve of the line. he has one two-decker, and two frigates more than we can muster; just a frenchman's odds, sir." "the count has certainly with him, the seven new ships that were built last season," quietly observed bluewater, leaning back in his easy-chair, until his body inclined at an angle of forty-five degrees, and stretching a leg on an empty stand, in his usual self-indulgent manner. "they are a little heavier than their old vessels, and will give us harder work." "the tougher the job, the more creditable the workmanship. the tide is turning, you say, bunting?" "it is, sir gervaise; and we shall all tend ebb, in twenty minutes. the frigates outside are riding down channel already. the chloe seems to think that we shall be moving soon, as she has crossed top-gallant and royal-yards. even captain greenly was thinking of stretching along the messenger." "ah! you're a set of uneasy fellows, all round!--you tire of your native land in twenty-four hours, i find. well, mr. bunting; you can go off, and say that all is very well. this house is in a sad state of confusion, as, i presume, you know. mention this to captain greenly." "ay-ay-sir; is it your pleasure i should tell him any thing else, sir gervaise oakes?" "why--yes--bunting," answered the vice-admiral, smiling; "you may as well give him a hint to get all his fresh grub off, as fast as he can--and--yes; to let no more men quit the ship on liberty." "any thing more, sir gervaise?" added the pertinacious officer. "on the whole, you may as well run up a signal to be ready to unmoor. the ships can very well ride at single anchors, when the tide has once fairly made. what say you, bluewater?" "a signal to unmoor, at once, would expedite matters. you know very well, you intend to go to sea, and why not do the thing off-hand?" "i dare say, now, bunting, you too would like to give the commander-in-chief a nudge of some sort or other." "if i could presume so far, sir gervaise. i can only say, sir, that the sooner we are off, the sooner we shall flog the french." "and master galleygo, what are your sentiments, on this occasion? it is a full council, and all ought to speak, freely." "you knows, sir jarvy, that i never speaks in these matters, unless spoken to. admiral blue and your honour are quite enough to take care of the fleet in most circumstances, though there is some knowledge in the tops, as well as in the cabin. my ideas is, gentlemen, that, by casting to starboard on this ebb tide, we shall all have our heads off-shore, and we shall fetch into the offing as easily as a country wench turns in a jig. what we shall do with the fleet, when we gets out, will be shown in our ultra movements." by "ultra," david meant "ulterior," a word he had caught up from hearing despatches read, which he understood no better than those who wrote them at the admiralty. "thanks to you all, my friends!" cried sir gervaise, who was so delighted at the prospect of a general engagement, that he felt a boyish pleasure in this fooling; "and now to business, seriously. mr. bunting, i would have the signal for sailing shown. let each ship fire a recall-gun for her boats. half an hour later, show the bunting to unmoor; and send my boat ashore as soon as you begin to heave on the capstan. so, good-morning, my fine fellow, and show your activity." "mr. bunting, as you pass the cæsar, do me the favour to ask for my boat, also," said bluewater, lazily, but half-raising his body to look after the retiring lieutenant. "if we are to move, i suppose i shall have to go with the rest of them. of course we shall repeat all your signals." sir gervaise waited until bunting was out of the room, when he turned to the steward, and said with some dryness of manner-- "mr. galleygo, you have my permission to go on board, bag and baggage." "yes, sir jarvy, i understands. we are about to get the ships under way, and good men ought to be in their places. good-by, admiral blue. we shall meet before the face of the french, and then i expects every man on us will set an example to himself of courage and devotion." "that fellow grows worse and worse, each day, and i shall have to send him forward, in order to check his impertinence," said sir gervaise, half-vexed and half-laughing. "i wonder you stand his saucy familiarity as well as you appear to do--with his admiral blues!" "i shall take offence as soon as i find sir jarvy really out of humour with him. the man is brave, honest, and attached; and these are virtues that would atone for a hundred faults." "let the fellow go to the devil!--do you not think i had better go out, without waiting for despatches from town?" "it is hard to say. your orders may send us all down into scotland, to face charles stuart. perhaps, too, they may make you a duke, and me a baron, in order to secure our fidelity!" "the blackguards!--well, say no more of that, just now. if m. de vervillin is steering to the westward, he can hardly be aiming at edinburgh, and the movements in the north." "that is by no means so certain. your really politic fellows usually look one way and row another." "it is my opinion, that his object is to effect a diversion, and my wish is to give it to him, to his heart's content. so long as this force is kept near the chops of the channel, it can do no harm in the north, and, in-so-much, must leave the road to germany open." "for one, i think it a pity--not to say a disgrace--that england cannot settle her own quarrels without calling in the aid of either frenchman or dutchman." "we must take the world as it is, dick, and act like two straight-forward seamen, without stopping to talk politics. i take it for granted, notwithstanding your stuart fervour, that you are willing enough to help me thresh monsieur de vervillin." "beyond a question. nothing but the conviction that he was directly employed in serving my natural and legitimate prince, could induce me to show him any favour. still, oakes, it is possible he may have succours for the scotch on board, and be bound to the north by the way of the irish channel!" "ay, pretty succours, truly, for an englishman to stomach! _mousquetaires_, and _régiments de croy_, or _de dillon_, or some d----d french name or other; and, perhaps, beautiful muskets from the _bois de vincennes_; or some other infernal nest of gallic inventions to put down the just ascendency of old england! no--no--dick bluewater, your excellent, loyal, true-hearted english mother, never bore you to be a dupe of bourbon perfidy and trick. i dare say she sickened at the very name of louis!" "i'll not answer for that, sir jarvy," returned the rear-admiral, with a vacant smile; "for she passed some time at the court of _le grand monarque_. but all this is idle; we know each other's opinions, and, by this time, ought to know each other's characters. have you digested any plan for your future operations; and what part am i to play in it?" sir gervaise paced the room, with hands folded behind his back, in an air of deep contemplation, for quite five minutes, before he answered. all this time, bluewater remained watching his countenance and movements, in anticipation of what was to come. at length, the vice-admiral appeared to have made up his mind, and he delivered himself of his decision, as follows. "i have reflected on them, dick," he said, "even while my thoughts have seemed to be occupied with the concerns of others. if de vervillin is out, he must still be to the eastward of us; for, running as the tides do on the french coast, he can hardly have made much westing with this light south-west wind. we are yet uncertain of his destination, and it is all-important that we get immediate sight of him, and keep him in view, until he can be brought to action. now, my plan is this. i will send out the ships in succession, with orders to keep on an easy bowline, until each reaches the chops of the channel, when she is to go about and stand in towards the english coast. each succeeding vessel, however, will weigh as soon as her leader is hull down, and keep within signal distance, in order to send intelligence through the whole line. nothing will be easier than to keep in sight of each other, in such fine weather; and by these means we shall spread a wide clew,--quite a hundred miles,--and command the whole of the channel. as soon as monsieur de vervillin is made, the fleet can close, when we will be governed by circumstances should we see nothing of the french, by the time we make their coast, we may be certain they have gone up channel; and then, a signal from the van can reverse the order of sailing, and we will chase to the eastward, closing to a line abreast as fast as possible." "all this is very well, certainly; and by means of the frigates and smaller cruisers we can easily sweep a hundred and fifty miles of ocean;--nevertheless, the fleet will be much scattered." "you do not think there will be any danger of the french's engaging the van, before the rear can close to aid it?" asked sir gervaise, with interest, for he had the profoundest respect for his friend's professional opinions. "i intended to lead out in the plantagenet, myself, and to have five or six of the fastest ships next to me, with a view that we might keep off, until you could bring up the rear. if they chase, you know we can retire." "beyond a doubt, if sir gervaise oakes can make up his mind to _retire_, before any frenchman who was ever born," returned bluewater, laughing. "all this sounds well; but, in the event of a meeting, i should expect to find you, with the whole van dismasted, fighting your hulks like bull-dogs, and keeping the count at bay, leaving the glory of covering your retreat to me." "no--no--dick: i'll give you my honour i'll do nothing so boyish and silly. i'm a different man at fifty-five, from what i was at twenty-five. you may be certain that i will run, until i think myself strong enough to fight." "will you allow me to make a suggestion, admiral oakes; and this with all the frankness that ought to characterize our ancient friendship?" sir gervaise stopped short in his walk, looked bluewater steadily in the face, and nodded his head. "i understand by the expression of your countenance," continued the other, "that i am expected to speak. i had no more to say, than to make the simple suggestion that your plan would be most likely to be executed, were i to lead the van, and were _you_ to bring up the rear." "the devil you do!--this comes as near mutiny--or _scandalum magnatum_--as one can wish! and why do you suppose that the plan of the commander-in-chief will be least in danger of failing, if admiral bluewater lead on this occasion, instead of admiral oakes?" "merely because i think admiral oakes, when an enemy is pressing him, is more apt to take counsel of his heart than of his head; while admiral bluewater is _not_. you do not know yourself, sir jarvy, if you think it so easy a matter to run away." "i've spoiled you, dick, by praising your foolish man[oe]uvring so much before your face, and that's the whole truth of the matter. no--my mind is made up; and, i believe you know me well enough to feel sure, when that is the case, even a council of war could not move it. _i_ lead out, in the _first_ two-decked ship that lifts her anchor, and _you_ follow in the _last_. you understand my plan, and will see it executed, as you see every thing executed, in face of the enemy." admiral bluewater smiled, and not altogether without irony in his manner; though he managed, at the same time, to get the leg that had been lowest for the last five minutes, raised by an ingenuity peculiar to himself, several inches above its fellow. "nature never made you for a conspirator, oakes," he said, as soon as this change was effected to his mind; "for you carry a top-light in your breast that even the blind can see!" "what crotchet is uppermost in your mind, now, dick? ar'n't the orders plain enough to suit you?" "i confess it;--as well as the motive for giving them just in this form." "let's have it, at once. i prefer a full broadside to your minute-guns. what is my motive?" "simply that you, sir jarvy, say to a certain sir gervaise oakes, bart., vice-admiral of the red, and member for bowldero, in your own mind, 'now, if i can just leave that fellow, dick bluewater, behind me, with four or five ships, he'll never desert _me_, when in front of the enemy, whatever he might do with _king george_; and so i'll make sure of him by placing the question in such a light that it shall be one of friendship, rather than one of loyalty.'" sir gervaise coloured to the temples, for the other had penetrated into his most secret thoughts; and, yet, spite of his momentary vexation, he faced his accuser, and both laughed in the heartfelt manner that the circumstance would be likely to excite. "harkee, dick," said the vice-admiral, as soon as he could command sufficient gravity to speak; "they made a mistake when they sent you to sea; you ought to have been apprenticed to a conjuror. i care not what you think about it; my orders are given, and they must be obeyed. have you a clear perception of the plan?" "one quite as clear, i tell you, as i have of the motive." "enough of this, bluewater; we have serious duties before us." sir gervaise now entered more at length into his scheme; explaining to his friend all his wishes and hopes, and letting him know, with official minuteness, what was expected at his hands. the rear-admiral listened with his accustomed respect, whenever any thing grave was in discussion between them; and, had any one entered while they were thus engaged, he would have seen in the manner of one, nothing but the dignified frankness of a friendly superior, and in the other the deference which the naval inferior usually pays to rank. as he concluded sir gervaise rang his bell, and desired the presence of sir wycherly wychecombe. "i could have wished to remain and see this battle for the succession fairly fought," he said; "but a battle of a different sort calls us in another quarter. show him in," he added, as his man intimated that the young baronet was in waiting. "what between the duties of our professional stations, and those of the guest to the host," said the vice-admiral, rising and bowing to the young man; "it is not easy to settle the question of etiquette between us, sir wycherly; and i have, from habit, thought more of the admiral and the lieutenant, than of the lord of the manor and his obliged guests. if i have erred, you will excuse me." "my new situation is so very novel, that i still remain all sailor, sir gervaise," answered the other, smiling; "as such i hope _you_ will ever consider me. can i be of any service, here?" "one of our cutters has just come in with news that will take the fleet to sea, again, this morning; or, as soon as the tide begins to run a strong ebb. the french are out, and we must go and look for them. it was my intention and my hope, to be able to take you to sea with me in the plantagenet. the date of your commission would not put you very high among her lieutenants; but, bunting deserves a first lieutenancy, and i meant to give it to him this afternoon, in which case there would be a vacancy in the situation of my own signal-officer, a duty you could well perform. as it is, you ought not to quit this house, and i must take my leave of you with regret it is so." "admiral oakes, what is there that ought to keep one of my station ashore, on the eve of a general battle? i sincerely hope and trust you will alter the last determination, and return to the first." "you forget your own important interests--remember that possession is nine points of the law." "we had heard the news below, and sir reginald, mr. furlong, and myself, were discussing the matter when i received your summons. these gentlemen tell me, that possession can be held by deputy, as well as in person. i am satisfied we can dispose of this objection." "your grandfather's brother, and the late head of your family, lies dead in this house; it is proper his successor should be present at his funeral obsequies." "we thought of that, also. sir reginald has kindly offered to appear in my place; and, then, there is the chance that the meeting with monsieur de vervillin will take place within the next eight-and-forty hours; whereas my uncle cannot be interred certainly for a week or ten days." "i see you have well calculated all the chances, young sir," said sir gervaise, smiling. "bluewater, how does this matter strike you?" "leave it in my hands, and i will see to it. you will sail near or quite twenty-four hours before me, and there will be time for more reflection. sir wycherly can remain with me in the cæsar, in the action; or he can be thrown aboard the plantagenet, when we meet." after a little reflection, sir gervaise, who liked to give every one a fair chance, consented to the arrangement, and it was decided that wycherly should come out in the cæsar, if nothing occurred to render the step improper. this arrangement completed, the vice-admiral declared he was ready to quit the hall. galleygo and the other servants had already made the dispositions necessary for embarking, and it only remained to take leave of the inmates of the dwelling. the parting between the baronets was friendly; for the common interest they felt in the success of wycherly, had, in a degree, rendered them intimates, and much disposed sir reginald to overlook the sailor's well-known whiggery. dutton and the ladies took their departure at the same time, and what passed between them and sir gervaise on this occasion, took place on the road to the head-land, whither all parties proceeded on foot. a person so important as sir gervaise oakes did not leave the roof that had sheltered him, to embark on board his own ship, without a due escort to the shore. bluewater accompanied him, in order to discuss any little point of duty that might occur to the mind of either, at the last moment; and wycherly was of the group, partly from professional feeling, and more from a desire to be near mildred. then there were atwood, and the surgeons, mr. rotherham, and two or three of the cabin attendants. lord geoffrey, too, strolled along with the rest, though it was understood that his own ship would not sail that day. just as the party issued from the gate of the park into the street of the hamlet, a heavy gun was fired from the fleet. it was soon succeeded by others, and whiffs and cornets were seen flying from the mast-heads that rose above the openings in the cliffs, the signals of recall for all boats. this set every one in motion, and, never within the memory of man, had wychecombe presented such a scene of confusion and activity. half-intoxicated seamen were driven down to the boats, by youngsters with the cloth diamond in their collars, like swine, who were reluctant to go, and yet afraid to stay. quarters of beeves were trundled along in carts or barrows, and were soon seen swinging at different main-stays; while the gathering of eggs, butter, poultry, mutton, lamb, and veal, menaced the surrounding country with a scarcity. through this throng of the living and the dead, our party held its way, jostled by the eager countrymen, and respectfully avoided by all who belonged to the fleet, until it reached the point where the roads to the cliffs and the landing separated, when the vice-admiral turned to the only midshipman present, and courteously lifting his hat, as if reluctant to impose such a duty on a "young gentleman" on liberty, he said-- "do me the favour, lord geoffrey, to step down to the landing and ascertain if my barge is there. the officer of the boat will find me at the signal-station." the boy cheerfully complied; and this son of an english duke, who, by the death of an elder brother, became in time a duke himself, went on a service that among gentlemen of the land would be deemed nearly menial, with as much alacrity as if he felt honoured by the request. it was by a training like this, that england came, in time, to possess a marine that has achieved so many memorable deeds; since it taught those who were destined to command, the high and useful lesson how to obey. while the midshipman was gone to look for the boat, the two admirals walked the cliff, side by side, discussing their future movements; and when all was ready, sir gervaise descended to the shore, using the very path by which he had ascended the previous day; and, pushing through the throng that crowded the landing, almost too much engaged to heed even his approach, he entered his barge. in another minute, the measured strokes of the oars urged him swiftly towards the plantagenet. chapter xvii. "'twas not without some reason, for the wind increased at night, until it blew a gale; and though 'twas not much to a naval mind, some landsmen would have look'd a little pale, for sailors are, in fact, a different kind; at sunset they began to take in sail, for the sky show'd it would come on to blow, and carry away, perhaps, a mast or so." byron. as it was just past the turn of the day, bluewater determined to linger on the cliffs for several hours, or until it was time to think of his dinner. abstracted as his thoughts were habitually, his mind found occupation and pleasure in witnessing the evolutions that succeeded among the ships; some of which evolutions it may be well now briefly to relate. sir gervaise oakes' foot had not been on the deck of the plantagenet five minutes, before a signal for all commanders was flying at that vessel's mast-head. in ten minutes more every captain of the fleet, with the exception of those belonging to the vessels in the offing, were in the flag-ship's cabin, listening to the intentions and instructions of the vice-admiral. "my plan of sailing, gentlemen, is easily comprehended," continued the commander-in-chief, after he had explained his general intentions to chase and engage; "and everyone of you will implicitly follow it. we have the tide strong at ebb, and a good six-knot breeze is coming up at south-west. i shall weigh, with my yards square, and keep them so, until the ship has drawn out of the fleet, and then i shall luff up on a taut bowline and on the starboard tack, bringing the ebb well under my lee-bow. this will hawse the ship over towards morlaix, and bringing us quite as far to windward as is desirable. while the ebb lasts, and this breeze stands, we shall have plain sailing; the difficulty will come on the flood, or with a shift of wind. the ships that come out last must be careful to keep their seconds, ahead and astern, in plain sight, and regulate their movements, as much as they can, by the leading vessels. the object is to spread as wide a clew as possible, while we hold the ships within signal-distance of each other. towards sunset i shall shorten sail, and the line will close up within a league from vessel to vessel, and i have told bluewater to use his discretion about coming out with the last ships, though i have requested him to hold on as long as he shall deem it prudent, in the hope of receiving another express from the admiralty. when the flood makes, i do not intend to go about, but shall continue on the starboard tack, and i wish you all to do the same. this will bring the leading vessels considerably to windward of those astern, and may possibly throw the fleet into a bow and quarter line. being in the van, it will fall to my duty to look to this, and to watch for the consequences. but i ask of you to keep an eye on the weather, and to hold your ships within plain signal-distance of each other. if it come on thick, or to blow very hard, we must close, from van to rear, and try our luck, in a search in compact order. let the man who first sees the enemy make himself heard at once, and send the news, with the bearings of the french, both ahead and astern, as fast as possible. in that case you will all close on the point from which the intelligence comes; and, mark me, no cruising to get to windward, in your own fashions, as if you sailed with roving commissions. you know i'll not stand _that_. and now, gentlemen, it is probable that we shall all never meet again. god bless you! come and shake hands with me, one by one, and then to your boats, for the first lieutenant has just sent greenly word that we are up and down. let him trip, greenly, and be off as soon as we can." the leave-taking, a scene in which joyousness and sadness were strangely mingled, succeeded, and then the captains disappeared. from that moment every mind was bent on sailing. although bluewater did not witness the scene in the plantagenet's cabin, he pictured it, in his mind's eye, and remained on the cliffs to watch the succeeding movements. as wycherly had disappeared in the house, and dutton clung to his flag-staff, the rear-admiral had no one but lord geoffrey for a companion. the latter, perceiving that his relation did not seem disposed to converse, had the tact to be silent himself; a task that was less difficult than common, on account of the interest he felt in the spectacle. the boats of the different captains were still shoving off from the starboard side of the plantagenet, whither etiquette had brought them together, in a little crowd, when her three top-sails fell, and their sheets steadily drew the clews towards the ends of the lower yards. even while this was in process, the yards began to ascend, and rose with that steady but graduated movement which marks the operation in a man-of-war. all three were fairly mast-headed in two minutes. as the wind struck the canvass obliquely, the sails filled as they opened their folds, and, by the time their surfaces were flattened by distension, the plantagenet steadily moved from her late berth, advancing slowly against a strong tide, out of the group of ships, among which she had been anchored. this was a beautiful evolution, resembling that of a sea-fowl, which lazily rises on its element, spreads its wings, emerges from the water, and glides away to some distant and unseen point. the movement of the flag-ship was stately, measured, and grand. for five minutes she held her way nearly due east, with the wind on her starboard quarter, meeting the tide in a direct line; until, having drawn sufficiently ahead of the fleet, she let fall her courses, sheeted home top-gallant-sails and royals, set her spanker, jibs, and stay-sails, and braced up sharp on a wind, with her head at south-southeast. this brought the tide well under her lee fore-chains, and set her rapidly off the land, and to windward. as she trimmed her sails, and steadied her bowlines, she fired a gun, made the numbers of the vessels in the offing to weigh, and to pass within hail. all this did bluewater note, with the attention of an _amateur_, as well as with the critical analysis of a _connoisseur_. "very handsomely done, master geoffrey--very handsomely done, it must be allowed! never did a bird quit a flock with less fuss, or more beautifully, than the plantagenet has drawn out of the fleet. it must be admitted that greenly knows how to handle his ship." "i fancy captain stowel would have done quite as well with the cæsar, sir," answered the boy, with a proper esprit-de-_ship_. "don't you remember, admiral bluewater, the time when we got under way off l'orient, with the wind blowing a gale directly on shore? even sir gervaise said, afterwards, that we lost less ground than any ship in the fleet, and yet the plantagenet is the most weatherly two-decker in the navy; as every body says." "every body!--she is certainly a weatherly vessel, but not more so than several others. whom did you ever hear give that character to this particular ship?" "why, sir, her reefers are always bragging as much as _that_; and a great deal _more_, too." "her reefers!--young gentlemen are particularly struck with the charms of their first loves, both ashore and afloat, my boy. did you ever hear an _old seaman_ say that much for the plantagenet?" "i think i have, sir," returned lord geoffrey, blushing. "galleygo, sir gervaise's steward, is commonly repeating some such stuff or other. they are furious braggarts, the plantagenet's, all round, sir." "that comes honestly," answered bluewater, smiling, "her namesakes and predecessors of old, having some such characteristic, too. look at that ship's yards, boy, and learn how to trim a vessel's sails on a wind. the pencil of a painter could not draw lines more accurate!" "captain stowel tells us, sir, that the yards ought not to be braced in exactly alike; but that we ought to check the weather-braces, a little, as we go aloft, so that the top-sail yard should point a little less forward than the lower yard, and the topgallant than the top-sail." "you are quite right in taking stowel's opinion in all such matters, geoffrey: but has not captain greenly done the same thing in the plantagenet? when i speak of symmetry, i mean the symmetry of a seaman." the boy was silenced, though exceedingly reluctant to admit that any ship could equal his own. in the mean time, there was every appearance of a change in the weather. just about the time the plantagenet braced up, the wind freshened, and in ten minutes it blew a stiff breeze. some time before the admiral spoke the vessels outside, he was compelled to take in all his light canvass; and when he filled, again, after giving his orders to the frigate and sloop, the topgallant sheets were let fly, a single reef was taken in the top-sails, and the lighter sails were set over them. this change in the weather, more especially as the night threatened to be clouded, if not absolutely dark, would necessarily bring about a corresponding change in the plan of sailing, reducing the intervals between the departures of the vessels, quite one-half. to such vicissitudes are all maritime operations liable, and it is fortunate when there is sufficient capacity in the leaders to remedy them. in less than an hour, the plantagenet's hull began to sink, to those on a level with it, when the carnatic tripped her anchor, opened her canvass, shot out of the fleet, hauled by the wind, and followed in the admiral's wake. so accurate was the course she steered, that, half an hour after she had braced up, a hawse-bucket, which had been dropped from the plantagenet in hauling water, was picked up. we may add, here, though it will be a little anticipating events, that the thunderer followed the carnatic; the blenheim the thunderer; the achilles the blenheim; the warspite the achilles; the dover the warspite; the york the dover; the elizabeth the york; the dublin the elizabeth; and the cæsar the dublin. but hours passed before all these ships were in motion, and hours in which we shall have some occurrences to relate that took place on shore. still it will aid the reader in better understanding the future incidents of our tale, if we describe, at once, some of the circumstances under which all these ships got in motion. by the time the plantagenet's top-sails were beginning to dip from the cliffs, the carnatic, the thunderer, the blenheim, the achilles, and the warspite were all stretching out in line, with intervals of quite two leagues between them, under as much canvass as they could now bear. the admiral had shortened sail the most, and was evidently allowing the carnatic to close, most probably on account of the threatening look of the sky, to windward; while he was suffering the frigate and sloop, the chloe and driver, to pass ahead of him, the one on his weather, and the other on his lee bow. when the dover weighed, the admiral's upper sail was not visible from her tops, though the warspite's hull had not yet disappeared from her deck. she left the fleet, or the portions of it that still remained at anchor, with her fore-course set, and hauled by the wind, under double-reefed top-sails, a single reef in her main-sail, and with her main-topgallant sail set over its proper sail. with this reduced canvass, she started away on the track of her consorts, the brine foaming under her bows, and with a heel that denoted the heavy pressure that bore on her sails. by this time, the york was aweigh, the tide had turned, and it became necessary to fill on the other tack in order to clear the land to the eastward. this altered the formation, but we will now revert to the events as they transpired on the shore, with a view to relate them more in their regular order. it is scarcely necessary to say that bluewater must have remained on, or about the cliffs several hours, in order to witness the departure of so many of the vessels. instead of returning to the hall at the dinner hour, agreeably to promise, he profited by the appearance of wycherly, who left the cottage with a flushed, agitated manner, just as he was thinking of the necessity of sending a message to sir reginald, and begged the young man to be the bearer of his excuses. he thought that the change in the weather rendered it necessary for him to remain in sight of the sea. dutton overheard this message, and, after a private conference with his wife, he ventured to invite his superior to appease his appetite under his own humble roof. to this bluewater cheerfully assented; and when the summons came to the table, to his great joy he found that his only companion was to be mildred, who, like himself, for some reason known only to her own bosom, had let the ordinary dining hour pass without appearing at table, but whom her mother had now directed to take some sustenance. "the late events at the hall have agitated the poor child, sir," said mrs. dutton, in the way of apology, "and she has not tasted food since morning. i have told her you would excuse the intrusion, and receive her carving and attentions as an excuse for her company." bluewater looked at the pallid countenance of the girl, and never before had he found the resemblance to agnes hedworth so strong, as that moment. the last year or two of his own sweet friend's life had been far from happy, and the languid look and tearful eyes of mildred revived the recollection of the dead with painful distinctness. "good god!" he murmured to himself; "that two such beings should exist only to suffer! my good mrs. dutton, make no excuses; but believe me when i say that you could not have found in england another that would have proved as welcome as my present little messmate." mildred struggled for a smile; and she did succeed in looking extremely grateful. beyond this, however, it exceeded her powers to go. mrs. dutton was gratified, and soon left the two to partake of their neat, but simple meal, by themselves; household duties requiring her presence elsewhere. "let me persuade you to take a glass of this really excellent port, my child," said bluewater. "if you had cruised as long as i have done, on the coast of portugal, you would know how to value a liquor as pure as this. i don't know of an admiral that has as good!" "it is probably _our_ last, sir," answered mildred, shaking a tear from each of her long dark lashes, by an involuntarily trembling motion, as she spoke. "it was a present from dear, old, sir wycherly, who never left my mother wholly unsupplied with such plain delicacies, as he fancied poverty placed beyond our reach. the wine we can easily forget; not so easily the donor." bluewater felt as if he could draw a cheque for one-half the fortune he had devised to his companion; and, yet, by a caprice of feeling that is not uncommon to persons of the liveliest susceptibility, he answered in a way to smother his own emotion. "there will not soon be another _old_ sir wycherly to make his neighbours comfortable; but there is a _young_ one, who is not likely to forget his uncle's good example. i hope you all here, rejoice at the sudden rise in fortune, that has so unexpectedly been placed within the reach of our favourite lieutenant?" a look of anguish passed over mildred's face, and her companion noted it; though surprise and pity--not to say resentment--prevented his betraying his discovery. "we _endeavour_ to be glad, sir," answered mildred, smiling in so suffering a manner, as to awaken all her companion's sympathies; "but it is not easy for us to rejoice at any thing which is gained by the loss of our former valued friend." "i am aware that a young follow, like the present sir wycherly, can be no substitute for an old fellow like the last sir wycherly, my dear; but as one is a sailor, and the other was only a landsman, my professional prejudices may not consider the disparity as great as it may possibly appear to be to your less partial judgment." bluewater thought the glance he received was imploring, and he instantly regretted that he had taken such means to divert his companion's sadness. some consciousness of this regret probably passed through mildred's mind, for she rallied her spirits, and made a partially successful effort to be a more agreeable companion. "my father thinks, sir," she said, "that our late pleasant weather is about to desert us, and that it is likely to blow heavily before six-and-thirty hours are over." "i am afraid mr. dutton will prove to be too accurate an almanac. the weather has a breeding look, and i expect a dirty night. good or bad, we seamen must face it, and that, too, in the narrow seas, where gales of wind are no gales of araby." "ah, sir, it is a terrible life to lead! by living on this cliff, i have learned to pity sailors." "perhaps, my child, you pity us when we are the most happy. nine seamen in ten prefer a respectable gale to a flat calm. there are moments when the ocean is terrific; but, on the whole, it is capricious, rather than malignant. the night that is before us promises to be just such a one as sir gervaise oakes delights in. he is never happier than when he hears a gale howling through the cordage of his ship." "i have heard him spoken of as a very daring and self-relying commander. but _you_ cannot entertain such feelings, admiral bluewater; for to me you seem better fitted for a fireside, well filled with friends and relatives, than for the conflicts and hardships of the sea." mildred had no difficulty now in forcing a smile, for the sweet one she bestowed on the veteran almost tempted him to rise and fold her in his arms, as a parent would wrap a beloved daughter to his heart. discretion, however, prevented a betrayal of feelings that might have been misinterpreted, and he answered in his original vein. "i fear i am a wolf in sheep's clothing," he said; "while oakes admits the happiness he feels in seeing his ship ploughing through a raging sea, in a dark night, he maintains that my rapture is sought in a hurricane. i do not plead guilty to the accusation, but i will allow there is a sort of fierce delight in participating, as it might be, in a wild strife of the elements. to me, my very nature seems changed at such moments, and i forget all that is mild and gentle. that comes of having lived so much estranged from your sex, my dear; desolate bachelor, as i am." "do you think sailors ought to marry?" asked mildred, with a steadiness that surprised herself; for, while she put the question, consciousness brought the blood to her temples. "i should be sorry to condemn a whole profession, and that one i so well love, to the hopeless misery of single life. there are miseries peculiar to the wedded lives of both soldiers and sailors; but are there not miseries peculiar to those who never separate? i have heard seamen say--men, too, who loved their wives and families--that they believed the extreme pleasure of meetings after long separations, the delights of hope, and the zest of excited feelings, have rendered their years of active service more replete with agreeable sensations, than the stagnant periods of peace. never having been married myself, i can only speak on report." "ah! this may be so with _men_; but--surely--surely--_women_ never can feel thus!" "i suppose, a sailor's daughter yourself, you know jack's account of his wife's domestic creed! 'a good fire, a clean hearth, the children abed, and the husband at sea,' is supposed to be the climax of felicity." "this may do for the sailor's jokes, admiral bluewater," answered mildred, smiling; "but it will hardly ease a breaking heart. i fear from all i have heard this afternoon, and from the sudden sailing of the ships, that a great battle is at hand?" "and why should you, a british officer's daughter, dread that? have you so little faith in us, as to suppose a battle will necessarily bring defeat! i have seen much of my own profession, miss dutton, and trust i am in some small degree above the rhodomontade of the braggarts; but it is _not_ usual for us to meet the enemy, and to give those on shore reason to be ashamed of the english flag. it has never yet been my luck to meet a frenchman who did not manifest a manly desire to do his country credit; and i have always felt that we must fight hard for him before we could get him; nor has the result ever disappointed me. still, fortune, or skill, or _right_, is commonly of our side, and has given us the advantage in the end." "and to which, sir, do you ascribe a success at sea, so very uniform?" "as a protestant, i ought to say to our _religion_; but, this my own knowledge of protestant _vices_ rejects. then to say _fortune_ would be an exceeding self-abasement--one, that between us, is not needed; and i believe i must impute it to skill. as plain seamen, i do believe we are more expert than most of our neighbours; though i am far from being positive we have any great advantage over them in tactics. if any, the dutch are our equals." "notwithstanding, you are quite certain of success. it must be a great encouragement to enter into the fight with a strong confidence in victory! i suppose--that is, it seems to me--it is a matter of course, sir,--that our new sir wycherly will not be able to join in the battle, this time?" mildred spoke timidly, and she endeavoured to seem unconcerned; but bluewater read her whole heart, and pitied the pain which she had inflicted on herself, in asking the question. it struck him, too, that a girl of his companion's delicacy and sensibility would not thus advert to the young man's movements at all, if the latter had done aught justly to awaken censure; and this conviction greatly relieved his mind as to the effect of sudden elevation on the handsome lieutenant. as it was necessary to answer, however, lest mildred might detect his consciousness of her feelings, not a moment was lost before making a reply. "it is not an easy matter to prevent a young, dashing sailor, like this sir wycherly wychecombe, from doing his part in a general engagement, and that, too, of the character of the one to which we are looking forward," he said. "oakes has left the matter in my hands; i suppose i shall have to grant the young man's request." "he has then requested to be received in your ship?" asked mildred, her hand shaking as she used the spoon it held. "that of course. no one who wears the uniform could or would do less. it seems a ticklish moment for him to quit wychecombe, too; where i fancy he will have a battle of his own to fight ere long; but professional feeling will overshadow all others, in young men. among us seamen, it is said to be even stronger than love." mildred made no answer; but her pale cheek and quivering lips, evidences of feeling that her artlessness did not enable her to conceal, caused bluewater again to regret the remark. with a view to restore the poor girl to her self-command, he changed the subject of conversation, which did not again advert to wycherly. the remainder of the meal was consequently eaten in peace, the admiral manifesting to the last, however, the sudden and generous interest he had taken in the character and welfare of his companion. when they rose from table, mildred joined her mother, and bluewater walked out upon the cliffs again. it was now evening, and the waste of water that lay stretched before the eye, though the softness of summer was shed upon it, had the wild and dreary aspect that the winds and waves lend to a view, as the light of day is about to abandon the ocean to the gloom of night. all this had no effect on bluewater, however, who knew that two-decked ships, strongly manned, with their heavy canvass reduced, would make light work of worrying through hours of darkness that menaced no more than these. still the wind had freshened, and when he stood on the verge of the cliff sustained by the breeze, which pressed him back from the precipice, rendering his head more steady, and his footing sure, the elizabeth was casting, under close-reefed top-sails, and two reefs in her courses, with a heavy stay-sail or two, to ease her helm. he saw that the ponderous machine would stagger under even this short canvass, and that her captain had made his dispositions for a windy night. the lights that the dover and the york carried in their tops were just beginning to be visible in the gathering gloom, the last about a league and a half down channel, the ship standing in that direction to get to windward, and the former, more to the southward, the vessel having already tacked to follow the admiral. a chain of lights connected the whole of the long line, and placed the means of communication in the power of the captains. at this moment, the plantagenet was full fifty miles at sea, ploughing through a heavy south-west swell, which the wind was driving into the chops of the channel, from the direction of the bay of biscay, and the broad atlantic. bluewater buttoned his coat, and he felt his frame invigorated by a gale that came over his person, loaded by the peculiar flavour of the sea. but two of the heavy ships remained at their anchors, the dublin and the cæsar; and his experienced eye could see that stowel had every thing on board the latter ready to trip and be off, as soon as he, himself, should give the order. at this moment the midshipman, who had been absent for hours, returned, and stood again at his side. "our turn will soon come, sir," said the gallant boy, "and, for one, i shall not be sorry to be in motion. those chaps on board the plantagenet will swagger like so many dons, if they should happen to get a broadside at monsieur de vervillin, while we are lying here, under the shore, like a gentleman's yacht hauled into a bay, that the ladies might eat without disturbing their stomachs." "little fear of that, geoffrey. the active is too light of foot, especially in the weather we have had, to suffer heavy ships to be so close on her heels. she must have had some fifteen or twenty miles the start, and the french have been compelled to double cape la hogue and alderney, before they could even look this way. if coming down channel at all, they are fully fifty miles to the eastward; and should our van stretch far enough by morning to head them off, it will bring us handsomely to windward. sir gervaise never set a better trap, than he has done this very day. the elizabeth has her hands full, boy, and the wind seems to be getting scant for her. if it knock her off much more, it will bring the flood on her weather-bow, and compel her to tack. this will throw the rear of our line into confusion!" "what should we do, sir, in such a case? it would never answer to leave poor sir jarvy out there, by himself!" "we would try not to do _that_!" returned bluewater, smiling at the affectionate solicitude of the lad, a solicitude that caused him slightly to forget his habitual respect for the commander-in-chief, and to adopt the _sobriquet_ of the fleet. "in such a case, it would become my duty to collect as many ships as i could, and to make the best of our way towards the place where we might hope to fall in with the others, in the morning. there is little danger of losing each other, for any length of time, in these narrow waters, and i have few apprehensions of the french being far enough west, to fall in with our leading vessels before morning. if they _should_, indeed, geoffrey--" "ay, sir, if they _should_, i know well enough what would come to pass!" "what, boy?--on the supposition that monsieur de vervillin _did_ meet with sir gervaise by day-break, what, in your experienced eyes, seem most likely to be the consequences?" "why, sir, sir jarvy, would go at 'em, like a dolphin at a flying-fish; and if he _should_ really happen to catch one or two of 'em, there'll be no sailing in company with the plantagenet's, for us cæsar's!--when we had the last 'bout with monsieur de gravelin, they were as saucy as peacocks, because we didn't close until their fore-yard and mizzen-top-gallant-mast were gone, although the shift of wind brought us dead to leeward, and, after all, we had eleven men the most hurt in the fight. you don't know them plantagenet's, sir; for they never _dare_ say any thing before _you_!" "not to the discredit of my young cæsars, i'll answer for it. yet, you'll remember sir gervaise gave us full credit, in his despatches." "yes, sir, all very true. sir gervaise knows better; and then _he_ understands what the cæsar _is_; and what she _can_ do, and _has_ done. but it's a very different matter with his youngsters, who fancy because they carry a red flag at the fore, they are so many blakes and howards, themselves. there's jack oldcastle, now; he's always talking of our reefers as if there was no sea-blood in our veins, and that just because his own father happened to be a captain--a _commodore_, he says, because he happened once to have three frigates under his orders." "well, that would make a commodore, for the time being. but, surely he does not claim privilege for the oldcastle blood, over that of the clevelands!" "no, sir, it isn't that sort of thing, at all," returned the fine boy, blushing a little, in spite of his contempt for any such womanly weakness; "you know we never talk of that nonsense in our squadron. with us it's all service, and that sort of thing. jack oldcastle says the clevelands are all civilians, as he calls 'em; or _soldiers_, which isn't much better, as you know, sir. now, i tell him that there is an old picture of one of 'em, with an anchor-button, and that was long before queen anne's time--queen elizabeth's, perhaps,--and then you know, sir, i fetch him up with a yarn about the hedworths; for i am just as much hedworth as cleveland." "and what does the impudent dog say to that, geoffrey?" "why, sir, he says the name should be spelt head_work_, and that they were all _lawyers_. but i gave him as good as he sent for that saucy speech, i'm certain!" "and what did you give him, in return for such a compliment? did you tell him the oldcastles were just so much stone, and wood, and old iron; and that, too, in a tumbledown condition?" "no, sir, not i," answered the boy, laughing; "i didn't think of any answer half so clever; and so i just gave him a dig in the nose, and that, laid on with right good will." "and how did he receive that argument? was it conclusive;--or did the debate continue?" "oh, of course, sir, we fought it out. 'twas on board the dover, and the first lieutenant saw fair play. jack carried too many guns for me, sir, for he's more than a year older; but i hulled him so often that he owned it was harder work than being mast-headed. after that the dover's chaps took my part, and they said the hedworths had no head_work_ at all, but they were regular sailors; admirals, and captains, and youngsters, you know, sir, like all the rest of us. i told 'em my grandfather hedworth was an admiral, and a good one, too." "in that you made a small mistake. your mother's father was only a _general_; but _his_ father was a full admiral of the red,--for he lived before that grade was abolished--and as good an officer as ever trod a plank. he was my mother's brother, and both sir gervaise and myself served long under his orders. he was a sailor of whom you well might boast." "i don't think any of the plantagenets will chase in that quarter again, sir; for we've had an overhauling among our chaps, and we find we can muster four admirals, two commodores, and thirteen captains in our two messes; that is, counting all sorts of relatives, you know, sir." "well, my dear boy, i hope you may live to reckon all that and more too, in your own persons, at some future day. yonder is sir reginald wychecombe, coming this way, to my surprise; perhaps he wishes to see me alone. go down to the landing and ascertain if my barge is ashore, and let me know it, as soon as is convenient. remember, geoffrey, you will go off with me; and hunt up sir wycherly wychecombe, who will lose his passage, unless ready the instant he is wanted." the boy touched his cap, and went bounding down the hill to execute the order. chapter xviii. "so glozed the tempter, and his poison tuned; into the heart of eve his words made way, though at the voice much marvelling." milton. it was, probably, a species of presentiment, that induced bluewater to send away the midshipman, when he saw the adherent of the dethroned house approaching. enough had passed between the parties to satisfy each of the secret bias of the other; and, by that sort of free-masonry which generally accompanies strong feelings of partisanship, the admiral felt persuaded that the approaching interview was about to relate to the political troubles of the day. the season and the hour, and the spot, too, were all poetically favourable to an interview between conspirators. it was now nearly dark; the head-land was deserted, dutton having retired, first to his bottle, and then to his bed; the wind blew heavily athwart the bleak eminence, or was heard scuffling in the caverns of the cliffs, while the portentous clouds that drove through the air, now veiled entirely, and now partially and dimly revealed the light of the moon, in a way to render the scene both exciting and wild. no wonder, then, that bluewater, his visiter drawing near, felt a stronger disposition than had ever yet come over him to listen to the tale of the tempter, as, under all the circumstances, it would scarcely exceed the bounds of justice to call sir reginald. "in seeking you at such a spot, and in the midst of this wild landscape," said the latter, "i might have been assured i should be certain of finding one who really loved the sea and your noble profession. the hall is a melancholy house, just at this moment; and when i inquired for you, no one could say whither you had strolled. in following what i thought a seaman's instinct, it appears that i did well.--do my eyes fail me, or are there no more than three vessels at anchor yonder?" "your eyes are still good, sir reginald; admiral oakes sailed several hours since, and he has been followed by all the fleet, with the exception of the two line-of-battle ships, and the frigate you see; leaving me to be the last to quit the anchorage." "is it a secret of state, or are you permitted to say whither so strong a force has so suddenly sailed?" demanded the baronet, glancing his dark eye so expressively towards the other as to give him, in the growing obscurity, the appearance of an inquisitor. "i had been told the fleet would wait for orders from london?" "such was the first intention of the commander-in-chief; but intelligence of the sailing of the comte de vervillin has induced sir gervaise to change his mind. an english admiral seldom errs when he seeks and beats an active and dangerous enemy." "is this always true, admiral bluewater?" returned sir reginald, dropping in at the side of the other, and joining in his walk, as he paced, to and fro, a short path that dutton called his own quarter-deck; "or is it merely an unmeaning generality that sometimes causes men to become the dupes of their own imaginations. are those _always_ our enemies who may seem to be so? or, are we so infallible that every feeling or prejudice may be safely set down as an impulse to which we ought to submit, without questioning its authority?" "do you esteem it a prejudice to view france as the natural enemy of england, sir reginald?" "by heaven, i do, sir! i can conceive that england may be much more her own enemy than france has ever proved to be. then, conceding that ages of warfare have contributed to awaken some such feeling as this you hint at, is there not a question of right and wrong that lies behind all? reflect how often england has invaded the french soil, and what serious injuries she has committed on the territory of the latter, while france has so little wronged us, in the same way; how, even her throne has been occupied by our princes, and her provinces possessed by our armies." "i think you hardly allow for all the equity of the different cases. parts of what is now france, were the just inheritance of those who have sat on the english throne, and the quarrels were no more than the usual difficulties of neighbourhood. when our claims were just in themselves, you surely could not have wished to see them abandoned." "far from it; but when claims were disputed, is it not natural for the loser to view them as a hardship? i believe we should have had a much better neighbourhood, as you call it, with france, had not the modern difficulties connected with religious changes, occurred." "i presume you know. sir reginald, that i, and all my family are protestants." "i do, admiral bluewater; and i rejoice to find that a difference of opinion on this great interest, does not necessarily produce one on all others. from several little allusions that have passed between us to-day, i am encouraged to believe that we think alike on certain temporal matters, however wide the chasm between us on spiritual things." "i confess i have fallen into the same conclusion; and i should be sorry to be undeceived if wrong." "what occasion, then, for farther ambiguity? surely two honourable men may safely trust each other with their common sentiments, when the times call for decision and frankness! i am a jacobite, admiral bluewater; if i risk life or fortune by making the avowal, i place both, without reserve at your mercy." "they could not be in safer hands, sir; and i know no better mode of giving you every possible assurance that the confidence will not be abused, than by telling you in return, that i would cheerfully lay down my life could the sacrifice restore the deposed family to the throne." "this is noble, and manly, and frank, as i had hoped from a sailor!" exclaimed sir reginald, more delighted than he well knew how to express at the moment. "this simple assurance from your lips, carries more weight than all the oaths and pledges of vulgar conspiracy. we understand each other, and i should be truly sorry to inspire less confidence than i feel." "what better proof can i give you of the reliance placed on your faith, than the declaration you have heard, sir reginald? my head would answer for your treachery in a week; but i have never felt it more securely on my shoulders than at this moment." the baronet grasped the other's hand, and each gave and received a pressure that was full of meaning. then both walked on, thoughtful and relieved, for quite a minute, in profound silence. "this sudden appearance of the prince in scotland has taken us all a little by surprise," sir reginald resumed, after the pause; "though a few of us knew that his intentions led him this way. perhaps he has done well to come unattended by a foreign force, and to throw himself, as it might be singly, into the arms of his subjects; trusting every thing to their generosity, loyalty, and courage. some blame him; but i do not. he will awaken interest, now, in every generous heart in the nation,"--this was artfully adapted to the character of the listener;--"whereas some might feel disposed to be lukewarm under a less manly appeal to their affections and loyalty. in scotland, we learn from all directions that his royal highness is doing wonders, while the friends of his house are full of activity in england, though compelled, for a time, to be watchful and prudent." "i rejoice, from the bottom of my heart, to hear this!" said bluewater, drawing a long breath, like one whose mind was unexpectedly relieved from a heavy load. "from the bottom of my heart, do i rejoice! i had my apprehensions that the sudden appearance of the prince might find his well-wishers unprepared and timid." "as far from that as possible, my dear sir; though much still depends on the promptitude and resolution of the master spirits of the party. we are strong enough to control the nation, if we can bring those forward who have the strength to lead and control ourselves. all we now want are some hundred or two of prominent men to step out of their diffidence, and show us the way to honourable achievement and certain success." "can such men be wanting, at a moment like this?" "i think we are secure of most of the high nobility, though their great risks render them all a little wary in the outset. it is among the professional men--the gallant soldiers, and the bold, ardent seamen of the fleet, that we must look for the first demonstrations of loyalty and true patriotism. to be honest with you, sir, i tire of being ruled by a german." "do you know of any intention to rally a force in this part of england, sir reginald? if so, say but the word--point out the spot where the standard is to be raised, and i will rally under it, the instant circumstances will permit!" "this is just what i expected, mr. bluewater," answered the baronet, more gratified than he thought it prudent to express; "though it is not exactly the _form_ in which you can best serve us at this precise moment. cut off from the north, as we are in this part of the island, by all the resources of the actual government, it would be the height of imprudence in us to show our hands, until all the cards are ready to be played. active and confidential agents are at work in the army; london has its proper share of business men, while others are in the counties, doing their best to put things in a shape for the consummation we so anxiously look for. i have been with several of our friends in this vicinity, to bring matters into a combined state; and it was my intention to visit this very estate, to see what my own name might do with the tenantry, had not the late sir wycherly summoned me as he did, to attend his death-bed. have you any clue to the feelings of this new and young head of my family, the sea-lieutenant and present baronet?" "not a very plain one, sir, though i doubt if they be favourable to the house of stuart." "i feared as much; this very evening i have had an anonymous communication that i think must come from his competitor, pretty plainly intimating that, by asserting _his_ rights, as they are called, the whole wychecombe tenantry and interest could be united, in the present struggle, on whichever side i might desire to see them." "this is a bold and decided stroke, truly! may i inquire as to your answer, sir reginald?" "i shall give none. under all circumstances i will ever refuse to place a bastard in the seat of a legitimate descendant of my family. we contend for legal and natural rights, my dear admiral, and the means employed should not be unworthy of the end. besides, i know the scoundrel to be unworthy of trust, and shall not have the weakness to put myself in his power. i could wish the other boy to be of another mind; but, by getting him off to sea, whither he tells me he is bound, we shall at least send him out of harm's way." in all this sir reginald was perfectly sincere; for, while he did not always hesitate about the employment of means, in matters of politics, he was rigidly honest in every thing that related to private properly; a species of moral contradiction that is sometimes found among men who aim at the management of human affairs; since those often yield to a besetting weakness who are nearly irreproachable in other matters. bluewater was glad to hear this declaration; his own simplicity of character inducing him to fancy it was an indication to the general probity of his companion. "yes," observed the latter, "in all eases, we must maintain the laws of the land, in an affair of private right. this young man is not capable, perhaps, of forming a just estimate of his political duties, in a crisis like this, and it may be well, truly, to get him off to sea, lest by taking the losing side, he endangers his estate before he is fairly possessed of it. and having now disposed of sir wycherly, what can i do most to aid the righteous and glorious cause?" "this is coming to the point manfully, sir richard--i beg pardon for thus styling you, but i happen to know that your name has been before the prince, for some time, as one of those who are to receive the riband from a sovereign really _authorized_ to bestow it; if i have spoken a little prematurely, i again entreat your pardon;--but, this is at once coming manfully to the point! serve us you can, of course, and that most effectually, and in an all-important manner. i now greatly regret that my father had not put me in the army, in my youth, that i might serve my prince as i could wish, in this perilous trial. but we have many friends accustomed to arms, and among them your own honourable name will appear conspicuous as to the past, and encouraging as to the future." "i have carried arms from boyhood, it is true, sir reginald, but it is in a service that will scarcely much avail us in this warfare. prince edward has no ships, nor do i know he will need any." "true, my dear sir, but king george has! as for the necessity, permit me to say you are mistaken; it will soon be all-important to keep open the communication with the continent. no doubt, monsieur de vervillin is out, with some such object, already." bluewater started, and he recoiled from the firm grasp which the other took of his arm, in the earnestness of discourse, with some such instinctive aversion as a man recoils from the touch of the reptile. the thought of a treachery like that implied in the remark of his companion had never occurred to him, and his honest mind turned with a strong disrelish, from even the implied proposition of the other. still, he was not quite certain how far sir reginald wished to urge him, and he felt it just to ascertain his real views before he answered them. plausible as this appeared, it was a dangerous delay for one so simple-minded, when brought in contact with a person so practised as the baronet; sir reginald having the tact to perceive that his new friend's feelings had already taken the alarm, and at once determined to be more wary. "what am i to understand by this, sir reginald wychecombe?" demanded the rear-admiral. "in what manner can i possibly be connected with the naval resources of the house of hanover, when it is my intention to throw off its service? king george's fleets will hardly aid the stuarts; and they will, at least, obey the orders of their own officers." "not the least doubt in the world of this, admiral bluewater! what a glorious privilege it was for monk to have it in his power to put his liege sovereign in his rightful seat, and thus to save the empire, by a _coup de main_, from the pains and grievances of a civil contest! of all the glorious names in english history, i esteem that of george monk as the one most to be envied! it is a great thing to be a prince--one born to be set apart as god's substitute on earth, in all that relates to human justice and human power;--yet it is greater, in my eyes, to be the subject to _restore_ the order of these almost divine successions, when once deranged by lawless and presuming men." "this is true enough, sir; though i would rather have joined charles on the beach at dover, armed only with an untainted sword, than followed by an army at my heels!" "what, when that army followed _cheerfully_, and was equally eager with yourself to serve their sovereign!" "that, indeed, might somewhat qualify the feeling. but soldiers and sailors are usually influenced by the opinions of those who have been placed over them by the higher authorities." "no doubt they are; and that is as it should be. we are encouraged to believe that some ten or fifteen captains are already well-disposed towards us, and will cheerfully take their respective ships to the points our wants require, the moment they feel assured of being properly led, when collected. by a little timely concert, we can command the north sea, and keep open important communications with the continent. it is known the ministry intend to employ as many german troops as they can assemble, and a naval force will be all-important in keeping these mustachoed foreigners at a distance the quarrel is purely english, sir, and ought to be decided by englishmen only." "in that, indeed, i fully concur, sir reginald," answered bluewater, breathing more freely. "i would cruise a whole winter in the north sea to keep the dutchmen at home, and let englishmen decide who is to be england's king. to me, foreign interference, in such a matter, is the next evil to positive disloyalty to my rightful prince." "these are exactly my sentiments, dear sir, and i hope to see you act on them. by the way, how happens it you are left alone, and in what manner do you admirals divide your authority when serving in company?" "i do not know i comprehend your question, sir reginald. i am left here to sail the last with the cæsar; sir gervaise leading out in the plantagenet, with a view to draw a line across the channel that shall effectually prevent de vervillin from getting to the westward." "to the _westward_!" repeated the other, smiling ironically, though the darkness prevented the admiral from seeing the expression of his features. "does admiral oakes then think that the french ships are steering in _that_ direction?" "such is our information; have you any reason to suppose that the enemy intend differently?" the baronet paused, and he appeared to ruminate. enough had already passed to satisfy him he had not an ordinary mind in that of his companion to deal with, and he was slightly at a loss how to answer. to bring the other within his lures, he was fully resolved; and the spirits that aid the designing just at that moment suggested the plan which, of all others, was most likely to be successful. bluewater had betrayed his aversion to the interference of foreign troops in the quarrel, and on this subject he intended to strike a chord which he rightly fancied would thrill on the rear-admiral's feelings. "we have our information, certainly," answered sir reginald, like one who was reluctant to tell all he knew; "though good faith requires it should not actually be exposed. nevertheless, any one can reason on the probabilities. the duke of cumberland will collect his german auxiliaries, and they must get into england the best way that they can. would an intelligent enemy with a well-appointed fleet suffer this junction, if he could prevent it? we know he would not; and when we remember the precise time of the sailing of the comte, his probable ignorance of the presence of this squadron of yours, in the channel, and all the other circumstances of the case, who can suppose otherwise than to believe his aim is to intercept the german regiments." "this does seem plausible; and yet the active's signals told us that the french were steering west; and that, too, with a light westerly wind." "do not fleets, like armies, frequently make false demonstrations? might not monsieur de vervillin, so long as his vessels were in sight from the shore, have turned toward the west, with an intention, as soon as covered by the darkness, to incline to the east, again, and sail up channel, under english ensigns, perhaps? is it not possible for him to pass the straits of dover, even, as an english squadron--your own, for instance--and thus deceive the hanoverian cruisers until ready to seize or destroy any transports that may be sent?" "hardly, sir reginald," said bluewater, smiling. "a french ship can no more be mistaken for an english ship, than a frenchman can pass for a briton. we sailors are not as easily deceived as that would show. it is true, however, that a fleet might well stand in one direction, until far enough off the land or covered by night, when it might change its course suddenly, in an opposite direction; and it _is possible_ the comte de vervillin has adopted some such stratagem. if he actually knew of the intention to throw german troops into the island, it is even quite _probable_. in that case, for one, i could actually wish him success!" "well, my dear sir, and what is to prevent it?" asked sir reginald, with a triumph that was not feigned. "nothing, you will say, unless he fall in with sir gervaise oakes. but you have not answered my inquiry, as to the manner in which flag-officers divide their commands, at sea?" "as soldiers divide their commands ashore. the superior orders, and the inferior obeys." "ay, this is true; but it does not meet my question. here are eleven large ships, and two admirals; now what portion of these ships are under your particular orders, and what portion under those of sir gervaise oakes?" "the vice-admiral has assigned to himself a division of six of the ships, and left me the other five. each of us has his frigates and smaller vessels. but an order that the commander-in-chief may choose to give any captain must be obeyed by him, as the inferior submits, as a rule, to the last order." "and _you_," resumed sir reginald, with quickness; "how are _you_ situated, as respects these captains?" "should i give a direct order to any captain in the fleet, it would certainly be his duty to obey it; though circumstances might occur which would render it obligatory on him to let me know that he had different instructions from our common superior. but, why these questions, sir reginald?" "your patience, my dear admiral;--and what ships have you specifically under your care?" "the cæsar, my own; the dublin, the elizabeth, the york, and the dover. to these must be added the druid frigate, the sloop of war, and the gnat. my division numbers eight in all." "what a magnificent force to possess at a moment as critical as this!--but where are all these vessels? i see but four and a cutter, and only two of these seem to be large." "the light you perceive there, along the land to the westward, is on board the elizabeth; and that broad off here, in the channel, is on board the york. the dover's lantern has disappeared further to the southward. ah! there the dublin casts, and is off after the others!" "and you intend to follow, admiral bluewater?" "within an hour, or i shall lose the division. as it is, i have been deliberating on the propriety of calling back the sternmost ships, and collecting them in close squadron; for this increase and hauling of the wind render it probable they will lose the vice-admiral, and that day-light will find the line scattered and in confusion. one mind must control the movements of ships, as well as of battalions, sir reginald, if they are to act in concert." "with what view would you collect the vessels you have mentioned, and in the manner you have named, if you do not deem my inquiry indiscreet?" demanded the baronet, with quickness. "simply that they might be kept together, and brought in subjection to my own particular signals. this is the duty that more especially falls to my share, as head of the division." "have you the means to effect this, here, on this hill, and by yourself, sir?" "it would be a great oversight to neglect so important a provision. my signal-officer is lying under yonder cover, wrapped in his cloak, and two quarter-masters are in readiness to make the very signal in question; for its necessity has been foreseen, and really would seem to be approaching. if done at all, it must be done quickly, too. the light of the york grows dim in the distance. it _shall_ be done, sir; prudence requires it, and you shall see the manner in which we hold our distant ships in command." bluewater could not have announced more agreeable intelligence to his companion. sir reginald was afraid to propose the open treason he meditated; but he fancied, if the rear-admiral could fairly withdraw his own division from the fleet, it would at once weaken the vice-admiral so much, as to render an engagement with the french impossible, and might lead to such a separation of the commands as to render the final defection of the division inshore easier of accomplishment. it is true, bluewater, himself, was actuated by motives directly contrary to these wishes; but, as the parties travelled the same road to a certain point, the intriguing baronet had his expectations of being able to persuade his new friend to continue on in his own route. promptitude is a military virtue, and, among seamen, it is a maxim to do every thing that is required to be done, with activity and vigour. these laws were not neglected on the present occasion. no sooner had the rear-admiral determined on his course, than he summoned his agents to put it in execution. lord geoffrey had returned to the heights and was within call, and he carried the orders to the lieutenant and the quarter-masters. the lanterns only required lighting, and then they were run aloft on dutton's staff, as regularly as the same duty could have been performed on the poop of the cæsar. three rockets were thrown up, immediately after, and the gun kept on the cliffs for that purpose was fired, to draw attention to the signal. it might have been a minute ere the heavy ordnance of the cæsar repeated the summons, and the same signal was shown at her mast-head. the dublin was still so near that no time was lost, but according to orders, she too repeated the signal; for in the line that night, it was understood that an order of this nature was to be sent from ship to ship. "now for the elizabeth!" cried bluewater; "she cannot fail to have heard our guns, and to see our signals." "the york is ahead of her, sir!" exclaimed the boy; "see; she has the signal up already!" all this passed in a very few minutes, the last ships having sailed in the expectation of receiving some such recall. the york preceded the ship next to her in the line, in consequence of having gone about, and being actually nearer to the rear-admiral than her second astern. it was but a minute, before the gun and the lanterns of the elizabeth, however, announced her knowledge of the order, also. the two ships last named were no longer visible from the cliffs, though their positions were known by their lights; but no sign whatever indicated the part of the ocean on which the dover was struggling along through the billows. after a pause of several minutes, bluewater spoke. "i fear we shall collect no more," he said; "one of my ships must take her chance to find the commander-in-chief, alone. ha!--that means something!" at this instant a faint, distant flash was seen, for a single moment, in the gloom, and then all heads were bent forward to listen, in breathless attention. a little time had elapsed, when the dull, smothered report of a gun proclaimed that even the dover had caught the rapidly transmitted order. "what means that, sir?" eagerly demanded sir reginald, who had attended to every thing with intense expectation. "it means, sir, that all of the division are still under my command. no other ship would note the order. _their_ directions, unless specifically pointed out by their numbers, must come from the vice-admiral. is my barge ashore, lord geoffrey cleveland?" "it is, sir, as well as the cutter for mr. cornet and the quarter-masters." "it is well. gentlemen, we will go on board; the cæsar must weigh and join the other vessels in the offing. i will follow you to the landing, but you will shove off, at once, and desire captain stowel to weigh and cast to-port. we will fill on the starboard tack, and haul directly off the land." the whole party immediately left the station, hurrying down to the boats, leaving bluewater and sir reginald to follow more leisurely. it was a critical moment for the baronet, who had so nearly effected his purpose, that his disappointment would have been double did he fail of his object altogether. he determined, therefore, not to quit the admiral while there was the slightest hope of success. the two consequently descended together to the shore, walking, for the first minute or two, in profound silence. "a great game is in your hands, admiral bluewater," resumed the baronet; "rightly played, it may secure the triumph of the good cause. i think i may say i _know_ de vervillin's object, and that his success will reseat the stuarts on the thrones of their ancestors! one who loves them should ponder well before he does aught to mar so glorious a result." this speech was as bold as it was artful. in point of fact, sir reginald wychecombe knew no more of the comte de vervillin's intended movements than his companion; but he did not hesitate to assert what he now did, in order to obtain a great political advantage, in a moment of so much importance. to commit bluewater and his captains openly on the side of the stuarts would be a great achievement in itself; to frustrate the plans of sir gervaise might safely be accounted another; and, then, there were all the chances that the frenchman was not at sea for nothing, and that his operations might indeed succour the movements of the prince. the baronet, upright as he was in other matters, had no scruples of conscience on this occasion; having long since brought himself over to the belief that it was justifiable to attain ends as great as those he had in view, by the sacrifice of any of the minor moral considerations. the effect on bluewater was not trifling. the devil had placed the bait before his eyes in a most tempting form; for he felt that he had only to hold his division in reserve to render an engagement morally improbable. abandon his friend to a superior force he could and would not; but, it is our painful duty to avow that his mind had glimpses of the possibility of doing the adventurer in scotland a great good, without doing the vice-admiral and the van of the fleet any very essential harm. let us be understood, however. the rear-admiral did not even contemplate treason, or serious defection of any sort; but through one of those avenues of frailty by which men are environed, he had a glance at results that the master-spirit of evil momentarily placed before his mental vision as both great and glorious. "i wish we were really certain of de vervillin's object," he said; the only concession he made to this novel feeling, in words. "it might, indeed, throw a great light on the course we ought to take ourselves. i do detest this german alliance, and would abandon the service ere i would convoy or transport a ragamuffin of them all to england." here sir reginald proved how truly expert he was in the arts of management. a train of thought and feeling had been lighted in the mind of his companion, which he felt might lead to all he wished, while he was apprehensive that further persuasion would awaken opposition, and renew old sentiments. he wisely determined, therefore, to leave things as they were, trusting to the strong and declared bias of the admiral in favour of the revolution, to work out its own consequences, with a visible and all-important advantage so prominently placed before his eyes. "i know nothing of ships," he answered, modestly; "but i do _know_ that the comte has our succour in view. it would ill become me to advise one of your experience how to lead a force like this, which is subject to your orders; but a friend of the good cause, who is now in the west, and who was lately in the presence itself, tells me that the prince manifested extreme satisfaction when he learned how much it might be in your power to serve him." "do you then think my name has reached the royal ear, and that the prince has any knowledge of my real feelings?" "nothing but your extreme modesty could cause you to doubt the first, sir; as to the last, ask yourself how came i to approach you to-night, with my heart in my hand, as it might be, making you master of my life as well as of my secret. love and hatred are emotions that soon betray themselves." it is matter of historical truth that men of the highest principles and strongest minds have yielded to the flattery of rank. bluewater's political feelings had rendered him indifferent to the blandishments of the court at london, while his imagination, that chivalrous deference to antiquity and poetical right, which lay at the root of his jacobitism, and his brooding sympathies, disposed him but too well to become the dupe of language like this. had he been more a man of facts, one less under the influence of his own imagination; had it been his good fortune to live even in contact with those he now so devoutly worshipped, in a political sense at least, their influence over a mind as just and clear-sighted as his own, would soon have ceased; but, passing his time at sea, they had the most powerful auxiliary possible, in the high faculty he possessed of fancying things as he wished them to be. no wonder, then, that he heard this false assertion of sir reginald with a glow of pleasure; with even a thrill at the heart to which he had long been a stranger. for a time, his better feelings were smothered in this new and treacherous sensation. the gentlemen, by this time, were at the landing, and it became necessary to separate. the barge of the rear-admiral was with difficulty kept from leaping on the rock, by means of oars and boat-hooks, and each instant rendered the embarkation more and more difficult. the moments were precious on more accounts than one, and the leave-taking was short. sir reginald said but little, though he intended the pressure of the hand he gave his companion to express every thing. "god be with you," he added; "and as you prove true, may you prove successful! remember, 'a lawful prince, and the claims of birth-right.' god be with you!" "adieu, sir reginald; when we next meet, the future will probably be more apparent to us all.--but who comes hither, rushing like a madman towards the boat?" a form came leaping through the darkness; nor was it known, until it stood within two feet of bluewater, it was that of wycherly. he had heard the guns and seen the signals. guessing at the reasons, he dashed from the park, which he was pacing to cool his agitation, and which now owned him for a master, and ran the whole distance to the shore, in order not to be left. his arrival was most opportune; for, in another minute, the barge left the rock. chapter xix. "o'er the glad waters of the dark-blue sea. our thoughts as boundless, and our souls as free. far as the breeze can bear, the billows foam, survey our empire and behold our home." the corsair. one is never fully aware of the extent of the movement that agitates the bosom of the ocean until fairly subject to its action himself, when indeed we all feel its power and reason closely on its dangers. the first pitch of his boat told bluewater that the night threatened to be serious. as the lusty oarsmen bent to their stroke, the barge rose on a swell, dividing the foam that glanced past it like a marine aurora borealis, and then plunged into the trough as if descending to the bottom. it required several united and vigorous efforts to force the little craft from its dangerous vicinity to the rocks, and to get it in perfect command. this once done, however, the well-practised crew urged the barge slowly but steadily ahead. "a dirty night!--a dirty night!" muttered bluewater, unconsciously to himself; "we should have had a wild berth, had we rode out this blow, at anchor. oakes will have a heavy time of it out yonder in the very chops of the channel, with a westerly swell heaving in against this ebb." "yes, sir," answered wycherly; "the vice-admiral will be looking out for us all, anxiously enough, in the morning." not another syllable did bluewater utter until his boat had touched the side of the cæsar. he reflected deeply on his situation, and those who know his feelings will easily understand that his reflections were not altogether free from pain. such as they were, he kept them to himself, however, and in a man-of-war's boat, when a flag-officer chooses to be silent, it is a matter of course for his inferiors to imitate his example. the barge was about a quarter of a mile from the landing, when the heavy flap of the cæsar's main-top-sail was heard, as, close-reefed, it struggled for freedom, while her crew drew its sheets down to the blocks on the lower yard-arms. a minute later, the gnat, under the head of her fore-and-aft-main-sail, was seen standing slowly off from the land, looking in the darkness like some half-equipped shadow of herself. the sloop of war, too, was seen bending low to the force of the wind, with her mere apology of a top-sail thrown aback, in waiting for the flag-ship to cast. the surface of the waters was a sheet of glancing foam, while the air was filled with the blended sounds of the wash of the element, and the roar of the winds. still there was nothing chilling or repulsive in the temperature of the air, which was charged with the freshness of the sea, and was bracing and animating, bringing with it the flavour that a seaman loves. after fully fifteen minutes' severe tugging at the oars, the barge drew near enough to permit the black mass of the cæsar to be seen. for some time, lord geoffrey, who had seated himself at the tiller,--yoke-lines were not used a century since,--steered by the top-light of the rear-admiral; but now the maze of hamper was seen waving slowly to and fro in the lurid heavens, and the huge hull became visible, heaving and setting, as if the ocean groaned with the labour of lifting such a pile of wood and iron. a light gleamed from the cabin-windows, and ever and anon, one glanced athwart an open gun-room port. in all other respects, the ship presented but one hue of blackness. nor was it an easy undertaking, even after the barge was under the lee of the ship, for those in it, to quit its uneasy support and get a firm footing on the cleets that lined the vessel's side like a ladder. this was done, however, and all ascended to the deck but two of the crew, who remained to hook-on the yard and stay-tackles. this effected, the shrill whistle gave the word, and that large boat, built to carry at need some twenty souls, was raised from the raging water, as it were by some gigantic effort of the ship herself, and safely deposited in her bosom. "we are none too soon, sir," said stowel, the moment he had received the rear-admiral with the customary etiquette of the hour. "it's a cap-full of wind already, and it promises to blow harder before morning. we are catted and fished, sir, and the forecastle-men are passing the shank-painter at this moment." "fill, sir, and stretch off, on an easy bowline," was the answer; "when a league in the offing, let me know it. mr. cornet, i have need of you, in my cabin." as this was said, bluewater went below, followed by his signal-officer. at the same instant the first lieutenant called out to man the main-braces, and to fill the top-sail. as soon as this command was obeyed, the cæsar started ahead. her movement was slow, but it had a majesty in it, that set at naught the turbulence of the elements. bluewater had paced to and fro in his cabin no less than six times, with his head drooping, in a thoughtful attitude, ere his attention was called to any external object. "do you wish my presence, admiral bluewater?" the signal-officer at length inquired. "i ask your pardon, mr. cornet; i was really unconscious that you were in the cabin. let me see--ay--our last signal was, 'division come within hail of rear-admiral.' they must get close to us, to be able to do _that_ to-night, cornet! the winds and waves have begun their song in earnest." "and yet, sir, i'll venture a month's pay that captain drinkwater brings the dover so near us, as to put the officer of the watch and the quarter-master at the wheel in a fever. we once made that signal, in a gale of wind, and he passed his jib-boom-end over our taffrail." "he is certainly a most literal gentleman, that captain drinkwater, but he knows how to take care of his ship. look for the number of 'follow the rear-admiral's motions.' 'tis , i think." "no, sir; but . blue, red, and white, with the flags. with the lanterns, 'tis one of the simplest signals we have." "we will make it, at once. when that is done, show 'the rear-admiral; keep in his wake, in the general order of sailing.' that i am sure is ." "yes, sir; you are quite right. shall i show the second signal as soon as all the vessels have answered the first, sir?" "that is my intention, cornet. when all have answered, let me know it." mr. cornet now left the cabin, and bluewater took a seat in an arm-chair, in deep meditation. for quite half an hour the former was busy on the poop, with his two quarter-masters, going through the slow and far from easy duty of making night-signals, as they were then practised at sea. it was some time before the most distant vessel, the dover, gave any evidence of comprehending the first order, and then the same tardy operation had to be gone through with for the second. at length the sentinel threw open the cabin-door, and cornet re-appeared. during the whole of his absence on deck, bluewater had not stirred; scarce seemed to breathe. his thoughts were away from his ships, and for the first time, in the ten years he had worn a flag, he had forgotten the order he had given. "the signals are made and answered, sir," said cornet, as soon as he had advanced to the edge of the table, on which the rear-admiral's elbow was leaning. "the dublin is already in our wake, and the elizabeth is bearing down fast on our weather-quarter; she will bring herself into her station in ten minutes." "what news of the york and dover, cornet?" asked bluewater, rousing himself from a fit of deep abstraction. "the york's light nears us, quite evidently; though that of the dover is still a fixed star, sir," answered the lieutenant, chuckling a little at his own humour; "it seems no larger than it did when we first made it." "it is something to have made it at all. i was not aware it could be seen from deck?" "nor can it, sir; but, by going up half-a-dozen ratlins we get a look at it. captain drinkwater bowses up his lights to the gaff-end, and i can see him always ten minutes sooner than any other ship in the fleet, under the same circumstances." "drinkwater is a careful officer; do the bearings of his light alter enough to tell the course he is steering?" "i think they do, sir, though our standing out athwart his line of sailing would make the change slow, of course. every foot we get to the southward, you know, sir, would throw his bearings farther west; while every foot he comes east, would counteract that change and throw his bearings further south." "that's very clear; but, as he must go three fathoms to our one, running off with square yards before such a breeze, i think we should be constantly altering his bearings to the southward." "no doubt of it, in the world, sir; and that is just what we _are_ doing. i think i can see a difference of half a point, already; but, when we get his light fairly in view from the poop, we shall be able to tell with perfect accuracy." "all very well, cornet. do me the favour to desire captain stowel to step into the cabin and keep a bright look-out for the ships of the division. stay, for a single instant; what particularly sharp-eyed youngster happens to belong to the watch on deck?" "i know none keener in that way than lord geoffrey cleveland, sir; he can see all the roguery that is going on in the whole fleet, at any rate, and ought to see other things." "he will do perfectly well; send the young gentleman to me, sir; but, first inform the officer of the watch that i have need of him." bluewater was unusually fastidious in exercising his authority over those who had temporary superiors on the assigned duty of the ship; and he never sent an order to any of the watch, without causing it to pass through the officer of that watch. he waited but a minute before the boy appeared. "have you a good gripe to-night, boy?" asked the rear-admiral, smiling; "or will it be both hands for yourself and none for the king? i want you on the fore-top-gallant-yard, for eight or ten minutes." "well, sir, it's a plain road there, and one i've often travelled," returned the lad, cheerfully. "that i well know; you are certainly no skulk when duty is to be done. go aloft then, and ascertain if the lights of any of sir gervaise's squadron are to be seen. you will remember that the dover bears somewhere about south-west from us, and that she is still a long way to seaward. i should think all of sir gervaise's ships must be quite as far to windward as that point would bring them, but much further off. by looking sharp a point or half a point to windward of the dover, you may possibly see the light of the warspite, and then we shall get a correct idea of the bearings of all the rest of the division--" "ay-ay-sir," interrupted the boy; "i think i understand exactly what you wish to know, admiral bluewater." "that is a natural gift at sixteen, my lord," returned the admiral, smiling; "but it may be improved a little, perhaps, by the experience of fifty. now, it is possible sir gervaise may have gone about, as soon as the flood made; in which case he ought to bear nearly west of us, and you will also look in that direction. on the other hand, sir gervaise may have stretched so far over towards the french coast before night shut in, as to feel satisfied monsieur de vervillin is still to the eastward of him; in which case he would keep off a little, and may, at this moment, be nearly ahead of us. so that, under all the circumstances, you will sweep the horizon, from the weather-beam to the lee-bow, ranging forward. am i understood, now, my lord?" "yes, sir, i think you are," answered the boy, blushing at his own impetuosity. "you will excuse my indiscretion, admiral bluewater; but i _thought_ i understood all you desired, when i spoke so hastily." "no doubt you did, geoffrey, but you perceive you did not. nature has made you quick of apprehension, but not quick enough to _foresee_ all an old man's gossip. come nearer, now, and let us shake hands. so go aloft, and hold on well, for it is a windy night, and i do not desire to lose you overboard." the boy did as told, squeezed bluewater's hand, and dashed out of the cabin to conceal his tears. as for the rear-admiral, he immediately relapsed into his fit of forgetfulness, waiting for the arrival of stowel. a summons to a captain does not as immediately produce a visit, on board a vessel of war, as a summons to a midshipman. captain stowel was busy in looking at the manner in which his boats were stowed, when cornet told him of the rear-admiral's request; and then he had to give some orders to the first lieutenant concerning the fresh meat that had been got off, and one or two other similar little things, before he was at leisure to comply. "see me, do you say, mr. cornet; in his own cabin, as soon as it is convenient?" he at length remarked, when all these several offices had been duly performed. the signal-officer repeated the request, word for word as he had heard it, when he turned to take another look at the light of the dover. as for stowel, he cared no more for the dover, windy and dark as the night promised to be, than the burgher is apt to care for his neighbour's house when the whole street is threatened with destruction. to him the cæsar was the great centre of attraction, and cornet paid him off in kind; for, of all the vessels in the fleet, the cæsar was precisely the one to which he gave the least attention; and this for the simple reason that she was the only ship to which he never gave, or from which he never received, a signal. "well, mr. bluff," said stowel to the first lieutenant; "one of us will have to be on deck most of the night, and i'll take a slant below, for half an hour first, and see what the admiral wishes." thus saying, the captain left the deck, in order to ascertain his superior's pleasure. captain stowel was several years the senior of bluewater, having actually been a lieutenant in one of the frigates in which the rear-admiral had served as a midshipman; a circumstance to which he occasionally alluded in their present intercourse. the change in the relative positions was the result of the family influence of the junior, who had passed his senior in the grade of master and commander; a rank that then brought many an honest man up for life, in the english marine. at the age of five-and-forty, that at which bluewater first hoisted his flag, stowell was posted; and soon after he was invited by his old shipmate, who had once had him under him as his first lieutenant in a sloop of war, to take the command of his flag-ship. from that day down to the present moment, the two officers had sailed together, whenever they sailed at all, perfectly good friends; though the captain never appeared entirely to forget the time when they were in the aforesaid frigate; one a gun-room officer, and the other only a "youngster." stowel must now have been about sixty-five; a square, hard-featured, red-faced seaman, who knew all about his ship, from her truck to her limber-rope, but who troubled himself very little about any thing else. he had married a widow when he was posted, but was childless, and had long since permitted his affections to wander back into their former channels; from the domestic hearth to his ship. he seldom spoke of matrimony, but the little he saw fit to say on the subject was comprehensive and to the point. a perfectly sober man, he consumed large quantities of both wine and brandy, as well as of tobacco, and never seemed to be the worse for either. loyal he was by political faith, and he looked upon a revolution, let its object be what it might, as he would have regarded a mutiny in the cæsar. he was exceedingly pertinacious of his rights as "captain of his own ship," both ashore and afloat; a disposition that produced less trouble with the mild and gentlemanly rear-admiral, than with mrs. stowel. if we add that this plain sailor never looked into a book, his proper scientific works excepted, we shall have said all of him that his connection with our tale demands. "good-evening, admiral bluewater," said this true tar, saluting the rear-admiral, as one neighbour would greet another, on dropping in of an evening, for they occupied different cabins. "mr. cornet told me you would like to say a word to me, before i turned in; if, indeed, turn in at all, i do this blessed night." "take a seat, stowel, and a glass of this sherry, in the bargain," bluewater answered, kindly, showing how well he understood his man, by the manner in which he shoved both bottle and glass within reach of his hand. "how goes the night?--and is this wind likely to stand?" "i'm of opinion, sir--we'll drink his majesty, if you've no objection, admiral bluewater,--i'm of opinion, we shall stretch the threads of that new main-top-sail, before we've done with the breeze, sir. i believe i've not told you, yet, that i've had the new sail bent, since we last spoke together on the subject. it's a good fit, sir; and, close-reefed, the sails stands like the side of a house." "i'm glad to hear it, stowel; though i think all your canvass usually appears to be in its place." "why you know, admiral bluewater, that i've been long enough at it, to understand something about the matter. it is now more than forty years since we were in the calypso together, and ever since that time i've borne the commission of an officer. you were then a youngster, and thought more of your joke, than of bending sails, or of seeing how they would stand." "there wasn't much of me, certainly, forty years ago, stowel; but i well remember the knack you had of making every robin, sheet, bowline, and thread do its duty, then, as you do to-day. by the way, can you tell me any thing of the dover, this evening?" "not i, sir; she came out with the rest of us i suppose, and must be somewhere in the fleet; though i dare say the log will have it all, if she has been anywhere near us, lately. i am sorry we did not go into one of the watering-ports, instead of this open roadstead, for we must be at least twenty-seven hundred gallons short of what we ought to have, by my calculation; and then we want a new set of light spars, pretty much all round; and the lower hold hasn't as many barrels of provisions in it, by thirty-odd, as i could wish to see there." "i leave these things to you, entirely, stowel; you will report in time to keep the ship efficient." "no fear of the cæsar, sir; for, between mr. bluff, the master, and myself, we know pretty much all about _her_, though i dare say there are men in the fleet who can tell you more about the dublin, or the dover, or the york. we will drink the queen, and all the royal family, if you please, sir." as usual, bluewater merely bowed, for his companion required no further acquiescence in his toasts. just at that moment, too, it would have needed a general order, at least, to induce him to drink any of the family of the reigning house. "oakes must be well off, mid-channel, by this time, captain stowel?" "i should think he might be, sir; though i can't say i took particular notice of the time he sailed. i dare say it's all in the log. the plantagenet is a fast ship, sir, and captain greenly understands her trim, and what she can do on all tacks; and, yet, i do think his majesty has one ship in this fleet that can find a frenchman quite as soon, and deal with him, when found, quite as much to the purpose." "of course you mean the cæsar;--well, i'm quite of your way of thinking, though sir gervaise manages never to be in a slow ship. i suppose you know, stowel, that monsieur de vervillin is out, and that we may expect to see or hear something of him, to-morrow." "yes, sir, there is some such conversation in the ship, i know; but the quantity of galley-news is so great in this squadron, that i never attend much to what is said. one of the officers brought off a rumour, i believe, that there was a sort of a row in scotland. by the way, sir, there is a supernumerary lieutenant on board, and as he has joined entirely without orders, i'm at a loss how to berth or to provision him. we can treat the gentleman hospitably to-night; but in the morning i shall be obliged to get him regularly on paper." "you mean sir wycherly wychecombe; he shall come into my mess, rather than give you any trouble." "i shall not presume to meddle with any gentleman you may please to invite into your cabin, sir," answered stowel, with a stiff bow, in the way of apology. "that's what i always tell mrs. stowel, sir;--that my _cabin_ is my _own_, and even a wife has no right to shake a broom in it." "which is a great advantage to us seamen; for it gives us a citadel to retreat to, when the outworks are pressed. you appear to take but little interest in this civil war, stowel!" "then it's true, is it, sir? i didn't know but it might turn out to be galley-news. pray what is the rumpus all about, admiral bluewater? for, i never could get that story fidded properly, so as to set up the rigging, and have the spar well stayed in its place." "it is merely a war to decide who shall be king of england; nothing else, i do assure you, sir." "they're an uneasy set ashore, sir, if the truth must be said of them! we've got one king, already; and on what principle does any man wish for more? now, there was captain blakely, from the elizabeth, on board of me this afternoon; and we talked the matter over a little, and both of us concluded that they got these things up much as a matter of profit among the army contractors, and the dealers in warlike stores." bluewater listened with intense interest, for here was proof how completely two of his captains, at least, would be at his own command, and how little they would be likely, for a time, at least, to dispute any of his orders. he thought of sir reginald, and of the rapture with which _he_ would have received this trait of nautical character. "there are people who set their hearts on the result, notwithstanding," carelessly observed the rear-admiral; "and some who see their fortunes marred or promoted, by the success or downfall of the parties. they think de vervillin is out on some errand connected with this rising in the north." "well, i don't see what _he_ has got to do with the matter at all; for, i don't suppose that king louis is such a fool as to expect to be king of england as well as king of france!" "the dignity would be too much for one pair of shoulders to bear. as well might one admiral wish to command all the divisions of his own fleet, though they were fifty leagues asunder." "or one captain two ships; or what is more to the purpose, sir, one ship to keep two captains. we'll drink to discipline, if you've no objection, sir. 'tis the soul of order and quiet, ashore or afloat. for my part, i want no _co-equal_--i believe that's the cant word they use on such occasions--but i want no co-equal, in the cæsar, and i am unwilling to have one in the house at greenwich; though mrs. stowel thinks differently. here's my ship; she's in her place in the line; it's my business to see she is fit for any service that a first-class two-decker can undertake, and that duty i endeavour to perform; and i make no doubt it is all the better performed because there's no wife or co-equal aboard here. _where_ the ship is to _go_, and _what_ she is to _do_, are other matters, which i take from general orders, special orders, or signals. let them act up to this principle in london, and we should hear no more of disturbances, north or south." "certainly, stowel, your doctrine would make a quiet nation, as well as a quiet ship. i hope you do me the justice to think there is no co-equal in my commands!" "that there is not, sir--and i have the honour to drink your health--that there is not. when we were in the calypso together, i had the advantage; and i must say that i never had a youngster under me who ever did his duty more cheerfully. since that day we've shifted places; end for end, as one might say; and i endeavour to pay you, in your own coin. there is no man whose orders i obey more willingly or more to my own advantage; always excepting those of admiral oakes, who, being commander-in-chief, overlays us all with his anchor. we must dowse our peaks to his signals, though we _can_ maintain, without mutinying, that the cæsar is as good a boat on or off a wind, as the plantagenet, the best day sir jarvy ever saw." "there is no manner of doubt of that. you have all the notions of a true sailor, i find, stowel; obey orders before all other things. i am curious to know how our captains, generally, stand affected to this claim which the pretender has set up to the throne." "can't tell you, on my soul, sir; though i fancy few of them give themselves any great anxiety in the matter. when the wind is fair we can run off large, and when it is foul we must haul upon a bowline, let who will reign. i was a youngster under queen anne, and she was a stuart, i believe; and i have served under the german family ever since; and to be frank with you, admiral bluewater, i see but little difference in the duty, the pay, or the rations. my maxim is to obey orders, and then i know the blame will fall on them that give them, if any thing goes wrong." "we have many scotchmen in the fleet, stowel," observed the rear-admiral, in a musing manner, like one who rather thought aloud than spoke. "several of the captains are from the north of tweed." "ay, sir, one is pretty certain of meeting gentlemen from that part of the island, in almost all situations in life. i never have understood that scotland had much of a navy in ancient times, and yet the moment old england has to pay for it, the lairds are willing enough to send their children to sea." "nevertheless it must be owned that they make gallant and useful officers, stowel." "no doubt they do, sir; but gallant and useful men are not scarce anywhere. you and i are too old and too experienced, admiral bluewater, to put any faith in the notion that courage belongs to any particular part of the world, or usefulness either. i never fought a frenchman yet that i thought a coward; and, in my judgment, there are brave men enough in england, to command all her ships, and to fight them too." "let this be so, stowel, still we must take things as they come. what do you think of the night?" "dirty enough before morning, i should think, sir, though it is a little out of rule, that it does not rain with this wind, already. the next time we come-to, admiral bluewater, i intend to anchor with a shorter scope of cable than we have been doing lately; for, i begin to think there is no use in wetting so many yarns in the summer months. they tell me the york brings up always on forty fathoms." "that's a short range, i should think, for a heavy ship. but here is a visiter." the sentinel opened the cabin-door, and lord geoffrey, with his cap fastened to his head by a pocket-handkerchief, and his face red with exposure to the wind, entered the cabin. "well," said bluewater, quietly; "what is the report from aloft?" "the dover is running down athwart our forefoot, and nearing us fast, sir," returned the midshipman. "the york is close on our weather-beam, edging in to her station; but i can make out nothing ahead of us, though i was on the yard twenty minutes." "did you look well on the weather-beam, and thence forward to the lee-bow?" "i did, sir; if any light is in view, better eyes than mine must find it." stowel looked from one to the other, as this short conversation was held; but, as soon as there was a pause, he put in a word in behalf of the ship. "you've been up forward, my lord?" he said. "yes, i have, captain stowel." "and did you think of seeing how the heel of the top-gallant-mast stood it, in this sea? bluff tells me 'tis too loose to be fit for very heavy weather." "i did not, sir. i was sent aloft to look out for the ships of the commander-in-chief's division, and didn't think of the heel of the top-gallant-mast's being too loose, at all." "ay, that's the way with all the youngsters, now-a-days. in my time, or even in _yours_, admiral bluewater, we never put our feet on a ratlin, but hands and eyes were at work, until we reached the halting place, even though it should be the truck. that is the manner to know what a ship is made of!" "i kept my hands and eyes at work, too, captain stowel; but it was to hold on well, and to look out well." "that will never do--that will never do, if you wish to make yourself a sailor. begin with your own ship first; learn all about _her_, then, when you get to be an admiral, as your father's son, my lord, will be certain to become, it will be time enough to be inquiring about the rest of the fleet." "you forget, captain stowel--" "that will do, lord geoffrey," bluewater soothingly interposed, for he knew that the captain preached no more than he literally practised; "if _i_ am satisfied with your report, no one else has a right to complain. desire sir wycherly wychecombe to meet me on deck, where we will now go, stowel, and take a look at the weather for ourselves." "with all my heart, admiral bluewater, though i'll just drink the first lord's health before we quit this excellent liquor. that youngster has stuff in him, in spite of his nobility, and by fetching him up, with round turns, occasionally, i hope to make a man of him, yet." "if he do not grow into that character, physically and morally, within the next few years, sir, he will be the first person of his family who has ever failed of it." as bluewater said this, he and the captain left his cabin, and ascended to the quarter-deck. here stowel stopped to hold a consultation with his first lieutenant, while the admiral went up the poop-ladder, and joined cornet. the last had nothing new to communicate, and as he was permitted to go below, he was desired to send wycherly up to the poop, where the young man would be expected by the rear-admiral. some little time elapsed before the virginian could be found; no sooner was this effected, however, than he joined bluewater. they had a private conversation of fully half an hour, pacing the poop the whole time, and then cornet was summoned back, again, to his usual station. the latter immediately received an order to acquaint captain stowel the rear-admiral desired that the cæsar might be hove-to, and to make a signal for the druid , to come under the flag-ship's lee, and back her main-top-sail. no sooner did this order reach the quarter-deck than the watch was sent to the braces, and the main-yard was rounded in, until the portion of sail that was still set lay against the mast. this deadened the way of the huge body, which rose and fell heavily in the seas, as they washed under her, scarcely large enough to lift the burthen it imposed upon them. just at this instant, the signal was made. the sudden check to the movement of the cæsar brought the dublin booming up in the darkness, when putting her helm up, that ship surged slowly past to leeward, resembling a black mountain moving by in the gloom. she was hailed and directed to heave-to, also, as soon as far enough ahead. the elizabeth followed, clearing the flag-ship by merely twenty fathoms, and receiving a similar order. the druid had been on the admiral's weather-quarter, but she now came gliding down, with the wind abeam, taking room to back her top-sail under the cæsar's lee-bow. by this time a cutter was in the water, rising six or eight feet up the black side of the ship, and sinking as low apparently beneath her bottom. next, wycherly reported himself ready to proceed. "you will not forget, sir," said bluewater, "any part of my commission; but inform the commander-in-chief of the _whole_. it may be important that we understand each other fully. you will also hand him this letter which i have hastily written while the boat was getting ready." "i think i understand your wishes, sir;--at least, i _hope_ so;--and i will endeavour to execute them." "god bless you, sir wycherly wychecombe," added bluewater, with emotion. "we may never meet again; we sailors carry uncertain lives; and we may be said to carry them in our hands." wycherly took his leave of the admiral, and he ran down the poop-ladder to descend into the boat. twice he paused on the quarter-deck, however, in the manner of one who felt disposed to return and ask some explanation; but each time he moved on, decided to proceed. it needed all the agility of our young sailor to get safely into the boat. this done, the oars fell and the cutter was driven swiftly away to leeward. in a few minutes, it shot beneath the lee of the frigate, and discharged its freight. wycherly could not have been three minutes on the deck of the druid, ere her yards were braced up, and her top-sail filled with a heavy flap. this caused her to draw slowly ahead. five minutes later, however, a white cloud was seen dimly fluttering over her hull, and the reefed main-sail was distended to the wind. the effect was so instantaneous that the frigate seemed to glide away from the flag-ship, and in a quarter of an hour, under her three top-sails double-reefed, and her courses, she was a mile distant on her weather-bow. those who watched her movements without understanding them, observed that she lowered her light, and appeared to detach herself from the rest of the division. it was some time before the cæsar's boat was enabled to pull up against the tide, wind, and sea. when this hard task was successfully accomplished, the ship filled, passed the dublin and elizabeth, and resumed her place in the line. bluewater paced the poop an hour longer, having dismissed his signal-officer and the quarter-masters to their hammocks. even stowel had turned in, nor did mr. bluff deem it necessary to remain on deck any longer. at the end of the hour, the rear-admiral bethought him of retiring too. before he quitted the poop, however, he stood at the weather-ladder, holding on to the mizzen-rigging, and gazing at the scene. the wind had increased, as had the sea, but it was not yet a gale. the york had long before hauled up in her station, a cable's length ahead of the cæsar, and was standing on, under the same canvass as the flag-ship, looking stately and black. the dover was just shooting into her berth, under the standing sailing-orders, at the same distance ahead of the york; visible, but much less distinct and imposing. the sloop and the cutter were running along, under the lee of the heavy snips, a quarter of a mile distant, each vessel keeping her relative position, by close attention to her canvass. further than this, nothing was in sight. the sea had that wild mixture of brightness and gloom, which belongs to the element when much agitated in a dark night, while the heavens were murky and threatening. within the ship, all was still. here and there a lantern threw its wavering light around, but the shadows of the masts and guns, and other objects, rendered this relief to the night trifling. the lieutenant of the watch paced the weather side of the quarter-deck, silent but attentive. occasionally he hailed the look-outs, and admonished them to be vigilant, also, and at each turn he glanced upward to see how the top-sail stood. four or five old and thoughtful seamen walked the waist and forecastle, but most of the watch were stowed between the guns, or in the best places they could find, under the lee of the bulwarks, catching cat's naps. this was an indulgence denied the young gentlemen, of whom one was on the forecastle, leaning against the mast, dreaming of home, one in the waist, supporting the nettings, and one walking the lee-side of the quarter-deck, his eyes shut, his thoughts confused, and his footing uncertain. as bluewater stepped on the quarter-deck-ladder, to descend to his own cabin, the youngster hit his foot against an eye-bolt, and fetched way plump up against his superior. bluewater caught the lad in his arms, and saved him from a fall, setting him fairly on his feet before he let him go. "'tis seven bells, geoffrey," said the admiral, in an under tone. "hold on for half an hour longer, and then go dream of your dear mother." before the boy could recover himself to thank his superior, the latter had disappeared. chapter xx. "yet notwithstanding, being incensed, he's flint; as humorous as winter, and as sudden as flaws congealed in the spring of day. his temper, therefore, must be well observed." shakespeare. the reader will remember that the wind had not become fresh when sir gervaise oakes got into his barge, with the intention of carrying his fleet to sea. a retrospective glance at the state of the weather, will become necessary to the reader, therefore, in carrying his mind back to that precise period whither it has now become our duty to transport him in imagination. the vice-admiral governed a fleet on principles very different from those of bluewater. while the last left so much to the commanders of the different vessels, his friend looked into every thing himself. the details of the service he knew were indispensable to success on a larger scale, and his active mind descended into all these minutiæ, to a degree sometimes, that annoyed his captains. on the whole, however, he was sufficiently observant of that formidable barrier to excessive familiarity, and that great promoter of heart-burnings in a squadron, naval etiquette, to prevent any thing like serious misunderstandings, and the best feelings prevailed between him and the several magnates under his orders. perhaps the circumstance that he was a _fighting_ admiral contributed to this internal tranquillity; for, it has been often remarked, that armies and fleets will both tolerate more in leaders that give them plenty to do with the enemy, than in commanders who leave them inactive and less exposed. the constant encounters with the foe would seem to let out all the superfluous quarrelsome tendencies. nelson, to a certain extent, was an example of this influence in the english marine, suffren[ ] in that of france, and preble, to a much greater degree than in either of the other cases, in our own. at all events, while most of his captains sensibly felt themselves less of commanders, while sir gervaise was on board or around their ships, than when he was in the cabin of the plantagenet, the peace was rarely broken between them, and he was generally beloved as well as obeyed. bluewater was a more invariable favourite, perhaps, though scarcely as much respected; and certainly not half as much feared. [footnote : suffren, though one of the best sea-captains france ever possessed, was a man of extreme severity and great roughness of manner. still he must have been a man of family, as his title of _bailli_ de suffren, was derived from his being a knight of malta. it is a singular circumstance connected with the death of this distinguished officer, which occurred not long before the french revolution, that he disappeared in an extraordinary manner, and is buried no one knows where. it is supposed that he was killed by one of his own officers, in a rencontre in the streets of paris, at night, and that the influence of the friends of the victor was sufficiently great to suppress inquiry. the cause of the quarrel is attributed to harsh treatment on service.] on the present occasion, the vice-admiral did not pull through the fleet, without discovering the peculiar propensity to which we have alluded. in passing one of the ships, he made a sign to his coxswain to cause the boat's crew to lay on their oars, when he hailed the vessel, and the following dialogue occurred. "carnatic, ahoy!" cried the admiral. "sir," exclaimed the officer of the deck, jumping on a quarter-deck gun, and raising his hat. "is captain parker on board, sir?" "he is, sir gervaise; will you see him, sir?" a nod of the head sufficed to bring the said captain parker on deck, and to the gangway, where he could converse with his superior, without inconvenience to either. "how do you do, _captain_ parker?"--a certain sign sir gervaise meant to rap the other over the knuckles, else would it have been _parker_."--how do you do, _captain_ parker? i am sorry to see you have got your ship too much down by the head, sir. she'll steer off the wind, like a colt when he first feels the bridle; now with his head on one side, and now on the other. you know i like a compact line, and straight wakes, sir." "i am well aware of that, sir gervaise," returned parker, a gray-headed, meek old man, who had fought his way up from the forecastle to his present honourable station, and, who, though brave as a lion before the enemy, had a particular dread of all his commanders; "but we have been obliged to use more water aft than we could wish, on account of the tiers. we shall coil away the cables anew, and come at some of the leaguers forward, and bring all right again, in a week, i hope, sir." "a week?--the d----l, sir; that will never do, when i expect to see de vervillin _to-morrow_. fill all your empty casks aft with salt-water, immediately; and if that wont do, shift some of your shot forward. i know that craft of yours, well; she is as tender as a fellow with corns, and the shoe musn't pinch anywhere." "very well, sir gervaise; the ship shall be brought in trim, as soon as possible." "ay, ay, sir, that is what i expect from every vessel, at _all_ times; and more especially when we are ready to meet an enemy. and, i say, _parker_,"--making a sign to his boat's crew to stop rowing again--"i say, _parker_, i know you love brawn;--i'll send you some that galleygo tells me he has picked up, along-shore here, as soon as i get aboard. the fellow has been robbing all the hen-roosts in devonshire, by his own account of the matter." sir gervaise waved his hand, _parker_ smiled and bowed his thanks, and the two parted with feelings of perfect kindness, notwithstanding the little skirmish with which the interview had commenced. "mr. williamson," said captain parker to his first lieutenant, on quitting the gangway, "you hear what the commander-in-chief says; and he must be obeyed. i _don't_ think the carnatic would have sheered out of the line, even if she is a little by the head; but have the empty casks filled, and bring her down six inches more by the stern." "that's a good fellow, that old parker," said sir gervaise to his purser, whom he was carrying off good-naturedly to the ship, lest he might lose his passage; "and i wonder how he let his ship get her nose under water, in that fashion. i like to have him for a second astern; for i feel sure he'd follow if i stood into cherbourg, bows on! yes; a good fellow is parker; and, locker,"--to his own man, who was also in the boat;--"mind you send him _two_ of the best pieces of that brawn--hey!--hey!--hey!--what the d----l has lord morganic"--a descendant from royalty by the left hand,--"been doing now! that ship is kept like a tailor's jay figure, just to stuff jackets and gim-cracks on her--achilles, there!" a quarter-master ran to the edge of the poop, and then turning, he spoke to his captain, who was walking the deck, and informed him that the commander-in-chief hailed the ship. the earl of morganic, a young man of four-and-twenty, who had succeeded to the title a few years before by the death of an elder brother,--the usual process by which an _old_ peer is brought into the british navy, the work being too discouraging for those who have fortune before their eyes from the start,--now advanced to the quarter of the ship, bowed with respectful ease, and spoke with a self-possession that not one of the old commanders of the fleet would have dared to use. in general, this nobleman's intercourse with his superiors in naval rank, betrayed the consciousness of his own superiority in civil rank; but sir gervaise being of an old family, and quite as rich as he was himself, the vice-admiral commanded more of his homage than was customary. his ship was full of "nobs," as they term it in the british navy, or the sons and relatives of nobles; and it was by no means an uncommon thing for her messes to have their jokes at the expense of even flag-officers, who were believed to be a little ignorant of the peculiar sensibilities that are rightly enough imagined to characterize social station. "good-morning, sir gervaise," called out this noble captain; "i'm glad to see you looking so well, after our long cruise in the bay; i intended to have the honour to inquire after your health in person, this morning, but they told me you slept out of your ship. we shall have to hold a court on you, sir, if you fall much into that habit!" all within hearing smiled, even to the rough old tars, who were astraddle of the yards; and even sir gervaise's lip curled a little, though he was not exactly in a joking humour. "come, come, morganic, do you let my habits alone, and look out for your own fore-top-mast. why, in the name of seamanship, is that spar stayed forward in such a fashion, looking like a xebec's foremast?" "do you dislike it, sir gervaise?--now to our fancies aboard here, it gives the achilles a knowing look, and we hope to set a fashion. by carrying the head-sails well forward, we help the ship round in a sea, you know, sir." "indeed, i know no such thing, my lord. what you gain after being taken aback, you lose in coming to the wind. if i had a pair of scales suitable to such a purpose, i would have all that hamper you have stayed away yonder over your bows, on the end of such a long lever, weighed, in order that you might learn what a beautiful contrivance you've invented, among you, to make a ship pitch in a head sea. why, d----e, if i think you'd lie-to, at all, with so much stuff aloft to knock you off to leeward. come up, every thing, forward; come up every thing, my lord, and bring the mast as near perpendicular as possible. it's a hard matter, i find, to make one of your new-fashioned captains keep things in their places." "well, now, sir gervaise, i think the achilles makes as good an appearance as most of the other ships; and as to travelling or working, i do not know that she is either dull or clumsy!" "she's pretty well, morganic, considering how many bond-street ideas you have got among you; but she'll never do in a head sea, with that fore-top-mast threatening your knight-heads. so get the mast up-and-down, again, as soon as convenient, and come and dine with me, without further invitation, the first fine day we have at sea. i'm going to send parker some brawn; but, i'll feed _you_ on some of galleygo's turtle-soup, made out of pig's heads." "thank'ee, sir gervaise; we'll endeavour to straighten the slick, since you _will_ have it so; though, i confess i get tired of seeing every thing to-day, just as we had it yesterday." "yes--yes--that's the way with most of these st. james cruisers," continued the vice-admiral, as he rowed away. "they want a fashionable tailor to rig a man-of-war, as they are rigged themselves. there's my old friend and neighbour, lord scupperton--he's taken a fancy to yachting, lately, and when his new brig was put into the water, lady scupperton made him send for an upholsterer from town to fit out the cabin; and when the blackguard had surveyed the unfortunate craft, as if it were a country box, what does he do but give an opinion, that 'this here edifice, my lord, in my judgment, should be furnished in cottage style,'--the vagabond!" this story, which was not particularly original, for sir gervaise himself had told it at least a dozen times before, put the admiral in a good humour, and he found no more fault with his captains, until he reached the plantagenet. "daly," said the earl of morganic to his first lieutenant, an experienced old irishman of fifty, who still sung a good song and told a good story, and what was a little extraordinary for either of these accomplishments, knew how to take good care of a ship;--"daly, i suppose we must humour the old gentleman, or he'll be quarantining me, and that i shouldn't particularly like on the eve of a general action; so we'll ease off forward, and set up the strings aft, again. hang me if i think he could find it out if we didn't, so long as we kept dead in his wake!" "that wouldn't be a very safe desait for sir jarvy, my lord, for he's a wonderful eye for a rope! were it admiral blue, now, i'd engage to cruise in his company for a week, with my mizzen-mast stowed in the hold, and there should be no bother about the novelty, at all; quite likely he'd be hailing us, and ask 'what brig's that?' but none of these tricks will answer with t'other, who misses the whipping off the end of a gasket, as soon as any first luff of us all. and so i'll just go about the business in earnest; get the carpenter up with his plumb-bob, and set every thing as straight up-and-down as the back of a grenadier." lord morganic laughed, as was usual with him when his lieutenant saw fit to be humorous; and then his caprice in changing the staying of his masts, as well as the order which countermanded it, was forgotten. the arrival of sir gervaise on board his own ship was always an event in the fleet, even though his absence had lasted no longer than twenty-four hours. the effect was like that which is produced on a team of high-mettled cattle, when they feel that the reins are in the hands of an experienced and spirited coachman. "good-morning, greenly, good-morning to you all, gentlemen," said the vice-admiral, bowing to the quarter-deck in gross, in return for the 'present-arms,' and rattling of drums, and lowering of hats that greeted his arrival; "a fine day, and it is likely we shall have a fresh breeze. captain greenly, your sprit-sail-yard wants squaring by the lifts; and, bunting, make the thunderer's signal to get her fore-yard in its place, as soon as possible. she's had it down long enough to make a new one, instead of merely fishing it. are your boats all aboard, greenly?" "all but your own barge, sir gervaise, and that is hooked on." "in with it, sir; then trip, and we'll be off. monsieur de vervillin has got some mischief in his head, gentlemen, and we must go and take it out of him." these orders were promptly obeyed; but, as the manner in which the plantagenet passed out of the fleet, and led the other ships to sea, has been already related, it is unnecessary to repeat it. there was the usual bustle, the customary orderly confusion, the winding of calls, the creaking of blocks, and the swinging of yards, ere the vessels were in motion. as the breeze freshened, sail was reduced, as already related, until, by the time the leading ship was ten leagues at sea, all were under short canvass, and the appearance of a windy, if not a dirty night, had set in. of course, all means of communication between the plantagenet and the vessels still at anchor, had ceased, except by sending signals down the line; but, to those sir gervaise had no recourse, since he was satisfied bluewater understood his plans, and he then entertained no manner of doubt of his friend's willingness to aid them. little heed was taken of any thing astern, by those on board the plantagenet. every one saw, it is true, that ship followed ship in due succession, as long as the movements of those inshore could be perceived at all; but the great interest centred on the horizon to the southward and eastward. in that quarter of the channel the french were expected to appear, for the cause of this sudden departure was a secret from no one in the fleet. a dozen of the best look-outs in the ship were kept aloft the whole afternoon, and captain greenly, himself, sat in the forward-cross-trees, with a glass, for more than an hour, just as the sun was setting, in order to sweep the horizon. two or three sail were made, it is true, but they all proved to be english coasters; guernsey or jerseymen, standing for ports in the west of england, most probably laden with prohibited articles from the country of the enemy. whatever may be the dislike of an englishman for a frenchman, he has no dislike to the labour of his hands; and there probably has not been a period since civilization has introduced the art of smuggling among its other arts, when french brandies, and laces, and silks, were not exchanged against english tobacco and guineas, and that in a contraband way, let it be in peace or let it be in war. one of the characteristics of sir gervaise oakes was to despise all petty means of annoyance; usually he disdained even to turn aside to chase a smuggler. fishermen he never molested at all; and, on the whole, he carried on a marine warfare, a century since, in a way that some of his successors might have imitated to advantage in our own times. like that high-spirited irishman, caldwell,[ ] who conducted a blockade in the chesapeake, at the commencement of the revolution, with so much liberality, that his enemies actually sent him an invitation to a public dinner, sir gervaise knew how to distinguish between the combatant and the non-combatant, and heartily disdained all the money-making parts of his profession, though large sums had fallen into his hands, in this way, as pure god-sends. no notice was taken, therefore, of any thing that had not a warlike look; the noble old ship standing steadily on towards the french coast, as the mastiff passes the cur, on his way to encounter another animal, of a mould and courage more worthy of his powers. [footnote : the writer believes this noble-minded sailor to have been the late admiral sir benjamin caldwell. it is scarcely necessary to say that the invitation could not be accepted, though quite seriously given.] "make nothing of 'em, hey! greenly," said sir gervaise, as the captain came down from his perch, in consequence of the gathering obscurity of evening, followed by half-a-dozen lieutenants and midshipmen, who had been aloft as volunteers. "well, we know they cannot yet be to the westward of us, and by standing on shall be certain of heading them off, before this time six months. how beautifully all the ships behave, following each other as accurately as if bluewater himself were aboard each vessel to conn her!" "yes, sir, they do keep the line uncommonly well, considering that the tides run in streaks in the channel. i _do_ think if we were to drop a hammock overboard, that the carnatic would pick it up, although she must be quite four leagues astern of us." "let old parker alone for that! i'll warrant you, _he_ is never out of the way. were it lord morganic, now, in the achilles, i should expect him to be away off here on our weather-quarter, just to show us how his ship can eat us out of the wind when he _tries_: or away down yonder, under our lee, that we might understand how she falls off, when he _don't_ try." "my lord is a gallant officer, and no bad seaman, for his years, notwithstanding, sir gervaise," observed greenly, who generally took the part of the absent, whenever his superior felt disposed to berate them. "i deny neither, greenly, most particularly the first. i know very well, were i to signal morganic, to run into brest, he'd do it; but whether he would go in, ring-tail-boom, or jib-boom first, i couldn't tell till i saw it. now you are a youngish man yourself. greenly--" "every day of eight-and-thirty, sir gervaise, and a few months to spare; and i care not if the ladies know it." "poh!--they like us old fellows, half the time, as well as they do the boys. but you are of an age not to feel time in your bones, and can see the folly of some of our old-fashioned notions, perhaps; though you are not quite as likely to understand the fooleries that have come in, in your own day. nothing is more absurd than to be experimenting on the settled principles of ships. they are machines, greenly, and have their laws, just the same as the planets in the heavens. the idea comes from a fish,--head, run, and helm; and all we have to do is to study the fishes in order to get the sort of craft we want. if there is occasion for bulk, take the whale, and you get a round bottom, full fore-body, and a clean run. when you want speed, models are plenty--take the dolphin, for instance,--and there you find an entrance like a wedge, a lean fore-body, and a run as clean as this ship's decks. but some of our young captains would spoil a dolphin's sailing, if they could breathe under water, so as to get at the poor devils. look at their fancies! the first lord shall give one of his cousins a frigate, now, that is moulded after nature itself, as one might say; with a bottom that would put a trout to shame. well, one of the first things the lad does, when he gets on board her, is to lengthen his gaff, perhaps, put a cloth or two in his mizzen, and call it a spanker, settle away the peak till it sticks out over his taffrail like a sign-post, and then away he goes upon a wind, with his helm hard-up, bragging what a weatherly craft he has, and how hard it is to make her even _look_ to leeward." "i have known such sailors, i must confess, sir gervaise; but time cures them of that folly." "that is to be hoped; for what would a man think of a fish to which nature had fitted a tail athwart-ships, and which was obliged to carry a fin, like a lee-board, under its lee-jaw, to prevent falling off dead before the wind!" here sir gervaise laughed heartily at the picture of the awkward creature to which his own imagination had given birth; greenly joining in the merriment, partly from the oddity of the conceit, and partly from the docility with which commander-in-chief's jokes are usually received. the feeling of momentary indignation which had aroused sir gervaise to such an expression of his disgust at modern inventions, was appeased by this little success; and, inviting his captain to sup with him,--a substitute for a dinner,--he led the way below in high good-humour, galleygo having just announced that the table was ready. the _convives_ on this occasion were merely the admiral himself, greenly, and atwood. the fare was substantial, rather than scientific; but the service was rich; sir gervaise uniformly eating off of plate. in addition to galleygo, no less than five domestics attended to the wants of the party. as a ship of the plantagenet's size was reasonably steady at all times, a gale of wind excepted, when the lamps and candles were lighted, and the group was arranged, aided by the admixture of rich furniture with frowning artillery and the other appliances of war, the great cabin of the plantagenet was not without a certain air of rude magnificence. sir gervaise kept no less than three servants in livery, as a part of his personal establishment, tolerating galleygo, and one or two more of the same stamp, as a homage due to neptune. the situation not being novel to either of the party, and the day's work having been severe, the first twenty minutes were pretty studiously devoted to the duty of "restoration," as it is termed by the great masters of the science of the table. by the end of that time, however, the glass began to circulate, though moderately, and with it tongues to loosen. "your health, captain greenly--atwood, i remember you," said the vice-admiral, nodding his head familiarly to his two guests, on the eve of tossing off a glass of sherry. "these spanish wines go directly to the heart, and i only wonder why a people who can make them, don't make better sailors." "in the days of columbus, the spaniards had something to boast of in that way, too, sir gervaise," atwood remarked. "ay, but that was a long time ago, and they have got bravely over it. i account for the deficiencies of both the french and spanish marines something in this way, greenly. columbus, and the discovery of america, brought ships and sailors into fashion. but a ship without an officer fit to command her, is like a body without a soul. fashion, however, brought your young nobles into their services, and men were given vessels because their fathers were dukes and counts, and not because they knew any thing about them." "is our own service entirely free from this sort of favouritism?" quietly demanded the captain. "far from it, greenly; else would not morganic have been made a captain at twenty, and old parker, for instance, one only at fifty. but, somehow, our classes slide into each other, in a way that neutralizes, in a great degree, the effect of birth. is it not so, atwood?" "_some_ of our classes, sir gervaise, manage to _slide_ into all the best places, if the truth must be said." "well, that is pretty bold for a scotchman!" rejoined the vice-admiral, good-humouredly. "ever since the accession of the house of stuart, we've built a bridge across the tweed that lets people pass in only one direction. i make no doubt this pretender's son will bring down half scotland at his heels, to fill all the berths they may fancy suitable to their merits. it's an easy way of paying bounty--promises." "this affair in the north, they tell me, seems a little serious," said greenly. "i believe this is mr. atwood's opinion?" "you'll find it serious enough, if sir gervaise's notion about the bounty be true," answered the immovable secretary. "scotia is a small country, but it's well filled with 'braw sperits,' if there's an opening for them to prove it." "well, well, this war between england and scotland is out of place, while we have the french and spaniards on our hands. most extraordinary scenes have we had ashore, yonder, greenly, with an old devonshire baronet, who slipped and is off for the other world, while we were in his house." "magrath has told me something of it, sir; and, he tells me the _fill-us-null-us_--hang me if i can make out his gibberish, five minutes after it was told to me." "_filius nullius_, you mean; nobody's baby--the son of nobody--have you forgotten your latin, man?" "faith, sir gervaise, i never had any to forget. my father was a captain of a man-of-war before me, and he kept me afloat from the time i was five, down to the day of his death; latin was no part of my spoon-meat." "ay--ay--my good fellow, i knew your father, and was in the third ship from him, in the action in which he fell," returned the vice-admiral, kindly. "bluewater was just ahead of him, and we all loved him, as we did an elder brother. you were not promoted, then." "no, sir, i was only a midshipman, and didn't happen to be in his own ship that day," answered greenly, sensibly touched with this tribute to his parent's merit; "but i was old enough to remember how nobly you all behaved on the occasion. well,"--slily brushing his eye with his hand,--"latin may do a schoolmaster good, but it is of little use on board ship. i never had but one scholar among all my cronies and intimates." "and who was he, greenly? you shouldn't despise knowledge, because you don't understand it. i dare say your intimate was none the worse for a little latin--enough to go through _nullus, nulla, nullum_, for instance. who was this intimate, greenly?" "john bluewater--handsome jack, as he was called; the younger brother of the admiral. they sent him to sea, to keep him out of harm's way in some love affair; and you may remember that while he was with the admiral, or _captain_ bluewater, as he was then, i was one of the lieutenants. although poor jack was a soldier and in the guards, and he was four or five years my senior, he took a fancy to me, and we became intimate. _he_ understood latin, better than he did his own interests." "in what did he fail?--bluewater was never very communicative to me about that brother." "there was a private marriage, and cross guardians, and the usual difficulties. in the midst of it all, poor john fell in battle, as you know, and his widow followed him to the grave, within a month or two. 'twas a sad story all round, and i try to think of it as little as possible." "a private marriage!" repeated sir gervaise, slowly. "are you quite sure of _that_? i don't think bluewater is aware of that circumstance; at least, i never heard him allude to it. could there have been any issue?" "no one can know it better than myself, as i helped to get the lady off, and was present at the ceremony. that much i _know_. of issue, i should think there was none; though the colonel lived a year after the marriage. how far the admiral is familiar with all these circumstances i cannot say, as one would not like to introduce the particulars of a private marriage of a deceased brother, to his commanding officer." "i am glad there was no issue, greenly--particular circumstances make me glad of that. but we will change the discourse, as these family disasters make one melancholy; and a melancholy dinner is like ingratitude to him who bestows it." the conversation now grew general, and in due season, in common with the feast, it ended. after sitting the usual time, the guests retired. sir gervaise then went on deck, and paced the poop for an hour, looking anxiously ahead, in quest of the french signal; and, failing of discovering them, he was fain to seek his berth out of sheer fatigue. before he did this, however, the necessary orders were given; and that to call him, should any thing out of the common track occur, was repeated no less than four times. chapter xxi. "roll on, thou deep and dark-blue ocean--roll ten thousand fleets sweep over thee in vain; man marks the earth with ruin--his control stops with the shore;--upon the watery plain the wrecks are all thy deed." childe harold. it was broad day-light, when sir gervaise oakes next appeared on deck. as the scene then offered to his view, as well as the impression it made on his mind, will sufficiently explain to the reader the state of affairs, some six hours later than the time last included in our account, we refer him to those for his own impressions. the wind now blew a real gale, though the season of the year rendered it less unpleasant to the feelings than is usual with wintry tempests. the air was even bland, and still charged with the moisture of the ocean; though it came sweeping athwart sheets of foam, with a fury, at moments, which threatened to carry the entire summits of waves miles from their beds, in spray. even the aquatic birds seemed to be terrified, in the instants of the greatest power of the winds, actually wheeling suddenly on their wings, and plunging into the element beneath to seek protection from the maddened efforts of that to which they more properly belonged. still, sir gervaise saw that his ships bore up nobly against the fierce strife. each vessel showed the same canvass; viz.--a reefed fore-sail; a small triangular piece of strong, heavy cloth, fitted between the end of the bowsprit and the head of the fore-top-mast; a similar sail over the quarter-deck, between the mizzen and main masts, and a close-reefed main-top-sail several times that morning, captain greenly had thought he should be compelled to substitute a lower surface to the wind than that of the sail last mentioned. as it was an important auxiliary, however, in steadying the ship, and in keeping her under the command of her helm, on each occasion the order had been delayed, until he now began to question whether the canvass could be reduced, without too great a risk to the men whom it would be necessary to send aloft. he had decided to let it stand or blow away, as fortune might decide. similar reasoning left nearly all the other vessels under precisely the same canvass. the ships of the vice-admiral's division had closed in the night, agreeably to an order given before quitting the anchorage, which directed them to come within the usual sailing distance, in the event of the weather's menacing a separation. this command had been obeyed by the ships astern carrying sail hard, long after the leading vessels had been eased by reducing their canvass. the order of sailing was the plantagenet in the van, and the carnatic, achilles, thunderer, blenheim, and warspite following, in the order named; some changes having been made in the night, in order to bring the ships of the division into their fighting-stations, in a line ahead, the vice-admiral leading. the superiority of the plantagenet was a little apparent, notwithstanding; the carnatic alone, and that only by means of the most careful watching, being able to keep literally in the commander-in-chief's wake; all the other vessels gradually but almost imperceptibly setting to leeward of it. these several circumstances struck sir gervaise, the moment his foot touched the poop, where he found greenly keeping an anxious look-out on the state of the weather and the condition of his own ship; leaning at the same time, against the spanker-boom to steady himself in the gusts of the gale. the vice-admiral braced his own well-knit and compact frame, by spreading his legs; then he turned his handsome but weather-beaten face towards the line, scanning each ship in succession, as she lay over to the wind, and came wallowing on, shoving aside vast mounds of water with her bows, her masts describing short arcs in the air, and her hull rolling to windward, and lurching, as if boring her way through the ocean. galleygo, who never regarded himself as a steward in a gale of wind, was the only other person on the poop, whither he went at pleasure by a sort of imprescriptibly right. "well done, old planter!" cried sir gervaise, heartily, as soon as his eye had taken in the leading peculiarities of the view. "you see, greenly, she has every body but old parker to leeward, and she would have him there, too, but he would carry every stick he has, out of the carnatic, rather than not keep his berth. look at master morganic; he has his main course close-reefed on the achilles, to luff into his station, and i'll warrant you will get a good six months' wear out of that ship in this one gale; loosening her knees, and jerking her spars like so many whip-handles; and all for love of the new fashion of rigging an english two-decker like an algerian xebec! well, let him tug his way up to windward, bond-street fashion, if he likes the fun. what has become of the chloe, greenly?" "here she is, sir, quite a league on our lee-bow, looking out, according to orders." "ay, that is her work, and she'll do it effectually.--but i don't see the driver!" "she's dead ahead sir," answered greenly, smiling; "_her_ orders being rather more difficult of execution. her station would be off yonder to windward, half a league ahead of us; but it's no easy matter to get into that position, sir gervaise, when the plantagenet is really in earnest." sir gervaise laughed, and rubbed his hands, then he turned to look for the active, the only other vessel of his division. this little cutter was dancing over the seas, half the time under water, notwithstanding, under the head of her main-sail, broad off, on the admiral's weather-beam; finding no difficulty in maintaining her station there, in the absence of all top-hamper, and favoured by the lowness of her hull. after this he glanced upward at the sails and spars of the plantagenet, which he studied closely. "no signs of _de vervillin_, hey! greenly?" the admiral asked, when his survey of the whole fleet had ended. "i was in hopes we might see something of _him_, when the light returned this morning." "perhaps it is quite as well as it is, sir gervaise," returned the captain. "we could do little besides look at each other, in this gale, and admiral bluewater ought to join before i should like even to do _that_." "think you so, master greenly!--there you are mistaken, then; for i'd lie by him, were i alone in this ship, that i might know where he was to be found as soon as the weather would permit us to have something to say to him." these words were scarcely uttered, when the look-out in the forward cross-trees, shouted at the top of his voice, "sail-ho!" at the next instant the chloe fired a gun, the report of which was just heard amid the roaring of the gale, though the smoke was distinctly seen floating above the mists of the ocean; she also set a signal at her naked mizzen-top-gallant-mast-head. "run below, young gentleman," said the vice-admiral, advancing to the break of the poop and speaking to a midshipman on the quarter-deck; "and desire mr. bunting to make his appearance. the chloe signals us--tell him not to look for his knee-buckles." a century since, the last injunction, though still so much in use on ship-board, was far more literal than it is to-day, nearly all classes of men possessing the articles in question, though not invariably wearing them when at sea. the midshipman dove below, however, as soon as the words were out of his superior's mouth; and, in a very few minutes, bunting appeared, having actually stopped on the main-deck ladder to assume his coat, lest he might too unceremoniously invade the sacred precincts of the quarter-deck, in his shirt-sleeves. "there it is, bunting," said sir gervaise, handing the lieutenant the glass; "two hundred and twenty-seven--'a large sail ahead,' if i remember right." "no, sir gervaise, '_sails_ ahead;' the number of them to follow. hoist the answering flag, quarter-master." "so much the better! so much the better, bunting! the number to follow? well, _we'll_ follow the number, let it be greater or smaller. come, sirrah, bear a hand up with your answering flag." the usual signal that the message was understood was now run up between the masts, and instantly hauled down again, the flags seen in the chloe descending at the same moment. "now for the number of the sails, ahead," said sir gervaise, as he, greenly, and bunting, each levelled a glass at the frigate, on board which the next signal was momentarily expected. "eleven, by george!" "no, sir gervaise," exclaimed greenly, "i know better than _that_. red above, and blue beneath, with the distinguishing pennant _beneath_, make _fourteen_, in our books, now!" "well, sir, if they are _forty_, we'll go nearer and see of what sort of stuff they are made. show your answering flag, bunting, that we may know what else the chloe has to tell us." this was done, the frigate hauling down her signals in haste, and showing a new set as soon as possible. "what now, bunting?--what now, greenly?" demanded sir gervaise, a sea having struck the side of the ship and thrown so much spray into his face as to reduce him to the necessity of using his pocket-handkerchief, at the very moment he was anxious to be looking through his glass. "what do you make of _that_, gentlemen?" "i make out the number to be ," answered greenly; "but what it means, i know not." "'strange sails, _enemies_,'" read bunting from the book. "show the answer, quarter-master." "we hardly wanted a signal for _that_, greenly, since there can be no friendly force, here away; and fourteen sail, on this coast, always means mischief. what says the chloe next?" "'strange sails on the larboard tack, heading as follows.'" "by george, crossing our course!--we shall soon see them from deck. do the ships astern notice the signals?" "every one of them, sir gervaise," answered the captain; "the thunderer has just lowered her answering flag, and the active is repeating. i have never seen quarter-masters so nimble!" "so much the better--so much the better--down he comes; stand by for another." after the necessary pause, the signal to denote the point of the compass was shown from the chloe. "heading how, bunting?" the vice-admiral eagerly inquired. "heading how, sir?" "north-west-and-by-north," or as bunting pronounced it "nor-west-and-by-loathe, i believe, sir,--no, i am mistaken, sir gervaise; it is nor-nor-west." "jammed up like ourselves, hard on a wind! this gale comes directly from the broad atlantic, and one party is crossing over to the north and the other to the south shore. we _must_ meet, unless one of us run away--hey! greenly?" "true enough, sir gervaise; though fourteen sail is rather an awkward odds for seven." "you forget the driver and active, sir; we've _nine_; nine hearty, substantial british cruisers." "to wit: six ships of the line, one frigate, a _sloop_, and a _cutter_," laying heavy emphasis on the two last vessels. "what does the chloe say now, bunting? that we're enough for the french, although they _are_ two to one?" "not exactly that, i believe, sir gervaise. 'five more sail ahead.' they increase fast, sir." "ay, at that rate, they may indeed grow too strong for us," answered sir gervaise, with more coolness of manner; "nineteen to nine are rather heavy odds. i wish we had bluewater here!" "that is what i was about to suggest, sir gervaise," observed the captain. "if we had the other division, as some of the frenchmen are probably frigates and corvettes, we might do better. admiral bluewater cannot be far from us; somewhere down here, towards north-east--or nor-nor-east. by warring round, i think we should make his division in the course of a couple of hours." "what, and leave to monsieur de vervillin the advantage of swearing he frightened us away! no--no--greenly; we will first _pass_ him fairly and manfully, and that, too, within reach of shot; and then it will be time enough to go round and look after our friends." "will not that be putting the french exactly between our two divisions, sir gervaise, and give him the advantage of dividing our force. if he stand far, on a nor-nor-west course, i think he will infallibly get between us and admiral bluewater." "and what will he gain by that, greenly?--what, according to your notions of matters and things, will be the great advantage of having an english fleet on each side of him?" "not much, certainly, sir gervaise," answered greenly, laughing; "if these fleets were at all equal to his own. but as they will be much inferior to him, the comte may manage to close with one division, while the other is so far off as to be unable to assist; and one hour of a hot fire may dispose of the victory." "all this is apparent enough, greenly; yet i could hardly brook letting the enemy go scathe less. so long as it blows as it does now, there will not be much fighting, and there can be no harm in taking a near look at m. de vervillin. in half an hour, or an hour at most, we must get a sight of him from off deck, even with this slow headway of the two fleets. let them heave the log, and ascertain how fast we go, sir." "should we engage the french in such weather, sir gervaise," answered greenly, after giving the order just mentioned; "it would be giving them the very advantage they like. they usually fire at the spars, and one shot would do more mischief, with such a strain on the masts, than half-a-dozen in a moderate blow." "that will do, greenly--that will do," said the vice-admiral, impatiently; "if i didn't so well know you, and hadn't seen you so often engaged, i should think you were afraid of these nineteen sail. you have lectured long enough to render me prudent, and we'll say no more." here sir gervaise turned on his heel, and began to pace the poop, for he was slightly vexed, though not angered. such little dialogues often occurred between him and his captain, the latter knowing that his commander's greatest professional failing was excess of daring, while he felt that his own reputation was too well established to be afraid to inculcate prudence. next to the honour of the flag, and his own perhaps, greenly felt the greatest interest in that of sir gervaise oakes, under whom he had served as midshipman, lieutenant, and captain; and this his superior knew, a circumstance that would have excused far greater liberties. after moving swiftly to and fro several times, the vice-admiral began to cool, and he forgot this passing ebullition of quick feelings. greenly, on the other hand, satisfied that the just mind of the commander-in-chief would not fail to appreciate facts that had been so plainly presented to it, was content to change the subject. they conversed together, in a most friendly manner, sir gervaise being even unusually frank and communicative, in order to prove he was not displeased, the matter in discussion being the state of the ship and the situation of the crew. "you are always ready for battle, greenly," the vice-admiral said, smilingly, in conclusion; "when there is a necessity; and always just as ready to point out the inexpediency of engaging, where you fancy nothing is to be gained by it. you would not have me run away from a shadow, however; or a signal; and that is much the same thing: so we will stand on, until we make the frenchmen fairly from off-deck, when it will be time enough to determine what shall come next." "sail-ho!" shouted one of the look-outs from aloft, a cry that immediately drew all eyes towards the mizzen-top-mast-cross-trees, whence the sound proceeded. the wind blew too fresh to render conversation, even by means of a trumpet, easy, and the man was ordered down to give an account of what he had seen. of course he first touched the poop-deck, where he was met by the admiral and captain, the officer of the watch, to whom he properly belonged, giving him up to the examination of his two superiors, without a grimace. "where-away is the sail you've seen, sir?" demanded sir gervaise a little sharply, for he suspected it was no more than one of the ships ahead, already signaled. "down yonder to the southward and eastward--hey! sirrah?" "no, sir jarvy," answered the top-man, hitching his trowsers with one hand, and smoothing the hair on his forehead with the other; "but out here, to the forward and westward, on our weather-quarter. it's none o' them french chaps as is with the county of fairvillian,"--for so all the common men of the fleet believed their gallant enemy to be rightly named,--"but is a square-rigged craft by herself, jammed up on a wind, pretty much like all on us." "that alters the matter, greenly! how do you know she is square-rigged, my man?" "why, sir jarvy, your honour, she's under her fore and main-taw-sails, close-reefed, with a bit of the main-sail set, as well as i can make it out, sir." "the devil she is! it must be some fellow in a great hurry, to carry that canvass in this blow! can it be possible, greenly, that the leading vessel of bluewater is heaving in sight?" "i rather think not, sir gervaise; it would be too far to windward for any of his two-deckers. it may turn out to be a look-out ship of the french, got round on the other tack to keep her station, and carrying sail hard, because she dislikes our appearance." "in that case she must claw well to windward to escape us! what's your name, my lad--tom davis, if i'm not mistaken?" "no, sir jarvy, it's jack brown; which is much the same, your honour. we's no ways partic'lar about names." "well, jack, does it blow hard aloft? so as to give you any trouble in holding on?" "nothing to speak on, sir jarvy. a'ter cruising a winter and spring in the bay of biscay, i looks on this as no more nor a puff. half a hand will keep a fellow in his berth, aloft." "galleygo--take jack brown below to my cabin, and give him a fresh nip in his jigger--he'll hold on all the better for it." this was sir gervaise's mode of atoning for the error in doing the man injustice, by supposing he was mistaken about the new sail, and jack brown went aloft devoted to the commander-in-chief. it costs the great and powerful so little to become popular, that one is sometimes surprised to find that any are otherwise; but, when we remember that it is also their duty to be just, astonishment ceases; justice being precisely the quality to which a large portion of the human race are most averse. half an hour passed, and no further reports were received from aloft. in a few minutes, however, the warspite signalled the admiral, to report the stranger on her weather-quarter, and, not long after, the active did the same. still neither told his character; and the course being substantially the same, the unknown ship approached but slowly, notwithstanding the unusual quantity of sail she had set. at the end of the period mentioned, the vessels in the south-eastern board began to be visible from the deck. the ocean was so white with foam, that it was not easy to distinguish a ship, under short canvass, at any great distance; but, by the aid of glasses, both sir gervaise and greenly satisfied themselves that the number of the enemy at the southward amounted to just twenty; one more having hove in sight, and been signalled by the chloe, since her first report. several of these vessels, however, were small; and, the vice-admiral, after a long and anxious survey, lowered his glass and turned to his captain in order to compare opinions. "well, greenly," he asked, "what do you make of them, now?--according to my reckoning, there are thirteen of the line, two frigates, four corvettes, and a lugger; or twenty sail in all." "there can be no doubt of the twenty sail, sir gervaise, though the vessels astern are still too distant to speak of their size. i rather think it will turn out _fourteen_ of the line and only three frigates." "that is rather too much for us, certainly, without bluewater. his five ships, now, and this westerly position, would make a cheering prospect for us. we might stick by mr. de vervillin until it moderated, and then pay our respects to him. what do you say to _that_, greenly?" "that it is of no great moment, sir gervaise, so long as the other division is _not_ with us. but yonder are signals flying on board the active, the warspite, and the blenheim." "ay, they've something to tell us of the chap astern and to windward. come, bunting, give us the news." "'stranger in the north-west shows the druid's number;'" the signal-officer read mechanically from the book. "the deuce he does! then bluewater cannot be far off. let dick alone for keeping in his proper place; he has an instinct for a line of battle, and i never knew him fail to be in the very spot i could wish to have him, looking as much at home, as if his ships had all been built there! the druid's number! the cæsar and the rest of them are in a line ahead, further north, heading up well to windward even of our own wake. this puts the comte fairly under our lee." but greenly was far from being of a temperament as sanguine as that of the vice-admiral's. he did not like the circumstance of the druid's being alone visible, and she, too, under what in so heavy a gale, might be deemed a press of canvass. there was no apparent reason for the division's carrying sail so hard, while the frigate would he obliged to do it, did she wish to overtake vessels like the plantagenet and her consorts. he suggested, therefore, the probability that the ship was alone, and that her object might be to speak them. "there is something in what you say, greenly," answered sir gervaise, after a minute's reflection; "and we must look into it. if denham doesn't give us any thing new from the count to change our plans, it may be well to learn what the druid is after." denham was the commander of the chloe, which ship, a neat six-and-thirty, was pitching into the heavy seas that now came rolling in heavily from the broad atlantic, the water streaming from her hawse-holes, as she rose from each plunge, like the spouts of a whale. this vessel, it has been stated, was fully a league ahead and to leeward of the plantagenet, and consequently so much nearer to the french, who were approaching from that precise quarter of the ocean, in a long single line, like that of the english; a little relieved, however, by the look-out vessels, all of which, in their case, were sailing along on the weather-beam of their friends. the distance was still so great, as to render glasses necessary in getting any very accurate notions of the force and the point of sailing of monsieur de vervillin's fleet, the ships astern being yet so remote as to require long practice to speak with any certainty of their characters. in nothing, notwithstanding, was the superior practical seamanship of the english more apparent, than in the manner in which these respective lines were formed. that of sir gervaise oakes was compact, each ship being as near as might be a cable's length distant from her seconds, ahead and astern. this was a point on which the vice-admiral prided himself; and by compelling his captains rigidly to respect their line of sailing, and by keeping the same ships and officers, as much as possible, under his orders, each captain of the fleet had got to know his own vessel's rate of speed, and all the other qualities that were necessary to maintain her precise position. all the ships being weatherly, though some, in a slight degree, were more so than others, it was easy to keep the line in weather like the present, the wind not blowing sufficiently hard to render a few cloths more or less of canvass of any very great moment. if there was a vessel sensibly out of her place, in the entire line, it was the achilles; lord morganic not having had time to get all his forward spars as far aft as they should have been; a circumstance that had knocked him off a little more than had happened to the other vessels. nevertheless, had an air-line been drawn at this moment, from the mizzen-top of the plantagenet to that of the warspite, it would have been found to pass through the spars of quite half the intermediate vessels, and no one of them all would have been a pistol-shot out of the way. as there were six intervals between the vessels, and each interval as near as could be guessed at was a cable's length, the extent of the whole line a little exceeded three-quarters of a mile. on the other hand, the french, though they preserved a very respectable degree of order, were much less compact, and by no means as methodical in their manner of sailing. some of their ships were a quarter of a mile to leeward of the line, and the intervals were irregular and ill-observed. these circumstances arose from several causes, neither of which proceeded from any fault in the commander-in-chief, who was both an experienced seaman and a skilful tactician. but his captains were new to each other, and some of them were recently appointed to their ships; it being just as much a matter of course that a seaman should ascertain the qualities of his vessel, by familiarity, as that a man should learn the character of his wife, in the intimacy of wedlock. at the precise moment of which we are now writing, the chloe might have been about a league from the leading vessel of the enemy, and her position to leeward of her own fleet threatened to bring her, half an hour later, within range of the frenchmen's guns. this fact was apparent to all in the squadron; still the frigate stood on, having been placed in that station, and the whole being under the immediate supervision of the commander-in-chief. "denham will have a warm berth of it, sir, should he stand on much longer," said greenly, when ten minutes more had passed, during which the ships had gradually drawn nearer. "i was hoping he might get between the most weatherly french frigate and her line," answered sir gervaise; "when i think, by edging rapidly away, we could take her alive, with the plantagenet." "in which case we might as well clear for action; such a man[oe]uvre being certain to bring on a general engagement." "no--no--i'm not quite mad enough for that, master telemachus; but, we can wait a little longer for the chances. how many flags can you make out among the enemy, bunting?" "i see but two, sir gervaise; one at the fore, and the other at the mizzen, like our own. i can make out, now, only twelve ships of the line, too; neither of which is a three-decker." "so much for rumour; as flagrant a liar as ever wagged a tongue! twelve ships on two decks, and eight frigates, sloops and luggers. there can be no great mistake in this." "i think not, sir gervaise; their commander-in-chief is in the fourth ship from the head of the line. his flag is just discernible, by means of our best glass. ay, there goes a signal, this instant, at the end of his gaff!" "if one could only read french now, greenly," said the vice-admiral, smiling; "we might get into some of mr. de vervillin's secrets. perhaps it's an order to go to quarters or to clear; look out sharp, bunting, for any signs of such a movement. what do you make of it?" "it's to the frigates, sir gervaise; all of which answer, while the other vessels do not." "we want no french to read that signal, sir," put in greenly; "the frigates themselves telling us what it means. monsieur de vervillin has no idea of letting the plantagenet take any thing he has, _alive_." this was true enough. just as the captain spoke, the object of the order was made sufficiently apparent, by all the light vessels to windward of the french fleet, bearing up together, until they brought the wind abaft their beams, when away they glided to leeward, like floating objects that have suddenly struck a swift current. before this change in their course, these frigates and corvettes had been struggling along, the seas meeting them on their weather-bows, at the rate of about two knots or rather less; whereas, their speed was now quadrupled, and in a few minutes, the whole of them had sailed through the different intervals in their main line, and had formed as before, nearly half a league to leeward of it. here, in the event of an action, their principal duties would have been to succour crippled ships that might be forced out of their allotted stations during the combat. all this sir gervaise viewed with disgust. he had hoped that his enemy might have presumed on the state of the elements, and suffered his light vessels to maintain their original positions. "it would be a great triumph to us, greenly," he said, "if denham could pass without shifting his berth. there would be something manly and seamanlike in an inferior fleet's passing a superior, in such a style." "yes, sir, though it _might_ cost us a fine frigate. the count can have no difficulty in fighting his weather main-deck guns, and a discharge from two or three of his leading vessels might cut away some spar that denham would miss sadly, just at such a moment." sir gervaise placed his hands behind his back, paced the deck a minute, and then said decidedly-- "bunting, make the chloe's signal to ware--tacking in this sea, and under that short canvass, is out of the question." bunting had anticipated this order, and had even ventured clandestinely to direct the quarter-masters to bend on the necessary flags; and sir gervaise had scarcely got the words out of his mouth, before the signal was abroad. the chloe was equally on the alert; for she too each moment expected the command, and ere her answering flag was seen, her helm was up, the mizen-stay-sail down, and her head falling off rapidly towards the enemy. this movement seemed to be expected all round--and it certainly had been delayed to the very last moment--for the leading french ship fell off three or four points, and as the frigate was exactly end-on to her, let fly the contents of all the guns on her forecastle, as well as of those on her main-deck, as far aft as they could be brought to bear. one of the top-sail-sheets of the frigate was shot away by this rapid and unexpected fire, and some little damage was done to the standing rigging; but luckily, none of immediate moment. captain denham was active, and the instant he found his top-sail flapping, he ordered it clewed up, and the main-sail loosed. the latter was set, close-reefed, as the ship came to the wind on the larboard tack, and by the time every thing was braced up and hauled aft, on that tack, the main-top-sail was ready to be sheeted home, anew. during the few minutes that these evolutions required, sir gervaise kept his eye riveted on the vessel; and when he saw her fairly round, and trimmed by the wind, again, with the main-sail dragging her ahead, to own the truth, he felt mentally relieved. "not a minute too soon, sir gervaise," observed the cautious greenly, smiling. "i should not be surprised if denham hears more from that fellow at the head of the french line. his weather chase-guns are exactly in a range with the frigate, and the two upper ones might be worked, well enough." "i think not, greenly. the forecastle gun, possibly; scarcely any thing below it." sir gervaise proved to be partly right and partly wrong. the frenchman _did_ attempt a fire with his main-deck gun; but, at the first plunge of the ship, a sea slapped up against her weather-bow, and sent a column of water through the port, that drove half its crew into the lee-scuppers. in the midst of this waterspout, the gun exploded, the loggerhead having been applied an instant before, giving a sort of chaotic wildness to the scene in-board. this satisfied the party below; though that on the forecastle fared better. the last fired their gun several times, and always without success. this failure proceeded from a cause that is seldom sufficiently estimated by nautical gunners; the shot having swerved from the line of sight, by the force of the wind against which it flew, two or three hundred feet, by the time it had gone the mile that lay between the vessels. sir gervaise anxiously watched the effect of the fire, and perceiving that all the shot fell to leeward of the chloe, he was no longer uneasy about that vessel, and he began to turn his attention to other and more important concerns. as we are now approaching a moment when it is necessary that the reader should receive some tolerably distinct impression of the relative positions of the two entire fleets, we shall close the present chapter, here; reserving the duty of explanation for the commencement of a new one. chapter xxii. ----"all were glad, and laughed, and shouted, as she darted on, and plunged amid the foam, and tossed it high, over the deck, as when a strong, curbed steed flings the froth from him in his eager race." percival the long twilight of a high latitude had now ended, and the sun, though concealed behind clouds, had risen. the additional light contributed to lessen the gloomy look of the ocean, though the fury of the winds and waves still lent to it a dark and menacing aspect. to windward there were no signs of an abatement of the gale, while the heavens continued to abstain from letting down their floods, on the raging waters beneath. by this lime, the fleet was materially to the southward of cape la hogue, though far to the westward, where the channel received the winds and waves from the whole rake of the atlantic, and the seas were setting in, in the long, regular swells of the ocean, a little disturbed by the influence of the tides. ships as heavy as the two-deckers moved along with groaning efforts, their bulk-heads and timbers "complaining," to use the language of the sea, as the huge masses, loaded with their iron artillery, rose and sunk on the coming and receding billows. but their movements were stately and full of majesty; whereas, the cutter, sloop, and even the frigates, seemed to be tossed like foam, very much at the mercy of the elements. the chloe was passing the admiral, on the opposite tack, quite a mile to leeward, and yet, as she mounted to the summit of a wave, her cut-water was often visible nearly to the keel. these are the trials of a vessel's strength; for, were a ship always water-borne equally on all her lines, there would not be the necessity which now exists to make her the well-knit mass of wood and iron she is. the progress of the two fleets was very much the same, both squadrons struggling along through the billows, at the rate of about a marine league in the hour. as no lofty sail was carried, and the vessels were first made in the haze of a clouded morning, the ships had not become visible to each other until nearer than common; and, by the time at which we have now arrived in our tale, the leading vessels were separated by a space that did not exceed two miles, estimating the distance only on their respective lines of sailing; though there would be about the same space between them, when abreast, the english being so much to windward of their enemies. any one in the least familiar with nautical man[oe]uvres will understand that these circumstances would bring the van of the french and the rear of their foes much nearer together in passing, both fleets being close-hauled. sir gervaise oakes, as a matter of course, watched the progress of the two lines with close and intelligent attention. mons. de vervillin did the same from the poop of le foudroyant, a noble eighty-gun ship in which his flag of _vice-admiral_ was flying, as it might be, in defiance. by the side of the former stood greenly, bunting, and bury, the plantagenet's first lieutenant; by the side of the latter his capitaine de vaisseau, a man as little like the caricatures of such officers, as a hostile feeling has laid before the readers of english literature, as washington was like the man held up to odium in the london journals, at the commencement of the great american war. m. de vervillin himself was a man of respectable birth, of a scientific education, and of great familiarity with ships, so far as a knowledge of their general powers and principles was concerned; but here his professional excellence ceased, all that infinity of detail which composes the distinctive merit of the practical seaman being, in a great degree, unknown to him, rendering it necessary for him to _think_ in moments of emergency; periods when the really prime mariner seems more to act by a sort of _instinct_ than by any very intelligible process of ratiocination. with his fleet drawn out before him, however, and with no unusual demands on his resources, this gallant officer was an exceedingly formidable foe to contend with in squadron. sir gervaise oakes lost all his constitutional and feverish impatience while the fleets drew nigher and nigher. as is not unusual with brave men, who are naturally excitable, as the crisis approached he grew calmer, and obtained a more perfect command over himself; seeing all things in their true colours, and feeling more and more equal to control them. he continued to walk the poop, but it was with a slower step; and, though his hands were still closed behind his back, the fingers were passive, while his countenance became grave and his eye thoughtful. greenly knew that his interference would now be hazardous; for whenever the vice-admiral assumed that air, he literally became commander-in-chief; and any attempt to control or influence him, unless sustained by the communication of new facts, could only draw down resentment on his own head. bunting, too, was aware that the "admiral was aboard," as the officers, among themselves, used to describe this state of their superior's mind, and was prepared to discharge his own duty in the most silent and rapid manner in his power. all the others present felt more or less of this same influence of an established character. "_mr._ bunting," said sir gervaise, when the distance between the plantagenet and _le téméraire_ the leading french vessel, might have been about a league, allowing for the difference in the respective lines of sailing--"_mr._ bunting, bend on the signal for the ships to go to quarters. we may as well be ready for any turn of the dice." no one dared to comment on this order: it was obeyed in readiness and silence. "signal ready, sir gervaise," said bunting, the instant the last flag was in its place. "run it up at once, sir, and have a bright look-out for the answers. captain greenly, go to quarters, and see all clear on the main-deck, to use the batteries if wanted. the people can stand fast below, as i think it might be dangerous to open the ports." captain greenly passed off the poop to the quarter-deck, and in a minute the drum and fife struck up the air which is known all over the civilized world as the call to arms. in most services this summons is made by the drum alone, which emits sounds to which the fancy has attached peculiar words; those of the soldiers of france being "_prend ton sac_--_prend ton sac_--_prend ton sac_," no bad representatives of the meaning; but in english and american ships, this appeal is usually made in company with the notes of the "ear-piercing fife," which gives it a melody that might otherwise be wanting. "signal answered throughout the fleet, sir gervaise," said bunting. no answer was given to this report beyond a quiet inclination of the head. after a moment's pause, however, the vice-admiral turned to his signal officer and said-- "i should think, bunting, no captain can need an order to tell him _not_ to open his lee-lower-deck ports in such a sea as this?" "i rather fancy not, sir gervaise," answered bunting, looking drolly at the boiling element that gushed up each minute from beneath the bottom of the ship, in a way to appear as high as the hammock-cloths. "the people at the _main_-deck guns would have rather a wet time of it." "bend on the signal, sir, for the ships astern to keep in the vice-admiral's wake. young gentleman," to the midshipman who always acted as his aid in battle, "tell captain greenly i desire to see him as soon as he has received all the reports." down to the moment when the first tap of the drum was heard, the plantagenet had presented a scene of singular quiet and unconcern, considering the circumstances in which she was placed. a landsman would scarcely credit that men could be so near their enemies, and display so much indifference to their vicinity; but this was the result of long habit, and a certain marine instinct that tells the sailor when any thing serious is in the wind, and when not. the difference in the force of the two fleets, the heavy gale, and the weatherly position of the english, all conspired to assure the crew that nothing decisive could yet occur. here and there an officer or an old seaman might be seen glancing through a port, to ascertain the force and position of the french; but, on the whole, their fleet excited little more attention than if lying at anchor in cherbourg. the breakfast hour was approaching, and that important event monopolized the principal interest of the moment. the officers' boys, in particular, began to make their appearance around the galley, provided, as usual, with their pots and dishes, and, now and then, one cast a careless glance through the nearest opening to see how the strangers looked; but as to warfare there was much more the appearance of it between the protectors of the rights of the different messes, than between the two great belligerent navies themselves. nor was the state of things materially different in the gun-room, or cock-pit, or on the orlops. most of the people of a two-decked ship are berthed on the lower gun deck, and the order to "clear ship" is more necessary to a vessel of that construction, before going to quarters seriously, than to smaller craft; though it is usual in all. so long as the bags, mess-chests, and other similar appliances were left in their ordinary positions, jack saw little reason to derange himself; and as reports were brought below, from time to time, respecting the approach of the enemy, and more especially of his being well to leeward, few of those whose duty did not call them on deck troubled themselves about the matter at all. this habit of considering his fortune as attached to that of his ship, and of regarding himself as a point on her mass, as we all look on ourselves as particles of the orb we accompany in its revolutions, is sufficiently general among mariners; but it was particularly so as respects the sailors of a fleet, who were kept so much at sea, and who had been so often, with all sorts of results, in the presence of the enemy. the scene that was passing in the gun-room at the precise moment at which our tale has arrived, was so characteristic, in particular, as to merit a brief description. all the idlers by this time were out of their berths and cotts; the signs of those who "slept in the country," as it is termed, or who were obliged, for want of state-rooms, to sling in the common apartment, having disappeared. magrath was reading a treatise on medicine, in good leyden latin, by a lamp. the purser was endeavouring to decipher his steward's hieroglyphics, favoured by the same light, and the captain of marines was examining the lock of an aged musket. the third and fourth lieutenants were helping each other to untangle one of their bay-of-biscay reckonings, which had set both plane and spherical trigonometry at defiance, by a lamp of their own; and the chaplain was hurrying the steward and the boys along with the breakfast--his usual occupation at that "witching time" in the morning. while things were in this state, the first lieutenant, mr. bury, appeared in the gun-room. his arrival caused one or two of the mess to glance upward at him, though no one spoke but the junior lieutenant, who, being an honourable, was at his ease with every one on board, short of the captain. "what's the news from deck, bury?" asked this officer, a youth of twenty, his senior being a man ten years older. "is mr. de vervillin thinking of running away yet?" "not he, sir; there's too much of the game-cock about him for _that_." "i'll warrant you he can _crow_! but what _is_ the news, bury?" "the news is that the old planter is as wet as a wash-tub, forward, and i must have a dry jacket--do you hear, there, tom? soundings," turning to the master, who just then came in from forward, "have you taken a look out of doors this morning?" "you know i seldom forget that, mr. bury. a pretty pickle the ship would soon be in, if _i_ forgot to look about me!" "he swallowed the deep-sea, down in the bay," cried the honourable, laughing, "and goes every morning at day-light to look for it out at the bridle-ports." "well, then, soundings, what do you think of the third ship in the french line?" continued bury, disregarding the levity of the youth: "did you ever see such top-masts, as she carries, before?" "i scarce ever saw a frenchman without them, mr. bury. you'd have just such sticks in this fleet, if sir jarvy would stand them." "ay, but sir jarvy _won't_ stand them. the captain who sent such a stick up in his ship, would have to throw it overboard before night. i never saw such a pole in the air in my life!" "what's the matter with the mast, mr. bury?" put in magrath, who kept up what he called constant scientific skirmishes with the _elder_ sea-officers; the _junior_ being too inexperienced in his view to be worthy of a contest. "i'll engage the spar is moulded and fashioned agreeably to the most approved pheelosphical principles; for in _that_ the french certainly excel us." "who ever heard of _moulding_ a spar?" interrupted soundings, laughing loudly, "we _mould_ a ship's frame, doctor, but we _lengthen_ and _shorten_, and _scrape_ and _fid_ her masts." "i'm answered as usual, gentlemen, and voted down, i suppose by acclamation, as they call it in other learned bodies. i would advise no creature that has a reason to go to sea; an instinct being all that is needed to make a lord high admiral of twenty tails." "i should like sir jarvy to hear _that_, my man of books," cried the fourth, who had satisfied himself that a book was not his own forte--"i fancy your instinct, doctor, will prevent you from whispering this in the vice-admiral's ear!" although magrath had a profound respect for the commander-in-chief, he was averse to giving in, in a gun-room discussion. his answer, therefore, partook of the feeling of the moment. "sir gervaise," (he pronounced this word jairvis,) "sir gervaise oakes, _honourable_ sir," he said, with a sneer, "may be a good seaman, but he's no linguist. now, there he was, ashore among the dead and dying, just as ignorant of the meaning of _filius nullius_, which is boy's latin, as if he had never seen a horn-book! nevertheless, gentlemen, it is science, and not even the classics, that makes the man; as for a creature's getting the sciences by instinct, i shall contend it is against the possibilities, whereas the attainment of what you call seamanship, is among even the lesser probabilities." "this is the most marine-ish talk i ever heard from your mouth, doctor," interrupted soundings. "how the devil can a man tell how to ware ship by instinct, as you call it, if one may ask the question?" "simply, soundings, because the process of ratiocination is dispensed with. do you have to _think_ in waring ship, now?--i'll put it to your own honour, for the answer." "think!--i should be a poor creature for a master, indeed, if much thinking were wanting in so simple a matter as tacking or veering. no--no--your real sea-dog has no occasion for much _thinking_, when he has his work before him." "that'll just be it, gentlemen!--that'll be just what i'm telling ye," cried the doctor, exulting in the success of his artifice. "not only will mr. soundings not _think_, when he has his ordinary duties to perform, but he holds the process itself in merited contempt, ye'll obsairve; and so my theory is established, by evidence of a pairty concerned; which is more than a postulate logically requires." here magrath dropped his book, and laughed with that sort of hissing sound that seems peculiar to the genus of which he formed a part. he was still indulging in his triumph, when the first tap of the drum was heard. all listened; every ear pricking like that of a deer that hears the hound, when there followed--"r-r-r-ap tap--r-r-r-ap tap--r-r-r-ap tapa-tap-tap--rap-a-tap--a-rap-a-tap a-rap-a-tap--a-tap-tap." "instinct or reason, sir jarvy is going to quarters!" exclaimed the honourable. "i'd no notion we were near enough to the monsieurs, for _that_!" "now," said magrath, with a grinning sneer, as he rose to descend to the cock-pit, "there'll may be arise an occasion for a little learning, when i'll promise ye all the science that can be mustered in my unworthy knowledge. soundings, i may have to heave the lead in the depths of your physical formation, in which case i'll just endeevour to avoid the breakers of ignorance." "go to the devil, or to the cock-pit, whichever you please, sir," answered the master; "i've served in six general actions, already, and have never been obliged to one of your kidney for so much as a bit of court-plaster or lint. with me, oakum answers for one, and canvass for the other." while this was saying, all hands were in motion. the sea and marine officers looking for their side-arms, the surgeon carefully collecting his books, and the chaplain seizing a dish of cold beef, that was hurriedly set upon a table, carrying it down with him to his quarters, by way of taking it out of harm's way. in a minute, the gun-room was cleared of all who usually dwelt there, and their places were supplied by the seamen who manned the three or four thirty-two's that were mounted in the apartment, together with their opposites. as the sea-officers, in particular, appeared among the men, their faces assumed an air of authority, and their voices were heard calling out the order to "tumble up," as they hastened themselves to their several stations. all this time, sir gervaise oakes paced the poop. bunting and the quarter-master were in readiness to hoist the new signal, and greenly merely waited for the reports, to join the commander-in-chief. in about five minutes after the drum had given its first tap, these were completed, and the captain ascended to the poop. "by standing on, on our present course, captain greenly," observed sir gervaise, anxious to justify to himself the evolution he contemplated, "the rear of our line and the van of the french will be brought within fair range of shot from each other, and, by an accident, we might lose a ship; since any vessel that was crippled, would necessarily sag directly down upon the enemy. now, i propose to keep away in the plantagenet, and just brush past the leading french ships, at about the distance the warspite will _have_ to pass, and so alter the face of matters a little. what do you think would be the consequence of such a man[oe]uvre?" "that the van of our line and the van of the french will be brought as near together, as you have just said must happen to the rear, sir gervaise, in any case." "it does not require a mathematician to tell that much, sir. you will keep away, as soon as bunting shows the signal, and bring the wind abeam. never mind the braces; let _them_ stand fast; as soon as we have passed the french admiral, i shall luff, again. this will cause us to lose a little of our weatherly position, but about that i am very indifferent. give the order, sir--bunting, run up the signal." these commands were silently obeyed, and presently the plantagenet was running directly in the troughs of the seas, with quite double her former velocity. the other ships answered promptly, each keeping away as her second ahead came down to the proper line of sailing, and all complying to the letter with an order that was very easy of execution. the effect, besides giving every prospect of a distant engagement, was to straighten the line to nearly mathematical precision. "is it your wish, sir gervaise, that we should endeavour to open our lee lower ports?" asked greenly. "unless we attempt something of the sort, we shall have nothing heavier than the eighteens to depend on, should monsieur de vervillin see fit to begin." "and will _he_ be any better off?--it would be next to madness to think of fighting the lower-deck guns, in such weather, and we will keep all fast. should the french commence the sport, we shall have the advantage of being to windward; and the loss of a few weather shrouds might bring down the best mast in their fleet." greenly made no answer, though he perfectly understood that the loss of a mast would almost certainly ensure the loss of the ship, did one of his own heavier spars go. but this was sir gervaise's greatest weakness as a commander, and he knew it would be useless to attempt persuading him to suffer a single ship under his order to pass the enemy nearer than he went himself in the plantagenet. this was what he called covering his ships; though it amounted to no more than putting all of them in the jeopardy that happened to be unavoidable, as regarded one or two. the comte de vervillin seemed at a loss to understand this sudden and extraordinary movement in the van of his enemy. his signals followed, and his crews went to their guns; but it was not an easy matter for ships that persevered in hugging the wind to make any material alterations in their relative positions, in such a gale. the rate of sailing of the english, however, now menaced a speedy collision, if collision were intended, and it was time to be stirring, in order to be ready for it. on the other hand, all was quiet, and, seemingly, death-like, in the english ships. their people were at their quarters, already, and this is a moment of profound stillness in a vessel of war. the lower ports being down, the portions of the crews stationed on those decks were buried, as it might be, in obscurity, while even those above were still partly concealed by the half-ports. there was virtually nothing for the sail-trimmers to do, and every thing was apparently left to the evolutions of the vast machines themselves, in which they floated. sir gervaise, greenly, and the usual attendants still remained on the poop, their eyes scarcely turning for an instant from the fleet of the enemy. by this time the plantagenct and _le téméraire_ were little more than a mile apart, each minute lessening this distance. the latter ship was struggling along, her bows plunging into the seas to the hawse-holes, while the former had a swift, easy motion through the troughs, and along the summits of the waves, her flattened sails aiding in steadying her in the heavy lurches that unavoidably accompanied such a movement. still, a sea would occasionally break against her weather side, sending its crest upward in a brilliant _jet-d'eau_, and leaving tons of water on the decks. sir gervaise's manner had now lost every glimmering of excitement. when he spoke, it was in a gentle, pleasant tone, such as a gentleman might use in the society of women. the truth was, all his energy had concentrated in the determination to do a daring deed; and, as is not unusual with the most resolute men, the nearer he approached to the consummation of his purpose, the more he seemed to reject all the spurious aids of manner. "the french do not open their lower ports, greenly," observed the vice-admiral, dropping the glass after one of his long looks at the enemy, "although they have the advantage of being to leeward. i take that to be a sign they intend nothing very serious." "we shall know better five minutes hence, sir gervaise. this ship slides along like a london coach." "his line is lubberly, after all, greenly! look at those two ships astern--they are near half a mile to windward of the rest of the fleet, and at least half a mile astern. hey! greenly?" the captain turned towards the rear of the french, and examined the positions of the two ships mentioned with sufficient deliberation; but sir gervaise dropped his head in a musing manner, and began to pace the poop again. once or twice he stopped to look at the rear of the french line, then distant from him quite a league, and as often did he resume his walk. "bunting," said the vice-admiral, mildly, "come this way, a moment. our last signal was to keep in the commander-in-chief's wake, and to follow his motions?" "it was, sir gervaise. the old order to follow motions, 'with or without signals,' as one might say." "bend on the signals to close up in line, as near as safe, and to carry sail by the flag-ship." "ay, ay, sir gervaise--we'll have 'em both up in five minutes, sir." the commander-in-chief now even seemed pleased. his physical excitement returned a little, and a smile struggled round his lip. his eye glanced at greenly, to see if he were suspected, and then all his calmness of exterior returned. in the mean time the signals were made and answered. the latter circumstance was reported to sir gervaise, who cast his eyes down the line astern, and saw that the different ships were already bracing in, and easing off their sheets, in order to diminish the spaces between the different vessels. as soon as it was apparent that the carnatic was drawing ahead, captain greenly was told to lay his main and fore-yards nearly square, to light up all his stay-sail sheets, and to keep away sufficiently to make every thing draw. although these orders occasioned surprise, they were implicitly obeyed. the moment of meeting had now come. in consequence of having kept away so much, the plantagenet could not be quite three-fourths of a mile on the weather-bow of _le téméraire_, coming up rapidly, and threatening a semi-transverse fire. in order to prevent this, the french ship edged off a little, giving herself an easier and more rapid movement through the water, and bringing her own broadside more fairly to the shock. this evolution was followed by the two next ships, a little prematurely, perhaps; but the admiral in _le foudroyant_, disdaining to edge off from her enemy, kept her luff. the ships astern were governed by the course of their superior. this change produced a little disorder in the van of the french, menacing still greater, unless one party or the other receded from the course taken. but time pressed, and the two fleets were closing so fast as to induce other thoughts. "there's lubberly work for you, greenly!" said sir gervaise, smiling. "a commander-in-chief heading up with the bowlines dragged, and his second and third ahead--not to say fourth--running off with the wind abeam! now, if we can knock the comte off a couple of points, in passing, all his fellows astern will follow, and the warspite and blenheim and thunderer will slip by like girls in a country-dance! send bury down to the main-deck, with orders to be ready with those eighteens." greenly obeyed, of course, and he began to think better of audacity in naval warfare, than he had done before, that day. this was the usual course of things with these two officers; one arguing and deciding according to the dictates of a cool judgment, and the other following his impulses quite as much as any thing else, until facts supervened to prove that human things are as much controlled by adventitious agencies, the results of remote and unseen causes, as by any well-digested plans laid at the moment. in their cooler hours, when they came to reason on the past, the vice-admiral generally consummated his triumphs, by reminding his captain that if he had not been in the way of luck, he never could have profited by it; no bad creed for a naval officer, who is otherwise prudent and vigilant. the quarter-masters of the fleet were just striking six bells, or proclaiming that it was seven o'clock in the morning watch, as the plantagenet and _le téméraire_ came abeam of each other. both ships lurched heavily in the troughs of the seas, and both rolled to windward in stately majesty, and yet both slid through the brine with a momentum that resembled the imperceptible motion of a planet. the water rolled back from their black sides and shining hammock-cloths, and all the other dark panoply that distinguishes a ship-of-war glistened with the spray; but no sign of hostility proceeded from either. the french admiral made no signal to engage, and sir gervaise had reasons of his own for wishing to pass the enemy's van, if possible, unnoticed. minute passed after minute, in breathless silence, on board the plantagenet and the carnatic, the latter vessel being now but half a cable's-length astern of the admiral. every eye that had any outlet for such a purpose, was riveted on the main-deck ports of _le téméraire_ in expectation of seeing the fire issue from her guns. each instant, however, lessened the chances, as regarded that particular vessel, which was soon out of the line of fire from the plantagenet, when the same scene was to follow with the same result, in connection with _le conquereur_, the second ship of the french line. sir gervaise smiled as he passed the three first ships, seemingly unnoticed; but as he drew nearer to the admiral, he felt confident this impunity must cease. "what they _mean_ by it all, greenly," he observed to his companion, "is more than i can say; but we will go nearer, and try to find out. keep her away a little more, sir; keep her away half a point." greenly was not disposed to remonstrate now, for his prudent temperament was yielding to the excitement of the moment just reversing the traits of sir gervaise's character; the one losing his extreme discretion in feeling, as the other gained by the pressure of circumstances. the helm was eased a little, and the ship sheered nearer to _le foudroyant_. as is usual in all services, the french commander-in-chief was in one of the best vessels of his fleet. not only was the foudroyant a heavy ship, carrying french forty-twos below, a circumstance that made her rate as an eighty, but, like the plantagenet, she was one of the fastest and most weatherly vessels of her class known. by "hugging the wind," this noble vessel had got, by this time, materially to windward of her second and third ahead, and had increased her distance essentially from her supports astern. in a word, she was far from being in a position to be sustained as she ought to be, unless she edged off herself, a movement that no one on board her seemed to contemplate. "he's a noble fellow, greenly, that comte de vervillin!" murmured sir gervaise, in a tone of admiration, "and so have i always found him, and so have i always _reported_ him, too! the fools about the gazettes, and the knaves about the offices, may splutter as they will; mr. de vervillin would give them plenty of occupation were they _here_. i question if he mean to keep off in the least, but insists on holding every inch he can gain!" the next moment, however, satisfied sir gervaise that he was mistaken in his last conjecture, the bows of the foudroyant gradually falling off, until the line of her larboard guns bore, when she made a general discharge of the whole of them, with the exception of those on the lower deck. the plantagenets waited until the ship rose on a sea, and then they returned the compliment in the same manner. the carnatic's side showed a sheet of flame immediately after; and the achilles, lord morganic, luffing briskly to the wind, so as to bring her guns to bear, followed up the game, like flashes of lightning. all three of these ships had directed their fire at le foudroyant, and the smoke had not yet driven from among her spars, when sir gervaise perceived that all three of her top-masts were hanging to leeward. at this sight, greenly fairly sprang from the deck, and gave three cheers the men below caught up the cry, even to those who were, in a manner, buried on the lower deck, and presently, spite of the gale, the carnatic's were heard following their example astern. at this instant the whole french and english lines opened their fire, from van to rear, as far as their guns would bear, or the shot tell. "now, sir, now is our time to close with de vervillin!" exclaimed greenly, the instant he perceived the manner in which his ship was crippled. "in our close order we might hope to make a thorough wreck of him." "not so, greenly," returned sir gervaise calmly. "you see he edges away already, and will be down among his other ships in five minutes; we should have a general action with twice our force. what is done, is _well_ done, and we will let it stand. it is _something_ to have dismasted the enemy's commander-in-chief; do you look to it that the enemy don't do the same with ours. i heard shot rattling aloft, and every thing now bears a hard strain." greenly went to look after his duty, while sir gervaise continued to pace the poop. the whole of le foudroyant's fire had been directed at the plantagenet, but so rough was the ocean that not a shot touched the hull. a little injury had been done aloft, but nothing that the ready skill of the seamen was not able to repair even in that rough weather. the fact is, most of the shot had touched the waves, and had flown off from their varying surfaces at every angle that offered. one of the secrets that sir gervaise had taught his captains was to avoid hitting the surface of the sea, if possible, unless that surface was reasonably smooth, and the object intended to be injured was near at hand. then the french admiral received the _first_ fire--always the most destructive--of three fresh vessels; and his injuries were in proportion. the scene was now animated, and not without a wild magnificence. the gale continued as heavy as ever, and with the raging of the ocean and the howling of the winds, mingled the roar of artillery, and the smoky canopy of battle. still the destruction on neither side bore any proportion to the grandeur of the accompaniments; the distance and the unsteadiness of the ships preventing much accuracy of aim. in that day, a large two-decked ship never carried heavier metal than an eighteen above her lower batteries; and this gun, efficient as it is on most occasions, does not bring with it the fearful destruction that attends a more modern broadside. there was a good deal of noise, notwithstanding, and some blood shed in passing; but, on the whole, when the warspite, the last of the english ships, ceased her fire, on account of the distance of the enemy abreast of her, it would have been difficult to tell that any vessel but le foudroyant, had been doing more than saluting. at this instant greenly re-appeared on the poop, his own ship having ceased to fire for several minutes. "well, greenly, the main-deck guns are at least scaled," said sir gervaise, smiling; "and _that_ is not to be done over again for some time. you keep every thing ready in the batteries, i trust?" "we are all ready, sir gervaise, but there is nothing to be done. it would be useless to waste our ammunition at ships quite two miles under our lee." "very true--very true, sir. but _all_ the frenchmen are not quite so far to leeward, greenly, as you may see by looking ahead. yonder two, at least, are not absolutely out of harm's way!" greenly turned, gazed an instant in the direction in which the commander-in-chief pointed, and then the truth of what sir gervaise had really in view in keeping away, flashed on his mind, as it might be, at a glance. without saying a word, he immediately quitted the poop, and descending even to the lower deck, passed through the whole of his batteries, giving his orders, and examining their condition. chapter xxiii. "by heaven! it is a splendid sight to see, (for one who hath no friend, nor brother there,) their rival scarfs of mixed embroidery-- their various arms that glitter in the air!" childe harold. the little conflict between the english ships and the head of the french line, the evolutions that had grown out of it, the crippling of le foudroyant, and the continuance of the gale, contributed to produce material changes in the relative positions of the two fleets. all the english vessels kept their stations with beautiful accuracy, still running to the southward in a close line ahead, having the wind a trifle abaft the beam, with their yards braced in. under the circumstances, it needed but some seven or eight minutes for these ships to glide a mile through the troubled ocean, and this was about the period the most exposed of them all had been under the random and slow fire that the state of the weather permitted. the trifling damages sustained were already repaired, or in a way soon to be so. on the other hand, considerable disorder prevailed among the french. their line had never been perfect, extending quite a league; a few of the leading vessels, or those near the commander-in-chief, sustaining each other as well as could be desired, while long intervals existed between the ships astern. among the latter, too, as has been stated, some were much farther to windward than the others; an irregularity that proceeded from a desire of the comte to luff up as near as possible to the enemy--a desire, which, practised on, necessarily threw the least weatherly vessels to leeward. thus the two ships in the extreme rear, as has been hinted at already, being jammed up unusually hard upon the wind, had weathered materially on their consorts, while their way through the water had been proportionably less. it was these combined circumstances which brought them so far astern and to windward. at the time sir gervaise pointed out their positions to greenly, the two vessels just mentioned were quite half a mile to the westward of their nearest consort, and more than that distance to the southward. when it is remembered that the wind was nearly due west, and that all the french vessels, these two excepted, were steering north, the relative positions of the latter will be understood. le foudroyant, too, had kept away, after the loss of her top-masts, until fairly in the wake of the ships ahead of her, in her own line, and, as the vessels had been running off with the wind abeam, for several minutes, this man[oe]uvre threw the french still farther to leeward. to make the matter worse, just as the warspite drew out of the range of shot from the french, m. de vervillin showed a signal at the end of his gaff, for his whole fleet to ware in succession; an order, which, while it certainly had a gallant semblance, as it was bringing his vessels round on the same tack as his enemy, and looked like a defiance, was singularly adapted to restoring to the latter all the advantage of the wind they had lost by keeping away. as it was necessary to take room to execute this evolution, in order to clear the ships that were now crowded in the van, when le téméraire came to the wind again on the starboard tack, she was fully half a mile to leeward of the admiral, who had just put his helm up. as a matter of course, in order to form anew, with the heads of the ships to the southward, each vessel had to get into her leader's wake, which would be virtually throwing the whole french line, again, two miles to leeward of the english. nevertheless, the stragglers in the rear of the french continued to hug the wind, with a pertinacity that denoted a resolution to have a brush with their enemies in passing. the vessels were le scipion and la victoire, each of seventy-four guns. the first of these ships was commanded by a young man of very little professional experience, but of high court influence; while the second had a captain who, like old parker, had worked his way up to his present station, through great difficulties, and by dint of hard knocks, and harder work. unfortunately the first ranked, and the humble _capitaine de frégate_, placed by accident in command of a ship of the line, did not dare to desert a _capitaine de vaisseau_, who had a _duc_ for an elder brother, and called himself _comte_. there was perhaps a redeeming gallantry in the spirit which determined the comte de chélincourt to incur the risk of passing so near six vessels with only two, that might throw a veil over the indiscretion; more especially as his own fleet was near enough to support him in the event of any disaster, and it was certainly possible that the loss of a material spar on board either of his foes, might induce the capture of the vessel. at all events, thus reasoned m. de chélincourt; who continued boldly on, with his larboard tacks aboard, always hugging the wind, even after the téméraire was round; and m. comptant chose to follow him in la victoire. the plantagenet, by this time, being not a mile distant from the scipio, coming on with steady velocity, these intentions and circumstances created every human probability that she would soon be passing her weather beam, within a quarter of a mile, and, consequently, that a cannonade, far more serious than what had yet occurred, must follow. the few intervening minutes gave sir gervaise time to throw a glance around him, and to come to his final decision. the english fleet was never in better line than at that precise moment. the ships were as close to each other as comported with safety, and every thing stood and drew as in the trade winds. the leading french vessels were waring and increasing their distance to leeward, and it would require an hour for them to get up near enough to be at all dangerous in such weather, while all the rest were following, regardless of the two that continued their luff. the chloe had already got round, and, hugging the wind, was actually coming up to windward of her own line, though under a press of canvass that nearly buried her. the active and driver were in their stations, as usual; one on the weather beam, and the other on the weather bow; while the druid had got so near as to show her hull, closing fast, with square yards. "that is either a very bold, or a very obstinate fellow; he, who commands the two ships ahead of us," observed greenly, as he stood at the vice-admiral's side, and just as the latter terminated his survey. "what object can he possibly have in braving three times his force in a gale like this?" "if it were an englishman, greenly, we should call him a hero! by taking a mast out of one of us, he might cause the loss of the ship, or compel us to engage double _our_ force. do not blame him, but help me, rather, to disappoint him. now, listen, and see all done immediately." sir gervaise then explained to the captain what his intentions really were, first ordering, himself, (a very unusual course for one of his habits,) the first lieutenant, to keep the ship off as much as practicable, without seeming to wish to do so; but, as the orders will be explained incidentally, in the course of the narrative, it is not necessary to give them here. greenly then went below, leaving sir gervaise, bunting, and their auxiliaries, in possession of the poop. a private signal had been bent on some little time, and it was now hoisted. in about five minutes it was read, understood, and answered by all the ships of the fleet. sir gervaise rubbed his hands like a man who was delighted, and he beckoned to bury, who had the trumpet on the quarter-deck, to join him on the poop. "did captain greenly let you into our plot, bury," asked the vice-admiral, in high good-humour, as soon as obeyed, "i saw he spoke to you in going below?" "he only told me, sir gervaise, to edge down upon the frenchmen as close as i could, and this we are doing, i think, as fast as mounsheer"--bury was an anglo-gallican--"will at all like." "ah! there old parker sheers bravely to leeward! trust to him to be in the right place. the carnatic went fifty fathoms out of the line at that one twist. the thunderer and warspite too! never was a signal more beautifully obeyed. if the frenchmen don't take the alarm, now, every thing will be to our minds." by this time, bury began to understand the man[oe]uvre. each alternate ship of the english was sheering fast to leeward, forming a weather and a lee line, with increased intervals between the vessels, while all of them were edging rapidly away, so as greatly to near the enemy. it was apparent now, indeed, that the plantagenet herself must pass within a hundred fathoms of the scipio, and that in less than two minutes. the delay in issuing the orders for this evolution was in favour of its success, inasmuch as it did not give the enemy time for deliberation. the comte de chélincourt, in fact, did not detect it; or, at least, did not foresee the consequences; though both were quite apparent to the more experienced _capitaine de frégate_ astern. it was too late, or the latter would have signalled his superior to put him on his guard; but, as things were, there remained no alternative, apparently, but to run the gauntlet, and trust all to the chances of battle. in a moment like that we are describing, events occur much more rapidly than they can be related. the plantagenet was now within pistol-shot of le scipion, and on her weather bow. at that precise instant, when the bow-guns, on both sides, began to play, the carnatic, then nearly in a line with the enemy, made a rank sheer to leeward, and drove on, opening in the very act with her weather-bow guns. the thunderer and warspite imitated this man[oe]uvre, leaving the frenchman the cheerless prospect of being attacked on both sides. it is not to be concealed that m. de chélincourt was considerably disturbed by this sudden change in his situation. that which, an instant before, had the prospect of being a chivalrous, but extremely hazardous, passage in front of a formidable enemy, now began to assume the appearance of something very like destruction. it was too late, however, to remedy the evil, and the young comte, as brave a man as existed, determined to face it manfully. he had scarcely time to utter a few cheering sentiments, in a dramatic manner, to those on the quarter-deck, when the english flag-ship came sweeping past in a cloud of smoke, and a blaze of fire. his own broadside was nobly returned, or as much of it as the weather permitted, but the smoke of both discharges was still driving between his masts, when the dark hamper of the carnatic glided into the drifting canopy, which was made to whirl back on the devoted frenchman in another torrent of flame. three times was this fearful assault renewed on the scipio, at intervals of about a minute, the iron hurricane first coming from to windward, and then seeming to be driven back from to leeward, as by its own rebound, leaving no breathing time to meet it. the effect was completely to silence her own fire; for what between the power of the raging elements, and the destruction of the shot, a species of wild and blood-fraught confusion took the place of system and order. her decks were covered with killed and wounded, among the latter of whom was the comte de chélincourt, while orders were given and countermanded in a way to render them useless, if not incoherent. from the time when the plantagenet fired her first gun, to that when the warspite fired her last, was just five minutes by the watch. it seemed an hour to the french, and but a moment to their enemies. one hundred and eighty-two men and boys were included in the casualties of those teeming moments on board the scipio alone; and when that ship issued slowly from the scene of havoc, more by the velocity of her assailants in passing than by her own, the foremast was all that stood, the remainder of her spars dragging under her lee. to cut the last adrift, and to run off nearly before the wind, in order to save the spars forward, and to get within the cover of her own fleet, was all that could now be done. it may as well be said here, that these two objects were effected. the plantagenet had received damage from the fire of her opponent. some ten or fifteen men were killed and wounded; her main-top-sail was split by a shot, from clew to earing; one of the quarter-masters was carried from the poop, literally dragged overboard by the sinews that connected head and body; and several of the spars, with a good deal of rigging, required to be looked to, on account of injuries. but no one thought of these things, except as they were connected with present and pressing duties. sir gervaise got a sight of la victoire, some hundred and twenty fathoms ahead, just as the roar of the carnatic's guns was rushing upon his ears. the french commander saw and understood the extreme jeopardy of his consort, and he had already put his helm hard up. "starboard--starboard hard, bury!" shouted sir gervaise from the poop. "damn him, run him aboard, if he dare hold on long enough to meet us." the lieutenant signed with his hand that the order was understood, and the helm being put up, the ship went whirling off to leeward on the summit of a hill of foam. a cheer was heard struggling in the tempest, and glancing over his left shoulder, sir gervaise perceived the carnatic shooting out of the smoke, and imitating his own movement, by making another and still ranker sheer to leeward. at the same moment she set her main-sail close-reefed, as if determined to outstrip her antagonist, and maintain her station. none but a prime seaman could have done such a thing so steadily and so well, in the midst of the wild haste and confusion of such a scene. sir gervaise, now not a hundred yards from the carnatic, waved high his hat in exultation and praise; and old parker, alone on his own poop, bared his grey hairs in acknowledgment of the compliment. all this time the two ships drove madly ahead, while the crash and roar of the battle was heard astern. the remaining french ship was well and nimbly handled. as she came round she unavoidably sheered towards her enemies, and sir gervaise found it necessary to countermand his last order, and to come swiftly up to the wind, both to avoid her raking broadside, and to prevent running into his own consort. but the carnatic, having a little more room, first kept off, and then came to the wind again, as soon as the frenchman had fired, in a way to compel him to haul up on the other tack, or to fall fairly aboard. almost at the same instant, the plantagenet closed on his weather quarter and raked. parker had got abeam, and pressing nearer, he compelled la victoire to haul her bowlines, bringing her completely between two fires. spar went after spar, and being left with nothing standing but the lower masts, the plantagenet and carnatic could not prevent themselves from passing their victim, though each shortened sail; the first being already without a top-sail. their places, however, were immediately supplied by the achilles and the thunderer, both ships having hauled down their stay-sails to lessen their way. as the blenheim and warspite were quite near astern, and an eighteen-pound shot had closed the earthly career of the poor _capitaine de frégate_, his successor in command deemed it prudent to lower his ensign; after a resistance that in its duration was unequal to the promise of its commencement. still the ship had suffered materially, and had fifty of her crew among the casualties. his submission terminated the combat. sir gervaise oakes had now leisure and opportunity to look about him. most of the french ships had got round; but, besides being quite as far astern, when they should get up abeam, supposing himself to remain where he was, they would be at very long gun-shot dead to leeward. to remain where he was, however, formed no part of his plan, for he was fully resolved to maintain all his advantages. the great difficulty was to take possession of his prize, the sea running so high as to render it questionable if a boat would live. lord morganic, however, was just of an age and a temperament to bring that question to a speedy issue. being on the weather-beam of la victoire, as her flag came down, he ordered his own first lieutenant into the larger cutter, and putting half-a-dozen marines, with the proper crew, into the boat, it was soon seen dangling in the air over the cauldron of the ocean; the oars on-end. to lower, let go, and unhook, were the acts of an instant; the oars fell, and the boat was swept away to leeward. a commander's commission depended on his success, and daly made desperate efforts to obtain it. the prize offered a lee, and the french, with a national benevolence, courtesy, and magnanimity, that would scarcely have been imitated had matters been reversed, threw ropes to their conquerors, to help to rescue them from a very awkward dilemma. the men did succeed in getting into the prize; but the boat, in the end, was stove and lost. the appearance of the red flag of england, the symbol of his own professional rank, and worn by most under his own orders, over the white ensign of france, was the sign to sir gervaise that the prize-officer was in possession. he immediately made the signal for the fleet to follow the motions of the commander-in-chief. by this time, his own main-sail, close-reefed, had taken the place of the torn top-sail, and the plantagenet led off to the southward again, as if nothing unusual had occurred. daly had a quarter of an hour of extreme exertion on board the prize, before he could get her fairly in motion as he desired; but, by dint of using the axe freely, he cut the wreck adrift, and soon had la victoire liberated from that incumbrance. the fore-sail and fore and mizzen stay-sails were on the ship, and the main-sail, close-reefed also, was about to be set, to drag her-from the _mêlée_ of her foes, when her ensign came down. by getting the tack of the latter aboard, and the sheet aft, he would have all the canvass set the gale would allow, and to this all-essential point he directed his wits. to ride down the main-tack of a two-decked ship, in a gale of wind, or what fell little short of a real gale, was not to be undertaken with twenty men, the extent of daly's command; and he had recourse to the assistance of his enemies. a good natured, facetious irishman, himself, with a smattering of french, he soon got forty or fifty of the prisoners in a sufficient humour to lend their aid, and the sail was set, though not without great risk of its splitting. from this moment, la victoire was better off, as respected the gale and keeping a weatherly position, than any of the english ships; inasmuch as she could carry all the canvass the wind permitted, while she was relieved from the drift inseparable from hamper aloft. the effect, indeed, was visible in the first hour, to daly's great delight and exultation. at the end of that period, he found himself quite a cable's-length to windward of the line. but in relating this last particular, events have been a little anticipated. greenly, who had gone below to attend to the batteries, which were not worked without great difficulty in so heavy a sea, and to be in readiness to open the lower ports should occasion offer, re-appeared on deck just as the commander-in-chief showed the signal for the ships to follow his own motions. the line was soon formed, as mentioned, and ere long it became apparent that the prize could easily keep in her station. as most of the day was still before him, sir gervaise had little doubt of being able to secure the latter, ere night should come to render it indispensable. the vice-admiral and his captain shook hands cordially on the poop, and the former pointed out to the latter, with honest exultation, the result of his own bold man[oe]uvres. "we've clipped the wings of two of them," added sir gervaise, "and have fairly bagged a third, my good friend; and, god willing, when bluewater joins, there will not be much difficulty with the remainder. i cannot see that any of our vessels have suffered much, and i set them all down as sound. there's been time for a signal of inability, that curse to an admiral's evolutions, but no one seems disposed to make it. if we really escape that nuisance, it will be the first instance in my life!" "half-a-dozen yards may be crippled, and no one the worse for it, in this heavy weather. were we under a press of canvass, it would be a different matter; but, now, so long as the main sticks stand, we shall probably do well enough. i can find no injury in my own ship that may not be remedied at sea." "and she has had the worst of it. 'twas a decided thing, greenly, to engage such an odds in a gale; but we owe our success, most probably, to the audacity of the attack. had the enemy believed it possible, it is probable he would have frustrated it. well, master galleygo, i'm glad to see you unhurt! what is your pleasure?" "why, sir jarvy, i've two opportunities, as a body might say, on the poop, just now. one is to shake hands, as we always does a'ter a brush, you knows, sir, and to look a'ter each other's health; and the other is to report a misfortin that will bear hard on this day's dinner. you see, sir jarvy, i had the dead poultry slung in a net, over the live stock, to be out of harm's way; well, sir, a shot cut the lanyard, and let all the chickens down by the run, in among the gun-room grunters; and as they never half feeds them hanimals, there isn't as much left of the birds as would make a meal for a sick young gentleman. to my notion, no one ought to _have_ live stock but the commanders-in-chief." "to the devil with you and the stock! give me a shake of the hand, and back into your top--how came you, sir, to quit your quarters without leave?" "i didn't, sir jarvy. seeing how things was a going on, among the pigs, for our top hoverlooks the awful scene, i axed the young gentleman to let me come down to condole with your honour; and as they always lets me do as i axes, in such matters, why down i come. we has had one rattler in at our top, howsever, that came nigh lo clear us all out on it!" "is any spar injured?" asked sir gervaise, quickly. "this must be looked to--hey! greenly?" "not to signify, your honour; not to signify. one of them french eighteens aboard the prize just cocked its nose up, as the ship lurched, and let fly a round 'un and a grist of grape, right into our faces. i see'd it coming and sung out 'scaldings;' and 'twas well i did. we all ducked in time, and the round 'un cleared every thing, but a handful of the marbles are planted in the head of the mast, making the spar look like a plum-pudding, or a fellow with the small-pox." "enough of this. you are excused from returning to the top;--and, greenly, beat the retreat. bunting, show the signal for the retreat from quarters. let the ships pipe to breakfast, if they will." this order affords a fair picture of the strange admixture of feelings and employments that characterize the ordinary life of a ship. at one moment, its inmates find themselves engaged in scenes of wild magnificence and fierce confusion, while at the next they revert to the most familiar duties of humanity. the crews of the whole fleet now retired from the guns, and immediately after they were seated around their kids, indulging ravenously in the food for which the exercise of the morning had given keen appetites. still there was something of the sternness of battle in the merriment of this meal, and the few jokes that passed were seasoned with a bitterness that is not usual among the light-hearted followers of the sea. here and there, a messmate was missed, and the vacancy produced some quaint and even pathetic allusion to his habits, or to the manner in which he met his death; seamen usually treating the ravages of this great enemy of the race, after the blow has been struck, with as much solemnity and even tenderness, as they regard his approaches with levity. it is when spared themselves, that they most regard the destruction of battle. a man's standing in a ship, too, carries great weight with it, at such times; the loss of the quarter-master, in particular, being much regretted in the plantagenet. this man messed with a portion of the petty officers, a set of men altogether more thoughtful and grave than the body of the crew; and who met, when they assembled around their mess-chest that morning, with a sobriety and even sternness of mien, that showed how much in the management of the vessel had depended on their individual exertions. several minutes elapsed in the particular mess of the dead man, before a word was spoken; all eating with appetites that were of proof, but no one breaking the silence. at length an old quarter-gunner, named tom sponge, who generally led the discourse, said in a sort of half-inquiring, half-regretting, way-- "i suppose there's no great use in asking why jack glass's spoon is idle this morning. they says, them forecastle chaps, that they see'd his body streaming out over the starboard quarter, as if it had been the fly of one of his own ensigns. how was it, ned? you was thereaway, and ought to know all about it." "to be sure i does," said ned, who was bunting's remaining assistant. "i was there, as you says, and see'd as much of it as a man can see of what passes between a poor fellow and a shot, when they comes together, and that not in a very loving manner. it happened just as we come upon the weather beam of that first chap--him as we winged so handsomely among us. well, sir jarvy had clapped a stopper on the signals, seeing as we had got fairly into the smoke, and jack and i was looking about us for the muskets, not knowing but a chance might turn up to chuck a little lead into some of the parly-woos; and so says jack, says he, 'ned, you's got my musket;--(as i _had_, sure enough)--and says he, 'ned, you's got my musket; but no matter arter all, as they're much of a muchness.' so when he'd said this, he lets fly; but whether he hit any body, is more than i can say. if he _did_, 'twas likely a frenchman, as he shot that-a-way. 'now,' says jack, says he, 'ned, as this is your musket, you can load it, and hand over mine, and i'll sheet home another of the b----s.' well, at that moment the frenchman lifted for'ard, on a heavy swell, and let drive at us, with all his forecastle guns, fired as it might be with one priming--" "that was bad gunnery," growled tom sponge, "it racks a ship woundily." "yes, they'se no judgment in ships, in general. well, them french twelves are spiteful guns; and a _little_ afore they fired, it seemed to me i heard something give jack a rap on the check, that sounded as if a fellow's ear was boxed with a clap of thunder. i looked up, and there was jack streaming out like the fly of the ensign, head foremost, with the body towing after it by strings in the neck." "i thought when a fellow's head was shot off," put in another quarter-master named ben barrel, "that the body was left in the ship while only the truck went!" "that comes of not seeing them things, ben," rejoined the eye-witness. "a fellow's head is staid in its berth just like a ship's mast. there's for'ard and back-stays, and shrouds, all's one as aboard here; the only difference is that the lanyards are a little looser, so as to give a man more play for his head, than it might be safe to give to a mast. when a fellow makes a bow, why he only comes up a little aft, and bowses on the fore-stay, and now and then you falls in with a chap that is stayed altogether too far for'ard, or who's got a list perhaps from having the shrouds set up too taut to port or to starboard." "that sounds reasonable," put in the quarter-gunner, gravely; "i've seen such droggers myself." "if you'd been on the poop an hour or too ago, you'd ha' seen more on it! now, there's all our marines, their back-stays have had a fresh pull since they were launched, and, as for their captain, i'll warrant you, _he_ had a luff upon luff!" "i've heard the carpenter overhauling them matters," remarked sam wad, another quarter-gunner, "and he chalked it all out by the square and compass. it seems reasonable, too." "if you'd seen jack's head dragging his body overboard, just like the frenchman dragging his wreck under his lee, you'd ha' _thought_ it reasonable. what's a fellow's shoulders for, but to give a spread to his shrouds, which lead down the neck and are set up under the arms somewhere. they says a great deal about the heart, and i reckons it's likely every thing is key'd there." "harkee, ned," observed a quarter-master, who knew little more than the mess generally, "if what you say is true, why don't these shrouds lead straight from the head to the shoulders, instead of being all tucked up under a skin in the neck? answer me that, now." "who the devil ever saw a ship's shrouds that wasn't cat-harpened in!" exclaimed ned, with some heat. "a pretty hand a wife would make of it, in pulling her arms around a fellow's neck if the rigging spread in the way you mean! them things is all settled according to reason when a chap's keel's laid." this last argument seemed to dispose of the matter, the discourse gradually turning on, and confining itself to the merits of the deceased. sir gervaise had directed galleygo to prepare his breakfast as soon as the people were piped to their own; but he was still detained on deck in consequence of a movement in one of his vessels, to which it has now become necessary more particularly to recur. the appearance of the druid to the northward, early in the morning, will doubtless be remembered by the reader. when near enough to have it made out, this frigate had shown her number; after which she rested satisfied with carrying sail much harder than any vessel in sight. when the fleets engaged, she made an effort to set the fore-top-sail, close-reefed, but several of the critics in the other ships, who occasionally noticed her movements, fancied that some accident must have befallen her, as the canvass was soon taken in, and she appeared disposed to remain content with the sail carried when first seen. as this ship was materially to windward of the line, and she was running the whole time a little free, her velocity was much greater than that of the other vessels, and by this time she had got so near that sir gervaise observed she was fairly abeam of the plantagenet, and a little to leeward of the active. of course her hull, even to the bottom, as she rose on a sea, was plainly visible, and such of her people as were in the tops and rigging could be easily distinguished by the naked eye. "the druid must have some communication for us from the other division of the fleet," observed the vice-admiral to his signal-officer, as they stood watching the movements of the frigate; "it is a little extraordinary blewet does not signal! look at the book, and find me a question to put that will ask his errand?" bunting was in the act of turning over the leaves of his little vocabulary of questions and answers, when three or four dark balls, that sir gervaise, by the aid of the glass, saw suspended between the frigate's masts, opened into flags, effectually proving that blewet was not absolutely asleep. "four hundred and sixteen, ordinary communication," observed the vice-admiral, with his eye still at the glass. "look up that, bunting, and let us know what it means." "the commander-in-chief--wish to speak him!" read bunting, in the customary formal manner in which he announced the purport of a signal. "very well--answer; then make the druid's number to come within hail! the fellow has got cloth enough spread to travel two feet to our one; let him edge away and come under our lee. speaking will be rather close work to-day." "i doubt if a ship _can_ come near enough to make herself heard," returned the other, "though the second lieutenant of that ship never uses a trumpet in the heaviest weather, they tell me, sir. our gents say his father was a town-crier, and that he has inherited the family estate." "ay, our gents are a set of saucy fellows, as is usually the case when there isn't work enough aboard." "you should make a little allowance, sir gervaise, for being in the ship of a successful commander-in-chief. that makes us all carry weather-helms among the other messes." "up with your signal, sir; up with your signal. i shall be obliged to order greenly to put you upon watch-and-watch for a month, in order to bring you down to the old level of manners." "signal answered, already, sir gervaise. by the way, sir, i'll thank you to request captain greenly to give me another quarter-master. it's nimble work for us when there is any thing serious to do." "you shall have him, bunting," returned the vice-admiral, a shade passing over his face for the moment. "i had missed poor jack glass, and from seeing a spot of blood on the poop, guessed his fate. i fancied, indeed, i heard a shot strike something behind me." "it struck the poor fellow's head, sir, and made a noise as if a butcher were felling an ox." "well--well--let us try to forget it, until something can be done for his son, who is one of the side boys. ah! there's blewet keeping away in earnest. how the deuce he is to speak us, however, is more than i can tell." sir gervaise now sent a message to his captain to say that he desired his presence. greenly soon appeared, and was made acquainted with the intention of the druid, as well as with the purport of the last signals. by this time, the rent main-top-sail was mended, and the captain suggested it should be set again, close-reefed, as before, and that the main-sail should be taken in. this would lessen the plantagenet's way, which ship was sensibly drawing ahead of her consorts. sir gervaise assenting, the change was made, and the effects were soon apparent, not only in the movement of the ship, but in her greater ease and steadiness of motion. it was not long before the druid was within a hundred fathoms of the flag-ship, on her weather-quarter, shoving the brine before her in a way to denote a fearful momentum. it was evidently the intention of captain blewet to cross the plantagenet's stern, and to luff up under her lee quarter; the safest point at which he could approach, in so heavy a swell, provided it were done with discretion. captain blewet had a reputation for handling his frigate like a boat, and the occasion was one which would be likely to awaken all his desire to sustain the character he had already earned. still no one could imagine how he was to come near enough to make a communication of any length. the stentorian lungs of the second lieutenant, however, might effect it; and, as the news of the expected hail passed through the ship, many who had remained below, in apathy, while the enemy was close under their lee, came on deck, curious to witness what was about to pass. "hey! atwood?" exclaimed sir gervaise, for the little excitement had brought the secretary up from the commander-in-chief's cabin;--"what is blewet at! the fellow cannot mean to set a studding-sail!" "he is running out a boom, nevertheless, sir gervaise, or my thirty years' experience of nautical things have been thrown away." "he is truly rigging out his weather fore-topmast-studding-sail-boom, sir!" added greenly, in a tone of wonder. "it _is_ out," rejoined the vice-admiral, as one would give emphasis to the report of a calamity. "hey!--what? isn't that a man they're running up to the end of it, bunting? level your glass, and let us know at once." "a glass is not necessary to make out that much, sir gervaise. it is a man, beyond a doubt, and there he hangs at the boom-end, as if sentenced by a general court-martial." sir gervaise now suppressed every expression of surprise, and his reserve was imitated, quite as a matter of course, by the twenty officers, who, by this time, had assembled on the poop. the druid, keeping away, approached rapidly, and had soon crossed the flag-ship's wake. here she came by the wind, and favoured by the momentum with which she had come down, and the addition of the main-sail, drew heavily but steadily up on her lee-quarter. both vessels being close-hauled, it was not difficult steering; and by watching the helms closely, it would have been possible, perhaps, notwithstanding the heavy sea, to have brought the two hulls within ten yards of each other, and no harm should come of it. this was nearer, however, than it was necessary to approach; the studding-sail-boom, with the man suspended on the end of it, projecting twice that distance, beyond the vessel's bows. still it was nice work; and while yet some thirty or forty feet from the perpendicular, the man on the boom-end made a sign for attention, swung a coil of line he hold, and when he saw hands raised to catch it, he made a cast. a lieutenant caught the rope, and instantly hauled in the slack. as the object was now understood, a dozen others laid hold of the line, and, at a common signal, when those on board the plantagenet hauled in strongly, the people of the druid lowered away. by this simple, but united movement, the man descended obliquely, leaping out of the bowline in which he had sat, and casting the whip adrift. shaking himself to gain his footing, he raised his cap and bowed to sir gervaise, who now saw wycherly wychecombe on his poop. chapter xxiv. "yet weep not thou--the struggle is not o'er, o victors of philippi! many a field hath yielded palms to us:--one effort more, by one stern conflict must our fate be sealed." mrs. hemans. as soon as the people of the plantagenet, who had so far trespassed on discipline, when they perceived a man hanging at the end of the studding-sail-boom, as to appear in the rigging, on the booms, and on the guns, to watch the result, saw the stranger safely landed on the poop, they lifted their hats and caps, and, as one voice, greeted him with three cheers. the officers smiled at this outbreak of feeling, and the violation of usage was forgotten; the rigid discipline of a man-of-war even, giving way occasionally to the sudden impulses of natural feeling. as the druid approached the flag-ship, captain blewet had appeared in her weather mizzen-rigging, conning his vessel in person; and the order to luff, or keep off, had been given by his own voice, or by a gesture of his own hand. as soon as he saw wycherly's feet on the poop of the plantagenet, and his active form freed from the double-bowline, in which it had been seated, the captain made a wide sweep of the arm, to denote his desire to edge away; the helm of the frigate was borne up hard, and, as the two-decker surged ahead on the bosom of a sea, the druid's bows were knocked off to leeward, leaving a space of about a hundred feet, or more, between the two ships, as it might be, in an instant. the same causes continuing to operate, the plantagenet drove still farther ahead, while the frigate soon came to the wind again, a cable's-length to leeward, and abreast of the space between the admiral and his second, astern. here, captain blewet seemed disposed to wait for further orders. sir gervaise oakes was not accustomed to betray any surprise he might feel at little events that occurred on duty. he returned the bow of wycherly, coolly, and then, without question or play of feature, turned his eyes on the further movements of the druid. satisfied that all was right with the frigate, he directed the messenger to follow him, and went below himself, leaving wycherly to obey as fast as the many inquiries he had to answer as he descended the ladders would allow. atwood, an interested observer of what had passed, noted that captain greenly, of all present, was the only person who seemed indifferent to the nature of the communication the stranger might bring, though perhaps the only one entitled by rank to put an interrogatory. "you have come aboard of us in a novel and extraordinary mode, sir wycherly wychecombe!" observed the vice-admiral, a little severely, as soon as he found himself in his own cabin, alone with the lieutenant. "it was the plan of captain blewet, sir, and was really the only one that seemed likely to succeed, for a boat could scarcely live. i trust the success of the experiment, and the nature of the communications i may bring, will be thought sufficient excuses for the want of ceremony." "it is the first time, since the days of the conqueror, i fancy, that an english vice-admiral's ship has been boarded so cavalierly; but, as you say, the circumstances may justify the innovation. what is your errand, sir?" "this letter, i presume, sir gervaise, will explain itself. i have little to say in addition, except to report that the druid has sprung her foremast in carrying sail to close with you, and that we have not lost a moment since admiral bluewater ordered us to part company with himself." "you sailed on board the cæsar, then?" asked sir gervaise, a great deal mollified by the zeal for service in a youth, situated ashore, as he knew wycherly to be. "you left her, with this letter?" "i did, sir gervaise, at admiral bluewater's command." "did you go aboard the druid boom-fashion, or was that peculiar style reserved for the commander-in-chief?" "i left the cæsar in a boat, sir gervaise; and though we were much nearer in with the coast, where the wind has not the rake it has here, and the strength of the gale had not then come, we were nearly swamped." "if a true virginian, you would not have drowned, wychecombe," answered the vice-admiral, in better humour. "you americans swim like cork. excuse me, while i read what admiral bluewater has to say." sir gervaise had received wycherly in the great cabin, standing at the table which was lashed in its centre. he would have been puzzled himself, perhaps, to have given the real reason why he motioned to the young man to take a chair, while he went into what he called his "drawing-room;" or the beautiful little apartment between the two state-rooms, aft, which was fitted with an elegance that might have been admired in a more permanent dwelling, and whither he always withdrew when disposed to reflection. it was probably connected, however, with a latent apprehension of the rear-admiral's political bias, for, when by himself, he paused fully a minute before he opened the letter. condemning this hesitation as unmanly, he broke the seal, however, and read the contents of a letter, which was couched in the following terms: "my dear oakes:--since we parted, my mind has undergone some violent misgivings as to the course duty requires of me, in this great crisis. one hand--one heart--one voice even, may decide the fate of england! in such circumstances, all should listen to the voice of conscience, and endeavour to foresee the consequences of their own acts. confidential agents are in the west of england, and one of them i have seen. by his communications i find more depends on myself than i could have imagined, and more on the movements of m. de vervillin. do not be too sanguine--take time for your own decisions, and grant _me_ time; for i feel like a wretch whose fate must soon be sealed. on no account engage, because you think this division near enough to sustain you, but at least keep off until you hear from me more positively, or we can meet. i find it equally hard to strike a blow against my rightful prince, or to desert my friend. for god's sake act prudently, and depend on seeing me in the course of the next twenty-four hours. i shall keep well to the eastward, in the hope of falling in with you, as i feel satisfied de vervillin has nothing to do very far west. i may send some verbal message by the bearer, for my thoughts come sluggishly, and with great reluctance. "ever _yours_, "richard bluewater." sir gervaise oakes read this letter twice with great deliberation; then he crushed it in his hand, as one would strangle a deadly serpent. not satisfied with this manifestation of distaste, he tore the letter into pieces so small as to render it impossible to imagine its contents, opened a cabin-window, and threw the fragments into the ocean. when he fancied that every sign of his friend's weakness had thus been destroyed, he began to pace the cabin in his usual manner. wycherly heard his step, and wondered at the delay; but his duty compelled him to pass an uncomfortable half-hour in silence, ere the door opened, and sir gervaise appeared. the latter had suppressed the signs of distress, though the lieutenant could perceive he was unusually anxious. "did the rear-admiral send any message, sir wycherly?" inquired sir gervaise; "in his letter he would seem to refer me to some verbal explanations from yourself." "i am ashamed to say, sir, none that i can render very intelligible. admiral bluewater, certainly, did make a few communications that i was to repeat, but when we had parted, by some extraordinary dullness of my own i fear, i find it is out of my power to give them any very great distinctness or connection." "perhaps the fault is less your own, sir, than his. bluewater is addicted to fits of absence of mind, and then he has no reason to complain that others do not understand him, for he does not always understand himself." sir gervaise said this with a little glee, delighted at finding his friend had not committed himself to his messenger. the latter, however, was less disposed to excuse himself by such a process, inasmuch as he felt certain that the rear-admiral's feelings were in the matter he communicated, let the manner have been what it might. "i do not think we can attribute any thing to admiral bluewater's absence of mind, on this occasion, sir," answered wycherly, with generous frankness. "his feelings appeared to be strongly enlisted in what he said. it might have been owing to the strength of these feelings that he was a little obscure, but it could not have been owing to indifference." "i shall best understand the matter, then, by hearing what he did say, sir." wycherly paused, and endeavoured to recall what had passed, in a way to make it intelligible. "i was frequently told to caution you not to engage the french, sir, until the other division had closed, and was ready to assist. but, really, whether this was owing to some secret information that the rear-admiral had obtained, or to a natural desire to have a share in the battle, is more than i can say." "each may have had its influence. was any allusion made to secret intelligence, that you name it?" "i never felt more cause to be ashamed of my own dullness, than at this present moment, sir gervaise oakes," exclaimed wycherly, who almost writhed under the awkwardness of his situation; for he really began to suspect that his own personal grounds of unhappiness had induced him to forget some material part of his message;--"recent events ashore, had perhaps disqualified me for this duty." "it is natural it should be so, my young friend; and as i am acquainted with them all, you can rest satisfied with my indulgence." "all! no--sir gervaise, you know not half--but, i forget myself, sir, and beg your pardon." "i have no wish to pry into your secrets, sir wycherly wychecombe, and we will drop the subject. you may say, however, if the rear-admiral was in good spirits--as an english seaman is apt to be, with the prospect of a great battle before him." "i thought not, sir gervaise. admiral bluewater to me seemed sad, if i may presume to mention it--almost to tears, i thought, sir, one or twice." "poor dick!" mentally ejaculated the vice-admiral; "he never could have made up his mind to desert _me_ without great anguish of soul. was there any thing said," speaking aloud, "about the fleet of m. de vervillin?" "certainly a good deal, sir; and yet am i ashamed to say, i scarce know what! admiral bluewater appeared to think the comte de vervillin had no intention to strike a blow at any of our colonies, and with this he seemed to connect the idea that there would be less necessity for our engaging him. at all events, i cannot be mistaken in his wish that you would keep off, sir, until he could close." "ay, and you see how instinctively i have answered to his wishes!" said sir gervaise, smiling a little bitterly. "nevertheless, had the rear of the fleet been up this morning, sir wycherly, it might have been a glorious day for england!" "it _has_ been a glorious day, as it is, sir. we, in the druid, saw it all; and there was not one among us that did not exult in the name of englishman!" "what, even to the virginian, wychecombe!" rejoined sir gervaise, greatly gratified with the natural commendation conveyed in the manner and words of the other, and looking in a smiling, friendly manner, at the young man. "i was afraid the hits you got in devonshire might have induced you to separate your nationality from that of old england." "even to the virginian, sir gervaise. you have been in the colonies, sir, and must know we do not merit all that we sometimes receive, on this side of the atlantic. the king has no subjects more loyal than those of america." "i am fully aware of it, my noble lad, and have told the king as much, with my own mouth. but think no more of this. if your old uncle did give you an occasional specimen of true john bullism, he has left you an honourable title and a valuable estate. i shall see that greenly finds a berth for you, and you will consent to mess with me, i hope. i trust some time to see you at bowldero. at present we will go on deck; and if any thing that admiral bluewater has said _should_ recur to your mind more distinctly, you will not forget to let me know it." wycherly now bowed and left the cabin, while sir gervaise sat down and wrote a note to greenly to request that he would look a little after the comfort of the young man. the latter then went on deck, in person. although he endeavoured to shake off the painful doubts that beset him, and to appear as cheerful as became an officer who had just performed a brilliant exploit, the vice-admiral found it difficult to conceal the shock he had received from bluewater's communication. certain as he felt of striking a decisive blow at the enemy, could he be reinforced with the five ships of the rear division, he would cheerfully forego the triumph of such additional success, to be certain his friend did not intend to carry his disaffection to overt acts. he found it hard to believe that a man like bluewater could really contemplate carrying off with him the ships he commanded; yet he knew the authority his friend wielded over his captains, and the possibility of such a step would painfully obtrude itself on his mind, at moments. "when a man can persuade himself into all the nonsense connected with the _jus divinum_," thought sir gervaise, "it is doing no great violence to common sense to persuade himself into all its usually admitted consequences." then, again, would interpose his recollections of bluewater's integrity and simplicity of character, to reassure him, and give him more cheering hopes for the result. finding himself thus vacillating between hope and dread, the commander-in-chief determined to drive the matter temporarily from his mind, by bestowing his attention on the part of the fleet he had with him. just as this wise resolution was formed, both greenly and wycherly appeared on the poop. "i am glad to see you with a hungry look, greenly," cried sir gervaise, cheerfully; "here has galleygo just been to report his breakfast, and, as i know your cabin has not been put in order since the people left the guns, i hope for the pleasure of your company. sir wycherly, my gallant young virginian, here, will take the third chair, i trust, and then our party will be complete." the two gentlemen assenting, the vice-admiral was about to lead the way below, when suddenly arresting his footsteps, on the poop-ladder, he said-- "did you not tell me, wychecombe, that the druid had sprung her foremast?" "badly, i believe, sir gervaise, in the hounds. captain blewet carried on his ship fearfully, all night." "ay, he's a fearful fellow with spars, that tom blewet. i never felt certain of finding all the sticks in their places, on turning out of a morning, when he was with you as a lieutenant, greenly. how many jib-booms and top-gallant yards did he cost us, in that cruise off the cape of good hope? by george, it must have been a dozen, at least!" "not quite as bad as that, sir gervaise, though he did expend two jib-booms and three top-gallant yards, for me. captain blewet has a fast ship, and he wishes people to know it." "and he has sprung his foremast and he shall see _i_ know it! harkee, bunting, make the druid's number to lie by the prize; and when that's answered, tell him to take charge of the frenchman, and to wait for further orders. i'll send him to plymouth to get a new foremast, and to see the stranger in. by the way, does any body know the name of the frenchman--hey! greenly?" "i cannot tell you, sir gervaise, though some of our gentlemen think it is the ship that was the admiral's second ahead, in our brush off cape finisterre. i am not of the same opinion, however; for that vessel had a billet-head, and this has a woman figure-head, that looks a little like a minerva. the french have a _la minerve_, i think." "not now, greenly, if this be she, for she is _ours_." here sir gervaise laughed heartily at his own humour, and all near him joined in, as a matter of course. "but la minerve has been a frigate time out of mind. the goddess of wisdom has never been fool enough to get into a line of battle when she has had it in her power to prevent it." "_we_ thought the figure-head of the prize a venus, as we passed her in the druid," wycherly modestly observed. "there is a way of knowing, and it shall be tried. when you've done with the druid, bunting, make the prize's signal to repeat her name by telegraph. you know how to make a prize's number, i suppose, when she has none." "i confess i do not, sir gervaise," answered bunting, who had shown by his manner that he was at a loss. "having no number in our books, one would be at a stand how to get at her, sir." "how would _you_ do it, young man?" asked sir gervaise, who all this time was hanging on to the man-rope of the poop-ladder. "let us see how well you've been taught, sir." "i believe it may be done in different modes, sir gervaise," wycherly answered, without any appearance of triumph at his superior readiness, "but the simplest i know is to hoist the french flag under the english, by way of saying for whom the signal is intended." "do it, bunting," continued sir gervaise, nodding his head as he descended the ladder, "and i warrant you, daly will answer. what sort of work he will make with the frenchman's flags, is another matter. i doubt, too, if he had the wit to carry one of our books with him, in which case he will be at a loss to read our signal. try him, however, bunting; an irishman always has _something_ to say, though it be a bull." this order given, sir gervaise descended to his cabin. in half an hour the party was seated at table, as quietly as if nothing unusual had occurred that day. "the worst of these little brushes which lead to nothing, is that they leave as strong a smell of gunpowder in your cabin, greenly, as if a whole fleet had been destroyed," observed the vice-admiral good-humouredly, as he began to help his guests. "i hope the odour we have here will not disturb your appetites, gentlemen." "you do this day's success injustice, sir gervaise, in calling it only a brush," answered the captain, who, to say the truth, had fallen to as heartily upon the delicacies of galleygo, as if he had not eaten in twenty-four hours. "at any rate, it has brushed the spars out of two of king louis's ships, and one of them into our hands; ay, and in a certain sense into our pockets." "quite true, greenly--quite true; but what would it have been if--" the sudden manner in which the commander-in-chief ceased speaking, induced his companions to think that he had met with some accident in eating or drinking; both looked earnestly at him, as if to offer assistance. he _was_ pale in the face, but he smiled, and otherwise appeared at his ease. "it is over, gentlemen," said sir gervaise, gently--"we'll think no more of it." "i sincerely hope you've not been hit, sir?" said greenly. "i've known men hit, who did not discover that they were hurt until some sudden weakness has betrayed it." "i believe the french have let me off this time, my good friend--yes, i think magrath will be plugging no shot-holes in my hull for this affair. sir wycherly, those eggs are from your own estate, galleygo having laid the manor under contribution for all sorts of good things. try them, greenly, as coming from our friend's property." "sir wycherly is a lucky fellow in _having_ an estate," said the captain. "few officers of his rank can boast of such an advantage; though, now and then, an old one is better off." "that is true enough--hey! greenly? the army fetches up most of the fortunes; for your rich fellows like good county quarters and county balls. i was a younger brother when they sent _me_ to sea, but i became a baronet, and a pretty warm one too, while yet a reefer. poor josselin died when i was only sixteen, and at seventeen they made me an officer." "ay, and we like you all the better, sir gervaise, for not giving us up when the money came. now lord morganic was a captain when _he_ succeeded, and we think much less of that." "morganic remains in service, to teach us how to stay top-masts and paint figure-heads;" observed sir gervaise, a little drily. "and yet the fellow handled his ship well to-day; making much better weather of it than i feared he would be able to do." "i hear we are likely to get another duke in the navy, sir; it's not often we catch one of that high rank." sir gervaise cared much less for things of this sort than bluewater, but he naturally cast a glance at the speaker, as this was said, as much as to ask whom he meant. "they tell me, sir, that lord montresor, the elder brother of the boy in the cæsar, is in a bad way, and lord geoffrey stands next to the succession. i think there is too much stuff in _him_ to quit us now he is almost fit to get his commission." "true, bluewater has that boy of high hopes and promise with him, too;" answered sir gervaise in a musing manner, unconscious of what he said. "god send he may not forget _that_, among other things!" "i don't think rank makes any difference with admiral bluewater, or captain stowel. the nobles are worked up in their ship, as well as the humblest reefer of them all. here is bunting, sir, to tell us something."' sir gervaise started from a fit of abstraction, and, turning, he saw his signal-officer ready to report. "the druid has answered properly, sir gervaise, and has already hauled up so close that i think she will luff through the line, though it may be astern of the carnatic." "and the prize, bunting? have you signalled the prize, as i told you to do?" "yes, sir; and she has answered so properly that i make no question the prize-officer took a book with him. the telegraphic signal was answered like the other." "well, what does he say? have you found out the name of the frenchman?" "that's the difficulty, sir; _we_ are understood, but mr. daly has shown something aboard the prize that the quarter-master swears is a paddy." "a paddy!--what, he hasn't had himself run up at a yard-arm, or stun'sail-boom end, has he--hey! wychecombe? daly's an irishman, and has only to show _himself_ to show a paddy." "but this is a sort of an image of some kind or other, sir gervaise, and yet it isn't mr. daly. i rather think he hasn't the flags necessary for our words, and has rigged out a sort of a woman, to let us know his ship's name; for she _has_ a woman figure-head, you know, sir." "the devil he has! well, that will form an era in signals. galleygo, look out at the cabin window and let me know if you can see the prize from them--well, sir, what's the news?" "i sees her, sir jarvy," answered the steward, "and i sees her where no french ship as sails in company with british vessels has a right to be. if she's a fathom, your honour, she's fifty to windward of our line! quite out of her place, as a body might say, and onreasonable." "that's owing to our having felled the forests of her masts, mr. galleygo; every spar that is left helping to put her where she is. that prize must be a weatherly ship, though, hey! greenly? she and her consort were well to windward of their own line, or we could never have got 'em as we did. these frenchmen _do_ turn off a weatherly vessel now and then, that we must all admit." "yes, sir jarvy," put in galleygo, who never let the conversation flag when he was invited to take a part in it; "yes, sir jarvy, and when they've turned 'em off the stocks they turns 'em over to us, commonly, to sail 'em. building a craft is one piece of knowledge, and sailing her _well_ is another." "enough of your philosophy, sirrah; look and ascertain if there is any thing unusual to be seen hanging in the rigging of the prize. unless you show more readiness, i'll send one of the bowlderos to help you." these bowlderos were the servants that sir gervaise brought with him from his house, having been born on his estate, and educated as domestics in his own, or his father's family; and though long accustomed to a man-of-war, as their ambition never rose above their ordinary service, the steward held them exceedingly cheap. a severer punishment could not be offered him, than to threaten to direct one of these common menials to do any duty that, in the least, pertained to the profession. the present menace had the desired effect, galleygo losing no time in critically examining the prize's rigging. "i calls nothing extr'ornary in a frenchman's rigging, sir jarvy," answered the steward, as soon as he felt sure of his fact; "their dock-men have idees of their own, as to such things. now there is sum'mat hanging at the lee fore-yard-arm of that chap, that looks as if it might be a top-gallant-stun'sail made up to be sent aloft and set, but which stopped when it got as high as it is, on finding out that there's no hamper over-head to spread it to." "that's it, sir," put in bunting. "mr. daly has run his woman up to the fore-yard-arm, like a pirate." "woman!" repeated galleygo--"do you call that 'ere thing-um-mee a woman, mr. buntin'? i calls it a bundle of flags, made up to set, if there was any thing to set 'em to." "it's nothing but an irish woman, master galleygo, as you'll see for yourself, if you'll level this glass at it." "i'll do that office myself," cried sir gervaise. "have you any curiosity, gentlemen, to read mr. daly's signal? galleygo, open that weather window, and clear away the books and writing-desk, that we may have a look." the orders were immediately obeyed, and the vice-admiral was soon seated examining the odd figure that was certainly hanging at the lee fore-yard-arm of the prize; a perfect nondescript as regarded all nautical experience. "hang me, if i can make any thing of it. greenly," said sir gervaise, after a long look. "do _you_ take this seat, and try your hand at an observation. it resembles a sort of a woman, sure enough." "yes, sir," observed bunting, with the earnestness of a man who felt his reputation involved in the issue, "i was certain that mr. daly has run up the figure to let us know the name of the prize, and that for want of a telegraph-book to signal the letters; and so i made sure of what i was about, before i took the liberty to come below and report." "and pray what do you make of it, bunting? the figure-head might tell us better, but that seems to be imperfect." "the figure-head has lost all its bust, and one arm, by a shot," said greenly, turning the glass to the object named; "and i can tell mr. daly that a part of the gammoning of his bowsprit is gone, too! that ship requires looking to, sir gervaise; she'll have no foremast to-morrow morning, if this wind stand! another shot has raked the lower side of her fore-top, and carried away half the frame. yes, and there's been a fellow at work, too--" "never mind the shot--never mind the shot, greenly," interrupted the vice-admiral. "a poor devil like him, couldn't have six of us at him, at once, and expect to go 'shot free.' tell us something of the woman." "well, sir gervaise, no doubt daly has hoisted her as a symbol. ay, no doubt the ship is the minerva, after all, for there's something on the head like a helmet." "it never can be the minerva," said the vice-admiral, positively, "for _she_, i feel certain, is a frigate. hand me the little book with a red cover, bunting; that near your hand; it has a list of the enemy's navy. here it is, '_la minerve_, , _le capitaine de frégate, mondon_. built in , old and dull.' that settles the minerva, for this list is the last sent us by the admiralty." "then it must be the pallas," rejoined greenly, "for she wears a helmet, too, and i am certain there is not only a cap to resemble a helmet, but a guernsey frock on the body to represent armour. both minerva and pallas, if i remember right, wore armour." "this is coming nearer to the point,--hey! greenly!" the vice-admiral innocently chimed in; "let us look and see if the pallas is a two-decker or not. by george, there's no such name on the list. that's odd, now, that the french should have one of these goddesses and not the other!" "they never has any thing right, sir jarvy," galleygo thrust in, by way of commentary on the vice-admiral's and the captain's classical lore; "and it's surprising to me that they should have any goddess at all, seeing that they has so little respect for religion, in general." wycherly fidgeted, but respect for his superiors kept him silent. as for bunting, 'twas all the same to him, his father having been a purser in the navy, and he himself educated altogether on board ship, and this, too, a century since. "it might not be amiss, sir gervaise," observed the captain, "to work this rule backwards, and just look over the list until we find a two-decked ship that _ought_ to have a woman figure-head, which will greatly simplify the matter. i've known difficult problems solved in that mode." the idea struck sir gervaise as a good one, and he set about the execution of the project in good earnest. just as he came to _l'hécate_, , an exclamation from greenly caught his attention, and he inquired its cause. "look for yourself, sir gervaise; unless my eyes are good for nothing, daly is running a kedge up alongside of his woman." "what, a kedge?--ay, that is intended for an anchor, and it means hope. every body knows that hope carries an anchor,--hey! wychecombe? upon my word, daly shows ingenuity. look for the hope, in that list, bunting,--you will find the english names printed first, in the end of the book." "'the hope, or _l' esperance_,'" read the signal-officer; "' , _lee capitang dee frigate dee courtraii_.'" "a single-decked ship after all! this affair is as bad as the d----d _nullus_, ashore, there. i'll not be beaten in learning, however, by any frenchman who ever floated. go below, locker, and desire doctor magrath to step up here, if he is not occupied with the wounded. he knows more latin than any man in the ship." "yes, sir jarvy, but this is french, you knows, your honour, and is'nt as latin, at all. i expects she'll turn out to have some name as no modest person wishes to use, and we shall have to halter it." "ay, he's catted his anchor, sure enough; if the figure be not hope, it must be faith, or charity." "no fear of them, sir jarvy; the french has no faith, nor no charity, no, nor no bowels, as any poor fellow knows as has ever been wrecked on their coast, as once happened to me, when a b'y. i looks upon 'em as no better than so many heatheners, and perhaps that's the name of the ship. i've seed heatheners, a hundred times, sir jarvy, in that sort of toggery." "what, man, did you ever see a heathen with an anchor?--one that will weigh three hundred, if it will weigh a pound?" "perhaps not, your honour, with a downright hanchor, but with sum'mat like a killog. but, that's no hanchor, a'ter all, but only a kedge, catted hanchor-fashion, sir." "here comes magrath, to help us out of the difficulty; and we'll propound the matter to him." the vice-admiral now explained the whole affair to the surgeon, frankly admitting that the classics of the cabin were at fault, and throwing himself on the gun-room for assistance. magrath was not a little amused, as he listened, for this was one of his triumphs, and he chuckled not a little at the dilemma of his superiors. "well, sir jairvis," he answered, "ye might do warse than call a council o' war on the matter; but if it's the name ye'll be wanting, i can help ye to that, without the aids of symbols, and signs, and hyeroglyphics of any sort. as we crossed the vessel's wake, a couple of hours since, i read it on her stern, in letters of gold. it's _la victoire_, or the victory; a most unfortunate cognomen for an unlucky ship. she's a french victory, however, ye'll remember, gentlemen!" "that must be a mistake, magrath; for daly has shown an anchor, yonder; and victory carries no anchor." "it's hard to say, veece-admiral, one man's victory being another man's defeat. as for mr. daly's image, it's just an _irish_ goddess; and allowances must be made for the country." sir gervaise laughed, invited the gentlemen to help demolish the breakfast, and sent orders on deck to hoist the answering flag. at a later day, daly, when called on for an explanation, asserted that the armour and helmet belonged to victory, as a matter of course; though he admitted that he had at first forgotten the anchor; "but, when i _did_ run it up, they read it aboard the ould planter, as if it had been just so much primmer." chapter xxv. "there's beauty in the deep:-- the wave is bluer than the sky; and, though the light shines bright on high, more softly do the sea-gems glow, that sparkle in the depths below; the rainbow's tints are only made when on the waters they are laid. and sun and moon most sweetly shine upon the ocean's level brine. there's beauty in the deep." brainard. as daly was the recognised jester of the fleet, his extraordinary attempt to announce his vessel's name was received as a characteristic joke, and it served to laugh at until something better offered. under the actual circumstances of the two squadrons, however, it was soon temporarily forgotten in graver things, for few believed the collision that had already taken place was to satisfy a man of the known temperament of the commander-in-chief. as the junction of the rear division was the only thing wanting to bring on a general engagement, as soon as the weather should moderate a little, every ship had careful look-outs aloft, sweeping the horizon constantly with glasses, more particularly towards the east and north-east. the gale broke about noon, though the wind still continued fresh from the same quarter as before. the sea began to go down, however, and at eight bells material changes had occurred in the situations of both fleets. some of these it may be necessary to mention. the ship of the french admiral, _le foudroyant_, and _le scipion_, had been received, as it might be, in the arms of their own fleet in the manner already mentioned; and from this moment, the movement of the whole force was, in a measure, regulated by that of these two crippled vessels. the former ship, by means of her lower sails, might have continued to keep her station in the line, so long as the gale lasted; but the latter unavoidably fell off, compelling her consorts to keep near, or to abandon her to her fate. m. de vervillin preferred the latter course. the consequences were, that, by the time the sun was in the zenith, his line, a good deal extended, still, and far from regular, was quite three leagues to leeward of that of the english. nor was this all: at that important turn in the day, sir gervaise oakes was enabled to make sail on all his ships, setting the fore and mizzen-top-sails close-reefed; while _la victoire_, a fast vessel, was enabled to keep in company by carrying whole courses. the french could not imitate this, inasmuch as one of their crippled vessels had nothing standing but a foremast. sir gervaise had ascertained, before the distance became too great for such observations, that the enemy was getting ready to send up new top-masts, and the other necessary spars on board the admiral, as well as jury lower-masts in _le scipion_; though the sea would not yet permit any very positive demonstrations to be made towards such an improvement. he laid his own plans for the approaching night accordingly; determining not to worry his people, or notify the enemy of his intentions, by attempting any similar improvement in the immediate condition of his prize. about noon, each ship's number was made in succession, and the question was put if she had sustained any material injury in the late conflict. the answers were satisfactory in general, though one or two of the vessels made such replies as induced the commander-in-chief to resort to a still more direct mode of ascertaining the real condition of his fleet. in order to effect this important object, sir gervaise waited two hours longer, for the double purpose of letting all the messes get through with their dinners, and to permit the wind to abate and the sea to fall, as both were now fast doing. at the expiration of that time, however, he appeared on the poop, summoning bunting to his customary duty. at p.m. it blew a whole top-sail breeze, as it is called; but the sea being still high, and the ships close-hauled, the vice-admiral did not see fit to order any more sail. perhaps he was also influenced by a desire not to increase his distance from the enemy, it being a part of his plan to keep m. de vervillin in plain sight so long as the day continued, in order that he might have a tolerable idea of the position of his fleet, during the hours of darkness. his present intention was to cause his vessels to pass before him in review, as a general orders his battalions to march past a station occupied by himself and staff, with a view to judge by his own eye of their steadiness and appearance. vice-admiral oakes was the only officer in the british navy who ever resorted to this practice; but he did many things of which other men never dreamed, and, among the rest, he did not hesitate to attack double his force, when an occasion offered, as has just been seen. the officers of the fleet called these characteristic reviews "sir jarvy's field-days," finding a malicious pleasure in comparing any thing out of the common nautical track, to some usage of the soldiers. bunting got his orders, notwithstanding the jokes of the fleet; and the necessary signals were made and the answers given. captain greenly then received his verbal instructions, when the commander-in-chief went below, to prepare himself for the approaching scene. when sir gervaise re-appeared on the poop, he was in full uniform, wearing the star of the bath, as was usual with him on all solemn official occasions. atwood and bunting were at his side, while the bowlderos, in their rich shore-liveries, formed a group at hand. captain greenly and his first lieutenant joined the party as soon as their duty with the ship was over. on the opposite side of the poop, the whole of the marines off guard were drawn up in triple lines, with their officers at their head. the ship herself had hauled up her main-sail, hauled down all her stay-sails, and lay with her main-top-sail braced sharp aback, with orders to the quarter-master to keep her little off the wind; the object being to leave a little way through the water, in order to prolong the expected interviews. with these preparations the commander-in-chief awaited the successive approach of his ships, the sun, for the first time in twenty-four hours, making his appearance in a flood of brilliant summer-light, as if purposely to grace the ceremony. the first ship that drew near the plantagenet was the carnatic, as a matter of course, she being the next in the line. this vessel, remarkable, as the commander-in-chief had observed, for never being out of the way, was not long in closing, though as she luffed up on the admiral's weather-quarter, to pass to windward, she let go all her top-sail bowlines, so as to deaden her way, making a sort of half-board. this simple evolution, as she righted her helm, brought her about fifty yards to windward of the plantagenet, past which ship she surged slowly but steadily, the weather now permitting a conversation to be held at that distance, and by means of trumpets, with little or no effort of the voice. most of the officers of the carnatic were on her poop, as she came sweeping up heavily, casting her shadow on the plantagenet's decks. captain parker himself was standing near the ridge-ropes, his head uncovered, and the grey hairs floating in the breeze. the countenance of this simple-minded veteran was a little anxious, for, had he feared the enemy a tenth part as much as he stood in awe of his commanding officer, he would have been totally unfit for his station. now he glanced upward at his sails, to see that all was right; then, as he drew nearer, fathom by fathom as it might be, he anxiously endeavoured to read the expression of the vice-admiral's face. "how do you do, captain parker?" commenced sir gervaise, with true trumpet formality, making the customary salutation. "how is sir gervaise oakes to-day? i hope untouched in the late affair with the enemy?" "quite well, i thank you, sir. has the carnatic received any serious injury in the battle?" "none to mention, sir gervaise. a rough scrape of the foremast; but not enough to alarm us, now the weather has moderated; a little rigging cut, and a couple of raps in the hull." "have your people suffered, sir?" "two killed and seven wounded, sir gervaise. good lads, most of 'em; but enough like 'em remain." "i understand, then, captain parker, that you report the carnatic fit for any service?" "as much so as my poor abilities enable me to make her, sir gervaise oakes," answered the other, a little alarmed at the formality and precision of the question. "meet her with the helm--meet her with the helm." all this passed while the carnatic was making her half-board, and, the helm being righted, she now slowly and majestically fell off with her broadside to the admiral, gathering way as her canvass began to draw again. at this instant, when the yard-arms of the two ships were about a hundred feet asunder, and just as the carnatic drew up fairly abeam, sir gervaise oakes raised his hat, stepped quickly to the side of the poop, waved his hand for silence, and spoke with a distinctness that rendered his words audible to all in both vessels. "captain parker," he said, "i wish, publicly, to thank you for your noble conduct this day. i have always said a surer support could never follow a commander-in-chief into battle; you have more than proved my opinion to be true. i wish, publicly, to thank you, sir." "sir gervaise--i cannot express--god bless you, sir gervaise!" "i have but one fault to find with you, sir, and that is easily pardoned." "i'm sure i hope so, sir." "you handled your ship so rapidly and so surely, that _we_ had hardly time to get out of the way of your guns!" old parker could not now have answered had his life depended on it; but he bowed, and dashed a hand across his eyes. there was but a moment to say any more. "if his majesty's sword be not laid on _your_ shoulder for this day's work, sir, it shall be no fault of mine," added sir gervaise, waving his hat in adieu. while this dialogue lasted, so profound was the stillness in the two ships, that the wash of the water under the bows of the carnatic, was the only sound to interfere with sir gervaise's clarion voice; but the instant he ceased to speak, the crews of both vessels rose as one man, and cheered. the officers joined heartily, and to complete the compliment, the commander-in-chief ordered his own marines to present arms to the passing vessel. then it was that, every sail drawing, again the carnatic took a sudden start, and shot nearly her length ahead, on the summit of a sea. in half a minute more, she was ahead of the plantagenet's flying-jib-boom-end, steering a little free, so as not to throw the admiral to leeward. the carnatic was scarcely out of the way, before the achilles was ready to take her place. this ship, having more room, had easily luffed to windward of the plantagenet, simply letting go her bowlines, as her bows doubled on the admiral's stern, in order to check her way. "how do you do to-day, sir gervaise?" called out lord morganic, without waiting for the commander-in-chief's hail--"allow me to congratulate you, sir, on the exploits of this glorious day!" "i thank you, my lord, and wish to say i am satisfied with the behaviour of your ship. you've _all_ done well, and i desire to thank you _all_. is the achilles injured?" "nothing to speak of, sir. a little rigging gone, and here and there a stick." "have you lost any men, my lord? i desire particularly to know the condition of each ship." "some eight or ten poor fellows, i believe, sir gervaise; but we are ready to engage this instant." "it is well, my lord; steady your bowlines, and make room for the thunderer." morganic gave the order, but as his ship drew ahead he called out in a pertinacious way,--"i hope, sir gervaise, you don't mean to give that other lame duck up. i've got my first lieutenant on board one of 'em, and confess to a desire to put the second on board another." "ay--ay--morganic, _we_ knock down the birds, and _you_ bag 'em. i'll give you more sport in the same way, before i've done with ye." this little concession, even sir gervaise oakes, a man not accustomed to trifle in matters of duty, saw fit to make to the other's rank; and the achilles withdrew from before the flag-ship, as the curtain is drawn from before the scene. "i do believe, greenleaf," observed lord morganic to his surgeon, one of his indulged favourites; "that sir jarvy is a little jealous of us, because daly got into the prize before he could send one of his own boats aboard of her. 'twill tell well in the gazette, too, will it not?--'the french ship was taken possession of, and brought off, by the achilles, captain the earl of morganic!' i hope the old fellow will have the decency to give us our due. i rather think it _was_ our last broadside that brought the colours down?" a suitable answer was returned, but as the ship is drawing ahead, we cannot follow her to relate it. the vessel that approached the third, was the thunderer, captain foley. this was one of the ships that had received the fire of the three leading french vessels, after they had brought the wind abeam, and being the leading vessel of the english rear, she had suffered more than any other of the british squadron. the fact was apparent, as she approached, by the manner in which her rigging was knotted, and the attention that had been paid to her spars. even as she closed, the men were on the yard bending a new main-course, the old one having been hit on the bolt-rope, and torn nearly from the spar. there were also several plugs on her lee-side to mark the spots where the french guns had told. the usual greetings passed between the vice-admiral and his captain, and the former put his questions. "we have not been quite exchanging salutes, sir gervaise," answered captain foley; "but the ship is ready for service again. should the wind moderate a little, i think everything would stand to carry sail _hard_." "i'm glad to hear it, sir--_rejoiced_ to hear it, sir. i feared more for you, than for any other vessel. i hope you've not suffered materially in your crew?" "nine killed. sir gervaise; and the surgeon tells me sixteen wounded." "that proves you've not been in port, foley! well, i dare say, could the truth be known, it would be found that m. de vervillin's vessels bear your marks, in revenge. adieu--adieu--god bless you." the thunderer glided ahead, making room for the blenheim, captain sterling. this was one of your serviceable ships, without any show or style about her; but a vessel that was always ready to give and take. her commander was a regular sea-dog, a little addicted to hard and outlandish oaths, a great consumer of tobacco and brandy; but who had the discrimination never to swear in the presence of the commander-in-chief, although he had been known to do so in a church; or to drink more than he could well carry, when he was in presence of an enemy or a gale of wind. he was too firm a man, and too good a seaman, to use the bottle as a refuge; it was the companion of his ease and pleasure, and to confess the truth, he then treated it with an affectionate benevolence, that rendered it exceedingly difficult for others not to entertain some of his own partiality for it. in a word, captain sterling was a sailor of the "old school;" for there was an "old school" in manners, habits, opinions, philosophy, morals, and reason, a century since, precisely as there _is_ to-day, and probably _will_ be, a century hence. the blenheim made a good report, not having sustained any serious injury whatever; nor had she a man hurt. the captain reported his ship as fit for service as she was the hour she lifted her anchor. "so much the better, sterling--so much the better. you shall take the edge off the next affair, by way of giving you another chance. i rely on the blenheim, and on her captain." "i thank you, sir," returned sterling, as his ship moved on; "by the way, sir gervaise, would it not be fair-play to rummage the prize's lockers before she gets into the hands of the custom-house? out here on the high seas, there can be no smuggling in _that_: there must be good claret aboard her." "there would be 'plunder of a prize,' sterling," said the vice-admiral, laughing, for he knew that the question was put more as a joke than a serious proposition; "and that is death, without benefit of clergy. move on; here is goodfellow close upon your heels." the last ship in the english line was the warspite, captain goodfellow, an officer remarkable in the service at that day, for a "religious turn," as it was called. as is usually the case with men of this stamp, captain goodfellow was quiet, thoughtful, and attentive to his duty. there was less of the real tar in him, perhaps, than in some of his companions; but his ship was in good order, always did her duty, and was remarkably attentive to signals; a circumstance that rendered her commander a marked favourite with the vice-admiral. after the usual questions were put and answered, sir gervaise informed goodfellow that he intended to change the order of sailing so as to bring him near the van. "we will give old parker a breathing spell, goodfellow," added the commander-in-chief, "and you will be my second astern. i must go ahead of you all, or you'll be running down on the frenchman without orders; pretending you can't see the signals, in the smoke." the warspite drove ahead, and the plantagenet was now left to receive the prize and the druid; the chloe, driver, and active, not being included in the signal. daly had been gradually eating the other ships out of the wind, as has been mentioned already, and when the order was given to pass within hail, he grumbled not a little at the necessity of losing so much of his vantage-ground. nevertheless, it would not do to joke with the commander-in-chief in a matter of this sort, and he was fain to haul up his courses, and wait for the moment when he might close. by the time the warspite was out of the way, his ship had drifted down so near the admiral, that he had nothing to do but to haul aboard his tacks again, and pass as near as was at all desirable. when quite near, he hauled up his main-sail, by order of the vice-admiral. "are you much in want of any thing, mr. daly?" demanded sir gervaise, as soon as the lieutenant appeared forward to meet his hail. "the sea is going down so fast, that we might now send you some boats." "many thanks, sir gervaise; i want to get rid of a hundred or two frenchmen, and to have a hundred englishmen in their places. we are but twenty-one of the king's subjects here, all told." "captain blewet is ordered to keep company with you, sir; and as soon as it is dark, i intend to send you into plymouth under the frigate's convoy. is she a nice ship, hey! daly?" "why, sir gervaise, she's like a piece of broken crockery, just now, and one can't tell all her merits. she's not a bad goer, and weatherly, i think, all will call her. but she's thundering french, inside." "we'll make her english in due time, sir. how are the leaks? do the pumps work freely?" "deuce the l'ake has she, sir gervaise, and the pumps suck like a nine months' babby. and if they didn't we're scarce the boys to find out the contrary, being but nineteen working hands." "very well, daly; you can haul aboard your main-tack, now; remember, you're to go into plymouth, as soon as it is dark. if you see any thing of admiral bluewater, tell him i rely on his support, and only wait for his appearance to finish monsieur de vervillin's job." "i'll do all that, with hearty good will, sir. pray, sir gervaise," added daly, grinning, on the poop of the prize, whither he had got by this time, having walked aft as his ship went ahead, "how do you like french signals? for want of a better, we were driven to the classics!" "ay, you'd be bothered to explain all your own flags, i fancy. the name of the ship is the victory, i am told; why did you put her in armour, and whip a kedge up against the poor woman?" "it's according to the books, sir gervaise. every word of it out of cicero, and cordairy, and cornelius nepos, and those sort of fellows. oh! i went to school, sir, before i went to sea, as you say yourself, sometimes, sir gervaise; and literature is the same in ireland, as it is all over the world. victory needs armour, sir, in order to be victorious, and the anchor is to show that she doesn't belong to 'the cut and run' family. i am as sure that all was right, as i ever was of my moods and tenses." "very well, daly," answered sir gervaise, laughing--"my lords shall know your merits in that way, and it may get you named a professor--keep your luff, or you'll be down on our sprit-sail-yard;--remember and follow the druid." here the gentlemen waved their hands in adieu as usual, and la victoire, clipped as she was of her wings, drew slowly past. the druid succeeded, and sir gervaise simply gave blewet his orders to see the prize into port, and to look after his own foremast. this ended the field day; the frigate luffing up to windward of the line again, leaving the plantagenet in its rear. a few minutes later, the latter ship filled and stood after her consorts. the vice-admiral having now ascertained, in the most direct manner, the actual condition of his fleet, had _data_ on which to form his plans for the future. but for the letter from bluewater, he would have been perfectly happy; the success of the day having infused a spirit into the different vessels, that, of itself, was a pledge of more important results. still he determined to act as if that letter had never been written, finding it impossible to believe that one who had so long been true, could really fail him in the hour of need. "i know his heart better than he knows it himself," he caught himself mentally exclaiming, "and before either of us is a day older, this will i prove to him, to his confusion and my triumph." he had several short and broken conversations with wycherly in the course of the afternoon, with a view to ascertain, if possible, the real frame of mind in which his friend had written, but without success, the young man frankly admitting that, owing to a confusion of thought that he modestly attributed to himself, but which sir gervaise well knew ought in justice to be imputed to bluewater, he had not been able to bring away with him any very clear notions of the rear-admiral's intentions. in the mean while, the elements were beginning to exhibit another of their changeful humours. a gale in summer is seldom of long duration, and twenty-four hours would seem to be the period which nature had assigned to this. the weather had moderated materially by the time the review had taken place, and five hours later, not only had the sea subsided to a very reasonable swell, but the wind had hauled several points; coming out a fresh top-gallant breeze at north-west. the french fleet wore soon after, standing about north-east-by-north, on an easy bowline. they had been active in repairing damages, and the admiral was all a-tanto again, with every thing set that the other ships carried. the plight of le scipion was not so easily remedied, though even she had two jury-masts rigged, assistance having been sent from the other vessels as soon as boats could safely pass. as the sun hung in the western sky, wanting about an hour of disappearing from one of the long summer days of that high latitude, this ship set a mizzen-top-sail in the place of a main, and a fore-top-gallant-sail in lieu of a mizzen-top-sail. thus equipped, she was enabled to keep company with her consorts, all of which were under easy canvass, waiting for the night to cover their movements. sir gervaise oakes had made the signal for his fleet to tack in succession, from the rear to the van, about an hour before le scipion obtained this additional sail. the order was executed with great readiness, and, as the ships had been looking up as high as west-south-west before, when they got round, and headed north-north-east, their line of sailing was still quite a league to windward of that of the enemy. as each vessel filled on the larboard tack, she shortened sail to allow the ships astern to keep away, and close to her station. it is scarcely necessary to say, that this change again brought the plantagenet to the head of the line, with the warspite, however, instead of the carnatic, for her second astern; the latter vessel being quite in the rear. it was a glorious afternoon, and there was every promise of as fine a night. still, as there were but about six hours of positive darkness at that season of the year, and the moon would rise at midnight, the vice-admiral knew he had no time to lose, if he would effect any thing under the cover of obscurity. reefs were no longer used, though all the ships were under short canvass, in order to accommodate their movements to those of the prize. the latter, however, was now in tow of the druid, and, as this frigate carried her top-gallant-sails, aided by her own courses, la victoire was enabled not only to keep up with the fleet, then under whole top-sails, but to maintain her weatherly position. such was the state of things just as the sun dipped, the enemy being on the lee bow, distant one and a half leagues, when the plantagenet showed a signal for the whole fleet to heave to, with the main-top-sails to the masts. this command was scarcely executed, when the officers on deck were surprised to hear a boatswain's mate piping away the crew of the vice-admiral's barge, or that of the boat which was appropriated to the particular service of the commander-in-chief. "did i hear aright, sir gervaise?" inquired greenly, with curiosity and interest; "is it your wish to have your barge manned, sir?" "you heard perfectly right, greenly; and, if disposed for a row this fine evening, i shall ask the favour of your company. sir wycherly wychecombe, as you are an idler here, i have a flag-officer's right to press yon into my service. by the way, greenly, i have made out and signed an order to this gentleman to report himself to you, as attached to my family, as the soldiers call it; as soon as atwood has copied it, it will be handed to him, when i beg you will consider him as my first aid." to this no one could object, and wycherly made a bow of acknowledgment. at that instant the barge was seen swinging off over the ship's waist, and, at the next, the yard tackles were heard overhauling themselves. the splash of the boat in the water followed. the crew was in her, with oars on end, and poised boat-hooks, in another minute. the guard presented, the boatswain piped over, the drum rolled, and wycherly jumped to the gangway and was out of sight quick as thought. greenly and sir gervaise followed, when the boat shoved off. although the seas had greatly subsided, and their combs were no longer dangerous, the atlantic was far from being as quiet as a lake in a summer eventide. at the very first dash of the oars the barge rose on a long, heavy swell that buoyed her up like a bubble, and as the water glided from under her again, it seemed as if she was about to sink into some cavern of the ocean. few things give more vivid impressions of helplessness than boats thus tossed by the waters when not in their raging humours; for one is apt to expect better treatment than thus to be made the plaything of the element. all, however, who have ever floated on even the most quiet ocean, must have experienced more or less of this helpless dependence, the stoutest boat, impelled by the lustiest crews, appearing half the time like a feather floating in capricious currents of the air. the occupants of the barge, however, were too familiar with their situation to think much of these matters; and, as soon as sir gervaise assented to wycherly's offer to take the tiller, he glanced upward, with a critical eye, in order to scan the plantagenet's appearance. "that fellow, morganic, has got a better excuse for his xebec-rig than i had supposed, greenly," he said, after a minute of observation. "your fore-top-mast is at least six inches too far forward, and i beg you will have it stayed aft to-morrow morning, if the weather permit. none of your mediterranean craft for me, in the narrow seas." "very well, sir gervaise; the spar shall be righted in the morning watch," quietly returned the captain. "now, there's goodfellow, half-parson as he is; the man contrives to keep his sticks more upright than any captain in the fleet. you never see a spar half an inch out of its place, on board the warspite." "that is because her captain trims every thing by his own life, sir," rejoined greenly, smiling. "were we half as good as he is, in other matters, we might be better than we are in seamanship." "i do not think religion hurts a sailor, greenly--no, not in the least. that is to say, when he don't wedge his masts too tight, but leaves play enough for all weathers. there is no cant in goodfellow." "not the least of it, sir, and that it is which makes him so great a favourite. the chaplain of the warspite is of some use; but one might as well have a bowsprit rigged out of a cabin-window, as have our chap." "why, we never bury a man, greenly, without putting him into the water as a christian should be," returned sir gervaise, with the simplicity of a true believer of the decency school. "i hate to see a seaman tossed in the ocean like a bag of old clothes." "we get along with that part of the duty pretty well; but _before_ a man is dead, the parson is of opinion that he belongs altogether to the doctor." "i'd bet a hundred guineas, magrath has had some influence over him, in this matter--give the blenheim a wider berth, sir wycherly, i wish to see how she looks aloft--he's a d----d fellow, that magrath,"--no one swore in sir gervaise's boat but himself, when the vice-admiral's flag was flying in her bows;--"and he's just the sort of man to put such a notion into the chaplain's head." "why, there, i believe you're more than half right, sir gervaise; i overheard a conversation between them one dark night, when they were propping the mizzen-mast under the break of the poop, and the surgeon _did_ maintain a theory very like that you mention, sir." "ah!--he did, did he? it's just like the scotch rogue, who wanted to persuade me that your poor uncle, sir wycherly, ought not to have been blooded, in as clear a case of apoplexy as ever was met with." "well, i didn't think he could have carried his impudence as far as that," observed greenly, whose medical knowledge was about on a par with that of sir gervaise. "i didn't think even a doctor would dare to hold such a doctrine! as for the chaplain, to him he laid down the principle that religion and medicine never worked well together. he said religion was an 'alterative,' and would neutralize a salt as quick as fire." "he's a great vagabond, that magrath, when he gets hold of a young hand, sir; and i wish with all my heart the pretender had him, with two or three pounds of his favourite medicines with him--i think, between the two, england might reap some advantage, greenly.--now, to my notion, wychecombe, the blenheim would make better weather, if her masts were shortened at least two feet." "perhaps she might, sir gervaise; but would she be as certain a ship, in coming into action in light winds and at critical moments?" "umph! it's time for us old fellows to look about us, greenly, when the boys begin to reason on a line of battle! don't blush, wychecombe; don't blush. your remark was sensible, and shows reflection. no country can ever have a powerful marine, or, one likely to produce much influence in her wars, that does not pay rigid attention to the tactics of fleets. your frigate actions and sailing of single ships, are well enough as drill; but the great practice must be in squadron. ten heavy ships, in good _fleet_ discipline, and kept at sea, will do more than a hundred single cruisers, in establishing and maintaining discipline; and it is only by using vessels _together_, that we find out what both ships and men can do. now, we owe the success of this day, to our practice of sailing in close order, and in knowing how to keep our stations; else would six ships never have been able to carry away the palm of victory from twelve--palm!--ay, that's the very word. greenly, i was trying to think of this morning. daly's paddy should have had a palm-branch in its hand, as an emblem of victory." chapter xxvi. "he that has sailed upon the dark-blue sea, has viewed at times, i ween, a full fair sight; when the fresh breeze is fair as breeze may be, the white sail set, the gallant frigate tight; mast, spires and strand, retiring to the sight, the glorious main expanding o'er the bow, the convoy spread like wild swans in their flight, the dullest sailer waring bravely now, so gaily curl the waves before each dashing prow." byron. as sir gervaise oakes' active mind was liable to such sudden mutations of thought as that described in the close of the last chapter, greenly neither smiled, nor dwelt on the subject at all; he simply pointed out to his superior the fact, that they were now abreast of the thunderer, and desired to know whether it was his pleasure to proceed any further. "to the carnatic, greenly, if sir wycherly will have the goodness to shape his course thither. i have a word to say to my friend parker, before we sleep to-night. give us room, however, to look at morganic's fancies, for i never pass his ship without learning something new. lord morganic's vessel is a good school for us old fellows to attend--hey! greenly?" "the achilles is certainly a model vessel in some respects, sir gervaise, though i flatter myself the plantagenets have no great occasion to imitate her, in order to gain a character." "_you_ imitate morganic in order to know how to keep a ship in order!--poh! let morganic come to school to _you_. yet the fellow is not bashful in battle neither; keeps his station well, and makes himself both heard and felt. ah! there he is, flourishing his hat on the poop, and wondering what the deuce sir jarvy's after, now! sheer in, wychecombe, and let us hear what he has to say." "good evening, sir gervaise," called out the earl, as usual taking the _initiative_ in the discourse; "i was in hopes when i saw your flag in the boat, that you were going to do me the favour to open a bottle of claret, and to taste some fruit, i have still standing on the table." "i thank you, my lord, but business before pleasure. we have not been idle to-day, though to-morrow shall be still more busy. how does the achilles steer; now her foremast is in its place?" "yaws like a fellow with his grog aboard, sir gervaise, on my honour! we shall never do any thing with her, until you consent to let us stay her spars, in our own fashion. do you intend to send me daly back, or am i to play first lieutenant myself, admiral?" "daly's shipped for the cruise, and you must do as well as you can without him. if you find yourself without a second astern, in the course of the night, do not fancy she has gone to the bottom. keep good look-outs, and pay attention to signals." as sir gervaise waved his hand, the young noble did not venture to reply, much less to ask a question, though there was not a little speculation on the poop of the achilles, concerning the meaning of his words. the boat moved on, and five minutes later sir gervaise was on the quarter-deck of the carnatic. parker received the commander-in-chief, hat in hand, with a solicitude and anxiety that were constitutional, perhaps, and which no consciousness of deserving could entirely appease. habit, however, had its share in it, since, accustomed to defer to rank from boyhood, and the architect of his own "little fortune," he had ever attached more importance to the commendation of his superior, than was usual with those who had other props to lean on than their own services. as soon as the honours of the quarter-deck had been duly paid--for these sir gervaise never neglected himself, nor allowed others to neglect--the vice-admiral intimated to captain parker a desire to see him in his cabin, requesting greenly and wycherly to accompany them below. "upon my word, parker," commenced sir gervaise, looking around him at the air of singular domestic comfort that the after-cabin of the ship presented, "you have the knack of taking a house to sea with you, that no other captain of the fleet possesses! no finery, no morganics, but a plain, wholesome, domestic look, that might make a man believe he was in his father's house. i would give a thousand pounds if my vagabonds could give the cabin of the plantagenet such a bowldero look, now!" "less than a hundred, sir, have done the little you see here. mrs. parker makes it a point to look to those matters, herself, and in that lies the whole secret, perhaps. a good wife is a great blessing, sir gervaise, though you have never been able to persuade yourself into the notion, i believe." "i hardly think, parker, the wife can do it all. now there's stowel, bluewater's captain, he is married as well as yourself--nay, by george, i've heard the old fellow say he had as much wife as any man in his majesty's service--but _his_ cabin looks like a cobbler's barn, and his state-room like a soldier's bunk! when we were lieutenants together in the eurydice, parker, your state-room had just the same air of comfort about it that this cabin has at this instant. no--no--it's in the grain, man, or it would never show itself, in all times and places." "you forget, sir gervaise, that when i had the honour to be your messmate in the eurydice, i was a married man." "i beg your pardon, my old friend; so you were, indeed! why, that was a confounded long time ago, hey! parker?" "it was, truly, sir; but i was poor, and could not afford the extravagances of a single life. _i_ married for the sake of economy, admiral oakes." "and love--" answered sir gervaise, laughing. "i'll warrant you, greenly, that he persuaded mrs. parker into that notion, whether true or not. i'll warrant you, he didn't tell _her_ he married for so sneaking a thing as economy! i should like to see your state-room now, parker." "nothing easier, sir gervaise," answered the captain, rising and opening the door. "here it is, air, though little worthy the attention of the owner of bowldero." "a notable place, truly!--and with a housewife-look about it that must certainly remind you of mrs. parker--unless, indeed, that picture at the foot of your cot puts other notions into your head! what young hussy have you got there, my old eurydice?--hey! parker?" "that is a picture of my faithful wife, sir gervaise; a proper companion, i hope, of my cruise?" "hey! what, that young thing your wife, parker! how the d--l came she to have you?" "ah, sir gervaise, she is a young thing no longer, but is well turned towards sixty. the picture was taken when she was a bride, and is all the dearer to me, now that i know the original has shared my fortunes so long. i never look at it, without remembering, with gratitude, how much she thinks of me in our cruises, and how often she prays for our success. _you_ are not forgotten, either, sir, in her prayers." "i!" exclaimed the vice-admiral, quite touched at the earnest simplicity of the other. "d'ye hear that, greenly? i'll engage, now, this lady is a good woman--a really excellent creature--just such another as my poor sainted mother was, and a blessing to all around her! give me your hand, parker; and when you write next to your wife, tell her from me, god bless her; and say all you think a man ought to say on such an occasion. and now to business. let us seat ourselves in this snug domestic-looking cabin of yours, and talk our matters over." the two captains and wycherly followed the vice-admiral into the after-cabin, where the latter seated himself on a small sofa, while the others took chairs, in respectful attitudes near him, no familiarity or jocularity on the part of a naval superior ever lessening the distance between him and those who _hold subordinate commissions_--a fact that legislators would do well to remember, when graduating rank in a service. as soon as all were placed, sir gervaise opened his mind. "i have a delicate piece of duty, captain parker," he commenced, "which i wish entrusted to yourself. you must know that we handled the ship which escaped us this morning by running down into her own line, pretty roughly, in every respect; besides cutting two of her masts out of her. this ship, as you may have seen, has got up jury-masts, already; but they are spars that can only be intended to carry her into port. monsieur de vervillin is not the man i take him to be, if he intends to leave the quarrel between us where it is. still he cannot keep that crippled ship in his fleet, any more than we can keep our prize, and i make no doubt he will send her off to cherbourg as soon as it is dark; most probably accompanied by one of his corvettes; or perhaps by a frigate." "yes, sir gervaise," returned parker, thoughtfully, as soon as his superior ceased to speak; "what you predict, is quite likely to happen." "it _must_ happen, parker, the wind blowing directly for his haven. now, you may easily imagine what i want of the carnatic." "i suppose i understand you, sir;--and yet, if i might presume to express a wish--" "speak out, old boy--you're talking to a friend. i have chosen you to serve you, both as one i like, and as the oldest captain in the fleet. whoever catches that ship will hear more of it." "very true, sir; but are we not likely to have more work, here? and would it be altogether prudent to send so fine a ship as the carnatic away, when the enemy will count ten to six, even if she remain?" "all this has been thought of; and i suppose your own feeling has been anticipated. you think it will be more honourable to your vessel, to keep her place in the line, than to take a ship already half beaten." "that's it, indeed, sir gervaise. i do confess some such thoughts were crossing my mind." "then see how easy it is to rose them out of it. i cannot fight the french, in this moderate weather, without a reinforcement. when the rear joins, we shall be just ten to ten, without you, and with you, should be eleven to ten. now, i confess, i don't wish the least odds, and shall send away somebody; especially when i feel certain a noble two-decked ship will be the reward. if a frigate accompany the crippled fellow, you'll have your hands full, and a very fair fight; and should you get either, it will be a handsome thing. what say you _now_, parker?" "i begin to think better of the plan, sir gervaise, and am grateful for the selection. i wish, however, i knew your own precise wishes--i've always found it safe to follow them, sir." "here they are, then. get four or five sets of the sharpest eyes you have, and send them aloft to keep a steady look on your chap, while there is light enough to be certain of him. in a little while, they'll be able to recognise him in the dark; and by keeping your night-glasses well levelled, he can scarcely slip off, without your missing him. the moment he is gone, ware short round, and make the best of your way for cape la hogue, or alderney; you will go three feet to his two, and, my life on it, by day-light you'll have him to windward of you, and then you'll be certain of him. wait for no signals from me, but be off, as soon as it is dark. when your work is done, make the best of your way to the nearest english port, and clap a scotchman on your shoulder to keep the king's sword from chafing it. they thought me fit for knighthood at three-and-twenty, and the deuce is in it, parker, if you are not worthy of it at three-and-sixty!" "ah! sir gervaise, every thing you undertook succeeded! you never yet failed in any expedition." "that has come from attempting much. my _plans_ have often failed; but as something good has generally followed from them, i have the credit of designing to do, exactly what i've done." then followed a long, detailed discourse, on the subject before them, in which greenly joined; the latter making several useful suggestions to the veteran commander of the carnatic. after passing quite an hour in the cabin of parker, sir gervaise took his leave and re-entered his barge. it was now so dark that small objects could not be distinguished a hundred yards, and the piles of ships, as the boat glided past them, resembled black hillocks, with clouds floating among their tree-like and waving spars. no captain presumed to hail the commander-in-chief, as he rowed down the line, again, with the exception of the peer of the realm. he indeed had always something to say; and, as he had been conjecturing what could induce the vice-admiral to pay so long a visit to the carnatic, he could not refrain from uttering as much aloud, when he heard the measured stroke of the oars from the returning barge. "we shall all be jealous of this compliment to captain parker, sir gervaise," he called out, "unless your favours are occasionally extended to some of us less worthy ones." "ay--ay--morganic, you'll be remembered in proper time. in the mean while, keep your people's eyes open, so as not to lose sight of the french. we shall have something to say to them in the morning." "spare us a night-action, if possible, sir gervaise! i do detest fighting when sleepy; and i like to see my enemy, too. as much as you please in the day-time; but a quiet night, i do beseech you, sir." "i'll warrant you, now, if the opera, or ranelagh, or a drum, or a masquerade, were inviting you, morganic, you'd think but little of your pillow!" answered sir gervaise, drily; "whatever you do yourself, my lord, don't let the achilles get asleep on duty; i may have need of her to-morrow. give way, wychecombe, give way, and let us get home again." in fifteen minutes from that instant, sir gervaise was once more on the poop of the plantagenet, and the barge in its place on deck. greenly was attending to the duties of his ship, and bunting stood in readiness to circulate such orders as it might suit the commander-in-chief to give. it was now nine o'clock, and it was not easy to distinguish objects on the ocean, even as large as a ship, at the distance of half a league. by the aid of the glasses, however, a vigilant look-out was kept on the french vessels, which, by this time, were quite two leagues distant, drawing more ahead. it was necessary to fill away, in order to close with them, and a night-signal was made to that effect. the whole british line braced forward their main-yards, as it might be, by a common impulse, and had there been one there of sufficiently acute senses, he might have heard all six of the main-top-sails flapping at the same instant. as a matter of course the vessels started ahead, and, the order being to follow the vice-admiral in a close line ahead, when the plantagenet edged off, so as to bring the wind abeam, each vessel did the same, in succession, or as soon as in the commander-in-chief's wake, as if guided by instinct. about ten minutes later, the carnatic, to the surprise of those who witnessed the man[oe]uvre in the achilles, wore short round, and set studding-sails on her starboard side, steering large. the darkest portion of the horizon being that which lay to the eastward, or, in the direction of the continent, in twenty minutes the pyramid of her shadowy outline was swallowed in the gloom. all this time, la victoire, with the druid leading and towing, kept upon a bowline; and an hour later, when sir gervaise found himself abeam of the french line again, and half a league to windward of it, no traces were to be seen of the three ships last mentioned. "so far, all goes well, gentlemen," observed the vice-admiral to the group around him on the poop; "and we will now try to count the enemy, to make certain _he_, too, has no stragglers out to pick up waifs. greenly, try that glass; it is set for the night, and your eyes are the best we have. be particular in looking for the fellow under jury-masts." "i make out but ten ships in the line, sir gervaise," answered the captain, after a long examination; "of course the crippled ship must have gone to leeward. of _her_, certainly, i can find no traces." "you will oblige me, sir wycherly, by seeing what _you_ can make out, in the same way." after a still longer examination than that of the captain, wycherly made the same report, adding that he thought he also missed the frigate that had been nearest le foudroyant, repeating her signals throughout the day. this circumstance gratified sir gervaise, as he was pleased to find his prognostics came true, and he was not sorry to be rid of one of the enemy's light cruisers; a species of vessel that often proved embarrassing, after a decided affair, even to the conqueror. "i think, sir gervaise," wycherly modestly added, "that the french have boarded their tacks, and are pressing up to windward to near us. did it not appear so to you, captain greenly?" "not at all. if they carry courses, the sails have been set within the last five minutes--ha! sir gervaise, that is an indication of a busy night!" as he spoke. greenly pointed to the place where the french admiral was known to be, where at that instant appeared a double row of lights; proving that the batteries had their lanterns lit, and showing a disposition to engage. in less than a minute the whole french line was to be traced along the sea, by the double rows of illumination, the light resembling that which is seen through the window of a room that has a bright fire, rather than one in which lamps or candles are actually visible. as this was just the species of engagement in which the english had much to risk, and little to gain, sir gervaise immediately gave orders to brace forward the yards, to board fore-and-main tacks, and to set top-gallant-sails. as a matter of course, the ships astern made sail in the same manner, and hauled up on taut bowlines, following the admiral. "this is not our play," coolly remarked sir gervaise; "a crippled ship would drop directly into their arms and as for any success at long-shot, in a two-to-one fight, it is not to be looked for. no--no--monsieur de vervillin, show us your teeth if you will, and a pretty sight it is, but you do not draw a shot from me. i hope the order to show no lights is duly attended to." "i do not think there is a light visible from any ship in the fleet, sir gervaise," answered bunting, "though we are so near, there can be no great difficulty in telling where we are." "all but the carnatic and the prize, bunting. the more fuss they make with us, the less will they think of them." it is probable the french admiral had been deceived by the near approach of his enemy, for whose prowess he had a profound respect. he had made his preparations in expectation of an attack, but he did not open his fire, although heavy shot would certainly have told with effect. indisposed to the uncertainty of a night-action, he declined bringing it on, and the lights disappeared from his ports an hour later; at that time the english ships, by carrying sail harder than was usual in so stiff a breeze, found themselves out of gun-shot, on the weather-bow of their enemies. then, and not till then, did sir gervaise reduce his canvass, having, by means of his glasses, first ascertained that the french had again hauled up their courses, and were moving along at a very easy rate of sailing. it was now near midnight, and sir gervaise prepared to go below. previously to quitting the deck, however, he gave very explicit orders to greenly, who transmitted them to the first lieutenant, that officer or the captain intending to be on the look-out through the night; the movements of the whole squadron being so dependent on those of the flag ship. the vice-admiral then retired, and went coolly to bed. he was not a man to lose his rest, because an enemy was just out of gun-shot. accustomed to be man[oe]uvring in front of hostile fleets, the situation had lost its novelty, and he had so much confidence in the practice of his captains, that he well knew nothing could occur so long as his orders were obeyed; to doubt the latter would have been heresy in his eyes. in professional nonchalance, no man exceeded our vice-admiral. blow high, or blow low, it never disturbed the economy of his cabin-life, beyond what unavoidably was connected with the comfort of his ship; nor did any prospect of battle cause a meal to vary a minute in time or a particle in form, until the bulk-heads were actually knocked down, and the batteries were cleared for action. although excitable in trifles, and sometimes a little irritable, sir gervaise, in the way of his profession, was a great man on great occasions. his temperament was sanguine, and his spirit both decided and bold; and, in common with all such men who see the truth at all, when he did see it, he saw it so clearly, as to throw all the doubts that beset minds of a less masculine order into the shade. on the present occasion, he was sure nothing could well occur to disturb his rest; and he took it with the composure of one on _terra-firma_, and in the security of peace. unlike those who are unaccustomed to scenes of excitement, he quietly undressed himself, and his head was no sooner on its pillow, than he fell into a profound sleep. it would have been a curious subject of observation to an inexperienced person, to note the manner in which the two fleets man[oe]uvred throughout that night. after several hours of ineffectual efforts to bring their enemies fairly within reach of their guns, after the moon had risen, the french gave the matter up for a time, shortening sail while most of their superior officers caught a little rest. the sun was just rising, as galleygo laid his hand on the shoulder of the vice-admiral, agreeably to orders given the previous night. the touch sufficed: sir gervaise being wide awake in an instant. "well," he said, rising to a sitting attitude, and putting the question which first occurs to a seaman, "how's the weather?" "a good top-gallant breeze, sir jarvy, and just what's this ship's play. if you'd only let her out, and on them johnny crapauds, she'd be down among 'em, in half an hour, like a hawk upon a chicken. i ought to report to your honour, that the last chicken will be dished for breakfast unless we gives an order to the gun-room steward to turn us over some of his birds, as pay for what the pigs eat; which were real capons." "why, you pirate, you would not have me commit a robbery, on the high seas, would ye?" "what robbery would it be to order the gun-room to _sell_ us some poultry. lord! sir jarvy, i'm as far from wishing to take a thing without an order, as the gunner's yeoman; but, let mr. atwood put it in black and white." "tush!" interrupted the master. "how did the french bear from us, when you were last on deck?" "why, there they is, sir jarvy," answered galleygo, drawing the curtain from before the state-room window, and allowing the vice-admiral to see the rear of the french line for himself, by turning half round; "and just where we wants 'em. their leading ship a little abaft our lee-beam, distant one league. that's what i calls satisfactory, now." "ay, that _is_ a good position, master galleygo. was the prize in sight, or were you too chicken-headed to look." "i chicken-headed! well, sir jarvy, of all characters and descriptions of _me_, that your honour has seen fit to put abroad, this is the most unjustest; chickens being a food i never thinks on, off soundings. pig-headed you might in reason call me, sir jarvy; for i _do_ looks arter the pigs, which is the only real stand-by in a ship; but i never dreams of a chicken, except for _your_ happetite. when they was eight on 'em--" "was the prize in sight?" demanded sir gervaise, a little sharply. "no, sir jarvy; she had disappeared, and the druid with her. but this isn't all, sir; for they does say, some'at has befallen the carnatic, she having gone out of our line, like a binnacle-lamp at eight bells." "ay, _she_ is not visible, either." "not so much as a hen-coop, sir jarvy! we all wonders what has become of captain parker; no sign of him or of his ship is to be found on the briny ocean. the young gentlemen of the watch laugh, and say she must have gone up in a waterspout, but they laughs so much at misfortins, generally, that i never minds 'em." "have you had a good look-out at the ocean, this morning, master galleygo," asked sir gervaise, drawing his head out of a basin of water, for, by this time, he was half-dressed, and making his preparations for the razor. "you used to have an eye for a chase, when we were in a frigate, and ought to be able to tell me if bluewater is in sight." "admiral blue!--well, sir jarvy, it _is_ remarkable, but i had just rubbed his division out of my log, and forgotten all about it. there _was_ a handful of craft, or so, off here to the nor'ard, at day-light, but i never thought it was admiral blue, it being more nat'ral to suppose him in his place, as usual, in the rear of our own line. let me see, sir jarvy, how many ships has we absent under admiral blue?" "why, the five two-deckers of his own division, to be sure, besides the ranger and the gnat. seven sail in all." "yes, that's just it! well, your honour, there _was_ five sail to be seen, out here to the nor'ard, as i told you, and, sure enough, it may have been admiral blue, with all his craft." by this time, sir gervaise had his face covered with lather, but he forgot the circumstance in a moment. as the wind was at the north-west, and the plantagenet was on the larboard tack, looking in the direction of the bill of portland, though much too far to the southward to allow the land to be seen, his own larboard quarter-gallery window commanded a good view of the whole horizon to windward. crossing over from the starboard state-room, which he occupied _ex-officio_, he opened the window in question, and took a look for himself. there, sure enough, was visible a squadron of five ships, in close order, edging leisurely down on the two lines, under their top-sails, and just near enough to allow it to be ascertained that their courses were not set. this sight produced a sudden change in all the vice-admiral's movements. the business of the toilet was resumed in haste, and the beard was mowed with a slashing hand, that might have been hazardous in the motion of a ship, but for the long experience of a sailor. this important part of the operation was scarcely through, when locker announced the presence of captain greenly in the main cabin. "what now, greenly?--what now?" called out the vice-admiral, puffing as he withdrew his head, again, from the basin--"what now, greenly? any news from bluewater?" "i am happy to tell you, sir gervaise, he has been in sight more than an hour, and is closing with us, though shyly and slowly. i would not let you be called, as all was right, and i knew sleep was necessary to a clear head." "you have done quite right, greenly; god willing, i intend this to be a busy day! the french must see our rear division?" "beyond a doubt, sir, but they show no signs of making off. m. de vervillin will fight, i feel certain; though the experience of yesterday may render him a little shy as to the mode." "and his crippled ship?--old parker's friend--i take it _she_ is not visible." "you were quite right in your conjecture, sir gervaise; the crippled ship is off, as is one of the frigates, no doubt to see her in. blewet, too, has gone well to windward of the french, though he can fetch into no anchorage short of portsmouth, if this breeze stand." "any haven will do. our little success will animate the king's party, and give it more _éclat_, perhaps, than it really merits. let there be no delay with the breakfast this morning, greenly; it will be a busy day." "ay--ay, sir," answered the captain in the sailor's usual manner; "_that_ has been seen to already, as i have expected as much. admiral bluewater keeps his ships in most beautiful order, sir! i do not think the cæsar, which leads, is two cable's-length from the dublin, the sternmost vessel. he is driving four-in-hand, with a tight rein, too, depend on it, sir." at this instant, sir gervaise came out of his state-room, his coat in his hand, and with a countenance that was thoughtful. he finished dressing with an abstracted air, and would not have known the last garment was on, had not galleygo given a violent pull on its skirts, in order to smooth the cloth about the shoulders. "it is odd, that bluewater should come down nearly before the wind, in a line ahead, and not in a line abreast!" sir gervaise rejoined, as his steward did this office for him. "let admiral blue alone, for doing what's right," put in galleygo, in his usual confident and sell-possessed manner. "by keeping his ships astern of hisself, he can tell where to find 'em, and we understands from experience, if admiral blue knows where to find a ship, he knows how to use her." instead of rebuking this interference, which went a little further than common, greenly was surprised to see the vice-admiral look his steward intently in the face, as if the man had expressed some shrewd and comprehensive truth. then turning to his captain, sir gervaise intimated an intention of going on deck to survey the state of things with his own eyes. chapter xxvii. "_thou_ shouldst have died, o high-soul'd chief! in those bright days of glory fled, when triumph so prevailed o'er grief, we scarce would mourn the dead." mrs. hemans. the eventful day opened with most of the glories of a summer's morning. the wind alone prevented it from being one of the finest sun-risings of july. that continued fresh, at north-west, and, consequently, cool for the season. the seas of the south-west gale had entirely subsided, and were already succeeded by the regular but comparatively trilling swell of the new breeze. for large ships, it might be called smooth water; though the driver and active showed by their pitching and unsteadiness, and even the two-deckers, by their waving masts, that the unquiet ocean was yet in motion. the wind seemed likely to stand, and was what seamen would be apt to call a good six-knot breeze. to leeward, still distant about a league, lay the french vessels, drawn up in beautiful array, and in an order so close, and a line so regular, as to induce the belief that m. de vervillin had made his dispositions to receive the expected attack, in his present position. all his main-top-sails lay flat aback; the top-gallant-sails were flying loose, but with buntlings and clew-lines hauled up; the jibs were fluttering to leeward of their booms, and the courses were hanging in festoons beneath their yards. this was gallant fighting-canvass, and it excited the admiration of even his enemies. to increase this feeling, just as sir gervaise's foot reached the poop, the whole french line displayed their ensigns, and _le foudroyant_ fired a gun to windward. "hey! greenly?" exclaimed the english commander-in-chief; "this is a manly defiance, and coming from m. de vervillin, it means something! he wishes to take the day for it; though, as i think half that time will answer, we will wash up the cups before we go at it. make the signals, bunting, for the ships to heave-to, and then to get their breakfasts, as fast as possible. steady breeze--steady breeze, greenly, and all we want!" five minutes later, while sir gervaise was running his eye over the signal-book, the plantagenet's calls were piping the people to their morning meal, at least an hour earlier than common; the people repaired to their messes, with a sort of stern joy; every man in the ship understanding the reason of a summons so unusual. the calls of the vessels astern were heard soon after, and one of the officers who was watching the enemy with a glass, reported that he thought the french were breakfasting, also. orders being given to the officers to employ the next half hour in the same manner, nearly everybody was soon engaged in eating; few thinking that the meal might probably be their last. sir gervaise felt a concern, which he succeeded in concealing, however, at the circumstance that the ships to windward made no more sail; though he refrained from signalling the rear-admiral to that effect, from tenderness to his friend, and a vague apprehension of what might be the consequences. while the crews were eating, he stood gazing, thoughtfully, at the noble spectacle the enemy offered, to leeward, occasionally turning wistful glances at the division that was constantly drawing nearer to windward. at length greenly, himself, reported that the plantagenet had "turned the hands-to," again. at this intelligence, sir gervaise started, as from a reverie, smiled, and spoke. we will here remark, that now, as on the previous day, all the natural excitability of manner had disappeared from the commander-in-chief, and he was quiet, and exceedingly gentle in his deportment. this, all who knew him, understood to denote a serious determination to engage. "i have desired galleygo to set my little table, half an hour hence, in the after-cabin, greenly, and you will share the meal with me. sir wycherly will be of our party, and i hope it will not be the last time we may meet at the same board. it is necessary every thing should be in fighting-order to-day!" "so i understand it, sir gervaise. we are ready to begin, as soon as the order shall be received." "wait one moment until bunting comes up from his breakfast. ah! here he is, and we are quite ready for him, having bent-on the signal in his absence. show the order, bunting; for the day advances." the little flags were fluttering at the main-top-gallant-mast-head of the plantagenet in less than one minute, and in another it was repeated by the chloe, driver, and active, all of which were lying-to, a quarter of a mile to windward, charged in particular with this, among other duties. so well was this signal known, that not a book in the fleet was consulted, but all the ships answered, the instant the flags could be seen and understood. then the shrill whistles were heard along the line, calling "all hands" to "clear ship for action, ahoy!" no sooner was this order given in the plantagenet, than the ship became a scene of active but orderly exertion. the top-men were on the yards, stoppering, swinging the yards in chains, and lashing, in order to prevent shot from doing more injury than was unavoidable; bulwarks were knocked down; mess-chest, bags, and all other domestic appliances, disappeared _below_,[ ] and the decks were cleared of every thing which could be removed, and which would not be necessary in an engagement. fully a quarter of an hour was thus occupied, for there was no haste, and as it was no moment of mere parade, it was necessary that the work should be effectually done. the officers forbade haste, and nothing important was reported as effected, that some one in authority did not examine with his own eyes, to see that no proper care had been neglected. then mr. bury, the first lieutenant, went on the main-yard, in person, to look at the manner in which it had been slung, while he sent the boatswain up forward, on the same errand. these were unusual precautions, but the word had passed through the ship "that sir jarvy was in earnest;" and whenever it was known that "sir jarvy" was in such a humour, every one understood that the day's work was to be hard, if not long. [footnote : in the action of the nile, many of the french ships, under the impression that the enemy _must_ engage on the _outside_, put their lumber, bags, &c., into the ports, and between the guns, in the larboard, or _inshore_ batteries; and when the british anchored _inshore_ of them, these batteries could not be used.] "our breakfast is ready, sir jarvy," reported galleygo, "and as the decks is all clear, the b'ys can make a clean run of it from the coppers. i only wants to know when to serve it, your honour." "serve it now, my good fellow. tell the bowlderos to be nimble, and expect us below. come, greenly--come, wychecombe--we are the last to eat--let us not be the last at our stations." "ship's clear, sir," reported bury to his captain, as the three reached the quarter-deck, on their way to the cabin. "very well, bury; when the fleet is signalled to go to quarters, we will obey with the rest." as this was said, greenly looked at the vice-admiral to catch his wishes. but sir gervaise had no intention of fatiguing his people unnecessarily. he had left his private orders with bunting, and he passed down without an answer or a glance. the arrangements in the after-cabin were as snug and as comfortable as if the breakfast-table had been set in a private house, and the trio took their seats and commenced operations with hearty good will. the vice-admiral ordered the doors thrown open, and as the port-lids were up, from the place where he sat he could command glimpses, both to leeward and to windward, that included a view of the enemy, as well as one of his own expected reinforcements. the bowlderos were in full livery, and more active and attentive than usual even. their station in battle--for no man on board a vessel of war is an "_idler_" in a combat--was on the poop, as musketeers, near the person of their master, whose colours they wore, under the ensign of their prince, like vassals of an ancient baron. notwithstanding the crisis of the morning, however, these men performed their customary functions with the precision and method of english menials, omitting no luxury or usage of the table. on a sofa behind the table, was spread the full dress-coat of a vice-admiral, then a neat but plain uniform, without either lace or epaulettes, but decorated with a rich star in brilliants, the emblem of the order of the bath. this coat sir gervaise always wore in battle, unless the weather rendered a "storm-uniform," as he used to term a plainer attire, necessary. the breakfast passed off pleasantly, the gentlemen eating as if no momentous events were near. just at its close, however, sir gervaise leaned forward, and looking through one of the weather-ports of the main-cabin, an expression of pleasure illuminated his countenance, as he said-- "ah! there go bluewater's signals, at last!--a certain proof that he is about to put himself in communication with us." "i have been a good deal surprised, sir," observed greenly, a little drily, though with great respect of manner, "that you have not ordered the rear-admiral to make more sail. he is jogging along like a heavy wagon, and yet i hardly think he can mistake these five ships for frenchmen!" "he is never in a hurry, and no doubt wishes to let _his_ crews breakfast, before he closes. i'll warrant ye, now, gentlemen, that his ships are at this moment all as clear as a church five minutes after the blessing has been pronounced." "it will not be one of our virginian churches, then, sir gervaise," observed wycherly, smiling; "_they_ serve for an exchange, to give and receive news in, after the service is over." "ay, that's the old rule--first pray, and then gossip. well, bunting, what does the rear-admiral say?" "upon my word, sir gervaise, i can make nothing of the signal, though it is easy enough to make out the flags," answered the puzzled signal-officer. "will you have the goodness to look at the book yourself, sir. the number is one hundred and forty." "one hundred and forty! why, that must have something to do with anchoring!--ay, here it is. 'anchor, i cannot, having lost my cables.' who the devil asked him to anchor?" "that's just it, sir. the signal-officer on board the cæsar must have made some mistake in his flags; for, though the distance is considerable, our glasses are good enough to read them." "perhaps admiral bluewater has set the private, personal, telegraph at work, sir," quietly observed greenly. the commander-in-chief actually changed colour at this suggestion. his face, at first, flushed to crimson; then it became pale, like the countenance of one who suffered under acute bodily pain. wycherly observed this, and respectfully inquired if sir gervaise were ill. "i thank you, young sir," answered the vice-admiral, smiling painfully; "it is over. i believe i shall have to go into dock, and let magrath look at some of my old hurts, which _are_ sometimes troublesome. mr. bunting, do me the favour to go on deck, and ascertain, by a careful examination, if a short red pennant be not set some ten or twelve feet above the uppermost flag. now, greenly, we will take the other cup of tea, for there is plenty of leisure." two or three brooding minutes followed. then bunting returned to say the pennant _was_ there, a fact he had quite overlooked in his former observations, confounding the narrow flag in question with the regular pennant of the king. this short red pennant denoted that the communication was verbal, according to a method invented by bluewater himself, and by means of which, using the ordinary numbers, he was enabled to communicate with his friend, without any of the captains, or, indeed, without sir gervaise's own signal-officer's knowing what was said. in a word, without having recourse to any new flags, but, by simply giving new numbers to the old ones, and referring to a prepared dictionary, it was possible to hold a conversation in sentences, that should be a secret to all but themselves. sir gervaise took down the number of the signal that was flying, and directed bunting to show the answering flag, with a similar pennant over it, and to continue this operation so long as the rear-admiral might make his signals. the numbers were to be sent below as fast as received. as soon as bunting disappeared, the vice-admiral unlocked a secretary, the key of which was never out of his own possession, took from it a small dictionary, and laid it by his plate. all this time the breakfast proceeded, signals of this nature frequently occurring between the two admirals. in the course of the next ten minutes, a quarter-master brought below a succession of numbers written on small pieces of paper; after which bunting appeared himself to say that the cæsar had stopped signalling. sir gervaise now looked out each word by its proper number, and wrote it down with his pencil as he proceeded, until the whole read--"god sake--make no signal. engage not." no sooner was the communication understood, than the paper was torn into minute fragments, the book replaced, and the vice-admiral, turning with a calm determined countenance to greenly, ordered him to beat to quarters as soon as bunting could show a signal to the fleet to the same effect. on this hint, all but the vice-admiral went on deck, and the bowlderos instantly set about removing the table and all the other appliances. finding himself annoyed by the movements of the servants, sir gervaise walked out into the great cabin, which, regardless of its present condition, he began to pace as was his wont when lost in thought. the bulk-heads being down, and the furniture removed, this was in truth walking in sight of the crew. all who happened to be on the main-deck could see what passed, though no one presumed to enter a spot that was tabooed to vulgar feet, even when thus exposed. the aspect and manner of "sir jarvy," however, were not overlooked, and the men prognosticated a serious time. such was the state of things, when the drums beat to quarters, throughout the whole line. at the first tap, the great cabin sunk to the level of an ordinary battery; the seamen of two guns, with the proper officers, entering within the sacred limits, and coolly setting about clearing their pieces, and making the other preparations necessary for an action. all this time sir gervaise continued pacing what would have been the centre of his own cabin had the bulk-heads stood, the grim-looking sailors avoiding him with great dexterity, and invariably touching their hats as they were compelled to glide near his person, though every thing went on as if he were not present. sir gervaise might have remained lost in thought much longer than he did, had not the report of a gun recalled him to a consciousness of the scene that was enacting around him. "what's that?" suddenly demanded the vice-admiral--"is blue water signalling again?" "no, sir gervaise," answered the fourth lieutenant, looking out of a lee port; "it is the french admiral giving us another weather-gun; as much as to ask why we don't go down. this is the second compliment of the same sort that he has paid us already to-day!" these words were not all spoken before the vice-admiral was on the quarter-deck; in half a minute more, he was on the poop. here he found greenly, wychecombe, and bunting, all looking with interest at the beautiful line of the enemy. "monsieur de vervillin is impatient to wipe off the disgrace of yesterday," observed the first, "as is apparent by the invitations he gives us to come down. i presume admiral bluewater will wake up at this last hint." "by heaven, he has hauled his wind, and is standing to the northward and eastward!" exclaimed sir gervaise, surprise overcoming all his discretion. "although an extraordinary movement, at such a time, it is wonderful in what beautiful order bluewater keeps his ships!" all that was said was true enough. the rear-admiral's division having suddenly hauled up, in a close line ahead, each ship followed her leader as mechanically as if they moved by a common impulse. as no one in the least doubted the rear-admiral's loyalty, and his courage was of proof, it was the general opinion that this unusual man[oe]uvre had some connection with the unintelligible signals, and the young officers laughingly inquired among themselves what "sir jarvy was likely to do next?" it would seem, however, that monsieur de vervillin suspected a repetition of some of the scenes of the preceding day; for, no sooner did he perceive that the english rear was hugging the wind, than five of his leading ships filled, and drew ahead, as if to meet that division, man[oe]uvring to double on the head of his line; while the remaining five, with the foudroyant, still lay with their top-sails to the mast, waiting for their enemy to come down. sir gervaise could not stand this long. he determined, if possible, to bring bluewater to terms, and he ordered the plantagenet to fill. followed by his own division, he wore immediately, and went off under easy sail, quartering, towards monsieur de vervillin's rear, to avoid being raked. the quarter of an hour that succeeded was one of intense interest, and of material changes; though not a shot was fired. as soon as the comte de vervillin perceived that the english were disposed to come nearer, he signalled his own division to bear up, and to run off dead before the wind, under their top-sails, commencing astern; which reversed his order of sailing, and brought le foudroyant in the rear, or nearest to the enemy. this was no sooner done, than he settled all his top-sails on the caps. there could be no mistaking this man[oe]uvre. it was a direct invitation to sir gervaise to come down, fairly alongside; the bearing up at once removing all risk of being raked in so doing. the english commander-in-chief was not a man to neglect such a palpable challenge; but, making a few signals to direct the mode of attack he contemplated, he set fore-sail and main-top-gallant-sail, and brought the wind directly over his own taffrail. the vessels astern followed like clock-work, and no one now doubted that the mode of attack was settled for that day. as the french, with monsieur de vervillin, were still half a mile to the southward and eastward of the approaching division, of their enemy, the comte collected all his frigates and corvettes on his starboard hand, leaving a clear approach to sir gervaise on his larboard beam. this hint was understood, too, and the plantagenet steered a course that would bring her up on that side of le foudroyant, and at the distance of about one hundred yards from the muzzles of her guns. this threatened to be close work, and unusual work in fleets, at that day; but it was the game our commander-in-chief was fond of playing, and it was one, also, that promised soonest to bring matters to a result. these preliminaries arranged, there was yet leisure for the respective commanders to look about them. the french were still fully a mile ahead of their enemies, and as both fleets were going in the same direction, the approach of the english was so slow as to leave some twenty minutes of that solemn breathing time, which reigns in a disciplined ship, previous to the commencement of the combat. the feelings of the two commanders-in-chief, at this pregnant instant, were singularly in contradiction to each other. the comte de vervillin saw that the rear division of his force, under the comte-amiral le vicomte des prez, was in the very position he desired it to be, having obtained the advantage of the wind by the english division's coming down, and by keeping its own luff. between the two french officers there was a perfect understanding as to the course each was to take, and both now felt sanguine hopes of being able to obliterate the disgrace of the previous day, and that, too, by means very similar to those by which it had been incurred. on the other hand, sir gervaise was beset with doubts as to the course bluewater might pursue. he could not, however, come to the conclusion that he would abandon him to the joint efforts of the two hostile divisions; and so long as the french rear-admiral was occupied by the english force to windward, it left to himself a clear field and no favour in the action with monsieur de vervillin. he knew bluewater's generous nature too well not to feel certain his own compliance with the request not to signal his inferior would touch his heart, and give him a double chance with all his better feelings. nevertheless, sir gervaise oakes did not lead into this action without many and painful misgivings. he had lived too long in the world not to know that political prejudice was the most demoralising of all our weaknesses, veiling our private vices under the plausible concealment of the public weal, and rendering even the well-disposed insensible to the wrongs they commit to individuals, by means of the deceptive flattery of serving the community. as doubt was more painful than the certainty of his worst forebodings, however, and it was not in his nature to refuse a combat so fairly offered, he was resolved to close with the comte at every hazard, trusting the issue to god, and his own efforts. the plantagenet presented an eloquent picture of order and preparation, as she drew near the french line, on this memorable occasion. her people were all at quarters, and, as greenly walked through her batteries, he found every gun on the starboard side loose, levelled, and ready to be fired; while the opposite merely required a turn or two of the tackles to be cast loose, the priming to be applied, and the loggerhead to follow, in order to be discharged, also. a death-like stillness reigned from the poop to the cock-pit, the older seamen occasionally glancing through their ports in order to ascertain the relative positions of the two fleets, that they might be ready for the collision. as the english got within musket-shot, the french ran their top-sails to the mast-heads, and their ships gathered fresher way through the water. still the former moved with the greatest velocity, carrying the most sail, and impelled by the greater momentum. when near enough, however, sir gervaise gave the order to reduce the canvass of his own ship. "that will do, greenly," he said, in a mild, quiet tone. "let run the top-gallant-halyards, and haul up the fore-sail. the way you have, will bring you fairly alongside." the captain gave the necessary orders, and the master shortened sail accordingly. still the plantagenet shot ahead, and, in three or four minutes more, her bows doubled so far on le foudroyant's quarter, as to permit a gun to bear. this was the signal for both sides, each ship opening as it might be in the same breath. the flash, the roar, and the eddying smoke followed in quick succession, and in a period of time that seemed nearly instantaneous. the crash of shot, and the shrieks of wounded mingled with the infernal din, for nature extorts painful concessions of human weaknesses, at such moments, even from the bravest and firmest. bunting was in the act of reporting to sir gervaise that no signal could yet be seen from the cæsar, in the midst of this uproar, when a small round-shot, discharged from the frenchman's poop, passed through his body, literally driving the heart before it, leaving him dead at his commander's feet. "i shall depend on you, sir wycherly, for the discharge of poor bunting's duty, the remainder of the cruise," observed sir gervaise, with a smile in which courtesy and regret struggled singularly for the mastery. "quarter-masters, lay mr. bunting's body a little out of the way, and cover it with those signals. they are a suitable pall for so brave a man!" just as this occurred, the warspite came clear of the plantagenet, on her outside, according to orders, and she opened with her forward guns, taking the second ship in the french line for her target. in two minutes more these vessels also were furiously engaged in the hot strife. in this manner, ship after ship passed on the outside of the plantagenet, and sheered into her berth ahead of her who had just been her own leader, until the achilles, lord morganic, the last of the five, lay fairly side by side with le conquereur, the vessel now at the head of the french line. that the reader may understand the incidents more readily, we will give the opposing lines in the precise form in which they lay, viz. plantagenet le foudroyant warspite le téméraire blenheim le dugay trouin thunderer l'ajax achilles le conquereur. the constantly recurring discharges of four hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, within a space so small, had the effect to repel the regular currents of air, and, almost immediately, to lessen a breeze of six or seven knots, to one that would not propel a ship more than two or three. this was the first observable phenomenon connected with the action, but, as it had been expected, sir gervaise had used the precaution to lay his ships as near as possible in the positions in which he intended them to fight the battle. the next great physical consequence, one equally expected and natural, but which wrought a great change in the aspect of the battle, was the cloud of smoke in which the ten ships were suddenly enveloped. at the first broadsides between the two admirals, volumes of light, fleecy vapour rolled over the sea, meeting midway, and rising thence in curling wreaths, left nothing but the masts and sails of the adversary visible in the hostile ship. this, of itself, would have soon hidden the combatants in the bosom of a nearly impenetrable cloud; but as the vessels drove onward they entered deeper beneath the sulphurous canopy, until it spread on each side of them, shutting out the view of ocean, skies, and horizon. the burning of the priming below contributed to increase the smoke, until, not only was respiration often difficult, but those who fought only a few yards apart frequently could not recognise each other's faces. in the midst of this scene of obscurity, and a din that might well have alarmed the caverns of the ocean, the earnest and well-drilled seamen toiled at their ponderous guns, and remedied with ready hands the injuries received in the rigging, each man as intent on his own particular duty as if he wrought in the occupations of an ordinary gale. "sir wycherly," observed the vice-admiral, when the cannonading had continued some twenty minutes, "there is little for a flag-officer to do in such a cloud of smoke. i would give much to know the exact positions of the divisions of our two rear-admirals." "there is but one mode of ascertaining that, sir gervaise--if it be your pleasure, i will attempt it. by going on the main-top-gallant-yard, one might get a clear view, perhaps." sir gervaise smiled his approbation, and presently he saw the young man ascending the main-rigging, though half concealed in smoke. just at this instant, greenly ascended to the poop, from making a tour of observation below. without waiting for a question, the captain made his report. "we are doing pretty well, now, sir gervaise, though the first broadside of the comte treated us roughly. i think his fire slackens, and bury says, he is certain that his fore-top-mast is already gone. at all events, our lads are in good spirits, and as yet all the sticks keep their places." "i'm glad of this, greenly; particularly of the latter, just at this moment. i see you are looking at those signals--they cover the body of poor bunting." "and this train of blood to the ladder, sir--i hope our young baronet is not hurt?" "no, it is one of the bowlderos, who has lost a leg. i shall have to see that he wants for nothing hereafter." there was a pause; then both the gentlemen smiled, as they heard the crashing work made by a shot just beneath them, which, by the sounds and the direction, they knew had passed through greenly's crockery. still neither spoke. after a few more minutes of silent observation, sir gervaise remarked that he thought the flashes of the french guns more distant than they had been at first, though, at that instant, not a trace of their enemy was to be discovered, except in the roar of the guns, and in these very flashes, and their effect on the plantagenet. "if so, sir, the comte begins to find his berth too hot for him; here is the wind still directly over _our_ taffrail, such as it is." "no--no--we steer as we began--i keep my eye on that compass below, and am certain we hold a straight course. go forward, greenly, and see that a sharp look-out is kept ahead. it is time some of our own ships should be crippled; we must be careful not to run into them. should such a thing happen sheer hard to starboard, and pass _inside_." "ay--ay--sir gervaise; your wishes shall be attended to." as this was said, greenly disappeared, and, at the next instant, wycherly stood in his place. "well, sir--i am glad to see you back safe. if greenly were here now, _he_ would inquire about his _masts_, but _i_ wish to know the position of the _ships_." "i am the bearer of bad news, sir. nothing at all could be seen from the top; but in the cross-trees, i got a good look through the smoke, and am sorry to say the french rear-admiral is coming down fast on our larboard-quarter, with all his force. we shall have him abeam in five minutes." "and bluewater?" demanded sir gervaise, quick as lightning. "i could see nothing of admiral bluewater's ships; but knowing the importance of this intelligence, i came down immediately, and by the back-stay." "you have done well, sir. send a midshipman forward for captain greenly; then pass below yourself, and let the lieutenants in the batteries hear the news. they must divide their people, and by all means give a prompt and well-directed _first_ broadside." wycherly waited for no more. he ran below with the activity of his years. the message found greenly between the knight-heads, but he hurried aft to the poop to ascertain its object. it took sir gervaise but a moment to explain it all to the captain. "in the name of heaven, what can the other division be about," exclaimed greenly, "that it lets the french rear-admiral come upon us, in a moment like this!" "of that, sir, it is unnecessary to speak _now_," answered the commander-in-chief, solemnly. "our present business is to get ready for this new enemy. go into the batteries again, and, as you prize victory, be careful not to throw away the first discharge, in the smoke." as time pressed, greenly swallowed his discontent, and departed. the five minutes that succeeded were bitter minutes to sir gervaise oakes. beside himself there were but five men on the poop; viz., the quarter-master who tended the signals, and three of the bowlderos. all of these were using muskets as usual, though the vice-admiral never permitted marines to be stationed at a point which he wished to be as clear of smoke, and as much removed from bustle as possible. he began to pace this comparatively vacant little deck with a quick step, casting wistful glances towards the larboard-quarter; but though the smoke occasionally cleared a little in that direction, the firing having much slackened from exhaustion in the men, as well as from injuries given and received, he was unable to detect any signs of a ship. such was the state of things when wycherly returned and reported that his orders were delivered, and part of the people were already in the larboard-batteries. chapter xxviii. "and oh, the little warlike world within! the well-reeved guns, the netted canopy, the hoarse command, the busy humming din. when at a word, the tops are manned on high: hark to the boatswain's call, the cheering cry! while through the seaman's hand the tackle glides, or school-boy midshipman, that, standing by, strains his shrill pipe, as good or ill betides, and well the docile crew that skilful urchin guides." byron. "are you quite sure, sir wycherly wychecombe, that there is not some mistake about the approach of the rear division of the french?" inquired the vice-admiral, endeavouring to catch some glimpse of the water, through the smoke on the larboard hand. "may not some crippled ship of our own have sheered from the line, and been left by us, unknowingly, on that side?" "no, sir gervaise, there is _no_ mistake; there _can_ be none, unless i may have been deceived a little in the distance. i saw nothing but the sails and spars, not of a single vessel, but of _three_ ships; and one of them wore the flag of a french rear-admiral at the mizzen. as a proof that i was not mistaken, sir, there it is this minute!" the smoke on the off side of the plantagenet, as a matter of course, was much less dense than that on the side engaged, and the wind beginning to blow in eddies, as ever happens in a heavy cannonade, there were moments in which it cast aside the "shroud of battle." at that instant an opening occurred through which a single mast, and a single sail were visible, in the precise spot where wycherly had stated the enemy might be looked for. it was a mizzen-top-sail, beyond a question, and above it was fluttering the little square flag of the rear-admiral. sir gervaise decided on the character of the vessel, and on his own course, in an instant. stepping to the edge of the poop, with his natural voice, without the aid of a trumpet of any sort, he called out in tones that rose above the roar of the contest, the ominous but familiar nautical words of "stand by!" perhaps a call from powerful lungs (and the vice-admiral's voice, when he chose to use it, was like the blast of a clarion) is clearer and more impressive, when unaided by instruments, than when it comes disguised and unnatural through a tube. at any rate, these words were heard even on the lower deck, by those who stood near the hatches. taking them up, they were repeated by a dozen voices, with such expressions as "look out, lads; sir jarvy's awake!" "sight your guns!" "wait till she's square!" and other similar admonitions that it is usual for the sea-officer to give, as he is about to commence the strife. at this critical moment, sir gervaise again looked up, and caught another glimpse of the little flag, as it passed into a vast wreath of smoke; he saw that the ship was fairly abeam, and, as if doubling all his powers, he shouted the word "fire!" greenly was standing on the lower-deck ladder, with his head just even with the coamings of the hatch, as this order reached him, and he repeated it in a voice scarcely less startling. the cloud on the larboard side was driven in all directions, like dust scattered by wind. the ship seemed on fire, and the missiles of forty-one guns flew on their deadly errand, as it might be at a single flash. the old plantagenet trembled to her keel, and even bowed a little at the recoils, but, like one suddenly relieved from a burthen, righted and went on her way none the less active. that timely broadside saved the english commander-in-chiefs ship from an early defeat. it took the crew of le pluton, her new adversary, by surprise; for they had not been able to distinguish the precise position of their enemy; and, besides doing vast injury to both hull and people, drew her fire at an unpropitious moment. so uncertain and hasty, indeed, was the discharge the french ship gave in return, that no small portion of the contents of her guns passed ahead of the plantagenet, and went into the larboard quarter of le téméraire, the french admiral's second ahead. "that was a timely salute," said sir gervaise, smiling as soon as the fire of his new enemy had been received without material injury. "the first blow is always half the battle. we may now work on with some hopes of success. ah! here comes greenly again, god be praised! unhurt." the meeting of these two experienced seamen was cordial, but not without great seriousness. both felt that the situation of not only the ship, but of the whole fleet, was extremely critical, the odds being much too great, and the position of the enemy too favourable, not to render the result, to say the very least, exceedingly doubtful. some advantage had certainly been obtained, thus far; but there was little hope of preserving it long. the circumstances called for very decided and particularly bold measures. "my mind is made up, greenly," observed the vice-admiral. "we must go aboard of one of these ships, and make it a hand-to-hand affair. we will take the french commander-in-chief; he is evidently a good deal cut up by the manner in which his fire slackens, and if we can carry him, or even force him out of the line, it will give us a better chance with the rest. as for bluewater, god only knows what has become of him! he is not here at any rate, and we must help ourselves." "you have only to order, sir gervaise, to be obeyed. i will lead the boarders, myself." "it must be a general thing, greenly; i rather think we shall all of us have to go aboard of le foudroyant. go, give the necessary orders, and when every thing is ready, round in a little on the larboard braces, clap your helm a-port, and give the ship a rank sheer to starboard. this will bring matters to a crisis at once. by letting the fore-sail fall, and setting the spanker, you might shove the ship ahead a little faster." greenly instantly left the poop on this new and important duty. he sent his orders into the batteries, bidding the people remain at their guns, however, to the last moment; and particularly instructing the captain of marines, as to the manner in which he was to cover, and then follow the boarding-party. this done, he gave orders to brace forward the yards, as directed by sir gervaise. the reader will not overlook the material circumstance that all we have related occurred amid the din of battle. guns were exploding at each instant, the cloud of smoke was both thickening and extending, fire was flashing in the semi-obscurity of its volumes, shot were rending the wood and cutting the rigging, and the piercing shrieks of agony, only so much the more appalling by being extorted from the stern and resolute, blended their thrilling accompaniments. men seemed to be converted into demons, and yet there was a lofty and stubborn resolution to conquer mingled with all, that ennobled the strife and rendered it heroic. the broadsides that were delivered in succession down the line, as ship after ship of the rear division reached her station, however, proclaimed that monsieur des prez had imitated sir gervaise's mode of closing, the only one by means of which the leading vessel could escape destruction, and that the english were completely doubled on. at this moment, the sail-trimmers of the plantagenet handled their braces. the first pull was the last. no sooner were the ropes started, than the fore-top-mast went over the bows, dragging after it the main with all its hamper, the mizzen snapping like a pipe-stem, at the cap. by this cruel accident, the result of many injuries to shrouds, back-stays, and spars, the situation of the plantagenet became worse than ever; for, not only was the wreck to be partially cleared, at least, to fight many of the larboard guns, but the command of the ship was, in a great measure, lost, in the centre of one of the most infernal _mêlées_ that ever accompanied a combat at sea. at no time does the trained seaman ever appear so great, as when he meets sudden misfortunes with the steadiness and quiet which it is a material part of the _morale_ of discipline to inculcate. greenly was full of ardour for the assault, and was thinking of the best mode of running foul of his adversary, when this calamity occurred; but the masts were hardly down, when he changed all his thoughts to a new current, and called out to the sail-trimmers to "lay over, and clear the wreck." sir gervaise, too, met with a sudden and violent check to the current of his feelings. he had collected his bowlderos, and was giving his instructions as to the manner in which they were to follow, and keep near his person, in the expected hand-to-hand encounter, when the heavy rushing of the air, and the swoop of the mass from above, announced what had occurred. turning to the men, he calmly ordered them to aid in getting rid of the incumbrances, and was in the very act of directing wycherly to join in the same duty, when the latter exclaimed-- "see, sir gervaise, here comes another of the frenchmen close upon our quarter. by heavens, _they_ must mean to board!" the vice-admiral instinctively grasped his sword-hilt tighter, and turned in the direction mentioned by his companion. there, indeed, came a fresh ship, shoving the cloud aside, and, by the clearer atmosphere that seemed to accompany her, apparently bringing down a current of air stronger than common. when first seen, the jib-boom and bowsprit were both enveloped in smoke, but his bellying fore-top-sail, and the canvass hanging in festoons, loomed grandly in the vapour, the black yards seeming to embrace the wreaths, merely to cast them aside. the proximity, too, was fearful, her yard-arms promising to clear those of the plantagenet only by a few feet, as her dark bows brushed along the admiral's side. "this will be fearful work, indeed!" exclaimed sir gervaise. "a fresh broadside from a ship so near, will sweep all from the spars. go, wychecombe, tell greenly to call in--hold--'tis an english ship! no frenchman's bowsprit stands like that! almighty god be praised! 'tis the cæsar--there is the old roman's figure-head just shoving out of the smoke!" this was said with a yell, rather than a cry, of delight, and in a voice so loud that the words were heard below, and flew through the ship like the hissing of an ascending rocket. to confirm the glorious tidings, the flash and roar of guns on the off-side of the stranger announced the welcome tidings that le pluton had an enemy of her own to contend with, thus enabling the plantagenet's people to throw all their strength on the starboard guns, and pursue their other necessary work without further molestation from the french rear-admiral. the gratitude of sir gervaise, as the rescuing ship thrust herself in between him and his most formidable assailant was too deep for language. he placed his hat mechanically before his face, and thanked god, with a fervour of spirit that never before had attended his thanksgivings. this brief act of devotion over, he found the bows of the cæsar, which ship was advancing very slowly, in order not to pass too far ahead, just abreast of the spot where he stood, and so near that objects were pretty plainly visible. between her knight-heads stood bluewater, conning the ship, by means of a line of officers, his hat in his hand, waving in encouragement to his own people, while geoffrey cleveland held the trumpet at his elbow. at that moment three noble cheers were given by the crews of the two friendly vessels, and mingled with the increasing roar of the cæsar's artillery. then the smoke rose in a cloud over the forecastle of the latter ship, and persons could no longer be distinguished. nevertheless, like all that thus approached, the relieving ship passed slowly ahead, until nearly her whole length protected the undefended side of her consort, delivering her fire with fearful rapidity. the plantagenets seemed to imbibe new life from this arrival, and their starboard guns spoke out again, as if manned by giants. it was five minutes, perhaps, after this seasonable arrival, before the guns of the other ships of the english rear announced their presence on the outside of monsieur des prez's force; thus bringing the whole of the two fleets into four lines, all steering dead before the wind, and, as it were, interwoven with each other. by that time, the poops of the plantagenet and cæsar became visible from one to the other, the smoke now driving principally off from the vessels. there again were our two admirals each anxiously watching to get a glimpse of his friend. the instant the place was clear, sir gervaise applied the trumpet to his mouth, and called out-- "god bless you--dick! may god for ever bless you--_your_ ship can do it--clap your helm hard a-starboard, and sheer into m. des prez; you'll have him in five minutes." bluewater smiled, waved his hand, gave an order, and laid aside his trumpet. two minutes later, the cæsar sheered into the smoke on her larboard beam, and the crash of the meeting vessels was heard. by this time, the wreck of the plantagenet was cut adrift, and she, too, made a rank sheer, though in a direction opposite to that of the cæsar's. as she went through the smoke, her guns ceased, and when she emerged into the pure air, it was found that le foudroyant had set courses and top-gallant-sails, and was drawing so fast ahead, as to render pursuit, under the little sail that could be set, unprofitable. signals were out of the question, but this movement of the two admirals converted the whole battle scene into one of inexplicable confusion. ship after ship changed her position, and ceased her fire from uncertainty what that position was, until a general silence succeeded the roar of the cannonade. it was indispensable to pause and let the smoke blow away. it did not require many minutes to raise the curtain on the two fleets. as soon as the firing stopped, the wind increased, and the smoke was driven off to leeward in a vast straggling cloud, that seemed to scatter and disperse in the air spontaneously. then a sight of the havoc and destruction that had been done in this short conflict was first obtained. the two squadrons were intermingled, and it required some little time for sir gervaise to get a clear idea of the state of his own ships. generally, it might be said that the vessels were scattering, the french sheering towards their own coast, while the english were principally coming by the wind on the larboard tack, or heading in towards england. the cæsar and le pluton were still foul of each other, though a rear-admiral's flag was flying at the mizzen of the first, while that which had so lately fluttered at the royal-mast-head of the other, had disappeared. the achilles, lord morganic, was still among the french, more to leeward than any other english ship, without a single spar standing. her ensigns were flying, notwithstanding, and the thunderer and dublin, both in tolerable order, were edging away rapidly to cover their crippled consort; though the nearest french vessels seemed more bent on getting out of the _mêlée_, and into their own line again, than on securing any advantage already obtained. le téméraire was in the same predicament as the achilles as to spars, though much more injured in her hull, besides having thrice as many casualties. her flag was down; the ship having fairly struck to the warspite, whose boats were already alongside of her. le foudroyant, with quite one-third of her crew killed and wounded, was running off to leeward, with signals flying for her consorts to rally round her; but, within less than ten minutes after she became visible, her main and mizzen-masts both went. the blenheim had lost all her top-masts, like the plantagenet, and neither the elizabeth nor the york had a mizzen-mast standing, although engaged but a very short time. several lower yards were shot away, or so much injured as to compel the ships to shorten sail; this accident having occurred in both fleets. as for the damage done to the standing and running rigging, and to the sails, it is only necessary to say that shrouds, back and head-stays, braces, bowlines and lifts, were dangling in all directions, while the canvass that was open exhibited all sorts of rents, from that which had been torn like cloth in the shopman's hands, to the little eyelet holes of the canister and grape. it appeared, by the subsequent reports of the two parties, that, in this short but severe conflict, the slain and wounded of the english amounted to seven hundred and sixty-three, including officers; and that of the french, to one thousand four hundred and twelve. the disparity in this respect would probably have been greater against the latter, had it not been for the manner in which m. des prez succeeded in doubling on his enemies. little need be said in explanation of the parts of this battle that have not been distinctly related. m. des prez had man[oe]uvered in the manner he did, at the commencement of the affair, in the hope of drawing sir gervaise down upon the division of the comte de vervillin; and no sooner did he see, the first fairly enveloped in smoke, than he wore short round and joined in the affair, as has been mentioned. at this sight, bluewater's loyalty to the stuarts could resist no longer. throwing out a general signal to engage, he squared away, set every thing that would draw on the cæsar, and arrived in time to save his friend. the other ships followed, engaging on the outside, for want of room to imitate their leader. two more of the french ships, at least, in addition to _le téméraire_ and _le pluton_, might have been added to the list of prizes, had the actual condition of their fleet been known. but, at such moments, a combatant sees and feels his own injuries, while he has to conjecture many of those of his adversaries; and the english were too much occupied in making the provisions necessary to save their remaining spars, to risk much in order to swell an advantage that was already so considerable. some distant firing passed between the thunderer and dublin, and l'ajax, le dugay trouin, and l'hector, before the two former succeeded in getting lord morganic out of his difficulties; but it led to no material result; merely inflicting new injuries on certain spars that were sufficiently damaged before, and killing and wounding some fifteen or twenty men quite uselessly. as soon as the vice-admiral saw what was likely to be the effects of this episode, he called off captain o'neil of the dublin, by signal, he being an officer of a "hot temper," as the soldier said of himself at waterloo. the compliance with this order may be said to have terminated the battle. the reader will remember that the wind, at the commencement of the engagement, was at north-west. it was nearly "killed," as seamen express it, by the cannonade; then it revived a little, as the concussions of the guns gradually diminished. but the combined effect of the advance of the day, and the rushing of new currents of air to fill the vacuums produced by the burning of so much powder, was a sudden shift of wind; a breeze coming out strong, and as it might be, in an instant, from the eastward. this unexpected alteration in the direction and power of the wind, cost the thunderer her foremast, and did other damage to different ships; but, by dint of great activity and careful handling, all the english vessels got their heads round to the northward, while the french filled the other way, and went off free, steering nearly south-east, making the best of their way for brest. the latter suffered still more than their enemies, by the change just mentioned; and when they reached port, as did all but one the following day, no less than three were towed in without a spar standing, bowsprits excepted. the exception was _le caton_, which ship m. de vervillin set fire to and blew up, on account of her damages, in the course of the afternoon. thus of twelve noble two-decked ships with which this officer sailed from cherbourg only two days before, he reached brest with but seven. nor were the english entirely without their embarrassments. although the warspite had compelled le téméraire to strike, she was kept afloat herself with a good deal of difficulty, and that, too, not without considerable assistance from the other vessels. the leaks, however, were eventually stopped, and then the ship was given up to the care of her own crew. other vessels suffered of course, but no english ship was in as much jeopardy as this. the first hour after the action ceased, was one of great exertion and anxiety to our admiral. he called the chloe alongside by signal, and, attended by wycherly and his own quarter-masters, galleygo, who went without orders, and the bowlderos who were unhurt, he shifted his flag to that frigate. then he immediately commenced passing from vessel to vessel, in order to ascertain the actual condition of his command. the achilles detained him some time, and he was near her, or to leeward, when the wind shifted; which was bringing him to windward in the present stale of things. of this advantage he availed himself, by urging the different ships off as fast as possible; and long before the sun was in the meridian, all the english vessels were making the best of their way towards the land, with the intention of fetching into plymouth if possible; if not, into the nearest and best anchorage to leeward. the progress of the fleet was relatively slow, as a matter of course, though it got along at the rate of some five knots, by making a free wind of it. the master of the chloe had just taken the sun, in order to ascertain his latitude, when the vice-admiral commanded denham to set top-gallant-sails, and go within hail of the cæsar. that ship had got clear of _le pluton_ half an hour after the action ceased, and she was now leading the fleet, with her three top-sails on the caps. aloft she had suffered comparatively little; but sir gervaise knew that there must have been a serious loss of men in carrying, hand to hand, a vessel like that of m. des prez. he was anxious to see his friend, and to hear the manner in which his success had been obtained, and, we might add, to remonstrate with bluewater on a course that had led the latter to the verge of a most dangerous abyss. the chloe was half an hour running through the fleet, which was a good deal extended, and was sailing without any regard to a line. sir gervaise had many questions to ask, too, of the different commanders in passing. at last the frigate overtook le téméraire, which vessel was following the cæsar under easy canvass. as the chloe came up abeam, sir gervaise appeared in the gangway of the frigate, and, hat in hand, he asked with an accent that was intelligible, though it might not have absolutely stood the test of criticism,-- _"le vice-admiral oakes demande comment se porte-il, le contre-amiral, le vicomte des prez?"_ a little elderly man, dressed with extreme care, with a powdered head, but of a firm step and perfectly collected expression of countenance, appeared on the verge of le téméraire's poop, trumpet in hand, to reply. "_le vicomte des prez remercie bien monsieur le chevalier oake, et désire vivement de savoir comment se porte monsieur le vice-amiral?_" mutual waves of the trumpets served as replies to the questions, and then, after taking a moment to muster his french, sir gervaise continued-- _"j'espère voir monsieur le contre-amiral à dîner, à cinq heures, précis."_ the vicomte smiled at this characteristic manifestation of good-will and courtesy; and after pausing an instant to choose an expression to soften his refusal, and to express his own sense of the motive of the invitation, he called out-- _"veuillez bien recevoir nos excuses pour aujourd'hui, mons. le chevalier. nous n'avons pas encore digéré le repas si noble reçu à vos mains comme déjeuner."_ the chloe passing ahead, bows terminated the interview. sir gervaise's french was at fault, for what between the rapid, neat, pronunciation of the frenchman, the trumpet, and the turn of the expression, he did not comprehend the meaning of the _contre-amiral_. "what does he say, wychecombe?" he asked eagerly of the young man. "will he come, or not?" "upon my word, sir gervaise, french is a sealed language to me. never having been a prisoner, no opportunity has offered for acquiring the language. as i understood, you intended to ask him to dinner; i rather think, from his countenance, he meant to say he was not in spirits for the entertainment." "pooh! we would have put him in spirits, and bluewater could have talked to him in his own tongue, by the fathom. we will close with the cæsar to leeward, denham; never mind rank on an occasion like this. it's time to let the top-gallant-halyards run; you'll have to settle your top-sails too, or we shall shoot past her. bluewater may take it as a salute to his gallantry in carrying so fine a ship in so handsome a manner." several minutes now passed in silence, during which the frigate was less and less rapidly closing with the larger vessel, drawing ahead towards the last, as it might be, foot by foot. sir gervaise got upon one of the quarter-deck guns, and steadying himself against the hammock-cloths, he was in readiness to exchange the greetings he was accustomed to give and to receive from his friend, in the same heartfelt manner as if nothing had occurred to disturb the harmony of their feelings. the single glance of the eye, the waving of the hat, and the noble manner in which bluewater interposed between him and his most dangerous enemy, was still present to his mind, and disposed him even more than common to the kindest feelings of his nature. stowel was already on the poop of the cæsar, and, as the chloe came slowly on, he raised his hat in deference to the commander-in-chief. it was a point of delicacy with sir gervaise never to interfere with any subordinate flag-officer's vessel any more than duty rigidly required; consequently his communications with the captain of the cæsar had usually been of a general nature, verbal orders and criticisms being studiously avoided. this circumstance rendered the commander-in-chief even a greater favourite than common with stowel, who had all his own way in his own ship, in consequence of the rear-admiral's indifference to such matters. "how do you do, stowel?" called out sir gervaise, cordially. "i am delighted to see you on your legs, and hope the old roman is not much the worse for this day's treatment" "i thank you, sir gervaise, we are both afloat yet, though we have passed through warm times. the ship is damaged, sir, as you may suppose; and, although it stands so bravely, and looks so upright, that foremast of ours is as good as a condemned spar. one thirty-two through the heart of it, about ten feet from the deck, an eighteen in the hounds, and a double-header sticking in one of the hoops! a spar cannot be counted for much that has as many holes in it as those, sir!" "deal tenderly with it, my old friend, and spare the canvass; those chaps at plymouth will set all to rights, again, in a week. hoops can be had for asking, and as for holes in the heart, many a poor fellow has had them, and lived through it all. you are a case in point; mrs. stowel not having spared you in that way, i'll answer for it." "mrs. stowel commands ashore, sir gervaise, and i command afloat; and in that way, we keep a quiet ship and a quiet house, i thank you, sir; and i endeavour to think of her at sea, as little as possible." "ay, that's the way with you doting husbands;--always ashamed of your own lively sensibilities. but what has become of bluewater?--does he know that we are alongside?" stowel looked round, cast his eyes up at the sails, and played with the hilt of his sword. the rapid eye of the commander-in-chief detected this embarrassment, and quick as thought he demanded what had happened. "why, sir gervaise, you know how it is with some admirals, who like to be in every thing. i told our respected and beloved friend, that he had nothing to do with boarding; that if either of us was to go, _i_ was the proper man; but that we ought both to stick by the ship. he answered something about lost honour and duty, and you know, sir, what legs he has, when he wishes to use them! one might as well think of stopping a deserter by a halloo; away he went, with the first party, sword in hand, a sight i never saw before, and never wish to see again! thus you see how it was, sir." the commander-in-chief compressed his lips, until his features, and indeed his whole form was a picture of desperate resolution, though his face was as pale as death, and the muscles of his mouth twitched, in spite of all his physical self-command. "i understand you, sir," he said, in a voice that seemed to issue from his chest; "you wish to say that admiral bluewater is killed." "no, thank god! sir gervaise, not _quite_ as bad as that, though sadly hurt; yes, indeed, very sadly hurt!" sir gervaise oakes groaned, and for a few minutes he leaned his head on the hammock-cloths, veiling his face from the sight of men. then he raised his person erect, and said steadily-- "run your top-sails to the mast-head, captain stowel, and round your ship to. i will come on board of you." an order was given to denham to take room, when the chloe came to the wind on one tack and the cæsar on the other. this was contrary to rule, as it increased the distance between the ships; but the vice-admiral was impatient to be in his barge. in ten minutes he was mounting the cæsar's side, and in two more he was in bluewater's main-cabin. geoffrey cleveland was seated by the table, with his face buried in his arms. touching his shoulder, the boy raised his head, and showed a face covered with tears. "how is he, boy?" demanded sir gervaise, hoarsely. "do the surgeons give any hopes?" the midshipman shook his head, and then, as if the question renewed his grief, he again buried his face in his arms. at this moment, the surgeon of the ship came from the rear-admiral's state-room, and following the commander-in-chief into the after-cabin, they had a long conference together. minute after minute passed, and the cæsar and chloe still lay with their main-top-sails aback. at the end of half an hour, denham wore round and laid the head of his frigate in the proper direction. ship after ship came up, and went on to the northward, fast as her crippled state would allow, yet no sign of movement was seen in the cæsar. two sail had appeared in the south-eastern board, and they, too, approached and passed without bringing the vice-admiral even on deck. these ships proved to be the carnatic and her prize, le scipion, which latter ship had been intercepted and easily captured by the former. the steering of m. de vervillin to the south-west had left a clear passage to the two ships, which were coming down with a free wind at a handsome rate of sailing. this news was sent into the cæsar's cabin, but it brought no person and no answer out of it. at length, when every thing had gone ahead, the barge returned to the chloe. it merely took a note, however, which was no sooner read by wycherly, than he summoned the bowlderos and galleygo, had all the vice-admiral's luggage passed into the boat, struck his flag, and took his leave of denham. as soon as the boat was clear of the frigate, the latter made all sail after the fleet, to resume her ordinary duties of a look-out and a repeating-ship. as soon as wycherly reached the cæsar, that ship hoisted in the vice-admiral's barge. a report was made to sir gervaise of what had been done, and then an order came on deck that occasioned all in the fleet to stare with surprise. the red flag of sir gervaise oakes was run up at the foreroyal-mast-head of the cæsar, while the white flag of the rear-admiral was still flying at her mizzen. such a thing had never before been known to happen, if it has ever happened since; and to the time when she was subsequently lost, the cæsar was known as the double flag-ship. chapter xxix. "he spoke; when behold the fair geraldine's form on the canvass enchantingly glowed; his touches, they flew like the leaves in a storm; and the pure pearly white, and the carnation warm, contending in harmony flowed." alston. we shall now ask permission of the reader to advance the time just eight-and-forty hours; a liberty with the unities which, he will do us the justice to say, we have not often taken. we must also transfer the scene to that already described at wychecombe, including the head, the station, the roads, and the inland and seaward views. summer weather had returned, too, the pennants of the ships at anchor scarce streaming from their masts far enough to form curved lines. most of the english fleet was among these vessels, though the squadron had undergone some changes. the druid had got into portsmouth with _la victoire_; the driver and active had made the best of their way to the nearest ports; with despatches for the admiralty; and the achilles, in tow of the dublin, with the chloe to take care of both, had gone to leeward, with square yards, in the hope of making falmouth. the rest of the force was present, the crippled ships having been towed into the roads that morning. the picture among the shipping was one of extreme activity and liveliness. jury-masts were going up in the warspite; lower and top-sail-yards were down to be fished, or new ones were rigging to be sent aloft in their places; the plantagenet was all a-tanto, again, in readiness for another action, with rigging secured and masts fished, while none but an instructed eye could have detected, at a short distance, that the cæsar, carnatic, dover, york, elizabeth, and one or two more, had been in action at all. the landing was crowded with boats as before, and gun-room servants and midshipmen's boys were foraging as usual; some with honest intent to find delicacies for the wounded, but more with the roguish design of contributing to the comforts of the unhurt, by making appeals to the sympathies of the women of the neighbourhood, in behalf of the hurt. the principal transformation that had been brought about by this state of things, however, was apparent at the station. this spot had the appearance of a place to which the headquarters of an army had been transferred, in the vicissitudes of the field; warlike sailors, if not soldiers, flocking to it, as the centre of interest and intelligence. still there was a singularity observable in the manner in which these heroes of the deck paid their court; the cottage being seemingly tabooed, or at most, approached by very few, while the grass at the foot of the flag-staff was already beginning to show proofs of the pressure of many feet. this particular spot, indeed, was the centre of attraction; there, officers of all ranks and ages were constantly arriving, and thence they were as often departing; all bearing countenances sobered by anxiety and apprehension. notwithstanding the constant mutations, there had been no instant since the rising of the sun, when some ten or twelve, at least, including captains, lieutenants, masters and idlers, had not been collected around the bench at the foot of the signal-staff, and frequently the number reached even to twenty. a little retired from the crowd, and near the verge of the cliff, a large tent had been pitched. a marine paced in its front, as a sentinel. another stood near the gate of the little door-yard of the cottage, and all persons who approached either, with the exception of a few of the privileged, were referred to the sergeant who commanded the guard. the arms of the latter were stacked on the grass, at hand, and the men off post were loitering near. these were the usual military signs of the presence of officers of rank, and may, in sooth, be taken as clues to the actual state of things, on and around the head. admiral bluewater lay in the cottage, while sir gervaise oakes occupied the tent. the former had been transferred to the place where he was about to breathe his last, at his own urgent request, while his friend had refused to be separated from him, so long as life remained. the two flags were still flying at the mast-heads of the cæsar, a sort of melancholy memorial of the tie that had so long bound their gallant owners in the strong sympathies of an enduring personal and professional friendship. persons of the education of mrs. dutton and her daughter, had not dwelt so long on that beautiful head-land, without leaving on the spot some lasting impressions of their tastes. of the cottage, we have already spoken. the little garden, too, then bright with flowers, had a grace and refinement about it that we would hardly have expected to meet in such a place; and even the paths that led athwart the verdant common which spread over so much of the upland, had been directed with an eye to the picturesque and agreeable. one of these paths, too, led to a rustic summer-house--a sort of small, rude pavilion, constructed, like the fences, of fragments of wrecks, and placed on a shelf of the cliff, at a dizzy elevation, but in perfect security. so far from there being any danger in entering this summer-house, indeed, wycherly, during his six months' residence near the head, had made a path that descended still lower to a point that was utterly concealed from all eyes above, and had actually planted a seat on another shelf with so much security, that both mildred and her mother often visited it in company. during the young man's recent absence, the poor girl, indeed, had passed much of her time there, weeping and suffering in solitude. to this seat, dutton never ventured; the descent, though well protected with ropes, requiring greater steadiness of foot and head than intemperance had left him. once or twice, wycherly had induced mildred to pass an hour with him alone in this romantic place, and some of his sweetest recollections of this just-minded and intelligent girl, were connected with the frank communications that had there occurred between them. on this bench he was seated at the time of the opening of the present chapter. the movement on the head, and about the cottage, was so great, as to deprive him of every chance of seeing mildred alone, and he had hoped that, led by some secret sympathy, she, too, might seek this perfectly retired seat, to obtain a moment of unobserved solitude, if not from some still dearer motive. he had not waited long, ere he heard a heavy foot over his head, and a man entered the summer-house. he was yet debating whether to abandon all hopes of seeing mildred, when his acute ear caught her light and well-known footstep, as she reached the summer-house, also. "father, i have come as you desired," said the poor girl, in those tremulous tones which wycherly too well understood, not to imagine the condition of dutton. "admiral bluewater dozes, and mother has permitted me to steal away." "ay, admiral bluewater is a great man, though but little better than a dead one!" answered dutton, as harshly in manner as the language was coarse. "you and your mother are all attention to _him_; did _i_ lie in his place, which of you would be found hanging over my bed, with pale cheeks and tearful eyes?" "_both_ of us, father! _do_ not--_do_ not think so ill of your wife and daughter, as to suppose it possible that either of them could forget her duty." "yes, _duty_ might do something, perhaps; what has duty to do with this useless rear-admiral? i _hate_ the scoundrel--he was one of the court that cashiered me; and one, too, that i am told, was the most obstinate in refusing to help me into this pitiful berth of a master." mildred was silent. she could not vindicate her friend without criminating her father. as for wycherly, he would have given a year's income to be at sea; yet he shrunk from wounding the poor daughter's feelings by letting her know he overheard the dialogue. this indecision made him the unwilling auditor of a conversation that he ought not to have heard--an occurrence which, had there been time for reflection, he would have taken means to prevent. "sit you down here, mildred," resumed dutton, sternly, "and listen to what i have to say. it is time that there should no longer be any trifling between us. you have the fortunes of your mother and myself in your hands; and, as one of the parties so deeply concerned, i am determined _mine_ shall be settled at once." "i do not understand you, father," said mildred, with a tremour in her voice that almost induced the young man to show himself, though, we owe it to truth to say, that a lively curiosity _now_ mingled with his other sensations. "how can i have the keeping of dear mother's fortunes and yours?" "_dear_ mother, truly!--_dear_ enough has she proved to me; but i intend the daughter shall pay for it. hark you, mildred; i'll have no more of this trifling--but i ask you in a father's name, if any man has offered you his hand? speak plainly, and conceal nothing--i _will_ be answered." "i wish to conceal nothing, father, that ought to be told; but when a young woman declines the honour that another does her in this way, _ought_ she to reveal the secret, even to her father?" "she _ought_; and, in your case, she _shall_. no more hesitation; name _one_ of the offers you have had." mildred, after a brief pause, in a low, tremulous voice, pronounced the name of "mr. rotherham." "i suspected as much," growled dutton; "there was a time when even _he_ might have answered, but we can do better than that now. still he may be kept as a reserve; the thousand pounds mr. thomas says shall be paid, and that and the living will make a comfortable port after a stormy life. well, who next, mildred? has mr. thomas wychecombe ever come to the point?" "he has asked me to become his wife, within the last twenty-four hours; if that is what you mean." "no affectations, milly; i can't bear them. you know well enough what i mean. what was your answer?" "i do not love him in the least, father, and, of course, i told him i could not marry him." "that don't follow _of course_, by any means, girl! the marrying is done by the priest, and the love is a very different thing. i hope you consider mrs. dutton as my wife?" "what a question!" murmured mildred. "well, and do you suppose she _loves_ me; _can_ love me, now i am a disgraced, impoverished man?" "father!" "come--come--enough of this. mr. thomas wychecombe may not be legitimate--i rather think he is not, by the proofs sir reginald has produced within the last day or two; and i understand his own mother is dissatisfied with him, and _that_ will knock his claim flat aback. notwithstanding, mildred, tom wychecombe has a good six hundred a year already, and sir reginald himself admits that he must take all the personal property the late baronet could leave." "you forget, father," said mildred, conscious of the inefficacy of any other appeal, "that mr. thomas has promised to pay the legacies that sir wycherly _intended_ to leave." "don't place any expectations on that, mildred. i dare say he would settle ten of the twenty thousand on you to-morrow, if you would consent to have him. but, now, as to this new baronet, for it seems he is to have both title and estate--has _he_ ever offered?" there was a long pause, during which wycherly thought he heard the hard but suppressed breathing of mildred. to remain quiet any longer, he felt was as impossible as, indeed, his conscience told him was dishonourable, and he sprang along the path to ascend to the summer-house. at the first sound of his footstep, a faint cry escaped mildred; but when wycherly entered the pavilion, he found her face buried in her hands, and dutton tottering forward, equally in surprise and alarm. as the circumstances would not admit of evasion, the young man threw aside all reserve, and spoke plainly. "i have been an unwilling listener to a _part_ of your discourse with mildred, mr. dutton," he said, "and can answer your last question for myself. i _have_ offered my hand to your daughter, sir; an offer that i now renew, and the acceptance of which would make me the happiest man in england. if your influence could aid me--for she has refused my hand." "refused!" exclaimed dutton, in a surprise that overcame the calculated amenity of manner he had assumed the instant wycherly appeared--"refused sir wycherly wychecombe! but it was before your rights had been as well established as they are now. mildred, answer to this--how _could_ you--nay, how _dare_ you refuse such an offer as this?" human nature could not well endure more. mildred suffered her hands to fall helplessly into her lap, and exposed a face that was lovely as that of an angel's, though pale nearly to the hue of death. feeling extorted the answer she made, though the words had hardly escaped her, ere she repented having uttered them, and had again buried her face in her hands-- "father"--she said--"_could_ i--_dare_ i to encourage sir wycherly wychecombe to unite himself to a family like ours!" conscience smote dutton with a force that nearly sobered him, and what explanation might have followed it is hard to say; wycherly, in an under-tone, however, requested to be left alone with the daughter. dutton had sense enough to understand he was _de trop_, and shame enough to wish to escape. in half a minute, he had hobbled up to the summit of the cliff and disappeared. "mildred!--_dearest_ mildred"--said wycherly, tenderly, gently endeavouring to draw her attention to himself, "we are alone now; surely--surely--you will not refuse to _look_ at _me_!" "is he gone?" asked mildred, dropping her hands, and looking wildly around. "thank god! it is over, for this time, at least! now, let us go to the house; admiral bluewater may miss me." "no, mildred, not yet. you surely can spare me--me, who have suffered so much of late on your account--nay, by your _means_--you can, in mercy, spare me a few short minutes. was _this_ the reason--the _only_ reason, dearest girl, why you so pertinaciously refused my hand?" "was it not sufficient, wycherly?" answered mildred, afraid the chartered air might hear her secret. "remember _who_ you are, and _what_ i am! could i suffer you to become the husband of one to whom such cruel, cruel propositions had been made by her own father!" "i shall not affect to conceal my horror of such principles, mildred, but your virtues shine all the brighter by having flourished in their company. answer me but one question frankly, and every other difficulty can be gotten over. do you love me well enough to be my wife, were you an orphan?" mildred's countenance was full of anguish, but this question changed its expression entirely. the moment was extraordinary as were the feelings it engendered, and, almost unconsciously to herself, she raised the hand that held her own to her lips, in a sort of reverence. in the next instant she was encircled in the young man's arms, and pressed with fervour to his heart. "let us go"--said mildred, extricating herself from an embrace that was too involuntarily bestowed, and too heartfelt to alarm her delicacy. "i feel certain admiral bluewater will miss me!" "no, mildred, we cannot part thus. give me, at least, the poor consolation of knowing, that if _this_ difficulty did not exist--that if you were an orphan for instance--you would be mine." "oh! wycherly, how gladly--how gladly!--but, say no more--nay--" this time the embrace was longer, more fervent even than before, and wycherly was too much of a sailor to let the sweet girl escape from his arms without imprinting on her lips a kiss. he had no sooner relinquished his hold of the slight person of mildred, ere it vanished. with this characteristic leave-taking, we change the scene to the tent of sir gervaise oakes. "you have seen admiral bluewater?" demanded the commander-in-chief, as soon as the form of magrath darkened the entrance, and speaking with the sudden earnestness of a man determined to know the worst. "if so, tell me at once what hopes there are for him." "of all the human passions, sir jairvis," answered magrath, looking aside, to avoid the keen glance of the other, "hope is generally considered, by all rational men, as the most treacherous and delusive; i may add, of all denominations or divisions of hope, that which decides on life is the most unsairtain. we all hope to live, i'm thinking, to a good old age, and yet how many of us live just long enough to be disappointed!" sir gervaise did not move until the surgeon ceased speaking; then he began to pace the tent in mournful silence. he understood magrath's manner so well, that the last faint hope he had felt from seeking his opinion was gone; he now knew that his friend must die. it required all his fortitude to stand up against this blow; for, single, childless, and accustomed to each other almost from infancy, these two veteran sailors had got to regard themselves as merely isolated parts of the same being. magrath was affected more than he chose to express, and he blew his nose several times in a way that an observer would have found suspicious. "will you confer on me the favour, dr. magrath," said sir gervaise, in a gentle, subdued manner, "to ask captain greenly to come hither, as you pass the flag-staff?" "most willingly, sir jairvis; and i know he'll be any thing but backward in complying." it was not long ere the captain of the plantagenet made his appearance. like all around him, the recent victory appeared to bring no exultation. "i suppose magrath told _you_ all," said the vice-admiral, squeezing the other's hand. "he gives no hopes, sir gervaise, i sincerely regret to say." "i knew as much! i knew as much! and yet he is easy, greenly!--nay, even seems happy. i _did_ feel a little hope that this absence from suffering might be a favourable omen." "i am glad to hear that much, sir; for i have been thinking that it is my duty to speak to the rear-admiral on the subject of his brother's marriage. from his own silence on the subject, it is possible--nay, from _all_ circumstances, it is _probable_ he never knew of it, and there may be reasons why he ought to be informed of the affair. as you say he is so easy, would there be an impropriety in mentioning it to him?" greenly could not possibly have made a suggestion that was a greater favour to sir gervaise. the necessity of doing, his habits of decision, and having an object in view, contributed to relieve his mind by diverting his thoughts to some active duty; and he seized his hat, beckoned greenly to follow, and moved across the hill with a rapid pace, taking the path to the cottage. it was necessary to pass the flag-staff. as this was done, every countenance met the vice-admiral's glance, with a look of sincere sympathy. the bows that were exchanged, had more in them than the naked courtesies of such salutations; they were eloquent of feeling on both sides. bluewater was awake, and retaining the hand of mildred affectionately in his own, when his friend entered. relinquishing his hold, however, he grasped the hand of the vice-admiral, and looked earnestly at him, as if he pitied the sorrow that he knew the survivor must feel. "my dear bluewater," commenced sir gervaise, who acted under a nervous excitement, as well as from constitutional decision, "here is greenly with something to tell you that we both think you ought to know, at a moment like this." the rear-admiral regarded his friend intently, as if inviting him to proceed. "why, it's about your brother jack. i fancy you cannot have known that he was ever married, or i think i should have heard you speak of it." "married!" repeated bluewater, with great interest, and speaking with very little difficulty. "i think that must be an error. inconsiderate and warm-hearted he was, but there was only one woman he _could_, nay, _would_ have married. she is long since dead, but not as _his_ wife; for that her uncle, a man of great wealth, but of unbending will, would never have suffered. _he_ survived her, though my poor brother did not." this was said in a mild voice, for the wounded man spoke equally without effort, and without pain. "you hear, greenly?" observed sir gervaise. "and yet it is not probable that you should be mistaken." "certainly, i am not, gentlemen. i saw colonel bluewater married, as did another officer who is at this moment in this very fleet. captain blakely is the person i mean, and i know that the priest who performed the ceremony is still living, a beneficed clergyman." "this is wonderful to me! he fervently loved agnes hedworth, but his poverty was an obstacle to the union; and both died so young, that there was little opportunity of conciliating the uncle." "that, sir, is your mistake. agnes hedworth was the bride." a noise in the room interrupted the dialogue, and the three gentlemen saw wycherly and mildred stooping to pick up the fragments of a bowl that mrs. dutton had let fall. the latter, apparently in alarm, at the little accident, had sunk back into a seat, pale and trembling. "my dear mrs. dutton, take a glass of water," said sir gervaise, kindly approaching her; "your nerves have been sorely tried of late; else would not such a trifle affect you." "it is not _that_!" exclaimed the matron, huskily. "it is not _that_! oh! the fearful moment has come at last; and, from my inmost spirit i thank thee, my lord and my god, that it has come free from shame and disgrace!" the closing words were uttered on bended knees, and with uplifted hands. "mother!--dearest, dearest mother," cried mildred, falling on her mother's neck. "what mean you? what new misery has happened to-day?" "_mother!_ yes, sweet one, thou art, thou ever _shalt_ be my child! this is the pang i have most dreaded; but what is an unknown tie of blood, to use, and affection, and to a mother's care? if i did not bear thee, mildred, no natural mother could have loved thee more, or would have died for thee, as willingly!" "distress has disturbed her, gentlemen," said mildred, gently extricating herself from her mother's arms, and helping her to rise. "a few moments of rest will restore her." "no, darling; it must come now--it _ought_ to come now--after what i have just heard, it would be unpardonable not to tell it, _now_. did i understand you to say, sir, that you were present at the marriage of agnes hedworth, and that, too, with the brother of admiral bluewater?" "of that fact, there can be no question, madam. i and others will testify to it. the marriage took place in london, in the summer of , while blakely and myself were up from portsmouth, on leave. colonel bluewater asked us both to be present, under a pledge of secresy." "and in the summer of , agnes hedworth died in my house and my arms, an hour after giving birth to this dear, this precious child--mildred dutton, as she has ever since been called--mildred bluewater, as it would seem her name should be." it is unnecessary to dwell on the surprise with which all present, or the delight with which bluewater and wycherly heard this extraordinary announcement. a cry escaped mildred, who threw herself on mrs. dutton's neck, entwining it with her arms, convulsively, as if refusing to permit the tie that had so long bound them together, to be thus rudely torn asunder. but half an hour of weeping, and of the tenderest consolations, calmed the poor girl a little, and she was able to listen to the explanations. these were exceedingly simple, and so clear, as, in connection with the other evidence, to put the facts out of all doubt. miss hedworth had become known to mrs. dutton, while the latter was an inmate of the house of her patron. a year or two after the marriage of the lieutenant, and while he was on a distant station, agnes hedworth threw herself on the protection of his wife, asking a refuge for a woman in the most critical circumstances. like all who knew agnes hedworth, mrs. dutton both respected and loved her; but the distance created between them, by birth and station, was such as to prevent any confidence. the former, for the few days passed with her humble friend, had acted with the quiet dignity of a woman conscious of no wrong; and no questions could be asked that implied doubts. a succession of fainting fits prevented all communications in the hour of death, and mrs. dutton found herself left with a child on her hands, and the dead body of her friend. miss hedworth had come to her dwelling unattended and under a false name. these circumstances induced mrs. dutton to apprehend the worst, and she proceeded to make her arrangements with great tenderness for the reputation of the deceased. the body was removed to london, and letters were sent to the uncle to inform him where it was to be found, with a reference should he choose to inquire into the circumstances of his niece's death. mrs. dutton ascertained that the body was interred in the usual manner, but no inquiry was ever made, concerning the particulars. the young duchess, miss hedworth's sister, was then travelling in italy, whence she did not return for more than a year; and we may add, though mrs. dutton was unable to make the explanation, that her inquiries after the fate of a beloved sister, were met by a simple statement that she had died suddenly, on a visit to a watering-place, whither she had gone with a female friend for her health. whether mr. hedworth himself had any suspicions of his niece's condition, is uncertain; but the probabilities were against it, for she had offended him by refusing a match equal in all respects to that made by her elder sister, with the single exception that the latter had married a man she loved, whereas he exacted of agnes a very different sacrifice. owing to the alienation produced by this affair, there was little communication between the uncle and niece; the latter passing her time in retirement, and professedly with friends that the former neither knew nor cared to know. in short, such was the mode of life of the respective parties, that nothing was easier than for the unhappy young widow to conceal her state from her uncle. the motive was the fortune of the expected child; this uncle having it in his power to alienate from it, by will, if he saw fit, certain family property, that might otherwise descend to the issue of the two sisters, as his co-heiresses. what might have happened in the end, or what poor agnes meditated doing, can never be known; death closing the secret with his irremovable seal. mrs. dutton was the mother of a girl but three months old, at the time this little stranger was left on her hands. a few weeks later her own child died; and having waited several months in vain for tidings from the hedworth family, she had the surviving infant christened by the same name as that borne by her own daughter, and soon came to love it, as much, perhaps, as if she had borne it. three years passed in this manner, when the time drew near for the return of her husband from the east indies. to be ready to meet him, she changed her abode to a naval port, and, in so doing, changed her domestics. this left her accidentally, but fortunately, as she afterwards thought, completely mistress of the secret of mildreth's birth; the one or two others to whom it was known being in stations to render it improbable they should ever communicate any thing on the subject, unless it were asked of them. her original intention, however, was to communicate the facts, without reserve, to her husband. but he came back an altered man; brutal in manners, cold in his affections, and the victim of drunkenness. by this time, the wife was too much attached to the child to think of exposing it to the wayward caprices of such a being; and mildred was educated, and grew in stature and beauty as the real offspring of her reputed parents. all this mrs. dutton related clearly and briefly, refraining, of course, from making any allusion to the conduct of her husband, and referring all her own benevolence to her attachment to the child. bluewater had strength enough to receive mildred in his arms, and he kissed her pale cheek, again and again, blessing her in the most fervent and solemn manner. "my feelings were not treacherous or unfaithful," he said; "i loved thee, sweetest, from the first. sir gervaise oakes has my will, made in thy favour, before we sailed on this last cruise, and every shilling i leave will be thine. mr. atwood, procure that will, and add a codicil explaining this recent discovery, and confirming the legacy; let not the last be touched, for it is spontaneous and comes from the heart." "and, now," answered mrs. dutton, "enough has passed for once. the sick-bed should be more quiet. give me my child, again:--i cannot yet consent to part with her for ever." "mother! mother!" exclaimed mildred, throwing herself on mrs. dutton's bosom--"i am yours, and yours only." "not so, i fear. mildred, if all i suspect be true, and this is as proper a moment as another to place that matter also before your honoured uncle. come forward, sir wycherly--i have understood you to say, this minute, in my ear, that you hold the pledge of this wilful girl to become your wife, should she ever be an orphan. an orphan she is, and has been since the first hour of her birth." "no--no--no," murmured mildred, burying her face still deeper in her mother's bosom, "not while _you_ live, _can_ i be an orphan. not now--another time--this is unseasonable--cruel--nay, it is not what i said."' "take her away, dearest mrs. dutton," said bluewater, tears of joy forcing themselves from his eyes. "take her away, lest too much happiness come upon me at once. my thoughts should be calmer at such a moment." wycherly removed mildred from her mother's arms, and gently led her from the room. when in mrs. dutton's apartment, he whispered something in the ear of the agitated girl that caused her to turn on him a look of happiness, though it came dimmed with tears; then _he_ had his turn of holding her, for another precious instant, to his heart. "my dear mrs. dutton--nay, my dear _mother_," he said, "mildred and myself have both need of parents. i am an orphan like herself, and we can never consent to part with you. look forward, i entreat you, to making one of our family in all things, for never can either mildred or myself cease to consider you as any thing but a parent entitled to more than common reverence and affection." wycherly had hardly uttered this proper speech, when he received what he fancied a ten-fold reward. mildred, in a burst of natural feeling, without affectation or reserve, but yielding to her heart only, threw her arms around his neck, murmured the word "thanks" several times, and wept freely on his bosom. when mrs. dutton received the sobbing girl from him, wycherly kissed the mother's cheek, and he left the room. admiral bluewater would not consent to seek his repose until he had a private conference with his friend and wycherly. the latter was frankness and liberality itself, but the former would not wait for settlements. these he trusted to the young man's honour. his own time was short, and he should die perfectly happy could he leave his niece in the care of one like our virginian. he wished the marriage to take place in his presence. on this, he even insisted, and, of course, wycherly make no objections, but went to state the case to mrs. dutton and mildred. "it is singular, dick," said sir gervaise, wiping his eyes, as he looked from a window that commanded a view of the sea, "that i have left both our flags flying in the cæsar! i declare, the oddness of the circumstance never struck me till this minute." "let them float thus a little longer, gervaise. they have faced many a gale and many a battle together, and may endure each other's company a few hours longer." chapter xxx. "compound or weakness and of strength, mighty, yet ignorant of thy power! loftier than earth, or air, or sea, yet meaner than the lowliest flower! margaret davidson. not a syllable of explanation, reproach, or self-accusation had passed between the commander-in-chief and the rear-admiral, since the latter received his wound. each party appeared to blot out the events of the last few days, leaving the long vista of their past services and friendship, undisfigured by a single unsightly or unpleasant object. sir gervaise, while he retained an active superintendence of his fleet, and issued the necessary orders right and left, hovered around the bed of bluewater with the assiduity and almost with the tenderness of a woman; still not the slightest allusion was made to the recent battles, or to any thing that had occurred in the short cruise. the speech recorded at the close of the last chapter, was the first words he had uttered which might, in any manner, carry the mind of either back to events that both might wish forgotten. the rear-admiral felt this forbearance deeply, and now that the subject was thus accidentally broached between them, he had a desire to say something in continuation. still he waited until the baronet had left the window and taken a seat by his bed. "gervaise," bluewater then commenced, speaking low from weakness, but speaking distinctly from feeling, "i cannot die without asking your forgiveness. there were several hours when i actually meditated treason--i will not say to my _king_; on that point my opinions are unchanged--but to _you_." "why speak of this, dick? you did not know yourself when you believed it possible to desert me in the face of the enemy. how much better i judged of your character, is seen in the fact that i did not hesitate to engage double my force, well knowing that you could not fail to come to my rescue." bluewater looked intently at his friend, and a smile of serious satisfaction passed over his pallid countenance as he listened to sir gervaise's words, which were uttered with his usual warmth and sincerity of manner. "i believe you know me better than i know myself," he answered, after a thoughtful pause; "yes, better than i know myself. what a glorious close to our professional career would it have been, oakes, had i followed you into battle, as was our old practice, and fallen in your wake, imitating your own high example!" "it is better as it is, dick--if any thing that has so sad a termination can be well--yes, it is better as it is; you have fallen at my _side_, as it were. we will think or talk no more of this." "we have been friends, and close friends too, for a long period, gervaise," returned bluewater, stretching his arm from the bed, with the long, thin fingers of the hand extended to meet the other's grasp; "yet, i cannot recall an act of yours which i can justly lay to heart, as unkind, or untrue." "god forgive me, if you can--i hope not, dick; most sincerely do i hope not. it would give me great pain to believe it." "_you_ have no cause for self-reproach. in no one act or thought can you justly accuse yourself with injuring _me_. i should die much happier could i say the same of myself, oakes!" "thought!--dick?--thought! you never meditated aught against _me_ in your whole life. the love you bear _me_, is the true reason why you lie there, at this blessed moment." "it is grateful to find that i have been understood. i am deeply indebted to you, oakes, for declining to signal me and my division down, when i foolishly requested that untimely forbearance. i was then suffering an anguish of mind, to which any pain of the body i may now endure, is an elysium; your self-denial gave time--" "for the _heart_ to prompt you to that which your feelings yearned to do from the first, bluewater," interrupted sir gervaise. "and, now, as your commanding officer, i enjoin silence on this subject, _for ever_." "i will endeavour to obey. it will not be long, oakes, that i shall remain under your orders," added the rear-admiral, with a painful smile. "there should be no charge of mutiny against me in the _last_ act of my life. you ought to forgive the one sin of omission, when you remember how much and how completely my will has been subject to yours, during the last five-and-thirty years,--how little my mind has matured a professional thought that yours has not originated!" "speak no more of 'forgive,' i charge you, dick. that you have shown a girl-like docility in obeying all my orders, too, is a truth i will aver before god and man; but when it comes to _mind_, i am far from asserting that mine has had the mastery. i do believe, could the truth he ascertained, it would be found that i am, at this blessed moment, enjoying a professional reputation, which is more than half due to you." "it matters little, now, gervaise--it matters little, now. we were two light-hearted and gay lads, oakes, when we first met as boys, fresh from school, and merry as health and spirits could make us." "we were, indeed, dick!--yes, we were; thoughtless as if this sad moment were never to arrive!" "there were george anson, and peter warren, little charley saunders, jack byng, and a set of us, that did, indeed, live as if we were never to die! we carried our lives, as it might be, in our hands, oakes!" "there is much of that, dick, in boyhood and youth. but, he is happiest, after all, who can meet this moment as you do--calmly, and yet without any dependence on his own merits." "i had an excellent mother, oakes! little do we think, in youth, how much we owe to the unextinguishable tenderness, and far-seeing lessons of our mothers! ours both died while we were young, yet i do think we were their debtors for far more than we could ever repay." sir gervaise simply assented, but making no immediate answer, otherwise, a long pause succeeded, during which the vice-admiral fancied that his friend was beginning to doze. he was mistaken. "you will be made viscount bowldero, for these last affairs, gervaise," the wounded man unexpectedly observed, showing how much his thoughts were still engrossed with the interests of his friend. "nor do i see why you should again refuse a peerage. those who remain in this world, may well yield to its usages and opinions, while they do not interfere with higher obligations." "i!"--exclaimed sir gervaise, gloomily. "the thought of so commemorating what has happened, would be worse than defeat to me! no--i ask no change of name to remind me constantly of my loss!" bluewater looked grateful, rather than pleased; but he made no answer. now, he fell into a light slumber, from which he did not awake until the time he had himself set for the marriage of wycherly and mildred. with one uncle dead and still unburied, and another about to quit the world for ever, a rite that is usually deemed as joyous as it is solemn, might seem unseasonable; but the dying man had made it a request that he might have the consolation of knowing ere he expired, that he left his niece under the legal protection of one as competent, as he was desirous of protecting her. the reader must imagine the arguments that were used for the occasion, but they were such as disposed all, in the end, to admit the propriety of yielding their ordinary prejudices to the exigencies of the moment. it may be well to add, also, to prevent useless cavilling, that the laws of england were not as rigid on the subject of the celebration of marriages in , as they subsequently became; and that it was lawful then to perform the ceremony in a private house without a license, and without the publishing of banns, even; restrictions that were imposed a few years later. the penalty for dispensing with the publication of banns, was a fine of £ , imposed on the clergyman; and this fine bluewater chose to pay, rather than leave the only great object of life that now remained before him unaccomplished. this penalty in no degree impaired the validity of the contract, though mrs. dutton, as a woman, felt averse to parting with her beloved, without a rigid observance of all the customary forms. the point had finally been disposed of, by recourse to arguments addressed to the reason of this respectable woman, and by urging the necessity of the case. her consent, however, was not given without a proviso, that a license should be subsequently procured, and a second marriage be had at a more fitting moment, should the ecclesiastical authorities consent to the same; a most improbable thing in itself. mr. rotherham availed himself of the statute inflicting the penalty, as an excuse for not officiating. his real motive, however, was understood, and the chaplain of the plantagenet, a divine of character and piety, was substituted in his place. bluewater had requested that as many of the captains of the fleet should be present as could be collected, and it was the assembling of these warriors of the deep, together with the arrival of the clergyman, that first gave notice of the approach of the appointed hour. it is not our intention to dwell on the details of a ceremony that had so much that was painful in its solemnities. neither wycherly nor mildred made any change in their attire, and the lovely bride wept from the time the service began, to the moment when she left the arms of her uncle, to be received in those of her husband, and was supported from the room. all seemed sad, indeed, but bluewater; to him the scene was exciting, but it brought great relief to his mind. "i am now ready to die, gentlemen," he said, as the door closed on the new-married couple. "my last worldly care is disposed of, and it were better for me to turn all my thoughts to another state of being. my niece, lady wychecombe, will inherit the little i have to leave; nor do i know that it is of much importance to substantiate her birth, as her uncle clearly bestowed what would have been her mother's property, on her aunt, the duchess. if my dying declaration can be of any use, however, you hear it, and can testify to it. now, come and take leave of me, one by one, that i may bless you all, and thank you for much undeserved, and, i fear, unrequited love." the scene that followed was solemn and sad. one by one, the captains drew near the bed, and to each the dying man had something kind and affectionate to say. even the most cold-hearted looked grave, and o'neil, a man remarkable for a _gaité de c[oe]ur_ that rendered the excitement of battle some of the pleasantest moments of his life, literally shed tears on the hand he kissed. "ah! my old friend," said the rear-admiral, as parker, of the carnatic, drew near in his customary meek and subdued manner, "you perceive it is not years alone that bring us to our graves! they tell me you have behaved as usual in these late affairs; i trust that, after a long life of patient and arduous services, you are about to receive a proper reward." "i will acknowledge, admiral bluewater," returned parker, earnestly, "that it would be peculiarly grateful to receive some mark of the approbation of my sovereign; principally on account of my dear wife and children. we are not, like yourself, descended from a noble family; but must carve our rights to distinction, and they who have never known honours of this nature, prize them highly." "ay, my good parker," interrupted the rear-admiral, "and they who have ever known them, know their emptiness; most especially as they approach that verge of existence whence the eye looks in a near and fearful glance, over the vast and unknown range of eternity." "no doubt, sir; nor am i so vain as to suppose that hairs which have got to be grey as mine, can last for ever. but, what i was about to say is, that precious as honours are to the humble, i would cheerfully yield every hope of the sort i have, to see you on the poop of the cæsar again, with mr. cornet at your elbow, leading the fleet, or following the motions of the vice-admiral." "thank you, my good parker; that can never be; nor can i say, now, that i wish it might. when we have cast off from the world, there is less pleasure in looking back, than in looking ahead. god bless you, parker, and keep you, as you ever have been, an honest man." stowel was the last to approach the bed, nor did he do it until all had left the room but sir gervaise and himself. the indomitable good-nature, and the professional nonchalance of bluewater, by leaving every subordinate undisturbed in the enjoyment of his own personal caprices, had rendered the rear-admiral a greater favourite, in one sense at least, than the commander-in-chief. stowel, by his near connection with bluewater, had profited more by these peculiarities than any other officer under him, and the effect on his feelings had been in a very just proportion to the benefits. he could not refrain, it is true, from remembering the day when he himself had been a lieutenant in the ship in which the rear-admiral had been a midshipman, but he no longer recollected the circumstance with the bitterness that it sometimes drew after it. on the contrary, it was now brought to his mind merely as the most distant of the many land-marks in their long and joint services. "well, stowel," observed bluewater, smiling sadly, "even the old cæsar must be left behind. it is seldom a flag-captain has not some heart-burnings on account of his superior, and most sincerely do i beg you to forget and forgive any i may have occasioned yourself." "heaven help me, sir!--i was far, just then, from thinking of any such thing! i was fancying how little i should have thought it probable, when we were together in the calypso, that i should ever be thus standing at _your_ bed-side. really, admiral bluewater, i would rejoice to share with you the remnant of life that is left me." "i do believe you would, stowel; but that can never be. i have just performed my last act in this world, in giving my niece to sir wycherly wychecombe." "yes, sir;--yes, sir--marriage is no doubt honourable, as i often tell mrs. stowel, and therefore not to be despised; and yet it _is_ singular, that a gentleman who has lived a bachelor himself, should fancy to see a marriage ceremony performed, and that, too, at the cost of £ , if any person choose to complain, just at the close of his own cruise! however, men are no more alike in such matters, than women in their domestic qualities; and i sincerely hope this young sir wycherly may find as much comfort, in the old house i understand he has a little inland here, as you and i have had together, sir, in the old cæsar. i suppose there'll be no co-equals in wychecombe hall." "i trust not, stowel. but you must now receive my last orders, as to the cæsar--" "the commander-in-chief has his own flag flying aboard of us, sir!" interrupted the methodical captain, in a sort of admonitory way. "never mind that, stowel;--i'll answer for his acquiescence. my body must be received on board, and carried round in the ship to plymouth. place it on the main-deck, where the people can see the coffin; i would pass my last hours above ground, in their midst." "it shall be done, sir--yes, sir, to the letter, sir gervaise not countermanding. and i'll write this evening to mrs. stowel to say she needn't come down, as usual, as soon as she hears the ship is in, but that she must wait until your flag is fairly struck." "i should be sorry, stowel, to cause a moment's delay in the meeting of husband and wife!" "don't name it, admiral bluewater;--mrs. stowel will understand that it's duty; and when we married, i fully explained to her that duty, with a sailor, came before matrimony." a little pause succeeded, then bluewater took a final and affectionate leave of his captain. some twenty minutes elapsed in a profound silence, during which sir gervaise did not stir, fancying that his friend again dozed. but it was ordered that bluewater was never to sleep again, until he took the final rest of the dead. it was the mind, which had always blazed above the duller lethargy of his body, that buoyed him thus up, giving an unnatural impulse to his physical powers; an impulse, however, that was but momentary, and which, by means of the reaction, contributed, in the end, to his more speedy dissolution. perceiving, at length, that his friend did not sleep, sir gervaise drew near his bed. "richard," he said, gently, "there is one without, who pines to be admitted. i have refused even his tears, under the impression that you felt disposed to sleep." "never less so. my mind appears to become brighter and clearer, instead of fading; i think i shall never sleep, in the sense you mean. whoever the person is, let him be admitted." receiving this permission, sir gervaise opened the door, and geoffrey cleveland entered. at the same moment, galleygo, who came and went at pleasure, thrust in his own ungainly form. the boy's face betrayed the nature and the extent of his grief. in his mind, admiral bluewater was associated with all the events of his own professional life; and, though the period had in truth been so short, in his brief existence, the vista through which he looked back, seemed quite as long as that which marked the friendship of the two admirals, themselves. although he struggled manfully for self-control, feeling got the better of the lad, and he threw himself on his knees, at the side of his bed, sobbing as if his heart would break. bluewater's eye glistened, and he laid a hand affectionately on the head of his young relative. "gervaise, you will take charge of this boy, when i'm gone," he said; "receive him in your own ship. i leave him to you, as a very near and dear professional legacy. cheer up--cheer up--my brave boy; look upon all this as a sailor's fortune. our lives are the--" the word "king's," which should have succeeded, seemed to choke the speaker. casting a glance of meaning at his friend, with a painful smile on his face, he continued silent. "ah! dear sir," answered the midshipman, ingenuously; "i knew that _we_ might all be killed, but it never occurred to me that an admiral could lose his life in battle. i'm sure--i'm sure you are the very first that has met with this accident!" "not by many, my poor geoffrey. as there are but few admirals, few fall; but we are as much exposed as others." "if i had only run that monsieur des prez through the body, when we closed with him," returned the boy, grating his teeth, and looking all the vengeance for which, at the passing instant, he felt the desire; "it would have been _something_! i might have done it, too, for he was quite unguarded!" "it would have been a very bad _thing_, boy, to have injured a brave man, uselessly." "of what use was it to shoot you, sir? we took their ship, just the same as if you had not been hurt." "i rather think, geoffrey, their ship was virtually taken before i was wounded," returned bluewater, smiling. "but i was shot by a french marine, who did no more than his duty." "yes, sir," exclaimed the boy, impatiently; "and _he_ escaped without a scratch. _he_, at least, ought to have been _massacred_." "thou art bloody-minded, child; i scarce know thee. _massacred_ is not a word for either a british nobleman or a british sailor. i saved the life of that marine; and, when you come to lie, like me, on your death-bed, geoffrey, you will learn how sweet a consolation can be derived from the consciousness of such an act; we all need mercy, and none ought to expect it, for themselves, who do not yield it to others." the boy was rebuked, and his feelings took a better, though scarcely a more natural direction. bluewater now spoke to him of his newly-discovered cousin, and had a melancholy satisfaction in creating an interest in behalf of mildred, in the breast of the noble-hearted and ingenuous boy. the latter listened with respectful attention, as had been his wont, until, deceived by the tranquil and benevolent manner of bluewater, he permitted himself to fall into the natural delusion of believing the wound of the rear-admiral less serious than he had supposed, and to begin to entertain hopes that the wounded man might yet survive. calmed by these feelings, he soon ceased to weep; and, promising discretion, was permitted by sir gervaise to remain in the room, where he busied himself in the offices of a nurse. another long pause succeeded this exciting little scene, during which bluewater lay quietly communing with himself and his god. sir gervaise wrote orders, and read reports, though his eye was never off the countenance of his friend more than a minute or two at a time. at length, the rear-admiral aroused himself, again, and began to take an interest once more, in the persons and things around him. "galleygo, my old fellow-cruiser," he said, "i leave sir gervaise more particularly in your care. as we advance in life, our friends decrease in numbers; it is only those that have been well tried that we can rely on." "yes, admiral blue, i knows that, and so does sir jarvy. yes, old shipmates afore young 'uns, any day, and old sailors, too, afore green hands. sir jarvy's bowlderos are good plate-holders, and the likes of that; but when it comes to heavy weather, and a hard strain, i thinks but little on 'em, all put together." "by the way, oakes," said bluewater, with a sudden interest in such a subject, that he never expected to feel again, "i have heard nothing of the first day's work, in which, through the little i have gleaned, by listening to those around me, i understand you took a two-decker, besides dismasting the french admiral?" "pardon me, dick; you had better try and catch a little sleep; the subject of those two days' work is really painful to me." "well, then, sir jarvy, if you has an avarsion to telling the story to admiral blue, i can do it, your honour," put in galleygo, who gloried in giving a graphic description of a sea-fight. "i thinks, now, a history of that day will comfort a flag-hofficer as has been so badly wounded himself." bluewater offering no opposition, galleygo proceeded with his account of the evolutions of the ships, as we have already described them, succeeding surprisingly well in rendering the narrative interesting, and making himself perfectly intelligible and clear, by his thorough knowledge, and ready use, of the necessary nautical terms. when he came to the moment in which the english line separated, part passing to windward, and part to leeward of the two french ships, he related the incident in so clear and spirited a manner, that the commander-in-chief himself dropped his pen, and sat listening with pleasure. "who could imagine, dick," sir gervaise observed, "that those fellows in the tops watch us so closely, and could give so accurate an account of what passes!" "ah! gervaise, and what is the vigilance of galleygo to that of the all-seeing eye! it is a terrible thought, at an hour like this, to remember that nothing can be forgotten. i have somewhere read that not an oath is uttered that does not continue to vibrate through all time, in the wide-spreading currents of sound--not a prayer lisped, that its record is not also to be found stamped on the laws of nature, by the indelible seal of the almighty's will!" there was little in common between the religious impressions of the two friends. they were both sailors, and though the word does not necessarily imply that they were sinners in an unusual degree, neither does it rigidly imply that they were saints. each had received the usual elementary education, and then each had been turned adrift, as it might be on the ocean of life, to suffer the seed to take root, and the fruit to ripen as best they might. few of those "who go down to the great deep in ships," and who escape the more brutalizing effects of lives so rude, are altogether without religious impressions. living so much, as it were, in the immediate presence of the power of god, the sailor is much disposed to reverence his omnipotence, even while he transgresses his laws; but in nearly all those instances in which nature has implanted a temperament inclining to deep feeling, as was the case with bluewater, not even the harsh examples, nor the loose or irresponsible lives of men thus separated from the customary ties of society, can wholly extinguish the reverence for god which is created by constantly dwelling in the presence of his earthly magnificence. this sentiment in bluewater had not been altogether without fruits, for he both read and reflected much. sometimes, though at isolated and distant intervals, he even prayed; and that fervently, and with a strong and full sense of his own demerits. as a consequence of this general disposition, and of the passing convictions, his mind was better attuned for the crisis before him, than would have been the case with most of his brethren in arms, who, when overtaken with the fate so common to the profession, are usually left to sustain their last moments with the lingering enthusiasm of strife and victory. on the other hand, sir gervaise was as simple as a child in matters of this sort. he had a reverence for his creator, and such general notions of his goodness and love, as the well-disposed are apt to feel; but all the dogmas concerning the lost condition of the human race, the mediation, and the power of faith, floated in his mind as opinions not to be controverted, and yet as scarcely to be felt. in short, the commander-in-chief admitted the practical heresy, which overshadows the faith of millions, while he deemed himself to be a stout advocate of church and king. still, sir gervaise oakes, on occasions, was more than usually disposed to seriousness, and was even inclined to be devout; but it was without much regard to theories or revelation. at such moments, while his opinions would not properly admit him within the pale of any christian church, in particular, his feelings might have identified him with all. in a word, we apprehend he was a tolerably fair example of what vague generalities, when acting on a temperament not indisposed to moral impressions, render the great majority of men; who flit around the mysteries of a future state, without alighting either on the consolations of faith, or discovering any of those logical conclusions which, half the time unconsciously to themselves, they seem to expect. when bluewater made his last remark, therefore, the vice-admiral looked anxiously at his friend; and religion for the first time since the other received his hurt, mingled with his reflections. he had devoutly, though mentally, returned thanks to god for his victory, but it had never occurred to him that bluewater might need some preparation for death. "would you like to see the plantagenet's chaplain, again, dick?" he said, tenderly; "you are no _papist_; of _that_ i am certain." "in that you are quite right, gervaise. i consider all churches--_the_ one holy _catholic_ church, if you will, as but a means furnished by divine benevolence to aid weak men in their pilgrimage; but i also believe that there is even a shorter way to his forgiveness than through these common avenues. how far i am right," he added, smiling, "none will probably know better than myself, a few hours hence." "friends _must_ meet again, hereafter, bluewater; it is irrational to suppose that they who have loved each other so well in this state of being, are to be for ever separated in the other." "we will hope so, oakes," taking the vice-admiral's hand; "we will hope so. still, there will be no ships for us--no cruises--no victories--no triumphs! it is only at moments like this, at which i have arrived, that we come to view these things in their proper light. of all the past, your constant, unwavering friendship, gives me the most pleasure!" the vice-admiral could resist no longer. he turned aside and wept. this tribute to nature, in one so manly, was imposing even to the dying man, and galleygo regarded it with awe. familiar as the latter had become with his master, by use and indulgence, no living being, in his estimation, was as authoritative or as formidable as the commander-in-chief; and the effect of the present spectacle, was to induce him to hide his own face in self-abasement. bluewater saw it all, but he neither spoke, nor gave any token of his observation. he merely prayed, and that right fervently, not only for his friend, but for his humble and uncouth follower. a reaction took place in the system of the wounded man, about nine o'clock that night. at this time he believed himself near his end, and he sent for wycherly and his niece, to take his leave of them. mrs. dutton was also present, as was magrath, who remained on shore, in attendance. mildred lay for half an hour, bathing her uncle's pillow with her tears, until she was removed at the surgeon's suggestion. "ye'll see, sir gervaise," he whispered--(or "sir jairvis," as he always pronounced the name,)--"ye'll see, sir jairvis, that it's a duty of the faculty to _prolong_ life, even when there's no hope of _saving_ it; and if ye'll be regairding the judgment of a professional man, lady wychecombe had better withdraw. it would really be a matter of honest exultation for us plantagenets to get the rear-admiral through the night, seeing that the surgeon of the cæsar said he could no survive the setting sun." at the moment of final separation, bluewater had little to say to his niece. ho kissed and blessed her again and again, and then signed that she should be taken away. mrs. dutton, also, came in for a full share of his notice, he having desired her to remain after wycherly and mildred had quitted the room. "to your care and affection, excellent woman," he said, in a voice that had now sunk nearly to a whisper--"we owe it, that mildred is not unfit for her station. her recovery would have been even more painful than her loss, had she been restored to her proper family, uneducated, vulgar, and coarse." "that could hardly have happened to mildred, sir, in any circumstances," answered the weeping woman. "nature has done too much for the dear child, to render her any thing but delicate and lovely, under any tolerable circumstances of depression." "she is better as she is, and god be thanked that he raised up such a protector for her childhood. you have been all in all to her in her infancy, and she will strive to repay it to your age." of this mrs. dutton felt too confident to need assurances; and receiving the dying man's blessing, she knelt at his bed-side, prayed fervently for a few minutes, and withdrew. after this, nothing out of the ordinary track occurred until past midnight, and magrath, more than once, whispered his joyful anticipations that the rear-admiral would survive until morning. an hour before day, however, the wounded man revived, in a way that the surgeon distrusted. he knew that no physical change of this sort could well happen that did not arise from the momentary ascendency of mind over matter, as the spirit is on the point of finally abandoning its earthly tenement; a circumstance of no unusual occurrence in patients of strong and active intellectual properties, whose faculties often brighten for an instant, in their last moments, as the lamp flashes and glares as it is about to become extinct. going to the bed, he examined his patient attentively, and was satisfied that the final moment was near. "you're a man and a soldier, sir jairvis," he said, in a low voice, "and it'll no be doing good to attempt misleading your judgment in a case of this sort. our respectable friend, the rear-admiral, is _articulo mortis_, as one might almost say; he cannot possibly survive half an hour." sir gervaise started. he looked around him a little wistfully; for, at that moment, he would have given much to be alone with his dying friend. but he hesitated to make a request, which, it struck him, might seem improper. from this embarrassment, however, he was relieved by bluewater, himself, who had the same desire, without the same scruples about confessing it. _he_ drew the surgeon to his side, and whispered a wish to be left alone with the commander-in-chief. "well, there will be no trespass on the rules of practice in indulging the poor man in his desire," muttered magrath, as he looked about him to gather the last of his professional instruments, like the workman who is about to quit one place of toil to repair to another; "and i'll just be indulging him." so saying, he pushed galleygo and geoffrey from the room before him, left it himself, and closed the door. finding himself alone, sir gervaise knelt at the side of the bed and prayed, holding the hand of his friend in both his own. the example of mrs. dutton, and the yearnings of his own heart, exacted this sacrifice; when it was over he felt a great relief from sensations that nearly choked him. "do you forgive me, gervaise?" whispered bluewater. "name it not--name it not, my best friend. we all have our moments of weakness, and our need of pardon. may god forget all _my_ sins, as freely as i forget your errors!" "god bless you, oakes, and keep you the same simple-minded, true-hearted man, you have ever been." sir gervaise buried his face in the bed-clothes, and groaned. "kiss me, oakes," murmured the rear-admiral. in order to do this, the commander-in-chief rose from his knees and bent over the body of his friend. as he raised himself from the cheek he had saluted, a benignant smile gleamed on the face of the dying man, and he ceased to breathe. near half a minute followed, however, before the last and most significant breath that is ever drawn from man, was given. the remainder of that night sir gervaise oakes passed in the chamber alone, pacing the floor, recalling the many scenes of pleasure, danger, pain, and triumph, through which he and the dead had passed in company. with the return of light, he summoned the attendants, and retired to his tent. chapter xxxi. "and they came for the buried king that lay at rest in that ancient fane; for he must be armed on the battle day, with them to deliver spain!-- then the march went sounding on, and the moors by noontide sun, were dust on tolosa's plain." mrs. hemans. it remains only to give a rapid sketch of the fortunes of our principal characters, and of the few incidents that are more immediately connected with what has gone before. the death of bluewater was announced to the fleet, at sunrise, by hauling down his flag from the mizzen of the cæsar. the vice-admiral's flag came down with it, and re-appeared at the next minute at the fore of the plantagenet. but the little white emblem of rank never went aloft again in honour of the deceased. at noon, it was spread over his coffin, on the main-deck of the ship, agreeably to his own request; and more than once that day, did some rough old tar use it, to wipe the tear from his eyes. in the afternoon of the day after the death of one of our heroes, the wind came round to the westward, and all the vessels lifted their anchors, and proceeded to plymouth. the crippled ships, by this time, were in a state to carry more or less sail, and a stranger who had seen the melancholy-looking line, as it rounded the start, would have fancied it a beaten fleet on its return to port. the only signs of exultation that appeared, were the jacks that were flying over the white flags of the prizes; and even when all had anchored, the same air of sadness reigned among these victorious mariners. the body was landed, with the usual forms; but the procession of warriors of the deep that followed it, was distinguished by a gravity that exceeded the ordinary aspects of mere form. many of the captains, and greenly in particular, had viewed the man[oe]uvring of bluewater with surprise, and the latter not altogether without displeasure; but his subsequent conduct completely erased these impressions, leaving no other recollection connected with his conduct that morning than the brilliant courage, and admirable handling of his vessels, by which the fortunes of a nearly desperate day were retrieved. those who did reflect any longer on the subject, attributed the singularity of the course pursued by the rear-admiral, to some private orders communicated in the telegraphic signal, as already mentioned. it is unnecessary for us to dwell on the particular movements of the fleet, after it reached plymouth. the ships were repaired, the prizes received into the service, and, in due time, all took the sea again, ready and anxious to encounter their country's enemies. they ran the careers usual to english heavy cruisers in that age; and as ships form characters in this work, perhaps it may not be amiss to take a general glance at their several fortunes, together with those of their respective commanders. sir gervaise fairly wore out the plantagenet, which vessel was broken up three years later, though not until she had carried a blue flag at her main, more than two years. greenly lived to be a rear-admiral of the red, and died of yellow-fever in the island of barbadoes. the cæsar, with stowel still in command of her, foundered at sea in a winter's cruise in the baltic, every soul perishing. this calamity occurred the winter succeeding the summer of our legend, and the only relieving circumstance connected with the disaster, was the fact that her commander got rid of mrs. stowel altogether, from that day forward. the thunderer had her share in many a subsequent battle, and foley, her captain, died rear-admiral of england, and a vice-admiral of the red, thirty years later. the carnatic was commanded by parker, until the latter got a right to hoist a blue flag at the mizzen; which was done for just one day, to comply with form, when both ship and admiral were laid aside, as too old for further use. it should be added, however, that parker was knighted by the king on board his own ship; a circumstance that cast a halo of sunshine over the close of the life of one, who had commenced his career so humbly, as to render this happy close more than equal to his expectations. in direct opposition to this, it may be said here, that sir gervaise refused, for the third time, to be made viscount bowldero, with a feeling just the reverse of that of parker's; for, secure of his social position, and careless of politics, he viewed the elevation with an indifference that was a natural consequence enough of his own birth, fortune, and high character. on this occasion,--it was after another victory,--george ii. personally alluded to the subject, remarking that the success we have recorded had never met with its reward; when the old seaman let out the true secret of his pertinaciously declining an honour, about which he might otherwise have been supposed to be as indifferent to the acceptance, as to the refusal. "sir," he answered to the remark of the king, "i am duly sensible of your majesty's favour; but, i can never consent to receive a patent of nobility that, in my eyes, will always seem to be sealed with the blood of my closest and best friend." this reply was remembered, and the subject was never adverted to again. the fate of the blenheim was one of those impressive blanks that dot the pages of nautical history. she sailed for the mediterranean alone, and after she had discharged her pilot, was never heard of again. this did not occur, however, until captain sterling had been killed on her decks, in one of sir gervaise's subsequent actions. the achilles was suffered to drift in, too near to some heavy french batteries, before the treaty of aix-la-chapelle was signed; and, after every stick had been again cut out of her, she was compelled to lower her flag. his earldom and his courage, saved lord morganic from censure; but, being permitted to go up to paris, previously to his exchange, he contracted a matrimonial engagement with a celebrated _danseuse_, a craft that gave him so much future employment, that he virtually abandoned his profession. nevertheless, his name was on the list of vice-admirals of the blue, when he departed this life. the warspite and captain goodfellow both died natural deaths; one as a receiving-ship, and the other as a rear-admiral of the white. the dover, captain drinkwater, was lost in attempting to weather scilly in a gale, when her commander, and quite half her crew, were drowned. the york did many a hard day's duty, before her time arrived; but, in the end, she was so much injured in a general action as to be abandoned and set fire to, at sea. her commander was lost overboard, in the very first cruise she took, after that related in this work. the elizabeth rotted as a guard-ship, in the medway; and captain blakely retired from the service with one arm, a yellow admiral. the dublin laid her bones in the cove of cork, having been condemned after a severe winter passed on the north coast. captain o'neil was killed in a duel with a french officer, after the peace; the latter having stated that his ship had run away from two frigates commanded by the _chevalier_. the chloe was taken by an enemy's fleet, in the next war; but captain denham worked his way up to a white flag at the main, and a peerage. the druid was wrecked that very summer, chasing inshore, near bordeaux; and blewet, in a professional point of view, never regained the ground he lost, on this occasion. as for the sloops and cutters, they went the way of all small cruisers, while their nameless commanders shared the usual fates of mariners. wycherly remained at wychecombe until the interment of his uncle took place; at which, aided by sir reginald's influence and knowledge, and, in spite of tom's intrigues, he appeared as chief mourner. the affair of the succession was also so managed as to give him very little trouble. tom, discovering that his own illegitimacy was known, and seeing the hopelessness of a contest against such an antagonist as sir reginald, who knew quite as much of the facts as he did of the law of the case, was fain to retire from the field. from that moment, no one heard any thing more of the legacies. in the end he received the £ , in the five per cents, and the few chattels sir wycherly had a right to give away; but his enjoyment of them was short, as he contracted a severe cold that very autumn, and died of a malignant fever, in a few weeks. leaving no will, his property escheated; but it was all restored to his two uterine brothers, by the liberality of the ministry, and out of respect to the long services of the baron, which two brothers, it will he remembered, alone had any of the blood of wychecombe in their veins to boast of. this was disposing of the savings of both the baronet and the judge, with a very suitable regard to moral justice. wycherly also appeared, though it was in company with sir gervaise oakes, as one of the principal mourners at the funeral obsequies of admiral bluewater. these were of a public character, and took place in westminster abbey. the carriages of that portion of the royal personages who were not restrained by the laws of court-etiquette, appeared in the procession; and several members of that very family that the deceased regarded as intruders, were present incog. at his last rites. this, however, was but one of the many illusions that the great masquerade of life is constantly offering to the public gaze. there was little difficulty in establishing the claims of mildred, to be considered the daughter of colonel bluewater and agnes hedworth. lord bluewater was soon satisfied; and, as he was quite indifferent to the possession of his kinsman's money, an acquisition he neither wished nor expected, the most perfect good-will existed between the parties. there was more difficulty with the duchess of glamorgan, who had acquired too many of the notions of very high rank, to look with complacency on a niece that had been educated as the daughter of a sailing-master in the navy. she raised many objections, while she admitted that she had been the confidant of her sister's attachment to john bluewater. her second son, geoffrey, did more to remove her scruples than all the rest united; and when sir gervaise oakes, in person, condescended to make a journey to the park, to persuade her to examine the proofs, she could not well decline. as soon as one of her really candid mind entered into the inquiry, the evidence was found to be irresistible, and she at once yielded to the feelings of nature. wycherly had been indefatigable in establishing his wife's claims--more so, indeed, than in establishing his own; and, at the suggestion of the vice-admiral--or, admiral of the white, as he had become by a recent general promotion--he consented to accompany the latter in this visit, waiting at the nearest town, however, for a summons to the park, as soon as it could be ascertained that his presence would be agreeable to its mistress. "if my niece prove but half as acceptable in appearance, as my _nephew_, sir gervaise," observed the duchess, when the young virginian was introduced to her, and laying stress on the word we have italicised--"nothing can be wanting to the agreeables of this new connection. i am impatient, now, to see my niece; sir wycherly wychecombe has prepared me to expect a young woman of more than common merit." "my life on it, duchess, he has not raised your expectations too high. the poor girl is still dwelling in her cottage, the companion of her reputed mother; but it is time, wychecombe, that you had claimed your bride." "i expect to find her and mrs. dutton at the hall, on my return, sir gervaise; it having been thus arranged between us. the sad ceremonies through which we have lately been, were unsuited to the introduction of the new mistress to her abode, and the last had been deferred to a more fitting occasion." "let the first visit that lady wychecombe pays, be to this place," said the duchess. "i do not command it, sir wycherly, as one who has some slight claims to her duty; but i solicit it, as one who wishes to possess every hold upon her love. her mother was an _only_ sister; and an _only_ sister's child must be very near to one." it would have been impossible for the duchess of glamorgan to have said as much as this before she saw the young virginian; but, now he had turned out a person so very different from what she expected, she had lively hopes in behalf of her niece. wycherly returned to wychecombe, after this short visit to mildred's aunt, and found his lovely bride in quiet possession, accompanied by her mother. dutton still remained at the station, for he had the sagacity to see that he might not be welcome, and modesty enough to act with a cautious reserve. but wycherly respected his excellent wife too profoundly not to have a due regard to her feelings, in all things; and the master was invited to join the party. brutality and meanness united, like those which belonged to the character of dutton, are not easily abashed, and he accepted the invitation, in the hope that, after all, he was to reap as many advantages by the marriage of mildred with the affluent baronet, as if she had actually been his daughter. after passing a few weeks in sober happiness at home, wycherly felt it due to all parties, to carry his wife to the park, in order that she might make the acquaintance of the near relatives who dwelt there. mrs. dutton, by invitation, was of the party; but dutton was left behind, having no necessary connection with the scenes and the feelings that were likely to occur. it would be painting the duchess too much _en beau_, were we to say that she met mildred without certain misgivings and fears. but the first glimpse of her lovely niece completely put natural feelings in the ascendency. the resemblance to her sister was so strong as to cause a piercing cry to escape her, and, bursting into tears, she folded the trembling young woman to her heart, with a fervour and sincerity that set at naught all conventional manners. this was the commencement of a close intimacy; which lasted but a short time, however, the duchess dying two years later. wycherly continued in the service until the peace of aix-la-chapelle, when he finally quitted the sea. his strong native attachments led him back to virginia, where all his own nearest relatives belonged, and where his whole heart might be said to be, when he saw mildred and his children at his side. with him, early associations and habits had more strength, than traditions and memorials of the past. he erected a spacious dwelling on the estate inherited from his father, where he passed most of his time; consigning wychecombe to the care of a careful steward. with the additions and improvements that he was now enabled to make, his virginian estate produced even a larger income than his english, and his interests really pointed to the choice he had made. but no pecuniary considerations lay at the bottom of his selection. he really preferred the graceful and courteous ease of the intercourse which characterized the manners of james' river. in that age, they were equally removed from the coarse and boisterous jollity of the english country-squire, and the heartless conventionalities of high life. in addition to this, his sensitive feelings rightly enough detected that he was regarded in the mother-country as a sort of intruder. he was spoken of, alluded to in the journals, and viewed even by his tenants as the _american_ landlord; and he never felt truly at home in the country for which he had fought and bled. in england, his rank as a baronet was not sufficient to look down these little peculiarities; whereas, in virginia, it gave him a certain _éclat_, that was grateful to one of the main weaknesses of human nature. "at home," as the mother-country was then affectionately termed, he had no hope of becoming a privy councillor; while, in his native colony, his rank and fortune, almost as a matter of course, placed him in the council of the governor. in a word, while wycherly found most of those worldly considerations which influence men in the choice of their places of residence, in favour of the region in which he happened to be born, his election was made more from feeling and taste than from any thing else. his mind had taken an early bias in favour of the usages and opinions of the people among whom he had received his first impressions, and this bias he retained to the hour of his death. like a true woman, mildred found her happiness with her husband and children. of the latter she had but three; a boy and two girls. the care of the last was early committed to mrs. dutton. this excellent woman had remained at wychecombe with her husband, until death put an end to his vices, though the close of his career was exempt from those scenes of brutal dictation and interference that had rendered the earlier part of her life so miserable. apprehension of what might be the consequences to himself, acted as a check, and he had sagacity enough to see that the physical comforts he now possessed were all owing to the influence of his wife. he lived but four years, however. on his death, his widow immediately took her departure for america. it would be substituting pure images of the fancy for a picture of sober realities, were we to say that lady wychecombe and her adopted mother never regretted the land of _their_ birth. this negation of feeling, habits, and prejudices, is not to be expected even in an esquimaux. they both had occasional strictures to make on the _climate_, (and this to wycherly's great surprise, for _he_ conscientiously believed that of england to be just the worst in the world,) on the fruits, the servants, the roads, and the difficulty of procuring various little comforts. but, as this was said good-naturedly and in pleasantry, rather than in the way of complaint, it led to no unpleasant scenes or feelings. as all three made occasional voyages to england, where his estates, and more particularly settlements with his factor, compelled the baronet to go once in about a lustrum, the fruits and the climate were finally given up by the ladies. after many years, even the slip-shod, careless, but hearty attendance of the negroes, came to be preferred to the dogged mannerism of the english domestics, perfect as were the latter in their parts; and the whole subject got to be one of amusement, instead of one of complaint. there is no greater mistake than to suppose that the traveller who passes _once_ through a country, with his home-bred, and quite likely _provincial_ notions thick upon him, is competent to describe, with due discrimination, even the usages of which he is actually a witness. this truth all the family came, in time, to discover; and while it rendered them more strictly critical in their remarks, it also rendered them more tolerant. as it was, few happier families were to be found in the british empire, than that of sir wycherly wychecombe; its head retaining his manly and protecting affection for all dependent on him, while his wife, beautiful as a matron, as she had been lovely as a girl, clung to him with the tenacity of the vine to its own oak. of the result of the rising in the north, it is unnecessary to say much. the history of the _chevalier's_ successes in the first year, and of his final overthrow at culloden, is well known. sir reginald wychecombe, like hundreds of others, played his cards so skilfully that he avoided committing himself; and, although he lived and eventually died a suspected man, he escaped forfeitures and attainder. with sir wycherly, as the head of his house, he maintained a friendly correspondence to the last, even taking charge of the paternal estate in its owner's absence; manifesting to the hour of his death, a scrupulous probity in matters of money, mingled with an inherent love of management and intrigue, in things that related to politics and the succession. sir reginald lived long enough to see the hopes of the jacobites completely extinguished, and the throne filled by a native englishman. many long years after the events which rendered the week of its opening incidents so memorable among its actors, must now be imagined. time had advanced with its usual unfaltering tread, and the greater part of a generation had been gathered to their fathers. george iii. had been on the throne not less than three lustrums, and most of the important actors of the period of ' , were dead;--many of them, in a degree, forgotten. but each age has its own events and its own changes. those colonies, which in were so loyal, so devoted to the house of hanover, in the belief that political and religious liberty depended on the issue, had revolted against the supremacy of the parliament of the empire. america was already in arms against the mother country, and the very day before the occurrence of the little scene we are about to relate, the intelligence of the battle of bunker hill had reached london. although the gazette and national pride had, in a degree, lessened the characteristics of this most remarkable of all similar combats, by exaggerating the numbers of the colonists engaged, and lessening the loss of the royal troops, the impression produced by the news is said to have been greater than any known to that age. it had been the prevalent opinion of england--an opinion that was then general in europe, and which descended even to our own times--that the animals of the new continent, man included, had less courage and physical force, than those of the old; and astonishment, mingled with the forebodings of the intelligent, when it was found that a body of ill-armed countrymen had dared to meet, in a singularly bloody combat, twice their number of regular troops, and that, too, under the guns of the king's shipping and batteries. rumours, for the moment, were rife in london, and the political world was filled with gloomy anticipations of the future. on the morning of the day alluded to, westminster abbey, as usual, was open to the inspection of the curious and interested. several parties were scattered among its aisles and chapels, some reading the inscriptions on the simple tablets of the dead which illustrate a nation, in illustrating themselves; others listening to the names of princes who derived their consequence from their thrones and alliances; and still other sets, who were wandering among the more elaborate memorials that have been raised equally to illustrate insignificance, and to mark the final resting-places of more modern heroes and statesmen. the beauty of the weather had brought out more visiters than common, and not less than half-a-dozen equipages were in waiting, in and about palace yard. among others, one had a ducal coronet. this carriage did not fail to attract the attention that is more than usually bestowed on rank, in england. all were empty, however, and more than one party of pedestrians entered the venerable edifice, rejoicing that the view of a duke or a duchess, was to be thrown in, among the other sights, gratuitously. all who passed on foot, however, were not influenced by this vulgar feeling; for, one group went by, that did not even cast a glance at the collection of carriages; the seniors of the party being too much accustomed to such things to lend them a thought, and the juniors too full of anticipations of what they were about to see, to think of other matters. this party consisted of a handsome man of fifty-odd, a lady some three or four years his junior well preserved and still exceedingly attractive; a young man of twenty-six, and two lovely girls, that looked like twins; though one was really twenty-one, and the other but nineteen. these were sir wycherly and lady wychecombe, wycherly their only son, then just returned from a five years' peregrination on the continent of europe, and mildred and agnes, their daughters. the rest of the family had arrived in england about a fortnight before, to greet the heir on his return from the _grand tour_, as it was then termed. the meeting had been one of love, though lady wychecombe had to reprove a few innocent foreign affectations, as she fancied them to be, in her son; and the baronet, himself, laughed at the scraps of french, italian, and german, that quite naturally mingled in the young man's discourse. all this, however, cast no cloud over the party, for it had ever been a family of entire confidence and unbroken love. "this is a most solemn place to me," observed sir wycherly, as they entered at the poets' corner, "and one in which a common man unavoidably feels his own insignificance. but, we will first make our pilgrimage, and look at these remarkable inscriptions as we come out. the tomb we seek is in a chapel on the other side of the church, near to the great doors. when i last saw it, it was quite alone." on hearing this, the whole party moved on; though the two lovely young virginians cast wistful and curious eyes behind them, at the wonders by which they were surrounded. "is not this an extraordinary edifice, wycherly?" half whispered agnes, the youngest of the sisters, as she clung to one arm of her brother, mildred occupying the other. "can the whole world furnish such another?" "so much for hominy and james' river!" answered the young man, laughing--"now could you but see the pile at rouen, or that at rheims, or that at antwerp, or even that at york, in this good kingdom, old westminster would have to fall back upon its little tablets and big names. but sir wycherly stops; he must see what he calls his land-fall." sir wycherly had indeed stopped. it was in consequence of having reached the head of the _ch[oe]ur_, whence he could see the interior of the recess, or chapel, towards which he had been moving. it still contained but a single monument, and that was adorned with an anchor and other nautical emblems. even at that distance, the words "richard bluewater, rear-admiral of the white," might be read. but the baronet had come to a sudden halt, in consequence of seeing a party of three enter the chapel, in which he wished to be alone with his own family. the party consisted of an old man, who walked with tottering steps, and this so much the more from the circumstance that he leaned on a domestic nearly as old as himself, though of a somewhat sturdier frame, and of a tall imposing-looking person of middle age, who followed the two with patient steps. several attendants of the cathedral watched this party from a distance with an air of curiosity and respect; but they had been requested not to accompany it to the chapel. "they must be some old brother-officers of my poor uncle's, visiting his tomb!" whispered lady wychecombe. "the very venerable gentleman has naval emblems about his attire." "_do_ you--_can_ you forget him, love? 'tis sir gervaise oakes, the pride of england! yet how changed! it is now five-and-twenty years since we last met; still i knew him at a glance. the servant is old galleygo, his steward; but the gentleman with him is a stranger. let us advance; _we_ cannot be intruders in such a place." sir gervaise paid no attention to the entrance of the wychecombes. it was evident, by the vacant look of his countenance, that time and hard service had impaired his faculties, though his body remained entire; an unusual thing for one who had been so often engaged. still there were glimmerings of lively recollections, and even of strong sensibilities about his eyes, as sudden fancies crossed his mind. once a year, the anniversary of his friend's interment, he visited that chapel; and he had now been brought here as much from habit, as by his own desire. a chair was provided for him, and he sat facing the tomb, with the large letters before his eyes. he regarded neither, though he bowed courteously to the salute of the strangers. his companion at first seemed a little surprised, if not offended at the intrusion; but when wycherly mentioned that they were relatives of the deceased, he also bowed complacently, and made way for the ladies. "this it is as what you wants to see, sir jarvy," observed galleygo, jogging his master's shoulder by way of jogging his memory. "them 'ere cables and hanchors, and that 'ere mizzen-mast, with a rear-admiral's flag a-flying, is rigged in this old church, in honour of our friend admiral blue, as was; but as is now dead and gone this many a long year." "admiral of the blue," repeated sir gervaise coldly. "you're mistaken, galleygo, i'm an admiral of the white, and admiral of the fleet in the bargain. i know my own rank, sir." "i knows that as well as you does yourself, sir jarvy," answered galleygo, whose grammar had rather become confirmed than improved, by time, "or as well as the first lord himself. but admiral blue was once your best friend, and i doesn't at all admire at your forgetting him--one of these long nights you'll be forgetting _me_." "i beg your pardon, galleygo; i rather think not. i remember _you_, when a very young man." "well, and so you mought remember admiral blue, if you'd just try. i know'd ye both when young luffs, myself." "this is a painful scene," observed the stranger to sir wycherly, with a melancholy smile. "this gentleman is now at the tomb of his dearest friend; and yet, as you see, he appears to have lost all recollection that such a person ever existed. for what do we live, if a few brief years are to render our memories such vacant spots!" "has he been long in this way?" asked lady wychecombe, with interest. the stranger started at the sound of her voice. he looked intently into the face of the still fair speaker, before he answered; then he bowed, and replied-- "he has been failing these five years, though his last visit here was much less painful than this. but are our own memories perfect?--surely, i have seen that face before!--these young ladies, too--" "geoffrey--_dear_ cousin geoffrey!" exclaimed lady wychecombe, holding out both her hands. "it is--it must be the duke of glamorgan, wycherly!" no further explanations were needed. all the parties recognised each other in an instant. they had not met for many--many years, and each had passed the period of life when the greatest change occurs in the physical appearance; but, now that the ice was broken, a flood of recollections poured in. the duke, or geoffrey cleveland, as we prefer to call him, kissed his cousin and her daughters with frank affection, for no change of condition had altered his simple sea-habits, and he shook hands with the gentlemen, with a cordiality like that of old times. all this, however, was unheeded by sir gervaise, who sat looking at the monument, in a dull apathy. "galleygo," he said; but galleygo had placed himself before sir wycherly, and thrust out a hand that looked like a bunch of knuckles. "i knows ye!" exclaimed the steward, with a grin. "i know'd ye in the offing yonder, but i couldn't make out your number. lord, sir, if this doesn't brighten sir jarvy up, again, and put him in mind of old times, i shall begin to think we have run out cable to the better end." "i will speak to him, duke, if you think it advisable?" said sir wycherly, in an inquiring manner. "galleygo," put in sir gervaise, "what lubber fitted that cable?--he has turned in the clench the wrong way." "ay--ay, sir, they _is_ great lubbers, them stone-cutters, sir jarvy; and they knows about as much of ships, as ships knows of them. but here is _young_ sir wycherly wychecombe come to see you--the _old_ 'un's nevy." "sir wycherly, you are a very welcome guest. bowldero is a poor place for a gentleman of your merit; but such as it is, it is entirely at your service. what did you say the gentleman's name was, galleygo?" "sir wycherly wychecombe, the _young_ 'un--the _old_ 'un slipped the night as we moored in his house." "i hope, sir gervaise, i have not entirely passed from your recollection; it would grieve me sadly to think so. and my poor uncle, too; he who died of apoplexy in your presence!" "_nullus, nulla, nullum._ that's good latin, hey! duke? _nullius, nullius, nullius._ my memory _is_ excellent, gentlemen; nominative, _penna_; genitive, _pennæ_, and so on." "now, sir jarvy, since you're veering out your latin, _i_ should likes to know if you can tell a 'clove-hitch' from a 'carrick-bend?'" "that is an extraordinary question, galleygo, to put to an old seaman!" "well, if you remembers _that_, why can't you just as reasonably remember your old friend, admiral blue?" "admiral of the blue! i do recollect _many_ admirals of the blue. they ought to make me an admiral of the blue, duke; i've been a rear-admiral long enough." "you've _been_ an admiral of the blue _once_; and that's enough for any man," interrupted galleygo, again in his positive manner; "and it isn't five minutes since you know'd your own rank as well as the secretary to the admiralty himself. he veers and hauls, in this fashion, on an idee, gentlemen, until he doesn't know one end of it from t'other." "this is not uncommon with men of great age," observed the duke. "they sometimes remember the things of their youth, while the whole of later life is a blank. i have remarked this with our venerable friend, in whose mind i think it will not be difficult, however, to revive the recollection of admiral bluewater, and even of yourself, sir wycherly. let _me_ make the effort, galleygo." "yes, lord geoffrey," for so the steward always called the quondam reefer, "you does handle him more like a quick-working boat, than any on us; and so i'll take an hopportunity of just overhauling our old lieutenant's young 'uns, and of seeing what sort of craft he has set afloat for the next generation." "sir gervaise," said the duke, leaning over the chair, "here is sir wycherly wychecombe, who once served a short time with us as a lieutenant; it was when you were in the plantagenet. you remember the plantagenet, i trust, my dear sir?" "the plantagenets? certainly, duke; i read all about them when a boy. edwards, and henrys, and _richards_--" at the last name he stopped; the muscles of his face twitched; memory had touched a sensitive chord. but it was too faintly, to produce more than a pause. "there, now," growled galleygo, in agnes' face, he being just then employed in surveying her through a pair of silver spectacles that were a present from his master, "you see, he has forgotten the old planter; and the next thing, he'll forget to eat his dinner. it's _wicked_, sir jarvy, to forget _such_ a ship." "i trust, at least, you have not forgotten richard bluewater?" continued the duke, "he who fell in our last action with the comte de vervillin?" a gleam of intelligence shot into the rigid and wrinkled face; the eye lighted, and a painful smile struggled around the lips. "what, _dick_!" he exclaimed, in a voice stronger than that in which he had previously spoken. "_dick!_ hey! duke? _good, excellent dick?_ we were midshipmen together, my lord duke; and i loved him like a brother!" "i _knew_ you did! and i dare say now you can recollect the melancholy occasion of his death?" "is dick _dead_?" asked the admiral, with a vacant gaze. "lord--lord, sir jarvy, you knows he is, and that 'ere marvel constructure is his monerment--now you _must_ remember the old planter, and the county of fairvillian, and the threshing we guv'd him?" "pardon me, galleygo; there is no occasion for warmth. when i was a midshipman, warmth of expression was disapproved of by all the elder officers." "you cause me to lose ground," said the duke, looking at the steward by way of bidding him be silent: "is it not extraordinary, sir wycherly, how his mind reverts to his youth, overlooking the scenes of latter life! yes, _dick is_ dead, sir gervaise. he fell in that battle in which you were doubled on by the french--when you had le foudroyant on one side of you, and le pluton on the other--" "_i remember it!_" interrupted sir gervaise, in a clear strong voice, his eye flashing with something like the fire of youth--"i remember it! le foudroyant was on our starboard beam; le pluton a little on our larboard bow--bunting had gone aloft to look out for bluewater--no--poor bunting was killed--" "sir wycherly wychecombe, who afterwards married mildred bluewater, dick's niece," put in the baronet, himself, almost as eager as the admiral had now become; "sir wycherly wychecombe _had_ been aloft, but was returned to report the pluton coming down!" "so he did!--god bless him! a clever youth, and he _did_ marry dick's niece. god bless them _both_. well, sir, you're a stranger, but the story will interest you. there we lay, almost smothered in the smoke, with one two-decker at work on our starboard beam, and another hammering away on the larboard bow, with our top-masts over the side, and the guns firing through the wreck." "ay, now you're getting it like a book!" exclaimed galleygo exultingly, flourishing his stick, and strutting about the little chapel; "that's just the way things was, as i knows from seeing 'em!" "i'm quite certain i'm right, galleygo?" "right! your honour's righter than any log-book in the fleet. give it to 'em, sir jarvy, larboard and starboard!" "that we did--that we did"--continued the old man earnestly, becoming even grand in aspect, as he rose, always gentleman-like and graceful, but filled with native fire, "that did we! de vervillin was on our right, and des prez on our left--the smoke was choking us all--bunting--no; young wychecombe was at my side; he said a fresh frenchman was shoving in between us and le pluton, sir--god forbid! i _thought_; for we had enough of them, us it was. there she comes! see, here is her flying-jib-boom-end--and there--hey! wychecombe?--_that's_ the _old roman_, shoving through the smoke!--cæsar himself! and there stands dick and young geoffrey cleveland--_he_ was of your family, duke--there stands dick bluewater, between the knight-heads, waving his hat--_hurrah!_--he's true, at last!--he's true, at last--_hurrah! hurrah!_" the clarion tones rose like a trumpet's blast, and the cheering of the old sailor rang in the arches of the abbey church, causing all within hearing to start, as if a voice spoke from the tombs. sir gervaise, himself, seemed surprised; he looked up at the vaulted roof, with a gaze half-bewildered, half-delighted. "is this bowldero, or glamorgan house, my lord duke," he asked, in a whisper. "it is neither, admiral oakes, but westminster abbey; and this is the tomb of your friend, rear-admiral richard bluewater." "galleygo, help me to kneel," the old man added in the manner of a corrected school-boy. "the stoutest of us all, should kneel to god, in his own temple. i beg pardon, gentlemen; i wish to pray." the duke of glamorgan and sir wycherly wychecombe helped the admiral to his knees, and galleygo, as was his practice, knelt beside his master, who bowed his head on his man's shoulders. this touching spectacle brought all the others into the same humble attitude. wycherly, mildred, and their children, with the noble, kneeling and praying in company. one by one, the latter arose; still galleygo and his master continued on the pavement. at length geoffrey cleveland stepped forward, and raised the old man, placing him, with wycherly's assistance, in the chair. here he sat, with a calm smile on his aged features, his open eyes riveted seemingly on the name of his friend, perfectly dead. there had been a reaction, which suddenly stopped the current of life, at the heart. thus expired sir gervaise oakes, full of years and of honours; one of the bravest and most successful of england's sea-captains. he had lived his time, and supplied an instance of the insufficiency of worldly success to complete the destiny of man; having, in a degree, survived his faculties, and the consciousness of all he had done, and all he merited. as a small offset to this failing of nature, he had regained a glimmering view of one of the most striking scenes, and of much the most enduring sentiment, of a long life, which god, in mercy, permitted to be terminated in the act of humble submission to his own greatness and glory. syd belton; or, the boy who would not go to sea, by george manville fenn. ________________________________________________________________________ the book opens with a domestic scene with the boy sydney having just finished dinner with his father, a captain in the navy, and his uncle, an admiral. they are discussing syd's career, which the two old gentlemen hope will be as a naval officer. syd, however has other ideas: he has been on his rounds with the local doctor, and thinks that he might like to be a doctor, too. the time of the story is in the middle of the eighteenth century, but the only real evidence of this is the fact of people wearing cocked hats. other than that the story might fit a hundred years later, though there is a point late in the story where the french are the enemy. there is an episode in which syd runs away from home, in company with the son of his father's gardener, the latter having been his boatswain in his naval days. on his return he realises that he does really want to be a naval officer, too. his father tries to get him an appointment as a midshipman with a captain he formerly served with, but was rebuffed. he realises that the present first sea lord, the title of the admiral in command of the whole navy, is someone he used to serve with in former days, so they go to see this eminent officer. the outcome is that syd's father is appointed to command the sirius, and is invited to take syd with him as a midshipman. from here on we have an excellent and well-told narrative, describing syd's early days in the navy, and then an episode when he finds himself in command of a naval party holding a rock in the caribbean. you'll enjoy this story, especially if you make an audiobook of it. ________________________________________________________________________ syd belton; or, the boy who would not go to sea, by george manville fenn. chapter one. the boy who would not go to sea. "here you, syd, pass the port." sydney belton took hold of the silver decanter-stand and slid it carefully along the polished mahogany table towards where admiral belton sat back in his chair. "avast!" the ruddy-faced old gentleman roared out that adjuration in so thunderous a way that the good-looking boy who was passing the decanter started and nearly turned it over. "what's the matter, tom?" came from the other end of the table, where captain belton, a sturdy-looking, grey-haired gentleman nearly as ruddy as his brother, was the admiral's _vis-a-vis_. "he's passing the decanter without filling his own glass!" cried the admiral. "fill up, you young dog, and drink the king's health." "no, thank you, uncle," said the boy, quietly, "i've had one glass." "well, sir, so have i. don't i tell you i'm going to propose the king's health?" "i'll drink it in water, uncle." "what, sir? drink the health of his most gracious majesty in raw water! not if i know it." "but port wine makes my face burn, uncle, and doctor liss says--" "confound doctor liss, sir! hang doctor liss, sir! by george, sir, if i were in active service again, and your doctor liss were in my squadron, i'd have him triced up and give him twelve dozen, sir." "no, you wouldn't, uncle," said the boy, cracking a walnut, and glancing at his father, who was watching him furtively. "what, sir? i wouldn't? look here, brother harry, liss is corrupting this boy's mind." "i don't know about corrupting, tom," said the captain, smiling, "but he certainly does seem to be putting some queer things into his head." "so it seems. teaches him to drink the king's health in water." "no, he didn't, uncle," said the boy, cracking another walnut. "yes, he did, sir. how dare you contradict me! confound you, sir, if i had you aboard ship i'd mast-head you." "no, you wouldn't, uncle," said the boy, dipping a piece of freshly-peeled walnut in the salt and crunching it between his teeth. "what, sir?" "i say you would not," replied the boy. "and pray why, you young dog?" "because you'd know father wouldn't like it." captain belton laughed and sipped his port, and the admiral blew out his cheeks. "look here, brother harry," he cried; "is this my nephew sydney, or some confounded young son of a sea-lawyer?" "oh, it's syd, sure enough," said the captain. "then he's grown into an insolent, pragmatical young cock-a-hoop upstart; and hang it, i should like to spread-eagle him till he came to his senses." the boy, who was peeling a scrap of walnut, gave his uncle a sidelong look and laughed. "ah, i would, sir, and no mistake," cried the admiral, fiercely. "harry, you don't half preserve discipline in the ship. here, syd, it's time you were off to sea." the boy took another walnut and crushed it, conscious of the fact that his father was watching him intently. "i don't want to go to sea, uncle," said the boy at last, as he picked off the scraps of broken shell from his walnut. "what?" roared the admiral. "here you, sir, say that again." "i don't want to go to sea, uncle." "you--don't--want--to go--to sea, sir?" "no, uncle." "well, i am stunned," said the old gentleman, rapidly pouring out and tossing off a glass of port. "brother harry, what have you to say to this?" "that it is all nonsense. the boy does not know his own mind." "of course not," cried the admiral, turning sharply upon sydney, who went on picking the skin from his walnut. "do you know, sir, that your family have been sailors as far back as the days of elizabeth." "yes, uncle," said the boy, coolly. "i've often heard you say so." "and that it is your duty, as the last representative of the family, to maintain its honour, sir?" "no, uncle." "what, sir?" cried the old man, fiercely. "i'm not fit to be a sailor," continued the boy, quietly enough. "and pray, why not, sydney?" said captain belton, frowning. "because i'm such a coward, father." "a belton!" groaned the admiral, "and says he is a coward." "a boy to be a sailor ought to be fond of the sea." "of course, sir," said the captain. "and i hate it." "and pray why?" said the admiral, fiercely. "because it's so salt," said syd, busy helping himself to some more of the condiment he had named. "salt?" cried the admiral. "of course it is, and so it ought to be. nonsense! he's laughing at us, harry--a dog." "no, i'm not, uncle; i'm not fit to be a sailor." "then, pray, what are you fit for, sir?" cried captain belton, angrily. "i mean to be a doctor!" "what!" roared the two officers together. _crack! crack_! "put that walnut and those crackers down, sir!" said the captain, sternly. "i am glad your uncle started this subject, for it was time we had an explanation. do you know that with his interest at the admiralty and mine you could be entered on board a first-rate man-of-war?" "yes, and well looked after, sir," cried the admiral; "so that when you had properly gone through your term, and been master's mate long enough, your promotion would have been certain." "yes, uncle, father has often said so," replied sydney, reaching for another walnut, and taking up the crackers. "put that walnut down, sir," cried his father. sydney obeyed, and to keep his hands under control thrust them in his pockets and leaned back in his chair. "well, sir," said his uncle, "does not that make you feel proud?" "no, uncle." "what! don't you know that you would have a uniform and wear a sword--i mean a dirk?" "yes, uncle." "well, sir? why, at your time of life i was mad to have my uniform." "what for?" said the boy. "what for, sir? what for? why, to wear, of course." "i don't want to wear a uniform. you couldn't climb trees, nor go fishing, nor shrimping, nor riding in a uniform." "no, sir," continued the admiral, after winking and frowning at his brother to leave the boy to him, "of course not. you would be an officer and a gentleman then, and wear a cocked hat." "ha! ha! ha!" the boy burst into a hearty fit of laughter, and his father frowned. "sydney--" he began. "no, no, harry, leave him to me," said the admiral; "i'll talk to him. now, sir," he continued, turning to the boy sternly, "pray what did i say to make you start grinning like a confounded young monkey? i--i--i am not accustomed to be laughed at by impertinent boys." "i was not laughing at you, uncle," said the boy, dragging one hand from his pocket and making a lunge at an apple. "leave that fruit alone, sir," said the admiral, "and don't tell me a confounded lie, sir. you did laugh at me." "i did not," said the boy; "and that's not a lie." "what!" roared the admiral, turning purple. "how dare you, sir! to the mast-head at once, and stop there till--" a hearty burst of laughter from his brother and nephew quelled the old man's anger. "ah, you may laugh at that," he said. "force of habit. but you've got to apologise, you young monkey, for what you said." "i can't apologise for what i did not do," said the boy, stubbornly. "what, sir?" "steady, steady, sir," said the captain. "he's a confoundedly impudent young scamp, but he could not tell a lie." "but he laughed in my face, harry?" "i was laughing at myself, uncle." "at yourself, sir?" "yes, i was thinking what a popinjay i should look in a cocked hat." "well, really," said the admiral, "i am beginning to be glad, harry, that i never married and had a son. i used to be envious about this boy, and wanted a share in him. but a boy who can laugh at a part of his majesty's uniform--well! why, you young whipper-snapper, did i ever look a--a--a popinjay in my cocked hat?" "well, you used to look very rum, uncle." "harry, my dear boy," said the admiral, fiercely; "we are old men, and this young dog represents us. may i take him into the library, and give him a good caning?" "no, tom, certainly not." "no, of course not, harry; i beg your pardon. now, sir--pass that port--and--a--don't fill your own glass. port like that, sir, is only fit for gentlemen. and you--you want to be a doctor, eh?" "yes, uncle," said the boy, pushing the decanter along the table. "and pray what for, sir?" "to do good to people." "what? a doctor do good! rubbish! never did me a bit of good." "oh, but they do, uncle." "never, sir. that liss has pretty well poisoned me over and over again." "oh, uncle, what a--" "you say that if you dare, sir," cried the old admiral, bringing his hand down bang upon the table, and making the glasses dance. "it's the truth. always made my gout worse. colchicum--colchicum--colchicum--and the pain awful. doctors are an absurd new invention, and of no use whatever." "why, you always have a doctor on board ship." "surgeon, you young dog, surgeon. doctor! bah! hang all doctors! a surgeon is of some use in action, cutting, and splicing, and fishing a poor fellow's limbs; but a doctor--" at that moment a rubicund butler opened the dining-room door, and stood back for some one to enter. "doctor liss, sir," he said quietly; and a quick, eager-looking little man in snuff-coloured coat and long, salt-box-pocketed waistcoat entered the room, handing his cocked hat and stick to the butler, and nodding pleasantly from one to the other. "who was that shouting for the doctor?" he said cheerily, as he rubbed his hands; then took out a gold snuff-box, tapped it, opened it, and handed it to the captain. "you, wasn't it, sir thomas? touch of your old enemy?" "no," grunted the admiral, "i'm sound as a roach. bah!" "thankye, liss," said the captain, taking his pinch, and handing back the box; "sit down. syd, pass those clean glasses." the admiral took a pinch, and then the new-comer took his, loudly snapped-to the box, and drew out a delicate cambric handkerchief to flap off some snuff from his shirt-frill. as soon as the doctor was comfortably seated the port was passed, and then there was silence, sydney looking from one to the other, and wondering what was coming next. the doctor, too, looked from one to the other and formed his own opinion. "hullo!" he said. "in disgrace, sydney? what have you been doing, sir?" "eating walnuts," said the boy, mischievously. "and defying his father and uncle--a dog!" cried the admiral. "here, liss; what do you think he says?" "bless me! i don't know." "why, confound him! says he wants to be a doctor." "does he?" cried the new-comer, turning to look at sydney. "well, i'm not surprised." "but i am," cried captain belton, angrily. "and i'm astounded," said the admiral. "a belton descend to being an apothecary." "ah!" said the doctor, dryly, as he held his glass up to the light, "terrible descent, certainly. wants to save life instead of destroying it." "now, look here, liss," began the admiral, fiercely. "no, no, tom, let me speak," said captain belton. "no quarrelling." "no, you had better not quarrel," said the doctor, good-humouredly. "make you both ill, and then i shall have you at my mercy." "indeed you will not," said the admiral, "for i'll call in old marchant from lowerport." "not you," cried the doctor, laughing; "you dare not. i'm the only man who understands your constitution." "there, there, there!" cried the captain, "that's enough. but really, sir, it's too bad. as an old friend i did not think you would lead my boy astray." "i? astray? nonsense!" "but you have, sir. you've taken him out with you on your rounds, and the young dog thinks of nothing else but doctoring." "and pill-boxes and gallipots," said the admiral, fiercely. "now, my dear old friends, you are not talking sense," said the doctor, quietly. "sydney has been my rounds with me a good deal, and he has certainly displayed so much interest in all my surgical cases, that if he were my boy i should certainly make him a doctor." "impossible!" cried the captain. "not to be heard of," said sir thomas. "he's going to sea." sydney, who had been fidgeting about in his chair, gave a sudden kick out with his right leg, and felt something soft as his uncle uttered a savage yell, and thrust his chair back from the table. "i--i beg your pardon, uncle, i did not know that--" "you did, sir," cried the old man furiously, as he shook his fist at the boy. "you did it maliciously; out of spite, because i want to make a man of you. bless me, harry," he continued, "if you don't take that young scoundrel out into the hall and thrash him, i'll never darken your doors again. dear--dear--dear--dear! bless my soul! ah!" the poor old admiral had risen, and was limping about when sydney went after him. "uncle," he began. "bah!" ejaculated the old man, grasping him by the collar. "here he is, brother harry; i've got him. now then, take him out." "i'm very sorry, uncle," said sydney. "i didn't know it was your gouty leg there." "then, you did do it on purpose, sir?" "no, i didn't, uncle. i wouldn't have been such a coward." "of course he wouldn't," said the doctor. "but there, sir, sit down; the pain is gone off now." "how do you know?" cried the admiral. "it's as if ten thousand red-hot irons were searing it. harry, you've spoiled that boy." "no, i join issue there," said captain belton. "you've indulged him ten times more than ever i have, tom." "it is not true, brother harry," said the admiral, limping to his chair. "oh yes, it is. hasn't your uncle spoiled you, sydney, far more than i have?" "no, father," replied the boy, quietly, as he helped the old admiral to sit down, and placed an ottoman under his injured leg. "thankye, boy, thankye. and you're not so bad as i said; 'tis quite true, it's your father's doing." "i think you've both spoiled me," said sydney, quietly; and the doctor helped himself to another glass of port to hide his mirth. "won't do, liss, you're laughing. i can see you," said the admiral. "that's just what you doctors enjoy, seeing other people suffer, so that you may laugh and grow fat." "oh, i was not laughing at your pain," said the doctor, quietly, "but at sydney's judgment. he is quite right, you do both spoil him." "what?" "he has three times as much money to spend as is right, and i wonder he does not waste it more. well, syd, my boy, so they will not let you be a doctor?" sydney frowned, and cracked a walnut till the shell and nut were all crushed together. "and so you are to make up your mind to go to sea?" "yes," said the admiral, emphatically. "certainly," said captain belton; and, as soon after the conversation turned into political matters, sydney quietly left his chair, strolled to the window, and stood gazing out at the estuary upon which the captain's house looked down. it was a glorious view. the long stretch of water was dappled with orange and gold; and here and there the great men-of-war were lying at anchor, some waiting their commanders; others, whose sea days were past, waiting patiently for their end, sent along dark shadows behind them. here and there fishing-boats with tawny sails were putting out to sea for the night's fishing; and as sydney's eyes wandered, a frown settled upon his forehead, and he stepped out through the open window into the garden. "bother the old sea!" he said, petulantly. "it's always sea, sea, sea, from morning till night. i don't want to go, and i won't." as he spoke he passed under an apple tree, one of whose fruit, missed in the gathering a month before, had dropped, and picking it up, the boy relieved his feelings by throwing it with all his might across the garden. the effect was as sudden as that produced by his kick; for there was a shout and sound of feet rapidly approaching, and a red-faced boy of about his own age came into sight, hatless and breathless, panting, wild-eyed, and with fists clenched ready for assault. "who threw--oh, it was you, was it, master sydney? you coward!" "who's a coward?" cried sydney, hotly. "you are. you throwed that apple and hit me, 'cause you knowed i dursen't hit you again." "no, i didn't." "yes, you did, and you are a coward." "no, i'm not a coward." "yes, you are. if i hit you, i know what you'd do--go and tell your father, and get me sent away." "there, then! does that feel like a coward's blow?--or that?--or that?" three sharp cuffs in the chest illustrated sydney's words, two of which the boy bore, flinching at each; but rising beyond endurance by the third, he retaliated with one so well planted that sydney went down in a sitting position, but in so elastic a fashion that he was up again on the instant, and flew at the giver of the blow. then for five minutes there was a sharp encounter, with its accompaniments of hard breathing, muttering, dull sounds of blows and scuffling feet, till a broad-shouldered, red-faced man in a serge apron came down upon them at a trot, and securing each by the shoulder held them apart. "now then," he growled, "what's this here?" "pan hit me, and i'm dressing him down," panted sydney. "here, let go, barney." "master syd hit me first, father," panted the red-faced boy. "howld your tongue, warmint, will you," said the man in a deep growl. "want to have me chucked overboard, and lose my bit o' pension. you're allus a-going at your pastors and masters." "hit me first," remonstrated the boy, as the new-comer gave him a shake. "well, what o' that, you ungrateful young porpuss! hasn't the cap'n hit me lots o' times and chucked things at me? you never see me flyin' in his face." "chucked a big apple at me first," cried the boy in an ill-used tone. "sarve you right too. has he hurt you much, master sydney?" "no, barney; not a bit. there, i was wrong. i didn't know he was there when i threw the apple. i only did it because i felt vicious." "hear that, you young sarpint?" cried the square-shouldered man. "yes, father." "then just you recollect. if the young skipper feels wicious, he's a right to chuck apples. why, it's rank mutiny hitting him again." "hit me first," grumbled the boy. "ay, and i'll hit you first. why, if i'd been board ship again, instead of being a pensioner and keeping this here garden in order for the skipper, i should have put my pipe to my mouth, and--what say, master syd?" "don't say any more about it. i'd no business to hit pan, and i'm sorry i did now." "well, sir, i don't know 'bout not having no business, 'cause you see you're the skipper's son, and nothing does a boy so much good as a leathering; but if you're sorry for it, there's an end on it. pan-a-mar, my lad, beg master sydney's pardon." "he hit me first," grumbled the boy. "do you want me to give you a good rope's-ending, my sonny?" growled the man; "'cause if you do, just you say that 'ere agen." the red-faced boy uttered a smothered growl, and was silent. "too young to understand discipline yet, master sydney," said the man. "and so you felt wicious, did you? what about?" "they've been at me again about going to sea, barney." "and you don't want to go, my lad?" "no; and i won't go." "hear that, pan, my lad?" the boy nodded and drew down the corner of his lips, with the effect that sydney made a threatening gesture. "no, i'm not afraid, pan," he cried fiercely; "but i don't want to go, and i won't." the broad-shouldered man shook his head mournfully, and taking out a steel tobacco-box he opened it and cut off a piece of black, pressed weed, to transfer to his cheek, as he again shook his head sadly. "i'm sorry to hear that, master sydney," he said. "why?" "'cause it's agen nature. i'm sixty-two now, and from the time i was a little shaver right up to now i never heerd a well-grown, strong, good-looking young chap say he didn't want to go to sea." "ah, well, barney, you've heard one now." "ay, ay! and mighty sorry too, sir. why, there have been times when i've said to myself, `maybe when the young master gets his promotion and a ship of his own, he'll come and say to me, now then, barney, now's your time to get rid o' the rust; i'll get you painted and scraped, and you shall come to sea with me.'" "you, barney? you are too old now. what would you be then?" "old! old! get out! i don't call myself old by a long way, master syd; and if it hadn't been for the captain laying up i should ha' been at sea now. but you'll think better on it, sir; you'll go." "what, to sea, barney?" "ay, sir." "no; i mean to be a doctor." "then i says it again as i said it afore, master syd, there's something the matter with you." "matter? nonsense! what do you mean?" "why, what you say sounds so gal-ish and soft, it makes me think as you must have ketched something going out with the doctor." "what rubbish, barney!" "but you going to be a doctor!" cried the old sailor, rubbing his nose with a great gnarled finger. "you, who might be an admiral and command a squadron: no, sir, it won't do." "it will have to do, barney." "well, sir, it mought and it moughtn't; but it strikes me as you've got something coming on, sir, as is a weakening your head--measles, or fever, or such-like--or you wouldn't talk as you do about the ryle navee." "i talk about it as i do because i don't want to go to sea." "but it's a flying in the face of the skipper and the admiral. bobstays and chocks! i wish i was your age and got the chance o' going instead o' being always ashore here plarntin' the cabbages and pulling up the weeds." "then you don't like being a gardener, barney?" "i 'ates it, sir." "and so do i hate being a sailor. there!" "but it's so onnat'ral, sir. here's your father been a sailor, same as i've been a sailor, and i've drilled up pan-a-mar o' purpose to be useful to you in the same ship. why, it's like wasting a season in the garden. i meant him to be your jack factotum, as the skipper used to call it, and you never heard him say he didn't want to go to sea." "you said you'd rope's-end me if i did," grumbled the red-faced boy. "and so i will, you young swab," roared the gardener. "why, you onnat'ral young galley-dabber, are you going to turn up your ugly pig's nose at your father's purfession?" "pan doesn't like the sea any more than i do," cried sydney; "and i say it's a shame to force boys to be what they don't like." "well, this beats all," cried the gardener, helping himself to a fresh piece of tobacco. "what the world's coming to next, i dunnow. why, if the king, bless him! know'd o' this, it would break his heart." "syd! ahoy there!" came from the dining-room window. "aho--" sydney was about to reply with a hearty sea-going _ahoy_! but he altered his mind and cried-- "yes, father; i'm coming." this was followed by a savage slap on the leg given by the ex-boatswain, who had settled down with his master the captain at the heronry, southbayton. "just like a loblolly boy," he growled. "you, pan, if you was to answer a hail like that i'd--stop; come here." "yes, father, i'm coming," said the red-faced boy, with a grin; and then he dodged while the old boatswain made a blow at his head with open hand. "here, i'll speak to the skipper at once about you, youngster. doing the knives and boots and helping over the weeds is spyling your morals." "speak--what about, father?" "speak? what about? why, you swab, do you think i had you chrissen pan-a-mar, arter a glorious naval victory, o' purpose to have you grow up into a 'long-shore lubber? there, get indoors. 'fore you're many hours older i'll have you afloat." pan went slowly up to the house, followed by his father, who walked along the gravel path with his legs wide apart, as if he expected the ground to heave up; while sydney went round to the front of the house, and entered by the dining-room window, where his father, uncle, and the doctor were still seated at the table. "why, syd, lad, we did not see you go," said his father; "come and sit down." the boy obeyed, looking furtively from one to the other, as if he knew instinctively that something particular was coming. "ahem!" the admiral gave vent to a tremendous forced cough. "no, tom, i'll tell him," said captain belton. "look here, syd, my boy, at your time of life lads do not know what is best for them, so it is the duty of their fathers to decide." "is it, father?" "of course it is, sir," growled the admiral, and doctor liss wrinkled up his forehead and looked attentively on. "now look here, sir. your uncle has just heard an old friend of his, captain dashleigh--" "known him from a boy," said the admiral. "has been appointed to the _juno_, one of our finest three-deckers, and he is going to ask him to take you as one of his midshipmen." "uncle tom always said that a boy should commence life either in a sloop of war or a smart frigate," said syd, sharply. "if there's one handy," growled the admiral. "_juno's_ a ship to be proud of." "so, thank your uncle for his promise to exert his interest, and let's have no more nonsense." "but i want to be a doctor, father," said syd, looking hard at the visitor. _crash_! the glasses danced as the admiral brought his hand down heavily. "no, no, tom," cried the captain, testily; "i can manage the helm." "but, doctor liss!" said the boy, appealingly. "don't appeal to me, my boy," said the doctor, gravely. "you know your father's and your uncle's wish. it is your duty to obey." "oh!" ejaculated sydney, in a tone of voice which seemed to say, "i did think you would side with me." the doctor took a pinch of snuff. "you see, syd," continued the captain, "your uncle has no son, and i have only one to keep up the honour of our family. you will join your ship with the best of prospects, and i hope you will be a credit to us both." sydney said nothing, but took another walnut, and cracked it viciously, as if it was the head of a savage enemy. that night he lay tumbling and unable to sleep, his brow knit and his teeth set, feeling as obstinate as a boy can feel who has not been allowed to have his own way. chapter two. the next morning sydney belton rose in excellent time, but not from a desire to keep good hours. he could not sleep well, so he dressed and went out, to find it was only on the stroke of six. as he reached the garden, there was his self-constituted enemy stretching out before him, far as eye could reach, and sparkling gloriously in the morning sunshine. "bother the sea!" muttered the boy, scowling. "wish it was all dry land." "what cheer, lad! mornin', mornin'. don't she look lovely, eh?" "morning, barney," said the boy, turning to see that the old boatswain had come to work with a scythe over his shoulder. "what looks lovely this morning?" "eh? why, the sea, of course. wish i was afloat, 'stead of having to shave this lawn, like a wholesale barber. got any noos?" "yes, barney," said the boy, bitterly; "i'm to go to sea." "hurray!" cried the old boatswain, rubbing his scythe-blade with the stone rubber, and bringing forth a musical sound. "you're glad of it, then?" "course i am, my lad. be the making on you. wish i was coming too." "bah!" ejaculated sydney, and he left the old boatswain to commence the toilet of the dewy lawn, while in a desultory way, for the sake of doing something to fill up the time till breakfast, he strolled round to the back, where a loud whistling attracted his attention. the sound came from an outhouse, toward which the boy directed his steps. "cleaning the knives, i suppose," said sydney to himself, and going to the door he looked in. the tray of knives was there waiting to be cleaned, and the board and bath-brick were on a bench, but the red-faced boy was otherwise engaged. he was kneeling down with a rough, curly-haired retriever dog sitting up before him, with paws drooped and nose rigid, while pan was carefully balancing a knife across the pointed nose aforesaid. pan was so busily employed that he did not hear the step, and the first notification he had of another's presence was given by the dog, who raised his muzzle suddenly and uttered a loud and piteous whine directed at sydney--the dog's cry seeming to say, "do make him leave off." the glance the boatswain's son gave made him spring at the board, snatch up a couple of the implements, and begin to rub them to and fro furiously, while the dog, in high glee at being freed from an arduous task, began to leap about, barking loudly, and making dashes at his young master's legs. "poor old don--there!" cried sydney, patting the dog's ears. "he don't like discipline, then. well, pan, when are you going to sea?" "not never," said the boy, shortly. "yes, you are. your father said he should send you." "if he does i shall run away, so there," cried the boy. sydney turned away, and walked through the garden, his head bent, his brow wrinkled, and his mind so busily occupied, that he hardly heeded which way he went. "if his father sends him he shall run away." those words kept on repeating themselves in sydney's brain like some jingle, and he found himself thinking of them more and more as he passed through the gate, and went along the road that late autumn morning, kicking up the dead leaves which lay clustering beneath the trees. "if his father sends him to sea he shall run away," said sydney to himself; and then he thought of how pan strake would be free, and have no more boots and shoes or knives to clean, and not have to go into the garden to weed the paths. then by a natural course he found himself thinking that if he, sydney belton, were to leave home, he would escape being sent to sea--at all events back to school--and he too would be free. with a boy's wilful obstinacy, he carefully drew a veil over all the good, and dragged out into the mental light all that he looked upon as bad in his every-day life, satisfied himself that he was ill-used, and wished that he had had a mother living to, as he called it, take his part. "i wonder what running away would be like?" he thought. "there would be no uncle tom to come and bully and bother me, and father wouldn't be there to take his side against me. i wonder what one could do if one ran away?" "morning!" sydney started, for he had been so intent upon his thoughts that he had not heard the regular trot, trot of a plump cob, nor the grinding of wheels, and he looked up to see that it was doctor liss who had suddenly drawn rein in the road. "going for a walk, syd?" "yes; but--i--where are you going, doctor?" "into the town. just been called up. poor fellow injured in the docks last night." "take me with you." "what?" cried the doctor, smiling down in the eager face before him. "didn't i get scolded enough last night, you young dog, for leading you astray?" "oh, but father didn't mean it. do take me. is he much hurt?" "broken leg, i hear. no, no. go home to breakfast. ck! sally. good morning." the doctor touched the cob as he nodded to sydney, and the wheels of the chaise began to turn, but with a bound the boy was out in the road, and hanging on to the back. "no, no, doctor liss, don't leave me behind. i do so want to go, and there's plenty of time for me to get back to breakfast." "but sir thomas will declare i am leading you into the evil paths of medicine and surgery." "uncle won't know. do pull up; let me come." "well," said the doctor, smiling grimly, "i don't see that it can do you any harm, syd. here, jump in." there was no need for a second consent. almost before the horse could be stopped the boy had leaped lightly in, and with his face bright and eager once more, and the dark misty notions upon which he had been brooding gone clean away, he began chatting merrily to his old friend, whose rounds he had often gone. "yes, yes, syd, that's all very well," said the doctor, making his whip-lash whistle through the air, "but you don't know what a doctor's life is. all very well driving here on a bright autumn morning to get an appetite for breakfast, but look at the long dark dismal rides i have at all times in the winter." "well, they can't be half so bad as keeping a watch in a storm right out at sea. why, i've heard both father and uncle tom say that it's awful sometimes." "only sometimes, syd." "well, i can't help it. i hate it, and i won't go." "must, my boy, must. take it like a dose of my very particular. you know, syd," said the doctor, nudging the boy with his elbow; "that rich thick morning draught i gave you after a fever." "oh, i say, don't," cried sydney, with a wry face and a shudder; "it's horrid. i declare, when i'm a doctor, i'll never give any one such stuff." "no, syd, you'll be a captain, and the physic for your patients will be cat-o'-nine-tails." sydney frowned, and as they neared the busy town, with its little forest of masts rising beyond the houses, doctor liss glanced sideways at the boy's gloomy and thoughtful countenance. "why, syd," he said at last merrily, "you look as gloomy as if you had been pressed. come, my lad, take your medicine, and then you can have that sweet afterwards that we call duty." sydney made no reply, but his face did not brighten, for duty seemed to him then a nauseous bitter. "doctor liss," he said, just as they reached the docks, down one of whose side lanes the patient lay, "if i make up my mind to be a doctor--" "you can't, syd. you are too young to have one yet. a man's mind is as strong as if it had bone and muscle. yours is only like jelly." syd was silent again for a minute. then he began once more-- "if i determined to be a doctor, and wouldn't be anything else, would you teach me?" "no, certainly not." "then i'd teach myself," cried syd, fiercely. "oh, indeed! humph! i retract my words about your young mind being jelly. i see there is some substance in it growing already. but no, syd, you are not going to be a doctor; and here we are." he drew up at a cottage door, where a couple of rough-looking men were waiting about, one of whom held the horse while the doctor descended, and syd followed into the room, where a poor fellow lay in great agony with a badly fractured leg. this was reduced, syd looking on, and handing the doctor splints and bandages as they were required. after this the pair re-entered the gig, and drove back toward the heronry. "just a quarter to nine, syd. you'll be back in time for breakfast." "i think i could set a broken leg now," said syd, whose thoughts were still at the cottage. "bless the boy!" exclaimed the doctor. "take one off, i suppose, if it were wanted?" "no," said syd, gravely, "i shouldn't feel enough confidence to do that." "i should think not, indeed," muttered the doctor, as he gave a sidelong look at his companion. "why, you morbid young rascal, you ought to be thinking of games and outdoor sports instead of such things as this. here we are. ready for your breakfast?" "yes, i am getting hungry," said syd. "how long will those bones be growing together again?" "confound you--young dog! go and pick grilled chicken bones. i'll never take you out with me again. jump out. good-bye, sailor." the doctor nodded and drove off, while syd walked slowly up to the house, and entered the dining-room just as his father and uncle came down, punctual to the moment. "ah, syd," said his father; "you are first." "morning, boy, morning," cried his uncle. "been for a walk on deck?" "no, uncle; i've been for a drive." "drive! drive!" said his father. "who with?" "doctor liss, father." _bang_! sir thomas's hand made the coffee-cups rattle this time, as he said sharply-- "harry, my lad, if i were you i should take this spark up to town and see dashleigh at once. i'll go with you." "very well. and he can be measured for his kit at the same time, eh?" "of course. mind the tailor makes his clothes big enough, for as soon as he gets to sea he'll grow like a twig." syd sat stirring his coffee, and taking great bites out of his bread and butter, as the words of pan came back to him--"if he does i shall run away, so there!" chapter three. there was something tempting about that idea of being measured for a uniform, though syd declared to himself he hated it. all the same, though, he went down the garden to where barney was digging that morning, and after a little beating about the bush, asked him a question he could have answered himself, from familiarity with his father's and uncle's garb. "i say, barney, what's a captain's uniform like?" "uniform, my lad?" said the old boatswain, seizing the opportunity to rest his foot on his spade, and began rubbing the small of his back, or rather what is so called, for barney had no small to his back, being square-shaped like a short log. "well, it's bloo coat, and white weskutt and breeches, and gold lace and cocked hat, and two gold swabs on the shoulders." "and what's a lieutenant's like?" "oh, pooty much the same, lad, only he's on'y got one swab on 'stead o' two. but what's the good o' your asking?--you've seen 'em often enough in southbayton." "oh, but i never took any notice. what's a midshipman's like?" "bloo, my lad, and a bit o' white on the collar." "and a cocked hat?" "oh yes, a cocked hat--a small one, you know." "and a sword, barney?" "well, as to a sword, lad," said the old sailor, wiping a brown corner of his mouth; "it arn't right to call such a tooth-pick of a thing a sword. sort of a young sword as you may say, on'y it never grows no bigger, and him as wears it does. dirks, they calls 'em, middies' dirks." "a uniform and a sword," said sydney to himself. "a blue uniform with white on the collar, and a cocked hat and a sword!" it was very tempting, and the boy went on down by the side of the lake, beyond which were the great trees, with the ragged nests of the tall birds which gave the name to the captain's residence, where he had settled to end his days well in view of the sea. here where the water was smooth as glass sydney stood leaning over, holding on by a bough, and gazing at his foreshortened image, as in imagination he dressed himself in the blue uniform, buckled on his dirk, and put on his cocked hat. it was very tempting, but disinclination mastered vanity, and he turned away to go back toward the house. "i wonder whether pan means it," he said to himself. "suppose we went together to seek our fortunes; he could be my servant, and father and uncle tom would forgive me if i came back rich." but somehow in a misty way as he walked up to the back of the house, half thinking that he would sound the boy, it hardly seemed to be the way to seek a fortune to start off with a servant. he had nearly reached the yard when a door was thrown open, and the object of his search rushed out, followed by a shower of words and shoes, which latter came pattering out into the yard as a shrill voice cried-- "a nasty, lazy, good-for-nothing young scamp--always playing with that dog instead of doing your work. not half clean--not fit to be seen." syd drew back, thinking to himself that pan could not be much happier than he was himself with the red-faced cook, who ruled over all the servants, to play tyrant to the boy as well. "now what could two lads do if they went right away?" mused syd. "we couldn't go abroad without going to sea. i don't think i want to be a soldier, and we're not big enough if i did. i know--we'd go to london. people seek their fortunes there." he seated himself beneath the walnut tree to think it out, but somehow the idea of running away did not seem bright. it was less than a hundred miles to london by the coach-road, and if they walked all the way it did not seem likely that they would have any adventures. syd felt in despair, for life seemed as if it must be a terribly dull place without adventures. he thought he would not run away for two reasons. one that it would look cowardly; the other that it did not look tempting. "there does not seem any chance of meeting with adventures unless you go to sea," he said to himself. "i wish there was no sea in the world." a loud voice from the other end of the garden, followed by another, took his attention. "poor old pan catching it again," mused syd. "everybody seems to scold him." the dull sound of a blow, a howl, and then a rushing noise explained by the appearance of panama strake, who was dashing helter-skelter across the garden, as regardless of flower-bed and tree as a young colt that had broken through a hedge. "hi! pan, where are you going?" cried syd. the boy glanced once in his direction, but did not stop running on as hard as he could go for the front entrance, and directly after the gate was heard to bang. "some one must have hit him," thought syd. "poor old pan, he's always in trouble. why, i kicked him last week," he added remorsefully. "seen my boy pan, master syd?" said a hoarse voice. "yes; he came running by here like a wild bull. have you been hitting him?" "hitting of him?" growled the ex-boatswain; "on'y just wish i'd had a rope's-end 'stead o' this here," and he held up the handle of the rake he had been using. "on'y time to give him one tap and he was gone." "enough to make him go. what was the matter, barney?" "heverythink, master syd. that there boy's gettin' worse than you." "oh! is he?" "growlin' and grumblin' at any mortal thing. won't do his work, and says he won't go to sea, just the same as you do; and now he's been sarcing the cook." "for saying the boots and shoes were not clean." "how do you know, master syd?" "i saw her throwing them at him. you'd no business to hit him with that rake shaft." "what! no business to hit him? why, he's my own boy, arn't he? all right then, master syd; there's an old wagon rope in the shed, i'll lay up a bit o' that--hard; and on'y just wait till he comes back, that's all. won't be a sailor, won't he! i'll let him see. if he won't be able to write ab at the end of his name 'fore he's one-and-twenty my name arn't barnaby strake." the old boatswain went off growling; and in the lowest of low spirits, syd went indoors, to make his way to the library, shut himself in, and begin taking down the books from the dusty shelves, seeking for one which dealt with adventures. there was no lack of them, but somehow or another all seemed to have the smack of the salt sea. now and then he came upon some land adventures, but it was always preceded by a voyage to the place; and at last he threw a book down peevishly. "any one would think the world was all sea," he grumbled; "that's the worst of being born on an island." he started from his seat, for the handle of the door rattled, and his father and uncle entered the library. "oh, you're here, sir!" cried captain belton. "that's right. your uncle and i have been talking about you." "laying down your lines, syd, so as to turn you out a smart craft." "yes," said captain belton, merrily. "we've settled about your hull, syd; and to-morrow morning we're going to take you up to town, and if all turns out right--" "oh, that's all right," said sir thomas. "dashleigh would do anything for me." "if his complement is not made up." "and if it is. hang it, harry; you can always squeeze another boy into a seventy-gun ship." "well, i suppose it will be all right," said the captain; "and if it is we'll get you rigged." "yes, and if you'll be a good lad, and try and learn your profession, i'll make you a present of your outfit, syd. the best that can be had," said sir thomas. "and i'd give you a gold watch," said the captain, "only you'd lose it, or get it stolen or broken before you had been to sea a month. there, my boy, no objections. it's all settled for you, and we want to see you a post-captain before we go into the locker." "yes, and bring in a few good spanish prizes, sir. it'll be all right, brother harry. he thinks he don't like the sea, but he does. now then, you dog, why don't you come and shake hands?" "because i don't want to go, uncle." "what, you dog! yah! get out. i don't believe it." "go and shake hands with your uncle, syd," said the captain, sternly. the boy walked across to where the admiral was seated on the arm of one of the great easy-chairs, and held out his hand. "here, what's this?" cried the bluff, choleric old sailor. "not a boy's hand, is it. feels like the tail of a codfish. shake hands like a man, you dog. ah, that's better. there, cheer up; you'll soon get used to the sea and love it. you won't be happy ashore after your first voyage." "want any money, syd?" said the captain. "no, thankye, father," said the boy, gloomily. "what!" roared the admiral, laboriously thrusting his hand into his breeches pocket and dragging it out again. "don't believe it. a boy who don't want money is a monster, not fit to be trusted with it. here you are, boy. five guineas. don't fool it away, but buy anything with it you like."--a strange contradiction, by the way, though the old admiral did not notice it.--"put it in your pocket, and--pst! syd," he whispered, "whenever you want any more, write to me. don't bother the dad. our secret, eh, you dog?" "what's that?" cried the captain. "mind your own business, sir," cried the admiral, with mock rage. "private instructions to our young officer. there, be off, syd, before he begins to pump." the boy gladly escaped from the library, to dash up into his own room, and fling the money into a corner with a demonstration of rage, before sitting down, resting his chin upon his doubled fists, and staring straight before him. "it's all over," he said at last. "i wanted to be a gentleman, and do what was right; but--yes, it's all over now." just at the same time captain belton was speaking to his brother in the library. "i'm sorry the boy took it like that, tom," he said. "i don't like his sulky manner." "bah! only a boy," cried the admiral. "chuffy because he can't have his own way. wait till he gets his cocked hat and his dirk." the old man chuckled and wiped his eyes. "i haven't forgotten the sensation yet, harry. you remember too?" "oh yes, i remember," said the captain, thoughtfully. "of course you do. i say, what a pair of young gamecocks we were. why, i can remember now flourishing the tooth-pick about, with its blade half blue steel and a lion's head on the hilt. never you mind about syd; the uniform will set him right." "i hope so." "hope so. don't i tell you it will! i like the boy; plenty of downright british courage in him. isn't afraid of either of us. egad, i like him, harry; and he'll turn out a big man." chapter four. the rest of that day passed gloomily for sydney, who was in the garden just before dinner, when barney came up to him. "seen him, master sydney?" he said gloomily. "seen who? my father?" "no, my boy, panama. strikes me he's cut and run, and when the skipper hears on it there'll be no end of a row." "oh, nonsense! he's hiding in the lofts, or one of the outhouses, barney." "no, my lad, i've hunted 'em all over with a hay-fork." "and of course you didn't find him. if he saw you coming with a two-pronged fork what would he think?" "but i wasn't going to job on him with it, master syd." "how was he to know that, barney?" "'cause i'm allus such a good father to him." "and hit him with the rake-handle only this morning." "well, that would only loosen his skin a bit, and give him room to grow. do him good." "don't see it, barney. wouldn't do me any good, only make me wild." "but you don't think he's cut and run, do you, lad?" "i dare say he has, but he'll soon come back." "only let me get hold of him then." "if you touch him when he does, i'll tell my father and sir thomas you ill-use him." "what a shame! master syd, you shouldn't. but you do think he'll come back, sir?" "why, of course." "that's right. i want him to go along o' you." "along with me?" "of course. i heared the skipper was going to take you up to town to-morrow to see your new captain." "oh!" ejaculated syd; and he turned sharp round and ran into the house, where he was soon after seated at table with his uncle and father, feeling that the servants were watching him, and expecting every moment to hear some allusion to the next day's journey. but though no word of the kind was said, syd cracked no walnuts that night, but sat gloomily over the dessert till his uncle filled his glass, called upon him to pass the port to his father, and then in a loud voice said-- "here's health and success to sydney belton--middy, master's mate, lieutenant, commander, post--captain, admiral." "hear! hear!" cried captain belton; and sydney sat feeling more guilty than ever he had felt in his life. for his brain was full of thoughts that he dared not have laid bare, and his inclination was trying to drag down the balance in which he felt that he hung. as he sat there holding on tightly by the nut-crackers that he had not used, he felt as if he should have to answer all manner of questions directly, and be put through a terrible ordeal; but to his intense relief, the conversation turned upon an expedition to portobello, and the way in which certain ships had been handled, the unfortunate officers in command not having done their duty to the satisfaction of the admiral. and as this argument seemed to grow more exciting the boy softly slipped from his chair and went out again to his place of meditation--the garden. "shall i--shan't i?" he said to himself. should he make a bold dash, and go off like heroes he had read of before, seeking his fortune anywhere? he was quite ready to do this, but in a misty way it seemed to him that there would be no fortune to be found; and in addition, it would be going in direct opposition to his father's and uncle's wishes, and they would never forgive him. "no," he said, as he walked up and down the broad walk nearest the road, "i must give up and go to sea." but even as he said this softly, he felt so much on the balance, that he knew that a very little would send him away. that very little came unexpectedly, for as he walked on down the garden in the darkness, where the short sturdy oak-trees sent their branches over the path on one side, and overhung the road on the other, a voice whispered his name-- "master syd!" "yes. what is it?" "hush! don't make such a row, or they'll hear you." "who is it--pan?" "yes, master syd." "where are you?" "sittin' straddlin' on this here big bough." "you've come back then, sir. your father thought you had run away," said syd sternly. "so i have; and i arn't come back, on'y to see you, master syd." "come down, then. what are you doing up that tree?" "on'y waiting to talk to you." "but your father says he is going to rope's-end you for running away." "no, he isn't going to, because i shan't come back." "but you are back." "oh no, i arn't, master syd. i'm not going to be knocked about with rake-handles, and then sent off to sea. how would you like it?" "i'm not knocked about, pan; but i'm going to be sent off to sea." "then don't go, master syd." there was no answer for the moment; then the latter looked up in among the dark branches, where the dying leaves still clung. "you said you had come back to see me, pan." "yes, master syd." "what for? because you repented?" "no; it was to ask you--" "what for? some money, pan?" "no, master syd," replied the boy in a hesitating way. "hist! listen! some one coming?" "no; i can't hear any one. why did you come back?" "you don't want to go to sea, master syd, do you?" "no." "more don't i, and i won't go." "well?" "i'm going right away, master syd, to make a fortune. come along o' me." "what!" said syd, who felt startled at the suddenness of the proposition, one which accorded so well with his own wishes. "go with you?" "oh, i don't mean as mates, only go together," whispered pan. "you'd always be master, and i'd always clean your knives and boots for you." "and what should we do, pan? where could we go so as to make a living?" "make a living?" said pan, in a wondering tone. "don't want to make a living--we want to make a fortune." "but we must have some money." "i've got two shillings saved up." syd's brow puckered. he knew a little more about the necessities of life, and did not feel disposed to set sail on the river of life with no more than two shillings. "but you've got some money, master syd?" "yes; eight or nine shillings, and a crown uncle gave me day before yesterday." "come along then, that's enough." syd hesitated, and thought of the five guineas thrown down in his room. "if you don't come they'll send you to sea." that settled it. so evenly was the lad balanced, that a feather-weight was enough to work a change. his dread of the sea sent the scale down heavily. "wait here," he said. "what for?" "till i've been and tied up some clean clothes to take with me." "never mind your clothes," whispered pan. "if your father catches you there'll be no chance." "look here," said syd sharply, "if i'm going with you, pan strake, i shall do as i like. i'm not going to be ordered about by you." "no, master syd, i won't say nothing no more." sydney stood thinking for a moment or two, not hesitating, for his mind seemed quite made up. then without another word he stepped on to the grass, and ran up the garden, keeping out of sight of the occupants of the dining-room, by interposing the bushes between him and them. his heart began to beat heavily now, as the full force of that which he was about to do impressed him on hearing his father's voice speaking loudly; and as he crept nearer the window, so as to pass it, behind the bushes, and reach the entrance, he heard the captain say plainly, his words sounding loudly from the open dining-room window-- "yes, tom, i've quite made up my mind. it will be the best thing for him. it will be a better school than the one he is at. time he began to learn the profession, eh?" "yes, quite; and good luck to him," said his uncle, gruffly. syd stopped to hear no more, but hurried to the front, waited till all was silent in the pantry, and then slipped up to his bedroom, where a few minutes sufficed for him to make up a change of clothes in a handkerchief. that was all he wanted, he told himself. no: a brush and comb. "comb will do," he muttered; "people going to seek their fortunes don't want brushes." he ran his hand in the darkness along the dressing-table, and touched not a comb, but a tiny pile of money. five shillings! and on his dressing-table! how did they come there? he knew the next moment they were not shillings but guineas, the five he passionately threw down in a corner of the room, and when the maid came up to straighten the place she must have found them and placed them on the table. it was tempting. syd was going away out into the wide world with only a few shillings in his pocket, and these guineas, which were honestly his, would be invaluable, and help him perhaps out of many a scrape. should he take them or no? syd pushed them away from him. they were given to him because his uncle believed that he was going patiently with him to see his friend in london. if he took them it would seem despicable, and he could not bear that; so hurrying out of the room, he ran down-stairs lightly and as quickly as possible, so as to get away and beyond the power of the house, which seemed to be all at once growing dear to him, and acting like a magnet to draw him back. as he cleared the door and made for the shrubs, he heard his uncle's voice as he laughed at something the captain said. then captain belton spoke again, and syd clapped his hand and his bundle to his ears to stop the sound. "if i listen i shan't be able to go," he said with a sigh; and he was just about to break into a trot to run down and join pan, when there was a footstep on the gravel, and the boy stopped short in the shadow cast by a tree. "father!" he said to himself. "can he have found out so soon?" the step on the gravel came nearer, and syd knew that it must have passed right under the tree where pan was hiding. "could father have gone down there so quickly?" thought the boy. then all doubt was at an end, for he whose steps were heard stopped close at hand, muttering aloud-- "swears he ketched sight on him in the road to-night, so he must have come home. if i on'y do get howd on him by the scruff of his precious neck, i'll teach him to run away." a cold chill ran through sydney, and he shivered. suppose his father knew that he was going to do this mean, contemptible thing--run away and degrade himself--what would he say? and how would he act? like barnaby spoke, his old boatswain and gardener? syd shivered again. he was not afraid of the pain, but he shrank from the idea of the degradation. he fancied himself held by the collar and a stick raised to punish him. it was horrible. "if i don't loosen his hide my name arn't what it is," growled the old boatswain; and he moved on, going close by sydney, who stood listening with heavily beating heart till barney had gone right up to the back of the house. then only did sydney run on till he was beneath the tree, and called pan. "you there?" "yes, master syd." "did you hear who that was down the garden?" "father." "did you hear what he said?" there was a low laugh up in the tree. "yes, i heared; but he has got to ketch me first. ready?" "yes, i'm ready, pan." "get up here then." "why?" "you can get out along one of these big branches, and drop out into the road." "no, no, come down, and let's go by the gate." "and come upon my father waiting with a rope's-end? why, when he's wild he lets out anyhow, and in the dark you'd get it as much as me. this way." syd listened, and heard the boy creep actively along the bough and drop down on the other side of the fence. "catch," he whispered. "ready?" "yes." he threw over his bundle, and then swung himself up into the tree, got astride the big bough, and was working himself along, when a sound close at hand made him stop short to listen. it was intensely dark where he sat beneath the thickly-leaved tree, and all was quite still. but he felt sure that he had heard some one approaching, and just as he had made up his mind to get further along, pan's voice reached him from the other side of the paling-- "come on." hoping that he might have been mistaken, syd changed his position, so that he hung over the bough, and had just begun to edge along, when there was a quick rustling behind him, and the breaking down of shrubs, as if a man was forcing himself through, and the next minute he felt one of his legs seized. "my father!" thought syd, and a cold chill of dread, shame, and misery ran through him as he lay across the bough, silent and motionless, but clinging to it with all his might. "got ye, have i, pan-y-mar?" growled a husky voice. "now then, let go, and come and take it in your room, or i'll lay on here." the first sound of that voice sent a warm glow through syd, and thawed his frozen faculties. exulting in the idea that it was only the old boatswain, he drew himself all together as he held on with his arms to the bough, and then he kicked out with all his might; the attack being so unexpected, that as barney received both feet in his chest, he loosened his hold, grasped wildly at the air to save himself, and then came down in a sitting position with sufficient force to evoke a groan; while by the time he had recovered himself sufficiently to rise and get to the fence, he could hear the rapid beat of steps in the distance. "why, there must be some one with him," growled barney. "all right, my boy, on'y wait a bit. you'll come crawling round the cottage 'fore you're many hours older, and i'll lay that there rope's-end in the tub. it'll make it lie closer and heavier round your back. oh!" he had taken a step to go back out of the shrubbery to the path, when an acute pain ran up his spine, and made him limp along to the gardener's cottage at the bottom of the grounds, grumbling to himself, and realising that men of sixty can't fall so lightly as those who are forty years younger. "but never mind, i'll make him pay for the lot. he shan't play tricks with me. lor', i wish i was going to sea again, and had that boy under me; i'd make him--oh, murder! he's a'most broke my back." chapter five. as syd kicked himself free of barney's grasp he heard the heavy fall, but he stopped for no more. a couple of vigorous sidewise movements took him clear of the fence, a couple more beyond the ditch, and before barney had begun to think of getting up syd had whispered to his companion the magic words-- "your father!" the next minute, hand in hand, and keeping step, the two boys were running hard along the road leading away into the country, thinking of only one thing, and that--how great a distance they could put between them and the heronry. fear lent them wings, for in imagination they saw the old boatswain running off to the house, spreading the alarm, and captain belton ordering the servants out in pursuit, determined to hunt them down and bring them back to punishment. their swift run, in spite of their will, soon settled down into a steady trot, and at the end of a couple of miles this had become a sharp walk. every hair was wet with perspiration, and as they stopped from time to time to listen, their hearts beat heavily, and their breath came in a laboured way. "hear anything?" said sydney at last. "no; they've given it up," replied pan. "father can't run far now." "think they'll get out the horses, pan?" "dunno. if they do we shall hear 'em plain enough, and we can take to the woods. they'll never ketch us now. arn't you glad you've come?" sydney did not answer, for if he had replied he would have told the truth, and he did not wish to tell the truth then, because it would have been humiliating. for there they were tramping along the dark road going west, with the stars shining down brightly, and, save the distant barking of a dog, all most mournfully still. pan made another attempt at conversation. "won't my father be wild because he arn't got me to hit?" syd was too deep in his own thoughts to reply, for he was picturing the library at the heronry, and his father and uncle talking together after returning from a vain pursuit. he could picture their florid faces and shining silvery hair by the light of the wax candles. he even seemed to see how many broad wrinkles there were in his father's forehead as he stood frowning; and then something seemed to be asking the boy what he was doing there. "getting tired, master syd?" said pan, after a long pause, filled by the _beat beat_ of their footsteps. but still there was no answer. the latter question took too much study, and suggested other questions in its unanswerable-ness. where was he going? and why was he going? and why had he chosen this road, which led toward the great forest with its endless trees and bogs? sydney could not answer these questions, and by way of relieving the buzzing worry in his own brain, he turned to pan and became a questioner. "where are we going to sleep to-night?" "eh?" "where are we going to sleep to-night?" pan took off his hat and scratched his head. "i never thought of that," he said. "we can't go on walking all night." "can't we?" "of course we can't. we shall have to knock at some cottage, and ask them to give us a bed." "but they won't," said pan, sagely enough. "'tarn't likely at this time o' night; i wish we could find a haystack." pan's wish did not obtain fulfilment, and the two lads tramped on along the lonely road for quite a couple of hours longer, when hunger began to combine with weariness; and these two at last made themselves so plainly heard, that sydney came to a full stop. "yes?" said pan. "i did not speak, i was only thinking," said sydney, drearily. "what were you thinking, master syd?" "that all this is very stupid, and that we should be ever so much more comfortable in bed." pan sighed. "oh, i dunno," he said. "i shouldn't, on'y my legs ache ever so." "we ought to have brought a lot of cold meat and bread with us, pan." "ah! wouldn't it be good now!" "how long do you think it will be before morning, so that we can get to a town, and buy some bread and milk?" "i dunno, master syd. it can't be late yet, and it's ever so far to a town this way, 'cause it's all forest for miles and miles." they were tramping on again now, but in a more irregular way. there was none of the vigorous pace for pace that had marked the beginning of their flight, and as the road grew more rough their steps began to err, and sometimes one, sometimes the other was a little in advance. "don't you wish you were back in your bed, pan?" said sydney at last. "no." "why not?" "because father would be standing there with the rope's-end." this was so much to the point that sydney did not try to pursue that vein of conversation, and they again travelled on in silence till pan spoke-- "wish you were back in your bed, master syd?" "no," said the latter sharply. "course you don't; 'cause your uncle would be one side o' the bed and the captain the other, and that would be worse than being here, wouldn't it?" no answer. "you'd ketch it, wouldn't you, master syd?" still no answer; and pan plodded on in silence, wondering whether his young master would always be so quiet and strange. "what's that?" said sydney suddenly. "rabbud." the two lads stood listening to the rapid run of feet through the rustling fern, and then tramped on again through the darkness. sydney was having a hard fight the greater part of the time with his thoughts, and try how he would, they seemed to be too much for him. in fact, so great a hold did they get at last, that somewhere about three o'clock he stopped short; but pan went on with his head down till his name was sharply pronounced, when he stopped short with a start. "why, i believe you were asleep." "was i, master syd?" said the boy, blankly looking about him. "i s'pose 'twas because i thought father was making me walk round and round the garden all night for not cleaning the boots." "turn round--this way." "yes, master syd. where are we going now?" "back again." "back--again?" "yes, to the heronry." "what for, sir?" "because i've been an idiot." "but if we go back we shall be punished, master syd." "of course we shall. but if we go on we shall be punishing ourselves. oh," cried sydney, in a voice full of rage against himself, "how could i have been such a donkey!" "it warn't my fault," said pan, dolefully. "father was after me with the rope's-end. i was obliged to go. let's try another way, master syd." "there is no other way," cried the boy passionately. "there's only one way for us to go, and that's straight back home." "oh, there's lots of other ways, master syd." "no, there are not. there's only one that we can tread." "which way's that, sir?" "i told you--home." "but i dursen't go back, master syd; i dursen't, indeed." "yes, you dare; and you shall too." "well, not till it's light, master syd. it do hurt so in the dark, and you have no chance." but syd did not answer, only gave an involuntary shiver, and walked slowly back over the ground they had covered during the night. chapter six. a long tramp in silence; but they did not get over the ground very rapidly, for pan's pace grew slower and slower, and when urged by sydney to keep up he made no reply. "come along," said syd at last; "do try and make haste." "i arn't in a hurry," came in a surly growl. "but i am. i want to get back before it's light; we don't want to be seen." "don't matter whether we're seen or whether we arn't; they'll be awaitin' for us." "can't help it, pan," said syd with a sigh; "we've got to go through it." "i hope, master syd, you won't get no rope's-end." "i'd take yours for you if i could, pan." "ah, you say so," sneered the lad, as he dragged one foot after the other, "but you know you can't." "i know i would," cried syd, hotly. "but it's of no use to talk. we've got to go through it like men would." "men don't have no rope's-ending," grumbled pan. they went on back for another half-mile, with the stars shining brightly, and seeming to wink derisively at them; and just as sydney had fancied this, as he gazed up at the broad band of glittering light seen through the dense growth of trees which shut them in on either side, a loud, ringing, mocking laugh smote their ears, that sounded so strange and jeering, that the boys stopped short. "what's that?" whispered syd. "only a howl. why, you've heard 'em lots of times." "but it never sounded like that before." "you never heard it out in the woods before. there she goes again." the shout rang out again, but more distant. "hoi, hoi, hoi, hoi!" sounding now more like a hail. "oh, yes, it is an owl," said sydney, breathing more freely. "come along." pan did not move, but stood with his hands in his pockets, and his shoulders up to his ears. "do you hear? come along, and let's get it over." no answer--no movement. "don't be stupid, pan. i know you're tired, but you are no more tired than i am." "yes, i am--ever so much." "you're not. you're pretending, because you don't want to come back. now then, no nonsense." pan stood like a stork, with his chin down upon his chest. "will--you--come--on?" it was very dark, but sydney could just make out that the boy shook his head. "then it isn't because you are so tired. it's obstinacy." no response. "i declare you're as obstinate as an old donkey; and if you don't come on i'll serve you the same." pan did not stir. "do you want me to cut a stick, and make you come, pan?" still no reply; and weary, hungry, and disgusted with himself as well as his companion, sydney felt in that state of irritable rawness which can best be described as having the skin off his temper. he was just in the humour to quarrel; and now, stirred beyond bearing by his companion's obstinacy, syd flew at him, grasped his arm, gave it a tug which snatched it from the pocket, and roared out-- "come on!" then he retreated a step, for, to his intense surprise, there came from the lad, who had always been obedient and respectful, a short, snappish "shan't!" which was more like the bark of a dog than the utterance of a boy. "what!" cried sydney, as he recovered from his surprise, and felt the blood flush in his face. "says i shan't. i arn't coming home to be larruped." "you are not coming home?" "no, i arn't. he's waitin' for me with a big rope's-end all soaked hard, and i know what that means, so i shan't come." sydney drew a long breath as he reviewed their position, and told himself that it was more his fault than that of the gardener's boy that they were there. "i know better than he does, and ought to have stopped him instead of going with him, and he shall come back, because it's right." "now then, pan," he said aloud, "i am going back home." "all right, master syd, go home then; but i didn't think you was such a coward." "it isn't being a coward to go back, pan; it's being a coward to run away." "no, it arn't." "yes, it is, so come along." "i shan't." "yes, you will, sir; i order you to come home with me at once." "shan't come to be rope's-ended, i tell you. i'm going away by myself if you won't come." "you are coming home with me, and we're going to ask them to forgive us for being so stupid. now then; will you come?" "no." "do you want me to make you?" "i don't want no more to do with you; you're a coward." sydney made a dart to seize his arm, but pan dodged, and there was no sign of weariness now, for he bounded aside, and then set off running fast in the opposite direction to that in which his companion wished him to go. pan placed half a dozen good yards between them before sydney recovered from his surprise. then without hesitation the pursuit began, both lads striving their utmost to escape and capture, and at the end of a couple of hundred yards syd had done so well that with a final bound he flung himself upon his quarry, and grasped at his collar. the result was not anticipated. sydney missed the collar, but the impetus he gave to the boy he pursued was sufficient to send him sprawling in the dirty road; and unable to check himself, sydney came down heavily on pan's back. "now then, will you come home?" panted sydney. "oh! ah!" two loud yells as pan wrested himself over, strove to get up, was resisted, and then for five minutes there was a fierce wrestling bout, now down, now up, in which sydney found himself getting the worst of it; and feeling that in another minute pan would get free and escape, he changed his mode of attack, striking his adversary a heavy blow in the face, with the natural result that the wrestling bout became a fight. here sydney soon showed his superiority, easily avoiding pan's ugly rushes, and dealing such a shower of blows upon the lad's head that before many minutes had elapsed pan was seated in one of the wettest parts of the road, whimpering and howling, while sydney stood over him with fists clenched. "you're a coward, that's what you are," howled pan. "get up then, and i'll show you i'm not. do you hear?" "how-ow!" "don't howl like a dog. get up, sir, and take your beating like a man," said syd. "i didn't think it of you, master syd," whimpered pan. "now will you get up and walk home?" for answer the boy got up slowly and laboriously, went on a few yards in front, and sydney followed, feeling, as he thought, as if he was driving a donkey home. for about a mile pan walked steadily on, with sydney feeling better than he had since he left home, although his knuckles were bruised, and there was a dull aching sensation in one angle of his jaw. he had gained two victories, and in spite of his weariness something very near akin to satisfaction began to warm his heart, till all at once the figure of pan began to be visible; and as at the end of another hundred yards or so they came out upon a patch of open forest land, the figure was much plainer. so was his own, as he looked down and saw in dismay that it would soon be broad daylight, that they were some miles from the heronry, and that pan was covered with mud, his face smeared with ruddy stains, and that he, sydney belton, known as "the young gentleman up at the house," was in very little better trim. chapter seven. the day grew brighter; tiny flecks of orange and gold began to appear high up, then there was a warm glow in the east, with the birds chirping merrily in the woodlands, and then day began. but as the morning brightened syd's spirits grew cloudy, and as they reached another patch of wood through which ran a little stream, he stopped short, looking anxiously along the road in both directions. "we can't go home like this, pan," he said. "it would be horrid." "well, i don't want to go home, do i?" grumbled the boy, in an ill-used tone. "we shall have to hide here in the wood till night, and we can dry and clean our muddy clothes and have a good wash before then." "and what are we to get to eat?" "blackberries, and sloes, and nuts." "oh yes, and pretty stuff they are. one apple off the big old tree's worth all the lot here." "can't help it, pan. we must do the best we can." "don't let's go back, master syd. you can't tell how rope's-end hurts. alter your mind, and let's go and seek our fortunes somewhere." "this way," said syd, by way of answer; and pointing off the road, the two lads plunged farther and farther into the wood, keeping close to the little stream, which had cut its way deep down below the level; so that it was some time before they came to an open sandy spot, where, with the bright morning sun shining full upon them, they had a good refreshing wash; and soon after, as they sat in a sunny nook where the sand was deep and dry, first one and then the other nodded off to sleep. it was late in the afternoon before syd awoke, to look up anxiously about before the full force of his position dawned upon him; and feeling faint and more low-spirited than had ever been his lot before, he sat there thinking about what he had to go through. as near as he could judge they were about five miles from the heronry, and two hours before it grew dark would be ample time for their journey. "i may as well let him sleep," said syd. "he'll only want to go away, and we can't do that." then, in spite of his efforts to the contrary, his mind began to dwell upon home and the various meals. just about dusk the dinner would be ready, and his father and uncle sitting down, while he-- "oh, i do feel so hungry!" he muttered. "i'd give anything for some bread and cheese." he went to the side of the little stream, lay down, and placing his lips to the clear cool water, drank heartily a draught that was refreshing, but did not allay his hunger; and after sitting down and thinking for a time, he put his hands in his pockets and felt his money. but it was of no use out there in the woods. he sat thinking again, wishing now that they had gone on in spite of their condition, for then the trouble would have been over, and he would have had food, if it had only been bread and water. "oh dear! i can't bear this any longer!" he said, suddenly jumping up. "we must get something to eat if it's only nuts. here, pan, pan!" he touched the boy with his foot, but it had no effect; and bending down, he took one arm and shook it. the effect was magical. pan sat up, fending his face with his arm, and apostrophising some imaginary personage, as he fenced and complained. "oh, don't! i'll never do so no more. oh, please! oh, i say! it hurts!--you, master syd?" "yes; who did you think it was?" "my father with the rope's-end and--oh, i say, i am so stiff and sore, and--have you got anything to eat?" sydney shook his head despondingly. "i was waking you up to come and try and find some." "there's lots o' rabbits about here," grumbled pan, "if we could catch some." "yes, and hares too, pan, if we had a good gun. come along." they rambled along by the stream, finding before long a blackthorn laden with sloes, of which pan ate two, and sydney contented himself with half of one. then they were voted a failure, and the blackberries growing in a sunny, open spot were tried with no better result. at the end of another quarter of an hour a clump of hazel stubs came in view--fine old nut-bearers, with thickly mossed stumps, among which grew clusters of light golden buff fungi looking like cups; but though these were good for food, in the eyes of the boys they were simply toadstools, and passed over for the sake of the fringed nuts which hung in twos and threes, even here and there in fours and fives. it did not take long to get a capful of these, and they soon sat down to make their _al fresco_ meal. another disappointment! the nuts, as they cracked them, were, with a few exceptions, full of a blackish dust, and the exceptions contained in addition a poor watery embryo of a nut that was not worth the cracking to obtain. they gave up the food hunt in despair, for there was no cultivated land near, where a few turnips might have been obtained; and wandering slowly back they at last reached the road. the search had not been, though, without result--it had taken time; and when they reached the solitary road the sun was so near setting, that after a final protest from pan, syd started at once for home and the scenes they had to face. the route they had chosen for their flight was the most solitary leading from southbayton. it was but little used, leading as it did right out into the forest, and in consequence they had it almost to themselves while the light lasted, and after dark they did not pass a soul as they made their way to the heronry, under whose palings they stood at last to debate in whispers on the next step. pan was for flight after they had been on into the town and bought some bread and cheese; but the position in which they were brought out sydney's best qualities. "no," he said, "we've done wrong, and i'll face it out." "but i won't--i can't," whimpered pan. "how do i know as father isn't waiting just inside the gate with that there bit of rope?" "you must, and you shall come back, pan," said sydney, decisively. "it's of no use to kick against it. am i to hit you again?" "i d' know," whimpered pan. "i'm the most miserable chap as ever was. every one's agen me. even you knocks me about, and i didn't think it of you, master syd--i didn't; i thought you would be my friend." "so i am, pan, only you don't know it. come now, get up. go in with me, and let's walk straight in to the dining-room, and ask father to forgive us." "i would ha' done it at first," whimpered pan, "but i can't now." "why?" "'cause i'm so 'orrid hungry." "well, so am i. father will give us plenty to eat as soon as he knows. come along; it's only a scolding." "no, master syd, i dursen't. you go and ask him to forgive you, and to order father not to hit me. p'r'aps i might be able to come then." "you are the most horrid coward i ever knew," cried sydney, impatiently. "do you think i don't feel how terrible it is to go and tell father i've done wrong? i'd give anything to be able to run right away." "come along, can't yer, master syd. never mind being hungry; come on." "no, pan, i can't. now then, don't try to sneak out of it. come and face them, like a man." "but i arn't a man, master syd, and i can't stir now. oh dear! oh dear! what will father say?" "that i've got you at last," roared a gruff voice. "hi! i've got 'em-- here they are!" chapter eight. barney, the old gardener, had been round the garden that evening, and had paused thoughtfully close to the tree where he had had his adventure the night before; and as he went over the various phases of his little struggle and his fall, thinking out how he would have proceeded had he got hold of that boy again, he fancied he heard whispering. the fancy became certainty, and creeping inch by inch closer to the palings, without making a rustle among the shrubs, he soon made himself certain of who was on the other side. barney's face did not beam. it never had done so, but it brightened with a grin as he slowly and cautiously backed out of the shrubs on to the path, stepped across on to the grassy verge, and set off at a trot in true sailor fashion up the garden toward the house to give the alarm. "nay, i won't," he said, as he neared the door. "they two may have cut and run again before i get them two old orsifers round outside. sure to have gone, for the skipper goes along like a horse, while the admiral's more like a helephant on his pins. scare any two boys away, let alone them. lor', if i had on'y brought that there bit o' rope!" but barney had left it in his cottage; and as he reached the gate he stood to consider. "now if i goes down here from the gate, they'll hear me, and be scared away. i know--t'otherwise." chuckling to himself, he circumnavigated, as he would have called it, the park-like grounds of the heronry, a task which necessitated the climbing of two high fences and the forcing a way through a dense quickset hedge. but these obstacles did not check the old sailor, who cleared the palings, reached the road at the other side, panting, stopped to get his breath, and then crept along through the darkness on the tips of his toes, treating the tall palings as if they were the bulwarks of a ship, and by degrees edged himself up nearer and nearer till he was able to pounce upon the fugitives in triumph. pan uttered a howl, dropped down, and lay quite still; but as the ex-boatswain grappled sydney by the coat, the lad wrenched himself free and kept his captor at bay. "no, no," cried barney; "you don't get away. hoi! help!" "hold your noise, you old stupid," cried sydney. "who wants to get away? keep your hands off." "nay, i won't. i've got you, and i'll keep you." "i tell you i was going home, only pan wouldn't stir." "wouldn't stir, wouldn't he? we'll see 'bout that. now it's of no use, master syd. you're my prisoner, so give in and cry quarter." "i tell you i have given in; and once more, barney, i warn you, i'm in such a temper i shall hit you." "yah! hit away, midget, who's afeard! do you s'render?" "yes, yes." "then you're my prisoner." "nonsense! make pan come." "make him come? yes, i just will, my lad. but, i say, to think o' you two cutting yourselves adrift, and going off like that!" "don't talk so, but bring pan along. you needn't be afraid, i shall not try to go." "par--role, lad?" "yes, parole," said sydney. "ah, well, you are a gent, and i can trust you," said barney. "now then," he added, as he stirred up his son with the toe of his natty evening shoe; "get up." "no, no, no," whined pan. "if you don't get up i'll kick you over the palings. get up, you ugly young lubber, or i'll--" "oh!" pan winced, and rose to his knees, eagerly scanning his father's hands in the gloom to see if the rope's-end was visible. "and, look here, barney," said sydney, quietly, "you are not to hit pan." "not what, my lad?" "you are not to rope's-end him." "who says so?" "i do." "oh, you do, do you? well, look here, my lad, he's hurt my feelings so that i'm going to lock myself up with him in his bedroom, and then i'm going to skin him." "oh, oh!" cried pan. "you are not going to touch him, but to bring him before my father." "'fore the skipper?" said barney, in a puzzled voice. "well, yes, my lad, he's in full command. there is something in that." "but you shouted, and said some one was coming. who is it?" "oh, that was only a manoofer, master syd, just to scare you into s'rending." "then there is no one coming?" "it's par--role, mind." "yes, parole, of course." "and you won't try to cut and run again?" "no--no!" cried sydney, impatiently. "no one. now then you, pan, my man, hyste yerself on them two legs o' yourn. on'y you wait till i'm a-handlin' that there bit o' rope." "you touch him if you dare!" cried sydney. "my father will punish him." "oh, master syd!" cried pan. "hold your row, will you, you lubber," growled barney, seizing his son by the collar, setting him on his legs, and giving him a good shake at the same time. pan uttered a low moan, and shuffling his feet along the gravel, allowed himself to be led towards the gate. sydney shivered as he felt that he was approaching sentence. "is my father in the dining-room?" "yes, master sydney.--here you, lift up them pretty hoofs o' yours, will yer!" "is my uncle with him?" "yes, master syd." "have they been trying to find us?" "no, master syd. the skipper said as if you was such a young cur as to go and disgrace yourself like that 'ere by running away and desarting the king's colours, he wouldn't stir a step arter yer." "oh!" groaned sydney to himself. then in a whisper, "what did my uncle say?" "said amen to it, and that he'd been fool enough to give you the money to go with." "no, no, barney, i didn't take his money." "ah, well, i don't know nothing 'bout that. but here's the gate. on you go first." "no; go on first with pan." "and let you shoot off." "am i not on parole?" "ay, ay. forgetted that. now then, you swab; on with you." as barney led the way towards the front door, sydney noticed that there was a light in the dining-room, whose windows were open, the weather being still warm and fine. "stop, barney," he said, after a sudden thought, "we'll go in there through the window." "nay, my lad, nay," said the boatswain; "it'll look as if i was spellin' arter a glass o' wine." "never mind. i'll go first, and you bring in pan afterwards." "oh, master syd, don't." "yah! you swab, be quiet!" said barney, giving his unfortunate son another shake. "wait till the admiral's pronounced court-martial on you; and then--" he did not finish, but followed close behind sydney, who drew a long breath, walked boldly up to the open french window, looked in a moment on where the two fine old veterans were sitting talking sadly together, and then stepped in. "what!" roared the admiral, rising from his chair, and oversetting his glass of port. "you here, sir!" cried captain belton. "why have you come back?" "because i've been thinking all night, father," said syd, quietly, "and i've found out i was a fool." chapter nine. there was a dead silence in the dining-room at the heronry for some time, during which syd stood with his head erect gazing at his father, who was erect by the table as he might have stood in old times upon his quarter-deck with some mutineer before him; the admiral dropped back into his arm-chair, stared from one to the other as if astounded by his nephew's declaration, while the light shone full upon syd, who looked pale, shabby, and dirty, but with a frank daring in his face which kept the two old men silent. in the background close to the window stood barney, with all his old training manifest in his attitude--that of a petty officer in charge of a prisoner; for that was the character which his son occupied just then in his eyes. his gardening was, for the time being, forgotten, and he felt that he was in the presence of his commanding officer, not of the master whom he served. the painful silence was broken by pan, to whom all this was awe-inspiring. for the moment he forgot all about ropes'-ends, and worked himself up into the belief that he would be sentenced to some terrible punishment. he fidgeted about, breathed hard, looked appealingly from the captain to the admiral and back again, and at last, unable to contain himself longer, he burst forth into a long and piteous howl, dropping down upon his knees, and from that attitude would have thrown himself prone, had not barney tightened his hold upon his collar and shaken him up into a kneeling position again. "stow that!" he growled, as the admiral seized the port wine decanter as if to throw at the boy, but altered his mind and poured himself out a glass instead. then the terrible silence began again, and lasted till the captain turned to his brother. but he did not speak, and after a few moments longer sir thomas exclaimed-- "you young dog! spent all the money you got out of me, and now you've sneaked back." "i haven't, uncle," cried syd, indignantly. "i didn't take it. it's on the table in my room." this seemed to unlock captain belton's lips. "well, sir, now you have come back, what do you want?" he said. "i've told you, father. i've been wrong, and want you to forgive me." "no, sir: you deserted; and now you come crawling back and want to go on as before. can't trust you again. go and be a doctor." "will you hold up!" growled barney, fiercely, as he shook his son, who seemed to want to burrow down out of sight through the carpet. "oh, father!" began syd. but he was stopped by his uncle. "hold your tongue, sir! court hasn't called upon you for your defence. look here, harry, put the prisoners back while we talk it over." "yes," said the captain, coldly, "you can go to your room, sir, and wait till your uncle and i have decided what steps we shall take." "yes, sir, confound you! and go and wash your dirty face," said sir thomas, fiercely; "you look a disgrace to your name." "as for your boy, strake, take him and punish him well." "ay, ay, sir!" growled barney, with alacrity; but his voice was almost drowned by a howl of misery from pan--a cry that was checked by his father's fierce grip. "like me to do down master syd same time, sir?" whispered the ex-boatswain. "no, father, don't let him be punished," said sydney, quickly. "i made him come back." "yes, sir, he did, he did," cried pan, eagerly. "you did; didn't you, master syd?" "and i promised him he should not be punished." "yes, sir, he did, or else i wouldn't have come back." "what!" roared the admiral, in a tone which made pan shrink into himself. "and look here, sir," he continued, turning to his nephew, "who made you first in command with your promises?" "don't let him be flogged, father," pleaded syd. "i'm to blame about him. i did promise him that if he would come back he should not be punished." "take your boy home, strake, and bring him here to-morrow morning," said the captain, sternly. "he is not to be flogged till he has made his defence." "ay, ay, sir!" growled the old boatswain; and pulling an imaginary forelock, he hauled pan out of the room, their passage down the path towards the gardener's cottage being accompanied by a deep growling noise which gradually died away. "well, sir," said the captain, coldly, "you heard what i said." syd looked from one to the other appealingly, feeling that as he had humbly confessed he was in the wrong, he ought to be treated with more leniency, but his uncle averted his gaze, and his father merely pointed to the door, through which, faint, weary, and despondent, the boy went out into the hall, while the two old men seemed to be listening till he had gone up-stairs. "a miserable, mean-spirited young scoundrel!" said captain belton, angrily, but his face grew less stern directly, as he saw his brother throw himself back in his chair, to laugh silently till he was nearly purple. "oh, dear me!" he panted at last, "nearly given me a fit. what a dirty, miserable object he looked!" "disgraceful, tom!" said the captain. "now, then, what would you do with the young dog? send him off to some school for a couple of years?" "no," said the admiral, quietly. "i don't like thrashing the boy." "of course not, harry." "but i must punish him." "what for?" "what for? disobedience. this mad escapade--" "bah!" "tom?" "i said _bah_! punish him? why, look at the boy. hasn't he punished himself enough? why, harry, we were boys once, and precious far from perfect, eh? i say, i don't think either of us would have had the courage to have faced our old dad and confessed like that." "humph! perhaps not, tom." "no perhaps about it, dear old boy." "but i must punish him." "no, you mustn't. i won't have him punished. i like the young dog's spirit. we said he should go to sea. he said he didn't want to go, and sooner than do what he didn't like he cut and run, till he found out he was making a fool of himself, and when he did find it out he came and said so like a man." "well, yes," said the captain, "he did confess, but this must not be passed over lightly." "bah! tchah! pah! let it be. you see if he don't come the humble to-morrow morning, and want us to let him go to sea." "think so?" "sure of it, my dear boy. i'm not angry with him a bit. he showed that he had some spirit in running away." "and that he was a cur in sneaking back." "steady there," cried the admiral, "nothing of the kind. i say it took more pluck to come back and face us, and own he was in the wrong, than to run away." the captain sat slowly sipping his port, and the subject was discussed no more. then at last bedtime came. syd was seated in his room alone. he had washed and changed his clothes, expecting moment by moment to be summoned to hear his fate, but the hours had passed, and he was sick and faint with hunger and exhaustion. as he sat there he heard the various familiar noises in the house, each of which told him what was going on. he recognised the jingling of glasses on a wooden tray, which he knew meant the butler clearing the dining-room. he heard the closing of the library door. then there was a long silence, followed by the rattling of shutters, the shooting of bolts, the noise made by bars, and after another lapse, the murmur of deep voices in the hall, the clink of silver candlesticks on the marble slab, and a deep cough. "they're gone up to bed," said sydney to himself, and wearily thinking that he would not be spoken to, and that he had better patiently try to forget his hunger in sleep, so as to be ready for the painful interview of the morning, he rose to undress. but he did not begin. he stood thinking about the events of the past twenty-four hours, and like many another, felt that he would have given anything to recall the past. for he was very miserable, and his misery found vent once more as he was asking himself what would be his fate in the world. "yes, i've behaved like a wretched, thoughtless fool." "pst! syd!" he started and looked round, to see that the door had been slightly opened, and that his uncle's great red face was thrust into the room. "yes, sir," he faltered--he dared not say, "yes, uncle." "had anything to eat?" whispered the old admiral. "no, sir." the door closed, and the boy's spirits rose a little, for with all his fierceness it was evident that the old admiral was kindly disposed. but his spirits went down again. uncle tom was only a visitor, and his father was horribly stern and harsh. his voice had thrilled the boy, who again and again had wondered what was to be his fate. "i'll tell uncle how sorry i am, and ask him to side with me," thought sydney; and he had just made up his mind to speak to him if he came again, and surely he would after coming to ask him about the food, when the door-handle rattled slightly, and the boy involuntarily turned to meet his uncle just as the door was pressed open a little, and he found himself face to face with his father, who remained perfectly silent for a few moments as syd shrank away. "hungry, my lad?" he said at last. "yes, father--very." "hah!" the door closed, and the prisoner was left once more to his own thoughts. chapter ten. "i can't bully him to-night--a young dog!" said the captain. "he must be half-starved. i wonder whether broughton has gone to bed." he went down slowly to the library without a light, meaning to summon the butler and make him prepare a tray. but meanwhile admiral belton had provided himself with a chamber candlestick and stolen softly down-stairs, through the baize door at one side of the hall, and along the passage that led to the kitchen. "can't leave the poor lad to starve," he muttered; "and i dare say i shall find out the larder by the smell." he chuckled to himself as he softly unfastened a door. "nice game this for one of his majesty's old officers of the fleet," he said. "wonder what they'd say at the club if they saw me?" the door passed, he had no difficulty in finding the kitchen, for there was a pleasant chirping of crickets to greet his ear; a kitcheny smell that was oniony and unmistakable, and a few paces farther on his feet were on stones that were sanded, and all at once there was a loud pop where he put down his foot. he lowered the light and saw that black beetles were scouring away in all directions. "cockroaches, by george!" he muttered. "now where can the larder be?" there were three doors about, and he went to the first. "hah!" he ejaculated, with a sniff. "here we are; no doubt about it." he slipped a bolt, lifted a latch, stepped in and stepped out again quickly, then closed the door. "scullery!" he snarled. "bah! what an idiot i do seem, prowling about here." he crossed the kitchen, slaying two more black beetles with his broad feet in transit, and opened another door. this he found led into a cool passage, along one side of which was a wirework kind of cage. "here we are at last," he said; and opening the door, he found himself in presence of part of a cold leg of mutton, a well-carved piece of beef, and a cold roast pheasant. "now then for a plate," he muttered; and this he secured by sliding some tartlets off one on to the shelf. "why, i've no knife," he muttered, as he cast his eyes upon the cold roast pheasant. "i must have some bread too." a huge brown pan on the stone floor suggested the home of the loaves, and on raising the lid he found a half loaf, which he broke in two, secured one piece, and transferred it to the plate. "hang it all, where is there a knife?" he muttered. "one can't cut beef or mutton without a knife. 'tisn't even as if one had got one's sword. here--i know." he seized the pheasant. "humph! too much for a boy. don't know, though; dare say he could finish it. wouldn't do him good. i'll--that's it." he took hold of one leg, and holding the bird down, pulled off one of its joints; then another; after which he placed the pair of legs thoughtfully on the plate. "may as well give him a wing too," he said; and seizing the one having the liver, he was in the act of tearing it off, when an exclamation behind made him start round and face the captain. "my dear tom!" exclaimed the latter. "why, my dear boy, didn't you speak, and so have ordered a supper-tray?" "but you seem to be hungry too," growled the admiral, pointing with the wing he had now torn-off at a plate and knife and fork his brother carried. "eh? yes," said the captain, starting and looking conscious. "i--er-- that is--" "why, harry!" exclaimed sir thomas. "tom!" cried the captain. "you don't mean that you have come down to--" "yes, i do," cried the admiral, fiercely. "think i was going to bed after a good dinner to shut my eyes whilst that poor boy was half-starved?" "but it is a punishment for him," said the captain, sternly. "punishment be hanged, sir!" cried sir thomas. "harry, you are my brother, and i am only a guest here, but you are a humbug, sir." "what do you mean?" "mean that you've been bouncing about being strict, and the rest of it, and yet you brought that plate and knife to cut your boy some supper." "well, er--i'm afraid i did, tom." "i'm not afraid, but i'm very glad you're not such a hard-hearted scoundrel. poor boy! he must be famished. here, give me that knife." the captain handed the knife, but in doing so brushed his sleeve over the flame of the candle he carried, and extinguished it. "how provoking!" "never mind," said his brother; "one must do." as he spoke, the admiral hacked a great piece off the breast of the pheasant, and added it to the legs and wing. "there," he said, "that ought to keep him going till breakfast. must have a bit o' salt, harry. hush!" he stooped down and blew out the remaining candle, as the captain caught his arm, and they stood listening. for the creaking of a door had fallen upon their ears; and partly from involuntary action consequent upon the dread of being caught in so unusual a position, partly from the second thought to which he afterwards gave vent, the admiral sought refuge in the dark. "burglars, harry," he whispered. "they're after your plate." "hist! don't speak; we may catch them," was whispered back, and the two old officers stood listening for what seemed an interminable length of time before they saw the dim reflection of a light; heard more whispering, and then the door leading into the larder passage was softly opened. "coming into the trap," thought the captain, as with his heart beating fast he prepared for the encounter which he foresaw must take place. "be ready," he said, with his lips to his brother's ear. "right. they're going to board," was whispered back. they were not long kept in doubt, for the larder door was suddenly thrown open, and three men dashed in armed with bludgeons and a cutlass. there was a sharp scuffle in the darkness, in which the two brave old officers made desperate efforts to master their assailants, but only to find that their years were against them, and they were completely overcome. "you lubbers! do you give in?" cried a hoarse voice--that of the man sitting on the captain's chest, while two men were holding down the admiral, who still heaved and strove to get free. "strake, you scoundrel! is it you?" panted the captain. barney executed a curious manoeuvre, half bound, half roll, off his master, and brought up close to one of the larder shelves, while one of the other men left the admiral and ran out, to return with a light. the scene was strange. barney was standing supporting himself against the larder shelf, with his elbow on the cold sirloin of beef; the footman, in his shirt and breeches, was in a corner; and captain belton and his brother, with their clothes half torn-off their backs, were seated on the bare floor, staring angrily at their assailants; while broughton, the butler, was in the doorway, with the candle he had fetched held high above his head. "my last tooth gone," roared the admiral. "you scoundrels, you shall pay for this." "strake, you rascal!" cried the captain. "broughton, is this some plot to rob me?" the men stared aghast, as the captain struggled up. "speak, you ruffians! you, john!" roared the captain, as he got his breath again, and stood trembling with passion as he glared at the footman. "beg pardon, sir," stammered the frightened servitor. "no, don't stop for that, sir," cried his master; "tell me what the dickens this means." "please, sir, i heard noises down-stairs, and i thought it was after the plate; so i told broughton, sir, and he sent me after the gardener, sir." "and then you came and attacked us," roared the admiral. "here, i'm half killed." "we didn't know it was you, sir thomas," growled barney. "then why didn't you know, you idiot?" cried the captain. "didn't think anybody could be down-stairs, sir," said the butler, respectfully. "why didn't you show your colours, you scoundrel?" cried the admiral, "and not come firing broadsides into your friends. confound--i say, harry, my lad, just look at me." "i'm very sorry, sir," faltered the butler. "hang your sorrow, sir! you've broke my watch-glass, and i can feel the bits pricking me." "come to me at ten o'clock to-morrow morning, all of you," cried the captain, fiercely, "and i'll pay you your wages, and you shall go." "no, no, no," said the admiral; "i think we've given them as much as they gave us, and--haw, haw, haw!" he roared, bursting into a tremendous peal of laughter; "we didn't show our colours either. it's all right, brother harry; they took us for burglars--but they needn't have hit quite so hard." "beg your honour's pardon, sir, sure," growled barney. "beg my pardon, sir!--after planting your ugly great knees on my chest, and then sitting on me with your heavy carcase!" "is anything the matter?" said a voice at the door, and sydney made his appearance, looking startled at the scene. "no, no, my boy," cried his uncle, cheerily; "only your father and i came down to get you a bit of supper, and then they boarded us in the dark." "yes, yes, that was it, syd," said the captain. "here, put that plate on a tray, broughton, and take it into the library. i'm very sorry this has happened." "all a mistake, sir, i'm sure," said the butler, taking the plate with the hacked and torn-off portions of pheasant. "yes; don't say any more about it. come, brother tom; come, sydney." he led the way, but the jolly old admiral could not follow for laughing. he leaned up against the larder shelf, and stood wiping his eyes; and every time he got over one paroxysm he began again. but at last he beckoned to barney. "here, give me your arm, bo'sun," he said, "and help me into the library; i feel as if everything were going by the board. oh, dear me! oh, dear me! wait till i've buttoned this waistcoat. well, it's a lesson. done for you, syd, if you had been going to sea. never attack without proper signals to know who are enemies and who are not." the supper was soon spread in the library, and sydney was ravenous for a few mouthfuls, but after that he pushed his plate away, and could eat no more. "what!" cried his uncle; "done? nonsense! i can peck a bit now myself; and, harry, my boy, i must have a glass of grog after this." the result was that syd did eat a decent supper, and an hour later, when all was still, he sat thinking for a time about the coming morning. perhaps more than that of the fact that neither his father nor his uncle had shaken hands when they parted for the night. then came sleep--sweet, restful sleep--and he was dreaming vividly for a time of a desperate fight with the french, in which he boarded a larder, and captured a butler, footman, and a gardener. after that all was dense, dreamless sleep, till he started up in bed, for there was a knocking at his door. chapter eleven. "may i come in, sir?" "yes; come in, broughton," said syd, recognising the voice, and the butler entered with one hand bound up. "that, sir? oh, nothing, sir. only got it in the scrimmage last night. so glad to see you back again, master syd." "oh, don't talk about it, broughton," groaned the boy. "my father down?" "no, sir; but he's getting up, and your uncle too. i was to come and tell you to make haste." "yes, i'll make haste," said syd; and as soon as he was alone he began to dress hurriedly, with every thought of the blackest hue, and a sensation of misery and depression assailing him that was horrible. he quite started as he went to the glass to brush his hair, for his face was white and drawn as if he had been ill. but there was very little more time for thought. the breakfast-bell rang, and he hurried down into the dining-room, glad to get off the staircase and through the hall, where one of the housemaids was still busy, and ready to look at him curiously as the boy who ran away from home--and came back. syd thought of that latter, for he knew but too well the servants might think it was brave--almost heroic and daring--to run away; to come back seemed very weak and small. in those few moments syd wished that ten years would glide away, and all the trouble belong to the past. his father was in a chair by the window ready to look up sharply, and then let his eye fall upon the book he was reading without uttering a word. broughton came in bearing a tray with the coffee and a covered dish or two ready to place upon the table, then he left, and syd was alone again with his father. "what will he say?" thought the culprit; but he could not decide in which form his verbal castigation would come. as he sat glancing at his father from time to time, syd noted that there was a scratch upon his forehead, and that a bit of sticking-plaster was on one of his knuckles, proofs these of the severity of the past night's struggle. then came a weary waiting interval before there was a deep-toned cough outside the door. "hah!" ejaculated the captain, rising from his seat as the door opened, and the old admiral stumped into the room. "morning, harry," he said; "morning, syd." he closed the door behind him and came forward, and then, odd as it may sound in connection with one who was weak, unwell, and suffering from so much mental trouble, sydney burst into a hearty fit of laughter. he tried to check it; he knew that under the circumstances it was in the worst of taste; he felt that he would excite his father's anger, and that then he would be furious; but he laughed all the same, and the more he tried the more violent and lasting the fits grew. "sydney!" cried his father, and then there was a pause followed by a hearty "ha, ha, ha!" as the captain joined in, and the admiral gently patted his own face first on one side and then on the other. "yes," he said, quietly; "you may well laugh. i look a nice guy, don't i?" "oh, uncle! i beg your pardon--but--oh, oh, oh, i can't stop laughing," cried sydney. "well, get it done, boy," said the old gentleman, "for i want my breakfast. oh, here is broughton." the butler entered with a rack of hot dry toast, and as he advanced to the table the admiral exclaimed-- "now, sir, look here; you've made a nice mess of my phiz. what have you got to say to this?" the butler raised his eyes as he set down the toast, gazed full in the old gentleman's face, his own seemed frozen solid for a moment, and then, clapping the napkin he carried to his mouth to smother his laughter, he turned and fled. "and that son of a sea-cook begged my pardon last night, and said he was sorry. yes, i am a sight. look at my eyes, harry, swollen up and black. there's a nose for you; and one lip cut. why, i never got it so bad in action. and all your fault, syd. there, i forgive you, boy." "well, it's impossible to give this boy a serious lecture now, tom," said the captain, wiping his eyes, as he passed the coffee. "of course. who wants serious lectures?" said the admiral, testily. "the boy did wrong, and he came back and said he was sorry for it. you've told me scores of times that you never flogged a man who was really sorry for getting into a scrape. give me some of that ham, syd, and go on eating yourself. i say, rum old punch i look, don't i?" syd made no reply, but filled his uncle's plate, and the breakfast went on nearly to the end before the topic dreaded was introduced. "well, sydney," said his father, rather sadly, "so i suppose i must let you be a doctor?" "wish he was one now," cried the admiral. "i'd make him try to make me fit to be seen. humph! doctor, eh? no; i don't think i shall try to be ill to give you a job, syd; but i'm very glad, my boy, that you did not take that money." sydney bent over his coffee, and his father went on-- "it's like letting you win a victory, sir, but i suppose i must give in. i don't like it though." "humph! more do i," said sir thomas. "i'll forgive you though if you train up for a naval surgeon. do you hear, sir?" "yes, uncle, i hear," said sydney. "then why don't you speak?" "i was thinking of what you said, uncle." "humph! well, i hope you'll take it to heart." "yes," said his father; "you may as well be a surgeon." "that's what i should have liked to be," said sydney, "if i had been a doctor." "well, you're going to be, sir. your uncle and i have talked it over, and you shall study for it, and begin as soon as you're old enough." sydney sat still, gazing at his plate; but he raised his eyes at last, and looked firmly at his father, who was watching him keenly. "thank you, father," he said. "no, sir, don't thank me; thank your indulgent uncle." "no, don't, boy, because i give way most unwillingly; and i'm confoundedly sorry you should want to be such a physic-mixing swab." "you needn't be sorry, uncle," said sydney, quietly; "and i'm very grateful to you, father, but i shall not be one now." "not be a doctor!" said the captain, sharply. "then pray, sir, what do you mean to be?" "a sailor, father." "what?" cried the brothers in chorus. "and i want to go to sea at once." "you do, syd?" "yes, father. i saw it all when i'd gone away, and i came back for that." "hurrah!" cried the admiral, starting from his seat, and dropping back with a groan of pain. "bless my heart!" he cried, "how sore i am! but hurrah! all the same. you'll be a middy, my boy." "yes, uncle. i want to be at once." "and you'll try to make yourself a good officer, my boy?" cried his father, leaning over the table to catch his son's hand. "yes, father, as hard as ever i can." "t'other hand, syd, lad," cried the admiral; and he grasped it firmly. "try, harry?--he won't need to try. he's a belton every inch of him, and he'll make a ten times better officer than ever we did. here, where's the port? who's going to drink success to the boy in coffee? bah, what does the liquor matter! we'll drink it in our hearts, boy. here's to admiral belton--my dear boy--our dear boy, harry, eh?" "god bless you, my lad!" cried captain belton. "you've made me feel more proud of you and happy than i have felt for years." "here, hi!" roared the admiral; "where's that lubber strake? i want some one to help me cheer. sydney, boy, god bless you! i _am_ glad you ran away." "then you forgive me, father?" "hold your tongue, sir," cried captain belton, laying his hand on his son's shoulder. "there are things that we all like to forget as soon as we can--this is one of them. let's blot it out." "but i want to ask a favour, father." "granted, my boy, before you ask." chapter twelve. sydney belton, as he felt the pressure of his father's hand, could not speak for a few minutes, and when he did find utterance, he seemed to have caught a fresh cold, for his voice sounded husky. "i want as a favour, father--" he began, in a faltering voice. "here, it's all right, syd, my boy," said his uncle; "don't bother your father for money. now then, how much do you want?" "i don't want money, uncle." "eh? don't want money, sir? wait a bit then till you get among your messmates, and you'll want plenty." "i want to beg panama off from being punished." "ah, to be sure. i'd forgotten him," cried captain belton; and he went to the fireplace and rang the bell. the butler answered, looking very serious and apologetic now as he glanced at sir thomas. but the old gentleman only shook his fist at him good-humouredly as his brother spoke. "send john down to the cottage, to tell strake to come up directly with his son." "look here," said sir thomas, chuckling, "don't you two look like that. pull serious faces, and let's scare the young dog. do him good." by the time the breakfast was ended steps were heard in the hall, and the butler came in to announce that the gardener was waiting with his boy. "send them in," said captain belton, austerely. the butler retired; sir thomas gave his brother and nephew several nods and winks, and then sat up looking most profoundly angry as the door was again opened and a low growling arose from the hall. then a few whimpering protests, more growling, with a few words audible: "swab"--"lubber"--"hold up!"--and then there was a scuffle, another growl, and panama, looking white and scared, seemed to be suddenly propelled into the room as if from a mortar, the mortar making its appearance directly after in the shape of barney, who pulled his forelock and kicked out a leg behind to each of the old officers before pointing to pan and growling out-- "young desarter--wouldn't come o' deck, your honours, and--" barney's remarks had been addressed to his master, but he now turned round toward sir thomas, and seemed for the first time to realise the old admiral's condition, when his jaw dropped, he stared, and then began to scratch his head vigorously. "my!" he ejaculated; "your honour did get it last night." "get it, you rascal--yes," cried sir thomas; "you nearly killed me amongst you." "and, your honour," said barney, hoarsely, as he turned to his master, "i hadn't no idee it was you. i thought it was--" "yes, yes, never mind now," said the captain. "i sent for you about this lad." "oh, master syd, sir, say a word for me," cried the boy, piteously. "father would ha' whacked me if i hadn't run away; then you whacked me when i did; and now i'm to be whacked again. wish i was dead, i do." "eh! eh! what's that?" cried captain belton. "you thrashed him, sydney; what for?" "well, father, we did have a little misunderstanding," said sydney, composedly. "it was 'cause i wouldn't come back, sir; that's it, sir," whimpered pan. "i knowd father had made the rope's-end ready for me, and he had." "what's that?" said the captain. "i said you were not to be flogged until you had been tried." "well, your honour, orders it was, and i didn't lay it on him," growled barney. "no; but you laid it across me in bed, and you kep' on showing of it to me, and you said that was my supper, and my breakfass, and--and--i wish i hadn't come back, i do." "is this true, strake?" "well, your honour, i s'pose it's about it," said the boatswain. "i 'member showing of it to him once or twyste." "he's got it in his pocket now, sir," cried pan. "ay, ay. that's a true word, lad." "let's see," said sir thomas, in magisterial tones. barney fumbled unwillingly in his pocket, and drew out a piece of rope about two feet long, well whipped round at the ends with twine. "humph!" said sir thomas, taking the instrument of torture. "so that's what you flog him with." "well, your honour, meant to make a man of him." "arn't yer going to speak a word for me, master syd?" whispered pan. "silence, sir!" said the captain. "now look here: you ran away from your service, and from your father's house. then, i suppose, you tried to persuade my son to go with you." pan looked up reproachfully at sydney. "i wouldn't ha' told o' you, master syd. but i don't care now. yes; i wanted him to _come_." "well, i'm glad you spoke the truth; but your companion did not tell tales of you. now, look here, sir: i suppose you know you've behaved like an ungrateful young scoundrel?" "yes, sir," whimpered pan. "and you know you deserve to be flogged?" "yes, sir, and i want it over; it's like all flogging, and wuss, for him to keep on showing me that there rope's-end." "better pipe all hands to punishment, bo'sun," said sir thomas. "ay, ay, sir," said barney, thrusting his hand in his breast; and bringing out a silver whistle attached to his neck by a black ribbon, he put it to his lips. "no, no," cried the captain, "we're not aboard ship now. i wish we were," he added, "eh?" sir thomas nodded. "well, sir," continued the captain, "are you ready to take your flogging?" "yes, sir," said pan, dolefully. "and what will you say if i forgive you?" "and make him forgive me too, sir?" cried pan, nodding his head sideways at his father. "yes, my lad." "anything, sir. there, i'll never run away agen." "will you be a good, obedient lad, and do as your father wishes you, and go to sea?" "no," said pan, stolidly, "i won't." "humph! what are we to say to this, sir thomas?" "say?--that he's a cowardly young swab." "ay, ay, sir; that's it," cried barney. "silence, sir. look here, boy; we'll give you another chance. will you go to sea?" the boy shook his head. "what! not with my son?" "what!" cried barney, excitedly. "master syd going?" "yes, barney," cried the boy. "i'm going to be a sailor after all." the ex-boatswain showed every tooth in his head in a broad grin, slapped one hand down on the other, and cried in a gruff voice-- "dear lad! there, your honours! the right stuff in him arter all. can't you get me shipped in the same craft with him, sir thomas? i'm as tough as ratline hemp still." "you going to sea, master syd?" said pan, looking at the companion of his flight wonderingly. "yes, pan; at once. will you come?" "course i will, sir," cried pan. "going to-day?" "there--there, your honours! hear that?" cried barney, excitedly. "aren't that the right stuff too? here, your honour, begging your pardon, that bit of rope's-end's mine." he caught up the rope, and gave it a flourish over his head. "here, stop! what are you going to do?" cried sydney, dashing at him, and getting hold of one end of the rope. "going to do, master syd?--burn it; you may if you like. it's done it's dooty, and done it well. i asks your honours, both on you--aren't that wirtoo in a bit o' rope? see what it's made of him. nothing like a bit o' rope's-end, neatly seized with a bit o' twine." "ah, well, you've a right to your opinion, strake," said the captain. "there, you can take him back home. i dare say we can manage to get him entered in the same ship as my son." "and if he's going to do the right thing now," said sir thomas, "i'll pay for his outfit too." "thank, your honour; thank, your honour!" cried barney. "oh!" this last was from pan, who had received a side kick from his father's shoe. "then why don't yer touch yer hat to the admiral and say thankye too, you swab?" growled barney, in a deep, hoarse whisper. "there," said the captain, "you can go now." "long life to both your honours," cried barney. "come, pan, my lad, get home; you dunno it, but your fortune's made." "well, syd, are you satisfied?" said the captain, as soon as they were alone. "yes, father." "then we'll go up by to-night's coach and see captain dashleigh to-morrow. what do you say?" "i'm ready, father. will uncle come too?" "uncle tom come too, you young humbug! how can i?" cried the admiral. "no, i'm on sick leave, till my figure-head's perfect, so i shall have to stop here and sip the port." chapter thirteen. a supercilious-looking waiter--that is to say, a waiter who has had a good season and saved a little money--was standing at the door of the oldest hotel in covent garden, when a clumsy coach was driven up to the door. the coach was so old and shabby, and drawn by two such wretched beasts, that the supercilious waiter could not see it; and after looking to his right and his left he turned to go in. "here, hi!" came from the coach; but the waiter paid no heed. "here, syd, fetch that scoundrel here." the door was flung open, the lad leaped out and went at the waiter like a dog, seizing him by the collar, spinning him round, and racing him protesting the while down the steps and over the rough pavement to the coach door. "you insolent scoundrel, why didn't you come when i called?" said captain belton, from inside the fusty coach. "don't i tell you we're full!" cried the waiter; "and don't you come putting--" "silence, sir! how dare you!" cried the captain in his fiercest tones. "how do you know that we want to stay in your dirty hotel? take my card up to captain dashleigh, and say i am waiting." the man glanced at the card, turned, and ran with alacrity into the house. "that's just the sort of fellow i should like to set strake at, syd, with his mates and the cat. a flogging would do him good." the next minute the waiter was back at the coach door with captain dashleigh's compliments, delivered in the most servile tones, and would captain belton step up? "get down my valise and pay the coachman," said the captain. "we shall sleep here to-night, though you are full." they were shown into a room where a little, dandified man in full uniform was walking up and down, evidently dictating to his secretary, who was busily writing. syd stared. he had been accustomed to look upon his father and uncle, and the friends who came to see them, as types of naval officers--big, loud-spoken, grey-haired, bluff men, well tanned by long exposure to the weather; and he wondered who this individual could be who walked with one hand upon the hilt of his sword, pressing it down so that the sheath projected nearly at right angles between the tails of his coat, and as he walked it seemed to wag about like a monkeyish part of his person. the other hand held a delicate white handkerchief, which he waved about, and at each movement it scented the air. "ah, my dear captain belton, so glad to see you. lucky your call was now. so much occupied, you see. sit down, my dear sir. and this is your son? ah," he continued, inspecting syd through a gold-rimmed eyeglass, "nice little lad. looks healthy and well. seems only the other day i joined the service in his uncle's ship. i have your brother's letter in my secretary's hands. so glad to oblige him if i can. how is the dear old fellow?" "hearty, captain dashleigh," said syd's father. "desired to be kindly remembered to you." "ah, very good of him. splendid officer! the service has lost a great deal through his growing too old." "we don't consider ourselves too old for service. timbers are sound. we only want the admiralty to give us commands." "ah, yes, to be sure," said the dandy captain, who seemed to be about eight-and-thirty; and he continued his walk up and down the room as his visitors sat. "you have succeeded well, dashleigh," said captain belton. "well, yes--pretty well--pretty well. very arduous life though." "oh, hang the arduous life, sir," said captain belton. "it's a grand thing to be in command of a two-decker." "yes," said the little man, who in physique was rather less than sydney; "the government trust me, and his majesty seems to have confidence in my powers. but you will, i know, excuse me, my dear old friend, if i venture to hint that my time is not my own. sir thomas said you would call and explain how i could serve him. what can i do? one moment--i need not say that i look upon him as my father in the profession, and that i shall be delighted to serve him. you will take a pinch?" he handed a magnificent gold snuff-box set with diamonds, and a portrait on china in the lid indicated that it came from one of the ministers. "thanks, yes. but, my dear dashleigh, you should not use scented snuff." "eh?--no? the fashion, my dear sir. now i am all attention." "then why don't you sit down as a gentleman would?" said captain belton to himself. then aloud--"my business is very simple, sir. this is my son, whom i wish to devote to the king's service, and my brother, sir thomas belton, asks, and i endorse his petition, that you will enter him in your ship, and try to do by him as my brother did by you." "my dear captain belton! ah, this is sad! what could have been more unfortunate! if you had only been a week sooner!" "what's the matter, sir?" said the captain, sternly. "matter?--i am pained, my dear captain belton; absolutely pained. i would have done anything to serve you both, my dear friends, but my midshipmen's berth is crammed. i could not--dare not--take another. if there was anything else i could do to serve sir thomas and you i should be delighted." "thank you, captain dashleigh," said syd's father, rising; "there is nothing else. i will not detain you longer." "i would say lunch with me, my dear sir, but really--as you see--my secretary--the demands upon my time--you thoroughly understand?" "yes, sir, i understand. good morning." "good morning, my dear captain belton; _good_ morning, my young friend. i will speak to any of the commanding officers i know on your behalf. good day." the captain stalked silently down-stairs, closely followed by syd, and then led the way round and round the market, taking snuff savagely without a word. but all at once he stopped and drew himself up, and gave his cane a thump on the pavement, while his son thought what a fine-looking, manly fellow he was, and what a pleasure it was to gaze upon such a specimen of humanity after the interview with the dandy they had left. "syd," said the captain, fiercely, "if i thought you would grow up into such an imitation man as that, confound you, sir, i'd take and pitch you over one of the bridges." "thank you, father. then you don't like captain dashleigh?" "like him, sir? a confounded ungrateful dandy jackanapes captain of a seventy-four-gun ship! great heavens! the government must be mad. but that's it--interest at court! such a fellow has been promoted over the heads of hundreds of better men. all your uncle's services to him forgotten, and mine too." "but if there wasn't room in his ship, father?" "room in his ship sir?" cried the captain, wrathfully. "do you think there would not have been room in my ship for the son and nephew of two old friends? why, hang me, if i'd been under that man's obligations, i'd have shared my cabin with the boy but what he should have gone." "yes, father, i think you would. so we've failed." "failed? yes. no; never say die. but i'm glad. hang him! with a captain like that, what is the ship's company likely to be! no, syd, if you can't go afloat with a decent captain, you shall turn doctor or tailor." "why don't you have a ship again, father?" "because i have no interest, my boy, and don't go petitioning and begging at court. but they don't want sea-captains now, they want scented popinjays. why, syd, i've begged for a ship scores of times during the past two years, but always been passed over. i wouldn't care if they'd appoint better men; but when i see our best vessels given to such things as that! oh, hang it, i shall be saying what i shall be sorry for if i go on like this. come and have a walk. no; i'll go to the admiralty, and see if i can get a hearing there. if i can't--if they will not help me to place my boy in the service which all the beltons have followed for a hundred and fifty years, i'll--there, come along, boy, the world is not perfect." he walked sharply down into the strand and then on to whitehall, where he turned into the admiralty yard, and sent in his card to one of the chief officials, who kept him waiting two hours, during which the captain fumed to see quite a couple of score naval officers go in and return, while he was passed over. "here you see an epitome of my life during the past fifteen years, syd," he said, bitterly. "always passed over and--" "his lordship will see you now, if you please," said an official. "hah! pretty well time," muttered the captain. "come along, syd." they followed the clerk along a gloomy passage, and were shown into a dark room where a fierce-looking old gentleman in powder and queue sat writing, but who laid down his pen and rose as captain belton's name was announced; shook hands cordially, and then placed his hands upon his visitor's shoulders and forced him into an easy-chair. "sit down, harry belton, sit down," he cried. "sorry to keep you waiting, but wanted to get rid of all my petitioners and visitors, so as to be free for a long talk. why, i haven't seen you or heard of you these ten years." "not for want of my applying for employment, my lord," said captain belton, stiffly. "but then i've not been in office, my dear belton; and, hang it, man, don't `my lord' me. and who's this?" "my son, my lord," said the captain. "don't `my lord' me, man!" cried the old gentleman, fiercely. "you always were a proud, stubborn fellow. and so this is your son, is it?" he continued, peering searchingly in the boy's face. "ah! chip of the old block; stubborn one too, i can see. shake hands, sir. now then, what are you going to be?" "a sailor, sir--my lord, i mean." "don't correct yourself, boy. a sailor, eh? like your father and grandfather before you, eh? good; can't do better. i wish you luck, my lad. we want a school of lads of your class. the navy's full of milksops, and dandies, and fellows who have got their promotion by favour, while men like your father, who have done good service and ought to be doing it now, instead of idling about as country gentlemen--" "not my fault," cried the captain, hotly. "i've begged for employment till i've grown savage, and sworn i would appeal no more." "hah! yes," said the old gentleman, sitting back in his chair, and holding syd's hand still in his; "there's a deal of favour and interest in these days, my dear belton. john bull's ships ought to be commanded by the best men in the navy, but they're not; and those of us who would like to do away with all the corruption, can't stir. never mind that now. let's talk of admiral tom. how is the dear old boy?" "like i am--growing old and worn with disappointment." "nonsense, belton; nonsense. we can't shape our own lives. better make the best of things as they are. well, my boy, what ship have you joined?" "none, sir--yet." "i came up to see dashleigh, on the strength of his having been under my brother, and asked him to take my son." "and he wouldn't, of course," said the old gentleman, more fiercely still. "wrong man, my dear sir. ladder kicker. and so, young sir, you haven't got a ship?" "no; and if you could help me, my lord--" "if you call me my lord again, harry belton, i won't stir a peg.--do you know, boy, that i was once in command of a small sloop, and your father was my first officer? i say, belton, remember those old days?" "ay, i do," said the captain, with his eyes lighting up. "remember cutting out the spaniard at porto bello?" "yes; and the fight with the big vessel in the gut." "ah, to be sure. how we made the splinters fly! bad luck that was for those other two to come up. rare games we had, my boy. we must get you a ship under some good captain." "if you could do that for me," said captain belton, eagerly. "well, i can try and serve an old friend, even if he is a lazy one who likes to be in dock instead of being at sea. by the way, belton, how old are you?" "fifty-eight." "ah, and i'm seventy. plenty of work in me yet, though. there, i'll bear my young friend here in mind. come and dine with me one day next week, belton, for i must send you off now; you've had half an hour instead of five minutes. say monday--tuesday." "thank you, no," said the captain, rising. "i've done all i can, and will get back home." "bah! you're a bad courtier, belton. stubborn as ever. you ought to hang about here, and sneak and fawn upon me, and jump at the chance of dining with me, in the hope that i might be able to help you." "yes, my lord, i suppose so," said the captain, sadly; "but if the country wants my services it will have to seek me now. i'm growing too old to beg for what is my right." "and meanwhile our ships are badly handled and go to the bottom, which would be a good thing if only their inefficient captains were drowned; but it's their crews as well. there, good-bye, belton. don't come to town again without calling on me. i'll try and serve your boy. one moment--where are you? oh yes, i see; i have your card. good-bye, middy. remember me to the admiral." the fierce-looking old gentleman saw them to the door, and soon after father and son were on their way back to the hotel, and the next morning on the southbayton coach. "ah, sydney, lad," said the captain, "we shall have to bind you 'prentice to a 'pothecary, after all." "but lord claudene said he would try and serve you about me, father; and i should be disappointed if i didn't go to sea now." "indeed?" said the captain, laughing. "you will have to bear the disappointment. there are hundreds constantly applying at the admiralty." "yes, father, but you are a friend." "yes, my boy, i am a friend; and yet what i want i should have to be waiting about for years, and then perhaps not succeed." chapter fourteen. "what!" cried sir thomas, when he heard the adventures in town, "you mean to tell me that dashleigh treated you as you say?" "exactly," replied his brother. "my face show the marks much now?" "no; hardly at all." "then we'll go up to town to-morrow." "what for, tom?" said the captain. "you'll do no better than i did." "i'm not going to try, harry," said the old gentleman, fiercely. "then why go? you are comfortable here." "i'm going up to horsewhip that contemptible little scoundrel dashleigh, and fight him afterwards, though he's hardly gentleman enough." "nonsense, tom!" "nonsense? why i made that fellow--and pretty waste of time too! and now he's in command of a seventy-four, and you may go begging for a word to get your boy into the midshipmen's berth." uncle tom did not go up to town to horsewhip or fight. "never mind," he said, "he's sure to run his ship on the rocks, or get thrashed--a scoundrel! here, syd, take my advice." "what is it, uncle?" "never do any one a kind action as long as you live." "you don't mean it, uncle." "what, sir? no, i don't: you're right." a week passed, during which barney suggested that the proper thing for captain belton to do was to purchase some well-built merchant schooner, and fit her out as a privateer. "i could soon get together as smart a crew as you'd care to have, and then there'd be a chance for your son to get to be a leefftenant 'fore you knew where you were." but captain belton only laughed, and matters at the heronry remained as they were, till one day with the other letters there came one that was big and official, and its effect upon the two old officers was striking. "from the admiralty, tom," said the captain, as he glanced at the great seal, and then began to take out his knife to slit open the fold. "i can see that," said the admiral. "it's from claudene. syd, lad, you're in luck. he has got you appointed to a ship, after all." "bless my soul!" cried the captain, dropping the great missive on the table. "what is it, my lad?--what is it?" cried sir thomas. "read--read," cried captain belton, huskily--"it's too good to believe." sir thomas snatched up the official letter, cast his eyes over it, and then, forgetting his gout, caught hold of syd's hands and began to caper about the room like a maniac. "hurrah! bravo, harry, my lad. i've often grumbled; but i avow it--i am past service, gouty as i am; but you were never more seaworthy." "uncle, why don't you speak?" cried sydney, excitedly. "has father got a ship?" "got a ship, my lad? he's appointed to one of the smartest in the navy--the _sirius_ frigate, and she's ordered abroad." captain belton drew himself up, and his eyes flashed as in imagination he saw himself treading once more the quarter-deck of a smart ship. "it's too good to believe," he muttered--"too good to believe." "you haven't read the letter," said his brother, looking wistfully across to the tall, eager-looking man before him. "no," said captain belton. "hah! from claudene,"--and he read aloud:-- "my dear belton, i have managed this for you, and i'm very glad, for you will do us credit. the appointment will clear away the difficulty about your boy, for you can have him in your own ship, and keep the young dog under your eye. my good wishes to you, and kind regards to your brother. tell him i wish i could serve him as well, but i can't see my way." "of course he can't," said the old admiral, quickly. "no; i'm too old and gouty now. but as for you, you dog, why don't you stand on your head, or shout, or something? here, i am well enough to go up to town after all. syd and i are going to see about his uniform. the _sirius_--well, you two have luck at last. here, hi! you, sir! put down that confounded birch-broom, and come here." uncle tom had caught sight of barney at the bottom of the lawn sweeping leaves into a heap for his son to lift them between two boards into the waiting barrow. as barney looked up and saw the admiral signalling from the window, he came across the lawn at a trot, dragging the broom after him. "drop that broom and salute your officer, you confounded old barnacle!" roared the old gentleman. "salute, sir, salute: your master's appointed to the smartest frigate in the service." barney struck an attitude, sent his old cocked hat spinning into the air, and then catching it, tucked it under his arm, and pulled his imaginary forelock over and over again. "good luck to your honour! i am glad. when would you like me to be ready, sir? shall i go on first and begin overhauling?" "you, strake?" said the captain, thoughtfully. "you're not going to leave me behind, sir? no, no, sir; don't say that, sir--don't think it, sir. i'm as strong and active as ever i was, and a deal more tough. ask him to take me, master syd." "take you, strake?" said the captain again. "why, what is to become of my garden?" "your garden, captain! what do you want with a garden when you're at sea? salt tack and biscuit, and a few bags o' 'tatoes about all you want aboard ship." the captain shook his head. "it's a long time since you were on active service, strake." "active sarvice, captain! why, i was on active sarvice when the admiral hailed me; and, i tell you, i never felt more fit for work in my life. course i'd like to be your bo'sun, captain, but don't you stand 'bout that. you take me, and i'll sarve you afore the mast as good and true as if i was warrant officer once more. you've knowed me a lot o' years, sir thomas; say a good word for me." "i'll say you're a good fellow, strake, and a first-class sailor," said the admiral. "for which i thank ye kindly, sir. but you don't say a word for a man, master syd. i know i've cut up rough with you, sir, often over plums and chyce pears as i wanted to save for the dessart, but my 'art's been allus right for you, my lad, and never a bit o' sorrow till i see you flying in the master's face and not wantin' to sarve the king. you won't bear malice, sir, and 'atred in yer 'art. say a good word." "yes, barney. do take him, father." "it is a question of duty and of the man's ability. look here, strake, if i say no, it's because i fear that you would not be smart enough at your age. it is not a question of the will to serve." "i should think not, sir. why, you won't have a man of your crew more willing to sarve you right." "i know that; but the activity and smartness?" "activity, sir? why, i'm as light as a feather, sir, and i'd run up the ratlines and away aloft and clap my hand on the main-truck long afore some o' your youngsters." "well, strake, i'll take you." "why--" "stop a moment. it must be with the understanding that you undertake anything i set you to do, for there may be a good boatswain aboard." "right, sir; any thing's my work. i'll see about my kit at once." "syd, you shall go with me, unless you would like to wait for a chance on another ship." "no, father, i'll go with you," cried syd. "and what about pan?" "he can come," said the captain. "now leave me with your uncle, i want to talk to him at once." a complete change seemed to have come over barney as he made for the open window, not walking as usual, but in a light trot upon his toes, as if he were once more on the deck of a ship; and as soon as he was in the garden and out of sight of the window, he folded his arms and began to evince his delight by breaking into the first few steps of a hornpipe. he was just in the middle of it when pan came silently up behind with a board in each hand, to stand gazing from syd to his father and back again in speechless wonderment, and evidently fully believing that the old man had gone mad. all at once barney was finishing off his dance with a curve round on his heels, but this brought him face to face with his wide-eyed, staring son. the effect was instantaneous. he stopped short in a peculiar attitude, feeling quite abashed at being found so engaged, and syd could hardly contain his laughter at the way in which the old boatswain got out of his difficulty. "what now, you ugly young swab!" he roared. "never see a sailor of the ryle navy stretch his legs afore?" "is that how sailors stretches their legs?" said pan, slowly. "yes, it be. now then, what have you got to say to that?" "you arn't a sailor, father." "what? hear him, master syd? that's just what i am, boy, and you too. we're all on us outward bound; and now you come along, and i'll just show you something with a rope's-end." "why, i aren't been doing nothing now," cried pan, drawing back. "who said you had, you swab! heave ahead. stow talking and get that there rope. i'm going to give you your first lesson in knotting and splicing. ah, you've got something to larn now, my lad. go and run that there barrow and them tools into the shed. no more gardening. come on into the yard, master syd, and we'll rig up that there big pole, and a yard across it, and i'll show you both how to lay out with your feet in the sturrup. come on." "but, master syd, father isn't going to sea again, is he?" "yes, pan, we're all off to join a fine frigate." "and make men on you both," cried barney. "lor', it's a wonder to me how i've managed to live this 'long-shore life so long. come on, my lads. no, no, don't walk like that. think as you've got a deck under your feet, and run along like this." barney set the example, and syd laughed again, for the gardener seemed to have gone back ten years of big life, and trotted along as active as a boy. chapter fifteen. "have they come, syd, lad?" said the admiral, as the boy walked into the private room of the red lion, shoreport, where the old man had taken up his quarters for the past fortnight, and had spent his time down at the docks, where the _sirius_ was being overhauled in her rigging, and was getting in her stores and ammunition ready for her start to the west indian station in another week's time. the coach had not long come in, and on hearing the horn the old sailor, with a twinkle in his eye, had sent the lad to do exactly what he wanted, but would have shrunk from for fear of seeming particular. "yes, uncle," he said quietly, "a box has come." "well, well, where is it?" "i told him to put it in my bedroom." "well, why don't you go and open it, and see if your outfit is all right?" "oh, there's plenty of time, uncle," said syd, with assumed carelessness. "yah! get out, you miserable young humbug. think i was never a boy myself, and don't know what it means. you're red-hot to go and look at your duds. there, be off and put on your full-dress uniform, and then come down and let's see." "put them on, uncle, now?" "yes; put them on now," cried the old man, imitating his nephew's voice and manner. "yes, put them on--now. not ashamed of the king's livery, are you?" "no, sir, of course not." "then go and put them on, and don't come down with your cocked hat wrong way on." syd hesitated, feeling a little abashed, but his uncle half jumped out of his seat. "be off, you disobedient young dog," he roared. "if you don't want to see them, i do. there, i'll give you a quarter of an hour." sydney took half an hour, and then hesitated about going down-stairs. he peeped out of his room twice, but there was always some one on the stairs, chambermaid, waiter, or guest staying in the place. at last, though, all seemed perfectly quiet, and fixing his cocked hat tightly on his head, and holding his dirk with one hand to keep it from swinging about and striking the balusters, he ran along the passage and dashed down the stairs. the quick movement caused his cocked hat to come down in front over his eyes, and before he had raised it again he had run right into the arms of the stout landlady. there was a shrill scream, and the lady was seated on the mat, while by the force of the rebound sydney was sitting on the stairs, from which post he sprang up to offer his apologies. "you shouldn't, my dear," said the landlady, piteously, as she stretched out her hands like a gigantic baby who wanted to be helped up. sydney's instincts prompted him to rush on to his father's small sitting-room, but politeness and the appeal of the lady compelled him to stay; and after he had raised her to her proper perpendicular, she smiled and cast her eyes over his uniform, making the boy colour like a girl. "well, you do look nice," she said; "only don't knock me down again. there, i'm not hurt. they're quite new, ain't they?" sydney nodded. "i thought so, because you haven't got them on quite right." sydney stopped to hear no more, but ran on, checked himself, and tried to walk past three waiters in the entry with dignity. he did not achieve this, because if he had the waiters would not have laughed and put their napkins to their mouths, on drawing back to let him pass. "oh, shouldn't i like to!" he thought, as he set his teeth and clenched his fists. he felt very miserable and as if he was being made a laughing-stock; in fact his sensations were exactly those of a sensitive lad who appears in uniform for the first time; and hence he was in anything but a peaceful state of mind as he dashed into the room where his uncle was waiting, to be greeted with a roar of laughter. "what a time you have been, sir! why, syd, i don't think much of your legs, and, hang it all, your belt's too loose, and they don't fit you. bah! you haven't half dressed yourself. come here. takes me back fifty years, boy, to see you like that." "why did you tell me to go and put them on?" cried the boy, angrily, "if you only meant to laugh at me?" "bah! nonsense! what do you mean, sir? are you going to be so thin-skinned that you can't bear to be joked? come here." the boy stood by his side. "i was going to show you how to take up your belt and to button your waistcoat. there! that's better. flying out like that at me because i laughed! how will you get along among your messmates, who are sure to begin roasting you as soon as you go aboard?" "i beg your pardon, uncle. i seemed to feel so ridiculous, and everybody laughed." "let them. there! that's better. see how a touch or two from one who knows turns a slovenly look into one that's smart. hallo! some one at the door, my lad; go and see. no; stop. come in." the door was opened, and barney in his uniform of petty officer entered, looking smartened up into a man ten years younger than when he worked in the garden at the heronry. as barney took off his hat and entered, closing the door behind him, his eyes lit first upon syd, and his face puckered up into a broad grin. "and now you!" cried sydney, angrily. "uncle, i'm not fit to wear a uniform; i look ridiculous." "who says so?" cried the old man, angrily. "here you, strake, don't stand grinning there like a corbel on an old church." "couldn't help it, your honour." "there, you see, uncle." "i don't, sir. going to let the grin of that confounded fellow upset you? if he laughs at you again because he thinks you are a fool, show him that you're not one; knock him down." "his honour the captain's compliments, sir thomas, and he'd be glad to see you on board along o' master sydney here." "is your master on board, then?" "ay, sir; and i've come across in the gig, as is waiting for us with one of the young gentlemen to keep the men in their places." "right; we'll come," said the old admiral. "now, syd," he whispered, "do you know why people laugh?" "yes, uncle, at me." "well, yes, my lad; so they did at me years ago. but you don't know why." "i think i do, uncle." "no, boy, you do not; you look as if you had got on your uniform for the first time. we're going out now, so look as if you hadn't got it on for the first time. hold up your head, cock your hat, and if you look at people, don't look as if you were wondering what they thought of you, but as if you were taking his weight. see?" "yes, uncle, i think i do. but must i go like this?" "confound you, sir!" growled the old man. "why do you talk like that?" "because i look absurd." "oh, that's it, is it? then look here, syd, i'll prove that you don't." "if you can prove that, uncle, i shall never mind wearing a uniform again." "then you need not mind, boy, for if you looked absurd i wouldn't be seen with you. now then, hold up your head, and remember you are a king's officer. march!" the old man gave his cane a thump, cocked his own hat, and stamped along by the side of his nephew. pan, who was outside waiting for his father's return, staring wide-eyed at sydney's uniform, and then following behind with barney, wishing he was allowed to wear a little gilded sword like that. in this way they walked down to the boat, which lay a short distance from the landing-place, with a handsome boy in middy's uniform leaning back in the stern-sheets, and keeping strict watch on his men to keep them from yielding to the attraction of one of the public-houses, stronger than that of duty. barney stepped forward and hailed the boat, which was quickly rowed alongside, the coxswain holding on as the admiral stepped in, followed by his nephew, who found himself directly after beside the good-looking, dark-complexioned middy, who took the helm, and gave the order to give way. the oars fell with a splash, and sydney felt that he was at last afloat and on his way to join the frigate. the admiral took snuff, and after a word or two with the middy in charge of the boat, sat gazing silently about him, while from time to time sydney turned his eyes to find that his companion was examining him closely, and with a supercilious air which made the new addition to the midshipmen's mess feel irritable and ready to resent any insult. but none was offered, and the men rowed on, till after threading their way through quite a forest of masts the frigate was sighted. "there she lies, syd," whispered his uncle; "as fine a craft as you need wish to see. what's your name, youngster?" "michael terry," said the midshipman. "ho!" ejaculated the admiral. "well, this is my nephew, sydney belton, your new messmate. i hope you'll be very good friends." "i'm sure we shan't," said the young fellow to himself. "too cocky for me. but we can soon cut his comb." "arn't you going to shake hands, youngsters?" "oh, yes, if you like," said the youth. "there's my hand." sydney put out his, but somehow the hand-shake which followed did not seem to be a friendly one, and more than once afterwards he thought about that first grip. "ah, that's right," said the admiral; "always be good friends with your messmates." syd looked up quickly, and a feeling of angry resentment made his cheeks flush, for his eyes encountered those of the midshipman, and being exceedingly sensitive that day, it seemed to him that terry was laughing in his sleeve at sir thomas. syd's eyes flashed, and the young officer stared at him haughtily in return, his glance seeming to say, "well, i shall laugh at the comical-looking old boy if i like." the eye encounter which had commenced was checked by sir thomas suddenly turning to his nephew. "there's your ship, boy," he said, "and i wish you luck in her." syd looked in the direction pointed out, to see the long, graceful vessel lying at anchor with quite a swarm of men busy aloft bending on new sails, renewing the running-rigging, and repairing the damages caused her in a severe encounter with a storm. and as he gazed with an unpleasant feeling of shrinking troubling him, the boat rapidly neared the side, the oars were thrown up, the coxswain deftly manoeuvred the stern close to the ladder, held on, and sir thomas rose and went up the side with an activity that seemed wonderful for his years. then with a sensation of singing in his ears, and confused and puzzled by the novelty of all around, sydney belton somehow found himself standing on deck facing his father, who came forward to meet the admiral, then gave him a nod and a look which took in his uniform before he went aft, leaving the new-comer standing alone and feeling horribly strange, and in everybody's way. for the boat's crew were busy making fast the gig in which they had come aboard, and syd had to move three times, each position he took up seeming to be worse. he wanted to go after sir thomas, but did not like to stir, and he felt all the more uncomfortable as he noticed that people kept looking at him, and talking to one another about him, he felt sure. "where can barney be gone?" he muttered, angrily. "how stupid to leave me standing dressed up like this for every one to stare at! father ought to have stopped." he gave a furtive glance to the left, and the blood flushed in his cheeks again as he caught sight of terry, who was talking to another lad of his own age in uniform, and syd felt that they must be talking about him; and if he had felt any doubt before, their action would have endorsed his opinion, for they smiled at one another and walked away. "it's too bad," he said to himself; "they must know how horribly strange i feel." "hullo, squire! who are you?" syd turned round to face the speaker, for the words had, as it were, been barked almost into his ear, and he had heard no one approach, for it had seemed to be one of the peculiarities of aboard ship that people passed to and fro and by him without making a sound. he found himself facing a stern, middle-aged man in uniform, who looked him over at a glance, and syd flinched again, for the officer smiled slightly, not a pleasant smile, for it seemed as if he were going to bite. "i am sydney belton, sir." "eh? oh, the captain's boy. yes, of course. in full rig, eh? well, why don't you go below? you look so strange." "does he mean in uniform?" thought syd. "yes, sir," he said aloud. "my father has gone down there." "aft, boy, aft; don't say down there. well, why don't you go below? seen your messmates?" "i have seen the young officer who came with us in the boat." "eh? who was that? yes, i remember. well, he ought to have taken you down. here, mr terry, mr roylance--oh, there you are!--take mr belton down and introduce him to his messmates; and, i say, youngster-- no, never mind now. look sharp and learn your duties. hi! you sirs, what are you doing with that yard?" he yelled out to some men up aloft, and he walked nimbly away just as the two midshipmen joined syd. "thought, as you were the captain's son, you might be going to have your quarters in the cabin," said terry, with a sneering look in his face. "be better there, wouldn't he, roy?" "i should think so," said the other, looking at the new-comer quizzically. "my father said i should have to be with the other midshipmen," said syd, quickly. "with the midshipmen, not the _other_ midshipmen," said terry, with a sneer. "you are not a midshipman, are you?" "i suppose i am going to be one when i have learned how," replied sydney, shortly. "my father said that i was not to expect any favours because i was the captain's son." "did he now?" said roylance; "and what did your mother say?" syd winced, and looked so sharply at the speaker that the latter pretended to be startled. "wo ho!" he cried. "i say, terry, this chap's a fire-eater; a bit wild." "here, come along down, youngster. don't banter him, hoy," said terry, who had noticed that the officer who had given the order was coming back, and he led the way toward the companion-ladder. "who's that gentleman in uniform?" said sydney. "eh? that one?" said terry, looking in another direction. "oh, that's the purser. you'll have to be very civil to him--ask him to dinner and that sort of thing." "no, no, i wouldn't do that at first," said roylance, as they descended. "ask him to have a glass of grog with you." "yes," said terry. "get to the dinner by and by. pray how old are you?" "between sixteen and seventeen," replied sydney, who writhed under his companion's supercilious ways, but was determined to make friends if he could. "are you though?" said roylance. "fine boy for his age; eh, mike?" "very. mind your head, youngster. we're going to have all this properly lighted now, i suppose. our last captain did not give much thought to the 'tween decks. by the way, the young gentlemen of our mess are a bit particular. he ought to show to the best advantage, eh, roy, and make a good impression." "yes, of course." "perhaps," continued terry, turning to syd, "you'd like to see the ship's barber and have a shave before we go in." "no, thank you," said syd, laughing, "i don't shave." "remarkable," said roylance. "don't banter, roy," cried terry. "the young gentleman is strange, and you take advantage, and begin to be funny. don't you take any notice of him. by the way though, i didn't introduce you. this is mr william roylance, esquire. father's not a captain, but a bishop, priest, or deacon, or something of that kind. very good young man, but don't you lend him money! i say, see that door?" "yes," said sydney, looking at a dimly-seen opening barely lit by a smoky lanthorn. "thought i'd show you. hot water baths in there if you ever wash." "ever wash?" said syd, wonderingly. "yes. we do here--a little--when there is any water. rather particular on board a frigate. here we are." he led the way to where in a dimly-lit hole, so it seemed to sydney, about half a dozen youths were seated beneath a swinging lanthorn busily engaged in some game, which consisted in driving a penny-piece along a dirty wooden table, scoured with lines and spotted with blackened drops of tallow. the coming, as it seemed, of a visitor, in all the neatness and show of a spick and span new uniform, caused a cessation of the game and its accompanying noise; but before a word was spoken, sydney had taken in at a glance the dingy aspect of the place, and had time to consider whether this was the midshipmen's berth. "here you are, gentlemen," shouted terry. "your new messmate: the boy with a belt on." "let him take it off then," cried a voice. "come on, youngster, here's room. got any money?" syd thought of his new uniform and felt disposed to shrink, but he did not hesitate. he had an idea that if he was to share the mess of the lads about him, the sooner he was on friendly terms the better, so he nodded and went forward; but his pace was increased by a sudden thrust from behind, which sent him against the end of the table, and his hat flying to the other side. "shame! shame!" cried terry, loudly, and there was a roar of laughter. "look here, roy, i won't have it; it's too bad. not hurt, are you, belton?" "no," said syd, turning and looking him full in the face; "only a little to find you should think me such a fool as not to know you pushed me." "i? come, young fellow, you'll have to learn manners." he moved threateningly toward syd, but the latter did not heed him, for his attention was taken up by what was going on at the table, for one of the lads cried out-- "any one want a new hat? too big for me." "let me try." "no; pass it here." "get out, i want one most." there was a roar of laughter, and syd bit his lip as he saw his new hat snatched about from one to the other, and tried on in all sorts of ways, back front, amidships, over the eyes, over the ears, and it was by no means improved when the new hand snatched it back and turned to face terry. "look here, sir," said the latter, haughtily; "you had the insolence to accuse me of having pushed you." there was a dead silence as sydney stood brushing his hat with the sleeve of his coat, and without shrinking, for there was a curious ebullition going on in his breast. he did not look up, for he was fighting--self, and thinking about his new uniform in a peculiar way. that is to say, in connection with dirty floors, scuffles, falls, the dragging about of rough hands, etcetera. "do you hear what i say, sir?" continued terry, loudly, and every neck was craned forward in the dim cockpit. "yes, i heard what you said," replied syd, huskily; and then he bit his lip and tried to force down the feeling of rage which was in his breast. "and i heard what you said, sir," cried terry, ruffling up like a game-cock, and thinking to awe the new reefer and impress the lads present, over whom he ruled with a mighty hand. "you are amongst gentlemen here, and we don't allow new greenhorns or country bumpkins to come and insult us." "i don't want to insult anybody," said syd, in a low tone. "i want to be friends, as my father told me to be." "but you insulted me, sir. you said i pushed you just now." "so you did," cried sydney, a little more loudly. "what?" cried terry, threateningly. "and then shammed that it was that other middy." a murmur of excitement ran round the mess. "why, you insolent young cub," cried terry, seizing sydney by the collar of his coat; but quick as thought his hand was struck aside, and the two lads were chest to chest, glaring in each other's eyes. "oh, that's it, is it?" cried terry, with a mocking laugh. "well, the sooner he has his plateful of humble-pie the better; eh, lads?" the murmur of excitement increased. "then i shall have to fight," thought syd; but at that moment a gruff voice exclaimed-- "cap'en wants you, master syd. admiral's going ashore." chapter sixteen. "why, what was up, sir?" whispered barney, whose timely appearance put an end to the discussion. "wasn't going to be a fight, weer it?" "i suppose so, barney," said syd, rather dolefully. "then it'll have to be yet, lad; but it's a bit early." "yes, barney." "they didn't lose no time in 'tackling on yer." "no, barney." "well, lad, it's part of a reefer's eddication, so you'll have to go through with it. you're a toughish chickin as can whack my pan; and he knows how to fight, as lots o' the big lads knows at home." "i don't want to fight," said sydney, bitterly. "no, my lad, but you've got to now. well, that there's a big un, and he'll lick you safe; but you give him a tough job to do it, and then all t'others 'll let you alone." "well, syd, lad; seen your new messmates?" cried a cheery voice. "yes, uncle, i've seen them." "that's right, boy. i'm going ashore now. i'm proud of your ship, syd, proud of the crew, and proud of you, my lad. keep your head up, and may i live to see you posted. no, that's too much, but i must see you wear your first swab." "am i to go ashore with uncle, father?" said sydney. "hush, my boy, once for all," said captain belton. "you are a junior officer now; i am your captain. we must keep our home life for home. no, mr belton, you will not go ashore again. you have joined your ship, and your chest will be brought on board by the boatswain." "is barney going to be a boatswain, sir?" cried sydney, in his eagerness. captain belton gave him a look which said plainly enough, "remember that i am your captain, sir!" and feeling abashed, the boy looked in another direction, to see that barney was winking and screwing up his face in the most wonderful way to convey certain information of the fact that in his inexperience sydney had not read in his uniform. "there, good-bye, syd," said the old admiral, after a few minutes' more conversation with the captain, during which time the boat's crew had been piped away, and terry had hurried on deck to take charge once more. then there was a warm grasp of the hand as the old man leaned toward him, his words seeming the more impressive after what had just occurred. "god bless you, my lad!" he whispered. "you'll get some hard knocks; perhaps it'll come to a fight among your messmates, but if it does, don't have your comb cut. recollect you're a belton, and never strike your colours. always be a gentleman, syd, and never let any young blackguard with a dirty mind lead you into doing anything you couldn't own to openly. there, that's all, my boy. drop the father, and never go to him with tales; he has to treat you middies all alike. there! oh, one word; don't bounce and show off among your messmates, because your father's the captain, and you've got an old hulk at home who is an admiral; but whenever you want a few guineas to enjoy yourself, uncle tom's your banker, you dog. there! be off!" syd tried hard, but his eyes would get a little dim as the bluff old gentleman touched his hat to the officers, and went over the side, while the captain put his hands behind him and walked thoughtfully aft, to have a long consultation with the first lieutenant, after which he too went ashore without seeing his son again, and sydney prepared for his first night on board. there was so much that was novel that the new middy had no time to feel dull, and he spent his time on deck, watching the return of the boat, saw it swung up to its davits again, and then, after noting the marines relieve guard, and the sentries at their posts, he was going forward, when he encountered the officer who had before spoken to him. "got your traps on board yet, mr belton?" "not yet, sir. my chest is coming to-night." "that's right. you'll be in a different fig then to-morrow, and i'll have a talk to you. better pick up what you can from your messmates, but don't quarrel, and don't believe everything they tell you." he nodded not unkindly to the boy, and went off, while barney, who had been watching his opportunity, came up and touched his hat. "your chest's come aboard, sir, and i've had it put below. better keep it locked, my lad, for you'll find my young gents pretty handy with their games." "thank you, barney." "say strake, sir, please now, or bo'sun." "very well, strake. where is pan?" "right, sir. forrard along with the other boys. getting his roasting over. what yer think o' the first luff?" "i haven't seen him yet, bar--strake." "oh, come now, sir; speak the truth whatever you do, and don't try those games on me. why, i sin yer talking to him." "that?" said sydney, smiling, as one who knows better smiles at the ignorant. "why, strake, that was the purser." "poof!" ejaculated the boatswain, with a smothered laugh. "who told you that, sir?" "that midshipman who brought us off in the boat." "a flam, sir, a flam. he was making game of you. that's the first luff." "what a shame!" thought syd, and then he fell a thinking about the orders he gave him--not to quarrel with his messmates. "and i'm sure to quarrel as soon as i go down. no, i will not. he may say what he likes." "you speak, sir?" said the bo'sun. "no, strake, i was thinking." "here, you're wanted below, i think," said one of the warrant officers, coming up and speaking to the ex-gardener. "who wants me?" "that's your boy, isn't it, that you brought aboard?" "ay, it is." "well, i think he has got into a bit of a row with some of the young monkeys below. go and stop it at once." "that's pan-y-mar gone and showed his teeth, master syd," whispered the bo'sun, and he trotted forward, while feeling now that he ought to go and see about his chest, and at the same time wishing that he could go forward and see what was wrong about pan--but fearing to make some breach of discipline--sydney once more went below. chapter seventeen. it was impossible to help thinking about the handsome old dining-room at the heronry as sydney sat down to his first meal at the midshipman's mess, and however willing he might have been to consider that polished mahogany tables and plate were not necessaries, he could not help comparing the food with that to which he had been accustomed. as luck had it, he found himself seated next to roylance, who laughed good-humouredly, and said-- "don't take any notice of the rough joking, youngster." he was not above a year older than sydney, but he had been two years at sea, and seemed to look down from a height of experience at his companion. "i am not going to," said sydney, looking up frankly to the other's handsome face. "that's right. terry's cock of the walk here, and shows off a good deal. we all give in to him, so be civil too, and it will save a row. the luff doesn't like us to quarrel." "he told me not to," said syd. "then i wouldn't. if terry gives you a punch on the head, take it, and never mind." syd was silent. "got your chest, haven't you?" "yes." "everything's new, awkward, and fresh to you now, but you'll soon get used to it. you'll put on your undress uniform to-morrow, of course. i'll tell you anything you want to know. nobody told me when i came on board, and i had a hard time of it." "did the others tease you much?" "they did and no mistake, and i got it worse because i kicked against it; and the _more_ a fellow kicks, the more they worry you." these few friendly advances from a messmate who seemed to be one of the most likely-looking for a companion, sent a feeling of warmth through the new-comer's breast, and in spite of the coarseness of the provisions, which were eked out with odds and ends brought by the middies from the shore, sydney made a fairly satisfactory meal, the better that terry was on duty. "but i've got to meet him some time," thought sydney; and he wondered how he would feel when he received that blow which was sure to come, and stamp him as one of the subordinates of the lad whom his new friend had dubbed the cock of the walk. in spite of the novelty of everything about him, syd had plenty of time to feel low-spirited, and to envy the light-heartedness of his new friend, who in the course of the evening seemed to feel that further apology was due for their first encounter that day. "i say, belton," he said, "i am sorry i played you those tricks and sided with terry as i did. it was all meant for a game. we have such a rough, uncomfortable life here that one gets into the habit of making fun of everything and everybody, from the captain downwards." "don't say any more about it," replied sydney, holding out his hand. "i'm not such a milksop that i mind it." "that's right," cried roylance, grasping the extended hand. "you'll soon be all right with us." "hi! look there," cried a squeaky-voiced little fellow at the end of the table; "there's old roy making friends with the new fellow. i say, belt, don't you believe him. he'll want to borrow money to-morrow." _bang_! "no, you didn't," cried the little middy, who had ducked cleverly and avoided half a loaf which roylance threw at his head and struck the bulkhead instead. "you'll have to be stopped, jenkins," said roylance. "you've got off so far because you are such a miserable little beggar." "don't you believe him, belt," cried the little fellow, who had a withered, old-mannish look, and an exceedingly small nose, like a peg in the middle of his face. "roy's afraid of me. look at that." he slipped off his coat, drew up his sleeve, and exhibited his muscle in a pugnacious fashion, which brought forth a roar of laughter. "baby jenks fights best with his tongue," said roylance, coolly. "we shall have to cut it before he grows civil." the rattle of the chattering tongues went on till bedtime, and at last, for the first time in his life, sydney found himself lying in a hammock, tired out but confused, and hardly able to realise that he was down below in a close place, with his face not many inches from the ceiling with its beams and rings. talking was going on upon each side. the place was very dark, and there was a dim-looking lantern swinging some distance away in the middle of what seemed to be a luminous fog. he lay there thinking that the hammock was not so very uncomfortable, only he did not feel quite at home with his head and heels high, and as every time he moved he felt as if he must fall, he at last lay very still, thinking how strange it all was, and how he seemed to be completely separated from his father, as much so as if they were in different ships. then after coming to the conclusion that he rather liked roylance, but that he should never care for life aboard ship, the light from the lanthorn swung to and fro a little, and then all was perfectly black where it had hung the minute before. this did not trouble syd, for it seemed quite a matter of course that the light should be put out, and so he lay thinking over all that had passed that day--that he was glad barney strake and pan were on board; that roy lance seemed to be so friendly; then that he should have to stand up and meet terry before very long and allow himself to be thrashed. then he thought about nothing at all, for that pleasant, restful sensation that precedes sleep came over him, and all was blank till he felt a curious shock and was wide-awake. "here, hi! what's the matter?" shouted a squeaky voice. "i--i don't know," said sydney, feeling about him and gradually realising that he was on the floor among his blankets. "i think the rope of my hammock has broken." there was an outburst of tittering at this, and now it began to dawn upon him that he was the victim of some trick. "look here, you fellows," said a voice which sydney recognised; "the first luff said there was to be no more of these games. who did it?" "baby jenks," said a voice, and there was a laugh. "i didn't," squeaked the little middy; "it was one of roy's games." "say it was me again, and i'll come and half smother you." "well, they said it was me," protested jenkins. "i was asleep." "who was it?" cried roylance again. "captain belton, to make his boy sharp," said a voice out of the darkness--a voice evidently disguised by being uttered through a pair of half-closed hands. there was a hearty laugh here, during which, feeling very miserable and dejected, syd was groping about, trying to find out how the hammock was fastened, and in the darkness growing only more confused. "where are you?" said roylance. "here. it's come untied, i think." "untied! you've been cut down." "cut?" said sydney, wonderingly. "down. never mind. it was only at your feet. i'll soon put you right again." syd stood there listening to his companions' hard breathing and the whispering and tittering going on in the other hammocks for a few minutes, during which a noise went on like as if a box was being corded. at last this ceased. "there you are! where are your blankets?" "here; but they're all in a dreadful muddle." there was a shout of laughter at this, and directly after sydney heard a gruff voice say-- "steady there, young gen'lemen. anything the matter?" "no; it's all right. only some one tumbled out of bed." there was a low grumbling sound, and roylance whispered-- "never mind; i'll put 'em right for you. there you are; turn in, and i don't suppose any one will upset you after to-night. if anybody comes, and you hear him, hit out." "thank you," said syd, rather dolefully; "i will." he climbed into his hammock again, and listened to the rustling sound made by roylance and the remarks of his messmates. "baby jenks was right. old roy means to suck every shilling out of the new fellow," said a voice. "does he, bolton?" cried roylance. "i know your voice." "why, i never spoke. 'twasn't me," cried the accused. "well, it sounded like you," grumbled roylance, and there was another roar of laughter. "look here, youngsters, i want to go to sleep, and i'll come and cut down the next fellow who makes a row." "yah!" "boo!" "daren't!" these ejaculations came tauntingly from different parts, but in smothered tones, which indicated that the voices were disguised, and after a few more threats from roylance, there was perfect quiet once more in the berth. "so i'm not to sleep," thought sydney, "but keep guard and wait for whoever it was that cut the cords of my hammock. a nasty cowardly trick." the fall and its following had so thoroughly roused up the sufferer that he felt not the slightest inclination to sleep, and feeling that he could easily keep awake and hear any one approach, he lay listening to the hard breathing on both sides till all grew more and more subdued; and though it was pitch dark the surroundings grew misty and strange, and syd lay listening to a strange sound which made him turn his head in the direction of the door, towards where he could see a sturdily-built young fellow down on his hands and knees, crawling in as easily as a dog. now he peered to one side, now to the other. then he ran on all fours under the hammocks, which seemed to stand out quite clearly with their occupants therein. then his head appeared, and it seemed, though he could not make out the face, that it was terry. but the head disappeared again, and as syd watched he felt that his hammock was the object in view, and in his dread he started to find that all was intensely dark and that he had been dreaming all this. it was very hot, and there was heavy breathing all around, but not another sound, so feeling once more that it would be impossible to sleep, and that he might as well be on guard, syd kept his vigil for quite five minutes, and then, as was perfectly natural, went off fast asleep again, to lie until it seemed to him that there was a crash of thunder, and then all was blank. "here, hi! sentry! bring a lantern. it's a mean, cowardly act, and i'll complain to the first lieutenant." the roar of laughter which had been going on, mingled with comments, ceased at this, and was succeeded by a low buzzing sound, which seemed to syd to be close to his ears as he saw a dim light, felt horribly sleepy, and as if his head ached violently. "it's too bad. the other was only a game. the poor fellow's head's cut and bleeding, and whoever did this is a mean-spirited coward, and no gentleman." "shall i go and rouse up the doctor, sir?" "no; we'll bind it up, and keep it all quiet. there'd be no end of trouble if the captain knew. i only wish i knew who did it, cutting a fellow down by the head like this." syd tried to speak, but he was like one in a dream. "if i knew who it was--" said roylance. "what would you do?" said a voice, which syd seemed to recognise; "go and tell his daddy?" "no; i'd tell him he was a mean-spirited, cowardly hound," said roylance, "and not fit for the society of gentlemen." "hark at the bishop's boy, i dare say he did it himself." "just the sort of thing i should do!" replied roylance, sharply. "more likely one of mike terry's brutal tricks." "oh, very well, master roy. you and i can talk that over another time. so you mean to say i did it?" roylance did not answer, and just then sydney recovered his voice, the faintness passing away like a cloud. "was it he?" whispered the boy. "i'm not sure," whispered roylance. "don't quarrel because of me. does my head bleed now?" "no; i've tied my handkerchief tightly round it. lie still, you'll be better soon.--here, marine, knot up that hammock again. you shan't be cut down again, for i'll keep watch." "there's nothing the matter," said terry, from the other end of the berth; "it's only one of miss roylance's fads. currying favour with the skipper by making a pet monkey of his boy." roylance ground his teeth, and syd lay very quiet listening, and watching the marine as he knotted together the broken lines, helping him in afterwards, and going away with the lantern. "don't wait," whispered syd; "it's very good of you, but i'm not hurt much. they cut the ropes up by my head, didn't they?" "yes; the cowards! but i don't think they'll touch you again now. shall i stop?" "no; don't, please. i may as well take my chance." "very well," said roylance, and he went back to his own hammock amongst the remarks and laughs of those who, from liking or dread, had made themselves the parasites of the leader of the mess. chapter eighteen. syd started into wakefulness in the morning to find that he had been sleeping heavily. his head ached a little, and when he moved there was a smarting sensation, but he felt disturbed mentally more than in body. he turned out of his hammock and dressed as quickly as the new stiff buttonholes of his uniform would allow, all the time suffering from a sensation of misery and discomfort which made his temper anything but amiable. "how's your head?" said roylance, who was one of the last to wake. "bad--sore--aches." "let me look." syd submitted himself unwillingly. "only wants a bathe, and a bit of plaister. i'll see to that." the dressing was finished, the hammocks rolled up, and syd was wondering how long breakfast would be, and what they should have. terry, who was strolling about the place watching him furtively, suddenly stood aside, the others watching him. at that moment roylance came down into his berth with a pair of scissors and some sticking-plaister. "here you are," he said. "i'll just cut a little of the hair away, and put a bit of this on. it won't show under your hat." "all right," said syd, sitting down in the middle of the place on the top of his sea-chest; "but you needn't have fetched that. i had some in here." "do for next time," said roylance, cutting off a large piece of plaister. "oh, nonsense," said syd, laughing; "a quarter of that would do. i could do it myself if i could see." just then terry came swaggering up, and roylance winced, the scissors with which he was cutting the plaister trembling a little. "oh, look here, master roy," said terry, haughtily. "you made some remarks to me in the night about that cutting down of the hammock. i want an apology from you." "i'm busy now, mr terry," said roylance; and the irritable feeling which troubled syd seemed to be on the increase. "i didn't ask you if you were busy, sir, i said i wanted an apology," continued terry, while the rest of the mess looked on excitedly at the promising quarrel between the two eldest middies on board the _sirius_. "i'm attending to this new messmate's hurt." "let him go to the doctor if he is hurt," snarled terry. "i tell you i want an apology. you as good as said that i cut down this cub's hammock last night." "if i had quite said it, i dare say i shouldn't have been far wrong," replied roylance, in a low tone. "oh, indeed, miss," sneered terry, "you always were clever with your tongue, like the long thin molly you are. now then, take that back before--" he ceased speaking and doubled his fists. syd felt as if he were sitting on a fire, and something within him was beginning to boil. "i'm not going to apologise now," said roylance, wincing a little, but speaking more determinedly than before. "arn't you? then i'm going to make you," said terry. "bolton, go to the bottom of the ladder and give warning." "no, no; send jenks," said the boy addressed, appealingly. "you go, and do as you're told," said terry, fiercely; and syd felt as if he must boil over soon, no matter how much he was hurt. "now then, miss roylance, if you please, i'm waiting," said terry, in an offensive way. "you're such a talker that you can easily make a nice apology." roylance went on cutting and sticking the piece of plaister. "do you hear me, sir?" cried terry, "or am i to set baby jenks to thrash you?" "stand up, belton," said roylance, quietly. "now then, turn a little more to the light;" and sydney rose. "stand aside, youngster. i want to give miss roylance a bit of sticking-plaister first." as he spoke he gave syd, who was between them, a push, whose result astounded him. "out of the way will you," cried syd, fiercely; "can't you see he's busy?" that which had been boiling in him had gone over the side at last, and terry stopped short staring with astonishment. "if you want to talk to him, wait till he has done my head. better talk to me, for it was you, you great coward, who cut me down." "why you--oh, this is too good!" cried terry, with a forced laugh, as he looked round at the little knot of his messmates. "there, wait a minute till i've done with molly roylance, and i'll soon settle your little bill." roylance stood looking pale and excited, with the scissors and plaister still in his hand, but on his guard ready to spring back or sidewise if attacked. then he, like his would-be assailant, stared in astonishment. for syd had resumed his position between them as if about to lower his head to the light; when, feeling that if he wished to maintain his character he must act sharply against what was to him a new boy in the midshipman's mess, terry laid hold of syd's collar and swung him round. "out of the way, will you!" he said; and as the road was clear he made a spring at roylance, but suddenly gave his head a twist, tripped over the new sea-chest that was in the way, and fell heavily. "oh, that's it, is it?" he cried, as he sprang to his feet. "well, the sooner you have your lesson the better." he began to divest himself of his upper garment as he spoke; and syd, whose teeth were set, and whose knuckles were tingling from the effect of the blow he had planted on terry, rapidly imitated him. "no, no," said roylance, excitedly; "this is my quarrel. you see fair." "you want me to quarrel with you?" cried syd, fiercely; "see fair yourself. hold that." he threw his garment to the tall slight lad, and rolled up his sleeves, to stand forth no mean antagonist for the bully, though terry was a couple of inches taller, as many years older, and better set. "be ready to pick him up, molly roy," said terry, sneeringly. "get a sponge and a basin of water ready, baby jenks, and--" he staggered back. for as he spoke he had begun sparring at one who was smarting with rage, and the thought that the cowardly fellow who had injured him so in the night was before him ready for him to take his revenge. syd thought of nothing else, and the moment he was facing his adversary, clashed in at him, delivering so fierce a blow that terry nearly went down. then came and went blow after blow. there was a close, a fierce struggle here and there, and both went down just as a pair of broad shoulders were seen at the door beside those of bolton, who was keeping watch over the fight instead of the companion-ladder, and the broad shoulders and the rugged countenance were those of the new boatswain. "arn't lost much time," he growled. "no. don't stop 'em," whispered bolton. "let them have it out." "oh, i arn't agoin' to stop 'em," growled back barney. "he's got to be a fighting man, so he'd better larn to fight." "can he fight?" whispered the middy. "seems like it, sir: that was right in the nose." an excited murmur ran through the spectators, as after a sharp little episode, during which syd had been a good deal knocked about, terry went back against the bulkhead and stood with his hand to his face. "ready for the sponge and basin, mike terry?" squeaked jenks; and there was a laugh. "i'll remember that, baby," cried terry, squaring up to his adversary again with the full intention of putting an end to an encounter beneath his dignity; and after a sharp struggle syd's crown struck the bulkhead loudly, and he went down sitting on a locker. "that's done him," said bolton, with a sigh, as if he were disappointed. "not it, my lad. master syd arn't got warm yet. your chap's got his work cut out to lick him." "then he can fight?" whispered bolton, eagerly. "well, it arn't so much his fighting; it's a way he's got o' not being able to leave off when he's wound up, and that tires 'em. look at that." the fight had been renewed by terry rushing forward to finish off his antagonist, who had seemed to be a little confused by the last round. but sydney eluded him, and with a wonderful display of activity avoided several awkward blows, and after wearying his enemy managed to deliver one with all his might in unpleasant proximity to terry's eyes. the struggle went on with varying success, syd on the whole naturally getting far the worst of it; but barney stood stolidly looking on, and when roylance felt his heart sink as he saw how badly his brave young defender was being beaten, the boatswain said coolly to bolton in reply to a-- "now then, what do you think of that?" "lot's o' stuff in him yet, young gen'leman. he's good for another hour." there was encounter after encounter, and close after close, during which syd generally went down first; but to terry's astonishment the more he knocked his young antagonist about the fiercer it made him, and at last after delivering a successful blow full in syd's chest he cried out-- "take him away, roy; i don't want to hurt him any--" terry did not finish his remark, for the second half of that last word was knocked back by a bang right in the mouth, followed up by several others so rapidly delivered that the champion of the midshipmen's mess went down this time without a struggle. "what do you think o' that, young gen'leman?" said barney. "hurray!" whispered bolton, bending down and squeezing his hands between his knees; "he'll lick him." "eh? i thought he was your man." "a beast! he's always knocking us about," whispered bolton. "hurray! go it, belt." the adversaries were face to face again, and there was a breathless silence. "had enough?" panted terry. "no, not half," cried syd, rushing at him. "look at that! see his teeth?" said barney. "that's british bull-dog, that is. master syd never fights till he's made, but when he does--my eye! that was a crack." but it was not barney's eye. it was terry's, and the blow was so sharp that the receiver went down into a corner, and refused to get up again, while the subjects of the fallen king crowded round the victor eager to shake hands. "no, no," panted syd; "don't: my knuckles are all bleeding. what's my face like?" he said sharply to roylance. "knocked about; but never mind that, belton; you've won." "i don't mind," was the reply; "and i don't want to win. are you much hurt?" he continued, going to terry's corner, where the vanquished hero was still seated upon the floor with little jenkins, with much sympathy, offering to sponge his face. "i'm sorry we fought," said syd, quietly. "shake hands." there was no reply. "you're not hurt much, are you?" terry gave him one quick look, and then let his head down on his chest. "you'll shake hands?" said syd. "we can be friends now." still no notice. "shake hands, mike terry," piped little jenkins. "you've licked everybody, and it was quite your turn." "hold your tongue, you little wretch," hissed the other. "i owe you something for this." "ha, ha, ha!" laughed the impish little fellow, beginning to caper about with the sponge. "you touch me again and i'll get belton to give you your gruel. you nasty great coward, you've got it at last." "don't you be a coward," said syd, sharply. "now, mr terry, i'm very sorry: shake hands." "here, one of you take that basin and sponge away from jenks," said terry, getting up painfully. "he wouldn't have done this if i hadn't hurt one of my arms." "well, if i was licked fair like that, i would own to it," said bolton. "it was fair, wasn't it, roy?" "as fair as a fight could be," was the reply. "yes," said barney, thrusting in his head, "that was as fair as could be, master syd." "what you, barney!" "bo'sun, sir. i wouldn't interrupt you afore, 'cause i knowed you wouldn't like it, but the captain wants to see you." "what!" cried sydney, as he clapped his hands to his swollen nose and lips. "wants to see me?" "soon as ever he's done his braxfass, sir." "oh, what shall i do?" cried syd. "dunno, sir," said the boatswain, grinning, "unless you sends word you're sea-sick, for you do look bad." "no, no, i can't do that." "oh, i dunno, sir," said the boatswain, chuckling. "you was sea-sick months before you joined your ship, so i don't see why you shouldn't be now. my panny-mar's got it too. took bad last night." "what, has he been fighting?" "didn't ask him, sir; but he can't see out of his eyes, and when i asked him how he felt, he grinned like all on one side." "i heard there was a fight with a new boy," piped out jenkins. "had it out with monkey bill and licked him. was that your boy, bo'sun?" "that's him, sir. we all comes of a fighting breed; him and me and the cap'en and master syd here. skipper's awful, and i shall be sorry for the frenchies and spanles as he tackles. well, master syd, what am i to tell the captain's sarvant 'bout you?" "go and ask to see the captain," said syd, firmly, "and tell him that i have been having a fight, and am not fit to come." "hear that?" said the boatswain, looking proudly round--"hear that, young gen'lemen? that's bri'sh bull-dog, that is. what do you think of your messmate now?" the middies gave a cheer, and crowded round syd as terry bent over the locker to bathe his swollen face, and he looked up once, but did not say a word. "some says fighting among boys is a bad thing," muttered the boatswain, as he went on deck, "and i don't approve of it. but when one chap bullies all the rest, same as when one country begins to wallop all the others, what are you to do?" chapter nineteen. as bo'sun strake reached the deck, he came suddenly upon the first lieutenant, and touched his hat. "where have you been, my man?" "down below, sir." "i said where have you been, my man?" said the lieutenant, sternly. "young gentlemen's quarters, sir." "what was going on there?" the bo'sun hesitated, but the lieutenant's eyes fixed him, and he said, unwillingly-- "a fight, sir." "humph! the new midshipman--mr belton?" "yes, sir." "got well thrashed, i suppose?" "no, sir; not he," cried the bo'sun, eagerly. "who was it with?" "tall young gent, sir, as brought us off in the boat yesterday." "that will do." "hope he won't mast-head the dear boy for this," muttered barney, as he went aft, found the captain's servant, and asked to see his master. in a few minutes he was summoned, and found captain belton writing. "well, strake; what is it?" "i had a message, your honour, to take to the young gentlemen's berth." "yes; to mr belton. is he here?" "no, your honour; he's there." "well, is he coming?" "if you say he's to come, sir, he'll come; but he don't look fit." "why? fighting?" "yes, sir." "and been beaten?" "beaten, your honour? well, beggin' your pardon, sir, i'm surprised at you. my boy panny-mar give it to his man pretty tidy last night, but he's nothing to that young gent below yonder." "indeed!" said the captain, frowning. "yes, sir, indeed. he do look lovely." "who has my son been fighting with?" "young gent as was in charge of the boat as brought sir thomas and us aboard, sir." "that will do, strake." the bo'sun touched his forehead, and backed out of the cabin. "so soon!" muttered captain belton; and, taking his hat, he went on deck to encounter the first lieutenant directly. "i find that my son has been fighting in the midshipmen's mess, mr bracy," he said. "please bear in mind that he is mr belton, a midshipman in his majesty's service, and that i wish that no favour should be shown to him on account of his being nearly related to me." "trust me for that, captain belton," said the lieutenant. "if i made any exception at all, it would be to bear a little more severely upon him." "and in this case?" "well, sir, in this case, from what i understand, he has incapacitated our senior midshipman for duty." "i am sorry," said the captain. "i am glad," said the first lieutenant. "eh?" "cut his comb, sir. good, gentlemanly-looking fellow, who understands his duty, but a sad bully, i fear." "oh! and you will punish--er--them both?" "punish, sir?" said the lieutenant; "oh dear, no. i don't mean to hear anything about it, sir. but i congratulate you upon the stuff of which your son is made." "thank you, mr bracy," said the captain, as they touched their hats to each other most ceremoniously, and the captain went back to his cabin. for the next week all was confusion on deck, alow and aloft. the captain stayed at the hotel ashore so as to be handy, and the first lieutenant ruled supreme. the riggers were still busy, and the crew hard at work getting in stores, water, and provisions, including fresh meat and vegetables. coops and pens were stowed forward, and chaos was the order of the day. syd became thoroughly well accustomed to the middies' berth, for he was obliged to keep down all day, mostly in company with terry, but they kept apart as much as possible, and syd was old enough to feel that it was a very hollow truce between them. but as soon as it was dark he was up on deck, where it was not long before he found out that he was the object of attention of the men, who were not slow to show their admiration for the young fellow who had so soon displayed his mettle by thrashing the bully of the mess. the bo'sun was to answer for a good deal of this, and so it was, that go where he would there was a smile for him, and an eagerness on the part of the crew to answer questions or perform any little bit of service. this was all very pleasant, and life on board began to look less black, although it really was life in the dark. "but, never mind, roy," he would say, in allusion to his nocturnal life; "keeps people from seeing what a face i've got. don't look so bad to-day, does it?" "bad? no. it's all right." "oh, is it? i suppose it about matches terry's, and his is a pretty sight." during his week syd was always expecting to be summoned by his father or the first lieutenant, but he encountered neither; they seemed to have forgotten his existence. so he read below a great deal of light, cheerful, edifying matter upon navigation--good yawning stuff, with plenty of geometry in it and mathematical calculations, seeing little of his messmates, who were on the whole pretty busy. at night, though, he began to acquire a little practical seamanship, calling upon the bo'sun, a most willing teacher, to impart all he could take in, in these brief lessons, about the masts, yards, sails, stays, and ropes. he went aloft, and being eager and quick, picked up a vast amount of information of a useful kind, barney knowing nothing that was not of utility. "never had no time for being polished, master syd," he would say, "but lor me, what a treat it is to get back among the hemp and canvas! i never used to think when i was splicing a graft on a tree that i should come to splicing 'board ship again. when are you coming on deck again in the day-time?" "not till i look decent, barney." "beg pardon, sir." "bo'sun, then." "thankye, sir." the week had passed, and the next day the ship was clear of its dockyard artisans. shipwrights, riggers, and the rest of them had gone, and leaving the painting to be done by his crew during calms, the captain received his orders, the frigate was unmoored, and syd watched from one of the little windows the receding waves, becoming more and more conscious of the fact that there was wind at work and tide in motion. the time went on, and he knew that there was the land on one side and a verdant island on the other, but somehow he did not admire them, and when roylance came to him in high glee to call him to dinner, with the announcement that there were roast chickens and roast leg of pork as a wind-up before coming down to biscuit and salt junk, syd said he would not come. "but chickens, man--chickens roast." "don't care for roast chickens," said syd. "roast pork then, and sage and onions." "oh, i say, don't!" cried syd, with a shudder. "well, i must go, or i shan't get a morsel," cried roylance, and he hurried away. "how horrible!" thought the boy. "i do believe i'm going to be sea-sick, just like any other stupid person who goes a voyage for the first time." before evening the frigate had passed high chalk bluffs on the left, and on the right a wide bay, with soft yellow sandy shore. then there was chalk to right and the open channel to left; then long ranges of limestone cliffs, dotted with sea-birds, and then evening and the land growing distant, the waves rising and falling, and as he went to his hammock that night syd uttered a groan. "what's the matter, lad?" cried roylance, who was below. "bad," said syd, laconically. "nonsense! make a bold fight of it." "fight?" cried syd; "why baby jenks could thrash me now. how long shall i be ill?" "well, if it gets rough, as it promises to, i dare say you'll have a week of it." "a week?" groaned syd. then some time after, to himself, between bad paroxysms of misery-- "never mind," he said; "by the time i am able to go on deck again i shall look fit to be seen." it was about a couple of hours later, when the frigate had got beyond a great point which jutted out into the sea, and began to stretch away for the ocean, that syd awakened to the fact that the vessel seemed to be having a game with him. she glided up and up, bearing him tenderly and gently as it were up to the top of a hill of water, and then, after holding him there for a moment, she dived down and left him, with a horrible sensation of falling that grew worse as the wind increased, and the _sirius_ heeled over. "i wonder whether, if i made a good brave effort, i could master this giddy weak sensation," thought the boy. "i'll try." he made his effort--a good, bold, brave effort--and then he lay down and did not try to make any more efforts for a week, when after passing through what seemed to be endless misery, during which he lay helplessly in his hammock, listening to the creaking of the ship's timbers and the rumble that went on overhead, and often thinking that the ship was diving down into the sea never to come up again, he was aroused by a gruff voice, which sounded like barney strake's. it was very dark, and he felt too ill to open his eyes, but he spoke and said-- "is that you, bo'sun?" "ay, ay, my lad; me it is. come, rouse and bit." "i couldn't, barney," said syd, feebly. "the very thought of a bit of anything makes me feel worse." "yah! not it; and i didn't mean eat; i meant turn out, have a good wash, and dress, and come on deck." "i should die if i tried." "die, lad? what, you? any one would think you was ill." "i am, horribly." "yah! nonsense! on'y squirmy. weather's calming down now, and you'll be all right." "no, barney; never any more," sighed syd. "i say." "ay, my lad. what is it?" "will they bury me at sea, barney?" "haw--haw--haw!" laughed the bo'sun. "he thinks he's going to die! why, master syd, i did think you had a better heart." "you don't know how ill i am," said the boy, feebly. "yes i do, zackly. i've seen lots bad like you, on'y it arn't bad, but doing you good." "no, barney; you don't know," said syd, a little more forcibly. "why, you haven't been so bad as my pan-y-mar was till i cured him." "did you cure him?" said syd, beginning to take more interest in the bo'sun's words. "ay, my lad, in quarter of an hour." "do you think you could cure me, barney? i don't want to die just yet." "on'y hark at him." "but do you think you could cure me?" "course i could, my lad; but i mustn't. you've get the doctor to see you. don't he do you no good?" "no, barney; he only laughed at me--like you did." "'nough to make him, lad. you're not bad." "i tell you i am," cried syd, angrily. "what did you give pan?" "i didn't give him nothin', sir. i only showed him a rope's-end, and i says to him, `now look ye here, pan-y-mar,' i says, `if you aren't dressed and up and doing in quarter hour, here's your dose.'" "oh!" moaned syd. "and he never wanted to take it, master syd, for he was up on deck 'fore i said, and he haven't been bad since." "how could you be such a brute, barney?" "brute, lad? why, it was a kindness. if i might serve you the same--" "it would kill me," said syd, angrily; and somehow his voice grew stronger. "kill yer! you'd take a deal more killing than you think for." "no, i shouldn't. i'm nearly dead now." "nay, lad; you're as lively as a heel in fresh water. capen sent me down to see how you was." "he hasn't been to see me, barney." "course he arn't, lad. had enough to do looking arter the ship, for we've had a reg'lar snorer these last few days. don't know when i've seen a rougher sea. been quite a treat to a man who has been ashore so long. see how the frigate behaved?" "did she, barney?" "loverly. there, get up; and i'll go and tell the skipper you're all right again." "but i tell you i'm not. i'm very, very bad." "not you, master syd." "i am, i tell you." "not you, lad. nothing the matter with you;" and barney winked to himself. "look here," cried syd, passionately, as he jumped up in his hammock, "you're a stupid, obstinate old fool, so be off with you." "and you're a midshipman, that's what you are, master syd, as thinks he's got the mumble-dumbles horrid bad, when it's fancy all the time." "do you want me to hit you, barney?" cried syd, angrily. "hit me? i should like you to do it, sir. do you know i'm bo'sun of this here ship?" "i don't care what you are," cried syd. "you're an unfeeling brute. an ugly old idiot, that's what you are." "oh! am i, sir? well, what do you call yerself--all yaller and huddled up like a sick monkey in a hurricane. why, i'd make a better boy out of a ship's paddy and a worn-out swab." syd hit out at him with all his might, striking the bo'sun in the chest, but overbalancing himself so that he rolled out of the hammock, and would have fallen had not barney caught him in his arms and planted him on the deck. "hoorray! well done, master syd; now then, on with these here stockings, and jump into your breeches. i'll help you. on'y want a good wash and a breath o' fresh air, and then--look here, i'll get the cook to let you have a basin o' soup, and you'll be as right as a marlin-spike in a ball o' tow." syd was too weak to make much opposition. he had awakened to the fact after his fit of passion that he really was not so bad as he thought. the ship was not dancing about, and there was a bright ray of sunshine cutting the darkness outside the place where he lay, and once or twice he had inhaled a breath of sweet, balmy, summer-like air. then, too, his head did not swim so much in an erect position, and he let barney go on talking in his rough, good-humoured fashion, and help him on with some clothes; bring him a bowl of water in which he had a good wash; and when at last he was dressed and sitting back weak and helpless on the locker, the bo'sun said-- "now, i was going to say have a whiff o' fresh air first, my lad; but you are a bit pulled down for want o' wittals. i'll speak to the cook now, and seeing who you are, i dessay he'll rig you up a mess of slops as 'll do you no end o' good." "i couldn't touch anything, barney." "yah, lad! you dunno. said you couldn't get up, and here you are. think i can't manage you. here, have another hit out at me." "oh, barney, i am so sorry." "sorry be hanged, lad! i'm glad. you won't know yourself another hour." "but--but i'm going to be sick again, barney," gasped the invalid. "that's a moral impossibility, my lad, as i werry well know. you sit still while i fetch you something to put in your empty locker. didn't know i was such a doctor, did yer?" barney stepped out of the door, and went straight for the galley, leaving syd leaning back in a corner feeling deathly sick, the perspiration standing cold upon his brow, and with an intense longing to lie down once more, and in profound ignorance of what will can do for a sea-sick patient after a certain amount of succumbing. the threat of the rope's-end had finished pan's bout. something else was going to act as a specific for syd's. he had been seated there a few minutes when there was a light step, and a little figure appeared surmounted by the comically withered countenance of jenkins. "hallo, belton!" he cried. "up again. better?" "no; i feel very ill." "never mind. you do look mouldy, though. can i get you anything?" "no; i couldn't touch a bit." "couldn't you? keep your head to the wind, lad, and get well. old mike terry's getting horrid saucy again, so look sharp and bung him up." the little fellow popped up on deck, and took the news, with the effect that bolton came and said a word of congratulation, and he was followed by roylance. "oh, i am glad, old fellow," cried the latter. "you've had a nasty bout. but, i say, your eyes are all right again, and the swelling's gone from your lip." "has it?" said syd, feebly, as if nothing mattered now. "yes; you'll very soon come round. we've run down with a rush before that nor'-easter, and we're getting into lovely summer weather. coming on deck?" "too weak." "not you. do you good. but i must go back on deck. regular drill on." he hurried away, and syd was leaning back utterly prostrated, when there was another step, and he opened his eyes to see that the figure which darkened the door was that of terry, who came into the low dark place, and stood looking down at his late antagonist with a sneering contemptuous smile which was increased to a laugh. "what a poor miserable beggar!" he said, as if talking to himself. "talk about the sailor's sick parrot. ha, ha, ha!" a faint tinge of colour began to dawn in syd's face. "well," said terry; "what are you staring at?" syd made no reply, only kept his eyes fixed on his enemy, and panted slightly. "hadn't you better go and ask your father to put you ashore somewhere, miss?" sneered terry. "you ought to be sent home in a bath chair." syd made no reply, and terry, who under his assumed nonchalant sneering aspect was simmering with rage at the sight of his conqueror, went on glorying in the chance to trample on a fallen enemy, and trying to work him up to do something which would give him an excuse for delivering a blow. "_i_ can't think what officers are about to bring such miserable sickly objects on board the king's ships to upset and annoy everybody with their miserable long-shore ways. it's a scandal to the service." still syd made no answer, and emboldened by the silence terry went on. "if i had my way i'd just take every contemptible sick monkey who laid up, haul him on deck, make fast a rope to his ankle, and souse him overboard a few times. that would cure them." syd closed his eyes, for he was giddy; but his breast rose and fell as if he were suffering from some emotion. "filling the ship up with a pack of swabs who, because they are sons of captains, are indulged and nursed, and the whole place is turned into a hospital. why don't you go into the cabin?" "because i don't choose," cried syd, suddenly starting up with his face flushing, his eyes bright, and the passion that was in him sending the blood coursing through his veins. terry started back in astonishment. "i'm not going into the cabin, because i am going to stop here in the midshipmen's berth to teach the bully of the mess how to behave himself like a gentleman." "what?" "and not like the domineering cur and coward he is." "coward?" "yes, to come and talk to me like this; you know i'm weak and ill." "what? why, you miserable contemptible cub, say another word and i'll rub your nose on the planks till you beg my pardon." "another word, and a dozen other words, bully terry. touch me, coward! i can't help myself now; but if you lay a finger on me, i'll get well and give you such a thrashing as the last shall be like nothing to it. you've got one of my marks still on your ugly nose. now, touch me if you dare." "why, hullo, master syd; that you?" said barney, in his loudest voice, as he entered the place with a basin full of some steaming compound. "ha--ha--ha!" laughed terry. "here's the nurse come with the baby's pap. did you put some sugar in it, old woman?" "nay, sir; no sugar," said barney, touching his hat; "but there's plenty of good solid beef-stock in it, the cook says; stuff as 'll rouse up mr belton's muscles, and make 'em 'tiff as hemp-rope. like to try 'em again in a fortnight's time?" "you insolent scoundrel! how dare you! do you forget that you are speaking to your officer?" "no, sir. beg pardon, sir." "it is not granted. leave this place, sir, and go on deck." "don't do anything of the kind, strake," cried syd, who was calming down. "you are waiting on me." "do you hear me, sir?" roared terry again. "i can," said syd, coolly, "and a wretchedly unpleasant voice it is. go and bray somewhere else, donkey. let's see, it was the ass that tried to kick the sick--" "lion," interrupted terry, with a sneer. "are you a sick lion?" "it would be precious vain to say yes," said syd; "but i'll own to being the sick lion if you'll own to being the beast who hoisted his heels." "bah!" ejaculated terry, and he turned and stalked out of the place. "felt as if i should have liked to go at him again," cried syd, fiercely. barney winked to himself. "he'll give me one for that, sir. now then, just you try a spoonful o' this; 'tain't too hot. not a nyste sort o' young gen'leman, is he?" "no, barney," said syd, taking the spoon. "his pap was a bit sour p'raps when he was young, eh, master syd?" "an overbearing bully!" cried syd. "only wait till i get strong again." "and then you'll give it to him again, sir?" "i don't want to quarrel or fight with anybody," said syd, speaking quickly and excitedly, between the spoonfuls of strong soup he was swallowing. "course you don't, sir; you never was a quarrelsome young gent." "but he is beyond bearing." "that's true, sir; so he is. only i mustn't say so. lor', how i have seen young gents fight afore now; but when it's been all over, they've shook hands as if they'd found out who was strongest, and there's been an end on it." "yes, barney." "but this young gen'leman, sir, don't seem to take his beating kindly. hauls down his colours, and you sends your orficer aboard to take possession--puts, as you may say, your right hand in, but he wouldn't take it." "no, barney," said syd, as the bo'sun winked again to himself, "he wouldn't shake hands." "no, sir; he wouldn't. i see it all, and thought i ought to stop it, but i knowed from the first you'd lick him; and it strikes me werry hard, mr syd, sir, that you'll have to do all that there bit o' work over again." "but i'm weak now, and he may lick me, barney," said syd, who was making a peculiar noise now with the spoon he held--a noise which sounded like the word _soup_. "weak? not you, sir. feels a bit down, but you'll soon forget that. i wouldn't try to bring it on again, sir," said barney, watching his young master all the while. "bring it on? no," cried sydney. "i tell you i hate fighting. i don't like being hurt." "course not, sir." "and i don't like hurting any one." "well, sir, strikes me that's foolish, 'cause there's no harm in hurtin' a thing like him. do him good, i say. you see, master syd, there's young gents as grows into good skippers, and there's young gents as grows into tyrants, and worries the men till they mutinies, and there's hangings and court-martials--leastwise, court-martials comes first. now, mr terry, sir, unless he's tamed down and taught better, 's one o' the sort as makes bad skippers, and the more he's licked the better he'll be." "i shall never like him," said syd, whose spoon was scraping the bottom of the basin now. "no, sir; i s'pose not," said barney, with a dry grin beginning to spread over his countenance. "nobody could; but i dare say his mother thinks he's a werry nyste boy, and kisses and cuddles him, and calls him dear." "yes, i suppose so, barney." "and a pretty dear too; eh, master syd?" "yes, barney. what are you laughing at?" "you, sir," cried the bos'un. "hooray! he's took it all, and said he couldn't touch a drop." "well, i thought i couldn't, barney; but mr terry roused me up, and i feel better now." "nay, sir; play fair." "what do you mean?" "give a man his doo. it was me roused you up." "so it was, barney. i'm a deal better." "you're quite well, says doctor barney strake, and that's me. say, master syd, what do they call that they gives a doctor wrorped up in paper?" "his fee." "then, sir, that's just what you owes me, who says to you now--just you go on deck and breathe the fresh wind, for this here place would a'most stuffocate a goose." "yes, i'll try and get on deck now," said syd. "and try means do. hooray, sir, i'm going to tell the captain as you're quite well, thankye, now, amen." "not quite well, barney." "ay, but you are, sir. but i say, master syd." "what?" "you never said your grace." chapter twenty. the cure was complete, and two days later syd had almost forgotten that he had been ill. the weather was glorious, and as they sailed on south and west before a favouring breeze, life at sea began to have its charms. every day the ocean seemed to grow more blue; and pretty often there was something fresh to look at, fish, or bird wandering far from land. but theirs was to be no pleasure trip, as syd soon realised upon seeing the many preparations that were being made for war. in his old days of command, captain harry belton's was considered the smartest manned ship in the squadron in which he served, and it was his ambition now to make up for the many deficiencies he discovered on board the frigate. consequently gun and small-arm drill was almost as frequent as the practice of making and shortening sail. the crew grumbled and grew weary, but all the same they felt an increasing respect for the officer who was determined to have everything done in the best way possible, and when the captain did say a few words of praise for some smart bit of seamanship, the men felt that it was praise worth having. it seemed rather hard to syd at times that his father should be so cold and distant. roylance, who had become great friends with the new middy, noticed it too. "were you bad friends at home?" he said to syd, one day, as they were leaning over the taffrail gazing down at the clear blue sea. "oh no, the best of friends; and i always dined with him and uncle tom when he was there, and sat with them at dessert." "oh, i say, don't talk about it," said roylance; "late dinners and dessert. different to our rough berth, eh?" "ye-es," said syd: "but one gets to like this more now." "does seem strange though about the captain." "takes more notice of the others than he does of me." "i don't know about more," said roylance. "treats us all the same, i think. well, when you come to think of it, you are one of us, and it wouldn't be fair if he favoured you." "no." "suppose it was promotion? no, you mustn't grumble.--i say." "yes." "i wouldn't trust old terry too much, syd." "why not? he's friendly enough now; and we don't want to fight again." "no; but he's too civil to you now, and always looks to me as if he would do you an ill turn if he could." syd laughed. "ah, you may grin; but you wouldn't laugh if you found he'd just given you a push and sent you overboard some dark night." "nonsense!" "i hope it is, but don't you trust him. i've known mike terry three years, and i've always found that he never forgave anybody who got the better of him." "i'm not going to trust him particularly, nor keep him off," said syd, carelessly. "i say, though, how funny it is i find myself talking and feeling just as if i'd been at sea ever so long, instead of two or three weeks." "soon get used to it. you've been very lucky, though." "how?" said syd. "being beaten nearly to a mummy, and then being sea-sick for a week?" "having that fight, and marking mike terry. it's made all the fellows like you." "and i don't deserve it." "oh, don't you! well, never mind about that." "no; never mind about that," said syd, carelessly. "i say, where are we going?" "don't know. nobody does. sealed orders to be opened somewhere. i can guess where." "indeed!" "yes; at barbadoes." "is that a nice place?" "middling. i like jamaica better." "and shall we go there?" "wait, and you'll see, like the rest of us." "but do you think we shall have to fight?" "if we meet any of the enemy's ships, we shall have to fight or run away." "we shall never run away," said syd, hotly. "my father would never do that." almost as he spoke, the man at the mast-head shouted "sail ho!" and there was a commotion aboard. glasses were levelled, and before long a second ship was made out; and before long two more appeared, and by the cut of the sails it was decided that it was a little squadron of the french. syd, to whom all this was wonderfully fresh, was eagerly scanning the distant sails, which showed up clearly now in the bright sunshine, when a voice behind him said-- "of course. how cowardly!" "what would you do then?" said another familiar voice. "face them as a king's ship should." "one frigate against four--one of which seems to be a two-decker, eh? well, i say, the skipper's right to cut and run." "cut and run from the presence of the enemy--his father going to flee?" syd felt the blood come into his face, as he listened to the rapid orders that were given, as the ship's course was altered, and in a short time the _sirius_ was rushing through the sea at a tremendous rate. syd bit his lip, and felt cold with shame and mortification. it seemed to him that he would not be able to face his messmates down below that evening; and seizing the opportunity he made his way to where the bo'sun was standing, silver pipe in hand, ready for the next order that might come. "barney," he whispered, "we're running away." "not us, my lad," said the old sailor, gruffly. "four to one means having our top gear knocked about our deck, and then boarding. skipper knows what he's about, and strikes me he'll 'stonish some o' them mounseers afore they know where they are." "then, why don't we go and fight them?" "good sword-play don't mean going and blunder-headed chopping at a man like one goes at a tree, but fencing a bit till you get your chance. we're fencing, lad. what we've got to do is to take or sink all the enemy we can, not get took or sunk ourselves." "but the glory, barney." "more glory in keeping afloat, my lad, than in going down. you let the skipper be; he's a better sailor than you are, i'll be bound." syd, after a further conversation with the boatswain, saw the night come on, with the enemy's little squadron evidently in full chase. he had clung to the hope that his father was manoeuvring so as to attack the ships one by one; but though the frigate had been cleared for action, and the men were full of excitement, there seemed as if there was to be no fighting that night. the boy was disappointed. he was not free from the natural terror that any one would feel, but at the same time he was eager to see a naval encounter. for home conversation between his father, uncle, and their friends had frequently been of the sea and sea-fights; and he was thoroughly imbued with the belief that a british man-of-war could do precisely what it liked with the enemy, and victory against any odds was a certainty. and here were they undoubtedly running away, to syd's great disgust, for he had yet to learn that the better part of valour is discretion, and that a good commander is careful of his ship and men. he was the more annoyed upon encountering terry soon afterwards discussing the state of affairs with a couple of the lads below, and finding that he ceased speaking directly, and turned away with a laugh. syd sat down pretending to ignore what he had seen, but the feeling within him drove him on deck again, where he was not long before one of the hearers of terry's remarks took care that he should know what had been said. syd was leaning over the stern gazing away into the transparent darkness, with the stars shining brilliantly overhead, when jenkins came to his side. "see 'em now?" said the boy. "no. it is too dark." "then we shan't take any prizes this time. what a pity!" "perhaps we should have been turned into a prize, jenky," said syd, for he was now on the most familiar terms with all his messmates. "yes," said the boy, "perhaps so; but mike terry says if our old captain had been in command, he'd have put his helm down when those four frog-boxes were well within range, cut right between them, giving them our broadsides as we sailed, then rounded under their sterns, raked first one and then another as we passed, left two of them with their masts gone by the board, and gone on across the bows of the other two, and raked them from forrard. he says they'd have struck their colours in no time. then prize crews would have been put aboard, and we should have gone back to port in triumph, with plenty of prize-money, and promotion to come." "almost a pity the old captain was not in command, isn't it?" said syd, bitterly. "he says it is. he thinks it's downright cowardly to run for it like this. why, he says even he, young as he is, could have done it." a sudden snap close at hand made the two lads start and look round, to see a tall dark figure a few yards away in the act of closing a night-glass. "and pray who is the brave and experienced young officer who would have done all this?" said a cold sarcastic voice, which syd recognised directly. "no: stop. don't tell me, but tell him that it is a great mistake for young gentlemen in the midshipmen's berth to criticise the actions of their superior officers, who may be entirely wrong, but whether or no, their critics are more in error." "it was--" "i told you not to name him, sir. i don't wish to know. that will do." the two boys felt that this was a dismissal, and they hurried away. "oh, i say, belt," whispered jenkins, "did you hear your father come up?" "no; i think he must have been standing there, using his glass, when you came." "i did think i saw something black. oh, i say, belt, your dad is a tartar." this little episode did not tend to make syd more comfortable, and from that hour whenever he saw any of the men or officers talking together, he immediately fancied that they must be discussing and disapproving of captain belton's action in running away. it was long afterwards that syd knew that his father's orders were to stop for nothing, but to make all speed for the west indies, where another vessel of war was lying. though without those orders it would have been madness to have allowed the enemy to close in and attack. syd was on deck at daybreak, eager to scan the horizon, but only to find that those before him of the watch had been performing the same duty with their glasses, and there was not a sail in sight. chapter twenty one. there was plenty of talk during the next fortnight's slow sailing down into the tropics, and the captain's conduct was widely discussed, sydney every now and then coming upon some knot where those who considered the captain had played a cowardly part were in the ascendant. "nailed the colours to the mast, and gone down together like heroes," some one said, and sydney, who did not want to die like a hero if he could help it, but had the ambition of any healthy boy to live as long as possible, went away, feeling very low-spirited, till he came upon another excited group, at the head of whom was the boatswain. "what!" cried the latter, in answer to a remark made by one of the opposition; "ought to have gone at 'em and give 'em chain-shot in their rigging, when you've got sealed orders. look ye here, my lads, when you've been afloat as long as i have, you'll know that whether you're able seaman, or luff, cap, or admiral, you've got to obey. our orders is to go right away to the west indies, and not stop playing on the road. strikes me as nothing would have pleased the skipper better than a game of bowls with the parley voos. i've sailed with him before." "oh, yes; you've often said that," cried one of the men. "and i says it again, tom rogers. and i says this here too--don't you let him hear you say anything o' that kind, or you might have it repeated till it got into the cabin." "why, what did i say?" protested the man. "that our skipper was a coward." "that i didn't. never said such a word." "but you and lots more have said what meant it, and my advice is this here--don't do it again, unless you want your back scratched by the bo'sun's mates." sydney felt better after that, and as the days glided by the idle chatter grew less. it was all wonderfully new to the boy, and sometimes, when the men were allowed to catch a shark, or try to harpoon dolphins, or albicore, beautiful mackerel-like fish, with the pronged implement they called the grains, he found himself wondering why he had objected to go to sea. then as his first nervousness wore off, and, with the rapidity common to a fresh young mind, he acquired the ordinary knowledge of his duty, he was always to the front in little bits of routine such as fell to the lot of the middies. so prominent was he in these matters, that one day, after some hours of busy training, roylance came to him. "first luff wants to speak to you, belton," he said. sydney flushed, and then the colour faded. "what have i been doing?" he said, hastily. "ah, you'll see," said roylance, with a very serious shake of the head. "belt going up to the first luff," cried little jenkins. "oh, my! i'm sorry for you, old fellow." "what's belton in for it?" said bolton. "never mind, old chap. if it's mast-head, there's a beautiful view." "and i'll give you a bit of rope to tie yourself on with, so that you won't fall when you go to sleep," whispered jenkins. "ah! and mind you fall when she heels over to leeward," said bolton, hastily; "then you'll drop into the sea." "get some biscuits for the poor beggar, bolton," cried jenkins. "perhaps he'll be kept up there for a week!" "you'd better look sharp," whispered roylance. "he don't like to be kept waiting." "they're only making fun of me," thought sydney, as he drew himself up, went hurriedly to where the first lieutenant was scanning the horizon with a glass, and waited till he had done, feeling very squeamish and uncomfortable the while. he stood there for some minutes, glancing behind him once, to see, as he expected, that his tormentors were keeping an eye upon him to see the result of his interview with the great magnate, who seemed to rule the ship--after the captain had had his say. it was painful work to stand there studying the set of the first lieutenant's pigtail, the cock of his hat, and the seams and buttons of his coat, till the glass was lowered, tucked under this marine grand vizier's arm, and he said angrily, as if speaking to a fish which sprang out of the water-- "i told mr roylance to send that boy here." "_beg_ pardon, sir; i've been here some time," said sydney, touching his hat. "and suppose you have, young gentleman; it's your duty to wait, is it not?" said the lieutenant, sharply. "yes, sir." "don't speak. if you want to be a good smart officer, listen, and don't make remarks till you are asked." sydney wanted to say, "you asked me a question, sir," but he held his peace. "now, mr belton," said the lieutenant, eyeing him severely, "i suppose you know that you occupy a very awkward position on board this ship? don't answer." "what's coming?" thought sydney, who was perspiring freely. "you are the captain's son." "yes, i know that," thought sydney. "and of course it naturally creates a little prejudice or jealousy against you." "oh, do please put me out of my misery," thought syd. "mr dallas has been talking to me about you a good deal." "what have i done to offend the second luff?" thought syd. "and i quite agree with him." "what can it be?" thought syd. "now i am going to give you a bit of advice." "yes, sir; thank--" "i told you not to speak, sir," cried the lieutenant, angrily. "i advise you not to be conceited, not to jump at the conclusion that you are very clever, and not to begin to domineer over your messmates because they flatter and fawn upon you on the strength of your having thrashed mr terry. you see i hear all these things." sydney felt the colour rising. "take that advice and you may, if you attend well to your studies in navigation, become a respectable officer. life is not all play, my lad, so think that one of these days you will be going up for your examination to pass for lieutenant. don't waste your time, and find yourself, when a call is made upon you, perfectly helpless and be turned back. it will be years first, but years soon spin round. there, i think that is all i have to say." "frightened me nearly into fits, and only wanted to say that," thought sydney. "no. just another word. you think me a very gruff, fault-finding fellow, don't you?" sydney was silent. "i asked you, mr belton, if you did not find me a very severe officer. why don't you answer?" "told me not, sir." "humph! yes; i did. but you may answer now. you do find me very severe?" "yes, sir; very." "and you don't like me?" "no, sir." "humph! that's frank, sir. but i like it. shall i tell you why you don't like me? i will. because i do my duty rigidly. now one word more. don't say a word to your messmates about what i tell you now. it's our secret, mr belton; and don't presume upon it, and go backwards." "i'll try not, sir." "good. then look here. you have been a very short time on board, and i have often found fault with you; but i like to be just. on the whole, mr belton, i am very much pleased with your conduct. i felt prejudiced against you, as i was afraid i was to have an addition to my young monkeys in the shape of a spoiled, petted boy. i was ignorant then, for i did not know captain belton so well as i do now. there: go to your duties. you are awkward, clumsy, ignorant, and sadly wanting; but you have got on wonderfully, and i think you will turn out a very smart officer before you have done. that will do." sydney wanted to say a great deal, but he felt that he was dismissed, and he left the deck and went down below, to avoid his messmates. not an easy task, for they were after him directly. "this isn't the way to the mast-head," cried jenks. "want the rope and the biscuit?" said bolton. "what have you been doing?" cried roylance. "nearly everything that's wrong." "then he has been wigging you?" "yes." "i know. it's because you didn't touch your hat to him the other day," said another of the boys. sydney was going to speak, but he caught sight of terry lounging towards them, and that made him reticent. time glided on, and then came the cry, "land ho!" with everybody ready to gaze eagerly at the low-looking cloud lying far away on the water where sea and sky met. this cloud gradually assumed the appearance of land, and sydney gazed wonderingly at the island of barbadoes, and began to ask himself whether he would be able to get leave to go ashore. but there was no landing allowed. the stay was too brief, and before long they were sailing away toward the wonderful chain of islands that lie in the intensely blue caribbean sea. jamaica at last, after a long calm, a name associated in sydney's mind with sugar, molasses, and rum. but to the great disappointment of all on board, there was to be no landing; even there the middies having to be content to buy cocoa-nuts, oranges, and sweetmeats off the black women whose boats hovered about the anchored frigate. there was a sister ship lying here, the _orion_, just fresh in from a cruise round the islands, and the two captains were in constant communication, for here it proved to be, and not at barbadoes, that captain belton was to open his sealed orders and learn definitely what were to be his next steps. what they were to be troubled the midshipmen very little, for there they were at anchor at what seemed to be a paradise--all waving grass, blue mountain, rivulet, and sunshine. an island of beauty set in an amethyst sea. "and we can't go ashore," cried jenkins. "i've a good mind to swim for it." "one mouthful for the first shark," said roylance. "eh, what? sharks? no sharks here, are there?" "harbour swarms with them." "gammon!" "ask any of the men who have been here before, then," said roylance. "but, really, roy? no gammon!" "it's a fact, i tell you. try it, if you doubt me." "n-no," said jenkins, coolly; "you see one would have to swim in one's uniform, and get ashore so wet." "naturally," said roylance, laughing. "no," said jenkins, "i wouldn't swim ashore naturally. looks so bad. i'll stop aboard." "hullo, bolton; what's the matter?" cried another of the middies. "asked leave?" "yes." "what did he say?" "said he'd mast-head the next fellow who asked leave to go ashore." "strikes me we're off somewhere directly," said roylance. "let's send belton into the cabin to ask his father what he's going to do." "i shouldn't like to be belt then," said jenkins. "fancy the captain's face. hullo! what's that?" "somebody coming on board." "no! it's up anchor. we're off again." "what a shame!" was chorussed; but the disappointment was forgotten directly in eagerness to know their new destination, somewhere else evidently in the deep blue western sea, and as the _orion_ was weighing anchor too, it was likely that they were going to have stirring times. "two trim frigates," said roylance, as they leaned over the taffrail and watched the beautiful receding shore. "ah, belt, if we were to meet those mounseers now, i don't think your father would run away." chapter twenty two. the fort of saint jacques, in la haute, looked strong enough to keep almost any squadron at bay; and as the _sirius_ lay pretty close in, those on board could see the french flag flying upon the solid square citadel, below which, and running out like arms, were outworks which seemed to bristle with cannon beside the low, cunningly-contrived batteries on the rocks near the entrance of the harbour. "a strong place, bracy," said the captain, "and one where they ought to be able to sink any vessels we could bring against them." "yes, sir, if we went at it hammer-and-tongs, shot for shot." "exactly," said the captain, thoughtfully, as he held his glass to his eye, "and they would have english oak to fire at, while we had to send our shot against stone. ye-es, a quiet combined attack some night with a few hundred determined men in our boats, and we ought to take the place without firing a shot." "that's it, sir," said the first lieutenant; "and the only way." "but i don't like that," said the captain. "that stone, sir," replied the first lieutenant, as he looked back at an isolated patch of rock which rose up like the top of a mountain behind them about four miles astern. "that would be an ugly spot for annoying us if they had had the gumption to stick a couple of guns there. it would harass the attack terribly." "the wonder is, that they have not fortified the rock as an outwork to their fort." "frenchmen don't think of everything, sir," said the lieutenant, dryly. "we must seize that rock, bracy," said the captain, decisively. "i'll communicate with the _orion_ my intentions at once." signals were made, a boat lowered down, and communications passed between the two commanding officers; and then captain belton gave orders for an exploring party to go and try and land on the rock, and see what its capabilities were for occupation. the second lieutenant received the instructions; the first cutter's crew was piped up, and as the lieutenant was about to assume his command, he caught sight of an eager-looking face. "well, mr belton," he said, kindly. "want to go?" "oh yes, sir," said syd, eagerly. "in with you, my lad." syd wanted no second invitation, and the next minute he was seated in the stern-sheets looking back at the side of the frigate, as the men's oars dipped regularly, and the boat gently rose and fell as she glided over the smooth water. the rock had a wonderful attraction for sydney, as it rose clear out of the bright blue water; and as he lay back and half-closed his eyes, it was easy to imagine that it was the ruins of some old castle rising up with walls tier after tier to a height of about a hundred and fifty feet, with only a place here and there shelving down to the level of the water, the rock rising up for the most part perpendicularly from the deep sea which rose against the time and water-worn sides to fall back in sparkling foam. "what are we coming here for, mr dallas?" said syd, in a low tone. "to survey the rock, and see if it will do for occupation." "but nobody would want to live here, sir." "more likely have to die here, my lad. but we sailors are not allowed to ask questions. we are told to do things, and we do them." "i only wanted to know," said syd, apologetically. "i was not finding fault, belton. now, let me see; we've got to land. where's the best place?" as he spoke he altered the direction of the boat, which he kept a short distance from where the sea broke, and steered right round the rock, while his companion divided his time between examining the various ledges and gazing into the transparent depths below. it was soon evident that landing would be rather difficult, only two places suggesting themselves as being feasible; one being like a rough pier, the other a spot where masses of coral rock run down into the sea, with here and there awkward, jagged-looking, scattered pieces showing their heads, sometimes just level with the water, and at others being completely covered. after the boat had been completely round the rock, which apparently covered a space of some acres, the young officer gave the word, and the lead was thrown over to try for soundings and the possibility of there being good anchorage for a ship that might want to lay off the edge. but the lead went down, down, down to the end of the line wherever it was cast, even close in to the rock, indicating that it rose up almost steeple-like from profound depths. "soon settled that point, mr belton," said the lieutenant. "the next thing is to land. back in, my lads, on the swell, and as soon as we jump off pull clear again. i think we can do it yonder where the tuft of green weed is growing." the men obeyed, and after one or two cautious approaches, the young officer, who had carefully watched his time, sprang from the thwart before him right on to the rock, made a second bound, and was clear of the following wave before it had time to flood the natural pier. "now, mr belton, can you do that?" for answer, as the boat was again backed in, syd leaped out, but did not calculate his time well, and sprang into a few inches of water, which went flying amidst the laughter of the men. but the next spring took him up alongside mr dallas. "a little too soon, belton," he said. "now, one of you lads come too. keep her well off, coxswain; sometimes a good roller comes unexpectedly, and if you are not prepared she may be thrown high and dry, stove in." "ay, ay, sir," shouted the coxswain. then the man told leaped ashore easily enough, and the primary survey of the place began. it was not an easy task, for from the few square yards of level stone where they stood there seemed to be no means of getting farther, till syd suggested that if they could get up a bit of wall-like rock there was a ledge from which they could work themselves sideways to a rift in the side over the sea, and from that perhaps they could get higher. "but we must be careful; it is only a few inches, and if we lose our hold, down we go into deep water." "it would only be a bathe, sir," said syd, laughing. "oh, i don't mind the bath, belton. i am thinking there may be hungry sharks about." "ugh!" ejaculated syd, with a shudder, as he glanced at the clear blue water. "no fear of a fall though, if we are careful." "beg pardon, sir; i could get along there," said the man. "yes, my lad; but i'll try it first," said the lieutenant; and he was about to start along the perilous little shelf after a short climb, when syd suggested that they should have a line thrown to them from the boat. "good idea, belton," said the lieutenant, who hailed the boat, now lying fifty yards away, and she came in; the rope was thrown to them, made fast about syd's chest, and while the lieutenant and the sailor held the slack ready to pay out, the boy clambered on about twenty feet, and then stepped boldly out upon the narrow shelf in the face of the almost perpendicular rock, crept carefully along to the rift, and entered it to come back and shout all right. with syd holding the rope tightly round the edge of the cleft, and the sailor keeping it fast, the lieutenant had no difficulty in getting along; the sailor followed, and they passed along a natural passage to where the rock sloped away sufficiently for them to mount again to a fairsized ledge, from the end of which there was a ridge of broken rock giving foothold for climbers. this they surmounted, syd going up first like a goat, and holding the rope for his officer, and lowering it in turn for the sailor. "why, belton," said mr dallas, "this place is a natural fortress. all we should have to do would be to make parapets, and mount some guns. it's a little gibraltar in its way." they went on exploring, or rather climbing from block to block and ledge to ledge, till after some little difficulty the summit was reached, from which the lieutenant signalled with a handkerchief, an acknowledgment being seen from the ship. the top was a slope of some twenty by thirty yards, and from here as they looked about over the edge a better idea of the capabilities of the place could be formed, and they looked down on what only needed a little of the work of man to make the place impregnable so long as there was no treachery from within. the great peculiarity of the rock was, that from where they stood they could gaze down into a chasm beyond which rose a mass similar to that on which they stood. in fact, roughly speaking, the stony mount seemed to have been cleft or split in twain, giving it somewhat the aspect of a bishop's mitre, save that the lower part between the cleft expanded till it reached the sea. "well," said the lieutenant, in a satisfied tone, as they climbed down into the chasm, and gazed from the bottom out at either end toward the sea, in the one case to see the _sirius_ lying with her masts describing arcs on the blue sky; in the other case the white houses and port of saint jacques. "well, belton, if i had been set to work to design a rock upon which to plant a fort, i could never have schemed so good a one as this." "why?" said syd, in his outspoken way. "it's very awkward to get up unless you make some stairs." "the more awkward the worse for an enemy. but can't you see, my lad, we can mount our guns on platforms at either end of this tiny valley; and stow our men, stores, and ammunition there in the bottom of the rift. nothing can reach them from outside. gibraltar's nothing to it." "isn't it?" said syd, who felt that he ought to say something. "no, my boy, nothing. there's one thing though--i don't see water." "water?" said syd, laughing, as he looked round at the sea. "drinking water, sir. an enemy would have very little difficulty in taking a fort where the defenders have no water. must make a cistern and store some up. come along." he led the way, and they descended without much difficulty to a spot from whence it seemed possible to mount the other mass of rock, up which they toiled with more difficulty, for in some places it nearly approached the perpendicular. had it not been for a series of rough cracks or splits in the side, some of which seemed to descend to vast depths, but whose edges gave good foothold, the ascent would have been impossible. they reached the top, through a little mutual help, signalled again, and after gazing down into the chasm, which the lieutenant looked upon as a splendid find, they slowly went down to the little natural pier, the boat was carefully backed in, the sailor leaped lightly from the wet rock on to the gunwale, and then stepped into his place. "now you, mr belton," said the lieutenant; "and don't get wet this time." "no," said syd, "i'll time it better;" and he let the sea flood the rock as the boat rose high, and then descend twice before he made this attempt. "now then!" cried the lieutenant, as the wave glided back from the rough surface, and the boat's stern was seen descending easily a few feet away. syd trotted over the wet rock with the water flying up and glittering in the sunshine at every step, reached the edge, and sprang lightly on to the gunwale just as the boat was at its lowest. nothing in fact could have been better timed, but he had not calculated upon one thing. the sailor had left the edge of the boat wet, and syd's shoes were soaked and slippery, so that one of them glided sidewise; there was no chance of recovery, and he went down headlong into the deep. it was so sudden that he was below the surface with the water thundering in his ears almost before he was aware that he had fallen. but he was a good swimmer, and had practised diving often enough, and he knew that he had only to take a few strokes to rise clear of the boat, and then a few more in order to be taken in. as he swam below after going down some distance he was aware of what seemed to be a black cloud over his head, which he knew was the boat; then he was rising again through the sunlit water, and as his head rose into the sunshine a cold chill of horror paralysed every energy, for he knew that he was almost within the jaws of death. it was all so rapid that he hardly knew how it took place; but he had been long enough at sea to know that the long, thin, curved shadow approaching him was a huge shark, and that before he could reach the boat the monster would have seized him. he was conscious of a wild shouting in the boat, of the rapid beating of oars which made the water fly up in fountains; then, as he swam with all his might, of a violent blow on the shoulder followed by a jerk, and then half insensible from the shock he was being dragged over the boat's side. amid the babel of voices that ensued, syd made out a few words here and there. one man said: "it's broke my arm a'most; the beggar made such a jerk." "it's broke this oar," growled a well-known voice. "i give it him just in the jaws as he turned over." "ah!" said one of the men, "if that had been steel 'stead o' wood you'd ha' gone right through him." "yes," growled the boatswain, "'stead o' having a broken oar. well, if the skipper says i must pay for it, why i must." "yah! nonsense!" muttered another. "what, arter saving his boy's life?" all this brought back to syd's memory matters which he had seen dimly in the exciting moments during which he was saved from a horrible death; and that which he had not seen, imagination and the men's words supplied. but he could recall something of a sturdy man standing up in the boat and making a thrust at the shark, and while he was realising that this man was barney, one of the sailors said-- "and if i hadn't ketched hold o' you, mr bo'sun, by the waistband o' your breeches, you'd ha' gone overboard, and jack shark would have had you." "ay, my lad, he would," growled barney; "but i don't believe he'd a liked me, for i must be precious tough by now." "say, lads," said another voice, "what's the reward for saving a bo'sun's life?" "nothing," said barney. "'sides, you've on'y stopped somebody's promotion. steady there!" at that moment, as syd lay there with a misty feeling of confusion troubling him, it seemed from the rocking of the boat that the lieutenant had leaped on board, and the next moment he was kneeling down, and his hands were busy about syd. "belton, my dear lad," he said, excitedly, "where are you hurt?" syd looked at him wildly, and saw him through the mist. "hurt?" he said, after making an effort to speak, and feeling deathly sick the while, "i--i don't know." "great heavens!" cried the lieutenant, "i would sooner it had been me. but i see no blood, bo'sun." "no, sir; i've been agoin' over him," growled barney; "and he's got all his arms, and legs, and, yes, his head's all right. you see i shoved that oar in jack's mouth just as he turned over to grab him." "but the boy is half dead." "ketched him a horful crack with his snout, i think it weer, sir; for, poor dear lad, he were knocked side wise. he'll come round." all this time it was to syd just as if the lieutenant and the boatswain were moving about over him in a mist; but as some water was splashed in his face, and his brows were bathed, the mist slowly passed away, and he suddenly struggled up into a sitting position. "that's better," cried the lieutenant, eagerly. "are you in pain?" "shoulder hurts a little, sir," said syd, huskily; "but where's the shark?" "yonder, sir," said the boatswain, pointing to about fifty yards away, where a something that looked like a thick miniature lateen sail was gliding through the water. "a narrow escape, belton," said the lieutenant; "but you are saved, thank heaven. give way, my men." "arn't we going to try and serve out master jack, sir?" said one of the men. "no, my lad. what can we do without bait or line?" "like to spritsail-yard him, sir?" said strake, touching his hat. "what's spritsail-yarding?" said syd, who was now trying to squeeze some of the water out of his drenched uniform. "ketching your shark and then running a little spar through his nose," whispered the bo'sun, as the men gave way and the boat surged through the water. "this here's lashed so as he can't get it out, and it keeps him from sinking, as he moves it afore him." "but it's horribly cruel," said syd, pausing in his wringing process. "well, 'tarn't nice for him, sir," said the boatswain; "but then you see it's cruel of master jack to be taking off arms and legs, and it stops that, sir." this argument was unanswerable for the moment, and just then another shark was sighted, and its appearance fascinated syd, who shuddered as he gazed at the monster, and thought of the horrible fate he had escaped. "i wonder what father will say to me when he learns of my adventure," he said to himself. but he had very little more time for thought, the boat soon being alongside; the falls were hooked on, and they were soon after swinging from the davits. the first person syd's eyes rested upon was terry, whose face expanded into a grin as he saw the middy's drenched condition, and the boy turned away angrily, to see if he could catch his father's eye. but he only saw lieutenant dallas making his report on the quarter-deck, and his father standing there with a glass in his hand, which he directed at the rock, then seemed to give some orders, and the lieutenant saluted and came away. chapter twenty three. "why, belton, not changing your duds?" said the lieutenant, as he returned from his colloquy with his commanding officer. "no, sir; just going to. did my--did the captain know i was nearly seized by that shark?" "yes; i told him." "what did he say, sir?" "that you were to be more careful." syd stared. "was that all, sir?" "yes, my lad. i think he said something about you'd grow more clever by and by. but go and get on some dry things." syd felt crestfallen and hurt, that after such a terrific adventure his father should be so cool. but down below the news had already spread, and as he went to the berth to change his things, a knot of his messmates were ready and eager to question him for the endorsement of what they had heard from the boatswain and the men. he told what he had to tell rather unwillingly, and when he had done regretted that he had said a word, for the careless young dogs only laughed. "that wasn't half an adventure," cried bolton. "you should have drawn your dirk, dived under him, and slit him up. that's what the niggers do." "yes," said jenkins, "or else have had hold of his tail, and made him tow you. i would." "why, jenky," cried roylance, "he'd have taken you like a pill." "i believe," cried syd, angrily, "that you'd all have liked it better if i'd come back with one leg snapped off." "yes," sneered terry, who was laughing by the door. "no, no," cried jenkins, maliciously. "mike terry would have liked to see him without any fistusses." "why?" said roylance. "'cause he could lick him then." "i'll put that down in my log, baby," said terry, with an ugly laugh. "you're getting deeply in my debt, and you'll have to pay, or i shall have to pay you." "oh, lor'," cried the little middy, diving under the table in mock alarm, and then slowly raising his head up on the other side, to peer at terry. "what would become of me if i hadn't a good banker." "who's your banker, baby?" said roylance, mockingly. "syd belton there," and there was a laugh. terry ground his teeth together, as he turned away and went on deck, followed by a roar of laughter. "look here, i say," cried syd, who bore his honours very mildly, "you shouldn't tease terry like that, jenkins; he'll serve you out for it some day." "he daren't. i should come to you." "and i shouldn't help you, for you'd deserve it." "very well," said the little fellow, "i'd fight my own battle. who's afraid? cock-a-doodle-do!" he gave a clever imitation of a pugnacious game-cock, after clapping his hands against his sides. "terry wouldn't touch him," said roylance, laughing. "little people are licenced to be saucy. but i say, belton, what's the rock like?" syd described it as well as he could, and he was listened to with eager attention, but it did not seem probable to roylance that anything further would come of it. he was undeceived the next morning though, for after signalling and visiting of the two commanders, it appeared that something definite was to be done, and soon after the stir began. "here, belton," said roylance, "what do you say to this? i believe we're going to attack the town." contradiction came the next moment in the excitement on deck. "this means business," said roylance, as he stood with syd, watching the carrying out of certain orders; and in due time two long guns were placed ready, the barge and the launch were lowered down, and gun-carriages and tackle were hoisted down into each. the men worked well, for this was a change from the monotony of cruising to and fro on the look-out for ships which never came, or which when overhauled only proved to be friends. the sea was like glass, and in the course of the next few hours the guns were got ashore, shears being erected on the rock, and the heavy masses of metal and their carriages were landed, beside a good deal of other material likely to be useful in occupying the rock. and all this while great excitement prevailed as to who were to be the lucky ones told off for the garrison, as it was laughingly called. but they were not long kept in doubt, for it was soon whispered that lieutenant dallas was to be in charge, with about a dozen men and a junior officer or two. who were to be the junior officers, was the question at the mess, the prevailing decision arrived at being that bolton and baby jenks were the pair. early next morning the crews of the barge and second cutter were piped away, and a busy scene followed, as barrels and cases were handed down, till the boats were well-laden, and then there was a cessation, the crews evidently waiting for their orders. it was a glorious day, and after looking at the men selected, sydney gazed longingly at the stack of things lying on the rock, covered with a couple of sails and some tarpaulin, which, in case of wind arising, were kept down by casks planted on their corners. the place looked very tempting to sydney, though he could not help a shudder running through him as he gazed at the little natural pier, which the sea kept flooding and leaving bare. "i dare say there are plenty of sharks hanging about," he said; and once more the accident seemed to repeat itself vividly. he had soon something else to think about, for he saw lieutenant dallas come out of the captain's cabin, where he had evidently been to receive his orders, which was the case, and they were simple enough. "the rock would be invaluable to an enemy, mr dallas," the captain had said; "and if they occupied it, as the only safe channel to the port lies close by, they could annoy us fearfully, perhaps sink one of our vessels, and to storm such a place would mean terrible loss of life. so you will occupy it and hold it at all hazards. either i or my consort will communicate as often as we can, and you shall be well supplied with stores before those you have get low." "i understand, sir," said dallas; "and i will hold the rock to the last." "your courage may not be put to the test, mr dallas," said the captain. "_au revoir_. make yourself and your men as comfortable as you can. i have been ashore and examined the place." "you have, sir?" "yes, i went in the night, and i am quite satisfied that it can be held against any odds. good-bye." he shook hands, and the young lieutenant went out, wondering how the captain could have managed, and then hurried to the side to see if the last arrangements had been made. he was busy over this, having passed near to syd without taking any notice of him, much to the lad's annoyance, for he had tried to catch the lieutenant's eye. at this moment roylance came along toward where he was standing, but he paid no heed, for something else had taken his attention. the boatswain had come on deck, and made his way to the side, where he touched his hat to lieutenant dallas, and then proceeded to obey some orders which he had received. syd was about to intercept him, his longing to be one of the party increasing. "i wouldn't care," he said to himself, "if they'd let me help land the stores. i did go out first, and here i've been left out of all the fun because i slipped and went overboard. it's too bad." he was hurrying after the boatswain, when something else caught his eye. a member of the mess came fussing up on deck, fuming with importance, and syd turned and was uttering some angry expression, when he found himself face to face with roylance. "oh, what a shame!" cried sydney. "what's the matter?" "terry's going in the barge to land the stores." "and who's going in the second cutter?" said roylance. "i don't know; i didn't hear. i did hope they'd order me to go in the barge." "why, what a cocky chap you are, belt! you've had no experience at all." "i know that, but i want to get it, and i can't learn to take charge of a boat unless they send me. who's going in the second cutter?" "i am." "you? oh, how lucky you fellows are!" "i don't think there'll be much luck in it, for the heat will be terrible, and i don't suppose we shall have been there very long before we wish ourselves back on board." "oh, i don't know." "but i do. think of the work of getting those guns and things up to the top." "but i thought the party who were going to stay would do that?" "of course: that's it. the barge is coming back on board as soon as she has landed her stores, and the second cutter to-night." "well, then you'll only have all day." "nonsense; i'm going to stop." "oh! you're as lucky as terry." "yes, but i wish he was coming back. not a pleasant messmate to have ashore with me. i'm sure you wouldn't like to be along with him." "perhaps not; but i did want to come, for i know so much about the rock.--oh! i did want to go." "better stop on board, lad. i dare say we shall have a good deal of trouble with the men, though they do like mr dallas." "oh, but i shouldn't mind that," said syd, thoughtfully. "i say." "well." "couldn't you manage to smuggle me off in your boat?" "i could; but look here, you are the captain's son. go and ask leave to go, even if you have to come back in the boats." "oh, yes; i'm the captain's son," said sydney, bitterly; "and that's the very reason why i should not be allowed." "what, for fear you should be eaten up by the shark this time?" "joke away; you're all right," said syd, sulkily. "don't take it like that, belton, old fellow," said roylance, laying his hand upon his arm. "i'd a hundred times rather have you than terry. i say, look! here's the first luff. i know he likes us fellows to be eager to learn our profession. go and ask him to let you go." "shall i?" said syd, hesitatingly. "yes; go along. he seems always harsh and rough with everybody, but he isn't a bad one when you come to know him." "but he's busy now." "never mind; go on." it seemed a very simple thing to do to go up to the officer, touch your hat, and ask leave to go with the boats, but there was that peculiar something so hard to get over which keeps lads back from proffering a petition, and saves their elders and those in authority very often the pain of having to refuse. syd suffered severely on that occasion from this peculiar form of timidity, till he saw one boat manned and pull off with its load. in another quarter of an hour the other would be ready, he knew, and then his chance would be gone. the first lieutenant passed along the deck, and syd thought he looked very severe. he came back, and he looked worse. it was impossible to ask him, and syd shrank away and went to where roylance was busy speaking to the coxswain of his boat. "i say," whispered syd, taking him by the sleeve. "yes." "ask the luff to let me go with you, there's a good fellow." roylance gave him a merry look. "well, you are a queer one, belt," he said. "not afraid to stand up before mike terry, and yet daren't go and ask the luff to let you go ashore." "i'm not exactly afraid," said syd. "but you daren't go." "yes, i dare," he said; and he went up boldly now. "beg pardon, sir," he said, touching his hat. "eh? yes, mr belton; what is it?" "may i go with the second cutter, sir?" "you? mr roylance is going." "yes, sir. i wanted to go too." "like to take mr jenkins as well as mr bolton for a good game?" "yes, sir; very much," said syd, eagerly, in astonishment that the severe officer was so amiable. "humph! of course. look here, mr belton, do you know what the old proverb says?" "about idleness, sir?" "no, not that one. this:--a boy is a boy." "yes, sir." "two boys are half a boy." "yes, sir." "and three boys are no boy at all. i want some work done, so i send one boy with each boat. hi! bo'sun; better take another breaker of water; you may not find any, and we do not want to communicate for some hours." "ay, ay, sir," cried strake, and he busied himself about the order. "got your arms all right, and plenty of ammunition?" "yes, sir," said roylance. "may i go, sir?" said syd, tentatively. but the lieutenant did not appear to have heard him, and stood giving order after order to the officer and the boat's crew, asking endless questions about the stores they had on board. "and i should so like to have gone," thought syd, as he gazed longingly at the rock, standing up grey and brown and green against the deep blue sea, whose waters washed with creamy foam the bottom of the huge mass of stone. he turned with a sigh to watch the first lieutenant, who was now busily talking to lieutenant dallas and roylance, and syd knew that in another minute or two the boat, would be pushed off, when the boatswain came up behind him. "aren't you going with us, master syd?" "no, barney," he replied, sadly; "i'm not going." "why don't yer ask the luff to let yer go, sir? be a bit of a change." "i did ask him, barney." "and did he say you warn't to go, sir?" "no; he seemed as if he wouldn't answer me." "didn't say downright as you shouldn't go?" "no." "well, sir, you're a young gent, and the capen's son, and course i wouldn't tell yer to do nothin' wrong; but in the old days when we was goin' to cut out ships from under the guns of a fort, or to land and upset some town, the young gents used to smuggle theirselves into the boat and get down among the men's legs, and the skipper and the luff wouldn't see 'em." "wouldn't see them--why?" "'cause bein' very young gents they wouldn't send 'em or give 'em leave to go 'cause o' the danger, but they liked 'em to go all the same, 'cause it showed they'd got sperret in 'em." "barney!" whispered syd, looking at the bo'sun searchingly. "no, sir; i won't say go," was whispered back. "you can't 'spect it. but--" syd's eyes sparkled and he gave a cautious look round to see that the captain was on the quarter-deck, and that the first lieutenant had his back to him and was energetically insisting upon something to roylance. the next moment syd was over the side, and down amongst the crew. "hide me somewhere, lads," he whispered eagerly. there was a laugh. "arn't you scared about meeting jack shark again, sir?" said one of the men. "hold your row, jim," said another. "this way, sir." there was a little scuffling about, and the next minute, half fearing that he was playing ostrich and had only concealed his head, syd was listening. he had hardly ceased moving when he heard the first lieutenant saying something to lieutenant dallas, who was evidently descending the side. "i wouldn't depend too much on that tackle. the guns are very heavy. now, mr roylance; in with you." "ay, ay, sir," came in peculiar tones; and syd felt disgusted that he should not have been able to come down into the boat in the same way, instead of sneaking in like a rat. "seems to be a good deal of swell on amongst these little rocks," said the first lieutenant. "you'll land at the other place." "oh, yes," said the second lieutenant; and from where he lay syd could just get a glimpse of him as he stood up in the stern-sheets. "he must have seen me," he thought; and looking upwards, there right over the side, and quite plainly to be seen, were the head and shoulders of the first lieutenant gazing down into the boat. perfectly certain now that he should be shouted at for trying to get off in the boat, sydney lay perfectly still, waiting for the unpleasant order; but oddly enough thinking at the same time that ignominious as it would be to crawl up the ladder and climb on board, he should be spared one pain--terry would not be there to sneer at him. "might have been worse," he thought, as he gathered himself together, ready to spring out and get the trouble over. but the order did not come, and he only heard a growling sound as the boatswain said something to one of the men. "they're waiting for something," thought syd, as a low talking arose on deck; and he heard a voice reply which he knew was his father's, and the blood flushed to his cheeks. "give way, my lads!" came at last, and syd exultantly exclaimed to himself, as the tension was taken off-- "he didn't see me," and he heard the oars splash, and felt that the boat was gliding through the water. but sydney was not quite right, for as soon as the boat had put off, the first lieutenant went aft to where the captain was standing, examining the rock. "well, mr bracy," he said, as he closed the glass with a snap. "i thought i'd tell you, sir, that mr belton came and asked leave to go in the last boat." "did you give him permission?" "no, sir." "that's right." "but--" "eh?" said captain belton, raising his eyebrows; "he has taken french leave and gone?" "yes; he was stowed away there amidships." "and you forbade his going?" said the captain, frowning. "oh, no, i did not forbid him, sir." "well, well, mr bracy; we were boys once," said the captain, smiling. "yes, sir, i'm afraid i did the same." "and i more than twice, bracy. one must be a little blind sometimes with a boy of spirit. bit of change for him. how is he getting on?" "capitally. full of promise." "then i hope he will perform. by the way, there was one thing i did not mention to you--a spar for a flagstaff. i should like them to be able to hoist the colours when anything comes in sight." "i thought of it, sir. they have everything i could think of, and at a pinch ought to be able to hold out for three months." "i don't think the pinch will come, bracy.--ah, they are getting close in." "yes," said the lieutenant, shading his eyes. "first boat is landing her additional stores. one comfort at this time of year, there is no fear of rain, so that they need not trouble much about getting covered in to-night." "no," said the captain, thoughtfully, "but i hope mr dallas will get everything covered in all the same." they were following the second boat, as it rose and fell on the mirror-like surface of the water, till she was cleverly run alongside the rocks, when the captain opened his glass once more, and stood watching--the first lieutenant seeing a smile come over his stern features, and rightly interpreting that he was gazing at his son more than the actions of the men, who were quickly landing the additional stores that they had taken to the rock; the tackle previously rigged up being lowered again and again, and the cases and kegs cleverly swung ashore, the men dipping their oars at the word of command, and every time a box was swung up the boat was drawn out of danger, ready to be backed in when the tackle was once more lowered down. "yes," said the captain, thoughtfully, "i have no doubt that mr dallas will prove himself most able in this business. weather seems settled down, bracy." "yes, sir; but you know what it is in these latitudes. a smile one minute and a kick the next, and when it does rain--well, it's a good job it doesn't last, for we don't want another flood." the captain went on pacing the quarter-deck, looking very cold and stern, but with a glow about his heart. "he'll make a smart officer," he said to himself,--"one of whom we shall be proud. i'll write and tell tom about this. how he will chuckle and enjoy it! but i suppose i must lecture the young dog when he comes on board to-night. discipline must be maintained." that evening, after the men had been busily helping, the barge came back and was hoisted on board. the captain walked on deck, but recollected that it was in the second cutter that syd had gone, and he went back to his cabin. just at sundown the second boat returned with the coxswain and crew, and she was hoisted up. "humph!" said the captain to himself, as he heard the squeaking sound made by the falls, "i will not send for him to-night; i'll have a few words with him in the morning. let me see, i'll send word to him by strake. bah! how absurd. the bo'sun has gone ashore to help putting up the tackle for hoisting the guns." in the course of the evening, when the stars were blazing overhead, and the rock was invisible in the soft, transparent darkness of the night, the captain was walking up and down, when he encountered the first lieutenant, and they compared notes about the beauty of the night, and how advantageous it was for the unhoused men ashore. "by the way, bracy," said the captain, "have you reproved mr belton? because, if not, leave it to me." "oh, certainly, sir; but of course i have not had a chance." "what do you mean?" "i supposed that he had only gone ashore for the day, and would come back with the last boat." "well, hasn't he?" "no, sir; he has stopped ashore." chapter twenty four. that was a busy day on the rock, which was in places so hot to their bare feet that the men laughed as they stepped gingerly about. "i say, mate," said one of them in the intervals of hauling up a case, and just as he had noted that syd was close by, "d'yer know what's for dinner to-day?" "ay, lad; cold junk and biscuit." "better than that, messmate; on'y it wants the young gen'leman to set to work and ketch some shrimps for sarce." "what d'yer mean, lad?" "fried soles, lad, fried soles," said the other. "mine's 'most done brown." syd was not supposed to be on duty, but he was so much interested in the whole affair that he was as busy as any one, and it was while he was high up on the rock, looking on at the rigging up of a couple of spars, crane-fashion, for hoisting the stores, that he came across the lieutenant, who gave him a peculiar look and a smile, and then went on giving a few orders before going higher to re-inspect the chasm, prior to getting the stores and light things in there. "couldn't see yer, master syd," whispered the boatswain. "'stonishing how invisible young gents is sometimes." but there was little time for talking. work was the order of the day, and so clever were the contrivances for hoisting, and so well did the men work, that by sundown all the light things were under cover in the chasm, and only the guns, barrels, and heavy cases down by the natural pier. these latter were covered in turn, and made fast with pieces of rock piled upon the edge of the tarpaulins, after which the men of the barge embarked and went back to the ship, the crew of the second cutter following, and the garrison being gathered in their new quarters, high up in the cleft of the great rock, for a hearty meal, to which sydney came down from the bare fork of the cleft, ravenously hungry, and at once fell to. he was partaking of his portion with eager zest, when roylance, who had been busy below seeing to the covering of the barrels, came up. "why, belt," he said, in a whisper; "not gone back?" "no," said syd, laconically. "but i thought you'd gone back in the second cutter." "no," said syd, with his mouth full; "i did mean to, but i've been exploring, and when i came back the boat was gone." "what are you doing here?" said a sharp voice. "eating," said syd, without looking up. "don't be insolent, sir. i am one of the officers of this expedition, and on duty. you have no business here." "look here, terry," said syd, eating away in the most nonchalant fashion; "i'm hungry, and don't want to leave off and spoil my dinner. i don't want to quarrel to-night." "this is insufferable," cried terry, who felt clothed in authority as second officer of the expedition, and striding away, he found out the lieutenant, and stated what he had seen. "he had no business here, mr terry," said the lieutenant, quietly; "but of course we can do nothing to-night." "if we signalled for a boat, sir?" "one would come and fetch him off, but would create unnecessary alarm. and look here, mr terry, is it not time you forgot old sores, and became good friends with your messmates?" "i don't understand you, sir," said terry, haughtily. "then i'll try and be plainer," said the lieutenant, rather sharply. "don't you think it is a pity that you should let your enmity to mr belton make you jump at a chance to do him a bad turn?" "i came here, sir, to do my duty, and i reported misconduct on the part of one of the midshipmen." "who once gave you a good thrashing, mr terry, for playing the bully. there, there, my good lad, forget and forgive, and don't try and usurp my duties here. i will look after mr belton." "such confounded favouritism to the captain's son!" muttered terry; but it was loud enough for the lieutenant to hear, and he exclaimed, hotly-- "and if you dare to say such a thing as that again, sir, i'll clap you under arrest, and put mr belton in your place." terry slunk off and stood about sulking till the men had finished, and were then set to work to make a temporary shelter for the night, which was quickly done by tying the edges of the sails they had brought to some spars, and resting these against the perpendicular side of the rock in the cleft, thus forming a lean-to, which was spacious enough to cover the men and the stores and ammunition already protected by the tarpaulins thrown over them. roylance and syd were standing together in the darkness, watching the men arranging the spars and hauling the canvas tight, when syd laid his hand upon his companion's arm. "don't speak or move," he whispered; "but look down to the right. there's some wild beast crawling up from the west end of the gap." roylance gripped syd's hand to indicate that he saw the creature, and they remained silent, watching it creeping nearer and nearer, till it reached the spot where the men had been making their meal, and there it seemed to pause for a few minutes before returning the way it came. it was so dark that its motions were more those of a shadow than of some living creature, and at last it seemed quite to die away among some loose rocks, just where the gap ended in a precipice. "gone," said sydney, drawing a long breath; "why, it was after the provisions." "evidently. i couldn't have thought that there were any live creatures here." "looked like a great monkey." "well, i thought so once--an ape, but it couldn't have been." "i say," whispered syd; "was it a man, and they're going to play some prank on us from the ship to see if we are on the look-out?" "what's that?" said a voice behind them, and the two lads started to find that the lieutenant had come up to them unawares while they were talking earnestly. "we just saw something come up from that end of the gap, sir," said syd; "it was like a monkey." "and mr belton here fancies it might be a spy from the _sirius_ to see if we were on the watch," said roylance. "impossible! they would not play us such a trick. stop, it might be from the enemy--a boat landing men to see what we are about. but where?" he said, excitedly. "they couldn't have landed where we did, because there are two men on the watch, and i don't think there is any other place. let's see." orders were given, the men seized their arms, and after a few admonitory words had been whispered, a search commenced, anything but an adequate one, for the task was one of risk, and the men had to proceed with the greatest caution, so as not to make a false step and go over the side, either into the sea or down one of the cracks and rifts into which the rock was cleft. this went on for a couple of hours, during which the men on the watch were certain that no one had landed, and at last the weary sailors felt ready to endorse the remark of terry, which somehow became spread among them, that it was only a trick of the captain's son to set them on the alert. at last this came to the lieutenant's ears, and he called syd and roylance aside. "was this some prank?" he said, sternly. "i would not be guilty of such a trick, sir," said syd, warmly. "it would have been unfair to the men, who were tired, and an insult to you, sir." "of course it would, gentlemen," said the lieutenant. "i beg your pardon." he went away, feeling rather uneasy, and set watches in two more places, with orders to fire at the slightest alarm. then in turn with terry he visited the posts during the early part of the night, and in turn with roylance during the latter part, the anxieties of the new command keeping him on the alert. as for syd, he sat talking to roylance for a time after going up to a point where on the one side they could see the lights of the ship as she lay to in the offing, and on the other, very dimly, the distant lamps of the town of saint jacques, or those at the head of its harbour. it was a strange experience up there in that cleft, under the shelter of the tent, with the distant murmur of breaking waves upon the rocks. the low buzz of the men lulled for a time, then ceased, and syd lay gazing at a great bright star which he could see peering through a slit between two outstretched sails. then that star passed out of sight and another moved in, followed by another, which grew dim, then dimmer, and finally disappeared, for the simple reason that syd's eyes had closed and he was fast asleep. chapter twenty five. the bustle about him at daybreak woke syd up to find that it was a glorious morning, but a sharp breeze had arisen; the sea was alive with breaking waves, and great rollers kept coming in to thunder upon the rock, sending up the broken water so far that it was evidently the first duty to get all the tackle and raise the remainder of the cases and barrels to the level of the cleft. willing hands worked well at this, and at last everything was got up in safety on the first platform ready for running into the cleft, all save the two dismounted guns and their carriages, which were not likely to hurt, and the raising of these was deferred till after the breakfast, which one of the men who acted as cook had prepared. "there'll be no communication with the ship to-day, gentlemen," said the lieutenant, "unless the wind drops. why, she must be three miles farther away, and i can't see the _orion_. bad job for you, mr belton." "yes, sir," said syd, quietly going on with his breakfast, and glancing at terry, who scowled. "well, i shall make you work. that's the only plan in dealing with stowaways." "oh, i'll work, sir," said syd. "when i've done break fast," he added to himself. "i tell you what," said the lieutenant; "we shall all be busy getting up and mounting those guns, so i shall set you to find your mare's-nest." "my what, sir?" "mare's-nest, my lad. you shall have two of our most active lads well-armed. take pistols yourself, and be careful with them. go and search every hole and cranny you can. find the thing you saw last night, and bring him or it to me. i'm satisfied it was no one from the _sirius_, and it may be some young black sent across and landed to find out what he can." as soon as the morning meal was ended syd set about his task, meeting with a lowering look from terry as he passed him. two smart young fellows were his companions, and the fact that he had a brace of loaded pistols stuck in his belt making him feel more important than ever he had felt before, till he came upon strake, who was busy at the very part where he had seen the dark figure pass, and strengthening and adding to the tackle which was to be used to get up the guns. "mornin', mr belton, sir," said the boatswain; and stepping aside so as to be out of hearing, he said in a low voice, "'member what i says to you when i was cleaning the cap'in's pistols?" "yes, i remember, barney," said syd, in the same low tone. "then i says it again, sir, that's all." "i'll take care," said syd; and he went on in advance of his men, but feeling as if the old boatswain had been cutting his comb. an isolated mass of rock some eight or ten acres in extent does not suggest that there would be much difficulty in the way of search; but before they had gone many yards syd realised that he had a very awkward task, and that a rope would be a very acceptable article for helping one another. this had to be fetched, and then once more they started, with syd beginning to feel the responsibilities of his work, and the necessity for showing that he possessed energy and determination if he wished the men to obey. they had not gone much past their first halting-place when he stopped and hesitated, for there were cracks and holes large enough to conceal any one, in all directions. as he stood looking round him, one of the men whispered to the other, and they both laughed. this seemed to stir syd up. he had inherited enough of his father's habits to feel nettled at any doubt of his ability, and he rather startled the men by saying sharply-- "you, rogers, go yonder to the left; wills, you take the right. both of you keep as close to the sea as you can, and i'll take the centre of the rock. keep both of you to about my pace, and whenever i'm out of sight wait till you see me again, for i'll keep on the high ground as much as i can. now then, off and search every hole you see. if you feel that you have run the enemy to earth, stop and fire as a signal." "ay, ay, sir," they cried together. "but what's the enemy like, sir?" "find him and see," said syd, sharply. "now off." the men separated at once, and the toilsome job began, with the sun beating down with tropical power, but the brisk wind reducing the ardour to bearing point. "nice job this," thought the boy, as leaving the cleft centre of the rock a little to his left, he began his arduous clamber. "why, it's as bad as being an ant in a loaf-sugar basin. given myself the hardest job." but he persevered, searching diligently every rift, and amongst great blocks of stone over which he afterwards clambered, seeking the highest point so as to get a sight of one or the other of his two men, who were as active as he; but they all reached the edge of the rock at the point furthest from where they had landed without making any discovery. "well," cried syd, wiping the great drops of perspiration from his brow, "found anything?" "lots of holes, sir," said one. "cracks big enough to hold a ship's crew, sir," said the other. "back again, then," cried syd. "there's either a monkey or a man in hiding somewhere about the place, and we've got to find him." "ought to have said _it_" thought syd, as he started back, shouting to the men to take lines a little nearer to him, while he too altered his course, making straight now for the cleft rock which rose like the citadel of the place. as he climbed along he found rift after rift, some so close that he could not get his hand down, others so wide and deep that he hesitated at the task of leaping over them, wondering what would be the result if he slipped and fell. the fact grew upon him as he went on, that small as the place looked from the ship's deck, there was plenty of room for an enemy or fifty enemies to hide; but he became more certain that the natural pier was the only place where an enemy could land; the two men having confirmed the opinion formed when lieutenant dallas rowed round. "strikes me," said syd to himself, as he kept on peering down into chasm after chasm, "that if we want to catch our friend we shall have to set a trap for him." he climbed on and came to another eerie-looking place, more forbidding than any he had yet seen. it was only a jagged crack of a couple of feet across, but it sloped outward directly, so that a vast hollow was formed, and when he shouted down it there was a deep reverberating sound which died away in a whisper. boy nature is boy nature all the world over, and syd could not resist the prompting which led him to drag a great piece of stone to the edge of the crack and push it in. he shrank back, startled at the effect of what he had done, for no sooner had the stone disappeared than it seemed to strike on the side and rebound, to strike again and then again and again, raising an echoing, booming roar, which ended as suddenly as it had begun. "i can't go down a place like that," he said, impatiently, as he shrank away; and then he stood staring, for the noise began again. but not below ground, for it was as if the rock had come crashing out in front of him a hundred and fifty feet away, to be followed by a hurried shouting; and on climbing a block of stone to his right, he made out one of his men looking out for him, and waving his hand and shouting--"back! back!" something was wrong. perhaps it was an attack; and he clambered higher so as to attract the attention of the other man, who also shouted and waved his hand before pointing at the citadel in front. "something must be wrong," thought syd, and he hurried panting on, to get in sight of the end of the chasm at last, but he could see nothing, only that the spars rigged up crane-fashion were not there. he was now on the highest part of the ridge, which ran down from the centre rock to the end; and as he clambered along he gazed seaward in search of the frigate, but it seemed to be gone. the next moment, though, he caught sight of her top-gallant spars, and realised that she must be sailing right away. the heat was tremendous as syd struggled on, finding that he had selected a far worse piece of the rock than had fallen to his men, and that his task would prove hopeless without the whole party turned out to help. all at once, after getting over a block of rugged limestone, which seemed full of coral, he found that he must let himself right down into a deep crack, or else clamber to right or left, where the difficulties were far greater, even if they were surmountable. he paused for a few moments to wipe his streaming face, and looked up overhead longingly at where the wind was whistling among the blocks of stone, and then lowered himself carefully down some thirty feet, stood listening to a curious sound which came whispering up from where the chasm he was in contracted to a mere crack, and after coming to the conclusion that it must be caused by there being some communication with the sea, he crossed the crack, and began to climb up the other side, where before he was half-way up one of his two men appeared peering over the edge, and looking down with a scared face. "oh, there you are, sir," he cried; "we was getting frightened, and thought you'd tumbled." "no: give me your hand. thank you. phew! how hot it is down there!" cried syd, as he climbed out and stood in the comparatively cool sea-breeze again. "but why did you hail me?" "don't know, sir. there's some'at wrong up yonder." "something wrong? not attacked, are they?" "dunno, sir." "where's your messmate?" "here he comes, sir," said the man, waving his hand; and following their young leader, the two sailors made for the end of the great chasm where the guns were to be hoisted up, and strake had been so busy with the tackle. for some minutes, as they climbed over or round the obstacles, there was nothing to be seen; but after creeping round a bold corner of rock, syd suddenly found himself looking down on the whole party from the ship gathered in a knot round what seemed from the rope and tackle to be one of the guns. "got it up, and it slipped and fell," thought syd, as he lowered himself down and made his way to roylance, whom he touched on the back. "what's the mat--" he did not finish, for as the midshipman turned syd caught sight of the gun and ropes, with some handspikes which had evidently been used as levers. all that was at a glance. then he pushed his way forward to sink down on one knee beside the lieutenant, who was lying on his back, his face haggard and ghastly, his teeth set and his eyes closed, while the great drops of agony were gathering on his brow. he saw no more, for a piece of sail was thrown over his legs. "mr dallas," he cried, "what is it? are you ill?" a low murmur ran round the little group, and at that moment the boatswain appeared with a pannikin of water from one of the tubs. as the lieutenant heard the lad's voice, he opened his eyes, looked round wildly, and then his gaze rested on syd's anxious face. "ah, belton," he said in a hoarse whisper, "bad job. the gear gave way--confounded gun--fell--crushed my legs. ah!" he uttered a groan full of anguish and fainted away. "it's horrible!" cried roylance, as every one looked on helplessly. "no surgeon; the gale increasing, and the ship out of sight. here, some one get some brandy or rum. ah, belton!" he whispered, with the tears in his eyes, "such a good fellow, and i'm afraid it's all over." syd heard this as if in a dream, as a deathly feeling of sickness came over him, and there floated before his eyes a scene in a grand old beech-wood near home, with a group of men standing round, helplessly as these were, the sun shining down like a silver shower through the branches, beneath which was a doctor's gig and a man in a smock frock holding the horse's head. there on the moss, where scattered white chips shone out clearly, lay a fine, well-built young man close by the trunk of a tree which he had been helping to fell, but had not got out of the way soon enough, and the trunk had crushed his legs. the scene died away, and he was gazing down again at the unfortunate lieutenant instead of at the woodman, with the doctor on his knee and a boy by his side; and as the deathly sickness passed off he was brought more to himself by hearing the haughty domineering voice of terry. "stand away, some of you--all of you!" he cried. "mr belton, do you hear me? go away, sir; you are keeping the air from the wounded man." accustomed to obey, fresh ashore from the ship where the discipline was of the strictest, syd drew back; but as he did so a hysterical sob burst from his throat, and he stepped forward again. "confound you, sir! do you hear me?" cried terry. "i am in command now. stand back, or i'll put you under arrest." as he advanced threateningly, roylance touched syd's sleeve. "don't make a row now, for poor dallas's sake. look! he's dying." syd looked at him quickly, and then turned back to face terry, as he said in a dreamy way--"is there no help?" "will you stand back, sir?" "no doctor? no one who understands--" "here, bo'sun--strake; seize mr belton, and take him away." no one stirred, but a murmur ran round the group as with a bitter cry of agony syd stepped forward so quickly that terry drew back, expecting a blow. but the lad did not even see him, and he was in the act of sinking on his knees to take the lieutenant's hand, when his eyes rested on the piece of sail-cloth thrown tightly over the injured man's legs, where a ruddy patch of blood was slowly spreading. "he's bleeding to death," he cried excitedly; and a change seemed to come over the boy, as he bent down and quickly drew away the sail-cloth. "this is too much," cried terry. "you meddling young fool!" syd flushed for a moment into anger. "roylance! strake!" he cried, "take that idiot away." as he turned from the astounded middy, he threw off his jacket, gave one glance at dallas, whose eyes were fixed upon him in a wild despairing way; and then knife in hand he was down upon his knees. "here, barney," he said, in cool firm tones, as recollections of what he had seen in the wood at home played once more through his brain; "down on your knees there by his head, and bathe his face with the cold water. keep back on the windward side," he continued. "mr roylance, let four men hold a sail over us to keep off the sun." his orders were so full of the force which makes men obey, that they were acted upon at once; and all the time syd was on his knees busy. without a moment's hesitation he had inserted his sharp knife at the left knee-band, and slit up the garment right to the groin, laying bare a ghastly wound that seemed to go right to the bone, and from which the blood came in one spot with a regular throb, throb, which syd knew meant death before long if it was not stopped. "water, here!" he shouted. "i must protest against this boy's meddling," cried terry. "mr belton, let him die in peace." "mr roylance--" came in faint tones from the white lips of the wounded man, "take--mr terry--" he fainted as he spoke, but it was enough. at a word from the midshipman two of the sailors secured terry by the wrists, and he was forced away, while two other men ran for a bucket of water. "leave his head now, barney," cried syd, in a quick, decided voice. "your neckerchief, man. quick, roll it up." this was handed to the young operator, who passed it under dallas's limb far up, tied it round in a knot, called for a jack-knife, and then shouted to the willing man who handed it to shut it up. this done he passed the knife inside the neckerchief, pressed it down on the inner part of the thigh, and then took his sheathed dirk from his belt. this he also passed under the neckerchief, and began to twist round a few turns, drawing the bandage tightly down on the knife-handle, which, as he still twisted, was forced firmly home, pressing the artery against the bone. this done, and the dirk secured so that it could not twist back, syd turned to the gaping wound, from which the blood still welled, but sluggishly. the water was ready, and scooping some on to the wound, it was more plainly revealed as a great clean-cut gash, extending many inches. syd's fingers were soon busily employed searching for and finding the ruptured artery, and in spite of the horrible nature of the gash, he uttered a sigh of satisfaction as he discovered it and pressed it between his finger and thumb. "now one of you--no, you, strake," he cried, "off with my handkerchief, and tear it across so as to get me a couple of strips, which roll up fine as twine." this was done, but the pieces were rejected as too thick. two more were prepared and laid ready. "now," he said, "a little more water here, over my hands." he was obeyed, and with deft fingers, taught by doctor liss, he rapidly tied the artery, and the main flow of blood was stopped amid a low murmur of satisfaction, the patient, who had revived, lying perfectly motionless with his eyes fixed upon his surgeon. and now for a few moments the lad paused, with his brow wrinkled up, thinking. he wanted silk and a large needle, and the latter was unattainable. "has any one a pin or two?" he said. there was an eager search, and the result was that five were found, of which the boatswain produced three; and then stared as he saw his young officer unbutton and strip off his white linen shirt, to kneel there half-naked beneath the rough awning the men held over them, and rapidly slit and tear it up into bandages. by this time roylance was back, and taking his cue from his friend, he did not hesitate to follow his example. "now quick, strake," said syd; "lay me up a few more strips of silk as fine as you can." "ay, ay, sir!" and the boatswain's fingers were soon busy, while by means of a couple of broad bandages syd drew the edges of the wound together, and gave the ends of the bands to two men to hold, while first in one place he cleverly thrust a pin through the skin of one side of the wound and out at the other, then holding the lips of the gash together he quickly twisted a fine thread of silk over the pin-head on one side, over the point on the other, and so on, to and fro, till the wound was closed there. over this a temporary bandage was secured, and he proceeded to draw the wound edges together in another place in the same way till this was also fast and temporarily bandaged over. the other three pins were similarly utilised, and then broad fresh bandages of linen were wrapped firmly round, the temporary ones being removed by degrees, and again used in a better manner, till the horrible wound was properly secured; then as syd ceased his efforts, as if moved by one spirit, a hearty english cheer burst from every one present; and the men whose hands were not occupied threw their hats in the air. "hush! pray!" cried syd, looking up angrily, as, taking his knife once more, he cut through the knee-band of the other leg, slit it up in turn, and then softly drew down the stocking. here he paused, and looked anxiously up at his patient, whose pallor was terrible. "keep on moistening his lips with a little spirit-and-water, roylance," he whispered, "or he will not be able to bear the pain." he was obeyed without a word, and after waiting a few moments the lad, clumsily enough perhaps, but with a show of some of the skill that he had seen displayed by doctor liss when out with him upon his rounds, began to make his examination. the leg was terribly scraped and bruised, but this was not the trouble. syd's eyes were sufficiently educated to detect what was wrong, and a few delicate touches satisfied him. "got off a bit there, hasn't he, master syd?" whispered the boatswain. "got off, barney? no," said the lad, sadly. "his thigh-bone is broken, and his leg too, just above the ankle." "lor' ha' mussy!" muttered the boatswain, "who'd ha' thought o' that!" syd was silent, for he was face to face with another surgical problem. he wanted splints, bandages, and brown paper, and he had none of these. what was to be done? "two of you take your knives," he said, "and split up the lid of one of those cases. i want half a dozen strong thin laths of different widths." "ay, ay, sir!" came back; and there was the rending sound of wood heard. "now for bandages, barney. ah, i see. but i want some linen first to go next the skin." "oh, you can have all the men's, sir, and welcome, i know." "yes, poor fellows. but i want some long narrow ones. you must cut them from one of the sails." "ay, ay, sir!" all worked hard at these preparations, while syd had the longest lid of any case they had brought to him, and this, after being covered with a piece of sail-cloth, was carefully slipped under the broken limb. then there was a certain amount of trimming and measuring required over the splints before the young surgeon was satisfied, a sensation of shrinking keeping him from beginning what was another crucial task. fortunately the fractures were simple, and he had no very great difficulty in bringing the broken bones into their proper positions, after which he bandaged and applied the splints, making all fast, a low moan from time to time being all that escaped from the sufferer. at last. the final bandage was secured, and a horrible weight was removed from syd's breast, for he knew that he had set the bones rightly even if his surgery was rough, and so far his patient had not sunk under the operation. "shall we carry him up yonder now, sir?" said the boatswain, touching his forelock. "move him? no," cried syd. "rig up something over his head. he must not be touched." then, turning to dallas, he went down on one knee and took his hand. "are you in much pain?" he said. the poor fellow was conscious, and he looked full in the speaker's eyes; his lips moved, but no sound came, and the horrible feeling of sickness which had first troubled syd came back, increasing so fast that the lad rose quickly and staggered a few yards. "give me something--water--quick!" he muttered; and all was blank. chapter twenty six. when syd opened his eyes he was lying down, with roylance kneeling by his side, and a curious feeling of wonderment came over him as to what all this meant. "what's the matter?" he said, sharply. "you fainted. are you better now?" "some people do faint at the sight of a drop of blood," said a familiar voice, followed by a sneering laugh. it was medicine to syd, and he felt better directly, and sat up. "give me my jacket and things," he said; and paying no heed to terry, who was standing close by the two men who had been placed over him, busily helping with the rough tent they were fitting over the lieutenant, he walked to his patient, to find him lying so passive that he shuddered, and wondered whether the poor fellow was dead. "did i do wrong?" syd asked himself. "would he have got better if i had left him alone?" he felt his ignorance terribly as he asked himself these questions; but the answer was ready for utterance as roylance said, looking white as he spoke-- "oh, belt, old fellow, what a horrible job to have to do!" and then, "would he have got right without?" "no. if he had gone on bleeding from that artery he would by now have been a dead man." "but how did you learn all that? the lads can do nothing else but talk about it." "hush! come away," said syd. "let him sleep, and"--he shuddered--"let one of the men bring me a bucket of water." it was well on in the middle of the day, and there was no sign of the ship. the men had greatly improved the shelter up in the chasm; but though the carriages were up one at each end near the positions they were to occupy, the two guns which should by this time have been mounted lay on the rock, the first one having brought down the tackle, and bounded from a sloping stone on to the unfortunate lieutenant, pinning him to the ground before he could get out of the way. after seeing that his patient was carefully watched by one of the men who had been his companion that morning, syd was trying to drive away the miserable feeling of faintness and exhaustion from which he suffered by partaking of a little refreshment, when, just as he was thinking of his father's orders, and that those guns ought to be mounted, the boatswain came up, touched his hat to him and roylance, and was about to speak, when terry strode up, and ignoring his brother midshipmen, said sharply-- "look here, bo'sun; that was all nonsense this morning. mr dallas is wounded, and incapable. i am senior officer, and the captain's orders must be carried out. call the men together, and i'll have those guns up at once." "ay, ay, sir!" cried strake; his whistle sounded shrilly against the sides of the rock, and the men came running up. "all hands to hoist up the guns," cried terry. "now, bo'sun, have that tackle fixed better this time." "ay, ay, sir. now, my lads, be smart, and we'll have that gun up in a jiffy." the men were all gathered together in a knot, but no one stirred; and they began muttering to themselves. "now, my lads; what is it?" cried the boatswain. "you don't mind a bit o' sunshine, do you? come, bear a hand." not a man stirred, and syd and roylance exchanged looks. "what is the meaning of this?" cried terry, in a bullying tone. "do you hear, men? i want these guns up directly." still no one stirred, and terry grew pale. his one hand played about his sword, and his other hand sought a pistol. "bo'sun!" he cried, "what is the meaning of this insubordination?" strake shook his head. "d'ye hear, my lads? mr terry wants to know the meaning of this ins'bordination." not a man spoke. "look here," cried terry, drawing his dirk, "i am not going to be trifled with. i order you to help hoisting up those guns. what do you mean? are you afraid of another accident?" "no," cried the men with one consent, in quite a shout. "then look here, my lads," cried terry, drawing a pistol, "i'll stand no nonsense. will you obey?" "look here, terry," said roylance, sharply, "there is no occasion for violence. the men think they have some grievance; ask them what it is." "mind your own business, sir," cried terry, sharply; but as roylance drew back with a deprecating gesture, he spoke to the boatswain. "ask the mutinous scoundrels what they mean," he said. the boatswain went up to the knot of men. "now then, you swabs," he growled; "what's these here games?" "we arn't going to have him playing at skipper over us," said one of them. "the luff put him under arrest for interferin'." "ay, ay," growled the others; "we don't want he." "s'pose you know it's hanging at the yard-arm for mutiny, my lads?" said the boatswain, gruffly. "mutiny? who want's to mutiny?" said another. "we're ready enough to work, arn't we, messmates?" "ay, ay," came in chorus. "then lay hold o' the rope, and let's have them guns up yonder." "ay, to be sure; we'll get the guns up," said another man; "but mr terry's under 'rest." "then you won't haul?" said the boatswain. "not one on us. he arn't an officer till he's been afore the skipper." "well, what am i to tell him?" "what yer like," said one of the first speakers. strake gave his quid a turn, rubbed his ear, and walked back. "won't haul, sir," he said, laconically. "what! then it's mutiny. mr roylance, mr belton, draw your swords. bo'sun, run and get a cutlass and pistols." "i don't want no cutlass to them, sir; i've got my fists," growled the boatswain. "what, are you in a state of mutiny too?" cried terry. "not as i knows on, sir?" "then arrest the ringleader." "which is him, sir?" "that man," cried terry, pointing with his dirk to rogers, one of the smart young fellows who had been syd's companion in the morning. "bring him here. oh, if i had a file of marines!" "which you arn't got," muttered strake, as he strode back to where the men were together. "here you, ike rogers," he said; "i arrests you for mutiny." "no, no," growled the men together. "all right, messmates," said rogers, laughing. "can't put us in irons, for there arn't none." "come on," said strake, clapping him on the shoulder. "mr terry wants you." "what for?" said rogers, eyeing the middy's dirk; "to pick my teeth?" in the midst of a burst of laughter the boatswain marched the man up to where terry was, strutting and fuming about. "now, you scoundrel," he said; "what does this mean?" "beg pardon, sir; that's what we want to know." "then i'll tell you, sir; it's rank mutiny." "there now, bo'sun; that's just what we thought," said rogers, turning to him. "i know'd it was, and that's why we wouldn't come." "you scoundrel! you're playing with me," cried terry. "nay, sir; not me. wouldn't ketch me play with a orficer with a big sword in his hand." "then tell me what you mean. you said it was mutiny, and so you would not come." "that's it, sir. sworn to sarve the king; and when a young orficer, which is you, sir, breaks out of arrest, and wants to lead a lot of poor chaps wrong, 'tarn't me as 'll risk my neck." terry's jaw dropped at this unexpected reply, and roylance burst into a roar of laughter, in which he was joined by syd, while strake stood with his face puckered up like a year-old pippin, and rubbed his starboard ear. "mr roylance!" cried terry at last, "how is discipline to be preserved while you encourage the men in this tomfoolery? i shall report it to the captain, sir." "look here, mr terry," said roylance, firmly; "the man is, in his way, quite right." "ay, ay, sir," cried the others, who had closed in, following their messmate. "quite right?" "yes; mr dallas put you under arrest." "mr dallas is ill--dying, and unable to give orders, sir. i am your senior." "oh, you're welcome to take command for me," cried roylance. "i don't want the responsibility." "once more, my lads, i warn you of the consequences. will you go to your work?" there was no reply, and the men drew back, while terry stood looking along their faces with his pistol raised. "mind that there don't go off, please, sir," said rogers, dryly. "you might hit me." there was a roar of laughter at this, and terry stamped with rage. "shall i go and try and bring 'em to their senses, sir?" said the boatswain. "no--yes," cried terry. "which on 'em, sir?" said the boatswain, dryly. "yes. go and see, and tell them i'll shoot down the first man who disobeys." "oh, lor'!" groaned rogers, with mock horror, and there was another laugh, while syd turned away unable to keep his countenance, and went to where the lieutenant lay asleep. "look here, my lads," growled the boatswain; "it's no use kicking agen it. come on; lay to at the ropes, and let's get the work done." "we arn't going to be bully-ragged by a thing like that," said the oldest man present. "if he was a chap with anything in him, we would. but he's a bully, that's what he is. let mr roylance take command." "says as mr roylance is to take command, sir," shouted strake. "no," said roylance, "i will not undertake the responsibility." "look ye here, messmates," cried rogers, as syd hung back from the little tent, "capen belton's our skipper." "ay, ay," shouted the men. "and he arn't here, and the luff's in orspittle." "well, we know that, iky," said one of the men. "ay, lad; but here comes the son. i says let young captain belton take command." "ay, ay!" thundered the men, and they gave three cheers. "there you are, sir," said the boatswain. "men says you're to take command." "i?" cried syd; "nonsense. there's mr roylance." "no, no," cried the men; and terry stood grinding his teeth, and looking threateningly at syd. "look here, my lads," cried syd; "the captain wants those guns mounted, and this place held." "ay, ay, sir; we'll do it and hold it again anybody," cried rogers. "very well put, belton; very well," cried terry. "your officer is helpless. will you obey mr terry, and do your duty like men?" "no!" came with a roar. "then let mr roy lance take command. come, be men." "we arn't got nothing agen mr roylance," shouted a voice; "but we want you." "go on, belton; take command. the ship will be back perhaps to-night, and we must have those guns up," said roylance. "will you back me up?" "of course," cried roylance, heartily. "all right, then, my lads," cried syd. "now then, with a will." "ay, ay. hooray!" shouted the men. "man signalling from the tent, sir," said roylance. "oh!" ejaculated syd, as a cold chill ran through him, and he shrank from learning what it meant. "go and see, roy." roylance was already half-way there, and he came back directly. "mr dallas says you are to take command, mr belton," he cried, loud enough for the men to hear; "and he begs that at any cost you will get the guns in position before dark." "ay, ay," yelled the men, and then there was dead silence. "i am only one against you all, mr belton," said terry, in a low, snarling tone, "and the moment the _sirius_ comes back, i go to the captain and tell him the whole truth." "do," said syd, quietly; "only tell him all." chapter twenty seven. "barney, keep near me, and tell me what to do," whispered syd; "i feel such a fool." "you dear lad," said the old man, softly. "why, i've been that proud on you to-day as never was, and been wishing the capen was here." "nonsense! now about getting up these guns. i can't tell the men what to do." "yah! you're right enough. all you've got to do is to look on and say, `now, my lads, with a will!' and, `come, bo'sun, don't play with it!' and, `altogether, my lads!' and you'll see them guns mounted in no time. steady; here's mr roylance coming." "but it seems to be only playing at captain, and i don't--" "ay, ay, sir," roared the boatswain. "you're right. parbuckle it is. be smart, my lads, and get down a cask. one o' them as the stores was in." there was a hearty assent, as syd said to himself, "what does he mean by `parbuckle'?" "cast off these here ropes, sir," shouted strake again. "ay, ay, sir. now, my lads, off with them." the men trotted here and there with the greatest of alacrity, and by the time the ropes were unfastened from the first gun, a cask was rolled to the end of the gap, lowered down, and placed by the end of the gun. the boatswain came to syd's side again. "get the gun inside, and then pack her round with tarpaulin and doubled-up sails, wouldn't you, sir?" he said. "yes, if it's best," replied syd; and the boatswain went off again to the men. "talk about a lad!" he said. "my! he is the right sort. now then, in with that handspike, boys." the men placed one end of the tough ash staff into the muzzle of the gun, then laid hold and lifted it high enough for a block to be placed under it. then the men depressed the muzzle, the leverage given by the handspike enabling them to raise the breech; and the cask was run over it right up over the trunnions, a little more hoisting and heaving getting the gun right in, when it was easily packed round with doubled-up sails, and wedged tight in the centre. after this the task was comparatively easy. four ropes were made fast to a mass of rock in the gap, brought down and passed under the cask, taken back over the top, and from thence into the gap, where, with syd now comprehending, and wonderfully interested in the task, giving orders, all the strength of the detachment was brought to bear, and the cask was hauled up the slope without a mishap. a burst of cheers greeted this, and it was then rolled on over the rough ground with handspikes, till it was at the upper end of the gap by its carriage, which was ready on a rough platform. then the unpacking began, syd needing no instructions now the cask and packing were rolled back, and the second gun was brought up with greater ease than the first. the rigging up of a kind of tripod, and hoisting each gun up into its place on the carriage, was a mere matter of every-day detail, and before dark syd had the satisfaction of seeing his father's wishes carried out, and each piece ready with its pile of shot and ammunition stowed under the shelter of a niche in the rock which made an admirable magazine. he had been alone part of the time, but admirably seconded by strake, who kept up his bit of acting at first with a show of reality that was admirable, till he saw that his young master had grasped the requisite knowledge, and in his excitement began to order and dictate till the work was done; for terry had gone off with a glass to sweep the horizon in search of the frigate, getting under shelter of a great piece of stone, the wind blowing almost a gale. but he searched in vain. for some reason the _sirius_ had sailed right away; and he crept down at last with the unsatisfactory feeling that he had been superseded, and that it would be some time before the frigate returned. but long before he descended, roylance--who had set the sailor free, and was watching in his place by the lieutenant's side--had communicated with sydney, and asked him to come and look at his patient. it was a sad sight. the poor fellow lay motionless and breathing feebly and hurriedly, for there was a suggestion of the fever that was pretty sure to come; and a feeling of helplessness came over syd as he bent over his patient, and wondered what he could do more to save his life. after the guns had been dragged up, a portion of the men were at liberty to help in other ways, and a good deal more had been done to the shelter up in the gap. it was quite time, for with the coming night it was evident there would be a storm. and it became a matter of certainty that if the wind did rise, the rough tent set up with a sail thrown over a spar, for the lieutenant's use, would be exposed to the higher waves, and must inevitably be saturated by the spray. it was no use to sigh, the task had at all risks to be done, and the question arose how the wounded man was to be transported to the gap. "can't we do something to keep him here?" suggested syd; "build a rough wall of rock to shelter him." the answer came at once in the shape of a large roller, which seemed to glide in, and after deluging the little pier broke with a heavy, thunderous noise, and sent a tremendous shower of broken water over the canvas of the rough tent, nearly driving it flat, and proving that the position where mr dallas lay would not be tenable much longer. "i think i can manage it, sir," said the boatswain, touching his hat, "if i may try." "what will you do?" "this here, sir." there was no time to waste; and with all the handiness of a sailor the old man set to work, took down the sail, and folded it till it was in the form of an oblong, some eight feet by four. "now two on you," he said, "draw that under the lufftenant while we eases him up. not that way, you swabs: folded edge first." the doubled sail was reversed, and as mr dallas was gently lifted the canvas was drawn under him; syd feeling a chill run through him as the poor fellow lay perfectly inert, not so much as giving vent to a moan. "now, one at each corner," said the boatswain. "mind and not shift that there board under his leg. steady--altogether." the men lifted, and the wounded man was borne close up to the slope below the gap, where the spars and tackle were erected at the edge some fifteen feet above their heads. it was none too soon; the men were in the act of lowering their burden gently down, when, with a noise like thunder, another wave broke, and it was only by making a rush through the foam that the spars, canvas, and rope lying by the rough tent were saved by the men from being carried away. "just in time, roy," said sydney; "but how are we to get him up there, bo'sun?" "oh, that's easy enough, sir; i can work that." taking a small boat-mast, the boatswain rapidly lashed the ends of the temporary hammock fast to the spar, and then ropes were carried and secured to the tackle-block in a way that, when all was ready, there was no difficulty in hauling the spar horizontally up, with the temporary hammock and its burden swinging from the spar like a palanquin. all this was cleverly managed, and willing hands seized one end of the spar as soon as it was up to the end of the gap, drew it in till the other end could be reached and shouldered, and then the hammock was borne right up to where the shelter had been previously prepared. as soon as the patient had been carefully laid down, sydney knelt beside him to place his light hand upon his heart, trembling the while in anticipation of his worst dread being fulfilled, and a cold chill came over him again, as it seemed to him that there was no movement. he shifted his hand to the pulse, and still there seemed to be no sign, till he lifted the fingers up a little and drew a catching breath, for there was certainly a feeble throbbing sensible. "can't s'pect much, sir," whispered the boatswain. "man's awful weak when he's like that. bimeby, though, he'll turn hot and fev'rish; they generally does." "but he is alive," said syd, softly; and he proceeded to examine his bandages, thankful to find that the bleeding had stopped, and the splints, thanks to the board beneath the sufferer's leg, unshifted. breathing a little more freely now, and enforcing silence among the men, sydney left the temporary tent, and took a look round with roylance, previous to making dispositions for the night. everything was rather chaotic, but the guns were in position, the men's arms arranged, and the tackle drawn up, so that they were all secure in a natural fort, whose approaches could easily be defended, there being only one place where an enemy was likely to approach. here a watch was set, and orders given for a meal to be prepared, in anticipation of which a tot of rum was served round to the tired men, and a bit of tobacco handed to each by sydney's orders. the effect was miraculous. five minutes before the men looked worn-out and dull in the gathering gloom; now there was a burst of subdued laughter and talk from the group gathered round the fire which the cook had prepared, the light shining on the face of terry, who stood leaning against a piece of the perpendicular rock, his arms folded, and a heavy scowl upon his brow. "i don't like that, roy," said syd, in a low tone; "it's miserable work being bad friends." "yes; i hate it." "i've a good mind to go and ask him to shake hands." "if you do he'll think you are afraid of him." "he wouldn't be so stupid, would he?" "yes: make him come to you." "i suppose that would be best," said syd, with a sigh. "let's go up here and look out for the lights of the frigate. what are you laughing at?" "you. come; you're a capital doctor, but not much of a sailor yet." "oh, i'm no doctor. i couldn't have done that, only i used to go along with a friend of my father on his rounds, and saw what he did." "well, you've saved poor mr dallas's life." "think so, roy? ah, if i could only feel sure! but why," added syd, after a pause, "did you say i was no sailor?" "to talk about seeing the frigate's lights. she couldn't have beat up near here in such a gale as this. whew! it does blow." they had been walking carefully along the gap towards the point where the further gun was mounted, and gradually clambered up higher till they were beyond the shelter of the side of the southern cleft, when roylance had just time to clap his hand to his head and save his hat, which was starting on a voyage into the black night. the next minute syd was beside him, holding on to the rocky edge of the cleft, high up above the guns, catching the full force of the wind. down below they were in complete shelter. here the gale had such power that it was impossible to stand securely. the wind shrieked about their ears, and seemed to come at them in huge waves, each throwing them back against the rock, and now and then making what felt like a snatch to tear them from where they stood, and hurl them down the rocks, or blow them away to sea. "i say," cried roylance, panting to get his breath, and holding his lips close to his companion's ear, "they must be having it pretty rough on board to-night." "think there's any danger?" shouted syd. "not if they keep well out to sea. eh? what?" "i didn't speak," roared syd; "it was the wind howling." "hadn't we better get down? i feel as if i was going to be blown right off." "wait a bit. i say, i think i'll have a man posted here by this gun." "what, now?" "yes, at once." "nonsense, man; there's no one on the rock but ourselves, and no enemy could come near us in this gale." "no," shouted syd; "suppose not. but--" he had to cease speaking and hold on, for the wind rushed at them now with redoubled violence, and for a minute neither thought of anything but the danger. "it does blow," panted syd at last, as the wind lulled a little. "i was going to say--do you feel sure there is no one else on the rock?" "yes, of course." "i don't," said syd, decisively; "i know i saw something, or some bird." "a goat left on the rock." "no; it could not have been a goat; it must--" whoo! the wind rushed at them again, and once more they held on, longing to get down below, but fascinated by the awful din. below them the darkness seemed profound; only now and then they saw a gleam, as if one of the waves--which broke with a roar like thunder on the rock, and sent a fine cloud of spray floating about their faces--contained some kind of light living creatures, or it was only a reflection on the smooth curve, before it broke, of the stars overhead. for there all was clear enough, save that the stars looked blurred, though bright, and were quivering and vibrating beyond the rushing wind. "oh!" ejaculated syd. "hear that?" "hear it!" was the reply; "i could feel it. shan't have the whole rock swept away, shall we?" there was a lull in the wind just then, but the two lads had clung there, completely awe-stricken, as a huge hill of water had heaved up, and fallen on the outer buttresses of the rock, which quivered under the shock. then there was a roar of many waters, a wild rushing and booming sound, and the wind blew harder. they looked out into the awful blackness, which seemed transparent, glanced up at the quivering stars, once more paused to listen again to the tremendous impact of the waves that came regularly rolling in, and then, taking advantage of a lull, they descended to where the gun had been mounted. the change was wonderful. they had not descended fifty feet, but it was into complete shelter. the wind was rushing over their heads, and the waves were thundering in far below, but the noise sounded dull and distant, and they sat down, breathing freely, and rubbing their spray-wet faces. "no," said syd, quietly; "no fear." "what of?" "the rock being swept away; it would have gone before now." "well, i'm beginning to think we're safer here than on board," said roylance. "don't say that," cried syd, excitedly. "you don't think there's any danger to the frigate, do you?" "no," said roylance, sharply. "come on down now, and let's get something to eat." they walked steadily back towards where the fire was glowing and burning briskly in the sheltered depth of the chasm, casting curious lights and reflections on the rocks to right and left, and showing plainly the figure of the man on the watch beside the farther gun, and the spars rigged up at his side. "looks as if he were going to be hung," said roylance, quietly. "yes, the spars have an ugly look with that rope hanging down. i almost wish i had put a man up by the other gun." "what for? i tell you we can go to sleep in peace to-night." "with poor mr dallas like that?" "forgotten him for the moment. no; of course one of us will take the watch, unless terry comes down and turns civil. there, hi! look at that! look at that." _bang_!--the report of the sentry's pistol as syd and roylance had started trotting down towards the gun at the lower end. in an instant the men about the fire had leaped up, and stood ready for any action by their arms. "did you see it, my man?" panted syd. "ay, ay, sir; came running along like a big tiger from up yonder by the fire, and i fired at it, and then it was gone." "did you see which way it went?" "no, sir, 'cause o' the smoke." "it seemed to me to disappear among these rocks," said roylance. "no; i saw it come out from behind there, and then it leaped off into the darkness just below the gun. here, spread out, my lads; it didn't go that way. keep a smart look-out, and go steady down to the edge. it couldn't have jumped off, and must be here." a thorough search took place, and this was easy enough, for the space within the gap or chasm was comparatively small. but there was no result, and at last a few burning brands were thrown down from the edge just below the gun to light up the rocks there, in the hope that some animal might be lying killed by its fall. there was nothing visible, and at last, after making their arrangements for the night, roylance and sydney sat together, talking in low tones about the mysterious appearance seen now twice. "here, i'll keep watch," said roy, after they had taken another look at the injured man. "no, i'll take the first half," said syd, quietly. "well, you're in command," said roylance; "but i don't feel comfortable about going to sleep with a wild beast dancing minuets all over one in the night." "i shall be watching," said syd. "oh, very well: i'll lie down. poor terry's got the best of it; he has been fast asleep for an hour." roylance lay down under the sail, covering himself with his boat-cloak, and was asleep directly; while sydney, after another glance at dallas, who seemed to be sleeping quietly, placed his pistols in his belt, and went out to visit the watch. chapter twenty eight. as syd stood outside the effect was very curious. the wind was blowing with hurricane violence, and in a dull distant way the sea was breaking wave after wave against the rocks, but where he stood there was hardly a breath of air. then with the novelty of his sensations increasing, and feeling that all this seemed to him like a dream from which he would awake in the morning, he walked to where the watch was posted, and started a little on seeing two figures in the darkness instead of one. "on'y me, mr belton, sir," came in the boatswain's gruff growl. "rogers here felt it a bit lonesome like with no company but a long gun. and look ye here, mate," he whispered to the man, "don't you never forget to reload arter you've fired your pistol." "seen or heard anything more?" said syd, making an effort to keep up his new dignity. "no, sir. fancied i did once, but it warn't nothing." "blowing very hard, bo'sun." "well, sir, tidy, tidy; most a capful o' wind. thought i'd come and stay with him, sir," he whispered, as they walked aside to gaze out to sea; "bit scared like arter seeing that there thing again." "there was something, barney, i'm sure." "steady, master syd, sir, steady," growled the boatswain. "you can't lower yourself to call me barney now you're commander of a fort, and a werry strong one too." "oh, very well, bo'sun. but about that thing, whatever it was. what do you think it could be?" "well, sir, i don't see how it could get here; but it's either a monkey or some small kind o' nigger as lives nateral like on rocks." "but what could he live on?" "dunno, sir; lickin' on 'em p'r'aps." "but there's no water." "no, sir; that's what puzzles me. the worst on it is it scares the lads." "well, it is startling. he did not hit it, i suppose?" "hit it?" said the boatswain, contemptuously; "not him, sir. get's thinking it's--there, i arn't going to say what he thinks. sailors has all kind o' davy jonesy ideas in their heads till they gets promoted, and then o' course they're obliged to be 'bove all that sort of thing." "when do you think the frigate will be back?" "can't say, sir. not so long as the wind's blowing like this." "oh!" ejaculated syd; "so unfortunate. just as we want the surgeon so badly." "what for, sir?" "mr dallas, of course." "surgeon? what do he want with a surgeon? you mended him a deal better than i've seen poor chaps patched in the cockpit during an action, when the surgeon and his mates was busy. look ye here, master syd, i've knowed you ever since you was a bit of a toddlin' thing as held on to my finger--this here one--and couldn't get your little dumpy things right round it; and you know me, sir, i wouldn't say a word to praise you as i didn't mean." "oh, i don't know, strake." "then you may know, sir; i wouldn't--theer! and i says to you now as a honest man as never took nothin' worse than one o' them yaller gummy plums off the wall--them as crack right open like wide mouths, and seems to be putting out their stones at you laughin' like, and sayin', eat me if you dare. well, sir, i say as a honest man, if ever i'm wounded i don't want no surgeon but you." "oh, nonsense, man! there'll be a long serious time yet when he wants the surgeon's attention." "not him, sir. no: we'll do all that." "i hope so, strake. but now we are alone, tell me what i am to do to-morrow." "just what you like, sir. if it was me i should mast-head master terry, if he come any of his games." "without a mast-head?" "no, sir; you'll have to set up one o' them spars, the one with the little truck for the halliards right a top o' the highest pynte, to fly the bri'sh colours, and you can send him there." "but about this place, and men?" "oh, i dunno, sir. if it was me i should set the lads to level the gun-platforms a bit, and some o' the others to build up two or three walls with the loose rocks for us to roof in. one for the men, one for the orficers, and one for the stores." "yes, i thought of doing that." "why, of course you did, sir. and then you could give the men some gun-drill, and arter that wait till the enemy comes." "yes, and when the enemy comes?" "send him back with a flea in his ear. no room for no frenchies here." "i hope they won't come," said syd, half to himself. "now, now, now, sir; no yarns to an old sailor," said the boatswain, chuckling. "i can believe a deal, but i can't believe that." "don't talk nonsense, strake. look here, is there anything else to be done?" "well, sir, it seems to me, going over it all as i have been, that you've been thinking that we've got our prog here, and some water, and not enough of it till the frigate comes back, so that you might put the lads on 'lowance so as to make sure." "ah, i had not thought of that." "beggin' your pardon, sir, you had, only it hadn't come up yet. that there was a thing to be thought on by a commanding orficer, and course you thought on it, on'y talking to me promiskus like you forgetted it. then there's another thing. the skipper never thought 'bout going far away from here, i s'pose, and there's precious little wood, so i'll tell the cook he's to let it off easy, if so be as you says i am." "yes, of course, strake. tell him." "ay, ay, sir. we may have the luck to get some drift timber chucked up among the rocks; but if we do it'll want a deal o' drying 'fore it's good to burn." "no, we must not reckon on that." "arter seeing to these two or three little things 'cordin' to your orders, sir, i should say that you've got as snug a little fort to hold as any one could wish, and all you'll want then is a sight o' the enemy to make you quite happy." the boatswain ceased speaking, and syd stood laughing to himself, but treasuring up what had been said, as the wind swept overhead, and the waves kept on thundering in over the natural pier; though strangely enough the noise of the waves at this end of the gap also passed right up and away, so that it was possible to talk in a low tone, and hear the slightest sound anywhere near. they had been standing like this for some time when syd suddenly laid his hand on the boatswain's arm. "what's that?" he said, in a low whisper. "dunno, sir," whispered back the boatswain. "trying to make out. i heard it twyste afore. what did it sound like to you?" "one stone striking against another." "that's it, sir, exact. don't say any more here. it'll only scare yon chap. sailors is easily frightened 'bout what they don't understand." they stood listening for some few minutes, but there was no farther sound, so they bade the man on guard keep a sharp look-out, though for what syd could not have said, and turned to go up to the tent and see if mr dallas was awake. as they approached the place where the fire had been, a faint waft of the wind passed down the gap, and as it swept over the embers they brightened up, and shed sufficient light for syd to see something creeping softly by the spot. syd caught the boatswain's arm, and a gentle tap from the rough fellow's hand seemed to express that he knew, and had noticed. this was so evidently the object that had twice before been seen, that now was the time to convince themselves whether it was human, or some quadruped dwelling on the rock. "if i whisper," thought syd, "it will take alarm, i know." he caught the boatswain's arm again and tried to draw him away back into the darkness. for the moment strake resisted, then he gave way and allowed himself to be drawn toward the man on guard. "now we shall lose him, sir," said the boatswain in a gruff whisper. "i'd got my eye on him, and was just a-going to give a pounce when you stopped it." "yes; but look here, strake," whispered syd. "each time it has been seen it came up this way from somewhere close to the gun. if we stop here we shall trap it." "but will it come back by here?" "yes, i feel sure. it goes up there to prowl about and get food, and then it comes back to hide somewhere here in these cracks among the rocks." "werry good, sir; i dare say you knows best. what shall i do--shoot it, or give it a chop with the cutlash?" "no; it may be a man--and we don't want to shed blood." "right, sir. then we watches here?" "yes," said syd, taking his place behind a block of stone, though it was so dark there was hardly need to hide. strake followed his example, and they crouched down, with their ears on the strain, satisfied now that the clicking sound of stones striking together was made by this creature, whatever it was. "you must be on your guard, sir," whispered strake. "whatever it is, it'll be sure to scratch or bite. but so sure as you make a grab i shall be there, and he won't kick much with me atop of him. hist!" syd listened, but there was no sound, and he waited so long that he was going to speak to the boatswain and say, "we'll give up now," when a curious crunching noise fell upon his ear, and the next moment something dark was evidently trotting by them, looking in the darkness like a great dog. with one bound the young midshipman was at it, but it eluded his grasp, and ran right at strake, who was the next moment down on his face. "stand, or i fire!" came from a short distance away. "no, no. avast there; it's the captain--i mean mr belton and me, my lad," growled strake, getting up. "see that, mr belton, sir; i'd just got it when it went right through my legs, and i was down. which way did it go?" "don't know. i did not even feel it." "it's a big monkey, sir, or else--i know, sir, it's one o' they small bears, and that was biscuit he was chawing. we'd better shoot him. they bites as well as scratches and hugs, besides being very good eating, so they say." "well, it's of no use to try to catch it now. better hunt it from its hole by daylight. isn't it time rogers was relieved?" "gettin' nigh, sir; on'y it's all on the guess.--look here, sir, i know; we'll smoke the beggar out." "a capital way," said syd; "only we've first got to find the hole." chapter twenty nine. the sea was terrific when sydney took his first look-out next morning, after a good restful sleep, and he felt terribly low-spirited, for he was experienced enough to see that mr dallas was in a very low and dangerous state. he was feverish, and lay wild-eyed and strange, evidently recognising no one, but talking in a low, muttering way. "it's too much to be on my shoulders," syd said to himself, despondently, as he took off his hat, and stood letting the cool morning air fan his forehead. "mr dallas wanting a surgeon, terry setting me at defiance, the men half mutinous, and the whole charge of everything on my shoulders." one of his remarks was hardly fair, for the men greeted him with a smile and a cheery aspect every time he went near them, and after their breakfast worked most energetically to make the improvements suggested overnight, so that about sundown strake smiled in his grim way, and touched his hat. "there, sir," he said; "the captain may come back and land now if he likes. i shouldn't be ashamed to show him round." "no, strake; everything is beautifully neat." "yes, sir; decks cleared for action. we're ready for anybody now." "have you looked in on the lieutenant lately?" "half-hour ago, sir. mr roylance was with him, watching closely." "well, don't you think he looks very bad?" "yes, sir; purty well. bad as one's officer could look to be alive." "and you talk of it in that cool way." "well, sir, how am i to talk? he's no worse than lots more i've seen." "but do you think he's dying?" "nay: not he, sir. lots of life in him yet. and look here, sir, what do you say to that?" "a bit of biscuit?" "yes, sir; that's it. monkey, sir, or a bear?" "i don't understand you, strake." "picked it up, sir, just where we tried to catch him last night. i'm going to lie wait for that gentleman, and give him a pill." "oh, never mind about that, strake; there's so much else to think about. i've been in twice to mr dallas, and he doesn't know me." "dessay not, sir. lost a deal of blood, you see. he's all right, i'm sure. why, i've seen lots o' men worse than he, ever so much; legs off, both on 'em, an' an arm took off fust by a shot and then afterwards by the doctors, and they've come round." "but, strake--" "now, look here, dear lad," whispered the boatswain, speaking earnestly. "i wouldn't say what i do if i didn't think it. mr dallas is going to be purty bad, i dessay, for a month, but he'll come round." "but i feel, strake, as if i have done wrong by him." "nat'rally, dear lad; but i feel that you haven't." "if i could only think that." "oh, well then, i'll soon make you. let me ask you a question, sir. s'pose you hadn't touched mr dallas?" "well?" "nobody else would, of course. we didn't know how." "i suppose not." "very well then, dear lad, what would have happened?" "i'm afraid--he would have died." "and how soon, sir?" "he would have bled to death. i can't say how soon. before night." "exactly, sir. well, then, you came and set to work in a way as made every jack here feel as if he'd do anything for you, sir; and it's to-morrow now, and the lufftenant arn't dead." "no, strake; not yet." "nor arn't going to be; what more do you want? come, rouse up, my lad, and hold your head higher. don't be skeered. let go at us; call us swabs and lubbers, anything you can lay your tongue to; the men 'll like it from you. and as to mr terry, as has gone up where i planted the flagstaff this morning, don't you fret about him. he daren't hardly say his soul's his own." "you've planted the flagstaff?" "yes, sir; right on the top, fastened it down between some rocks, and got guys out to other rocks. i didn't hyste the colours, for this wind would tear the bunting all to rags." sydney took a few steps to one side. "can't see it from here, sir, or you'd see mr terry too, getting hisself such a blowing as never was. he's a-looking out for the frigate, him too as studies navigation with the master. he ought to know better." "what do you mean?" "as we shan't see the _sirius_ for a week to come, if we do then." "then i must go on as if we were to stay some time," thought syd; and that day was spent in adding to the comfort of their quarters and the security of the magazine, in case rain should follow the gale of wind. another stormy day followed, and toward night, after spending some time by the lieutenant's bedside, sydney was relieved by roylance, terry having made no offer to aid, and when asked by roylance, having replied that he was under arrest, and exonerated from such duties. "what's the weather going to be, bo'sun?" said syd, meeting that officer on the upper platform. "don't see no prospect o' change, sir." "because as soon as we possibly can, i want the rock properly gone over by a strong party, so that we can make sure that there is no other landing-place. we may run down that bear of yours." "yes, sir. he was here again last night." "did you see it?" "no, sir; or i should have spoke." "no, no; unless the beast proves dangerous, i will not have it shot." "but the beggar carried off a whole lot o' biscuit last night, sir, and a lump o' cold junk." "well, that must be stopped at any rate. what do you say to half a dozen men being told off to lie in wait for the brute to-night?" "no, sir; it's what do you?" "i say yes," said syd, and the boatswain brightened up. "with pistols, of course, sir?" "no, certainly not," replied syd, decidedly. "if we have firing in the dark there may be some accident. select five men. there will be yourself, mr roylance, and i shall be there too. eight of us ought to hold him if he comes." "and come he will, sir. you'll go over the island to-morrow?" "yes." "but you didn't say you'd have another thing found." "what?" "water, sir. if the _sirius_ is going to leave us here, water must be had." that was a serious matter. with the gale blowing there was nothing to mind as to the sun, but syd felt that the heat would be felt terribly as soon as the wind sank, and with no slight feeling of uneasiness he went to his rough quarters, looked into the hospital, where the lieutenant lay muttering in his delirium, and beckoned roylance to come and join in the meal. "takes one's appetite away to see that poor fellow lying there," said roylance, summoning one of the men to take his place. "but we must eat to work," said syd, firmly. "here's terry, i'll ask him to come and victual. i hate seeing him keeping aloof. mr terry, coffee is served. will you join us?" terry started a little, and his face relaxed into a smile. "yes," he said quietly, "i am very hungry." the ice was broken, and the three young fellows sat down to their rough meal, one which was, however, thoroughly enjoyed--terry seeming quite to have forgotten the trouble that had caused the estrangement. but roylance had not, and that night he said to syd-- "don't trust him." "trust whom?" "terry. i may be wrong, but if ever a fellow's eyes looked one thing and meant another, his did this evening." "fancy. he's beaten, and he has given in, and so, i dare say, we shall be fairly good friends for the future." "perhaps so," said roylance, dryly; "but i say, don't trust him all the same. keep on your guard." "can't. impossible; and i couldn't go on suspecting every one i saw." "no, not every one--this one." "never mind that. don't suppose i shall have any cause to distrust him." "i hope you will not," said roylance, prophetically. "come along." "where? it will be impossible to stand out of shelter." "we are not going to. ah, here is strake. now then, have you got your men ready?" "ay, ay, sir; but won't you alter your mind about the pistols?" "certainly not. use your fists, and take the creature, whatever it is, alive." "ay, ay, sir," said strake; and leading the way down to the lower gun, the men were posted among the rocks, and in the midst of the utter darkness, with the dull roar of wind and sea coming in a deep murmur, the watch was commenced. chapter thirty. it was strange work keeping that watch, and syd could not help feeling a sensation of dread master him at times. he knew that roylance was close at hand, that he had but to speak and the old boatswain would come to him, while the men were scattered here and there; but all the same it was terribly lonely. for what were they watching? it might be some wild beast with teeth and claws that would rend him if he were the one who seized it, and the longer he waited the more reasonable this seemed to be. it was a creature that lived in a cave, or some deep rift among the rocks by day, and came prowling out by night in search of food. such a creature as this must be dangerous. but the next moment he laughed to himself as he recalled that rabbits and many other creatures sought their food by night, and were innocent and harmless as doves. yet still the feeling of dread came back, and he longed for an end of the watch. "i like danger that i can see," he thought, as he began involuntarily rubbing his shoulder that had been struck by the shark, and had taken to aching in the moist cool night. he shivered a little as he recalled the scene that day when he first realised the danger of the hideous fish marking him down; and try how he would the scene kept growing more vivid. "i never half thanked those men for saving my life," he said to himself. "the brute would have had me if they had not stabbed at it with the oars. what's that?" he strained his eyes to watch something which appeared to be crawling along among the blocks of stone close by, but he could not be sure that it was anything alive. "a stone!" he said, and he went on thinking, not liking to draw attention to what most likely was only imagination. "it would be so stupid," he said; "and would alarm the brute and keep it from coming, if i was wrong." so he sat there, crouched up together, his back against the stone, and his arms round his knees, which formed a resting-place for his chin, till quite a couple of hours of watching and listening to the roar of the wind overhead and the beat of the sea beneath had passed away. "i wonder how mr dallas is," he thought at last; and as the scene in the rough canvas-covered shelter came to his mind's eye, with the tallow candle stuck in a corner of the rock, some of its own fat sealing it there, as they had no candlestick, he saw again the sunken cheeks and wild, fevered eyes of the wounded man, and pictured his white, cracked lips, and the tin pannikin of water placed ready on a box by where he lay. there was some biscuit too, ready to soak and give him a few bits. he thought--"i wonder whether that man has given him any." another half-hour passed, during which syd had forgotten everything but his patient, and at last, full of anxiety, he felt that he must go and see him. "no, i will not," he muttered, and he began watching again. "how contented these sailors are," he said after a time; "how silently they sit keeping guard. i hope they are not asleep." he crept softly in the direction where strake was posted, and as he neared it he thought to himself that it was a good job he had told the boatswain not to bring firearms; but as the thought came he oddly enough regretted it. "if the brute is dangerous it is not fair to the men. i was wrong. but they must be all asleep, or they would have heard me." click, click! the cocking of a pistol close by. "strake! don't shoot." "you, master syd!" growled the boatswain, "i thought it was that there bear. why, you shouldn't come crawling up like that, sir, i might have shot at you." "but i told you not to bring pistols." "so you did, sir; but as i thought as the brute might stick his teeth into me, i felt as you wouldn't like me to be hurt, and so i brought 'em. you see, sir, you've only got one bo'sun, and it would be awkward if i was killed." "look here," whispered syd, "i'm going up to see how mr dallas is. don't make a mistake and fire at me as i come back." "don't you be scared about that, sir," growled the boatswain; "i'll take care." "are the men all awake?" "trust 'em, sir. they've got open eyes." "i shall not be long," said syd. "right, sir." "and be careful with that pistol, strake. you may use it, though, if there is danger." "thankye, sir," said the boatswain, and then to himself, "i'll use both sooner than have my eyes clawed out, and my nose chawed off." syd crept quietly along among the high blocks of rock which dotted the chasm, gazing up at the quivering stars once and wishing they gave more light, and thinking of what shelter these rocks would give if the french ever did attack them and were in such numbers that they took the lower gun, and came swarming along into the gap. "we could keep them off after all, i dare say," he said. by this time he was close up to the rough shelter which the men had dubbed the hospital. drawing aside the canvas hung down over the doorway, he was about to step in when there was a rush, the candle was knocked down, and by its feeble glimmer, where it lay on the rocky floor, he caught a glimpse of something dark which rushed at him, drove him backwards, and disappeared in the darkness. "you stupid idiot!" cried syd, in a loud whisper. "frightened him, i suppose, going in so quickly." he once more stepped into the rough place, to see with astonishment the sailor who had been placed there to relieve roylance, in the act of picking up the candle from where it lay flickering on the floor. "tumbled down, sir," said the man, confusedly. "tumbled down!" cried sydney, in an angry whisper; "why, you lazy rascal, you were asleep!" "sleep, sir?" "yes. who was that in here just now?" "here, sir; and banged out o' the door there! wasn't it you?" "no--no," whispered syd, who grasped the position now; "it must have been that beast we are trying to catch. yes; he has taken the biscuit that lay there while you slept." "very sorry, sir; been hard at work, and--" sydney heard no more. he had dashed out of the canvas-covered hut and run swiftly down toward the lower gun. "look out, roylance! strake!" he shouted; "it's coming your way." _bang_! a pause as the shot echoed among the rocks. then there was another report, and a wild cry. then silence, broken directly after by the muttering of men's voices. "got it," cried syd. "yes; strake has brought it down. it came with a rush between us, and he fired, and then fired again." "yes, i heard. what is it--a bear?" "don't know; we want a candle. i'll fetch the one from mr dallas's place and shade it with my hat." roylance went on toward the hospital, while sydney cautiously felt his way among the rocks, full of excitement and eagerness to learn what the strange creature might be. "hi! where are you?" he shouted. "this way, sir," answered a voice, which he recognised as that of rogers. he hurried on, the shout coming from close by the lower gun, and as he reached the spot he made out the group of figures, and heard the boatswain's gruff voice groaning out-- "oh, lor'! oh, lor'! oh, lor'!" then in angry tones--"it sarved you right. no business carrying on games like that." "what's the matter?" cried syd. "is any one hurt? haven't you shot the bear?" "it warn't no bear, sir," said rogers, excitedly; "it was young pan strake, and his father's brought him down." chapter thirty one. "ha' mussy on us! here, mr belton, sir, quick," cried the boatswain, hoarsely. "you said i warn't to bring pistols. wish him as 'vented 'em had been drowned first. look ye here, sir; is no one going to bring a light? mr belton, sir; master syd; pray make haste. i've made you another job." all this in a wild, excited manner, as, trembling now with horror, sydney knelt down by a dark-looking object on the rocks, lying quite motionless, and for a few moments he could not collect himself sufficiently to render any aid. "ha' mussy on us!" groaned the boatswain. then with an angry burst, "i want to know how he got here." "stowed hisself away in the boat," said one of the men, "when we corned away, but i thought he'd gone back again to the ship." "brought him down. my own boy," groaned the boatswain. "ah, here's the light." "quick! stand round so as to shelter the candle," cried syd, who was now recovering himself and trying to act in a calm, business-like manner; and directly after he was kneeling there in the centre of that ring of anxious faces, and proceeding by the light of the candle, which the boatswain held down, to examine the boy, who lay curled up in a heap. to all appearances he was dead, so still did he lie; but the moment syd took hold of one hand to feel the injured boy's pulse, there was a sudden spasmodic jerk and a loud yell which went echoing up the valley. "hah!" ejaculated syd, for he knew it was a good sign. "hold still, pan," he continued, gently; "let me see where you are hurt." "let him be, sir. i've killed um, i know i have!" syd tried to find where the boy was wounded, but at every touch pan shrieked out as if in agony, and kicked out his legs and drew himself up again as if trying to make himself into a ball. "it's all over with the poor lad, sir," groaned strake. "better let him die in peace, and i gives myself up, sir. nothin' but misfortun' here." "try and bear it, pan," said syd, gently. "i must see where you are hurt before i can do you any good." but the boy shrieked out wildly every time he was touched, and after many essays, syd felt ready to give up in despair. "ha' mussy on us!" groaned the boatswain. "where's he got it, sir?" "i'm afraid it is somewhere in the body, strake," replied syd, softly; "but i don't like to give him pain.--is the hurt in your chest, pan?" the boy shrieked again, as a hand was slid into his bosom. "i'm afraid it is there, barney; i ought to examine him and stop the bleeding." "yes, sir; course you ought; but i don't like to see you hurt the boy." "no, it is very terrible, but i'll be as gentle as i can. come, pan, lad, be a man, and let me see where you are hurt." syd touched him again, but there was another yell and kick, not before the boy pressed his chin down in his chest, and cried out more wildly than ever. "is his spine injured?" cried roylance. "can't be," replied syd, "or he could not kick out like he does." "and for the same reason his legs must be all right," said roylance. "spine of his back and his legs," said strake; "well, that's something to be thankful for." "the bullet must have lodged in his chest," said syd, "and i dare say perhaps has injured him fatally. no blood visible; he must be bleeding inside." there was a pause after a couple more attempts to inspect the injury. then, after a little thought, syd said, firmly-- "pan, i must examine your wound." the boy curled up more tightly. "it is of no use, strake," continued syd, firmly, and unconsciously imitating doctor liss with a stupid patient on the south coast; "it is my duty to examine your boy's wound. he may bleed to death if it is not done. two or three of you must hold him." a yell burst from pan at this announcement, and syd and roylance exchanged glances. the patient was evidently quite sensible. "smith, hold his legs," said syd; "strake, you and rogers each take an arm. i will be as tender as i can." "hadn't we better let him die in peace, sir?" groaned the boatswain. "no; not till everything has been done to try and save him." "oh!" yelled pan. "now then, as softly as you can. once i see where he is injured, i shall be able to know what to do." "very well, sir," said the boatswain, piteously. "there, my poor boy, i won't hurt you much," and he took pan's arm. a shriek made him let go and jump away to begin wiping his brow. "again: quick, and let's get it done, strake," whispered syd. "ready? now then, all together." "oh!" yelled pan, but the men held on, and syd was about to tear open the boy's shirt, when rogers exclaimed-- "sleeve's all wet here, sir," and he pointed to the fleshy part of the boy's arm. "oh lor'!" groaned strake. "ah, let me see," cried syd, eagerly; and he took out and opened his knife. pan's eyes were wide open now, and he stared in a horrified manner at the blade. "no, no, no," he yelled. "i won't have it off; i won't have it off." "hold the wrist tight," said syd. rogers obeyed, and with the boy shrieking horribly, the point of the knife was inserted and his sleeve ripped right up to the shoulder. "hah!" exclaimed syd, closing his knife, as he caught sight of the wound in the thick of the arm. "it has not bled much. hold the light here more closely." "no, no," yelled pan. "i won't have it off." "the bone is all right," said syd, continuing his examination; "but the bullet must be there. look: here it is!" in fact there it was, lying in the sleeve, having passed clean through, and of course making a second wound. "there, that will not hurt," said syd, coolly. "now let's see about his chest." "no," yelled pan, bursting into a fit of blubbering; "there arn't nothing there. t'other one missed me." the boatswain drew himself up and seemed to be taking a tremendously long breath. "i'm very glad, pan," said syd. "now, come, be a man. i'm just going to put a little pellet of rag over those two holes, and bind them up tightly. i won't hurt you much." "no, no, no," howled pan; "you'll take it off. i won't have it cut off." "i tell you i'm going to bandage your arm up, and you'll have it in a sling." "no, no," yelled pan. "and on'y winged him arter all," cried the boatswain in his familiar gruff tones. "will you be quiet, boy?" cried sydney, almost angrily now. "sit up, you swab," roared the boatswain; and pan started into a sitting position on the instant. "you, rogers, go up to the stores and get me three foot o' rope, thickest you can find.--look ye here, panny-mar," he continued, rolling up his sleeve and holding out his enormous fist close to the boy's nose, "see that?" "yes, father." "you turned yerself into a stowaway and comed ashore without leave; you've been turning yerself into a bear and a monkey, and living in the holes o' the rocks by day, and coming out and stealing the prog by night." "i was so hungry, father," whispered pan, who forgot his wound. "yah! hungry indeed! and then you've been giving your father the worsest quarter of a hour he ever had in his life, and making his heart bust with haggerny. you shammed dead at first, then you made believe as you was hurt, when there was nothing the matter with yer but a little bit of a hole through one arm." "oh!" moaned pan, turning his eyes upon his white arm, where a bead of blood was visible. "and then you kicked out as if all your upper rigging was shattered with chain-shot, and every kick went right through me. so now, look here: your young captain's going to bandage that there bit o' nothing up, and if you give so much as one squeak, you'll have my fist fust and the rope's-end arter till you dance such a hornpipe as never was afore." "oh!" moaned pan. "ah!" there was silence for a moment, and then all present burst into a roar of laughter, so great was the relief that the boy was not very bad. "ah, you may laugh, my lads," said the boatswain, looking round; "but i do declare i'd sooner have a leg off with a shot than go through all that again. thought i'd shot him." "so you did, father," cried pan, with a vicious look. "yah! hold your tongue! call that shot? no more than having a sail-needle slip and go through yer." "but it hurts like red-hot poker." "good job too. nothing to what you made me feel as i see yer lying there.--lying! yes, that's the word, for yer did lie, yer shamming young swab." pan began to cry silently, as syd busied himself bandaging his hurt. "and now he's a piping his eye like a great gal on shoreport hard. panny-mar, i'm proud o' you, i am; but i feel that bad, mr belton, sir, that i'd take it kindly if you'd order me a tot o' rum." "take him up and give him one, mr roylance," said sydney, quickly; and while he went on bandaging the arm which rogers held for him, roylance and the boatswain went up to the chests and kegs which formed the stores, and filled a little tin. "thankye, sir," said strake, holding out one of his great gnarled hands for the tin, but drawing it back, for it trembled so that he could not take the rum; but he turned sharply round, laid his arm against the rock, and laid his face upon it, to stand so for some minutes before he turned back, wiping his eyes on the back of his hand. "bit watery, sir, that's all," he said, with a smile. "don't tell mr belton, sir, what you see. most men got their soft bit somewhere. i dunno, though. i've knowed master syd from a babby, and i wouldn't mind if you told he; but pray don't say a word before mr mike terry. thankye, sir.--hah! that's good rum, as i well knows. here's success to yer, sir, and may you never know what it is to be a father." with which doubtful wish the boatswain drained the tin and smacked his lips. "well, sir, since you are so kind, i--no, put it away, my lad. no more to-night." the rum was replaced, and they rejoined the group near the lower gun, just as the finishing touches were being given to pan's wound by means of a handkerchief being tied loosely about his neck to act as a sling. "got that bit o' rope, lad?" said the boatswain, and then, "thankye," as it was handed to him. "beg pardon, sir, ought this here boy to have his fust dose to-night or to-morrer morning?" "not till i prescribe it, strake," said syd, smiling, and the old man coiled up the piece of rope and put it in his pocket, very much to pan's relief. chapter thirty two. "and where have you been?" said syd next day, after examining his second patient's injury. "down in a big hole yonder," said the boy. "it's on'y a sort o' crack, but as soon as you gets through there's plenty o' room; and when i'd got a blanket and a bit o' sail to sleep on, it beat the straw corner up in the tater-loft at home all to nothing, on'y i was getting very tired o' nearly always biscuit. i say, master sydney, sir, you won't let father give me the rope's-end will you?" "you deserve it for smuggling yourself on shore." "didn't you smuggle yourself ashore too, sir?" said pan, innocently. sydney and roylance exchanged glances, and went to see how mr dallas was getting on. the morning had broken bright and fine, the wind had gone down, though the sea was still fretting and breaking on the rocky islet; but the high spirits in which the lads were became damped directly as they stood gazing down at the wreck of the fine handsome man lying there before them, hovering as it were between life and death. "i wouldn't care, roy," said syd, "if i could only do anything but attend to those wretched bandages." "you do a good deal," was the reply. "oh, it seems like nothing. one gets no further, and i always go in to see him feeling as if it was for the last time." partly to get rid of his painful thoughts sydney worked hard with the men till everything possible under the circumstances had been done. rocks had been shifted, breastworks built, and the place was so added to, that if an enemy should come, the scaling of the cliff over the landing-place and capture of the lower gun did not mean defeat. there was quite a little fort to attack half-way up the gap, and then there was a stout wall built across behind the second gun, which could be slewed round ready for an attack from the land side. two mornings later, just after sydney had been again combining the duties of surgeon and commander, strake came up to him. "going to order that boy a rope's-ending now, sir?" he said. "not yet, strake." "done with him, sir?" "yes." "then i'd like a word with you in private." the privacy consisted in a walk to the upper gun, where, after a look round in the calm sunlit sea in search of the frigate, the boatswain said-- "enemy's here, sir." "where?" cried syd, excitedly, looking out to sea again. "i was up at the flagstaff an hour ago, and mr terry's there now. he has not given the alarm." "didn't look in the right place," said the boatswain, oracularly. "i did." "don't play with me, strake; where is he?" "in the tubs, sir." "what!" "on'y water enough to last four more days." syd looked at him aghast. "we must have sails and casks ready to catch every drop when the rain comes," cried syd. "ay, sir, when it comes; but it don't come." "then what shall we do?" "i ought to say die o' thirst, sir, on'y it sounds so unpleasant." "but my father, surely he'll be here soon. he knows how we are situated, and the other ship knows too. they will be sure to come." "i don't want to upset you, sir, but i do say the captain's a long while coming." "what's to be done, roy? hi, mr terry, will you join here?" said syd, who had gone in search of his companion. terry came up smiling pleasantly. "i have bad news for you. the water is nearly done. can you make out why it is the frigate does not come?" roylance shook his head, and syd turned to terry. "of course i cannot say," replied the latter; "and i don't like to make you uncomfortable; but the captain seemed to me to be such a particular man, that i fear something has happened." "happened?" "yes; his frigate has either been taken by the enemy, or gone ashore in the storm." "oh!" ejaculated sydney, with an agonised look at roylance. "you don't think this?" roylance was silent. "why don't you speak?" cried syd, excitedly. "it's absurd to pretend to help one, and then stand and stare at him like this." "i did not want to hurt your feelings," said roylance, quietly. "never mind my feelings; speak out." "i have thought so for the past two days," said roylance, gravely. "when captain belton put us ashore here, he meant to be in constant communication with the rock. he knew that we could do little without his help, and his being close at hand." "but the storm made him put to sea," said syd, excitedly. "i know enough of navigation for that, though i've not been a sailor long. i've heard my father and my uncle talk about it; and he has not had time yet to come back." his two companions were silent. "do you hear what i say? he has not had time to come back." still there was no reply, and syd turned sharply away to go to the stores and make out for himself how long their provisions would last. but in his bewildered state, with the cares of his position increasing at a terrible rate, the task was more than he cared to see to, and asking himself what he should do, he took his way up the higher side of the gap, climbing slowly, with the heat making him feel faint, higher and higher, till he stood where the well-guyed flag-pole rose up with its halyards flapping against the side. "it seems too much for me," he thought, "and i may be wrong, but terry looked pleased at my being so worried. no water; the provisions running out; my father's ship lost--no, i will not believe that. he's too clever. it only wants the enemy to come out now and attack us to make it more than i can bear." he stood with one arm round the flagstaff, gazing at the distant port of saint jacques, wondering whether the people there knew of the english occupying the rock, and if they did, whether they would make an effort to drive them out. but though he gazed long at the houses, which looked white in the sunshine, there was nothing to be seen, and he swept the horizon once more to see the dazzling blue sea everywhere, but no sail in sight. he sighed as he let his anxious eyes rest on the deep soft blue of the water, close in, and became interested directly, for in one spot a cloud of silver seemed to be sweeping along--a cloud which, from his south coast life, he was not long in determining to be a great shoal of fish playing on the surface, and leaping out clear every now and then as they fed on the small fry that vainly endeavoured to escape. syd's countenance cleared directly. "why didn't i think of it before? i ought to have known that a rock is of all places the best for fish. we need not starve." he hurried down to find the boatswain, and propose to utilise some of the men, who were idling about in the shade cast by the overhanging rocks, and met the old sailor looking more serious than before. "i say, strake," cried syd, "why should not some of the men fish?" "got no boat, sir." "then let them fish from the rock." "that's just what rogers has gone off to do, sir, by that patch o' rocks where we landed, and mr roylance and mr terry's gone to look on." "mr terry should be on duty," said sydney, colouring slightly. "ought he, sir? i thought he was under arrest." "we are not in a position here to study such things as that, strake. mr terry is friendly now, and we want his help." syd walked straight to the lower gun, descended a rope-ladder, which had been made and slung down for their convenience, and found the little group on the natural pier. "mr terry, a word, please, with you." "with me? yes," said the midshipman, looking at him wonderingly as he followed his young companion aside. "what is it?" "you have forgotten that you are under arrest, sir," said syd. "i know it may seem absurd," he added quickly, as he saw terry smile, "but it would be the captain's wish that good discipline should be kept up on the rock. be good enough to stay with the men." "oh, this is too--i beg your pardon, mr belton," cried terry, mastering an outbreak of passion, and speaking in a cold, formal way. "you are right, sir; i'll go back." he went off at once, with syd watching him till he had mounted the rope-ladder, where he paused to speak to the men by the gun, and then went on up the gap. "one don't feel as if he was to be trusted," said syd to himself, wearily. "he is too easy and obedient, and i'm afraid he hates me. i wish he was in command instead. it would be much easier for me, and i feel such a boy." a shout behind him made him start and look round, to see that rogers, who had been seated on the edge of a piece of stone waiting patiently, had now started up, and was playing at tug with a fish he had hooked-- one which was splashing about on the top of the water as the man began to haul in his long line. all at once, as the silvery sides of the fish were seen flopping about, the water parted and a long, lithe, snaky-looking creature flashed out like lightning, seized the hooked fish, and flung itself round it in a complete knot, making rogers cease hauling, and watch what was going on in dismay. "haul, my man, haul! you'll get them both," cried syd, excitedly; and two other men who were looking on ran to help. but as they drew hard on the line, there was abundant floundering, the water flew up in a shower of silver, and then the line came in easily, for the captive was gone. "look at that now," said rogers, good-temperedly. "they're beginning to bite, though, and no mistake." he rebaited his hook, and threw out as far as he could, beginning to tighten the line directly after, and then hauling in rapidly, for the bait was taken at once, and though some longish creature made a savage dash at it, the sailor was successful in getting a good-sized mullet-like fish safe on the rock. "got him that time, sir," he said, merrily, as he rebaited and threw in again. syd was delighted at the man's success, and stood watching eagerly for the next bite. "i don't know what it is," said roylance, who was examining the capture, "but it must weigh four pounds, and it looks good to eat." "here you are again, sir," cried rogers, hauling away, with another fish at the end of his line. "you've brought me good luck, sir. hah! look at that!" for there was another splash and a sudden check, followed by a battle between the sailor and some great thing which had seized his captive. "'tarn't one o' them snaky-looking chaps this time, sir. hooray! he's gone.--well, now, i do call that mean." for he hauled in about a third of the fish he had hooked, the other two-thirds having been bitten off. "cut a piece off the silvery part and put on your hook." "to be sure, sir; but hadn't i better cut off all but the head, and leave that on?" "try it," said syd, who forgot all his cares of government over the sport. the man whipped out his knife and cut through the remains of his fish just at the gills, throwing out the bright silvery lure, and the moment it touched the water, all fresh and bleeding, it was seized by a heavy fish, which he dragged in successfully, for it to be flapping about with its scales as large as florins flashing in the sun, all silver and steely blue. "ten pounds, if he's an ounce," cried roylance. "i say, rogers, are you going to have all the fun?" "no, sir. have a try," cried the man. "i'll soon put you on a good bait. look here, sir, this head's on tight. try it again." roylance threw in his line, but there was no answering attack; and he waited a few minutes, with the waves carrying it here and there. "no good," he said. "cut a fresh bait." but as he spoke there was a jerk which made the line cut into his hand, followed by a desperate struggle, and another, the largest fish yet, was landed; one not unlike the last caught, but beautifully banded with blue. "why, here's provision for as long as we like to stay," cried syd. "and how are we to cook it? we have not much more wood?" "we'll dry it in the sun, if we can't manage any other way. now throw out just to the left of that rock." roylance was already aiming in that direction, the bait falling a couple of yards to the left; and if it had been aimed right into a fish's mouth, the answering tug, which betokened the getting home of the hook, could not have been more rapid. then followed a minute's exciting play, a tremendous jerk, and the hook came back baitless and fishless. "never mind, sir; try again. strikes me it's sharks is lying out there, waiting to get hold of all we ketches, 'cause the weather's too hot for 'em to do it themselves. there you are, sir; as shiny silver a bait as any one could have." there was another cast, and in less than a minute a fresh fish was hooked, and this escaped the savage jaws waiting to seize it, and was hauled in. "there, that's the biggest yet," cried syd. "fifteen pounder, i know." "you try now," said roylance, and for the next half-hour, with varying success, they fished on, for there was to be quite a feast that evening, the men hailing with delight so capital a change from their salt meat diet; while there was supreme satisfaction in sydney's heart, for he had solved one of the difficulties he had to face--the sea would supply them with ample food. "if we could only find water, and get some drift-wood, we could hold on till my father comes back." as he said these last words, he saw a peculiar look of doubt in his companion's eyes--a look which sent a chill of dread through him for a few minutes. "no," he said, "i will not think that; he'll come yet, and all will be right." just then pan came down from the hospital, where he had been placed to keep watch by mr dallas's rough bed and call if there seemed any need. "mr dallas says, sir, will you come to him directly." "mr dallas--he said that?" cried syd, joyfully. "whispered it, sir, so's you could hardly hear him, and then he said, `water!'" "water!" thought syd, with the feeling of despair coming back, "and we have hardly a drop left." as he thought this, he hurried up to the little canvas-covered place. chapter thirty three. as syd entered the place he was startled by the change visible in the young lieutenant, and his heart smote him as, forgetting the long nights of watching and his constant attention to the injured man, he felt that he had forgotten him and his urgent duties and responsibilities to go amusing himself by fishing off the rocks. "ah, belton!" greeted him; "i am glad you have come." "why?" thought syd, with a feeling of horror chilling him--"why is he glad i've come?" and something seemed to whisper--"is it the end?" "i'm afraid i am impatient; my leg hurts, and i've been asleep and dreaming since you dressed it so cleverly yesterday." "dressed it yesterday!" faltered syd, as he recalled the days and nights of anxiety passed since the injury. "yes; you thought i was insensible, but i heard everything," said the lieutenant, slowly. "i saw everything; felt everything." "you knew when i dressed it yesterday, with the boy standing here?" "no, no; out yonder below the place where that wretched gun was to be mounted, and the sun came down so hot." syd laid his hand upon the young officer's brow, but it was quite cool. "i am terribly weak, but i don't feel feverish, as so many men are when they are wounded. i suppose i bled a great deal." "terribly; but don't--don't talk about it now." "but i want to talk about it a bit; and then i am hungry, but i don't feel as if i could eat salt meat." "a little fish?" said syd, eagerly. "ah! the very thing." "wait a minute," cried syd, and running out, he gave orders to one of the men for one of the fish to be cooked for the invalid. "fish, eh?" said mr dallas, when syd returned. "yes, sir; i've been--we've been fishing this morning, and caught a good many." "that's right, but the men must not idle; i want to give some instructions to you about getting up that gun." "hadn't you better lie still and let me talk to you?" said syd, smiling. "no, my boy; i must not give up, in spite of being weak. it was very unfortunate--my accident yesterday. it was yesterday, wasn't it--not to-day?" "no; not to-day." "of course not; i've been asleep, and had terribly feverish dreams. but business, my dear boy. first of all, though, let me thank you for your clever doctoring." "oh, don't talk about it, sir," said sydney, quickly. "but i must talk about it. how did you learn so much?" syd told him. "a most fortunate thing for me, belton; i should have bled to death. but now about that gun. call the bo'sun, and i'll have it up at once; it is an urgent matter." "it is up, sir." "what!--how did you manage it?" "the boatswain had it packed in a cask, and it was rolled up." "excellent! how quick you have been! the other must be got up too, the same way." "they are both up, mr dallas." the lieutenant stared. "is this some trick?" he said, excitedly; "a plan to keep me quiet?-- because if so, belton, it is a mistake. it makes me anxious about the captain's plans." "don't be anxious, mr dallas. i did not like to tell you at first, for fear it should trouble you. don't you understand that you have been lying here for many days and nights, quite off your head?" "no!" "and we thought you would die; but--but--" cried belton, in a choking voice, "you are getting better, and know me now." the lieutenant lay with his eyes closed and his lips moving for some minutes before he spoke again, and then his voice was very husky. "no, my boy," he said, "i did not understand that. but it is quite natural; i could not have been so weak without. tell me now, though, what has been done." "everything, sir. the guns are mounted; there are good platforms; we have built rough covering walls and mounted a flagstaff. everything that strake, mr roylance, and i could think of has been done." "but the captain--did he send the surgeon ashore, and some one else to take command here?" "no," said sydney, and he explained their position. "it is very strange," said the injured man, thoughtfully, and soon afterward strake appeared, bringing in the freshly-cooked fish, of which the invalid partook; and then, seeming to be drowsy, he was left to sleep. the next morning sydney explained more fully their position, and the lieutenant listened eagerly. "i can't be much use to you, belton," he said. "oh, yes, you can, sir; you'll command, and we'll do what you tell us." "no, my dear fellow, i shall not even interfere. you are in command; you have done wonders, and i shall let you go on. but i hope you will let me be counsellor, and come to me for advice." "no, no, sir; you must take command now." "men do not obey a commander well if they cannot see him," said the lieutenant, smiling. "ah, roylance!" he continued, as that individual came to the door of the tent; "i'm telling mr belton he must go on as he has begun. i'm getting better, you see, only i shall have to be nursed for weeks. as soon as i am a little stronger you must have me carried down to the rocks, and i'll catch fish for you all." "no, sir, you will not," said roylance, laughing, "unless you want to be pulled in; the fish are terribly strong sometimes. has belton told you everything about how we stand?" "yes." "about the water?" sydney hesitated. "i did not mention the water," he said at last. "then you have found no water?" "no, sir." "and the supply is giving out?" "almost gone, sir." the lieutenant was silent for a few moments. "it cannot be long before the _sirius_ returns. of course captain belton put out to sea. it would have been madness to have stopped in these reef-bound channels. had you not better call the men together, and thoroughly search all the crannies among the rocks for a spring, mr belton?" "already done, sir, twice." "yes, of course; you would be sure to do that. then there is only one thing to do; we must wait patiently for help. had we been provided with a boat, of course we could have searched for water on the nearest island. but keep a good heart; the _sirius_ cannot be long." chapter thirty four. but the time seemed terribly tedious upon that parched rock, where not a single green thing grew. the heat was terrific, and the men sat and lay about panting, and glad of the relief afforded by the tobacco they chewed. it was impossible to hide the fact from them that they were using the last drops of the water; but there were no murmurs, not a mutinous voice was heard against the tiny portion that was served out so as to make what was left last for another forty-eight hours. after that? yes; no one dared try to answer that question. a man was always on the watch by the flagstaff. but he swept the offing with the glass in vain. there was no ship in sight that could be signalled for help, and no sign of movement in the direction of the town. "it's seems horribly lowering to one's dignity," said roylance, "coming here to occupy a rock and set the enemy at defiance, and then be regularly obliged to give up and say, `take us prisoners, please,' all for want of a drop of water." "if it would only rain!" cried syd, as he thought of how bitter all this would be to his father. "never will when you want it." "it is degrading," said syd. "but we must wait. what does terry say?" "nothing. he has taken to chewing tobacco like the men, and i don't want to be hard upon him, but he seems on the whole to be pleased that we are in such a scrape." "but you are too hard on him," said syd. "there, let's go and sit with poor mr dallas. we must keep him in good spirits." "i haven't the heart to go," said roylance, sadly. "he is suffering horribly from the want of a drop of cold water, and we have none to give him." the long day dragged by, and was succeeded by a hot and pulseless night. the last drop of water had been voted by common consent to the sick man, and the sailors were face to face with the difficulty of passing the next day. it would be maddening, they knew, without water on that heated rock. they had tried to quench their thirst by drawing buckets of water down on the natural pier and drenching each other, for they dare not bathe on account of the sharks; but that was a poor solace, and the poor fellows gazed at each other with parched lips and wild eyes, asking help and advice in vain, and without orders climbed up high and perched themselves on points of vantage to watch for a sail, the only hope of salvation from a maddening death that they could see. the look-out man by the flagstaff was ready with the bunting for signals; and when he hauled it, all knew now that it would be no flaunting forth of defiance, but an appeal for aid. but no ship came in sight all that next long day. "it's all over, belt," said roylance, as the sun rose high once more, and his voice sounded harsh and strange. "i shall die to-day raving mad. we must go, but let's write something to your father to find when he does come." "i have done it," said sydney. "i wrote it last night before i turned so queer and half mad-like with this horrible thirst." "did you turn half mad?" "yes, when i was alone after i had done it.--i told my father that we had all tried to do our duty, and had fought to the last; and said good-bye." "where did you put it?" said roylance, as they walked slowly to the upper gun, while terry lay beneath a rock seeming to watch them. "put what?" said sydney, vacantly. "the letter to your father." "what letter to my father? has uncle tom written to him?" "belt, old fellow, hold up," cried roylance, half frantically. "don't you give way." "oh, i did feel so stupid," said syd, with a loud harsh laugh. "said i wouldn't go to sea, and ran away, and then came sneaking back with my tail between my legs. oh, there's barney." "no, no, my dear fellow; there's no one here." "yes, there is," cried syd, angrily, as he stared with bloodshot eyes straight before him. "barney, what does the dad say? is he very cross?" "oh, belt; don't, don't," groaned roylance.--"i must get him under shelter." he took his friend's arm. "no, no, you shan't," cried sydney. "i won't be dragged in before them. i'll go in straight when i do go, and say i was wrong. touch me again, barney, and i'll hit you." "it is i, belt. don't you know me?" "know you?--of course. what made you say that?" "i--i don't know." "roy, poor fellow, you are suffering from the heat. there's no ship in sight, but you and i mustn't give up; we must set an example to the men.--no, no, barney, i tell you i will not go." "terry, mike terry, come and help me," cried roylance; but the midshipman did not stir from where he lay under a shadowing rock. "not for a hundred of you i would not go. eh! water--where? ah, beautiful water! can't you hear it splashing? plenty to-night. rain." "come into the shade, belt," said roylance, who felt now that their last day had come, and that there was nothing to be done now but lie down and die. "no," said syd, sharply, "i want to see the men. how are the poor fellows?" he staggered down to where the men not on duty were lying in the shade cast by the rocks, and the boatswain, who seemed to have been talking to them, rose. "sad work, sir," he said, touching his hat; and several of the men rose and saluted, others lying staring and helpless, their lips black, and a horrible delirious look in their eyes. "no ship, barney," whispered syd, huskily. "no, sir. we must give it up, sir, like men; but it do seem hard work. seen my boy pan-y-mar?" "on board, on board," said syd quickly. "what, sir?" "i did not speak," cried the boy, shaking his head, and roylance and the boatswain exchanged glances. "yes, yes, i spoke--you spoke," said syd, strangely. "i know now, but my brain feels hot and dry, and i can't breathe. yes. pan. he's with mr dallas in the hut." the boy sank down on a stone, and placed his elbows upon his knees to make a resting-place for his head. "poor lad! oh, mr roylance, sir, i'd give my last drop o' blood if i could save him." syd started up and then looked round wildly, as he made a desperate effort to ward off the delirium that was attacking him. "keep in the shade, my lads," he said. "please god we shall get rain to-night, or help will come." the men stared at him in stupid silence, all but rogers, who feebly hacked off a bit of a cake of tobacco, and struggled up to offer it. "take a bit, sir. keeps you from feeling quite so bad." "no, my man," said syd, smiling feebly, "keep it for yourself." then turning to roylance, he looked at him wonderingly. "did i dream you said something about writing?" "no. you told me you had written a despatch." "no. no: i wrote nothing," said the boy, vacantly. "it ought to be done, to say that we held out to the last." "my father will see that," said syd, gravely. "amen!" cried the boatswain, in his deep hoarse voice, and he drew back, and then staggered forward to drop down for a few moments. he rose again. "worst o' being an orficer, mr roylance, sir," he said. "don't matter what happens we mustn't give way." how that day glided on none could tell. it was like some horrible dream, during which the sun had never been hotter to them, and the rock seemed to glow. three times now in a half delirious way syd had been into the hut, to find mr dallas sleeping, for though he suffered terribly, his pangs did not seem so bad as those of his stronger companions in adversity. but at last syd passed terry lying with his eyes closed; and with roylance staggering after him almost as wild and delirious as he, they paused by the hut where mr dallas lay. syd passed his hand over his eyes to clear away the mist which hung before him and obscured his sight, and then, fairly sane for the moment, he looked about him to see that every man was prostrate, and that his faithful henchman, barney strake, was leaning against a rock, helpless now. he saw it all; it meant the end. had there been a cool, moist night even to look forward to, they might have lived till another day, but there were many hours of pitiless sunshine yet in the hottest time when the glare was right along the gap. "it is the end," he said, half-aloud. "roy, lad, i should like to shake hands first with terry." he took a step or two toward where the midshipman lay, but had to snatch at the rock to save himself, and he gave up with a groan. "i do it in my heart," he said. "come and bid mr dallas good-bye." "are--are we dying, belt?" whispered roylance, and his voice sounded very strange. "yes; it can't be long. but i hope we shall go to sleep first and wake no more." he staggered in at the open doorway, for the canvas had been drawn aside, and stood gazing down at the lieutenant, who feebly raised his hand. roylance remained there, leaning against the rough entrance, and on a case sat pan, with his head resting against the wall and his eyes half-closed. that grip of the hand was all that passed, save a long, earnest look of the eyes, and an hour must have passed over them in the almost insupportable heat. there was not a breath of air, and the poor fellows felt as if they were being literally scorched up, and that before long it would be impossible to breathe. they had silently said good-bye, and syd sat now on the floor with his hand in mr dallas's, thinking of his father, and of how he would come some time and find him lying there dead, and know by the work about that he had done his duty. "and poor uncle tom," he said to himself. "how sorry he will be! i liked uncle tom." then there was a wave of delirium passed over, in which as in a dream he saw sparkling waters and bright rivers dancing in the sunshine, and all was happiness and joy, till he started into wakefulness once more at a low groan from roylance, who lay close beside him. the hideous truth was there: they were all dying of thirst, and syd's last thought seemed to be that he had forgotten to ask help from above till it was too late, and he could not form the words. it was but a half delirious fancy, for he had prayed long and earnestly. but the idea grew strong now, and he tried to repeat the lord's prayer aloud. no word came but to himself, and he went on sinking fast into unconsciousness till he came to "give us this day--" he started up, for something seemed to strike him, and he gazed wildly at the boy pan, who had fallen from where he sat upon the box, and now struggled to his knees. "water!" he gasped--"so thirsty. master syd--water--water--i know where there's lots o' water--lots!" he literally shrieked the words, and some one who had been leaning against the entrance stumbled in, electrified with strength as it were, as he shouted hoarsely-- "water, my boy, water; where?" pan gazed about him wildly in the delirium that had attacked him in turn, and did not seem to understand. the straw of hope that had been held out faded away again, and a mist came back over syd's eyes till he heard strake's voice, as he shook his son, shouting-- "water, d'yer hear, pan? to save us all." "water," said the boy, hoarsely; "water. yes, i know," he yelled. "i used to get lots--down there." "where--where, boy?" cried the boatswain, wildly. "down--where--i hid--father," he whispered. "big hole--cave in the rocks. plenty--water--give--water." he lurched over to the left, and lay insensible upon the floor. if it was true! the last hope gone unless the boy could be revived sufficiently to guide them to the spot. "he was mad," said the boatswain, slowly; and he looked wildly round with his bloodshot eyes. but the boy's words had brought hope and a temporary strength to syd, who pressed his head with his hands and tried to think. "would a bucket of sea-water revive him to make him tell us, strake?" he croaked, more than spoke. "no, no, no; good-bye. it's all a dream." "it is not," cried syd, wildly. "i know--the place. heaven, give us strength. i know it now." "you're mad, sir, mad," groaned the boatswain. "no, barney, do. help, come. water--i know--i can find it now." chapter thirty five. it seemed too late as syd rose to his feet, tottered to the looped-back opening of the hut, and crawled out with his eyes starting, his dry mouth open, and every breath drawn with a wheezing, harsh sound that was horrible to hear. before he had gone far down the slope toward where the men were lying beneath the rock, and the rope-ladder hung over the rocky wall below the lower gun, he stopped short panting, with the sinking sun scorching his brain and everything swimming round. he looked backward, and had some idea that the boatswain was crawling after him, bringing a vessel that rattled on the loose stones as he came. but syd could think of but one thing as he made his way toward the rope-ladder, and that one thing was the fluid which should give them all back their life. he crawled on slowly and painfully, and then a black cloud came over his brain, and everything was gone for the time. then the recollection came back, and he knew why he was there. water-- he knew where there was water if he could keep on recollecting till he reached the place. and could he reach it? his hands and arms gave way, and he lay prone, sobbing hoarsely in his misery and despair. there was water, plenty of water, if he could reach it--if his mind would only hold out, and his strength last till he had taken one long deep draught of the cool, sweet drink. and he could reach it and bury his face in the gushing flood, he could save everybody who lay dying there. but he could go no farther, only lie down moaning on that hot rock. "master syd!--the water--where?" there was a hot breath upon his face, a great hand was grasping his arm, and he turned to look wildly at the boatswain, and tried to speak, but there was only a harsh inarticulate sound from his parched throat. "master syd. where--the water?" he tried again, but no words would come. the few minutes lying there, though, had given him strength to crawl on again till he was abreast of the men, only one of whom close by unclosed his wild eyes to stare at the couple crawling toward the edge of the rock wall. syd stopped again panting, and once more all seemed over, for the black cloud had settled down over his understanding; and though he could see the men lying only partly in shadow now, for the sinking sun was scorching them, he did not know why he had struggled so far till the hot breath was upon his cheek again, and the harsh high-pitched voice cried-- "master syd!--water--where?--the water?" "water!" it was another voice uttered that word, and without knowing how or why, syd was aware that the young sailor who had been so much mixed up with his adventures--rogers--was gripping his hand. syd stared at him wildly as with a fierce harsh cry the man tore at him as if he were holding the precious fluid back. a hoarse groan escaped from syd's throat, and he struggled hard to think of what it all meant, while the mental confusion and insensibility grew upon him as he lay face downward on the burning rock, staring at that imaginary black cloud. "water--water!" who said water? it was not strake, but this wild-eyed, fierce man, whose fingers were pressed into his arm. yes, he knew that now, and the burning sun shone through the black cloud again. water--yes, he had come to get the water, and he began once more to crawl on toward the rope-ladder below the gun, with the boatswain and rogers hunting him, and nearly as feeble as he, pursuing him with their harsh repetition of that one word--_water_! at last close to the edge of the rocky platform with the gun above him on his right, straight before and below him the rope-ladder fixed to a great mass of rock, and down there the natural pier, with the beautiful clear blue sea flooding it, and looking so calm and tempting. if he could reach that and lie and let the waves flow over him, how pleasant and refreshing it would be! no more pain or suffering, only rest and sleep. he felt a thrill of horror run through him like a spasm of pain, and he shrank away, for there above the clear water was gliding the triangular back fin of a shark--two--three, and one monster's long, black, rounded muzzle rose up; the creature curved over and dived down under one of its fellows, showing its soft white under-parts, and telling the miserable being on the rock above that it was no peaceful sleep he would find there, but an end of unutterable horror. that spasm of dread seemed to clear syd's mind for the moment, as he drew himself back a little just as strake gripped his shoulder again, and rogers uttered the one word in a harsh snarl-- "water!" for the moment syd's head was clear, and he knew why he was there. his lips parted to speak, but only a harsh sound came, and the black cloud began to loom over him. but he had the momentary strength which enabled him to fight it back, and raising his left arm he pointed along the ridge of tumbled rocks full of rifts and hollows toward where on the day of the accident he had been struggling back, when rogers had climbed up to his side. "water!" gasped the man, showing his teeth like some savage beast, and his eyes glared wild and bloodshot at his young officer. again syd tried to speak, but only that harsh sound came; and he pointed still at the rugged backbone of the islet which ran from the natural citadel, and descended slowly toward the far end by the sea. the young sailor stared back, then turned his head in the direction pointed, but no answering look of intelligence came. but syd's finger still pointed, and the man turned his head and stared again. "water!" he snarled; "dying--water." the hand was still extended toward the furrowed ridge with its chaos of tumbled rocks; and after gazing in the direction once more, the man uttered a harsh groan, and crawled to the very edge of the rocky platform, lowered himself over as he clung to the rope-ladder, and would have fallen headlong had not his hands been cramped now so that the fingers were hooked, and he descended half-way before his strength failed, and he fell ten or a dozen feet, rolled over, and struck against one of the two buckets that lay there close up, as the men had left them after dipping for sea-water to bathe with, as they could not venture in. rogers lay there for a few minutes half-stunned, and with his brow cut, and bleeding freely. then he rose to his hands and knees to begin climbing up to the left, while syd and strake, with hot staring eyes, watched him as he went up slowly and painfully foot by foot. what for? syd found himself thinking. was it to fight back that black cloud of confusion which would keep coming and going, as now clearly, now as through a mist, he could see the young sailor climb and crawl higher and higher, and further away; now he was behind some great rock, now he was in sight again; now he descended into one of the crevices of the slope which looked red-hot in the glow of the setting sun. then there came a blank, of how long syd could not tell, for the black cloud was over him. but his eyes opened wildly again, and he saw that rogers was somewhere close by the edge of the great rift where he had stood and listened, and then it seemed that the man had fallen, for he disappeared suddenly, and strake uttered a low harsh groan. was it a dream, or was it really the young sailor coming back? he could not tell; he did not even know that the hoarse, harsh, rattling sound came from the boatswain who lay by his side; but in an indistinct way he saw the man coming down quickly till he was where the two buckets stood, and he shouted something to him whose sound fell like a blow upon his brain. all was blank again, and he saw no more till hands were touching him, and he felt himself lifted up till his chest was reaching over the edge of something hard, and directly after there was cold delicious water at his lips, water that he tried to drink, but which only entered by his nostrils, and he gasped and choked, as it seemed suddenly to have turned to boiling lead. but the water was at his lips again, and this time, though it was almost agony, he drew in one great draught of the cool, sweet fluid, and then felt himself lifted and thrown roughly aside, to lie panting on the rock, and watching, with his senses returning fast, the acts of the man by him, who was bending over strake, where the boatswain lay staring, and with his black lips apart, apparently dead. the man was rogers--he recognised him now--and he saw him dip one hollowed hand into the bucket and let the water he scooped out trickle slowly between the boatswain's parted lips. then he stopped quickly, and took a quick deep draught himself--a draught which gave him strength to go on trickling more of the fluid between the apparently dead man's lips before turning to sydney. "i'll help you, sir," he whispered, faintly. "drink again." hah! water, delicious cold pure water; a long deep draught that sent life fluttering through syd's veins once more, and he half lay there, watching as some more water was trickled between the boatswain's lips. "i spilt--a lot," said rogers. "more down there." the power to act came back to syd with his senses, and he loosened the handkerchief the boatswain wore from about his neck, plunged it into the bucket, and drew it out full of water to hold over strake's mouth, and let the water drip down as the poor fellow kept on making spasmodic, choking efforts to swallow. there was an intense desire on syd's part to drink again, but he could think now, and he pointed up the gap toward the hut, where he knew that his brother officers and the boy lay dying. "can you carry this up--to them?" whispered rogers. "i'll go down and get the rest. there's quarter of a bucketful below here." syd nodded. "i'll try and get it up. give him some more, and take the rest to my mates." syd looked his assent and tried to get up, but fell down. his second effort was more successful, and he took the bucket, which contained nearly a quart of water, and reeled and staggered up the gap, past the men who lay apparently dead to his right, and then on with his strength returning, and with an intense desire to kneel down and drink the precious fluid to the last drop. it was a hard fight, but he conquered, and staggered on to where the opening into the hut gaped before him, ruddy in the last rays of the setting sun. were the inmates dead, and was he bringing that which would have saved them, too late? he tottered in and he shuddered as he gazed at their wildly distorted faces. dallas lay gazing up, and roylance was on the left, perfectly motionless, but pan was lying on his back, rolling his head slowly from side to side. there was a tin pannikin, the one that had held the last drops of the water, on the floor close to the case which had served as a table, and as syd stooped to reach it, a horrible dizziness seized him, and he nearly fell and scattered the precious burden. but he saved himself by snatching at the stone wall, and brought down one of the little blocks of which it was composed. then dipping about a tablespoonful of the water with the pannikin, he let a few drops fall in roylance's mouth, then in the lieutenant's, and lastly in pan's, and as the water was absorbed, for neither seemed to have the power to swallow, he repeated this twice, his own powers returning more and more, and bringing that intense desire to drink in a way that was terrible. but he controlled it successfully, and went on giving a few drops of the precious life, as it were, to each, and setting his heart throbbing and a hysterical feeling rising in his throat, as he found that he was not too late. he wanted to drink the last drops himself, then he wanted to sit on the floor and weep and sob like a child. then he felt that he must cry out and yell and kick like a mad creature, and all these desires had to be fought down, so that he could go on now trickling slowly the cold water between the white and blackened lips, over which he passed his wet finger from time to time, jealously careful lest a drop should be lost, till the whole quart was gone, and the last drop drained from the bucket into the tin. "more, more!" panted syd, as he looked wildly from one to the other of the sufferers, whom he found making spasmodic efforts to swallow, and taking pannikin and bucket, he went feebly out and down the gap to where he had left rogers and strake. the sun had gone down and the short twilight would soon be passed. they must get more water before it was too dark. "no," he thought, "it can never be too dark for that;" and he went on to find rogers bending over strake. "that's the last drop, sir," said the young sailor. "i've give all of it to 'em." "and will they all live?" faltered syd. "dunno yet, sir. it was a near toucher. now you stop with him, and i'll get some more.--no," he added; "i can't go without a light." "how did you find it? i could not tell you where to look." "don't quite know, sir. i was off my head. but i recollect you pynted, and i climbed up and up to where i found you t'other day, and then i tumbled, 'most cut to pieces with they rocks. and when i tried to get up i could hear the water gurgling, and went mad to get to it and drink it. look here, sir--no: feel, sir; wet through with slipping in. but, oh!" he drew a long deep breath, and then caught up the bucket. "let's go and drink as long as we can, sir; but we shall want the lanthorn now." it was quite true, for the darkness which falls so rapidly in the tropics was quickly coming in. "didn't think i was going to do this no more, sir," said rogers, as the pair struggled up to the quarters, and with trembling hands managed to strike a light and set the lanthorn candle burning. "quick!" whispered syd, as there came a low moaning from the hospital. "if i go in they'll be expecting water." "which they shall have, sir, before long," replied the sailor, and going back down the gap, they picked up the buckets, syd stopping to speak to strake. "yes, sir; coming round, sir, i think," he said, hoarsely. "is there a drop more water?" "there'll be plenty soon. only wait." "now, sir, you take the lanthorn; i'll take the buckets. lor', how swimmy i do feel. not from having so much water, is it?" the man's words jarred on syd. they sounded so careless from one who but a short time back was dying. but with a sailor, as soon as the danger is past, he is careless again, and the man was all eagerness now to help his messmates. syd did not find it easy to descend the rope-ladder, but he got down in safety, and then the difficult ascent of the rocks began. it was now dark, and he trembled lest they should miss their way and be wandering about for hours, while the poor creatures they had left were still in agony. but after one or two false slips they hit upon the right gap, as they thought, and were about to descend when syd stopped short. "this can't be the place," he said; "i don't hear the water gurgling." "that's what i've been thinking, sir," said rogers. "let's try again." weak and weary as he was, syd's heart sank, but their next attempt was successful, the faint sound of water trickling far below acting as their guide, and they found the place, descended carefully, not seeing their danger, to where the water gurgled musically from the rock into a little pool some five feet long. here both drank long and deeply of the delicious draught, after filling their buckets, finding it no easy task to climb back with them to where they stood in the bright, clear star-shine, and begin their journey back down to the bottom of the rope-ladder, where rogers set down his pail, climbed up, lowered down a rope, and hauled both the buckets up without spilling a drop. then while he attended to the men with one, syd hurried up to the little hospital with the other, to find his patients sufficiently recovered to drink with avidity as much water as he would let them have. there was no sleep that night, but many a prayer of thankfulness was sent up from the darkness of that black gap toward where, in all their tropic splendour, the great stars twinkled brightly. "and we shall see the light of another day," said syd, aloud, "and-- roylance--roy, are you awake?" "yes. i was listening to what you said." "we've forgotten poor terry." chapter thirty six. it was a false alarm, for terry had been tended by rogers, and seemed one of the strongest of the party that sat eating their morning meal a few hours later. but an enemy would have found an easy capture of the place that day had he come; though, as there really was no illness, the recuperation was rapid enough, and all congratulated themselves on the find. "it warn't nice while it lasted, but you see it was an eggsperens like, sir," said strake; "only what puzzles me is, why you and pan-y-mar didn't think of the water afore." "i was thinking about it all night, strake," said syd, "and it was as great a puzzle to me. i heard the gurgling of water that day when mr dallas was hurt, and thought it must be the sea coming in through some crack, and i never thought of it again till i felt that i was dying. then it came like a flash." "dying! lor' now, we warn't dying," said the boatswain cheerily. "but thirsty i will say though, as i never was so thirsty afore. i've been hungry, and had to live for a week on one biscuit and the wriggling things as was at the bottom of a cask, but that's heavenly to going without your 'lowance o' water." "don't talk about it," said syd; "it was a horrible experience." "well, come, sir, i like that," growled strake, who soon seemed quite himself again; "it was you begun it, not me." "i?" cried syd, angrily; "why, didn't you come to me, sir, and say that you always thought as long as a man had a biscuit and plenty of rum he could do without water?" "why, so i did, master syd, sir. of course i'd forgotten it. got so wishy-washy with so much water, that i can't think quite clear again yet." "never mind; you know better about the rum now." "yes, sir; and if i gets back home again well and hearty, you know, there's a good cellar under the cottage at home." "yes, of course, i know. what of that?" "well, sir, i'm going to set pan-y-mar to work--his fin 'll be strong long afore then--to wash all the empty wine-bottles i can find up at the house, and i'm goin' to fill 'em at the pump, cork 'em up, and lay 'em down in the cellar same as the captain does his port wine." "and give up rum altogether?" "give? up? well, no, sir; i dunno as i could quite do that." "never mind talking about it, then," said syd; "but as soon as the men are well enough, let's have all the water-casks well-filled." "beg pardon, sir." "well, what?" "water's lovely and sweet and cool where it is; wouldn't it be better to have it fetched twice a day as we want it?" "yes, strake," said syd, "if you are quite sure that no enemy will come and try to oust us. suppose they land, and we are shut up here; are we to go on suffering for want of water again?" the boatswain hit himself a tremendous blow on his chest with his doubled fist. "think o' that now, sir. must be the water. head's as wishy-washy as can be. sort o' water on the brain kind o' feeling, sir." "we'll have the casks all filled and stored in that cave near the powder, and be secure from it, but have the water for use fetched twice a day from the spring." "o' course, master syd, sir. never struck me till this instant. well, i'm proud o' you, sir, i am indeed, and it's a comfort to me now as i did have something to do with teaching of you." "what's that mean? what does rogers want?" "dunno, sir. caught a big 'un, i s'pose, or lost his line. you give him leave to fish, didn't you?" "yes.--well, rogers, what is it? got any fish?" "lots, sir. but here's a big boat, sir, close in; floating upside down." "boat?" cried strake. "ay, ay, my lad; that means firewood for the hauling up; soon dry on the rocks." the news brought roylance from mr dallas's quarters, and terry hurried down, the little party finding that the current had brought a water-logged boat as big as a small schooner close in to the rock, by which it was slowly floating some forty yards away. "if we could only get a rope made fast on board," cried syd, excitedly, as he gazed at the swept decks, and masts broken off quite short. "i'll swim off with a line, sir," said rogers. "ugh! sharks!" ejaculated roylance. "i could swim off with a line and make it fast," began syd. "do, then, belton," said terry, eagerly; "the boat would keep us in firewood for long enough." "but i should be afraid of the sharks, and should not like to let a man do what i would not do myself." "p'r'aps there are no sharks here now," said terry, with an aggravating smile, which seemed to say, "you're afraid." "i'm not going to risk it," said syd, quietly, "badly as we want the wood." "but that little vessel may be valuable," said terry, "and mean prize-money for the men." "i don't think the men would care for prize-money bought with the life of their captain's son," said syd, coldly. "i wouldn't for one," muttered rogers, as a murmur ran round the group of watching men. "pish!" said terry, with a merry laugh. "why don't you try it, mr terry?" said roylance. "because i should order him not to go, and would not allow it, mr roylance," said syd, firmly. "brayvo, young game-cock!" muttered strake, who was busy with a line. "my, what a orficer i shall make o' him." "it would be too dangerous a job for any man to attempt. the sea swarms round the rock with hungry fish, and i don't mind saying i should be just as much afraid to go as i should be to let one of my men go." "there, sir, i think this here 'll do it," said strake, coming forward with a ring of line and a marlin-spike tied across at the end. "if you'll give leave for me to go with half a dozen o' the men along yonder, we may be able to hook her as she comes along." "come along, then," said syd. "but will not that marlin-spike slip out?" "that's just what i'm afraid on, sir. ought to be a little tiny grapnel as would hold on, but this is the best i can think on." the party climbed along the rocks, which formed a perpendicular wall from thirty to forty feet high, till they were some twenty yards beyond the derelict. place was given to the boatswain, who had the line laid out in coils, and while he waited he carefully added to the stability of the marlin-spike with some spun-yarn. and all this time, rising and falling, the water-logged boat came on, the current drawing it in till it was only some thirty yards away from the cliff where they stood, and the men whispered together as to the possibility of the boatswain throwing so far. at last she was nearly opposite. "stand by," growled the boatswain, gruffly. "hold on to the end o' that line, rogers, my lad, and stick to it if there comes a tug; then tighten easily, for we've got to check her way if my grappling-iron does take hold." "stand clear all," said syd, as the old man made the marlin-spike spin round like a catherine wheel at the end of three feet of the line. the speed increased till it produced a whizzing sound; then, letting it go, away it flew seaward right over the derelict, and the men gave a cheer. "well done, strake," cried syd, making a snatch at the line. "nay, nay, sir," whispered the old man; "you're skipper here; let me do this." "yes; go on," said syd, colouring at his boyish impetuosity, as he resigned the line to the boatswain's hands. "haul steadily! that's the way. now, then, will it hold?" there was another cheer, for, as the rope was drawn upon, the marlin-spike caught somewhere on the far side among the broken stays of the foremast. but the wreck was not secured yet. it was gliding along slowly with the tide, but with great force, while it required a great deal of humouring and easing off to succeed for fear that the hold should break away. the consequence was that the men who held on by the rope had to follow the little vessel for some distance before it began to yield, and then they towed it slowly and steadily along. no easy task, for the towing-path was one continuous climb, and the men had to pass the line on from one party to the other. but they towed away till the spot was reached whence the line had been thrown, and now that the boat was well in motion, the task grew more and more easy. "steady, there, steady!" growled the boatswain. "you arn't got hold of a nine-inch cable, and it arn't hard and fast to the capstan. steady, lads." for the men were getting excited, and were stamping away. they calmed down though, and towed on and on till syd began to give his orders, looking hard at strake the while, as if to ask if he was doing right. "you, rogers, have a line ready and jump aboard as she comes close in by the pier. make it fast round the stump of the bowsprit." "nay, nay, sir," growled strake; "take a turn or two round the foremas', my lad, run the rope out through the hawse-hole, and then chuck it ashore here." "ay, ay, sir," shouted rogers, picking up one of the rings of rope they had ready, and throwing it over his shoulder, as he stood barefooted on the rock. "don't jump till you are quite sure, rogers," cried syd, "and 'ware sharks." the men laughed, the little vessel came nearer and nearer, and the excitement increased; when all at once, just as she was within a dozen feet of the rocks where the officers stood and the men were hauling steadily away, there was a yell of disappointment; the marlin-spike came away, bringing with it some tow and tarry rope, and the prize stopped, yielded to the pressure of the current, and began to glide away again. "never mind, sir, i'll make another cast," cried strake, gathering in the line; but before he had got in many feet there was a splash, a quick scattering of the water, and after rapidly making a few strokes, roylance was seen to climb over the side of the little vessel, which was nearly flush with the water. as he did so there was a shriek of horror, for a couple of sharks, excited by the sight of prey standing so near the edge of the waves that ran over the natural pier, made a swoop down upon the young officer, who in his hurry and excitement let loose the ring of rope he had snatched from rogers, and it was seen to descend through the clear water. "why, he has no rope! he'll be carried away with the boat. jump back now; never mind the sharks." "stay where you are," cried syd, as loudly as he could call out above the hurry and excitement. "now, strake, quick!" the boatswain was being quick, but it was hard work to get the line free from the tangle that it had dragged ashore. there was no other line handy, and it began to seem as if the brave young fellow, who was a favourite with all but terry, would be carried off to sea to a horrible lingering death, for all knew that it was impossible for him to swim ashore. "who told him to go on board?" said terry, coolly. "no one," replied syd, who was now as excited as his companion was calm. "it was his own rash idea. oh, bo'sun, bo'sun, be smart!" the boat had drifted some distance, before the old man, who, though really quick, seemed to be working with desperate deliberation, was ready to gather his line up in rings, and climb along the rocks till he was abreast, and could make his cast. the climb was difficult, as we have seen, and half a score of hands were ready to snatch the rings from his hands, and try to go and cast them. but discipline prevailed. it was strake's duty, and he clambered up, followed by the men who were to haul; while on the vessel roylance stood with his arms folded, waiting, the water rolling in every now and then nearly over his knees, and--horror of horrors!--the two sharks slowly gliding round and round the boat, their fins out of the water, and evidently waiting for an opportunity to make a dash at the unfortunate lad and drag him off. "now, now!" was uttered by every one in a low undertone that sounded like a groan, as the old boatswain stopped short, raised the ring of rope, holding one end tightly in his hand, and cast. the rings glistened in the sun like a chain as the main part went on, and there was a groan of horror, for the end of the last ring fell short with a splash in the water. "he's gone!" muttered syd. "oh, my poor brave, true lad!" but even as he uttered those words, with sinking heart the boatswain was gathering the line up into rings again, with the most calm deliberation, climbing along the edge of the cliff as he went, till he was again well abreast of the vessel, when he paused to measure the distance he had to throw with his eye, for it was farther than it was before. the line, too, was heavy with its fresh drenching, and a murmur once more arose as it seemed to them that the old man was losing confidence, and letting the time go by; for though he would be able to follow along right to the end of the rock, the line of coast trended in, and the current was evidently setting out, and increasing the distance. "oh, strake! throw--throw," whispered syd, who was close behind. "ay, my lad," said the old man, calmly; "it's now or never. safety for him, or the losing of a good lad as we all loves. now, then--with a will! stand clear! hagh!" he uttered a peculiar sound, as, after waving the rings of rope well above his head, he looked across at roylance, who stood in a bent attitude, close to the side, forgetful of the sharks; and then, with everybody wishing the cast god-speed, the rope was thrown. chapter thirty seven. the excited party burst into a hearty cheer as the rings of wet rope flew glistening through the sunshine, and a fresh burst broke forth as they saw the outermost deftly caught by roylance. but the cheer changed to a yell of horror as it was seen that in his effort to cast the line far enough, the old boatswain had overbalanced himself and fallen headlong down the cliff, which was, fortunately for him, sufficiently out of the perpendicular where he fell to enable him to save himself here and there by snatching at the rugged blocks of coral, checking his fall cleverly enough till, as his companions breathlessly watched, he stopped altogether, hanging, almost, on a ledge about six feet above the waves, and only keeping himself from going farther by grasping the stones. the intense interest was divided now between roylance on the slowly drifting boat and the boatswain clinging for dear life. "who can climb down to him," cried syd, "before the rope tightens and he is dragged off? here, i will." "no, sir; i'll go," said rogers, eagerly; and without waiting further orders he began to lower himself down as actively as a monkey, now hanging by his hands and dropping to a ledge below, now climbing sidewise to get to a better place before descending again. "give the rope a turn round one of the blocks as soon as you get hold of it, rogers," cried syd. "ay, ay, sir." "can you hold on, strake?" "ay, my lad, i think i can," growled the boatswain. "nuff to make a man hold on with them sharks down below." "the rope--the rope!" shouted roylance from the derelict boat. "yes. we're trying," cried syd. "here, what are you doing? don't tighten that; you'll have strake off the rock." he yelled this through his hands as he saw roylance stooping down and hauling away at the rope hand over hand. "perhaps he knows what he's doing," thought syd; and he turned his attention to the boatswain and the man going to his help. "can any other man go down to assist?" he said. "i'm afraid that rogers will not be able to hold on, and the boat will go." "you'd better go, belton," whispered terry. "i'll take command here. mustn't lose poor roylance." syd turned upon him sharply, and was about to follow the suggestion, when a shout came from rogers. "the rope--the rope!" for a moment or two syd stood there half-paralysed as he grasped the fresh trouble that had come upon them, and saw the explanation of roylance's action. it was plain enough now: in the boatswain's headlong fall he had either loosened his hold of the end of the rope, or retained it so loosely, that as he clung to the rock for his life it had dropped into the waves, and by the time syd quite realised what was wrong, roylance had hauled it on board, and was standing with it in his hand, fully awake to the peril of his position, and seeing that no help could come now from the rock. syd's throat felt dry, and a horrible sensation of fear and despair ran through him as he stood there motionless watching his friend and companion drifting slowly away. another minute and his position would be hopeless unless some vessel picked him up. so desperate did it seem that syd felt as if he could do nothing. then he was all action once more, as he saw what roylance intended. his lips parted to cry out "don't! don't!" but he did not utter the words, for it was roylance's only chance; and all on the rock stood with starting eyes watching him as he seemed to be examining the rocky wall before him, and they then saw him turn his back, bend down, lift a loose coop, bear it to the side of the boat furthest from them, raise it on high, and heave it with a tremendous splash into the smooth sea. before syd could more than say to himself, "why did he do that?" roylance was back to his old place, had let himself down softly into the water, and was swimming hard for the rock. "it was to attract the sharks," said a voice behind him, as some one else grasped the meaning of the act, and to syd's intense delight he heard a panting sound, and another of the sailors came toiling up with a fresh ring of rope which he had been to fetch. "can you save strake, rogers?" shouted down syd. "ay, ay, sir. i'll help him all right." "come on, then," panted the young midshipman, and setting off he led the way, climbing along the edge of the rock so as to get level with roylance, who was rapidly drifting to the end of the rock. "he is bringing the rope ashore," said syd to himself, as he saw the end in his companion's teeth; and they climbed on, encouraging each other with shouts, and steadily progressed; but as they climbed it was in momentary expectation of hearing a wild shriek, and seeing roylance throw up his hands, as one of the ravenous monsters dragged him under. and as they climbed to get level with him, roylance swam steadily on through the clear blue water; and though every eye searched about him for a sight of some shark, not one was visible, though the back fins of no less than four could be seen gliding about in the neighbourhood of the floating hutch on the far side of the boat. by making almost superhuman efforts the party on the rock managed to get abreast of roylance just as he was half-way between the boat and a patch of rugged boulders which had seemed to promise foothold till help could reach him from above, and still the brave fellow swam on with the rope in his teeth, ring after ring slowly gliding out over the boat's side. "now," cried syd, as he grasped mentally the spot where his companion would land. "a man to go down." the sailor who had been his other companion on the day when syd had attempted to explore the rock stepped forward, a loop was made in the rope, the man threw it over his head, and passed it below his hips. "ready," he cried, and he was lowered down over the edge to be ready to give roylance a helping hand, and try to make fast the line the latter was bringing ashore. "ah!" shrieked syd, suddenly, for it seemed to him that the end had come. for as he gazed wildly at his messmate, he saw that he was swimming with all his might, but making no way. worse: he was being drawn slowly and surely out to sea, and the reason was plain; the rope that should have continued to give over the side had caught somewhere in the broken edge of the bulwarks, and all roylance's risks and efforts had been thrown away. "let go, and swim for it!" yelled syd, and roylance answered by throwing up a hand. "can you see the sharks?" said syd, half-aloud. "no, sir, not yet," said one of the sailors. "they're cruising about the boat." "roylance--roy! let go of the rope and swim," cried syd, in an agony of dread. but the young middy turned on his back, loosened the rope all he could, and gave it a shake so as to send a wave along it. this had no effect, for it was too tight, and to the honour of those on the rock they saw him deliberately turn and take a stroke or two back toward the boat before giving the rope another shake. this time it had its due effect, for the wave ran along the line and shifted it out of the rugged spot where it had caught, so that it once more ran out freely as roylance turned to swim for the shore. "hist! don't make a sound," whispered syd, as a murmur of horror ran through the group on the top of the cliff. for something had caught the eyes of all at the same moment. to wit, one of the triangular back fins, which had been gliding here and there about the coop on the far side of the boat, was seen to be coming round her bows, and the next thing seemed to be that the monster would detect the position of the midshipman, and then all would be over. in imagination syd saw the voracious creature gliding rapidly toward roylance, dive down, turn over showing its white under-parts, and then there was the blood-stained water, the wild shriek, and disappearance. but only in imagination, for as he made an effort all this cleared away from his excited brain, and the midshipman was there still swimming vigorously, and with a slow steady stroke, toward the rock, towing the line. but there was the shark between him and the boat, quite round on his side now. "hadn't you better let go?" said syd, in a voice he did not know for his own. "no," came back rather breathlessly, "there's plenty of line, belt. i made the other end fast and--can't talk now." a sudden thought struck syd. "i must not say any more," he said to himself; "a word would frighten him and make him lose his nerve. here, quick! my lads," he whispered, "get some big lumps of rock ready to throw down." the men scattered, and in less than a minute they were back, and a little heap of stones from the size of a man's head downwards were ready at the edge of the cliff, where syd was gazing down fifty feet or so at his friend, who still swam on toward where the sailor was waiting, and in happy ignorance of the nearness of one of the sharks. syd could see right down into the clear water whenever the disturbance made by the lad's strokes did not ruffle the surface, and his starting eyes were plunged down into the depths in search of fresh dangers. "oh!" he said to himself, "if he only knew how near that savage beast is! swim, roy, swim, lad! why don't you let go of the rope and save yourself?" he dare not shout aloud; and though he was high up in safety, he felt once more all the agony of horror and fear which had come over him when he was himself escaping from a shark, and he shuddered as he heard a murmur about him, and the men stood ready each with a great stone. "couldn't no one go and help him with a knife?" whispered one of the men. "oh! look at that." "hullo! caught again?" cried roylance, as the rope jerked. no one replied. it was as if their mouths were too dry to utter a word, for the party on the top of the cliff plainly saw the shark thrust the rope up with its muzzle and glide under it. just then the horrible secret was out, for the sailor down below at the end of the rope shrieked out-- "swim, sir! swim for it. one of those devils is coming at yer." roylance was not a dozen feet from the speaker now, and they saw him give a violent start, and glance wildly over his shoulder. the fright did it. he could no longer swim calmly now, but began to throw out his arms hand over hand to reach the rock, splashing the water up into foam, and in an instant this brought the shark in his track. "ready with the stones?" cried syd, seizing one himself, and poising it above his head. the others obeyed, and what followed seemed afterwards almost momentary. the shark scented its prey, and came on steadily now toward where roylance was struggling desperately. in another minute the poor fellow would have been seized, but a shower of great stones came whirling down in dangerous proximity to the swimmer, only one of which struck the shark, but that one with so good effect that it was for the moment disconcerted, and turned round as if puzzled. but directly after it saw its prey, went down, and rose in the act of turning over to seize its victim. but there's many a slip between the cup and the lip, even in the case of sharks. many a one has had a knife ripping it open just as it has anticipated enjoying some juicy black; and others have had their prey snatched from their lancet-studded jaws, or tasted with it a hook. it was so here. syd had hurled his stone, and was watching its effect before stooping for another, when he realised what the sailor in the loop below was about to do. "no, no," he cried, quick as thought. "no more stones, stand by with the rope." syd threw himself down upon his chest and strained over the edge to watch what was going on, while, with the rapidity taught by discipline, the sailors seized the rope, and stood ready and waiting the next order. it was not for them to think for themselves, but to act as their officers bade, and syd was already one whom they trusted and flew to obey. all this takes long to describe, but the action was quick enough. the sailor at the end of the rope had, as roylance drew nearer, spun himself round rapidly till the loop was tight about him as he sat astride in the bight, and then he began to swing himself to and fro, describing a longer and longer arc till he found that he could reach. then with a sudden desperate movement he flung himself forward and grasped roylance round the waist, seizing the line the midshipman held with his teeth, too; and then as, with the horror of despair, roylance exerted his failing strength to get a grip of the bight of the hanging rope, syd loudly shouted-- "now, my lads, run them up." it was just in time. in spite of the rocks and dangerous nature of the top of the cliff, the men, who had been waiting, started away from the edge, the rope hissed in running over the limestone, and roylance and his brave rescuer were literally snatched up ten feet as the shark made its second attack, but only to fall back into the sea with a mighty splash. "haul now!" cried syd, excitedly, for the men could go no farther. "no, no, avast! avast!" came up hoarsely from between the sailor's teeth, as he and roylance swung to and fro just above the maddened shark, which began to swim in a circle. "stop!" roared syd. "can you hold on, sir?" said the sailor. "yes," said roylance. "then here goes. loose the line, sir." his hands were free, and he had taken the tow-rope now from his teeth. hardly knowing what he did roylance obeyed, and with the rapidity taught by much handling of hemp, the sailor passed the end of the tow-rope through the bight of that which supported them, and then sent it through again, and secured it with a knot. it was just in time, for as he drew through the end and tugged at it, the line began to tighten, and draw them out of the perpendicular, then more and more away from the rock as the boat still glided away. "all right, sir, i've got you now," cried the sailor, clasping roylance about the waist. "now then, get your legs 'cross mine, and put your arms round my neck and the rope too. that's your sort. glad i saved your end from going after all that trouble." "ready below?" cried syd, as he looked down. "well, no, sir," said the sailor, "i wouldn't haul yet, or t'other line might part.--did you make it well fast aboard the boat, sir?" he continued to roylance. the latter nodded his head, and sat gazing down, shuddering, at the shark. "then you'd best wait, sir," shouted the man, as they were drawn up higher and higher, swinging gently like a counterpoise. "you see our weight eases it off like on the boat, and we may get her yet." it seemed possible, for its rate was checked, but the slow deliberate glide still went on a little, flattening the curve formed by the two lines extending from the deck of the boat to the top of the rocks, fifty feet above the sea. "one moment, mr roylance, sir," said the man, as coolly as if he were in the rigging of the ship, and not suspended by a thin rope over the jaws of a monstrous shark. "i want to get my legs round facing that cliff there. that's your sort. now if your line gives way, as i'm feared it will--one minute: yes, the knot's fast; that won't draw--i say, if the rope gives way we shall go down again the rocks with a spang, but don't you mind; it'll only be a swing, and i'll fend us off with my feet. my! we're getting tight now. look out, sir, we're going." but the rope did not break, for seeing how dangerous the strain was becoming, syd ordered the men behind him to ease off a little, and then a little more and a little more, till the progress of the water-logged vessel was gradually checked, and as they felt that the worst of the strain was over, the men on the cliff gave a cheer. "steady there, steady!" cried terry, angrily, and the men murmured. "silence there!" cried syd. "now, my lads, i think you may begin to haul." the men obeyed, and by the exercise of a great deal of caution the first rope was drawn slowly hand over hand up the cliff till roylance's head appeared. syd extended his hands to his help, and the midshipman climbed over the edge and sat down in the hot sunshine in his drenched clothes, looking white and haggard, as one looks after a terrible escape from death. the next minute the sailor was on the cliff, looking none the worse for his adventure, but pretty well drenched by contact with roylance's dripping clothes. then a little more hauling took place, till the men could get a good hold of the line roylance had brought ashore, in the midst of which the latter suddenly sprang up, looked over the edge of the cliff, and catching sight of his enemy, he picked up the biggest piece of stone he could lift and hurled it down. it fell with a mighty splash in the water, and as chance had it, for little could be said for the aim, right down upon the shark, which turned up directly after, and then recovered itself and swam laboriously away. chapter thirty eight. "you made me feel horribly bad, roy," whispered syd, hastily. "how could you do such a fearfully dangerous thing?" roylance smiled feebly and pointed down at the boat, which was yielding slowly to the drag kept on it by the men. "that may be the means of saving our lives," he said. "are you going to leave those other two poor fellows to fall off the rock as food for the sharks, mr belton?" said terry, who had been put out of temper by the action of the men. "i think you can answer that question yourself, mr terry," said roylance, flushing up angrily. syd made no reply, but quietly gave his orders. "mr roylance," he said, "are you well enough to take charge of the men here, as they haul the boat along, while i go and see to the bo'sun and rogers being got up the cliff?" "well enough? yes," cried roylance, upon whom the short encounter with terry had acted like a stimulus. terry turned pale with rage at being passed over, and he followed syd and four of the men as they hurried along with the rope set at liberty coiled up. it was with no little anxiety that the party approached the spot where rogers had gone down, while terry, who had expressed so much interest in the fate of the two men, oddly enough hung behind. syd was the first to reach the place, and looked over to be greeted by rogers with a hail. "is mr strake all right?" "ay, ay, sir; all but my bark," said the boatswain. "don't say, sir, as you haven't got mr roylance off the boat." "got him off, strake, and they're towing the boat along." "hurrah!" shouted the two men, whose position in an indentation of the rock line had prevented them from seeing what was going on. the rope was lowered down with the loop all ready, and strake was hauled up first, his appearance over the side being greeted with a cheer, and plenty of hands were ready to help him into a sitting position, for it was evident that he could not lift one leg. "never mind me, my lads," he said, quietly. "get rogers on deck first." this was soon effected, the smart young sailor displaying an activity as he scrambled over the edge of the rocks that contrasted strangely with the boatswain's limp. "now, strake," said syd, as soon as he had seen rogers safe, "are you hurt?" "hurt, sir? did you say hurt?" "yes, yes, man." "well, i s'pose i am, sir, for i feels as if i'd got a big sore place spread all over me. mussy me, sir, that's about the hardest rocks to fall on as ever was." "but no bones broken?" "bones broken? nay. i've got none of your poor brittle chaney-ladle kind o' bones; but my head's cut and the bark's all off my right leg in the front. left leg arn't got no bark at all, and i'm reg'larly shaken in all my seams, and stove in on my starboard quarter, sir. so if you'll have me got into dock or beached and then overhaul me a bit, i'd take it kindly." "of course, of course, strake; anything i can do." "ahoy!" cried the old man, raising a hand as he sat in the sunshine upon the rock, but lowering it directly. "oh, dear; i wanted to give them a hearty cheer yonder, but, phew! it's bellows to mend somewhere. yes, i'm stove in. old ship's been on the rocks; all in the dry though." a cheer came back, though, as roylance and his men caught sight of the two who had been rescued, while they towed the boat slowly along. "how are we to get you back to the huts, strake?" said syd, anxiously. "oh, never mind me just at present, my lad," said the boatswain; "what i want to see is that there boat got alongside o' our harbour--on'y 'tarn't a harbour--and made fast with all the rope you can find. maybe she's got a cable aboard. i should break my heart if she weer to break adrift now." "mr roylance has her in charge, strake, and i'll see to you. where are you in pain?" "ask me where i arn't in pain, mr belton, sir. i got it this time." "i'm sorry for you, strake." "thank ye, sir; but i'm sorry for you. there's a big job to patch me up and caulk me, i can tell you. it's horspittle this time, i'm feared." "but how are we to move you without giving you pain?" "i'll tell you, sir. sail again, and some un at each corner. we shan't beat that." the sail was procured, and the injured man was carried as carefully as possible back to the foot of the gap, hoisted up, and then borne into the hospital. "strake! hurt?" cried the lieutenant. "oh, not much, sir; bit of a tumble, that's all, sir. don't you be skeared. i arn't going to make no row about it. no, no, sir, please," continued the boatswain, "not yet. i don't feel fit to be boarded. just you go and give your orders to make that there boat safe, and then i'm ready for you. one word though, sir." "what is it?" "have that there boat well fended, or she'll grind herself to pieces agen the rock." syd hesitated, but being full of anxiety to see the boat that had cost them so much thoroughly secured, and feeling perhaps that after all a rest after his rough journey would make the boatswain more able to bear examination and bandaging, he hurried off to find that he need not have troubled himself, for roylance was doing everything possible, and the vessel was being safely moored head and stern. but he was in time to have the boatswain's proposition carried out, and a couple of pieces of spar were hung over the side to keep her from tearing and grinding on the edge of the natural pier. as syd was returning he came upon terry, looking black as night, and held out his hand. "i'm sorry there should have been any fresh unpleasantness," he said. "can't we be friends, mr terry?" "that's just what i want to be, belton," cried terry, eagerly, seizing the proffered hand. "i'm afraid i did interfere a bit too much to-day." "and somehow," mused syd, as he went on to the hospital, "i can't feel as if it's all genuine. it's like shaking hands with a sole and five sprats. ugh! how cold and fishy his hand did feel." the lieutenant was lying in the hospital with his eyes closed, and pan was bathing his father's brow with water, using his injured arm now and then out of forgetfulness, but putting it back in the sling again as soon as it was observed. "arn't much the matter with it, i know, pan-y-mar," the injured man whispered, as syd halted by the door to see how his new patient seemed, trembling terribly in his ignorance at having to put his smattering of surgery to the test once more. "ah, you dunno, father," grumbled the boy. "you've ketched it this time. i don't talk about getting no rope's-ends to you." "no, my lad, you don't. i should jest like to ketch you at it. but you won't see me going about in a sling." "ah, you dunno yet, father." "don't i? you young swab; why, if i had my head took off with a shot, i wouldn't howl as you did." "why, yer couldn't, father," said pan, grinning. "what, yer laughing at me, are yer? just you wait till i gets a few yards o' dackylum stuck about me, and you'll get that rope's-end yet, pan-y-mar." "oh, no! i shan't," said pan in a whisper, after glancing at the lieutenant, who was lying with his eyes closed. "you'll be bad for two months." "what? why, you sarcy young lubber, if the luff warn't a-lying there and i didn't want to wake him, i'd give yer such a cuff over the ear as 'd make yer think bells was ringing." "couldn't reach," said pan, dabbing his face. "then i'd kick yer out of the door." "yah!" grinned pan. "can't kick. i see yer brought in, and yer couldn't stand." "keep that water out o' my eye, warmint, will you," whispered the boatswain. "water's too good to be wasted. give us a drink, boy." pan rose and dipped a pannikin full of the cool water from a bucket, and held it to his father's lips. "wouldn't have had no water if it hadn't been for me coming ashore," he said. "ah, you've a lot to boast about. just you pour that in properly, will yer; i want it inside, not out." "who's to pour it right when yer keeps on talking?" said pan, as he trickled the water into his father's mouth. "ah, you're a nice sarcy one now i'm down, pan-y-mar," said stoke, after a long refreshing draught. "but you may be trustful, i've got a good memory for rope's-ends, and you shall have it warmly as soon as i'm well." "then i won't stop and nuss yer," said pan, drawing back. "you just come on, will yer, yer ungrateful swab." "shan't," said pan. "what! do you know this here arn't the skipper's garden, and you and me only gardeners, but 'board ship--leastwise it's all the same--and i'm your orficer?" "you arn't a orficer now," said pan, grinning. "you're only a wounded man." "come here." "shan't!" "pan-y-mar, come here." "say you won't rope's-end me, and i will." "but i will rope's-end you." "then i won't come." the boatswain made an effort to rise, but sank back with a groan. pan took a couple of steps forward, and looked at him eagerly. "why, you're shamming, father," he said. the boatswain lay back with the great drops of sweat standing on his face. "i say, you won't rope's-end me, father?" there was no reply. "why, you are shamming, father." still all was silent, and the boy darted to the injured man's side and began to bathe his face rapidly. "father," he whispered, hoarsely, "father. oh, i say! don't die, and you shall give it me as much as you like. father--oh, it's you, master syd. be quick! he's so bad. what shall i do?" "be quiet," said syd, quietly. "don't be frightened; he has fainted." "then why did he go scaring a lad like that?" whimpered pan, looking on. "hush! be quiet. there: he is coming round," said syd, as the injured man uttered a loud sigh and looked wonderingly about him. "just let me get hold--oh, it's you, sir. glad you've comed. i'm ready now.--stand aside, pan-y-mar, and give the doctor room.--say, master syd," he whispered, "don't let that young sneak know what i said, but i do feel a bit skeared." "you are weak and faint." "but it's about my legs, master sydney. don't take 'em off, lad, unless you are obliged." "nonsense! i shall not want to do that. you are much bruised, but there are no bones broken." "ay, but there are, my lad," said the boatswain, sadly. "i didn't want to say much about it, but i am stove in. ribs." "how do you know?" "feels it every time i breathes, my lad. bad job when a ship's timbers goes." sydney knew what to do under the circumstances, and sending pan for rogers to help him, he proceeded to examine his fresh patient, to find that two ribs were broken on the right side, the rest of the injuries consisting of severe bruises and grazings of the skin. in addition there were a couple of cuts on the back of the head, which called for strapping up. part of these injuries had been attended to by the time pan returned with rogers, and then the ribs were tightly bandaged with a broad strip of sail-cloth. "i say, sir," growled the boatswain, "not going to do this all over me?" "no! why?" "'cause i shan't be able to move, and my boy's been a-haskin' for something hot 'fore you come." "that i didn't, father." "oh, yes, you did, my lad. you didn't ask with yer mouth, but have a way of asking for what you're so fond on without making no noise." pan screwed up his face, and the lieutenant, who had been lying apparently asleep, burst into a loud laugh. "come, strake," he said, "you had better leave that, and think of getting better." "ay, ay, sir; but i hope i see you better for your nap." "i wish you did, my man, and i wish you the same. but there, we've such a skilful young doctor to look after us, we shan't hurt much." "not us, sir. i am't nothing to what you was, and see what a job mr belton's made o' you." "yes; it's wonderful. i can never be grateful enough." "beg pardon, sir," said sydney, "but i want to finish bandaging the boatswain; and if you keep on talking like that i can't." "i am silent, o doctor!" said the lieutenant, laughing. "and so you've got a boat, have you?" "such as it is, sir." "then if the captain does not come back we shall have the means of getting away from this place. no; that will not do, mr belton: we must hold it till we are driven out. keep to it to the very last. i say we: you must, for you are in command. i suppose it will be months before i am well." "i'm afraid it will," replied syd. "then you must hold it, as i said." "hurrah!" cried strake, and then screwing up his face--"my word! that's bad. you're all right, pan-y-mar. there won't be no rope's-end for you this week." "no," said syd, merrily, "i think he's safe for quite that time." "and when may i move, doctor?" said mr dallas, smiling. "as soon as you can bear it, sir, i'll have you got out in the morning to lie in the shade and get the fresh sea-breeze before it grows hot." "ah! thank you, my lad," he said, with a longing look. "i'm beginning to think i would as soon have been a surgeon as what i am." syd started and coloured up, as he wondered whether the lieutenant knew anything about his life at home. chapter thirty nine. the same reply always from the look-out man by the flagstaff; no ship in sight, and the town of saint jacques slumbering in the sun. but there was so much to do that syd and roylance could spare very little time for thinking. as soon as the patients had been tended there were a score of matters to take syd's attention; but he was well seconded by roylance, who, to terry's disgust, threw himself heart and soul into the work of keeping the fort as if it were a ship. the lieutenant progressed wonderfully now that the feverish stage was over, and one day he said-- "i can't work, syd, my dear boy, for i am as weak as a baby, and i shall not interfere in any way, so go on and behave like a man." pan forgot to use his sling to such an extent that there could be no mistake about his wound being in a fair way to heal, and were other proof needed it was shown in the way in which he tormented his helpless father. for though the boatswain pooh-poohed the idea of anything much being the matter with him, it was evident that he suffered a great deal, though he never winced when his injuries were dressed. "serves me right," he used to say. "arter all my practice, to think o' me not being able to heave a rope on board a derrylick without chucking myself arter it. there, don't you worrit about me, sir. give me a hextry fig o' tobacco, and a stick or a rope's-end to stir up that young swab o' mine, and i shall grow fresh bark over all my grazings, and the broken ribs 'll soon get set. how are you getting on with the boat?" "not at all, strake," replied syd. "we can't pump her out because there's a big leak in her somewhere, and i don't like to break her up in case we think of a way of floating her so as to get away from here." "what? who wants to get away from here, sir? orders was to occupy this here rock, and of course you hold it till the skipper comes back and takes us off." "yes; but in case our provisions fail?" "tchah! ketch more fish, sir. there's plenty, aren't there?" "yes; as much as we can use." "and any 'mount o' water?" "yes." "and the only thing you want is wood for cooking?" "yes." "then that boat, which seems to ha' been sent o' purpose, has to be got ashore somehow to be broke up. now, if you'll take my advice you'll just go down to the rocks there and think that job out. i can't help you much, sir, 'cause here i am on my beam-ends. go and think it out, lad, and then come and tell me." "strake's right," said the lieutenant, who had been lying in the shade outside the hut. "captain belton will either be back himself or send help before long. you must hold the place till he comes." those words were comfortable to sydney. they were like definite orders from his superiors, and he could obey them with more satisfaction to himself than any he thought out for himself. so he went down to the pier, meeting roylance on his way, who had just been his rounds, and had a few words with the men on duty by the upper and lower guns, and at the flagstaff. "my orders are to go and see to getting the wreck ashore for firewood, roylance." "orders?" said the midshipman, laughing. "well, it does seem a pity after the trouble we took." "and risk," interpolated syd. "to get her moored here to be of no use." "come, and let's see what can be done." the two youths descended the rope-ladder beneath the lower gun, and spent some time in examining the vessel, but were compelled to give up in despair. she was securely moored so that they could easily get on to the water-washed decks, where there were a couple of fixed pumps, but these had been tried again and again; and, as the men said, it was like trying to pump the atlantic dry to go on toiling at a task where the water flowed in as fast as it was drawn out. "there's no getting at the leak even if we knew where it was," said roylance. "i think the same," said syd, "so we may as well get all the wood out of her we can, and lay it on the rocks to dry." this task was begun, and for two days the men worked well; some cutting, others dragging off planks with crowbars, while the rest bore the wood to the foot of the rocky wall, where it was hauled up and laid to dry in the hottest parts of the natural fort. it was on the third day from the beginning of this task, as the pile of dripping wood they had taken from the wreck began to grow broad and high, while endless numbers of riven pieces were ranged in the full sunshine, and sent forth a quivering transparent vapour into the heated air, that syd, who was standing ankle-deep in water on a cross-beam directing the men, and warning them not to make a false step on account of the sharks, suddenly uttered a cry-- "look out!" he shouted, and there was a rush for the rock, where as soon as they were on safely the men began to roar with laughter. "beg pardon, sir," said rogers, touching his hat, as he stood axe in hand; "but seeing as how he tried to eat me, oughtn't we to try and eat he?" the "he" pointed to was a long, lean, hungry-looking shark which had been cruising about the side of the vessel, whose bulwarks had all been ripped off and deck torn up, so that she floated now like a huge tub whose centre was crossed by broad beams. so open was the vessel that it had needed very little effort on the part of a shark to make a rush, glide in over the ragged side, and then begin floundering about in the water, and over and under the beams which had supported the deck. "i don't know about eating him, roy," said syd; "but as i'm captain i pass sentence of death on the brute." then to the men--"how can you tackle the wretch?" "oh, we'll soon tackle him, sir," said rogers; "eh, messmets?" there was a growl of assent at this, and the men looked at their young leader full of expectancy. "well," he said, "be careful. what do you mean to do?" "seems to me, sir," said the man, "as the best thing to do would be to fish for him." "no, no," cried roylance; "fetch a line with a running knot, and see if you can't get it round him, and have him out." rogers gave his leg a slap. "that's it, sir. pity you and me can't be swung over him like we was off the rocks. easily run it across his nose then." roylance could not help a shudder, and he glanced at syd to see if he was observed. "i get dreaming about that thing sometimes," he said. "i wonder whether this is the one." "hardly likely, but it's sure to be a relation," said syd, laughing, as they stood watching the movements of the shark, which seemed to be puzzled by its quarters, and was now showing its tail as it dived down under a beam, now raising its head to glide over and disappear in the depths of the ship's hold. the men were not long in getting the line that had been used to tow the vessel to its moorings, and a freely running noose was prepared and tested by rogers, who suddenly threw it over one of his messmates' heads, gave it a snatch, and drew it taut. taking it off, he lassoed another in the same way. "that's the tackle," he said, smiling. "next thing is to get it round the shark." "yes," said roylance, "but it's something like the rats putting the bell on the cat's neck. who's to do it?" "oh, i'm a-going to do it, sir," said rogers, shaking out the rope. "lay hold, messmates, and when i says `now!' have him out and over the rocks here.--p'r'aps, sir, you'd like to have an axe to give him number one?" "how do you mean?" "one on the tail, sir, to fetch it off; only look out, for he's pretty handy with his tail." "that's what some one said of the man who had his legs shot off," whispered roylance, laughing, "that he was pretty handy with the wooden ones." "we're ready, sir," said rogers, "when you likes to give the word." "but about danger, my man?" said syd, who half-wondered at himself, as he hectored over the crew, and thought that he was a good deal like terry, who was contemptuously looking on. "theer's no danger, sir," said rogers. "i don't know so much about that," said syd; "suppose you slipped and went down into the hold?" "well, in that case, sir," said rogers, grimly, "master jack there would have the best of it, and none of his mates to help. wonder whether a shark like that shovel-nosed beggar could eat a whole man at a meal?" "ugh!" ejaculated syd, with a shudder. "it's too risky. better give it up." but the men looked chapfallen. "but the brute will put a complete stop to our work," said roylance, who was watching the restless movements of the self-imprisoned shark. "don't stop them, belton," he continued, in a low tone, "i want to see that monster killed." "for revenge?" "if you like to call it so. it or one of its fellows made me pass such moments of agony as i shall never forget." "i shall never forget my horror either," said syd, as he too looked viciously at the savage creature, which just then rose out of the water and glided over one of the beams. "there, go on, rogers, only take great care." "i just will that, sir," said the man, as his messmates cheered; and taking the noose in his hand he stepped along the plank leading from the rocks to the vessel. "when i say `_now_, lads,' mind you let him feel you directly; and haul him out." "ay, ay!" cried the men; and then every eye was fixed upon the active young fellow, whose white feet seemed to cling to the wet planking upon which he stood, and from which he stepped cautiously out upon one of the beams that curved over from side to side. hardly was he well out, and stooping down peering into the water, than syd uttered a warning cry, and the man bounded back as the shark, attracted by the sight of his white legs, came up from behind, and glided exactly over the spot where he had been standing. "ah! would yer!" shouted rogers; and the men roared with laughter. "this here's fishing with your own legs for bait," continued the young sailor. "well, it's got to be who's sharpest--him or me." "i think you had better not venture," said syd, hesitating again. "oh! don't say that, sir. we shall all be horrid disappointed if we don't get him." "but see what a narrow escape you had." "well, yes, sir; i wasn't quite sharp enough, but there was no harm done." "go on," said syd, unwillingly, as he caught roylance's eye; and hurrying by for fear that the permission should be withdrawn, the man stepped quickly back on to the beam, keeping a sharp look-out to right and left. "i see you, you beggar," he said; "come on." the shark accepted the invitation, and made quite a leap, passing over the beam again, diving down, snowing his white, and swam twenty feet away, to turn with difficulty amongst the submerged timber forward, and returned aiming clumsily at the white legs which tempted him, but missing his goal, for the young sailor nimbly leaped ashore. "i shan't get him that way," he said. "here, give us something white." there was nothing white handy but blocks of coral, and rogers solved the difficulty by selecting a hat and taking a handspike. he tried his plan at least a dozen times without result, and lost two good chances; but the man was too clever for the shark at last. rogers had scanned pretty accurately the course the brute would pursue, and had noted that when once it gave a vigorous sweep with its tail to send itself forward, there was no variation in its course. so waiting his time, standing in the middle of the cross-beams with the noose in his hand, he fixed his eye upon his enemy, threw the hat ashore as a useless bait, and depending once more upon himself, he waited. it was not for long. the brute made at him, and as it glided out of the water to seize its prey, rogers, by a quick leap, spread his legs wide apart and held the noose so cleverly that the shark glided into it as a dog leaps through a hoop; and it was so ingeniously adjusted that the rope tightened directly, almost before the young sailor could shout "_now_" while the shark went over and down between two of the cross-beams behind his fisher, as, from a cause upon which he had not counted, rogers took an involuntary header into the part of the water-logged vessel from which the shark had come. the cause upon which the young sailor had not reckoned was the rope, which, at the shark's plunge as soon as noosed, tightened the line which crossed rogers' leg, snatched it from under him, and down he went, to the horror of all present. in a moment the water all about where the shark had plunged began to boil, and the next moment there was a quick splashing as rogers' head appeared. "hold on to him!" he shouted. "don't let him go. where's he ketched?" "don't talk," yelled syd, running along the planks to stretch out a hand. "here, quick, let me help you out." "oh, i'm all right, sir, so long as the rope holds," cried the young sailor, coolly. "he won't think of me while he's got that bit of line about him." but he climbed out all the same, and stood rubbing his shin. "never thought of the rope hitching on to me like that," he said. "whereabouts is he ketched, mates?" "the rope has slipped down pretty close to his tail," cried roylance, as he watched the creature's frantic plunges in the limited space. "something like fishing this, roy," said syd, excitedly, while the men held on, and they could see amid the flying, foaming water the long, lithe body quivering from end to end like a steel spring. "i'd haul him out, sir, 'fore he shakes that noose right over his tail." "yes. look alive, my lads. now then!" cried syd, "haul him out. quick!" the men gave a cheer, and hauling together, they ran the writhing monster right out of the water, and over the edge of the natural pier, fifty feet or so up among the loose rocks, where it leaped and bounded and pranced about for a few minutes in a way which forbade approach. then there was a loud cheer as rogers seized his opportunity, and brought down the axe he had snatched up with so vigorous a stroke on the creature's back, about a couple of feet above the great lobe of the tail, that the vertebra was divided, and from that moment the violent efforts to get free lost their power. it was an easy task now to give the savage monster its _coup de grace_, and as it lay now quivering and beyond doing mischief, the men set up another cheer and crowded round. "there," cried rogers, "that means shark steak for dinner, lads, and--" "sail ho!" came from above; and the shark was forgotten as the words sent an electric thrill through all. "come on, roylance!" cried syd, climbing up the rope-ladder to run and get his glass. "ay, ay," cried roylance, following. "let's get a better hold with the rope, mates," said rogers, "and haul the beggar right up on deck. they're artful beggars is sharks, and if we leave him here he'd as like as not to come to life, shove a few stitches in the cut in his tail, and go off to sea again." the men laughed, and the prize was hauled right up to the perpendicular wall below the tackle, willing hands making the quivering mass fast, and hauling it right up into the gap, and beyond all possibility of its again reaching the sea. chapter forty. a good deal had been done to make the way easy, but still it was an arduous and hot climb up to the flagstaff, on his way to which syd had found time, in case they had not heard, to announce the sail in sight to mr dallas and the boatswain. there it was, sure enough, a vessel in full sail right away in the east; and as syd gazed at it through the glass, his spirits sank. "it isn't the _sirius_," he said, as he handed the glass to roylance. "no, sir," said the man on the look-out; "she's a frenchy, i think." "how do you know it isn't the _sirius_?" said roylance, as he used the glass. "because her masts slope more than those do," replied syd, and then he felt how ignorant he was, and how old strake would have told the nationality of a vessel "by the cut of her jib," as he would have termed it. his musings were interrupted by roylance. "yes, i think she's a french ship," he said. "bound for saint jacques, evidently, and i dare say she'll come by here." "well, we can't stop her," said syd, shortly, for he felt annoyed that his companion should know so much more of seafaring matters than he. "no," replied roylance; "but she can stop us perhaps. i should not be surprised if she is coming on purpose; for the people, you see, must know we have taken possession of this rock, and that is why all shipping has kept away." "perhaps so," said syd, a little more testily, for it was painful to be so ignorant. "well, i suppose we can do nothing." "do nothing? well, you are at the head of affairs; but if it was my case i should go and have a word with the lieutenant, and take his advice." these were his words of wisdom, and syd hurried down to the hospital and reported. "and me a-lying here like a log," muttered the boatswain. "in all probability a french man-of-war come to see what we mean by settling down here. well, mr belton," said the lieutenant, "i do not suppose it means fighting; but, if i were you, i should get out my ammunition, and have it well up to the guns." "why don't you tell me to do it, sir?" cried sydney, humbly. "because the command has fallen upon you, my lad; and i'm only a poor feeble creature, hardly able to lift an arm. come; you have no time to spare. draw up your ropes, beat to quarters, and if the enemy does come near, and send a boat to land, you can warn them off." "and if they will not go, sir?" "send a shot over their heads." "and if they don't go then?" "send one through their boat." "but that will hurt somebody, sir." "i hope so," said the lieutenant, dryly. "why, strake, what are you doing?" he continued, excitedly, as the boatswain slowly sat up, uttering a groan as he lowered down his feet. "on'y going to see to that there ammunition, sir. there's no gunner aboard, and some one ought to do it." "but you are too weak and ill, my man." "i shall be weaker and iller ever so much, sir, if i stop here," said the boatswain. "oh, i arn't so very bad." "but really, my man--" "don't stop me, your honour, sir. how could i look his father in the face again if i didn't lend a hand just when it's wanted most?" "well, i cannot stop you, strake," said the lieutenant. "i only wish i could stir. i could do nothing but take up the men's strength, and make them carry me about. go on, mr belton; play a bold part, and recollect you are acting in the king's name." syd flushed up, and went to work at once. the preparations did not take long. the rope-ladder was hauled up and stowed away, the men were called to quarters, ammunition served out under the boatswain's orders, and the guns loaded. every man had his cutlass, and the british colours had been laid ready for hoisting at a moment's notice. when these arrangements had been made, syd took roylance and terry into consultation, and asked them if there was anything else that could be done. neither could suggest anything, for the water-casks were filled, the stores were up in safety, and the men had a supply of fresh fish, in the shape of the shark just caught--a toothsome dainty that some sailors consider excellent for a change. all was ready; every man at his post; and after buckling on his dirk, syd thought to himself, "what an impostor i am! what impudence it is for me to pretend to command these men!" but as he went out amongst them, somehow it did not seem as if they thought so. there was a bright eagerness in their faces, and whenever he spoke it was to be answered with a cheery "ay, ay, sir!" and his orders were executed with alacrity. it was a small party to command, if this should prove to be a french man-of-war come to dispute the right of the english to this rocky speck off their possessions. but the matter was soon to be proved. from time to time syd climbed to the flagstaff to watch the stranger, which was approaching fast, and also to sweep the distant horizon in search of help in what promised to be his dire need. and here it may as well be stated that in planting his garrison on the rock, it had been the intention of captain belton--an idea endorsed by his consort--to let a party of his men hold the place, so as to keep any party from saint jacques from taking possession, and from thence annoying his ships. such a venture could only be made with boats from the town, and these he felt that it would be easy for the little garrison to beat off. it never entered into his calculations that the rock could be attacked by a man-of-war, for he and his consort would be there watching the channel which led up to the town, and theirs would be the duty to repel any formidable attack. the gale, which had risen to a hurricane, changed all this, and that upon which the captain did not count had come to pass. for a french frigate was sailing steadily up the broad channel--a vessel whose captain was evidently quite at home among the coral reefs and shoals which spread far and near, and its nearing was watched with eager eyes. from time to time roylance was sent to report the state of affairs to mr dallas, who lay on his rough couch, apparently quite calm and confident, but with a red patch burning in either cheek, as he bitterly felt his helplessness and inability to do more than give a word or two of advice. but this advice he did give, when the frigate was about a mile off. "we are so weak here," he said to roylance, "that mr belton had better keep his men well out of sight, and not invite inquiry or molestation. the vessel may not be coming here, and if they see no one will pass on." roylance communicated this to syd. "but there is one thing they will see," he said. "what?" "the flagstaff." "yes; i had forgotten that, and it is too late to take it down; the men would be seen." all this time the frigate was steadily approaching, for if her course was to reach the town that slept so calmly in the sunshine, she would come within about half a mile of the rock as she passed. the orders were given for the men to keep out of sight at the lower gun, the heavy piece being drawn back from the opening in the stone wall built up in front; and roylance, who had charge there, lay down behind a piece of rock, where he could watch the vessel's course. syd went on himself to the upper gun, after bidding the man at the flagstaff keep out of sight. terry was walking up and down impatiently as the lad approached, and the latter looked at him wonderingly, for only a short time before they had parted apparently the best of friends. "look here, mr belton," said terry, losing not a moment in developing his new grievance, "i want to know why roylance has been sent down to the lower gun, where the work is of more importance than this." "more importance?" said syd. "yes; i suppose you have been advised to do it as a slight upon me. you would not have done it of your own accord." "i was not advised to do anything of the kind," said syd, quietly; "i did what i thought was best. if there is any difference in the two posts, this is the more important, because every one would have to retreat here in case the lower gun was taken." "surely i ought to know which is the more important, sir," cried terry, loudly, "and i see now it is a question of favouritism or friendliness. but i shall protest against it, and so i tell you." "there is no time to discuss such a matter as this now, mr terry," said syd. "you are to hold this gun in readiness to cover the retreat if the lower work becomes untenable; and now you must keep yourself and men hidden, and the gun drawn back." "what for?" said terry, with asinine obstinacy. "i cannot stop to explain why." "but i insist, sir. am i to play the part of coward without having the privilege of knowing why such a distasteful course is to be adopted? i am sure if mr dallas knew--" "do as you're told, sir," cried syd, warmly. "not a man is to be seen. run that gun in, my lads." then, as the order was obeyed, much to terry's disgust, syd said quietly-- "the men are to keep out of sight, so that the french ship may pass on. you understand?" "oh, yes: i understand," sneered terry, as syd went away, and then crept up under the shelter of the side of one of the rifts to the flagstaff, where he lay down beside the watch and opened his glass, so that he was able to examine the coming vessel at his ease. twenty-eight guns he counted, and as he kept on watching he could even see the movements of the men on deck. all calm and quiet there; the men in knots, the officers seated, or leaning over the side. there could be no doubt about it; the man-of-war was on a peaceable mission, as far as the rock was concerned, and would pass on. once or twice sydney saw an officer glance in his direction, but only to turn away again. but he made no report to any one else, and the frigate sailed on in the hot evening sunshine. syd felt his spirits rise. he had proved himself to be no coward, though he shrank from the awful responsibility of giving orders or committing acts which might cause the shedding of blood. the frenchman was sailing steadily on, and the lad drew his breath more freely, as he said, almost unconsciously, to the man watching by his side-- "there'll be no fighting, my lad." "well, sir," replied the man, who happened to be rogers, "i dunno as i want to fight. if i'm told to, course i shall, but it takes a lot with me to get my monkey up; and i'd rather look like a coward any day than have to fire at a man or give him a chop with my cutlash." "quite right, rogers. i don't think those who bounce most are the bravest. how bright and clean it looks on board ship! i wonder how soon the _sirius_ will come back. ah, there she goes," he continued, as he used the glass, "sailing straight away for saint jacques; one could almost like to be in her for a change. hallo!" he looked eagerly through his glass at the passing ship, and became suddenly aware of the fact that something had attracted the attention of the officers of the french frigate, for one of the men went up quickly to an officer on the quarter-deck, and through the glass sydney could see the gold lace of his uniform glisten as he raised one hand and pointed at the rock. "how vexatious!" said syd, aloud; "that officer must have seen the flagstaff." "no, sir; i don't think so," said rogers. "nonsense, man! they have seen it. look, they're throwing the ship up in the wind, and--yes--they're going to lower a boat. look at the men swarming across the deck like ants. they must have seen the flagstaff. what a pity it was not taken down!" "beg pardon, sir; i don't think it was the flagstaff." "what, then? they couldn't see the guns." "no, sir; but they could have seen mr terry." "how? why?" "he got up on the gun-carriage, and stood down below there, staring out to sea." syd lowered the glass and changed his position, so that he could look down into the little stone-built fort, where the upper gun was placed, and there, sure enough, was terry in the act of getting down from the gun-carriage. "why, what can he mean by that?" "dunno, sir," said the man, bluntly. "he's a orficer; but if it had been one of us we should precious soon know." "what do you mean?" cried sydney, uneasily. "only, sir, as you orficers would call it treachery, and it might mean yard-arm." chapter forty one. treachery or only spite, which could it be? syd felt a sensation of cold running through him as he raised the glass again and watched the frigate, for he felt that perhaps after all he might have been mistaken, and the sailor lying by him too. terry was an officer and a gentleman. he had a horrible temper; he was as jealous and overweening as could be, but it seemed impossible that he could so degrade himself as to be guilty of an act that was like a betrayal of his brother officers and the men. but it was no mistake as far as the frigate was concerned. she had rounded to, her sails were beginning to flap, and amidst the scene of bustle on deck a boat was lowered, and the next minute it was seen gliding away from the vessel's side, filled by a smart crew whose oars seemed to be splashing up golden water as the sun sank and got more round. there were two officers in the stern, and now and then something flashed which looked like weapons, and a second glance showed that they were the swords of the officers and the guns of the marines. "we are seen, sure enough," said syd. "be ready with the colours, rogers," he added aloud. "hoist them the moment you hear me shout." "ay, ay, sir. but it may only be a bit o' _parley voo_, and no fighting arter all." "i hope not," thought syd, as he hurried down the rift, avoiding terry's work, and making straight for the lieutenant's quarters, where he flinched from telling of terry's actions, and contented himself by saying what he had seen. "well, mr belton," said the lieutenant, with a slight flush coming into his pale face, "you are a king's officer in command, but you know the captain's wishes; and, boy as you are, sir, you must do what we all do under such trying circumstances--act like a man." "and--" syd ceased speaking, and asked the remainder of his question with his eyes. "yes, sir, fire upon them, if necessary. if that boat is from a french man-of-war, her men must not land." syd drew in a long breath, nodded shortly, and was going out without a word. "stop!" cried the lieutenant. "take off that plaything, my dear lad, and buckle on my sword. that's right, take up a hole or two in the belt as you go. here's a motto for your crest when you sport one, `_belton_--_belt on_'! now god bless you, my lad! do your duty for your own and your father's sake." there was a quick grasp of the hand, and syd ran out, fastening on the sword-belt as he went, and feeling rather a curious sensation in the throat as he mentally exclaimed--"i will." the men were lying down by the breastwork of the lower gun as he trotted over the slope, and to his surprise he found the boatswain seated on a piece of stone with his face puckered up, watching pan whom he had just sent up to the magazine. "well: what news?" said roylance, eagerly. "are they gone?" every eye was fixed on syd, as he replied-- "no; a boat is coming ashore, and they must make for here. we can hear what they have to say, but they must not land." a thrill seemed to run through the men, who lay ready to jump up and work the gun, and at a glance sydney saw that their arms were all ready, and half the men were stripped for action. "it is a french frigate?" said roylance. "yes." "then who is to talk to them? can you?" "i know the french i learned at school." "well, i know that much," said roylance. "i can make them understand, but i don't know about understanding them." "begging your pardon, gentlemen," said strake, with a grim smile, "you needn't trouble 'bout that 'ere. i've got a friend here as there isn't a frenchy afloat as don't understand." "whom do you mean, strake?" said syd, as he looked sharply at the boatswain. "this here, sir," he said, patting the breech of the cannon. "on'y let her open her mouth and bellow; they'll know it means keep off." the men laughed. "is the gun loaded?" "yes, sir, with a round shot; but i've got grape and canister ready." this began to look like grim warfare, and syd stood there waiting in silence, and gazing out seaward for the coming of the boat. from the little battery the extent visible was rather limited, for the rock rose up high to right and left. the french frigate was right behind them, plain to be seen from the upper gun, the steep slope downward shutting it out from the lower. a full half-hour glided by, but there was no sign of the enemy, and the men lay waiting with the sun now beating full upon them with such power that the rock grew almost too hot to touch. "if they don't look sharp and come," said strake, moving the lantern he had with him more into the shade, "my candle here will melt into hyle, and that there gun 'ill begin to speak french without being touched." "surely the sun has not power enough to light the charge, strake." "well, sir, i never knowed it done yet," said the boatswain, dubiously. another quarter of an hour passed away, and roylance exclaimed-- "can there be any other place where they could land?" "no," said syd, "i feel sure not." "then why are they so long?" "don't know the rock, and they are rowing to search all round for a place, the same as we did." still the long-drawn-out space of time went slowly, and doubts began to intrude which made syd glance anxiously up to right and left, as he thought how helpless they would be should they be taken in rear or flank. "make a good fight for it all the same," said roylance, who read his looks. "but i don't see how they could land anywhere round the rock without men on the cliff top to help them." "terry would not do that," thought syd, and he glanced sharply round to gaze above him at the upper gun. he blushed at the thought, as he saw the young officer there, evidently engaged in looking out to sea. "think the man up yonder by the flagstaff can see them?" said roylance, after another weary wait. sydney shook his head. "i say, oughtn't we to hoist the colours, belton?" "rogers will run them up when i make him a signal. we don't want to challenge them to fight, only to defend the rock against all comers." "gettin' hungry, mate?" whispered one of the men to the lad next him. "no: why?" "'cause this side o' me's 'most done." there was a laugh. "silence!" cried syd, and then in the same breath, "here they are!" for the bows of the frigate's boat, which had been right round the rock, suddenly appeared from the left with one of the officers standing up in the stern-sheets; and as they came on he suddenly pointed toward the natural pier, and the men, who had just been dipping their oars lightly, gave way. as they came on the party in the little battery could see the french officers searching the opening with their eyes, and eagerly talking together; but they did not hesitate, apparently not realising that the place had been put in a state of defence, for the gun was drawn back, and the embrasure was of so rugged a construction that it did not resemble the production of a military engineer. they ran their boat close alongside of the little pier, and one of the officers was about to spring out, when syd shouted forth deeply as he could, as he stood on the breastwork. "hallo!" the officer looked up sharply, smiled, waved his hand, gave an order to the sailors in the boat, and a dozen well-armed men sprang out. "_halte_!" shouted syd again. "_aha_!" cried the french officer, leading his men forward. "_nous sommes des amis_." "oh, _etes-vous_?" cried syd. "i dare say you are, but you can't land here. back to your boat. _allez-vous-en_!" "_mais non_!" said the french officer politely, and he still came on, smiling. "this rock belong to his britannic majesty, the king of england. _waistcoat a nous, monsieur. allez-vous-en_." "_mais non_," said the french officer. "_en avant_!" "_nous allons donner le feu_--fire at you--fire!" shouted syd, and he leaped backward into the fort perfectly astounded. for strake did not understand french, but he thoroughly comprehended english, and as he heard his commanding officer say _fire_! and then more loudly, _fire_! he clapped his slow match to the touch-hole of the cannon, whose mouth was about a foot from the embrasure; there was a burst of flame and smoke, a deafening roar which threatened to bring down the rocks to right and left, and as syd looked through the smoke he could see the french officer and his men running back to the boat. "strake, you shouldn't have fired," he cried, excitedly. "you give orders," growled the boatswain; "and there was no time to haim. shot went skipping out to sea.--be smart, my lads," he continued, as the men who had sprung to their places wielded sponge and rammer, and this time ran the gun out so that its muzzle showed over the rough parapet. by this time syd had made a sign, and rogers quickly ran the colours up the flagstaff, where they were blown out fully by the breeze. "don't find fault," whispered roylance, wiping the tears from his eyes. "what a game! see that little french officer fall down?" "no." "he caught his foot in a stone. look at them now." syd looked down at where on the pier the french officers were gesticulating and talking loudly; the gist of their debate being, should they try to take the battery or put off, and the majority seemed to be in favour of the latter proceeding. for as they eagerly scanned the little battery they could see now the frowning muzzle of the gun, and the heads of a number of english sailors apparently ready to fire again, this time probably with better effect. one officer seemed to be for coming on. the other thought evidently that discretion was the better part of valour, for he looked up at the colours on the flagstaff, then down at the battery, and then finally gave orders to the men to re-embark. but this was too much for the spirit of the other, who after a few sharp words took out a white handkerchief, tied it to the blade of his sword, and held it up, advancing with it in his hand till he was just below the gun, and at the foot of the cliff wall. "messieurs," he said, politely, "i speak not ze angleesh as you do. i you make me understand?" "_oui_--yes," said syd, who had again mounted the rough wall. "it is good," said the french officer. "you make fire upon us. yes?" "yes; we fired." "you--you teach me yourself, vat ze diable you make here?" "we hold this place as a possession of the king of england," replied sydney. "can you understand?" "_parfaitement_, sare. zen i tell you i go back to my sheep, and me come and blow you all avay. _au revoir_!" "_au revoir_, monsieur," said syd, exchanging bows with the french officer, who went back to the boat, sprang on board, the men pushed off, and the little garrison gave them a cheer. "thank goodness that's over," said syd, taking off his hat to wipe his brow, as he leaped back into the battery. "over?" said roylance, "not till they have been back and blown us all away." "beg pardon, sir," said the boatswain, "but i 'member now nuff of my old work years ago to be able to send a round shot right through that there boat, if you'll give the word." "no, no, strake.--there, you keep your men ready in case they do come back, roy," whispered syd; "i'll go up and report matters to mr dallas." chapter forty two. "could not have happened better," said the lieutenant, as he was put in possession of all particulars. "the accident happened well, and gave them a lesson in our strength that may make them think twice before attacking us." "then you think they will attack us?" "sorry to say i have no doubt about it, and since i have been lying here i have come to the conclusion that it would be better to bring that upper gun down, and mount it about twenty feet from the other. the attack must come from the lower end. if, however, they could land, and tried to scale the rocks at the top of the gap, you would have to defend the upper battery the best way you could. even if you had a gun there you could not get more than one shot. haul it down at once." syd went off and communicated the result of his conversation to roylance and strake. "yes, i think he's right," said the former. "eh, strake?" "right, sir; why of course he is. i felt that when we got the guns up, only it warn't for me to give my 'pinion. speaking in parabolas like, what i say is, that the t'other gun's worth twopence up there, but down here it 'll be worth a hundred pound or more. start at once, sir?" "yes, directly.--roylance, will you see to making a platform and running up a breastwork, while the bo'sun gets down the gun?" all hands were soon at work, and meanwhile syd had gone up to the flagstaff with a glass to see that the boat was half-way back to the french frigate. "what will they do?" thought syd. "make sail and come and batter us with their guns, or send out three or four boats?" he waited patiently till the frenchmen were alongside, and he watched the officers through the glass go on the quarter-deck and make their report to their captain. "now, then," said syd, half-aloud, "which is it to be--boats, or come up abreast of us?" "make sail, sir," said rogers. "they're coming down on us to give us a dusting with their guns. there'll be some chips o' rock flying far to-night.--and something more for you to do, my lad," he muttered to himself, as he recalled the lieutenant's injury. syd made no answer, and stood watching the french vessel's sails gradually begin to fill and make her careen over. "here she comes," said rogers; then, respectfully, "they won't have half time to get that gun into place, will they, sir?" "no, rogers, no," said syd, thoughtfully; "but look, she's changing her course." it was so indeed, for the french frigate curved gracefully around, and went off on her old course toward the town of saint jacques. syd rubbed his eyes and stared, while rogers in his excitement slapped both his legs, shouting derisively--"yah! cowards! g'ome!" and then darted to the flagstaff and began to haul the colours down a few feet, and just as his young officer was about to stop him, seized the second line and jigged them up again in a sort of dance that was intended in mockery of the captain and crew of the departing frigate. "that will do there," cried syd, sharply. "beg pardon, sir," cried the sailor, starting away from the flagstaff; "but for them to go away like that. the old chaps aboard were always bragging that they could lick three parlyvoos, but arter what i've seed to-day, i'm ready to tackle six. i don't say i'd lick 'em, but i'd have a good try." "don't judge them too soon," said syd, quietly; and he went down to the hospital and reported everything to the lieutenant. "well," he said, "what do you think of it, mr belton--that you've frightened them away with one gun?" "no, sir; i think they've gone for help." "or else to report, and perhaps deliver despatches." "yes, sir; think we shall have them back?" "not a doubt about it, mr belton. we laugh at and brag about our superiority over the frenchmen; but with all their chatter and gesticulation and show, they know how to fight, and can fight bravely and well. get your other gun ready and keep the sharpest of look-outs, as they'll be down upon you before you know where you are. what's the matter yonder," he continued, raising his head and listening; "mr terry in hot water again? we don't want trouble among ourselves. you are wanted there, commandant." syd hurried out and found terry up by the battery he had had in charge, furiously refusing to let the men under roylance remove the gun. "ah, you are there," he cried, savagely, and with his face convulsed with passion. "it is a trick of yours to deprive me of my chance of distinguishing myself in this wretched hole." "it is nothing of the kind, mr terry," said syd, quietly; "but are you mad to go on like this before the men?" "i should be mad if i held my tongue, and let every puppy of a boy be placed over me to insult me. i say the gun shall not be moved." "it is for the proper defence of the place." "it is a piece of insolence to annoy me." "you would have charge of the gun in its fresh place." "i don't believe it," cried terry, in his rage. "this is the gun's place. it shall not be moved." "silence, sir!" cried syd, flushing up, and something of his father's stern way giving him an older and firmer look. "i gave orders for the gun to be taken down. mr roylance, be smart with your men." "it shall not be done," cried terry. "i say--" "and i say, sir," said syd in an angry whisper, "that if you are not silent, i'll put you in arrest; yes, and tied hand and foot for your treachery of an hour or two ago." terry's jaw dropped, and he turned ashy in hue as he shrank away. "look here, sir," continued syd, "you will no longer have charge of that gun, but act under mr roylance's orders when i am not there. fight like a man, and do your duty, and i may forget to report your conduct to the captain. go on as you are behaving now, and everything shall be known." a curiously vindictive look shot from terry's eyes as his hand involuntarily played with the butt of the pistol he had in his belt. syd saw it, and continued-- "another such threat as that, sir, and you will be disarmed." terry walked away and stood aside, gazing out to sea, while syd could not help thinking that if his messmate had a favourable opportunity and could do it unseen, he would not scruple to use his pistol, or to push him over the steep cliff. the thoughts were dismissed directly and forgotten in the busy toil, the men rigging up the tackle, dismounting the gun, and packing it once more in one of the water-casks, ready for rolling down to the new platform, which was slowly progressing, but not yet ready for its reception. so the one party was piped to refreshments, after which, the place being declared sufficiently advanced, the second party took the place of the first for rest and food, while with a cheer the gun-carriage was dragged below, then the tackle was rigged over it, and the gun rolled down, hauled into its place, and by the time darkness had quite set in, the fresh one-gun battery was in working order. "where's terry?" said syd, about this time. "sulking," said roylance, laughing. "what did you say to him? you are getting an awfully great fellow, belton, to calm him down like that. i say, how old are you?" "nearly seventeen. why?" "are you sure it isn't a mistake?" "quite." "because you are going on over this like a fellow of twenty-seventeen. what do you think one of the men said just now?" "how should i know?" "he said that when this little job was over you ought to be promoted and have a ship of your own, and old strake turned upon him sharply to say, `well, why not?'" "i? a ship!" laughed syd; "and this is my first voyage. why, you have been three." "yes, but then your people have always been sailors, and it's born with you. my father's a clergyman. well, when you do have a ship by and by, if you don't have me for first luff, i'll call you a brute." "wait twenty years, then, till i get my ship," said syd; and he went off to see to the watch. chapter forty three. that was an anxious night; and after a sort of council of war at the hospital, in which the lieutenant, roylance, and strake took part with syd, it was determined to have all ready for a retreat to the upper battery, and in case that should be taken, provisions and water were to be carried at daybreak up to the flagstaff, where a breastwork had already been made, plenty of broken masses of rock lying about to strengthen it, so that it would be a fresh position for the crew of the french frigate to attack. syd was not at all surprised soon after daybreak--when the men were busy strengthening the empty battery, and others were building up the breastwork about the flagstaff and conveying up stores--to see the frigate coming back in full sail. there was plenty of excitement as the enemy was seen, and the men thoroughly realised the fact that the day's work before them would be no light task. "seems to do one more good, though, master syd, sir," said strake, as they were together alone. "lying down, and bein' helped, and strapped and lashed 's all very well, but the sight o' one's nat'ral enemy 'pears to spurt you up like, and if it had only been a month longer, strikes me as we should have had the lufftenant helping of us again." "have you seen mr terry about?" "no, sir; 'pears to have struck work like. beg pardon, sir; but seeing as some on us may be gone to davy jones's locker 'fore night--not meaning you, o' course, but him--wouldn't it be handsome-like to go and make friends, and offer him your hand?" "i have done so more than once, strake," said syd, sternly, as he recalled the midshipman's action on the previous day, "but i can't do it again." "all right, sir, you knows best, o' course," said the boatswain, and he went off to his duty. the men worked hard, and by the time the frigate was close in there were the provisions and water in the upper battery, and a good supply in the works about the flagstaff. "you can do no more, belton," said mr dallas. "i don't want to discourage you, but without help from sea we can only manage to hold out as long as possible, and give the enemy a tough job, for old england's sake. are the colours flying well?" "yes, sir, splendidly." "that's right, then. now, one word of advice; don't fire a shot at the frigate. with your two guns you can do her very little harm. save your powder for the boats--round shot when they are coming to the shore, and grape as they are landing. keep your men cool, and only let them fire when there is a good chance." _bang_! the first shot from seaward followed by a crash, and the sound of stones falling as the frigate tried her range, and sent a heavy ball against the side of the gap. "did not know she was so near," said the lieutenant. "but about you, sir? shall i have you carried up to the flagstaff?" "certainly not, my lad, never mind me. go and do your duty. god save the king!" "god save the king!" echoed syd, as he shook hands with the lieutenant, and hurried down to the little battery, to find that the frigate had drawn as close in as she could, but dared not come right in front of the gap, for her boat out sounding had discovered a reef right opposite. so after firing a few shots obliquely, all of which struck the north side of the gap, she made sail and went round to the other side of the reef, where disappointment again awaited her captain; for here again he could only fire obliquely, and send the stones rattling down on the south side of the gap. but he went on firing for about an hour before shifting his position once more, and then feeling his way in exactly opposite, but quite out of range. this was an unexpected change in favour of the defender, for though when they were freshly come it had been noticed that the sea ran high a quarter of a mile out from the lower end of the gap, the existence of a reef was not suspected, and it was some time before the defenders could thoroughly believe that the frigate could not get into position for sweeping the little gully from end to end. again the frigate's position was changed, and fire opened. "we ought to shake hands on this," cried roylance. "fire away, monsieur, knock down the rocks; it's all good for the powder and ball trade." "and doesn't frighten us a bit," added syd, who for the moment forgot his important position, and its seriousness. "haven't you seen terry yet?" "no." "and i arn't seen my boy pan, gen'lemen," said the boatswain--"my word, that was a good one," he interpolated, as a heavy shot struck the rock about twenty feet below the flagstaff, and a good ton of stones came rattling down--"strikes me as that boy's a-showing the white feather, gen'lemen, and it goes home to my 'art." "the boy's wounded, strake; don't be too hard on him." "not so bad but what he might ha' done powder-monkeying with one hand. but there's a deal o' vartue in rope's-ends arter all, and if i gets through to-day--" "you'll forgive him. what are they doing now?" syd shouted to the man at the look-out, for the frigate was once more close in, south of the little pier, and had for half an hour been blazing away, but doing not the slightest harm. "getting her boats out, sir." "preparing to board, sir," cried strake. "round shot first as they come on?" "but the boats will be close in before we can get a shot at them, and there will not be time to reload," said syd. "it is not as if they were going to row straight in, so that we could see them for some time first. it must be grape." "grape it is, sir. right," cried strake, and the guns were charged accordingly. the men's orders were that they should wait till the enemy were well in by the little pier, then to fire, and as there would not be time to reload, they were to seize their cutlasses and pikes and be ready for the attacking party, who would undoubtedly swarm up to the foot of the rock wall, provided with spars, or something in the way of tackle, to enable them to scale the place, when the desperate fighting must begin. they were not long kept in waiting after the guns had been depressed, and their muzzles brought to bear well upon the only spot where the boats could land their men--the wreck moored close in limiting the space. and it turned out as syd had imagined: the boats--three--came as close in as the submerged rocks would allow, and they were still out of sight when the defenders heard a shout, and first one and then another rowed into sight, making for the landing-place. then came the third, as, thinking it a pity to have to give so terrible an order, syd shouted "fire!" with the result that the closely-packed charge from the first gun went right through one boat, leaving her crew struggling in the water; and the shot from the second gun completely tore off the bows of the third boat, but not until her crew was so near land that they were able to pilot the boat a few yards farther before she sank, her men literally tumbling one over the other into the deck-less hull of the water-logged wreck. the other boat got up to the pier in safety after her crew had held out oars and boat-hooks to their drowning comrades, and so all got to shore; the rush and beating of the water, and its churning up by the grape-shot having scattered the sharks for the moment. all this gave the occupants of the battery more time than they had anticipated, and this was utilised in reloading, which was almost completed, when there was a word of command, a shout; and armed with cutlass, pistol, and boarding-pike, the frenchmen dashed up gallantly to the wall, some stopping back to fire at the defenders, who were, however, too well sheltered to be hurt. "be ready with your arms, my lads," cried syd, as he recalled stories of fights he had heard his father relate. "ay, ay, sir." "throw them back as fast as they get up." "ay, ay, sir!" came again heartily; but the enemies' heads did not appear above the edge, and though the loud buzzing and shouting of orders came up, there was no adversary. it was not the men's fault, for they were at the bottom of a vast natural wall, which towered up from fifteen to twenty feet, and so smooth that there was not the slightest foothold to enable them to climb. the officer who had come up to it before with a flag of truce had in his excitement omitted to notice the difficulty, and consequently neither rope nor spar had been brought; and though the men clambered and shouted and made brave efforts to mount upon each other's shoulders, fortunately for them they were not able to get up far enough to be sent down with a cut on the head. the shouting and confusion lasted for some time, during which the defenders crouched in safety behind their breastwork, and waited. at last, just as the officers were deciding upon withdrawing their men, and asking themselves what their fate would be if the english began to play upon them during their retreat to the one boat which was left, there was another cheer, and a reinforcement from the frigate appeared. strake sprang up to alter the level of the gun and take aim, but syd stopped him. "this one hasn't come to attack," he said, as he saw that the boat was only half manned; the captain having seen the misfortunes that had befallen his other boats, and sent this one on to afford his men a means of retreat. for the attack was hopeless, and the officers gathered their men together, and despatched them in two parties to the little pier, the men moving with the greatest of regularity; and while a few kept up a running fire against the battery, the others embarked. "now then, sir, give the word," whispered strake, who was hoarse with excitement; "i can send a shot right through that there boat." "what for?" said syd, coldly. "they are retreating, and we don't want to stop them and make them prisoners." "but they're our mortial enemies, sir," cried the boatswain, aghast. "let them go," said syd; and as the boats pushed off, with the frigate recommencing its useless fire to cover the retreat, the defenders of the little natural fort gave a hearty cheer. "we don't want a lot of bloodshed, roy," said syd, as they congratulated one another over the refreshment they were glad to take. "no; but i suppose we ought to have slaughtered a lot of them. we could." "my father used to tell my uncle, the admiral, that he was the greatest commander who could achieve a victory with the smallest loss of life." "yes, sir," said a gruff voice behind him; "but i've know'd your father send some awful broadsides and rakings into the enemy's ships. why, when we've gone aboard arter to take the furren captain's sword, i've seed their deck all slippery with blood." "and i'm glad those stones are not." "very well, sir, if you're satisfied, i am; but i want to know what's gone o' my pan. hasn't hidden hisself in that water-cave, has he?" "i have not seen him," said syd, and with roylance he climbed up to the flagstaff to see the enemy's two crowded boats return to the frigate's side, after which the french captain made a slight change in his position; and as they watched they saw two fresh boats lowered and row away, and then they were recalled. then came a long spell of waiting in miserable inaction till toward sunset, when the two boats put out again, spent a little time sounding close up to the rocks where roylance was rescued, and were again recalled. "what does that mean, sir?" said syd, as he told all this to the lieutenant, who, as he lay helpless, eagerly listened to every word. "i don't quite see, my lad," he said. "a trick, probably, to take off your attention. but be well on your guard, for, depend upon it, they will try to surprise you to-night, and come prepared with ladders of some kind for the escalade." chapter forty four. the night was brilliant starlight, and the strictest watch was kept, but hour after hour went by, and there was not a sound; no dark shadow creeping over the water from the frigate, which lay anchored, with her lights showing reflections on the smooth sea. everything was in readiness to give the enemy a good reception if they came, and in spite of his weakness, the boatswain rose from where he lay on a folded-up sail beside one of the heaps of ball, to see if the light in the lanthorn by his head was burning, and handy for the slow matches to fire the guns. "that there swab has gone down into his old hole by the water, sir, so as to save his skin," said strake, on one of the occasions when syd was going his rounds, "and here he might be o' no end of use saving his poor father. you won't say i arn't to use the rope's-end arter this, sir." "hadn't you better go up to the hospital and lie down, strake?" replied syd; "you are tired out." "so are you, sir: so's all on us. but if i went and had a caulk just when the enemy might come, what should i say arterwards when i met the skipper?" "but your injuries are such as sent you into hospital." "where i warn't going to stay, sir. been up to the flagstaff, sir?" "i have just come from there, and i have been with mr roylance, and had a talk with mr dallas. all's well." "seems well, mr syd, sir," whispered the boatswain, so as not to be heard by the men; "but i'm sure all aren't well. they're trying to dodge us, sir, and you see if they don't come and board us just afore daylight, when they think we're asleep. tell them chaps at the look-out to keep their eyes open, and be on the kwe weave, as the frenchies call it, for boats sneaking up in the dark. you've got two there." "yes, strake, and each man has a glass, and those very instructions." "what a horficer he will make," muttered the boatswain; and then the watch went on, with the men peering through the transparent darkness at the waves heaving over the little natural pier, and the bright stars broken up into spangles on the smooth surface of the sea. "rather queer about terry," said roylance in a whisper, as syd joined him where he was leaning over the rough parapet, watching the surface for the first sign of the enemy. "very," said syd. "i can't understand it." "i can," thought syd, as he recalled what he had seen; and in the full belief that his messmate was heartily ashamed of his treacherous conduct of the previous day, he went softly up to find the lieutenant sleeping peacefully. he stood looking at him for a few moments, and then went up to the empty battery, to stand looking down over the precipice, before gazing up towards the flagstaff. "all well, rogers?" he said in a low, distinct voice. "all well, sir," came back from far on high. "nothing left the ship. we could ha' seen by the broken water. it brimes to-night, and we should have seen their oars stirring the water up." note: "brimes" means "is phosphorescent." syd went thoughtfully back, feeling so exhausted and drowsy that twice over he stumbled, and shook his head to get rid of the sleepy feeling, for it had been a terribly trying and anxious time. "i'll go and talk to strake," he said to himself; and pulling out a biscuit, he began to nibble it to take off the sensation of faintness from which he suffered, as he began wondering whether the french would attack them that night, or come prepared the next day with ladders to scale the natural wall which was their chief defence. "all well, strake?" he said, as he reached the place again where the boatswain was lying down. "ay, ay, sir." "halt! who goes there?" "on'y me," cried a hoarse, excited voice, in a whisper, accompanied by a panting noise. "where's father?" "what, pan-y-mar?" growled the boatswain. "just you come here, you ugly-looking young swab." "hush, father!" whispered the boy, coming out of the darkness. "give's a cutlash; the french is coming." "what? where?" said syd, eagerly. "to your guns, my lads." "no, no," cried the boy, in a hurried whisper. "not that way; they're coming over the top there." "he's been dreaming," growled the boatswain. "what d'yer mean, you dog?" "i arn't been asleep," cried pan, angrily; "and i'm so hungry." "tell me: what do you mean?" cried syd. "i've been a-watching o' mr terry, sir. he went down on the rocks over yonder, and i lay down and see him make signs to the french ship, and two boats come out and rowed in close to where he was a-hiding down in one o' them big cracks like i hid in and found the water." "yes; go on," whispered syd, whose heart sank with apprehension. "and he talked to 'em, and they talked to him, and then rowed back to the french ship." "what did they say?" "i dunno; i was too far off to hear." "well, go on." "i thought he was up to some game, and i lay there and watched him, and i've been watching of him ever since, till to-night he crawled into the stores, after hiding all yes' afternoon and to-night, and i see him come creeping out again with a rope, and he put it over his shoulder. and then he climbed up one o' those cracks, and i went arter him, and he got right out there past the water-hole, and then crep' all along till he got to the place where you hauled mr roylance and t'other sailor up with a rope. and i crep' up close as i could, and lay there watching him hours till three boats come round from the other side, and then mr terry tied the end of the rope round a big block, and let the other end down, and i see a french sailor come up, and then another, and another, and they let down more rope, and they're all climbed up, and they're coming right up yonder over the top by the flag-post." "how do you know?" "'cos i come that way first, and they was all coming close up arter me all the time, and i had to come on my hands and knees." "why didn't you come the other way, and give the alarm in front?" "'cos they've got lots o' fellows there with swords and pistols. i heard 'em cock." "yah! it's all a fancy," growled strake; "he's scared, and dreamed it." "i didn't," cried the boy. "couldn't climb up there," growled strake. "yes, they could, strake," cried syd, excitedly. "once they were on the rock they could climb up, and--yes, they'd come over by the flagstaff." "i tell yer the young swab dreamt it." "ahoy! help!" _bang! bang! bang! bang_!--pistol-shots from high up by the flagstaff; and as the men seized their cutlasses and pistols, and, with syd and roylance at their head, advanced up the gap to meet this treacherous attack from the rear, there was the clash of steel, the sounds of struggling, then a momentary silence, followed by a few sharp orders, and the rattling noise of stones told that a strong party of men were coming down the rough path from the flagstaff. "forward, my lads!" cried roy lance; "we may beat them back." the men gave a cheer, and advanced quickly, the excitement of all taking them from the battery, which was left defenceless. as they advanced, the old feeling of terror that he had always felt when about to engage in a school-fight was for a few moments in sydney's breast; then the eager excitement carried all away, and, sword in hand, he ran on with his men. directly after there was the shock and confusion of the two parties meeting, with stray shots, the clatter of sword against sword, with sparks flying in the darkness, and the shouts and cheers of contending men. what he did syd never knew, for everything was centred in the one idea that he was leading his father's men, and that he must try and be brave. and if being brave meant rushing on with them right at the descending frenchmen, he was brave enough. so vigorous was the rush, and so desperate were the little english party at being surprised in so sudden a fashion, that the first group of the enemy were driven backward toward the path by which they had climbed down. but more and more were hurrying from above to their help, the officers threw themselves to the front, and the flight was stayed, while quite a series of single combats began to take place. "give it 'em, boys! old england for ever!" was yelled out in the darkness, close by to where syd was cutting and thrusting at an active little frenchman. then there came a groan, and the same voice said hoarsely-- "oh, if i had my strength!" "hurrah, boys! they're giving way!" shouted roylance. "keep together, and over with them." for in spite of the bravery of their officers, the french were yielding ground once more, and being slowly driven up the narrowing path. but there was a fresh burst of cheering, the hurry of feet, and about twenty of the french frigate's crew, who had taken advantage of the little garrison being attacked from the rear, and crept up to the cliff wall to scale it with a spar, one man going up with a rope which he had secured to a gun, soon turned the tables again. with enemies before and behind triple their strength, and taking them in each case so thoroughly by surprise, the _melee_ did not last long. syd was conscious of seeing sparks after what seemed to be a loud clap of thunder above his head, and the next thing he knew was that roylance was saying-- "belt, lad, do, do try and speak." "speak? yes," he faltered. "what's the matter?" "matter! don't ask." "but what does it mean? where are we? has terry won?" "my poor old fellow, you haven't been fighting terry--yes, you have--a coward! he is with the french." "and--" cried syd, sitting up, "are we beaten?" "yes! no!" cried roylance. "they're all down or prisoners--but eight of us here." "where are we?" said syd, who felt sick and dizzy. "up in the little top battery, and they're coming on again. stand by, lads!" syd rose to his feet as the men cheered, and stood with his sword hanging by the knot to his wrist, holding on by the rough stone wall, looking over into the starlit gloom at a body of french sailors apparently about to attack. just then an officer stepped forward, and said, cheerily-- "_rendez-vous, mes braves. parlez, vous_!" he continued, turning to some one at his side. "here, you there!--the french officer says it's no use to fight any longer; he has taken the place, so give up." "terry!" cried roylance; "you miserable traitor!" and the men around burst into a loud groan, and hooted the renegade. "yes, traitor!" cried syd, excitedly; and forgetting his wound, "coward!" "coward yourself!" cried terry. "do you think i was going to stay in a service which compelled men to serve under a contemptible boy like you? here, my lads, it's no use to resist. give up, and you will have good treatment as prisoners. come out." "do you hear, lads?" cried roylance. "will you do as the new english-french deserter says?" "no!" roared the men; and rogers' voice rose above them--"say, lads, it's yard-arm for a desarter, eh?" "yes." terry turned away savagely, and they saw him saying something to the french officer--saw him dimly, as it seemed, then more plainly, for day was breaking with the rapidity of the change in the tropics; and as a movement took place, they all knew that a final assault was to be given, and must go against them. then the spirit of syd's family seemed to send a flush through him; he forgot his pain, the sickness passed off, and he turned to gaze on the torn and blood-stained men about him. "french and english," he cried, raising his sword. "hurray!" shouted the brave fellows; and every cutlass flashed as they prepared to defend their tiny stronghold, built up for the very emergency in which they were. "_rendez, messieurs_!" shouted the french officer, half appealingly. "_non, non_!" shouted sydney, excitedly. "_en avant_!" rang out the order, and with a rush the men came on in the rapidly increasing morning light. at that moment the rocks echoed and quivered as a heavy gun thundered forth. chapter forty five. the advance was checked, and a man ran up to the flagstaff, to reach it at last, and then he shouted down something in french, which the occupants of the upper defence could not make out. a second gun rolled forth its summons, and, giving an order, the french officer led his men toward the lower battery, where about twenty were halted, and busied themselves in turning one of the guns, so that it was pointed toward the upper battery, while the rest went down over the wall. "what does it mean?" said syd. "are they going to blow us out of here?" "no," said roylance, "i think not. it is to occupy the place and keep us at bay. i'd give something to see what it all means. we're so shut up here, and can see nothing," he said, fretfully. and it was so. they had a good view of the sea right out toward the town, but looking back they could see along the gap to their guns, which with the breastwork completely hid the landing-place. "i'd give something to know what it all means." "that gun meant the recall," said roylance. "if i could get to the flagstaff," said syd. "i think i could slip over at the back here," said rogers; "climb along, and then crawl up." "no, no, my lad; you'd break your neck." "oh, no, sir. you trust me." "he can climb like a monkey, sir," said another of the men, who was binding up a wound. "then try," said syd, after a glance upward to see that the french were not there. the man slipped over the back directly, and crept along a narrow ledge that made them all feel giddy, but he got along in safety, and then creeping and climbing to the left of the regular path he disappeared in a rift. "he'll do it now," said roylance, who stood nursing one arm. "i say, belt, as soon as you can i should be glad of a little help." "yes, i'll come directly," said sydney; "but where are our other fellows?" "all wounded or prisoners. the french have had the best of it this time. we shall be prisoners of war, lad." "i wouldn't care, only we've lost the place, roylance. oh, how could an english fellow be so treacherous!" "don't know," said roylance, dismally. "there always was something wrong with mike terry." "ahoy!" came from above their heads; and they looked up to see that rogers had reached the flagstaff, and had hauled up the british colours, which blew out in the morning air as a faint cheer came from the hospital, and an angry chattering from about the guns. "sail ho! _sirius_ in sight," shouted rogers through his hands; "boat's gone back to the frenchman. hurray!" he was answered by a cheer from the little group about syd, as three of the french sailors ran up at a trot, and began to mount the flagstaff path. "look out, rogers. don't be taken." "not i, sir. i'm coming back," shouted the sailor; and he disappeared, leaving the colours flying, and climbing back into the sturdy little work in time to join his companions in a loud groaning. for the french reached the top and hauled the british colours down, one of the enemy waving them derisively at the englishmen, and throwing the flag over his shoulder as he laughed at them, and then carried it down to the battery, where his comrades had been strengthening their works toward the english position, one man standing ready with a port-fire to sweep the gap should there be an attack. two hours' waiting ensued--two weary hours, with injuries growing stiff, wounds smarting, and a terrible feeling of thirst coming on. that was forgotten directly the heavy boom of a gun was heard, answered by another; and for a time, as report after report echoed among the rocks, the imprisoned party saw in imagination the _sirius_ coming slowly up and attacking the french frigate, which answered with shot for shot. but it was most tantalising; and again and again syd was for climbing up to the flagstaff to see what was going on, duty to the men alone keeping him to his post. their patience was rewarded at last, for roylance suddenly gave a cheer, which was taken up by the others, as they saw the french frigate, her sails dotted with shot-holes, forge into sight, firing hard the while. "why, she's beaten--retreating," cried sydney. "no, only manoeuvring," replied roylance; "and, hurrah! my lads, here comes the _sirius_." syd's heart gave a leap as his father's noble frigate came slowly into sight round the south end of the gap, bringing with her a cloud of smoke which was rent and torn with flames of fire. for the next hour, there, a mile away, the frigates lay manoeuvring and exchanging their broadsides, neither appearing to get the upper hand. two of the french officers were now up at the flagstaff, where they had hoisted their own colours, and they were eagerly watching the varying fortunes of the naval action, which, as far as the lookers-on could see, might result in the favour of either. the firing was terrific, and for the time being the occupants of the fort forgot their enmity in the excitement of the naval engagement going on. a wild shrill cheer suddenly rose from by the flagstaff, answered by a shout of defiance from the english battery, as all at once the mizzen-topmast of the _sirius_ with its well-filled sails bowed over as if doubled-up; but the loss did not check the firing nor her way, and the shrill cheer was silenced. for in the midst of the french elation, and as the course of the frigate was changed so that she might cross the bows of the _sirius_ and rake her, two more of the officers had gone up from by the guns, and were mounting the path to the flagstaff to participate in the triumph. they were in time to see the mainmast of the french frigate, already sorely wounded, yield to a puff of wind and go right over to leeward, leaving the beautiful ship helpless like a sea-bird with a broken wing. captain belton quickly took advantage of the position, raked the frenchman from stem to stern, ran his own vessel close up under her quarter, and as the smoke rolled away a crowd of boarders were seen pouring over on to her decks, the shouts and cheering of the fighting reaching to the ears of the spectators. "we've taken her," cried roylance, exultingly, and he was about to call upon the men to cheer when a look from syd silenced him. "quick, lads!" he whispered. "in two parties. i'll lead one, mr roylance the other. we'll divide and run down to the guns and take them before they know where they are. hist, not a sound! now!" the officers were still gazing directly away at the concluding episodes of the fight, so that only one was down at the battery, whose occupants were so taken by surprise, that before the junior lieutenant left had given the order to fire the englishmen were half-way to them. then as a cannon sent its charge of grape hurtling up the narrow pass, the two little parties cheered, dashed on, jumped over the rough wall cutlass in hand, and in less than a minute the place was once more in english hands. "more prisoners than we want," said syd; but they were soon got rid of, being disarmed, and compelled to lower themselves down a rope to the foot of the great natural wall, where they were huddling together, a discontented-looking group, when syd had taken the swords of the other french officers and sent the british colours flying once more from the flagstaff. the french lieutenant shrugged his shoulders as he handed his sword to syd. "_ah, vous anglais_!" he muttered, and then to one of his companions in french-- "it is of no use to try any longer. the men from the english frigate will be ashore directly. but to be beaten by that boy!" he was quite right. before an hour had elapsed two well-manned boats from the _sirius_ was at the landing-place to take possession and charge of the prisoners, while in another hour syd was standing before his father, giving him an account of all that had been done. captain belton listened almost grimly to his son's narrative, and when he had finished-- "well, sir," said the captain; "and what have you to say for yourself? you went ashore without leave. of course you will be punished." "yes, sir." "where are mr roylance and mr terry?" "ashore, sir, wounded both." "and mr dallas badly, i hear. tut--tut--tut! and i have a terrible array of losses to confront here. well, you have something else to say?" syd was hesitating, for he had a painful duty to perform. had he been the only holder of the knowledge of his messmate's treachery, he would have held his tongue: but it was known to all on shore, and he told everything. "go now," said the father, "i am too busy to say more. you can stay on board; i will give orders for a fresh party to occupy the rock." syd thought his father might have forgotten the captain a little more at their encounter, and given him a word of praise; but he smothered his feelings, and joined his messmates in the gun-room, for the middies' quarters were horribly occupied just then by the doctors. he had stared aghast at the shattered aspect of the deck and rigging, and seen that the french frigate was no better, and then learned that which he was longing to hear. it was a simple matter; the gale they had felt on the rock had grown into a hurricane outside, and in the midst of it both the _sirius_ and her consort were cast ashore on one of the coral islands far out of the regular track of ships. there they had been ever since, till by clever scheming and indefatigable work, captain belton had got his frigate off, literally carving a little canal for her from where she lay to the open water. for his consort was a hopeless wreck, and he had the help of a second crew. as soon as they were clear, captain belton made sail for the rock again, to arrive only just in time. the wreck had given him one advantage, though: he had the crews of both frigates on board, and several extra guns which he had saved. it was nearly dark when the boat from the shore arrived with the wounded and the remnant of the brave defenders of the rock, and a warm welcome was accorded them; the two little middies, bolton and jenkins, who had nearly gone mad over syd, seeming to complete the process with roylance, who got away from them as soon as possible to draw sydney aside. "seen him?" he said, in a low tone. "whom--mr dallas? yes." "no, no; terry." "no; nor do i want to." "yes; go and see him, poor wretch." "if i do he'll accuse me of being the cause of all his trouble." "no, no; i've shaken hands with him." "shaken hands?" "why not? my father is a clergyman. i want to recollect something of what he taught me." "but with a man like that, even if he is wounded?" "but, poor fellow! he's dying." "what!" cried syd. "don't you know?" syd shook his head. he felt half suffocated. "in that last scuffle when we took back the battery, he was one of the fellows we drove over the side. i didn't know it then. no one did till he was picked up from where he crouched. the doctor has gone to him now." syd hurried away, and after a time was able to find his old messmate lying where he had been left by the surgeon, side by side with one of the many wounded who filled the lower decks. there was a lanthorn swinging overhead, and syd started as he saw the ghastly change in the young man's countenance. he could not think of enmity or treachery at such a moment as that, but went close up. "terry," he said, "i'm sorry it has come to this." the midshipman's face lit up, and he feebly raised his hand. "better so," he said, in a faint whisper. "good-bye." chapter forty six. they knew in the midshipman's little company that night how michael terry had died, and the frank-hearted lads joined in saying they were glad he had died from his fall, and not from a wound given by an english blade. and somehow, though it was known to all now, not a voice uttered a word about his treachery. the terrible fate that had overtaken him had come as a veil over all that. for the next few days, as they lay there to leeward of the rock, syd and roylance used to look up at the colours flying from the flagstaff, and feel something like regret that they were no longer living in the gap; but there was endless work to do. the captain had transferred his less fortunate brother officer and crew to the french frigate, and on board both vessels the knotting, splicing, and repairing that went on was enormous, while the carpenters and their mates had the busiest of times. one of the first things done after hospital tents had been rigged up in the gap, was for all the wounded to be transferred to the shore; the garrison was strengthened, provisions and stores landed, a surgeon put in charge, and the _sirius_ with the prize set sail for the nearest british possession to land their prisoners. in a week they were back off the rock, and after communications, sailed on for saint jacques; the french frigate, in spite of being minus one mast, making fair way under the jury spar set up, and, thanks to the vigorous efforts made in the way of repairs, in excellent fighting trim, and with her crew eager to make up in the end for the loss of their own ship. syd had been out of the naval engagement, but he was now to witness a bold attack made upon a fortified port--a successful attack, the batteries being pretty well demolished, and the force of sailors and marines that was landed carrying all before them, so that in one short day the british flag waved over the town of saint jacques, and the island of la haute became one of the possessions of the british crown. after refitting, the _sirius_ did good work in the western seas for two years before she was ordered home, where upon the captain landing at shoreport, it was known that he was promoted to the command of a line-of-battle ship, while sundry honours were ready for his officers, notably for mr dallas, who had long been well and strong. "yes, strake," said roylance, "promotion for every one but the poor midshipman." "wait a bit, sir, wait a bit," said the bronzed old fellow. "'tain't fault o' gover'ment, but fault o' natur'. soon as you and mr belton here grows big enough you'll be lufftenants, and then captains; and if that swab of a boy of mine minds his eye he'll be a bo'sun." "you'll lay up now, i suppose?" said roylance. "me, sir? me lay up?" cried the boatswain, indignantly. "not the man. no, sir, i hope to sail yet with young capen belton when the old capen's a admiral, as he's sure to be afore long." "seems a long time to wait for promotion," said syd. "awful, sir, to a young gent who has only been two years at sea. but-- whish, sir! look!" syd, who was leaning over the side with roylance, gazing at the town, started with pleasure, for in the stern-sheets of the barge, which was coming back from shore with the captain, who was returning to take leave of his officers before quitting the _sirius_ for good, was the grey-whiskered, florid face of admiral belton. he came on board, bowing to the salutes given him, and then looking round sharply, he exclaimed-- "now then, where's that doctor?" "here, uncle," cried syd, merrily. "why! well! hang the boy, i shouldn't have known you. you have grown! shake hands, you dog! i'm proud of you. i know all about it. i say," he said with a chuckle, "don't want to be a doctor now, eh?" "saving your honour's presence," growled a deep voice, "i dunno what we should ha' done if he hadn't been one." "hah! bo'sun, you there. glad to see you. do you follow my brother to his new ship?" "ay, ay, sir; please goodness, and mr belton here, too." "no," said captain belton, quietly. "my son is going for a cruise with commander dallas in the sloop-of-war to which he has been appointed." "then, saving your honour's presence, and thinking of you as the best captain i ever served, if it could be managed, i'd like to sail under mr dallas too, and i'll take my boy." "you shall, strake; and i'm very glad." so six months after sydney belton joined the sloop _ariel_, and this time saw active, service in the eastern seas. the end. the life of _the right honourable_ _horatio_ lord viscount nelson: baron nelson of the nile, and of burnham-thorpe and hilborough in the county of norfolk; knight of the most honourable military order of the bath; doctor of laws in the university of oxford; vice-admiral of the white squadron of his majesty's fleet; duke of bronte, in farther sicily; grand cross of the order of st. ferdinand and of merit; knight of the imperial order of the ottoman crescent; knight grand commander of the equestrian, secular, and capitular, order of st. joachim of westerburg; and honorary grandee of spain. by mr. harrison. in two volumes. vol. i. lord viscount nelson's transcendent and heroic services will, i am persuaded, exist for ever in the recollection of my people; and, while they tend to stimulate those who come after him, they will prove a lasting source of strength, security, and glory, to my dominions. _the king's answer to the city of london's address on the battle of trafalgar._ london: ======= printed, at the ranelagh press, by stanhope and tilling; for c. chapple, pall mall, and southampton row, russell square. . to the king; and his subjects, in every quarter of the globe, forming what is denominated the country; _these memoirs_ of _lord nelson's life_, which was so honourably devoted to, and so gloriously lost in, their service, are most humbly and respectfully dedicated, by james harrison. london, january , . * * * * * advertisement. never, perhaps, was a greater panegyric pronounced on any human being, than that which is comprised in the motto to this biographical account of admiral lord viscount nelson, delivered from the lips of the sovereign who had experienced his worth; and who, with a noble gratitude, deigned thus publicly to acknowledge, and record, the transcendent heroism of his lordship's meritorious services: heroism and services, the recollection of which, his majesty generously anticipates, must not only exist for ever in the memory of the people; but, by continually stimulating future heroes, prove a perpetual source of strength, security, and glory, even to the country itself. a reflection worthy of a king! inciting to heroism, by the consideration of a more enlarged motive than seems to have been heretofore sufficiently regarded; and thus entitling himself to participate the very praise he is so liberally bestowing. the expressive voice of gratitude is thus, sometimes, surprised by a similar unexpected but grateful echo; and the rays of royalty, beaming with their fullest lustre on a brilliant object, are in part reflected back to their source. the general history of the world, to almost every part of which the influence of lord nelson's services may be considered as having in some measure extended, must most assuredly preserve the remembrance of one of it's chiefest heroes; and the future historian of our own country, in particular, will not fail exultingly to dwell on each of his lordship's great and glorious victories, with all the animated and enegertic glow of conscious dignity and truth. still, however, we are desirous to know more of so exalted a character than any general history can with propriety supply. we wish to see him not only as a hero, but as the hero of a respectable historian; and are anxious, with a laudable zeal, for such minuteness of detail, in the developement of every circumstance, not only relative to his public and professional character, but even to his private and domestic transactions, as is to be alone expected from what may be denominated the more humble labours of the biographer: who, nevertheless, must not be permitted to boast much of extraordinary humility, if he pretends to combine, in a single picture, any tolerable portion of that sublime grandeur, and that delicate simplicity, which constitute the iliad and the odyssey of literature. to produce a work not altogether unworthy the hero whose life it records, is the utmost that his present biographer can reasonably hope to accomplish. even this, he freely confesses, he must have despaired of ever effecting, had he not been indulgently honoured by the kindest communications from some whose near affinity to the immortal nelson, is evidently more than nominal; who not only have the same blood flowing in their veins, but whose hearts possess a large portion of the same unbounded goodness, generosity, and honour: as well as from other dear and intimate friends, professional and private, who were united to his lordship by the closest ties of a tender reciprocal amity. encouraged by such generous aids, the author may be allowed to boast that he has, at least, a considerable store of novelties to offer: it will be for the public to judge, on perusing the work, how far he has succeeded in making a suitable arrangement of the excellent information acknowledged to have been thus bountifully and benignantly afforded him. particular acknowledgments will be seen in the preface, to such of the family and friends of lord nelson as may have generously assisted the researches of the author; the number of whom are likely, from obvious circumstances, to be considerably augmented during the progress of the work. it may seem scarcely necessary to add, that the preface, though always placed, as the very name imports, at the beginning of a book, is usually the last part printed. * * * * * preface. there are few works, the authors of which can possibly be permitted to recommend them as worthy of universal regard, without the imputation of intolerable vanity; an imputation little likely to be diminished by the consideration, that other writers, over whom a decided preference is claimed, may have previously occupied the same subject. a life of lord nelson, however, replete with original anecdotes, many of them from the mouths of his lordship's nearest and dearest relatives and friends, with whom the author has, for many months, been honoured with an almost constant communication; and abounding in a profusion of interesting letters, and extracts of letters, written by the hero himself, which have generously flowed in, from all quarters, to aid the biographer; he may surely, without the charge of presumption, these facts being self-evident on the slightest inspection, be allowed to assert, must necessarily be entitled to very general notice and esteem. so numerous, indeed, have been the invaluable documents kindly tendered to the author's acceptance, that he has not only been under the necessity of greatly enlarging his original design; but may, probably, at a future and no very distant period, feel encouraged to present those who have so indulgently expressed their approbation of his present labours, with a sort of supplementary work, not necessarily attached, but still more minutely illustrative of many circumstances which relate to the life and character of this greatest and best of heroes and of men. it is not without painful sensations, that the author feels compelled to notice the many dishonourable insinuations which have been promulged by bold speculators on public credulity: some of whom, by prematurely publishing, have already sufficiently evinced their want of genuine information; and others, after the most illiberal reflections on all contemporaries, have found it expedient entirely to abandon their own boasted performances, or to wait the completion of the very work which they have thus meanly and insidiously laboured to depreciate, before they could possibly advance. this biographical memoir, like the character of the immortal man whom it proudly aspires to commemorate, rests on no false claim. it offers not any meretricious attraction to the eye; it submits itself, wholly, to the understanding, and to the heart. should it fail considerably to gratify the one, and powerfully to interest the other, it will be in vain for the author to urge, however true, that he has exerted himself, with a due sense of the dignity of his subject, and of the difficulty of the task, to produce a work which, though it can never sufficiently honour the incomparable hero, should as little as possible disgrace the kind contributory aids, and the generous patronage, which he has had the distinguished favour to receive from so many estimable and illustrious personages. to add a list of names, might seem ostentatious; but, certainly, such a list would contain almost every great and virtuous character allied to his late lordship, in the bonds of affinity as well as of friendship. with most of these, it will ever constitute the chief pride and happiness of the author's life, that he is also permitted to boast a considerable degree of intimate friendship; and, in the delightful retreat of merton place, surrounded by all who were most dear to the heart of the hero, in consanguinity as well as amity, have many of those valuable anecdotes been obtained, with which the work is so abundantly enriched. prompted to this undertaking, by a strong sense of conviction, that our chief hero, when his character was clearly understood, would be found as eminently good as great, the biographer has fearlessly endeavoured freely to investigate transactions of the utmost delicacy in private life; and he is fully prepared to assert, and as far as possible to prove, that there seldom has existed any human being adorned by the practice of so many positive virtues, so little sullied by any actual vice, as that immortal man, the chief particulars of whose history will be found, the author may, at least, be permitted to maintain, most faithfully recorded in the work now confided, with all it's imperfections, to the just judgment of the world; a tribunal which seldom fails doing compleat justice, either sooner or later, to all the merits both of heroes and of authors, of men as well as of books. the life of _lord nelson_, duke of bronte, &c. * * * * * when we survey, with rapture, the state of an exalted hero, arrived at all the honours which it is possible for a human being to receive from the gratitude, the veneration, and the love, of his fellow-mortals; seen, as he then is, like a luminary of the first magnitude in the full blaze of meridian glory, we are generally too dazzled by the lustre we behold, to penetrate, or even to reflect on, the circuitous, the tedious, or the perplexed path, through which he may have been constrained to pass, in pursuit of the splendid destiny at length happily attained. in this sublime situation, we have lately beheld a british naval hero, who has scarcely ever been equalled, and certainly never surpassed. as a nation, we have been charmed with his brilliant refulgence; we have been cheared by his vivifying influence; and we lament the short duration of his splendor with a grief so general, that it appears to be without parallel in the history of any age or country. to trace the progress of this heroic and inestimable character, through the various vicissitudes of his eventful life, from it's commencement to it's close, with all the accuracy and minuteness which circumstances will admit; contemplating and comparing the several causes and effects which may have retarded or accelerated the progress of his public career, which may have blessed or embittered his private comforts; is the arduous task of the present biographer: who holds, with a trembling; hand, the pen that would presumptuously aspire to record, with suitable dignity, the history of one of the very greatest and most successful naval heroes that has ever yet astonished and adorned the world. lord nelson, duke of bronte--for he always, very properly, signed with both these titles, from the moment of obtaining them--was the offspring of parents on each side highly respectable. the family of the nelsons had been long resident in the county of norfolk: they possessed, for many years, and their posterity still possess, a small patrimony at hilborough, with the patronage of that rectory. the sucklings, likewise a norfolk family, of lofty alliances, have been resident at wooton nearly three centuries. on the th of may, in the year , the reverend edmund nelson, son of the then venerable rector of hilborough, and himself rector of burnham-thorpe, was married to catharine daughter of dr. maurice suckling, rector of basham in suffolk, as well as of wooton in norfolk, and a prebendary of westminster. by this union the nelson family gained the honour of being related to the noble families of walpole, cholmondeley, and townshend: miss suckling being the grand-daughter of sir charles turner, bart. of warham, in the county of norfolk, by mary, daughter of robert walpole, esq. of houghton, and sister to sir robert walpole, of wolterton, whose next sister, dorothy, was married to charles, second viscount townshend. the honour, however, so conferred, has since been abundantly recompenced to all these illustrious families, by a single nelson, the offspring of this very union; to whom, in their turn, they may now proudly boast their alliance, without any degradation of dignity. of these virtuous and most respectable parents, was horatio lord viscount nelson born, at the parsonage house of the rectory of burnham-thorpe, on michaelmas-day : a place which will be ever renowned for having given him birth; and a day of annual festivity, which every briton has now an additional motive to commemorate. he was their fifth son, and their sixth child: his eldest sister, mrs. bolton, the amiable lady of thomas bolton, esq. by whom she has a son and four daughters, being about three years older than her renowned brother. there had been a former son christened horatio, who only survived about twelve months; and another, named edmund, after the father, who also died in early infancy: both of whom are entombed in hilborough church. the name of horatio, or horace, which is thus once more destined to live for ever honoured, was doubtless adopted, and persisted in by mr. and mrs. nelson, as a compliment to the memory of their noble relative, the first lord walpole; brother of the highly celebrated sir robert walpole, afterwards first earl of orford. it was then little imagined, even by the boundless partiality of parental affection, looking forward to sanguine hopes of a powerful family patronage, that this infant could ever possibly live to eclipse all the glory of his most brilliant ancestors! the name of maurice, after dr. maurice suckling the grandfather, and his son captain maurice suckling, had been previously given to another son, born may , : who held a situation in the navy office, and died so recently as the year , three days after receiving news of the battle of copenhagen; leaving a widow, but no issue. had this last gentleman survived his illustrious brother, he would, of course, have succeeded to his lordship's titles; which now devolve, augmented by an earldom, on the reverend william nelson, rector of hilborough; the sole remaining brother of this numerous family, most of whom died in their minority. the earl, who was born april , , married, in november , sarah daughter of the reverend henry yonge, of great torrington in the county of devon--cousin to the right reverend philip yonge, late bishop of norwich--by whom he has issue, charlotte-mary, born september , ; and horatio, born october , , successor-apparent to the honours of his immortal uncle. of the whole eight sons, offspring of lord nelson's parents, it seems remarkable that only the present earl ever had any issue; while, of their three daughters, one died in her infancy, and the two who reached maturity, mrs. bolton and mrs. matcham, have both several children: mrs. bolton, as already noticed, having five now living; and mrs. matcham, her amiable younger sister, the lady of george matcham, esq. being the mother of no less than three sons and five daughters. we usually expect, that the life of a great character should commence with some early indication of his future excellence. this, being an apparent principle in nature, is probably just. that divine genius, of whatever description, which "_nascetur, non fit_;" is born with a man, and not possible to be made or acquired; must, necessarily, exist at his birth, whatever may be the period when, or the circumstance by which, the dormant spark is first awakened into action. parents, it is true, are in general great observers of infantine occurrences; and very apt to be presageful of wonderful results expected from trivial causes. few parents, however, are so blessed, as to have children who possess genius: of those who are, some silently treasure up their hopes, which may be buried with them in an untimely grave; some are too incessantly busied in the cares of providing for a numerous offspring, to be capable of indulging minute attentions to any particular infant; and some are altogether unconscious, or regardless, of the presence of genius, amidst the clearest manifestations of it's existence. to most other persons, but the parents, if we except a good old grandmother, or an artful or affectionate nurse, the actions and the sayings of a child seldom afford much interest; and the relation of them often gives rise to no inconsiderable degree of animosity. the parents of other children, and even the other children of the same parents, not unfrequently hear such praises with distaste and aversion; and, if they do not soon entirely forget them, it is, perhaps, only because their unextinguishable envy condemns them to preserve the remembrance of the circumstance by which it was originally excited. these, among various other causes, prevent our always becoming acquainted with the early occurrences which distinguish genius, even where they soonest appear: but, genius is not always apparent in early infancy; and, where it is, every hero does not, like hercules, find a serpent successfully to encounter in his cradle. of lord nelson's infancy, from whatever causes, scarcely any anecdote is now preserved. that which may, probably, be considered as the first, has often been related; but never, heretofore, in a manner sufficiently accurate and circumstantial. at the very early age of not more than five or six years, little horatio, being on a visit to his grandmother, at hilborough, who was remarkably fond of all her son's children, and herself a most exemplary character, had strolled out, with a boy some years older than himself, to ramble over the country in search of birds-nests. dinner-time, however, arriving, and her grandson not having returned, the old lady became so excessively alarmed, that messengers, both on horseback and on foot, were immediately dispatched, to discover the wanderer. the progress of the young adventurers had, it seems, been impeded by a brook, or piece of water, over which horatio could not pass; and, his companion having gone off and left him, he was found ruminating, very composedly, on the opposite bank. it is not ascertained, whether his companion had got across the water, or gone back again by the way they had approached it: whether the young hero was meditating how it might be passed; or too weary, or unwilling, to retread all his former steps. who shall pretend to say, that this child, thus sitting, in a state of abstraction, by the side of an impassable piece of water, might not first feel that ardent thirst of nautical knowledge excited, the gratification of which has since led to such glorious consequences! be this as it may--for even himself, if living, might not now be conscious of the fact--it is perfectly well remembered that, on his being brought into the presence of his grandmother, the old lady concluded her lecture respecting the propriety of children's rambling abroad without the permission of their friends, by saying--"i wonder, that fear did not drive you home."--"fear, grandmama," innocently replied the child, "i never saw fear; what is it?" perhaps, the frequent repetition of this anecdote, and the admiration which the sweet simplicity of the child's wonderful answer must naturally create in the bosom of every virtuous friend, had no small share in fixing his heroic character. he had never seen fear, he knew not what it was. what a reflection for an incipient hero, when he became capable of comprehending the full force of his own artless expression! if he ever lived to see fear, it was only in the enemies of his country; if to know it, it was only by name. there seems good reason to suppose, that his invincible spirit was visible at an early age, as well as his generally mild and amiable disposition. he was a prodigious favourite with his indulgent mother: who was herself a woman of considerable firmness and fortitude, though of a delicate habit, as well as of great meekness and piety: and, in one of the little customary strifes of brothers, the present earl being his antagonist, when requested, by some friends, who were alarmed at the noise, to interfere in behalf of the youngest, is well recollected to have replied, with the utmost composure, and a very visible satisfaction depicted on her expressive countenance--"let them alone, little horace will beat him; let horace alone!" the brother of mrs. nelson, captain maurice suckling, married to a sister of the present lord walpole, was a naval commander of very considerable skill and bravery: he frequently visited his sister; and was, also, particularly fond of horatio. he had, doubtless, heard the anecdote respecting fear; to which, in his own person, he felt himself as much a stranger as his little nephew: and, probably, was the first friend to hail and encourage the future hero. his sister, partial to the honourable profession of her brother, would naturally interpret every proof of her darling son's attachment to his uncle's person, his conversation, or even any of his professional habiliments, as well as each appearance of spirited resolution which he occasionally displayed, into an inclination, as well as fitness, for the service. she, like the holy mary, "kept all these things, and pondered them in her heart:" but, she lived not to behold the accomplishment of her cherished hopes! the principles of piety were carefully implanted in his infant mind, by the example, as well as precepts, of both parents; and, amidst all the tempestuous passions by which mankind is agitated during his progress through the various scenes of active life, these principles could never be eradicated from his bosom. the celebrated grammar-school at norwich, called the high school, of which a mr. symonds was then master, and which was afterwards superintended by the learned dr. parr, has the honour of having given him the first rudiments of a respectable education. how long he continued at norwich school is not now known, any more than the particular reason why he quitted it. from thence, however, he went to the grammar-school at north walsham; and was placed under the tuition of the reverend mr. jones, whose abilities are said to have then acquired much celebrity. it seems likely, that this removal might take place at the period of his mother's death, which happened on the th of december ; being about nine months after she was delivered of mrs. matcham, her eleventh and last child. the death of this excellent lady was a severe loss to her affectionate husband, and his infant family; who do not appear to have experienced any very substantial proofs of friendship from their illustrious relatives in general, after mrs. nelson's decease. it is, indeed, but too common for the affluent to neglect those of their humbler kindred who have a numerous offspring; as if marriage were a crime, and the fruits of virtuous love a reproach rather than a blessing. the reverend mr. nelson, however, was never in necessitous circumstances; and, as he felt no solicitude for any self-indulgences not always within his reach, he was enabled to effect the respectable establishment of all his children, without that assistance, or those attentions, which he might naturally have expected, and which it would certainly have been pleasing to receive. the good grandmother, at hilborough, however, did all in her power to promote the happiness and comfort of her son's children; and her kindness and affection supplied, as much as it can be supplied, the want of a mother. she was a fine old lady, and possessed uncommon wisdom, with extreme goodness of heart. her faculties were so lasting, that she could see to read the smallest print, and execute the finest needlework, till the close of her prolonged life, which extended to ninety-three years. captain suckling, too, seems to have formed one exception, at least, to the almost general indifference on the part of their maternal relations. he continued his occasional visits; and engaged, the first moment possible, to take horatio under his immediate protection. the child, in the mean time, was acquiring the advantages of a good education, at north walsham grammar-school; and it seems evident, from subsequent circumstances, that he must have been making considerable progress in learning, under mr. jones's able tuition, when he was suddenly withdrawn, at the tender age of only twelve years, from that respectable seminary, to commence his professional career on the perilous ocean. about the autumn of , when the aggressions of the spaniards, who had violently taken possession of the falkland islands, so far alarmed the country, that a naval armament was prepared to chastise this indignity, captain suckling, having obtained the command of the raisonnable, of sixty-four guns, one of the ships put into commission on the occasion, immediately ordered his nephew from school, and entered him as a midshipman. the youth, after being properly equipped for this situation, was sent to join the ship, then at sheerness. it should seem, however, that his uncle could not at that time be on board, or any person whatever who knew of his coming: for he has been repeatedly heard to say, by one of his oldest and most esteemed friends, that he paced the deck, after his arrival from greenwich, the whole remainder of the day, without being in the smallest degree noticed by any one; till, at length, the second day of his being on board, some person, as he expressed it, "kindly took compassion on him." it was then discovered, for the first time, that he was the captain's nephew, and appointed to serve on board as a midshipman. what a primary reception was this, for such a youth to experience! it did not, however, dispirit him; and he was, no doubt, now heartily greeted and encouraged, with the golden hopes always inspired, among young seamen, by the prospect of a spanish war. whatever might be the extent of these hopes, they were destined to be speedily dissipated. the spaniards very readily made such concessions as administration thought it expedient, at that juncture, to accept, respecting this business; mr. harris, his majesty's minister at madrid, who had been recalled on the st of december , was ordered to return thither on the th of january ; and, of course, all the ships which had been just commissioned for that service, were directed to be immediately laid up in ordinary, and paid off. this, on the whole, seemed no very auspicious commencement for the young hero. his father was in the condition of the country; he had incurred the expences of fitting out, for services which this compromise rendered unnecessary. peace, however, while it can be preserved with safety and honour, is always preferable to war; and initiation in an honourable profession, where so much depends on seniority, though it may not be immediately productive, is undoubtedly better than nothing. horatio, though discouraged, was not disgusted: on the contrary, he felt delighted with the profession of a sailor. under the eye of his respectable uncle, during the short time he had been on board, he became fully satisfied that, to form an accomplished seaman, would require no small degree of application, and no few years of experience. it was ever the opinion of the reverend mr. nelson, founded on an early and acute observation of his son's character, that horatio, in whatever station placed, would climb, if possible, to the very top of the tree: this sentiment seems to have swelled the bosom of the youth, at an age when few boys indulge any serious anticipatory reflection. with all that regarded nautical knowledge, he was studious to become thoroughly acquainted; and, being ardently desirous of making his first voyage, which was now impracticable in the navy, his uncle placed him under the care of mr. john rathbone, an excellent seaman, who then had the command of a west-indiaman belonging to the respectable house of hibbert, purrier, and horton. with this skilful and brave commander, who had formerly served under captain suckling, in the dreadnought, he now joyfully proceeded on his first expedition, by sailing to the west indies. the numerous and agreeable novelties continually presenting themselves to the view of the young adventurer, during this interesting voyage, could not fail to prove highly gratifying. he was beholding a new world, while he was gaining practical skill in a new profession: and, if the latter might be considered as a substitute for the school studies so lately quitted at north walsham; the former amply compensated the loss of those hours of vacation amusements, the enjoyment of which he might now recollect without any regret. the enervating influence of the torrid climes had no ill effect on his constitution; which was radically good, though partaking of his mother's slightness and delicacy: and he had been too virtuously educated, hastily to indulge that rash and dangerous intemperance which proves so often fatal to inconsiderate europeans, on their first visiting the west indies. with a considerable store of local and professional information, he returned to england about the middle of the year . it has been said that, at this period, his mind had acquired, without any apparent cause, an entire horror of the royal navy; that captain suckling, who beheld with anxiety the critical situation of his nephew, was soon convinced, by the sentiment he appeared to indulge in--"aft, the most honour; but forward, the better man!"--his too credulous nephew had acquired a bias utterly foreign to his real character; and that it was many weeks before all the firmness of the captain, assisted by his thorough knowledge of the human heart, could overcome these prejudices in his nephew, and reconcile him to the service on board a king's ship. admitting the truth of this relation, it would be natural to suppose that mr. rathbone, who was probably a worthy but disappointed man, had inspired the youth with his own aversions to serving in the royal navy, without a due consideration being made for the differences of their respective interests. this gentleman, with the utmost purity of design, might wish to prepare the nephew of his friend for mortifications and disappointments to be expected in the profession he had just embraced; it was not his fault, if pictures, which he perhaps feelingly and faithfully pourtrayed from the life, excited too much abhorrence in the mind of his young pupil. the sentiment of "aft, the most honour; but forward, the better man!" might come with no ill grace from the lips of mr. rathbone, but could never originate with a boy of thirteen. so far, the fact may be supported by some degree of probability, but it seems incapable of proof. in the family, no such circumstance appears to be remembered. it is well recollected--in some degree, to the contrary--that, on a slight intimation from his father, of a wish that he might entirely quit the sea-service, he resolutely declared, that if he were not again sent out, he would set off without any assistance. it may, however, be taken for granted, that he wished for more active employment in seamanship, than he could well expect to obtain, on board a man of war, in the capacity of a midshipman. the mode which his uncle is said to have adopted for what is called the recovery of the original bias of his nephew's mind, was to work on the ambition which, it is on all hands agreed, he in a supereminent degree possessed, to become a thorough seaman. captain suckling had recently been appointed to the command of the triumph, then lying at chatham; on board of which ship he placed his nephew, in july , immediately after the youth's return from the west indies, in his old situation on the quarter-deck: and, though he had, thus, the "aft" situation of "most honour," the uncle contrived that he should, at the same time, be permitted to enjoy all the advantages of the "forward," which might be supposed to form "the better man." this he judiciously effected, by permitting him to go in the cutter and decked long-boat attached to the commanding officer's ship at chatham: an indulgence which afforded him the highest satisfaction; while it tended so largely to promote his practical knowledge of navigation, that he is said to have soon actually become an excellent pilot for such vessels as sail from chatham to the tower of london, and down the swin channel to the north foreland. it was thus that this young seaman, by being continually engaged in the successful navigation of difficult passages, or dangerous coasts, habitually acquired that experimental reliance on his own skill, and that internal self-possession, which so essentially contribute to establish the dauntless intrepidity of a truly heroic mind. he felt a conviction of his growing powers, and panted for opportunities of bringing them to the proof. his present sphere of action, confined to a comparatively small spot, for the triumph never once went out to sea while he remained on board, made him languish for some new situation, better suited to his enterprising spirit; and it was not long before an occurrence took place, which seemed to promise the gratification of his most sanguine wish. about the beginning of february , the earl of sandwich, then first lord of the admiralty, in consequence of an application which had been made to him by the royal society, laid before the king a proposal for an expedition to try how far navigation might be practicable towards the north pole; which his majesty was pleased to direct should be immediately undertaken, with every encouragement that could countenance such an enterprise, and every assistance that could contribute to it's success. the racehorse and carcass bombs, being selected as the strongest, and therefore the properest, vessels to be employed in this voyage, were taken into dock, and fitted in the most complete manner for the service. the command of the former was given to captain constantine john phipps, afterwards lord mulgrave; and that of the latter, to captain skeffington lutwidge, now admiral of the white. the complement for each was fixed at ninety men; and the ordinary establishment departed from, by appointing an additional number of officers, the whole recommended by their respective captains, and entering effective men instead of the usual number of boys two masters of greenlandmen were employed as pilots for each ship; the racehorse was furnished with new chain-pumps on captain bentinck's improved plan; dr. irving's apparatus for distilling fresh water from the sea was adopted; mr. israel lyons was engaged, by the board of longitude, to embark in this voyage, for the purpose of making astronomical observations; the board also sent two watch machines for keeping the longitude by difference of time, one on mr. harrison's principles, the other by mr. arnold; and, in short, every possible arrangement was made effectually to decide the long-agitated question concerning the practicability of a north-east passage into the pacific ocean. the report of this scientific voyage, from which so much nautical knowledge could not fail to be derived by a youth thirsting for professional information, most powerfully attracted the enterprising spirit of young nelson; who resolved, if possible, to participate in it's advantages, without any apprehensions from the perils to which he must necessarily be exposed in it's pursuit. it may, indeed, be justly doubted, whether the hope of successfully encountering these very perils might not constitute one of its chief charms for his intrepid mind. notwithstanding, therefore, the implied interdiction of the admiralty, respecting the employment of boys on this hazardous voyage, he so powerfully pleaded with captain lutwidge to be appointed coxswain, and so fully satisfied him he was not unqualified for the task, that the worthy captain at length, kindly consented to receive him in this capacity; and, though the carcass, when fitted, being found too deep in the water to proceed to sea with safety, was constrained to put part of her guns on shore, and reduce her complement to eighty men, the young coxswain felt himself already too firmly fixed in his captain's favour to dread being one of the dismissed number. on the th of may , captain lutwidge, in the carcass, joined captain phipps, in the racehorse, at the nore: but, being delayed, by the easterly winds, till the th of june, his majesty's birth-day, at six o'clock that morning, both ships weighed; and captain lutwidge, having received his orders from captain phipps, they immediately sailed on the expedition. the journal of this important voyage, during which so much was seen and suffered, captain phipps published soon after his return, in a respectable quarto volume, which contains a large fund of scientifical and professional information. our young hero had recently felt the enervating effects of a burning sun, in the torrid regions of the west; he had now speedily to encounter the benumbing influence of a frozen atmosphere, in the torpid confines of the north. on the th of june, in the evening, land was first seen by the carcass: it was light enough to read on deck all night; and, the next day, some shetland boats came on board with fish. after proceeding along the coast of spitsbergen, and ranging between the land and the ice several days, at half past four, in the afternoon of the th of july, the ice setting very close, they ran between two pieces, and were suddenly stopped. the ice, indeed, now set so fast down, that they were soon fixed; and obliged to heave through, for two hours, with ice-anchors from each quarter, nor were they quite out of the ice till midnight. on the th, the carcass being becalmed very near moffen island, captain lutwidge took the opportunity of obtaining its exact extent, which he communicated to captain phipps. the master had been on shore for the purpose of this survey; and with him, doubtless, our young adventurer. they found the island to be nearly of a round form, about two miles in diameter; with a lake or large pond of water in the middle, all frozen over, except thirty or forty yards round the edge of it, which was water, with loose pieces of broken ice, and so shallow, that they walked through it, and went over on the solid ice. the ground between the sea and the pond was from half a cable's length to a quarter of a mile broad, and the whole island appeared covered with gravel and small stones, without the smallest verdure or vegetation of any kind. they met with only one piece of drift wood, about three fathom long, with a root on it, and as thick as the carcass's mizen mast; which had been thrown up over the high part of the land, and lay on the declivity towards the pond. they saw three bears; and a number of wild ducks, geese, and other sea fowls, with birds-nests all over the island. off this island, the survey of which must have afforded a high treat to horatio, one of the carcass's boats were attacked by a herd of sea-horses, as they are corruptly called by the sailors, from the russian name of morses, which were with difficulty driven away. these marine animals are the trichecus rosmarus of linnæus, and the arctic walrus of pennant and most other naturalists. on another occasion, two officers, in a boat belonging to the racehorse, having fired at and wounded one of these animals, it immediately dived, and brought up a number of others; which all joined in an attack on the boat, wresting an oar from one of the men, and were with difficulty prevented from staving or oversetting the boat: but a boat from the carcass, guided by the intrepid young coxswain, soon arrived, and effectually dispersed them. this was on the th of july, near what they called the low island; of which dr. irving, who went on the party to visit it, gives in substance the following account. on the shore were several large fir-trees lying sixteen or eighteen feet above the level of the sea: some of these trees were seventy feet long, and had been torn up by the roots; others cut down by the axe, and notched for twelve feet lengths. this timber was not in the least decayed, nor the strokes of the axe at all defaced. there were, likewise, some pipe-staves, and wood fashioned for use. the bench was formed of old timber, sand, and whale-bones. the island, which is flat, was found to be about seven miles long. it was formed chiefly of stones from eighteen to thirty inches over, many of them hexagons, and commodiously placed for walking on. the middle of the island was covered with moss, scurvy-grass, sorrel, and a few ranunculuses then in flower. two reindeer were feeding on the moss: one of these they killed, and found the venison to be fat and of high flavour. they saw a light grey fox; and a spotted white and black animal, somewhat larger than the weasel, with short ears, and a long tail. the island abounds with small snipes, similar to the english jack-snipe. the ducks were hatching their eggs, and many wild geese feeding by the water-side. from this pleasing scene, however, they found themselves, the next day, very differently situated. on the th of july, in the afternoon, they were among what are called the seven islands, and in the ice, with no appearance of any opening for the ships. between eleven and twelve at night, mr. crane, master of the racehorse, was dispatched by captain phipps, in the four-oared boat, to try if he could get through, and find an opening for the ship which might afford a prospect of getting farther; with directions, if he could reach the shore, to go up one of the mountains, in order to discover the state of the ice to the eastward and northward. captain lutwidge, who had employed a boat, conducted by his young coxswain for the same purpose, joined mr. crane on shore, and they proceeded to ascend a high mountain, from whence the prospect extended ten or twelve leagues to the east and north-east, over one continued plain of smooth ice, bounded only by the horizon. they also saw land stretching to the south-east, laid down in the dutch charts as islands: and now plainly discovered that the main body of ice, which the ships had traced from west to east, actually joined to these islands; and, from them, to what is called the north-east land. in returning to their ships, about seven in the morning, round which the ice had, in their absence, so completely got, that with their ice-anchors out they had moored alongside a field of it, they were frequently obliged to haul the boats, over ice which had closed since they went, to other openings. at nine o'clock, in the morning, the st, having a light breeze to the eastward, they cast off, and endeavoured to force through the ice; but, at noon, finding it too close to proceed, again moored to a field. in the afternoon they filled their casks with fresh water from the ice, which they found very pure and soft. the field of ice, to which both vessels were now moored, was found to be eight yards ten inches thick at one end, and seven yards eleven inches at the other. the ice closed fast, and was all round the ships; no opening to be any where seen, except a hole of about a mile and a half, where the ships lay fast to the ice, with ice-anchors. it being calm the greater part of the day, and the weather very fine, the ships companies amused themselves, almost the whole time, in playing on the ice. the pilots, however, finding themselves much farther than they had ever before penetrated, and reflecting on the advanced state of the season, seemed alarmed with apprehensions of being beset. on the st of august, the ice pressed in so fast, that there was now not the smallest opening. the two ships were within less than two lengths of each other, neither of them having room to turn. the ice, which had been all flat the day before, and almost level with the water's edge, was now in many places forced higher than the main-yard by the pieces squeezing together. their latitude this day at noon, by the double altitude, was eighty degrees thirty-seven minutes. on the d, it was thick, foggy, wet weather, the wind blowing fresh to the westward; but, though the ice immediately about the ships seemed rather looser than the day before, it hourly set in again so fast, that there appeared no probability of getting the ships out, without a strong east or north-east wind. on the d, the weather being very fine, clear, and calm, they perceived that the ships had been driven far to the eastward. the ice, however, was much closer than before; and the passage by which they had come in from the westward quite closed up, with no open water any where in sight. at five in the morning, the pilots having expressed a wish to get, if possible, farther out, the ships companies were set to work, that they might cut away the ice, and warp through the small openings to the westward. they found the ice so very deep, that they were often obliged to saw through pieces twelve feet thick; and, after toiling in this manner the whole day, with all their utmost efforts, had not been able to move the ship above three hundred yards to the westward, through the ice. they had, in the mean time, been driven, with the ice field itself to which they were fast, to the north-east and eastward, by the current; which had also forced the loose ice from the westward between the islands, where it became what the greenlandmen call packed, or one piece thrown up above another to a considerable height, and as firm as the main body. on the th, it was quite calm, till the evening; when they were flattered with a light air to the eastward, which produced no favourable effect. on the th, the probability of getting the ships out appearing every hour less, and the season being already far advanced, some speedy resolution became necessary for the preservation of the people. as the situation of the ships prevented them from seeing the state of the ice to the westward, by which, their future proceedings must be in a great measure determined, captain phipps sent mr. walden, one of his midshipmen, with two pilots, to an island twelve miles off, since distinguished, in the charts, by the name of walden's island, to see where the open water lay. on the th, in the morning, mr. walden and the two pilots returned; with an account that the ice, though close all about the ships, was open to the westward, round the point by which they had got in. they also remarked that, on the island, they had the wind very fresh to the eastward, though it had been almost calm the whole time where the ships lay. this circumstance considerably lessened the hopes, hitherto entertained, of the immediate effect of an easterly wind in clearing the bay. having now only one alternative; either patiently to wait the event of the weather on the ships, in hopes of getting them out, or to betake themselves to the boats. the ships had at this time driven into shoal water, having only fourteen fathom; and, should either the ships, or the ice to which they were fast, take the ground, they must be inevitably lost, and probably overset. the hopes of getting the ships out, however, were not hastily to be relinquished; nor, on the other hand, obstinately persisted in, till all other means of retreat were cut off. after a due consideration of the various difficulties which presented themselves in this perilous state, captain phipps thought it proper to send for the officers of both ships, and to inform them of his intention to prepare the boats for going away. they were, accordingly, hoisted out, and every precaution taken to make them secure and comfortable; which, however, would necessarily occupy some days. in the mean time, the water shoaling, and the ships driving fast towards the north-east rocks, a man was sent, with a lead and lines, from the racehorse, to the northward, and another, from the carcass, to the eastward, to sound, wherever they found cracks in the ice, that notice might be obtained before either the ships, or the ice to which they were fast, took the ground; as, in that case, they must, as before observed, instantly have been crushed or overset. on the th, in the morning, captain phipps set off in the launch, which hauled much easier than was expected. after getting it about two miles, he returned with the people for their dinner; and, finding the ice rather more open near the ships, he was encouraged to attempt moving them. the wind, though little, being easterly, they set the sails, and got both ships about a mile to the westward. they moved, indeed, very slowly; but were not, now, by a great deal, so far to the westward as where they were beset. in the mean time, all the sail was kept on them, that they might force through whenever the ice in the smallest degree slacked. though the people behaved very well in hauling the launches, and seemed reconciled to the idea of quitting the ships, having the fullest confidence in their officers; yet, as the boats could not, with the greatest diligence, be got to the water-side in less than a week, it was judiciously resolved to carry on both attempts together: moving the boats constantly, but without omitting any opportunity of getting the ships through. on the th, captain phipps got his launch above three miles; but the weather being foggy, and the people having worked hard, he returned on board in the evening, and found the ships had moved something through the ice, while the ice itself had drifted still more to the westward. on the th, in a thick morning fog, they moved the ships a little through some very small openings; and, in the afternoon, on it's clearing up, were agreeably surprised to find the ships had driven much more to the westward than they could have expected. thus encouraged, they laboured hard all day; but got very little to the westward, through the ice, in comparison to what the ice itself had drifted. having passed the launches, a number of men were sent to get them on board. though the people were much fatigued, the progress which the ships had made through the ice was a most favourable event; and, notwithstanding the drift of the ice was an advantage which might be as suddenly lost as it had been unexpectedly gained, by a change in the current, they began again to indulge hopes that a brisk gale of easterly wind might soon effectually clear them. on the th, the wind springing up, in the morning, to north north-east, they set all the sail they could, and forced through a great deal of very heavy ice. the ships, it is true, often struck excessively hard; and the racehorse, with one stroke, broke the shank of the best bower anchor; but, about noon, they had the unspeakable happiness to get through all the ice, and were safely out at sea. accordingly, on the th, they came to an anchor in the harbour of smeerenberg, where they were comfortably refreshed after their dreadful fatigues. the island where they lay is called amsterdam island, the westernmost point of which is hacluyt's headland. here the dutch once attempted to make an establishment, by leaving some people to winter, who all perished. the dutch, however, still resort thither for the latter season of the whale-fishery; and it afforded a very excellent retreat to our adventurers, who remained there till the th. after this, they made a few feeble attempts, but they were without hope of being able to penetrate farther. the summer had proved uncommonly favourable for the purpose; and, having enjoyed the fullest opportunity of repeatedly ascertaining the situation of that wall of ice which extends for more than twenty degrees, between the latitudes of eighty and eighty-one, without the smallest appearance of any opening, they were sufficiently satisfied of the impracticability of effecting any passage to the pacific ocean, and agreed on immediately returning to england. in steering to the southward, they soon found the weather grow more mild; or, rather, as captain phipps expresses it, to their feelings, warm. on the th of august, they perceived jupiter; and the sight of a star was now become almost as extraordinary a phenomenon to them, as the sun at midnight had appeared on their first getting within the arctic circle. for some part of their voyage back, the weather was very fine; but, from the th of september, when they were off shetland, till the th, when they made orfordness, they had hard gales of wind, with little intermission. in one of these violent gales, accompanied by a heavy sea, they lost three of their boats, and were obliged to throw two guns overboard. thus ended this famous voyage; happily, without the loss of a single person: and which was so far successful, at least, in accomplishing it's object, that it seems to have satisfactorily negatived the long-agitated question concerning the practicability of a north-east passage into the pacific ocean. perhaps, however, the increasing civilization of nations who are nearer neighbours, may awaken the spirit of enterprise in some hardy bosom, and conduct a new adventurer farther over the vast plains of ice descried from the mountains on this occasion, by means of sledges, &c. as well as boats, both properly prepared and furnished, than it has ever yet been penetrated, or is ever likely to be penetrated, by ships and their customary boats alone. not that any nearer approach to the pole, or even the discovery that it might be passed on solid ice, could ever facilitate, or render possible, the attainment of a way for navigating vessels through such insurmountable barriers of ice as nature has provided, at each pole, to sustain what may, perhaps, be denominated the two extremities of our globe. still it would be desirable, not only as an object of curiosity, but of science. those are much mistaken, who think there is nothing left for our posterity to discover. "whatever might be the decree of general satisfaction obtained from this voyage; which was so liberally fitted out by his majesty's command, and so ably conducted by those skilful and intrepid commanders, lord mulgrave and admiral lutwidge: to such individuals as had undertaken it for the attainment of nautical knowledge, scientific experience, or even the gratification of laudable curiosity, it had afforded a very considerable degree of profit and delight, to compensate the difficulties and perils so successfully surmounted; and, to the youthful nelson, whose aspiring mind was desirous of embracing the whole of these interesting objects, it proved a continued scene of pleasure. at the dreadful period when they were so long fast in the ice, he had earnestly solicited, and at length obtained, the command of a four-oared cutter, with twelve men, ingeniously constructed for the purpose of exploring channels, and breaking the ice: yet, while in this perilous situation, such was the irresistible force of the large bodies of floating ice, that several acres square were often seen lifted up between two much larger pieces, and becoming, as it were, one with them; and, afterwards, the piece, so formed, acting in the same manner on a second and third; which would probably have continued to be the effect, till the whole bay had been so filled with ice that the different pieces could have had no possible motion, had not the stream taken an unexpected turn, and providentially set the ice out of the bay. an anecdote is related, as a proof of that cool intrepidity which this young mariner possessed, even among scenes of such stupendous horror, which seems well worthy of being also exhibited as a fine picture of filial affection. during one of the clear nights common to these high northern latitudes, young nelson, notwithstanding the extreme severity of the cold, was missing from the ship. diligent search being immediately made after him in vain, he was given up for lost. as the rays of the rising sun, however, began to open the horizon, the adventurous youth was discovered, with astonishment, on the ice, at a considerable distance, anxiously pursuing a huge polar bear. he carried a musket in his hand; but, the lock being injured, the piece would not go off: he was, therefore, endeavouring to weary the animal, that he might be able to effect his purpose with the butt-end. captain lutwidge, who had been extremely uneasy during his absence, reprimanded him, on his return, for quitting the ship without leave; and asked, in a severe tone, what motive could possibly induce him to commit so rash an action? all the manliness of the hero now subsiding into the simplicity of the child--"i wished, sir," replied the ingenuous youth, "to get the skin for my father!" an answer which, doubtless, not only obtained him the pardon, but the praise, of captain lutwidge; and confirmed that ardent friendship which ever after subsisted between them. captain phipps, too, had seen enough of the young adventurer, during this voyage, to form a high opinion of his character; but he had, under his own more particular care, another youth of much promise, the present rear-admiral philip d'auvergne, prince of bouillon, who made several of the original drawings which were afterwards engraved and published in his celebrated journal of the voyage. though this young gentleman, who had been placed under captain phipps's protection by his noble patron, lord howe, possessed the advantage of having received instructions in the arts and sciences to which horatio was, at that time, almost a stranger, the latter had liberality enough not only to admire, but to applaud, the ingenuity which he witnessed in a youth four years older than himself. he was present when some of these sketches were taken, and viewed the process with delight and attention; particularly, that pleasing and accurate delineation of the celebrated iceberg in amsterdam island, opposite where the ships lay; which measured three hundred feet high, and out of which a cascade of water was then flowing. it may not be improper to mention, that these icebergs are large bodies of ice which fill the vallies between the lofty mountains; and present, towards the sea, an almost perpendicular face of a very lively light green colour. in these regions, it will readily be conceived, the numerous black mountains, white snow, and beautiful green of the ice, must form a very romantic and peculiar picture. large pieces frequently break off from these icebergs on the coast; and fall, with great noise, into the water: one such piece, which was observed to have floated out into the bay, grounded in fourteen fathom; yet was still fifty feet above the surface of the water, and preserved all the lustre of it's enchanting original colour. thus, amidst the dreariest scenes, has nature bounteously provided that there shall still be something to delight the eye; amidst the most imminent dangers, something to animate the heart. the pleasures and the perils of this voyage, however, were now equally at an end; but it's beneficial effects, and it's agreeable recollections, were never to be eradicated or effaced. in october , the racehorse and carcass were both paid off; and these friends and companions, fully sensible of each other's worth, separated with sentiments of a sincere mutual esteem. captain suckling, as usual, welcomed the young hero on his return; and had the satisfaction to learn, from captain lutwidge, as well as from captain phipps, that his nephew was in all respects worthy of every encouragement that could be bestowed on him. there wanted not, however, this stimulus, in the bosom of that worthy man, to excite his affectionate regards for the promising son of his deceased sister. with the honest and feeling heart of a true british naval commander, he ever acted as a parent to all her children. a squadron was, at this time, fitting out for the east indies, under the command of admiral sir edward hughes. horatio, delighted with the prospect of visiting regions so different from those which he had just quitted, and anxious to enjoy all the professional advantages derivable from so distant and interesting a voyage, earnestly solicited his esteemed uncle to obtain him a situation in one of the ships intended for this expedition. captain suckling, accordingly, procured him a birth under that gallant and able officer, captain farmer: who, since, in the year , so nobly but unfortunately perished in the flames of the quebec of thirty-two guns, which had accidentally taken fire, during it's engagement with la surveillante of forty guns, off ushant; which he refused to quit, though severely wounded, and was blown up with his ship, colours flying. with this excellent commander, in the sea-horse of twenty guns, did the adventurous and heroic youth sail to the east indies. he was, at first, stationed to watch in the fore-top; but captain farmer, who early discovered how very superior his abilities were to his age and appearance, soon placed him on the quarter-deck, and treated him with the most indulgent kindness. it may readily be supposed that, under such an officer, in the progress of a voyage to the east indies, and the subsequent visits of the sea-horse to almost every part of the east indies from bengal to bussorah, a youth of his talents must necessarily gain a large accession of nautical knowledge. though there happened not, on this occasion, to be any opportunity offer for evincing the heroism and bravery of his mind, sufficient instances presented themselves of his unusual proficiency in seamanship, and of his mild and amiable manners, to conciliate the esteem not only of all with whom he more immediately acted, either as superiors, equals, or inferiors, but to attract the notice, and fix the friendly regards, of the commander in chief. from sir edward hughes, he received many pleasing proofs of friendly attention, which he never forgot. he had, indeed, considerable claims to indulgence from his humane and generous superiors. the climate proved too powerfully relaxing for his delicate frame; and, braced as it had recently been, by the frozen atmosphere of the north, the sultry airs of these torrid regions were now rapidly undermining his constitution. alarmed for the danger of a youth thus distant from his friends, whose life was ever precious, even from his tenderest infancy, to all who had opportunities of once knowing the goodness of his heart, captain farmer and sir edward hughes united in recommending his return to england, as the only chance that remained for restoring him to health. captain james pigot, now admiral of the white, was at that time coming home with the dolphin of twenty guns. to this gentleman's care, horatio was particularly recommended by sir edward hughes; and such were the tender and humane attentions of the worthy commander, that he may be considered as having been greatly instrumental in the preservation of a life which has since proved so substantially beneficial to the country. such, indeed, were the salutary effects of admiral pigot's soothing kindness, and generous aids, added to the gradual change of air experienced on the passage to england, that his young charge arrived almost entirely restored to health, and again visited his beloved uncle. that worthy and gallant gentleman, who was now become comptroller of the navy, having succeeded sir hugh palliser in april , received him with his accustomed benignity. his tenderness was alarmed at the ravages which he beheld in his nephew's countenance; and he resolved that, if he could not instantly reinstate his vigour, he would at least endeavour to recruit his spirits by the choicest of all professional cordials, an immediate and merited promotion. on the th of september , the dolphin was paid off at woolwich; and, on the th of the same month, three days before his nephew completed his eighteenth year, he received, through the comptroller's influence, an order from sir james douglas, then commanding in chief at portsmouth, to act as lieutenant, in the worcester of sixty-four guns, under captain mark robinson. this meritorious officer, who afterwards distinguished himself in admiral keppel's memorable action of the th of july ; as well as in that of admiral greaves, off the chesapeak, the th of september , where he lost a leg; was then under sailing orders for gibraltar, with a convoy. he had too much merit of his own, not soon to discover it in another; and was so well satisfied with his young officer, as to place the utmost confidence in his skill and prudence. under this able commander, he remained at sea, with various convoys, till the d of april ; and admiral robinson--for this worthy man was, in consequence of his misfortune, placed on the list of superannuated rear-admirals--has often been heard to remark, that he felt equally easy, during the night, when it was young nelson's turn to watch, as when the oldest officer on board had charge of the ship. these flattering testimonials to the merits of his nephew, which never failed to be obtained from every commander under whom he had yet served, could not but prove highly gratifying to an uncle in whose estimation he had always been held so dear: who had first nurtured him for the profession; and who, as soon as he could wield a sword, had presented him with an honourable and well-tried one of his own, which he charged him never to relinquish but with life. the pleasure thus received by his delighted uncle, was constantly communicated to the venerable and worthy pastor of burnham-thorpe: and the anxieties of the father, for the perils to which his son must necessarily be exposed, were calmed by that pious resignation to the will of heaven, in every situation of duty, with which he had early endeavoured to fortify the hearts of all his offspring; and which taught himself to hope, that perseverance in good would always be likely to receive the highest degree of requisite protection and safety. nor did he fail, to correspond with his son, at every convenient opportunity; and to inculcate, in writing, those pious and paternal precepts which had so often flowed from his venerable and revered lips. on the th of april , within a single week of quitting the worcester, this youth, who had not yet completed the nineteenth year of his age, passed his professional examination for a lieutenancy; and, on the day following, received his commission as second lieutenant of the lowestoffe of thirty-two guns, commanded by captain william locker, since lieutenant-governor of greenwich hospital, in which situation he died on the th of december . this ship, in consequence of the dispute with the american colonists, who had, on the th of july , declared themselves free and independent states, under the name of the thirteen united provinces, and which terminated in their separation from the mother-country, was ordered to the west indies; there to remain, as one of the squadron under the good and gallant admiral gayton: an old officer of such distinguished activity and success, that his cruizers captured, while he commanded on the jamaica station, no less than two hundred and thirty-five american vessels. the worthy comptroller of the navy having thus secured rank, and a prospect of active employ, for his meritorious nephew, they parted with most affectionate adieus, and in the fullest hopes of again meeting. this, however, was not to happen: they never more beheld each other! his uncle was elected member of parliament for portsmouth, in : and died, in the month of july, that year; leaving a handsome legacy to his nephew, as well as to all the rest of his sister's children. captain locker, who was a very friendly man, as well as an intelligent and skilful commander, became greatly attached to his young lieutenant, and very liberal of scientific and professional instruction. the youth had been powerfully recommended; and, as usual, he recommended himself still more powerfully. on his voyage to jamaica, therefore, where he had before sailed, in a merchantman, with his early friend mr. rathbone, he was now a second time receiving nautical instruction; nor did he at present feel inclined to cherish, whatever he might formerly have done, the smallest dread of any professional disappointments in the naval service of his country. he had been fortunate in patronage; and he had also been fortunate enough, through the circumspection of his excellent uncle, to have been constantly placed under none but skilful, brave, and worthy commanders. shortly after the lowestoffe's arrival at jamaica, a circumstance took place, during a cruize off the island, which affords a striking proof of that inherent firmness of character, and cool presence of mind, for which this heroic youth was always remarkable. in a strong gale of wind, and a heavy sea, an american letter of marque was discovered by captain locker; which, after a short chace, finding it could not escape, struck it's flag to the lowestoffe. the captain, accordingly, ordered his first-lieutenant to board and take possession of the captured vessel; but, owing to the tremendous sea which was then running, he found himself unable, though a very brave man, to approach sufficiently near, with the boat, to get on board the prize, and had the extreme mortification of being obliged to go back without effecting his purpose. on his return to the lowestoffe, captain locker, who was not a little chagrined at the disappointment, hastily exclaimed--"have i, then, no officer who can board the prize?" the master, at hearing these words, instantly ran to the gangway, that he might jump into the boat; but the intrepid second-lieutenant, who had been full as attentive and alert as himself, suddenly stopped him--"it is my turn, now," cried young nelson; "if i come back, too, it will be your's." he then leaped into the boat; and, from his superior expertness in managing it, soon contrived to get on board, and take possession of his first prize. this, though no real disgrace to the first-lieutenant, was certainly a very high honour to such a strippling as the second; who owed his success, on the present occasion, as he did at many future periods, to the practical knowledge of seamanship which he had always, from his first entering on the service, been sagaciously solicitous to acquire. he seems to have been early of opinion, that a commander who is not capable of being a master, in every sense of the word, must always, necessarily, have a master, in it's worst sense, on board his own ship. this maxim is earnestly recommended to every british youth who enters into the naval service of his country. captain locker was quite charmed with his young lieutenant, and heartily congratulated him on the event. he assured him of his constant friendship; and encouraged him always to ask any indulgence which it might be in his power to grant. the lowestoffe, from it's situation with the fleet, had at this time but small scope for active service, lieutenant nelson, therefore, ever anxious for professional employ, and ever thirsting for enlarged improvement in experimental seamanship, requested that captain locker would favour him with the command of the schooner which was attached as a tender to the frigate. this being readily complied with, he immediately proceeded, in that small vessel, to render himself a complete pilot for all the intricate passages of those islands, which are situated to the northward of st. domingo, or hispaniola, and known by the general appellation of the keys; and soon became as familiarly acquainted with the navigation of them, as he had long been with that of the british channel. on the d of march , sir peter parker, who had, on the preceding th of january, been promoted to the rank of rear-admiral of the white, arrived at port royal, in the bristol of fifty guns; having been appointed to succeed the brave old admiral gayton, as commander in chief on the jamaica station, who was desirous of retiring to england. he, accordingly, sailed; and, attended by his usual good fortune to the last, added another american capture, of considerable value, on his passage; making, in all, two hundred and thirty-six prizes. the character which lieutenant nelson had acquired, occasioned him soon to be taken notice of by sir peter parker; who immediately appointed him third-lieutenant of his own flag-ship, the bristol. the pleasing manners of lieutenant nelson, added to his manifest spirit and talents, so perfectly gained the esteem of the commander in chief, as well as of his amiable and excellent lady, to whom he had been kindly introduced on shore, that he was promoted, in the course of a very few months, by the regular gradations, to be first-lieutenant, and even enabled to conclude his services in that rank. on the th of december, in this very year, he was appointed, by sir peter parker, commander of the badger brig; in which he was, shortly after, ordered to protect the musquito shore, and the bay of honduras, from the depredations of american privateers. so ably did he acquit himself in the discharge of this duty, and so greatly had he endeared himself to the settlers during the short time he was among them, that they unanimously voted him their thanks for his services, and sensibly expressed their regrets at the necessity of his quitting the station. while he commanded the badger, being at anchor in montego bay, jamaica, his majesty's ship the glasgow, of twenty guns, captain thomas lloyd, came into the bay. at six o'clock in the evening, about two hours and a half after it's arrival, the steward going down into the after-hold, with a lighted candle in his hand, for the purpose of clandestinely drawing some rum, carelessly set fire to the whole; and, notwithstanding every effort was immediately made by captain lloyd, his officers, and crew, the ship was entirely consumed. no sooner, however, did the humane and generous commander of the badger perceive the nature of the disaster, than he hastened to the dreadful scene; and, by his unceasing exertions, and astonishing presence of mind, the crew were saved from the flames. at his suggestion, the powder was instantly ordered to be thrown overboard; a measure to which all the other ships in the harbour, and even the town itself, probably owed their preservation. the inhabitants, indeed, were thrown into great confusion on the occasion: for the ship's broadside lay towards the town, and all the guns were loaded; so that they went off as the fire approached them, and damaged several houses, but happily did no other execution. the only life lost, by this dreadful accident, was that of the master; who had been snatched out of the flames, miserably scorched, and died next morning on board the badger. from the smallness of this vessel, it had no place to shelter such a number of men; and the constant rains experienced while sailing for port royal, greatly affected the health of the ship's company, who fell sick very fast: but, at length all the sufferers were landed in safety. the judgment and humanity manifested on this trying occasion, exhibited the heroic commander of this little brig in a new and amiable light. they obtained him the gratitude of every one belonging to the unfortunate ship, and the praise and admiration of all to whom the affair was related. in the mean time, his friend, captain locker, of the lowestoffe, who had been suffering ill health, from the climate, almost ever since his arrival, found it necessary, for the preservation of his existence, to quit that ship, arid return to england, about the middle of the year . it was soon after this period, that sir peter parker, who was in february advanced to be vice-admiral of the blue, detached a small squadron, among which was the lowestoffe, then commanded by captain charles parker, for the purpose of intercepting some spanish register-ships, in the bay of dulce. the british squadron, under the honourable captain john luttrell, found that these register-ships had taken shelter under the strong fortress of st. fernando de omoa, which is situated on the south side of the bay of honduras, and on the gulph of dulce: but, fortunately falling in with the porcupine sloop, captain pakenham, which had a short time before been sent to co-operate with a small detachment of troops under the command of captain dalrymple, dispatched by the governor of jamaica, to drive away the spaniards from infesting the baymen on the musquito and bay of honduras shores, which service they had completely effected, it was judiciously agreed, between the naval and military commanders, to unite their forces, and proceed immediately to the attack of fort omoa, accordingly, on the th of october, they stormed and carried the fort: taking, and carrying away, the register-ships, on board of which were about three millions of piastres; as well as two hundred and fifty quintals of quicksilver, found on shore in the fortress. from the advantages of participating in this brilliant enterprise, captain locker had been thus deprived by want of health; and his second lieutenant, singular as it may seem, by an excess of patronage. while these transactions were taking place, however, captain nelson had, on the th of june , obtained his post-rank, through the same generous influence as withdrew him from the now fortunate lowestoffe. he had, therefore, neither reason nor inclination to complain, for he had not yet completed his twenty-first year. in the bloom and vigour of youth, with an age of experience in the service, acquired within nine years, he was well qualified for the situation to which he had been thus liberally promoted. the possession of fort omoa continued little more than a month. a considerable body of spaniards invested it, on the th of november; and the garrison and crew of the porcupine, left for it's protection, were so reduced by a pestilential disorder which raged among them, that they were constrained to evacuate the fort, after spiking the guns and embarking the ammunition and stores. the first ship to which captain nelson was appointed, after his advancement to post rank, was the hinchinbroke. soon after which, in july , the report of an intended expedition against jamaica, by count d'estaigne, with a fleet of one hundred and twenty-five sail, men of war and transports; and having, as it was said, twenty-five thousand troops ready to embark, at the cape; occasioned every exertion to be used for the defence of the island: and, such was the general confidence in the skill and bravery of captain nelson, that both the admiral and the governor agreed to entrust him with the command of the battery of fort charles, considered as one of the most important posts in jamaica. this threatened invasion, however, was never attempted: and, in the month of january , an expedition began to be prepared, from jamaica, against the spanish territories in america. of this important undertaking, in which captain nelson bore so distinguished a part, a most interesting account has been given by dr. moseley, physician to chelsea hospital, in his celebrated treatise on tropical diseases, on military operations, and on the climate of the west indies. this gentleman was then surgeon-general of the island of jamaica; and, from his intimacy with captain nelson, had every opportunity of knowing all such particulars as did not come under his own immediate observation. it's uncommon excellence, notwithstanding it's extreme length as an extract, will prevent it's seeming tedious. "this expedition," says dr. moseley, "was directed by general dalling, at that time governor of jamaica. the plan, wherever it originated, was judiciously designed; and highly approved by lord george germaine, then secretary of state for the american department. "the intent was, to cut off the communication of the spaniards, between their northern and southern american dominions, by el rio san juan--or, the river st. john, as it is called by us--and the lake nicaragua; from the interior boundary of which, to the south sea, is only four or five leagues, through a level country. thus, a connection from the northern to the southern sea, was to have been kept up by us; a chain of posts established; and a communication opened, and protected, with an extensive coast, and all the richest, provinces of south america. "every person acquainted with the geography of the spanish territories, of the defenceless state of this approach to them, and of the insurrections that had then actually taken place in santa fé, popayan, and many parts of peru, formed the most sanguine expectations. happy was every man who had hopes of bearing any part in the enterprise. enthusiasm was never carried to greater height, than by those who had promised to themselves the glory of shaking spain to her foundation. the colours of england were, in their imagination, already even on the walls of lima. "and so, indeed, they might have been, had general dalling met with no obstacles in arranging the business in jamaica: and, had there been no delay in sending out the force from england; which did not arrive till august, when it ought to have been on the spanish main in january. "the obstacles experienced by general dalling, were many; and, from various causes. "a long continued martial law, and military preparations against a threatened invasion by the french, had almost exhausted the island of military stores and provisions. there was but little of either, excepting in the king's ordnance and victualling magazines. over these the admiral claimed an exclusive command and controul, and exercised his authority. "this embarrassment, not to be viewed without regret, was however in a great measure surmounted, by the powerful resources, and spirited exertions, of a worthy and disinterested individual, hercules ross, esq. a merchant of kingston, who enabled the general to carry his government's orders into execution. "misunderstandings, opposition, and delays, the ruin of many military operations, were the origin of the failure of this. but even these perplexities and disappointments, great as they were, would not have defeated the expedition; or, at least, the spaniards might have been saddled with the expence of it; if we could only have made a lodgment on the lake, to have kept open the river: which might have been done, had the first detachment that general dalling sent taken san juan castle in two hours, instead of sitting down formally before it for eleven days. "the first detachment, consisting of about two hundred men, from the sixtieth and seventy-ninth regiments; one hundred of the loyal irish corps; and two hundred jamaica volunteers; left jamaica, under the convoy of the hinchinbroke, on the d of february ; and directed their course to the musquito shore, to take with them some of the musquito indians, who were waiting for their arrival. "on the th of february, they arrived at cape gratias à dios; disembarked, and encamped about a mile from the sea, on wank's savanna; an unhealthful situation. "here they were joined by a party of men from the seventy-ninth regiment, from black river. "on the th of march, the troops re-embarked, and took their departure from cape gratias à dios; and anchored at several places on the musquito shore, to take up our allies, the indians, who were to furnish proper boats for the service of the river, and to proceed with them on the expedition: and, on the th of march, they arrived at the river san juan. "san juan river is the northern branch, or mouth of lake nicaragua; and is situated in north latitude twelve degrees, west longitude eighty-three degrees forty-five minutes. "the heat of the climate must necessarily be excessive; and this is augmented, in the course of the river, by high woods, without sufficient intervals, in many places, to admit of being refreshed by the winds. "the river has, in it's course, many noisome marshes on it's sides; and the trees are so thick, as to intercept the rays of the sun: consequently, the earth beneath their branches is covered with rotten leaves and putrid vegetables. hence arise copious collections of foul vapours, which clog the atmosphere. these unite with large clouds, and precipitate in rains. the rains are no sooner over, than the sun breaks forth, and shines with scorching heat. the surface of the ground, in places not covered with trees, is scarcely dry, before the atmosphere is again loaded by another collection of clouds and exhalations, and the sun is again concealed. "in the rainy seasons of the year, months successively pass away in this sort of vicissitudes, without the least diminution of heat; excepting at nights, when the air is poisoned by noxious chilling dews. but, sometimes, during the periodical rains, which begin about the middle of april, and with uncertain intervals of dry weather end late in november, the torrents of water that fall, for weeks together, are prodigious, which give the river a tremendous aspect; and, from their suddenness and impetuosity, cannot be imagined, by a european, to portend any thing but a deluge. this bursting of the waters above, and the raging of the river below, with the blackness of the nights, accompanied with horrid tempests of lightning and thunder, constitute a magnificent scene of terror unknown but in the tropic world. "of the little army destined for the san juan expedition after some delay at the mouth of the river, two hundred regulars, with ammunition and stores; proceeded up the river with the indians, in their several crafts. it being now near the end of the dry season, the river contained very little water, and the shoals and sandy beaches rendered the passage difficult. the men were frequently obliged to quit their boats, and unite their strength in the water, to get them through some shallow channels. this labour continued for several days after they left the mouth of the river, till they arrived in deeper water; then, they made a quicker progress. however, they met with many obstacles, by currents, and occasional rapids or falls; which would have been insurmountable, but for the skill of the indians in managing the boats on those occasions. "on the th of april, this advanced party arrived at a little island up the river, called st. bartholomew; which they took, after receiving a few shot from the enemy, by which two men were wounded. "this island is situated about sixteen miles below san juan castle; and was occupied by the spaniards as a look-out, and defended by sixteen or eighteen men, in a small semicircular battery of nine or ten swivels. it was necessary for our purposes, as it commands the navigation of the river in a rapid and difficult part of it. "on the th of april, the troops arrived before the castle of san juan; and, on the th, the siege commenced. the ammunition and stores were landed two or three miles below the castle; and transported through the back woods, to the place where the attack began. san juan castle is situated sixty-nine miles up the river, from the mouth, and thirty-two from the lake of nicaragua; and, is a navigation of nine days: but, for loaded boats, much longer, from the harbour up to it. the return from it, down by the current, is made in a day and a half. "on the th of april, the castle surrendered. during the siege, two or three more were killed, and nine or ten wounded. "from the unfortunate delay before the castle, which surrendered when it was summoned, the season for the spring periodical rains, with their concomitant diseases, was now advanced: and the little army had lost the opportunity of pushing rapidly on, out of those horrid woods--where there are a multitude of antelopes, monkeys, parrots, vipers, and deadly venomous serpents--by which they were environed, to the dry, pleasant, and healthful plains, and agreeable towns, of grenada and leon, near the lake, in the province of nicaragua; which, from it's salubrity and situation, is justly termed, by the spaniards, mahomet's paradise: and where they might have maintained themselves, with the reinforcement which followed them from jamaica on the th of april, till a road for carriages might have been made from blue fields harbour to the lake, and the season would have permitted farther reinforcement, for the completion of a glorious enterprise; as the natives of the country were ready to revolt, and only waited for a prospect of success. but here they were shut up in the castle, as soon as they were in possession of it. the troops and indians were attacked with fluxes, and intermittents, and in want of almost every necessary: for the river was become so swoln and rapid by the rains, that the harbour where the provisions and stores were was tedious, and almost impracticable. here the troops, deserted by those indians who had not already perished, languished in extreme misery, and gradually mouldered away; till there was not sufficient strength alive to attend the sick, nor even to bury the dead. "thus reduced, in the month of september, they were obliged to abandon their flattering conquest, and return to the harbour: leaving a few men behind, who were the most likely to live, to keep possession of the castle, if possible, till farther orders should be received from jamaica. "the spaniards re-took the castle, as soon as the season permitted; and, with it, those who had not strength enough to make their escape. "the crews of the vessels and transports that convoyed and carried the troops, suffered considerably by diseases which the season produced, while lying on the coast, and a thousand seamen lost their lives. "of about eighteen hundred people who were sent to different posts, at different embarkations, to connect and form the various dependencies of this expedition, few of the europeans retained their health above sixteen days, and not more than three hundred and eighty ever returned; and those, chiefly, in a miserable condition. it was otherwise with the negroes who were employed on this occasion. few of them were ill; and the remainder returned to jamaica in as good health as they went from it. "the survivors of the party, after they left san juan castle, embarked for blue fields, an english settlement about sixty miles to the north of san juan river, where most of them died. "the climate of san juan was not more destructive to the human frame, than the harbour was to the ships: and, for the benefit of future naval operations, i think it is important to mention, here, that there is an absolute necessity for having every vessel employed on that coast copper-bottomed; especially, when there is a probability of detention: for, in our expedition, the bottoms of the ships, not being coppered, which went with the first equipment from jamaica, were in a short time so entirely eaten by the worms, as to become useless; and, had not fresh ships been dispatched from jamaica, the remains of the troops must have perished there, for want of transports to bring them away. "lord nelson, duke of bronte, then captain nelson, was the person who commanded the hinchinbroke man of war, the convoy of the expedition. on his authority i state, that the fever which destroyed the crews of the different vessels, invariably attacked them from about twenty to thirty days after their arrival in the harbour: that, in his own ship, of two hundred men, eighty-seven were seized, and confined to their beds, in one night; that one hundred and forty-five were buried there; and, that not more than ten survived the expedition! "in mentioning this illustrious character," adds dr. moseley, "to whose skill and valour the british empire is so much indebted, i cannot conceal, that i have great pleasure in recording, that it was on our san juan expedition he commenced his career of glory. "his capacious mind gave, on this dangerous and dreadful service, an early specimen of those splendid elements, which have since decorated, with never-fading laurels, the english naval military fame; with deeds unparalleled in history, with atchievements beyond the hope of envy. "when the unfortunate contentions alluded to had diffused their pernicious effects, slackened the ardour for the public-service, and destroyed the success of the expedition by anticipation, he did not suffer any narrow party spirit to influence his conduct he was as zealous as intrepid. "his country's honour, was his party! a brilliant example to all military men. he did more than what he might, if he chose, have considered as his duty. where any thing was to be done, he saw no difficulties. "not contented with having carried the armament safe to the harbour of san juan, he accompanied and assisted the troops in all their difficulties, and remained with them till the castle surrendered. "he was the first on shore, at the attack of st. bartholomew, followed by a few brave seamen and soldiers, in the face of a severe fire. the undauntedness of the act frightened the spaniards; who, from the nature of the ground, might have put him and his party to death: but they ran away, and abandoned the battery. "by his example and perseverance, the indians and seamen were encouraged through their toil, in forcing the boats, against the current, up the river: otherwise, not a man would have seen san juan castle. when they arrived at the castle--as prompt in thought, as bold in action--he advised the carrying it, instantly, by assault. that his advice was not followed, this recital is a lamentable testimony!" such is the grand outline of dr. moseley's history of this unfortunate expedition; in the miscarriage of which, it must not be dissembled that, among other causes, colonel polson appears in some degree inculpated. it cannot, therefore, be improper to add, at least, the account which the colonel himself officially transmitted to governor dalling, the day after the surrender of fort juan; and which, on the th of july , appeared in the london gazette. his liberal praises of captain nelson, the first ever conveyed to the public, or possibly to government, would alone render it sufficiently interesting. "when i reached cape gratias à dios, there was not an indian to be seen: some villains, there, having taken pains to persuade them, that the english army had come merely with an intent of enslaving them, and sending them to jamaica. it was, therefore, some time, before any of them ventured to come in. i took the opportunity of sending them small presents, by one of their people who had ventured down to observe our motions. he, being acquainted with mr. campbell, was undeceived by him, and brought to me; which had the desired effect, as most of the tribes came in very soon after. "your excellency's letter of the th of march, i received the th, just as i entered the river st. john. i shall ever retain a grateful sense of the sentiments you was therein pleased to express for me: and i am sorry that the many delays i met at the cape, and other places between that and the harbour of st. john, from the want of craft, and the backwardness of the indians in coming out, prevented my operations keeping pace with your excellency's expectations. i, however, hope you will do me the justice to believe, that no time was lost, which could possibly be saved, situated as i was. it was the d of march, before any black river crafts arrived, and they were the only ones then provided. it is true, the indian governor promised a great many: but, when i came to his country, there was not a single one ready; and i got them, at last, with very great difficulty. the superintendant was entirely deceived by the indians, in the number of crafts and men; and still more so, in point of time. "captain nelson, then of the hinchinbroke, came up with thirty-four seamen, a serjeant, and twelve marines. i want words to express the obligations i owe that gentleman. he was the first, on every service, whether by day or by night. there was scarcely a gun fired, but was pointed by him, or captain despard, chief engineer, who has exerted himself on every occasion. i am persuaded, if our shot had held out, we should have had the fort a week sooner. as captain nelson goes to jamaica, he can inform you of every delay, and point of service, as well as i could; for, he knows my very thoughts. "the bearer, lieutenant mounsey, can inform your excellency of many things that may escape my memory. he is a very good officer, and commanded the party i sent to reconnoitre the look-out: and began the attack of it, in concert with captain despard and captain nelson; who, with his seamen, volunteered that duty." it is easy to perceive, at this early period, the singular heroism of captain nelson's character; as well in the slight but forcible delineation, sketched on the instant by colonel polson, as in the more leisurely and finished picture of dr. moseley's masterly composition. in both, we behold him seeking every opportunity to assist the enterprise, with the most magnanimous zeal, and the soundest discretion. without his vigorous and skilful exertions, indeed, as dr. moseley remarks, it is more than probable that not a man among them would ever have reached san juan castle. it was at the period while this brave and good man was thus honourably and actively engaged, that a circumstance occurred, which seems to indicate that he must have been under the peculiar protection of providence. having, one night, as was usual with him, while proceeding by land to the scene of action, had his cot slung between two trees, he slept very soundly till the morning; when he was early awakened, and not a little startled, by a lizard's passing over his face. he now suddenly arose; and, on hastily turning down the bed-cloaths, a large snake was discovered lying at his feet, without having offered him the smallest injury, though it was of a well known venomous species. the surrounding indians, who beheld this singular spectacle with astonishment--like the barbarians of melita, when the apostle paul shook off the viper--began to consider him as a sort of divinity, and determined to follow him wherever he went. they now, in fact, eagerly flocked after him, in crowds, with the idea that no harm could possibly come to them while they were in his presence. this occurrence, therefore, independent of it's extreme singularity, had an effect very favourable to the purposes of the expedition. though, however. captain nelson providentially escaped not only the venom of the snake, but the pestilential catastrophe which afterwards befel almost every individual of his unfortunate ship's company, as well as the land forces with whom he entered fort juan; he was, nevertheless, in a few days, violently seized with the contagion: and, fatigued and disappointed as he had been, in the attainment of what now manifestly appeared to him of little or no consequence, for even the treasure of the castle had been removed before it's surrender, he was sinking fast to the grave; with scarcely a hope, or even a wish, to survive the brave fellows who were every day falling around him. while he lay in this deplorable state, the reinforcement of troops which had immediately been sent from jamaica, on the first news of the surrender of fort juan, brought intelligence that captain bonnovier glover, the commander of the janus of forty-four guns, died on the st of march, and that sir peter parker had appointed captain nelson to succeed him. this kind promotion, he has been often heard to say, certainly saved his life. he immediately sailed to jamaica, on board the victor sloop, that he might take possession of the janus; and hope, that never entirely abandoned him, began again to invigorate his heart. his spirits, however, were always beyond his strength; though that, when in full health, was by no means feeble, as his country's enemies had many subsequent opportunities to experience. the air of jamaica, though far less unwholesome than that which he had just quitted on the spanish main, is not very invigorating to european constitutions; and, instead of it's restoring him, he every day grew worse and worse. sir peter parker, therefore, kindly invited him to make a home of his penn, which is the name of a west indian villa; where he received the most friendly attentions from lady parker, and the skilfullest medicinal aids. all, however, proved ineffectual. his extreme anxiety to get on board the ship to which he had been so honourably appointed, tended now to augment his indisposition; and he was reluctantly compelled, like his worthy friend, captain locker, to depart for england. this, too, unwilling to resign his ship, he positively declared, till the last, he never would do, while a single person could be found who was of opinion that he might possibly recover without quitting the island. no such person was obtainable; and, accordingly, in a state of the most extreme debility, towards the close of this year, he returned home, in his majesty's ship the lion, commanded by the honourable william cornwallis, the now celebrated admiral; whose kind care and attention, during their passage, greatly contributed to preserve his valuable life. on his arrival in england, though then barely in existence, and almost wholly without the use of his limbs, such was the excessive ardour of his mind for employ, that nothing could prevent him from being immediately carried to the admiralty, and applying for a ship. "this they readily promised me," he jocosely observed, soon after, to one of his relations, "thinking it not possible for me to live." he now went, directly, to bath: where he was, at first, under the necessity of being carried to the springs, and wherever else he wanted to go; and, for several weeks afterwards, constrained to use crutches. these, however, he at length threw aside, much sooner than his friends at the admiralty had expected; though it was nearly three months before he entirely recovered the use of his limbs. in a letter which he wrote, from this place, dated february , , to his friend captain locker, he observes that he is, thank god, very near perfectly restored; having the complete use of all his limbs, except his left arm, of which he can hardly tell the ailment: from the shoulder to his fingers ends felt as if half dead, but the faculty gave him hopes that it would all go off. he expresses his anxiety to be employed; and, as if willing to demonstrate that his spirits were more lively than his limb, he says, with considerable pleasantry and wit, speaking of three portraits--one of the present admiral george montague, another of sir charles pole, and the third of himself, which was then painting by mr. rigaud as a present for captain locker--"i hope, when i come to town, to see a fine _trio_ in your room. when you get the pictures, i must be in the middle; for, god knows, without good _supporters_, i shall fall to the ground." after the restoration of his health, he paid a visit to his worthy and venerable father, at burnham-thorpe; as well as to his amiable eldest sister, then recently married to mr. bolton, who resided at wells, about five miles distant, and other relatives and friends in the county of norfolk: few of whom, except his father, had ever once beheld him for the last eleven years. the felicity of such a meeting is not to be described, and it can only be conceived by those who have experienced similar sensations. at length, in august , captain nelson was appointed to the command of the albemarle of twenty-eight guns. in this ship, which had been a french merchantman, captured two years before, and purchased for the king's service, his delicate constitution underwent a new and severe trial; being employed, the whole winter, convoying and cruizing in the north seas. the inconvenience, too, as well as the dangers, of this service, were in no slight degree augmented, by the mast's having been made much too long for the ship; a circumstance which had, at several times, nearly occasioned it to be overset. these perils, too, were wholly unattended with what may be denominated any success; as the dutch, the greater part of the time, had not a single trading vessel at sea: and, though a privateer, said to be the noted pirate, fall, stole into the fleet which the albemarle was convoying, it got clear off, after an hour's chace, owing to the necessity of captain nelson's returning to the unprotected ships. on their arrival in england, the mast was taken out, and properly shortened; and, such other improvements being made, as suggested themselves to the captain, it was, at length, far from a bad old ship. he always, however, humorously insisted, that the french had taught the albemarle to run away; as it was never a good sailer, except when going directly before the wind. in march , he was ordered to cork; to join the dædalus, captain thomas pringle, and go with a convoy to quebec, where they were expected to winter. this was another severe blow at his tender frame, which had been so buffeted all the late season. he had, indeed, great reason to dread it's effects, and wished much to be off of this voyage; but, though he did not doubt that, if he had a little time, he might get another ship--especially, as his friend, surgeon adair, who also attended admiral keppel, had declared that, if he were sent to a cold climate, it would make him worse than ever--having received his orders from lord sandwich, he could not avoid thinking it wrong to ask admiral keppel to alter them. such was his high sense of propriety, and so little his self-consideration. on the th of may, captain nelson arrived in st. john's harbour, newfoundland, with four sail of the convoy; having parted with the dædalus, twenty days before, three hundred leagues to the eastward of cape clear, in a hard gale of wind. on the d of june, hearing that the remainder of the quebec fleet had arrived at a harbour some leagues to the leeward, he sailed to join them; and, without losing a single vessel, they reached the place of destination on the st of july. the third day after their arrival, he was ordered on a cruize off boston; from which he returned to quebec on the th of september, with the whole crew almost devoured by the scurvy. himself and all the officers had, for eight weeks together, lived on salt beef; nor had the ship's company enjoyed a single fresh meal since the beginning of april. during the greater part of this time, he had made a point of contriving to see boston steeple every morning; where he watched for vessels, as they sailed in and out of the harbour. though this cruize was of the unsuccessful sort, not a single prize being brought into port, they took, saw, and destroyed, more enemies than are often met with in the same space of time. some of the prizes taken, and one of them of considerable value, were lost by the mismanagement of the prize-masters. that of the principal one, was occasioned by the intoxication of the captors; who had, indiscreetly, made too free with the wine on board. "i do not, however," said he, in a letter to captain locker, "repine at our loss; we have, in other respects, been very fortunate: for, on the th of august, we fell in with, in boston bay, four sail of the line, and the iris frigate, part of monsieur vaudreuil's squadron, who gave us a pretty dance for nine or ten hours. but we beat all, except the frigate; and, though we brought to for her, after we were out of sight of the line of battle ships, she tacked and stood from us. our escape i think wonderful. they were, on the clearing up of a fog, within shot of us; and chased us, the whole time, about one point from the wind. the frigate, i fancy, had not forgotten the dressing captain salter had given the amazon, for daring to leave the line of battle ships." this is the hero's own modest account of the affair: but, in truth, he might have assumed all the merit of his escape. the pretty dance he mentions, was led and concluded, by himself, with consummate skill and address, among the shoals of st. george's bank; where the line of battle ships were unable to follow, had they even possessed his skill in pilotage. they, therefore, at length, quitted the pursuit: though the frigate, for some time after, continued to persevere; and had, about sun-set, even approached within little more than gun-shot. at this time, overhearing some of his men remark to one another, that they thought, as the line of battle ships were not following, they should be able to manage the frigate, he immediately told his brave fellows, in the most kind and encouraging language, that he would, at least, give them an opportunity to try for it: and, ordering the main-top-sail to be instantly laid to the mast, the french frigate no sooner beheld them thus bringing to, to engage, than it suddenly tacked, and bore away to rejoin it's consorts. the ascription of this french pusillanimity, to captain salter's gallant chastisement of the amazon, on a similar occasion, is a very refined compliment to that deserving officer, and an admirable specimen of captain nelson's excessive candour and humility; while the acknowledgment that he had, "in other respects, been very fortunate," displays the genuine operation of nature in a valorous british bosom, so successfully described by goldsmith, in his admirable tale of the disabled veteran. it was at quebec that captain nelson and alexander davison, esq. commenced that friendship which was continued, on his part, to what may be considered as the last moment of his life; and which, on the part of mr davison, extending beyond the grave, still survives for all who were dear to him, and to every thing that regards a due veneration of his memory. in less than a month, while comfortably situated at quebec, chiefly residing on shore at mr. davison's, with no other expectations, or desire, than those of returning to england, the arrival of the drake sloop, and cockatrice cutter, brought directions for the transports to be fitted for the reception of troops, and sent to new york; in consequence of which, captain nelson was ordered to conduct the fleet thither. this, as he observed, in the letter last quoted, dated from the isle of bec, in the river st. lawrence, was "a very _pretty job_, at this late season of the year; for our sails are," adds he, "at this moment frozen to the yards." on arriving at new york, about the beginning of november, where he found lord hood, he requested that admiral would take him to the west indies. lord hood, accordingly, wrote to admiral digby, who was commander in chief at new york; and, he was, in consequence, to have sailed with the fleet: but, for some private reasons, when his ship was under sail from new york, to join lord hood, captain nelson was sent for, on shore; and informed, that he was to be kept forty-eight hours after the sailing of the fleet. though this is said to have been for his own individual advantage, he felt much disappointed at not sailing with the fleet. in the mean time, lord hood had highly praised him, in a very liberal letter, for wishing to go off this station, to a station of service, concluding with the most encouraging assurances of friendship. without pretending to penetrate into all that relates to the private reasons above stated, it is certain that lord hood was desirous to have captain nelson, and that admiral digby was unwilling to part with him: so sensible, at this early period, were both these commanders of his value. the contest, however, was at length concluded, by admiral hood's agreeing to leave a ship of nearly double the force for the albemarle; which, after all, admiral digby is said to have scarcely considered as sufficient. on joining the fleet, lord hood's notice of captain nelson was in the highest degree flattering to so young a man. he actually treated him as a son, and was always ready to grant him every thing that he could ask. prince william henry, too, as the duke of clarence was then called, having recently entered into the navy under admiral digby, contracted a strong friendship for captain nelson, which was ever retained. lord hood even told the prince, on first introducing them to each other, that if he wished to ask any questions relative to naval tactics, captain nelson could give him as much information as any officer in the fleet. this was, indeed, acting the part of a professional father to both the young men. in a letter from cape tiberoon, dated february , , written by captain nelson to his friend captain locker, from which some of the above facts are also extracted, he says, speaking of the duke of clarence--"he will be, i am certain, an ornament to our service. he is a seaman; which, perhaps, you would hardly suppose: every other qualification you may expect from him. a vast deal of notice has been taken of him at jamaica: he has been addressed by the council, and the house of assembly were to address him the day after i sailed. he has his levees at spanish town; they are all highly delighted with him. with the best temper, and great good sense, he cannot fail being pleasing to every one." what a pity it is, that any impediment should have ever prevailed against the royal duke's taking an active command! some time after captain nelson had joined lord hood, in the west indies, the admiral having received several contradictory accounts of the number of the enemy's ships at the havannah, and being consequently unable to rely on such varying reports, was desirous of sending, for the requisite information, one on whom he well knew he might safely depend. accordingly, captain nelson was dispatched on this business, which he executed with his usual adroitness and success. he reflected that the albemarle, from it's having been formerly a french ship, might still be taken for one on this occasion. having, therefore, sailed for the spanish main, he hoisted french colours, and lay off the havannah harbour. while he remained in this situation, a boat filled with scientific gentlemen, who had been collecting curious plants, and other natural rarities, on the spanish main, happening to pass near, he ordered them to be hailed, and invited aboard. from these persons, who had no suspicion that this french-built vessel, and under a french flag, being addressed also in that language, was any other than it pretended to be, very readily mentioned all the particulars relative to the force and number of the ships in the harbour: their astonishment, however, is not to be described, when they found themselves prisoners of war, on board an english frigate. the worthy captain soon satisfied them, that they had not fallen into the hands of free-booters; and, in consideration of the scientific pursuits in which they were manifestly engaged, the manner in which they had been captured, and the requisite information with which they had faithfully furnished him, he told them, in the handsomest way possible, after regaling them on board for some time, that they should be at liberty to depart whenever they pleased, with their boat and all it contained, on their parole of honour, to be considered as prisoners, if his commander in chief should refuse to acquiesce in their being thus liberated, which he did not think at all likely to happen. struck with such generosity of sentiment, they earnestly entreated him to take whatever might be most acceptable from their collection of natural curiosities, or any thing else they had to offer; but he positively declined receiving any reward for doing what he felt to be his duty under all the circumstances of the case, and they parted with mutual good wishes for each other's felicity. it will hereafter appear, that this generous act was performed to one, at least, of the party, who retained a very grateful sense of the indulgence. captain nelson continued actively employed in the west indies, till the peace of ; but lord rodney's famous victory of the th of april , which led finally to that event, had so completely damped the ardour of the enemy, that little or nothing farther occurred, worthy of particular notice. at the conclusion of the war, he had the honour of attending his royal highness the duke of clarence on a visit which he paid to the governor of the havannah; a circumstance which contributed still more powerfully to cement their mutual friendship. from hence, being under orders to return home, he sailed for england, where he safely arrived; and his ship was paid off, at portsmouth, about the first week in july . in such estimation was this brave and worthy man held, even at that period, by those who had the best opportunities of judging, that the whole of his ship's company offered, if he could get a ship, to enter for it immediately. nor can we wonder at this attachment, when we behold him, on shore, after the conclusion of their services, employing all his activity and address in attempts to get the wages due to his good fellows, as he kindly called them, for various ships in which they had served during the war. the infernal plan of turning them over from ship to ship, he frequently declared, occasioned the chief disgust which seamen have to the navy; and both prevented them from being attached to their officers, and their officers from caring two-pence about them. a few days after the albemarle was paid off, lord hood introduced captain nelson at st. james's; where he remarked that the king was exceedingly attentive to what his lordship said. the beginning of the week following, he went to windsor; and there took leave of the duke of clarence, who was then about to embark for the continent. as captain nelson had now no thoughts of going to sea; his fortune not permitting him to live on board a king's ship, to use his own words, "in such a manner as is going on at present;" after again visiting his family and friends in norfolk, he agreed to reside a short time in france, with captain macnamara, for the purpose of acquiring a knowledge of the french language. sterne's sentimental journey, he said, was the best description he could give of this tour. he was highly diverted by looking what a curious figure the postillions, in their jack boots, and their rats of horses, made together. he was told that they travelled _en poste_, but did not get on above four miles an hour. their chaises were without springs, and the roads paved like london streets. they were shewn into an inn, as the frenchmen called it; but he thought it more like a pig-stye: there, in a room with two straw beds, they had two pigeons for supper, on a dirty cloth, with wooden handled knives. "oh!" exclaimed he, "what a transition from happy england!" but they laughed at the repast; and went to bed with a determination that nothing should ruffle their temper. in their way to st. omer's, they passed through a very fine corn country, diversified with woods; and captain nelson, though a norfolk man, acknowledged it to be the best place for game he had ever known. partridges, at montrieul, were sold at two-pence halfpenny a brace, and pheasants and woodcocks in proportion. on arriving at st. omer's, he was surprised to find it, instead of a dirty, nasty town, as he had always heard it represented, a large city, with good streets, well paved and lighted. while captain nelson was at st. omer's, he received a most polite letter from the principal personage among those whom he had detained off porto cavallo, when he went to look into the harbour of the havannah. this gentleman's rank he did not at all know till he got to france. his assumed name was that of the count de deux ponts: but he was, in fact, a prince of the german empire, a general of the french army, knight of the grand order of st. louis, and second in command at the capture of york town. his brother was heir-apparent of the electorate of bavaria, and of the palatinate. so that captain nelson had the honour of taking prisoner a man who was not unlikely to become a sovereign prince of europe, and capable of carrying into the field an army of a hundred thousand men. this letter, which had been dispatched the first moment it was known by the grateful writer that captain nelson had arrived in france, was truly expressive of the attention that had been paid him when on board the english ship, and contained a very kind and pressing invitation to paris; of which it was the captain's full intention to have availed himself, had he remained as long in the country as was originally intended. though he visited only a few english families, lest he should never speak french, he made but slow progress in learning the language; and, early in the year , was recalled from it's pursuit by the prospect of an appointment. about the th of march, accordingly, he was commissioned for the boreas frigate of twenty-eight guns, then at long reach, under the command of captain wells: and, unfortunately, was attacked the very same day, by the ague and fever; which continued, every other day, for above a fortnight, and pulled him down most astonishingly. this, however, was not his sole misfortune. on his recovery, he sailed at daylight, just after high water; but the pilot run the ship aground, where it lay with so little water that the people could walk round, till next flood. that night, and part of the following day, the ship lay behind the nore, with a hard gale of wind and snow. "on tuesday," says he, in a true sailor's letter to captain locker, dated at portsmouth, april , , "i got into the downs: wednesday, i got into a quarrel with a dutch indiaman, who had englishmen on board; which we settled, though with some difficulty. the dutchman made a complaint against me; but the admiralty, fortunately, have approved my conduct in the business; a thing they are not very guilty of, where there is a likelihood of a scrape. and yesterday, to complete me, i was riding a _blackguard_ horse, that ran away with me at common; carried me round all the works, into portsmouth, by the london gates; through the town; out at the gate that leads to common, where there was a waggon in the road, which is so very narrow that a horse could barely pass. to save my legs, and perhaps my life, i was obliged to throw myself from the horse; which i did, with great agility: but, unluckily, upon hard stones; which has hurt my back, and my legs, but done no other mischief. it was a thousand to one, that i had not been killed. to crown all, a young girl was with me: her horse ran away, as well as mine; but, most fortunately, a gallant young man seized the horse's bridle a moment before i dismounted, and saved her from the destruction she could not have avoided." this was, certainly, a most wonderful escape, though it is related with a vein of humour which takes off all apprehension from the reader; to whom it must, undoubtedly, appear little less whimsical and facetious than john gilpin's celebrated race: while, to balance the advantage of cowper's admirable fiction, it has the boast of nelson's unimpeachable truth. the boreas, being fully equipped for the leeward islands, as a cruizer on the peace establishment, captain nelson sailed from spithead about the middle of may ; carrying out lady hughes and her family, to admiral sir richard hughes, who commanded in chief on that station. they arrived at madeira, after a pleasant passage, on the st of june; and, on the th, proceeded to the place of destination, which they safely reached just before the hurricane season. the ladies expressed themselves well satisfied with their accommodation on board, which had certainly cost the captain nearly two hundred pounds extraordinary; for which lady hughes is stated, from most respectable authority, to have demonstrated her gratitude, by presenting him with a silver tea-caddy ladle, which could hardly be worth more than five shillings! the service, on this station, was attended with difficulties which had, perhaps, been but little expected, either by the officers of the british navy, or those who sent them; and it was far more fortunate for government, than it was for captain nelson, that he had been employed on the occasion. the americans, while colonists of great britain, had enjoyed, as subjects, almost the entire trade between their country and our west india islands. having erected themselves into independent states, they had hoped that, on the return of peace, we should have permitted them again to enjoy the privileges of fellow-subjects, which they had, by withdrawing their allegiance, undoubtedly forfeited. this hope had not been indulged, by the americans, through any want of political discernment on their part; they well knew themselves now to be, what on other occasions they loudly enough boasted, foreigners in every sense of the word. they were satisfied, however, at the same time, that the mother-country had not always been renowned for the highest degree of national sagacity; they felt, that they had themselves acquired, by force, the independence which they enjoyed; and they trusted that the british administration, through apprehensions of renewing an unpopular and disastrous war, would be induced to connive at, if not confirm, the privilege the americans affected to claim under the very navigation act of great britain, the most beneficial effect of which they were thus artfully contriving to destroy. the west indians, themselves, who were prevented, by an immediate prospect of the return of their own interest, from contemplating it in a remote view, they well knew, would oppose no obstacle: these, in fact, readily fell into the snare, and were clamorous for their old customers. those persons, too, who held official situations, generally more considerate of their ease and their emoluments, than of the duties proper to be performed, in a climate so enervating, and a country so luxurious, would naturally, it was not doubted, rather contend for, than against, such claims as seemed to favour these indulgences. here, too, with very few exceptions, they met with equally zealous and still more powerful supporters. the governors and custom-house officers, in fact, agreed that, by the navigation act, the americans had a right to trade with all our west india islands; and the merchants and planters, who likewise found it for their present interest to embrace the same doctrine, pretended that they were of the same opinion. captain nelson, in the mean time, ever as studious to acquire a due knowledge of the full extent of his professional duties, as zealously determined completely to perform the utmost that they could possibly require of him, unswayed by any sinister or selfish motive, viewed the business in a very different light; and felt that, as an executive naval officer, it was his business to enforce, on all occasions, the maritime laws of his country. accordingly, in november , the hurricane months being over, and the squadron arrived at barbadoes, where the ships were to separate for the different islands, with no other orders than those for examining anchorages, and usual enquiries after wood and water, as this did not appear to him the intent of placing men of war, in peaceable times, he asked captain collingwood to accompany him, their sentiments being exactly similar, and ask the commander in chief a few questions. they, accordingly, proceeded together, to sir richard hughes; when captain nelson respectfully asked, whether they were not to attend to the commerce of their country, and to take care that the british trade was kept in those channels which the navigation laws pointed out? sir richard replied, that he had no particular orders, nor had the admiralty sent him any acts of parliament. that, captain nelson remarked, was very singular, as every captain of a man of war was furnished with the statutes of the admiralty, in which the navigation act was included; which act was directed to admirals, captains, &c. to see it carried into execution. on producing and reading these laws to sir richard, to use captain nelson's own words, "he seemed convinced that men of war were sent abroad for some other purpose than to be made a show of;" and, the americans then filling our ports, orders were issued for all the squadrons to see the navigation act carried into execution. when captain nelson went to his station, at st. kitt's, he sent away all the americans; not chusing to seize them at that time, lest it should have appeared a trap laid for them. in december, to his utter astonishment, he received an order from the commander in chief, stating that he had obtained good advice, and required that the americans might not only be prevented from coming in, but permitted to have free egress and regress, if the governor chose to allow them. he inclosed, at the same time, a copy of the orders which he had sent to the governors and presidents of the islands. some, on this, began by sending letters, not far different from orders, that they should admit them in such and such situations as they described: telling captain nelson, that sir richard had left it to them; but, that they thought it right to let him know it. these, however, he soon silenced. the commander in chief's was a more delicate business. he was under the necessity of either disobeying orders, or of disobeying acts of parliament which he conceived the latter was disobeying. he, therefore, nobly determined on the former: trusting to the uprightness of his intention; and fully confiding, that his country would not allow him to be ruined by protecting it's commerce. he sent to sir richard; expatiated on the navigation laws, to the best of his ability; and frankly told him, that some person, he was certain, had been giving him advice, which he would be sorry for having taken, against the positive directions of acts of parliament. he expressed his conviction, that sir richard had too much regard for the commerce of great britain, to suffer our worst enemy to take it from us; and that, too, at a time when great britain was straining every nerve to suppress illegal trade at home, which only affected her revenue: that he hoped we should not be so singular, as to allow of a much more ruinous traffic's being carried on under the king's flag. he added, in short, that he should decline obeying his orders, till he had an opportunity of seeing and talking to him; making, at the same time, an apology for any seeming impropriety. sir richard hughes was, at first, going to send a captain to supersede him: but, having mentioned the matter to his captain, was informed, that all the squadron seemed to think the orders sent were illegal; and, therefore, did not know how far captain nelson was obliged to obey them. such being their sentiments, he could not have been there tried by a court-martial. captain nelson now proceeded to inform the people of the custom-house, that he should, after such a day, seize all foreign vessels found in our islands; and, till then, keep them out to the utmost of his power. they fancied, however, that he could not seize, without a deputation; and, therefore, disregarded his threats. in may , accordingly, he seized the first american vessel. immediately, he had the governor, the officers of the customs, and most of the planters, for his enemies. subscriptions were instantly set on foot, and soon filled, to prosecute him; and the admiral stood neuter, though his flag was then flying in the roads. this last circumstance grieved him; but there was nothing by which he could either be dismayed or deterred from any act which he considered as forming part of his positive duty. though he had thus offended most of the heads of distributive justice, and the demons of the law were accordingly let loose on him, before the first vessel's complaint was brought to trial, he had seized four others under similar predicaments. on these occasions, too, having ordered the masters on board his ship, to examine them; and sent marines to take forcible possession of their vessels, without allowing any person whatever to go on shore; he had many different actions brought against him, for detention, false imprisonment, &c. and damages laid, in the various causes, at the enormous sum of forty thousand pounds! the consequence was, that he remained a close prisoner on board his own ship eight weeks, to prevent being arrested for a sum which it would have been impossible for him to have found bail. when the trial came on, he was protected, for the day, by the judge. the marshal, however, was engaged to arrest him, and the merchants promised to indemnify that officer for the act: but, the judge having declared that he would send him to prison, if he dared take such a step, he thought proper to desist. let it, however, never be forgotten, that captain nelson had the good fortune to find an honest lawyer; and, that the president of nevis offered the court to become his bail for ten thousand pounds, if he chose to suffer the caption! the worthy president declared, that captain nelson had done only his duty; and, though himself suffered more in proportion than any of them, he could not possibly blame him. thus, supported by an upright judge, an honest attorney, and a sincere and opulent friend, after a trial of two days, he carried his cause, and the american vessels were condemned. as a last resource, when under the terrors of the law, the only terrors his heroic mind ever felt, he had transmitted a memorial to his majesty; who, immediately, says captain nelson, "had the goodness to order me to be defended at his expence; and sent orders to mr. shirley to afford me every assistance in the execution of my duty: referring him to my letters, &c. as there was, in them, what concerned him not to have suffered." this kindness was particularly grateful, as it manifested the fullest approbation of captain nelson's conduct; but he felt far from being pleased to find, that the chief praise bestowed by government on the occasion was addressed to the very person whom, he could not but be of opinion, least deserved it. "the treasury," says he, "by the last packet, has transmitted thanks to the commander in chief, and the officers under him, for their activity and zeal in protecting the commerce of great britain. had they known what i have told you, i don't think they would have bestowed thanks in that quarter, and neglected me. i feel much hurt that, after all the loss of health, and risque of fortune, another should be thanked for that which i did, and against his orders. i either deserved to be sent out of the service, or at least have had some little notice taken of me. they have thought it worthy of notice, and have neglected me. if this is the reward for a faithful discharge of my duty, i shall be careful, and never stand forward again. but, i have done my duty, and have nothing to accuse myself of." what is thus urged against the propriety of giving most thanks to him who had, from misconception or misrepresentation, been induced rather to prevent than promote those operations by which thanks were obtained; and not particularly directing the smallest attention, otherwise than by indemnifying his law expences, to the individual who had, at all hazards, effectually performed them; is certainly very natural. let it be considered, however, that government might not be so sufficiently informed of all the particulars as to warrant their entering into a nice degree of just discrimination. about this period, march , captain nelson seems to have been engaged in paying his addresses to the widow of dr. nesbit, of the island of nevis, mrs. frances herbert nesbit, who was a daughter of william herbert, esq. the senior judge, and niece of his brother the president: for he says, in a letter to captain locker, "most probably, the next time you see me, will be as a benedict; i think, i have found a woman who will make me happy." he adds, that he shall tell him more shortly; but, that his paper is full. in two subsequent letters, however, one of the th of december following, and the other of the th of february , not an additional word appears respecting the lady. in the mean time, admiral sir richard hughes had, in august, quitted the command; and, shortly after, captain nelson received orders from the admiralty, to take the pegasus and solebay frigates under his command, immediately on their arrival from nova scotia, which was about the latter end of november. the pegasus being commanded by prince william henry, the duke of clarence, his royal highness was, of course, under the command of captain nelson; who did every thing in his power to prevent his illustrious friend from being a loser by this pleasing circumstance. they were, in fact, mutually attached to each other, and almost inseparable companions. he knew that the prince had foibles, as well as private men; but he knew, also, that they were far overbalanced by his virtues. in his professional line, he considered him as superior to nearly two-thirds of the list; and, in attention to orders, and respect to his superiors, captain nelson declared, that he hardly ever knew his equal. the prince was every where received with all the honour and respect due to his rank, at our different islands: and was invited, also, by the french governor of martinico, the viscount de damas; and the baron de clugny, governor of guadaloupe; to favour their islands with a visit. on the th of february, captain nelson writes to his friend captain locker, from montserrat--"i am here, with the pegasus and solebay. the island has made fine addresses, and good dinners. tomorrow, we sail for nevis and st. christopher's, where the same fine things will be done over again. his royal highness keeps up strict discipline in his ship; and, without paying him any compliment, she is one of the first ordered frigates i have seen. he has had more plague with his officers than enough. his first-lieutenant will, i have no doubt, be broke. i have put him under arrest; he having written for a court-martial on himself, to vindicate his conduct, because his captain thought proper to reprimand him in the order-book. in short, our service has been so much relaxed during the war, that it will cost many a court-martial to bring it up again." the affair above alluded to, which made considerable noise at the time, appears to have been this: the prince, on going ashore, is said to have left express orders, that none of the crew should, during his absence, be permitted to quit the ship. the lieutenant, however, from the general maxim, that the superior officer on board has a right to exercise uncontrouled command, permitted a boat to go on shore with some of the men. this coming to his royal highness's knowledge, who could not possibly be pleased with what appeared manifestly done in defiance of his instructions, he adopted the method which has been mentioned of expressing, in the order-book, his disapprobation of the act. captain nelson proved, by his conduct on the occasion, what he thought of the business: and, without his knowledge of naval usage, a man at all conversant in legal constructions, or even the plainest principles of common sense, must see, if he is not blinded by prejudice, that the general rule above alluded to could never be intended to overthrow any positive orders left by a superior officer, at the will of the inferior. if, indeed, a case of necessity should arise, the latter would have a right to act according to his discretion; but it must always be at his peril, if he cannot prove, at least, that it appeared to be absolutely necessary; still more so, if he manifestly breaks through, wilfully or perversely, the very orders which himself received from his superior officer, and is consequently bound to see regularly carried into execution. it is somewhat remarkable, that captain nelson, in writing to captain locker, whom he always considered as a sort of father as well as a friend, on the day preceding his departure for nevis, where he was a few weeks afterwards married to the widow of dr. nesbit, a physician of that island, should not even yet muster sufficient resolution to say that he was then going to take possession of the woman who, he thought, was destined to make him happy. to this lady, who had a son then about nine years of age, he was, at length, early in march , actually united. the marriage was celebrated with considerable splendour, and his royal highness the duke of clarence did them the honour to stand as the bride's father on the joyful occasion. a very few days afterwards, he proceeded, in the boreas, on his passage to tortola, with his royal highness, who had then only that island and grenada left unvisited. indeed, ever since november, his time had been entirely taken up in attending the prince on his tour round these islands. on the st of march, he wrote, while at sea, to captain locker, expressing how happy he should be when the time arrived for a voyage to england. "no man," he observes, "has had more illness, or more trouble, on a station, than i have experienced: but, let me lay a balance on the other side--i am married to an amiable woman, that far makes amends for every thing. indeed, till i married her, i never knew happiness. i shall have great pleasure in introducing you to her." the prince, he adds, who has shewn him every act of kindness that the most professed friendship could bestow, was expected to leave the country in june; and, by that time, himself hopes orders will arrive for his returning to england. he wonders that any independent man will accept the command of this station: "for," he concludes, "there is nothing pleasant to be got by it." in june , accordingly, the term of three years usually allotted to ships employed on such stations in times of peace being expired, he was ordered home; and arrived at portsmouth the beginning of july, with mrs. nelson and her son. from this place he writes, on the d instant, to his friend captain locker; and, speaking of his "dear wife," says-- "i have no doubt you will like her, on acquaintance; for, although i must be partial, yet she possesses great good sense, and good temper." in all these praises of his lady may be clearly discerned, that he congratulated himself on having made, at least, a prudent choice. there is little, however, of that rapturous extasy which issues from many a finally most infelicitous husband, some days, weeks, or even months, after the conjugal union. it was not, certainly, on his side, a mercenary match. he would have been incapable of marrying with so mean a motive. he is said, indeed, to have given, about this period, a substantial proof of very much the contrary disposition. this appears in the following anecdote, which has been repeatedly published. the president of nevis had been so excessively displeased with his only daughter, that he resolved to disinherit the young lady, and leave her immense fortune to his niece, mrs. nelson: but captain nelson, most generously, instead of widening the breach between them, actually made use of all his interest with the president, who had the highest regard for him, completely to close it, by bringing about a perfect reconciliation; which, at length, to his unspeakable satisfaction, he had the happiness of accomplishing. dr. nesbit, mrs. nelson's first husband, was a native of scotland. he had, formerly, been an apothecary at coventry; but, at nevis, he practised as a physician. he had not, however, acquired any very considerable wealth. it has even been asserted, that captain nelson received the widow and child without any present fortune whatever; and that four thousand pounds, some years afterwards bequeathed mrs. nelson, on the death of her father or uncle, was the whole that ever came into his hands by his marriage with that lady. when it is considered, that he was, at this time, a post-captain in the british navy, of more than eight years standing, though only twenty-nine years of age, there could, surely, be no reason for him to expect, without saying a word about prospects from his transcendent abilities, that he was ever to hear any reflections on the pecuniary advantages which he derived from this most disinterested union! the boreas was paid off at sheerness, on the th of november ; and the winter was chiefly employed in visiting places of public amusement, and introducing mrs. nelson to his numerous respectable friends. in a letter, written at bath, april , , to his friend captain locker, he says, that he has been, for the last month, at a relation's near bristol, and is only just returned, to drink the waters another fortnight. he was, in fact, very partial to bath: not only on account of the present cure he had himself received there; but because his venerable and much afflicted father was under the absolute necessity of spending his winters in that city, during so many of the latter years of his life. the reverend mr. nelson, indeed, from paralytic and asthmatic affections, which would scarcely permit him to speak for several hours after rising in the morning, had actually been given over by the physicians almost forty years prior to his decease. from bath, captain nelson proceeded, on another visit of a month, to exmouth; and, passing through london, in the summer, went immediately into norfolk, where it was agreed to fix his future residence. his father, accordingly, gave him up the parsonage-house at burnham-thorpe, where he formed his little domestic establishment. he had, in the mean time, since his arrival in england, been again pestered with prosecutions from some of the americans whose ships he seized in the west indies, on this subject he says, in a letter to captain locker, "i have written them word, that i will have nothing to do with them, and they must act as they think proper: government, i suppose, will do what is right, and not leave me in the lurch. we have heard enough, lately, of the consequence of the act of navigation to this country. they may take my person; but, if six-pence would save me from a prosecution, i would not give it." though this may have the semblance of treating lightly these menaced legal prosecutions, it is well known that he felt very acutely on the occasion: and nothing is more certain, than that he would have for ever quitted england, had not government so far interfered as entirely to quiet all his apprehensions on the subject. his remonstrances were too strong to be resisted. he was a man to be in no way trifled with. thus, had a thoughtless or careless administration slighted, or neglected, his claim to protection, and left him a prey to legal machinations, the nation would have certainly lost it's chief champion; for, on the best authority, it is here repeated, he once had it in contemplation to leave for ever his native country! what an awful consideration does this demand, from those who are entrusted with the administration of justice! how many great men have been driven into eternal exile by the terrors of abused justice, by legal constructions of equity, and by the horrors of an impending prison for the perpetual incarceration of unfortunate and injured innocence! not, now, likely to be disturbed in the calmness of his retirement, he willingly descended, from the hero, to the private gentleman. nor did he even disdain to cultivate a few acres of glebe land annexed to the rectory. known, and beloved, by all the gentry in the neighbourhood, he joined frequently in their field diversions, and was particularly fond of coursing. though one of the best gunners in the world, he was a bad shot at a hare, a woodcock, or a partridge. in pointing a great gun, however, on grand and suitable occasions, at a ship, a castle, or a fort, he was scarcely to be equalled: so well, indeed, was this talent known, and so universally recognized, by his frequently volunteering his services on shore, that he was familiarly called the brigadier, ever after the affair of san juan. in cultivating the friendship of respectable neighbours, who laudably courted his society; in rendering kind offices to the humbler inhabitants of his vicinity, by whom he was universally beloved; in enriching his mind by reading and reflection, and improving his land by cultivation; this great man employed most part of the leisure which peace afforded him. sometimes, indeed, he went to bath, or other fashionable resorts, during the seasons, where he might meet with his old friends; and sometimes sought them in the metropolis, where he occasionally paid his respects at the admiralty. his heroic mind, no doubt, amidst the calm of peace, prepared for the storm of war; and, though he disdained not the culture of the ploughshare, he looked forward to the day when it would become necessary to exchange it for the sword. he was particularly fond of geographical studies: few men were so well acquainted with maps and charts; and his accurate eye frequently traced with eagerness the various parts of the globe which he had passed with difficulty or delight, and the spots at which he had successfully or unpleasantly paused. in the mean time, as he had become an affectionate husband to dr. nesbit's widow, so he proved, in every possible sense, a faithful father to his child. the youth was carefully educated, with all the advantages of this great man's excellent directions, and his progress was minutely inspected by the same truly paternal attention. being treated, in every respect, with the most indulgent tenderness, and seeming early to evince an inclination for the naval service, captain nelson, who had no prospect of issue by his lady, willingly consented to take him, as an only son, under his own immediate protection. doubtless, while the mind of this exalted man was thus innocently and laudably engaged in attending to the various duties of private life, he not unfrequently felt disposed to indulge in deep reflections on numerous noble plans meditated for the future service of his country: for, in common with almost every gifted possessor of superior genius, he seems to have constantly borne about him an invincible conviction, that he should, at some period of his life, be enabled to give the fullest manifestation of it's presence to an admiring world. as war was his element, he could have no hope of any opportunity to demonstrate his wonderful abilities till that national calamity should arrive: and, though he was much too good and pious a man, to be desirous of war, for no other purpose than a display of his own skill and valour; he was, at the same time, far too wise and wary, to imagine that a nation so rich in commerce as great britain, surrounded by artful, envious, and powerful enemies, would be permitted long to preserve an honourable state of public tranquillity. he was, therefore, as an individual, ever prepared for what he naturally expected soon to occur; and he was of opinion, that the power of the country should be kept in an equal state of continual readiness. in the year , when the cruelties exercised by the spaniards at nootka sound, seemed to have awakened the national vengeance, and an armament was accordingly ordered to be prepared, he immediately offered his services at the admiralty; and is said to have felt not a little mortified, at finding his application ineffectual. the fact, however, appears to have been, that offers from commanders of longer standing had previously been made and accepted for all the ships then meant to be immediately commissioned. no blame, therefore, could be fairly imputed to the admiralty, on the occasion: and, when that business came, soon afterwards, to be adjusted, and the ships paid off, he had reason to congratulate himself on not having been put to expences for equipment, which the advantages of so little actual service were quite inadequate to repay. this, perhaps, at that period, might be no inconsiderable consolation. the sum finally stipulated to be paid by spain, on this occasion, besides restoring the vessels unjustly seized, was two hundred and ten thousand dollars. after two years more passed in retirement, the french revolutionary war having extended it's baneful influence to this country, there became an instant necessity for preparing all the strength of our navy to oppose it's pernicious tendency. he had now, happily, no difficulty in obtaining a ship; but, at the very commencement of the war, having made the usual application, he immediately received a positive promise from lord howe, which was handsomely performed still sooner than he had the smallest reason to expect. on the th of january , he says, in a letter to his friend captain locker, "lord hood tells me, that i am now fixed for the agamemnon, at chatham; and, that whatever men are raised for her will be taken care of on board the sandwich." the name of the ship having been thus fixed for the purpose of his immediately raising men for sea, he had already sent out a lieutenant and four midshipmen to get men at every sea-port in norfolk. he applied, also, to his friends in yorkshire, and the north, who promised to obtain him what hands they could, and deliver them over to the regulating captains at whitby and newcastle. to captain locker, he says--"i hope, if any men in london are inclined to enter for the agamemnon, you will not turn your back on them; as, though my bills are dispersed over this country, &c. i have desired that no bills may be stuck up in london till my commission is signed." this was one of his delicate punctilios; for he did not expect that, from what lord howe had written him on the occasion, the ship would have been actually commissioned till about a fortnight longer. on the th of january, however, being only four days, instead of fourteen, after the date of the above letter, his commission was actually signed; and, on the th of february, he joined his ship, the agamemnon of sixty-four guns, which was then under orders of equipment for the mediterranean. his ship's company was soon raised; chiefly from norfolk and suffolk, and not a few from his own immediate neighbourhood. so universally was he esteemed, and such was even then the general opinion of his conduct and abilities, that many gentlemen in the vicinity were desirous of placing their sons under his command; some of whom, persons of considerable respectability, solicited and obtained this distinguished favour: particularly, the reverend mr. bolton, his relation, brother of thomas bolton, esq. his eldest sister's husband; with the reverend mr. hoste, and the reverend mr. wetherhead, his intimate friends. nor must it be forgotten that, on the very first appearance of actual service, he had taken his son-in-law, young josiah nesbit, from school, equipped him as a midshipman, and carried him on board the agamemnon. there is a curious anecdote related, and that from the very best authority, respecting one of the young gentlemen thus taken as a midshipman by captain nelson. the father of this youth, though a friend of captain nelson, happened to be a very staunch whig. the youth, therefore, he apprehended, might possibly require some little counteraction of the principles of modern whiggism, which he did not think very conducive to the loyalty and subordination of a young british sailor. accordingly, when this youth came on board, he called him into his cabbin, and immediately addressed him in the most impressive manner, to the following effect. "there are three things, young gentleman," said he, "which you are constantly to bear in mind: first, you must always implicitly obey orders, without attempting to form any opinion of your own respecting their propriety; secondly, you must consider every man as your enemy who speaks ill of your king; and, thirdly, you must hate a frenchman as you do the devil." the youth, who had been thus prepared, always conducted himself with great propriety; and, it is believed, ever afterwards retained a truly filial regard for his friendly patron. captain nelson was perfectly indefatigable in getting his ship ready for sea. in a letter to captain locker, written at the navy office, the beginning of february , where his brother maurice had long held a situation, after requesting him to discharge maurice suckling, and such men as may be on board the sandwich, into the agamemnon, he says--"pray, have you got a clerk whom you can recommend? i want one very much, i urge nothing; i know your willingness to serve. the duke of clarence desires me to say, that he requests you will discharge joseph king into the agamemnon; or, that i am welcome to any other man, to assist me in fitting out. he is but poorly; but expresses the greatest satisfaction at the appointment you are likely to succeed to, and in which no one rejoices more than your affectionate horatio nelson." in another letter to this much honoured and honourable officer, written at chatham towards the end of the same month, he congratulates him on having obtained his appointment, which was that of lieutenant-governor of greenwich hospital; from which, he hopes, his friend will derive every comfort: and tells him, that he need not hurry himself about the charts, as he shall certainly see him before he sails. it was not, in fact, till about the middle of may, that the agamemnon, in company with the robust of seventy-four guns, captain the honourable george keith elphinstone, proceeded to it's station in the mediterranean, under the command of lord hood; who followed, a few days after, with the rest of his fleet, from plymouth, on the d of that month. about the beginning of june, he went with six sail of the line to cadiz, where they took in water. they also took in some wine: for he tells his worthy old friend, captain locker, that he has got him a cask of, he hopes, good sherry; which he shall take an early opportunity of sending home, and begs him to accept as a proof of his remembrance. he observes, that they have done nothing; and, that the same prospect appears before them: for, the french would not come out, and they had no means of getting at them in toulon. lord hood was to be joined, off barcelona, by twenty-one spanish ships of the line: "but," adds he, "if they are no better manned than those at cadiz, much service cannot be expected of them; though, as to ships, i never saw finer men of war." it was on the occasion above alluded to, when captain nelson put into cadiz to water, that he exclaimed, at the moment of first beholding the spanish fleet--"these ships are, certainly, the finest in the world: thank god, the spaniards cannot build men!" early in august, lord hood went with the fleet to remonstrate with the genoese respecting their supply of corn to the french, and bringing back french property under neutral papers: a practice which captain nelson, who was then off toulon, justly observed, rendered the station there a mere farce, if such trade should continue to be allowed. on the th of this month, writing to captain locker, he observes that the agamemnon sails well, and is healthy; but, that he wants to get into port for refreshment. he says that, by all the accounts, the district of provence would gladly become a separate republic under the protection of england; and, that the people of marseilles declared they would willingly destroy toulon to accomplish this measure. there seems, at the time of his thus writing, to have been a positive proposal to this effect then under the consideration of the commander in chief: for, on the d of august, only three days after, did admiral lord hood publish his celebrated preliminary declaration to the inhabitants of toulon, as well as his proclamation to the inhabitants of the towns and provinces in the south of france, which ended in his taking a provisional possession of toulon, with all the ships of war in the harbour, &c. on the th of the same month. captain nelson, however, was not present during the period of this negociation, or the subsequent taking possession of toulon; having been previously charged with dispatches from lord hood, dated off toulon, the th of august , and addressed to sir william hamilton, knight of the bath, his majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at the court of naples. it should seem that he had, also, some intermediate orders to execute; for, on his passage to naples, he met with lord hugh conway, at sea, who had left toulon in the possession of lord hood, and sent sir william hamilton a letter to that effect, dated the st of the same month. there was, evidently, more to be transacted at the court of naples, than a mere delivery of these dispatches from lord hood, or captain nelson would scarcely have been selected for the business. he went, no doubt, with confidential communications from the commander in chief to the british minister plenipotentiary, and objects of discretional discussion for mutual consideration, which were not possible to be transacted in writing, and consequently required the talents and address judiciously employed on the occasion. lord hood was no stranger to the superlative ability which he possessed for negotiation; and how much more rarely that quality is to be found in british naval officers, than the natural bravery which seems common to all, or even the great nautical skill which may justly be boasted by most of them. it was not till the th of september, that captain nelson arrived, in the agamemnon, at naples; and so effectually did he accomplish the objects of his mission, that sir william hamilton, who immediately communicated the intelligence of toulon's being in possession of lord hood to general acton, procured two thousand of his sicilian majesty's best troops to be embarked, the th, on board two line of battle ships, two frigates, two corvettes, and one neapolitan transport vessel. the next day, september , sir william hamilton sent intelligence of the above particulars to england, which appeared in the london gazette, dated whitehall, october , : where it is added, that a spanish frigate, returning to toulon, had likewise taken some neapolitan troops on board; that three more battalions were that night to embark at gaeta, on board of two neapolitan frigates, two brigantines, and nine large polacres; that, in a week or ten days, the neapolitan government were to send off to toulon the remaining ships, and two thousand more men, with thirty-two pieces of regimental artillery, and plenty of provisions; and that, should the wind remain as it then was, these succours might reach toulon in five days, or sooner. in the mean time, captain nelson had been introduced to the king and queen of naples, from whom he met with a most cordial and gracious reception: nor must his singular previous introduction, by sir william, to lady hamilton, be passed over, without particular notice; on the result of which, so much of the felicity of this exalted hero's future life seems evidently to have in a superlative degree depended. on sir william hamilton's returning home, after having first beheld captain nelson, he told his lady that he was about to introduce a little man to her acquaintance, who could not boast of being very handsome: "but," added sir william, "this man, who is an english naval officer, captain nelson, will become the greatest man that ever england produced. i know it, from the few words of conversation i have already had with him. i pronounce, that he will one day astonish the world. i have never entertained any officer at my house, but i am determined to bring him here. let him be put in the room prepared for prince augustus." captain nelson was, accordingly, introduced to her ladyship; and resided with sir william hamilton during his short stay at naples: and thus commenced that fervid friendship between the parties, which continued to glow, with apparently increasing ardour, to the last moment of their respective existences whom it has been lady hamilton's severe lot to survive. the introductory compliment which had been paid by sir william hamilton, to captain nelson's transcendent abilities, was not ill requited by one of the latter's first salutations of the worthy envoy--"sir william," said he, in consequence of the dispatch made use of in obtaining the neapolitan troops, "you are a man after my own heart: you do business in my own way! i am, now, only a captain; but i will, if i live, be at the top of the tree." these reciprocal good opinions of each other, which form the basis of all substantial friendships, could not fail to unite such excellent and enlightened minds in a sincere amity. it can never appear wonderful, then, that lady hamilton, herself a person of very considerable talents, and possessing a warm and affectionate heart, naturally attached to splendid abilities, should be forcibly struck with the pleasing manners, extreme goodness and generosity of mind, and evident proofs of comprehensive intellect, which she continually witnessed in the new friend of her intelligent husband, during the few days of his continuance at naples. the frank and friendly attentions of her ladyship, at the same time, it must necessarily be supposed, made no slight impression on the susceptible bosom of captain nelson; who was charmed with the characteristic sweetness of disposition which she so fascinatingly displayed for the promotion of his ease and comforts. the imperious calls of professional duty soon separated the hero from his affectionate friends; but they parted not without mutual assurances of losing no opportunity which might occur of corresponding with or seeing each other. it appears, from lord hood's dispatches to the admiralty, that the first division of the neapolitan troops disembarked at toulon on the th of september, under the command of brigadier general pignatelli; and that they were a very fine body of men, in perfect health, and well appointed. the second division of neapolitans, consisting of two thousand men, arrived on the th of october; and the last two thousand were to leave naples on that very day. his sicilian majesty, lord hood added, had manifested the greatest readiness and zeal in fulfilling the treaty; and confided his ships and troops solely to his lordship's discretion, as that sovereign had made known to him in writing under his own hand. such was the success of captain nelson's services at naples, where the king and queen treated him with no less attention and regard than sir william hamilton and his lady, and witnessed his departure with similar regrets. the neapolitan troops thus obtained, greatly signalized themselves, on several occasions, while at toulon: but captain nelson, almost immediately on his arrival, received orders to join a squadron under commodore linzee; who had been detached by lord hood, at the request of general paoli, to protect corsica. he could, therefore, scarcely be said to have at all participated in the occurrences which took place at toulon, farther than in thus procuring military aids. captain nelson, indeed, appears to have had little concern with this unfortunate business: not the less so, perhaps, on that very account. notwithstanding all the blood and treasure which this expedition cost great britain, on toulon's being evacuated the th of december following, lord hood was only able to carry away three ships of the line and five frigates; after burning there nine ships of the line, and one at leghorn. about the period of these transactions, captain nelson was with commodore linzee, at tunis, negotiating for a french convoy under an eighty-gun ship and a corvette. the english, however, he observed, never yet succeeded in a negotiation against the french. "we have not," says he, in a letter to captain locker, dated off sardinia, december , , "contradicted our practice at tunis, for the monsieurs have completely upset us with the bey; and, had we latterly attempted to take them, i am certain he would have declared against us, and done our trade some damage." in this letter he also mentions, that lord hood has, in a very handsome letter, ordered him from commodore linzee's command, to take the command of a squadron of frigates off corsica and the adjoining shore of italy, to look out for some french frigates which were in st. fiorenzo in corsica. with these frigates, it seems, captain nelson had, joined with one or two others, what he calls "a little brush," in the preceding october. he observes that, if they are active, they may do our trade some mischief: "but," adds he, "to say the truth, i believe that they are more inclined to be passive; at least, they had much of that inclination when i saw them." at this time, he does not appear to have thought toulon in much danger; and, at all events, was persuaded that the french fleet and arsenal might be destroyed. some of the ships, he remarked, were the finest he ever beheld. the commerce de marseilles, in particular, he says, had seventeen ports on each deck, and our victory looked nothing to it. their friend, sir charles pole, he observes, is gone to the west indies, which was a thing that officer dreaded: had himself been at toulon, he would have been a candidate for this service; for, he thought our sea war was over in the mediterranean. he admits, however, that the agamemnon has had it's share of service; having had the anchor down but thirty-four times since sailing from the nore, and then only to get water or provisions. he says that, having then upwards of one hundred of his ship's company absent, they are not much better than a fifty gun ship. to another friend, however, he jocosely observed, on this occasion, that those he had were chiefly norfolk men, and he always reckoned them as good as two others. in the warmth of gratitude, he asserts that lord hood is a very good friend to him; and is, certainly, the best officer he ever saw: every thing from him being so clear, that it is impossible to misunderstand him. all this day, the st of december, he observes, he has been in sight of the french squadron; which, he hears, has been joined by a frigate from calvi. he misses, however, the frigate which had received most of his fire; and adds, that there are not wanting those who declare that they beheld it sink. with these frigates, on the coast of corsica, captain nelson may be said to have commenced his career as commander of a squadron; and such was his activity, skill, and bravery, that they were perpetually engaged against the enemy. it would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to trace every single transaction which occurred during the time which he held this command. his services were, occasionally, exerted at land as well as sea; and such was his dexterity in getting out guns, erecting batteries, and assisting the reduction of fortresses, that much of our success in gaining possession of that island was generally ascribed to his ability. on the th of february , the tower and garrison of mortella surrendered; and the strong redoubt and batteries of the convention were taken by storm on the th, after a severe cannonading of two days. the enemy abandoned, that same night, the tower of forneli, and two considerable sea-batteries dependent on it. on the th, they retreated from st. fiorenzo to bastia; having previously sunk one of their frigates, and burnt another in the gulph: and the town, forts, and port of st. fiorenzo, were taken possession of, the same day, by his majesty's land and sea forces. the frigate which had been sunk was afterwards weighed, and taken into our service under the name of the st. fiorenzo. at the siege of bastia, whither the enemy were followed, and which commenced the beginning of april, captain nelson bore a most conspicuous share; exerting himself with a vigour, alacrity, and judgment, which obtained universal admiration. it has been said, and re-echoed, that ample testimony was, on this occasion, given to his skill and unremitting exertions; but, it may safely be asserted, he never thought so. lord hood, it is true, makes respectful mention of his services; it would be extremely wonderful if he did not, when it is considered that he was the principal naval officer actively employed there, and yet served, with the most indefatigable perseverance, nearly two months on land. what follows, however, is all that appears in his lordship's dispatches relative to captain nelson, which few will think too much--"captain nelson, of his majesty's ship agamemnon, who had the command and direction of the seamen, in landing the guns, mortars, and stores, and captain hunt, who commanded at the batteries, very ably assisted by captain buller and captain serecold, and the lieutenants gore, hotham, stiles, andrews, and brisbane, have an equal claim to, my gratitude; as the seamen, under their management, worked the guns with great judgment and alacrity. never was a higher spirit, or greater perseverance exhibited; and i am happy to say, that no other contention was at any time known, than who should be most forward and indefatigable for promoting his majesty's service; for, although the difficulties they had to struggle with were many and various, the perfect harmony and good humour that universally prevailed throughout the siege overcame them all." this, certainly, is no singular praise of captain nelson; who, it is well known, greatly signalized himself on the occasion. in the very next paragraph of the same gazette, lord hood says--"i cannot but express, in the strongest terms, the meritorious conduct of captain duncan and lieutenant alexander duncan, of the royal artillery, and lieutenant de butts, of the royal engineers: but my obligation is particularly great to captain duncan, as more zeal, ability, and judgment, was never shewn by any officer than were displayed by him; and i take the liberty of mentioning him as an officer highly entitled to his majesty's notice." such superior praise and recommendation of a military officer, however deserving, by the naval commander in chief, could not be very pleasing to captain nelson; who felt conscious of having merited at least equal attention, by ably performing more than could be in any way considered as his actual duty. the slight sketch modestly given of this affair, by himself, in a letter to captain locker, will afford some idea of it's importance. it is dated, at bastia, may , , on board the agamemnon: and states, that he has just got on board, after eight weeks service on shore; where, he trusts, he has acquitted himself in a manner his friends will be pleased with. the more he saw of this place, the more he was astonished at it's being given up: but, the truth was, that the different parties were afraid to trust each other; the surrender could be justified on no other ground. the frigates formerly mentioned had now, most of them, fallen into his hands; for he mentions that he has then on board the agamemnon two captains, twenty-four other officers, and three hundred seamen, of the ships he fell in with the preceding october. the officers abused the crews; the people, their officers: all joined against their commodore, for not coming down to the british ships after they were crippled. not that captain nelson had any idea they could have taken his ships; but, he admitted that they certainly behaved shamefully ill. the fortunée was burned, the minerve and le fleche taken: the melpomene got to calvi; and would, he trusted, fall into his hands. he adds, that they are now taking on board shot, powder, &c. for calvi; which, though very strongly situated, he thinks will soon fall. agamemnon is then to go to gibraltar, for something like a refitment, having been without the slightest repair, in hull or rigging, sixteen months. he describes bastia as most pleasantly situated; containing fourteen thousand inhabitants, and being capable of holding twenty thousand. a few hours, he says, will carr parties to italy: and observes that, if the corsicans knew their own interest, they would be happy with us; but, that they cannot bear dependance. this opinion of captain nelson's, respecting the disposition of the corsicans, is a fresh proof of his acute discernment, and was abundantly confirmed by the event. it having been agreed, by the two commanders in chief, lord hood and lieutenant-general the honourable charles stuart, that the utmost dispatch was necessary, in order to enable the troops selected for the siege of calvi to begin their operations before the commencement of the unhealthy season, every effort was used to forward the necessary preparations; and so effectual were the exertions of the different departments, that the regiments embarked at bastia in the course of a very few days. captain nelson, accordingly, who had been detached on the th of june, by lord hood, from the fleet off mortella bay, to take the charge of these embarkations, in his lordship's absence, agreed that they should proceed to port agra, where a landing was effected on the th of the same month; and, on that very day, the army encamped, in a strong position, on the serra del cappucine, a ridge of mountains three miles distant from the town of calvi. from many of the out-posts, and particularly from those which the friendly corsicans were ordered to occupy, it was distinctly discoverable that the town of calvi was strong in point of situation, well fortified, and amply supplied with heavy artillery. the exterior defences, on which the enemy had bestowed a considerable labour, consisted in the bomb-proof stone star fort mozello, mounting ten pieces of ordnance, with a battery of six guns on it's right, flanked by a small entrenchment. in the rear of this line, which covered the town to the westward, was placed, on a rocky hill to the east, a battery of three guns. considerably advanced on the plain to the south-west, the fort mollinochesco, on a steep rock, commanded the communication between calvi and the province of balagori; supported by two frigates, moored in the bay, for the purpose of raking the intermediate country. the principal difficulties, however, in approaching the enemy's works, did not so much arise from the strength of the defences, as from the height of the mountains and rugged rocky surface of the country it was necessary to penetrate; and so considerable were these obstacles, against the usual mode of attack, that it was judged expedient to adopt rapid and forward movements, instead of regular approaches. in conformity to this plan of proceeding, the seamen and soldiers were laboriously employed in making roads; dragging guns to the tops of the mountains; and collecting military stores, for the purpose of erecting two mortar and four separate gun batteries, on the same night. one of these was intended against the mollinochesco; the second, to be constructed on rocks, to cover the principal one, of six guns; which, by a sudden march, and the exertions of the whole army, was to be erected within seven hundred and fifty yards of the mozello. owing to some mistake, the proposed battery against the mollinochesco was built and opened two days earlier than the time appointed. observing, however, that though this fort was considerably damaged, it seemed evidently the intention of the enemy to repair rather than evacuate it, on the evening of the th of july, the royal irish regiment was ordered to move towards their left, exposing the men to the fire of their artillery. at sun set, and during the greatest part of the night, this diversion was seconded by a feigned attack of the corsicans: which so effectually deceived the enemy, that they withdrew a considerable piquet from the spot where the principal battery was to be constructed, in order to support the mollinochesco; and, directing the whole of their fire to that point, enabled the troops to complete their work. this important position established, the enemy was compelled to evacuate the mollinochesco, and to withdraw the shipping under the protection of the town. a heavy firing immediately commenced on both sides; which continued, with little intermission, till the th of that month: when, observing that their batteries were considerably damaged, and a breach appearing practicable on the west side of the mozello, a disposition was made for a general attack on the outworks, under cover of two batteries ordered to be erected that night; which would, from their position, in the event of a check, appear the principal object of the movement. by the greatest exertions, this battery was completely constructed, without discovery, within three hundred yards of the mozello, an hour before day-break: a signal gun was then fired from it, for the troops to advance. covered, in their approach, by two field pieces, they proceeded, with a cool and steady confidence, and unloaded arms, towards the enemy; forced their way through a smart fire of musquetry; and, regardless of live shells thrown into the trench, or the additional defence of pikes, stormed the mozello: while the royal irish regiment, with two pieces of cannon, equally regardless of opposition, carried the enemy's battery on the left, and forced their trenches, without firing a shot. the possession of these very important posts, which the troops maintained under the heaviest fire of shells, shot, and grape, induced an offer to consider such terms as the garrison of calvi might incline to propose. an unfavourable answer, however, being returned, the navy and army once more united their efforts; and, in nine days, completed batteries of thirteen guns, four mortars, and three howitzers, within six hundred yards of the town. these opened with so well directed a fire, that the enemy were unable to remain at their guns; and, in eighteen hours, sent proposals, which terminated in a capitulation, and the expulsion of the french from corsica, on the th of august, after a siege of fifty-one days. the above account of the reduction of calvi is extracted from the dispatches of the military commander in chief, and affords a very good idea of the siege. lord hood, who arrived off calvi on the th of june, where he continued during the siege, in his dispatches to the admiralty, writes--"the journal i here transmit from captain nelson, who had the command of the seamen, will shew the daily occurrences of the siege; and whose zeal and exertion i cannot sufficiently express--or, of that of captain hallowell--who took it by turns to command in the advanced battery, twenty-four hours at a time: and, i flatter myself, they, as well as the other officers and seamen, will have full justice done them by the general; it is, therefore, unnecessary for me to say more on the subject." what lieutenant general stuart did say, respecting captain nelson's wonderful exertions and consummate skill, on this occasion, however, instead of doing him fuller justice, was sufficiently moderate, and very concise--"the assistance and co-operation of captain nelson, the activity of captain hallowell, and the exertions of the navy, have greatly contributed to the success of these movements." can any person of the smallest discernment, for a moment suppose, that a mind like that of the heroic nelson, could feel satisfied by such indiscriminate and cold approbation as is here expressed? the slightest glance even of his own modest journal of the siege, must have convinced every one, had it been given, as he might expect, to the public, of the prodigious fatigue and perseverance, at least, which this great man underwent, if it had not demonstrated the astonishing skill and bravery which he is so well known to have there most eminently displayed. an intelligent corsican, now in england, mr. casalonga, perfectly remembers the general estimation in which captain nelson was held throughout the island, for the various prodigies of valour performed there during the year ; particularly, at the siege of the tower of mortella, and the towns of bastia and calvi. respecting this last place, he observes, an official report was sent to the municipality of ajaccio, where himself was a member, that during the siege, which was very obstinate and dangerous, the place being deemed impregnable, captain nelson ran to every direction; and, in spite of a tremendous fire kept up by the enemy, he erected his battery in such a position as to throw shot on the besieged; who, perceiving their works destroyed, and public and private buildings demolished, were soon panic struck, and sued for capitulation. thus, while captain nelson was only considered, at home, as making one among the many brave officers employed in this service, his distinguished merits were so attractive in the eyes of foreigners, on the spot, that they ascribed nearly the whole success to his transcendent abilities. nothing can be more certain, than that his services were supereminently beneficial; and, that the period was not yet arrived for their being duly acknowledged. though not a word appears, in the official returns of the wounded at the siege of calvi, to intimate the fact; though not a single syllable of regret is expressed, in the dispatches of either commander in chief; it was at this very siege, that the hero had the misfortune to be entirely deprived of the sight of his right eye. the calamitous accident was occasioned by a shot from one of the enemy's batteries striking the ground near the battery which he commanded; and driving, with prodigious violence, some minute particles of sand, or small gravel, into that tender organ. even this shocking event, with all it's attendant anguish, was incapable of forcing him from his post. with a ribbon tied over his inflamed eye, he persisted in directing the batteries, till the last fortress of corsica had submitted to his sovereign's arms. surely, if the total loss of sight in one eye, which himself is said never to have considered as a wound, did not entitle his name to be placed in the list of wounded officers, which seems somewhat doubtful, the gallantry of remaining at his post would never have escaped lord hood, as it seems to have done the honourable lieutenant general stuart, had he been present on the occasion. on the th of august, two days before the capitulation was signed, lord hood, who had received the thanks of both houses of parliament, for his very gallant conduct in the expedition against corsica, voted on friday, the th of june ; when, also, the like thanks were voted to all the officers, sailors, and soldiers, engaged in that expedition; sent a letter to captain nelson, dated on board the victory, off calvi, in which he inclosed the above resolutions: observing that, having received his majesty's commands, to communicate to the respective officers, seamen, marines, and soldiers, who had been employed in the different operations which had been successfully carried on against the enemy in corsica, a resolution of the two houses of parliament; he desires that he will make known, to all in the agamemnon, and such other officers and seamen as are with him, and were employed at bastia, the sense that is entertained of their spirited and meritorious conduct. this, too, which is merely an official letter, has been magnified, by those who clearly know nothing about the matter, into an additional honour conferred on captain nelson, and said to have been highly flattering to his feelings. how his feelings were in reality affected at this period, the reader will presently have an opportunity of knowing from much better authority. in the mean time, lord hood sent duplicates of his former dispatches to the admiralty, dated on board the victory, off calvi, august , . he herewith transmits a continuation of captain nelson's journal, from the th of july, to the th of august: also, the copy of a letter which he had received from captain nelson, highly creditable to lieutenant harrison, a transport agent; as well as to mr. william harrington, master of the willington, and the transports men; who were all anxiously eager to serve on shore, or on board his majesty's ships, mentions having taken possession of the melpomene and mignonne frigates: the former, one of the finest ever built in france, carrying forty guns; the other, only thirty-two. captain cunningham, charged with these dispatches, who had been three months cruizing off calvi, with infinite diligence, and perseverance, under many difficulties, is recommended as an officer of great merit, and highly deserving any favour that can be shewn him. without wishing to detract from the merits of captain cunningham, it may certainly be contended that he had not, during the time mentioned, surpassed captain nelson, who receives no such decided praise, nor any positive recommendation whatever. these observations are drawn from the face of the public dispatches, compared with a knowledge of the services and character of captain nelson, as they were at that time manifesting themselves to all who knew him. his conspicuous merits, it should seem, were growing too conspicuous; the power of his rising splendour, it might begin to be feared, would too powerfully eclipse that which was getting into the wane; and, therefore, though praise could not be entirely denied, it was by no means to be lavishly bestowed. this is ever the cold and cautious sentiment of mean and mercenary minds: it sometimes creeps into the bosoms of even the liberal and the brave. in the former, it begets a fixed principle of action; from the latter, it is generally soon expelled by a little dispassionate reflection. it is like the last struggle of age, contending against a conviction of the superior vigour of youth: which, by a good parent, is often unwillingly relinquished, in even corporeal considerations; scarcely ever, willingly, in those of intellect. without meaning to hazard any particular application of these ideas, there is good reason to think that he began now to be an object of considerable attraction. his power, though still abundantly too confined for his ability, had been in some degree extended; and his services were, in consequence, so numerous and great, that he well merited recommendation to an enlarged sphere of action. that he thought himself slighted, is beyond a possibility of doubt: smarting with the total loss of sight in one eye, and almost exhausted by fatigue, he felt conscious of deserving applause more ardent than any which he had yet obtained. he was, probably, not pleased to find that his journal of the siege of calvi did not appear, as perhaps it ought to have done, in the gazette; nor even the letter in commendation of his voluntary coadjutors, which he had sent to lord hood. his lordship, however, it is but just to remark, could by no means be considered as accountable for these omissions, as he certainly transmitted both these documents to government. what were his sensations, at this juncture, it would be difficult exactly to ascertain; but his consolation is known, and it was worthy of his exalted mind--"they have not done me justice," said he, writing to his eldest sister, mrs. bolton, "in the affair of calvi; but, never mind, i'll have a gazette of my own." on another occasion, soon after, he remarked that he had then been more than a hundred days actually engaged, at sea and on shore, against the enemy, since the commencement of the war; that he had the comfort to be ever applauded by the commander in chief, but never to be rewarded: and, what he considered as more mortifying than all the rest, for services in which he was slightly wounded, others had been extravagantly praised, who were very snug in bed all the time, far distant from the scene of action. in october , lord hood returned to england; when the command of the mediterranean fleet devolved on the present lord hotham, with whom captain nelson continued to serve with equally distinguished ability wherever opportunities occurred. at the latter end of december, and beginning of january , they were cruizing off toulon for about three weeks: during fifteen days of which, in such a series of bad weather as he had scarcely ever experienced, they were almost constantly under storm stay-sails. they saw, while on this cruise, three french frigates; and had no doubt that, as one of them was a crippled ship, the agamemnon, which sailed better than any ship in the fleet, and was the nearest to them by a couple of leagues, might have taken one or two of them. a line of battle ship, however, never chasing on such occasions, and the admiral's anxiety to keep the fleet together preventing him from making the signal for the frigates to chase them till too late in the day, they unfortunately effected their escape. on the th of january, they arrived, from this unsuccessful cruise, in the gulph of st. fiorenzo; where, a few days after, in a very heavy sea, the berwick, of seventy-four guns, captain smith, which was preparing to join the fleet, not having the rigging set up, lost all it's masts, and was rendered a complete wreck. the superiority of the toulon fleet, at that time, rendered this a very serious misfortune, and it led to one which proved still greater. the french, in fact, had sixteen ships of the line, besides the sans culotte of a hundred and twenty guns, with twelve frigates and five corvettes, then in the harbour; and thirty marseilles ships were also fitting out as transports, generally supposed to be intended for the conveyance of troops on an expedition against our newly-acquired kingdom of corsica. admiral hotham, in the mean time, was desirous of getting again to sea, for the purpose of covering the convoy and expected reinforcements from england; and this he was obliged to effect without waiting longer for the berwick. he had, in truth, at this period, much to contend with. his fleet was only half manned; italy was calling him to her defence; and corsica perpetually demanding the reinforcements and convoy hourly expected. the french, well aware how inadequate, in numbers and in strength, admiral hotham must necessarily be for the accomplishment of all these objects in the face of such superior force, came out with positive orders to seek and to destroy the british mediterranean fleet. this being effected, which their presumption left them no doubt would soon happen, their troops were to be landed, and the kingdom of corsica retaken. on the th of march, admiral hotham being in leghorn road, received an express from genoa, that the french fleet, consisting of fifteen sail of the line and three frigates, was seen on the th instant off the isle of marguerite. this intelligence corresponding with a signal made from the moselle, then in the offing, for a fleet in the north-west quarter, he immediately caused the squadron to be unmoored; and, at day-break the following morning, put to sea, in pursuit of the enemy. the moselle having brought intelligence that the fleet seen was steering to the southward, admiral hotham shaped his course for corsica, lest their destination should be against that island; dispatching the tarleton brig to st. fiorenzo, with orders for the berwick to join him off cape corse. he had, however, the misfortune to learn, by the return of the brig, the same night, that the berwick had, two days before, been captured by the enemy's fleet. though the french ships were seen daily by the advanced frigates, the two squadrons did not get sight of each other till the th, when the enemy was discovered to windward. next morning, observing them still in that direction, without any apparent intention of coming down, the signal was made for a general chace. the weather being squally, and blowing very fresh, the ca-ira of eighty guns, formerly the couronne, was discovered to be without it's topmasts; which afforded captain freemantle, of the inconstant frigate, who was far advanced in the chace, an opportunity of shewing a good proof of british enterprise, by attacking, raking, and harassing that ship, till the coming up of captain nelson, in the agamemnon, by whom it was soon so completely cut up, as to be incapable of getting away: his brave fellows, all the time, who appear to have been miraculously preserved, working the ship about the enemy's stern and quarters, with as much exactness as if going into spithead. though the ca-ira had thirteen hundred men on board, and captain nelson only three hundred at quarters, including himself--for this is his own account and mode of reckoning--he had, after an action of two hours, in which a hundred and ten of the enemy were killed and wounded, not one of his agamemnons slain, and no more than seven wounded. the sans culotte, however, of a hundred and twenty guns, at length coming up, and the british heavy ships being still distant, admiral hotham called him off; making the signal for the squadron to form on the larboard line of bearing, in which order they remained during the night. in the morning of the th, the ca-ira was discovered in tow of the censeur of seventy-four guns, so far separated from their own squadron as to afford a probable chance of cutting them off. the opportunity was not lost; and, all sail being made to effect that purpose, the enemy were reduced to the alternative of abandoning those ships, or coming to battle. our advanced ships were so closely supported in their attack on the ca-ira and censeur, that they were effectually cut off from any assistance; and the conflict ended by the enemy's yielding them up: satisfied, after all their boasts, by firing on the british line, as they passed with a light air of wind, and evidently happy that our van ships had suffered too much for the squadron to follow them with any prospect of success. the grand object of their vaunted armament, however, was completely frustrated by this encounter. it could not, captain nelson observed, be denominated a battle, as the enemy would not afford any opportunity of closing with them; if they had, from the zeal and gallantry endeavoured to be shewn by each individual captain, there was not the smallest doubt that a glorious victory would have ensued. the french ships had been all fitted with forges; and fired, continually, from some of their guns, hot shot and shells. the diabolical practice of having furnaces in their cockpits, however, was found too dangerous to be long persisted in. several of the french ships were crippled, and some of them went off towed by frigates, or without bowsprits, &c. the sans culotte got to genoa, and others to vado bay. the british squadron, with the prizes, which were greatly shattered and very leaky, proceeded to st. fiorenzo: where it remained till the d; and then sailed for leghorn, to join the blenheim and bombay castle, that it might again go in pursuit of some of the french ships. captain nelson obtained, on this occasion, the highest approbation of our own fleet, and the handsomest and most liberal testimony from that of the enemy. the fleet having been refitted at leghorn, and obtained another seventy-four gun ship from the king of naples, they proceeded to the westward, for reinforcements, about the th of may; and afterwards went to minorca, where they remained some time waiting for a convoy's arrival from gibraltar. having returned to st. fiorenzo the latter end of june, captain nelson was dispatched, on the th of july, with the agamemnon, meleager, ariadne, moselle, and the mutine cutter, to co-operate with the austrian general in the recovery of genoa. the second day, however, he fell in with the french fleet, which admiral hotham had supposed at toulon, and was chased back to st. fiorenzo. it appears evident, from all their movements, that they did not know our fleet was in port. the chace continued twenty-four hours; and, owing to the freshness of the winds in these seas, he was occasionally hard pressed; but they being, as he said, neither seamen nor officers, gave him many advantages. on the th, in the morning, admiral hotham was much surprised to learn that the above squadron was seen in the offing, pursued into port by the enemy's fleet. immediately on their appearance, he made every preparation to put to sea after them; having the mortification, in the mean time, to behold captain nelson, with his little squadron, for nearly seven hours, almost wholly in their possession. the shore, and his knowledge of it, proved his greatest friends on this occasion. though most of the british ships were in the midst of watering and refitting, by very great exertions, the whole fleet got under weigh that night; but a calm, and swell, prevented their going out till the morning. it was not till day-break, on the th of july , that they were discovered by the fleet. at eight o'clock, admiral hotham, finding that they had no other view than that of endeavouring to get off, made the signal for a general chace. the baffling winds, and vexatious calms, which render every naval operation in this country doubtful, soon afterwards taking place, a few only of our van ships could come up with the enemy's rear about noon. these they so warmly attacked, that one of the sternmost ships, the alcide of seventy-four guns, had struck in the course of an hour. the rest of their fleet, favoured by a shift of wind, that placed them to windward, had got so far into frejus bay, while the greater part of our's was becalmed in the offing, that it became impossible for anything farther to be effected. had the wind lasted twenty minutes longer, the six flyers, as they were called, would have been alongside as many of the enemy. captain nelson had every hope of getting the agamemnon, one of these flyers, alongside an eighty-gun ship, with a flag or broad pendant flying; but the west wind dying away, and the east coming, gave them the advantage, and enabled them to reach their own shore, from which they were not three leagues distant. rear-admiral mann, who had shifted his flag to the victory on this occasion, commanded the six ships thus distinguished by their superiority of sailing: he proved himself, captain nelson observed, a good man, in every sense of the word. the disappointment of our brave countrymen, on this day, must have been prodigiously great. in the morning, there had been a hope of taking the whole of the french fleet; and, even latterly, no bad prospect of securing six sail of the line. instead of which, they had only taken a single ship, the alcide; and that, such was the fortune of this luckless day, took fire about half an hour after it had struck, and before being taken into possession--said to be occasioned by a box of combustibles in the fore-top--and the whole ship was soon in a blaze. several boats, from our fleet, were instantly dispatched to rescue as many as possible of the unhappy crew from the devouring flames; and, by great exertion, three hundred were saved: the remainder, consisting of about four hundred, had the melancholy fate of being blown up with the ship. the agamemnon, with it's usual good fortune, had none killed in this action, and only one wounded. it received, however, several shot under water, which kept the hands pretty well employed at the pumps: but this, captain nelson insisted, must have happened by accident, as he was very certain they only fired high. the six ships engaged were the victory, admiral mann, and captain reeve; agamemnon, nelson; defence, wells; culloden, troubridge; cumberland, rowley; and blenheim, bazeley. after anchoring for a few hours at st. fiorenzo, with the fleet, captain nelson was again dispatched, in the agamemnon, with orders to sail as before directed, when he had been chased back. accordingly, with a light squadron under his command, consisting of the inconstant, meleager, southampton, tartar, ariadne, and speedy, he proceeded to co-operate with the austrian general de vins: and, being informed by the general, that a convoy of provisions and ammunition was arrived at alassio, a place in the possession of the french army, he proceeded thither on the th of august; where, within an hour, he took nine vessels, burnt a tenth, and drove another on shore. some of the enemy's cavalry fired on the boats when boarding the vessels near shore, but not a single man was killed or wounded. the french had two thousand horse and foot soldiers in the town, which prevented his landing and destroying their magazines of provisions and ammunition. captain freemantle of the inconstant, was sent, in the mean time, with the tartar, to languelia, a town on the west side of the bay of alassio; where, captain nelson observes, in his dispatches to admiral hotham, published october , , in the london gazette, that commander executed his orders in a most officer-like manner. "i am indebted," he concludes, "to every officer in the squadron, for their activity: but, most particularly so, to lieutenant george andrews, first-lieutenant of the agamemnon; who, by his spirited and officer-like conduct, saved the french corvette from going on shore." the vessels taken were--a french corvette of ten guns, four swivels, and eighty-seven men; a french gun-boat of one brass gun, four swivels, and forty-nine men; a french galley of one brass gun, four swivels, and thirty men; a like galley, with twenty-nine men; a french brig, in ballast, burden a hundred tons; a french bark, burden seventy tons, laden with powder and shells; a french brig, burden a hundred tons, laden with wine; a galley, burden fifty tons, in ballast; and a tartane, burden thirty-five tons, laden with wine: those destroyed--a bark, laden with powder, drove on shore; and a ditto, laden with provisions, burnt. though this enterprise called for no particular exertion of great ability, it was executed with very complete success; and the result was both advantageous to the captors and their allies, and distressful to the common enemy. admiral hotham, in his dispatches to government, inclosing the account of this business which he had received from captain nelson, handsomely remarks that "his officer-like conduct upon this, and indeed upon every occasion, where his services are called forth, reflects on him the highest credit." admiral hotham was a very brave and highly respectable commander; and, being also a worthy man, he did whatever was in his power to serve captain nelson, whose superior ability he would, probably, have himself readily acknowledged on any occasion. he might not be sufficiently what captain nelson called a man of business, to admire the agreed co-operation with the austrian army, though as ready as any man to encounter the fleet of the enemy at sea: when, therefore, that co-operation became necessary, captain nelson's known habits of soldiering, immediately directed the admiral's attention to the brigadier; who had, accordingly, a not altogether unpleasant command of the squadron at vado bay, consisting of thirteen sail of frigates and sloops. this little fleet, however, with the exception of the above expedition, did very little important business, not a single frigate being allowed to chase out of sight. it was about this period, that captain nelson had the satisfaction of learning that he had, on the th of june preceding, in consequence of the then promotion of flag-officers, been appointed one of the colonels of marines. he had, it seems, been in some expectation of this promotion, but little imagined that it had already taken place: for, writing to captain locker on the th of june, off minorca, he observes that great changes had taken place in the fleet, and that more were on the eve of doing so. "perhaps," adds he, "the admiralty may commission me for some ship here: if so, provided they give me the marines, i shall feel myself bound to take her, much as i object to serving another winter campaign without a little rest." his health, indeed, had been considerably impaired before lord hood quitted the station; but as he had, after the reduction of corsica, less occasion for much continued exertion, it was now, on the whole, rather increased than diminished; and this timely promotion appears to have operated as a powerful cordial restorative. with the austrian general de vins, at vado bay, on the coast of genoa, he continued to co-operate during the whole time that admiral hotham retained the command; who quitted it in november , and was succeeded by sir john jervis; the present earl of st. vincent. this change seems to have been a very fortunate circumstance for captain nelson; and, perhaps, on the whole, little less so for sir john jervis. the new commander in chief was much too shrewd and discerning a character not to see the full value of such an officer as captain nelson. himself a man of the highest bravery, and of the first professional knowledge, he could not fail to recognize, in every act, the vigorous intellect, and undaunted valour, which captain nelson possessed. it was no slight shade of an uncertain tint, but a plain and decided distinction of character clearly perceptible at a single glance. bravery and skill abound, and will, it is hoped, always abound, in the british navy; and great, indeed, must be the merits of any one who shines with superior lustre in a constellation of such general brilliancy. sir john had, under his command, many able officers; but he immediately perceived that captain nelson was a star of the first magnitude, and nobly resolved to remove every intervening cloud which might prevent his appearing in full splendour. the great importance, not only to both these exalted naval characters, but to their country, which has been so much benefitted by their respective and united services, must prevent the necessity of any apology for reverting to the very origin of their acquaintance with each other: a communication which the author of these memoirs has the honour of being enabled to give, on no less authority than that of the earl of st. vincent himself. his lordship, while sir john jervis, was returning from the house of commons, of which he was then a member; when, in the treasury passage, he perceived captain locker at a distance, whom he instantly knew, from the singularity of his looking through an eye-glass fitted at the head of his cane. sir john immediately hailed his old friend: and captain locker, coming up, expressed his happiness at seeing sir john jervis; as he wished, he said, to introduce his _eleve_, captain nelson. from that period, till the time when sir john jervis took the command of the mediterranean fleet, he had never again beheld captain nelson; who, having served much with lord hood, and not knowing sir john jervis's generous intentions to bring him still more forward, expressed a wish to return to england in the agamemnon. that ship, indeed, from it's then bad state, was expected to be soon sent home: but sir john jervis seems to have felt more unwilling to part with captain nelson than his ship. on the death of lord hervey, the captain of the zealous, which happened soon after, sir john jervis immediately offered captain nelson the command of that ship; which he declined, still persisting in his desire to go home. it was not long, however, before he became sufficiently sensible of sir john's great attachment to him, and now readily expressed the desire which he felt to remain under his command. they were, thus, mutually pleased with each other; and there resulted, from the harmony which continued to prevail between these two truly great and heroic characters, the utmost possible advantage to their country, and the most complete glory to themselves. on the d of february , captain nelson, after looking into toulon, where there were then thirteen sail of the line and five frigates ready for sea, left the commander in chief to the westward of toulon, and proceeded to genoa. in april, so highly did sir john jervis approve of captain nelson's conduct, that he promoted him to the rank of temporary commodore, with directions to wear a distinguishing pendant, which was accordingly hoisted on board the old agamemnon. in may, orders having arrived for a third rate, the worst ship then in the line, to return home with the convoy, there could be no doubt that the agamemnon must be the ship: and john samuel smith, esq. the commander of the captain of seventy-four guns, being in a very ill state of health, and desirous of going to england, captain nelson was appointed to captain smith's ship; and he was to have went home in the agamemnon, had he not, shortly after, died at gibraltar. so completely, indeed, had captain nelson worn out his old and favourite ship, by a series of hard service, that when it went into dock for refitment, there was not a mast, yard, sail, or any part of the rigging, which remained fit for service, the whole having been cut to pieces with shot. the hull, also, was so greatly damaged, that it had for some time been secured and kept together merely by having cables properly served or thrapped round. on the th of august, he obtained the permanent rank of commodore, having a captain appointed to command under him in his new ship. in the mean time, he had been also incessantly employed, and still continued actively engaged till october, in the various arduous services of blockading leghorn; taking possession of porto ferrajio, with the island of caprea; and, lastly, in the evacuation of bastia. having convoyed, in safety, all the british troops from corsica to porto ferrajio, he joined sir john jervis in st. fiorenzo bay, and proceeded with him to gibraltar. on his way to gibraltar, november , , in writing to his friend captain locker, he remarks that he has seen the first and the last of the kingdom of corsica, it's situation, he says, was certainly most disirable for us; but the generality of the inhabitants were so greedy of wealth, and so jealous of each other, that it would require the patience of job, and the riches of croesus, to satisfy them. he adds, that they say, of themselves, they are only to be governed by the ruling power's shooting all it's enemies, and bribing all it's friends. in this letter, too, he observes, to his old friend, with evident exultation, that as soon as the fleet is united, which was then expecting to be joined by admiral mann, he had no doubt that they should look out for the combined fleet; who, he supposed, were about thirty-four sail of the line, badly manned, and worse ordered: "while our's," exclaims the gallant commodore, "is such a fleet as i never before saw at sea! there is nothing, hardly, beyond our reach. i need not give you the character of sir john jervis, you know him well; therefore, i shall only say, that he is worthy of such a fleet, for he knows how to use it in the most beneficial manner for our country." after landing at minorca, the th of november, where he observes that they were on shore "upon velvet," the fleet proceeded to it's destination, and soon safely arrived. the commodore, however, remained but a short time at gibraltar with the fleet; being ordered, by the commander in chief, to remove his broad pendant on board la minerve frigate of thirty-two guns, commanded by captain george cockburne; and, accompanied by la blanche of the same force, captain preston commander, immediately to proceed to porto ferrajio, for the purpose of bringing away the troops, and naval and military stores, which still remained there, and which were much wanted at gibraltar, in consequence of the change of circumstances occasioned by the recent commencement of the war with spain. during the night of the th of december, on his passage to porto ferrajio, commodore nelson fell in with two spanish frigates of considerable force. the largest ship, which carried a poop light, was immediately attacked by the commodore; who, at the same time, directed la blanche to bear down and engage the other. at forty minutes past ten, la minerve brought it's opponent to close action; and the fire continued, without intermission, till half past one in the morning, when the spaniard struck. it proved to be la sabina spanish frigate of forty guns; twenty-eight of them, on the main deck, being eighteen pounders; with two hundred and eighty-six men, commanded by captain don jacobo stuart. the captured ship lost it's mizen mast during the action; and the main and fore masts were so damaged, that they both gave way on the very first attempt to carry a press of sail. in this terrible conflict, one hundred and sixty-four spaniards, more than half the crew, were killed and wounded; while la minerve, though it's masts were shot through, and it's rigging much cut, had only seven men killed, and thirty-four wounded. in commodore nelson's first letter to sir john jervis, relative to this action, dated december , , he assumes not the smallest merit, but modestly gives the entire praise to his officers and crew. "you are, sir," says he, "so thoroughly acquainted with the merits of captain cockburne, that it is needless for me to express them: but the discipline of la minerve does the highest credit to her captain and lieutenants, and i wish fully to express the sense which i have of their judgment and gallantry. lieutenant culverhouse, the first lieutenant, is an old officer of very distinguished merit; lieutenants hardy, gage, and noble, deserve every praise which gallantry and zeal justly entitle them to, as does every other officer and man in the ship. "you will observe, sir, i am sure, with regret, among the wounded, lieutenant james noble; who quitted the captain to serve with me, and whose merits and repeated wounds, received in fighting the enemies of our country, entitle him to every reward a grateful nation can bestow." in the handsomest manner, he thus liberally concludes with praising his vanquished antagonist--"la minerve's opponent being commanded by a gallant officer, was well defended; which has caused her list of killed and wounded to be great, and her masts, sails, and rigging, to be much damaged." lieutenants culverhouse and hardy, with a proper number of men, being put in charge of la sabina, which was taken in tow, at four in the morning, a spanish frigate, known by it's signals, was seen coming up; and, at half past four, engaged with la minerve. commodore nelson now cast off the prize, and directed lieutenant culverhouse to stand to the southward. after a trial of strength for more than half an hour, the spaniard wore, and hauled off; or it would, the commodore was confident, have shared the same fate as it's companion. at this time, three other ships were seen standing for la minerve. the hope was now alive, that they were only frigates, and that la blanche was one of them: but, when the day dawned, it was mortifying to find that they were two spanish ships of the line, and two frigates, while la blanche was far to windward. in this situation, the enemy, by bringing up the breeze frequently within shot, it required all the skill of captain cockburne, which he eminently displayed, to get off with his crippled ship. "here," says commodore nelson, from whose letter to sir john jervis the above facts are chiefly collected, "i must also do justice to lieutenants culverhouse and hardy, and express my tribute of praise for their management of the prize. a frigate repeatedly fired into her without effect; and, at last, the spanish admiral quitted the pursuit of la minerve for that of la sabina, which was steering a different course; evidently, with the intention of attracting the notice of the admiral, as english colours were hoisted over the spanish. the sabina's main and fore masts fell overboard before she surrendered. "this is, sir, an unpleasant tale; but the merits of every officer and man in la minerve and her prize, were eminently conspicuous through the whole of this arduous day. the enemy quitted the pursuit of la minerve at dark." there were ten men wounded in this last attack, but none killed; and the mainmast was much damaged, and the rigging greatly cut. d'arcy preston, esq. captain of la blanche, had brought, on the preceding night, a few minutes after la minerve's first broadside, the smaller spanish frigate to close action. the enemy made but a trifling resistance, and eight or nine broadsides completely silenced them; when they called out for quarter, and their colours were hauled down. "i am sorry to add," says captain preston, in his letter to commodore nelson, written at sea, december , "the very near approach of three fresh ships, two of which we discovered nearly within gun-shot before we went into action, rendered my taking possession of her impracticable; when i wore, to join la minerve. finding the ships did not then close with the frigate, which i had left much damaged in her hull, sails, and rigging, i again stood after her: but she had, by this time, got her fore-sail, fore top-sail, and fore top-gallant sail, set; and not only out-sailed the blanche, before the wind, but was joined by another ship standing from the land. "nothing could exceed the steadiness and good conduct of the first-lieutenant, mr. cowen; and the whole of the officers, and ship's company, i have the honour to command. i have great pleasure to inform you, that not one person was hurt, or the rigging the least damaged. "i beg leave to add, how much i am obliged to captain maitland, who is on board, a passenger, to join his ship, for his very great assistance on the quarter-deck during the action." the worthy and gallant commodore was far less chagrined at the loss of these two prizes, than at that of his brave officers and men who were unfortunately on board that of which la minerve had taken possession. he seized, therefore, the first possible opportunity of sending a letter, by a flag of truce, to his excellency don miguel gaston, captain general of the department of carthagena, of which the following authentic copy is now for the first time printed. "his britannic majesty's ship the minerve, at sea, dec. , . "sir, "the fortune of war put la sabina into my possession, after she had been most gallantly defended: the fickle dame returned her to you, with some of my officers and men in her. "i have endeavoured to make the captivity of don jacobo stuart, her brave commander, as light as possible; and i trust to the generosity of your nation for it's being reciprocal for the british officers and men. "i consent, sir, that don jacobo may be exchanged, and at full liberty to serve his king, when lieutenants culverhouse and hardy are delivered into the garrison of gibraltar, with such others as may be agreed on by the cartel established between gibraltar and st. roche, for the exchange of prisoners. "i have also a domestic taken in la sabina, his name is israel coulson. your excellency will, i am sure, order him to be immediately restored to me, for which i shall consider myself as obliged to you. "i also trust, that those men now prisoners of war with you will be sent to gibraltar. it becomes great nations to act with generosity to each other, and to soften the horrors of war. "i have the honour to be, with the most perfect esteem, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." not satisfied with this single application, he immediately strengthened it by another epistle, which he addressed to the spanish admiral, don juan mareno. in this letter, he also kindly bears testimony to the merits of the unfortunate commander of la sabina. "i cannot," says he, "allow don jacobo to return to you, without expressing my admiration of his gallant conduct. to you, who have seen the state of his ship, it is needless to mention the impossibility of her longer defence. i have lost many brave men: but, in our masts, i was most fortunate; or, probably, i should have had the honour of your acquaintance. but it pleased god to order it otherwise, for which i am thankful. i have endeavoured to make don jacobo's captivity as easy as possible; and i rely on your generosity, for reciprocal treatment towards my brave officers and men, your prisoners." on the th of december, la minerve captured, off the south end of sardinia, a french privateer, called the maria, of six nine pounders, and sixty-eight men; which was taken in tow, and carried safely into porto ferrajio: they arrived at that port on the th, and found there six of his majesty's ships at anchor. after employing upwards of a month, in refitting ships, and obviating various objections which had been unexpectedly made to the embarkation of the troops and stores from elba, on the th of january , the whole being embarked in twelve sail of transports, la minerve, with the romulus, southampton, dido, dolphin, dromedary, and sardine, sailed from porto ferrajio. sir gilbert elliot, the late viceroy of corsica, since lord minto; with the ingenious colonel drinkwater, secretary at war for that island; and the rest of the establishment; took their passage in la minerve, with commodore nelson: who, on his way to gibraltar, looked into the ports of the respective enemies, that he might be enabled to ascertain, and report to the commander in chief, the apparent state of the combined fleet. on the th, he parted from the convoy, accompanied by the romulus; and, on the st of february, looked into toulon harbour. they took, on the th, a small spanish felucca; and, on the th, another. on the th, looked into the harbour of carthagena; and, on the th, safely moored in rosier bay, gibraltar: a few days after the spanish fleet from carthagena had been seen to pass through the straits. the next day, commodore nelson had the pleasure to receive on board lieutenants culverhouse and hardy, with all the seamen belonging to la minerve, who had been liberated, by the spaniards, and returned to gibraltar, in consequence of his judicious applications. anxious to join sir john jervis, that he might partake in the glory of an expected engagement between the two fleets, on saturday, the th, at half past two in the afternoon, la minerve weighed, and made sail; when, on proceeding westward to the appointed place of rendezvous, two spanish ships of the line, cut or slipped from algesiras, and gave chase. la minerve, however, making all possible sail, left them fast; and, in the evening, was within four leagues of cape spartel. in the morning of the th, at half past three, the report of several guns was heard; which, there seemed little doubt, proceeded from the spanish fleet. the commodore, therefore, bore up to the northward. next morning, the th, he saw two strange sail bearing north north-west, after which he made sail; and, at half past three, heard several guns fired in that quarter, which was evidently the situation of the spanish fleet. at half past eight, commodore nelson saw the english fleet; and made the private signal, which was answered by the commander in chief. on joining the fleet, commodore nelson communicated to sir john jervis what he had remarked respecting the situation of the spanish fleet; and which, with other intelligence, induced the commander in chief to send off dispatches to england, expressive of his hopes soon to come up with the enemy; whom it was his determination to engage the first moment possible. commodore nelson having been made acquainted, by sir john jervis, with the particulars of his plan for the intended order of battle, which had several days before been imparted to the other commanders of the respective ships, shifted his broad pendant, at half past six in the morning, from la minerve to his former ship, the captain, of seventy-four guns, ralph willet miller, esq. commander: shortly after which, the signal was thrown out, for every ship to prepare for action. though, on joining the british fleet, the lively frigate, commanded by the right honourable lord viscount garlies, was appointed to proceed with sir gilbert elliot, and the gentlemen accompanying him, to england; there being reason to expect an approaching general engagement with the spanish fleet, the lively, at the joint solicitations of sir gilbert elliot and lord garlies, who were desirous of waiting and observing the issue, was detained with the squadron, and acted as a repeating frigate during the action. this circumstance enabled colonel drinkwater, who was on board the lively, to view that interesting scene with a precision and leisure which could never have occurred to any person actually engaged in the conflict. to the elegant pen of this gentleman, the world is indebted for one of the most accurate and masterly descriptions of a naval engagement which has ever been given; and his correct and elegant pencil has also illustrated his "narrative of the proceedings of the british fleet, commanded by admiral sir john jervis, k.b. on the th of february ," with engraved plans of the relative positions of the two fleets, at the various most momentous periods of the celebrated battle off cape st. vincent's. from this ingenious pamphlet, now become exceedingly scarce, there will, perhaps, be no impropriety in extracting the chief particulars of this, at that time, unparalleled naval victory: particularly as, from the very extraordinary share which commodore nelson actually had in this glorious engagement, by disingenuously presenting a garbled account relative to him alone, it might seem rather to appear as his battle, than that of sir john jervis, the illustrious commander in chief; who derives, so deservedly, from that splendid victory, his title of earl of st. vincent. the weakness of over-zealous friends is often more prejudicial than the most violent efforts of professed enemies. no man ever less needed, or less desired, to strip a single leaf from the honoured wreath of any other hero, with the vain hope of augmenting his own, than the immortal nelson; no man ever more merited the whole of that which a generous nation unanimously presented to sir john jervis, than the earl of st. vincent. "before i enter," says colonel drinkwater, "on the detail of the proceedings of the important day which will certainly immortalize the name of jervis, and of his brave seconds, it will be proper to state the relative force of the british and spanish fleets. "the british fleet--or, to use, i believe, a more correct term, the british squadron--consisted of fifteen sail of the line, four frigates, a sloop of war, and a cutter; the spanish fleet, of twenty-seven sail of the line, ten frigates, and a brig. "before sun-set, in the evening of the th, the signal had been made for the british squadron to prepare for battle, and the ships were also directed to keep in close order during the night. "at day-break, on the th--st. valentine's day--the british fleet was in complete order, formed in two divisions, standing on a wind to the south south-west. the morning was hazy. about half past six, the culloden made the signal for five sail in the south-west by south quarter; which was soon after confirmed by the lively and niger frigates, and that the strange sail were by the wind on the starboard tack. the bonne citoyenne sloop of war, captain lindsey, was therefore directed to reconnoitre. "at a quarter past eight o'clock, the squadron was ordered, by-signal, to form in a close order; and, in a few minutes afterwards, the signal was repeated to prepare for battle. "about half past nine o'clock, the culloden, blenheim, and prince george, were ordered to chase in the south by west quarter; which, upon the bonne citoyenne making a signal that she saw eight sail in that quarter, was afterwards strengthened by the irresistible, colossus, and orion. "a little past ten o'clock, the minerve frigate made the signal for twenty sail in the south-west quarter; and, a few minutes after, of eight sail in the south by west. half an hour afterwards, the bonne citoyenne made the signal that she could distinguish sixteen--and, immediately afterwards, twenty-five--of the strange ships, to be of the line. the enemy's fleet were, indeed, now become visible to all the british squadron. "the ships first discovered by the culloden were separated from their main body; which, being to windward, were bearing down in some confusion, with a view of joining their separated ships. it appeared to have been the british admiral's intention, on discovering the separated ships of the enemy's fleet, to have cut them off, if possible, before the main body could arrive to their assistance; and, with this view, the fast-sailing ships of his squadron were ordered to chase. "assured, now, of the near position of their main body, he probably judged it most advisable to form his fleet into the line of battle; and the signal was made for their forming the line of battle ahead and astern, as most convenient. a signal was made, directing the squadron to steer south south-west. "about twenty minutes past eleven o'clock, the admiral pointed out that the victory, his flag-ship, would take her station next to the colossus. some variation in steering was afterwards directed, in order to let the rear ships close up. at twenty-six minutes past eleven o'clock, the admiral communicated his intention to pass through the enemy's line, hoisting his large flag and ensign; and, soon after, the signal was made to engage. "the british van, by this time, had approached the enemy; and the destination of leading the british line into action, fell to the lot of the culloden, commanded by captain troubridge. about half past eleven o'clock, the firing commenced, from the culloden, against the enemy's headmost ships to windward. "as the british squadron advanced, the action became more general; and it was soon apparent, that the british admiral had accomplished his design of passing through the enemy's line. "the animated and regular fire of the british squadron was but feebly returned by the enemy's ships to windward; which, being frustrated in their attempts to join the separated ships, had been obliged to haul their wind on the larboard tack. those to leeward, and which were most effectually cut off from their main body, attempted also to form on their larboard tack; apparently, with a determination of either passing through, or to leeward of, our line, and joining their friends: but the warm reception they met with, from the centre ships of our squadron, soon obliged them to put about; and, excepting one, the whole sought safety in flight, and did not again appear in the action till the close of the day. this single ship, which persevered in passing to leeward of the british line, was so covered with smoke, that her intention was not discovered till she had reached the rear: when she was not permitted to pass without notice, but received the fire of our sternmost ships; and, as she luffed round the rear, the lively, and other frigates, had also the honour of exchanging, with this two-decker, several broadsides. "sir john jervis having effected his first purpose, now directed his whole attention to the enemy's main body to windward; consisting, at this time, of eighteen sail of the line. at eight minutes past twelve, the signal was therefore made for the british fleet to tack in succession; and, soon after, the signal for again passing the enemy's line. "the spanish admiral's plan seemed to be, to join his ships to leeward, by wearing round the rear of our line; and the ships which had passed, and exchanged shot, with our squadron, had actually borne up with this view. "this design, however, was frustrated by the timely opposition of commodore nelson; whose station in the rear of the british line afforded him an opportunity of observing this manoeuvre, and of frustrating the spanish admiral's intention. his ship, the captain, had no sooner passed the rear of the enemy's ships that were to windward, than he ordered her to wear, and stood on the other tack towards the enemy. "in executing this bold, and decisive manoeuvre, the commodore reached the sixth ship from the enemy's rear, which was the spanish admiral's flag, the santissima trinidada, of one hundred and thirty-six guns; a ship of four decks, and said to be the largest in the world. notwithstanding the inequality of force, the commodore instantly engaged this colossal opponent; and, for a considerable time, had to contend not only with her, but with her seconds ahead and astern, of three decks each. while he maintained this unequal combat, which was viewed with admiration, mixed with anxiety, his friends were flying to his support: and the enemy's attention was soon directed to the culloden, captain troubridge; and, in a short time after, to the blenheim, of ninety guns, captain frederick; who, very opportunely, came to his assistance. "the intrepid conduct of the commodore staggered the spanish admiral, who already appeared to waver in pursuing his intention of joining the ships cut off by the british fleet; when the culloden's arrival, and captain troubridge's spirited support of the captain, together with the approach of the blenheim, followed by rear-admiral parker, with the prince george, orion, irresistible, and diadem, not far distant, determined the spanish admiral to change his design altogether, and to make the signal for the ships of his main body to haul their wind, and make sail on the larboard tack. "advantage was now apparent, in favour of the british squadron, and not a moment was lost in improving it. as the ships of rear-admiral parker's division approached the enemy's ships, in support of the captain, and her gallant seconds, the blenheim and culloden, the cannonade became more animated and impressive. the superiority of the british fire over that of the enemy, and it's effects on the enemy's hulls and sails, were so evident, that there was no longer any hesitation in pronouncing a glorious termination of the contest. "the british squadron, at this time, was formed in two divisions, both on the larboard tack: rear-admiral parker, with the blenheim, culloden, prince george, captain, orion, and irresistible, composed one division, which was engaged with the enemy's rear; sir john jervis, with the other division, consisting of the excellent, victory, barfleur, namur, egmont, goliah, and britannia, was pressing forward in support of his advanced squadron, but had not yet approached the real scene of action. "while the british advanced division warmly pressed the enemy's centre and rear, the admiral meditated, with his division, a co-operation which must effectually compel some of them to surrender. "in the confusion of their retreat, several of the enemy's ships had doubled on each other; and, in the rear, they were three or four deep. it was, therefore, the british admiral's design to reach the weathermost of these ships; and, then, to bear up, and rake them all, in succession, with the seven ships composing his division. his object, afterwards, was to pass on to the support of his van division; which, from the length of time they had been engaged, he judged might be in want of it. the casual position, however, of the rear ships of his van division prevented his executing this plan. the admiral, therefore, ordered the excellent, the leading ship of his own division, to bear up; and, with the victory, he himself passed to leeward of the enemy's rearmost and leewardmost ships; which, though almost silenced in their fire, continued obstinately to resist the animated attack of all their opponents. "captain collingwood, in the excellent, in obedience to the admiral's orders, passed between the two rearmost ships of the enemy's line; giving to the one most to windward, a seventy-four, so effectual a broadside, in addition to what had been done before, that her captain was induced to submit. the excellent, afterwards, bore down on the ship to leeward, a three-decker: but, observing the orion engaged with her, and the victory approaching her, he threw into her only a few discharges of musketry, and passed on to the support of the captain, at that time warmly engaged with a three-decker, carrying a flag. his interference here was opportune, as the continual and long fire of the captain had almost expended the ammunition she had at hand, and the loss of her fore-topmast, and other injuries she had received in her rigging, had rendered her nearly ungovernable. "the spanish three-decker had lost her mizen-mast; and, before the excellent arrived in her proper station to open on this ship, the three-decker dropped astern aboard of, and became entangled with, a spanish two-decker, that was her second. thus doubled on each other, the excellent gave the two ships her fire; and then moved forwards to assist the headmost ships in their attack on the spanish admiral, and the other ships of the enemy's centre. "meanwhile, sir john jervis, disappointed in his plan of raking the enemy's rear ships, and having directed, as before observed, the excellent to bear up, ordered the victory to be placed on the lee-quarter of the rearmost ship of the enemy, a three-decker; and having, by signal, ordered the irresistible and diadem to suspend their firing, threw into the three-decker so powerful a discharge, that her commander, seeing the barfleur, carrying vice-admiral the honourable william waldegrave's flag, ready to second the victory, thought proper to strike to the british commander in chief. two of the enemy's ships had now surrendered; and the lively frigate, and diadem, had orders to secure the prizes. the next that fell, were the two with which commodore nelson was engaged. "while captain collingwood so nobly stepped in to his assistance, as already mentioned. captain ralph willet miller, the commodore's captain, was enabled to replenish his lockers with shot, and prepare for a renewal of the fight. no sooner, therefore, had the excellent passed on, than the gallant commodore renewed the battle. "the three-decker with which he was before engaged having fallen aboard her second, that ship, of eighty-four guns, became now the commodore's opponent. to her, therefore, he directed a vigorous fire; nor was it feebly returned, as the loss on board the captain evinced, nearly twenty men being killed and wounded in a very few minutes. it was now that the various damages already sustained by that ship, through the long and arduous conflict which she had maintained, appearing to render a continuance of the contest in the usual way precarious, or perhaps impossible, that commodore nelson, unable to bear the idea of parting with an enemy of whom he had so thoroughly assured himself, instantly resolved on a bold and decisive measure; and determined, whatever might be the event, to attempt his opponent sword in hand. the boarders were accordingly summoned, and orders given to lay his ship, the captain, on board the enemy. "fortune favours the brave! nor, on this occasion, was she unmindful of her favourite. captain miller so judiciously directed the course of the captain, that she was laid aboard the starboard quarter of the spanish eighty-four; her spritsail-yard passing over the enemy's poop, and hooking in her mizen shrouds: and, the word to board being given, the officers and seamen, destined for this duty, headed by lieutenant berry, together with the detachment of the sixty-ninth regiment, commanded by lieutenant pearson, then doing duty as marines on board the captain, passed with rapidity on board the enemy's ship; and, in a short time, the san nicolas was in the possession of her intrepid assailants. the commodore's impatience would not permit him to remain an inactive spectator of this event. he knew, that the attempt was hazardous; and his presence, he thought, might contribute to it's success. he, therefore, accompanied the party in this attack: passing, from the fore-chains of his own ship, into the enemy's quarter gallery; and, thence, through the cabin, to the quarter-deck, where he arrived in time to receive the sword of the dying commander, who was mortally wounded by the boarders. for a few minutes after the officers had submitted, the crew below were firing their lower-deck guns: this irregularity, however, was soon corrected, and measures taken for the security of the conquest. but this labour was no sooner atchieved, than he found himself engaged in another, still more arduous. the stern of the three-decker, his former opponent, was directly amidships on the weather-beam of the san nicolas; and, from her poop and galleries, the enemy sorely annoyed, with musketry, the british who had boarded the san nicolas. the commodore was not long in resolving on the conduct to be adopted on this momentous occasion. the two alternatives that presented themselves to his unshaken mind, were to quit the prize, or instantly board the three-decker. confident of the bravery of his seamen, he determined on the latter. directing, therefore, an additional number of men to be sent from the captain on board the san nicolas, the undaunted commodore headed, himself, the assailants in this new attack; vehemently exclaiming--"westminster abbey! or, glorious victory!" "success, in a few minutes, and with little loss, crowned the enterprise. such, indeed, was the panic occasioned by his preceding conduct, that the british no sooner appeared on the quarter-deck of their new opponent, than the commandant advanced; and, asking for the british commanding officer, dropped on one knee, and presented to him his sword; mentioning, at the same time, as an excuse for the spanish admiral's not appearing, that he was dangerously wounded. for a moment, commodore nelson could scarcely persuade himself of this second instance of good fortune: he, therefore, ordered the spanish commandant, who had the rank of a brigadier, to assemble the officers on the quarter-deck, and direct steps to be instantly taken for communicating to the crew the surrender of the ship. all the officers immediately appeared; and the commodore had the surrender of the san josef duly confirmed, by each of them delivering to him his sword. "william fearney, one of the commodore's bargemen, had attended close by his side throughout this perilous adventure. to him the commodore gave in charge the swords of the spanish officers, as he received them; and the jolly tar, as they were delivered to him, tucked these honourable trophies under his arm, with all the _sang-froid_ imaginable. it was at this moment, also, that a british sailor, who had long fought under the commodore, came up, in the fullness of his heart; and, excusing the liberty he was taking, asked to shake him by the hand, to congratulate him on seeing him safe on the quarter-deck of a spanish three decker. "this new conquest had scarcely submitted, and the commodore returned on board the san nicolas, when the latter ship was discovered to be on fire in two places. at the first moment, appearances were alarming; but presence of mind, and resources, were not wanting to the british officers in this emergency. the firemen were immediately ordered from the captain; and, proper means being taken, the fires were soon got under. "a signal was now made, by the captain, for boats to assist in separating her from her two prizes: and, as the captain was incapable of farther service till refitted, commodore nelson hoisted his broad pendant, for the moment, on board la minerve frigate; and, in the evening, shifted it to the irresistible of seventy-four guns, captain martin. "four of the enemy's ships were now in possession of the british squadron--two of three decks, the salvador del mondo, and the san josef, of a hundred and twelve guns each; one of eighty-four, the san nicolas; and the san ysidro, of seventy-four guns--and the van of the british line still continued to press hard the santissima trinidada, and others, in the rear of the enemy's flying fleet. "the close of the day, before the four prizes were secured, undoubtedly saved the spanish admiral's flag from falling into the hands of the victors. the santissima trinidada, in which he carried it, had been so much the object of attention, that the ship was a perfect wreck when the action ceased. many, indeed, aver that she actually struck both her flag and ensign; hoisting a white flag, as a signal of submission: but, as she continued her course, and afterwards hoisted a spanish jack, others doubt this circumstance. it is, however, an indisputable truth, that her fire had been silent for some time before this event is reported to have occurred. it was a defensive combat, entirely, on their parts, after commodore nelson obliged them to haul their wind on the larboard tack. "the loss of the enemy, in this engagement, must have been very considerable. the fire of the british squadron was, throughout the action, superior, in the proportion of five or six to one; and, if we were to judge from the number of killed and wounded found on board the prizes, their casualties, must greatly exceed the numbers that have been usually computed. almost all their wounded, that had lost limbs, died for want of assistance; and many others, who were wounded in other parts, were found dead in the holds. "the loss of the british squadron, in killed and wounded, amounted to exactly three hundred: moderate, indeed, when compared with that of the enemy, and considering the duration of the action! but the expenditure of ammunition was beyond any recent example. the culloden, it is said, expended one hundred and seventy barrels of powder; the captain, one hundred and forty-six; and the blenheim, one hundred and eighty: other ships expended in similar proportions. it is by no means unworthy of remark, however, that not a single british gun burst. "the captain fired more shot than are usually given to a ship of her rate, at her first equipment in england: and it was observed that, when shot or grape were wanting, on board this ship, for the carronades, the tars substituted, in their place, nine-pounds shot, seven of which were frequently discharged at one time; and this at so short a distance, that every shot of the seven must have had effect. "i could wish to convey, in some adequate manner, the merits of the chief personages in this glorious engagement; but the praise of those who were most conspicuous will, after all, be best collected from this faithful narrative of their actions: to express it, is far above the power of my pen. i confess, the admiration with which i viewed their conduct, would not permit me to be silent; or to suppress the strong feelings excited in my mind, by all the glories of that memorable day--if it were not for a real despair of reaching the extraordinary merits of some, and for a sincere apprehension of doing injustice even to those whom i might name, as well as to those whom i might, from ignorance, omit. certain it is, that while the admiral, and some distinguished actors in this scene, are covered with never-fading laurels--if others of the squadron had not the same important share in the transactions of the day, it was owing to circumstances not dependent on themselves, and to no want of ardour or personal exertion. "if i may be permitted to hazard an opinion, the whole squadron have gained immortal honour; for the victory of the th of february stands, in all it's circumstances, first and unparalleled in naval history. "the time mentioned in the narrative is taken from the minutes kept on board the victory. some difference occurs between them and those kept on board other ships; but i have thought proper to follow the former, conceiving them to be the most correct." such is the account of this glorious victory, as described by colonel drinkwater; who not only had the best possible view of the transactions in general, but was favoured with many particulars from some of the most intelligent officers who commanded or served on board the respective ships. the official letter of the commander in chief, as addressed, on this occasion, by sir john jervis, to evan nepean, esq. secretary of the admiralty, and published in the london gazette, it has been frequently observed, was remarkable for not containing a single syllable of individual praise. this circumstance has been differently accounted for, by different persons, as they have been swayed by their prejudices, their partialities, or their imaginations; few, however, appear to have been very solicitous about the truth. indeed, there are no inconsiderable number of writers, and of readers too, who would be rather mortified than pleased to discover any positive verity which might overthrow, or even oppose, their own preconceived notions, however unjust or erroneous. that the omission to mention names was the result of design, and not of accident, in the public letter of the commander in chief, is certainly true; and the earl of st. vincent need never blush at avowing the motive by which he was laudably actuated to avoid mentioning the names of individuals. he had seen an instance of the fatal consequences of such selections, in the then recent example of lord howe; who, with the best intentions, had thus unfortunately excited the most cruel pangs in the bosoms of many brave commanders. he resolved, therefore, with the most humane and benevolent view, to speak only, to the public, in terms of general approbation. having had occasion to say so much respecting this public letter, it's omission might, by the malignant, be construed into a wish to prevent it's being sufficiently investigated. truth, however, is always a gainer by minute enquiry: notwithstanding, therefore, the repetition which this letter necessarily contains of what has been already seen by the reader in colonel drinkwater's narrative, it is here subjoined-- "victory, off lagos bay, february , . "sir, "the hopes of falling in with the spanish fleet, expressed in my letter to you of the th instant, were confirmed, that night, by our distinctly hearing the report of their signal-guns, and by intelligence received from captain foote, of his majesty's ship niger, who had, with equal judgment and perseverance, kept company with them for several days, on my prescribed rendezvous; which, from the strong south-east winds, i had never been able to reach: and, that they were not more than three or four leagues from us. i anxiously waited the dawn of day; when, being on the starboard tack, cape st. vincent bearing east by north seven leagues, i had the satisfaction of seeing a number of ships, extending from south-west to south, the wind then at west by south. at forty minutes past ten, the weather being extremely hazy, la bonne citoyenne made the signal that the ships were of the line, twenty-five in number: his majesty's squadron, consisting of the fifteen ships of the line named in the margin, were happily formed, in the most complete order of sailing, in two lines. by carrying a press of sail, i was fortunate in getting in with the enemy's fleet at half past eleven o'clock, before it had time to connect and form a regular order of battle. such a moment was not to be lost: and, confident in the skill, valour, and discipline, of the officers and men i had the happiness to command, and judging that the honour of his majesty's arms, and the circumstances of the war in these seas, required a considerable degree of enterprize, i felt myself justified in departing from the regular system; and, passing through their fleet, in a line formed with the utmost celerity, tacked, and thereby separated one-third from the main body. after a partial cannonade, which prevented their rejunction till the evening, and by the very great exertions of the ships which had the good fortune to arrive up with the enemy on the larboard tack, the ships named in the margin were captured, and the action ceased about five o'clock in the evening. i inclose the most correct list i have been able to obtain of the spanish fleet opposed to me, amounting to twenty-seven sail of the line; and an account of the killed and wounded in his majesty's ships, as well as in those taken from the enemy. the moment the latter, almost totally dismasted, and his majesty's ships the captain and culloden, are in a state to put to sea, i shall avail myself of the first favourable winds to proceed off cape st. vincent, in my way to lisbon. captain calder, whose able assistance has greatly contributed to the public service during my command, is the bearer of this; and will more particularly describe, to the lords commissioners of the admiralty, the movements of the squadron on the th, and the present state of it. i am, &c. "j. jervis." "evan nepean, esq." this is, certainly, a very fair hasty sketch of the business; in which, though the names of particular commanders are not mentioned, for the reasons already stated, they are, perhaps, more than sufficiently hinted, to an eye of any discernment, by those of the ships described as having suffered most severely in the action. nor is this all. sir john jervis, in his private letter, of the same date, addressed to lord spencer, then first lord of the admiralty, as a guide for merited promotion, was by no means backward in naming those commanders who had been enabled most to distinguish themselves. of this important letter, which cannot fail to demonstrate that he did ample justice to individual gallantry and exertion, the author has been kindly honoured with an extract; which is now, for the first time, presented to the public, with the consent of the earl of st. vincent. "the correct conduct of every officer and man in the squadron, on the th instant, made it improper to distinguish one more than another, in my public letter; because i am confident that, had those who were least in action been in the situation of the fortunate few, their behaviour would not have been less meritorious: yet, to your lordship, it becomes me to state, that captain troubridge, in the culloden, led the squadron through the enemy in a masterly stile, and tacked the instant the signal flew; and was gallantly supported by the blenheim, prince george, orion, irresistible, and colossus. the latter had her fore and fore-topsail yards wounded, and they unfortunately broke in the slings in stays; which threw her out, and impeded the tacking of the victory. "commodore nelson, who was in the rear on the starboard tack, took the lead on the larboard, and contributed very much to the fortune of the day; as did captain collingwood: and, in the close, the san josef and san nicolas having fallen foul of each other, the captain laid them on board; and captain berry, who served as a volunteer, entered at the head of the boarders, and commodore nelson followed immediately, and took possession of them both. the crippled state of these ships, and the captain, entangled as they were, and that part of the enemy's fleet which had been kept off in the morning--as described in the public letter--joining at the instant, it became necessary to collect the squadron, to resist an attempt to wrest these ships, the salvador del mundo, and san ysidro, from us, which occasioned the discontinuance of the action." it is evident from this letter, and it's consequences, that the merits of commodore nelson were now duly appreciated. the handsome acknowledgment, by the commander in chief, that he had contributed much to the fortune of the day, was a very sufficient hint that he ought to participate in the honours and advantages which it might be expected to produce. sir john jervis, accordingly, became the earl of st. vincent; and commodore nelson, sir horatio nelson, k.b. in the mean time, so enraptured was sir john jervis, with the skill and bravery which he had witnessed in the gallant commodore, that he literally clasped him in his arms, when he came on board the victory, after the action--dirtied and disfigured as he was, with great part of his hat shot away--and pressed to his own valiant bosom one of the most heroic hearts that ever inhabited a human breast. this undoubted fact is given on no less authority than that of thomas bolton, esq. who received it from the honourable lips of his immortal brother-in-law. a week after the action, on his way to lisbon, the commodore wrote a letter to captain locker, dated on board the irresistible, lagos bay, february , ; in which, observing that he had been too unwell to write by the lively frigate, which carried the news of victory to england, he mentions that, as he knows how anxious his friend would be for his welfare, both in health and reputation, he sends him a short detail of the transactions of the captain: adding that, if he approved of it, he was at perfect liberty to insert it in the newspapers; inserting the name of "commodore," instead of "i." he mentions, that captain miller and berry, &c. authenticated the truth, till he quitted the san josef, to go on board la minerve; and that, farther than this, the detail should not be printed. as he does not write for the press, he modestly intimates, there may be parts which require the pruning-knife, which he desires him to use at discretion, without fear. "i pretend not to say," concludes he, "that these ships might not have fallen, had i not boarded them: but, truly, it was far from impossible that they might have forged into the spanish fleet, as the other two ships did." though the account inclosed in the above letter is in a considerable degree anticipated by the more copious and general narrative of colonel drinkwater, and in some measure by the letters of the commander in chief, the circumstance of it's having been written by the heroic commodore himself will be a better apology for inserting it, than any that could be offered by his biographer for it's omission. _a few remarks relative to the proceedings of his majesty's ship captain, on board of which ship commodore nelson's pendant was flying on the th of february ._ written by the commodore. "at one p.m. the captain having passed the sternmost of the enemy's ships, which formed their van, and part of their centre, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, they on the starboard, we on the larboard tack, the admiral made the signal to tack in succession; but, perceiving all the spanish ships to bear up before the wind, evidently with an intention of forcing their line, going large, and joining their separated divisions, at that time engaged with some of our centre ships, or flying from us--to prevent either of their schemes from taking place, i ordered the ship to be wore; and, passing between the diadem and excellent, at a quarter past one o'clock, was engaged with the headmost, and of course leewardmost, of the spanish division. the ships, which i knew, were the santissima trinidada of one hundred and thirty-six guns, san josef of one hundred and twelve, salvador del mundo of one hundred and twelve, san nicolas of eighty; there was another first-rate, and a seventy-four, names unknown. "i was immediately joined, and most nobly supported, by the culloden, captain troubridge. the spanish fleet, not wishing, i suppose, to have a decisive battle, hauled to the wind on the larboard tack, which brought the ships abovementioned to be the leewardmost and sternmost ships in their fleet. for near an hour, i believe, but i do not pretend to be correct as to time, did the culloden and captain support this not only apparently, but really, unequal contest; when the blenheim, passing between us and the enemy, gave us a respite, and sickened the dons. at this time, the salvador del mundo, and san ysidro, dropped astern; and were fired into, in a masterly stile, by the excellent, captain collingwood, who compelled the san ysidro to hoist english colours; and, i thought, the large ship, salvador del mundo, had also struck: but captain collingwood, disdaining the parade of taking possession of a vanquished enemy, most gallantly pushed up, with every sail set, to save his old friend and messmate; who was, to appearance, in a critical state. the blenheim being ahead, the culloden crippled and astern, the excellent ranged up within two feet of the san nicolas, giving a most tremendous fire. the san nicolas luffing up, the san josef fell on board her; and the excellent, passing on for the santissima trinidada, the captain resumed her station abreast of them, and close alongside. at this time, the captain having lost her fore-top-mast, not a sail, shroud, nor rope left, her wheel away, and incapable of farther service in the line or in chace, i directed captain miller to put the helm a-starboard; and, calling for the boarders, ordered them to board. the soldiers of the sixty-ninth, with an alacrity which will ever do them credit, and lieutenant pearson of the same regiment, were almost the foremost on this service. the first man who jumped into the enemy's mizen chains was captain berry, late my first-lieutenant--captain miller was in the act of going, also, but i directed him to remain--he was supported by our spritsail yard, which hooked in the mizen rigging. a soldier of the sixty-ninth regiment having broken the upper quarter-gallery window, i jumped in, myself, and was followed by others as fast as possible. i found the cabin doors fastened, and some spanish officers fired their pistols: but, having broke open the doors, the soldiers fired; and the spanish brigadier--commodore, with a distinguishing pendant--instantly fell, as retreating to the quarter-deck; where immediately onwards, for the quarter-deck; where i found captain berry in possession of the poop, and the spanish ensign hauling down. i passed with my people, and lieutenant pearson, on the larboard gangway, to the forecastle; where i met two or three spanish officers, prisoners to my seamen. they delivered me their swords. a fire of pistols or muskets, opening from the admiral's stern-gallery of the san josef, i directed the soldiers to fire into her stern; and, calling to captain miller, ordered him to send more men into the san nicolas, and directed my people to board the first-rate, which was done in an instant, captain berry assisting me into the main-chains. at this moment, a spanish officer looked over the quarter-deck rail, and said they surrendered. from this most welcome intelligence, it was not long before i was on the quarter-deck; where the spanish captain, with a bow, presented me his sword, and said the admiral was dying of his wounds. i asked him, on his honour, if the ship surrendered. he declared, she was. on which, i gave him my hand; and desired him to call in his officers, and ship's company, and tell them of it: and, on the quarter-deck of a spanish first-rate, extravagant as the story may seem, did i receive the swords of vanquished spaniards; which, as i received, i gave to william fearney, one of my bargemen; who put them, with the greatest _sang-froid_, under his arm. i was surrounded by captain berry, lieutenant pearson of the sixty-ninth regiment, john sykes, john thompson, francis cooke--all old agamemnons--and several other brave men, seamen and soldiers. thus fell these ships. "n.b. in boarding the san nicolas, i believe, we had about seven killed, and ten wounded; and about twenty spaniards lost their lives by a foolish resistance. none were lost, i believe, in boarding the san josef. "rear-admiral don francisco winthuysen died of his wounds on board the san josef, and commodore gerraldelino on board the san nicolas, soon after the action ceased. "don enrique m'donal was killed on board the san nicolas, when boarded by the captain." the second day after writing the letter which inclosed the above admirable account of the proceedings of the captain, on the memorable th of february, the fleet sailed from lagos bay, and proceeded to lisbon, which they reached on the th instant. the rejoicings of the portuguese at this glorious victory over the spaniards were little less ardent than if it had been their own; and their reception of the british heroes, at lisbon, was cordial beyond conception. while the fleet remained at anchor in the tagus, his majesty's ships the orion, minerve, romulus, southampton, andromache, bonne citoyenne, leander, and raven, received orders to put themselves under the command of commodore nelson; and, on the th of march, sailed from the tagus, with sealed instructions to the squadron, which were only to be opened in case of separation. the intention of this cruize is fully unveiled in a letter, written to a friend in england, dated on board the irresistible, off lagos bay, march , ; in which he observes--"i am here, looking out for the viceroy of mexico, with three sail of the line, and hope to meet him. two first-rates, and a seventy-four, are with him; but the larger the ships, the better the mark. "the spanish fleet," he adds, "is in cadiz; the officers hooted, and pelted, by the mobility. their first report was, the action happening in a foggy day; when the fog cleared up, they only saw fifteen sail of the line: therefore, concluded that, at least, five of our's were sunk in the action. my usual good fortune attended me; which, i know, will give you, among my other friends, satisfaction." this letter is extracted from the naval chronicle: the following is from a private letter to the earl of st. vincent, bearing the same date--"our cruize, as yet, has been unfortunate; but, i believe, no vessels have passed, which were not examined. the squadron want nothing, and are remarkably healthy. i shall remain off cape st. vincent's till i receive your farther orders." though the object of this cruize was pursued with uncommon ardour, the viceroy appears to have eluded all the vigilance of the british squadron; which, on the th of march, was joined by the captain, when commodore nelson again hoisted his broad pendant on board that ship. on the d of april, he joined the commander in chief off cadiz; and, on the th of that month, having received orders to blockade this port, wrote to apprize the american and danish consuls of the event. about the middle of this month, having been promoted to be rear-admiral of the blue, he was ordered, by sir john jervis, to bring off the garrison of porto ferrajio; a service which he performed with his usual address: and, as usual, he gives all the praise to his coadjutors. this will abundantly appear in the following letter to sir john jervis, dated on board the captain, off cape pallas, may , . "dear sir, "as i shall send away the rose cutter the moment i see the rock, you will know, from her arrival, that we are in a fair way for arriving safe at gibraltar. i spoke a danish frigate, on the th of april, from malaga four days. he says, the spanish fleet has most positive orders to come to sea, and fight you. this makes me doubly anxious to join you. i have not interfered with captain freemantle's charge and arrangement of the convoy: it could not be in better hands; therefore, i only overshadow them with my wings. i have the satisfaction to tell you, that all the troops--except the royals, who were always intended to be embarked in the ships of war--are embarked in the transports; with the exception of twenty, and general horneck, who are in two vessels loaded with wine. i offered to take a hundred into each ship of my squadron, but i found there was not the smallest necessity for it. i hope, sir, you will state this point at home; as it would have been a severe reflection on me, not to have left what was necessary for the embarkation of the army. i rejoice in this opportunity of vindicating my conduct; and beg leave again to recommend lieutenant day, agent for transports, to your notice. i placed my reliance on his judgment, not to leave a ship more than was necessary; and, i am not deceived: a more zealous, active officer, as agent for transports, i never met with. general de burgh also speaks of him in the highest terms; and, i hope, the transport board will keep their promise of recommending those officers in their service who eminently distinguish themselves; which, i take upon myself to say, lieutenant day has not only done at bastia, but at porto ferrajio. for his conduct at the former place, you was so good, on my stating his services, to recommend him to the admiralty; i should not do justice to his majesty's service, were i not to urge it again. "i have the pleasure to add, that all the captains under my orders have conducted themselves like zealous, good officers. "i have the honour to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." on the th of may, having arrived safely at gibraltar, he received a letter from james simpson, esq. the american consul; mentioning, that twelve sail of vessels belonging to the united states of america, with their cargoes on board, were in the road of malaga, unable to proceed on their respective voyages, because three french privateers were waiting to seize on them the moment they got from under the guns of that port, and there was no doubt that the french consul would adjudge them to be good prizes, as he had recently adjudged several american vessels and cargoes. the consul added, that it was impossible to get protection for them, unless the commodore should be pleased to afford them that of his majesty's fleet till they got close to the barbary coast, where they would consider themselves as safe. he accordingly sent, the very next day, the andromache frigate, captain mansfield, for that purpose. in the mean time, he returned a polite answer to the consul: in which he observed that, by thus freely granting the protection of the british flag to the subjects of the united states, he was sure of fulfilling the wishes of his sovereign; and, he hoped, of strengthening the harmony which at present so happily subsisted between the two nations. on the th, he shifted his flag from the captain to the theseus; and was appointed to the command of the inner squadron, at the blockade of cadiz. a curious proof occurs, at this period, of the conciliatory conduct, amiable manners, and more than chivalrous gallantry, of the heroic commodore and his commander in chief. this is contained in a letter addressed to the spanish admiral, don josef de mazerendo, dated on board the theseus, may , , as follows-- "sir, "i have the honour of sending your excellency a packet from sir john jervis; and i embrace the opportunity of assuring you of my high esteem for your character. the th of june being the birth-day of my royal master, sir john jervis intends firing a _feu de joye_, at eight o'clock in the evening; and has desired me to mention it to your excellency, that the ladies at cadiz may not be alarmed at the firing. believe me your excellency's most faithful servant, "horatio nelson." the spanish admiral's answer, addressed to sir horatio nelson, equally deserves to be recorded, as partaking of the same liberal spirit. "on board the conception, off cadiz, st june . "my dear sir, "i correspond to the urbanity merited by the letter with which you honoured me the th of may last. "the ladies of cadiz, accustomed to the noisy sounds of salutes of the vessels of war, will sit, and will hear what sir john jervis means to regale them with, for the evening of the th current, in honour of his britannic majesty's birth-day; and the general wish of the spanish nation cannot but interest itself in so august a motive. "god preserve you, many years. i kiss your hands. "your attentive servant, "josef de mazerendo. "p.s. i beg that you will be pleased to direct the two adjoined letters to the admiral jervis and to sir james saumarez." flags of truce, indeed, were continually passing, at this time, between the british and spanish commanders; and peace, by the latter, at least, was ardently wished for. the naval fête, proposed for his majesty's birth-day, had another object, which could not very courteously be hinted to the spanish admiral. on that day, it seems, rear-admiral nelson was invested, by his commander in chief, who personated the king on this occasion, with the insignia of the order of the bath, and the gold medal, which had been transmitted by the sovereign, in consequence of the glorious victory of the th of february over the spanish fleet. the mutual civilities between the spanish and british officers, while in expectation of peace, were certainly to the honour of both parties. it seems, however, to have been soon suspected, that advantage was taken of a most humane indulgence. on the th of june, a letter was addressed, by rear-admiral sir horatio nelson, to don josef mazerendo, the spanish admiral, from on board the theseus, which evidently intimated apprehensions of such an effect. "sir, "i am directed by my worthy commander in chief to inform your excellency, that numbers of the spanish fishing-boats are found at such a distance from the land as plainly to evince that they have something farther in view than catching fish; and, therefore, that orders are given, that no fishing vessel be in future permitted to go farther from the shore than their usual fishing ground; which, we understand, is in about thirty-five fathoms water. your excellency, i am confident, will receive this communication as an additional mark of attention from my commander in chief to the inhabitants of cadiz and it's environs; and will take measures for the information of the fishermen that their boats will be sunk, if found acting in contradiction to this notification of the british admiral. with every sincere good wish towards your excellency, believe me, your most obedient, "horatio nelson." this seems the prelude of augmented precaution, and a more rigid adherence to the closeness of the blockade. it was usual to send, nightly, a guard of one or two boats, manned and armed, from each ship, into the very mouth of the harbour. these were supported by some gun-boats, purposely fitted for the occasion; and which, in case of attack, depended for their own protection on the interior line of ships under the command of rear-admiral sir horatio nelson. with a view to enforce a strict attention throughout all the inferior branches of the service, the rear-admiral was accustomed to be rowed, in his barge, through these guard-boats, after they had been duly stationed for the night. thus officers and men were kept constantly in a state of alertness; and ready to repel any attack which might be meditated against them from the blockaded port itself. the spaniards, too, had equipped a number of gun-boats and large launches, in which they also rowed guard during the night, to prevent any nearer approach of the blockaders; who might, otherwise, they feared, suddenly annoy their fleet. on these occasions, they sometimes approached each other; and several little skirmishes had occurred, but none of any importance. as the spaniards seemed to be perpetually increasing the number of these gun-boats and armed launches, the british commander in chief thought it necessary to give them a timely check. so that, notwithstanding the occasional civilities of their epistolary correspondence, such are often the necessary deceptions of war, that hostilities were, perhaps, all the time, meditating by both parties. certain it is, that on the night of the d of july, only three days after the date of the above letter, rear-admiral sir horatio nelson received orders actually to bombard cadiz, without any polite intimation to the ladies of that city of the real danger which now awaited them. his letter to the commander in chief, on this occasion, will inform the reader how far it was successful. "theseus, july , . "sir, "in obedience to your orders, the thunder bomb was placed, by the good management of lieutenant gomley, her present commander, assisted by mr. jackson, master of the ville de paris, who volunteered his able services, within two thousand five hundred yards of the walls of cadiz; and the shells were thrown from her, with much precision, under the direction of lieutenant baynes of the royal artillery. but, unfortunately, it was soon found, that the large mortar was materially injured, from it's former services; i therefore judged it proper to order her to return, under the protection of the goliah, terpsichore, and fox; which were kept under sail for that purpose, and for whose active services i feel much obliged. "the spaniards having sent out a great number of mortar and gun-boats, and armed launches, i directed a vigorous attack to be made on them; which was done with such gallantry, that they were drove and pursued close to the walls of cadiz, and must have suffered considerable loss: and i have the pleasure to inform you, that two mortar-boats, and an armed launch, remain in our possession. "i feel myself particularly indebted, for the successful termination of this contest, to the gallantry of captains freemantle and miller, the former of whom accompanied me in my barge: and to my coxswain, john sykes; who, in defending my person, is severely wounded, as was captain freemantle, slightly, in the attack: and my praises are, generally, due to every officer and man; some of whom i saw behave in the most noble manner, and i regret that it is not in my power to particularize them. "i must also beg to be permitted to express my admiration of don miguel tyrason, the commander of the spanish gun-boats. in his barge, he laid my boat alongside, and his resistance was such as to honour a brave officer; eighteen of the twenty-six being killed, and himself and all the rest wounded. "not having a correct list of our killed and wounded, i can only state that, i believe, about six are killed, and twenty wounded. "i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." the encounter so modestly described in the above letter, was one of the sharpest conflicts in which the heroic writer had ever been engaged. sir horatio fought, hand to hand, with the spanish commandant; and, though the crew of his own barge consisted only of himself, captain freemantle, the coxswain, and ten bargemen, they killed or wounded the whole of the twenty-six men, with the commandant, who were in the spanish armed launch. never, indeed, had the rear-admiral been in a more perilous state. it was always his opinion, that he would probably have lost his life, if his brave and most faithful coxswain, john sykes, whose name deserves to be coexistent with that of nelson, had not wilfully interposed his own head to save him from the blow of a spanish sabre, which this generous man plainly perceived must otherwise prove fatal to his beloved master; and, though the poor fellow thus readily received the diverted stroke, it inflicted on his skull a very dangerous wound, which was for some time thought to be incurable. even before this unexampled proof of attachment, had that worthy and gallant man saved sir horatio, more than once during the conflict, from the dangerous blows of his numerous assailants; several of whom sykes, as well as his master, had mortally wounded. sir john jervis, in his letter to the admiralty, on this occasion, dated the th of july , gives the handsomest and the highest possible encomium to rear-admiral nelson. "the rear-admiral," says he, "who is always present in the most arduous enterprises, with the assistance of some other barges, boarded and carried two of the enemy's gun-boats, and a barge-launch belonging to some of their ships of war, with the commandant of the flotilla. rear-admiral nelson's actions speak for themselves; any praise of mine would fall very short of his merit!" a second and more effectual bombardment of the city of cadiz, and the shipping in the harbour, under the direction of rear-admiral sir horatio nelson, took place on the evening of the th of july. the bomb vessels, arranged by his instructions, suddenly opened a most tremendous discharge on the town, as well as on the fleet; which was vigorously kept up, till they had expended the whole of their allotted portion of shells: when, having greatly annoyed the enemy, and considerably diminished the force of the warlike preparations which had been collecting, they retired in good order, without themselves receiving the smallest injury. even these hostile attacks, however, do not appear to have extinguished civilities between the contending commanders, though they must certainly have diminished their satisfaction at receiving them. two or three days after, thirty spanish prisoners having been taken in a ship from the havannah, with the captain of a spanish frigate which had been burnt there, and who was a passenger in the captured vessel, rear-admiral nelson wrote a letter to don josef mazerendo, dated on board the theseus, july , ; in which he says, that he is directed, by sir john jervis, to acquaint his excellency that these thirty men are at liberty to return into cadiz, whenever he may be pleased to send for them, on condition that they do not serve till regularly exchanged. of the spanish captain, taken as a passenger, he generously adds--"i know it to be my commander in chief's intention, that he should not be considered as a prisoner of war. the distresses occasioned by the known laws of war," liberally concludes this exalted man, "are miserable enough, without adding to them!" the prisoners, accordingly, were immediately sent for; but there seems to have been a backwardness in the spanish admiral's performance of the conditions proposed: and, on the th, rear-admiral nelson resolutely demanded them again, that they might be immediately sent to england, if they were not received as prisoners of war; which, at length, was reluctantly agreed to. it appears that, about this time, intelligence had been received, by the commander in chief, of a prodigiously rich ship, el principe d'asturias, belonging to the philippine company, and bound from manilla to cadiz, being then in the port of santa cruz, the capital of the island of teneriffe; where the treasure was intended to be landed for security, as had previously been the case with several other rich cargoes. with a view of obtaining possession of these valuable treasures, an expedition against that place was determined on, under the conduct of rear-admiral sir horatio nelson. he was accordingly detached, by sir john jervis, on the th of july, with three ships of the line, the theseus, culloden, and zealous; the terpsichore, emerald, and seahorse, frigates; and the fox cutter. these were afterwards joined by the leander of fifty guns. the general orders which sir horatio nelson received were, to make a vigorous and spirited attack; but, on no account, personally to land with the forces, which were to be under the command of captain troubridge, unless his presence should be absolutely necessary. these particular injunctions were generally thought to have been most humanely given, by the commander in chief, for the sake of preserving the valuable life of the rear-admiral; which might, otherwise, from his known disregard of danger, be too much exposed: and some also ascribed them to the wish of giving captain troubridge a considerable share in the glory of that intended brilliant enterprise. the plan of this expedition was contrived with all that masterly address and precision which ever marked the operations projected by the judicious and gallant rear-admiral; and, as the author is favoured with the opportunity of giving them in detail, the principles which they comprise may be adopted, perhaps, with deserved success, by other commanders, on many future occasions. the first order issued by rear-admiral nelson was addressed to thomas troubridge, esq. captain of his majesty's ship culloden, and commander of the forces ordered to be landed for taking santa cruz. "theseus, at sea, july , . "sir, "i desire you will take under your command the number of seamen and marines named in the margin, who will be under the command of captains hood, freemantle, bowen, miller, and waller, and the marines under the command of captain thomas oldfield, and a detachment of the royal artillery under the command of lieutenant baynes; all of whom are now embarked on board his majesty's frigates seahorse, terpsichore, and emerald. with this detachment, you will proceed as near to the town of santa cruz as possible, without endangering your being perceived; when you will embark as many men as the boats will carry, and force your landing in the north-east part of the bay of santa cruz, near a large battery; which, when carried, and your post secured, you will either proceed by storm against the town and mole-head battery, or send in my letter, as you judge most proper, containing a summons, of which i send you a copy, and the terms are either to be accepted or rejected in the time specified, unless you see good cause for prolonging it, as no alteration will be made in them: and you will pursue such other methods as you judge most proper for speedily effecting my orders; which are, to possess myself of all cargoes and treasures which may be landed in the island of teneriffe. having the firmest confidence in the ability, bravery, and zeal, of yourself, and all placed under your command, i have only to heartily wish you success; and to assure you, that i am your most obedient and faithful servant, "horatio nelson." the number of seamen and marines mentioned in the margin of the above letter were--theseus, culloden, and zealous, two hundred each; seahorse, terpsichore, and emerald, one hundred each: making, in all, nine hundred, exclusive of officers and their servants. the summons alluded to, addressed to the governor or commanding officer of santa cruz, was as follows. "_by sir horatio nelson, knight of the most honourable order of the bath, rear-admiral of the blue, and commander in chief of his britannic majesty's forces by sea and land, before santa cruz._ "theseus, th july . "sir, "i have the honour to acquaint you, that i am come here to demand the immediate surrender of the ship el principe d'asturias, from manilla, bound to cadiz, belonging to the phillipine company, together with her whole and entire cargo; and, also, all such other cargoes and property as may have been landed in the island of teneriffe, and not intended for the consumption of it's inhabitants. "and, as it is my earnest wish, that not one individual inhabitant of the island of teneriffe should suffer by my demand being instantly complied with, i offer the following most honourable and liberal terms; which, if refused, the horrors of war, which will fall on the inhabitants of teneriffe, must be, by the world, imputed to you, and to you only: for i shall destroy santa cruz, and the other towns in the island, by a bombardment, and levy a very heavy contribution on the island. "article i. "the forts shall be delivered to me; and, instantly, a party of the british troops shall be put in possession of the gates. "article ii. "the garrison shall lay down their arms, but the officers shall be allowed to keep their swords; and the garrison, without the condition of being prisoners of war, shall be transported to spain, or remain in the island while their conduct is orderly and proper, as the commanding officer pleases. "article iii. "on the express condition, that the full and entire cargoes of the el principe d'asturias, and all such other cargoes and property as may have been landed on the island of teneriffe, and not intended for the consumption of it's inhabitants, be given up, and the first article complied with, not the smallest contribution shall be levied on the inhabitants, but they shall enjoy the fullest protection in their persons and property. "article iv. "no interference whatever shall be made in the holy catholic religion; the ministers of it, and all it's religious orders, shall be considered as under my especial care and protection. "article v. "the laws and magistrates shall be continued as at present, unless by the general wish of the islanders. "these terms subscribed to, the inhabitants of the town of santa cruz shall lodge their arms in one house, under the joint care of the bishop and chief magistrate; and it will be my pride to consult with these gentlemen what may be most advantageous for the inhabitants. "horatio nelson." "i allow half of one hour for acceptance or rejection. "horatio nelson." these articles being transmitted to captain troubridge, special orders were sent, the same day, to captain thomas oldfield, senior captain of the marines ordered to disembark; and to lieutenant baynes, of the royal artillery; directing them to attend, respectively, to all the desires of captain thomas troubridge, who was to command all the forces landed for taking the town of santa cruz. to the latter officer, a copy of the third article of the following regulations was, at the same time, particularly addressed. _"regulations recommended by rear-admiral sir horatio nelson_. " . "that each ship's boats should be kept together, by towing each other, which will keep the people of each ship collected; and the boats will be in six divisions, and nearly get on shore at the same moment. " . "the marines of each ship of the line to be put in their launches--which will carry them. " . "the moment the boats are discovered, by a firing being made on them, the bomb vessel to commence her fire on the town, and to keep it up till the flag of truce is hoisted from either the enemy or from us. " . "that a captain should be directed to see the boats put off from the beach, that more men may be speedily got on shore with the field pieces. " . "frigates to anchor as soon as possible after the alarm is given, or the forces ashore near the battery in the north-east part of the bay. " . "immediately as the forces get ashore, they are to get in the rear of the battery marked s, in the north-east part of the bay, and to instantly storm it; and, also, to take post on the top of the hill which is above it. "every ship to land the number of men as against their names expressed, with a proper proportion of officers, exclusive of commissioned officers and servants--[as stated in the letter to captain troubridge]--and the captains are at liberty to send as many more men as they please; leaving sufficient to manage the ship, and to man the launch and another boat. every captain, that chuses, is at liberty to land and command his seamen, under the command of captain troubridge. "it is recommended to put as many marine coats or jackets on the seamen as can be procured; and, that all should have canvas crop belts. "the marines to be all under the direction of captain oldfield, the senior marine officer: and he is directed to put himself under the direction of captain troubridge; as is lieutenant baynes of the royal artillery, with his detachment." to these general regulations were added the following particular instructions-- "theseus, july , . "the culloden's officers and men, with only their arms, to be ready to go on board the terpsichore, at one p.m. this day. to carry with them four ladders--each of which to have a lanyard four fathoms long--a sledge hammer, wedges, and a broad axe. "the boats oars to be muffled with either a piece of canvas or kersey. "horatio nelson. "memorandum--the culloden and zealous to each make a platform for one eighteen pounder, the theseus to make a sley for dragging cannon. "each ship to make as many iron ramrods as possible; it being found that the wooden ones are very liable to break, when used in a hurry. "the seahorse to make a platform for one nine pounder." the whole plan of proceedings being thus judiciously arranged, the attempt was commenced with every hope of success: but it turned out, that a very erroneous representation had been given of the forces of the enemy, which appear to have been far too numerous for so small a body of men successfully to encounter; and, indeed, there were other unexpected difficulties and disappointments. the following letter, from captain troubridge to sir horatio nelson, will account, in a considerable degree, for the miscarriage of the enterprise. "culloden, th july . "sir, "from the darkness of the night, i did not immediately hit the mole, the spot appointed to land at; but pushed on shore under the enemy's batteries, close to the southward of the citadel. captain waller landed at the same instant, and two or three other boats. the surf was so high, many put back. the boats were full of water in an instant, and stove against the rocks; and most of the ammunition in the men's pouches was wet. "as soon as i collected a few men, i immediately pushed, with captain waller, for the square, the place of rendezvous, in hopes of there meeting you and the remainder of the people, and waited about an hour; during which time, i sent a serjeant, with two gentlemen of the town, to summons the citadel. i fear, the serjeant was shot on his way, as i heard nothing of him afterwards. "the ladders being all lost in the surf, or not to be found, no immediate attempt could be made on the citadel. i, therefore, marched to join captains hood and miller; who, i had intelligence, had made good their landing to the south-west of the place i did, with a body of men. i endeavoured, then, to procure some intelligence of you, and the rest of the officers, without success. "by day-break, we had collected about eighty marines, eighty pikemen, and one hundred and eighty small-arm seamen. these, i found, were all that were alive, that had made good their landing. with this force, having procured some ammunition from the spanish prisoners we had made, we were marching to try what could be done with the citadel without ladders: but found the whole of the streets commanded by field-pieces; and upwards of eight thousand spaniards, and one hundred french, under arms, approaching by every avenue. as the boats were all stove, and i saw no possibility of getting more men on shore, the ammunition wet, and no provisions, i sent captain hood with a flag of truce to the governor, to say i was prepared to burn the town; which i should immediately put in force, if he approached one inch farther: and, at the same time, i desired captain hood to say, it would be done with regret, as i had no wish to injure the inhabitants; and that, if he would come to my terms, i was ready to treat. these he readily agreed to: a copy of which i have the honour to send you by captain waller; which, i hope, will meet your approbation, and appear highly honourable. "from the small body of men, and the greater part being pike and small-arm seamen, which can be only called irregular, with very little ammunition in the pouches but what was wet in the surf at landing, i could not expect to succeed in any attempt on the enemy, whose superior strength i have before mentioned. "the spanish officers assure me, they expected us, and were perfectly prepared with all the batteries, and the number of men i have before mentioned under arms; which, with the great disadvantages of a rocky coast, high surf, and in the face of forty pieces of cannon, though we were not successful, will shew what an englishman is equal to. i have the pleasure to acquaint you, that we marched through the town, on our return, with the british colours flying at our head. "i have the honour to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant, "thomas troubridge. "p.s. i beg to say that, when the terms were signed and ratified, the governor, in the handsomest manner, sent a large proportion of wine, bread, &c. to refresh the people, and shewed every mark of attention in his power." when the treaty just mentioned was first proposed to the spanish governor, he told captain hood that they ought to surrender as prisoners of war: to which he replied, that captain troubridge had directed him to say that, if the terms offered were not accepted in five minutes, he would set the town on fire, and attack the spaniards at the point of the bayonet; on which, the governor instantly closed, by signing the following treaty-- "santa cruz, th july . "that the troops, &c. belonging to his britannic majesty, shall embark, with all their arms of every kind; and take their boats off, if saved, and be provided with such other as may be wanting. in consideration of which, it is engaged, on their part, that they shall not molest the town, in any manner, by the ships of the british squadron now before it, or any of the islands in the canaries, and prisoners shall be given up on both sides. "given under my hand, and word of honour, "samuel hood. "ratified by-- "thomas troubridge, commander of the british troops. "juan antonio gutierrez, commandant general de las islas canarias." the next public document relative to this unfortunate expedition, it was the melancholy lot of the rear-admiral to pen with the left hand, his right arm having been shot off on the evening of the th, for the information of the commander in chief, to whom it was immediately transmitted. "theseus, off santa cruz, th july . "sir, "in obedience to your orders to make a vigorous attack on the town of santa cruz, in the island of teneriffe, i directed, from the ships under my command, a thousand men, including marines, to be prepared for landing, under the direction of captain troubridge of his majesty's ship culloden; and captains hood, thompson, freemantle, bowen, miller, and waller, who very handsomely volunteered their services: and, although i am under the painful necessity of acquainting you, that we have not been able to succeed in our attack, yet it is my duty to state that, i believe, more daring intrepidity never was shewn, than by the captains, officers, and men, you did me the honour to place under my command; and the journal which i transmit you herewith will, i hope, convince you, that my abilities, humble as they are, have been exerted on the occasion. "inclosed, i also transmit you a list of killed and wounded; and, among the former, it is with the deepest sorrow i have to place the name of captain richard bowen, of his majesty's ship terpsichore--than whom, a more enterprising, able, and gallant officer, does not grace his majesty's naval service: and, with great regret, i have to mention the loss of lieutenant john gibson, commander of the fox cutter; and a great number of gallant officers and men. "i have the honour to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your most faithful and obedient servant, "horatio nelson." the journal mentioned in this letter, as written by the rear-admiral, with his left hand, and transmitted to sir john jervis, was as follows. it is remarkable, that neither the letter, nor this journal, make the smallest mention of his having lost his arm on the occasion; which information merely occurs in the list of the killed and wounded. this singular mode of omitting to particularise himself, forms a curious trait in the character of the immortal hero. _a detail of the proceedings of the expedition against the town of santa cruz, in the island of teneriffe._ by rear-admiral nelson. "on friday the st inst. i directed to be embarked, on board the seahorse, terpsichore, and emerald frigates, one thousand men--including two hundred and fifty men under the command of captain thomas oldfield--the whole commanded by captain troubridge; attended by all the boats of the squadron, scaling ladders, and every implement which i thought necessary for the success of the enterprise. i directed that the boats should land, in the night, between the fort on the north-east side of the bay of santa cruz and the town, and endeavour to make themselves masters of that fort; which, when done, to send in my summons: the liberal terms of which, i am confident, you will approve. though the frigates approached within three miles of the place of debarkation, by twelve o'clock; yet, from the unforeseen circumstance of a strong gale of wind in the offing, and a strong current against them in shore, they did not approach within a mile of the landing-place when the day dawned, which discovered to the spaniards our force and intentions. "on my approach with the line of battle ships, captains troubridge and bowen, with captain oldfield of the marines, came on board, to consult with me what was best to be done; and were of opinion, if they could possess the heights, over the fort before mentioned, that it could be stormed. to which, i gave my assent; and directed the line of battle ships to batter the fort, in order to create a diversion. but, this was found impracticable; not being able to get nearer the shore than three miles, from a calm, and contrary currents: nor could our men possess themselves of the heights, as the enemy had taken possession of them, and seemed as anxious to retain as we to get them. thus foiled in my original plan, i considered it for the honour of our king and country, not to give over the attempt to possess ourselves of the town; that our enemies might be convinced there is nothing that englishmen are not equal to: and, confident in the bravery of those who would be employed in the service, i embarked every person from the shore on the nd at night. "on the th, i got the ships to an anchor, about two miles to the northward of the town, and made every shew for a disposition of attacking the heights; which appeared to answer the end, from the great number of people they had placed on them. the leander, captain thompson, joined this afternoon, and her marines were added to the force before appointed; and captain thompson also volunteered his services. at-eleven o'clock at night, the boats of the squadron, containing between six and seven hundred men, a hundred and eighty men on board the fox cutter, and about seventy or eighty men in a boat we had taken the day before, proceeded towards the town; the divisions of boats conducted by all the captains, except freemantle and bowen, who attended with me to regulate and lead the way to the attack: every captain being acquainted, that the landing was to be made on the mole; from whence they were to proceed, as fast as possible, into the great square; where they were to form, and proceed on such services as might be found necessary. we were not discovered, till within half gun-shot of the landing-place: when i directed the boats to cast off from each other, give a huzza, and push for the shore. "a fire of thirty or forty pieces of cannon, with musketry from one end of the town to the other, opened on us; but nothing could stop the intrepidity of the captains landing the divisions. unfortunately, the greater part of the boats did not see the mole; but went on shore, through a raging surf, which stove all the boats to the left of it. "for a detail of their proceedings, i send you a copy of captain troubridge's account to me; and i cannot but express my admiration of the firmness with which he and his brave associates supported the honour of the british flag. "captains freemantle and bowen, and myself, with four or five boats, stormed the mole; though opposed, apparently, by four or five hundred men; took possession of it; and spiked the guns: but such a heavy fire of musketry, and grape-shot, was kept up from the citadel, and the houses at the head of the mole, that we could not advance; and we were all, nearly, killed or wounded. "the fox cutter, in rowing towards the town, received a shot under water, from one of the enemy's distant batteries, and immediately sunk; and lieutenant gibson, her commander, with ninety-seven men, were drowned. "i must not omit to acquaint you of the satisfaction which i received from the conduct of lieutenant baynes of the royal artillery; not only from the ardour with which he undertook every service, but also from his professional skill." _list of killed, wounded, drowned, and missing, of his majesty's ships undermentioned, in storming santa cruz, in the island of teneriffe, in the night of the th of july ._ theseus, eight seamen, four marines, killed; twenty-five seamen wounded; and thirty-four drowned. culloden, one seaman, two marines, killed; twelve seamen, six marines wounded; and thirty-six drowned. zealous, three seamen, two marines, killed; and nineteen seamen, two marines, wounded. leander, one seaman, five marines, killed; one seaman, four marines, wounded; and one missing. seahorse, two seamen killed; and thirteen seamen, one marine, wounded. terpsichore, eight seamen killed; nine seamen, two marines, wounded; and four missing. emerald, five seamen, three marines, killed; eleven seamen wounded; and ten drowned. fox cutter, seventeen drowned. total killed, wounded, and missing, two hundred and fifty-one. officers killed. richard bowen, captain of the terpsichore. george thorpe, first-lieutenant of ditto. john wetherhead, lieutenant of the theseus. william earnshaw, second lieutenant of the leander. raby robinson, lieutenant of marines, ditto. lieutenant baisham, marines, of the emerald. lieutenant gibson, of the fox cutter, drowned. officers wounded. rear-admiral nelson, right arm shot off. captain thompson, leander, slightly. captain freemantle, seahorse, in the arm. lieutenant j. douglas, ditto, in the hand. mr. waits, midshipman, zealous. in a small spanish pamphlet, published at madrid, with a translation of which the author has been most obligingly furnished by sir john talbot dillon, though the account of our loss is so prodigiously exaggerated, as to state the killed to be twenty-two british officers and at least five hundred and sixty-six men, and adding that some accounts even make it eight hundred, there are certainly several interesting particulars which bear every mark of authenticity. the acknowledged loss of the spaniards, however, said to be only twenty-three killed, and thirty-eight wounded, may be considered as not a little apocryphal. indeed, no reliance can be placed on their numerical exactness; for the fox cutter is asserted, by them, to have contained three hundred and eighty men, instead of one hundred and eighty; and rear-admiral nelson is said to have lost his right arm, when in his boat, and before landing, which obliged him to re-embark on board the theseus, with the other officers who accompanied him badly wounded, on the d, instead of on the th. this pamphlet informs us, that captain bowen, of the terpsichore, who was killed, had first proposed the attack of santa cruz to admiral sir john jervis; which he represented as very easy, having previously cut out of that bay the spanish frigate, prince ferdinand, from the philippine islands. his chief pilot was a chinese, taken out of his former prize, who was also killed on the present occasion. lieutenant robinson, of the marines, badly wounded, was properly attended in the spanish hospital. a copy of captain thompson's orders had been found on him, by don bernardo collagon; a brave and most gallant spanish youth, who had, sword in hand, defended his country with great spirit, and was so generous and humane to the unfortunate wounded enemy, that he is said to have actually stripped himself of his shirt to make bandages for the wounds of the english. great humanity, indeed, was shewn to all the wounded; who were carefully re-embarked, many of them in a dying state, immediately after the capitulation was signed. the spanish governor generously regaled all the english troops with bread and wine, before they went into their boats, and invited the principal officers to dine with him that day. this, however, they politely declined; fearing some irregularity among their soldiers, from the effects of the wine: but agreed to wait on the governor next day. they accordingly did so: when, instructed by rear-admiral nelson, they offered, in his name, to take charge of the governor's dispatches for the spanish court; and he thus actually became the first messenger of his own defeat. in the mean time, he returned thanks to the spanish governor, for his great care of the sick and wounded, by writing him the following letter; dated on board his majesty's ship theseus, opposite santa cruz de teneriffe, july , . "sir, i cannot take my departure from this island, without returning your excellency my sincerest thanks for your attention towards me, by your humanity in favour of our wounded men in your power, or under your care, and for your generosity towards all our people who were disembarked, which i shall not fail to represent to my sovereign; hoping, also, at a proper time, to assure your excellency, in person, how truly i am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, "horatio nelson. p.s. i request your excellency will do me the honour to admit of a cask of english beer, and a cheese." "his excellency, don antonio gutierrez, commandant general of the canary islands." to this friendly epistle, the spanish governor immediately returned the following liberal answer-- "santa cruz de teneriffe, th july . "sir, with the highest pleasure, i received your esteemed favour, proceeding from your generous and well-disposed mind; since, on my part, i conceive, no laurel is due to him who only fulfils what humanity dictates: and i have done no more, in behalf of the wounded men, as well as others who disembarked; and whom, after all warfare has ceased, i ought to consider as brothers. "if, in the state to which the uncertain fate of war has led you, it were in my power, or could any thing that this island produces afford the least comfort or aid to you, it would yield me the truest satisfaction: and, i hope, you will admit of a couple of large flasks of canary wine; which, i believe, is none of the worst that this island produces. "a personal intercourse will give me great pleasure, when circumstances permit it, with a person so deserving, and of such distinguished qualifications as you so feelingly indicate. meantime, i pray god to preserve you in his holy keeping; and am, sir, your most obedient servant, "don antonio gutierrez. "p.s. i have received, and highly esteem, the cask of beer, and cheese, which you have done me the favour to send me." "rear-admiral nelson." on the th of july, there was a solemn te deum sung by the spaniards, in the parochial church of santa cruz: that day being the festival of st. christopher, the tutelary patron of the island; on which an annual thanksgiving is celebrated, as being the identical day when that island was first conquered, three hundred and one years prior to this period. such are the chief particulars of the spanish account, as supplied by sir john talbot dillon's most respectable translation; and which places in a very amiable point of view the characters of the respective commanders. on comparing the various accounts of this unfortunate expedition, there are certainly some incongruities. in the numerous biographical memoirs of lord nelson, either abridged or amplified from that in the naval chronicle, it is stated that the rear-admiral "received his wound soon after the detachment had landed." in these, too, it is added that, "while they were pressing on with the usual ardour of british seamen, the shock caused him to fall to the ground; where, for some minutes, he was left to himself, till lieutenant nesbit, missing him, had the presence of mind to return: when, after some search in the dark, he at length found his brave father-in-law weltering in his blood on the ground, with his arm shattered, and himself apparently lifeless. lieutenant nesbit, having immediately applied his neck-handkerchief as a tourniquet to the rear-admiral's arm, carried him on his back to the beach; where, with the assistance of some sailors, he conveyed him into one of the boats, and put off to the theseus, under a tremendous, though happily ill-directed, fire from the enemy's batteries. the day after the rear-admiral lost his arm," concludes the naval chronicle account, "he wrote to lady nelson; and, in narrating the foregoing transaction, says--"i know it will add much to your pleasure, on finding that your son josiah, under god's providence, was instrumental in saving my life." on the other hand, it seems remarkable that the spanish relation of this catastrophe positively pronounces him "to have lost his right arm when in his boat, and before landing." this, too, corresponds with the following short description of that unhappy business; which, without any essential alteration as to facts in it's transit, most assuredly proceeded from the ever to be revered hero's own faithful lips. the circumstance of so few boats hitting the mole with the rear-admiral, who had appointed it as the general place of landing, after having been baffled in his first design, proved fatal to the enterprise. by landing in the surf, they lost their scaling implements; and captain troubridge was not prepared instantly to storm the citadel, before the approach of the spanish troops, which could only have been carried by a sudden _coup de main_. rear-admiral nelson had only one foot out of the boat, and was in the act of landing on the mole, under a most tremendous fire from the batteries, when his arm was shot nearly off; and he fell back in the boat. at that awful moment, he recollected the injunction of his deceased uncle, on receiving the sword which he had thus been compelled to drop; and, groping at the bottom, speedily recovered it, and firmly grasped it in his remaining hand. he called to his brave companions in arms, who had already landed to storm the mole, and directed them to force the gate of the citadel; a task which, with all their exertion, they found it impossible to accomplish, though they succeeded in spiking several of the guns. at this juncture, lieutenant nesbit very humanely took the handkerchief from his neck, and tied it round the shattered arm of his father-in-law, a little above where it had been shot. the boat, in the mean time, was hastening to return on board the theseus, amidst a most dreadful discharge from the batteries. it soon approached where the fox cutter had just been sunk by a shot under water; and the unhappy men with which it had been charged, consisting of one hundred and eighty persons, were in the act of struggling for their lives. this was a scene of distress too dreadful to be passed, by their humane commander, without at least endeavouring to lessen the extent of the calamity. as many as possible of these poor fellows were instantly taken into the boat; an office of humanity in which the rear-admiral himself eagerly assisted, with his sole arm, smarting as he then was under the agony occasioned by the recent separation of the other. the corporeal anguish which he now felt, however, was mitigated by the solace he received in thus rescuing a few of his brave fellows from impending destruction; but, alas! the mental horror which he suffered, at beholding some of the noblest of the human race compelled to be forcibly rejected, and abandoned to their wretched fate, through dread of sinking his own overcharged boat, admitted of no alleviation, and inflicted pangs on his heroic heart, to describe which the powers of language are incapable of yielding any adequate expression. every possible exertion was used to reach the theseus, with a faint hope of the boat's returning in time to save a few more of these unhappy victims; and, a chair being called for, to accommodate the rear-admiral in getting on board, so impatient was he for the boat's return, that he desired to have only a single rope thrown over the side, which he instantly twisted round his left arm, and was thus hauled up into the ship. it appears, on referring to the account of the drowned, in the list of killed and wounded, &c. that eighty-three only were saved; so that ninety-seven men, including officers, from the different ships, thus miserably perished! the rear-admiral, on getting aboard the theseus, immediately suffered the amputation of his arm; but, some mistake having occurred, in taking up one of the arteries, which is described as having been united with a nerve, by an ingenious french surgeon, he long felt the most excruciating tortures. the earl of st. vincent, in his dispatches to government relative to this expedition, dated on board the ville de paris, off cadiz, august , , observes that, though the enterprise had not succeeded, his majesty's arms had acquired a very great degree of lustre. "nothing," says his lordship, "from my pen, can add to the eulogy the rear-admiral gives of the gallantry of the officers and men employed under him. i have greatly to lament," continues the noble earl, "the heavy loss which the country has sustained in the severe wound of rear-admiral nelson, and the death of captain richard bowen, lieutenant gibson, and the other brave officers and men who fell in this vigorous and persevering assault. the moment the rear-admiral joins, it is my intention to send the seahorse to england with him, the wound captain freemantle has received in his arm also requiring change of climate; and i hope, that both of them will live to render important services to their king and country." accordingly, after receiving the kindest condolences from the earl of st. vincent, and sending into cadiz the dispatches of the worthy governor of santa cruz, he immediately sailed for england. this affair of teneriffe, however unfortunate, being the first expedition against a place, the whole of which was undertaken and planned by himself, has been thought worthy of very particular attention. that the plan was not defective in wisdom, the reader has had an opportunity of sufficiently judging, by a perusal of the various preliminary documents actually issued on the occasion. the undertaking could only be expected to prove with certainty successful, by a secret and rapid _coup de main_, which should suddenly have obtained possession, in the first place, of the fort on the north-east side of the bay; and, in the second, of the heights by which it was commanded. the primary of these objects was wholly frustrated by the non-arrival of the boats at the place of destination under cover of the night; for, at the dawning of day, the spaniards having discovered both the forces and their intention, were induced to lose as little time as possible in previously occupying the heights above the fort. thus, by the delay of the boats, in the first instance, and by waiting, in the second, to consult with the rear-admiral, instead of at once pushing forward to secure this essential post, the business was completely reduced to a merely forlorn hope; and had better, from that moment, have been entirely abandoned. the exalted mind of the rear-admiral, however, though it felt, there is good reason to believe, the full force of this opinion, being conscious of having received instructions, from his commander in chief, to make a vigorous and spirited attack, and convinced that such attack had not been yet made, could by no means have satisfied itself, had he not at least endeavoured, whatever the risque might prove, to execute, with every effort, the utmost intention of his orders. with a promptness which never failed him, he now directed the troops to be embarked from the shore; having resolved on vigorously attacking the town, and even the citadel itself. this design, however, he ingeniously contrived to cover, by remaining apparently inactive on the d, as if he had entirely abandoned his intentions against the place: and, on the th, by approaching and anchoring to the northward of the town, and making every apparent disposition for assailing the heights, he drew the notice of the spaniards entirely to that quarter; who, consequently, left less invulnerable the objects of his real attention. the design of this meditated assault was certainly desperate; and so conscious did he feel of it's danger, though nothing could deter him from the attempt, that he has been frequently heard to declare the sensation he experienced, on going over the ship's side, to enter his boat, on the th at night, was a full conviction that he should never return. there was, indeed, a hope of success, but it was a faint one, and the evil genius of the expedition again interposed to defeat it. the boats did not keep together, as instructed; they did not all land, as directed, on the mole: and, in consequence, they were stove, by running ashore through a raging surf; the ammunition in the men's pouches got wet; and the scaling ladders were either lost, or forgotten in the confusion of the scene. even those who landed with captain troubridge, and whose valour instantly got entire possession of the town, lost the only chance there seems to have remained for successfully storming the citadel, by waiting so long in expectation of the rear-admiral, who had been fatally prevented from landing, and other aids and augmentations, that the spanish troops gained time to collect, and approach them, from the vicinity, in such force as nothing but the matchless address and intrepidity of british officers, and british men, could possibly have braved and surmounted. that they were extricated, by a daring resolution and determined valour, in captain troubridge and captain hood, which would have done honour even to rear-admiral nelson himself, is as certain, as that no want of courage prevented, in the smallest degree, the success of the enterprise. there can be no such possible imputation. by bravery, alone, it was wholly unaccomplishable; it might, possibly, have been effected, but even that is by no means certain, if they had not been deprived of the chief hero's most fertile mental resources, ever rising with the exigency, which his fatal wound had effectually prevented--and which no other man must be censured for not possessing; because, perhaps, no other man ever did possess them in so eminent a degree. besides, justice demands a due acknowledgment, that those who may rank among the greatest of men, having others at hand whom they consider as still greater than themselves, are to be excused for not hastily relying on their own judgment; though delay should, as it generally does in the operations of war, prove ultimately dangerous. the same persons, left under the necessity of acting for themselves, might be inspired with more confidence in their own ability, and proceed very differently in their operations. in lamenting that the several trials were not instantly made, which have been suggested as remaining at all practicable, during the critical periods alluded to, due regard must be paid to the opinions of those who had better opportunities of judging from intervening circumstances. not, indeed, that it is by any means unusual for the most exalted characters to discover, themselves, after the event, opportunities which might have been seized, and which they have for ever lost, of performing some peculiarly brilliant achievement. this is no disgrace. of much regret, it may often constitute a subject; of just reproach, never. by indulging these reflections, there is no other object in contemplation, than that of assisting to afford an accurate view of the ability which was exerted in this unfortunate enterprise; and thus demonstrating, by a new example, the force of the old observation--that success is not always acquirable, even where it is most merited. about the middle of september , sir horatio nelson having arrived safely in london, had apartments engaged in bond street; where he was attended by dr. moseley, the late celebrated surgeon cruikshanks, and other gentlemen of the faculty. it appears that, in consequence of a nerve having been improperly included in one of the ligatures employed for securing a bleeding artery, at the time of the operation--which ligature, according to the customary practice of the french surgeons, was of silk instead of waxed thread--a constant irritation, and perpetual discharge, were kept up; and, the ends of the ligature, hanging out of the wound, being daily pulled, in order to effect their separation, occasioned the severest agony to the heroic sufferer, who had scarcely any intermission of pain, either by night or day. his excellent spirits, however, never deserted him: and, in fact, he had not felt the slightest degree of fever on the occasion; a very unusual circumstance, after the loss of a limb. his deserved popularity had already acquired such a height, that the nation might be said to participate in his sufferings; and he received the most consoling civilities from the prince of wales, the duke of clarence, and other illustrious and noble characters. friends flocked around him. his worthy relatives hastened to attend and console him, from the country; and mr. bolton, in particular, was his constant companion. besides the order of the bath, and the gold medal, which he had received from his sovereign, in consequence of his important share in the victory of the th of february, he had also been presented with the freedom of the city of london in a gold box; and, in the month of october , it was generously resolved, by his majesty, to recompence his services, and ameliorate his sufferings, by granting him a pension of one thousand pounds a year. the indispensable custom of presenting a memorial to the sovereign, before any such grant can be issued, stating the nature of the services for which it is intended, gave rise to the following very singular recapitulation. "_to the king's most excellent majesty._ "the memorial of sir horatio nelson, k.b. and a rear-admiral in your majesty's fleet, "sheweth-- "that, during the present war, your memorialist has been in four actions with the fleets of the enemy: viz. on the th and th of march ; on the th of july ; and, on the th of february . in three actions in boats, employed in cutting out of harbours; in destroying vessels; and, in taking three towns. your memorialist has also served on shore, with the army, four months; and commanded the batteries at the sieges of bastia and calvi. that, during the war, he has assisted at the capture of seven sail of the line, six frigates, four corvettes, and eleven privateers of different sizes; and taken and destroyed near fifty sail of merchant vessels: and, your memorialist has actually been engaged against the enemy upwards of one hundred and twenty times. in which service, your memorialist has lost his right eye and arm, and been severely wounded and bruised in his body; all of which services, and wounds, your memorialist most humbly submits to your majesty's most gracious consideration. "horatio nelson." the pension thus granted proved highly acceptable: but his wound continued to torment him with unabated violence, till about the latter end of november; when, having one night experienced the unusual refreshment of a sound and lasting sleep, he was, on awaking, astonished to find, that his wound felt nearly free from pain. impatient to have it examined, he sent for his surgeon; and, to their mutual surprise, the silk instantly came away, at a single touch, without the smallest difficulty. from this hour, the wound began to heal; and, with all that characteristic piety of disposition, and that sincere gratitude to providence for signal deliverances, which he never failed to profess, he gave the late reverend mr. greville, of st. george's, hanover square, the following form of thanksgiving, to be read at that church during the time of divine service-- "_an officer desires to return thanks to almighty god, for his perfect recovery from a severe wound; and, also, for the many mercies bestowed on him._" "_december th ; for next sunday._" the original of the above thanksgiving, in his own hand-writing, is still carefully preserved by the present reverend mr. greville, son and successor of the venerable clergyman to whom it was delivered by sir horatio nelson. on the th of december, having been pronounced fit for service, by his surgeons, he made his appearance at court; and his majesty received him in the most gracious and tender manner: expressing, with peculiar marks of sensibility, his excessive sorrow for the loss which sir horatio had suffered, and the regret which he felt at beholding him in a state of health apparently so far reduced as to deprive the country of his future services. the brave admiral, however, immediately replied to his sovereign, with the most respectful but dignified tone of expression, in the following energetic and affectionate speech--"may it please your majesty, i can never think that a loss, which the performance of my duty has occasioned; and, while i have a foot to stand on, i will combat for my king and country!" his majesty appeared deeply affected by this manly and loyal answer; and, in consequence, on the th, only six days after, sir horatio nelson received orders to hoist his flag on board the vanguard, and again proceed to the mediterranean, as soon as that ship could be properly equipped for the voyage. not having been before in england since he lost, at calvi, the sight of his right eye, it was about this period that he went, accompanied by mr. bolton, to receive a year's pay, as smart-money; that being the customary allowance, in the navy, on losing an eye or a limb: but could not obtain payment, for want of the formality of a certificate from the faculty, to testify that the sight was actually extinguished. vexed, for a moment, at what he considered as a superfluous and almost impertinent requisition, it's loss being sufficiently notorious, though by no means apparent, he not only immediately procured the desired certificate; but, from whimsical pleasantry, humorously requested, and actually obtained, at the same time, a certificate from his surgeons of the loss of his arm, which was sufficiently obvious: asserting--with much propriety, in his particular instance, at least--that one might just as well be doubted as the other. on going, afterwards, to receive the sum, which was the annual pay of a captain only, that being his rank when he sustained the loss, the clerk observed that he thought it had been more. "oh, no!" jocosely replied the hero, "this is only for an eye: in a few days, i shall come for an arm; and, in a little time longer, god knows, most probably, for a leg!" accordingly, he soon after went again to the office, accompanied by the same gentleman as before; and, with perfect good-humour, exhibited the supererogatory certification of the loss of his arm. in january , sir horatio nelson having presented to the city of norwich the sword of the spanish admiral, delivered to him on the memorable th of february , an ingenious device, executed by mr. windham of that city, was erected in the council-chamber of the town-hall, to commemorate this event, and the consequent gift, which has been thus described--to the ring of an anchor, is suspended a yard and sail, supposed to be torn in action: on which is inscribed--"the sword of the spanish admiral, don xavier winthuysen, who died of the wounds he received in an engagement with the british fleet, under the command of admiral earl st. vincent, th of february , which ended in the most brilliant victory ever obtained by this country over the enemy at sea; wherein the heroic valour, and cool determined courage, of rear-admiral sir horatio nelson, k.b. had ample scope for their display. he, being a native of norfolk, has honoured the city, by presenting this sword, surrendered to him in that action." from the flukes of the anchor, the sword is suspended. underneath, is the coat of arms of sir horatio nelson, which was given to him by the king. the crest is the stern of a man of war; the supporters, are a sailor bearing a british lion, trampling on the spanish colours. the motto is--"faith and works." sir horatio appears to have spent his preceding christmas, and commencement of the present year, with his venerable father, and the esteemed husband of his amiable younger sister, mrs. matcham, at bath; where, also, he might be desirous to recruit his health and vigour for his approaching voyage. certain it is, that he quitted bond street in december, and was at bath the beginning of february. it was not till the st of april , that the convoy which he had in charge for lisbon was completely ready; and, though he sailed with it, on that day, from spithead, the wind, at the back of the isle of wight, coming to the westward, he was constrained to return to st. helen's. after waiting till the th, he proceeded to lisbon with the convoy; and, on the th of april, joined the earl of st. vincent, off cadiz. not a moment was lost by these great men, in proceeding to co-operate for the glory of their country. the crisis was peculiarly portentous. bonaparte, baffled in his views of invading england, or even ireland---after the last and most serious disaffection, recently extinguished, in the mutiny of the home fleet, produced an almost general unanimity of the country--had been engaged in preparing an expedition, on a scale of imposing grandeur, for some object which was endeavoured to be carefully concealed, till it should be manifested by it's tremendous effects. the armament destined for this grand secret expedition, which was collecting at toulon, under bonaparte, consisted of thirteen ships of the line, and seven forty-gun frigates, with twenty-four smaller vessels of war, and nearly two hundred transports; the latter filled with troops, horses, artillery, provisions, and military stores. in this fleet, it was said, were also to embark artists and scientific men of every description, with ancient and modern linguists, and all sorts of useful and curious instruments and machinery, calculated to promote knowledge, and extend improvement, in the intended country which they were about thus to seize and newly colonize. it was immediately agreed, by the earl of st. st. vincent, and sir horatio nelson, that the latter should the next morning sail, with the vanguard, orion, and alexander, of seventy-four guns each, the emerald and terpsichore frigates, and la bonne citoyenne sloop of war, to watch the motions of this formidable french armament. the earl of st. vincent was at no loss to know who was the senior officer under his command, and what was the customary etiquette; but he knew, at the same time, that he had, as commander in chief, a discretionary power; and carrying, in his own bosom, a dread responsibility to his country, he had not an instant to hesitate on whom it was his duty to depend. to the noble earl's magnanimity, therefore, is the country to be eternally considered as indebted for affording our favourite hero the opportunity of demonstrating his unequalled powers. by other commanders, as he formerly most feelingly remarked, he had been always praised, but never promoted; he was now promoted by his commander, and praised by all the world, while his commander generously declared that no praise could do justice to his actions. the confidence of the fleet, and of the nation too, were with the earl of st. vincent; and, though a few mean and malignant characters, envious of superior merit, mould occasionally suggest their base insinuations, that sir horatio nelson might not be equal to the management of a large fleet, the commander in chief, one of the first naval tacticians any country ever produced, had early seen who had the readiest and clearest conceptions of his own numerous plans, and well knew that nelson's genius would keep full pace with any augmentation of command which it was possible he should ever obtain. sir horatio, with the squadron abovementioned, sailed from gibraltar on the th of may; and, on the th, having captured a small corvette, which came out of toulon the preceding night, gained some little intelligence respecting the fleet, but none to be relied on as to their destination. his letter to the earl of st. vincent, mentioning this circumstance, concludes with these words--"you may rely, my lord, that i shall act as occasion may offer, to the best of my abilities, in following up your ideas, for the honour of his majesty's crown, and the advantage of our country." a sufficient proof of the concurrence of sentiment in these two heroic commanders, which led to so glorious a result. on the d, being in the gulph of lyons, at two in the morning, a most violent squall of wind took the vanguard, which carried away all the topmasts; and, at last, the foremast. the other ships also experienced, though in a less degree, the ill effects of this severe gale. to add to the disaster, the line of battle ships lost sight of their three frigates on this eventful day; which proved to be that on which the french armament had, at length, taken it's departure from toulon, and was then actually passing within a few leagues of the unconscious sufferers employed to watch it's motions. the little squadron now bore up for sardinia; the alexander taking the vanguard in tow, and the orion looking out ahead for a pilot to conduct them into st. pierre's road. this anchorage they happily reached on the th; and expected to have met with that friendly reception which their distresses demanded, from a power professing neutrality. the governor of st. pierre, however, had received orders from the french, not to admit any british ship; but no dread of hostilities could prevent the brave admiral from resolutely anchoring in the road. in a letter, written this very day, dated on board the vanguard, st. peter's island. sardinia, may , , and addressed to lady nelson, he thus describes the effect produced on his mind by the dangers just escaped. "my dearest fanny, "i ought not to call what has happened to the vanguard, by the cold name of accident: i believe, firmly, it was the almighty's goodness, to check my consummate vanity. i hope it has made me a better officer, as i feel it has made me a better man. i kiss, with all humility, the rod. figure to yourself, on sunday evening, at sun-set, a vain man, walking in his cabin, with a squadron around him, who looked up to their chief, to lead them to glory; and in whom their chief placed the firmest reliance, that the proudest ships, of equal numbers, belonging to france, would have bowed their flags; and, with a very rich prize lying by him--figure to yourself, on monday morning, when the sun rose, this proud, conceited man, his ship dismasted, his fleet dispersed, and himself in such distress that the meanest frigate out of france would have been an unwelcome guest. but it has pleased almighty god to bring us into a safe port; where, although refused the rights of humanity, yet the vanguard will, in two days, get to sea again as an english man of war." this is the letter of a truly christian hero, as well as of a most affectionate and tender husband. it will not be hastily believed, by the reflecting part of mankind, that he who possessed so high a sense of all the relative duties as the immortal nelson, had not afterwards good reasons for being separated from the wife whom he could once consent thus to address. what those reasons were, the reader will, probably, in the sequel, be enabled to form a tolerably correct judgment. notwithstanding the unfavourable reception encountered at st. peter's island, as hinted in the above letter, the resources of british seamen, which are seldom known to fail, enabled them soon to surmount most of their difficulties. captain berry, with the very able assistance which he received from sir james saumarez and captain ball, contrived to equip the vanguard with a jury foremast, jury main and mizen topmasts, and to fish the bowsprit, which was sprung in many places; and, on the fourth day after anchoring in st. pierre's road, they again put to sea, with top-gallant yards across. in the mean time, sir horatio nelson had addressed a letter to the viceroy of sardinia, dated on board his britannic majesty's ship, the vanguard, at anchor off the island of st. peter, th may ; in which he remonstrated, with becoming dignity, but not without considerate kindness, against the conduct he was experiencing. "sir, "having, by a gale of wind, sustained some trifling damage, i anchored a small part of his majesty's fleet under my orders, off this island; and was surprised to hear, by an officer sent by the governor, that admittance was to be refused to the flag of his britannic majesty into this port. when i reflect that my most gracious sovereign is the oldest, i believe, and certainly the most faithful, ally which his majesty of sardinia ever had, i could feel the sorrow which it must have been to his majesty to have given such an order; and also for your excellency, who has to direct it's execution. i cannot but look at afric's shore; where the followers of mahomet are performing the part of the good samaritan, which i look for in vain at st. peter's, where it is said the christian religion is professed. may god almighty bless your excellency, is the sincere wish of your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." it is not improbable, that this letter immediately occasioned a little secret assistance to be bestowed. certain it is, that some aid was actually received, or they could not so soon have conveniently taken their departure. they now steered for their appointed rendezvous, which they reached on the th of june; and were joined, next day, by la mutine, captain hardy, who was charged with orders to the admiral, and brought the highly acceptable information, that captain troubridge, with ten sail of the line, and a fifty-gun ship, had been detached to reinforce him. the knowledge of this circumstance diffused universal joy throughout the little squadron; which could scarcely be felt in a superlative degree by the heroic commander himself, who was now about to obtain what it had been the business of his life to acquire, an opportunity of evincing the ability with which he felt conscious of having been gifted by heaven. in the exultation of his open and generous heart, he observed to captain berry, that he should soon be a match for any hostile fleet in the mediterranean; and his only desire would then be, to encounter one. the squadron, on the th, were widely spread, in anxious expectation, looking out for the expected reinforcement. they were informed, that several sail, then in sight, were spanish ships, richly laden; but the love of glory now filled too powerfully the hero's breast, to admit the presence of any sordid or selfish passion. he had heard that, with the storm in which his ships so severely suffered, the grand armament had set out from toulon; and, perhaps, but for this apparently unfriendly gale, his little squadron might have become the prey of such greatly superior force. the fury of that tempest, however, though violent, was soon exhausted, and it's ill effects were quickly repaired: but the dark storm of desolation, proceeding from the collected thunders of france issued at the port of toulon, was now passing dreadfully over the menaced world; and every country seemed waiting, in awful horror, to behold where it should finally burst, and fatally descend. the consideration of the important part which sir horatio nelson had to act, in the grand theatre of the universe, now absorbed every other consideration. the alexander, indeed, had stopped one of the spanish ships; but, captain ball finding that it had on board eighty or ninety priests, driven by french persecution from the papal sanctuary of rome, considered it would be an act of inhumanity to prevent their seeking an asylum. he accordingly suffered the ship to proceed: bringing away only a few volunteer genoese seamen from the spanish vessel, who expressed their desire of the honour to serve in the british fleet, and their resentment of the ill usage which they had recently experienced from the detested french. in a state of the most pleasingly painful anxiety did this little squadron, and their impatient commander, continue to watch, for the expected reinforcement, till the th at noon; when they had the happiness to discover, from the mast-head, ten sail; and it was not long before these were recognized to be british ships of war, standing on a wind, in close line of battle, with all sails set. private signals were now exchanged; and, before sun-set, this important junction was completely effected. captain troubridge brought no instructions to admiral nelson respecting the course he was to steer, nor any positive account of the destination of the enemy's fleet. every thing was left to his own judgment. the pleasure which he felt at being thought worthy of such a command, called forth every power of his grateful and magnanimous mind. he had soon the felicity to find, that the captains under his authority, had no need of particular instructions to keep in constant readiness for battle; the ardour of their zeal anticipated his utmost wishes. the decks of all the ships were perfectly clear night and day, and every man was ready to take his post at a moment's notice. he perceived them, with unspeakable satisfaction, daily exercising their men at the great guns, as well as with small arms; and, in short, placing every thing in the best state of preparation for actual service. knowing that the enemy had sailed with a north-west wind, he naturally concluded that their course was up the mediterranean. he sent la mutine to civita vecchia, and along the roman coast, for intelligence; and, in the mean time, steered with the fleet to corsica, which he reached on the th of june, without obtaining any intelligence. the next day, he continued his course between corsica and elba, and between planosa and elba; through the latter of which passages large ships, or fleets, had not been accustomed to pass. on making the roman coast, they were rejoined by la mutine; but captain hardy, with all his exertions, had been unable to acquire any information. admiral nelson now resolved to steer towards naples, with the hope of proving more successful in his enquiries. it had been rumoured, that the plundering of algiers was the object of the french armament; but this account he considered as much too vague to warrant implicit adoption. on the th, they saw mount vesuvius; and captain troubridge was detached, in la mutine, with letters to sir william hamilton, making earnest enquiries respecting the french fleet, as well as of the powers and disposition of the court of naples to accommodate the british squadron. in one of these letters, he says-- "if their fleet is not moored in as strong a port as toulon, nothing shall hinder me from attacking them; and, with the blessing of almighty god, i hope for a most glorious victory. i send captain troubridge to communicate with your excellency; and, as captain troubridge is in full possession of my confidence, i beg that whatever he says may be considered as coming from me. captain troubridge is my honoured acquaintance of twenty-five years, and the very best sea-officer in his majesty's service. i hope, pilots will be with us in a few hours; for i will not lose one moment after the brig's return, to wait for any thing." in the mean time, knowing the anxiety of his country, at this period, he wrote to earl spencer, informing him of his belief that, if the french fleet passed sicily, towards which they had been seen steering, he should imagine they were going on their scheme of possessing alexandria, and getting troops to india, on a plan concerted with tippoo saib. "but," adds the hero, "be they bound to the antipodes, your lordship may rely that i will not lose a moment in bringing them to action, and endeavour to destroy their transports. i have sent captain troubridge on shore, to talk to general acton, and hope the king of naples will send me some frigates; for mine parted company on the th of may, and have not joined me since. the whole squadron is remarkably healthy, and perfectly equal to meet the french fleet." after observing, that he shall make sail the moment captain troubridge returns, he concludes thus--"highly honoured as i feel with this very important command, i beg you will believe that i shall endeavour to approve myself worthy of it; and that i am, with the highest respect, your lordship's most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." on the th, in answer to a letter sent by a boat from sir william hamilton, he writes--"captain troubridge will say every thing i could put in a ream of paper. i have only to observe, in my present state, if i meet the enemy at sea, the convoy will get off, for want of frigates. i submit this to you, to urge general acton upon. the king of naples may now have part of the glory in destroying these pests of the human race; and the opportunity, once lost, may never be regained. god bless you! depend on my exertions." this day, too, he wrote the following very laconic, but truly characteristic letter, for the earl of st. vincent; to be forwarded, by sir william hamilton, from naples. "vanguard, off naples, th june . "my lord, "i have only to assure you, i will bring the french fleet to action the moment i can lay my hands on them. till then, adieu. "horatio nelson." having received information, by captain troubridge, that the french were at malta, on the th, going to attack it; and that naples, being at peace with the french republic, could afford us no assistance; he seemed to lament that even a day had been lost, by visiting the bay of naples, and resolved instantly, by the shortest cut, to make the pharos of messina. such, at least, was the apparent face of the business; but, in truth, one grand object of captain troubridge's mission had been secretly successful to a very high degree. he had reached naples at five in the morning: when sir william hamilton immediately arose, and communicated on the business with the king of the two sicilies and general acton; who, after much deliberation, agreed, that nothing could possibly be done, which might endanger their peace with the french republic. lady hamilton, in the mean time, aware what would be the decision; and convinced, by all she heard from captain troubridge, of the importance to the british fleet, as well as to the real security of the neapolitan and sicilian territories, that the ports of these countries should by no means be closed against those who were alone able to protect them from the force or perfidy of general bonaparte; without consulting any thing but her own correct judgment, and well-intentioned heart, she contrived to procure, from some being of a superior order, sylph, fairy, magician, or other person skilled in the occult sciences, as many in naples, as well as elsewhere, positively profess themselves to be, a small association of talismanic characters, fraught with such magical and potential influence, in favour of the possessor, that the slightest glance of this mystic charm no sooner saluted the eye of a sicilian or neapolitan governor, than he was incapable of regarding any other object except what the bearer presented to his dazzled view, or of hearing any other injunction but that which the same person addressed to his astonished ear; while his tongue was, at the same time, impelled to secrecy, by the dread of an assured death. possessed of this treasure, sir horatio had immediately sailed; but, as his possession of this talisman was to remain a profound secret, till those periods should arrive when it must necessarily be produced, the same sort of correspondence continued to be kept up, between the parties, as if no such favour had been conferred on the hero by any friendly enchantress whatever. accordingly, the following epistle, dated on board the vanguard at sea, the th of june , was sent to sir william hamilton, apologizing for not having answered the letter of that worthy and most esteemed gentleman previously to sailing. "my dear sir, "i would not lose one moment of the breeze, in answering your letter. the best sight--as an irishman would say--was, to see me out of sight: especially, as i had not time to examine the marquis de gallo's note to you. i send you an extract of the admiralty orders to the earl of st. vincent, by which it would appear as determined by the cabinet, to keep a superior fleet to that of the enemy in the mediterranean; for the admiralty, you know, can give no such orders, but by an order from the secretary of state. as for what depends on me, i beg, if you think it proper, to tell their sicilian majesties, and general acton, they may rest assured that i shall not withdraw the king's fleet, but by positive orders, or the impossibility of _procuring supplies_. i wish them to depend upon me, and they shall not be disappointed. god forbid it should so happen, that the enemy escape me, and get into any port! you may rely, if i am properly supplied, that there they shall remain, a useless body, for this summer. but, if i have gun and mortar boats, with fire-ships, it is most probable they may be got at: for, although i hope the best, yet it is proper to be prepared for the worst; which, i am sure, all this fleet would feel to be, the escape of the enemy into port. my distress for frigates is extreme; but i cannot help myself, and no one will help me. but, i thank god, i am not apt to feel difficulties. pray, present my best respects to lady hamilton. tell her, i hope to be presented to her crowned with laurel or cypress. but, god is good; and, to him, do i commit myself and our cause. ever believe me, my dear sir, your obliged and faithful "horatio nelson." on the th of june, the british fleet passed through the pharos of messina, with a fair wind. the joy with which the sicilians hailed the squadron, when they discovered it to be british, gave the most heartfelt satisfaction to all on board. a vast number of boats came off, and rowed round with the loudest congratulations, and the most sincere exultations of delight; as they had been apprehensive that the french fleet, having secured malta, was coming to act against them. having learned, from the british consul, that malta had certainly been attacked, and was reported to have, at least, in part, surrendered to the french, he now addressed a letter to the most illustrious grand master of malta: apprizing him, that he was hastening to prevent that island from falling into the hands of the common enemy; and instructing him how to proceed till his arrival, which might be expected the following friday. he had, at this time, reason to suppose, that the french were only in possession of the old city; and, that their fleet was anchored between goza and malta. accordingly, he again wrote to sir william hamilton, requesting him to procure, from the court of naples, at least, a few gun-boats, if they could supply nothing more, to assist in dislodging the enemy from malta, and prevent their expected subsequent designs on sicily. both the above letters were delivered to the british consul, who had gone on board from messina on the th; and, next day, the fleet proceeded, with a press of sail, for malta. in the evening, being close off syracuse, they hoisted their colours, when a boat rowed out for about a mile; but, though the fleet brought to, and the mutine was sent in shore, it immediately rowed back again. at day-break, the following morning, la mutine, being off cape passaro, spoke a genoese brig which sailed from malta the day before; and the master informed captain hardy, that malta having surrendered on friday the th, the french fleet had left it the very next day, and were gone, as it was supposed, for sicily. the wind then blowing strong from the west north-west, there was no possibility of getting to malta till it should moderate; and, even there, no better information might be obtainable, while the french were in possession of the place. in the mean time, he greatly suspected the truth of what the genoese reported; well knowing how often vessels had been stationed by the enemy to give misinformation respecting their intended course. he would himself have examined the master, but found that he had been gone some hours. thus situated, the admiral had no other guide than his own judgment; and, after a due consideration of all the circumstances, having been assured, by sir william hamilton, that naples was at peace with the french, and sicily positively declared, by bonaparte, not to be the object, he determined to steer for alexandria; with the hope of frustrating the intentions of this armament, whatever those intentions might finally prove. from this period, to the th of june, only three vessels were spoken with; neither of which, though two were from alexandria, had seen any thing of the enemy's fleet. this day, the pharos tower of alexandria was perceived by the british squadron: and they continued wearing the land, with a press of sail, till the whole of them had a distinct view of both harbours; where, to the general surprise and disappointment of all, not a french ship was visible. having arrived off this port, captain hardy was directed to run close in with la mutine, and send an officer on shore with the following letter to mr. baldwin-- "sir, "the french having possessed themselves of malta, on friday the th of this month, the next day the whole fleet, consisting of sixteen sail of the line, frigates, bomb vessels, &c. and near three hundred transports, left the island. i only heard this unpleasant news on the d, off cape passaro. as sicily was not their object, and the wind blew fresh from the westward; from the time they sailed, it was clear that their destination was to the eastward: and, i think, their object is, to possess themselves of some port in egypt, to fix themselves at the head of the red sea, in order to get a formidable army into india; and, in concert with tippoo saib, to drive us, if possible, from india. but, i have reason to believe, from not seeing a vessel, that they have heard of my coming up the mediterranean, and are got safe into corfu. still, i am most exceedingly anxious to know, from you, if any reports or preparations have been made in egypt for them; or any vessels prepared in the red sea, to carry them to india: or for any other information you would be good enough to give me, i shall hold myself much obliged. i am, sir, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." the officer charged with this letter, brought back information that mr. baldwin had left alexandria nearly three months. there were, it appeared, in the old port, one turkish ship of the line, four frigates, and about twelve other turkish vessels; and, in the franks port, about fifty sail of vessels belonging to different nations. the line of battle ship was observed to be landing it's guns, and the place filling with troops. what the brave admiral felt, at being thus disappointed, it would be less difficult to conceive than to describe: certain it is, that the anxiety which he suffered in consequence of this so long baffled pursuit, brought on such violent spasms in the regions of his heroic heart as continued occasionally to afflict him during the remainder of his days. in a letter which he wrote to his commander in chief, the earl of st. vincent, immediately on discovering that the french were not at alexandria, after relating the particulars of his unfortunate progress, he pours forth the effusions of his honourable bosom, in a strain so affecting, that his biographer has been incapable of transcribing the passage without tears. "to do nothing," says this incomparable man, was, i felt, disgraceful; therefore, i made use of my understanding: and, by it, i ought to stand or fall. i am before your lordship's judgment--which, in the present case, i feel, is the tribunal of my country--and if, under all circumstances, it is decided i am wrong, i ought, for the sake of our country, to be superseded: for, at this moment, when i know the french are not in alexandria, i hold the same opinion as off cape passaro; viz. that, under all circumstances, i was right in steering for alexandria; and, by that opinion, i must stand or fall. however erroneous my judgment may be, i feel conscious of my honest intentions; which, i hope, will bear me up under the greatest misfortune that could happen to me as an officer, that of your lordship's thinking me wrong." it was now the object of his incessant contemplation, to ascertain the possible course of the enemy, and what could be their ultimate design. he feared, indeed, that sicily, in his absence, had fallen under the french yoke. with a mind too perturbed for repose, he was wholly incapable of remaining inactive. he shaped his course, therefore, to the northward, for the coast of caramania; that he might, as expeditiously as possible, arrive at some quarter where information was likely to be obtained. on the th of july, he made that coast; and, steering along the south side of candia, and carrying a press of sail, both night and day, with a contrary wind, being also in want of water, the fleet came, on the th, in sight of the island of sicily, and he determined to enter the port of syracuse. such instructions, however, had been sent to the governor of syracuse, through the preponderancy of french interest at this period, that he would have found it difficult even to enter, and probably have obtained little or no refreshment of any kind, though much was absolutely necessary, had he not, very fortunately, experienced the beneficial effects of lady hamilton's powerful influence secretly exerted in the only quarter which was not rendered impenetrable by the menacing insinuations of the then gallic resident at naples. it was the assistance he now procured, by virtue of the talismanic gift received from lady hamilton, and without which he could not, in any reasonable time, have pursued the french fleet, and possibly might never have come up with them, that he so solemnly recognized, a short time before his death, as to make it the subject of a codicil annexed to his will, in which he expressly _bequeaths that lady to the remuneration of his country_. on the th, in a letter to sir william hamilton, he says-- "it is an old saying, the devil's children have the devil's luck. i cannot find, or to this moment learn, beyond vague conjecture, where the french fleet are gone to. all my ill fortune, hitherto, has proceeded from want of frigates. off cape passaro, on the d of june, at daylight, i saw two frigates, which were supposed to be french; and, it has been said, since, that a line of battle ship was to leeward of them, with the riches of malta on board; but it was the destruction of the enemy, and not riches for myself, that i was seeking. these would have fell to me, if i had had frigates: but, except the ship of the line, i regard not all the riches in this world. from my information off malta, i believed they were gone to egypt: therefore, on the th, i was communicating with alexandria, in egypt, where i found the turks preparing to resist them, but knew nothing beyond report. from thence, i stretched over to the coast of caramania; where, not speaking a vessel who could give me information, i became distressed for the kingdoms of the two sicilies: and, having gone a round of six hundred leagues, at this season of the year, with an expedition incredible, here i am, as ignorant of the situation of the enemy, as i was twenty-seven days ago. i shall be able, for nine or ten weeks longer, to keep the fleet in active service, when we shall want provisions and stores. i send a paper on that subject herewith. mr. littledale is, i suppose, sent up by the admiral to victual us; and, i hope, he will do it cheaper than any other person. but, if i find out that he charges more than the fair price, and has not the provisions of the very best quality, i will not take them: for, as no fleet has more fag than this, nothing but the best food, and greatest attention, can keep them healthy. at this moment, we have not one sick man in the fleet. in about six days, i shall sail from hence; and, if i hear nothing more of the french, i shall go to the archipelago; where, if they are gone towards constantinople, i shall hear of them. i shall go to cyprus; and, if they are gone to alexandretta, or any other part of syria or egypt, i shall get information. you will, i am sure, and so will our country, easily conceive what has passed in my anxious mind; but i have this comfort, that i have no fault to accuse myself of: this bears me up, and this only." the next day, july st, he writes to sir william-- "what a situation am i placed in! as yet, i can learn nothing of the enemy; therefore, i have no conjecture, but that they are gone to syria; and, at cyprus, i hope to hear of them. if they were gone to the westward, i rely that every place in sicily would have information for me; for, it is too important news to leave me one moment in doubt about. i have no frigate, or a sign of one. the masts, yards, &c. for the vanguard, will i hope be prepared directly: for, should the french be so strongly secured in port that i cannot get at them, i shall immediately shift my flag into some other ship, and send the vanguard to naples, to be refitted; for, hardly any person but myself would have continued on service so long in such a wretched state." the following letter of complaint, calculated to blind the neapolitan government, as well as the french resident, is a masterpiece of requisite political duplicity, fabricated at the very instant when he was receiving every possible assistance. "vanguard, syracuse, d july . "my dear sir, "i have had so much said about the king of naples's orders only to admit three or four of the ships of our fleet into his ports, that i am astonished. i understood, that private orders, at least, would have been given for our free admission. if we are to be refused supplies, pray send me, by many vessels, an account; that i may, in good time, take the king's fleet to gibraltar. our treatment is scandalous for a great nation to put up with, and the king's flag is insulted at every friendly port we look at. i am, with the greatest respect, your most obedient servant, horatio nelson. p.s. i do not complain of the want of attention in individuals, for all classes of people are remarkably attentive to us." "his excellency, the right honourable sir william hamilton, k.b." a secret epistle, at the same time, addressed to sir william and lady hamilton, has these words-- "my dear friends, "thanks to your exertions, we have victualled and watered: and, surely, watering at the fountain of arethusa, we must have victory! we shall sail with the first breeze; and, be assured, i will return either crowned with laurel, or covered with cypress." though no person in the fleet was acquainted with the harbour of syracuse, such was the skill and exertion of the officers that every ship got safely in: and, full permission having been secured, by the admirable management and address of lady hamilton, not only water, but other articles of the first necessity, were obtained with the greatest expedition. indeed, though there was no proper or regular water-place, the classical fountain of arethusa, that celebrated daughter of oceanus, and nymph of the goddess of chastity, supplied them copiously with her pure and traditionally propitious libations; and the hero, it has been seen, did not fail to anticipate, with becoming gratulations, his sense of their indisputable efficacy. such were the exertions of the officers and men, and such were the facilities, in other respects, which they now enjoyed, that the whole squadron were in a condition to put to sea by the th. in the mean time, admiral nelson had addressed a letter to the earl of st. vincent, on the th instant, stating what he had done since his last, and his future intentions. "yesterday," says he, "i arrived here; where i can learn no more than conjecture, that the french are gone to the eastward. every moment, i have to regret the frigates having left me; to which must be attributed my ignorance of the movements of the enemy. your lordship deprived yourself of frigates, to make mine, certainly, the first squadron in the world; and i feel that i have zeal and activity to do credit to your appointment: and yet, to be unsuccessful, hurts me most sensibly. but, if they are above water, i will find them out; and, if possible, bring them to battle. you have done your part, in giving me so fine a fleet; and i hope to do mine, in making use of them. it is my intention to get into the mouth of the archipelago; where, if the enemy are gone towards constantinople, we shall hear of them directly: if i get no information there, to go to cyprus; where, if they are in syria or egypt, i must hear of them. we have a report that, on the st of july, the french were seen off candia; but, near what part of the island i cannot learn." being now ready for sea, and finding that the french fleet had neither been seen in the archipelago, nor the adriatic, nor gone down the mediterranean, he concluded that the coast of egypt must still be the object of their destination. with this impression on his anxious mind, it is not to be supposed that he would for a moment hesitate in again seeking them there, through any consideration of the immoderate heat of climate, or other experienced or apprehended hardships. on the th of july, accordingly, the british squadron sailed from syracuse; and, hoping some positive information might be obtained in the morea, he steered first for that coast: having, on the th, made the gulph of coron, captain troubridge was dispatched with the culloden, into the port of coron; off which place, owing to the usual active exertion of that able officer, the fleet was not detained longer than three hours. the turkish governor, with great pleasure, gave captain troubridge the welcome intelligence, that the enemy had been seen steering to the south-east, from candia, about four weeks before. the captain had, also, during his very short visit, the satisfaction of observing that the inhabitants of coron entertained the most serious apprehensions from the french armament, and expressed the greatest possible detestation and abhorrence of that people. the reasons now became evident, which had before seemed unaccountable, how it happened that the enemy should have been missed by the british squadron, both in it's passage to alexandria, and in it's return to syracuse. the french, having steered a direct course for candia, had necessarily made an angular passage towards alexandria; while admiral nelson, by immediately proceeding to alexandria, most materially shortened the distance. the smallness of his squadron, too, making it expedient to sail in close order, the space which it occupied was extremely limited; and, having no frigates to detach on the look out, the chance of descrying the enemy, unless very near, amid the haze of the atmosphere in that climate, was prodigiously circumscribed. under these circumstances, the distance of about thirty-five leagues, between candia and the barbary coast, must be considered as leaving more than sufficient space for two of the largest fleets ever known mutually to pass without the smallest observation of one another. in returning to syracuse, the british squadron, by steering up to the northward, while the enemy kept a southern coast for alexandria, had the chance of falling in with them rendered still less likely than before. pleased with the information which they had received, though still unable implicitly to rely on the fact, after such repeated disappointments, not a moment was lost in carrying all possible sail for alexandria. on the st of august, at noon, they had the happiness to descry the port of alexandria; with an aspect, however, far different from what it had before presented to their disappointed view. they perceived, with delight, that it now appeared filled with ships; and had, soon, the undescribable transport to behold the french flag flying on board several of them. a tumult of joy animated every bosom in the british squadron, at sight of the enemy. the humblest individual felt himself a hero; and had a great right so to feel, since every individual was eagerly prepared to risque his life for the safety and glory of his king and country. the brave admiral was calm, but no mortal can convey to another the sense of ineffable delight which glowed in every fibre of his frame. the bliss of his bosom, at this impressive moment, was that of extatic perfection; for, it admitted not the smallest doubt of success. his calmness was the result of his piety; for his noble heart was pouring forth to heaven the sacred effusions of gratitude, anticipatory of the glorious conquest which he was about to prove the honoured medium of atchieving. this perfection of bliss is felt but by a few favoured mortals, and with none will it consent to abide. that it was, for a moment, felt by the immortal nelson, when he first beheld the french fleet, a due consideration of his entire character, so powerfully presses on the mind of his biographer, that he cannot resist the temptation to tender it as an assumed fact. in a narrative, formed from the minutes of an officer of rank, reported to be the present sir edward berry, then captain of the vanguard, first published in the naval chronicle, it is observed, that the pleasure which the admiral himself felt was perhaps more heightened than that of any other man, as he had now a certainty by which he could regulate his future operations. "the admiral had," continues this narrative, and, as it subsequently appeared, most justly, "the highest opinion of, and placed the firmest reliance on, the valour and conduct of every captain in his squadron. it had been his practice, during the whole of his cruise, whenever the weather and circumstances would permit, to have his captains on board the vanguard: where he would fully develope to them his own ideas of the different and best modes of attack; and such plans as he proposed to execute, on falling in with the enemy, whatever their position or situation might be, by night or by day. there was no possible position in which they could be found, that he did not take into his calculation, and for the most advantageous attack of which he had not digested and arranged the best possible disposition of the force which he commanded. with the masterly ideas of their admiral, therefore, on the subject of naval tactics, every one of the captains of his squadron was most thoroughly acquainted; and, on surveying the situation of,the enemy, they could precisely ascertain what were the ideas and intentions of their commander, without the aid of farther instructions. thus, signals became almost unnecessary; much time was saved; and the attention of every captain could almost undistractedly be paid to the condition of his own particular ship: a circumstance from which, on this occasion, the advantages to the general service were almost incalculable. it cannot here be thought irrelevant, to give some idea of what were the plans which admiral nelson had formed, and which he explained to his captains with such perspicuity as to render his ideas completely their own. to the naval service, at least, they must not only prove interesting but useful. had he fallen in with the french fleet at sea, that he might make the best impression on any part of it that should appear the most vulnerable, or the most eligible for attack, he divided his force into three sub-squadrons, viz. vanguard orion culloden minotaur goliah theseus leander majestic alexander audacious bellerophon. swiftsure. defence zealous. two of these sub-squadrons were to attack the ships of war; while the third was to pursue the transports, and to sink and destroy as many as it could. the destination of the french armament was involved in doubt and uncertainty; but it forcibly struck the admiral that, as it was commanded by the man whom the french had dignified with the title of the conqueror of italy, and as he had with him a very large body of troops, an expedition had been planned which the land force might execute without the aid of their fleet, should the transports be permitted to make their escape, and reach in safety their place of rendezvous: it therefore became a material consideration with the admiral, so to arrange his force, as at once to engage the whole attention of their ships of war, and at the same time materially to annoy and injure their convoy. it will be fully admitted, from the subsequent information which has been received on the subject, that the ideas of the admiral on this occasion were perfectly just, and that the plan which he had arranged was the most likely to frustrate the designs of the enemy. it is almost unnecessary to explain his projected mode of attack at anchor, as that was minutely and precisely executed in the action about to be described. these plans, however, were formed two months before an opportunity presented itself of executing any of them; and the advantage now was, that they were familiar to the understanding of every captain in the fleet. "it has been already mentioned, that the pharos of alexandria was seen at noon on the st of august. the alexander and swiftsure had been detached ahead on the preceding evening, to reconnoitre the port of alexandria, while the main body of the squadron kept in the offing. the enemy's fleet was first discovered by the zealous, captain hood, who immediately communicated, by signal, the number of ships, sixteen, lying at anchor in a line of battle, in a bay on the larboard bow, which was afterwards found to be aboukir bay. the admiral hauled his wind that instant; a movement which was immediately observed, and followed, by the whole squadron: and, at the same time, he recalled the alexander and swiftsure. the wind was, at this time, north north-west; and blew what seamen call a top-gallant breeze. it was necessary to take in the royals, to haul up on a wind. the admiral made the signal to prepare for battle; and, that it was his intention to attack the enemy's van and centre as they lay at anchor, according to the plan previously developed. his idea, in this disposition of his force was, first, to secure the victory; and, then, to make the most of it, as circumstances might permit. a bower cable of each ship was immediately got out abaft, and bent forward. they continued carrying sail; and standing in for the enemy's fleet, in close line of battle. as all the officers of the squadron were totally unacquainted with aboukir bay, each ship kept sounding as she stood in. "the enemy appeared to be moored in a strong and compact line of battle, close in with the shore; their line describing an obtuse angle in it's form, flanked by numerous gun-boats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars on an island in their van. this situation of the enemy seemed to secure to them the most decided advantages; as they had nothing to attend to but their artillery, in their superior skill in the use of which the french so much pride themselves, and to which, indeed, their splendid series of land victories are in general chiefly to be imputed. "the position of the enemy presented the most formidable obstacles: but the admiral viewed them all with the eye of a seaman determined on attack; and it instantly struck his eager and penetrating mind, that "where there was room for an enemy's ship to swing, there was room for one of our's to anchor." no farther signals were necessary, than those which had already been made. the admiral's designs were fully known to his whole squadron; as was his determination to conquer, or perish in the attempt. the goliah and zealous had the honour to lead inside, and to receive the first fire from the van ships of the enemy, as well as from the batteries and gun-boats with which their van was strengthened. these two ships, with the orion, audacious, and theseus, took their stations inside the enemy's line, and were immediately in close action. the vanguard anchored the first on the outer side of the enemy; and was opposed, within half pistol-shot, to le spartiate, the third in the enemy's line. the shores of the bay of aboukir were soon lined with spectators, who beheld the approach of the english, and the awful conflict of the hostile fleets, in silent astonishment. "sir horatio nelson, as rear-admiral of the blue, carried the blue flag at the mizen; but, from a standing order of the earl of st. vincent, the squadron wore the white, or st. george's ensign, in the action. this being white, with a red cross, the first quarter bearing the union, it occasioned the display of the cross on the renowned and ancient coast of egypt. "so entirely was the admiral resolved to conquer, or to perish in the attempt, that he led into action with six ensigns, or flags, viz. red, white, and blue, flying in different parts of the rigging. he could not bear to reflect on the possibility of his colours being carried away even by a random shot from the enemy. "in standing in, the leading ships were unavoidably obliged to receive into their bows the whole fire of the broadsides of the french line, till they could take their respective stations: and it is but justice to observe, that the enemy received their opponents with great firmness and deliberation; no colours having been hoisted on either side, nor a gun fired, till our van ships were within half gun-shot. at this time, the necessary number of our men were engaged aloft in furling sails, and on deck in hauling the braces, and other requisite employments, preparatory to casting anchor. as soon as this took place, a most animated fire opened from the vanguard; which ship covered the approach of those in the rear, who were following in a close line. the minotaur, defence, bellerophon, majestic, swiftsure, and alexander, came up in succession; and, passing within hail of the vanguard, took their respective stations opposed to the enemy's line. all our ships anchored by the stern; by which means, the british line became inverted from van to rear. captain thompson, of the leander of fifty guns, with a degree of judgment highly honourable to his professional character, advanced towards the enemy's line on the outside, and most judiciously dropped his anchor athwart hause of le franklin, raking her with great success; the shot, from the leander's broadside, which passed that ship, all striking l'orient, the flag-ship of the french commander in chief. "the action commenced at sun-set, which was at thirty-one minutes past six, with an ardour and vigour which it is impossible to describe. in a few minutes, every man stationed at the first six guns in the fore part of the vanguard's deck, was down, killed or wounded, and one gun in particular was repeatedly cleared: one of the midshipmen was just remarking the escapes he had experienced, when a shot came, and cut him in two. at about seven o'clock, total darkness had come on; but the whole hemisphere was, at intervals, illuminated by the fire of the hostile fleets. our ships, as darkness came on, had all hoisted their distinguishing lights, by a signal from the admiral. "the van ship of the enemy, le guerrier, was dismasted in less than twelve minutes; and, in ten minutes after, the second ship, le conquerant, and the third, le spartiate, very nearly at the same moment, experienced a similar fate. l'aquilon, and le souverain peuple, the fourth and fifth ships of the enemy's line, were taken possession of by the british at half past eight in the evening. captain berry, at that hour, sent lieutenant galway, of the vanguard, with a party of marines, to take possession of le spartiate: and that officer returned, by the boat, the french captain's sword, which captain berry immediately delivered to the admiral; who was then below, in consequence of the severe wound which he had received in the head during the heat of the attack." this wound seems to have been inflicted by langridge shot, or a piece of iron; which, cutting his forehead at right angles, the skin hung over his face, captain berry, fortunately happening to be sufficiently near, caught the admiral in his arms, and prevented him from falling. it was, at first, the universal opinion, that their beloved commander had been shot through the head; and, indeed, the appearance was rendered dreadfully alarming, by the hanging skin and the copious effusion of blood. not a man on board was now solicitous for his own life; every brave fellow was alone anxious for that of the worthy admiral. this, however, far from repressing their ardour, served only to animate their fury, and prompt them, if possible, to still greater exertions. on being carried into the cockpit, where several of his gallant crew were stretched with their shattered limbs, and lacerated wounds, the surgeon, with the most respectful anxiety, quitted the poor fellow then under his hands, that he might instantly attend on the admiral. "no," replied the heroic commander, with the utmost composure, though he had then no hope of surviving, "i will take my turn with my brave fellows." "the agony of his wound, in the mean time, greatly increasing, he became satisfied that the idea which he had long indulged of dying in battle was now about to be accomplished. he desired to see his chaplain, the reverend mr. comyn, and begged he would bear his remembrances to lady nelson; and, as the last beneficial office that he conceived he should be able to perform, he appointed captain hardy, of la mutine, to be captain of the vanguard. having expressed a wish to see captain louis, of the minotaur, captain berry had hailed that ship, and the commander came on board. the admiral was desirous of personally thanking him for the assistance which he had, in the height of danger, been enabled to render the vanguard. "my dear louis," said the admiral, "farewel! i shall never, should i survive, forget the obligation i am under to you. whatever may become of me, my mind is at peace." he, then, with the most pious composure, seemed resigning himself to death. as soon as the surgeon had, according to the express injunctions of the admiral, paid all necessary attention to every person previously wounded, he came forward to examine the wound of their commander. an awful silence prevailed; but it was of short duration, for the surgeon almost immediately pronounced it to be merely superficial, and of no dangerous consequence. the pleasing intelligence speedily circulated through the ship, and the excess of sorrow was instantaneously converted into the excess of joy: nor did the hero feel less delighted at hearing the grateful expressions of gladness from his generous crew, than at the unexpected announcement of his life's being considered, by the surgeon, as in no sort of danger. this circumstance, indeed, greatly tended to alleviate his sufferings during the painful operation of dressing his wounded forehead. "at this time, it appeared that victory had already declared itself in our favour; for, though l'orient, l'heureux, and le tonnant, were not taken possession of, they were considered as completely in our power: which pleasing intelligence captain berry had likewise the satisfaction of communicating in person to the admiral. "at ten minutes after nine, a fire was observed on board l'orient, the french admiral's ship, which seemed to proceed from the after part of the cabin; and which increased with great rapidity, presently involving the whole of the after part of the ship in flames. this circumstance captain berry immediately communicated to the admiral; who, though suffering severely from his wound, came immediately on deck: where, the first consideration that struck his benevolent mind was, concern for the danger of so many lives; to save as many as possible of whom, he ordered captain berry to make every practicable exertion. a boat, the only one that could swim, was instantly dispatched from the vanguard; and other ships, that were in a condition to do so, immediately followed the example: by which means, from the best possible information, the lives of about seventy frenchmen were saved. the light thrown by the fire of l'orient on the surrounding objects, enabled the commanders to perceive, with more certainty, the situation of the two fleets, the colours of both being clearly distinguishable. the cannonading was partially kept up to leeward of the centre till about ten o'clock, when l'orient blew up with a most tremendous explosion. "an awful pause, and death-like silence, for about three minutes, ensued; when the wreck of the masts, yards, &c. which had been carried to a vast height, fell down into the water, and on board the surrounding ships. a port fire from l'orient fell into the main-royal of the alexander; the fire occasioned by which was, however, extinguished in about two minutes, by the active exertions of captain ball. "after this awful scene, the firing recommenced with the ships to leeward of the centre, till twenty minutes past ten; when there was a total cessation of firing, for about ten minutes: after which, it was revived till about three in the morning; when, it again ceased. "after the victory had been secured in the van, such british ships as were in a condition to move, had gone down on the fresh ships of the enemy. at five minutes past five in the morning, the two rear ships of the enemy, le guillaume tell and le genereux, were the only french ships of the line that had their colours flying. at fifty-four minutes past five, a french frigate, l'artemise, fired a broadside, and struck her colours: but such was the unwarrantable and infamous conduct of the french captain, that after having thus surrendered, he set fire to his ship; and, with part of his crew, made his escape on shore. another of the french frigates, la serieuse, had been sunk by the fire from some of our ships; but, as her poop remained above water, her men were saved on it, and were taken off by our boats in the morning. the bellerophon, whose masts and cables had been entirely shot away, could not retain her situation abreast of l'orient, but had drifted out of the line to the lee side of the bay, a little before that ship blew up. the audacious, in the morning, was detached to her assistance. at eleven o'clock le genereux and guillaume tell; with the two frigates, la justice, and la diane; cut their cables, and stood out to sea: pursued by the zealous, captain hood, who handsomely endeavoured to prevent their escape. but, as there was no other ship in a condition to support the zealous, she was recalled. "the whole day of the d of august was employed in securing the french ships that had struck; and which were now all completely in our possession, le tonnant and timoleon excepted. as these were both dismasted, and consequently could not escape, they were naturally the last of which it was necessary to think of taking possession. "on the morning of the d, the timoleon was set fire to; and le tonnant had cut her cable, and drifted on shore: but that active officer, captain miller, of the theseus, soon got her off again, and secured her in the british line. "the british force engaged, consisted of only twelve ships of seventy-four guns, and the leander of fifty: for, from the over anxiety and zeal of captain troubridge to get into action, his ship, the culloden, in standing in for the van of the enemy's line, had unfortunately grounded on the tail of a shoal, running off from the island on which were the mortar and gun batteries of the enemy; and, notwithstanding all the exertions of that able officer, and his ship's company, she could not be got off. this unfortunate circumstance was severely felt, at the moment, by the admiral, and all the officers of the squadron: but their feelings were nothing, compared to the anxiety, and even agony of mind, which the captain of the culloden himself experienced for so many eventful hours. there was but one consolation which could offer itself to him, in the midst of the distresses of his situation--a feeble one, it is true--that his ship served as a beacon for three other ships, viz. the alexander, theseus, and leander, which were advancing, with all possible sail set, close in his rear: and which, otherwise, might have experienced a similar misfortune; and thus, in a greater proportion still, have weakened our force. it was not till the morning of the d, that the culloden could be got off: and it was then found, that she had suffered very considerable damage in her bottom; that her rudder was beat off; and the crew could scarcely keep her afloat, with all pumps going. the resources of captain troubridge's mind availed him much, and were admirably exerted, on this trying occasion. in four days, he had a new rudder made, on his own deck, which was immediately shipped; and the culloden was again in a state for actual service, though still very leaky. "the admiral, knowing that the wounded of his own ships had been well taken care of, bent his first attention to those of the enemy. he established a truce with the commandant of aboukir; and, through him, made a communication to the commandant of alexandria, that it was his intention to allow all the wounded frenchmen to be taken ashore to proper hospitals, with their own surgeons to attend them: a proposal which was assented to by the french, and carried into effect the following day. the activity and generous consideration of captain troubridge were again exerted, at this time, for the general good. he communicated with the shore, and had the address to procure a supply of fresh provisions, onions, and other necessary refreshments, which were served out to the sick and wounded, and which proved of essential utility. "on the d, the arabs and mamelukes, who had, during the battle, lined the shores of the bay, saw with transport that the victory was decisively on the part of the british fleet: an event, in which they participated, with an exultation almost equal to that of the conquerors; and, on that and the two following nights, the whole coast and country were illuminated as far as the eye could penetrate, in celebration of the happy event. this had a great effect on the minds of the prisoners; as they conceived that this illumination was the consequence not entirely of the defeat of their fleet, but of some signal success obtained by the arabs and mamelukes over bonaparte. "though it is natural to suppose, that the time and attention of the admiral, and all the officers of his squadron, were very fully employed in repairing the damages sustained by their own ships, and in securing those of the enemy which their valour had subdued, yet the mind of that great and good man felt the strongest emotions of the most pious gratitude to the supreme being, for the signal success which, by the divine favour, had crowned his endeavours in the cause of his country; and, in consequence, on the morning of the d, he issued the following memorandum to the different captains of his squadron-- "memorandum. "vanguard, off the mouth of the nile, d aug. . "almighty god having blessed his majesty's arms with victory, the admiral intends returning public thanksgiving for the same at two o'clock this day; and he recommends every ship doing the same, as soon as convenient." "to the respective captains of the squadron." "at two o'clock, accordingly, public service was performed on the quarter-deck of the vanguard, by the reverend mr. comyn; the other ships following the example of the admiral, though not all exactly at the same time. this solemn act of gratitude to heaven, seemed to make a very deep impression on several of the prisoners, both officers and men: some of the former remarked--"that it was no wonder such order and discipline were preserved in the british navy, when the minds of our men could be impressed with such sentiments after a victory so great, and at a moment of such seeming confusion." on the very same day, the following memorandum was likewise issued to all the ships; expressive of the admiral's sentiments of the noble exertions of the different officers and men of his squadron-- "memorandum. "vanguard, off the mouth of the nile, aug. , . "the admiral most heartily congratulates the captains, officers, seamen, and marines, of the squadron he has had the honour to command, on the event of the late action; and he desires they will accept his most sincere and cordial thanks, for their very gallant behaviour in this glorious battle. it must strike, forcibly, every british seaman, how superior their conduct is, when in discipline and good order, to the riotous behaviour of lawless frenchmen. the squadron may be assured, the admiral will not fail, with his dispatches, to represent their truly meritorious conduct, in the strongest terms, to the commander in chief." "to the captains of the ships of the squadron." "the praise expressed in this memorandum, could not fail to be highly acceptable, and gratifying, to every individual in the squadron; and the observation which it endeavoured to impress on the minds of all, of the striking advantages derived from discipline and good order, was so much the effect of recent experience, that every bosom immediately assented to it's justice. the benefit of this important truth will not, we trust, be confined to any particular branch of the british navy: the sentiment of the hero of the nile must infuse itself into the heart of every british seaman, in whatever quarter of the globe he may be extending the glory and interests of his country; and will there produce the conviction, that courage alone will not lead him to conquest, without the aid and direction of exact discipline and order, "let those who desire to emulate, as every british seaman must, the glory acquired on this signal occasion, pursue the same means; which, principally, led to it's acquisition. let them repose the most perfect reliance in the courage, judgment, and skill, of their superior officers; and let them aid the designs of these, by uniformly submissive obedience, and willing subordination: so shall the british navy continue to prove the admiration of the world, till time shall be no more. "immediately after the action, some maltese, genoese, and spaniards, who had been serving on board the french fleet, offered their services in the british; and, being accepted, expressed the greatest happiness, at thus being freed, as they said, from the tyranny and cruelty of the french." it has been thought proper to adopt the description of the battle of the nile from this unadorned narrative, not only because it is said to have been originally sketched by captain berry; but because there seems no small degree of internal evidence that it was originally founded on the minutes of the hero himself, to whose most glorious victory it adverts with far less admiration and applause than it probably would have received from any other pen. the following journal of the st, d, and d days of august , said to have been written by a french officer of high rank, will be found to comprehend a more just and animated picture of this grand naval engagement, and it's consequences, than could have been reasonably expected from what is usually seen of gallic candour and impartiality. "the st of august , wind west north-west, light breezes, and fair weather. the second division of the fleet sent a party of men on shore to dig wells. every ship in the fleet sent twenty-five men, to protect the workmen from the continual attacks of the bedouins and vagabonds of the country. at two in the afternoon, l'heureux made the signal for twelve sail, west south-west; which we could easily distinguish, from the mast-heads, to be ships of war. the signal was then made, for all the boats, workmen, and guards, to repair on board their ships, which was only obeyed by a small number. at three o'clock, the admiral, not having any doubt that the ships in sight were the enemy, ordered the hammocks to be stowed for action; and directed l'alert and ruiller brigs of war to reconnoitre the enemy; who, we soon perceived, were steering for bequier bay, under a crowd of canvas, without observing any order of sailing. at four o'clock, we saw, over the fort of aboukir, two ships, apparently waiting to join the squadron: without doubt, they had been sent to look into the port of alexandria. we likewise saw a brig, with the twelve ships; so that they were, now, fourteen sail of the line, and a brig. l'alert then began to put the admiral's orders into execution, viz. to stand toward the enemy till nearly within gun-shot, and then to manoeuvre, and endeavour to draw them towards the outer shoal lying off the island. but the english admiral, without doubt, had experienced pilots on board; as he did not pay any attention to the brig's track, but allowed her to go away, hauling well round all the dangers. at this time, a small boat, dispatched from alexandria to rosetta, voluntarily bore down to the english brig, which took possession of her, notwithstanding the repeated efforts of l'alert to prevent it, by firing a great many shot at the boat. at five o'clock, the enemy came to the wind in succession. this manoeuvre convinced us, that they intended attacking us that evening. the admiral got the top-gallant yards across; but, soon after, made the signal, that he intended engaging the enemy at anchor. after this signal, each ship ought to have sent a stream-cable to the ship astern of her, and to have made a hawser fast to the cable about twenty fathoms in the water, and passed the opposite side to that intended as a spring; _this was not generally executed_. orders were then given, to let go another bower anchor; and the broadsides of the ships were brought to bear upon the enemy, having the ships heads south-east from the island of bequier, forming a line about thirteen hundred fathoms north-west and south-east, distant from each other eighty fathoms, and with an anchor out south south-east at a quarter past five, one of the enemy's ships that was steering to get to windward of the headmost of the line, ran on the reef east north-east of the island. she had immediate assistance from the brig, and got afloat in the morning. the battery on the island opened a fire on the enemy, and their shells fell ahead of the second ship in the line. at half past five, the headmost ships of our line being within gun-shot of the english, the admiral made the signal to engage; which was not obeyed, till the enemy was within pistol-shot, and just doubling us. the action then became very warm. le conquerant began to fire, then le guerrier, le spartiate, l'aquilon, le peuple souverain, and le franklin. at six o'clock, la serieuse frigate and l'hercule bomb, cut their cables, and got under weigh, to avoid the enemy's fire. they got on shore; la serieuse caught fire, and had part of her masts burnt; l'artemise was obliged to get under weigh, and likewise got on shore. the two frigates sent their ships companies aboard the different line of battle ships. the sloops of war, two bombs, and several transports that were with the fleet, were more successful; as they got under weigh, and reached the anchorage under the protection of the fort of aboukir. all the van were attacked on both sides by the enemy, who ranged close along our line. they had each an anchor out astern, which facilitated their motions, and enabled them to place themselves in the most advantageous position. at a quarter past six, le franklin opened her fire on the enemy from the starboard side; at three quarters past six, she was engaged on both sides. l'orient, at this time, began firing from her starboard guns; and, at seven, le tonnant opened her fire. all the ships, from le guerrier to le tonnant, were now engaged against a superior force: this only redoubled the ardour of the french, who kept up a very heavy fire. at eight o'clock at night, the ship which was engaging l'orient on the starboard quarter, notwithstanding her advantageous position, was dismasted; and so roughly treated, that she cut her cables, and drove farther from the line. this event gave le franklin hopes that l'orient would now be able to assist her, by attacking one of the ships opposed to her; but, at this very moment, the two ships that had been observed astern of the fleet, and were quite fresh, steered right for the centre. one of them anchored on l'orient's starboard bow; and the other cut the line astern of l'orient, and anchored off her larboard quarter. the action, in this place, then became extremely warm. admiral de brueys, who had at this time been slightly wounded in the head and arm, very soon received a shot in the belly, which almost cut him in two. he desired not to be carried below, but to be left to die on deck: he lived but a quarter of an hour. rear-admiral blanquet, as well as his aid-du-camp, were unacquainted with this melancholy event till the action was nearly over. admiral blanquet received a severe wound in the face, which knocked him down; he was carried off the deck, senseless. at a quarter past eight o'clock, le peuple souverain drove to leeward of the line, and anchored a cable's length abreast of l'orient: it was not known what unfortunate event occasioned this. the vacant place she made, placed le franklin in a more unfortunate position; and, it became very critical, from the manoeuvre of one of the enemy's fresh ships, which had been sent to the assistance of the ship on shore. she anchored athwart le franklin's bows, and commenced a very heavy raking fire. notwithstanding the dreadful situation of the ships in the centre, they continually kept up a very heavy fire. at half past eight o'clock, the action was general from le guerrier to le mercure. the admiral de brueys's death, and the severe wounds of admiral blanquet, must have deeply affected the people who fought under them: but, it added to their ardour for revenge; and the action continued, on both sides, with great obstinacy. at nine o'clock, the ships in the van slackened their fire; and, soon after, totally ceased: and, with infinite sorrow, we supposed they had surrendered. they were dismasted very soon after the action began; and so much damaged that, it is to be presumed, they could not hold out any longer against an enemy so superior by an advantageous position, in placing several ships against one. at a quarter past nine o'clock, l'orient caught fire in the cabin; it soon afterwards broke out on the poop. every effort was made to extinguish it; but, without effect; and, very soon, it was so considerable, that there was no hope of saving the ship. at half past nine, citoyen gillet, capitain de pavilion of the franklin, was very severely wounded, and was carried off the deck. at three quarters past nine, the arm-chest, filled with musket-cartridges, blew up, and set fire to several places in the poop and quarter-deck, but was fortunately extinguished. her situation, however, was still very desperate; surrounded by enemies, and only eighty fathoms to windward of l'orient entirely on fire, there could not be any other expectation, than falling a prey either to the enemy or the flames. at ten o'clock, the main and mizen masts fell, and all the guns on the main-deck were dismounted. at half past ten, le tonnant cut her cables, to avoid the fire of l'orient. the english ship that was on l'orient's larboard quarter, as soon as she had done firing at her, brought her broadside on le tonnant's bow, and kept up a very heavy raking fire. l'heureux, and le mercure, conceived that they ought likewise to cut their cables. the manoeuvre created so much confusion amongst the rear ships, that they fired into each other, and did considerable damage. le tonnant anchored ahead of the guillaume tell; le genereux and timoleon, the other two ships, got on shore. the ship that engaged le tonnant on her bow cut her cables; all her rigging and sails were cut to pieces; and she drove down, and anchored astern of the english ship, that had been engaging l'heureux and le mercure before they changed their position. those of the etat-major and ship's company of l'orient, who had escaped death, convinced of the impossibility of extinguishing the fire, which had got down on the middle gun-deck, endeavoured to save themselves. rear-admiral ganteaume saved himself in a boat, and went on board of le salamine; and, from thence, to aboukir and alexandria. the adjutant-general motard, though badly wounded, swam to the ship nearest l'orient, which proved to be english. commodore casabianca, and his son, who was only ten years old, and who gave, during the action, proofs of bravery and intelligence far above his age, were not so fortunate. they were in the water, on the wreck of l'orient's masts, not being able to swim, seeking each other, till three quarters past ten, when the ship blew up, and put an end to their hopes and fears. the explosion was dreadful, and spread the fire all around to a considerable distance. le franklin's decks were covered with red-hot seams, pieces of timber, and rope, on fire. she was on fire, but luckily got it under. immediately after the tremendous explosion, the action ceased every where, and was succeeded by the most profound silence. the sky was darkened by clouds of black smoke, which seemed to threaten the destruction of the two fleets. it was a quarter of an hour before the ships crews recovered from the kind of stupor into which they had been thrown. towards eleven o'clock, le franklin, anxious to preserve the trust confided to her, recommenced the action with a few of her lower-deck guns; all the rest were dismounted: two thirds of the ship's company were killed and wounded, and those who remained prodigiously fatigued. she was surrounded by enemy's ships, who mowed down the men every broadside. at half past eleven o'clock, having only three lower-deck guns that could defend the honour of the flag, it became necessary to put an end to so disproportioned a struggle, and citoyen martinet, captain of a frigate, ordered the colours to be struck. "the action in the rear of the fleet was very trifling, till three quarters past eleven o'clock, when it became very warm. three of the enemy's ships were engaging them, and two were very near. le tonnant, already badly treated, who was nearest the ships engaged, returned a very brisk fire. about three o'clock in the morning, she was dismasted, and obliged to cut her cables a second time; and, not having any more anchors left, she drove on shore. le guillaume tell, le genereux, and le timoleon, shifted their births, and anchored farther down, out of gun-shot. these vessels were not much damaged. at half past three o'clock, the action ceased throughout the line. early in the morning, the frigate la justice got under weigh, and made several small tacks to keep near the guillaume tell; and, at nine o'clock, anchored: an english ship having got under weigh, and making small tacks to prevent her getting away. at six o'clock, two english ships joined those who had been engaging the rear, and began firing on l'heureux and le mercure, which were aground. the former soon struck, and the latter followed the example, as they could not bring their broadsides to bear on the enemy. at half past seven, the ship's crew of l'artemise frigate quitted her, and set her on fire: at eight o'clock, she blew up. the enemy, without doubt, had received great damage in their masts and yards, as they did not get under weigh to attack the remains of the french fleet. the french flag was flying on board four ships of the line and two frigates. this division made the most of their time; and, at three quarters past eleven, le guillaume tell, le genereux, la diane, and la justice, got under weigh, and formed in line of battle. the english ship that was under sail stood towards her fleet, fearing that she might be cut off; but, two other enemy's ships were immediately under weigh to assist her. at noon, le timoleon, which probably was not in a state to put to sea, steered right for the shore, under her fore-sail; and, as soon as she struck the ground, her foremast fell. the french division joined the enemy's ships, which ranged along their line on opposite tacks, within pistol-shot, and received their broadsides, which it returned: they, then, each continued their route. the division was in sight at sun-set. nothing remarkable passed, during the night of the d. the d of august, in the morning, the french colours were flying in le tonnant and timoleon. the english admiral sent a flag of truce to the former, to know if she had struck; and, on being answered in the negative, he directed two ships to go against her. when they got within gun-shot of her, she struck, it being impossible to defend her any longer. le timoleon was aground, too near in for any ship to approach her. in the night of the d, they sent the greatest part of their ship's company on shore; and, at noon the next day, they quitted her, and set her on fire. "thus ends the journal of the st, d, and d, days of august; which will ever be remembered, with the deepest sorrow, by those frenchmen who possess good hearts, and by all those true republicans who have survived this melancholy disaster." to the above anonymous french account, may be added that of the celebrated scientific traveller, soldier, and artist, monsieur denon; who was one of the chief sçavans in the egyptian expedition, and an anxious spectator of the interesting scene. it is to be remarked that, though his description of the battle, like that by which it is preceded, has less want of candour than is commonly found in french narratives of this nature, neither of them is altogether free from the characteristic partiality of that boastful nation. both of them fail to state the true number of british ships; but, as frequently happens with those who are not remarkably tenacious of truth, though both make the number greater than it actually was, they do not agree with each other any more than with the fact, and thus mutually aid to produce a conviction of their own want of veracity. our true force was fifteen sail only. denon, in order to gain an accurate view of the expected engagement, hastened to a lofty tower-- "when," says he, "we had reached the tower which commands the monastery, we descried a fleet of twenty sail. to come up, to range themselves in a line, and to attack, were the operations of a minute. the first shot was fired at five o'clock; and, shortly after, our view of the two fleets was intercepted by the smoke. when night came on, we could distinguish somewhat better; without, however, being able to give an account of what passed. the danger to which we were exposed, of falling into the hands of the smallest troop of bedouins which might come that way, did not draw our attention from an event by which we were so strongly interested. rolls of fire, incessantly gushing from the mouths of the cannon, evinced clearly that the combat was dreadful, and supported with an equal obstinacy on both sides. on our return to rosetta, we climbed on the roofs of the houses; whence, at ten o'clock, we perceived a strong light, which indicated a fire. a few minutes afterwards, we heard a terrible explosion, which was followed by a profound silence. as we had seen a firing kept up, from the left to the right, on the object in flames, we drew a conclusion that it was one of the enemy's ships, which had been set fire to by our people; and we imputed the silence which ensued, to the retreat of the english: who, as our ships were moored, were exclusively in possession of the range of the bay; and who, consequently, could persevere in or discontinue the combat, at pleasure. at eleven o'clock, a slow fire was kept up; and, at midnight, the action again became general. it continued till two in the morning. at day-break, i was at the advanced posts; and, ten minutes after, the fleets were once more engaged. at nine o'clock, another ship blew up. at ten, four ships, the only ones which were not disabled, and which i could distinguish to be french, crouded their sails, and quitted the field of battle; in the possession of which they appeared to be, as they were neither attacked nor followed. such was the phantom produced by the enthusiasm of hope! "i took my station at the tower of abumandur; whence i counted twenty-five vessels, half of which were shattered wrecks; and the others incapable of manoeuvring to afford them assistance. "for three days, we remained in this state of cruel uncertainty. by the help of my spying-glass, i had made a drawing of this disastrous scene; that i might be enabled the better to ascertain, whether the morrow would be productive of any change. "in this way we cherished illusion, and spurned at all evidence; till, at length, the passage across the bar being cut off; and the communication with alexandria intercepted, we found that our situation was altered; and that, separated from the mother-country, we were become the inhabitants of a distant colony, where we should be obliged to depend on our own resources for subsistence, till the peace. we learned, that it was l'orient which blew up at ten o'clock at night, and l'hercule the following morning; and that the captains of the ships of the line, le guillaume tell and genereux--and of the frigates, la diane and la justice--perceiving that the rest of the fleet had fallen into the enemy's hands, had taken advantage of a moment of lassitude and inaction on the part of the english, to effect their escape. we learned, lastly, that the st of august had broken the unity of our forces; and that the destruction of our fleet, by which the lustre of our glory was tarnished, had restored to the enemy the empire of the mediterranean: an empire which had been wrested from them by the matchless exploits of our armies, and which could only have been secured to us by the existence of our ships of war. "the shore, to the extent of four leagues, was covered by wrecks, which enabled us to form an estimate of the loss that we had sustained at the battle of aboukir. to procure a few nails, or a few iron hoops, the wandering arabs were employed in burning on the beach the masts, gun-cariages, boats, &c. which had been constructed at so vast an expence in our ports." in both these accounts it is sufficiently manifest, that the french were fully convinced there could be no possibility of denying their defeat, however they might seek to disguise the extent of their disaster. the grand designation of their expensive and numerous armament was thus, at a single blow, completely frustrated: and, instead of finding themselves, flushed with success, in a treacherously subjugated country, with a view of extending their conquest to india; they became, at once, reduced to depend on their own resources for even their subsistence, in a distant land, without any other hope of ever returning home, than what was afforded them by the remote prospect of a peace. though admiral nelson had written his dispatches for the commander in chief immediately after this glorious victory, he was unable to send captain berry, of the vanguard, in the leander of fifty guns, to the earl of st. vincent, off cadiz, till the th of august. in a few days after, as if the admiral had foreseen the fate of the leander, which it will appear he certainly apprehended, he prepared a copy of these dispatches to the earl of st. vincent; and transmitted it to evan nepean, esq. secretary to the admiralty, by the honourable captain thomas bladen capel, in la mutine brig, to which he had just been appointed on captain hardy's promotion to the vanguard. in these will be seen his own modest and pious account of a victory, perhaps, without parallel, when duly considered in it's completeness and consequences. "vanguard, mouth of the nile, th august . "sir, "herewith, i have the honour to transmit you a copy of my letter to the earl of st. vincent, together with a line of battle of the english and french squadrons; also, a list of the killed and wounded. i have the honour to inform you, that eight of our ships have already top-gallant yards across, and are ready for any service: the others, with the prizes, will soon be ready for sea. in an event of this importance, i have thought it right to send captain capel, with a copy of my letter to the commander in chief, overland; which, i hope, their lordships will approve: and i beg leave to refer them to captain capel, who is a most excellent officer, and fully able to give every information; and i beg leave to recommend him to their lordships notice. "i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson. "p.s. the island i have taken possession of; and brought off the two thirteen-inch mortars, with all the brass guns, and destroyed the iron ones." "evan nepean, esq." his celebrated letter to the earl of st. vincent was in the following words-- "vanguard, off the mouth of the nile, d august . "my lord, "almighty god has blessed his majesty's arms, in the late battle, by a great victory over the fleet of the enemy; whom i attacked, at sun-set on the st of august, off the mouth of the nile. the enemy were moored in a strong line of battle, for defending the entrance of this bay (of shoals;) flanked by numerous gun-boats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars on an island in their van: but nothing could withstand the squadron your lordship did me the honour to place under my command. their high state of discipline is well known to you; and, with the judgment of the captains, together with their valour, and that of the officers and men of every description, it was absolutely irresistible. could any thing from my pen add to the characters of the captains, i would write it with pleasure; but, that is impossible. i have to regret the loss of captain westcott, of the majestic, who was killed early in the action; but the ship was continued to be so well fought by her first-lieutenant, mr. cuthbert, that i have given him an order to command her till your lordship's pleasure is known. the ships of the enemy, all but their two rear ships, are nearly dismasted; and these two, with two frigates, i am sorry to say, made their escape: nor was it, i assure you, in my power to prevent them. captain hood most handsomely endeavoured to do it; but i had no ship in a condition to support the zealous, and i was obliged to call her in. the support and assistance i have received from captain berry cannot be sufficiently expressed. i was wounded in the head, and obliged to be carried off the deck; but, the service suffered no loss by that event. captain berry was fully equal to the important service then going on; and, to him, i must beg leave to refer you, for every information relative to this victory. he will present you with the flag of the second in command, that of the commander in chief being burnt in l'orient. herewith, i transmit you lists of the killed and wounded; and, the lines of battle of ourselves and the french. "i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." "to admiral the earl of st. vincent, commander in chief, &c. off cadiz." british line of battle. ships. captains. guns. men. . culloden thomas troubridge . theseus ralph willet miller . alexander alexander john ball . vanguard {rear-adm. sir h. nelson, k.b.} {edward berry } . minotaur thomas louis . leander thomas boulden thompson . swiftsure benjamin hallowell . audacious davidge gould . defence john peyton . zealous samuel hood . orion sir james saumarez . goliath thomas foley . majestic george b. westcott . bellerophon henry d'e. darby brig. . la mutine thomas hardy horatio nelson. vanguard, off the mouth of the nile, d august . french line of battle. how disposed ships. commanders. guns. men. of. . le guerrier taken. . le conquerant taken. . le spartiate taken. . l'aquilon taken. . le souverain peuple taken. . le franklin {blanquet, st contre } { admiral } taken. . l'orient {admiral brueys, } {commander in chief } burnt. . le tonnant taken. . l'heureux taken. . le timoleon burnt. . le mercure taken. . le guillaume tell {villeneave, d contre} { admiral } escaped. . le genereux escaped. frigates. . la diane escaped. . la justice escaped. . l'artemise burnt. . le serieuse dismasted and sunk. horatio nelson. vanguard, off the mouth of the nile, d august . no mention is made, in the above french list, of the numerous gun-boats employed by the enemy; while the culloden, though not engaged, is preserved in the british line of battle. _a return of the killed and wounded in his majesty's ships under the command of sir horatio nelson, k. b. rear-admiral of the blue, &c. in action with the french fleet, at anchor, on the st of august , off the mouth of the nile._ +-------------++---------------++---------------++-------+ | || killed || wounded || t k w | | |+---------------++---------------+| o i o | | || o | s | m | t || o | s | m | t || t l u | | || f | e | a | o || f | e | a | o || a l n | | || f | a | r | t || f | a | r | t || l e d | | || i | m | i | a || i | m | i | a || d e | | || c | e | n | l || c | e | n | l || d | | || e | n | e | || e | n | e | || a | | || r | | r | || r | | r | || n | |ships names. || s | | s | || s | | s | || d | +-------------++---+---+---+---++---+---+---+---++-------+ |theseus || | | | || | | | || | |alexander || | | | || | | | || | |vanguard || | | | || | | | || | |minotaur || | | | || | | | || | |swiftsure || | | | || | | | || | |audacious || | | | || | | | || | |defence || | | | || | | | || | |zealous || | | | || | | | || | |orion || | | | || | | | || | |goliath || | | | || | | | || | |majestic || | | | || | | | || | |bellerophon || | | | || | | | || | |leander || | | | || | | | || | | |+---+---+---+---++---+---+---+---++-------+ | || | | | || | | | || | +-------------++---+---+---+---++---+---+---+---++-------+ officers killed of what ships. | names and rank. ----------------+--------------------------------------------- vanguard | captain william faddy, marines. | mr. thomas seymour, midshipman | mr. john g. taylor, midshipman. alexander | mr. john collins, lieutenant. orion | mr. baird, captain's clerk. goliath | mr. william davies, master's mate. | mr. andrew brown, midshipman. majestic | george b. westcott, esq. captain. | mr. zebedeeford, midshipman. | mr. andrew gilmore, boatswain. bellerophon | mr. robert savage daniel, lieutenant. | mr. philip watson launder, lieutenant. | mr. george jolliffe, lieutenant. | mr. thomas ellison, master's mate. minotaur | lieutenant john s. kirchener, marines. | mr. peter walters, master's mate. ----------------+----------------------------------------- officers wounded of what ships. + names and rank. ------------------+----------------- vanguard | mr. nathaniel vassal, lieutenant. | mr. john m. adye, lieutenant. | mr. john campbell, admiral's secretary. | mr. michael austin, boatswain. | mr. john weatherstone, midshipman. | mr. george antrim, midshipman. theseus | lieutenant hawkins. alexander | alexander john ball, esq. captain. | captain j. creswell, marines. | mr. william lawson, master. | mr. george bulley, midshipman. | mr. luke anderson, midshipman. audacious | mr. john jeans, lieutenant. | mr. christopher font, gunner. orion | sir james saumarez, captain. | mr. peter sadler, boatswain. | mr. philip richardson, midshipman. | mr. charles miell, midshipman. | mr. lanfesty, midshipman. goliath | mr. william wilkinson, lieutenant. | mr. lawrence graves, midshipman. | mr. peter strahan, schoolmaster. | mr. james payne, midshipman. majestic | mr. charles seward, midshipman. | mr. charles royle, midshipman. | mr. robert overton, captain's clerk. bellerophon | henry d'e. darby, esq. captain. | mr. edward kirby, master. | captain john hopkins, marines. | mr. chapman, boatswain. | mr. nicholas betson, midshipman. minotaur | mr. thomas irwin, lieutenant. | lieutenant john jewel, marines. | mr. thomas foxton, second master. | mr. martin wills, midshipman. swiftsure | mr. william smith, midshipman. ------------------+-------------------------------------- horatio nelson. it appears, from these lists, that sixteen officers, one hundred and fifty-six seamen, and forty-six marines, making in all two hundred and eighteen persons, lost their lives; and that thirty-seven officers, five hundred and sixty-two seamen, and seventy-eight marines, amounting to six hundred and seventy-seven persons, were wounded: forming a total, in killed and wounded, on board the british fleet, if the admiral be included, who has, as usual, omitted himself, of eight hundred and ninety-six. such was the dreadful price paid by the conquerors for this glorious victory; to the vanquished, the loss was incalculable. on a moderate estimate, for the exact number has not been ascertained, there could scarcely be less than three thousand french killed and wounded in this most memorable conflict. certain it is, that the bay of aboukir, for many days after the battle, was so covered with the floating bodies of the slain, as to exhibit a most horrid and painful spectacle; and, though all possible endeavours were exerted to keep sinking them whenever they appeared, the shot used for this intention so frequently slipped off, that many of the bodies perpetually rose again to the surface. indeed, from the excessive heat of the weather, the survivors, besides the offensive disgusts naturally excited, felt very alarming apprehensions of some pestilential visitation; which, however, they happily escaped. the numerous prisoners, including all the wounded, were immediately restored, on condition of not serving against england till exchanged. in the mean time, from parts of the floating wreck of l'orient, the officers of the fleet vied with each other in causing numerous articles to be manufactured, as commemorations of this glorious victory, which they most affectionately presented to their respected commander. captain hallowell, in particular, with singular zeal and attachment, procured a coffin to be made, by his carpenter, on board the swiftsure, entirely from the wreck of l'orient, iron as well as wood, in the most elegant manner that the workman could effect with such limited materials, and so little skill in that particular branch of business; which was delivered to admiral nelson with the following letter. swiftsure, august . "sir, "i have taken the liberty of presenting you a coffin made from the mainmast of l'orient; that, when you have finished your military career in this world, you may be buried in one of your trophies: but, that that period may be far distant, is the earnest wish of your sincere friend, "benjamin hallowell." the present of this worthy and brave officer, however singular, was received with an affectionate regard equal to that felt by himself. so highly, indeed, did the hero prize this gift, that he had it immediately placed upright in his cabin; and, though he was at length prevailed on, by the intreaties of an old and favourite servant, to have the coffin carried below, nothing could possibly prevent his resolution to have it finally made use of for the purpose originally intended by the gallant and esteemed donor. while the various dispatches were preparing to be sent by captain capel to england, as soon as la mutine could be got ready for sailing, those of bonaparte to france were fortunately intercepted; as appears in the continuation of the following letter from admiral nelson to sir william hamilton. "vanguard, mouth of the nile, th august . "my dear sir, "almighty god has made me the happy instrument of destroying the enemy's fleet; which, i hope, will be a blessing to europe. you will have the goodness to communicate this happy event to all the courts in italy; for my head is so indifferent, that i can scarcely scrawl this letter. captain capel, who is charged with my dispatches for england, will give you every information. pray, put him in the quickest mode of getting home. you will not send, by post, any particulars of this action; as i should be sorry to have any accounts get home before my dispatches. i hope there will be no difficulty in our getting refitted at naples. culloden must be instantly hove down, and vanguard have all new masts and bowsprit. not more than four or five sail of the line will probably come to naples: the rest will go with the prizes to gibraltar. as this army never will return, i hope to hear the emperor has regained the whole of italy. with every good wish, believe me, dear sir, your most obliged, and affectionate, "horatio nelson. " th august. i have intercepted all bonaparte's dispatches going to france. the army is in a scrape, and will not get out of it." these intercepted dispatches were transmitted to earl spencer, as first lord of the admiralty, with the following letter. "mouth of the nile, th august , "my lord, "were i to die this moment, _want of frigates_ would be found stamped on my heart. no words of mine, can express what i have suffered, and am suffering, for want of them. having only la mutine brig, i cannot yet send off captain capel, which i am very anxious to do: for, as an accident may happen to captain berry, it is of some importance, i think, for your lordship to be informed of our success as speedily as possible. if the king of naples had joined us, nothing at this moment could prevent the destruction of the store ships, and all the transports, in the port of alexandria; four bomb vessels would burn the whole in a few hours: but, as i have not the means, i can only regret the circumstance. i send you a pacquet of intercepted letters, some of them of great importance; in particular, one from bonaparte to his brother. he writes such a scrawl, as no one not used to it can read: but, luckily, we have got a man who has wrote in his office to decypher it. bonaparte has differed with his generals here: and he did want--and, if i understand his meaning, does want, and will strive to be, the washington of france. "_ma mere_," is evidently meant for "_my country_." but, i beg pardon: all this is, i have no doubt, well known to administration. i believe, our victory will, in it's consequences, destroy this army; at least, my endeavours shall not be wanting. i shall remain here for some time. i have thought it right to send an officer (by alexandretta, aleppo, and bussorah) over land, to india, with an account of what i have gathered from these dispatches; which, i hope, will be approved. i have sent a copy of my letter to the board of controul, that they may give the necessary directions for paying the officers bills. if it should have gone to the east india company, i hope that board will forward it. ever believe me, your lordship's most obliged and obedient servant, "horatio nelson." the letter thus mentioned, as being addressed to the board of controul, was written to the right honourable henry dundas, then president of that board, the present celebrated lord melville, in these words-- "vanguard, mouth of the nile, th august . "sir, "as president of the board of controul for india, i have addressed this letter to you: if i ought to have addressed it to the india house, i request you will have the goodness to send it to the chairman of the company; and, that you will excuse the trouble i have given you. i have thought it right to send an officer, lieutenant duval, who very handsomely offered his services, by alexandretta, aleppo, and bussorah, to bombay, to give all the accounts i know of the movements of the french army, and their future intentions. herewith, i send a copy of my letter; and of the orders i have given him, to draw for money on the east india company, &c. if i have done wrong, i hope the bills will be paid, and i will repay the company; for, as an englishman, i shall be proud that it has been in my power to be the means of putting our settlements on their guard. mr. baldwin not having been for some months at alexandria, has been a great misfortune. i have the honour to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." with a hundred dollars, in cash, and letters of credit to his britannic majesty's consuls, vice-consuls, and even british merchants, on his prescribed route, lieutenant duval was this day dispatched by admiral nelson, as bearer of the following letter to his excellency the governor of bombay. "vanguard, off the mouth of the nile, th august . "sir, "although, i hope, the consuls who are, or ought to be, in egypt, have sent you an express of the situation of affairs here; yet, as i know mr. baldwin has, some months, left alexandria; it is possible you may not be regularly informed. i shall therefore relate to you, briefly, that a french army of forty thousand men, in three hundred transports, with thirteen sail of the line, eleven frigates, bomb vessels, gun-boats, &c. arrived at alexandria on the st of july. on the th they left it, for cairo; where they arrived on the d. during their march, they had some actions with the mamelukes, which the french call grand victories. as i have bonaparte's dispatches before me, which i took yesterday, i speak positively. he says--"i am now going to send off, to take suez and damietta." he does not speak very favourable of either the country or people; but there is so much bombast in his letters, that it is difficult to get near the truth. he does not mention india, in these dispatches. he is what he calls organizing the country: but, you may be assured, is master only of what his army covers. from all the enquiries which i have been able to make, i cannot learn that any french vessels are at suez, to carry any part of the army to india. bombay, i know, if they can get there, is their first object. but, i trust, almighty god will, in egypt, overthrow these pests of the human race. it has been in my power to prevent twelve thousand men from leaving genoa; and, also, to take eleven sail of the line, and two frigates: in short, only two sail of the line, and two frigates, have escaped us. this glorious battle was fought at the mouth of the nile, at anchor. it begun at sun-set, august st, and was not finished at three the next morning. it has been severe, but god blessed our endeavours with a great victory. i am now at anchor between alexandria and rosetta, to prevent their communication by water; and nothing, under a regiment, can pass by land. but, i should have informed you that the french have four thousand men posted at rosetta, to keep open the mouth of the nile. alexandria, both town and shipping, are so distressed for provisions, which they can only get from the nile, by water, that i cannot guess the good success which may attend my holding our present position; for bonaparte writes his distress for stores, artillery, things for their hospitals, &c. all useful communication is at an end, between alexandria and cairo. you may be assured, i shall remain here as long as possible. bonaparte had never yet to contend with an english officer, and i shall endeavour to make him respect us. this is all i have to communicate. i am confident, every precaution will be taken to prevent, in future, any vessels going to suez, which may be able to carry troops to india. if my letter is not so correct as might be expected, i trust for your excuse; when i tell you, that my brain is so shook with the wound in my head, that i am sensible i am not always so clear as could be wished: but, while a ray of reason remains, my heart and my hand shall ever be exerted for the benefit of our king and country. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, "horatio nelson. "the officer, lieutenant duval, who carries this dispatch voluntarily to you, will--i trust--be immediately sent to england, with such recommendations as his conduct will deserve." the importance of thus sending this information to india, which few other naval commanders would have thought necessary, proved prodigiously great. expensive preparations were at that moment making, by the east india company, for a most powerful armament to oppose any force which the french might be enabled to send against their possessions, in conjunction with tippoo saib: and this timely intelligence, by instantly quieting every apprehension of that sort, suddenly arrested the progress of all extraordinary warlike operations, and consequently saved a vast sum of money to the company; which, without the wonderful circumspection of this great man, must necessarily have been expended. the dispatches to england, however, were unable to be forwarded, for several days. in the mean time, on the morning of the th, the swiftsure brought into the fleet a captured french corvette of eighteen guns, and seventy men, called la fortune. on the th, sir james saumarez, captain of the orion, was directed to take the bellerophon, minotaur, defence, audacious, theseus, and majestic, under his command; and proceed with the prizes, le souverain peuple, conquerant, spartiate, aquilon, franklin, and tonnant, for gibraltar: where, if he found no orders, he was to join the commander in chief off cadiz, or go to lisbon. sir james sailed, accordingly, on the th; and admiral nelson having, on this very day, received secret orders and letters from the earl of st. vincent, found it requisite to destroy the other french prizes. the necessity of this measure is explained in the following letter of the succeeding day, addressed to evan nepean, esq. for the lords commissioners of the admiralty. "sir, "six of the prizes sailed yesterday, under sir james saumarez. three others, viz. guerrier, heureux, and mercure, are in the act of repairing. in this state, i last evening received the earl of st. vincent's most secret orders, and most secret and confidential letters, relative to the important operations intended to be pursued in the mediterranean. thus situated, it became an important part of my duty, to do justice between my king and country, and the brave officers and men who captured those ships at the battle of the nile. it would have taken one month, at least, to have fitted those ships for a passage to gibraltar; and not only at a great expence to government, but with the loss of the services of at least two sail of the line. i, therefore, confiding that the lords commissioners will, under the present circumstances, direct that a fair value shall be paid for these ships, ordered them to be burnt, after saving such stores as would not take too much time out of them: and, i have farther thought it my duty to tell the squadron the necessity i am under, for the benefit of the king's service, of directing their property to be destroyed; but, that i had no doubt government would make them a liberal allowance. all which, i hope, their lordships will approve. "i have the honour to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." la mutine being at length ready, these letters were dispatched to england, by the way of naples, on the th of august. the sword of the captured french admiral blanquet was also sent, by captain capel, from admiral nelson to the city of london, with the following letter, which he had several days previously written for the lord-mayor. "vanguard, mouth of the nile, th august . "my lord, "having the honour of being a freeman of the city of london, i take the liberty of sending to your lordship the sword of the commanding french admiral, monsieur blanquet, who survived after the battle of the st, off the nile; and request that the city of london will honour me by the acceptance of it, as a remembrance that britannia still rules the waves: which, that she may for ever do, is the fervent prayer of your lordship's most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." "right honourable lord mayor of london." on the th, the alcmene, emerald, and bonne citoyenne frigates, at length, joined the squadron; and, on the th, the seahorse. admiral nelson now arranged every thing necessary with captain samuel hood, who was to remain with his own ship, the zealous; the swiftsure, captain hallowell; the goliah, captain foley; the alcmene, captain hope; the seahorse, captain edward james foote; and the emerald, captain waller: for the purpose of cruising off alexandria, or continuing at anchor, as he might judge most proper, more effectually to prevent any supplies being thrown into that port for the french fleet; and, also, to intercept an expected french convoy with provisions, as well as to prevent, if possible, all communication between the french army at rosetta, and their fleet at alexandria. this business being settled, he sailed, on the th, from alexandria; and having, on that day, received a letter from the honourable william windham, the british minister at the court of florence, he wrote the following answer, dated on board the vanguard, st august , which presents some additional information respecting the glorious victory off the nile, and it's beneficial effects. "my dear sir, "i received, three days ago, your letter of june th, and i beg leave to thank you for it. i send you a paper, which will inform you of the extent of our victory. my health, from my wound, is become so indifferent, that i think of going down the mediterranean as soon as i arrive at naples; unless i should find any thing very extraordinary to detain me, when my health is of no consequence. the command, in my absence, will devolve on captain troubridge; than whom, the king has not a better sea-officer. sir james saumarez is on his way to gibraltar, with six of our prizes: the others i burnt, that the mediterranean might not be left without ships; for each prize takes a ship of the line to man her, and attend to her wants. this you will believe, when i tell you that only two masts are standing, out of nine sail of the line. l'orient certainly struck her colours, and did not fire a shot, for a quarter of an hour before, unfortunately for us, she took fire: but, though we suffer, our country is equally benefitted. she had on board nearly six hundred thousand pounds sterling: so says the adjutant-general of the fleet, who was saved out of her; and, although he does not say she struck her colours, yet he allows that all resistance on her part was in vain. admiral brueys was killed early in the battle; and, from the commencement of the fight, declared all was lost. they were moored in a strong position, in a line of battle, with gun-boats, bomb-vessels, frigates, and a gun and mortar battery on an island in their van; but, my band of friends was irresistible. the french army is in possession of alexandria, aboukir, rosetta, damietta, and cairo; and bonaparte writes, that he is sending a detachment to take possession of suez and fayume. by the intercepted letters from the army, for we took the vessel with bonaparte's courier, they are grievously disappointed, the country between their posts being completely hostile. i have little doubt but that army will be destroyed, by plague, pestilence, and famine, and battle and murder; which, that it may soon be, god grant. the turks will soon send an army into syria; and as, for the present, we block them up by sea, they must soon experience great distress. i hope to find, on my arrival at naples, that the emperor, and many other powers, are at war with the french; for, till they are reduced, there can be no peace in this world." this letter appears to have remained unfinished, for want, probably, of an opportunity of sending it away, about three weeks. it then received the following conclusion. "september th. i feel myself so much recovered, that it is probable i shall not go home at present. the turks have seized all french ships in the levant, in consequence of their taking a turkish sixty-gun ship at alexandria, and seizing all turkish property. this was done on the th of august. i shall always receive pleasure in hearing from you, both as a public and private man; and believe me, dear sir, with the greatest respect, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." in the mean time, admiral nelson had written the following letter to francis j. jackson, esq. his britannic majesty's minister to the ottoman porte, dated on board the vanguard, off the isle of rhodes, th august . "sir, "i have the honour to acquaint you, that i attacked the french fleet off the mouth of the nile, on the st inst. the result of which you will see by the inclosed paper; and that, on the th, the french took possession of the turkish admiral's ship at alexandria, hauled down her colours, and hoisted french colours, and seized on all the turkish property on shore. the french are in possession of alexandria, aboukir, rosetta, and damietta, on the coast, and of grand cairo: but all communication is cut off between their army and their transports at alexandria, by sea, by an english squadron of three ships of the line and four frigates, which i have left cruising there; and, by land, by the bedouins. so that, if the grand signior will but send a few ships of the line, and some bombs, he may destroy all their transports in alexandria; and an army of ten thousand men may retake alexandria immediately, as the french have only four thousand men in it, and the whole french army are very sickly. "i have been informed, that the french have put to death two hundred turks at alexandria, for rejoicing at our victory; and that general bonaparte only wants a communication opened by sea, to march into syria, that the transports with stores, &c. for the army may go along shore with him. "i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." the inclosed papers, mentioned in this and the preceding letter, were lists of the forces of the english and french fleets at the battle off the nile shewing which were taken, burnt, &c. and copies of this last letter were sent to the earl of st. vincent and earl spencer. on the th of september, at sea, he addressed a letter to the marquis de niza, commander of the portuguese squadron; regretting that they had not joined him prior to the st of august, when not a single french ship could have escaped: but, as he observes, that being without remedy, it is necessary to look forward to the next important service for the common cause; which, in his opinion, is that of preventing the french from getting any supplies of stores, by water, from alexandria. he concludes with observing, that the grand signior will, he hopes, not only send an army into syria; but also send ships of war, with bomb-vessels, gallies, &c. in order to destroy all the vessels in alexandria: and concludes with inviting his excellency to be a partaker in these joyful events. in a very few days, however, he learned that the marquis de niza had returned from alexandria; and he now, with equal address, sent him to malta. on the th, by la mutine, he dispatched letters to the earl of st. vincent, in which he expresses his fear that it will be thought wrong, not to have returned any of the "numerous frigates, brigs, cutters, &c. which had been sent to egypt "it was," says he, "only on the th of august, that the alcmene, emerald, and bonne citoyenne, joined me. on the th, the seahorse joined; and, till september , i neither saw nor heard of any. the earl of st. vincent cutter then joined me, forty leagues from messina; where i was informed that the portuguese squadron, with the lion and terpsichore, had passed the pharos, the th of august, on their way to egypt. i therefore sent the cutter with a letter to the marquis de niza, and to captain hood." he then proceeds to state, that the thalia had just brought him accounts from captain hood, which he sends; and considers the exertions of the officers as great, and highly to be approved. he thinks that the two men who saved the dispatches ought to have a pecuniary reward. "you will see," he adds, "by my second letter to the marquis de niza, that i have requested him to go off malta, which may be the means of driving the french out of that island." after expressing his confidence that, with a little exertion, the french army in egypt will fall a prey to plague, pestilence, famine, and mamelukes, he concludes with praying that the earl will give him credit for his earnest endeavours to do what is right. this day, the hero of the nile received a letter from general sir john acton, transmitting the congratulations of the king and queen of naples; to which he returned the following most elegant epistolary acknowledgment, by the culloden. "vanguard, at sea, th september . "sir, i was yesterday honoured with your excellency's very handsome and flattering letter of the th, conveying to me their sicilian majesties congratulations on the victory obtained by my royal master's fleet over the enemy. i have to request, that your excellency will have the goodness to assure their majesties, that i am penetrated with their condescension in noticing this battle; which, i most fervently pray, may add security to their majesties throne, and peace and happiness to all mankind. the hand of god was visibly pressed upon the french; and, i hope, there is not a person in the british fleet, who does not attribute this great victory to the blessing of the almighty on our exertions in a just cause. with every sentiment of respect, believe, me, your excellency's most obedient, "horatio nelson." "sir john acton, bart." on the th, being off strombolo, he inclosed general acton's letter, which contained some state secrets of importance, in a private letter to earl spencer. the portuguese, he observes, having been got, with no small difficulty, from naples, went to egypt; where, however, they would neither stay, nor give our ships water, which was all captain hood requested. having watched for them off messina, he had now sent them to malta; but hoped that his lordship would not build hope on their exertions. "the moment," says he, "i can get ships, all aid shall be given the maltese. what would i give for four bomb-ships! all the french armament would long since have been destroyed. pray, if the service will admit of it, let me have them: i will only say, i shall endeavour to make a proper use of them." he complains, also, in this letter, of the uncertainty of our situation with regard to genoa; which, he says, has been at war with us during the two past years. even at this period of our hero's glory, he seems to have been suffering under what he considered as legal persecution; and animadverts, with much severity, on the conduct of the judge of the admiralty. "he has cited me to appear before him," complains the indignant hero, "and shew cause why i seized a genoese ship; the accounts of which i long ago sent to the board of admiralty, for the sale of her cargo, and which i have long wanted to be taken out of my hands. the ship was liberated, when our troops evacuated porto ferrajio. the seas are covered with genoese ships; but the judge of the admiralty's conduct has, to me, so repeatedly militated against my duty in the service of my king and country, that i dare not do my duty. i have already been half ruined by him; and condemned, without knowing i was before him. the treasury, it is true, paid part of the expence, but that does not make the judge's conduct less grievous." in all this, there is much to regret; but the judge could scarcely entertain the smallest personal prejudice against our hero, though he might appear too favourable to the frauds of neutral powers from even a laudable anxiety to prevent any national embroilment. nelson, on the spot, could better penetrate their artifices, than the judge on his distant bench of justice; and, fearing nothing, he spurned at every law subtlety which he perceived sanctioning fraud, to the present injury of his king, his country, and their brave defenders. it was, ever, far less for himself, than for others, that he was solicitous. in this very letter to earl spencer, he thus concludes--"i am looking, anxiously, for the foudroyant; and, also, for your lordship's goodness to my son-in-law: i, of course, wish he had a good frigate." three days after, in another letter to earl spencer, the benignity of his excellent heart pleads powerfully for a son of the late captain faddy. it's perusal cannot fail to gratify every feeling reader. "vanguard, at sea, th sept. . "my lord, "captain faddy, of the marines, who was killed on board the vanguard, has a family of small children: his eldest son is now on board this ship, only fourteen years of age. i beg to solicit your lordship for a commission in the marines for him. i understand, it has been done; and the youth permitted to remain at school, till of a proper age to join the corps. if, however, this should, in the present instance, be thought wrong, may i request that his name may stand as an elevé of the admiralty, and mrs. faddy acquainted of it; which must give her some relief, under her present misfortune. "ever your lordship's most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." with his mind thus humanely and diligently employed, amidst the toil and bustle inseparable from an active naval commander, on the d, early in the morning, the hero approached within view of naples. no sooner was the vanguard perceived, at the distance of several leagues, than upwards of five hundred boats and pleasure-barges, having been apprised of his coming, by the previous arrival of the culloden and alexander, on the th, immediately went out to meet him; with bands of music in most of them, and joy depicted on every countenance. sir william and lady hamilton, in their state-barge, accompanied by several of the neapolitan nobility, led the way, and were consequently his first visitors. the transports of sir william, and his amiable lady, at seeing their friend return covered with laurels, and of the thus honoured hero, at once more beholding his estimable friends, can only be conceived by minds of equal susceptibility. the interview, indeed, was exquisitely impressive, and even affecting, to all by whom it was witnessed. while the company were partaking of some refreshment in his cabin, a small bird familiarly perched on his shoulder. on the circumstance being remarked--"it is," said he, "a very singular thing; this bird came on board the day before the battle off the nile: and i have had other instances of a bird's coming into my cabin previously to former engagements." this is the more remarkable, as the same thing is said to have afterwards happened prior to the battle of copenhagen. in superstitious times, some inference would probably have been made from such facts; but philosophy will not warrant any other deduction, than that, as birds of passage frequently seek shelter in ships, these visits were merely accidental. the coincidence, however, is certainly somewhat curious. in a short time, the king of naples, and his suite, who had also come out full three leagues, in the royal barge, to greet the victorious british admiral, went on board the vanguard; where the king affectionately embraced the hero of the nile; and, taking him by the hand, expressed the effusions of his gratitude in terms of the most flattering regard for our king, our country, and the immortal nelson: whom the sovereign of the two sicilies, his ministers, and all classes of his subjects, hailed with the appellation of "_nostro liberatore!_"--"our deliverer!" the king of naples, who prides himself on being a seaman, went all over the ship, and examined every thing with apparent delight and satisfaction. his neapolitan majesty sailed with admiral nelson, for about three hours, on board the vanguard; which was saluted, as they passed, by all the forts. as soon as the vanguard anchored in the bay, the king of naples returned on board his own barge, and admiral nelson accompanied sir william and lady hamilton. immediately on landing, sir william's open carriage conveyed the hero, in triumph, to the house of his esteemed friends, surrounded by the enraptured neapolitans; who gave every possible proof of their joy, admiration, and gratitude. the lazzaroni, in particular, crowded round him in multitudes: vast numbers of them bearing birds of different species, in curious wicker baskets; which they displayed to the hero as he passed, and then giving them their liberty, watched their flight with all the anxiety and assumed importance of the ancient roman augury. the queen of naples had also gone out, with her numerous family, in another barge; but had, unfortunately, been too late to greet the hero on board his victorious vessel, from which he had taken his departure previously to her arrival. her majesty, however, after being rowed round the vanguard, no sooner returned on shore, than she immediately addressed a letter to lady hamilton; requesting to see, as soon as possible, the hero of the nile. sir william and lady hamilton, accordingly, accompanied him to the palace, in the afternoon, where he experienced a most gracious and flattering reception. on this visit, lady hamilton acted as interpreter between the queen and admiral nelson, neither of them understanding each other's language sufficiently to converse together. the queen constantly addressed him by the appellation of "our virtuous and brave admiral." such, in short, was the universal transport at naples, on this occasion, that general illuminations, with apt and ingenious devices, and one grand scene of unbounded festivity and rejoicing, were continued for three successive days. the queen of naples, immediately after her interview with admiral nelson, addressed a letter to the marquis de circello, the neapolitan ambassador at the court of london, from which the following is said to be a correctly translated extract-- "i write to you with joy inexpressible! the brave and enterprising british admiral nelson has obtained a most signal and decisive victory. my heart would fain give wings to the courier who is the bearer of these propitious tidings, to facilitate the earliest acknowledgments of our gratitude. so extensive is this victory in all it's relative circumstances, that were it not that the world has been accustomed to see prodigies of glory atchieved by the english on the seas, i should almost question the reality of the event. it has produced, among us, a general spirit of enthusiasm. it would have moved you much, to have seen my infant boys and girls hanging round my neck in tears, expressing their joy at the happy tidings, made doubly dear to us by the critical period at which they arrived. this news of the defeat of bonaparte's egyptian fleet has made many disaffected persons less daring, and improved the prospect of the general good. make my highest respects acceptable to their majesties of england. recommend the gallant hero, nelson, to his royal master. he has raised, in the italians, an enthusiastic reverence for the english nation. great expectations were naturally founded on his enterprising talents, but no one could look for so total an overthrow of the enemy. all here are frantic with excess of joy!" in a letter, of the th of september, written to earl spencer, by admiral nelson, after slightly mentioning the reception with which he had thus been honoured, particularly by their sicilian majesties, he makes use of these modest and pious expressions--"you will not, my lord, i trust, think that one spark of vanity induces me to mention the most distinguished reception that ever, i believe, fell to the lot of a human being; but, that it is a measure of justice due to his sicilian majesty and the nation. god knows, my heart is amongst the most humble of the creation, full of thankfulness and gratitude." even before admiral nelson's arrival at naples, lachavardiere, the french consul for palermo, who had just escaped from egypt, thus laments the decline of french influence, and announces the triumph of the english. "the french name," says he, "is heard here with horror. the king is arming eighty thousand men. the cabinet either refuses to answer, or answers with insolence, the notes presented by our charge des affaires, la chaise, who is an excellent republican. the french are forbade to enter the country, and the most extravagant predilection prevails in favour of the english. the people of sicily are still more incensed against us. our vessels are driven out of their ports; and, wherever the french appear, the populace pelt them with stones, and sometimes fire on them. not one french cockade is suffered. in a word, there only wants frenchmen, in order to celebrate again sicilian vespers. the day before yesterday"--(this letter is dated the th of september)--"two english vessels arrived; and nelson himself is expected to-morrow, in a third. to give you some idea of the favour in which the enemies of our country are held here, you must know that, with my own eyes, i saw the king of naples go more than two leagues to sea, to meet the english, to applaud and congratulate them. the two vessels which are arrived have brought two french officers with them, one of them is vice-admiral blanquet." lachavardiere also gives an account of the battle; which, however, contains nothing of peculiar importance. one circumstance, indeed, is sufficiently singular--"admiral brueys," he says, "was wounded in the head and the hand: but continued to command, till a cannon-ball cut him in two; and," adds this frenchman, "_he lived a quarter of an hour afterwards!_" the integrity of our heroic nelson seems to have revolted at the characteristic falsehood and deceit so generally experienced in the french. he could not be prevailed on, by his friends at naples, to visit admiral blanquet, who had his nose shot off, and was otherwise dreadfully wounded in the face. on this occasion, he seems to have adopted all the rough bluntness of a british tar. he had beaten him, he said, and would not insult him. "seeing me," added the hero, "will only put him in mind of his misfortune. i have an antipathy to frenchmen; which is so powerful, that i must, i think, have received it from my mother, at my birth." he was, himself, at this period, though in excellent spirits, so corporeally weak and reduced, that he was obliged to be kept chiefly on ass's milk for some time after his arrival. indeed, though excess of joy, at the first meeting of such friends as admiral nelson, and sir william and lady hamilton, absorbed every other consideration, a most essential personal difference was manifest in the hero from that which had appeared on his former visit to naples. it is to be recollected, that neither sir william nor his lady had ever beheld him, prior to this period, except for a very few days, while the neapolitan subsidiary troops were embarking for toulon, when he was without any wound or disfigurement whatever, though always of a plain but pleasingly expressive countenance: he was now returned, in the short space of about four years, having atchieved victories which might have graced an age of absence; but, at what a price were they purchased! the vision of an eye had been completely extinguished, at calvi; an arm totally lost, at teneriffe; and a hideous wound, leaving it's indelible scar on his manly forehead, had recently been inflicted on their heroic friend, at the battle of the nile. to say nothing of various slighter casualties; of the effect of climate; and of those incessant excessive cares, anxieties, and disappointments, which so soon and so deeply wrinkle the smoothest brow, and so cruelly furrow the comeliest countenance. if they were shocked, at reflecting what their incomparable but mutilated friend must have suffered, in the severe and disastrous fortune of war; they were enraptured to perceive him by no means impaired in any of those higher qualities which had given birth to their reciprocal attachments. admiral sir horatio nelson, returning from his glorious victory off the nile, was the same kind, affable, intelligent, and virtuous friend, as captain nelson had formerly been, when departing for toulon. an amity thus founded on a union of superior intellect in the respective parties, could only be destroyed, however it might be envied, by the decay of that celestial principle which had served to cement it's origin. the hero's birth-day occurring on the th, when he completed his fortieth year, a most splendid fête, with a ball and supper, were given by sir william and lady hamilton, to the nobility and gentry of naples, at which upwards of eighteen hundred persons are said to have been entertained. on this occasion, a grand rostral column was erected in the principal saloon, with the celebrated old roman motto-- "veni; vidi; vici!" which was never more appropriately applied, since it's original adoption by julius cæsar. it is to be regretted, that the harmony of this festival, which cost sir william hamilton two thousand ducats, was considerably deranged, towards it's conclusion, by the hero's son-in-law; who, it seems, so far forgot himself, as grossly to offend the very man whom every other person was delighting to honour. to such a height, indeed, was this young gentleman's intemperance unfortunately carried, that captain troubridge and another officer felt themselves under the absolute necessity of conducting him out of the room. this disagreeable occurrence, naturally agitating the breast of the worthy admiral, who was at that very period soliciting the indiscreet young man's preferment, in a letter then on it's way to england, occasioned a violent return of those internal spasms to which all excesses of the passions had constantly subjected him since the time when this grievance first commenced, while his anxious mind was occupied in vainly pursuing the french fleet: indeed, he always said, and it seems highly probable, that the disappointment, had it much longer continued, and his expectation of encountering them been finally frustrated, would certainly have "broke his heart." it is from no disrespect to captain nisbet that this affair is mentioned: nor is it for the sake of observing, what that gentleman must be sensible is the undoubted fact, that he was indebted for a reconciliation with his father-in-law, shortly after, to the kind interference of sir william and lady hamilton; who, very properly representing it as solely the effect of a young man's pardonable inebriety on so joyous an occasion, again introduced him to favour at their rural villa in the vicinity of naples. the fact, in itself, is trivial; but, on subjects of domestic or family delicacy, the minutest thread of verity may chance to have it's use in conducting through the intricate labyrinth by which the temple of truth is generally found to be environed. it was not till after admiral nelson's arrival at naples, that he heard of the capture of the leander, with his dispatches for the earl of st. vincent respecting the battle of the nile; an event for which, as has been seen, he had judiciously and almost prophetically prepared, by transmitting copies to england. by letters from corfu, he now learned that, on the th of august, the leander of fifty guns, captain thompson, having captain berry on board, with the dispatches for the earl of st. vincent, fell in with le genereux of seventy-four guns, captain lejoille, jun. one of the french ships which had escaped after the battle of the nile. the leander, with eighty men short of it's complement, and a number of wounded on board, being off the island of candia, was chased by le genereux under neapolitan colours; which, on approaching nearly within gun-shot, about eight in the morning, were changed to french. captain thompson had not been deceived by this artifice, but the leander's inferiority of sailing rendered it impossible to escape. at nine, being within half gun-shot of the leander's weather-quarter, captain thompson hauled up sufficiently to bring his broadside to bear, and immediately commenced a vigorous cannonade, which was powerfully returned. the ships continued nearing each other till half past ten, under a constant and heavy fire; when the enemy, taking advantage of the disabled condition of the leander, endeavoured to enter on the larboard bow: but the small party of marines, on the poop and quarter-deck, by a most spirited and well-directed fire, aided by a furious cannonade, repulsed them with great slaughter. a light breeze now springing up, enabled captain thompson to disentangle himself; and, soon after, he had the satisfaction to luff under le genereux's stern, and discharge every gun into that ship, at the distance of only ten yards. the action continued, within pistol-shot, till half past three in the afternoon; when le genereux, with a light breeze, passed the leander's bows, and brought itself on the starboard side, where the guns had been all nearly disabled by the wreck of the spar, which had fallen on that side. this necessarily producing a cessation of the leander's fire, the enemy hailed, to know if the ship had surrendered. being now a complete wreck; the decks covered with killed and wounded; and captain thompson himself badly wounded, without the most distant hope of success; that brave officer asked captain berry, if it appeared that more could be done: who, agreeing that farther resistance would be in vain, they consented to submit. le genereux had on board nine hundred men; one hundred of whom were killed, and a hundred and eighty-eight wounded, in the action; the leander had thirty-five killed, and fifty-eight wounded. the captain of le genereux, in an official letter of true french gasconade, describes the leander as carrying "seventy-four guns, twenty-four, and thirty pounders on the lower deck, and twelve pounders on the upper!" captain thompson and his officers no sooner arrived on board le genereux, than they were plundered of every article they had possessed, except the apparel which covered them. on this harsh treatment, they vainly expostulated with the captain, and reminded him of the different situation of the french officers made prisoners by admiral nelson. he coolly answered--"i am sorry for it; but, the truth is, that the french are good at plundering." captain berry expressed his wish to have a pair of pistols returned, and pointed out the man who had stolen them. captain lejoille, jun. by immediately securing them for himself, proved the truth, in his own person, of what he had just observed respecting french expertness at pillage: for, though he told captain berry that he would give him, in return, a pair of french pistols, to protect him on his journey home, this mean french officer never performed his promise. to such a pitch, indeed, did these miscreants carry their cruelty and theft, that they purloined the english surgeon's instruments, while he was performing operations on the wounded; and nearly rendered mortal the wound of captain thompson, by forcibly obstructing his attendance. in short, the miseries suffered by this unfortunate crew, both before and after their arrival at corfu, were greater than, it is to be hoped, for the honour of humanity, often occurs on such occasions; bad as the usage of the french is generally described to be--not, indeed, by english speculative writers; but by brave men, speaking from their own melancholy and repeated experience! on the d of october, the honourable captain capel arrived in england, with the joyful intelligence of admiral nelson's glorious victory off the nile: a victory which, from the peculiar period at which it occurred, the extent of it's beneficial effects, and it's splendid and complete success, excited in every british bosom such rapturous sensations as had never, in the memory of any living person, been before felt by the nation. general illuminations, both in town and country, were continued for three days; and every other species of public rejoicing, demonstrative of universal admiration, affection, and gratitude, to the hero of the nile, and his brave associates in arms, prevailed for several weeks. even infants were instructed to articulate the name of nelson; and to clap their little hands, with transport, in rapturous applauses of the preserver and protector of innocence, from their threatened invaders, the corrupters and destroyers of the human race. subscriptions were immediately opened, for the relief of the widows and children of all those brave men who had lost their lives on this glorious occasion; and a large fund was soon established, by a committee at lloyd's coffee-house, cornhill, the beneficial effects of which have since been prodigiously extended. on the d of october, at a court of common-council, the lord-mayor of london read the letter addressed to him by admiral nelson; and, when the tumult of applause had subsided, the sword of vice-admiral blanquet was ordered, on the motion of mr. deputy leeky, to be placed among the city regalia. the thanks of the court were then unanimously voted to admiral nelson, and to the officers and seamen under his command. the next day, having again assembled, the french admiral's sword was ordered to be placed in an elegant glass-case, in the most conspicuous part of the council-room, with an inscription expressive of the gift on a marble tablet. it was then resolved, that a sword of two hundred guineas value should be presented to admiral nelson from the city of london; and the freedom of the city, in a gold box worth one hundred guineas, to captain edward berry: and the lord-mayor, sir william anderson, bart, was requested to provide and present the said sword to the hero of the nile. on the th of october, his majesty created admiral nelson a peer of great britain, by the title of baron nelson of the nile, and of burnham-thorpe in the county of norfolk; and, at the meeting of parliament, in november, a message from the king was presented by mr. pitt, preparatory to the motion which he immediately afterwards made for a pension of two thousand pounds per annum, commencing on the st of august , to be granted admiral lord nelson of the nile, and his two next successors in the title. general walpole, who seconded the motion, having expressed an opinion, that lord nelson should also have a higher degree of rank; mr. pitt observed that, entertaining the highest sense of the transcendent merits of admiral nelson, he thought it needless to enter at any length into the question of rank. his fame, he added, must be coeval with the british name; and it would be remembered that he had obtained the greatest naval victory on record, when no man would think it worth his while to ask, whether he had been created a baron, a viscount, or an earl. such a motion was not likely to be opposed; and the annuity recommended by his majesty was unanimously granted. it may be remarked, however, that general walpole's opinion respecting higher rank, was certainly that of the public. the thanks of both houses of parliament were voted, and ordered to be transmitted by the respective speakers, to the brave admiral, the captains, officers, seamen, and marines, for their resolute and intrepid conduct displayed on this glorious occasion. a gold medal, of peculiar elegance and beauty, emblematical of the victory, executed by the inimitable louis pingo, esq. principal engraver of the royal mint in the tower of london, was struck on the occasion, by command of his majesty; who ordered one to be given, and in future worn by, each of the captains, all of whom afterwards received the honour of knighthood. the obverse of this medal displays a fine figure of victory placing a laurel wreath on the head of britannia, in a stile of the most chaste simplicity. the reverse incloses each respective name, which is engraved in the centre, with two branches, one of oak and the other of laurel. the motto--"in memory of the defeat of the french fleet on the coast of egypt." various other medals were struck on this memorable occasion; and one, in particular, most liberally distributed at the expence of alexander davison, esq. the valuable friend of lord nelson, has peculiar claim to attention. the obverse side of mr. davison's medal, to commemorate his friend's great victory, has the figure of hope, crowned with laurel, standing on a rugged rock, with an olive-branch in her right hand; and supporting, with her left arm, the profile of lord nelson on a medallion, to which her fore-finger is evidently pointing. the motto to the medallion--"europe's hope, and britain's glory." the legend--"rear-admiral lord viscount nelson of the nile." the reverse represents the french fleet at anchor in aboukir bay, with the british fleet advancing to the attack; the fortified islands in the enemy's van; the four frigates moored within their line, to cover their flank; the gun-boats near the islands; the setting-sun; the coast of egypt; the mouth of the nile; and, the castle of aboukir. the legend--"almighty god has blessed his majesty's arms." beneath the view--"victory of the nile, august , ." this handsome and valuable medal was presented, by mr. davison, struck in gold, to admiral lord nelson, and every captain of the british squadron; in silver, to every other warrant officer; in gilt metal, to every petty officer; and, in copper, to every individual seaman and marine serving on board during the action. the whole, as it is said, at the expence of little less than two thousand pounds: an instance of private and patriotic munificence, as well as generous friendship, which has, perhaps, seldom been surpassed. the government of ireland, immediately on receiving the joyful intelligence of this glorious victory, passed a vote of thanks similar to that of the british parliament, and granted the hero an additional annuity of one thousand pounds during the same term. the honourable united east india company, which felt so immediately benefitted on the occasion, unanimously voted him a gift of ten thousand pounds; the london turkey company, plate of very considerable value; and several other corporate bodies, as well in the metropolis as in our first provincial cities, the freedom of their respective corporations, in elegant gold boxes. to these tributes of esteem from a grateful country, must be added, as by no means the least acceptable, the proof of affectionate regard prepared for their beloved commander, by those most honourable and brave associates in arms, the captains of his own squadron, whom he so emphatically denominates, "the band of brothers." by these worthy and valorous officers, was their revered chief, the hero of the nile, presented with a magnificent sword; the hilt of which most appropriately represented a crocodile, very finely executed in gold. to enumerate the various epistolary plaudits and congratulations, and other demonstrations of admiration and applause, expressed by individuals, in england, of all ranks, to the hero and his friends, on account of this most splendid victory, is quite impracticable. the following extract of a letter, however, written by the worthy and venerable father of the immortal hero, to his friend the reverend mr. b. allot, in answer to a very kind congratulatory epistle from that gentleman, is so exquisitely and amiably characteristic both of father and son, that it cannot, under any consideration, be omitted. it is, indeed, a charming picture of parental and filial affection. "my great and good son," says this excellent and intelligent parent, "went into the world without fortune; but, with a heart replete with every moral and religious virtue. these have been his compass to steer by; and it has pleased god to be his shield in the day of battle, and to give success to his wishes to be of service to his country. his country seems sensible of his services: but, should he ever meet with ingratitude, his scars will cry out, and plead his cause--for, at the siege of calvi, he lost an eye; at teneriffe, an arm; on the memorable th of february, he received a severe blow on his body, which he still feels; and, now, a wound on the head! after all this, you will believe, his bloom of countenance must be faded; but the spirit beareth up, yet, as vigorously as ever. on the th of september, he completed his fortieth year: cheerful, generous, and good. fearing no evil, because he has done none: an honour to my grey hairs; which, with every mark of old age, creep fast upon me." while these various honours and gifts were preparing for the hero, in his native country, foreign nations, not less sensible of his worth, and in some instances scarcely less benefitted by his exertions and valour, were emulously pouring, with a laudable profusion, their richest presents before him, and investing him with their most distinguished dignities. on the th of september, immediately after receiving information of the battle off the nile, the grand signior directed a most superb diamond aigrette--called, by the turks, a chelengk, or plume of triumph--taken from one of the imperial turbans, to be sent for our victorious admiral, with a rich pelisse of the choicest sable fur; and a purse of two thousand sequins, in cash, to be distributed among the wounded british seamen. a note, at the same time, was delivered to mr. spencer smith, his majesty's minister at constantinople, of which the following is given as a correct translation. "it is but lately that, by a written communication, it has already been made known, how much the sublime porte rejoiced at the first advice received of the english squadron's having defeated that of the french, off alexandria, in egypt. by recent accounts, however, comprehending a specific detail of the action, it appears now more positive, that his britannic majesty's fleet has actually destroyed, by that action, the best ships the french had in their possession. this joyful event, therefore, laying this empire under an obligation, and the service rendered by our much-esteemed friend, admiral nelson, on this occasion, being of a nature to call for public acknowledgment, his imperial majesty, the powerful, formidable, and most magnificent grand signior, has destined as a present, in his imperial name, to the said admiral, a diamond aigrette, and a sable fur with broad sleeves; besides two thousand sequins, to be distributed among the wounded of his crew: and, as the english minister is constantly zealous to contribute, by his endeavours, to the increase of friendship between the two courts, it is hoped that he will not fail to make known this circumstance to his court; and to solicit the permission of the most powerful and august king of england, for the said admiral to put on, and wear, the said aigrette and pelisse." these presents were conveyed, under the care of mahomet kelim, an effendi, or secretary of state, in a turkish frigate, to alexandria; from whence, on finding the hero had departed for naples, the effendi, and his suite, immediately followed, in the alcmene frigate. the turkish secretary, and his twelve associates, on their arrival, performed their parts with suitable solemnity and address. they put on their state robes in the hero's anti-chamber; and presented the aigrette, seated on cushions, after the oriental method. the pelisse was composed of the finest scarlet cloth, lined and enriched with the most beautiful sable fur imaginable. the aigrette, which is a sort of artificial plume, or feather, represents a hand with thirteen fingers, covered with diamonds; allusive to the thirteen ships taken and destroyed by the hero: and it's size is that of a child's hand, at the age of five or six years, when open. the centre diamond, and the four by which it is surrounded, are estimated at a thousand pounds each, and there are said to be at least three hundred diamonds of smaller sizes. this immensely rich and beautiful jewel is more particularly described in the following extract of a letter, said to have been written by the grand signior himself. in this letter, it it called, a chelengk, or plume of triumph: such as has been, on every famous and memorable success of the ottoman arms, conferred on victorious mussulmen, seraskiers--"never, before, i believe," says the imperial writer, "on any disbeliever--as the _ne plus ultra_ of personal honour, separate from official dignity. the present is esteemed rich in it's kind; being a blaze of brilliants, crowned with a vibrating plumage, and a radiant star in the middle, turning on it's centre, by means of watch-work which winds up behind. this badge, actually taken from one of the imperial turbans, can hardly, according to the idea of such insignia here"--(the letter was dated, at constantinople, october , )--"be considered as less than equivalent to the first order of chivalry in christendom: such, at least," concludes the imperial donor, "was my view in the indication." by these remarks, added to the verbal communications of mahomet kelim, at the time of investiture, lord nelson was led to consider this honour as the ottoman order of merit. it could, certainly, be nothing less; and the civilized world has to felicitate itself on the brilliance of our immortal hero's glory, which could, at length, dissipate the cloud of prejudice, that had so long obscured, from the sincerest followers of mahomet, the lustre of every christian virtue. even the dowager sultana, mother of the grand signior, caught the enthusiastic admiration of our hero from her generous and illustrious son, and sent his lordship the superb and flattering present of a very rich diamond ornament, in the form of a rose. no sooner were the honours conferred on our hero by the grand signior, and his wish respecting the wearing them, made known to his majesty, than the imperial desire was immediately complied with, and the following royal grants and concessions were also published in the london gazette-- "the king has been graciously pleased to give, and grant, to the right honourable horatio baron nelson of the nile, and of burnham-thorpe in the county of norfolk, rear-admiral of the blue squadron of his majesty's fleet, and k.b. in consideration of the great zeal, courage, and perseverance, manifested by him on divers occasions, and particularly of his able and gallant conduct in the glorious and decisive victory obtained over the french fleet, at the mouth of the nile, on the st of august last, his royal licence and authority, that he, and his issue, may bear the following honourable augmentations to his armorial ensign: viz. "a chief, undulated, argent--thereon, waves of the sea; from which, a palm-tree issuant, between a disabled ship on the dexter, and a ruinous battery on the sinister; all proper." and, for his crest, "on a naval crown, or; the chelengk, or plume of triumph, presented to him by the grand signior, as a mark of his high esteem, and of his sense of the gallant conduct of the said horatio baron nelson in the said glorious and decisive victory; with the motto--_palmam qui meruit ferat_:" and, to his supporters, being a sailor on the dexter, and a lion on the sinister, the honourable augmentation following; viz. "in the hand of the sailor, a palm branch, and another in the paw of the lion, both proper, with the addition of a tri-coloured flag and staff in the mouth of the latter;" which augmentations to the supporters are to be borne by the said horatio nelson, and by those to whom the said dignity shall descend in virtue of his majesty's letters patent of creation; and, that the same may be first duly exemplified, according to the laws of arms, and recorded in the herald's office: and, also, to order that his majesty's said concession, and especial mark of his royal favour, be registered in his college at arms." the above most appropriate motto was adopted by the express desire of his majesty: who, also, with the utmost possible propriety, fixed the honourable plume of triumph on the hero's crest; a circumstance which could not fail to afford the grand signior a pleasing proof, that his present had been duly appreciated both by the hero and his sovereign. the emperor paul, of russia, wrote lord nelson a congratulatory epistle, with his own hand, and accompanied it by a valuable portrait of himself, superbly surrounded with brilliants, and a gold box set with diamonds, estimated at two thousand five hundred pounds. the king of sardinia also sent him a letter, and a gold box richly ornamented with diamonds; the king and queen of naples made him many valuable presents; from palermo, he received a gold box and chain, brought on a silver waiter, containing the freedom of that city, which also conferred on him the honour of being a grandee of spain; and even the island of zante, in grateful remembrance that they had happily been liberated from french cruelty by the good effects of the battle of the nile, sent the illustrious hero their epistolary acknowledgments, with a valuable gold-headed sword and cane. numerous other presents were received by, and honours conferred on, the immortal hero of the nile, as well at naples, as elsewhere, for a considerable time after this splendid victory; which, from it's brilliant success, and important consequences, had powerfully attracted the attention and admiration of all mankind, in every quarter of the globe not contaminated by french principles. during the period while these honours were universally soliciting the acceptance of this exalted man, his great and active mind, amid every corporeal lassitude and fatigue, was unceasingly engaged in pursuits calculated to merit additional renown, and consequently to augment their acquisition. with an eye to the recapture of malta, which the neapolitans seemed rather to expect from our hero's prowess than their own exertions, he had, immediately on his arrival at naples, detached the terpsichore to that island, for the purpose of gaining such intelligence as might enable him to form the best plan for effectually accomplishing this purpose; and, a few days afterwards, sent captain ball, in the alexander, with a frigate and sloop, to cruise off malta, which was then under the blockade of the portuguese squadron. on the th of october, writing to lord spencer, he says--"three weeks, i admit, is a long time to refit a fleet after a battle; but, when it is considered that nearly every mast in the fleet has taken much more time than if they had been new; that naples bay is subject to a heavy swell, of which we have felt the inconvenience; and that we go to sea victualled for six months, and in the highest health and discipline; i trust, some allowance will be made for me." he adds, with an almost prophetic foresight--"naples sees this squadron no more--except the king calls for our help; and, if they go on, and lose the glorious moments, we may be called for _to save the persons of their majesties_." of general mack, who was then at naples, for the purpose of taking under his command the neapolitan army, which had been recently raised to oppose the french, he thus expresses his predictive apprehensions--"general mack cannot move without five carriages. i have formed my opinion--i heartily pray, i may be mistaken." on the tuesday following the date of this letter, general mack arrived at caserta; and lord nelson, the next thursday, accompanied by sir william and lady hamilton, went to meet him at dinner with the king and queen of naples. their majesties introduced them to each other, with every expression of esteem and regard. the queen, however, could not help saying--"general, be to us, by land, what my hero nelson has been at sea!" the emperor, it seems, had desired the king of naples to begin, and promised that he would support him. at this interview, mack said he would march in ten days; and, by his conversation and address, seems to have temporarily withdrawn our hero from the contemplation of his actions, that unerring criterion of character. the judgment which lord nelson had first formed of general mack, on this principle, has since appeared to be just. with such a general as mack, and such a minister as our hero describes the marquis de gallo to have been, in a letter to earl spencer, we can scarcely wonder at any misfortunes which might befal the amiable sovereigns with whose welfare they were fatally entrusted. "this marquis de gallo," says our hero, "i "detest. he is ignorant of common civility. sir william hamilton has just found out, that a messenger sets out for london within an hour; yet, i was with this minister for an hour last night. he admires his ribbon, ring, and snuff-box, so much, that an excellent _petit-maître_ was spoiled, when he was made a minister. the sentiments of my heart have flown from my pen, and i cannot retract them." after observing, that he has not, owing to the above circumstance, time to write what he wished, he concludes, with the most perfect good-humour--"pray excuse this short letter, and abuse of the marquis de gallo." on monday, the th of october, being ready to sail from naples, at eight o'clock in the morning, the king and prince leopold, as well as sir william and lady hamilton, went on board the vanguard, to breakfast with lord nelson. at ten, the british squadron, consisting of the vanguard, minotaur, audacious, goliath, and la mutine brig, weighed anchor; and, at eleven, the royal and illustrious visitors quitted the ship, taking an affectionate leave of their heroic protector and friend--"the king expressed himself," says lord nelson, in a letter to the earl of st. vincent, dated off marsala, the west end of sicily, october , , "in the most flattering manner towards me. his majesty had all the respect paid him, by the squadron, which our situation would admit of, and which it was not only our duty, but so much our inclination, to pay him. the king," he observes, "having desired my return to naples in the first week in november, i shall, after having arranged the blockade of malta, return to naples, and endeavour to be useful in the movements of their army. in thus acquiescing in the desire of the king of naples, i give up my plan; which was, to have gone to egypt, and attended to the destruction of the french shipping in that quarter: but, i hope, before captain hood quits his station, both the turks and russian squadron will be on that coast; when all will be right, i hope: although i own myself not willing to trust any of our allies to do that which we could do ourselves. i have reason for thinking, that a strong wish for our squadron's being on the coast of naples is, that in case of any mishap, their majesties think their persons much safer under the protection of the british flag, than under any other." after observing, that the culloden would be ready for sea about the time mentioned, and that he had directed captain troubridge to wait his arrival, with the transports which he had at first intended to take to syracuse, he concludes with remarking that he had not a sick man in the squadron. on the th, lord nelson arrived off malta; when he immediately wrote the following letter to sir william hamilton. "vanguard, off malta, th oct. . "my dear sir, "i am just arrived off this place, where i found captain ball and the marquis de niza: from these officers, i do not find such an immediate prospect of getting possession of the town, as the minister at naples seems to think. all the country, it is true, is in possession of the islanders; and, i believe, the french have not many luxuries in the town: but, as yet, their bullocks are not eat up. the marquis tells me, the islanders want arms, victuals, and mortars and cannon to annoy the town. when i get the elect of the people on board, i shall desire them to draw up a memorial for the king of naples, stating their wants and desires, which i shall bring with me. the marquis sails for naples to-morrow morning. till he is gone, i shall not do any thing about the island; but i will be fully master of that subject, before i leave this place. god bless you! is the sincere prayer of your affectionate horatio nelson." the very next day, he sent into malta, by captain ball, the following admirable and most spirited letter, addressed to the french general and admiral commanding in the town of valetta and fort of malta. it breathes, throughout, that liberal and manly spirit which so highly distinguishes our hero, and which conveys to the heart such irresistible proofs of honour and veracity. "his britannic majesty's ship vanguard, off malta, th oct. . "gentlemen, "in addressing to you this letter, containing my determination respecting the french now in malta, i feel confident that you will not attribute it either to insolence or impertinent curiosity, but a wish of my sentiments clearly understood. the present situation of malta is this: the inhabitants are in possession of all the island; except the town of valetta, which is in your possession--that the islanders are in arms against you--and, that the port is blockaded by a squadron belonging to his britannic majesty. my objects are, to assist the people of malta in forcing you to abandon the island, that it may be delivered into the hands of it's lawful sovereign; and, to get possession of le guillaume tell, la diane, and la justice. to accomplish these objects as speedily as possible, i offer that, on the delivery of the french ships to me, all the troops and seamen, now in malta and goza, shall be landed in france, without the condition of their being prisoners of war; that i will take care that the lives of all those maltese who have joined you shall be spared, and i offer my mediation with their sovereign for the restoration of their property. should these offers be rejected; or the french ships make their escape, notwithstanding my vigilance; i declare, that i will not enter, or join, any capitulation, which the general may hereafter be forced to enter into, with the inhabitants of malta; much less will i intercede for the forgiveness of those who have betrayed their duty to their country. i beg leave to assure you, this is the determination of a british admiral; and i have the honour to be, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant, "horatio nelson." though this notice was not successful to the full extent of his wish, it seems to have accelerated the surrender of goza. in the mean time, all possible aid was given to the maltese; who, it appears, had been shockingly neglected by the neapolitan government. in a letter of the th, addressed to sir william hamilton, the indignant hero enlarges on this topic with a feeling and energy incomparably expressive of his heroic and independent character. "when i come to naples, i can have nothing pleasant to say of the conduct of his sicilian majesty's ministers towards the inhabitants of malta, who wish to be under the dominion of their legitimate sovereign. the total neglect and indifference with which they have been treated, appears to me cruel in the extreme. had not the english supplied fifteen hundred stand of arms, with bayonets, cartouch boxes, and ammunition, &c. and the marquis supplied some few, and kept the spirit of those brave islanders from falling off, they must long ago have bowed to the french yoke. could you, my dear sir william, have believed, after what general acton and the marquis de gallo had said, in our various conversations relative to this island, that nothing had been sent by the governor of syracuse--_secretly_, was the word used to us--or openly, to this island! and i am further assured, that the governor of syracuse never had any orders sent him, to supply the smallest article. i beg your excellency will state this, in confidence, to general acton. i shall most assuredly tell it the king. the justice i owe myself, now i feel employed in the service of their sicilian majesties, demands it of me; and also the duty i owe our gracious king, in order to shew that i am doing my utmost to comply with his royal commands. as i have before stated, had it not been for the english, long, long ago, the maltese must have been overpowered. including the fifteen hundred stand of arms given by us, not more than three thousand are in the island. i wonder how they have kept on the defensive so long. at least, two thousand stand of small arms complete, ammunition, &c. should be sent by the emerald. this is wanted, to defend themselves; for offence, two or three large mortars, fifteen hundred shells, with all necessaries; and, perhaps, a few artillery. the bormola, and all the left side of the harbour, with this assistance, will fall. ten thousand men are required to defend those works, the french can only spare twelve hundred; therefore, a vigorous assault being made in many parts, some one must succeed. but, who have the government of naples sent, to lead or encourage these people? a very good, and i dare say brave, old man; enervated, and shaking with the palsy. this is the sort of man that they have sent; without any supply, without even a promise of protection, and without his bringing any answer to the repeated respectful memorials of these people to their sovereign. i know their majesties must feel hurt, when they hear these truths. i may be thought presuming; but, i trust, general acton will forgive an honest seaman for telling plain truths. _as for the other minister, i do not understand him._ we are different men. he has been bred in a court; and i, in a rough element: but, i believe, my heart is as susceptible of the finer feelings as his, and as compassionate for the distress of those who look up to me for protection." having thus very justly and indignantly censured the neapolitan government; particularly, the then first minister, the marquis de gallo; he proceeds most judiciously and forcibly to state, not only what ought to have been done, but what still should be attempted. in doing this, he has admirably sketched the characteristic outlines of a good commander. "the officer sent here should have brought supplies, promises of protection, and an answer from the king to their memorials. he should have been a man of judgment, bravery, and _activity_. he should be the first to lead them to glory; and the last, when necessary, to retreat: the first to mount the wall of the bormola, and never to quit it. this is the man to send. such, many such, are to be found. if he succeeds, promise him rewards: my life for it, the business would soon be over. "god bless you! i am anxious to get this matter finished. i have sent ball, this day, to summon goza; if it resists, i shall send on shore, and batter down the castle. three vessels, loaded with bullocks, &c. for the garrison, were taken yesterday, from tripoli: ten more are coming, but we shall have them. i had almost forgot to mention, that orders should be immediately given, that no quarantine be laid on boats going to the coast of sicily for corn. at present, as a matter of favour, they have fourteen days only. yesterday, there was only fourteen days bread in the island; luckily, we got hold of a vessel loaded with wheat, and sent her into st. paul's. once more, god bless you! and ever believe me, your obliged and affectionate "horatio nelson. "this day i have landed twenty barrels of gunpowder--two thousand eight hundred pounds--at malta." the island of goza, in consequence of the summons mentioned in this letter, surrendered to his majesty's arms: and admiral nelson, in the evening of the th, having received particulars of the capitulation from captain ball, sailed again for naples; leaving that excellent officer, the present sir john alexander ball, governor of malta, to continue the blockade, with the same ships as were before employed on that service. these particulars were, on the d of november, forwarded to the commander in chief; with the following letter, by which they are here preceded. "vanguard, at sea, st nov. . "my lord, "i have the honour to transmit to you a letter received from captain ball, dated october th, together with the capitulation of the castle of goza, and a list of ordnance, &c. found in it. the prisoners are embarked in the vanguard and minotaur, till i can get a vessel to send them to france. captain ball, with three sail of the line, a frigate, and fire-ship, is entrusted with the blockade of malta, in which are two sail of the line and three frigates ready for sea; and, from the experience i have had of captain ball's zeal, activity, and ability, i have no doubt that, in due time, i shall have the honour of sending you a good account of the french in the town of valetta. i am, with the greatest respect, your lordship's most obedient servant, "horatio nelson." "earl of st. vincent." "alexander, off malta, th oct. . "sir, "i have the honour to acquaint you, that the commandant of the french troops in the castle of goza signed the capitulation on the th inst. which you had approved. i ordered captain cresswell of the marines to take possession of it in the name of his britannic majesty, and his majesty's colours were hoisted. the next day, the place was delivered up, in form, to the deputies of the island, his sicilian majesty's colours hoisted, and he acknowledged their lawful sovereign. "i embarked, yesterday, all the french officers and men who were on the island of goza, amounting to two hundred and seventeen. i inclose the articles of capitulation, and an inventory of the arms and ammunition found in the castle; part of which, i directed to be sent to the assistance of the maltese who are in arms against the french. there were three thousand two hundred sacks of corn in the castle; which will be a great relief to the inhabitants, who are much in want of that article. i have the honour to be, &c. "alex. john ball." "rear-admiral sir h. nelson, k.b." "_articles of capitulation, between alexander john ball, esq. captain of his majesty's ship the alexander, appointed to conduct the blockade of malta, under rear-admiral sir horatio nelson, k.b. on the part of great britain; and lieutenant-colonel lockey, aju. de battailon, commander of the french troops in the castle of goza_. " . "the french troops shall march out of the castle of goza with the honours of war, and shall lay down their arms as they get out of the gate. " . "the castle of goza, with all the military implements and stores, shall be delivered up to the british officer appointed to take charge of them. " "the french officers and troops shall be protected in their persons and effects, and the officers allowed to retain their side-arms. they shall be embarked, immediately, on board his britannic majesty's ships; and sent to france, in transports, at the expence of the french government they are not to serve against his britannic majesty, or his allies, during the war, till regularly exchanged. "rear-admiral sir horatio nelson, k.b. has entered into articles with the inhabitants of goza, that if the french surrender to the british, they shall be considered as under their protection, and they will not offer them the smallest insult or molestation. "signed, th oct. . "alexander john ball, captain of his britannic majesty's ship alexander. "approved, "lockey, aju. de battailon. horatio nelson." "_extract of articles found in the castle of goza, the th of october_ . "fifty barrels of powder, nine thousand ball-cartridges, one thousand musket-cartridges without ball, one thousand flints, thirty-eight eighteen-pound cartridges filled, one hundred and forty twelve-pound ditto, four hundred and fifty six-pound ditto, two hundred and sixty-eight four-pound ditto, twenty-five three-pound ditto, eighty-eight two-pound ditto, eighteen good eighteen-pounder guns and two hundred shot, two good twelve-pounder guns and nine hundred shot, four good six-pounders and two thousand nine hundred and eighty-five shot, four hundred hand-grenades filled, ninety-nine pikes, ninety halberts, and three thousand two hundred sacks of corn. "n.b. no small-arms, except those laid down by the french troops." on the th of november, admiral nelson, having a few days before arrived safely at naples, went to the camp at st. germaine's, in consequence of a request from his sicilian majesty, to meet general mack and general acton, at a grand review of the whole neapolitan army; and sir william and lady hamilton, with all the english nobility and gentry then at naples, accompanied our hero, where they joined the king, queen, and royal family. the account of this meeting, and it's results, including an intended attack of leghorn, are sufficiently explained in the following very interesting letter to earl spencer: which is farther remarkable for being the first epistle that our hero appears to have ever signed with the omission of his christian name, in consequence of being advanced to the peerage; of which honour he had, even yet, it should seem, by what will be seen hereafter, no official information from the noble earl to whom he was writing, though he must certainly have received some regular previous information on the subject. "camp, st. germaine's, th nov. . "my lord, "a desire from his majesty called me here yesterday, to concert with general mack and general acton the commencement of the war. thirty thousand of--_mack says--"la plus belle d'armie d'europe_," was drawn out, for me to see; and, as far as my judgment goes in these matters, i agree, that a finer army cannot be. in the evening, we had a council; and it was settled, that four thousand infantry, and six hundred cavalry, should take possession of leghorn. the infantry--(having stopped captain troubridge's squadron for corfu)--i shall embark in the vanguard, culloden, minotaur, two portuguese ships, (if i can get them ready, not that i see they have any wants) and the alliance storeship. a neapolitan ship brings the cavalry, in a convoy, after us. the king's order for the destination was to be given to me; and, when at sea, i was to give it to the general commanding the troops: who was to be totally ignorant, that leghorn was the object, and not malta; which, as a secret, was communicated to him. his majesty approved of this plan, and mack was to march--i repeat it with pleasure--"with thirty thousand of the finest troops in europe," on saturday, the th, to rome; and keep advancing, trusting to the support of the emperor. every hour, the french are increasing their italian army, and two new generals are arrived at rome. thus i went to bed last night; and, at six this morning, came to take leave of their majesties. i found them in great distress. the courier who left london on the th, has not brought any assurance of support from the emperor. m. turget is evasive; and wishes, he says, the french to be the aggressors. it is aggression, if this court knows--all the world knows--that the french are collecting an army to over-run naples; in a week, destroy the monarchy; plunder, and make it a republic. as this is fully known; surely, it is an aggression of the most serious nature. the emperor's troops have not yet been in the habits of retaking kingdoms; and it is easier to destroy, than restore. i ventured to tell their majesties, directly, that one of the following things must happen to the king, and he had his choice--"either advance, trusting to god for his blessing on a just cause, to die with _l'epée a la main_; or remain quiet, and be kicked out of your kingdom." the king replied, that he would go on, and trust in god; and desired me to stay till noon, to consult with mack on this new face of affairs. "november . i came from the king after dinner; and their majesties both told me, that things stood precisely as they did before the receipt of the dispatches from london and vienna. there was, evidently, a great disappointment at not getting money from england. that they want, is certain; nor do the ministers, i believe, know how to get it. their paper money is at forty per cent. discount. i long ago told the queen, i did not think mr. pitt would go to parliament, and ask money of the country, in the present moment; that, if england saw every exertion made, in this country, to save themselves, john bull was never backward in supporting his friends in distress. good god, my lord, can the emperor submit to this! "november . last evening, lady hamilton received a letter from the queen, full of the idea that money was indispensable: and desired her ladyship to shew it to me; and, that i would say what i saw. that i can do, very soon. i see the finest country in the world, full of resources; yet, without enough to supply the public wants: all are plundering, who can get at public money or stores. in my own line, i can speak. a neapolitan ship of the line would cost more than ten english ships fitting out. five sail of the line must ruin the country. every thing else is, i have no doubt, going on in the same system of thieving: i could give your lordship so many instances of the greatest mal-conduct of persons in office, and of those very people being rewarded. if money could be placed in the public chest at this moment, i believe it would be well used: for the sad thing in this country is, that although much is raised, yet very little reaches the public chest. i will give you a fact--when the order of jesuits was suppressed in this country and sicily, they possessed very large estates: although these, with every other part of their property, were seized by the crown; yet, to this moment, not one farthing has reached the public chest. on the contrary, some years, the pretended expence of management was more than the produce. taxes have been sold for sums of money; which, now, are five times more than when sold. this, it is true, was done by viceroys, to please their distant masters. but, i am tiring your patience. in short, their majesties look to us for every succour; and, without it, they are undone. "i have wrote to the turkish and russian admirals, and shall take care to keep on the very best footing with all the allied powers. "believe me, your lordship's most obedient and obliged servant, "nelson." at this neapolitan review, a curious circumstance is said to have occurred. by some mistake of general mack's, in directing the operations of a feigned fight, it so happened that his own troops were completely surrounded by those of the enemy; when lord nelson, vexed at the unfortunate and inauspicious blunder, immediately exclaimed, to his surrounding friends--"this fellow does not understand his business!" it having been agreed, in a council held at the camp of st. germaine's, as suggested in the foregoing letter, to take possession of leghorn, not a moment was lost, by lord nelson, in preparing for that expedition. the king and queen of naples, affected by the very indifferent state of his lordship's health, and fearing that the exertion might prove too much for their chief protector, wished him to remain at naples. when the queen, accordingly, through the medium of lady hamilton, advised him to send the troops; he instantly directed her to inform her majesty, that it was his custom, in order to succeed, not to say--"go!" but--"let us go!" such was the dispatch used on this occasion, that all the troops were embarked, and his lordship sailed from the bay of naples, on the d instant. the vanguard, culloden, minotaur, and alliance, were the only british ships, on board of which were about two thousand seven hundred soldiers; and, in the portuguese principe real, albuquerque, and st. sebastian, two thousand four hundred. in all, five thousand, one hundred and twenty-three. as it blew a strong gale all that night, and the following day, none but the british kept company with the vanguard, which arrived in leghorn road on the th. the ministers of their majesties of great britain and of the two sicilies, the honourable william windham and the duke di sangro, immediately going on board the vanguard, and being of opinion that a summons in the name of admiral lord nelson, as well as that of the neapolitan general naselli, would be proper, the following was instantly prepared. "we, the commanders of the troops of the king of the two sicilies, and of the squadron of his britannic majesty, now before leghorn, demand of the governor of leghorn the free and instant admission of his sicilian majesty's troops into the town and fortress of leghorn, and every thing thereunto depending. if you refuse, we have power to enforce our just demand; which will, undoubtedly, instantly be done. "naselli, general. "nelson, rear-admiral." captain troubridge, accompanied by the two ministers, went on shore with this summons: and he returned, at eight in the evening, with a capitulation signed; in consequence of which the troops were immediately landed, and possession taken of the town and fortress of leghorn. on the following day, the portuguese squadron also arrived, and landed the remainder of the troops. in the mean time, the neapolitan general refused to seize the french vessels at leghorn, under pretence that the king of naples was not at war with france; and the neapolitan minister, the duke di sangro, was likewise weak enough to maintain the same opinion. the vexation which these impolitic scrupulosities occasioned in the superior mind of our decided hero, is difficult to be described. he saw the destructive tendency of such mental imbecility, and trembled for the fate of a country which was condemned to be thus served. his lordship's feelings will be best conceived, by his own account of what passed in his anxious bosom on the occasion, thus addressed to mr. windham. vanguard, th nov. . "my dear sir, "i have been thinking, all night, of the general naselli and the duke di sangro's saying that the king of naples had not declared war against the french. now, i assert, that he has; and, in a much stronger manner than the ablest minister in europe could write a declaration of war. has not the king received, as a conquest made by him, the republican flag taken at goza? is not the king's flag flying there, and at malta; not only by the king's absolute permission, but by his orders? is not his flag shot at, every day, by the french; and returned, from batteries bearing the king's flag? are not two frigates, and a corvette, placed under my orders? and they would fight the french, meet them where they may. has not the king sent publicly, from naples, guns, mortars, &c. with officers and artillery, to fight against the french in malta? if these acts are not tantamount to any written paper, i give up all knowledge of what is war. so far, then, i assert, that the general is authorized to seize all french and ligurian vessels. but that is a small matter, to what will happen if he permits the many hundreds of french which are now in the mole to be neutral, till they have a fair opportunity of being active. even the interest of the grand duke calls loudly, that the neapolitan general should act with vigour; for, if all other schemes fail, they have one sure: viz. set one vessel on fire, and the port of leghorn is ruined for twenty years. pray, say this to seratti. i have, you know, no interest personal to myself, in this advice. i wish the great duke to have no unnecessary risk, and for the neapolitan general and myself to take all the odium on ourselves. pray, excuse this letter; but, i could not resist writing it. ever your, &c. "nelson." the unanswerable reasoning in this letter could not fail to produce perfect conviction; and general naselli, at his lordship's request, consented to lay an embargo on all the vessels at leghorn, till he should receive orders for their disposal from his sicilian majesty. among these ships, were a great number of french privateers; some of them, his lordship observed, in a letter to sir william hamilton, of such force as to do the very greatest mischief to our commerce, if permitted to sail. there were also about seventy sail of vessels, calling themselves belonging to the ligurian republic, before called genoa, ready to sail, loaded with corn, for genoa and france; the arrival of which, must expedite the entrance into italy of more french troops. "general naselli," says lord nelson, "sees, i believe, the permitting these vessels to depart, in the same light as myself; but, there is this difference between us--the general, prudently, and certainly safely, waits the orders of his court, taking no responsibility on himself; i act from the circumstance of the moment, as i feel it may be most advantageous for the honour of the cause which i serve, taking all responsibility on myself." having left captain troubridge at leghorn, to act as exigencies might require, lord nelson immediately returned to naples; where he arrived on the th of december, having been absent little more than ten days. during this time, letters had arrived from commodore duckworth, relating to the conquest of minorca; and, these letters having been forwarded after him to leghorn, he wrote the following apology and congratulation to his friend the commodore, now admiral sir john duckworth, who commanded the squadron which had sailed from gibraltar on this expedition. "naples, th dec. . "my dear sir, "on my arrival here, yesterday, i found lieutenant gregory, who had been charged with your letters to me; but which were, unluckily, sent after me to leghorn: and, as lieutenant gregory is very anxious to return to you, it is out of my power to answer such part of your public letter as might require. however, i most heartily congratulate you on the conquest of minorca; an acquisition invaluable to great britain, and which completely, in future, prevents any movements from toulon to the westward. my situation in this country has had, doubtless, _one_ rose; but, it has been plucked from a bed of thorns. nor is my present state that of ease; and my health, at best but indifferent, has not mended lately. naples is just embarked in a new war: the event, god only knows; but, without the assistance of the emperor, which is not yet given, this country cannot resist the power of france. leghorn is in possession of the king of naples's troops, as is civita vecchia. i have troubridge, with minotaur, terpsichore, and bonne citoyenne, &c. on the north coast of italy. three sail of the line, under ball, are off malta: and hood, with three sail of the line, and two frigates, is in egypt; but i expect his return every moment, and that the turks and russian ships and flotilla have relieved him. i am here, _solus_; for, i reckon the portuguese as nothing. they are all flag-officers, and cannot serve under any of my brave friends. "with every good wish, believe me your most obedient servant, "nelson." from the following congratulatory letter which lord nelson wrote, at the same time, to his old "brother brigadier," the honourable lieutenant-general stuart, commander in chief of the forces at the reduction of minorca, may be learned the very unpromising state of military affairs with the neapolitan army at this important period. it also clearly developes the secret cause of his lordship's sudden recall from egypt. naples, th dec. . "my dear sir, "allow me to congratulate you on the conquest of minorca; an acquisition, as a sea-port, invaluable to our country. i hurried from egypt, early in august; as, by the earl of st. vincent's orders, i was in expectation of being summoned to attend you. however, i am sure, my place was much better filled by commodore duckworth. the new war commenced here, it is yet impossible to say how it may turn: whether it will really hasten the ruin, or save the monarchy. at all events, if the king had not began the war, he would have soon been kicked out of his kingdom. the king is at rome; but five hundred french still hold possession of st. angelo. general mack is gone to civita castellana, where thirteen thousand french have taken post. mack's force, with him, is twenty thousand fine young men; but, with some few exceptions, wretchedly officered. if the french are not soon driven from their post, which is very strong by nature, mack must fall back to the frontier on the side of ancona. the french have drove back, to say no more, the right wing of the king's army, and taken all their baggage and artillery. the emperor has not yet moved, and his minister, thugut, is not very anxious to begin a new war; but, if he does not, naples and tuscany will fall in two months. i shall be happy if you will honour me, at any time, with your commands, here or elsewhere; being, with the highest respect, your most obedient servant, "nelson." a letter from earl spencer had likewise reached naples, at this period, with the official intelligence of admiral nelson's elevation to the peerage; an elevation which, it is certain, the hero of the nile by no means considered as excessive, any more than his particular friends, and even the country in general. in the following answer to earl spencer, it will appear, however, that his zeal kindles with far more ardour for his friend troubridge, than for himself. naples, th dec. "my dear lord, "on my arrival here, from leghorn, i received your lordship's letter of october , communicating to me the title his majesty had been graciously pleased to confer upon me; an honour, your lordship is pleased to say, the highest that has ever been conferred on an officer of my standing, who was not a commander in chief. "i receive, as i ought, what the goodness of our sovereign, and not my deserts, is pleased to bestow: but, great and unexampled as this honour may be, to one of my standing--yet, i own, i feel a higher one, in the unbounded confidence of the king, your lordship, and the whole world, in my exertions. even at the bitter moment of my return to syracuse, your lordship is not insensible of the great difficulties i had to encounter, in not being a commander in chief. the only happy moment i felt, was in the view of the french; then, i knew, that all my sufferings would soon be at an end! "i observe what your lordship is pleased to say, relative to the presenting myself, and the captains who served under me, with medals; and, also, that the first lieutenants of the ships engaged will be distinguished by promotions, as well as the senior marine officers. i hope, and believe, the word "engaged" is not intended to exclude the culloden; the merit of that ship, and her gallant captain, are too well known to benefit by any thing i could say. her misfortune was great, in getting aground, while her more fortunate companions were in the full tide of happiness. no; i am confident, that my good lord spencer will never add misery to misfortune. captain troubridge, on shore, is superior to captains afloat. in the midst of his great misfortunes, he made those signals which prevented, certainly, the alexander and swiftsure from running on the shoals. i beg your pardon for writing on a subject which, i verily believe, has never entered your lordship's head; but my heart, as it ought to be, is warm to my gallant friends. "ever your lordship's most faithful and obedient "nelson." so anxious was lord nelson for his gallant friend troubridge, and the other brave officers of the culloden, that he thus urges, at the same time, in a letter to the earl of st. vincent, the subject which occupied his feeling heart. "i received, yesterday," writes he, "a private letter from lord spencer; saying, that the first lieutenants of all the ships engaged would be promoted. i sincerely hope, this is not intended to exclude the first of the culloden. for heaven's sake, for my sake, if it be so, get it altered! our dear friend troubridge has suffered enough; and no one knows, from me, but culloden was as much engaged as any ship in the squadron. his sufferings were, in every respect, more than any of us. he deserves every reward which a grateful country can. bestow on the most meritorious sea-officer of his standing in the service. i i have felt his worth every hour of my command. i have before wrote you, my dear lord, on this subject; therefore, i place troubridge in your hands." of his own disappointment, at not having obtained higher rank, he writes nothing to his commander in chief; but, among his most intimate friends, he is known to have freely expressed his grief and indignation at receiving the title of baron only. had they left him as he was, he has been heard repeatedly to say, he would not have complained; but, he thought, his services merited more than a barony. it would, perhaps, be difficult to find any substantial objection against his having been made, at least, a viscount; which would still have left the commander in chief his superior in rank. indeed, on such peculiarly great and glorious occasions, there need be little dread respecting precedents. no minister would have been impeached, who had even advised his being created a duke; and, most assuredly, the country would have rejoiced at his merited elevation to that dignity. why should not the navy possess honours equal to those of a military marlborough? and, when do we expect to behold the hero on whom they may with more propriety be bestowed? it is a positive fact, that lord nelson would never wear his own gold medal, till he had obtained one for his friend captain troubridge; who, by the strictness of official etiquette, without any actual blame in administration, had been at first excluded. the following laconic epistle to captain troubridge, at leghorn, exhibits a true sailor's letter. "naples, dec. th . "my dear troubridge, "i have just received mr. windham's letter of november th, and find it is settled that all the cargoes of the genoese ships should be landed; and all the french privateers disarmed, and their crews sent away. so far, i am content. money is not our object; but to distress the common enemy. i hope, if you liked it, you visited the grand duke, in my stead; i could not have been better represented--the copy is a damned deal better than the original. "nelson." "duckworth has a captain under him; john dixon, from england, is post captain; and mr. grey arrived." at the same time, he wrote to his excellency the honourable mr. windham, apologizing for not having himself accepted his royal highness the grand duke's invitation to visit him at pisa. "i have," says he, "to request that you will present my most profound acknowledgments to his royal highness. i was under a sacred promise, to return here as expeditiously as possible; and not to quit the queen and royal family of naples, without her majesty's approbation. this will plead my cause for quitting leghorn so expeditiously." another letter, written to mr. windham this day, is too interesting to be omitted. it presents his opinion of the patriotic character of mr. windham, the disinterestedness of his own, and the wretched pusillanimity of the neapolitan officers. naples, th dec. . "my dear sir, "your several letters of november , came to me this moment. believe me, no person can set a higher value on your friendship than i do; for, i know, from experience, that you have nothing more at heart, than the honour of our king and country. i rejoice to hear, that the cargoes of corn in the mole of leghorn will be landed; and the privateers disarmed, and the scoundrels belonging to them sent away. the enemy will be distressed; and, thank god, i shall get no money. the world, i know, think that money is our god; and, now, they will be undeceived, as far as relates to us. "down, down with the french!" is my constant prayer. i hope, that the emperor is marched to support this country: for, unused to war, it's officers seem alarmed at a drawn sword; or a gun, if loaded with shot. many of them, peaceable heroes, are said to have run away when brought near the enemy. the king and general acton being at rome, i know not what orders will be sent to general naselli; but, you may depend, i will do nothing which can do away your just demand of retribution to our merchants robbed by the french at leghorn. i arrived here on the th of december, and found my presence very comfortable for the poor queen. ever believe me, my dear sir, your most faithful and obliged "nelson." our indefatigable hero wrote, also, on this day, two letters to his excellency, the right honourable sir moreton eden, k.b. minister plenipotentiary at vienna. in the first of these, he says, with his usual excellence of heart, "i have to thank you, for your kindness to captain berry. poor fellow, he has suffered greatly, both in body and mind; but, i hope, his reception in england will perfectly restore him." the other letter fully demonstrates that his head was no less excellent than his heart. it would have been well for the repose of europe, and particularly for the welfare of the emperor of germany, and his hereditary dominions, as well as of his royal relatives at naples, had our hero's advice, even at this late period, been sufficiently regarded. we give, with peculiar pleasure, the whole of this almost prophetic document. naples, dec. , . "my dear sir, "i received, with thanks, your favour of november the th: and perfectly agree with you, that a delayed war, on the part of the emperor, will be destructive to this monarchy; and, of course, to the newly-acquired dominions of the emperor in italy. had the war commenced in september or october, all italy would at this moment have been liberated. this month is worse than the last; the next will render the contest doubtful; and, in six months, when the neapolitan _republic_ will be organized, armed, and with it's numerous resources called forth, i will suffer to have my head cut off, if the emperor is not only defeated in italy, but that he totters on his throne at vienna. pray, assure the empress, from me, that, notwithstanding the councils which have shook the throne of her father and mother, i shall remain here, ready to save the sacred persons of the king and queen, and of her brothers and sisters; and, that i have also left ships at leghorn, to save the lives of the great duke and her imperial majesty's sister: for all must be a republic, if the emperor does not act with expedition and vigour. "down, down with the french!" ought to be placed in the council-room of every country in the world: and, may almighty god give right thoughts to every sovereign! is the constant prayer of your excellency's most obliged and obedient servant, "nelson." "whenever the emperor acts with vigour, your excellency may say that a proper naval force shall attend to the safety of the adriatic, as far as in my power." at this period, it appears, the unfavourable news from the royal army, and the manifest cowardice, treason, and treachery, every where seeming to pervade the unhappy and devoted kingdom of naples, plunged the excellent queen into an agony of grief which admitted not of consolation. "none, from this house," says lord nelson, writing on the th of december to earl spencer, "have seen her majesty these three days; but, her letters to lady hamilton paint the anguish of her soul. however," adds his lordship, "on enquiry, matters are not so bad as i expected. the neapolitan officers have not lost much honour; for, god knows, they had not much to lose: but, they lost all they had. mack has supplicated the king to sabre every man who ran from civita castellana to rome. he has, we hear, torn off the epaulets of some of those scoundrels, and placed them on good serjeants. i will, as briefly as i can, state the position of the army, and it's lost honour; for, defeat they have had none. the right wing of nineteen thousand men under general st. philip, and micheux (who ran away at toulon) were to take post between ancona and rome, to cut off all supplies and communication. near fermi, they fell in with the enemy, about three thousand. after a little distant firing, st. philip advanced to the french general; and, returning to his men, said--_i no longer command you!"_ and was going off to the enemy. a serjeant said--"you are a traitor; what have you been talking to the enemy?" st. philip replied _i no longer command you!"_--"then you are an enemy!" and, levelling his musket, shot st. philip through the right arm. however, the enemy advanced; he was among them; micheux ran away, as did all the infantry; and, had it not been for the good conduct of two regiments of cavalry, they would have been destroyed. so great was this panic, that cannon, tents, baggage, military chest, all were left to the french. could you credit--but, it is true--that this loss has been sustained with the death of only forty men! the french lost many men by the cavalry; and, having got the good things, did not run after an army three times their number. some ran thirty miles, to pesara. the peasantry took up arms, even the women, to defend their country. however, the runaways are not only collected, but advanced to arcoti; which they took from the french, cutting open the gates with hatchets. it is said, they have got a good general; cetto, a neapolitan prince; and, i hope, will be ashamed of their former conduct. general micheux is bringing a prisoner to naples. this failure has thrown mack backward. it is the intention of that general to surround civita castellana. chevalier saxe advanced th viterbi; general metch to fermi; and mack, with the main body, finding his communication not open with fermi, retreated towards castellana. in his route, he was attacked from an entrenchment of the enemy, which it was necessary to carry. finding his troops backward, he dismounted, and attempted to rally them: but they left their general, and basely fled. the natural consequence was, he was sorely wounded; but saved by some gallant cavalry, and carried off by the bravery of a coachman: and is safe, poor fellow, at rome; and, hopes are entertained of his recovery. the fugitives are fled to rome, fancying the french at their heels; who never moved from their entrenchment, which was carried by another party of troops, under general dumas. it is reported, that the king has stripped the prince di tarante, duc di tranoulle, of his uniform, and disgraced him. he commanded under saxe; and fled, among the first, to rome. it is for the traitorous and cowardly conduct of these scoundrels, that the great queen is miserable, knowing not whom to trust. the french minister, and his legation, went off by sea yesterday." on the th, the king of naples returned home; and notice was immediately given, by lord nelson, through the medium of sir william hamilton, with as much secrecy as circumstances would admit, that three english transports, then in the bay of naples, had directions to receive on board such valuable effects as could be stowed in them, from british merchants, and other residents, and that the whole squadron would be ready to receive their persons, should such a measure be found necessary, in consequence of the kingdom's being invaded by a formidable french army. the marquis de niza, at the same time, was desired, by his lordship, to spare a number of portuguese officers and seamen, for the purpose of assisting to fit some of the neapolitan ships for sea. he wrote, also, to captain ball, at malta, for the goliath, captain foley, to be sent immediately; and to captain troubridge, at leghorn, whom he desired to join him without one moment's loss of time; leaving the terpsichore in leghorn roads, to bring off the grand duke, should such an event be necessary. "the king," writes he, "is returned home, and every thing is as bad as possible. for god's sake, make haste. approach the place with caution. messina, probably, i shall be found at; but you can enquire, at the lipari islands, if we are at palermo. caution gage to act with secrecy; and desire him to write to windham, and give him those instructions which may be necessary, at this time, for his guarded conduct and secrecy." it had, at this time, been fully resolved, that the king, queen, and royal family, of naples, should embark, with all their richest moveable effects, on board lord nelson's ship, for sicily. in the mean while, it was necessary to conceal such an intention from the neapolitans in general; who would, probably, never have consented to their departure. most of the nobility, who were disaffected, and of the common people, who were loyal, it was not doubted, would object, for different reasons, to a measure which they must behold in different points of view, and consequently both conspire to defeat: while, by the dangerous collision, a spark might be struck on materials of so inflammable a nature as the rude populace, and particularly of a populace so very rude as the lazzaroni of naples; which, suddenly blazing forth into a devouring flame, might fatally involve the whole royal family, and their most faithful and friendly adherents, and render them the unfortunate victims of the cruel and destructive conflagration. it was, therefore, at the extreme hazard of their lives, that lord nelson, with sir william and lady hamilton, for several days preceding the meditated departure, took in charge the various articles secretly conveyed from the palace, and concerted the different operations necessary for effecting the escape of the royal family without discovery or suspicion. every day, lady hamilton assisted and advised with the king and queen of naples, and their jewels, cloaths, &c. were conveyed in boxes, during the night. neither sir william hamilton, nor lord nelson, for several days, judged it safe to appear publicly at the palace; but his lordship secretly accompanied lady hamilton, one evening, for the purpose of exploring a subterraneous passage leading from the queen's bedchamber to the sea, by which it was agreed that they should get off; and settled every preliminary preparation with the few loyal nobility in whom the royal family could confide. great anxiety was expressed for the cardinals, and other members of the romish church, who had taken refuge, in naples, from french persecution, and might now be expected to fall the first victims of their cruelty; but lord nelson desired they might be humanely informed that, on coming in boats alongside any of his ships, and displaying their red stockings, they should be instantly received on board. in the midst of this important business, his lordship had written, on the th, the following very concise epistle to earl spencer. naples, dec. , . "my dear lord, "there is an old saying--that, when things are at the worst, they must mend." now, the mind of man cannot fancy things worse than they are here. but, thank god, my health is better; my mind never firmer; and my heart in the right trim, to comfort, relieve, and protect, those who it is my duty to afford assistance to. pray, my lord, assure our gracious sovereign--that, whilst i live, i will support his glory; and that, if i fall, it shall be in a manner worthy of your lordship's faithful and obliged "nelson." "i must not write more. every word may be a text for a long letter." in spite of every precaution, however, an idea of what was going forward, seems to have prevailed among the people; and, on the th, riotous proceedings began to take place, and some murders were committed, which filled the royal family, and their loyal adherents, with new alarms. this was a most critical period for our hero, and sir william and lady hamilton, who would certainly have been sacrificed to the fury of the populace, had a full discovery been then made of the important parts they were acting. nothing, however, could deter these firm friends from continuing to assist the royal family in escaping from the perils by which they were so cruelly surrounded: and, at night, they were got off, by his lordship, through the subterraneous passage; and conveyed, in barges, amidst a most tremendous sea, on board the vanguard, where they safely arrived about ten o'clock. among this unfortunate royal family, thus constrained to quit their kingdom, under protection of the british flag, was the amiable princess royal, and with her infant of only a month old. they sailed, on the d, at night; and, in addition to their misfortunes, a more furious tempest the next day arose than lord nelson had ever before witnessed. it was borne, however, by the royal sufferers, with all the magnanimity which can distinguish minds worthy of majesty. scarcely had the storm subsided, when their estimable hearts were subjected to a still more severe trial: for, next morning, being christmas-day, their third son, prince albert, seven years of age, was suddenly taken ill; and, at six o'clock in the evening, died in lady hamilton's arms. this was an affliction too poignant for nature to be defeated of her tribute; and the unhappy pair were overwhelmed, on the melancholy occasion, with a grief which adorned their illustrious character, and communicated even to the most heroic of their friends. at ten o'clock, they entered the bay of palermo; and, at midnight, the viceroy and nobility arrived on board, and informed the royal mourners that all their sicilian subjects were ready to receive their majesties with joy. the following most interesting letter, written by lord nelson to the earl of st. vincent, the third day after their arrival, contains a valuable narrative of the various proceedings by which this important business was preceded, and at length thus successfully accomplished. "palermo, dec. , . "my lord, "on the d, i wrote a line to commodore duckworth, telling him that the royal family of the two sicilies were safely embarked on board the vanguard; and requested him to take the first opportunity of acquainting your lordship of this event. for many days previous to the embarkation, it was not difficult to foresee that such a thing might happen. i, therefore, sent for the goliath, from off malta; and for captain troubridge in the culloden, and his squadron from the north and west coast of italy: the vanguard being the only ship in naples bay. on the th, the marquis de niza, with three of the portuguese squadron, arrived from leghorn; as did captain hope, in the alcmene, from egypt. from this time, the danger for the personal safety of their sicilian majesties was daily increasing; and new treasons were found out, even to the minister at war. the whole correspondence relative to this important business was carried on, with the greatest address, by lady hamilton and the queen; who, being constantly in the habits of correspondence, no one could suspect. it would have been highly imprudent, either in sir william hamilton or myself, to have gone to court; as we knew that all our movements were watched, and that even an idea was entertained, by the jacobins, of arresting our persons, as a hostage--as they foolishly imagined--against the attack of naples, should the french get possession of it. lady hamilton, from this time, to the st, every night received the jewels of the royal family, &c. &c. &c. and such cloaths as might be necessary for the very large party to embark; to the amount, i am confident, of full two millions five hundred thousand pounds sterling. on the th, general mack wrote, that he had no prospect of stopping the progress of the french; and intreated their majesties to think of retreating from naples, with their august family, as expeditiously as possible. all the neapolitan navy were now taken out of the mole, consisting of three sail of the line and three frigates. the seamen, from the two sail of the line in the bay, left their ships, and went on shore; and a party of english seamen, with officers, were sent from the vanguard, to assist in navigating them to a place of safety. from the th, various plans were formed for the removal of the royal family from the palace to the water-side. on the th, i received a note from general acton; saying, that the king approved of my plan for their embarkation. this day, and the th, and st, very large assemblies of the people were in commotion; several people were killed, and one was dragged by the legs to the palace. the mob, by the th, were very unruly, and insisted that the royal family should not leave naples. however, they were pacified by the king and queen's speaking to them. on the st, at half past eight, three barges, with myself and captain hope, landed in a corner of the arsenal. i went into the palace, and brought out the whole royal family; put them in the boats; and, at half past nine, they were all safely on board the vanguard: when i gave immediate notice to all british merchants, that their persons would be received on board every and any ship in the squadron, their effects of value being before embarked; and i had directed that all the condemned provisions should be thrown overboard, in order to make room for their effects. sir william hamilton had also directed two vessels to be hired for the accommodation of the french emigrants, and provisions were supplied from our victuallers. in short, every thing had been done for the comfort of all persons embarked. i did not forget, in these important moments, that it was my duty not to leave the chance of any ships of war falling into the hands of the french; therefore, every preparation was made for burning them, before i sailed. but the reasons given me by their sicilian majesties, induced me not to burn them till the last moment. i, therefore, directed the marquis de niza to remove all the neapolitan ships outside the squadron under his command; and, if it were possible, to equip some of them with jury-masts, and send them to messina: and, whenever the french advanced near naples, or the people revolted against their legitimate government, then immediately to destroy the ships of war, and to join me at palermo; leaving one or two ships to cruise between capri and ischia, in order to prevent the entrance of any english ships into the bay of naples. on the d, at seven in the evening, the vanguard, samnite, and archimedes, with about twenty sail of vessels, left the bay of naples, the next day, it blew much harder than i ever experienced since i have been at sea. your lordship will believe, that my anxiety was not lessened by the great charge that was with me; but, not a word of uneasiness escaped the lips of any of the royal family. on the th, at nine in the morning, prince albeit, their majesty's youngest child, having eat a hearty breakfast, was taken ill; and, at seven in the evening, died in the arms of lady hamilton! and here it is my duty to tell your lordship, the obligations which the whole royal family, as well as myself, are under, on this trying occasion, to her ladyship. they necessarily came on board without a bed, nor could the smallest preparation be made for their reception. lady hamilton provided her own beds, linen, &c. and became their slave; for, except one man, no person belonging to royalty assisted the royal family. nor did her ladyship enter a bed the whole time they were on board. good sir william, also, made every sacrifice for the comfort of the august family embarked with him. i must not omit to state, the kindness of captain hardy, and every officer in the vanguard; all of whom readily gave their beds for the convenience of the numerous persons attending the royal family. at three in the afternoon, being in sight of palermo, his sicilian majesty's royal standard was hoisted at the main top-gallant mast-head of the vanguard: which was kept flying there, till his majesty got into the vanguard's barge; when it was struck in the ship, and hoisted in the barge, and every proper honour paid to it from the ship. as soon as his majesty set his foot on shore, it was struck from the barge. the vanguard anchored at two in the morning of the th. at five, i attended her majesty, and all the princesses, on shore: her majesty being so much affected, by the death of prince albert, that she could not bear to go on shore in a public manner. at nine, his majesty went on shore; and was received with the loudest acclamations and apparent joy. i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, your lordship's most obedient humble servant, "nelson." earl of st. vincent." it has been said, that the king of naples had not, without much difficulty, been induced to quit the seat of his government. doubtless, as will ever be the case, where various powerful parties unhappily divide a country, each chiefly regardful of it's own particular interest, the leaders of the several factions would struggle, by all imaginable stratagems, to draw into their own vortex the sovereign on whose debasement they could alone hope to erect any satisfactory individual exaltation. the king of naples, though a man of excellent dispositions, and neither defective in valour nor in wisdom, might possibly have fallen a prey to some of the numerous deceptive artifices which originated in these causes, if the admirable political sagacity of his vigilant and august consort, the worthy daughter of maria theresa, aided by the keen council of our immortal nelson, and the penetrative wisdom and address of the british minister and his accomplished lady, had not preserved his sicilian, majesty's unsuspecting mind from the ruinous effects of such, destructive machinations. nothing can possibly be more obvious, than that the advice of these friendly fellow-sufferers must necessarily have been sincere; and, if the king really did hesitate, before he embraced a design which nothing but necessity could justify, it must only be ascribed to that ardent desire of constantly doing what is right, which finally induced his majesty to adopt the proposed salutary measure. the king, however, had by no means abandoned his loyal neapolitan subjects, in thus guarding against the treasons of the disloyal; that would not have been a measure for our exalted hero or his estimable friends ever to have advised, or either of their sicilian majesties to have adopted. on the contrary, prince pignatelli had been previously created a viceroy; a grand, police guard established, to preserve the tranquillity of the city during his majesty's absence, commanded by officers selected equally from the respective classes of the nobility and private citizens; and large sums of money, with a prodigious number of arms, freely distributed among the lazzaroni, to preserve all the advantages of their accustomed ardent zeal and loyal attachment. it was, therefore, in fact, only a temporary removal of the court of the king of the two sicilies, from his capital of naples, in one grand division of his dominions, at a most critical period, to that of palermo, in the other. in short, the prudence of the precaution soon manifested itself by the event; and the noble part which our immortal hero so successfully performed, by his consummate wisdom, on the important occasion, liberally interwove, with the civic laurels of italy, the honoured wreath of naval glory, which had been recently and universally yielded to his invincible valour on the banks of the nile. end of volume the first. --------------- printed by stanhope and tilling, ranelagh the life of nelson the embodiment of the sea power of great britain by captain a.t. mahan, d.c.l., ll.d. united states navy author of "the influence of sea power upon history, - ," "the influence of sea power upon the french revolution and empire," and of a "life of admiral farragut" in two volumes vol. ii. london sampson low, marston, & company, _limited_ contents of vol. ii. chapter xiv. nelson temporarily commander-in-chief in the mediterranean.--relieved by lord keith.--applies to return to england on account of ill health. august, --june, . nelson left in temporary command his disposition of the squadron made duke of bronté in sicily his hopes of remaining in command disappointed his discontent energy and tact in exercising command affairs in rome and naples nelson visits minorca his anxiety about malta portuguese squadron recalled to lisbon.--nelson's action characteristics of his intercourse with foreign officials urgency with army to support blockade of la valetta partial success in this successes on the continent of the coalition against france subsequent blunders and disasters nelson's mortification at bonaparte's escape to france the french defeat the turks at aboukir nelson peremptorily forbids sidney smith to allow any french to leave egypt smith nevertheless countenances the convention of el arish his action disallowed by keith and nelson nelson's vivid expressions of disapproval nelson joins keith at leghorn they visit palermo and malta together capture of "le généreux," , by nelson's division nelson's relations with keith, and bearing towards him keith orders nelson to take personal charge off malta nelson's annoyance and remonstrance his restiveness under keith's command he returns from malta to palermo the "guillaume tell," , captured in his absence displeasure of the admiralty at his quitting his station letters of the first lord nelson's soreness under them he applies for leave to return to england chapter xv. nelson leaves the mediterranean.--the journey overland through germany.--arrival in england.--separation from lady nelson.--hoists his flag in the channel fleet, under lord st. vincent. june, --january, . nelson escorts the queen of naples to leghorn with two british ships-of-the-line keith's displeasure nelson at leghorn austrians defeated at marengo nelson and the hamiltons leave leghorn for ancona journey to trieste and vienna enthusiasm shown towards nelson by the people mention of him and lady hamilton by eye-witnesses anecdotes of him his meeting with the archduke charles at prague mrs. st. george's account of him at dresden her disparaging mention of lady hamilton arrival of the party in england lady nelson's attitude at this time her letters to nelson his reception and conduct in london growing estrangement between him and lady nelson anecdote of his visit to fonthill final breach with lady nelson her blameless character, and subsequent life nelson's testimony to her conduct hoists his flag on board the "san josef" at plymouth birth of the child horatia nelson's care to conceal his relations with lady hamilton chapter xvi. the expedition to the baltic and battle of copenhagen.--nelson returns to england. february--june, . origin of the trouble between great britain and denmark the entrance of the czar paul into the quarrel renewal of the armed neutrality of relations of bonaparte to this event nelson joins the fleet under sir hyde parker, at yarmouth relations between him and parker nelson's disapproval of the plans for the expedition evident change in his general disposition anecdote of nelson and the turbot the fleet collected off the skaw parker's slowness and nelson's impatience alarming reports of the danes' preparations nelson's attitude and counsels accuracy of his judgment of the conditions tact and discretion in his dealings with parker his letter to parker upon the general situation parker's indecision nelson's plans adopted the fleet passes the sound detail and discussion of nelson's plan of operations his feelings and speech in the council of war nelson's division anchors south of copenhagen nelson on the night before the battle the danish dispositions for defence nelson's plan of attack--detail and discussion the battle of copenhagen parker makes the signal to leave off action nelson refuses to repeat it discussion of this incident incidents of the battle nelson addresses a letter to the crown prince under a flag of truce characteristic anecdote discussion of the sending of the flag of truce the battle discontinued nelson removes his ships completeness of his success merit of his conduct throughout he is advanced in the peerage to be a viscount no other rewards, or medals, bestowed for this action negotiations intrusted to nelson by parker the murder of the czar paul armistice for fourteen weeks concluded with denmark qualified approval of the british government the british fleet enters the baltic nelson's ardor and personal recklessness.--anecdote parker's sluggishness of action.--nelson's impatience russia intimates her purpose to abstain from hostilities nelson's controversy with the danish commodore fischer parker ordered home, and nelson left in command dissatisfaction of the latter his longing to return to lady hamilton he insists upon being relieved, on account of his health he starts at once with the fleet for revel displeasure manifested by the czar alexander nelson withdraws from revel to rostock the czar thereupon raises the embargo on british merchant ships nelson's elation over this result of his conduct details of his life on board his avoidance of social relations outside the ship relieved by admiral pole, and returns to england chapter xvii. nelson commands the "squadron on a particular service," for the defence of the coast of england against invasion.--signature of preliminaries of peace with france. july-october, . nelson's longing for repose his services immediately required again his reluctant consent bonaparte's threats of invasion inadequacy of british preparations for coast-defence nature of british apprehensions in nelson's memoranda for the defence of the thames analysis and discussion of this paper st. vincent's sagacious views on national defence apparent divergence between him and nelson nelson hoists his flag again his tact and courtesy towards others activity of his movements satisfied that there can be no invasion boat attack upon the vessels before boulogne its disastrous failure nelson's distress his exasperation at being kept afloat his alienation from troubridge annoyances of his situation death of commander parker.--nelson's grief his liberality in money matters pecuniary embarrassments signature of the preliminaries of peace nelson's satisfaction at the prospect of release his indignation at the excessive elation of others receives leave of absence and goes home chapter xviii. release from active service during the peace of amiens.--home life at merton.--public incidents. october, --may, . nelson makes his home with the hamiltons his letter of final severance to his wife his relations to his stepson, josiah nisbet desire to have a home of his own lady hamilton selects merton for him the purchase effected, and the hamiltons reside with him position of sir william and of lady hamilton in the house differences between them minto's account of the household at merton reminiscence of the same by nelson's nephew incident narrated by lieutenant layman recollections of nelson by the vicar's daughter nelson's strong religious sense of divine providence takes his place in the house of lords his controversy about rewards for the battle of copenhagen his action justified nelson's warm and avowed sympathy with his followers his consistent maintenance of the ground assumed his interest in public questions dissatisfaction with the general conduct of the admiralty his sense of neglect embarrassment in money matters inadequacy of his pension to his services his doubts as to the continuance of peace his antagonism to bonaparte illustrated speech in seconding the address to the throne designated for the mediterranean in case of war volunteers his services hoists his flag in the "victory," and sails breaks in his home-ties during this period death of his father death of sir william hamilton hamilton's expressed confidence in nelson relations of nelson's family to lady nelson and to lady hamilton chapter xix. commander-in-chief in the mediterranean.--the long watch off toulon.--occupations of a commander-in-chief. may, --january, . changed political conditions in the mediterranean attitude of the great powers situation of spain and portugal policy of the italian states nelson's sense of the importance of the mediterranean bonaparte's policy the course advocated by nelson accuracy of his general forecast impatience to reach his station unwilling detention off ushant quits the "victory," and proceeds in a frigate momentary stop in gibraltar arrival at malta extensive correspondence policy as regards the two sicilies his impatience with blind observance of orders departure from malta for toulon emotions at the sight of naples opinion on malta's value to england strategic importance of malta and gibraltar nelson joins the fleet before toulon bad condition of the ships his skilful administration of the fleet difficulty of obtaining supplies his attitude towards spain importance of sardinia in nelson's eyes the valuable anchorage at madalena station taken by him off toulon fears loss of sardinia, and serious consequences significance of napoleon's inactivity in the mediterranean the winter rendezvous of the fleet.--number seamanlike care of ships and spars preserves health of seamen by constant activity sanitary conditions of the fleet his personal health, and anxieties fears a break-down speculations as to french intentions characteristic distrust of frenchmen increasing perplexities firmness of his resolution the french manoeuvre outside toulon nelson's tactical conclusions and arrangements his care to impart his ideas to his officers methods of intercourse with them exasperation at a statement of latouche tréville endeavors to force or to lure the french to sea effect of worry upon his mind his last promotion.--vice-admiral of the white wearing effect of protracted monotony refuses to let lady hamilton join him the daily life on board account of nelson's health and habits occupations in business hours diplomatic ability and conciliatory temper sharp reply to remonstrance about blockades difficulties with algiers nelson's diligent pursuit of information interest in listening to conversations examination of foreign journals and captured letters kindliness in intercourse with others exercise of official patronage protection of british trade want of frigates and small cruisers collection and protection of convoys nelson applies for sick leave desire to return to the station afterwards leave is granted by the admiralty the mediterranean station divided sir john orde given the portion west of gibraltar nelson's dissatisfaction and complaints his change of mind about going home learns cornwallis's order to seize spanish treasure-ships directs captains under his orders not to obey letter illustrative of the characteristics of his orders adequacy of his measures to the requirements of the case determines not to use his leave of absence orde arrives off cadiz indications of the french fleet leaving toulon nelson receives word of the seizure of spanish ships promptness of his measures.--reasons therefor rumors of french departure annoyances caused nelson by orde the mission of the frigate "amazon" nelson's hope of meeting the french fleet opinions on general subjects sympathetic insight into bonaparte's purposes the french fleet sails from toulon chapter xx. the escape and pursuit of the toulon fleet.--nelson's return to england. january-august, . object of napoleon's combinations in details of his plan nelson's share in thwarting it the difficulties of one dealing with napoleon nelson's guiding principle the sailing of the toulon fleet nelson's movements and perplexities goes to alexandria returns to gulf of palmas, sardinia british disasters in western mediterranean characteristic letter of nelson in behalf of an officer explanations to the admiralty about his own course makes a round off toulon and barcelona to deceive the enemy returns to the gulf of palmas the toulon fleet sails again its movements and those of nelson distress and misfortunes of the latter learns that the french fleet has passed the straits thoroughness and sagacity of his measures continued head winds and distress of mind the excitement in london gloom at the admiralty nelson's constancy against bad fortune hears that the french and spaniards are gone to the west indies determines to follow them there sails in pursuit incidents of the voyage arrives in barbadoes misled by false information rapid measures to retrieve the mis-step infers that the enemy have returned to europe he starts back immediately for gibraltar his judgments rapid, but not precipitate strength of his convictions relief from the anxiety previously felt movements of the allies and of nelson precautions of the latter his own explanation of his reasons discussion of this utterance indecisive engagement between the allies and sir robert calder alarm in london at the failure of the latter nelson's protracted pursuit and mental depression reaches the straits again appreciation of his action by others exchange of views between nelson and collingwood movements of villeneuve, calder, and nelson nelson's arrival in gibraltar subsequent rapid movements learns the news brought by the "curieux" starts at once for the northward joins the channel fleet off ushant leaves his squadron with cornwallis, and proceeds to england anchors at spithead his sympathy with calder tenacity of his opinions chapter xxi. nelson's last stay in england. august --september , . nelson hauls down his flag and goes to merton interviews with the admiralty his one meeting with wellington interview with lord castlereagh popular demonstrations of affection home life at merton presentiments intimations of early summons into service news arrives that the combined fleets are in cadiz determination of the british government nelson's opinion on the license system his services requested by the government lady hamilton's part in his decision it is settled that he return to the mediterranean his health and spirits his insistence upon the need for numbers final departure from home flag re-hoisted on board the "victory" anecdote of nelson and the gypsy chapter xxii. the antecedents of trafalgar. september--october , . popular demonstrations when nelson embarked the passage to cadiz precautions to deceive the enemy his reception by the officers of the fleet the "plan of attack" of may, the "nelson touch" discussion and comparison of these two papers comparison between the second and the battle of trafalgar, as fought nelson and sir robert calder nelson's concession to calder, and his own comments upon it his disposition of the fleet before cadiz his fear lest the enemy should evade him growing presentiments, and cheerful calmness anecdote showing his considerateness necessity for sending away a detachment numbers of the british, and of the allies in cadiz nelson's general intentions, made known to his subordinates the enemy begins to leave cadiz chapter xxiii. trafalgar.--the death of nelson. october - , . numbers and composition of the opposing fleets difficulties of the allies in leaving port respective movements of the two fleets nelson's last letter to lady hamilton his last letter to his child events and incidents of october relative positions of the fleets at midnight conditions at daybreak of the st the manoeuvres of the two fleets nelson's intercourse with blackwood on the st he bequeaths lady hamilton and horatia to the care of his country the hostile fleets forming for battle nelson's impatience to close the enemy the anxiety of others for his personal safety the order of the allies while awaiting attack nelson's last prayer as entered in his journal the origin and development of his famous signal the battle opens the "victory" comes under fire nelson bids blackwood a final farewell exposure and loss of life on board the "victory" the "victory" breaks the enemy's line her duel with the "redoutable" nelson falls, mortally wounded the death-scene in the cockpit the decisive hour of the battle the second and closing phase of the battle nelson's anxiety about hardy hardy's first visit to his death-bed the final exchange of shots hardy's second visit and nelson's farewell the last moments the death of nelson the close of the fight the significance of nelson's life the perfect fulfilment of his life's work index chapter xiv. nelson temporarily commander-in-chief in the mediterranean.--relieved by lord keith.--applies to return to england on account of ill health. august, august --june, . age, . upon keith's departure, the command in the mediterranean devolved upon nelson, who for some time remained in doubt of the fact, but with his usual promptitude acted as if all depended upon himself. "i am venturing certainly out of my line of duty, but as the commander-in-chief may not even be on the station, i must do the best which my judgment points out during his temporary absence." six sail-of-the-line, under admiral duckworth, were sufficient for service at gibraltar and cadiz, if the latter port was deserted. four of the line were about minorca, constantly, though inefficiently, threatened from the adjacent coasts of spain. three were blockading malta, conjointly with the portuguese vessels. sidney smith with his division remained in the levant. troubridge was operating with a few ships on the coast of italy, against civita vecchia, still in the hands of the french. a small squadron was maintained on the riviera of genoa, disturbing the communications of the french, and keeping touch with the advance of the austro-russians; but it was expected that the russian fleet, as was natural and proper, would soon assume the duty of co-operating with their general, suwarrow. the smaller british cruisers were distributed among these various duties. the flagship "foudroyant" was at palermo, whither the king returned from naples on the th of august, and there the headquarters of the squadron remained during nelson's command. soon after this arrival in palermo the king conferred upon him the title of duke of bronté, with an estate of the same name in sicily, valued at £ , per annum. after this the admiral for a time signed his papers as bronté nelson,[ ] changed subsequently to bronté nelson of the nile, and finally settled down to nelson and bronté, which was his form of signature for the last four years of his life. he placed upon his new estate an annual charge of £ in favor of his father for the term of the latter's life. "receive this small tribute, my honoured father," he wrote, "as a mark of gratitude to the best of parents from his most dutiful son." on the th of september he received letters from the admiralty, investing him with the chief command, "till the return of lord keith or some other your superior officer." he was not, however, allowed the appointments of a commander-in-chief, and often complained of the inadequacy of his staff to the extent of his duties. nelson naturally hoped that his long and eminent services in that particular field, and the conspicuous ability he had shown on so many occasions, would lead to the station remaining permanently in his hands, and that lord keith, who was now in england, would succeed in due course to the channel fleet, whose commander, lord bridport, soon after retired. the mediterranean was naturally attributed to a vice-admiral, and one of some seniority; but nelson was now a rear-admiral of the red, the highest color, not far, therefore, from promotion, and it would not be an unreasonable conclusion that the same ministry which had been fortunate enough to choose him for the campaign of the nile, might now prefer to entrust to such able and enterprising hands the great interests of the mediterranean at large. it was not, however, to be so. whether moved only by routine considerations of rank, as afterwards at copenhagen, or whether his relations with the sicilian court, his conduct of affairs at naples, and his collisions with keith, had excited doubt of the normal balance of his mind, the admiralty decided to send keith back, and nelson, greatly to his mortification, was kept in charge only till the end of the year. as st. vincent had always left him practically independent, he had known no superior since he entered the straits, except during keith's brief period of succession, when leagues of sheltering distance left him free, as has been seen, to defy orders when not in accordance with his views; and he found it impossible now to bow his will to the second place on the very field of his glory. to this feeling, natural in any man, and doubly so to one of nelson's quick susceptibilities, at once stimulated and soothed by the lavish adulation of the past year, was added personal dislike to his new superior, aggravated, if not originated, by the clash of judgment over the relative importance of naples and minorca. "i have serious thoughts of giving up active service," he wrote to minto; "greenwich hospital seems a fit retreat for me after being _evidently_ thought unfit to command in the mediterranean." complaints of keith's lack of consideration then abound, nor does he seem to be conscious that there was anything in his mode of life, in current rumor, or in his past relations with his new commander-in-chief, which might make the latter unwilling to give him the loose rein st. vincent had done. from the time that keith left the mediterranean in july, , to nelson's own departure a year later, there was little to be done in the naval way except to maintain and press existing advantages, and wait until the fruit was ready to drop. the absolute supremacy of the british squadrons, challenged for a moment by the incursion of admiral bruix, had reverted, in even greater degree than before, by the absence of the spanish ships which had accompanied him to brest. impeded by their own numbers, and paralyzed by the insufficiency of the resources of the port, they remained there a huge, inert mass, whose impotence was only partially understood by the british; a fact which conduced to prolong keith's presence in the channel. the year under consideration was therefore devoid of stirring events at sea. in the mediterranean, it is true, nelson's unwearying mental energy, and keen sense of the necessity of seizing opportunity, did not allow things to lapse into indolence. whether or not he was well advised to settle himself at palermo, aware as he must have been of the actual temptation, and of the serious injury that scandal was doing to his reputation, both professional and personal, may admit of doubt. with numerous detached and minor services carrying on at the same moment, there was much to be said for the commander-in-chief remaining in a fixed position, near the centre of affairs; and in his apprehension everything then revolved about the kingdom of naples. there can be no question, however, that all his faculties were constantly on the alert; and that his administration of the station until keith's return was characterized by the same zeal, sagacity, and politic tact that he had shown in earlier days. it is admirable to note the patience, courtesy, and adroit compliment, he brings into play, to kindle, in those over whom he has no direct control, the ardor for the general good, and the fearlessness of responsibility, which actuate himself; and at the same time to observe how severe the strain was upon his nervous and irritable temper, as betrayed in comments upon these very persons, made in private letters which he never expected would see the light. the points of principal importance were the consolidation of the royal power in the continental territory of the two sicilies, the reduction of malta, and the retention of the french army in egypt in entire isolation from france. for the first, nelson entirely failed in his efforts to induce the king to trust himself again in naples, as the hamiltons and he had expected when they came back to palermo. "my situation here is indeed an uncomfortable one," he said to earl spencer; "for plain common sense points out that the king should return to naples, but nothing can move him." "our joint exertions have been used to get the king to go to naples," he wrote to troubridge, "but of no avail; the austrians will be there before him." although the french had been expelled from all the neapolitan dominions, the presence of fifteen hundred in rome and civita vecchia served then as an excuse. nelson implored the commander of the british troops at minorca to spare twelve hundred of his men, to aid troubridge on the roman coast. "sir charles stuart," he tells him flatteringly, "by his timely exertion saved this kingdom [sicily] from anarchy and confusion, and perhaps from rebellion. so it is now, my dear sir, i trust, in your power (and i have assured the good king and queen of your readiness to serve them and the good cause as much as sir charles) to send for the taking possession of civita vecchia and rome; this done, and with my life, i will answer for the success of the expedition. all would be quiet and happy; and their sicilian majesties might return to their throne without any alarm from mobs.... i am sure i need not venture to say more on the subject. your excellency's judgment and heart will point out the necessity of the measure if it can be accomplished." "our king would be much gratified that _britain_ not _austria_ should reinstate the pope." sir james erskine, thus importuned, did not see his way to sending the troops. naturally, as a soldier, he did not rely as much upon the navy preventing a landing in his island, as upon his own powers of resistance after it was effected, and was therefore unwilling to spare from the latter. the point of view of a seaman was, and is, different. he complained, too, that duckworth had taken a great many ships to gibraltar. nelson admits the mistake, and expresses his regret, but no word of dissatisfaction with erskine transpires through his evident disappointment. he only says, "pardon what i am going to repeat, that either in malta or on the continent, a field of glory is open." "minorca," he wrote to spencer, "i have never yet considered in the smallest danger, but it has been a misfortune that others have thought differently from me on that point." towards the end of september, troubridge, without the aid of british troops, but supported by the arrival of a division sent by suwarrow, reported the evacuation of rome and civita vecchia. "how happy you have made us!" wrote nelson to him. "my pen will not say what i feel." the king, however, would not return to naples, now that this obstacle was withdrawn. "the queen has a noble generous disposition," said nelson two months later. "unfortunately the king and her majesty do not at this moment draw exactly the same way; therefore, his majesty will not go at this moment to naples, where his presence is much wanted." "we do but waste our breath," he avowed afterwards. in the beginning of october, a visit which he had intended making to minorca was hastened by a report that thirteen hostile ships-of-the-line had been seen off cape finisterre, and it was thought they might be destined for the mediterranean. nelson hoped to assemble ten to meet them; but the news proved to be false. he left palermo for this trip on the th of october, and returned again on the d, having remained five days in port mahon. the arrangements for the naval force, depending entirely upon himself, were soon settled; but he was disappointed in obtaining, as he had hoped to do from a personal interview with erskine, a detachment of two thousand troops for malta. about that island he was, to use his own words, almost in despair. for over a year la valetta had been blockaded by land and sea. for the latter he could with difficulty find ships; for the former he could obtain no men to aid the islanders, who, half starving, dependent for food chiefly upon sicily, were sustained in their resistance mainly by hatred of the invaders, and by the tactful appeals and encouragement of captain ball, who lived ashore among them. the barbary pirates, by virtue of their war with naples, captured many of the vessels laden with supplies, despite nelson's passports; while the sicilian court, though well disposed, lacked the energy and the propelling force necessary to compel the collection and despatch of the needed grain. on one occasion troubridge or ball, desperate at the sight of the famine around them, sent a ship of war into girgenti, a sicilian port, seized, and brought away two corn-laden vessels. "the measure was strong," said nelson, but he refrained from censuring; and, while apologizing to the government, added he hoped it "would not again force officers to so unpleasant an alternative." he feared that in their misery the maltese would abandon the struggle, particularly if they got wind of the purpose of great britain to restore the hated order of knights, in deference to the wishes of the czar. "the moment the french flag is struck," he had been obliged to write to ball, "the colours of the order must be hoisted and no other; when it was settled otherwise, the orders from england were not so strong." about this time came information that several ships were fitting out at toulon, with supplies for the besieged. this increased nelson's anxieties, and at the same time emphasized the necessity which he had always urged of using speedier and surer means to reduce the place, while the undisputed mastery of the sea gave the opportunity. "what might not bruix have done, had he done his duty?" was his own comment upon that recent incursion; and who could tell how soon as great a force might appear again under an abler man? he turned in every direction, and was instant in his appeals for aid. he wrote to acton that he had positive information that seven ships were loaded in toulon. "i therefore beg leave to propose to your excellency, whether under our present circumstances, it would not be right for his sicilian majesty to desire that the english garrison at messina should instantly go to malta, for i am clear, that if malta is relieved, that our forces got together could not take it, and the commencement of a new blockade would be useless. all the barbary cruisers would there have their rendezvous, and not a vessel of his sicilian majesty's could put to sea." he exhorts the minister also to apply to the russians for immediate help at malta. at the same time, to augment his embarrassments, orders came from lisbon recalling the portuguese squadron, which formed the larger part of the sea blockade. nelson forgot how often he had abused them as useless, and grappled with that part of the difficulty with characteristic boldness. he peremptorily forbade the admiral to obey his orders. "as the reduction of the island of malta is of the greatest consequence to the interests of the allied powers at war with france, and the withdrawing of the squadron under your command, at this time, from the blockade of that island, will be of the most ruinous consequences to their interests ... you are hereby required and directed, in consideration of the above circumstances, and notwithstanding the orders you may have received from your court to return to lisbon, not on any consideration whatsoever to withdraw one man from that island, which may have been landed from the squadron under your excellency's command, or detach one ship down the mediterranean, until further orders from me for that purpose." your orders, he tells niza in a private letter, were founded upon the belief that your presence was no longer necessary; "but the contrary is the fact--for your services were never more wanted than at this moment, when every exertion is wanting to get more troops of english and russians to malta." he is evidently thinking of his difference with keith; but now he is within the limits of his commission as commander-in-chief. doubting, however, whether his official authority will prevail with niza to disobey his recall, he plies him skilfully with appeals to those sentiments of honor which had received such illustration in his own noble career. "if you quit your most important station till i can get" reliefs for you, "depend upon it, your illustrious prince will disapprove of (in this instance) your punctilious execution of orders." "we shall soon get more troops from messina and minorca; and i am not a little anxious for the honour of portugal and your excellency, that you should be present at the surrender. i hold myself responsible." "you was the first at the blockade. your excellency's conduct has gained you the love and esteem of governor ball, all the british officers and men, and the whole maltese people; and give me leave to add the name of nelson as one of your warmest admirers, as an officer and a friend." as he dealt with the portuguese admiral, so, in due measure, he conducted his intercourse with all others who came within the scope of his widely ranging activities. already more neapolitan than the king, to the russian he became as a russian, to the turk as a turk, all things to all men, if he could by any means promote the interest of the allied cause and save malta. amid the diverse and conflicting motives of a coalition, nelson played a steady hand, his attention unified, and his sight cleared, by an unwavering regard to the single object which he compressed into the words, "down, down, with the french!" in that sense, he asserts truthfully enough to each and all of his correspondents that the advantage of their country and their monarch is as dear to him as that of great britain. he touches with artful skill upon the evident interests of each nation, appeals to the officer's sense of the cherished desires of his sovereign, and, while frankly setting forth the truths necessary to be spoken, as to the comparative claims upon himself of the various portions of the field, he insinuates, rather than suggests, what the person immediately addressed ought to be doing in furtherance of the one great aim. withal, despite the uneasiness to which he is constantly a prey on account of the failures of others, no lack of confidence in the one to whom he is writing is suffered to appear. each is not only exhorted and cheered, but patted on the back with an implied approbation, which in his own service constituted much of his well-deserved influence. he is as hearty and generous in his praises to sir sidney smith, whom he never fully trusted, for his services at acre, as he is to the valued friend, and pattern of all naval efficiency, troubridge. to the emperor of russia he paid the politic attention of sending a detailed report of all that had been done about malta, made to him as grand master of the order,--a delicate and adroit flattery at the moment, for the czar then valued himself more as the restorer of an ancient order of chivalry than as the inheritor of a great sovereignty; and his position was further recognized by asking of him the insignia of the order for captain ball and lady hamilton. this immense load of correspondence and anxiety was additional to the numerous unrecorded cares and interviews, relating to the routine work and maintenance of a great squadron, often left bare of resources from home, and to the support of the destitute population of malta,--sixty thousand souls; and all was carried on amid the constant going and coming of the ambassador's house, kept open to naval officers and others. this public sort of life and excitement involved considerable expense, and was little to the taste of either nelson or hamilton, the latter of whom was now approaching his seventieth year; but in it lady hamilton was in all her glory, overwhelmed with compliments, the victor of the nile at her feet, and "making a great figure in our political line," to use her husband's words. "except to the court," wrote nelson, replying to a censure from the admiralty for failing to send a letter by a certain channel, when he had sent duplicates by two other conveyances,--"except to the court, till after eight o'clock at night i never relax from business. i have had hitherto, the board knows, no one emolument--no one advantage of a commander-in-chief." it was in reference to this captious rebuff, received when immersed in cares, that he wrote to spencer: "do not, my dear lord, let the admiralty write harshly to me--my generous soul cannot bear it, being conscious it is entirely unmerited." while he was striving to gain assistance for the maltese, he does not forget to sustain them with hopes, not always too well founded. he tells ball he trusts the messina troops will soon be with him. "you may depend, in october, i will get , men on shore at malta. niza is ordered to lisbon, but i have directed his stay off malta." he appeals personally to the british commander at messina, and to the russian minister at palermo, reminding the latter how dear malta and its order were to his sovereign. "malta, my dear sir, is in my thoughts sleeping or waking." the portuguese, he tells him, are ordered home; but, wishing russian assistance, he does not say that he has stopped them,--as to which, indeed, he could not feel sure. the same object pressed upon him while in port mahon, and he succeeded, by his personal enthusiasm, in arousing erskine's interest in the matter; but the latter was loaded to the muzzle with objections. "sir james," said nelson to troubridge, with the amusing professional prejudice they both entertained, "enters upon the difficulty of the undertaking in a true soldier way." "i am just come from sir james," he wrote to hamilton on the th of october. "he sees all the difficulty of taking malta in the clearest point of views, and therefore it became an arduous task to make him think that with god's blessing the thing was possible." he has, however, consented to prepare fifteen hundred men with stores and equipments, but only on condition that the russians will also give a thousand,--a further draft on nelson's diplomacy,--and a thousand be landed from the squadron, etc. besides, there is the further difficulty that a superior officer is expected from england, and what will he say? and will erskine be justified in sending men before his entirely uncertain arrival? it may be imagined what such proceedings were to nelson's nervous, ardent, unhesitating temperament, and they elicited the characteristic comment, "this has been my first conference. it has cost me four hours hard labour, and may be upset by a fool." "my heart is, i assure you, almost broke with this and other things," he wrote to spencer. "if the enemy gets supplies in, we may bid adieu to malta. this would complete my misery; for i am afraid i take all services too much to heart. the accomplishing of them is my study, night and day." "my dear sir james," he writes to erskine after returning to palermo, "i am in desperation about malta--we shall lose it, i am afraid, past redemption. i send you copies of niza's and ball's letters, also general acton's, so you will see i have not been idle." as it is, ball can hardly keep the inhabitants in hope of relief; what then will it be if the portuguese withdraw? "if the islanders are forced again to join the french, we may not find even landing a very easy task, much less to get again our present advantageous position. i therefore entreat for the honour of our king, that whether general fox is arrived or not, at least the garrison of messina may be ordered to hold post in malta until a sufficient force can be collected to attack it.... i know well enough of what officers in your situation can do; the delicacy of your feelings on the near approach of general fox i can readily conceive; but the time you know nothing about; this is a great and important moment, and the only thing to be considered, _is his majesty's service to stand still for an instant?_ ... was the call for these troops known at home, would they not order them to proceed when the service near at hand loudly calls for them? _this is the only thing in my opinion for consideration_. if we lose this opportunity it will be impossible to recall it." from this desperate appeal he turns to ball, with words of encouragement for his islanders. "we shall soon hear to a certainty of at least , russian troops for the service of malta. within a month i hope to see , men in arms against la valetta. i have sent for troubridge and martin, that i may get a force to relieve niza. i trust he will not go till i can get not only a proper force to relieve his ships, but those of his people who are on shore." "the great order of all," he writes erskine three weeks later, "is to destroy the power of the french. two regiments for two months would probably, with the assistance of the russians, give us malta, liberate us from an enemy close to our doors, gratify the emperor of russia, protect our levant trade, relieve a large squadron of ships from this service, and enable me the better to afford naval protection to the island of minorca, and assist our allies on the northern coast of italy, and to annoy the enemy on the coast of france." nelson's entreaties and efforts met with success, sufficient at least to stay the ebbing tide. general fox arrived in minorca, gave permission for the garrison of messina to go to malta, and on the th of november troubridge, bringing this news, arrived off palermo. nelson's haste did not permit the "culloden" to anchor. shifting his flag to a transport, he sent out the "foudroyant" to meet her, with orders for both to go to messina, embark the garrison, and get off malta as soon as possible. the "northumberland," seventy-four, was also to join off malta, forming a division to replace the portuguese squadron. the latter quitted the blockade in december, nelson notifying niza on the th of the month that he no longer considered him under his command. the messina troops landed at malta on the th. the british then had fifteen hundred men on the island, supported by two thousand maltese, well disciplined and armed, besides a number of native irregulars upon whom only partial dependence could be placed. the russians never came to take part. they got as far as messina, but there received orders to go to corfu, both ships and men. this was in pursuance of a change of policy in the czar, who, being enraged at the conduct of his allies, particularly of the austrians, in the late campaign, intended withdrawing from the coalition, and was concentrating troops at corfu. this revived nelson's fears for malta. "i trust graham will not think of giving the island to the french by withdrawing, till he receives orders from general fox." the troops remained, but in numbers too small to admit active operations. the result was left perforce to the slow pressure of blockade; and final success, insured mainly by nelson's untiring efforts, was not attained until after he had left the mediterranean. the six months of his independent command, though unmarked by striking incidents at sea, were crowded with events, important in themselves, but far more important as pregnant of great and portentous changes in the political and military conditions of europe. when keith passed the straits in pursuit of the franco-spanish fleet, on the th of july, the forces of the coalition in upper italy were in the full tide of repeated victories and unchecked success. on that same day the fortress of mantua, the siege of which in had stayed for nine months the triumphal progress of bonaparte, was surrendered by the french, whose armies in the field, driven far to the westward, were maintaining a difficult position on the crests of the apennines. seeking to descend from there into the fields of piedmont, they were met by suwarrow, and on the th of august, at novi, received once more a ruinous defeat, in which their commander-in-chief was slain. at this moment of success, instead of pressing onward to drive the enemy out of italy, and possibly to pursue him into france, it was decided that the russians should be sent across the alps into switzerland, to take the place of a number of austrians. the latter, in turn, were to move farther north, on the lower rhine, to favor by a diversion an intended invasion of holland by a combined force of russians and british. this gigantic flank movement and change of plan resulted most disastrously. in the midst of it the french general masséna, commanding in switzerland, the centre of the great hostile front which extended from the mediterranean to the north sea, made a vehement and sustained attack upon the austro-russians at zurich, on the th of september. gaining a complete victory, he drove the enemy back beyond the point where suwarrow expected to make his junction. the veteran marshal, who had left italy on the th of september, arrived two days after the battle of zurich was fought. isolated in insufficient numbers from the friends he expected to meet, it was only after severe hardships and superhuman efforts, extending over ten days, that he at length, on the th of october, reached a place of safety at ilanz. declining further co-operation with the austrians, and alleging the need of rest for his troops after their frightful exposure in the mountains, he withdrew into winter quarters in bavaria at the end of the month. thus switzerland remained in possession of the french, inactivity continued in italy, and the czar, furious at the turn events had taken, was rapidly passing into hatred of both austria and great britain. on the th of october, also, bonaparte landed in france, after a six weeks' voyage from alexandria. the immense consequences involved in this single event could not then be foreseen; but it none the less caused mortification and regret to nelson. it was a cardinal principle with him, vehemently and frequently uttered, that not a single frenchman should be allowed to return from egypt; and here their commander-in-chief had passed successfully from end to end of the station, unseen by any british cruiser. he did not, however, consider himself at fault, and his judgment may be allowed, although in his own case. "if i could have had any cruisers, as was my plan, off cape bon, in africa, and between corsica and toulon, mr. buonaparte could not probably have got to france." this he said to earl spencer. elsewhere he wrote: "i have regretted sincerely the escape of buonaparte; but those ships which were destined by me for the two places where he would certainly have been intercepted, were, from the admiralty thinking, doubtless, that the russians would do something at sea, obliged to be at malta, and other services which i thought the russian admiral would have assisted me in--therefore, no blame lies at my door." he took some comfort in contrasting the stealthy return of the french general, with the great armada that accompanied his departure. "no crusader ever returned with more humility--contrast his going in l'orient, &c. &c." a report that bonaparte had passed corsica reached nelson on october th. the same day came despatches from sir sidney smith, narrating a disastrous defeat sustained by the turks on the shores of aboukir bay. smith's period of command in the levant had been chiefly, and brilliantly, distinguished by the successful defence of acre against bonaparte. the latter, threatened by simultaneous attacks by the turks from syria and from the sea, had determined to anticipate such a combination by going himself against the enemy on the land side, before the weather conditions made it possible to disembark any formidable body of men on the shores of egypt. starting with this purpose in february, he had proceeded with slight resistance until the th of march, when his army appeared before acre. smith was then lying in the roads with two ships-of-the-line. the siege which ensued lasted for sixty-two days, so great was bonaparte's pertinacity, and anxiety to possess the place; and in its course smith displayed, not only courage and activity, which had never been doubted, but a degree of conduct and sound judgment that few expected of him. his division was fortunate enough to capture the french siege train, which had to be sent by water, and he very much disturbed the enemy's coastwise communications, besides contributing materially to the direction of the defence, to which the turks, though brave enough, were not adequate. after several desperate assaults the siege was raised on the th of may, and bonaparte retreated to egypt, regaining cairo on the th of june. following up the success at acre, a turkish fleet of thirteen ships-of-the-line anchored in aboukir bay on the th of july, attended by a body of transports carrying troops, variously estimated at from ten to thirty thousand. smith with his ships accompanied the expedition. the turks landed, and stormed the castle of aboukir; but on the th bonaparte, having concentrated his forces rapidly, fell upon them and totally defeated them. all who had landed were either killed, driven into the sea and drowned, or taken prisoners; the commander-in-chief being among the latter. four weeks later, as is already known, bonaparte embarked for france. it was thus conclusively demonstrated that for the present at least, and until the french numbers were further diminished by the inevitable losses of disease and battle, the turks could not regain control of egypt. on the other hand, it was equally evident, and was admitted by both bonaparte and his able successor, kleber, that without reinforcements, which could not be sent while the british controlled the sea, the end of the french occupation was only a question of time. after bonaparte's departure, kleber wrote home strongly to this effect. his letters, being addressed to the government, fell upon arrival into bonaparte's hands; but, with these convictions, he was ready to enter into an arrangement for the evacuation of the country, upon condition of being allowed to return freely to europe. such also appears to have been the disposition of the british representatives in the east. immediately after taking over the command in the levant from troubridge, smith gave him, among other papers, a form of passport which he intended to use, permitting individual frenchmen to go to europe by sea. this troubridge handed to nelson, telling him also that it was smith's intention to send word into alexandria, that all french ships might pass to france. this passport, adopted after smith had been to constantinople, had doubtless the sanction of the joint minister, his brother, and was signed by himself both as plenipotentiary and naval officer. nelson had by this time been instructed that smith was under his command, and he at once sent him an order, couched in the most explicit, positive, and peremptory terms, which merit especial attention because smith disobeyed them. "_as this is in direct opposition to my opinion_, which is, _never to suffer any one individual frenchman to quit egypt_--i must therefore _strictly charge and command you_,[ ] never to give any french ship or man leave to quit egypt. and i must also desire that _you will oppose by every means in your power, any permission which may he attempted to be given by any foreigner_, admiral, general, or other person; and you will acquaint those persons, that i shall not pay the smallest attention to any such passport after your notification; and _you are to put my orders in force, not on any pretence to permit a single_ _frenchman to leave egypt_." it seems clear from these expressions that nelson had gathered, through troubridge, that it was the policy of the sultan and of the british representatives to get the french out of egypt at any cost,--to look, in short, to local interests rather than to the general policy of the allies. this he was determined to prevent by instructions so comprehensive, yet so precise, as to leave no loophole for evasion. here matters seem to have rested for a time. smith could scarcely dare to disregard such orders at once, and bonaparte was not yet disposed openly to confess failure by seeking terms. in the autumn of , however, the earl of elgin went to constantinople as ambassador, spencer smith dropping to secretary of embassy, and his brother remaining on the egyptian coast. elgin was far from being in accord with smith's general line of conduct, which was marked with presumption and self-sufficiency, and in the end he greatly deplored the terms "granted to the french, so far beyond our expectation;" but he shared the belief that to rid egypt of the french was an end for which considerable sacrifices should be made, and his correspondence with smith expressed this conviction. when prepossessions such as this exist among a number of men associated with one another, they are apt, as in the case of admiral man consulting with his captains, to result in some ill-advised step, bearing commonly the stamp of concern for local interests, and forgetfulness of general considerations. the upshot in this particular instance was the conclusion of a convention, known as that of el arish, between the turks and the french, signed on board smith's ship on the th of january, , by which this army of veterans was to be permitted to return to france unmolested, and free at once to take the field against the allies of turkey and great britain, at the moment when bonaparte's unrivalled powers of administration were straining every nerve, to restore the french forces from the disorganization into which they had fallen, and to prepare for the spring campaign. smith, though present, did not sign this precious paper, which, in a letter to hamilton, he called "the gratifying termination of his labours;" but he had in his hand the orders of his immediate superior, and temporary commander-in-chief, to notify any "foreigner, general, or admiral," that the execution of such an agreement would not be permitted by the british navy, and it would have been his own duty to stop any ships attempting to carry it out, until other orders were received. his powers as joint plenipotentiary having ceased, he was now simply the naval officer. as it happened, keith, who by this time had relieved nelson, brought out from england clear directions from the government not to allow any transaction of this kind; and although he personally favored the policy of evacuation, feeling perhaps the inconvenience of detaching ships so far from his centre of operations, he was not a man to trifle with orders. rumors of what was going on had evidently reached him, for on the th of january, a fortnight before the convention was signed, he wrote to kleber a letter, which he directed smith to deliver, thus placing it out of the power of that very independent officer to leave any mistake as to actual conditions in the mind of the french general. to the latter he said: "i have positive orders not to consent to any capitulation with the french troops, at least unless they lay down their arms, surrender themselves prisoners of war, and deliver up all the ships and stores of the port of alexandria to the allied powers." even in such case they would not be allowed to leave egypt until exchanged. any persons that attempted to return, pursuant to an arrangement with one of the allies, exclusive of the others, as the el-arish convention was, would be made prisoners of war. nelson's opinions in this matter had never wavered. as rumors of what was brewing got about, he wrote to the earl of elgin, on the st of december, : "i own my hope yet is, that the sublime porte will never permit a single frenchman to quit egypt; and i own myself wicked enough to wish them all to die in that country they chose to invade. we have scoundrels of french enough in europe without them." "i never would consent to one of them returning to the continent of europe during the war," he tells spencer smith. "i wish them to _perish_ in egypt, and give a great lesson to the world of the justice of the almighty." when elgin, thinking him still commander-in-chief, sent him the convention, he replied formally: "i shall forward the papers to lord keith, who will answer your excellency. but i cannot help most sincerely regretting that ever any countenance was given to the turks to enter into such a treaty with the french; for i ever held it to be impossible to permit that army to return to europe, but as prisoners of war, and in that case, not to france. and was i commander-in-chief, even when the thing was done, i should have refused to ratify any consent or approbation of sir sidney smith, and have wrote to both the grand vizir and the french general, the impossibility of permitting a vanquished army to be placed by one ally in a position to attack another ally." the last phrase put the facts in a nutshell, and illustrates well nelson's power of going straight to the root of a matter, disregardful of confusing side-issues, of policy or timidity. to hamilton he wrote passionately concerning the manifold difficulties caused to all, except the turks and the smiths. "if all the wise heads had left them to god almighty, after the bridge was broke, all would have ended well. for i differ entirely with my commander-in-chief, in wishing they were permitted to return to france; and, likewise, with lord elgin on the great importance of removing them from egypt." "i have wrote to lord keith, and home," said nelson to sir sidney smith on the th of january, "that i did not give credit that it was possible for you to give any passport for a single frenchman, much less the army, after my positive order of march th, ." the words show what reports had already got about of the general trend of policy, on the part of the porte and the british representatives; but the irony of the matter as regards nelson is, that smith disobeyed his orders, as he himself, six months before, had disobeyed keith's; and for the same reason, that he on the spot was a better judge of local conditions and recent developments than one at a distance. to one, naples was more important than minorca, more important than a half-dozen ships in a possible fleet action; to the other, egypt was more important than the presence of sixteen thousand veterans, more or less, on a european battle-field. it is impossible and bootless, to weigh the comparative degree of culpability involved in breaches of orders which cannot be justified. it is perhaps safe to say that while a subordinate has necessarily a large amount of discretion in the particular matter intrusted to him, the burden of proof rests wholly upon him when he presumes to depart from orders affecting the general field of war, which is the attribute of the commander-in-chief. what in the former case may be simply an error of judgment, in the latter becomes a military crime. on the th of january, , nelson, who some days before had been notified by keith of his approach, and directed to place himself under his command, left palermo for leghorn, arriving on the th. the commander-in-chief was already there in the "queen charlotte." on the th they sailed together for palermo, and after nine days' stay in that port went on again for malta, which they reached on the th of february. no incident of particular interest occurred during these three weeks, but nelson's letters to the hamiltons show that he was chafing under any act in his superior which could be construed into a slight. "i feel all, and notwithstanding my desire to be as humble as the lowest midshipman, perhaps, i cannot submit to be much lower, i am used to have attention paid me from his superiors." "to say how i miss your house and company would be saying little; but in truth you and sir william have so spoiled me, that i am not happy anywhere else but with you, nor have i an idea that i ever can be." keith's comment--the other point of view--is worth quoting. "anything absurd coming from the quarter you mention does not surprise me," he wrote to paget, who succeeded hamilton as minister. "the whole was a scene of fulsome vanity and absurdity all the _long_ eight days i was at palermo."[ ] when keith returned, the capture of malta, and of the two ships-of-the-line which had escaped from the battle of the nile, were, by common consent, all that remained to do, in order to round off and bring to a triumphant conclusion nelson's mediterranean career. fortune strove hard against his own weakness to add all these jewels to his crown, but she strove in vain. "we may truly call him a _heaven_-born admiral, upon whom fortune smiles wherever he goes." so wrote ball to lady hamilton, alluding to the first of the favors flung at his head. "we have been carrying on the blockade of malta sixteen months, during which time the enemy never attempted to throw in great succours. his lordship arrived off here the day they were within a few leagues of the island, captured the principal ships, and dispersed the rest, so that not one has reached the port." it was indeed a marvellous piece of what men call luck. nelson had never gone near malta since october, , till keith took him there on the th of february, . the division had no sooner arrived at the island, than a frigate brought word of a french squadron having been seen off the west end of sicily. it was then blowing strong from southeast, and raining. keith took his own station off the mouth of the harbor, placed other ships where he thought best, and signalled nelson to chase to windward with three ships-of-the-line, which were afterwards joined by a fourth, then cruising on the southeast of the island. the next day the wind shifted to northwest, but it was not until the morning of the th that the enemy were discovered. guns were then heard to the northward, by those on board the "foudroyant," which made all sail in pursuit, and soon sighted the "alexander" chasing four french sail. "pray god we may get alongside of them," wrote nelson in his journal; "the event i leave to providence. i think if i can take one by myself, i would retire, and give the staff to more able hands." "i feel anxious to get up with these ships," he wrote to lady hamilton, "and shall be unhappy not to take them myself, for first my greatest happiness is to serve my gracious king and country, and i am envious only of glory; for if it be a sin to covet glory, i am the most offending soul alive. _but here i am_ in a heavy sea and thick fog--oh, god! the wind subsided--but i trust to providence i shall have them. th in the evening, i have got her--le généreux--thank god! out of , onely the guillaume telle remaining; i am after the others." the enemy's division had consisted of this seventy-four, a large transport, also captured, and three corvettes which escaped. an account of nelson on the quarter-deck on this occasion has been transmitted by an eye-witness, whose recollections, committed to paper nearly forty years later, are in many points evidently faulty, but in the present instance reflect a frame of mind in the great admiral in perfect keeping with the words last quoted from his own letter. the writer was then a midshipman of the "foudroyant;" and the scene as described opens with a hail from a lieutenant at the masthead, with his telescope on the chase. "'deck there! the stranger is evidently a man of war--she is a line-of-battle-ship, my lord, and going large on the starboard tack.' "'ah! an enemy, mr. stains. i pray god it may be le généreux. the signal for a general chase, sir ed'ard, (the nelsonian pronunciation of edward,) make the foudroyant fly!' "thus spoke the heroic nelson; and every exertion that emulation could inspire was used to crowd the squadron with canvas, the northumberland taking the lead, with the flag-ship close on her quarter. "'this will not do, sir ed'ard; it is certainly le généreux, and to my flag-ship she can alone surrender. sir ed'ard, we must and shall beat the northumberland.' "'i will do the utmost, my lord; get the engine to work on the sails--hang butts of water to the stays--pipe the hammocks down, and each man place shot in them--slack the stays, knock up the wedges, and give the masts play--start off the water, mr. james, and pump the ship.' the foudroyant is drawing a-head, and at last takes the lead in the chase. 'the admiral is working his fin, (the stump of his right arm,) do not cross his hawse, i advise you.' "the advice was good, for at that moment nelson opened furiously on the quarter-master at the conn. 'i'll knock you off your perch, you rascal, if you are so inattentive.--sir ed'ard, send your best quarter-master to the weather wheel.' "'a strange sail a-head of the chase!' called the look-out man. "'youngster, to the mast-head. what! going without your glass, and be d----d to you? let me know what she is immediately.' "'a sloop of war, or frigate, my lord," shouted the young signal-midshipman. "'demand her number.' "'the success, my lord.' "'captain peard; signal to cut off the flying enemy--great odds, though--thirty-two small guns to eighty large ones.' "'the success has hove-to athwart-hawse of the généreux, and is firing her larboard broadside. the frenchman has hoisted his tri-colour, with a rear-admiral's flag.' "'bravo--success, at her again!' "'she has wore round, my lord, and firing her starboard broadside. it has winged her, my lord--her flying kites are flying away all together.' the enemy is close on the success, who must receive her tremendous broadside. the généreux opens her fire on her little enemy, and every person stands aghast, afraid of the consequences. the smoke clears away, and there is the success, crippled, it is true, but, bull-dog like, bearing up after the enemy. "'the signal for the success to discontinue the action, and come under my stern,' said lord nelson; 'she has done well, for her size. try a shot from the lower-deck at her, sir ed'ard.' "'it goes over her.' "'beat to quarters, and fire coolly and deliberately at her masts and yards.' "le généreux at this moment opened her fire on us; and, as a shot passed through the mizen stay-sail, lord nelson, patting one of the youngsters on the head, asked him jocularly how he relished the music; and observing something like alarm depicted on his countenance, consoled him with the information, that charles xii. ran away from the first shot he heard, though afterwards he was called 'the great,' and deservedly, from his bravery. 'i, therefore,' said lord nelson, 'hope much from you in future.' "here the northumberland opened her fire, and down came the tri-colored ensign, amidst the thunder of our united cannon."[ ] according to keith, nelson "on this occasion, as on all others, conducted himself with skill, and great address, in comprehending my signals, which the state of the weather led me greatly to suspect." nelson's account to hamilton was, "by leaving my admiral without signal, for which _i may be broke_, i took these french villains." "i have wrote to lord spencer," he tells his eldest brother, "and have sent him my journal, to show that the généreux was taken by me, and my plan--that my quitting lord keith was at my own risk, and for which, if i had not succeeded, i might have been broke. the way he went, the généreux never could have been taken." in a letter to lord minto he attributed his success to his knowledge of all the local conditions, acquired by seven years' experience. in his anxiety to make this instance prove his case, in the previous disobedience to keith, for which the admiralty had censured him, nelson overreached himself and certainly fell into an ungenerous action. his vaunt of success by the road of disobedience rested only on the fact that he had failed to see keith's signal. this the latter did not know, and evidently considered he had complied with its spirit. the signal to chase to windward was not strained to disobedience in being construed to search a fairly wide area for the enemy, keeping the rendezvous, which was also the enemy's destination, to leeward, so as to be readily regained. the "queen charlotte," keith's flagship, covered the inner line, and, being a first-rate, was competent to handle any force that could come out of toulon. there is a good deal of human nature in this captious unofficial attack on a superior, whose chief fault, as towards himself, was that he had been the victim of disobedience; but it is not pleasant to see in a man so truly great. the "généreux" carried the flag of a rear-admiral, who was killed in the action. nelson seized the opportunity of further conciliating the czar, by sending the sword of this officer to him, as grand master of the order of malta. upon rejoining keith, he reported in person, as custom demands. "lord keith received my account and myself like a philosopher (but very unlike you)," he wrote to hamilton; "it did not, that i could perceive, cause a pleasing muscle in his face." "had you seen the peer receive me," he wrote to lady hamilton the same day, "i know not what you would have done; but i can guess. but never mind. i told him that i had made a vow, if i took the généreux by myself, it was my intention to strike my flag. to which he made no answer." what could he very well say, if a man chose to throw away his chances, especially when that man was a subordinate who a short time before had flatly refused to obey his orders. soreness and testiness had full swing in nelson at this time; at some fancied neglect, he wrote troubridge a letter which reduced that gallant officer to tears. between palermo and malta keith had received letters from general mélas, commanding the austrian army in piedmont, giving the plan of the approaching campaign, in which, as the austrians were to besiege genoa, and advance to the riviera, much depended upon naval co-operation. rightly judging that to be the quarter calling for the naval commander-in-chief, he was anxious to get away. on the th of february he issued an order to nelson to take charge of the blockade, and "to adopt and prosecute the necessary measures for contributing to the complete reduction of malta." short of the chief command, which he coveted and grudged, nelson himself could not have contrived a position better fitted to crown his work in the mediterranean. within the harbor of la valetta, concentrating there the two objects that yet remained to be attained,--- valetta itself being one,--was the "guillaume tell," the thirteenth ship, which alone was lacking now to complete the tale of the trophies of the nile. yet the fair prospect of success, inevitable since the capture of the "généreux" had destroyed the french hopes of relief, brought to nelson nothing but dismay. "my lord," he replied the same day, "my state of health is such, that it is impossible i can much longer remain here. without some rest, i am gone. i must, therefore, whenever i find the service will admit of it, request your permission to go to my friends, at palermo, for a few weeks, and leave the command here to commodore troubridge. nothing but absolute necessity obliges me to write this letter." "i could no more stay fourteen days longer here, than fourteen years," he said in a private letter to keith of the same date. by the next day he had recognized that even he could not leave at once the task appointed him, without discredit. "my situation," he then wrote to hamilton, "is to me very irksome, but how at this moment to get rid of it is a great difficulty. the french ships here ["guillaume tell" and others] are preparing for sea; the brest fleet, lord keith says, may be daily expected, and with all this i am very unwell.... the first moment which offers with credit to myself i shall assuredly give you my company.... lord keith is commander-in-chief, and i have not been kindly treated." his tried friends, troubridge and ball, realized the false step he was about to take, but they could not change his purpose. "remember, my lord," wrote the former, "the prospects are rather good at present of reducing this place, and that william tell, diane,[ ] and justice,[ ] are the only three ships left from the nile fleet. i beseech you hear the entreaties of a sincere friend, and do not go to sicily for the present. cruizing may be unpleasant. leave the foudroyant outside, and hoist your flag in the culloden, to carry on operations with the general. everything shall be done to make it comfortable and pleasing to you: a month will do all. if you comply with my request, i shall be happy, as i shall then be convinced i have not forfeited your friendship." "i dined with his lordship yesterday, who is apparently in good health," wrote ball to lady hamilton, "but he complains of indisposition and the necessity of repose. i do not think a short stay here will hurt his health, particularly as his ship is at anchor, and his mind not harassed. troubridge and i are extremely anxious that the french ships, and the french garrison of la valetta, shall surrender to him. i would not urge it if i were not convinced that it will ultimately add both to his honour and happiness." the fear of his friends that he would lose honor, by not resisting inclination, is evident--undisguised; but they could not prevail. on the th of march he wrote to lady hamilton: "my health is in such a state, and to say the truth, an uneasy mind at being taught my lesson like a school boy, that my determination is made to leave malta on the th morning of this month, on the first moment after the wind comes favourable; unless i am sure that i shall get hold of the french ships." keith's directions had been full and explicit on details, and this nelson seems to have resented. among the particular orders was one that palermo, being so distant from malta, should be discontinued as the rendezvous, and syracuse substituted for it; nelson was, however, at liberty to use messina or augusta, both also on the west coast of sicily, if he preferred. it will be remembered that nelson himself, before he fell under the influence of naples, had expressed his intention to make syracuse the base of his operations. coming as this change did, as one of the first acts of a new commander-in-chief, coinciding with his own former judgment, it readily took the color of an implied censure upon his prolonged stay at palermo--an echo of the increasing scandal that attended it. on the th of march he left malta for palermo in the "foudroyant," sending the ship back, however, to take her place in the blockade, and hoisting his own flag on board a transport. his mind was now rapidly turning towards a final retirement from the station, a decision which was accelerated by the capture of the "guillaume tell." this eighty-gun ship started on the night of march th to run out from la valetta, to relieve the famished garrison from feeding the twelve hundred men she carried. fortunately, the "foudroyant" had resumed her station off the island; and it was a singular illustration of the good fortune of the "heaven-born" admiral, to repeat ball's expression, that she arrived barely in time, only a few hours before the event, her absence from which might have resulted in the escape of the enemy, and a just censure upon nelson. the french ship was sighted first by a frigate, the "penelope," captain blackwood, which hung gallantly upon her quarters, as nelson in former days had dogged the "Ça ira" with the "agamemnon," until the heavier ships could gather round the quarry. the "guillaume tell," necessarily intent only on escape from overpowering numbers, could not turn aside to crush the small antagonist, which one of her broadsides might have swept out of existence; yet even so, the frigate decided the issue, for she shot away the main and mizzen topmasts of the french vessel, permitting the remainder of the british to come up. no ship was ever more gallantly fought than the "guillaume tell;" the scene would have been well worthy even of nelson's presence. more could not be said, but nelson was not there. she had shaken off the "penelope" and the "lion," sixty-four, when the "foudroyant" drew up at six in the morning. "at half-past six," says the latter's log, "shot away the [french] main and mizen-masts: saw a man nail the french ensign to the stump of the mizen-mast. five minutes past eight, shot away the enemy's foremast. ten minutes past eight, all her masts being gone by the board, the enemy struck his colours, and ceased firing." the last of the fleet in aboukir bay had surrendered to nelson's ship, but not to nelson's flag. "i am sensible," he wrote from palermo to sir edward berry, the captain of the "foudroyant," "of your kindness in wishing my presence at the finish of the egyptian fleet, but i have no cause for sorrow. the thing could not be better done, and i would not for all the world rob you of one particle of your well-earned laurels." in the matter of glory nelson might well yield much to another, nor miss what he gave; but there is a fitness in things, and it was not fitting that the commander of the division should have been away from his post when such an event was likely to happen. "my task is done, my health is lost, and the orders of the great earl st. vincent are completely fulfilled." "i have wrote to lord keith," he tells spencer, "for permission to return to england, when you will see a broken-hearted man. my spirit cannot submit patiently." but by this time, if the forbearance of the first lord was not exhausted, his patience very nearly was, and a letter had already been sent, which, while couched in terms of delicate consideration, nevertheless betrayed the profound disappointment that had succeeded to admiration for services so eminent, and for a spirit once so indomitable: "to your letter of the th of march, all i shall say is, to express my extreme regret that your health should be such as to oblige you to quit your station off malta, at a time when i should suppose there must be the finest prospect of its reduction. i should be very sorry that you did not accomplish that business in person, as the guillaume tell is your due, and that ship ought not to strike to any other. if the enemy should come into the mediterranean, and whenever they do, it will be suddenly, i should be much concerned to hear that you learnt of their arrival in that sea, either on shore or in a transport at palermo." a nearer approach to censure was soon to follow. on the th of may, apparently before nelson's application for leave to return to england had been received, the admiralty sent orders to keith, that if his health rendered him incapable of doing his duty, he was to be permitted to return home by sea when opportunity offered, or by land if he preferred. earl spencer wrote him at the same time a private letter, in which disapprobation was too thinly masked by carefully chosen words to escape attention: "it is by no means my wish or intention to call you away from service, but having observed that you have been under the necessity of quitting your station off malta, on account of your health, which i am persuaded you could not have thought of doing without such necessity, it appeared to me much more advisable for you to come home at once, than to be obliged to remain inactive at palermo, while active service was going on in other parts of the station. i should still much prefer your remaining to complete the reduction of malta, which i flatter myself cannot be very far distant, and i still look with anxious expectation to the guillaume tell striking to your flag. but if, unfortunately, these agreeable events are to be prevented, by your having too much exhausted yourself in the service to be equal to follow them up, i am quite clear, and i believe i am joined in opinion by all your friends here, that you will be more likely to recover your health and strength in england than in an inactive situation at a foreign court, however pleasing the respect and gratitude shown to you for your services may be, and no testimonies of respect and gratitude from that court to you can be, i am convinced, too great for the very essential services you have rendered it. i trust that you will take in good part what i have taken the liberty to write to you as a friend." both these letters reached nelson in june, at leghorn, on his way home. the underlying censure did not escape him,--"your two letters gave me much pain," he replied,--but he showed no traces of self-condemnation, or of regret for the past. lord minto, who was now ambassador at vienna, wrote thence in march of this year, before the question of going home was decided: "i have letters from nelson and lady hamilton. it does not seem clear whether he will go home. i hope he will not for his own sake, and he will at least, i hope, take malta first. he does not seem at all conscious of the sort of discredit he has fallen into, or the cause of it, for he still writes, not wisely, about lady h. and all that. but it is hard to condemn and use ill a hero, as he is in his own element, for being foolish about a woman who has art enough to make fools of many wiser than an admiral." many years later, immediately after the parting which he did not then know was the last, minto said of him, "he is in many points a really great man, in others a baby." nelson himself, conscious of the diligence which he had used in the administration of his wide command and its varied interests, put out of court all other considerations of propriety. "i trust you and all my friends will believe," he told spencer, "that mine cannot be an inactive life, although it may not carry all the outward parade of _much ado about nothing_." had the hamiltons remained in palermo, nelson would have been forced to a choice between leaving her and the mediterranean, or yielding a submission to orders which to the last he never gave, when fairly out of signal distance. but the foreign office had decided that sir william should not return after the leave for which he had applied; and in the beginning of march it was known at palermo that his successor had been appointed. this nelson also learned, at the latest, when he came back there on the th. to one correspondent he wrote, on the th, "most probably my health will force me to retire in april, for i am worn out with fatigue of body and mind," and his application was sent in on the th of the latter month, after news of the "guillaume tell's" capture. on the d hamilton presented his letters of recall, and on the th he and lady hamilton, with a party, embarked on board the "foudroyant" for a trip to syracuse and malta, from which they all returned to palermo on the first of june. against this renewed departure troubridge again remonstrated, in words which showed that he and others saw, in nelson's determination to abandon the field, the results of infatuation rather than of illness. "your friends, my lord, absolutely, as far as they dare, insist on your staying to sign the capitulation. be on your guard." keith also wrote him in generous and unexceptionable terms: "i am very sorry, my dear nelson, for the contents of your letter, and i hope you will not be obliged to go: strictly speaking, i ought to write to the admiralty before i let a flag-officer go off the station; particularly as i am directed to send you, if you like it, to egypt; but when a man's health is concerned, there is an end of all, and i will send you the first frigate i can lay hold of." footnotes: [ ] the title of bronté was assumed in sicily only, until he received the consent of george iii. to accept it. [ ] the italics to this point are nelson's; afterwards the author's. [ ] the paget papers, london, , vol. i. p. . [ ] nelsonian reminiscences, by lieutenant g.s. parsons. the author has been able to test parsons' stories sufficiently to assure himself that they cannot be quoted to establish historical fact; but such scenes as here given, or how many glasses of wine nelson drank at dinner, or that the writer himself was out of clean shirts, when asked to dine at the admiral's table, are trivialities which memory retains. [ ] frigates. chapter xv. nelson leaves the mediterranean.--the journey overland through germany.--arrival in england.--separation from lady nelson.--hoists his flag in the channel fleet, under lord st. vincent. june, --january, . age, . at the time nelson and the hamiltons returned to palermo, the queen of naples was wishing, for political reasons, to visit vienna. to meet this wish nelson took the "foudroyant" and "alexander" off the blockade of malta, that they might carry herself and suite to leghorn, together with the hamiltons. he clung also to the hope that keith would give him his powerful flagship to return to england, in which case the hamiltons would go with him. "i go with our dear friends sir william and lady hamilton," he wrote to lord minto; "but whether by water or land depends on the will of lord keith. may all orders be as punctually obeyed," alluding to the completion of the destruction of the nile fleet by the capture of the "guillaume tell," "but never again an officer at the close of what i must, without being thought vain (for such i am represented by enemies), call a glorious career, be so treated!" keith's opinion of nelson's obedience was probably somewhat different. the latter had written him on the th of may, that, being under an old promise to carry the queen to the continent, he proposed to take the two ships-of-the-line for that purpose, and keith sent him a letter forbidding him to do so, and directing them to be sent back at once to malta. nelson, it is true, did not receive this; but it is impossible to reconcile with attention to orders the diversion of two ships of their force from the singularly important station appointed them by the commander-in-chief, without reference to him, and using them to carry about foreign sovereigns. on arriving in leghorn, on the th of june, nelson announced the fact to keith, with apparent perfect unconsciousness that the latter could be other than charmed. "i was obliged to bring the alexander, or the party never could have been accommodated: i therefore trust you will approve of it." "i was so displeased by the withdrawing of the ships from before malta," wrote keith to paget, "and with other proceedings, that her majesty did not take any notice of me latterly." it would seem also that some harm had come of it. "what a clamour, too, letting in the ships to malta will occasion. i assure you nothing has given me more real concern, it was so near exhausted." "had not nelson quitted the blockade," he wrote a week later, "and taken the ships off the station, it might have fallen about this time."[ ] lord keith had been engaged for six weeks past in the famous blockade and siege of genoa, the garrison of which, spent with famine and disease, marched out on the th of june, . on the th--the day nelson reached leghorn--was fought the battle of marengo, in which the austrians were totally defeated, the french army under bonaparte remaining victorious across their line of retreat to mantua. the next day mélas signed a convention, abandoning northern italy, as far as the mincio, to the french, to whom were given up all the fortified places, genoa included. at midnight of june , nelson received an order from keith to take all the ships at leghorn to spezia, for certain minor military purposes. nelson sent the "alexander" and a frigate, but remained himself in leghorn with the "foudroyant," ready, he wrote the admiral, "to receive the queen and royal family, should such an event be necessary." keith rejoined with a peremptory order that no ships-of-the-line should be used for such purpose; the queen, he said, had better get to vienna as fast as she could, and not think of going back to palermo. "if the french fleet gets the start of ours a day, sicily cannot hold out even that one day." "lord keith," commented nelson, "believes reports of the brest fleet, which i give not the smallest credit to." "i own i do not believe the brest fleet will return to sea," he told keith; "and if they do, the lord have mercy on them, for our fleet will not, i am sure." it was not the least of his conspicuous merits that he was blind to imaginative or exaggerated alarms. keith saw too vividly all that might happen in consequence of recent reverses--much more than could happen. on the th of june the latter reached leghorn in person. "i must go to leghorn," he complained, "to land the fugitives, and to be bored by lord nelson for permission to take the queen to palermo, and princes and princesses to all parts of the globe." the queen was in a panic, and besought him with tears to give her the "foudroyant," but keith was obdurate. "mr. wyndham[ ] arrived here yesterday from florence," wrote lady minto on the th of july to her sister. "he left the queen of naples, sir william and lady hamilton, and nelson, at leghorn. the queen has given up all thoughts of coming here. she asked lord keith in her own proper person for the foudroyant to take her back. he refused positively giving her such a ship. the queen wept, concluding that royal tears were irresistible; but he remained unmoved, and would grant nothing but a frigate to convoy her own frigates[ ] to trieste. he told her lady hamilton had had command of the fleet long enough. the queen is very ill with a sort of convulsive fit, and nelson is staying there to nurse her; he does not intend going home till he has escorted her back to palermo. his zeal for the public service seems entirely lost in his love and vanity, and they all sit and flatter each other all day long." it is only fair to say that there are indications, in the correspondence, of bad terms between the hamiltons and wyndham, who, therefore, was probably not a sympathetic observer. he had also before this written unpleasantly to nelson, insinuating, apparently, a lack of attention to duty; for the latter in a letter to troubridge says, "i send you an extract of mr. wyndham's unhandsome mode of expressing himself towards me." towards keith her majesty manifested her displeasure by omitting him in the public leave she took of all the officials. the queen finally resolved to continue her journey, but the victories of the french introduced into the political future an element of uncertainty, which caused her to delay a month in leghorn, undecided whether to go by sea or land; and nelson had vowed not to forsake her. keith, after some days, relented so far as to authorize the "alexander" taking the royal family to trieste, but many of the party were averse to the sea voyage. there had been for some time living with the hamiltons a miss knight, an english lady already in middle life, whose journal gives the chief particulars that have been preserved of this period. "the queen," she wrote, "wishes, if possible, to prosecute her journey. lady hamilton cannot bear the thought of going by sea; and therefore nothing but impracticability will prevent our going to vienna." when it was at last fixed, after many vacillations, that they should go to ancona, and there take small austrian vessels for trieste, she exclaims, "to avoid the danger of being on board an english man-of-war, where everything is commodious, and equally well arranged for defence and comfort! but the die is cast, and go we must." she mentions that lord nelson was well, and kept up his spirits amazingly, but sir william appeared broken, distressed, and harassed. on the th the travellers started for florence, passing within two miles of the french advanced posts. at ancona they embarked on board some russian frigates, and in them reached trieste safely on the d of august. nelson was received with acclamations in all the towns of the pope's states. a party in which were not only the queen of a reigning sovereign, but an english minister and his wife, was sure of receiving attention wherever it passed or stopped; but in the present case it was the naval officer who carried off the lion's share of homage, so widely had his fame spread throughout the continent. at trieste, says miss knight, "he is followed by thousands when he goes out, and for the illumination which is to take place this evening, there are many _viva nelsons_ prepared." the same enthusiasm was shown at vienna, where they arrived on the st or d of august. "you can have no notion of the anxiety and curiosity to see him," wrote lady minto.[ ] "the door of his house is always crowded with people, and even the street when his carriage is at the door; and when he went to the play he was applauded, a thing which rarely happens here." "whenever he appeared in public," records miss knight, "a crowd was collected, and his portrait was hung up as a sign over many shops--even the milliners giving his name to particular dresses, but it did not appear to me that the english nation was at all popular." at a dinner at prince esterhazy's, where he spent some days, his health was drunk with a flourish of trumpets and firing of cannon. "i don't think him altered in the least," continued lady minto, who remembered him from the old days in corsica. "he has the same shock head and the same honest simple manners; but he is devoted to _emma_, he thinks her quite an _angel_, and talks of her as such to her face and behind her back, and she leads him about like a keeper with a bear. she must sit by him at dinner to cut his meat, and he carries her pocket-handkerchief. he is a gig from ribands, orders and stars, but he is just the same with us as ever he was;" and she mentions his outspoken gratitude to minto for the substantial service he had done him, and the guidance he had imparted to his political thought,--an acknowledgment he frequently renewed up to the last days of his life. lady minto's nephew, lord fitzharris, the son of the earl of malmesbury, was then in vienna, apparently as an attaché. he speaks in the same way of nelson himself, but with less forbearance for lady hamilton; and he confirms the impression that nelson at this time had lost interest in the service. writing to his father, he says: "nelson personally is not changed; open and honest, not the least vanity about him. he looks very well, but seems to be in no hurry to sail again. he told me he had no thoughts of serving again." "lord nelson and the hamiltons dined here the other day; it is really disgusting to see her with him." a few days later there was a ball at prince esterhazy's, where fitzharris was present. "lady hamilton is without exception the most coarse, ill-mannered, disagreeable woman i ever met with. the princess had with great kindness got a number of musicians, and the famous haydn, who is in their service, to play, knowing lady hamilton was fond of music. instead of attending to them she sat down to the faro table, played nelson's cards for him, and won between £ and £ . in short, i could not disguise my feeling, and joined in the general abuse of her."[ ] the impression that nelson would decline further service had been conveyed to other friends. troubridge, who had meanwhile returned to england, wrote two months later to a young lieutenant who wished to get on board the admiral's next ship: "lord nelson is not yet arrived in england, and between ourselves i do not think he will serve again." both lady minto and fitzharris have recorded an account given them by nelson, of his motives for action at the battle of the nile. "he speaks in the highest terms of all the captains he had with him off the coast of egypt," writes the former, "adding that without knowing the men he had to trust to, he would not have hazarded the attack, that there was little room, but he was sure each would find a hole to creep in at." in place of this summary, her nephew gives words evidently quite fresh from the speaker's lips. "he says, 'when i saw them, i could not help popping my head every now and then out of the window, (although i had a d----d toothache), and once as i was observing their position i heard two seamen quartered at a gun near me, talking, and one said to the other, 'd----n them, look at them, there they are, jack, if we don't beat them, they will beat us.' he says, 'i knew what stuff i had under me, so i went into the attack with only a few ships, perfectly sure the others would follow me, although it was nearly dark and they might have had every excuse for not doing it, yet they all in the course of two hours found a hole to poke in at. if,' he added, 'i had taken a fleet of the same force from spithead, i would sooner have thought of flying than attacking the french in their position, but i knew my captains, nor could i say which distinguished himself most.'" yet to lady minto he revealed the spirit he was of. "i told him i wished he had the command of the emperor's army. he said, 'i'll tell you what. if i had, i would only use one word--_advance_, and never say _retreat_.'" after a month's stop at vienna, during which sir william hamilton's health continued to cause anxiety, the party started north for prague, dresden, and hamburg, following the course of the elbe. on the th of september, prague was reached, and there nelson was met by arrangement by the archduke charles, the first in ability of the austrian generals, approved as no unworthy antagonist by bonaparte himself, but rarely employed, except in moments of emergency, because of his pronounced opposition to the court policy. the next day, september th, was nelson's birthday, and the archduke gave a grand entertainment in his honor. continuing thence, the travellers on october d reached dresden, to which court the british minister was hugh elliot, the brother of lord minto. it was here that they came under the eye of mrs. st. george, a young irish widow, who by a second marriage, some years later, became mrs. trench, and the mother of the late archbishop of dublin. her description and comments have been considered severe, and even prejudiced; but they do not differ essentially from those of the mintos and fitzharris, except in saying that on one occasion, after dinner, nelson took too much champagne, and showed the effects. such a thing has happened on isolated occasions to many a good man and true, and, however much to be deplored, is not so impossible an occurrence, even in a man of nelson's well-established habitual abstemiousness, which indeed his health necessitated, as to invalidate the testimony of an eye-witness. mrs. st. george's journal was not written for publication, and did not see the light till thirty-odd years after her death. "october d. dined at mr. elliot's with only the nelson party. it is plain that lord nelson thinks of nothing but lady hamilton,[ ] who is totally occupied by the same object. lord nelson is a little man, without any dignity; who, i suppose, must resemble what suwarrow was in his youth, as he is like all the pictures i have seen of that general. lady hamilton takes possession of him, and he is a willing captive, the most submissive and devoted i have ever seen. sir william is old, infirm, all admiration of his wife, and never spoke to-day but to applaud her. miss cornelia knight seems the decided flatterer of the two, and never opens her mouth but to show forth their praise; and mrs. cadogan, lady hamilton's mother, is--what one might expect. after dinner we had several songs in honour of lord nelson, written by miss knight, and sung by lady hamilton.[ ] she puffs the incense full in his face; but he receives it with pleasure, and snuffs it up very cordially." lord minto, whose friendship for nelson was of proof, wrote eighteen months after this to his wife: "she goes on cramming nelson with trowelfuls of flattery, which he goes on taking as quietly as a child does pap."[ ] "lady hamilton," wrote mrs. st. george on succeeding days, "paid me those kinds of compliments which prove she thinks mere exterior alone of any consequence ... she loads me with all marks of friendship at first sight, which i always think more extraordinary than love of the same kind, pays me many compliments both when i am absent and present, and said many fine things about my accompanying her at sight. still she does not gain upon me ... mr. elliot says, 'she will captivate the prince of wales, whose mind is as vulgar as her own, and play a great part in england,'"--a remark which showed shrewd judgment of character, as nelson afterwards found to his intense disturbance. at vienna the whole party had been presented at court, but at dresden the electress refused to receive lady hamilton, on account of her former dissolute life. "she wished to go to court," says mrs. st. george, "on which a pretext was made to avoid receiving company last sunday, and i understand there will be no court while she stays." nelson felt resentment at this exclusion, though powerless, of course, to express it; but he declined an invitation to a private house which had not been extended to her. this incident naturally raised the question, what prospect there was of the lady being accepted at the court of her own sovereign. "she talked to me a great deal of her doubts whether the queen would receive her, adding, 'i care little about it. i had much rather she would settle half sir william's pension on me,'"--a remark which showed more philosophy than self-esteem. a week's visit in dresden ended by the party taking boats for hamburg, which they reached on the st of october, the journey being prolonged by stopping every night. they there remained ten days, of which no very noteworthy incidents have been recorded, although the general interest of all classes of people in the renowned warrior, of whom they had heard so much, continued to be manifested, sometimes in quaint and touching expression. on the st of october they embarked on board the mail-packet for england, and after a stormy passage landed at yarmouth on the th of november, . two years and eight months had passed since nelson sailed from spithead, on a cruise destined to have so marked an influence on his professional reputation and private happiness. he was received on his landing with every evidence of popular enthusiasm, and of official respect from all authorities, civil and military. with the unvarying devout spirit which characterized him in all the greater events of his life, he asked that public service might be held, to enable him to give thanks in church for his safe return to his native country, and for the many blessings which he had experienced. the whole party then went on to town, arriving on the th. from those who welcomed nelson when he first put his foot on shore there was one conspicuously missing. lady nelson had not thought well to go to yarmouth to await her husband. under ordinary conditions there would have been little to challenge remark, in the decision not to leave the feeble old man, her husband's father, who depended much upon her, for the period of uncertain duration during which she might have to wait at yarmouth, in those days of sailing-vessels and head winds. coining as her husband did, hand in hand with the woman whose name had been scandalously linked with his for nearly two years, the absence easily took on the appearance of cold and reserved censure. unquestionably, if lady nelson wished above all things to win her husband back, and cared more for that than for her own humiliation, more or less, the best fighting chance would have been to meet him at once, with a smile on her face and words of love on her lips. considering the flagrancy of the affair throughout europe, and the antecedents of lady hamilton, it may be permitted to doubt whether, regarded as a struggle for possession, many women would have thought the game worth the candle; although lady nelson did not then know that her husband expected soon to be a father, by the woman whom he at once brought to her apartments and presented to her. in the scanty details that have been transmitted to us concerning lady nelson, there is little to appeal to the imagination, or to impress one strongly with her attractions; but candor to her surely compels the admission that, to await her husband in their own home, to greet him alone, without the observation even of beloved outsiders, was no singular impulse in a tender and reserved woman. a seaside hotel and the inevitable clamor of the multitude do not fit in well with the emotions that would naturally stir her, and a very little tact, a very little sympathy, would have induced nelson to let the hamiltons go their way for one evening, while he went directly and alone to her and his father. she had been sorely tried, and as far as is known had restrained herself patiently in her letters. the latest one that is now accessible is dated the th of march, , seven months therefore before they now met, and is lacking neither in dignity, affection, nor pathos. "i have this instant received a note from admiral young, who tells me if i can send him a letter for you in an hour, he will send it, therefore, i have only time to say i have at last had the pleasure of receiving two letters from you, dated january th and th. i rejoice exceedingly i did not follow the advice of the physician and our good father to change the climate, and i hope my health will be established by hot sea-bathing and the warmth of the summer. "i can with safety put my hand on my heart and say it has been my study to please and make you happy, and i still flatter myself we shall meet before very long. i feel most sensibly all your kindnesses to my dear son, and i hope he will add much to our comfort. our good father has been in good spirits ever since we heard from you; indeed, my spirits were quite worn out, the time had been so long. i thank god for the preservation of my dear husband, and your recent success off malta. the taking of the généreux seems to give great spirits to all. god bless you, my dear husband, and grant us a happy meeting, and believe me," etc.[ ] from the difficulties attendant upon the mails in those days, this letter would not be likely to reach nelson till towards the end of may, when he was on the point of leaving palermo finally; and, having regard to the uncertainties of his movements before quitting leghorn, it is not improbable that it was among the last, if not the very last, he received before landing in england. if so, it represented fairly the attitude of lady nelson, as far as known to him,--free from reproach, affectionate, yet evidently saddened by a silence on his part, which tended to corroborate the rumors rife, not only in society but in the press. it is possible that, like many men, though it would not be in the least characteristic of himself, he, during his journey home, simply put aside all consideration of the evil day when the two women would be in the same city, and trusted to the chapter of accidents to settle the terms on which they might live; but, from his actions, he seems to have entertained the idea that he could still maintain in london, with the cheerful acquiescence of his wife, the public relations towards lady hamilton which were tolerated by the easy tone of neapolitan society. miss knight relates that, while at leghorn, he said he hoped lady nelson and himself would be much with sir william and lady hamilton, that they all would dine together very often, and that when the latter went to their musical parties, he and lady nelson would go to bed. in accordance with this programme, he took his two friends to dine with his wife and father, immediately upon his arrival in town. miss knight went to another hotel with lady hamilton's mother, and was that evening visited by troubridge. he advised her to go and stop with a friend; and, although no reason is given, it is probable that he, who knew as much as any one of the past, saw that the position of residence with the hamiltons would be socially untenable for a woman. miss knight accordingly went to live with mrs. nepean, the wife of the secretary to the admiralty. a few days later there was again a dinner at the house taken by the hamiltons in grosvenor square. the nelsons were there, as was miss knight. the next day several of the party attended the theatre, and lady nelson, it is said, fainted in the box, overcome by feeling, many thought, at her husband's marked attentions to lady hamilton. the latter being in her way a character as well known as nelson himself, the affair necessarily became more than usually a matter of comment, especially as the scene now provided for london gossipers was a re-presentation of that so long enacted at palermo, and notorious throughout europe; but it was received with little toleration. "most of my friends," wrote miss knight, "were urgent with me to drop the acquaintance, but, circumstanced as i had been, i feared the charge of ingratitude, though greatly embarrassed as to what to do, for things became very unpleasant." had it been a new development, it would have presented little difficulty; but as she had quietly lived many months in the minister's house under the same conditions, only in the more congenial atmosphere of palermo, it was not easy now to join in the disapproval shown by much of london society. lady hamilton, of course, could not have any social acceptance, but even towards nelson himself, in all his glory, a marked coldness was shown in significant quarters. "the lady of the admiralty," wrote he to his friend davison, "never had any just cause for being cool to me;" an allusion probably to lady spencer, the wife of the first lord. coldness from her must have been the more marked, for after the nile she had written him a wildly enthusiastic letter, recognizing with gratitude the distinction conferred upon her husband's administration by the lustre of that battle. "either as a public or private man," he continued, "i wish nothing undone which i have done,"--a remark entirely ambiguous and misleading as regards his actual relations to lady hamilton. he told collingwood, at this same time, that he had not been well received by the king. "he gave me an account of his reception at court," his old comrade writes, "which was not very flattering, after having been the adoration of that of naples. his majesty merely asked him if he had recovered his health; and then, without waiting for an answer, turned to general----, and talked to him near half an hour in great good humour. it could not be about his successes." this slight was not a revival of the old prejudice entertained by the king before the war, which had been wholly removed by the distinguished services nelson had rendered afterwards. eighteen months before this davison had written to him: "i waited upon the king early last sunday morning, and was _alone_ with him a full hour, when much of the conversation was about you. it is impossible to express how warmly he spoke of you, and asked me a thousand questions about you ... i have been again at the queen's house, and have given the king a copy of your last letter to me, giving an account of your health, which he read twice over, with great attention, and with apparent emotion of concern. his majesty speaks of you with the tenderness of a father." samuel rogers has an incidental mention of the effect produced upon nelson by the treatment now experienced. "i heard him once during dinner utter many bitter complaints (which lady hamilton vainly attempted to check) of the way he had been treated at court that forenoon: the queen had not condescended to take the slightest notice of him. in truth, nelson was hated at court; they were jealous of his fame."[ ] people, however, are rarely jealous of those who are not rivals. the position which nelson had proposed to himself to establish was of course impossible. the world was no more disposed to worry about any private immoralities of his than it did about those of other men, but it was not prepared to have them brandished in its face, and it would have none of lady hamilton,--nor would lady nelson. the general public opinion at the time receives, probably, accurate expression from sir william hotham, a man then in london society. "his vanity, excusable as such a foible is in such a man, led him to unpardonable excesses, and blinded him to the advantages of being respected in society.... his conduct to lady nelson was the very extreme of unjustifiable weakness, for he should at least have attempted to conceal his infirmities, without publicly wounding the feelings of a woman whose own conduct he well knew was irreproachable."[ ] on the other hand, nelson could not forget the kindnesses he had accepted from lady hamilton, nor was he either able or willing to lessen an intimacy which, unless diminished, left the scandal unabated. he was not able, for a man of his temperament could not recede before opposition, or slight a woman now compromised by his name; and he was not willing, for he was madly in love. being daily with her for seven months after leaving palermo, there occurs a break in their correspondence; but when it was resumed in the latter part of january, , every particle of the reticence which a possible struggle with conscience had imposed disappears. he has accepted the new situation, cast aside all restraints, and his language at times falls little short of frenzy, while belying the respect for her which he asserts continually and aggressively, as though against his convictions. the breach with lady nelson had in this short time become final. we have not the means--happily--to trace through its successive stages a rapid process of estrangement, of which nelson said a few months afterwards: "sooner than live the unhappy life i did when last i came to england, i would stay abroad forever." a highly colored account is given in harrison's life of nelson, emanating apparently from lady hamilton, of the wretchedness the hero experienced from the temper of his wife; while in the "memoirs of lady hamilton," published shortly after her death, another side of the case is brought forward, and lady nelson appears as rebutting with quiet dignity the reproaches of her husband for heartlessness, displayed in her unsympathetic attitude towards her rival, when suffering from indisposition. into these recriminations it is needless to enter; those who wish can read for themselves in the works mentioned. a marked symptom of growing alienation was afforded by his leaving her on the th of december, in company with the hamiltons, to spend the christmas holidays at fonthill, the seat of william beckford. during this visit occurred a curious incident, which shows that the exultant delight unquestionably felt by nelson in battle did not indicate insensibility to danger, or to its customary effects upon men, but resulted from the pleasurable predominance of other emotions, which accepted danger and the startling tokens of its presence as the accompaniments, that only enhanced the majesty of the part he was called upon to play. beckford tells the story as follows: "i offered to show him what had been done by planting in the course of years. nelson mounted by my side in a phaeton, drawn by four well-trained horses, which i drove. there was not the least danger, the horses being perfectly under my command, long driven by myself. singular to say, we had not gone far before i observed a peculiar anxiety in his countenance, and presently he said: 'this is too much for me, you must set me down.' i assured him that the horses were continually driven by me, and that they were perfectly under command. all would not do. he would descend, and i walked the vehicle back again."[ ] nelson, of course, never claimed for himself the blind ignorance of fear which has been asserted of him; on the contrary, the son of his old friend locker tells us, "the bravest man (so we have heard lord nelson himself declare) feels an anxiety '_circa præcordia_' as he enters the battle; but he dreads disgrace yet more."[ ] in battle, like a great actor in a great drama, he knew himself the master of an invisible concourse, whose homage he commanded, whose plaudits he craved, and whom, by the sight of deeds raised above the common ground of earth, he drew to sympathy with heroism and self-devotion. there, too, he rejoiced in the noblest exercise of power, in the sensation of energies and faculties roused to full exertion, contending with mighty obstacles, and acting amid surroundings worthy of their grandeur; like masséna, of whom it was said that he only found his greatest self when the balls flew thick about him, and things began to look their worst. after his return from fonthill lady nelson and himself lived together again for a time in their london lodgings, in arlington street, and there, according to the story told forty-five years afterwards by mr. william haslewood, nelson's solicitor, the crisis of their troubles was reached. "in the winter of , , i was breakfasting with lord and lady nelson, at their lodgings in arlington street, and a cheerful conversation was passing on indifferent subjects, when lord nelson spoke of something which had been done or said by 'dear lady hamilton;' upon which lady nelson rose from her chair, and exclaimed, with much vehemence, 'i am sick of hearing of dear lady hamilton, and am resolved that you shall give up either her or me.' lord nelson, with perfect calmness, said: 'take care, fanny, what you say. i love you sincerely; but i cannot forget my obligations to lady hamilton, or speak of her otherwise than with affection and admiration.' without one soothing word or gesture, but muttering something about her mind being made up, lady nelson left the room, and shortly after drove from the house. they never lived together afterwards." though committed to paper so many years later, the incident is just one of those that sticks to the memory, and probably occurred substantially as told. lady nelson's ultimatum will probably be differently regarded by different persons; it shows that she was at least living human flesh and blood. in later life, we are told by hotham, who was in the habit of frequently seeing her, up to her death, in , "she continually talked of him, and always attempted to palliate his conduct towards her, was warm and enthusiastic in her praises of his public achievements, and bowed down with dignified submission to the errors of his domestic life." the same testimony is borne by a lady, of whom nicolas speaks as "the personal and intimate friend both of lord and lady nelson, and the widow of one of his most distinguished followers," but whose name he does not give.[ ] "i am aware of your intention not to touch upon this delicate subject: i only allude to it in order to assure you, from my personal knowledge, in a long and intimate acquaintance, that lady nelson's conduct was not only affectionate, wise, and prudent, but admirable, throughout her married life, and that she had not a single reproach to make herself. i say not this to cast unnecessary blame upon _one_ whose memory i delight to honour, but only in justice to that truly good and amiable woman.... if mildness, forbearance, and indulgence to the weaknesses of human nature could have availed, her fate would have been very different. no reproach ever passed her lips; and when she parted from her lord, on his hoisting his flag again, it was without the most distant suspicion that he meant it to be final, and that in this life they were never to meet again. i am desirous that you should know the worth of her who has so often been misrepresented, from the wish of many to cast the blame anywhere, but on him who was so deservedly dear to the nation." the latter years of lady nelson's life were passed partly in paris, where she lived with her son and his family. her eldest grandchild, a girl, was eight or ten years old at the time of her death. she remembers the great sweetness of her grandmother's temper, and tells that she often saw her take from a casket a miniature of nelson, look at it affectionately, kiss it, and then replace it gently; after which she would turn to her and say, "when you are older, little fan, you too may know what it is to have a broken heart." this trifling incident, transpiring as it now does for the first time, after nearly seventy years, from the intimate privacies of family life, bears its mute evidence to the truth of the last two witnesses, that lady nelson neither reproached her husband, nor was towards him unforgiving.[ ] nelson's early friend, the duke of clarence, who had given her away at the wedding, maintained his kindly relations with her to the end, and continued his interest to her descendants after his accession to the throne. thus abruptly and sadly ended an attachment which, if never ardent, had for many years run undisturbed its tender course, and apparently had satisfied nelson's heart, until the wave of a great passion swept him off his feet. "i remember," writes miss knight, "that, shortly after the battle of the nile, when my mother said to him that no doubt he considered the day of that victory as the happiest in his life, he answered, 'no; the happiest was that on which i married lady nelson.'" on the th of january, , nelson took formal and final leave of her before hoisting his flag at torbay. "i call god to witness," he then said, "there is nothing in you, or your conduct, that i wish otherwise." his alienation from her was shared by most of his family, except his father, who said to him frankly, that gratitude required he should spend part of his time with lady nelson. two years before, he had written of her: "during the whole war [since ] i have been with lady nelson, a good woman, and attentive to an infirm old man," and they had continued to live together. the old man persuaded himself that there was nothing criminal in relations, the result of which, as regarded his son and daughter-in-law, he could not but deplore; but his letters to lady hamilton go little beyond the civility that was necessary to avoid giving offence to nelson. nelson's two married sisters, mrs. bolton and mrs. matcham, evidently shared their father's belief. they and their children maintained with lady hamilton a friendly and even affectionate correspondence, long after trafalgar, and until the death of the parties put an end to it. immediately upon landing at yarmouth, nelson had written to the admiralty that his health was perfectly restored, and that he wished to resume service immediately. he was soon designated to a command in the channel fleet, under earl st. vincent, who had been commander-in-chief since the spring of . the "san josef," the three-decker boarded by him at cape st. vincent, was named to receive his flag, and on the th of january it was hoisted on board her, at plymouth,--blue at the fore, he having been promoted vice-admiral of the blue on new year's day. an arrangement, however, had already been made, that, if the impending difficulties with denmark threatened to lead to hostilities, he should accompany the fleet sent to the baltic, as second to sir hyde parker, selected for the chief command. while he was officially reporting to st. vincent, on the th, at torbay, preparatory to hoisting his flag, a letter from parker informed him that the armament was decided upon. this he showed at once to st. vincent, who acquiesced of course in the disappointment, but expressed a hope that after a brief absence he would rejoin him. by the first of february the "san josef" had gone round to torbay, the rendezvous of the channel fleet under st. vincent's command, and there it was that nelson received the news of the birth, on the th or th of january, of the child horatia, whose parentage for a long time gave rise to much discussion, and is even yet considered by some a matter of doubt. fortunately, that question requires no investigation here; as regards the life of nelson, and his character as involved in this matter, the fact is beyond dispute that he believed himself the father, and lady hamilton the mother, of the girl, whose origin he sought to conceal by an elaborate though clumsy system of mystification. this might possibly have left the subject covered with clouds, though not greatly in doubt, had not lady hamilton, after wildly unnecessary lying on her own part, recklessly preserved her holdings of a correspondence which nelson scrupulously destroyed, and enjoined her to destroy. the sedulous care on his side to conceal the nature of their relations, and the reckless disregard of his wishes shown by her, is singularly illustrated by the method he took to bring the child into her charge, from that of the nurse to whom it had been intrusted. when it was somewhat over three years old, on the th of august, , he wrote lady hamilton a letter, evidently to be used, where necessary, to account for its presence under his roof. "i am now going to state a thing to you and to request your kind assistance, which, from my dear emma's goodness of heart, i am sure of her acquiescence in. before we left italy i told you of the extraordinary circumstance of a child being left to my care and protection. on your first coming to england i presented you the child, dear horatia. you became, to my comfort, attached to it, so did sir william, thinking her the finest child he had ever seen. she is become of that age when it is necessary to remove her from a mere nurse and to think of educating her.... i shall tell you, my dear emma, more of this matter when i come to england, but i am now anxious for the child's being placed under your protecting wing." with this letter (or, possibly, with another written the same day) was found an enclosure, undated and unsigned, but in nelson's handwriting. "my beloved, how i feel for your situation and that of our dear horatia, our dear child...."[ ] the indifference to incidental consequences which was shown by nelson, when once he had decided upon a course of action, was part of his natural, as well as of his more distinctively military character; but in this connection with lady hamilton he must have felt intuitively that not only her reputation--which probably was his first care--was involved, but his own also. the hospitality, the attention, the friendship, extended to him at naples and palermo, were not from lady hamilton only but from her husband also, in whose house he lived, and who to the end, so far as the records show, professed for him unbounded esteem and confidence. this confidence had been betrayed, and the strongest line of argument formerly advanced, by those who disputed lady hamilton's being the mother of the child, has become now nelson's severest condemnation. "however great was nelson's infatuation," says sir harris nicolas, "his nice sense of honour, his feelings of propriety, and his love of truth, were unquestionable. hence, though during a long separation from his wife on the public service in the mediterranean, he so far yielded to temptation as to become the father of a child, it is nevertheless difficult to believe that he should for years have had a criminal intercourse with the wife of a man of his own rank, whom he considered as his dearest friend, who placed the greatest confidence in his honour and virtue, and in whose house he was living. still more difficult is it to believe, even if this had been the case, that he should not only have permitted every one of his relations, male and female,--his wife, his father, his brothers, his brothers-in-law, his two sisters, and all their daughters,--to visit and correspond with her, but even have allowed three of his nieces to live for a considerable time with her; have ostentatiously and frequently written and spoken of her 'virtuous and religious' character,--holding her up as an example to his family; have appointed her the sole guardian of his child; have avowedly intended to make her his wife; have acted upon every occasion as if the purity of their intimacy was altogether free from suspicion; and in the last written act of his life have solemnly called upon his country to reward and support her. an honourable and conscientious man rarely acts thus towards his mistress.... moreover, nelson's most intimate friends, including the earl of st. vincent, who called them 'a pair of sentimental fools,' dr. scott, his chaplain, and mr. haslewood, were of the same opinion; and southey says, 'there is no reason to believe that this most unfortunate attachment was criminal.'" this complicated and difficult path of deception had to be trod, because the offence was not one of common error, readily pardoned if discovered, but because the man betrayed, whatever his faults otherwise, had shown both the culprits unbounded confidence and kindness, and upon the woman, at least, had been led by his love to confer a benefit which neither should have forgotten. footnotes: [ ] the paget papers, vol. i. pp. , . [ ] british minister to tuscany. [ ] there were some neapolitan frigates in leghorn, but the royal family were never willing to trust them. [ ] life of lord minto, vol. iii. pp. - . [ ] malmesbury's memoirs, vol, ii. p. . [ ] mrs. st. george's description of lady hamilton has already been given, _ante_, vol. i. p. . [ ] miss knight mentions the same ceremony occurring in vienna. [ ] life of lord minto, vol. iii. pp. - . [ ] this letter, with another, appears in the alfred morrison "collection of autograph letters" (nos. , ). it is purposely given entire, except immaterial postscripts. [ ] table-talk of samuel rogers. [ ] the author is indebted to prof. j. knox laughton for some extracts from hotham's diary. [ ] beckford's memoirs, london, , vol. ii. p. . [ ] locker's greenwich gallery, article "torrington." [ ] nicolas, vol. ii. p. . the present writer believes this lady to have been lady berry, wife of nelson's flag-captain, who gave nicolas much of his information. [ ] the author is indebted for this anecdote to mrs. f.h.b. eccles, of sherwell house, plymouth, the daughter of the "little fan" who told it. [ ] morrison. the hamilton and nelson papers, nos. , , . chapter xvi. the expedition to the baltic and battle of copenhagen.--nelson returns to england. february--june, . age, . the trouble between great britain and denmark, which now called nelson again to the front, leading to the most difficult of his undertakings, and, consequently, to the most distinguished of his achievements, arose about the maritime rights of neutrals and belligerents. the contention was not new. in the baltic states, russia, sweden, and denmark, being neutrals in the war then raging, had combined to assert, by arms, if necessary, certain claims advanced by them to immunity from practices which international law had hitherto sanctioned, or concerning which it had spoken ambiguously. these claims great britain had rejected, as contrary to her rights and interests; but, being then greatly outnumbered, she temporized until the end of the war, which left her in possession of the principles at stake, although she had forborne to enforce them offensively. the coalition of the baltic states, at that time, received the name of the armed neutrality. from to sweden and denmark had again succeeded in maintaining their neutrality, and, as most other maritime states were at war, their freedom of navigation had thrown into their hands a large carrying trade. but, while their profit was thus great, it would be much greater, if their ships could be saved the interruptions to their voyages arising from the right of belligerents to stop, to search, and, if necessary, to send into port, a vessel on board which were found enemy's goods, or articles considered "contraband of war." the uncertainty hanging round the definitions of the latter phrase greatly increased the annoyance to neutrals; and serious disputes existed on certain points, as, for example, whether materials for shipbuilding, going to an enemy's port, were liable to capture. great britain maintained that they were, the neutrals that they were not; and, as the baltic was one of the chief regions from which such supplies came, a principal line of trade for the northern states was much curtailed. sweden and denmark were too weak to support their contention against the sea-power of great britain. where there is lack of force, there will always be found the tendency to resort to evasion to accomplish an end; and denmark, in , endeavored to secure for her merchant ships immunity from search by belligerent cruisers--which international law has always conceded, and still concedes, to be within the rights of a belligerent--by sending them on their voyages in large convoys, protected by ships of war. it was claimed that the statement of the senior naval officer, that there were not in the convoy any articles subject to capture, was sufficient; and that the belligerent would in that case have no right to search. great britain replied that the right of search rested upon longstanding common consent, and precedent, and that it could not be taken from her against her will by any process instituted by another state. the danish ships of war being instructed to use force against search, two hostile collisions followed, in one of which several men were killed and wounded, and the danish frigate was taken into a british port--though afterwards released. the latter of these conflicts occurred in july, . great britain then sent an ambassador to denmark, backing him with a fleet of nine ships-of-the-line, with bomb-vessels; and at the end of august a convention was signed, by which the general subject was referred to future discussion, but denmark agreed for the time to discontinue her convoys. the importance of the subject to great britain was twofold. first, by having the right to seize enemy's property in neutral ships, she suppressed a great part of the commerce which france could carry on, thus crippling her financially; and, second, by capturing articles of shipbuilding as contraband of war, she kept from the french materials essential to the maintenance of their navy, which their own country did not produce. british statesmen of all parties maintained that in these contentions there was at stake, not an empty and offensive privilege, but a right vital to self-defence, to the effective maintenance of which the power to search was fundamentally necessary. in the czar paul i. had become bitterly hostile to austria and great britain. this feeling had its origin in the disasters of the campaign of , and was brought to a climax by the refusal of great britain to yield malta to him, as grand master of the order, after its capture from the french in september, . it had been the full purpose of the british ministry to surrender it, and nelson, much to his distaste, had received specific orders to that effect; but, besides the fact that the russians had contributed nothing directly to the reduction of the island, the attitude of the czar had become so doubtful, that common prudence forbade putting into the hands of a probable future enemy the prize so hardly won from a present foe. paul had already announced his intention of reviving the armed neutrality of ; and when, in november, he learned the fall of malta, he seized three hundred british vessels lying in russian ports, marched their crews into the interior, and at the same time placed seals on all british warehoused property,--a measure intended to support his demand for the restitution of the island to him. on the th of december a treaty was signed at st. petersburg by russia and sweden, to which denmark and prussia promptly adhered, renewing the armed neutrality, for the support of their various claims. the consenting states bound themselves to maintain their demands by force, if necessary; but no declaration of war was issued. great britain, in accepting the challenge, equally abstained from acts which would constitute a state of war; but she armed at once to shatter the coalition, before it attained coherence in aught but words. from first to last, until the armed neutrality again dissolved, though there was hard fighting, there was not formal war. the relation of these occurrences to the life of nelson will not be fully understood, unless the general state of europe be recalled, and the master hand of bonaparte be recognized, underlying and controlling previous changes and present conditions. after the battle of the nile, and up to a year before this, austria, russia, and great britain had been united in arms against france; and, in addition to the undisputed control of the sea by the british navy, they were pressing in overpowering numbers upon her eastern frontiers, from the north sea to the mediterranean. blunders of their own had arrested the full tide of success, and the return of bonaparte from egypt reversed the current. russia withdrew in anger, and austria, beaten upon field after field, in italy and germany, by bonaparte and moreau, had finally consented to peace after the disastrous defeat of hohenlinden, on the d of december, . great britain was left without an ally; and russia was added to the list of her active enemies by the skilful political manipulation of bonaparte, who played upon the impulses and weaknesses of the half-mad czar, releasing with distinguished marks of respect all russian prisoners, and offering the vain gift of malta, the french garrison of which was even then clutched by the throat in the iron grip of the british sea-power. the renewal of the armed neutrality was thus, primarily, the work of bonaparte. he alone had the keenness to see all the possibilities in favor of france that were to be found in the immense combination, and he alone possessed the skill and the power to touch the various chords, whose concert was necessary to its harmonious action. although it was true, as nelson said, that paul was the trunk of the many-limbed tree, it was yet more true that bonaparte's deft cajoling of the czar, and the inducements astutely suggested by him to prussia, were the vitalizing forces which animated the two principal parties in the coalition, in whose wake the weaker states were dragged. through the former he hoped to effect a combination of the baltic navies against the british; through the latter he looked to exclude great britain from her important commerce with the continent, which was carried on mainly by the ports of prussia, or by those of north germany, which she could control. thus, by the concerted and simultaneous action of direct weight of arms on the one hand, and of commercial embarrassment on the other, bonaparte hoped to overbear the power of his chief enemy; and here, as on other occasions, both before and after, nelson was at once the quickening spirit of the enterprise, and the direct agent of the blow, which brought down his plans, in ruins, about his ears. relaxing none of her efforts in other quarters of the world, great britain drew together, to confront the new danger, everything in the home waters that could float, till she had gathered a fleet of twenty sail-of-the-line, with smaller cruisers in due proportion. "under the present impending storm from the north of europe," wrote st. vincent, from his perch above the waters of torbay, "to enable us to meet such a host of foes, no ship under my command must have anything done to her at plymouth or portsmouth that can be done at this anchorage." "we are now arrived at that period," wrote nelson, "what we have often heard of, but must now execute--that of fighting for our dear country; and i trust that, although we may not be able to subdue our host of enemies, yet we may make them ashamed of themselves, and prove that they cannot injure us." "i have only to say," he wrote to earl spencer, who must have rejoiced to see the old spirit flaming again in undiminished vigor, "what you, my dear lord, are fully satisfied of, that the service of my king and country is the object nearest my heart; and that a first-rate, or sloop of war, is a matter of perfect indifference to your most faithful and obliged nelson." the "san josef" being considered too heavy a ship for the baltic service, nelson's flag was shifted on the th of february to the "st. george," a three-decker of lighter draft. hardy accompanied him as captain, and on the th nelson received orders to place himself under the command of sir hyde parker. a few days afterwards, the "st. george" went to spithead, where she received on board six hundred troops, under the command of colonel william stewart, to whom we owe the fullest and most interesting account of the expedition in general, and of the battle of copenhagen in particular, that has been transmitted by an eye-witness. the ship sailed again on the d of march for yarmouth, where she arrived on the th. the next day nelson went to call on the commander-in-chief, who was living on shore, his flag flying on board a vessel in the roads. "i remember," says colonel stewart, "that lord nelson regretted sir hyde being on shore. we breakfasted that morning as usual, soon after six o'clock, for we were always up before daylight. we went on shore, so as to be at sir hyde's door at eight o'clock, lord nelson choosing to be amusingly exact to that hour, which he considered as a very late one for business." at this, his first official visit, the commander-in-chief, it is said, scarcely noticed him, and nelson, as will be seen, complained freely of the treatment he at the beginning received. parker was now verging on old age, but he had recently married a young wife, who was in yarmouth with him, and the two had arranged to give a great ball on the th of march; altogether a bad combination for a military undertaking. nelson, who was in haste to get away,--chiefly because of his sound martial instinct that this was peculiarly a case for celerity, but partly, also, because of anxiety to get the thing over and done, and to return to his home comforts,--appears to have represented matters unofficially to the admiralty, a step for which his personal intimacy with st. vincent and troubridge afforded easy opportunity; and an express quickly arrived, ordering the fleet to sea at once.[ ] "the signal is made to prepare to unmoor at twelve o'clock," wrote nelson to troubridge on the th. "now we can have no desire for staying, for her ladyship is gone, and the _ball_ for friday knocked up by yours and the earl's unpoliteness, to send gentlemen to sea instead of dancing with white gloves. i will only say," he continues, "as yet i know not that we are even going to the baltic, except from the newspapers, and at sea i cannot go out of my ship but with serious inconvenience,"--owing to the loss of his arm. what was not told him before starting, therefore, could not be told by mouth till after arrival. it will be remembered that sir hyde parker had succeeded hotham in the chief command of the mediterranean, for a brief but critical month in ,[ ] and that nelson had then complained of his action as regards the general conduct of the campaign, and specifically for having reduced to the point of inefficiency the small squadron under nelson's own direction, upon which the most important issues hinged. possibly parker had heard this, possibly the notorious disregard of keith's orders a few months before influenced him to keep his renowned, but independent, subordinate at a distance in official matters. it was not well advised; though probably the great blunderers were the admiralty, in sending as second a man who had shown himself so exceptionally and uniquely capable of supreme command, and so apt to make trouble for mediocre superiors. if lord st. vincent's surmise was correct, parker, who was a very respectable officer, had been chosen for his present place because in possession of all the information acquired during the last preparation for a russian war; while nelson fancied that st. vincent himself, as commander of the channel fleet, had recommended him, in order to get rid of a second in command who did not carry out satisfactorily the methods of his superior. if that were so, the mistake recoiled upon his own head; for, while the appointment was made by earl spencer, st. vincent succeeded him as first lord before the expedition sailed, and the old seaman would much have preferred to see nelson at the helm. he was quite sure of the latter, he said, and should have been in no apprehension if he had been of rank to take the chief command; but he could not feel so sure about sir hyde, as he had never been tried. whatever the truth, lady malmesbury's comment after the event was indisputable: "i feel very sorry for sir hyde; but no wise man would ever have gone with nelson, or over him, as he was sure to be in the background in every case." "i declare solemnly," wrote nelson to davison four days after reporting, "that i do not know"--officially, of course--"that i am going to the baltic, and much worse than that i could tell you. sir hyde is on board sulky. stewart tells me, his treatment of me is now noticed. dickson came on board to-day to say all were scandalized at his gross neglect. burn this letter: then it can never appear, and you can speak as if your knowledge came from another quarter." that day the orders came from the admiralty to go to sea; and the next, march , the ships then present sailed,--fifteen ships-of-the-line and two fifties, besides frigates, sloops of war, brigs, cutters, fireships, and seven bomb-vessels,--for, if the danes were obstinate, copenhagen was to be bombarded. on the th of march nelson wrote both to davison and lady hamilton that he as yet knew nothing, except by common report. "sir hyde has not told me officially a thing. i am sorry enough to be sent on such an expedition, but nothing can, i trust, degrade, do what they will." his mind was in a condition to see the worst motives in what befell him. "i know, i see, that i am not to be supported in the way i ought, but the st. george is beginning to prepare this day for battle, and she shall be true to herself.... captain murray sees, as do every one, what is meant to disgrace me, but that is impossible. even the captain of the fleet [parker's chief of staff] sent me word that it was not his doing, for that sir hyde parker had run his pen through all that could do me credit, or give me support; but never mind, nelson will be first if he lives, and you shall partake of all his glory. so it shall be my study to distinguish myself, that your heart shall leap for joy when my name is mentioned."[ ] enough reached his ears to draw forth unqualified expressions of dissent from the plans proposed, and equally clear statements as to what should be done,--all stamped unmistakably with the "nelson touch," to use an apt phrase of his own. "reports say," he tells lady hamilton, "we are to anchor before we get to cronenburg castle, that our minister at copenhagen may negotiate. what nonsense! how much better could we negotiate was our fleet off copenhagen, and the danish minister would seriously reflect how he brought the fire of england on his master's fleet and capital; but to keep us out of sight is to seduce denmark into a war.... if they are the plans of ministers, they are weak in the extreme, and very different to what i understood from mr. pitt.[ ] if they originate with sir hyde, it makes him, in my mind, as--but never mind, your nelson's plans are bold and decisive--all on the great scale. i hate your pen and ink men; a fleet of british ships of war are the best negotiators in europe." while the greatness and decision of his character remain unimpaired, perhaps even heightened, it will be noticed that self-reliance, never in any man more justified, has tended to degenerate into boastfulness, and restlessness under displeasing orders to become suspicion of the motives prompting them. "they all hate me and treat me ill," he says, speaking of spencer's and st. vincent's administrations. "i cannot, my dear friend, recall to mind any one real act of kindness, but all of unkindness." it must, of course, be remembered that, while such expressions portray faithfully the working of the inner spirit, and serve, by contrast, to measure the nelson of against the nelson of , they were addressed to the most intimate of friends, and do not necessarily imply a corresponding bearing before the eyes of the world. an amusing story is told of a shrewd stratagem resorted to by nelson, on the passage to the baltic, to thaw the barrier of frigidity in his superior, which not only was unpleasant to him personally, as well as injurious to the interests of the state, but threatened also to prevent his due share in the planning and execution of the enterprise in hand, thus diminishing the glory he ever coveted. the narrator, lieutenant layman, was serving on board the "st. george," and happened to mention, in nelson's presence, that some years before he had seen caught a very fine turbot on the dogger bank, over which the fleet must pass on its way. "this being a mere casual remark, nothing more would have been thought of it, had not nelson, after showing great anxiety in his inquiries when they should be on the dogger bank, significantly said to mr. layman, 'do you think we could catch a turbot?' after a try or two, a small turbot was caught. lord nelson appeared delighted, and called out, 'send it to sir hyde.' something being said about the risk of sending a boat, from the great sea, lowering weather, and its being dark, his lordship said with much meaning, 'i know the chief is fond of good living, and he shall have the turbot.' that his lordship was right appeared by the result, as the boat returned with a note of compliment and thanks from parker. the turbot having opened a communication, the effect was wonderful. at merton mr. layman told lord nelson that a man eminent in the naval profession had said to him, 'do tell me how parker came to take the laurel from his own brow, and place it on nelson's?' 'what did you say?' asked nelson. 'that it was not a gift,' replied layman, 'as your lordship had gained the victory by a turbot.' 'a turbot!' 'yes, my lord, i well recollect your great desire to catch a turbot, and your astonishing many, by insisting upon its being immediately sent to sir hyde, who condescended to return a civil note; without which opening your lordship would not have been consulted in the cattegat, and without such intercourse your lordship would not have got the detached squadron; without which there would not have been any engagement, and consequently no victory.' lord nelson smilingly said, 'you are right.'"[ ] on the th of march the fleet was collected off the northern point of denmark, known as the skaw. from there the broad channel, called the kattegat, extends southward, between sweden and the northern part of the danish peninsula, until it reaches the large island of zealand, upon the eastern shore of which copenhagen lies. the two principal entrances into the baltic are on either side of zealand. the eastern one, separating it from sweden, is called the sound, that to the west is known as the great belt; each, from the military point of view, possessed its particular advantages and particular drawbacks. "we are slow in our motions as ever," wrote nelson, whose impatient and decided character would have used the fair wind that was blowing to enter the kattegat, and to proceed at once to copenhagen, "but i hope all for the best. i have not yet seen sir hyde, but i purpose going this morning; for no attention shall be wanting on my part." the next day he reports the result of the interview to his friend davison: "i staid an hour, and ground out something, but there was not that degree of openness which i should have shown to my second in command." the fleet advanced deliberately, a frigate being sent ahead to land the british envoy, mr. vansittart, whose instructions were that only forty-eight hours were to be allowed the danes to accept the demands of great britain, and to withdraw from the coalition. the slowness here, like every other delay, chafed nelson, whose wish from the beginning was to proceed at the utmost speed, not merely from the skaw, but from england, with whatever ships could be collected; for he reasoned perfectly accurately upon the safe general principle that delay favors the defence more than the offence. "i only now long to be gone," he wrote before leaving yarmouth; "time is precious, and every hour makes more resistance; strike quick, and home." it was particularly true in this case, for denmark, long used to peace, had not thought war possible, and every day was precious to her in restoring and increasing the neglected protection of copenhagen. on the evening of march the fleet anchored in the kattegat, eighteen miles from cronenburg castle and the town of elsinore, at which the sound narrows to three miles. both shores being hostile, parker would not attempt to force the passage until he learned the result of the british mission to copenhagen; meanwhile the danes were working busily at the blockships and batteries of the city. on the d mr. vansittart returned with the terms rejected; and he brought, also, alarming reports of the state of the batteries at elsinore and copenhagen, which were much stronger than the previous information of the british cabinet had shown, proving, as nelson urged, that each day's delay increased the enemy's relative power. sir hyde called a council. "now we are sure of fighting," wrote nelson to lady hamilton. "i am sent for. when it was a joke i was kept in the background; to-morrow will i hope be a proud day for england--to have it so, no exertion shall be wanting from your most attached and affectionate friend." he was accompanied to parker's flagship by lieutenant layman, who went in the boat to steer for him. "on board the london," according to layman, "the heads appeared very gloomy. mr. vansittart, who arrived at the same moment nelson did, said that if the fleet proceeded to attack, it would be beaten, and the attempt was in danger of being relinquished. the captain of the fleet said to layman that the danes were too strong to attack, and a torpor verging to despondency prevailed in the councils. while others were dismayed, however, lord nelson questioned those just arrived from copenhagen not only as to the force, but as to the position of the enemy. such interrogatories he called 'bringing people to the post.' having learned that the great strength of the enemy was at the head of the line, supported by the crown battery, his lordship emphatically observed that to begin the attack there would be like taking a bull by the horns, and he therefore suggested the attempt by the tail."[ ] in order to avoid the formidable works at cronenburg, and yet come up in rear of copenhagen, according to this proposition of nelson's, it was proposed in the council to go by the great belt. that passage is more intricate, and therefore, from the pilot's point of view, more hazardous than the sound. nelson was not much deterred by the alarming reports. "go by the sound, or by the belt, or anyhow," he said, "only lose not an hour." the minutes of the council have not been transmitted, but it is evident from nelson's own letter of the following day, soon to be quoted in full, and also from one written to him by mr. vansittart, after the latter reached london, that he urged upon parker, and prevailed with him, to throw aside the instructions of the government, under the changed conditions, and to adopt boldly the plan which, according to his present knowledge, should seem most certain to crush denmark at once. after that, he would shatter the coalition by immediate steps against russia. only such a bold spirit, with the prestige of a nelson, can dominate a council of war, or extort decisive action from a commander-in-chief who calls one. "the difficulty," wrote nelson some time afterwards, "was to get our commander-in-chief to either go past cronenburg or through the belt [that is, by any passage], because, what sir hyde thought best, and what i believe was settled before i came on board the london, was to stay in the cattegat, and there wait the time when the whole naval force of the baltic might choose to come out and fight--a measure, in my opinion, disgraceful to our country. i wanted to get at an enemy as soon as possible to strike a _home_ stroke, and paul was the enemy most vulnerable, and of the greatest consequence for us to humble." so pressing, daring, and outspoken were his counsels, so freely did he now, as at former times, advocate setting aside the orders of distant superiors, that he thought advisable to ask vansittart, who was to sail immediately for england, to explain to the admiralty all the conditions and reasons, which vansittart did. st. vincent, as first lord, gave unhesitating approval to what his former lieutenant had advised. nelson's understanding of the situation was, in truth, acute, profound, and decisive. in the northern combination against great britain, paul was the trunk, denmark and sweden the branches. could he get at the trunk and hew it down, the branches fell with it; but should time and strength first be spent lopping off the branches, the trunk would remain, and "my power must be weaker when its greatest strength is required." as things then were, the russian navy was divided, part being in cronstadt, and a large fraction, twelve ships-of-the-line, in revel, an advanced and exposed port, where it was detained fettered by the winter's ice. get at that and smite it, and the russian navy is disabled; all falls together. this would be his own course, if independent. as parker, however, was obstinately resolved not to leave denmark hostile in his rear, nelson had to bend to the will of his superior. he did so, without forsaking his own purpose. as in the diverse objects of his care in the mediterranean, where he could not compel, he sought diligently to compass his object by persuasion, by clear and full explanation of his lofty views, by stirring appeals to duty and opportunity, striving to impart to another his own insight, and to arouse in him his own single-minded and dauntless activity. conceding, perforce, that denmark was not to be left hostile in the rear,--although he indicates that this object might be attained by masking her power with a detachment, while the main effort was immediately directed against revel,--his suggestions to parker for reducing denmark speedily are dominated by the same conception. strategic and tactical considerations unite to dictate, that the fleet, whether it go by the sound or the belt, must quickly reach and hold a position beyond--and therefore in the rear of--copenhagen. there it interposed between denmark and russia; from there it approached copenhagen where its defences were weakest. this comprehensive exposition went, with nelson's customary directness, straight to the root of the matter. next day, after returning to his own ship, nelson drew up the following paper, which is at once so characteristic of his temperament and genius, and so lucid and masterly a review of the political and military conditions, that, contrary to the author's usual practice, it is given entire. being devoted to a single subject, and inspired by the spirit of the writer when in a state of more than usual exaltation, it possesses a unity of purpose and demonstration, necessarily absent from most of his letters, in which many and diverse matters have to be treated. th march, . my dear sir hyde,--the conversation we had yesterday has naturally, from its importance, been the subject of my thoughts; and the more i have reflected, the more i am confirmed in opinion, that not a moment should be lost in attacking the enemy: they will every day and hour be stronger; we never shall be so good a match for them as at this moment. the only consideration in my mind is, how to get at them with the least risk to our ships. by mr. vansittart's account, the danes have taken every means in their power to prevent our getting to attack copenhagen by the passage of the sound. cronenburg has been strengthened, the crown islands fortified, on the outermost of which are twenty guns, pointing mostly downwards, and only eight hundred yards from very formidable batteries placed under the citadel, supported by five sail of the line, seven floating batteries of fifty guns each, besides small-craft, gun-boats, &c. &c.; and that the revel squadron of twelve or fourteen sail of the line are soon expected, as also five sail of swedes. it would appear by what you have told me of your instructions, that government took for granted you would find no difficulty in getting off copenhagen, and in the event of a failure of negotiation, you might instantly attack; and that there would be scarcely a doubt but the danish fleet would be destroyed, and the capital made so hot that denmark would listen to reason and its true interest. by mr. vansittart's account, their state of preparation exceeds what he conceives our government thought possible, and that the danish government is hostile to us in the greatest possible degree. therefore here you are, with almost the safety, certainly with the honour of england more intrusted to you, than ever yet fell to the lot of any british officer. on your decision depends, whether our country shall be degraded in the eyes of europe, or whether she shall rear her head higher than ever; again do i repeat, never did our country depend so much on the success of any fleet as on this. how best to honour our country and abate the pride of her enemies, by defeating their schemes, must be the subject of your deepest consideration as commander-in-chief; and if what i have to offer can be the least useful in forming your decision, you are most heartily welcome. i shall begin with supposing you are determined to enter by the passage of the sound, as there are those who think, if you leave that passage open, that the danish fleet may sail from copenhagen, and join the dutch or french. i own i have no fears on that subject; for it is not likely that whilst their capital is menaced with an attack, , of her best men should be sent out of the kingdom. i suppose that some damage may arise amongst our masts and yards; yet perhaps there will not be one of them but could be made serviceable again. you are now about cronenburg: if the wind be fair, and you determine to attack the ships and crown islands, you must expect the natural issue of such a battle--ships crippled, and perhaps one or two lost; for the wind which carries you in, will most probably not bring out a crippled ship. this mode i call taking the bull by the horns. it, however, will not prevent the revel ships, or swedes, from joining the danes; and to prevent this from taking effect, is, in my humble opinion, a measure absolutely necessary--and still to attack copenhagen. two modes are in my view; one to pass cronenburg, taking the risk of damage, and to pass up[ ] the deepest and straightest channel above the middle grounds; and coming down the garbar or king's channel, to attack their floating batteries, &c. &c, as we find it convenient. it must have the effect of preventing a junction between the russians, swedes, and danes, and may give us an opportunity of bombarding copenhagen. i am also pretty certain that a passage could be found to the northward of southolm for all our ships; perhaps it might be necessary to warp a short distance in the very narrow part. should this mode of attack be ineligible, the passage of the belt, i have no doubt, would be accomplished in four or five days, and then the attack by draco could be carried into effect, and the junction of the russians prevented, with every probability of success against the danish floating batteries. what effect a bombardment might have, i am not called upon to give an opinion; but think the way would be cleared for the trial. supposing us through the belt with the wind first westerly, would it not be possible to either go with the fleet, or detach ten ships of three and two decks, with one bomb and two fire-ships, to revel, to destroy the russian squadron at that place? i do not see the great risk of such a detachment, and with the remainder to attempt the business at copenhagen. the measure may be thought bold, but i am of opinion the boldest measures are the safest; and our country demands a most vigorous exertion of her force, directed with judgment. in supporting you, my dear sir hyde, through the arduous and important task you have undertaken, no exertion of head or heart shall be wanting from your most obedient and faithful servant, nelson and bronte. on the th the wind was too strong to allow the ships to lift their anchors. on the th the fleet weighed, and proceeded for a few hours in the direction of the great belt, which parker had decided to follow. captain otway of the "london," sir hyde's flagship, chanced to have local knowledge of that passage, which had not come before the council, because he was not a member. when he ascertained the intention, he explained the difficulties and risks to the admiral, upon which the latter concluded that the batteries of cronenburg and elsinore presented fewer dangers. he accordingly directed the fleet to return toward the sound, and sent otway to tell nelson he should take that route. "i don't care a d--n by which passage we go," replied the latter, "so that we fight them." "sir hyde parker," he wrote the same day to lady hamilton, "has by this time found out the worth of your nelson, and that he is a useful sort of man on a pinch; therefore, if he ever has thought unkindly of me, i freely forgive him. nelson must stand among the first, or he must fall." side by side with such expressions of dauntless resolve and unfailing self-confidence stand words of deepest tenderness, their union under one cover typifying aptly the twin emotions of heroic aspiration and passionate devotion, which at this time held within him alternate, yet not conflicting, sway. in the same letter he tells her fondly, "you know i am more bigoted to your picture--the faithful representation of you i have with me--than ever a neapolitan was to st. januarius, and look upon you as my guardian angel, and god, i trust, will make you so to me. his will be done." from the time of leaving he wrote to her practically every day. "mr. s. is quite right," he says to her on one occasion, "that through the medium of your influence is the surest way to get my interest. it is true, and it will ever be, whilst you hold your present conduct, for you never ask anything that does not do honour to your feelings, as the best woman, as far as my knowledge goes, that ever lived, and it must do me honour the complying with them." the fleet anchored again on the evening of the th of march, six miles from cronenburg, and was there detained three days by head winds and calms. in this interval, nelson's general plan of operations having been adopted, he shifted his flag to a lighter ship, the "elephant," seventy-four, commanded by captain foley, the same who had led the fleet inside the french line in aboukir bay. on the th, the wind coming fair from northwest, the ships weighed and passed cronenburg castle. it had been expected that the swedish batteries would open upon them, but, finding they remained silent, the column inclined to that side, thus going clear of the danish guns. "more powder and shot, i believe, never were thrown away," wrote nelson, "for not one shot struck a single ship of the british fleet. some of our ships fired; but the elephant did not return a single shot. i hope to reserve them for a better occasion." that afternoon they anchored again, about five miles below copenhagen. parker and nelson, accompanied by several senior officers, went at once in a schooner to view the defences of the town. "we soon perceived," wrote stewart, "that our delay had been of important advantage to the enemy, who had lined the northern edge of the shoals near the crown batteries, and the front of the harbour and arsenal, with a formidable flotilla. the trekroner (three crowns) battery"--a strong work established on piles, whose position will be given--"appeared, in particular, to have been strengthened, and all the buoys of the northern, and of the king's channels had been removed." nelson, however, was, or feigned to be, less impressed. "i have just been reconnoitring the danish line of defence," he wrote to lady hamilton. "it looks formidable to those who are children at war, but to my judgment, with ten sail-of-the-line i think i can annihilate them; at all events, i hope to be allowed to try." this is again the same spirit of the seaman "determined to attack" at aboukir; the same resolution as before bastia, where he kept shut in his own breast the knowledge of the odds, feeling that to do nothing was as bad as failure--and worse. a like eagerness does not seem to have prevailed on board the flagship. parker had allowed himself to be stiffened to the fighting-point by the junior he had before disregarded, but that he looked to the issue with more than doubt may be inferred from the words of his private secretary, the rev. mr. scott, who afterwards held the same relation to nelson. "i fear," he wrote on the day of the council, "there is a great deal of quixotism in this business; there is no getting any positive information of their strength." nelson's general plan of attack is set forth in main outlines in the letter already given, but it is desirable to give a somewhat more detailed description. it will be seen, by the annexed chart, that there are before copenhagen two channels by which the city can be passed. between the two lies a shoal, called the middle ground. the inner, known as the king's channel, lay under the guns of the defences which had been hurriedly improvised for the present emergency. these consisted of a line of hulks, mostly mastless, ranged along the inner side of the king's channel, close to the flats which bordered it, flanked at the northern end by the permanent work, called the trekroner[ ] battery. westward of the latter lay, across the mouth of the harbor proper, two more hulks, and a small squadron consisting of two ships-of-the-line and a frigate, masted, and in commission. this division was not seriously engaged, and, as a factor in the battle, may be disregarded. the northern part of this defence was decisively the stronger. to attack there, nelson called "taking the bull by the horns." the southern wing was much more exposed. nor was this all. an advance from the north must be made with a northerly wind. if unsuccessful, or even, in case of success, if ships were badly crippled, they could not return to the north, where the fleet was. on the other hand, attack from the south presupposed a southerly wind, with which, after an action, the engaged ships could rejoin the fleet, if they threaded safely the difficult navigation. in any event there was risk, but none knew better than nelson that without risks war is not made. to the considerations above given he added that, when south of the city, the british would be interposed between the other baltic navies and denmark. the latter, in that case, could not receive reinforcements, unless the english squadron were first defeated. he therefore proposed that ten ships-of-the-line, of the lighter draughts, which he offered himself to lead, should pass through the outer, or northern channel, gain the southern flank of the defence, and thence make the principal attack, while the rest of the fleet supported them by a demonstration against the northern end. the sagacity of this scheme is best attested from the enemy himself. "we have been deceived in the plan of attack," wrote the historian niebuhr, then residing in the city; "and," now that the right wing of the defence is destroyed, "all is at stake." the nights of the th and st were employed in surveying the waters, laying down buoys to replace those removed by the danes, and in further reconnoissance of the enemy's position. the artillery officers who were to supervise the bombardment satisfied themselves that, if the floating defences south of the trekroner were destroyed, the bomb-vessels could be placed in such a position as to shell the city, without being themselves exposed to undue peril. parker gave nelson twelve ships-of-the-line, two more than he had asked; a judicious addition, for the main part of the fighting was to fall to him, and the difficulties of pilotage might, and actually did, deprive him of several ships. moreover, while it was proposed that the vessels remaining with parker should approach and engage the northern defences, yet the time of attack depended upon a fair wind for nelson; and as that would necessarily be foul for the other body, the diversion made by it might be, and proved to be, ineffective. sound judgment dictated giving nelson all that could be spared. on the afternoon of the st another council was held, in which nelson's plan was finally ratified; he again volunteered his services, which were accepted and his force detailed. as usual, the council was prolific in suggestions of danger. stewart, who seems to have been present, writes: "during this council of war, the energy of lord nelson's character was remarked: certain difficulties had been started by some of the members, relative to each of the three powers we should either have to engage, in succession or united, in those seas. the number of the russians was, in particular, represented as formidable. lord nelson kept pacing the cabin, mortified at everything that savoured either of alarm or irresolution. when the above remark was applied to the swedes, he sharply observed, 'the more numerous the better;' and when to the russians, he repeatedly said, 'so much the better, i wish they were twice as many, the easier the victory, depend on it.' he alluded, as he afterwards explained in private, to the total want of tactique among the northern fleets; and to his intention, whenever he should bring either the swedes or russians to action, of attacking the head of their line, and confusing their movements as much as possible. he used to say, 'close with a frenchman, but out-manoeuvre a russian.'" nelson gave personal supervision to the general work of buoying the northern channel. on the morning of april st he made a final examination of the ground in the frigate "amazon," commanded by captain riou, who fell in the next day's battle. returning at about one in the afternoon, he signalled his division to weigh, and, the wind favoring, the whole passed without accident, the "amazon" leading. by nightfall they were again anchored, south of the middle ground, not over two miles from that end of the danish line. as the anchor dropped, nelson called out emphatically, "i will fight them the moment i have a fair wind." as there were in all thirty-three ships of war, they were crowded together, and, being within shelling distance of the mortars on amag island, might have received much harm; but the danes were too preoccupied with their yet incomplete defences to note that the few shells thrown dropped among their enemies. "on board the elephant," writes stewart, who with his soldiers had followed nelson from the "st. george," "the night of the st of april was an important one. as soon as the fleet was at anchor, the gallant nelson sat down to table with a large party of his comrades in arms. he was in the highest spirits, and drank to a leading wind and to the success of the ensuing day. captains foley, hardy, freemantle, riou, inman, admiral graves, his lordship's second in command, and a few others to whom he was particularly attached, were of this interesting party; from which every man separated with feelings of admiration for their great leader, and with anxious impatience to follow him to the approaching battle. the signal to prepare for action had been made early in the evening. all the captains retired to their respective ships, riou excepted, who with lord nelson and foley arranged the order of battle, and those instructions that were to be issued to each ship on the succeeding day. these three officers retired between nine and ten to the after-cabin, and drew up those orders that have been generally published, and which ought to be referred to as the best proof of the arduous nature of the enterprise in which the fleet was about to be engaged. "from the previous fatigue of this day, and of the two preceding, lord nelson was so much exhausted while dictating his instructions, that it was recommended to him by us all, and, indeed, insisted upon by his old servant, allen, who assumed much command on these occasions, that he should go to his cot. it was placed on the floor, but from it he still continued to dictate. captain hardy returned about eleven. he had rowed as far as the leading ship of the enemy; sounding round her, and using a pole when he was apprehensive of being heard. he reported the practicability of the channel, and the depth of water up to the ships of the enemy's line. had we abided by this report, in lieu of confiding in our masters and pilots, we should have acted better. the orders were completed about one o'clock, when half a dozen clerks in the foremost cabin proceeded to transcribe them. lord nelson's impatience again showed itself; for instead of sleeping undisturbedly, as he might have done, he was every half hour calling from his cot to these clerks to hasten their work, for that the wind was becoming fair: he was constantly receiving a report of this during the night." it was characteristic of the fortune of the "heaven-born" admiral, that the wind which had been fair the day before to take him south, changed by the hour of battle to fair to take him north; but it is only just to notice also that he himself never trifled with a fair wind, nor with time. the orders for battle, the process of framing which stewart narrates, have been preserved in full;[ ] but they require a little study and analysis to detect nelson's thought, and their tactical merit, which in matters of detail is unique among his works. at the nile and trafalgar he contented himself with general plans, to meet cases which he could only foresee in broad outlines; the method of application he reserved to the moment of battle, when again he signified the general direction of the attack, and left the details to his subordinates. here at copenhagen he had been able to study the hostile dispositions. consequently, although he could not mark with precision the situations of the smaller floating batteries, those of the principal blockships were known, and upon that knowledge lie based very particular instructions for the position each ship-of-the-line was to occupy. the smaller british vessels also had specific orders. taking the trekroner as a point of reference for the danish order, there were north of it, on the danish left flank, two blockships. south of it were seven blockships, with a number of miscellaneous floating batteries, which raised that wing of the defence to eighteen--the grand total being therefore twenty. this was also nelson's count, except that he put one small vessel on the north wing, reducing the southern to seventeen--an immaterial difference. south of the trekroner, the danes had disposed their seven blockships--which were mastless ships-of-the-line--as follows. two were on the right flank, supporting each other, two on the left, the three others spaced between these extremes; the distance from the trekroner to the southernmost ship being about a mile and a half. the intervals were filled with the floating batteries. it will be recognized that the danes treated this southern wing as an entity by itself, of which they strengthened the flanks, relying for the protection of the centre upon the nearness to shoal water, which would prevent the line being pierced. as thus described, the southern wing covered the front of the city against bombardment. the two northern blockships and the trekroner did not conduce materially to that; they protected chiefly the entrance of the harbor. it was therefore only necessary to reduce the southern wing; but nelson preferred to engage at once the whole line of vessels and the trekroner. it is difficult entirely to approve this refusal to concentrate upon a part of the enemy's order,--an advantage to which nelson was fully alive,--but it was probably due to underestimating the value of the danish gunnery, knowing as he did how long they had been at peace. he may, also, have hoped something from parker's division. be this as it may, he spread his ships-of-the-line, in the arrangement he prescribed, from one end to the other of the enemy's order. having done this, however, he adopted measures well calculated to crush the southern flank speedily, and then to accumulate superior numbers on the northern. the british were arranged in a column of attack, and the directions were that the three leading ships should pass along the hostile line, engaging as they went, until the headmost reached the fifth dane, a blockship inferior to itself, abreast which it was to anchor by the stern, as all the british ships were to do. numbers two and three were then to pass number one, and anchor successively ahead of her, supporting her there against the other enemy's batteries, while four and five were to anchor astern of her, engaging the two flank blockships, which would have received already the full broadsides of the three leading vessels. nelson hoped that the two southern danes, by this concentration of fire upon them, would be speedily silenced; and their immediate antagonists had orders, when that was done, to cut their cables and go north, to reinforce the fight in that quarter. the sooner to attain this end, a frigate and some smaller vessels were told off to take position across the bows of the two blockships, and to keep a raking fire upon them. the dispositions for the other british vessels were more simple. they were to follow along the outer side of their own engaged ships, each one anchoring as it cleared the headmost ship already in action,--number six ahead of number five, number seven of number six,--so that the twelfth would be abreast the twentieth dane. one ship-of-the-line was of course thought equivalent to two or three floating batteries, if opposed to them in an interval. by this arrangement, each of the british was covered in its advance, until it reached its prescribed antagonist as nearly fresh as possible, and the order of the british column was reversed from end to end.[ ] a division of frigates and fireships, under captain riou, was held ready for any special service. the bomb-vessels were to anchor in the king's channel, but well outside the line of battle, from which position they threw some bombs. alongside each ship-of-the-line was towed a flat-boat, intended to carry soldiers in an attempt to storm the trekroner, if circumstances favored; and other boats were sent for that purpose from parker's division. these orders were copied, and ready for distribution, by six in the morning. nelson, who was already up and had breakfasted, signalled at seven for all captains, and by eight these had their instructions. the wind had become so fair that ships anchoring by the stern would lie perfectly well for using their broadsides at once. at this instant indecision appeared among the pilots, who were mostly men of only a little local experience, and that gained in vessels much smaller than those they were now to conduct. nelson, reverting afterwards to these moments, said: "i experienced in the sound the misery of having the honour of our country intrusted to pilots, who have no other thought than to keep the ship clear of danger, and their own silly heads clear of shot. at eight in the morning of the d of april, not one pilot would take charge of a ship." there is in these words scarcely fair allowance for the men's ignorance. at length one of the masters of the fleet, a mr. brierley, undertook to lead the column, and the signal to weigh in succession was made. the leading ship got off handsomely, but difficulties soon arose. nelson's old "agamemnon" was so anchored that she could not weather the middle ground; she consequently did not get into action at all. two other ships, the "bellona" and "russell," seventy-fours, grounded on the east side of the middle ground, where they remained fast. although they could use their guns, and did use them against those southern ships which nelson particularly wanted crushed, the disadvantages of distance, of position, and of general helplessness, detracted exceedingly from their usefulness. the valid british force was thus reduced by one-fourth,--to nine vessels. nelson's ship, the "elephant," was following the "bellona" and "russell," and he saw them ground. "his agitation during these moments was extreme," says an eye-witness. "i shall never forget the impression it made on me. it was not, however, the agitation of indecision, but of ardent, animated patriotism panting for glory, which had appeared within his reach, and was vanishing from his grasp." he doubtless well knew the thinly veiled reproaches of rashness, cast by timid counsels upon the daring, which even under these disadvantages was to cover with confusion their prophecies of disaster; but, as on many another day, and in that more famous incident, a few hours later, in this same battle, his tenacious purpose harbored no side-thought of retreat. "before you receive this," he had written to lady hamilton, "all will be over with denmark,--either your nelson will be safe, and sir hyde parker a victor, or he, your own nelson, will be laid low." the signal to advance was kept flying, but new dispositions had to be made to meet the new and adverse conditions.[ ] the remaining ships were made to close to the rear, as they anchored. the "elephant" had been originally assigned as antagonist to the biggest danish ship, the "sjaelland," seventy-four; but, the "bellona" having grounded, she now dropped into the latter's berth immediately ahead of the "glatton;" and nelson hailed the "ganges," as she was passing, to place herself as close as possible ahead of the "elephant." this movement was imitated by the "monarch," which thus got the "elephant's" position abreast the "sjaelland." here, according to danish accounts, the contest stood for some time, until the "defiance," graves's flagship, arriving, anchored ahead of the "monarch," completing the line of nine british ships. captain riou with his light division engaged the trekroner, and the danish blockship next south of it, which was by him terribly battered. from this moment, and for some time, to use subsequent words of nelson, "here was no manoeuvring: it was downright fighting." meanwhile parker's division, which had weighed as agreed, was some four miles off, beating up against nelson's fair wind. it had not yet come into action, and the anxious chief, ever doubtful of the result of a step into which he had been persuaded, contrary, not, perhaps, to his will, but certainly to his bent, watched the indecisive progress of the strife with a mind unoccupied by any fighting of his own. two things were evident: that nelson had met with some mishaps, and that the danish resistance was more prolonged and sturdier than he had argued in the council that it would be. parker began to talk about making the signal to leave off action, and the matter was discussed between himself, his fleet-captain, and otway, the captain of the ship. the latter opposed the idea strongly, and at last, as a stay, obtained the admiral's authority to go on board the "elephant" and learn how things were. he shoved off accordingly, but before he reached nelson the signal was made. nelson at the moment was walking the quarter-deck of the "elephant," which was anchored on the bow of the danish flagship "dannebroge," engaging her and some floating batteries ahead of her. at this time, stewart says, "few, if any, of the enemy's heavy ships and praams had ceased to fire;" and, after mentioning various disappointments that had befallen the smaller british vessels, besides the failure of three heavy ships to reach their stations, he continues: "the contest, in general, although from the relaxed state of the enemy's fire, it might not have given much room for apprehension as to the result, had certainly not declared itself in favour of either side. nelson was sometimes much animated, and at others heroically fine in his observations. a shot through the mainmast knocked a few splinters about us. he observed to me, with a smile, 'it is warm work, and this day may be the last to any of us at a moment;' and then, stopping short at the gangway, he used an expression never to be erased from my memory, and said with emotion, 'but mark you, i would not be elsewhere for thousands.' "when the signal, no. , was made, the signal lieutenant reported it to him. he continued his walk, and did not appear to take notice of it. the lieutenant meeting his lordship at the next turn asked, 'whether he should repeat it?' lord nelson answered, 'no, acknowledge it.'[ ] on the officer returning to the poop, his lordship called after him, 'is no. [for close action] still hoisted?' the lieutenant answering in the affirmative, lord nelson said, 'mind you keep it so.' he now walked the deck considerably agitated, which was always known by his moving the stump of his right arm. after a turn or two, he said to me, in a quick manner, 'do you know what's shown on board the commander-in-chief, no. ?' on asking him what that meant, he answered, 'why, to leave off action.' 'leave off action!' he repeated, and then added, with a shrug, 'now damn me if i do.' he also observed, i believe, to captain foley, 'you know, foley, i have only one eye--i have a right to be blind sometimes;' and then with an archness peculiar to his character, putting the glass to his blind eye, he exclaimed, 'i really do not see the signal.' this remarkable signal was, therefore, only acknowledged on board the elephant, not repeated. admiral graves did the latter, not being able to distinguish the elephant's conduct: either by a fortunate accident, or intentionally, no. was not displaced. "the squadron of frigates obeyed the signal, and hauled off. that brave officer, captain riou, was killed by a raking shot, when the amazon showed her stern to the trekroner. he was sitting on a gun, was encouraging his men, and had been wounded in the head by a splinter. he had expressed himself grieved at being thus obliged to retreat, and nobly observed, 'what will nelson think of us?' his clerk was killed by his side; and by another shot, several of the marines, while hauling on the main-brace, shared the same fate. riou then exclaimed, 'come then, my boys, let us all die together!' the words were scarcely uttered, when the fatal shot severed him in two. thus, and in an instant, was the british service deprived of one of its greatest ornaments, and society of a character of singular worth, resembling the heroes of romance." fortunately for the british, not a ship-of-the-line budged. graves had indeed transmitted the order by repeating it, but as he kept that for close action also flying, and did not move himself, the line remained entire throughout a period when the departure of a single ship would have ruined all, and probably caused its own destruction. this incident of refusing to see the signal has become as hackneyed as a popular ballad, and in its superficial aspect, showing nelson as the mere fighting man, who, like a plucky dog, could not be dragged off his antagonist, might well now have been dismissed with the shortest and most summary mention. of late years doubt has been cast over the reality of nelson's disobedience, for the reason that otway, whose mission has already been noted, carried a verbal message that the order was to be understood as permissive, leaving nelson the liberty to obey or not. from otway's biography, however, it appears that the signal was hoisted before he reached the "elephant." parker's secretary, mr. scott, has also stated distinctly, that "it was arranged between the admirals, that, should it appear the ships which were engaged were suffering too severely, the signal for retreat would be made, to give lord nelson the option of retiring, if he thought fit."[ ] on the other hand, without affirming positively, it should be said that nelson's own impressions do not seem to have agreed with scott's. not only did he say, some hours after the fight, "well, i have fought contrary to orders, and i shall perhaps be hanged; never mind, let them,"--which might pass as a continuation of the quarter-deck drama, if such it was,--but his account of the matter to lord minto is not consistent with any clear understanding, on his part, that he had such liberty of action. nearly a year later, in march, , minto writes: "lord nelson explained to me a little, on saturday last, the sort of blame which had been imputed to sir hyde parker for copenhagen; in the first place, for not commanding the attack in person, and in the next place for making signals to recall the fleet during the action; and everything would have been lost if these signals had been obeyed." if nelson understood that the signal was to be construed as permissive only, it was extremely ungenerous, and most unlike nelson, to have withheld an explanation which extenuated, if it did not excuse, one of the most dangerous and ill-judged orders that ever was conveyed by flags; nor is it probable that parker, if the understanding had been explicit, would not have insisted with the admiralty upon the fact, when he was smarting under the general censure, which had led to talk of an inquiry. it seems, also, unlikely that nelson, having such a contingency in view, would have failed to give explicit instructions that his ships should not withdraw (as riou's frigates did) unless he repeated; nor is it easy to reconcile the agitation noted by stewart with a previous arrangement of the kind asserted. what parker said was, probably, simply one of those by-remarks, with which an apprehensive man consoles himself that he reserves a chance to change his mind. such provision rarely entered nelson's head when embarking upon an enterprise in which "do or die" was the only order for success. the man who went into the copenhagen fight with an eye upon withdrawing from action would have been beaten before he began. it is upon the clear perception of this truth, and his tenacious grip of it, that the vast merit of nelson in this incident depends, and not upon the disobedience; though never was disobedience more justified, more imperative, more glorious. to retire, with crippled ships and mangled crews, through difficult channels, under the guns of the half-beaten foe, who would renew his strength when he saw the movement, would be to court destruction,--to convert probable victory into certain, and perhaps overwhelming, disaster. it was not, however, only in superiority of judgment or of fighting quality that nelson in this one act towered like a giant above his superior; it was in that supreme moral characteristic which enabled him to shut his eyes to the perils and doubts surrounding the only path by which he could achieve success, and save his command from a defeat verging on annihilation. the pantomime of putting the glass to his blind eye was, however unintentionally, a profound allegory. there is a time to be blind as well as a time to see. and if in it there was a little bit of conscious drama, it was one of those touches that not only provoke the plaudits of the spectators, but stir and raise their hearts, giving them both an example of heroic steadfastness, and also the assurance that there is one standing by upon whom their confidence can repose to the bitter end,--no small thing in the hour of hard and doubtful battle. it had its counterpart in the rebuke addressed by him on this very occasion to a lieutenant, who uttered some desponding words on the same quarter-deck: "at such a moment, the delivery of a desponding opinion, unasked, was highly reprehensible, and deserved much more censure than captain foley gave you." at two o'clock, an hour after the signal was made, the resistance of the danes had perceptibly slackened; the greater part of their line, stewart says, had ceased to reply. the flagship "dannebroge" had been on fire as early as half-past eleven, and the commander-in-chief, commodore fischer, had felt necessary to shift his broad pendant to the "holstein," the second ship from the north flank. the "dannebroge" continued to fight bravely, losing two hundred and seventy killed and wounded out of a total of three hundred and thirty-six, but at length she was driven out of the line in flames, and grounded near the trekroner, where she blew up after the action. the "sjaelland," seventy-four, next north of her, was likewise carried out of the line by her cables being cut; while the "holstein," and the northernmost ship of all, the "indfödsretten," were so shattered, the latter mainly by riou's frigates, that fischer again shifted his flag, this time to the trekroner. the two southern flank ships, upon whom the most concentrated attack was made, had also met with tremendous losses. their flags were shot away many times, till at the last, by a danish account, no one had time to raise them again, whence the impression arose amongst the british that these vessels, as well as some others, fought after having surrendered. this incident, occurring in several cases, was the immediate cause of nelson's taking a step which both then and since has been blamed as an unjustifiable stratagem. so much of the danish fire south of the trekroner had ceased, that that wing could be looked upon as subdued; some vessels were helpless, some had their flags down. between himself and the trekroner, nelson alleged, there was a group of four danes, unresisting and unmanageable, across and through which the battery was firing, and the british replying. ships which had struck repelled boats sent to board them, and the batteries on amag island also fired upon those boats, and over the surrendered danes. that there was some ground for the complaints made by him appears from the danish admission just quoted, as well as from several british statements; stewart's being explicit. nelson accordingly sent a message ashore, under a flag of truce, to the crown prince, who was in general command, saying that if he were not allowed to take possession of his prizes, he would have to burn them. the message ran:-- to the brothers of englishmen, the danes. lord nelson has directions to spare denmark, when no longer resisting; but if the firing is continued on the part of denmark, lord nelson will be obliged to set on fire all the floating batteries he has taken, without having the power of saving the brave danes who have defended them. nelson and bronte. it was in the preparation and despatch of this note that nelson gave another illustration, often quoted, of his cool consideration of all the circumstances surrounding him, and of the politic regard to effect which he ever observed in his official intercourse with men. it was written by his own hand, a secretary copying as he wrote. when finished, the original was put into an envelope, which the secretary was about to seal with a wafer; but this nelson would not permit, directing that taper and wax should be brought. the man sent was killed before he could return. when this was reported to the admiral, his only reply was, "send another messenger;" and he waited until the wax came, and then saw that particular care was exercised to make a full and perfect impression of the seal, which bore his own arms. stewart said to him, "may i take the liberty of asking why, under so hot a fire, and after so lamentable an accident, you have attached so much importance to a circumstance apparently so trifling?" nelson replied, "had i made use of the wafer, it would still have been wet when presented to the crown prince; he would have inferred that the letter was sent off in a hurry, and that we had some very pressing reasons for being in a hurry. the wax told no tales." a flag of truce in a boat asks no cessation of hostilities, except so far as the boat itself is concerned. as for the message sent, it simply insisted that the danes should cease firing; failing which, nelson would resort to the perfectly regular, warlike measure of burning their ships. as the ships were beaten, this might not be humane; but between it and leaving them under the guns of both parties, the question of humanity was only one of degree. if nelson could extort from the danes a cessation of hostilities by such a threat, he had a perfect right to do it, and his claim that what he demanded was required by humanity, is at least colorable. it must be observed, however, that he makes no suggestion of truce or armistice,--he demands that firing shall be discontinued, or he will resort to certain steps. the crown prince at once sent back his principal aid-de-camp, with a verbal message, which the latter reduced to writing, as follows:-- "his royal highness, the prince royal of denmark, has sent me, general adjutant lindholm, on board to his britannic majesty's vice-admiral, the right honourable lord nelson, to ask the particular object of sending the flag of truce." to this nelson replied in writing:-- "lord nelson's object in sending on shore a flag of truce is humanity; he, therefore, consents that hostilities shall cease till lord nelson can take his prisoners out of the prizes, and he consents to land all the wounded danes, and to burn or remove his prizes." this message concluded with a complimentary expression of hope that good relations would be restored between the two nations, whom nelson always carefully spoke of as natural friends. it will be observed that he again alludes only to the flag of truce sent by the boat, and, as at first he demanded, so now he consents to a cessation of hostilities, until he can secure his prisoners and remove his prizes. if he could rightly remove his prizes, which he avowed as part of his demand, then still more he could his own ships. this part of the negotiation he took upon himself to settle; for discussion of any further matters he referred lindholm to sir hyde parker, and the danish officer started for the "london" at the same time that the english officer pushed off to carry nelson's second message to the crown prince. the latter had already sent orders to the batteries to cease firing. the battle then ended, and both sides hoisted flags of truce. nelson at once began to remove his ships, which had sufered more than in any other battle he had ever fought. that he was fully aware of the imminent necessity for some of them to withdraw, and of the advantage the danes had yielded him by accepting his terms, is indisputable, and his own opinion was confirmed by that of two of his leading captains, whom he consulted. this he never denied; but he did deny that he had used a _ruse de guerre_, or taken unfair advantage of a truce. on the score of humanity he had consented to a cessation of hostilities, conditional upon his freedom to take out of the surrendered ships the unwounded prisoners, and to remove the prizes. if the bargain was more to his advantage than to that of the danes--which is a matter of opinion--it was none the less a bargain, of which he had full right to reap the benefit. the danes did not then charge him with taking an unfair advantage. on the contrary, lindholm, who was closely cognizant of all that passed in relation to these negotiations, wrote to him: "your lordship's motives for sending a flag of truce to our government can never be misconstrued, and your subsequent conduct has sufficiently shown that humanity is always the companion of true valour." the truce that then began was prolonged from day to day till april th. during it both parties went on with their preparations for war. "these few days," wrote niebuhr, on the th, "have certainly been employed in repairing the evil [of faulty preparation] as far as possible." it is clear that the danes understood, what nelson's message specified, a cessation of direct hostilities, not of other movements. the british during the same days were putting bomb-vessels in place, a perfectly overt act. nelson's success at copenhagen was secured by address, as it had been won by force. but it had been thoroughly won. "we cannot deny it," wrote niebuhr, "we are quite beaten. our line of defence is destroyed. we cannot do much injury to the enemy, as long as he contents himself with bombarding the city, docks, and fleet. the worst is the crown batteries can be held no longer." two or three days later he says again: "the truce has been prolonged. the remaining half of our defences are useless, now that the right wing is broken,--a defect over which i have meditated uselessly many a time since last summer." the result was due to nelson's sagacious and emphatic advice as to the direction and manner of the attack, by which the strong points of the danish positions were completely and unexpectedly turned. this plan, it is credibly stated, he had formed before leaving england, although he was not formally consulted by parker until the d of march. having regard to the general political conditions, and especially to the great combination of the north at this time directed against great britain, the victory of copenhagen was second in importance to none that nelson ever gained; while in the severity of the resistance, and in the attendant difficulties to be overcome, the battle itself was the most critical of all in which he was engaged. so conspicuous were the energy and sagacity shown by him, that most seamen will agree in the opinion of jurien de la gravière: "they will always be in the eyes of seamen his fairest title to glory. he alone was capable of displaying such boldness and perseverance; he alone could confront the immense difficulties of that enterprise and overcome them." notwithstanding this, and notwithstanding that the valor of the squadron, as manifested in its losses, was never excelled, no medals were ever issued for the battle, nor were any individual rewards bestowed, except upon nelson himself, who was advanced in the peerage to be a viscount, and upon his immediate second, rear-admiral graves, who was made a knight of the bath. the cause for this action--it was not a case of oversight--has never been explained; nor did nelson consider the reasons for it, which the prime minister advanced to him in a private interview, at all satisfactory. if it was because a formal state of war did not exist between great britain and denmark, the obvious reply of those engaged would be that they had hazarded their lives, and won an exceptionally hard-fought fight, in obedience to the orders of their government. if, on the other hand, the ministry felt the difficulty of making an invidious distinction between ships engaged and those not engaged, as between nelson's detachment and the main body under parker, it can only be said that that was shirking the duty of a government to reward the deserving, for fear lest those who had been less fortunate should cry out. the last administration had not hesitated to draw a line at the battle of the nile, even though the mishap of so great an officer as troubridge left him on the wrong side. st. vincent, positive as he was, had shrunk from distinguishing by name even nelson at the battle which had won for himself his title. this naturally suggests the speculation whether the joint presence of st. vincent and troubridge at the admiralty was not the cause of this futility; but nothing can be affirmed. "first secure the victory, then make the most of it," had been avowedly nelson's motto before the nile. in the battle of copenhagen he had followed much the same rule. after beating the force immediately opposed to him, he obtained the safe removal of his detachment from the critical position in which it lay, by the shrewd use made of the advantage then in his hands. this achieved, and his ships having rejoined the main body, after various mishaps from grounding, under the enemy's guns, which emphasized over and over the adroit presence of mind he had displayed, it next fell to him to make the most of what the british had so far gained; having regard not merely to denmark and copenhagen, but to the whole question of british interests involved in the coalition of the baltic states. parker intrusted to him the direct management of the negotiations, just as he had given him the immediate command of the fighting. one circumstance, which completely changed the political complexion of affairs, was as yet unknown to him. on the night of march th the czar paul had been murdered, and with him fell the main motive force and support of the armed neutrality. ignorant of this fact, nelson's one object, the most to be made of the victory, was to get at the detachment of the russian fleet--twelve ships--lying in the harbor of revel, before the breaking up of the ice allowed it to join the main body at cronstadt. the difficulty in the way lay not in nelson's hesitation to act instantly, nor in the power of the british fleet to do so; it lay in the conflicting views and purposes of other persons, of the crown prince and of parker, the representatives of denmark and of great britain. parker was resolved, so nelson has told us, not to leave denmark hostile in his rear, flanking his line of communications if he proceeded up the baltic; and nelson admits, although with his sagacious daring he would have disregarded, that the batteries which commanded the shoal ground above copenhagen might have seriously interrupted the passage. he was ready to run risks again for the very adequate object mentioned. on the other hand the crown prince, while recognizing the exposure of copenhagen, feared to yield even to the menace of bombardment, lest he should incur the vengeance of the czar. it was to find a middle term between these opposing motives that nelson's diplomacy was exerted. on the d of april he went ashore to visit the crown prince, by whom he was received with all possible attention. "the populace," says stewart, "showed a mixture of admiration, curiosity, and displeasure. a strong guard secured his safety, and appeared necessary to keep off the mob, whose rage, although mixed with admiration at his thus trusting himself amongst them, was naturally to be expected. it perhaps savored of rashness in him thus early to risk himself among them; but with him his country's cause was paramount to all personal considerations." nelson himself did not note these threatening indications. fond of observation, with vanity easily touched, and indifferent to danger, he heard only homage in the murmurs about him. "the people received me as they always have done; and even the stairs of the palace were crowded, huzzaing, and saying, 'god bless lord nelson.'" his interview with the crown prince was private, only lindholm being present. it ranged, according to his private letter to addington, over the whole subject of the existing differences with great britain, and the respective interests of the two states. the most important points to be noticed in this personal discussion, which was preliminary to the actual negotiation, are, first, nelson's statement of the cause for the presence of the british fleet, and, second, the basis of agreement he proposed. as regards the former, to a question of the prince he replied categorically: the fleet is here "to crush a most formidable and unprovoked coalition against great britain." for the second, he said that the only foundation, upon which sir hyde parker could rest his justification for not proceeding to bombardment, would be the total suspension of the treaties with russia for a fixed time, and the free use of danish ports and supplies by the british fleet. these two concessions, it will be observed, by neutralizing denmark, would remove the threat to british communications, and convert denmark into an advanced base of operations for the fleet. nelson did not have great hope of success in negotiating, for he observed that fear of russia, not desire for war, was controlling the prince. therefore, had he been commander-in-chief, he would at all risks have pushed on to revel, and struck the coalition to the heart there. "i make no scruple," he wrote to st. vincent after he had procured the armistice, "in saying that i would have been at revel fourteen days ago. no man but those on the spot can tell what i have gone through, and do suffer. i wanted sir hyde to let me at least go and cruise off carlscrona, [where the swedish fleet was,] to prevent the revel ships getting in. think of me, my dear lord, and if i have deserved well, let me retire; if ill, for heaven's sake supersede me, for i cannot exist in this state." pegasus was indeed shackled. the truce was continued from day to day, both sides preparing to renew hostilities, while the negotiators sat. discussing thus, sword in hand, nelson frankly told the other side that he wanted an armistice for sixteen weeks, to give him time to act against the russian fleet, and then to return to denmark. on the likely supposition that the latter would not greatly grieve over a russian disaster, this openness was probably discreet. in the wrangling that preceded consent, one of the danes hinted, in french, at a renewal of hostilities. "renew hostilities!" said nelson, who understood the language, but could not speak it, "tell him that we are ready at this moment; ready to bombard this very night." but, while he thus could use on occasion the haughty language of one at whose back stood a victorious fleet of twenty ships-of-the-line, "the best negotiators in europe," to repeat his own words, his general bearing was eminently conciliatory, as became one who really longed for peace in the particular instance, and was alive to the mingled horror and inutility of the next move open to great britain, under parker's policy,--the bombardment of copenhagen. "whoever may be the respective ministers who shall sign the peace," wrote to him count waltersdorff, who with lindholm conducted the danish case and signed the armistice, "i shall always consider your lordship as the pacificator of the north, and i am sure that your heart will be as much flattered by that title, as by any other which your grateful country has bestowed upon you." had paul lived, the issue might have been doubtful, and in that case england might well have rued the choice of a commander-in-chief whose chief function was to hamstring her greatest seaman; but the danes received word of the murder, and on the th of april an agreement was reached. there was to be a cessation of hostilities for fourteen weeks, during which denmark suspended her part in the armed neutrality, and would leave her ships of war in the same state of unpreparedness as they then were. the british fleet was at liberty to get supplies in all danish ports. in return, it was merely stipulated that no attacks should be made on any part of the coast of denmark proper. norway[ ] and the danish colonies were not included, nor was holstein. in a letter to addington, nelson pointed out that as a military measure, which it was, the result was that the hands of denmark were tied, those of the fleet loosed, its communications secured, its base of supplies advanced, and last, but far from least, the timid counsels of its commander-in-chief disconcerted; no excuse for not advancing being left. besides, as he said, to extort these concessions he had nothing in his hand but the threat of bombardment, which done, "we had done our worst, and not much nearer being friends." sir hyde would not have advanced. as a military negotiation it is difficult to conceive one more adroitly managed, more perfectly conducive to the ends in view, or, it may be added, more clearly explained. the government, with extraordinary dulness, replied in that patronizing official tone of superior wisdom, which is probably one of the most exasperating things that can be encountered by a man of such insight and action as nelson had displayed. "upon a consideration of all the circumstances, his majesty has thought fit to approve." "i am sorry," replied nelson, "that the armistice is only approved under _all_ considerations. now i own myself of opinion that every part of the _all_ was to the advantage of our king and country." as first lord of the admiralty, old st. vincent had to transmit this qualified approval; but he wrote afterwards to nelson: "your lordship's whole conduct, from your first appointment to this hour, is the subject of our constant admiration. it does not become me to make comparisons: all agree there is but one nelson." the armistice being signed and ratified, the fleet on the th of april entered the baltic; the heavy ships having to remove their guns, in order to cross the "grounds," between the islands of amager and saltholm. nelson was left behind in the "st. george," which, for some reason, was not ready. "my commander-in-chief has left me," he wrote to lady hamilton, "but if there is any work to do, i dare say they will wait for me. _nelson will be first_. who can stop him?" "we have reports," he says again, "that the swedish fleet is above the shallows, distant five or six leagues. all our fellows are longing to be at them, and so do i, as great a boy as any of them, for i consider this as being at school, and going to england as going home for the holidays, therefore i really long to finish my task." his confidence in himself and in his fortune was growing apace at this time, as was both natural and justifiable. "this day, twenty-two years," he writes soon after, on the th of june, "i was made a post-captain by sir peter parker. if you meet him again, say that i shall drink his health in a bumper, for i do not forget that i owe my present exalted rank to his partiality, although i feel, if i had even been in an humbler sphere, that nelson would have been nelson still." although always reverently thankful to the almighty for a favorable issue to events, there does not seem to have been in him any keen consciousness of personal dependence, such as led moltke to mark the text, "my strength is made perfect in weakness." while thus lying, about twenty-four miles from the main body, a report came that the swedish squadron had put to sea. alarmed lest a battle might take place in his absence, nelson jumped into a boat alongside, and started for a six hours' pull against wind and current to join the fleet, in haste so great that he refused even to wait for a boat cloak. "his anxiety lest the fleet should have sailed before he got on board one of them," tells the officer who was with him, "is beyond all conception. i will quote some expressions in his own words. it was extremely cold, and i wished him to put on a great coat of mine which was in the boat: 'no, i am not cold; my anxiety for my country will keep me warm. do you not think the fleet has sailed?' 'i should suppose not, my lord.' 'if they are, we shall follow then to carlscrona in the boat, by g--d!'--i merely state this to show how his thoughts must have been employed. the idea of going in a small boat, rowing six oars, without a single morsel of anything to eat or drink, the distance of about fifty leagues, must convince the world that every other earthly consideration than that of serving his country, was totally banished from his thoughts." such preoccupation with one idea, and that idea so fine, brings back to us the old nelson, who has found himself again amid the storm and stress of danger and of action, for which he was created. about midnight he reached the "elephant," where his flag was again hoisted; but he did not escape unharmed from the exposure he had too carelessly undergone. "since april ," he wrote several weeks afterwards to lady hamilton, "i have been rapidly in a decline, but am now, thank god, i firmly believe, past all danger. at that time i rowed five hours in a bitter cold night. a cold struck me to the heart. on the th i had one of my terrible spasms of heart-stroke, which had near carried me off, and the severe disappointment of being kept in a situation where there can be nothing to do before august, almost killed me. from that time to the end of may i brought up what every one thought was my lungs, and i was emaciated more than you can conceive." the fleet proceeded in a leisurely manner toward carlscrona, nelson chafing and fretting, none the less for his illness, under the indecision and dilatoriness that continued to characterize parker's movements. "my dear friend," he had written to lady hamilton, "we are very lazy. we mediterranean people are not used to it." "lord st. vincent," he tells his brother, "will either take this late business up with a very high hand, or he will depress it; but how they will manage about sir hyde i cannot guess. i am afraid much will be said about him in the public papers; but not a word shall be drawn from me, for god knows they may make him lord copenhagen if they please, it will not offend me." but now that denmark has been quieted, he cannot understand nor tolerate the delay in going to revel, where the appearance of the fleet would checkmate, not only russia, but all the allied squadrons; for it would occupy an interior and commanding position between the detachments at revel, cronstadt, and carlscrona, in force superior to any one of them. "on the th of april," he afterwards wrote bitterly to st. vincent, "we had eighteen ships of the line and a fair wind. count pahlen [the russian cabinet minister] came and resided at revel, evidently to endeavour to prevent any hostilities against the russian fleet there, which was, i decidedly say, at our mercy. nothing, if it had been right to make the attack, could have saved one ship of them in two hours after our entering the bay; and to prevent their destruction, sir hyde parker had a great latitude for asking for various things for the suspension of his orders." that is, parker having the fleet at his mercy could have exacted terms, just as nelson himself had exacted them from denmark when copenhagen was laid open; the advantage, indeed, was far greater, as the destruction of an organized force is a greater military evil than that of an unarmed town. this letter was written after nelson had been to revel, and seen the conditions on which he based his opinion. so far from taking this course,--which it may be said would have conformed to instructions from his government then on their way, and issued after knowing paul's death,--parker appeared off carlscrona on april th. two days afterwards he received a letter from the russian minister at copenhagen, saying that the emperor had ordered his fleet to abstain from all hostilities. parker apparently forgot that he was first a naval officer, and only incidentally a diplomatist; for, instead of exacting guarantees which would have insured the military situation remaining unchanged until definite agreements had been reached, he returned to kioge bay, near copenhagen, but within the shallows, leaving the revel squadron untrammelled, either by force or pledge, free to go out when the ice allowed, and to join either the swedes or its own main body. accordingly, it did come out a fortnight later, went to cronstadt, and so escaped the british fleet. while on this cruise towards carlscrona, nelson became involved in a pen-and-ink controversy about commodore fischer, who had commanded the danish line at the battle of copenhagen,--one of two or three rare occasions which illustrate the vehemence and insolence that could be aroused in him when his vanity was touched, or when he conceived his reputation to be assailed. fischer, in his official report of the action, had comforted himself and his nation, as most beaten men do, by dwelling upon--and unquestionably exaggerating--the significance of certain incidents, either actual, or imagined by the danes; for instance, that towards the end of the battle, nelson's own ship had fired only single guns, and that two british ships had struck,--the latter being an error, and the former readily accounted for by the fact that the "elephant" then had no enemy within easy range. what particularly stung nelson, however, seems to have been the assertion that the british force was superior, and that his sending a flag of truce indicated the injury done his squadron. some of his friends had thought, erroneously in the opinion of the author, that the flag was an unjustifiable _ruse de guerre_, which made him specially sensitive on this point. his retort, addressed to his danish friend, lindholm, was written and sent in such heat that it is somewhat incoherent in form, and more full of abuse than of argument, besides involving him in contradictions. that the british squadron was numerically superior in guns seems certain; it would have been even culpable, having ships enough, not to have employed them in any case, and especially when the attacking force had to come into action amid dangerous shoals, and against vessels already carefully placed and moored. in his official report he had stated that the "bellona" and "russell" had grounded; "but although not in the situation assigned them, yet so placed as to be of great service." in the present dispute he claimed that they should be left out of the reckoning, and he was at variance with the danish accounts as to the effect of riou's frigates. but such errors, he afterwards admitted to lindholm, may creep into any official report, and to measure credit merely by counting guns is wholly illusory; for, as he confessed, with exaggerated humility, some months later, "if any merit attaches itself to me, it was in combating the dangers of the shallows in defiance of the pilots." he chose, however, to consider that fischer's letter had thrown ridicule upon his character, and he resented it in terms as violent as he afterwards used of the french admiral, latouche tréville, who asserted that he had retired before a superior force; as though nelson, by any flight of imagination, could have been suspected of over-caution. fischer had twice shifted his broad pendant--that is, his own position--in the battle; therefore he was a coward. "in his letter he states that, after he quitted the dannebrog, she long contested the battle. if so, more shame for him to quit so many brave fellows. _here_ was no manoeuvring: _it was_ downright fighting, and it was his duty to have shown an example of firmness becoming the high trust reposed in him." this was probably a just comment, but not a fair implication of cowardice. "he went in such a hurry, if he went before she struck, which but for his own declaration i can hardly believe, that he forgot to take his broad pendant with him." this lindholm showed was a mistake. "he seems to exult that i sent on shore a flag of truce. men of his description, if they ever are victorious, know not the feeling of humanity.... mr. fischer's carcase was safe, and he regarded not the sacred call of humanity." this letter was sent to lindholm, to be communicated to the crown prince; for, had not fischer addressed the latter as an eye-witness, nelson "would have treated his official letter with the contempt it deserved." lindholm kept it from fischer, made a temperate reply defending the latter, and the subject there dropped. on the th of april the fleet was at anchor in kioge bay, and there remained until the th of may, when orders arrived relieving parker, and placing nelson in chief command. the latter was utterly dismayed. side by side with the unquenchable zeal for glory and for his country's service had been running the equally unquenchable passion for lady hamilton; and, with the noble impulses that bore him up in battle, sickness, and exposure, had mingled soft dreams of flight from the world, of days spent upon the sunny slopes of sicily, on his estate of bronté, amid scenes closely resembling those associated with his past delights, and with the life of the woman whom he loved. to this he several times alludes in the almost daily letters which he wrote her. but, whether to be realized there or in england, he panted for the charms of home which he had never known. "i am fixed," he tells her, "to live a country life, and to have many (i hope) years of comfort, which god knows, i never yet had--only moments of happiness,"--a pathetic admission of the price he had paid for the glory which could not satisfy him, yet which, by the law of his being, he could not cease to crave. "i wish for happiness to be my reward, and not titles or money;" and happiness means being with her whom he repeatedly calls santa emma, and his "guardian angel,"--a fond imagining, the sincerity of which checks the ready smile, but elicits no tenderness for a delusion too gross for sympathy. whatever sacrifices he might be ready to make for his country's service, he was not willing to give up all he held dear when the real occasion for his exceptional powers had passed away; and the assurances that the service absolutely required his presence in the baltic made no impression upon him. he knew better. "had the command been given me in february," he said, "many lives would have been saved, and we should have been in a very different situation; but the wiseheads at home know everything." now it means expense and suffering, and nothing to do beyond the powers of an average officer. "any other man can as well look about him as nelson." "sir thomas troubridge," he complains, after enumerating his grievances, "had the nonsense to say, now i was a commander-in-chief i must be pleased. does he take me for a greater fool than i am?" it was indeed shaving pretty close to insult to send out a man like nelson as second, when great work was in hand, and then, after he had done all his superior had permitted, and there was nothing left to do, to tell him that he was indispensable; but to be congratulated upon the fact by a lord of the admiralty, which troubridge then was, was rather too much. he could not refuse to accept the command, but he demanded his relief in terms which could not be disregarded. his health, he said, made him unequal to the service. for three weeks he could not leave his cabin. "the keen air of the north kills me." "i did not come to the baltic with the design of dying a natural death." parker had no sooner departed than nelson made the signal for the fleet to weigh, and started at once for revel. he did not know whether or not the russian ships were still there, and he felt that the change of sovereigns probably implied a radical change of policy; but he understood, also, that the part of a commander-in-chief was to see that the military situation was maintained, from day to day, as favorable as possible to his own country. he anticipated, therefore, by his personal judgment, the instructions of the cabinet, not to enter upon hostilities if certain conditions could be obtained, but to exact of the russian government, pending its decision, that the revel ships should remain where they were. "my object," he said, writing the same day he took command, "_was_ to get at revel before the frost broke up at cronstadt, that the twelve sail of the line might be destroyed. i shall _now_ go there as a friend, _but the two fleets shall not form a junction_, if not already accomplished, unless my orders permit it." for the same reason, he wrote to the swedish admiral that he had no orders to abstain from hostilities if he met his fleet at sea. he hoped, therefore, that he would see the wisdom of remaining in port. his visit to revel, consequently, was to wear the external appearance of a compliment to a sovereign whose friendly intentions were assumed. to give it that color, he took with him only twelve ships-of-the-line, leaving the others, with the small vessels of distinctly hostile character, bombs, fireships, etc., anchored off bornholm island, a danish possession. the resolution to prevent a junction was contingent and concealed. on the th the squadron arrived in the outer bay of revel, and a complimentary letter, announcing the purpose of his coming, was sent to st. petersburg. the next day he paid an official visit to the authorities, when his vanity and love of attention received fresh gratification. "except to you, my own friend, i should not mention it, 'tis so much like vanity; but hundreds come to look at nelson, '_that is him, that is him_,' in short, 'tis the same as in italy and germany, and i now feel that a good name is better than riches, not amongst our great folks in england; but it has its fine feelings to an honest heart. all the russians have taken it into their heads that i am like _suwaroff, le jeune suwaroff_;" thus confirming the impression made upon mrs. st. george at dresden. on the th of may a letter arrived from count pahlen, the russian minister. the czar declined to see a compliment in the appearance in russian waters of so formidable a force, commanded by a seaman whose name stood foremost, not merely for professional ability, but for sudden, resolute, and aggressive action. "nelson's presence," niebuhr had written, "leads us to think, judging of him by his past conduct, that a furious attack will be made upon our harbor;" and he himself had recorded with complacency that a danish officer, visiting the "london," upon learning that he was with the fleet in the kattegat, had said, "is he here? then i suppose it is no joke, if he is come." "the baltic folks will never fight me, if it is to be avoided." "the emperor, my master," wrote pahlen, "does not consider this step compatible with the lively desire manifested by his britannic majesty, to re-establish the good intelligence so long existing between the two monarchies. the only guarantee of the loyalty of your intentions that his majesty can accept, is the prompt withdrawal of the fleet under your command, and no negotiation with your court can take place, so long as a naval force is in sight of his ports." nelson had of course recognized that the game was lost, as soon as he saw that the russian fleet was gone. the conditions which had mainly prompted his visit were changed, and the russian government was in a position to take a high tone, without fear of consequences. "after such an answer," he wrote indignantly to st. vincent, "i had no business here. time will show; but i do not believe he would have written such a letter, if the russian fleet had been in revel." "lord nelson received the letter a few minutes before dinner-time," wrote stewart. "he appeared to be a good deal agitated by it, but said little, and did not return an immediate reply. during dinner, however, he left the table, and in less than a quarter of an hour sent for his secretary to peruse a letter which, in that short absence, he had composed. the signal for preparing to weigh was immediately made; the answer above-mentioned was sent on shore; and his lordship caused the fleet to weigh, and to stand as far to sea as was safe for that evening." nelson took hold of pahlen's expression, that he had come "with his whole fleet" to revel. confining himself to that, he pointed out the mistake the minister had made, for he had brought "not one-seventh of his fleet in point of numbers." he mentioned also the deference that he had paid to the revel authorities. "my conduct, i feel, is so entirely different to what your excellency has expressed in your letter, that i have only to regret, that my desire to pay a marked attention to his imperial majesty has been so entirely misunderstood. that being the case, i shall sail immediately into the baltic." retiring thus in good order, if defeated, he had the satisfaction of knowing that it was not his own blunder, but the wretched dilatoriness of his predecessor, that had made the czar, instead of the british admiral, master of the situation. stopping for twenty-four hours at bornholm on the way down, nelson on the th anchored in rostock bay, on the german coast of the baltic, and there awaited the relief he confidently expected. he had scarcely arrived when a second letter from pahlen overtook him. the minister expressed his regret for any misunderstanding that had arisen as to the purpose of his first visit, and continued, "i cannot give your excellency a more striking proof of the confidence which the emperor my master reposes in you, than by announcing the effect produced by your letter of the th of this month. his imperial majesty has ordered the immediate raising of the embargo placed upon the english merchant ships." nelson plumed himself greatly upon this result of his diplomacy. "our diplomatic men are so slow. lord st. helens told me that he hoped in a month he should be able to tell me something decisive. now, what can take two hours i cannot even guess, but ministers must do something for their diamond boxes. i gained the unconditional release of our ships, which neither ministers nor sir hyde parker could accomplish, by showing my fleet. then they became alarmed, begged i would go away, or it would be considered as warlike. on my complying, it pleased the emperor and his ministers so much, that the whole of the british shipping were given up." there is nothing like the point of view; but it must be admitted that nelson extricated himself from an unpleasant position with great good temper and sound judgment. he remained in his flagship between rostock and kioge bay, until relieved by vice-admiral pole on the th of june. nothing of official importance occurred during these three weeks; for the naval part of the baltic entanglement was ended, as he had foreseen. a pleasant picture of his daily life on board the "st. george" at this time has been preserved for us by colonel stewart: "his hour of rising was four or five o'clock, and of going to rest about ten; breakfast was never later than six, and generally nearer to five o'clock. a midshipman or two were always of the party; and i have known him send during the middle watch[ ] to invite the little fellows to breakfast with him, when relieved. at table with them, he would enter into their boyish jokes, and be the most youthful of the party. at dinner he invariably had every officer of the ship in their turn, and was both a polite and hospitable host. the whole ordinary business of the fleet was invariably despatched, as it had been by earl st. vincent, before eight o'clock. the great command of time which lord nelson thus gave himself, and the alertness which this example imparted throughout the fleet, can only be understood by those who witnessed it, or who know the value of early hours.... he did not again land whilst in the baltic; his health was not good, and his mind was not at ease; with him, mind and health invariably sympathized." while thus generally pleasant on board ship, he resolutely refused intercourse with the outside world when not compelled by duty. in this there appears to have been something self-imposed, in deference to lady hamilton. there are indications that she felt, or feigned, some jealousy of his relations with others, especially with women, corresponding to the frenzied agitation he manifested at the association of her name with that of any other man, and especially with that of the then prince of wales. whatever her real depth of attachment to him, her best hope for the future was in his constancy, and that he would eventually marry her; for sir william's death could not be far distant, and matters might otherwise favor the hope that both he and she cherished. her approaching widowhood would in fact leave her, unless her husband's will was exceptionally generous, in a condition as precarious, her acquired tastes considered, as that from which her marriage had rescued her; and her uneasiness would naturally arouse an uncertain and exacting temper, as in the old days at naples, when hamilton could not make up his mind. the condition of nelson's health furnished him an excuse for declining all civilities or calls, even from a reigning prince, on the ground that he was not well enough to go ashore and return them. soon after this, however, he was able to write lady hamilton that he was perfectly recovered. "as far as relates to health, i don't think i ever was stronger or in better health. it is odd, but after severe illness i feel much better." thus he was, when definitely informed that his relief was on the way. "to find a proper successor," said lord st. vincent, when announcing the fact to him, "your lordship knows is no easy task; for i never saw the man in our profession, excepting yourself and troubridge, who possessed the magic art of infusing the same spirit into others, which inspired their own actions; exclusive of other talents and habits of business, not common to naval characters." "i was so overcome yesterday," wrote nelson to lady hamilton, "with the good and happy news that came about my going home, that i believe i was in truth scarcely myself. the thoughts of going do me good, yet all night i was so restless that i could not sleep. it is nearly calm, therefore admiral pole cannot get on. if he was not to come, i believe it would kill me. i am ready to start the moment i have talked with him one hour." on the th of june nelson left the baltic in the brig "kite," and on the st of july landed at yarmouth. footnotes: [ ] naval chronicle, vol. xxxvii. p. . [ ] _ante_, vol. i. pp. - . [ ] nelson to lady hamilton. pettigrew, vol. i. pp. - . [ ] pitt had resigned from office since then. [ ] naval chronicle, vol. xxxvii. p. . [ ] naval chronicle, vol. xxxvii., art. "layman." [ ] that is, from north to south. it may be well to notice that to go from the kattegat to the baltic is _up_, although from north to south. [ ] trekroner, which was then a favorite military name in denmark, refers to the three crowns of denmark, norway, and sweden, once united. [ ] they are to be found in nicolas's "despatches and letters of lord nelson," vol. iv. p. . [ ] except numbers and , whose stations, as has been said, were abreast the two southernmost danes. [ ] the following is the order of the ships in the column of attack, as originally prescribed:-- . edgar, . . ardent, . . glatton, . . isis, . . agamemnon, . . bellona, . . elephant, . . ganges, . . monarch, . . defiance, . . russell, . . polyphemus, . [ ] to acknowledge a signal is simply to hoist a flag, showing that it has been seen and understood. to repeat is to hoist the signal yourself, thus transmitting it as an order to those concerned. [ ] life of rev. dr. a.j. scott, p. [ ] norway was then attached to the danish crown, as now to that of sweden. [ ] midnight to four a.m. chapter xvii. nelson commands the "squadron on a particular service," for the defence of the coast of england against invasion.--signature of preliminaries of peace with france. july-october, . age, . before sailing for the baltic, and throughout his service in that sea, the longing for repose and for a lover's paradise had disputed with the love of glory for the empire in nelson's heart, and signs were not wanting that the latter was making a doubtful, if not a losing, fight. shortly before his departure for the north, he wrote to st. vincent, "although, i own, i have met with much more honours and rewards than ever my most sanguine ideas led me to expect, yet i am so circumstanced that probably this expedition will be the last service ever performed by your obliged and affectionate friend." his old commander was naturally perturbed at the thought that the illustrious career, which he had done so much to foster, was to have the ignoble termination to be inferred from these words and the notorious facts. "be assured, my dear lord," he replied, "that every _public_[ ] act of your life has been the subject of my admiration, which i should have sooner declared, but that i was appalled by the last sentence of your letter: for god's sake, do not suffer yourself to be carried away by any sudden impulse." during his absence, the uncertain deferment of his desires had worked together with the perverse indolence of sir hyde parker, the fretting sight of opportunities wasted, the constant chafing against the curb, to keep both body and mind in perpetual unrest, to which the severe climate contributed by undermining his health. this unceasing discomfort had given enhanced charm to his caressing dreams of reposeful happiness, soothed and stimulated by the companionship which he so far had found to fulfil all his power of admiration, and all his demands for sympathy. released at last, he landed in england confidently expecting to realize his hopes, only to find that they must again be postponed. reputation such as his bears its own penalty. there was no other man in whose name england could find the calm certainty of safety, which popular apprehension demanded in the new emergency, that had arisen while he was upholding her cause in the northern seas. nelson repined, but he submitted. within four weeks his flag was flying again, and himself immersed in professional anxieties. war on the continent of europe had ceased definitively with the treaty of lunéville, between france and austria, signed february , . over four years were to elapse before it should recommence. but, as great britain was to be the first to take up arms again to resist the encroachments of bonaparte, so now she was the last to consent to peace, eager as her people were to have it. malta had fallen, the armed neutrality of the north had dissolved, the french occupation of egypt was at its last gasp. foiled in these three directions by the sea-power of great britain, unable, with all his manipulation of the prostrate continent, to inflict a deadly wound, bonaparte now resorted to the threat of invasion, well aware that, under existing conditions, it could be but a threat, yet hoping that its influence upon a people accustomed to sleep securely might further his designs. but, though the enchanter wove his spells to rouse the demon of fear, their one effect was to bring up once more, over against him, the defiant form of his arch-subverter. both the prime minister, addington, and the first lord of the admiralty assured nelson that his presence in charge of the dispositions for defence, and that only, could quiet the public mind. "i have seen lord st. vincent," he wrote the former, "and submit to your and his partiality. whilst my health will allow, i can only say, that every exertion of mine shall be used to merit the continuance of your esteem." st. vincent, writing to him a fortnight later, avowed frankly the weight attached to his very name by both friend and foe. "our negotiation is drawing near its close, and must terminate one way or another in a few days, and, i need not add, how very important it is that the enemy should know that _you_ are constantly opposed to him." the purpose of bonaparte in is not to be gauged by the same measure as that of - . in he had told the then government of france that to make a descent upon england, without being master of the sea, would be the boldest and most difficult operation ever attempted. conditions had not changed since then, nor had he now the time or the money to embark in the extensive preparations, which afterwards gave assurance that he was in earnest in his threats. an adept in making false demonstrations, perfectly appreciative of the power of a great name, he counted upon his own renown, and his amazing achievement of the apparently impossible in the past, to overawe the imagination of a nation, whose will, rather than whose strength, he hoped to subdue. boulogne and the small neighboring ports, whose nearness clearly indicated them as the only suitable base from which an invasion could start, were in that year in no state to receive the boats necessary to carry an army. this the british could see with their own eyes; but who could be sure that the paper flotilla at boulogne, like the paper army of reserve at dijon a year before, had not elsewhere a substantial counterpart, whose sudden appearance might yet work a catastrophe as unexpected and total as that of marengo? and who more apt than bonaparte to spread the impression that some such surprise was brewing? "i can venture to assure you that no embarkation of troops can take place at boulogne," wrote nelson, immediately after his first reconnoissance; but he says at the same time, "i have now more than ever reason to believe that the ports of flushing and flanders are much more likely places to embark men from, than calais, boulogne, or dieppe; for in flanders we cannot tell by our eyes what means they have collected for carrying an army." "great preparations at ostend," he notes a week later; "augereau commands that part of the army. i hope to let him feel the bottom of the goodwin sand." it was just this sort of apprehension, specific in direction, yet vague and elusive in details, that bonaparte was skilled in disseminating. st. vincent, and the government generally, agreed with nelson's opinion. "we are to look to flanders for the great effort," wrote the earl to him. neither of them had, nor was it possible for clear-headed naval officers to have, any substantial, rational, fear of a descent in force; yet the vague possibility did, for the moment, impress even them, and the liability of the populace, and of the commercial interests, to panic, was a consideration not to be overlooked. besides, in a certain way, there was no adequate preparation for resistance. the british navy, indeed, was an overwhelming force as compared to the french; but its hands were fully occupied, and the fleet nelson had just left in the baltic could not yet be recalled. it was, however, in purely defensive measures, in the possession of a force similar to that by which the proposed attack was to be made, and in dispositions analogous to coast defences, that the means were singularly defective, both in material and men. "everything, my dear lord," wrote nelson, the day after he hoisted his flag at sheerness, "must have a beginning, and we are literally at the foundation of our fabric of defence;" but, he continues, reverting to his own and st. vincent's clear and accurate military intuitions, "i agree perfectly with you, that we must keep the enemy as far from our own coasts as possible, and be able to attack them the moment they come out of their ports." "our first defence," he writes a fortnight later, showing the gradual maturing of the views which he, in common with st. vincent, held with such illustrious firmness in the succeeding years, "is close to the enemy's ports. when that is broke, others will come forth on our own coasts." it was in the latter that the unexpected anxieties of found the government deficient, and these it was to be nelson's first care to organize and dispose. by the time his duties were completed, and the problems connected with them had been two months under his consideration, he had reached the conclusion which napoleon also held, and upon which he acted. "this boat business may be a part of a great plan of invasion, but can never be the only one." from the first he had contemplated the possibility of the french fleets in brest and elsewhere attempting diversions, such as napoleon planned in support of his later great projects. "although i feel confident that the fleets of the enemy will meet the same fate which has always attended them, yet their sailing will facilitate the coming over of their flotilla, as they will naturally suppose our attention will be called only to the fleets." what was feared in was not a grand military operation, in the nature of an attempt at conquest, or, at the least, at injury so serious as to be disabling, but rather something in the nature of a great raid, of which the most probable object was the city of london, the chief commercial centre. it was upon this supposition that the instructions of the admiralty to nelson were framed, and upon this also the memorandum as to methods, submitted by him to it, on the th of july, . "it is certainly proper to believe that the french are coming to attack london. i will suppose that , men are destined for this attack, or rather surprise." his plan is given first in his own words, as due to a matter of so much importance; and to them the writer appends a summary of the principal features, as understood by him. these are not always easily to be seen on the face of the paper, owing to the small time for its preparation, and the consequent haste--off-hand almost--with which it was drawn up, as is further indicated from the copy in the admiralty being in his own writing. memoranda by lord nelson, on the defence of the thames, etc. th july, . besides the stationed ships at the different posts between the north foreland and orfordness, as many gun-vessels as can be spared from the very necessary protection of the coast of sussex and of kent to the westward of dover, should be collected, for this part of the coast must be seriously attended to; for supposing london the object of surprise, i am of opinion that the enemy's object _ought_ to be the getting on shore as speedily as possible, for the dangers of a navigation of forty-eight hours, appear to me to be an insurmountable objection to the rowing from boulogne to the coast of essex. it is therefore most probable (for it is certainly proper to believe the french are coming to attack london, and therefore to be prepared) that from boulogne, calais, and even havre, that the enemy will try and land in sussex, or the lower part of kent, and from dunkirk, ostend, and the other ports of flanders, to land on the coast of essex or suffolk; for i own myself of opinion that, the object being to get on shore somewhere within miles of london, as speedily as possible, that the flats in the mouth of the thames will not be the only place necessary to attend to; added to this, the enemy will create a powerful diversion by the sailing of the combined fleet, and the either sailing, or creating such an appearance of sailing, of the dutch fleet, as will prevent admiral dickson from sending anything from off the great dutch ports, whilst the smaller ports will spew forth its flotilla,--viz., flushing, &c. &c. it must be pretty well ascertained what number of small vessels are in each port. "i will suppose that , men are destined for this attack, or rather surprise, of london; , will land on the west side of dover, sixty or seventy miles from london, and the same number on the east side: they are too knowing to let us have but one point of alarm for london. supposing craft, or , collected at boulogne &c, they are supposed equal to carry , men. in very calm weather, they might row over, supposing no impediment, in twelve hours; at the same instant, by telegraph, the same number of troops would be rowed out of dunkirk, ostend, &c. &c. these are the two great objects to attend to from dover and the downs, and perhaps one of the small ports to the westward. boulogne (which i call the central point of the western attack) must be attended to. if it is calm when the enemy row out, all our vessels and boats appointed to watch them, must get into the channel, and meet them as soon as possible: if not strong enough for the attack, they must watch, and keep them company till a favourable opportunity offers. if a breeze springs up, our ships are to deal _destruction_; no delicacy can be observed on this great occasion. but should it remain calm, and our flotilla not fancy itself strong enough to attack the enemy on their passage, the moment that they begin to touch our shore, strong or weak, our flotilla of boats must attack as much of the enemy's flotilla as they are able--say only one-half or two-thirds; it will create a most powerful diversion, for the bows of our flotilla will be opposed to their unarmed sterns, and the courage of britons will never, i believe, allow one frenchman to leave the beach. a great number of deal and dover boats to be on board our vessels off the port of boulogne, to give notice of the direction taken by the enemy. if it is calm, vessels in the channel can make signals of intelligence to our shores, from the north foreland to orfordness, and even as far as solebay, not an improbable place, about seventy or eighty miles from london. "a flotilla to be kept near margate and ramsgate, to consist of gun-boats and flat-boats; another squadron to be stationed near the centre, between orfordness and north foreland, and the third in hoseley bay.[ ] the floating batteries are stationed in all proper positions for defending the different channels, and the smaller vessels will always have a resort in the support of the stationed ships. the moment of the enemy's movement from boulogne, is to be considered as the movement of the enemy from dunkirk. supposing it calm, the flotillas are to be rowed, and the heavy ones towed, (except the stationed ships), those near margate, three or four leagues to the north of the north foreland; those from hoseley bay, a little approaching the centre division, but always keeping an eye towards solebay; the centre division to advance half-way between the two. the more fast rowing boats, called thames galleys, which can be procured the better, to carry orders, information, &c. &c. "whenever the enemy's flotilla can be seen, our divisions are to unite, but not intermix, and to be ready to execute such orders as may be deemed necessary, or as the indispensable circumstances may require. for this purpose, men of such confidence in each other should be looked for, that (as far as human foresight can go,) no little jealousy may creep into any man's mind, but to be all animated with the same desire of preventing the descent of the enemy on our coasts. stationary floating batteries are not, from any apparent advantage, to be moved, for the tide may prevent their resuming the very important stations assigned them; they are on no account to be supposed neglected, even should the enemy surround them, for they may rely on support, and reflect that perhaps their gallant conduct may prevent the mischievous designs of the enemy. whatever plans may be adopted, the moment the enemy touch our coast, be it where it may, they are to be attacked by every man afloat and on shore: this must be perfectly understood. _never fear the event_. the flat boats can probably be manned (partly, at least,) with the sea fencibles, (the numbers or fixed places of whom i am entirely ignorant of,) but the flat boats they may man to be in grand and sub-divisions, commanded by their own captains and lieutenants, as far as is possible. the number of flat boats is unknown to me, as also the other means of defence in small craft; but i am clearly of opinion that a proportion of the small force should be kept to watch the flat-boats from boulogne, and the others in the way i have presumed to suggest. these are offered as merely the rude ideas of the moment, and are only meant as a sea plan of defence for the city of london; but i believe other parts may likewise be menaced, if the brest fleet, and those from rochfort and holland put to sea; although i feel confident that the fleets of the enemy will meet the same fate which has always attended them, yet their sailing will facilitate the coming over of their flotilla, as they will naturally suppose our attention will be called only to the fleets." coming by water, the expectation seems to have been that the enemy might proceed up the river, or to a landing on some of the flats at the mouth of the thames. nelson says expressly that he does not think those alone are the points to be guarded; but he characterizes his paper as being "only meant as a sea plan of defence for the city of london," and the suggestion already noticed, that the enemy's fleet will support the attack by diversions, is merely mentioned casually. london being the supposed object, and the thames the highway, the purely defensive force is to be concentrated there; the channel coasts, though not excluded, are secondary. "as many gun-vessels as can be spared from the very necessary protection of the coast of sussex, and of kent to the westward of dover, should be collected between the north foreland and orfordness, for this part of the coast must be seriously attended to." the attack is expected in this quarter, because from flanders and flushing it is the most accessible. the object, nelson thinks, will be to get on shore as speedily as possible, and therefore somewhere within one hundred miles of london. anywhere from the westward of dover round to solebay--"not an improbable place"--must be looked upon as a possible landing. if there are forty thousand men coming, he regards it as certain that they will come in two principal bodies, of twenty thousand each--"they are too knowing to let us have but one point of alarm for london." "from boulogne, calais, and even havre, the enemy will try and land in sussex, or the lower part of kent; and from dunkirk, ostend, and the other ports of flanders, to land on the coast of essex or suffolk." "in very calm weather, they might row over from boulogne, supposing no impediment, in twelve hours; at the same instant, by telegraph, the same number of troops would be rowed out of dunkirk, ostend, &c. &c. added to this, the enemy will create a powerful diversion by the sailing of the combined fleet, and either the sailing, or creating such an appearance of sailing, of the dutch fleet, as will prevent admiral dickson [commander-in-chief in the north sea] from sending anything from off the great dutch ports, whilst the smaller ports will spew forth its flotilla--viz, flushing &c. &c." to frustrate that part of this combined effort which is supposed to be directed against the channel coast, nelson proposes that, "if it is calm when the enemy row out, all our vessels and boats appointed to watch them, must get into the channel, and meet them as soon as possible; if not strong enough for the attack, they must watch, and keep them company till a favourable opportunity offers. should it remain calm," so that the cruising ships cannot assist, "the moment that they begin to touch our shore, strong or weak, our flotilla of boats must attack as much of the enemy's flotilla as they are able--say only one half or two thirds--it will create a most powerful diversion, for the bows of our flotilla will be opposed to their unarmed sterns." the dispositions to defend the entrance of the thames, being considered the more important, are the more minute. blockships are stationed in the principal channels, as floating fortifications, commanding absolutely the water around them, and forming strong points of support for the flotilla. it is sagaciously ordered that these "are not, from any apparent advantage, to be moved, for the tide may prevent their resuming the very important stations assigned them." nelson was evidently alive to that advantage in permanent works, which puts it out of the power of panic to stampede them; tide is not the only factor that prevents retrieving a false step. the eastern flotilla is organized into three bodies, the right wing being near margate, the left in hollesley bay near harwich, the centre, vaguely, between orfordness and the north foreland. when the alarm is given, they are to draw together towards the centre, but not to emphasize their movement sufficiently to uncover either flank, until the enemy's flotilla can be seen; then they are "to unite, but not intermix." to both divisions--that in the channel and that on' the east coast--the commander-in-chief, in concluding, renews his charge, with one of those "nelson touches" which electrified his followers: "whatever plans may be adopted, the moment the enemy touch our coast, be it where it may, they are to be attacked by every man afloat and on shore: this must be perfectly understood. _never fear the event_." this plan for the defence of london against an attack by surprise, drawn up by nelson on the spur of the moment, was based simply upon his general ideas, and without specific information yet as to either the character or extent of the enemy's preparations, or of the means of resistance available on his own side. it has, therefore, something of an abstract character, embodying broad views unmodified by special circumstances, and possessing, consequently, a somewhat peculiar value in indicating the tendency of nelson's military conceptions. he assumes, implicitly, a certain freedom of movement on the part of the two opponents, unrestricted by the friction and uncertainty which in practice fetter action; and the use which, under these conditions, he imagines either will make of his powers, may not unfairly be assumed to show what he thought the correct course in such a general case. prominent among his ideas, and continuous in all his speculations as to the movements of an enemy, from onward, is the certainty that, for the sake of diversion, bonaparte will divide his force into two great equal fragments, which may land at points so far apart, and separated by such serious obstacles, as were solebay and dover. those who will be at the trouble to recall his guesses as to the future movements of the french in the riviera, piedmont, and tuscany, in and , as well as his own propositions to the austrians at the same period, will recognize here the recurrence, unchastened by experience or thought, of a theory of warfare it is almost impossible to approve. that bonaparte,--supposed to be master of his first movements,--if he meant to land in person at dover, would put half his army ashore at solebay, is as incredible as that he would have landed one half at leghorn, meaning to act with the other from the riviera. if this criticism be sound, it would show that nelson, genius as he was, suffered from the lack of that study which reinforces its own conclusions by the experience of others; and that his experience, resting upon service in a navy so superior in quality to its enemies, that great inferiority in number or position could be accepted, had not supplied the necessary corrective to an ill-conceived readiness to sub-divide. the resultant error is clearly traceable, in the author's opinion, in his dispositions at copenhagen, and in a general tendency to allow himself too narrow a margin, based upon an under-valuation of the enemy not far removed from contempt. it was most fortunate for him, in the baltic, that parker increased to twelve the detachment he himself had fixed at ten. the last utterances of his life, however, show a distinct advance and ripening of the judgment, without the slightest decrease of the heroic resolution that so characterized him. "i have twenty-three sail with me," he wrote a fortnight before trafalgar, "and should they come out i will immediately bring them to battle; ... but i am _very, very, very_ anxious for the arrival of the force which is intended. it is, as mr. pitt knows, annihilation that the country wants, and not merely a splendid victory of twenty-three to thirty-six. numbers only can annihilate." the assumption that bonaparte's plan would be such as he mentioned, naturally controlled nelson in the dispositions he sketched for the local defence of the shore lines. the invasion being in two bodies, the defence was to be in two bodies also; nor is there any suggestion of a possibility that these two might be united against one of the enemy's. the whole scheme is dual; yet, although the chance of either division of the british being largely inferior to the enemy opposed to it is recognized, the adoption of a central position, or concentration upon either of the enemy's flotillas, apparently is not contemplated. such uncertainty of touch, when not corrected by training, is the natural characteristic of a defence essentially passive; that is, of a defence which proposes to await the approach of the enemy to its own frontier, be that land or water. yet it scarcely could have failed soon to occur to men of nelson's and st. vincent's martial capacities, that a different disposition, which would clearly enable them to unite and intercept either one of the enemy's divisions, must wreck the entire project; for the other twenty thousand men alone could not do serious or lasting injury. the mere taking a position favorable to such concentration would be an adequate check. the trouble for them undoubtedly was that which overloads, and so nullifies, all schemes for coast defence resting upon popular outcry, which demands outward and visible protection for every point, and assurance that people at war shall be guarded, not only against broken bones, but against even scratches of the skin. this uneducated and weak idea, that protection is only adequate when co-extensive with the frontier line threatened, finds its natural outcome in a system of defence by very small vessels, in great numbers, capable of minute subdivision and wide dispersal, to which an equal tonnage locked up in larger ships cannot be subjected. although st. vincent was at the head of the admiralty which in ordered that nelson should first organize such a flotilla, and only after that proceed to offensive measures, the results of his experience now were to form--or at the least to confirm in him--the conclusion which he enunciated, and to which he persistently held, during the later truly formidable preparations of napoleon. "our great reliance is on the vigilance and activity of our cruisers at sea, any reduction in the number of which, by applying them to guard our ports, inlets, and beaches, would in my judgment tend to our destruction." very strangely, so far as the author's opinion goes, nelson afterwards expressed an apparently contrary view, and sustained mr. pitt in his attack upon st. vincent's administration on this very point; an attack, in its tendency and in the moment chosen, among the most dangerous to his country ever attempted by a great and sagacious statesman. nelson, however, writing in may, , says: "i had wrote a memoir, many months ago, upon the propriety of a flotilla. i had that command at the end of the last war, and i know the necessity of it, even had you, and which you ought to have, thirty or forty sail of the line in the downs and north sea, besides frigates &c.; but having failed so entirely in submitting my mind upon three points i was disheartened." this memoir has not been preserved, but it will be noticed that, in expressing his difference from st. vincent in the words quoted, he assumes, what did not at any time exist, thirty or forty sail-of-the-line for the north sea and the downs. st. vincent's stand was taken on the position that the flotilla could not be manned without diminishing the cruisers in commission, which were far short of the ideal number named by nelson. it may be believed, or at least hoped, that if forced to choose between the two, as st. vincent was, his choice would have been that of the great earl. it seems clear, however, that in he believed it possible that the army of invasion _might_ get as far as the shores of england--a question which has been much argued. "i am very uneasy," he then wrote to lady hamilton, "at your and horatia being on the coast: for you cannot move, if the french make the attempt." whatever weight may be attributed to this criticism on nelson's hastily sketched scheme, there can scarcely be any discord in the note of admiration for the fire that begins to glow, the instant he in thought draws near the enemy. there, assuredly, is no uncertain sound. they must be met as soon as possible; if not strong enough to attack, they must be watched, and company kept, till a favorable opportunity offers. if none occur till they draw near the beach, then, "whatever plans may be adopted, the moment they touch our coast, be it where it may, they are to be attacked by every man afloat and on shore: this must be perfectly understood. never fear the event." the resolution shown by such words is not born of carelessness; and the man who approaches his work in their spirit will wring success out of many mistakes of calculation--unless indeed he stumble on an enemy of equal determination. the insistence upon keeping the enemy under observation, "keeping company" with them, however superior in numbers, may also be profitably noted. this inspired his whole purpose, four years later, in the pursuit of the french to the west indies--if the odds are too great for immediate attack, "we won't part without a battle." it was the failure to hold the same principle of action, applicable to such diverse cases, that ruined calder in the same campaign. with the general views that have been outlined, nelson hastened to his task. his commission for the new service was dated july , three weeks after his return from the baltic. on the th he presented the memorandum of operations which has been discussed, on the th the admiralty issued their instructions, and on the th he hoisted his flag upon the "unité" frigate at sheerness. "i shall go on board this day," he said, "in order to show we must all get to our posts as speedily as possible." his orders, after mentioning the general reason for creating the "squadron on a particular service," as his command was officially styled, designated the limits of his charge, coastwise, as from orfordness, on the suffolk shore, round to beachy head, on the channel. on the enemy's side of the water, it extended from end to end of the line of ports from which the especial danger of an invasion by troops might be supposed to issue--from dieppe to ostend; but the mouth of the scheldt was implicitly included. the district thus assigned to him was taken out of the commands hitherto held by some very reputable admirals, senior to himself, who otherwise retained their previous charges, surrounding and touching his own; while at the scheldt he trenched closely upon the province of the commander-in-chief in the north sea. such circumstances are extremely liable to cause friction and bad blood, and st. vincent, who with all his despotism was keenly alive to the just susceptibilities of meritorious officers, was very careful to explain to them that he had with the greatest reluctance yielded to the necessity of combining the preparations for defence under a single flag-officer, who should have no other care. the innate tact, courtesy, and thoughtful consideration which distinguished nelson, when in normal conditions, removed all other misunderstandings. "the delicacy you have always shown to senior officers," wrote st. vincent to him, "is a sure presage of your avoiding by every means in your power to give umbrage to admiral dickson, who seems disposed to judge favourably of the intentions of us all: it is, in truth, the most difficult card we have to play." "happy should i be," he said at another time, "to place the whole of our offensive and defensive war under your auspices, but you are well aware of the difficulties on that head." from first to last there is no trace of a serious jar, and nelson's instructions to his subordinates were such as to obviate the probability of any. "i feel myself, my dear lord," he wrote st. vincent, relative to a projected undertaking on the dutch coast, "as anxious to get a medal, or a step in the peerage as if i had never got either. if i succeeded, and burnt the dutch fleet, probably medals and an earldom. i must have had every desire to try the matter, regardless of the feelings of others; but i should not have been your nelson, that wants not to take honours or rewards from any man; and if ever i feel great, it is, my dear lord, in never having, in thought, word, or deed, robbed any man of his fair fame." he was accompanied from london by a young commander, edward parker, who seems first to have become known to him in the baltic, and who now acted as an additional aide. the latter was filled with the admiration, felt by most of those thrown into contact with nelson, for the rapidity with which he transacted business, and set all about him in movement. "he is the cleverest and quickest man, and the most zealous in the world. in the short time we were in sheerness, he regulated and gave orders for thirty of the ships under his command, made every one pleased, filled them with emulation, and set them all on the _qui vive_." in forty-eight hours he was off again for the downs, by land, having to make some inquiries on the way as to the organization, and readiness to serve, of the sea fencibles, a large body of naval reserves, who were exempt from impressment upon the understanding that they would come forward for coast defence, in case of threatened invasion. concerning their dispositions he received fairly flattering assurances, which in the event were not realized. if the men were certified that they would not be detained after the danger was over, it was said, they certainly would go on board. "this service, my dear lord," he wrote to st. vincent, "above all others, would be terrible for me: to get up and harangue like a recruiting sergeant; but as i am come forth, i feel that i ought to do this disagreeable service as well as any other, if judged necessary." three days more, and he was off boulogne in a frigate with some bomb-vessels. the french admiral, latouche tréville, had moored in front of the pier a line of gun-vessels, twenty-four in number, fastened together from end to end. at these, and at the shipping in the small port, some bombs were thrown. not much injury was done on either side. prevented by an easterly wind from going on to flushing, as he had intended, nelson returned to margate on the th of august, issued a proclamation to the fencibles, assuring them that the french undoubtedly intended an invasion, that their services were absolutely required at once on board the defence-ships, and that they could rely upon being returned to their homes as soon as the danger was over. out of twenty-six hundred, only three hundred and eighty-five volunteered to this urgent call. "they are no more willing to give up their occupations than their superiors," wrote nelson, with characteristically shrewd insight into a frame of mind wholly alien to his own self-sacrificing love of country and of glory. hurrying from station to station, on the shores, and in the channels of the thames, he was on the th of august back at margate, evidently disappointed in the prospects for coast-defence, and more and more inclining to the deep-sea cruising, and to action on the enemy's coast, recommended by the admiralty, and consonant to his own temper, always disdainful of mere defensive measures. "our active force is perfect," he wrote to st. vincent, "and possesses so much zeal that i only want to catch that buonaparte on the water." he has satisfied himself that the french preparations were greatly exaggerated; boulogne in fact could not harbor the needed vessels, unless enlarged, as afterwards by napoleon. "where is our invasion to come from? the _time_ is gone." nevertheless, he favors an attack of some sort, suggests an expedition against flushing, with five thousand troops, and proposes a consultation. st. vincent replied that he did not believe in consultations, and had always avoided them. "i disapprove of unnecessary consultations as much as any man," retorted nelson, "yet being close to the admiralty, i should not feel myself justified in risking our ships through the channels of flushing without buoys and pilots, without a consultation with such men as your lordship, and also i believe you would think an order absolutely necessary." "lord st. vincent tells me he hates councils," he writes rather sorely to addington. "so do i between military men; for if a man consults whether he is to fight, when he has the power in his own hands, _it is certain that his opinion is against fighting_; but that is not the case at present, and i own i do want good council. lord st. vincent is for keeping the enemy closely blockaded; but i see they get alongshore inside their sand banks, and under their guns, which line the coast of france. lord hood is for keeping our squadrons of defence stationary on our own shore (except light cutters to give information of every movement of the enemy).... when men of such good sense, such great sea-officers, differ so widely, is it not natural that i should wish the mode of defence to be well arranged by the mature consideration of men of judgment?" meanwhile he had again gone off boulogne, and directed an attack in boats upon the line of vessels moored outside. he took great care in the arrangements for this hazardous expedition, giving personal supervision to all details. "as you may believe, my dear emma," he wrote to her who had his closest confidence, "my mind feels at what is going forward this night; it is one thing to order and arrange an attack, and another to execute it; but i assure you i have taken much more precaution for others, than if i was to go myself--then my mind would be perfectly at ease." he professed, and probably felt, entire confidence in the result. fifty-seven boats were detailed for the attack. they were in four divisions, each under a commander; edward parker having one. each division was to advance in two columns, the boats of which were secured one to another by tow-ropes; a precaution invaluable to keep them together, though rendering progress slower. the points in the enemy's line which each division was to make for were clearly specified, and special boats told off and fitted to tow out any vessels that were captured. simultaneous with this onslaught, a division of howitzer flatboats was to throw shot into the port. at half-past eleven on the night of august th, the boats, which had assembled alongside the flag-frigate "medusa," shoved off together; but the distance which they had to pull, with the strong, uncertain currents, separated them; and, as so often happens in concerted movements, attacks intended to be simultaneous were made disconnectedly, while the french were fully prepared. the first division of the british arrived at half-past twelve, and after a desperate struggle was beaten off, commander parker being mortally wounded. two other divisions came up later, while the fourth lost its way altogether. the affair was an entire failure, except so far as to show that the enemy would be met on their own shores, rather than on those of great britain. the british loss was forty-four killed, and one hundred and twenty-eight wounded. nelson returned to the downs, bitterly grieved, but not greatly discouraged. the mishap, he said, was due to the boats not arriving at the same moment; and that, he knew, was caused by conditions of currents, which would ever prevent the dull flatboats of the enemy moving in a concert that the cutters of ships of war had not attained. "the craft which i have seen," he wrote, "i do not think it possible to _row_ to england; and sail they cannot." as yet, however, he had not visited flushing, and he felt it necessary to satisfy himself on that point. on the th of august, taking some pilots with him, he went across and inspected the ground, where the officer in charge of the british observing squadron was confident something might be effected. nelson, however, decided otherwise. "i cannot but admire captain owen's zeal in his anxious desire to get at the enemy, but i am afraid it has made him overleap sand-banks and tides, and laid him aboard the enemy. i could join most heartily in his desire; but we cannot do impossibilities, and i am as little used to find out the impossibles as most folks; and i think i can discriminate between the impracticable and the fair prospect of success." by the th of august he had returned to the downs, where, with a brief and unimportant intermission, he remained until the cessation of hostilities with france in october. satisfied that invasion was, for that year at least, an empty menace, nelson fell again into the tone of angry and fretful complaint which was so conspicuous in the last weeks of his stay in the baltic. to borrow the words of a french admirer, "he filled the admiralty with his caprices and europe with his fame." almost from his first contact with this duty, it had been distasteful to him. "there is nothing to be done on the great scale," he said. "i own, my dear lord," he told st. vincent, "that this boat warfare is not exactly congenial to my feelings, and i find i get laughed at for my puny mode of attack." as usual, he threw himself with all his might into what he had to do, but the inward friction remained. "whilst i serve, i will do it actively, and to the very best of my abilities. i have all night had a fever, which is very little abated this morning; my mind carries me beyond my strength, and will do me up; but such is my nature. i require nursing like a child." that he was far from well is as unquestionable as that his distemper proceeded largely from his mind, if it did not originate there. "our separation is terrible," he writes to lady hamilton; "my heart is ready to flow out of my eyes. i am not unwell, but i am very low. i can only account for it by my absence from all i hold dear in this world." from the first he had told st. vincent that he could not stay longer than september th, that it was beyond his strength to stand the equinoctial weather. the veteran seaman showed towards him the same delicate consideration that he always had, using the flattering urgency which nelson himself knew so well how to employ, in eliciting the hearty co-operation of others. "the public mind is so much tranquillised by your being at your post, it is extremely desirable that you should continue there: in this opinion all his majesty's servants, with sir thomas troubridge, agree. let me entreat your lordship to persevere in the measures you are so advantageously employed in, and give up, at least for the present, your intention of returning to town, which would have the worst possible effect at this critical juncture. the dispositions you have made, and are making, appear to us all as the most judicious possible." "i hope you will not relinquish your situation at a moment when the services of every man are called for by the circumstances the country is placed in, so imperiously that, upon reflection, i persuade myself you will think as i, and every friend you have, do on this subject." nelson admitted, in a calmer moment, that "although my whole soul is devoted to get rid of this command, yet i do not blame the earl for wishing to keep me here a little longer." "pray take care of your health," the latter says again, "than which nothing is of so much consequence to the country at large, more particularly so to your very affectionate st. vincent." "your health is so precious at all times, more particularly so at this crisis." st. vincent tried in vain to conjure with the once beloved name of troubridge, whom nelson used to style the "nonpareil," whose merits he had been never weary of extolling, and whose cause he had pleaded so vehemently, when the accident of his ship's grounding deprived him of his share in the battle of the nile. from the moment that he was chosen by st. vincent, who called him the ablest adviser and best executive officer in the british navy, to assist in the administration of the admiralty, nelson began to view him jealously. "our friend troubridge is to be a lord of the admiralty, and i have a sharp eye, and almost think i see it. no, poor fellow, i hope i do him injustice; he cannot surely forget my kindness to him." but when the single eye has become double, suspicion thrives, and when tortured by his desire to return to lady hamilton, nelson saw in every obstacle and every delay the secret hand of troubridge. "i believe it is all the plan of troubridge," he wrote in one such instance, "but i have wrote both him and the earl my mind." to st. vincent, habit and professional admiration enabled him to submit, if grudgingly, and with constant complaints to his _confidante_; but troubridge, though now one of the board that issued his orders, was his inferior in grade, and he resented the imagined condition of being baffled in his wishes by a junior. the latter, quick-tempered and rough of speech, but true as his sword, to use st. vincent's simile, must have found himself put to it to uphold the respect due to his present position, without wronging the affection and reverence which he undoubtedly felt for his old comrade, and which in the past he had shown by the moral courage that even ventured to utter a remonstrance, against the infatuation that threatened to stain his professional honor. such straining of personal relations constantly accompanies accession to office; many are the friendships, if they can be called such, which cannot endure the experience that official action may not always be controlled by them. if such is to be noted in nelson, it is because he was no exception to the common rule, and it is sad that a man so great should not in this have been greater than he was. st. vincent felt it necessary to tell him, with reference to the difficulty of granting some requests for promotion, "encompassed as i am by applications and presumptuous claims, i have nothing for it but to act upon the defensive, as your lordship will be compelled to do, whenever you are placed in the situation i at present fill." this nelson contents himself with quoting; but of troubridge he says: "troubridge has so completely prevented my mentioning any body's service, that i am become a cypher, and he has gained a victory over nelson's spirit. captain somerville has been begging me to intercede with the admiralty again; but i have been so _rebuffed_, that my spirits are gone, and the _great_ troubridge has what we call _cowed_ the spirits of nelson; but i shall never forget it. he told me if i asked anything more that i should get nothing. no wonder i am not well." the refusal of the admiralty to give him leave to come to london, though founded on alleged motives of state, he thinks absurd. "they are beasts for their pains," he says; "it was only depriving me of one day's comfort and happiness, for which they have my hearty prayers." his spleen breaks out in oddly comical ways. "i have a letter from troubridge, recommending me to wear flannel shirts. does he care for me? _no_; but never mind." "troubridge writes me, that as the weather is set in fine again, he hopes i shall get walks on shore. he is, i suppose, laughing at me; but, never mind." petulant words, such as quoted, and others much more harsh, used to an intimate friend, are of course to be allowed for as indicating mental exasperation and the excitement of baffled longings, rather than expressing permanent feeling; but still they illustrate mental conditions more faithfully than do the guarded utterances of formal correspondence. friendship rarely regains the ground lost in them. the situation did undoubtedly become exasperating towards the end, for no one pretended that any active service could be expected, or that his function was other than that of a signal displayed, indicating that great britain, though negotiating for peace, was yet on her guard. lying in an open roadstead, with a heavy surf pouring in on the beach many days of the week, a man with one arm and one eye could not easily or safely get back and forth; and, being in a small frigate pitching and tugging at her anchors, he was constantly seasick, so much so "that i cannot hold up my head," afflicted with cold and toothache,--"but none of them cares a d--n for me and my sufferings." in september the hamiltons came to deal, off which the ship was lying, and remained for a fortnight, during which he was happy; but the reaction was all the more severe when they returned to town on the th. "i came on board, but no emma. no, no, my heart will break. i am in silent distraction.... my dearest wife, how can i bear our separation? good god, what a change! i am so low that i cannot hold up my head." his depression was increased by the condition of parker, the young commander, who had been wounded off boulogne, and had since then hovered between life and death. the thigh had been shattered too far up for amputation, and the only faint hope had been that the bones might reunite. the day that the hamiltons left, the great artery burst, and, after a brief deceitful rally, he died on the th of september. nelson, who was tenderly attached to him, followed him to the grave with emotion so deep as to be noticeable to the bystanders. "thank god," he wrote that afternoon, "the dreadful scene is past. i scarcely know how i got over it. i could not suffer much more and be alive." "i own," he had written to st. vincent immediately after the repulse, "i shall never bring myself again to allow any attack to go forward, where i am not personally concerned; my mind suffers much more than if i had a leg shot off in this late business." the admiralty refusing any allowances, much of the expense of parker's illness and of his funeral fell upon nelson, who assumed all his debts. it was but one instance among many of a liberality in money matters, which kept him constantly embarrassed. to the surgeon who had attended the wounded, and to the captain of the "medusa," a much richer man than he was, but who had shown him kindness, he gave handsome remembrances of the favors which he was pleased to consider done to himself personally. in a like spirit he wrote some months afterwards, concerning a proposed monument to captain ralph willett miller, who had fought under his flag. "i much doubt if all the admirals and captains will subscribe to poor dear miller's monument; but i have told davison, that whatever is wanted to make up the sum, i shall pay. i thought of lord st. vincent and myself paying,£ each; some other admirals may give something, and i thought about £ each for the captains who had served with him in the actions off cape st. vincent and the nile. the spirit of liberality seems declining; but when i forget an old and dear friend, may i cease to be your affectionate nelson and bronté." yet at this period he felt it advisable to sell the diamonds from the presents given him by foreign sovereigns. he was during these weeks particularly pressed, because in treaty for a house which he bought at merton in surrey, and for which he had difficulty in raising funds. in this his friend davison helped him by a generous and unlimited offer of a loan. "the baltic expedition," wrote nelson in his letter of thanks, "cost me full £ , . since i left london it has cost me, for nelson cannot be like others, near £ , in six weeks. if i am continued here, ruin to my finances must be the consequence." on the st of october the preliminaries of peace with france were signed, and on the th news of their ratification reached nelson on board his ship. "thank god! it is peace," he exclaimed. yet, while delighted beyond measure at the prospect of release from his present duties, and in general for the repose he now expected, he was most impatient at the exuberant demonstrations of the london populace, and of some military and naval men. "let the rejoicings be proper to our several stations--the manufacturer, because he will have more markets for his goods,--but seamen and soldiers ought to say, 'well, as it is peace, we lay down our arms; and are ready again to take them up, if the french are insolent.' there is no person in the world rejoices more in the peace than i do, but i would burst sooner than let a d--d frenchman know it. we have made peace with the french despotism, and we will, i hope, adhere to it whilst the french continue in due bounds; but whenever they overstep that, and usurp a power which would degrade europe, then i trust we shall join europe in crushing her ambition; then i would with pleasure go forth and risk my life for to pull down the overgrown detestable power of france." when the mob in london dragged the carriage of the french ambassador, his wrath quite boiled over. "can you cure madness?" he wrote to his physician; "for i am mad to read that our d--d scoundrels dragged a frenchman's carriage. i am ashamed for our country." "i hope never more to be dragged by such a degenerate set of people," he tells lady hamilton. "would our ancestors have done it? so, the villains would have drawn buonaparte if he had been able to get to london to cut off the king's head, and yet all our royal family will employ frenchmen. thanks to the navy, they could not." nelson's soul was disturbed without cause. under the ephemeral effervescence of a crowd lay a purpose as set as his own, and of which his present emotions were a dim and unconscious prophecy. on the th of october he received official notification for the cessation of hostilities with the french republic, the precise date at which they were to be considered formally at an end having been fixed at the d of the month. the admiralty declined to allow him to leave his station until that day arrived. then he had their permission to take leave of absence, but not to haul down his flag. "i heartily hope a little rest will soon set you up," wrote st. vincent, "but until the definitive treaty is signed, your lordship must continue in pay, although we may not have occasion to require your personal services at the head of the squadron under your orders." in accordance with this decision, nelson's flag continued to fly as commander-in-chief of a squadron of ships "on a particular service," throughout the anxious period of doubt and suspicion which preceded the signing of the treaty of amiens, on the th of march, . it was not till the th of the following april that he received the formal orders, to strike his flag and come on shore. on the d of october, , he left the flagship and set off for his new home in surrey. footnotes: [ ] these suggestive italics are in the letter as printed by clarke and m'arthur, and reproduced by nicolas. [ ] hollesley bay. chapter xviii. release from active service during the peace of amiens.--home life at merton.--public incidents. october, --may, . age, - . during the brief interval between his return from the baltic, july i, , and his taking command of the squadron on a particular service, on the th of the same month, nelson had made his home in england with the hamiltons, to whose house in piccadilly he went immediately upon his arrival in london. whatever doubt may have remained in his wife's mind, as to the finality of their parting in the previous january, or whatever trace of hesitation may then have existed in his own, had been definitively removed by letters during his absence. to her he wrote on the th of march, immediately before the expedition sailed from yarmouth: "josiah[ ] is to have another ship and to go abroad, if the thalia cannot soon be got ready. i have done _all_ for him, and he may again, as he has often done before, wish me to break my neck, and be abetted in it by his friends, who are likewise my enemies; but i have done my duty as an honest, generous man, and i neither want or wish for anybody to care what becomes of me, whether i return, or am left in the baltic. living, i have done all in my power for you, and if dead, you will find i have done the same; therefore my only wish is, to be left to myself: and wishing you every happiness, believe that i am, your affectionate nelson and bronté." upon this letter lady nelson endorsed: "this is my lord nelson's letter of dismissal, which so astonished me that i immediately sent it to mr. maurice nelson,[ ] who was sincerely attached to me, for his advice. he desired me not to take the least notice of it, as his brother seemed to have forgot himself." a separation preceded and caused by such circumstances as this was, could not fail to be attended with bitterness on both sides; yet one could have wished to see in a letter which is believed, and probably was intended, to be the last ever addressed by him to her, some recollection, not only of what he himself had done for his stepson, but that once, to use his own expression, "the boy" had "saved his life;" and that, after all, if he was under obligations to nelson, he would have been more than youth, had no intemperance of expression mingled with the resentment he felt for the slights offered his mother in the face of the world. with nelson's natural temperament and previous habits of thought, however, it was imperative, for his peace of mind, to justify his course of action to himself; and this he could do only by dwelling upon the wrong done him by those who, in the eyes of men generally, seemed, and must still seem, the wronged. of what passed between himself and lady nelson, we know too little to apportion the blame of a transaction in which she appears chiefly as the sufferer. nisbet, except in the gallantry and coolness shown by him at teneriffe, has not the same claim to consideration, and his career had undoubtedly occasioned great and legitimate anxiety to nelson, whose urgency with st. vincent was primarily the cause of a premature promotion, which spoiled the future of an officer, otherwise fairly promising.[ ] if the relations between the two had not been so soon strained by nelson's attentions to lady hamilton, things might have turned out better, through the influence of one who rarely failed to make the most of those under his command. the annual allowance made to lady nelson by her husband, after their separation, was £ , ; which, by a statement he gave to the prime minister, two years later, when asking an increase of pension, appears to have been about half of his total income. on the d of april, , when daily expecting to leave the baltic for england, he sent her a message through their mutual friend davison: "you will, at a proper time, and before my arrival in england, signify to lady n. that i expect, and for which i have made such a very liberal allowance to her, to be left to myself, and without any inquiries from her; for sooner than live the unhappy life i did when last i came to england, i would stay abroad for ever. my mind is fixed as fate: therefore you will send my determination in any way you may judge proper."[ ] to lady hamilton he wrote about the same time, assuring her, under the assumption of mystery with which he sought to guard their relations against discovery through the postal uncertainties of the day, that he had no communication with his wife: "thomson[ ] desires me to say he has never wrote his aunt[ ] since he sailed, and all the parade about a house is nonsense. he has wrote to his father, but not a word or message to her. he does not, nor cannot, care about her; he believes she has a most unfeeling heart."[ ] his stay with the hamiltons in piccadilly, though broken by several trips to the country, convinced nelson that if they were to live together, as he wished to do, it must be, for his own satisfaction, in a house belonging to him. it is clear that the matter was talked over between lady hamilton and himself; for, immediately upon joining his command in the downs, he began writing about the search for a house, as a matter already decided, in which she was to act for him. "have you heard of any house? i am very anxious to have a home where my friends might be made welcome." as usual, in undertakings of every kind, he chafed under delays, and he was ready to take the first that seemed suitable. "i really wish you would buy the house at turnham green," he writes her within a week. the raising of the money, it is true, presents some difficulty, for he has in hand but £ , . "it is, my dear friend," he moralizes, "extraordinary, but true, that the man who is pushed forward to defend his country, has not from that country a place to lay his head in; but never mind, happy, truly happy, in the estimation of such friends as you, i care for nothing." lady hamilton, however, was a better business-man than himself, and went about his purchase with the deliberation of a woman shopping. at the end of three weeks he was still regretting that he could not "find a house and a little ece of ground, for if i go on much longer with my present command, i must be ruined. i think your perseverance and management will at last get me a home." by the th of august she was suited, for on that date he writes to her, "i approve of the house at merton;" and, as the admiralty would not consent to his leaving his station even for a few days, all the details of the bargain were left in her hands. "i entreat, my good friend, manage the affair of the house for me." he stipulates only that everything in it shall be his, "to a book or a cook," or even "to a pair of sheets, towels, &c." "i entreat i may never hear about the expenses again. if you live in piccadilly or merton it makes no difference, and if i was to live at merton i must keep a table, and nothing can cost me one-sixth part which it does at present." "you are to be, recollect, lady paramount of all the territories and waters of merton, and we are all to be your guests, and to obey, all lawful commands." in this way were conducted the purchase and preparation of the only home of his own on english ground that nelson ever possessed, where he passed his happiest hours, and from which he set out to fight his last battle. the negotiation was concluded three days before the rumors of the peace got abroad, therefore about the th of september, ; and in consequence, so sir william hamilton thought, the property was acquired a thousand pounds cheaper than it otherwise might have been--a piece of financial good luck rare in nelson's experience. "we have now inhabited your lordship's premises some days," continued the old knight, "and i can now speak with some certainty. i have lived with our dear emma several years. i know her merit, have a great opinion of the head and heart that god almighty has been pleased to give her; but a seaman alone could have given a fine woman full power to chuse and fit up a residence for him without seeing it himself. you are in luck, for in my conscience i verily believe that a place so suitable to your views could not have been found, and at so cheap a rate. the proximity to the capital,"--nelson found it an hour's drive from hyde park--"and the perfect retirement of this place, are, for your lordship, two points beyond estimation; but the house is so comfortable, the furniture clean and good, and i never saw so many conveniences united in so small a compass. you have nothing but to come and enjoy immediately; you have a good mile of pleasant dry walk around your own farm. it would make you laugh to see emma and her mother fitting up pig-sties and hencoops, and already the canal is enlivened with ducks, and the cock is strutting with his hens about the walks." as time passed, sir william did not realize the comfort he had anticipated from surroundings so pleasant as those he described. he was troubled in money matters, fearing lest he might be distressed to meet the current expenses of the house. "if we had given up the house in piccadilly," he lamented to greville, "the living here would indeed be a great saving; but, as it is, we spend neither more nor less than we did." why he did not give it up does not appear. as lady paramount over the owner of the place, lady hamilton insisted upon entertaining to a degree consonant to the taste neither of lord nelson, who was only too pleased to humor her whims, nor of her husband, who had an old man's longing for quiet, and, besides, was not pleased to find himself relegated to a place in her consideration quite secondary to that of his host. "it is but reasonable," he wrote to greville, in january, , "after having fagged all my life, that my last days should pass off comfortably and quietly. nothing at present disturbs me but my debt, and the nonsense i am obliged to submit to here to avoid coming to an explosion, which would be attended with many disagreeable effects, and would totally destroy the comfort of the best man and the best friend i have in the world. however, i am determined that my quiet shall not be disturbed, let the nonsensical world go on as it will." neither the phlegm on which he prided himself, nor his resolutions, were sufficient, however, to keep the peace, or to avoid undignified contentions with his wife. some months later he addressed her a letter, which, although bearing no date, was evidently written after a prolonged experience of the conditions entailed upon himself by this odd partnership; for partnership it was, in form at least, the living expenses being divided between the two.[ ] in their quiet reasonableness, his words are not without a certain dignified pathos, and they have the additional interest of proving, as far as words can prove, that, battered man of the world though he was, he had no suspicion, within a year of his death, that the relations between his host and his wife were guilty towards himself. "i have passed the last years of my life in the hurry & bustle that must necessarily be attendant on a publick character. i am arrived at the age when some repose is really necessary, & i promised myself a quiet home, & altho' i was sensible, & said so when i married, that i shou'd be superannuated when my wife wou'd be in her full beauty and vigour of youth. that time is arrived, and we must make the best of it for the comfort of both parties. unfortunately our tastes as to the manner of living are very different. i by no means wish to live in solitary retreat, but to have seldom less than or at table, and those varying continually, is coming back to what was become so irksome to me in italy during the latter years of my residence in that country. i have no connections out of my own family. i have no complaint to make, but i feel that the whole attention of my wife is given to ld. n. and his interest at merton. i well know the purity of ld. n.'s friendship for emma and me, and i know how very uncomfortable it wou'd make his lp, our best friend, if a separation shou'd take place, & am therefore determined to do all in my power to prevent such an extremity, which wou'd be _essentially detrimental_ to all parties, but wou'd be more sensibly felt by our dear friend than by us. provided that our expences in housekeeping do not encrease beyond measure (of which i must own i see some danger), i am willing to go on upon our present footing; but as i cannot expect to live many years, every moment to me is precious, & i hope i may be allow'd sometimes to be my own master, & pass my time according to my own inclination, either by going my fishing parties on the thames or by going to london to attend the museum, r. society, the tuesday club, & auctions of pictures. i mean to have a light chariot or post chaise by the month, that i may make use of it in london and run backwards and forwards to merton or to shepperton, &c. this is my plan, and we might go on very well, but i am fully determined not to have more of the very silly altercations that happen but too often between us and embitter the present moments exceedingly. if realy one cannot live comfortably together, a _wise_ and well _concerted separation_ is preferable; but i think, considering the probability of my not troubling any party long in this world, the best for us all wou'd be to bear those ills we have rather than flie to those we know not of. i have fairly stated what i have on my mind. there is no time for nonsense or trifling. i know and admire your talents & many excellent qualities, but i am not blind to your defects, and confess having many myself; therefore let us bear and forbear for god's sake."[ ] there are other accounts by eye-witnesses of the home life at merton, in which participated, from time to time, not only the many outside guests, of whose burden hamilton complained, but also most of the members of the nelson family. lord minto, who had returned to england from vienna, and whose personal friendship to nelson never slackened, wrote to his wife, in march, : "i went to lord nelson's on saturday to dinner, and returned to-day in the forenoon. the whole establishment and way of life are such as to make me angry, as well as melancholy; but i cannot alter it, and i do not think myself obliged, or at liberty, to quarrel with him for his weakness, though nothing shall ever induce me to give the smallest countenance to lady hamilton. she looks ultimately to the chance of marriage, as sir william will not be long in her way, and she probably indulges a hope that she may survive lady nelson; in the meanwhile she and sir william, and the whole set of them, are living with him at his expense. she is in high looks, but more immense than ever. the love she makes to nelson is not only ridiculous, but disgusting: not only the rooms, but the whole house, staircase and all, are covered with nothing but pictures of her and him, of all sizes and sorts, and representations of his naval actions, coats-of-arms, pieces of plate in his honour, the flag-staff of l'orient, &c.--an excess of vanity which counteracts its own purpose. if it was lady hamilton's house there might be a pretence for it; to make his own house a mere looking-glass to view himself all day is bad taste. braham, the celebrated jew singer, performed with lady hamilton. she is horrid, but he entertained me in spite of her." of this same period, but a year later, at the time of hamilton's death, minto wrote: "lady hamilton talked very freely [to me] of her situation with nelson, and the construction the world may have put upon it, but protested that their attachment had been perfectly pure, which i declare i can believe, though i am sure it is of no consequence whether it be so or not. the shocking injury done to lady nelson is not made less or greater, by anything that may or may not have occurred between him and lady hamilton." on the th of november, , mr. matcham, a nephew of lord nelson, wrote for the "times" some reminiscences of the great admiral, as he had known him in private life, both at this period, and three years later, just before trafalgar. his letter was elicited by the publication of the "remains of mrs. trench." in this had appeared extracts from her journal, when mrs. st. george, containing statements derogatory to nelson's conduct in dresden, when on the journey from trieste to hamburg in the year ; some of which have been quoted already in this work.[ ] mr. matcham's words, so far as they relate to nelson himself, are here given in full[ ]:-- i too sir, as well as "the lady," had some knowledge of that person, so much honoured and so much maligned; and although i do not defend his one great error (though in that, with some palliation, there were united elements of a generous and noble nature), i venture to say that whoever forms a notion of his manners and deportment in private life from this account of him, will labour under a very great delusion. i visited my uncle twice during the short periods in which he was on shore--once in , during his journey to wales, when he was received at oxford and other places; and the second time at his house at merton, in , for three weeks preceding the th of september, when he left to embark at portsmouth to return no more; and i can assert with truth that a more complete contrast between this lady's portrait and my thorough recollection of him could not be forced on my mind. lord nelson in private life was remarkable for a demeanour quiet, sedate, and unobtrusive, anxious to give pleasure to every one about him, distinguishing each in turn by some act of kindness, and chiefly those who seemed to require it most. during his few intervals of leisure, in a little knot of relations and friends, he delighted in quiet conversation, through which occasionally ran an undercurrent of pleasantry, not unmixed with caustic wit. at his table he was the least heard among the company, and so far from being the hero of his own tale, i never heard him voluntarily refer to any of the great actions of his life. i have known him lauded by the great and wise; but he seemed to me to waive the homage with as little attention as was consistent with civility. nevertheless, a mind like his was necessarily won by attention from those who could best estimate his value. on his return from his last interview with mr. pitt, being asked in what manner he had been received, he replied that he had reason to be gratified with his reception, and concluded with animation, "mr. pitt, when i rose to go, left the room with me, and attended me to the carriage"--a spontaneous mark of respect and admiration from the great statesman, of which, indeed, he might well be proud. it would have formed an amusement to the circle at merton, if intemperance were set down to the master of the house, who always so prematurely cut short the _sederunt_ of the gentlemen after dinner. a man of more temperate habits could not, i am persuaded, have been found. it appears that the person of lord nelson (although he was not as described, a little man, but of the middle height and of a frame adapted to activity and exertion) did not find favour with the lady; and i presume not to dispute her taste, but in his plain suit of black, in which he alone recurs to my memory, he always looked what he was--a gentleman. whatever expletives of an objectionable kind may be ascribed to him, i feel persuaded that such rarely entered into his conversation. he was, it is true, a sailor, and one of a warm and generous disposition; yet i can safely affirm that i never heard a coarse expression issue from his lips, nor do i recollect one word or action of his to which even a disciple of chesterfield could reasonably object. if such did arise, it would be drawn forth when a friend was attacked, or even an enemy unjustly accused; for his disposition was so truly noble, that it revolted against all wrong and oppression. his heart, indeed, was as tender as it was courageous. nor do i think, sir, that it is a necessary concession to truth that you or others should lower your conception of this popular personage, on account of the exaggerated colours in which he is here drawn. those who best knew the man the most estimated his value, and many who like myself could not appreciate his professional superiority, would yet bear witness to his gentleness, kindness, good-breeding, and courtesy. he was not "a rude and boisterous captain of the sea." from his early years, by the introduction of his uncle, the comptroller of the navy, he was associated with the _élite_ of his own profession; and the influences of his own paternal home, and his acquaintance with the first families of his native county, to many of whom he was related, would not allow a man of his intelligence and proper pride to foster coarseness beyond the habits of his age. it appears to me that, however flattering or consolatory the recital of the follies or foibles of great men may be to that mediocrity which forms the mass of mankind, the person who undertakes to cater for mere amusement withdraws something from the common stock of his country. the glory of great britain depends as much on the heroes she has produced, as on her wealth, her influence, and her possessions; and the true patriot and honourable man, if he cannot add to their lustre, will at least refrain from any premeditated act which may dim their fame, and diminish that high estimation of them which expedience, nationality, and gratitude should alike contribute to sustain. a nephew of admiral lord nelson. a glimpse of the family life at merton, and of the society which gathered there, has been casually preserved for us. it presents not only an interesting group of the admiral's associates, but also the record of a conversation concerning him, under his own roof, transmitted by one of the parties to it; particularly instructive, because showing the contradictory traits which illustrated his character, and the impression made by him upon his contemporaries and intimates,--men who had seen him upon all kinds of occasions, both great and small. it corroborates, too, the report of these superficial inconsistencies made by the duke of wellington on a later occasion. the narrator, lieutenant layman, was the same who had recently been with nelson in the baltic, and who has before been quoted in connection with that expedition. sir alexander ball will be remembered as one of his chief supports during the long chase that preceded the battle of the nile, as well as in the action, and afterwards during the protracted operations around malta. hood was also a nile captain. "during the temporary peace, mr. layman spent some days at merton, with sir alexander ball and sir samuel hood. one day, after tea in the drawing-room, lord nelson was earnestly engaged in conversation with sir samuel. mr. layman observed to sir alexander, that lord nelson was at work by his countenance and mouth, that he was a most extraordinary man, possessing opposite points of character; little in little things, but by far the greatest man in great things he ever saw: that he had seen him petulant in trifles, and as cool and collected as a philosopher when surrounded by dangers, in which men of common minds, with clouded countenance, would say, 'ah! what is to be done?' it was a treat to see his animated and collected countenance in the heat of action. sir alexander remarked this seeming inconsistency, and mentioned that, after the battle of the nile, the captains of the squadron were desirous to have a good likeness of their heroic chief taken, and for that purpose employed one of the most eminent painters in italy. the plan was to ask the painter to breakfast, and get him to begin immediately after. breakfast being over, and no preparation being made by the painter, sir alexander was selected by the other captains to ask him when he intended to begin; to which the answer was, 'never.' sir alexander said, he stared, and they all stared, but the artist continued: 'there is such a mixture of humility with ambition in lord nelson's countenance, that i dare not risk the attempt.'"[ ] there is yet another casual mention of the merton home life, illustrative of more than one feature of nelson's native character. many years later the daughter of the vicar of the parish, when transmitting a letter to sir harris nicolas, added: "in revered affection for the memory of that dear man, i cannot refrain from informing you of his unlimited charity and goodness during his residence at merton. his frequently expressed desire was, that none in that place should want or suffer affliction that he could alleviate; and this i know he did with a most liberal hand, always desiring that it should not be known from whence it came. his residence at merton was a continued course of charity and goodness, setting such an example of propriety and regularity that there are few who would not be benefited by following it." his thoughtfulness and generosity to those about him was equally shown in his charges to his agents at bronté, for the welfare of the sicilian peasantry upon his estate. in the regularity and propriety of observance which impressed the clergyman's daughter, he carried out the ideal he had proposed to lady hamilton. "have we a nice church at merton? we will set an example of goodness to the under parishioners." whatever of censure or of allowance may be pronounced upon the life he was living, there was in the intention just quoted no effort to conciliate the opinion of society, which he was resolute in braving; nor was it inconsistent with the general tenor of his thoughts. in the sense of profound recognition of the dependence of events upon god, and of the obligation to manifest gratitude in outward act, nelson was from first to last a strongly religious man. to his sin he had contrived to reconcile his conscience by fallacies, analogies to which will be supplied by the inward experience of many, if they will be honest with themselves. the outcome upon character of such dealings with one's self is, in the individual case, a matter to which man's judgment is not competent. during the last two years and a half of nelson's life, the chaplain of the "victory" was associated with him in close intimacy as confidential secretary, with whom he talked freely on many matters. "he was," said this gentleman, "a thorough clergyman's son--i should think he never went to bed or got up without kneeling down to say his prayers." he often expressed his attachment to the church in which he had been brought up, and showed the sincerity of his words by the regularity and respect with which he always had divine service performed on board the "victory," whenever the weather permitted. after the service he had generally a few words with the chaplain on the subject of the sermon, either thanking him for its being a good one, or remarking that it was not so well adapted as usual to the crew. more than once, on such occasions, he took down a volume of sermons in his own cabin, with the page already marked at some discourse which he thought well suited to such a congregation, and requested dr. scott to preach it on the following sunday.[ ] on the th of october, , just one week after he left the downs, nelson took his seat in the house of lords as a viscount, his former commander-in-chief, hood, who was of the same rank in the peerage, being one of those to present him. while in england he spoke from time to time on professional subjects, or those connected with the external policy of the country, on which he held clear and decided opinions, based, naturally, upon naval exigencies. his first speech was a warm and generous eulogy of sir james saumarez, once second to himself at the battle of the nile, an officer with whom it is not too much to say he was not in close personal sympathy, as he had been with troubridge, but who had just fought two desperate squadron actions under conditions of singular difficulty, out of which he had wrenched a success that was both signal and, in the then state of the war and negotiations, most opportune. "sir james saumarez's action," said lord st. vincent, "has put us upon velvet." nelson's own thirst for glory made him keenly appreciative of the necessity to be just and liberal, in distributing to those who had achieved great deeds the outward tokens of distinguished service, which often are the sole recompense for dangers run and hardships borne. scarcely had he retired from his active command in the channel when he felt impelled to enter upon a painful and humiliating controversy, on behalf of those who had shared with him all the perils of the desperate battle of copenhagen; for which, unlike himself, they had received no reward, but from whom he refused to be dissociated in the national esteem and gratitude. on the th of november, , the city of london voted its thanks to the divisions of the army and the navy, whose joint operations during the previous summer had brought to an end the french occupation of egypt, begun by bonaparte in . nelson had for some time been uneasy that no such notice had been taken of the battle of copenhagen, for the custom of the corporation of the chief city of the empire, thus to honor the great achievements of their armed forces, was, he asserted, invariable in his experience; consequently, the omission in the case of copenhagen was a deliberate slight, the implication of which, he thought, could not be disregarded. delay, up to the time then present, might be attributed to other causes, not necessarily offensive, although, from a letter to his friend davison, he seems to have feared neglect; but the vote of thanks to the two services for their successes in egypt left no room to doubt, that the failure to take similar action in the case of copenhagen was intentional. this nelson regarded, and justly, as an imputation upon the transactions there. where a practice is invariable, omission is as significant as commission can be. either the victory was doubtful, or of small consequence, or, for some other reason, not creditable to the victors. he wrote at once to the lord mayor. after recalling the facts, he said: "if i were only personally concerned, i should bear the stigma, now first attempted to be placed upon my brow, with humility. but, my lord, i am the natural guardian of the characters of the officers of the navy, army, and marines, who fought, and so profusely bled, under my command on that day.... when i am called upon to speak of the merits of the captains of his majesty's ships, and of the officers and men, whether seamen, marines, or soldiers, i that day had the happiness to command, _i say_, that never was the glory of this country upheld with more determined bravery than upon that occasion, and more important service was never rendered to our king and country. it is my duty to prove to the brave fellows, my companions in dangers, that _i_ have not failed, at every proper place, to represent, as well as i am able, their bravery and meritorious services." this matter was the occasion, possibly the cause, of bringing him into collision with the admiralty and the government on the same subject. although his private representations, soon after his return to england, had obtained from lord st. vincent, as he thought, a promise that medals should be issued for the battle, no steps thereto had been taken. he now enclosed to the prime minister and to the first lord a copy of his letter to the lord mayor; and to both he alluded to the assurance he believed had been made him. "i have," he said, "been expecting the medals daily since the king's return from weymouth." st. vincent's reply was prompt as himself. with reference to the former matter, he confined himself to drily thanking nelson, without comment, "for communicating the letter you have judged fit to write to the lord mayor;" but as to the medals, he wrote a separate note, telling him that he had "given no encouragement, but on the contrary had explained to your lordship, and to mr. addington, the impropriety of such a measure being recommended to the king." nelson, to use his own word, was "thunder-struck" by this statement. "i own," he said, "i considered the words your lordship used as conveying an assurance. it was an apology for their not being given before, which, i understood you, they would have been, but for the difficulty of fixing who was to have them;" an allusion particularly valuable as indicating, in this case of flat contradiction between two honorable men, what was the probable cause of withholding the marks of hard-won distinction. "i have never failed assuring the captains, that i have seen and communicated with, that they might depend on receiving them. i could not, my dear lord, have had any interest in misunderstanding you, and representing that as an intended honour from the king which you considered as so improper to be recommended to the king: therefore i must beg that your lordship will reconsider our conversation--to me of the very highest concern, and think that i could not but believe that we would have medals. i am truly made ill by your letter." st. vincent replied briefly, "that you have perfectly mistaken all that passed between us in the conversation you allude to, is most certain. at the same time i am extremely concerned that it should have had so material an effect upon your health," etc. "either lord st. vincent or myself are liars," wrote nelson to davison; a conclusion not inevitable to those who have had experience of human misunderstandings. the prime minister took a week to reply. when he did, he deprecated the sending of any letter to the mayor, for reasons, he said, "not merely of a public nature, but connected with the interest i shall ever take in your well-earned fame." these reasons, he added, he would be ready to give him in a private interview. nelson had asked his opinion upon the terms of the letter; but, impatient after waiting three days, had already sent it in when this answer came. it seems probable that, with his usual promptness, he called at once; for on the same day, november , that he received addington's letter he withdrew that to the mayor.[ ] "by the advice of a friend," he said, "i have now to request that your lordship will consider my letter as withdrawn, _as the discussion of the question may bring forward characters which had better rest quiet_."[ ] there seems, therefore, little reason to doubt that the honors, due to those who fought, were withheld out of consideration to those who did not fight. nelson himself recognized the difficulty. "they are not sir hyde parker's real friends who wish for an inquiry," he had written confidentially to davison before leaving the baltic. "his friends in the fleet wish everything of this fleet to be forgot, for we all respect and love sir hyde; but the dearer his friends, the more uneasy they have been at his _idleness_, for that is the truth--no criminality." but, as he vigorously and characteristically said of another matter occurring about this time, "i was told the difficulties were insurmountable. my answer was, 'as the thing is necessary to be done, the more difficulties, the more necessary to try to remove them.'" as regards the soundness of nelson's grounds, and the propriety of his action in this matter, it must, first, be kept in mind, that, before the city voted its thanks to the navy engaged in egypt, he had spoken in the house of lords in favor of the thanks of the government to the same force, although, as a whole, it had there played a subordinate part; and also, that, although deprived of the medal which he hoped to get in common with others, he had himself been rewarded for copenhagen by promotion in the peerage.[ ] this separation between himself and the mass of those who fought under him, necessarily intensified the feeling of one always profusely generous, in praise as in money; but his point otherwise was well taken. the task was ungracious and unpleasant, it may almost be called dirty work to have thus to solicit honors and distinction for deeds in which one has borne the principal part; but dirty work must at times be done, with hands or words, and the humiliation then rests, not with him who does it, but with them who make it necessary. had the victors at copenhagen fought a desperate fight, and were they neglected? if so, and the outside world looked indifferently on, who from among them should first come forth to defend their glory from implication of some undefined stain, if not their commander-in-chief, one whose great renown could well spare the additional ray of lustre which he demanded for them. whether underneath lay some spot of self-seeking, of the secondary motive from which so few of us are free, matters little or nothing. the thing was right to be done, and he did it. if the government and the city of london, by calculated omission, proclaimed, as they did, that these men had not deserved well of their country, it became him to say, as he did, openly to the city, subordinately to his superiors, that they had done men's work and deserved men's reward. "if lord nelson could forget the services of those who have fought under his command, he would ill deserve to be so supported as he always has been." thus he closed his last letter to the lord mayor on this subject, a year after the correspondence began. it was this noble sympathy with all beneath him, the lack of which has been charged against the great commander of the british army of this period, that won for nelson the enthusiastic affection which, in all parts of his command, however remote from his own eyes, aroused the ardent desire to please him. no good service done him escaped his hearty acknowledgment, and he was unwearied in upholding the just claims of others to consideration. in the matter of copenhagen, up to the time he left the country, eighteen months later, he refused any compromise. he recognized, of course, that he was powerless in the face of st. vincent's opposition; but, he wrote to one of the captains engaged, "i am fixed never to abandon the fair fame of my companions in dangers. i have had a meeting with mr. addington on the subject; i don't expect we shall get much by it, except having had a full opportunity of speaking my mind." the premier's arguments had been to him wholly inconclusive. oddly enough, as things were, the sultan sent him a decoration for copenhagen. coming from a foreign sovereign, there was, in accepting it, no inconsistency with his general attitude; but in referring the question to the government, as was necessary, he told the prime minister, "if i can judge the feelings of others by myself, there can be no honours bestowed upon me by foreigners that do not reflect ten times on our sovereign and country."[ ] in conformity with this general stand, when it was proposed in june, , to give him the thanks of the city, for taking command of the force destined to defend it against invasion, he wrote to request that the motion might be withdrawn, on the express ground that no thanks had been given those engaged at copenhagen. "i should feel much mortified, when i reflected on the noble support i that day received, at any honour which could separate me from them." he alleged the same reason, in the following september, for refusing to dine with the corporation. "never, till the city of london think justly of the merits of my brave companions of the d of april, can i, their commander, receive any attention from the city of london." a like refusal was sent to his invitation for lord mayor's day. after the interview with mr. addington, the question of medals was dropped. he had explained his position fully, and felt that it was hopeless to attempt more, so long as the admiralty was against him; but when the administration changed, in may, , he wrote to lord melville, the new first-lord, enclosing a statement of facts, including his correspondence with st. vincent, and requesting a reconsideration of the matter. "the medal," he said, is withheld, "for what reason lord st. vincent best knows. i hope," he concluded, "for your recommendation to his majesty, that he may be pleased to bestow that mark of honour on the battle of copenhagen, which his goodness has given to the battle of st. vincent, the first of june, of camperdown, and the nile." melville, in a very sympathetic and courteous letter, declined, for a reason whose weight must be admitted: "when badges of triumph are bestowed in the heat and conflict of war, they do not rankle in the minds even of the enemy, at whose expense they are bestowed; but the feeling, i suspect, would be very different in denmark, if the present moment was to be chosen for opening afresh wounds which are, i trust, now healed, or in the daily progress of being so." so it resulted that for some reason, only dimly outlined, no mark of public recognition ever was conferred upon the most difficult, the most hazardous, and, at the moment, perhaps the most critically important of nelson's victories; that which he himself considered the greatest of his achievements. this unfortunate and embittering controversy was the most marked and characteristic incident of his residence at merton, between october, , when he first went there, and may, , when he departed for the mediterranean, upon the renewal of war with france. living always with the hamiltons, the most copious stream of private correspondence was cut off; and being unemployed after april, , his official letters are confined to subjects connected rather with the past than with the then present time. upon general naval questions he had, however, something to say. a trip to wales suggests a memorandum to the prime minister concerning the cultivation and preservation of oak timber in the forest of dean. he submits to him also his views as to the disposition of malta, in case the provision of the treaty of amiens, which re-established there the order of the knights under the guarantee of the six great powers, should fail, owing to the refusal of russia to join in the proposed guarantee. at the time he wrote,--december, ,--the question was become burning, threatening the rupture of the existing peace between france and great britain; a result which, in fact, soon followed, and turned mainly upon this point. the essential aim in the provision, he observed, was that neither of the two countries should have the island. if the order could not be restored, then it ought to go to naples, again under the guarantee of the powers. it was useless to england, for operations against france; and in the hands of the latter was a direct menace to sicily. this arrangement would accord with the spirit of the treaty; but if it also was impracticable, great britain had no choice but to keep malta herself. it would cost £ , annually, but anything was better than to chance its falling again into the hands of france. in like manner he submitted to the admiralty plans for the more certain manning of the navy, and for the prevention of desertion. the material conditions of seamen while in the service, the pay and provisions, were, he considered, all that could be desired; but still there was great indisposition to enlist, and the desertions in the last war, - , rose to the enormous figure of forty-two thousand. the remedy he outlined was a registration of seamen, and of certificates to be given them, bearing a personal description by which they could be identified, and on which their character and services would appear. for lack of such papers, seamen by hundreds were in london in distress, although large amounts of money were due them at prize agencies, where the agent feared to pay for want of identification. a certificate showing five years' faithful service should entitle the holder to an annual bounty of two guineas, to be increased by further periods. such provisions were well calculated to appeal to men accustomed to entertain prudential considerations, and to create gradually a class with whom they would weigh, and who would by them be retained in permanent employment. in meeting the case of desertions, caused by the heedlessness and weakness of seamen, nelson became more vague. the nature of the trouble he recognized clearly enough, but there is a lack of definiteness in the remedy he proposed to meet an evil which still exists. "the mainspring of all my plan is, that of certificates fully descriptive of the persons; the very greatest good must result from it. something should be attempted at these times to make our seamen, at the din of war, fly to our navy, instead of flying from it." his plan is substantially that now adopted. closely connected with the discontent of seamen was the subject of prize-money, in the receipt and distribution of which great irregularities and abuses existed among the agents, to remove which also he made particular and detailed suggestions; and he strongly supported, though with discriminating criticism, the bill for an inquiry into naval abuses, which embodied the most prominent of st. vincent's administrative measures while at the head of the admiralty. but, though thus supporting the earl in his policy of investigation, and retaining his respect for him as a sea-officer, he was utterly dissatisfied with the general conduct of the admiralty and with its attitude towards himself in particular. "i attribute none of the tyrannical conduct of the late board to lord st. vincent," he wrote two years later. "for the earl i have a sincere regard, but he was dreadfully ill-advised, and i fear the service has suffered much from their conduct." it would seem as if he did not, after the first moments of annoyance, forget the irritation he felt against troubridge at being retained in the downs against his will, and, as he thought, without necessity. "i thank you," he wrote to captain murray, "for taking the trouble of driving seven miles to make me a visit; for, could you believe it, there are those who i thought were my firm friends, some of near thirty years' standing--who have never taken that trouble!" this may not refer to troubridge, but the description answers to him, and it appears that in the nelson-hamilton circle his name now stood as a type of ingratitude.[ ] writing to davison in september, , after a trip of six weeks made to wales, in company with the hamiltons, he says: "our tour has been very fine and interesting, and the way in which i have been everywhere received most flattering to my feelings; and although some of the higher powers may wish to keep me down, yet the reward of the general approbation and gratitude for my services is an ample reward for all i have done; but it makes a _comparison_ fly up to my mind, not much to the credit of some in the higher offices of the state." he seems to have felt that neither in his influence with the admiralty, nor in reference to his opinions on foreign topics, did he receive the recognition that his distinguished services, abilities, and experience claimed. "having failed entirely in submitting my thoughts on three points"--those just cited, manning, desertion, and prize-money--"i was disheartened;" and to this he attributes his not sending in a memoir which he had prepared upon the subject of the flotilla for coast defence. but, while he resented this neglect, it did not greatly interfere with his happiness, which was at this time well-nigh complete. he complains of ill health, it is true, from time to time, and his means were insufficient duly to keep up the two establishments--lady nelson's and merton--for which he was pecuniarily responsible. under this embarrassment he chafed, and with a sense of injustice which was not unfounded; for, if reward be proportioned to merit and to the importance of services rendered, nelson had been most inadequately repaid. for the single victories of st. vincent and camperdown, each commander-in-chief had received a pension of £ , . the nile and copenhagen together had brought him no more than £ , ; indeed, as he had already been granted £ , a year for st. vincent, another thousand may be said to have been all he got for two of the greatest victories of the war. in submitting a request for an increase, he asked pertinently, "was it, or not, the intention of his majesty's government to place my rewards for services lower than lord st. vincent or lord duncan?" there was, of course, the damaging circumstance that the conditions under which he chose to live made him poorer than he needed to be; but with this the government had no concern. its only care should have been that its recompense was commensurate with his deserts, and it is revolting to see a man like nelson, naturally high-toned and always liberal, forced to the undignified position of urging--and in vain--for the equal remuneration that should have been granted spontaneously long before. in his criticisms of the admiralty's general course, it does not appear whether nelson, who was hereafter to be the greatest sufferer from st. vincent's excessive economies, realized as yet the particular injury being done by them to the material of the navy. in his passion for reform, the veteran seaman obstinately shut his eyes to the threatening condition of the political atmosphere, and refused to recognize the imminent danger of a renewal of the war, because it necessarily would postpone his projected innovations. assuming the continuance of peace with all the violence of a prejudice, he permitted the strength and resources of the navy to deteriorate rapidly, both by direct action and by omission to act. "lord st. vincent," wrote minto in november, , "is more violent than anybody against the war, and has declared that he will resign if ministers dare go to war. his principal reason is, i believe, that the ships are so much out of repair as to be unfit for service." "lord nelson," he says at the same period, "has been with me a long time to-day. he seems much of my mind on material points, but especially on the necessity of being better prepared than we now are." the admiral's own letters at this time make little allusion to the measures, or the neglects, which were rapidly undermining the efficiency of the fleet; but a year after leaving england he wrote, "with all my personal regard for lord st. vincent, i am sorry to see that he has been led astray by the opinion of ignorant people. there is scarcely a thing he has done since he has been at the admiralty that i have not heard him reprobate before he came to the board." much as he enjoyed his home and desired peace, nelson had never felt assured of its continuance. like great britain herself during this repose, he rested with his arms at his side, ready for a call. the prime minister, addington, has transmitted a curious story of the manner in which he exemplified his ideas of the proper mode of negotiating with bonaparte. "it matters not at all," he said, taking up a poker, "in what way i lay this poker on the floor. but if bonaparte should say it _must_ be placed in this direction," suiting the action to the word, "we must instantly insist upon its being laid in some other one." at the same time bonaparte, across the channel, was illustrating in almost identical phrase the indomitable energy that was common to these two men, the exponents of the two opposing and irreconcilable tendencies of their age. "if the british ministry should intimate that there was anything the first consul had not done, because he was prevented from doing it, that instant he would do it." "you have proved yourself too true a prophet," wrote an occasional correspondent to nelson, "for you have said ever since the peace that it could not be of long duration." jar after jar, as bonaparte drove his triumphal chariot over the prostrate continent, announced the instability of existing conditions; and the speech from the throne on the th of november, , was distinctly ominous, if vague. nelson then seconded the address in the house of peers, in words so characteristic of his own temper, and of that then prevailing in the nation, that they serve to explain the strong accord between him and it, and to show why he was so readily and affectionately distinguished as its representative hero. they are thus reported:-- "i, my lords, have in different countries, seen much of the miseries of war. i am, therefore, in my inmost soul, a man of peace. yet i would not, for the sake of any peace, however fortunate, consent to sacrifice one jot of england's honour. our honour is inseparably combined with our genuine interest. hitherto there has been nothing greater known on the continent than the faith, the untainted honour, the generous public sympathies, the high diplomatic influence, the commerce, the grandeur, the resistless power, the unconquerable valour of the british nation. wherever i have served in foreign countries, i have witnessed these to be sentiments with which britons were regarded. the advantages of such a reputation are not to be lightly brought into hazard. i, for one, rejoice that his majesty has signified his intention to pay due regard to the connection between the interests of this country and the preservation of the liberties of europe. it is satisfactory to know, that the preparations to maintain our dignity in peace, are not to be neglected. those supplies which his majesty shall for such purposes demand, his people will most earnestly grant. the nation is satisfied that the government seeks in peace or war no interest separate from that of the people at large; and as the nation was pleased with that sincere spirit of peace with which the late treaty was negotiated, so, now that a restless and unjust ambition in those with whom we desired sincere amity has given a new alarm, the country will rather prompt the government to assert its honour, than need to be roused to such measures of vigorous defence as the exigency of the times may require." during the winter, bonaparte, resentful of great britain's claim to a voice in the politics of the continent, became more and more distinctly menacing in deed and word. on the th of february, , in a message to the legislature, he made the imprudent, because useless, vaunt, "this government says with just pride, england, alone, cannot to-day contend against france." two days later minto, who was in opposition, was told by nelson, "in strict confidence," that for some time back there had been great doubts between peace and war in the ministry. "one measure in contemplation has been to send him to the mediterranean, by way of watching the armament and being ready if wanted. he says that he is thought the fitter for that delicate service, as on the one hand he wishes the continuance of peace, and therefore is not likely to precipitate matters, and on the other hand bonaparte knows that if he hoists his flag it will not be in joke." it had for some time been arranged that, if war came, he was to have the mediterranean command. on the th of march, , the king sent a message to parliament, that, in consequence of military preparations going on in the ports of france and holland, he judged expedient to adopt additional measures of precaution for the security of his dominions. while this was under discussion in the upper house, nelson, impressed with the idea that war must come, left his seat, and wrote to the prime minister the following line: "whenever it is necessary, i am _your_ admiral." yet he felt the tug at his heartstrings as he never had before. "war or peace?" he writes to his old flag-captain, berry. "every person has a different opinion. i fear perhaps the former, as i hope so much the latter." only with large reservations would he now have repeated the rule codrington tells us he inculcated,--"that every man became a bachelor after passing the rock of gibraltar, and he was not very tardy in showing that he practised what he preached. honour, glory and distinction were the whole object of his life, and that dear domestic happiness never abstracted his attention." he did, indeed, rail at marriage[ ] during his last cruise, now fast approaching; but his passionate devotion to lady hamilton, and his yearning for home, knew no abatement. yet, through all and over all, the love of glory and the sense of honor continued to the last to reign supreme. "government cannot be more anxious for my departure," he tells st. vincent, "than i am, if a war, to go." meantime the necessary preparations were quietly progressing, while the diplomatic discussions with france became more and more bitter and hopeless, turning mainly on the question of malta, though the root of the trouble lay far deeper. the "victory," of a hundred guns, was named for nelson's flag, her officers appointed, and the ship commissioned. on the th of may he received orders to prepare for departure. on the th the british ambassador left paris, having handed in the government's ultimatum and demanded his passports. on the th great britain declared war against france, and the same day nelson at the admiralty received his commission as commander-in-chief in the mediterranean. within forty-eight hours he joined the "victory" at portsmouth, and on the th sailed for his station. thus ended the longest period of retirement enjoyed by nelson, from the opening of the war with france, in , until his death in . during it, besides the separation from lady nelson, two great breaks occurred in his personal ties and surroundings. his father died at bath on the th of april, , at the age of seventy-nine. there had been no breach in the love between the two, but it seems to the author impossible to overlook, in the guarded letters of the old man to his famous son, a tinge of regret and disapproval for the singular circumstances under which he saw fit to live. that he gladly accepted the opinion professed by many friends, naval and others, and carefully fostered by the admiral, that his relations with lady hamilton were perfectly innocent, is wholly probable; but, despite the usual silence concerning his own views, observed by himself and nelson, two clues to his thought and action appear in his letters. one is the remark, already quoted, that gratitude required him to spend some of his time with lady nelson. the other, singular and suggestive, is the casual mention to nelson that he had received an anonymous letter, containing "severe reproaches for my conduct to you, which is such, it seems, as will totally separate us."[ ] there is no record that he permitted himself to use direct expostulation, and it seems equally clear that he would not, by any implication, manifest approval or acquiescence. it has been said, indeed, but only upon the authority of lady hamilton, that it was his intention to take up his residence entirely at merton, with the admiral and the hamiltons; an act which would have given express countenance to the existing arrangements, and disavowed, more strongly than any words, the bearing imputed to him by the anonymous letter. in whose interest would such a letter most likely be penned? nelson mourned him sincerely, but was prevented by illness from being present at the funeral. he is a man known to us only by his letters, which are marked by none of the originality that distinguishes the professional utterances of the admiral, and cannot be said to rise much above the commonplace; but they show a strong and unaffected piety, and particularly a cheerful, resolute, acceptance of the infirmities of protracted old age, which possesses charm and inspires respect. there is also a clear indication of the firmness that characterized nelson himself, in the determination, amid all the feebleness of age, and notwithstanding his pride and love for his famous son, upon whom, too, he was partially dependent, that he would not join in the general abandonment of the wife by the husband's family. his attitude in this regard, as far as can be inferred from his letters, commands sympathy and admiration. a year later, on the th of april, , sir william hamilton also died, "in lady hamilton's and my arms," wrote nelson, "without a sigh or a struggle. the world never lost a more upright and accomplished gentleman." lady hamilton, with ready tears, recorded: "unhappy day for the forlorn emma. ten minutes past ten dear blessed sir william left me." the grouping of figures and emotions at that death-bed was odd almost beyond comprehension; one of the most singular studies which human nature has presented to itself of its powers of self-cajolement. a man systematically deceived, yet apparently sincerely regarded, and affectionately tended to the last by his betrayers, one of whom at least prided himself, and for the most part not unjustly, upon his fidelity to his friends. hamilton, alone among the three, seems to have been single-minded--to have viewed their mutual relations to the end, not with cynical indifference, but with a simplicity of confidence hard to be understood in a man of his antecedents. it may have been, however, that he recognized the inevitable in the disparity of years and in his wife's early training, and that he chose to cover her failings with a self-abnegation that was not without nobility. upon such a tacit affirmation he set a final seal in a codicil to his will, well calculated to silence those who saw scandal in the association between his wife and his friend. "the copy of madam le brunn's picture of emma, in enamel, by bone, i give to my dearest friend lord nelson, duke of bronté, a very small token of the great regard i have for his lordship, the most virtuous, loyal, and truly brave character i ever met with. god bless him, and shame fall on those who do not say amen." sir william's death, by withdrawing the husband's countenance to nelson's remaining under the same roof, might have complicated matters for the two lovers, but the outbreak of war necessitated the admiral's departure a month later. when he returned to england for the last time, in august, , he was, deservedly, the object of such widespread popular devotion, and his stay was so short, that the voice of censure was hushed amid the general murmur of affectionate admiration. the noble qualities of the man, the exalted spirit of self-sacrifice and heroic aspiration that breathed in his utterances, and was embodied, not only in his brilliant deeds, but in the obscure, patient endurance of the last two years, evoked a sentiment which spread over him and her a haze of tender sympathy that still survives. in the glory of trafalgar, in his last touching commendation of her and his child to the british government, in the general grief of the nation, there was justly no room to remember their fault; both acquaintance and strangers saw in her only the woman whom he loved to the end. the sisters of nelson, women of mature years and irreproachable character, maintained a correspondence with lady hamilton during their lives; long after his death, and the departure of his influence, removed any interested motive for courting her friendship. between them and lady nelson, on the other hand, the breach was final. their occasional mention of her is unfriendly, and upon the whole contemptuous; while she, as far as can be judged from their letters, returned to them an equal measure of disdain. footnotes: [ ] josiah nisbet, her son. [ ] nelson's eldest brother. there appear to have been two copies of this letter in nelson's hand. one, of which the latter half only remains, is in the british museum. it bears the endorsement of lady nelson, as given. the other copy, entire, is in the alfred morrison collection--number . nelson probably sent a copy to lady hamilton to satisfy her exigencies that the breach was final. the two correspond, word for word,--as far, that is, as the former remains. maurice nelson died in april, . [ ] nelson several times spoke of nisbet's early promise. the author is indebted to mrs. f.h.b. eccles, nisbet's granddaughter, for a copy of the following letter from st. vincent to his sister mrs. ricketts:-- london, january , . my dear sister,--upon reflexion it appears best to send you the only letters i can find relative to captain nisbet, and to authorize you to assert in my name that lord nelson assured me that he owed his life to the resolution and admirable conduct of his stepson, when wounded at teneriffe, and that he had witnessed many instances of his courage and enterprise. yours most affectionately, st. vincent. this letter explains how st. vincent, feeling the value of nelson's life to the country, granted, in the still warm memories of teneriffe, a promotion which must have been sorely against his judgment. [ ] nicolas, vol. vii. addenda, p. ccix. in a letter to lady hamilton of the same date, nelson says: "read the enclosed, and send it if you approve. who should i consult but my friends?" (morrison, vol. ii. p. .) whether the enclosed was this letter to davison cannot be said; but it is likely. compare foot-note, preceding page. [ ] nelson. [ ] lady nelson. [ ] morrison, vol. ii. p. . [ ] on the st of september, , six months before hamilton's death, he was still £ , in nelson's debt. (morrison, vol. ii. p. .) [ ] morrison, no. . [ ] _ante_, p. . [ ] from mr. g. lathora browne's "nelson: his public and private life," london, , p. . [ ] naval chronicle, vol. xxxvii. p. . [ ] life of rev. a.j. scott, d.d., p. . [ ] nicolas, vol. iv. p. . [ ] ibid., vol. vii. p. ccx. author's italics. [ ] ibid., vol. v. p. . [ ] it is possible that nelson here used the word "reflect" in the primary sense of reflecting honor; but in the secondary sense of being a reflection upon those who had denied a just claim, the phrase, ambiguous as it stands, represented accurately his feelings. "i own, my dear sir," he said again to the premier, with reference to this decoration, "great as this honour will be, it will have its alloy, if i cannot at the same time wear the medal for the battle of copenhagen, the greatest and most honourable reward in the power of our sovereign to bestow, as it marks my personal services." [ ] see pettigrew, vol. ii. p. ; morrison, vol. ii. p. . [ ] this habit is mentioned by captain james hillyar, for extracts from whose journals the author is indebted to admiral sir w.r. mends, g.c.b. [ ] morrison collection, no. , october , . chapter xix. commander-in-chief in the mediterranean.--the long watch off toulon.--occupations of a commander-in-chief. may, --january, . age, - . when nelson, after a three years' absence, returned to the mediterranean in , he found the conditions, upon which the military balance of power there depended, greatly altered from those he had known during the period of his previous service. he had been present, indeed, almost an eye-witness, at the tremendous reverse associated with the name of marengo, for that battle, it will be remembered, was fought while he was at leghorn on his return to england; but marengo, and the conventions following it, were at the moment only the beginning of an end which then could not be foreseen. the most significant token of the entire change of conditions--of the predominant, far-reaching, and firmly fastened grip of france on the land--was the presence of an army corps of fifteen thousand men in the extreme southeast of italy, occupying the kingdom of naples from the river ofanto, on the adriatic coast, round to the bradano on the gulf of taranto, and including the useful ports of brindisi and taranto. this distant and ex-centric extension of the arms of the republic bespoke bonaparte's confidence in the solidity of his situation in the south of europe; for under previous circumstances, even after his victorious campaign of , he had always deprecated an occupation of naples, and relied upon threats and a display of force to insure the quiescence of that state. that one of his first steps, upon the renewal of war with great britain, should have been to place a large body of troops in a position he once considered so exposed, shows the fulness of his conviction that upon the continent he had, for the moment, nothing to fear from the other great powers. strongly stirred as they had been by his highhanded aggressions, none as yet ventured to call him directly to account. great britain, the least immediately affected, had stepped into the lists, and demanded not only that aggression should cease, but that the state of the continent should be restored as it existed when she signed the treaty of amiens. with this requirement she maintained the war, single-handed, from may, , to the autumn of . it was not without reason that bonaparte reckoned upon the inaction of the continent. austria, although profoundly discontented by much he had done since the peace of lunéville, in , was too thoroughly disheartened and exhausted by the unsuccessful and protracted struggle which preceded it, to be ready to renew the strife. limited as she now was, by the treaty, to the eastern bank of the adige, there was in northern italy no force to threaten the french communications, between their divisions in the valley of the po and the one at the heel of the peninsula. prussia, playing a double part for years back, seeking from day to day the favor of the most powerful, was wholly committed for the time to the first consul; while russia, although her youthful sovereign had abandoned the anti-british policy of his predecessor, remained undecided as to the general course she should pursue amid the ever-shifting perplexities of the day. less fantastic in imagination than his insane father, alexander i. inherited a visionary tendency, which hindered practical action, and showed itself in plans too vast and complicated for realization, even when two rulers of the overwhelming power of himself and napoleon, at a later date, set their hands to the task. swayed, alternately, by sympathy with the ancient order of things, which great britain for the moment represented, and by prospects of russian aggrandizement, which bonaparte dangled before his eyes, the czar halted between two opinions, pleasing himself, meanwhile, in weaving, with associates of his own age, schemes for a general reorganization of europe. in these the interests of russia naturally, and quite properly, had a leading part, and not least in those seas and regions that fell within the limits of nelson's command. the power of the great states which lay to the northward and eastward of him being thus neutralized, bonaparte found upon the land nothing to oppose his will, or to contest his influence, in the smaller and weaker nations to the southward and westward, close to his own doors, but isolated from the rest of europe, except by sea--a weighty exception. spain, reduced to virtual vassalage in the previous war, no longer even pretended to dispute his orders. she was not engaged in the present hostilities, simply because it suited him better to take a money tribute from her, and to enjoy for french ships the benevolent neutrality of spanish ports, more necessary to them than to the british. moreover, if spain joined in the war, minorca, restored to her at the peace, would be at the mercy of great britain, and port mahon, the fine haven of that island, was always a menace to toulon. the harbors of remote portugal, where lisbon formerly had given powerful support to the british fleet, were now closed to it for offensive operations; and nelson, within whose command its seaboard lay, was strictly enjoined to refrain from any such use of them, even from sending in prizes, except under stress of weather. in italy, piedmont had been incorporated with france, while the italian and ligurian (genoa) republics in the north were so identified with her in action, and so submissive to her, that the capture of the latter's ships was at once ordered by nelson; and he recommended to his government that a formal blockade should be proclaimed of her ports, as well as of leghorn, where the french flag was flown on the same staff as the tuscan. the states of the pope, intermediate between these tributaries of bonaparte in the north and his garrisoned province in naples, enjoyed only such precarious independence as he from day to day allowed. but, mighty as was the growth of french ascendency, as shown by these changes, the very advantages accruing to france from her advanced maritime positions laid her further open to the sea power of great britain. the neutrality of genoa and tuscany could no longer embarrass the british admiral, as it had nelson in and . offensive operations against them were now merely a question of adequate force, and the south of france depended greatly upon free access to their ports. taking piedmont from the king of sardinia, too, relieved any scruples the british might have concerning their use of the island of sardinia injuring a friendly monarch, a consideration which kept them away from sicily. nelson, instructed by the experience and observation of the recent past, and by a certain prescient sagacity which was at once native and cultivated in him, recognized that the mediterranean, with its immense indented coast line, its positions of critical importance,--such as the straits of gibraltar and the bosphorus, egypt and malta,--and its comparatively short water distances, was the field of operations to which the maritime ambitions of bonaparte, debarred a wider flight by the sea-power of great britain, must inevitably incline. to this contributed also its remoteness from england, as well as its nearness to france and to the ports subject to her influence in italy and spain; while the traditional ambitions of french rulers, for three centuries back, had aspired to control in the levant, and had regarded turkey for that reason as a natural ally. it was, therefore, not merely as magnifying his own office, nor yet as the outcome of natural bias, resulting from long service in its waters, that nelson saw in the mediterranean the region at once for defence and offence against bonaparte; where he might be most fatally checked, and where also he might be induced most surely to steps exhaustive to his strength. this conviction was, indeed, rather an instance of accurate intuition than of formulated reasoning. clear, ample, and repeated, as are his demonstrations of the importance of the various positions at stake, and of the measures necessary to be taken, they rather apply to the necessities of the moment than indicate a wide scheme of policy, which should divert the energies of the enemy to the south of europe, and so provide the best of defences against his projected invasion of england. yet even of such broader view tokens are not wanting. "to say the truth," he writes to the queen of naples, "i do not believe we had in the last war, and, according to all appearance, we shall not have in the present one either, plans of a sufficiently grand scale to force france to keep within her proper limits. small measures produce only small results. the intelligent mind of your majesty will readily comprehend the great things which might be effected in the mediterranean. on this side buonaparte is the most vulnerable. it is from here that it would be the most easy to mortify his pride, and so far humble him, as to make him accept reasonable conditions of peace." it cannot be claimed, however, that there entered into nelson's thoughts, for italy, any such diversion as that by which the spanish peninsular war some years later drained the life blood of france. the time, indeed, was not yet ripe, nor would the scene have been in any way as favorable to great britain; and, moreover, so far from being ready to threaten, her energies were effectually constrained to her own defence, by the superior audacity and direct threats of bonaparte. even the limited suggestions for the employment of troops in the mediterranean, made by nelson from time to time, failed to receive attention, and he himself was left to struggle on as best he might, with inadequate means and upon a bare defensive, even in naval matters. great britain, in short, had stripped herself, incautiously, so bare, and was so alarmed by the french demonstrations of invasion, that she for the moment could think only of the safety of her territory and of her home waters, and her offensive operations were confined to the sea. bonaparte understood as fully as nelson the importance of the mediterranean to him. his mind was set upon the extension of france's dominion therein,--in its islands, upon its northern and southern shores, and in the east; nor was he troubled with scruples as to the means by which that object might be attained. during the short peace of amiens, lord keith had felt it necessary to take precautions against the re-occupation of corfu by the french troops; and again at a later date had stationed a ship for the same purpose at the madalena islands, belonging to sardinia, which nelson afterwards made a rendezvous for his fleet. algiers, too, had attracted the first consul's attention. "algiers will be french in one year after a peace," wrote nelson in august, . "you see it, and a man may run and read; that is the plan of buonaparte." "the ministers of the dey must know, that an armament at toulon, and a large army, after the peace with great britain, was intended to land and plunder algiers, which they doubtless would have effected, had not a british fleet been placed in oristan bay [sardinia] to watch their motions." these and similar reasons had led the british government to maintain the mediterranean squadron nearly upon a war footing during the peace. but, if bonaparte's purpose was fixed to control the mediterranean some day, it now was set also upon the invasion of england; and although he looked and plotted in many directions, taking long views, and neglecting no opportunity to secure advanced footholds for future uses, he had not yet reached the stage in his development when he would divide his energies between two gigantic undertakings. one at a time, and with an accumulation of force abundantly adequate to the end in view, was his policy all the days of nelson. the mediterranean with its varied interests was to him at this time one of several means, by which he hoped to distract british counsels and to dissever british strength; but it was no part of his design to provoke great britain to measures which would convert her alarm for the mediterranean peninsulas into open war with them, or in them, compelling france either to recede from thence, or to divert thither a force that might weaken his main effort. his aim was to keep anxiety keenly alive, and to cut short the resources of his enemy, by diplomatic pressure upon neutral states, up to the last extreme that could be borne without war against them being declared, as the lesser evil; and the nearer he could approach this delicate boundary line, without crossing it, the greater his success. "i do not think a spanish war [that is, a declaration by spain] so near," wrote nelson in november, . "we are more likely to go to war with spain for her complaisance to the french; but the french can gain nothing, but be great losers, by forcing spain to go to war with us; therefore, i never expect that the spaniards will begin, unless buonaparte is absolutely mad, as many say he is. i never can believe that he or his counsellors are such fools as to force spain to begin." the course instinctively advocated by nelson, transpiring through occasional utterances, was directly contrary to bonaparte's aims and would have marred his game. "we never wanted ten thousand troops more than at this moment," nelson wrote shortly after he had reached the station and become acquainted with the state of affairs. "they might save naples, sicily, the morea and egypt, by assisting and giving confidence to the inhabitants." "it has been my plan to have , disposable troops in the mediterranean," he wrote to acton; and he regretted to the ministry that they should have withdrawn all the fine army which had regained egypt in . "the sending them home," he remarked to an occasional correspondent, "was a very inconsiderate measure, to say nothing further of it." his idea was to garrison gaeta and naples on the coast of the mainland, and messina in sicily; and to throw a force into the mountains of calabria, which should sustain and give cohesion to the insurrection that he confidently expected would follow. with the british fleet covering the approaches by water, and sustaining and reinforcing garrisons in the ports, there would be imposed upon the enemy, unless he chose to abandon southern italy, a scene of operations in a distant, difficult country, with a long and narrow line of communications, flanked throughout by the sea, and particularly by the two fortified harbors which he proposed to occupy. "the peasantry would, i believe, defend their mountains, and at least it would give a check to the movements of the french, and give us time to get a fleet into the mediterranean." that the attempt would have been ultimately successful, against such power as napoleon then wielded, cannot be affirmed; but, until put down, it necessarily would have engaged a force very disproportionate to its own numbers, drawing off in great part the army destined against england, as it was diverted two years later by austria, and giving opportunity for changes in the political conditions, even to the formation of a new coalition. nelson, therefore, was not far from right in reasoning that the mediterranean should, and therefore would, be the chief scene of operations. in bonaparte's eyes, to invade britain was, justly, the greatest of all ends, the compassing of which would cause all the rest to fall. nelson, weighing the difficulties of that enterprise more accurately than could be done by one unaccustomed to the sea, doubted the reality of the intention, and thought it more consonant to the true policy of france to seize control of the mediterranean, by a sudden concentration of her fleets, and then to transport her troops by water to the heel of italy, to the ionian islands, to the morea, to egypt. so stationed, with fortified stepping-stones rising at short intervals from the deep, future movements of troops and supplies from point to point would be but an affair of coasters, slipping from battery to battery, such as he had experienced to his cost in the riviera. in this project he thought it likely that france could secure the co-operation of russia, by allowing the latter her share of the spoils of turkey, especially in constantinople. he saw, indeed, that the partition would involve some difficulty between the two partners, and in his correspondence he attributes the morea and the islands, now to one, now to the other; but the prediction, elicited piece-meal from his letters, received a close fulfilment four years later in the general tenor of the agreements of tilsit, nor was it less accurate in its dim prophecy of a disagreement. such, in broad outline, were the prepossessions and views nelson took with him from england in , as modified by the information he received upon reaching the station; and such the counter-projects of bonaparte, to whom belonged, as the privilege of the offensive, the choice of direction for his attack. the essential difference between the two was, that one believed the invasion of england, however difficult, to be possible, and therefore to be the true and first object of his efforts; while the other, without pronouncing that attempt impossible, saw its difficulties so clearly, that he conceived his enemy must be aiming for the mediterranean from the beginning. it is permissible to remark that bonaparte, after the failure of the invasion, first busied himself in reducing austria, prussia, and russia, successively, to the state of inaction in which they were in ; next came to an understanding with the latter, such as nelson had foreseen; and then turned to the mediterranean, where he established his own rule in naples, in the ionian islands, on the eastern shore of the adriatic, and finally in the spanish peninsula. beyond that his advance was stayed by the sea power of great britain, which at last wrought his ruin. thus in the event the predictions of the british admiral were postponed, but not falsified. nelson's characteristic impatience and energy hurried him on from the moment he took up his command. "i cannot sail before to-morrow," he said repeatedly in portsmouth, "and that's an age." "if the devil stands at the door," he tells st. vincent, "we shall sail to-morrow forenoon." the admiralty, in its primary anxiety about brest, imposed upon him a delay under which he chafed angrily. he was directed to meet off that port the squadron of admiral cornwallis, in order that, if the latter wanted the "victory," she might be left there, and an intimation was even given that he was "on no account to pass admiral cornwallis, so as to run any chance of his being deprived of the services of the victory, if he should judge it necessary to detain her." nelson resented the implication that he was capable of evading an order, like a frigate-captain parting company to better his chance of prize-money. "i beg to assure you that i hold it impossible for any officer, under such orders as their lordships' to me, to designedly miss admiral cornwallis off brest." on the d of may he was off ushant, between which and cornwallis's rendezvous he passed twenty-four hours, fuming and fretting over a delay that was losing him a fresh, fair, northerly wind; the more so, that he was satisfied cornwallis neither needed nor wanted the ship. "from his conduct,"--not being on his rendezvous,--"i am clear there can be nothing in brest to demand his attention." on the d, however, he could stand it no longer. "what a wind we are losing!" "if the wisdom of my superiors had not prevented me," he growled, "at this moment i should have been off the coast of portugal. i am aware of the importance of my getting to the mediterranean, and think i might safely have been allowed to proceed in the victory." at p.m. of that day, cornwallis not turning up, he tumbled himself and his suite on board the frigate "amphion," which was in company, and continued his voyage, going out in all the discomfort of "a convict," to use st. vincent's expression; "seven or eight sleeping in one cabin," as nelson himself described it. "it is against my own judgment but in obedience to orders," he told the earl; while to the prime minister, with whom he was in personal correspondence, he lamented the loss, "for i well know the weight of the victory in the mediterranean." as he anticipated, cornwallis did not want the ship, and she joined nelson two months afterwards off toulon. late in the evening of june d, the "amphion" anchored at gibraltar, whither she brought the first certain news of the war, though it had been declared nearly three weeks before. the next day was actively employed in giving necessary instructions to the yard officials, and detailing cruisers to guard the entrance to the straits, and to maintain the communications with the barbary coast, upon which the rock depended for supplies of fresh provisions. at p.m. the ship again sailed for malta, accompanied by the frigate "maidstone," to which, on the th of june, was transferred, for direct passage to naples by the north of sicily, the new british minister to the two sicilies, mr. elliot, who had embarked with nelson on board the "victory," and afterwards gone with him to the "amphion." throughout the following two years an active correspondence, personal and diplomatic, was maintained with this gentleman, who, like his brother, lord minto, placed the utmost dependence upon the political sagacity and tact of the admiral. when the latter, a year later, spoke of leaving the station on account of his health, elliot wrote to him: "where such great interests are concerned, i shall not presume to dwell upon my own feelings, although i cannot but recall to your lordship that i only consented to depart as abruptly as i did from england, to undertake this arduous and ruinous mission, from the expectation that my efforts to direct the councils of this kingdom would have been seconded by your pre-eminent talents and judgment." after the two frigates parted, the "amphion" kept on to malta, where she arrived on the th of june. with the separation of the "maidstone" nelson began the extensive diplomatic correspondence, which employed so much of his time during this command, and through which we are made familiar with the workings of his mind on the general political conditions of the mediterranean. she carried from him letters to the king and queen of the sicilies, to their prime minister, acton, and to the british minister to the court of sardinia. to these succeeded, upon his arrival in malta,--as a better point of departure for the farther east, now that the french held the west coast of the adriatic,--despatches to the british minister to the porte, to the grand vizier and the capitan pacha, to the republic of the seven islands, as the group of corfu and its sisters was now styled, and to the british representative to their government. all these communications were, of course, tentative, based upon a yet imperfect knowledge of conditions. for the most part they conveyed, besides the notification of his having taken the command, chiefly general assurances of the good-will of the writer's government, and an undefined intimation that all had best be on their guard against french scheming and aggressions. to naples he spoke more definitely, and indicated at once the considerations that would dictate his course, and, he intimated, should control theirs also. he had been instructed, he said, to consider the welfare of the two sicilies as one of the first of british objects, and his government was convinced of the advantages that would accrue both to sicily and naples, if their neutrality could be maintained. they had to do, however, with an enemy that was not only powerful, but wily and unscrupulous; one whose action would be governed wholly by considerations of interest and expediency, not by those of right. great britain could not, probably, keep the french out of naples, but she could out of sicily, provided, and only provided, messina was adequately garrisoned and held. if, however, there was any hasty overt action taken, looking to the security of sicily, it might merely precipitate the seizure of naples and the entire conquest of the king's continental dominions; or, "ten times more humiliating," leave him "an odious commissary to raise contributions from his unhappy subjects for the french." on the other hand, if, to avert suspicion, there was too much slackness in the measures to guard sicily, messina might be suddenly seized, the gates of the island thus thrown open, and, sicily once lost, "_naples falls of course_." "it is a most important point," he wrote to elliot soon after, "to decide when sicily ought to be placed in a state of security. for the present, i am content to say that messina need not be taken possession of; but the strictest watch must be kept by sir john acton that we are not lulled into a fatal security, and thus lose both kingdoms. to save for the moment naples, we risk the two kingdoms, and general acton must join me in this heavy responsibility." "my whole opinion rests in these few words--_that we must not risk sicily too far in trying to save naples; therefore, general acton, yourself and myself must keep a good lookout_." this summed up the conditions for naples during the long two years of watching and waiting, while bonaparte, concentrating his purposes upon his invasion scheme, was content to leave things quiet in the south. to check, as far as might be, the designs of the french towards morea or towards sicily, on either side of the central position they held at the heel of italy, nelson employed a proportionately large number of cruisers--five--between messina and the mouth of the adriatic; while, to provide for the safety of the royal family, he kept always a ship-of-the-line in the bay of naples, the british minister holding orders for her captain to embark them at a moment's notice, and take them to sicily. "i have kept everything here to save italy, if in my power," he wrote elliot two months later, "and you know i was ordered to send a squadron outside the straits. fourteen days ago, a french seventy-four got into cadiz from santo domingo, and two french frigates, with some merchant ships. what will they say at home? however, i feel i have done right, and care not." "i must place a squadron between elba and genoa," he says again, "to prevent that expedition from moving, and also send some ships to the straits' mouth, and keep enough to watch the ships in toulon. these are all important objects, but nothing when compared to the security of the sicilies." nelson's anxiety for sicily threw him again into contact with an instance of that rigid and blind conformity to orders which always exasperated him. he had brought out directions to the general commanding in malta, to hold a detachment of two thousand british troops in readiness to go at once to messina, on the appearance of danger, and to garrison the works there, if he thought they could be spared from the defence of malta. nelson told the prime minister that discretion, as to such a step, was a responsibility greater than the average officer could bear, and would certainly defeat the object in view; for he would never feel his charge secure enough to permit such a diminution. there was at this time in malta a body of neapolitan soldiers, which had been sent there during the peace of amiens, in accordance with a stipulation of the treaty. the general received an order to send them to messina. nelson had pointed out to him that if he did so, in the divided state of feeling in the neapolitan dominions, and with the general character of neapolitan officers, for both efficiency and fidelity, the citadel would not be safe from betrayal at their hands. "i have requested him to keep the orders secret, and not to send them; for if they got into messina, they would certainly not keep the french out one moment, and it would give a good excuse for not asking us to secure messina." "if general acton sends for them we must submit; but at present we need not find means of sending them away." the british general, however, sent them over, and then the neapolitan governor, as nelson foretold, said it was quite unnecessary for any british to come. "i must apprise you," wrote nelson to addington, "that general villettes, although a most excellent officer, will do nothing but what he receives, 'you are hereby required and directed;' for to obey, is with him the very acme of discipline. with respect to sicily, i have no doubt but that the french will have it. my former reasons for inducing general villettes to keep the neapolitan troops in malta, was to prevent what has happened; but, in a month after my back was turned, villettes obeyed his orders, and now the governor of messina says, 'we can defend it, and want no assistance.' his whole conduct, i am bold to say, is either that of a traitor or a fool."[ ] upon his own subordinates nelson laid a distinct charge, that he should expect them to use their judgment and act upon it with independence, sure of his generous construction and support of their action. "we must all in our several stations," he tells one of them, "exert ourselves to the utmost, and not be nonsensical in saying, 'i have an order for this, that, and the other,' if the king's service clearly marks what ought to be done. i am well convinced of your zeal." in accordance with this, he was emphatic in his expressions of commendation for action rightly taken; a bare, cold approval was not adequate reward for deeds which he expected to reproduce his own spirit and temper, vivifying the whole of his command, and making his presence virtually co-extensive with its utmost limits. no severer condemnation, perhaps, was ever implied by him, than when he wrote to sidney smith, unqualifiedly, "i strictly charge and command you never to give any french ship or man leave to quit egypt." to deny an officer discretion was as scathing an expression of dissatisfaction as nelson could utter; and as he sowed, so he reaped, in a devotion and vigor of service few have elicited equally. in malta nelson remained but thirty-six hours. arriving at p.m. on the evening of june th, he sailed again at a.m. of the th. he had expected partly to find the fleet there; but by an odd coincidence, on the same day that he hoisted his flag in portsmouth, it had sailed, although in ignorance of the war, to cruise between sicily and naples; whence, on the day he left gibraltar, the commanding officer, sir richard bickerton, had started for toulon,--"very judiciously," said nelson,--the instant he heard of the renewal of hostilities. the "amphion" passed through the straits of messina, and within sight of naples, carrying nelson once more over well-known seas, and in sight of fondly remembered places. "i am looking at _dear_ naples, if it is what it was," he wrote to elliot from off capri. "close to capri," he tells lady hamilton, "the view of vesuvius calls so many circumstances to my mind, that it almost overpowers my feelings." "i am using force upon myself to keep away," he had already said to acton; "for i think it likely, was i to fly to naples, which i am much inclined to do, that the french might turn it to some plea against those good sovereigns." in his anxiety to join the fleet, and get in touch of the french, the length of the passage, three weeks, caused him great vexation, and deepened his convictions of the uselessness of the island to his squadron off toulon. "my opinion of malta, as a naval station for watching the french in toulon, is well known; and my present experience of what will be a three weeks' passage, most fully confirms me in it. the fleet can never go there, if i can find any other corner to put them in; but having said this, i now declare, that i consider malta as a most important outwork to india, that it will ever give us great influence in the levant, and indeed all the southern parts of italy. in this view, i hope we shall never give it up." "malta and toulon are entirely different services. it takes upon an average seven weeks to get an answer to a letter. when i am forced to send a ship there, i never see her under two months." with gibraltar, however, malta gave the british two impregnable and secure bases of operations, within reasonable distance of one another, and each in close proximity to points most essential to control. during nelson's entire command, the three chief centres of interest and of danger were the straits of gibraltar, the heel of italy, and toulon. the narrowing of the trade routes near the two former rendered them points of particular exposure for merchant shipping. around them, therefore, and in dependence upon them, gathered the largest bodies of the cruisers which kept down privateering, and convoyed the merchant ships, whose protection was not the least exacting of the many cares that fell upon nelson. upon the malta division depended also the watch over the mouth of the adriatic and the straits of messina, by which nelson hoped to prevent the passage of the french, in small bodies, to either sicily, the morea, or the ionian islands. malta in truth, even in nelson's time, was the base for operations only less important than the destruction of the toulon fleet. the latter he rightly considered his principal mission, success in which would solve most other maritime difficulties. "my first object must ever be to keep the french fleet in check; and, if they put to sea, to have force enough with me to _annihilate_ them. that would keep the two sicilies free from any attack from sea." on the th of july the "amphion" joined the fleet off toulon. it numbered then nine ships-of-the-line, with three smaller cruisers. "as far as outside show goes," he reported to st. vincent, "the ships look very well; but they complain of their bottoms, and are very short of men." the fact was, as he afterwards explained, that before the war came they had been expecting every day to go to england, and consequently had been allowed to run down gradually, a result which doubtless had been hastened by st. vincent's stringent economies. gibraltar and malta were both bare, nelson wrote six months later, and it was not the fault of the naval storekeepers. the ships, everywhere, were "distressed for almost every article. they have entirely eat up their stores, and their real wants not half complied with. i have applications from the different line-of-battle-ships for surveys on most of their sails and running rigging, which cannot be complied with, as there is neither cordage nor sails to replace the unserviceable stores, and, therefore, the evil must be combated in the best manner possible." as the whole navy had suffered from the same cause, there was no reserve of ships at home to replace those in the mediterranean, which, besides lacking everything, were between eight and nine hundred men short of their complement, or about one hundred for each ship-of-the-line. "we can send you neither ships nor men," wrote st. vincent as winter drew on; and even a year later, the administration which followed his found it impossible to replace the "crazy" vessels, of which nelson said only four were fit for winter cruising. "it is not a storeship a week," he declared, "that would keep them in repair." the trouble was greater because, when leaving malta, they had anticipated only a cruise of three weeks, which for many of them became two years. despite the difficulties, he determined that the fleet as a body should not go into port; nor should the individual ships-of-the-line, except when absolutely necessary, and then to gibraltar, not malta. "i have made up my mind never to go into port till after the battle, if they make me wait a year, provided the admiralty change the ships who cannot keep the sea in winter;" nor did the failure of the admiralty to meet this proviso alter his resolution. it was the carrying out of this decision, with ships in such condition, in a region where winds and seas were of exceptional violence, and supplies of food and water most difficult to be obtained, because surrounded in all directions by countries either directly hostile, or under the overmastering influence of bonaparte, that made the exercise of nelson's command during this period a triumph of naval administration and prevision. it does not necessarily follow that an officer of distinguished ability for handling a force in the face of an enemy, will possess also the faculty which foresees and provides for the many contingencies, upon which depend the constant efficiency and readiness of a great organized body; though both qualities are doubtless essential to constitute a great general officer. for twenty-two months nelson's fleet never went into a port, other than an open roadstead on a neutral coast, destitute of supplies; at the end of that time, when the need arose to pursue an enemy for four thousand miles, it was found massed, and in all respects perfectly prepared for so distant and sudden a call. to quote his own words, written a year before this summons in reply to an intimation from the admiralty to be on his guard against spain, "i have the pleasure to acquaint you that the squadron under my command is all collected, except the gibraltar,[ ] complete in their provisions and stores to near five months, and in a perfect state of readiness to act as the exigency of the moment may determine." "with the resources of your mind," wrote st. vincent, when unable to reinforce him, "you will do very well;" and nelson, when he put off his harness, might have boasted himself that the prediction was more than fulfilled. provisions, water, and supplies of all sorts were brought to the ships on their station, either at sea, or in unfrequented roadsteads within the limits of the cruising ground. "i never could have spared the ships to go to gibraltar for them," he wrote to st. vincent, to whom he expressed his satisfaction with the way the plan worked. he soon abandoned, in fact, the method of sending individual ships for water, because of the long absence thus entailed. when water could not be brought in transports, or rather could not easily be transhipped owing to the badness of the season, he thought it better to take the whole fleet to the nearest watering-place than to divide its strength. fresh provisions, absolutely indispensable to the health of the ships' companies, constituted the greatest of difficulties. opposition to furnishing them must be expected wherever french influence could be felt. "the great distance from malta or gibraltar renders the getting such refreshments from those places, in a regular manner, absolutely impossible;" and from the spanish ports, barcelona or rosas, which were near his cruising ground, they could be had only "clandestinely." government bills would not be taken there, nor in barbary or sardinia, where bullocks might be got. hard money must be paid, and about this there was some routine bureau difficulty. "i certainly hate to have anything to do with the management of money," he wrote, "but i submit the propriety of lodging public money on board the fleet, for the purpose of paying for fresh beef and vegetables, provided, but on _no account otherwise_, that the simple receipt from the captain of the ship may be a sufficient voucher for the disbursement of such money." absolutely disposed as he was to assume political or military responsibilities, he was not willing, even for the health of the fleet, to incur the risk of pecuniary imputations for himself or his captains. great dexterity of management was required to obtain these supplies, without drawing, upon those who gave them, such tokens of displeasure from bonaparte as might result in their discontinuance. towards spain, although he felt for her perplexities, nelson took a firm tone. she was nominally neutral, and enjoyed privileges as such; he insisted therefore that she should deal equal measure to both belligerents. "i am ready to make large allowances for the miserable situation spain has placed herself in; but there is a certain line beyond which i cannot submit to be treated with disrespect." that line of forbearance was dictated, of course, less by indulgence towards spain than by the necessities of great britain, which nelson, however indignant, was too good a diplomatist to drop out of sight; but he kept up a pressure which secured very substantial assistance, though grudgingly given. "refreshments we have a right to as long as we remain at peace, and if this goes on"--the refusal, that is, to allow provisions to be bought in quantities--"you may acquaint them that i will anchor in rosas with the squadron, and receive our daily supplies, which will offend the french much more than our staying at sea." towards naples, as secretly friendly to great britain, he was of course far more tender; and, while he rejected no suggestion without consideration, he regarded the distance as too great to render such a means of subsistence certain. the numerous privateers that haunted every port would intercept the transports and render convoys necessary; it was not worth while, for so small an advantage, to involve naples, in its already critical state, in a dispute with france. an occasional purchase, however, seems to have been made there; and even france herself was at times brought to contribute, indirectly, to the support of the squadron which was watching one of her principal ports. "latterly our cattle and onions have been procured from france," wrote nelson; "but from the apparent incivilities of the spaniards, i suppose we are on the eve of being shut out." to escape the notice of the french agents, it was obviously desirable to distribute as widely as possible the sources of supply, so as not to concentrate observation upon any one, or upon the general fact. it was, however, upon sardinia that nelson in the end chiefly depended. the importance of this island, both in fact and in his estimation, was so great, that it may be said to have constituted the chief object of his thought and anxiety, after his own squadron and the french, which also he at times prophetically spoke of as his own. "i do not mean to use the shells you have sent me at sea," he writes to general villettes, "for that i hope to consider burning _our own_ ships; but in case they run ashore, then a few put into their sides will do their business." in addition to its extremely favorable central position, sardinia, as compared to sicily, did not entail the perplexity that its use by the british might cause a friendly sovereign the loss of his continental dominions. those of the king of sardinia had passed already nearly, if not wholly, out of his hands. the island itself was so wild, poor, and neglected, that, even if seized by the enemy, the king would lose little. the net revenue derived from it was only £ , . during the previous war nelson's attention had not been called much to sardinia. up to the withdrawal from the mediterranean in , corsica had been a sufficient, and more suitable, base for the operations of the fleet, which until then had been upon the riviera and the northern coast of italy. when he returned in , even after the battle of the nile and the disasters of the french in , the unsettled condition of naples, the blockade of malta, and the affairs of egypt, had combined to keep him in the south; while the tenure of the allies in northern italy, up to the battle of marengo, was apparently so secure as to require no great support from the fleet. irrespective of any personal influences that may have swayed him, sicily was better suited then to be the centre from which to superintend the varied duties of his wide command. when he returned in , the old prepossessions naturally remained. in a survey of the political conditions written for the prime minister when on the passage to toulon, much is said of malta, sicily, and naples, but sardinia is dismissed with a passing hope that the french would not seize it. after joining the fleet off toulon, however, he had to realize that, if it was to remain at sea, as he purposed and effected, and yet be kept fully provisioned and watered, it must at times make an anchorage, which should be so far convenient as to keep it, practically, as much on its station as when under way. in this dilemma his attention was called to the madalena islands, a group off the northeast end of sardinia, where wood and water could be obtained. between them and the main island there was a good harbor, having the decisive advantage of two entrances, by one or other of which it could be left in winds from any quarter. a survey had been made a year before, during the peace, by a captain ryves, now commanding a ship in the fleet. as winter approached, nelson decided to examine the spot himself, which he did in the last days of october, taking advantage of a moonlight week when the enemy would be less likely to leave port. he found it admirably adapted for his purposes, and that fresh provisions, though not of the best quality, could be had. "it is certainly one of the best anchorages i have met with for a fleet," he wrote, "but i suppose the french will take it now we have used it." this they did not attempt, and the british fleet continued to resort to it from time to time, obtaining water and bullocks. such a roadstead as an occasional rendezvous, where transports could discharge their stores to the vessels, and ships be refitted and supplied, would make the fleet as secure of holding its position as were the cruisers that depended upon malta and gibraltar. its being two hundred miles from toulon was not a serious drawback, for it was no part of nelson's plan to keep the fleet close to toulon. when he took command, he found it so stationed, but he soon removed to a position thirty to forty miles west of the harbor's mouth, which seems to have been his general summer rendezvous. "lord nelson," wrote a young officer of the fleet,[ ] "pursues a very different plan from sir richard bickerton. the latter kept close to the harbour, but lord nelson is scarce ever in sight of the land, and there is but one frigate inshore." "i chose this position," nelson said, "to answer two important purposes: one to prevent the junction of a spanish fleet from the westward; and the other, to be to windward, so as to enable me, if the northerly gale came on to the n.n.w., to take shelter in a few hours under the hières islands, or if n.n.e., under cape san sebastian." "it is not my intention to close-watch toulon, even with frigates," he wrote, and his dispositions were taken rather with a view to encourage the enemy to come out; although, of course, he took every precaution that they should not get far without being observed, and assured himself by frequent reconnoitring that they had not left port. "my system is the very contrary of blockading," he told admiral pole. "every opportunity has been offered the enemy to put to sea," he says again, "for it is there we hope to realize the hopes and expectations of our country." there was also the obvious advantage that, if habitually out of sight, the enemy could not know his movements, nor profit by his occasional absences in any direction. from madalena he extended his observations over the whole island of sardinia, upon the holding of which he thenceforth laid the greatest stress, and entertained most anxious fears lest the french should snatch it out of his hands. "if we could possess sardinia, we should want neither malta nor any other. it is the most important island, as a naval and military station, in the mediterranean. it possesses at the northern end the finest harbour in the world [madalena]. it is twenty-four hours' sail from toulon; it covers italy; it is a position that the wind which carries the french to the westward is fair for you to follow. in passing to the southward they go close to you. in short, it covers egypt, italy, and turkey." he was anxious that the british government should buy it. "if we, from delicacy, or commiseration of the unfortunate king of sardinia, do not get possession of that island, the french will. if i lose sardinia, i lose the french fleet." his apprehensions were not verified; as also they were not during his command, either in the morea, in naples, or in sicily. napoleon took no active steps against sardinia, although the proceedings there did not escape the sharp eyes of the french agents, but elicited from them vivacious remonstrances. "the government of the republic," wrote one, "has a right to complain of this excessive complaisance. to give regular support to a squadron blockading a port, to revictual it, in one word, periodically, is to tread under foot the neutrality which is professed. i shall notify my government of a fact which demands all its attention, and in which it is painful to me to see a cause of misunderstanding between france and his sardinian majesty." it is singularly confirmatory of the reality of bonaparte's intention to attempt the invasion of england, that he confined his efforts in the south--in the mediterranean--to feints and demonstrations. what he did there looked to the future, not to the present; although, doubtless, he stood always so ready that no opportunity offering advantage would have passed neglected. the active mind of nelson, condemned to the uncertainties of the defensive and to military idleness, however it may have been burdened with administrative routine and official correspondence, found ample time to speculate on the designs of bonaparte, and the latter took care that he should have matter enough to occupy him--and if possible mislead him--in rumor and in movements. "at marseilles they are fitting, as reports say, eighty or ninety gunboats, and intend sending them, by the canal of languedoc to bordeaux; but i am sure this is not true. they are to go alongshore to the heel of italy, and to embark and protect their army either to sicily or the morea, or to both; and the navy of europe can hardly prevent these alongshore voyages." in this will be noticed the recurrence of ideas familiar to him in the riviera eight years before; the expectation of ex-centric operations into which bonaparte was rarely betrayed. frequent stories also reach him of projects to invade and seize sardinia. vessels are fitting for that purpose, now at marseilles, now at villefranche; now the expedition is to come from corsica only. "a light linen jacket, trowsers, red cap, and a pair of shoes, is the whole expense of government; the plunder of the sardinian anglo-sardes is held out as the reward." to prevent it he seeks the authority of his government and of the king of sardinia to garrison madalena. the straits of bonifacio are but ten miles wide; it is impossible therefore for a cruiser to prevent boats passing. if the attempt is made, no scruples about the neutrality of sardinia shall tie his hands. "i have directed the frigates to pursue them, even should they chase into sardinia, and to take or destroy them, and also the corsican troops; for if i wait till the island is taken i should feel deserving of reprobation. of course, they will say we have broken the neutrality, if we attack them in the ports of sardinia before their conquest, and if we do not i shall be laughed at for a fool. _prevention is better than cure_." with his usual long-headed circumspection, however, even when most bent on an extreme step, he warns the prime minister, to whom he is writing, to mention his purpose to the russian ambassador--that the latter may understand the apparent breach of neutrality; for russia has constituted herself a champion of the sardinian monarch. "i mention my intention that idle reports may not be attended to." as the winter of - approached, and it became evident that spain was to persevere in her neutrality, nelson removed his fleet to a rendezvous about thirty miles south of cape san sebastian, on the spanish coast--the number continually mentioned in his official letters to captains. there the highlands of spain afford some shelter from the furious northerly gales, which, sweeping over france from the atlantic, are compressed as in a funnel between the pyrenees and the alps, to fall with redoubled violence on the gulf of lyons. only the utmost care and the most skilful seamanship could preserve the rickety ships, upon whose efficiency so much depended, and which, if damaged, there was none to replace. i "bear up for every gale," wrote nelson. "i must not in our present state quarrel with the northwesters--with crazy masts and no port or spars near us." even in september, he writes, there are "three days' gale of severe blowing weather out of the seven, which frequently comes on suddenly, and thereby exposes the topmasts, topsail yards and sails, to great hazard, under every care and attention; and there are no topmasts or topsail yards in store, either at gibraltar or malta." "the french fleet keep us waiting; and such a place as all the gulf of lyons, for gales of wind from the n.w. to n.e., i never saw; but by always going away large, we generally lose much of their force and the heavy sea. by the great care and attention of every captain, we have suffered much less than could have been expected. i do not believe lord st. vincent would have kept the sea with such ships. however, with nursing our ships, we have roughed it out better than could have been expected. we either run to the southward, or furl all the sails and make the ships as easy as possible." under such circumstances, it was no small nor unworthy boast he made near the close of the cruise, when the first ineffectual attempt of the french to leave toulon ended in numerous accidents. "these gentlemen are not accustomed to a gulf of lyons gale, which we have buffeted for twenty-one months, and not carried away a spar." nelson himself, though reckless to desperation when an adequate object was at stake, in the moments of repose husbanded his means, and looked to the efficiency of his instruments, with the diligence of a miser. with his own hand he noted the weather indications, including the barometer, at least three times every twenty-four hours, and occasionally even more often. a rendezvous, however advantageous, was not permitted by nelson to become a permanent station, or a long-continued resting-place for the fleet. in the inevitable monotony of a watch protracted so far beyond his original expectations, his sleepless solicitude for the health and contentment of the ships' companies warned him that lack of mental interest saps the spirit, and wears away the strength, beyond the power of mere bodily comfort to prevent. on number was kept always a ship--frigate or smaller cruiser--with word where the admiral was to be found at any time; and thither resorted the vessels returning from their missions to all parts of the station, or coming out from england. "rejoin me at number ," their instructions ran, "where you will find me, or orders for your further proceedings." other rendezvous there were, of course, each with its own number, and with a cruiser if at sea; but in the anchorages occasionally resorted to, as madalena, or the gulf of palmas in the south of sardinia, communications were left on shore. with the threads thus reaching from these centres to the different parts of his command, nelson's habit was to keep his fleet in motion from point to point, in the stretch of sea bounded on the one side by the coast of spain, as far south as the balearics, and on the east by the islands of sardinia and corsica. through this hunting-ground, from end to end of which he roamed in unceasing restlessness, like a lion roaring for his prey, the toulon fleet must pass, wherever bound; and by the judicious distribution of the cruisers--all too few--allowed him by st. vincent's economies, he hoped to get timely and sufficient information of its leaving port. "the great thing in all military service is health," he wrote to his old friend, dr. moseley, who had been with him in the far-back central american expedition in ; "and you will agree with me, that it is easier for an officer to keep men healthy, than for a physician to cure them. situated as this fleet has been, without a friendly port, where we could get all the things so necessary for us, yet i have, by changing the cruizing ground, not allowed the sameness of prospect to satiate the mind--sometimes by looking at toulon, ville franche, barcelona, and rosas; then running round minorca, majorca; sardinia and corsica; and two or three times anchoring for a few days, and sending a ship to the last place for _onions_, which i find the best thing that can be given to seamen; having always good mutton for the sick, cattle when we can get them, and plenty of fresh water. in the winter it is the best plan to give half the allowance of grog, instead of all wine. these things are for the commander-in-chief to look to; but shut very nearly out from spain, and only getting refreshments by stealth from other places, my command has been an arduous one." "our men's minds," he added, "are always kept up with the daily hopes of meeting the enemy." an order indicating one of the squadron movements, of which he here speaks, may be worth quoting. "whereas it is my intention," he writes at number to the captain there stationed, "to proceed with the squadron, the first westerly wind, off toulon, for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy at that port, and from thence pass through rendezvous no. , to secure any information the ships there may have obtained of them, you are hereby required and directed to keep on your station and inform any of his majesty's ships arriving on said rendezvous," etc. the health of the crews, thus carefully watched, remained excellent throughout, and is mentioned by him continually with evident pride as well as satisfaction. occasional slight outbursts of scurvy are noted, despite his efforts for fresh food, and he mentions hectic complaints--"of the few men we have lost, nine in ten are dead of consumption "--but upon the whole, the general condition is unparalleled in his experience. "we are healthy beyond example, and in great good humour with ourselves," he writes in october, , "and so sharp-set, that i would not be a french admiral in the way of any of our ships for something." it would be tedious to quote the numerous assertions to the same effect scattered up and down his correspondence at this time; but in december, , when near the end of this long period of suspense, and after eighteen months at sea, he writes to the admiralty: "the fleet is in perfect good health and good humour, unequalled by anything which has ever come within my knowledge, and equal to the most active service which the times may call for." dr. gillespie, who joined the "victory" as physician to the fleet in january, , wrote immediately afterwards that out of her eight hundred and forty men, but one was confined to his bed by sickness, and that the other ships, though upwards of twenty months off toulon, were in a like condition of health. the same could not then, nor for long before, be said of nelson himself. the first flush of excitement in leaving england and taking command, the expectation and change of scene in going out, affected him favorably. "as to my health," he says, immediately after joining the fleet, "thank god, i have not had a finger ache since i left england;" but this, unfortunately, did not endure. it was his first experience of the weightier anxieties of a commander-in-chief; for when he had succeeded to that position, temporarily, in the mediterranean and the baltic, he had found either a squadron in good running order, or at the least no serious hitch about necessary maintenance. now all this was different. the difficulties about supplies and the condition of his ships have been mentioned, as have also his fears for naples, sicily, and the morea,--all of which, in his belief, might possibly be conquered, even without the interposition of the toulon fleet. the latter, however, kept him most uneasy; for he could get no certain knowledge as to its destination, or the probable time of its moving; and the wide field for injury open to it, if his vigilance were eluded, kept his eager, unquiet mind continually on the strain of speculation and anticipation. "i hope they will come out and let us settle the matter. you know i hate being kept in suspense." the nervous excitability--irritability--that often overlay the usually cordial kindliness and gracious bearing of the man, was an easy prey to such harassment. it breaks out at times in his letters, but was only occasionally visible to those around him. by the first of december he already foresees that he cannot last long. "next christmas, please god, i shall be at merton; for, by that time, with all the anxiety attendant on such a command as this, i shall be done up. the mind and body both wear out." as autumn drew towards winter, the bitter cold went through his feeble frame, and in the wild weather he was "always tossed about, and always sea-sick." "we have had a most terrible winter," he writes, even before the new year. "it has almost knocked me up. i have been very ill, and am now far from recovered; but i hope to hold out till the battle is over, when i must recruit." "my heart, my lord, is warm," he tells lord hobart, the secretary of state for war, "my head is firm, but my body is unequal to my wishes. i am visibly shook; but as long as i can hold out, i shall never abandon my truly honourable post." he feared also blindness. "my eyesight fails me most dreadfully," he writes to his old friend davison. "i firmly believe that, in a very few years, i shall be stone-blind. it is this only, of all my maladies, that makes me unhappy; but god's will be done." the first winter was unusually severe, and during it was added, to his official cares and personal suffering, an extreme anxiety about lady hamilton, for he was expecting the birth of a second child in january. this child, a girl, lived but a short time; he never saw her. the effect of these various causes upon his health was so great, that the physicians, as early as january, , were advising his return. "the medical gentlemen are wanting to survey me, and to send me to bristol for the re-establishment of my health," he tells minto; but he adds, "do not mention it (it is my concern) i beg of you." reports were then unusually persistent that the enemy was about to put to sea. "_i_ must not be sick until after the french fleet is taken." to the last moment the destination of the french and the purposes of bonaparte remained unknown to him, a fruitful source of guessing and worry. "it is at best but a guess," he wrote to ball, after a year's pondering, "and the world attaches wisdom to him that guesses right." yet his conclusions, however reached, though subject to temporary variations, were in the main correct. strongly impressed though he was with the importance and exposure of egypt, he inclined upon the whole to the belief that the french were bound to the westward, out of the straits and into the atlantic. this confirmed him in taking his general summer rendezvous to the westward, where he was to windward of such a movement, as well as interposed between toulon and any spanish fleet attempting to go there. "my station to the westward of toulon, an unusual one," he writes to addington in august, , "has been taken upon an idea that the french fleet is bound out of the straits and probably to ireland. i shall follow them to the antipodes." two months later he says: "plausible reasons may certainly be given for every one of the plans" suggested by his various correspondents; but he thinks that either alexandria or outside the mediterranean is the most probable. "to those two points my whole attention is turned." "their destination, is it ireland or the levant? that is what i want to know;" but in december he still holds to his first impression: "my opinion is, certainly, out of the mediterranean." in this perplexity elliot suggested to him to receive on board the fleet some good frenchmen, who could land from time to time and get information in toulon,--a proposition which drew from nelson a characteristic and amusing explosion. "mr. elliot wanted to send me some _good_ frenchmen, to go ashore and get me information. my answer to all these offers is 'no.' i can be told nothing of any consequence to me; but a copy of the french admiral's orders, when he is to put to sea, and where he is destined to, is the only useful information i can care about. i can see the number and force at toulon any day i please, and as for the names of the captains or admirals i care not what they are called; therefore, as you may suppose, i have none of these 'good frenchmen' about me." "i put no confidence in them," he tells elliot. "you think yours good: the queen thinks hers the same: i believe they are all alike. whatever information you can get me, i shall be very thankful for; but not a frenchman comes here. forgive me, but my mother hated the french." "i never trust a corsican or a frenchman. i would give the devil all the good ones to take the remainder." as winter advanced, his perplexities increased, for each correspondent, by long dwelling on his particular concern, saw its danger and importance growing in his own eyes, and dwelt upon them with greater emphasis in his letters. "ball is sure they are going to egypt; the turks are sure they are going to the morea; mr. elliot at naples, to sicily; and the king of sardinia, to his only spot. every power thinks they are destined against them; but whatever the french may intend to do," he concludes, with a quaint humor occasional with him, "i trust, and with confidence, they are destined for _spithead_." he recognized, too, that bonaparte himself was not wholly master of his own projects when contending with such uncertain elements; and the great master of war, in this instance as in many others, had placed his force so centrally, in the heel of italy, that he threatened with equal facility in two opposite directions, to his own advantage and his enemies' perplexity. "circumstances may even make it necessary to alter its destination by buonaparte; egypt or ireland, and i rather lean to the latter destination." anything, indeed, is possible; for, as winter approaches, "we can be sure of nothing in so short a run,"--as to sardinia or sicily. for a little while during february, , he was further stirred up by reports that the french were about to concentrate their naval forces, from brest and ferrol, in the mediterranean; and this he was inclined to believe, unfavorable as the season would be for maritime operations in that stormy sea, with the inexperienced crews of the enemy. in the summer his conviction of the importance of the mediterranean had fully prepared him for such an attempt. "naples, the morea, and ultimately egypt, are in buonaparte's view," he had then written. "with this idea, i fully expect that the french fleet from brest will assuredly come into the mediterranean, to protect this army across the water. i shall try and fight one party or the other, before they form a junction." "much may be done before british reinforcements arrive," he reminded st. vincent. "your lordship knows what admiral bruix might have done, had he done his duty, and they may buy their experience." now he says to ball, "the admiralty tells me nothing, they know nothing; but my private letters say, that the brest squadron, as well as ferrol,[ ] is bound here--if so, we shall have work enough upon our hands." thirty thousand troops, also, were ready to embark in marseilles and nice. the conclusion, in view of so great a force assembling, was natural: "egypt, i have no doubt is the favourite and ultimate object of the corsican tyrant." nelson's spirit rises with the occasion. "i shall try to intercept them, but i cannot go so far to the westward as is necessary; for i will not lose sight of the toulon fleet. what a most zealous man can do to meet all points of difficulty, shall be done. my squadron is the finest for its numbers in the world, and much may be expected of it. should superior numbers join, we must look it in the face. _nil desperandum!_ god is good, and our cause is just." this alarm passed away like others. bonaparte had no idea of pushing ships into the mediterranean, or embarking his naval forces on any doubtful experiments, until he had first tested the possibility of that supreme adventure, the invasion of england. when that mighty imagination passed away like a dream that leaves no trace, he ordered his fleets into the mediterranean, as nelson had expected, and the result was trafalgar. as the spring of opened, the french admiral at toulon began to exercise his ships outside the harbor, singly or in small groups, like half-fledged birds learning to fly; or, to use nelson's expression, "my friend monsieur la touche sometimes plays bo-peep in and out of toulon, like a mouse at the edge of her hole." the only drill-ground for fleets, the open sea, being closed to him, he could do no better than these furtive excursions, to prepare for the eagle's flight napoleon had prescribed to him. "last week, at different times, two sail of the line put their heads out of toulon, and on thursday, the th [april], in the afternoon, they all came out." "yesterday [the th] a rear-admiral and seven sail, including frigates, put their nose outside the harbour. if they go on playing this game, some day we shall lay salt upon their tails, and so end the campaign." these outings--"capers," nelson called them--naturally became more venturesome by little and little, as the british suffered them to proceed without serious attempt at molestation, or near approach on their part. nelson veiled the keenness of his watch, as he crouched for a spring, with a drowsy appearance of caution and indifference. the french admiral, latouche tréville, was he who had commanded at boulogne when nelson's boats were repelled with slaughter; and it was also he who in had sent a grenadier to the king of naples, with a peremptory summons to diplomatic apology in one hand, and a threat of bombardment in the other. for both these affairs nelson considered he had a personal score to settle. "i rather believe my antagonist at toulon begins to be angry with me: at least, i am trying to make him so; and then, he may come out, and beat me, as he says he did off boulogne. he is the admiral that went to naples in december, , who landed the grenadier. i owe him something for that." the french having eight sail-of-the-line certainly ready for sea, and two or three more nearly so--how nearly nelson was not sure--he now endeavored to lure them out. "i have taken a method of making mr. la touche tréville angry. i have left sir richard bickerton, with part of the fleet, twenty leagues from hence, and, with five of the line, am preventing his cutting capers, which he has done for some time past, off cape sicie." "he seems inclined to try his hand with us," he writes a week later, "and by my keeping so great an inferiority close to him, perhaps he may some day be tempted." nelson had near toulon at the time nine ships-of-the-line. had he succeeded in bringing latouche tréville to attack his five, he would have hoped, even with such odds, for a decisive victory; but, failing that, he was assured that the toulon fleet would be out of the game for that summer. it was important to bring matters to an issue, for, as he wrote elliot, his force was diminishing daily through the deterioration of ships never from the first fit for their work. measured by the standard of the ships in the channel, "i have but four sail fit to keep the sea. i absolutely keep them out by management." except the four, all needed docking, and there was not a dock open to the british west of constantinople. but, while thus keenly anxious to force an action, he was wary to obtain tactical conditions that should insure a success, adequate both to the risk he ran, and to the object at which he aimed. "i think their fleet will be ordered out to fight close to toulon, that they may get their crippled ships in again, and that we must then quit the coast to repair our damages, and thus leave the coast clear; but my mind is fixed not to fight them, unless with a westerly wind, outside the hières, and with an easterly wind, to the westward of sicie." crippled there, to leeward of their port, the other british division coming up fresh, as a reserve, from the southward, where it lay concealed, would both cut them off, and rescue any of their own fleet that might have been overpowered. bickerton's orders were to remain due south from port cros, one of the hyères, at a distance such that, with the upper canvas furled, his ships could not be seen from the islands, but could keep the main division in sight from their mastheads. in all cases of anticipated battle, nelson not only took his measures thus thoughtfully, but was careful to put his subordinates in possession both of his general plans, and, as far as possible, of the underlying ideas. thus, in a memorandum issued about this time to the captains, he says: "as it is my determination to attack the french fleet in any place where there is a reasonable prospect of getting fairly alongside of them, i recommend that every captain will make himself, by inquiries, as fully acquainted as possible with the following places, viz., hières bay, [with its three entrances], gourjean bay, (of which i send a chart from the latest surveys made,) port especia, and, in particular the northern passage into leghorn roads, from which side it is only, in my opinion, possible to attack an enemy's fleet to advantage; and with the gulf of ajaccio." to these instructions he adds some details of practical preparation for anchoring under fire, and the reasons therefor. in the same spirit, when expecting the brest fleet in the mediterranean, he says: "i am perfectly prepared how to act with either a superior or an inferior force. my mind is firm as a rock, and my plans for every event fixed in my mind." no man ever was served better than nelson by the inspiration of the moment; no man ever counted on it less. in communicating his ideas to his subordinates nelson did not confine himself to official intercourse; on the contrary, his natural disposition impelled him rather to familiar conversation with them on service subjects. "even for debating the most important naval business," we learn through his confidential secretary at this period, "he preferred a turn on the quarter-deck with his captains, whom he led by his own frankness to express themselves freely, to all the stiffness and formality of a council of war."[ ] an interesting instance of these occasional counsels has been transmitted to us by one of his captains, then little more than a youth, but the last to survive of those who commanded ships under him. "throughout the month of october, , toulon was frequently reconnoitred, and the phoebe and amazon were ordered to cruize together. previous to their going away lord nelson gave to captains capel and parker several injunctions, in case they should get an opportunity of attacking two of the french frigates, which now got under weigh more frequently. the principal one was, that they should not each single out and attack an opponent, but 'that both should endeavour together to take _one frigate_; if successful, chase the other: but if you do not take the second, still you have won a victory, and your country will gain a frigate.' then, half laughing, and half snappishly, said kindly to them as he wished them good-bye, 'i daresay you consider yourselves a couple of fine fellows, and when you get away from me you will do nothing of the sort, but think yourselves wiser than i am!'"[ ] the game of cat and mouse, off toulon, occasioned one incident which greatly upset nelson's composure, and led to a somewhat amusing display of ire, excited by a statement of the french admiral, published throughout europe, that his renowned antagonist had run away from him. on the th of june, two french frigates and a brig were seen under the hyères islands, where they had been sent by latouche tréville, upon the report that some enemy's cruisers were in the neighborhood. nelson despatched two frigates after them, which, owing to light winds, did not get near until the next day. the french vessels being then seen from the "victory" to be close in with the batteries, the "excellent," , was sent to support the frigates, and some time afterwards the other four ships also bore up for the main entrance to the islands. upon this, latouche tréville got under way, and at about p.m. came out of the harbor with his eight sail-of-the-line. nelson's division reduced their canvas, hauling to the wind in line of battle, on the starboard tack, which, with the then wind, was with their heads off shore, and the "excellent" was recalled, although she could not rejoin till midnight. in this order they hove-to (stopped), with two reefs in the topsails and the main yards square, at . p.m., which at that time of the year was broad daylight, and in this general position remained till next morning. as the distance between the hostile bodies was apparently from twelve to fifteen miles, the french admiral's observations may have failed to recognize that the enemy, by backing his topsails, had offered a fair challenge; else, in his report of this very commonplace occurrence, he could scarcely have used, concerning the movement of heading south, the expression, _prit chasse_, which, whether rendered "retired," or "retreated," or, as nelson did, "ran away," was a misrepresentation of the facts, and heightened by the assertion that he pursued till nightfall, and next morning could not see the enemy. writing to elliot four days after the affair happened, nelson mentioned casually his view of the matter. "monsieur la touche came out with eight sail of the line and six frigates, cut a caper off sepet, and went in again. i brought-to for his attack, although i did not believe anything was meant serious, but merely a gasconade." "on the morning of the th," he tells acton on the same day, "i believe i may call it, we chased him into toulon." his purpose evidently was, as has been shown, to fight, if the enemy meant business, to leeward of the port, and far enough off to give bickerton a chance to come up. great was his wrath, two months later, when latouche's statement reached him, and he found that not only no mention was made of the relative numbers, but that the offensive expression quoted had been used. "i do assure you," he wrote to the admiralty, enclosing a copy of the day's log, "i know not what to say, except by a flat contradiction; for if my character is not established by this time for not being apt to run away, it is not worth my time to attempt to put the world right." he might well have rested there,--an imputation that might have injured an untried man could provoke only a smile when levelled at his impregnable renown; but his ruffled mind would not let him keep quiet, and in private correspondence he vented his rage in terms similar to those used of the danish commodore after copenhagen. "you will have seen monsieur la touche's letter of how he chased me and how i _ran_. i keep it; and, by g--d, if i take him, he shall _eat_ it." he is a "poltroon," a "liar," and a "miscreant." it may be added that no admiral, whether a nelson or not, could have abandoned the "excellent" under the conditions. immediately after this abortive affair, nelson, convinced by it that something more than a taunt was needed to bring his enemy under his guns, stationed frigates at the hyères, and to cruise thence to the eastward as far as cape taillat, to intercept the commerce between italy and toulon and marseilles. for this purpose he had recommended, and the government had ordered, a blockade of all genoese ports including spezia; genoa, now the ligurian republic, being considered as much france as toulon. nothing, he said, could distress france more. this blockade had been but feebly enforced, owing to the lack of small cruisers; but he hoped to attain the same end by the frigates off the hyères. "i really am of opinion," he told their commander, "that it will force la touche out." in the latter, however, he had to do with an opponent of skill as well as of resolution. firmly imbued with the french tradition, and with bonaparte's instructions, which subordinated his local action entirely to the great scheme in which the toulon fleet had its appointed part, latouche tréville was neither to be provoked nor betrayed into an action, by which, however tempting the promise, his fleet might be made unfit for their intended service. nelson did him no more than justice, when he said, "i am confident, when he is ordered for any service, that he will risk falling in with us, and the event of a battle, to try and accomplish his orders;" but, short of the appointed time, nothing else could entice him. in vain did the british admiral bait his trap by exposing frigates, without visible support, to draw him to leeward, while the hostile fleet hovered out of sight to windward. the shrewd frenchman doubtless felt the temptation, but he distrusted the gifts too plausibly tendered. besides the interest of the public service, nelson had the strongest personal motives for bringing matters to an issue. the prolonged suspense and the anxiety were exhausting him, the steady tension even of the normal conditions fretted him beyond endurance; but when a crisis became accentuated by an appearance that the enemy had eluded him, his feelings of distress, acting upon an enfeebled organization, and a nervous temperament so sensitive that he started at the mere dropping of a rope beside him, drove him almost to distraction. on such an occasion he wrote: "i am absolutely beginning this letter in a fever of the mind. it is thick as butter-milk, and blowing a levanter; and the narcissus has just spoke me to say, 'she boarded a vessel, and they understood that the men had seen, a few days before, twelve sail of ships of war off minorca. it was in the dusk, and he did not know which way they were steering.' this is the whole story, and a lame one. you will imagine my feelings, although i cannot bring my mind to believe. to miss them, god forbid.... if i should miss these fellows, my heart will break: i am actually only now recovering the shock of missing them in . god knows i only serve to fight those scoundrels; and if i cannot do that, i should be better on shore." when the weather cleared, and a reconnoissance showed the news was false, his intense relief found expression in the words: "i believe this is the only time in my life, that i was glad to hear the french were in port." "the french ships," he says at another time, "have either altered their anchorage, or some of them have got to sea in the late gales: the idea has given me half a fever. if that admiral were to cheat me out of my hopes of meeting him, it would kill me much easier than one of his balls. since we sat down to dinner captain moubray has made the signal, but i am very far from being easy." on the th of may, , there was a change of administration in england. earl st. vincent left the admiralty, as first lord, and was succeeded by lord melville. a few days before this nelson, by a general promotion, had become vice-admiral of the white, the rank in which he died eighteen months later. the return of summer had improved his health from the low condition into which it had fallen during the winter, but he did not flatter himself as to the future. the combination of colorless monotony with constant racking anxiety slackened the springs of moral energy, which, and which alone, responding joyously to a call to action, afforded the stimulus capable of triumphing over his bodily weakness, and causing it for the moment to disappear. "this is an odd war," he said, "not a battle!" tying himself to the ship, in profound sympathy with the crews, he never went ashore from the time he left malta in june, , until he reached gibraltar in july, ; nor was he ever outside of the "victory" from july , , the day he went on board her from the "amphion." "always shut up in the victory's cabin," as he himself wrote, "cannot be very good for the constitution. i think you will find me grown thin, but never mind." other officers, especially of the frigates, got their occasional runs ashore; but his slight figure was continually in view, walking the front of the poop, to the unconscious contentment of the men, thus reminded ever that their admiral shared their deprivations. this profound seclusion to the narrow circle of the flagship, although often broken by the presence of officers from the other vessels, who, whether cruising in company with the fleet, or arriving with tidings from different ports, were daily partakers of the admiral's hospitable table, could not but depress him; and there was with him the constant sense of loss, by absence from those he held most dear. "i have not a thought except on you and the french fleet," he tells lady hamilton; "all my thoughts, plans, and toils tend to those two objects. don't laugh at my putting you and the french fleet together, but you cannot be separated." yet even towards her his mind is fixed as of old, that she must take a place second to duty. she had, it appears, insisted upon her wish to come out to the station to be near him. malta and italy were both, he said, out of the question. his place was off toulon, as long as the french fleet was there; therefore he could not go into harbor; nay, "i might absolutely miss you, by leaving the mediterranean without warning. the other day we had a report the french were out, and seen steering to the westward. we were as far as minorca when the alarm proved false." as for coming on board the "victory" to live, which she seems to have suggested, "imagine what a cruize off toulon is; even in summer time we have a hard gale every week, and two days' heavy swell. it would kill you; and myself to see you. much less possible to have charlotte, horatia, &c., on board ship! and i, that have given orders to carry no women to sea in the victory, to be the first to break them! i know, my own dear emma, if she will let her reason have fair play, will say i am right; but she is like horatia, very angry if she cannot have her own way." "horatia is like her mother; will have her own way, or kick up a devil of a dust,"--an observation both greville and hamilton had had to make. "your nelson," he concludes, "is called upon, in the most honourable manner, to defend his country. absence to us is equally painful: but, if i had either stayed at home, or neglected my duty abroad, would not my emma have blushed for me? she could never have heard my praises, and how the country looks up." "the call of our country," he says again, "makes it indispensable for both our honours--the country looks up to the services of the poorest individual, much more to me, and are you not a sharer of my glory?" of his daily life on board, and intercourse with others, we have intimations, fragmentary yet sufficient. "our days," he himself says, "pass so much alike that, having described one, you have them all. we now [october] breakfast by candle light; and all retire, at eight o'clock, to bed." "we cruise, cruise, and one day so like another that they are hardly distinguishable, but _hopes_, blessed _hopes_, keeps us up, that some happy day the french may come out, then i shall consider my duty to my country fulfilled." of one of these monotonous days we have received a description from an officer,[ ] a member of the admiral's mess, who had then too lately entered upon them to feel the full weight of their deadly sameness. "at o'clock my servant brings a light and informs me of the hour, wind, weather, and course of the ship, when i immediately dress and generally repair to the deck, the dawn of day at this season and latitude being apparent at about half or three-quarters of an hour past six. breakfast is announced in the admiral's cabin, where lord nelson, rear admiral murray, (the captain of the fleet,) captain hardy, commander of the victory, the chaplain, secretary, one or two officers of the ship, and your humble servant assemble and breakfast on tea, hot rolls, toast, cold tongue, &c, which when finished we repair upon deck to enjoy the majestic sight of the rising sun (scarcely ever obscured by clouds in this fine climate) surmounting the smooth and placid waves of the mediterranean, which supports the lofty and tremendous bulwarks of britain, following in regular train their admiral in the victory. between the hours of and there is plenty of time for business, study, writing, and exercise, which different occupations i endeavour to vary in such a manner as to afford me sufficient employment. at o'clock a band of music plays till within a quarter of , when the drum beats the tune called, 'the roast beef of old england' to announce the admiral's dinner, which is served up exactly at o'clock, and which generally consists of three courses and a dessert of the choicest fruit [a fact which bespeaks the frequency of communications with the land], together with three or four of the best wines, champagne and claret not excepted. if a person does not feel himself perfectly at his ease it must be his own fault, such is the urbanity and hospitality which reign here, notwithstanding the numerous titles, the four orders of knighthood, worn by lord nelson,[ ] and the well earned laurels which he has acquired. coffee and liqueurs close the dinner about half-past or o'clock, after which the company generally walk the deck, where the band of music plays for nearly an hour.[ ] a o'clock tea is announced, when the company again assemble in the admiral's cabin, where tea is served up before o'clock, and, as we are inclined, the party continue to converse with his lordship, who at this time generally unbends himself, though he is at all times as free from stiffness and pomp as a regard to proper dignity will admit, and is very communicative. at o'clock a rummer of punch with cake or biscuit is served up, soon after which we wish the admiral a good night (who is generally in bed before o'clock). such is the journal of a day at sea in fine or at least moderate weather, in which this floating castle goes through the water with the greatest imaginable steadiness." another medical officer, who served on board the "victory" soon after the writer of the lines just quoted, has transmitted some other interesting particulars of nelson's personal habits and health, which relate to the general period now under narration. "an opinion has been very generally entertained, that lord nelson's state of health, and supposed infirmities arising from his former wounds and hard services, precluded the probability of his long surviving the battle of trafalgar, had he fortunately escaped the enemy's shot: but the writer of this can assert that his lordship's health was uniformly good, with the exception of some slight attacks of indisposition arising from accidental causes; and which never continued above two or three days, nor confined him in any degree with respect to either exercise or regimen: and during the last twelve months of his life, he complained only three times in this way. it is true, that his lordship, about the meridian of life, had been subject to frequent fits of the gout; which disease, however, as well as his constitutional tendency to it, he totally overcame by abstaining for the space of nearly two years from animal food, and wine, and all other fermented drink; confining his diet to vegetables, and commonly milk and water. and it is also a fact, that early in life, when he first went to sea, he left off the use of salt, which he then believed to be the sole cause of scurvy, and never took it afterwards with his food. "his lordship used a great deal of exercise, generally walking on deck six or seven hours in the day. he always rose early, for the most part shortly after daybreak. he breakfasted in summer about six, and at seven in winter: and if not occupied in reading or writing despatches, or examining into the details of the fleet, he walked on the quarter-deck the greater part of the forenoon; going down to his cabin occasionally to commit to paper such incidents or reflections as occurred to him during that time, and as might be hereafter useful to the service of his country. he dined generally about half-past two o'clock. at his table there were seldom less than eight or nine persons, consisting of the different officers of the ship: and when the weather and the service permitted, he very often had several of the admirals and captains in the fleet to dine with him; who were mostly invited by signal, the rotation of seniority being commonly observed by his lordship in these invitations. at dinner he was alike affable and attentive to every one: he ate very sparingly himself; the liver and wing of a fowl, and a small plate of macaroni, in general composing his meal, during which he occasionally took a glass of champagne. he never exceeded four glasses of wine after dinner, and seldom drank three; and even those were diluted with either bristol or common water. "few men subject to the vicissitudes of a naval life, equalled his lordship in an habitual systematic mode of living. he possessed such a wonderful activity of mind, as even prevented him from taking ordinary repose, seldom enjoying two hours of uninterrupted sleep; and on several occasions he did not quit the deck during the whole night. at these times he took no pains to protect himself from the effects of wet, or the night air; wearing only a thin great coat: and he has frequently, after having his clothes wet through with rain, refused to have them changed, saying that the leather waistcoat which he wore over his flannel one would secure him from complaint. he seldom wore boots, and was consequently very liable to have his feet wet. when this occurred he has often been known to go down to his cabin, throw off his shoes, and walk on the carpet in his stockings for the purpose of drying the feet of them. he chose rather to adopt this uncomfortable expedient, than to give his servants the trouble of assisting him to put on fresh stockings; which, from his having only one hand, he could not himself conveniently effect. "from these circumstances it may be inferred, that though lord nelson's constitution was not of that kind which is generally denominated strong, yet it was not very susceptible of complaint from the common occasional causes of disease necessarily attending a naval life. the only bodily pain which his lordship felt in consequence of his many wounds, was a slight rheumatic affection of the stump of his amputated arm on any sudden variation in the state of the weather; which is generally experienced by those who have the misfortune to lose a limb after the middle age. his lordship usually predicted an alteration in the weather with as much certainty from feeling transient pains in his stump, as he could by his marine barometer; from the indications of which latter he kept a diary of the atmospheric changes, which was written with his own hand. "his lordship had lost his right eye by a contusion which he received at the siege of calvi, in the island of corsica. the vision of the other was likewise considerably impaired: he always therefore wore a green shade over his forehead, to defend this eye from the effect of strong light; but as he was in the habit of looking much through a glass while on deck, there is little doubt that had he lived a few years longer, and continued at sea, he would have lost his sight totally."[ ] the business hours of the day from seven to two were spent by nelson largely with his secretaries. we know from colonel stewart that in the baltic, where his command was more numerous than in the mediterranean, his habit was to get through the ordinary business of the squadron before eight o'clock; for the rest, the greater part of the detail work would fall upon the captain of the fleet, then rear-admiral george murray, who would require only general instructions and little interference for carrying on the laborious internal administration of the fleet. the admiral's energies were sufficiently taxed in considering and meeting, so far as his resources would permit, the numerous and complicated demands for external services in the different quarters of his wide command--the ingenious effort to induce two and two to make five, in which so much of the puzzle of life consists. his position necessarily involved extensive diplomatic relations. each british minister around the shores of the mediterranean had his own particular care; the british admiral was in confidential communication with all, and in every movement had to consider the consequences, both of what he did and of what he left undone. it was a day when force ruled, and all the nations of europe, whether they wished or not, had to put their chief trust in the sword, and in those who bore it. not the least of nelson's qualifications for his post was that he possessed intimate knowledge and experience of political conditions in the mediterranean, knew the peoples and the rulers well, and to great sagacity and sound judgment added a temper at once firm and conciliatory. "he had in a great degree," said a contemporary who knew him well,[ ] "the valuable but rare quality of conciliating the most opposite tempers, and forwarding the public service with unanimity amongst men not of themselves disposed to accord;" and although the remark referred primarily to his conduct in the naval service, it will readily be seen that this aptitude is nowhere more useful than in the tangled maze of conflicting national interests. "my line of conduct," he wrote to hobart, a year after taking his command, "in obedience to the spirit of his majesty's instructions communicated through your lordship, has been simply this,--to conciliate all, to protect all from french rapacity. i have been honoured with your letter of january th, and it has given me most sincere pleasure that my whole conduct in my command here has been such as to meet his majesty's approbation." the new ministry, upon assuming office, requested him in the most flattering terms to continue his direct correspondence on political subjects with them, as with their predecessors. yet, while conciliatory, he could at times be curt and arbitrary enough. fault was found with the blockade of genoa on the ground that it did not comply with the requirements of international law; the complaint resting, apparently, on the statement that the blockaders could not be seen from genoa. nelson replied that the proof of evident danger to vessels seeking to enter or leave, rested on the fact that captures were made; and it is, on the face of it, absurd to say that there can be no danger to a vessel seeking to enter a blockaded port, because the blockading vessels are not visible from the latter. much more depends upon their number, disposition, and speed. "from my knowledge of genoa and its gulf," said nelson, "i assert without fear of contradiction, that the nearer ships cruise to genoa, the more certain is the escape of vessels from that port, or their entrance into it insured. i am blockading genoa, according to the orders of the admiralty, and in the way i think most proper. whether modern law or ancient law makes my mode right, i cannot judge; and surely of the mode of disposing of a fleet, i must, if i am fit for my post, be a better judge than any landsman, however learned he may appear. it would be the act of a fool to tell europe where i intend to place the ships, for the purpose of effectually obeying my orders; not a captain can know it, and their positions will vary, according to the information i may receive.... i endeavour, as well as i am able, to obey my orders, without entering into the nice distinctions of lawyers. i will not further take up your time on a subject which, without being a lawyer, merely as a man, could have admitted of no dispute." along with much truth, there was in this a certain amount of special pleading, as appeared when he took the further position that, to intercept ships from genoa, bound to the atlantic, there was no better place than the gut of gibraltar. when a definition of international law is stretched as far as that, it will have little elastic force left. a petty, yet harassing, diplomatic difficulty, curiously illustrative of maritime conditions at that day, ran unsettled through almost the whole of his command. malta, under the knights, had been always at war with the barbary powers; and there was trouble in impressing upon the rulers of the latter that, when it passed into british hands, its people and ships were under british protection. several maltese vessels had been taken by algerine cruisers, and their crews enslaved. when nelson came out in , he found pending these cases, and also the question of compelling, or inducing, the dey to receive back the british consul, whom he had expelled with insult. in the absence of a british representative, the negotiations were intrusted wholly to the admiral. nelson's feelings were strongly excited. he was tenacious of everything he conceived to touch his country's honor, and long service in the mediterranean had made him familiar with the outrages on its defenceless coasts practised by these barbarians, under the pretence of war with the weaker states. even in the remote and impoverished north of sardinia, the shepherds near the beaches watched their flocks with arms beside them, day and night, to repel the attacks of marauders from the sea. not only were trading-vessels seized, but descents were made upon the shore, and the inhabitants swept off into slavery. speaking of one such case in , he had said: "my blood boils that i cannot chastise these pirates. they could not show themselves in the mediterranean did not our country permit. never let us talk of the cruelty of the african slave trade, while we permit such a horrid war." but he knew, both then and afterwards, that great britain, with the great contest on her hands, could not spare the ships which might be crippled in knocking the barbarians' strongholds about their ears, and that no british admiral would be sustained in a course that provoked these pirates to cast aside the fears that restrained them, and to declare war on british commerce, which, as it was, he had difficulty to protect. he estimated ten ships-of-the-line as the force necessary, in case the batteries at algiers were to be attacked. exmouth, twelve years later, with fuller information, thought and found five to be sufficient. nelson's conduct and self-control were sorely tested by the necessity of temporizing with this petty foe, who reckoned securely on the embarrassments of great britain. he acted with great judgment, however, holding a high tone, and implying much in the way of menace, without at any time involving himself in a definite threat, from which he could not recede without humiliation; careful and precise in his demands, but never receding from them, or allowing them to be evaded, when once made; sensible of the difficulties in his way, as well those raised by his own government as those dependent upon his opponent, but equally aware that he held in his hands, if authorized to use it, the power to suppress the career of depredation, upon which the dey relied to support his revenue, and to content his officers. personally, he favored a short and summary proceeding, accordant to his own decided character. the dey proving immovable when first summoned, he proposed to the british government "that on the th of april next, when, if he means to send his cruisers to sea, they will be out, that, on that day, every ship under my command should have strict orders (to open on that day) to take, sink, burn, and destroy every algerine, and that on that day the port of algiers should be declared in a state of blockade. thus the dey could get neither commerce, presents, or plunder; and, although the other powers may rejoice at the war with us, yet i am firmly persuaded that it will be most advantageous to us for the next hundred years." at the same time, with his usual circumspection, he issued a general direction to all commanders of convoys to carry their charges well clear of the algerine coast, until matters were settled. in the end, the british ministry yielded much more than nelson approved, but, however sorely against the grain, he carried out all his instructions with scrupulous subordination. it was only three days before the active campaign began with the sortie of the french fleet, that he was rejoined by the ship to whose captain were intrusted the final arrangements with algiers. for his diplomatic and naval correspondence, nelson had two principal secretaries, public and private, both, awkwardly enough, named scott; but the latter, being a clergyman and chaplain of the ship, was colloquially brevetted doctor, a distinction which, for convenience, will be observed when it is necessary to mention him. he had become known to nelson while serving in the same capacity with sir hyde parker, and had been found very useful in the negotiations at copenhagen. an accomplished linguist and an omnivorous reader, dr. scott was doubly useful. upon him devolved the translating of all despatches and letters, not only from, but to, foreign courts and officials; for nelson made a point of sending with all such papers a copy in the language of the person addressed, and an apology for failing to do so sometimes appears, on account of his secretary's absence. the latter was also a man of wide information, acquired, not as his superior's chiefly was, by mingling among men and dealing with affairs, but from books; and the admiral, while rightly valuing the teachings of experience above all, was duly sensible that one's own experience is susceptible of further extension through that of others, imparted either by word or pen. nelson entertained a persuasion, so scott has told us, that no man ever put his hand to paper without having some information or theory to deliver, which he fancied was not generally known, and that this was worth looking after through all the encumbering rubbish. for the same reason, besides being naturally sociable, he liked to draw others into conversation, and to start subjects for discussion, from which, when fairly under way, he would withdraw himself into silence and allow the company to do the talking, both in order to gather ideas that might be useful to himself, and also to observe character transpiring in conversation. bourrienne has told us that bonaparte took pleasure in provoking similar debates. scott himself, a man essentially unpractical, afforded nelson amusement as well as interest, and was the object of a good deal of innocent chaffing. he would, in those after-dinner gatherings which gillespie mentions, lead the doctor into arguments on literature, politics, spanish and even naval affairs, and would occasionally provoke from him a lecture on navigation itself, to the great entertainment of murray, hardy, and the other officers present.[ ] "ah, my dear doctor!" he would say chaffingly, "give me knowledge practically acquired--experience! experience! experience! and practical men!" nelson, however, was too big and too broad a man not to know that, while by doing the same thing, or bearing the same thing, many times,--by experience, that is,--one acquires a facility not otherwise communicable, in a novel situation a man is abler to act, the more he has availed himself of the knowledge and the suggestions of others. absorbed with the duties of his station, it was of the first importance that he should possess every information, and ponder every idea, small and great, bearing upon its conditions, as well as upon the general political state of europe in that period of ominous waiting, wherein great events were evidently coming to birth. day after day, dr. scott's biographer tells us, was passed by the two together, sitting in two black leathern arm-chairs with roomy pockets, stuffed with papers, written and printed, journals and pamphlets, gathered from every source--from prizes, from passing neutral vessels, from cruisers returning from neutral or friendly ports, or picked up by the doctor himself in the not infrequent trips on which he was sent, ostensibly for pleasure, but with a keen eye also to the collection of intelligence. marked externally by the abstraction of a book-worm, entirely unpractical and heedless in the common affairs of life, and subject to an occasional flightiness of action, the result in part of an injury to his head while in the service, scott gave those who saw him going about an impression of guilelessness, which covered him from the suspicion of having a mission. he had, says his biographer, "in union with a capacity for very difficult services, a simplicity that often put him at disadvantage in worldly matters, and it became a common joke with the admiral, that 'the doctor would always want somebody to take care of him.'" nelson had everything read to him; first of all, newspapers, which were sent regularly to the fleet by british agents in various quarters. upon them chiefly, and not upon england, he depended for knowledge of what was happening; in great britain itself, as well as on the continent. from ten to twelve weeks was no uncommon length of time for him to be without word from home. "i never hear from england," he wrote to elliot in the summer of , "but as we manage to get the paris papers regularly through spain. from ten days to a fortnight we get them from their date at paris: therefore we know the very great events which are passing in europe--at least as much as the french people;" a shrewd limitation. these, therefore, together with spanish, italian, and other sheets, it was scott's daily task to read aloud to his chief, who found therein not only information but amusement. he insisted also upon hearing the numerous ephemeral pamphlets, of which the age was prolific, and which found their way to him. his quickness in detecting the drift of an author was marvellous. two or three pages of a pamphlet were generally sufficient to put him in complete possession of the writer's object, while nothing was too trivial for his attention where there existed a possibility of its contributing a clue to the problems of his command. not the least onerous of the doctor's duties was the deciphering of private letters found in prizes, a channel by which important public interests are often betrayed. nelson's quickness to see the bearing and value of an apparently trifling mention, dropped by the way by a careless pen, rendered such an exercise of his ingenuity at once a pleasure and a profit. the public secretary, mr. scott, was equally struck with the alertness and sagacity of his employer's mind. "i have heard much of lord nelson's abilities as an officer and statesman, but the account of the latter is infinitely short. in my travels through the service i have met with no character in any degree equal to his lordship; his penetration is quick, judgment clear, wisdom great, and his decisions correct and decided: nor does he in company appear to bear any weight on his mind." it was with difficulty, after a prolonged session, that the doctor could at times beg off, and leave, stuffed in the arm-chair pockets, for another day's work, a dozen or two of such letters, sealed to nelson by his imperfect eyesight and inadequate mastery of other tongues. the arm-chairs, lashed together, formed at times a couch upon which the admiral "slept those brief slumbers for which he was remarkable;" in those moments, doubtless, when anxiety about the enemy's movements did not permit him to go regularly to bed. in common with all those closely associated with nelson, dr. scott was particularly struck with the kindliness and cordiality of his bearing and actions; which is the more to be noted, because no one, probably, had more occasion to see the movements of irritability, of impatience, which lay very near the surface, than did his secretaries, through whom his most vexatious work must be done. that he was vehement to express annoyance has appeared frequently in these pages. the first lord radstock, who was senior to him in the service, and knew him well, writing to his son, then a midshipman in the "victory," is constant and extreme in his admiration of nelson; but he gives the caution to be careful of impressions made upon a chief upon whom advancement depends. quick in all his ways, a moment's heedlessness, possibly misunderstood or misrepresented, may produce lasting injury. "lord nelson is of so hasty a temper, that in spite of all his natural goodness, i should fear that he would too readily give ear to those in whom he had placed his confidence. he is a man of strong passions, and his prejudices are proportionate." "on many occasions," says another writer, "lord nelson evinced an impatience that has been considered as irreconcileable with magnanimity; but the secret workings of his soul have not been received into the account or analysis of character, for we find the same individual, while employed in watching the french fleet off toulon, display the most unexampled patience and forbearance, and never betray the smallest symptom of inquietude or disappointment."[ ] murray, the captain of the fleet, when first offered his appointment, had hesitated to accept. upon nelson urging him, he gave as his reason that the nature of the duties often led to disagreements between the admiral and his chief of staff, and that he was unwilling to risk any diminution of the regard existing between him and his lordship; a remark true enough in the general, but clearly of somewhat special application. nelson assured him that, should anything go contrary to his wishes, he would waive his rank and explain or expostulate with him as his friend, and when, after two years' service, murray had to leave the ship, he refused to replace him,--he would have murray or none. in truth, such readiness to flare up must needs be the defect of that quality of promptness, that instant succession of deed to thought, which was a distinguishing feature of nelson's genius and actions. captain hillyar more than once alludes to this trait as characteristic of the fleet, to which its chief had transmitted his own spirit. "i have had to-day to lament," he says, speaking of some trifling disappointment, "the extreme promptitude with which we all move when near his lordship." but, while traces of this failing may be detected here and there by the watchful reader, as nelson himself gleaned useful indications amid the rubbishy mass of captured correspondence, there survives, among the remains left by those in daily contact with him, only the record of a frank, open bearing, and unfailing active kindness. "setting aside his heroism," wrote dr. scott after trafalgar, "when i think what an affectionate, fascinating little fellow he was, how dignified and pure his mind, how kind and condescending his manners, i become stupid with grief for what i have lost." "he is so cheerful and pleasant," wrote the public secretary, mr. scott, "that it is a happiness to be about his hand." dr. gillespie notes "his noble frankness of manners, freedom from vain formality and pomp (so necessary to the decoration of empty little great men), which can only be equalled by the unexampled glory of his naval career, and the watchful and persevering diligence with which he commands this fleet." "nelson was the man to _love_" said captain pulteney malcolm, who knew intimately both him and wellington. "i received captain leake," nelson himself says, speaking of an army officer on a special mission to the mediterranean, "with that openness which was necessary to make myself as well acquainted with him in three days, as others might do in as many years. i have given him all the knowledge of the men, their views, &c. &c., as far as i have been able to form a judgment." the remark is valuable, for it shows that frankness and cordiality were recognized by him as the wisest and most politic method of dealing with men. "our friend, sir alexander," he says testily, "is a very great diplomatic character, and even an admiral must not know what he is negotiating about. you shall judge, viz., 'the tunisian envoy is still here, negotiating. he is a moderate man; and, apparently, the best disposed of any i ever did business with.' could even the oldest diplomatic character be drier? i hate such parade and nonsense." captain hillyar, who commanded one of the frigates that were ever coming and going, writes in his journal: "if extreme kindness and attention could render me happy, i have this day experienced both from our revered and good commander-in-chief. how can i repay his kindness? by obeying his injunctions 'not to be in a hurry to get married,'[ ] or by a continued perseverance in discharging those duties with alacrity and honour, which he is more immediately concerned in?" "lord nelson talked a great deal against matrimony yesterday, and i feel will not trust me at malta, while we are capable of remaining at sea. it was all, however, in a good natured way. he is going to charge me with two of his boys [midshipmen], i am pleased that an opportunity is offered for showing my gratitude in a small degree for his almost fatherly kindness. i wish you knew him; if he has failings, reflections on his virtues cause them to be forgotten, and the mind dwells with pleasure on a character where bravery, generosity, and good nature, are joined to a heart that can feel for the woes of others, and delights in endeavouring to alleviate them." hillyar was experiencing what radstock had remarked: "gain his esteem, and there is nothing he will not dash through to put you forward." "gain his esteem, and you will have nothing to fear, for i know not a more honourable man existing, or one who would more readily do you justice in all respects." "i am well aware," wrote another young captain to nelson himself, "of the good construction which your lordship has ever been in the habit of putting on circumstances, although wearing the most unfavourable appearances.... your lordship's good opinion constitutes the summit of my ambition, and the most effective spur to my endeavours." nelson loved to bestow promotion, when deserved, on the spot, to give a man his spurs, if it might be, on the field of battle; but vacancies would not always offer at the happy moment. a brother of hillyar's was a midshipman in one of two boats, sent to visit a suspicious vessel. a sudden and staggering fire killed the lieutenant in command, besides disabling a number of the boats' crews. the men hesitated; but the lad, left in charge, cheered them on and carried the vessel by boarding. although he was but a couple of months over fifteen, nelson gave him at once his commission into the vacancy made by the lieutenant. one very dark night, the "victory" being under way, a midshipman, at the imminent risk of his life, leaped into the sea to save a seaman who had fallen overboard, and otherwise would have been drowned. nelson gave him, too, his commission the following morning; but, seeing the jubilation among the young man's messmates, and thinking the act might be a dangerous precedent, he leaned over the poop and said, smiling good-naturedly, "stop, young gentlemen! mr. flin has done a gallant thing today, and he has done many gallant things before, for which he has now got his reward. but mind, i'll have no more making lieutenants for men falling overboard." the power thus to reward at discretion, and speedily, though liable to abuse, was, he claimed, essential to the due influence of a commander-in-chief; his subordinates must feel that it was in his power to make their future, to distinguish them, and that they were in so far dependent upon him. nevertheless, with him as with others, personal interest had a weight which qualified his argument. the premature[ ] and disastrous promotion of his stepson, at his request, by st. vincent, was a practical abuse which in most minds would outweigh theoretical advantages. writing to sir peter parker about this time, he said, "you may be assured i will lose no time in making your grandson a postcaptain. it is the only opportunity ever offered me, of showing that my feelings of gratitude to you are as warm and alive as when you first took me by the hand: i owe all my honours to you, and i am proud to acknowledge it to all the world." such enduring gratitude is charming to see, and tends to show that nelson recognized some other reason for parker's favor to himself than deference to suckling's position; but it is scarcely a good working principle for the distribution of official patronage, although the younger parker was a good and gallant officer. among the military duties that weighed upon nelson, not the least was the protection of british trade. the narrow waters of the mediterranean favored the operations of privateers, which did not have to go far from their ports, and found shelter everywhere; for the littoral states, in their weakness and insecurity, could but feebly enforce neutrality either in their continental or insular territories. in fact, both parties to the war, great britain and france, derived from the infringement of neutrality advantages which checked their remonstrances, and gave the feebler nations an apt retort, when taken to task in their painful efforts to preserve an attitude that was rather double-faced than neutral. if france, on the one hand, was deriving a considerable revenue from spanish subsidies, and subsisting an army corps upon neapolitan territory, great britain, on the other, could scarcely have maintained her fleet in the gulf of lyons, if unable to get fresh provisions and water from neutral ports; for, save gibraltar and malta, she had none that was her own or allied. under these conditions, small privateers, often mere rowboats, but under the colors of france or the italian republic, swarmed in every port and inlet; in the adriatic,--a deep, secluded pocket, particularly favorable to marauding,--in the ionian islands, along the barbary coast, upon the shores of spain, and especially in sicily, whose central position and extensive seaboard commanded every trade-route east of the balearics. nelson's correspondence is full of remonstrances addressed to the various neutral states--including even austria, whose shore-line on the adriatic was extensive--for their toleration of these abuses, which rested ultimately upon the fear of bonaparte. he has, also, constant explanations to make to his own government, or to british ministers at the different courts, of the acts of his cruisers in destroying the depredators within neutral limits, when found red-handed. he makes no apologies, but stands firmly by his officers, who, when right, could always count upon his support in trouble. he never left a man in the lurch, or damned him with faint approval. "the protection afforded the enemy's privateers and rowboats in the different neutral ports of these seas, so contrary to every known law of neutrality, is extremely destructive of our commerce.... although their conduct is infamous, yet their doing wrong is no rule why we should. there is a general principle which i have laid down for the regulation of the officers' conduct under my command--which is never to break the neutrality of any port or place; but never to consider as neutral any place from whence an attack is allowed to be made. it is certainly justifiable to attack any vessel in a place from whence she makes an attack." "i very fully approve every part of captain ----'s conduct on the above occasion," he writes to the admiralty in such a case. the supplying of convoys, therefore, was ceaseless, for the depredations of the marauders were unending. "i am pulled to pieces by the demands of merchants for convoys," nelson said; and he recognized that it must be so, for he entirely disapproved of even a fast-sailing vessel attempting to make a passage unprotected. "i wrote to the admiralty for more cruisers until i was tired," he told ball, "and they left off answering those parts of my letters. the late admiralty thought i kept too many to the eastward of sicily; the smyrna folks complain of me, so do the adriatic, so they do between cape de gatte and gibraltar. if i had the vessels, i do assure you not one of them should go prize-hunting: that i never have done, i am a poorer man than the day i was ordered to the mediterranean command, by upwards of £ , ; but money i despise except as it is useful, and i expect my prize money is embarked in the toulon fleet." "i am distressed for frigates," was his continual cry. "from cape st. vincent to the head of the adriatic i have only eight; which, with the service of watching toulon, and the necessary frigates with the fleet, are absolutely not one half enough." for military duties, "frigates are the eyes of a fleet. i want ten more than i have in order to watch that the french should not escape me, and ten sloops besides, to do all duties." for nine stations which ought to be filled, "i have but two frigates; therefore, my dear ball, have a little mercy, and do not think i have neglected the protection of the trade of malta." this was written soon after joining the station, and he represents the number as diminishing as time passed. "it is shameful!" he cries in a moment of intense anxiety. in this fewness of cruisers he was forced to keep his vessels constantly on the go,--to the levant, to the adriatic, to sicily, to italy,--scouring the coasts for privateers, gathering merchant ships by driblets, picking up information, and at the end of the round returning to malta with their fractions of the large convoy. when this was assembled, a frigate or a ship-of-the-line, with one or two smaller ships of war, sailed with it for gibraltar at a date fixed, approximately, months before. meanwhile, at the latter place a similar process of collection had been going on from the ports of the western mediterranean, and, after the malta convoy arrived, the whole started together in charge of a division, composed usually of vessels of war that had to return to england for repairs. to arrange and maintain this complicated process, and to dovetail it with the other necessary cruising duties, having in consideration which ships should first go home, required careful study and long foresight--infinite management, in fact. "the going on in the routine of a station," he tells ball, who seems to have trod on his toes, "if interrupted, is like stopping a watch--the whole machine gets wrong. if the maidstone takes the convoy, and, when agincourt arrives, there is none for her or thisbe, it puzzles me to know what orders to give them. if they chace the convoy to gibraltar, the maidstone may have gone on with it to england, and in that case, two ships, unless i begin to give a new arrangement, will either go home without convoy, or they must return [to malta] in contradiction to the admiralty's orders to send them home; i am sure you see it in its true point of view." "i dare not send a frigate home without a convoy," he says later. "not an officer in the service bows with more respect to the orders of the admiralty than myself," he writes st. vincent; "but i am sure you will agree with me, that if i form plans for the sending home our convoys, and the clearing the different parts of the station from privateers, and the other services requisite, and that the admiralty in some respects makes their arrangements, we must clash." then he points out how the admiralty diverting a ship, unknown to him, has tumbled over a whole train of services, like a child's row of blocks. an extremely critical point in the homeward voyage was the first hundred miles west of gibraltar; and it was a greater thorn in nelson's side, because of a french seventy-four, the "aigle," which had succeeded in entering cadiz just after he got off toulon. for the ordinary policing of that locality he assigned a division of three frigates, under a captain gore, who possessed his confidence. "the enemy's privateers and cruisers," he tells him, "are particularly destructive to our trade passing the skirts of the station." privateering was thus reduced; but when a convoy sailed, he tried always to have it accompanied through that stage by a ship of size sufficient to grapple with the "aigle." for a while, indeed, he placed there an eighty-gun ship, but the gradual deterioration of his squadron and the increase of latouche tréville's obliged him to recall her, and at times his anxiety was great; not the less because gore, like other frigate captains, entertained the fancy that his three frigates might contend with a ship-of-the-line. "your intentions of attacking that ship with the small squadron under your command are certainly very laudable; but i do not consider your force by any means equal to it." the question of two or three small ships against one large involves more considerations than number and weight of guns. unity of direction and thickness of sides--defensive strength, that is--enter into the problem. as hawke said, "big ships take a good deal of drubbing." howe's opinion was the same as nelson's; and hardy, nelson's captain, said, "after what i have seen at trafalgar, i am satisfied it would be mere folly, and ought never to succeed."[ ] what hardy saw at trafalgar, however, was not frigates against ships-of-the-line, but vessels of the latter class opposed, smaller against greater. it seems singular, with such a weak link in the chain of communication from the mediterranean to england, that the admiralty, on the outbreak of the war with spain, in the latter part of , should have divided nelson's command at this very point, leaving as a somewhat debatable ground, for mutual jealousy, that through which valuable interests must pass, and where they must be transferred. the reason and manner of this division, impolitic and inopportune as it was, and bitterly as nelson resented it, seem to have been misunderstood. convinced that he could not endure another winter such as the last, he made a formal application, about the middle of august, , for permission to go home for a while. "i consider the state of my health to be such as to make it absolutely necessary that i should return to england to re-establish it. another winter such as the last, i feel myself unable to stand against. a few months of quiet may enable me to serve again next spring; and i believe that no officer is more anxious to serve than myself." in accordance with this last intimation, which speaks his whole heart, he wrote privately to the first lord that he would like to come back in the spring, if his health were restored, as he believed it would be; and he assured him that his second, bickerton, whose rank did not entitle him to the chief command under ordinary conditions, was perfectly fitted to hold it during his absence--in short, to keep the place warm for his return. nelson knew that the admiralty was besieged with admirals, many senior to himself, seeking for employment, and that it would be very difficult for it to resist the pressure for the vacancy in "my favourite command," to resume which he was impelled by both his sense of duty and his love of glory. he wrote therefore to elliot, and to the king of the two sicilies, in the same sense as he had to melville, recalling his well-tried devotion to the interests of that court, which a successor might not equally show, and suggesting that his cause would be strengthened by an application for his return on the part of the king. the latter consequently intimated to the british government that he hoped lord nelson would be sent back. he was, in truth, so much agitated over the prospect of his going, that he offered him a house in either palermo or naples, if he wished to remain in the south to recruit; an offer which elliot, equally uneasy, urged him to accept. the government did exactly what was asked. nelson received permission to go to england, when he felt it necessary, leaving the command in the hands of bickerton; but at the same time the admiralty had to meet the rush of claimants for the vacancy, all the more pressing because rumors were afloat of a spanish war, which would make the mediterranean not only the most important, but, in prize-money, the most lucrative command. among the applicants was sir john orde, who had been nursing a technical grievance ever since he had been passed over, in nelson's favor, for the command of the detachment with which the battle of the nile was fought. nelson's leave was issued on the th of october, and on the th orde was given a small squadron--five ships-of-the-line--to blockade cadiz. being senior to nelson, and of course to bickerton, he could only have this position by reducing the latter's station, which had extended to cape finisterre. the line between the two commands was drawn at the straits' mouth, a rather vague phrase, but gibraltar was left with nelson. orde thus got the station for prize-money, and nelson that for honor, which from youth until now he most valued. "the arrangement," wrote his friend, lord radstock, "will be a death-stroke to his hopes of the galleons; but as your chief has ever showed himself to be as great a despiser of riches as he is a lover of glory, i am fully convinced in my own mind that he would sooner defeat the french fleet than capture fifty galleons." nevertheless, nelson was sorely aggrieved, and complained bitterly to his correspondents. "i have learnt not to be surprised at anything; but the sending an officer to such a point, to take, if it is a spanish war, the whole harvest, after all my trials (god knows unprofitable enough! for i am a much poorer man than when we started in the amphion,) seems a little hard: but _patienza_." "he is sent off cadiz to reap the golden harvest, as campbell was to reap my sugar harvest. it's very odd, two admiralties to treat me so: surely i have dreamt that i have 'done the state some service.' but never mind; i am superior to those who could treat me so." his contempt for money, however acquired, except as a secondary consideration, remained unchanged. "i believe i attend more to the french fleet than making captures; but what i have, i can say as old haddock said, 'it never cost a sailor a tear, nor the nation a farthing.' this thought is far better than prize-money;--not that i despise money--quite the contrary, i wish i had one hundred thousand pounds this moment." "i am keeping as many frigates as possible round me," he wrote to his friend ball, "for i know the value of them on the day of battle: and compared with that day, what signifies any prizes they might take?"[ ] nor did such utterances stand alone. "i hope war with spain may be avoided," he wrote. "i want not riches at such a dreadful price. peace for our country is all i wish to fight for,--i mean, of course, an honourable one, without which it cannot be a secure one." but his outlays were very heavy. besides the £ , annually paid to lady nelson, he gave lady hamilton £ , a year, exclusive of what was spent on the house and grounds at merton; and it may be inferred from dr. gillespie that the cost of the cabin mess, beyond the table money allowed by the government, was assumed by him. he himself said, early in the cruise, "unless we have a spanish war, i shall live here at a great expense, although mr. chevalier [his steward] takes every care." "god knows, in my own person, i spend as little money as any man; but you[ ] know i love to give away." that he was thus sore was most natural; but it was also natural that the government should expect, in view of his strong representations about his health, that the three weeks between the issuing his leave and orde's orders would have insured his being on his way home, before the latter reached his station. had things fallen out so, it would not have been nelson, the exceptional hero of exceptional services, but bickerton, a man with no peculiar claims as yet, who would have lost the prize-money; for nelson himself had just won a suit against st. vincent, which established that the moment a commander-in-chief left his station, his right lapsed, and that of the next flag-officer commenced. nor was the division of the station an unprecedented measure. it had been extended from the straits to cape finisterre at the time st. vincent withdrew from the mediterranean, in ; and in , when lord keith asked for additional aids, on account of the enormous administrative work, the admiralty made of the request a pretext for restricting his field to the mediterranean, a step which keith successfully resisted. before nelson received his leave he had begun to change his mind about going home. this was due, partly, to a slight betterment in his health, which he at this time mentions; chiefly, it would seem, to the prospects of a spanish war. this, by doubling the number of his enemies and the quarters whence they might come, contributed to the pleasurable excitement that was always a tonic to his physical frame, and roused the eager desire for conspicuous action, which was his most prominent passion. indications also assured him that the expectation of the french coming out, in which appearances had so often deceived him, was now on the point of being realized; that bonaparte's projects, whatever they were, were approaching maturity. his "guess," founded on the reports before him, was wonderfully penetrative. he did not see all the way through the french mill-stone, but he saw very deep into it; his inference, indeed, was one in which intuition and sagacity bore equal shares. "if the russians continue increasing their naval force in this country [that is, in the eastern mediterranean], i do not think the french will venture to the eastward; therefore, i rather expect they will, as the year advances, try to get out of the straits; and should they accomplish it with , troops on board, i am sure we should lose half our west india islands, for i think they would go there, and not to ireland. whatever may be their destination, i shall certainly follow, be it even to the east indies." the last allusion is interesting, for it shows the wide flight of his speculations, which had found utterance before in the casual remark that his ships were provisioned for a voyage to madras; and, even as a guess, it struck perilously near one of bonaparte's purposes. the splendid decision, formulated so long before the case arose, to follow wherever they went, held in its womb the germ of the great campaign of trafalgar; while in the surmise that the toulon fleet was bound to the west indies, the arrow of conjecture had gone straight to the bull's-eye. in this same letter, addressed to general villettes, at malta, formerly his coadjutor at the siege of bastia, nelson, in the intimacy of friendship, reveals what was to him at once the secret of health and the fulfilment of desire; the congenial atmosphere in which his being throve, and expanded to fulfil the limits of his genius. "such a pursuit would do more, perhaps, towards restoring me to health than all the doctors; but i fear" (his application for leave having gone in) "this is reserved for some happier man. not that i complain; i have had a good race of glory, but we are never satisfied, although i hope i am duly thankful for the past; but one cannot help, being at sea, longing for a little more." "i hope," he had written a few months earlier to lord minto, "some day, very soon, to fulfil the warmest wishes of my country and expectations of my friends. i hope you may be able, at some debate, to say, as your partiality has said before, 'nelson has done more than he has done before;' i can assure you it shall be a stimulus to my exertion on the day of battle.... whatever happens, i have run a glorious race." on the th of october nelson received a piece of news which elicited instantaneously a flash of action, illustrative at once of the promptness of his decisions and of the briskness of temper that has been noted already. a letter arrived from captain gore, commanding the detachment outside of the straits, that two frigates, sent from the brest squadron by admiral cornwallis, had arrived, with a captain senior to himself, who had taken him under his orders, and carried two of nelson's frigates off cadiz to intercept the spanish treasure-fleet expected there from america. cornwallis's action had been taken by orders from england, but no communication to that effect, either from him or from the admiralty, reached nelson at this moment. astounded by a measure which could scarcely fail to cause war, and convinced, as he said, that spain had no wish to go to war with great britain, he gave himself a night to pause; but early next day he wrote to the admiralty, intimating pretty plainly that, if done by its direction, this was not the way the commander of the mediterranean fleet should receive word of so momentous a step taken in his district, while to gore he sent emphatic orders to disobey cornwallis, although the latter was nelson's senior. summing up with admirable lucidity the facts before him, and thereby proving that the impression under which cornwallis's action probably was taken was erroneous, he said: "unless you have much weightier reasons than the order of admiral cornwallis, or that you receive orders from the admiralty, it is my most positive directions that neither you, or any ship under your orders, do molest or interrupt in any manner the lawful commerce of spain, with whom we are at perfect peace and amity." it is permissible, because instructive, to note that in this order, while nelson amply provides for discretion on the part of his subordinate, he throws the full weight of his authority on the difficult horn of a possible dilemma, the act--so momentous to an officer--of disobedience to a present superior; in this case the captain sent by cornwallis. contrast this with the government's orders to the commander of the troops at malta, when it wished him to send a garrison to messina.[ ] instead of saying, "you will send so many men, _unless_ you think you _cannot_ spare them," its orders ran: "you will send, _if_ you think you _can_ spare them." of course, as nelson invariably experienced, an officer addressed in the latter style found always a lion in his path. so his orders to gore were not, "obey, _if_" but "disobey, _unless_;" and gore knew, as every man in the mediterranean knew by long trial, that, if he disobeyed, he would have at his back, through thick and thin, the first sea-officer in great britain. but nelson's orders were always stamped with the positive, daring, lucid character of his genius and its conceptions; and so, except in unworthy hands, they were fulfilled in spirit as well as in letter. an interesting illustration of this trenchant clearness is to be found in instructions given to the captain of the "donegal," an eighty-gun ship, sent under very critical circumstances to cruise off cadiz, in september, . it appears to the author not only characteristic of nelson, but a perfect example of the kind of directions a junior would wish to have in a difficult case, when desirous to carry out the spirit of his superior's orders. it explains itself. th september, . to captain sir richard john strachan, bart., h.m. ship donegal. the occurrences which pass every day in spain forbode, i fancy, a speedy war with england; therefore it becomes proper for me to put you on your guard, and advise you how to act under particular circumstances. by looking at the former line of conduct on the part of spain, which she followed just before the commencement of the last war, we may naturally expect the same events to happen. the french admiral richery was in cadiz, blocked up by admiral man; on august the nd, they came to sea, attended by the spanish fleet, which saw the french safe beyond st. vincent, and returned into cadiz. admiral man very properly did not choose to attack admiral richery under such an escort. this is a prelude to what i must request your strict attention to; at the same time, i am fully aware that you must be guided, in some measure, by actual circumstances. i think it very probable, even before spain breaks with us, that they may send a ship or two of the line to see l'aigle round cape st. vincent; and that if you attack her in their presence, they may attack you; and giving them possession of the donegal, would be more than either you or i should wish, therefore i am certain it must be very comfortable for you to know my sentiments. from what you hear in cadiz, you will judge how far you may venture yourself in company with a spanish squadron; but if you are of opinion that you may trust yourself near them, keeping certainly out of gun-shot, send your boat with a letter to the spanish commodore, and desire to know whether he means to defend the french ships; and get his answer in writing, and have it as plain as possible. if it be 'yes, that he will fire at you if you attack the french under his protection,' then, if you have force enough, make your attack on the whole body, and take them all if you can; for i should consider such an answer as a perfect declaration of war. if you are too weak for such an attack, you must desist; but you certainly are fully authorized to take the ships of spain whenever you meet them. should the answer be ambiguous, you must then act as your judgment may direct you, and i am sure that will be very proper. only recollect, that it would be much better to let the french ships escape, than to run too great a risk of losing the donegal, yourself, and the ship's company. i am, &c. nelson and bronte. this letter fulfils his own request to the admiralty: "all i wish and submit to their lordships is, that if the business is left to me, my orders may be decisive." later in the same day that nelson received gore's letter, the admiralty's orders arrived, sent, as despatches too often were, by a vessel so small and slow that it would seem they counted upon her insignificance to elude an enemy's notice. the delay served, as has been said, to give proof of the rapidity of nelson's action; the receipt of the orders enabled him also to show how much clearer were his conceptions of adequacy than those of ordinary men. to stop treasure-ships, or to embargo merchant-ships, when difficulty was threatening, was no new idea to the british government. the latter had been done with baltic merchantmen at the time of the armed neutrality. in the case of spain, it was a measure particularly efficacious, for the financial solvency and belligerent capacity of that country depended upon the galleons, which brought to her the tribute of her colonies; and her relations and dealings with france at this time were so partial and suspicious as to justify precautions. evidently, however, such a step, being avowedly preventive and not offensive, should be taken in such a way as to avert all chance of possible disaster. several spanish frigates being expected, the british government charged four vessels of the same rate with the task of arresting them. nelson, the instant he got his orders, detached to the spot an eighty-gun ship, to which he added four other cruisers, thinking, as he said in his orders to the captain selected, that "this is a service of the highest importance, and that an officer of your rank and experience should be employed therein." with such odds against him, the spanish commander would need no military justification for submission. as it was, he resisted, necessitating a fight, which under the circumstances was barbarous and brutal, and ended in one of the spanish vessels blowing up with several women on board; a result due wholly to the blundering lack of foresight which sent a corporal's guard to do the work of a sheriff's posse. this incident, of the order to arrest the treasure-ships, which was made general for all vessels of that class, was probably the determining occasion of nelson's decision to remain in the mediterranean. war with spain, with consequent increased activity on the part of france, though not certain, became probable. there was at that time on board the "victory" a dr. lambton este, who had gone to the mediterranean in a civil capacity, and was on his way home. nelson, hoping to return soon himself, asked este to remain until he started, and to accompany him in a worn-out seventy-four, the "superb," which he was holding for that purpose. it seems that, in looking forward to the resumption of his command, he expected it would be the scene of a more wide-spread political activity, especially in the far east where este had been employed, and that, for this purpose, he wished to attach the latter to his person. "there may be more occupation there for us all, hereafter, than we just now foresee, or may expect." in confirmation of this general forecast, we are told by dr. scott that, when the admiral left england before trafalgar, arrangements had been made with the foreign office for este with six clerks to be attached to the flagship, to conduct the diplomatic correspondence. the fact is doubly interesting. it shows, on the one hand, the accuracy of nelson's foresight as to the vast importance the mediterranean was about to assume, to meet which he thus was making provision in a general way; although neither he nor any other man could have anticipated the extraordinary, complicated snarl of the political threads in napoleon's later years. the cares from these, it may be said in passing, were by nelson's death devolved upon collingwood; who, though a strong man, was killed by them, through general debility resulting from confinement, and through organic injury produced by bending over his desk. on the other hand, it cannot but be grateful to those who admire the hero, to see that nelson looked forward to no inglorious ease, but to a life of strenuous work, as well as, if it might be so, of military honor. had he lived, we may hope, the days after trafalgar would not have been the grave of his renown. on the first of november his decision was taken. he sent for este and said, "oh, my good fellow! i have abandoned the idea of going to england, at present. i shall not go yet, and when i may go is quite uncertain--must depend upon events, and upon my own precarious health; at the same time, i am doing you an evident injustice, by detaining you here so long in uncertainty." este of course expressed his willingness to remain while needed, but nelson interrupted him, saying, "no, _my_ wish is that you should go,--i am anxious that you should go, and go without further delay. to tell you the truth, i am not entirely disinterested. go home; get confirmed in your appointment, according to my desire, and return to me as soon afterwards as you can. should i retain my command in the mediterranean, with the powers already conceded to me, i shall require your assistance." it seems probable that he was anxious to get some one home as rapidly as possible, to forestall, if time permitted, a final recall, which the appointment of a successor would be. "long before this time," he had written lady hamilton, "i expect, another admiral is far on his way to supersede me. i should for your sake, and for many of our friends, have liked an odd hundred thousand pounds [by a spanish war]; but, never mind. if they give me the choice of staying a few months longer, it will be very handsome; and, for the sake of others, we would give up very much of our own felicity." the despatches and routine papers were got ready rapidly, and placed in charge of este, who sailed for lisbon, in a sloop-of-war, on the th of november, furnished with orders to all officials to expedite him on his way, and particularly to captains not to communicate with the ship, because the plague, then raging in gibraltar, would involve her, if visited, in the delays of quarantine. on the th of november, off cape st. vincent, este met the "swiftsure," seventy-four, bringing orde out. it has been charged that the latter discourteously delayed to notify nelson of his taking over part of the station.[ ] it appears, however, from this encounter, that his letter to that effect, dated the th,[ ] though headed "off cadiz," was actually prepared before he reached his position there. it was forwarded to nelson by the "anson," whose captain was senior officer of the division till then blockading the port, whom orde relieved and sent on with his despatch. the "anson" joined nelson on the th of december. the "swiftsure," which was also destined to his squadron, did not reach him until the th. it seems, therefore, fair to acquit orde of a discourtesy as aimless as it would be reprehensible. just before este's departure nelson had reconnoitred toulon. a new vice-admiral had hoisted his flag in place of latouche tréville, who had died on the th of august. "he has given me the slip," wrote nelson, who felt himself balked of his vengeance. "the french papers say he died of walking so often up to the signal-post, upon sepet, to watch us: i always pronounced that would be his death." his successor was villeneuve, the predestined victim of trafalgar. "they now amuse themselves with night-signals," nelson informed the first lord; "and by the quantity of rockets and blue lights they show with every signal, they plainly mark their position. these gentlemen must soon be so perfect in theory, that they will come to sea to put their knowledge into practice. could i see that day, it would make me happy." the time was now not far distant. the weariness of waiting was soon to give way to the anxious fever of doubtful and protracted pursuit, of prolonged uncertainty and steadfast endurance, through which he advanced to his final triumph, just as he had to those of the past. the seizure of the spanish treasure-ships, with its lamentable catastrophe, took place on the th of october. nelson had the news on the th of november, which, extraordinary as it may appear, was before the fact was known in madrid. on the th of november, when the british minister received his passports upon his own demand, no word had reached there. on the th, nelson was informed that a british vessel had been fired upon by the batteries of barcelona, which was an error; but receiving at the same time a letter from the minister, probably to the effect that he would break off relations on the th, he inferred that war existed, and issued orders for a general seizure of spanish vessels of war and commerce throughout the station. this was done on his own responsibility, but he guarded himself by stringent provisions against any injury beyond detention being inflicted; and he alleged, very reasonably, that a commander-in-chief who never got letters from home less than two months old must act upon his own motion. "i am completely in the dark. it is now more than two months since the john bull [the last despatch boat] sailed." "i have set the whole mediterranean to work," he tells lady hamilton on the d; "and if i had had the spare troops at malta at my disposal, minorca would at this moment have had english colours flying." a swedish ship, carrying a spanish regiment from barcelona to the latter island, was among the first captures. "with respect to my making war upon spain, and sir john orde not having done it," so he wrote to elliot, "i believe you will think i have acted not precipitately, but consistent with the firmness of john bull. i can't tell what schemes ministers may have; but when i am without orders, and unexpected occurrences arise, i shall always act as i think the honour and glory of my king and country demand. upon the most mature and serious consideration i can give the subject, the present lays within the compass of a nutshell. our ministers demand certain points to be conceded to them; they, to give a spur, detain the spanish treasure. spain, the moment she hears of it, kicks your minister out of madrid; a plain proof they had not acceded to our propositions. indeed, mr. frere,[ ] you will see by his letter, did not believe it would have a favourable termination, even had not the frigates been detained. i send your excellency his letters. i feel i have done perfectly right. no desire of wealth could influence my conduct; for i had nothing to take worth two-pence to me. sir john orde was sent, if it was a spanish war, to take the money; but until he saw my orders, he did not act. i suppose he was fearful of that responsibility which i am ever ready to take upon me; and now he is to wallow in wealth, whilst i am left a beggar. but such things are. i receive the kindest letters from lord melville and the secretary of state, but they think the french fleet is prize enough for me." no wonder nelson found that diplomatists were slow, measured by himself as a standard; but what a wonderful instinct it shows in him, that, with action ever prompt to the verge of precipitancy, he made so few blunders in deed. there are several errors of fact in his summary of reasons, but his action was absolutely well-timed--to the very hour. meanwhile, and up to the th of december, when orde's letter was received, no reply had come to his application for leave, and no intimation of a successor. a fresh complication here arose by the entire break-down of one of his two junior admirals--rear-admiral campbell--whose health became so affected that it was necessary to send him immediately home. he quitted the fleet on the th of december. nelson rightly felt that he himself could not go, leaving bickerton without any assistant. he went further; for, when a rumor came that orde was to relieve him, he determined that he would offer his services to him, as second, until a successor to campbell should arrive. as there was friction between himself and orde, who had, besides, a not very pleasant official reputation, this intention, to take a lower place where he had been chief, was not only self-sacrificing, but extremely magnanimous; it was, however, disfigured by too much self-consciousness. "i have wrote to lord melville that i should make such an offer, and that i entreated him to send out a flag-officer as soon as possible, but i dare say sir john orde is too great a man to want my poor services, and that he will reject them; be that as it may, you will, i am sure, agree with me, that i shall show my superiority to him by such an offer, and the world will see what a sacrifice i am ready to make for the service of my king and country, for what greater sacrifice could i make, than serving for a moment under sir john orde, and giving up for that moment the society of all i hold most dear in this world?" orde's letter reached nelson in pula roads, in the gulf of cagliari, at the southern extremity of sardinia; an out-of-the-way position which probably accounts for much of its delay. he remained there, or in the gulf of palmas, a little to the westward, for about a week, and on the th of december left for his station off cape san sebastian. at the latter place, on christmas day, he was joined by the "swiftsure," which brought him a great batch of official mail that had come out with orde. he thus received at one and the same time his leave to go home and the admiralty's order reducing his station. unluckily, the latter step, though taken much later than the issuing of his leave, had become known to him first, through orde; and the impression upon his mind remained with that firmness of prejudice which radstock had noted in him. he does not appear at any time to have made allowance for the fact that his command was cut down under a reasonable impression that he was about to quit it. immediately after the "swiftsure" joined at rendezvous , he took the fleet off toulon. the enemy was found to be still in port, but the rumors of an approaching movement, and of the embarkation of troops, were becoming more specific. he remained off the harbor for at least a week, and thence went to madalena, where he anchored on the th of january, . this was, though he knew it not, the end of the long watch off toulon. short as the time was, nelson had already experienced the inconvenience of a senior admiral, lying, like an enemy, on the flank of his communications with great britain, and dealing as he pleased with his vessels. one frigate at least had been sent already to england, without his knowledge and consent. "i have in a former letter," he tells the first lord, "stated my opinion freely upon the stations of gibraltar and cadiz being given to the same officer; for without that is done, our convoys can never be considered safe. there is also another consideration, why the officer at gibraltar should be under the orders of the admiral commanding the mediterranean fleet--which is, that any admiral independent of that station, takes all the stores he chooses, or fancies he wants, for the service of his fleet; thereby placing the fleet in the gulf of lyons in great distress for many articles." off toulon, having a large official mail to make up in reply to that brought by the "swiftsure," he thought it both quicker and safer, under all the conditions of the time, to send it to lisbon. he therefore called on board the "victory" a smart young frigate-captain, william parker, a nephew of lord st. vincent, gave him orders to take the despatches to lisbon, and added, "sir john orde takes my frigates from me, and sends them away in some other direction from what i wish. i cannot even get my despatches home. you must contrive to get to the westward and go into lisbon, and avoid his ships. i have not signed your orders," alluding to memorandum instructions separate from the formal orders, "because sir john orde is my senior officer; but, if it should come to a court martial, hardy can swear to my handwriting, and you shall not be broke. take your orders, and good bye; and remember, parker, if you cannot weather _that fellow_, i shall think you have not a drop of your old uncle's blood in your veins." the memorandum directed him to pass cape spartel in the night, steering to the southward and westward to avoid orde, and ended thus: "bring-to [stop] for nothing, if you can help it. hoist the signal for quarantine, and that you are charged with dispatches. if you are forced to speak by a superior officer, show him only my order for not interfering with you; and unless he is an admiral, superior to me, you will obey my orders instead of any pretended ones from him, from my superior officer." parker executed his commission successfully, but in doing so met with a curious adventure. leaving gibraltar with a north wind, favorable for his purpose, he passed spartel as directed, and, the night being moonlight, saw in the distance orde's squadron cruising under easy sail. unluckily, one of the outlying lookout frigates discovered him, gave chase, and overtook him. her captain himself came on board, and was about to give parker orders not to proceed to the westward, orde jealously objecting to any apparent intrusion upon his domain. parker stopped him hastily from speaking on the quarter-deck, within earshot of others, and took him into the cabin. the stranger had been one of nelson's old midshipmen and a favorite; had started with him in the "agamemnon," and by him had been made a commander after the nile. "captain hoste," said parker, "i believe you owe all your advancement in the service to my uncle, lord st. vincent, and to lord nelson. i am avoiding sir john orde's squadron by desire of lord nelson; you know his handwriting; _i must go on_."[ ] (parker being senior to hoste, the latter could not detain him by his own authority; and he understood from this avowal that orde's orders, if produced, would become a matter of record, would be disobeyed, and a court-martial must follow.) "the question of a court-martial would be very mischievous. do you not think it would be better if you were not to meet the 'amazon' this night?" captain hoste, after a little reflection, left the ship without giving his admiral's orders to parker.[ ] having determined not to leave bickerton alone, nelson decided to keep secret his own leave to return to england. "i am much obliged by their lordships' kind compliance with my request, which is absolutely necessary from the present state of my health," he writes on the th of december; "and i shall avail myself of their lordships' permission, the moment another admiral, in the room of admiral campbell, joins the fleet, unless the enemy's fleet should be at sea, when i should not think of quitting my command until after the battle." "i shall never quit my post," he tells a friend, "when the french fleet is at sea, as a commander-in-chief of great celebrity once did,"--a not very generous fling at st. vincent. "i would sooner die at my post, than have such a stigma upon my memory." "nothing has kept me here," he writes elliot, "but the fear for the escape of the french fleet, and that they should get to either naples or sicily in the short days. nothing but gratitude to those good sovereigns could have induced me to stay one moment after sir john orde's extraordinary command, for his general conduct towards me is not such as i had a right to expect." during this last month of monotonous routine, while off toulon and at madalena, he had occasion to express opinions on current general topics, which found little room in his mind after the french fleet began to move. there was then a report of a large expedition for foreign service forming in england, and rumor, as usual, had a thousand tongues as to its destination. "a blow struck in europe," nelson wrote to lord moira, "would do more towards making us respected, and of course facilitate a peace, than the possession of mexico or peru,"--a direction towards which the commercial ambitions of great britain had a traditional inclination, fostered by some military men and statesmen, who foresaw the break-up of the spanish colonial system. "above all, i hope we shall have no buccaneering expeditions. such services fritter away our troops and ships, when they are so much wanted for more important occasions, and are of no use beyond enriching a few individuals. i know not, if these sentiments coincide with yours; but as glory, and not money, has through life been your pursuit, i should rather think that you will agree with me, that in europe, and not abroad, is the place for us to strike a blow." "i like the idea of english troops getting into the kingdom of naples," he tells elliot at this same time; whence it may be inferred that that was the quarter he would now, as upon his first arrival, choose for british effort. "if they are well commanded, i am sure they will do well. they will have more wants than us sailors." the expedition, which sailed the following spring, was destined for the mediterranean, and reinforced the garrisons of gibraltar and malta to an extent that made the latter a factor to be considered in the strategy of the inland sea; but when it arrived, nelson had left the mediterranean, not to return. as regards general politics, nelson, writing to the queen of naples, took a gloomy view of the future. the prime minister of the two sicilies, sir john acton, had some time before been forced out of office and had retired to palermo, an event produced by the pressure of french influence, which nelson regarded now as absolutely dominant in that kingdom, and menacing to europe at large. "never, perhaps, was europe more critically situated than at this moment, and never was the probability of universal monarchy more nearly being realized, than in the person of the corsican. i can see but little difference between the name of emperor, king, or prefect, if they perfectly obey his despotic orders. prussia is trying to be destroyed last--spain is little better than a province of france--russia does nothing on the grand scale. would to god these great powers reflected, that the boldest measures are the safest! they allow small states to fall, and to serve the enormous power of france, without appearing to reflect that every kingdom which is annexed to france, makes their own existence, as independent states, more precarious." how shrewd a prophecy this was as regards prussia and spain, those two countries were to learn by bitter experience; and remote russia herself, though she escaped the last humiliation, saw in the gigantic hosts whose onset a few years later shook her to her centre, the armed subjects of the many smaller states, in whose subjugation she had acquiesced during the period of the czar's moral subservience to napoleon. nelson's essentially military genius had in political matters a keenly sensitive intuition of the probable action of his fellow-warrior, bonaparte. "russia's going to war in the way i am sure she will, will cause the loss of naples and sardinia; for that court will not send , men into italy, and less are useless for any grand purpose." "your excellency's summary account of the situation of naples since the negotiations with russia," he wrote to elliot in october, "are perfectly clear; but the times are such that kingdoms must not be played with. so far from russia assisting naples, it may involve her, without the greatest care and circumspection, in total ruin. naples must not be hastily involved in war with france. sicily must be saved. the calabrians must be kept from the entrance of french troops. if we are consulted, we must assist naples in keeping off the blow as long as possible." that napoleon's action would have been as here surmised, had his purposes then tended towards the mediterranean instead of the english channel, we have his own assertion. "at the solicitation of your ambassador at st. petersburg," wrote he to the queen of naples, three months later, referring to the same subject, "ten thousand russians have been sent to corfu.... if it had entered into my plans to make war upon the king of naples, i should have done it on the entrance of the first russian in corfu, but i wish for peace with naples, with europe entire, with england even." napoleon's wishes for peace, except on the condition of having his own way, are scarcely to be taken seriously; but his care to keep things quiet in the south corroborates the other indications of his firm purpose to invade england. he was too astute to precipitate troubles elsewhere while that was pending. the appearance of the russians in corfu, although unwise in nelson's view, relieved his fears for the islands and the morea, and enabled him to reduce a little his detachment about the heel of italy. towards the middle of december nelson had received information, which was substantially correct, "from various places, and amongst others, from the king of sardinia [then in gaeta], that the french were assembling troops near toulon, and had taken some of the best troops and a corps of cavalry from the riviera of genoa. every seaman was pressed and sent to toulon. on the th the active spoke a vessel from marseilles, who reported that seven thousand troops had embarked on board the french fleet." it was in madalena roads that the long-expected summons came at last. in the afternoon of january , , blowing a heavy gale of wind from the northwest, the two lookout frigates from off toulon came in sight, with the signal flying that the french fleet was at sea. at p.m. they anchored near the "victory." three hours later nelson had left madalena forever. footnotes: [ ] this sentence refers to the governor; not to villettes, as the construction might indicate. [ ] unfit for sea, and kept at naples for political reasons. [ ] the honourable mr. waldegrave, afterwards admiral lord eadstock. [ ] five french ships-of-the-line, returning from the west indies, had taken refuge in ferrol. [ ] life of rev. a.j. scott, p. . [ ] phillimore's last of nelson's captains, p. . a portion of this incident has before been quoted, in another connection (vol. i. p. , note). it is repeated, because again applicable, to illustrate a different trait of nelson's character. [ ] the letter of this gentleman, dr. gillespie, from which a quotation has already been made, was published in the london "times" of october , . [ ] this incidental remark may be noted, as bearing upon the statement, now rejected, that his orders were put on especially for battle. [ ] there is here no mention of smoking; nor has any allusion to it, or to tobacco, caught the author's eye in nelson's letters. [ ] dr. beatty's narrative of the death of lord nelson. nicolas, vol. vii. p. . [ ] sir william hotham. [ ] many of these details are taken with little alteration from the "life of rev. a.j. scott." [ ] memoir of sir thomas hardy, in clarke and m'arthur's life of nelson vol. iii. p. . [ ] hillyar was then engaged to a lady in malta. [ ] as lady nelson's first marriage was in , josiah nisbet could not have been eighteen when made a commander, in . [ ] phillimore's "the last of nelson's captains," p. . [ ] flag-officers had a share in all prizes taken by vessels of their squadrons. [ ] davison. [ ] _ante_, p. . [ ] pettigrew, vol. ii. p. . [ ] nicolas, vol. vi. p. . [ ] late british minister to spain. [ ] author's italics. [ ] the whole of this account is taken from the life of sir william parker. phillimore's last of nelson's captains, pp. - . chapter xx. the escape and pursuit of the toulon fleet.--nelson's return to england. january-august, . age, . to understand rightly the movements of nelson during the first months of , up to his return to england in august, and to appreciate fully the influence of this closing period of his career upon the plans and fortunes of napoleon, it is necessary to state briefly the projects of the latter, as formulated in his correspondence. the great object of the emperor was to invade england, crossing the channel with the army, , strong, which for two years past he had been assembling and drilling in the neighborhood of boulogne. to this end all his plans were subsidiary--to it all movements at this moment were intended to conduce. he had no illusions as to the difficulties of the enterprise; he recognized fully that the odds were against success, but he had too often achieved the apparently impossible to permit the word to stop him in an attempt, which, if accomplished, would cause all other obstacles to disappear from his path of conquest. there were chances in his favor. warily and steadfastly he advanced, step by step, determined to take no risk that could by the utmost care be changed into security, but equally resolved to dare the hazard, if by the military movements set in action by his unsurpassed genius, he could for a moment obtain the particular combination which would, to use his own phrase, make him master of the world. what if the soldiers of the grand army never returned from england? there were still in france men enough, as good as they were before his energizing spirit wrought them into the force which in its might trod the continent under foot. like nelson dying at trafalgar, it too would have laid down its life, leaving its work finished. neither man nor army could have a prouder memorial. the particular combination upon which napoleon was willing to stake everything was a naval control of the straits of dover for a very few days, coincident with the presence there of an army ready and equipped to cross at once. the latter condition was merely a question of preparation--long, tedious, and expensive, but perfectly feasible. in the early months of it was realized. the army, a substantial, absolute fact, was there, awaiting only the throwing of the bridge. the naval part of the problem was far more difficult. in the face of the naval supremacy of great britain, the sought-for control could only be casual and transient--a fleeting opportunity to be seized, utilized, and so to disappear. its realization must be effected by stratagem, by successful deception and evasion. the coveted superiority would be not actual, but local,--the french fleet in force there, the british fleet, though the greater in force, elsewhere; the weight of the former concentrated at one point by simultaneous movements of its different detachments, which movements had been so calculated and directed that they had misled the british divisions, and, of themselves, diverted them from the decisive centre. subsidiary to this main effort, napoleon also contemplated a simultaneous landing of some twenty thousand men in ireland, which, like the naval movements, would distract and tend to divide the unity of the british resistance. the british admirals considered this project to be easier than the invasion of great britain, and it engaged their much more serious attention. there were three principal french detachments to be united,--in brest twenty ships, in toulon ten, in rochefort five. to these the outbreak of the war between great britain and spain added the forces of the latter kingdom, in ferrol and cadiz, aggregating fifteen serviceable ships; but this was not until march, . of the three french contingents, the one from rochefort was small; and, as a factor, although important, it was not essential. its failure might weaken or impede the progress of the general movement, without entirely destroying it; but it was of necessity that the toulon and brest divisions both should fulfil their missions, accurately and on time, if the great combination, of which they were parts, was to advance to a triumphant conclusion. this emphasized to the british the importance, which nelson always so keenly felt, of meeting the enemy immediately after they left port. once away, and their destination in doubt, the chances in favor of any scheme were multiplied. in their greatest and final effort, cornwallis, off brest, was fortunate, in that the plans of the emperor first, and afterwards unusual weather conditions, retained the french fleet there in harbor; a result to which the material efficiency of his own ships, and their nearness to their base, much contributed. upon nelson, with his crazy ships, on the other hand, fell the burden of counteracting a successful evasion of the toulon fleet, of foiling, by sagacious and untiring pursuit, through immense and protracted discouragements, the efforts of the one division which had been committed to his watch. although it became much superior to his own force, he drove it out of the position in the west indies first appointed for the meeting, followed it back to europe, arrived before it, and then, finding it had gone to ferrol, carried his squadron, without orders, counselled simply by his own genius, to the aid of cornwallis; by which act the british navy, to the number of thirty-five ships-of-the-line, was massed in a central position, separating the two enemy's bodies, and able to act decisively against a foe approaching from either direction. thus a second time he prevented the enemy from forming a junction, unless they fought for it--an alternative napoleon wished to avoid. to him fell all the strain of uncertainty, all the doubtful and complicated mental effort, all the active strategic movement, of the campaign, and to him consequently has been attributed justly the greater meed of glory; though care must be taken not to ignore or undervalue the well-played parts of other admirals, which were essential to the success of the great defensive campaign comprehended under the name trafalgar. the point selected by the emperor for the meeting of his naval divisions, in both the unsuccessful attempts made in , was the west indies. there was the most powerful foreign arsenal, martinique, left in the hands of france, and there the greatest single interest of the wide-spread commerce upon which depended the life of great britain. the latter, therefore, was specially sensitive to anything threatening the safety of the west india islands. "i should think the west indies the more likely place for the french to succeed in," wrote nelson to ball, on the th of september, . "suppose the toulon fleet escapes, and gets out of the straits, i rather think i should bend my course to the westward; for if they carry , men--with what they have at martinico and guadaloupe--st. lucia, grenada, st. vincent, antigua, and st. kitts would fall, and, in that case, england would be so clamorous for peace that we should humble ourselves." this is a noteworthy passage, for it shows great sagacity of prediction, and, in announcing beforehand his resolve,--of which this is not the sole previous mention,--it dispels entirely the idea that he was decoyed to the west indies. it explains, also, the remarkable outburst of gratitude that hailed him on his return from a chase which had been wholly unsuccessful as regards his own chief object--the annihilation of the french fleet. he had failed to find it, but he had driven the enemy out of the west indies before they could do any serious injury to the vital interests of the country. a man cannot be said to be decoyed, because, in pursuance of a judgment deliberately formed beforehand, he does the thing which the moment demands; unless it can be shown that he has thereby uncovered greater interests. this nelson did not do. he saved the west indies, and returned in time to protect great britain and ireland from invasion. it is through the perplexities of this momentous period that we have now to follow him, and we shall do so to most advantage by taking as our clue his own avowed primary motive of action, the finding and destroying of the french fleet. a man dealing with napoleon was bound to meet perplexities innumerable, to thread a winding and devious track, branching out often into false trails that led nowhere, and confused by cross-lights which glittered only to mislead. in such a case, as in the doubtful paths of common life, the only sure guide to a man's feet is principle; and nelson's principle was the destruction of the french fleet. no other interest, his own least of all, could divert him from it. for it he was willing not only to sacrifice fortune, but to risk renown; and so, amid troubles manifold, he walked steadfastly in the light of the single eye. while napoleon's object remained the same throughout, his methods received various modifications, as all plans must do when circumstances change. in his original intention the execution of the main effort was intrusted to latouche tréville, by far and away the best admiral he had. upon his death, the toulon fleet was committed to villeneuve. its sailing was to take place as nearly as possible at the same time as that of the rochefort division. they were to go to the west indies, proceed at once, independently, to offensive operations, then to unite and return together to rochefort. napoleon's calculation was that the british, impressed by this simultaneous departure, and uncertain about the enemy's purpose, must send at once thirty ships-of-the-line in pursuit, in order to secure all the different quarters they would think endangered. this diversion, if realized, would facilitate the operations of the brest fleet, which was to land an army corps in ireland, and then to cover the crossing of the main body at boulogne into england; the precise character of its movements depending necessarily upon conditions of wind at the moment of execution. the rochefort ships sailed on the th of january. for a week before and a week after that date the winds at toulon hung between northeast and southeast, favorable, therefore, for a voyage to the straits of gibraltar; but villeneuve argued, judiciously, that a fleet intent on evasion only, and to avoid fighting, should move with great speed until lost to sight--that is, should start with a very fresh breeze, the direction of which was of secondary moment. this view of the matter escaped nelson's attention, and therefore contributed seriously to mislead him in his reasoning as to the enemy's probable object. on the th of january the wind at toulon shifted to north-northwest, with signs of an approaching gale, such as the gulf of lyons is noted for. the next morning villeneuve sent a division to drive away nelson's lookouts. this duty was imperfectly performed. it should have been done by a frigate squadron strong enough to force them out of sight of the main body, and having orders to rejoin the latter at a distant rendezvous. as it was, the british frigates did not lose touch of the hostile fleet, which sailed that evening. they dogged it late into the night, going at times thirteen knots before the blast of the storm, in order to keep clear of the enemy; and at two in the morning of january th, being then in the latitude of ajaccio, satisfied that the french were steering steadily south-southwest, and under a press of sail, which indicated a mission of importance, they parted company and hastened to nelson, whom they joined twelve hours later, as already stated. nelson needed no time to deliberate. his mind was long before fixed to follow, and there was but one way to do so. the enemy's course, as reported, led to the southern end of sardinia, after reaching which the wind was fair for naples, sicily, and the east. the british ships were moored--two anchors down. at half-past four they were under way, standing in single column for the narrow passage between biche and sardinia, the "victory" leading, each vessel steering by the stern lights of the one ahead of her. at seven p.m. all were clear, and the fleet hauled up along the east coast of sardinia, which made a lee for them. "at midnight," nelson notes in his journal, "moderate breezes and clear." during the same hours the untrained squadron of villeneuve was losing topmasts in the fury of the gale. the following afternoon,[ ] as the british drew out from under the lee of sardinia, they found the wind blowing a hard gale from south-southwest, which lasted all that night. the fleet could make no way against it, but neither could the french utilize it, unless, which was unlikely, they had got much farther to the southward than nelson had. when he left madalena, he had sent a frigate ahead, with orders to round sardinia by the south and try to get sight or word of the enemy. on the morning of the d she rejoined, the fleet having then drifted to fifty miles east of cape carbonara, the southeastern point of sardinia. at a.m. her captain informed nelson that the afternoon before he had seen a french frigate standing into the gulf of cagliari, but, the weather being thick, giving an horizon of only three miles, nothing more had been discovered. the admiral had sent word of the french sailing to acton at palermo, and through him to naples and malta, ball being requested to seek for information in every practicable direction. naples was for the moment safe, as the british squadron stood across any possible road by which the french could approach it. the gale, hauling gradually to the westward, lasted in its force until the morning of january th. during these three days nelson received no news, but he did much thinking and had made up his mind. the french might be intending to land in cagliari, to windward of which they had been during these four days that he had been to leeward. with cagliari, therefore, he must communicate; the viceroy of sardinia would know if any landing had been attempted or threatened. if sardinia was safe, he would next go or send to palermo for news, and thence push for the faro of messina, where he would cover both that important fortress and the approaches to naples from either side of sicily. "you will believe my anxiety," he wrote to acton in palermo, on the th. "i have neither ate, drank, or slept with any comfort since last sunday" (the th). "i am naturally very anxious," he tells ball, "therefore you must forgive my short letter. we have a dead foul wind and heavy sea. i cannot, for want of frigates, send off this letter." the lack of small cruisers; so often lamented in quieter days, now embarrassed him cruelly. the few he had were dispersed in all directions in search of news, and to communicate with acton he had to detach one of his fastest ships-of-the-line, the "leviathan," intending himself to follow her with the fleet to palermo. at the latter point he could obtain all the intelligence of the common enemy which might have reached any sicilian port, before he carried out his already formed purpose of chasing to leeward, to the morea and egypt. with firm grip, though in agony of mind, he held himself in hand, determined, burning as he was to pursue somewhere, not to yield the advantage of the wind till he had reached a reasonable certainty--as in --that the circumstances justified it. "i hope," he says to acton, "that the governor of augusta[ ] will not give up the post to the french fleet; but if he does, i shall go in and attack them; for i consider the destruction of the enemy's fleet of so much consequence, that i would gladly have half of mine burnt to effect their destruction. i am in a fever. god send i may find them!" throughout the long chase which followed, all, so to say, slept on their arms. on the th of march he wrote: "ever since january st we have been prepared for battle: not a bulkhead[ ] up in the fleet. night or day, it is my determination not to lose one moment in attacking them." on the th nelson communicated with cagliari, and learned that no landing had been attempted in sardinia. the same day the frigate "phoebe" rejoined, with information that a french eighty-gun ship had anchored in ajaccio on the evening of the th, dismasted and crippled. putting these facts together, and in connection with his own movements, he inferred conclusively that either the french had gone back to toulon in consequence of injuries, or that they had given him the slip, had got round sicily, and proceeded to the eastward. the latter was improbable, because the westerly gales, as he had noted, could scarcely have allowed them to weather maritimo[ ]; it was not, however, impossible. a return to toulon was, antecedently, equally improbable, although it proved to be the alternative adopted by villeneuve. "although i knew one of the french ships was crippled, yet i considered the character of bonaparte; and that the orders given by him, on the banks of the seine, would not take into consideration winds or weather; nor indeed could the accident of three or four ships alter, _in my opinion_,[ ] a destination of importance: therefore such an accident did not weigh in my mind, and i went first to the morea and then to egypt." this quotation is especially interesting, as it proves how closely nelson scanned every known element in a problem, even to the temperament of his opponent; and it also shows the substantial agreement in judgment between him and napoleon. the latter, thiers writes, "was sensibly displeased on hearing of this resultless sortie. 'what is to be done,' he said, 'with admirals who allow their spirits to sink, and determine to hasten home at the first damage they receive? all the captains ought to have had sealed orders to meet off the canary islands. the damages should have been repaired _en route_. a few topmasts carried away, some casualties in a gale of wind, were every-day occurrences. but the great evil of our navy is, that the men who command it are unused to all the risks of command.'" still without definite tidings, compelled to act upon his own inferences--for merely doing nothing was action under such circumstances--nelson reasoned that, if the french had returned, he could not overtake them, and if they had gone east, he had no time to lose before following. he fell back therefore from his windward position to the straits of messina, through which the whole squadron beat on the st of january--"a thing unprecedented in nautical history," he wrote to the admiralty, "but although the danger from the rapidity of the current was great, yet so was the object of my pursuit; and i relied with confidence on the zeal and ability of the fleet under my command." the same day, knowing now that sicily and naples were not threatened, he despatched six cruisers for intelligence, "in all directions from tunis to toulon;" three of them being frigates, which were to rendezvous off the latter port and resume the watch of the french, if found there. a seventh vessel was sent ahead of the squadron to koron, off which he appeared on the d of february, and, still getting no news, went on to alexandria, where he communicated with the british consul on the th. "i beg the boat may not be detained, nor must any communication be had with the officer, so as to put the ship in quarantine. the officer is ordered not to wait more than thirty minutes; for you will readily believe my anxiety to find out the enemy's fleet." no news was to be had; but it was ascertained that egypt was practically defenceless against any renewed attempts of the french. nelson at once started back to the westward. on the th of february, twelve days after leaving alexandria, he was off malta, and there for the first time received information that the enemy had returned to toulon in a very crippled state. it was now necessary to regain his station as speedily as possible, and also to resume the operation of victualling the squadron, which had been interrupted at madalena by the news of the enemy's sailing. the captain left there in charge of the transports had taken them for safety to malta, in pursuance of the orders left with him, and they would have to be convoyed again to the gulf of palmas, which was appointed for their joining. the incident shows at once the forehandedness of nelson, in that he was able immediately to go on so long a chase, and also the difficulties attendant upon the administration of the fleet. against the prevailing winds the convoy did not reach palmas until the th of march. the fleet had preceded it there by a week. after a tedious beat, in which eight days were consumed to make the three hundred and fifty miles to windward, nelson anchored on the th of february in pula roads, gulf of cagliari, just to hold on. "what weather!" wrote he to bickerton, when the anchor dropped. "did you ever see such in almost any country? it has forced me to anchor here, in order to prevent being drove to leeward, but i shall go to sea the moment it moderates." palmas is only forty miles to windward of pula, but it was not till the th of march, after three or four ineffectual efforts, that the squadron got there. "from the th of february to this day," wrote nelson to ball, "have we been beating, and only now going to anchor here as it blows a gale of wind at northwest. it has been without exception, the very worst weather i have ever seen." bad as it was, it was but a sample of that he was to meet a month later, in the most wearing episode of his anxious life. besides the weary struggle with foul winds and weather, other great disappointments and vexations met nelson at palmas. during his absence to the eastward, one despatch vessel had been wrecked off cadiz and fallen into the hands of the spaniards, another had been intercepted by the battered french fleet as it approached toulon, and a convoy, homeward-bound from malta, had been waylaid, the two small ships of war which formed the escort had been taken, and the merchant ships dispersed. this last misfortune he ascribed unhesitatingly to the division of the command. "it would not have happened, could i have ordered the officer off cadiz to send ships to protect them." the incident was not without its compensations to one who valued honor above loss, for his two petty cruisers had honored themselves and him by such a desperate resistance, before surrendering to superior force, that the convoy had time to scatter, and most of it escaped. there was reason to fear that the despatch vessel taken off toulon had mistaken the french fleet for the british, which it had expected to find outside, and that her commander might have had to haul down his flag before getting opportunity to throw the mail-bags overboard. in that case, both public and private letters had gone into the enemy's possession. "i do assure you, my dearest emma," he wrote lady hamilton, "that nothing can be more miserable, or unhappy, than your poor nelson." besides the failure to find the french, "you will conceive my disappointment! it is now[ ] from november nd that i have had a line from england." a characteristic letter was elicited from nelson by the loss of the despatch-vessel off cadiz, the brig "raven," whose commander, captain layman, had gained his cordial professional esteem in the copenhagen expedition, in connection with which he has already been mentioned. as usual in the case of a wreck, a court-martial was held. this censured the captain, much to nelson's vexation; the more so because, at his request, layman had not produced before the court certain orders for the night given by him, the proved neglect of which would have brought a very heavy punishment upon the officer of the watch. in weighing the admiral's words, therefore, allowance may be made for a sense of personal responsibility for the finding of the court; but the letter, which was addressed to the first lord, contains expressions that are most worthy of attention, not only because illustrative of nelson's temperament and mode of thought, but also for a point of view too rarely taken in the modern practice, which has grown up in peace. my dear lord,--give me leave to recommend captain layman to your kind protection; for, notwithstanding the court martial has thought him deserving of censure for his running in with the land, yet, my lord, allow me to say, that captain layman's misfortune was, perhaps, conceiving other people's abilities were equal to his own, which, indeed, very few people's are. i own myself one of those who do not fear the shore, for hardly any great things are done in a small ship by a man that is; therefore, i make very great allowances for him. indeed, his station was intended never to be from the shore in the straits: and if he did not every day risk his sloop, he would he useless upon that station. captain layman has served with me in three ships, and i am well acquainted with his bravery, zeal, judgment, and activity; _nor do i regret the loss of the raven compared to the value of captain layman's services, which are a national loss_.[ ] you must, my dear lord, forgive the warmth which i express for captain layman; but he is in adversity, and, therefore, has the more claim to my attention and regard. if i had been censured every time i have run my ship, or fleets under my command, into great danger, i should long ago have been _out_ of the service, and never _in_ the house of peers. i am, my dear lord, most faithfully, your obedient servant, nelson and bronte. it is something to meet with the clear recognition that a man may be of more value than a ship. as clarendon said, it is not all of an officer's duty to bring his ship safe home again. on the voyage back from alexandria be had busied himself with vindications of his course in going there, manifesting again that over-sensitiveness to the judgment of others, which contrasts so singularly with his high resolve and self-dependence when assuming the greatest responsibilities. to ball, to the admiralty, and to the first lord privately, he sent explanations of his action, accompanied by a summary of his reasons. as the latter have been given, one by one, as each step was taken, it is not necessary here to say more than that, in the author's judgment, each successive movement was made upon good; grounds, and rightly timed. this is true, although nelson was entirely misled as to bonaparte's object. the ruse of the latter, as put into effect by villeneuve, not only deceived the british admiral, but, in its issue, confounded the french. the critical moment of decision, for the whole fruitless campaign, was when nelson determined to go first off messina, then to the morea, and finally to egypt, upon the inference that by this time one of three things must have happened. either ( ) he must have met the french fleet, personally or by his lookouts, or ( ) it had returned to toulon, or ( ) it had gone on to egypt. the first being eliminated, the choice he made between the others, wide as was the flight for which it called, was perfectly accurate. it is difficult to know which most to admire,--the sagacity which divined the actual, though not the intended, movements of the enemy, the fiery eagerness which gave assurance of a fierce and decisive battle, or the great self-restraint which, in all his fever of impatience, withheld him from precipitating action before every means of information was exhausted. there will be occasion to note again the same traits in the yet sharper trial he was soon to undergo. his conclusion upon the whole matter, therefore, though erroneous as to the fact, may be accepted as entirely justified by all the indications; and it must be added that, with the dispositions he took, nothing could have saved the french fleet but its prompt retreat to toulon. "had they not been crippled," he wrote davison, "nothing could have hindered our meeting them on january st, off the south end of sardinia." "i have not the smallest doubt," he concluded his letter to the admiralty, "but that the destination of the french armament which left the coast of france on the th of january, was alexandria; and, under all the circumstances which i have stated, i trust their lordships will approve my having gone to egypt in search of the french fleet." there was, however, no occasion for him to be forward in suggesting the sacrifice of himself, as he did to melville. "at this moment of sorrow i still feel that i have acted right. the result of my inquiries at coron and alexandria confirm me in my former opinion; and therefore, my lord, if my obstinacy or ignorance is so gross, i should be the first to recommend your superseding me." it may be noted here that nelson never realized--he did not live long enough to realize--how thoroughly bonaparte had learned from egypt his lesson as to the control of the sea by sea-power, and what it meant to a maritime expedition which left it out of the account. to the end of his reign, and in the height of his sway, he made no serious attempt to occupy sardinia or even sicily, narrow as was the water separating the latter from naples, become practically a french state, over which his brother and brother-in-law reigned for six years. nelson to the last made light of the difficulties of which bonaparte had had bitter experience. "france," he wrote to the secretary for war, "will have both sardinia and sicily very soon, if we do not prevent it, and egypt besides." "we know," he said in a letter to ball, "there would be no difficulty for single polaccas to sail from the shores of italy with or men in each, (single ships;) and that, in the northerly winds, they would have a fair chance of not being seen, and even if seen, not to be overtaken by the russian ships. thus, , men would be fixed again in egypt, with the whole people in their favour. who would turn them out?" nelson left the gulf of palmas as soon as the wind served, which was on the th of march. it was necessary to revictual; but, as the time of the storeships' arrival was uncertain, he thought best to make a round off toulon and barcelona, to renew the impression of the french that his fleet was to the westward. this intention he carried out, "showing myself," to use his own words, "off barcelona and the coast of spain, and the islands of majorca and minorca, until the st of march." "i shall, if possible," he wrote to a captain on detached service, "make my appearance off barcelona, in order to induce the enemy to believe that i am fixed upon the coast of spain, when i have every reason to believe they will put to sea, as i am told the troops are still embarked. from barcelona i shall proceed direct to rendezvous ."[ ] accordingly, on the th of march he anchored at palmas, and began at once to clear the transports. "by the report of the fleet captain, i trust [it will be evident that] it could not with propriety be longer deferred." still satisfied that the french were bound to egypt, he would here be close to their necessary route, and with a lookout ship thirty miles to the westward felt assured they would not escape him. four days after he anchored, villeneuve started on his second venture, and thinking, as nelson had plotted, that the british fleet was off cape san sebastian, he again shaped his course to pass east of the balearics, between them and sardinia. the news of his sailing reached nelson five days later, on april th, at a.m. he had left palmas the morning before, and was then twenty miles west of it, beating against a head wind. the weary work of doubt, inference, and speculation was about to begin once more, and to be protracted for over three months. in the present gigantic combination of napoleon, the brest squadron, as well as those of rochefort and toulon, was to go to the west indies, whence the three should return in mass to the english channel, to the number of thirty-five french ships-of-the-line. to these it was hoped to add a number of spanish ships, from cartagena and cadiz. if the movements were successful, this great force would overpower, or hold in check, the british channel fleet, and secure control of the straits of dover long enough for the army to cross. it is with the toulon squadron that we are immediately concerned, as it alone for the present touches the fortunes of nelson. villeneuve's orders were to make the best of his way to the straits of gibraltar, evading the british fleet, but calling off cartagena, to pick up any spanish ships there that might be perfectly ready to join him. he was not, however, to delay for them on any account, but to push on at once to cadiz. this port he was not to enter, but to anchor outside, and there be joined by the "aigle," the ship that had so long worried nelson, and also by six or eight spanish ships believed to be ready. as soon as these came out, he was to sail with all speed for martinique, and there wait forty days for the brest squadron, if the latter, whose admiral was to be commander-in-chief of the allied fleets, did not appear sooner. villeneuve had other contingent instructions, which became inoperative through the persistent pursuit of nelson. the french fleet sailed during the night of march , with a light northeast wind, and steered a course approaching due south, in accordance with villeneuve's plan of going east of minorca. the british lookout frigates, "active" and "phoebe," saw it at eight o'clock the next morning, and kept company with its slow progress till eight p.m., when, being then sixty miles south by west, true, from toulon, the "phoebe" was sent off to nelson. during the day the wind shifted for a time to the northwest. the french then hauled up to southwest, and were heading so when darkness concealed them from the british frigates, which were not near enough for night observations. after the "phoebe's" departure, the "active" continued to steer as the enemy had been doing when last seen, but at daybreak they were no longer in sight. just what villeneuve did that night does not appear; but no vessel of nelson's knew anything more about him till april th, when information was received from a chance passer that he had been seen on the th off cape de gata, on the coast of spain, with a fresh easterly wind steering to the westward. villeneuve doubtless had used the night's breeze, which was fresh, to fetch a long circuit, throw off the "active," and resume his course to the southward. it was not till next day, april st, that he spoke a neutral, which had seen nelson near palmas. undeceived thus as to the british being off cape san sebastian, and the wind having then come again easterly, the french admiral kept away at once to the westward, passed north of the balearic islands, and on the th appeared off cartagena. the spanish ships there refusing to join him, he pressed on, went by gibraltar on the th, and on the th anchored off cadiz, whence he drove away orde's squadron. the "aigle," with six spanish ships, joined at once, and that night the combined force, eighteen ships-of-the-line, sailed for martinique, where it arrived on the th of may. by villeneuve's instructions it was to remain in the west indies till the d of june. when the captain of the "active" found he had lost sight of the french, he kept away for nelson's rendezvous, and joined him at p.m. of april th, five or six hours after the "phoebe." prepossessed with the opinion that naples, sicily, or egypt was the enemy's aim, an opinion which the frigate's news tended to confirm, nelson at once took the fleet midway between sardinia and the barbary coast, spreading lookouts on either side. thus, without yielding ground to leeward, he covered all avenues leading to the eastward. he summed up his purpose in words which showed an entire grasp of the essentials of his perplexing situation. "i shall neither go to the eastward of sicily, or to the westward of sardinia, until i know something positive." amid the diverse objects demanding his care, this choice of the strategic position was perfectly correct; but as day followed day without tidings, the distress of uncertainty, and the strain of adhering to his resolve not to move without information to guide him, became almost unbearable--a condition not hard to be realized by those who have known, in suspense, the overpowering impulse to do something, little matter what. it is an interesting illustration of the administrative difficulties of the fleet, that three supply-ships joined him on the th of april, and their stores were transferred at sea while momentarily expecting the enemy's appearance; one at least being completely discharged by the night of the th. on this date, nelson, having waited forty-eight hours to windward of sicily, decided to fall back on palermo; reckoning that if any attempt had been made upon naples or sicily, he should there hear of it. the lookouts which were scattered in all directions were ordered to join him there, and a frigate was sent to naples. on the th and th he was off palermo, and, though he got no word of the french, received two pieces of news from which his quick perceptions jumped to the conclusion that he had been deceived, and that the enemy had gone west. "april , a.m. hallowell is just arrived from palermo. he brings accounts that the great expedition is sailed,[ ] and that seven russian sail-of-the-line are expected in the mediterranean; therefore i may suppose the french fleet are bound to the westward. i must do my best. god bless you. i am very, very miserable, but ever, my dear ball," etc. a week more was to elapse before this dreadfully harassing surmise was converted into a certainty. on the th he started back from palermo, intending to go towards toulon, to make sure that the french had not returned again. meeting a constant strong head wind, he was nine days getting again to the south of sardinia, a distance of less than two hundred miles. there, on the th, the vessel was spoken which informed him that she had seen the french off cape de gata, three hundred miles to the westward, ten days before. "if this account is true," he wrote to elliot, "much mischief may be apprehended. it kills me, the very thought." yet, now that the call for decision sounds, he knows no faltering, nor does he, as in hours of reaction, fret himself about the opinions of others. "i am going out of the mediterranean," he says in farewell. "it may be thought that i have protected too well sardinia, naples, sicily, the morea, and egypt; but i feel i have done right, and am, therefore, easy about any fate which may await me for having missed the french fleet." the following day a vessel joined from gibraltar, with certain information that the enemy had passed the straits. nelson had no need to ponder the next step. his resolve had been taken long before to follow to the antipodes. he comforted himself, mistakenly, that his watchfulness was the cause that the french had abandoned the attempt against egypt in force. "under the severe affliction which i feel at the escape of the french fleet out of the mediterranean," he wrote the admiralty, "i hope that their lordships will not impute it to any want of due attention on my part; but, on the contrary, that by my vigilance the enemy found it was impossible to undertake any expedition in the mediterranean." mindful, also, that bonaparte's great attempt of had depended upon the absence of the british fleet, he left a squadron of five frigates to cruise together to the windward of sicily, lest the french even now might try to send transports with troops to the eastward, under the protection of small armed vessels. the number of letters written on the th and th of april show how thoroughly his mind was prepared for contingencies. despatched, in all directions, they outline his own intended course, for the information of those who might have to co-operate, as well as that which he wished to be pursued by the officers under his orders. they are issued neat and complete, at one cast, and no other follows for a week. he surmises, from the fact of the spanish ships accompanying the movement, that it is directed, not against the west indies, but for either ireland or brest; not a bad "guess," which is all he would have claimed for it, for the west indies were actually only a rallying-point on the roundabout road to the channel prescribed by napoleon. "therefore," he wrote to the admiralty, "if i receive no intelligence to do away my present belief, i shall proceed from cape st. vincent, and take my position fifty leagues west from scilly, approaching that island slowly, that i may not miss any vessels sent in search of the squadron with orders. my reason for this position is, that it is equally easy to get to either the fleet off brest, or to go to ireland, should the fleet be wanted at either station." the suitableness of this position to any emergency arising about the british islands can be realized at a glance, bearing in mind that westerly winds prevail there. a copy of the letter was sent to ireland, and another to the commander of the channel fleet off brest. "i have the pleasure to say," he concludes, "that i shall bring with me eleven as fine ships of war, as ably commanded, and in as perfect order, and in health, as ever went to sea." it will be interesting to support even nelson's opinion of his own squadron by that of an unbiassed and competent witness. sir edward codrington was associated with it, still nearly entire, some three months later, after the return from the west indies; the "orion," which he commanded, being one of a detachment of eighteen ships-of-the-line sent off from brest by admiral cornwallis. "lord nelson's squadron (of which we have now eight with us) seems to be in very high order indeed; and although their ships do not look so handsome as objects, they look so very warlike and show such high condition, that when once i can think orion fit to manoeuvre with them, i shall probably paint her in the same manner." there was, it would seem, a nelson pattern for painting ships, as well as a "nelson touch" in orders for battle. "i have been employed this week past," wrote captain duff of the "mars," "to paint the ship _à la nelson_, which most of the fleet are doing." this, according to the admiral's biographers, was with two yellow streaks, but the portholes black, which gave the sides an appearance of being chequered. the frigate "amazon," sent ahead with the letters, was ordered to go on to lisbon, get all the news she could, and rejoin at cape st. vincent. she passed gibraltar on the th, and, getting decisive information just outside the straits, held on there. it was not till the th that nelson reached gibraltar, where he anchored for only four hours. this gain of a week by a frigate, in traversing ground for which the fleet took seventeen days, may well be borne in mind by those unfamiliar with the delays attending concerted movements, that have to be timed with reference to the slowest units taking part in the combination. the days of chase, over which we have hurried in a few lines, passed for nelson not only wearily, but in agony of soul. justified as his action was to his own mind, and as it must be by the dispassionate review of military criticism, he could not but be tormented by the thought of what might have been, and by his temper, which lacked equanimity and fretted uncontrollably to get alongside the enemy--to do the duty and to reap the glory that he rightly conceived to be his own. "i am entirely adrift," he complained, "by my frigates losing sight of the french fleet so soon after their coming out of port." his purpose never faltered, nor did the light that led him grow dim. his action left nothing to be desired, but the chafing of his spirit approached fury. lord radstock, writing from london to his son, says: "i met a person yesterday, who told me that he had seen a letter from lord nelson, concluding in these words: 'o french fleet, french fleet, if i can but once get up with you, i'll make you pay dearly for all that you have made me suffer!' another told me that he had seen a letter from an officer on board the victory, describing his chief 'as almost raving with anger and vexation.' this," continues radstock, who knew him very well, "i can readily credit, so much so, indeed, that i much fear that he will either undertake some desperate measure to retrieve his ground, or, should not such an opportunity offer, that he will never suffer us to behold him more." being in london, the writer just quoted was in close touch with the popular feeling of anxiety, a suspicion of which he could well imagine nelson also had, and which added to his burden. "it is believed here," he says on the st of may, "that the combined fleet from cadiz is bound to the west indies. this is by no means improbable.... the city people are crying out against sir j.o.,[ ] and, as usual, are equally absurd and unjust. some are so ridiculous as to say that he ought to have captured some of the toulon squadron, whilst others, more moderate, think that he might at all events, have so crippled the enemy as to have checked the expedition.[ ] you may readily guess that your chief is not out of our thoughts at this critical moment. should providence once more favour him, he will be considered our guardian angel; but, on the other hand, should he unfortunately take a wrong scent, and the toulon fleet attain their object, the hero of the th of february and of aboukir will be--i will not say what, but the ingratitude of the world is but too well known on these occasions." a week before, on the th of may, the same officer had written: "where are you all this time?[ ] for that is a point justly agitating the whole country more than i can describe. i fear that your gallant and worthy chief will have much injustice done him on this occasion, for the cry is stirring up fast against him, and the loss of jamaica would at once sink all his past services into oblivion. all i know for certain is that we ought never to judge rashly on these occasions, and never merely by the result. lord barham[ ] told me this morning that the board had no tidings of your squadron. this is truly melancholy, for certainly no man's zeal and activity ever surpassed those of your chief.... the world is at once anxious for news and dreading its arrival." the admiralty itself, perplexed and harassed by the hazards of the situation, were dissatisfied because they received no word from him, being ignorant of the weather conditions which had retarded even his frigates so far beyond the time of villeneuve's arrival at cadiz. radstock, whose rank enabled him to see much of the members of the board, drew shrewd inferences as to their feelings, though mistaken as to nelson's action. "i fear that he has been so much soured by the appointment of sir john orde, that he has had the imprudence to vent his spleen on the admiralty by a long, and, to the board, painful silence. i am sure that they are out of humour with him, and i have my doubts whether they would risk much for him, were he to meet with any serious misfortune." through such difficulties in front, and such clamor in the rear, nelson pursued his steadfast way, in anguish of spirit, but constant still in mind. "i am not made to despair," he said to melville, "what man can do shall be done. i have marked out for myself a decided line of conduct, and i shall follow it well up; although i have now before me a letter from the physician of the fleet, enforcing my return to england before the hot months." "brokenhearted as i am, at the escape of the toulon fleet," he tells the governor of gibraltar, "yet it cannot prevent my thinking of all the points intrusted to my care, amongst which gibraltar stands prominent." "my good fortune seems flown away," he cries out to ball. "i cannot get a fair wind, or even a side wind. dead foul!--dead foul! but my mind is fully made up what to do when i leave the straits, supposing there is no certain information of the enemy's destination. i believe this ill-luck will go near to kill me; but as these are times for exertions, i must not be cast down, whatever i feel." a week later, on the th of april, he complains: "from the th i have been using every effort to get down the mediterranean, but to this day we are very little advanced. from march th, we have had nothing like a levanter,[ ] except for the french fleet. i have never been one week without one, until this very important moment. it has half killed me; but fretting is of no use." on the st of may he wrote to the admiralty, "i have as yet heard nothing of the enemy;" beyond, of course, the fact of their having passed the straits. on the th of may the squadron was off tetuan, on the african coast, a little east of gibraltar, and, as the wind was too foul for progress, nelson, ever watchful over supplies, determined to stop for water and fresh beef, which the place afforded. there he was joined by the frigate "decade" from gibraltar, and for the first time, apparently, received a rumor that the allied fleets had gone to the west indies. he complains, certainly not unreasonably, and apparently not unjustly, that sir john orde, who had seen the french arrive off cadiz, had not dogged their track and ascertained their route; a feat certainly not beyond british seamanship and daring, under the management of a dozen men that could be named off-hand. "i believe my ill luck is to go on for a longer time, and i now much fear that sir john orde has not sent his small ships to watch the enemy's fleet, and ordered them to return to the straits mouth, to give me information, that i might know how to direct my proceedings: for i cannot very properly run to the west indies, without something beyond mere surmise; and if i defer my departure, jamaica may be lost. indeed, as they have a month's start of me, i see no prospect of getting out time enough to prevent much mischief from being done. however, i shall take all matters into my most serious consideration, and shall do that which seemeth best under all circumstances." "i am like to have a west india trip," he wrote to keats, one of his favorite captains; "but that i don't mind, if i can but get at them." the wind hauling somewhat to the southward on the th, allowed the fleet to lay a course for gibraltar. the operation of getting bullocks was stopped at once, and the ships weighed. in this brief stay, the water of the fleet had been completed and another transport cleared. next day gibraltar was reached. the wind, westerly still, though fair for this stretch, remained foul for beating out of the straits against a current which ever sets to the eastward; and many of the officers, presuming on a continuance of the weather that had so long baffled them, hurried their washing ashore. nelson, however, keenly vigilant and with long experience, saw indications of a change. "off went a gun from the victory, and up went the blue peter,[ ] whilst the admiral paced the deck in a hurry, with anxious steps, and impatient of a moment's delay. the officers said, 'here is one of nelson's mad pranks.' but he was right."[ ] the wind came fair, a condition with which the great admiral never trifled. five hours after the anchors dropped they were again at the bows, and the fleet at last standing out of the mediterranean; the transports in tow of the ships of war. nelson's resolve was fast forming to go to the west indies. in fact, at tetuan, acting upon this possibility, he had given conditional orders to bickerton to remain in command of the mediterranean squadron, assigning to that service half a dozen frigates and double that number of smaller cruisers, and had transferred to him all station papers necessary for his guidance,--a promptness of decision which sufficiently shows one of the chief secrets of his greatness. "if i fail," said he to dr. scott, "if they are not gone to the west indies, i shall be blamed: to be burnt in effigy or westminster abbey is my alternative." evidently he was not unmindful of the fickle breath of popular favor, whose fluctuations radstock was noting. dr. scott, who witnessed his chief's bearing at this time, always considered that he never exhibited greater magnanimity than in this resolution, which jurien de la gravière also has called one of his finest inspirations. great, indeed, was his promptitude, alike in decision and in act; but he was no less great in his delays, in the curb he placed on his natural impetuosity. "god only knows, my dear friend," he wrote at this moment to davison, "what i have suffered by not getting at the enemy's fleet;" but, in all his impatience, he would not start on that long voyage until he had exhausted every possibility of further enlightenment. "perseverance _and_ patience," he said, "may do much;" but he did not separate the one from the other, in deed or in word. circumspection was in him as marked a trait as ardor. "i was in great hopes," he wrote the admiralty, "that some of sir john orde's frigates would have arrived at gibraltar, from watching the destination of the enemy, from whom i should have derived information of the route the enemy had taken, but none had arrived." up to april th nothing had been heard of them at lisbon. "i am now pushing off cape st. vincent, and hope that is the station to which sir john orde may have directed his frigates to return from watching the route of the enemy. if nothing is heard there, i shall probably think the rumours which are spread are true, that their destination is the west indies, and in that case think it my duty to follow them." "i am as much in the dark as ever," he wrote on the same date, may th, to nepean, one of the puisne lords. "if i hear nothing, i shall proceed to the west indies." the wind continued fair for nearly forty-eight hours, when it again became westerly; but the fleet was now in the atlantic. on the th of may the "amazon" rejoined, bringing a letter from another ship of war, which enclosed a report gathered from an american brig that had left cadiz on the d. according to this, while there were in cadiz diverse rumors as to the destination of the allied fleets, the one most generally accepted was that they were bound to the west indies. that night the fleet anchored in lagos bay, to the eastward of cape st. vincent, and the unending work of discharging transports was again resumed. nelson, shortly before leaving gibraltar, had received official notification that a convoy carrying five thousand troops was on its way to the mediterranean, and would depend upon him for protection. he felt it necessary to await this in his present position, and he utilized the time by preparing for a very long chase. at lagos, rear-admiral campbell of the portuguese navy, who had served with the british in the mediterranean six years before, visited the "victory," and certain intelligence that villeneuve was gone to the west indies was by him given to nelson. the latter had now all the confirmation needed, by such an one as he, to decide upon his line of action. "my lot is cast, my dear ball, and i am going to the west indies, where, although i am late, yet chance may have given them a bad passage, and me a good one: i must hope the best." "disappointment has worn me to a skeleton," he writes to his late junior in the mediterranean, campbell, "and i am in good truth, very, very far from well." "if i had not been in pursuit of the enemy's fleet, i should have been at this moment in england, but my health, or even my life, must not come into consideration at this important crisis; for, however i may be called unfortunate, it never shall be said that i have been neglectful of my duty, or spared myself." "it will not be supposed i am on a party of pleasure," he wrote to the secretary of the admiralty, "running after eighteen sail of the line with ten, and that to the west indies;" but, he summed up his feelings to davison, "salt beef and the french fleet, is far preferable to roast beef and champagne without them." on the th of may only was his purpose finally and absolutely formed, for on that day he sent a sloop to barbadoes, his intended point of arrival, to announce his coming; requesting that an embargo might be laid at once on all vessels in port, to prevent the news reaching the enemy at martinique or elsewhere. in the morning of the th the fleet weighed, and at p.m. the expedition from england arrived. it was accompanied by two ships-of-the-line, to which nelson joined a third, the "royal sovereign," which sailed so badly, from the state of her bottom, that she would retard a movement already too long delayed. at seven that evening the fleet was under full sail for the west indies. the voyage across was uneventful; the ships, as customary for this passage, stood to the southward and westward into the trade winds, under whose steady impulse they advanced at a daily average speed of one hundred and thirty-five miles, or between five and six miles an hour. this rate, however, was a mean between considerable extremes,--a rate of nine miles being at times attained. the slackest winds, which brought down the average, are found before reaching the trades, and nelson utilized this period to transmit to the fleet his general plan for action, in case he found the allies at sea. the manner in which this was conveyed to the individual ships is an interesting incident. the speed of the fleet is necessarily that of its slowest member; the faster ships, therefore, have continually a reserve, which they may at any moment bring into play. the orders being prepared, a frigate captain was called on board the "victory" and received them. returning to his own vessel, he made all sail until on the bow[ ] of one of the ships-of-the-line. deadening the way of the frigate, a boat was dropped in the water and had only to pull alongside the other vessel as it came up. the frigate remained slowed until passed, and the boat, having delivered its letter, came easily alongside again,--the whole operation being thus conducted with the least expenditure of time and exertion.[ ] there was in the fleet one ship that had been steadily in commission since , and was now in very shaky condition. this was the "superb," seventy-four. she had only been kept out by the extreme exertions of her commander, keats, one of the most distinguished captains of the day, and he had entreated that he should not be sent away now, when the moment of battle seemed near. by a singular irony of fate, this zealous insistence caused him to miss trafalgar, at which the "royal sovereign," that parted at lagos, was present, repaired and recoppered,--a new ship. keats, whose energy and readiness made him a great favorite with nelson, obtained permission not to stop when other ships did, but always to carry a press of sail; and he lashed his studding-sail booms to the yards, as the constant direction of the trade-winds allows them to be carried steadily. notwithstanding all that could be done, the "superb" seems to have set the pace, and slower than could have been wished; which drew from nelson's customary kindly thoughtfulness a few lines too characteristic to be omitted. my dear keats,--i am fearful that you may think that the superb does not go so fast as i could wish. however that may be, (for if we all went ten knots, i should not think it fast enough,) yet i would have you be assured that i know and feel that the superb does all which is possible for a ship to accomplish; and i desire that you will not fret upon the occasion.... whatever may happen, believe me ever, my dear keats, your most obliged and sincere friend, nelson and bronte. a week seems to have elapsed before he could get a suitable opportunity for sending this, and he then, on the th of may, added: "our passage, although not very quick, has been far from a bad one;" and he thought that they would gain fourteen days upon the allies. the actual gain was ten, the latter being thirty-four days from cadiz to martinique, the british twenty-four to barbadoes. the enemy were therefore three weeks in the west indies before nelson arrived; but in that time they neither accomplished nor undertook anything but the recapture of diamond rock, a precipitous islet off the south end of martinique, which the british had held for some time, to the great annoyance of the main island. reaching barbadoes on the afternoon of june th, nelson found that the day before information had been received from general brereton, commanding the troops at santa lucia, that the allied fleets had passed there, going south, during the night of may - . the intelligence was so circumstantial that it compelled respect, coming from the quarter it did. "there is not a doubt in any of the admirals' or generals' minds," wrote nelson to the admiralty, in the despatch announcing his arrival, "but that tobago and trinidada are the enemy's objects." nelson himself was sceptical,--the improbability seemed great to his sound military perceptions; but, confident as he was in his own conclusions in dilemmas, his mind was too sane and well balanced to refuse direct and credible evidence. summing up the situation with lamentations, six weeks later, he said to davison: "when i follow my own head, i am, in general, much more correct in my judgment, than following the opinion of others. i resisted the opinion of general brereton's information till it would have been the height of presumption to have carried my disbelief further. i could not, in the face of generals and admirals, go n.w., when it was _apparently_ clear that the enemy had gone south." his purpose had been not to anchor, but to pick up such ships-of-the-line as he found there,--two seventy-fours,[ ] as it turned out,--and to proceed with them to martinique, which he naturally assumed to be the enemy's headquarters. as it was, receiving a pressing request from the commanding general at barbadoes to let him accompany the fleet with two thousand troops, he anchored in carlisle bay at p.m. at half-past nine the next morning he was again under way for trinidad. some curious misunderstandings maintained this mistaken impression as to the enemy's actions, until communication with trinidad was had on the evening of june th. it was found then that no hostile force had appeared, although the british fleet for a moment had been believed to be such. nelson at once started north again. a report reached him that a second squadron, of fourteen french and spanish ships from ferrol, had arrived at martinique. he said frankly that he thought this very doubtful, but added proudly: "powerful as their force may be, they shall not with impunity make any great attacks. mine is compact, theirs must be unwieldy, and although a very pretty fiddle, i don't believe that either gravina or villeneuve know how to play upon it." on the th he for the first time got accurate information. an official letter from dominica[ ] announced that eighteen ships-of-the-line, with smaller vessels, had passed there on the th of june. but for the false tidings which on the th had led him, first to pause, and then to take a wrong direction, nelson argued, and not unjustly, that he would have overtaken them at this point, a bare hundred miles from barbadoes. "but for wrong information, i should have fought the battle on june th where rodney fought his." the famous victory of the latter was immediately north of dominica, by which name it is known in french naval history. "there would have been no occasion for opinions," wrote nelson wrathfully, as he thought of his long anxieties, and the narrow margin by which he failed, "had not general brereton sent his damned intelligence from st. lucia; nor would i have received it to have acted by it, but that i was assured that his information was very correct. it has almost broke my heart, but i must not despair." it was hard to have borne so much, and then to miss success from such a cause. "brereton's wrong information could not be doubted," he told his intimates, "and by following it, i lost the opportunity of fighting the enemy." "what a race i have run after these fellows; but god is just, and i may be repaid for all my moments of anxiety." when villeneuve, with his ill-trained and sickly[ ] fleet, left martinique on the th of june, he had, of course, no knowledge of nelson's approach. nearly up to that date it was not known, even in london, where the latter had gone. a frigate had reached the french admiral on the th of may, with orders from napoleon to make some attempts against the british islands during the time he was awaiting the brest squadron. for this reason he sailed, and just outside the harbor was joined by two ships from france, raising his force to twenty of the line. he steered north, intending to gain to windward, and thence return upon barbadoes, his first proposed conquest. on the th of june, off antigua, were captured fourteen british merchant-ships, which had imprudently put to sea from that island. from these villeneuve got a report that nelson had arrived with fourteen ships-of-the-line, to which his imagination added five he believed to be at barbadoes. he decided at once to return to europe, abandoning all his projects against the british possessions. transferring hastily a number of troops to frigates, as garrisons for the french islands, he sailed the next day for the northward to gain the westerly winds which prevail in the higher latitudes. of the forty days he was to remain in the west indies--reduced to thirty-five by subsequent instructions--only twenty-six had passed. whatever else might result in the future, nelson was justified in claiming that his pursuit, effected under such discouragements, had driven the enemy out of the west indies, saved the islands, and, as he added, two hundred sail of sugar ships. only extreme imprudence, he fairly maintained, was responsible for the loss of the fourteen from antigua. nelson himself was off antigua on the th of june, exactly one week after he left barbadoes. there he received all the information that has just been mentioned as to the enemy's movements. a rapid decision was necessary, if he might hope yet to overtake his fortune, and to baffle finally the objects of the allies, whatever they might be. "i must be satisfied they have bent their course for europe before i push after them, which will be to the straits' mouth;" but later in the same day he has learned that they were standing to the northward when last seen, and had sent back their troops to guadaloupe, therefore, "i hope to sail in the morning after them for the straits' mouth." that night the troops were landed, and a brig of war, the "curieux," was despatched to england with word of his intentions. at the same time, while believing the allies were bound back to the mediterranean, he recognized that it was possible they might be going farther north, to one of the biscay ports, and consequently took measures to notify the commanding officer off ferrol to be on his guard. the frigate charged with this communication was kept with the fleet until the th, by which time he had obtained at sea additional and more precise knowledge of villeneuve's direction. this important warning was duly received, and in advance of the enemy's appearance, by the admiral for whom it was intended. in taking this second decision, to abandon the west indies once more to themselves, as a month before he had abandoned the mediterranean, nelson had to rely only upon his own natural sagacity and practised judgment. "i hear all, and even feel obliged, for all is meant as kindness to me, that i should get at them. in this diversity of opinions i may as well follow my own, which is, that the spaniards are gone to the havannah, and that the french will either stand for cadiz or toulon--i feel most inclined to the latter place; and then they may fancy that they will get to egypt without any interruption." "so far from being infallible, like the pope, i believe my opinions to be very fallible, and therefore i may be mistaken that the enemy's fleet has gone to europe; but i cannot bring myself to think otherwise, notwithstanding the variety of opinions which different people of good judgment form." still, as before, his judgments, if rapid, are not precipitate. though characterized by even more of insight than of reasoning, no conditions are left out of sight, nor, as he declared, was a deaf ear turned to any suggestion. upon the whole, one is more struck by the accuracy of the inferences than by the antecedent processes as summarized by himself; yet the weight of evidence will be found on the side he espouses. erroneous in particulars, the general conclusions upon which he bases his future course are justified, not only by the results now known to us, but to impartial review of their probability at the moment. most impressive of all, however, is the strength of conviction, which lifts him from the plane of doubt, where unaided reason alone would leave him, to that of unhesitating action, incapable of looking backward. in the most complete presentation of all his views, the one he wished brought before the prime minister, if his conduct on this momentous occasion were called in question, he ends thus: "my opinion is firm as a rock, that some cause, _orders_, or _inability_ to perform any service in these seas, has made them resolve to proceed direct for europe, sending the spanish ships to the havannah." it is such conviction, in which opinion rather possesses a man than is possessed by him, that exalts genius above talent, and imbues faith with a power which reason has not in her gift. there were among his conclusions certain ones which placed nelson's mind, however fretted by disappointment, at ease concerning any future harm the enemy might be able to do. another wreath of laurel, which seemed almost within his grasp, had indeed evaded him, and no man felt more keenly such a loss; but he was reasonably sure that, if villeneuve were gone to europe, he could not outstrip pursuit by long enough to do much harm. the harassing fear, which he had borne through the long beat down the mediterranean and the retarded voyage to martinique, had now disappeared. going out he had gained ten days upon the allies; they had only five days' start of him in the return. he recognized, moreover, the great significance of their inactivity during the three weeks they had the windward islands, if not all the west indies, defenceless before them. "if they were not able to make an attack for three weeks after their arrival, they could not hope for greater success after our means of resistance increased, and their means of offence were diminished." if this consideration, on the one hand, showed the improbability of their proceeding against jamaica, after nelson's coming, when they had not ventured before, it gave also an inkling of their probable efficiency for immediate action in europe. "they will not give me credit for quitting the west indies for a month to come;" therefore it was unlikely that they would think it necessary to proceed at once upon their next enterprise, after reaching port. "i must not despair of getting up with them before they enter the straits," he writes elliot. "at least, they will have no time to carry any of their future plans into execution, and do harm to any of the countries under my charge." if his thirst for glory was unslaked, his fears of disaster had disappeared. villeneuve, guided by instructions recently received from napoleon, to meet the case of the brest squadron not getting away, had gone actually for ferrol, where he was to join a squadron of five french and nine spanish ships, which would raise his own force to thirty-four of the line; but nelson, unable to know this, argued correctly that, in the uncertainty, he must leave this chance to the biscay ships, and that for himself the mediterranean possessed the first claim. at noon of june th, nine days after reaching barbadoes, he got away from antigua. the necessity for gaining the westerly winds made his course for some time the same as that of villeneuve, and left him not without hopes that he might yet fall in with the allies, especially if, as he thought, they were destined to the straits. on the th an american schooner was spoken, which had seen the combined squadron two days before, steering also to the northward. this report, wrote nelson to the admiralty, "can leave me no room to doubt but that i am hard upon the heels of the enemy's fleet. i think we cannot be more than eighty leagues from them at this moment, and by carrying every sail, and using my utmost efforts, i shall hope to close with them before they get to either cadiz or toulon." the news was sent ahead by two vessels, which parted from the fleet on the th of june,--one for gibraltar, with despatches and letters for the admiral and ministers in the mediterranean; one for lisbon, whence this important intelligence would be forwarded to england and to the commanding officer off ferrol. still believing them bound for the straits, nelson expressed in the fleet the opinion that they would keep well to the southward of the azores, so as not to be seen by british cruisers centred there. in this he was mistaken, as he was in their final destination; both fleets sighted the islands,--- the french on the th of june to the northward of the group, while the british passed through it on the th of july. he admitted, however, that he was doubtful in the matter. "it is very uncertain whether they will go to ferrol or cadiz;" and nothing can indicate more clearly his perplexity, and his sense of the urgency of the case, than his parting on the same day with two of the four small cruisers he had with him, in order to insure that ferrol as well as gibraltar should have prompt warning. it was at about this time that nelson expressed, to one or more of his captains, his views as to what he had so far effected, what he had proposed to do if he had met the hostile fleets, and what his future course would be if they were yet found. "i am thankful that the enemy have been driven from the west india islands with so little loss to our country. i had made up my mind to great sacrifices; for i had determined, notwithstanding his vast superiority, to stop his career, and to put it out of his power to do any further mischief. yet do not imagine i am one of those hot brained people, who fight at an immense disadvantage, _without an adequate object_.[ ] my object is partly gained," that is, the allies had been forced out of the west indies." if we meet them, we shall find them not less than eighteen, i rather think twenty sail of the line, and therefore do not be surprised if i should not fall on them immediately: _we won't part without a battle_.[ ] i think they will be glad to leave me alone, if i will let them alone; which i will do, either till we approach the shores of europe, or they give me an advantage too tempting to be resisted." it is rare to find so much sagacious appreciation of conditions, combined with so much exalted resolution and sound discretion, as in this compact utterance. among the external interests of great britain, the west indies were the greatest. they were critically threatened by the force he was pursuing; therefore at all costs that force should be so disabled, that it could do nothing effective against the defences with which the scattered islands were provided. for this end he was prepared to risk the destruction of his squadron. the west indies were now delivered; but the enemy's force remained, and other british interests. three months before, he had said, "i had rather see half my squadron burnt than risk what the french fleet may do in the mediterranean." in the same spirit he now repeats: "though we are but eleven to eighteen or twenty, we won't part without a battle." why fight such odds? he himself has told us a little later. "by the time the enemy has beat our fleet soundly, they will do us no harm this year." granting this conclusion,--the reasonableness of which was substantiated at trafalgar,--it cannot be denied that the sacrifice would be justified, the enemy's combinations being disconcerted. yet there shall be no headlong, reckless attack. "i will leave them alone till they offer me an opportunity too tempting to be resisted,"--that speaks for itself,--or, "until we approach the shores of europe," when the matter can no longer be deferred, and the twenty ships must be taken out of napoleon's hosts, even though eleven be destroyed to effect this. the preparedness of mind is to be noted, and yet more the firmness of the conviction, in the strength of which alone such deeds are done. it is the man of faith who is ever the man of works. singularly enough, his plans were quickly to receive the best of illustrations by the failure of contrary methods. scarcely a month later fifteen british ships, under another admiral, met these twenty, which nelson with eleven now sought in vain. they did not part without a battle, but they did part without a decisive battle; they were not kept in sight afterwards; they joined and were incorporated with napoleon's great armada; they had further wide opportunities of mischief; and there followed for the people of great britain a period of bitter suspense and wide-spread panic. "what a game had villeneuve to play!" said napoleon of those moments. "does not the thought of the possibilities remaining to villeneuve," wrote lord radstock of calder's fruitless battle, "make your blood boil when you reflect on the never to be forgotten d of july? notwithstanding the inferiority of lord nelson's numbers," he says at the same time, with keen appreciation of the man he knew so well, "should he be so lucky as to fall in with the enemy, i have no doubt that _he would never quit them_[ ] until he should have destroyed or taken some of the french ships; and that he himself would seek the french admiral's ship, if possible, i would pledge my life on it." "there is such an universal bustle and cry about invasion, that no other subject will be listened to at present by those in power. i found london almost a desert, and no good news stirring to animate it; on the contrary, the few faces i saw at the admiralty at once confirmed the truth of the report of the combined squadron having safely arrived at ferrol." this was after calder had met and fought them, and let them get out of his sight. lord minto, speaking of the same crisis, says: "there has been the greatest alarm ever known in the city of london, since the combined fleet [villeneuve's] sailed from ferrol. if they had captured our homeward-bound convoys, it is said the india company and half the city must have been bankrupt." these gleams of the feelings of the times, reflected by two men in close contact with the popular apprehensions, show what nelson was among british admirals to the men of his day, and why he was so. "great and important as the victory is," wrote minto, three months later, after the news of trafalgar, "it is bought too dearly, even for our interest, by the death of nelson. we shall want more victories yet, and to whom can we look for them? the navy is certainly full of the bravest men, but they are mostly below the rank of admiral; and brave as they almost all are, there was a sort of heroic cast about nelson that i never saw in any other man, and which seems wanting to the achievement of _impossible things_ which became easy to him, and on which the maintenance of our superiority at sea seems to depend against the growing navy of the enemy." "the clamour against poor sir robert calder is gaining ground daily," wrote radstock, condemnatory yet pitiful towards the admiral who had failed duly to utilize the opportunity nelson then was seeking in vain, "and there is a general cry against him from all quarters. thus much one may venture to say, that had your old chief commanded our squadron, the enemy would have had but little room for lying or vapouring, as i have not a shadow of a doubt but that he would either have taken or destroyed the french admiral." but there was but one nelson, and he meantime, faint yet pursuing, toiled fruitlessly on, bearing still the sickness of hope deferred and suspense protracted. "midnight," he notes in his private diary of june st. "nearly calm, saw three planks which i think came from the french fleet. very miserable, which is very foolish." "we crawled thirty-three miles the last twenty-four hours," he enters on the th of july. "my only hope is, that the enemy's fleet are near us, and in the same situation. all night light breezes, standing to the eastward, to go to the northward of st. michael's.[ ] at times squally with rain." amid these unavoidable delays, he was forecasting and preparing that no time should be lost when he reached the straits and once more came within the range of intelligence. the light winds, when boats could pass without retarding the ships, were utilized in preparing letters to the officials at gibraltar and tangiers, to have ready the stores necessary for the fleet upon arrival. these papers were already on board the two frigates remaining with him, with the necessary instructions for their captains, so that they might part at any moment judged fitting, irrespective of weather conditions. again he cautions the authorities to keep his approach a profound secret. no private letters for gibraltar were permitted in the mail-bags, lest they should unwittingly betray counsel. the vessels were directed to rejoin him forty miles west of cape spartel, giving him thus time to decide upon his course before he reached gibraltar; for it was quite on the cards that he might find it imperative to hurry north without anchoring. on the th of july, five hundred miles from cape st. vincent, one of these ships left him, probably the last to go. on the th of july, cape spartel was sighted. "no french fleet," wrote the admiral in his diary, "nor any information about them: how sorrowful this makes me, but i cannot help myself!" "i am, my dear mr. marsden," he wrote to the secretary of the admiralty, "as completely miserable as my greatest enemy could wish me; but i blame neither fortune or my own judgment. oh, general brereton! general brereton!" to his friend davison he revealed yet more frankly the bitterness of his spirit, now that the last hope was dashed, and it was even possible that the mis-step of going to trinidad had caused him to incur a further mistake, by leaving the allies in the west indies. "but for general brereton's damned information, nelson," he said, half prophetically, "would have been, living or dead, the greatest man in his profession that england ever saw. now alas! i am nothing--perhaps shall incur censure for misfortunes which may happen, and have happened." but if he himself were disappointed, and foreboded the discontent of others, the greatness of what he had done was quickly apparent, and received due recognition from thoughtful men. "either the distances between the different quarters of the globe are diminished," wrote mr. elliot from naples, "or you have extended the powers of human action. after an unremitting cruise of two long years in the stormy gulf of lyons, to have proceeded without going into port to alexandria, from alexandria to the west indies, from the west indies back again to gibraltar; to have kept your ships afloat, your rigging standing, and your crews in health and spirits--is an effort such as never was realised in former times, nor, i doubt, will ever again be repeated by any other admiral. you have protected us for two long years, and you saved the west indies by only a few days." thus truly summarized, such achievements are seen to possess claims to admiration, not to be exceeded even by the glory of trafalgar. although no french fleet was visible, as nelson approached the straits, there were a half-dozen british ships-of-the-line, under the command of his old friend collingwood, blockading cadiz. when orde was driven off that station by villeneuve on the th of april, and retired upon brest, he had already sent in an application to be relieved from a duty which he himself had sought, and had held for so short a time; alleging a bundle of grievances which show clearly enough the impracticable touchiness of the man. his request was at once granted. early in may, collingwood was sent from england with eight sail-of-the-line for the west indies; but learning on the way that nelson had gone thither, he detached to him two of his swiftest seventy-fours, and, with great good judgment, himself took position off cadiz, where he covered the entrance of the mediterranean, and effectually prevented any ships from either cartagena or ferrol concentrating in the neighborhood of the straits. nelson received word from some of his lookouts appointed to meet him here, that nothing had been heard of the allied squadrons. the anxiety which had never ceased to attend him was increased by this prolonged silence. he had no certainty that the enemy might not have doubled back, and gone to jamaica. he would not stop now to exchange with collingwood speculations about the enemy's course. "my dear collingwood, i am, as you may suppose, miserable at not having fallen in with the enemy's fleet; and i am almost increased in sorrow by not finding them [here]. the name of general brereton will not soon be forgot. i must now only hope that the enemy have not tricked me, and gone to jamaica; but if the account,[ ] of which i send you a copy, is correct, it is more than probable that they are either gone to the northward, or, if bound to the mediterranean, not yet arrived." his surmise remains accurate. he then continues, with that delicate and respectful recognition of the position and ability of others, which won him so much love: "the moment the fleet is watered, and got some refreshments, of which we are in great want, i shall come out and make you a visit; not, my dear friend, to take your command from you, (for i may probably add mine to you,) but to consult how we can best serve our country, by detaching a part of this large force." circumstances prevented his neighborly intention from taking effect. a week later nelson returned north with his squadron, and the friends did not meet until shortly before trafalgar. in reply to nelson's letter, collingwood summed up his view of the situation as so far developed. "i have always had an idea that ireland alone was the object they had in view, and still believe that to be their ultimate destination--that they will now liberate the ferrol squadron from calder, make the round of the bay,[ ] and, taking the rochefort people with them, appear off ushant--perhaps with thirty-four sail, there to be joined by twenty more. admiral cornwallis collecting his out squadrons may have thirty and upwards. this appears to be a probable plan; for unless it is to bring their great fleets and armies to some point of service--some rash attempt at conquest--they have been only subjecting them to chance of loss, which i do not believe the corsican would do, without the hope of an adequate reward." it is upon this letter, the sagacious and well-ordered inferences of which must be candidly admitted, that a claim for superiority of discernment over nelson has been made for its writer. it must be remembered, however, not as a matter of invidious detraction from one man, but in simple justice to the other, whose insight and belief had taken form in such wonderful work, that nelson also had fully believed that the enemy, if they left the mediterranean, would proceed to ireland; and further, and yet more particularly, collingwood's views had been confirmed to him by the fact, as yet unknown to nelson, that the rochefort squadron, which sailed at the time villeneuve first escaped in january, had since returned to europe on the th of may. "the flight to the west indies," collingwood said, in a letter dated the day after the one just quoted, "was to take off our naval force, which is the great impediment to their undertaking. the rochefort squadron's return confirmed me." "i well know what your lordship's disappointment is," he wrote, with generous sympathy; "and i share the mortification of it. it would have been a happy day for england, could you have met them; small as your force was, i trust it would have been found enough. this summer is big with events. sincerely i wish your lordship strength of body to go through--_and to all others, your strength of mind_." testy even to petulance as these two great seamen were at times in small matters, when overwrought with their manifold anxieties, they nowhere betray any egotistic concern as to the value attached by others to their respective speculations, the uncertainties of which none knew better than they, who had to act upon their conclusions. meantime, at the very moment they were exchanging letters, pregnant movements were taking place, unknown to either. the brig "curieux," despatched to england by nelson the night before he left antigua, had fallen in with the allied squadrons, nine hundred miles north-northeast from antigua, on the th of june--just a week after she sailed. keeping company with them long enough to ascertain their course and approximate numbers, the captain then hastened on, anchoring in plymouth on the th of july. "i am sorry," wrote nelson when he heard of this meeting, "that captain bettesworth did not stand back and try to find us out;" but grateful as the word would have been to him, the captain was better advised to make for a fixed and certain destination. at daylight of the th the news was in the hands of the first lord, who issued instant orders for the blockading squadrons off rochefort and ferrol to unite, and to take post one hundred miles west of cape finisterre. on the th of july admiral calder was in this position, with fifteen ships-of-the-line, and received through lisbon the information of the french movements, which nelson had forwarded thither an exact month before. on the th nelson's fleet anchored at gibraltar, and he went ashore, "for the first time since the th of june, ." on the d calder and villeneuve met and fought. two spanish ships-of-the-line were captured, but the battle was otherwise indecisive. calder hesitated to attack again, and on the th lost sight of the enemy, who, on the th, put into vigo bay; whence, by a lucky slant of wind, they reached ferrol on the first of august with fifteen ships, having left three in vigo. calder sent five of his fleet to resume the blockade of rochefort, and himself with nine joined cornwallis off brest, raising the force there to twenty-six. this junction was made august th. the next day appeared there the indefatigable nelson, with his unwearied and ever ready squadron of eleven ships--veterans in the highest sense of the word, in organization, practice, and endurance; alert, and solid as men of iron. this important and most opportune arrival came about as follows. anchoring on the th of july at gibraltar, nelson found everything ready for the re-equipment of his ships, owing to his foresight in directing it. all set to work at once to prepare for immediate departure. when i have "completed the fleet to four months' provisions, and with stores for channel service," he wrote to the admiralty, "i shall get outside the mediterranean, leaving a sufficient force to watch carthagena, and proceed as upon a due consideration, (on reading vice-admiral collingwood's orders, and those which rear-admiral sir richard bickerton may have received during my absence,) may suggest to be most proper. should i hear that the enemy are gone to some of the ports in the bay, i shall join the squadron off ferrol, or off ushant, as i think the case requires." there will be observed here the same striking combination of rapidity, circumspection, and purpose prepared by reflection for instant action in emergencies, that characterized him usually, and especially in these four months of chase. "the squadron is in the most perfect health," he continues, "except some symptoms of scurvy, which i hope to eradicate by bullocks and refreshments from tetuan, to which i will proceed to-morrow." the getting fresh beef at tetuan, it will be remembered, had been stopped by a fair wind on the th of may. since then, and in fact since a month earlier, no opportunity of obtaining fresh provisions had offered during his rapid movements. "the fleet received not the smallest refreshment, not even a cup of water in the west indies," he told the queen of naples. the admiral himself got only a few sheep, in the nine days' round. even now, the intention to go to tetuan, advisable as the step was, was contingent upon the opportunity offering of reaching a position whence he could move with facility. nelson did not mean to be back-strapped again within the mediterranean, with a west wind, and a current setting to leeward, if the enemy turned up in the atlantic. "if the wind is westerly," he wrote on the early morning of the d, "i shall go to tetuan: if easterly, out of the straits." at half-past nine that day the fleet weighed, and at half-past seven in the evening anchored at tetuan, whither orders had already gone to prepare bullocks and fresh vegetables for delivery. at noon of the d the ships again lifted their anchors, and started. "the fleet is complete," he wrote the first lord that day, "and the first easterly wind, i shall pass the straits." fortune apparently had made up her mind now to balk him no more. thirty-six hours later, at . a.m. of july th, being then off tarifa, a little west of gibraltar, the sloop-of-war "termagant," one of his own mediterranean cruisers, came alongside, and brought him a newspaper, received from lisbon, containing an account of the report carried to england by the "curieux." "i know it's true," he wrote to the admiralty, "from my words being repeated, therefore i shall not lose a moment, after i have communicated with admiral collingwood, in getting to the northward to either ferrol, ireland, or ushant; as information or circumstances may point out to be proper." in his haste to proceed, and wishing to summon the "amazon" frigate to rejoin him, he sent the "termagant" at once to gibraltar, without understanding that she was just from there and had on board his clothes left for washing; in consequence of which precipitancy she "carried all my things, even to my last shirt, back again." "as i fancied he came from lisbon," he explained, "i would not allow him to stop." "my dear parker," he wrote the frigate-captain, "make haste and join me. if all places fail you will find me at spithead." parker, who was a favorite of the admiral's, followed out the careful detailed instructions which accompanied this note, but could not overtake the fleet, and from incidents of the service never met nelson again. with a fresh easterly gale the squadron pressed again into the atlantic. as it went on for cape st. vincent, collingwood's division was seen some distance to leeward, but, as not infrequently happens in and near the mediterranean, the wind with it came from the opposite quarter to that which nelson had. the latter, therefore, would not stop, nor lose a mile of the ground over which his fair breeze was carrying him. "my dear collingwood," he wrote, "we are in a fresh levanter. you have a westerly wind, therefore i must forego the pleasure of taking you by the hand until october next, when, if i am well enough, i shall (if the admiralty please) resume the command. i am very far from well; but i am anxious that not a moment of the services of this fleet should be lost." matters therefore were left standing much as they were when he passed in a week before. he had taken upon himself, however, with a discretion he could now assume freely, to change the admiralty's orders, issued during his absence, withdrawing most of the small cruisers from about malta, to reinforce collingwood's division. when he first learned of this step, he said it was a mistake, for double the number he had left there were needed; "but the orders of the admiralty must be obeyed. i only hope officers will not be blamed for the events which it is not difficult to foresee will happen." with the crowd of enemy's privateers in those waters, malta, he was assured, would be cut off from all communication. he soon made up his mind that he would use his own discretion and modify the dispositions taken. "malta cannot more than exist, and our troops would be placed in a position of great distress," he told the admiralty. "i transmit a statement of the force i think necessary to the eastward of carthagena for performing the services intrusted to my care, and when i get the lists i shall apportion them as far as their number will allow, and my judgment will admit." "i hope the board will consider this as not wishing to alter any arrangement of theirs, but as a measure absolutely necessary." within his own field nelson was now, by proved professional genius, above the restraint of boards; and when he reached england the new first lord had the wisdom to admit it, in this supreme crisis, by giving him full control, within the resources of the country, over the constitution of the fleet with which he fought trafalgar. letters left for bickerton and collingwood placed them in possession of his ideas, including the revocation of the admiralty's order; and, in an official letter, he earnestly recommended the latter officer to adhere to his arrangements. word was also sent forward to cornwallis, and to the commander-in-chief at cork, as well as to the admiralty, to notify them of his approach. to the northward of cape st. vincent he met the northerly winds that prevail on the portuguese coast. delayed by these, he was three full weeks making the passage from gibraltar to the channel fleet, which he joined at p.m. of august th, twenty-five miles west of ushant. to this point his movements were finally determined by a frigate, which was spoken on the th of august, and informed him that up to three days before no intelligence had been received of the enemy's arrival in the bay of biscay, or on the irish coast. cornwallis excused him from the customary personal visit, and authorized him to proceed at once to portsmouth with the "victory," in pursuance of the admiralty's leave which he so long had had in his hands. on the morning of august th, the long and fruitless chase of the allied fleet was brought to an end by the dropping of the "victory's" anchor at spithead. to davison nelson summed up his disappointment in the exasperated expression, "--n general brereton."[ ] from newspapers received off ushant he first learned of calder's battle, and the public dissatisfaction with the results. he had undergone too much frustration and anxiety himself not to feel for an officer who had made a mistake, although it may safely be said that calder's mistake was not only one nelson could not have made, but was the exact opposite of the course which nelson by anticipation had said he would adopt. he expressed himself in words of generous sympathy. "i was bewildered by the account of sir robert calder's victory, and the joy of the event; together with the hearing that _john bull_ was not content, which i am sorry for. who can, my dear freemantle, command all the success which our country may wish? we have fought together, and therefore well know what it is. i have had the best disposed fleet of friends, but who can say what will be the event of a battle? and it most sincerely grieves me, that in any of the papers it should be insinuated, that lord nelson could have done better. i should have fought the enemy, so did my friend calder; but who can say that he will be more successful than another? i only wish to stand upon my own merits, and not by comparison, one way or the other, upon the conduct of a brother officer. you will forgive this dissertation, but i feel upon the occasion." these words, which spoke the whole of his honest heart, were the more generous, because he believed calder to be one of the few professional enemies that he had. from the place where villeneuve was met, nelson reasoned, again, that the primary intention of the allies, returning from the west indies, had been to enter the straits. "by all accounts i am satisfied their original destination was the mediterranean, but they heard frequently of our track." this persistence in his first view was partly due to the confidence with which he held to his own convictions,--the defect of a strong quality,--partly, doubtless, to the fact that villeneuve had blundered in his homeward course, and fetched unnecessarily to leeward of his port, with reference to winds perfectly understood by seamen of that day. in fact he had no business to be where he brought up, except on the supposition that he was making for the straits. footnotes: [ ] at noon, january , "mount santo bore n.w., distant six leagues."--"_victory's" log_. cape monte santo is sixty miles north of the southern extremity of sardinia. [ ] on the east coast of sicily. [ ] bulkheads are the light partitions which divide cabins, offices, etc. from the rest of the decks. for battle they are removed to allow freer communication, and to lessen the risk of fire and splinters. [ ] an island twenty miles west of sicily. [ ] author's italics. [ ] march th. [ ] author's italics. [ ] apparently gulf of palmas. [ ] from england. [ ] sir john orde. [ ] orde's squadron never exceeded six ships-of-the-line, while villeneuve's numbered eleven without the spaniards. it will be seen further on that nelson blamed orde for not keeping track of the enemy's movements, and sending word to him at gibraltar, and elsewhere, of the direction taken. as far as the author's information goes, he agrees with this censure. to fight eleven ships with six could only be justified by extreme circumstances; but to lose sight of them in spring weather infers even worse judgment than fighting would. it was of the first importance to learn the destination of so large a body, considering that the interests of great britain were threatened in directions so diverse as the channel, the east indies, and the west indies. [ ] lord radstock's son had been transferred before this from the "victory" to the "hydra"; but his father did not yet know the fact, and supposed him with nelson. [ ] first lord of the admiralty, who had very lately succeeded melville. [ ] an east wind. [ ] the signal flag for a vessel about to sail. [ ] life of the rev. a.j. scott, p. . [ ] ahead, but a little to one side. [ ] phillimore's last of nelson's captains. [ ] the "northumberland" and the "spartiate." [ ] the island immediately north of martinique. [ ] "the trench and spaniards landed , sick when they arrived at martinico, and buried full that number during their stay." nicolas, vol. vi. p. . [ ] author's italics. [ ] author's italics. [ ] one of the easternmost of the azores. [ ] the report of the american schooner, which saw the allied fleet, june th. [ ] of biscay. [ ] the extent of brereton's fault (if at fault) depended, probably, upon the character and responsibility of the man he had on lookout at so critical a moment, and the care with which he tested the report made to him. brereton did not know of nelson's arrival, possibly not of his approach. at the same time men must take the blame of carelessness, when harm comes of it. ball, commenting to nelson upon the incident, said: "i think orders should be given, that when a fleet is discovered, an officer should be sent for to witness it, and that one should be at the signal hill at the rising and setting of the sun. i have often reflected on these circumstances, and on the little attention generally paid them." as it stands, the whole affair is a warning to officers, of what results may flow from errors small in themselves. chapter xxi. nelson's last stay in england. august --september , . age, . the "victory" was delayed in quarantine twenty-four hours, when orders from london directed her release. at p.m. of the th of august, nelson's flag was hauled down, and he left the ship for merton, thus ending an absence of two years and three months. his home being but an hour's drive from the heart of london, the anxieties of the time, and his own eagerness to communicate his views and experience, carried him necessarily and at once to the public offices--to the admiralty first, but also to the secretaries for foreign affairs and for war, both of whom had occasion for the knowledge and suggestions of so competent and practised an observer. the present head of the admiralty, lord barham, had succeeded to the office, unexpectedly, upon the sudden retirement of melville the previous may. he was a naval officer, eighty years of age, who since middle life had exchanged the active sea-going of the profession, for civil duties connected with it. he had thus been out of touch with it on the military side; and although nelson was of course well known to him by reputation and achievement, he had not that intimate personal experience of his character and habit of thought, upon which was based the absolute confidence felt by st. vincent, and by all others who had seen the great warrior in active service. "lord barham is an almost entire stranger to me," wrote nelson; but after their interview he left with him the journals in which were embodied the information obtained during his recent command, with his comments upon the affairs of the mediterranean in particular, and, as incidental thereto, of europe in general. barham, who gave proof of great military capacity during his short term of office, was so much impressed by the sagacity and power of nelson's remarks, that he assured the cabinet he ought by all means to go back to the mediterranean; and it may be assumed that the latter's wish so to do would have been gratified, at the time of his own choosing, had not other events interposed to carry him away earlier, and to end his career. it was upon one of these visits to ministers that nelson and wellington met for the only time in their lives. the latter had just returned from a long service in india, reaching england in september, . his account of the interview, transmitted to us by croker, is as follows:-- walmer, october st, . we were talking of lord nelson, and some instances were mentioned of the egotism and vanity that derogated from his character. "why," said the duke, "i am not surprised at such instances, for lord nelson was, in different circumstances, two quite different men, as i myself can vouch, though i only saw him once in my life, and for, perhaps, an hour. it was soon after i returned from india. i went to the colonial office[ ] in downing street, and there i was shown into the little waiting-room on the right hand, where i found, also waiting to see the secretary of state, a gentleman, whom, from his likeness to his pictures and the loss of an arm, i immediately recognised as lord nelson. he could not know who i was, but he entered at once into conversation with me, if i can call it conversation, for it was almost all on his side and all about himself, and in, really, a style so vain and so silly as to surprise and almost disgust me. i suppose something that i happened to say may have made him guess that i was _somebody_, and he went out of the room for a moment, i have no doubt to ask the office-keeper who i was, for when he came back he was altogether a different man, both in manner and matter. all that i had thought a charlatan style had vanished, and he talked of the state of this country and of the aspect and probabilities of affairs on the continent with a good sense, and a knowledge of subjects both at home and abroad, that surprised me equally and more agreeably than the first part of our interview had done; in fact, he talked like an officer and a statesman. the secretary of state kept us long waiting, and certainly, for the last half or three quarters of an hour, i don't know that i ever had a conversation that interested me more. now, if the secretary of state had been punctual, and admitted lord nelson in the first quarter of an hour, i should have had the same impression of a light and trivial character that other people have had; but luckily i saw enough to be satisfied that he was really a very superior man; but certainly a more sudden and complete metamorphosis i never saw."[ ] this is not the only record that remains to us of those interesting interviews with cabinet ministers, although the most have passed away unnoted. it was in one of them that he uttered a military opinion, for whose preservation we are indebted to his own mention of it in a private letter; an opinion so characteristic of his habits of thought, his reasoned motives of action, that, although it has before been quoted, it is fitting to repeat it in his own words and in full. when he reached england, the naval situation, as far as then known, was that napoleon had twenty-one french ships-of-the-line in brest, and twenty-eight or nine, french and spanish, in ferrol; while cornwallis had thirty-five british off brest. this was the condition on the th of august, when nelson parted from the fleet off ushant. very soon after his arrival in town, news was received that villeneuve had gone to sea from ferrol, and that cornwallis, when informed of the fact, had divided his fleet, with great lack of judgment, keeping himself seventeen ships to confront the brest squadron, while eighteen were sent to look for villeneuve under the command of admiral calder. in the public discontent with the latter, it was not reassuring to know that, at a moment when every one's nerves were on the rack, he was again intrusted with the always difficult task of coping with a much superior force. while this state of excitement prevailed, nelson called upon the secretary of state, lord castlereagh, on the d of august. "yesterday," he wrote to captain keats, "the secretary of state, which is a man who has only sat one solitary day in his office, and of course knows but little of what is passed, and indeed the minister,[ ] were all full of the enemy's fleet, and as i am now set up for a _conjuror_, and god knows they will very soon find out i am far from being one, i was asked my opinion, against my inclination, for if i make one wrong guess the charm will be broken; but this i ventured without any fear, that if calder got close alongside their twenty-seven or twenty-eight sail, that by the time the enemy had beat our fleet soundly, they would do us no harm this year." this acute perception of the reason why it was at times desirable and proper to hurl a smaller though more efficient force against superior numbers, content that the latter, as a factor, were for the campaign annihilated,--this realization of the possible fruitfulness of a defeat, or rather, of a battle wisely lost, as contrasted with what jomini calls the sterile glory of fighting battles merely to win them,--is one of the most marked and decisive features of nelson's genius as a general officer. it recurs over and over again, and at all periods, in his correspondence, this clear and full appreciation of the relation of the parts to the whole.[ ] it underlay his sustained purpose during the long pursuit of the preceding months, that, if he found the allied squadron, "they would not part without a battle." whatever else the result, that particular division would do no harm that year, and with it necessarily fell the great combination, whatever that might be, of which it was an essential factor. "the event would have been in the hands of providence," he wrote to barham; "but we may without, i hope, vanity, believe that the enemy would have been fit for no active service after such a battle." there is wanting to the completeness of this admirable impulse only the steadying resolve that he would bide his time, so as, to use napoleon's phrase, to have the most of the chances on his side when he attacked. this also we know he meant to do. "i will _wait_, till they give me an opportunity too tempting to be resisted, or till they draw near the shores of europe." in such qualification is to be seen the equipoise of the highest order of ability. this union of desperate energy with calculating wariness was in him not so much a matter of reasoning, though reason fully endorses it, as it was the gift of nature,--genius, in short. reasoning of a very high order illuminates nelson's mental processes and justifies his conclusions, but it is not in the power of reason, when face to face with emergency, to bridge the chasm that separates perception, however clear, from the inward conviction which alone sustains the loftiest action. "responsibility," said st. vincent, "is the test of a man's courage." emergency, it may be said, is the test of his faith in his beliefs. while those at the head of the state thus hung upon his counsels, and drew encouragement from his indomitable confidence, the people in the streets looked up to him with that wistful and reverent dependence which does not wholly understand, but centres all its trust upon a tried name. they knew what he had done in the now distant past, and they had heard lately that he had been to the west indies, and had returned, having saved the chief jewel among the colonies of the empire. they knew, also, that their rulers were fearful about invasion, and that in some undefined way nelson had stood, and would yet stand, between them and harm. the rapidity of his movements left little interval between the news of his being back at gibraltar and the announcement of his arrival at portsmouth, which was not generally expected. on the th of august, a day after the "victory" anchored at spithead, lord radstock wrote: "'t is extraordinary no official accounts have been received from lord nelson since the th of july. he then hinted that he might perhaps go to ireland; nevertheless, we have had no tidings of him on that coast. i confess i begin to be fearful that he has worried his mind up to that pitch, that he cannot bear the idea of showing himself again to the world, until he shall have struck some blow, and that it is this hope that is now making him run about, half-frantic, in quest of adventures. that such unparalleled perseverance and true valor should thus evaporate in air is truly melancholy." if any doubt of the approval of his countrymen mingled with the distress nelson unquestionably felt at having missed the enemy, he was touchingly undeceived. as soon as the "victory" and his flag were made out, the people flocked to portsmouth, collecting on the ramparts of the town and other points of view, in inaudible testimony of welcome. as the barge pulled to the shore, and upon landing, he was greeted with loud and long-continued cheering. in london the same demonstrations continued whenever he was recognized in public. "lord nelson arrived a few days ago," wrote radstock. "he was received in town almost as a conqueror, and was followed round by the people with huzzas. so much for a great and good name most nobly and deservedly acquired." "i met nelson in a mob in piccadilly," wrote minto at the same time, "and got hold of his arm, so that i was mobbed too. it is really quite affecting to see the wonder and admiration, and love and respect of the whole world; and the genuine expression of all these sentiments at once, from gentle and simple, the moment he is seen. it is beyond anything represented in a play or in a poem of fame." in these few days was concentrated the outward reward of a life spent in the service of his country. during them, nelson was conspicuously the first man in england,--first alike in the love of the people and in importance to the state. on the private side, also, his life for this brief respite was eminently happy, marred only by the prospect of a speedy departure, the signal for which sounded even sooner than was expected. by his own account, he was only four times in london, and all the moments that could be spared from external calls he spent at merton, where there gathered a large family party, including all his surviving brothers and sisters, with several of their children. "i cannot move at present," he writes on the st of august, in declining an invitation, "as all my family are with me, and my stay is very uncertain; and, besides, i have refused for the present all invitations." "i went to merton on saturday" (august th), wrote minto, "and found nelson just sitting down to dinner, surrounded by a family party, of his brother the dean, mrs. nelson, their children, and the children of a sister. lady hamilton at the head of the table, and mother cadogan[ ] at the bottom. i had a hearty welcome. he looks remarkably well and full of spirits. his conversation is a cordial in these low times. lady hamilton has improved and added to the house and the place extremely well, without his knowing she was about it. he found it already done. she is a clever being, after all: the passion is as hot as ever." over all hung, unseen, the sword of damocles. nelson himself seems to have been possessed already by vague premonitions of the coming end, which deepened and darkened around him as he went forward to his fate. the story told of his saying to the upholsterer, who had in charge the coffin made from the mast of the "orient," that a certificate of its identity should be engraved on the lid, because he thought it highly probable that he might want it on his return, is, indeed, but a commonplace, light-hearted remark, which derives what significance it has purely from the event; but it is easy to recognize in his writings the recurrent, though intermittent, strain of unusual foreboding. life then held much for him; and it is when richest that the possibility of approaching loss possesses the consciousness with the sense of probability. upon a soul of his heroic temper, however, such presentiments, though they might solemnize and consecrate the passing moments, had no power to appall, nor to convert cheerfulness into gloom. the light that led him never burned more brightly, nor did he ever follow with more unfaltering step. fixed in his mind to return to his command in october, he soon felt that, in the uncertainties of the french movements, a call might come at any moment. although he nowhere says so, his mind was doubtless made up that, if villeneuve's twenty-nine sail went to, or near, the mediterranean, he would go out at once. "every ship," he writes on the st of august, "even the victory, is ordered out, for there is an entire ignorance whether the ferrol fleet is coming to the northward, gone to the mediterranean, or cruizing for our valuable homeward-bound fleet." "mr. pitt," he tells a friend as early as the th, "is pleased to think that my services may be wanted. i hope calder's victory (which i am most anxiously expecting) will render my going forth unnecessary." "i hold myself ready," he writes again on the d of september, "to go forth whenever i am desired, although god knows i want rest; but self is entirely out of the question."[ ] it was not, therefore, to a mind or will unprepared that the sudden intimation came on the d of september--just a fortnight after he left the "victory." that morning there arrived in town captain blackwood of the frigate "euryalus," which had been despatched by collingwood to notify the admiralty that the missing villeneuve had turned up with his squadron at cadiz, on the th of august. blackwood was an old friend and follower. it was he who had commanded the "penelope" in march, , and more than any one present had insured the capture of the "guillaume tell," when she ran out from malta,[ ]--the greatest service, probably, rendered to nelson's reputation by any man who ever sailed under his orders. he stopped first at merton at five o'clock in the morning, and found nelson already up and dressed. the latter said at once, "i am sure you bring me news of the french and spanish fleets, and i think i shall yet have to beat them." later in the day he called at the admiralty, and there saw blackwood again. in the course of conversation, which turned chiefly upon future operations in the mediterranean, he frequently repeated, "depend on it, blackwood, i shall yet give mr. villeneuve a drubbing," an expression whose wording evinces animation and resolve,--far removed from the troubled indecision from which, by her own account, lady hamilton freed him. it was speedily determined by the government that the combined fleets in cadiz should be held there, or forced to fight if they left; the country had passed through a fortnight of too great anxiety, to risk any chance of its repetition by a renewed evasion. ignorant of the reasons which dictated villeneuve's course, and that it was not accordant but contrary to his orders, it was natural to suppose that there was some further object indicated by the position now taken, and that that object was the mediterranean. moreover, so large a body of commissioned ships--nearly forty--as were now assembled, could not fail to tax severely the resources of a port like cadiz, and distress would tend to drive them out soon. thirty thousand able-bodied men are a heavy additional load on the markets of a small city, blockaded by sea, and with primitive communications by land. upon this rested nelson's principal hope of obliging them to come forth, if napoleon himself did not compel them. their position, he wrote the secretary for war soon after he joined the fleet, seemed to favor an attack by rockets; "but i think we have a better chance of forcing them out by want of provisions: it is said hunger will break through stone walls,--ours is only a wall of wood." "it is said that there is a great scarcity of provisions in cadiz." he then mentioned that the allies were endeavoring to meet this difficulty by sending neutral vessels, loaded with food-stuffs, from french ports to all the small harbors on either side of cadiz, whence the stores carried by them could be transferred by coasting-boats,--a process which ships were powerless to stop. collingwood, therefore, had seized the neutrals, and sent them into gibraltar, a step which nelson had approved and continued. for it he then demanded the authority of his government. "should it be thought proper to allow the enemy's fleet to be victualled, i request that i may be informed as soon as possible." in connection with this subject nelson made an allusion to a policy with which castlereagh, the minister he was addressing, was afterwards identified,--that of the celebrated orders in council of , and the license system connected with it. this is one of the few intimations we have of the wide range of subjects upon which he conversed with members of the cabinet while in england; and it is interesting, not only as showing how far back those measures originated, but also as illustrating his own prophetic intuition of the construction which would be placed upon such proceedings. "i can have nothing, as an admiral, to say upon the propriety of granting licences; but from what your lordship told me of the intention of ministers respecting the neutral trade, it strikes me, some day it may be urged that it was not for the sake of blockade, but for the purpose of taking all the trade into her own hands, that great britain excluded the neutrals. your lordship's wisdom will readily conceive all that neutral courts may urge at this apparent injustice, and of might overcoming right."[ ] this shrewdly accurate forecast of a contention which was not to arise till after his death is but one instance among many of nelson's clearness of judgment, in political as well as in military matters. nelson's services, upon this, his final departure from england, were rather requested by the government than by him volunteered--in the ordinary sense of the word. he went willingly enough, doubtless, but in obedience, proud and glad, to the summons, not only of the popular cry, but of the cabinet's wish. "i own i want much more rest," he wrote to elliot, immediately after joining the fleet off cadiz; "but it was thought right to desire me to come forth, and i obeyed." "i expected to lay my weary bones quiet for the winter," he told another friend in naples, "but i ought, perhaps, to be proud of the general call which has made me to go forth." the popularly received account, therefore, derived from lady hamilton, of her controlling influence in the matter, may be dismissed as being--if not apocryphal--merely one side of the dealing by which he had to reconcile the claims of patriotic duty with the appeals of the affections. as told by southey, her part in his decision was as follows: "when blackwood had left him, he wanted resolution to declare his wishes to lady hamilton and his sisters, and endeavoured to drive away the thought. he had done enough, he said: 'let the man trudge it who has lost his budget!' his countenance belied his lips; and as he was pacing one of the walks in the garden, which he used to call the quarter-deck, lady hamilton came up to him, and said she saw he was uneasy. he smiled, and said: 'no, he was as happy as possible; he was surrounded by his family, his health was better since he had been on shore, and he would not give sixpence to call the king his uncle.' she replied, that she did not believe him, that she knew he was longing to get at the combined fleets, that he considered them as his own property, that he would be miserable if any man but himself did the business, and that he ought to have them, as the price and reward of his two years' long watching, and his hard chase. 'nelson,' said she, 'however we may lament your absence, offer your services; they will be accepted, and you will gain a quiet heart by it; you will have a glorious victory, and then you may return here, and be happy.' he looked at her with tears in his eyes: 'brave emma! good emma! if there were more emmas, there would be more nelsons.' his services were as willingly accepted as they were offered." the fidelity with which nelson destroyed lady hamilton's letters prevents our knowing just what was her attitude towards his aspirations for glory, and her acquiescence in his perils, in view of the entire dependence of her future upon his life; a dependence such as an honored wife could by no means feel, for the widow of nelson could rely safely upon the love of the nation. certain it is that his letters to her contain enough appeals to the sense she should have of his honor, to show that he stood in need of no strengthening at her hands; and it seems legible enough, between the lines, that he had rather to resist the pull of her weakness, or her interest, than to look for encouragement in the path of hardship and self-denial. it is certain, too, that some days before blackwood arrived, nelson understood that he might be wanted soon, and avowed his entire willingness to go, while not affecting to conceal his hope that circumstances might permit him to remain until october, the time he had fixed to collingwood for his return. whatever the inside history, the matter was quickly settled. on september d, the day after blackwood's arrival, he writes to rose: "i shall rejoice to see you on board the victory, if only for a moment; but i shall certainly not be an advocate for being at portsmouth till one of the victory's anchors are at the bows."[ ] the next day, the th, lord minto writes: "lord nelson has been here to-day. he is going to resume the command of the mediterranean as soon as the victory is ready, which will be within a week." on the th he himself tells a friend, "_all my things_ are this day going off for portsmouth." the ten days that followed were for him, necessarily, very busy; but mental preoccupation--definiteness of object--was always beneficial to him. even the harassing run to and from the west indies had done him good. "i am but so-so," he had written to his brother upon arrival; "yet, what is very odd, the better for going to the west indies, even with the anxiety." to this had succeeded the delightful fortnight at home, and now the animation and stir of expected active service. minto had already noted his exhilaration amid the general public gloom, and after his death, speaking of these last days, said, "he was remarkably well and fresh, and full of hope and spirit." the care of providing him with adequate force he threw off upon the admiralty. there was, of course, a consultation between him and it as to the numbers and kind of vessels he thought necessary, but his estimate was accepted without question, and the ships were promised, as far as the resources went. when lord barham asked him to select his own officers, he is said to have replied, "choose yourself, my lord, the same spirit actuates the whole profession; you cannot choose wrong." he did, nevertheless, indicate his wishes in individual cases; and the expression, though characteristic enough of his proud confidence in the officers of the navy, must be taken rather as a resolve not to be burdened with invidious distinctions, than as an unqualified assertion of fact. nelson, however, gave one general admonition to the cabinet which is worthy to be borne in mind, as a broad principle of unvarying application, more valuable than much labored detail. what is wanted, he said, is the annihilation of the enemy--"only numbers can annihilate."[ ] it is brilliant and inspiring, indeed, to see skill and heroism bearing up against enormous odds, and even wrenching victory therefrom; but it is the business of governments to insure that such skill and heroism be more profitably employed, in utterly destroying, with superior forces, the power of the foe, and so compelling peace. no general has won more striking successes over superior numbers than did napoleon; no ruler has been more careful to see that adequate superiority for his own forces was provided from the beginning. nelson believed that he had fully impressed the prime minister that what was needed now, after two and a half years of colorless war, was not a brilliant victory for the british navy, but a crushing defeat for the foe. "i hope my absence will not be long," he wrote to davison, "and that i shall soon meet the combined fleets with a force sufficient to do the job well: for half a victory would but half content me. but i do not believe the admiralty can give me a force within fifteen or sixteen sail-of-the-line of the enemy; and therefore, if every ship took her opponent, we should have to contend with a fresh fleet of fifteen or sixteen sail-of-the-line. but i will do my best; and i hope god almighty will go with me. i have much to lose, but little to gain; and i go because it's right, and i will serve the country faithfully." he doubtless did not know then that calder, finding villeneuve had gone to cadiz, had taken thither the eighteen ships detached with him from the brest blockade, and that bickerton had also joined from within the mediterranean, so that collingwood, at the moment he was writing, had with him twenty-six of the line. his anticipation, however, was substantially correct. despite every effort, the admiralty up to a fortnight before trafalgar had not given him the number of ships he thought necessary, to insure certain watching, and crushing defeat. he was particularly short of the smaller cruisers wanted. on the th of september minto took his leave of him. "i went yesterday to merton," he wrote on the th, "in a great hurry, as lord nelson said he was to be at home all day, and he dines at half-past three. but i found he had been sent for to carleton house, and he and lady hamilton did not return till half-past five." the prince of wales had sent an urgent command that he particularly wished to see him before he left england. "i stayed till ten at night," continues minto, "and i took a final leave of him. he goes to portsmouth to-night. lady hamilton was in tears all day yesterday, could not eat, and hardly drink, and near swooning, and all at table. it is a strange picture. she tells me nothing can be more pure and ardent than this flame." lady hamilton may have had the self-control of an actress, but clearly not the reticence of a well-bred woman. on the following night nelson left home finally. his last act before leaving the house, it is said, was to visit the bed where his child, then between four and five, was sleeping, and pray over her. the solemn anticipation of death, which from this time forward deepened more and more over his fearless spirit, as the hour of battle approached, is apparent in the record of his departure made in his private diary:-- friday night, september th. at half-past ten drove from dear dear merton, where i left all which i hold dear in this world, to go to serve my king and country. may the great god whom i adore enable me to fulfil the expectations of my country; and if it is his good pleasure that i should return, my thanks will never cease being offered up to the throne of his mercy. if it is his good providence to cut short my days upon earth, i bow with the greatest submission, relying that he will protect those so dear to me, that i may leave behind. his will be done: amen, amen, amen. at six o'clock on the morning of the th nelson arrived at portsmouth. at half-past eleven his flag was again hoisted on board the "victory," and at p.m. he embarked. his youngest and favorite sister, mrs. matcham, with her husband, had gone to portsmouth to see him off. as they were parting, he said to her: "oh, katty! that gypsy;" referring to his fortune told by a gypsy in the west indies many years before, that he should arrive at the head of his profession by the time he was forty. "what then?" he had asked at the moment; but she replied, "i can tell you no more; the book is closed."[ ] the battle of the nile, preceding closely the completion of his fortieth year, not unnaturally recalled the prediction to mind, where the singularity of the coincidence left it impressed; and now, standing as he did on the brink of great events, with half-acknowledged foreboding weighing on his heart, he well may have yearned to know what lay beyond that silence, within the closed covers of the book of fate. footnotes: [ ] in a letter to the earl of mornington, dated december st, , wellington, then wellesley, said, "i arrived in england about september th." the margin of time for meeting nelson, who left merton on the th, was therefore small, and fixes very closely the date of this interesting interview. the colonial and war offices seem then to have been under one head. [ ] correspondence and diaries of john wilson croker, vol. ii. p. . [ ] the prime minister pitt. [ ] compare for example, _ante_, vol. i. p. . [ ] lady hamilton's mother. [ ] nelson to right hon. george rose, august and september , : nicolas, vol. vii. pp. , , . [ ] _ante_, p. . [ ] this is the earliest intimation that has come under the author's eye of the formulation (as distinguished from the development) of the groups of orders in council of , bearing upon the neutral trade, which were issued and carried out by a ministry other than the one which nelson knew. the measure was clearly under consideration before trafalgar. [ ] that is, the ship ready to sail in half an hour, one of the two anchors which moor a ship being lifted. [ ] the author wishes to guard himself from seeming to share the perversion, as he thinks it, of this saying, into an argument against heavy ships, because the heavier the ships, the smaller the number. without here expressing any opinion upon this controverted subject, he would simply quote on the other side the view attributed to nelson during the chase to the west indies. "he knew that the french had no three-decked ships in their fleet, and he reckoned on the great superiority in close action of three batteries of guns over two." (last of nelson's captains, p. .) with this may be joined a quotation from himself involving implicitly the same idea: "two [two-deckers] alongside an enemy are better than three-deckers _a great way off_." this evidently suggests the idea that one three-decker was better than two seventy-fours, conditions being similar. in truth, numbers should be read "numbers of guns"--or, better still, "numbers, other things being equal." [ ] the author has to thank the present earl nelson for this anecdote. chapter xxii. the antecedents of trafalgar. september --october , . age, . the crowds that had assembled to greet nelson's arrival at portsmouth, four weeks before, now clustered again around his footsteps to bid him a loving farewell. although, to avoid such demonstrations, he had chosen for his embarkation another than the usual landing-place, the multitude collected and followed him to the boat. "they pressed forward to obtain sight of his face," says southey; "many were in tears, and many knelt down before him, and blessed him as he passed. england has had many heroes, but never one," he justly adds, "who so entirely possessed the love of his fellow countrymen as nelson." there attached to him not only the memory of many brilliant deeds, nor yet only the knowledge that more than any other he stood between them and harm,--his very name a tower of strength over against their enemies. the deep human sympathy which won its way to the affections of those under his command, in immediate contact with his person, seamen as well as officers, had spread from them with quick contagion throughout all ranks of men; and heart answered to heart in profound trust, among those who never had seen his face. "i had their huzzas before," he said to captain hardy, who sat beside him in the boat. "now i have their hearts." he was accompanied to the ship by mr. canning and mr. rose, intimate associates of mr. pitt, and they remained on board to dine. nelson noted that just twenty-five days had been passed ashore, "from dinner to dinner." the next morning, sunday, september th, at a.m., the "victory" got under way and left st. helen's, where she had been lying at single anchor, waiting to start. three other line-of-battle ships belonging to his fleet, and which followed him in time for trafalgar, were then at spithead, but not yet ready. the "victory" therefore sailed without them, accompanied only by blackwood's frigate, the "euryalus." the wind outside, being west-southwest, was dead foul, and it was not till the th that the ship was off plymouth. there it fell nearly calm, and she was joined by two seventy-fours from the harbor. the little squadron continued its course, the wind still ahead, until the th of the month, when it had not yet gained a hundred miles southwest from scilly. here nelson met his former long-tried second in the mediterranean, sir richard bickerton, going home ill; having endured the protracted drudgery off toulon only to lose, by a hair's breadth, his share in the approaching triumph. on the th the "victory" was off lisbon. "we have had only one day's real fair wind," wrote nelson to lady hamilton, "but by perseverance we have done much." the admiral sent in letters to the british consul and naval officers, urging them to secure as many men as possible for the fleet, but enjoining profound secrecy about his coming, conscious that his presence would be a deterrent to the enemy and might prevent the attempt to leave cadiz, upon which he based his hopes of a speedy issue, and a speedy return home for needed repose. his departure from england, indeed, could not remain long unknown in paris; but communications by land were slow in those times, and a few days' ignorance of his arrival, and of the reinforcement he brought, might induce villeneuve to dare the hazard which he otherwise might fear. "day by day," he wrote to davison, "i am expecting the allied fleet to put to sea--every day, hour, and moment." "i am convinced," he tells blackwood, who took charge of the inshore lookout, "that you estimate, as i do, the importance of not letting these rogues escape us without a fair fight, which i pant for by day, and dream of by night." for the same reasons of secrecy he sent a frigate ahead to collingwood, with orders that, when the "victory" appeared, not only should no salutes be fired, but no colors should be shown, if in sight of the port. the like precautions were continued when any new ship joined. every care was taken to lull the enemy into confidence, and to lure him out of port. at p.m. of saturday, september th, the "victory" reached the fleet, then numbering twenty-nine of the line; the main body being fifteen to twenty miles west of cadiz, with six ships close in with the port. the next day was nelson's birthday--forty-seven years old. the junior admirals and the captains visited the commander-in chief, as customary, but with demonstrations of gladness and confidence that few leaders have elicited in equal measure from their followers. "the reception i met with on joining the fleet caused the sweetest sensation of my life. the officers who came on board to welcome my return, forgot my rank as commander-in-chief in the enthusiasm with which they greeted me. as soon as these emotions were past, i laid before them the plan i had previously arranged for attacking the enemy; and it was not only my pleasure to find it generally approved, but clearly perceived and understood." to lady hamilton he gave an account of this scene which differs little from the above, except in its greater vividness. "i believe my arrival was most welcome, not only to the commander of the fleet, but also to every individual in it; and, when i came to explain to them the '_nelson touch_,' it was like an electric shock. some shed tears, all approved--'it was new--it was singular--it was simple!' and, from admirals downwards, it was repeated--'it must succeed, if ever they will allow us to get at them! you are, my lord, surrounded by friends whom you inspire with confidence.' some may be judas's: but the majority are certainly much pleased with my commanding them." no more joyful birthday levee was ever held than that of this little naval court. besides the adoration for nelson personally, which they shared with their countrymen in general, there mingled with the delight of the captains the sentiment of professional appreciation and confidence, and a certain relief, noticed by codrington, from the dry, unsympathetic rule of collingwood, a man just, conscientious, highly trained, and efficient, but self-centred, rigid, uncommunicative; one who fostered, if he did not impose, restrictions upon the intercourse between the ships, against which he had inveighed bitterly when himself one of st. vincent's captains. nelson, on the contrary, at once invited cordial social relations with the commanding officers. half of the thirty-odd were summoned to dine on board the flagship the first day, and half the second. not till the third did he permit himself the luxury of a quiet dinner chat with his old chum, the second in command, whose sterling merits, under a crusty exterior, he knew and appreciated. codrington mentions also an incident, trivial in itself, but illustrative of that outward graciousness of manner, which, in a man of nelson's temperament and position, is rarely the result of careful cultivation, but bespeaks rather the inner graciousness of the heart that he abundantly possessed. they had never met before, and the admiral, greeting him with his usual easy courtesy, handed him a letter from his wife, saying that being intrusted with it by a lady, he made a point of delivering it himself, instead of sending it by another. the "nelson touch," or plan of attack, expounded to his captains at the first meeting, was afterwards formulated in an order, copies of which were issued to the fleet on the th of october. in this "memorandum," which was doubtless sufficient for those who had listened to the vivid oral explanation of its framer, the writer finds the simplicity, but not the absolute clearness, that they recognized. it embodies, however, the essential ideas, though not the precise method of execution, actually followed at trafalgar, under conditions considerably different from those which nelson probably anticipated; and it is not the least of its merits as a military conception that it could thus, with few signals and without confusion, adapt itself at a moment's notice to diverse circumstances. this great order not only reflects the ripened experience of its author, but contains also the proof of constant mental activity and development in his thought; for it differs materially in detail from the one issued a few months before to the fleet, when in pursuit of villeneuve to the west indies. as the final, and in the main consecutive, illustrations of his military views, the two are presented here together. plan of attack.[ ] the business of an english commander-in-chief being first to bring an enemy's fleet to battle, on the most advantageous terms to himself, (i mean that of laying his ships close on board the enemy, as expeditiously as possible;) and secondly, to continue them there, without separating, until the business is decided; i am sensible beyond this object it is not necessary that i should say a word, being fully assured that the admirals and captains of the fleet i have the honour to command, will, knowing my precise object, that of a close and decisive battle, supply any deficiency in my not making signals; which may, if extended beyond these objects, either be misunderstood, or, if waited for, very probably, from various causes, be impossible for the commander-in-chief to make: therefore, it will only be requisite for me to state, in as few words as possible, the various modes in which it may be necessary for me to obtain my object, on which depends, not only the honour and glory of our country, but possibly its safety, and with it that of all europe, from french tyranny and oppression. if the two fleets are both willing to fight, but little manoeuvring is necessary; the less the better;--a day is soon lost in that business: therefore i will only suppose that the enemy's fleet being to leeward, standing close upon a wind on the starboard tack, and that i am nearly ahead of them, standing on the larboard tack, of course i should weather them. the weather must be supposed to be moderate; for if it be a gale of wind, the manoeuvring of both fleets is but of little avail, and probably no decisive action would take place with the whole fleet. two modes present themselves: one to stand on, just out of gunshot, until the van-ship of my line would be about the centre ship of the enemy, then make the signal to wear together, then bear up, engage with all our force the six or five van-ships of the enemy, passing, certainly, if opportunity offered, through their line. this would prevent their bearing up, and the action, from the known bravery and conduct of the admirals and captains, would certainly be decisive: the second or third rear-ships of the enemy would act as they please, and our ships would give a good account of them, should they persist in mixing with our ships. the other mode would be, to stand under an easy but commanding sail, directly for their headmost ship, so as to prevent the enemy from knowing whether i should pass to leeward or windward of him. in that situation, i would make the signal to engage the enemy to leeward, and to cut through their fleet about the sixth ship from the van, passing very close; they being on a wind, and you going large, could cut their line when you please. the van-ships of the enemy would, by the time our rear came abreast of the van-ship, be severely cut up, and our van could not expect to escape damage. i would then have our _rear_ ship, and every ship in succession, wear, continue the action with either the van-ship, or second ship, as it might appear most eligible from her crippled state; and this mode pursued, i see nothing to prevent the capture of the five or six ships of the enemy's van. the two or three ships of the enemy's rear[ ] must either bear up, or wear; and, in either case, although they would be in a better plight probably than our two van-ships (now in the rear) yet they would be separated, and at a distance to leeward, so as to give our ships time to refit; and by that time, i believe, the battle would, from the judgment of the admiral and captains, be over with the rest of them. signals from these moments are useless, when every man is disposed to do his duty. the great object is for us to support each other, and to keep close to the enemy, and to leeward of him. if the enemy are running away, then the only signals necessary will be, to engage the enemy as arriving up with them; and the other ships to pass on for the second, third, &c., giving, if possible, a close fire into the enemy in passing, taking care to give our ships engaged notice of your intention. memorandum. (secret) victory, off cadiz, th october, . [sidenote: general considerations.] thinking it almost impossible to bring a fleet of forty sail of the line into a line of battle in variable winds, thick weather, and other circumstances which must occur, without such a loss of time that the opportunity would probably be lost of bringing the enemy to battle in such a manner as to make the business decisive, i have therefore made up my mind to keep the fleet in that position of sailing (with the exception of the first and second in command) that the order of sailing is to be the order of battle, placing the fleet in two lines of sixteen ships each, with an advanced squadron of eight of the fastest sailing two-decked ships, which will always make, if wanted, a line of twenty-four sail, on whichever line the commander-in-chief may direct. [sidenote: powers of second in command.] the second in command will, after my intentions are made known to him, have the entire direction of his line to make the attack upon the enemy, and to follow up the blow until they are captured or destroyed. [sidenote: the attack from to leeward.] if the enemy's fleet should be seen to windward in line of battle, and that the two lines and the advanced squadron can fetch them, they will probably be so extended that their van could not succour their rear. i should therefore probably make the second in command's signal to lead through, about their twelfth ship from their rear, (or wherever he could fetch, if not able to get so far advanced); my line would lead through about their centre, and the advanced squadron to cut two or three or four ships a-head of their centre, so as to ensure getting at their commander-in-chief, on whom every effort must be made to capture. [sidenote: the general controlling idea, under all conditions.] the whole impression of the british fleet must be to overpower from two or three ships a-head of their commander-in-chief supposed to be in the centre, to the rear of their fleet. i will suppose twenty sail of the enemy's line to be untouched, it must be some time before they could perform a manoeuvre to bring their force compact to attack any part of the british fleet engaged, or to succour their own ships, which indeed would be impossible without mixing with the ships engaged. something must be left to chance; nothing is sure in a sea fight beyond all others. shot will carry away the masts and yards of friends as well as foes; but i look with confidence to a victory before the van of the enemy could succour their rear, and then that the british fleet would most of them be ready to receive their twenty sail of the line, or to pursue them, should they endeavour to make off. if the van of the enemy tacks, the captured ships must run to leeward of the british fleet; if the enemy wears, the british must place themselves between the enemy and the captured, and disabled british ships; and should the enemy close, i have no fears as to the result. [sidenote: duties of subordinate.] the second in command will in all possible things direct the movements of his line, by keeping them as compact as the nature of the circumstances will admit. captains are to look to their particular line as their rallying point. but, in case signals can neither be seen or perfectly understood, no captain can do very wrong if he places his ship alongside that of an enemy. of the intended attack from to windward, the enemy in line of battle ready to receive an attack, [illustration][ ] [sidenote: the attack from to windward.] the divisions of the british fleet will be brought nearly within gun shot of the enemy's centre. the signal will most probably then be made for the lee line to bear up together, to set all their sails, even steering sails, in order to get as quickly as possible to the enemy's line, and to cut through, beginning from the ship from the enemy's rear. some ships may not get through their exact place, but they will always be at hand to assist their friends; and if any are thrown round the rear of the enemy, they will effectually complete the business of twelve sail of the enemy. should the enemy wear together, or bear up and sail large, still the twelve ships composing, in the first position, the enemy's rear, are to be the object of attack of the lee line, unless otherwise directed from the commander-in-chief, which is scarcely to be expected, as the entire management of the lee line, after the intentions of the commander-in-chief, is signified, is intended to be left to the judgment of the admiral commanding that line. [sidenote: special charge of the commander-in-chief.] the remainder of the enemy's fleet, sail, are to be left to the management of the commander-in-chief, who will endeavour to take care that the movements of the second in command are as little interrupted as is possible. nelson and bronte. it will be borne in mind that the first of these instructions was issued for the handling of a small body of ships--ten--expecting to meet fifteen to eighteen enemies; whereas the second contemplated the wielding of a great mass of vessels, as many as forty british, directed against a possible combination of forty-six french and spanish. in the former case, however, although the aggregate numbers were smaller, the disproportion of force was much greater, even after allowance made for the british three-deckers; and we know, from other contemporary remarks of nelson, that his object here was not so much a crushing defeat of the enemy--"only numbers can annihilate"--as the disorganization and neutralization of a particular detachment, as the result of which the greater combination of the enemy would fall to pieces. "after they have beaten our fleet soundly, they will do us no more harm this summer."[ ] consequently, he relies much upon the confusion introduced into the enemy's movements by an attack, which, though of much inferior force, should be sudden in character, developing only at the last moment, into which the enemy should be precipitated unawares, while the british should encounter it, or rather should enter it, with minds fully prepared,--not only for the immediate manoeuvre, but for all probable consequences. in accordance with the same general object--confusion--he directs his assault upon the van, instead of, as at trafalgar, upon the rear; according to his saying in the baltic, recorded by stewart,[ ] "close with a frenchman, but out-manoeuvre a russian," for which purpose he would throw his own force, preferably, upon the van of the latter. the reason is obvious, upon reflection; for in attacking and cutting off the head--van and centre--of a column of ships, the rear, coming up under full way, has _immediate_ action forced upon it. there is no time for deliberation. the van is already engaged, and access to it more or less impeded, by the hostile dispositions. the decision must be instant--to the right hand, or to the left, to windward, or to leeward--and there is at least an even chance that the wrong thing will be done, as well as a probability, falling little short of certainty, that all the ships of the rear will _not_ do the same thing; that is, they will be thrown into confusion with all its dire train of evils, doubt, hesitancy, faltering, and inconsequent action. it is hard work to knit again a shattered line under the unremittent assault of hardened veterans, such as nelson's mediterranean ships. the method employed in the second of these instructions, the celebrated memorandum, differs essentially from that of the plan of attack, though both are simply developments of the one idea of concentration. it is unfortunate for us that nelson, like most men of action, reveals his reasoning processes, not in ordered discussion, but by stray gleams of expression, too often unrecorded, from which we can infer only the general tenor of his thought. it is in the chance phrase, transmitted by stewart, coupled with the change of object, so definitely announced in the second instance,--the crushing, namely, of the enemy's great fleet, and not the mere crippling of a detachment such as went to the west indies,--that the author thinks to find the clew to the difference of dispositions, in the first case, from those prescribed and followed for trafalgar--the "nelson touch" that thrilled the captains. there is again, indeed, in the latter, the distinct reliance upon confusion, for the line of the foe is to be broken in two places; but now the confusion introduced is in the part of the enemy that is assailed, not, as before, in that which is left out of action. confusion, in short, is now imposed by external force, rather than induced by internal perplexity,--a condition surer, and therefore more liable to result in a crushing victory, for it depends upon the vigor of the offensive, and not on the weakness of the defensive, which may prove a deceitful reliance. moreover, effectual crushing requires time, even when, as in the final memorandum, a great concentration of superiority is intended on part of an enemy's order. now, when the van and centre are attacked, the rear is pointed fair, and, if it does not lose its head, comes quickly up to the rescue; but when, in the contrary case, the centre and rear receive the assault, the van, being left out of action, not only has to turn round, but naturally stands away, for an interval dependent upon the initiative of its immediate commander, as occurred to an extreme degree at trafalgar. thus time, the invaluable five minutes or half hour, is gained for the offensive to bring its first concentration to a successful issue, as well as to prepare to repel the van of the defensive, if it countermarches, as it should. "i look with confidence to a victory before the van of the enemy could succour their rear, and then that the british fleet would most of them be ready to receive their twenty sail of the line, or to pursue them, should they endeavour to make off." the organization of a distinct body of eight fast-sailing ships-of-the-line, to be carried to such part of the field as might appear necessary to the commander-in-chief in a particular emergency, resulted inevitably, perhaps, from the considerations presented by nelson in the opening sentences of the memorandum, and from the great number of ships he then hoped to have. there were precedents for such a formation, in the practice of the day; but, as far as recalled by the author, they were the advanced guards, the skirmish line, of the fleet, not, as in this case, essentially a reserve. in nelson's present thought, the employment of this force would be, not antecedent to, but consequent upon, the particular indications of the day. probably they would not be held back as long--for as distinct indications--as in the case of an army's reserve; but nevertheless, the chief object of their separate organization was to redress, at the moment, the unforeseen developments of a battle, whether at the instant of engagement or during its subsequent progress. the unfortunate villeneuve, who commanded the allies, an accomplished though irresolute seaman, had adopted a similar arrangement, placing twelve detached ships under his colleague gravina; but, with sailing vessels, the effective use of such a force depended largely upon the windward position, which the allies did not have. if placed to leeward of a lee line, it was in the power of the assailant to throw them out of action altogether; if to windward, to attack them separately; therefore at trafalgar villeneuve ordered them back into the line. nelson likewise then embodied his reserve in the two columns of attack, because he had fewer vessels than he expected, and because the light wind forbade the wasting of time in evolutionary refinements. the incident of the simultaneous adoption of the same provision by the two opposing admirals, however, is interesting as indicative of the progress of naval thought, though still hampered by the uncertainties of the motive power. the second of these orders, that of october , is memorable, not only for the sagacity and comprehensiveness of its general dispositions, but even more for the magnanimous confidence with which the details of execution were freely intrusted to those upon whom they had to fall. it was evidently drawn up in the first instance for collingwood only; the word "your" in the original draught having been struck out, and "second in command" substituted. the comparison already made between it and its predecessor of may, may not uninstructively be followed by a study of the difference in details between itself and the execution it actually received at the battle of trafalgar. to aid this purpose the author has traced, in marginal notes, the succession of the leading ideas. after a statement of general considerations, and a frank attribution of full powers to the second in command for carrying out his part, nelson lays down the manner of attack from to leeward. this condition not obtaining at trafalgar, the plan cannot be contrasted with the performance of that day. upon this follows a luminous enunciation of the general idea, namely, collingwood's engaging the twelve rear ships, which underlies the method prescribed for each attack--from to leeward and to windward. of the latter nelson fortunately gives an outline diagram, which illustrates the picture before his own mind, facilitating our comprehension of his probable expectations, and allowing a comparison between them and the event as it actually occurred. it is not to the discredit, but greatly to the credit, of his conception, that it was susceptible of large modification in practice while retaining its characteristic idea. looking at his diagram,[ ] and following his words, it will be seen that the british lines are not formed perpendicularly to that of the enemy (as they were at trafalgar), but parallel to it. starting from this disposition, near the enemy and abreast his centre, the lee line of sixteen ships was to bear up _together_, and advance in line, not in column (as happened at trafalgar); their object being the twelve rear ships of the enemy. this first move stands by itself; the action of the weather line, and of the reserve squadron still farther to windward, are held in suspense under the eye of the commander-in-chief, to take the direction which the latter shall prescribe as the struggle develops. the mere menace of such a force, just out of gunshot to windward, would be sufficient to prevent any extensive manoeuvre of the unengaged enemies. nelson doubtless had in mind the dispositions, more than a century old, of tourville and de ruyter, by which a few ships, spaced to windward of an enemy's van, could check its tacking, because of the raking fire to which they would subject it. unquestionably, he would not have kept long in idle expectancy twenty-four ships, the number he had in mind; but clearly also he proposed to hold them until he saw how things went with collingwood. thus much time would allow, granting the position he assumed and a reasonable breeze. his twenty-four to windward held an absolute check over the supposed thirty-four unengaged, of the enemy. the attack as planned, therefore, differed from that executed ( ) in that the lee line was not to advance in column, but in line, thereby dispersing the enemy's fire, and avoiding the terrific concentration which crushed the leaders at trafalgar; and ( ) in that the weather squadrons were not to attack simultaneously with the lee, but after it had engaged, in order to permit the remedying of any mishap that might arise in delivering the crucial blow. in both these matters of detail the plan was better than the modification; but the latter was forced upon nelson by conditions beyond his control. it will be observed that, when considering attacking from to leeward, he orders a simultaneous movement of the three british divisions,--lee, weather, and reserve; for the obvious reason that if he held his own divisions in reserve to leeward he could not at all count upon bringing them into action at will; and, moreover, such an attack would probably have to be in columns, and, if simultaneous, would be less liable to disaster than in succession, mutual support diverting the enemies' fire. in fact, the highest order of offensive combination was only possible when having the advantage of the wind--fair, and enough of it. the plan upon which trafalgar was to be fought, as above described and analyzed, was formed some time before leaving england, and it is not unreasonable to suppose that it was in fact a modification of the earlier idea, laid down during the chase to the west indies. on the th of september, three days only before quitting merton, nelson called upon his old friend, lord sidmouth,[ ] who until recently had been prime minister. in the course of the interview he explained his intentions as regards the attack. "rodney," he said, "broke the enemy's line in one place,[ ] i will break it in two;" and with his finger he indicated upon a table the general character of the assault, to be made in two lines, led by himself and collingwood. he felt confident, according to sidmouth's narration, that he should capture either their van and centre or their centre and rear. it was of course out of his power to prevent the enemy inverting their order, by the simultaneous turning round of every ship, at the time of engagement, so that the attack intended for the rear should fall upon it become the van. against this contingency he provided by the words, "should the enemy wear together, still the twelve ships composing, _in the first position_, the enemy's rear, are to be the object of attack of the lee line." sidmouth did not commit his recollection of this incident to writing until many years later, and, not being a seaman, very likely failed to comprehend some of the details--there seems to the author to be in the story a confusion of what nelson planned with what nelson did; but a great conception is largely independent of details, and the essential features of trafalgar are in sidmouth's account. the idea was doubtless imparted also to the family circle at merton, where probably the expression, "nelson touch," originated. it occurs chiefly, if not wholly, in his letters to lady hamilton, to whom, some days before reaching the fleet, he wrote, "i am anxious to join, for it would add to my grief if any other man was to give them the nelson touch, which we say is warranted never to fail;" but there may be a quaint allusion to it in the motto he told rose he had adopted: "touch and take." when nelson left england, he was intrusted by the first lord with the delicate and unpleasant mission of communicating to sir robert calder the dissatisfaction of the government with his conduct, in the encounter with the allied fleets the previous july; especially for failing to keep touch with them and bring them again to action. the national outcry was too strong to be disregarded, nor is it probable that the admiralty took a more lenient view of the matter. at all events, an inquiry was inevitable, and the authorities seem to have felt that it was a favor to calder to permit him to ask for the court which in any case must be ordered. "i did not fail," wrote nelson to barham, "immediately on my arrival, to deliver your message to sir robert calder; and it will give your lordship pleasure to find, as it has me, that an inquiry is what the vice-admiral wishes, and that he had written to you by the nautilus, which i detained, to say so. sir robert thinks that he can clearly prove, that it was not in his power to bring the combined squadrons again to battle." nelson felt a profound sympathy for the unfortunate officer, pursued by the undiscriminating and ignorant fury of popular clamor, the extent and intensity of which he had had opportunity to realize when in england. while he probably did not look for so tragic an issue, the execution of byng under a similar odium and a similar charge, although expressly cleared of cowardice and disaffection, was still fresh in the naval mind. "sir robert has an ordeal to pass through," he wrote collingwood, "which he little expects." his own opinion upon the case seems to have undergone some modification, since the generous outburst with which he at first deprecated the prejudgment of a disappointed and frightened people; nor could it well fail, as details became known to him, that he should pass a silent censure upon proceedings, which contravened alike his inward professional convictions, and his expressed purposes of action for a similar contingency. "i have had, as you will believe, a very distressing scene with poor sir robert calder," he told lady hamilton. "he has wrote home to beg an inquiry, feeling confident that he can fully justify himself. i sincerely hope he may, but--i have given him the advice as to my dearest friend. he is in adversity, and if he ever has been my enemy, he now feels the pang of it, and finds me one of his best friends." "sir robert calder," he wrote to another correspondent, "has just left us to stand his trial, which i think of a very serious nature." nelson was obliged to detain him until reinforcements arrived from england, because calder was unwilling to undergo the apparent humiliation of leaving his flagship under charges, and she could not yet be spared. it was not the least of this unlucky man's misfortunes that he left the fleet just a week before the battle, where his conduct would undoubtedly have redeemed whatever of errors he may have committed. one of the last remarks nelson made before the action began, was, "hardy, what would poor sir robert calder give to be with us now!" calder's reluctance to quit his flagship, and the keen sensitiveness with which he expressed his feelings, drew from nelson a concession he knew to be wrong, but which is too characteristic, both in the act itself and in his own account of it, to be omitted. "sir robert felt so much," he wrote to the first lord, "even at the idea of being removed from his own ship which he commanded, in the face of the fleet, that i much fear i shall incur the censure of the board of admiralty, without your lordship's influence with the members of it. i may be thought wrong, as an officer, to disobey the orders of the admiralty, by not insisting on sir robert calder's quitting the prince of wales for the dreadnought, and for parting with a -gun ship, before the force arrives which their lordships have judged necessary; but i trust that i shall be considered to have done right as a man, and to a brother officer in affliction--my heart could not stand it, and so the thing must rest. i shall submit to the wisdom of the board to censure me or not, as to them may seem best for the service; i shall bow with all due respect to their decision." from the military point of view this step was indefensible, but it is in singular keeping with nelson's kindness of heart, his generosity of temper, and with a certain recklessness of consequences,--when supported by inward conviction of right, or swayed by natural impulses,--which formed no small part of his greatness as a warrior. "numbers only can annihilate;" yet to spare the feelings of an unhappy man, whom he believed to have been his enemy, he parted with one of the best units from his numbers, although, even with her present, he was inferior to the allies. he felt keenly, however, the responsibility he assumed, not only towards the admiralty, but towards his own success and reputation. at one time he seems, with unusual vacillation, even to have returned upon his decision, and to have notified calder that the ship could not be spared; for on the th of october the latter wrote him: "the contents of your lordship's letter have cut me to the soul. if i am to be turned out of my ship, after all that has passed, i have only to request i may be allowed to take my captain, and such officers as i find necessary for the justification of my conduct as an officer, and that i may be permitted to go without a moment's further loss of time. my heart is broken." this appeal broke down all nelson's power of resistance. he deprived himself on the eve of battle of a first-rate ship, taking only the precaution of sending his entire correspondence with calder, public and private, to explain his course, though scarcely to justify it. the significance of this act is enhanced by the known importance which he himself attached to the presence or absence of even a third-rate ship-of-the-line. when the expedition to the baltic was on the eve of starting, a seventy-four went aground, in leaving the downs. lieutenant layman having been conspicuously instrumental in getting her off, nelson told him that he had in consequence written in his favor to the admiralty; and upon layman's remarking that what he had done scarcely deserved so much, the admiral replied, "i think differently, the loss of one line-of-battle ship might be the loss of a victory." when nelson joined the fleet, he found it stationed some fifteen to twenty miles from cadiz. he soon moved the main body to fifty miles west of the port. "it is desirable," he admitted, "to be well up in easterly winds, but i must guard against being caught with a westerly wind near cadiz, as a fleet of ships with so many three-deckers would inevitably be forced into the straits, and then cadiz would be perfectly free for the enemy to come out with a westerly wind, as they served lord keith in the late war." the memory of his weary beat out of the mediterranean the previous april, against wind and current, remained vividly in his mind; and he feared also that the willingness of the enemy to come out, which was his great object, would be much cooled by the certainty that his fleet could not be avoided, and by seeing such additions as it might receive. "i think we are near enough," he wrote colling wood, "for the weather if it is fine, the wind serves, and we are in sight, they will never move." "i rely on you," he tells blackwood, "that we can't miss getting hold of them, and i will give them such a shaking as they never yet experienced; at least i will lay down my life in the attempt." an advanced squadron of fast-sailing seventy-fours was thrown out ten or twelve miles east of the fleet, through which daily signals could be exchanged with blackwood's squadron of frigates, that cruised day and night close to the harbor's mouth. this disposition received a farther development after the th of october, when the combined fleets shifted from the inner harbor to the bay of cadiz, and gave other tokens of a speedy start. on the th of the month he made the following entry in his diary: "enemy at the harbour's mouth. placed defence and agamemnon from seven to ten leagues west of cadiz, and mars and colossus five leagues east of fleet [that is, under way between the fleet and the former group], whose station is from fifteen to twenty leagues west of cadiz; and by this chain i hope to have constant communication with the frigates off cadiz." to the captain of the "defence" he wrote that it was possible the enemy might try to drive off the frigate squadron, in order to facilitate their own evasion; in which case the inner ships-of-the-line would be at hand to resist the attempt. despite these careful dispositions, his mind was still ill at ease lest the enemy might escape undetected. he never had frigates enough to make the result as sure as it ought to be, where such vast issues were at stake. while eight at least were needed to be always with the fleet before cadiz, he had but five; and to maintain even so many it was necessary to cut short other services and essential stations. this deficiency he urged upon the government still more than he did the inadequacy of the line-of-battle force; for his fear of the enemy eluding him was greater than that of a conflict with superior numbers. as regards the latter contingency, he wrote to lord barham that, if the enemy came out, he would immediately bring them to battle; "but, although i should not doubt of spoiling any voyage they might attempt, yet i hope for the arrival of the ships from england, that as an enemy's fleet they may be annihilated." on the other hand, "the last fleet was lost to me for want of frigates." besides his own direct representations, he pressed rose to obtain an intimation to the admiralty from the prime minister, that the latter was personally solicitous that more small cruisers should be supplied. both collingwood and nelson believed the allies bound to the mediterranean; but in this they might be mistaken, and as the real object might be again the west indies, lookouts should be placed off cape blanco on the coast of africa, and off the salvages,[ ] both which he knew had been sighted by villeneuve, in the outward voyage of the previous spring. to his concern about the immediate situation before cadiz were added the universal cares of the mediterranean, with all parts of which he renewed his correspondence, occupying his active mind with provisions for forwarding the cause of great britain and her allies. under his many anxieties, however, he preserved his buoyant, resolute temper, not worrying over possible happenings against which he was unable to provide. "the force is at present not so large as might be wished," he writes to ball, "but i will do my best with it; they will give me more when they can, and i am not come forth to find difficulties, but to remove them." "your lordship may depend upon my exertions," he tells barham. the possibility that he himself might fall was, as always, present to his thoughts, and never did life mean more to him than it now did; yet, as the twilight deepened, and the realization of danger passed gradually into a presentiment of death, he faced the prospect without gloom--steadfast still in mind. "let the battle be when it may, it will never have been surpassed. my shattered frame, if i survive that day, will require rest, and that is all i shall ask for. if i fall on such a glorious occasion, it shall be my pride to take care that my friends shall not blush for me. these things are in the hands of a wise and just providence, and his will be done! i have got some trifle, thank god, to leave those i hold most dear, and i have taken care not to neglect it. do not think i am low-spirited on this account, or fancy anything is to happen to me; quite the contrary--my mind is calm, and i have only to think of destroying our inveterate foe." of these days of preoccupation, while in hourly expectation of the issue, overcharged with official anxieties, and facing, however fearlessly, a growing impression that he himself would not survive the conflict for which he longed, an anecdote has been transmitted that shows again how to the end, and whatever his personal cares, his quick sympathy went out to men of all classes. word had been passed through the fleet that a mail was about to start for england, which would not improbably be the last opportunity of writing home before the enemy came forth. the letters had been collected as usual, the bags were all on board the departing vessel, and she herself, under full sail, had got already some distance away, when nelson saw a midshipman come up and speak to lieutenant pasco, the signal officer, who, upon hearing what was said, stamped his foot in evident vexation, and uttered an exclamation. the admiral, of whose nearness pasco was not aware, called him, and asked what was the matter. "nothing that need trouble your lordship," was the reply. "you are not the man to lose your temper for nothing," rejoined nelson. "what was it?" "well, if you must know, my lord, i will tell you. you see that cockswain," pointing to one of the most active of the petty officers; "we have not a better man on board the victory and the message which put me out was this. i was told that he was so busy receiving and getting off the mail-bags, that he forgot to drop his own letter to his wife into one of them, and he has just discovered it in his pocket." "hoist a signal to bring her back," was nelson's instant command; "who knows that he may not fall in action to-morrow. his letter shall go with the rest,"--and the despatch vessel was brought back for that alone.[ ] in telling the story, pasco used to say it was no wonder that the common sailors idolized nelson, since he was always thinking about them, and won their hearts by showing his own. in addition to the combined fleets in cadiz, which numbered thirty-six of the line, besides frigates, the enemy had a half-dozen of the line in cartagena, which showed signs of moving, and whose junction must be prevented, if possible. partly for this reason, partly because it was necessary to renew the water of the ships, nelson sent a detachment of six of the line to gibraltar and tetuan, immediately after he took charge. to the junior admiral who commanded it, and who lamented that they might lose their share in the expected battle, he replied: "i have no other means of keeping my fleet complete in provisions and water. the enemy _will_ come out, and we shall fight them; but there will be time for you to get back first." they did not, however, return as thus expected, a misadventure which was chiefly due to their having to guard a convoy past cartagena,--a potent illustration of the influence exerted by a powerful squadron, judiciously placed on the flank of an important trade route, or line of communication; but even had they rejoined, six others were told off to leave at once in turn. nelson did not dare to take the fleet in mass to tetuan, as he used to madalena; for he could never be sure of getting out of the straits when he wished, or when the enemy moved. thus his fleet was reduced, by both administrative and strategic exigencies, to twenty-three ships-of-the-line. fortunately, four more joined before the battle, raising the numbers actually engaged to twenty-seven. it will be recognized that calder's ninety-gun ship was no small loss. such were the general dispositions in which the sailing of the enemy was awaited. a main body of eighteen to twenty, fifty miles west of cadiz, a frigate squadron close in to the harbor, and two groups of ships-of-the-line extended between these extremes. with a westerly wind, approach to the port would be easy for all; with an easterly, nelson wrote to blackwood, he would habitually beat up for cadiz, never going north of the port. his whereabouts in case of thick weather was thus always known. he notified collingwood and his other subordinates, that if the enemy came out, he should stand for cape spartel, the african outpost of the straits, to bar the entrance of the allies to the mediterranean. signals were arranged, precise, yet not so elaborate as to tend to confusion, by which the departure and general direction of the enemy could be continually transmitted, from the furthest lookouts to the main body, by night as by day. on the th of october his old ship, the "agamemnon," joined the fleet. she was commanded by sir edward berry, who had been first lieutenant in her with nelson, had accompanied him in boarding the "san nicolas" and "san josef" at st. vincent, and was afterwards his flag-captain at the nile. when her approach was reported to the admiral, he exclaimed gleefully, "here comes berry! now we shall have a battle;" for berry, having been in more fleet actions than any captain in the british navy,[ ] had a proverbial reputation for such luck. the event did not belie the prediction. five days later, on the th of the month, nelson noted in his diary: "fine weather, wind easterly; the combined fleets cannot have finer weather to put to sea;" and the following morning, at half-past nine, the signal, repeated from masthead to masthead, from the inshore frigates to their commander-in-chief fifty miles at sea, announced that the long-expected battle was at hand--for "the enemy are coming out of port." footnotes: [ ] may, . [ ] the author does not here understand the speaking of "two or three" rear ships, when the van is supposed to be five or six--making a total of not over nine or ten enemies. if this order of attack was issued, as expressly stated by clarke and m'arthur, on the chase to the west indies, nelson then was fully aware that he with ten ships was in pursuit of eighteen. (see _ante_, p. ) it appears to the author more probable that it was issued to the fleet when off toulon, in anticipation of a possible meeting with the french squadron there, when the disparity of force was less--say, eight to ten. this impression is confirmed by the "plan of attack" speaking of the junior "admirals"--in the plural. there was but one such in the pursuit to the west indies. it is quite possible, however, that the same order was re-issued upon the later occasion, re-copied without change of words. in any event, it confirms other statements and actions of nelson's, that an enemy should not be fought ship to ship, but by a concentration on part of his order. [ ] inserted by author. [ ] _ante_, pp. , . [ ] _ante_, p. . [ ] the author has introduced an arrow to show the direction of the wind as viewed by nelson; the arrow flying _with_ the wind. [ ] formerly mr. addington, who was at the head of the government during the copenhagen expedition. [ ] this was a mistake on nelson's part. rodney's fleet actually, though accidentally, broke through de grasse's order in two (if not three) places. [ ] a desert group of small islands between madeira and the canaries. [ ] the author is indebted for this reminiscence to mr. stuart j. reid, who received it from pasco's son, also an officer in the navy. [ ] besides three of the battles associated with nelson's name--st. vincent, the nile, and trafalgar--berry as a midshipman had been in the five fleet actions between suffren and hughes, in the east indies, in and . ("the nelson memorial," by john knox laughton, pp. , .) chapter xxiii. trafalgar.--the death of nelson. october - , . age, . contrary to the general policy that for many years had governed the naval undertakings of france and spain, the combined fleets put to sea on the th of october, , with the fixed purpose of daring the hazard of battle, which they could scarcely expect to avoid. they numbered thirty-three ships-of-the-line, eighteen french and fifteen spanish, and were accompanied by five frigates and two brigs, all of which were french. this great force in its aggregate was one. there were not two separate entities, a french fleet and a spanish fleet, acting in concert, as is often the case in alliances. whatever the administrative arrangements, for cruising and for battle the vessels of the two nations were blended in a single mass, at the head of which was the french admiral, just as the general direction of the naval campaign was in the hands of the french emperor alone. the commander-in-chief was vice-admiral villeneuve, the same that nelson recently had pursued to the west indies and back to europe. the commander of the spanish contingent, vice-admiral gravina, was less his colleague than his subordinate. there were also flying in the combined fleet the flags of four junior admirals, two french and two spanish, and the broad pendants of several commodores. in the allied force there were four three-decked ships, of from one hundred to one hundred and thirty guns, all spanish, of which one, the "santísima trinidad," was the largest vessel then afloat. among nelson's twenty-seven there were seven three-deckers, of ninety-eight to one hundred guns; but in the lower rates the british were at a disadvantage, having but one eighty-gun ship and three sixty-fours, whereas the allies had six of the former and only one of the latter. all the other vessels of the line-of-battle were seventy-fours, the normal medium type, upon which the experience of most navies of that day had fixed, as best fitted for the general purposes of fleet warfare. where more tonnage and heavier batteries were put into single ships, it was simply for the purpose of reinforcing the critical points of an order of battle; an aim that could not be as effectively attained by the combination of two ships, under two captains. as nelson said in his celebrated order, so large a body as thirty-three heavy vessels is not easily handled, even at sea; and leaving port with them is an operation yet more difficult. consequently, the movement which began soon after daylight on the th was not completed that day. owing to the falling of the wind, only twelve ships got fairly clear of the bay, outside of which they lay becalmed. the following morning the attempt was resumed, and by two or three o'clock in the afternoon of the th the whole combined fleet was united, and standing with a fresh southwest wind to the northward and westward, to gain room to windward for entering the straits. as has been said, the movement that blackwood recognized at a.m. of the th was communicated to the admiral at half-past nine. according to his announced plan, to cut the enemy off from the mediterranean, he at once made signal for a general chase to the southeast,--towards cape spartel,--and the fleet moved off in that direction with a light southerly wind. at noon nelson sat down in his cabin to begin his last letter to lady hamilton. the words then written he signed, as though conscious that no opportunity to continue might offer; nor is it difficult to trace that some such thought was then uppermost in his mind, and sought expression in the tenderness of farewell. the following day, however, he added a few lines, in which the dominant note was fear that the enemy might again elude him, by returning into port; an apprehension that expelled the previous haunting sense of finality. there he laid down the pen, never again to address her directly. the letter, thus abruptly closed by death, was found open and unsigned upon his desk after the battle. victory, october th, , noon. cadiz, e.s.e., leagues. my dearest beloved emma, the dear friend of my bosom. the signal has been made that the enemy's combined fleet are coming out of port. we have very little wind, so that i have no hopes of seeing them before to-morrow. may the god of battles crown my endeavours with success; at all events, i will take care that my name shall ever be most dear to you and horatia, both of whom i love as much as my own life. and as my last writing before the battle will be to you, so i hope in god that i shall live to finish my letter after the battle. may heaven bless you prays your nelson and bronte. october th. in the morning, we were close to the mouth of the straits, but the wind had not come far enough to the westward to allow the combined fleets to weather the shoals off trafalgar; but they were counted as far as forty sail of ships of war, which i suppose to be thirty-four of the line, and six frigates. a group of them was seen off the lighthouse of cadiz this morning, but it blows so very fresh and thick weather, that i rather believe they will go into the harbour before night. may god almighty give us success over these fellows, and enable us to get a peace. he wrote the same day to his daughter, addressing the letter to miss horatia nelson thompson,[ ] by which name she had hitherto been known. in the codicil to his will, signed on the morning of the st, a few hours before the battle, he called her his adopted daughter, and desired that she would in future use the name of nelson only. victory, october th, . my dearest angel,--i was made happy by the pleasure of receiving your letter of september th, and i rejoice to hear that you are so very good a girl, and love my dear lady hamilton, who most dearly loves you. give her a kiss for me. the combined fleets of the enemy are now reported to be coming out of cadiz; and therefore i answer your letter, my dearest horatia, to mark to you that you are ever uppermost in my thoughts. i shall be sure of your prayers for my safety, conquest, and speedy return to dear merton, and our dearest good lady hamilton. be a good girl, mind what miss connor says to you. receive, my dearest horatia, the affectionate parental blessing of your father, nelson and bronte. the th of october opened with fresh breezes from south-southwest and heavy rains. at daybreak the british fleet was near the straits' mouth, between capes trafalgar and spartel, unable to see anything, but certain that, with the existing winds, the enemy could not have anticipated it there. blackwood's frigates, out of sight to the northward, were dogging the path of the allies, of whose general position they were certain, although the thick weather hid them from observation. at a.m. the frigate "phoebe" signalled to nelson that the enemy bore north. with the wind as it was, and considering the position of the land, they must be standing to the northwest, so that the british fleet wore and steered the same course, keeping parallel to the enemy and spreading lookouts in their direction. soon after noon, the weather clearing, blackwood saw the combined fleets where he believed them to be, under low sail, and so close that the "euryalus" went about immediately. at p.m. he left the squadron in temporary charge of a junior captain, and with his own ship kept away south to speak the admiral. at two he sighted the main body, and at . was near enough to send the telegraphic message, "the enemy appears determined to push to the westward." "that," wrote nelson in his diary, "they shall _not_ do, if in the power of nelson and bronté to prevent them," and he telegraphed back, "i rely upon your keeping sight of the enemy." the frigates and lookout ships, he noted in his journal, had so far discharged their duties most admirably, informing him promptly of all the hostile movements; he was justified therefore in the confidence that they would do as well in the night now approaching. while blackwood was communicating, nelson himself was much of the time on the "victory's" poop. seeing there a number of midshipmen assembled, he observed to them, "this day or to-morrow will be a fortunate one for you, young gentlemen," alluding to their prospect of promotion after a successful battle. the same day at dinner, he said to some of the company, "to-morrow i will do that which will give you younger gentlemen something to talk and think about for the rest of your lives, but i shall not live to know about it myself;" and he added that he expected to capture twenty to twenty-two of the hostile fleet.[ ] it may be inferred from this remark that by the dinner hour, between three and five, he had become satisfied that the enemy either would not, or could not, return into port, according to the fear he had expressed to lady hamilton, and that a battle therefore was certain. the letter to her, from its mention of the weather as thick, must have been written in the forenoon. his expectation that the morrow would prove the decisive day was reinforced by one of those prepossessions for coincidences, half jesting, half serious, which are natural to men, but fall too far short of conviction to be called superstitious. on the st of october, , his uncle maurice suckling had commanded one of three ships-of-the-line which had beaten off a superior force. nelson had several times said to captain hardy and dr. scott, "the st will be our day;" and on the morning of the battle, when the prediction was approaching fulfilment, he again remarked that the st of october was the happiest day in the year for his family; but he mentioned no reason other than that just given. the main bodies of the contending navies did not come in sight of each other during the th; the british lookout frigates, between the two, and three or four miles from the allied line, could see their own fleet only from the masthead. at about p.m., soon after the weather cleared, the wind shifted to west-northwest, taking the ships aback. after filling their sails again to the new wind, as this was now fair for their approach to the straits' mouth, the combined fleets wore, and headed to the southward. the british remaining on the same tack as before,--the port,--stood to the northward until p.m., when they also wore to the southwest; but this interval of steering in nearly opposite directions changed the relative bearings. at midnight, by the log of blackwood's frigates, the enemy stretched along the eastern horizon, while the british bore southwest; the space between the two being ten miles. the "euryalus," three miles from the allies, saw the loom of the lights of her own fleet. still fearful lest the view of his ships should shake the enemy's purpose, nelson was careful not to lessen this distance; the more so because the british, having the wind, could attack when they pleased, provided the enemy by continuing to the southward deprived themselves of the power to regain cadiz. two british frigates were directed to keep them in sight during the night, reporting their movements to two others who were stationed a little farther from them, whence a chain of line-of-battle ships communicated with the "victory." thus, throughout the dark hours, signal lights and guns flashed across the waters to nelson instantaneous information of every noteworthy occurrence in the hostile order. since the morning of the th, the weather, fine for some days previous, had become unsettled, working up for the southwest gale which wrought so much damage among the victims of the fight. as the night of the th advanced, the wind fell, and at midnight there were only light westerly breezes, inclining to calm. the same conditions continued at dawn, and throughout the day of the st until after the battle; but there was also a great swell from the westward, the precursor of a storm. at a.m. the british fleet again wore, and was standing northeast when the day broke. after leaving cadiz, in order to avoid separations during the night, or in thick weather, the combined fleets had been disposed in five columns, a formation whose compactness, though not suited to an engagement, was less liable to straggling than a single long line, and brought all parts more directly under the control of the commander-in-chief at the centre. of the five, the two to windward, of six ships each, constituted a reserve, similar to nelson's proposed detachment of eight. it was commanded by admiral gravina, and was intended to reinforce such part of the battle as should appear to require it; an object for which the windward position was of the utmost moment, as it was for all naval initiative in that day. this advantage the allies did not have on the morning of trafalgar. when villeneuve, therefore, formed the line of battle, these twelve ships were at once incorporated with it, taking the lead of their order as it stood to the southward, with the wind at west-northwest,--a long column stretching over five miles of sea from end to end. in a general sense, then, it may be said that, when daylight showed the enemies to each other, the british fleet was heading to the northward, and that of the allies to the southward; the latter being ten or twelve miles east of their opponents. in the far distance, cape trafalgar, from which the battle takes its name, was just visible against the eastern sky. at twenty minutes before seven nelson made in quick succession the signals, "to form the order of sailing,"--which by his previous instructions was to be the order of battle,--and "to prepare for battle." ten minutes later followed the command to "bear up," the "victory" setting the example by at once altering her course for the enemy. collingwood did the same, and the ships of the two divisions fell into the wake of their leaders as best they could, for the light wind afforded neither the means nor the time for refinements in manoeuvring. fourteen ships followed the "royal sovereign," which bore collingwood's flag, while the remaining twelve gathered in nelson's division behind the "victory."[ ] the two columns steered east, about a mile apart, that of nelson being to the northward; from which circumstance, the wind being west-northwest, it has been called commonly the weather line. thus, as ivanhoe, at the instant of encounter in the lists, shifted his lance from the shield to the casque of the templar, nelson, at the moment of engaging, changed the details of his plan, and substituted an attack in two columns, simultaneously made, for the charge of collingwood's division, in line and in superior numbers, upon the enemy's flank; to be followed, more or less quickly, according to indications, by such movement of his own division as might seem advisable. it will be observed, however, that the order of sailing remained the order of battle,--probably, although it is not so stated, the fleet was already thus disposed when the signal was made, needing only rectification after the derangements incident to darkness,--and further, that the general direction of attack continued the same, collingwood guiding his column upon the enemy's southern flank, while nelson pointed a few ships north of their centre. in this way was preserved the comprehensive aim which underlay the particular dispositions of his famous order: "the whole impression of the british fleet must be to overpower from two or three ships ahead of their commander-in-chief, supposed to be in the centre, to the rear of their fleet." the northern flank of the allies--ten or a dozen ships--was consequently left unengaged, unless by their own initiative they came promptly into action; which, it may be added, they did not do until after the battle was decided. when the development of the british movement was recognized by villeneuve, he saw that fighting was inevitable; and, wishing to keep cadiz, then twenty miles to the northward and eastward, under his lee, he ordered the combined fleets to wear together.[ ] the scanty wind which embarrassed the british impeded this manoeuvre also, so that it was not completed till near ten o'clock. nelson, however, noted its beginning at seven, and with grave concern; for not only would it put the allies nearer their port, as it was intended to do, but it would cause vessels crippled in the action to find to leeward of them, during the gale which he foresaw, the dangerous shoals off trafalgar instead of the open refuge of the straits. the appreciation of the peril thus entailed led him to make a signal for all the ships to be prepared to anchor after the battle, for it was not to be hoped that the spars of many of them would be in a condition to bear sail. the result of the allied movement was to invert their order. their ships, which had been steering south, now all headed north; the van became the rear; gravina, who had been leading the column, was in the rear ship; and it was upon this rear, but still the southern flank of the hostile array, that the weight of collingwood's attack was to fall. soon after daylight nelson, who, according to his custom, was already up and dressed, had gone on deck. he wore as usual his admiral's frock coat, on the left breast of which were stitched the stars of four different orders that he always bore. it was noticed that he did not wear his sword at trafalgar, although it lay ready for him on the cabin table; and it is supposed he forgot to call for it, as this was the only instance in which he was known not to carry it when engaged. at about six o'clock he summoned captain blackwood on board the "victory." this officer had had a hard fag during the past forty-eight hours, dogging the enemy's movements through darkness and mist; but that task was over, and his ambition now was to get command of one of two seventy-fours, whose captains had gone home with calder to give evidence at his trial. "my signal just made on board the victory," he wrote to his wife. "i hope to order me to a vacant line-of-battle ship." nelson's purpose, however, as far as stated by blackwood, was simply to thank him for the successful efforts of the past two days, and to have him by his side till the flagship came under fire, in order to receive final and precise instructions, as the situation developed, for the conduct of the frigates during and after the battle. to blackwood's congratulations upon the approach of the moment that he had, to use his own word, panted for, he replied: "i mean to-day to bleed the captains of the frigates, as i shall keep you on board to the very last moment." blackwood found him in good but very calm spirits, preoccupied with the movements of the allies, and the probable results of his own plan of attack. he frequently asked, "what would you consider a victory?" blackwood answered: "considering the handsome way in which the battle is offered by the enemy, their apparent determination for a fair trial of strength, and the proximity of the land, i think if fourteen ships are captured, it will be a glorious result." nelson's constant reply was that he would not be satisfied with anything short of twenty. he admitted, however, that the nearness of the land might make it difficult to preserve the prizes, and he was emphatic in directing that, if the shattered enemies had any chance of returning to cadiz, the frigates were to be actively employed in destroying them, and were not to be diverted from that single aim in order to save either ships or men. annihilation, he repeated, was his aim, and nothing short of it; and he must have regretted the absence of the six of the line in the mediterranean, imperative as that had been. word had been sent for them to gibraltar by blackwood the moment the enemy moved, but they were still away with the convoy. blackwood, being a great personal friend of the admiral, took the liberty, after exchanging greetings, of submitting to him the expediency of shifting his flag to the "euryalus," and conducting the battle from her. nelson made no reply, but immediately ordered more sail to be made upon the "victory." finding himself foiled in this, blackwood then made a direct request for the command of one of the two vacant seventy-fours. this would give him a chance to share in the fight, which in a frigate he probably would not have, but it would also displace the first lieutenant of the ship from the position to which he had succeeded temporarily. nelson replied instantly, "no, blackwood, it is those men's birthright, and they shall have it."[ ] the incident shows vividly the lively sympathy and sense of justice which ever distinguished nelson; for it must have pained him to deny a request so consonant to his own temper, coming from one whom he had long known and valued, both as a friend and as an officer, and of whose recent service such orders would have been a graceful and appropriate acknowledgment. it may be desirable to explain to unprofessional readers what was the claim of the lieutenants which nelson refused to ignore. the efficiency of the ships for the coming day's work was due to them scarcely less than to the absent captains, and if they survived the battle, having been in command through it, they would reap not only the honor but also their confirmation in the rank of post-captain, through having exercised it in actual battle. this succession the admiral aptly called their birthright. nelson availed himself of blackwood's presence to have him, together with hardy, witness his signature to a paper, in which he bequeathed lady hamilton and the child horatia to the care of the nation, and which consequently has been styled a codicil to his will. unless blackwood's memory a few years later was at fault, in stating that his signal was made at six o'clock,[ ] it is likely enough that this early summons was for the special purpose of giving formal completeness, by the attestation of two of his closest friends, to a private duty which was the last to engage nelson's attention and affections; for, in addition to the date, the place and hour of his writing are fixed by the words, "in sight of the combined fleets of france and spain, distant about ten miles." this was the common estimate of the relative positions, made by the british fleet at large at daybreak, and coincides fairly well with the inferences to be drawn, from the slow rate of speed at which the wind permitted the british to advance, and from the hour the conflict began. nor was there time, nor convenient room, for further delay. a freshening breeze might readily have brought the fleet into action in a couple of hours, and it is the custom in preparing for battle--the signal for which was made at . --to remove most of the conveniences, and arrangements for privacy, from the living spaces of the officers; partly to provide against their destruction, chiefly to clear away all impediments to fighting the guns, and to moving about the ship. in the case of the admiral, of course, much might be postponed to the last moment, but in fact his cabin was cleared of fixtures immediately after he went on the poop in the early morning; for it is distinctly mentioned that while there he gave particular directions in the matter, and enjoined great care in handling the portrait of lady hamilton, saying, "take care of my guardian angel." it seems, therefore, probable that this so-called codicil was written in the quiet minutes of the morning, while the fleet was forming its order of sailing and bearing up for the enemy, but before the admiral's cabin was cleared for battle. in it nelson first recounted, briefly but specifically, "the eminent services of emma hamilton" to the state, on two occasions, as believed by himself to have been rendered. into the actuality of these services it is not necessary here to inquire;[ ] it is sufficient to say that nelson's knowledge of them could not have been at first hand, and that the credence he unquestionably gave to them must have depended upon the evidence of others,--probably of lady hamilton herself, in whom he felt, and always expressed, the most unbounded confidence. "could i have rewarded these services," the paper concludes, "i would not now call upon my country; but as that has not been in my power, i leave emma lady hamilton, therefore, a legacy to my king and country, that they will give her an ample provision to maintain her rank in life. i also leave to the beneficence of my country my adopted daughter, horatia nelson thompson; and i desire she will use in future the name of nelson only. these are the only favours i ask of my king and country at this moment when i am going to fight their battle. may god bless my king and country, and all those who i hold dear. my relations it is needless to mention: they will of course be amply provided for." at seven o'clock nelson had returned from the poop to the cabin, for at that hour was made in his private journal the last entry of occurrences,--"at seven the combined fleets wearing in succession." here it seems likely that he laid down the pen, for, when he was found writing again, some hours later, it was to complete the long record of experiences and of duties, with words that summed up, in fit and most touching expression, the self-devotion of a life already entering the shadow of death. between eight and nine o'clock the other frigate commanders came on board the "victory;" aides-de-camp, as it were, waiting to the last moment to receive such orders as might require more extensive wording, or precise explanation, than is supplied by the sententious phrases of the signal-book. blackwood himself, a captain of long standing and of tried ability, was in fact intrusted contingently with no small share of the power and discretion of the commander-in-chief. "he not only gave me command of all the frigates, but he also gave me a latitude, seldom or ever given, that of making any use i pleased of his name, in ordering any of the sternmost line-of-battle ships to do what struck me as best." while thus waiting, the captains accompanied the admiral in an inspection which he made of the decks and batteries of the flagship. he addressed the crew at their several quarters, cautioned them against firing a single shot without being sure of their object, and to the officers he expressed himself as highly satisfied with the arrangements made. meanwhile the two fleets were forming, as best they could with the scanty breeze, the order in which each meant to meet the shock of battle. the british could not range themselves in regular columns without loss of time that was not to be thrown away. they advanced rather in two elongated groups, all under full sail, even to studding-sails on both sides, the place of each ship being determined chiefly by her speed, or, perhaps, by some fortuitous advantage of position when the movement began. the great point was to get the heads of the columns into action as soon as possible, to break up the enemy's order. that done, those which followed could be trusted to complete the business on the general lines prescribed by nelson. collingwood's ship, the "royal sovereign," being but a few days out from home, and freshly coppered, easily took the lead in her own division. after her came the "belleisle," also a recent arrival off cadiz, but an old mediterranean cruiser which had accompanied nelson in the recent chase to the west indies. upon these two ships, as upon the heads of all columns, fell the weight of destruction from the enemy's resistance. the "victory," always a fast ship, had likewise little difficulty in keeping her place at the front. blackwood, having failed to get nelson on board his own frigate, and realizing the exposure inseparable from the position of leader, ventured, at about half-past nine, when still six miles from the enemy, to urge that one or two ships should be permitted to precede the "victory." nelson gave a conditional assent--"let them go," if they can. the "téméraire," a three-decker, being close behind, was hailed to go ahead, and endeavored to do so; but at the same moment the admiral gave an indication of how little disposed he was to yield either time or position. the lee lower studding-sail happening to be badly set, the lieutenant of the forecastle had it taken in, meaning to reset it; which nelson observing, ran forward and rated him severely for delaying the ship's progress. anything much less useful than a lee lower studding-sail is hard to imagine, but by this time the admiral was getting very restive. "about ten o'clock," says blackwood, "lord nelson's anxiety to close with the enemy became very apparent: he frequently remarked that they put a good face upon it; but always quickly added: 'i'll give them such a dressing as they never had before.'" seeing that the "téméraire" could not pass the "victory" in time to lead into the hostile order, unless the flagship gave way, blackwood, feeling perhaps that he might wear out his own privilege, told hardy he ought to say to the admiral that, unless the "victory" shortened sail, the other ships could not get into place; but hardy naturally demurred. in any event, it was not just the sort of proposition that the captain of the ship would wish to make, and it was very doubtful how nelson might take it. this the latter soon showed, however; for, as the "téméraire" painfully crawled up, and her bows doubled on the "victory's" quarter, he hailed her, and speaking as he always did with a slight nasal intonation, said: "i'll thank you, captain harvey, to keep in your proper station, which is astern of the victory." the same concern for the admiral's personal safety led the assembled officers to comment anxiously upon the conspicuous mark offered by his blaze of decorations, knowing as they did that the enemy's ships swarmed with soldiers, that among them were many sharpshooters, and that the action would be close. none, however, liked to approach him with the suggestion that he should take any precaution. at length the surgeon, whose painful duty it was a few hours later to watch over the sad fulfilment of his apprehensions, said that he would run the risk of his lordship's displeasure; but before he could find a fitting opportunity to speak, a shot flew over the "victory," and the admiral directed all not stationed on deck to go to their quarters. no remark therefore was made; but it is more likely that nelson would have resented the warning than that he would have heeded it. the french and spanish fleets, being neither a homogeneous nor a well-exercised mass, experienced even greater difficulty than the british in forming their array; and the matter was to them of more consequence, for, as the defensive has an advantage in the careful preparations he may make, so, if he fail to accomplish them, he has little to compensate for the loss of the initiative, which he has yielded his opponent. the formation at which they aimed, the customary order of battle in that day, was a long, straight, single column, presenting from end to end an unbroken succession of batteries, close to one another and clear towards the foe, so that all the ships should sweep with their guns the sea over which, nearly at right angles, the hostile columns were advancing. instead of this, embarrassed by both lack of wind and lack of skill, their manoeuvres resulted in a curved line, concave to the enemy's approach; the horns of the crescent thus formed being nearer to the latter. collingwood noted that this disposition facilitated a convergent fire upon the assailants, the heads of whose columns were bearing down on the allied centre; it does not seem to have been remarked that the two horns, or wings, being to windward of the centre, also had it more in their power to support the latter--a consideration of very great importance. neither of these advantages, however, was due to contrivance. the order of the combined fleets was the result merely of an unsuccessful effort to assume the usual line of battle. the ships distributed along the crescent lay irregularly, sometimes two and three abreast, masking each other's fire. on the other hand, even this irregularity had some compensations, for a british vessel, attempting to pass through at such a place, fell at once into a swarm of enemies. from horn to horn was about five miles. owing to the lightness of the breeze, the allies carried a good deal of sail, a departure from the usual battle practice. this was necessary in order to enable them to keep their places at all, but it also had the effect of bringing them continually, though very gradually, nearer to cadiz. seeing this, nelson signalled to collingwood, "i intend to pass through the van of the enemy's line, to prevent him from getting into cadiz," and the course of the "victory," for this purpose, was changed a little to the northward. after this, towards eleven o'clock, nelson went below to the cabin. it was his habit, when an engagement was expected, to have all the bulkheads[ ] upon the fighting decks taken down, and those of his own apartments doubtless had been removed at least as soon as the enemy's sailing was signalled; but it was possible to obtain some degree of privacy by hanging screens, which could be hurried out of the way at the last moment. the "victory" did not come under fire till . , so that at eleven she would yet be three miles or more distant from the enemy,[ ] and screens could still remain. shortly, after he entered, the signal-lieutenant, who had been by his side all the morning, followed him, partly to make an official report, partly to prefer a personal request. he was the ranking lieutenant on board, but had not been permitted to exercise the duties of first lieutenant, because nelson some time before, to avoid constant changes in that important station, had ordered that the person then occupying it should so continue, notwithstanding the seniority of any who might afterwards join. now that battle was at hand, the oldest in rank wished to claim the position, and to gain the reward that it insured after a victory,--a request natural and not improper, but more suited for the retirement of the cabin than for the publicity of the deck. whatever the original injustice,--or rather hardship,--it is scarcely likely, remembering the refusal encountered by blackwood, that nelson would have consented now to deprive of his "birthright" the man who so far had been doing the work; but the petition was never preferred. entering the cabin, the officer paused at the threshold, for nelson was on his knees writing. the words, the last that he ever penned, were written in the private diary he habitually kept, in which were noted observations and reflections upon passing occurrences, mingled with occasional self-communings. they followed now, without break of space, or paragraph, upon the last incident recorded--"at seven the enemy wearing in succession"--and they ran thus:-- "may the great god, whom i worship, grant to my country, and for the benefit of europe in general, a great and glorious victory; and may no misconduct in any one tarnish it; and may humanity after victory be the predominant feature in the british fleet. for myself, individually, i commit my life to him who made me, and may his blessing light upon my endeavours for serving my country faithfully. to him i resign myself and the just cause which is entrusted to me to defend. amen. amen. amen." the officer, lieutenant pasco, waited quietly till nelson rose from his knees, and then made his necessary report; but, although his future prospects hung upon the wish he had to express, he refrained with singular delicacy from intruding it upon the preoccupation of mind evidenced by the attitude in which he had found his commander. the latter soon afterwards followed him to the poop, where blackwood was still awaiting his final instructions. to him nelson said, "i will now amuse the fleet with a signal;" and he asked if he did not think there was one yet wanting. blackwood replied that the whole fleet seemed very clearly to understand what they were about, and were vying with each other to get as near as possible to the leaders of the columns. upon this succeeded the celebrated signal, the development of which to its final wording is a little uncertain. comparing the various accounts of witnesses, it seems probably to have been as follows. nelson mused for a little while, as one who phrases a thought in his own mind before uttering it, and then said, "suppose we telegraph 'nelson confides that every man will do his duty.'" in this form it was the call of the leader to the followers, the personal appeal of one who trusts to those in whom he trusts, a feeling particularly characteristic of the speaker, whose strong hold over others lay above all in the transparent and unswerving faith he showed in their loyal support; and to arouse it now in full force he used the watchword "duty," sure that the chord it struck in him would find its quick response in every man of the same blood. the officer to whom the remark was made, suggested "england" instead of "nelson." to the fleet it could have made no difference,--to them the two names meant the same thing; but nelson accepted the change with delight. "mr. pasco," he called to the signal officer, "i wish to say to the fleet, 'england confides that every man will do his duty;'" and he added, "you must be quick, for i have one more to make, which is for close action." this remark shows that the columns, and particularly collingwood's ship, were already nearing the enemy. pasco answered, "if your lordship will permit me to substitute 'expects' for 'confides,' it will be sooner completed, because 'expects' is in the vocabulary,[ ] and 'confides' must be spelt." nelson replied hastily, but apparently satisfied, "that will do, pasco, make it directly;" but the slightly mandatory "expects" is less representative of the author of this renowned sentence than the cordial and sympathetic "confides." it is "allez," rather than "allons;" yet even so, become now the voice of the distant motherland, it carries with it the shade of reverence, as well as of affection, which patriotism exacts. it is said that collingwood, frequently testy, and at the moment preoccupied with the approaching collision with the spanish three-decker he had marked for his opponent, exclaimed impatiently when the first number went aloft, "i wish nelson would stop signalling, as we know well enough what we have to do." but the two life-long friends, who were not again to look each other in the face, soon passed to other thoughts, such as men gladly recall when death has parted them. when the whole signal was reported to him, and cheers resounded along the lines, collingwood cordially expressed his own satisfaction. a few moments later, just at noon, the french ship "fougueux," the second astern of the "santa ana," for which the "royal sovereign" was steering, fired at the latter the first gun of the battle. as by a common impulse the ships of all the nations engaged hoisted their colors, and the admirals their flags,--a courteous and chivalrous salute preceding the mortal encounter. for ten minutes the "royal sovereign" advanced in silence, the one centre of the hostile fire, upon which were fixed all eyes, as yet without danger of their own to distract. as she drew near the two ships between which she intended to pass, nelson exclaimed admiringly, "see how that noble fellow collingwood carries his ship into action." at about the same instant collingwood was saying to his flag-captain, "rotherham, what would nelson give to be here!" these things being done, nelson said to blackwood, "now i can do no more. we must trust to the great disposer of all events, and to the justice of our cause. i thank god for this great opportunity of doing my duty." when his last signal had been acknowledged by a few ships in the van, the admiral directed pasco to make that for close action, and to keep it up. this was accordingly hoisted on board the flagship, where it was flying still as she disappeared into the smoke of the battle, and so remained till shot away. the "victory" was about two miles from the "royal sovereign" when the latter, at ten minutes past twelve, broke through the allied order, and she had still a mile and a half to go before she herself could reach it. at twenty minutes past twelve villeneuve's flagship, the "bucentaure," of eighty guns, fired a shot at her, to try the range. it fell short. a few minutes later a second was fired, which dropped alongside. the distance then was a mile and a quarter. two or three followed in rapid succession and passed over the "victory." nelson then turned to blackwood, and directed him and captain prowse of the "sirius" to return to their ships, but in so doing to pass along the column and tell the captains he depended upon their exertions to get into action as quickly as possible. he then bade them again to go away. blackwood, who was standing by him at the forward end of the poop, took his hand, and said, "i trust, my lord, that on my return to the victory, which will be as soon as possible, i shall find your lordship well and in possession of twenty prizes." nelson replied, "god bless you, blackwood, i shall never speak to you again." the "victory" was all the time advancing, the feeble breeze urging her progress, which was helped also by her lurching through the heavy following swell that prevailed. before blackwood could leave her, a shot passed through the main-topgallantsail, and the rent proclaimed to the eager eyes of the foes that the ship was fairly under their guns. thereupon everything about the "bucentaure," some seven or eight ships, at least, opened upon this single enemy, as the allied rear and centre had upon the "royal sovereign;" for it was imperative to stop her way, if possible, or at least to deaden it, and so to delay as long as might be the moment when she could bring her broadside to bear effectively. during the forty minutes that followed, the "victory" was an unresisting target to her enemies, and her speed, slow enough at the first, decreased continually as the hail of shot riddled the sails, or stripped them from the yards. every studding-sail boom was shot away close to the yard arms, and this light canvas, invaluable in so faint a wind, fell helplessly into the water. during these trying moments, mr. scott, the admiral's public secretary, was struck by a round shot while talking with captain hardy, and instantly killed. those standing by sought to remove the body without drawing nelson's attention to the loss of one so closely associated with him; but the admiral had noticed the fall. "is that poor scott," he said, "who is gone?" the clerk who took the dead man's place was killed a few moments later by the wind of a ball, though his person was untouched. the "victory" continuing to forge slowly ahead, despite her injuries, and pointing evidently for the flagship of the hostile commander-in-chief, the ships round the latter, to use james's striking phrase, now "closed like a forest." the nearer the british vessel drew, the better necessarily became the enemies' aim. just as she got within about five hundred yards--quarter of a mile--from the "bucentaure's" beam, the mizzen topmast was shot away. at the same time the wheel was hit and shattered, so that the ship had to be steered from below, a matter that soon became of little importance. a couple of minutes more, eight marines were carried off by a single projectile, while standing drawn up on the poop, whereupon nelson ordered the survivors to be dispersed about the deck. presently a shot coming in through the ship's side ranged aft on the quarter-deck towards the admiral and captain hardy, between whom it passed. on its way it struck the fore-brace bitts--a heavy block of timber--carrying thence a shower of splinters, one of which bruised hardy's foot. the two officers, who were walking together, stopped, and looked inquiringly at each other. seeing that no harm was done, nelson smiled, but said, "this is too warm work, hardy, to last long." he then praised the cool resolution of the seamen around him, compelled to endure this murderous fire without present reply. he had never, he said, seen better conduct. twenty men had so far been killed and thirty wounded, with not a shot fired from their own guns. still the ship closed the "bucentaure." it had been nelson's purpose and desire to make her his special antagonist, because of villeneuve's flag; but to do so required room for the "victory" to turn under the french vessel's stern, and to come up alongside. as she drew near, hardy, scanning the hostile array, saw three ships crowded together behind and beyond the "bucentaure." he reported to nelson that he could go close under her stern, but could not round-to alongside, nor pass through the line, without running on board one of these. the admiral replied, "i cannot help it, it does not signify which we run on board of. go on board which you please: take your choice." at one o'clock the bows of the "victory" crossed the wake of the "bucentaure," by whose stern she passed within thirty feet, the projecting yard arms grazing the enemy's rigging. one after another, as they bore, the double-shotted guns tore through the woodwork of the french ship, the smoke, driven back, filling the lower decks of the "victory," while persons on the upper deck, including nelson himself, were covered with the dust which rose in clouds from the wreck. from the relative positions of the two vessels, the shot ranged from end to end of the "bucentaure," and the injury was tremendous. twenty guns were at once dismounted, and the loss by that single discharge was estimated, by the french, at four hundred men. leaving the further care of the enemy's flagship to her followers, secure that they would give due heed to the admiral's order, that "every effort must be made to capture the hostile commander-in-chief," the "victory" put her helm up, inclining to the right, and ran on board a french seventy-four, the "redoutable," whose guns, as well as those of the french "neptune," had been busily playing upon her hitherto. at . she lay along the port side of the "redoutable," the two ships falling off with their heads to the eastward, and moving slowly before the wind to the east-southeast. in the duel which ensued between these two, in which nelson fell, the disparity, so far as weight of battery was concerned, was all against the french ship; but the latter, while greatly overmatched at the guns, much the greater part of which were below deck, was markedly superior to her antagonist in small-arm fire on the upper deck, and especially aloft, where she had many musketeers stationed. nelson himself was averse to the employment of men in that position, thinking the danger of fire greater than the gain, but the result on this day was fatal to very many of the "victory's" men as well as to himself. as the ship's place in the battle was fixed for the moment, nothing now remained to be done, except for the crews to ply their weapons till the end was reached. the admiral and the captain, their parts of direction and guidance being finished, walked back and forth together on the quarter-deck, on the side farthest from the "redoutable," where there was a clear space of a little over twenty feet in length, fore and aft, from the wheel to the hatch ladder leading down to the cabin. the mizzen-top of the "redoutable," garnished with sharpshooters, was about fifty feet above them. fifteen minutes after the vessels came together, as the two officers were walking forward, and had nearly reached the usual place of turning, nelson, who was on hardy's left, suddenly faced left about. hardy, after taking a step farther, turned also, and saw the admiral in the act of falling--on his knees, with his left hand touching the deck; then, the arm giving way, he fell on his left side. it was in the exact spot where scott, the secretary, had been killed an hour before. to hardy's natural exclamation that he hoped he was not badly hurt, he replied, "they have done for me at last;" and when the expression of hope was repeated, he said again, "yes, my back-bone is shot through." "i felt it break my back," he told the surgeon, a few minutes later. the ball had struck him on the left shoulder, on the forward part of the epaulette, piercing the lung, where it severed a large artery, and then passed through the spine from left to right, lodging finally in the muscles of the back. although there was more than one mortal injury, the immediate and merciful cause of his speedy death was the internal bleeding from the artery. within a few moments of his wounding some forty officers and men were cut down by the same murderous fire from the tops of the enemy. indeed so stripped of men was the upper deck of the "victory" that the french made a movement to board, which was repulsed, though with heavy loss. the stricken hero was at once carried below, himself covering his face and the decorations of his coat with his handkerchief, that the sight of their loss might not affect the ship's company at this critical instant. the cockpit was already cumbered with the wounded and dying, but the handkerchief falling from his face, the surgeon recognized him, and came at once to him. "you can do nothing for me, beatty," he said; "i have but a short time to live." the surgeon also uttered the involuntary exclamation of encouragement, which rises inevitably to the lips at such a moment; but a short examination, and the sufferer's statement of his sensations, especially the gushing of blood within the breast, which was vividly felt, convinced him that there was indeed no hope. "doctor, i am gone," he said to the rev. mr. scott, the chaplain, who knelt beside him; and then added in a low voice, "i have to leave lady hamilton, and my adopted daughter horatia, as a legacy to my country." after the necessary examination had been made, nothing further could be done, nor was attempted, than to obtain the utmost possible relief from suffering. dr. scott and the purser of the "victory" sustained the bed under his shoulders, raising him into a semi-recumbent posture, the only one that was supportable to him, and fanned him; while others gave him the cooling drink--lemonade--which he continually demanded. those about did not speak to him, except when addressed; but the chaplain, to whom nelson frequently said, "pray for me, doctor," ejaculated with him short prayers from time to time. the agony of mortal pain wrung from him repeated utterance, though no unmanly complaint; and his thoughts dwelt more upon home and the battle than upon his own suffering and approaching death. his mind remained clear until he became speechless, about fifteen minutes before he passed away, and he took frequent notice of what occurred near him, as well as of sounds on deck. the hour that succeeded his wounding was the decisive one of the fight; not that the issue admitted of much doubt, after once nelson's plans had received fulfilment, and the battle joined,--unless the delinquent van of the allies had acted promptly,--but in those moments the work was done which was thenceforth, for the enemy, beyond repair. overhead, therefore, the strife went on incessantly, the seamen toiling steadily at their guns, and cheering repeatedly. near the admiral lay lieutenant pasco, severely but not fatally wounded. at one burst of hurrahs, nelson asked eagerly what it was about; and pasco replying that another ship had struck, he expressed his satisfaction. soon he became very anxious for further and more exact information of the course of the battle, and about the safety of captain hardy, upon whom now was devolved such guidance as the fleet, until the action was over, must continue to receive from the flagship of the commander-in-chief. in accordance with his wishes many messages were sent to hardy to come to him, but for some time it was not possible for that officer to leave the deck. during this period, up to between half-past two and three, the ships of the two british divisions, that followed the leaders, were breaking successively into the enemy's order, and carrying out with intelligent precision the broad outlines of nelson's instructions. the heads of the columns had dashed themselves to pieces, like a forlorn hope, against the overpowering number of foes which opposed their passage--an analysis of the returns shows that upon the four ships which led, the "victory" and "téméraire," the "royal sovereign" and "belleisle," fell one-third of the entire loss in a fleet of twenty-seven sail. but they had forced their way through, and by the sacrifice of themselves had shattered and pulverized the local resistance, destroyed the coherence of the hostile line, and opened the road for the successful action of their followers. with the appearance of the latter upon the scene, succeeded shortly by the approach of the allied van, though too late and in disorder, began what may be called the second and final phase of the battle. while such things were happening the deck could not be left by hardy, who, for the time being, was commander-in-chief as well as captain. shortly after nelson fell, the "téméraire" had run on board the "redoutable" on the other side, and the french "fougueux" upon the "téméraire," so that for a few minutes the four ships were fast together, in the heat of the fight. about quarter past two, the "victory" was shoved clear, and lay with her head to the northward, though scarcely with steerage way. the three others remained in contact with their heads to the southward. while this _mêlée_ was in progress, the french flagship "bucentaure" surrendered, at five minutes past two; but, before hauling down the flag, villeneuve made a signal to his recreant van,--"the ships that are not engaged, take positions which will bring them most rapidly under fire." thus summoned, the ten vessels which constituted the van began to go about, as they should have done before; and, although retarded by the slack wind, they had got their heads to the southward by half-past two. five stood to leeward of the line of battle, but five to windward. the latter would pass not far to the westward of the "victory," and to meet this fresh attack demanded the captain's further care, and postponed his going to the death-bed of his chief. the latter had become very agitated at the delay, thinking that hardy might be dead and the news kept from him. "will nobody bring hardy to me?" he frequently exclaimed. "he must be killed; he is surely destroyed." at last a midshipman came down with the message that "circumstances respecting the fleet required the captain's presence on deck, but that he would take the first favourable moment to visit his lordship." nelson, hearing the voice, asked who it was that spoke. the lad, bulkeley, who later in the day was wounded also, was the son of a former shipmate in the far back days of the san juan expedition, and the dying admiral charged the lad with a remembrance to his father. two ships of nelson's column, as yet not engaged,--the "spartiate" and the "minotaur,"--were then just reaching the scene. being in the extreme rear, the lightness of the breeze had so far delayed them. arriving thus opportunely, they hauled to the wind so as to interpose between the "victory" and the approaching van of the allies. covered now by two wholly fresh ships, the captain felt at liberty to quit the deck, in accordance with nelson's desire. the two tried friends--hardy had been everywhere with him since the day of st. vincent, and was faithful enough to speak to lady hamilton more freely than she liked--shook hands affectionately. "well, hardy," said nelson, "how goes the battle? how goes the day with us?" "very well, my lord," replied hardy. "we have got twelve or fourteen of the enemy's ships in our possession, but five of their van have tacked, and show an intention of bearing down upon the victory. i have therefore called two or three of our fresh ships round us, and have no doubt of giving them a drubbing." "i hope none of _our_ ships have struck, hardy." "no, my lord," was the answer, "there is no fear of that." nelson then said, "i am a dead man, hardy. i am going fast: it will be all over with me soon. come nearer to me. pray let my dear lady hamilton have my hair, and all other things belonging to me." hardy observed that he hoped mr. beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life. "oh no!" replied nelson; "it is impossible. my back is shot through. beatty will tell you so." hardy then returned to the deck, shaking hands again before parting. nelson now desired the surgeons to leave him to the attendants, as one for whom nothing could be done, and to give their professional care where it would be of some avail. in a few moments he recalled the chief surgeon, and said, "i forgot to tell you that all power of motion and feeling below my breast are gone; and _you_ very well _know_ i can live but a short time." from the emphasis he placed on his words, the surgeon saw he was thinking of a case of spinal injury to a seaman some months before, which had proved mortal after many days' suffering; yet it would seem that, despite the conviction that rested on his mind, the love of life, and of all it meant to him, yet clung to the hope that possibly there might be a reprieve. "one would like to live a little longer," he murmured; and added, "what would become of poor lady hamilton if she knew my situation!" "beatty," he said again, "_you know_ i am gone." "my lord," replied the surgeon, with a noble and courteous simplicity, "unhappily for our country, nothing can be done for you;" and he turned away to conceal the emotion which he could not at once control. "i know it," said nelson. "i feel something rising in my breast," putting his hand on his left side, "which tells me i am gone. god be praised, i have done my duty." to this latter thought he continually recurred. at about three o'clock, the five ships of the enemy's van, passing within gunshot to windward,[ ] opened fire upon the british ships and their prizes. the "victory" with her consorts replied. "oh, victory! victory!" cried the sufferer, "how you distract my poor brain!" and after a pause added, "how dear life is to all men!" this distant exchange of shots was ineffectual, except to kill or wound a few more people, but while it continued hardy had to be on deck, for the flag of the commander-in-chief still vested his authority in that ship. during this period an officer was sent to collingwood to inform him of the admiral's condition, and to bear a personal message of farewell from the latter; but nelson had no idea of transferring any portion of his duty until he parted with his life also. a short hour elapsed between hardy's leaving the cockpit and his returning to it, which brings the time to four o'clock. strength had ebbed fast meanwhile, and the end was now very near; but nelson was still conscious. the friends again shook hands, and the captain, before releasing his grasp, congratulated the dying hero upon the brilliancy of the victory. it was complete, he said. how many were captured, it was impossible to see, but he was certain fourteen or fifteen. the exact number proved to be eighteen. "that is well," said nelson, but added, faithful to his exhaustive ideas of sufficiency, "i bargained for twenty." then he exclaimed, "_anchor_, hardy, _anchor_!" hardy felt the embarrassment of issuing orders now that collingwood knew that his chief was in the very arms of death; but nelson was clearly within his rights. "i suppose, my lord," said the captain, "admiral collingwood will now take upon himself the direction of affairs." "not while i live, i hope, hardy," cried nelson, and for a moment endeavored, ineffectually, to raise himself from the bed. "no. do _you_ anchor, hardy." captain hardy then said, "shall we make the signal, sir?" "yes," answered the admiral, "for if i live, i'll anchor." these words he repeated several times, even after hardy had left him, and the energy of his manner showed that for the moment the sense of duty and of responsibility had triumphed over his increasing weakness. reaction of course followed, and he told hardy he felt that in a few minutes he should be no more. "don't throw me overboard," he added; "you know what to do." hardy having given assurance that these wishes should be attended to, nelson then said, "take care of my dear lady hamilton, hardy: take care of poor lady hamilton. kiss me, hardy." the captain knelt down and kissed his cheek. "now i am satisfied. thank god, i have done my duty." hardy rose and stood looking silently at him for an instant or two, then knelt down again and kissed his forehead. "who is that?" asked nelson. the captain answered, "it is hardy;" to which his lordship replied, "god bless you, hardy!" the latter then returned to the quarter-deck, having passed about eight minutes in this final interview. nelson now desired his steward, who was in attendance throughout, to turn him on his right side. "i wish i had not left the deck," he murmured; "for i shall soon be gone." thenceforth he sank rapidly; his breathing became oppressed and his voice faint. to dr. scott he said, "doctor, i have _not_ been a _great_ sinner," and after a short pause, "_remember_, that i leave lady hamilton and my daughter horatia as a legacy to my country--never forget horatia." this injunction, with remembrances to lady hamilton and the child, he frequently repeated; and he charged scott to see mr. rose, and tell him--but here pain interrupted his utterance, and after an interval he simply said, "mr. rose will remember," alluding to a letter which he had written him, but which as yet could not have been received. his thirst now increased; and he called for "drink, drink," "fan, fan," and "rub, rub," addressing himself in this last case to dr. scott, who had been rubbing his breast with his hand, by which some relief was given. these words he spoke in a very rapid manner, which rendered his articulation difficult; but he every now and then, with evident increase of pain, made a greater effort, and said distinctly, "thank god, i have done my duty." this he repeated at intervals as long as the power of speech remained. the last words caught by dr. scott, who was bending closely over him, were, "god and my country." fifteen minutes after hardy left him for the second time, the admiral became speechless; and when this had continued five minutes, the surgeon, who was busied among the other wounded, was summoned again. he found him upon the verge of dissolution, the hands cold and the pulse gone; but upon laying his hand upon his forehead, nelson opened his eyes, looked up, and then closed them forever. five minutes later he was dead. the passing was so quiet that dr. scott, still rubbing his breast, did not perceive it, until the surgeon announced that all was over. it was half-past four o'clock, just three hours after the fatal wound was received. not till an hour later did the last of the eighteen prizes strike, and firing cease altogether; but the substantial results were known to nelson before consciousness left him. to quote the rugged words of the "victory's" log, "partial firing continued until . , when a victory having been reported to the right honourable lord viscount nelson, k.b., he died of his wound." of the five ships of the allied van which passed to windward of the "victory," one was cut off and captured by the "minotaur" and "spartiate." the other four continued on the wind to the southwest, and escaped to sea. by the surrender of villeneuve the chief command of the combined fleets remained with the spanish admiral gravina. the latter, at quarter before five, fifteen minutes after nelson breathed his last, retreated upon cadiz, making signal for the vessels which had not struck to rally round his flag. ten other ships, five french and five spanish,--in all eleven sail-of-the-line,--made good their escape into the port. "before sunset," wrote an eye-witness on board the "belleisle," "all firing had ceased. the view of the fleet at this period was highly interesting, and would have formed a beautiful subject for a painter. just under the setting rays were five or six dismantled prizes; on one hand lay the victory with part of our fleet and prizes, and on the left hand the royal sovereign and a similar cluster of ships. to the northward, the remnant of the combined fleets was making for cadiz. the achille, with the tricoloured ensign still displayed, had burnt to the water's edge about a mile from us, and our tenders and boats were using every effort to save the brave fellows who had so gloriously defended her; but only two hundred and fifty were rescued, and she blew up with a tremendous explosion." there, surrounded by the companions of his triumph, and by the trophies of his prowess, we leave our hero with his glory. sharer of our mortal weakness, he has bequeathed to us a type of single-minded self-devotion that can never perish. as his funeral anthem proclaimed, while a nation mourned, "his body is buried in peace, but his name liveth for evermore." wars may cease, but the need for heroism shall not depart from the earth, while man remains man and evil exists to be redressed. wherever danger has to be faced or duty to be done, at cost to self, men will draw inspiration from the name and deeds of nelson. happy he who lives to finish all his task. the words, "i have done my duty," sealed the closed book of nelson's story with a truth broader and deeper than he himself could suspect. his duty was done, and its fruit perfected. other men have died in the hour of victory, but for no other has victory so singular and so signal graced the fulfilment and ending of a great life's work. "finis coronat opus" has of no man been more true than of nelson. there were, indeed, consequences momentous and stupendous yet to flow from the decisive supremacy of great britain's sea-power, the establishment of which, beyond all question or competition, was nelson's great achievement; but his part was done when trafalgar was fought. the coincidence of his death with the moment of completed success has impressed upon that superb battle a stamp of finality, an immortality of fame, which even its own grandeur scarcely could have insured. he needed, and he left, no successor. to use again st. vincent's words, "there is but one nelson." footnotes: [ ] the name thompson was spelled by nelson indifferently with or without the "p", which, as nicolas observes, confirms the belief that it was fictitious. the fact is singular; for, from a chance remark of his, it appears that he meant it to be thomson. (morrison, letter no. .) [ ] the author is indebted for this anecdote to mr. edgar goble, of fareham, hants, whose father, thomas goble, then secretary to captain hardy, was present at the table. [ ] one sixty-four, the "africa," had separated to the northward during the night, and joined in the battle by passing alone along the enemy's line, much of the time under fire. she belonged, therefore, to nelson's column, and cooperated with it during the day. [ ] nelson in his journal wrote: "the enemy wearing _in succession_." as the allies' order was reversed, however, it is evident that he meant merely that the ships wore one after the other, from rear to van, but in their respective stations, each waiting till the one astern had, to use the old phrase, "marked her manoeuvre,"--a precaution intended to prevent collisions, though it necessarily extended the line. [ ] the author is indebted for these incidents to admiral sir w.r. mends, g.c.b., who received them from the second baronet, sir henry m. blackwood, when serving with him as first lieutenant. [ ] the "euryalus's" log gives eight o'clock as the hour of the captain's going on board the "victory;" but blackwood not only says six, but also mentions that his stay on board lasted five and a half hours, which gives about the same time for going on board. the other frigate captains did not go till eight. blackwood, as the senior, might need a fuller and longer continued interview, because the general direction of the frigate squadron would be in his hands; or nelson might particularly desire the presence of a close professional friend, the captains of the ships-of-the-line having their hands now full of preparations. [ ] the question of lady hamilton's services on the occasions mentioned by nelson, vigorously asserted by herself, has been exhaustively discussed by professor john knox laughton, in the "united service magazine" for april and may, . his conclusions are decisively adverse to her claims. [ ] see _ante_, p. . [ ] that is, with a one and a half knot breeze. [ ] the vocabulary of the telegraphic signal book provides certain words which can be signalled by a single number. words not in this vocabulary must be spelled letter by letter,--each letter of the alphabet having its own number. [ ] that is, to the westward. index. aboukir, bay, island, promontory, and castle, i. , , - , ; ii. , , . aboukir, battle of, ii. . acton, sir john, prime minister of the kingdom of the two sicilies, i. , , , , , , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , . addington (afterwards lord sidmouth), prime minister of great britain, - , nelson's intercourse with, i. ; ii. , , , , - , , , , , , , , , . adriatic, importance to the communications of the austrians in italy, i. , ; british concern in, , ii. , , ; napoleon's interest in, , , ; resort of privateers, , . "agamemnon," british ship-of-the-line, nelson ordered to command her, i. ; relation to his career, - ; action with four french frigates, , ; engages the batteries at bastia, , ; action with the "Ça ira," french -gun ship, - ; engagement of march , , ; engagement of july , - ; services at genoa, - ; on the opening of bonaparte's campaign, , - ; nelson leaves her for the "captain," seventy-four, , ; she sails for england, ; subsequent history, ; misfortune at the battle of copenhagen, ii. ; joins the fleet shortly before trafalgar, . "albemarle," british frigate commanded by nelson, i. - . alexandria, nelson's first voyage to, i. - ; second voyage, , ; blockaded, ; nelson's third voyage to, ii. , . algiers, bonaparte's designs upon, ii. ; nelson's difficulties with, - . "amazon," british frigate, services at copenhagen, ii. , , , ; subsequent mention, , - , , , . amiens, peace of, signature of, ii. ; nelson's home life during, - ; rupture of, . "amphion," british frigate, nelson's passage to mediterranean in, ii. - ; leaves her for the "victory," . archduke charles, nelson's meeting with, at prague, ii. . austria and austrians, result of campaign of in holland and germany, ; in italy, ; delay in opening campaign of in italy, ; their advance to vado bay, on the riviera, ; nelson ordered to co-operate with, , ; their disregard of genoese neutrality, ; position of, in summer of , ; inability, or unwillingness to advance, , , ; their attitude towards the british, , , ; growing insecurity of their position, , , , ; attacked and defeated by french at battle of loano, ; retreat across the apennines, ; urged by nelson to reoccupy vado in , , ; their advance under beaulieu, - ; nelson's assurances to, ; defeat by bonaparte, , ; driven into the tyrol, and behind the adige, ; besieged in mantua, ; advance under wurmser to relieve mantua, ; nelson's hopes therefrom, - ; hears of their defeat again, , ; the peace of campo formio between austria and france, , ; dissatisfaction of austria with france, , ; effect of their position in upper italy upon french operations, ; attitude towards france and naples, , ; nelson's judgment on, , ; alliance with russia, , ; successes in , , , , ii. , , ; reverses, ; capture of genoa, , ; defeat at marengo, ; abandon northern italy, ; nelson's visit to, - ; peace with france, , , ; exhaustion of, - , ; nelson's remonstrance with, on failure to enforce her neutrality, . ball, sir alexander j., british captain, letter to nelson, i. ; joins nelson's division at gibraltar, ; services in saving the flagship, ; advice asked by nelson, ; at the battle of the nile, , - ; accompanies nelson to naples, ; gallantry towards lady hamilton, ; serves ashore at malta, , - , ii. , , , , ; mentions with unbelief reports about nelson and lady hamilton, i. ; summoned to join nelson upon the incursion of admiral bruix, - , ; ordered to resume duties at malta, ; mention of nelson in letters to lady hamilton, ii. , ; visits nelson at merton, ; anecdote of nelson told by him, ; letters from nelson to, , , - , , , , , , ; opinion as to french objects in , ; nelson's testy vexation with, ; opinion as to the management of coast lookout stations, , note. barbary states. _see_ algiers, tripoli, tunis. barham, lord, nelson's interview with, as comptroller of the navy, i. ; first lord of the admiralty, ii. and note, , , ; nelson's interviews with, , ; nelson's letters to, , , , . bastia, town in corsica, in possession of french, i. ; blockade of, by nelson, , ; engagement with batteries of, ; description of, ; nelson's opinion as to besieging, - , ; siege of, - ; capitulation of, ; nelson's estimate as to his own services at, , , ; nelson directed to superintend evacuation of, by british, ; evacuation of, - . battles, land, mentioned: aboukir, ii. ; castiglione, i. , ; hohenlinden, ii. ; loano, i. ; marengo, ii. ; novi, . battles, naval, mentioned: calder's action, ii. , , , ; camperdown, i. ; copenhagen, ii. - , , - ; first of june (lord howe's), i. , ; july , , i. - ; march , , i. - ; the nile, i. - ; st. vincent, i. - ; trafalgar, ii. - . beatty, dr., surgeon of the "victory," account of nelson's habits and health, ii. - and note; present at nelson's death, , , , , . beaulieu, austrian general, commands the army in italy, , i. ; defeated by bonaparte, and driven into the tyrol, - , . beckford, william, opinion of lady hamilton, i. ; visited by nelson at fonthill, ii. - ; anecdote of nelson, . berry, sir edward, british captain, accompanies nelson in boarding the "san nicolas" and "san josef," i. - , ; commands nelson's flagship, the "vanguard," ; account of the campaign of the nile (quoted), , , , , ; at the battle of the nile, , , ; sent to england with despatches, ; commands the "foudroyant" at the capture of the "généreux," ii. - ; at the capture of the "guillaume tell," , ; commands the "agamemnon" at trafalgar, ; numerous services of, . bickerton, sir richard, british admiral, commands in the "mediterranean" when war with france begins, , ii. ; second in command to nelson, - , , , , , , , , ; left in command by nelson, upon his departure for the west indies, , , ; joins collingwood before cadiz, ; returns to england, ill, just before trafalgar, . blackwood, sir henry, british captain, distinguished part taken in the capture of the "guillaume tell," ii. , ; arrives in london with news that the combined fleets are in cadiz, ; interviews with nelson, ; commands advanced squadron of frigates off cadiz, , , , - ; last day spent with nelson, - , - ; witnesses the "codicil" to nelson's will, , ; special mark of confidence shown him by nelson, ; nelson's farewell to him, . bolton, susannah, nelson's sister, relations of, with lady nelson and lady hamilton, ii. , . bonaparte, napoleon, decisive influence of nelson upon the career of, i. , , , ii. , , , , - , , , , , ; indicates the key of the defences of toulon, i. ; opinions upon operations in italy, , , , , , , - , , , ; command of army of italy, ; defeats beaulieu, advances to the adige, and establishes the french position in northern italy, - , , , ; fortifies the coastline of the riviera, , , ; seizes leghorn, - , ; contrasted with nelson, - , , ii. , , ; overthrows wurmser, i. , , ; effect of his campaign in italy upon the career of nelson, , , ; forces genoa to close her ports to great britain, ; sails on the egyptian expedition, , , , , - , - ; landing in egypt, ; nelson's appreciation of the effect upon, by the battle of the nile, , , , , ii. - ; expedition into syria, ; escape from egypt to france, , , after defeating a turkish army in aboukir bay, ; defeats austrians at marengo, ; influence upon the formation of the baltic coalition, , ; threats of invading england, , - ; his dominant situation on the continent in , - ; firmness of intention to invade england, - , - , , , ; his policy and nelson's counter projects, - ; nelson's singularly accurate prediction of future of, , ; nelson's intuitive recognition of probable action of, , ; vast combinations for invasion of england, - , , ; his understanding of the value of sea-power evidenced, . "boreas," british frigate, commanded by nelson, - , i. - . brereton, british general, erroneous information sent to nelson, ii. - ; nelson's expressions of annoyance, , , , ; comment upon his mistake, , note. bronté, duke of, sicilian title and estate conferred upon nelson, ii. ; his form of signature afterwards, and note. brueys, french admiral, commander-in-chief at the battle of the nile, i. ; his dispositions for action, - . bruix, french admiral, commander-in-chief of a french fleet entering the mediterranean from brest, i. , , , , ; effect of his approach upon proceedings in naples, , , ; his return to brest, , ; nelson's comment upon his conduct, ii. . "bucentaure," french flagship at trafalgar, nelson's encounter with, ii. - ; surrender of, . cadiz, nelson's visit to, i. - ; his operations before, under jervis, - , - ; his watch before, prior to trafalgar, ii. , - ; effect of position of, upon the battle of trafalgar, , , , . "Ça ira," french ship-of-the-line, nelson's action with, in the "agamemnon," i. - ; his credit for, . calder, sir robert, british admiral, captain of the fleet at the battle of st. vincent, i. , ; his indecisive action with the allied fleets, in , ii. , ; popular outcry against, , , , ; nelson's relations with, , , , , - ; recalled to england for trial, . calvi, town in corsica, nelson at the siege of, i. - ; loses there his right eye, , . canary islands. _see_ teneriffe. capel, thomas b., british captain, bearer of despatches after the battle of the nile, i. , ; mentioned, , note, ii. . "captain," british ship-of-the-line, carries nelson's broad pendant as commodore, i. ; at the battle of st. vincent, - ; injuries received there, ; nelson quits her for the "theseus," , . caracciolo, francesco, commodore in the neapolitan navy, wounded feelings at the distrust of his court, i. ; accompanies the flight to palermo, obtains leave to return to naples, and joins the insurgents there, ; apprehension, trial, and execution of, ; comments upon nelson's part in this transaction, - . castlereagh, lord, british minister, nelson's shrewd prediction to him of the results of the orders in council affecting neutral flags, and of the license system, ii. . clarence, duke of. _see_ william henry. codrington, edward, british captain, expressions quoted: about nelson's seamanship, i. ; his family ties and love of glory, , ii. ; appearance of nelson's ships, ; graciousness of nelson's bearing, . collingwood, cuthbert, british admiral, close connection between his career and that of nelson, i. , ; strong expression of regard for nelson, ; association with nelson in the west indies, and note, , ; at the battle of cape st. vincent, , , , , ; strong expression upon the credit due to nelson, ; his account of nelson's cold reception at court, in , ii. ; sent from england to west indies in , ; hearing that nelson is gone thither, takes position off cadiz instead, ; correspondence with nelson on his return, - ; left by nelson in charge off cadiz, , ; force collected under, when allies enter cadiz, ; characteristics, ; part assigned to, by nelson, for trafalgar, - ; his part at trafalgar, - , , , , ; nelson's praise of, ; his sympathy with nelson, ; notified of nelson's fatal wound, . convoys, nelson's comments on the behavior of, i. ; gives one to american merchant ships against french privateers, ; difficulty of providing in the mediterranean, ii. - . copenhagen, defences of, in , ii. , , , , ; battle of, nelson's plans for, - ; the battle, - ; importance and difficulty of the achievement, , ; failure of the british government to reward, , ; silence of the city of london, ; nelson's action, - . corfu, transferred, with the other ionian islands, from venice to france, i. ; nelson's concern for, after the battle of the nile, , , ; taken by russo-turkish forces, ; british precautions against re-occupation by french, ii. ; concern of nelson for, while commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, - , , , , ; resort of privateers, ; napoleon's estimate of, . cornwallis, william, british admiral, kindness to nelson in early life, i. and note, ; nelson directed to communicate with, off brest in , ii. , ; orders seizure of spanish treasure-ships, ; nelson directs that the order be disobeyed, ; services of, off brest, ; nelson joins, off brest, on return from west indies, , ; authorizes nelson to return to england, . correspondence, nelson's extensive, while in the mediterranean, ii. ; his manner of conducting, - . corsica, island of, nelson ordered to coast of, i. , ; nelson's connection with operations there in , - ; strategic value of, to british, - ; government as a british dependency, ; dissatisfaction of natives with british rule, ; tenure of, dependent on support of the natives, ; abandonment of, by the british, , - ; threatened invasion of sardinia from, ii. . "curieux," british brig of war, sent by nelson to england from west indies with news of his movements, ii. ; falls in with combined fleets, ; nelson's comment on hearing the fact, , . davison, alexander, intimate friend of nelson, nelson expresses despondency to, i. ; tells him circumstances of surrender of castles at naples, , ; the "lady of the admiralty's" coolness, ii. ; account given by, of george iii. speaking of nelson, , ; nelson's mention of sir hyde parker to, , , , ; aids nelson pecuniarily, ; charged by nelson with a final message to lady nelson, ; nelson's expressions to, about st. vincent, ; about treatment of himself by the government, ; "salt beef and the french fleet," ; about general brereton, . de vins, austrian general, commands on the riviera in , i. ; nelson's association with, , - , and opinion of, . dresden, nelson's visit to, in , ii. - . drinkwater, colonel, returns from elba in frigate with nelson, , i. ; incidents narrated of the voyage, - ; witnesses the battle of st. vincent, ; interview with nelson after the battle, ; characteristic anecdote of nelson, . duckworth, sir j.t., british admiral, association with nelson during operations in the mediterranean, , i. , , , , , , ii. , . dundas, british general, commanding troops in corsica, i. ; controversy with lord hood, , ; nelson's opinion, . egypt, bonaparte's expedition to, in , i. - ; nelson's pursuit, - , - ; nelson's constant attention to, , , , ii. , , , , , , , , , , - , , ; his urgency that the french army be not permitted to leave, - . el arish, convention of, signed, ii. . elba, island of, nelson's opinion of importance of, i. ; his seizure of, ; evacuation of, - , , . "elephant," british ship-of-the-line, nelson's flagship at copenhagen, ii. , , - . elgin, earl of, british ambassador to turkey, opinion upon the state of things at palermo during nelson's residence there, i. ; nelson's divergence of opinion from, concerning the french quitting egypt, ii. - . elliot, sir gilbert, afterwards lord minto, british representative in corsica, , i. ; viceroy of corsica, ; friendship between him and nelson, , , , , , ii. , , ; nelson's correspondence with, i. , , , , , , , ii. , , , , ; directs the seizure of elba by nelson, i. ; present at the evacuation of corsica, , , and of elba. ; passage with nelson to gibraltar, - ; witnesses the battle of st. vincent, , ; advocacy of nelson's claims to distinction, , ; incidental mention of nelson by, i. , ii. , , , , , , , , , ; mention of lady hamilton by, i. - , ii. , , , ; ambassador to vienna, i. note. elliot, hugh, british minister at dresden during nelson's visit in , ii. , ; minister to the two sicilies during nelson's mediterranean command, - , - ; takes passage out with nelson, ; correspondence between nelson and, quoted, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . este, lambton, association with nelson mentioned, ii. - . fischer, commodore, commander-in-chief of danish fleet at the battle of copenhagen, ii. ; nelson's controversy with, on account of his official report of the battle, - . fitzharris, lord, british attaché at vienna during nelson's visit, , anecdotes of nelson and of lady hamilton, ii. , . flag of truce, incident of the, at copenhagen, ii. - . "fleet in being," indications of nelson's probable opinion of its deterrent effect, i. - , , , , , , , , , , , ; ii. - . freemantle, british captain, with nelson, at teneriffe, i. - ; at copenhagen, ii. ; letter from nelson to, concerning calder, . frigates, nelson's sense of the importance of, and of small cruisers generally, i. , , ; ii. - , , , , , . "généreux," french ship-of-the-line, escape of, after the battle of the nile, i. , ; capture of the "leander" by, , ; captured by nelson's squadron off malta, ii. - . genoa, importance of, to the south of france, i. , , ; difficult neutrality of, , , - , - , , , - , , ; closes her ports against great britain, , - ; siege of city, in , ii. ; surrender of, by masséna, ; identified with france as the ligurian republic, , ; ports of, blockaded by nelson, , , . george iii., king of great britain, prejudice of, against nelson in early life, i. , , ; subsequent approbation, , , ; interest in nelson manifested by, ii. , ; subsequent coldness of, toward nelson, apparently in consequence of his relations to lady hamilton, . gillespie, dr., account of life on board nelson's flagship by, ii. - , , . goodall, admiral, at the partial fleet action of march , , i. , ; his support of nelson when under public censure for failure to find the french fleet, . gore, british captain, commands squadron of frigates under nelson's orders, outside straits of gibraltar, ii. ; letter of nelson to, concerning three frigates attacking a ship-of-the-line, ; ordered by nelson to disobey orders of admiral cornwallis to seize spanish treasure-ships, , . graves, rear admiral, second to nelson at the battle of copenhagen, ii. , ; made knight of the bath in reward for the action, . gravina, spanish admiral, commander of the spanish contingent, and second in command of the combined fleet, at trafalgar, ii. , , , . greville, charles, nephew to sir william hamilton, relations of, to emma hart, afterwards lady hamilton, i. - . hallowell, british captain, under nelson at the siege of calvi, i. ; commands the "swiftsure" at the battle of the nile, . hamilton, emma, lady, nelson's first meeting with, i. , ; letter of nelson to. ; conduct of, in naples, upon receipt of news of the battle of the nile, ; nelson's second meeting with, ; previous history of, - ; married to sir william hamilton, ; personal appearance and characteristics, - , - , ii. - , , , , , ; influence at court of naples, i. , , ; influence upon nelson, - , , , , ii. , - , , , , , - ; intermediary between the court and nelson, i. , , ; efficiency during the flight of the court from naples, ; scandal concerning her relations to nelson, - , ii. , , , - , , , ; love of play, i. , ii. ; nelson's infatuation for, i. , , , ii. , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; with sir william hamilton accompanies nelson to naples in flagship, i. ; usefulness there, ; nelson asks of the czar insignia of the order of malta for, ii. ; accompanies nelson, with her husband, on a trip to malta, , and on the return journey to england, - ; her reception by the london world, - , ; lady nelson's attitude towards, - , , ; attitude of nelson's father towards, , ; of other members of nelson's family, , , ; believed by nelson to be the mother of horatia, - ; nelson's letters to, during copenhagen expedition, , , , , , , , , , , , ; letters to, while commanding preparations against invasion, , , - , , ; purchases the merton property for nelson, - ; disturbed relations with her husband, - ; death of husband, ; nelson's letters to, during his command in the mediterranean, - , , , , , , , , , ; nelson's anxiety about confinement of, ; birth of a second child, ; allowance made by nelson to, ; nelson's last letter to, ; bequeathed by nelson to his country, , , ; mentioned by nelson, when dying, , , . hamilton, sir william, british minister to naples, nelson's first association with, i. ; nelson's correspondence with, during the nile campaign, , , , - , , ; nelson's association with, while in command in neapolitan waters, - , , , , , , - , , - , ii. , , - , , ; relations to amy lyon, otherwise emma hart, prior to their marriage, - ; marriage to emma hart, ; onerous increase of diplomatic duties after the french revolution began, ; influence of lady hamilton upon, , , , ii. ; apparent unfitness for his position, i. , , , , ; accompanies nelson to naples in flagship, ; assertion of nelson's full powers at this time by, ; official despatch of, relative to transactions at naples, june-july, , quoted and discussed, - ; share of, in these transactions, ; recalled to england, ii. ; accompanied by nelson on return to england, - ; nelson takes up his residence with, ; with lady hamilton goes to live with nelson at merton, ; disturbed relations of, with his wife, - ; death of, ; his professed confidence in nelson, . hardy, captain thomas m., captured in the prize "sabina," i. ; exchanged, , ; narrow escape from recapture, ; commander of the brig "mutine," ; accompanies nelson in baltic expedition, ii. , ; continuous association with nelson after st. vincent, ; presence at nelson's death-bed, - ; incidentally mentioned, ii. , , , , , , , - , . hart, emma, name assumed by lady hamilton, prior to marriage, i. . haslewood, anecdote of final breach between lord and lady nelson, ii. . hillyar, captain james, anecdotes of nelson, ii. , note, - . "hinchinbrook," british frigate, commanded by nelson in youth, i. - ; singular coincidence that both nelson and collingwood were made post into this ship, . hood, admiral, lord, opinion of nelson in early life, i. ; nelson obtains transfer of his ship to the fleet of, - ; relations of nelson with, prior to french revolution, , , , , , , , ; appointed to command the mediterranean fleet, , ; services off toulon, - ; employs nelson on detached service, at naples, , at tunis, , around corsica, - ; reduction of corsica, - ; return to england, , ; removed from the mediterranean command, ; nelson's opinion of, , , ; nelson's relations with, during his mediterranean command, , , , , , ; at siege of bastia, - ; at siege of calvi, , ; inadequate mention of nelson's services in corsica by, - , , ; differences with colonel moore, - ; opinion of nelson's merits at the battle of the nile, - ; presents nelson in the house of peers, when taking his seat as a viscount, ii. . hood, captain sir samuel, pilots nelson's fleet into aboukir bay, i. ; share of, in the battle of the nile, , , ; left to blockade alexandria, , ; incidentally mentioned, , , ii. . horatia, nelson's daughter, birth of, ii. ; mentioned, , , ; nelson's last letter to, ; desired by him to use the name of "nelson" only, ; bequeathed by nelson to his country, , ; mentioned by nelson in dying, . hoste, captain william, midshipman with nelson from to , i. ; describes nelson's return on board wounded, after the affair at santa cruz, ; lieutenant, and commander of the "mutine," ; reception at naples by lady hamilton, ; curious anecdote of, ii. , . hotham, vice-admiral, second in command to lord hood, mistaken action of, i. , ; nelson's comment on, , ; succeeds hood as commander-in-chief, ; encounter with french toulon fleet, - ; nelson's urgency with, , and criticism of his action in this case, - ; inadequate military conceptions of, , , ; difficulties of, recognized by nelson, ; second encounter with the french, - ; incompetent action, and nelson's criticism, - ; disastrous results of inefficiency of, , , , , ; sends nelson to co-operate with austrians on the riviera, ; nelson's opinion of his "political courage," ; personal dislike to co-operation of, , and note; inadequate support given to nelson by, , , ; nelson's opinion of the consequent mishaps, , , ; relieved by sir hyde parker, . hotham, sir william, criticism of nelson's conduct towards lady nelson, ii. ; mention of lady nelson's conduct after the separation, ; nelson's aptitude at forwarding public service, . howe, admiral, lord, appoints nelson to the command of the "boreas," i. ; kind reception of nelson in , ; victory of june st, , nelson's opinion of, ; nelson's expression to, about the battle of the nile, ; opinion of, concerning the battle of the nile, , . hughes, sir richard, commander-in-chief of the leeward islands station, - , i. ; nelson's difficulties with, - , and - ; his attitude towards nelson in the matter of enforcing the navigation act, , , ; nelson's reconciliation with, . hughes, lady, account of nelson as a very young captain, i. . ionian islands, corfu, etc., objects of nelson's solicitude, i. , , , , ii. . ; russian occupation of, i. , ii. ; importance of, to bonaparte, ii. , , , ; temporary political name of republic of the seven islands, . ireland, nelson's speculations as to bonaparte's intentions against, ii. , , , ; collingwood's, , . jervis, admiral sir john, afterwards earl of st. vincent, i. ; commander-in-chief in the west indies, ; commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, , ; nelson's first meeting with, ; desire of, to have nelson remain under his command, , , ; his close blockade of toulon, , ; nelson's lofty opinion of, , ; forced to concentrate his fleet owing to the attitude of spain, , ; embarrassment caused to, by conduct of admiral man, , ; ordered to evacuate the mediterranean, ; retires to gibraltar, ; sends nelson back to superintend the evacuation of elba, ; his opinions of nelson, as expressed, , , , , , , , , , ii. , , , , , , ; rejoined by nelson, off cape st. vincent, i. ; battle of cape st. vincent, - ; operations after the battle, - ; blockade and bombardment of cadiz, - ; sends nelson to teneriffe, , ; sympathy with nelson in his defeat and wound, ; created earl of st. vincent, ; rejoined by nelson after convalescence, ; expressions of satisfaction thereat, ; aversion of, to extending the operations of the fleet, ; sends nelson to watch the toulon armament, , ; denounced for choosing so young a flag-officer, ; opinion of the battle of the nile, ; orders nelson to return to the western mediterranean, ; the affair of sir sidney smith, , ; absolute confidence of, in nelson, ; action upon the incursion of bruix's fleet, - ; gives up the command of the mediterranean, ; nelson's distress and vexation, , ii. ; succeeded in command by lord keith, i. , ; takes command of channel fleet, , ii. ; nelson joins him as subordinate, ; stern resolution in face of the baltic coalition, ; becomes first lord of the admiralty, ; nelson's gradual alienation from, , , , , , , , , ; full approval of nelson's course in the baltic by, , ; indisposition to grant rewards for services at copenhagen, , , , ; reluctance to relieve nelson, ; insists with nelson that he must accept and retain command of preparations against invasion, , , ; correspondence with nelson on this subject, - , , , , , ; divergence of views from nelson's on the subject of a flotilla, , ; misunderstanding between nelson and, on the subject of medals for copenhagen, , , ; sends nelson to the mediterranean as commander-in-chief, ; injury to navy from excessive economy of, , ; correspondence of nelson with, while commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, quoted, , , , , ; retires from the admiralty, and succeeded by lord melville, . keats, captain richard g., favorite with nelson, ii. ; letters from nelson to, , , , . keith, admiral, lord, second in command to st. vincent in the mediterranean, i. ; st. vincent relinquishes command to, , ; characteristics of, ; friction between nelson and, - ; advice of, to nelson, concerning executions in naples, ; nelson's disobedience to orders of, - ; pursues combined fleets to english channel, , ii. ; inferiority of, to nelson, in military sagacity, i. , ii. ; absence from mediterranean prolonged, ii. ; resumes command in the mediterranean, ; nelson's resentment at his return, , ; relations between the two, , - , , - ; orders nelson to assume personal charge of blockade of malta, ; generous letter of, to nelson, ; dissatisfaction of, with nelson's course, - ; displeasure of queen of naples with, , ; measures of, to prevent french encroachments during peace of amiens, ; successful resistance of, to the admiralty's attempt to reduce his station, . kleber, french general, succeeds bonaparte in the command in egypt, ii. ; convinced of the hopelessness of retaining egypt, ; makes the convention of el arish with the turks, - . knight, miss, friend and companion of the hamiltons, ii. ; accompanies them and nelson on journey to england in , - ; incidents mentioned by, relative to this period, , , ; testimony to nelson's love for his wife, prior to meeting with lady hamilton, . latouche-trÉville, french admiral, in command off boulogne, and successful repulse of british boats, ii. - , ; in command of toulon fleet, ; nelson's attempts to lure out of port, - , , ; reports that nelson retreated before him, and nelson's wrath, - ; death of, . layman, lieutenant, and commander, serving with nelson on board the st. george, , ii. ; anecdotes of nelson by, , , , ; loses the brig "raven" when carrying despatches, ; characteristic letter of nelson in behalf of, , . "leander," british fifty-gun ship, campaign and battle of the nile, i. , , ; sent with despatches to gibraltar, ; captured by the "généreux," ; recaptured by russians, and restored to great britain, . leghorn, nelson's visits to, i. , , , ; importance of, to the french, , , and to the british fleet, , , ; occupation of, by bonaparte, in , ; blockade of, by nelson, - ; nelson's project for an assault of, - ; occupation of, by neapolitans, in , , ; blockade of, recommended by nelson, in , ii. . lindholm, danish officer, aide-de-camp to crown prince at the battle of copenhagen, sent to nelson with reply to the message under flag of truce, ii. ; association with the negotiations, , , ; testimony of, to nelson's motives in sending flag of truce, ; correspondence of, with nelson, relative to the conduct of commodore fischer, , . linzee, commodore, nelson serves under, on mission to tunis, i. ; nelson's causeless dissatisfaction with conduct of, . lisbon, headquarters of british fleet after evacuation of the mediterranean, i. , , , ; forbidden to british in , ii. . locker, captain william, nelson's early commander and life-long friend, i. - , . louis, captain thomas, nelson's expressions of obligation to, at the battle of the nile, i. . "lowestoffe," british frigate, nelson commissioned lieutenant into, and incidents on board of, i. - ; his place on board of, filled by collingwood, . lyon, amy, maiden name of lady hamilton, i. . mack, austrian general, association with nelson before and after the disastrous neapolitan campaign of , i. - . madalena islands, situation of, and importance to nelson's fleet, ii. - , ; nelson there receives news of villeneuve's first sailing, . malmesbury, lady, mention of lady hamilton by, i. , ; of nelson and hyde parker, ii. . malta, seizure of, by bonaparte, i. , ; nelson's estimate of the importance of, , , ii. , , ; his concern for, i. , , , ii. , - , , , ; directs blockade of, i. , by portuguese squadron, ; blockade of, , , , , , ii. , - , - , , ; nelson's jealousy of russian designs upon, i. - ; capture near, of the "généreux," ii. - , and of the "guillaume tell," ; nelson ordered by keith to take personal charge of blockade of, ; nelson quits blockade of, , ; takes ships off blockade, contrary to keith's wishes, - ; surrender of, to the british, ; effect of surrender of, upon the czar, ; nelson's views as to the ultimate disposition of, ; nelson's visit to, in , , ; strategic importance of, , , . man, admiral robert, in command under hotham, at the fleet action of july , , i. ; nelson's commendation of, ; subsequent mistakes of, in , , , , ; nelson's expressions concerning, , ; allusion to, ii. . marengo, battle of, nelson in leghorn at the time of, ii. , . maritimo, island of, strategic centre for a rendezvous, i. , , . masséna, french general, defeats the combined austrians and russians near zurich, ii. ; nelson likened to, . matcham, mrs., nelson's sister, attitude towards lady hamilton, ii. , ; towards lady nelson, ; anecdote of nelson transmitted by, . matcham, george, nelson's nephew, letter of, dated , giving recollections of nelson, ii. - . melville, lord, first lord of the admiralty, in succession to st. vincent, reply to nelson's appeal to reverse previous refusal of medals for copenhagen, ii. ; nelson's letter to, about his missing the french fleet, - . merton, nelson's home in england, purchase of, by him, ii. , , ; life at, during peace of amiens, - ; final stay at, - . messina, importance of, to the security of sicily, nelson's opinions, i. , , , ii. , - . middleton, sir charles, afterwards lord barham, i. . _see_ barham. miles, commander jeaffreson, able defence of lord nelson's action at naples, in , i. . miller, captain ralph w., commands nelson's flagship at the battle of st. vincent, i. , ; at teneriffe, ; at the battle of the nile, ; nelson's expressions of affection for, and anxiety for a monument to, ii. . minorca, nelson ordered from egypt for an expedition against, i. ; nelson directs his squadron upon, on receiving news of bruix's incursion, - ; nelson's difference with keith, as to the value and danger of, - , ii. , , ; nelson's visit to, in , ii. , , ; restored to spain at peace of amiens, . minto, lord. _see_ elliot, sir gilbert. minto, lady, mention of nelson at palermo, in letters of, i. , ; at leghorn, ii. , ; at vienna, - . moore, colonel, afterwards sir john, i. ; friction between lord hood and, in corsica, - ; nelson's agreement, in the main, with hood's views, , , . morea, nelson's anxieties about, ii. , , , , , , , , , . moutray, captain, nelson's refusal to recognize pendant of, as commodore, i. - ; undisturbed friendship between nelson and, . moutray, mrs., nelson's affection and admiration for, i. , ; collingwood writes to, after nelson's death, . moutray, lieutenant james, son of the above, dies before calvi, while serving under nelson, i. , ; nelson erects a monument to, . murray, rear-admiral george, nelson's pleasure at a visit from, ii. ; captain of the fleet to nelson, - , , , , . naples, city of, nelson's first visit to, i. - ; second visit, , , - ; flight of the court from, ; the french enter, ; the french evacuate, after their disasters in upper italy, ; the royal power re-established in, - , ; nelson's action in the bay of, - ; nelson leaves finally, for palermo, ii. ; nelson's emotions upon distant view of, in , . naples, kingdom of. _see_ two sicilies. naples, king of, nelson's regrets for, upon the evacuation of the mediterranean, , i. ; gives orders that supplies be furnished nelson's squadron before the battle of the nile, ; nelson's appeal to, to take a decided stand, ; nelson's indignation against, when difficulties about supplies are raised in syracuse, ; congratulates nelson on the issue of the battle of the nile, ; visits nelson's flagship, ; distrust of his own officers, , ; under nelson's influence, decides upon war with france, ; nelson promises support to, , ; decides to advance against french in rome, ; defeat and precipitate flight of, ; takes refuge at palermo, ; promises nelson that malta, being legitimately his territory, should not be transferred to any power without consent of england, ; authorizes british flag to be hoisted in malta alongside the sicilian, ; nelson's devotion to, , , ; personal timidity and apathy of, , , ii. , ; requests nelson to go to naples and support the royalists, i. ; gives nelson full powers to act as his representative in naples, , ; goes himself to bay of naples, but remains on board nelson's flagship, ; alienation of, from the queen, , ii. ; returns to palermo, ii. ; confers upon nelson the dukedom of bronté, ; nelson renews correspondence with, in , ; nelson's apprehensions for, , ; nelson keeps a ship-of-the-line always in the bay of naples to receive royal family, ; application of, to the british government, to send nelson back to the mediterranean, after sick-leave, ; agitation of, at the prospect of nelson's departure, ; offers him a house at naples or at palermo, . naples, queen of, agitation at hearing of the battle of the nile, i. ; friendship with lady hamilton, , , , , ; characteristics of, , ii. ; association with nelson, i. - ; nelson's devotion to, ; distrust of her subjects, , , ii. ; flight to palermo, i. ; apprehensions of, , ; alienation of the king from, , ii. ; wishes to visit vienna, and is carried to leghorn by nelson, with two ships-of-the-line, ii. ; refused further assistance of the same kind by lord keith, ; her distress of mind, and anger with keith, ; proceeds to vienna by way of ancona, ; nelson renews correspondence with, in - , , , . nelson, rev. edmund, father of lord nelson, i. ; nelson and his wife live with, - , ; mrs. nelson continues to live with, after nelson goes to the mediterranean, , , , ii. - , ; his testimony to lady nelson's character, ii. ; attitude towards lady hamilton, , ; persuaded of the absence of criminality in her relations with nelson, , ; refuses to be separated from lady nelson, , , ; death of, ; character of, , . nelson, horatio, lord. _historical sequence of career:_ and birth, i. ; first going to sea, ; service in merchantman, ; cruise to the arctic seas, ; to the east indies, ; acting lieutenant, ; lieutenant, ; cruise to west indies, ; commander and post-captain, ; nicaraguan expedition, ; invalided home, ; command of "albemarle," , ; paid off, and visits france, ; cruise of the "boreas," , ; refuses to obey orders of commander-in-chief, first, to recognize broad pendant of a captain "not in commission," , and, second, when directed not to enforce the navigation act, - ; engagement to mrs. nisbet, ; marriage, ; return to england, and "boreas" paid off. , - ; exposure of frauds in the west indies, , - ; half-pay, - , - ; commissions the "agamemnon," february, , ; joins the mediterranean fleet under lord hood, ; constant detached service, - ; blockade of corsica, ; siege of bastia, - ; siege of calvi, - ; loss of right eye, ; refitting in leghorn, - ; action of "agamemnon" with "Ça ira," ; partial fleet action of march , , ; partial fleet action of july , , ; command of a detached squadron on the riviera of genoa, under hotham, , - , and under jervis, , - ; hoists broad pendant as commodore, ; leaves "agamemnon" for "captain," ; the blockade of leghorn, ; seizure of elba, , and of capraia, ; evacuation of corsica, - ; british fleet retires to gibraltar, ; mission to evacuate elba, ; action with spanish frigates, ; rejoins jervis off cape st. vincent, ; battle of cape st. vincent, , ; made a knight of the bath, ; promoted rear-admiral, ; mission into the mediterranean, ; blockade and bombardment of cadiz, - ; the teneriffe expedition, ; loses his right arm, ; invalided home, ; rejoins mediterranean fleet in the "vanguard," , ; sent to watch the toulon armament, ; campaign of the nile, - ; battle of the nile, - ; severely wounded in the head, ; advanced to the peerage as baron nelson of the nile, ; arrives at naples, ; meeting with lady hamilton, ; urges naples to declare war against france, ; war between naples and france, ; neapolitan court carried to palermo by, ; residence at palermo and contemporary events, ,--sidney smith and the levant, ; ionian islands, ; malta, ; barbary states, ; about naples, ; incursion of french fleet under admiral bruix, - ; proceeds to naples, ; incident of the surrender of the neapolitan insurgents, - ; the caracciolo incident, ; refuses to obey an order of lord keith, ; reiterated refusal, ; left temporarily commander-in-chief by keith's departure, ii. - ; created duke of bronté by king of naples, ; dissatisfaction at not being continued as commander-in-chief, ; keith's return, , ; superseded by keith's return, ; capture of "le généreux," ; capture of "le guillaume tell," in nelson's absence, ; returns to england through germany, , - ; breach with lady nelson, - ; promoted vice-admiral, ; hoists flag on board "san josef," in the channel fleet, under lord st. vincent, , ; birth of the child horatia, ; the baltic expedition, - ; battle of copenhagen, - ; incident of disobeying the signal to leave off action, ; incident of the flag of truce, ; created a viscount, ; negotiations, ; return to england, ; charged with defence of the coast of england against invasion, - ; retirement from active service during the peace of amiens, - ; interest in public questions, - ; commissioned commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, , ; death of his father, ; arrival in the mediterranean, ; the long watch off toulon, - ; last promotion, vice-admiral of the white, , ; escape and pursuit of the french toulon fleet, , - ; follows it and its spanish auxiliaries to the west indies, ; returns to gibraltar, ; carries his squadron to cornwallis off brest, - ; returns himself to england, august, , ; last stay in england, - ; resumes command in the mediterranean, ; the battle of trafalgar, ; mortally wounded, ; death of, . _personal characteristics_: appearance, in boyhood, i. ; at twenty-one, ; at twenty-four, ; at twenty-seven, ; at thirty-six, ; at forty-two, ii. , , ; at forty-three, ; later years, - , , , , ; expression, . health, inherited delicacy of constitution, i. ; invalided from east indies, ; from west indies, , , ; in baltic, ; in canada, ; mentioned, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ii. - , , , , , , , , , (sea-sickness), , , , - , , , , , ; influence of active employment upon, i. , , , , , , , , ii. . charm of manner and considerateness of action, i. , , , , , , , , , , , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , - , , . vanity, and occasional petulance, i. , , , - , - , , , , - , - ; ii. , , - , , , , , , , , , - , , - , , , , , . courage, illustrated, i. , , , , , , - , ; ii. , , , , , . love of glory and honor, i. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , , , . strength and tenacity of convictions, i. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; ii. - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . sensitiveness to anxiety, perplexity, and censure, i. , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , , - ; ii. , , , , - , , , , , , , , , - , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , . daily life, examples of, and occupations, i. - , - , , - , - , - , - ; ii. - , - , - , - , , - , - , . religious feelings, indications of, i. , , , , - ; ii. , , , , , , , , . _professional characteristics:_ duty, sense of, i. , , , , , , , ; ii. , , , - , - , , , , , , - . exclusiveness and constancy of purpose, i. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , . professional courage, i. , , , , - , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , ; ii. , - , , - , , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , . fearlessness of responsibility, i. , , - , - , , , - , - , , , , , - , - ; ii. , , - , , , , , - , , , - , , - , , , . diplomacy, natural aptitude for, and tact in dealing with men, i. - , , , , - , - , and note, - ; ii. - , - , - , - , , - , , - , - , , - , , , - , , - , - , , , - , , , - ; extensive cares in, i. , - , - ; ii. , , - , , , - , - . fleet, when commander-in-chief, administration of, ii. , , , , , , - , - , , - , , , , - , , - , , , , , , , , , , . condition of, in the mediterranean, - , ii. , , , , , , . preservation and management of, ii. - , - , - , , , - , - , , , - , - , , , , , - , , , , , , - , . health of, i. , ; ii. - , , . strategic ideas, indications of, i. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , - , - , - , , - , - , , , - , - , , - , , , , , , , - , ; ii. - , , - , - , , , , - , , - , - , , - , , , - , , , - , , , , - , , , , , - , , , . tactical ideas, indications of, i. , , , , , , , , - , - , , , , , - , , , - , , - , , ; ii. , , - , - , , , - , , , - , , , , , , - , , , , , - , , , , . nelson, frances, lady, wife of lord nelson, birth, parentage, and first marriage to dr. josiah nisbet, i. ; one son, josiah nisbet, ; widowhood, ; lives with her uncle, at nevis, ; characteristics, - , , , , , ii. , , ; wooing of, by nelson, i. - ; marriage to nelson, and departure to england, ; no children by nelson, ; resides with nelson, in his father's house, ; lives with father of nelson, during the latter's absences, - , , , , ii. - , ; letters of nelson to, quoted, i. , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , ii. , , ; continued attachment of nelson to, on returning home in , i. , , ; nelson's message to, when thinking himself mortally wounded at the nile, ; uneasiness of, at the reports of nelson's intimacy with lady hamilton, ; apparent purpose of, to go to the mediterranean, discouraged by nelson, ; growing alienation of nelson from, , ii. - , , , ; attitude of, towards nelson, ii. , , , , ; letters of, to nelson, quoted, ; nelson's bearing towards, , ; attitude of, towards lady hamilton, ; final breach between nelson and, , , - ; later years of, , ; testimony to, of nelson and of his father, ; nelson's "letter of dismissal" to, and her endorsement thereon, , ; date of death, i. note. nelson, maurice, nelson's eldest brother, quoted by lady nelson, ii. and note. niebuhr, the historian, accounts of the battle of copenhagen, quoted, ii. , , . nile, battle of the, i. - . nisbet, captain josiah, nelson's stepson, birth and parentage, i. ; goes to sea with nelson in the "agamemnon," ; lady hamilton's kindness to, ; good conduct of, at teneriffe, , ; nelson attributes the saving of his life to, , ii. ; st. vincent promotes to commander at nelson's request, i. ; nelson's disappointment in, ; estrangement between nelson and, ii. - ; st. vincent's assertion of nelson's high opinion of, in early life, note. nisbet, dr. josiah, first husband of lady nelson, i. . nisbet, mrs. josiah, lady nelson's name by first marriage. _see_ nelson, lady. niza, marquis de, portuguese admiral, commanding squadron under nelson's orders in the mediterranean, , , i. ; conducts sea blockade of malta, , , ii. , , , , ; ordered temporarily to defence of messina, i. ; co-operates at sea with nelson, when expecting bruix's fleet, , ; limitations to nelson's authority over, ; recalled by portuguese government, ii. ; nelson forbids him to obey, , ; nelson's expressions of esteem for, ; final recall allowed by nelson, . orde, admiral sir john, governor of dominica, i. ; difficulty with lord st. vincent concerning nelson's appointment to command a squadron, , ; assigned in to command part of nelson's station, from the straits of gibraltar to cape finisterre, ii. ; relations between nelson and, , , - , ; driven from before cadiz by combined fleets, ; popular outcry against, ; nelson's complaint against, for not watching course of combined fleets, note, - ; relieved from duty at his own request, . "orient," french flagship at the battle of the nile, present as the "sans culottes," in hotham's action of march , , i. , , ; at the battle of the nile, , , , ; blows up, ; nelson's coffin made from mainmast of, ii. . otway, captain, commands sir hyde parker's flagship at the battle of copenhagen, ii. ; advises against the passage of the great belt, , ; opposes the making signal to nelson to leave off action, ; message from parker to nelson by, , . paget, sir arthur, succeeds hamilton as british minister to naples, i. , ii. , ; quotations from the "paget papers," i. , , ii. , . pahlen, russian minister of state during nelson's command in the baltic, ii. ; nelson's correspondence with, - . palermo, nelson's residence in, i. - ; ii. - . palmas, gulf of, in sardinia, rendezvous of nelson's fleet, ii. , , , , ; nelson learns there of villeneuve's second sailing, . parker, commander edward, aide to nelson, ii. ; description of nelson's celerity by, ; takes part in boat-attack on the french vessels off boulogne, ; mortally wounded, ; death of, and nelson's distress, . parker, admiral sir hyde, succeeds hotham in command in the mediterranean, i. , ; nelson's dissatisfaction with, ; selected to command the baltic expedition, ii. ; nelson joins, as second in command, ; cool reception of nelson by, - ; growing influence of nelson with, - ; sluggish movements of, , , , ; nelson's comprehensive letter to, - ; authorizes nelson's plan of attack, ; the signal to leave off action, - ; intrusts negotiations to nelson, - ; relieved from command, ; nelson's opinion of his conduct in the baltic, , . parker, admiral sir peter, early patron of nelson, and chief mourner at his funeral, i. - ; personal kindness to nelson of, , ; nelson's gratitude expressed to, ii. , . parker, vice-admiral sir william, controversy with nelson about the latter's account of the battle of cape st. vincent, i. - ; remonstrates with lord st. vincent for nelson's appointment to command a detached squadron, , . parker, captain william, commander of the frigate "amazon," anecdote of nelson, i. note, ii. ; anecdote of captain hardy, ; special mission and singular orders given by nelson to, - ; accompanies nelson to the west indies, , , ; final letter from nelson to, , . pasco, lieutenant, nelson's signal officer at trafalgar, ii. ; anecdotes of nelson by, , , , ; makes the signals "england expects," etc., , and for "close action," ; wounded, ; replies to a query made by nelson while dying, . paul i., emperor of russia, congratulations to nelson on the battle of the nile, i. ; coalition of, with austria and naples, , - ; becomes grand master of knights of malta, and seeks the restoration of the order, - ; nelson's compliments to, ii. , ; successes of his general, suwarrow, ; subsequent reverses, and anger of, against austria and great britain, , ; indignation at the refusal of great britain to surrender malta to himself, ; renews the armed neutrality of , with sweden, denmark, and prussia, ; bonaparte's management of, ; murder of, . "penelope," british frigate, efficacious action of, in compelling the surrender of the "guillaume tell," french ship-of-the-line, ii. , . pitt, william, prime minister of great britain, marked courtesy shown to nelson when last in england by, ii. ; intercourse of nelson with, just before trafalgar, , . porto ferrajo, island of elba, seized by nelson in , i. ; british forces retire from bastia to, ; naval evacuation of, superintended by nelson, - . radstock, admiral, lord, quotations from letters of, relating to nelson, i. , ii. and note, , , , , , , , , . "redoutable," french ship-of-the-line, nelson mortally wounded by a shot from, ii. - . registration of seamen, nelson's plans for, ii. . . revel, nelson's desire to attack the russian detachment of ships in, ii. , , , , , , ; nelson's visit to, - ; results of nelson's visit, . riou, captain, commands the frigate "amazon," and a light squadron in the battle of copenhagen, ii. , , , , ; obeys signal to retire, and is killed, . riviera of genoa, operations of nelson upon the, , , i. - ; importance of, to the french, - . rochefort, the part of the french squadron at, in napoleon's combinations, ii. , , . rodney, admiral, lord, effect of his victory upon nelson's plans for trafalgar, ii. . rogers, samuel, anecdote of nelson, ii. . rose, george, nelson's interview with, in , i. - ; accompanies nelson on board ship before trafalgar, ii. ; nelson's message to, when dying, . ruffo, cardinal, leader of the neapolitan "christian army" at naples, , i. ; concludes with the insurgents in the castles a capitulation which nelson annuls, and note, ; stormy interview of, with nelson, . "sabina," spanish frigate, captured by the "minerve" carrying nelson's broad pendant, i. ; recaptured, . "san josef," spanish three-decked ship, taken possession of by nelson at battle of st. vincent, i. - ; flagship to nelson in the channel fleet, ii. , . "san nicolas," spanish eighty-gun ship, boarded by nelson at battle of st. vincent, i. - . santa cruz, canary islands. _see_ teneriffe. sardinia, island of, importance of, in nelson's opinion, ii. - . saumarez, sir james, commands the "orion," at the battle of st. vincent, i. , ; relieves nelson in the blockade of cadiz, ; accompanies nelson as second in command in the nile campaign, , , , and note, , ; at battle of the nile, , ; sent to gibraltar with the prizes, , ; nelson's eulogy of, in the house of lords, ii. . scott, rev. a.j., private secretary to sir hyde parker, and afterwards to nelson in the mediterranean, ii. , ; testimony of, to nelson's religious feelings, ; nelson's method of transacting business with, - ; mention of nelson's kindliness by, - ; anecdote of nelson, , ; remark of nelson to, ; at nelson's death-bed, , , . scott, john, public secretary to nelson, ii. ; remarks on the quickness of nelson's intelligence, , and on his kindliness, ; killed at trafalgar, . sicily, importance of malta to, i. ; nelson's anxiety for, in , , , , , - , , , ii. ; in - , ii. , - , , , , - ; nelson's estate of bronté in, ii. , . sidmouth, lord. _see_ addington. smith, sir sidney, nelson's indignation at the mission of, to the levant, i. - ; nelson's relations with, - ; successful defence of acre by, ii. ; nelson's peremptory orders to, not to permit any frenchman to quit egypt, ; nevertheless, convention of el arish countenanced by, - ; nelson's distrust of, , . smith, spencer, brother to sir sidney, minister and joint minister of great britain to constantinople, i. - ; becomes secretary of embassy, ii. . spain, nelson sees that spain cannot be a true ally to great britain, i. ; effect upon nelson of declaration of war by, - ; political condition of, in , ii. ; nelson's views concerning, , , , , , , , ; nelson's letter of instructions to a captain contingent upon action of, . spencer, earl, first lord of the admiralty, i. ; letters to nelson from, quoted, , , , ii. - ; letters of nelson to, quoted, i. , , , , , , , , , ii. , , , , , , , , ; indicates to jervis the government's wish that nelson command the squadron in the mediterranean, i. , ; selects sir hyde parker for baltic command, ii. . st. george, mrs., description of lady hamilton, i. , ; account of meeting with nelson and the hamiltons at dresden in , ii. - ; remarks likeness of nelson to the russian marshal suwarrow, . "st. george," british ship-of-the-line, nelson's flagship in the baltic expedition, ii. ; nelson quits, for the "elephant," for the battle of copenhagen, . st. vincent, battle of cape, i. - . st. vincent, earl. _see_ jervis. stewart, lieutenant-colonel, accompanies the baltic expedition on board nelson's flagship, ii. ; narrative of the expedition, and anecdotes of nelson by, quoted, , , - , - , - , , , . stuart, general, in command of the british troops at the siege of calvi, i. , - ; apparent friction between lord hood and, - ; nelson's high opinion of, , . suckling, catherine, maiden name of nelson's mother, i. . suckling, captain maurice, nelson's maternal uncle, i. ; receives nelson on board his ship the "raisonnable," on entering the navy, ; care for nelson during his early years, - ; made comptroller of the navy, ; procures nelson's promotion to lieutenant, ; death of, ; nelson's care, when wounded at teneriffe, to save the sword of, ; successful naval engagement of, on the date of trafalgar, and expectation formed therefrom by nelson, ii. . suckling, william, nelson's maternal uncle, nelson appeals to, for aid to marry, i. , , ; makes an allowance to nelson, ; letters of nelson to, , , . suwarrow, russian marshal, commands the combined russian and austrian troops in italian campaign of , i. , ii. , , ; personal resemblance of nelson to, ii. , . sweden, joins russia, denmark, and prussia in the armed neutrality of , ii. - . syracuse, nelson refreshes his squadron in, before the battle of the nile, i. - ; nelson's opinion of, as a base for his operations after the battle, , ; insecurity of, with headquarters at palermo, ; nelson ordered by keith to make his headquarters at, ii. . "tÉmÉraire," british ship-of-the-line, nelson's supporter at trafalgar, ii. , . teneriffe, nelson's expedition against, i. - . tetuan, nelson's visits to, for water and fresh provisions, ii. - , , ; sends a detachment to, before trafalgar, . "theseus," british ship-of-the-line, nelson's flagship before cadiz and at teneriffe, - , , . thomson, name under which nelson speaks of himself in his correspondence with lady hamilton, ii. , and borne by his daughter prior to his own death, . toulon, delivered by its inhabitants to lord hood, i. , ; retaken by the french, ; nelson reconnoitres, , ; jervis's efficient blockade of, , ; nelson's method of watching, ii. - , , - . trafalgar, battle of, general plan of action, as originally conceived, ii. - ; discussed, - ; contrasted with the tactics of the battle as fought, - ; anecdote concerning its conception, ; narrative of, - . trench, mrs. _see_ st. george. tripoli, maintains formal war with naples and portugal, for the purposes of piracy, i. , ii. ; nelson's diplomatic difficulties with, i. , . troubridge, sir thomas, nobly supports nelson in his initiative at the battle of st. vincent, i. - , - ; advises and accompanies nelson in the teneriffe expedition, - ; limitations of, , , and admirable qualities, - , ii. ; sent with a detachment of ten ships-of-the-line to join nelson in the nile campaign, i. , , ; mentioned, , , , , , ; his ship, the "culloden," unfortunately grounds before getting into action at the nile, ; nelson's praise of, , ii. ; incidental services in the waters of italy and malta, i. , , - , , , , , ii. , , ; remonstrates with nelson on his life at palermo, i. ; sent by nelson on a special mission to alexandria, ; singular anecdote of, ; letters of, to nelson, , ii. , ; nelson's petulant reproach to, ii. ; strong remonstrances of, to nelson, against quitting the blockade of malta, , , ; return of, to england, ; impression of, that nelson will not serve again, ; advice to miss knight concerning the hamiltons, ; letter of nelson to, concerning the sailing of the baltic fleet, ; beginning alienation of nelson from, , , , , ; st. vincent's opinion of, , . tunis, nelson's mission to, in , i. - ; maintains formal war with naples and portugal, for the purposes of piracy, , ii. ; nelson's diplomatic difficulties with, i. , . turkey, co-operates with russia and great britain in the mediterranean, , i. , - , , , , ii. - ; nelson's sympathy with, against russia, i. , ; makes separate convention of el arish with french, regardless of her allies, ii. , ; interests of, threatened in the morea and in egypt by the french in - , - , , - . tuscany, attitude of, towards france, in , i. , ; importance of ports of, to france, , ; difficult neutrality of, , ; nelson imagines a french enterprise against, by sea, , , , ; control of, obtained by the french, ; nelson's operations on the coast of, ; blockade of leghorn and seizure of elba, ; political condition of, in - , during nelson's mediterranean command, ii. . two sicilies, the kingdom of the, (naples and sicily,) nelson's successful mission to, to obtain troops for the occupation of toulon, i. ; attitude towards france, , ; sends flotilla to aid nelson, but too late in the season, ; makes an armistice with france, , ; nelson's interest keenly excited for, , ; makes peace with france, , ; dissatisfaction with course of france, in , ; attitude of, towards france, during the campaign of the nile, - , , , ; nelson's anxieties for, ; nelson's extreme interest in, throughout his life, after his return from the nile, , , , , , - , , - , ii. , , , , , - , - , , - ; joy of, upon receipt of the news of battle of the nile, i. , ; strategic weight of, in the counsels of bonaparte, ; nelson persuades, to declare war against france, - ; overwhelming defeat of, and flight of court to palermo, , ; restoration of the royal authority in naples, ii. ; refusal of the king to reside in naples, , ; occupation of adriatic coast of, by bonaparte, - , . vado, bay of, occupied by austrians in , i. ; best anchorage between nice and genoa, ; importance of, to france, , , ; evacuated by austrians after the battle of loano, , ; held definitively by french, . valetta, french in malta shut in, i. , , , ii. ; nelson's difficulties in maintaining the blockade, ii. - , - ; urgency of spencer and troubridge upon nelson to await the capitulation of, - , - . "vanguard," british ship-of-the-line, nelson's flagship at the battle of the nile, commissioned, i. ; dismasted off corsica, ; at the battle of the nile, , , ; arrives at naples, ; nelson's flag shifted from, to the "foudroyant," . vansittart, british envoy to copenhagen in , ii. - ; report of danish defences, ; explanations conveyed from nelson to the admiralty by, . "victory," british hundred-gun ship, nelson's flagship at trafalgar, jervis's flagship at battle of st. vincent, i. ; nelson sails in, for the mediterranean, ii. ; his long stay on board of, , ; returns to england, ; again sails with nelson, ; at battle of trafalgar, , - , - , - , . villeneuve, french admiral, commands the rear at the battle of the nile, i. ; escapes with two ships-of-the-line and two frigates, ; indecision of, , ii. ; commands the toulon squadron, after the death of latouche tréville, ii. , ; napoleon's orders to, , ; first sailing of, and disasters encountered by, , , , ; second sailing of, from toulon, ; arrival at cadiz and in the west indies, ; nelson learns of his passing the straits, , and of his destination to the west indies, - ; leaves west indies for europe, on learning nelson's arrival, ; followed by nelson, ; engagement of, with calder's fleet, ; arrives at ferrol, ; sails from ferrol, ; arrival in cadiz, ; dispositions for battle, before trafalgar, , , , , ; commander-in-chief of the entire combined fleet, ; encounter of his flagship and nelson's, - ; surrender of, . villettes, british general, at the siege of bastia, i. ; nelson's criticism on, when commander of the troops at malta, , ii. ; characteristic letters of nelson to, , . wellington, nelson's one meeting with, ii. . west indies, nelson's early service in, i. - ; called by nelson "the station for honour," i. ; nelson enforces navigation act in, - ; wishes to return to, in search of more active service, , ; conjectures destination of french toulon fleet to, in , ii. , ; importance of, to great britain, ; rendezvous fixed by napoleon, for the concentration of his fleets, in , , ; toulon squadron goes to, , ; nelson pursues to, , ; nelson's week in, in june, , - ; his estimate of his services rendered by going there, , ; nelson returns to europe from, - . william henry, prince, son of george iii., and captain in the british navy, first meeting of nelson with, i. , ; description of nelson at twenty-four, by, ; accompanied by nelson in visit to havana, ; nelson's association with, in - , , ; gives away the bride at nelson's wedding, ; intimacy of nelson with, - ; returns with his ship from america, contrary to orders, ; at variance with the king, , ; made duke of clarence, ; effect of intimacy with, upon nelson, ; subsequent correspondence between nelson and, , , , , ; continues his friendship to lady nelson, after her husband's alienation, ii. . woolward, frances herbert, maiden name of lady nelson, i. . wurmser, austrian marshal, succeeds beaulieu, after the latter's defeat by bonaparte, in , i. ; raises the siege of mantua, ; nelson's enterprise against leghorn dependent on the success of, ; defeated by bonaparte, at castiglione and lonato, . wyndham, british minister to tuscany, mention of nelson and the hamiltons by, ii. , ; strained relations of, towards nelson and the hamiltons, . sampson low, marston & co.'s naval and military publications captain mahan's works on sea power. captain mahan's works on the "influence of sea power" have received official recognition from the governments of the united states and great britain--the war and navy departments of the united states having purchased a large edition for use in the service and ship libraries, and the british government having supplied the books to the cruising ships of the royal navy. german and french translations have appeared. i. the influence of sea power upon history. - . with charts of great naval battles. demy vo. cloth extra, gilt top, _s._ ii. the influence of sea power upon the french revolution and empire. with maps and battle plans. vols. demy vo., cloth extra, gilt top, _s._ iii. the life of admiral farragut. with steel engraved portrait, also a general map and plans of the passage of the mississippi forts, the vicksburg batteries, and port hudson, and the battle of mobile bay. crown vo., cloth, price _s._ captain mahan's book is admirable, both as a picture of the admiral himself and as gathering up the lessons of strategy and conduct which are to be learnt from a survey of his career.--_times._ iv. the life of nelson: the embodiment of the sea power of great britain. with battle plans, lithographic maps, and photogravure plates. vols. demy vo., cloth extra, gilt top, price _s._ _net_. the late admiral tryon, of the british navy, pronounced them _simply great_,--_the best things ever written._ the influence of sea power upon history. extracts from reviews. captain mahan, whose name is famous all the world over as that of the author of "the influence of sea power upon history," a work, or rather a series of works, which may fairly be said to have codified the laws of naval strategy--_the westminster gazette._ an instructive work of the highest value and interest to students and to the reading public, and should find its way into all the libraries and homes of the land.--_magazine of american history._ captain mahan has been recognized by all competent judges not merely as the most distinguished living writer on naval strategy, but as the originator and first exponent of what may be called the philosophy of naval history.--_london times._ the greatest of living writers on naval subjects.... captain mahan is the author of books which mark a new era in historical literature. they are to sailors of every navy in the world what napier's "history of the peninsular war" was to british soldiers, and something more. captain mahan is a born historian.--_london daily news._ the american officer was fitted by nature as well as by training for the work to which he happily turned his hand. possessed of a charming style; precise and clear instead of verbose; completely conscious of what he intends to convey and perfectly competent to convey it; and dowered with a perspicacious breadth of view which dwells on all that is important and passes over all that is irrelevant, captain mahan has given us two very remarkable books.--_the fortnightly review._ the distinguished author of some of the most important books on naval history and strategy which have ever been published, and which serve as text-books for nearly every naval lecture or article of the present day.--_london globe._ captain mahan's book should be read by all who are interested in the development of the navy, and who believe in the importance of the navy as the principal factor of defence.--_c.h. davis, commander and chief intelligence officer, u.s.n._ an altogether exceptional work; there is nothing like it in the whole range of naval literature.... the work is entirely original in conception, masterful in construction, and scholarly in execution.--_the critic._ the influence of sea power upon the french revolution and empire. press notices. a book that must be read. _first_, it must be read by all schoolmasters, from the headmaster of eton to the head of the humblest board-school in the country. no man is fit to train english boys to fulfil their duties as englishmen who has not marked, learned, and inwardly digested it. _secondly_, it must be read by every englishman and englishwoman who wishes to be worthy of that name. it is no hard or irksome task to which i call them the writing is throughout clear, vigorous, and incisive.... the book deserves and must attain a world-wide reputation.--_colonel maurice of the british army in "the united service magazine."_ delightful reading.... the most exciting and among the best written naval battles ever described, for its clearness, is the battle of the nile, fought in the darkness and upon strange waters.--_chicago inter-ocean._ remarkable volumes.... captain mahan has for the first time made clear to the unprofessional reader how much the plans of napoleon were influenced by the successes of the british squadrons and the consequent failure of his "continental system."--_macmillan's magazine._ do not contain a page that cannot be read with pleasure as well as with profit by any man for whom foreign politics, the history of the rise and fall of nations, and the sources of national greatness possess the slightest attractions.--_the fortnightly review._ no other writer has told the influence of british naval power upon the career of napoleon with the skill and lucidity characterizing captain mahan's account.--_springfield republican (editorial)._ of great permanent value and exceptional interest, and in a high degree creditable to our naval service and to the country.--_the new york nation._ masterly and comprehensive.... the drama of the great war unfolds itself in these pages in a manner at once novel and engrossing.--_the spectator._ a highly interesting and an important work, having lessons and suggestions which are calculated to be of high value to the people of the united states. his pages abound with spirited and careful accounts of the great naval battles and manoeuvres which occurred during the period treated. we have before had occasion to praise captain mahan's literary style, which is flexible, nervous, and sufficiently dignified to satisfy every reasonable demand. it is, moreover, full of energy, and marked by a felicitous choice of language, and its tone and qualities are sustained steadily throughout.--_new york tribune._ of the way in which this great theme is treated we need say little; no living writer is so well qualified to do it justice as captain mahan, and certainly the true significance of the tremendous events of these momentous years has never been more luminously or more instructively displayed.--_london times._ he penetrates to the real meaning of the mass of books, diplomatic, political, naval and historical, which have been written to describe the state of things in europe during the last decade of the eighteenth century--_the critic._ we do not hesitate to assert that, in treating this theme, he has easily surpassed all previous writers.--_judge william o'connor morris in "the academy."_ transcriber's note: minor spelling inconsistencies, mainly hyphenated words, have been harmonised. obvious printer errors have been repaired. the latin number (i) in the text refers to a transcriber's note at the end of this e-book. memoirs and correspondence of admiral lord de saumarez. from original papers in possession of the family. by sir john ross, captain in the royal navy. in two volumes. vol. i. london: richard bentley, new burlington street, publisher in ordinary to her majesty. . london: printed by samuel, bentley, dorset street, fleet street. transcriber's note: minor spelling inconsistencies--mainly hyphenated words--have been harmonised. obvious printer errors have been corrected, but the original spelling has been retained. the latin number (i) behind a word refers to the transcriber's notes at the end of this e-book. contents of the first volume. chapter i. genealogy of the family of saumarez.--curious record.--branches of the late family.--marriage of the late lord de saumarez. page chapter ii. commencement of his career.--his education.--visit of the duke of gloucester to guernsey.--decides for the navy.--is put on the solebay's books.--school at london.--embarks in the montreal.--winchelsea, pembroke, levant.--smyrna.--returns home.--passes for lieutenant.--embarks in the bristol.--proposal to leave the navy.--attack on fort sullivan.--gallant conduct.--is made lieutenant.--bristol, chatham, lady parker.--commands the spitfire.--rhode island.--many engagements.--war with france.--appearance of the french fleet under d'estaing.--spitfire burnt.--appearance of lord howe. page chapter iii. serves ashore.--returns to england in the leviathan.--providential escape from shipwreck.--visits guernsey.--joins the victory.--a journey to london.--joins the fortitude.--battle off the dogger bank.--anecdotes of admiral parker.--lieut. saumarez promoted to the rank of master and commander.--appointed to the tisiphone.--sails for the west indies with admiral kempenfelt.--action with comte de guichen.--captures a french ship of thirty-six guns.--is despatched to sir samuel hood.--arrives at barbadoes.--escapes from two french men-of-war.--passes through an intricate channel.--joins sir samuel hood.--gallant conduct in cutting out a vessel.--tisiphone ordered home.--fortunate exchange with captain stanhope.--takes command of the russel. page chapter iv. situation of the hostile fleets.--surrender of brimstone hill.--junction of the fleets.--antigua.--st. lucia.--sailing of the french fleet under comte de grasse.--action of the th of april.-- th of april.--gallant conduct of the russel.--captain saumarez returns to jamaica.--comes to england with convoy.--is paid off at chatham, and confirmed a post-captain. page chapter v. captain saumarez returns to guernsey.--his exemplary conduct.--visits cherbourg.--is introduced to the french king.--returns.--changes at guernsey.--prince william henry visits the island twice.--his reception.--appearance of hostilities in .--captain saumarez is appointed to the ambuscade, and pays her off.--his letter on his marriage.--remarks thereon.--armament of .--saumarez commissions and pays off the raisonable.--war of .--appointed to command the crescent.--first cruise; takes a prize and saves alderney.--second cruise; captures a cutter.--third cruise.--return.--crescent docked and refitted. page chapter vi. crescent refitted.--sails for the channel islands.--falls in with the french frigate la réunion.--particular account of the action.--letters from captain saumarez to his brother.--brings his prize to portsmouth.--official letters.--letters from various persons.--ship refitting.--captain saumarez obtains leave of absence.--is knighted for his gallant conduct. page chapter vii. sir james saumarez is placed under the orders of admiral mcbride.--is detached, and attacks an enemy's squadron.--narrow escape from shipwreck.--off havre.--cherbourg.--private letters relating the particulars of several cruises on the french coast.--gallant action with a french squadron of superior force off guernsey. page chapter viii. sir james commands a squadron of frigates, in the channel.--visit to weymouth.--joins the channel fleet.--black rocks.--private letters and instructions.--appointed to the orion.--crescent's officers and crew volunteer to follow him.--appointed to the marlborough (_pro tempore_).--commands a detached squadron.--returns to the orion, attached to the channel fleet.--private letters.--lord bridport's action.--orion, the headmost ship, begins the battle.--official letter.--two private accounts.--returns to portsmouth.--expedition to isle dieu.--returns to spithead. page chapter ix. orion taken into dock.--is refitted, and joins the channel fleet.--detached on a particular service.--returns.--proceeds to reinforce sir john jervis.--list of his fleet.--battle with spanish fleet off cape st. vincent described in a private letter.--conduct of saumarez in the action.--salvador del mundo strikes to the orion, and is taken possession of by her lieutenant.--engages the santissima trinidada.--she strikes to the orion.--remarks on that occasion.--lagos bay.--lisbon.--sir james sails on a cruise with admiral sir h. nelson.--returns.--commands the advanced squadron.--several private letters.--commands the advanced squadron off cadiz.--mutiny in the fleet.--anecdote and remarks thereon. page chapter x. sir horatio nelson resumes the command of the advanced squadron.--bombardment of cadiz.--nelson sails for teneriffe.--saumarez resumes the command.--escorts a convoy to gibraltar.--refits at lisbon, and returns.--conducts the negotiation for exchange of prisoners.--sir w. parker relieves sir james.--he arrives at gibraltar.--is attached to nelson's squadron.--proceeds off toulon.--a storm.--vanguard dismasted.--great exertions of the orion and alexander in refitting the vanguard at st. pierre.--sailing of the toulon fleet.--nelson reinforced by ten sail of the line.--pursues the enemy unsuccessfully.--proceedings of the fleet in a journal addressed by sir james to his family.--french fleet discovered in aboukir bay.--battle of the nile.--diagram of ditto.--conduct of the orion.--saumarez wounded.--writes to nelson.--goes on board the vanguard.--occurrences there.--remarks on the name of the second in command being left out in nelson's despatches.--on the mode of attack.--various letters and orders.--sir james's account of the battle, in a letter to lady saumarez. page chapter xi. fleet repair damages.--sir james receives orders to take a detachment of six ships of the line, and five prizes, under his command.--sails for gibraltar.--journal of his tedious voyage.--arrives off candia.--decides to pass through a perilous passage, and escapes the dangers.--falls in with the marquis of nisa, and summons the french garrison at malta.--puts into port auguste, in sicily.--sails from thence.--tedious passage.--letters from earl st. vincent and nelson.--arrives at gibraltar.--reception there from the admiral, governor, &c.--sails thence.--arrives at lisbon.--sails thence.--arrives at spithead.--paid off at plymouth.--remarks on his treatment, and explanation of it. page chapter xii. sir james writes to earl spencer.--is appointed to the cæsar, of guns.--joins the channel fleet.--the brest fleet having escaped, proceeds to the mediterranean.--english fleet at bantry bay.--return of the french fleet.--cæsar at lisbon.--sir james returns to spithead.--rejoins the channel fleet.--earl st. vincent takes the command.--appoints sir james to command the advanced squadron.--black rocks.--earl st. vincent's letter of approbation.--douvarnenez bay.--various letters.--complete success of the blockade.--enemy's fleet laid up.--sir james returns to spithead.--conclusion of . page chapter xiii. sir james saumarez is promoted to the rank of rear-admiral.--appointed to command the advanced squadron.--proceedings at the black rocks.--douvarnenez bay.--returns to england.--appointed to command a squadron on a very particular service.--his secret orders, &c. and letter of approbation.--ready for sea.--is created a baronet of the united kingdom. page chapter xiv. sir james sails from england in command of a squadron of six sail of the line on a particular service.--arrives off cadiz.--attacks a french squadron at algeziras.--captain brenton's account of the battle.--loss of the hannibal.--colonel connolly's statements.--logs of the cæsar and ships of the squadron.--sir james proceeds to gibraltar.--remarks.--flag of truce sent to algeziras.--correspondence with linois.--squadron refit at gibraltar. page chapter xv. observations on the battle of algeziras.--copies of the journals of the spencer, audacious, and venerable.--remarks on them.--further particulars.--the spanish account.--the french account.--bulletin from the moniteur.--anecdote of an occurrence at st. malo.--sword presented to linois.--lines on the occasion.--his improvement of naval tactics.--epigram.--anecdote of the intrepidity of one of the cæsar's men. page chapter xvi. mole of gibraltar.--negotiation for the exchange of prisoners unsuccessful.--captain ferris and the officers of the hannibal return on parole.--they sail for england in the plymouth lugger, which carries home despatches and private letters.--despatch sent to lord keith.--admiral saumarez shifts his flag to the audacious.--extraordinary exertions of the crew of the cæsar.--their admirable conduct.--captain brenton and the garrison.--arrival of the spanish squadron at algeziras.--increased exertions of the crews of the squadron.--private letters.--preparations to attack the enemy. page chapter xvii. occurrences at gibraltar.--determination of sir james to attack the combined squadron.--cæsar rehoists the admiral's flag.--sir j. brenton's description of that interesting scene.--his account of the battle.--destruction of two spanish three-deckers.--capture of the st. antonio.--action between the venerable and formidable.--public letters.--private letters.--french details of the battle.--spanish ditto.--orders of sailing.--remarks. page list of plates. portrait of rear-admiral sir james saumarez, taken after the battle of the th july _frontispiece._ action with the crescent and réunion taken at the time the latter surrendered page commencement of the action between the crescent and her squadron, with the french squadron of superior force off guernsey close of the action when the crescent retreated among the rocks at guernsey chart of the island of guernsey, showing the positions of the english and french squadrons diagram of algeziras and gibraltar bay errata. page , l. , _for_ "present" _read_ "late." , l. ,--"ninety-second" _read_ "ninety-two." , l. ,--"towny" _read_ "towry." , l. ,--"marcon" _read_ "marcou." , l. ,--"collossus" _read_ "culloden." advertisement. in perusing the following memoir, the reader must not be surprised if he finds that the accounts of the several battles in which the illustrious saumarez was engaged, differ in some degree from those previously given to the public. every circumstance connected with them has been carefully examined, and whatever statements are now advanced can be borne out by documentary evidence. the career of saumarez was a long and eventful one: he entered the navy while the nation was at peace; he subsequently served during the american war of independence, and throughout the late continental war, in both of which he was in more engagements with the enemy than any other officer. he was the last of the heroes of the th of april . the life of lord de saumarez. chapter i. genealogy of the family of saumarez.--curious record.--branches of the late family.--marriage of the late lord de saumarez. admiral the right honourable james lord de saumarez, of guernsey, was born, on the th march , in the parish of st. peter-port, the principal town of that romantic island. the family, whose original name was _de sausmarez_, is of norman extraction, and of great antiquity in the island of guernsey, where their lineage can be traced almost to the norman conquest. their remote ancestor received from the dukes of normandy a fief of the district of jerbourg, and was appointed hereditary captain (or chatelain) of the castle of that name, which lies within the limits of the fief, and is situated in the parish of st. martin. among the records of the island, we find the following interesting particulars:--in the twenty-seventh year of the reign of edward the first, at a court of chief pleas held at guernsey, in the presence of the judges of assize, matthew de sausmarez made homage for his fief; which appears to have been acknowledged by an act of edward the second in the year : and in the reign of edward the third, in the year , an application was made by matthew de sausmarez for a confirmation of his rights and prerogatives, as formerly enjoyed by his ancestors. on receipt of this petition, his majesty sent an order to john de roches, guardian of the channel islands, to make a perquisition thereon; authorising him to give to it his royal assent if not found to be prejudicial to the rights of the crown or the privileges of the inhabitants, who had, by consent of his majesty's father, fortified the castle of jerbourg as a place of retreat and protection, as also for the security of their effects in case of invasion by the enemy. in pursuance of his majesty's order, the guardian appointed twelve of the most respectable inhabitants of the island to be examined before the bailiff or chief magistrate, who declared upon oath that the predecessors of matthew de sausmarez held that appointment from the crown, with sundry appurtenances and privileges, which, in consideration of their services as hereditary keepers of the castle, had always been, and ought to be, inseparable from the fief of jerbourg; and they further deposed, that these were not in any respect detrimental to the prerogative of the crown, or injurious to the rights of the inhabitants, who still retained the advantage and privilege of retreating into the castle, with their effects, in every emergency. the following curious and interesting fact, as attached to this ancient fief, has been also recorded in a guernsey periodical: "whenever the lord had occasion to go to jersey, his tenants were obliged to convey him thither, for which they received a gratuity of _three sous_, or a dinner; but they were not obliged to bring him back." and this exemption may be thus explained:--the lord, or captain of jerbourg, in those days held a fief in jersey, called by the same name, which no longer belongs to the de saumarez family; but formerly, when it was possessed by the same individual, the same rights and privileges were attached, so that when the affairs of the lord called him to jersey, he was conducted to that island by his guernsey tenants, and brought back by those of jersey. it is indeed certain, that, during many years after the norman conquest, several gentlemen possessed estates in both islands, more or less considerable in one than in the other. the fief of jerbourg remained in the family of de sausmarez till about the year , when it became the property of mr. john andros, in right of judith de sausmarez: but it has since reverted to the descendants of the old family, and belonged to thomas de sausmarez, his majesty's late attorney-general in the island of guernsey, who died lately at a very advanced age,--the father of twenty-eight children! the genealogy of the family between the year , and the birth of the grandfather of the late lord de saumarez on the th june , will be found in the addenda, as also that of the subsequent members of the family who are not mentioned here; but, in proceeding, we cannot pass over the names of captains philip and thomas saumarez, uncles of the late lord, who were two of the bravest and most meritorious officers of their time. the former, who was first lieutenant with commodore anson, afterwards commanded the nottingham, sixty-four, captured the french seventy-four, mars, and was killed in action ;[ ] and the latter, when in command of the antelope, of fifty guns, captured the french sixty-four, belliqueux, in the following extraordinary manner: [ ] see addenda. in the month of november , captain saumarez was stationed in the bristol channel for the protection of the trade, and, the wind blowing strong from the westward, had anchored his ship, the antelope, of fifty guns and three hundred and fifty men, in king road; and there being little probability of the appearance of an enemy under such circumstances, he had repaired to bristol to partake of the hospitality of his friends in that prosperous city. while sitting at dinner, an express came from barnstaple to inform him that a large ship, supposed to be an enemy, had anchored under lundy island. captain saumarez immediately repaired on board his ship, weighed anchor, and, notwithstanding the contrary wind and fresh gale, he beat down the channel, and in the morning saw her at anchor off ilfracombe. on discovering the antelope, the enemy weighed and stood towards her, and, on coming near, hoisted french colours and seemed prepared to engage. as soon as the antelope came within gun-shot, she opened her fire, when the frenchman immediately hauled down his colours without returning a shot. captain saumarez now sent his boat with the first lieutenant to know if she had surrendered; but finding that the boat did not return, he bore down under her stern, and asked if they had struck. the answer was in the affirmative, and she was immediately taken possession of. she proved to be the belliqueux, of sixty-four guns and five hundred men. when the captain came on board the antelope, and found that he had surrendered to a ship so much inferior in force, both in men and weight of metal, his chagrin and mortification knew no bounds. he exclaimed that he had been deceived, and actually proposed to captain saumarez that he should allow him to return to his ship, and that he would fight him fairly; to which the english captain replied that he must keep possession now; that he had obtained it, but he had no objection to his going back to france and getting another ship of the same kind to try the fortune of war. he conducted his prize back to king road, and returned to bristol with his french guest to enjoy the hospitality and hearty welcome of his friends, after an absence of only eighteen hours! matthew de saumarez, father of lord de saumarez, being brought up to the medical profession, arrived at considerable practice and high respectability. he was remarkable for his urbanity of manners and hospitality, particularly to strangers. he married, first, susannah, daughter of thomas dumaresq, esq. of jersey, and by her had susannah (an only child), who married henry brock, esq. of guernsey: his second wife was carteret, daughter of james le marchant, esq. of guernsey, and by her he had a numerous family, who are brothers and sisters of the late lord.[ ] [ ] see addenda. the family of de sausmarez, a branch of which changed the spelling of the name to saumarez about the year , was not only one of the most ancient and respectable, but the members of it successively held the highest situations, and were connected with the first families residing in the island of guernsey, which has always been distinguished for its loyalty and patriotism: indeed, it has not only produced several of our bravest and greatest warriors, but its inhabitants have ever manifested themselves to be proof against every attempt to seduce them from their allegiance. the opinions which have been entertained unfavourable to this fact,--arising no doubt from the proximity of the island to the coast of france, and the general use of the french language, but, most of all, from its having at one time been infested by adventurers,--are totally without foundation. having been many years stationed at this island, we have witnessed the loyalty and intrepidity of the natives: and could give several instances where the guernsey pilot was the _first_ to board the enemy. lord de saumarez was married at guernsey, on the th october , to martha, only daughter and heiress of thomas le marchant, esq. by marriage with miss mary dobrée, two of the most ancient and respectable families in the island. this marriage was the consequence of a long and mutual attachment: it need scarcely be added, that it completed the happiness of both. they became the parents of eight children, whose biography will be found in the appendix. chapter ii. to . commencement of his career.--his education.--visit of the duke of gloucester to guernsey.--saumarez decides for the navy.--is put on the soleby's books.--school at london.--embarks in the montreal.--winchelsea, pembroke, levant.--smyrna.--returns home.--passes for lieutenant.--embarks in the bristol.--proposal to leave the navy.--attack on fort sullivan.--gallant conduct.--is made lieutenant.--bristol, chatham, lady parker.--commands the spitfire.--rhode island.--many engagements.--war with france.--appearance of the french fleet under d'estaing.--spitfire burnt.--appearance of lord howe. the illustrious admiral, of whose ancestors a biographical sketch has been briefly given in the preceding chapter, and in the addenda to this work, and whose glorious career is the subject of this record, passed from the first rudiments of learning, under a dame, to the more manly tuition of elizabeth college, in guernsey, where his brother, fifteen months his senior, was receiving his education. although he always said that his brother was a much better scholar in both latin and greek than himself, his taste for poetry, and his discrimination in that refined branch of literature, must have appeared at a very early age, as, when he was only seven or eight years old, he surprised his mother by reciting to her several lines from the first pages of milton's paradise lost, which he had learnt of his own accord,--a foretaste of the gratification which he derived through life in reading that noble poem. his mother was so delighted with this unexpected discovery of his taste, that she could not forbear making it known to her friends; especially to a literary gentleman of her acquaintance, who sent young saumarez a present of the golden verses of pythagoras, which he also committed to memory, and retained throughout his life. but the great sensibility of his heart was most apparent in his attachment to all his relations: their pleasures and their pains were always _his_; and it is therefore not surprising that he was a favourite with them all. in those days, guernsey was, as it were, a large family; and the society of the upper classes was linked in a small, but a select and happy, circle, interested in each other's welfare. the communication with england not being, as now, kept up by regular packets, the arrival of a stranger was an event of some importance, and mostly occurred through the visits of the king's ships going on foreign stations, which put into guernsey for wines and other stores: on these occasions the captains and officers were constant guests at the hospitable mansion of our hero's father, and it was usually the province of young saumarez to look out for and report their appearance. in july , this little community was surprised by an occurrence which to this day is related among the events of "olden times," as having made a great, and certainly a lasting impression. his royal highness the duke of gloucester, on his return from a tour in france, anchored in guernsey roads. at two in the morning, the hostess of the only inn in the town was awakened by a call that the duke of gloucester had landed, and was coming there: not supposing this possible, she for a long time refused to rise; but, being at length convinced, she directed the party to the house of the lieutenant-governor, who was as incredulous as the good woman of the ship inn. at last he appeared at the window in his dressing-gown and _bonnet de nuit_, and finding whom he was called upon to receive, he exclaimed, in the trepidation of the moment,--"my house is not fit for the duke; go to my friend, doctor saumarez." there at last his royal highness found entrance, and a hearty welcome; but it may be conjectured that no little surprise and bustle spread through the house at the unexpected arrival at such an hour of the illustrious guest. the blue damask room was, however, soon prepared, with other apartments for the aides-de camp, sir henry clinton and another. young saumarez and his brother were sent off, as soon as the sun rose, to inform their uncle the attorney-general, who resided some distance from the town, that the royal visitor had arrived. on their return the streets were decorated with crowns, festoons, and garlands of flowers, which had risen as from the wand of a magician; the bells were ringing, the populace were in holiday suits, and the whole effect was so animated, that the more splendid scenes of after-life never erased it from the mind of saumarez. the duke, on rising, was surprised at the quick display of loyalty he beheld, and expressed himself much gratified at the proofs he received of respect and attachment which these faithful islanders evinced in his person towards the king and the royal family. his royal highness condescended to honour a ball in the evening; and often did young saumarez hear his aunt (a sister of his mother, married to major brabazon of the th regiment,) relate her having opened the ball in a minuet with his royal highness. young saumarez had long and constantly cherished a decided predilection for the navy. accustomed as he had been from childhood to hear of the fame which his valiant uncles, captains philip and thomas saumarez, had acquired, his mind was early inspired with a desire to tread in their path, and to acquire for himself a name which might emulate theirs. his eldest brother was already in the navy; but his father having six sons, when he found that james had evinced such a desire for the sea, and having connexions in the service, probably considered that he could not place another more advantageously than in a profession which had already afforded an honourable and glorious career to two of his family. accordingly he accepted the offer of captain lucius o'bryen, of his majesty's ship soleby, who entered his name on the books of that ship on the th september as volunteer, where it remained until the rd of june , having been there two years and nine months. during this time, however, he never joined the ship, but was for a part of it at a school in the vicinity of london, which had been recommended to his father by a naval friend, who appears to have been ill qualified to make the selection, if we may judge from the amusing account which saumarez gave in after-life of his acquirements in that seminary. fortunately, as he said, when he had been there ten months, his father being in london, sent for him, and to his great joy took him home, and with this portion of education he was launched into the world; as a few months after he went to portsmouth to join the montreal, captain alms, who had been a friend of his uncles, and who had visited his father at guernsey. on the th of august , the ship sailed for the mediterranean. great pains were taken by the captain to improve the talents of young saumarez, which soon became apparent: but the commodore being obliged to return home on account of ill health, he placed him in the winchelsea; and we find that he went on board the pembroke, bearing the broad pendant of commodore proby, and commanded by captain durell, who was a relative of the family, on the th august , and joined the former ship on the th september following. nature happily had endowed young saumarez with talents, and qualities of mind and heart, which in a great measure repaired the want of a regular and more enlarged education: a sound judgment and quick sensibility soon led him to perceive his deficiency in acquired knowledge; and he was inspired with a laudable ambition, to remedy it by every exertion the feeble means within his reach could accomplish. when, indeed, it is considered that only a few volumes of the spectator and idler, with some stray volumes of the roman history, composed his little library, it may justly be inferred that it was no ordinary capacity or moderate application which could form a character such as was manifested by him. frigates, in those days, had neither chaplains nor schoolmasters; and the "young gentlemen," when off duty, were left to spend their time as they thought fit. the midshipmen of the present day can have but a faint idea of the hardships and privations of a naval aspirant's life at the period saumarez entered the service. biscuits with insects, and tainted meat, was the usual fare when at sea at their mess-table; and none would have thought of procuring such _luxuries_ as are now indispensable _necessaries_ to their successors in the service. while there is great cause to rejoice in the change which has taken place, it should not prevent the expression of just and well-founded regret that the amelioration has spread to the opposite extreme; the placing a son in the navy being now a heavy tax instead of a relief, which we know is felt severely by old naval officers on half-pay, who naturally wish to employ a son in the service to which they belong. with grateful remembrance, saumarez has often been heard to say, that, on his departure from home, his affectionate father put a purse containing fifteen guineas in his hand; observing that, as he knew he had a large family, he trusted that he would use it with economy, but that when he wanted more he might draw on his banker. so strictly, however, did he fulfil this recommendation, that his father said, the sight of his drafts gave him pleasure. his first journal is of the winchelsea, captain samuel cranston goodall, and commences on the th november , at which time he was first rated a midshipman: he remained in that ship until the th february . during these seventeen months he gained a valuable friend in captain goodall, whose regard he preserved to the end of his life. saumarez had constant access to his cabin: he allowed him to write there, and make extracts from the best authors in his possession, which was of great service in improving his acquaintance with modern literature. this ship had been cruising in the mediterranean, and visited most of the interesting ports there; and, in february , the winchelsea was ordered to england,--an account joyfully hailed by all on board, but by none more sincerely than by mr. saumarez, whose heart panted to see his dearest friends. what, then, must have been his feelings, on the arrival of the levant to relieve the winchelsea, when he was sent for by captain goodall, and apprised that captain thompson would receive him?--and as it was of importance that he should finish his time before going home, he strongly recommended his stay, especially as it was his father's wish. although it was as if a sword had pierced his heart, he calmly submitted to the decision, and he saw the worthy captain goodall and his messmates depart without a murmur. this self-denial was not wholly unrewarded. the levant was a larger ship, affording much better accommodation to the midshipmen; and mr. saumarez, having been nearly three years at sea, became of some consequence with his messmates. the date of his joining the levant was the th february , having been discharged on the preceding day from the winchelsea. he soon formed a close friendship with mr. samuel thompson, the captain's son; which continued unshaken till the death of the latter in . the british merchants having petitioned for a ship of war to be stationed in the mediterranean for the protection of the trade, the levant was ordered on that service, and for fourteen months remained in that inactive position, which young saumarez used to say he considered a blank in his existence. having no books to relieve the spirits, no letters to cheer the heart, life wasted away without profit or satisfaction. there must, however, have been a few bright days; for he often mentioned with pleasure the hospitality of the english families settled in smyrna, of which he occasionally partook when captain thompson allowed it. this was the more frequent on account of his thorough knowledge of the french language, which was the means of procuring him attentions rendered doubly acceptable by the dulness of that anchorage: such were the advantages he derived from his familiarity with that language, that he never failed to recommend the study of it to all his young _protégés_ before going to sea. on the th of may , the levant was at length released, and sailed for gibraltar; from which place she proceeded to port mahon, to be repaired. on the th of may , she resumed her old station in smyrna harbour, (in consequence of an insurrection, in which several christians had been massacred, owing to the destruction of the russian fleet in the bay of chisma, on the contiguous coast,) having been away precisely one year. she again left that station, on the th of september, for gibraltar; and finally for england in march , on the th of which month she arrived at spithead. on the th of the following april, mr. saumarez was discharged from the levant; and had at length the long-wished-for happiness of seeing again his native land, and the friends from whom he had been for more than five years separated. the levant, being paid off, was recommissioned by the honourable captain murray, who used every persuasion to induce mr. saumarez to remain in the ship; but, after an absence of five years, he was too anxious to spend some time with his family, to accede to his proposal, and the moment he was at liberty he set off for guernsey. taking into account the time his name had been on the books of the solebay, he had now served more than the required six years of service: and as the regulations for age were at that time not strictly enforced, after a few weeks of rest he went to london to pass his examination for lieutenant; but owing to the commissioners being on their annual visits to the dock-yards, and their return being protracted, two months elapsed before the object was accomplished. this enabled him again to return to his friends, but he was not then permitted long to enjoy their society. in the year , on the breaking out of the war with the american colonies, commodore sir peter parker being appointed to the command of a squadron, with his broad pendant on board the bristol, of fifty guns, mr. saumarez, then eighteen years of age, was ordered to join that ship, through the recommendation of admiral keppel, who, having been the friend and contemporary of his uncles, ever evinced an interest in his advancement. after an interview with sir peter in london, he embarked, on the th of october, at sheerness, whence the bristol proceeded to the nore at the end of november. after passing a short time at spithead and plymouth, which they left on the st of december, the squadron sailed for cork, the last rendezvous of the expedition destined for south carolina. this consisted of six frigates, two bombs, and two hundred transports, containing seven regiments of infantry and two companies of artillery, under the command of that distinguished nobleman, the earl cornwallis, and the honourable brigadier-general vaughan. these two chiefs, with their aides-de-camp, lord chewton and captain eustace, were embarked on board the bristol: they sailed about the middle of january . on the passage out, which was remarkable for stormy weather, and for the consequent dispersion of the convoy, the activity and zeal of young saumarez not only attracted the attention, but gained the esteem of the noble earl; who, by offering to make him his aide-de-camp and take him by the hand, had nearly persuaded him to leave the naval service, and enter the army, offering him a commission in the rd, his own regiment. we have heard him relate, that, after he had more than half consented, he went below and told his messmates, who immediately jeered him so much about "turning soldier," that he returned to the quarter-deck and gave a positive refusal to the earl, who could not help expressing his disappointment and chagrin on the occasion. there can be no doubt that he would have highly distinguished himself in the army, or wherever he was placed; but, happily for the nation, and for the honour of the profession which he had first chosen, he was destined to display his bravery and splendid talents in a sphere where there happened to be a much greater range for them, than if he had followed the fortunes of the noble earl in the other honourable service. many years after, when saumarez's career had proved the wisdom of his decision, he met lord cornwallis at dinner at lord spencer's, then first lord of the admiralty; who, on hearing this anecdote, observed, "lord cornwallis would have deprived the naval service of one of its best officers." the bristol arrived off cape fear early in may, where they found general clinton; and, having repaired their damages, reached charlestown in the beginning of june. the troops were landed on the island, at a low, sandy spot, in the midst of a heavy surf, and the guns of the bristol and the experiment were put on board the harcourt east-indiaman, to enable them to get over the bar. one of the transports, called the friendship, having been fitted as a ship of war to be taken into the service, was commissioned by lieutenant charles hope, first of the bristol, an excellent officer, and he selected sir james barclay and mr. saumarez to be his officers; but, after a few days, he prevailed on captain hope to allow him to return to the bristol, which he did only two days previously to the attack on fort sullivan, which, after passing the bar, it became necessary to silence and take possession of. this fortress was considered the key of the harbour, and the fortifications of it were constructed with great skill: the works being formed of cabbage-tree, a kind of wood peculiarly calculated, by its porous and elastic quality, to resist the effects of shot; and, from its not being liable to splinter, the troops in the batteries were secured from what is deemed one of the principal means of destruction; while the bristol's crew were fully exposed to the fatal effects of the enemy's fire. the guns being taken on board on the th of june , at a.m. the squadron began the attack by a furious and incessant cannonade, which continued with little intermission until nine o'clock at night. never did british valour shine more conspicuously, nor did our ships in an engagement of the same nature experience so serious an encounter: the squadron could not approach within grape-shot of the enemy, and therefore could not clear the batteries; and the spring of the bristol's cable being cut by the shot, she swung so as to get dreadfully raked. mr. saumarez was employed in replacing this spring three times in the mercury's boat, assisted by the captain of that transport. the brave captain morris, after receiving a number of wounds, with a noble constancy disdained to quit his duty; until, his arm being shot off, he was carried below in a condition which did not afford any probability of recovery. at one time, the quarter-deck of the bristol was cleared of every one except the commodore, who stood on the poop-ladder alone; a spectacle of intrepidity and firmness which has been seldom equalled, never exceeded. it is said, that mr. saumarez seeing him in this situation, requested him to come down; when he replied with a smile, "what! you want to get rid of me, do ye?" while he well knew that the reverse was the fact. the loss sustained by the squadron in general, and by the bristol in particular, in an action unexampled in point of duration, and in which it was finally repulsed, was very great: she had alone one hundred and eleven killed and wounded, including her gallant captain and several other officers. during this severe conflict, mr. saumarez had a very narrow escape: at the moment he was pointing a gun on the lower-deck, of which he had the command, a shot from the fort entered the port-hole, struck the gun, and killed seven out of eight men who were stationed to work it. some time afterwards, being called on deck to execute certain orders respecting the replacing the spring on the cable, he was standing close to mr. darley, a midshipman, for whom he had the greatest regard, when a shot took off the young man's head and covered mr. saumarez with his blood. captain morris, after being carried below, lingered contrary to expectation, and hopes were formed that he would survive; when, unfortunately, his attendant being overcome with sleep, it is supposed the captain's bandages gave way, and, not having strength to awake him, he was found in the morning bathed in his blood. his dissolution becoming inevitable, one of the officers asked him if he had any direction to give with respect to his family; to which he nobly replied, "none! i leave them to the providence of god, and the generosity of my country," and soon after expired. this engagement lasted thirteen hours: it was the first in which mr. saumarez had been present; and, after the very many in which he was subsequently engaged, he has been heard to declare it to have been one of the most severe he ever witnessed. captain scott, of the experiment, lost his arm; and there were several death-vacancies for lieutenants. mr. saumarez's conduct during the whole of this obstinate and bloody contest was deemed so especially meritorious, that the commodore expressed his highest approbation of it in the warmest and most flattering terms, and soon after the battle he promoted him to the rank of lieutenant. the following is a copy of his first acting commission: "by sir peter parker, commander-in-chief of a squadron of his majesty's ships to be employed on a particular service. "whereas i think it necessary for the good of his majesty's service to have an acting-lieutenant on board his majesty's ship the bristol, you are hereby required and directed to take upon you the office of acting-lieutenant of his majesty's ship bristol; strictly charging and commanding all the officers and company of the said ship to behave themselves jointly, and severally, in their respective employments, with all due respect and obedience unto you their said lieutenant; and you are likewise to observe and execute the general printed instructions, and such orders and directions as you shall from time to time receive from your captain, or any other your superior officer, for his majesty's service. "for which this shall be your order. dated on board his majesty's ship bristol, in five-fathom hole, off charlestown, the th day of july . p. parker "to mr. james saumarez, hereby appointed to act as lieutenant on board his majesty's ship bristol, until further orders. "by command of the commodore. john read." in this ship acting-lieutenant saumarez remained until the rd september; serving often with the army on shore, and on all occasions taking a distinguished part. he was actively employed in the boats of the bristol on every landing that took place, from the first disembarkation of the troops in gravesend bay, to the landing at rochelle from frog's-neck. lord howe then commanded in person on this expedition, and hoisted his flag in the carysfort, the gallant captain fanshawe. his lordship appointed mr. saumarez his aide-de-camp, and selected him to convey general clinton, commanding the troops, to the vicinity of rochelle, when he had the satisfaction of receiving the thanks of his lordship for his zealous exertions. all the boats were then ordered to join their respective ships off new york; an order, it may be supposed, not unwelcome after an absence of several weeks, during which officers and men had been subject to all the privations consequent on such a service, sleeping in boats, and scarcely having any change of clothing. saumarez was afterwards on duty up the north river, and had the honour of conveying lord cornwallis and his staff on board his boat in the first landing in the jerseys; and on several occasions he was actively useful to his lordship, who repeatedly acknowledged his services. being employed in the disembarkation of troops newly arrived, he discovered that his brother's regiment, the twenty-third welsh (now royal welsh) fusileers, was one of them; and soon after he had the happiness of meeting him, who, on his part, was not less agreeably surprised at the welcome and unexpected encounter. being at head-quarters when fort washington surrendered, the garrison, consisting of two thousand seven hundred men, having laid down their arms, lieutenant saumarez was the bearer of the tidings to the bristol; but they appeared so incredible, that it was some time before sir peter parker could be persuaded of their authenticity. rear-admiral lord shuldham, having on the th september, shifted his flag to the bristol, lieutenant saumarez followed his commander, who then hoisted his broad pendant in the chatham. he was therefore removed by lord viscount howe, vice-admiral of the white, and commander-in-chief of all his majesty's ships and vessels in north america, to the chatham, as fifth lieutenant "for the time being." in this situation lieutenant saumarez so often and so particularly distinguished himself in the boats, and in command of the lady parker schooner, tender to the unicorn, captain ford, that, on the th february , he was appointed lieutenant commanding the spitfire, a schooner-rigged galley, by special direction of the commander-in-chief, as will appear by the following order: "by commodore hotham, on board the preston. "the viscount howe having directed that you shall command the spitfire galley, in the room of lieutenant scott; you are hereby directed to repair on board the said galley, and take the command of her accordingly, using the utmost despatch in preparing and fitting her for a passage to rhode island. "given on board the preston, off new york, th february . w. hotham. "to lieut. saumarez, hereby appointed to command h.m. galley, the spitfire. "by command. titus lewis." our young hero, who had been far less actively employed than he wished, had now obtained almost the height of his ambition,--in other words, a situation where he could have an opportunity of displaying his talents and intrepidity. he found his new vessel in the king's yard; and, having taken charge from her former commander, proceeded to fit out with surprising diligence. on the rd february he received twenty-three seamen from the preston; and on the th a sergeant and eleven marines completed his complement of thirty-seven men, including himself and the carpenter; when he immediately weighed and made sail. it soon after blew a gale, but he succeeded in reaching the brothers, where he anchored, and found h.m.s. sphinx, and some traders: the next morning he weighed, and falling in with h.m.s. falcon and convoy, they proceeded on their voyage. on the th of march strong gales obliged the convoy to put into huntingdon bay, where they were detained by stormy weather till the th of march. on the th the convoy reached oyster-pond bay, and on the th anchored off fort island, in company with the eagle, nonsuch, apollo, mermaid, unicorn, ariel, maidstone, grampus, and stromboli; and here their active operations began. on the th of march an enemy's frigate was chased and run on shore in the narraganset passage, when lieutenant saumarez, together with the boats of the squadron, went to destroy her, she being protected by a battery on shore; the spitfire was anchored about four hundred yards from this battery in twelve feet water, and, having got her long-bow gun to bear, engaged it while the boats boarded and set fire to the frigate: this occupied more than an hour, during which time the battery was silenced, but a brisk fire of musketry was kept up by the rebels; and the service being performed, the galley was towed out with little damage, five men being wounded: at nine she anchored in safety off newton's point. soon after this a gale came on; the galley drove towards the rocks, and it was supposed she must be lost; but lieutenant saumarez cut his cable, and by a masterly act of seamanship saved his vessel, and gained the admiration of the whole squadron. during this period, lieutenant saumarez was under the orders of commodore griffith, of the nonsuch, senior officer of his majesty's ships and vessels at rhode island; and it will appear by the following secret order, that he was kept at the most important point in advance. (secret.) "by walter griffith, esq. commander of a division of his majesty's ships and vessels at rhode island. "the employment of the galley under your command being necessary in the seakonnet channel, with the intention to intercept any armed vessels fitted by the rebels for putting to sea from the harbours or creeks communicating therewith; but more particularly to defeat any attempts they may propose for making a descent in force, or attacking the post occupied by the king's troops on the eastern shore of rhode island; you are therefore to proceed to the aforesaid channel, and put yourself under the command of the superior officer there, for those purposes accordingly: but you are, nevertheless, at liberty to move the galley (under the orders of the commanding officer there) from time to time, to prevent the enemy from being able to ascertain the position thereof, either for executing any meditated insult on the galley, or to pass you unobserved during the night; taking care, however, to keep as much as may be within such limits, as will fully enable you to effect the principal object of your appointment as aforesaid. "it will become requisite for this end, to have your boats (or other better-appointed craft, with which you can in future be supplied), advanced at seasonable lines, both for the earlier discovery of any ships or vessels attempting to pass your station in the night, and preventing any other advantages attempted by the enemy under cover thereof. "the crews of the boats so directed should be prudently cautious in boarding vessels of inconsiderable appearance, that they may not be exposed to suffer by the treacherous practice of the enemy in different modes to blow up and destroy your men; but a suitable discretion will be no less requisite on your part, that, in warning them of these hazards, they are not induced to become remiss in their exertions in the essential services. "if the enemy should attempt to pass your station with any ship of apparent force, great attention will be requisite that you may not be misled by such not improbable expeditions to draw you from your station, and thereby facilitate the means to succeed with less risk in a meditated descent on the eastern shore of the island; which is to be at all times the object of your chief care to resist and oppose, by endeavouring to destroy the boats of the enemy employed on that occasion, or otherwise to prevent the further use of them in the attempt. "it will therefore be incumbent on you, in conjunction with other armed vessels stationed with you in seakonnet channel, to intercept the said armed vessels (if possible) before they have advanced below your first anchoring station, and to keep secret such directions as the senior officer at the said anchorage may propose to adopt for that intent. "you are to continue on this service until further orders; and i am to recommend your attention, that a careful watch is kept in the galley at all times, conformable to the tenour of the printed instructions given in that respect; and that every other precaution is taken to guard against the attempts of the rebel for the annoyance of the galley, wherein it is to be observed of all such enterprises, that those which are the least suspected are ever the most likely to be attended with success. "given on board h.m.s. nonsuch, at rhode island, st may . s.w. griffith." "to lieut. saumarez, &c." it should be mentioned here, that rhode island was taken possession of by his majesty's forces under general clinton and sir peter parker on the th december ; and some description of it is necessary to show the arduous as well as perilous nature of the service on which our young hero was now employed. this island takes its name from the province, and lies in narraganset bay: it is fifteen miles in length from north to south, and three miles and a half broad; the north end is only three miles from bristol, to which there is a ferry. the seakonnet passage separates it from the main on the north-west side, and the islands of conanicut and prudence lie in the passage on the south-east side, the town of newport being in the south-east part of the island. the seakonnet passage was in consequence of the above order allotted to the spitfire. lieutenant saumarez was now under the orders of captain græme, and proceeded to his station: it appears from his journal, now in our possession, that he was constantly on the alert, and almost daily skirmishing with the enemy. on the th he had to sustain the attack of three armed boats which came off from point judith, and had nearly decoyed them on board; but they found their mistake in time to escape after a good drubbing. on the same evening he joined a detachment of five hundred men, which, under cover of the flora, had landed above bristol and burnt one hundred and twenty-five batteaux-plats, an armed galley, and a privateer of fourteen guns, besides destroying the greatest part of the town. on the th april a firing was heard in the direction of the taunton: the spitfire immediately weighed, and ran over to the enemy's shore, where lieutenant saumarez opposed his vessel to a field-piece, which returned his fire without doing any injury for a considerable time; this was meant as a diversion to enable the th regiment to attack unobserved, which in the mean time landed up the taunton, destroyed eight sawmills and several flat-boats, and came off by the assistance of the spitfire with inconsiderable loss. on the st of may the spitfire weighed, and was beating against the wind to obtain her station, when, by the vessel missing stays, she got aground on sandy hook. on this, the enemy immediately brought down a gun, but without effect. an anchor was carried out; the vessel was hove off without damage, and reached fogland battery, off which she anchored, and the next day reached her former station. it will be needless to notice every occasion wherein the spitfire was engaged with the enemy, which, while lieutenant saumarez commanded her, was no less than forty-seven times! but we shall proceed to the period when his operations in that vessel were drawing to a close. the americans, who had publicly declared their independence on the th july , had concluded a treaty with the french on the th march , which was considered by the british government as a declaration of war; and the french ambassador being directed to withdraw, the following orders were issued to the squadron at rhode island by commodore john brisbane, who had now taken the command: "by captain john brisbane, captain of h.m.s. flora, and senior officer of his majesty's ships and vessels at newport, rhode island. "in pursuance of an order from the lord viscount howe, vice-admiral of the white, and commander-in-chief of his majesty's ships and vessels employed on a particular service, you are hereby required and directed to make war upon, take, or destroy any part of the french squadron lately arrived on the coasts of this continent, as well as other ships of war of that nation appearing on the coasts of north america, to the utmost of your ability, until further orders, keeping this secret. dated on board h.m.s. flora, at newport, rhode island, th july . (signed) j. brisbane. "to lieutenant saumarez, commanding the spitfire, galley." this order was transmitted with an enclosure, designated "copy of a paragraph of a letter received from lord viscount howe, dated off sandy hook, th july ." "as there is not a sufficient naval force for the defence of rhode island, and none can be sent while the french squadron, at anchor off sandy hook, continues so much superior to that under my command, it may not be unseasonable to remind you that you are at liberty to apply the force under your direction, by landing of guns and men for the service of the batteries; dismantling, and even destroying the ships, to strengthen the defences of the post in the most effectual manner, in case of an attack upon the post, more especially when no longer in prospect of rendering better assistance under the same circumstances, or preventing the capture of the ships. "every captain or commander is therefore directed to attend to the foregoing paragraph, and act from circumstances, in the best and most effectual manner possible for the defence of the post, and ship or vessel under his command, so as to answer the intention of his lordship. dated on board h.m.s. flora, newport harbour, th july . "to lieutenant saumarez, commanding h.m. galley spitfire." the french, who had secretly been assisting the americans, and had long been preparing for war, sent a powerful fleet from france, which arrived, and anchored off sandy hook, while lord howe was within the harbour with a very inferior force, but could not be attacked: they therefore bent their course to reduce rhode island. on the th of july they were discovered; and, on the th of august, two ships of the line and two frigates entered the passage, where the kingfisher sloop, the alarm and spitfire, galleys, were stationed; and it being no longer possible to prevent them from falling into the hands of the enemy, their stores, guns, and crews were landed, and the vessels set on fire. chapter iii. to . serves ashore.--returns to england in the leviathan.--providential escape from shipwreck.--visits guernsey.--joins the victory.--a journey to london.--joins the fortitude.--battle off the dogger bank.--anecdotes of admiral parker.--mr. saumarez promoted to the rank of master and commander.--appointed to the tisiphone.--sails for the west indies with admiral kempenfelt.--action with comte de guichen.--captures a french ship of thirty-six guns.--is despatched to sir samuel hood.--arrives at barbadoes.--escapes from two french men-of-war.--passes through an intricate channel.--joins sir samuel hood.--gallant conduct in cutting out a vessel.--tisiphone ordered home.--fortunate exchange with captain stanhope.--takes command of the russell. after the destruction of his little vessel, the spitfire, lieutenant saumarez was attached to the division of sailors under commodore brisbane, to whom he became aide-de-camp. this division consisted of the crews of the frigates and other vessels which had been destroyed, on the following day in the southern passage, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. the vessels destroyed, in addition to those mentioned in the last chapter, were, the juno, lark, orpheus, and flora of thirty-two guns, and the cerberus of twenty-eight. the artillery and stores had been in part landed, and mounted in various positions on the island; while the seamen and officers, amounting to above a thousand men, were actively employed there during the whole of the siege. lieutenant saumarez was stationed latterly in command of one of the advanced posts, and had several opportunities of distinguishing himself in repulsing the repeated assaults of the enemy, and in attacking them in return. the plans of the french for the reduction of rhode island having failed, and their fleet having been dispersed in a storm, during which some were disabled, and others captured, and finally the appearance of lord howe with a reinforced but still inferior squadron, induced them to abandon the project, and, after refitting at boston, to steer for the west indies. the officers and seamen, being now no longer wanted, were ordered a passage home in the leviathan of fifty guns, on board which ship lieutenant saumarez embarked, in company with captains dalrymple, smith, hudson, brisbane, symons, and græme, whose ships had also been destroyed. as she was approaching the english channel, the leviathan was overtaken by a violent storm, and most providentially saved from shipwreck by the clearing up of a thick fog just in time to avoid the danger, when they found the ship close to the rocks of scilly, near to the spot where sir cloudesley shovel was lost. this circumstance has been attributed to a strong northerly current, but it was probably from the position of these dangerous islands being inaccurately laid down in the charts; it is indeed an extraordinary fact, that an error of no less than three leagues in their situation was first discovered by the swedish surveyor, nordenanker, about the commencement of last war. the leviathan, nevertheless, arrived safely at portsmouth about the beginning of the year , when lieutenant saumarez had again an opportunity of visiting his family and friends in guernsey. he had, however, resided there but a short time, when he was appointed first lieutenant of the edgar of seventy-four guns, then fitting at woolwich for the broad pendant of commodore elliot. after receiving his letter of appointment, he was obliged to wait some time for an opportunity to cross the channel; but at length availed himself of the ambuscade, which touched at guernsey. having arrived at the isle of wight, captain phipps, her commander, ascertained that the squadron under admiral drake, to which he belonged, had sailed from spithead; therefore without touching at portsmouth to land lieutenant saumarez, he proceeded to join the channel fleet, which he found twenty leagues to the westward of scilly, having on the way retaken the helena sloop of war; to command which sir john warren, then first lieutenant of the victory, was appointed, and mr. saumarez was ordered in his stead to join the victory, then bearing the flag of sir charles hardy, at whose request he was continued in that ship, where he was third lieutenant in seniority, but supernumerary on the books. besides the commander-in-chief of the channel fleet, rear-admiral kempenfelt, as first, and captain collings, as second captain, were both on board the victory detached to cruise off brest, commencing in june , and returning occasionally to port until may st, . after the death of sir charles hardy, which took place on the th may , admiral geary, and then sir francis drake, succeeded to the command, with captain clayton as captain. the victory continued on the same service until the spring of , when admiral hyde parker hoisted his flag, and mr. saumarez now became first lieutenant. he had been so zealously attentive to his duty, that for several months he never went on shore, till at length he yielded to the persuasion of his messmates. on arriving at point beach, portsmouth, he was accosted by a person in french, who demanded the way to the admiral's house, and at the same time informed him that he had just landed with the intelligence that jersey had been attacked by the french. mr. saumarez immediately went with the messenger to the admiral, who despatched him as a courier to town, and he returned in a remarkably short time with orders respecting it. in short, his diligence and zeal were so manifest in every service on which he was employed, that he soon gained the esteem and friendship of vice-admiral hyde parker, who, in june , was appointed to the command in the north seas, and shifted his flag into the fortitude, captain robertson. the squadron in those seas, when under command of commodore keith stewart, was of inconsiderable strength, but had now risen to a force of five ships of the line, besides one fifty, one forty-four, and three frigates. notwithstanding the desire of lord sandwich, then first lord of the admiralty, to provide for his own friends, the admiral succeeded in carrying with him, from the victory, lieutenants waghorne and saumarez. on the rd of june they sailed from spithead to sheerness, and, after refitting and touching at leith, sailed to bring home the baltic convoy from elsineur, about the beginning of july. the squadron, which might have been made much stronger, consisted of the fortitude, seventy-four, captain robertson; the princess amelia, eighty, captain macartney; the berwick, seventy-four, captain fergusson; the bienfaisant, sixty-four, captain braithwaite; the buffalo, sixty, captain truscott; the preston, fifty, captain græme; the dolphin, forty-four, captain blair; the latona, thirty-eight, sir hyde parker (the admiral's son); the belle poule, thirty-six, captain patton; the cleopatra, thirty-two, captain murray; and the surprise, cutter, lieutenant rivett. the dutch by this time had declared war, and, being perfectly aware of the force of admiral parker's squadron, sailed with a large convoy for the baltic, under command of admiral zoutman, whose squadron was one ship of the line superior; it became, therefore, necessary to take the dolphin, of forty-four guns, into the line, although she had only eighteen-pounders on the lower deck. but before entering into the details of the action which took place on the th of august , it is proper to give some of the particulars of each squadron. that of admiral parker was totally unfit for the line of battle; the ships had been but a short time together, and had only two or three times practised the usual manoeuvres of forming the line, &c. the fortitude was a small seventy-four, but well manned. the princess amelia was an old eighty-gun ship, with reduced metal and masts. the berwick was a good ship, and, in addition to her metal, had two sixty-eight-pounder carronades on the poop; but next to her was the dolphin, forty-four, with only twenty twelve-pounders on the lower-deck, which could not be expected to make any impression on a sixty-four. the buffalo was formerly the captain, of seventy guns; but, in the commencement of hostilities, not being thought efficient as a ship of war, she was fitted up as a mast-ship and her name changed; but, probably for want of vessels, she was again equipped for war with sixty guns, but only with eighteen-pounders on the lower deck. the preston was a good fifty-gun ship, with her proper metal, twenty-four-pounders on the lower, and twelve-pounders on the upper deck. the bienfaisant had the metal on her lower deck reduced. the artois, which afterwards joined the squadron, was the finest frigate then known; had twenty-eight, eighteen-pounders on her main deck, with, in addition to her complement of guns, heavy carronades on the quarter-deck and forecastle; she was manned with three hundred men. the latona was a fine thirty-eight gun frigate, with eighteen-pounders; the belle poule and tartar were excellent of their class. the dutch squadron consisted of one seventy-four, one sixty-eight, one sixty-four, and five fifty-fours. in the action there were five frigates, the other five having gone off with the convoy; the list of both will be found in the appendix to this volume, with that of the killed and wounded. the dutch squadron and convoy, which were bound to the baltic, were discovered at four o'clock in the morning about six leagues to leeward; and there being a fine commanding breeze and smooth water, everything was favourable, as well for detaching the convoy, which was immediately done by signal to the tartar, as for making dispositions to attack the enemy. the admiral seeing that they had their own port (the texel) directly to leeward, and being doubtful that they would run in there for shelter, or at least go nearer to the shore, made the signal to chase at thirty-five minutes past four, which obliged every ship to make sail instead of preparing for action with a superior enemy. at five, admiral zoutman hoisted dutch colours, and his men-of-war drew out from the convoy, which took their station under the lee to await the event. at half-past five, the admiral made the tartar's signal to stay by, and part company with the convoy, which then hauled their wind, made sail to the south-west, and was soon out of sight and danger. at ten minutes past six, the signal for the line of battle abreast was made, which allowed the headmost ships to take in small sails; and immediately after another signal was given for the dolphin and preston to change stations; this was a serious mistake, as it led our squadron to believe that the admiral meant to engage the ship ahead of the dutch admiral, and not that of the latter, which was actually his intention. this unfortunately placed the dolphin in opposition to one of the largest of the enemy's vessels; and while it left the rear-ship (the bienfaisant) for some time without an opponent, the van-ship berwick and the dolphin had to engage three of the enemy. in the mean time, the dutch were regularly drawn up in a line of battle ahead, on the larboard tack, the ships being about a cable's length apart, and keeping a point from the wind, with their sails well proportioned to each other. they appeared in excellent order, their hammocks stowed, and marines drawn up on the poop. at fifty-six minutes past seven, the signal for close action was made, and, to the astonishment of our squadron, the enemy never fired a shot, although they might have done considerable damage to our ships had they opened their fire on them as they approached end on to them, on their weather beam. not a gun was fired on either side until within half-musket shot, when the red flag was hoisted on both ships. up to that moment all was silent, and it is scarcely possible to conceive a silence more solemn and impressive! at the same instant, they saw the signal go to the mast-head of zoutman's ship. the dreadful silence was now broken by the tremendous roar of cannon when within pistol-shot, and the battle raged with the utmost fury for three hours and forty minutes. at ten o'clock, the signal for close action which had been made, was repeated. the berwick, having forced the van-ship of the enemy to edge off, fell to leeward of the line, and was consequently obliged to make sail, tack, and regain her station in support of the dolphin, which had then two ships on her, and was also thrown to leeward. the admiral, having now slackened the dutch admiral's fire, passed ahead of the buffalo, on which the ships astern closed up to the buffalo; and the berwick took the station ahead of the admiral. at thirty-five minutes past eleven, the ships became unmanageable; and, the dutch dropping to leeward, the action ceased. by some it has been affirmed that admiral parker should have renewed the action: lieutenant saumarez says, it was certainly his intention to do so; but the state of his own ship, and the reports he received from others, rendered it quite impossible.[ ] [ ] when the action had ceased, sir hyde parker, captain of the latona and son of the admiral, bore down on the fortitude, and affectionately inquired for his brave parent, of whose gallantry he had been an anxious eye-witness. the admiral, with equal warmth, assured his son of his personal safety, and spoke of his mortification at being unable, from the state of his own ship, and from the reports he had received of the other ships, to pursue the advantage he had gained, in the manner he most ardently desired. the dutch convoy had about the middle of the conflict bore up for the texel. the protection of them was no longer an object, and admiral zoutman, as soon as he could possibly get his ships collected and put before the wind, made the best of his way into the port; but during the night the hollandia, dutch seventy-four, was seen sunk in twenty-two fathoms water, and her pendant was hauled down by captain patton, of the belle poule, and brought to the admiral. as no ship was taken, both claimed the victory: but, the convoy being sent back into port and one ship sunk, should certainly decide it to admiral parker; and had the english admiral not inadvertently rendered his van too weak by the mistake in the signal which also extended his line beyond their rear, thereby rendering one ship for a time useless, he would have obtained a decisive victory. while admiral zoutman must be admired for his cool intrepidity, it must be admitted that he was much to blame in forbearing to avail himself of the opportunity of attacking and disabling the approaching fleet, which he might have done with great effect. after the fortitude had been put into a condition to make sail, lieutenant saumarez was sent to conduct the preston, one of the disabled ships, into port; her commander, captain græme, having lost his arm in the action. when admiral parker arrived at the nore, his majesty paid the squadron a visit; but the veteran commander, indignant at the conduct of ministers, who, he conceived, ought to have reinforced his squadron instead of allowing some fine ships to lie idle in port, received the king with that rough _hauteur_ peculiar to himself, observing, "i wish your majesty better ships and younger officers. as for myself, i am now too old for the service." on this occasion lieut. saumarez was presented to george iii. the king inquired if he was related to the captains of the same name one of whom had circumnavigated the globe with anson, and who had fallen gloriously in the service of their country: the admiral replied in the affirmative, saying, "yes, please your majesty; he is their nephew, and as brave and as good an officer as either of them." in consequence of the bravery and skill he displayed in this action, lieut. saumarez was promoted to the rank of commander, although only second lieutenant; the first being wounded early in the action, the duty had fallen on our hero: and he was immediately appointed to the tisiphone, a fire-ship constructed on a new plan, and armed with carronades, which was then fitting at sheerness; his commission as "master and commander," bearing date for that ship, the rd august . when lieutenant of the fortitude, with admiral sir hyde parker,--who, from his acerbity of temper, was distinguished from others of the same name by the sobriquet of "vinegar parker,"--the old admiral betrayed his ill-humour by unwarrantably finding fault with him one morning when mr. saumarez commanded the watch; but soon after, probably to make amends for such hasty and unguarded conduct towards an officer for whom he had the greatest regard, he sent to invite him to dinner, an honour which the young lieutenant declined in terms sufficiently strong to indicate that his feelings had been hurt. on this, the admiral sent for him and exclaimed, "what! can't you put up with the fractious disposition of an old man?" the admiral, who could not bear to be, even for a day, at variance with lieutenant saumarez, would do anything to serve him; and, when he obtained the command on the east india station, offered to take him with him in the cato, which sailed, and was supposed to have foundered off the cape of good hope, as she was never afterwards heard of; and he happily escaped sharing the fate of that gallant chief and unfortunate crew. the tisiphone having been fitted out at sheerness, and the complement of men having been filled up by supernumeraries from the conquestadore at the nore, captain saumarez, by order from admiral roddam, placed himself under the command of captain allen, of the sceptre, on the th september , from whom he received the following order: you are hereby required and directed to put yourself under my command, and to follow all such orders and directions as you shall from time to time receive from me for his majesty's service, and to hold yourself in constant readiness to sail at a moment's warning; and in case of separation by any unavoidable accident, you are to make the best of your way without loss of time to torbay, and put yourself under the command of admiral darby. (mem.) in case of your parting company with his majesty's ship sceptre, and falling in with any ships or vessels belonging to france or french subjects, spain or spanish subjects, the states general of the united provinces, or to his majesty's rebellious subjects in the colonies of north america, that you can cope with, you are to use your best endeavours to take, seize, sink, burn, or destroy the same: giving me an account of your arrival at torbay, and of anything you may have so taken or destroyed. signed. wm. allen. in pursuance of these orders captain saumarez sailed from the nore, and, arriving at torbay on the th, found that admiral darby had sailed in the britannia on the th, after having left orders for the tisiphone to cruise a week off the lizard. here he was directed to proceed for plymouth, where he arrived on the st of october; and having received further orders to repair to spithead without loss of time, he arrived there on the th october, to fit for channel service. he now joined the fleet under lord howe, and, after a cruise off brest, returned to portsmouth on the st of november: his ship was found to sail extremely well. captain saumarez was now ordered to place himself under the command of admiral kempenfelt, who, with a detachment of twelve sail of the line, was destined to intercept count de guichen, who had put to sea from brest, after having returned from his last severe campaign. the count had been ordered to use every exertion to refit and prepare the french fleet for sea, notwithstanding the lateness of the season. the objects in view could be accomplished only by extreme diligence and the most profound secrecy, as it was absolutely necessary to reinforce count de grasse, with both ships and troops in the west indies, as also m. des ornes and admiral suffrein in the east. it was evident that de grasse, after his hard service on the coast of north america during the preceding campaign, must stand in need of a vast supply of naval and military stores; and the service he was about to undertake in the west indies would increase the want of provisions, and almost every necessary of life and of warfare: neither was the demand for naval and military stores in the east indies less urgent. accordingly, a numerous convoy of transports, store-ships, and victuallers were prepared and equipped at the same time as the fleet, which was now extended to such a number of men-of-war as was considered sufficient for the protection of the convoys until fairly out of reach. this part of the service, as well as the charge of the whole expedition, was, as we have stated, confided to count guichen; and the command of the squadron and fleet destined to the west indies, to m. de vaudreuil. the tisiphone was the look-out ship of the squadron, which sailed from spithead at the end of november. at day-break on the th december, captain saumarez, being the first to discover the enemy, made known his situation to the admiral; which was, that the men-of-war were too far ahead and too much to leeward of the convoy to afford any protection to it. the admiral, with that decision and professional skill by which he was so eminently distinguished, determined to profit by their situation, and boldly pushed between the convoy and the greater part of the enemy's line-of-battle ships, and succeeded in capturing twenty sail. in this affair captain saumarez had a noble opportunity of distinguishing himself, by attacking the ship of war, of thirty-six guns, which was bringing up the rear of the convoy, and capturing her after an action of twenty minutes. besides those captured, many others had struck; but, the weather at this time becoming thick and squally, the admiral discontinued the chase of those which had been cut off, and which made sail in every direction, that he might collect his squadron before dark, many of his ships being at a great distance astern with the prizes. at daylight next morning, the enemy's ships of war, twenty-one sail of the line, were seen formed to leeward; but their force was so much superior, that the admiral did not think it advisable to risk an action. the captured ships consisted of twenty-one sail of transports, having on board eleven thousand troops, besides their crews of seven thousand seamen; the greatest part of which were taken by this squadron, and the agamemnon, which picked up five or six more. it was now evident that the force under count guichen, destined to assist count de grasse in the capture of the valuable island of jamaica; was much greater than had been supposed by the english government; and, consequently, it became of the utmost importance to give the earliest information of the approach of such a formidable enemy to sir samuel hood. accordingly, captain saumarez, whose gallant conduct and zeal had been so manifest, was selected for this service. his men were returned to the tisiphone from the captured ships; and he was detached with orders to push past the french fleet, and make the best of his way to barbadoes, (see appendix) where he arrived on the th of january; and finding the pegasus, captain john stanhope, he delivered his despatches, and received the following orders from that officer: you are hereby required and directed to proceed (without a moment's loss of time) to the island of antigua, where, on your arrival off english harbour, you are to send a boat in for intelligence respecting sir samuel hood and the fleet under his command; which having received from the senior officer in that port, you will proceed in search of the commander-in-chief, and deliver him the despatches you are charged with from rear-admiral kempenfelt, as also those you will receive herewith. given on board his majesty's ship pegasus, carlisle bay, this th jan. . (mem.) i recommend that particular attention may be paid to keep well to windward of the french islands. signed john stanhope. to captain saumarez, h.m. fire-ship tisiphone. in pursuance of these orders, captain saumarez sailed from barbadoes on the th of january. in the mean time, the comte de grasse, who had been beating to windward for some days with the intention of attacking barbadoes, but without gaining ground, had abandoned his plan, and bore away for st. kitts. on his arrival there, he landed eight thousand men, and took possession of greater part of the island: general frazer, with a small party of six hundred men, was obliged to retire to brimstone hill fort. sir samuel hood, notwithstanding the superiority of the enemy, (twenty-nine sail of the line,) resolved on a sudden and unusually bold manoeuvre, namely, to sail and attack the enemy's fleet at anchor. it was for this purpose that he had put to sea with twenty-two sail of the line, and proceeded to antigua, where he took in provisions, and embarked the twenty-eighth and two companies of the thirteenth regiment, under command of general prescott. captain saumarez, according to the orders he had received, proceeded for antigua, and keeping "well to windward," as he had been directed to do, fell in with the triumphante and terrible, two french line-of-battle ships, of the squadron which had been attacked by admiral kempenfelt on the th december, and which had been detached by comte de guichen to martinique. these ships immediately gave chase; but, night coming on, captain saumarez had recourse to stratagem in order to effect his escape, which would otherwise have been impossible in consequence of the tisiphone having carried away her fore-top-mast in a squall, an accident which was fortunately not observed by his pursuers: he now made night-signals by hoisting lights and burning false fires; which having led the enemy to suppose he was communicating with an english squadron, they abandoned the pursuit after a chase of half-an-hour. at the moment the fore-top-mast was carried away, mr. robb, one of the midshipmen, who was looking out at the fore-top-gallant-mast-head, fell on the forecastle without receiving any injury. this young gentleman was an _elève_ of captain saumarez, continued with him to the end of that war, and embarked with him on board the crescent in . after the capture of _la réunion_, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant. the fore-top-mast of the tisiphone was soon replaced; and next day, on reaching english harbour, he learned that sir samuel hood, with his squadron was at anchor in basseterre roads, st. kitts, where he had three times repulsed the enemy of a much superior force, but which had now taken up such a position as rendered it impossible for him to communicate with the admiral; for, unless he would venture to push through the intricate channel between nevis and st. kitts, he would run the greatest risk of being captured. undismayed, however, at the danger of navigating an unknown passage, he fearlessly proceeded where no ship had ever before ventured; and by sounding as he advanced, and by the dexterous management of his ship, he succeeded in carrying the tisiphone to the anchorage at st. kitts in safety; and delivered his despatches to sir samuel hood, who informed him that the intelligence was of such importance, that it was necessary it should be immediately sent on to sir peter parker at jamaica. but when the admiral proposed to send the tisiphone on with it, captain saumarez, desirous of remaining at the seat of warlike operations, represented to him that the tisiphone was a fine fast-sailing ship on a new construction, that in the existing state of affairs she might be useful, and that he should be happy to contribute by his own personal exertions to the promotion of the public service; whereas any vessel could run down with the trade-wind to jamaica. sir samuel, no less pleased with the proposal, and the manner in which it was made, than convinced of the advantage he would derive from having with him a fast-sailing vessel commanded by so zealous an officer, whose tact and intrepidity had already been manifested, determined to keep the tisiphone with his squadron, and send a less useful vessel with the intelligence to jamaica. the admiral soon reaped the advantage of this decision. captain saumarez, during the time the fleet remained there and at antigua, was the most active in harassing the enemy. he commanded several boat expeditions, and cut out a vessel in a most gallant style from basseterre roads and several other small vessels from the back of the island. the time, however, had now arrived when it was absolutely necessary to send another despatch to england; and the admiral had no other small vessel remaining but the tisiphone. on the th february , the signal was made for an opportunity of sending letters to england, and subsequently for the captain of the tisiphone: captain saumarez had been dining with his friend, captain charrington, on board the ajax, and it was some time before he reached the barfleur; when he found to his dismay and mortification that he was ordered home! in a short time the despatches were ready, and he had taken his leave. he described this interesting circumstance, on which it may be said his fortune was founded, in the following manner to us, and we cannot do better than give it in his own words. "i was," says he, "in my own boat, with the despatches in my hand; and with a heavy heart had ordered the bow-man to shove off, when captain stanhope, of the russell, came alongside, and seeing me called: 'hollo! saumarez, where are you going?'--'to _england_', said i, 'i am sorry to tell you!'--'sorry,' replied stanhope; 'i wish i was in your place; i want to go home on account of my health; and, if i had known, i would have exchanged with you.'--'perhaps it is not too late,' said i.--'hold on then,' said he, 'till i speak to the admiral, since i have your leave.'" by this time the russell's boat was alongside the admiral's ship; and at the word "hold on!" which was emphatically repeated by saumarez, the bow-man hooked the quarter of the russell's barge, and he remained but a few minutes in breathless suspense; after which captain stanhope appeared at the gangway, and called, "come up, saumarez." he was on deck in an instant, and found that, on captain jackson being asked to submit the proposal to the admiral, he said, "let captain saumarez do it himself, he is the fittest person." when sir samuel hood heard the application, he was silent, and after reflecting for a few minutes he said, "captain saumarez, you know not how much i wish to serve you; captain stanhope shall go home as he desires, and you shall have command of the russell." accordingly, before the close of that day, captain stanhope was on board the tisiphone on his way to england; while her late commander was in possession of his post-rank, and captain of one of his majesty's ships of the line of seventy-four guns; and all this effected in less than two hours! we cannot forbear making honourable mention of a trait of attachment manifested on this occasion by the first lieutenant, a scotch baronet of an ancient family, who had not been at sea for twenty-two years, when he was appointed to the tisiphone. the conflict of this officer's feelings between joy for his captain's promotion and regret at losing so excellent a friend was far beyond description; but, as the moment of parting approached, he selected what he considered most valuable, and so earnestly did he press captain saumarez to accept some testimonial of his esteem, that, finding a refusal would deeply wound his feelings, he accepted a silver ladle marked with his initials, which has ever since been carefully preserved in memory of its former owner. the same night captain saumarez took command of the russell, he had cause to find that promotion and honours bring cares. a report was made to him that the ship was in a state of mutiny, and that a shot had been thrown at one of the officers. he soon found, indeed, that he had a most disorderly ship's company; but the firm, prompt, and judicious regulations which captain saumarez immediately established, brought the crew so effectually into order, that two months after, at the memorable battle of the th april , no ship was in a higher state of discipline than the russell. chapter iv. . situation of the hostile fleets.--surrender of brimstone hill.--junction of the fleets.--antigua.--st. lucia.--sailing of the french fleet under comte de grasse.--action of the th april.-- th of april.--gallant conduct of the russell.--captain saumarez returns to jamaica.--comes to england with convoy.--is paid off at chatham, and confirmed a post-captain. it has now become necessary to give a brief account of the situation of the hostile fleets at the seat of war in the west indies. while the enemy's troops were prosecuting the siege of brimstone hill, the fleet under the comte de grasse had been reinforced, and either continued at sea, near to basseterre, or anchored in the old road. on the th, a practicable breach being made in the works, the general and governor having given up all hopes of succour, and his brave garrison being reduced to five hundred men, they embraced the proposals of a capitulation made by the marquis de boullie, who on the same day proclaimed the surrender of brimstone hill to the admiral by a flag of truce, which had been previously agreed upon. the british fleet, which had till this time continued at the anchorage in which it had so bravely resisted the attacks of the comte de grasse, who on the th anchored off nevis with thirty-four sail of the line, was now in a perilous situation, especially as the enemy were erecting mortar batteries on the hill opposite to the shipping; and as it was no longer necessary for him to continue there, sir samuel hood issued orders to slip or cut cables _without signal_ at eleven o'clock at night, the sternmost and leeward-most ships first, and so on in succession, and proceed under easy sail until directed otherwise by signal. that this order might be punctually executed, the captains were ordered to set their watches by the admiral's timepiece. the movement was performed with the utmost order and regularity. not one ship was molested or pursued by the french fleet, which was lying within five miles, and must have been astonished at this excellent manoeuvre of the british admiral, wherein the russell had a distinguished share. soon afterwards, nevis and montserrat fell into the hands of the french. on the th february, sir samuel hood anchored in st. john's road, antigua; and on the same day, sir george rodney arrived at barbadoes from england with several sail of the line. on the th, he joined sir samuel hood off antigua; and, three days after, three more sail of the line arrived from england. thus fortunately united, the admiral proceeded to st. lucia, to refit and complete with water. on the th of march he put to sea, with a view of intercepting a large french convoy which was expected to arrive from europe; but, notwithstanding the vigilance of the frigates, the enemy, by keeping close to guadaloupe and dominique, effected their escape into fort royal bay, on the th and st, unperceived by any of our ships. when this unlucky event was made known to sir george rodney, he returned to st. lucia, to watch the motions of the enemy. in the mean time the russell, which had been damaged by striking on a rock, was repaired at the carenage. the comte de grasse was equally active in the equipment of his fleet, in order to proceed to leeward and form a junction with the spaniards, for the purpose of carrying into execution their grand object--the reduction of jamaica, with an overwhelming force of sixty sail of the line and twenty thousand troops. at daylight, on the th april, captain byron, of the andromache, communicated to the admiral by signal the anxiously-expected intelligence that the enemy's fleet, with their large convoy, were coming out of fort royal bay, and standing to the north-west. sir george rodney first made the signal for all boats, and persons who had been necessarily employed in watering, &c. to repair on board, and immediately after to weigh. before noon the whole fleet were clear of gros islet bay: sir george stretched first over to fort royal, and then made the general signal to chase north-eastward. the enemy's lights were distinctly visible during the night; and as their ships-of-war, though better sailers than the english, were delayed by the convoy of transports, there was little doubt of overtaking them. accordingly, at daylight on the morning of the th, some of the advanced ships were close up with their convoy under dominique, while their men-of-war seemed much scattered: fourteen of the latter were between dominique and the saints, with a breeze from east-north-east; but the rest were becalmed under the land about st. rupert's bay, and one ship was observed at some distance in the north-west. about half-past seven, the van division, commanded by sir samuel hood, got the breeze; while the centre and rear, in which was the russell, continued to be becalmed. this of course caused a separation, but did not deter sir samuel hood from advancing, although he had only eight ships to fourteen of the enemy. in the mean time, the french ship seen in the north-west, which had got the breeze, boldly stood on and weathered the alfred, the van-ship of sir samuel hood's division, which bore up to allow her to pass; and, no signal having been made to engage, not a shot was fired. at nine o'clock the action began, and was maintained with determined bravery for upwards of an hour, the enemy's ships which had the breeze having borne down upon and engaged this division; the barfleur and others had, at times, three to one opposed to them; and in this attack there can be but one opinion, that the comte de grasse displayed great professional ability. at length the leading ships of the centre got up with the enemy's rear, and were followed by the duke, formidable, and namur; the arrogant lost her main-top-mast, as well as the royal oak. the rear squadron, commanded by admiral drake, now came up, and the comte de grasse prudently hauled his wind; and as his ships sailed better than the english, he succeeded in gradually drawing off, and by half-past one his fleet were all out of the reach of shot. captain bayne, of the alfred, lost his life in this his sixth encounter with the enemy; and it is said that he bled to death after his leg was shot off, before he was carried to the cockpit. in the action of this day the russell had only a small share, as she belonged to the rear division of the fleet, and, being becalmed, could not get up until the enemy had hauled off. the royal oak, montagu, and alfred were the ships which suffered most, but not so much as to prevent their being repaired at sea; while two of the enemy's ships were so materially disabled as to oblige them to bear up for guadaloupe. the necessary repairs of these ships were not completed before the th, during which time the enemy, by carrying a great press of sail, had gained so far to windward as to weather the saints, and were nearly hull down; and, as it was supposed that the comte de grasse meant to abandon to their fate two of his ships of the line that had been so much damaged in the late action as not to be able to keep company, all hope of being able to come up with them seemed now to vanish. in the mean time the line had been inverted, which brought rear-admiral drake's division in the van, and that of rear-admiral hood, which had been engaged, in the rear. the signal having been made for a general chase, the two ships above mentioned would have been cut off, had not de grasse been induced to bear down to their relief. this brought the enemy so far to leeward, that the hope of forcing them to engage was revived. as soon as the commander-in-chief saw that the enemy's fleet was sufficiently to leeward, he recalled the chasing ships, formed a close line of battle, and carried sail to windward all night; during which the french line-of-battle ship le zélé, whether from injuries received in action, or in running foul of another ship, lost her bowsprit and fore-mast, and at daylight on the morning of the th was seen in tow of a frigate, both carrying all the sail they could, and steering for basseterre. sir samuel hood being in the rear, and consequently nearest these ships, was directed to detach some of his division in chase of them; and the comte de grasse, seeing that they must be inevitably taken, bore up with his whole fleet for their protection. it was now impossible to avoid an action. the ships which had been recalled from chase resumed their stations, and a close line ahead was formed on the starboard tack, the enemy being on the larboard. having hauled their wind after they had perceived the chasing ships recalled, they thus endeavoured to avoid an action; but the english fleet could now fetch near the body of the french. at half-past seven, therefore, the engagement began by admiral drake's division, led by the marlborough and arrogant, fetching the fifth ship from the van, and bearing up in succession. the honourable hugh lindsay, who was a midshipman in the arrogant, informed us that in that part, and in the whole of the action, the enemy fired so high, that the three _trucks_ of the princessa's mast-heads were shot away, and the consequence was that very few men were killed or wounded. the duke lost her main-top-mast, as she approached the centre of the enemy's fleet. at half-past nine the action became general: admiral drake's division, in which was the russell, had now passed the rear of the enemy on the opposite tack; and captain thompson, of the america, seeing that he could fetch to windward of the enemy's line, wore without waiting for the anxiously-expected signal, as did also the russell; and we have reason to know that captain saumarez rejoiced at this circumstance. captain thompson, being an experienced officer and second in command, gave a sufficient authority to any other officer to follow his motions, and they now stood to the southward. the america, however, did not continue long on that tack, and the russell was consequently separated from her and the whole division; as the signals to tack, and soon after to wear, were not made and put in execution for an hour afterwards by sir francis drake, who was then considerably to the northward. in the mean time the russell continued, and got up with the rear ship of the enemy's centre division about eleven o'clock, with which she exchanged broadsides. at noon, the wind, which was very light, changed to the south, throwing both fleets into confusion; but this gave sir george rodney, and three of the centre division, an opportunity of passing through an opening it occasioned in the enemy's line, and doubling on its rear division: all their attempts to form again were in vain; the enemy's van could never come into action. after this, the remainder of the day was spent in desultory actions of single ships, without regard to the motions of each other; the signals to chase and for close action being visible only at intervals. it is here unnecessary to give a particular account of the events which took place on this memorable day, or to allude to those circumstances which have been so fruitful in controversy; more especially as rodney's public letter, and other official records, will be found in the appendix to this volume. we shall, therefore, confine our observations to the positions and conduct of the russell, commanded by captain saumarez. the russell was the only ship belonging to the van (admiral drake's) division, which had wore and continued her course soon after she had passed the rear of the enemy. by standing to the southward again, captain saumarez brought his ship into action, but to _windward_ of the enemy; and, at the time the wind shifted to the southward, sir george rodney, in passing through the enemy's fleet, was surprised to find an english ship to _windward_ of the french. having ascertained it was the russell, he declared emphatically that the captain had distinguished himself more than any officer in the fleet.[ ] by this favourable position, which he had thus gallantly obtained, after receiving the more distant fire of several of the enemy's ships, about three o'clock he was able to come up with and closely engage a french seventy-four, and after exchanging broadsides with three others, pushed up to the ville de paris, and after raking her, having maintained a position on the lee quarter, poured in a most destructive fire, until the barfleur, sir samuel hood's flag-ship, came up. [ ] ralfe's naval biography, vol. ii. p. . sir gilbert blane, in his account of this period of the battle, says: "it was late in the day when the ville de paris struck her colours: the ships immediately engaged with her at that moment were the barfleur, the flag-ship of sir samuel hood, and the russell, commanded by captain saumarez. the formidable (in which was sir gilbert) was right astern, and, having come within shot, was yawing in order to give the enemy a raking broadside, when sir charles douglas and i standing together on the quarter-deck, the position of our ship opened a view of the enemy's stern between the foresail and the jib-boom, through which we saw the french flag hauled down." this fact has not been generally stated. but the anecdote which we are now about to relate, must remove every doubt on the subject. in the autumn of , when the baltic fleet, under command of vice-admiral sir james saumarez, returned from the gulf of finland, in company with the swedish fleet, to the harbour of carlscrona, the swedish commander-in-chief, admiral palmquist, rear-admiral nauckhoff, commodore blessing, captain tornquist, and others, came on board the flag-ship, victory, to pay their respects to the admiral: they were of course asked to take some refreshment in the cabin: on which, as on all other occasions where an interpreter was wanted, we were of the party. the conversation naturally turned to the actions wherein they each had served in early life, when it appeared that the whole of the four officers mentioned had been brought up in the french service, and had actually been in the battle of the th of april . when we acquainted them that sir james saumarez commanded a ship in that action, they eagerly inquired the name; and being informed it was the russell, captain tornquist, who was in the northumberland, rising from his chair and seizing sir james's hand, exclaimed, "mon dieu! monsieur l'amiral, nous avons brulé le poudre ensemble; allons boire un coup." it is impossible to do justice to the scene which followed. the old swedish officer's joy at this discovery knew no bounds; they completely "fought the battle o'er again;" and we found it distinctly proved that it was the russell, commanded by captain saumarez, which gallantly engaged several of the enemy's ships for two hours, and at six, p.m. pushed on to the ville de paris. baron rosenstien, who was on board that ship, and baron palmquist, who was on board la couronne stationed next to her, declared that the compte de grasse, who was then attempting to escape to leeward, would have succeeded had it not been for the russell. during our sojourn among the swedes in that and another winter, we often heard the history of that memorable battle repeated; and they never ceased to maintain the circumstance we have stated, of which we made a memorandum at the time.[ ] [ ] see appendix for this memorandum, and for extracts from the russell, canada, and barfleur's logs; also captain white's reply, and extracts of letters from sir lawrence halsted and admiral gifford, who were in the canada, and captain knight's letter. we took leave on that occasion to say to sir james, that we believed the credit had been given to another ship; to which he replied, "yes, it was; but what admiral palmquist and captain tornquist has told you, is true: it _was_ the russell that engaged the ville de paris until the barfleur came up." but such was the extreme sensibility of saumarez, that he could not persuade himself to correct the error, from an idea that such an interference might argue a desire to sound his own praise; and, but for the circumstance we have now related, the truth might never have come to light. in answer to a letter from captain thomas white, which he sent to lord de saumarez with a copy of his publication, called "naval researches," written in , to defend the gallant rodney from certain attacks and allegations which had been published, _not_ to give a "full and perfect account of the battle, but," says captain white, "more particularly that part where your lordship so ably commanded the russell, which portion of our fleet the tongue of calumny has never ventured to assail," lord de saumarez wrote the following letter: guernsey, th june . my dear sir, i beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, accompanying your interesting publication, which you have done me the favour to send for my acceptance, and which has been forwarded to me by lord amelius beauclerc. i regret that you have (inadvertently, i am persuaded) fallen into the same error as some of your predecessors, in detailing the account of lord rodney's victory of the th of april, by ascribing to the canada what is alone due to the russell, which ship i commanded. i shall for your information briefly state the circumstance to which i allude. after passing the sternmost of the enemy's ships, the america, the ship astern of the russell, wore to stand after them: i was glad to have the example of an old experienced officer, and wore also; but captain thompson, finding there was no signal, shortly after wore again, to join sir samuel drake's division. i stood on, till passing a division of four of the enemy's ships, i exchanged broadsides with them, and finally came up with the ville de paris, wore under her stern and engaged her on the quarter for some time, when the barfleur came up, and the comte de grasse hauled down his colours. even at this distant period, i have a perfect recollection of the transactions of that day. i shall only add, that i am convinced that no officer who was on board the canada in the victory of the th of april, will assert that she was engaged with the ville de paris at the time stated. the present admiral giffard was, i believe, one of the lieutenants, to whom i wish to refer you. i am, &c. de saumarez. captain white, as well as other officers, is of opinion that admiral drake's division should have tacked sooner; and, as circumstances happened, it would doubtless have been better if he had done so; but probably the admiral, in continuing to stand on the same tack, had calculated that the wind would continue in the same direction, or alter to the northward; in either case he would have weathered the whole of the enemy's fleet, besides giving time to his division to repair damages. the wind veering to the southward immediately after his division had wore, had unfortunately the effect of throwing them to leeward; whereas the russell, which wore as above stated, was by the same change of wind far to windward of his division and nearer the enemy. no sooner had the ville de paris struck her colours, which "went down with the setting sun," than the russell made sail in chase of one of the french ships which had deserted her chief, as also did sir samuel hood; but their noble efforts were arrested by the night signal to bring to, which put an end to the battle in that quarter: and although commodore affleck in the bedford, and three others, who did not see the signal, continued the chase, they were unable to come up with the enemy, who escaped to leeward in small divisions and single ships, leaving the ville de paris, the glorieux, the hector, and cæsar, in possession of the english. on the morning of the th no enemy was in sight, and the ships which had been in chase returned to the fleet. admiral rodney, with his prizes and the fleet, remained three days under guadaloupe to repair damages, which afforded the flying enemy an opportunity to escape; but, on the th, the caton and jason, of sixty-four guns each, with the astrée and ceres, frigates, were added to the list of prizes by the exertions of sir samuel hood, captains goodall, and linzee. on the rd of april, sir samuel hood rejoined the fleet off tiberoon; whereupon sir george rodney proceeded to jamaica with those ships most disabled, among which was the russell and the prizes, leaving sir samuel hood with a strong squadron to watch the enemy, should they venture out and attempt to prosecute their attack on jamaica. nothing could be more flattering than the reception that sir george rodney met with at jamaica from the inhabitants, whose anxiety was so suddenly supplanted by unbounded joy; and who not only found themselves freed from the danger of invasion, but beheld the principal commander of that overwhelming force which had caused them so much alarm a prisoner within their harbour, and six of his principal ships having the english colours triumphantly waving over the fleur-de-lis of france. it is worthy of remark that, down to this period, the ville de paris was the only _first-rate_ man-of-war that had ever been taken and carried into port by any commander of any nation! the ville de paris, in the capture of which captain saumarez had a distinguished share, was the largest ship in the french navy: she had been a present from the city of paris to louis xv. and no expense had been spared to render the gift worthy of the city and of the monarch. her length was feet - / inches, her breadth feet - / , depth feet , and tons' measurement; and the expense of building her and sending her to sea is said to have been , _l._ on board her at the time of capture were found thirty-six chests of money intended for the pay and subsistence of the men who were to be employed in the expedition against jamaica; and she had on board, at the commencement of the action on the th, , men: in the other captured ships, the whole train of artillery, the battering cannon and carriages meant for the expedition, were found. the loss of men in the british fleet in both actions was very small, amounting to only two hundred and thirty-seven killed, and seven hundred and seventy-six wounded; while the loss of the french was computed to be three thousand slain, and double that number wounded. in the ville de paris alone three hundred were killed. in the engagement on the th of april, the french fleet consisted of thirty-four sail of the line, and the british of thirty-six; but in that engagement, two of the enemy's ships having been disabled, their numerical force was reduced in the battle of the th to thirty-two sail of the line: on the other hand, the french ships were much larger than the british; and it was calculated by sir charles douglas, that the broadside of the french fleet exceeded that of the british in weight by pounds, and their numerical superiority in men was much greater. on the th of april, the comte de grasse was removed to the flag-ship; and, some days after, when captain saumarez went on board the formidable after the action, and several times after their arrival at jamaica, the comte de grasse acknowledged that the ville de paris suffered very severely from the well-directed fire of the russell. among the instances of heroic submission and perseverance under the severest suffering, may be recorded the conduct of the captain of the main-top of the russell, who having received a shot that carried off one of his arms, instead of requesting the assistance of his companions to take him below, insisted that they should continue at their stations, and let himself down by one of the backstays. after suffering amputation, he persisted in going again on deck, where he remained encouraging the men till the action terminated. on the arrival of the fleet at jamaica, the russell was found to be in so disabled a state, that sir george rodney intended to send her home with the ville de paris and the other prizes, and arrangements were made for that purpose accordingly. his old friend, sir peter parker, who had held the command at jamaica, sailed in the sandwich, on board which ship was the comte de grasse, for england, with a convoy of merchant-ships. after having been at sea three days, the ajax, one of the ships under his command, sprang a leak, returned to bluefields bay, and the russell was ordered to follow the fleet in her stead. the exertions which captain saumarez used to refit his ship obtained the commander-in-chief's highest approbation. in two days he was ready, and immediately joined the sandwich and intrepid, which now sailed with the trade under convoy, and preceded the prizes, which were not yet ready to undertake the voyage to england; and it was owing to this interposition of providence, that the russell escaped the melancholy fate which afterwards befel the unfortunate fleet, in which the ill-fated ville de paris was lost with all her crew. the russell had on board three hundred french prisoners and twenty-two officers, and arrived at the downs on the th july . she was ordered to be paid off at chatham, to which port she proceeded. on her arrival there, an order came from the admiralty to draft her crew into a ship which was under order to sail for the east indies. this excited a general murmur, and at length the men refused to obey. on captain saumarez being informed of it, he went on board and remonstrated, when they unanimously declared that, although they had but just returned from a long voyage, they would follow him all the world over. before he left the ship, however, he prevailed on them to resume their duty; and these orders were subsequently altered. after returning her stores, the russell was paid off on the th of september. captain saumarez' acting commission as a post-captain, dated on the th of february , was confirmed by earl howe; and no officer in his majesty's service more richly deserved his promotion. chapter v. to . captain saumarez returns to guernsey.--his exemplary conduct.--visits cherbourg.--is introduced to the french king.--returns.--changes at guernsey.--prince william henry visits the island twice.--his reception.--appearance of hostilities in .--captain saumarez is appointed to the ambuscade, and pays her off.--his letter on his marriage.--remarks thereon.--armament of .--saumarez commissions and pays off the raisonable.--war of .--appointed to command the crescent.--first cruise; takes a prize and saves alderney.--second cruise; captures a cutter.--third cruise.--return.--crescent docked and refitted. captain saumarez having paid off the russell, and distributed his crew into different ships according to the final orders he had received from the admiralty, repaired to london, and after paying his respects to earl howe, proceeded to guernsey to receive the congratulations of his numerous friends; but these were far from altering "the natural bent of his disposition to do good." instead of becoming elevated by prosperity, his sincere and unaffected piety induced him to take a leading part in the establishment of charitable institutions, and in his own person to give "a striking and useful example of moral and religious life." but his noble mind was never diverted from the service and the good of his country; he was constantly attentive to every circumstance that concerned the duties of his profession, and an event occurred about this time that peculiarly interested him. although this was a period of profound peace, the ambition of france was constantly awake. it had long been the object of the french government to form a naval port in the british channel, for the evident, if not avowed, purpose of annoying our trade in time of war, and disputing with us the dominion of the british seas. no labour however arduous, and no expense however great, could check this favourite design. the port of cherbourg, which had long been fixed upon as being immediately adjacent to our great arsenal at portsmouth, became the point of attraction. the unfortunate louis xvi. had determined to stimulate this grand undertaking by his presence, when the first _cone_ was submerged. the assemblage of the french court opposite our own coast naturally attracted a number of our countrymen, among whom was captain saumarez, who was induced to cross the channel probably by a secret wish to examine the nautical projects of our rivals, to counteract which, might at some future period become his duty. this was eventually the case in , when he captured the french frigate réunion off that very harbour, from which she had sailed only a few hours before the action. captain saumarez was present at the above imposing ceremony, and had the honour of being introduced to the french king, by whom he was treated with the greatest attention. it is worthy of remark, that this was the only time during his long life that he ever set his foot in france, and he returned directly to guernsey much gratified by his excursion. between the period of captain saumarez' departure from guernsey in , and his return in , the island of guernsey had undergone great and important changes. the war with america had brought an influx of strangers; wealth and its attendant luxuries had superseded the simple mode of living of its inhabitants; society had extended; and when the peace took place, at the close of , no spot of its size could display a greater appearance of prosperity, civilization, and beauty. between the years and , the island was twice honoured with a visit from prince william henry, our present most gracious sovereign; and, however great the change had been in men and manners since it had beheld a prince of the blood on its shores, the loyalty of the islanders had sustained no diminution, and the arrival of the prince, then a lieutenant of the hebe, captain thornborough, excited the most unbounded joy. every one's heart glowed at seeing the son of a monarch whom they were accustomed to regard with veneration and love; and as people who lived in the habitual belief that to "fear god and honour the king" is a "united precept," every mark of respect and attachment was exhibited on both occasions. when his royal highness came the second time, as captain of the pegasus, the homage, which had been paid to him at the first visit, as son of their sovereign, was mingled with respect to himself. some there are who yet remember, and still delight to relate, the account of the elegant _dejeuné_ with which the illustrious prince entertained a party on board the pegasus; after which his royal highness honoured captain saumarez and his brothers with his company at dinner, and attended a ball in the evening at the assembly-rooms. in , when captain saumarez had nearly attained his thirtieth year, peace seemed to be completely established. at an early age he had attained, by his own merit, the highest rank to which an officer could be advanced: he had fully established a character equally exalted for courage and professional talent; and having been, wherever fortune had placed him, always in the best society, his manners as a gentleman were no less elegant than his person, which was tall and graceful, while his handsome features denoted a heart susceptible of the dictates both of humanity and love. it is not then to be wondered at, when he returned to his native island, that he still cherished an attachment which he had long formed; especially when he found her on whom he had fixed his affections, possessed of every quality which could ensure mutual happiness; neither can it appear surprising that on her part the regard should be equally warm and sincere. the appearance of hostilities in the same year, however, occasioned a suspension of his matrimonial arrangements, as he was then appointed by lord howe to the command of the ambuscade frigate, which he had scarcely fitted before she was ordered to be paid off, the hostile differences having been adjusted. he now returned to guernsey, and, on the th october , was united to miss martha le marchant, only daughter and heir of thomas le marchant, esq. by his marriage with miss mary dobrée, to the entire satisfaction of the families and relations on both sides. the following extract of a private letter to his brother richard, written a few days after his marriage, will give the reader a just idea of the feelings which occupied his mind on this happy occasion: "it is needless," he says, "to attempt giving you any idea of my joy on this occasion. the abundant blessings which providence is pleased to pour down on me, who am ever unworthy the least of its favours, makes my heart glow with boundless gratitude and love, which i hope ever to testify by a life strictly devoted to his service. to have the power of making her happy who has ever been the joy and delight of my soul, far surpasses all that i had ever formed of felicity in this world. i must also acknowledge the affectionate kindness of her relations, who have for ever attached me to them by the confidence they have placed in me." these self-congratulations were, indeed, fully confirmed in after life; for few husbands have ever been blessed with such a devoted wife, or children with such an affectionate mother. during their younger days, and when their gallant father was at sea, mrs. saumarez lived retired, giving up her whole time to their instruction; and we can most fully testify that gratitude for her maternal anxiety, both for their spiritual and temporal welfare, has been indelibly impressed on all their hearts. after passing some time at guernsey, captain saumarez removed to the neighbourhood of exeter, where he resided two years. in , appearances of hostility took place. the spanish armament was not to be lightly regarded. captain saumarez was appointed to command the raisonable of guns; but he never went to sea in this ship, the differences between the two nations having been amicably settled. it seemed to show, however, that, in the event of war, he was one of those who were to be actively employed. captain saumarez remained on shore until the war occasioned by the french revolution broke out in , when he was appointed to command the crescent of guns. his commission was dated on the th january, and he hoisted his pendant in her at portsmouth on the th of the same month, receiving, at the same time, orders to place himself under the command of commodore sir hyde parker. no sooner was it known at guernsey, and in devonshire, that the crescent was commissioned by captain saumarez, than a number equal to half the complement of seamen volunteered for the crescent; and, on the st of february, the tisiphone sloop was sent to bring the men from guernsey, while the rest, from exeter, were sent by the way of plymouth to join the ship. it could not but be highly gratifying to his feelings when he found that so many of his countrymen had chosen to devote themselves to his service; and he was soon able to report his ship ready for sea. on the th of february , in common with other officers, he received the following intelligence that war had been declared against france. by sir hyde parker, knt. &c. accounts having been received that war was declared at paris, by the national convention of france, against great britain and holland; you are, in pursuance of the king's pleasure, signified to the lords commissioners of the admiralty by the right honourable henry dundas, one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state, hereby required and directed to seize or destroy all ships and vessels belonging to france that you may happen to fall in with. given under my hand, on board the victory, this th day of february . h. parker. to captain saumarez, r.n. the crescent having been reported ready for sea on the st of march, captain saumarez received orders to proceed to guernsey with his ship, accompanied by the liberty brig, and three transports under convoy, to reinforce the garrisons of the channel islands. he had also sealed orders, which were to be put in execution when the troops were landed at guernsey and jersey. the following account of this cruise was sent to his brother, on the ship's return to guernsey road. h.m.s. crescent, guernsey, th march . my dear richard, as the detail of our proceedings on our first cruise cannot but be acceptable to you, i take up my pen to communicate them. we anchored in this road on sunday morning, the day after we had sailed from spithead. the independent companies and invalids for this island were immediately disembarked. the wind being too much to the southward for the transports to proceed to jersey, they remained till thursday following, when i sent them under convoy of the liberty brig. on thursday morning, intelligence was brought to me that a french brig was seen to the northward of the island, standing for the casketts. i immediately got under way, and directed the drake to do the same. we pushed through the race of alderney during the night, and at day-break found ourselves close to the brig, off cherbourg. she is about tons, from vannes, loaded with salt, for havre. seeing another brig and a galliot to the n.w. from us, i ordered the drake and cockatrice to chase, and i have hopes they are also prizes. about three o'clock, it blowing very hard, i was much surprised at an express joining me from alderney, with a letter from the governor, addressed to the commander of h.m. ships off alderney, mentioning that he had positive information that the enemy meant to attack the island this or the following night; and as there was no ship of force at cherbourg but an old , with frigate's masts, he was certain that the appearance of a man-of-war off cherbourg would preserve alderney, and baffle the expedition. chance having thrown me off cherbourg, within sight the whole day, i was happy the purport of this letter was so fully answered. expecting further intelligence, i waited till a cutter hailed us that he was going express to plymouth. no other vessel appearing, i made sail for this island, and anchored in the road this morning. i have scarcely a doubt that what caused your brother[ ] to be alarmed was the appearance of this ship, the drake and cockatrice, with another small vessel in the race of alderney; and i am sorry it was not in my power to acquaint him with it, as the vessel he sent me returned immediately. [ ] governor le mesurier was brother to mrs. richard saumarez. captain saumarez, on his return to guernsey, wrote to governor le mesurier, and, in reply to his letter, informed him that the appearance of the crescent and squadron off cherbourg had the desired effect of baffling the meditated attack on alderney; nevertheless, the crescent was detained on that station until the th, in consequence of other reports of the enemy's intentions to attack either jersey or alderney, and his squadron therefore was reinforced. in the mean time he succeeded in filling up the complement of his crew at guernsey, and at length returned to spithead, when some alteration took place in the armament of his ship: having there completed his stores and provisions, captain saumarez' next employment was to take a convoy of transports with troops to cork, and bring from thence two regiments to guernsey. this service occupied his ship until the th of may, when she arrived off the lizard, and, having sent part of his convoy into falmouth, he anchored at guernsey on the following day. he left guernsey on the th of may, having six transports with french prisoners on board, and arrived at spithead on the th. on the nd captain saumarez received orders from the admiralty to take the hind, captain cochrane, under his command, and proceed with the crescent and that ship to cruise between lat. ° and ° n. and long. ° to ° w. for the protection of the trade, and continue on that service for three weeks. the account of this cruise, in which two prizes were taken, is given in the following letter to his brother. crescent, spithead, th june . my dear richard, i have the pleasure to acquaint you with our return from a cruise which has been rather unsuccessful, having only taken (besides the brig i informed you of) a cutter called "le club de cherbourg," of ten guns. she sailed from brest on the th instant, and was found on the coast of ireland, where she had done much mischief on her former cruise, having taken four vessels within a few days. i find by the prisoners that the french have only eighteen sail from brest in readiness for sea. they rendezvous in quiberon bay as soon as they are equipped. i hope lord howe will soon give a good account of all of them. i anchored at guernsey for a few hours, where i left the cutter for my brother's disposal. as we have been parted from the hind since the th instant, i hope to find she may have met with success. we are under agreement to share till the expiration of our cruise. as i write before we anchor, you cannot expect i should give you an account of my further destination; but, from what they informed me in the island, we are to go with lord howe, which hurried me from there. all the family were in perfect health at six o'clock on tuesday evening, when i left them. we must now console ourselves with the hope that we shall soon terminate the business. i think this year will nearly do it. we anxiously sought for an opportunity similar to the nymphe. we traversed the bay (biscay) in every direction, without the appearance of a french ship; and on monday we were all day in sight of ushant, but could never meet with any but neutral vessels. our next cruise may probably prove more fortunate. with my affectionate love to my sister and the children, i am, my dear richard, yours truly, james saumarez. it will be seen by the date of this letter, that the crescent had arrived at spithead on the th, which is the date of his official letter to the admiralty, giving an account of the capture of le club, which, being the same as already given, need not be repeated. the crescent, being replenished with water and provisions, was directed on the th july to take on board a quantity of specie for plymouth, to which he sailed on the th, and, having delivered it there, took a convoy from thence to the downs, where he arrived on the th july, and, according to further orders, returned with the trade under convoy from thence to spithead on the th. the following order, which captain saumarez received from the lords of the admiralty, will show the nature of the service on which he was now employed. by the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of great britain and ireland, &c. captain saumarez, you are to take his majesty's ships named on the margin (concorde and thames) under your command, (their captains being directed to follow your orders,) and putting to sea with them and the crescent, the moment the wind and weather will permit, proceed and cruise between the latitudes of ° and ° ' north, and from sixty to one hundred leagues to the westward of the scilly islands, for the protection of the trade of his majesty's subjects, and the annoyance of the enemy, taking all possible care of the above-mentioned frigates; and diligently looking out for, and using your best endeavours to fall in with, the homeward-bound convoys from jamaica and the leeward islands, which are daily expected, and which are to be the principal objects of your attention. in case of falling in with either of the said convoys, you are to see, or cause to be seen, such of the merchant ships or vessels as may be bound to ireland, or into the bristol channel, as far as may be necessary for their security, and those bound into the english channel, as far as the start; and, having so done, return with the frigates under your command to the above-mentioned station, to look out for the other convoy; and, having met with it, to see, or cause to be seen, such of the merchant vessels as may be bound to ireland, and into the bristol channel, as before directed, and to see those bound up the english channel off their respective ports, as high as spithead, where you are to remain until further orders, sending to our secretary an account of your arrival and proceedings. you are to continue on the above-mentioned service until the th of next month, unless you shall have fallen in with both the said convoys sooner; when you are to make the best of your way to spithead, and remain there as above directed. given under our hands, this th day of july . chatham, j. smyth, chs. s. pybus. to james saumarez, esq. &c. by command of their lordships. p. stephens. captain saumarez received at the same time information of the number of ships expected from the different islands in both the convoys, took the concorde and thames under his command, and sailed from spithead on the th of july . next to the command of a fleet, that of a squadron of frigates was at this period of the war considered the most important, and it could not but be highly gratifying to captain saumarez to find himself selected again for such a desirable command; but fortune did not favour his little detachment. the convoys, which they had been sent to look out for and protect, had arrived safely at the respective ports before the squadron reached their destination, and they continued to cruise in vain within the prescribed limits of their station, till at length they were assailed by a tremendous gale from the south-east on the th of august, in which the concorde parted company, the thames lost her bowsprit and bore up for england, while the crescent sprung her main-yard, and by a sudden shift of wind to the northward carried away her main-top-mast, and, her orders for returning into port having expired, she arrived at spithead after an unsuccessful cruise. the crescent had not been in dock since the year , and required much refitting: captain saumarez, therefore, on reporting his arrival to the secretary of the admiralty, sent also a statement of the ship's defects; in consequence of which, an order was sent for her to be docked at portsmouth, and refitted for channel service, while one hundred of her crew were lent to the vanguard. as this process required a considerable time, captain saumarez sent for his family; and, having taken apartments at ryde, had a few weeks of enjoyment in their society, and of relaxation from the arduous duties of his profession. the crescent was received into dock on the th august, and was again fit for sea on the th october, when he received orders to hold himself ready to proceed at a moment's notice. chapter vi. . crescent refitted.--sails for the channel islands.--falls in with the french frigate la réunion.--particular account of the action.--letters from captain saumarez to his brother.--brings his prize to portsmouth.--official letters.--letters from various persons.--ship refitting.--captain saumarez obtains leave of absence.--is knighted for his gallant conduct. the crescent being now ready for sea, but with thirteen men short of her complement, captain saumarez applied to have the number filled up, as her masts and yards were of the same dimensions as those of a frigate of thirty-eight guns; he also requested such increase as the lords of the admiralty thought proper: but these applications were unsuccessful, and on the th of october he received orders from sir peter parker, the port-admiral, to "hold himself in constant readiness to put to sea at a moment's warning;" and it was not long before the following order was received from the admiralty. by the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, &c. you are hereby required and directed to proceed in the ship under your command, without a moment's loss of time, to the islands of guernsey and jersey; and so soon as you shall have delivered the pacquets you will herewith receive, addressed to the commanding officers of his majesty's troops serving in these islands, you are to repair with the said ship off st. maloes, and use your best endeavours to obtain such information of the enemy's forces there, as circumstances will admit. having so done, you are to return with the said ship with all possible despatch, for further orders, transmitting to our secretary, for our information, by post-office express, an account of your arrival and proceedings. given under our hands, this th october , a. gardner. j. smyth. p. affleck. to captain saumarez, r.n. for several days previously to the th, it had been reported that a french frigate usually quitted the port of cherbourg at night, and returned next morning with what prizes she had picked up: this, together with the information that an armament was preparing for the invasion of jersey, caused captain saumarez to make extraordinary exertions to get to sea; and, although the wind was light, he fortunately succeeded in getting round st. helens before night. early on the morning, on the th, he was close to the light-house off cape barfleur. action between the crescent and reunion. this gallant action, which we are now about to describe, having been misrepresented in every account yet published, we have, in order to make the circumstances attending it more easily understood, illustrated the positions by a diagram, showing the masterly manoeuvre performed by the crescent, and the relative situation of the ships at the commencement and the end of the conflict. the engraving shows the state and situation of the two ships at the time the réunion surrendered. during the night, the wind had been so far to the westward as to enable the crescent to fetch cape barfleur, while the réunion, which left cherbourg in the evening, stood to the northward, in hopes of meeting with merchant-ships coming up channel. the two frigates, therefore, must have crossed each other at no great distance; but the wind having changed towards the south about daylight, and the french frigate being unable to fetch back to cherbourg, broke off with her head to the eastward, while the crescent, by coming up on the opposite tack, was enabled to weather and get in shore of the enemy. shortly after day-break captain saumarez saw two sail standing on the starboard tack towards the crescent, and it appears that they had approached her within two miles before they discovered themselves to be under the lee of an english frigate: they then tacked and made all sail, either for the purpose of trying to escape, or to approach nearer to cherbourg, that they might have the assistance of their consort then in the harbour with her sails hoisted up. it was soon evident that the crescent, now "clean out of dock," had the advantage in sailing; and, by half-past ten, captain saumarez, by edging down, took his position on the enemy's larboard quarter within pistol-shot, when the action began. captain john tancock, who was then a midshipman stationed on the main-deck, says that the men had directions to fire at the rudder of their opponent, which was very soon disabled, while the main-topsail-yard and fore-yard were both shot away. the enemy fired so high that scarcely any shot struck the hull of the crescent; but, consequently, her fore-topsail-yard, and soon afterwards her fore-top-mast, fell over the starboard gangway. hitherto the ship had been kept in her first position by backing and filling the mizen-topsail, but now she came to, and eventually _came round_: but captain saumarez, whose presence of mind never forsook him, brailed up the mizen, and, by keeping all the square-sails aback, gave the ship a _stern-board_; at the same time, by keeping the _helm up_, she wore round on her heel, obtaining a position under the stern and on the starboard quarter, while the enemy was lying with his yards square and totally unmanageable. this manoeuvre is shown in the diagram, to which an explanation is added. illustration: c. the crescent. r. the réunion. . commencement of the action. . the crescent's track in wearing on her heel. . the position when the réunion struck. in passing under the enemy's stern, it was observed that his colours had been shot away, and, supposing he had struck, the firing ceased; but, on coming round on the starboard quarter, the enemy again opened his fire. the crescent, having now got her larboard guns to bear, returned his broadside with such effect, that at twenty minutes past noon the officers of the réunion waved their hats and flags to indicate that they had surrendered. the engraving represents the situation of the two ships at this moment; and captain sir thomas mansel, who was then a midshipman, declares it to be correct. the combat now ceased, and the prize was taken possession of by lieutenant (now admiral) sir george parker, who received the usual order to carry her into port. the french captain being sent on board the crescent, they began to remove the prisoners and repair damages. when the action began, a ship had been seen under the land to the eastward, about four leagues distant; this was supposed to be an enemy: but it turned out to be the circe, captain yorke, who joined four hours after the action, and took part of the prisoners. in the mean time the cutter made off towards cherbourg, out of which harbour the wind and adverse tide prevented the other frigate, said to be la semillante, from getting to assist the réunion. the following very concise official letter to the secretary of the admiralty from captain saumarez, supplies the rest of the detail. crescent, off cherbourg, th october . sir, i have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of my lords commissioners of the admiralty, that this morning, being off cape barfleur in his majesty's ship crescent, under my command, i fell in with a french frigate, which, after a close action of two hours and ten minutes, struck to his majesty's colours: she proved to be the réunion, mounting thirty-six guns, and manned with three hundred and twenty men. i am singularly happy in being able to inform their lordships that she has been obtained without the loss of a single man, or even any wounded, although her own loss has been very considerable indeed, having, as the prisoners informed me, one hundred and twenty killed and wounded. i must beg leave to render the most ample justice to the officers and ship's company of the crescent, for their cool and steady behaviour during the action; and i take this opportunity to recommend to their lordships' notice the three lieutenants, messrs. parker, otter, and rye: their conduct has afforded me the utmost satisfaction. i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, james saumarez. to philip stephens, esq. admiralty. p.s.--the réunion was accompanied by a cutter, which did not attempt to come into action, but made for cherbourg. captain saumarez was now on his passage to portsmouth, where he had left his wife and infant children only two days before, in pursuit of an implacable enemy known to be not many leagues distant! it was the first battle he had fought since he became a husband and a father; and his feelings, as he returned triumphantly to the bosom of his family, can be easier imagined than described. the anxiety and excitement inseparable from the day of battle had subsided, the prisoners had been removed, the captive frenchmen with whom he had been sympathizing had retired, and he was at length left alone to meditate on that remarkable dispensation of divine favour which had been so fully and especially manifested towards him: he had gloriously wrested from an enemy, fighting under the proud banner of liberty, a ship equal to his own in weight of metal and superior by seventy men in numbers, after a furious contest of above two hours, without a man being hurt by his opponent, who lost one hundred and twenty men killed and wounded: a fact unparalleled in the page of history. with the generality of mankind, such circumstances were well calculated to raise feelings of proud exultation; but these were never cherished in the breast of saumarez. having done all in his power to soothe the affliction of his vanquished enemy, his first impulse was to offer up his thanksgivings and acknowledgments to the great giver of all victory, and to implore that his mind might not be too highly elevated by his glorious success. after despatching his unpresuming letter to the admiralty, which has been already given, he wrote to his brother, in london, the following letter: crescent, st oct. . my dear richard, you will rejoice with me at the success that has attended our short cruise. on saturday evening we sailed from spithead; and the next morning, being about three leagues from cape barfleur, we saw two sail standing towards us from under cherbourg, which i soon discovered to be a french frigate and a cutter. we were on the larboard tack with the wind off shore; i was happy in being able to keep between them and the land. when about two miles from us, the frigate tacked with all her sail set, and the cutter made sail to windward: we edged down to her, and at a cable's distance, at half-past ten, began the action, which continued with scarcely any intermission two hours and ten minutes. both ships were soon cut up in their sails and rigging, our fore-topsail yard being shot away, and soon after the fore-top-mast; the ship came to, and wearing on the other tack, gave us an opportunity to fire our guns, which were so well served that the french ship soon became unmanageable, and enabled us to rake her fore and aft; in which situation she struck her colours. i must observe that they had been before shot away, and, imagining she had struck, i gave orders to cease firing; she, however, soon relieved us of our suspense by giving us her broadside: we were so well prepared, and kept up so good a fire, that in a short time after they waved their colours and made signs from the gunwale with their hats that they had struck. i immediately sent mr. parker to take possession of the ship, and send the first and second captains on board the crescent. they informed me that the ship they had surrendered was la réunion, mounting thirty-six guns and three hundred and twenty-one men. when we came into action, another frigate was in sight to the eastward, which we took to be her consort; we therefore lost no time to exchange prisoners, and repair our damages, in the best manner we could: she, however, proved to be the circe, and joined us four hours after the action ceased. the circumstance that has made me most happy from this engagement is, that we have not had a single person hurt by the enemy, and but one man injured, who had his leg fractured by the recoil of a gun. there being little wind the sea was perfectly calm; and i had the satisfaction to observe that most of our shot were perfectly well directed. the enemy's frigate is indeed most sadly a wreck, thirty-four men killed and eighty-four wounded, many of them mortally; one officer only has suffered, being badly wounded. she was commanded by citizen denain, capitaine de vaisseau, to whose obstinacy they ascribe the sacrifice of many lives. it is unnecessary for me to observe, my dear richard, the great happiness i derive from the consciousness that this event will afford you and all our friends particular satisfaction. my dear martha, too,--i scarcely know how i shall disclose the circumstance to her; it embarrasses me as much as if it were a mournful subject. one observation is incumbent on me to make, namely, that captain yorke used every possible exertion to join us sooner, and that he has most readily afforded us every assistance we required, i now remain, your ever affectionate brother, jas. saumarez. captain saumarez had now realized his ardent desire for an opportunity of distinguishing himself, such as was afforded to his gallant brother-officer of the nymphe; and it is a singular coincidence that each should have written to his brother on the day of action, under similar circumstances of triumph and excitement. these interesting documents seem to have decided the superiority of the british over the french navy, at the commencement of the french revolution, and in reference to that of saumarez, we cannot but dwell with admiration on the humility and acuteness of feeling with which it is replete! the circe, which had joined four hours after the action, was despatched to guernsey to execute the service on which captain saumarez had been ordered; but the crescent and her prize, in proceeding to spithead, were detained by light winds and calms. on the nd, she arrived off the isle of wight, when lieutenant otter was sent to portsmouth in the boat with the following official letter: crescent, off the isle of wight, d oct. . sir, i beg you will be pleased to inform my lords commissioners of the admiralty, that, being unable to gain spithead from the prevailing calms, i have thought it expedient to despatch lieutenant otter with the intelligence i have the honour to convey to their lordships. having been prevented by the action with la réunion from complying with their lordships' orders, i directed the hon. captain yorke, who joined me in his majesty's ship circe, to proceed with the pacquets i was charged with for the commanding officers of his majesty's troops at guernsey and jersey, and from thence to proceed to st. maloes, and return to spithead, agreeable to their lordships' orders. i beg to observe, that captain yorke gave me every possible assistance, and has taken one hundred and sixty prisoners from the réunion, which i directed him to land in the island of guernsey. i have the honour to be, sir, your most humble servant, jas. saumarez. to philip stephens, esq. the crescent arrived at spithead on the following day, and with her prize was ordered into harbour; the former to have her damages repaired, and the latter to be surveyed and purchased for his majesty's service. before we submit the interesting official and private letters which captain saumarez received on his arrival, and which may be considered as the best proof of the sensation which this gallant action created, it becomes our duty to state the comparative force of the two frigates. weight of _crescent._ no. size. no. size. no. size. total. metal. broadside guns pr. pr. car. pr. lbs. _réunion._ broadside guns pr. pr. car. pr. lbs. difference of guns, and of weight of shot in favour of la réunion lbs. _crescent._ men tons _réunion._ men tons difference in favour of la réunion n.b. the weight has been reduced to english pounds. the crescent lost her fore-top-mast; her sails and rigging were much damaged, but very few shot struck her hull; and the only man hurt was at the first broadside, when his leg was fractured by the recoil of a gun. la réunion, on the contrary, had many shot in her hull, and her stern was very much shattered. after she was in dock, we saw where a shot had entered the starboard quarter, and made its way out of the larboard bow. it was said to have killed and wounded twenty-one men! the head of her rudder and wheel were shot away, and the fore-yard and main-topsail-yard came down early in the action: she was, in short, a complete wreck, as represented in the plate. the hopes that the ship seen to the eastward under the land was a friend, induced the french captain to delay surrendering after defence could no longer be effectual. the head-money was only paid for three hundred men; but there was no doubt that three hundred and twenty-one were on board at the commencement of the action, as many of the slain were thrown overboard, and the french officers, for obvious reasons, wished to make their force less than it was. according to captains tancock and mansell, forty men were killed, and eighty wounded. the cutter which was in company, believed to be l'espérance, mounting fourteen guns, made off for cherbourg with sweeps and sails as soon as the firing commenced. la réunion's consort, believed to be the semillante, made an attempt to get out of cherbourg, but was prevented by the tide, when she sent a boat full of men, it was supposed, to reinforce the former, but which returned when it was observed that her fate was decided. the french shore, only five miles distant, was crowded with spectators. there is no action between two single ships on record, where consummate skill in naval tactics has been so brilliantly and successfully displayed as in that which we have just described. the patriotic reader must not imagine that, because the crescent had "none" either killed or wounded, the captain and officers of la réunion did not do their utmost, and far less that they were deficient in courage. the severe loss they sustained, and the obstinacy with which their ship was defended, has fully proved their bravery. had the crescent at once boarded the réunion, which was in her power, and carried her sword in hand, as in the case of the nymphe and cléopâtre, it would have been perhaps better calculated to excite feelings of admiration in the general reader, who is not acquainted with naval affairs; but this mode of attack is one which, we must acquaint them, might readily be made by any officer moderately skilled in naval tactics. it is where the commander of a ship, by his presence of mind and skilful manoeuvring, succeeds in the defeat and capture of an enemy, that the superiority is manifest; and it is to him who has thus proved that he possesses the _tact_ to accomplish his object, and yet spare the valuable lives of his men, that the meed of praise is most justly due. crescent, spithead, rd october . sir, i beg you will be pleased to inform my lords commissioners of the admiralty of my arrival at spithead in h.m. ship crescent, under my command, and the prize la réunion, and from thence into portsmouth harbour, conformable with orders from sir peter parker. i have the honour to be, your obedient humble servant, james saumarez. to philip stephens, esq. admiralty, october th, . sir, i learnt yesterday with great satisfaction the account of your action with the french frigate la réunion, and beg to congratulate you very sincerely on your success on this occasion. the greatest praise seems due to the bravery and good conduct of the officers and men of the crescent. i shall be extremely happy, as soon as it is convenient to you, to have the pleasure of seeing you in town, and of presenting you to his majesty on an occasion so highly honourable to you. i am, sir, your very faithful humble servant, chatham. (first lord of the admiralty.) to captain saumarez. admiralty, th october . dear sir, i was this morning so happy as to receive your letter, conveying the agreeable account of your having captured the french frigate la réunion, and which i lost no time in communicating to lord chatham, who will himself express to you his very high sense of your distinguished conduct, as well as his great satisfaction at the account you have given of the exemplary and gallant behaviour of your officers and men. i beg, my dear sir, to congratulate you most sincerely on an event which adds such lustre to your professional character, at the same time that it entitles you to every reward from your country, and i remain, with great regard, your very faithful and obedient humble servant, j. hunt. (private secretary.) to captain saumarez, &c. st. james's-square, th october . sir, lord chatham was so obliging as to acquaint me yesterday with your success, and at the same time with his fullest approbation of your conduct, which you may be assured gave me great pleasure. i have this day the favour of your letter, and thank you for your kind attention in informing me of what you might be confident would give me particular satisfaction. i am, with great regard, sir, your obedient humble servant, amherst. to captain james saumarez. from the rev. r.b. nicholls. th october , middleham, yorkshire. dear sir, accept my warmest congratulations on your late very extraordinary and glorious success, which i consider as a signal favour and blessing upon you from the god of armies, whom i invoke, and shall ever, on your behalf, that the path of happiness and glory, temporal and eternal, may be successfully trodden by you, and that you may long live an example of the blessings that heaven has for a cornelius. continue me in your friendly remembrance, which i shall ever consider as an honour. i am, dear sir, your most affectionate and most obedient humble servant, r.b. nicholls. to captain saumarez, &c. portsmouth, th october . dear sir, i am infinitely obliged to you for your kindness and attention to george parker. i have not as yet heard from lord chatham, but suppose i shall in a day or two. this morning i reckon you will kiss hands, and return home "sir james." such an honour obtained on such an occasion is worthy the solicitation of a duke. if anything material occurs, be so good to favour me with a line. lady parker unites in every good wish for your rib and yourself, with yours, most sincerely, p. parker. to captain saumarez. captain saumarez, after a happy visit to his family at ryde, repaired to london, on leave of absence; and, on being presented to his majesty, received the well-merited honour of knighthood, and his first lieutenant (now admiral sir) george parker, was promoted to the rank of master and commander. sir james, having applied for an extension of his leave, enjoyed the society of his friends in london until the th of november, when he and lady saumarez returned to their family at ryde. the following letter to his brother, descriptive of other marks of respect which had been paid to him, will be read with interest: ryde, isle of wight, th nov. . my dear brother, it was not before yesterday that we were enabled to return to our little treasure in this island, owing to official business and the badness of the weather. we found all in perfect good health except our little girl, who has been for some time very unwell, and has suffered exceedingly; she is at present rather better, and we hope her disorder is past its height. mr. le marchant has fixed for next monday to leave the island. i shall endeavour to accompany them to southampton, and, after that, trust to opportunities hereafter offering to enable me to see them at bath. i do not expect the crescent will be ready to leave the harbour before the middle of next week; what our destination will then be must remain uncertain. sir john jarvis has this morning made the signal for sailing, and it is expected will put to sea on monday or tuesday next. i mean to return to portsmouth to-day or to-morrow, that i may have an opportunity of seeing general dundas before his departure. our last letters from the island (guernsey) are of the th; no particular news. you will be concerned to hear of the fate of the unlucky thames; when the particulars are received, i am persuaded it will be found that the ship has not been given away. the report is, that, after a severe action with a six-and-thirty, she was next day attacked by the carmagniolle, to which ship she struck. sir e. pellew is cruising with the circe off st. maloes; the french have no ships at present at cherbourg. yesterday i received a very polite letter from mr. marsham, inclosing the resolution of the th instant from the committee for encouraging the capture of french privateers, voting me a piece of plate, value one hundred guineas, which i consider a very high compliment paid to my earnest endeavours. but i am not quite so well pleased with a letter from mr. cooke, who has the distribution of the fees which he says are due from those who receive the honour of knighthood, and which amount to _l._ _s._ _d._ in reply to this, i have referred him to whoever paid the above fees for sir e. pellew, on whom that honour was conferred on a similar occasion. i fear it may not be taken well; at the same time, i think it hard to pay so much for an honour which my services have been thought to deserve. captain parker came down to portsmouth last thursday, without having obtained an interview with lord chatham. i am, however, persuaded he will soon get a ship. the other arrangements are not yet made. mr. warren has gone to london, to endeavour to get over the difficulty of not having served his rated time; if he does, he is to be third lieutenant. you must now permit me to return you and my dear sister our most sincere thanks for the kind hospitality we experienced under your roof; we not only ate of your board and drank of your cup, but you gave us your very bed to repose on: when shall we have it in our power to requite such goodness? at any rate, receive this tribute of our warmest gratitude. i hope your dear children, whom we almost considered as ours, are very well: bestow on them a thousand kisses from us. with our most sincere love, i remain, my dear brother, ever affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. on the nd of november, the crescent came out of harbour, and was reported ready for sea; and sir james saumarez was now ready to proceed, and to add fresh laurels to those he had so gloriously gained in the service of his king and country. chapter vii. , . sir james saumarez is placed under the orders of admiral mcbride.--is detached, and attacks an enemy's squadron.--narrow escape from shipwreck.--off havre.--cherbourg.--private letters relating the particulars of several cruises on the french coast.--gallant action with a french squadron of superior force off guernsey. sir james was now placed under the orders of admiral mcbride, who gave him the command of a squadron, consisting of the crescent and druid, frigates, liberty brig, and lion cutter. the first service he had to perform was to carry a small convoy of transports with troops, &c. to guernsey and jersey, and furthermore to obtain pilots for the admiral's squadron. we shall not attempt to describe the enthusiastic reception which sir james and his gallant crew received from their loyal and patriotic countrymen in these islands; but his stay was short. despatching the liberty to reconnoitre st. maloes, he proceeded to jersey, and, having reconnoitred granville, returned to guernsey roads on the th of november, when he detached the lion with pilots to the admiral; and, pursuant to orders, sailed to the adjacent coast of france to assist the royalists. the following is his account of an attempt to attack a french squadron in the bay of brehat. crescent, off guernsey, th dec. . sir, i have the honour to acquaint you, that pursuant to your orders i sailed from guernsey roads the night of the th instant, in his majesty's ship crescent, under my command, together with the druid frigate and liberty brig. the wind being to the southward, we were unable to fetch to windward off cape frehel in the morning; and observing several sail at anchor off the isles of brehat, particularly two large ships and a brig, in a bay to the northward, which there appeared a great probability of attacking with success, i stood in for them; but the tide of ebb setting us to the westward, prevented our fetching into the bay, and enabled the enemy's ships to get under way with the first of the flood, and save themselves between the rocks. we were however in time to fire several shot at the largest, which, as well as the others, appeared armed _en flute_ and deeply laden. finding it impossible to follow them without endangering his majesty's ships, i stood out of the bay through a passage which both the pilots i had on board assured me was perfectly safe. we soon found ourselves deceived, perceiving several rocks which we with difficulty cleared. unfortunately the druid, (which i hailed to acquaint her of the danger,) in wearing, tailed on a sunken rock; and, although she floated in a few minutes, she has i fear received so much damage as to require her to be taken into dock. i have directed captain ellison, whose activity and exertions cannot be too highly praised, to proceed to plymouth, and the liberty to accompany him into the sound, and rejoin you without loss of time. i am, with every respect, sir, your obedient and most humble servant, jas. saumarez. rear-admiral john mcbride. on sir james's arrival at guernsey, he addressed the following letter to his brother in london, which continues the narrative of his proceedings on that dangerous coast. my dear richard, i take the first opportunity to send you an account of an enterprise which, had it been attended with success, would have proved fortunate indeed. not having time to send you the particulars, i have enclosed a copy of my letter to the admiral, which you will show to m. le mesurier. i have only to add, that the object in view justified the attempt; but, as the world too often forms its judgment from events, i fear we shall not acquire much credit for the attempt. at midnight, we providentially escaped getting wrecked on the rocks douvre, in steering after the druid. we were warned of our perilous situation by the noise of the breakers, and had only time to avoid them. in short, my dear friend, when i consider our disappointment, and the very wonderful escapes we have had, it is almost too much for me, and i can only be thankful things are not worse. accounts have lately arrived from the army of the royalists, that they are in possession of rennes, and we have reason to expect soon to hear of their having a seaport wherein we can land the reinforcement. four french frigates have been in sight of the island these two days; the more mortifying as we cannot detach after them without leaving the troops embarked unprotected. an expedition of this consequence should have at least the support of two ships of the line. be careful that nothing that i write to you transpires. i have lately seen paragraphs which have given me concern, particularly one mentioning my being ordered off st. maloes. be assured they may occasion much mischief and distrust, if it can be imagined that they originate from any of my friends. my brother has shown me the p.s. of your letter to him: i think it best the plate should be confined to a dinner-set, as i am unwilling to separate the whole of a present so handsomely bestowed; therefore, if not too late, i wish you to direct accordingly. lady s. writes to me that our dear little girl is better; i wish to hear that she is sufficiently well to be inoculated. i shall be happy to have it over. you are a long time without writing to me. although i know you are most hurried at this time, you must forgive me if i desire you will devote a few spare minutes to me; my sister, i am sure, will consent to it. assure her of my sincere love; and believe me truly, my dear richard, yours affectionately, james saumarez. p.s.--we are close ship-keepers, being all on board by six o'clock; a very proper regulation. i do not expect to sail before the fleet proceeds to the french coast, when i hope our accounts will prove more favourable. we have here two other remarkable instances, where on sudden and unexpected danger appearing, the presence of mind and professional skill of saumarez saved his ship and squadron from destruction; and although the bold attempt he made to attack the enemy was unsuccessful, he does not less deserve the merit of making it, for we cannot command the wind and tide. the crescent continued to cruise with admiral mcbride's squadron during the winter, making several attempts to assist the royalists on various places on the coast of france, and annoying the enemy's coasting trade. the following letters from sir james to his brother in london, give a particular account, in his own words, of the arduous services on which he was employed during that time. crescent, cowes roads, th january . my dear richard, you will not expect so soon to hear from me, but i must just give you a journal of our short cruise. the day after we sailed from here, we chased three armed brigs off havre, which were very near captured by the flora and this ship. the day following, sir john warren having detached me and la nymphe to look into cherbourg, on the very spot where la réunion fell into our hands, we were on the point of taking a french frigate, apparently of twenty-eight or thirty-two guns. the wind at first flattered us with the hope of cutting her off from the land, when it shifted and enabled her to get into cherbourg: they were decidedly frightened, and kept firing guns as signals to their ships in the bay, which never attempted to come out to their assistance, although we were alone, as la nymphe was scarcely discernible from this ship. the next day la nymphe sprung her fore-mast, which obliged her to return to spithead. i appeared close to cherbourg all day yesterday, in the hope of drawing their ships out, which i plainly discerned to consist of six frigates, four of which were large. in the evening it coming on to blow hard, and no appearance of our ships, i stood off shore, and at noon this day, it blowing a severe storm, i anchored in this road. admiral mcbride having consented to my going to bath for twenty-four hours, i am setting off with all speed: not having time to add more, i remain, with my kindest love, my dear richard, yours ever affectionately, jas. saumarez. sunday morning. p.s.--i really intended to write to the lord mayor, but have not a moment's time; i shall therefore leave you to acquaint him with our return here. we may stop here to mention, that in the debate in the house of commons on the address to the king's speech at the opening of parliament, the gallant conduct of sir james saumarez was mentioned in terms of admiration, and his late action quoted as a remarkable instance of the superiority of our naval commanders in professional talent and skill; the account of this had been transmitted to him from london by his brother richard. cowes, nd february . my dear richard, i left my dearest concerns yesterday morning, and arrived here this afternoon, after a six hours' storm, from southampton. both your kind letters afford me infinite satisfaction. when i wrote to you on sunday, i had not the admiral's consent to remain till i heard from him, and only expected to remain twenty-four hours in bath; but depended, nevertheless, on hearing from you there. you must therefore desire my sister to plead in your behalf, when she writes to lady s. i am much flattered at my name having been found worthy of notice in the house of commons, and i thank you for the praise you bestow on me for the business of our last cruise. though we failed in taking the frigate, it was certainly a matter of exultation and triumph to me, in a single ship, thus to brave the enemy off their port. i find sir john warren has sent in an armed brig, which we were prevented from sharing, at the time we were in pursuit of the frigate: we decoyed her to within a small distance from us by showing french colours, and i am persuaded we should have taken her, if we had chased her instead of the frigate; and they ought in justice to allow us to share in the profits of this prize. i would advise you to wait till donaldson's plates come out for your paintings. let me caution you against purchasing any of the prints, as i have engaged fifteen sets for my friends, in order to have proof engravings. tom[ ] writes to me they are under serious apprehensions for the island. i own to you i think there is some cause, unless we keep a strong squadron for their defence; at the same time, i do not believe they have so strong a force as mentioned, or that they are making preparation for invading this country. let me know what has become of mr. warren, and whether captain parker has sailed. i must now wish you and my sister, and all under your roof, a good night. and i remain truly, yours affectionately, monday morning. jas. saumarez. p.s.--our admiral has not yet made his appearance, a vessel is gone to portsmouth for him. the packet returns so speedily that it is next to impossible to answer letters the same day. [ ] sir james's brother. crescent, spithead, th february . my dear richard, you will be pleased to hear of our being safe in port in the midst of the prevailing storms, but not without our having previously felt their rigour. last thursday morning we carried away our main-top-mast; and, in going to torbay soon after, we sprung our fore-yard, which made the admiral determine to send us to spithead to refit, and afterwards join him with all possible despatch. we are just anchored; but it blows so very hard, there is no possibility of sending a boat on shore. i left the squadron anchored in torbay yesterday evening, where they are well sheltered from the present very high wind. let me hear from you, if possible, by the next post. not expecting to be ordered here, i wrote to lady s. yesterday morning, desiring her to direct to me there; and would have written to you to the same purpose, but that i expected to have sent my letters from here by this evening's post, which would have reached you equally soon. i think this weather will, for the present at least, let us sleep in tranquillity, and make our enemies set aside their projected invasion. let them attempt it when they will, i shall view it as a desirable event for this country. but i am not of that opinion with regard to our islands. god bless you, and preserve them all! let us deserve well, and there is nothing that we may not confidently expect from his providence. and, with my sincere love, i am ever affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. p.s. sunday morning.--i availed myself of a favourable time this morning to come on shore, and have just received a letter stating that the liberty had been chased by two frigates off the casketts. the following letter gives an account of his visit to the island of jersey, &c. bouley bay, jersey, th march . my dear richard, i have at length had an opportunity of visiting this island, the admiral having detached this ship and the druid to look into cancalle bay and granville. it falling calm on thursday evening, we anchored in st. owen's bay; and, next morning, captain ellison and myself went on shore to wait on lord balcarras. we called on mr. dumaresq on our way to st. hilliers, who most obligingly assisted us with horses, and accompanied us to town after having engaged us to dinner. i had just time to call on our friends john durell and mr. wm. dumaresq, who were very kind in their offers of service. we then returned to st. peter's, and i shall ever be thankful for one of the most pleasant days i have passed since i commanded the crescent. lord balcarras and his aides-de-camp were the only strangers; major and mrs. le couteur were of the party; and they were all to have favoured me with their company on board the following day, had not untoward circumstances prevented that pleasure. in the evening we had so thick a fog that it was impossible to join the ships; and at day-break we had the mortification to find, that, the wind having come to the southward, they had found it necessary to leave the bay. they however soon made their appearance, and with some difficulty i got on board. the weather not permitting our going on the french coast, i anchored in this bay, and detached a lugger with the third lieutenant, which will execute the service better than we could in the ships. they are here greatly relieved from their fears by knowing our squadron is so near them; and the ladies that at first emigrated are now returning. write to me by the packet to guernsey. when we can ascertain the force at cancalle, i hope we shall find ourselves of sufficient strength to pay them a visit. if the emissaries are to be credited, they are disembarking their troops, and marching against the royalists in la vendée. i hope my sister continues well, as when i left you. and, with kindest love, i remain, yours ever affectionately, jas. saumarez. sunday evening.--p.s. mr. french, third lieutenant, is this moment returned. he reports that eleven sail of frigates are in cancalle bay only;--not the least appearance of ships of the line. after remaining some time on this dangerous station, the crescent and squadron returned to plymouth, when sir james saumarez was employed on the expedition under earl moira, which need not be detailed here. on the th may he received orders to take a squadron under his command, to cruise off the lizard. the following letter is relative to this cruise: crescent, at sea, th may, . sir, pursuant to your directions, i dispatch the mary cutter to plymouth for any orders you may be pleased to send me, and i avail myself of this opportunity to acquaint you with the proceedings of the squadron from the time of our departure. we made sail to the southward on sunday night, and saw nothing except two neutral vessels. one of them was informed by sir richard strachan, that on the th instant he fell in with a squadron of french frigates in lat. ° ' n., long. ° ' w. yesterday morning, about eighteen leagues to the southward of the lizard, the weather having proved hazy, on clearing up we saw a ship and a brig, which we soon distinguished to be enemy's cruisers. i made the signal for general chase, and endeavoured to cut them off from the french coast. we pursued them till within four miles of ushant, when they escaped through the passage de four. i then made the best of my way to regain the station; and we are now anxiously looking for the frigates we sailed in pursuit of, with the hopes of better success. i beg to assure you of my most earnest endeavours to merit the confidence you are pleased to repose in me; being, with great truth, my dear admiral, your most faithful and obedient servant, jas. saumarez. to admiral mcbride, plymouth. it was in the interval between december and june , that sir james saumarez and sir edward pellew, and sir john warren, being each in command of squadrons of frigates, agreed to share prize-money until the latter should return to port, which did not take place until june. it is notorious in the navy that this led to a dispute, and consequently a coolness, between these gallant officers, but the misunderstanding was subsequently made up, and need not be farther alluded to. on the st june captain saumarez returned to plymouth from the coast of france adjacent to the channel islands, and on the th received the following order from admiral mcbride. you are hereby required and directed to take under your command his majesty's ships, luggers, and cutters, named on the margin,[ ] and proceed first with them to guernsey and jersey, and then endeavour to ascertain the force the enemy may have in cancalle bay and st. maloes, and then return to cawsand bay, leaving the prestwood cutter with captain ball, of his majesty's ship fury. given under my hand, on board h.m.s. echo, th june . jno. mcbride. [ ] druid, valiant, dolphin, cockchafer, active, and prestwood. sir james sailed on the th from plymouth: the following is a copy of his official letter, giving an account of his action with the french squadron: crescent, guernsey, th june . sir, i have the honour to acquaint you that this morning, at dawn of day, being with his majesty's ship crescent, under my command, and the druid and eurydice frigates, about twelve leagues to the northward of guernsey, on the larboard tack, with a fresh breeze to the n.e., we fell in with five sail of ships and a cutter to windward. from their not bearing down, and other circumstances, i did not take them for enemy's ships; and i directed lieut. baker, of the valiant, armed lugger, to make sail to windward, for the purpose of reconnoitring them. at six o'clock they hoisted national colours, and fired on the lugger. i then shortened sail to form the line; but the eurydice sailing so indifferently, and having so superior a force to contend with,--three of the enemy's ships being large frigates, with another which i took for the thames, and one apparently of twenty-four guns,--i directed captain cole to make all the sail he could and stand in shore, guernsey at the time being in sight.[ ] [ ] see engraving. i remained with this ship and the druid under easy sail to windward. the two headmost ships of the enemy kept up a brisk fire as they came up; which was returned, but at too great a distance to do any considerable damage. at eight, the eurydice being so far in shore as to run no risk of their coming up with her, and the whole french line coming up within gun-shot, i made sail with the druid for the hanoways. observing the headmost of the enemy gaining very fast on the two ships, i hauled in for the shore with the view of drawing off her attention; which answered my purpose, as she immediately hauled up after me, and maintained a brisk fire for some time, but without effect. she then bore away, but the druid and eurydice were too far ahead; and soon after they hauled their wind to the northward. i feel every satisfaction in acquainting you that, from the spirit and bravery of my officers and men on this occasion, i am persuaded it would have had every effect, had we had a more equal force to contend with. i met with a noble support in captain ellison; and i have only to regret that captain cole was not in a ship of sufficient force to allow of my deriving advantage from his tact and intrepidity. i am, with every respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, jas. saumarez. rear-admiral john mcbride. relative force of the english and french squadrons. _english._ guns. weight of shot. crescent druid eurydice ---------- total the cutters and luggers went off to plymouth when the action began. _french._ guns. weight of shot. le scævola (razée) le brutus (ditto) la danae la félicité la terreur. --- ---- total thus it appears that the french were guns, and pounds in weight of metal, superior to the english squadron. this exploit, which has been justly considered by every officer of the navy a masterpiece of professional skill, as well as of presence of mind and intrepidity, should be more particularly related than in the above very modest public letter. the superiority of the enemy being much too great to be opposed with any chance of success, it became the imperative duty of saumarez to effect, if possible, the escape of his ships, to which the enemy immediately gave chase. observing that his own ship and the druid had the advantage in sailing, and that the eurydice, which was not only in bad condition but a bad sailer, would fall into their hands, he shortened sail, and having ordered the eurydice by signal to push for guernsey, he contrived, by occasionally showing a disposition to engage, to amuse the enemy, and lead him off until the eurydice was safe. he now tacked, and, in order to save the druid, closed with the enemy, passing along their line; and the capture of the crescent seemed at one time inevitable. the druid meanwhile made her escape, with the eurydice, into guernsey roads. but sir james saumarez had for his own preservation a scheme which, in the first instance, required great courage; in the second, a perfect knowledge of a most dangerous and intricate channel; and, in the last, a consummate skill in the management of his ship. he was himself well acquainted with the coast, and possessed an experienced pilot, john breton, a native, whose house was on that extremity of the island. as soon therefore as the other two ships were secure, he bore up as if to run his ship on the rocks, to avoid capture. ordering his pilot to steer the crescent through a narrow passage between the rocks, which had never before been attempted by a ship of her size, and defying the enemy to follow him, he reached the anchorage in safety,[ ] to the no small surprise and mortification of the french, who, after firing some time over the rocks at the ship, were obliged, by the shot of the crescent and that of the batteries, to give up the contest. [ ] see engraving and diagram. it is worthy of remark that, after passing through the narrow channel, the ship had to sail so near to the shore of câtel parish, that he could distinctly see his own house,--a position truly singular, for behind he beheld a french prison, and before him his own fireside! while passing through the narrowest part of the channel, sir james asked the pilot if he was sure he could see the marks for running through? when he replied, "i am quite sure, for there is _your_ house, and there is my own!" the gratification which sir james must have felt in having, by his admirable skill and daring, so completely succeeded in saving the whole of the ships, could not but be highly augmented by the circumstance of his countrymen, and even his family and friends, being eye-witnesses of his gallant and judicious conduct. lieutenant-governor small, who, with a multitude of the inhabitants, beheld the whole of these masterly evolutions, immediately published the following flattering testimonial in his general orders, which was afterwards transmitted to sir james by the brigade-major in a polite letter. parole, _saumarez_; countersign, _crescent._ the lieutenant-governor cannot, without doing injustice to his own feelings, help taking notice thus publicly of the gallant and distinguished conduct of sir james saumarez, with the officers and men of his majesty's ships crescent, druid, and eurydice, under his command, in the very unequal conflict of yesterday, where their consummate professional skill and masterly manoeuvres demonstrated with brilliant effect the superiority of british seamanship and bravery, by repelling and frustrating the views of at least treble their force and weight of metal. this cheering instance of spirit and perseverance in a detachment of our royal navy, could not fail of presenting an animating and pleasing example to his majesty's land forces, both of the line and island troops, who were anxious spectators, and beheld with admiration the active conduct of their brave countrymen. to the loyal inhabitants of guernsey it afforded cause of real exultation to witness the manly and excellent conduct of an officer of whom this flourishing island has to boast he is a native. the governor of guernsey, as a further mark of admiration at the gallant conduct of sir james saumarez, wrote the following letter to the secretary of the admiralty: government-house, guernsey, th june . sir, i do myself the honour of transmitting herewith a copy of what i deemed proper to insert this day in the public orders issued to his majesty's forces stationed on the island of guernsey, under my command. may i request that this tribute of well-earned approbation from a brother officer may be communicated to the lords commissioners of the admiralty. should it appear irregular that an extra-official communication of this nature comes from a department not immediately under their lordships' cognizance, the impropriety on my part i trust will be indulgently forgiven, as it arises from an irresistible impulse of wishing to do justice to merit and exertions far indeed above my praise. as an officer honoured with a public and confidential situation, and having from shore been an eye-witness of the gallant intrepidity of sir james saumarez, and sailors of his majesty's ships crescent, druid, and eurydice, under his command, i consider it my duty to express, although still inadequately, my opinion of the conduct of men whose modesty (the infallible concomitant of merit) may, in reporting to you, come short of what thousands of loyal and anxious spectators from this island beheld with joy and satisfaction, in the display of superior address and british bravery alluded to. i have the honour to subscribe myself, with esteem and high regard, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, john small. to philip stephens, esq. &c. &c. &c. n.b. the enclosure has been already given. the following general memorandum was issued to the squadron, dated crescent, guernsey roads, th june . general memorandum. sir james saumarez desires to return his best thanks to captain ellison, and the officers and men of h.m.s. druid, for their spirited conduct and bravery on the th instant, in having, jointly with the crescent, repelled ships of the enemy treble our force. it is to be regretted that the bad sailing of the eurydice prevented their deriving the advantage they otherwise would have received from captain cole and his brave ship's company. crescent, guernsey roads, th june . general memorandum. sir james saumarez requests captain cole will signify to the officers and ship's company of his majesty's ship eurydice, under his command, how truly mortified he felt himself at being deprived of their support and assistance on the th instant, in consequence of the bad sailing of their ship. had the enemy's force on that day permitted their being brought to action on more equal terms, he is too fully persuaded of the gallantry and bravery of british seamen not to be convinced of its having been attended with the most signal success. early in the action, the small vessels, being separated by the enemy, bore up for plymouth. the valiant arrived first with bad news; and then mr. hall, of the cockchafer, went to admiral mcbride, and informed him that the whole of sir james saumarez' squadron was taken. the admiral, who was then suffering under a fit of the gout, demanded if he saw them strike; to which mr. hall replied that he did not, but they could not escape. this so enraged the admiral, who would not believe sir james's squadron had been taken, that he threatened to throw his crutch at him, and sent him out of his presence in a very summary manner, charging him to return to guernsey with the following letter: tuesday, th june. my dear sir, if i can gather anything right from hall, of the little lugger that ran away from you, this will find you at guernsey, and i hope in good health, with your associates; to whom remember me. the conduct of the small craft you are the best judge of, and i shall suspend my conjectures till i see or hear from you on that subject. as you must naturally have received damage, you will, i think, do well to return hither, by which time i suppose la margaretta will arrive. yesterday evening sir roger curtis landed from the phaeton. he left lord howe on the th. i know not the particulars, but there has been a general action; and i think monsieur jean bon l'andre and his guillotine have had a thorough drubbing. we have lost very few officers of rank. lord howe is perfectly well, of which i give you joy. yours, my dear sir, most affectionately, john mcbride. meanwhile the commodore, in consequence of the enemy's motions, wrote the following letter to the admiralty: crescent, guernsey road, th june . sir, i have despatched the active cutter to spithead, to acquaint you, for the information of their lordships, that the french squadron which engaged his majesty's ships under my command on sunday last, put into cancalle bay the day following. i have reason to believe they are part of the squadron that chased this ship, in company with the nymphe and concorde, on the nd instant, off the seven islands; and that the ships of the line that were then in company proceeded to brest. his majesty's ship severn joined me this morning from plymouth; and i propose to proceed to the sound to-morrow, in compliance with orders from rear-admiral mcbride. james saumarez. philip stephens, esq. secretary, &c. &c. &c. the squadron returned to plymouth sound on the th of june, when sir james sent the following letter to his brother:-- saturday, th june . my dear richard, we sailed from the island at four yesterday morning, unluckily too soon for the arrival of the packet; by which i lost all the pretty things you, with other friends, said to me on the business of last sunday. we remain also uninformed of lord howe's victory, except that we know a general action has taken place favourable to us. this evening will, i hope, clear up all our doubts. the french squadron put into cancalle bay the day after our rencontre, and i have reason to think were rather sore from our well-directed fire. that their fire did not take more effect on the crescent, must be ascribed to a superior providence; as, i will own to you, i never saw shot fall thicker about any ship than at the time we hauled up for vason bay. my old pilot, jean breton, has infinite merit, and i must have him recommended to that very laudable society for the encouragement of the protection of the commerce of the country. he has a large family, to whom any pecuniary recompense will be of service; but as two other pilots exerted themselves, one on board the druid, and the other in this ship, i hope they will also be considered. mention this to my worthy friend the lord mayor, who will probably have the goodness to undertake the business. i am proceeding to plymouth for further orders, and you may rest assured of hearing from me when any thing is fixed. the valiant lugger has this instant joined me from plymouth, and has brought me the extraordinary gazette; i most truly rejoice at the good news it contains, though i am savage enough to wish a few more had been sunk or taken. this business absorbs all lesser considerations, and i must be satisfied if i can only be considered the _horse-radish_ to garnish the roast beef. adieu, my worthy richard: lose no time, as the admiral writes to me we shall sail again early next week. i hope to arrive in the sound this evening. yours affectionately, jas. saumarez. sir james was, however, disappointed in receiving an answer from his brother, being ordered to sail in command of a squadron. the following letter concludes the account of the late meritorious affair: plymouth, crescent, june . my dear richard, i have been much disappointed, not to receive a single line from you since we sailed from this place, although i am convinced you must have written by way of guernsey. to-morrow i sail with a squadron of six frigates under my command, viz. crescent, nymphe, blonde, druid, concorde, and severn: my only fear is, that we shall not be so fortunate as to fall in with the enemy. admiral mcbride has shown me his reply from the admiralty to his letter, inclosing my account of our late business off guernsey. it is highly flattering to myself, and expressive of their approbation of my conduct in the strongest terms. i doubt my letter being published, as it is only in instances where success has been the consequence. what a noble business that of lord howe! and how well he has fulfilled the expectations which those who knew him had formed of his character! several of my friends are here who were in that action, and speak in the highest strain of panegyric of the whole of his conduct. i wait for my wife being again on her legs to compose on the late victory. why have you not a turn for poetry and music, so as to indite a song on this subject, in lieu of the famous ninety-second, that has had the run of a whole century?. adieu, my worthy friend! i am truly and faithfully yours, jas. saumarez. chapter viii. , . sir james commands a squadron of frigates, in the channel.--visit to weymouth.--joins the channel fleet.--black rocks.--private letters and instructions.--appointed to the orion.--crescent's officers and crew volunteer to follow him.--appointed to the marlborough (_pro tempore_).--commands a detached squadron.--returns to the orion, attached to the channel fleet.--private letters.--lord bridport's action.--orion, the headmost ship, begins the battle.--official letter.--two private accounts.--returns to portsmouth--expedition to isle dieu.--returns to spithead. captain saumarez, whose conduct in his late encounter with the enemy's squadron had called forth the admiration of his country, and the high approbation of the admiralty, was continued in command of the squadron destined to protect the channel islands. admiral mcbride emphatically said, "their defence could not be in better hands." sir james left plymouth on the th of june , and arrived at guernsey on the following day. the enemy's large ships escaped to brest before any force could be brought to intercept them. the station of saumarez was from cape barfleur to the seven islands; and, on the english coast, between the isle of wight and the start, having four frigates under his command. the following letter to his brother gives an amusing account of a false alarm, occasioned by the squadron while his majesty george the third was at weymouth: crescent, th september . my dear richard, i was made happy yesterday by the sight of your handwriting, of which i had for a considerable time been deprived. you will have learnt from the lord mayor of our short cruise off cherbourg. on our return, sunday evening, we caused an alarm i had little expected: the trusty, having fallen in with the four frigates, made the private signal, which, not being distinctly seen, remained unanswered. in consequence of which she proceeded to weymouth road, making signals of an enemy. the troops were ordered under arms, the batteries manned, and the royal carriages got in readiness. at our approach to the road after dark, a shot was fired from the trusty. this ship was secured with springs on her cables, and was ready to pour her broadside, when i fortunately made the night-signal, to denote we were friends. i immediately went on shore, and found the royal family at the rooms, not without apprehension of the enemy's landing. the king desired to see me, and very heartily laughed at the circumstance. i remained near an hour in conference with their majesties in the tea-room; a very distinguished honour, i assure you, as even the lords in waiting are scarcely ever admitted during meals: i was highly flattered at the very gracious and flattering reception i met with. the next day they were on the water, and the king expressed himself much satisfied with the manoeuvres of the squadron under my directions. lady s. and mrs. le marchant, of bath, were on board the crescent, and i was happy in the company of mr. g----. all dined on board, and seemed well satisfied with the day. i expect admiral mcbride the beginning of next week; at which time we shall either go to plymouth or portsmouth, to complete our provisions. the weather is so bad that we must not expect the packet from guernsey, and it prevents the one from weymouth putting to sea. love to my sister and children. yours most affectionately, jas. saumarez. the crescent continued on channel service until the th of october, when she returned to cawsand bay; and, after a short cruise in the entrance of the channel, she came to plymouth to be refitted on the th of november. on the th she was taken into dock, not having been coppered since . sir james had now an opportunity of enjoying repose for two months, (his ship being in course of repair,) till the th of january , when he was immediately attached to the grand fleet under earl howe. the following instructions will show the nature of the arduous service on which saumarez was destined to be employed for a considerable time: instructions for the conduct of ships appointed to obtain intelligence of the state of the enemy's naval force at brest. two frigates, supported by one or more ships of the line, will be most generally appointed for obtaining intelligence of the enemy's naval force, from time to time, when the wind has been favourable to their fleet, or detachment thereof, to put to sea. the frigates so appointed are meant to stretch from ushant inward to the black rocks, together or in succession, as requisite for their mutual support, and better means of communicating with the covering ships; and off st. matthew's point, or so as to discover whether the enemy's fleet are still in brest water, and, if easily practicable, the number and situation of the enemy's ships of war there, and in the adjacent anchoring bays without the goulet. the covering ships of the line, it is supposed, will generally answer the purpose of their appointment by keeping off, or a little within, the black rocks, whilst the frigates are advanced to the more eastern situation before mentioned. the several captains so employed are, nevertheless, to be governed on this service by the state of the weather and movements of the enemy, as they see best in their discretion, or may be directed by the commanding officer, for being able to get to sea with facility when necessary for the purpose of this appointment; and, having made the intended discovery, they are to return for reporting observations to me with all convenient despatch. they are to observe, that the capture of single ships of the line or frigates, or any action with the enemy not absolutely requisite for the security of their ships, is not an object of equal moment to compensate for any delay in conveying the earliest information to me, by signal or personal intercourse, of the state or motions of the enemy as aforesaid. the ordering of the fleet in their absence on this service will be calculated for arriving off ushant as early as possible the next morning, on these occasions if the detached ships should not have joined the fleet the preceding day, in view to take advantage of every opportunity to intercept the ships of the enemy attempting to put to sea from brest. and as it may be requisite often to renew this appointment, the intention will be expressed by signal no. , together with the particular signals (one or more) of the ships of the line and frigates then meant to be so employed; and the signal no. will be subsequently made when the ships are to part company from the fleet for such purpose. given on board the queen charlotte, torbay, th february . howe. to sir james saumarez, captain h.m.s. crescent. on this occasion sir james saumarez wrote the following letter to his brother, which shows the high opinion entertained of his services off the black rocks by his lordship: spithead, th january . i had the pleasure of yours yesterday morning, and have only time to acquaint you that part of the fleet are now dropping down to st. helen's, and to-morrow we hope to put to sea. the wind is far to the southward, but i hope we shall be able to get down channel before it comes to the westward. there can be little doubt but the enemy's fleet are still at sea. if we have the good fortune to meet them, the business will be glorious for the country. our line consists of thirty-five, ten of which are three-deckers. the french have only thirty-two, and four only of three-deckers. my situation in the fleet (repeating frigate) is certainly more desirable than a less conspicuous one; at the same time, i would rather command a seventy-four. lord howe is remarkably gracious, and has overwhelmed me with compliments in his opinion of my merits. i have the more to accomplish in order to show myself deserving of it. be assured of my zealous endeavours. adieu! give my sincere love to my sister and dear children. i am ever affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. sir james always preferred the command of a ship of the line to a frigate, notwithstanding the chances of prize-money are in favour of the latter. he accordingly made the following application to the first lord of the admiralty; and it will be seen, by the subsequent correspondence, that his wishes were complied with. my lord, i beg leave to acquaint your lordship, that some time since i made application to be appointed to a line-of-battle ship, and the earl of chatham was pleased to signify his intention of meeting my wishes the earliest opportunity. i shall esteem myself greatly obliged to your lordship to appoint me to one, and at the same time to permit me to take my officers and ship's company. i have the honour to be, &c. &c. james saumarez. right honourable earl spencer. sir, i take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging your letter to be appointed to a line-of-battle ship. i am not at present apprised of there being an immediate opportunity to comply with your request; but it will give me great pleasure to have an early one afforded me of promoting an officer of so much acknowledged merit. i am, sir, with great respect, your obedient humble servant, spencer. to captain saumarez, h.m.s. crescent. admiralty, december th, . crescent, spithead, st march . my lord, i beg to avail myself of the return of the fleet into port, to remind your lordship of the application i had the honour to make to be appointed to a line-of-battle ship; and as the orion is likely soon to become vacant, i shall be greatly obliged to your lordship to have the goodness to give me the command of her, and at the same time to permit me to take my officers and ship's company. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, james saumarez. right honourable earl spencer. crescent, off spithead, th march . my lord, i beg to express my sincere acknowledgments to your lordship for having been pleased to appoint me to the command of the orion. i shall be further obliged to your lordship to permit the commissioned and warrant officers of the crescent to be removed to her, with the ship's company. i have the honour to be, &c. &c. james saumarez. earl spencer, &c. &c. sir james remained with the channel fleet until the th of march, when, at his own request, he was removed into his majesty's ship orion. the whole crew of the crescent volunteered to follow him, and his application for them was in part complied with; as also for lieutenants otter and rye, and some of the warrant and petty officers, who were consequently turned over to that ship, which was fitting at portsmouth. as it would be a considerable time before she could be refitted so as to be ready for sea, captain saumarez was, at the special application of the admiral, lord hugh seymour, appointed (pro tempore) to the marlborough of seventy-four guns, and attached to a detachment of the grand fleet under the honourable w. waldegrave, (afterwards lord radstock,) cruising between ushant and cape finisterre. his appointment was dated th march . on the th of april he became senior officer of the detached squadron off the western isles, under the orders of lord bridport. he returned on the th of june to take command of his own ship, the orion, which had been fitted out by captain donnelly, and was now ready to receive orders for sea. he was now again placed under the orders of his lordship, the commander-in-chief of the channel fleet, and sailed on the th of june, two days after his arrival. on the nd, the squadron fell in with the enemy off l'orient at daylight, at which time the orion was one of the sternmost ships when the signal was made to chase. her captain soon gave a manifest proof of his zeal and abilities on this occasion. she was, before morning of the rd, the headmost ship of the fleet; and, before six o'clock, was the first which actually began the action with one of the enemy's largest ships. the following is a copy of lord bridport's official despatch: royal george, at sea, th june . sir, it is with sincere satisfaction i acquaint you, for the information of the lords commissioners of the admiralty, that his majesty's squadron under my command attacked the enemy's fleet, consisting of twelve ships of the line, attended with eleven frigates and some smaller cruisers, on the rd instant, close in with the port of l'orient. the ships which struck are the alexander, le formidable, and le tigre, which were with difficulty retained. if the enemy had not been protected and sheltered by the land, i have every reason to believe that a much greater number, if not all the line-of-battle ships, would have been taken or destroyed. in detailing the particulars of this service, i am to state that at the dawn of day, on the nd instant, the nymphe and astrea, being the look-out frigates ahead, made the signal for the enemy's fleet. i soon perceived there was no intention to meet me in battle; consequently, i made the signal for four of the best-sailing ships, the sanspareil, orion, russell, and colossus, and, soon afterwards, the whole fleet, to chase; which continued all day and the whole night with very little wind. early in the morning of the rd, the headmost ships, the orion, irresistible, queen charlotte, russell, colossus, and sanspareil, were pretty well up with the enemy; and a little before six o'clock the action began, and continued till near nine. when the ships struck, the british squadron was near to some batteries, and in the face of a strong naval port, which will manifest to the public the zeal, intrepidity, and skill of the admirals, captains, and all the other officers and seamen, and soldiers, employed upon this service; and they are fully entitled to my warmest acknowledgments. i beg also to be allowed to mark my approbation in a particular manner of captain domett's conduct, serving under my flag, for his manly spirit, and for the assistance i received from his active and attentive mind. i feel great satisfaction in doing justice to the meritorious conduct of all the officers of every class, as well as to the bravery of the seamen and soldiers in the royal george, upon this event and on former occasions. i judged it necessary, upon the information i received of the force of the enemy, to put the robust, thunderer, and standard into my line of battle; but their distance from my squadron, and there being little wind, prevented them from joining me till after the action was over. i shall proceed upon my station as soon as i have ordered a distribution of the prisoners, and made other necessary arrangements for the squadron. it is my intention to keep at sea, in order to fulfil every part of my instructions. i have judged it necessary to send captain domett with my despatches, who will give their lordships such further particulars as shall have occurred to him on the victory we have gained. i am, &c. bridport. to evan nepean, esq. the enemy made their escape into l'orient. by some accounts the commander-in-chief has been blamed for not continuing the action; but this does not seem to have been the opinion of sir james saumarez, who wrote the following letter to his brother on the day after the action. it is said that the fleet were not supplied with pilots for that part of the coast. orion, at sea, th june . my dear richard, i have the satisfaction to acquaint you that, last monday, we fell in with the french fleet, about eighteen leagues from the isle de groix. the signal for a general chase was made at six o'clock; but, having little wind, we were still at a considerable distance from them in the evening. our headmost ships denoted by signal that they consisted of fourteen sail of the line and eleven frigates. the admiral made the signal to engage the enemy on coming up with them. it was with great delight i found the orion sail extremely well, and in the morning we were one of the headmost ships of the squadron. i should observe, that sir john warren's convoy were in sight at the time we first saw the enemy; and a vessel was detached to order the robust and thunderer to join us, which made our number nineteen sail of the line. the french fleet at daylight was about five miles from us, crowding all sail, and steering for their coast, which appeared in sight. at five o'clock, this ship, being ahead of the queen charlotte, began the action, and kept up a constant fire as we came up; which was warmly returned by the enemy's sternmost ships, one of which was the montagne. finding i could go to windward of one of their ships, i hauled up between her and their fleet, and gave her our larboard guns directly for her stern. she was afterwards attacked by other ships, to which she struck, and proved to be the alexander. the irresistible, russell, colossus, and sanspareil were the headmost of our fleet after the orion and queen charlotte, and engaged the enemy as they came up. a french seventy-four, that had taken fire on the poop, struck to the frigates. she is called the formidable, and is not materially damaged from the fire. when the queen, london, and finally the royal george, came into action, they kept up a most amazing fire; but by this time the enemy were within three miles of their coast, and they all escaped except the tigre, which struck to the royal george. for further details i must refer you to the public accounts. our loss in this ship has been inconsiderable when i assure you we were engaged with very little intermission the whole time of the action, which lasted four hours. we have four killed, two since dead, and eighteen wounded. the ship has suffered more in proportion in the hull, masts, and sails. we regret not to have had a few leagues' more space, as none could then have escaped. port louis, near l'orient, has afforded them this timely shelter, but not till they had a severe drubbing. you will show the contents of this letter to mr. le mesurier, as i have scarcely one moment to spare. adieu! remember me most kindly to my sister; and believe me truly, my dear richard, yours affectionately, jas. saumarez. you will oblige lady s. by inclosing this, after perusal, to her. this detachment of the channel fleet, which was destined to protect the ill-fated expedition to quiberon bay, under sir j.b. warren, continued for some time on the coast; but the orion, being one of the ships which had suffered most, was ordered to portsmouth. on his arrival, sir james wrote the following letter to his brother richard. orion, off st. helens, th july . my dear brother, i take the earliest opportunity to acquaint you, that i parted from the fleet last thursday, with the charon, hospital ship, which i saw safe into portland this morning: captain grindall, (the only captain wounded,) who took his passage on board her, was much recovered. on the day i left the fleet, admiral cornwallis, with the ships under his command, joined lord bridport; and i imagine the queen charlotte, with the ships that suffered most in the action, will go home. as the orion requires a new fore-mast and bowsprit, besides considerable repair, i take it for granted she will be ordered into harbour. a few days after the action we were alarmed by the appearance of an epidemic fever on board; but, by sending the men infected on board the hospital ship, and using timely precaution, i am happy to say it has entirely subsided, but it gave me a great degree of concern: added to this, we have had the small-pox on board; but it has been of so favourable a kind, that the men who have had it are all doing well, two excepted, who died on board the hospital ship. several are now under inoculation, and i hope will recover. we have lost eight men in consequence of the action: all the wounded, except two, are nearly well; their wounds, i am happy to find, were slight. it will have surprised you to find me differ in my statement of the action from the admiral, when i mention having begun the action. the fact was, the irresistible fired two, or, i believe, three bow-guns, but i never could consider that entitling her to being the first in action; _but of this hereafter_. now is a good opportunity for you and my sister to come and spend a few days at portsmouth, if you can spare time to undertake the journey. come down immediately, and take a sail in the ship into portsmouth harbour. i was in great hope to be in time to see lady s. this evening, but i fear it is impossible; it is near eight o'clock, and we are no nearer than st. helen's road, with little wind. i have heard from none of my friends during the cruise, so that i know not what became of you after your peregrination to st. helens. the prizes left the fleet ten days ago, and must be expected the first westerly winds. you will be glad to hear that mr. otter is promoted. yours affectionately, jas. saumarez. p.s. portsmouth, th july . i have only time to acquaint you with my being just landed. let me hear from you. adieu! we here give a diagram of this action at the time it began. when the irresistible fired her bow-guns, she was in _chase_, astern and not up alongside of the enemy; but the orion reserved all her fire until actually alongside; she was certainly the first that could bring all her broadside to bear on one of the enemy's ships, and therefore justly claims the honour of having commenced the battle. but sir james took no steps to correct the statement, and was, as usual, content with being included in the mass of those who distinguished themselves on that occasion. position of the hostile fleets on the morning of the rd june , when the headmost ships brought the rear of the enemy to action. [illustration] no. . orion, capt. sir j. saumarez. . queen charlotte, capt. sir a.s. douglas. . irresistible, capt. grindall. . russell, capt. t. luscom. . colossus, capt. moncton. . sanspareil, admiral lord h. seymour, capt. brown. . london, capt. griffith. . queen, rear-admiral gardner, capt. bedford. . prince george, capt. edge. . royal george, admiral lord bridport, captain domett. the orion was taken into portsmouth harbour, and, as six weeks were required to repair her damages, sir james had another month's relaxation from actual service. it was the th july before she was reported ready for sea. on the st he wrote the following letter to his brother, describing the service on which he was now to be employed: ryde, st august . my dear richard, expecting to sail from day to day, i delayed writing till i could acquaint you with the precise time of our departure. this morning the wind proved easterly, but it has again veered to the westward, and become as uncertain as ever, so that i yet hope to hear from you. i understand that about four thousand troops, _british_, and fifteen hundred emigrants, sail under our escort. they are commanded by general doyle, and it is supposed are destined to take possession of noirmoutier, to keep up communication with charrette's army. monsieur, who you know is embarked on board the jason, accompanies them. it is to be hoped that this last effort of ours to secure a footing on their own territory to these unfortunate people, will prove successful; i say this last, for, from what i learn, lord moira resigns with the whole of his staff, and the rest of his army are to be, under command of sir r. abercromby, destined for the west indies. we are likely to have enough on our hands should war be continued, as it is impossible but we must have the spanish to contend with. several ships sailed this morning to reinforce our squadron in the north seas, which shows the dutch are beginning to stir themselves. i write from ryde, where lady s. has been since yesterday, being near spithead, where i must be every day. as the wind is at present, there is every reason to expect that we shall be here some days longer; therefore write to me. adieu! god bless you all! i am truly and affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. the expedition, alluded to in the above letter, was placed under command of rear-admiral henry harvey, and consisted of the prince of wales (flag-ship), queen charlotte, prince, orion, russell, arethusa, and jason, with a convoy of one hundred and twenty-six vessels. these were detained at spithead till the end of september; and on the th of october they reached isle dieu, where they were destined to co-operate with the former expedition. when off hedic, admiral harvey sent the orion to join commodore sir john borlase warren, with that part of the convoy intended to act with the royalists, while he proceeded with the rest to the west indies. the troops were landed. the orion was employed blockading the coast near rochfort and l'orient; the nature of which memorable service will be best understood from the following letters from sir james to his brother. orion, at sea, th october. my dear richard, i have just learnt from the admiral, that he intends to despatch the porcupine for england, which gives me an opportunity of writing a line merely to acquaint you of our being in existence, but most deucedly tired of our cruise: nothing worthy our notice has occurred since my last letter. sir john warren left quiberon bay last wednesday for noirmoutier, whence it is supposed the emigrants will join charrette's army. we pay frequent visits to our friends in port louis. they continue nearly in the same state as when we left them after the rd of june; and, from the intelligence we have obtained, they are not in any forwardness for sea, being without stores or men. we experienced hitherto remarkable fine weather, which i hope will continue; but nothing can equal our unvaried scene, fixed to this confounded spot, without the least prospect of anything falling in our way. we have not even the advantage of hearing from england; for, sparingly, two ships only have joined us from plymouth since we are on this station. in short, my dear friend, i am heartily tired of so inactive a situation, and shall very sincerely rejoice to be relieved from it. you are much more likely to receive accounts of the expedition than we are, having but little intercourse with the army, and that little is solely confined to the admiral, who deals out the news very _cautiously_. could we but hear from our friends, it would yield us some comfort; but that we are also denied: it is, however, some satisfaction we can let them know we are alive. god bless you! and believe me, with my kindest love to my dear sister and children, yours most affectionately, jas. saumarez. orion, houat, th november . my dear richard, we sailed from isle dieu this day, subsequent to my letter by the thunderer; and various have been the decisions respecting withdrawing the troops from that island. on monday, sir john warren sailed with the robust, theseus, and four frigates, with the intention of making the embarkation; but it came on to blow so strong that they were obliged to put back. i was dispensed with from that service, by having been appointed to carry on the communication with the royalists, for the purpose of conveying to them the immense supply of stores and ammunition intended for them, besides about thirty thousand pounds in specie. the th was the day fixed for their being landed, and general george was to muster all his force to receive them, at a place called bitiers, at the entrance of the villaine; but the weather proved so boisterous on that and the following day, that there existed no possibility of any communication. sir john warren, to my great satisfaction, joined me this morning with the frigates; the embarkation from isle dieu having at last been given up. to-morrow we hope to hear that our friends occupy the post agreed on; and we shall throw them as speedily as possible, by means of the chasse-marées and boats of the squadron, the various articles in our possession which they so much want. the last letters i have received were dated the th: they mention p---- being under arrest; but there was a difference of opinion respecting him, which was submitted to monsieur. as his royal highness is gone home, it will be some time before his fate is decided. being informed that the standard was ordered for england, i would not lose the opportunity, and in some way i hope to inform you with the successful result of our enterprise: once ended, i hope we shall bend our steps homeward. our friend dan, with phil. dumaresq, are perfectly well. remember me with kindest love to my sister, and believe me ever affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. the details of the failure of this expedition need not be dwelt upon; it was finally determined on the th of december to withdraw the troops, and sir james saumarez consequently received the following order: by henry harvey, esq. rear-admiral of the red, &c. to sir james saumarez, captain of h.m.s. orion. you are hereby required and directed to take under your convoy all the transports, store-ships, victuallers, and other vessels lying in this bay, and put to sea in company with his majesty's squadron under my command. you will have under your direction his majesty's ship porcupine, whose captain is directed to follow your orders. you are to use your utmost endeavours to keep company with me; but, in case of separation, make the best of your way to spithead, leaving off plymouth such of the victuallers as may have sailed from that port. given under my hand, on board the prince of wales, th december , houat roads. h. harvey. admiral harvey parted from the convoy off brest, and sir james arrived at spithead, after having looked into brest, on the th december, and reported his arrival to the secretary of the admiralty; to which he received the following answer: admiralty office, st december . sir, i have received, and communicated to my lords commissioners of the admiralty, your letter of yesterday's date, informing them of your arrival at spithead in the ship you command, with part of the transports under your convoy, from quiberon bay; and i have their lordships' command to acquaint you that they are pleased with your proceedings. i am, sir, your obedient humble servant, evan nepean. to captain sir james saumarez, h.m.s. orion, spithead. chapter ix. , . orion taken into dock.--is refitted, and joins the channel fleet.--detached on a particular service.--returns.--proceeds to reinforce sir john jervis.--list of his fleet.--battle with spanish fleet off cape st. vincent described in a private letter.--conduct of saumarez in the action.--salvador del mundo strikes to the orion, and is taken possession of by her lieutenant.--engages the santissima trinidada.--she strikes to the orion.--remarks on that occasion.--lagos bay.--lisbon.--sir james sails on a cruise with admiral sir h. nelson.--returns.--commands the advanced squadron.--several private letters.--commands the advanced squadron off cadiz.--mutiny in the fleet.--anecdote and remarks thereon. the orion was ordered into harbour; and on examination it was found she had been so much strained during the last cruise, particularly in the november storm, subsequently known by the name of "admiral christian's gale," besides having sprung her lower masts, that it became absolutely necessary for her to be taken into dock. during the next four months sir james obtained, leave of absence; and it was not until the th of may , that, having rejoined his ship, he was called into active service, the orion being placed in rear-admiral lord hugh seymour's division of the grand fleet which was fitted for foreign service. after a short cruise off brest, the orion proceeded to reinforce the fleet under sir john jervis, off cape st. vincent. this squadron consisted of the sanspareil (flag-ship), orion, triumph, juste, hector, and theseus, of the line; phaeton and latona, frigates; and incendiary, fire-ship. on arriving off their station, captain saumarez was detached to fayall by lord hugh's order, dated the th june, to obtain stock, wine, &c. for the use of the squadron; and was directed to meet his lordship at ten leagues to the westward of that island; after which the squadron returned to cape st. vincent, and from thence, in the month of september, they joined the channel fleet, under lord gardner. on the th of december the orion returned to spithead, in order to refit and replenish in water and provisions, after a six months' unsuccessful cruise. this occupied but a short time; and on the th of the same month sir james proceeded in the orion, with a squadron under the orders of admiral w. parker, to reinforce sir john jervis, off cape st. vincent. this squadron consisted of the prince george, ; namur, ; irresistible, orion, and colossus, of guns; and thalia frigate. the junction with sir john was effected on the th of february. thus reinforced, the admiral had under his command-- guns. victory, admiral sir john jervis. captain robert calder. captain george grey. britannia, vice-admiral charles thompson. captain foley. barfleur, vice-admiral hon. w. waldegrave. captain j.r. dacres. prince george, rear-admiral w. parker. captain john irwin. blenheim, captain thos. l. frederick. namur, captain james h. whitshed. captain, commodore horatio nelson. captain r.w. miller. goliath, captain charles knowles. excellent, captain cuthbert collingwood. orion, captain sir james saumarez. colossus, captain geo. murray. egmont, captain john sutton. culloden, captain thomas troubridge. irresistible, captain geo. martin. diadem, captain geo. h. towny. minerve, captain geo. cockburn. lively, captain lord garlies. niger, captain ed. jas. foote. southampton, captain jas. macnamara. slps bonne citoyenne, captain chas. lindsay. raven, captain w. prowse. cut. fox, lieutenant john gibson. sir john jervis was well aware that the spanish fleet might be nearly double his force, but he kept working up towards the position where he expected to meet them. on the th, in the morning, the minerve, captain cockburn, bearing the broad pendant of commodore nelson, (which was afterwards shifted to the captain, ) having on board sir gilbert elliot, late viceroy of corsica and others, came into the fleet with intelligence that on the th, soon after quitting gibraltar, she had been chased by two spanish line-of-battle ships; and that afterwards, when in the mouth of the straits, she got sight of the spanish fleet. before sunset the signals were made for the british fleet to prepare for battle, and to keep in close order all the night, during which the signal-guns of the spaniards were distinctly heard. at half-past two, a.m. the portuguese frigate carlotta spoke the victory; and her captain (campbell) gave information that the spanish grand fleet, commanded by don josef de cordova, was only five leagues to windward; that they had sailed from carthagena on the st of the month, and consisted of twenty-eight sail of the line, viz. guns. santissima trinidada. (four-decker). concepcion. conde de regla. mexicano. principe de asturias. salvador del mundo. san josef. neptuno. san nicolas. atalante. bahama. conquistador. firme. glorioso. oriente. pelayo. san antonio. san domingo. san firmin. san f'sco de paula. san genaro. san ildefonso. san juan nepomuceno. san pablo. san ysidro. soberano. terrible. there were also twelve frigates, some gun-boats, and seventy transports with troops, which were disembarked at algesiras. it is not positively known what the destination of this powerful fleet was; some accounts say cadiz, others brest. it is, however, certain that their admiral did not expect to meet more than ten or twelve sail of the line with sir john jervis, and that he anticipated an easy capture, and a triumphant entry into port with his prizes. his dismay may therefore be easily imagined at seeing the english fleet of fifteen sail of the line close to him, in excellent order of battle, while his own fleet was in such a scattered situation as to render it impossible to prevent his intrepid enemy from cutting off a group which had separated from the main body of his fleet, and which in vain attempted to rejoin by crowding all sail. as it is not our intention to enter into the particulars of this memorable battle, excepting as regards the orion, an extract from the admiral's despatch will be sufficient to show the bold and decisive step which he took on that occasion, and by which he succeeded in obtaining a most glorious victory over double his force. victory, lagos bay, th february . sir, the hope of falling in with the spanish fleet, expressed in my letter to you of the th instant, was confirmed last night by distinctly hearing the report of their signal-guns, and by intelligence received from captain foote, of his majesty's ship niger, who had, with equal judgment and perseverance, kept company with them for several days, on my prescribed rendezvous, (which, from the strong s.e. wind, i had never been able to reach,) and that they were not more than the distance of three or four leagues from us. i anxiously waited the dawn of day; when, being on the starboard tack, cape st. vincent bearing e.n.e. eight leagues, i had the satisfaction of seeing a number of ships extended from s.w. to s., the wind then w. by s. at forty-nine minutes past ten, the weather being extremely hazy, la bonne citoyenne made the signal that the ships seen were of the line, twenty-five in number. his majesty's squadron under my command, consisting of fifteen ships of the line, happily formed in the most compact order of sailing in two lines. by carrying a press of sail, i was fortunate in getting in with the enemy's fleet at half-past eleven, before it had time to collect and form a regular order of battle. such a moment was not to be lost; and, confident in the skill, valour, and discipline of the officers and men i had the happiness to command, and judging that the honour of his majesty's arms, and the circumstances of the war in these seas, required a considerable degree of enterprise, i felt myself justified in departing from the regular system; and, passing through their fleet in a line formed with the utmost celerity, tacked, and thereby separated one-third from the main body. after a partial cannonade, which prevented their rejunction till the evening, and by the very great exertions of the ships which had the good fortune to arrive up with the enemy on the larboard tack, the ships named in the margin[ ] were captured, and the action ceased about five o'clock. [ ] the san josef, salvador del mundo, san nicolas, and san ysidro. that the orion was one of those ships which distinguished themselves will best appear from the private letter of her brave commander to his brother, written only the day after the action; a circumstance which cannot but give such a communication a value far superior to a more elaborate composition. the log also of his ship, written at the time by the master, to which we have had access, completely accords with the facts so clearly stated in the letter. orion, lagos bay, th february . my dear richard, you will be happy to receive an account from me of the important victory obtained by our squadron over the spanish fleet, consisting of nearly double our force. the admiral having received previous information of their sailing from carthagena, and of their cruising off the entrance of the straits, gave us timely notice of the intelligence by the signal to prepare for battle. early on tuesday morning, the weather being hazy, with light winds, the frigates on the look-out made the signal for discovering the enemy, and soon after we discerned several ships to leeward, and the body of the fleet to windward. we were then on the starboard tack, standing to the southward. the signal was made to different ships to chase; and, shortly after, for the fleet to form in line of battle as most convenient. the enemy at this time were bearing down to join their ships to leeward; but we came upon them so fast, that, before they could effect the junction, the headmost ships, which were the culloden, prince george, orion, blenheim, and colossus, with the victory and the rest coming up, it was effectually prevented. they then hauled their wind on the larboard tack, and our admiral made the signal for the fleet to tack. our sternmost ships then became the headmost. commodore nelson, who had joined from elba the day before, shifted his pendant to the captain, the leading ship, and distinguished himself most eminently. the culloden, blenheim, prince george, and orion, were the next that came up, and were warmly engaged for nearly three hours with the body of the enemy's fleet, who had not had the time, or address, to form into any order. but it is only doing them justice to say, they defended themselves very bravely. we were, for above an hour, opposed to a three-decker, the salvador del mundo, which finally struck to this ship; we lowered the boat from the stern, and gave orders to mr. luce, the first lieutenant, to take possession of her; still making sail for the other ships, and following admiral parker in the prince george. the excellent, which had passed us to windward, had made a line-of-battle ship, the san domingo, strike some time before this. several ships of the enemy were extremely shattered in their masts and sails; but, keeping up a warm fire on their ships, the captain laid one of them, the san nicolas, an eighty-four, on board, and hauled down her colours. a three-decker, the san josef, wishing, i believe, to rescue the ship, got on board of her, and gave commodore nelson an opportunity of also hauling down her colours. his bravery on this occasion is above all praise. the namur and other ships had by this time joined the van, and engaged as they came up. i stood for a three-decker, which, after engaging some time, struck her colours: she first had showed a white flag, which, though i concluded to indicate a truce, was not satisfactory to myself, and we continued firing till they hoisted an english flag over the spanish, on which we ceased firing. the enemy's ships, many of which had not been in action, at this time came up and were forming to windward. the admiral made the signal to wear and come to the wind on the starboard tack; wishing, i believe, to keep his squadron collected near the prizes, as well as the captain, that was much disabled, besides the colossus, which ship very unfortunately lost her fore-yard very early in the action. this ill-timed, but doubtless necessary manoeuvre, lost us the additional triumph of having the purissima concepcion, to grace the ships already in our possession, and i experienced the regret of again seeing her resume the spanish colours. i have here related to you facts as they really occurred, and i believe all my officers will vouch for the authenticity of this account. i am happy to acquaint you that we have providentially lost no man in the action; eight only wounded, all doing well; amongst which number is mr. mansell, from a contusion in his right shoulder by splinter. our main and mizen-top-masts are alone disabled, and the hull has not suffered materially. all the officers, and every man individually, behaved as nobly as i have ever witnessed; and you know it is not the first action in which i have seen courage excited. this is copied from the letter i write to my brother. my amanuensis is a gentleman who acted as my aide-de-camp, and i beg you will acquaint his good father that he acquitted himself highly to my satisfaction, and showed himself deserving the stock from which he sprung. i truly hope in due time to have the opportunity of advancing a young man of his merit. in case i have not time to write to my brother, as the above has been copied only from the scraps of the letter i intended writing, send him this letter, stating my great hurry and the pressure of service at this crisis. adieu! nothing can equal my impatience to hear from you, and to receive good accounts of my sister. i am truly, most affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. lagos bay, th february . the principal cause of my present haste is my anxiety attending the care of the san josef, which we have in tow, and which has delayed us more than i can express, these twenty-four hours. n.b. i since have found it was the santissima trinidada, and not the concepcion, that struck, but afterwards got off. and the st. ysidro, guns, and not the santa domingo, that is captured. the santissima trinidada is reported to be off here by one of our frigates. the enemy, however, passed lagos bay, leaving the prizes unmolested. as the further details, and spanish account of this action, will be found in the appendix, we shall proceed by giving the copies of the following letters. victory, lagos bay, th february . sir, no language i am possessed of can convey the high sense i entertain of the exemplary conduct of the flag-officers, captains, officers, seamen, marines, and soldiers embarked on board every ship of the squadron i have the honour to command, present at the vigorous and successful attack made upon the fleet of spain on the th instant. the signal advantage obtained by his majesty's arms on that day is entirely owing to their determined valour and discipline; and i request you will accept yourself, and give my thanks and approbation to those composing the crew of the ship under your command. i am, sir, your most humble servant, j. jervis. to captain sir james saumarez, orion. in consequence of this glorious victory, obtained, under providence, by the valour and discipline of the crews of his majesty's ships on the th february , the commander-in-chief was pleased to grant a free pardon to james maloney, seaman, then under sentence of death for repeated desertion from h.m.s. speedy, which was communicated in the most impressive manner to the fleet. we cannot but remark that, in the various accounts of this action, justice has been but barely done to the commander of the orion, who is only mentioned as one of the six captains who prevented the junction of the enemy's separated squadron. if any act of heroism displayed on that occasion was designed to be particularly recorded in the public despatches, surely the fact that the orion was the last ship that engaged and took possession of the salvador del mundo, and then made the santissima trinidada strike her colours and hoist the english flag over the spanish, deserves a place. for these achievements we have the undoubted testimonies, not only of the gallant commander and the officers of the ship, viz. sir john savage, captains tancock and mansell, but also that of one of the officers of the spanish ship who was on board at the time, and who added, that "we did not surrender until all further defence was hopeless." the orion could not send a boat to her, because she had already taken possession of the salvador, on board which ship she had sent her first lieutenant and as many men as she could spare, and also because she had no boat that could swim: but this, it appeared, raised some doubts on the subject; and on a subsequent occasion, when the captains met on board the victory, commodore nelson said, "it _was true_, saumarez, that the santissima struck to you; the spanish officers have acknowledged it." sir james, supposing from the manner in which this was spoken that nelson had doubted the truth of his report, answered rather sharply, "who ever doubted it, sir? i hope there is no need for such evidence to establish the truth of the report of a british officer." lieutenant luce's description of the state he found the salvador in was appalling in the extreme.--there were more than fifty lying on the decks with wounds requiring amputation. in many instances the spanish surgeon, after having separated the limb, omitted to tie up the arteries; consequently, on removing the tourniquet, the victim in a few minutes bled to death: and the english sailors, who at length stopped his merciless hand, were with difficulty prevented from throwing him overboard with those he had butchered. lieutenant luce was one of the officers promoted, in consequence of this battle, to the rank of master and commander. the fleet now returned to lisbon, where the conquerors were received with every demonstration of joy and gratitude. the english factory presented a congratulatory address; and at this place the thanks of both houses of parliament were communicated to them; and a third time to sir james, as one of the most distinguished captains. at the same time he received from earl spencer and lord hugh seymour the following handsome letters of congratulation: dear sir, i congratulate you most sincerely on your having been present at the most brilliant action which our naval history records, and on having had so distinguished a share in it. i am, dear sir, with great truth, your very obedient, humble servant, admiralty, th march . spencer. sir james saumarez. my dear sir james, i congratulate you most heartily on your having had another opportunity of displaying your merit, and on the share which you bore in the most brilliant action that ever was achieved. i hope that i need not assure you how much i have shared with your friends the satisfaction your conduct has given them; the reward for which, i hope, you will long enjoy in the approbation of the whole world, which is now bestowed upon you. i am, my dear sir james, most truly and faithfully yours, h. seymour. admiralty, march th, . early in march the orion was again ready for active service; and the following letter gives an account of the departure of sir james saumarez with commodore nelson on a cruize. orion, off the tagus, th march . my dear richard, i had the pleasure of your letter by packet, and i have to tell you we are now actually under sail, with commodore nelson, in the irresistible, the leander, and some frigates, going to intercept several spanish ships expected from vera cruz with rich cargoes. be not surprised if, with our _desperate_ commodore, you hear of our taking the whole spanish fleet, should we fall in with them. our cruise is expected to last only three weeks. i hope on our return to receive letters from my friends, in reply to those i sent by the lively. i shall thank you, when you see our friends in walbrook, if you will mention to them that all my brother officers are extremely incensed at the opinion given by sir william scott on the case of the kingston; and we hope he will have found reason to alter it. it is the circumstance, and not the value of the salvage, that has displeased us so much. we are just going over the bar, so i must conclude with my sincere and best wishes for health and every happiness to attend you, my dear sister and family, i am ever, my dear richard, affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. this short cruize was, however, an unsuccessful one; and the commodore had not yet an opportunity of displaying his valour. they returned to lisbon, and found that their commander-in-chief had become earl st. vincent, and that nelson had received the grand cross of the bath; while saumarez was among those on whom was bestowed a gold medal for their gallant conduct on valentine's day. a reinforcement had now arrived from england; and the whole fleet, consisting of twenty-one sail of the line, resumed the blockade of cadiz, where they arrived on the nd of april, and found there the whole spanish fleet of twenty-six sail of the line. sir horatio nelson, who at first commanded the advanced squadron, was ordered up to elba; and sir james, in the orion, succeeded in his room; during which time the two spanish frigates nimfa and elena were captured by the irresistible, captain martin, who chased them by signal from the orion. sir james on this occasion sent a flag of truce, and entered into correspondence with the spanish admiral mazarredo; which, we need only add, completely succeeded, and met with the high approbation of the commander-in-chief, as will appear from the following extracts of letters from earl st. vincent to saumarez. ville de paris, th may . you approve yourself so able in the diplomatique, that you need no assistance from me: in truth, a better despatch could not have been penn'd than yours of yesterday to don joseph de mazarredo. th may. i very much admire your last letter to mazarredo, as i have done all the former. th may. i like your letter so much better than mine, of which i enclose a copy, that i desire you will send it on immediately. ville de paris, th may . it is impossible for any man to have acquitted himself with greater ability than you have done during the time you commanded the blockade; for which i return you my best thanks. your last letter to mazarredo is a masterpiece; and you will perceive, by the enclosed copy of my letter to him, in answer to his comment on our suspicion about the seamen from trinidad, that i profited by your hint relative to the prisoners landed at lagos. your lash on the destruction of the spanish ships he bears with spanish stoicism: _nous verrons_. the following communication from sir james saumarez to the commander-in-chief will elucidate the foregoing extracts: (secret.) orion, th may, . seeing the cutter on her way to the advanced squadron this morning, i waited to send the flag of truce till she joined. i had prepared the enclosed for don mazarredo, but was happy to find you had been pleased to take up the business. i therefore confined my letter solely to the certificates for the seven men taken in the two spanish barks.--in a former letter, you were pleased to advert to a proposed descent when the troops joined from gibraltar. i hope you will excuse the zeal that urges me to observe, that if possession was taken of fort st. mary, it would in a great degree leave us masters of the entrance of cadiz, and enable us to drive all the outward ships up the harbour, and possibly destroy some of them. i am extremely obliged to you for permitting the flora to remain with the advanced squadron, where she is of the greatest service. i am with great respect, &c. james saumarez. the high opinion entertained by nelson of the great talent and zeal of saumarez, is evidenced in the following short, but characteristic epistle: theseus, june th . my dear sir james, send, i beg, whatever you think fit towards san lucar: all you do is right, and can hardly want my sanction. i hope your boats will be rewarded for their trouble; they take all the prizes for our squadron. believe me, ever yours most faithfully, to sir james saumarez. horatio nelson. the following letter to his brother in london gives an interesting account of the proceedings of sir james saumarez. orion, off cadiz, th may, . my dear richard, i had the happiness to receive your kind letter of the nd yesterday, with several of nearly the same date, from bath, and from our friends in the island. having been near two months without hearing from you, and knowing you had been ill, you will readily suppose i was anxious for your letter. you will have heard from me by various opportunities since we sailed from the tagus; my last acquainting you that i was entrusted with the command of the advanced squadron for effecting the blockade of cadiz. we find, from different accounts, that the inhabitants feel great distress from the interruption of their trade, and begin to be in great want of provisions and other articles. we have detained a few neutrals laden with spanish property, and two or three spanish vessels; but as the whole fleet partake of them, they will not be very productive. sir horatio, now rear-admiral nelson, joined the fleet yesterday, having left the troops he brought from elba at gibraltar. i know not whether he is to resume the command of the advanced squadron. all the fleet are anchored about five miles from us, and we lie between them and the entrance of cadiz. all private accounts from england agree with you in the prospect of peace; and they are corroborated by those we occasionally receive from cadiz. it is certain that the spaniards are extremely tired with the war; and they are apprehensive of insurrection amongst themselves. mazarredo, who commands their fleet, went off for madrid a fortnight ago, and, it is said, to represent the state of the fleet, and its insufficiency to cope with ours. we understand lord h. seymour is off cape st. vincent, and that admiral frederick is on his way with five sail of the line. it looks as if ministers meant to back the negociation with all their force. the admiralty order respecting the increase of wages, &c. has been read to the different ships' companies; and i am happy to observe that in my ship no part of their conduct has hitherto shown the least appearance of discontent. it is much to be lamented that the disturbance which prevailed in the channel fleet was not timely prevented, as the same spirit of disaffection may hereafter show itself when it may not be so easily suppressed. we begin to want the luxuries, yet abound in the essentials of life,--having plenty of beef, mutton, fowls, &c. seriously, i have not had above twelve men in the sicklist since i left lisbon, and most of them slight complaints. i want to hear that my sister has _dreamt_ of another action,--or, what is still better, of galleons! it must be soon, or the approaching peace will oblige us to restore what we may capture. i am happy to hear from my brother thomas that things go on prosperously at guernsey, and that he does not fear the french, though the two regiments are taken from him. adieu, my dear richard! affectionately yours, jas. saumarez. no part of the career of sir james saumarez is more deserving of admiration than his conduct on the unfortunate disaffection which took place in his majesty's fleet; a calamity gently alluded to in the above letter. this circumstance, which must ever redound to his honour, was entirely owing to the high state of discipline of the crew in his own ship, and to their unalterable attachment to their commander, under whom the greatest part had served since the commencement of the war. it was from a perfect knowledge of that loyalty of spirit in which he justly confided, that he consented to receive from the prince george one of the worst of the mutineers in that ship, who was to have been tried for his life. the seasonable admonition which this man received from sir james, and the attention paid to his situation and feelings, had the desired effect of working a complete change in his conduct, and from being one of the most hardened of the mutineers, he soon became one of the most loyal, as he was one of the bravest of english sailors. it was only three days after he came on board that the signal was made for a boat from each ship to attend the execution of three of the mutineers on board the prince george; which earl st. vincent, by a well-timed decision, had ordered to take place very soon after the sentence, and while the in-shore squadron were actually engaged with the enemy. he directed, moreover, that this duty should be performed entirely by their own ship's crew. sir james availed himself of this trying occasion to work out the man's full conversion. instead of sending him, as it is customary to send culprits, in the boats to witness the execution of his shipmates, he ordered him into his cabin, and having represented in the mildest and most feeling terms the heinousness of the crime which he was known to have committed, he assured him that it was his intention to spare him the anguish he must endure of beholding his late companions suffering the last penalty of the law for the very crime of which he had been guilty. this well-timed exhortation had the desired effect. the penitent man fell on his knees, and with tears in his eyes acknowledged the heinousness of his offence, and expressed the strongest protestations of future loyalty, and of gratitude as well as attachment to his humane commander. what followed was most creditable to both. the man not only kept his word, but highly distinguished himself: at the battle of the nile he was captain of a gun, and, after the action, was very instrumental, from his exertions and ability as carpenter's mate, in saving the peuple souverain, which struck to the orion. being one of those who took possession of the former ship, he was slung over the side, and successfully employed in stopping the shot-holes under water as the vessel rolled in the opposite direction;--a dangerous service, which requires much intrepidity and address. it is, indeed, by no means surprising that the spirit of mutiny never appeared in the orion, or in any ship sir james commanded. the proper degree of discipline which was always maintained--the attention that was invariably paid to the wants and the comforts of the crew,--the excellent regulations of his ship, which were subversive of every kind of vice and immorality,--his own unaffected piety, and, lastly, the example he himself set before his officers and men,--established in his ship a feeling of respect for, and warm attachment to, the captain which could not be shaken by any artifice of the wicked; for every officer and man looked up habitually to their commander as their _best_ friend and adviser. there may, indeed, have been some ships, wherein the crews were made up from the metropolitan and other prisons, that no treatment would have brought under proper discipline; but we may confidently assert, that had all the ships in his majesty's fleets been commanded by such officers as saumarez, the disgraceful spirit of insubordination would never have been so seriously and generally diffused. the orion's crew treated all attempts to seduce them with just indignation! earl st. vincent being well aware of the confidence that could be placed in the orion at this critical time, kept her, for the safety of his fleet, constantly at the post of honour in the advance; and it was during this period of active and arduous service that a circumstance occurred which does honour to all concerned, while it particularly displays the humane character of captain saumarez, who was not one of those that desired or permitted his officers and men to risk their lives on any dangerous or desperate enterprise without a mature and compassionate consideration of the consequences. near the fortifications of cadiz, as if to guard the entrance of the harbour, about twenty gun-vessels had been placed, which it appeared to earl st. vincent might be cut out by the boats of the advanced squadron; and accordingly an order was sent by the commander-in-chief to captain saumarez, directing him to proceed in _person_ with the boats of each ship to make the attempt. it was sufficiently evident to captain saumarez, who, from the position of the orion, had a better view of the gun-vessels, that they were moored there on purpose to provoke an attack for which the enemy were well prepared; but, having received the order to command in _person_, he could not make known his opinions without appearing averse to risk his own life on an enterprise which the commander-in-chief thought advisable. having thus in his own mind no doubt that the affair would be both desperate and bloody, he selected those officers and men who were unmarried for the service, a list of whom he sent to the first lieutenant, with the necessary orders to prepare the boats. this list being exhibited in the ward-room, captain (now lieutenant-general sir john) savage, of the marines, had the mortification to see that his name was omitted, while those of the two subalterns of that distinguished corps were inserted. this gallant officer, who had been a sharer with his heroic chief in several actions, felt hurt that he was not chosen on this glorious occasion; and, having ventured respectfully to express his feelings, was sent for to the cabin, when he was addressed by his commander in the following terms: "captain savage, do not imagine that your name is left out in the list because i have not a high opinion of your zeal and intrepidity. i well know that you would be foremost in the assault; but i am also well aware that this is a desperate enterprise: many will fall; and if _you_ should be one, who is to support your wife and family? the case is different with me: i am ordered, and my duty is to obey. perhaps if lord st. vincent knew what i do, he would not send us; but it does not become me _now_ to make any observation. however, aware as i am of the consequences, i cannot conscientiously order you to accompany me, under the conviction that your valuable life would thereby be sacrificed." the entreaties of captain savage were in vain. he beheld with mixed feelings of disappointment, gratitude, and admiration, his humane and heroic commander leave his ship at the head of the perilous enterprise with that smile on his manly countenance which denoted a full determination to face every danger. the boats had not proceeded far before a storm arose directly off the land, against which no boats could make way, and it was with some difficulty they regained the ships. it was afterwards fully ascertained from various sources that these gun-vessels had been moored in that position with rivetted chains, having no person on board them, in order to tempt an attack; and that the plan was, to let the boats take possession, and then open a destructive fire from the batteries, which were kept several nights lined with troops for the purpose. had not a merciful interposition of providence prevented the advance of the boats, there can be no doubt that many, if not all the lives of the assailants, would have been sacrificed! we shall leave the feelings of earl st. vincent, when the truth came out, as well as those of captain savage and all concerned, to the imagination of the reader. chapter x. -- . sir horatio nelson resumes the command of the advanced squadron.--bombardment of cadiz.--nelson sails for teneriffe.--saumarez resumes the command.--escorts a convoy to gibraltar.--refits at lisbon, and returns.--conducts the negotiation for exchange of prisoners.--sir w. parker relieves sir james.--he arrives at gibraltar.--is attached to nelson's squadron.--proceeds off toulon.--a storm.--vanguard dismasted.--great exertions of the orion and alexander in refitting the vanguard at st. pierre.--sailing of the toulon fleet.--nelson reinforced by ten sail of the line.--pursues the enemy unsuccessfully.--proceedings of the fleet in a journal addressed by sir james to his family.--french fleet discovered in aboukir bay.--battle of the nile.--diagram of ditto.--conduct of the orion.--saumarez wounded.--writes to nelson.--goes on board the vanguard.--occurrences there.--remarks on the name of the second in command being left out in nelson's despatches.--on the mode of attack.--various letters and orders.--sir james's account of the battle, in a letter to lady saumarez. rear-admiral sir horatio nelson having resumed the command of the advanced squadron, earl st. vincent determined to bombard the city of cadiz, for the double purpose of inducing the spanish admiral mazarredo, who had now twenty-eight sail of the line, to put to sea: the earl wished moreover to employ the minds of the seamen, which had become unsettled by the baneful example of those in england. accordingly the thunder bomb, covered by the boats of the squadron, made the first attempt; but her mortar was discovered to have been injured in retreating: she was assailed by the spaniards, when after a desperate struggle she was rescued, and the spanish commanding-officer, don miguel tyrason, was eventually made prisoner by nelson, who also captured a number of men and two mortar-boats. on the th july, another bombardment took place by the thunder, terror, and strombolo, which being judiciously placed, their fire produced a considerable effect on both the town and shipping, and obliged the spanish admirals to remove their fleet out of shell-range. this attack, like the first, ended in an encounter between the gun-boats. the third attempt, which was to have taken place on the th, was rendered abortive by a strong gale blowing off the shore. on the th, nelson having been detached with a squadron of three sail of the line, a fifty, and three frigates, on the unfortunate expedition to teneriffe, the command of the advanced squadron again devolved on sir james saumarez. nothing could surpass the zeal and intrepidity with which he performed this arduous duty. on the th august he escorted a convoy to gibraltar, and having refreshed his crew and refitted his ship, he resumed his duty off cadiz, sometimes at anchor off the harbour, and under sail when obliged by the weather. on the th november he was relieved, in order to refit at lisbon, and entered the tagus on the th, returning about the same day in the next month to the blockade of cadiz, which was almost entirely intrusted to him. such indeed were his vigilance and activity, that nothing escaped during that period. he displayed, moreover, great tact and address in several communications with the spanish admiral on the subject of the exchange of prisoners, to the entire satisfaction of earl st. vincent, the commander-in-chief, who had always reposed the most implicit confidence in his judgment. on the th of february , the spanish fleet were seen coming out of cadiz, and, in hopes of decoying them into the open sea, the english fleet retired to cape st. vincent; but it was soon found that on the th the enemy had returned into port, being unwilling again to try the fortune of war with such an opponent. the advanced squadron was at that time commanded by sir william parker, who remained there. sir james saumarez continued with the fleet until the th april, when he was sent to refit at gibraltar. on the th may , the orion sailed from gibraltar in company with the vanguard, rear-admiral sir horatio nelson,--the alexander, captain ball,--emerald and terpsichore frigates, and bonne citoyenne sloop,--with orders from earl st. vincent to watch the enemy's fleet at toulon. when they were fairly through the straits of gibraltar, the following order was given: _most secret rendezvous._ in the direct track between cape saint sebastian's and toulon, in lat. ° ' n. from twenty to thirty leagues from the cape; and, not hearing where i may be, in ten days return to gibraltar. given on board his majesty's ship vanguard, at sea, th may . horatio nelson. to sir j. saumarez, captain of h.m.s. orion. by command of the rear-admiral, j. campbell. on the th, off cape sicie, the orion being sent in chase, captured the pierre, french corvette, which sailed the evening before from toulon, and obtained the following information from the prisoners, which was immediately sent to the rear-admiral: viz. "that the enemy's fleet, consisting of twelve sail of the line, besides six venetian ships, were in readiness to sail, with a great number of transports, having on board both cavalry and infantry, on a secret expedition. the french general buonaparte arrived at toulon ten days ago to command the expedition, and was to embark in the sans-culotte, (afterwards l'orient,) which ship was said to have three thousand men on board, including her complement; almost all the line-of-battle ships had troops on board. three frigates,--la juno, la diane, and la justice,--were seen by the corvette this morning, and sailed from toulon five days ago." on the th a strong gale blew from the n.w. which being fair for the enemy, they sailed from toulon, and, calling off genoa, stood across to cape corse. this powerful expedition was found to consist of thirteen sail of the line, six frigates, and transports amounting to nearly four hundred sail, having on board, including the crews, forty-eight thousand men. it appears that, although not many leagues distant from nelson's squadron, the fleet did not experience a gale which blew with uncommon violence on the st, and in which, after losing her three top-masts, the vanguard lost her fore-mast and sprung her bowsprit; while the orion and alexander lost each a main-top-sail, and it was with difficulty they reached the bay of st. pietro in sardinia on the following day. here the squadron had a narrow escape; for, besides crossing the track of the enemy on the night of the th, they, by being at anchor in this bay, were not discovered by a detachment which the enemy sent in quest of them, and to which, in their disabled state, they must have been an easy capture. by the assistance of the orion and alexander the damages of the vanguard were repaired in four days! it has been justly said by nelson, that "the exertions of sir james saumarez in the orion have been wonderful: if the vanguard had been in england, months would have been taken to send her to sea; here my operations will not be delayed four days, and i shall rejoin the rest of my fleet on the rendezvous."[ ] accordingly, on the th, while the orion was taking possession of a spanish brig, the vanguard and alexander joined her off the port; but the frigates which had parted never afterwards joined. [ ] see clarke and m'arthur's life of lord nelson. the following journal, written in the shape of a letter by sir james to his family, detailing the proceedings of the squadron, and the events previous to the memorable st of august, will be read with much interest. "orion, st. peter's port, "island of sardinia, th may . "if the letter i sent you the th instant arrives safely, it will apprise you of our being in the neighbourhood of toulon, with every prospect of a propitious cruise. the squadron experienced blowing weather till the sunday following, when it became more moderate; and in the afternoon a valuable vessel was captured, from smyrna, laden with cotton. this little success appeared the forerunner of our future good fortune; and we began to make exulting reflections on the advantages of our situation. a few hours, however, convinced us of the futility of all our views, and the instability of human projects: at ten o'clock the wind began to increase with such rapidity as scarcely to give us time to take in our sails, and prepare to encounter the gale: at midnight we were reduced to a close-reefed main-topsail; a tremendous sea, and vivid flashes of lightning, convinced us that the storm was not at its height: at three o'clock our main-top-sail was shattered to ribands, and blew overboard. "the dawn of day presented to us a sad spectacle: the vanguard without a fore-mast, and her main and mizen-top-mast gone; the rest of the squadron much dispersed, and the prize captured the evening before not in sight. "providentially the vanguard was enabled to _wear_ on the other _tack_, as the sea was setting her fast towards corsica, from which island we were not many leagues distant. the gale continued with unabated violence until the afternoon, when it became rather more moderate, but still there was a very great sea. this ship, with the alexander and emerald, kept company with the admiral, and the latter parted in the night. "the next morning the gale had considerably abated, and we were enabled to set some sail. the admiral hailed me that he intended to proceed for orestan bay, in the island of sardinia, and directed me to make the land, which we discovered at noon: but the wind would not enable the vanguard, in her disabled state, to reach it before night; and sir h. nelson altered his intention for this bay, which we reached yesterday morning, though not without having passed a most anxious night: the alexander having the vanguard in tow, within three miles of a most dangerous coast, where there existed no possibility of anchoring, and with which we were totally unacquainted. this is a very safe harbour, sheltered from any wind, very happily for us; as the weather has continued very unsettled since we are here. st. pietro is a very small town; and the island, as well as this part of sardinia, appears very uncultivated. "the governor sent an officer to the admiral this morning, who very civilly informed us that by a late alliance with france he was not permitted to admit us in the port; at the same time observing that, as he could not prevent it, we might do as we pleased, but that he could not give us _pratique_. "we are going on in the equipment of the vanguard with all expedition; and we hope the three ships will be ready to sail by next sunday, sir h. nelson is happily very well, and has not lost his usual spirits. "friday, th.--whilst i was on shore this morning to have some conversation with the governor, a sail was discovered off the island, and my signal made to prepare to proceed after her, supposing she was an enemy. we are however disappointed, it being a neutral vessel from cagliari, the principal port in sardinia; and i am now returning to the anchorage. i have great hopes my having been on shore this morning will be attended with a good effect; the governor having promised to supply us with oxen, sheep, and as much poultry as can be procured by to-morrow. "sunday, th may.--this morning my signal was made to chase a vessel, which i came up with and captured: she proved a spanish brig from cagliari, laden with wheat. it was in contemplation to set fire to her; we, however, finally determined to send the people on shore, and, if they bring off the value of the corn, we shall restore her to them. the vanguard, being repaired of her damages, got under way this morning with the alexander. i was happy to find my negotiation with the governor succeeded; and we have been supplied with the articles i mentioned, on moderate terms, both for the ships' companies and officers, which is a seasonable relief, as gibraltar supplied us with nothing whatever excepting fowls. "i am not free from great anxiety lest the account of the gale we encountered may reach england before that of our safety shall arrive, and give you some uneasiness; but the experience you have had how nugatory all such fears are, will, i hope, make you banish them for ever. "monday, th.--the spaniard not having come off as was expected, the admiral determined on sending the prize to gibraltar. i hazarded a line by her for mr. le mesurier; but we form no great expectation of her safety, from the great number of the enemy's gun-boats. a vessel we spoke yesterday, from marseilles, informs us that the french fleet put to sea, the th, from toulon, with all their transports, &c.: as it was that evening the gale of wind came on, we have no doubt but they must have suffered severely. by this vessel we have also several papers from paris, the latest dated the th instant: they contain extracts from the english papers, which to us are very interesting, viz. the capture of the hercule, the defeat at marcon, sir sidney smith's escape, and other important news, which, on the whole, are favourable to the welfare of the country, particularly as regards the unanimity which appears to prevail in england. "i dined, together with captain ball, on board the vanguard: we all form great expectations of our future success, which, i trust, will be realized. certain it is that no ships could be ordered on a more promising service. "sunday, rd june--nothing particular has occurred these last days. yesterday a vessel was spoken with, which mentioned having seen eleven sail of the line, a few days ago, supposed to be english. we are at a loss what conjectures to put on this intelligence. we are at present off toulon: unfortunately, none of our frigates have joined us, and we are apprehensive they have returned to gibraltar. "tuesday.--la mutine brig joined us this morning, with the very interesting intelligence of the arrival off cadiz of the reinforcement under sir r. curtis; and that captain troubridge, with eleven sail, was on his way to join us: we look for him with the utmost impatience, trusting in the divine providence to be in time to baffle the designs of the enemy, who, we understand, are certainly gone to naples with their numerous army. i shall now go on with this journal with great glee, inasmuch as our proceedings are becoming of such very great import. "thursday, th.--nothing can equal our anxiety to fall in with the reinforcement. our squadron has been, these two days, detached in all directions, without falling in with them; and there is strong reason to fear they think us returned to gibraltar. this morning the alexander and myself chased two vessels, one of which we have just taken possession of; she proves a spanish vessel from genoa, not very valuable: the other the alexander is still in chase of. "friday, th.--as this is in some degree to be a faithful account of our transactions, i must not conceal from you the deep distress i have been under at finding myself this morning parted from the vanguard, and the alexander almost out of sight; knowing how important and very material it was, for the good of the service we were upon, that the squadron should not be separated. it was not till this afternoon i was relieved from the most acute anxiety i have ever suffered, by the leander joining me, with the very satisfactory account that sir h. nelson, while we were in chase, fell in with the expected ships under captain troubridge, and which occasioned our separation. i am now under full sail to join them; and have not the least doubt of being in time to add my endeavours to promote the tranquillity of christendom by the destruction of the enemy's fleet, which, i firmly believe, cannot now escape us. "our prize requiring more men than i can at this time conveniently spare to navigate her, i have consented to her being ransomed for ten thousand dollars, although, i dare say, worth more than five times that sum. she had thirty-six ex-jesuits (spanish priests), who, after having been banished from spain, had resided thirty-one years in italy, '_et à présent prévoyans le bannissement menacé des ex-jesuites espagnols des nouvelles républiques italiennes, retournoient chez eux_.' thus these poor wretches are driven about according to the prejudices of the times. she had also on board swiss recruits for the spanish army, eight of whom have entered volunteers in captain savage's corps, which i consider an acquisition: but no captured vessel ever gave so much uneasiness as she has caused me; and i have often wished we had never seen her, even had she been worth a million of money. "sunday, th june.--i had the great satisfaction yesterday to join sir h. nelson with the reinforcement; and this morning the alexander joined us, after having captured the prize she chased, which i understand to be a valuable ship, also from genoa. "we are now fourteen sail of the line, with la mutine brig only; our present anxiety is to gain information of the enemy's fleet, and to find them where we can attack them. i hope to give you soon good intelligence of them, and speedily be the bearer of the good news in person, as sir h. nelson has orders to send the orion home, when he can spare her. what a blessing if our present endeavours should be crowned with success, and i have the good fortune to proceed to england immediately after; which at present is really intended, having seen the order from the commander-in-chief. "tuesday, june th: off elba.--we have reached this distance without having been enabled to obtain any information of the enemy, who we have reason to think are not far from our squadron: the winds have been very favourable to us, as at this time of the year calms are very prevailing. although a long period has elapsed since i was on this station, i derive great advantage, as well as satisfaction, from my recollection of the different places we have passed. we are at present between corsica and leghorn, about fifteen leagues from the latter: if we do not hear anything of the french fleet before we get to naples, we shall rendezvous at that place; and, we hope, in time to save that country from the hands of our rapacious enemy. "thursday, th.--the admiral has this morning made the signal of his having gained intelligence of the enemy, and that they were off syracuse in the island of sicily. this information has been communicated by a moor that the leander has spoken with. we are now in full sail, with a fresh breeze of wind; and to-morrow we hope to get sight of naples, in order to obtain more certain accounts of them. the officers and crews in the several ships are all in the highest spirits; and i never remember going into action with more certain hopes of success. "friday, th.--i dined with sir horatio to-day, and find his intelligence only extends to the enemy's fleet having been seen off sicily. as he has sent captain troubridge in la mutine to naples, we may expect to-morrow more certain accounts of them; but we have reason to suppose them gone for alexandria, the distance from which to the red sea is only three days' journey. they may soon be transported thence by water to the east indies, with the assistance of their ally and our inveterate enemy, tippoo saib; and with their numerous army they expect to drive us out of our possessions in india. this profound scheme, which is thought very feasible, we hope to frustrate by coming up with them before they reach the place of their destination; and, as we know them to have great numbers of troops embarked in their men-of-war, they will become an easier prey to us. "saturday, th.--calms and baffling winds since yesterday have prevented our getting within sight of naples, although all the time within a few miles of that beautiful place; which you must suppose has been mortifying to an extreme. we are looking out for the mutine. as soon as she joins us we expect to proceed in search of the enemy. our route lies through a passage often celebrated by the ancients, "the famous scylla and charybdis." we shall have sight of mount Ætna and other volcanoes, particularly mount strombolo, and other small islands formed by subterranean eruptions. we are at present in sight of vesuvius, at the foot of which naples is situated; but we are at too great a distance to observe its fiery eruptions. "sunday, june th. the wind has favoured us this morning, and given us a good sight of the bay of naples; but at too great a distance to see much of the city. the country around it, as well as several of the islands that form the bay, are beautifully interspersed with towns and villages; the whole presenting a most delightful scene. at p.m. la mutine joined us; and, from what i can understand from sir h. nelson, brings him some information of the enemy's fleet. he has just hailed me to say they were seen eight days ago, but i could not distinguish at what place. we are again making all possible sail after them. "i regret much not having been able to send a letter i had written to you, and carried on board the admiral this morning; _mais tu sais bien qu'il ne se met guère en peine d'écrire lui-même_, and he is so full of mystery at this time that he seems unwilling any letter should be sent but those he writes to government. it shall go some other opportunity. "tuesday, th.--this morning has presented to us a delightful view of mount strombolo, from the top of which we plainly discern constant columns of smoke; and, although at the distance of at least six leagues from it, i can assure you, without assuming the privilege of travellers in general, that i am very sensible of the sulphureous vapour produced by the volcano: at the same time, it may be necessary to observe, that the wind blows directly towards the ship. strombolo is a remarkably high island, of a regular conical form, and may be seen at the distance of twenty leagues. it is about ten miles in circumference, and, i understand, is inhabited by a few fishermen. unluckily, the weather is too hazy to admit our seeing much of the beautiful coast of calabria, which is at no great distance from us. "wednesday, th.--we have now a pleasant breeze, which will soon waft us through the straits of messina, so famous for being the terror of the ancients. an old pilot is just come on board, who reminds me more of the poet's description of old charon than of a modern human being. i hope he is not come to ferry us across the styx. the whole of his crew have the same grotesque appearance. we can now discern the famous Ætna disgorging columns of smoke. some distance below its summit it appears covered with snow, whilst we are here melting with heat. it has indeed a most stately appearance; and the whole country of sicily answers everything that has been reported of it for its fertility, as well as for the varied beauty of its scene: but i must recommend you to read brydone's travels through sicily and malta, a writer who, i recollect, gives a lively description of these different places. "we have this day been regaled with a most enchanting prospect in passing through the faro of messina. it is not more than three miles distant, and on each side lies the most picturesque and lovely country that can be described. the ship was within a mile of the beautiful city of messina, where i distinctly observed some of the ruins occasioned by the earthquake in the year . "from what i have been able to learn from old charon (who has just left us in perfect safety), the french fleet are still off malta; and it appears their formidable armament is directed against that island. as it is a place of great strength, and as we are within two days' sail of it, with a favourable wind, i hope we shall be in time for its relief, and add still more important exploits to many that have formerly been achieved in fighting for its defence. "thursday, st.--the wind has proved rather contrary for the squadron since yesterday. we are still in sight of mount Ætna, and only a few leagues from the nearest part of sicily: the ancient city of syracuse is discernible from the ship. to-morrow i think will bring us in view of the enemy's fleet, which will be a far more desirable sight. "june nd.--i am just returned from on board the admiral, where i had the mortification to learn that a vessel, which sailed yesterday from malta, gives the very unpleasing account that the island had surrendered to the french, and that their fleet left it six days ago. this intelligence has more than ever left us in perplexity as to their further destination. on the supposition that alexandria, as we first conjectured, was what they had in view, we are crowding sail for that place; but the contrast to what we experienced yesterday is great indeed, having made sure of attacking them this morning. at present it is very doubtful whether we shall fall in with them at all, as we are proceeding upon the merest conjecture only, and not on any positive information. some days must now elapse before we can be relieved from our cruel suspense; and if, at the end of our journey, we find we are upon a wrong scent, our embarrassment will be great indeed. fortunately, i only act here _en second_; but did the chief responsibility rest with me, i fear it would be more than my too irritable nerves would bear. they have already been put to the trial in two or three instances this voyage. "i should observe that we saw three french frigates this morning, but they were not considered of sufficient importance to run the risk of separating the squadron in chasing them. the island of malta will prove a great acquisition to the french; as well for its excellent harbour as for the immense wealth it contains: they will also get a few ships of war and a considerable quantity of naval stores. _d'ailleurs_, the suppression of a useless order that encouraged idleness will be no real detriment to the cause of christianity. "sunday, june th.--the last two days we have not gone less than a hundred leagues; and, as the wind continues favourable, we hope to arrive at alexandria before the french, should their destination be for that place, which continues very doubtful. at the same time, if it should prove that our possessions in india is the object of their armament, our having followed them so immediately appears the only means of saving that country from falling into their hands. i therefore hope that credit will be given us for our intentions at least. we have hitherto been certainly unfortunate, which has chiefly arisen from the reinforcement not joining sooner; the french armament sailed from toulon five days before captain troubridge left lord st. vincent: another circumstance has been the separation of all our frigates, which deprived us of the means of obtaining information. the day we were off naples the french fleet left malta, and it was not until we arrived off that island, six days after, that we heard of its being taken, and that the french fleet had left it; and then without the least intimation which way they were going. "sir h. nelson consulted with some of the senior captains, who agreed with his opinion, that, in the uncertainty where the enemy were gone, the preservation of our possessions should be the first consideration. it may be worth remarking that our squadron was sent, on the application of the king of naples, for the protection of his dominions. on our arrival there, and requiring the co-operation of his ships, the reply was, that, as the french had not declared war against him, he could not commence hostilities; that if the emperor declared war, he would also join against france. should his territories be attacked, he has to thank himself for the event. "we must hope that in england affairs prosper better than in this country; they are certainly _en fort mauvais train_ in this part of the world. "tuesday, th.--we are now within one day's sail of alexandria, so that we hope soon to know whether the french fleet are in this direction; but having seen no appearance of any of their numerous convoy, we begin to fear they are gone some other way. i was this morning on board the admiral; he has detached la mutine for information. i hope she will not find the plague there, to which that country is very subject. "friday, th.--the weather did not permit us to get near alexandria before yesterday. la mutine's boat went on shore; and i find this morning from the admiral that they took us for the french fleet, having had some intimation of their coming this way. we have now to use all despatch in getting back towards naples; it is probable we shall learn something of them on our passage. the squadron has captured a french ship this afternoon, which we suppose to be from alexandria. i have passed the day on board the vanguard, having breakfasted and staid to dinner with the admiral. "sunday, st july.--the wind continues to the westward, and i am sorry to find it is almost as prevailing as the trade-winds. the vessel captured the day before yesterday was set on fire, after taking out what could be useful for firewood. "sunday, th july: off candia.--a small vessel, captured yesterday by the culloden, gave some information of the enemy's fleet. the admiral having made the signal that he had gained intelligence of them, we are proceeding with a brisk gale for alexandria. if at the end of our voyage we find the enemy in a situation where we can attack them, we shall think ourselves amply repaid for our various disappointments. the alexander also spoke a vessel which gave information; but, having had no communication with the admiral, we have not been able to learn the different accounts: we are however satisfied with the purport of the signal he made yesterday. "monday.--i find from captain ball that the enemy were seen steering towards alexandria _thirty_ days ago, and we are once more making the best of our way for that place. i also understand that two of our frigates were seen a few days since at candia; it seems decreed we shall never meet with them. i am rather surprised the admiral did not endeavour to fall in with them, as they probably have certain information where the enemy's fleet are, from vessels they may have spoken with, and they otherwise would be a great acquisition to our squadron." it may now be stated, that in the mean time the french expedition had landed the troops and taken possession, not only of alexandria, but cairo; and that their fleet, consisting of thirteen sail of the line, four frigates, two brigs, and several bombs and armed vessels, had taken up a position in the bay of aboukir, in which, according to the opinion of their admiral, they could "defy the british navy." as a particular list of both fleets will be given in a subsequent place, i need now only mention that the force of the british fleet was fourteen ships of seventy-four guns, one of fifty, and the mutine brig. the fleet was manned with , men; but as the culloden, which was not in the action, must not be included, the actual force may be estimated , men and guns, while the enemy's force, actually opposed, may be reckoned , men, and , guns throwing a broadside of one-half more weight than the british. on the junction of the squadron, the following orders were given by the admiral: vanguard, at sea, th june . general order. as it is very probable the enemy may not be formed in regular order on the approach of the squadron under my command, i may in that case deem it most expedient to attack them by separate divisions; in which case, the commanders of divisions are strictly enjoined to keep their ships in the closest order possible, and on no account whatever to risk the separation of one of their ships. the captains of the ships will see the necessity of strictly attending to close order: and, should they compel any of the enemy's ships to strike their colours, they are at liberty to judge and act accordingly, whether or not it may be most advisable to cut away their masts and bowsprits; with this special observance, namely, that the destruction of the enemy's armament is the sole object. the ships of the enemy are, therefore, to be taken possession of by an officer and one boat's crew only, in order that the british ships may be enabled to continue the attack, and preserve their stations. the commanders of divisions are to observe that no consideration is to induce them to separate in pursuing the enemy, unless by signal from me, so as to be unable to form a speedy junction with me; and the ships are to be kept in that order that the whole squadron may act as a single ship. when i make the signal no. , the commanders of divisions are to lead their separate squadrons, and they are to accompany the signal they may think proper to make with the appropriate triangular flag, viz. sir james saumarez will hoist the triangular flag, white with a red stripe, significant of the van squadron under the commander in the second post; captain troubridge will hoist the triangular blue flag, significant of the rear squadron under the commander in the third post; and whenever i mean to address the centre squadron only, i shall accompany the signal with the triangular red flag, significant of the centre squadron under the commander-in-chief. d. div. st. div. red. white with red stripe. d. div. blue. vanguard. orion. culloden. minotaur. goliath. theseus. leander. majestic. alexander. audacious. bellerophon. swiftsure. defence. zealous. vanguard, at sea, th june . gen. mem. as the wind may probably blow along shore when it is deemed necessary to anchor and engage the enemy at their anchorage, it is recommended to each line-of-battle ship of the squadron to prepare to anchor with the sheet-cable in abaft and springs, &c.--vide signal , and instructions thereon, page , &c. article of the instructions. horatio nelson. to the respective captains, &c. mem. p.s.--to be inserted in pencil in the signal-book, at no. . being to windward of the enemy, to denote that i mean to attack the enemy's line from the rear towards the van, as far as thirteen ships, or whatever number of the british ships of the line may be present, that each ship may know his opponent in the enemy's line. no. . i mean to press hard with the whole force on the enemy's rear. the proceedings of sir horatio nelson's squadron are now brought down to the moment when their united, ardent, and anxious wishes were to be realized. the disappointments they had met with during their hitherto fruitless pursuit,--the state of anxiety, of alternate hope and despair, in which they had been kept, had raised their feelings of emulation to a pitch far beyond description; this was soon to be manifested by the endeavours of each to close with the enemy. never could there have been selected a set of officers better calculated for such a service; nelson was fortunate in commanding them, and they in being commanded by him. it is true, indeed, that his particular favourite, captain troubridge, was intended for his second-in-command, instead of sir james saumarez; and the latter would no doubt have been sent home, according to the orders he had received: but, with the chance of such an engagement as that which they anticipated, the well-tried captain of the orion and his highly disciplined crew could not be spared; and, although nelson carefully concealed his feelings towards saumarez, they were but too manifest by the chary manner in which he expressed himself on this and on former occasions. in consequence of the before-mentioned information, the fleet bore up for alexandria; and on the morning of the st of august the towers of that celebrated city, and pompey's pillar made their appearance. soon after was discerned a forest of masts in the harbour, which they had previously seen empty; and, lastly, the french flag waving over its walls. a general disappointment was caused for a short time by a signal from the look-out ships that the enemy's men-of-war did not form a part of the vessels at anchor there; but this was soon dispelled by a signal from the zealous that the enemy's fleet occupied the bay of aboukir in a line of battle, thirteen ships, four frigates, and two brigs, in sight on the larboard bow. at half-past two p.m. the british fleet hauled up, and steered directly for them with a fine n.n.w. breeze, carrying top-gallant sails.[ ] [ ] in allusion to this memorable event, sir james writes--"when on the morning of the st of august the reconnoitring ship made the signal that the enemy was not there, despondency nearly took possession of my mind, and i do not recollect ever to have felt so utterly hopeless, or out of spirits, as when we sat down to dinner; judge then what a change took place when, as the cloth was being removed, the officer of the watch hastily came in, saying--'sir, a signal is just now made that the enemy is in aboukir bay, and moored in a line of battle.' all sprang from their seats, and only staying to drink a _bumper_ to our success, we were in a moment on deck." on his appearance there his brave men, animated by one spirit, gave three hearty cheers, in token of their joy at having at length found their long-looked-for enemy, without the possibility of his again eluding their pursuit. when the admiral made the signal to prepare for battle, at half-past three, the signal to haul the wind on the starboard tack, and for the colossus to cast off her prize, the swiftsure and alexander, which had been recalled from looking out off alexandria, were carrying all sail to join. at five, the admiral made the signal that it was his intention to attack the van and centre of the enemy as they lay at anchor, which was repeated by the orion. at forty-five minutes past five, he made the signal to form the line as most convenient. the fleet then formed in the following order:--goliath, zealous, vanguard, minotaur, theseus, bellerophon, defence, orion, audacious, majestic, and leander. the culloden was then astern the swiftsure, and the alexander to leeward, tacking to clear the reef. the admiral hove to, to pick up a boat, and also the four next ships astern of the vanguard, which gave the orion an opportunity, by standing on and passing them, to get up with the zealous at about half-past six. in ten minutes afterwards the signal for close action was made, and repeated by most of the fleet; at the same time, the goliath, having passed round the enemy's headmost ship, anchored on the quarter of the second; while the zealous took her position on the bow of the former ship; both anchoring by the stern. the batteries on the island of bequir or aboukir, and the headmost ships, opened their fire as the leading ship approached; and they in return opened theirs on rounding the advanced ship of the enemy's line. the orion, after giving that ship her broadside, passed round the zealous and goliath; and, as she was passing the third ship of the enemy, the french frigate sérieuse approached, began to fire on her, and wounded two men. in reply to an observation of one of the officers, who proposed to return her fire immediately, sir james said, "let her alone, she will get courage and come nearer. shorten sail." as the orion lost way by shortening sail, the frigate came up; and, when judged to be sufficiently advanced, orders were given to yaw the orion, and stand by the starboard guns, which were double-shotted. the moment having arrived when every gun was brought to bear, the fatal order to fire was given; when, by this single but well-directed broadside, the unfortunate sérieuse was not only totally dismasted, but shortly afterwards sunk, and was discovered next morning with only her quarter above water. on discharging this fatal broadside the helm was put hard a-starboard; but it was found that the ship would not fetch sufficiently to windward, and near to the goliath, if she anchored by the stern. she stood on, and, having given the fourth ship her starboard broadside, let go her bower anchor, and brought up on the quarter of le peuple souverain, which was the fifth ship, and on the bow of le franklin, the sixth ship of the enemy's line. the third and fourth ships were occupied by the theseus and audacious on the inside, by passing through; while they were attacked on the outside by the minotaur, vanguard, and defence. by the log of the orion it was forty-five minutes past six o'clock when that ship let go her anchor, and, in "tending," poured her starboard broadside into the franklin and l'orient. the fire was then directed on le peuple souverain, until she cut and dropped out of the line, totally dismasted and silenced. [illustration] explanation. british. french. a--audacious. --guerrier. b--bellerophon. --conquérant. c--culloden (aground). --spartiate. d--defence. --aquilon. e--majestic. --peuple souverain. f--alexander. --franklin. g--goliath. --l'orient. l--leander. --tonnant. m--minotaur. --heureux. o--orion. --mercure. s--swiftsure. --guillaume tell. t--theseus. --généreux. v--vanguard. --timoléon. z--zealous. --sérieuse. +*--sérieuse, dismasted by --artemise. the orion, and sunk at . --justice. i--island of aboukir. --diane. y--shallow water. at seven o'clock the headmost ships were dismasted; a fire-raft was observed dropping down from them on the orion. her stern-boat having been shot through, and the others being on the booms, it was impossible to have recourse to the usual method of towing it clear: booms were then prepared to keep it off. as it approached, however, the current carried it about twenty-five yards clear of the ship. about half-past eight, just as the peuple souverain, which had been the orion's opponent, had dropped to leeward, a suspicious ship was seen approaching the orion in the vacant space which the vanquished one had occupied. many on board were convinced of her being a fire-ship of the enemy, and sir james was urged to allow the guns to be turned upon her. happily he himself had stronger doubts of her being such than those who pressed the reverse. he ordered a vigilant watch to be kept on her movements; and when the darkness dispersed, she was discovered to be the leander. distinguishing lights were hoisted, and the orion continued to engage le franklin from fifty minutes past six o'clock to a quarter before ten. the action was general, and kept up on both sides with perseverance and vigour, when the enemy's fire began to slacken, and the three-decker was discovered to be on fire. at ten the firing ceased; the ship opposed to the orion having surrendered, as also all the van of the enemy. preparations were now made to secure the ships from the effects of the expected explosion.--the ports were lowered down, the magazine secured, the sails handed, and water placed in various parts to extinguish whatever flames might be communicated. the unfortunate ship was now in a blaze; at half-past eleven she blew up, and the tremendous concussion was felt at the very kelsons of all the ships near her. the combatants on both sides seemed equally to feel the solemnity of this destructive scene. a pause of at least ten minutes ensued, each engaged in contemplating a sight so grand and terrible. the orion was not far off; but, being happily placed to windward, the few fiery fragments that fell in her were soon extinguished. her vicinity to the l'orient was the happy means of saving the lives of fourteen of her crew, who, in trying to escape the flames, sought refuge in another element, and swam to the orion, where they met a reception worthy the humanity of the conquerors. the generous, warm-hearted sailors stripped off their jackets to cover these unfortunate men, and treated them with kindness, proving that humanity is compatible with bravery. about the middle of the action sir james received a wound from a splinter, or rather the sheave from the heel of the spare top-mast on the booms, which, after killing mr. baird, the clerk, and wounding mr. miells, a midshipman, mortally, struck him on the thigh and side, when he fell into the arms of captain savage, who conducted him under the half-deck, where he soon recovered from the shock it gave him: but although he acknowledged it was painful, and might in the end be serious, he could not be persuaded to leave the deck even to have the wound examined; and the part was so much swelled and inflamed on the next day, that he was not able to leave the ship. after the pause occasioned by the dreadful explosion, the action continued in the rear by the ships dropping down which were not too much disabled; and sir james had given orders to slip and run down to the rear, when the master declared that the fore-mast and mizen-mast were so badly wounded, that the moment the ship came broadside to the wind, they would go over the side, particularly the fore-mast, which was cut more than half through in three places. it was therefore determined to secure the disabled masts and repair other damages, while the action was renewed by those that were not so much disabled. as soon as the battle ceased in the van, by the capture of the enemy's ships, sir james, who was the senior captain of the fleet, ordered lieutenant barker on board the admiral for the purpose of inquiring after his safety, and of receiving his further instructions. he shortly returned with the melancholy detail that sir horatio was severely wounded in the head. at this period, several of the ships of the squadron were still warmly engaged with the centre and part of the rear of the enemy's fleet. sir james therefore sent a boat to such ships as appeared to be in condition, with directions to slip their cables and assist their gallant companions. these orders were immediately put in execution by that distinguished officer captain miller, of the theseus, and by the other ships that were in a state to renew the action. it has been already stated that the masts of the orion were too much damaged to admit of that ship getting under way. in the course of the day the whole of the enemy's fleet had surrendered, excepting two ships of the line and two frigates, which escaped from the rear. sir james being unable, from the effects of his wound, to wait on the admiral and offer his congratulations personally, sent him the following letter: orion, nd august . my dear admiral, i regret exceedingly being prevented from congratulating you in person on the most complete and glorious victory ever yet obtained,--the just recompense of the zeal and great anxiety so long experienced by you before it pleased providence to give you sight of those miscreants who have now received the just punishment of their past crimes. you have been made the happy instrument of inflicting on them their just chastisement; and may you, my dear admiral, long live to enjoy, in the approbation of the whole world, the greatest of earthly blessings! i am ever your most faithful and obedient servant, james saumarez. to sir horatio nelson, &c. &c. &c. from the character which has already been portrayed of sir james, the reader will not be surprised to find that the orion was the first to hoist the pendant at the mizen-peak, and thereby to show an example to the fleet worthy of imitation, in returning thanks to the great disposer of events and giver of all victory for that which they had just obtained over their enemies. a discourse on this occasion was delivered by the clergyman of the orion, which must have made a great and lasting impression on the hearers; but the circumstance, which is much easier to be imagined than described, of a ship's company on their knees at prayers, and offering up a most solemn thanksgiving for the divine mercy and favour which had been so fully manifested towards them, must have excited feelings in the minds of the prisoners,--the demoralised citizens of the french republic,--which had never before been known to them; and we understand that they did not fail to express their astonishment and admiration at a scene of that kind under such circumstances. at ten o'clock, when the action had entirely ceased, and the admiral had received the congratulations of most of the captains of the fleet, the following general memorandums were issued: vanguard, nd of august , off the mouth of the nile. the admiral most heartily congratulates the captains, officers, seamen, and marines of the squadron he has the honour to command, on the events of the late action; and he desires they will accept his sincere and cordial thanks for their very gallant behaviour in the glorious battle. it must strike forcibly every british seaman how superior their conduct is when in discipline and good order, to the notorious behaviour of lawless frenchmen. the squadron may be assured that the admiral will not fail, in his despatches, to represent their truly meritorious conduct in the strongest terms to the commander-in-chief. horatio nelson. to the respective captains of the ships of the squadron. almighty god having blessed his majesty's arms with victory, the admiral intends returning thanksgiving for the same at two o'clock this day; and he recommends every ship doing the same as soon as convenient. horatio nelson. to the respective captains, &c. &c. captain ball, in pursuance of orders from the rear-admiral, directed the negociation for landing the prisoners on parole. such as were not frenchmen were permitted to enter into the english service, for the purpose of conducting the prizes home. we must refer our readers to the different accounts of this splendid action, which have been published by james, brenton, willyams, &c. for the particulars which do not concern the orion. but we cannot forbear to mention the gallant conduct of vice-admiral de brueys, who, according to james and others, "had received two wounds, one in the face, the other in the hand; towards eight p.m. as he was descending to the quarter-deck, a shot cut him almost in two. this brave officer then desired not to be carried below, but to be left to die on deck; exclaiming in a firm tone, 'un amiral français doit mourir sur son banc de quart.' he survived only a quarter of an hour." commodore casa-bianca fell mortally wounded soon after the admiral had breathed his last. captain du-petit-thouars, of the tonnant, had first both his arms, and then one of his legs shot away; and his dying commands were "never to surrender!" neither must we leave unrecorded the heroic death of young miells, the midshipman, who we mentioned had been mortally wounded by the same splinter which struck his gallant commander. his shoulder having been nearly carried off, and his life being despaired of, the surgeons were unwilling to put him to needless pain by amputation; but after some hours, finding he still lived, it was determined to give him a chance of recovery by removing the shattered limb. the operation was ably performed by mr. nepecker, the surgeon of the orion, assisted by the surgeon of the vanguard. the sufferer never uttered a moan, but as soon as it was over, quietly said--"have i not borne it well?" the tidings were instantly conveyed to his captain, whose feelings may be better imagined than described, and who could only fervently exclaim "thank god!" but his joy soon received a check. many minutes had not elapsed before he learnt that this amiable and promising youth had been seized with a fit of coughing and expired! the captains of the mercure and heureux, who participated but slightly in the action, were both wounded; captain trullet, of the guerrier, the ship most shattered, was unhurt, and gantheaume escaped in a boat from the l'orient. by great care sir james kept off the fever which threatened to be the consequence of his wound. on the morning of the rd, sir james, finding himself sufficiently recovered from the effects of his wounds to leave the ship, went on board the vanguard to congratulate the admiral in person on the glorious result of the battle. he found several of his brother officers on the quarter deck, discussing the merits of the action. some regret having been expressed at the escape of the two sternmost ships of the french line, sir james said to the admiral, "it was unfortunate we did not----" and was proceeding to say, "all anchor on the same side." but, before he could finish the sentence, nelson hastily interrupted him, exclaiming, "thank god there was no order!" thus turning the conversation, he entered his cabin, and sent for captain ball. while sir james was receiving the congratulations of his brother captains on being the second in command, no doubt being entertained among them that the admiral would make most honourable mention of his name as such,--_an honour which he so highly deserved_, and which is usual in similar cases,--captain ball came on deck, and interrupted the conversation by observing, "nelson says there is to be no second in command; _we are all to be alike in his despatches_!"[ ] [ ] we may here state that, on the preceding day, captain ball had paid a visit to sir james; and as they were discussing the various points of the battle, he stated to sir james, that "having been the second in command, he would, unquestionably, receive some mark of distinction on the occasion." saumarez, in the enthusiasm of the moment, exclaimed, "we all did our duty,--there was no second in command!" meaning, of course, that he did not consider he had done more than other captains; and, not supposing that this observation would come to the ears of the admiral. but, he afterwards thought, nelson had availed himself of this conversation, to deprive him of the advantage to which his seniority entitled him, although he fully exonerated captain ball of having the slightest intention of communicating to the admiral anything he could have supposed would be detrimental to his interest. we need scarcely say that this was eventually the case; but we may relate the circumstances which induced saumarez, without the least intention to offend, to make the observation at which offence was taken. it was the custom of nelson, when in communication or in company with the captains under his command, to converse with them on the various modes of attacking the enemy under different circumstances; and, on one of these occasions, sir james saumarez, who had seen the evil consequences of _doubling_ on the enemy, especially in a night action, had differed with the admiral in that plan of attack, saying that "it never required two english ships to _capture_ one french, and that the damage which they must necessarily do to each other might render them both unable to fight an enemy's ship that had not been engaged; and as in this case two ships could be spared to the three-decker, every one might have his own opponent." it would perhaps be deemed invidious to mention the individual cases of english ships which fired on each other in this action; but that this did actually happen, and that many of our brave men fell by our own shot is a fact too notorious to be disputed. moreover, had the four sternmost ships of the enemy's line done their duty as they ought, by slipping their cables soon after the action commenced, and making sail to windward, they would have made an easy capture of the culloden as she lay aground; and afterwards, by doubling on the vanguard, they would probably have given a different turn to the affair. the enemy's ships being moored yards apart, left space enough for the british ships to pass between them, and rake the ship on each side, as the theseus did; whereas, by anchoring outside, our squadron had equally to suffer the raking fire of the enemy as they approached, without being able to retaliate in the same way, thereby losing the important effect of two double-shotted broadsides, besides the advantage of being anchored in shore, to prevent the possibility of the enemy _doubling_ on a disabled ship, or of their running on shore and destroying those that were vanquished. it has been insisted on that nelson, in omitting to mention the name of his second in command, only followed the example of earl st. vincent; and this may have been the case; but it cannot justify his evident reluctance to acknowledge the position in which sir james really stood. every officer in the service must know that, if nelson had lost his life, the command would have devolved on sir james saumarez: yet, in his public letter, he not only avoids mentioning him, but he endeavours to represent the captain of the vanguard as his successor in that responsible situation. his great friendship for sir thomas troubridge was, no doubt, the motive that occasioned the substitution, and led to this injustice, which he carried so far as to remonstrate, in his private letters to earl st. vincent and earl spencer, against any honours being conferred on sir james saumarez which were not equally bestowed on sir thomas troubridge.[ ] when nelson's great popularity, at this period, is considered, it may appear less extraordinary that this request should have had weight. yet it cannot but surprise an impartial reader, in after-ages, that no honours or distinctions, except on the commander-in-chief, should have followed a victory, which mr. pitt in the house of commons pronounced to be the greatest on record. [ ] see clarke and m'arthur's life of nelson, vol. ii. p. . on the rd of august, when sir james returned from the vanguard, the captains were assembled on board the orion. he proposed the following resolution, which was agreed to unanimously: the captains of the squadron under the orders of rear-admiral sir horatio nelson, k.b. desirous of testifying the high sense they entertain of his prompt decision and intrepid conduct in the attack of the french fleet in bequir road, off the nile, august st, , request his acceptance of a sword; and, as a further proof of their esteem and regard, hope that he will permit his portrait to be taken, and hung up in the room belonging to the egyptian club now established, in commemoration of that glorious day. to which sir horatio returned the following answer: gentlemen, i feel most sensibly the very distinguished honour you have conferred upon me by your address this day. my prompt decision was the natural consequence of having such captains under my command; and i thank god i can say that in the battle the conduct of every officer was equal. i accept as a particular mark of your esteem the sword you have done me the honour to offer; and i will direct my picture to be painted the first opportunity for the purpose you mention. i have the honour to be, gentlemen, with the highest respect, your most obliged, horatio nelson. we shall conclude this chapter with the extract of a letter written to lady saumarez by sir james, which we have no doubt will be perused with much interest: thursday, nd august . happy am i in being enabled, through the mercy of divine providence, to acquaint you with our having obtained the most glorious and complete victory ever yet recorded in the annals of the world. yesterday afternoon we discovered the enemy's fleet at anchor a short distance from alexandria. although our squadron was not collected,--the alexander and swiftsure being at a considerable distance from having been detached to reconnoitre the port, and the culloden a great way off from having had a prize in tow,--sir horatio deemed it of such importance to make an immediate attack on the enemy, that he made sail for them without waiting for those ships. at sunset the action began upon the van and centre of the enemy's line, and in rather more than two hours six of their ships were completely dismasted, and the l'orient, of guns, blown up. the action was continued all night with the enemy's rear by the alexander and majestic; and this evening the whole, except three, have fallen into our hands, and a frigate, which they dastardly set fire to, and escaped on shore. the loss sustained has been considerable in some of the ships. i have to regret the loss of poor miells, and of mr. baird, my clerk, and of several good men. i received a contusion in the side, which, though at first painful, is doing as well as possible, and does not even prevent my going on with the usual duty of the ship. poor captain westcott is killed, and several other officers. the enemy have now obtained the just chastisement of their past crimes, and sir horatio nelson has the happiness of being the fortunate instrument of inflicting their just punishment; in which happiness all his squadron partakes. fourteen of the frenchmen, who had the good fortune to swim on board the orion from the l'orient after she was on fire, report that their army were all landed three weeks since, and are at present in possession of grand cairo; and that they have frequent severe skirmishes with the turks. our worthy friend mr. le cras will lament with me the loss of mr. miells. a better young man i think never existed. he lived until this evening, and was the whole time perfectly resigned to his fate, saying, "he died in a good cause." mr. richardson is also badly wounded, and my servant john lewis, who you recollect waited on us at portsmouth; but i hope they will both recover. i should observe that the culloden, not having been able to get to us before night, unfortunately ran aground; by which accident we were deprived of the assistance of so fine a ship, and of the exertions of captain troubridge. chapter xi. . fleet repair damages.--sir james receives orders to take a detachment of six ships of the line, and five prizes, under his command.--sails for gibraltar.--journal of his tedious voyage.--arrives off candia.--decides to pass through a perilous passage, and escapes the dangers.--falls in with the marquis of nisa, and summons the french garrison at malta.--puts into port auguste, in sicily.--sails from thence.--tedious passage.--letters from earl st. vincent and nelson.--arrives at gibraltar.--reception there from the admiral, governor, &c.--sails thence.--arrives at lisbon.--sails thence.--arrives at spithead.--paid off at plymouth.--remarks on his treatment, and explanation of it. the fleet was employed in repairing the damages it had received, and in fitting the prizes that were deemed worthy of being sent to england. this occupied the whole week after the battle. on the th, the leander, having on board captain berry with the rear-admiral's despatches, sailed for england; and, on the th, the emerald, alcmene, and bonne citoyenne arrived. on the same day sir james received the following order: ( st order.) by sir horatio nelson, k.b. &c. &c. &c. you are hereby required and directed to take the ships named on the margin[ ] under your command, their captains having orders for that purpose; and to proceed with them with all possible despatch down the mediterranean. on your arrival near europa point, you will send a boat on shore to the commissioners' office to receive any orders that may be lodged there for your further proceedings. in case you find no orders at gibraltar, and learn that the commander-in-chief is off cadiz, or at lisbon, you will join him at either place with all possible expedition. to sir james saumarez, &c. &c. &c. [ ] the captains of his majesty's ships to take charge of the prizes as under: orion to take charge of le souverain peuple. bellerophon do.} majestic do.} le spartiate. minotaur do. aquilon. defence do. franklin. audacious do. conquérant. theseus do. tonnant. to the captains of above-mentioned ships. h.n. ( nd order.) by sir horatio nelson, k.b. &c. &c. &c. you are hereby required and directed to take charge of the prize ships; putting a sufficient number of men on board each to navigate the said prize, with six weeks' provisions. you are never to separate from her without orders in writing from the officer under whose command you are for the time being; and you are hereby required and directed to put yourself and the prize under the command of captain sir james saumarez; and follow all such orders and instructions as you may receive from him from time to time for his majesty' service. given on board h.m.s. vanguard, mouth of the nile, th august . by command of the rear-admiral. j. campbell. thus were sir james's wishes and anticipations, mentioned in his journal of the th june, completely realized. after a distinguished share in effecting the destruction of the enemy's fleet, he is returning home triumphant with the hard-earned fruits of his labours; which were, however, not yet at an end, as will be seen by the following journal of his tedious and hazardous voyage: "orion, at sea, th august . "after having so well completed the journal i sent by captain berry, you will not doubt the great pleasure i must feel in beginning the present, particularly when situation and many other circumstances combine to render it so interesting. but i have more to relate than you are aware of; and in which i have been most particularly favoured, as you will see, when it comes in its proper place to be mentioned. "first, i sailed from bequir road last tuesday morning, with seven sail of the line and six of our prizes; leaving the admiral with the culloden, alexander, zealous, goliath, and swiftsure, and the three remaining french ships, which it was intended to destroy after taking out their stores and landing the prisoners. the alcmene, emerald, and bonne citoyenne had at last joined us. as, however, they had not been with the fleet, but had remained all the time in search of us, we were disappointed of our letters, and _they_ at finding themselves 'the day after the fair.' "in falling light winds, we came again to an anchor, tuesday noon, about five miles from the squadron; which gave the ships an opportunity to get completed for sea, and afforded a night's repose to the men. at eleven i was waked from a sound sleep with the account that a brig which joined the admiral in the afternoon was from tunis, and had on board a hundred men belonging to l'aigle, which had been lost some time before on her way to join the squadron; and it was added, 'there is a large packet of letters for the different ships.' i soon had them sorted, and out of about twenty for myself i selected four from you, which were read with an avidity you will better conceive than i can describe; before i had finished a page of one i flew to another, and so for near an hour, till at last i found their date, and endeavoured to read them regularly; but it was not till daylight that i could bring myself to a sufficient degree of composure. never were letters more welcome--never did any yield greater joy and comfort; they have since formed my chief happiness, and will continue so to do until the end of our voyage. had we unfortunately sailed one day sooner, i should have lost these precious letters: judge then how fortunate i think myself, particularly so at their having been preserved from the wreck of the poor l'aigle; as i find that several packages, &c. for this squadron, with the good things you sent me, shared the fate of the poor ship; captain hay having written to me from gibraltar that they were put on board her. "sir horatio nelson wrote to me that he had not heard from his family; but, as captain nisbet came in the brig, he will give him accounts from lady nelson. "i now come to the sequel of our voyage, having accounted for my being so _unseasonably_ disturbed from a sound sleep." sir james now received the following letters. august th, . my dear sir james, i am not very anxious to receive any persons of the description you mention; they will all eat our meat, and drink. as they choose to serve the french, there let them remain. i have not a line from home, all lost in l'aigle. you will get off in good time, i dare say. i am sure you will not lose a moment off cape bronte; the shoal extends six miles. if you favour me with a line, direct it for naples, where i am going to join the portuguese squadron. zealous, swiftsure, and the two frigates, i have kept here as long as possible. nisbet thanks you for your inquiries. i send you a copy of my letter intended to be sent to mr. nepean; keep it quiet till you get off. wishing you health, and good passage, believe me ever, your obliged, horatio nelson. to sir james saumarez. i hope lady s. and all the little ones are well. (copy.) secret, for sir james. sir, six of the prizes sailed yesterday with sir james saumarez; three others, viz. guerrier, heureux, and mercure are in the act of repairing. in this state i received last evening earl st. vincent's most secret orders, and most secret and confidential letters. thus situated, it became an important part of my duty to do justice between my king and country, and the brave officers and men who captured those ships at the battle of the nile. it would have taken one month at least to fit those ships for a passage to gibraltar, and not at a great expense to government, but with the loss to the service of at least two sail of the line. i therefore feel confident that the lords commissioners of the admiralty will, under the present circumstances, direct that a fair value shall be paid for those ships. i have farther thought it my duty to tell the squadron the necessity i am under, for the benefit of the king's service, to order their property to be destroyed; but that i had no doubt but that government would make a liberal allowance. i have therefore directed such stores as could, without taking too much time, be saved from them, and ordered the hulls to be burned. i have the honour to be, &c. horatio nelson. to evan nepean, esq. the journal of sir james is thus resumed: "we again weighed anchor, wednesday noon; and although with a contrary wind, and ships in a crippled state, we had the good fortune to clear the land in the night without accident, and next day lost sight of our ships in the nile. since that period we have not made any great progress; but we have no reason to complain, and i trust a favourable wind will in due time waft us down the mediterranean. "_a présent, un petit mot sur ma santé._ in the first place, too great exertion for two or three days after being under sail, certainly retarded my perfect recovery, and, added to the excessive heat of the weather, threw me into a sort of languor that required the three last days' rest and composure to shake off. i am now, thank god! as well as ever; and when i consider that every day shortens my distance from you, my happiness is daily increasing. i have much more to say, _mais en voilà assez pour le présent_; and as there is abundance of time before this can be despatched, _il faut le remettre pour un autre jour: ainsi adieu_! "sunday, august th.--i was indeed surprised to find lyme the place fixed for your residence; and, on reflection, approve of it highly, as i believe it is a very healthy place; but more particularly as i hope to send you a line in going up channel, and possibly take you to spithead. judge, therefore, the _selfish_ motives by which i am actuated, and scold me if you can. "i was happy our dear boy had reached home before the close of your last letter, and am charmed with your account of him. having understood that there is a good school in dorsetshire,--i think at sherborne,--i shall not be surprised if you have placed him there for the summer, and shall not think it a bad plan to have him nearer to you. i am glad to find my letters from gibraltar reached you, and hope that one or two stragglers will also have come to hand before those from the nile arrive. these last will induce you to believe our cruise less unpleasant than you seemed to apprehend,--more particularly when you find it the means of bringing the orion to england. "your _p.s._ of the th of june is considerably later than any accounts received in the squadron; indeed, i find very few letters have been received by any of the captains. the lion, i understand, is on her way to join the squadron; but i have reason to believe she has nothing for me, as she sailed before l'aigle. "the accounts from ireland are truly distressing; but i hope tranquillity has long since been restored in that distracted country. we have heard of the dreadful business off cadiz; but as news from the fleet must reach home before we can be acquainted with them, i shall not enlarge on the subject. captain grey, i find, is gone to england, which will have been an agreeable surprise to his amiable lady. "now for some account of the orion and her crew:--in the first place, mr. barker is on board le peuple souverain, happier than a prince. mr. wells becomes first, in his room; and, as i found it necessary to send away mr. ---- at syracuse, i should remain with only three lieutenants, but that, in virtue of my present command, i appointed, the day i left admiral nelson, our kinsman dumaresq to that station, who acquits himself with great zeal and assiduity. he will receive pay for the time; but cannot be confirmed, from not having served the six required years. "all the officers are in rapture at the share the ship had in the action, except her captain, who is never satisfied. the ship's company all healthy, and the wounded daily recovering. sheep and poultry in abundance; but the fear of a long passage down the mediterranean obliges us to be frugal, wishing, if possible, to avoid putting into any place before we reach the fleet off cadiz,--a thing scarcely possible, and rendered still more improbable from our little progress the last five days: however,--_patience_! "i have only two french officers on board; one was second captain of the tonnant; they are both in the ward-room, and i occasionally invite them to my table. of the six prizes four are fine ships, particularly the franklin and spartiate: the souverain and conquérant are both very old ships; le tonnant and l'aquilon were built within these few years only. both the former are quite new. but it is not what we have taken, but what we have destroyed. we have left france only two sail of the line in the mediterranean, except a few bad venetian ships and some frigates. a squadron of five sail leaves us masters of these seas, equal to protect our commerce, and with a few frigates destroy that of the enemy: these are the real fruits of our victory; and as to anything personal to ourselves, the approbation of our country, and possibly an additional medal, will be ample recompence to us. at present my chief solicitude is to find things go on well in england; and i think, when the account of our action arrives, it will set the minds of people at ease for some time at least. "i shall have a great deal to say to you, in which you will acknowledge with me that the almighty has been kind and bountiful indeed, beyond my merits or pretensions. you will infer from my late journal what i particularly allude to, wherein i mention the orion having been intended to return to the fleet on the junction of the reinforcement; which was merely to favour captain troubridge, with whom i clashed from seniority. very, very fortunately for me, the enemy's force would not permit sir h. nelson to part with me; and the sequel has shown the partiality of the earl's proceeding: but of this '_ci-après_;' only, for the present, judge what must have been my feelings had i been thus deprived of my share in this action! "my situation at this moment is exactly what i could wish,--the command of a respectable squadron escorting the trophies of our victory; and i am induced to hope that i shall proceed with them to england without considerable delay. we have just gained sight of cyprus, nearly the track we followed six weeks ago; so invariably do the westerly winds prevail at this season; but i hope we shall not be subject to the tedious calms we experienced under candia. hitherto we have always had a good breeze, which has prevented any intercourse between the ships of the squadron, one day only excepted. "i have not told you that we all voted a sword to the admiral before we parted from the squadron; the captains having agreed to subscribe fifty pounds each to defray the expense, and to have his picture, which is to be put up in the room intended to hold the _egyptian club_, when we all meet in england. the overplus, which will come to about thirty pounds each, is to be applied for the relief of the widows and orphans of those who have nobly fallen in the action. all this shows unanimity at least, and i believe greater never existed in any squadron. "wednesday, nd.--this morning the wind has set in very favourably for us; but it is to the southward, and produces such a close, sultry, and damp air, that it is scarcely bearable; and, with all this, we have to encounter so strong a western swell, that the prizes and crippled ships, for want of more sail, can scarcely contend against it. what if we should have the good fortune to fall in with the four french ships! they are certainly on their way to toulon; and, from the want of water and provisions, must have put into some of the ports in these seas. i _dreamt_ so much of them last night that i really form great hopes of our falling in with them. this leads me to mention that all the captains agreed to share together in whatever may be captured till the st of october. "it is now exactly three weeks since the battle of the nile; it appears almost an age; but when once we get in the fair track down the mediterranean, every day will, i hope, shorten our distance. we have seen but one strange sail since we left bequir, and that at too great a distance to speak with. i think it probable sir horatio may be on his way to naples, as he proposed to sail soon to join the portuguese squadron, taking with him the culloden, alexander, and goliath. the zealous, with swiftsure, and the frigates, were to be left to block up alexandria, and distress the enemy. what barbarous people we must be, after having done them so much mischief, still to add to their disasters! "august th.--i have been right in my conjectures this morning, having fallen in with sir horatio, who obligingly sent the bonne citoyenne with letters, &c. for the ships with me, brought by the seahorse, which joined him at bequir. he has only the culloden and alexander with him, having left the rest of the ships for the good purposes before mentioned. this meeting has afforded me an opportunity of sending you a few hurried lines, which i have requested the admiral to forward from naples. i have no doubt that the letter will reach you some time before any other i can have an opportunity of sending you. "i think the few last lines will not be the less acceptable for having been anticipated. i can assure you their purport is highly acceptable, as i now have the earl's own assertion for the orion being ordered to england upon his own terms, 'when i join him with the prizes.' alas! they get on very slowly; but i am endowed with unparalleled patience, having scarcely uttered a murmur on their tardiness, so perfectly satisfied am i with the prospect before me. "i understand the seahorse has taken la sensible, and the lion a spanish frigate: _à propos_, we have received intimation that a spanish squadron is on its way to leghorn, to convey his holiness pope pius the sixth to some part of spain; and, in case of our falling in with them, we are to treat him with all the ceremony and respect due to the sovereign pontiff. "sunday, th.--i went yesterday on board the admiral, for half-an-hour; and was happy at finding him in perfect health. he will ever retain the mark on his forehead which he has so honourably acquired; mine is not quite in so _distinguished a place_, but i also expect to have a scar on my left side, or rather on the hip-bone, which was slightly grazed; but it is now perfectly healed, and i reflect with great gratitude on the very narrow escape i had: my only fear is, that it will give you great uneasiness when the account reaches you. i did not intend to have my name inserted in the return of wounded, but the admiral desired it should; so that he must share the blame if it should have alarmed you. "i cannot tell you all the fine projects i form for some months at least after my arrival in england. this last business has so shattered the poor orion, that she will not, without considerable repair, be in a state for more service; and if i can be so fortunate as to obtain le franklin with my officers and men, she will be getting forward during the winter months, and i shall have the enjoyment of your society all that time: and i think, if it pleases god to bless our arms in england with success, the enemy will be brought to sue for a peace before the spring of next year. their great inducement for carrying on the war was their hopes of success from this expedition, which is considered as entirely frustrated, as their army will be too much reduced to attempt to go to india without being reinforced from france; and they never will be able to prevail on more troops to embark for egypt, even if they had the means of conveyance for them. "the winds prove all this time very variable, _et nous avançons fort lentement_. "the admiral is still in sight, though we are not in company together. had i not been certain of going to england, i should regret losing the opportunity of seeing naples, particularly on this occasion; but everything is absorbed in that first consideration. the newspapers are at all times acceptable, and i was happy when you found opportunities to send them from ryde; but as many of the squadron receive them, and they are always circulated to the different ships, i would not trouble you to send them. _d'ailleurs, pour le présent, j'espère que ce serait inutile._ "monday.--we get on very slowly indeed, not having yet got sight of candia; we must however have _patience_. three days' fair wind will bring us the distance of sicily. i have invited captains miller, louis, and gould to dine with me to-day. to the former i said that your ladyship had the pleasure of having made acquaintance with mrs. miller. miller is an excellent man. another day i shall have the other captains, derby, peyton, and cuthbert, late first lieutenant of the majestic. "whilst i am writing, a fine breeze has sprung up, which will get us as far as rhodes at least. we have entirely lost sight of the admiral; and i think, from the wind having favoured us, that we shall have considerably the start of his little squadron. "tuesday.--nothing so uncertain and variable as the winds in this country. we are still off the island of rhodes, which appears fertile and well cultivated. we have also sight of candia at the distance of above thirty leagues. our present route is different from any of the former, as we go to the northward of candia, amidst the innumerable islands that form the archipelago. it is thought by many a dangerous navigation with our disabled ships, but i always consider _que le bon dieu nous guide_. "the admiral has again joined us, but too far off for any personal communication. this evening we have effected a great object in doubling rhodes, and we are now proceeding with a fine breeze. i hope in three days to congratulate you on our being in the fair track down the mediterranean. "friday, st.--events multiply and increase upon us, but not so favourably as they promised when i last took up my pen. after contending for three days against the baffling winds we had so often experienced, and by our perseverance gained a considerable distance, the wind increased so much against us yesterday morning, that i was compelled, from the disabled state of several of the ships, to abandon my intention of going to the northward of candia; and, not without great risk, we ran through a passage imperfectly explored, and never known to ships of war till we found it practicable: at the same time, i almost shudder at the danger we escaped; nothing but a case of extreme necessity could have justified the attempt, and providence was our guide;[ ] at the same time warning us of the danger we ran, having actually seen the breakers, and escaped them by a trifling distance; and this was performed late at night, all the ships following and guided by our lights. [ ] sir james displayed a remarkable instance of presence of mind and unhesitating decision in this unexpected case of extreme danger. captain john tancock, who was then lieutenant of the watch, and who, having served under sir james during the whole of the war, enjoyed his perfect confidence, anticipated the captain's wishes in volunteering on this occasion to go up to the mast-head and look out for rocks, and thus considerably relieved his anxiety. the prizes were quite unable to beat to windward, and, in order to be extricated from the peril which the shift of wind had occasioned, their signal was made "to keep in the orion's wake." sir james having determined to push on, as the most probable means of saving his inefficient squadron, the "helm was put up," and orders given to steer through a passage between islands, which was marked "_doubtful_" in the charts, and in which shallow water was soon discovered by mr. tancock, who gave timely notice to the helmsman on their approach to each danger. the rest of the ships kept close in the track of the orion, and in this manner the whole of the squadron and prizes passed between the islands and breakers without accident; and there can be no doubt that their safety was owing to the skilful and decisive conduct of sir james. it is but justice to add, that, in approving of mr. tancock's very meritorious conduct, he emphatically assured him that "he should never forget that he had so fully anticipated his wishes." "we are at present close to candia, and the admiral in sight; rather in advance of us, owing to the circumstance i have related. i now fear our voyage will prove very tedious, and that the want of provisions and other circumstances will compel us to put into some port; this may occasion great delay, which the approach of the equinox makes me very desirous to avoid. i really believe no ships in so bad a condition as those with me ever attempted so intricate a navigation. "september st.--you are certainly unapprised of the orion being on her way to england. here have we been occupied for three weeks in effecting what might be accomplished in two days. your wishes, i think, would prove more availing were you acquainted with the real state of things. this extraordinary delay makes me more fractious than can be imagined, and i begin to lose the character for patience which i had given myself by so tiresome a situation; besides which, i have le peuple souverain to drag after me, that causes me more trouble than even the spanish _saints_ did after the th of february. "sunday.--i had almost determined not to resume my pen till we were entirely clear of this same island of candia; but we have made such great progress since yesterday, and the prospect continues so favourable, that i cannot refuse myself the satisfaction of congratulating you thereon. "i received last evening a letter from the admiral, brought me by la bonne citoyenne.[ ] he is desirous of having the minotaur and audacious detached to naples after accompanying us as far on our way as minorca. a vessel was yesterday spoken with that saw one of the french line-of-battle ships, with the loss of her main-mast, and towed by a frigate towards corfu, only eight days since; so that, had the winds favoured us, we should have been at no great distance from them. i dined to-day in the ward-room; but i am sorry to say we had no church this morning; this is so very necessary a duty, that i am always grieved when it is omitted." [ ] my dear sir, vanguard, september st, . from what i have heard, and made up in my own mind, i feel it is absolutely necessary that i should order the minotaur and audacious to quit your squadron when you are in the fair way between sardinia and minorca, and join me at naples; and also with as much salt provisions as can be got out of the ships victualled for _six_ months, reserving only one month's at whole allowance. my squadron are at two-thirds of salt provisions, making the allowance up with flour; therefore you will direct the same in yours. i have put down the number of casks of beef, pork, and pease, which can be easily spared if the commander-in-chief's orders for victualling have been obeyed. audacious is, i fancy, short of salt provisions, not knowing of coming so long a voyage. if you can manage to let those ships have any part of their officers and men, it will be very useful for the king's service; but of this you must be the best judge. retalick will tell you all the news from rhodes, and i was rejoiced to see you are this side of candia. ever yours most truly, horatio nelson. to sir james saumarez, &c. your squadron evidently sails better than culloden. the bellerophon sails so well that darby can take very good care of conquérant; and aquilon seems also to sail remarkably well. remember me kindly to all my good friends with you. orion, at sea, st september. my dear admiral, captain retalick has just joined me with your order respecting the minotaur and audacious, both which ships are to be detached for naples so soon as we are in the fair way between sardinia and minorca, with as much salt provisions as can be spared from the ships victualled for six months; which shall be duly complied with. i shall also take from the prizes as many of the officers and men as can be replaced from the ships left with me, which i shall endeavour to be as near the full number as can be thought prudent. wishing to use as little delay as possible, not to detain the bonne citoyenne, i am very truly, &c. james saumarez. to sir horatio nelson, k.b. orion, at sea, st september. my dear admiral, after contending for three days against the adverse winds which are almost invariably encountered here, and getting sufficiently to the northward to have weathered the small islands that lie more immediately between the archipelago and candia, the wind set in so strong to the westward thursday morning, that i was compelled to desist from that passage, and bear up between sargeanto and guxo, a narrow and intricate channel; but which we happily cleared without any accident, the loss of a few spars excepted, which are now replaced; and we are proceeding as fast as the wind will admit to our destination. the ships are all doing as well as possible; the fever on board the defence fast abating, and the wounded in bellerophon, majestic, and minotaur daily recovering. seeing the citoyenne on her way to us, i seize the opportunity to give you the information. i am, my dear sir, &c. james saumarez. to sir h. nelson, k.b. orion, at sea, th sept. . my dear admiral, since the receipt of your letter of the st instant, containing an order for the minotaur and audacious to join you at naples, i have been employed in making the necessary arrangements for the distribution of prisoners from the ships that remain with me. i fear the quantity that can be spared, after reducing ourselves to four weeks at whole allowance, will fall very short of what you mention. the order for the ships to be put to two-thirds' allowance was given the day after i received your letter. with regard to the men belonging to the minotaur and audacious on board the prizes, i hope to have it in my power to meet more fully your expectations, as i see no reason why these men should not be almost entirely replaced from the ships with me, the bellerophon and majestic having only fifty men each on board; the spartiate certainly can spare the same number for le conquérant; and i hope to man the aquilon from the other three ships, except the party of marines, which i shall direct to be left on board of them. we have had favourable winds the last three days, and i hope to-morrow to get sight of mount Ætna. the enclosed report of a vessel boarded by the theseus makes me regret the wind did not prove favourable a few days sooner, to have come up with the strayed sheep. o'clock p.m. captain renhouse, in the thalia, has this instant joined me on his return from bequir. i have taken his letters for the fleet, &c.: and as the flora cutter is in sight, closing with the squadron, i have detained him till the morning, that he may take from her any despatches she may have for you. i am happy to learn from him that the lion had joined the squadron off alexandria. he also informs me that the marquis de niza was on his return from aboukir, highly mortified at having lost the opportunity of distinguishing himself in the action. i am truly, my dear admiral, your faithful and most obedient servant, james saumarez. to rear-admiral sir horatio nelson, k.b. orion, th september . a.m. o'clock. my dear admiral, the flora did not join me till this instant, owing to the commander's timidity. i was waiting for him the whole night. i thought it my duty to open one of earl st. vincent's public despatches, in case they might contain anything that might render necessary any alteration in my present proceedings. i find from them that colossus is to the southward of sardinia, with the alliance and four victuallers: we shall of course keep a look-out for them. this information will enable me to keep rather a greater supply of provisions than i had made arrangements for, having scarcely reserved four weeks to each ship of the squadron. i have charged captain newhouse with the flora's despatches, with orders to proceed in search of you immediately, and also indicated to him the track i mean to pursue, in case you should have occasion to send me further orders, in consequence of your letters from earl st. vincent. i hope you will do me the favour to believe that i have acted to the best of my judgment for the good of his majesty's service, and that you will approve my having opened one of lord st. vincent's public despatches; which it will be satisfactory to me to know from you. with sincere and best wishes for your health and every happiness, &c. james saumarez. to sir h. nelson, k.b. &c. "thursday, th september.--the last four days we have got on remarkably well; and, what is still better, the wind seems now set in very favourably. late last night the thalia joined me, after cruising in all directions to fall in with sir horatio. i was not disappointed at receiving no letters by her: but this morning, having been joined by the flora cutter, that left england the th july, and the fleet off cadiz so late as the th august, i own it gave me concern to receive no tidings from you; but, on recollection that all the letters for this ship have been kept back, from our being expected down the mediterranean, my disappointment ceases. "i have seen nothing of admiral nelson since i last wrote; and, as our route now lies in a different direction, i do not expect to meet with him again. the information obtained by the above vessels is of a very satisfactory nature; and i trust things will soon, very soon, draw to a favourable crisis. "the thalia brought me from bequir several intercepted letters from france, taken in a corvette going to alexandria. i have read several of them, and find that their chief reliance was placed in the expedition to egypt; which having failed so completely, must disconcert all their future projects. one bad piece of news i have learnt,--'that a spanish vessel we took off st. pierre, laden with wheat, has been recaptured by a french privateer.' "i have been occupied for some days past in putting my cabin in good repair, which i hope to have fit for your ladyship's reception, so that, on my arrival in the channel, i may have only to despatch the first vessel i fall in with to lyme, with an invitation for you to partake of it, accompanied by one or more of the children, and any servants you may please to require to attend upon you. this has for some time past engaged my attention, and i trust nothing will intervene to thwart my expectations. alas! they have been but too much disappointed already by the adverse winds, which still continue to weary our patience. "i dined to-day on board the minotaur, the weather having proved nearly calm; it is the first time since we left bequir that i have consented to leave the ship. i hope to fall in with the colossus and some victuallers, which i find, by the flora, were on their way to our squadron, supposing us to have been off malta, blockading the french fleet. strange that at so late a period earl st. vincent had not obtained information of their having sailed from that island! "sunday.--the wind always continues contrary; but we get on, notwithstanding, by slow degrees. i made up for last sunday, and had divine service performed, and dined in the ward-room. we obtained a small supply of stock from the thalia when she joined us; i should have told you that i despatched her and the cutter towards naples, to meet sir horatio. "tuesday evening.--the wind has at last favoured us for a few hours, and to-morrow i hope to be in sight of syracuse. a vessel was yesterday spoken with, that had an ambassador on board from constantinople, going to the different states in barbary, to direct them to arm against the french. an english frigate had arrived at the sublime porte with the news of the defeat of their fleet at alexandria; but i am at a loss to conjecture what the frigate was. the french officers "_sont indignés de cette insulte offerte à la grande nation_." "thursday.--we at last gained sight of mount Ætna yesterday evening; but the winds still prove very contrary, and i fear we shall be obliged, much against my inclination, to put into either syracuse or messina: we are at present off the former place. by a boat that has joined one of the ships, i find they only heard of the battle four days ago. they are disposed to give us a hearty welcome, but i hope we shall have no occasion for their well-meant intentions. "friday.--we last night fell in with the marquis de niza's squadron, on their return from the mouth of the nile. the marquis hailed me that he was _very sorry_ he had not arrived a few days sooner. we were much better without him." sir james sent, by the thalia, the following letters to sir horatio: orion, port of augusta, th september . my dear admiral, i fear you will be disappointed at finding that we are no further on our voyage than this place. we were three days in sight of sicily, endeavouring to beat round cape pesaro; and, friday afternoon, the wind set in so strong to the westward, that i was obliged to endeavour to get into syracuse, but i found the wind directly out of the harbour, and stood again to the southward. it blew a gale all night; and in the morning, seeing no possibility of getting into syracuse, i bore up for this place, where the squadron anchored yesterday afternoon. we are completing the water with all expedition, but i am disappointed that there is no wine to be had but at a very high price. we are supplied with bullocks and other articles the same as at syracuse; and, as at that place, the people are exorbitant in their demands. every possible attention has been shown by the governor. i paid him a visit of ceremony this morning with the other captains of the squadron. he appears a man of the first respectability. i thought it proper to mention to him that i had seen mr. acton's letter, which stated that his majesty's ships were to be received in the ports of this island; and i should do him great injustice, did i not observe to you, sir, his earnest endeavours that we should be supplied with everything we require on the most reasonable terms. a vessel, which left malta six days ago, reports that the inhabitants have revolted against the french, who are driven to the greatest stress by the want of provisions. they seem very anxious for the appearance of an english squadron off that island. i hope to have the squadron completed in water by wednesday next, and to put to sea the same evening. the spartiate has caused us considerable uneasiness, having unfortunately got aground by bordering too near the light-house. she was however got off without sustaining any damage. all your friends, with me, desire their best compliments. i am, my dear admiral, your ever faithful and obedient servant, james saumarez. to sir horatio nelson. orion, augusta, th september . my dear admiral, i feel great satisfaction in acquainting you that the squadron and all the prizes are completed with water, and will be ready to proceed to sea at daylight to-morrow morning. the westerly winds have prevailed ever since our arrival, and i fear still continue in the channel of malta; but it is of such importance to get from this place before easterly winds set in, that not a moment has been lost in getting the ships forward, which must be evident to you when you consider our great demands for water, and that we have only four boats in the squadron to supply the ships. we have been abundantly supplied with fresh provisions, and each ship takes twelve or fourteen bullocks to sea; but wine was not to be had at any reasonable rate. we have found difficulty in obtaining cash for the articles purchased on account of government in a place where there scarcely exists any trade, and where the inhabitants are extremely poor. the governor has offered us every possible assistance; and i must entreat you will represent to mr. acton the zeal and earnest endeavours he has shown to forward the king's service. i have the honour to be, &c. jas. saumarez. to sir horatio nelson. "saturday, nd september.--a whole week has elapsed since i closed the account of our voyage; having the following day been under the necessity, from the state of the weather, to put into augusta, a port a few leagues from syracuse. we sailed thence yesterday, after completing the squadron with water. we found abundance of provisions, and each ship has sailed with a dozen or fourteen oxen, besides sheep, fowls, &c. augusta is a more modern town than syracuse, having been rebuilt after an earthquake thirty years ago. it has no trade, and the inhabitants are extremely poor; the ships were visited by them daily, but we went to very few parties on shore. a few leagues from augusta there is a considerable town called catania. i regretted much it was not in my power to visit it, as there we might have had many things that would have been very acceptable in england. "in passing syracuse yesterday, several of the principal inhabitants came on board; and i was happy in sending a letter to you, enclosed to admiral nelson at naples. i hope to be with you as soon as it arrives, having still every expectation of being in england in the month of october. my mind is much more at ease since we have obtained the last supplies, as a small quantity of salt provisions, which we can have from the fleet, will enable the ships to proceed for england without stopping at gibraltar, or any other place; and if the orion is not of the number, great will be my disappointment. "thursday, th of september.--i have been very much engaged on public business of great importance the last three days, which, i am sorry to say, has not turned out quite equal to my wishes. on monday i fell in with the marquis de niza's squadron, which had been ordered off malta by admiral nelson. on tuesday a deputation of the principal inhabitants came on board the orion, to solicit a supply of arms and ammunition; at the same time informing me that the french garrison were in the greatest distress, and that, if the town was summoned, they had good grounds to believe they would be induced to surrender. i waited on the marquis de niza, who readily concurred in sending a flag of truce with proposals to the french garrison. after three hours' deliberation they returned a very concise answer,[ ] which although not satisfactory at this time, leaves little doubt that they will be compelled to surrender very shortly. before i came away, i supplied the inhabitants, from the prizes, with twelve hundred muskets, and a great quantity of ammunition, of which they were in great want. i only regretted it was not in my power to stay a few days off the island. the guillaume tell and two frigates are in the harbour, and must fall with the garrison. a report prevailed that le généreux was lost; these ships form the remaining force that escaped us from the mouth of the nile. [ ] see appendix. "we are now pursuing our voyage with slow steps; but, as the light winds lead us in the fair track, we must not complain. i was glad to learn from the marquis de niza that the colossus was seen going to naples, with four victuallers and a store-ship. a frigate is now in sight, joining me, by which i hope to receive good accounts. "friday morning.--the frigate proved to be the terpsichore, from the admiral, whom she left ten days ago going to naples. the terpsichore was going off malta for intelligence, and to look out for the colossus, with the victuallers. as i could satisfy the admiral on both those points, i despatched her immediately for naples. we have now a fine siroc wind, attended with all its usual close dampness; but, as it wafts us down the mediterranean, we readily put up with its disagreeable attendants, without the risk of hanging ourselves. i intend to part with the minotaur and audacious to-day, agreeably to my orders. fortunately, i exchanged their men from the prizes two days ago, as it would have been attended with danger to do it in the present weather. we have taken our final leave of sicily this morning. "sunday, th sept. the weather has proved very unfavourable the last three days. le souverain has sustained some disasters, and causes me great uneasiness. i hope, in another week, to get the distance of gibraltar, where we may all be better refitted. i cannot be too thankful for the supplies we obtained at augusta; the squadron would otherwise have been much distressed for want of water and provisions. we are in sight of sardinia, with every appearance of a favourable breeze. to-morrow we enter the ever propitious month. i still hope my expectations will be fulfilled; although i own that probability is against their accomplishment. "thursday, th october.--this month began most auspiciously with a fine breeze of wind, which continued all the following day; but yesterday morning we experienced a tremendous gale to the northward, with a very heavy sea, which still continues: the wind has again shifted favourably, and i hope this time will carry us through the straits; but we have had so many disappointments that we must not trust to appearances. "saturday, th.--the winds prove again contrary for us. we have the souverain in tow, and in so bad a condition that i almost fear it will not be possible to get her as far as gibraltar. there has been a great deal of blowing weather, with heavy seas, since we left malta, and the prizes have suffered considerably from it. i have had an addition to my stock since i left augusta, having three fine little lambs; and i understand more are expected: it is fortunate i was well provided, as this increase would have proved ruinous to my table. "monday, th october.--we have had variable winds these last two days, which have brought the squadron a considerable distance. we are at present off algiers, a very unfriendly coast, which i hope soon to lose sight of with our present breeze. the anchorage off cadiz having broken up about this time last year, i depend on finding lord st. vincent at anchor at gibraltar, or there to find orders to join him at lisbon, and from thence to proceed to england. "tuesday, th.--i congratulate you on our darling's birth-day; and join my prayers to yours that heaven may bestow on him its choicest blessings. "we have a continuance of fine wind, which, i trust, will carry us to gibraltar in two days. i have been treated with the perusal of several french papers, which i intercepted on board a danish vessel from marseilles, bound to algiers. they are dated so late as the th fructidor, which answers to the th september; and i am happy to see, by the english news they contain, that things were going on favourably. i hope soon to have it under your hand more particularly: in the mean time it is very satisfactory to receive these news, which are near three months of later date from england than we before possessed; your dear letter of the th june being the latest i have seen. "wednesday, th.--i fell in with l'espoir this morning. she left gibraltar ten days ago. she has surprised me with the account that the leander had not at that time reached earl st. vincent; and that the news of our victory was only received two days before by the mutine, which had arrived from naples. this account has created amongst us great uneasiness for the fate of the leander. i have despatched l'espoir with a letter to earl st. vincent, apprising him of the approach of the prizes, with the ships under my command; and i hope to receive his lordship's orders for our proceedings when we appear off gibraltar. "saturday, th.--the wind has again set against us the last two days, and continues to exercise our patience. what adds to my uneasiness is, the small quantity of provisions in the squadron. we have been at short allowance these six weeks; and should it unfortunately continue to the westward a few days longer, we shall be very badly off. i now very reluctantly give up all hope of being in england during this month. "sunday, th.--the wind has again sprung up to the eastward, and i hope will this time carry us to gibraltar. "monday, th.--the wind still continues favourable, and to-morrow i hope to anchor in gibraltar bay; and, as an opportunity may offer to send you this tedious journal, i hold it in readiness accordingly. it will give you some faint idea of the trial our patience has been put to; and although our progress has not been attended with the same anxiety as i described in my former journal, when we were in pursuit of the enemy, still i have not been exempt from great uneasiness on various accounts, particularly from the crippled state of most of the ships, in a navigation some part of which is very hazardous, and where contrary winds so invariably prevail. i now hope in a short time to be released from so heavy a charge, and that i shall be permitted to proceed, as i have been given to expect, _immediately for england_. "tuesday, th.--we have gained sight of gibraltar this morning; but westerly winds and the current prevent our approach to it. i hope, however, to have communication with the rock to-morrow. "thursday, th.--i received late last evening a very flattering letter from earl st. vincent, in answer to mine of the th, which, he says, diffused universal joy to the garrison, and the little squadron with him: and his lordship has rejoiced my heart by informing me that so soon as the wounded and sick are landed from the squadron, and the wants of the ships are supplied, i shall proceed to lisbon with them. he adds that, in his judgment, our action stands foremost in the page of naval history, having, beyond all dispute, achieved more than was ever done before, &c. "we are still struggling against adverse winds, not without hope of gaining the anchorage to-morrow. i most sincerely wish it, on every account; and, although my next rendezvous is not what i exactly expected, it always brings me nearer england. "great is our uneasiness for the fate of the leander. in the letter above alluded to, lord st. vincent thinks it probable she may have been dismasted, and have put into one of the islands of the archipelago. i own my fears for her are great." the following is lord st. vincent's letter, with sir james's answer. gibraltar, th october . sir, your letter of the th instant, received yesterday, has diffused universal joy through the garrison and little squadron now here. i highly applaud and admire the measures taken by you and rear-admiral the marquis de niza to induce the french to surrender their stronghold in malta; and the supply of arms and ammunition you furnished the islanders with was very judicious. two very respectable moorish merchants, natives of the eastern coast of barbary, who arrived at gibraltar from genoa yesterday, report that advices had been received at the latter place before they left it, that the maltese had succeeded, and put the french garrison to the sword. i have been so long accustomed to the fallacy of _pratique_ reports, that i do not give entire credit to this. of the leander we know nothing; and i am rather inclined to believe that the story sir horatio nelson learned from a candia boat, is true; and that she has either been dismasted in the action, or so crippled as to be obliged to take refuge in one of the islands of the archipelago. i never despair, and i have great confidence that she will yet turn up. the account you give from captain retallick, of the near approach to naples of the colossus and her precious charge,--for the alliance is full of naval stores, with all the top-masts and top-sail yards we had, and the four victuallers loaded with new provisions of every species except bread,--is a communication of the utmost consequence. it is my anxious wish that the six prize ships of war should be safe moored in the tagus as soon as possible; and my intention that the orion, defence, and theseus shall accompany them: the bellerophon and majestic to enter gibraltar mole in order to be remasted, for all the lower masts are there; and their men, after assisting in the navigation of the prizes to lisbon, may return hither in the santa dorothea. i am fitting out an expedition of great importance,--i believe, _entre nous_, against monte video, or lima,--which swallows up all the transports and frigates i have, or i would send you some salt provisions and wine. should the levanters fail you, by working close to the barbary shore you will soon reach tetuan bay, and find no difficulty in working round europa with a flood-tide. i request you will convey to your brave companions in arms, that, in my judgment, they stand foremost in the page of naval history; having, beyond all dispute, achieved more than was ever done before, and, under the critical circumstances of the times, have certainly rendered the greatest benefit to the human race at large, and to their king and country in particular, that ever was performed. i have the honour to be, with great esteem and regard, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, st. vincent. to sir james saumarez. p.s. doctor harness has prepared the naval hospital for the reception of the wounded and sick of your squadron in the best manner our means will admit; the wards have been whitewashed, and every exertion made to purify them. the moment the invalids are landed, and the wants of the ships that go to lisbon supplied, you shall proceed thither with them. st. vincent. orion, off gibraltar, th oct. . my lord, i received late last evening the honour of your letter by l'espoir, and shall not fail to communicate to the squadron the very handsome terms in which your lordship is pleased to express yourself of the action of the nile. i am particularly happy the measures taken off malta meet with your lordship's approbation; but i fear the account from genoa is premature respecting the french garrison, as there has scarcely been time since we left the island, the th sept. for the news to reach genoa, and arrive at gibraltar, if such an event had taken place. fearing that, with the ship i have in tow, it will not be possible to reach rozia bay till a late hour, i send an officer on shore with the despatches for your lordship, and the letters for the garrison. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, james saumarez. to the right hon. earl st. vincent. the squadron arrived at gibraltar on the evening of the th, amidst the universal and unbounded acclamations of the assembled population. "sunday, st oct.--last thursday, my dear love, we all anchored in safety in this bay, and met with a reception we want words to express from the governor, admiral, officers, soldiers, seamen, and inhabitants. we can never do justice to the warmth of their applause, and the praises they all bestowed on our squadron. "a ball was given last night by the governor, in honour of our victory; and we have a round of dinner invitations from the heads of the garrison. i am, however, happy to tell you that to-morrow i expect to put to sea for lisbon, with the theseus and prizes, which i am to leave in safety in the tagus, and then proceed to england. i am to give a passage to the duc d'havré and his suite: he is a nobleman of distinction, who has resided some time in spain, but has been expelled from that country with other _emigrés_. i had an opportunity of sending you, by a cutter for lagos, a short letter, with the above pleasing accounts, which i am persuaded will yield no less happiness to you than it has to me." we have already mentioned the honours, the titles, the decorations, and the favours conferred on the victorious nelson, as also the praises he had himself bestowed on some of the captains of the fleet; but we cannot refrain from reverting to the extraordinary circumstance that the second in command in that battle, which both earl st. vincent and mr. pitt declared "stands foremost in the page of naval history," and which (as before stated), was most highly extolled, had not that mark of distinction conferred upon him, which is usually granted on such occasions. in common, indeed, with the other captains, he received a gold medal; being only the second given to him, although he commanded a ship of the line in four great general actions, and served in two others.[ ] we mention this, because sir james was not aware of the extent of this neglect until many years after, when, meeting with clarke and mac arthur's life of nelson, he discovered that nelson's letters had influenced the admiralty to regard him as having held no higher station in the action than any other captain in the squadron, and represented sir thomas troubridge, who unfortunately had no part in the battle, as equally entitled to reward as himself: therefore he felt this deviation from the common usage less severely at the time than he would otherwise have done. [ ] the actions of sullivan's island, and the dogger bank. we admit that it would be difficult to point out a situation of extraordinary hardship more peculiarly calculated, than that of troubridge, to excite the feelings of sympathy expressed so strongly by nelson. but what would have been the situation,--what would have been the feelings of sir james saumarez, had he been sent away to make room for sir thomas troubridge? we leave the reader to judge. suffice it to say, that as soon as the admiral had ascertained the real force of the enemy, he found the orion could not be spared, by which fortunate circumstance sir james was saved a mortification which would have weighed on his heart the remainder of his days. every admiral, captain, and officer, with whom we have conversed on the subject, has been decidedly of opinion that the name of saumarez ought to have been honourably mentioned; and that, as second in command, some mark of distinction should have been conferred upon him. we dwell on this subject particularly, because we know, that when a brave and meritorious officer does not obtain the reward due to his merit, it is extremely injurious to the service, as it damps that ardour after fame, and weakens that emulation, which lead to valour and enterprise. may every succeeding nelson regard, and be able to look up to, that motto which was conferred on the hero of the nile,--_palmam qui meruit, ferat!_ on sir james's arrival at gibraltar he received the following letters from sir horatio nelson, approving of his proceedings:-- vanguard, naples, th sept. . sir, i have received your letter of the th from augusta, as well as your despatch of the th, by captain gage. i very much approve of your putting into augusta to get water, and very highly so of your officer-like behaviour and conduct relative to malta, as also of your supplying the maltese with arms and ammunition. i am, sir, your most obedient servant, horatio nelson. to sir james saumarez. september th, . my dear sir james, captain gage is just arrived with your letters and papers relative to malta. i can say with truth there is no action of your life, as far as relates to me, but what must be entirely to my approbation: your summons to malta is highly proper; and you have done as i wished in sending the arms, &c. the wind here is strong at s.e. i hope you have it, and that it will carry you through the straits. this is a sad place for refitting, the swell sets in so heavy; never again do we come to naples: besides the rest, we are killed with kindness. wishing you, my dear sir james, every felicity in this world, believe me ever, your obliged and affectionate, horatio nelson. sir james saumarez. at gibraltar sir james also received a letter from his gallant friend and brother-in-arms, captain ball, which gives so vivid a description of some of the events of this most eventful period of the war, that we are persuaded the reader will thank us for inserting it. alexander, at sea, th oct. . my dear sir james, i have the satisfaction of sending you, by the colossus, a case containing six fan-mounts, two boxes of perfumery, four large and two small of naples soap, amounting to eighteen spanish dollars and a half. i hope to collect from sicily some ornamental figures for a table, which i will forward to you, by the first safe conveyance, with some neapolitan shawls. i shall not draw upon your agent, as i expect, when i return to naples, to receive nearly forty pounds as your share of the cotton and articles taken out of the spanish polacre we captured. pray let me know to whom i shall remit the balance. i sincerely hope that you had a good passage down, and have not suffered from the fatigue and anxiety you must have experienced. i make no doubt but you will have the pleasure of convoying the ships to england, where you will be amply recompensed by a joyful meeting with lady saumarez and your family. when you get your second medal, beware of the ladies, if they hear such a story of you as of our friend collingwood. i shall feel very much flattered whenever you will favour me with a line; and you may be assured that i shall never lose an occasion of testifying to you my great esteem, and how very much i value your friendship. i enclose herewith a translation of admiral blanquet's account of the battle of the nile, with his plans, which he is to present to the french minister of the marine. one of my officers copied them unknown to him, but his aide-de-camp allowed everybody to read them. it would be difficult to describe to you the very flattering reception we met with at naples. our gallant admiral was hailed as the saviour of italy. he daily receives from all parts congratulatory addresses and verses, celebrating his fame. the king visited him before he anchored, and he gave him and all the captains a very elegant dinner on board one of his ships of the line. we dined on the poop; the party very select, consisting of the hereditary prince and one of his brothers, the minister of marine, three of the lords in waiting, sir william and lady hamilton, and the captain of the neapolitan ship. after dinner, the king gave as a toast, "sir horatio nelson and the brave english nation," with a salute from his lower deck guns. sir william hamilton gave a fête that cost more than a thousand pounds. it was much admired for its taste and magnificence. there was nothing to be seen or heard of but "viva nelson!" the english nation never stood so high in the estimation of the italians as at this present moment: and i believe the french were never so universally execrated and despised as they now are. the emperor and king of naples will make an effort to drive them out of italy. general mack was daily expected at naples to arrange the plans. we have to regret the capture of the leander by the généreux. she is carried into corfu. of course all our letters by her are destroyed, and our friends will suffer much anxiety until the arrival of capel, who could not get there before the th of last month. the grand seignior declared war against the french the st of last month. he did not receive the admiral's official account of the action until the th ult. he has ordered a costly diamond to be presented to him for the important victory. buonaparte's career is nearly finished. he will soon be surrounded by sixty thousand men. one of his colonels, whom foley took very lately, says that the whole army will soon perish. he sent to alexandria for all the troops in garrison to join him without loss of time, which they refused doing. the seamen marched to retrieve their character, but i do not think many will return to tell of their exploits. a turkish fleet is gone for alexandria. our envoy at constantinople, sir sidney smith's brother, has gained great credit by his ability and judicious conduct. i had great satisfaction in reading some of his correspondence. we expect very soon to be in possession of malta, corfu, zante, and cerigo. i shall then hope to go to england, sir h. nelson having given me reason to expect the pleasure of carrying home sir william and lady hamilton. i am now in company with the colossus, going off malta, which we are in sight of. captain murray talks of staying to ascertain the state of the island. he is then to proceed to join lord st. vincent. he has this moment made the signal for gibraltar; i must therefore refer you to him for the state of malta. the french must surrender in a few days. their ships mean to slip out and trust to their sailing. believe me, with true esteem and regard, my dear sir james, very sincerely yours, alex. m. ball. sir james saumarez, &c. &c. to return to sir james's journal: " th october.--your valued letters of the st july and th august i received the morning of my arrival, and they gave me real comfort after so long a privation. i now trust that, in a few weeks, we shall be re-united, no more to part! it is my firm intention to remain, for some time at least, entirely abstracted from active service. if i can do so, and retain the command of the ship, well and good; if not, i shall apply to be superseded. "an expedition under sir john duckworth is now sailing from this bay; various are the conjectures on its destination. i need not tell you, after what i have noticed respecting the earl, that we are on a very good footing. indeed, the solicitous attention he shows to me almost overwhelms me, as i wish to keep clear of laying myself under obligation, except as far as concerns the promotion of my officers. " th october, orion, off cadiz.--yesterday i got clear of gibraltar bay with the theseus and five of the prizes, it having been decided, the morning before we sailed, to leave the souverain for a hulk at gibraltar, which i had strongly recommended before. "i was fortunate in the arrival of the transfer brig, in ten days from naples, a few hours previous to our sailing. she brought the sad news of the capture of the leander, with the despatches; but having long before given her over for lost, and being apprehensive for the safety of all on board, the account rather gave me satisfaction, especially as she is said to have well supported the fame of the nile squadron, though the details of the action are not known. "earl st. vincent afforded me the perusal of several interesting letters that came by the transfer from naples, particularly from the envoy and our gallant admiral: he was on the point of sailing for malta, which, there is scarcely a doubt, is by this time, entirely in possession of the inhabitants. "we are going on with a fine breeze for lisbon, which i hope to reach before saturday. this morning i gained sight of our squadron off cadiz; and, although within a few miles of one of the ships, (the hector,) they had not the curiosity to join us, and i was unwilling to be delayed by going to them, although i should have been happy to have had communication with some of the ships. i hope my stay at lisbon will be but short; as, after i embark the duc d'havré, and have seen the prizes taken care of, i proceed immediately for portsmouth. judge then of my feelings. my only regret is, being unable to impart them to you! "thursday.--early this morning i fell in with the barfleur and northumberland. although not without great difficulty, i persevered in my endeavours to join them; but, to my great concern, i found no letters for me on board either ship. captain dacres tells me he wrote to ryde, thinking you were there, but in vain. lady parker, however, assured him that she had a letter from you very lately. "i was glad to hear captain capel had reached england with the accounts of our action, the news of which were received at portsmouth the day before the barfleur sailed. "fortune has, as usual, proved propitious this month. what think you of two vessels, with valuable cargoes from genoa, which promise to give, at the most moderate computation, at least £ , between captain miller and myself![ ] the theseus joined me with one yesterday noon, and we brought the other to, some time after; both under greek colours, but unquestionably laden with the property of genoese merchants. more are on their way, which we expect to fall in with. but indeed, my dearest love, we require not riches to add to our happiness. let us but have peace and tranquillity, and we have enough for every earthly enjoyment whilst it pleases heaven to bless us with good health. alas, poor lady w.! how sensibly i feel for the misfortune that has deprived her excellent husband of all prospect of ever again enjoying comfort in this life. she was, indeed, all you have said of her. [ ] this was never realised. "to-morrow i depend on arriving at lisbon, with the hope of being detained a few days only, and where i rely on being cheered with letters from you. _a propos_: miss r. is there, and will not be sorry to hear the leander is at last heard of, although in possession of the enemy. she is going to england with general and mrs. trigge. " th october.--i had hoped before the arrival of this _blessed_ day to acquaint you with our being safe in the tagus; but the light winds prevented our getting round cape st. vincent before yesterday evening, and it now blows so strong from the westward that there is no possibility of getting over the bar. to-morrow, i trust, we shall be more fortunate; or, what would prove still better, that it will blow so strong as to compel me to bear up for the channel, which i certainly would do in case of a south-west gale. "sunday, two o'clock.--i now congratulate you on our safe arrival in the tagus, in the midst of very boisterous weather; but, thanks to divine providence! without an accident to any of the ships; i have but once more to weigh anchor, and then i trust in its mercy to bring me to the haven where i would be, and to find all my precious treasures in complete possession of health and happiness. "a packet arrived this morning with commissioner coffin. the only letter i have been so fortunate as to receive is one from mr. le m. dated the day captain capel arrived. what would i not give for one of as late date from you! another is soon expected, this packet having had nearly three weeks' passage." the extract of the following letter from sir james to the commander-in-chief continues this narrative: orion, tagus, st november, . my lord, i have the honour to acquaint your lordship of the safe arrival in the tagus of this ship and the theseus, with five of the prize-ships lately taken in his majesty's service. his grace the duc d'havré embarks on board this ship on monday next; and the marquis de mortemart having solicited a passage to england, i have consented to receive him on condition of his being considered in the suite of the duke. captain tyler also takes his passage in the orion. i should have been happy to have made the like offer to general trigge, but it was not possible to accommodate him and the ladies of his family without considerable inconvenience to the duc d'havré. his grace is a nobleman of the first distinction and consideration, and he expresses himself very sensible of your lordship's attention in providing for him so good a conveyance. i beg to offer my most sincere and fervent wishes for health and every happiness to attend your lordship; and, with my unfeigned thanks for all your lordship's favour, i remain, &c. sir james, having now fulfilled the anxious charge entrusted to him, and, with great professional skill and unremitting vigilance, brought the prizes in safety to lisbon, is at length setting sail for england: and who will not share the feelings of the husband and the father, on approaching his home after so long an absence! the following extracts from his letters will convey some impression of what those feelings were. lisbon, nov. rd, . i am now rejoicing in the hope of being in england nearly as soon as this letter can reach you. i propose to sail from this place the beginning of next week, and i trust my arrival will shortly follow. let me find a letter from you at portsmouth. i depend on your being ready to set off as soon as you hear the orion is there. the post will arrive sufficiently early to allow of your leaving bath the same day. i may possibly be able to meet you on the road, as i shall have had time to despatch monsieur le duc d'havré (who is a very polite frenchman) and to make arrangements against our return. i think it right to mention that unless the wind admits the ships getting over the bar of lisbon, i may be detained. but i hope for a quick passage. "sunday, november th, spithead.--i wrote to you, this morning, from st. helens. the happy moment is at length arrived when i can despatch a letter from spithead. yours of yesterday is in my hand. to-morrow you will be setting off; but i fear the service will prevent our meeting till the day after. "i have despatched dumaresq to newport for our dear boy; and i depend on seeing him to-night. _le duc est empressé de le voir._ i hope to get the party on shore, _de bonne heure_, to-morrow: but we are still in quarantine whilst i am making these arrangements. "tuesday morning.--great is my disappointment at being kept thus long in quarantine: it is a cruel _contre temps_, and the more so from its being unforeseen. what adds to my disappointment is, that i am at a loss to know if our _pratique_ has been received by this day's post, the weather having prevented all communication with the shore. it will rejoice you to learn that our beloved boy has been with me since ten, yesterday morning, and that i find him all you have described. i expect to hear every moment of your arrival at the fountain. mr. maxwell writes there is no doubt of our being released to-morrow. "one o'clock.--if our _pratique_ is not received by this post, request sir peter to set the telegraph at work, now that the weather has cleared up. p.m. your letter has this instant reached me. the tidings of your arrival have relieved my mind from great inquietude. the messenger has orders to wait your commands until after the post hour to-morrow; and if we are not then admitted to the privileges of _christian charity_ after our _egyptian bondage_, we must _endeavour_ to submit to our fate. james is by my side, and glows with thankfulness at being so soon likely to embrace his beloved mamma. he has indeed been a real comfort to me under this sad contrariety of events. i have placed monsieur le duc, and the rest of the party, at cards, to send these lines in time _pour ton réveil demain. encore adieu, ma très chère_! write every hour of the day, and send your letters to mr. maxwell. "wednesday morning.--grieved as i am to be a prisoner still another day, there is consolation in the _certainty_ of our being released to-morrow. ardently as i aspire for the moment of our meeting, i must delay going on shore until after the performance of divine service in this ship:[ ] and i know this arrangement will have your full concurrence. your note is just received: how well have you anticipated my thoughts, and met my wishes even before they were expressed. please god, to-morrow we shall be compensated for a separation of two long years; and on a day in which none can have greater mercies to commemorate than ourselves. [ ] november th, the day appointed for a general thanksgiving for the great naval victories. "wednesday evening.--i have just ascertained that the duke and the marquis do not proceed to town before friday; therefore expect to receive them at dinner, and desire mrs. fielding to prepare for eighteen or twenty guests." sir james remained at portsmouth, until the th december, when he sailed for plymouth, at which place he arrived on the nd: and on the th of january the orion was paid off, when sir james went to bath, where he was once more free and happy in the bosom of his family. chapter xii. . sir james writes to earl spencer.--is appointed to the cæsar, of guns.--joins the channel fleet.--the brest fleet having escaped, proceeds to the mediterranean.--english fleet at bantry bay.--return of the french fleet.--cæsar at lisbon.--sir james returns to spithead.--rejoins the channel fleet.--earl st. vincent takes the command.--appoints sir james to command the advanced squadron.--black rocks.--earl st. vincent's letter of approbation.--douvernenez bay.--various letters.--complete success of the blockade--enemy's fleet laid up sir james returns to spithead.--conclusion of . sir james had cherished the hope that he was to be permitted to enjoy the blessings of domestic life, at least for a few months; but even in the most perfect state of happiness which can be well imagined, he always held his duty to his king and country, (next to the duty he owed to his creator,) to be paramount to every other consideration; and, feeling himself bound, after a short period of relaxation, to offer his services, he wrote the following letter: bath, th january . my lord, as you were pleased to intimate your intention of being at bath when i last had the honour of seeing you, i delayed writing until this time. i am extremely happy to find that lady spencer's improved state of health has rendered the journey unnecessary. two days after my arrival i received a letter from admiral young, proposing to me (in the absence of your lordship) a large seventy-four, which i declined accepting, as you had done me the honour to offer me the cæsar, on a certain expected event taking place. i hope you will forgive me for entreating that as many of the orion's ship's company may be reserved for me as the service will admit. having experienced their uniform good conduct for so many years, i am most solicitous to have them with me in another ship. i have the honour to be, with the highest respect, your lordship's most obedient and humble servant, james saumarez. to the right honourable earl spencer, &c. &c. &c. to the above, sir james received the following answer: admiralty, th january . dear sir, lady spencer's journey to bath is only deferred, i fear; as it will probably be necessary for her to go there soon. the proposal made to you by admiral young was only intended as a temporary measure, in case you had no objection to be employed in the interval before you could have a permanent appointment. whenever the period shall come at which i can propose such an appointment to you, i shall avail myself of it with pleasure. with respect to reserving your ship's company, that practice is attended with so much inconvenience to the public service, that it has of late been necessarily discontinued. although there is no one in whose favour i should be more disposed to relax than to you, i fear it will be impossible for me to do so in this particular. i am, dear sir, your very obedient and humble servant, spencer. to sir james saumarez, &c. &c. &c. the th of february, being the anniversary of the glorious victory obtained over the spanish fleet, was selected for a promotion of flag-officers; and on this occasion his majesty was pleased to confer on sir james saumarez one of the colonelcies of marines as a reward for his many and meritorious services. earl spencer availed himself of the opportunity to appoint him to the cæsar, of guns, one of the finest, but hitherto most unfortunate, ships in the british navy. sir james hoisted his pendant on the th of february, and had the satisfaction to have several of his officers and crew removed from the orion to the cæsar, in hamoaze, where her fitting out went on with considerable rapidity. on the th of march she proceeded to cawsand bay, where, on the th, she rode out a heavy gale of wind from the s.e. on the following day, in company with the magnificent and impetueux, she sailed for the channel fleet, commanded by admiral berkeley, which she joined off brest the rd april. on the th, lord bridport arrived from portsmouth with five sail more, increasing the fleet to fifteen sail of the line. another heavy gale was experienced on the th, but no damage was sustained. on the th, looking into brest harbour, they were surprised to see the french fleet, consisting of twenty-five sail, partly in camaret bay, and under way in brest water. the fleet stood off ushant; the wind came to the s.e. with hazy weather, and on the same night they escaped. sir james writes:-- "april th.--yesterday at noon, it blowing very strong from the northward, with foggy weather, the signal was made that the enemy was under sail. a general chase soon followed; but, i am sorry to say, they eluded our pursuit under cover of the thick weather, keeping close to their shore, by the passage du raz. the cruise has now taken quite a different turn to what i expected; and it gives me great spirits to find we are likely to render to our country some service. " st of may.--my fervent vows were very early offered, my best love, for heaven's choicest blessings to attend you, with many, many returns of your natal day. the fatted calf was intended to have been killed for the fête; but the bustle caused by the french fleet occasioned its being neglected. your health, however, will be drunk in a bumper of my best wine. i have a letter from the duc d'havré, dated edinburgh, where he was on a visit to monsieur.[ ] he was going to embark for the continent. _mille complimens de sa part pour miladi_, &c. &c. [ ] afterwards louis xviii. "may th.--we have had, the last three days, a strong s.e. gale, which has brought us off ireland. i hope to-morrow we shall fall in with ships from plymouth, and that i shall have the satisfaction of receiving letters from you,--the greatest i can possibly enjoy at this time, except that of beating the french fleet. "may th.--off cape clear.--captain durham hailed me: he says the french fleet were seen a week ago, steering to the southward. these are trying times for those who feel as we do the importance of events, which involve and may decide the fate of nations. "may th.--sir alan gardner has joined us this morning with a reinforcement. we are still without any certain intelligence of the enemy; a few days must determine. i only wish we could soon, very soon meet them, to put a stop to our perplexity and impatience. "friday evening, th may.--we are just anchored in bantry bay. i fear my conjectures of the enemy being gone to portugal, or the mediterranean, and not being destined for this country, are too surely founded. "i have this instant received your letter of the th, by which, though, as yet, very hastily perused, i learn you are at teignmouth. i am sorry to see that you have already taken alarm at the reports which are circulated respecting us: follow the example of lady howe, who neither reads newspapers, nor listens to rumours. i know not who are most to blame, those who invent them, or you who believe them. " th.--we continue without any certain accounts respecting the destination of the french armament. admiral collingwood arrived this morning, and hoists his flag in the triumph. he will take a strong detachment with him for the mediterranean. it is not yet known what ships are to go: but i have been on board lord bridport; and i do not hear the cæsar is to be one of them; which, i suppose, will _please_ you: _in other respects_, there is no doubt that the mediterranean station is far preferable to the channel service. your wish that we should carry away a mast was nearly gratified, the achille and the cæsar having been on board each other in coming into this bay; the principal damage was, however, sustained by the former; notwithstanding which, she will not be obliged to return into port; therefore, form no such wishes, but show yourself a true patriot, and let the good of the country be the principal wish of your heart. the escape of the french fleet, was, i dare say, consonant to these feminine feelings, and see what a dilemma it has thrown us into. " st may.--off cape clear.--i see lord bridport very frequently, who always inquires most kindly after you. his lordship, it may be believed, is not very well satisfied with the present state of affairs. we must hope that future good will result from apparent evil; but it must ever be regretted that the french fleet escaped from brest, without being brought to action. i think it probable sir alan gardner will have the command of a strong detachment, and proceed off cape finisterre; but what ships are to be attached to him will not be known until the separation takes place. should the french fleet be gone up the mediterranean, they will proceed on that station; in which case i hope the cæsar will be one of sir alan's squadron. i am well provided for a long cruise. when i shall hear from you, heaven alone knows! but i am endued with patience, after all our trials. the _éloge_ of mr. morgan, on our dear boy, is a great satisfaction to me, and no less so at knowing him to be where his morals will be attended to, equally with the other branches of his education. "june th.--my last will have led you to expect my being detached with sir a. gardner. we separated from lord bridport, saturday, with sixteen sail of the line; and we are already the distance of lisbon, with a fine breeze, steering for the mediterranean. i almost fear we shall be too late, notwithstanding the expedition we are using. i fell in with a dane, from whom i learned the french fleet had passed the straits, and lord st. vincent after them. "sunday th.--in going down with the information to the admiral, we had the misfortune to carry away our fore-top-mast. i was not a little surprised to find sir alan with only the magnificent and russell, sir charles cotton having been detached to the mediterranean; thus i fear we shall be deprived sharing in the victory we hoped to obtain over the enemy's fleet. our small squadron is returning towards lisbon, instead of gaining the medals we made sure of. " th.--off lisbon. we are anxiously waiting here for intelligence. the admiral surprised me with the information that the object of our coming to lisbon was to take away our prizes. he has ordered me in to accelerate their joining him." sir alexander ball, in a letter to sir james, dated off malta, th april , writes: "be assured that your appointment to the marines and the command of the cæsar, which are given to you as a mark of the high estimation in which you are regarded by the admiralty and the public, has given me more joy than i should have received from the appointment of any other person on the list, because i have had the satisfaction of witnessing your bravery, zeal, and ardour in the service. i am much pleased with your plan of the sword." the commander-in-chief, supposing the destination of the french expedition to be ireland, proceeded at once to bantry bay, where the fleet remained until the end of may; while the enemy passed the straits of gibraltar unmolested, having been on that occasion favoured by a gale of wind, which prevented the fleet under lord keith (though certainly very inferior) from bringing them to action. the french and spanish fleets returned to brest, unobserved, on the st of june. in the mean time a part of lord bridport's fleet, in which was the cæsar, proceeded under command of sir alan gardner to the tagus, which it left on the th; and, cruising back, returned to cawsand bay on the th july. as the enemy showed no disposition to put to sea again, the cæsar, and the rest of the fleet, remained quietly at cawsand bay, and subsequently at torbay till the nd september, when they again sailed. in the course of the three ensuing months it put back three times; and finally, on the th of december , when the admiralty, being desirous of ascertaining whether torbay was a safe anchorage for the fleet during the winter months, ordered the cæsar to continue on that station for the trial, and at the same time placed the london, of guns, under the orders of sir james. the tempestuous weather which prevailed during the rest of the month, and throughout january, afforded several occasions to determine the point. the london, during a heavy gale, parted her cables, and was with great difficulty preserved from going on shore, which left no doubt that it was an insecure and unfit post to shelter a fleet. on the th march , lord bridport took command of the fleet, which was soon after increased to twenty-five sail of the line; but nothing remarkable occurred till the th of may, when a dreadful gale occasioned much damage to many of the ships. the wind was at first s.w. and blew with great violence, when it suddenly checked to the n.w., before the s.w. sea had time to subside: most of the fleet wore. the lady jane, trompeuse, and railleur foundered: the montague lost all her masts, and several others met with damage. it appears by the log of the cæsar that she continued for some time on the same tack, which may account for her having sustained little injury, although it mentions that she shipped several heavy seas. so tremendous was the rolling of the ship, that her lower yard-arms were at one time under water, while the carpenters stood by with their axes, to cut the masts away, if she had not righted. she did not bear up for torbay with the rest of the fleet, but followed two days after, and, having replenished her water and provisions, resumed her station, from whence sir james wrote a letter to lady saumarez, of which the following is an extract: "cæsar, th june, . "of the enemy in this neighbourhood we know nothing, except of their inactivity. i hope they do not mean to leave so fine a fleet, as we have here, useless all the summer. fear not my complying with your injunctions. i shall more than ever strive against _ennui_,--my greatest enemy, i believe, whilst in this inactive state. i read when i can, but anxiety to hear from you, and to have accounts of our darling children, has its share in withdrawing my attention and fixing it on more interesting subjects. of one thing, however, be assured, that with respect to the ship and all thereto belonging, i am as well situated as possible. i enjoy the satisfaction of having a very quiet and well-disposed ship's company, who are kept orderly, and, i flatter myself, well regulated, without exercising severity or rigour. the officers continue as i wish them. captain maxwell, who joined some time ago, is an active, diligent officer in his corps; and mr. packwood, as well as mr. holliday, our new chaplain, are very good men in their respective stations. "although i find amusement in books, believe me your letters form my sole delight, and tend more to lighten the time than all the volumes in hoxland's library." sir james, after another cruise, returned on the th of july, to prepare for a service of more responsibility and importance. the french had now a large fleet at brest, which appeared to be in a state of great forwardness; and, as they had before eluded the vigilance of the blockading ships, it was necessary to place a strong squadron near the black rocks to watch their motions, and to give the command of this advanced detachment to an officer of skill, experience, and intrepidity. earl st. vincent, who was now commander-in-chief of the channel fleet, knowing how highly sir james saumarez was qualified for such an important trust, gave him the following order to take command of the in-shore squadron: you are hereby required and directed to proceed without a moment's loss of time, in his majesty's ship under your command, off the black rocks, where you may expect to find his majesty's ships named in the margin,[ ] which you are to take under your command; their respective captains being instructed to obey your orders: and having received from captain knight, of his majesty's ship montague, authenticated copies of all orders and papers in his possession relative to the command of the advanced squadron, carry the same into execution until you receive further orders. you will also receive from captain knight a sealed secret instruction, addressed to the officer commanding the advanced squadron off the black rocks for the time being, which is on no account to be opened, but under the circumstances thereon directed. st. vincent. to sir james saumarez, &c. [ ] magnificent, defiance, marlborough, and edgar. copy of instructions to the senior officer of the advanced squadron off the black rocks. you are hereby required and directed to take under your command the advanced squadron, composed of his majesty's ships named on the other side hereof, (whose captains are instructed to obey your orders,) stationed off the black rocks and in the bay of brest, for the purpose of watching the combined fleets in that port; adopting such measures as you shall judge necessary for gaining every possible information of their force, condition, and movements. in the execution of this most important service, the line-of-battle ships (composing the advanced squadron) are to be anchored during an easterly wind in the iroise passage, as well to support the look-out frigates, as to intercept a squadron of the enemy which is held in constant readiness to slip out the very first opportunity that shall offer; and during a westerly wind, you are not to fail in making brest every day, if possible, but at all events to take such precautions as will enable you to resume your former position in the iroise, on the first appearance of easterly wind. you are to communicate to me from time to time every intelligence you may obtain respecting the enemy; and in case he should come out in great force, while the squadron under my command is in this rendezvous, you are to give me immediate notice thereof, and also the officers commanding the detachments off the passage du raz, isle grois, and in quiberon bay; but, in the event of my being compelled by tempestuous weather to take shelter in torbay, and of the enemy seizing that opportunity of putting to sea, you are to give me information thereof by every means in your power: taking under your command the detachments off the passage du raz, isle grois, and in quiberon bay, together with the ships named in the margin,[ ] which are directed to keep as near the black rocks as possible, under the orders of captain sutton, for the support of your ships; and to hang upon and use your utmost endeavours to harass the enemy's rear until the approach of this squadron, which, you may be assured, will be in pursuit. given on board the royal george, off ushant, th august . st. vincent. to sir john borlase warren, bart. k.b. rear-admiral of the blue, &c. &c. &c. by command of the admiral. ben. tucker. an exact copy. given the th august john borlase warren. [ ] superb and captain. sir james now proceeded, in the cæsar, to assume the important command off the black rocks, which had deservedly obtained the name of new siberia, as being the least desirable of stations for a ship-of-war. it is, indeed, scarcely possible to describe any situation more miserable; for, besides being at the very entrance of a port containing twenty-five sail of the line ready for sea, which might slip out and attack the squadron of six, the ships are two-thirds surrounded with rocks and dangers, which afford no shelter; while they are open to the s.w. winds. they have often great difficulty in working out, sometimes against the tide as well as against the wind; and, in reconnoitring, they are exposed to the fire of the enemy on each side of brest water. the following extracts of private letters written by sir james to lady saumarez, will be found interesting, as they convey the best idea of his situation. cæsar, off the black rocks, sunday evening, d sept. . _on dit_, but i do not believe it, that the french fleet is to be ordered out by the first consul, at all risks. we may therefore expect to make _minced meat_ of them with our seventeen three-deckers. we remain in sight of the enemy unmolested by them. to-day i had the colours hoisted, to show them sunday was not expunged from _our_ calendar; and divine service was performed on board. our boats have occasionally landed on some small islands near this. captain buller purchased two nice little cows, one of which he has spared me: it is so tame, the children could play with it. it supplies me with milk, and cost me only three guineas. the guernsey traders continue with the squadron; but, on account of the spirits they sell to the ships, i wish them further off. i have been obliged to be harsh with them, from this circumstance; and i expect they will give a very bad report of their countryman when they return to the island. cæsar, off the black rocks, sept. th . sir henry harvey has joined the fleet, which makes up the complement of flags; and it remains to be proved if the earl has influence to effect what he so strenuously aims at respecting the promotion. i form very sanguine hopes that peace will shortly extend its blessed influence over these countries; and that i shall have the satisfaction to enjoy, without interruption, the sweets of domestic comfort. i certainly shall avail myself of the earliest respite the service will enable me to pass in the island; and i think i may have that opportunity this winter; for if the war should be continued, there is no doubt that a promotion would give me, at least, six weeks interval from duty; at any rate, i see no reason for the future affording you anxiety, as whether there, or in england, i depend on our passing a considerable portion of the winter together. i hope master saumarez knows his alpha, beta, &c. by heart. when convenient to the young gentleman, i shall be glad that he will take the trouble to transcribe it for me to omega, as i have no greek grammar by me. i can readily believe the difficulty that attends fixing the little ladies to the french grammar, whose particularly quick and lively temper is not much suited to so tedious a process. i think, notwithstanding, it is the best method, especially as the same grammatical rules are adapted to any language, which they will find useful hereafter. dancing, no doubt, has more attractions. i trust they have quite got rid of their colds: their papa has also had a very severe one, and kept his cabin for two days; but he is now perfectly recovered. september th. i admire n., with his comments on colchester. when you next write, recommend him to try the black rocks in a thick fog, and no chance of letters from england: he will find even norman cross preferable. i, however, believe i have done with that anchorage for some time, as the wind is set in to the westward; and i shall now cruise to prevent vessels going into brest. i am happy to say i am perfectly well. i trust my nerves will prove equal to the task; as i have before often told you, they generally strengthen with difficulties. i mean to make this cruise long enough to entitle me to a relief, therefore do not expect me in port as long as i can keep the sea. sir james immediately gave such orders and regulations as would best guard against, or overcome, the difficulties inseparable from such a service; and, with the prospect of a long winter before him, he sent these regulations, and a list of the rendezvous appointed by him, to the commander-in-chief, whose letter to sir james, in answer, is expressive of the high opinion he entertained of him. ville de paris, off ushant, th sept. . sir, nothing can be more appropriate than the different rendezvous you have sent me a copy of; your change of position must fluctuate according to the sudden changes of the weather, which are to be looked for soon. i repose such unbounded confidence in your zeal and judgment that _i sleep as soundly as if i had the key of brest in my possession_. sir richard strachan and captain buller, in the captain and edgar, will relieve two of the ships which last joined you as soon as they return to this rendezvous, and the canada will relieve the third. as i have applied for captain foley's leave of absence on very important private business, i wish the elephant to be the first sent to me. i am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, st. vincent. sir james saumarez. it was supposed that the brest fleet would take advantage of the equinoctial gales, which were now approaching, and slip out as before, when the in-shore squadron was blown off, or compelled to bear up for torbay; but sir james had determined on frustrating their attempt. on the rd a heavy gale came on, which, in former instances, would have obliged the in-shore squadron to abandon the post; but, instead of bearing up for torbay when no longer able to maintain his position, sir james steered for douvarnenez bay, where he anchored with the whole squadron, just out of range of the enemy's mortar batteries, which soon tried their shells, but without effect. here his squadron struck top-masts and lower yards, and rode out all the equinoctial gales, actually in the enemy's harbour, within a few miles of their whole fleet of four times his force, and in perfect safety! the gale had been very severe; and although earl st. vincent, who was obliged to run with his fleet for torbay, had no fears for the safety of the in-shore squadron, relying as he did on the experience and skill of sir james, yet the admiralty were in a considerable state of alarm until the following account of his proceedings was received: to the right hon. earl spencer. cæsar, douvarnenez bay, th sept. . my lord, on the supposition that the fleet may have been driven from their station by the late tempestuous weather, and as some anxiety may be excited for the safety of this squadron, i take the opportunity by the marlborough to inform your lordship of my having anchored in this bay last tuesday evening, with the ships under my command, where we have ridden the gale out in perfect safety, together with the montague and naiad, which ships anchored here on wednesday. this is a most spacious bay, and may be considered safe anchorage in any weather: it lies about four leagues to the southward of brest; from which port it is only separated about five miles by land, over a mountainous and hilly country. as the same winds that enable the enemy's fleet to put to sea, also lead out of this bay, we can always be in time for them; and this appears the most favourable position to prevent their coasting convoys coming from the southern ports. the enemy has endeavoured to annoy the squadron with shells, but at too great a distance to reach any of the ships, and the whole fleet may lie in perfect safety from any of the batteries. i purpose to remain here until the weather becomes more moderate, to enable me to resume the station off the black rocks. in the mean time, ships will occasionally be detached to watch the motions of the enemy in brest water. i have the honour to be, &c. jas. saumarez. in answer to this, sir james received the following letter from earl spencer, then first lord of the admiralty. admiralty, th sept. . dear sir, i am much obliged to you for your letter of the th, dated from douvarnenez bay, and was much pleased to find that you had got hold of that anchorage, as i felt very uneasy at your absence during the late gales. i should rather doubt whether that bay could be capacious enough for a large fleet to anchor in without danger from the batteries; but i have always hoped that some of our small squadron might avail themselves of that resource on such an occasion as that which has presented itself to you; and i have no doubt that the doing so will much assist the occupation of our fleet off brest. believe me, dear sir, your very faithful humble servant, spencer. to sir james saumarez. sir james, at the same time, wrote to earl st. vincent by the marlborough, giving his lordship an account of his proceedings, which could not but be highly satisfactory. cæsar, douvarnenez bay, th september . my lord, the weather not having admitted the stores and provisions to be taken out of the marlborough whilst under sail, i bore up for this anchorage with the squadron; and early wednesday morning the boats were all employed in conveying the water and provisions to the squadron: but it having continued to blow excessively hard from that time, it was not until this morning we have been enabled to accomplish this service. the montague and naiad anchored in the bay wednesday morning, and are now under sail. it has blown a very severe gale of wind at north-west the last two days, and we have saved considerable wear and tear to all the ships by having taken this anchorage in good time. i propose to remain here during the continuation of westerly winds, or until the weather enables me to resume the station off the black rocks; detaching ships occasionally to watch the enemy's motions. i have the honour to be your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, james saumarez. the right honourable the earl of st. vincent, &c. &c. &c. the following is an extract of a letter which sir james wrote to lady saumarez, and sent by the same opportunity. it will be found to give an accurate description of the important anchorage of which he was the first who was so daring as to take advantage in stormy weather, with the squadron under his command. cæsar, douvarnenez bay, sept. th, . we anchored at eleven last night, and this morning found ourselves in one of the finest bays i have ever seen. it is far more spacious than torbay, and much more enclosed; consequently more secure against all winds. it is the same distance from brest by sea as dartmouth is from torbay; and by land the same as from brixham, not being more than five miles across, over a hilly country; substituting the bec de chèvre for the berry head, and it exactly forms the counter part to torbay. it abounds with the finest fish, of which we shall profit. as it is not possible for the ships to sail from brest but with an easterly wind, which blows directly out of this bay, we can always be beforehand with them. th.--it has continued to blow hard since we entered this bay, and it has now risen to a severe storm. i wish you knew how well sheltered we are in this famous anchorage. captain pierrepont has been with me since yesterday: he has been near fourteen weeks at sea, and, as you may suppose, very tired. i am better satisfied with my situation than since i have been in the channel fleet, and find it far preferable to being attached to it. monday, th sept. i trust my letter by the marlborough has reached you this morning, which will have set your mind at ease as to our safety after the gales we encountered last week. i wrote to you yesterday, but too hastily to express, as i wished, the happiness i derived from having just received your letters of the th and th. they had been too long and too anxiously looked for not to receive the most cordial and heartfelt welcome. i am in hourly expectation of seeing the fleet, the letters from the earl acquainting me with his intention of putting to sea the moment the weather moderated. the superb, with centaur and warrior, hove in sight this afternoon,--the only ships i have seen since last tuesday, when i went into douvarnenez bay; and i have the satisfaction to reflect that, notwithstanding the tempestuous weather, this squadron has been enabled to keep its station, although all the other detachments have been driven from theirs. now that your letter gives me reason to believe you entertain serious thoughts of going to guernsey, like your father i lose my courage at the prospect of it. i sincerely wish i had never suggested the idea, which i was induced to do from the hope of the war being over, and that you would pass the winter more comfortably than in england during the dreary months. i am now become a very coward on the subject, and leave it to you to determine as you think best; at the same time assuring you that i shall endeavour to be reconciled to whatever plan is adopted which is most likely to conduce to your comfort. your account of our dear girls gives me the most heartfelt satisfaction, and of the increasing strength of the sweet dove in particular, whom i truly long to behold,--a happiness i still hope to enjoy ere many weeks are elapsed. i shall expect a letter from the dear boy by the next opportunity from plymouth. the next letter to the earl of st. vincent gives an account of the further proceedings of his squadron, and the situation of the enemy's fleet in brest, which proves how successful his endeavours had been in preventing its meditated escape. cæsar, off the black rocks, th september . my lord, soon after i despatched my letter by the marlborough, dated from douvarnenez bay, the wind having shifted to the northward, i got under sail with the squadron; but in the evening it came to the south-west, with thick weather: i returned to the anchorage, as did captain knight, with the montague and naiad. it continued to blow very strong till yesterday noon, when the wind suddenly shifted to n. and n. by e. i immediately got under sail, and stood out of the bay; the pompée leaving a bower-anchor, her cable having parted in endeavouring to weigh it. from the report of several signal-guns fired in brest soon after the sudden change of wind, i have no doubt of the preparatory movements of the enemy to put to sea, had the wind continued favourable for them; and i carried a press of sail during the night, in order to be off st. matthew's point early this morning to watch their motions. i had a full view of the enemy's fleet, and counted twenty-two sail with their top-gallant-masts struck, but apparently ready for sea. having made the signal to the megæra to reconnoitre, i beg to refer your lordship to captain hill for a more particular report of their state and numbers. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's obedient and most humble servant, james saumarez. the right honourable the earl of st. vincent, &c. &c. &c. his majesty's ship montague, with the naiad, and suwarrow schooner, went through the bay yesterday evening. ville de paris, torbay, th october, . sir, i have to acknowledge the receipt of your several letters of the th, th, th ultimo, and st instant, detailing your proceedings with his majesty's ships under your orders; the whole of which i very much approve, particularly the taking under your command captains sutton and king, with the ships and vessels attached to them: and you will herewith receive orders to their respective captains and commanders to put themselves under your command, and obey your orders for their future proceedings in the important duty of watching the combined fleets. i am, sir, your most obedient servant, st. vincent. sir james saumarez. by this bold and unexpected step, (which the french have since characterised as a piece of _impudence_,) sir james completely frustrated the meditated escape of the combined fleets, which were now thirty-two in number, seven of which were three-deckers. he had, moreover, the honour of being the first to defy the enemy in his own anchorage, proving at the same time that it would not be so easy as formerly to elude the vigilance of the advanced squadron. the weather having moderated after the second return to douvarnenez bay, the squadron resumed the anchorage near the black rocks, daily reconnoitring the enemy, destroying several small vessels which attempted to get in, and keeping under sail when the wind was westerly. in continuation to lady saumarez he writes: oct. th . the anxiety inseparable from this cruise is very considerably alleviated from knowing the fleet is in port, which must prove of the greatest benefit both to officers and men, and to the service in general. i find the rumours of peace are vanished, and that war is determined upon. i trust events will be favourable to this country. there is no doubt the french are much distressed for provisions in the neighbourhood of brest, and that discontent prevails among their troops, who are ill-paid, ill-fed, and badly clothed. it is horrid to see the leading men of all nations so infatuated for war, at a time peace is so much to be desired for the sake of humanity. cæsar, bay of brest, th oct. the delightful weather we have enjoyed this last week has enabled me to remain at anchor off the black rocks. they have lost their gloom from the serene atmosphere, but more particularly from having had such frequent tidings from you, as scarce a day has passed (i believe not one) without being joined by something from the fleet. yesterday, the earl sent me a message that he expected my flag to be hoisted in a very few days; and troubridge writes to me the promotion was to extend to sir edward pellew; and,--what think you!--that lord st. vincent has actually written for captain brenton to be appointed my flag-captain. his lordship, in his letter, tells me that capt. thornbrough is to remain in the mars, and will relieve me here, if the measure he has proposed is acceded to: so you may perceive i have some grounds on which to form my hopes; but i do not wish _you_ to dwell too much upon it. st.--i am now _solus_. captain brenton, who i mentioned had been staying with me, is gone to the ville de paris. i know no one i should prefer as captain under my flag. he is a steady, sensible, good officer, and of great experience, having served several years with admirals as a lieutenant. captain cook dined with me to-day on a _black rock_ dinner, viz. a fine piece of salmon and a nice little _cochon-de-lait_, with _entremêts_, removes, &c. the salmon was sent me with a basket of vegetables from plymouth, i suspect from captain markham; the roaster was a present from captain hood, who, being under sail, could not dine with me. i mention these trifles because i know they please you. the boats occasionally go to the small islands and procure bullocks, &c.; and, as fast as the stock is purchased, they contrive to replenish it from the mainland,--a proof they are well satisfied with the price we pay for it, which is fixed by themselves. th oct.--after near a fortnight passed at what the earl now calls the elysian lake (instead of siberia), a westerly wind compelled me to get under sail yesterday afternoon; and it was fortunate that i did so, as it has blown a gale since that time. by the megæra, which has joined me this evening, i find the fleet is to go to torbay; and, from what sir thomas troubridge writes, i conjecture the earl intends to go on shore part of the winter.... while we remained at an anchor the boats of the squadron were occasionally detached in pursuit of the enemy's vessels. last monday they chased one close under the batteries at the entrance of brest, which has afforded me an opportunity of making favourable mention of mr. lamborn and mr. wood, who were employed on that service. the earl has desired me to send the latter to him to be promoted. the canada, which was ordered to cover the boats, took possession of three spaniards belonging to the principe de asturias, don gravina's flag-ship, who were fishing in a small boat. they are to be returned without being exchanged, agreeably to what i suggested, and i shall send in a flag of truce the first favourable weather. we were so comfortably anchored the last fortnight, and so agreeably employed, that it has nearly spoilt me for the remainder of the cruise. of the promotion nothing further is said, and i have not heard when i am to be released. if i am kept out much longer, and have the duty of an admiral without my flag, i fear i shall grow _sulky_ and impatient. it is not improbable captain sutton may relieve me in the charge of this squadron, as i doubt sir edward pellew being yet ready. i fear the second return of the fleet will have again set your heart palpitating, and caused you another disappointment at the cæsar not being with it. october th.--yesterday i received a very civil reply to the letter i wrote to don gravina, who wishes that i may live many thousand years. the french received the officer from the canada who was entrusted with the flag of truce with great politeness. i sent maingy from this ship as interpreter. they remained at camaret till the following morning. you will not be displeased to hear that the cæsar must go into port _from necessity_, having sprung her main-yard; but, if possible, i shall delay it three or four weeks longer, notwithstanding my _threat_ of losing patience. i shall depend on finding you at dartmouth. cæsar, nov. st. i remain without any of your letters since the th, which i feel a grievous circumstance, particularly at this time, when i am left in doubt whether you are still at dartmouth, or gone to bath. this morning i experienced a severe disappointment. the nile cutter, whose tardy approach for four hours was anxiously waited for, at last joined without any letters, having left plymouth with sealed orders. we have such blessed weather at present that it is almost impious to be discontented; yet i cannot enjoy it while i remain so long without hearing from you. i accuse the earl of indifference to the comfort of those whom it is incumbent on him to attend to. since he has left this station there has been scarcely a day that the wind has not been favourable for vessels to join us. a fortnight or three weeks more and i hope my turn will come, when, if things do not meet my expectations, i shall be tempted to take leave of the good ship, and look out for a snug cottage to pass some time in the enjoyment of your society. i am serious, _je t'assure_. i understand sir hyde parker is to command in the absence of the chief. _cela ne me plait pas aucunement_; for, after having been employed upon this important and arduous service with acknowledged credit, i shall certainly very ill brook being hurried out of port in the usual manner to serve with him: i therefore _go on shore_ unless my views are complied with. i hope to-morrow to have letters from you to acknowledge the receipt of. at present i am much out of humour, and with too much cause to be easily reconciled on any other terms but of hearing from you. nd.--another disappointment this morning, having been joined by a lugger which we hoped had letters, but which proves to be from another quarter. i look for the nimrod: if she joins us to-morrow i shall be satisfied. it has blown strong all day, with very thick weather. i hope for better success, but i still continue out of temper. rd.--the superb, which has been in sight since daylight, is at last joining. imagine my impatience after a whole fortnight since the date of your last letter. captain sutton, who is now with me, has not brought a single letter. i send this by the courageux, and have only time to say that the edgar is hourly expected, and possibly we may be more fortunate. a ship is in sight: i hope it is her. on the th of november the fleet experienced one of the severest gales ever known, which did immense damage to the shipping; but, except the loss of some storm-sails, the cæsar sustained no injury; while several of the others lost masts and yards, obliging them to return to port. but sir james kept his station; indeed, during the whole fifteen weeks he had the command, not a vessel either sailed from, or entered, the harbour of brest. at last, seeing their escape impossible, they began to dismantle the ships; and sir james received the following letter from earl st. vincent: my dear sir, the impetueux took in her guns this day, and sir edward pellew will receive his orders to-morrow morning; and, if the wind favours his getting out of hamoaze, he will be with you in the course of the week. you will receive by him orders to proceed to spithead; but i shall be very glad to see you here _en route_, and i will inform lady saumarez by to-morrow's post of your probable approach. lord spencer has been fully impressed by me of the long and arduous service you have undergone, and seems well disposed to give you the respite so justly due to the cheerfulness with which you have conducted the most important employment of this war. i am not in the secret when the promotion is to take effect. private letters from town and the newspapers are full of it, and i am morally certain it will be out soon; for one of the ninety-gun ships, commanded by an officer very near the head of the list of captains, is nominated for sir erasmus gower's flag, which appears conclusive. sir hyde parker has asked leave of absence; and, as the size of the fleet of observation is much reduced, i conceive it will be granted. yours, most truly, torr abbey, nd december, . st. vincent. to sir james saumarez. the following extract, which alludes to the preceding, was written by sir james to lady saumarez on the th dec.--the earl informs me of his intention to write to you. i perceive he is resolved to become a favourite of yours by his attention. the order for the cæsar to anchor in torbay for twenty-four hours, on her way to portsmouth, will not lessen his favour with you. after this, i suppose i cannot do less than invite you to take a passage in the ship with your two dear little companions; but it must be on condition that the weather is propitious to my views. the station off the black rocks had hitherto been considered tenable only by frigates during the winter; on which service three or four were annually employed; but which, like the channel fleet, occasionally took refuge in torbay. it had been, however, resolved upon by earl st. vincent to form an advanced squadron of six sail of the line; and sir james, as we have before stated, was the officer selected to proceed on this arduous and important undertaking. none but professional men who have been in that anxious and perilous service can have any idea of its difficulties. in such a situation the commanding-officer must consider himself constantly in the scene of action, surrounded by dangers of every description, exposed to the violence of storms, and sailing amidst a multitude of rocks and variable currents, in the longest and darkest nights, and often on a lee-shore on the enemy's coast, while the whole of their fleet is near, and ready to take advantage of any disaster, or change of wind or circumstance that might arise in their favour. it has already been shown that sir james performed this duty to the entire satisfaction of the noble earl, and to the country. no storm ever obliged him to leave his station, which has justly been denominated _the post of honour_. we cannot conclude this chapter with more satisfaction than by subjoining the following interesting correspondence between sir james and earl spencer, which no longer need be characterised as "secret." _secret and confidential._ cæsar off ushant, th june . at this time, when a proper example should be set to the seamen of his majesty's fleet, and a due sense of religion and the practice of it kept up in the royal navy, permit me to suggest to your lordship the propriety of a strong recommendation from the board of admiralty to the commanders-in-chief on the different stations (more particularly the channel fleet) that they will cause the public worship of almighty god to be duly and regularly performed on board the ships under their command, and that nothing but the most pressing exigency shall prevent divine service from being publicly read every sunday on board the respective ships. it is from the too flagrant neglect of this most essential part of our duty that i have been impelled to write _in confidence_ to your lordship on the subject, with the hope that proper means will be adopted to rectify it. we have signals to denote that the ship's companies will have time for dinner or breakfast; why should there not be one to signify that they will have time for the performance of divine service? were such a signal to be made from the ship of the commander-in-chief on sunday morning, it would be generally followed by all the fleet, as they would then know the admiral's intention to give time for that purpose. i trust that your lordship will do justice to the motives that have induced me to write on the present subject, which i have long had in contemplation, and which i have now decided upon from the apprehensions that seem to be entertained of disturbances among the seamen of this fleet, as i know nothing that will contribute more to keep them in the right line of their duty than a proper attention to religious principles, the example to which should be set them by their officers. i have the honour to be, with the greatest regard, your lordship's most faithful and obedient humble servant, jas. saumarez. the right hon. earl spencer, &c. &c. &c. dear sir, i have to acknowledge your letter of the th instant, and am much obliged to you for the hint contained in it. you must be aware how delicate a matter it is for me to interfere in a detail of this description. i shall not, however, fail to make such use of the suggestion as may appear to me to come within the bounds of propriety, and may very probably produce the desired effect. i trust that the present alarm, which has been excited by several circumstances of a suspicious nature, may prove groundless; and i feel very strongly that nothing can more probably contribute to make it so than every precaution being taken in time to prevent an evil, which experience has already proved to us, if suffered once to begin, is so very difficult to remedy. i am, dear sir, your very obedient humble servant, spencer. admiralty, june . the cæsar arrived at torbay on the th december, and on the st reached spithead, where she remained during the rest of the year . chapter xiii. . sir james saumarez is promoted to the rank of rear-admiral.--appointed to command the advanced squadron.--proceedings at the black rocks.--douvarnenez bay.--returns to england.--appointed to command a squadron on a very particular service.--his secret orders, &c. and letter of approbation.--ready for sea.--is created a baronet of the united kingdom. on the st of january , a promotion of flag-officers took place, in order, it was said, to include the name of sir james saumarez; and this flattering compliment was immediately followed by a further honour, in his being ordered forthwith to hoist his flag on board his old ship, the cæsar; while lieutenant henryson, who was senior in that ship, was promoted to the rank of commander. sir james being ordered to fit for the same service in which he had lately been so successfully employed, captain jahleel brenton, who had been recommended by earl st. vincent, and who had been a volunteer during the last cruise, was appointed to the cæsar as his captain. on the th of january the ship came out of harbour, and having received her guns, and her stores and provisions for six months, the flag of rear-admiral sir james saumarez was hoisted on the th; and on the th of february he sailed to resume the command of the in-shore squadron off brest, but joined the channel fleet at torbay on the way thither. on the th march he arrived off the black rocks, where he relieved admiral thornbrough, and soon afterwards reconnoitred the harbour of brest. on the th, the severe equinoctial gale forced the squadron into douvarnenez bay, where the ships anchored in eighteen fathoms, just out of reach of the enemy's shot. here they remained, as much at their ease in the enemy's harbour as they would have been at spithead, and were never molested. on the th march, after two attempts to work out of the bay, the squadron resumed their station at the black rocks. the following is extracted from a letter from one of the officers of the cæsar, dated th march: our advanced squadron of the channel fleet, commanded by sir james saumarez, never quitted the french coast during the late stormy weather. we anchored during the late violent gales in douvarnenez bay, which is, in my opinion, one of the finest in the universe. it is sheltered from every wind but those from w. / n. to w. / s.; and even that opening is protected by a reef of rocks. although the height of the gale was in the worst direction it could have been, yet, having no very considerable sea, we rode it out remarkably well. we lay, much to the disappointment of the enemy, just out of gun-shot of the forts. they favoured us, however, with some shells. we found, upon our re-appearance off brest, that six spaniards had equiped themselves, in addition to six frenchmen, probably with a design to attack us. the government having been relieved from their anxiety for the safety of the in-shore squadron by a despatch from sir james, earl st. vincent, who was now first lord of the admiralty, wrote to him the following letter of approbation: admiralty, st april . my dear admiral, the manner in which you have conducted the advanced squadron calls upon me to repeat my admiration of it. your taking the anchorage in douvarnenez bay during the late equinoctial gales has been of the utmost importance, and prevented the crippling of one or more of your squadron. i heartily hope you continue in good health, for which and every other blessing you have the fervent wishes of your very sincere and obedient servant, st. vincent. to r.a. sir james saumarez. during the whole of this month, sir james kept his squadron generally within three or four miles of the entrance of brest, from which it was never further than as many leagues. in this situation, and by frequently reconnoitring in his own ship, he was enabled to watch the preparations of the enemy, and to frustrate their designs to attack his squadron with a superior force; while he so completely blockaded their port that, as when he formerly commanded, no square-rigged vessel ever entered it, thereby preventing the necessary supplies of stores and provisions from reaching the depôt of their navy. nor did a single vessel escape the unwearied vigilance and perseverance of the advanced squadron during the whole time it was under his command. early in may, letters reached him from guernsey, intimating the great apprehension his countrymen were under of invasion by the enemy; when he wrote to sir thomas troubridge, then one of the lords of the admiralty, who sent the following answer: admiralty, th may . my dear sir james, many thanks for your kind letter of the th instant. i am sorry our _french friends_ do not come out, that you may teach them _english_. the gazette[ ] will show you that our soldiers are getting into the habits of fighting. we heard of the miscreants' intentions on the islands; and i have sent over several gun-brigs, gun-barges, frigates, sloops, &c. and a few additional troops. there are , regulars at jersey, and some more going soon, so that i think they have little chance of success if they make the attempt; but it appears to me that the different powers cannot look on without interfering, and stopping the progress of the villains. in short, i hope to see them soon weighed down in a congress. lord st. vincent's cough is better, and the warm weather will re-establish him. i beg you to give my best compliments to brenton. believe me yours most faithfully, thomas troubridge. to sir james saumarez. [ ] battle of alexandria. thus released from the painful anxiety for the safety of the channel islands, where so many of his dearest connexions resided, he wrote the following letter to his brother, sir thomas saumarez, who was at that time in command of the local force in guernsey: cæsar, off ushant, th may . i have received your kind letter of the th, and am happy to hear that a considerable force has been sent for the protection of guernsey and the other islands. they cannot be too well taken care of, when we consider the infinite mischief they would do to great britain, should they fall into the enemy's hands. i am in daily expectation of being relieved by admiral thornbrough, after a fourteen weeks' cruise, which is rather a longer period than the earl intended when i sailed from spithead. brenton is everything that can be desired. i have found in him a most excellent officer and a most agreeable companion. it appears by his journal, that on the following day he received the welcome orders which put an end to his long and harassing cruise; also a private letter of importance from earl spencer: and, being relieved by admiral thornbrough on the st of june, he arrived on the nd at cawsand bay. having reported the return of the cæsar, he received in answer the following letters from earl st. vincent and mr. nepean: my dear sir, admiralty, th june . i am glad the cæsar is in cawsand bay, because you will be the sooner informed of his majesty's most gracious intentions towards you, in which i have greater pleasure than i can express, as you are to be placed at the head of a detached squadron destined for a very important service, at no great distance from home. i hope the cæsar will not be long in fitting up. yours most truly, st. vincent. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez. admiralty office, th june . sir, i have received, and communicated to my lords commissioners of the admiralty, your letter to me of the nd instant, acquainting me, for their lordships' information, of your arrival in h.m.s. cæsar, in cawsand bay, in pursuance of orders from admiral cornwallis, a copy of which you have enclosed: and i have their lordships' commands to signify their directions to you to use every exertion in completing the stores and provisions of the said ship, as also of the spencer; and, having so done, remain with the said ships in cawsand bay, in constant readiness to proceed on service, when you shall receive their lordships' orders for that purpose. i am, sir, your obedient servant, evan nepean. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez. the following is the reply to earl st. vincent's letter of the th june, dated cæsar, cawsand bay, th june. my lord, previously to receiving the honour of your lordship's letter, i had been informed by earl spencer of his majesty's gracious intentions; and i beg to express my sincere acknowledgments for the part your lordship has taken in obtaining for me this mark of the royal favour. i am much flattered by the communication your lordship has the goodness to make of having nominated me for the command of a squadron to be employed on a very particular service; and i beg your lordship will be assured of my most zealous exertions for the promotion of every part of it. i have the honour to be, &c. jas. saumarez. to the right hon. earl st. vincent, &c. on the th of june, sir james received the following communication from the lords of the admiralty, which could not fail to afford him the highest gratification. most secret. by the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, &c. whereas we have received information that a squadron consisting of five spanish ships of the line, which lately sailed from ferrol, have arrived at cadiz; and that great exertions are now making at the last-mentioned place for the equipment of a further naval force, for the purpose (it is alleged) of an attack upon portugal; we send you herewith copies of the several letters containing the information mentioned: and do hereby direct you, on the arrival of the hannibal, audacious, and thames, at plymouth, to take them under your command, (their captains being directed to follow your orders,) as also the spencer, and either the juste, pompée, or courageux, now in cawsand bay, whichever may first be ready, and proceed with them and the cæsar, with as little delay as possible, off cadiz, where you may expect to be joined by the venerable and superb, which ships you are also to take under your command; and use your best endeavours to prevent the enemy's ships at that port from putting to sea, or to take or destroy them should they sail from thence. in the event of the enemy's squadron getting out of cadiz undiscovered, either before or after your arrival off that place, you are to follow it, according to any well-grounded intelligence you may be able to obtain of it; but you are not to proceed in quest of it to any distant station, unless you should receive such information as shall leave no doubt of the certainty of the enemy's destination. if you should not be able to obtain any information of the enemy's squadron so as to enable you to follow it, you are in that case to repair with the ships under your command off the straits, and send into tangier and gibraltar, and, finding that it has proceeded up the mediterranean, to follow it; but, not gaining any intelligence of it, you are to resume your station off cadiz, and remain there until you shall receive some information whereby your proceedings may be regulated. and whereas it has been represented to us that three portuguese ships of the line are now fitting out in the tagus for the purpose of joining you and serving under your orders, you are, on the arrival of the said ships, to take them under your command, and employ them in such manner as you may judge most advisable in carrying these, or any other orders you may receive from us or from admiral lord keith, (under whose command you are to consider yourself,) into execution. and whereas we have directed admiral sir thomas pasley to order one of the hired brigs, and either a cutter or lugger, to follow your orders; you are to take the commanders of these vessels under your command, and, on your repairing to your station, you are to send one of them into the tagus for the purpose of apprizing his majesty's minister there of your situation, and for obtaining from him such intelligence as he may have to give you. whilst you remain on this service, you are to send occasionally to lisbon for intelligence, and to keep a good look-out for any french squadron which may attempt either to join the spanish ships at cadiz, or to pass through the straits; and to use your best endeavours to intercept, and to take or destroy it, if the force you may have with you should be sufficient to enable you to do so; taking care to avoid it in time, if the enemy's force should be so superior to that under your command as to render it improper for you to attack it; in which case it is left to your discretion to act as circumstances shall require: using, however, every possible exertion to join the commander-in-chief of his majesty's ships in the mediterranean, or to fall in with the same detachment of his majesty's ships; and, so soon as you shall have collected such a force as may be sufficient to enable you to attack the enemy's squadron, you are to proceed in quest of it, and, upon falling in with it, to bring it to action. in case you should get sight of a french squadron, or should obtain certain information that such squadron has passed the straits, you are no longer to attend to the spanish ships in cadiz, but to consider the capture or destruction of the french squadron as the principal object to which your exertions are to be directed; and, in the event of your following any squadron into the mediterranean, you are to send an account thereof to our secretary, as well as to admiral lord keith, with as little delay as possible; and you are also to transmit to him and the said admiral, by every proper opportunity that may offer, accounts of your proceedings, and of every information you may be able to obtain of the movements and intentions of the enemy. given under our hands, th day of june . st. vincent. t. troubridge. j. markham. to sir james saumarez, bart. rear-admiral of the blue, plymouth. by command of their lordships, evan nepean. the following is the copy of information transmitted to sir james with the above letter: no. . dated lisbon, th may . my lord, it appears, from the report of an american captain arrived here from bilboa, that a french corps had passed within a few miles of that place, on their way to vittoria, on the st and nd ultimo. it consisted in the whole of , infantry and , cavalry, well armed and mounted; and had reached their place of encampment, supposed to be burgos, according to the accounts which had arrived at bilboa, on the th day, when the vessel sailed. it appeared evident that no other troops had passed the frontier at that time, though it was uniformly reported that a body of no less than , men were collected at bayonne. the spanish army on the south side of the tagus, between badajos and alcantara, amounts to , men; of which , are encamped at badajos, , at albuquerque, and the remainder between vincenti and alcantara. the prince of peace was daily expected at head-quarters. his aides-de-camp were already arrived, and a train of mules had been collected for the conveyance of his baggage. the french detachment was destined to join the army of castile, which i already mentioned to your lordship has returned from its movements towards the northern provinces, and taken a position to the southward of ciudad rodrigo. its numbers and distribution are not so accurately known, but it is stated to be equal to the army of estremadura, with the addition of the french auxiliaries. i have the honour to be, &c. to lord hawkesbury. j.m. frere. no. . my lord, by intelligence which arrived from cadiz, in date of the second of this month, it appears that there were in that port five spanish ships of the line, which had pushed out from ferrol, conformably to the report which i mentioned to your lordship in my last despatch. there was at the same time (in cadiz) an additional force of eight or ten sail preparing for sea; four of them of the line, and the remainder frigates. this equipment was however retarded by the want of naval stores, particularly sailcloth and cables, which was occasioned by the late fire which has taken place in the arsenal, as well as by the total want of money, which was such that many of the officers were actually reduced to subsist on charity. the informant, whose authority may be depended on, adds that a squadron from brest was expected to join them. it was supposed that the whole armament would be directed against portugal; and this supposition was not weakened by a report which was given out industriously that the object of the intended expedition was to make a landing on the coast of barbary, in order to force the emperor of morocco to shut his ports against the english. the ships from ferrol have the french and spanish colours united in the same flag. it was understood that the ships now arming in cadiz were to be commanded by french officers. they were victualled only for a very short voyage. respecting the danger to which this capital would be exposed by a _coup-de-main_, which might be attempted in spite of the batteries at the entrance of the river, as well as the possibility of effecting a landing a few miles off cascaes, your lordship has at hand the means of information so much superior to any which i could presume to offer, or collect from professional persons here, that i shall only presume to solicit your lordship's attention to the consideration of this subject, and to the necessity which may arise out of it, for employing a naval force upon this station. don rodrigo has informed me that the three portuguese ships of the line, which i mentioned to your lordship as preparing for service, will be ready within three weeks to form a junction with any force which his majesty might be pleased to detach, for the defence of portugal; and that two more would be prepared to follow them within a short time after. it appears by a letter from viana, that the master of an english vessel, who had been captured on the th ultimo by le telegraph privateer, and carried into corunna on the rd, had found there two large french frigates, which had arrived immediately before him in eight days from cherbourg, laden with some ammunition, and destined (as they reported) for cadiz. the master of le telegraph had avoided putting into any of his own ports from the apprehension of being detained, as it was reported that other privateers had been stopped, and stripped of their men, on account of a secret expedition which was fitting out in the french ports. i have the honour to be, &c. j.h. frere. the right honourable lord hawkesbury, &c. &c. &c. no. . intelligence arrived from general o'hara, at gibraltar. arrived by land the crew of the fortune privateer, consisting of twelve men. they report that last saturday, between three and four p.m. they saw two three-deckers and three seventy-fours arrive at cadiz from ferrol; that the santissima trinidad, another spanish three-decker, is completed and ready in that harbour; and that they are fitting out five other line-of-battle ships at cadiz, which have their lower-masts in; that, in order to man the said ships, they are detaining all the crews of the french privateers; that those eleven ships are to be commanded by french officers; and they say the five ships in the caraccas will soon be ready,--that they observed a number of seamen rigging them.--gibraltar, th april . list of the armament fitting out at cadiz. guns. santissima trinidada atlante ferrivel san antonio suberano san justo san januario intrepido firme the above ships are commanded by french officers, and probably, therefore, are those which are alluded to as having been ceded to france. guns guns a. real de st. carlos bergantina st. andre st. hermenegildo balandra aglina st. fernando st. nicalao st. agustino gun-boats [ ] } st. izidoro built by the inhabitants } argonauta of cadiz } fragata sabina gun-boats fragata perula burlates [ ] -pounders each. cæsar, cawsand bay, th june . i have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of their lordships' secret orders, dated th instant; and, in compliance therewith, i have directed captain stirling, of his majesty's ship pompée, to put himself under my command. be pleased to inform their lordships that admiral sir thomas pasley has acquainted me that there is no hired armed brig at this port except the louisa, and has placed the joseph, hired cutter, only under my orders. i am, sir, your most obedient servant, james saumarez. to evan nepean, esq. &c. &c. &c. we need scarcely add that every possible exertion was made on the part of the admiral, the captains, officers, and crews of the respective ships, to get the squadron ready for sea; and in eight days the equipment was completed. before we record a circumstance which, in rewarding the merits of the new commander-in-chief, afforded great and universal satisfaction to the royal navy, we take occasion to introduce a correspondence, which, in order to avoid interruption of the narrative, has been omitted, and which will now be found more interesting. royal george, between ushant and the black rocks, th july . my dear lord, i need not describe to your lordship the merit of sir james saumarez, which cannot be surpassed. in a conversation i accidentally had with him last evening, i learned that his ambition had been much disappointed in not being created a baronet; and he thought i was wanting, in not pointing to this object in the letter i had the honour to write your lordship by him, after the battle of the nile, where he was second in command; and he also conceives that your lordship led him to hope this mark of approbation of his services would have been conferred upon him. may i therefore trespass upon your indulgence, to request you will bring it about, if possible, as nothing can gratify me more, than that officers, who have signalised themselves under my auspices, should be amply rewarded. yours, most faithfully, st. vincent. to the right hon. earl spencer. a copy of the preceding having been sent by earl st. vincent to sir james, produced the following answer:-- my lord, permit me to express my sincere acknowledgments for the very handsome letter you have done me the favour to write on a certain subject to lord spencer. whether it meets with the expected success, or otherwise, i shall ever feel grateful for your obliging intentions towards me: at the same time, i am persuaded your lordship must coincide with my feelings, when i observe that the boon now pointed out was no more than the services i had the good fortune to be employed upon, gave me reason to expect long before this. that health, and every possible success may ever attend your lordship, is the fervent wish of my dear lord, your much obliged, and faithful humble servant, jas. saumarez. cæsar, th july . on the th of june, his majesty, having taken into consideration the meritorious services of sir james saumarez, was pleased to create him a baronet of the united kingdom; and, as an additional mark of the royal favour, permission was granted under the king's sign manual to wear the supporters to the arms of his family (which had been registered in the heralds' office since the reign of charles the second); a privilege to which no commoner is entitled without a dispensation from the crown. of these honours sir james was informed by earl st. vincent, at that time first lord of the admiralty, at the moment the cæsar and squadron were about to proceed on one of the most interesting, and, as it turned out, one of the most glorious expeditions that ever left the shores of great britain. chapter xiv. . sir james sails from england in command of a squadron of six sail of the line on a particular service.--arrives off cadiz.--attacks a french squadron at algeziras.--captain brenton's account of the battle.--loss of the hannibal.--colonel connolly's statements.--logs of the cæsar and ships of the squadron.--sir james proceeds to gibraltar.--remarks.--flag of truce sent to algeziras.--correspondence with linois.--squadron refit at gibraltar. on the th june the signal was made to unmoor; and soon after, for the squadron to weigh. the wind being fair, the ships quickly cleared the english channel, and crossed the bay of biscay. cape finisterre was reached on the nd; on the th the squadron hove to off the tagus, and sent letters on shore at lisbon. the detachment was now joined by the phaeton, captain morris, and proceeded off cadiz, where it arrived on the th june: to announce this, the following letter was written to admiral lord keith, who had then the chief command on the mediterranean station: cæsar, off cadiz, th june . my lord, i have the honour to inform your lordship of my arrival off cadiz with the ships named on the margin[ ] under my orders; having sailed from cawsand bay on the th instant. on the th i was joined, off lisbon, by the phaeton, captain morris, from whom i received the enclosed state of the enemy's ships at cadiz.[ ] the venerable and superb have both joined the squadron; and i have taken these ships under my orders, agreeably to my instructions from my lords commissioners of the admiralty. i shall take the earliest opportunity of transmitting to your lordship a copy of those instructions; but having at present no other vessel than the plymouth, hired lugger, i cannot part with her further than to gibraltar. i have the honour to be, your lordship's most obedient humble servant, jas. saumarez. right honourable lord keith, k.b. &c. [ ] cæsar, pompée, spencer, hannibal, audacious, thames, phaeton, and plymouth, hired lugger. [ ] see list already given. the squadron continued to cruise off cadiz, and frequently to reconnoitre the harbour; while the superb was stationed off lagos as a look-out ship to westward, and the thames in the straits of gibraltar to the eastward. nothing of importance occurred until the th, when intelligence was received as to the situation of a french squadron. sir james accordingly despatched the plymouth lugger with the following letters to the secretary of the admiralty, and to mr. frere, the english ambassador at lisbon: cæsar, off cadiz, th july . sir in my letter of the th ultimo, i acquainted you, for the information of my lords commissioners of the admiralty, of my arrival before cadiz with the squadron under my orders, and of my having been joined by the venerable and superb. you will please to inform their lordships, that, early this morning, a despatch-boat joined me from gibraltar, with intelligence that three french line-of-battle ships and a frigate were seen, on the st instant, endeavouring to pass the straits from the eastward; and the plymouth lugger has since joined me, whose commander informs me that they anchored yesterday off algeziras. as from the different accounts i form great hopes of being able to attack them with success, i am proceeding to the eastward, and i hope to reach the bay early to-morrow morning. the ships in cadiz are getting in forwardness to put to sea. eight appeared this morning with top-gallant yards across and sails bent, and four others with their top-masts rigged. i have directed the commander of the plymouth, hired lugger, after having landed this letter at faro, to cruise off cape st. mary's to apprise any of his majesty's ships of my rendezvous, giving them such further information as he may be possessed of. i am, sir, your most obedient servant, james saumarez. evan nepean, esq. &c. &c. &c. admiralty. cæsar, off cadiz, th july . sir, i have the honour to acquaint you with my having this instant received information, by an express from gibraltar, that three sail of french line-of-battle ships and a frigate had anchored yesterday in algeziras bay, after being three days in endeavouring to pass the straits from the eastward. they are supposed to be destined for cadiz. i am proceeding off gibraltar, in hopes it may be practicable to attack them, or prevent the junction of their other ships, from whom they are said to be separated. i request you will please to forward the letters i take the liberty to enclose herewith. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, james saumarez. governor o'hara writes that he is without intelligence from egypt since the repulse of the french, the st march. his excellency j.h. frere, esq. &c. &c. &c. lisbon. it now becomes our duty to give a particular account of the defensive means of the french admiral. the road of algeziras, six miles distant from gibraltar, is open to the eastward. it is shallow, with sunken rocks in several parts. the town is nearly in the centre, at the bottom of the bay; about a third of a mile from which there is a tower standing on a point, and off this point is isla verda, whereon is a battery of seven long -pounders. about a mile to the southward of this battery is fort santa garcia. the english ships had to pass these fortifications before they could reach the french line. the northward of the town was no less protected, having at the distance of about two-thirds of a mile the fort of san jago, mounting five long -pounders, besides the tower almirante. by referring to the diagrams, it will be manifest that the road is admirably protected by these fortifications, while those at a greater distance to the northward would be of some service in throwing shells, and in preventing the ships from working up to the attack. there were also fourteen large gun-boats, whose positions, as shown, were such as to form a serious opposition to an approaching enemy in light and variable winds. before we proceed to a description of the attack on the enemy's well-protected squadron, we must intreat the reader to pause, while we call his attention to the circumstance of the british ships, led by the gallant hood, slowly and silently approaching the batteries of an enemy, strongly reinforced, perfectly prepared to receive them, and knowing well that they could not suffer any injury from the ships, while every shot from their cannon must tell. silence, undoubtedly derives importance from the circumstances under which it is observed, and we cannot well refer to an instance where silence could have had a more solemn and impressive character than that which must have been observed on this occasion, until broken by the roar of the enemy's destructive engines. captain (now admiral sir jahleel) brenton, who was flag-captain of the cæsar, has kindly transmitted the following particular and authentic account of all that took place on that eventful day, which afforded the enemy a short-lived triumph. we shall make no apology for giving it in his own words: on sunday, the th july , a despatch-boat was seen in the s.e., and at two p.m. came alongside the cæsar, with intelligence of a french squadron having anchored in algeziras bay, consisting of three sail of the line and a frigate.[ ] the admiral immediately decided on attacking them; and ordered the thames frigate to proceed off st. lucar to recall the superb, and make sail with the pompée, hannibal, spencer, audacious, and venerable, for the entrance of the straits of gibraltar; making the signal to prepare for action, and for anchoring by the stern. [ ] le formidable, . dessaix, . indomptable, : and meuron, . the day was beautiful, with a light air from the westward. at eleven o'clock the ship's company was, as usual, assembled for the purpose of divine service. the appearance of this congregation, under the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed,--proceeding, as they all knew they were, to engage in battle with the enemy, with the probability that many had but a few remaining hours to live,--was solemn and deeply impressive. the crew were all dressed in white, as is customary in warm climates; and being arranged according to their respective divisions on the quarter-deck, with the band and the marines on the poop, and the admiral and the officers under the poop awning, an effect was produced highly animating, solemn, and appropriate; while the meek, devotional countenance of the well-tried admiral indicated that he derived his confidence and support from its only true source. our chaplain, the rev. mr. holliday, gave an excellent discourse, appropriate to the occasion; and it cannot be doubted but the impressions it made on that eventful day were deep and affecting, however temporary. i had of course much communication with the admiral during the course of this day and the ensuing night. he was, as usual, calm, cheerful, and collected; foreseeing, and endeavouring to provide for, whatever might be required during the struggle which we were anticipating. he was quite aware of the difficulties we had to encounter, and fully determined to overcome them if possible.[ ] [ ] the following memorandum was communicated to the squadron before bearing up for gibraltar bay: memorandum cæsar, th july . if the rear-admiral finds the enemy's ships in a situation to be attacked, the following is the order in which it is to be executed: the venerable to lead into the bay, and pass the enemy's ships without anchoring; the pompée to anchor abreast of the inner ship of the enemy's line; the audacious, } " cæsar, } to anchor abreast of the enemy's ships " spencer, } and batteries; " hannibal, } { to keep under sail, and annoy the enemy's " superb, { batteries and gun-boats during the attack " thames, { assisted by the plymouth lugger. the boats of the different ships to be lowered down and armed, in readiness to act where required. given on board the cæsar, off tariffa, th july . james saumarez. to the respective captains. at daylight we were off tariffa, with light airs from the westward, which at seven freshened to a strong breeze, and enabled the venerable to open the bay of algeziras, in which the french squadron were discovered at anchor. on the venerable making the signal that she could weather the enemy, the admiral made another to take stations for mutual support. the pompée, venerable, and audacious were soon at an anchor, and at thirty-five minutes after eight began the action with the enemy. the cæsar at nine o'clock opened her fire, and at fifteen minutes past nine came to an anchor ahead of the venerable. the spencer and hannibal passed under our lee, nearly becalmed, and anchored without the cæsar, firing, as the smoke subsided, through the openings between our ships at the enemy. about ten o'clock the fire of the french ships appeared to slacken so much that i ventured to suggest to the admiral that a flag of truce might be sent in, with a notice to the spaniards that if the british squadron were permitted to take away the french ships without any further molestation from the batteries, the town would be respected, and no further injury done to it. the admiral expressed his readiness to do this; but considered the advantage we had gained, as yet, not sufficiently decisive to justify such a measure. and his judgment was but too correct. the decrease of the fire from the french ships arose from their being occupied in warping close in-shore; and, shortly after this period, the pompée having broken her sheer, lost her commanding position relative to the french admiral, whom she had been raking with great effect, and now became raked in her turn. at twenty minutes after ten, the boats of the squadron were sent to her assistance, and, having cut her cables, she was towed out of her exposed situation. at thirty-five minutes after ten, the admiral, observing how much the enemy had increased their distance from us by warping in-shore, ordered our cables to be cut, and sail to be made upon the ships, in the hope of being able to close with them. he also sent me on board the spencer, with orders to captain darby to weigh, and work up to the enemy. the hannibal, having already received these orders, was in the act of obeying them, and soon after opened her fire upon the french admiral; but in the gallant endeavour to get between the formidable and the shore, and not being aware of the french admiral's change of position by warping in, captain ferris unfortunately ran his ship aground, abreast of the battery of st. jago, and under the raking fire of the formidable. in this helpless state he continued to engage the enemy until, to use the french admiral's words, his decks were _jonché de morts_. he had seventy-three killed and sixty-four wounded,--a very unusual proportion, as, in general, the wounded trebles the number of the killed; but this may be accounted for by the hannibal being so near that the enemy's shot passed through her sides without making any splinters, to which the greater number of wounds are attributable. from the time the cæsar cut her cable, she and the audacious were constantly engaged with the indomptable, meuron, and island batteries, and occasionally with the dessaix, as they could bring their guns-to bear; but the perpetual flaws of wind rendered this very difficult, and exposed them frequently to a severe and raking fire from the enemy. the admiral made the signal for the marines to be prepared to land on the island; but, as the boats were all employed in assisting the pompée and hannibal, this was rendered impracticable. at length, finding every effort fruitless to close with the enemy, the admiral was under the necessity of withdrawing his ships from this unequal contest with winds and batteries; but it was not until all hope had vanished of saving the hannibal that he left her in possession of the enemy. the accompanying diagram shows first, the position of the hostile squadrons at the moment the spencer, and venerable, and cæsar, had anchored; secondly, their position when the action ceased, and when the hannibal was in possession of the enemy. the action of algeziras was certainly obstinately fought, and gallantly contested on both sides. it is true that the french had little to do but to attend to their guns, being either at an anchor in their strong position, or warping towards the shore. in this operation the spaniards had the hardest duty, being employed in their boats in carrying out hawsers, and even in heaving them in. success seemed certain to the british squadron till the pompée broke her sheer; after that, it was one continued but unavailing struggle to recover the ground we had lost by this misfortune: and we retreated to gibraltar when all hope was at an end, the admiral justly considering the importance of repairing the damages already sustained, and of preserving the lives of his gallant crew, which would be uselessly sacrificed by a continuance of a hopeless contest. never did i contemplate more real greatness of mind than was displayed on this occasion by our heroic chief. the calmness and cheerfulness with which he met and sustained the sad reverses of this most trying day, were objects worthy of remark and admiration. whilst going into the bay of algeziras, he desired me to look over my signal-book, and to mark such signals as might be likely to be called for. he had already done the same, and when, during the heat of the action, any of the flags were destroyed, or the halliards shot away, i was astonished at the readiness with which he ordered one signal to be substituted for another, according as the signification might answer the purpose, without any reference to the book. on reaching our anchorage off the mole of gibraltar, after giving the necessary orders for the disposal and refitting of his squadron, he returned to his cabin with a deep sense of the responsibility he had incurred; but supported by the unqualified conviction that every exertion had been made to obtain success, and that the disappointment resulted from circumstances over which he had no control. the action terminated, as appears by the log, at thirty-five minutes after one; and the squadron proceeded to gibraltar. as soon as the ship was secured, the admiral sent me on shore to the governor, to relate to him the events of the two preceding days. i found him sitting in his balcony, which commanded a view of the bay and algeziras, evidently deeply affected by the unlooked-for termination of an attack upon the french squadron, and anxiously reflecting on the probable results. on my return on board, the admiral had retired to his cot; and i had no means of communicating with him until next morning. i could then, however, perceive that under all the severity of disappointment he experienced from our failure, and the loss of the hannibal, he felt that no honour had been lost; that every effort had been made to obtain success; and that he derived comfort from the sanguine hopes he entertained that an opportunity might present itself in which he should be able to retrieve the loss. he ordered me to take a flag of truce and wait upon the french admiral, and propose an exchange of prisoners; which m. linois refused, alleging that it was not in his power to establish a cartel for the purpose until he obtained the sanction of the minister of the marine at paris, to whom he had sent off an express as soon as the firing had ceased on the preceding day; but he consented to send over the officers on parole. the object of the french admiral was very obvious. he concluded we wanted the men to replace those that had been killed and wounded; but he thought, justly, that sending over officers on parole would be a harmless act of courtesy, from which we could reap no immediate benefit. it will be seen that, subsequently to the second action, (only six days after the first,) when his despatches from algeziras had scarcely reached paris, he did not wait for an answer from the minister of the marine: but circumstances had altered. we had taken a line-of-battle ship, and burned two first-rates; and he now wished to get as many of the crew back as possible. we shall now transcribe the rear-admiral's official account of the battle: this affords additional particulars, and proves that every step had been taken to insure success; which, but from circumstances that often blight the fairest prospects, would have had a very different result. we shall venture to add, that, had the gallant admiral hesitated to make the attempt, he would have rendered himself obnoxious to animadversions, not only from all the squadron under his command, but from every one on the rock of gibraltar who witnessed the enemy's squadron of inferior force setting, as it were, that of sir james at defiance; while it would have afforded the french and spaniards a just, or, at least a plausible subject of exultation. but sir james, with that decision of character and coolness, when in the presence of an enemy, for which he was always remarkable, did not hesitate one moment on the attack, which was made with consummate skill, and maintained with a perseverance never surpassed. cæsar, gibraltar, th july . sir, i have to request you will be pleased to inform my lords commissioners of the admiralty that, conformable to my letter of yesterday's date, i stood through the straits, with his majesty's squadron under my orders, with the intention of attacking three french line-of-battle ships and a frigate that i was informed were at anchor off algeziras. on opening cabrita point, i found the ships lay at a considerable distance from the enemy's batteries; and having a leading wind up to them, every reasonable hope of success in the attack was afforded. i had previously directed captain hood in the venerable, from his experience and knowledge of the anchorage, to lead the squadron, which he executed with his accustomed gallantry; and, although it was not intended he should anchor, he found himself under the necessity of so doing, from the wind failing,--a circumstance so much to be apprehended in this country, and to which i have to attribute the want of success in this well-intended enterprise. captain stirling anchored, conformably to the enclosed order of attack, opposite to the inner ship of the enemy, and brought the pompée to action in the most spirited and gallant manner; an example which was followed by the commanders of every ship in the squadron. captains darby and ferris, owing to light winds, were prevented for a considerable time from coming into action. at length, the hannibal getting a breeze, captain ferris had the most favourable prospect of being alongside one of the enemy's ships, when the hannibal unfortunately took the ground; and i am extremely concerned to acquaint their lordships that, after having made every possible effort with this ship and the audacious to rescue her from the enemy, i was under the necessity to make sail, being at the time only three cables' length from one of the enemy's batteries. my thanks are particularly due to all the captains and men under my orders; and, although their endeavours have not been crowned with success, i trust the thousands of spectators from his majesty's garrison, and also the surrounding coast, will do justice to their valour and intrepidity, which were not to be checked by the fire from the numerous batteries (however formidable) that surrounded algeziras. i feel it incumbent upon me to state to their lordships the great merits of captain brenton of the cæsar, whose cool judgment and intrepid conduct, i will venture to pronounce, were never surpassed. i also beg leave to recommend to their lordships' notice my flag-lieutenant, mr. philip dumaresq, who has served with me from the commencement of this war, and is a most deserving officer. mr. lamborn and the other lieutenants are also entitled to great praise; as well as captain maxwell of the marines, and the other officers of his corps serving on board the cæsar. the enemy's ships consisted of two of eighty-four guns and one of seventy-four, with a large frigate: two of the former are aground, and the whole are rendered totally unserviceable. his majesty's ships have suffered considerably in their masts and rigging; but i hope will soon be refitted, and in readiness to proceed on service. inclosed is the return of the killed and wounded from the different ships of the squadron. amongst other valuable men i have most sincerely to lament the loss of mr. william grave, master of the cæsar. i cannot close this letter without rendering the most ample justice to the great bravery of captain ferris: the loss in his ship must have been very considerable both in officers and men; but i have the satisfaction to be informed that his majesty has not lost so valuable an officer. the honourable captain dundas, of his majesty's sloop the calpe, made his vessel as useful as possible, and kept up a spirited fire on one of the enemy's batteries. i have also to express my approbation of lieutenant janvrin, commander of the gun-boats; who, having joined me with intelligence, served as volunteer on board the cæsar. i am, your most obedient servant, jas. saumarez. to evan nepean, esq. &c. &c. &c. on the return of the squadron to the mole of gibraltar, the following public order was issued by the admiral. cæsar, in rosia bay, th july . rear-admiral sir james saumarez desires to express in the strongest terms the high sense he entertains of the gallantry and valiant conduct of all the captains, officers, and men belonging to the squadron under his orders, in the attack made this day on the enemy's ships and batteries; and, although the result has not proved so successful as his expectations had framed, he trusts that the glory they have acquired on this occasion will ever be acknowledged by their country. jas. saumarez. to the respective captains. the following addition to sir james's despatch gives the account of the capture of the hannibal, from captain ferris, then a prisoner at algeziras. cæsar, gibraltar, th july . sir, i herewith enclose a letter from captain ferris of his majesty's late ship hannibal, which i request you will please to lay before their lordships; and i have only to express my deep regret that his well-meant endeavours to bring his ship to close action should have occasioned so severe a loss. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient servant, jas. saumarez. evan nepean, esq. admiralty. algeziras bay, th july . sir, i have little more to tell you of the fate of his majesty's ship hannibal than yourself must have observed; only, that from the number of batteries, and ships' gun-boats, &c. we had to encounter, our guns soon got knocked up; and i found it was impossible to do anything, either for the preservation of the ship, or for the good of the service. our boats, sails, rigging, and springs being all shot away, and having so many killed and wounded, as will appear by the annexed list, i thought it prudent to strike, and thereby preserve the lives of the brave men that remained. had i been successful in the view before me previously to the ship taking the ground, my praises of the conduct of my officers and ship's company could not have exceeded their merits; but i have, notwithstanding, the satisfaction to say, that every order was obeyed and carried into execution with that promptitude and alacrity becoming british officers and seamen. i am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, s. ferris. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez. it has now become necessary that we should notice a controversy which has taken place between the authors of the different naval histories on the subject of the battle of algeziras; and we have been led to make minute inquiries, first, into the cause of the discrepancies of the different accounts; and, secondly, into the truth, which we have been the better able to do from our personal knowledge and recent communication with some of the officers of the hannibal and cæsar, on whose veracity we can depend. we are happy to add that the result of our inquiries has been satisfactory, and, we trust, will completely clear up and reconcile the facts, while it will leave no reflection of a dubious character on the conduct of the heroic commander of the squadron. it appears that no difference of opinion arose on this subject until the court-martial of captain ferris, which took place on the st september , at portsmouth, rear-admiral holloway president; when, as usual on trials for the loss of a ship, captain ferris read his narrative, which he begins thus: "in giving a detail of the circumstances which led to the loss of his majesty's late ship hannibal, i am sorry that, owing to my clerk being killed, whose remarks were lost,[ ] i cannot be so particular as to the exact times of signals being made as i otherwise should have been; but i shall state them to you to the best of my recollection." [ ] the captain's clerk is stationed in action to take minutes of the events as they occur. after this admission, is it not surprising that the controversy should be mainly founded on the time at which the hannibal struck her colours? captain ferris says, "about two o'clock;" while by the log of the cæsar the action had entirely ceased at thirty-five minutes past one. it may be asked, why did not the court, which must have seen the discrepancy between his narrative and the public and other documents before it, inquire into the truth by requiring the evidence of the officers and crew, none of whom were examined as to the time the ship struck: but the duty of the court being confined to the trial of captain ferris, his officers and crew, and it being (whether supported or not) evident and notorious that they had defended their ship to the last extremity, they had (unluckily for sir james) nothing to do but to pronounce an honourable acquittal. the next contradiction which appears, relates to the boats which were sent to the assistance of the hannibal. captain ferris says, "the admiral, having previously made my signal of recall, sent a boat from the cæsar, and another from the venerable, to my assistance; but, finding they could afford me none, i sent the venerable's boat back, and the crew of the cæsar in one of my own cutters, their pinnace having been sunk by a shot alongside." i am bound to say that this assertion is not borne out either by the testimony of those who were in the boats of the cæsar and the venerable, or by the officers of the hannibal; because, as will be seen hereafter, these boats never reached the hannibal, when aground, until after she had struck her colours. captain ferris next relates that "about twelve o'clock our ships were all out of gun-shot of the enemy, and we had the fire of the whole french squadron, batteries, and gun-boats, to contend with alone; against which we continued to keep up as brisk a fire as could be expected, even by men in the most sanguine anticipation of victory, until near two o'clock." now this is quite impossible, as, by the log of every ship, the squadron was engaging much later: by the cæsar, until h. m.; by the audacious, until h. m.; by the venerable, until h. m. &c.; before which, the ensign of the hannibal was seen, from every ship, _union down_. it has been unwarrantably alleged by some that the hannibal hauled the ensign down, and then hoisted it reversed, as a signal of distress, and afterwards, when she struck, hauled it down; and that the french hoisted it union down to decoy the calpe. but, for the refutation of these absurdities, we must refer the reader to the testimony of colonel connolly, who was then acting captain of the marines, an officer of the highest character, whose veracity cannot be questioned; and who, moreover, from being the only officer on the poop when the colours were struck, had a better opportunity of knowing the facts than any other. the following are the questions which we put to colonel connolly, with his answers, given verbatim: did the enemy take possession of the hannibal before the colours were hoisted union down? the colours were hauled down by captain ferris's orders, and remained so; but, being so near the formidable, the captain of her was on board of us in two minutes after we had struck, and the colours were hoisted _union downwards_ by the frenchmen.[ ] [ ] when the french happen to take one of our men-of-war, they do not, as we would do, hoist their own colours over their opponents', but hoist the english ensign union downwards. it so seldom happened that an english man-of-war was taken by the french, that this circumstance was known to very few in the navy, and consequently, the ensign reversed was known only as the signal of distress used by merchant-ships. were the colours hoisted union down by the enemy; or, at any time, by captain ferris's orders? by the enemy. did the boats come _before_ or _after_ the colours were hoisted union downwards, to render her assistance? the boats from our ships did not get near us till after we were in possession of the enemy; and i called to an old shipmate of mine in the venerable's barge, and told him so, as he came under the starboard quarter; but he persisted in coming on board, and was taken. what boats were taken; and what boats escaped? a good many were taken. the venerable's barge and her first lieutenant; and another lieutenant, in the cæsar's boat, of some ship lying at gibraltar; beside the mids. i am not aware indeed that any escaped. what french officer took possession of the hannibal? i am not quite certain whether it was the captain of the formidable or the dessaix; they were both very close to us: however, he was a very little fellow. to what prison were you taken? the ship's company were divided into two prisons, which appeared to have been stables. there was no water in one of them, and the distress of our poor fellows, on that account, was truly shocking: often, when they would give money to the people outside to bring them some to drink, they would walk off with it, and never bring the water. on this occasion colonel connolly recognised a french officer who had been a short time previously a prisoner on board the warrior, to whom he had been particularly civil, supplying him with linen, &c.; and who left the ship with protestations of his desire to make every return in his power, if the "fortune of war" should give him an opportunity: but when he claimed the performance of his promise, his reply was, "monsieur de connolly, i very sorry for your misfortune; but i wish you good morning!" and left him with a sarcastic sneer. it is evident, from this testimony, that the colours were only struck once, and hoisted once union down, and only hoisted union down by the frenchmen; and that the boats of the cæsar and venerable were only once on board the hannibal after she was aground; namely, when their crews were taken prisoners. but both these boats were actually sent to her assistance at a previous period, when the hannibal was directed by the admiral to endeavour to obtain a position to rake the formidable; and it was then that they were sent back. captain brenton first received the report of the hannibal having her colours union downwards between twelve and one, while the cæsar was engaging the island battery, and the dessaix and the muiron. the cæsar's boat was sent with others to the assistance of the hannibal, according to the log, at seventeen minutes past one, and must have reached her certainly before the action ceased, and found her in the hands of the enemy, as described by colonel connolly. it is absurd to suppose that, while actually engaging the enemy, captain ferris would haul down his colours, to hoist them as a signal of distress, when he had other ensigns to hoist, and when there was a signal in the book, "in distress, and in want of immediate assistance:" this is a circumstance which, i will venture to assert, never occurred in any naval action. captain brenton, being decidedly of the same opinion, adds, "i can only say, when it was reported to me, _while in action_, that the hannibal's colours were reversed, i considered her to be in possession of the enemy: that the admiral took the same view of the subject, i have not the least doubt; and i think nothing would have induced him to abandon the hannibal while she was engaged. i will further add, that i never remember the slightest doubt being expressed of the hannibal having struck before the action terminated, until i read the narrative of captain ferris, at his court-martial, some time afterwards." the moment these champions of "liberté, égalité, et la mort," entered the hannibal, plunder was the order of the day; and, in their furious haste to get at the officers' trunks, they cruelly trod over the wounded in the cockpit and cable-tiers. colonel connolly relates that in a few minutes one of them had taken his new cocked-hat, and appeared on deck with it. he himself had given up seeking his desk, which contained a considerable sum of money besides valuable papers, because he could not get at it without creeping over the wounded; but the french, not so particular, soon found it. we shall now give the extracts of the various logs to which we have had access. these have never yet been published, and we trust they will set the matter at rest. it is some satisfaction indeed, that all authors agree in declaring that nothing more could have been done, and that the honour of the british flag was to the last gloriously maintained on the th of july . extract of the cæsar's log in the battle of algeziras, th july: winds s.w. and variable. at h. m. p.m. up mainsail and in royals; at h. made the signal for the squadron to prepare for battle, and, anchoring, bent the sheet cable through the larboard gun-room port to the sheet anchor; at h. set steering-sails,--fresh breezes and fair; at h. moderate breezes,--cape moulinau e.n.e. seven or eight miles; at h. (midnight), light airs inclinable to calm,--squadron in company, venerable s.s.e. one mile. at h. m. ( th), in steering-sails, and at h. m. lowered down the yawl; at h. m. a breeze sprung up,--made the signal for attention; at h. m. beat to quarters,--cabrita point, s.e. by e. three or four leagues,--made the pompée's signal to close; at h. set top-gallant steering-sails, and at h. the fore-top-mast steering-sail; at h. m. made the venerable's signal to haul the wind,--took in the starboard steering-sails; at h. in steering-sails; at h. m. in top-gallant sails,--made the signal for being at liberty to engage the enemy in passing; at h. do. to take stations for mutual support; at h. m. set top-gallant sails,--the enemy's ships opened their fire,--saw the venerable break round off,--cæsar fired at a spanish battery in passing; at h. m. the action commenced with the pompée, venerable, and audacious; at h. m. made the signal for the ships astern to make more sail; at h. light breezes, and variable,--opened our fire, and the engagement became general; at h. m. passed the venerable, and came to with the sheet-anchor in nine fathoms,--the sheet-cable became _taut_,--let go the best bower to steady the ship,--spencer and hannibal passed under our lee,--hailed them to get the boats ahead, and tow into action,--light airs; at h. m. the spencer opened her fire; at h. m. the hannibal, do.--our spanker-boom shot away; at h. m. sent boats to the pompée and hannibal; at h. m. made the hannibal's signal to tack,--saw the pompée had broke her sheer, apparently by a flaw of wind, and was raked by the french admiral; at h. m. made the pompée's signal to cut or slip; at h. m., a breeze springing up from the n.w., cut our cable, wore, and made sail, engaging the enemy's ships while passing them; at h. m. the hannibal opened her fire on the french admiral; at h. m. made the signal for the squadron to come to,--the wind on the starboard tack; at h. m. made the signal for the boats to tow the pompée,--cæsar engaging the southernmost ships,--audacious, ditto,--cæsar opened her fire on the island battery,--audacious and cæsar becalmed near the island reef,--boats employed towing the ship's head round; afternoon,--light winds and variable weather,--engaging the enemy; at h. m. made the signal for the hannibal being aground,--employed engaging the southernmost ship; at h. m. audacious wore,--made the signal for armed-boats to proceed as denoted; at h. m. the action ceased,--found the main-mast shot through in five places, (and other damage which need not be mentioned,) nine men killed, twenty-five wounded, and seven missing; at h. came-to at gibraltar, with the small bower employed warping alongside of the sheer hulk. the venerable's log, which we have examined at the depôt at deptford, and which is signed by captain hood, fully corroborates the above, with the addition,--"at h. m. sent the first lieutenant in the pinnace to assist the hannibal;" and this officer (lieutenant collis) in his own journal mentions the same fact. when he arrived at the hannibal, she was in possession of the enemy; and he was taken prisoner, with his boat's crew, by persisting to go on board after he was warned by lieutenant (now colonel) connolly, of the marines. he says it was in consequence of the ensign being reversed that the boats were sent; and, before any of the boats reached her, she was in possession of the french, who hoisted the colours union downwards themselves, and that they never were hoisted in that manner at any other time. these facts are also corroborated by the logs and journals of the audacious and spencer, which will be given in the next chapter. every ship, indeed, mentions the impossibility of affording any assistance to the hannibal, and that the signal was not made to leave off action until her situation was utterly hopeless. the nature of the well-protected road of algeziras being fully manifest in the diagram facing the th page, it is unnecessary to point out the difficulties the squadron had to contend with from the five strong batteries, which were served with much effect by the french artillerymen. the numerous gun-boats stationed at algeziras for the annoyance of our commerce, were from their constant practice in that kind of warfare, of themselves a most formidable enemy; besides, the assistance they afforded in warping their ships in-shore, and placing them in such a position as to enable the different batteries to support them. but the failure of the attack must be mainly attributed to the unsteadiness and faintness of the wind, which enabled none of the squadron to obtain the position it wished; that is, in-shore of the enemy: while, by falling calm at a moment the most disadvantageous, it left the ships exposed to the enemy's fire without the possibility of returning it. the loss sustained by each ship was severe. the cæsar had her master, mr. william grave, six seamen, and two marines, killed; her boatswain, g.w. forster, seventeen seamen, one boy, and six marines, wounded; besides the capture of lieutenant janvarin, a volunteer, mr. richard best, and seven seamen, who were taken by boarding the hannibal when in possession of the enemy. her masts, particularly the main-mast, and yards, were very much injured; her boats were all cut to pieces, besides that taken at the hannibal; and there were many shots in her hull. the pompée had mr. p. roxborough, master, mr. stewart, midshipman, ten seamen, and three marines killed; lieutenants cheesman, stapleton, and innes, messrs. currie, hillier, and hibbert, fifty-three seamen, and ten marines, wounded. she was so completely damaged in masts, rigging, and sails, that all hope of refitting her as promptly as the rest was at an end. the spencer had mr. spencer, a midshipman, and five seamen, killed; mr. chatterton, midshipman, twenty-three seamen, and three marines wounded. she was damaged chiefly in her rigging and sails, which were soon repaired. the venerable had mr. w. gibbons, midshipman, and eight seamen, killed; messrs. austin and collins, midshipmen, twenty seamen, and four marines, wounded; and eight missing. the hannibal had seventy-five killed, among whom were mr. d. lindsay, clerk, and lieut. james williams, r.m.; and seventy wounded and missing. the audacious had eight killed; lieut. day, of the marines, thirty-one seamen and marines, wounded. the total loss of the squadron being one hundred and twenty-three killed, two hundred and forty-two wounded, and twenty-two missing. the loss of the french and spaniards, by their own accounts, was considerable; the former having three hundred and six killed,--among whom were captains moncousu, of the dessaix, seventy-four, and lalonde, of the indomptable, eighty-four,--and near five hundred wounded; five gun-boats were sunk, and others damaged; and the forts, in which eleven men were killed, received considerable injury. the ships suffered a good deal in hull, masts, and rigging; but not so much as was anticipated. the french, as might be expected, from their usual disregard to truth, made this out one of the most brilliant exploits ever performed. their account stated that three french ships had completely beaten six english, which took refuge in gibraltar after leaving the hannibal in their possession, &c.; saying nothing of the heavy batteries and gun-boats they had to contend with. but the spaniards, in the madrid gazette extraordinary, represented the "action as very obstinate and bloody on both sides; and likewise on the part of the batteries, which decided the fate of the day:" and in another place, "the fire of our batteries was so hot and well supported that the enemy suffered most from them; and particularly it is to the st. jago we owe the capture of the english ship, for her bold manoeuvre of attempting to pass between the french rear-admiral's ship, the formidable, and the shore, made her take the ground; and, notwithstanding the utmost exertions to get her afloat, it was found impossible to move her. then the fire from the battery very soon dismasted her, and compelled her to strike."[ ] [ ] james, vol. iii. p. . the diagram, besides pointing out the situations of the five strong batteries, which so completely protect the harbour, and which did the greatest execution, shows the first position of the ships about the time they all anchored, and before the enemy's ships had warped near the shore. the second, represented by the outlines, shows the situation of the hostile squadrons at the time the hannibal struck, when the pompée had nearly reached the mole, the distance of which from algeziras is little more than four miles, and the spencer was considerably advanced in that direction. we cannot conclude our account of this action without a few remarks on the circumstances we have related. there cannot be a doubt that, had the enemy remained in the position he held at the commencement of the action, every ship would have been taken. praise is certainly due to admiral linois for his able manoeuvre of warping his ships aground, being the only chance he had of escaping; while it was acknowledging that, as long as his ships were continued afloat, he had no confidence in protection from the batteries, strong as they were, against the valour and perseverance of british seamen. although the attack was not crowned with the success it merited, in a national point of view the result was as complete as if the whole squadron had been destroyed, as the enemy were thereby prevented from proceeding further in the execution of the ulterior object of their expedition; and the chance of this alone was sufficient to justify sir james in this bold and daring attempt, which, it will be seen, ultimately led to one of the most glorious achievements which adorn the annals of the empire.[ ] [ ] the discrepancies between the diagram and _some_ of the statements given in the logs, are easily accounted for by the changes which took place in the positions of the ships during the action. chapter xv. . observations on the battle of algeziras.--copies of the journals of the spencer, audacious, and venerable.--remarks on them.--further particulars.--the spanish account.--the french account.--bulletin from the moniteur.--anecdote of an occurrence at st. malo.--sword presented to linois.--lines on the occasion.--his improvement of naval tactics.--epigram.--anecdote of the intrepidity of one of the cæsar's men. it has been mentioned in the preceding chapter that, owing chiefly to the minutes of captain ferris's court-martial, and to the discrepancies in different statements, a controversy has arisen on the subject. in order to avoid the possibility of our becoming a party thereto, correct copies of the logs, which are now at the record office in the admiralty, are subjoined, after having been compared with those at somerset house. copy of the log of his majesty's ship spencer, th july . moderate and cloudy,--spoke his majesty's ship cæsar, which informed us of having intelligence of three sail of french line-of-battle ships and a frigate being in algeziras bay,--answered the signal to prepare for battle at anchor,--employed clearing ship for battle at anchor; at h. apes hill s.e.; at half-past beat the general to quarters,--ship clear for action; a.m. light airs and variable; at h. sprung up a breeze from the westward; at h. m. saw three french sail-of-the-line and one frigate, lying under the protection of the spanish batteries of algeziras, and a strong fortified island to the southward, and a number of forts and redoubts to the westward of them. at h. m. the batteries commenced firing on the venerable, pompée, and audacious,--venerable commenced firing; at h. m. we commenced firing; at h. m. found the sheet-cable cut through by the enemy's shot; at h. m. anchored between the cæsar and the hannibal, audacious astern, the pompée on our larboard bow, having a battery and the french admiral's ship to oppose us on our larboard beam, a battery and gun-boats ahead; at h. m. dismasted and disabled a gun-boat that was rowing to the assistance of the others; at h. m. cut the cable per admiral's order whilst wearing,--the gun-boats attempted to approach us from under the land, but the brisk fire that was kept up made them retreat in great disorder; at h. m. answered the signal to come to the wind on the larboard tack (no. ); at h. m. commenced firing at the outer ships of the enemy, which was kept up at intervals. at h. m. observed the hannibal under the batteries at the north end of the town, with her main-top-mast shot away and aground, but keeping up a brisk fire on the enemy's ships and batteries; p.m. hannibal still on shore, but keeping up a brisk fire at the enemy's ships and batteries; at h. m. observed the hannibal to slacken her fire, shortly after the ensign hauled down and hoisted union downwards; at h. m. observed the enemy's boats boarding the hannibal; at h. m. ceased firing,--found the ship had suffered considerably in her hull, having several shots on both sides between wind and water. our loss in the action was six killed, twenty-seven badly wounded, two of whom died of their wounds. the fore-mast, bowsprit, main-top-mast, main-top-gallant yard, and main-top-sail yard badly wounded; the boats and booms shot through in several places; the cutter and yawl that were towing astern were sunk by the enemy. at h. m. anchored per signal, and moored ship in rosia bay, gibraltar. the following is a correct copy of the audacious's log, at somerset house. this log, like the former, begins in the evening of the th july . wind s.w. p.m. moderate and hazy; half-past tacked,--cape trafalgar s.e. three or four leagues,--got springs on the anchors; at h. standing up the gut of gibraltar,--admiral s. by w. three-quarters of a mile; at h. taken aback, came to the wind on the land-tack; at h. gibraltar rock n. by e. four or five leagues,--shortened sail to let the pompée go ahead to her station; at half-past , saw the enemy's ships at anchor in algeziras roads, consisting of three line-of-battle ships, a frigate, gun-boats, &c.; three-quarters past , the batteries commenced firing on our ships as they passed; twenty minutes past , the enemy's ships began to fire on our ships; at half-past , the action became hot on both sides,--the venerable, pompée, and audacious as yet only in action; at half-past , the cæsar, spencer, and hannibal joined the action against the ships and batteries; at h. cut the cables, and tried to tow the ship's head round to the eastward, to bring the ship's broadside to bear on her opponent, but without effect; by this time the sails and rigging being much cut up, and the ship unmanageable, got the kedge anchor with a five-inch hawser out on the starboard bow, and succeeded in bringing the broadside to bear; at noon, light airs inclining to calm,--cæsar, spencer, under way, still in action. p.m. dark weather; at forty-five minutes past , the venerable and pompée hauled to the wind on the starboard tack; at h. cut the sheet-cable, and slipped the end of the kedge hawser, and spring on the sheet-anchor,--got the boats ahead to tow,--found the ship drifting under the island fort, which did us considerable injury,--the rocks close under the lee-bow,--cut away the best bower-anchor to check her head, and bring her broadside to bear, it being calm; at twenty minutes past , a light breeze sprung up off-shore,--cut away the best bower-cable, and made sail on the starboard tack,--observed the hannibal on shore, and the enemy take possession of her; at h. anchored in rosia bay, gibraltar. the next is the journal of captain hood of the venerable. th july . monday, th july, wind variable off algeziras,--gibraltar bay, light breezes, and variable,--the captain went on board the cæsar,--all sail set,--squadron in company,--the captain returned,--got the sheet-cable through the stern-port, and bent it to the anchor,--got springs on the sheet and bower-anchors; at h. captain hood went on board the admiral; at h. returned,--received a midshipman and seven men per the plymouth lugger, and from the boladore, spanish lugger; at h. cape trafalgar, n.e. seven or eight miles,--all sail set,--made and shortened sail occasionally for the squadron, and tacked occasionally,--a.m. do. weather; at h. made more sail; at h. discovered the enemy, consisting of three two-decked ships and a frigate, with an admiral's flag flying, at anchor under the town and batteries of algeziras, protected by many gun-boats, &c.--all sail set, standing in for the enemy, followed by the pompée, audacious, cæsar, spencer, and hannibal; at h. m. the batteries opened their fire on us,--pompée and audacious one mile and a half distant from us astern. at h. it fell calm; at h. m. the pompée and audacious, bringing up the breeze, passed us to windward, when the enemy's ships opened their fire on us; at h. m. a light air sprung up,--passed the audacious to leeward, at which time the pompée and audacious opened their fire; at h. m. the breeze dying away, came to with the sheet-anchor, as did the pompée and audacious,--hove in the spring; and at h. m. opened our fire on the french admiral's ship: at h. the cæsar anchored on our bow, and sent a spring on board of us; at the same time the action became general, and the hannibal got on shore, after attempting to cut off the french admiral's ship. at h. m. the pompée drifted between us and the french admiral's,--hove in our spring, and brought our guns to bear on the other enemy's ship on our bow, and the other's stern: at h. the pompée drifted between our fire and the enemy's,--slipt the sheet-cable, and eight-inch hawser, the spring, with the intention of getting alongside the enemy's southernmost ship,--light air springing up at the time from the n.e.; in awaiting this opportunity, the mizen-top-mast, fore-braces, and jibb halyards, with various other standing and running rigging, shot away, and main-mast badly wounded: at h. m. breeze dying away prevented our intention,--opened our fire on the southernmost ship; at h. calm and hazy,--cæsar, hannibal, audacious, spencer, and us still firing on the enemy's ships, batteries, and gun-boats,--boats of the squadron towing off the pompée to gibraltar; p.m. calm,--still firing on the enemy's ships, which were warping farther in-shore. at h. m. sent lieutenant collis in the pinnace to assist the hannibal; at h. m. finding it impossible to near the enemy's ships with safety, it being calm, and a strong current setting in-shore, their batteries firing red-hot shot and throwing shells, ceased the action as per signal, as did the other ships, and steered for gibraltar,--observed the hannibal ceased firing, and hoist the colours reversed, having her fore and mainmasts shot away, and being in ten foot water, rendered all assistance useless. nov. .[ ] s. hood. [ ] the journal of lieutenant collis of the venerable, the officer who was sent to assist the hannibal, and was taken prisoner when on board, but who was sent to gibraltar on parole, need not be given, as it is an exact copy of the captain's log. thus the logs and journals of the captains and officers of the spencer, audacious, venerable, and cæsar, all agree that the hannibal struck her colours between h. m. and h. m. the pompée, being by this time near the mole at gibraltar, could not see nor take minutes of that circumstance. the spencer, according to her position at that time, was in the best situation for seeing the hannibal, and accordingly her log is the most particular. the cæsar's log need not be given, as it would be merely a repetition of captain brenton's narrative. all these agree with colonel connolly's testimony, and their evidence is quite conclusive as to the following facts; namely, that the hannibal struck her colours before the main-mast fell; that these colours were hoisted union down by the enemy, who had possession of the ship before the boats came alongside from the venerable and cæsar, and that to save her was quite impossible. the following further particulars relative to the action are given in the extract of a letter from an officer of the cæsar, dated at gibraltar: there is one point that needs explanation; namely, when the cæsar cut her cable at half-past ten o'clock, it was from a fine breeze springing up, and the hope of closing with the enemy. orders were given for that purpose to the audacious and venerable; the cæsar wore round them, and brought her broadside to bear on the indomptable's bow, lying there (about three cables distant from her) a considerable time, with the fore-top-sail to the mast (aback). the audacious, bringing up a breeze from the north-west, passed between us and the enemy, who, in this part of the day, suffered materially, his fore-top-mast going about five minutes before twelve o'clock. shortly afterwards, the audacious and cæsar were becalmed upon the broadside of the indomptable, without being able to bring one of their guns to bear,--the cæsar not more than three cables' length from the island battery, and the audacious still nearer,--both ships drifting on the reef. it was at this time that sir james saumarez formed the resolution of attacking the island with marines. boats were signalised for the purpose; but, being all employed with the pompée, or sunk by the enemy's fire, it was found impracticable. a breeze again sprung up, and sir james directed his ship to be laid alongside of the indomptable, in the firm resolution of carrying her. the sails were trimmed for that purpose as well as the crippled state of the masts would allow, but a calm ensued. the venerable had never received the breeze from the time of her cutting, and still lay unmanageable. the spencer had drifted considerably in repairing her rigging. the following is a translation of the spanish official account of the battle of algeziras, th july : the division of three french line-of-battle ships and one frigate, under the command of rear-admiral citizen linois, that sailed from the road of toulon on the th last june, destined for cadiz, came in sight of this station and bay on the st of july; and, the levant wind having failed on entering the straits, they cruised between the coast of africa and that of europe, in which they captured the english brig of war the speedy, of sixteen guns, that was a mahon packet, and was conducting to gibraltar a prize, the merchant brig the union, loaded with oil and provisions. the continuation of the westerly winds obliged the said division to come into this port on the th instant, at seven in the evening. from that moment, recollecting the desperate attacks of the english at alexandria and copenhagen, we could not but expect that their squadron, which had been seen off cadiz on the rd instant, under the command of rear-admiral saumarez, would come and attack this division. so it happened. as soon as the english received intelligence where the french had anchored, they steered directly for the straits; and, on the th instant, at half-past six in the morning, six english ships doubled the point of carnero, and, coming round the island of algeziras, advanced in a line within half cannon-shot of the french ships. the batteries of st. garcia and the island opened their fire upon the english; and afterwards the frigate and republican ships. as soon as the english line came opposite the french ships at anchor, they opened upon them an animated, bold, and unremitting fire. the english admiral having placed himself against the french, and the british ship hannibal being under sail, cannonaded furiously the french admiral, who, with superior spirit and success, resisted them; insomuch that, having carried away the admiral's mizen-mast, and sails of the main and fore-mast, with no small damage of his hull, the commander of the english ship hannibal, despising the fire from the battery of st. jago, pushed on to his succour; and, intending to place the french admiral between two fires, by running between him and the shore, had the imprudence, being unacquainted with his position, to place himself within a quarter of a gun-shot of the battery, and ran aground. he relieved his admiral, who, after this, went out of the action; but he lost his own ship and crew, as the fire from the battery and french admiral dismantled him, and killed three parts of his ship's company. until this ship's surrender, which was about the time of the retreat of the english admiral, the fire was constant upon the two french ships and frigate, as well as upon the seven spanish gun-boats, the batteries of the island, st. garcia, st. jago, la almiranta, and almirante, which, as opportunity offered, returned their fire. the battle lasted from half-past eight o'clock in the morning, when the fort of st. garcia opened its fire, till two in the afternoon, when the last shot was fired from the french ship indomptable. the persevering, active, and tremendous fire of the enemy, and that of the two nations (french and spanish), were only distinguishable by the prudence, skill, and greatness of soul with which the allied chiefs directed theirs, and the audacity, temerity, and confusion which were shown in that of the english. the idea of this kind of fighting, which we form from the account of the battles of alexandria and copenhagen, does not, in proportion to the numbers engaged, bear any comparison with that of algeziras, either in point of bloodiness or obstinacy. the english, after having left the glory and the field of battle to the two nations, covered with shame, and taught by dear-bought experience, have only given an unequivocal proof of their inveterate hatred to france and spain; since, not being able to obtain any advantage over the french and spanish forces, they directed their fire against an inoffensive town, which received no small injury in the buildings. this is the only glory which the arms of great britain have to boast of. the pompée was towed out of the action by eight boats, who came to her succour from the garrison of gibraltar. she was kept afloat by casks, or otherwise could not have been brought in. the ships of the french republic which sustained this attack were the formidable, , citizen linois; dessaix, , moncousu, killed; l'indomptable, , la londe, killed; the frigate muiron, , martinencq; five spanish gun-boats damaged, and two sunk. in the french ships, three hundred and six killed; one hundred and eighty-four wounded. we suppose in the english squadron above five hundred are killed, and from two hundred and seventy to two hundred and eighty wounded. madrid gazette extraordinary. merida, july . the general commandant of the camp at st. roque, in a despatch of the th instant, transmitted by a courier extraordinary, communicates an account of an action which has been fought between six sail of the line, and other vessels of war, belonging to the english, and the french squadron of three ships of the line, and one frigate, lying at anchor in the harbour of algeziras; and of the glorious result which has taken place for his majesty's arms, and those of the republic, his ally. about eight in the morning of that day, (viz. the th,) there were seen, coming out of gibraltar, one ship of eighty-four guns, five of seventy-four, a lugger of sixteen, another of ten, and a polacre of ten, two armed launches, and fourteen boats. this force, under the command of a rear-admiral, stood into algeziras, for the purpose of attacking the french squadron then anchored in that port, which, as has been already stated, consisted of three sail of the line, and one frigate. the commanders of this squadron, being aware of the enemy's intention, made their dispositions for defence, placing themselves, as well as they were able, under the cover of our batteries, and waiting in this position for his approach. the action commenced at nine; it was very obstinate and bloody on both sides, and likewise on the part of our batteries, which decided the fate of the day. the action was continued till two in the afternoon, at which hour the english drew off with the loss of one ship of the line; taking in tow another, which was dismasted and damaged in the hull; and having sustained very great loss and damage in the rest of their vessels. their loss in men must have been considerable, as it is certain that a great number were killed and wounded on board all the ships. the french also have been equal sufferers, the killed and wounded in their squadron being estimated at eight hundred: that of our troops has been less; out of the whole, only the royal regiment of ronda has lost eleven men. the fire of our batteries was so hot and well supported, that the enemy suffered most from them; and particularly it is to that of st. jago we owe the capture of the english ship, for her bold manoeuvre of attempting to pass between the french rear-admiral's ship, the formidable, and the shore, made her take the ground; and, notwithstanding the utmost exertion to put her afloat, it being found impossible to move her, the fire from the battery very soon dismasted her, and compelled her to strike. the french vessels, and our batteries, have likewise received a good deal of damage; but they are already in a course of repair; and the most active dispositions are making in order to cause the enemy to repent, should he have any intention of renewing the action with troops so animated and well-conducted as ours and the french have proved themselves in the engagement of the th. the french account of this action, as we have already noticed, was still more exaggerated than the spanish; and, unfortunately for the friends and relatives of the admiral, officers, and men of the squadron, it made its way to england some time previously to the _true_ accounts,--causing much uneasiness. the _moniteur_ announced that on the th july, at eight o'clock in the morning, the cannonade commenced against six english ships, which lost no time in coming within musket-shot of the french vessels. the action then became very warm. these two squadrons seemed equally animated with a determination to conquer. if the french squadron had any advantage in point of situation, the english had double their force, and several of their vessels had ninety guns each: already had the english ship, hannibal, of seventy-four guns, contrived to place herself between the french squadron and the shore. it was now eleven o'clock a.m., and this proved the decisive moment. for two hours the formidable, the french admiral's ship, successfully opposed three english ships. one of the british squadron, which was singly engaged with a french vessel, struck her colours at three-quarters past eleven. immediately after, the hannibal, exposed to the fire of three french ships, which fired from two decks, also struck her colours: about half-past twelve, the english squadron cut their cables, and sailed away. the hannibal was boarded by the formidable. of six hundred men, who composed her crew, three hundred were killed. the first ship that struck her colours was retaken by a great number of gun-boats, and other vessels, sent out from gibraltar. this action covers the french arms with glory, and shows what they are capable of accomplishing. rear-admiral linois _proceeded to cadiz with the hannibal, in order to repair her damage_.[ ] we wait with impatience the returns of the loss sustained by each ship. [ ] this was a gratuitous falsehood. these accounts appear to have reached paris on the th july. on the th, the following bulletin reached st. malo. three french ships of the line and a frigate, under the command of rear-admiral linois, were attacked on the th instant by six english sail of the line and a frigate. the english were completely beaten, and took refuge in gibraltar, leaving in possession of the french the hannibal, of seventy-four guns: another ship of the line had struck, but was towed off by a great number of gun-vessels, which sailed from gibraltar to her relief. about this time, the jason frigate, having been wrecked near st. malo, the captain and crew were made prisoners. the author was sent in with a flag of truce by commodore cunningham, of the clyde, to negotiate for the exchange of prisoners; when the french officer, with an air of triumph and exultation, handed him a copy of that bulletin: but, as soon as the negotiation was ended, the author had the pleasure of handing to him, in return, the gazette account of the victory of the th, which sir james saumarez had gained over linois, and which the commodore had received, fortunately, on that day. the frenchman's chagrin may be easily imagined, when he threw down the gazette, with the exclamation '_ce n'est pas vrai_!' on the statement of linois' victory, as it was called, reaching paris, a handsome sword was sent to him; which, however, did not reach him until after his subsequent defeat. on this occasion the following epigram was written. in the days of the bourbons, a man was _rewarded_ for _standing_ the brunt of the day: but, now, this old maxim in france is _discarded_,-- men are honoured for _running away_! in the french accounts nothing was mentioned of their running their ships aground to escape from the english, which is, indeed, the only thing citizen linois deserved any credit for doing. at the same time, it could not fail to convince both the french and spanish troops, of the want of confidence he must have had in his crews, and of their evident inferiority: it was certainly a new mode of fighting, which called forth the following lines on this improvement in naval tactics. to mar our skill, fam'd linois, thou hast found a certain way,--by fighting ships on _ground_; fix deep in sand thy centre, van, and rear, nor e'er st. vincent, duncan, nelson, fear. while, o'er the main, britannia's thunder rolls, she leaves to thee the trident of the _shoals_! in concluding this chapter, we shall relate the following anecdote of british heroism, derived from captain brenton's naval history. when, in the hottest part of the action at algeziras, the cæsar _broke her sheer_,--that is, her situation was altered by a puff or flaw of wind so as to change the direction of her head, and turn her round, that her guns could not be brought to bear on her opponent,--the captain ordered the boat to be lowered down from the stern, to convey a warp to the audacious; but the boat was found to be knocked to pieces by the enemy's shot. before other means could be resorted to, michael collins, a young sailor belonging to the cæsar's mizen-top, seized the end of a lead-line, and exclaiming, "you shall soon have a warp," darted into the sea from the tafrail, and swam with the line to the audacious, where it was received, and by that means a hawser was run out which answered the intended purpose. chapter xvi. . mole of gibraltar.--negociation for the exchange of prisoners unsuccessful.--captain ferris and the officers of the hannibal return on parole.--they sail for england in the plymouth lugger, which carries home despatches and private letters.--despatch sent to lord keith.--admiral saumarez shifts his flag to the audacious.--extraordinary exertions of the crew of the cæsar.--their admirable conduct.--captain brenton and the garrison.--arrival of the spanish squadron at algeziras.--increased exertions of the crews of the squadron.--private letters.--preparations to attack the enemy. the squadron being now in the mole at gibraltar, the wounded having been removed to the hospital, and the necessary orders given for refitting with all possible speed, the admiral lost no time in turning his attention to the situation of the captain, officers, and crew of the unfortunate hannibal, which had so nobly maintained the honour of the british flag. sir jahleel brenton says, "he ordered me to take a flag of truce, and wait upon the french admiral (linois), proposing an exchange of prisoners, which the latter refused, alleging that it was not in his power to establish a cartel for the purpose, until he obtained the sanction of the minister of the marine at paris, to whom he had sent off an express, as soon as the firing had ceased, on the preceding day; but he consented to send over on parole captain ferris and the officers of the hannibal. the object of the french admiral was very obvious; he concluded we wanted to replace the men who were killed, and wounded; but he justly thought, that sending officers on parole would be an act of harmless courtesy, from which we could reap no immediate benefit. it will be seen that, after the second action, when his dispatches from algeziras could scarcely have reached paris, (only six days having elapsed,) he did not wait for an answer from the minister of marine. but circumstances had altered; we had taken a line-of-battle ship, and burned two first-rates; and he then wished to get back as many of the crews as possible." the following correspondence, which took place between sir james saumarez and the french admiral linois, shows the deep interest sir james took in the distressing situation of the crew of the hannibal, of which an account was brought to him by captain brenton, together with the assurance that captain ferris and his officers would be liberated on parole. cæsar, off rosia bay, th july . sir, solicitous as i am for the welfare of the men unfortunately wounded on board his majesty's ship hannibal, and desirous to have them conveyed as speedily as possible to this garrison, i propose to send a boat early to-morrow morning with a flag of truce, and i trust no objection can be made to their coming by her. being informed that captain ferris and his officers have permission to come on their parole, a boat will also be sent for them. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, jas. saumarez. to rear-admiral linois, commanding the french squadron at algeziras. the boat having returned from algeziras with captain ferris and his officers, but not with the crew of the hannibal, sir james despatched another boat, with the following letter to admiral linois: cæsar, off rosia bay, th july . sir, having received different reports, particularly from captain ferris, that the men who had the misfortune of being wounded on board his majesty's ship hannibal are left in the most afflicting condition, and are unprovided with every kind of refreshment, i am impelled, from motives of humanity, to renew my application to you that they may be permitted to come to this place by the boat now sent for them; and that you will also permit those wounded men who are confined in the prison, and who, i understand, are without any surgical attendance whatever, to accompany them. i have the honour to be, sir, with all possible regard, your obedient servant, james saumarez. to rear-admiral linois, commanding the french squadron at algeziras. this application was, however, not attended with success; and the sufferings of the unfortunate wounded at algeziras were extreme, until circumstances changed, in consequence of the second action. we shall now continue the authentic and interesting communication which sir jahleel brenton has so kindly made to us: "the morning of the th july was passed in getting the cæsar secured in the mole, and in landing the wounded men that still remained on board; also in stripping the ship, and in ascertaining the amount of injury she had sustained. the main-mast was so much injured that it became necessary to take it out and get in a new one; the fore-mast was also very badly wounded, but capable of being fished and rendered serviceable. every effort was made to complete our repairs, and get again ready for sea. on the following day, captain ferris and his officers, who were sent on parole, arrived. they were accompanied by lord cochrane and the officers of the speedy, sloop of war, which had been taken on the rd by linois' squadron, off malaga." the admiral now prepared duplicates of his despatches for the admiralty, which lieutenant janvarin, of the calpe, who was taken in the cæsar's boat, assisting the hannibal, had been previously charged to carry to faro. these were confided to lieutenant hills, of the hannibal, who, with captain ferris, were embarked on board the plymouth lugger for england. sir jableel brenton says: "on taking leave of the admiral, the scene was deeply interesting, and even affecting. sir james, after giving captain ferris the highest credit for his gallant daring, to which the loss of the hannibal was attributed, and lamenting that their united endeavours had not been crowned with the success they merited, added, adverting to his despatches, 'tell them, sir, that i feel convinced i shall soon have an opportunity of attacking the enemy again, and that they may depend on my availing myself of it.'" on the th, in the afternoon, the superb and thames, which had continued to watch the enemy off cadiz, were seen coming through the straits under a crowd of canvass, with the signal for an enemy flying; and they had scarcely rounded cabrita point before the spanish squadron, consisting of six sail of the line, were seen in pursuit of them, and soon after anchored in algeziras with the french squadron. sir james now added the following to his despatches to lord keith: cæsar, gibraltar, th july . my lord, i have the honour to inform your lordship that the superb and thames are now standing into the bay, with the signal for the enemy's being in sight; and i understand from governor o'hara that he has information from cadiz that all the spanish and french ships in that port were ordered to algeziras bay to take the french ships to carthagena. i hope to have all the squadron ready before this day week; and, as they cannot possibly put to sea under a fortnight at the earliest, i hope something may join me from your lordship before they can put to sea: but, on the event of their sailing before such junction, i shall follow them up with all the ships with me, and proceed off minorca, which will be my rendezvous till i have the honour of hearing from your lordship. i am sorry to mention that the hannibal is got off; but captain ferris, who has just come over on his parole, describes her in the worst condition, as well as the three french ships, and does not think they can be repaired under a fortnight or three weeks at the earliest; as does lord cochrane, who is likewise come over on his parole. i have the honour to be your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, james saumarez. to right hon. lord keith, k.b. &c. &c. &c. the public despatches being closed, sir james wrote the following letters, which were sent by the same conveyance; and, as they contain his own private feelings on the occasion, they will be read with interest: cæsar, rosia bay, th july . my dear richard, after the warm expectations my friends have always formed for my success in the public service, they will be distressed on being informed of my having failed in an enterprise with the squadron on three french line-of-battle ships at anchor off algeziras. i was informed by different expresses from this garrison of their having attempted to pass the straits for cadiz, and having anchored at some distance from the batteries. i made sail yesterday with the intention to attack them, if found practicable. we got round the point of the bay at about seven this morning, and at half-past eight the action began, and during the first hour, promised the most favourable hopes of success; when, by a most unfortunate circumstance, the hannibal got aground, and at once destroyed all my expectations, though the action was continued for nearly four hours after. every possible effort was made to rescue her from the enemy's fire; and after repeated attempts, and a very great risk of this ship and the audacious getting on shore under the enemy's batteries, i was under the necessity of abandoning the hannibal to her fate. although we have not succeeded in bringing off the enemy's ships, they are, we believe, very seriously damaged. two of them are aground, and it is not expected they will be got off. wednesday, th july . having found a conveyance by way of tangier, i sent you a duplicate of this. the superb and thames have just made their appearance, with the signal for the enemy being out of port. i think it is a good thing to have drawn them this way, as i trust the first levanter will bring us ships from the mediterranean. captain ferris goes by this opportunity, and has promised to forward this immediately to you. he will be heard of at the admiralty, or at the adelphi hotel. great praise is due for the brave defence of his ship. th july . it is incalculable how much i have on my hands, night and day; but, thank god! my health is good, though my anxiety is great. a fresh levanter having sprung up, the lugger sails immediately. phil. dumaresq is very well, as are all the others. poor graves is the only person we have lost of the class of officers. i also wrote to you, by way of lisbon, only an hour since, and just before the easterly wind set in. i trust none of my friends will suffer anxiety on my account. this will be addressed to you, my dear richard, and you will forward it to my brother. he will be happy in being able to satisfy those who have friends on board that they have all escaped unhurt. h. brock, with the young men from the island, are all well. i am, &c. jas. saumarez. to richard saumarez, esq. extracts of letters written on the th july , to lady saumarez: i have formed a thousand apprehensions lest an account of the events of yesterday should reach england through france before the arrival of my despatches (which were sent off by way of faro), and fill your mind with cruel anxiety on my account; and this fear is much increased lest those despatches should not even arrive, as i was obliged to send them by a doubtful opportunity, through tetuan and tangier, the wind not admitting any vessel to pass the straits. trusting, however, to their safety, i will not repeat their contents; but will only observe that, when i sat down to write to you, it was the first interval of rest from one of the most bustling scenes i ever witnessed, and from experiencing one of the severest disappointments i have ever known; having, for a considerable period during the action, flattered myself with the strongest confidence that the most complete success would have attended the enterprise. i resign myself to the decree of divine providence, whose will the winds obey; and i have great cause to be thankful for not having been forsaken in the hour of danger, but for having my courage strengthened as the peril increased. feeling, as i do, all the responsibility on an event of this importance to the country, i should be miserable had i to reproach myself for having undertaken the enterprise on light grounds, or with having failed in the planning or in the execution; but, on the contrary, it is admitted by every one to have been most judicious. it is therefore only in the result that i have been unfortunate, and that arising from unforeseen and inevitable causes. i have been too much employed to reflect on the light in which the business may be viewed in england; but, conscious of having done my duty, and to the utmost of my exertions, i shall be indifferent as to the rest. i only trust that all my friends, but you more particularly, will be superior to any reflexions that may be made, should there be any unfavourable to me; though i hope for better things, and that with the liberal, at least, that which has been well intended, and carried on with conduct and bravery, will be held in some estimation. admiral linois, from the specimen he had had of the determined perseverance of the british commander-in-chief, had no wish to try another contest; nor was it possible for him to escape the risk of one, either by lying under the protection of the spanish batteries, or by proceeding to cadiz. he lost no time, therefore, in sending an express to the spanish admiral mazzaredo, and the french rear-admiral dumanoir, who, with commodore le ray and other officers and men, had previously arrived in two frigates at cadiz for the purpose of equipping the spanish fleet, imploring the assistance of a squadron to convoy them to cadiz, before the english ships under sir james saumarez could be refitted; adding in his despatch, "i have just received advice that the enemy intends burning us at our anchorage. it is in your power to save for the republic three fine ships of the line and a frigate by merely ordering the spanish squadron to come and seek us." this demand, through the influence of admiral dumanoir, was immediately acceded to by mazzaredo, who ordered vice-admiral moreno to proceed with five sail of the line, three frigates, and a lugger, accompanied by the san antonio, manned partly with french and spaniards, in which admiral dumanoir hoisted his flag. the movements of these ships were observed by captain keats in the superb, who, in consequence of information he had received from an american, returned with the thames and pasley off cadiz. at daylight, on the th, this squadron put to sea, except the san antonio, which, being unable to fetch out, came to an anchor in the road. the rest made sail up the straits, preceded by the superb, thames, and pasley; and, the wind being fair, the former reached algeziras about four p.m., while the latter, as already stated, anchored in gibraltar bay, to unite their efforts in refitting the shattered ships. on the next morning, the san antonio, with admiral dumanoir's flag, arrived at algeziras. as the object of this overwhelming force could be no other than to conduct in safety the three french ships, and their prize the hannibal, to cadiz or carthagena, the exertions of the british officers and men were redoubled in getting the damaged ships ready to meet the enemy. they accomplished what has been justly acknowledged, one of the most extraordinary undertakings ever known. the pompée was in too bad a state to leave any hopes that she could be got ready in time; her men, therefore, were distributed to assist in repairing the other ships: and all idea of refitting the cæsar was on the point of being abandoned! the following account given by captain brenton will be read with much interest: "sir james now expressed the greatest anxiety to have as many of his little squadron as possible ready for action, that he might avail himself at any moment of the motions of the enemy to make an attack upon some part of them; and despairing, from the state of the cæsar, that she could possibly be got in readiness before the departure of the ships from algeziras, he expressed a wish that the deficiencies in the other ships might be made up from the crew of the cæsar; but on my entreaty for permission to keep them while a possibility remained of getting her in a state to receive his flag again, he consented, hoisting it for the time on board the audacious. "on communicating to the people what had passed, there was a universal cry, 'all hands all night and all day until the ship is ready!' so earnest were they to carry the flag of their beloved admiral again into battle, and so sanguine in the expectation of victory, notwithstanding the disparity of force,--nearly _two to one_! this i could not consent to, as they would have been worn out and incapable of further exertion; but i directed that all hands should be employed during the day, and that they should work _watch and watch_ during the night. they immediately commenced their various duties, with all the energy and zeal that could be expected from men under such powerful causes of excitement. the new main-mast was got in forthwith, and extraordinary efforts made to refit the rigging. "on saturday, the th, the enemy showed symptoms of moving; and the admiral, fearing they might get out in the night, again suggested that the people from the cæsar should be distributed, and every idea of getting her ready abandoned; but i entreated, and obtained permission to keep them during that night, under the promise that they should be held in readiness at a minute's warning to proceed to the ship pointed out to receive them. "the enemy having anchored again, the admiral went to dine with the governor; and, on his return on board, was greatly delighted at beholding the ship apparently ready for sea, although much yet remained to be done." we must here pay a just tribute to the professional abilities and conduct of captain (now sir jahleel) brenton. he was, in the first place, well aware of the magnitude of the labour which the men had to perform, and saw the danger of allowing his brave crew to be worn out with fatigue in attempting that to which the human frame is unequal. he therefore decided that, instead of working on until the labour was finished, according to the seamen's laudable wishes, they should have such a portion of rest as would enable them to resume their labour with renewed energy. in the second place, he knew that without system, the exertions of the men would be in vain; but the admirable directions he gave employed every man in what he was best able to perform without impeding his neighbour, whilst every part of the labour advanced simultaneously. there has, indeed, never yet been on record an instance of a ship performing such a task so well and in so short a time. although the services going on required many men to be on shore for gunpowder and other stores, to replace what had been expended, there was not a single complaint of any one absenting himself from his duty, or of being intoxicated; though the inducement must have been great, from the number of wine-houses on the rock: but such was the desire of these brave fellows to be avenged for the loss of the hannibal, that they would not allow any temptation to induce them to swerve from the duty they had to perform. the extraordinary anxiety of mind, and the multiplicity of duty he had to perform, did not divert the attention of sir james from the situation of the unfortunate crew of the hannibal, especially the wounded, who were suffering as well from want of proper surgical care as from the treatment they had received. he once more made a strong, but fruitless attempt for their exchange, by addressing the following letter to admiral linois: cæsar, off rosia bay, th july . sir, i am impelled by motives of humanity again to renew my application in behalf of the men unfortunately wounded on board his britannic majesty's ship hannibal, and to request they may be permitted to come to this garrison without delay. a proposition so conformable to the laws of civilised nations i trust cannot be rejected; but, should you further refuse to comply with it, you must take upon yourself the impression all the world must have of so cruel a proceeding as to deny those unhappy people the benefit of their own hospital, where they would receive surgical assistance, and not be subjected to the severe treatment they have so long experienced in their present situation. i am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, james saumarez. rear-admiral linois, &c. &c. &c. no answer having been given to this application, the correspondence ended, to be resumed under more favourable circumstances. sir james now added to the duplicates of his despatches (which had been sent in charge of lieutenant janvarin, by way of tangier,) the following letter to his brother: cæsar, gibraltar, th july . you will, i hope, receive the letters i have written to you on the subject of the enterprise of our squadron against three ships of the line and a frigate, at anchor in algeziras bay, last monday; for a more particular account of which i must refer you to my public letter. but as my friends, with their usual anxiety on my account, will naturally wish further information from me, i must assure them in justice to myself and for their satisfaction, that everything was done that depended on myself, both in the planning and executing the business; but i cannot be accountable for the accidents that prevented its success. even within an hour from our first engaging, and before any of our ships had sustained much injury, the pompée, which was remarkably well placed against the inner ship, which proved to be the french admiral, had at one time nearly silenced her, and must have done so in less than ten minutes, had not an unfortunate flaw of wind _broke her sheer_; and from that moment she was unable to bring one of her guns to bear on the enemy's ship. a short time after, the hannibal got a fine breeze of wind, and was lying up in the handsomest manner for the french ship; but unfortunately, wishing to go between her and the shore, got aground. surely in either of these instances i was not concerned. i had, before this, cut our cables, to profit by a favourable breeze to close the other two ships; but before we got near them it failed us, as well as the audacious, and with the current we drove close to the island battery, where we remained a considerable time before either of the ships could clear a shoal close to it. at length a fine breeze sprung up, which gave the most favourable hope of carrying us close to the enemy's ships, and, by silencing them, to extricate the unfortunate hannibal. but here, again, it most unhappily failed us; and although we had, at different times, opened a heavy fire upon them, we were still not sufficiently near to silence them effectually; and, the wind all the time leading us farther off, i was constrained to abandon all hopes of success, and proceeded with the squadron to this anchorage. the superb yesterday joined us, with the thames. captain keats, having seen the enemy coming out of cadiz, appeared with the signal of their being in sight, and they soon after came round cabrita point. two are three-deckers, and three are seventy-fours, with three frigates. if it draws this force to the mediterranean, some good may come from it. a squadron is hourly expected from lord keith, and probably some ships may soon join us from england. we shall have all the ships in readiness; and the junction of a few ships, would make us again superior to the enemy's force. i must not forget to mention that captain brenton has shown himself a brave and most able officer. it is with difficulty i have found a leisure moment to write this. all i request of my friends is, to feel assured that the failure of this enterprise has in no instance proceeded from myself; and every one is ready to acknowledge that i did, in every respect, all that depended on me. this, you will perceive, is written in the midst of much bustle and a most active scene. the despatches contained accounts of the arrival of the spanish squadron, and of sir james's determination to attack them if they attempted to put to sea, even with the force under his command. he also sent despatches to lisbon to delay any convoys which might be sailing; and to lord keith, in the mediterranean, to inform his lordship of all the circumstances we have related. the plymouth lugger had already sailed, the wind being fair, with captain ferris, who, as well as lieutenant hills, were bearers of the interesting details. the intense interest which these circumstances created on the rock of gibraltar is far beyond description; nor do we know whether the kind and sympathising reception which the suffering heroes met with on their return from algeziras was more worthy of praise than the unparalleled exertions made to renew the conflict. on the one hand, had the squadron arrived after the most complete and glorious victory, they could not have been received in a manner more gratifying to their feelings; while, on the other hand, it was evident that every man was worthy of such generous and such noble conduct. the attention of the governor, the garrison, and the inhabitants, although themselves in a state of privation, was unremitting. we shall leave them for the present preparing to take farewell of each other on the evening before the admiral's departure, to meet what must have appeared to every spectator an overwhelming foe! chapter xvii. . occurrences at gibraltar.--determination of sir james to attack the combined squadron.--cæsar rehoists the admiral's flag.--sir j. brenton's description of that interesting scene.--his account of the battle.--destruction of two spanish three-deckers.--capture of the st. antonio.--action between the venerable and formidable.--public letters.--private letters.--french details of the battle.--spanish ditto.--orders of sailing.--remarks. general o'hara the gallant governor, and the brave garrison of gibraltar, had beheld from the rock, which is only four miles from algeziras, the long-contested, severe, but unfortunate conflict of the th of july. they had witnessed the bravery of their countrymen. their intense anxiety for the success of the admiral's daring attack had been changed into sympathy for the loss his squadron had sustained; and, fully convinced that not only no honour had been sacrificed, but that the character of the nation had been gloriously maintained, the unsuccessful were received at the rock, as if they had returned from a victory. the garrison beheld with admiration the wonderful efforts which were made to meet a still more formidable foe. every day marked the progress of the herculean labours in preparation for that event; the exertions, zeal, and intrepidity of sir james's officers and crews increased in proportion to the multiplied force of the enemy, which, to men of any other cast, would have appeared overwhelming! after one of the severest engagements on record, the british squadron, in the short space of five days, had repaired its damages, and sought the enemy, whose force had been nearly tripled by the junction of six ships and three frigates from cadiz. with such men, and in such a cause, victory seemed certain, notwithstanding the great disparity of force between the belligerents, and the exertions of the enemy proved, that he expected a tremendous struggle. every circumstance contributed to render the approaching contest more eventful. their late unsuccessful attack only served to animate the officers and crews with a noble enthusiasm, and a desire to put their valour to another but a fairer trial; and they well knew that their admiral would lead them to the combat with that consummate skill, and deliberate courage which had so justly rendered his name illustrious. at length the moment arrived. the enemy, whose force almost tripled that of the english, were seen under sail; the wind was fair, and the weather fine. the cæsar, having rehoisted the admiral's flag, made the signal to prepare for battle! for a description of the intensely interesting and animating scene which followed, we gladly avail ourselves of a communication kindly made to us by sir jahleel brenton, the gallant captain of the cæsar on that memorable occasion. " th july .--at daylight the enemy were seen making every preparation for sailing; and in the course of the forenoon were getting under way, and working out of the bay with a fresh wind from the eastward. as they required to make several tacks for this purpose, it was past one o'clock before the headmost ships could clear cabrita point, when they brought to, to wait for the others to join them. "at half-past two the cæsar hauled out of the mole, her band playing "cheer up my lads, 'tis to glory we steer!" which was answered by the military band on the mole-head with "britons, strike home!" at the same moment the admiral's flag was rehoisted on board the cæsar; and sail being made upon her, she weighed amidst the deafening cheers and acclamations of the garrison, and the whole assembled population, carrying with her the sincerest and most ardent wishes for victory. "she took her station off europa point, with the signals for her little squadron to close round her, and to prepare for battle.[ ] we then returned the salute which had been fired by the garrison on entering the bay on the th; and which, in consequence of being immediately engaged with the enemy, we could not do at the time. it was delightful during this and the preceding days to witness the calm, but decided manner of the admiral. he had evidently calculated the awful responsibility under which he was placed; and this, at the same time, was self-imposed; for it was by no means incumbent on him as a duty, with only five sail of the line, viz. the cæsar, superb, spencer, venerable, and audacious, to attack an enemy with six fresh ships, of which number two mounted one hundred and twelve guns each, one of ninety, and three of seventy-four, in addition to the three french ships we had already engaged, and their prize, the hannibal. but our chief had counted the cost, and made up his mind to the enterprise. his intention was to throw his whole force upon whatever part of the enemy's line he might be able to reach; depending upon the talents of his captains, and the discipline of his ships, to make up for the disparity of force, especially in a night action. [ ] while off europa point, and probably at the distance of more than half a mile, a boat with two men was observed pulling towards us, and, on coming alongside, the men proved to be two of our own people, who had been wounded in the action of algeziras, and sent to the hospital at gibraltar. on seeing the ship under sail, with the evident intention of attacking the enemy, these gallant fellows asked permission of the surgeon to rejoin their ship, and being refused, on account of their apparent unfitness, they made their escape from the hospital, and taking possession of the first boat they could find, pulled off to the ship. two other seamen belonging to the pompée, who had not been selected as part of the reinforcement to the crews of the other ships, secreted themselves on board the cæsar, and the day after the action presented themselves on the quarter-deck, with a request that intercession might be made for them with their captain, telling their story in the following quaint manner:--"sir, we belongs to the le pompée, and finding our ship could not get out, we stowed ourselves away in this ship, and, in the action, quartered ourselves to the " th gun, and opposite ---- on the lower deck," referring, at the same time, to the officer in command of this division of guns, for the truth of their statement. "the squadron was soon assembled off europa, and we beheld that of the enemy forming their line off cabrita, about five miles to leeward, waiting for the hannibal, which was the last ship to leave algeziras. sir james now made the interrogatory signal to know if all the ships were ready for battle, which was most properly answered in the negative, as all had much to do. the time which the combined squadron took to get into the order of battle and sailing was invaluable to all of us, by enabling us to complete the arrangements so necessary upon so momentous an occasion. at length, every ship having announced her readiness for action, the admiral made the signal for them to be prepared to follow his motions. he had already communicated with his captains his plan of attack, and no other signal was made, or was necessary. "_at eight o'clock_ the hannibal, unable to work out of the bay, was observed to anchor again at algeziras, and the enemy bore up through the straits; the cæsar's helm was instantly put up, a blue light being burned at the same time for the squadron to follow. at h. m. the superb was gaining fast upon us, and the admiral ordered me to hail captain keats, directing him to engage the ship nearest to the spanish shore. the enemy was retreating in two lines abreast, thus: [illustration] (representation of illustration follows) s h the three french ships in the van, the spanish squadron in the rear. had the hannibal succeeded in getting out of the bay, she was to have taken the station ahead of the french ships, at the place marked with a cross h, in order to put her in the greatest security, and to preserve their trophy. "at five minutes past eleven the superb opened her fire; and, very shortly after, the two sternmost ships of the enemy were seen to be in flames. we were rapidly approaching them, and orders had been sent down to the officers at their quarters to fire as soon as the guns would bear. "i was at this time standing on the poop ladder, near the admiral, when he seized me by the shoulder, and, pointing to the flames bursting out, exclaimed, 'my god, sir, look there! the day is ours!' a more magnificent scene never presented itself, as may be easily imagined, than two ships of such immense magnitude as the spanish first-rates, on board of each other in flames, with a fresh gale, the sea running high, and their sails in the utmost confusion. the flames, ascending the rigging with the rapidity of lightning, soon communicated to the canvass, which instantly became one sheet of fire. a very general feeling of regret and sympathy seemed to be quickly experienced around us when we beheld the spanish colours brilliantly illuminated by the dreadful conflagration, instead of the french. the unfortunate spaniards, having become at once the tools and the victims of france, were objects of our sincere commiseration. "the superb was now seen a little way on the starboard bow, engaged with one of the enemy's ships, while several others were in sight at a distance ahead. we kept on our course, and after having fired a broadside into the superb's opponent, (which, however, was already nearly silenced), continued the chase, followed by the venerable; but, when nearly the length of trafalgar, our wounded masts complained so much, that we were under the necessity of close-reefing the main-top-sail, and taking in the fore-top-sail. the admiral was also anxious to get his squadron round him, that he might, with his collected force, reach cadiz before the morning, and cut the enemy off from the only port in which they could find security. "the easterly wind, which, although blowing with great violence in the straits, is seldom felt close in shore on either the spanish or african coasts, entirely failed us as we hauled round cape trafalgar, and left our ship rolling heavily in the swell, to the great danger of our masts. at half-past twelve o'clock one of the spanish three-deckers blew up, with a tremendous explosion, and soon after the other. they had previously separated, after their masts had fallen, and the rigging was consumed; and they were seen for some time burning at a distance from each other, before their fatal termination. "as the admiral and myself were looking over the chart together, in order to shape our course for cadiz, we heard an alarming cry of 'fire!' and, running out upon deck, were enveloped in a thick sulphrueous smoke, which seemed to pervade every part of the ship. soon, however, we found it clear away, and ascertained the cause to be, that we had run into the column of smoke and vapour arising from the explosion of the spanish ship, which, being too dense to rise, lay along the surface of the water. we gradually emerged from this, and were relieved from our apprehensions of sharing the fate of our unhappy enemies. "at the dawn of day we saw the venerable close to a french line-of-battle ship, and drawing up with her by the aid of a light air off the spanish shore. at five o'clock the venerable opened her fire upon the enemy. the breeze dying away, the two ships were enveloped in a cloud of smoke. the cæsar, at the distance of about a mile and a half, was perfectly becalmed. the boats were sent ahead, in hopes of being able to tow her within gun-shot of the enemy. in the course of a short time, a light breeze having dispersed the dense cloud of smoke which the fire of the two ships had occasioned, we discovered the venerable with her main-mast gone, and her opponent availing herself of the air from the eastward to draw away, and pursue her course for cadiz, firing her stern-chasers at the venerable. the remainder of the enemy's squadron, consisting of five sail of the line and one frigate, in which both the french and spanish admirals were embarked, were discerned in the n.w., at a considerable distance, coming down with a westerly wind. "the superb having secured the prize, was approaching us from the s.e., and the spencer and audacious were also to the southward. such was the relative situation of the squadrons, when, at eight minutes past eight, the venerable made the signal of having struck on a shoal. the admiral, very apprehensive of her falling into the hands of the enemy, sent me with discretional orders to captain hood, that, should he not be able to get her off the shoal, he might put his men into the thames, and burn the venerable, making the signal at the same time for the thames to close with the venerable as soon as possible. i had scarcely left the cæsar when i saw the venerable's fore-mast go over the side; and before i reached her the mizen-mast followed. i found her, on going on board, a perfect wreck, striking on the shoal, and the shot from the stern-chase guns of the formidable, her opponent, going over her. the gallant hood was seated on a gun on the quarter-deck, cheerfully waiting for the assistance which he knew the admiral would send to him as soon as the wind would enable him, and ready to take advantage of any circumstance that might occur. "having delivered my message from the admiral, he said, 'tell sir james i hope it is not yet so bad with the old venerable; i hope to get her off soon. let the thames stay by me, in readiness to receive our people. these rascals shall not have her.' i returned to my ship; the breeze sprung up; and the thames closing with the venerable, enabled her to heave off the shoal, and the enemy availed himself of the wind to get into cadiz. the venerable was soon under jury-masts and in tow of the spencer, steering for gibraltar, followed by the rest of the squadron; where we all anchored, with our prize, the san antonio, of seventy-four guns, at p.m. on the th. "the scene before us, on anchoring, was of the most animating description. every point of the rock overhanging the shore was crowded with people, and the acclamations of the troops and inhabitants which rent the air resounded throughout the bay! here, indeed, was a triumph for our hero, who, only a week before, had been towed in from algeziras with his crippled and defeated squadron, with the loss of a ship of the line; but now entering victorious with the same squadron, reinforced, it is true, by the superb, but diminished by the loss of the hannibal, while the disabled state of the pompée had prevented her leaving gibraltar; after having engaged and defeated an enemy of more than double his force, and having burnt two of their first-rates, and taken from them a ship of the line. "from the nature of the attack and retreat, there was not much hard fighting on this occasion, and consequently little opportunity for any display of that valour and skill which is so constantly manifested in severe actions. the superb and venerable had the greatest, and almost the only share. but the conduct of the admiral, i will venture to say, when all the circumstances are taken into consideration, must be deemed fully equal to anything that has adorned the pages of england's naval history. instead of the recklessness of despair, to which some might have attributed an attack with crippled ships against a force every way so greatly superior, he manifested a calm and resolute determination. his intentions were expressed with so much clearness that, as i have already observed, signals were rendered unnecessary. he waited with much patience and firmness for the enemy to bear up, which would place them in a situation the least favourable for resisting a simultaneous attack upon any portion of their squadron. "when the governor, the garrison, and the inhabitants of gibraltar, who had passed the night with painful anxiety beheld the approach of the victorious squadron, their joy and exultation knew no bounds. even the wounded at the hospitals, when they heard of the glorious success which had attended their brethren in arms, raising their stumps, joined in the general burst of acclamation. on the arrival of the cæsar, the royal standard was hoisted, twenty-one guns were fired at the king's bastion, and the whole of this noble fortress was brilliantly illuminated in honour of the victory." after the termination of this contest,--a contest which may be said to have lasted seven days, in which two battles had been fought under peculiar disadvantages, and which ended in adding another brilliant ray to the naval glory of britain,--sir james, with that humility which had ever formed a distinguished feature in his character, returned thanks to the great giver of all victory for crowning his exertions with success. the following general memorandum was given out to the squadron, on their return to gibraltar: cæsar, rosia bay, th july . rear-admiral sir james saumarez has the happiness to offer his most heartfelt congratulations to the captains, officers, and men of the ships he had the honour to command, on the signal success with which it has pleased almighty god to crown their zealous exertions in the service of their country. to the discipline and valour of british seamen is to be ascribed their great superiority over the enemy, who, although more than triple the force of the english squadron in number of guns and weight of metal, have been so signally defeated. the rear-admiral has not failed to transmit in his late despatches a report of the unparalleled exertions of all the officers and men in refitting his majesty's ships after the battle of algeziras, where their conduct and bravery were equally conspicuous, and which has led to the late glorious success. jas. saumarez. to the respective captains, &c. lieutenant dumaresq, of the cæsar, was now despatched in the louisa brig to england, with the following official accounts of the action from the rear-admiral, and from captains keats and hood: cæsar, off cape trafalgar, th july . sir, i request you will please to inform my lords commissioners of the admiralty that it has pleased the almighty to crown the exertions of this squadron with the most signal success over the enemies of their country. the three french line-of-battle ships disabled in the action of the th instant off algeziras, were, on the th, reinforced by a squadron of five spanish line-of-battle ships, under the command of don juan joaquin de moreno, and a french ship of seventy-four guns, wearing a broad pendant; besides three frigates, and an incredible number of gun-boats and other vessels; and got under sail yesterday morning, together with his majesty's late ship hannibal, which they had succeeded in getting off the shoal on which she struck. i almost despaired of having a sufficient force in readiness to oppose to such numbers; but, through the great exertions of captain brenton, and the officers and men belonging to the cæsar, the ship was in readiness to warp out of the mole yesterday morning, and got under way immediately after, with all the squadron except the pompée, which ship had not had time to get her masts in. confiding in the zeal and intrepidity of the officers and men i had the happiness to serve with, i determined, if possible, to obstruct the passage of this powerful force to cadiz. late in the evening i observed the enemy's ships to have cleared cabrita point; and, at eight, i bore up with the squadron to stand after them. his majesty's ship superb being stationed ahead of the cæsar, i directed captain keats to make sail and attack the sternmost ships of the enemy's rear, using his endeavours to keep in-shore of them. at eleven, the superb opened her fire close to the enemy's ships; and, on the cæsar's coming up and preparing to engage a three-decker that had hauled her wind, she was perceived to have taken fire; and the flames having communicated to a ship to leeward of her, both were soon in a blaze, and presented a most awful sight. as no possibility existed of affording the least assistance in so distressing a situation, the cæsar passed, to close with the ship engaged by the superb; but, by the cool and determined fire kept up on her, which must ever reflect the highest credit on the discipline of that ship, she was completely silenced, and soon after hauled down her colours. the venerable and spencer having at this time come up, i bore up after the enemy, who were carrying a press of sail, standing out of the straits; and lost sight of them. during the night it blew excessively hard till daylight, and, in the morning, the only ships in company were the venerable and thames, ahead of the cæsar, and one of the french ships at some distance from them, standing towards the shoals of conil, besides the spencer astern, coming up. all the ships immediately made sail with a fresh breeze, but, as we approached, the wind suddenly failing, the venerable was alone able to bring her to action; which captain hood did in the most gallant manner, and had nearly silenced the french ship, when his main-mast (which had been before wounded) was unfortunately shot away, and, it coming nearly calm, the enemy's ship was enabled to get off without any possibility of following her. the highest praise is due to captain hood, the officers, and men of the venerable, for their spirit and gallantry in this action, which entitled them to better success. the french ship was an eighty-four, with additional guns on the gunwale. this action was so near the shore that the venerable struck on one of the shoals; but was soon after got off, and taken in tow by the thames, though with the loss of all her masts. the enemy's ships are now in sight to the westward, standing in for cadiz; the superb and audacious, with the captured ship, are in sight, with the carlotta, portuguese frigate, commanded by captain crawford duncan, who very handsomely came out with the squadron, and has been of the greatest assistance to captain keats in staying by the enemy's ship captured by the superb. i am proceeding with the squadron for rosia bay, and shall proceed, the moment all the ships are refitted, to resume my station before cadiz; and shall immediately detach the thames to cruise off cape st. mary's. no praises that i can bestow are adequate to the merits of the officers and ships' companies of all the squadron, particularly for their unremitted exertions in refitting the ships at gibraltar; to which, in a great degree, is to be ascribed the success of the squadron against the enemy. although the spencer and audacious had not the good fortune to partake of this action, i have no doubt of their exertion, had they come up in time to close with the enemy's ships. my thanks are also due to captain holles of the thames, and to the honourable captain dundas of the calpe, whose assistance was particularly useful to captain keats in securing the enemy's ship, and enabling the superb to stand after the squadron in case of being enabled to renew the action with the enemy. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, jas. saumarez. to evan nepean, esq. &c. &c. &c. admiralty. cæsar, off cape trafalgar, th july . sir, i herewith enclose, for their lordships' further information, the statement i have received from captain keats, to whom the greatest praise is due for his gallant conduct in the service alluded to. captain hood's merits are held in too high estimation to receive additional lustre from any praise i can bestow; but i only do justice to my feelings, when i observe that in no instance have i known superior bravery to that displayed by him on this occasion. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient servant, jas. saumarez. to evan nepean, esq. admiralty. superb, off cape trafalgar, th july . sir, pursuant to your directions to state the particulars of the superb's services last night, i have the honour to inform you that, in consequence of your directions to make sail up to, and engage, the sternmost of the enemy's ships, at half-past eleven i found myself abreast of a spanish three-deck ship, (the real carlos, as appears by the report of some survivors,) which, having been brought with two other ships, in nearly line abreast, i opened my fire upon them at not more than three cables' lengths. this evidently produced a good effect, as well in this ship as the others abreast of her, which soon began firing at each other, and, at times, on the superb. in about a quarter of an hour, i perceived the ship i was engaging, and which had lost her fore-top-mast, to be on fire; upon which we ceased to molest her; and i proceeded on to the ship next at hand, which proved to be the san antonio, of seventy-four guns and seven hundred and thirty men, commanded by chef-de-division le ray, under french colours, wearing a broad pendant, and manned, nearly equally, with seven hundred and thirty french and spanish seamen, and which, after some action, (the chef being wounded,) struck her colours. i learn, from the very few survivors of the ships that caught fire and blew up, who, in an open boat, reached the superb at the time she was taking possession of the san antonio, that, in the confusion of the action, the hermenegildo, (a first-rate ship,) mistaking the real carlos for an enemy, ran on board of her, and shared her melancholy fate. services of this nature cannot well be expected to be performed without some loss; but though we have to lament that lieutenant edward waller, and fourteen seamen and marines, have been mostly severely wounded, still there is reason to rejoice that that is the extent of our loss. i received able and active assistance from mr. samuel jackson, the first lieutenant; and it is my duty to represent to you that the officers of all descriptions, seamen and marines, conducted themselves with the greatest steadiness and gallantry. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, r.g. keats. to sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. list of the spanish and french squadrons which sailed from algeziras on the th july , under command of don juan joaquin de moreno, lieutenant-general (or vice-admiral), and the french vice-admiral linois: spanish. ships' names. guns. captains. where built. year. real carlos* don j. esquerra havanna hermenegildo* don j. emparran do. san fernando don j. malina do. argonauta don j. harrera ferrol san augustin don r. jopete guarnizo sabrina ___ * burnt. french. ships' names. guns. captains. brought over formidable amable-gilles-troude. indomptable " callende. dessaix jean a. chirly-pallière. san antonio julien le ray (commodore), taken. libre indienne muron vautour total & hannibal, not in the action, . the spanish and french admirals were on board the sabrina frigate. list of the british squadron, commanded by rear-admiral sir james saumarez, which defeated the above combined squadron, th july , in the straits of gibraltar: ships names. guns. captains. cæsar. captain jahleel brenton. spencer " henry d'esterre darby. venerable " samuel hood. superb " rich. goodwin keats. audacious " shuldham peard. thames " a.p. holles. total in favour of the} enemy. } the rear-admiral had his flag on board the cæsar, . the guns of the enemy's ships being much heavier, increased their weight of metal to triple that of the squadron. the superb had lieutenant waller, and fourteen seamen and marines, wounded. the venerable had mr. j. williams (her master), fifteen seamen, and two marines, killed; lieutenant thomas church, mr. snell (boatswain), messrs. massey and pardoe (midshipmen), seventy-three seamen, and ten marines, wounded. in the french and spanish accounts of this action, which will be given hereafter, it will be seen that the loss of the enemy has _not_ been accurately enumerated; but, out of two thousand men that were in the real carlos and hermenegildo, only three hundred were saved. commodore le ray, of the san antonio, was wounded; but his loss in men, which must have been severe, has not been ascertained. we shall here give some interesting extracts from private letters from sir james, written at the close of the battle: cæsar, th july , a.m. i shall leave you to judge of the difference of my feelings to those when i sat down to write the letter of this day week.[ ] to an all-merciful providence is to be ascribed the wonderful and most awful event of last night, which will ever be remembered with terror by the nations it concerned, and by me with infinite gratitude for so peculiar a token of divine mercy vouchsafed towards me. [ ] see page . two days after the action of last monday, a strong squadron was sent to algeziras from cadiz, to protect the disabled french ships, and to convoy them to the latter port, with the hannibal, which ship they had succeeded in getting off the shoal whereon she had unfortunately grounded. it may be supposed that no exertion was wanting on my part to get the squadron in a state for service; and, beyond all expectation, owing to the great activity and zeal of every officer and man in the squadron, we were in a state to put to sea yesterday, on the enemy's getting under sail from the bay of algeziras; the pompée excepted, which had not sufficient time to get in new masts. late in the evening i observed that the enemy's ships, consisting of ten sail of the line and four frigates, had succeeded in clearing the bay; and at eight o'clock i made sail after them. captain keats, who, in the superb, had been much mortified at not having shared in the former affair, being near the cæsar, i directed him to endeavour to bring the rear ships of the enemy to action; myself following with the venerable, and the other two ships, some distance astern. it was near midnight when the superb succeeded in engaging the enemy; and, as we came up, a three-deck ship hauling up for us after having fired at the superb, by some accident, in the moment we were going to give her our broadside, took fire, which communicating to a ship which we perceived close to her, both were almost instantly in a blaze. so awful a scene i never yet have witnessed. we then closed with the superb, which had nearly silenced her opponent, when she struck. think what a change then took place in the inequality of force with which we began the action! i left the superb to take care of the prize, and proceeded after the other ships; the audacious and spencer having now joined. it came on to blow excessively hard till daylight, when i found the venerable and thames a small distance ahead, and one of the french ships standing for the shore. we immediately crowded all sail, and made sure of taking her, when the wind failed us, and the venerable only was able to engage her; but, being at the time close to the shore, she very unfortunately got aground, and we were obliged to leave her, after sustaining very great damage. we are now about seven leagues from cadiz, and i see the remainder of the enemy's squadron going into port. i am as yet ignorant of the ship's name that struck her colours last night. she is, however, one of those that came from cadiz with the spanish squadron, but under french colours, and had a broad pendant. we are proceeding to gibraltar. the following extract is from a letter to richard saumarez, esq.: cæsar, off cadiz, th july . i intend to send phil. d. with my despatches. you must refer to him for the particulars of the wonderful events since yesterday. after detailing these events exactly as in the above, he adds, respecting the venerable: it was as severe an action as i have known, and must reflect the highest credit on captain hood; but having his main-mast shot away, and it falling nearly calm, he was obliged to leave the enemy. we were at this time close to the shoals off the coast, on which the venerable got aground; but she was afterwards got off, and was taken in tow by the thames. i fear she has sustained great loss in men. what a surprising change, my dear richard, to the events of last monday! to the divine mercy i entirely ascribe this signal success, who never forsakes those who place their confidence in him! i mean to send the louisa, which joined me yesterday from minorca, with phil. dumaresq, and doubt not but he will be a welcome messenger. we see the remainder of the enemy's squadron. they are standing for cadiz, &c. sir james subsequently wrote to his eldest brother, residing in guernsey; and, as his letter will be found to contain additional matter of much interest, we herewith insert it. cæsar, gibraltar, th july . my dear brother, i hope that the several letters i have had the pleasure of writing to you at different opportunities, will arrive safely; and that you and all my friends will not be kept in suspense on events which, thanks to the divine providence! have terminated so successfully to the squadron. although i always trusted some favourable turn would take place, i never could have formed any hopes equal to what has actually occurred. the possession of one or two of the disabled ships, besides the recovery of the hannibal, was the utmost that could have been expected; but our present success far exceeds that. the destruction of two first-rates, and the capture of a seventy-four, completely cripples the force in cadiz, and places the squadron with me superior to all the force the enemy can collect; and this, without any loss whatever to this ship, and trifling to the superb. the men, wounded on board the latter, suffered from the explosion of cartridges in their own ship. the misfortune to the venerable was more serious; but this was subsequently to the attack on the enemy's force, and was mainly attributable to the untoward circumstance of the wind failing this ship when we were very close to her. it is inconceivable the _éclat_ with which we have been received by this garrison, and the distinguished honours paid to the squadron; indeed their marked attention, after the attack of algeziras, does them great credit; as, after the failure of that business, we exposed gibraltar to all the inconvenience of a blockaded port; and yet the whole garrison received us as if we had obtained a victory. you must suppose my distress must have been great during the interval: convoys long expected were liable to fall into the enemy's hands, whilst the increasing force at cadiz would soon have put it out of my power to cope with them. the st. antoine has scarcely suffered: my intention is to take her into the service; and in two weeks, i expect, she will be partly manned, and fit for sea. yesterday, almost all the hannibal's men were sent in, which will make up our deficiencies, and partly man that ship, when in a fortnight she shall proceed on a particular service. these are trifling advantages compared to those that result from both actions. the three ships were to have proceeded direct to the bay of casquays, at the entrance of the tagus, where the troops with them were to have taken possession of the batteries, which would have given them complete possession of the trade to and from lisbon. i have despatched the spencer and audacious, and shall join them with this ship, the pompée, and superb, the first easterly wind, and cruise before cadiz with this force, far superior to any the enemy can put to sea. i shall soon be joined by ships from england. we have, as yet, no accounts since we sailed. you will have the pleasure of mentioning to the relations of the young men i have, that they have all behaved most nobly, and are perfectly well: it is a particular circumstance that, out of six ships, three masters should have been killed, and not one lieutenant hurt out of the whole number. i hope the benevolence of the public will be extended to the sufferers in these actions: some are piteous objects; indeed, no less than three brave men with the loss of both arms. i send this by a vessel belonging to jersey. my dear brother, most sincerely yours, jas. saumarez. john saumarez, esq. guernsey. p.s.--i am under great concern at the uneasiness you must all suffer at our unsuccessful attack off algeziras; but this will, i hope, soon remove it. messrs. le mesurier, jointly with mr. tucker, lord st. vincent's secretary, are appointed agents. the following letter to lady saumarez is dated th july, on board the cæsar, at gibraltar; and gives a detailed account of his proceedings after his arrival there. since our arrival here on tuesday afternoon, every distinguished attention which can be thought of has been paid to the squadron. the day following, the royal standard was hoisted; at noon the garrison saluted; and, in the evening, the most splendid illuminations took place in every habitable part of this famous rock. yesterday the governor gave a dinner, and he intends to invite the ladies to a ball on this occasion. we have, also, invitations from the different corps for every day we are likely to remain here: but what has afforded me more satisfaction, is the manner we were received after the attack of algeziras, which, from the arrival of the spanish squadron, subjected the garrison to every inconvenience of a port blockaded. the st. antoine i have ordered to be purchased into the service; and i propose to appoint officers to her. she is a very good ship, and has suffered so little that i expect to have her fit for service in less than a fortnight. the spencer and audacious i detached off cape st. mary's, and i shall join them with the pompée and superb the first easterly wind, and resume my station before cadiz, where they cannot have more than four ships ready for sea; and, i may venture to pronounce, the spanish ships will not come out, except the french take possession of the batteries and compel them. we have almost daily accounts from thence, describing the disagreements between the french and spaniards as most serious. they also describe the two french ships as being in a very shattered condition, and there being no materials in store to repair them. i think my first accounts will reach you by way of lisbon; but i hope dumaresq, with the subsequent ones, will make his appearance very soon after. i am very impatient to hear from england. i require small vessels very much, as i have not been able to convey the accounts of our success to lord keith. when am i to hear from you? and when shall i be assured you have not suffered from the relation of these events? the governor and others talk to me of honours being conferred; but, unless parliament furnish the means to support them with dignity, i might as well be without them. the only ladies i have yet seen are, lady ann niel and mrs. edwards, whose husbands have regiments here; they are very amiable people: besides, mr. fyers, whose daughter was married the evening of the illumination,--an ominous day you will think. captain brenton will draw you some excellent views of both actions, without partiality. i am most highly indebted to him, in getting this ship so soon refitted, and, indeed, throughout the whole of our important service. a large shot passed through the cabin, which filled it with splinters, and demolished the tables and chairs, besides the glass. fortunately, my papers and wardrobe escaped. we are now quite refitted; as well, i may say, as we were a fortnight ago. i am in want of nothing whatever, but letters from you. let me have favourable accounts of yourself and of our precious children, and i shall be satisfied. i hope to send a box of malaga raisins for the young tribe. james will be overjoyed to hear of his father's victory. the following is the account of the above action, from the french commander-in-chief, dated at cadiz, th july . citizen minister.--general moreno has returned into harbour. general linois will give you an account of the sailing and passage of the squadron. i shall only mention to you the chagrin which i have experienced at not seeing the french ship, st. antonio, and the two three-deckers, the real carlos and the hermenegildo: a marine, saved with forty-five men from the real carlos, has informed us that about midnight the squadron having been attacked by the english, the real carlos and the hermenegildo took each other for enemies. a very smart engagement ensued, the two vessels being nearly foul of each other. a fire broke out on board the real carlos, which soon blew up, and set fire to the hermenegildo, which shared the same fate. the st. antonio, in consequence of her station, was near the latter vessel, and this station gave me the greatest uneasiness; yet i have been assured that there were only two explosions. i have reason to conclude that, to get at a distance from the conflagration, captain lenny proceeded towards the coast of africa, where the calms and currents carried him away from the squadron, which, at the break of day, was six leagues west of cadiz. the day before yesterday the british ships were descried from the coast, and a french ship in the strait; but the latter did not appear to be captured. this may give us some hope, if the signals are correct. nothing remains to me but uncertainty, with a great deal of fear; i do not know what opinion to entertain. after having spoken of our losses, it gives me great pleasure to state to you the new glory with which le formidable, commanded by captain troude, has been covered. during the night cannonade, in the middle of the strait, this ship received the fire of her friends and enemies; but with intrepid coolness the captain would not return the fire, lest he should increase the disorder, and, keeping close to the spanish coast, he retired from the combatants. he was followed by a division of the british fleet of three ships, and a frigate: and, at break of day, being in sight of cadiz, and five leagues distant from the squadron, he was attacked by three ships, with which he was engaged half-an-hour, and obliged two of them to retire: the third endeavoured to attack le formidable on the quarter, while the frigate cannonaded her in stern. but, notwithstanding the bad state of his masts, captain troude approached within musket-shot of the british ship, the pompée, which, having lost her mast, after an engagement of an hour and a half, made haste to get away, being taken in tow by a frigate. some time after, both of her masts came down, and the vessel had the appearance of having yielded; but, as the two other ships and the frigate were at a short distance, captain troude would not take possession of her: he expected to be attacked again. the enemy, disconcerted both in their fire and their bravery, suffered him quietly to pursue his course. this engagement took place in sight of cadiz; and the glorious result of a combat so unequal, by covering our arms with glory, has filled the hearts of the spaniards with the utmost degree of enthusiasm. le formidable was scarcely repaired after the battle of algeziras, on the th,--top-gallant-mast served as top-masts; but, in this damaged state, the brave troude, instead of flying from the enemy, who might have captured him without firing a shot, offered them battle, as by this manoeuvre, as prudent as bold, he first extricated himself from two ships, which he greatly damaged, and at last totally dismasted the pompée,[ ] which fought him bravely for an hour and a half. [ ] m. dumanoir le pelley is in error here. the pompée was not in this action. it has been seen that she was lying disabled at gibraltar. the combined squadron was at that time becalmed, at the distance of five or six leagues. i expected to see it, on the breeze springing up, come to take possession of this vessel, and give chase to capture the four british ships which were in sight; but i was far from having any idea of the misfortune which befel the two three-deckers, which no doubt occasioned the separation of the st. antonio: and in the evening the squadron came to anchor. rear-admiral linois was exceedingly sorry that he was not on board the formidable; but he did not think proper to resist the earnest solicitations of general moreno, who induced him to go on board his frigate that they might better concert their operations. my respectful salutations, dumanoir le pelley. report of captain troude, provisional commander of le formidable, to rear-admiral linois: cadiz, th july . citizen general, i have the honour of communicating to you an account of the operations of le formidable, with the provisional command of which you entrusted me. proud of the honourable charge of defending your flag, i endeavoured to execute your orders with the most scrupulous exactness. i immediately repaired on board to assume the chief command, and i put to sea as soon as you made the signal. you observed, as well as myself, the movements of the enemy's squadron, which had retired to gibraltar after the memorable battle of the th at algeziras. seeing the enemy set sail at the same time as the combined squadrons, and keeping to windward of us at the distance of about a league, i endeavoured to follow exactly your manoeuvres, and made all the sail possible to follow you; but the ship i had the honour to command, being absolutely disabled, having only jury-masts and the lower sails, i could not make that way which i wished. during the darkness of the night a strong breeze broke the small top-gallant-mast that served me as a fore-top-mast, and everything contributed to prevent me from following the combined squadron. about midnight i sustained the fire of five english ships that had come up with me: they fired red-hot bullets. i escaped as fast as possible from the brisk cannonade which they maintained, hanging up the same lights as i observed them to have. i had only three men killed, and two wounded. as i was very near the combined squadron, i resolved not to engage, that i might avoid those fatal mistakes which too often take place in a night engagement. i was afraid lest i might fire into some of our own vessels, or that they might fire into mine; from which, fatal accidents must have resulted to the combined squadron. at one in the morning, not being able to observe or distinguish any more signals, i made for cadiz, keeping close in with the spanish coast, on a course n. or n.e., and by that means got at a distance from the squadron, which were steering large in a westerly direction. at break of day i found myself attacked by four of the enemy's squadron,--three ships and a frigate,--which had pursued the same course. though totally disabled, and the crew fatigued, having had no rest for three days, we returned their fire with courage: the frigate attacked us first, but a few shots well directed from our stern-guns made her abandon her object. the ship which followed, approached us, and kept up a brisk fire. we manoeuvred to get into a better position; i ran close to her until we were yard-arm and yard-arm, and maintained a terrible and well-supported fire: after being engaged an hour and a half, she was completely dismasted, making water in every part. the frigate which had attacked me astern, came immediately to her assistance; the other two vessels finding it necessary to sheer off after receiving some broadsides, not without damage, joined the frigate, and hoisted out all their boats to save the crew of the other vessel, and to take her in tow. they resigned to me the field of battle, and retired. i expected, however, another combat. we were determined to make the most vigorous defence; but, as the enemy retired, and as i found myself in such a situation as to be unable to pursue them, i resolved to proceed to cadiz, where i arrived at two in the afternoon. i shall not attempt to give you any account of particular instances of bravery. the two staffs, the crew, and the troops who were passengers, vied with each other,--covering themselves with glory; for, besides the noble combat of the th, this proves that the valour which animated the brave men i have the honour to command, was carried to a degree which it is difficult to describe. government will, no doubt, take the earliest opportunity of rewarding so much courage, and so great a devotion to restore the glory of the french navy. it would be just, also, to indemnify them for the losses they have sustained; their effects having been cut to pieces and absolutely destroyed. i have now, citizen general, to communicate to you a very fatal relation.--in the battle of this night, two of the ships which fired upon me, took fire and blew up. i supposed them to be english, presuming that the fire had been occasioned by the furnaces they had on board for heating their shot; but, on entering the harbour of cadiz, i was assured they were spanish. the darkness had led them into a mistake, which i had justly dreaded. they fired on each other, and on my vessel, at the moment when i formed the prudent resolution of avoiding a combat in which i could not distinguish the enemy. the names of these two vessels are the san carlos and the hermenegildo. in the combat so severe as that of this morning, and against so unequal a force, i am happy in having to regret only twenty men killed, or severely wounded. accept, citizen general, assurances of my zeal and most respectful devotion. troude. letter from rear-admiral linois to the minister of the marine, giving an account of the action: citizen minister, on the th of july a spanish division, consisting of six sail of the line and three frigates, arrived at algeziras from cadiz, under command of his excellency lieutenant-general moreno, in order to raise the blockade of four sail of the line and one frigate, which were under my orders, and to favour their escape to cadiz. that officer accordingly gave me every assistance in his power in order to put my ships in a condition to put to sea, and to tow them out, in order to enable them to set sail. our labour was continued day and night. general moreno made his squadron anchor in a line n.e. and s.w. on the th, there was a tolerable fresh east wind, and it was determined to set sail at one o'clock in the afternoon, on account of the tide. the signal being given at that hour, the fleet set sail, the spanish squadron being to windward of ours. the frigate l'indienne towed the hannibal, which we were sorry to perceive made very little way. the calm which we experienced under gibraltar necessarily deranged the regularity of our order; while the enemy, having a brisk gale at east, sailed from gibraltar with five sail of the line, a frigate, a brig, and a portuguese frigate, and formed the order of battle. as soon as the english admiral had passed europa point, he made a signal, and immediately we saw to windward six sail, of which two had three masts. i was then with m. de moreno on board the sabina frigate. at sunset, the two last ships of our line doubled the cape carnero. three only remained, with the hannibal, which was under jury-masts, and which consequently could not carry much sail. night was coming on, and it was necessary to return to our anchorage, which afforded the enemy an opportunity of attacking us before we took a position. at all events every delay was dangerous, for the reinforcements which the enemy expected might arrive every moment. the breeze from the east becoming stronger, we were assured of the wind during the night. we determined to send the hannibal back to algeziras, and to pass the strait with the combined squadron. we then manoeuvred so as to facilitate the rallying of two of our vessels, which had fallen into the rear in consequence of the calm. the three french vessels, which sailed better than could have been expected, were in the van; and in that order it was proposed to pass the strait. at eight, the enemy showed a disposition to attack us. at nine we heard the reports of three cannon, and at the same time we saw fires at a considerable distance behind us. we presumed it might be some of the enemy's vessels making signals of their arrival. we congratulated ourselves upon seeing our squadrons so well collected together, and sailing so well, which made us confident that the plan of the enemy would not succeed. at half-past eleven the wind was considerably increased. the night was very dark, and we heard a smart cannonade in the e.n.e.; and, soon after, we saw a conflagration, which made us apprehend that some of our vessels, in firing their stern guns, had taken fire, in consequence of the force of the wind. we thought also that they might be fire-ships of the enemy. we put about for a moment; but the vessel on fire approaching us, we continued our way, having constantly a light at our main-top-mast head, as a signal for rallying. it could no longer be doubted that the enemy had passed the strait, and had got into our wake. the cannonade became pretty general, but the wind was too strong to continue the action. we received several shots on board the frigate, which killed one man and wounded five. several balls passed through our sails. we took down the signal we had at our mast-head, for fear the enemy would fall upon us. it was afterwards hoisted, in order to collect our ships. we made sail, directing our course to the w.n.w., not choosing to go more before the wind, lest the wind, which was very strong, would carry away our masts. we passed the night in the greatest disquietude, not knowing whether the vessels which were in sight were not enemies. at length the day dissipated part of our fears, and we found ourselves in the midst of our fleet, with the exception of the two ships of three decks, viz. the hermenegildo and real carlos, and the formidable and the st. antoine. the wind having fallen calm, it became impossible to go in search of the vessels which had separated. we were then six leagues west of cadiz. at half-past four the dessaix made a signal that she had sprung a leak, and that the water gained upon her thirty inches an hour. she demanded assistance, which was granted. at five o'clock we heard an action in the east, and perceived a smoke. the wind being then from the s.e., we made the signal for the line of battle to be formed as quickly as possible, without regard to places, in order to assist the vessel that was engaged. at half-past six the action ceased, and a most perfect calm succeeded. at eleven, the wind rising again, we perceived four vessels at a considerable distance from one another. we flattered ourselves at first that they were our ships, but we soon found by their manoeuvres that they were enemies. we also distinguished the formidable close under the land, making the best of her way to cadiz. we stood for the port, from which a felucca brought me a letter from the captain of the formidable, which had been anchored in the road of cadiz, stating that in the morning he had engaged two ships of the line and a frigate, and that one of the ships of the line had been completely dismasted, and had been towed away by a frigate. we then anchored in cadiz. i must acknowledge the consummate experience and talents of general moreno, as well as the zeal and care which he displayed for the success of his mission. if separations have taken place, they must be attributed to the darkness of the night, and the necessity which there was of getting away from the vessels that were on fire. that officer, on hearing at cadiz of the destruction of two ships of his squadron, hermenegildo and real-carlos, was justly struck with grief on the occasion. he had, by his wise instructions, provided against almost every possible case. i have since been informed that the two spanish vessels which were destroyed, cannonaded and run foul of one another, each supposing the other to be an enemy. we are uncertain about the fate of the st. antoine. the violence of the wind made it extremely dangerous to fire to windward. rear-admiral linois. dated in cadiz harbour, th july , on board the formidable. admiral moreno's orders to his fleet on the th july : orders of sailing to be observed by the ships in my charge on their passage through the straits of gibraltar. the three ships under the command of rear-admiral linois will form the vanguard, with the line abreast; the six ships under my charge will form astern of these, likewise formed in a line abreast, endeavouring, as much as possible, to keep opposite to the intervals of the french ships, so as not to impede their fire, according to the following disposition: hannibal. indomptable. formidable. dessaix. augus- ar- r. herme- st. st. fer- tin. ganauta. carlos. negildo. antonio. nando. in case the enemy should attempt to follow and attack the combined squadron in the rear, besides the continual fire which we ought to make from the stern chasers, chiefly with a view to destroy the enemy's rigging, the squadron will form the line ahead, either with their heads to the spanish coast, or to that of africa, as will be determined by signal from the admiral; and, in order that this might be more simple, in that case, he will only show the signal for the course, at the entire lowering of which the movements must be made. as their situation, from their local position, cannot be of long duration, consequently either by hailing (if near enough) or by signal to preserve the course, the squadron will proceed again to form the line abreast as formerly. it is of the utmost importance that the fire from none of the ships should interfere, or be embarrassed with that of others in this squadron, nor leave the three french ships in the rear. as soon as the french ships get under sail, all those in my charge will do the same, following the track of each other, always observing to keep at a short distance from the french, till we weather the point of carnero, in order that if the enemy should get under sail, and find themselves in a situation to offer battle to our squadron before it is formed in the straits with the line abreast as above directed, we may engage them with advantage; consequently, the least inattention or delay may produce the most unfortunate consequences. i think the captains of the ships i have the honour to command are fully persuaded of this truth, and therefore i depend upon its efficacy; and i flatter myself that they are convinced everything will be performed on my part which can be inspired by my wish to add to the glory of his majesty's arms, that of our corps in particular, and the nation in general. line of battle in natural order. _ nd squadron._ _ st squadron._ _ rd squadron._ st. ferdinand, formidable, argonauta, st. antonio, r. carlos, dessaix, hermenegildo. indomptable. st. augustin. fr. frigate sabina, vautour. a red pendant, under any other signal, signifies it is directed to the french ships only. to those conversant in naval affairs, it must appear manifest that the disposition made by admirals moreno and linois was one of the worst that could be devised. it was scarcely possible that nine ships, which had never sailed in company with each other, could maintain, for any length of time, a line abreast before the wind so exactly as to be able to form in a line ahead when required, especially in a dark night with a strong breeze; and it must be evident that any ship which advanced at all ahead of the others could never get into the line of battle when the signal was made to form it on either tack. moreno seems to have been fully aware of the probability of the ships firing into each other, yet he made arrangements of all others the least likely to prevent it. had he formed into two lines ahead, with the disabled ships in advance, he would have obviated the risk of firing into each other, while the one division, by shortening sail, might have given timely assistance to the other which had been attacked. nothing can equal the scene of horror which the sudden conflagration produced in these two ships. the collision in which the fore-top-mast of the hermenegildo fell on board of the real carlos, added to the general dismay; and the agonising screams of the unhappy crews, deserted by their countrymen and allies in that dreadful hour, could not fail to pierce the hearts of the brave conquerors; but to render them any assistance while the hostile flag was flying was impossible. the duty of the admiral was to "sink, burn, and destroy." seven sail of the enemy's line were still flying from half their force, and he was obliged to leave the burning ships to their fate, and pursue his enemy until his destruction was complete. the capture of the hannibal, in which the spaniards had so distinguished a share, induced a number of the young men of family to embark in the two spanish three-deckers, in order to convey their trophy to cadiz, never supposing that the half-demolished british squadron would dare to approach so formidable and so superior a force. this fatal event, while it plunged into distress the whole city of cadiz, could not fail to create a sensation strongly unfavourable to their new republican allies as the originators of their misery. end of the first volume. london: printed by samuel bentley, dorset street, fleet street. transcriber's note: j.m. frere has been corrected to "j.h." frere. john hookman frere, ( - ), diplomatist, translator, and author was appointed in envoy to portugal, and was ambassador to spain - , and again - . transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. accents on foreign names have been added where necessary. an abbreviation key for the tables was added on pages and , as they were too large in the original to be read easily in this format. the "errata" of the "errata list" have been corrected in the text. the transcriber's note at the end of this e-book lists the other corrections that have been made. memoirs and correspondence of admiral lord de saumarez. from original papers in possession of the family. by sir john ross, c.b. k.s.a. k.c.s. f.r.a.s. captain in the royal navy. in two volumes. vol. ii. london: richard bentley, new burlington street, publisher in ordinary to her majesty. . london: printed by samuel bentley, dorset street, fleet street. contents of the second volume. chapter i. news of the battles of the th and th of july reach england.--rejoicings on the occasion, particularly described in a letter from mrs. saumarez.--promotion of lieutenant dumaresq.--letters from earl st. vincent, mr. tucker, and others.--remarks on the conduct of the governor and garrison at gibraltar.--state of the crew of the cæsar.--ship refitted.--appointments of officers to the st. antoine, and other vacancies.--correspondence with the spanish governor at cadiz on the subject of red-hot balls.--accusation refuted.--letters from lord keith, sir john warren, and captain dixon.--squadron off cadiz reinforced.--sir james resumes the blockade of cadiz.--his proceedings.--remarks on the result of the two actions. page chapter ii. despatches arrive from england.--sir james superseded by sir charles morice pole.--remarks and correspondence on the subject.--the st. george and four sail of the line arrive.--blockade of cadiz.--sir james continues as second in command.--his appointments not confirmed.--injustice of his treatment.--letters from various persons.--the cæsar arrives at gibraltar. chapter iii. preliminaries of peace.--sir james created a knight of the bath.--remarks on that order.--ceremony of investiture.--action of the pasley and rosario.--sir james receives the thanks of both houses of parliament.--speeches of earl st. vincent, lord nelson, and mr. pitt.--the freedom of the city of london,--and a sword.--address from guernsey and jersey.--silver vases.--inscriptions thereon. chapter iv. sir james disappointed in not returning home.--extract of a letter to his brother.--the french send ships to the west indies.--squadron detached after them.--death of general o'hara.--sir james receives orders to superintend the evacuation of minorca.--arrival of h.r.h. duke of kent.--sir james arrives at minorca.--definitive treaty of peace.--proceedings there.--island given up to spain.--the cæsar arrives at gibraltar.--proceeds to england.--anchors at spithead. chapter v. commencement of hostilities with france.--sir james hoists his flag at sheerness.--proceeds to guernsey.--flag in the grampus.--anecdote of captain caulfield.--sir james visits jersey, &c.--diomede arrives as flag ship.--the admiral examines the defence of the island.--loss of la minerve.--attack and bombardment of granville.--cerberus gets aground.--narrow escape from a shot.--public and private letters.--blockade of the coast.--loss of the shannon and grappler.--conclusion of . chapter vi. sir james continues in the command at guernsey.--proceedings of his squadron.--letter from lord nelson, dated two days before he was killed.--capture and destruction of la salamandre.--sir james's benevolent conduct at guernsey. chapter vii. sir james is called into active service.--joins the channel fleet as second in command.--shifts his flag from the san josef to the prince of wales.--his decisive conduct.--anecdote of the prince of wales' men.--change of ministry.--sir james leaves the channel fleet, and returns to guernsey.--is offered the command in the east indies.--letter on that occasion. chapter viii. state of affairs in sweden.--alarm of the king.--sir james selected to command the baltic fleet.--correspondence with lord mulgrave.--sir john moore's expedition.--arrives at gothenburg.--capture and destruction of a danish seventy-four.--sir john moore goes to stockholm.--is arrested, and escapes.--expedition returns to england.--disposition of the fleet.--sir james proceeds to carlscrona.--rescue of romana's army.--sir james proceeds to the gulf of finland.--capture and destruction of the russian seventy-four, sewolod.--the combined swedish and english fleet off baltic port.--reconnoitres the russian fleet in the harbour, and determines to attack them.--prevented by change of winds.--proceeding off baltic port.--letter to the emperor of russia.--fleet returns to carlscrona. chapter ix. sir james at carlscrona.--arrangements.--author left in sweden.--letter from the swedish admiral.--sir james leaves carlscrona.--arrives at gothenburg.--makes arrangements for the protection of the trade.--leaves rear admiral keats in command.--his departure from sweden, and arrival in the downs.--proceeds to the admiralty, and receives their lordships' high approbation.--proceedings of the fleet.--revolution in sweden.--sir james reappointed to the command in the baltic.--his correspondence with mr. foster.--official notice of the duke of sudermania being elected king of sweden.--he confers upon sir james the grand cross of the order of the sword. chapter x. blockade of the russian fleet.--swedes' expedition, under admiral puké and general wachtmeister, sails,--is unsuccessful. private correspondence with mr. foster.--armistice and peace with russia.--peace with denmark.--proceedings of the fleet.--state of affairs in sweden.--fleet returns to carlscrona, and subsequently to england. chapter xi. sir james's third year in the command of the baltic fleet. proceeds to gothenburg and havre.--correspondence with mr. foster, admiral krusenstjerna, and others.--swedes shut their ports.--death of the crown prince.--murder of count fersen.--restrictions of the swedish commerce.--sir james's judicious conduct in that and in several disputes.--election of bernadotte, and his entry into sweden.--correspondence on the subject.--sir james returns to england, and receives the approbation of the government and the nation. chapter xii. buonaparte declares he will conquer a "maritime peace."--illness of george iii.--prince of wales regent.--sir james obtains leave of absence.--the victory sent to lisbon with troops.--attack on anholt.--gallant defence of the garrison.--sir james continues in the baltic at the request of ministers.--letters respecting anholt.--letters from the duke of brunswick and answers thereto.--arrival in sweden of sir james.--letters to mr. yorke and admiral reynolds.--negotiations on the sequestration of english ships at carlscrona.--conference with baron tawast.--written document from the baron unsatisfactory.--letter from the admiralty.--sir james remonstrates with the swedish government.--evasive answer.--further correspondence.--value of sequestered property.--capture of two danish privateers.--gallant conduct of lieut. st. clair and mr. purcell.--determination of russia not to accede to the terms of france.--the crown prince places implicit confidence in sir james.--arrival of mr. thornton.--he is smuggled into the city of gothenburg.--amicable confirmation of the ghent treaty.--situation of the fleet.--sir james's letter.--disaster of the st. george and convoy.--admiral reynolds's letter.--arrival of st. george at wingo.--sailing of the fleet.--st. george and hero's convoy put back.--sail again.--melancholy wrecks of the st. george and defence.--captain pater's narrative.--remarks.--loss of the hero and convoy.--proceedings of the victory.--remarks on crossing the north sea.--sir james arrives at spithead. chapter xiii. state of europe in .--critical situation of sweden and russia.--advance of buonaparte.--sir james saumarez resumes the command in the baltic.--attack on anholt prevented.--proceedings of the advanced squadron arrival of the victory at gothenburg.--capture and destruction of a danish frigate and two brigs.--captain stewart's gallant conduct.--official letters.--capture of a ship in pillau roads.--lieut. jones's gallant conduct.--official letters.--peace with russia.--correspondence with mr. thornton and earl cathcart, who is appointed ambassador to the court of st. petersburg.--proceedings of the hostile armies on the frontiers of russia.--admiral byam martin sent to co-operate.--siege of riga.--diversion made by admiral martin in dantzig bay.--capture and destruction of four french privateers.--ratification of peace with russia and sweden.--sir james named knight grand cross of the sword of sweden.--his swedish majesty's letter and the answer.--emperor alexander sends the russian fleet to england.--defeat of the french at polosk, borodino, moscow.--retreat of buonaparte.--archangel fleet arrives.--earl cathcart.--mr. saumarez's tour to Åbo and st. petersburg, and return to the admiral with despatches.--afflicting news from england.--sir james's conduct on that occasion.--he is relieved by sir george hope.--returns to england.--strikes his flag. chapter xiv. state of the continent after the defeat of buonaparte.--sir james's services in the baltic no longer required.--retires from service, but not from public life.--his various occupations.--his claims for a peerage disregarded.--correspondence and observations thereon.--his residence in guernsey.--visit to oxford.--letter from lord nelson.--captain miller's monument.--political opinions.--letter from earl st. vincent.--is appointed to the command at plymouth.--speech of earl grey.--receives a visit from lord exmouth.--strikes his flag.--claims for a peerage again disregarded.--returns to guernsey.--his reception there.--death of george iv.--accession of william iv.--is created baron de saumarez.--letter from lady de saumarez.--his reception at the island of guernsey, and rejoicings there. chapter xv. political opinions and conduct of lord de saumarez.--death of his second son.--his letter on that occasion.--anecdotes of his carriage being robbed.--of sweden.--the king of sweden presents him with his portrait.--count wetterstedt's letter and lord de saumarez's answer.--lord de saumarez's last illness and death.--his christian fortitude.--his professional character.--moral and religious character.--remarks and conclusion. addenda. memoir of sir thomas de saumarez. memoir of captain philip de saumarez. appendix. index. list of plates. portrait of lord de saumarez _frontispiece_. battle of the th july in the straits of gibraltar page harbour of rogerwick, showing the positions of the english, swedish, and russian fleets, st august errata. page , l. , _for_ "eurthalms" _read_ "eartholms." , l. , -- "stedriegh" _read_ "stedinck." , l. , -- "remaininig" _read_ "remaining." , l. , -- "krusensbyerna" _read_ "krusenstjerna." appendix. , _for_ "t. manzell" _read_ "t. mansell." , -- "michaer," _read_ "michael." the life of lord de saumarez. chapter i. . news of the battles of the th and th of july reach england.--rejoicings on the occasion, particularly described in a letter from mrs. saumarez.--promotion of lieutenant dumaresq.--letters from earl st. vincent, mr. tucker, and others.--remarks on the conduct of the governor and garrison at gibraltar.--state of the crew of the cæsar.--ship refitted.--appointments of officers to the st. antoine, and other vacancies.--correspondence with the spanish governor at cadiz on the subject of red-hot balls.--accusation refuted.--letters from lord keith, sir john warren, and captain dixon.--squadron off cadiz reinforced.--sir james resumes the blockade of cadiz.--his proceedings.--remarks on the result of the two actions. the news of the splendid victory of the th of july was received in england with enthusiasm. after it became known that the squadron under sir james saumarez had been so materially damaged at algeziras, it was thought impossible that the ships could have been prepared to meet the enemy in so short a time. the admiral's despatches, subsequently to the first battle, stated that an overwhelming force had been sent to algeziras from cadiz; and, consequently, the news of his subsequent triumph over so great a superiority of force struck every person with astonishment. [illustration] the louisa brig, lieutenant truscott, having on board lieutenant dumaresq, arrived off mount's bay on the th july. this officer landed with sir james's despatches, and immediately proceeded to london. he was received at the admiralty by earl st. vincent in the most gratifying manner. mr. addington, then prime minister, sent an express to sir james's youngest brother at brighton, requesting his presence in london; and, on his arrival, he in the handsomest manner presented him with a situation of trust and importance in the island of ceylon, with a salary of two thousand pounds per annum. lieutenants dumaresq of the cæsar, jackson of the superb, and lillicrap of the venerable, were promoted to the rank of commanders. the extraordinary public sensation which this important and unexpected victory created, is described in the following letter from mrs. saumarez of newington, (sir james's sister-in-law,) to whom lieutenant dumaresq paid a visit on leaving the admiralty. london, th august . my dear sir james, it is impossible to express the admiration and enthusiasm which your late despatches have excited in the breasts of all ranks of people. you are now the theme of every conversation, the toast of every table, the hero of every woman, and the boast of every englishman. when dumaresq waited on lord st. vincent, his lordship squeezed his hand in the greatest rapture, exclaiming, "i knew it,--i knew it,--i knew the man,--i knew what he could do! it is the most daring thing that has been done this war. it is the first thing.--i knew it would be so!" he then gave dumaresq his commission, and wrote a letter of congratulation to lady saumarez, which he charged phil. dumaresq to deliver with his own hand. i trust they are now both together; and, after staying there one day, phil. is to return to town. lord st. vincent also sent dumaresq to mr. addington, who received him in the most gracious manner. he told phil. everything that man could say in terms of approbation; and justly added, that, however the multitude might estimate and admire the last action, yet the first, in his own mind, and in the minds of men who understood the matter, was equally deserving of praise, and would have fixed their approbation of sir james's conduct, even though he had failed in his second attempt. at the same time he owned, that the exertions made by the men after the first action, in order to meet the second, were beyond conception or example. indeed, they must surpass mr. addington's conception, since even lord st. vincent told dumaresq that it was far beyond what he himself could imagine. in short, my dear sir james, you have been achieving a deed that has held you up to the contemplation of mankind, and that secures you the gratitude of your country. you will, no doubt, soon receive very distinguished marks of the royal and the national favour. in the mean time you will be delighted, equally with ourselves, to find that the stream of prosperity, beginning to flow towards you, has already involved your brother nicholas, who was sent for yesterday from brighton, in order to wait on mr. addington to-morrow morning. it can be for no other purpose than to make his fortune. god knows the poor fellow has suffered enough on your account! for we had the rascally french despatches full ten days before we received yours; and, when we did receive the first account, your brother richard was not satisfied. he feared the business was not done, and his mind dwelt upon it with anxiety. at last, on the st of august, and not before, all our fears were removed; and yesterday we received the news that mr. addington had sent for nicholas. indeed, sir james, you have electrified your whole circle of friends in a masterly manner; for the very great success you experienced at last, came with double effect upon those who had greatly feared for you at the first: and, let me add, that not only your actions, but your letters also, are very much admired, and, i think, most deservedly. dumaresq is just like yourself,--unassuming and unaffected. he had been with us an hour with his commission in his pocket, without telling us of it; and it was only accidentally that we discovered he had been promoted. and now, my dear sir james, let me speak like an _old woman_. i tremble for you. had you only dangers and difficulties to encounter, i should not fear; but now you are going to be overwhelmed with wealth, titles, fame, adulation, and distinction; with everything, in short, that can make a man forget himself; "and satan, wiser than he was of yore, now tempts by making rich, not making poor!" now, if in such a situation you can retain the two pillars of your christian faith, namely, humility and patience, you will then be the first of human characters. alas! how seldom it is that we see the characters of the hero and the philosopher blended in one! when the head monopolises the spirits, the heart often wants courage; and, if the heart is strong, the head is weak. but, as no part of you has yet betrayed signs of weakness, endeavour to preserve yourself the same in future as you have been in the past, however your fortunes may alter. god bless you, my dear brother! and god bless also captain brenton, and all the heroes that are with you, and bring you safe back again to enjoy the favours of your grateful country! m---- is here very happy. she sent to the bank yesterday for money, and requested to have cash instead of notes. she was refused of course, at first; but when mr. brock said, that, upon his honour, the money was for sir james saumarez's _sister_, the guineas made their appearance immediately. i give you this as a specimen of what people think of you. two engravers have called on us for your picture; and i have written to lady saumarez to let them have it. i hope her ladyship and captain dumaresq are now in high chat. i remain, dear brother, ever truly yours, m.s. p.s. richard desires his love; but you have deprived him of sleep. as you could think on mrs. pope at the time you were undertaking the most desperate attempt that ever was made, you may probably find time to inquire for horace t. who is now at gibraltar hospital mending two broken thighs. he is the son of mrs. t. whom you have met at our house. she keeps a ladies' school next door to us; and, could you serve her son, you would help the widow and the fatherless, and please me at the same time. the following letters from earl st. vincent, and his secretary mr. tucker, will demonstrate the high estimation in which the victory of the th of july was held at the admiralty. admiralty, th august . my dear sir, i have to acknowledge your letters of the th june, th, th, th, th, th july, and to congratulate you most heartily on the career of glory you and your gallant squadron have run in the course of those periods. the hardy enterprise of the th merited complete success; but all who know the baffling winds in the bay of gibraltar can readily account for the event of it. the astonishing efforts made to refit the crippled ships in gibraltar mole surpasses everything of the kind within my experience; and the final success in making so great an impression on the very superior force of the enemy crowns the whole. i have great satisfaction in reporting to you that i have received the most gracious and full approbation of his majesty this morning of your whole conduct, and that of every officer and man under your command, and i hear nothing but praise and admiration from every quarter. we wait impatiently the arrival of vice-admiral pole from the baltic to detach a powerful reinforcement to you, and we are not without hopes that four ships of the line are on their passage from cork to join you before cadiz, or at gibraltar. having, from the moment of your departure, felt the most perfect confidence that everything would be performed for the honour and success of his majesty's arms within the reach of human power, i have only to add my anxious wish that another opportunity will present itself, ere long, for a further display of that talent and intrepidity from which the country has, upon so many occasions, received important benefits. i have the honour to be, with the most perfect regard and esteem, very sincerely yours, st. vincent. to sir james saumarez. admiralty, th august . dear sir, i congratulate you from my heart and soul, and assure you that i rejoice most sincerely in the glorious events you have achieved. i but feebly express what i feel on this occasion. it has been your good fortune, sir, to bear so large a part in accomplishing the most glorious actions of this eventful war, that you can scarcely have had an opportunity of witnessing their immediate effect on the public mind; but, be assured, in no instance has there been more lively admiration expressed of the intrepidity and indefatigable zeal of our navy, than has been shown by all ranks, of your most gallant enterprises, even before the account of your first action was received; and i am sure you will excuse me for adding the tribute my noble lord paid on that occasion, who, when he read the french account that they had taken the hannibal, exclaimed, "we may have lost a ship, but i well know the man and the men who are there, and i'll pledge my life the nation has lost no honour!" the instant despatch of the ships from ireland will prove that it was not conceived possible for you to have so soon refitted the squadron, which has been the subject of great admiration and surprise. the noble and liberal conduct of the squadron in admitting the pompée and hannibal to partake of their prize-money is an honourable and beautiful contrast to the bickerings which have arisen lately respecting joint captures, and must ensure success to every claim that can be made out; but i am afraid we shall not be able to find a precedent for anything beyond head-money being given for ships which have been blown up in action. b. tucker. we shall now return to the proceedings at gibraltar, where we left the squadron of sir james saumarez, after the glorious battle of the th july. the extreme degree of excitement and enthusiasm, sharpened by revenge, which supported the gallant crew of the cæsar, and enabled them to perform such prodigious labour during the last seven days, had now subsided. the incessant fatigue which they had endured, both of body and mind, their long abstinence from their natural sleep, and the sudden change from bustle to inactivity, threw the whole of the men into such a state of languor and debility, that they were found lying on the bare planks of the deck, having sunk exhausted, and incapable of making any exertion. this state of stupor continued several hours; some days, indeed, elapsed before many of them regained their usual strength and spirits. at length, however, the men again began to refit the ship, and prepare for resuming the blockade of cadiz. nothing could surpass the attention, kindness, and hospitality of the governor and garrison of gibraltar, who were, by the signal defeat of the combined squadron, happily relieved from a state of siege. invitations from every quarter were given; but sir james, who was averse to adulation, declined all except those of the governor, which he considered it his duty not to refuse. no time was lost in sending the men who were saved from the unfortunate real carlos to algeziras; and sir james entered into a correspondence with the governor, and subsequently with the commander-in-chief at cadiz, for an exchange of prisoners, which, as the circumstances were now different from those which lately existed, was acceded to without waiting for the permission of the minister of marine at paris. consequently the whole of the hannibal's men were sent to gibraltar, in exchange for the crew of the san antonio, which ship was surveyed, taken into the service, and commissioned. on this occasion the following promotions took place. commander the hon. geo. h.l. dundas, of the calpé, was appointed captain of the san antonio, now called the st. antoine; lieut. lamburn, first of the cæsar, to command the calpé; mr. beard, master's mate of the cæsar, to be lieutenant of the st. antoine, to which ship the purser and warrant officers of the thames, also, were appointed. mr. champion, secretary to sir james, was made purser of the thames, while warrant officers were selected from the class of petty officers in the cæsar; mr. john brenton was appointed to fill the vacancy of lieutenant in the cæsar; lieutenant janvrin was made first lieutenant of the st. antoine; and the other vacancies for lieutenants were filled up from the other ships, viz. messrs. curry and hillier of the pompée, t. dowel of the venerable, e. donovan of the superb, and mr. j. crawfurd, master of the el carmen, were made acting lieutenants to the said ships; while the marine officers of the hannibal, lieutenant (now colonel) connolly, and lieutenant dunford, were also transferred with the marines of that ship to the prize. all these appointments were transmitted to, but not confirmed by, the admiralty, excepting captain dundas, and captain dumaresq, who was subsequently appointed to the calpé. as the correspondence between sir james and the spanish commander-in-chief is highly creditable to both, and as it clears up a doubt which may still exist, we give an exact copy from the original letters, which were exchanged by a flag of truce. h.m.s. cæsar, off cadiz, th august . having been informed that reports were circulated in spain, ascribing the destruction of the two first-rates, real carlos and san hermenegildo, in the engagement of the th july last, to red-hot balls from his majesty's ships under my command, i take this present opportunity to contradict, in the most positive and formal manner, a report so injurious to the characteristic humanity of the british nation, and to assure your excellency that nothing was more void of truth. this i request you will be pleased to signify in the most public way possible. to assuage, as far as lay in my power, the miseries that must necessarily result from a state of warfare, has ever been my strenuous endeavour, and such will be the rule of my conduct in carrying on the blockade of cadiz, or any other service committed to my charge. i beg your excellency to accept the renewal of my respectful regard; and i have the honour to be, with the highest consideration, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, james saumarez. to his excellency don joseph de mazzaredo, commander-in-chief of his most cath. maj. ships, cadiz. the flag of truce, which had been sent into cadiz with some passengers, taken in a small vessel, and with the above letter, returned with the following answer, of which we give a verbatim copy, as a specimen of a foreigner's english: esteemed sir, the reports which have been current, that the burning of the two royal ships, on the nights of the th and th, arose from the use of red-hot balls, which were fired at them, have existed only among the ignorant public, and have not received credit from any persons of condition, who well know the manner of combating of the british navy. at the same time they give the greatest credit to the assertion of your excellency that nothing could be more foreign from the truth, and the characteristic humanity of the british nation. i have myself experience of the particular conduct of your excellency, conformable to your personal character, and to that of your late commander-in-chief, his excellency lord st. vincent, in the manner in which, in the last blockade of cadiz, he reconciled with the duties of a state of war those attentions and considerations to alleviate miseries not connected with the great object, and to secure that good intelligence and friendship with which two powers may suspend for a time treating each other as enemies; and i have no doubt that such will always be the rule of your excellency's conduct. in my particular circumstances, with an obligation to reside in this capital, as captain-general of the marine department, the correspondence in any urgent case of a flag of truce might suffer delay; and it would be convenient for your excellency to address yourself directly to don joseph herryar, commandant-general of the province and army of andalusia, qui (who) resides in cadiz. i will avail myself of every occasion to assure your excellency of the esteem and consideration which i profess for your person. god grant you may live a thousand years! your most obedient servant, joseph mazzaredo. isle of leon, th august . the following reply was sent by sir james to the spanish admiral: cæsar, off cadiz, th august . sir, i have received the honour of your excellency's letter, by which i am extremely happy to find the reports of the real carlos and san hermenegildo having been destroyed by red-hot balls from the squadron under my orders have only been credited by the ignorant public, and not by persons of higher condition in spain. but as such reports, if permitted to gain ground without being contradicted, must tend to irritate the minds of the public, and occasion an animosity between the two nations that ought not to exist, i trust your excellency will be pleased to comply with my request in causing the formal disavowal of it to be publicly notified. the very flattering manner in which your excellency is pleased to express yourself at my endeavours to alleviate the miseries attendant on a state of warfare during the former blockade of cadiz, under the orders of the earl of st. vincent, afford me infinite satisfaction. it is by pursuing similar conduct that i hope to deserve the approbation of the king my royal master, and that of the english nation. i shall comply with your excellency's desire in order to accelerate the communication of flags of truce, that they in future be addressed to his excellency the governor-general of the province of andalusia. i beg your excellency to accept my sincere and fervent wishes for your health and every possible happiness, and my assurance of the sentiments of most perfect regard with which i have the honour to be your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, jas. saumarez. to his excellency don joseph mazzaredo, &c. &c. &c. we need only add that sir james's request was complied with, and that several communications were subsequently made by flags of truce for the exchange of prisoners, by which the sufferings on both sides were much alleviated. * * * * * news of the battle of algeziras, and of the loss of the hannibal, having reached the admiralty through the french papers, their lordships despatched a vessel with orders to captain tyler of the warrior, who with six sail of the line was cruising off ireland, to proceed with his squadron to reinforce sir james saumarez off cadiz. these ships, viz. the warrior, captain tyler; defence, lord h. paulet; bellona, captain bertie; russell, captain cuming, all of seventy-four guns, and eling, schooner, joined captain stirling of the pompée on the th; who, with captain keats in the superb, had resumed the blockade. intelligence of this reinforcement was sent to sir james at gibraltar. a claim was made for prize-money, by captain c. duncan of the portuguese frigate carlotta, but was not admitted; because, having been informed that peace had been made between portugal and france, captain duncan had refused to take any part in the action, and had been requested by sir james merely to carry his despatches to lisbon. the cæsar being refitted, sir james made two attempts to join his squadron off cadiz; but it was not until the th of august that he reached his station, having, in the mean time, twice visited tangier. the thames had been sent with despatches to lord keith, who had ordered the généreux, captain manly dixon, to leave mahon, and join the squadron off cadiz; but this officer having heard of the second action, and conceiving it would be unnecessary, did not join, but wrote a letter, of which the following is an extract. h.m.s. généreux, minorca, e.n.e. leagues, july . this evening, being distant from the west end of minorca, on my passage to join you, i fell in with the brig with your second letter, addressed to the senior officer at mahon; and taking the same into consideration, and the great advantage which your glorious and most brilliant action with the french and spanish squadrons must give you over the enemy off cadiz, i judged it best for his majesty's service to return to my station at mahon, and act conformably to the last orders i received from sir john warren,--which were, to hold the généreux in constant readiness to join him on his appearance off that port. i beg leave to congratulate you, and the captains of your squadron, on the great success which has attended your first dash at the enemy in their strong position off algeziras, and the very important consequence of it. at the same time sir james received the first of the following letters from lord keith, who had not yet received the accounts of the second battle: foudroyant, bay of aboukir, th august . sir, i yesterday received your letters of the th and th ultimo, by the delight, from minorca. the letter has given me much concern, in consequence of the unfortunate issue of your gallant endeavours. i am still in hopes that it will not turn out so favourably for the enemy, and that some of their ships will be lost. you will know, before this reaches you, that cairo is evacuated. the greatest part of its garrison is now embarked. when that is accomplished, i see nothing to prevent our beginning to attack alexandria; and i am sanguine that it cannot hold out long: but, until it is in our power, i can detach nothing from blockading that port, and covering this immense fleet of transports, store-ships, victuallers, &c. which have no other protection. besides, the army cannot exist without our protection. sir john warren sailed from hence on the th may. i have since heard from him, at sea and at malta; and i have lately understood that he was off cape spartavento, where he may have heard of gantheaume's squadron; but his ultimate orders are for mahon, at which place he must now be with seven ships of the line. the athenian must now be ready to join, from malta. should the enemy sail up the mediterranean, carthagena or toulon must be their first rendezvous, where you will be able to observe them, when joined to sir john; and, from all information, their objects of attack must be confined to three,--egypt, turkey in europe, or sicily, in the event of a renewal of hostilities: and to those objects i recommend the strictest attention; because, after the island of minorca is sufficiently reinforced, it may be left, for a longer time than before, without very much danger: but i must recommend that the strictest secrecy is observed on my intended operation, and that frequent information is transmitted to me. were the enemy once collected at any one point, i could venture to detach from hence; but, unsettled as they are at present, it would be a measure of much danger. the ships last from england sail very ill; and, if met with, would be taken. the hector, ajax, and la diane, lately ran foul of each other at sea, and are not yet in a state to act. it will be proper to keep the cruisers active off carthagena, barcelona, and crette, whence the enemy must derive their supplies; and whichever port the enemy's squadron goes into, must be blockaded _de facto_; and any vessels that attempt to enter, after due warning, must be detained. i beg to mention that the anchorage of alendia bay is good. if not better defended than i have known it to be, the batteries might be destroyed by a few soldiers from general fox: a position there covers both sides of the island. the idea of an attack on maracoa, or algiers, i discredit: at the first place their army would be lost; at the second they could not trust their fleet in so open a bay even for a week. i hope you will send to the admiralty copies of all your letters to me on points of service, whilst i am at such a distance from you. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, keith. rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. foudroyant, aboukir bay, th august . sir, i have had the honour of receiving your letter of the th ultimo, acquainting me with the measures which you had adopted for opposing the return to cadiz of the combined french and spanish squadrons lately anchored in algeziras bay; and with the fortunate result of your attack on them, with an inferiority of force that little encouraged an expectation of so distinguished an advantage. i beg to offer to you my sincere congratulations on the successful issue of an enterprise, so honourable to yourself; and request you will accept the tribute of my perfect approbation of the ardent zeal and determined resolution which animated you on that important occasion; and that you will communicate my full satisfaction and approbation to all the captains and officers, seamen and marines, of the ships of the squadron under your orders, who, by so eminently distinguishing themselves, have merited and obtained yours. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, keith. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. (same date.) sir, i have to acknowledge the receipt of the various enclosures in your letters of the th july; and approve of the exertions to resume the station before cadiz with the ships of your squadron, which, i have reason to believe, has been seasonably reinforced by the généreux. the honourable captain dundas shall receive an appointment for the san antonio, which, i have no doubt, the repeated meritorious conduct of that young officer will induce their lordships to confirm; and i shall have pleasure in paying attention to the other officers, to whom you have given acting orders, when a compliance with their lordships' commands, and an attention to prior engagements, shall enable me so to do. i have the honour to be your obedient servant, keith. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. sir james, at the same time, received the usual order, dated rd august, to place himself under the orders of lord keith; by which it was supposed that his lordship had no right to share, as commander-in-chief, for the prizes antecedently taken by the squadron. this question, however, was decided in favour of his lordship. the bellona, penelope, and mermaid successively joined the squadron; and the latter, having a convoy from lisbon, was despatched with it to malta. the audacious and bellona were sent to gibraltar to refit; and subsequently the penelope, to be hove down. sir james received letters from mr. frere, at lisbon, by the phaeton, captain morris, informing him of the conclusion of peace between portugal and france; and of a report that some of the enemy's ships had escaped from brest, which was however contradicted by despatches of later date from the channel fleet, and from england. the enemy's designs had been completely frustrated, and vessels employed in the commerce of great britain proceeded to their various destinations without molestation. the phaeton was also despatched up the mediterranean with a convoy, and with information of importance for lord keith, from mr. frere. by the return of the thames, sir james received from sir john warren, whose absence from toulon had permitted admiral linois' squadron to escape, the following letter, dated, renown, port mahon, th august, . sir, i have the honour of informing you of my arrival here with the squadron under my command, being ordered by the commander-in-chief on this part of the station, and to assist and communicate with anything stationed without the straits' mouth. i received, with much satisfaction, the intelligence of your zealous and gallant efforts with the squadron under your orders in the several actions you have had with the enemy, the result of which has proved so successful and honourable to all who assisted in them. i therefore beg leave, sincerely, to offer you my congratulations on this occasion; and trust you have received the stores sent from this dockyard, and the supernumeraries which were conveyed in the mermaid. i am sorry to add that the swiftsure was captured by gantheaume in her passage with some merchantmen, on the coast of barbary; and that the enemy were fortunate enough to carry her into toulon. i have the honour to remain, your obedient humble servant, j.b. warren. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. the ports of cadiz and st. lucar were now declared to be in strict blockade, which was rigidly enforced, in order to prevent supplies being thrown in for the repairs of the damaged fleet; and serious disputes frequently took place between the french and spaniards in these harbours. although the battles of the th and th of july were not in magnitude to be compared to those of the nile and valentine's day, they were to the nation actually of no less importance, by having put an end to the well-laid plan of buonaparte for the destruction of our commerce and the reinforcement of his army in egypt, which gantheaume had unsuccessfully attempted. peace having been made between france and spain, it was agreed that the fleet of the latter nation, partly manned with french crews and officers, should be joined by linois' squadron from toulon, and then proceed off lisbon, which they were to sack, and destroy or capture the british merchant-ships lying there with rich cargoes; then, being reinforced by the brest fleet, they were to pass the straits of gibraltar, and with an overwhelming force steer direct for alexandria, where they were to land such a body of troops as would raise the siege, and drive the english out of egypt. this would certainly have succeeded had the squadron under linois not encountered that of sir james, which led to the total defeat of their combined fleets, and to the abandonment of the grand plan: events which may be said to have brought about the conclusion of peace, first, with portugal, and subsequently with great britain, as it was found impossible to relieve, or reinforce, the french army in egypt before the capitulation of alexandria, and the final expulsion of that army. but the reader will be surprised to find that the meritorious services of sir james, although fully acknowledged, were not so fully rewarded. chapter ii. . despatches arrive from england.--sir james superseded by sir charles morice pole.--remarks and correspondence on the subject.--the st. george and four sail of the line arrive.--blockade of cadiz.--sir james continues as second in command.--his appointments not confirmed.--injustice of his treatment.--letters from various persons.--the cæsar arrives at gibraltar. since the signal defeat of the french and spanish combined squadrons on the th of july, sir james had passed seven most anxious weeks without having received any communication from england.[ ] his sufferings on that account, and his impatience for letters, as well from his family as from the admiralty, were, according to his own admission, more intolerable than he had ever experienced. [ ] the letters, which have already appeared, were received on the st of august. the enemy's force at cadiz being now so inferior, even to the squadron he at first commanded, he was enabled to send the audacious and bellona to refit at gibraltar; while he detached the warrior and the phoebe to cruise off lisbon, and other smaller vessels in different directions. he never doubted that he should be continued in the chief command; and his hopes of the pleasing intelligence had been raised to the highest pitch, when the long-expected despatches arrived. his surprise and mortification, therefore, may be imagined, when, on opening the very first letter from the admiralty, he found himself superseded by a senior officer, on a plea which had no just foundation, namely, _the increase of the enemy's force at cadiz_! whereas, on the contrary, that force had not only been decreased by the loss of two of its largest ships, but _all_ the rest had been so materially damaged in the late actions as to be rendered for the present unserviceable. as might be expected, sir james felt so indignant at this, to say the least of it, ill-timed arrangement, that he considered it a duty he owed to his character to express his feelings strongly in a respectful answer to this communication, both to the board, and to earl st. vincent; which produced an explanation, in which it appeared that the admiralty, having determined to make cadiz a separate command from that of the mediterranean, it became necessary to employ two flag-officers. sir james being the last on the list, none could be found junior; and they were, therefore, under the necessity of appointing a senior officer. as it could not be disputed that the admiralty had a right to make the dispositions for which they alone were responsible, the correspondence in which sir james's services were acknowledged, and wherein regret was expressed by their lordships at the necessity they had been under of appointing a senior officer, ended in a satisfactory manner; and sir james was contented to remain as second in command under vice-admiral pole, who arrived on the st august, in the st. george, to assume the chief command of the squadron. two of the letters which sir james received on this occasion have been given in the preceding chapter, in order to show the reception which the intelligence of his victory met with in england. the following are copies of the official letters alluded to, and also of some private letters, which express his feelings on the occasion. admiralty, nd august . sir, i received, yesterday, by captain ferris, and immediately communicated to my lords commissioners of the admiralty, your letters of the th, th, th, and th instant, acquainting me, for their lordships' information, that, having received intelligence of three french line-of-battle ships and a frigate having anchored off algeziras, you had proceeded through the straits, with the squadron under your orders, for the purpose of attacking them, which you had accordingly done on the morning of the th; but that the hannibal having unfortunately taken the ground, and all the endeavours you had exerted with the cæsar and audacious having proved ineffectual, you had been compelled to withdraw from the attack, and to leave the hannibal in possession of the enemy; transmitting, at the same time, a list of the killed and wounded, with a copy of a letter you had received from captain ferris, giving an account of his proceedings: and, in answer thereto, i have received their lordships' commands to acquaint you that, although your endeavours to destroy the enemy's ships, above-mentioned, were unsuccessful, they cannot too much applaud the spirit and activity with which the attack was conducted; and that, however they may regret the loss of the hannibal to his majesty, their lordships have the satisfaction of knowing that you, and all the officers and men employed under your command, have faithfully and zealously discharged your duty, and although by unfortunate circumstances a ship has been lost, as well as the lives of many gallant officers and men, the national character has in no degree suffered from the disaster. their lordships have the fullest confidence that every exertion will be made for repairing the damage which the ships now with you have sustained; and have commanded me to inform you that you may rely on their taking measures immediately for reinforcing you, and for sending such supplies of stores as the squadron may be likely to require. i am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, evan nepean. to sir james saumarez, bart. admiralty office, th august . sir, after i had closed my despatch of the nd instant, lieutenant dumaresq arrived, and delivered to me your letters of the th and th of last month: the former, giving information that the three french ships of the line and, a frigate, at algeziras, having been joined by five spanish and one french sail of the line, with other smaller vessels, had sailed on the morning of the th with his majesty's late ship hannibal, for cadiz; that, by the great exertions of the officers and men of the squadron, you had been able to proceed to sea at the same time, with all the ships under your orders, except the pompée, in pursuit of the enemy; and that, after a partial action, two spanish ships of a hundred and twelve guns had been blown up, and one french ship of seventy-four guns had been taken by his majesty's ship superb: the latter transmitting a letter which you had received from captain keats, of the last-mentioned ship, containing an account of his proceedings on that occasion. i lost no time in laying your said despatches before my lords commissioners of the admiralty; and i have received their lordships' commands to express to you their highest approbation of the gallantry and good conduct which were displayed by you, and the captains, officers, and men under your orders, in engaging and defeating so superior a force of the enemy; and to desire that you will signify to them, particularly to captains hood and keats, in the strongest terms, the sense their lordships are pleased to entertain of their meritorious services on this important occasion. their lordships have commanded me further to inform you that, in consequence of the favourable mention you have made of the services of the honourable captain dundas and lieutenant dumaresq, they have been pleased to promote the former to the rank of post-captain, and the latter to command the calpé. i am, sir, your obedient humble servant, evan nepean. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. admiralty office, th august . sir, my lords commissioners of the admiralty having judged it necessary, from the present circumstances of the war, and preparations now making by the enemy in cadiz, to augment the squadron serving on the coasts of portugal and spain bordering on the atlantic, and to place the ships and vessels on that station under the command of vice-admiral pole, i have received their commands to acquaint you of this arrangement, and to enclose their orders to you, to put yourself, and the ships with you, under the vice-admiral's command. so many objections occur to the allowing a force of the extent necessary to be so employed, with only one flag-officer, that their lordships have felt themselves reduced to the necessity, from your standing on the list, of sending a senior officer to you; which, on considering the proofs you have given of your zeal and ability, and the advantage which the public has so recently derived from your very distinguished services, they would, if possible, have avoided. i am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, evan nepean. to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. the enclosures mentioned in the above letters being the usual official order for sir james to put himself under command of vice-admiral charles morice pole, need not be inserted; nor the consequent order from that officer to sir james. the squadron was now augmented by four sail of the line; namely, the st. george, (flag-ship), captain nichols; dreadnought, , captain vashon; russell, , captain cuming; and powerful, , sir francis laforey: and on the th of september the st. antoine, audacious, zealous, and bellona joined; which, with the cæsar, superb, venerable, spencer, and pompée, made twelve sail of the line. the subjoined extract of a letter which sir james wrote to his brother richard, is sufficiently expressive of his feelings: nd september . nothing can be more strongly penned than the letters, both public and private, which i have received. if i had destroyed thirty sail of line-of-battle ships, they could not have been in a higher strain of praise and admiration. but is it not surprising they should cease there? not a syllable is said of the first lieutenant, or anything intended for myself. your letter seemed to make certain of it, and you fully expect that a peerage will be conferred on me at the meeting of parliament, with the grant of a suitable pension. i cannot but feel surprised that phil. dumaresq should have been detained so long in london, and not be charged with the smallest hint on the subject, which almost makes me fear my services will be disregarded in the same manner i experienced after the nile. i declare to you that on no service wherein i have been engaged have i found any situation equally arduous as that of algeziras, nor have known any in the naval history of my country. its consequences have been equal to the most complete victory; for, with seven sail, of which my squadron was composed, we have frustrated two important expeditions, the naval force of which consisted of sixteen sail of the line. i have been encouraged to expect this mark of distinction by all on this station, and i cannot express my feelings should it not be conferred. i shall, however, follow my sister's advice of "patience and humility" in either instance, and i trust to my resignation should the injustice be done to me. with regard to mr. pipon, he cannot do better than follow captain martin in a line-of-battle ship as first lieutenant; it will not prevent my exertions to serve him: but judge of the injustice to those officers who have shared in this and several other battles with me, to place a stranger over their heads. the cæsar will, i hope, in a short time, be ordered to england; and i have written to be permitted to proceed in her, which i trust will be complied with. is it not hard i should have been deprived of lady saumarez's letters? it is, however, a consolation to know that she was in good health so late as the th, by a letter to captain dumaresq. the loss of lady saumarez's letters, which had been sent unfortunately to plymouth, where the squadron which sailed from portsmouth did not touch, as was expected, added greatly to sir james's disappointment; as did also the information that mr. lamburn, who had been appointed to the calpé, was to return to the cæsar, being superseded by captain dumaresq; and that _none_ of the appointments of the warrant-officers to the st. antoine were confirmed. it was, from these facts, sufficiently evident that sir james, in his honourable desire to benefit those under his command, particularly captains hood and keats, had materially injured his own interest by permitting these officers to make their own reports of the action at which he was present commanding, and taking part. by thus omitting to give himself and his own ship the full share of credit due to both, he actually threw his officers and himself so completely into the back-ground, that people were led to believe the cæsar and the admiral had little or nothing to do with the battle. it is to this, and not to any disinclination of earl st. vincent to reward sir james, that his services were on this occasion unrewarded,--the success being, by these documents, attributed entirely to the superb and venerable; in contemplation of which, the heavy responsibility, the ardent zeal, the determined resolution sir james had evinced, and, above all, the important advantages gained to the nation by that victory which his bravery and perseverance had obtained, were entirely overlooked. we may justly ask, were the merits of the first lieutenant of the superb, which, in conjunction with the cæsar, made an easy capture of the san antonio, and with a trifling loss,[ ] greater than those of the first lieutenant of the flag-ship, which was engaged far more severely at algeziras, who exerted himself most zealously in refitting the ship, besides assisting in the capture of the french ship? yet the promotion was only given to the first lieutenants of the venerable and superb, although the former ship would probably have been taken had it not been for the cæsar, and the latter was not in the action of algeziras at all! these circumstances, and the fact that his appointments to the st. antoine were not confirmed, seem to have given sir james more concern than even the total neglect of his own meritorious services. [ ] it was reported that the san antonio had struck before the cæsar came up, but this cannot be true; because, when the cæsar came up, both ships were still before the wind, firing at each other, and the cæsar had her cross-jack-yard shot away. taking into account every circumstance regarding the actions of the th and th july,--the severity of the former, the intermediate exertions, the professional skill, the daring and the tact displayed in the latter, and the complete discomfiture of the enemy's well-arranged plans for the destruction of our commerce at lisbon and the subsequent relief of their army in egypt,--this victory was equal to, if not greater in importance than, either the battles of st. vincent or the nile, for the former of which jervis was created an earl, and nelson a baron for the latter, immediately on the arrival of the news in england. yet after a lapse of several months, after praises had been heaped upon sir james, after the thanks of both houses of parliament had been voted to him for the fifth time, after his eminent services had been acknowledged by every large corporation, and generally throughout the kingdom--after the highest encomiums had been pronounced on him by earl st. vincent and lord nelson,--instead of a peerage, which he as richly deserved as either of the other two, he was decorated only with the red riband. we shall close this subject for the present by giving an extract from a letter sir james wrote to his friend sir thomas troubridge, after his correspondence with the admiralty on the subject of his being superseded had ended, and subsequently to his correspondence with the navy board on his having commissioned the st. antoine to employ the crew of the hannibal, which had been exchanged. cæsar, th october . i leave it to you to decide whether i had not just cause for additional disappointment to find no notice taken of the services of the squadron by the promotion of any of the officers; and what i must feel at this moment to find mr. lamburn sent back, and the lieutenants of the superb and venerable alone promoted. i cannot but view it as a great injustice done me, and i am sorry to say it mortifies me more than i can express. with regard to the st. antoine, allow me to bring to your recollection under what circumstances she was commissioned. at that time i was ignorant of any part of our force having been withdrawn from the baltic, or that any ships could be spared from the north sea or the channel fleet, and consequently could not expect but that a very small, if any, reinforcement could be ordered to join me; and to have left an efficient ship, which, with the hannibal's ship's company, could be brought forward for service in so short a time, i should have deemed myself very reprehensible, all the appointments were made in the most fair and impartial manner; and i solemnly declare that the sole view to the good of his majesty's service was what actuated the whole of my proceedings, which i am certain hood will also declare. i am truly grieved at the manner the warrant-officers i appointed to that ship are ordered to be superseded, and i shall feel it as long as i live. believe me, my good friend, my heart is incapable of harbouring so heinous a vice as ingratitude, and i shudder at the thought of being taxed with it: but when i consider the treatment i have received on this occasion, i feel it difficult to support myself; and what adds to my distress is, to find by your private note of the th that i am likely to remain longer in this country. let me assure you that i shall ever retain a grateful sense of the many and uniform proofs of your friendship for me, which i can truly say are not misplaced; there being no one among your numerous friends who can have a more true regard and sincere esteem for you than myself. j.s. sir james continued with the squadron under sir charles pole, employed on the blockade of cadiz, until the th november , when he went in the cæsar, in company with several other ships to gibraltar. the following letter from general o'hara gave sir james the first news of the capitulation of cairo, and the death of sir ralph abercrombie, on the st of august gibraltar, th august . if you have seen either the hebe or mendovia, you are acquainted with the success in egypt; and, if you have not, the enclosed gibraltar chronicle will inform you of all those particulars: and when we consider the great disparity of numbers between english and french, particularly detailed in the chronicle, we must conclude ourselves greatly indebted to good fortune for having got well through that very arduous enterprise. as the french troops, who capitulated, are nearly double the number of our people employed on that service, i cannot help having apprehensions till they are fairly embarked, and we are quit of them; for it is impossible to trust that scoundrel race if they can reap any advantage by breaking their faith. i am sorry to find, from several reports, that our great men don't draw together very well; i mean the chiefs of our army. it should seem we have more reasons than one to lament the loss of sir ralph abercrombie,--the cause of clashing parties between scotch and irish, which is too commonly the case in our service; and i am afraid something of that sort now and then arises in the navy. i send you, likewise, our chronicle of last friday, because you will there see the honours that have been paid to the french officers for the action at algeziras, as well as the one of the th. you will there perceive that the french formidable was attacked by four english ships of war! it is quite wonderful what improbable lies those rascals do propagate. sir james found at gibraltar h.m.s. renown, sir john borlase warren, whose flag he saluted. chapter iii. . preliminaries of peace.--sir james created a knight of the bath.--remarks on that order.--ceremony of investiture.--action of the pasley and rosario.--sir james receives the thanks of both houses of parliament.--speeches of earl st. vincent, lord nelson, and mr. pitt.--the freedom of the city of london,--and a sword.--address from guernsey and jersey.--silver vases.--inscriptions thereon. the fleet, with the exception of a small squadron off cadiz, had returned to gibraltar on the news that preliminaries of peace were signed. this was the consequence of the surrender of alexandria to his majesty's arms, and the final expulsion of the french from egypt; on which account general rejoicings had taken place. but that which most strongly excited feelings of joy and exultation in the garrison and inhabitants of gibraltar was, the information that his majesty had been graciously pleased to honour sir james saumarez with the red riband and star of the most honourable order of the bath,--a distinction which, at this time, was very limited, and conferred only on those who had highly distinguished themselves in battle. there was then only one class, designated by the letters k.b.; but, in , the order was, under certain regulations, extended to three classes. the former knights of the bath (k.b.) were made grand-crosses, (g.c.b.); the second, commanders of the bath, (k.c.b.); and the third, companions of the bath, (c.b.); by which the value of the original order has been much depreciated. the honour of knighthood, however, of whatever description, depends greatly on the brilliancy of the deed which it is intended to commemorate; and, certainly, on no occasion has it been destined to perpetuate the memory of a victory more splendid or more important than that achieved by sir james. as the ceremony, both on account of the peculiar circumstances under which it took place, and the intense interest which sir james's late actions had created, was of the most imposing nature, we shall give the reader the fullest account of it which we have been able to collect. gibraltar, th november . the following is the purport of garrison orders issued this day. the governor having been honoured with a commission from his majesty, empowering him to invest rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. with the most honourable order of the bath, the royal standard will be hoisted, at gun-firing to-morrow morning, on the flagstaffs at waterport and europa. none of the working parties are to be employed. the whole of the troops off guard in the garrison will be formed on the great parade, under arms, with their colours, and two deep, exactly at twelve o'clock. the troops will march by their right to the convent, when they will line the streets from thence to the south port, and from the barrier to the grand parade. they will be formed in the street precisely at a quarter before one o'clock, and at one o'clock the procession will move from the convent in the following order,--viz. order of procession. ensign bruce, town-adjutant. music,-- th regiment. one hundred seamen, with warrant-officers. a captain and two subalterns of the royal artillery, with four field-pieces drawn by artillery soldiers. town-major and garrison quarter-master. judge-advocate and chaplain. mr. ross, ord. store-keeper; and mr. pownall, n. officer; mr. sweetland, commissary; and mr. cutforth, agent victualler. dr. pym and dr. weir. rev. mr. frome and the chaplain of the cæsar. first division of officers of the squadron, youngest first. first division of captains in the royal navy, and field-officers--youngest first. major bellew and major geraghty. lieut.-colonel leyborne and lieutenant-colonel basset. lieutenant-colonel ballingal and captain oliver. sir francis laforey, bart. and sir thomas williams. captain taylor and captain vashon. music,--banffshire band. mr. raleigh. the commissioner's secretary, bearing a crimson velvet cushion, with the commission. the governor's aides-de-camp. the governor as the king's commissioner. the secretary to sir james saumarez, bearing on a velvet cushion the insignia of the order of the bath. captain linzee and captain brenton, esquires. sir james saumarez, bart. the knight elect, supported by major-generals stewart and barnett. b. major and aides-de-camp to the major-generals. second division of captains in the royal navy, and field-officers,--eldest first. captain darby and captain bertie. sir r. barlow and right hon. lord h. paulet. captain thompson and captain cartier. lieut.-colonel grant, lieut.-colonel zouch, and major bury. music,--cambrians. second division of staff. captain mouat and mr. wooden. mr. consul budd and mr. f. raleigh. lieutenant crawford and mr. stones. dr. white and dr. vaughan. mr. keys and mr. j. bolton. mr. edward bolton and mr. thomas bolton. music,--argyleshire. one hundred marines commanded by a captain. second division of the officers of the squadron, eldest first. drums and fifes. the grenadiers. the regiments and corps will present arms, and the officers salute the king's commissioner as he comes on the right of each corps successively. the colours will also salute, and drums beat a march. as soon as the grenadiers have passed the royal marine artificers, the latter will form in two lines or four deep, and march in column in their rear; the th regiment will likewise fall in and march in the rear of the royal marine artificers; and each other corps will in succession fall in and march to the grand parade, where they will form in a semicircle, the centre of which will be the throne. the diameter will be occupied by the seamen royal artillery, grenadiers, and marines. when the procession has arrived opposite to the centre of the parade, it will move down towards the royal pavilion; the seamen marching to the right flank of the diameter, the marines to the left, and the guns to the left and right of the seamen and marines, and the grenadiers on the right and left of the pavilion. the music will play "see, the conquering hero comes!" until the procession arrives opposite to the royal pavilion, when they will play "rule britannia." as soon as the knight is seated, the music will play "god save the king;" and immediately after the ceremony, the grenadiers will fire a volley, followed by a salute of one round from the four field-pieces, which will be the signal for a salute, from the sea-line walls, of sixty-three guns, viz. twenty-one guns from the saluting battery, twenty-one from the south bastion, and twenty-one from jumper's battery and those to the southward. whilst the salute is firing, the troops will file off from the parade, and return to their former position in the streets; and, after the salute, the procession will move back to the convent. in this manner the procession moved on to the grand parade, where, in front of the royal pavilion, a chair of state was raised on three steps, covered with crimson velvet and rich gold lace. over the chair a canopy richly embroidered with gold, and a floor-cloth of the same. before this chair, but on the right and left sides, two other chairs were placed, covered also with crimson velvet and gold lace; over these were two banners, with the arms of the commissioner upon the right, and of the knight elect on the left chair. the first division of the procession having drawn up on the right, the king's commissioner, the knight elect, the general officers, and their suite facing to the king's state, and the rear division halting and drawing up on the left side of the front of the pavilion, the whole made three reverences to the king's state, the music playing. then the ensigns of the order, and the commission, were laid on the table before the sovereign's state; at which time general o'hara and sir james saumarez sat down in their respective chairs, the music playing "god save the king." the general officers and suite divided, falling back on each side to leave the front open to the king's chair. after a short pause, general o'hara standing up, sir james saumarez also rising from his chair, they both advanced before the table; turned about, and made three reverences to the king's state. general o'hara then directed his secretary to read the king's commission. sir james saumarez's secretary attending with a riband, presented it to general o'hara, who, as soon as the commission was read, received the riband, with which he invested sir james saumarez; making at the time the following short speech. "it is most gratifying to me that, in obeying his majesty's commands, i perform this highly honourable duty so near the scene of your heroic achievements, and before troops who were witnesses of your distinguished conduct and eminent valour." to this, sir james replied in a short complimentary speech suitable to the occasion. after the salute, the commissioner and sir james saumarez stood up, and walked to the front of the pavilion, made three reverences to the king's state, and the procession returned to the convent. the number and martial appearance of the troops; the multitude of spectators of both sexes, and of all nations and countries, who crowded the surrounding heights, and the lower part of the mountain that overlooks the sands; the roar of the cannon from our batteries, and from the shipping in the bay; the presence of those brave seamen and marines, so worthy of the gallant chief under whose command they fought; but, above all, the proximity of algeziras and the straits, and the train of ideas awakened by the sight of those places where the new knight, but a few months before, had entitled himself to the honourable tokens of gratitude now bestowed by his king and country; every circumstance contributed to render this scene one of the most solemn and most affecting that it may be the lot of men to behold. of the knight himself nothing needs be said in this garrison. "dans les murs, hors des murs; tout parle de sa gloire." _corneille._ the following irregular stanzas on the occasion were written extempore by an officer of the royal navy. ye valiant martial bands, all hail! britannia's sons, renowned in arms; dreadful in war when foes assail, rejoiced when peace resumes her charms: salute th' auspicious day with warlike strains, which thus a king's munificence displays; when saumarez his just reward obtains,-- unfading laurels, and unenvied praise! and thou, oh vet'ran, not unknown to fame! thou chief, well chosen to confer the meed! be thine the honour of a spotless name, and thine the conscience of each virtuous deed! long may'st thou live to share thy sov'reign's smiles, whom heav'n preserve to bless his subject isles! the salutes from the batteries being returned, the ceremonies ended and other festivities commenced. sir charles morice pole being informed by the governor of cadiz that the preliminary treaties of peace had been acceded to by spain, and that hostilities had ceased between the two nations, proceeded to england on the th of november, leaving the chief command to sir james saumarez; who, pursuant to orders, proceeded to gibraltar bay with the following ships, cæsar, dreadnought, spencer, vanguard, defence, bellona, zealous, warrior, trial, powerful, and st. george; which, besides the four ships belonging to the squadron of sir john warren, were present on this occasion. this formidable squadron having been replenished with provisions, remained at gibraltar for further orders. on the th of november, lieutenant wooldridge, of the hired armed brig pasley, arrived with her prize the spanish privateer rosario, which he captured, after a gallant action, on the th october, in which the former had four killed and six wounded, while the latter had twenty-one killed and thirteen wounded, in a crew of ninety-four men,--forty more than the pasley. lieutenant wooldridge, who so gallantly concluded the hostilities on this station, was, at the recommendation of sir james, promoted to the rank of commander. the next arrival from england brought the gratifying intelligence that the thanks of both houses of parliament had been unanimously voted to sir james, and the captains, officers, and crews of his squadron. the following account is rendered more interesting by the part taken on this occasion by his late majesty, then duke of clarence, earl st. vincent, and viscount nelson, in the house of lords, and by mr. pitt in the house of commons. _ th october .--house of lords._ the first lord of the admiralty (_earl st. vincent_) rose to move the thanks of the house to admiral sir james saumarez for his gallant and spirited conduct in his late actions with the united fleets of france and spain, in which he had destroyed two spanish men-of-war and taken a ship belonging to france. his lordship, with much feeling, stated the particulars of the engagement in the bay of algeziras, in which, notwithstanding the loss of one of his majesty's ships, owing to a matter which sir james could not prevent, that meritorious officer displayed the most dauntless courage and energy: that in the first engagement the fleet of sir james was much crippled and disabled; but that, nevertheless, he made such wonderful exertions to repair his damages, that he was soon afterwards enabled to pursue the french and spanish fleets, and to engage them with the most decisive success, although greatly his superiors in numbers and weight of metal. the gallant achievement, he declared, surpassed everything he had met with in his reading or service; and when the news of it arrived, the whole board, at which he had the honour to preside, were struck with astonishment to find that sir james saumarez, in so very short a time after the affair of the bay of algeziras, had been able, with a few ships only, and one of them disabled, especially his own, to come up with the enemy, and, with unparalleled bravery, to attack them, and obtain a victory highly honourable to himself, and essentially conducive to the national glory. his lordship said, the merit of the brave admiral spoke so strongly for itself, that it would be unnecessary for him to take up more of their lordships' time respecting it. he should also move the thanks of the house to the captains who served under sir james; but he could not forbear to give his highest applause to the captains whose conduct was so gallant and successful on that day. there was no invidious distinction in this. every captain on that service, he was persuaded, would have done his duty in the same signal manner had he been fortunate enough to get into action. but it was not less his duty to notice the conduct of these gallant officers, on whom the fortune of the day fell, and who contributed to make the event so glorious by their conduct. lord st. vincent then formally moved the thanks of the house to rear-admiral sir james saumarez. _lord viscount nelson_ immediately rose to support the character and conduct of sir james saumarez, on which his noble friend had just expressed himself in such handsome terms. he said he was under particular obligations to that gallant officer, who had been second in command under him in one of his most important and successful engagements; that in the action in algeziras bay he was persuaded sir james would have achieved his object, and carried the enemy's ships into gibraltar, but for the failure of the wind; an accident which the admiral could not prevent, and which enabled the enemy to haul their ships so close within the shore as to defeat his purpose. nothing dismayed or dispirited, however, with the unfortunate event of that attempt, sir james made wonderful exertions to put his few ships into a condition to sail after a fleet of the enemy and to attack them, though their fleet consisted of ten ships, and sir james had but five, and his own ship greatly disabled. the glorious result their lordships well knew. but he was not surprised at the matchless intrepidity and skill of his gallant friend when he considered the professional school in which he had been bred, viz. the late lord howe, lord hood, lord bridport, and his noble friend the noble earl who sat next him. (earl st. vincent, feeling the full force of the compliment, made the noble and gallant lord a very low bow.) from such masters he could not but have learned everything that was courageous, spirited, and magnanimous. his lordship added some further panegyrics; and, after apologising to the house for having intruded on the time of their lordships, concluded by saying it was with the greatest satisfaction he voted for the thanks of the house to that meritorious officer. _earl st. vincent_ next moved the thanks of the house be given to captains hood and keats, and such of the officers as principally distinguished themselves in the two engagements in the bay of algeziras and off gibraltar. the _duke of clarence_ rose, and said he should have given his testimony in an ample manner, both of the gallant officer sir james saumarez, and the captains who had the good fortune to be in the action, if the noble lord at the head of the admiralty and the hero of the nile had not been present to do them greater justice than his praise could afford. he could not, however, give a silent assent to the motion. he rose now, as a professional man, to express his entire concurrence with every syllable that had fallen from his two noble friends in commendation of the gallant sir james saumarez, and to declare the satisfaction he felt in the thanks of the house being voted, to those brave officers captain hood and captain keats, for their distinguished conduct in the two engagements. they were both as deserving officers as any in his majesty's service; but he could speak more particularly to the merit of captain keats, having served under him for four years and a half during a former war as midshipman in the same watch. he was persuaded, whenever the country should be engaged in another war, captain keats would eminently distinguish himself. the motion was agreed to, _nemine dissentiente_; as were likewise two other motions, made of course in applause of the men serving in the fleet of sir james saumarez, and to request that gallant admiral to communicate the sense the house entertained of the other officers, seamen, and marines. in the house of commons mr. pitt said he would make a motion in which he was sure he was anticipated by the expectations of the house and of the public: it was for the thanks of the house to rear-admiral sir james saumarez. on the merits of the gallant admiral, and those who served under him, there could, he was sure, be no difference of opinion. he was equally sure that there was no difference of opinion respecting the merit of sir james saumarez in the attack which he made upon the french squadron in algeziras bay a few days previously to the signal advantage which he obtained over the combined squadrons of france and spain, and for which he would now, he trusted, receive the thanks of the house. it was impossible for him, in making this motion, not to advert to the attack, in which the zeal and ability of the commander, and the spirit and intrepidity of the officers who served under him, were so eminently displayed. that attack failed; but the failure was owing, as sir james saumarez stated, to the failure of the wind and a sudden calm which came on. it was the misfortune of the gallant admiral on that day to lose one of the ships under his command; but the officers and crew of that ship defended her until they had lost half their numbers. sir james saumarez was not disheartened, as must always be the case with men of true courage and vigour. he waited for an opportunity to make amends for his failure; that opportunity offered; and he availed himself in a manner worthy of him who had been the companion of, and sharer in the glory of, lords st. vincent and nelson on the th of february and in the bay of aboukir. these events were still so fresh in the memory of every man that it would be unnecessary for him to enlarge on them. he should therefore conclude with moving that the thanks of the house be given to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. and knight of the most honourable order of the bath, for his alacrity and zeal in pursuing, and for his able and gallant conduct in the successful attack on, the combined squadrons of the enemy in the straits of gibraltar on the th and th days of july last, by the squadron under his command. in like manner the thanks of the house were voted to the captains, officers, seamen, and marines, _nemine contradicente_; as also that the rear-admiral should communicate the same, and that the speaker do send the resolutions to sir james saumarez. the thanks of the house of lords were conveyed to sir james in the following letter from the lord chancellor, dated th october : sir, i have the honour to obey the commands of the house of lords in transmitting the enclosed resolutions. in communicating these resolutions, whilst i obey their lordships' orders, i cannot but feel most highly gratified by the opportunity which the discharge of this duty affords me of expressing to a person to whom the country is so deeply indebted the personal interest and veneration with which i have the honour to be, &c. eldon, c. to which sir james returned the following answer: cæsar, gibraltar, th january . my lord, i yesterday had the honour of your lordship's letter, transmitting to me the resolutions of the house of lords on the victory obtained by the squadron under my orders, on the th and th of july last, at the entrance of the straits of gibraltar. having on four occasions been honoured with the thanks of their lordships when commander of a line-of-battle ship in different general actions, this very high mark of distinction cannot but be more particularly gratifying to my feelings when entrusted with the command of his majesty's squadron; and i am at a loss to express the deep sense i entertain of so flattering an instance of their lordships' approbation. i shall have great satisfaction in conveying to the captains, officers, and men under my orders the vote of the august house, expressive of the sense their lordships are pleased to entertain of their general conduct. in returning my most particular thanks for the very polite and obliging manner in which your lordship has been pleased to signify the resolutions of the house of lords, i beg to assure you of the profound respect and veneration with which i have the honour to be, &c. james saumarez. to the right honourable lord eldon, &c. &c. &c. from the speaker of the house of commons sir james at the same time received the following letter: palace-yard, st october . sir, in obedience to the commands of the house of commons, i have the honour of transmitting their vote of thanks for your alacrity and zeal in pursuing, and able and gallant conduct in the successful attack on, the combined squadron of the enemy in the straits of gibraltar, on the th and th days of july last, by the squadron under your orders; and also their thanks to the captains and officers of that squadron, and their acknowledgment and approbation of the services of the seamen and marines. i feel the highest personal satisfaction in transmitting these resolutions to an officer who has on so many occasions done distinguished honour to his country, and to a service in which the nation feels the most important and anxious concern, and in the character of which i must individually be much interested. i have the honour to be, with the highest respect and esteem, sir, your most obedient humble servant, john mitford, speaker. rear-admiral sir james saumarez, &c. &c. &c. the next flattering compliment which sir james received was of a more substantial nature, and not less honourable, being the thanks of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of london with the freedom of the city, &c. accompanied by a sword, value one hundred guineas. the resolutions were conveyed to sir james in the following letter from sir john eamer, then lord mayor: mansion house, nd december . sir, i feel a peculiar satisfaction in having the honour of transmitting to you the unanimous thanks of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common council assembled, for the very important services you have rendered your country, as expressed in their resolutions; agreeable to which i have the honour to request you will have the goodness to communicate to the officers, seamen, and marines under your command the unanimous thanks of this court for their bravery and uncommon exertions displayed in those memorable engagements. on your return, sir, to this country, i shall be proud in having the opportunity of presenting you with the sword so deservedly voted to you, with the freedom of this great city, in which we shall have the honour of having your name enrolled amongst us; and i trust you will permit me to nominate you as a brother-liveryman in the worshipful company of salters, of which i have the honour to be a member. i have the honour to be, with the highest esteem and respect, sir, your most obedient servant, john eamer, mayor. to sir james saumarez, bart. &c. &c. &c. a common council holden in the chamber of the guildhall of the city of london, on friday the th day of november ; john eamer, esq. lord mayor. resolved, unanimously, that the thanks of this court be given to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. knight of the most honourable order of the bath, for the very important and splendid victories obtained by the squadron under his command over a spanish and french fleet of superior force, on the th, off algeziras, and on the th july last, off cape trafalgar. resolved, unanimously, that the freedom of this city, with a sword of the value of one hundred guineas, be presented to rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. knight of the most honourable order of the bath, as a testimony of the opinion this court entertain of the eminent services rendered by him to his country. resolved, unanimously, that the thanks of this court be given to the several captains, officers, seamen, and marines, for their brave exertions on the days of the above celebrated victories. resolved, unanimously, that the right honourable the lord mayor be requested to transmit the above resolutions to sir james saumarez, and to request him to communicate the same to the officers, seamen, and marines of his squadron. resolved, unanimously, that the right honourable the lord mayor be requested to provide the sword on this occasion. signed, by order of the court, edwd. boxley. his majesty's ship cæsar, gibraltar bay, th january . my lord, i have received the letter your lordship has done me the honour to write to me, transmitting the unanimous thanks of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of london, in common council assembled, for the successful attacks made by the squadron under my orders upon the superior forces of the enemy, on the th and th of july last, off algeziras, and at the entrance of the straits of gibraltar. i beg leave to return my most grateful acknowledgments for so flattering a mark of distinction; more particularly for the high honour conferred upon me in the freedom of the city of london, and permitting my name to be enrolled with its loyal and brave citizens. i also beg to offer my sincere thanks for the present of a sword, which i shall ever consider it my greatest pride to have been found deserving of; and i trust to use it with every success in the service of my king and country on any future opportunity requiring its being unsheathed. i shall not fail to communicate to the captains, officers, and men under my orders the resolutions you have been pleased to enclose to me; and i beg to express how truly gratifying it is to me to have the honour of being nominated a brother liveryman in the worshipful company of salters, of which your lordship is a member. i have the honour to be, with sentiments of the most respectful regard and esteem, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, james saumarez. to right honourable the lord mayor, &c. &c. &c. the inhabitants of the channel islands, justly proud of their heroic countryman, were not behind in acknowledging the high sense they entertained of his services. the following is a copy of the resolution of the states of the island of jersey: aux etats de l'île de jersey. l'an mil huit cent un, le vingt-deuxième jour d'août, les etats, à leur première tenue depuis la nouvelle de la victoire qu'a remportée l'amiral sir james saumarez sur la flotte combinée de la france et de l'espagne, dans les passages de gibraltar, ont un devoir de manifester la joie et la satisfaction que leur inspire cet heureux événement. les divers exploits qui ont signalé les armes de sa majesté ont toujours excité la plus vive allégresse dans le coeur des habitans de cette île. mais ce qui relève infiniment à leurs yeux le prix de cette dernière victoire est la considération qu'elle est due à un natif de l'île de guernesey, à laquelle ce pays se sent étroitement attaché par les liens d'une commune origine, de la proximité, de l'amitié. cette assemblée n'a pu manquer de remarquer les actions éclatantes qui ont distingué la carrière navale de sir james saumarez dans sa qualité de capitaine. elle voit enfin que, parvenu au premier rang, il a su y briller d'un nouveau lustre, et s'y acquérir de nouveaux droits à la reconnaissance de la patrie. on a surtout admiré l'étonnante célérité avec laquelle cet amiral a réparé les damages de son escadre après la sanglante journée d'algeziras; l'intrépidité avec laquelle il a osé poursuivre une flotte doublement supérieure par le nombre, la grandeur, et l'équipement parfait des vaisseaux; la promptitude avec laquelle il a saisi le moment favorable de l'attaque dans l'obscurité d'une nuit orageuse; et finalement le succès décisif qui a couronné ces nobles efforts. considérant tout ce qu'a d'honorable pour l'île de guernesey d'avoir mis au jour un de ces grands hommes qui ont illustré leur nation en la défendant, et dont la providence s'est servie pour réprimer l'insatiable ambition de l'ennemi, les etats ont unanimement résolu d'offrir dans cette occasion aux habitans de la dite île leurs sincères et cordiales félicitations; et, afin de leur faire connaître la part que prend cette assemblée à cet événement mémorable, le greffier est chargé de transmettre le présent acte à robert p. le marchant, écuyer, bailli de guernesey, pour qu'il veuille bien le communiquer à ses compatriotes de la manière la plus convenable. jean de veulle, greff. the address of the loyal inhabitants of the channel islands was followed by a liberal subscription for the wounded, and the widows and orphans of those who fell in the actions. large sums were also subscribed for the same purpose in great britain; while the island of guernsey presented sir james with a very handsome silver vase, being the second time the high sense entertained of his services had been thus expressed. the inscription on the first vase, which has not been before given, is as follows: _presented to sir james saumarez, knt._ of his majesty's frigate the crescent, by the subscribers to the fund for encouraging the capture of french privateers, in testimony of their sense of his gallant conduct in the action of the th october last with la réunion, french frigate, of considerable force, and the protection thereby afforded to the commerce of great britain. london, th nov. . on the second vase the following inscription: the inhabitants of _guernsey_ to their gallant countryman, rear-admiral _sir james saumarez, bart. and k.b._ whose suavity of manner and private virtues have long engaged their esteem and affection, and whose brilliant achievements have not only immortalized his name, but will for ever reflect lustre on his native isle, and add to the glory of the british empire. june . chapter iv. . sir james disappointed in not returning home.--extract of a letter to his brother.--the french send ships to the west indies.--squadron detached after them.--death of general o'hara.--sir james receives orders to superintend the evacuation of minorca.--arrival of h.r.h. duke of kent.--sir james arrives at minorca.--definitive treaty of peace.--proceedings there.--island given up to spain.--the cæsar arrives at gibraltar.--proceeds to england.--anchors at spithead. destined to remain with his squadron at gibraltar, sir james suffered a severe disappointment in being prevented from returning home. he occasionally visited tetuan; and, after the preliminaries of peace were signed, he had communication with the spanish authorities. on the th of january he was surprised by the appearance of four french line-of-battle ships in the eastward, which passed through the straits of gibraltar; on which he wrote a letter to his brother, whence the following is extracted: cæsar, gibraltar, th january . i had the pleasure yesterday to receive your affectionate letter, by way of malaga, which, although of an old date, was very acceptable. the letter it enclosed from our brother sir thomas was the first i have seen from guernsey for several months. our accounts from england extend to the th instant, by way of lisbon. although no public despatches have been received, we have reason to expect the next arrival will bring the news of the definitive treaty being signed; at the same time it is rather surprising to see the french detaching ships from all their ports. yesterday, four sail of the line and a frigate appeared to the eastward, which unquestionably must be gantheaume's squadron. i detached the phaeton with the intelligence, and am preparing four ships to follow them to the west indies, taking it for granted they are going to st. domingo. i enclose a letter for nicholas, who i hope has arrived before this time. it is satisfactory to be informed that ceylon is a healthy situation. i hope before many years we shall see him amongst us in the enjoyment of good health and a competent fortune, for few are more deserving than he is. nothing has joined from lord keith since my last; but i understand his lordship is expecting his orders of recall, which will leave me no chance of going to england for some months. i have no apprehensions of being ordered to jamaica; but, if i should, i hope none of my friends will suffer uneasiness on my account. my chief dislike to the station would be its prolonging my absence from home, as, in other respects, i would as soon be there as in any other station whilst i remain employed. i am well pleased with the motto ("in deo spero") you have substituted. it is the one i had fixed upon before; but wishing to have reference to the action made me adopt the other, though not without much consideration, as i allow it appeared as if i no longer had that trust which i hope will never forsake me in any event through life. on the st of january sir james detached the warrior, defence, bellona, and zealous, of guns each, to follow the french squadron to the west indies. these ships were placed under the command of captain tyler, of the warrior, who was senior officer, and had directions to proceed to jamaica and join sir john duckworth, the then commander-in-chief on that station: at the same time the phaeton, captain morris, was despatched to england with the intelligence of the above circumstances. the leda, captain hope, had been sent to cadiz to receive for safety the specie belonging to the merchants, and to obtain information respecting the movements of the ships in that harbour. it was then ascertained that the french ship duquesne, of guns, had arrived there in distress, having parted from a convoy bound to st. domingo. she was accompanied by a french frigate; and, both having troops on board, no doubt could be entertained of their destination, as well as that of the squadron under rear-admiral gantheaume. several transports and troop-ships arrived from malta and egypt, having on board part of the army employed on the reduction of alexandria, and were despatched to england. an unexpected event now plunged the garrison of gibraltar into deep affliction. the gallant and highly-respected governor was seized with a malignant illness, which terminated his life in five days. with this mournful intelligence sir james despatched the penelope frigate to england, and another frigate to lord keith, at malta. the following is a copy of his letter to mr. nepean on that occasion: sir, i request you will be pleased to inform my lords commissioners of the admiralty that i have thought it necessary to despatch the penelope to england, in order that the king's ministers may be apprised as speedily as possible of the loss his majesty's service has sustained in the death of governor o'hara, who departed this life early this morning. i cannot on this occasion refrain from expressing my deep concern at the loss of an officer from whom the naval service in particular has always experienced the utmost attention. i am, sir, your obedient humble servant, james saumarez. general burnet succeeded, _pro tempore_, to the command of the garrison; and captain gaskill, the late governor's aide-de-camp, was the bearer of the despatches to government. it was about this time that the th regiment, commanded by colonel ross, arrived from egypt to relieve the cambrian rangers, part of which went home in the penelope, and the remainder in the dido, troop-ship. the colours were hoisted half-mast on board all the ships until the rd of march, when general o'hara's funeral took place; on which occasion the boats of the squadron, joined by those of the foreign men-of-war, rowed in procession to the ragged staff, while minute-guns were fired by the flag-ship and the garrison. the solemnity of this scene could not but be rendered more impressive by the recollection of the investiture of sir james with the order of the bath, in which the venerable and gallant general had performed so distinguished a part only a short time before. this event was followed by one of the same mournful description, namely, the death of admiral brenton, father to the gallant captain of the cæsar, a venerable and highly-respected officer. as family affairs required captain brenton's presence in england, he exchanged with captain downman, of the dorothea, by mutual consent, and with permission from the admiral. this exchange accordingly took place on the th march , when captain downman joined the cæsar. on the nd of march sir james received orders from lord keith to proceed with the cæsar to minorca, for the purpose of superintending the various duties that might become necessary on the evacuation of that island; but as the order was grounded on a report which had reached his lordship from toulon and marseilles that the definitive treaty of peace was signed, which proved to be premature, sir james postponed his departure until more authentic information should arrive, and he acquainted the lords of the admiralty of this circumstance by a letter to the secretary, dated on the following day. lord keith himself, however, arrived in the foudroyant, from malta, on the th of march, and, being in expectation of orders to proceed to england, he did not interfere with the duty of the squadron. on the th of april, there being no doubt that minorca would soon be given up to spain, sir james received the following orders from lord keith, appointing him to conduct that service: by the right hon. lord keith, &c. whereas orders may be immediately expected for the evacuation of the island of minorca, and as i think it indispensable that that service should be conducted by an officer of rank, ability, and experience, you are hereby required and directed to proceed thither in his majesty's ship the cæsar, to be in readiness to take upon you the charge and execution of that duty, following such directions in that behalf as i have already forwarded to the senior officer there, copies of the most material of which are herewith enclosed, and such other instructions as you may hereafter receive from me; communicating with me or with rear-admiral sir richard bickerton, at malta, on all occasions when the necessity of the service on which you are employed may so require.--given on board the foudroyant, gibraltar, th april . the following is a copy of the orders alluded to: in the event of orders being received by you over land, or the arrival of instructions by sea which may not have reached me, for the evacuation of the island of minorca, you are hereby specially instructed to carry them into effect in the manner most consistent with the directions which you shall receive. you will enter into immediate communication with the officer commanding his majesty's land forces, and co-operate with him on all necessary occasions for carrying the evacuation into effect; and you will furnish to him, and to other officers of rank and their families, the best accommodation of which the disposable room in the ships will admit. in such case it will be incumbent on you to obtain, without a moment's loss of time, an exact estimate of the tonnage that will be required as well for the embarkation of the troops as of the stores, &c. the above will be sufficient to show the arduous duty sir james had to perform. the number of troops to be embarked at minorca was , ; at malta, , ; at elba, ; and at egypt, , ; in all, , . these were destined partly to england, and partly to ireland; to transport which, men-of-war and merchant-ships were collected from all quarters. on the same day sir james received from lord keith a copy of a letter from the secretary of the admiralty, dated st april : i transmit to your lordship herewith, by command of my lords commissioners of the admiralty, for your information, a gazette extraordinary, containing an account of the signature of the definitive treaty of peace at amiens, on the th of last month, by the plenipotentiary of his majesty, and the plenipotentiaries of france, and spain, and the batavian republic. if no unforeseen event should happen, their lordships think it probable that the ratification will be exchanged in the course of three weeks from this time; but, whenever it shall take place, the earliest notice thereof shall be given to your lordship, &c. the same despatch brought information that his royal highness the duke of kent (father of her present most excellent majesty) had been appointed governor of gibraltar; and, in consequence, the following orders were issued by lord keith: foudroyant, gibraltar, th april . general memorandum. when his royal highness the duke of kent, who is expected at gibraltar, arrives in this bay, the flag-officers and captains then at the anchorage are to attend in their boats with their flags and pendants hoisted, and to row in succession, the flag-officer or officers following the commander-in-chief, and the captains next, two by two, according to seniority; and, as soon as his royal highness shall have landed, the officers are at liberty to return to their ships. when the royal standard is hoisted in the boat in which the prince is to land, the ship he came in is to fire twenty-one guns; and, as the boat passes the flag-ship, twenty-one guns shall be fired from all the ships commanded by post-captains, beginning when the foudroyant shall have fired her second gun; the guards to be turned out, and the drums to beat a march, but the ships' yards are not to be manned.--by order of the commander-in-chief. we need scarcely add that his royal highness was received with every mark of respect due to his illustrious name, and to the high situation in which he had been placed. the cæsar sailed from gibraltar about the st of may, and on the th arrived at mahon. when sir james entered upon his important mission, he communicated immediately with general clephane on the subject of the evacuation of the island of minorca; and measures were taken for the embarkation of the troops and stores as soon as the ratification of the treaty of peace arrived, which took place on the th of may. sir james at the same time received the welcome information that he was, with the cæsar, to carry the last division to england. it was determined to send the dreadnought and généreux with the first division of transports, consisting of ten sail, in which were the th regiment and ordnance-stores, under command of captain cornwall berkeley, of the généreux. these were to proceed to gibraltar; but the dreadnought, captain vashon, had orders to proceed direct to england with the second battalion of the th regiment, which was embarked in that ship at the same time the troops at porto ferrajo and elba sailed on the nd of june. some of the transports having returned from gibraltar, the embarkation continued, and the island was finally given up on the th june. the orders given on this occasion, will be perused with interest. copy of articles agreed upon between rear-admiral sir james saumarez and general clephane, for the evacuation of the island of minorca, and for delivering it to the authorities of his catholic majesty the king of spain. rear-admiral sir james saumarez, bart, and k.b., commanding his britannic majesty's squadron in the port of mahon, and major-general william douglas maclean clephane, commanding the troops upon the island of minorca, being duly authorised on the part of his britannic majesty by his royal sign manual, and don juan miguel de nines y felia, &c. having communicated his power and authority to receive the same, have agreed to the following arrangements, viz. st. brigadier-general moncreiffe is appointed to arrange with his excellency the captain-general, &c. &c. the speediest time for admitting his catholic majesty's troops by the gate at ciudadela, and the troops of his britannic majesty will evacuate at the same time by the gate of mahon. nd. on the following day major-general clephane will be ready to receive his excellency the captain-general upon the glacis of fort george, and deliver the keys thereof in due form; immediately after which the british troops will embark. rd. the fort of fornells, and the towers on the coast, will be given up in due time to the engineer, don raman. th. captain framingham, royal artillery, will deliver up the ordnance and the ammunition found on the island at the time of the capture thereof as nearly as possible, and now collected at the following places, viz. fornells, buffera, adaya, and fort george. th. the royal arsenal shall be given up in its present state. two line-of-battle ships' lower-masts and bowsprits, british property, will be left in store until means be furnished by the british government to remove them. th. the papers found in the secretary's office will be restored. th. the revenues of the island are to belong to his catholic majesty from the rd day of may last, that being the day appointed by the definitive treaty for the cession of the island. in consequence of the judge and other civil officers having been employed by the british government, their salaries have been paid up to the th june. signed and sealed at mahon, the th day of june one thousand eight hundred and two. james saumarez. cæsar, off port mahon, th june . sir, i beg to acquaint you, for the information of my lords commissioners of the admiralty, that the island of minorca has been this day given up to the spanish government; and major-general clephane, with the last division of troops, embarked immediately after having put them in possession of fort george. i shall proceed with all despatch to gibraltar with his majesty's ship cæsar, and the pomone, and port mahon brig; and have detached the camelion to barcelona, to land major-general clephane's and my despatches. i have detached to the island of malta , tonnage of transports not required for the services of this island; and i have given directions to captain bowen, of his majesty's troop-ship alligator, to remain in mahon harbour ten days from the time of the embarkation, and then proceed for malta, and follow the orders of rear-admiral sir richard bickerton. i herewith have the honour to enclose, for their lordships' information, a copy of the articles agreed upon with his excellency don juan miguel de nines y felia, the spanish captain-general; and i have the satisfaction to observe that the utmost good order and harmony has prevailed between the forces of our respective nations. i have the further satisfaction to inform their lordships that, during the arduous service of embarking the numerous stores from minorca, in which the seamen of the ships of war and transports have borne a considerable share, there has not been the smallest cause of complaint of any irregularity whatever having been committed. enclosed is a return of troop-ships and transports destined for ireland, which embarked the last division of troops. major-general clephane takes his passage to england on board the pomone. i have to express my acknowledgments to that officer for the alacrity with which the embarkation of the various stores from the different ports of the island has been effected. i am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, james saumarez. to evan nepean, esq. by the right honourable lord keith, k.b. admiral of the blue, and commander-in-chief. whereas i have obtained permission from the lords commissioners of the admiralty to return to england, and have been authorised by their lordships to leave such directions for the governance of the station till their further commands are ascertained as i shall judge fit and proper for the execution of the board; you are hereby required and directed, after my departure, to regulate the service in this bay, and pay attention to the instructions that follow, viz.--you will, on all proper and necessary occasions, communicate with his royal highness the duke of kent, governor of this garrison, and in particular yield all the accommodation of which ships passing from minorca or elba can admit for the reception of parties of the th regiment of foot, which are ordered to return to britain from hence. when the acasta returns from malta, she is not to be detained, the lords commissioners of the admiralty having expressly directed her return; and, as she will be able to accommodate a considerable number of men, i recommend that she receive part of the th regiment; and also; the diane and carriere, if they arrive here, and that you forthwith direct them to proceed. captain dundas, of the solebay, has my orders to repair to lisbon to receive for britain part of the troops who are there; and the accompanying order, addressed to captain hope, directs him to proceed with the leda on the same; service. captain beanes, of the determinée, and captain provost, of the bonne citoyenne, are instructed to proceed to britain forthwith. you will order the milbrook to lisbon with the letters from hence by the next levant wind, and from thence to spithead. the pigmy will return to you with the first english mail that arrives in the tagus. you will inform yourself, from the officers of the yard, of the quantity and species of stores that they may be desirous of sending home; and direct them to be embarked in his majesty's ships and transports that are returning, in such proportions as can be conveniently received. you will allow no ships to sail for great britain with more than six weeks' provision on board, till the agent victuallers shall be provided with a sufficient supply for the ships that remain here. all transports, victuallers, and other vessels arriving here on the public account, are to be cleared with the greatest despatch; and, if any unnecessary delay appears on the master's part, you will cause protest to be made, and acquaint the transport board thereof. as it is probable that rear-admiral sir richard bickerton may send down troop-ships to this place for the removal of the th regiment of foot, and as some part of the regiment is already embarked, and more of them may be forwarded by other opportunities, of which you may be able to avail yourself; it is my direction that such troop-ships, when they arrive, as they are not wanted for the conveyance of the th regiment, may be either returned to malta or sent to lisbon for the embarkation of troops under the command of lieutenant-general fraser, as existing circumstances may recommend as the most needful to be done. you will take care that no ships pass without having as many men as they can receive; and you will have the means of completing them by separate embarkations of the regiment above-mentioned, observing that the destination is the same; and, for your better guidance in this particular, i enclose herewith a state of the troop-ships, with the freights and the destinations appointed for them. till special orders are received from the lords commissioners of the admiralty, the ships and vessels, as per list enclosed, are to remain upon the service of the station; and if any of them arrive with contrary instructions from rear-admiral sir richard bickerton, or sir james saumarez, before that was known, you are to retain them here accordingly. you will open all public despatches which may be addressed to me, and carry them, as far as depends upon you, into effect at this place. such as are addressed to rear-admiral sir richard bickerton you will forward to him at malta. maintain a correspondence with him, as the officer charged with the chief command on the station, by all convenient opportunities, and follow such orders and directions as you may receive from him. given on board the foudroyant, gibraltar, th june, , keith. sir jas. saumarez, bart, and k.b. rear-admiral of the blue; and, in his absence, to john aylmes, esq. captain of h.m.s. dragon. list of ships to remain on the station till further orders: kent, hector, diana, greyhound, camelion, dragon, anson, narcissus, victorieuse, weazle, superb, medusa, thames, cynthia, delight, triumph, active, maidstone, port mahon, vincego. n.b. such others as may arrive here with troops may be sent to the destinations of the regiments. keith. no duty on which sir james was ever employed was executed with more address, or more completely to the general satisfaction. the honour of the british flag was maintained in a manner which could not be questioned, being borne away mounted on a cannon, on which it was embarked without the necessity of striking it, when the keys of the fortress were delivered to the spanish commander-in-chief, while the spanish standard was hoisted at the flag-staff. the greatest decorum was preserved on both sides. the cæsar left mahon on the th june, with the last division of the troops, and arrived at gibraltar on the th, when sir james found that lord keith had already sailed, leaving orders for him to follow to england with the last division, which consisted of three sail of the line and six troop-ships. after exchanging complimentary letters with his excellency the captain-general and governor of andalusia, sir james took leave of his royal highness the governor of gibraltar. he sailed on the th of june, anchored at spithead on the rd of july , and reported in the usual manner the arrival of the cæsar to the admiralty. chapter v. . commencement of hostilities with france.--sir james hoists his flag at sheerness.--proceeds to guernsey.--flag in the grampus.--anecdote of captain caulfield.--sir james visits jersey, &c.--diomede arrives as flag-ship.--the admiral examines the defence of the island.--loss of la minerve.--attack and bombardment of granville.--cerberus gets aground.--narrow escape from a shot.--public and private letters.--blockade of the coast.--loss of the shannon and grappler.--conclusion of . hostilities with france were about to be resumed early in the year , and sir james was called into active service. on the th of march he hoisted his flag at sheerness, on board the zealand, in order to expedite the preparations that were going on in the medway. soon after this, the zealand went to the nore. she was at that time commanded by captain, afterwards admiral, william mitchell, an officer who had risen to the rank of rear-admiral by his good conduct, after having been flogged through the fleet for desertion. the great preparations now making at st. maloes rendered it probable that the intention of bonaparte was to attack the channel islands; sir james was therefore appointed to the command at guernsey, and, proceeding from the nore in the kite brig, he fell in with the grampus, which was destined, _pro tempore_, for his flag. both ships arrived at st. pierre's roads on the th of may. here the admiral's squadron consisted of six frigates, and six brigs and cutters, which were chiefly employed in blockading the adjacent coast, and in preventing the concentration of the enemy's force at st. maloes and granville, the two principal places whence it appeared an attack would be made. the grampus was commanded by captain thomas gordon caulfield, who had notions of discipline peculiar to himself, with which sir james, who lived on shore with his family, did not interfere. the following anecdote will serve to show that these deviations from the laws and customs of the navy are seldom attended with success. it was captain caulfield's positive instructions that no boatswain's mate, or other petty officer, should carry a cane, the usual emblem of their authority; and that he would not punish any man unless convicted by the testimony of two witnesses, while the man himself might bring others to contradict the assertion of the officer making the complaint: in short, that the single testimony of an officer could not be taken without a majority of evidence in its support. the ship had just been manned by impressed seamen, and her complement was completed from the prisons: it may therefore be supposed, that these regulations were not calculated to bring the ship speedily into a state of discipline. it must be remembered that the captain had not the power of administering an oath, and, when a complaint was made, men were soon found who would come forward, and prove, according to this system, that the accusation was groundless; and thus the culprit always escaped. the ship accordingly fell into a complete state of insubordination. on one occasion a man was brought up on the quarter-deck in a state of intoxication, when the captain, as if he could not believe his own eyes, thought it necessary to call two of the officers as witnesses. the man was put into confinement; and next morning, at eight, he was brought up to be punished at the gangway. the offender being tied up, and the article of war under which he had fallen being read, the captain took the opportunity of assuring his assembled crew, that when _legally_ convicted they were sure of punishment; but that no man should be struck. at this moment the sentinel on the forecastle called out that "a prize was driving towards the ship." the danger of collision was the more imminent, inasmuch as a heavy gale was blowing at the time. the master, who sprang forward, called aloud, "veer away the small bower-cable, or she will be on board of us!" the pause which had been made in the captain's speech was broken by orders from him to veer away the cable _quickly_. "down, my lads, veer away!" was repeated by every officer; but the men, not aware of the fatal consequence, and knowing that they could not, after what the captain said, be _started_, moved very leisurely to perform the duty, which, to save the ship, it was absolutely necessary should be done with the utmost alacrity. meanwhile, captain caulfield, looking over the back of the culprit, and viewing the supineness of the men, who were totally regardless of his repeated injunctions to veer the cable _quickly_, began to be indignant; and when the master repeated, "if you do not veer away at once, we shall lose the bowsprit and all the masts," he called to the officers in the waist "to start the rascals down to the cable:" but, as it may be supposed, their unarmed endeavours would not have been successful, had he not, as the crisis approached, jumped down himself among the men, and, with the end of the thickest rope he could find, become the transgressor of his own laws, of the absurdity of which he was now so fully convinced, that he acknowledged he was wrong, and completely reversed his system. no ship ever had a more narrow escape of being wrecked; the prize drifted so close to the grampus as to carry away her spritsail yard, and, drifting on the rocks, about three cables' length astern, was totally lost, and every man perished, among whom were a midshipman and four of the grampus's crew. had the prize, which was a large dutch ship, came athwart-hawse of the grampus, both, instead of one, would have been wrecked. no alternative was therefore left to captain caulfield but the rope's end, which he employed in violation of his own rules of discipline. sir james was extremely averse to innovations of this kind, and he took occasion to point out the propriety of officers being supported in the execution of their duty, and the danger of interfering with the excellent laws enacted for the government of the navy. in the grampus, sir james visited the island of jersey, and, after cruising to examine the coast of france adjacent to the islands, he returned to guernsey; soon after which, the grampus, being a new ship, was selected to convoy the east india fleet, and was relieved by the diomede of fifty guns, captain thomas larcom, on board which ship the flag was shifted, on the th of june, . as the summer advanced, the preparations of the enemy became more formidable, and the island was minutely examined by sir james. the following anecdote may serve to prove how much officers may be mistaken as to the natural defences of a sea-coast. some differences of opinion having arisen respecting the possibility of the enemy landing on the south side of guernsey, where the land is high, it was proposed to put the question to the test by actual experiment. sir james, and the governor (sir john doyle), accordingly proceeded to the spot with the boats of the squadron. on arriving at the alleged inaccessible position, sir james proposed that the seamen should be landed, and ordered to ascend what appeared to be a precipice; when, to the astonishment of the general, the whole body of men mounted to the top with apparent ease: it was consequently found advisable to fortify that, as well as other points which had been before deemed unnecessary. about this time ( rd of july) the minerve, captain brenton, one of sir james's squadron, stationed off cherbourgh, got aground in a fog, from a mistake of the pilot, and, after a gallant resistance, was taken by the enemy. the account of this unfortunate circumstance is so fully detailed in captain e.p. brenton's work, that it need only be mentioned here as having given great concern to the admiral, who had the highest regard for his former companion in arms. a considerable flotilla of armed vessels, destined for the invasion either of the channel islands or of england, had assembled at granville; and sir james, having shifted his flag from the diomede to the cerberus of thirty-two guns, captain w. selby, sailed with a small squadron, consisting of the charwell, eighteen, captain phil. dumaresq; the kite, eighteen, captain philip pipon; the terror and sulphur bombs, captains mcleod and hardinge; esling, lieutenant archbold; and carteret, lieutenant burgess. on the th september, the frigate having anchored as near as the tide would admit, and the other ships taking their stations, the bombardment began on the harbour of granville, and lasted from eleven till five in the afternoon. on the th another attack of the same kind was made with more effect, as will be seen by the following official letter to the secretary of the admiralty, dated cerberus, off granville, th sept. . i beg you will be pleased to inform my lords commissioners of the admiralty, that, having been joined by the terror bomb on the th instant, and the sulphur on the th, i embarked on board the cerberus, and sailed from guernsey roads the following morning, with the charwell and carteret cutters in company. it blowing a strong breeze from the eastward, it was not until tuesday evening i was enabled to get off granville; when, having had an opportunity to reconnoitre the enemy's gun-vessels and other craft within the pier, and the different batteries by which they were protected, i anchored the cerberus as near the shore as the tide would admit, having only sixteen feet at low-water. at eleven, the terror came up, but, having grounded, it was not until two o'clock that captain hardinge was able to place his ship in the position assigned; this he now did in a most judicious manner, and opened a brisk fire from his two mortars; which was returned from the mortar and gun-batteries on the heights near the town, and also from some guns on the pier, and the gun-vessels placed in the entrance. from the number of well-directed shells thrown from the terror into the pier and parts of the town, i am persuaded they must have done very considerable damage. the fire was kept up till after five o'clock, when i thought it advisable to recall the terror, and anchored with this ship and the charwell a short distance from the town. the sulphur bomb, whose bad sailing prevented her from beating up, joined shortly after, and also anchored. the loss on this occasion was two men wounded by splinters on board the terror. a few shells were thrown in the evening, but the tide prevented the ship getting sufficiently near to be attended with much effect. this morning the squadron was under sail before dawn of day, and all circumstances concurred to enable them to take their respective stations with the utmost precision. the two mortar-vessels opened a brisk and well-directed fire soon after five o'clock; which was unremittingly kept up till half-past ten, when the falling tide rendered it necessary to withdraw from the attack. twenty-two gun-vessels, that had hauled out of the pier, drew up a regular line, and kept up a heavy fire, jointly with the batteries around the port, without doing much execution. the cerberus, after getting under sail, grounded on one of the sand-banks, and remained about three hours, before she floated: nine of the gun-boats, perceiving her situation, endeavoured to annoy her, and kept up a heavy fire upon her for some time; but were silenced by the charwell and kite, and also by the fire of the sulphur and terror bombs, and by the carronade launch of the cerberus, under the orders of lieutenant mansell, assisted by the eling and carteret, which obliged them to take shelter in their port. in the performance of this intricate service, i cannot too highly applaud the zeal and persevering exertions of all the officers and men under my orders; and i should not do justice to the merits of captain selby, were i not to acknowledge the able assistance i have received from him since i had the honour of being in his ship: the steadiness and good conduct of all the officers and men in the cerberus, during the time the ship was aground, do them infinite credit. the various services in which capt. mcleod of the sulphur, and hardinge of the terror, have been employed this war, are already sufficiently known: but i will venture to assert, that in no instance can they have displayed greater zeal and gallantry than on the present occasion. great praise is due to lieutenants macartney and smith, and the parties of artillery embarked on board the respective bomb-vessels. it is not possible to ascertain the damages the enemy has sustained; but, as a very few of the shells missed taking effect, they must have been very considerable. jas. saumarez. during the period the cerberus was aground the tide fell six feet, and at one time she was in the greatest danger of upsetting; the topmasts were immediately struck, and the vessel shored up by the lower yards and spare spars. while heeling over more than forty-five degrees, the bottom of the ship was exposed to the shot of the enemy, and was struck in several places. sir james himself had a very narrow escape from a shot, which grazed his legs as he was standing on the gangway with the purser and the secretary, whose dismay and quick retreat from so dangerous a situation only produced a smile from the admiral, who would not listen to proposals subsequently made to him for quitting the cerberus while in that situation. the coolness with which he gave his orders, and his presence of mind on this trying occasion, tended materially to save the ship, by exciting the officers and men to exert themselves; while the most perfect order was maintained under circumstances which often cause disorder and confusion. the cerberus received no material damage in the bottom from being aground: she was soon repaired, and returned with the squadron to guernsey on the th, when the flag was again hoisted in the diomede. we subsequently learned that the flotilla at granville was so much damaged as to delay its arrival at boulogne, which was its ultimate destination, until a late period of the year; and that many of the vessels were lost in and near the race of alderney, on their passage, by a storm in which they were overtaken. the following is extracted from a letter which sir james wrote to his brother, describing this action: cerberus, off granville, th sept. . you will be glad to find that, thanks to providence, the business of granville has gone off as well as possible, although we have not succeeded in entirely destroying the enemy's gun-vessels. i have to regret that, in the execution of my orders, many of the harmless inhabitants of the town, and their dwellings, must have suffered very considerably; having bombarded it nearly four hours on wednesday, and six hours this morning, with scarcely any intermission.[ ] this ship (the cerberus) was for three hours on shore, and the tide left her six feet less than she drew. she was at the same time assailed by some of the enemy's gun-boats, but without great mischief. a shot was very nearly taking off both mr. champion and myself: how our legs escaped is inconceivable, having come through the part of the quarter-deck close to which we were standing. our friends dumaresq and pipon were in company, the former having joined early this morning. i am quite exhausted with fatigue, having had no rest since i left the island. lady s. was unapprised of what was going forward, as well as yourself; but you must approve of the motives which urged me to conceal it from you. i am on my return to the island, which i hope to reach to-morrow evening. [ ] before commencing the bombardment, sir james sent in a flag of truce, to inform the governor of it, and requesting that he would send the women, children, and inoffensive inhabitants away from the scene of action. the blockade of the french coast between havre-de-grace and ushant, which was intrusted to sir james, was kept up with rigour; and the channel islands put into such a state of defence, as to defy all the projects of the enemy. in the performance of this service, the admiral had to regret the loss of the shannon, which was wrecked on the th december in a gale, under the batteries of cape la hogue; and of the grappler, which was lost on the st, at the isles de choisey: the crews of both these vessels were saved, but made prisoners. the diomede was sent to refit at portsmouth; and, at the end of , sir james's flag was flying on board the cerberus, while he lived at his own residence on shore with his family, carrying on the duty as a port-admiral. chapter vi. to . sir james continues in the command at guernsey.--proceedings of his squadron.--letter from lord nelson, dated two days before he was killed.--capture and destruction of la salamandre.--sir james's benevolent conduct at guernsey. the year is remarkable in the annals of the empire for the extraordinary exertions made by the first consul of france to collect a powerful flotilla at the ports between flushing, cherbourg, and boulogne, with the avowed intention of invading england. the vessels so collected were intended to convey the "army of england," as it was called by bonaparte, across the channel. we have already mentioned the fate of the granville flotilla, after the attack made on it by sir james. early in this year it was discovered that one of the vessels belonging to it, a brig of tons, had been driven on shore in the bay of dillette, adjacent to alderney; that the enemy had succeeded in drawing her up to repair, and that she was nearly ready for launching. the commander of the carteret cutter, who first discovered this, having represented it to captain bennet of the tribune, (senior officer of the detachment which sir james had placed off cherbourg,) proposed to take advantage of the first nocturnal spring-tide, either to launch her, if ready, or to destroy her. the carteret was accordingly reinforced by two midshipmen and ten men from the tribune; a landing was effected, and the guard defeated: but the brig was found to have a plank out on each side of the keel, and she was therefore destroyed. this service was performed with the loss of one of the carteret's men, mr. parker (a midshipman), and two men of the tribune; while the enemy's loss was five killed and ten prisoners, who were afterwards released.[ ] [ ] it is worthy of remark, that the french commanding officer, who was killed, had in his pocket a watch belonging to the commander of the carteret, of which he had been robbed when taken prisoner in . the diomede, of fifty guns, having been refitted at portsmouth, returned to take sir james's flag. her former commander, captain thomas larcom, died at portsmouth; and captain hugh downman, who had succeeded captain brenton in the cæsar, was, at sir james's request, appointed his flag-captain. the cerberus was sent to refit at portsmouth, and on her way thither she captured a gun-boat. during the years and the following vessels were taken and destroyed by the squadron: st january.--the hydra and tribune captured four gun-boats. th march.--the loire captured the brave of st. maloes, of sixteen guns and men. th march.--the tartar lugger captured the jeune henri, twelve, and men. -- april.--the sylph destroyed several gun-vessels in the race of alderney, in which she had one man killed and two wounded. the hydra captured a privateer off cherbourg. on the th october, the albicore, captain henniker, destroyed five french gun-vessels near grosnez de flamanville, without any loss in men, although considerably damaged in the rigging and hull. in the course of this eventful year, sir james kept up a constant correspondence with his friend lord nelson, whose glorious career was now near its close. availing himself of the opportunity of a vessel from guernsey bound to gibraltar, he sent his lordship a supply of wines and other good things which that fertile island produces, together with newspapers, &c. these reached the victory only a few days before the memorable battle of trafalgar; and lord nelson's answer, which we here transcribe, was dated only three days before the action, and is probably the last but one ever written by him. victory, off cadiz, oct. th, . my dear sir james, you may rely upon it that, when i can, i will remove lieutenant fisher of the r.m. into a frigate; at present, i fear the frigates are full, and the line-of-battle ships empty: but in whatever manner, my dear sir james, i may be able to meet your wishes, i desire you will let me know. our friends at cadiz are ready to come forth, and i hope they will not again escape me: the career of the rochfort squadron, i think, has been several days stopped by sir richard strachan, but i wish his force had been more equal to the contest. i have to thank you for your great attention about my wine, and for recommending me some excellent champagne. i beg my most respectful compliments to lady saumarez; and, believe me ever, my dear sir james, your most faithful and obliged friend, nelson & bronte. to sir james saumarez, bart. & k.b. since writing my letter, i have to thank you for your packet of newspapers and your letter of october st; nothing could possibly be more acceptable. i hope we shall see bonaparte _humbled_. the guernsey vessel has made a very valuable recapture of a vessel loaded with cloths, bound to lisbon. your's faithfully, nelson & bronte. the above was probably finished on the th, the day on which the penelope frigate left the fleet with despatches for england,--the last his lordship ever sent. during the year sir james continued in the command at guernsey, having his flag in the diomede, and occasionally on board a frigate in her absence. the preparations of the french for invasion, which were continued with unremitting vigour, made this station of more importance than it would otherwise have been. spain, having declared war early in january, joined napoleon in the grand object of invading england; and it was calculated, including the dutch fleet, that the united force, which could be ready in the month of april, would amount to seventy-five sail of the line, fifty frigates, and , smaller vessels; and that the invading army would consist of , men. it was evident that, without a junction of all his naval forces in the british channel, napoleon had no chance of being able to make a descent on the adjacent coast; and, to effect this, it was necessary to draw off a part of our blockading fleets. with this view the toulon fleet went to the west indies, whither it was pursued by nelson; and, after an action with the squadron under sir robert calder, it entered the port of cadiz. the effectual blockade of that port and of brest, together with the interruptions his flotilla met with in its progress towards boulogne, defeated napoleon's plans; and the channel islands, which were now in a complete state of defence, continued unmolested. the only losses on this station were the capture of two gun-brigs, after a very gallant defence, by a flotilla of very superior force, off granville; and the pigmy cutter, which was wrecked near jersey. the memorable battle of trafalgar at once put an end to all the speculations of the ruler of france. the projected invasion was now impossible; and, consequently, the force which had been requisite for the station sir james occupied, was no longer necessary. the diomede, of fifty guns, and several other vessels, were withdrawn, and sir james shifted his flag to the inconstant. the year terminated without any other remarkable occurrence. during the year the enemy's convoys were proceeding in a westerly direction; the victualling the french fleet at brest, which had considerably increased, being the principal object, the squadron under sir james was actively employed in intercepting these convoys. on the th of september the constance, captain burrowes, fell in with le salamandre, french frigate store-ship, of twenty-six guns; and, assisted by the strenuous and sharpshooter, drove her on shore under a battery; and, believing her destroyed, returned to jersey. it was, however, ascertained that she was floated off; and, returning to st. maloes, repaired her damages. on the th of october, when again attempting to make her passage, she was attacked by the constance, sheldrake, and strenuous, and having taken shelter under the fort of equi, in the bay of brehat, the engagement, in which the gallant captain burrowes was killed, became severe. le salamandre, after running on shore, was compelled to strike, and was taken: but the wind began to blow hard directly on the land; the constance parted her cables, which had been damaged by the shot from the batteries, and drove on shore. it became therefore necessary, after taking out the men, to burn both the constance and the prize. in this affair ten men were killed, and twenty-three wounded, exclusive of thirty-six men made prisoners in the unsuccessful attempt to save the constance. the captain (m. saloman) of the salamandre and twenty-nine men were killed; but of the wounded there is no account, excepting of nine, who were among the prisoners taken on board the sheldrake. captain thicknesse, of that sloop, was made post-captain on this occasion. nothing else worthy remark, connected with the subject of this memoir, happened during the year : and sir james had now enjoyed the society of his family and friends at his native island for three years; during which time his mind was not only actively employed in the performance of his duty as commander-in-chief on this important station, and in rendering his native island more capable of defence, but also in the establishment and support of its charitable institutions. chapter vii. . sir james is called into active service.--joins the channel fleet as second in command.--shifts his flag from the san josef to the prince of wales.--his decisive conduct.--anecdote of the prince of wales' men.--change of ministry.--sir james leaves the channel fleet, and returns to guernsey.--is offered the command in the east indies.--letter on that occasion. early in the year sir james was called into more active service. the enemy's fleet at brest had again become formidable. earl st. vincent was appointed to command the channel fleet, and immediately applied for sir james to be second in command. to make him eligible for this, he was promoted to the rank of vice-admiral; and on the th of january he received orders to hoist his flag, blue at the fore, on board the san josef, of guns. as the noble earl was unable from ill health to keep the sea in the hibernia, his flag-ship, the whole responsibility fell on sir james. the san josef, one of the finest ships in the navy, had been taken in the battle of the th of february ; and, having since that period been almost constantly employed, was in need of a thorough repair. in february she became so leaky, that sir james was obliged to shift his flag into the prince of wales, captain bedford, and send the san josef into plymouth to be repaired; and, it being ascertained that it would take more than a year before she could be ready, the officers and men were turned over to the ville de paris, which was ordered to fit for his flag. sir james's activity in blockading the enemy was unremitting. the fleet consisted of twenty-seven sail of the line, nine of which were three-deckers. it was his custom, every day that the weather permitted, to stand towards the black rocks in a line of battle, and off in a line of bearing, always communicating with the in-shore squadron. on one occasion, while the weather had been thick for several days, the signal was made from the hibernia for the enemy's fleet to leeward. the english fleet bore up in chase; and, although the prince of wales was the worst-sailing ship in the fleet, by carrying a great press of sail she became the headmost. the wind was from the west, and the fleet was standing in for brest, the french coast being a lee shore. captain bedford, who was not so well acquainted with the coast as sir james, represented the danger that the fleet was running into, as it was blowing hard at the time; when sir james replied, "there is good anchorage in douvarnenez bay," and continued his course: but it was soon after discovered that the strangers were the plantagenet and in-shore squadron, and the fleet was still able to weather ushant. captain bedford, who, like other promoters of a religious feeling on board ship, was liable to be imposed upon by hypocrites, had on board the prince of wales a set of individuals among the seamen, who, taking advantage of his desire to encourage piety among the crew, ingratiated themselves so far by their outward manifestations as to induce him to appropriate a convenient berth in the ship, where they might sing psalms and perform other devotional exercises unmolested. this place virtually served as a depôt for the hypocrites, who had for a long time unsuspectedly committed divers acts of depredation. just before the ship went into port, either to refit or replenish the water and provisions, the secretary's gold watch disappeared, as well as a considerable sum of money; and the complaint being made by him to the admiral, the latter commanded the captain to call all hands on deck, and make a strict search for the stolen property. the men being reported on deck by the officer who had charge of the lower decks, captain bedford said, "where shall we begin to search?" to which the lieutenant replied, "my cabin, sir; then your's; and then the _religious berth_." this answer drew forth a rebuke for even _suspecting_ these "good christians," as the captain emphatically called them. the examination was however persisted in: the officers went to the berth, the keys were demanded, and could not be found; but an iron crow-bar was effectually substituted; and the whole of the missing property, besides many other stolen articles, were discovered in the chests of these miscreants, to the surprise and mortification of the worthy captain bedford, who did not fail immediately to make his report to the admiral then on the quarter-deck. before punishment of criminals takes place in a flag-ship, it is usual for the captain to carry the particulars to the admiral. it was the practice of sir james saumarez to examine these reports minutely, and convince himself of the necessity of the punishment before giving it his sanction; which was always done with that painful reluctance so natural to his humane disposition. in this instance, however, his feelings of indignation were more than usually roused: he emphatically said, "captain bedford, i desire that you will immediately give each of these wretches such a punishment as will effectually put a stop to this unparalleled wickedness." we need scarcely add that his orders were implicitly obeyed; and such was the indignation of the crew, that there was no necessity for urging the boatswain's mates to do their duty, while sir james, who never could witness punishment without extreme pain, retired to his cabin. he did not fail, however, to point out to every one how much the offence of theft had been aggravated by being committed under the cloak of religion, for which no punishment within the limited power of the captain could be too severe. a change of ministry having taken place, lord gardner was appointed to command the channel fleet; and, as his lordship chose the ville de paris for his flag, captain conn and the other officers were turned over to the hibernia: three of lord st. vincent's officers were superseded; and sir james joined his new flag-ship at sea. during the summer, when the wind came from the westward, and blew strong, the fleet bore up for torbay. on one of these occasions sir james showed much decision. the captains and officers of the fleet had sent their chronometers on shore to be cleaned and regulated, not expecting that there would be much occasion for them: it happened, however, that the fleet was blown off the coast by a strong north-east wind, which lasted more than a week. during this the ships, by chasing and performing various evolutions, had lost the reckoning, which differed from the true position by the chronometer of the hibernia, which happened to be the only one in the fleet. after the easterly wind, a heavy westerly gale came on; and before ushant could be made, the weather became thick, and the signal was made to bear up for torbay, and at the same time for the longitude. sir james had now to decide: if the reckoning was right, the course by chronometer would have wrecked the fleet in bigberry bay; and if the chronometer was right, the course by reckoning would have carried the fleet on the bill of portland. under these circumstances sir james carefully examined both, and at once decided on following the course by chronometer; and the fleet safely anchored in torbay in the middle of the night. lord gardner took a house near brixham, and sir james continued for some time to carry on the duty as usual; till at length lord gardner apprised sir james that he had applied for his old friend, sir john duckworth, to be his second in command: on which sir james wrote to be superseded; and in august, the same year, he struck his flag, to rehoist it on board the inconstant at guernsey. his old flag-ship was during the winter prepared for him, and in february he proceeded to guernsey. during this period, war with russia broke out. affairs in the north wore a serious aspect, and it was evident that the baltic must soon become the seat of war. sir james received the following letter from lord mulgrave, offering him the command in the east indies, which was the most lucrative station; but prize-money was always a secondary consideration with the admiral. he declined accepting the offer, as will be seen by his answer. admiralty, january rd, . my dear sir, sir edward pellew having expressed a wish to be relieved from the command in the east indies, i am desirous (before i think of another arrangement) to learn whether that station would be agreeable to you; in which case i should have great satisfaction in giving you that appointment. i have the honour to be, with sincere regard and the highest esteem, dear sir, your most obedient and faithful servant, mulgrave. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez, k.b. &c. guernsey, th january . my dear lord, i am honoured with your lordship's private and confidential letter, and i cannot sufficiently express my grateful acknowledgements for the obliging manner in which your lordship has been pleased to propose to me the command in the east indies, which i should be most happy to profit by, did the state of my health hold out any prospect of my fulfilling so important a trust with satisfaction to myself or to the benefit of my country. i am therefore, though reluctantly, compelled to decline this mark of your lordship's kindness. i have the honour to be, &c. &c. james saumarez. to earl mulgrave. chapter viii. . state of affairs in sweden.--alarm of the king.--sir james selected to command the baltic fleet.--correspondence with lord mulgrave.--sir john moore's expedition.--arrives at gothenburg.--capture and destruction of a danish seventy-four.--sir john moore goes to stockholm.--is arrested, and escapes.--expedition returns to england.--disposition of the fleet.--sir james proceeds to carlscrona.--rescue of romana's army.--sir james proceeds to the gulf of finland.--capture and destruction of the russian seventy-four, sewolod.--the combined swedish and english fleet off baltic port.--reconnoitres the russian fleet in the harbour, and determines to attack them.--prevented by change of winds.--proceeding off baltic port.--letter to the emperor of russia.--fleet returns to carlscrona. the success of buonaparte in austria and prussia, by which he was enabled to force denmark to join him against great britain, and which, in the preceding year, led to the capture of copenhagen and to the possession of the danish fleet, had now induced russia to accede to the proposal of declaring england to be in a state of blockade: sweden alone remained faithful. the preparations for invasion which were making at st. petersburg having alarmed king gustavus adolphus, the most earnest solicitations were made for a large naval and military force to be sent from england for its protection. a fleet was accordingly ordered on that important service, and sir james saumarez was selected as the commander-in-chief best qualified to undertake it. the victory, which had been thoroughly repaired after the battle of trafalgar, was commissioned at chatham early in march, by captain philip dumaresq, for sir james's flag, which was soon after hoisted: rear-admirals sir samuel hood, r.g. keats, m. dixon, and a. bertie, were placed under his command. the fleet consisted of sixteen ships of the line; and, including frigates, sloops, and gun-vessels, the number amounted to sixty-two sail. admiralty, february th, . dear sir, i am in daily expectation of receiving accurate intelligence of the present state of the naval arsenal at cronstadt. in the event of this information being as satisfactory as i have reason to hope, it is my intention to send a squadron into the baltic, consisting of not less than twelve or thirteen sail of the line. if your health should be such as to admit of your taking the command of this fleet, i know of no arrangement which i can make that would be so satisfactory to myself, as to intrust the important service of attempting to destroy the russian fleet, and of affording protection to his majesty's firm and faithful ally, the king of sweden, to your direction. it will not be necessary that you should come immediately to england, (in the event of your undertaking the command,) as all the necessary preparations may be forwarded beforehand; and your coming immediately over might tend to excite a premature suspicion of the object we have in view. i have not yet opened this project to any officer, but those on whom i have fixed my views to assist you, are rear-admirals sir samuel hood and keats, who, besides their great professional merits, have the additional advantage of being well acquainted with the baltic. i have the honour to be, with great truth and regard, my dear sir, your very faithful and obedient servant, mulgrave. guernsey, th february . my lord, i have had the honour to receive your lordship's private and secret letter of the th instant, and i feel most deeply impressed with the very obliging manner in which your lordship has been pleased to offer me the command of the squadron proposed to be sent to the baltic. although it is with great diffidence that i undertake a trust of so high and great importance, having ever made it the principle of my life to go upon any service where my exertions for my king and country would be deemed most useful, i cannot for a moment hesitate to comply with the commands of your lordship, and i shall hold myself in readiness to proceed from this station whenever called upon; requesting your lordship will have the goodness to allow me sufficient time to make such arrangements as may be required in london, previous to my going upon the proposed service. the two officers selected to co-operate with me, are possessed of the highest merit; and, of all others, those i should have been happy to apply for, had they not been previously appointed. i shall be obliged to your lordship to mention the ship intended for my flag, as also such further information as may be judged necessary for me to know, with the probable time that i may be required to go to london; all which shall be held by me in the strictest confidence. i have the honour to be, with the highest regard, my dear lord, your faithful and most obedient servant, james saumarez. the ships composing this force proceeded to gothenburg (the general rendezvous) as they were ready to sail. the victory arrived in april, and was followed by an expedition consisting of , troops, commanded by the gallant sir john moore, who arrived on the th of may. in the mean time, the body of french and spanish troops, which, as part of the army of marshal bernadotte, had marched to the shores of the belt, were obliged to halt, in consequence of the interposition of the english fleet; and the danish , prince christian frederick, was taken and destroyed, after a gallant resistance, by the stately, , captain george parker, and the nassau, , captain r. campbell. on the other hand, the russians, who had laid siege to sweaborg, in the gulf of finland, which was justly called the gibraltar of the north, had induced the governor, admiral count cronsted, to sign a capitulation, that, if not relieved by the th of may, which was next to an impossibility, the fortress was to be delivered up, and as a compensation he was to receive an estate of great value in russia. the reason which has been assigned for this act of treachery was, that, having refused to meet the english fleet under lord nelson, he had been superseded in command of the fleet at carlscrona, and removed to sweaborg, as a kind of banishment. this unfortunate event paralyzed the plans of the king of sweden; and sir john moore was sent for to stockholm. as the king of sweden would not give permission to land any of the troops which were on board the transports at gothenburg, excepting a part of the cavalry, their detention was irksome; and the admiral waited with much anxiety for the return of the general, when he heard of his having been arrested, or, at least, detained by order of the king at stockholm. in a few days, however, sir john made his appearance on board the victory; when it was found that his swedish majesty had made several absurd propositions to him, such as an attack on copenhagen and upon cronstadt, for which his force was inadequate, especially since the arrival at the former place of several regiments of french and spanish troops, and at the latter of the flotilla taken at sweaborg. as sir john declined to undertake these expeditions, he was ordered to remain at stockholm until he had received instructions from england respecting the disposition of his troops. thus circumstanced, sir john begged permission to send his aide-de-camp, col. graham, (now lord lynedoch,) to the admiral with despatches; which being granted, he changed coats with the aide-de-camp, proceeded to gothenburg himself, leaving the colonel in his stead, and arrived safely on board the victory, to the great joy of sir james, who was no less alarmed for sir john's safety, than puzzled as to what measures would be most advisable to effect his release from unwarrantable confinement. the following extract of a letter from sir james to his brother, written from gothenburg, will afford the best account that can be given of the state of affairs at the time he arrived there: th may . i fear you will be disappointed at the little information i can give you; it will, however, be satisfactory to know that none of the enemy's troops have, as yet, been enabled to cross the sound, or get a footing on any part of sweden. the danes have about , troops in the island of zealand; and at funen and holstein there are about , french, spaniards, and dutch: but the sound and belts are so closely watched, that it will be very difficult for any number of vessels to escape our different cruisers stationed to intercept them. the swedish troops on the frontiers of norway, under the orders of general armfeldt, have had several skirmishes with the danes, which have in general proved very favourable to the former; but nothing of importance has yet taken place, owing to the roads being almost impassable from the depth of snow and ice, which, even at this advanced season, cover them. last wednesday, accounts were received from stockholm, of the surrender of sweaborg! it was the more unexpected from the garrison having withstood two assaults, in which the russians are said to have lost a great number of men. this event decides the fate of finland. sweaborg was considered a fortress of great importance. the following extract, on the subject of sir john moore's detention and escape, shows the state of affairs up to his departure from gothenburg on the st of july: victory, th june . you will have been surprised at the length of time we have been detained here, and particularly so when i inform you that the troops are returning to england, owing principally to this government not choosing to accede to the terms upon which it was proposed they should be employed in this country. it is truly to be lamented that so much delay should have taken place, and so much time lost, when their services might have been so well employed elsewhere. between ourselves, much irritability has been shown by the king of sweden in the different conferences sir john moore has had with him. finding sir john earnest in his intentions to return to england, he sent one of his officers to signify to him, he was not to leave stockholm till his pleasure, which, of course, was considered as putting him under an arrest, a most unprecedented measure, and an outrage certainly offered to a friendly nation. sir john, however, took a favourable opportunity to get away from stockholm, and arrived here last evening. i trust and hope this will not lead to a rupture between the two countries; but so unwarrantable and violent a proceeding cannot easily be settled. i own to you, i never formed any expectation that the troops would be of essential service in this country. they were too few in number to act separately; and it would not have been right to commit them with the swedish army, at the will and disposal of the monarch. sir james writes thus to his son; sir john moore's expedition being still at gothenburg. victory, gothenburg, rd may . i trust that we shall be enabled to defend sweden during the summer; but, when winter sets in, we shall be compelled to withdraw our ships from the baltic: this will expose the country to the attack of the enemy from zealand and the ports on the south of the baltic. the swedes are a brave and upright people; they are faithful to their prince, and are very averse to any change in their government, and still more so to french principles. i have been twice on shore; but being near ten miles from gothenburg, makes it inconvenient: it is a place of great trade; at this time, at least twelve hundred sail of vessels of different nations are in the port. the above is a sufficient proof of the good opinion sir james had formed of the swedish character, and which, he often said, he never had occasion to alter. sir james was now placed in one of the most anxious and arduous situations which it was possible to imagine. he had to protect the commerce of both nations in a dangerous and intricate navigation, with which his ships were but little acquainted, opposed on every side by russians, prussians, french, danes, and norwegians. it was requisite that his forces should be most judiciously disposed; and great tact and firmness were indispensable to conduct affairs under the existing circumstances. his conduct on this, as well as on every former occasion, was such as to deserve and obtain the high approbation of the government, and the people of both great britain and sweden. the first letter sir james received from gustavus adolphus was written in french, of which the following is an exact copy: château de stockholm, le mai . monsieur l'amiral, j'ai ordonné à mon aide-de-camp général de la marine, le vice-amiral baron de rayalin de se rendre en sconie, pour se concerter avec vous sur les opérations des flottes swedoise et anglaise contre l'ennemi commun. il est indispensable de déployer la plus grande activité et energie proportionnées au danger; le baron rayalin vous montrera un plan à cet effet, que j'ai arrêté, et dont communication a été faite au ministre de sa majesté britannique, resident auprès de moi, qui'il a du vous envoyer. je suis persuadé que vous saisirez avec plaisir cette occasion pour remplir à ce que l'honneur et le devoir vous prescrivent. et sur ce je prie dieu qu'il vous ait, monsieur l'amiral, en sa sainte et digne garde; etant votre bien affectionné, gustaf adolph. a l'amiral commandant les forces navales de sa majesté britannique, dans le sund. baron rayalin having, with this letter, transmitted his _exposé_ of the situation of the swedes since the capture of sweaborg and the recapture of gothland, states that the russians and swedes had each eleven sail of the line: it was agreed that the swedish fleet should be reinforced by two ships, the centaur of guns, rear-admiral sir samuel hood, and the implacable , captain byam martin, and take a position at hango-udde, a small, ill-fortified harbour at the north-west point of finland, round which the russian flotilla must pass to attack Åbo and Åland; and that the english commander-in-chief should employ the rest of his fleet in blockading the enemy's coast from the gulf of finland to norway, including the coasts of prussia, pomerania, denmark, the belt, and sound, for the protection of commerce and the defence of the kingdom of sweden. these matters being arranged, sir james left gothenburg on the nd of july, in the victory; and, passing through the great belt, visited the different stations where ships were to be placed. having taken possession of the small island of spröe, he proceeded to carlscrona, the principal naval arsenal of sweden, and arrived there on the th july. the ensuing extract of a letter from sir james to a friend, on leaving gothenburg, will be read with interest, as it will throw some light on the important and difficult line of conduct he had to pursue on this occasion. victory, off gothenburg, nd july . you will, i am persuaded, feel much concern at the untoward circumstances that have occurred, and the impossibility that must now exist of the troops being of any service in this country. every arrangement is made for their sailing the moment the wind will enable the transports to get out of the harbour; and i shall proceed at the same time for the entrance of the sound, off helsinburg, which is the station whence i can most easily communicate with the different detachments, and at the same time receive the despatches from england. the only part for me to act in the present state of things, is to uphold the honour of the country, and, as far as lies in my power, keep up the friendly intercourse that has hitherto been maintained with our only ally. in what light the business will be taken up at home it is impossible for me to say. it is certain that a most flagrant outrage has been offered by the king of sweden in the detention of sir john moore; and how far his majesty can justify himself in the eye of our government for so great an insult to an officer of sir john's rank, entrusted with the command of an army, ordered from england for the defence of sweden, and who went to stockholm to confer in a confidential manner on the measures to be adopted for putting the orders he had received into execution, is at present difficult to conceive. he had doubtless, in his own opinion, good grounds for having taken so strong a measure, but which scarcely can be admitted when the whole transactions that may have led to it are known to our government. this misunderstanding is the more to be lamented at this time, that unanimity with our ally was the only point on which we could form our expectations of success; besides the advantage that the enemy may take of it, and the ridicule they will of course throw upon it. sir john moore has been embarked with me since his return, besides general hope. the former takes his passage on board the audacious, which convoys the transports to yarmouth. during the months of june and july, sir james had much correspondence with the ex-king and queen of france, the duchess d'angoulême, and his old friend the duc d'havre. some difficulty attended their transport to england; the euryalus only being allowed to proceed on that service, and the suite of his majesty, and the royal family amounting to above a hundred persons. the correspondence, however, does not possess sufficient interest to dwell further on it; suffice it to say, that sir james gave them all the assistance and accommodation in his power, and that they had left carlscrona before the victory arrived. about this time admiral cederström, who had vanquished the russians at gothland, was called to stockholm, and rear admiral nauckhoff was appointed in his stead, with whom sir james exchanged letters of congratulation. the king had gone to Åland; and, as no more was said about the affair of sir john moore, things went on smoothly: baron rayalin accompanied the king, and mons. gullenstolpè acted as adjutant-general of the marine. the swedish fleet now consisted of eleven sail of the line and five frigates, which were reinforced by the centaur and implacable; and proceeded to the station before agreed on. towards the end of july, sir james was aware of the refractory conduct of the spanish troops, under the marquis of romana, in the island of funen, where they had been arrested in their progress to zealand by the appearance of the english fleet. rear admiral keats was ordered to communicate, if possible, with romana, who was known to be disaffected since the news had reached him of the revolution of affairs in spain, and to offer every assistance to rescue the troops under his command. it was a great satisfaction to sir james, that, on the arrival of the next packet, he found he had anticipated the desire of government, from whom he received instructions to the same intent, after sir richard had been detached. the address and tact which rear-admiral keats displayed on this occasion is well known. as soon as he had succeeded in rescuing the marquis of romana, by seizing on the vessels at nyborg, and transporting his troops to the defenceless island of langeland, he despatched a vessel to sir james, who immediately sailed from carlscrona, leaving behind captain hope, who went home in consequence of the illness and subsequent demise of his wife, lady jemima, and made all sail for the belt. on this occasion sir james gave a proof of the decision of his character, which could not but make a deep impression on all who were present. the victory, about sun-set, had doubled dars head, forming with the opposite point in zealand the entrance of the great belt from the eastward. the wind was fresh and directly adverse, when mr. squire, master of the fleet, acquainted the admiral that the ship must anchor for the night, as he could no longer take charge as pilot. sir james, who had examined the chart, and could see no great risk in working as far as femeren, where the channel became narrow and the soundings more regular, demanded his reason; which being unsatisfactory, he sent for mr. nelson, the master, and mr. webb, the north-sea pilot, but neither would undertake the charge, or give any satisfactory reason. sir james immediately ordered the one master into the starboard, and the other into the larboard main channels, to see that the lead was correctly hove; and having directed the cruiser brig, then in company, to keep right a-head, he kept the ship under sail till midnight, when she had worked up tack by tack to femeren, a distance of six leagues. he was thus enabled to reach sir richard keats's division on the following day in time to concert measures for the removal of romana's army to gothenburg. the conduct of these inferior officers could only arise from a desire to make themselves appear of importance, especially in the absence of the captain of the fleet; and their messmates could not but rejoice at their failure, as it brought them sooner to the scene of action. on the th of august, when the victory arrived off the battery near the centre of langeland, an officer was despatched to the head-quarters of the marquis, who embarked on board that ship on the following morning, and before night the whole of his troops were afloat; the marquis was then removed to the superb, and the convoy proceeded to gothenburg, under the orders of sir richard keats. it was much to be regretted that the fine regiment of asturias could not be rescued; but, having reached copenhagen, they were disarmed by the danes and french the moment the intelligence of romana's rescue was known. the following extract of a letter from sir james to his brother gives an interesting account of the rescue of romana's army: victory, off langeland, st august . i returned to the belt from carlscrona, in consequence of information from admiral keats, which reached me on the th, that an overture had been made by a spanish officer for their troops to be withdrawn from these islands. the following day the musquito joined me from the admiralty, with directions upon that subject, and to make trial if any thing could be done; fortunately, duplicates were sent to admiral keats, which he received in the belt. on the th, having been detained by contrary winds, i received accounts from admiral keats, that they had been withdrawn from the island of funen, and landed on langeland. i joined last thursday, and the same evening an express reached me by the mosquito, with the information that the russian fleet from cronstadt had sailed, and had been seen off hango udde, the station occupied by the swedish squadron; these last having gone within the small islands to complete with water. judge of my anxiety, particularly having detached those ships to join them, under sir s. hood, who received the advice at carlscrona, in the centaur, and was on the point of sailing to join the other two ships, who had proceeded some days before. i trust they will find their way to join the swedes in safety; but it is an anxious moment. i am proceeding with this ship and the mars to endeavour to fall in with them; all the other ships here have the spanish troops embarked on board them, and on board several small vessels taken at nyborg. it certainly is of the greatest importance to have succeeded in withdrawing so large a portion of the spanish army, upwards of , . about , are left in zealand and jutland. i hope it will not have led to any disaster. i have guarded against any to the utmost of my power, but we cannot answer for events; and in the course of my service i have never experienced greater anxiety than since i have been on this station: first, with regard to the expedition and the business of sir john moore, which for a time paralysed all the naval operations, and certainly might have been attended with the worst consequences. we must however hope for the best, and trust all will turn to good. added to the despatches acknowledging this letter, was the following private note from lord mulgrave: admiralty, august th, . my dear sir james, i cannot let despatches go from the admiralty without conveying to you my hearty congratulations on the important event of the deliverance of so large a body of the spanish troops. rear-admiral keats has conducted this service with admirable talent, zeal, and judgment. we have a report here that the russian fleet has put to sea; and are in anxious hope that they may have fallen in your way. the enemy's fate and the public interests cannot be in better hands than yours. i am, dear sir james, with great truth, yours very sincerely, mulgrave. this service being completed, sir james hastened back to the baltic, and, arriving off carlscrona, received additional intelligence of the position of the russian fleet. taking along with him the mars, goliath, and africa, salsette, rose, and ariel, he proceeded to the northward; and, passing between gothland and sweden, made for the gulf of finland, expecting to fall in with the centaur and implacable at certain places of rendezvous. he was not a little disappointed at not finding them, even at hango udd. on the th of august he fell in with the swedish frigate camilla, captain troile, who came on board, and gave him the first information of the action which had taken place between the two fleets; it appeared that the sewolod, a russian seventy-four, which had been disabled by the implacable, had been taken and burned by that ship and the centaur, and that the russian fleet had been pursued into rogerwick, (or port baltic,) where they might be successfully attacked. this joyful news was communicated to the squadron, and every ship was instantly cleared for action. the signals were successively made to bear up, let out reefs, and make more sail. the pilot at the same time informed the admiral that he had been often in rogerwick, which is a bay in the south side of the gulf of finland, formed by the islands of east and west roge and the main, and that he could easily take the fleet in. at two o'clock, the swedish fleet,[ ] consisting of ten sail of the line and three frigates, together with the centaur and implacable, were seen at anchor off rogerwick; a plan of which is given, showing the position of both fleets. the general signal was made to prepare for battle; but the centaur telegraphed that "you must anchor in thirty-five fathoms," in reply to the admiral's signal to weigh: this having been repeated, the signals were made to anchor, furl sails, &c. [ ] see appendix, for a list of the english, swedish, and russian ships. [illustration: harbour of rogerwick, showing the positions of the english, swedish, and russian fleets.] sir samuel hood, the swedish admiral and captain of the fleet, now came on board; what occurred at this consultation is only known to themselves. subsequently, sir james went on board the rose; but it was then too late to reconnoitre the enemy. next day ( st august) was spent also in consultation; and on the st of september the victory and goliath got under weigh, and stood in to the entrance of the harbour; and, having silenced a battery on the west side with one broadside, the admiral had, for the first time, a good view of the position of the enemy's fleet, and was convinced that they might have been attacked. he immediately made known his determination to attack them on the following day, and orders were accordingly issued to that effect; the author was sent on board the swedish admiral's ship, not only with these orders, but to remain on board to explain signals, and assist in bringing the swedish fleet into action. captain martin, of the implacable, was appointed acting captain of the fleet, and captain pipon succeeded him. in the mean time, the russians sent on board an officer with a flag of truce, on pretence of treating for exchange of prisoners: when he came on board the victory, he addressed capt. dumaresq in the french language, saying that he did not understand english. soon after which, the author, happening to come on deck, recognised in this officer mr. skripeetzen, his old shipmate on board the penelope; where he had been two years a signal midshipman; and, before that, as many on board the leviathan. of course he could speak and understand english perfectly, and he had actually his signal-book in his pocket. this discovery afforded no small amusement. it was now evident that he came on board to make _useful observations_, and his object was completely obtained. the officers took him below, and showed him the ship clear for action, each deck having a thousand extra shot added to the usual number; on some of which the sailors had been exercising their wit by writing in chalk, "post-paid"; "free, george canning";[ ]--jokes which mr. skripeetzen did not seem to relish; and he quitted the ship evidently confused and mortified. [ ] the lamented mr. canning was then secretary of state for foreign affairs; and it was a seaman of the victory of the same name that _franked_ the shot: sailors having an idea that to stop a letter post-paid, or franked, is _death by the law_. the hopes of the admiral and his officers were now raised to the highest pitch; every preparation had been made, and the dawn of day of the nd september was waited for with anxious expectation. the wind, which in the evening had been favourable for the enterprise, unfortunately veered to the southward before day-break; and, as it was directly against going in, an attack was impossible. as this hard-hearted gale continued for eight days, all hopes of being able to attack the enemy vanished. the enemy in the mean time moored his ships in a compact line, with booms moored outside; and, having marched six thousand troops from revel, threw up strong batteries on each side, so that his position was soon rendered impregnable. sir james now sent, by a flag of truce, the following letter to the emperor alexander: his britannic majesty's ship victory, off baltic port, th september . sire, your imperial majesty is probably uninformed of the events that have recently taken place in the southern parts of europe. spain has succeeded in rescuing herself from the usurpation and tyranny of the ruler of france. portugal has also extricated herself from the baneful hands of the enemy of all independent states; the whole of the french forces in that country having been compelled to surrender to the british army under sir arthur wellesley. it is to be hoped that those events will induce the powers of the continent to unite with great britain to restore that peace so highly to be desired for the welfare of mankind. knowing it to be the object most at heart of my gracious sovereign, and that of his majesty's ally, the king of sweden, should your imperial majesty be impressed with the same sentiments, nothing will afford me greater happiness than to have the honour of imparting them to my government, and to desist from further hostile operations, upon condition that your majesty will give orders to your forces to desist from hostilities against england and her ally, and to withdraw your forces from swedish finland. i have the honour to be, with the most profound respect, your imperial majesty's most devoted and most obedient humble servant, james saumarez, vice-admiral and commander-in-chief of his britannic majesty's ships in the baltic. to his imperial majesty the emperor of all the russias. this appeal to his imperial majesty unfortunately did not reach st. petersburg until the day after the emperor alexander had left it, on his journey to meet buonaparte at erfurth; and, in consequence, sir james received the following answer from the russian admiral tchitchagoff, the minister of the marine: st. petersburg, / sept. . monsieur, la lettre que votre excellence a adressé à sa majesté l'empereur m'est parvenu à mon retour à st. petersburg conjointement à celle que m'a écrit monsieur thornton. sa majesté n'étant plus dans sa capitale depuis quelque jours, je me suis empressé de la lui expédier. pendant mon séjour au port baltique, ayant appris que votre excellence desiroit savoir si l'échange de nos équipages pris sur le vaisseau le sewolod, contre des sujets de sa majesté britannique ou swedoise pourroit avoir lieu, je suis bien-aise de lui annoncer que des ordres ont été donnés au general en chef commandant en finlande de rendre un nombre égal, et rang pour rang, des sujets de sa majesté swedoise contre les prisonniers russes faits dans le dernier combat. en priant votre excellence de vouloir bien transmettre la ci-jointe au ministre de sa majesté britannique, monsieur thornton, je dois la prévenir que je n'ai point reçu les gazettes que ce dernier m'avoit annoncés dans sa lettre. je saisis avec empressement cette occasion pour assurer votre excellence de la considération la plus distinguée avec laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'être, de votre excellence, très humble et très obéissant serviteur, p. de tchitchagoff. a son ex. mon. le vice-amiral saumarez. the letters addressed to mr. thornton, being to the same effect, need not be given. the exchange of prisoners took place at a subsequent period. a negociation now ensued between the russian and british commanders-in-chief, for permission that the blockaded fleet should return to st. petersburg unmolested, on condition that a part should be given up by the former. in answer to this proposition, his swedish majesty requiring that the whole should be given up, and sir james's demand being for both the three-deckers and half the remainder, the negociation was broken off, and fire-ships were fitted out as the only chance of destroying them.[ ] in the mean time, the thunder and another bomb-ship, covered by the goliath and salsette, continued to throw shells into the fortress, and on one occasion a magazine was blown up; but the fleet was too far within the harbour for the shells to reach them, or to prevent their extending a barricade of booms to prevent the approach of fire-ships. the erebus and a brig having however been prepared, an attempt was made on the th september; but failed, owing to the rise of the moon before the vessels could approach. [ ] the erebus sloop and baltic, besides a brig, were converted into fire-ships. the following is an extract from a letter written by sir james to his brother: victory, off port baltic, st august . i have been disappointed in the expectations i so ardently formed when i wrote you last monday. we arrived off hango udd, expecting all night to fall in with the russian fleet; but at daylight a swedish frigate joined, with the information that the swedish squadron, with the centaur and implacable, had sailed on the th in pursuit of them, and chased them into this harbour; the centaur and implacable had cut off their rear ship, which was set on fire after her crew had been taken out. i anchored at two yesterday afternoon, and had the satisfaction to find sir s. hood with the swedish squadron at anchor, watching the enemy's squadron in the harbour, who have been occupied in fortifying themselves in the best manner; and i fear nothing can be attempted with any prospect of success, _from what i am informed_. i most sincerely lament not to have been in time to join our ally, as most probably not a russian would have escaped. my great consolation is, that not a moment has been lost; and, when it is considered that i was off here in only eight days from the time i left the belt, it will appear almost surprising, particularly with the north winds we experienced. sir s. hood and captain martin are beheld by the swedes with adoration for their heroic attack on the enemy's ship; had the swedes sailed as well as the russians, not one would have escaped. it was after this letter had been despatched that sir james reconnoitred the enemy in the victory; and, consequently, determined on an attack. on the rd of september, captain bathurst, of the salsette, and captain trolle, of the camilla, being sent to ascertain the position of the russian fleet, reported that they were so completely barricaded, that any further attempt with fire-ships would be fruitless; sir james ordered the erebus and baltic to be restored to their former condition, the brig having been burnt in the attempt. in addition to the scurvy, which made its appearance in the swedish fleet early in the month of july, the crews were now attacked with a malignant epidemic, which daily became more fatal; those who had been affected by scurvy, being predisposed to catch the infection of the fever, were invariably carried off. a swedish ship of the line and two frigates had been loaded with the sick from the different ships, and sent to carlscrona. as the month of september advanced, it was evident that the swedish fleet could not keep longer at sea; and that, if a reinforcement did not arrive from england, the blockade must soon be raised. lemon-juice, sugar, &c. as well as medical assistance, was sent to the swedes, but too late to have the desired effect. sir james, having anchored the swedish ships farther out, persevered as long as it was possible, and the fleets rode out two heavy gales of wind in that exposed situation; while the russian ships lay moored, with yards and topmasts struck, in the position given as second in the diagram (page ). the swedish army in finland had fought with great bravery, but were at length overpowered by numbers; Åbo, the capital of finland, was in the end taken, and that valuable country for ever lost to sweden. the king, and subsequently the remains of his army, retreated to stockholm, and the campaign terminated decidedly in favour of russia. after what has been stated, it will not excite surprise that sir james should have had some anxiety about the opinion of the public, as will be seen by the following short extract, dated th september, &c. i am anxious to hear what will be said of the occurrences here, although i am conscious of having acted for the good of my country to the utmost in my power; and i trust the whole of my conduct since my first coming upon the station will be entirely approved of by government: it is very possible there may be those who will be disposed to find fault, however unjustly. it will be seen hereafter, that this apprehension was not ill-founded. before the arrival of the victory and squadron off rogerwick, sir samuel hood had despatched his first lieutenant with the intelligence of the capture and destruction of the russian seventy-four, sewolod, and of the position of the russian fleet. this officer was, of course, the bearer of many letters, which described the enemy's ships to be in a situation easily to be attacked, when the commander-in-chief should arrive. the expectations of the nation, from the known prowess of sir james saumarez, were therefore raised to the highest pitch. when the information subsequently reached england that he had not attacked them, it is not to be wondered at that blame should be attached to him by the public, who could not be aware of the existence of those circumstances which frustrated his intentions; and so long did this impression last, that it was only in that the author explained the causes to his late majesty, who had always been impressed with the idea that it was sir james, and not the swedish admiral and sir samuel hood, that objected to the attack; though certainly the very reverse was the fact. there can be no doubt that, if sir james had been authorised to take command of the swedish fleet, he would, even against the opinion of sir samuel, have attacked the enemy's fleet on the st of august; and, as the wind changed on the following morning, he would have been able to carry off all his prizes without any difficulty. we have ever since lamented that the attempt, as planned by sir james, was not promptly made. the official description of the action with the russian fleet will be found in the appendix; as also sir james's correspondence with his swedish majesty on the subject. as it was hoped that some shift of wind would enable us to attack the enemy, we remained in a state of anxiety for three weeks. in the interim, intelligence was received of the success of the british arms in spain, and of the expulsion of the french from portugal. sir james, in consequence of this information, and of the opinions before mentioned, and seeing that the enemy could neither be attacked nor blockaded any longer, weighed anchor on the th of september, and in company with the swedes proceeded to carlscrona, where he arrived on the th of october. chapter ix. , . sir james at carlscrona.--arrangements.--author left in sweden.--letter from the swedish admiral.--sir james leaves carlscrona.--arrives at gothenburg.--makes arrangements for the protection of the trade.--leaves rear admiral keats in command.--his departure from sweden, and arrival in the downs.--proceeds to the admiralty, and receives their lordships' high approbation.--proceedings of the fleet.--revolution in sweden.--sir james reappointed to the command in the baltic.--his correspondence with mr. foster.--official notice of the duke of sudermania being elected king of sweden.--he confers upon sir james the grand cross of the order of the sword. on sir james's arrival at carlscrona, he was received with every mark of attention and respect by admiral puké, the governor, and other authorities. the sick, amounting to , , were landed from the swedish fleet; and their hospitals were visited and supplied, as far as possible, with medicine from the english, while they on the other hand received fresh provisions, vegetables, and water. arrangements being made for the protection of the commerce, and convoys, which were to sail as long as the sea was open, sir james, and the swedes themselves, aware of the inefficiency of the swedish ships of war compared with the english, and desirous that they should be in a better state to co-operate next season, complied with the request of admiral nauckhoff, to leave the author with them during the winter, to assist in their operations of refitting, &c. on his leaving carlscrona, sir james received the following farewell letter from that officer: his swedish majesty's ship gustaf iv. adolf, th october . sir, i have the honour to acknowledge your excellency's letter of the th of this month, in which your excellency has been pleased, in the most polite and flattering terms, to mark your satisfaction with the co-operation of the swedish squadron, and the conduct of the commanders of the ships under my orders. it is impossible for me to express the sentiments of esteem and gratitude for the unremitting and zealous exertions with which your excellency on every occasion has been pleased to promote the interest of my sovereign and country. his majesty, my royal master, will be duly informed of the valuable services rendered to him and to the swedish nation by your excellency, and the gallant flag-officers, captains, and others under your command; and i shall certainly regard your excellency's appointment to the command of the british fleet in these seas, as a most convincing proof of the inviolable friendship which his only but most faithful and powerful ally the king of great britain entertains for him, and for the promotion of swedish interests. i beg your excellency will be pleased to convey my best thanks to every admiral, captain, and officer under your excellency's command, for all the attention and the very active zeal which they have on every occasion displayed. the care and attention which the worthy dr. jameson, and the surgeon mr. duke, have given to the sick, will ever be remembered with sentiments of sincere gratitude. i have the honour to remain, with the highest regard and consideration, your excellency's most obedient and very humble servant, nauckhoff, rear-admiral. admiral nauckhoff struck his flag on the th of november; at which time the mortality and sickness had been so great, that only three frigates could be manned to assist in the protection of the trade. sir james left carlscrona on the th october, and, passing through the great belt, reached gothenburg on the th of november. here he remained in the victory until the rd of december, during which interval he made the necessary arrangements for the protection of the trade in that quarter; and, leaving rear-admiral keats in the superb, and, under his command, the orion and two smaller vessels, he proceeded to the downs, where he landed on the th, and appeared at the admiralty on the th current. their lordships were pleased to signify their high approbation of every part of his conduct, as far as the naval operations were concerned; but they considered his address to the emperor of russia a stretch of power. of this the public will judge. sir james did no more, in fact, than propose an armistice, which is undoubtedly the province of every commander-in-chief. it is indeed true that buonaparte, who was at erfurth when the emperor alexander received his letter, made this the basis of a deceitful overture for peace, in order to gain time, and thereby puzzle the ministers a little; but this circumstance can never be held out as a reason for preventing a commander-in-chief at a great distance from home concluding an armistice, when he is confident it would be beneficial to the cause on which he is engaged. in the mean time, the russian fleet, with the exception of two ships, which were lost on the passage, succeeded in returning to cronstadt. it was said that admiral henikoff, who commanded, was degraded in consequence of his conduct in not engaging the swedish fleet. the mortality continued at carlscrona among the seamen until the cold weather set in about christmas, when it was calculated that the swedes had lost a number nearly equal to the original crews of their ships, including sixty-four officers; among whom were fourteen of the rank of captain (lieut.-col. in their service). the orion sailed with the first convoy in november, which she carried successfully through the belt. the next ship was the africa, which, after seeing her convoy through the malinö channel, was attacked by danish gun-boats in a calm, and suffered so severely as to oblige her to return to carlscrona. the mars, orion, and two bombs, made an unsuccessful attack on eurtholms; but the last convoy which left carlscrona, under the salsette, magnet, and two swedish sloops of war, was the most disastrous undertaking of all. they sailed on the rd december, after the winter set in with unusual severity. a storm coming on from the northward, brought the already-formed ice down on the convoy. the magnet (captain morris) was wrecked, with several others; the rest, with the salsette and two swedish armed ships, were carried back into the baltic; and, excepting the salsette, none of them were ever heard of. the gallant captain bathurst, who afterwards fell gloriously at navarin, after suffering severe hardships by being frozen out the whole winter, during which his ship was drifted twice round the island of bornholm, was able to approach carlshamn in march, and was cut into that harbour by the swedes, who afforded him every assistance. the swedish armed ships were lost by being carried by the ice on a sandbank in sight of the salsette, which had then only four feet water to spare; the former, immediately they struck, turned bottom up, and all hands perished, being instantly covered with the ice. the thermometer, in january , sank to forty-five degrees below zero; the sound and belt were completely frozen over, and many passed between sweden and denmark on horseback over the ice. the author did not escape the infection at carlscrona, but was one of the first who recovered, and was sent for by the king to stockholm; it was, however, the middle of february before he could undertake the journey. there were at one time nineteen packets due from england. things in sweden began to take a different turn. the conduct of the king in disgracing his guards, because, after beating three times their number of russians in finland, they were obliged to retreat, and could no longer defend Åbo, the capital of that province, rendered him unpopular; and a conspiracy was formed, at the head of which was aldercreutz, the general who had been in finland, in conjunction with aldersparre, who commanded the western army, which was secretly set in motion for stockholm from the frontiers of norway, and had arrived at orebro before reports of its progress reached the king. on the night of the th of march, his majesty issued orders for all the troops to get under arms at daylight; and on the morning of the th he demanded the specie from the bank, intending to set off with it to scania. the ministers and officers of state were summoned to the council; and others, among whom was the author, were required to attend his levee at nine o'clock, which was the moment fixed on by the conspirators, who entered, and told the king that he must not leave stockholm. drawing his sword, his majesty made a pass at one of the conspirators: in the mean time the general seized the _staff of power_,[ ] and ordered the others to seize the king, which they immediately obeyed by forcing him into the next room. they forgot, however, when they locked the door, that there was a private entrance, out of which the king immediately escaped, and appearing on the staircase, below which the author was standing, he called loudly for help. some of the conspirators, however, with great presence of mind, called to the soldiers on duty, "the king is mad;" on which they again secured him, and in the evening he was removed to drottningholm, where his family resided. [ ] in sweden the high officers of state carry a staff, which is in fact their commission; therefore the staff of power was that of the commander-in-chief of the army, which the king always kept; but, when seized by another, he lost the power, every person by the law of sweden being obliged to obey whoever is in actual possession of this staff. the conspirators then went to his uncle the duke of sudermania, and, having represented the state of the king, requested he would assume the reins of government, to which he readily assented; and a proclamation was forthwith issued, declaring that gustaf iv. adolf was unable to govern the nation, and that his uncle had assumed the royal authority in his stead. this proclamation made no sensation, and things went on as if nothing had happened. the new regent and government were of course anxious to have the matter set favourably before the government of england; and, in order to prove that the king was actually deranged, the regent submitted to the author a paper found in the dethroned king's desk, certainly in his own handwriting, in which he described himself as the "man on the white horse" in the revelations, and declared that he must fight a battle under the walls of copenhagen, which would give peace to europe. the author, who had only a few days before been named aide-de-camp and adjutant to the fleet, had no longer any command, and therefore demanded his passports, which were granted: but, understanding that he was to be arrested at orebro, he left stockholm two hours sooner than the stated time of his departure, and by pretending that he was a swedish officer who had despatches for count rosen at gothenburg, and that the english officer was some hours behind, he escaped through the western army, after being questioned and examined by aldersparre. he at length arrived safe on board the superb, which had cut out of the ice into wingo sound; and, being immediately forwarded by a packet, reached london in only nine days, where he found sir james saumarez preparing to resume his command. it has been seen that, after sir james's arrival in london, he was offered the chief command in the east indies, which he declined chiefly because he did not consider his health equal to it; but he was not allowed to remain long idle. a squadron of the enemy's ships having escaped the vigilance of the brest blockading fleet, sir james was ordered to hoist his flag in the mars, and proceed to sea in search of them: but their return into port before his squadron could be reported ready, did away with the necessity of his following them; and the affairs in sweden rendering more necessary than ever, that an officer of his rank, character, and abilities should be sent to the baltic, he was reappointed to that important command. in the mean time captain searle was appointed to the victory, vice-captain dumaresq, who had left her in consequence of a severe family affliction. the former was sent to corunna, and was one of the fleet which brought home the remains of the army of the gallant but unfortunate sir john moore. on her return, captain dumaresq returned to the ship, as also captain hope, in his former situation; and sir james's flag was hoisted in april at the nore, whence she sailed soon after. his instructions were to proceed to gothenburg, and take under his command all his majesty's ships and vessels employed and to be employed in the baltic: he was to consider the protection of the trade his principal object; to watch the russian fleet, and attack it if possible. in the present state of sweden no precise instruction could be given: but he was to preserve as long as possible an amicable intercourse with the swedes; to use every means in his power to encourage and protect the trade of his majesty's subjects with sweden; to be cautious not to give offence to its government, and to afford protection to such swedish vessels as might require it; to keep up the supply of water and provisions in the fleet, so as not to be dependent on the supplies from swedish ports; and finally, to guard against the admission of the infectious disease which was at that time prevalent in sweden. the victory arrived at her station on the th may, when a correspondence took place between sir james and mr. merry, the british minister and chargé d'affaires. sir james informed the latter that the alexandria was ordered to take his excellency to england if required, which offer was accepted by mr. merry. mr. augustus foster was left as chargé d'affaires, who announced his appointment in a letter to sir james, dated stockholm, th may. he describes the state of sweden to be most unsettled and perplexing, but that no change had taken place in regard to her relations with england. the following is a continuation of the correspondence between sir james and mr. foster: victory, in wingo sound, th may . sir, having arrived at this anchorage on the th instant, and rear-admiral sir samuel hood being parted for england, in consequence of the ill state of his health, i opened your letter addressed to the rear-admiral, dated th instant, informing him of your being appointed his majesty's chargé d'affaires in the absence of mr. merry. i have the honour to inform you that i shall feel highly gratified by any communication you may be pleased to make to me relating to his majesty's service, and which may be interesting for my knowledge as commander-in-chief in these seas; and i shall be happy in conveying to you any information in my power, which may be connected with his majesty's service. his excellency mr. merry sailed yesterday for england, on board his majesty's ship alexandria. from him i received such information as he possessed to the period of his leaving stockholm. i propose to detach rear-admiral dixon, who joined me the th instant in the temeraire, to relieve sir richard g. keats; and i propose to continue here for some time longer for the more speedy communication with england, as well as to receive what you may do me the honour to write to me; giving you due notice previously to my proceeding for the baltic. the accounts rumoured of the pretended defeat of the austrians, i trust, will not prove correct; and we must not be surprised at the circulation of exaggerated accounts of the success of buonaparte in the present state of affairs on the continent and in the northern parts of europe. i have the honour to be, with great truth and respect, sir, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to a. foster, esq. his britannic majesty's chargé d'affaires, stockholm. stockholm, th may . sir, scarcely had the letter which i wrote to your excellency late last night been received by the person who set out with it this morning, when a note reached me from baron de lagerbjelke, minister for foreign affairs _ad interim_ of this government, to inform me of his having important communications to make to me, and appointing an hour for a conference with me this forenoon. the object of this conference was to expose to me the critical position in which sweden is placed at this moment, from her desire to remain in amity and maintain her commercial intercourse with great britain, of which, as he was pleased to express himself, she was on the point of becoming the victim; and to ask of me to explain to you the full extent of her dangers, in the confidence that you would give her all the assistance in your power which her perilous situation requires, without waiting for instructions for the purpose from his majesty's government; it not being the interest of england that this country should be conquered by russia, although the same alliance no longer existed between his majesty and the swedish government. buonaparte has evaded the repeated solicitations of sweden to take into his own hands the management of the negociation for a peace, which this country is willing to enter into with all her enemies; and has referred her for the terms of such a peace entirely to the court of st. petersburg. this court, meanwhile, has manifested the most marked discontent at the delays which have already taken place in the negociation; and has insisted, as a preliminary condition to the treating for peace, that this country should enter into the alliance against great britain. she has also declared the kind of armistice concluded by her generals at an end; and baron schwaren, who had been sent on a mission to st. petersburg, which place he left the th ultimo, returned here on the th instant, bringing intelligence of very formidable preparations which are making in finland for the immediate invasion of this country, while the russian army at torneo has been considerably reinforced. baron de lagerbjelke gave me the assurances of the duke of sudermania, that every effort shall be made on the part of sweden to repel the meditated attack of russia, and that his royal highness is determined not to yield to the conditions of peace proposed by her, as long as he has the means of defending himself; but he proposes that your excellency should on your part aid him in his defence, by displaying first a part of the fleet under your command in the sound and on the coast of denmark, to deter the danes from making an attack on the southern provinces of sweden, while the troops and sailors necessary for the defence of this part of the kingdom shall be withdrawn from these shores. secondly, that you should engage to send such a force into the baltic sea as to render it dangerous for the russians to make any attempt with ships of the line against the harbours, or to carry an invading force against the coast of sweden. and thirdly, that by detaching sloops of war, brigs, and frigates in the direction from norrköping and stockholm, as far as gefle, you should strew such a force in those seas as to intimidate the russian general in finland from embarking his troops on board the flotilla at Åbo, for the purpose of attacking at once the centre of this kingdom. such are the paucity of means, and so few the troops which this government can assemble for the defence of sweden against so powerful an enemy, that the invasion cannot in all probability but succeed, unless your excellency can send the aid the king desires. on the supposition that you might act in consequence of the above-mentioned representation of this government, i observed to baron de lagerbjelke, that, from the remoteness of the seas in the neighbourhood of Åland and gefle, it was very probable that many of your officers might be unacquainted with them, and thereby risk being thrown into situations of danger; on which he observed, that through the means of his father, the minister of marine, he should take care that pilots should be sent out to meet you whenever it was ascertained that any of the ships under your command were coming into these seas. the navigation of the gulf of bothnia promises now to be open in ten days or a fortnight; and therefore this government hopes, in case you should accede to their wishes, that as little time as possible may be lost in the execution of them. three swedish frigates, as baron de lagerbjelke gave me to understand, have been ordered round from carlscrona to cruise off these coasts; and gun-boats, hemmemas, and other vessels, are at present in or near the water; but the want of men from the mortality of the last winter is severely felt, and can only be supplied from the south, in case you think fit to coincide with the views of this government. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. vice-admiral sir james saumarez, bart, and k.b. &c. &c. &c. this was the first communication which had been made by the swedish government since gustaf iv. adolf was deposed, and his uncle had accepted the regency with full powers. by this _exposé_ it appears that their first act after the revolution was to try to make peace singly with buonaparte, which was of course refused; because the swedes could give him nothing in return, and shutting the ports against great britain was a preliminary that could not be dispensed with. there was no alternative therefore but to apply to england for protection against their inveterate enemies the russians, who had already possessed themselves of all finland, and were preparing for the invasion of sweden. mr. foster added the following private opinion on the state of affairs, which now became so interesting: stockholm, th may . sir, i have written you a long public letter upon the wishes of this government for your co-operation in the defence of sweden. my private opinion is, that the swedes, in addition to their desire to maintain their commercial relations with us, (which of course they wish should be still carried on, though by secret understanding,) entertain the design of preventing the russians from interfering in their interior concerns; they also hope the french may be ultimately victorious against austria, as they suppose they will not be inclined to the confirming of russia in her conquest of finland; which considerations make this government so backward in accepting the terms proposed by russia. in the mean time they are in a most deplorable state, and cannot, i believe, collect , men: without your assistance they must perish or yield; with your aid it will be but a respite, i dare say, but perhaps of use for the swedes. the news of to-day is rather better: on the tagliamento it would appear the austrians are victorious; and in poland, where colonel marfeld is said to have cut off some russians, marched on warsaw, and to be about besieging dantzic: these latter want confirmation. the french, i fear, have crossed the inn, but with great loss. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. vice-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. and k.b. &c. &c. &c. to the above letters sir james returned the following satisfactory answer, which decided the plan of his operations for this year: victory, wingo sound, gothenburg, th may . sir, i have just received the honour of your letter of the th instant, by the messenger mears, acquainting me with the particulars of a conference you had with baron de lagerbjelke on the present critical state of sweden, in consequence, as he was pleased to state to you, of her desire to remain in amity, and maintain her commercial relations, with great britain; and requesting you to explain to me the full extent of her danger, in the confidence that i should give all the assistance in my power which her perilous situation required, without waiting for instructions from his majesty's government. also informing me of the formidable preparations making in finland for the immediate invasion of sweden. the assurances made to you through baron de lagerbjelke, on the part of the duke of sudermania, that every effort will be made to repel the meditated attack of russia, and that his royal highness has determined not to yield to the conditions of peace proposed to him, as long as he has the means of defending himself, will decide me in employing the fleet under my command in the best manner in my power for the defence of sweden; for which purpose an adequate force will be stationed in the sound and on the coast of denmark, to intimidate the danes from making any attack on the southern provinces of sweden; and a squadron of line of battle ships will be employed in the baltic to watch the russian fleet, and prevent any attempt on their part to carry an invading army against the coast of sweden from the side of finland. as the attention of the swedish marine will be principally confined to the defence of stockholm, and the coast within the gulf of bothnia, it is to be presumed that, with proper exertion, they will be perfectly adequate to that service; and as three swedish frigates have been ordered to cruise on that station, with other armed vessels, and one hundred and six gun-boats, no doubt can be entertained of their being for the present sufficient to repel the enemy; and i shall readily order such further part of the force under my command, as can be spared from other services, to co-operate in that quarter. the important transactions going on in the southern coast of the baltic, in which the interest of sweden is materially concerned, require a considerable part of the force under my orders for that particular service; but i have the honour to assure you, that every effort will be exerted for the protection and security of sweden against any attack of the enemy. you will be pleased to take the necessary measures that orders may be given for his majesty's ships to be supplied with water, and such necessaries as they may stand in need of, at carlscrona and other swedish ports; and pilots when they require them. i have the honour to be, &c. jas. saumarez. augt. foster, esq. &c. &c. &c. victory, in wingo sound, th may . sir, i have replied to your public letter as fully as i can consider myself warranted, without having received any special instructions on the subject from his majesty's government; but, considering it to be the intention to maintain the terms of amity with sweden so long as it can be done consistently, and prevent the country from falling a prey to the common enemy, i trust to be right in using my efforts for that purpose; and i hope to receive the sanction of ministers on the measure i am adopting. i shall proceed for the baltic the moment it lies in my power; but the late prevailing calms and adverse winds have prevented the arrival of the ships on their way to join me, and no accounts later than the th from london have reached this place. i sent, three days since, a small detachment of ships to take possession of anholt, where supplies of water could be obtained, and which would also be a proper place for convoys to resort to in the event of exclusion from the swedish ports. any information you can favour me with respecting the state of the russian fleet at cronstadt will be highly desirable, and also the probable time they may be enabled to put to sea from that port. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to augt. foster, esq. &c. &c. &c. as the next letter from mr. foster gives an account of the russian forces and other interesting particulars, we have given it a place here, which makes any further account of the situation of sweden unnecessary. stockholm, th may . sir, i received this evening the letter which your excellency did me the honour to write to me, dated the th instant, in answer to one which i had written to rear-admiral sir samuel hood on the th. i take the opportunity of a private conveyance to have this forwarded to you at gottenburg; and i beg to assure you that no efforts shall be wanting on my part to procure information which may be interesting to you as commander-in-chief in these seas, and to convey it to you as speedily as possible. our relations with sweden have not changed materially since mr. merry's departure. indeed, this government has had no stated form hitherto; though now the duke of sudermania is empowered to treat for peace, or to continue war. the russians have a disposable force of near , men in finland, and gun-boats, and are building more, which creates alarm here; and it has been strongly insinuated by several of the officers of government here to me, that nothing could be more grateful to them than such movements of the fleet under your command, sir, as would overawe the danes, while they should deter the russians from attempting invasion on the bothnia coasts of this country; or which, by giving them security in scania, would enable them to draw their forces this way. captain tillard will sail on the th instant, with about eighteen or nineteen merchant-ships under his convoy. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. vice-admiral sir jas. saumarez, bart, and k.b. sir james soon after received a letter in the french language from r.a. nauckhoff, containing the same _exposé_ and request as baron lagerbjelke had made. he concludes with the following additional particulars: les états du royaume de swede ont déclaré par un acte formel, le de ce mois, que le roi ci-devant, aussi que son fils, a perdu tout le droit au trône ou à la couronne de swede pour jamais: c'est la mauvaise conduite dans le gouvernement, dont tout le royaume est mis en misère, qui a causé le malheur de ce roi et sa famille. le duc charles est, en attendant, regent avec tout le pouvoir du roi, et il sera fait et déclaré pour roi de swede aussitôt que les états ont eu le tems pour faire une autre forme de regence. dans le moment on apporte la nouvelle que les autrichiens ont totalement battu l'armée de napoleon. si cela se manifeste, je n'en doute pas que cela causerat des grands changemens chez les puissances du nord. the attack on the island of anholt, for which sir james had previously obtained the sanction of government, was completely successful. the detachment consisted of the standard, sixty-four, captain hollies; the owen glendower, thirty-six; avenger, rose, ranger, sloops; and snipe, gun-boat: this was reinforced by the marines of the victory, under captain peter jones, who particularly distinguished himself. the governor, having been summoned, refused to surrender; when the marines of the squadron were immediately landed, under captain nicolls, who was senior officer, and who soon stormed their batteries, and obliged the governor to surrender at discretion.[ ] [ ] sir james, before leaving wingo sound, sent captain acklom home with the following letter, and a detailed account of the capture of the island, which will be found in the appendix: victory, wingo sound, th may . my dear lord, it is with great satisfaction i have the honour to inform your lordship of the capture of the island of anholt, which, although not a very productive island, will prove of great importance for the purposes as stated in my public letters, more particularly when excluded from the ports of sweden. captain acklom is a very deserving officer, who has been on the station all the winter; being known to his grace the duke of portland, he flatters himself with the hope of promotion. lieutenant daniel ross, acting on board the kangaroo, is an old follower of mine, and a most deserving man. i shall feel greatly obliged to your lordship for his promotion. i hope to be enabled to sail for the baltic this evening; but the late calms and baffling winds have proved against us, and delayed the ships getting through the belt. i have, &c. &c. &c. jas. saumarez. the right hon. lord mulgrave. the objects of this capture were to obtain a supply of water, a rendezvous for convoys, and the destruction of a retreat for privateers. sir james appointed captain nicolls governor of anholt, which was confirmed by the admiralty. rear-admiral sir samuel hood returned to england on account of ill health, and was replaced by rear-admiral pickmore, who was stationed in the belt under rear-admirals keats and manly dixon; while rear-admiral bertie was stationed at helsingburg: the former three having the care and directions of convoying the fleets of merchant ships through the belt; the latter through the sound and malmö channel. sir james, in passing through the great belt, visited the station at the island of spröe, and afforded protection to a numerous convoy of merchant ships passing at that time, and trading under neutral colours, under a licence from the english and the swedish governments. after touching at ystad, sir james arrived at carlscrona on the th of june: from ystad, he wrote the following letter to mr. foster: victory, great belt, th may . sir, i had the honour yesterday morning to receive your letter of the th, inclosing one from admiral nauckhoff addressed to me, and also the copy of general wrede's report on the state of the north. i have been detained by adverse currents and calms since my departure from gottenburg; but think myself fortunate in having been as early as admiral dixon, who sailed eight days before me, and with whom i fell in yesterday evening off langeland. the danish force of gun-boats in the belt has been considerably increased since last year. the melpomene frigate was attacked by several in the night of the rd, and had four men killed besides about twenty wounded. captain warren, in having drawn their attention, succeeded in preserving a numerous convoy at anchor near langeland, which seemed to have been the principal object for which they came out. the ardent having very injudiciously landed a party of men on the island of ramsoe, for the purpose of procuring a supply of wood and water, they suffered themselves to be surprised, and about eighty men were made prisoners. i am hastening with all despatch towards carlscrona, and i hope to have the honour of hearing from you in my way off ystad. i think it right to mention, _in confidence_, that i shall not have more than six sail of the line of battleships with me, until i can be joined by those that may be on their way from england. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. augt. foster, esq. his majesty's chargé d'affaires, stockholm. victory, off ystad, th may . sir, i have the honour to acquaint you with my arrival off ystad this afternoon, and that i have received your letter of the rd instant, informing me of the satisfaction expressed by the swedish minister, m. de lagerbjelke, at my compliance with the request of the swedish government in affording them all the assistance in my power; and that vice-admiral stedinck had promised to take the necessary steps for the fleet under my command being supplied with water and necessaries, as well as pilots; and also informing me of the exertions used by the swedish marine for the defence and security of the country. as it may be necessary for convoys to pass through the malmö channel, i trust you have represented the expediency of the co-operation of the swedish gun-boats stationed there; and i request you will please to signify to the swedish government that all the protection in my power to afford the trade of sweden, shall be granted to them. i am proceeding with all despatch off carlscrona, where i hope to have the honour of hearing further from you: as i shall probably proceed from carlscrona off dalarö, you will permit me to have such letters or despatches as may arrive for me at gottenburg from england to be addressed to your care. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. augt. foster, esq. his majesty's chargé d'affaires, stockholm. p.s. a boat, spoken with this morning ( th may) from stettin, reports that colonel schill had taken possession of stralsund. sir james, while off ystad, had the honour of receiving on board prince william of orange, who was the bearer of news which had great effect in deciding the swedes in their choice of the line of policy to be pursued at this critical period. this account, which is detailed in sir james's next letter to mr. foster, led to a correspondence which showed the nature of his opinion as to the integrity of the swedes. victory, off ystad, rd june . sir, i have the greatest satisfaction in transmitting to you the copy of a bulletin, detailing a statement of the important victory gained by the archduke charles over buonaparte on the st and nd of may. it was delivered to me by his highness prince william of orange, who, with two attendants, arrived on board the victory yesterday from colberg, on his way to england. there is every reason to hope this victory will have been followed up by other important successes, which will decide the other states in uniting with austria to extirpate the tyrant of the human race. i am proceeding to carlscrona, where i trust to find letters from you; and, in the present critical state of affairs with this country, i hope to be forgiven for again repeating my anxious wish to have the honour of hearing from you as frequently as possible. admiral bertie, who is stationed off helsinburg, wrote to me that he has made repeated applications through mr. consul fenwick for pilots, but has not been able to procure any: as this is an object of great importance, i request you will represent it to the swedish government. he also mentions his suspicions that a better understanding exists with the danes, from the frequent flags of truce, and also from some prisoners having been exchanged from denmark, which he states as a circumstance very unusual. sir r.g. keats also informs me, that two ships of the line and a frigate are fitting with expedition, intended, as is reported, to transfer troops to the eastward; but he adds that it was also rumoured that the ports of sweden are expected to be shut against us even before the th. although i feel the greatest confidence that there can exist no intention on the part of sweden to deceive, we cannot be too much on our guard with that government, should they find it necessary to enter upon terms with either russia or denmark. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. augt. foster, esq. his majesty's chargé d'affaires, stockholm. confidential. stockholm, june th, . sir, i thank you for, and sincerely congratulate you on, the interesting news which you have been so obliging to send me from off ystad. it is complete and glorious indeed, and will add to the other reasons i shall entertain for thinking that this government cannot mean to deceive us. their situation is certainly a very delicate one; but, till now, i have no reason to complain of any insincerity on the part of the swedes. be assured that, if i had, i should instantly despatch notice of it to you. i do not like to venture writing general opinions by the common post, and therefore i have appeared perhaps to write to you too little at length hitherto. the post is also very tardy, or you must have received letters from me of the rd ultimo; one of the th must also be lying for you at ystad. i shall now make a practice of writing to you by every post, as you very naturally will be glad to hear even negative news. admiral bertie's suspicions are very natural for him to entertain, but i really believe entirely unfounded. the situation of norway (which, i will confide to you, seems more critical for denmark than for sweden,) will account for so many couriers passing. the desire of peace, openly manifested by this country, accounts for their allowing such passage, which has for some time been permitted in return for the passage through denmark being allowed to swedish officers. as to a better understanding being supposed to exist with the danes, i had occasion to inquire on this subject the day before yesterday of m. d'engeström, who is the new minister for foreign affairs here, and who assured me that the danish government was even so pettish as to prevent the passage of the hamburgh gazette for some time back. the russian government has demanded the exclusion of our ships from swedish ports, and on this and other conditions have agreed to receive baron stedinck as negotiator: this they have informed me of, and at the same time of their intention to negotiate upon this point, and to gain further time. delay is what they covet in appearance, and what in reality appears to be their interest to desire until the campaign in germany is decided; for on it depends most probably the portion they will lose of territory, and the question even of their independence as regards their conduct towards us. in the character of the duke of sudermania, who was created king on thursday the th, i confess also that i place much confidence, more perhaps than in that of his ministers. his conduct has been loyal and frank, nor does he seem to exhibit that pliability in principles too common among this nation. i have not time to copy the enclosure which i send you on the subject of pilots, which vice-admiral stedinck has just written out before me, as the post goes in an hour and a half; nor shall i perhaps have time to write to admiral bertie as i could wish, this being post-day for england. two ships of the line and a frigate are arrived off dalarö, with , some hundred troops, and sailors; and twenty-four gun-boats set out the day before yesterday from here: fourteen more follow to-morrow or next day. a camp is to be formed at upsala of , or , men; they mean to treat armed at least, which shows spirit. a baron taube has been sent to st. petersburg to ask for passports for baron stedinck: he went the day before yesterday, and cannot be back under fifteen days. the russians are now said to have only about eighty-six gun-boats at Åland, but , men, and to be taking measures to defend themselves against you: one of the ships of the line is going back to carlscrona; and a frigate, the freya, i think. the report that the swedish harbours would be shut against us on the th, must be attributed to the fears of the merchants, i suppose, who are nervous in such a precarious state of things as the present. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. vice-admiral sir james saumarez. victory, off carlscrona, th june . sir, i yesterday had the honour to receive your letter of the th instant, and although i was before perfectly convinced of the good disposition of the present government of sweden towards our country, and of the sincerity of the duke of sudermania's intentions, i could not do otherwise than make you acquainted with the surmises of the two officers next in rank to me in the fleet. your letter has perfectly removed any doubts that would have existed upon the subject, and i should place the same dependence in the swedes as at the time of our alliance with them: the longer they are enabled to protract the negotiation with the russian government, the more favourable will be the conditions of peace they are likely to obtain, as russia will lose much of her ascendancy should buonaparte be defeated by the arms of austria. the different accounts i receive from the continent state that the french army has been very considerably reduced by the late actions, and that it is considered to be in a most critical situation. a messenger, who arrived yesterday on board the victory, charged with despatches from mr. bathurst, informed me that, subsequently to the brilliant victory of the rd, there had been several actions, though of less importance; they had all terminated in favour of the austrian troops. the messenger left baden on the th instant; and described in the strongest terms the high spirits of the whole army, and the hopes formed that the next action would prove decisive, and annihilate the french. i shall have great pleasure in transmitting to you any accounts i may receive of importance; and i return you my sincere thanks for the gazette you did me the favour to enclose to me in your letter of the th. i beg leave to congratulate you on the splendid success that has attended the army in portugal. i have, &c. &c. &c. jas. saumarez. augt. foster, esq. chargé d'affaires, &c. stockholm. on the approach of the victory off the harbour of carlscrona, the admiral wrote the following complimentary letter to admiral puké, who was then commander-in-chief and senior admiral in the swedish service: his majesty's ship victory, off carlscrona, th june . sir, it is with the highest satisfaction that i have the honour to inform your excellency of my arrival off carlscrona, being in my way up the baltic, with part of the fleet under my command, for the defence of sweden against the attack of the russian fleet, and that i shall use every possible effort to preserve the good understanding that has for so many years subsisted between our respective nations. i shall be thankful to your excellency for any information you will be pleased to honour me with that can tend to the advancement of the great and good cause in which we are engaged; and i am happy in profiting by the present opportunity to transmit an official bulletin which i received last friday, giving an account of a most important victory over the french army, commanded by buonaparte in person. this glorious event, it is to be hoped, will unite the powers in the northern parts of the continent totally to extirpate the atrocious tyrant, who has been so long the scourge of the human race. i have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest regard and consideration, sir, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. vice-admiral puké, &c. &c. &c. carlscrona. to which admiral puké returned the following answer: carlscrona, th june . sir, i felicitate myself very much on being so happy as to have occasion of renewing with your excellency the acquaintance i was favoured with the last year. your excellency's flattering letter of the th instant gave me a very agreeable remembrance of it; and i may give my hearty acknowledgments therefore, as also for the news your excellency was pleased to annex. the post arrived a short time ago from stockholm, and did not contain any thing of importance, but that matters stand well. the german mail has not come, and, in general, the news was so contradictory that nobody knew what to believe. all our forces on the southern coast being in the necessity to be drawn up to the northern parts of the country for repelling the attack of the russians, the coasts on this side will be without sufficient defence. it is only in your excellency i may fix my confidence, convinced as i am by the good intelligence that subsists between both nations, and his britannic majesty's benevolence towards sweden, your excellency will not omit to protect, as far as possible, the trade from gothenburg and through the baltic, and prevent all hostile enterprises. i should wish to have some of such gun-brigs as your excellency can allow, and other small vessels, to send up to the finnish gulf, where they would be of no little service. i include myself in your excellency's friendship, which i shall be very proud to possess; and wish no better than that your excellency, with all your brave officers and men, with their usual success, may frustrate the enemy's projects against us. it is with these sincere sentiments, i have the honour to remain, &c. johan af pukÉ. at carlscrona sir james received intelligence of the fate of the unfortunate major schill, who had taken possession of stralsund; but whose corps of , , as well as himself, were surprised by a large body of danish and dutch troops and cut to pieces. these accounts, and a demand for bomb vessels to assist the swedish flotilla, were sent to the admiralty. in consequence of a solicitation from baron stedinck, the swedish minister of marine expressed the high satisfaction of the duke regent at the arrangement sir james had made, not only for the protection of the coasts of sweden on the south, east, and west, but for his undertaking to proceed up the gulf of finland, to prevent the sailing of the russian fleet, with his own powerful squadron. on the th of june, the duke of sudermania was elected king by the states, and took the title of charles xiii, on which occasion due notice was given to the admiral both by mr. foster and the swedish minister for foreign affairs, baron engeström. at this time everything seemed to go well on the continent, and the period of the new king's accession to the throne was thought a proper epoch to sue for peace with russia. this, however, was not done without the knowledge of mr. foster, to whom assurances were given that the alliance with england should not be broken; and in this the king subsequently showed great firmness. an officer was sent to demand passports for baron stedinck, who was to be the negotiator, and who actually proceeded to the gulf of finland. but the emperor of russia, acting under the influence or fear of buonaparte, made the shutting of their ports against the english a preliminary concession before he would either grant a passport to the negotiator, or a cessation of hostilities. the attempt, which was indeed intended to gain time until the war between austria and france was decided, totally failed, and nothing was left but to prosecute the war. an attack on Åland, which had been meditated, was abandoned; and the plan now was to cut off a division of the russian army, which had advanced to urneo, in west bothnia, for which extraordinary exertions were made. in the meantime the russians, amounting to , , with gun-boats, had, in dread of the approach of the admiral's fleet, fortified themselves strongly in Åland, which could not safely be approached by ships of the line. prince william of orange, who had brought the intelligence from colberg of the fate of major schill, and been hospitably received on board the victory, wrote the following letter, which sir james received off carlscrona: monsieur,--arrivé à gothenburg, je m'empresse de remercier votre excellence de toutes ses bontés pour nous, et des facilités qu'elle nous a procurées pour continuer notre voyage. je prends la liberté de joindre ici une lettre à m. schroeder qui en renferme une autre à ma mere à berlin; priant votre excellence de la faire parvenir à colberg si elle en a occasion, je lui en aurai une grande obligation. je suis avec une parfaite consideration, de votre excellence, le très devoué serviteur, guillaume, prince d'orange. gothenburg, mai . monsieur le vice-amiral saumarez. the victory left carlscrona on the th june, having ten sail of the line in company, and proceeded to the gulf of finland, in order to blockade the russian fleet at cronstadt. sir james chose a position at the small island of nargue, near revel, as the most convenient place: on passing landsort, at the entrance of stockholm, he sent the rose with letters, and to receive any which mr. foster might have for him. the coronation of the new king was to take place on the th june. it was the intention of his majesty to invite sir james to assist at that ceremony, had he anchored at dalerö, the anchorage for ships of the line near the entrance of the river of stockholm; but the admiral had proceeded without anchoring, and on that day was off hang udd. on arriving at nargue island, which had a russian governor, but no fortification, sir james found a large quantity of wood prepared for transportation to revel, which was very acceptable to the fleet; but the water was not plentiful. the inhabitants of this island, who are fishermen and speak the swedish language, are inoffensive people; and the admiral, on his arrival, signified that it was not his intention to molest them. a correspondence was established between mr. foster and sir james by means of small vessels; and he was informed from time to time of the progress of the negotiation with russia, which was now going on, but which, as we have already stated, entirely failed. it was proposed that baron platen, one of the most talented men in sweden, should proceed to the victory to confer with sir james, and decide on some plan of co-operation against the common enemy. having received this proposal from mr. foster, sir james sent the rose to convey the baron to the victory. captain mansell, of the rose, was the bearer of the following letter: victory, off nargue island, th july . sir, by the mary cutter, which arrived yesterday, i received your letters of the nd and th inst. marked _private_ and _confidential_; and i return you thanks for the important communication you have been pleased to make to me of the rejection by russia of the proposed armistice with sweden, and of the intended plan of the latter to transport a force to wasa to co-operate with general wrede, and endeavour to force the russian troops in west bothnia to capitulate, which i sincerely hope will be attended with the desired success. i have not seen baron platen yet; but, should he put in execution his intention of running to the squadron, i shall readily attend to any proposal he makes to me respecting a small part of the force under my orders being stationed off the Åland haf, although the services in the gulf of finland occupy all the forces i can muster. i remember to have had the honour of making the baron's acquaintance, who appeared to me to be a clever and well-informed man. be pleased to convey to him the information that, should he honour me with a visit, captain mansell has my directions to receive him on board, and that i shall be happy to concert with him any measures he may suggest for the defence of sweden. you will be happy to hear of the success that has attended a detachment of this fleet under the command of captain martin, of the implacable, in an attack on the russian flotilla, by the boats of that ship, the bellerophon, melpomene, and prometheus, under the orders of lieutenant hawkey, who succeeded in boarding and carrying off six gun-boats, besides one sunk, and a convoy of vessels, fourteen in number, which were also captured, laden with stores and provisions for the russian troops. it is with concern i have now to state the loss of lieutenant hawkey, who conducted that attack; and lieutenant stirling of the prometheus, mr. mountenay, a midshipman, besides ten men killed and thirty-seven wounded. the implacable and melpomene had, previously to this, nearly captured a large russian frigate off högland; but she escaped to aspö, and, with four other ships of war, proceeded between the rocks to frederickshamn. on the following day they captured nine vessels laden with naval stores belonging to the emperor, which they fell in with in narva bay. i anchored here last sunday in expectation of procuring a supply of wood and water; of the former i found an abundance, which had been ready prepared for the emperor's troops at revel, but was disappointed in being able to obtain but a small supply of water. i am in anxious expectation of receiving favourable accounts from the armies. if napoleon can but be defeated, the cause of sweden will be materially benefited, and the emperor of russia kept within proper bounds. i am, &c. james saumarez. one of the first acts of his swedish majesty after his coronation was to put into execution the intention of the former sovereign, by conferring on sir james the grand cross of the honourable military order of the sword for his past meritorious service. this was communicated to him in the handsomest manner; but the honour could not of course be accepted without the permission of his own sovereign, which, on application, was most graciously accorded. the news of the triumph of the british squadron over the russian flotilla occasioned great rejoicing in sweden, and inspired the nation with new spirit and courage: congratulations were sent from all quarters. baron platen sailed in the rose from dalerö on the th, and came on board the victory on the morning of the rd under a salute of seven guns. in a letter to mr. foster, sir james says: "since the attack upon the gun-boats, not a vessel has been seen upon the coast; and i hope effectually to prevent any supplies getting to the russian troops in finland excepting over land, which must tend to retard all their operations exceedingly. "i have had this day ( rd july) a great deal of conversation with baron platen upon the actual state of affairs, and i feel perfectly disposed to give every assistance which the too limited means (owing to the various services required for my whole force) will admit. he informs me that the service is not likely to be of any continuance. "i have ordered the tribune, with the rose and a gun-brig, to cruise in Åland haf. the tribune is a frigate of the largest class, which i can ill spare at present. captain reynolds will be directed to communicate with you, and i request you will furnish him with all such information as he may occasionally profit from. "baron platen has brought me the decorations of commander of the grand cross of the order of the sword, a mark of distinction i by no means considered my services to have merited; and i feel sensibly this instance of attention from the king of sweden. the choice fixed upon for successor to the throne is likely to lead to important events, as it is probable the prince of holstein will have influence enough in norway to attach that country to sweden, which would make up for the loss of finland." chapter x. . blockade of the russian fleet.--swedes' expedition, under admiral puké and general wachtmeister, sails,--is unsuccessful.--private correspondence with mr. foster.--armistice and peace with russia.--peace with denmark.--proceedings of the fleet.--state of affairs in sweden.--fleet returns to carlscrona, and subsequently to england. the part of the campaign which depended on sir james saumarez, namely, the blockade of the russian fleet, which consisted of thirteen sail of the line,--the protection of the coast of sweden and of the trade of both nations,--was completely successful. not so, however, the efforts of the swedes: they indeed fought most bravely; and, if any fault could be found with their general, it was that he was too courageous. the force of the russians was too great for their swedish opponents; and every attempt made by the latter was in vain, notwithstanding baron platen's wishes were acceded to. admiral puké, on receiving his appointment, left carlscrona in a ship of the line, and, arriving off dalerö, wrote the following letter to sir james: his majesty's ship adolf frederick, off dalerö, d aug. . sir, i do myself the honour to inform your excellency that his swedish majesty has most graciously been pleased to intrust to me the command of his sea and land forces, who are to act on the coasts and in the gulf of bothnia against the common enemy of our respective nations; and i beg to assure your excellency that nothing could afford me more pleasure than receiving your commands, if ever i can be of the smallest use to your excellency. i submit to your excellency's own judgment if it should not be useful to the common service to have respective officers, who are acquainted with the languages, placed aside of the commanders-in-chief. for my part, i should find it very agreeable if lieutenant john ross, who served last year on board the swedish admiral's ship, would be permitted to resume the same employment on board of this. he is so well acquainted with the swedish language and customs, that i flatter myself he would have no objection to this proposition. if winds permit, i intend to depart to-morrow with two ships, one frigate, six galleys, fifty gun-boats, and some transports, carrying , troops, and proceed up the gulf in order to debark this army on a proper place, so that they might fall in the back and destroy the enemy's troops, who at present occupy the province of west bothnia. vice-admiral baron cederstrom will remain with one hundred gun-boats and some galleys to protect the swedish coasts opposite Åland. the camilla frigate is left cruising in the Åland haf, to act in conjunction with the british force stationed there by the orders of your excellency. i should think it very useful for the service we are upon if a british frigate and some sloops of war could be stationed at revel, in order to prevent the enemy from sending any reinforcement to Åland; and also if your excellency should proceed further up in the gulf of finland with the british squadron, and make such demonstrations as would contribute to keep the enemy in uncertainty of an attack on either of the coasts in the gulf. he would thereby be obliged to disperse his forces, which in the present case would be of the greatest utility for the service. i submit all this to your excellency's invaluable judgment, and have the honour to remain, with the highest esteem and consideration, sir, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, john af pukÉ, admiral. his excellency vice-admiral saumarez, commander-in-chief, &c. the swedish councillor of state, baron platen, who had been sent to communicate with sir james, remained only a few days on board the victory, when it was agreed that the swedish flotilla should be reinforced, so that there could be no doubt left of its superiority to that of the russians. the following correspondence will demonstrate the amicable feeling produced by the interview. stockholm, d august . sir, it is with great pleasure i have the honour to return my best thanks for all the numberless civilities bestowed on me during my last visit. i should be vain were i to consider these as paid to me personally; they were given in honour of my king and country, so powerfully protected by your excellency, for which his majesty has ordered me to express his highest gratitude. in reference to the operations in the common cause, as well as to some other matters, i have written to captain hope, to whom i sent several charts and drawings. i hope he will make out what i mean, though i cannot express my ideas as i wish in a foreign language. part of the expedition to the north is already under way, and the rest will to-morrow set off under the command of admiral puké. may the almighty crown the undertaking with success, and soon send them back again! perhaps something might be effected, before bad weather puts a stop to operations, with the small fleet. till now, every event seems favourable to the expedition; and the knowledge of the chief makes me confident that what is possible will be done. how much will sweden be indebted to your excellency for having so powerfully promoted the business by combined measures. i rejoice in the opportunity this gives me to assure your excellency of the high esteem wherewith i am for ever, sir, &c. &c. &c. b.v. platen. p.s.--it is by the order of his majesty that i have the honour to announce to your excellency that lieutenant ross has been created a knight of the order of the sword, on the particular request of the admiral puké. victory, gulf of finland, th august . sir, with the greatest pleasure i have received the letter your excellency has done me the honour to write, and i have to express my sincerest regret at not having been able to enjoy for a longer time your valuable company on board the victory; but when i considered how precious every hour must be to your excellency at this important epoch, i could not prevail upon myself to offer the least delay to your departure, however happy it would have made me to postpone it for some days longer. i hope soon to have the satisfaction to be informed that the expedition has been crowned with the most complete success; and should the proposed enterprise against Åland be adopted, i trust to be able to reinforce the detachment under the orders of captain reynolds, and contribute, as far as my means will admit, to an expedition that has the security of sweden for its object. i return you my sincere thanks for the charts you have been pleased to send to captain hope, and for the attention your excellency has bestowed on the welfare of the squadron in directing that the ships may be supplied with fresh provisions from the island of gothland, should they require it. the unremitted marks of friendship and regard shown to the fleet under my command in the different ports in sweden have excited my highest gratitude, and i have not failed to express the same to my government. i shall take the earliest opportunity to signify to mr. ross, who is at this time absent from the squadron on a particular service, the distinguished mark of favour his majesty the king of sweden has been pleased to confer upon him for his services. i have the honour to be, &c. &c. james saumarez.[ ] his excellency baron de platen, stockholm. [ ] it has been already mentioned that a reinforcement was granted to admiral puké's expedition; but lieutenant john ross being at that time acting in command of his majesty's sloop ariel, and detached on a particular service, the request that he might be again appointed as adjutant to the swedish fleet could not be complied with. the following letters from sir james to mr. foster are given to show the progress of affairs at that time, and how dependent the swedes were on the issue of undertakings in other quarters. victory, gulf of finland, th august . sir, i received by the mary your letter of the th, with the papers to the st instant from london. i hope the next accounts will convey the pleasing information of the complete success of the expedition under lord chatham, and that so powerful a blow in favour of the common cause will induce austria to renew hostilities against bonaparte. i shall also be happy to hear that the expedition to the gulf of bothnia has been terminated by the expulsion of the whole of the russian force from sweden. nothing has transpired in these quarters since my last letter. from what i am informed, great discontent prevails in russia at the conduct of bonaparte with respect to poland. in my last letter from england, orders have been given for the vessels that conveyed the spanish troops from the danish islands to gottenburg to be restored. this looks as if peace was about to take place between sweden and denmark; and i am informed by mr. merry it was a condition demanded by denmark previously to preliminaries being entered into. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. augt. foster, esq. &c. &c. &c. victory, gulf of finland, nd august . sir, i return you many thanks for the letters and despatches you have been pleased to forward to me, and which, with your letter of the th, reached me yesterday evening. it becomes of so great importance that i should receive my several communications as speedily as possible, that i lose no time in hastening the cutter back to dalarö, and i shall be obliged to you to transmit my letters for england that i send by her. i have this morning received a letter from berlin, dated the th ultimo, from a person who had recently left the austrian head-quarters. it was expected that hostilities would be renewed at the expiration of the armistice, and measures were ordered to be in readiness for that purpose. i also understand that information of this being the intention of the emperor has been transmitted to government, and also to lord chatham, commanding the expedition. i therefore hope we may yet see a favourable termination of the campaign. with respect to sweden, i am really anxious to be informed what are the intentions of ministers relative to that country, as also if there exists any probability of their concluding peace with russia and the other powers. on receiving the account of the insurrection on the earthholmes, i sent immediate orders to his majesty's ships that might be at carlscrona to use their endeavours to take possession of them, and i have detached a ship of the line upon that service. it is an island of great importance, and i sincerely hope it will fall into our hands. i also hope to receive accounts of the expedition from sweden having succeeded to its fullest extent, and request you will be pleased to transmit to me the earliest accounts that may arrive. i am rather surprised at not having heard from the detachment under captain reynolds. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. augt. foster, esq. &c. &c. &c. admiral puké, having been reinforced by the tribune, rose, hearty, and some gun-boats, proceeded safely to his destination at west bothnia. in every attack on the russian flotilla he had the advantage, and he eventually landed general count wachtmeister with , troops near umeö. it appears that this general did not take up the best position for preventing the escape of the russian general kaminski, who, notwithstanding the bravery of the swedish troops in the battle of umeö, succeeded in effecting a retreat on a reinforcement, and at length compelled the swedish general to propose an armistice on the terms dictated by russia. this led to a peace, by which russia obtained the whole of finland and west bothnia as far as umeö. the terms would no doubt have been still worse had not the english fleet remained in the gulf, for there was nothing else to prevent the russians from taking possession of stockholm. it will be manifest, from the following correspondence, that, under circumstances of heavy responsibility, sir james remained to a very late period for the defence of sweden and the protection of the commerce of that country and england. stockholm, d sept. . sir, i had the honour to receive yesterday your excellency's letter, dated th ultimo. despatches and letters have been lying here for you some days: in those which came yesterday you will find the official account of the surrender of flushing. i am sorry not to be able to give you such satisfactory intelligence as i could wish of the operations of the swedes, who have failed to cut off the retreat of the enemy, although they have gained considerable advantages. i enclose to you the swedish gazette, as i think you have an officer on board who can read it. i delivered to baron platen your message. he is, however, quite despondent as to the possibility now of an attack upon Åland. count ----, it really appears, might have taken a stronger position, so as to prevent the escape of kaminski. the time that will now be lost in his pursuit being fatal, renders future operations equally so. the baron means to write to you, and i shall detain the king's messenger meares; whom, not having anybody else to send, i am obliged to despatch to dalerö until this letter is ready. the negotiation at frederickshamn, as far as i can understand, is proceeding slowly. the demands of russia continue peremptory, as before, upon the cessions required. on the article respecting us, some propositions of a modifying nature have been offered by the russians; such as though the general preliminary for excluding from swedish ports is still insisted on, that colonial goods, salt, and raw produce of various kinds, amounting to almost every thing that is not actually prohibited by the swedish laws, shall be considered as exceptions. but on the question of the ships, and particularly of the ships of war of great britain, i am afraid, in the present state of things, that sweden will not obtain a peace without a stipulation for their exclusion. under this conviction i have addressed myself to baron engerstrom, representing to him the danger that his majesty's ships might be exposed to in keeping the seas at the perilous season of the year if no ports were open to them; and i requested of him to give me early intelligence if sweden were disposed to consent to this article, and as to when it might be put into execution. the swedish minister gave me the most solemn assurances that he would not fail to communicate to me full time enough if this country should be obliged to enter into such stipulations; and observed that, although necessity might oblige them to act against their wishes, yet that they would _always be honest_. he likewise remarked that preliminary conditions were not at any rate to be put in force until the peace was ratified; and that, before that event should take place, arrangements were to be entered into relative to the ceded provinces, which would necessarily cause a very considerable delay; so that he would not look upon a final arrangement with russia as being likely to ensue before the winter should set in, and render navigation impracticable. the swedish minister has frequently remarked to me, that, even if a treaty should be signed by which sweden should bind herself to exclude us from her ports, such an obligation could only extend to those that were capable of defence; but that there were innumerable inlets and harbours which were not commanded by cannon, and which of course could not be included. one of the propositions to be put forward will, i have reason to think, be grounded upon this state of the coasts; and it will be offered to close the large harbours, mentioning them by name, leaving the rest open. i should be glad to know what you think of these speculations of the swedish cabinet on so interesting a point. if the earthholmes are taken, i suppose you will not be very anxious about them. i forward to you two german papers from mr. fenwick, and two of pelletier's papers, which you may like to see, and have an occasion to forward to mr. drusina. the hamburg gazette says the armistice is broken in germany, and there are reports of two battles. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. vice-admiral sir james saumarez. victory, gulf of finland, th sept. . sir, i had the honour to receive yesterday your letter of the nd inst., and i am truly concerned to find the success of the swedish expedition has been so very inadequate to what was reasonably to have been expected, and that the delay in endeavouring to cut off the retreat of the russian troops will render it too late to make the intended attack upon Åland. the terms persisted in by russia appear to be very severe; but i apprehend sweden will be obliged to make the most of them, from the slender means she has of defending herself during the winter months, when the country will be exposed to danger of an invasion. it is a fortunate circumstance that the navigation has been so long protracted as to enable the trade to proceed hitherto out of the baltic, and as considerable delay must still take place before the peace can be ratified, it will afford sufficient time for the ships that are loading in the russian ports to assemble at carlscrona before the exclusion can be enforced. the period agreed upon for the last convoy to sail from carlscrona was fixed to the th nov., till which time, at least, we must hope the ports will be open, both to ships of war and the trade. should you think it advisable, it might be mentioned to the swedish minister (baron engerstrom) that if the stipulation of exclusion is absolutely insisted upon, that it is hoped that it will not be put in force till the winter is too far advanced to admit any ships sailing from the ports of russia. it will be proper to know from baron engerstrom if the notice that was signified in the spring, of not allowing more than five or six pendants at a time at carlscrona or other ports in sweden, is insisted upon at present, in order that i may regulate myself accordingly. at the same time, as tempestuous weather in going down the baltic, or other circumstances, may render it advisable for the whole squadron to enter carlscrona, i would wish orders to be given for that purpose, and that the pilots may be directed to go out to ships making the signal. i shall be obliged to you to let me know by the return of this vessel the determination of the swedish government upon this point. it is my wish to remain in the gulf of finland as long as is possible, consistent with the safety of his majesty's ships; but as the equinoctial gales may soon be expected, and as it will become indispensable to withdraw the ships, particularly those stationed in makelato bay, i could wish to be informed whether it becomes of importance to sweden for the squadron to remain in this sea any longer, and which i also request you will let me know, by the return of the vessel that conveys this, with as little delay as possible. i forward some papers i yesterday received from pillau; you will find the armistice has been prolonged for a fortnight with fourteen days' warning, but it was expected hostilities would re-commence the middle of the present month. i sincerely congratulate you upon the surrender of flushing. i hope we shall soon hear that the other objects of the expedition have been accomplished, particularly as far as regards the capture or destruction of the enemy's ships in the scheldt. i delivered to captain ross the cross of the order of the sword, which was enclosed to me by count de mörner. he will be happy to avail himself of this signal mark of distinction, on receiving his majesty's gracious permission. permit me to request your having the goodness to forward the enclosed to count mörner. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. augt. foster, esq. &c. &c. &c. stockholm, sept. th, . sir, your private letter of the th inst. has reached me with extraordinary despatch. by this time you will, i trust, have had mine of the nd: i have nothing to add to the statement i then made to you of the appearance of affairs in sweden, except that an armistice has been offered by general kaminski, which will probably be accepted. platen is in great despondency, and says he never will be sanguine about anything again. the generals have certainly not done as they might. as far as the council and the navy were concerned, all was well combined, but the army was ill posted, and wachtmeister has shown that he has but a very poor head. unless the russians are disposed to change sides, the negotiation at frederickshamn is not likely to be benefited by these events. you must calculate on this country yielding, if the ministers are pressed strongly, to the terms demanded. i see no means they have of resisting. it is a mutilated land, and the resources that remain are ill managed, while the debt is rapidly increasing. baron de platen desires me to say he will send you the plan you demanded of st. petersburg by the next opportunity; it is copying, and not quite ready. i have the honour to send to you a couple of the last french papers. lieut. allen delivered to me your letter, and i shall endeavour to get him a seat in the messengers' carriage to-morrow night. i should be glad to know when you think of quitting the gulf with the fleet, and how soon the navigation becomes dangerous. if an armistice between the hostile armies in west bothnia takes place, in all probability the squadron in Åland's haf will be no longer necessary there. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez. p.s.--i send you a paper of the th, a day later than any here, which i have got from the packets having been detained a day in harwich. i hope you will be able to send the french papers to mr. drusina. i beg to submit the suggestion of the advantage of as frequent a return of the despatch vessel to dalero, at this period, as is convenient to you. the armistice between france and austria appears to have been prolonged, some say twenty-eight days, some eighteen: it is said proposals have been made to us. i can think of none that would be palatable. stockholm, th sept. . sir, on the day before yesterday mr. reynolds delivered to me your letters of the th and th inst, as also a despatch containing three letters addressed to me from pillau, for which i beg to return you my best thanks. i had already taken occasion, some days back, to prepare baron d'engeström for the moment, when, in consequence of the lateness of the season, a formal notification might be made to him, on your part, of the impossibility of your much longer keeping the seas you are in; and i lost no time in soliciting an interview of the swedish minister for the purpose of obtaining from him the information which you desire in your letter above mentioned. i stated to his excellency that you were anxious to know whether it became of importance to sweden that the squadron under your orders should remain in the sea in which it is any time longer. i laid stress upon the circumstance that the only object which you now had in remaining in the gulf of finland was the defence of sweden, and to cover the expedition in west bothnia; and i did not fail to remark upon the season being advanced, and the dangers to which his majesty's ships might be exposed by a longer stay in the gulf of finland, though at the same time i thought it advisable to dwell upon the sincere wish which i was sure you had to do everything in your power, short of endangering the safety of the fleet, that might be judged desirable by the swedish government for the further defence of this country. baron d'engeström asked to consult his sovereign upon the answer to be made, and yesterday he appointed an hour in the evening for me to wait upon him. i had previously written to him in the morning a letter of which the enclosed is a copy, from the warmth with which he assured me that at all events, and under whatever stipulations, peace might be made between sweden and her enemies. his majesty's ships under your command, to whose efforts sweden was so much indebted, should have no reason to dread the result, or your excellency have cause to be anxious, lest an article for the exclusion of british ships from the swedish ports should be suddenly enforced, even if sweden were finally to be under the necessity of agreeing to a treaty containing it. i was afraid that the swedish minister might labour under the mistake of imagining that a suspicion of such a state of things being likely to take place, might possibly be connected with your desire to withdraw from the gulf of finland at the present moment, and i therefore judged it advisable, without making an official note of it, to write the letter, a copy of which i enclose, and which i hope will meet with your approbation. on seeing the minister i found he was fully sensible of the motives by which you were guided; he thanked you for the assistance you had given to sweden on the part of his sovereign, who, he said, was penetrated with the delicacy of your conduct to this country. if you could not keep your station in the narrow gulf of finland, he hoped that you might be able to remain at least in the baltic, until the accounts from fredericksham should become more decided; and as to the squadron in Åland haf, he observed, that admiral puké was soon expected, when the service of that squadron would no longer be wanted; he wished it to remain till then, which would be a few days longer. as i had demanded, in conformity with your desire, if the regulation of last spring, which limited the number of his majesty's pendants that might be in carlscrona or other ports of sweden, was still to be considered in force, he answered me, that with respect to the ships under your orders, any number of them, or all, might enter into carlscrona or any other port, and procure what they stood in need of; and he offered to give me a written engagement to that effect, which i expressed a desire to have, and it is for that i wait in order to despatch the hero. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez, &c. &c. &c. stockholm, sept. th, . sir, lieut. reynolds having been so long detained, without entering into particulars, i shall only mention that peace is on the point of being signed between sweden and russia; an officer arrived yesterday from fredericksham, and on the th or th the signature is expected. the exclusion of british ships and merchandise is one of the articles; but those under your command, and the merchant ships now in the baltic or at gottenburg, m. d'engeström has assured me, are to be excepted from its operations. i have the honour to enclose to you a copy of the note which i have this moment received from the swedish minister, in answer to the propositions you had made. the minister remarked to me, that though he should not mention it in the note, yet that he trusted you, in using the ports of sweden, would be cautious of committing the government of sweden. both he and baron platen are desirous that you should still keep the sea near the gulf of finland, in order to influence their negotiation; certain british goods are still to be admitted. i shall despatch a messenger to captain reynolds the moment admiral puké arrives. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster to vice-admiral sir james saumarez, &c. &c. &c. victory, off nargen, th sept. . sir, i had the honour yesterday evening to receive your letters of the th and th inst., enclosing the copy of one you had written to baron d'engeström, and of that minister's answer to your letter. it affords me great satisfaction to find that the swedish government have so readily acquiesced in the representation you were pleased to make to them of the expediency of the squadron leaving the gulf of finland, in consequence of the present advanced state of the season, and also of the ready concurrence with the proposal that all the squadron, if required, should be admitted into the ports of sweden, without adverting to the number that had been previously limited. i request you will do me the honour to assure baron d'engeström, that i shall not withdraw the squadron from this station until the weather renders it indispensable for the safety of his majesty's ships, and that, on my leaving the gulf, i shall order a detachment to cruise between daggerort and the swedish coast, should it be further required. it is a fortunate circumstance that the preliminaries of peace were so far advanced as not to give a pretext for their being hastened by the squadron having been withdrawn from the station, and it affords me singular satisfaction to find that the government appears so strongly impressed with the measures that have been pursued for the welfare of sweden. i shall detach vessels as frequently as possible to maintain the correspondence, and i beg to express my sincere acknowledgments for the punctuality you have shown in permitting me to hear from you by all opportunities that have offered. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to augt. foster, esq. &c. &c. &c. stockholm, st oct. . sir, according to your desire i shall not detain lieut. reynolds. i have the honour to acknowledge the receipt from him of your letters of the th, th, th, and th ult., with their enclosures, which i have delivered as directed. i have given in charge to him your letters which came by the last two mails, bringing our accounts from london to the th ult. another may be expected to-morrow or next day, as the wind was fair at gottenburg; and according to your wish i shall forward whatever may come to your address by express to carlscrona. i return you my best thanks for the newspapers and letter from koningsburg and pillau, which you were so good as to forward to me. i have now received the assurances of the swedish government that british ships of every kind will be received into the swedish ports until after the th of november, the time fixed by them for putting into execution the stipulations contained in the rd article of their treaty of peace with russia. this article does not at all refer to the departure from swedish ports of british ships, and therefore i conclude, as i am indeed warranted by the declarations of the ministry here, that the sailing of convoys from sweden may continue up to any period of the year, but the english flag may not enter any port of the country after the th of november; you will, of course, be best able to judge how this will agree with your arrangements. i had several days ago spoken to admiral stedinck about orders to the pilots to be ready at carlscrona in case you should want any number of them, and i received his assurances that every necessary direction should be instantly given to that effect. the mercurius has sailed with the duke of brunswick's chests. i understand a swedish brig is off dalerö to give convoy. the hearty is not, owing to contrary winds. i shall inquire about the periods when convoys will be required, and let you know the results. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez. stockholm, st october . sir, i think it right you should be informed that the opposition here have raised some outcry on the invitation made to you to enter carlscrona. i can perceive even that some of the members of the government do not wish your stay there to be long, for fear of their being committed, and i really believe, that provisions were collected for you in gothland, in order to diminish the necessity of it: finding such to be the case, i intimated to baron platen, whose frankness and openness on all occasions i have the greatest cause to commend, that i would write to you, and that i was sure you would find means to avoid entering carlscrona at all, if you heard that any ill-founded and unjust suspicions were entertained of your intentions, on which he conjured me not to do so; that on the contrary he wished you would come in, and that it would have the happiest effect if you were to stay there with a fleet a few days, and prove to the ill-minded that british honour was to be trusted. i cannot but think so too, and therefore i was very glad to find that it was your intention to take at least some ships into carlscrona. the fleet, of transports coming from england with the russian seamen, described in the german papers as a formidable fleet, has also created some alarm among the ill-informed. harassed and torn as this country has been, it is perhaps excusable that the people should be fearful and nervous to excess, as to the situation of the small remaining resources which they possess. i hope to have the honour to hear from you from carlscrona, and that your excellency has had everything you wished there. i have, &c. &c. &c. augt. foster. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. k.b. during the time the fleet lay at nargen roads the ships were not molested by the russians, who had marched , men to defend revel. the poor inhabitants on the island were liberally paid for everything that was supplied to the fleet; some valuable trees were cut down, and the empty transports which had brought out stores and provisions were partly loaded with them. on the th of september it became no longer necessary to blockade the russians, who had now concluded an armistice; denmark had done the same. sir james, therefore, proceeded to carlscrona with three sail of the line only, the remaining ships being distributed in other places where anchorage could be found. during the summer, rear-admirals bertie and manley dixon had been stationed to protect convoys, the former in the sound, and the latter in the belt. nothing of any consequence happened except the capture of eighty men, who were surprised by a powerful body of danes on the small island of romsöe, where they had been to procure wood and water. the minx gun-brig was taken off the coast of norway. anholt was placed in a state of defence, and garrisoned by a detachment of marines from england. having entered the harbour on the th october, sir james wrote the following letter to mr. foster, which states a circumstance of rather a delicate nature, wherein he displayed both tact and prudence. victory, at carlscrona, th october . sir, i have the honour to acquaint you of my arrival at carlscrona on wednesday evening, with three sail of the line only, having thought it most advisable to order the others to the belt and off gottenburg. the permission to admit any number of ships was received by vice-admiral baron palmquist as i was coming into the harbour, and every possible attention has been manifested by the vice-admiral and all the other swedish officers towards the squadron, which i cannot represent in too strong terms. a circumstance of rather an untoward nature has occurred, with which i think right to make you acquainted, in case any explanation should be required. i was informed that with the order to admit any number of his majesty's ships, admiral palmquist was also directed to invite me and the captains of the squadron to dinner on this day, being the anniversary of the king's birth-day. knowing that government have not as yet acknowledged the present sovereign, it would have been improper for me to appear on so public an occasion: i accepted the invitation, intending to excuse myself as i might find necessary. on baron palmquist returning my visit yesterday he noticed it was the anniversary of his sovereign's birth-day. i have this morning sent him a note to excuse myself the honour of dining with him, on the footing that my official duties would not permit it. admiral pickmore, captain hope, and all the captains dine with the baron. i did not think it proper to prevent this, after the great attention paid upon every occasion to the officers of the squadron. the motive i have before mentioned must prevent the salutes that usually take place on similar occasions. i enclose to you a despatch which i received from pillau yesterday, and a german paper i received by the same opportunity. it was generally believed that hostilities would be renewed on the th inst. the period of my remaining here is not yet fixed, but i shall have the pleasure of informing you the moment i can decide. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to augt. foster, esq. &c. &c. &c. nothing could surpass the kindness of the swedes at carlscrona, and sir james left them after a stay of a few weeks with sincere regret. he proceeded through the belt, affording protection to a large convoy, and visiting the different stations. the order not to admit any british ships of war or merchantmen after the th of november, was dated on the th october; but it was considered on both sides as a matter of form, it being notorious that the swedes could not prevent english men-of-war from entering any of their ports if they chose; but out of delicacy to them, and that there should be no cause of complaint for not fulfilling the treaty, sir james did not occupy any of their fortified harbours, and as little as he could the others. he touched at gottenburg to give his final directions about the convoys, and at christmas arrived and struck his flag in the downs. having received the high approbation of the lords of the admiralty for his judicious conduct under such extraordinary circumstances, and for the protection so successfully afforded to the trade, he returned to his native island, to enjoy for a few months the society of his family and friends. chapter xi. - . sir james's third year in the command of the baltic fleet.--proceeds to gothenburg and havre.--correspondence with mr. foster, admiral krusenstjerna, and others.--swedes shut their ports.--death of the crown prince.--murder of count fersen.--restrictions of the swedish commerce.--sir james's judicious conduct in that and in several disputes.--election of bernadotte, and his entry into sweden.--correspondence on the subject.--sir james returns to england, and receives the approbation of the government and the nation. we must now revert to the state of affairs in the central continent of europe, on which the fate of sweden so materially depended. buonaparte, having withdrawn the greatest part of his troops from spain, had planted his eagles at vienna, and, after the battles of aspern and wagram, had obliged the emperor of austria to sue for peace, which was concluded on the th october ; by this the whole sea-coast had been ceded to france, and prussia was recompensed for her neutrality by the cession of a part of galicia; while joseph buonaparte was declared king of spain, and acknowledged as such by the emperor of austria, who consented to the union of his daughter, the arch-duchess maria louisa, with buonaparte, as soon as he had divorced his wife josephine, an event which took place in december. meanwhile, the ruler of france had proclaimed himself mediator of switzerland, and declared that every port in europe should be shut against british commerce. early in he began to unfold his designs upon holland, which, he gradually occupied and annexed to france, obliging his brother louis to resign his throne. he subsequently took possession of the mouths of the scheldt, the meuse, the rhine, the weser, and the elbe. rome, holland, valais, and the hanse towns, with a population of thirty-eight millions, were added to france; while hanover was given to the kingdom of westphalia. that the politics of sweden should have undergone a change in consequence of the extraordinary success of buonaparte, can hardly excite surprise; but another untoward circumstance took place, which seemed to militate against a continuation of an alliance with great britain, namely, the untimely death of the danish prince, who had been unanimously elected to succeed charles xiii, and who, having acted in sweden as crown prince since the st of january , had endeared himself to the nation as well by his amiable disposition and the admirable regulations he had made, as by his conduct in norway, while opposed to the swedes, particularly in forbearing to attack them from norway, where he commanded a danish army during the revolution. it had been falsely and unfortunately circulated that he had been poisoned by count fersen, then riks-marskall (prime minister) of sweden. on the arrival of the remains of the deceased prince at stockholm, the count fell a victim to the indignation of the lawless and infuriated populace. the following is an authentic account of that lamentable event. st june . all stockholm was in an uproar! at noon, the corpse of the lamented crown prince entered the city by horngatan, escorted by only a company of dragoons, and preceded by several members of the court, and finally by riks-marskall fersen, fabian fersen, and doctor rossi. on entering the street, the mob began to insult the riks-marskall, and soon after to throw stones and other missiles. when the windows of his carriage were broken, the mob gave a loud hurrah. the people now followed the carriage into nygatan, opposite the inn called bergstratska husset, into which count fersen jumped, already covered with blood, but followed by the infuriated mob, who first tore off his order riband and threw it into the street; then, having stripped him naked, they threw him out of the window into the street. here the mob proceeded to beat him with clubs, and trample on him, until death put an end to his sufferings. in the mean time, general-adjutant silversparre and aldercreuts rode through the street, and in vain talked to the people; they had no troops, and the assistance came too late, being only in time to preserve the lifeless body being torn to pieces. the fury of the mob being now satiated, and the soldiers having fired a few shots among them, they began to disperse, but not before many were killed and wounded, and it is believed that the remainder of the suite which attended the lamented prince at his death would have shared the same fate as count fersen, had the military not arrived in time to save them. the body of count fersen was with difficulty carried off on a sledge. in the night the windows of count ugglas and several others were broken, and it was not until some days that tranquillity was restored. buonaparte had now sent peremptory orders to enforce his commands that the port of sweden should be shut against british commerce, but it was evident that these orders could never be carried into effect, unless they had a superiority by sea. the principal ports might, indeed, be nominally shut, but sweden could neither prevent the british navy from entering her numerous unfortified harbours by her own army, or support troops sufficient for the purpose of defending them. it was therefore only necessary to make a show of compliance, in order to satisfy the despotic ruler of france, who had absurdly declared great britain to be in a state of blockade. it was under these delicate circumstances that sir james resumed the command of his majesty's fleet in the baltic, and having rehoisted his flag on board the victory on the th march , he proceeded to hawke roads, which is the outer roadstead to gottenburg, and was followed by rear-admirals reynolds, dixon, and morris. before leaving england, sir james had communicated with lord mulgrave, then first lord of the admiralty, on the relative situation of the two countries; and as it was the wish of his majesty's ministers to avoid, as long as possible, committing any hostile act against sweden, they confided in the tact of sir james to pursue the course which he judged most advantageous to the interests of commerce, and at the same time to uphold the honour and naval superiority of the nation. the swedes had already a sufficient knowledge of the british admiral's high character, and our government could not have afforded them a more decisive assurance of their desire to remain on amicable terms with them than by sending sir james with extraordinary powers to act according to circumstances. on the one hand, they knew that in all matters of a delicate nature they could place the utmost reliance on his word, and that they were treating with a person quite incapable of deception or intrigue; on the other, they were aware that if coercion became necessary, he would act with decision, and baffle every evasive manoeuvre. the following correspondence with mr. foster and others, with some occasional remarks, will convey to the reader some idea of the important and difficult situation in which sir james was placed. victory, hawke road, st may . sir, i have the honour to acquaint your excellency of my arrival here with part of the squadron under my command, and of my intention to proceed into the baltic as soon as the wind will permit. it will afford me the highest satisfaction to renew a correspondence from whence i derived such great benefit during the time i was employed upon this station last year; and although the unfortunate exclusion of british ships from the ports of sweden will render it more difficult at this time, i hope it will not be the means of entirely depriving me of the honour of hearing from your excellency. as i propose calling off ystad, on my getting into the baltic, i shall detach a vessel to that place for any letters you may have done me the honour to write. i have, &c. james saumarez. the victory arrived off ystad on the th june, when sir james received the following letter from mr. foster: stockholm, th may . sir, i hasten to reply to the letter which you have done me the honour to write from gottenburg, and to return you my best thanks for the communication of your arrival off the swedish coast. it is with great pleasure that i renew a correspondence which, as you are kind enough to say, was of benefit to you last year, and from which i certainly derived most important assistance, and the highest satisfaction. i am afraid, however, that the opportunities of writing to you will be few. ystad, from its neighbourhood to denmark, seems to be too much exposed to observation, for this government to wink at the correspondence passing that way. it has been hinted to me, however, that it might proceed without difficulty through the small town of sölvitzborg on the frontiers of blekingen and of scania, and i write to mr. fenwick by this day's post to recommend his making arrangements for the purpose. mr. consul smith has transmitted to me a copy of an article in your printed instructions, which he says you allowed him to make known at gothenburg, and which, if acted upon, will strike at the coasting trade of this country in a manner that i scarcely think was contemplated by government. indeed it appears to me, particularly when i consider the previous notice that has regularly been given in sweden, where measures have been taken against his majesty's interests, that it will be liable to the imputation of unfairness, if acted upon immediately, vast quantities of swedish shipping, which was sent to sea in the confidence of security from capture, being exposed to its operation. i was in hopes that i should have heard from you on the subject, and i cannot but flatter myself that his majesty's government will have forwarded to me explanations respecting it. the danes have annoyed the swedish trade so considerably, that i understand strong representations will be made on the subject at copenhagen, and possibly some retaliation may take place from this side of the water, if they do not cease their proceedings. i trust you will have the goodness to let me know if it is your intention to order the capture of swedish ships of all kinds which shall be proceeding from one port of sweden to another. i am, &c. a. foster. sir james had made known at gothenburg the article in his instructions referred to in mr. foster's letter, for the express purpose of giving the swedes timely notice of the step government had found it necessary to take; and being still in hopes that the order would be rescinded, he had not given directions to his squadron to act upon it, although it appeared from a communication of the same date from mr. foster that his recall was required by buonaparte, and that his stay at stockholm could not exceed six weeks. the following is sir james's reply to mr. foster: victory, off ystad, th june . sir, i had the honour to receive both your letters, dated th ult., on my arrival at this place yesterday evening, and i request you will accept my best thanks for them. i was much surprised, before i sailed from hawke road, to find from mr. consul smith that you had not received from government any communication relative to the restrictions upon the trade of sweden, having taken it for granted, at the time i received instructions upon the subject, that intimation of it would have been made to you by the same conveyance. i trust that you have before this received explanations respecting it, and that they will prove as satisfactory to the government of sweden as the circumstances will admit. i have hitherto acted on that part of my instructions with the utmost moderation; but, in conformity to these instructions, it will not be in my power to desist in future from allowing the cruisers to make captures of such swedish vessels as they fall in with, who are not provided with licences from england. the depredations by the danish armed vessels have determined me to give orders to his majesty's ships stationed off kioge bay not to admit any vessels to enter the sound, which i have signified to our government. the place you have been pleased to point out for the correspondence in future is perfectly well adapted, more particularly from its vicinity to hano bay, the rendezvous which i have appointed for the trade, and where i propose to proceed on receiving despatches which i daily expect from gothenburg: i shall therefore hope to have the honour of hearing from you next by way of sölvitzborg. the information i have received from mr. fenwick of the lamented death of the crown prince must have thrown this government under very considerable embarrassment, and possibly may lead to some change in the politics of the country. i request you will favour me with any information you receive relative to the russian fleet, as it will in a great degree decide the time when i may proceed towards the gulf of finland. it is with great satisfaction i have the honour to inform you that the numerous convoys that have sailed from gothenburg have all cleared the belt without loss, and the two homeward bound convoys are, i hope, by this time far on their way. the one under protection of the edgar and saturn was off romsöe last sunday, and the one which sailed more recently was yesterday off dars head. i hope the time is yet very distant, but i trust you will be pleased to signify to me the proposed period of your leaving sweden. i will give directions for one of the ships under my orders to convey you and suite to yarmouth, or any other port you prefer. i have, &c. james saumarez. the author, then lieutenant of the victory, was despatched to sölvitzborg, where he made arrangements with the authorities for the correspondence between the admiral and mr. foster, and also for a supply of fresh beef and vegetables for the fleet, which occupied the roads of hano, where the convoys assembled, the merchants having built store-houses on the island of hano, previously inhabited by a few fishermen. the convoys at anchor there consisted of ships under various neutral flags, which had licences from government. these entered st. petersburg and every port in the baltic with british manufactures or colonial produce, returning with timber, hemp, tallow, &c. the produce of russia and prussia. as soon as they had accumulated to about , and the wind came fair, they sailed from hano under convoy to the belt, where a strong force was always kept to protect them from the attacks of the danish gun-boats. the tyrannical decrees of buonaparte were thus rendered null and void on this part of the continent. the following letter from mr. foster to sir james exhibits in strong terms the alarm excited in sweden by the communication of the admiral, while it points but the excellent policy of his not acting under the circumstances upon his instructions. stockholm, st may . sir, the situation in which this country has been placed by the publication of your orders to capture swedish ships employed in the coasting trade, has created such an alarm that even private individuals are afraid to take their passage in the packet boats, between sweden and stralsund, without they have letters from me. among the rest a m. de bon, a merchant of my acquaintance, who is shortly to proceed to germany in order to be married to a young lady, the sister of a friend of mine, has urged me to ask if your excellency means to include the stralsund packet-boat in your general orders for capture, or if he can safely hire a vessel to take him there. any information you can give me on the matter will be very agreeable to me. swedish subjects are of course free from being made prisoners, as we are not declared at war with sweden; but my assertion of the fact is not considered here of sufficient satisfaction without a particular letter to the commanders of his majesty's ships. i beg you will let me know if you can allow a young swedish officer to serve on board any of the ships under your command, as application has been made to me on the subject. admiral puké is directing all his attention to the defence of carlscrona; sailors and soldiers have been sent there from hence, the latter belonging to the queen's german regiment, in some transports, which it is feared may be captured by some of your cruisers. i had the honour to write to you twice by the medium of this government. mr. jacobi will deliver to you a letter which mr. millander, a merchant of this place, has requested i would forward to your excellency. i have the honour to be, &c. a. foster. the letter conveyed by mr. jacobi respected his making a settlement in gothland, which might be of use to the admiral. this, however, became unnecessary, in consequence of the occupation of hano, where supplies were plentifully obtained. hano was also more convenient for convoys, and for communicating with england, &c. several letters passed between the admiral and mr. foster on the same subject; at length rear-admiral krusenstjerna was deputed to communicate verbally what could not be committed to paper. this officer pointed out the harbour of matwick, only a few leagues to the northward of hano, as the situation most suitable for the collection of convoys under the circumstances. this, being surveyed, was found to be safe and capacious. it was formed by a number of small islands, while it was impossible for any power, unless with a superior naval force, to molest the ships in the harbour. on the th of june directions to rescind the orders to capture swedish ships were given. these reached sir james in a week, after which things went on smoothly and agreeably, no captures of any consequence having been made during the time the order was in force. buonaparte, finding that his views of restricting british commerce were frustrated, insisted that the british minister should quit stockholm; and mr. foster, having only forty hours' notice, arrived at gothenburg on the th june. here he wrote the following letters to sir james, which will show the state of affairs, and the propriety of the steps the admiral had hitherto taken. gothenburg, th june . sir, i should have written from stockholm to inform you of my being obliged to quit that capital; but the swedish minister's letters to me, conveying the wish of the government that i should depart, gave me but forty hours to prepare myself, and i had scarcely time for any other occupation than that of getting ready during so short a period. i left stockholm on the morning of the th inst. and arrived at gothenburg this evening. i am anxiously waiting to receive orders from home, in order to take my departure. the swedish government has now notified in london its intention to shut the ports of sweden to his majesty's packet-boats; therefore, i expect from day to day that an order will arrive for their exclusion. captain honeyman of his majesty's ship ardent has been kind enough to offer me a passage on board the chanticleer, if she can be detained a few days, and i shall very willingly and thankfully accept of the offer. baron d'engeström considered my departure, and the cessation of the correspondence between england and sweden, as a necessary consequence of the treaties of peace lately concluded by this country, and therefore as not likely to produce any change in the present relations with great britain; indeed they have both long been announced as being to take place. the communication, therefore, will still be winked at, as i have reason to believe, by the swedish government, but it must be done privately. i have, &c. &c. augt. foster. the next letter was dated gothenburg, th june; and after reiterating the above and acknowledging a despatch from sir james, he adds,-- i am sincerely rejoiced at the modifications which have been made of your original instructions how to act towards the swedes, and i have great satisfaction in telling you that, even previously to my leaving stockholm, your conversation with mr. brinkman had been reported to the swedish minister, and the language you had held, and your moderate conduct subsequently, in regard to their trade, had made upon his mind the most favourable impressions. both he and the rest of the cabinet of stockholm seemed convinced that you had executed your orders with as much mildness and consideration for this country as could possibly be expected. the following is sir james's reply to these letters: victory, hano bay, th june . sir, i have received the honour of your letters dated the th and th inst., informing me of your sudden departure from stockholm, of which i had been previously apprised by admiral krusenstjerna. however deeply i must regret being deprived at this crisis of your important communications, i hope your arrival in england will be the means of furnishing government with information relative to the state of sweden, of which they could not otherwise have been in possession. the instructions i have received, containing the modifications upon the coasting trade of this country, have given me infinite satisfaction; and i am happy to find, from what you have been pleased to mention on the subject, that the moderation with which i have acted has been highly approved of by the swedish government. having written my last courier to captain honeyman, senior officer in hawke road, directing him to appropriate one of the ships upon the station to convey you and your suite to yarmouth, or any other port you desired, i trust he will be able to accommodate you to your satisfaction. with my best wishes for your speedy and safe passage. i have, &c. &c. james saumarez. to his excellency augt. foster, &c. &c. &c. the following farewell letter, written by mr. foster to sir james on leaving sweden, gives a more decided opinion on the state of sweden than has hitherto been offered. it concludes the correspondence. the politics of sweden have necessarily undergone a great change. the death of the crown prince has completed the disasters of the nation, and such is its present state of weakness and discouragement, that i cannot consider the swedes as having any longer a shadow of independence. their exposed local situation, will prevent their taking any offensive measures of hostility against us; the futility of any effort of the sort prevents its being exacted from them by buonaparte; but i have recommended strongly to the merchants here, who have british property, to place it under neutral cover, and by no means to expose themselves in any way through a want of proper precaution. i have had the satisfaction to find they have attended to my advice. give me leave, sir, to repeat my best thanks for the communications you continued to honour me with during my residence in sweden, and to assure you that i am, with great regard and esteem, sir, &c. &c. a. foster. to his excellency admiral sir james saumarez. some false reports having been circulated that the cruisers under the orders of sir james had captured several swedish ships bound to england and other ports, from which the english flag was not excluded, the right hon. charles yorke, then first lord of the admiralty, wrote a private letter to sir james accompanying the modification of the order already alluded to, and directing that any captures made under its operation might be restored. to which communication sir james made the following reply: victory, th june . sir, i have this morning received the honour of your letter on the subject of the trade of sweden, in which you are pleased to observe that the marquess of wellesley had communicated to you that he had received information that some of the ships under my orders have detained and captured some ships from a swedish port destined to the port of london, to which i beg leave to state that the information must have been incorrect, the detention or capture of any vessel of that description being contrary to the orders i have given to the cruisers on this station, and no report having been made to me of any having been detained. i beg further to observe, that to every application made to me by any of the merchants, i gave my decided opinion that swedish ships trading to england, or to those countries where swedish produce was admitted, were not liable to detention, and that they would not be molested by the cruisers under my orders. knowing the extreme distress that sweden must suffer from the interruption of her coasting trade, i acted upon the instructions i received with the utmost possible moderation, consistent with the tenor of those instructions. they were not acted upon until i had an opportunity of communicating with the consul at gothenburg, and some of the principal merchants, who appeared perfectly satisfied with the indulgence i allowed to the trade of sweden under the existing circumstances, and the same has been signified to me by the swedish government, who have expressed themselves satisfied with the mildness and consideration with which i have uniformly acted to this country. i shall therefore feel most sensibly, if any unfavourable cases have been made by misstatements upon any part of my conduct since i came upon this station. there being no immediate appearance of the russian fleet putting to sea, i propose to remain here some time longer, for the greater facility of communicating with england, as well as for accelerating the trade from this rendezvous. i have the honour to be, with great regard, &c. james saumarez. to the right hon. c. yorke. everything being now adjusted to the satisfaction of both governments, the trade was carried on by means of licences to the ports in russia and prussia, while the swedish coasters and packets met with no interruption. the swedes began to look for a successor to the throne to fill the place of the late lamented crown prince. the candidates were the king of denmark, the prince of oldenburg, and the french general bernadotte, the prince of ponte corvo. the last was proposed by count mörner, to whom he had shown much kindness when a prisoner. in order to secure his election he sent over a large sum of money by means of the swedish stralsund packets, which performed their voyage unmolested; and the first intimation of this event was obtained by the author about the th of august, when he met the waggons loaded with specie on their route from ystad to stockholm. soon after which he was informed that admiral krusenstjerna was to arrive at carlsham on the th, and he accordingly met him with sir james's assurance, that he would be received on board the victory and permitted to depart after having made his communication to the admiral. this will be best explained by sir james's public despatches to the first lord of the admiralty, of which the following is a copy. victory, hano bay, st aug. . sir, admiral krusenstjerna has done me the honour this morning to come on board the victory, with a verbal communication which he has been charged to make to me from the king of sweden relative to the election of an heir apparent to the throne. after expressing to me the regard and confidence of his swedish majesty for my services to sweden, admiral krusenstjerna signified to me that he was desired by his swedish majesty to communicate to me his swedish majesty's intentions to maintain the harmony and good understanding that subsist between the respective nations, in which the interest of sweden is so particularly concerned. in order to the maintenance of that harmony, as well as for the existence of sweden, it was indispensable that the government should be headed by a person who was independent, and not liable to submit to the will of others. he was directed to inform me that of the four persons who have been proposed to be successor to the throne of sweden, the prince of augustenburg had declined the acceptance of that distinction, in favour of his majesty the king of denmark, but who, from political circumstances, was _not_ considered eligible. the prince of oldenburg had also been mentioned, but insuperable objections also arose to prevent the choice fixing upon his serene highness. the prince of ponte corvo, through the medium of the swedish minister at paris, had offered himself a candidate for the high situation, and was the person recommended by the king of sweden to the diet now assembled at orebro, to be successor to the late crown prince. admiral krusenstjerna was also instructed to signify to me that the prince of ponte corvo, in offering himself for this distinction, had professed his firm intentions, as far as depended on him, to maintain the relative situations between england and sweden, and that his proposing himself was without the participation of buonaparte. he further mentioned that he was of all others the person who would have the firmness to oppose the intentions of buonaparte, or his agents and ministers, in the intercourse with other countries. the admiral was further directed to signify to me that the king of sweden earnestly hoped that this communication would be acceptable to the king, my august sovereign, and that it would be considered as an additional proof of his earnest wish to preserve the harmony and friendship that have so long subsisted between the two nations. i requested that admiral krusenstjerna would put down in writing the substance of the communication he had to make to me, which he declined, being contrary to the instructions he had received. i have, however, stated the particulars of the whole communication, as nearly as i possibly can from memory. i have the honour to be, &c. james saumarez. to the right hon. c. yorke, &c. &c. &c. the swedish government, aware that objections would probably be made by the english ministers to the election of a french general in the service of buonaparte, as successor to the throne of sweden, had so managed that the above communication should not be made until too late for any remonstrance. the following message from the king to the diet had been delivered, and their decision was expected before admiral krusenstjerna could return to orebro. "his royal majesty charles xiii, king of sweden, &c. our most gracious proposition and message to the diet now assembled respecting the election of a successor to the crown of sweden," &c. orebro, th august . at this crisis the states of sweden having met, and since the last diet more than three months having elapsed, every good swede must have reflected on his situation. after great misfortunes and innumerable troubles, the kingdom appeared to be a little calm. three treaties of peace which have taken place have unfortunately diminished the territory of sweden. a noble prince at the side of the throne, by his virtue, talents, and abilities, promised new regulations and orders, which the king and the people had already forwarded. his manner of appointing the army gives an excellent proof of the good choice made by our native country; but a great national misfortune occurred, by which our hopes were destroyed. his royal majesty dwelt on that hope, and overwhelmed with grief, his sorrowful heart beheld sweden's last misfortune. the crown prince, carl august, is no more, and a cloud has overcast the joyful and bright days of our native country. with a heart rent by sorrow and affliction, his royal majesty has assembled the diet, on this occasion to repair the loss. his royal majesty sees on our side endless disputes and disturbances throughout the realm. his royal majesty's years are far advanced, and he wishes to employ his last days for his people's repose. he will be happy when he has seen his people unanimous, and their swords sheathed, and the laws and constitution kept sacred; then he will end his days happily, and at the present time will give them a proof of his love for his native country by proposing a successor to the throne, whose talents, virtues, and abilities are universally admitted. with the utmost tenderness for the welfare of his subjects, he now recommends a prompt decision on the choice of an heir to the crown, and offers to the voice of his people, as his choice, the prince of ponte corvo, whose name is brightened by his glorious deeds and laurels of honour, and whose unparalleled services deservedly obtained them. his renowned knowledge as a statesman has astonished every body; his mildness and compassion, even to an enemy, have gained him the respect and affection of all ranks. separated from the misfortunes which have hitherto attended swedish warriors, we must judge of the prince with the most tender sensations, and with them he will use the sword. indeed, all the circumstances have convinced his royal majesty, and having maturely considered the nation's public and secret affairs, his royal majesty recommends him to be elected as his heir.[ ] [ ] translated from the swedish by lieutenant j. ross. according to this recommendation the prince of ponte corvo was elected on the st of august, the very day on which the communication was made by admiral krusenstjerna, but, as it was reported, not without opposition by the friends of the son of the deposed king, gustavus the ivth, adolphus, and it was even said that had the numbers on each side been counted the majority would have been in his favour. after sir james had sent off the despatch of the st, he had another conference with the swedish admiral, who then returned with sir james's assurance that the conference should be faithfully reported. on the nd he sent off another courier with a despatch, of which the following is an extract: victory, hano bay, nd august . sir, having heard the various motives assigned by admiral krusenstjerna for the election of the prince of ponte corvo to be the successor to the crown of sweden, i observed to him that i extremely regretted that this communication had not been made in time to enable me to obtain the sentiments of my government, previous to the election taking place. that it was probable the election of a general officer in the service of the most inveterate enemy that england had to oppose would be highly obnoxious to his majesty's government, and i earnestly urged him to entreat the king of sweden to delay the election until i could receive a return to the letters i would immediately send to england by an express. i repeatedly pressed this point to admiral krusenstjerna, who intimated that the election would be decided before he could return to orebro, as it was understood to take place during the present week. on his observing that prince ponte corvo was the only one of the four candidates that could be accepted by sweden, and requesting me who, in my opinion, ought to be elected, i immediately replied that i considered the son of the deposed monarch, gustavus adolphus, was the person who naturally presented himself as the most proper successor to the throne of sweden, and that the age and state of health of the reigning monarch led to the expectation that he would live until the prince became of age. he stated that the king at this time required the aid and assistance of a military character, possessed of strength of mind and energy to govern the country, and who also would have the spirit to maintain her in her foreign relations, and in resisting the power of russia and france, which he said bernadotte had faithfully promised to do. admiral krusenstjerna expressed repeatedly his confidence in my reporting the communication in the most favourable terms to his majesty's ministers, adding, that on this would greatly depend the light in which it would be considered. i uniformly replied, that was not in my power, but that his swedish majesty might be assured of my transmitting a faithful report of what he had done me the honour to communicate. in a postscript to this letter, which was addressed to the right hon. charles yorke, he says,-- lieutenant ross of the victory, who went on shore with the swedish admiral, was requested to inform me, that he had omitted to mention, that the prince of ponte corvo had promised to invest all the property he possessed, said to amount to eight millions sterling, in sweden, as a pledge of his intentions to maintain the country in her foreign relations. the next packet from england brought the accounts of sir james's promotion to the rank of vice-admiral of the red, and also the confirmation of several appointments made by the admiral on the station. we may now mention the answer given by mr. yorke to the two last despatches, although dated on the th of september. after acknowledging the receipt of them, communicating the election of bernadotte as successor to the crown of sweden, he says,-- these interesting papers, which confirmed accounts that had been previously received of this extraordinary transaction, have been communicated to the king's ministers. i have at present only to express to you my sense of the prudent and proper manner in which you appear to have conducted yourself on this occasion in your conversation with the swedish admiral, and to acquaint you that the earnest desire entertained by his majesty's government of preserving the relations of peace and amity with sweden, as long as possible, remains unalterable. about this time two untoward events took place, which threatened a commencement of hostilities between the two nations. the one was the attack of the hero's boats on a danish privateer lying in the swedish harbour of marstrand, in which a midshipman was killed, and others wounded; and the second was the conduct of captain acklom, of the ranger, in spiking the guns of the swedish armed schooner celeritas. on these, however, concessions were made on both sides; captain newman, of the hero, was wrong in attacking an enemy's vessel under the guns of a swedish fortress without apprising the governor of his intention, while the governor was no less so in giving protection to an enemy's vessel which came there with the avowed intention of attacking the hero's convoy. capt. acklom, though not justified in his proceeding, did it under the impression that she was affording protection to an illicit trade, and to french vessels fitting in neutral ports; while on the other hand it was notorious that such trade was carried on. to return to the correspondence. the following letter was received from the swedish admiral, dated orebro, th august . sir, i have the honour to inform your excellency of my arrival at this town on the th, and that on the following day i was introduced to his majesty, who graciously permitted me to relate the contents of the conference with your excellency, which i had the honour to hold on the st. his majesty, of whose particular regard i have been intrusted verbally to assure your excellency, expressed to me even on this occasion his most sincere wishes and his firm resolution to maintain, as much as will depend on him, the moderate system and good harmony which still subsist between our respective nations. the election of a successor to the swedish throne was executed on the st, three days before my return. i do myself the honour to enclose for your excellency's information a true copy of the act of election. the obligation therein prescribed the successor to turn over to the religion of this country, and to resign all his foreign titles and employments, will, i hope, serve as a proof to convince your excellency that no french interest can have directed or imposed upon the free choice of the representatives of the nation. the prince of ponte corvo is really; in my private opinion, the only man who, at the head of the swedish government, will be capable to oppose the despotic influence of buonaparte and his agents, to maintain the independence, and promote the true interest of the swedish nation. i have, &c. &c. &c. m.p. krusenstjerna. the rest of the correspondence related to the adjustment of the differences before mentioned. sir james was satisfied with the declaration on the part of the swedish government that no protection should be afforded to danish and french armed vessels, while on the other hand the swedes were satisfied with sir james's disapproval of the conduct of captains newman and acklom, requesting that no further notice might be taken of these officers. in like manner were adjusted the differences occasioned by the legal capture of a vessel loaded with drugs and medicines, and another with oil and tallow from st. petersburg; the former had been sent to england, but was released, the latter was given up on security being pledged for her cargo, which was eventually repurchased by the owners: on all these occasions the author was employed confidentially. sir james now rendered a great service by prevailing on government to allow the trade of sweden and swedish pomerania to remain unmolested, on condition that french armed vessels should not be fitted out at stralsund and other ports on that coast; he also granted licences for ships to import medicines and grain into sweden, without which the country must have been reduced to great misery. the russian fleet, which consisted of about eight sail of the line, made no disposition of moving from cronstadt; it was therefore unnecessary for the fleet to proceed to the gulf of finland, and sir james directed the whole of his attention to the protection of the commerce, in which he completely succeeded by the judicious arrangements and the disposition of the naval force under his command. towards the close of the season, and in compliance with the wishes of the admiralty, he despatched three sail of the line to england, and left hano bay in the victory on the th of october, only two days previously to the return of admiral krusenstjerna, a circumstance much regretted by both. on arriving in the belt, with a convoy of no less than a thousand sail homeward bound, it was intimated that the french prince of ponte corvo, the newly elected successor to the throne, was at nyborg, and permission to cross the belt was demanded and obtained from the admiral for his yacht to pass unmolested, which he did on the th of october at the time this immense fleet was at anchor off spröe. a scene so novel to a french general, and so interesting to his royal highness under the present circumstances, could not but make a deep impression, while it conveyed some idea of the wealth and power of the british nation; and he has subsequently told the author that it was the most beautiful and wonderful sight he had ever beheld, being one of which he had never formed an idea. the day was very fine; the fleet was anchored in a close compact body, with the victory in the centre, bearing the admiral's red flag at the fore, surrounded by six ships of the line, and six frigates and sloops disposed for the complete protection of the convoy. the yacht, with a swedish flag containing the crown prince, passing within a mile of the victory, was distinctly seen, and escorted by some barges from the men-of-war until past the whole of the ships; the convoy soon after weighed anchor, when the royal stranger had the pleasure of seeing them all under sail and proceeding to their destination, regardless of the enemies who occupied the adjacent shores. the victory arrived at gothenburg on the th october, and thence despatched the large convoy to england. on sir james's arrival he received despatches informing him of the probability of the franco-dutch fleet at the scheldt attempting, if they escaped the north sea fleet under admiral pellew, to force their way into the sound; at the same time it was not yet certain that the russian ships at archangel would not try to effect a passage into the baltic. sir james therefore found it necessary to concentrate his force in hawke roads, and felt confident that he could still protect the trade, if not prevent the superior fleet from entering the sound, to copenhagen. an event now took place which occasioned considerable embarrassment, namely the escape of the deposed king of sweden, gustavus iv, (adolphus) who got on board the tartarus, from riga, and, after calling at matvick, came through the belt and arrived at gothenburg before sir james could have an answer from government as to his permission to go to england, which was his avowed intention. sir james, after paying his respects to him, complied with his urgent request to be sent in the tartarus to england, and sir james, without waiting longer, ordered captain mainwaring to take his majesty to yarmouth. the swedes were much pleased at this, as they dreaded the consequences of his remaining long on board an english ship of war at gothenburg. his arrival and residence in england need not be further referred to: the anxiety of the swedes on his account was soon relieved by the intelligence that it was not the intention of government to interfere in his behalf, or with the internal government of sweden. the new crown prince arrived safely at stockholm, and contrary to the expectation of every officer on board the fleet, excepting sir james, gave manifest proofs of his independence of french influence, and of his intentions to cultivate the friendship of great britain, although he could not be pleased that the swedish government stock, into which he had placed so large a sum when at a high rate, fell again to par, as it was before. it would appear, however, that buonaparte, who had given his sanction to the advancement of bernadotte with great reluctance, was displeased at the beginning with his conduct, and he consequently gave an order for the confiscation of all british property in the swedish harbours. notwithstanding the earliest information of this decree was given by the swedes, a considerable number of shipping and merchandise came under it, and sir james having withdrawn his force from within the baltic, owing to the lateness of the season, it was no longer in his power to rescue it in that quarter; but he had still a sufficient force in hawke roads, and might, had he been compelled to retaliate, have totally destroyed the city of gothenburg. on this occasion the author was sent to communicate with count rosen, the worthy governor of that city, whose word and honour could be fully depended on, and he received his solemn assurances that it was not the intention of the swedish government to act upon the declaration which it had been forced to make, contrary to the wishes of the swedish nation, and particularly offensive to the crown prince. he had represented to government the incalculable injury which the british admiral, with the force still at hawke roads, might do to the city and the commerce, and recommended that every facility should be given to the english merchants to cover and remove their property. the following are the declarations and explanation of them given by count rosen. st. the swedish government declares war, it is true, against great britain; but it is not said that _any measures_ of active hostility are to be had recourse to. nd. should it be found that there are any british merchant ships in swedish ports they are to be _detained_ (no mention is made of confiscation or even sequestration). it will be recollected that the declaration of the th april prohibited the entry of british vessels, and we believe there are none in swedish ports. rd. it is declared that there is a sufficient quantity of colonial produce now in sweden for the internal consumption of the country; no more shall be allowed to be imported, nor shall any be exported from sweden _to the continent_; but nothing is said of the trade with the islands or with america, nor is it stated that a fresh supply shall not be imported when the stock at present on hand is consumed, and we apprehend that it will be difficult to fix the precise quantity necessary for the home consumption, without leaving any surplus for exportation. it is understood that the communication with england will be continued, but it is necessary it should be done with caution, and the government recommends it should be weekly, and that the mails and passengers should be landed at a place to be pointed out. count rosen assured the admiral, both through the author, consul smith, and others, that he was instructed by the swedish government to inform sir james saumarez that it was not their intention to follow up the declaration by any act of hostility. having received these assurances, sir james, notwithstanding that the officers with whom he was surrounded were of a different opinion, conceived he could rely on the sincerity of the swedes, and determined that, at all events, he would not commit the first hostile act. with his usual moderation he therefore remained quiet at anchor until he had given time to the merchants to do all that could be done, and then prepared to leave sweden without firing a shot against her. in the mean time sir james received the approbation of government for his judicious, firm, and moderate conduct, which was fully acknowledged on all sides to have been hitherto the means of preserving peace and good will between sweden and england. mr. yorke says in his last letter,-- i embrace this opportunity of expressing the high approbation of the board, as well of the steps you have taken for receiving and sending to england the king of sweden (count gottorp) as of those for collecting such a force in hawke roads for the purpose of checking the enemy. admiral krusenstjerna concludes his farewell letter to sir james in the following words: i am perfectly persuaded that my royal sovereign will enjoy the greatest satisfaction in accepting the assurances your excellency has been pleased to communicate, of his britannic majesty's intentions to preserve the harmony and good understanding that exist between both nations, intentions which, for the benefit and prosperity of both countries, it has been an object of his swedish majesty's earnest wishes and most studious endeavours to inspire in the british government. the zealous support which your excellency has been pleased to give for promoting this great interest, entitles your excellency to the gratitude of the swedish nation and the most distinguished regard from its sovereign. it is with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and consideration that i have the honour to be, &c. p.k. sir james had now received accounts from england that the enemy's fleet in holland had moved up the scheldt for the winter, and that the russians had abandoned their project of bringing their ships from archangel. peace had been made between russia and the porte, and their troops were withdrawing towards poland. the victory sailed from gothenburg on the th of november, and on the rd december arrived safely in the downs, whence sir james proceeded to london to receive the thanks of his majesty's ministers and the nation for his zealous, able, judicious, and temperate conduct, and for the important services he had rendered to his country during this eventful period. chapter xii. . buonaparte declares he will conquer a "maritime peace."--illness of george iii.--prince of wales regent.--sir james obtains leave of absence.--the victory sent to lisbon with troops.--attack on anholt.--gallant defence of the garrison.--sir james continues in the baltic at the request of ministers.--letters respecting anholt.--letters from the duke of brunswick and answers thereto.--arrival in sweden of sir james.--letters to mr. yorke and admiral reynolds.--negotiations on the sequestration of english ships at carlscrona.--conference with baron tawast.--written document from the baron unsatisfactory.--letter from the admiralty.--sir james remonstrates with the swedish government.--evasive answer.--further correspondence.--value of sequestered property.--capture of two danish privateers.--gallant conduct of lieut. st. clair and mr. purcell.--determination of russia not to accede to the terms of france.--the crown prince places implicit confidence in sir james.--arrival of mr. thornton.--he is smuggled into the city of gothenburg.--amicable confirmation of the ghent treaty.--situation of the fleet.--sir james's letter.--disaster of the st. george and convoy.--admiral reynolds's letter.--arrival of st. george at wingo.--sailing of the fleet.--st. george and hero's convoy put back.--sail again.--melancholy wrecks of the st. george and defence.--captain pater's narrative.--remarks.--loss of the hero and convoy.--proceedings of the victory.--remarks on crossing the north sea.--sir james arrives at spithead. the beginning of the year was remarkable, as being the period at which the tyrant of france had arrived at the summit of his career. he had seized upon hamburg and every other place on the continent, whence a seaman could be procured, and had declared that with one hundred and fifty sail of the line he would humble the navy of england and conquer a "maritime peace." the disasters of , that ended with the loss of his majesty's ship minotaur, and a large convoy on the haake sands, and the illness of his majesty george the third, which terminated only with the life of that excellent monarch, threw a damp on the spirits of the nation, and caused a suspension of all royal functions until the appointment of the regency, on which his royal highness the prince of wales took the reins of government at one of the most eventful periods that ever occurred in the history of the empire. sir james, immediately after his communications with the admiralty and the ministers, applied for and obtained leave of absence. his ship, the victory, with seven sail of the line under sir joseph yorke, was employed in transporting troops to lisbon, which was surrounded by massena's army; but she returned in time to receive sir james's flag, which was hoisted on the nd of april. the island of anholt, which had been garrisoned by seamen and marines under the command of captain james w. maurice, of the royal navy, was attacked on the rd of march by a body of danish troops, amounting to men; but they were so well received by the governor and his brave crew (for the island was on the establishment of a vessel of war) that they were forced to capitulate, with the loss of their leader major melstedt, two officers, and of their people in killed, wounded, and prisoners; while capt. baker, of the tartar, and captain j.p. stewart, of the sheldrake, chased and took several of their gun-boats employed on that expedition. sir james had finished his three years in the baltic, the time generally prescribed for an admiral commanding-in-chief to remain on one station, and it was now his turn to have a command in the mediterranean, which was considered more lucrative; but his conduct during his command in the baltic had so completely gained the confidence and good-will of the swedes, and it had now become of such importance to keep them, with such a general as bernadotte at their head, on good terms, that he was requested to continue on that most important command, as the only chance of accomplishing the desirable object of a northern coalition. nothing could be more delicate or more difficult than the situation in which sir james was now placed, for while it required firmness to uphold the dignity of the empire which he represented, as the only diplomatic functionary as well as commander-in-chief in the north, tact, wisdom, and forbearance were equally indispensable. these qualities sir james possessed in a superlative degree, and the author, who from his knowledge of the swedish language was employed confidentially on all the communications which subsequently took place, can testify that it is to the wise policy of the admiral that the nation owes the success of these negociations. it is the opinion of swedish and russian diplomatists that had sir james not been employed, the northern coalition, which was so fatal to the ambitious views of buonaparte, never would have taken place; and for such a service no reward which it was in the power of government to bestow on him would have been too great. there can be no doubt, had the lamented perceval not met with an untimely end by the hand of an assassin, that he would at the close of have been rewarded by the peerage which was so long unaccountably withheld. sir james was still in london when he received the statement of the discomfiture of the danish attack on anholt, a particular account of which may be seen in james's naval history. the following letters on this gallant affair, which have not yet been published, will be perused with interest. london, th april . my dear sir, i most heartily congratulate you on the brilliant success of the brave garrison under your command in having repulsed an attack of the enemy's select troops, consisting of as many thousands as the whole band opposed to them amounted to hundreds, and by the gallantry and intrepid conduct of your valiant heroes, succeeded in taking a greater number of prisoners than your whole collected force. mr. yorke having signified to me that he should write to you, i can only assure you that this gallant affair is the theme of every one's praise, and has excited the admiration of all, and i have no doubt but your services upon this occasion will be duly appreciated by the admiralty. i have great pleasure in adding that lieutenant baker is made a commander, and that captain torrens and lieut. fisher are recommended to his royal highness the prince regent for brevet rank. i have, &c. with high regard, james saumarez. captain maurice, governor of anholt. in captain maurice's letter the danish force was estimated at , men, but it does not appear that their numbers exceeded , , including the crews of the gun-vessels. sixteen hundred men only were landed, and the defence which these made was highly creditable to them. it has therefore been justly said, that "if the british gained honour by their victory, the danes lost none by their defeat." the unexpected arrival of the tartar frigate and sheldrake sloop turned the scale; the danish gun-boats being unable to cope with that naval force, abandoned the brave troops they had landed as soon as the frigate and sloop were discovered. before the fleet left england, sir james received the following letter from his serene highness the duke of brunswick: great george street, london, th april . sir, i take the liberty to recommend to your kindness major nordenfeldt, who is gone to germany on private affairs of my family. i imagine that the difficulties he has met with in returning to england are the cause of his having been more than six months absent. if circumstances should allow him to pass from colberg to this country, i request your interference on his behalf, and that you would have the goodness to communicate to him the inclosed order of government[ ] for landing either at portsmouth or yarmouth. i am, &c. william, duke of brunswick. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez. [ ] the order alluded to was from the treasury to the customs, desiring the officers to transmit the effects of the duchess of brunswick to london under the office seal. to this letter sir james wrote the following answer: st. james's place, london, th april . sir, i have received the honour of your serene highness's letter respecting major nordenfeldts, and inclosing one from mr. harrison of the treasury, which i shall have great pleasure in delivering to major nordenfeldts, should i meet with him on his way from colberg, and i shall also use my endeavours to facilitate his means of returning to england. i have the honour to be, with the highest respect, &c. james saumarez. to his serene highness the duke of brunswick. the deposed king of sweden, after having spent the winter in england, was embarked on board the horatio to return to the continent, but choosing to remain longer than necessary on board that ship, sir james wrote instructions how to act respecting him; but he had fortunately disembarked before sir james's arrival in the baltic. he sailed from the downs on the th of april and arrived at gothenburg on the nd of may , where he was received joyfully by the swedes, although they could not publicly give vent to their feelings. on sir james's arrival he wrote the following letter to the admiralty: victory, in wingo sound, rd may . i have the honour to acquaint you with my arrival here yesterday morning, after a short passage of only four days from the downs. admiral reynolds arrived here with the detachment from hosley bay ten days before, and admiral dixon yesterday evening. the weather proving unfavourable, i have received no communication from gothenburg, except by a letter from mr. consul smith, informing me that, on his having signified my arrival to the governor, he immediately despatched a courier to stockholm, agreeably to orders he had received from thence, and that when the courier reached stockholm, it would determine the commander-in-chief count essen's journey to gothenburg, which had been postponed until the account of my arrival was received. the consul adds, that everything was very tranquil hitherto, and that i should see him soon on board the victory. i received letters from mr. fenwick informing me that the danes were fitting out more than double the number of privateers and armed vessels than they did last year, intending, if possible, to obstruct the passage of the convoys through the belt. this is a service that i fear will be attended with much hazard and difficulty, if the trade is carried on to any considerable extent. the island of anholt is threatened with a second attack, and will require stationary force for its protection. i am, &c. james saumarez. to the right hon. c. yorke, &c. &c. &c. on the th of may sir james received the alarming intelligence that the cargoes of both goods and colonial produce at carlshamn, were ordered by the governor of carlscrona to be discharged and conveyed up the country. admiral puké had also ordered three of the largest merchant ships to be fitted as block ships for the additional defence of carlshamn, which was considered as a bad omen. no one, excepting sir james, doubted that this was an act of hostility, and that a retaliation on our part would speedily take place. the admiral, however, judged that it was only to keep quiet the french agents. he accordingly forbore to proceed to hostilities, and wrote the following letter to mr. yorke: victory, wingo sound, th may . sir, i received two days ago the enclosed from mr. fenwick, informing me of the unloading of the cargoes on board the neutral vessels at carlshamn, and that the british goods and colonial produce had been conveyed up the country. although mr. fenwick appears under very considerable alarm at the circumstance, i do not believe it to have been with any hostile views against our commerce, although it certainly requires explanation, and i have written to mr. smith upon the subject. i expected to have received some communication from stockholm, in consequence of the courier which was despatched upon my arrival; but nothing has as yet reached me. this is rather a dubious crisis, and i trust soon to be better informed of the sentiments of the swedish government towards us; at the same time, i have no reason to believe they are more hostile than last year. i have the honour to be, &c. jas. saumarez. to the right hon. c. yorke, &c. &c. &c. at the same time sir james wrote the following letter to rear-admiral reynolds, who had been ordered to hano, the place of rendezvous, which is only six leagues from carlshamn. victory, in wingo sound, th may . my dear reynolds, this will be delivered to you by mr. wilkinson, the gentleman i mentioned to you on leaving the victory: he proposes establishing himself upon hano island for the furtherance of commercial arrangements, and as he is well known as a person of respectability, i beg leave to introduce him to your friendly offices. i have not been able as yet to obtain any explanation of the extraordinary circumstance that has taken place at carlshamn, and i am as yet uninformed whether it has been a business of the merchants only, or by direction of the government. as soon as i can receive any information, i shall write to you by a courier; in the mean time, we cannot act with too great moderation in the present state of affairs. believe me, with the highest regard, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to rear-admiral reynolds, &c. &c. &c. meanwhile sir james, instead of making any hostile demonstration, most readily complied with the request of count rosen, the governor of gothenburg, to grant him a licence for a vessel to sail to lubeck for medicine and drugs for the use of sweden, and enclosed him passports for baron stedinck for the purpose of allowing two vessels to proceed to st. petersburg, to convey his excellency from thence to stockholm. he concludes his letter thus: "i take this opportunity to express the satisfaction it affords me to have it in my power to comply with your wishes," &c. ( th may) making no mention of the affair at carlshamn. on the th mr. smith came on board the victory, being desired by count rosen to inquire whether, in the event of differences between sweden and norway, the hostile measures of sweden would be opposed by sir james, to which he replied that he was not authorised to make any opposition to such an attack, but that he did not consider himself justified in supporting it without having instructions from government; at the same time sir james received information by an officer who had been some time a prisoner at christian sand, representing that place as open to an attack in order to capture the merchant vessels therein, as well as the flotilla. it was evident that the swedes were very intent on the possession of norway, either by negotiation or otherwise; but it was questionable whether such an addition would be advisable. sir james was of opinion that if norway could be rendered independent of denmark or of any other country, it was not improbable that the inhabitants of that country would accede to proposals to that effect, if assured of the support of our government and the advantage of our trade to them. sir james both personally and by letter, previously to his coming on board, had expressed to mr. smith that the sequestration of the british property at carlshamn had been by no means satisfactorily explained, and requested that an account of this apparently unjustifiable measure should be speedily given, assuring them that nothing short of the full restitution of the property would be accepted, and requiring that his strongest remonstrances should be transmitted to stockholm without delay. the consequence was the appearance of the baron tawast, who came with a flag of truce ostensibly to treat for the exchange of prisoners, but virtually to explain the affair of carlshamn. the usual articles for the cartel were exchanged, ratified, and published, and need not be inserted here; but the true mission of the swedish general will be best understood from the following letter, which sir james wrote immediately after the conference. victory, in wingo sound, rd may . sir, i request you will please to inform the lords commissioners of the admiralty that major-general baron tawast, commander-in-chief of the swedish forces at gothenburg and the coast adjacent, in the absence of his excellency count essen, having yesterday come on board his majesty's ship victory, under a flag of truce, for the purpose of entering into an arrangement with me for the exchange of prisoners, and other points connected with the present state of affairs between our respective nations, informed me, that he was instructed to communicate to me, in the most confidential manner, that it was the earnest wish of the swedish government to keep up the most amicable terms with great britain; and that it was not intended, under any circumstances, to commit any acts of hostility whatever; that the supplies of water and fresh provisions for the use of the squadron should be facilitated both at hano bay and gothenburg, for which purpose picquets should be withdrawn from the points the most convenient for these articles to be received; that the correspondence, both by post or by courier, should be continued unmolested; and that, in the event of any british subjects being made prisoners on any part of the coast, they would be immediately liberated, for which purpose the cartel intended to be ratified had been proposed. that the appearance of any hostile measure was only intended for demonstration, and in order to elude the vigilance of french spies, who might be dispersed in the country. with respect to the late transaction at carlshamn in landing the cargoes from the russian or danish vessels, it was in retaliation for the swedish property sequestered last year in the ports of those nations, but that the measure was not intended to operate against merchandise belonging to british merchants under any other flag, the whole of which would be secured, and the underwriters, _secretement_, indemnified for the value of the cargoes that were insured in england. i strongly represented to baron tawast that the merchandise and colonial produce on board the russian vessels were positively the property of british merchants trading to the baltic, under licences from one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state, and which had been left in one of the ports of sweden upon the strength of the declaration made to me in the month of november last year, that the property of british merchants would be secured to them, notwithstanding the imperious necessity which sweden had been under of declaring war against england; and that his majesty's government would doubtless expect the same to be restored; or that the merchants would be indemnified for the full value of the cargoes landed from the vessels under the prussian flag; and i requested him to put in writing what were the real intentions of the swedish government upon that subject; but this he positively declined, nor would he allow mr. consul smith, who was present when this discussion took place, to insert any part of it in writing. i signified to baron tawast, for the information of the swedish government, that it was far from my intention to commit any act of hostility against sweden, and that i was confident it was the wish of my government to keep upon an amicable footing as long as circumstances would possibly admit; that i received instructions to allow the coasting trade of sweden to pass unmolested, and that i had reason to hope it might be extended to the ports in swedish pomerania, on which the baron laid so great a stress, but that i was very apprehensive that the late measures adopted against the british property at carlshamn, and the want of more satisfactory explanations than he appeared instructed to make to me upon that subject, could not fail being very ill received by my government. baron tawast was particularly solicitous that the communication which he made to me should be considered in the strictest confidence, and expressed his hopes that the whole of the conference would be kept a profound secret, which i assured him i should take particular care to signify in the statement i transmitted for the information of government. i have, &c. &c. &c. jas. saumarez. to j.w. croker, esq. &c. &c. &c. on the th may, the author being sent confidentially by the admiral to insist on some written document to explain the views of the swedish government in the sequestration of british property at carlshamn, he obtained a promise, in presence of mr. smith, that the demand should be complied with after the arrival of the stockholm post that evening; and accordingly on the following day the baron tawast transmitted what he termed the substance of his verbal communication with admiral saumarez. . that the ships under prussian colours loaded with colonial produce were detained as reprisals for swedish ships detained and confiscated in prussian ports. . that the same step has been taken with the danish ships, in consequence of their having captured vessels belonging to sweden. . that sweden has been forced by imperious demands to confiscate all colonial produce found at carlshamn under whatever flag, that the cargoes are put into safe stores, and that the ships are permitted to depart paying nothing, and that these steps are taken to avoid great inconvenience and to hope for better times. . we engage to indemnify all merchandise insured in england, therefore, only those merchants who have neglected to insure will lose. . colonial produce belonging to swedish subjects will not be seized or confiscated. . ships having made false declarations, and found loaded with warlike stores, will be confiscated, as also in time of peace. . it is engaged to give every possible facility for watering and supplying the english fleet with provisions: the same shall be given to admiral reynolds at hano. the above explanations stating the substance of the conference, according to baron tawast, being by no means satisfactory to sir james, and indeed at variance with what he had inferred from it, he wrote the following letter to mr. smith: victory, in wingo sound, th may . sir, i have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date, enclosing baron tawast's explanations of the late transactions at carlshamn. with regard to the first article, it does not appear that any indemnification is held out for the property landed from the vessels under the prussian flag at carlshamn, which is represented as an act of retaliation for similar cargoes, belonging to sweden, having been confiscated in the prussian ports. neither does the th article hold out any indemnification but to such property as may have been insured in england, it stating that the loss would fall only upon those merchants who have neglected to insure their cargoes. i request you will be pleased to report to baron tawast, what i had before the honour of stating to him, that government will naturally expect that the british merchants will be indemnified for whatever property belongs to them which has been landed from vessels in sweden, trading under licences from one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state, at the same time informing him that i shall transmit by the earliest opportunity to government, under strict secrecy, a copy of the document you enclosed to me, and you will also be pleased to express to him my acknowledgments for the facility with which the supplies are proposed to be conveyed to the squadron at this anchorage and in hano bay. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to j. smith, esq. gothenburg. sir james at the same time enclosed the document to the secretary of the admiralty, as a confidential communication to the board. he also wrote a private letter to mr. yorke, which we prefer inserting, as it gives a more full and explicit detail of all the circumstances of the transaction, and because it is an answer to the following letter from him which precedes it, and which was received by sir james at that moment. admiralty, st may . sir, i had the honour to receive your letters of the rd, th, and th inst. and am glad to hear that the first divisions of your squadron made so favourable a passage to their rendezvous in wingo sound. the four ships with linzee, which have been ready for some days, have been detained by the strong easterly winds; and though they sailed from st. helen's the day before yesterday, i should not wonder to hear that they have put back again. impetueux is getting forward, and we shall send her to you as soon as we can spare her from the reserve. fisguard ought to be ready, but is to call at deal for m. de begenhas, minister from portugal to russia, whom you will have the goodness to land as well as you can at gothenburg, that he may find his own way forward. i think we ought not to listen for a moment to any swedish projects on norway; my own opinion is that bernadotte is playing us false, and at any rate i, for one, should dread to see a consolidation of the swedish and norwegian power, such as it is, in his, or indeed in any hand. since the arrival of the accounts of the landing the cargoes at carlshamn, and the accompanying measures, considerable distrust appears to prevail here about alternate views of the swedish government. a little more time will develop their plans in all probability; in the mean time it seems very desirable that the bulk of your efficient force should remain where it is (in the sleeve) to be ready to receive the requisite orders. admiral young has taken his station off west cassel, and has fifteen sail of the line. enemy, eleven in the scheldt, three in texel, and two at helvoet. when the impetueux joins, you will have eighteen, which is as many as we shall be able to give you for some time at least. the public letters will have apprised you of the views of the board of trade and of the government in the several points on which it was important that you should be informed. the swedes should be gently but steadily convinced that it is in our power to resent this ill usage, and to turn the consequence of perfidy on the inventors; but the evil day should be postponed as long as possible and every practicable chance should be given them of remaining in the right path. accounts have been received this morning from oporto via bristol in eight days, which give us reason to suppose that massena has had a good beating near almeida on the rd, th, and th inst., and has been obliged to retire towards salamanca, with the loss of four thousand killed, and seven hundred prisoners. the british loss is stated at twelve hundred. it is very probable, as when the last accounts came away a battle was shortly expected. i have, &c. &c. &c. c. yorke. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez, bart., k.b. &c. &c. victory, in wingo sound, th may . dear sir, i have received the honour of your letter of the st, and i beg to assure you that i shall pay particular attention to that part of it which relates to the measures to be pursued with this country. with the exception of the affair at carlshamn, which took place previously to my arrival, nothing has occurred to cause any interruption to the same intercourse as was held last year. the usual supplies are continued, and the places pointed out whence they can be most readily received. there certainly appears great prevarication on the part of the swedish government relative to the property landed from the neutral vessels at carlshamn; and in an object of such importance, i beg to suggest the expediency of one or two persons, duly authorised by the merchants and underwriters concerned in the baltic trade, repairing to stockholm for the purpose of asserting their claims, and seeing how far this government may be disposed to indemnify them for the property sequestered. the sooner such a measure is adopted the better, as should it be delayed, and any alteration take place betwixt the two governments, the whole will be lost. from what passed between baron tawast and myself, i have reason to believe that sweden would accede to this proposal. in my letter to the board i have recommended that the two bomb vessels that were intended for this station, should be expedited; their appearance alone would have the best effect in intimidating the swedes to a compliance with our just demands. i am in hourly expectation of seeing the ships from spithead; the addition of the impetueux will, i hope, make us sufficiently strong in line-of-battle ships, but two or three good frigates are much required. i beg to offer you my sincere congratulations on the continued success of the army under lord wellington, and i trust the accounts from spain will prove equally splendid. with the highest regard, i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. the right hon. chas. yorke. p.s.--i have received no further accounts from mr. smith relative to the rupture between russia and france, which makes me apprehend that the reports have not been confirmed. it now became sir james's duty to make a strong remonstrance to the swedish government. anticipating the worst, he had made dispositions of the force under his command, which were at least sufficient to ensure respect. this was well known to baron tawast, whose visit was probably, in addition to other objects, to ascertain whether or not resistance could be effectually made in the event of hostile measures being taken. the following is the remonstrance alluded to. his britannic majesty's ship victory, wingo sound, th may . sir, i have the honour to inform your excellency that intelligence having been received by his majesty's government, that the cargoes belonging to british subjects, and that have been insured to a considerable amount in england, embarked in vessels belonging to prussia, denmark, mecklenburg, and other states, have been landed in sweden by order of the swedish government, under pretext of making reprisals for the swedish property said to have been confiscated in prussia and denmark,--i have been directed to remonstrate in the strongest manner against measures so deeply affecting the interest of his majesty's subjects, and at the same time to signify to the swedish government that i cannot permit such proceedings, under whatever pretext they may be disguised, and that if acts of so injurious a tendency are persevered in, i shall be obliged to depart from that indulgent course i have hitherto pursued towards sweden. in requesting your excellency will be pleased to make known the above communication to your government, i beg to renew the assurances of the perfect consideration with which i have the honour to be, sir, &c. james saumarez. to his excellency m. general baron de tawast, commander-in-chief, &c. gothenburg. baron tawast's reply to this letter was a simple assurance that no hostile act was intended, and that the swedish government had been compelled to act as it had done. he had no doubt but eventually the english merchants would be indemnified, and he trusted that sir james would not insist on sending his remonstrance to government as he had no doubt that baron von essen, who was expected in a few days, would explain all to his satisfaction, and that a rupture would thereby be avoided. the same assurances were given to mr. consul smith, but their proceedings had so evidently the appearance of gaining time that sir james firmly insisted that his remonstrance should be transmitted to government through the medium of baron essen, and in reply to a note from consul smith and baron tawast he wrote the following: victory, in wingo sound, th june . sir, i request you will signify to baron tawast, that i can have no objection to the letter i had the honour to address to him on the th ultimo being communicated to the swedish government through the means of his excellency count essen; but having received directions from england to make the remonstrance it contained on the very unexpected measures adopted against the property of the british, i hold it my indispensable duty to require that it should be transmitted to the government at stockholm. it could never be expected by this country that england would pass with indifference a measure so seriously affecting the interests of british merchants; and government will naturally expect some satisfactory explanation upon the subject. those made to me by count rosen and baron tawast have been transmitted without delay, and i hope those in reply to the remonstrance i have made by order of government will prove of a satisfactory nature. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to j. smith, esq., gothenburg. p.s.--you will be pleased to signify to his excellency count rosen and general baron tawast, that i have not replied to the confidential communications they have done me the honour to make, as you would more fully convey to them any sentiments upon the subject to which they relate, and at the same time express to them my most ardent hope that the amicable intercourse that has existed between both countries, may not be interrupted by the present unfortunate altercation. his britannic majesty's ship victory, in wingo sound, th june . vice-admiral sir james saumarez has the honour to signify to m. general baron tawast that he has lost no time in transmitting to his government the note his excellency has been pleased to address to him on the th inst. in reply to his letter of the th ultimo, remonstrating by order of his government against the late measures pursued in sweden upon the british property landed from the neutral vessels in the swedish ports, and which baron tawast was requested to communicate to his government. notwithstanding the reasons assigned by baron tawast for wishing to delay transmitting to stockholm the remonstrance above mentioned, the vice-admiral thinks it his indispensable duty (having received instructions from his government to that effect) to request that it should be communicated either through the means of his excellency count essen, or direct to the ministers at stockholm, according as baron tawast may judge most advisable; and the vice-admiral hopes that the reply from the swedish government will be of a nature to convince england of the uprightness of its intentions in the proceedings adverted to, and that the amicable course hitherto pursued will meet with no further interruption. the vice-admiral requests baron tawast will receive the assurance of his perfect consideration. at the same time sir james sent a detail of his proceedings to the admiralty, with a disposition of the fleet, which was now prepared for the worst. he recommended that proper persons should be sent to sweden for the purpose of making claims for the merchants and underwriters, and he also desired that bomb-vessels might be sent to him, which would show that his remonstrance was serious. by letters from mr. foy at stockholm, and from mr. consul fenwick at helsingburg, sir james learnt that the amount of property confiscated at carlshamn amounted to , _l._, about half of which was insured; that the measure of confiscation was very unpopular in sweden, but that every one relied on his moderation and forbearance. from this time forward the situation of sweden was extraordinary beyond precedent, as fully represented in the following extract of a letter which the swedish admiral krusenstjerna subsequently wrote to the author: i know nothing, says he, of politics, but i find our situation very singular. our _friends_ the french and danes express their friendship to us with unremitted zeal in capturing and robbing from us our merchant vessels, whilst our _enemies_ the english let them pass unmolested from one port to another. we did not suffer by one hundred times as much from these two nations, the time we were at war against them, as we do now when they call themselves our friends and allies. the danes, not content with attacking ships passing through the sound and belt, had the audacity to send their privateers to the coast of sweden, only eight leagues to the southward of wingo, where the victory was at anchor. information being given of their position, a small one was surprised and taken without resistance by two of the victory's boats under lieutenants ross and brenton. in september, accounts were obtained that two of superior force had taken a position among the small islands ten leagues to the southward of gothenburg, when lieut. d.l. st. clair and mr. e. purcell, midshipman, were detached from the victory in search of them. the danes, not calculating on the prowess of british officers and men, left their vessels in a small creek, probably as a decoy, landed their guns, and planted them on an eminence which commanded them, and on the approach of the victory's boats had promised themselves the capture of a part of the crew and the boats of the english commander-in-chief. but lieutenant st. clair, to the astonishment of the enemy, pushed directly for the battery, and ascending the hill gallantly stormed and carried it at the point of the sword, the danes having fled on the approach of the assailants. few prisoners were made, but both privateers were taken and carried to the victory on the following morning. sir james duly appreciated the bravery of these officers, and having represented their gallant conduct to the lords of the admiralty, lieut. st. clair was promoted to the rank of commander, and subsequently employed in the baltic and coast of spain. mr. purcell, who had particularly distinguished himself, was made lieutenant, and is now a captain of the royal navy. sir james's remonstrances had at length the desired effect. after several confidential interviews which the author had with count rosen, it was agreed that the count should come privately on board the victory, to explain everything to the commander-in-chief, which he did on the th of june. the following letter to mr. yorke will show the happy result of sir james's wise conduct and well-timed firmness in this important crisis. victory, wingo sound, th june . dear sir, if i could have had any further doubts upon my mind relative to the sincerity of the intentions of this government, they have been perfectly removed by the conversation i had yesterday with count rosen, who came on board the victory, by desire of the crown prince, in consequence of my remonstrance upon the affair at carlshamn, as will appear by my public letter. count rosen assured me that it was the earnest desire of the crown prince to render sweden independent of france whenever he could do so consistent with her security, but they are so apprehensive that, in the event of the difference between russia and france being settled, bonaparte will bring that country to act against sweden, they dare not openly avow that sentiment. i informed count rosen that so long as sweden acted up to the system he mentioned to be intended towards england, i had every reason to believe that his majesty's government would be satisfied with it; but that if it should be deviated from, i had the authority, and they might be assured i would exert the utmost in my power to resent any aggression on the part of sweden, with which he was perfectly satisfied, and informed me that he would communicate to the crown prince precisely what i stated to him. there have been very serious commotions in scania on account of the conscriptions, wherein several of the peasantry have lost their lives, and about three thousand guards under the prince, and a strong body of troops, have been ordered to that province to restore order. i have had the honour to receive your letter of the th by the impetueux, and since that one of the th, with a commission for mr. delisle, for which i beg to return my thanks. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. to the right hon. chas. yorke, &c. &c. &c. soon after this letter was despatched, sir james received information that russia had determined not to accede to the terms of bonaparte, and that a rupture was likely to take place; the situation of sweden, therefore, became every day more critical. she had now to determine whether she would throw herself into the arms of france for protection, or still depend on england for independence, had hostilities actually commenced, the former would, doubtless, have been her decision, and it is impossible to say what might have been the consequences. on the one hand the restoration of finland was the probable result of an alliance with france, while the whole force of russia was employed in repelling the invaders; and on the other hand, norway might be added, as an indemnification for the loss of pomerania. trusting in the honour of the british admiral, the crown prince of sweden did not hesitate to place the most implicit confidence in sir james. the negotiation for a treaty of peace, and for a coalition against the tyrant of france, only wanted the presence of an accredited plenipotentiary to make it complete. the oberon sloop of war arrived with an officer of distinction, who proceeded through sweden to the continent, and soon after several russian noblemen arrived from st. petersburg with despatches of importance. the despatches received by the oberon contained instructions respecting the affair of carlshamn; and notwithstanding the opinions and assurances of sir james to the contrary, the ministers continued to suspect the crown prince of sweden to be insincere. being, however, still desirous of remaining at peace with sweden, sir james continued his friendly and courteous policy. the bomb-ships he sent for had arrived, and his force, both within and without the baltic, being formidable, gave sweden a good excuse for not proceeding to hostilities, although she had declared war. sir james having declared that he "would not fire the first gun," things went on as usual, and the restrictions which he found necessary to put on the swedish trade, to prevent supplies being thrown into norway, was also a good proof to bonaparte that sweden was not favourable to england. during this summer the tartar frigate was lost, and two gun-brigs were captured by the danes, from whom several privateers and gun-boats were taken, and an exchange of prisoners was made. at length it was communicated that war between france and russia was inevitable, and sweden having refused to permit french troops to pass into norway, ostensibly for the invasion of scotland, determined to join england; but it was advisable to keep this state of affairs a profound secret. in the mean time the negotiations for an offensive and defensive alliance continued, and were ready for ratification when the oberon arrived with mr. (now sir edward) thornton. this ship, on leaving portsmouth, was supposed to be bound for the west indies, and letters were actually on board her for the leeward islands; but on opening her sealed orders, capt. murray, her commander, found he was destined for gothenburg, and that he was to have no communication on his passage with any other ship. being unacquainted with the coast of sweden, and having no pilot on board, his ship unfortunately ran on shore in a thick fog; the guns were thrown overboard, and every exertion made in vain to get the ship off. it is scarcely possible to describe the anxiety of mr. thornton (who had been hitherto supposed to be a passenger for the west indies) until the morning gun of the victory informed them that their ship was on the rocks to the northward of wingo beacon, over which the flag of the victory (white at the fore) could be plainly distinguished, and in an hour afterwards he was safe in the admiral's cabin. the utmost caution was still necessary in communicating with count rosen, and so strictly were the orders given by the commandant of the castle complied with, that several attempts to get mr. thornton on shore were unsuccessful. he was at length smuggled into the fort as a servant of the author, who had, from his knowledge of the swedish language, no difficulty in passing the gates as a swedish officer. thus were all differences happily adjusted: it was determined to keep up the appearance of war without committing any act of hostility on either side. we shall now turn to the situation of the fleet. admiral reynolds had been stationed at hano, which is near matvick, where the convoys assembled, and which were with very little loss protected through the belt. on the th of november, the st. george sailed from hano with the last homeward bound convoy, which had been put back by a gale on the st. the account of the disasters that befel this unfortunate fleet, which, as a prelude to the losses which afterwards took place, must be interesting to every reader, will be best given from the lamented admiral's own report to sir james, which has not before appeared in print. st. george, off nystad, bearing n.n.e. / e., th november . sir, it gives me inexpressible concern to inform you of the sad disaster which has befallen his majesty's ship st. george, bearing my flag. i have already detailed to you, sir, the gale of the st instant, which caused the merchant ships to return to matvick for shelter, and transmitted you convoy lists of one hundred and twenty sail, which sailed from hano bay with us on the th instant, besides twelve more which had no instructions. on the evening of the th we had severe weather, and anchored between moen island and dars head. on the morning of the th we weighed, and (the wind heading us before dark) anchored off nystad with the convoy pretty well collected. at the close of the evening of the th, the weather was remarkably fine, but about ten at night it began to blow strong with a heavy, swell from w.s.w., and we veered to a cable and half on the small bower. the gale increasing, we veered to two cables, and should probably have rode the gale out safe had not a large ship of the convoy drove athwart hawse and parted our cable. the best bower was immediately let go, and veered to two cables, which did not check her. we then let go the sheet anchor and gave her two cables on that also, but she would not look at it. by this time we had shoaled our water from ten to eight fathoms, and the fury of the gale increasing, we continued to shoal into seven and six fathoms, when the pilots and officers advised the cutting away the masts as the only means of saving the ship and the lives of the people. i resisted their advice for some time, in hopes that a favourable lull might bring the ship up; but when she had drifted into a quarterless five, and still driving before a tempest of wind and rain, i ordered the axe to be laid to the mast, and soon after they were over the side: the ship struck violently several times, and the rudder was torn away with a tremendous crash. about four in the morning the strength of the gale abated, and her shocks were less violent. every officer and man in the ship were now employed erecting jury-masts, hoping that by lightening her we should be able to float her off; and at daylight i telegraphed captain pater of the cressy to prepare us a pakenham rudder; and it still blowing too strong for boats to come to us, i made signals for the rose and bellete to anchor a cable's length from us and from each other, upon our larboard bow, that when it moderated we might send hawsers to them to endeavour to heave us off. nystad now bore n.n.e. / e. distant about five miles, and skielbye church e.n.e., and the ship lay in four fathoms water. on the th we were busily employed rigging jury-masts. towards the evening it moderated, and about four in the morning of the th we had the cheering happiness to find she had swung to her anchor. the hands were instantly turned to the capstan, and we hove short on the sheet cable. the night signal was then made for the assistance of boats, and having happily succeeded in warping her into deep water, we made sail (with which we steered her) with a fine breeze from the eastward, and anchored near the convoy in eleven fathoms. i have much pleasure in acquainting you, sir, that the officers and ship's company merit my warmest praise for the constant exertions and cheerful obedience with which they conducted themselves throughout this distressing scene. captain guion was unwearied and indefatigable, and his abilities could never have been better shown than on this trying occasion. it is no small consolation to me that in the awful moment of the masts going over the side, and throughout the whole terrific gale, not a man was hurt. i have now, sir, to acquaint you that out of one hundred and twenty sail which were at anchor here when the gale began, only seventy-six are now remaining; twelve are seen wrecked upon the danish coast and in the enemy's possession; two ran foul of each other, and both went to the bottom, and in the midst of the gale several of the smaller vessels were observed dismasted, and the sea making an entire breach over them; it is much to be feared they foundered at their anchors. many remaining here are so much disabled that i doubt whether they will be able to proceed with us, although they have had every assistance from his majesty's ships which could be given them. i am happy, sir, to tell you that the st. george has her jury-masts rigged, and her rudder hung, and is in every respect as complete to proceed with the convoy (the first favourable wind) as hands can make her in our present situation. before i conclude this narrative, permit me to insert my public acknowledgments of the prompt and timely assistance i received from every captain of his majesty's ships under my orders, which accelerated our equipment much sooner than otherwise could be expected. i have, &c. &c. &c. r.c. reynolds. vice-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. k.b. &c. &c. &c. james received the above letter on the th of november, when he despatched a vessel with the disastrous intelligence to england. in his answer to admiral reynolds we find the following paragraph: greatly as i lament the severe injury sustained on board the st. george, and the melancholy loss of so many vessels of the convoy by the tempestuous weather, i am fully persuaded that every possible means, which judgment and skill could dictate, were employed by you for the safety of his majesty's ships and the preservation of the convoy under such perilous circumstances, and i highly applaud the good conduct manifested by the officers and men of the st. george during the whole of so trying an occasion, and the alacrity and exertions displayed by them in having jury-masts erected during the continuance of the gale, which reflects the highest credit on captain guion, for the good order and discipline preserved in the ship. i also feel great satisfaction in observing your marked approval of the prompt and ready assistance you received from all the captains of his majesty's ships and vessels under your orders. accounts from captain dashwood informed sir james that thirty out of the fifty-six vessels supposed to be lost had reached matvick with the loss of their anchors and cables, and that he would take them under his convoy as soon as they could be got ready to sail. admiral reynolds received assistance from admirals dixon and bertie, who were stationed in the belt, and the st. george with her convoy reached wingo sound in safety on the nd of december. as the season was so far advanced, it was proposed to leave the st. george at gothenburg during the winter, but admiral reynolds entreated that he might be permitted to navigate the ship to england, which, he said in hearing of the author, was "as fit to make her passage with the assistance of another ship of the line as any in the fleet." sir james did not accede to his wishes until he had also taken the opinion of capt. guion; and it was at length determined that she should be attended by the cressy, capt. pater, and the defence, capt. atkins, while the hero, capt. newman, took charge of the convoy. during the stay of the fleet in wingo sound, court-martials were held on the commanders and crews of the manly and safeguard gun-brigs, which had been captured by the danes, and the crews exchanged; also on the boatswain of the anholt island, which had been considered a ship, but as the pendant had not been flying in the island, doubts had arisen in the minds of the members of the court, and reference was made to the admiralty, with a request that the law officers of the crown might be consulted as to the legality of holding a naval court-martial on the accused. the st. george had topmasts as lower masts, and top-gallant masts as topmasts. her temporary rudder was well fitted and secured. the cressy, which had towed her from the belt, was ordered to take her again in tow. everything was prepared for the departure of the whole, but the wind and weather continued unfavourable, and sir james again repeated his wish that the st. george should remain instead of the ardent, into which sir george hope had hoisted his flag, having orders to remain in wingo sound until the pyramus, captain dashwood, and ranger, captain acklom, should arrive with the last convoy, which captain dashwood subsequently succeeded in bringing safely through the sound, much to his credit, at that late season of the year. on the th of december the wind came from the n.e. when the whole fleet weighed and made sail. the first squadron consisted of the victory, vigo, dreadnought, orion, mercury, and snipe; the second comprised the st. george in tow of the cressy, the defence, and bellete, and the third the convoy under the hero and the grasshopper; but the wind coming too far to the northward to enable the convoy to weather the scaw, the signal was made from the victory for it to return into port. at sunset on the th the st. george was seen well to windward of that dangerous headland; but it appeared that she, with her division, bore up during the night, when the wind came to the westward of north, as will be seen by the following account of the proceedings of h.m.s. cressy, given officially to sir james by captain pater. narrative of the circumstances relating to the st. george since parting company with the victory, on the th december . on the night of the th december, lost sight of the victory, dreadnought, vigo, and orion. on the th at half past eight a.m. signal from the st. george to wear; at ten a.m. the st. george cast off the tow rope; moderate breezes and hazy weather; hauled up to the s.e. to get soundings on the jutland shore, in order to round the scaw the better. during the night fresh breezes and hazy weather; a strong current from the s.w. setting to the n.e. swept the squadron close to salö beacon, on the swedish coast. on the morning of the st light airs and hazy, a strong current setting about north at the rate of three miles per hour: very great difficulty in keeping the ships from falling on the rocks, they not being further than three miles off, with a heavy swell right on, and no wind to command the ships, or stem the current. telegraph from the st. george to the cressy about half past eleven, a.m. "what shall we do this night?" cressy's answer, "in a few minutes i will give my opinion." at three quarters past eleven, a.m., telegraph from cressy to st. george, "anchor in salö if possible." about noon got a swedish pilot from salö, brought by the bellete. at one p.m. a strong breeze sprung up from n.n.e. and n.e. st. george, cressy, defence, and bellete made sail (close-reefed the topsails, reefed courses, top-gallant masts struck) to the westward, and continued our course all night through the sleeve. st. george steered and sailed very well about five knots per hour. at ten a.m. on the nd, saw the land on the lee beam, distance eight leagues; made the same known to the st. george. at half-past eleven made the signal to the st. george for the holmes, bearing s.s.w. distance six or seven leagues. at four p.m. bovenbergen bore south about seven leagues; stood to the westward all night; moderate weather, wind about n. or n. by w. on the rd, at nine a.m., cressy to the st. george by signal, "shall i take you in tow?" answered with the negative flag: observed one of her rudder guys gone, and the people repairing it. wind had shifted to n.w. by w. the squadron wore about seven hours thirty minutes a.m. and stood to the n.e., with a view to open the sleeve, the weather appearing to indicate a gale of wind from that quarter. at ten a.m. strong gales and squally with rain; st. george close-reefed courses and topsails, then stood to the n.e. at half-past eleven p.m. very strong gales split our foresail; st. george took in topsails and courses. at one p.m. strong gales; st. george set her foresail. at half-past two p.m. strong and heavy squalls of wind and rain from the n.w. with a heavy sea; observed the st. george to labour very much and roll very deep. st. george shortened all sail except the mizen-staysail and try-sail; st. george drifting to leeward so much as to oblige us to bear up three or four times in a watch, each time one mile, or three quarters at least, in order to keep to leeward of her; the land of bovenbergen on her lee bow about three points, the holmes right a head of her. the wind had at four p.m. shifted to the n.n.w.; the land on her lee beam, nine leagues, was that part of jutland a few miles to the southward of bovenbergen. at eight o'clock the horn reef, bearing s.s.w. distance forty miles; at this time a tremendous heavy sea was setting on the shore in the direction of e.s.e. at six lost sight of the bellete; the last sight we had of the defence she was standing with her head in shore, e.n.e. under storm mizen-stay-sail and try-sail. at nine p.m. the gale still increasing; st. george, as before, drifting about n.e. or n.e. by e. with storm mizen-stay-sail and try-sail only, appearing from some cause to be unable to wear, as she never attempted it, although it was the most safe and profitable tack to be upon, there being no possibility of getting off on the larboard tack, but on the contrary must inevitably go on shore; this i particularly remarked with great anxiety and concern from three o'clock that afternoon, and was constantly in expectation of his wearing, and carrying what sail he could on the starboard tack, in order, if possible, to clear the horn reef: although the clearing of the reef might be doubtful, it was the only chance left, and would at least have given him a longer drift; but from his not doing so, i am of opinion _his masts had complained and were unable to carry any more sail_, as well as the rudder, which certainly wanted securing. at ten p.m. as no steps were taken by the st. george to wear, and finding from our soundings and reckoning we were only nine leagues from the land on our lee beam, that we could not possibly clear the land on the larboard tack, and having drifted so far to the eastward, it became a doubt whether we should be able to clear the horn reef, and that there was no time to lose, on which to resolve either to cut away all our masts and try to hold on by our anchors, after having run into shoal water, which we have reason to believe was nearer than our reckoning gave us. had we taken such a step our success would have been very doubtful, although we might previously have cut away our masts, and made the ship a complete wreck for that purpose, as we had only two bower anchors and two cables on each, (the bower cables in each being half worn,) no spare anchor to trust to, the sheet anchor being broken in the shank, and only an old worn-out bower cable (kept to be surveyed) which was bent to it. the defence, i believe, was differently situated in this respect; but that is a mere conjecture. thus the situation of the cressy was very alarming, which had most sensibly struck every individual on board; the officers particularly, who had been so strongly impressed with our perilous situation for some time before, lamenting and verbally stating to me their opinion of our inability and impossibility of being able to render any service to the st. george, even in any way whatever, risk the cressy as much as i would. i desired them all to consult and let me know their opinion in writing, which they did in the accompanying hasty scrawl: no. , delivered about ten o'clock, and no. , about quarter before eleven. their sentiments and opinion being the same as my own on the subject, namely, that we could not be of any service to the st. george or to any person on board, whatever might be her fate under the existing circumstances, and that our destruction was certain if we lost any time in getting on the other tack,--i then (after having ordered every thing to be ready to cut away our masts) embraced the alternative to wear and carry sail to save the ship, which i did at half-past ten p.m. and passed close to the st. george with our reefed fore-sail only, in order to induce him to wear, and give him the opportunity of signifying his wish for me to remain with him, if he did not approve of what we did, which he might have done by four lights, in a diamond signal no. , or by firing three guns, also night signal no. , "keep your wind on the larboard tack." heavy and severe as the gale was, there was considerable light, as we had a moon; although not seen, yet it enlightened the atmosphere so as to enable us to see every mast, sail, or any object that was above her hammocks: we were so close in passing, that we could in moderate weather, at such a distance, have conversed with great ease; and were about a quarter of an hour in passing her; so that his not making any signal, and his still keeping the st. george's head on the same tack, i considered i had his approbation to use every endeavour to clear the land and save the ship from being wrecked on the lee shore. the remainder of captain pater's narrative need not be given, as it relates only to the proceedings in his own ship, and his arrival in the downs on the th december; neither need we give the opinions alluded to, as they are a repetition of that of the captain, and signed by the five lieutenants, the master, the pilot, and the purser. the first account of the wreck of the st. george and defence was received by a flag of truce, sent by the danish general tellequist from randers, that on the night between the rd and th of december, a few miles to the southward of the holmes, the fatal catastrophe took place. the danish commander-in-chief, after expressing much sympathy and feeling on the sad disaster, informs captain maurice that the bodies of captain atkins and other officers had been found and interred with military honours, but they had not then discovered the body of the admiral. it appeared from the account of the survivors, eighteen in number, (twelve belonging to the st. george and six to the defence,) that the st. george struck about one o'clock on the morning of the th, and soon afterwards the defence, a short distance to the northward of her. the anchors in both ships were immediately let go, and the masts cut away; the st. george came for a short time head to wind. about four she parted in the middle; the sea making a fair breach over the ships, many of the crew were washed overboard, while others were killed or frozen to death where they had tied themselves to the weather-railing, among whom were the admiral and his young and gallant friend captain guion. it is related that one tremendous sea struck the defence with such inconceivable force that it lifted the spare anchor out of its berth, threw it upon end, and in its fall it killed about thirty men! the fury of the waves had swept all before them; two of the men were saved in a little norway yawl belonging to the author, which his lamented friend captain guion had offered to take home for him, and which was the only boat that reached the shore; some were saved on the poop of the st. george when torn from her about five o'clock. captain atkins and mr. royston, secretary to the admiral, were both picked up by the danes ere life was quite extinct, but all the kindness and humane endeavours of that hospitable people failed in keeping up animation. it was affirmed by the survivors of the defence, that on the cressy wearing, the master went to captain atkins, and reported that the st. george must inevitably be wrecked, and that destruction would also attend the defence if she did not follow the cressy! to this captain atkins said, "has the defence's signal been made to part company?" and being answered in the negative, he replied, "then i will not leave him." such heroic sentiments, however worthy of the gallant captain, cannot be justified when it was impossible to render assistance, and the sacrifice not only of his own men, but the valuable lives of seven hundred others, must have been the well-known consequence. captain pater's conduct became the subject of a court-martial, by which he was honourably acquitted. could he by staying longer with his admiral have rendered him any relief he never would have quitted him, nor did he do so until it became his bounden duty to preserve his own ship and the gallant crew he commanded. from the testimony of the survivors of the st. george, who arrived on board the victory in april , we learnt that the st. george lost all her jury-masts and rudder before midnight, that she was many hours in nine fathoms water, and that the anchors were not let go until she struck the ground. we do not mean to argue on the probability, if she had anchored, that she would have brought up or rode out the gale, but after masts and rudder were gone, surely there was a chance. we mention it to call the attention of those who may be at some future period in a similar situation, and as a circumstance which appears by the following extract of a letter to have struck sir james, who had often successfully depended on his anchors under trying occasions. after a minute perusal of captain pater's narrative, i cannot but express my serious apprehension for the safety of the st. george upon so dangerous a coast and under such perilous circumstances; at the same time there still exists a hope that she may have been brought up at her anchors, and weathered the severity of the gale, of which i fervently pray their lordships may soon receive information. we have dwelt longer on the mournful subject than we intended to do, in consequence of opinions having been entertained that sir james had not consulted admiral reynolds and captain guion on the subject of the return of the st. george from gothenburg, and that therefore some blame might be attached to him as commander-in-chief. now, we are not only able from personal knowledge to contradict these reports, but to assure our readers that the opinions of these experienced and gallant officers were actually taken, and likewise those of captains pater and atkins, immediately on the arrival of the ship at gothenburg. the fleet having been detained at wingo sound by storms and westerly winds until the th, admiral reynolds repeatedly entreated sir james to permit the ship to cross the north sea, and in a conversation the author had with captain guion, there was in his opinion not the smallest doubt of her capability of performing the voyage. so well did she sail that she beat many of the ships of the convoy that sailed at the same time, and on the morning of the th she was still in sight of the squadron. the loss of the hero and her convoy, on the hawk sands off the texel, took place on the same disastrous night, and with no less fatal consequences. it appears from letters received from sir george hope, that this convoy returned to wingo sound in obedience to signals from the victory, but sailed on the st with the same breeze, which induced the st. george to leave salö. she succeeded in getting out of the sleeve, and having a fair n.w. gale, unfortunately shaped her course too far to the eastward. captain newman and all the crew, excepting about forty men, perished. the account of this event, having been published by capt. brenton and other naval historians, need not be further dwelt on. the loss of the three ships and convoy, as well as that of the saldanha, in which not less than five thousand men perished, was made a question in the house of commons, when mr. yorke, first lord of the admiralty, touched on the mournful subject with so much feeling that it drew forth an elegant and well-merited expression from mr. whitbread, who observed, that "the calamities were the effect of misfortune alone, and that it was a consolation to reflect that no blame could be imputed to any one." although sir james was conscious that such was really the case, it need scarcely be added that his mind was deeply affected when the melancholy news arrived, nor could he for many months conceal his affliction. the last convoy under captain dashwood of the pyramus, arrived safely. instead of passing through the belt as intended, he availed himself of a strong s.s.w. wind, and boldly pushed through the malmö channel, led by the ranger, captain acklom, who so much distinguished himself on this occasion as to gain his promotion to the rank of post-captain as a reward for his services. this convoy consisted of one hundred and twenty sail, leaving only twelve vessels at carlshamn, which were a part of the st. george's convoy that could not obtain anchors and cables. they were off falsterbo on the th of december, when the wind, which had been northerly, shifted to the s.w.; on the rd they reached elsineur roads, and on the th gothenburg, whence they sailed in company with rear-admiral hope in the ardent, who had thus finished the service of the baltic for the season. colonel dornberg, who had been employed on the continent confidentially, had ascertained that prussia would be forced to join france against russia, therefore the government transports with arms intended for their assistance were sent back, and formed part of the hero's unfortunate convoy. the victory, after parting with the st. george, was detained by baffling winds and thick weather. fortunately on the st good altitudes of the sun were obtained for the chronometers, and thereby the situation of the fleet was determined before the storm began on the nd: at noon it blew a strong gale from n.w. (by compass); leostoff bore n. , w. miles, the texel s. miles; but an allowance of two points was made for what was called _indraft_, and the course steered was s.w. by w. on the rd the storm increased with inconceivable violence: the victory was scudding under close-reefed main-top-sail. at noon the signal was made for longitude, when it appeared that the reckoning of the whole fleet was much to the westward of the victory, particularly the vigo, no less than eighty-four miles; but none of the ships had observations for the chronometers, and therefore the commander-in-chief determined on running by the reckoning of his own ship; and had he not done so, the whole fleet would have shared the fate of the hero in the same spot! at ten p.m. soundings were struck on the broad fourteen, which cleared up all doubts on the subject; on the next day the gale moderated, the fleet passed the gallopere light and anchored to stop tide; on christmas-day passed down channel, and in the evening anchored in st. helen's. i may here observe with propriety, that i have since found the deviation from the true course, which by pilots and masters of ships had been attributed to _indraft_, &c. was occasioned entirely by the _deviation_ of the magnetic needle when steering to the s.w. the point on which the attraction found in almost every ship was, by a series of experiments, established to be, from one to two points; (see ross's voyage ;) while it is notorious that if the ship was standing n.e. the opposite point, it had been always found that not only no allowance for _indraft_ was necessary, but that the error in the reckoning was on the opposite way; and we therefore conclude that many ships have been lost for want of making the necessary allowance for the _deviation_ of the compass in steering across the north sea, in a storm from n.w. a correspondence was carried on with the captains of this squadron without leading to any satisfactory reason for the extraordinary errors in the reckonings of each ship, and it is mentioned here to warn those who may be in a similar situation, and to induce them to obtain the errors of their compasses, for which plain rules have been given, if they are not provided with professor barlow's apparatus. on the arrival of the victory at spithead, sir james applied for leave of absence, and arriving in town received the unqualified approbation of ministers, and of his royal highness the prince regent, for his wise and firm conduct on this critical situation of affairs in the baltic, and for the important service he had rendered the country in maintaining peace, and in supporting the dignity of the crown and the best interests of the community. chapter xiii. . state of europe in .--critical situation of sweden and russia.--advance of buonaparte.--sir james saumarez resumes the command in the baltic.--attack on anholt prevented.--proceedings of the advanced squadron.--arrival of the victory at gothenburg.--capture and destruction of a danish frigate and two brigs.--captain stewart's gallant conduct.--official letters.--capture of a ship in pillau roads.--l. jones's gallant conduct.--official letters.--peace with russia.--correspondence with mr. thornton and earl cathcart, who is appointed ambassador to the court of st. petersburg.--proceedings of the hostile armies on the frontiers of russia.--admiral byam martin sent to co-operate.--siege of riga.--diversion made by admiral martin in dantzig bay.--capture and destruction of four french privateers.--ratification of peace with russia and sweden.--sir james named knight grand cross of the sword of sweden.--his swedish majesty's letter and the answer.--emperor alexander sends the russian fleet to england.--defeat of the french at polosk, borodino, moscow.--retreat of buonaparte.--archangel fleet arrives.--earl cathcart.--mr. saumarez's tour to Åbo and st. petersburg, and return to the admiral with despatches.--afflicting news from england.--sir james's conduct on that occasion.--he is relieved by sir george hope.--returns to england.--strikes his flag. the state of europe at the commencement of this year left no doubt that a severe struggle for independence was approaching. it was evident that under the pretence of conquering a maritime peace, buonaparte's ambition was nothing short of continental empire; his armies had been gradually advancing, and, under various pretexts, taking possession of every fortress in prussia, and towards the frontiers of russia. supposing himself in a position to enforce the ruinous demands which he well knew could not be granted, he looked forward with confidence to the subjugation of russia, after which sweden would become an easy conquest. alexander saw that the existence of his empire depended on the exertions he was now compelled to make, and before the conclusion of the last year, his intentions of resistance were secretly made known both to the british and swedish cabinets. it was now deemed fortunate that the wise and temperate policy of sir james had been the means of forming that coalition, which was subsequently the saving of europe. so important did government consider the continuation of sir james as commander-in-chief in the baltic, that while in london, at tunbridge wells, and other places where he resided, the whole of the correspondence passed through him, and as the spring advanced he was again entreated to finish the good work he had begun. as his force was now to consist of only ten sail of the line, he did not judge a captain of the fleet to be necessary; but rear-admirals byam martin and j.n. morris were at his request appointed to serve under him, and it may be truly added that two officers better qualified to support his plans could not have been found. early in the spring, captain dashwood, who had so highly distinguished himself in carrying a valuable convoy through the sound at the close of last year, was sent with a squadron of sloops to afford protection to the island of anholt, which was again threatened by the danes, but on the appearance of this detachment, the attempt, if ever intended, was abandoned. on this service the fly sloop was unfortunately lost on anholt reef. in april, rear-admiral morris was despatched with the advanced squadron and arrived at wingo sound about the middle of april, having been previously informed of the state of affairs in sweden, and instructed to keep up the appearance of hostility without committing any positive act; in the mean time a fleet of line of battle ships was fitting out at carlscrona, and strict orders were issued that in the event of their putting to sea they were not to be molested by his majesty's ships. a correspondence was entered into with the danish auditor-general respecting the exchange of prisoners, in which a demand was made for the release of all the danish prisoners in lieu of all english, which would have been ten to one in favour of denmark; but the chief object was the release of a danish officer, who, after having struck his colours, attempted to destroy his ship, contrary to the laws and usages of war, and who had been detained in consequence. this request was at first refused, but in consequence of the kind treatment of the unfortunate crews who suffered shipwreck, and who were unconditionally liberated, the exchange took place. sir james hoisted his flag in the victory on the th of april, and on the th sailed from the downs. on the rd may he arrived at gothenburg, having then under his command ten sail of the line, seven frigates, and fourteen smaller vessels. admiral morris, with a strong detachment, passed through the belt to hanö, where he carried on the service relating to convoys, and the prevention of troops being sent across the belt to the danish islands, which were no doubt intended to menace sweden into compliance with the demands and views of buonaparte. this campaign commenced with several brilliant naval actions, among which the following is most worthy of being recorded. during the spring the danes had succeeded in stationing a large frigate and six large brigs on the coast of norway, for the purpose of attacking our convoys in passing through the cattegat, which, in order to protect the trade, had obliged sir james to station the dictator of sixty-four guns, and three brigs, off that part of the coast. the result cannot be more fully given than in the following extract of captain stewart's letter to sir james: h.m.s. dictator, sleeve, th july . sir, i have the honour to inform you, that yesterday evening being off mardoe, with the podargus, calypso, and flamer, the mast-heads of the squadron were seen over the rocks, and captain robilliard of the podargus, in the most handsome manner, volunteered to lead the squadron in to attack them, he having a man on board acquainted with the place; and as neither the pilots nor masters of either of the ships conceived themselves equal to the charge, i did not hesitate to accept his kind offer, well knowing the british flag would meet nothing but honour in such hands. in the entrance of the passage the podargus unfortunately took the ground, by which circumstance i was deprived of the valuable and gallant services of her commander during the remainder of the day, and was in consequence obliged to leave the flamer to her assistance; but in captain weir, of the calypso, i found everything that could be wished for, which in a great measure made up for the loss i had sustained in the podargus and flamer. by this time, seven hours thirty minutes p.m. we had arrived within one mile of the enemy, who were running inside of the rocks under a press of sail. the calypso, which had also grounded for a short time, was now leading us through the passage, and both she and ourselves engaged with the squadron and numerous gun-boats; however, at nine hours thirty minutes, i had the satisfaction, after sailing twelve miles through a passage in some places scarcely wide enough to admit of our studding-sail booms being out, of running the dictator's bow upon the land with her broadside towards the enemy (within hail) as per margin, (nayaden, laaland, samsoe, and kiel,) who were anchored with springs on their cables close together, and supported by gun-boats, in the small creek of lingöe, the calypso most nobly following us up. in half an hour the frigate was literally battered to atoms, and the flames bursting forth from her hatchways; the brigs had also struck, and most of the gun-boats were completely beaten, and some sunk. the action had scarcely ceased and the ship afloat, than we found ourselves again attacked by gun-boats, which had retreated on seeing the fate of their squadron, and were again collecting from all quarters; but captain weir, of the calypso, having taking a most advantageous position, engaged them with the greatest gallantry and effect. indeed i am at a loss how to express my approbation of the prompt exertion of this gallant and meritorious officer. the podargus and flamer, in the mean time, were warmly engaged with numerous batteries and gun-boats, both brigs being aground; but by the uncommon exertion and extreme gallantry of capt. robilliard, and the officers and crews of the brigs, they at last got afloat, very much cut up. on this occasion lieut. england particularly distinguished himself. at three a.m. having got the dictator, calypso, and prize brigs in the fair way, we attempted to get out through the passage, when we were assailed by a division of gun-boats from behind the rocks, so situated that not a gun could be brought to bear on them from either vessel. in this situation the prize brigs grounded, and notwithstanding every exertion on the part of lieut. james wilkie of this ship, who was on board the laaland, and had extinguished a fire on board her, which was burning with great fury, and lieut. hooper of the calypso, in the kiel, we had to abandon them complete wrecks, humanity forbidding us setting them on fire, owing to the number of wounded men they had on board. captain stewart's letter concludes with the highest praise on all the officers and men in the squadron he commanded, and subjoins a list of nine men killed, and thirty-seven wounded and missing. the enemy admitted that they had lost three hundred men, but it was supposed that five hundred was nearer the number. we are sorry to record that some of the danish officers violated their parole and treacherously rose on their protectors, after medical aid had been afforded them under the sacred sanction of a flag-of-truce! sir james enclosed captain stewart's narrative in the following letter to the secretary of the admiralty: sir,--i have the highest satisfaction in transmitting to you, to be laid before the lords commissioners of the admiralty, the inclosed letter, which i have this day received from captain stewart, of h.m.s. dictator, detailing the particulars of a most gallant exploit, performed by him and the two sloops and the gun-brig named on the margin (podargus, calypso, and flamer,) upon the danish frigate nayaden, three large sloops of war, and numerous gun-boats, within the rocks of wardoe, on the coast of norway, supported by batteries on the shore; in which the enemy's frigate has been totally destroyed, and the sloops of war completely disabled, besides several of the gun-boats sunk. it is impossible to express in an adequate manner the undaunted spirit displayed by captain stewart, and all the officers and men under his orders, in this arduous enterprise, which, i am assured, will be duly appreciated by their lordships. captain stewart speaks in the strongest terms of the gallantry and zeal of captain robilliard, of the podargus; captain weir, of the calypso; and lieut. thomas england, of the flamer gun-brig; he also recommends lieut. buchanan, first of the dictator, to their lordships' favourable notice. i have, &c. &c. &c. james saumarez. j.w. croker, esq. to this their lordships expressed their high approbation, and promoted captain stewart, weir, and lieutenant england immediately, and capt. robilliard soon after, for the gallantry, zeal, and judgment they displayed. the following letter from captain j. ross, of the briseis, gives an account of a gallant exploit performed by the boats of that ship. briseis, off pillaw, th june . sir, i have the honour to inform you that, in pursuance of your orders, i stood in yesterday to communicate with the merchant vessel urania, in pillaw roads, when i perceived her to be in possession of the french troops, and that it was intended to destroy her on our approach. i therefore tacked and stood off, judging it the most likely way to save the ship (which was employed by messrs. solly and sons on the part of government) from destruction, and the remainder of her cargo from falling into the hands of the enemy. i resolved, however, to surprise her in the night. lieutenant thomas jones, first of the briseis, mr. palmer, midshipman, and eighteen men, were sent in the pinnace on that service. at midnight, when within pistol shot, they were hailed and fired upon by the enemy, who had six guns and four swivels on board the urania, which was surrounded by craft and smaller boats; but every obstacle was overcome by lieutenant jones and his crew, who gave three cheers, boarded over the craft, and drove the enemy off deck into their boats on the opposite side, leaving behind part of their arms. the cable was then cut, and she was brought out, together with a french scout, that was employed unloading her. on our side i have to regret the loss of one seaman killed; the sergeant of the royal marines badly wounded; mr. palmer, midshipman, and one seaman, slightly wounded; but the enemy must have suffered far more severely from being exposed in their turn to the fire from the urania after they had abandoned her. my pen cannot do sufficient justice to the merit of lieut. jones, who has on a former occasion received the approbation of the commander-in-chief, for his gallantry and zeal; but when i leave the plain statement of this to recommend him, i am happy in the conviction that his valour will be duly appreciated by yourself and the commander-in-chief. lieutenant jones informs me that mr. palmer, who has passed for lieutenant, behaved in the most gallant manner, and i think him also highly deserving promotion. i have the honour, &c. john ross, commander. to rear-admiral martin, &c. &c. &c. the above was transmitted by admiral martin to the commander-in-chief, who, after expressing his admiration of the conduct of lieut. jones and the rest, forwarded the letter to the admiralty. the following answer was received from the secretary: admiralty, th july . sir, i have received and laid before my lords commissioners of the admiralty your letter of the th instant, transmitting a report from captain ross, of the briseis, of the re-capture of the merchant ship urania, in pillaw roads, by the boats of that sloop, under the orders of lieutenant jones and mr. palmer, midshipman, and i am in reply commanded to express their lordships' approbation of the gallantry displayed by the officers and men on this service. there can be no doubt but promotion would have followed this valiant and successful affair, but lieut. jones being unfortunately obliged to return home in consequence of pressing family affairs, and having not rejoined his ship, lost his well-merited advancement in the navy, while mr. palmer obtained his promotion. the briseis was subsequently appointed to carry the joyful news of peace to libau, where captain ross was received with demonstrations of joy. the hatred the oppressed inhabitants manifested towards their oppressors the french, who had just vacated the place, was beyond expression; and a russian squadron had now ventured out of the gulf of finland to join in the general rejoicing. steps were taken by the admiral to remove the supplies of corn and provisions at that place, to prevent their falling into the hands of the advancing enemy. rear-admiral (now admiral sir byam martin, g.c.b.) was detached in the aboukir, his flag-ship, and a numerous squadron and flotilla, to assist in the defence of riga, which, as soon as war was declared, would be exposed to the attack of macdonald's and oudinot's divisions of the french army. in the mean time, peace between great britain and russia took place on the th july, and this happy event was announced to the admiral in the following letter from mr. thornton, general suchtalen having previously arrived in sweden with full powers from the emperor of russia. orebro, th july . sir, i have the honour of informing your excellency that i have this day signed a treaty of peace with the swedish and russian plenipotentiaries, and you will receive under this cover a packet containing those for his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, which i will request your excellency to deliver to the care of a confidential officer, to be conveyed to england. should you think that the king's service will not be promoted by detaching a vessel of war with him, i see no impropriety in the officer's sailing in the packet-boat and making the best of his way to england. i leave it to your excellency's judgment to give what publicity you think proper to this important intelligence. it should, i think, certainly be communicated to all the commanders of his majesty's ships in the baltic, for the purpose of regulating their conduct towards swedish and russian ships of war, but i know not that any alterations ought to be made in commercial arrangements until after the confirmations of the peace by exchange of the ratifications. i may have opportunities of writing again on these points. i have the honour to be, &c. e. thornton. to admiral sir jas. saumarez. sir james immediately despatched his nephew, flag-lieutenant dobree, in the drake sloop of war, with this important despatch, and with the intelligence that the french army had passed the frontiers of russia on the th of june, being the first act of hostility. lieutenant dobree arrived at the admiralty on the st july, for which and other services he was promoted to the rank of commander. in the mean time, and in anticipation of this joyful event, earl cathcart had been nominated as ambassador to the court of st. petersburg, and had sailed from england in the aquilon. admiral martin's arrival at riga was extremely well-timed: his judicious operations in concert with generals essen, ems, and lovis, were the means of saving that city, which was in july and august besieged by macdonald, when general lovis was obliged to retreat within the walls. the suburbs were burnt rather hastily, but the arrival of a reinforcement of both english and russian gun-boats, not only raised the siege, but impeded the advance of that division of the enemy towards the great scene of action in the vicinity of moscow. a well-timed feint concerted by admiral martin on the heel of dantzig had the desired effect of retarding the advancement of a strong reinforcement, so as to prevent it reaching the main army in time to take part in the battle of borodino. to effect this a number of small merchant vessels were seized in the harbour of riga, and by the prompt exertions of british seamen were converted into transports, on board which were embarked four hundred troops and other people of all classes, a sufficient part of which were clothed in regimentals to deceive a spectator. this formidable-looking armament having entered the bay of dantzig under swedish colours, created such a degree of alarm, as to induce the troops which were marching to join buonaparte to halt for no less than fourteen days, during which time proclamations in the german and swedish languages were landed on the coast, while demonstrations for landing troops, ostensibly for the purpose of an attack on the city, were occasionally made, and shells thrown into the lower forts. after a sojourn of three weeks in the bay the borrowed ships were sent back to riga, and the aboukir and part of the squadron joined rear-admiral morris at hanö, where that excellent officer had been most successfully protecting the commerce of both nations. on the th of october a large convoy, which had long been detained at matvick and hanö, was about to sail, when it was ascertained that several french privateers had passed through the canal of kiel, in order to attack it, and the briseis was consequently sent in the disguise of a merchant bark in advance of the convoy. the plan succeeded; one of the privateers came alongside of the briseis, and was easily captured, while the other three having taken refuge under the batteries in hammarhus bay, on the n.w. side of bornholm, were attacked and destroyed. in this affair the briseis had her main-mast badly wounded. lieutenant jones, who commanded the boats, particularly distinguished himself; but on his approach the enemy, having cut their cables, and run their vessels on the rocks, they were instantly wrecked and could not be carried off. sir james had detached captain stewart of the dictator with several small vessels, to the belt, to cut off the communication with zealand, and in the course of this service lieutenants wilkie, douell, and petley particularly distinguished themselves. the attack gun-brig was taken, and lieutenant craufurd, of the wrangler, made a gallant but ineffectual attempt to retake her. the mars, and courageaux, and orion, had the arduous duty of protecting the trade through the belt, and excepting on one occasion, when five merchant vessels were driven on shore in a storm, their efforts were successful. owing partly to the negotiations and to the expectation that an enemy's fleet might escape from the scheldt, the commander-in-chief was detained at wingo sound, the outer roads of gothenburg. the merchant ships which had been detained at that port and carlshamn, as also the colonial produce and other british property, had been by his firm and temperate conduct released and sent under licence to various ports on the continent. mr. thornton, who had been on board the victory on the th of july, had proceeded to orebro, where he signed the treaty of peace already mentioned; returned on the th of august, sailed in the tweed for england on the following day, but fortunately meeting with the aquilon to the eastward of the scaw, he returned with lord viscount cathcart; and after a consultation with sir james and count rosen, the governor of gothenburg, the ambassador set out for orebro to ratify the coalition of the three nations against the common enemy. an expedition was now planned for an attack on zealand, the object of which was to force the king of denmark to join the coalition, and , swedes were collected; these were to be joined by , russians; but the latter were so tardy in their motions that the plan was abandoned, as well as another for the descent on the coast of norway; but the armament itself had a good effect by detaining the troops necessary for the defence of denmark from joining the main army of the french, while it gave a more serious aspect to the feint made by rear-admiral martin in the bay of dantzig. soon after the ratification of peace the swedish monarch conferred on sir james the high honour of the commander of the grand cross of the order of the sword of sweden,[ ] which corresponds to that of the bath in england, and the decorations were sent in the following handsome letter from his majesty: monsieur le vice-amiral saumarez, mon conseiller intime d'etat, le baron de platen, se rendant auprès de vous pour concerter sur des mesures à prendre contre l'ennemi commun, je profite avec plaisir de cette occasion pour vous envoyer ci-incluses les décorations de commandeur grand croix de mon ordre de l'epée. les services distingués que vous avez déjà rendu à mon royaume, et ceux que vous lui rendez maintenant, le zèle que vous avez constamment déployé pour le succès de nos entreprises, tous ces motifs réunis vous avaient acquis depuis longtems des droits à mon estime et à ma reconnaissance; et j'éprouve une satisfaction toute particulière de pouvoir vous en donner aujourdhui un gage solennel. je vous félicite de l'avantage remporté le de ce mois par une partie de votre escadre; et vous devez être bien persuadé, qu'il ajoute encore au prix que j'attache à vos efforts pour assurer la defense des côtes de la suède. et sur ce je prie dieu qu'il vous ait, monsieur le vice-amiral de saumarez en sa sainte et digne garde; etant votre affectionné, charles. au château de stockholm, le de juillet . [ ] the order of the sword, fourth class, was conferred on captains hope, reynolds, mansell, and john ross, and the order of wasa on dr. jameson. permission to accept and wear the decorations were subsequently granted by the prince regent. the defeat of oudinot at polotzk, the junction of begration and barclay de tolly with the grand russian army under kutusoff, and the battle of borodino, gave a favourable turn to affairs, but not such as to dispel every apprehension, and it was determined by the emperor alexander to send the whole russian fleet to winter in england. admiral crown was expected from archangel with eight sail of the line, and admiral tait with ten, and six frigates from cronstadt. the former having sailed from wingo before this had been determined on, it became necessary for sir james to delay his return. the aquilon, which had been sent through the belt to meet lord cathcart at dalerö, and convey his lordship to Åbo, where he was to have a conference with the emperor alexander, met with some damage and returned to wingo. mr. james saumarez, eldest son of the admiral, who had accompanied his lordship, made a tour and visited the swedish, finland, and russian capitals; he returned on board the victory on the th of october, when the afflicting intelligence arrived of the sudden death of his sister, the eldest daughter of the admiral, whose loss was deeply regretted by all who knew her excellent disposition. the shock, as may be imagined, was deeply felt by sir james; but it will be seen by the following correspondence that his mind was supported under this severe trial, and much as his presence was required at home he regarded his duty to his country to be paramount to every other consideration, and unflinchingly remained at his post. his son (the present lord de saumarez) who had just finished his education for the established church, was indeed a great comfort to his suffering parent. in a letter, dated th october, to the secretary of the admiralty, he says,-- there has been no ship in the hawke roads into which i could have shifted my flag, since the receipt of their lordships' letter to send the victory to spithead, and the present afflicting state of my domestic concerns renders it of the utmost consequence that i should repair to england immediately; but i have suffered my private feelings to give way to the public service, and have to request that i may receive their lordships' permission to proceed to england upon the receipt of this letter. in his letter to lord cathcart, dated on the following day, he writes,-- although the afflicting state of my domestic concerns requires my return to england with as little delay as possible, i sacrifice my private feelings to a sense of my duty to the public service, and i have signified to his majesty's government my intention to remain here until i receive the pleasure of h.r.h. the prince regent upon the above measures (respecting the russian fleet), when i hope to receive permission to return to england. sir james having given the necessary directions to rear-admiral morris for sending pilots to, and conducting the russian fleet through the belt, shifted his flag to the pyramus and despatched the victory to england. he was preparing to sail homewards, when to his surprise rear-admiral george hope arrived to supersede him; he, however, did not give up the command until everything was completed, and until he had received the following despatch from lord cathcart: st. petersburg, th oct. . sir, i had the honour of receiving yesterday by the briseis your letter of the th ult., duplicates of your two letters of the nd, and triplicates of your letter of the th. i lost no time in laying the three last-named despatches before the emperor, and his imperial majesty desired me to take the first opportunity of expressing his entire approbation of everything you have done and promised for his squadrons, together with his best thanks for the exertions you have made in meeting and assisting the squadron under admiral crown, to refit so as to pursue the voyage to the baltic, as well as for supplying an officer and pilots for the passage of the belt. his imperial majesty learned with great concern the afflicting loss you have sustained, and was duly sensible of the efforts you made for the public cause, by remaining at gothenburg under the pressure of so much grief. admiral crown has afforded an example of the uncertainty of calculations of time and of meeting at sea, in regard to the sailing of men-of-war; for this squadron outstripped all the vessels and cruisers you sent, and, missing all the copies of the emperor's orders, arrived at sweaborg, i think, on the th. the emperor sent immediate orders for this fleet to prepare to return forthwith to wingo. vice-admiral crown has sent up no details whatever to the minister of marine concerning the state of the squadron, but that minister, the marquis traversay, has sent a superior officer of known activity, to hasten the supply of everything necessary for them, and to repeat the order for the immediate sailing of the whole squadron, or of as many ships as can be ready; the remainder to follow. the wind being fair, it is expected that admiral tait is under sail with a division as per enclosed list, and it is probable he may be the first to reach you. i have not failed to communicate your idea in regard to the road at dantzig to the minister of marine. the snipe will sail with the last division, &c. i have the honour to be, with truth and regard, cathcart. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez, bart. k.b. here follows a list of one ship of one hundred guns, one of eighty, five of seventy-four, and three frigates, under admiral tait; seven of seventy-four, and three frigates, and four smaller vessels, under admiral crown; and three of seventy-four, two frigates, a brig, and four english transports, under rear-admiral karobka. sir james at the same time received details of the proceedings at riga, which have already been mentioned. the following passage relative to the death of his daughter is extracted from a letter from sir james to his brother. at a time i was buoying myself up with the expectation of soon returning to england, and affording that consolation to my beloved wife and to those dear ones whom the almighty yet spares us, which they so greatly need, i received despatches which rendered it impossible for me to leave the station; i most fervently implore the all-gracious providence to enable me to submit to its divine decree with patience and due resignation. if i could be assured of lady saumarez's welfare, i should feel more tranquil, but i know too well the keenness of her feelings. the anxiety she suffers on my account will, i fear, put to the test her practice of those pious virtues we all know her to possess, and of which she sets so bright an example. james's presence is of the greatest comfort to me, and alone enables me to make my cabin supportable. he returned most opportunely from st. petersburg the day on which the news of this affliction arrived, and it was he that communicated it to me. he was the bearer of lord cathcart's despatches, which i have forwarded, for i could not spare him from me. we shall now continue the narrative of sir james's operations at this eventful period, when the tyrant of france received his first effectual check, followed by the disastrous retreat of the french army from russia, and the liberation of europe. besides twenty thousand stand of arms which had been supplied to the swedish army and landed at gothenburg, the snipe gun-brig, lieut. champion, had been sent to st. petersburg with four transports laden with sixty thousand stand of arms. on opening the arm-chests it was found that they contained muskets, but no bayonets, and the indignation of the russians at this circumstance may be better imagined than described, when they exclaimed, "what! do the english think we do not know how to use the bayonet?" on searching, however, the last ship, the bayonets were found, to the inexpressible joy of these people; and it cannot be denied that they _did_ make use of them with fearful effect. the briseis was sent with the admiral's last despatches to lord cathcart, and captain ross had the honour of returning with the important intelligence of the re-capture of moscow, the defeat of murat, and that the french were in full retreat. the russian fleet had, however, sailed from cronstadt and sweaborg, and it was now too late to stop them: the accounts reached london on the th of november, and it was a satisfaction to sir james that he had retained the command until the overthrow of the invading army. mr. saumarez went home in the aquilon, but the admiral remained in the pyramus at gothenburg until the th of november, at which time he had delivered the various papers and instructions to rear-admiral hope necessary in giving up the command to that officer. before leaving sweden he was waited on by baron essen, aide-de-camp to the crown prince, who presented him with a splendid sword, the hilt of which was set in diamonds, and said to be worth _l._, as a testimony of the high sense his majesty entertained of the important services he had rendered to sweden and the good cause. among the many attached to the court of sweden, there was none who expressed himself more emphatically than his excellency baron platen. we shall give his letter, although it has already been published in substance. at length i rejoice, my dear admiral. you have been the guardian angel of my country; by your wise, temperate, and loyal conduct you have been the first cause of the plans which have been formed against the demon of the continent. he was on the point of succeeding; folly and the want of confidence in some have made them doubt the success of the good cause. you have shared my anxiety, but it is now all over; two couriers have arrived this night from the head-quarters of the emperor and the prince. war was declared on the th of july; austria is with us; thus, if providence have not decided something against all probability, buonaparte will be defeated, humanity will breathe again, and europe be once more raised up. with wellingtons, moreaus, bernadottes against him, what hopes! i shall not fail to communicate to you the first news of importance, for once more i must tell you, that _you_ were the first cause that russia had dared to make war against france: _had you fired one shot when we declared war against england_, all had been ended, and europe would have been enslaved. i own to you, also, my satisfaction that our august prince royal has conducted himself in such a manner as to leave your excellency no cause to repent of that which some people were pleased to call "credulity," but which events have proved to be wisdom. the expressions of the worthy and truly patriotic friends, admiral krusenstjerna and count rosen on taking final leave of the admiral, were no less remarkable for sincerity and gratitude. the first has long since paid the debt of nature, universally and justly regretted; the latter in fell a sacrifice to his humane endeavours to arrest the progress of cholera, and both will long be remembered as two of the saviours of their country. the pyramus reached yarmouth roads on the th of november, when sir james made immediate application to strike his flag, and had the satisfaction of receiving in answer the following letter from the secretary of the admiralty. admiralty, th nov. . sir, my lords commissioners of the admiralty have been pleased to command me, in transmitting to you the accompanying order, to strike your flag and come on shore, to communicate to you their marked approbation of the zeal, judgment, and ability evinced by you during your late command in the baltic. your attention to the trade of his majesty's subjects, and your conciliatory, yet firm conduct, towards the northern powers, have met the approbation of his majesty's government, and their lordships are glad to have observed that your services have been justly appreciated by the courts of sweden and russia. i beg to add the personal satisfaction which i feel at being the channel of communicating to you this testimony of their lordships' approbation. i am, &c. &c. &c. j.w. croker. to vice-admiral sir james saumarez, bart., kb. to this highly honourable testimonial sir james made the following reply: london, rd november . sir, i have received your letter of the th inst., transmitting to me the order to strike my flag and come on shore, and also communicating their lordships' marked approbation of my conduct during my late command, in terms highly gratifying to myself. i am also peculiarly happy to find that the conduct i held towards the northern powers during a period of the utmost intricacy, has been honoured by the approbation of his majesty's government, whilst it was duly appreciated by the courts of sweden and russia. i take this opportunity to express my sincere acknowledgments for the unremitting attention i received from you during the period of my late command. i have, &c. &c. james saumarez. to j.w. croker, esq. after sir james had arrived in london he continued to direct the proceedings of the fleet in the baltic, and it was not until the good work he had begun was completely ended to the general satisfaction that he retired from actual service. chapter xiv. to . state of the continent after the defeat of buonaparte.--sir james's services in the baltic no longer required.--retires from service, but not from public life.--his various occupations.--his claims for a peerage disregarded.--correspondence and observations thereon.--his residence in guernsey.--visit to oxford.--letter from lord nelson.--captain miller's monument.--political opinions.--letter from earl st. vincent.--is appointed to the command at plymouth.--speech of earl grey.--receives a visit from lord exmouth.--strikes his flag.--claims for a peerage again disregarded.--returns to guernsey.--his reception there.--death of george iv.--accession of william iv.--is created baron de saumarez.--letter from lady de saumarez.--his reception at the island of guernsey, and rejoicings there. the defeat of buonaparte and the disastrous retreat of his army released the countries which surround the baltic from the oppression to which they had been subject, and an english fleet was no longer necessary in that sea. the enemy indeed had still possession of dantzig, and denmark held out during the year ; but a small squadron under rear-admiral sir george hope acting now in conjunction with sweden, the co-operation of russia was all that was wanted to carry on the blockade in the belt, and to protect the commerce. the services of a full admiral not being required, sir james remained at home, chiefly in his native island. the command in the mediterranean, which he would have had, had he not been requested to continue on the command in the baltic, was occupied by sir edward pellew, which, as will be hereafter seen, was an unfortunate circumstance. although retired from active warfare, it cannot be said that sir james had retired from public life;--he was the patron of every useful institution, not by mere nominal sanction, but also by very munificent pecuniary contributions. he was one of the oldest members (i believe, president) of the society for promoting christian knowledge, having become a subscriber to that institution in the year ; he was also president of the royal naval charitable institution, and of the naval and military bible society, as well as a large contributor. he was, moreover, vice-president of the british and foreign bible society, and of the society for promoting christianity among the jews; patron of the national schools of the bethel union; the provident society; the church of england sunday school; the church of england missionary society, &c. his mind and his time, therefore, were employed in a manner no less honourable and useful than it had been in his majesty's service; and it does not appear that he had taken any notice of the manifest neglect of his claims until the peace of , when, at the conclusion of the war, peerages were conferred on those officers of the army and navy who had most highly distinguished themselves. he now found his name omitted; while sir edward pellew, an officer junior to him on the list of admirals, who had never commanded a ship in a general action, and who was not even a knight of the bath, was raised to the dignity of baron. sir james could not but consider this circumstance as an injustice to his superior claims; and we know that sir edward pellew, then created baron exmouth, admitted that sir james's claims for that high honour were far greater than his own. we may add, that every officer of his majesty's navy was of the same opinion. feeling himself bound to remonstrate, a correspondence took place between sir james and some of his majesty's ministers on the subject, but without effect; and we believe that the only reason given by them for his having been passed over, was simply "that sir james's flag was not flying at the conclusion of the war," while that of sir e. pellew was hoisted in the mediterranean, where indeed sir james _ought_ to have been, and where he would certainly have been had he not accepted the command in the baltic at the request of ministers, on the especial understanding that it was not to be prejudicial to his claims. the fact was, however, that he had _no friends_ in power at that time; while sir edward pellew had many claims on ministers for the support he gave them in parliament. it is needless to revert to the ungracious treatment he received, which can only be accounted for by his having refused a seat in parliament, coupled with conditions to which his conscience would not allow him to accede, and from his diffidence in not putting forward his claims at an earlier period; too often the case with men who are truly brave, but which is injurious to the service, inasmuch as it induces a belief among the rising generation that even manifestly just claims may be entirely neglected. on the th of june , when the general promotion took place, sir james was advanced to admiral of the blue, at which time his name on the list of the navy was the fourth above lord exmouth. the following is the extract of a letter from sir james to one of the family on the subject of the peerage. london, th may . "you will have seen that a peerage has been conferred on sir edward pellew; you may suppose that sir john duckworth and myself have taken the proper means with lord melville for our services being taken into consideration, for a similar mark of distinction, and there is every reason to believe we shall not be disregarded. i had a long interview with lord melville, who gave me to understand that he laid the subject as favourably as possible before lord liverpool. it is, i fear, very doubtful, but i cannot persuade myself so much injustice will be done to my services; and such is the opinion of all i meet." subsequently to this, sir james received a letter from lord liverpool, which need not be inserted, as the substance is given in sir james's answer, which we subjoin. date not exactly known, . my lord, i have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your lordship's letter of this date, signifying that you have had an opportunity of communicating to his royal highness the prince regent my request for the honour of the peerage, as well as some other applications for the same honour from several distinguished officers of the navy and army, and that your lordship was commanded by the prince regent to acquaint me that his royal highness does full justice to my services on the occasions to which i refer; but he feels it, nevertheless, quite impossible, under all the circumstances, to comply with my request, and that he has directed your lordship to return the same answer to those who have made similar applications to him upon the present occasion. without presuming to inquire into the merits of those distinguished officers with whom your lordship may have been pleased to blend my services, your lordship will permit me to observe, that the grounds upon which i found my application for the peerage, were not confined to my services during the whole period of the late and american war; but also to my services during the five years that i had the honour to command his majesty's fleet upon the baltic station with the fullest approbation of government, particularly for my uniform conduct respecting sweden, which prevented that nation from joining the common enemy against this country, and also in having detached a timely force to riga under the order of rear-admiral martin, which proved the means of preventing that city from falling into the hands of the french, and also, through the exertions of that zealous and able officer, succeeded in checking an important branch of the enemy's army from penetrating towards st. petersburg, for which important services i have been honoured with the thanks of his imperial majesty, communicated to me by his ambassador at this court. as your lordship may not have laid those interesting particulars regarding my services before the prince regent, i now most earnestly request you will be pleased to render me that justice. i owe it to myself, to my family, as well as to the naval service, to which i have had the honour to belong upwards of forty-four years, to take the proper means, with every due respect, that my long and most faithful services are laid before his royal highness, in the fullest confidence that they will be found deserving the same mark of distinction that has been conferred upon an officer junior to me in the list of admirals. i beg leave to express my unfeigned acknowledgments to your lordship for the polite manner in which you have been pleased to convey to me the sentiments of his royal highness. i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, my lord, your most obedient and humble servant, james saumarez. to the right hon. the earl of liverpool, &c. &c. &c. on sir james's return to guernsey, after his unsuccessful application to ministers for a peerage, he resumed the works of charity and benevolence which had already done so much good to his native island. the ground on which sir james's church stands was his property; he made a free gift of it to the building committee, and subscribed one thousand pounds towards the construction of that place of public worship. he assisted in improving the salaries of the masters and mistresses of the parochial schools, and was principally instrumental in establishing the sunday school in the town parish. he founded an exhibition in elizabeth college, for the best classical and theological scholar. he gave three hundred pounds in the câtel parish, where his country seat was situate, for the payment of a salary to the mistress of the girls' school. he distributed at christmas, every year, warm clothing to the poor of every parish in the island, and, conjointly with the late dean, the rev. mr. durand, succeeded, after many fruitless attempts, in establishing a national school at st. peter port. it has been justly said that he considered the great wealth he possessed as "trust money," for which he would have to account to that being who had confided it to his care. sir james's residence being in guernsey, where he possessed both a town and country house, and considerable landed property, and where he found himself surrounded by the relations both of lady saumarez and himself, he was induced to visit england but seldom. after the hundred days' war, when the continental sovereigns came to london, he accompanied the prince regent and his august allies to oxford, and assisted in the ceremonies observed on that memorable visit. had hostilities continued, there can be no doubt that he would have had the command of the channel fleet, and it is worthy of remark that he was told, on making application for the victory as his flag-ship, that four or five admirals, who had sought employment, had applied also for that favourite ship, notwithstanding the howe, nelson, and st. vincent, new ships of one hundred and twenty guns, were ready for commission. sir james having been second lieutenant of the _same_ victory forty-seven years before he hoisted his flag in her, and being well aware of her excellent sailing qualities, will account for his desire for that ship to bear his flag, although it cannot be denied, that, having only one hundred guns, and her metal reduced to eighteen pounders on the middle deck, she was much inferior in force to those we have mentioned. the glorious victory of waterloo, however, put an end to all speculations on that subject; and sir james, having failed in an application for a similar reward to that conferred on others for his meritorious services, retired again to his native island. after sir james and lord nelson had returned from the mediterranean subsequently to the melancholy death of captain miller, they met at sir peter parker's at dinner, when sir james proposed that a subscription for a monument to captain miller's memory should be raised among the captains who fought with his lordship at the nile. this proposition was immediately adopted by nelson, who volunteered to promote it; and the following is a letter on the subject from nelson to saumarez, which we insert here because it did not come to our hands until after the first volume had been printed. my dear sir james,--i have written so fully to sir edward berry on the subject of dear miller's monument, that i can only repeat my words. sir e. berry thought that a plain monument would cost only _l._ and be sufficient to mark our esteem, to which i am ready to agree, provided we are to have the honour to ourselves. i mean we, who fought with him on the st of august ; but if it is judged better to admit those who fought with him on the th february , then i think that a less sum than _l._ would be highly improper for such a body to lay out on a monument. flaxman is to be the artist employed, and mr. davison, if he will take the trouble, the manager of the whole business; for permission must be obtained from the chapter of st. paul's, &c. &c. i wish we had all been off brest when the squadron sailed; we might have had the good fortune to have seen them. the san josef appears to answer very well; indeed, as far as we can judge at present, she is, take her altogether, the finest three-decker in this country. i am going, as you know, into the st. george, but i wish our northern matters could be accommodated; however, we must face all our enemies, and, i trust, make them ashamed of themselves. i know you have a lad of the name of bate on board; if you wish to part from him, i am bound to take him. with my best compliments to lady saumarez, believe me ever, my dear sir james, your most obliged and affectionate, nelson and bronte. to rear-admiral saumarez. although this letter has no date, it is clear that it must have been written just before the battle with the danish fleet at copenhagen in ; and it is evident that the merit of proposing a monument to the brave captain miller is due to sir james saumarez. he seldom ventured an opinion on political subjects: considering himself a "friend to the king," it did not much concern him who his majesty's ministers were, and his refusal to support either side was no detriment to his advancement during war, when his high character and skill as a naval officer ensured him an important command; but when peace came, and his services were no longer required, he was, like many other meritorious officers, thrown completely on the shelf. his son, the present lord, writes thus:-- although sir james was more than once offered a seat in parliament, he always steadily declined it, from the idea that he could render better service to his country by remaining free from politics; or if ever the time did arrive when he might become a senator, he was resolved that whichever house he entered he would be free and unshackled. on this subject sir james writes a few lines to his brother when in the temporary command of the channel fleet: what you hint of a seat in parliament has often occurred to me, but hitherto i should have found it an encumbrance. at some future period it may, perhaps, be more advisable; but you may rely on it that i never wish to have one without maintaining my independence, and being perfectly free and unbiassed by any party. we are well assured that sir james was decidedly against the catholic emancipation, although after he obtained a peerage he voted for the reform bill, being clearly of opinion that some reform of acknowledged and flagrant abuses was necessary. he did not, however, intend to go so far as many of his friends; he may be said to have nearly followed the politics of earl grey, after the retirement of whom he took no part in the affairs of the nation. at every change which occurred in the ministry, he sent a memorial of his services and claims, but without effect; and it is well known that he had a very unfruitful correspondence with the duke of wellington and other cabinet ministers. it was at this period that he suffered another indignity in being passed over, when the major-generalship of marines became vacant. the following extracts from letters from earl st. vincent will show his lordship's opinions on this subject. the first is to a friend. rochetts, th may . i feel very much for sir james saumarez. i have lost no opportunity of stating his high pretensions, which in my judgment are very far superior to any other upon the list of flag-officers. when i gain a little more strength i shall be glad to see him. the second is to sir james, my dear sir,--i cannot too highly appreciate the interest you take in a late event, and happy shall i be to greet you upon the reward due to your exalted and unrivalled services, a manifestation of which has on no occasion been let slip by your old and sincere friend, st. vincent. on the th of april , sir james, then admiral of the white, hoisted his flag on board the britannia as port admiral at plymouth. it was during his period of command that earl grey, who was fully sensible of the unhandsome and ungrateful manner in which he had been treated, visited plymouth, and when his health was proposed by sir james at the royal naval club openly announced his sentiments in the following words: i rise to offer my best thanks for the manner in which the president (sir james saumarez) has been pleased to propose my health, and for the assent which the gentlemen present have given to the gallant admiral's favourable view of me as a public character. i cannot but remind those about me of the merits of my noble friend--[then correcting himself, earl grey went on]--i wish i could call him my _noble_ friend (_noble_, i mean, in rank, as he is already _noble_ in mind)--i wish i could see him ennobled by his sovereign, as his services entitle him to be; for who would deny him that honour, who recollects the career which he has run from rodney's glorious day, the battles off cape st. vincent and the nile, down to his own brilliant exploits in the crescent and as commander-in-chief at algeziras, and not say, that if ever a name should or would have graced the peerage, it should have been that of saumarez? ralfe, in his naval biography, after alluding to the above speech, justly remarks,-- were it a matter of importance to adduce further proof of the high opinion entertained of sir james's abilities, we believe we might name nearly the whole list of admirals; for we never yet conversed with a single officer who was not loud in his praise, and who did not think the service neglected in his person. at plymouth, sir james received a visit from lord exmouth, with whom he had had no personal communication since the time when they both commanded frigates on the plymouth station. sir james struck his flag for the last time on the th of may , after a most glorious career of nearly sixty years. his reiterated claims were still disregarded. we have now arrived at the period when the great revolution in the affairs of the state brought earl grey into power, previously to which, his late majesty william iv. had ascended the throne; and one of the first and most popular acts of the "sailor king," who well knew the merits of sir james, was to wipe off that slur on the national gratitude, by raising him to the peerage. sir james having arrived in london, had communication with sir james graham, then first lord of the admiralty, after which he wrote as follows: london, th september . this morning, i had a long interview with sir james graham, who, i must say, is most favourably inclined towards me, and assures me that earl grey, with whom he has had frequent conversations, is equally so. i have an appointment with the latter to-morrow, but i do not anticipate any favourable result, and can only say, "god's will be done." we need scarcely add, that his application was successful; sir james was raised to the long-expected and well-merited dignity of a baron on the first of october . the following extract of a letter from lady saumarez to her son, describing the arrival of the first intelligence, we are sure will be perused with interest. saumarez, th october . i also remember, my dear james, that october is an eventful month to us all; that to-morrow is your wedding day, and sunday is your birth-day,--and you may be sure we shall not fail to keep them both in remembrance, in our prayers and warmest wishes, that they may ever be numbered among those marked _blessed_. our register has now to unroll a brilliant page, which, i trust, the same divine hand that inscribed it, will seal with that _stamp_. wonderful it is yet to me--so suddenly, so unexpectedly, did it come at last! i admit there is no excuse for my incredulity, except that of thinking your dear father had been so strangely deprived of his well-earned reward through the injustice of _man_ on so many occasions, _because_, far better things than _man_ could give were in store for him. and although i did not doubt, if any naval peers were created at the coronation, he would be one, i did not allow my thoughts to dwell upon it; and when the gazette arrived without his name, i gave it up altogether. you may therefore judge my surprise on wednesday morning, when a tap at my door announced betty williams, who, in breathless agitation, came to my bedside to say, mr. c. lefebvre was below, to inform me "sir james was made a lord!" when i joined him at breakfast, an hour after, he gave me so many interesting particulars which he had heard, that the account could not be disbelieved; but the entrance of two letters removed every shadow of doubt. the accounts from england of the reception of this event everywhere, from all classes and parties, have no parallel; and it seems to me as if the dignity had been deferred to prepare it for greater glory and additional lustre. we must indeed, as you say, be more than mortals if we could be unmoved at such things; they are so great that we have need to pray for a humble spirit to keep us from being "exalted above measure,"--and to make us remember that this donation is an additional "talent," which we are bound to use by our influence and example, in the cause of "whatever is holy, just, and of good report." when the intelligence was known to the inhabitants of guernsey, that the admiral had been raised to the peerage, by the title of "baron de saumarez of guernsey," all classes of the community fully manifested the pleasure they enjoyed at this signal honour; he being the first native of that island who had taken his seat in the house of lords. on the th october, , the bailiff officially announced the joyful news in his billet d'etat, in the following words: lord de saumarez. the elevation of one of our citizens to one of the highest dignities of the kingdom, cannot fail to inspire us with the most lively gratification. his majesty has rewarded, with the most distinguished honour, the eminent services which he has rendered to the country. guernsey, which, besides the public man, recognises in him all the virtues which adorn a private station, ought, on this happy occasion, to testify how sincerely she honours his character. to mark our esteem, the authorities of the bailiwick, at the head of the whole population, ought to crowd around him at his return and proffer their congratulations. i should fail in my duty to the states, were i to neglect affording them this opportunity. in reply to this address, the states unanimously agreed to meet at the court-house on the day after the arrival of lord de saumarez, at eleven o'clock in the morning, and thence to repair to the residence of their noble fellow-citizen, and felicitate him on his elevation to the peerage. lord de saumarez, after a tedious and stormy passage across the channel, arrived at guernsey late in the evening of tuesday, the th of october; but, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, the pier was crowded with people, who cheered him as he landed, and who attended him with every demonstration of joy to the carriage which was in waiting for him; and it was with much difficulty the people could be prevented taking out the horses. he was very much fatigued, having embarked at southampton on friday evening in the packet. on saturday morning, when in sight of alderney, a gale overtook the vessel, and the captain was obliged to bear up for weymouth roads, where he remained till monday; but his lordship had not recovered the effects of the storm: a night's rest, however, completely restored him. on the following morning ( th october) the states assembled at the court-house, and as soon as the names of the members were called over, the bailiff read the address, which he had prepared, and which was unanimously agreed to. and, after having ascertained that his lordship was ready to receive them, the states proceeded to his residence, where the address was delivered to him, surrounded by lady de saumarez and the members of his family then in the island. chapter xv. to . political opinions and conduct of lord de saumarez.--death of his second son.--his letter on that occasion.--anecdotes of his carriage being robbed.--of sweden.--the king of sweden presents him with his portrait.--count wetterstedt's letter and lord de saumarez's answer.--lord de saumarez's last illness and death.--his christian fortitude.--his professional character.--moral and religious character.--remarks and conclusion. after sir james's elevation to the peerage, he came during the session from his residence in guernsey to london, in order to attend his duty in parliament, but did not join any party in politics. we have already said that he voted for the reform bill, being fully convinced that some reform was necessary; but we know that he was firmly attached to the constitution and to the established church, and he may be said to have followed nearest to the opinions of earl grey, after whose retirement from office he did not appear in parliament. when the author paid his lordship a visit at tunbridge wells in the winter of , he found him much altered, and it was but too evident that his constitution was broken. in the summer of he had to deplore the loss of his second son (thomas), who died on the th of july, on which mournful occasion he wrote the following letter to his son. in the heavy affliction with which it has pleased the almighty to visit us, he has not left us without consolation; and our confidence in the divine mercy, and the hope that your beloved brother is removed to a better world, in the enjoyment of the blessed, through the precious merits of our dear redeemer, must tend to assuage our sorrow, and induce us to submit with due resignation to the divine will. it will be to me a source of the greatest consolation, as it must be to us all, my dear james, to have witnessed his meek and patient resignation during his severe illness. it has been to me, as yourself and your dear mary will readily believe, a most distressing and truly painful trial; but it has pleased god to support me through the whole of this sorrowful time far beyond what i could ever have thought myself to have been equal to, and i trust that your dear mother and beloved brother and sister will continue resigned to the will of providence. lord de saumarez's amiable disposition afforded him support under severe and unexpected losses of every description, of which the following anecdote is a proof. in the spring of he met with a loss on his journey to visit sir john orde at beckingham, which we will venture to say would have been borne in a very different way by many of his brother officers. his own carriage being under repair, he had borrowed one from the coachmaker, which could only take one trunk behind; in this trunk the female servant, who had lived a long time in the family, had deposited his valuable diamond star of the order of the bath, together with some costly jewels and trinkets belonging to lady de saumarez and her daughter. on their arrival at sir john's mansion at beckingham, it was discovered, to their utter consternation, that the trunk had been cut off by thieves and carried away with its contents, the value of which amounted to near _l._ sir james bore the loss with the most philosophic coolness; for, instead of finding fault with the servant for placing such valuable articles in so hazardous a situation, with his true habitual kindness, he used his utmost endeavours to soothe the distress she felt as having been the unintentional cause of the loss. information was immediately given at the police-office, but none of the property was ever heard of, excepting the trunk, which was found empty in a field by the road side. in sweden the name of saumarez will be for ever spoken of with gratitude and respect, and all strangers who visit that country are sure in their memoirs to mention the services which he had rendered. in mr. lloyd's book we find: to the good understanding which existed between count rosen and sir james saumarez, our admiral on that station, may be ascribed the flourishing trade which was afterwards carried on during a period of nominal war, and the re-establishment of peace between the countries which soon after followed. of sir james saumarez the inhabitants still speak in the highest terms of respect and regard, for his mildness and moderation in command, and for the attention he invariably paid to their numerous applications and wants. a tourist in sweden writes as follows: stockholm, nd jan. . to-day i shall again have the honour of dining with count wetterstedt. many, many inquiries were made after the health and happiness of the gallant and amiable lord de saumarez, whose name is beloved and respected throughout the whole kingdom. i landed at christiania and travelled by land within fifty miles of stockholm, and even the peasantry are familiar with my patron's excellent name and character, the great friend of sweden. in october , lord de saumarez received the last mark of royal favour from the king of sweden, who sent him a splendid full-length portrait of himself, which was forwarded with the following letter from the late highly respected count wetterstedt, then minister for foreign affairs at stockholm: stockholm, le d'octobre . milord, depuis longtems le roi mon auguste souverain vous avait destiné, milord, son portrait en pied comme un témoignage de son estime des services signalés que vous avez rendus à la suede dans les années - . divers incidens en avaient retardé l'expédition, d'autant plus regrettables au roi, que sa majesté avait appris l'intérêt que vous aviez attaché à ce souvenir de sa part. l'occasion opportune qui se présente maintenant de pouvoir embarquer ce portrait à bord du bâtiment à vapeur, le lightning, de la marine britannique, qui transporte ici monsieur de disbrowe, a été saisie par le roi, et j'ai l'honneur de vous annoncer en son nom que cette expédition vient d'être effectuée. en faisant placer sur ce portrait cette inscription, "charles xiv. jean, à james lord saumarez, au nom du peuple suédois," sa majesté s'est plue à transmettre à la posterité une preuve éclatante des souvenirs qui restent chez elle, et chez la nation qu'elle gouverne, des vues éclairées du gouvernement britannique à une époque à jamais mémorable, et de la noble loyauté que vous mites, milord, dans leur accomplissement. il m'est d'autant plus agréable, milord, d'être auprès de vous l'organe de ces sentimens de mon souverain, que je trouve une occasion d'y ajouter ceux de la haute considération avec laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'être, milord, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur, le cte. de wetterstedt. this portrait, which is the natural size of the illustrious donor, arrived safely at guernsey, where the author saw it, and can affirm that it is an excellent likeness of his majesty, who was always grateful for the services which lord de saumarez had rendered to his adopted country. not less so were the merchants in london, who were preparing a splendid piece of plate, which the noble admiral did not live to receive, but which was presented to his son, the present lord. we now approach the last days of this great and good man. he had yet another contest to encounter, and he entered upon it with that same moral courage, which, being founded on his trust in the almighty, had hitherto enabled him to overcome every difficulty, and to face every danger; he had yet another victory to achieve, in which he came off more than conqueror. we are now to behold him as no longer holding intercourse with earth, but rather standing on the confines of either world; not indeed as preparing to meet his god, for that had been the business of his whole life, but as ready to obey whenever his summons came. with the exceptions of occasional attacks of gout, which in general were more tedious than severe, he may be considered to have enjoyed a good state of health; but for the last three years his friends perceived that advanced age was gradually bringing on its debilitating effects. he was no longer able to walk with that firm commanding step, and that erect posture of body for which he had always been noted; but his mind retained its usual energy, and when he fell in with any of his old companions he would converse on the deeds of his more active life with all the vigour and animation of youth. notwithstanding he had nearly attained the latest of those periods assigned by the psalmist as the general boundary of human life, his children had still fondly hoped that he might yet have been spared a few years; neither had she, who for forty-eight years had been the joy and solace of his existence, and who had watched over him with the most sincere and devoted affection, any particular reason to think that they were so soon to be severed. a few weeks before his death, his increasing debility; attended with loss of appetite and inability of retaining food, excited some slight apprehensions, which, though not sufficient to cause alarm on the first appearance of those symptoms, led, as they increased, to the conviction that the system was decaying. on the th of september lord de saumarez seemed to have recovered his usual good looks, and appeared with the cheerfulness which, when in health, he always assumed. that day he received several friends, who congratulated him on his convalescence; but the members of his family who watched him most attentively, observed that he received their congratulations with distrust, as if conscious of his declining state; and, on their departure, calling one of them aside, he emphatically told him, that his looks were not to be depended on, for that he really felt ill. it is even said that he had already given directions to his confidential servants respecting some of the last duties. on the morrow his increased debility showed that his opinion of his own state was but too correct, and on the next day, which was sunday, he awoke, after an uneasy night, under the pressure of distressing symptoms. finding it was too late for his family to go to church, he requested they would read the service to him, and was afterwards much employed in meditation. it was now apparent that he was impressed with the belief, that the time of his departure was at hand, for he seemed as if taking a farewell of terrestrial objects and resigning his soul to his maker and redeemer. more than once he exclaimed, "i am the resurrection and the life, saith the lord; he that believeth in me, though he were dead yet shall he live, and whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die." "what comfort, _shall never die_," he repeated, in a manner which showed the hope he himself entertained of a blessed immortality. he was well acquainted with every page of the sacred writings, the perusal of a portion of which, including the psalms of the day, had for many years formed part of his regular employment, and it was now he felt the comfort which they inspired and the support which they afforded under the near prospect of death and the grave. monday brought no amendment; it was evident that nature was sinking, and his medical attendants no longer concealed their apprehensions of the result. those of his family, who had the privilege of attending him at this solemn period, while they were filled with sorrow at the prospect of losing one so deservedly dear to them, could not contemplate the calmness and composure with which he met the approaching change, without feelings of the most devout admiration. still seeking comfort from its only true source, heavenly themes were the prevailing occupation of his thoughts. "the lord," he said, "is my light and my salvation; of whom then shall i be afraid?" he also repeated from memory the rd and th psalms, together with some other parts of the holy volume. on the thursday, which may be considered as the last day on which he enjoyed the full power of speech and consciousness, his tongue was still employed in magnifying the god of his salvation: several times he repeated, "if god is for us, who can be against us?" sometimes adding, "who shall lay anything to the charge of god's elect?" once he said, "oh, my poor mind!"--"not a poor mind," was the reply, "but a rich one, stored as it is with such heavenly things:" when he meekly answered, "i have tried to make it so." the two following days he felt increased difficulty in breathing, and though only able to give occasional utterance to his thoughts, the constant joining of his hands, and the devotion of his countenance, showed that his understanding was still able to unite in the supplications which his family offered up in behalf of the dying husband and parent. his recollection, however, was gradually leaving him; for, on lady de saumarez approaching his bedside on the morning of saturday, he no longer recognised her; he appeared to be fast passing from this world to better and everlasting habitations. it was, as this excellent and truly christian woman acknowledged, more than mortal strength which enabled her to contemplate without a murmur the separation that was so soon to take place, and which raised her mind above the distressing scene before her, to find utterance in prayer for herself and for the departing spirit of her husband. she was not sensible that she was heard, till, a few moments after she had concluded, he distinctly said, in the metrical version of the nd psalm, "it was a joyful sound to hear." it is uncertain whether this alluded to the words of the prayer just uttered, or whether the almighty was already pleased to vouchsafe to him, as there is reason to believe he does to his faithful servants when approaching the great conflict, some assurance of his salvation, by admitting him to a distant sound of the hallelujahs of those blessed spirits which surround the throne. from whatever source sprung this sentence, dear and precious must it ever be to those who loved him; for these were the last words he distinctly pronounced,--the last sound of his voice in this world! the next day (sunday) was the th of october, a day which had been one of peculiar interest to him, being the birth-day of his eldest son, who was unfortunately prevented by a weak state of health, attended with bodily infirmity, which would not admit of his crossing the water in the stormy weather then prevailing, from being present at the dying bed of his beloved parent. his breathing now became very laborious, but his lordship was apparently at ease and free from pain. sometimes it was thought a degree of consciousness existed; for when at noon his second son, who had just arrived from england, appeared in the apartment and spoke, a slight movement of the body was perceptible. towards night the pulse rapidly declined, the breathing, which had been much relieved during the day, became gradually fainter, every limb was at rest, the whole body in repose, as if indicating the happy state of that spirit which was about to be resigned into the hands of him that gave it. a few minutes before midnight, the wise disposer of all things was pleased to close the mortal scene; the cessation of the act of breathing was the only sign of dissolution; and even at that moment his countenance bore an expression no language can portray; unimpaired by illness, or the course of nearly fourscore years, time seemed to have restored to his features and complexion the freshness and bloom of the prime of life. in beholding such a blissful termination of mortal existence, we have here a happy illustration of the words of the prophet, "the work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness quietness, and assurance for ever."[ ] [ ] isaiah, xxxii. . in order to form a correct estimate of the merits of the late lord de saumarez, his character should be viewed under the opposite relations of life--professional and domestic; and very few who have belonged to the navy, or indeed any service, have been more distinguished in either. rear-admiral sir jahleel brenton, bart. &c. now lieutenant governor of the royal hospital at greenwich, has given us the following sketch of his professional character, of which he must be admitted to be the best judge, having served several years as his captain under the most trying circumstances of his life. i had frequent opportunities of observing him in both characters, and knew not which to admire most--that perfect enjoyment which he seemed to possess in the bosom of his family; that peculiar faculty of giving and receiving happiness in the truly happy circle of which he was the centre--or that energy of character which led him with enthusiasm into active service, and which made the good of his country paramount to every other consideration. perhaps the most weary of all situations, to a naval officer, is, when placed in command of a squadron, watching an enemy's fleet, particularly on such a station as that of brest; and there my noble friend was severely tried, first, as a captain with a squadron under his orders, and afterwards as a flag officer. the rapidity of the tides, as well as their irregularity, and the constant heavy gales from the westward, render the service a most anxious one; and he indeed felt the full force of the responsibility; but the determined resolution with which he maintained his position, under the most threatening circumstances, gave the fullest assurance to the commander-in-chief, that this most important post was in able and sure hands. all his officers and crew had their regular portions of repose; but sleep to the officer charged with this immense responsibility was almost impossible during the night, and a few transient snatches of rest through the day, when danger could be seen or avoided, were all that could be obtained, and these enabled him to sustain the fatigue to which he was exposed. during the long winter nights, we could all observe the effects of this most trying situation upon the admiral's appearance, who, having alone the responsibility for the safety of all the ships under his command, suffered in proportion to its amount. it was, at the same time, a subject of general remark, how every trace of fatigue and anxiety instantly vanished on the arrival of a letter from his family. it would have been natural to suppose that, deeply as he felt the happiness of home, so in proportion would have been his distaste for a service that deprived him of it; but the moment that he was assured of the welfare of the objects of his affectionate solicitude, his countenance was lighted up by the utmost gratitude to the giver of all blessings, and he again devoted himself to the fulfilment of his arduous duties with renewed energy. it was frequently said by earl st. vincent, that when an officer of the navy married, he lost much of his value in his profession. there are, doubtless, many exceptions to that rule, and sir james saumarez was a most striking one; for i believe he was most powerfully stimulated to great and good actions, by the consideration of the share those dear to him would enjoy in their results. and, certainly, no energy whatever was wanting to get his ship, or squadron, ready for sea, or to proceed with the utmost despatch in the execution of his orders, however it might curtail the period of his domestic enjoyments; everything gave way to duty, and every possible degree of energy and zeal was brought into action for the execution of it. the lively sensibility, which formed so prominent a feature in the character of our lamented hero, was most remarkable. it was not only in the intercourse of private friendship and in acts of kindness and benevolence, that this feeling was evinced; but upon all occasions, public as well as private, he manifested how deeply his heart was engaged in events which might bear on the interests of his friends and his country. i well remember, when off the black rocks in april , his coming on board, from a visit he paid to the commander-in-chief, and bringing a newspaper, containing an account of the landing in egypt, and the attack on the danish fleet at copenhagen by lord nelson. he directed me to cause the hands to be turned up; but when they were assembled, his feelings had so completely overcome him, that he found it utterly impossible to read the account. many instances of this peculiar depth of feeling and goodness of heart might be enumerated. i shall only add, that he was most exemplary in his conduct, and most exact in causing all the offices of religion to be performed on board his ship, allowing nothing short of the most imperative duties of the ship to interrupt divine service! in conclusion, we must seriously recommend to our young readers, and particularly to those of the royal navy, to whom indeed the whole memoir is addressed, to read with attention the following remarks on the moral and religious character of the late illustrious and noble admiral. his lordship was a sincere christian, in the most exalted sense of the word; his religion was a strong principle, pervading every decision and action of his long and distinguished life. it was a principle emanating from a sound knowledge and love of scripture truth; those who were honoured with his confidence, and who saw him at all times, and under different circumstances, particularly in the hour of sickness and in affliction, can testify with what earnestness he turned to the great source of strength and consolation, with what warmth of feeling he spoke of the redeeming mercies of god in christ jesus; it was a theme to which he delighted to give utterance, and in a way which convinced those who heard him, that it constituted the firm, prevailing, comforting belief and support of his own mind and heart. a friend, who visited lord de saumarez during a severe illness, was deeply affected on hearing him say, that he had passed a sleepless night, not so much from the bodily sufferings he endured as from the painful reflection of the misery and danger of the multitudes who were living without god in the world, particularly those who were opposed to the gospel of christ, and that he had earnestly prayed to god on their behalf. it was a similar feeling which led him to employ himself with so much zeal, and such magnificent liberality for the erection of st. james's church in his native island: it owes its existence mainly to him. no sacrifice appeared too great to ensure the success of an undertaking which provided four hundred free sittings for the use of the poor population. more recently, in the same spirit, he became a bountiful contributor to another church, in a populous district of the island; and his last public act was laying the foundation-stone of that edifice. the multitudes who there saw his benign countenance, will not quickly forget the devotion which mingled with the performance of the ceremony. he ever liberally supported the schools and religious institutions; but indeed his charity was unbounded. in every case of public emergency, or of private distress, he was a sure refuge; and the hopes entertained of his assistance and sympathy were never disappointed. the success which attended his lordship in his profession, has proved that moral and religious worth, far from unfitting men for the naval service, only qualifies them the more for the right discharge of their arduous duties. no commander ever possessed in a higher degree the confidence of the navy, the respect of the community at large, and the love and veneration of friends and relatives; and surely it is not too much to add, that this homage was paid, not more to his professional skill and valour, not more to the eminent services he had rendered to his king and country, than to the christian excellency which ever adorned his life and actions. addenda. biographical memoir of lieut. general sir thomas saumarez. in adding the following memoir of this distinguished officer, who is a younger brother of the late noble lord, we feel confident that it will be read with interest, his services having been in some degree mixed up with those of his illustrious brother, in the prosecution of the american and the late continental war. the author having been intimately acquainted with sir thomas, and having for many years kept up a constant correspondence with him, has peculiar satisfaction in discharging this duty of gratitude to a friend for whom he had always the highest regard and respect, and to whom he materially owes his advancement in the profession to which he has the honour to belong. lieutenant general sir thomas saumarez entered the army in january , at the early age of years, when he purchased a second lieutenancy in the rd regiment or royal welsh fusiliers. he was at the taking of new york island, and assisted at the storming of fort washington and in capturing men. in april , he embarked on board transports with the regiment, and proceeded to destroy all the military stores and provisions the enemy had collected at danburg in the province of connecticut. he first distinguished himself in the action fought at this place, and in the actions of ridgefield and compo point. having obtained a lieutenancy in without purchase at philadelphia, he soon after was selected to serve in the company of grenadiers which was then attached to the brigade, composed of more than fifty companies of grenadiers. he was in the severe action fought at monmouth, in the jerseys, when the captain, and more than one-third of the company to which he belonged, were killed or wounded. his services were volunteered with the regiment to serve as marines on board lord howe's fleet, destined to attack the french fleet, under count d'estaing, at rhode island, very superior in size and weight of metal to the british: a dreadful storm arose when the two fleets were within gun-shot of each other, which prevented the engagement. in , he embarked and went up hudson's river to east chester, and ver plank's point, and was at the attack of fort la fayette and other fortified places, which surrendered. on the return of young saumarez to new york in september , he was strongly recommended by his commanding officer to general clinton, the commander-in-chief, and, in consequence, was permitted to purchase a company in the royal welsh fusiliers, although he was only years of age. the day following, he embarked with several regiments, under the command of earl cornwallis, with the intention of attacking several french west indian islands. a few days after leaving new york, a frigate hove in sight, the captain of which gave information to vice admiral arbuthnot, that two days before he had seen a large fleet of men-of-war, under the command of count de grasse, very superior in numbers to our convoy, and that he supposed the enemy to be within a day's sail of our ships. upon this the admiral made the signal for all the transports to return as expeditiously as possible to new york, where he disembarked. in december, our young officer embarked with many regiments, under the command of lieutenant general clinton, and sailed for south carolina, to besiege the city of charlestown, which surrendered on the th of may . soon after this, he was detached with men, under the orders of earl cornwallis, and after marching upwards of one hundred miles took possession of camden. at this place, our little army became so sickly that we had more than men in the hospital, which, with many detachments, reduced our number to less than effective men. the enemy being apprised of this, was induced to collect a force of more than men, with the intention of attacking and capturing our little army, under the command of general gates. on the th of august, lord cornwallis was informed that the americans were within twelve miles of camden, and consisted of six to one in numbers more than we had to oppose to them. upon this, his lordship considered it was too late to think of retreating to charlestown, and not wishing to abandon our sick in hospital, decided at once that, by attacking the enemy, we had a great deal to gain and little to lose. he accordingly issued an order to march at nine o'clock the same evening. about two hours after, the advance guards of the british and of the americans encountered each other, as the enemy had begun to march precisely at the same hour: after skirmishing some time, the firing ceased, and both armies waited most impatiently for the dawn of day of the th, when they formed, and immediately engaged; the americans at the same time detaching troops on both the flanks of the british, to prevent their escaping, under the expectation of taking the whole prisoners. on the other hand, the british marched coolly to meet the enemy, although under a very heavy fire of cannon and musketry, until they came within twenty yards of their opponents. here lord cornwallis took off his hat, which was a signal for the line to give three hearty cheers, advance, and, when within a few yards of the enemy, fire a well-directed volley and charge: this was done with such effect that the first line of the americans ran away and overset their reserve; the result was, that the british killed (mostly with the bayonet), wounded, and took prisoners more than they had men in the field, took seven pieces of brass cannon, waggons, full of all sorts of military stores, camp equipage, &c. about three weeks after this action, lord cornwallis, upon finding the greater number of the sick had left the hospital, issued an order for all the officers' baggage which could possibly be dispensed with to be destroyed immediately, as the little army was going by forced marches in pursuit of the enemy. the troops accordingly marched seventeen successive days, from five o'clock in the evening to eight or nine the following morning, oftentimes with a very scanty allowance, or no provisions, as it was through an exhausted country, without bread, (as the corn mills had been rendered unserviceable,) except some indian corn used by the cattle, and this corn was taken from the fields. the troops were without tents or any covering to shelter them from the intense heat and heavy rains peculiar to the climate. they had to ford frequently four or five rivers and creeks in a day; some of these were deeper than their waist, and so rapid, that the officers and soldiers found it requisite to tie and support each other. under these circumstances the men were frequently exposed to a most galling fire from the enemy, strongly posted: if a man was wounded, he was let go down the stream and drowned. during a march of miles through south and north carolina and virginia, the officers and soldiers were subjected to the greatest sufferings, privations, and hardships, which, (as lord cornwallis frequently observed in his despatches,) could not be possibly exceeded, their clothes being worn out, especially their boots and shoes. they were, moreover, almost without wine or spirits, having destroyed the greater part when orders were issued at camden to lessen the baggage as much as possible, which deprived the officers of the comforts they so much required, and which they had obtained with the greatest trouble and expense: for this sacrifice, they never received the smallest recompence. the officers having the rank of captain were allowed to ride on a march, but in consequence of a requisition made to lord cornwallis by colonel tarleton, commanding the cavalry, not only for the riding horses, but also for all the cart horses, which were most serviceable to mount his troopers, his lordship most reluctantly compelled every officer to deliver the best of the horses for the cavalry. the captains naturally lent their horses to the officers and men who might require them from illness or otherwise; it was soon found out that they could not be dispensed with, so that cast-off horses were substituted for those they had been obliged to give up. the little army being nearly exhausted with fatigue, the officers and men became most anxious that, instead of the minor actions and skirmishes to which they were frequently exposed, the enemy would collect all his force and give them an opportunity to fight and end their labours. on the th of march , lord cornwallis received intelligence that general green, with a force five times greater as to numbers than the british, was within ten miles. his lordship determined to attack them the day following, and put his little corps in motion at daybreak of the th of march. about noon, he fell in with the enemy most advantageously posted, and formed in three lines; the first, which was behind rails, kept up a most incessant fire, from four six-pounders and musquetry, upon the british troops as they advanced upon a ploughed field, which was very muddy from rain that fell the day before. notwithstanding all these disadvantages, they marched coolly to the americans without firing a musket until within a few yards, when they halted to fire a well-directed volley and charged. upon this, they had to encounter the enemy's second and third lines, which were attacked in the same manner and totally dispersed, leaving their four six-pounders, the only guns they had, in the field, which were bravely taken by the brigade of guards: these four six-pounders were soon after retaken by a charge from colonel washington's cavalry, and two of these guns were ultimately taken by captain saumarez, who had the command of the left wing of the regiment from the commencement of the action, after captain pater, who commanded the royal welsh fusiliers, was wounded in the early part of the engagement, and the left wing had been separated from the right wing when in pursuit of the first line of the americans. the other two six-pounders were also taken by colonel tarleton's cavalry: these four guns were all the americans brought into the field. the enemy's loss in killed and wounded was very considerable. the welsh fusiliers and most of the other corps of lord cornwallis's army had about one third of the officers and soldiers in the field killed and wounded, and most unhappily, during the action, the lighted paper of the cartridges set fire to the dried leaves, so that many of the unfortunate wounded, which could not be removed, belonging to the british and americans, were burnt to death. earl cornwallis mentioned in his despatches, "that the conduct and actions of the officers and soldiers that compose this little army, will do more justice to their merit than i can by words. their persevering intrepidity in action, their invincible patience in the hardships and fatigues of a march of many hundred miles, in which they have forded several large rivers and numberless creeks, many of which would be reckoned large rivers in any other country in the world, without tents or covering against the climate, and often without provisions, will sufficiently manifest their ardent zeal for the honour and interests of their sovereign and their country." this engagement was generally considered to be the hottest and bloodiest, as well as the best fought throughout the war.[ ] the army marched from guildford the th of march for wilmington, where it arrived the th of april. at this place the officers and soldiers fortunately were enabled to supply themselves with a small quantity of wine and spirits, with which they had been without for some months, also with tea and sugar and some clothing, of which they began to be in the greatest need, in consequence of having been compelled to destroy the greatest part of their baggage twice for the good of the service, since they arrived at camden in june . [ ] the action of july . on the th of april , he marched from wilmington, north carolina, for petersburg, virginia, a distance of miles: here he arrived on the th of may, after undergoing the greatest privations and hardships, which lord cornwallis deplored, and felt the distresses of his little army so much that he became very ill with a fever, which prevented the possibility of his lordship's sitting a horse, and made it indispensably requisite for his being conveyed in a waggon over mountains, rivers, and creeks. on the th of july the troops marched from williamsburg, the capital of virginia, for james town, near which place there was a river three miles wide, which the army had to cross. on the th, the baggage of the army passed over the river, and some of the troops. the day following, lord cornwallis received intelligence that the marquis de la fayette with americans were within a short distance of the british, with the intention of destroying the rear guard: upon this, his lordship prevented the main body of his little corps from embarking, and placed it in ambush behind a high hill to wait the attack of the enemy. about four o'clock in the afternoon, the americans began to attack the piquets, which had orders to sustain their ground as long as possible; in consequence, several officers and soldiers were wounded: at length the main body of the enemy formed in front of the british, when the latter, after receiving the repeated discharges of the former from two six-pounders and musquetry, advanced, with the greatest impetuosity, fired a volley and charged, which completely dispersed the americans, who were pursued until dark, the enemy leaving the two pieces of cannon and more than killed and wounded on the field. another hour of day-light would in all probability have prevented a single man of the americans escaping. earl cornwallis was so well pleased with his little army, that in his despatches he mentioned, that he could not sufficiently commend the spirit and good behaviour of the officers and soldiers. on the th of july the little corps marched for portsmouth, and arrived at york town and gloucester on the th of august, when orders were issued to fortify both places as well as practicable. the welsh fusiliers were directed to erect a redoubt on the right flank of the town, more than five hundred yards in advance, there being a ravine between york and the position allotted. lord cornwallis declared that the fusiliers would have to defend this post. on the th of september, french troops under the command of count rochambeau, and american troops under general washington, with a large french fleet of ships of war, made their appearance, with the avowed intention of besieging the army under earl cornwallis, consisting of only men fit for duty: officers and soldiers were wounded and sick in hospital. the night following, the enemy broke ground within three hundred yards and continued their approaches. on the th of october, french grenadiers made a most vigorous attempt to storm the right advanced redoubt, and were bravely repulsed by only officers and soldiers of the royal welsh fusiliers, and marines. two other attempts were made by the french to take the redoubt, which proved equally unsuccessful. for the gallant defence made by the troops in the right redoubt, they received the particular thanks of earl cornwallis, and also the most flattering testimonials of approbation and of admiration from the general officers of the army, for their intrepid conduct during the siege, and upon all other occasions. even the french general officers, after the termination of the siege, gave the welsh fusiliers their unqualified praises for their firmness and courage in repulsing the three attacks made by such vastly superior numbers on the redoubt, and could not be easily convinced that so few men defended it. captain saumarez was the second officer in command in the advanced right redoubt. on the th of october , the garrison of york town capitulated. lord cornwallis having ordered that one captain and three subalterns of each regiment be required to remain with the prisoners, the captains drew lots, when captain saumarez proved so unfortunate as to be the one to remain with the regiment, in order to visit the non-commissioned officers and soldiers very frequently; to be an eye-witness of their treatment; to take care that the quantity and quality of the provisions issued to them were conformable to the terms of the capitulation; to distribute clothing and necessaries, and also to be of every other use and benefit to them in his power. on the th of october, he marched from york town with the regiment, and arrived on the th november at winchester, in the back settlements of virginia, where the soldiers were confined in barracks, surrounded with a stockade. the th of january , he marched with the regiment and a part of lord cornwallis's army from winchester, through the state of maryland to lancaster in pennsylvania, where they arrived the th following. the cold was so intense during the march, which proved so harassing and fatiguing, that many of the men were frost-bitten, and many others suffered exceedingly. the nd of june , captain saumarez and the other twelve captains[ ] taken prisoners with the army under earl cornwallis, were ordered by the american congress and general washington to assemble at lancaster, in pennsylvania; and to draw lots, that one might be selected to suffer death by way of retaliation, when the lot fell on sir charles asgill, who was in consequence conveyed under a strong escort to the american army, stationed in the jerseys, the place fixed upon for his execution. here he remained in prison for six months, enduring the greatest hardships, expecting daily that his execution would take place. the manner adopted for drawing lots, was by placing the names of the thirteen captains in one hat, and in another twelve blank pieces of paper, beginning with the names one by one, and by each piece of paper, until the paper was drawn upon which was written the "_unfortunate_." it may be observed that captain asgill had to pass through philadelphia, where the congress was assembled; and he being attended voluntarily, and most humanely, by major gordon, of the th regiment, the senior officer of the british troops prisoners of war, he made it his business to wait upon the french ambassador, and desired in the most impressive manner his excellency's interference with the congress, to prevent the execution of captain asgill. the ambassador refused complying with the entreaty, but it was thought he afterwards relented, as he was seen going to congress; and that his remonstrances, together with the strong representations of the captains, who wrote and applied in the most decided manner to general count de rochambeau, who commanded the french troops in besieging york town, had the effect of at least suspending the sanguinary intentions of congress and of general washington, to put captain asgill to death, until the government and the queen of france, to whom application had been made to interfere in his behalf, and if possible save his life, were ascertained. the only reason alleged for the above transactions, was, that a rebel captain named huddy, who was patrolling with americans, fell in at night with another patrol of royalists commanded by captain lippencott, who was taken prisoner by huddy, and who, without trial or any other cause but his being a loyalist attached to the british army, hung poor lippencott. the latter's brother, shortly after this most infamous occurrence, was patrolling and took huddy prisoner, upon which, to retaliate for the murder of his brother, he executed huddy. the above transactions were made known to the thirteen captains whilst prisoners on parole, and credited by them. they were also informed very frequently, that general washington had often declared, that of the two events of his life which grieved him and that he lamented most, one was his not having done his utmost to prevent the thirteen captains taken by capitulation drawing lots. [ ] brigade of guards:--earl ludlow, sir charles morgan, captains eld, greville, asgill, and perrin. captain saumarez, rd, or royal welsh fusiliers. captain coote, th regiment. captains graham and barclay, th regiment. captains arbuthnot and hathorn, th regiment. captain ----, name unknown. captain saumarez being the senior officer of the british troops, during the time they were prisoners at winchester and at york town, in pennsylvania, had the charge and superintendence of men, stationed at each of these places during nineteen months, which caused the greatest anxiety, and often-times the utmost distress. in consequence of his unremitting zeal and exertions upon this arduous service for the comfort and welfare of the soldiers under his superintendence, as well as to prevent their deserting to the enemy, from whom they received every enticement to do so, he was frequently offered passports and encouragements to go to england, and abandon the soldiers, by the american authorities; but flattering himself that he was most useful to them, and being impelled by a sense of public duty, he voluntarily continued a prisoner on parole, until, in may , he had the satisfaction at the end of the war of conducting the first division of the army to new york, where upon his arrival he was honoured in obtaining the thanks and approval for his conduct from sir guy carleton, the commander-in-chief, and also from the field officers of the royal welsh fusiliers. soon after his arrival within the british lines, he was permitted to embark for england. on landing at portsmouth, he had the mortification of hearing he had been placed on half-pay, in consequence of the army having been reduced, although he had fought in three general actions, several skirmishes, and two sieges, since he purchased his company in . having repeatedly offered his services, he was preferred to a company in the royal welsh fusiliers in , upon the augmentation of the army, and when war was expected to take place; but was unfortunately reduced three months after, as the peace continued. in , he was appointed to a company in the th or royal fusilier regiment, and joined it in scotland: soon after he embarked at leith for gibraltar, to join his colonel, his royal highness prince edward, who was pleased to form a company selected from all the bad and worst-behaved soldiers in the regiment, and appointed captain saumarez to command and take charge of them: some time after this, he was honoured with his royal highness's best thanks, for the reformation he had caused in the conduct and discipline of these men, and for doing this without corporal punishment. the duke was pleased to honour him with the appointment of equerry, and afterwards of groom of the chamber to his royal highness. in , he embarked with the regiment for canada, and soon after this he was permitted to go to england. in , on the declaration of war with france, he offered his services to raise a regiment, when mr. secretary dundas and major general thomas dundas, the latter being appointed to command-in-chief at guernsey, earnestly solicited him to accompany the major general to the island, on account of his knowledge of the language, the laws, and customs of the island, and of its inhabitants; and being informed that the enemy meditated to attack it, he was induced to accept the appointment of major of brigade to militia of the island: he besides voluntarily did the duty of the quarter-master-general's department to the troops. he also had the superintendence and examination of all strangers as they landed, which enabled him to cause many disaffected persons and rebels from ireland to be apprehended: he had the selection and appointment of pilots to the ships of war requiring them, and otherwise rendered himself as useful as possible to the public service, without additional pay or emolument whatever, for the space of five years, and until the arrival of russian troops, when he was appointed assistant quarter-master-general, and, upon four french corps arriving in the island, he was appointed their inspector. mr. secretary dundas, and mr. windham, secretary at war, were pleased to confide to him the secret correspondence with the enemy's coast, from havre to brest, when he obtained intelligence of the utmost importance, for which he repeatedly received the thanks of his majesty's ministers. in , he was deputed to carry an address from the states of the island, on the marriage of his royal highness the prince regent; and on this occasion major general small, who was the lieutenant-governor and commander-in-chief, was pleased to recommend his services in so strong a manner to the king's ministers, that he had the honour of being knighted. in he was promoted to be inspector of the militia of the island, in which situation he continued to serve until june, , when he obtained the rank of major general.[ ] [ ] in the year , when the author was acting lieutenant of h.m.s. weasle, he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner in one of the boats, and was on the point of falling a sacrifice to the injustice of those in power at st. malo, when sir thomas, who had the care of the french prisoners at guernsey, being aware of his situation, sent in conjunction with the governor, the late sir hew dalrymple, an offer to the prefect at st. malo of forty men for his exchange, which, although it had not the effect of procuring his liberty, was certainly the cause of saving his life, at a period when the execution of a fellow-creature was a matter of little moment; and the author soon after found means to escape. in february , sir thomas was appointed commandant of the garrison at halifax, nova scotia; and in august he had the honour of going as president of the council, and to command in chief the province of new brunswick. in july , he returned to halifax, and soon after he embarked for england. before his departure from new brunswick, his majesty's council presented him the following address: "to his honour major general sir thomas saumarez, late president and commander-in-chief of the province of new brunswick. "the address of his majesty's council. "fredericton, th july . "sir, "the unsettled state of the government in new brunswick has long been a subject of general regret in the province, where the changes of president have occurred no less than nine times in the course of seven years. but although the period of your honour's administration in particular has been short, it will not be soon forgotten; it has made a lasting impression on the minds of all such as have had opportunity to observe, and justly to appreciate, your vigilant and unwearied attention to the duties of your station, and your constant ambition, by every means in your power, to promote and secure the prosperity of the colony committed to your care. his majesty's council therefore request your acceptance of this address, not as a mere compliment, but as a sincere tribute of respect and esteem; which, together with their best wishes, they offer in the confident assurance that, on this occasion, they speak the sentiments of the province at large." sir thomas saumarez, who had long been the senior lieutenant general in her majesty's army, was advanced to the rank of general at the coronation of her most gracious majesty queen victoria. sir thomas has almost constantly resided in his native island, and no one has done more in promoting its improvement. those who have visited guernsey with an introduction to him, and even perfect strangers, will gratefully remember his hospitality. he was long the highly esteemed friend of her present majesty's illustrious father, his royal highness the duke of kent; and he is no less esteemed for the urbanity of his manners and kindness of heart. the author can testify, that those who know sir thomas saumarez have a sincere and invaluable friend. biographical memoir of captain philip de saumarez. the deeds of this brave and meritorious officer, who was the uncle of the noble lord whose memoirs we have recorded in these volumes, would probably have been buried in oblivion, had not some official documents been discovered, of which we have gladly availed ourselves in presenting to the public a more full and authentic account of his glorious career than has hitherto been given. philip de saumarez was the third son of mathew de saumarez of guernsey, and anne durell, born at guernsey th of november . at an early age he was removed from his native isle to a grammar school at jersey, where he continued under the immediate patronage of his aunt, lady de carteret, till the age of eleven, when with the view of making himself a proficient in mathematics and classics, as well as of acquiring the english language, which at that period was but partially spoken in these islands, he was sent to southampton, and there placed under the care of mr. isaac watts and mrs. kinsman. that he made considerable proficiency in learning, and employed the short time which in those days was devoted to education, preparatory to entering the service to advantage, may be justly inferred, if we may judge from the style of his letters, and from the precision and accuracy which mark the astronomical observations to be found in his journals. at southampton he remained about two years and a half, when he met with his uncle captain james durell, of the royal navy, a brave and distinguished officer, who took him to greenwich, with the view of placing him in the royal navy, which he was soon after able to accomplish. mr. philip de saumarez commenced his naval career on the th of february , under captain charles kendal, in his majesty's ship weymouth of fifty guns, then attached to the baltic station, from whence she returned in november. in the spring of the year , she was ordered to the nore to attend his majesty george ii, then going to holland, and in the month of august she sailed for gibraltar and the mediterranean station. on the st december , he was removed from the weymouth to the gibraltar of twenty guns, commanded by the hon. george byng, who was succeeded by captain john stanley, with whom our young officer served till the th december , on which day he joined captain byng in the princess louisa, of sixty guns, and sailed under his command till the th july , when captain byng, having been appointed to the falmouth of fifty guns, removed into the latter ship, and took mr. de saumarez with him, who had now served the necessary time, and had received flattering testimonials from his respective captains. captain byng mentioning that he was deserving of promotion, he obtained leave to go to london to pass his examination, which he did on the th of october , at which period he had served above six years and seven months. after passing, he immediately rejoined the falmouth, and continued to serve two years longer as midshipman and master's mate. he now became extremely anxious for that promotion to which his services and excellent conduct so justly entitled him. he therefore returned home to apply for it, receiving a very strong certificate from captain byng, dated th june . in august following he arrived in london; and several officers, among whom capt. saunders appears to be foremost, having recommended him for promotion as a most deserving officer, he was placed on the admiralty list, being appointed as midshipman and subsequently as master's mate to the blenheim, of ninety guns, bearing the flag of admiral cavendish. having arrived at the west indies, he was appointed to the dunkirk on the jamaica station, anxiously waiting for promotion. he was above two years in that ungenial climate, where his health became much impaired before he received his commission. several letters he wrote to his friends express his extreme desire to obtain it, as will be seen by the following short extract: " th january --i wish i had it in my power reciprocally to enhance our satisfaction by acquainting you with my advancement; that period has not yet arrived; fortune seems in regard to me to be at a stand, and i find that i am obliged to fill the chasm by a constant perseverance of patience: probably this season may prove more auspicious, and i am in hopes of shortly seeing some revolution to my advantage." the season after did indeed prove the fatal effects of the climate, on which subject he thus writes to his brother: "we have undergone a severe season this summer, heat being excessive, attended with calms that rendered it insupportable; this has occasioned a great mortality, and made death quite familiar to us, it being the usual thing to attend the funeral of the friends we conversed with the day before. though this made us a kind of mechanic philosophers, (if i may use the term,) i do not observe that it contributes towards rectifying the morals of the inhabitants here, or making us better christians." on the th of august , he at last succeeded in obtaining his long-expected promotion as lieutenant from admiral digby dent, commander-in-chief at jamaica. this pleasing intelligence was communicated in a letter to lady carteret, dated the th of october , which mentions that he was appointed lieutenant of the kinsale of forty guns, and that the admiral signed his commission only three hours before his death. on the th july, he was removed from the kinsale by the commander-in-chief, but on the nd of august he received his confirmation from the admiralty to the diamond, which confirmed also both the former. he returned to england in october , when he visited his friends in guernsey and jersey, and recruited his health, which was naturally delicate, and had been seriously impaired by the west indian climate; but the imperious demands of active service soon called him away. it was in this year that the memorable voyage round the world was projected, and shortly after the command was given to commodore anson, who had the privilege of selecting the officers who were to serve under him on that interesting and important enterprise, when mr. saumarez was chosen as second lieutenant of the centurion of sixty guns, his own ship; besides which the squadron consisted of the gloucester, fifty guns, captain norris; the severn, fifty guns, captain legge; of the pearl, forty guns, capt. mitchell; of the wager, twenty-eight, captain kidd; and the tryal of eight guns, captain e. murray; besides the centaur store-ship and two victuallers, the anna and industry pinks. from numberless delays injurious to the expedition, it was not before the th of september that the commodore was able to leave st. helen's, and proceed on his intended voyage. as the account of the proceedings of commodore anson has been published in almost every naval history as well as in the biographical memoirs of that illustrious navigator, it need not be repeated here, and we shall therefore confine ourselves to the part in which the conduct of lieut. saumarez was conspicuous. lieut. saumarez in was made acting commander of the tryal, in the place of lieutenant saunders, who was appointed to the vacancy occasioned by the death of captain kidd, but who from ill-health was not in a state to be removed from the centurion. in this situation he remained seven weeks, during which time he gave proofs of his consummate skill during a period of excessively inclement weather. captain saunders, on his recovery, assumed the command on the th february, when he returned to the centurion as first lieutenant. the following account given by lieutenant saumarez of the action with the spanish galleon, off manilla, cannot be read without much interest. it is dated on board the centurion, . "i shall run over briefly the dates of our voyage, and give you a rude sketch of our proceedings: to enlarge on particulars would exceed the limits of a letter. "you will recollect our squadron left england on the th september . we had a tedious passage of forty-one days to madeira, the usual one being ten; to this accident several secondary ones succeeded, as loss of time, and the season proper for navigating the southern seas, and declining health of the men, especially the soldiers. we stayed a month at this island, employed in watering, and taking in our stock of wine. it is highly probable that we narrowly escaped a squadron of the enemy, which were discovered from the mountains, cruising off the west end of the island, and which, if the commanders had behaved like disciplinarians, might have intercepted us, and it would have fully answered the designs of the spanish court if they had disabled us from pursuing our voyage, which must have been the consequence of an engagement. they had also the advantage of being double our number; but, leaving them to their reflections, we pursued our course, and crossed the line and tropic without any remarkable accidents occurring, excepting that fever and fluxes began to attack us, especially the soldiers; and in forty-four days we arrived at the island of st. catherine, on the coast of brazil, on the th march . "we stayed at st. catherine's twenty-eight days, employed in recovering our sick, who lived on shore in tents, and in making preparations for doubling cape horn in a tempestuous and advanced season. "we sailed hence on the th of january , and soon after began to meet with uncertain, stormy weather, in which the tryal sloop lost her mainmast, and was towed by one of the squadron; the rest separated from us, but as our rendezvous was at st. julien's, a port on the coast of patagonia, or, as others term it, terra magellanica, in ° ' south, we rejoined them there, by which we heard of pizarro's squadron, from whom we narrowly escaped off pepy's island. we stayed here eight days, employed in putting all our lumber on board the store-ship, and were in hopes of meeting with the spanish squadron. "the coast here is a sulphureous and nitrous soil, abounding with salt lakes, but destitute of verdure, shrub, tree, or fresh water, and seems the seat of infernal spirits; nor indeed was there the trace of any animals, besides seals and birds. we here took in salt and refitted the sloop. "captain kidd's death made a revolution by promotion amongst us, and i was appointed first lieutenant of the commodore; but my predecessor, to whose command the sloop descended, was taken dangerously ill, and became incapable of taking possession of his charge. i was ordered to take the command until his recovery; and here i must confess to you, i was sanguine enough to flatter myself with the same addition of good fortune, some favourable crisis in my behalf: but i was born to be unfortunate. "we sailed hence on the th of february : my station was a-head of the squadron, to keep sounding and make timely signals of danger. "the th of march we discovered the entrance of the strait of magellan, and on the th passed through the strait le main, lying at the extremity of terra del fuego, between that and staten land. "this day was remarkably warm and favourable, and though in latitude ° ' south, we began to look on the conquest of the peruvian mines and principal towns in the pacific sea as an amusement, which would naturally occur. from this time forward, we met with nothing but disasters and accidents. never were the passions of hope and fear so powerfully agitated and exercised; the very elements seemed combined against us. i commanded the sloop at the time of the separation of the ships that returned home, being stationed to look out for islands of ice; and had to endure such fatigue from the severity of the weather, and the duty which the nature of the service necessarily brought on me, that really my life was hardly worth preserving at the expense of such hardships. our own ships had several miraculous escapes, which, in the obscurity of the night and the violence of the weather, often endangered foundering the sloop. "having had the command of the sloop several weeks, i was at length superseded by her proper captain, who had recovered on board the commodore's ship; and i returned to my post. "during this time, the scurvy made terrible havoc among us, especially the soldiers, who, being either infirm old men or raw inexperienced youths, soon lost their spirits, grew sick and disabled, and from the stench they occasioned, contributed to infect our seamen. "this distemper is the consequence of long voyages, and exhibits itself in such dreadful symptoms as are scarcely credible, viz. asthma, pains in the limbs and joints, blotches all over the body, ulcers, idiotism, lunacy, convulsions, and sudden death. nor can the physicians, with all their _materia medica_, find a remedy for it equal to the smell of turf, grass, or a dish of greens. it is not my province to account for what is a matter of much doubt and perplexity even to the most learned, but i could plainly observe that there is a _je ne sais quoi_ in the frame of the human system, that cannot be removed without the assistance of certain earthy particles, or, in plain english, the landsman's proper aliment, and vegetables and fruits his only physic. for the space of six weeks we seldom buried less than four or five daily, and at last it amounted to eight or ten; and i really believe, that, had we stayed ten days longer at sea, we should have lost the ship for want of men to navigate her. "at length we arrived at the island of juan fernandez, in the south sea, after having had several imminent dangers of shipwreck on the coast of chili, off which the nature of our rendezvous required us to cruise, in hopes of rejoining the squadron. "we anchored here on the th june , as we subsequently learned, just ten days after the departure of a spanish ship of war, which was sent by the admiral of these seas to gain intelligence, himself having cruised with his squadron of four sail a considerable time, in hopes of meeting with us, well judging the condition our ships might be in. you will be surprised to hear that in a sixty gun ship, on our arrival at this island, we mustered but seventy-two persons, including officers and boys, capable of appearing on deck; the rest being all sick, having lost since our leaving england, which includes nine months. "we were joined by the gloucester and tryal sloop, (vide anson's voyage, p. ,) the crews of which vessels had suffered still more, so that had there been an experienced enemy to have dealt with us, they might have made a very easy conquest of us all. but, 'whatever is, is right.' they gave us time to recover our spirits and rally our forces, for which we visited them afterwards and shut up their ports. "i shall not attempt a description of this island at present, but only tell you it is the most romantic and pleasant place imaginable, abounding with myrtle trees, and covered with turnips and sorrel. its bays, teeming with all kinds of fish, seem calculated for the reception of distressed seamen. we stayed here three months, employed in refitting our ships, and restoring the health of the sick, and this without any loss of time to us, it being the winter season, in which, from april to september, navigation is judged unsafe by the spaniards. in the beginning of this month (september) we were agreeably surprised by the sight of a sail, to which we immediately gave chase, slipping our cable; but night intervening, we lost her. we soon after fell in with another, who was her consort, of tons, and much richer, having about , _l._ in money on board, besides a cargo, which would have been valuable (being chiefly sugar) could we have brought it to a proper market; but in these parts it is a misfortune that nothing but money is truly valuable, having no ports whereat to dispose of anything. here i commenced captain again, in the tryal's prize, having twelve guns, besides swivels, with thirty men, and had a separate cruise ordered me with captain saunders. (vide anson's voyage, p. .) she was a ship he had taken in the sloop, which then proved so leaky and disabled in her masts by a gale of wind, that she was sunk, and her prize commissioned in her room. as nothing appeared on our station, which was to leeward of valparaiso, we had no opportunity of exerting ourselves. we next proceeded along the coast of peru, and took two prizes, both very valuable to the spaniards, the one being loaded with ship timber, and the other with iron bars, but to us of no great service; by the latter, (viz. the nuestra senora del carmin, tons of cargo, value , dollars,) we had information of a rich vessel in the road of paita, bound to lousuata on the coast of mexico, the money being still in town. this was a chance worth pursuing; and having arrived off the port in the night, we sent in all the boats manned and armed, with fifty men, surprised and took the town with scarcely any resistance or loss, except one killed and one wounded on our side; the inhabitants abandoning their houses, and retiring to the neighbouring mountains. "this event happened on the th of november . (vide anson's voyage, p. .) we kept possession of the town two days and a half without any disturbance from the natives, and, having plundered it, set it on fire, but spared the two churches. "we found here about , _l._ besides jewels; there was much more, but the inhabitants carried it off. we sunk two galleys and two snows, and carried away with us the small ship that was to have carried the money. we departed hence on the th, and some days after joined the gloucester, which had been ranging the coast, and intercepted some vessels, though not so valuable as ours. we then proceeded along shore, burning some of our prizes, which proved dull sailers, and arrived at the island of quibo, th december , a delightful uninhabited place, abounding with wild deer and other refreshments. having watered here with all imaginable expedition, we sailed hence on the th december, with a design to cruise off acapulco, on the coast of mexico, for a rich ship that was expected from manilla, on the island of luconia, in the east indies. "there is a yearly ship whose cargo amounts to an immense sum, and could we but have had a favourable passage thither, she must indubitably have been ours; but we were disappointed, having been seventy-nine days in effecting a passage which has been performed in twenty, meeting with a long series of calms and uncertain weather. hence we arrived five weeks too late, and therefore hoped to speak her on her return, which generally is in march; she would then have been laden with money to purchase another cargo. we cruized off this port and the coast of mexico two months, at a distance not to be discovered from the shore, and having intelligence, by a boat we took, of the day of her sailing, we made no doubt of her being ours. we were five sail in all, with our prizes, and lay at three leagues distance from each other, and ten from the port. during this time we lived on turtle, which we caught daily in our boats. our squadron described a half moon, our boats being at the same time three leagues from the shore within us to watch the port. the disposition was so just and regular, it was impossible she could have escaped. i was so curious as to calculate my share, which would have amounted to , _l._; but providence ordained it otherwise. "i should have told you that that ship mounted sixty guns. having cruised till our water was almost all expended, and having an enemy's coast whereon to replenish, we were obliged to depart, but left a boat behind to watch her motions. after many searches, we found a convenient bay for watering called chequetan, where sir francis drake had refitted. we sunk and burnt all our prizes, in order to cross the great southern ocean, and, with the gloucester in company, go to the east indies. we learned afterwards that this rich ship was detained, having had information from the coast of peru of our being on the coast. we left acapulco on the th of may ; and here begins another series of misfortunes and mortality surpassing the first. we had a passage of three months and a half to the ladrone islands, which is generally made in two; yet it was a vulgar opinion amongst our people that we had sailed so far as to pass by all the land in the world! length of time and badness of the weather rendered both our ships leaky; this, joined to our mortality, the scurvy raging amongst us as much as ever, obliged us to destroy the gloucester, which ship was ready to founder, and receive the men on board, who were all sick and dying. it is impossible to represent the melancholy circumstances wherein we were involved previous to our arrival at these islands. we anchored at one called tinian, uninhabited, but abounding with wild cattle, hogs, fowls, and fruits: we could not have fallen in with a better place. i am convinced, had we stayed out ten days longer at sea, we should have been obliged to take to our boats, our leak increasing so fast, and our people being all infirm and disabled. we immediately sent all our sick on shore, and began to hope for better times, feeding plentifully on roast beef, when an accident fell out, on the nd september , which nearly ruined us all. "my post as first officer generally confined me on board the commodore, whilst most of the officers and men were on shore for the recovery of their health, when a storm came on and rose so mountainous a sea as none of us ever saw before. the ship was in danger of being pooped as we lay at anchor; at last we parted both our bower-cables and drove out to sea, with the sheet-anchor hanging in the hawse, a whole cable and three quarters of another out (excuse these barbarous sea terms), and narrowly escaped driving on a ledge of rocks, that was near, and leaving the commodore and all the rest behind. the ship, by her labouring in such a troubled sea, made so much water that i was in doubt whether she would not have foundered; our ports and the guns were but ill-secured, owing to the suddenness of the storm, which also upset the long boat. under these circumstances we drove to sea with one hundred men and boys on board, not knowing whether i should not at last be a captain in spite of my teeth. in this manner i drove seventy leagues, and was fifteen days before i recovered land, beating up against a fresh trade and the current. the commodore, you may imagine, was overjoyed at my return, as were all the rest. they were very busy in building a vessel to carry them all to china, as they preferred venturing to sea in it to remaining in an uninhabited island, or to be exposed to the cruelty of the spaniards who live in the neighbouring islands, the commodore concluding that either the ship was lost, or that i should never be able to beat to windward. at last, after many hazards, we sailed on the nd of october , and met with a tolerably good passage to the island of macoa, a portuguese settlement on the coast of china, where we arrived on the th november, having buried one hundred and sixty men since our leaving acapulco, or four hundred and twenty since we left england, including indians and negroes, whom we detained as prisoners." commodore anson arrived at macoa, and having careened and repaired the ship, and been reinforced by some lascars or indian sailors, and by some dutchmen, he sailed from macoa on the st may, giving out that he was bound to batavia, captain saunders of the gloucester having gone to england in a swedish ship; but when fairly at sea he made known to his crew that he was going to cruise off manilla for the purpose of intercepting the two galleons expected there, one of which he ultimately took on the th june, just a month after they arrived off the station, after a severe action, in which the galleon, which was called the nostra signora cabadonga, commanded by general don jeronimo de montivo, had sixty-seven killed and eighty-four wounded, while the centurion had only two killed, and a lieutenant and sixteen men wounded. lieut. saumarez, who had highly distinguished himself in this action, was now made post captain of the prize, which he safely conducted to canton. she had on board , _l._ in specie, besides property estimated at , _l._ which was destroyed; he had now therefore obtained his rank, and a considerable share of prize money. on the th of december , they sailed from canton, and arrived in england, to be welcomed by their families and friends, on the th june , after an absence of four years, wherein they had endured hardships of every description. captain saumarez went to bath for the recovery of his health. he subsequently served in the sandwich, york, and yarmouth: in the york he encountered a heavy gale, in which his superior seamanship was severely put to the test. he was subsequently removed to the nottingham, of sixty guns, and on the th october fell in with the mars, a french sixty-four gun-ship, with five hundred men, commanded by m. de colombe, being one of the ships that had separated from d'anville's fleet in the storm off newfoundland. she was returning to brest. the nottingham had sixty guns and four hundred men. after an engagement of two hours within pistol shot, in which the mars had twenty-three killed and nineteen wounded, she struck. on board the nottingham only three men were killed and nine wounded, which was attributed to the superior seamanship of the captain, who obtained an advantageous position in the battle. captain saumarez had been often heard to say that his highest ambition was to fall in with an enemy of equal force, and on this occasion his honourable feelings were completely gratified. he received congratulations from all his friends, and particularly from the lords of the admiralty, who expressed their highest approbation of the skill and courage he displayed on this occasion; but his mild, liberal, and generous treatment to a vanquished enemy was no less conspicuous in this instance than his bravery; it was indeed one of the strongest traits in his character. on this subject he received the following letter from the secretary of the admiralty:-- "the chevalier de crenay, late captain of the mars, having taken notice to the lords of the admiralty, in a letter their lordships received from him and his officers and company, i am commanded to let you know, that your civil treatment of them after they were taken, has been no less satisfactory to their lordships than your resolution and success in taking them. "i am, sir, &c. &c. "thos. corbett, sec." a letter from chevalier crenay himself is written in the strongest terms of gratitude and regard; after enumerating many civilities, he declares that every article had been restored, even to a box of porcelain, and that his officers and men all joined in offering their grateful thanks. it may be added, that captain saumarez did all in his power to obtain captain crenay's exchange. the mars was carried into plymouth, and being found worthy of repair, was, from the representation of captain saumarez, taken into his majesty's service: she was nearly tons larger than the nottingham, and found afterwards to be an excellent ship. captain saumarez' ship was speedily refitted, and on the rd may , he joined lord anson's squadron, which obtained a complete victory over the french fleet, commanded by m. jonquière, taking six men-of-war and three east indiamen. after the engagement, the nottingham, with two more ships, was detached to pursue the convoy, and had the good fortune to capture four very valuable vessels from st. domingo. captain saumarez afterwards cruised under admiral warren, and on the th of september following he was ordered to join admiral hawke: he remained with that officer until the th october, when the admiral came up with a french fleet, commanded by monsieur de l'etendiere, off cape finisterre, which he defeated, and took six of the enemy's ships; but the tonnant, an gun ship, with the intrepide, , having escaped, captain saumarez, with the yarmouth and eagle, immediately gave chase to them. having come up with the tonnant, although the nottingham was so unequal in size and number of guns, he gallantly engaged her before the other two english ships joined. after about an hour's close action, a shot from the enemy put an end to the existence of this brave officer, who, during his whole life, had served his king and country with honour and zeal; he died lamented by all those to whom he was known. the following is an extract from the rear-admiral's despatch: "having observed that six of the enemy's ships had struck, and it being very dark, and our own ships dispersed, i thought it best to bring to that night, and seeing a great firing a long way astern of me, i was in hopes of seeing more of the enemy's ships taken in the morning; but, instead of that, i received the melancholy account of captain saumarez being killed, and that the tonnant had escaped in the night, with the assistance of the intrepide, who, by having the wind of our ships, had received no damage that i could perceive."[ ] [ ] ships taken:--le terrible; le monarque, ; le neptune, ; le trident; le fougueux, ; le severn, . the last will of captain philip saumarez is an interesting document, inasmuch as it portrays his true character as an officer and a christian, impressed with the uncertainty of human life, and almost anticipating the glorious fate which ultimately befel him; and as it is also replete with piety, morality, gratitude, and the other virtues which adorn the life of a hero, we shall conclude this memoir with some extracts taken from the original, which begins thus: "i, philip saumarez, commander of h.m.s. nottingham, from a reflection of the uncertainty of human life in general, particularly when engaged in a military profession: in order therefore to face death cheerfully, whenever duty or nature shall call upon me, i hereby dispose of whatever providence has blessed me with, in the following manner: "to my honoured mother, i bequeath the sum of _l._ to be paid after my father's death, and until then to remain at interest; if she dies before him, to be divided equally among my eldest brother john's children. "to my sister anne, _l._ to my sister elizabeth, _l._ "to my brother john, _l._ all my silver plate, and a diamond ring, formerly belonging to lady carteret. "to my niece and godchild, carteret saumarez, my brother john's daughter, i bequeath _l._ "my brother matthew saumarez, _l._ and all my books; and to his daughter, _l._ "my brother thomas saumarez, _l._ with all my linen, liquors, furniture, and apparel. "my brother-in-law, philip durell and his wife, i bequeath _l._ each, their fortunes being sufficient: his wife to buy mourning. "to my aunt durell, at westminster, _l._ "my aunt sauvaine, _l._ to buy mourning. "mr. solomon durell, _l._ "to my worthy friend james wallace, commissioner of the victualling office, _l._ "to my steward, _l._ besides a suit of mourning; and to my other servants, _l._ each. "in case i am killed in action, or die whilst i command the nottingham, to the three lieutenants a suit of mourning each, which i beg they will accept; and to mr. surroude, my chaplain, i bequeath the sum of _l._ in regard to his large family; and to mr. redley, my clerk, the sum of _l._ for the trouble of making up my accounts. "to admiral anson and sir peter warren, i desire they will accept a mourning ring each, my executors to lay out _l._ in each ring; and to the former i recommend my brother tom. "i likewise desire that _l._ may be laid out to purchase a handsome monument, made in london, to the memory of my late aunt, the lady carteret, to be erected in the church where she is interred, and a due epitaph, enumerating her exemplary virtues and life, to be inscribed on it in french and english, and recorded to posterity; and this i desire my brother john will see duly performed, as well as my other executors, with expedition; this piece of gratitude to her memory having been neglected by all her relations. "in case it should not be attended with any inconvenience, the surgeon to preserve and embalm my corpse, to be interred in a military manner on shore, in whatever port the ship may put in; and the surgeon to be presented with _l._ for his trouble. i bequeath to my brother officers, captains thomas coates, martyn, keppel, rodney, and timothy brett, a mourning ring of _l._ value each; the same to mr. logie, first lieutenant of the nottingham. "to the poor of the parish in the island of guernsey, where i was born, _l._ to be distributed: the remainder of what fortune i may have to bequeath, to my honoured father. and i do hereby constitute and appoint my worthy friend pussey brook, esq., james wallace, esq., and my eldest brother john saumarez, esq., executors of this my last will and testament, revoking all former wills by me heretofore made. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and seal, at sea, this th day of june, and in the twenty-first year of the reign of our sovereign lord george the second over great britain, france, and ireland, &c., and in the year of our lord . "philip saumarez." (l.s.) "signed in the presence of, robert richards, master. alexander gray, gunner." the wishes expressed in the will of this brave officer were implicitly complied with; his body was embalmed and sent to plymouth by the admiral, in the gloucester, commanded by captain durell, (afterwards admiral durell,) his brother-in-law, and was buried in the church at plymouth with military honours. a neat tablet is erected in the said church, with the following inscription: "near this place lies the body of philip saumarez, esq. commander of h.m.s. nottingham. he was the son of matthew de saumarez, of the island of guernsey, by anne durell, of the island of jersey, his wife, families of antiquity and respectability in those parts. he was born th november , and gloriously but unfortunately fell by a cannon-ball, th october , pursuing the ships of the enemy that were making their escape, when the french were routed by admiral hawke." out of respect to his memory, his brothers and sisters caused a plain monument to be erected to him in westminster abbey, with the following inscription: "orbe circumcinto, "sacred to the memory of philip de saumarez, esq., one of the few whose lives ought rather to be measured by their actions than their days. from sixteen to thirty-seven years of age, he served in the navy, and was often surrounded with dangers and difficulties unparalleled: always approving himself an able, active, and gallant officer. he went out a lieutenant on board his majesty's ship centurion, under the auspicious conduct of commodore anson, in his expedition to the south seas: he was commanding officer of the said ship when she was driven from her moorings at the island of tinian. "in the year , being captain of the nottingham, a sixty gun ship, he (then alone) attacked and took the mars, a french ship of sixty-four guns. "in the first engagement in the following year, when admiral anson defeated and took a squadron of french men-of-war and indiamen, he had an honourable share; and in the second, under admiral hawke, when the enemy, after an obstinate resistance, was again routed, in pursuing two ships that were making their escape, he gloriously but unfortunately fell. "he was the son of matthew de saumarez, of the island of guernsey, esq. by anne durell, of the island of jersey, his wife. "he was born november th, ; killed october th, ; buried in the old church at plymouth, with all honours due to his distinguished merits; and this monument is erected, out of gratitude and affection, by his brothers and sisters." appendix a. the first of the de sausmarez (saumarez) family found on the public records of the metropolis, is nicholas, the son of matthew de sausmarez, who in made application for a confirmation of his rights and prerogatives as formerly enjoyed by his ancestors, and whose son thomas was lord of the _seigneurie_ of sausmarez in the year . thomas married colishe, daughter of nicholas fonachin, bailiff of the island of guernsey, and had two sons and two daughters; one of whom, michael, inherited the estate, and was succeeded by his eldest son john, who in was jurat of the island of guernsey, and married margaret, daughter of james guille, then bailiff. john was succeeded by his son thomas, also a jurat of the royal court, who married rebecca hancock; and the property descended to his son, likewise a jurat of the royal court, who married bertrand, daughter of cardin fautrart: he was succeeded by his son thomas, who married martha nicholi, and does not appear to have been of any profession. his only son, michael, who was married to charlotte, daughter of james le marchant, jurat of the royal court in , became the next heir, and was succeeded by matthew de sausmarez, his only son, who was the eleventh in the direct line since the year . this matthew was born at guernsey on the th june , was colonel of militia of the island, and married anne, daughter of john durell, esq. lieutenant-bailiff of the island of jersey, on the st of january . by this, his first wife, he had--first, john de sausmarez, who was born on the th january , and died th april . he was attorney general in the island of guernsey; and married first, martha, daughter of daniel delisle, esq. of guernsey, and the lady who repossessed the estate, which had become the property of john andros, in right of his wife, judith de sausmarez. the second son died an infant. the third son was philip de sausmarez,[ ] born on the th november . he was first lieutenant with commodore anson, and commanded the nottingham , when that ship captured the mars, french . anne married captain philip dumaresq; elizabeth, margaret, and magdalen, died unmarried. matthew saumarez was the fourth son; he was born on the th october ; and was the father of the late lord de saumarez. he was drowned on his passage to england in march . thomas, the fifth son, born th april , is particularly mentioned in the commencement of this work. william, the sixth son, was born th april , and died in the east indies; and michael, the seventh and last son, was born on the th october , and died an infant. [ ] see a biographical notice of this distinguished officer, page . we now come to the brothers and sisters of the first lord de saumarez, children of matthew, the fourth son, already mentioned as remarkable for his urbanity of manners and hospitality, particularly to strangers. by his first wife, daughter of thomas dumaresq, esq. of jersey, matthew saumarez had issue susannah, an only child, who married henry brock, esq. of guernsey: by his second wife, carteret, daughter of james le marchant, esq. he had a numerous family. first,--anne, the eldest daughter, was married to isaac dobree, esq., and is now living a widow: she has four daughters, all married. charlotte, second daughter, married nicholas peter dobree, rector of st. mary. mary, the third daughter, is unmarried. carteret, fourth daughter, married peter lihou, esq. colonel of militia. philip, the eldest son, was a lieutenant in the royal navy, and died at gibraltar, . john, the second son, surgeon-general to his majesty's forces on the island, became heir to his father; he married judith, daughter of william brock, esq. sister of harriet, wife of sir thomas. james, was the third son, and first lord de saumarez. sir thomas, the fourth son, was born at guernsey, st july , and entered the army at the age of .[ ] he married harriet, daughter of william brock, esq. of guernsey. [ ] see a separate notice of this distinguished officer in page . appendix b. the action off dogger bank. "fortitude, at sea, th august . "sir, "yesterday we fell in with the dutch squadron, with a large convoy, on the dogger bank: i was happy to find i had the wind of them, as the great number of their large frigates might otherwise have endangered my convoy. having separated the men of war from the merchant ships, and made the signal to the last to keep their wind, i bore away with the general signal to chase. the enemy formed their line, consisting of eight two-decked ships; ours, including the dolphin, consisting of seven. not a gun was fired on either side until within the distance of half-musket shot; the fortitude being then abreast of the dutch admiral, the action began and continued with unceasing fire for three hours and forty minutes: by this time our ships were unmanageable. i made an effort to form the line, in order to renew the action, but found it impracticable; the bienfaisant had lost her fore-topmast, and the buffalo her fore-yard; the rest of the ships were not less shattered in their masts, rigging, and sails. the enemy appeared to be in as bad a condition; both squadrons lay a considerable time near each other, when the dutch with their convoy bore away for the texel. we were not in a condition to follow them. "his majesty's officers and men behaved with great bravery, nor did the enemy show less gallantry. the fortitude was extremely well seconded by captain macartney in the princess amelia, but he was unfortunately killed early in the action; lieutenant hill has great merit in so well supporting the conduct of his brave captain. "as there was great probability of our coming into action again, captain macbride very readily obliged me by taking command of that ship, and i have appointed mr. waghorne, my first lieutenant, to the command of the artois. this gentleman, although much hurt in the action, refused to leave my side while it lasted. captain græme, of the preston, has lost an arm. "inclosed, i transmit a list of the killed and wounded, and an account of the damage sustained by the ships. "the enemy's force was, i believe, much superior to what their lordships apprehended; and i flatter myself they will be satisfied that we have done all that was possible with ours. "i am, sir, "your most obedient and most humble servant, "h. parker. "p.s. the frigates this morning discovered one of the dutch men-of-war sunk in twenty-two fathoms water; her top-gallant masts were above the surface, which captain patton has struck and brought to me on board: i believe she was the second ship of the line of guns." * * * * * return of killed and wounded on the action of the th of august . _english fleet._ ships' names. guns. men. killed. wounded. total. fortitude bienfaisant berwick princess amelia preston buffalo -- --- --- _dutch fleet._ ships' names. guns. commanders. killed. wounded. admiral generaal com. j.s. kinsbergen admiral de ruyter rear-admiral zoutman hollandia capt. dedel erfprins " j.s. van braak batavier " j.w. bentinck admiral piet hein " w. van braam argo " e.c. staringh medenblik " d.g. rynveld no returns. --- --- --- --- from the most authentic accounts, however, the dutch were known to have lost , men, although their published report was for only half that number. appendix c. dutch account of the action off dogger bank. "sunday, august th, , at break of day, between the hours of three and four in the morning, we saw a great number of strange ships to the n.n.w. of us; we got everything ready for an engagement: the wind was n.e. and our course was n.w. we made the signal to form the line of battle at a cable's length distance from each other as we advanced. the ajax cutter, captain count wilderen, came up in the mean time to make a report that the fleet he saw was a convoy of the enemy, which had sailed on the th through the sound, escorted by eleven english men-of-war and four cutters. at seven o'clock the ships-of-war hoisted their english colours, among which was a vice-admiral's flag, and bore down upon us, their convoy remaining to windward. i made the signal to tack, and we came up thus in order of battle, and took our station to the e.s.e., and ordered our merchantmen to the westward. we saw that the eight english men-of-war that bore down upon us in a line, were sixty, seventy-four, ninety, and one of forty guns. at eight the english vice-admiral being abreast to windward of me, they turned with us, and the action began. at that instant the fire was very brisk on both sides, and the whole line was engaged. i was constantly and very briskly cannonaded by two large ships. the engagement lasted till half-past eleven, and was very bloody. our ships, mine included, were greatly disabled, and received so much damage that they could not be worked any longer. the english admiral must have equally suffered, for he wore to the eastward. at noon we took down the signal to engage, and bore away to the westward to repair our ships as much as possible, all being extremely crippled by the constant fire of so long an engagement. we perceived also that the english vice-admiral tacked about half-past twelve with his ships, and stood to the n.w., where he remained floating to repair also their damage. among their ships we saw also a three-decker, whose main topmast fell by the board. "we found ourselves at noon in fifty-five degrees, fifty-six minutes n. and consequently the point of ternaus in norway, n.n.e. / n. thirty leagues from us. all the ships-of-war were become unserviceable: we made the signal for the convoy to run it, with the frigates the medenblik and venus, and put themselves according to circumstances out of danger, to avoid being taken, or falling into the hands of the enemy. "in bearing away the batavier, whose mizen-yard was turned upside down, and who had lost her mizen topmasts, she almost fell on her side: one of her officers cried out to us her captain was wounded, and the ship so disabled she was no longer manageable. i sent two frigates to assist and take her in tow; but before they could come up with the batave, she drove before the wind, and came up to us. "captain kinsbergen sent a boat with captain abreson and captain staring to report their situation, and that they were much crippled. i told them that as soon as we should be a little refitted and able to manage the ships, i would make the signal to return to port. captain dedel made the signal of being greatly damaged; captain van braam that he was much embarrassed. i made the signal for the zephyr frigate to come alongside. she reported having spoken to captain van braam, and that his ship had some shots under water; i sent her off immediately to give all possible assistance to captains van braam and dedel. "in the mean time captain dedel fired guns of distress, and steered his course southward towards the coast of holland. i made the signal for captain van weenzel to come to speak to me, and i despatched him to assist captain dedel, with orders to stay with him and to seek a port. between four and five p.m. i made signal to sail, upon which all the ships near us repeated the signal to captain kinsbergen, and bore away as well as they could with what they could make use of. i came near to captain van braam, who cried out to me that he had several shots under water; that his ship made much water, but was now much diminished by the help of the pumps. in the evening we saw all the ships under sail with us. "the admiral de ruyter has many killed and wounded, and is, as well as the ships in general, damaged in their hull, masts, and rigging; but i hope, with the help of god, we shall be able to gain a port of the republic. "i send this despatch by count de welderen, who can in person make a more ample report to your serene highness. "i have the honour to commend myself to the gracious protection of your serene highness; and to subscribe myself with respect, "your serene highness's "most humble and obedient servant, "j.a. zoutman." "dated on board the admiral de ruyter, th august , kykduyn, bearing south eighteen miles from us. "n.b. all the officers and men on board the ships displayed a constant courage, fought like lions, as well as my own people, all of whom, i am extremely well satisfied with, from all the information i have received at present." appendix d. letter written by h.s.h. the stadtholder, addressed as follows. "noble, respectable, virtuous, well-beloved, and trusty subjects!--we have learnt with the highest satisfaction that the squadron of the state under rear-admiral zoutman, although much inferior in ships, guns, and men, to the english squadron of vice-admiral parker, did, on the th instant, so valiantly resist its attack, that the english fleet, after an obstinate engagement, which lasted from eight in the morning till half an hour past eleven, was obliged to cease firing and retire. the heroic courage with which rear-admiral zoutman, the captains, officers, and subalterns, common sailors, and soldiers, concerned in the action, and who, through the blessing of almighty god, so well discharged their duty during the engagement, merits our particular approbation and praise; therefore we have thought proper, by this present, to write, to thank publicly, in our name, the said rear-admiral, captains, officers, subalterns, sailors, and soldiers, by causing it to be read on board every ship which partook in the action, and whose captains and crews fought with such valour; and that an authentic copy of it be delivered by the secretary of the fleet to the state, as well as to the said rear-admiral zoutman, as the commander of the ships under his orders with whose conduct the said admiral has reason to be satisfied; further testifying that we doubt not that they, and all the officers of the state, sailors and soldiers, will, on every occasion that may offer, give proofs that the state wants not defenders of their dear country and its liberty; and that the ancient heroic valour of the batavians still exists, and will never be extinct. "wherefore, noble, respectable, virtuous, and well-beloved subjects, we recommend you to the divine protection. "your affectionate friend, "g. pr. d'orange." appendix e. by richd. kempenfelt, rear-admiral of the blue. "you are with the utmost despatch to proceed with his majesty's ship under your command to barbadoes, and if any ships-of-war are there, you are to deliver to the senior officer one of those letters addressed to the commander of any of his majesty's ships, acquainting him that you have one to the same purpose to the commander-in-chief, following such directions as he may think proper to give you. "if none of his majesty's ships should be at barbadoes, you are then to inform yourself where the commander-in-chief is, and proceed with all diligence in quest of him. "you are carefully to avoid coming near any vessel you may see on your passage. "you are to communicate to all king's ships you meet with, or others of our nation, as also to all governors of islands you may touch at, the intelligence you are charged with, in order to its being as speedily and generally dispersed as possible. "richd. kempenfelt. "dated on board his majesty's ship victory, "at sea, th december . "to capt. saumarez, h.m.s. tisiphone." (circular letter.) "sir,--having fallen in on the th instant (ashurst bearing n. sixty-one degrees e. distance fifty-three leagues) with a squadron of the enemy's ships-of-war with about two hundred transports, having on board , troops, , of which, the prisoners i have taken inform me are designed for the west indies, with such ships of the line as are marked in the enclosed list, i have therefore thought it expedient to despatch this intelligence to you. i am, sir, your obedient servant, "r. kempenfelt." "to the senior officer," &c. list of ships of the line with the french convoy (agreeing with admiralty intelligence). guns. la bretagne capt. mons. le comte de guichen. l'invincible . le majestueux " mons. le comte de rochoin. le royal louis " mons. de bausset. le terrible . la couronne " mons. de la mothe piquet. go as far as madeira, then to cadiz. le triomphant capt. le marquis de vaudreuil. le pégase . le magnifique . l'actif . le dauphin royal . le bien-aimé . le zodiaque . le brave . le robuste . to separate off madeira with convoy for the west indies. le fendant . l'argonaute . le hardi } jamaica fleet. l'alexandre } bound to the east indies with , troops. le lion . l'indien . to go to cadiz with de guichen. appendix f. admiral rodney's letter. "on the th of april i received intelligence that the enemy were embarking their troops on board the ships-of-war, and concluded that they intended to sail in a few days. captain byron of the andromache, an active and diligent officer, watched their motions with such attention, that on the th inst. at day-light he made out the enemy's signal of coming out and standing to n.w. i instantly made the signal to weigh, and having looked into the bays of fort royal and st. pierre, i made signal for a general chase, and before day-light came up with the enemy under dominique, where both fleets were becalmed, and continued so for some time. the enemy first got the wind, and stood towards guadaloupe. "my van division, under that gallant officer sir samuel hood, received it next, and stood after them. at nine the enemy began to cannonade my van, which was returned with the greatest briskness. the baffling winds did not permit part of the centre division to get into action with the enemy's rear till half-past eleven; and then only the ship next me in line of battle, &c. the enemy's cannonade ceased upon my rear's approach, but not before they had done considerable damage to the ships in the van, and disabled the royal oak and montague, &c. "the night of the th inst. the fleet lay-to to repair their damages. the th they continued to turn to windward under a very easy sail, the enemy continuing to do the same; and always had it in their power to come into action, which they cautiously avoided, and rendered it impossible for me to force them in the situation they were in, between the saints and the island of dominique. "on the th, the enemy having gained considerably to the windward, and the wind blowing a fresh steady gale, i made the signal for a general chase to windward, which continued the whole day; and towards sunset one of the enemy's ships, damaged in the late action, falling to leeward, the count de grasse bore down with his whole fleet to her protection, which brought him so near that i flattered myself he would give me an opportunity of engaging him next day. with that view i threw out the signal for the form of sailing, and stood with the whole fleet to the southward till two in the morning, then tacked, and had the happiness, at day-light, to find my most sanguine desire was near being accomplished, by my having it in my power to force the enemy to battle." note from lord rodney's narrative contained in a private letter. "the th of april and the th were employed in endeavouring to bring the enemy to battle, and on the th, late in the afternoon, the enemy bore down to protect two of their own ships, who were in danger of being cut off. this brought them to the position the admiral wished; he instantly issued orders to sail during the night in the order of sailing; to put out all lights; to stand to the southward till two in the morning, and then the whole fleet to tack without signal. this deceived the enemy, who had no conception that the british fleet should be so near them at day-light: we instantly formed the line of battle on our starboard tack, the enemy formed theirs on the larboard tack, and had made the signal to wear; but the nearness of the british squadron prevented its being put into execution; and the british fleet taking the lee gage, the admiral made the signal to engage and close." list of the french fleet commanded by the comte de grasse in order of battle th and th april, . white and blue squadron. _first division flag, half white half blue at the fore._ ships. guns. le souverain le commandeur de glandive. l'hercule " la clochetterie. l'auguste " bougainville. le northumberland " de saint cézaire. _second division, half white half blue at the main._ le zélé[ ] chev. gras. preville. le duc de bourgogne commandeur espinose. le conquérant " de la grandière. le marseillois " lombard. [ ] disabled on the night of the th, and returned to guadaloupe. _third division, half white half blue at the mizen._ l'hector[ ] com. la vicomté. le césar[ ] " marigny. le magnanime " comte le besgue. le diadème . white squadron. _fourth division, white at the fore._ le glorieux[ ] com. comte d'escar. l'eveillé[ ] " rilly. le sceptre " comte de vaudreuil. [ ] taken on the th of april. _fifth division, white at the main._ le languedoc com. d'arros. la ville de paris {le comte de grasse {com. la villeon. la couronne[ ] " comte de mithon. [ ] joined at st. kitt's. _sixth division, white at the mizen._ le réfléchi com. chev. de boades. le s. esprit " marquis de chabert. le scipion " grimouard. le palmier " martelli. blue squadron. _seventh division, blue at the fore._ le jason[ ] com. chev. de villages. le destin " goimpy. le citoyen " comte d'ethy. le dauphin royal[ ] " montpéroux. [ ] not in the fleet on the th. _eighth division, blue at the main._ l'ardent[ ] com. gourillon. le triomphant[ ] " marquis de vaudreuil. le neptune " de touches. le bien-aimé[ ] . _ninth division, blue at the mizen._ le caton[ ] com. comte de fremond. le brave[ ] " marquis d'amblimont. la bourgogne " champmartin. le pluton " d'albert de rions. _frigates attached to each squadron._ white and blue squadron. l'experiment com. de langle. la sagittaire " la villebrune. la résolue " la pérouse. la hypocrite . le cornwallis . la concorde " launay tromlin. l'engageante " la taille. white squadron. le richmond . la médée com. marquis de kerquiron. l'iris . le clairvoyant " le grass simeront. la galathée . blue squadron. la friponne l'astrée[ ] la cérès[ ] l'amazone le fier and le minotaure armé en flute. [ ] not in the fleet on the th. total, thirty-four sail of the line, two of fifty guns, thirteen frigates, seven armed brigs, two fire-ships, and one cutter. the ville de paris had , men on board at the commencement of the action on the th. list of swedish officers on board the french fleet on the th april . le conquérant lieutenant blessing. le magnifique montell. le destin toll. le glorieux baron rebinder. le sceptre baron cederström. la couronne baron palmquist. la ville de paris rosenstein. le languedoc wergus. l'auguste hohenhausen. le northumberland {nauckhoff. {tornquist. le palmier lieutenant brunmark. le souverain baron rayalin. le hercules zachan. l'astrée (frigate) schults and deborabur. _memorandum of the author made at carlscrona in ._ captain tornquist said, that after the russell gave the northumberland her first broadside, the helm was put up, and a great number of the crew ran from their quarters; the couronne bore up also at the same time, and left the ville de paris, which had exchanged broadsides with several ships, but was never closely engaged but by the russell. he says that the barfleur did not fire a shot at the ville de paris. squadron sent under command of rear-admiral kempenfelt, to intercept the french west india convoy, which had sailed from brest, under m. de guichen, december . names. guns. commanders. victory {kempenfelt, r.a. of the red, {captain cromwell. britannia capt. james bradby. queen " hon. f. maitland. duke " sir walter stirling. ocean " george ourry. namur " john dalrymple. edgar {john elliot, commodore. {captain thomas boston. alexander capt. lord longford. couragueux " honourable charles phipps. valiant " samuel c. goodall. agamemnon " benjamin caldwell. medway " henry harmood. renown " john henry. arethusa " sir richard pearson. monsieur " honourable w.c. finch. la prudente " honourable wm. waldegrave. tartar " robert m. sutton. tisiphone fire-ship james saumarez. french fleet under m. de guichen, when it fell in with admiral kempenfelt, on the th of december . names. guns. commanders. la bretagne com. le comte de guichen. le majestueux " le comte de rocheaut. le royal louis " m. de beausset. l'invincible le terrible la couronne " mons de la motte piquet. le triomphant[ ] " mons. de vaudreuil. le pégase le magnifique l'actif le dauphin royal le bien-aimé le zodiaque le robuste le fendent le brave[ ] l'argonaute le lion l'indien l'alexandre armée en flute. le hardi do. do. [ ] taken on the th of april. a list of the british fleet in the action of the th and th april , commanded by sir george bridges rodney, bart. k.b. _red division._ ships. guns. men. commanders. killed. wound. royal oak[ ] capt. t. burnet alfred " w. bayne montague " g. bowen yarmouth[ ] " a. parry valiant[ ] " s.c. goodall {sir s. hood, rear-adm.} barfleur {of the blue } {capt. john knight } monarch " f. reynolds warrior[ ] " sir j. wallace bellequeux " a. sutherland centaur " i.h. inglefield magnificent[ ] " robert linzee prince william " a. wilkinson {e. affleck, esq. com.} bedford {capt. thomas graves } ajax " n. charrington repulse[ ] " t. dumaresq [ ] came from england with sir g.b. rodney. [ ] joined the fleet off antigua. _white division._ ships. guns. men. commanders. killed. wound. canada capt. hon. w. cornwallis st. albans " c. inglis namur " r. fanshawe {sir g.b. rodney, bart. } { admiral of the white. } formidable[ ] { capt. sir charles douglas,} { bart. } { capt. j. symonds. } {lord cranstoun, volun. } duke capt. a. gardner agamemnon " b. caldwell resolution " lord r. manners prothée[ ] " c. buckner hercules[ ] " h. savage america " s. thompson _blue division._ russell capt. james saumarez prudent " a. barclay (not in action.) fame[ ] " r. barber anson[ ] " w. blair torbay " lewis gideon prince george " w. williams {f.s. francis drake, esq.} princessa { rear-adm. of the blue } {capt. c. knatchbull. } conqueror[ ] " g. balfour nonsuch " w. truscott alcade " c. thompson arrogant[ ] " s. cornish marlborough[ ] " tay. penny [ ] joined the fleet off antigua. frigates attached to each division. _red division._ ships. guns. commanders. lizard[ ] le nymphe[ ] capt. j. ford. champion (repeat signals) " a. hood. alecto, fire-ship " w. fisher. _white division._ convert capt. h. hervey. endymion " e.t. smith. alarm " c. cotton. andromache " j.a. byron. flora (to repeat signals) " s. marshall. alert, brig sibyl " rodney. pegasus[ ] " s. stanhope. salamander, f.s.[ ] fortune[ ] " h.c. christian. zebra[ ] " j. boucher. _blue division._ germain[ ] blast, f.s.[ ] eurydice (to repeat) " g. wilson. santa maria[ ] " j. linzee. [ ] not with the fleet in the action. list of officers killed and wounded on the th and th april . royal oak mr. gwatkin, st lieutenant, killed; captain of the marines wounded. alfred captain bayne killed on the th. montague mr. william code, master, killed; lieutenants briedan and buchan, r.m., wounded. valiant mr. r. wimbleton, nd lieutenant, killed; mr. w. brown, th lieutenant, mr. backhouse, master, wounded. warrior mr. stone, master, wounded. magnificent captain bagg, of marines, wounded. ajax mr. john elliot, st lieutenant, and mr. thomas rositer, pilot, wounded. repulse captain of marines and master wounded. formidable lieutenant hall killed; captain bell and lieutenant harris of marines wounded. duke lieutenant cornish, mr. cooper, master, mr. scott, boatswain, wounded. agamemnon lieutenants incledon and brice wounded, the latter since dead. prothée thomas love, master, wounded. hercules lieutenant hobart killed; captain savage wounded. america lieutenant colbonhill killed; lieutenant trelawney wounded. anson captain blair killed. torbay lieutenant monier, of marines, killed. princessa lieutenants dundas, mcdonald, and laban, of marines, wounded. centaur no return. alcide no return. extract from the log of the russell. wind, east by north. russell, th april , off dominica, e.s.e. or leagues. friday th, fresh breezes and fine weather. at five p.m. the admiral made the signal to close in the order of sailing. at six, the america's signal to go ahead and carry a light during the night. at half-past seven saw the flashes and heard the report of several guns to windward, supposed to be from the french fleet. at half-past one a.m. the admiral made the signal to tack. at sunrise saw the french fleet to the northward about three leagues. at half-past five the admiral made the signal to form a line ahead, and for the blue division to lead. at six, the conqueror's signal was made to chase to the n.w. at half-past six the admiral made the signal for the line to form n.n.e. and s.s.w, two cables' length asunder, and for the third in command to lead; the french fleet to windward forming the line ahead, standing to the southward. at seven the admiral made the signal for all cruisers to come in and to close the line one cable's length asunder. at thirty-eight minutes past seven the admiral made our signal for being out of our station; forty minutes past, the signal for the fleet to close in a line of battle; forty-three minutes past, repeated it; our fleet in a line ahead standing to the southward. at three quarters past seven the enemy began firing on our van. the admiral made the signal for action--our van began to engage the enemy's van. fifty minutes past seven we backed the main topsail, and began to engage. fifty minutes past eight, engaging the enemy very close, backed and filled occasionally; at nine luffed up and backed the main topsail, and raked the enemy's sternmost ships. having passed all their line, ceased firing, the centre and rear still engaging as they passed the enemy. our masts, yards, sails, and rigging, very much damaged; the mizen-mast, dangerously wounded, struck the mizen yard, and sent topgallant-masts and yards down upon deck, unbent the mizen topsail, a spritsail, topsail, and a jib for a mizen. at twenty-five minutes past nine saw the prince george to leeward without a fore-mast. employed fishing the fore and mizen topsail yards, and fitting the rigging, and shifting powder from forward to aft, and cleared the decks up ready for action. at half-past nine wore to stand for the enemy. at ten the admiral made the signal for the commander of the third post to tack and gain the wind of the enemy; the signal for engaging flying, and the signal for the line, hauled down. at three minutes past eleven the admiral made the signal for the van to tack: saw one of the enemy's ships with all her masts and bowsprit shot away; sir samuel hood's division and part of the centre still engaging the enemy's fleet: the rear, having been broke through, bore away. th p.m. body of dominica e.s.e. or leagues, wind, noon, e.s.e. the van and centre, engaging at forty minutes past seven, wore to the southward. the topsail-yard being fished, set the fore topsail standing for the enemy's fleet; people employed repairing the rigging. at half-past one the admiral made the alert's signal to come within hail. at twenty minutes past two he made the royal oak's signal to take the french ship in tow that was dismasted, part of the fleet still engaging. the admiral made the bedford's signal to get into her station. one of the french ships struck to the van. coming up with the enemy's fleet, beat to quarters. forty minutes past three we began to engage some of the enemy's ships to leeward on contrary tacks. at ten minutes past four, having passed them, ceased firing and hauled up the courses; wore ship ahead of the formidable two of the enemy's ships struck their colours. at half-past four the admiral made the conqueror's signal to make more sail. at a quarter past five he made the signal to close in line of battle; set the foresail. at six bore down, and ran under the ville de paris' stern, raked her, then hauled up after her; at twenty minutes past six saw her strike her colours. at seven p.m. the admiral made the night-signal for the fleet to bring-to on the starboard tack; shortened sail, hauled our wind, and backed the main topsail, some of the fleet engaging to leeward. during the action we had ten men killed and twenty-nine wounded; the french fleet going away with all sail set to the n.w. at half-past eleven, saw a ship on fire blow up. on the th of march, at half-past three, the russell struck on a rock and damaged her rudder and stern frame; at eight weighed and run further out. on the th, at four, made the signal for assistance, and went to the carenage. on the th, warped in and unhung her rudder, sent it on shore, and found that all the lower pentles were broken off. th, came out of the carenage; fifteen men deserted; in coming out, she again struck on a rock. before the action, she received twenty-three men from the shrewsbury. signed on the rd september , by james saumarez. _lord rodney's victory.--canada's log, th april ._ april th, at daylight, six, moderate and cloudy. quarter past seven the admiral made the signal to call in all cruisers. at twenty-five past seven he made the signal for the line of battle ahead a cable's length asunder. the enemy formed a line of battle ahead on the larboard tack, standing to the south, and we formed the line of battle ahead on the starboard tack, and stood to the northward. at eight the admiral made the russell's signal to get into her station; at five past eight, he made the signal to close. at fifty past seven, the van of our fleet began to engage, as did all the other ships as they came abreast of enemy. there was a great interval in the enemy's line; our fleet cut through to windward about twelve ships of them. at twenty past eight the enemy's ships, as they passed, began firing at us; at twenty-five past eight we began to engage. at twenty past nine one of the enemy's ship's main and mizen-masts went over the stern just as she got abreast of our quarter, and soon after our fore-mast and bowsprit went also. at twenty-five past nine, having passed the enemy's fleet, some of whom went to leeward of us, the admiral made the signal to tack. at thirty-eight past ten he hoisted signal for the commander of the third post to make more sail; observed the duke's main topmast go over the side. at fifty past ten, observed the prince george with her fore topmast gone. we ceased firing, as did most of the ships on both sides, except sir s. hood and some of the squadron who were to windward, who exchanged a good many shots with the enemy, as he bore down. at eleven, observed that the admiral had hauled down the signal for the line; at five past eleven the admiral made the signal to tack; wore at three quarters past eleven. we fired several shots at the enemy, to try the distance, but finding they did not reach, ceased firing. at fifty past eleven the admiral made the conqueror's signal to tack, and made and shortened sail occasionally. wind, e. p.m. e.s.e. th (at noon) p.m., moderate and clear, inclinable to calm. at five p.m. the admiral made the endymion's signal to stay by a disabled ship in the n.w. at ten p.m. one of our ships ahead fired a good many shots at a frigate, which had a disabled ship of the enemy in tow; and soon after the frigate cast her off. we fired several shots, at times, to try the distance. at twenty-three, p.m. the admiral made the signal that the van were at too great a distance from the centre; the ships astern exchanged a good many shots with the enemy as they came up with them. at fifty p.m. the admiral made the alcides and marlborough signal to make more sail; at fifty-three, p.m. to engage close; fired several shots, at times, to try the distance. at a quarter past one, two of our ships to windward exchanged a good many shots with the enemy. at half-past one the admiral made our signal to close; twenty-five past one, we began to engage; at fifty past one the admiral made the signal to the monarch to get into her station. at twelve past two he made the alert signal to come within hail; half-past two he made the royal oak's signal to take the ship in tow that had struck her colours. at twenty-two past two the admiral made the resolution signal to tack, and we discontinued engaging. at twenty-three past two some of our ships upon our larboard beam began firing, as did the rest of the ships as they came up with the enemy. at three quarters past three the admiral made the repulse and alcides signal to bear down. at four the admiral made the signal to veer; at seven past four the admiral made the torbay signal to veer; at twenty past four a french line-of-battle ship struck to us after engaging her eighteen minutes. at a quarter past four the admiral made the repulse and resolution signals to make more sail; at three quarters past, sir s. hood steering after some enemy's ships to the n.w. about this time the firing ceased on both sides. at fifty past four the admiral made the signal for the first ships to bear down. at five we began to engage; at a quarter past five our ships engaging as they came up; at fifty-five past five observed another french line-of-battle ship had struck her colours. at five past six the admiral made the signal to the princess and bedford to get into their stations. at thirty-five past six observed that the ville de paris had struck her colours. at forty past six discontinued the engagement. at seven beat the retreat. at nine, saw a ship on fire, and another soon after blow up, all without the main topsail. wind, e.s.e. (a true copy.) j. ross. although in the above logs, and in several others which we have examined at the depôt, by permission from the lords of the admiralty, it does appear that the canada was engaged with the ville de paris, yet we have no doubt of the fact, having the testimonies of sir l. halsted and admiral giffard, who were in the canada on the th of april, extracts of whose letters we subjoin, which also prove that the canada was not the ship that was engaging the ville de paris when the barfleur came up, and when the french admiral struck his colours. sir lawrence halsted, in his letter to us, after giving a brief account of the capture of the hector, and of the canada's previous and subsequent attack on the ville de paris, relates, that the canada, on seeing some ships bearing down on the ville de paris, of which, he believes, one was the russell, "bore up in pursuit of a french rear-admiral in the triomphant ;" and he concludes, "i trust that that part in lord de saumarez' letter is satisfactorily answered, as it is quite clear that the canada was not near the ville de paris at the time she surrendered." admiral giffard, in answer to our application, says, "i am of opinion the canada was engaged with the ville de paris earlier in the day than the russell." extract of a letter from capt. g.w.h. knight, r.n., son of the late admiral sir john knight, k.c.b., who was captain of the barfleur on the th april, . "i have never been able to lay my hand on my father's letter, wherein he gave me some account of the th of april , but this i recollect quite well, that he said, 'he accompanied sir samuel (afterwards lord hood) on board lord rodney's ship the day before the battle of the th of april, (my father being captain of the barfleur, sir samuel's flag ship,) and on that occasion not one word was said, or order given, for any attempt to break through the enemy's line in the expected engagement, nor was any order afterwards given previous to the th of april. that on the th, the van squadron, commanded by sir s. hood, which was most engaged, made no attempt to break the line, nor did the van or centre (the line being inverted) on the th make any such attempt; and my father attributed the formidable, and those that followed her, getting through, to the circumstance of a change of wind, which brought those ships up with the rest of the rear of the british fleet, while it broke off the ships in the french line, and consequently left openings.' he further said, 'that from the density of the smoke they could see nothing, and that the first intimation they had (the barfleur) of passing through the enemy's line was, from receiving fire on both sides.' he gave another reason for supposing it was altogether accidental, which was, that no attempt was made or order given by signal to double on the enemy, and that the advantage gained by passing through the line was never made use of when my father took possession of the ville de paris, and received count de grasse's sword, and afterward conveyed him to his admiral; no remark was made upon any circumstance having taken place different from the usual practice. these are the heads of what i recollect." appendix g. _list of the english squadron, commanded by vice-admiral sir j. saumarez, off port baltic, st september ._ capt. b. martin, capt. ships. guns. captains. victory {dumaresq. {sir s. hood. centaur webley. implacable pipon. goliath puget. mars lukin. africa barrett. salsette bathurst. ariel t. white. rose t. mansell. cruiser mckenzie. erebus . baltic . thunder bomb. _list of the swedish fleet, commanded by rear-admiral nauckhoff._ ships. guns. gustaf iv. adolf adolf frederick manligheten dristigheten tapperheten forsigtigheten gustaf den tredje fäderneslandet uladesloff frederick adolf bellona camilla euridice yarramus wänta litet komma straxt _russian fleet._ ships. guns. commanders. blagadod. admiral henikoff. angel gabriel rear-admiral müller. ships. guns. amgallen boreas eagle michael north star sewolod (taken) argus, hero, and rapid appendix h. _list of the french fleet opposed to the english, rd june ._ ships. guns. le peuple le nestor le redoubtable le mucius le tigre (taken) le fougueux le zélé le formidable (taken) le jean bart les droits de l'homme l'alexandre (taken) name unknown le brave, rasé le scævola, rasé _frigates._ la virgine la fidelle l'insurgente la fortitude la régénéré la naute la fraternité la proserpine la cocade la dryade le renard _corvettes._ la constance la talente la senseure la papillion _list of the fleet under the command of admiral lord bridport, june rd , with the number of killed and wounded._ ships. guns. killed. wound. {lord bridport, admiral} royal george {of the white. } -- {captain domett. } queen charlotte capt. sir a.s. douglas london. " e. griffiths -- queen. {sir a gardner, bt. vice admiral of {the white: captain wm. bedford prince of wales. capt. j. bazely. prince george. " w. edge. barfleur " j. richard dawes. prince " c.p. hamilton {lord hugh seymour, } sans pareil { rear adm. of the blue. } { capt. h. browell } orion capt. sir james saumarez. valiant. " jos. larcom (acting). killed. wounded. orion irresistible queen charlotte sans pareil colossus russell london royal george -- --- total the above statement shows the total numerical loss sustained by each of the ships that were so fortunate as to get into action. appendix i. orion, st helen's roads, th december . my lord, i have had it in contemplation for some time past, to lay before your lordships the enclosed plan for the establishment of a marine artillery for the service of the navy, but was prevented from doing it by the late prospect of a peace; at present, as the haughtiness of our enemies seems to have removed that desirable object to a distant period, and as a further augmentation to our forces may in consequence take place, it may not appear unseasonable. if it has the good fortune to meet with your lordship's approbation, i shall think myself amply recompensed for the time i have bestowed upon it. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and very humble servant, james saumarez. a plan for forming a corps of artillery for his majesty's naval service. "in consequence of the present great increase of the royal navy, it becomes from time to time necessary to augment proportionably that very useful body of men, the marines,--but that very respectable corps would be rendered of far greater importance to the service, were they trained up and exercised in the management of the great guns; for which purpose it is humbly submitted, that a division be established at either woolwich or deptford, to be composed of drafts from the divisions of portsmouth, plymouth, and chatham, in order to be instructed in the exercise and use of artillery; and thereby become expert gunners when ordered to be embarked on board his majesty's ships; their numbers to consist of one man to every four guns in each line-of-battle ship, which would compose about one third of their present complement. in addition to which, two companies should be quartered at the other three divisions, to complete such vacancies as occasionally would occur on board the fleet. "the great utility of this corps must appear obvious when it is considered that the only person supposed to be qualified and experienced in gunnery on board his majesty's ships, is the gunner, who, too often ignorant of his own duty, is totally unable to instruct others. in the quarter bills of most ships, it is well known that a very small proportion of the marines are reserved for musketry, the greater part being in general divided on the different batteries. with what advantage would they not go to their quarters, after having been well practised and exercised as artillery-men; and how soon would not the rest of the ship's company become also expert gunners in emulating their example. "these men would also be found particularly useful on expeditions abroad, in landing or making a descent on the enemy's coast, when a well-served artillery is often of the greatest importance. "the officers might be appointed from the other divisions, and should consist of those who, from their age and services, were incapable of being engaged in actual duty;--they would here find a comfortable asylum during life, and end their days in the service of their country. "the expenses incurred by this establishment would be inconsiderable; and no doubt can be entertained of its proving a lasting advantage to his majesty's service, and adding strength to the great bulwark of this country,--the royal navy. "james saumarez, orion." "the right honourable earl spencer, &c. &c. &c." "admiralty, nd january . "dear sir, "i hazard a line in the uncertainty whether you may not have sailed before this reaches portsmouth, to thank you for your paper on the establishment of a corps of artillery for the naval service. the idea is one which i have often heard discussed, and in many points of view a very good one; but i fear that there would be so many difficulties in point of official arrangements to overcome in carrying it into execution, that no very sanguine hopes can be entertained of its succeeding. "it is, however, a subject well worthy of attention, and which, at a less pressing moment, it may perhaps be worth while to renew. "i am, "dear sir, "with great regard, "your very obedient, humble servant, "spencer." "to sir james saumarez." appendix k. "madrid, th march . "the following account of the action with the british squadron, on the th day of february last, has been received by d. juan de langara, in a letter addressed to his excellency by d. joseph de cordova, commander-in-chief of the squadron, dated del oceano, the nd of march, at the entrance of cadiz bay. "from the instant of my proceeding to sea, after securing the gun-boat at algeziras, i had the winds e.n.e. to s.e. that drove me to the latitude of cape st. vincent; however, on the morning of the th, it changing to the west, i steered to the e.s.e., and formed in three separate columns, in the order of sailing with convoy. several vessels from the left, at nine o'clock in the morning, observing a strange sail, i ordered the principe de asturias to chase; shortly after, the st. firmin and the pearl frigate discovered the number to increase to eight sail, and although the foggy weather prevented their being seen from the trinidad, i forced the whole squadron to a press of sail; but counting already at ten o'clock from fifteen to eighteen of the enemy's ships, besides several frigates, i ordered our squadron to form immediately the line of battle, in the best manner possible, on the larboard tack, to maintain the weather gage. in tacking, the ships principe, conde-de-regla, and oriente, fell so much to leeward, that they were unable to join in the line without the risk of being cut off by the enemy, that now, but at a short distance and under a press of sail, met us in the most regular order: in consequence, i ordered these vessels to tack that they might fall in the rear of the line, which, although done by the two first, could not be effected by the oriente, and she ran to leeward of the enemy. "at a quarter before eleven, from the position of the squadron, the enemy's headmost ship commenced the action with the nearest situated to her ahead of the trinidad, running along the whole of our rear, and successively bearing up before the wind. the trinidad happened to be the last of our line, and consequently the centre and van remained out of the action. "the rear of the enemy sailed but slowly, and for this reason, as well as to benefit by some means the fire from our van, i made a signal at half-past eleven for all the ships ahead to tack, in order to come round the enemy and attack their rear. my ordering this manoeuvre appeared the most opportune for many weighty reasons; but, misunderstood by the ships to which it was directed, i now looked upon the loss of the principe, regla, and the whole of our rear, as unavoidable. the favourable moment for this movement being lost, i made a signal for the whole squadron to bear up at the same time, with a view to contract our distance with the enemy, and to bring into action several other ships in our centre and van. at the time of bearing up, the trinidad was ahead in close action with the enemy, within musket-shot, and having been engaged by the whole english line, was very much damaged. "so soon as their headmost ship had passed athwart our stern, she tacked, followed by five or six others passing our line to windward; the remaining ten ships, that were before on our larboard side, then bore up at the same time, and passed through our line in different positions, and consequently remained on the other tack fighting us in great order, with a heavy and well-directed fire: this manoeuvre decided the action in their favour. i did not fail to guard against this from the commencement, and anticipated it by ordering the ships ahead to tack and gain the enemy's rear to leeward; and if the commanders of the principe, regla, oriente, and firmin had availed themselves of the opportunity to join six or eight ships of the van, they would have placed the enemy between two fires, and terminated the action in a very different manner. "although the principe and regla were not able to fall into the rear of our line, they notwithstanding did their utmost from their situation, engaging the enemy at the time of passing our line, till they had obtained the weather gage. the attack of the enemy was now principally on the trinidad, which, from the crippled situation of her mast and rigging, fell to leeward. by word of mouth, and by signals, the salvador, san josef, soberano, and san nicholas were ordered to shorten sail, and to form in our rear, which they executed with celerity, maintaining a severe action. the van continually remaining to windward, at two i made them a signal to shorten sail, and bear down for a general attack. "the mexicano formed upon our bow about three in the afternoon, and engaged the foremost ship of the enemy's line; they now for the remainder of the day fixed their whole attention against the san josef, mexicano, san nicholas, and san yisidro, which were the only ships that bore the principal and hottest part of the action against the whole enemy's squadron. "in this situation it would have been highly expedient that our centre and van should have come to our support, but it was out of my power to intimate to them the necessity of this movement, the ships being in want of masts, rigging, and every necessary for making signals. i cannot refrain from giving due praise to the valour of the above-mentioned ships formed at my stern, and expressing the gallant manner in which they behaved during the engagement: but at length, being dismasted and destroyed, some struck, and others left the action. the trinidad was attacked the whole afternoon by a three-decker, and three ships of guns, that raked her fore and aft at pistol-shot; and notwithstanding her having upwards of two hundred men killed and wounded, she still continued the action for a full hour longer. such was the dreadful situation of the trinidad at six o'clock, after an uninterrupted engagement, when the san pablo and pelayo, that in the morning had been detached by my orders, and crowded every sail from the moment of observing the action, now reached the squadron. "the reinforcement of these two ships happened at the opportune junction of the conde-de-regla; the principe arrived shortly after, and the enemy, observing our van standing towards them, immediately retired together, covering the captured ships san josef, salvador, san yisidro, and san nicholas. "no one will be surprised at the ultimate consequences of the action, when the series of misfortunes and unforeseen events from the moment of our seeing the enemy is considered; and further, that when cruising, they should sail in a readier condition to form the line of battle than could be performed by our squadron, in the order of sailing with convoy, with the wind on our quarter. for the above reason, scarcely were they discovered, than they formed in regular order of battle, and so near as to oblige my forming the line hastily, without attention to posts, or the consequences that might result from this bad position of the ships and commanders; to which must be added, that the pelayo and san pablo were ahead by order,--that the firmin and oriente remained to leeward of both lines,--that notwithstanding the exertions made by the principe, regla, and firmin, they did not enter into the line till the afternoon, the latter wanting a foretop-mast. so that of all the ships of my squadron, only seventeen formed in the line of battle, the st. domingo included in the number, loaded with quicksilver, and of very inconsiderable force. of the seventeen above mentioned, some were in action only at intervals, and many did not fire a gun; resulting from the circumstance of the enemy's line being entirely engaged against six spanish ships, and their defence is the more praiseworthy, as they were all in want of men. the trinidad remaining entirely dismasted, without the power of making signals with flags or lights, i desired lieutenant general d. juan joachim moreno to reestablish the line of battle close on the larboard tack, and gave orders that jury-masts should be fixed on the trinidad and the moredes frigate, to protect her to cadiz, profiting by the wind and the situation of the enemy at night-fall. "i embarked in consequence, with my major general and adjutants, on board the diana frigate, and ordered several frigates along the line, that they should observe the order given, and repair the damages with all haste in order to return again to action. the squadron remained the whole night on the larboard tack, with the wind at w. to w.n.w. till six o'clock a.m. of the th, when i formed on the other tack, close hauled to the wind. "my next attention was to inquire by signal the situation of the ships for action,--and it proved that the concepcion, mexicano, and soberano _were not in a state to renew the action_; and that the regla, oriente, san pablo, pelayo, and san antonio _could enter into action_, without my being able to gain any information regarding the others. nevertheless i continued my course towards the enemy, that to the number of twenty ships had been seen since eight o'clock at s.s.w. my opinion as to the state of the ships of the squadron remaining still indecisive, in the afternoon i desired to know _if it was advisable to attack the enemy_; the ships concepcion, mexicano, san pablo, soberano, san domingo, san ildefonso, nepomuceno, atlante, and firmin replied in the negative; the gloriose, pablo, regla, and firmin, _that it was advisable to delay the attack_; and only the principe, conquistador, and pelayo, positively asserted that _the attach was advisable_. from the diversity of opinion, and considering the reply of each commander as an indication of the true state of his respective ship, i did not think it proper to force a press of sail towards the enemy, having likewise been informed that the mexicano, san domingo, and soberano were considerably damaged, and the atlante in want of men, which was general in every ship. "at three o'clock in the afternoon the enemy was still to the e.s.e. i directed our course s.e. and varied it at five, to s.e. s. to double cape st. vincent; and that every exertion should be made by day and night to repair the ships that were not very considerably damaged, i ordered the line at half-past eleven to close on the starboard tack. on the th some of the enemy's cruisers were seen to the s.e. s. which route i followed at seven o'clock in the evening, with light winds at s.w. with hopes to see them again the next day, supposing their destination for gibraltar. but at ten o'clock in the morning the concepcion made a signal that the enemy were at anchor on the left side of the coast, and informed me she had seen four large ships in lagos bay. believing that all the enemy's squadron might be likewise there, i ordered the line to form close on the starboard tack, and then despatched the brigida frigate to reconnoitre; she returned, acquainting me that she had counted the whole force of the enemy at anchor in the bay. "the squadron remained, close in-shore the whole afternoon, and part of the night, when the wind changing to s.e. i left it under an easy sail. "no regular account has been received of the killed and wounded, not having obtained the respective returns from the commanders at the time of writing: but it was known that in the conde-de-regla a cannon ball at the commencement of the action killed the xefe de esquadra, conde d'amblemont, and the splinters wounded the commander, brigadier d. geronime bravo, and h.d. cadlos sellery. soberano killed, captain de fragata d. francisco luis, lieutenant bernardino antillon, and another officer, name unknown. mexicano mortally wounded, and died on the th day, her commander, brigadier d. fernando herravay crurat. trinidad killed, second lieutenant d. herculas guchi, and a midshipman; wounded, captain of fragata, d. franco alvarez, two lieutenants de fragata, the master, and an inferior officer." "by advices from brigadier d. pebra poneda, late commander of the san josef, the following account is likewise received relating to the captured ships:-- san josef killed, second lieutenant d. miguel de doblas.--mortally wounded, xefe de esquadra, d. francisco wenthysen, who lost both legs ten minutes after the action commenced, and died the same night; the master d. santiago campomar. slightly wounded, two second lieutenants, and seamen killed and wounded. salvador killed, the commander, brigadier antonio de tepes, two lieutenants, and two other officers. wounded, captain de fragata d. manoel rinz, and an inferior officer; seamen killed and wounded. san nicholas (boarded by one of the enemy's ships that engaged her.) killed, the commander, brigadier d. tomas geraldino, two second lieutenants, one midshipman. wounded, three lieutenants of infantry; seamen killed and wounded. san yisidro killed, one lieutenant and an inferior officer. wounded, the commander d. teadoro argunato; his second, d. telepe tournelle, two lieutenants, and two second lieutenants; mortally, one first lieutenant; seamen killed and wounded. appendix l. london gazette extraordinary. "vanguard, off the mouth of the nile, rd august . "my lord, "almighty god has blessed his majesty's arms in the late battle by a great victory over the fleet of the enemy, whom i attacked at sunset on the st of august, off the mouth of the nile. the enemy were moored in a strong line of battle for defending the entrance of the bay of shoals, flanked by numerous gun-boats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars on an island in their van; but nothing could withstand the squadron your lordship did me the honour to place under my command. their high state of discipline is well known to you; and with the judgment of the captains, together with their valour, and that of the officers and men of every description, it was absolutely irresistible. could anything from my pen add to the characters of the captains, i would write it with pleasure, but that is impossible. "i have to regret the loss of captain westcott of the majestic, who was killed early in the action, but the ship continued to be so well fought by her first lieutenant, mr. cuthbert, that i have given him an order to command her till your lordship's pleasure is known. "the ships of the enemy, all but their two rear ships, are nearly dismasted, and those two, with two frigates, i am sorry to say, made their escape; nor was it, i assure you, in my power to prevent them. captain hood most handsomely endeavoured to do it, but i had no ship in a condition to support the zealous, and i was obliged to call her in. "the support and assistance i received from captain berry cannot be sufficiently expressed. i was wounded in the head, and obliged to be carried off deck, but the service suffered no loss by that event. captain berry was fully equal to the service then going on, and to him i must beg to refer you for every information relative to this victory. "he will present you with the flag of the second in command. that of the commander-in-chief being in the l'orient. "herewith i transmit you lists of the killed and wounded, and the lines of battle of ourselves and the french. "i have the honour to be, &c. "horatio nelson." "to admiral the earl of st. vincent, commander-in-chief, &c. &c. &c. off cadiz." the rear-admiral was created baron nelson of the nile, and of burnham thorpe, in the county of norfolk. the thanks of both houses of parliament were voted to him, the officers and crews, in the usual manner. gold medals were presented to each of the captains. a pension of _l._ a year for life was settled on nelson. the irish parliament voted him _l._; the east india company , _l._; the city of london a sword, value two hundred guineas, and a sword to each of the captains; that to sir e. berry was accompanied by the freedom of the city in a gold box. but sir james saumarez received no distinguished honour, as has been usual, for being second in command, although no one ever more highly deserved such a mark of approbation. list of the hostile fleets off the mouth of the nile on the st of august, . _british commanded by sir horatio nelson, k.b. rear-admiral of the blue._ abbrevations used in the table below: n/a = not in the action sb.sq = starboard squadron w.m.e = where most efficient. a. c. = assisting the culloden. o = officers s = seamen m = marines tot = total no ships' | captains | first remarks|guns| men| killed | wounded|tot names lieuts. o| s| m| o| s| m| |culloden |t. troubridge|chas. bullen | n/a| | | | | | | | | |theseus | r.w. miller |r. hawkins | -- | | | | | | | | | |alexander|a.j. ball |john yule | -- | | | | | | | | | |vanguard |{r.a. sir h.}|edw. galwey |sb.sq| | | | | | | | | {nelson. } {e. berry } |minotaur | thos. louis |c.m. schomberg | -- | | | | | | | | | |swiftsure|b. hallowell |j.l. waters | -- | | | | | | | | | |audacious|davidge gould|thos. white | -- | | | | | | | | | |leander |t.b. thompson|w. richardson|w.m.e| | | | | | | | | |defence |john peyton |richard jones| -- | | | | | | | | | |zealous |samuel hood |w.h. webley | -- | | | | | | | | | |orion |sir j. saumarez |j. barker | -- | | | | | | | | | |goliath |thomas foley |g. jardine | -- | | | | | | | | | |majestic |g.b. wescott |r. cuthbert | -- | | | | | | | | | |belle- |h.d.e. darby |r. cathcart | -- | | | | | | | | | rophon mutine |t.m. hardy |-- -- |a. c.| | | | | | | | | brig total| | | | | | | | | emerald. t.m. waller. } terpsichore. w.h. gage } not in the action. alcmene. w. brown } _french, commanded by admiral gantheaume._ abbrevations used in the table below: a = admiral r.a. = rear admiral no. ships' names. captains. guns. men. remarks. le guerrier. j.f.t. trullet (sen.) taken and burnt by the british. le conquérant. e. dalbarde. taken. le spartiate. m.j. emerine. ditto. l'aquilon. h. alex. thevenard. taken and called the aboukir; captain killed. le peuple p.p. racoora. taken and called souverain. le guerrier. le franklin. blanquet (r.a.). taken and called the canopus. {l'orient brueys } blown up: the {(formerly) (a.) gantheaume } admiral and the {le (r.a.) casa bianca,} whole crew, {sans culottes. captain. } excepting seventy men, perished. le tonnant. du petit thouars. taken; her captain killed. l'heureux. j.p. etienne. taken and burnt by the british. le timoléon. trullet (jun.) driven on shore, and burnt by her own people. le mercure. cambon (acting). taken and burnt by the british. le guillaume {villeneuve, (r.a.) } escaped; taken in tell. {captain sinclair. } by foudroyant, lion, and penelope. généreux. le joille. escaped; taken in by the squadron under lord nelson, off malta. la sérieuse. clavele jean martin. sunk by a broadside from the orion; crew saved. l'artémise. pierre jean standelet. struck her colours, and burnt by her crew, who escaped in their boats. la diane. r.a. decrès, escaped, but taken in capt. soleil off malta. la justice. -- villeneuve. escaped, but taken in at alexandria. besides bombs, brigs, gun-boats, and batteries. ---- ----- total. { french { british ---- ----- thus it appears that the french were superior by more than a fourth to the british, and certainly still more in weight of metal; and when the size of the shot is taken comparatively into consideration, and that a french eighty is equal to a british ninety-eight, the superiority in the broadsides would be even greater. appendix m. letter sent by captain ---- gage. "orion, off pantalaria, th sept. . "my dear admiral, "captain gage has this instant joined and communicated to me his orders to proceed off malta for intelligence; my letter, of yesterday's date, with which i have charged him, so fully answers the purport of his mission with respect to that island and the colossus, with the store ships and victuallers, that i have directed him to return to join you at naples with all possible despatch. i shall send the minotaur and audacious the moment we are clear of the west end of sicily. "the proposals to the french garrison were first written by me, but it being thought advisable to send them in the french language, they underwent some alteration in the translation; but upon the whole, i hope they will be approved of. i laid a great stress with the marquis, before i left him, of the practicability of the william tell escaping, and wished much i could have left two of our ships off the island to watch her and the two frigates more closely. there exists no doubt of the genereux being lost. i am all anxiety to hear from you to know that you approve of my different movements; at all risk, you will do me the favour to let me hear from you either at the flat, or in england. "james saumarez." "to sir horatio nelson, &c. bay of naples." appendix n. the portuguese squadron consisted of the principe réal, rainha de portugal, san sebastian, and alphonso albuquerque, of guns, under the marquis of niza, a rear-admiral, captain puysigur; captains stone, michell, and campbell (english officers), commanded the other three; to which were added, the lion, , captain manley dixon; the incendiary, fire-ship, george barker (english); and the portuguese brig falcao, captain duncan. sir james having fallen in with them off malta, it fell calm, when a deputation from the principal inhabitants of the island waited on them to request a supply of arms and ammunition, and having informed the commodore that the french garrison at valetta were subjected to great distress, and that there was reason to believe that the appearance of the combined squadron would induce the french to surrender, if summoned, accordingly, on the th of september , with the concurrence of the marquis of niza, a flag of truce was sent in, with the following formal summons. "une division de l'armée de sa majesté britannique dans la mediterranée, commandée par le contre-amiral sir horatio nelson, étant arrivée devant malte sous les ordres de sir james saumarez, et reunie à l'escadre de sa majesté très-fidelle, commandée par le contre-amiral le marquis de niza; dans le dessein de rétablir les habitans de l'isle de malte et dépendances dans la libre jouissance de leurs isles, sommons conjointement la garnison françoise de la ville et ports de malte de nous remettre la ville et les ports et dépendances, ainsi que les vaisseaux, frégates, et batimens de quelques especes qu'ils soyent et qui peuvent s'y trouver, à fin que les habitans de l'isle de malte puissent se mettre en possession de leurs villes et ports, et rentrer dans leurs droits de propriétés. en consequence, le contre-amiral marquis de niza, au nom de sa majesté très-fidelle la reine de portugal, et sir james saumarez, au nom de sa majesté brittanique le roy d'angleterre, s'engagent et promettent de laisser à la garnison françoise la liberté de retourner en france sur les batimens qui leur seront procurés à cet effet, de les convoyer et escorter; sous la condition que cette même garnison ne servira pas dans cette guerre contre les deux puissances dénommées et leurs alliés, jusqu'au moment où elle seroit regulièrement changée contre les sujets des deux puissances denommées ou de leurs alliés. la garnison françoise maintenant enfermée dans les murs de la ville de la cité valete doit mûrement refléchir aux conséquences funestes qu'entraineroit pour elle un refus à cette sommation, puisqu'il la laisseroit à la merci des traitemens que peut inspirer au peuple de l'isle de malte la haine et l'animosité que leur a fait naître les mauvais traitemens qu'ils ont éprouvés des françois; et la garnison, après avoir éprouvée les horreurs de la famine, seroit forcée de s'en remettre à la discrétion d'un peuple qui ne montrera que les sentimens de sa vengeance. la garnison françoise doit savoir que les escadres ne cesseront de bloquer l'isle de malte; qu'une autre est devant alexandrie, employée à aider les forces navales et de terre du grand seigneur à réduire les troupes françoises que la disette et les maladies ont pu épargner en egypte; et qu'enfin une autre escadre est devant toulon, dont il ne peut venir aucun secours. "a bord du vaisseau le prince royal, le de septembre . "signé, le chef de division, sir james saumarez." "le contre-amiral, m. de niza." "copie de la réponse à la sommation du septembre. "vous avez oublié sans doute que ce sont des françois qui sont dans malte; le sort de ses habitans ne doit pas vous regarder. quant à votre sommation, les françois n'entendent pas ce style. vaubois, "le général commandant en chef des iles de malte and de goza, le vendémiaire, an de la république une et indivisible." sir james having the prizes under his protection, with orders to convey them to gibraltar, had no alternative but to proceed, leaving the marquis de niza and his squadron to blockade the port; but before leaving he supplied the inhabitants with muskets and a suitable quantity of ammunition, to which seasonable supply the success which attended the maltese in their subsequent efforts to recover their liberty was mainly attributable. translation of don mazarredo's letter. "my dear sir, "in your letter of yesterday, you were pleased to inform me of the orders which you have received from his excellency sir john jervis, to deliver the officers and prisoners who came from the frigates ninfa and helena to the person appointed by me. i name for this purpose don juan deslobbes, lieutenant in the royal navy, who will appear before you, sir, with this credential, in order to treat and settle respecting the disembarkation of the said prisoners: he will make the proper report and give a receipt for them on board. i assure you, sir, that the said officers, or men, shall not serve in war until they shall be legally allowed. of this, the officers may pledge their word of honour on board, or i will receive it when they appear before me. "you will imagine, sir, much better than i can express, the sense of gratitude which i feel in hearing of the kind assistance and attention which you show to the brave men who were wounded, and of the good accommodation which the officers and men in general have met with. together with my gratitude on this account, do me the honour, sir, to receive the real estimation and respect with which i offer myself to your services. god guard you, sir, many years! "your respectful obedient servant, "jos. de mazarredo. "ship concepcion, at cadiz, " th april ." appendix o. james, (now the right honourable and reverend baron de saumarez,) eldest son of lord de saumarez, was born at guernsey on the th october . being brought up, almost from infancy, under the impression that he was intended for the church, and being naturally of a mild disposition, no idea of any other profession ever entered his mind--a circumstance which has excited general regret and considerable surprise in the naval service; as there can be no doubt that, instead of being at this day rector of a small living, he would have been at the very top of the profession of which his heroic father had been so bright an ornament. although of the profession which was chosen for him, and in which his family had little interest, he has proved himself an excellent and useful member; still it must be confessed that there is a general feeling of disappointment among the officers of the navy, that the eldest son of their "acknowledged chief" had not embraced that honourable service. in consequence of his father's frequent absence, and change of station with his ship, it became necessary to send him to a place of instruction at an earlier age than usual, to avoid the danger of his being carried about from port to port,--a circumstance which could not but be felt severely by his mother. he was accordingly placed at newport, in the isle of wight, with the rev. george richards, where he remained till the commencement of . it was, however, before he was sent to school, in the year , that the following occurrence took place, which will give the reader some idea of the feelings of such a family, under such circumstances, in time of war. the happiness that the gallant captain felt in visiting his family when obliged to put into port, can only be justly appreciated by the affectionate husband and father who knows the value of such happy moments, snatched as it were from the fatigue of service, and how great and substantial is the relief they afford to the anxiety of a naval life! lady saumarez was at this time living at stonehouse, that she might be at hand to receive her husband when he put into plymouth; their eldest son was his mother's companion. one evening, tidings were brought to her that the crescent had arrived and anchored in cawsand bay; the boy was playing in the passage with his nurse, awaiting the appearance of his father, when at length the short hasty rap was heard! all ran to the door, and in the hurry of opening it the light was extinguished, and total darkness obscured the objects of his affection; but the eager, _parental_ tone with which the words "where art thou, my darling boy?" were uttered, left such an impression on the mind and feelings of the son as never to have been forgotten. early in , young saumarez was removed to the rev. mr. morgan's grammar school at bath. mr. morgan had the reputation of being an excellent master to boys of any promise; it may be inferred that he was of this denomination, as his pupil not only left the school with an excellent character, but on his going to harrow, in the autumn of , he was immediately placed on the fourth form, which had the privilege of being exempt from fagging. we have heard him express the highest gratification at having been there with lord byron and sir robert peel, who were in the form above him. at harrow he employed his time so well, that he reached the head of the school; having throughout conducted himself to the satisfaction of dr. drury, and afterwards of dr. butler, who succeeded as head-master, for both of whom he entertained a sincere regard. in the year he went to christ church, oxford, where, after three years, he passed his examination for academical honours in a manner which not only gained him great credit, but, we were told, would have ensured him the honours of the first class if he had aimed at obtaining them. in december he was admitted into deacon's orders by dr. bathurst, bishop of norwich; and in the year following the bishop of oxford ordained him priest. in the interval he did duty as curate of bicester, and afterwards in the same capacity at benson; at both which places he so endeared himself to the parishioners, that the late dr. barrington, the revered and excellent bishop of durham, told his father that "he had not left a dry eye in the place." nor was he less respected and beloved at ewelme, where he lived after his marriage, than he was at staverton, in northamptonshire, to which place he removed, and where he resided several years surrounded by a flock for whom he had the sincerest regard, preferring to labour in his sacred profession as a curate than to remain an idle servant in his master's vineyard. his health becoming impaired, he was on the point of quitting staverton, when he was appointed by lord eldon to the living of huggate in yorkshire. his gallant father once paid him a visit at oxford, when he was an under-graduate of christ church, on which occasion he called on the celebrated doctor jackson, then dean, who manifested great pleasure at seeing sir james; and on parting, took him by the hand, and, shaking his full-bottomed wig, said, "mind, sir james, that you act up to your instructions, and burn, sink, and destroy every frenchman you meet with." on the th october , the present lord de saumarez married mary, the amiable daughter of the late vice-admiral lechmere. thomas le marchant saumarez, the second son, was born at teignmouth, on the nd september , and died nd november following. the honourable thomas le marchant saumarez, third son, was born at guernsey, th october ; he was educated for the army, and was a lieutenant in the seventy-first regiment. he was married, on the st october , to catherine spencer beresford, youngest daughter of colonel spencer thomas vassall, and died th july , without issue. the honourable john st. vincent saumarez, the fourth son, was born at guernsey on the th may ; he was named after the illustrious and distinguished admiral earl st. vincent, at a time when his lordship's friend, the heroic father, was named to command the channel fleet. he chose the army for his profession, in which he has served in america, and other places, and is now a captain in the rifle brigade. married on the nd july , to caroline, eldest daughter of william rhodes, esq. of bromhope hall, and kirskill in the county of york. mary dobrée saumarez, the eldest daughter, was born at bath on the th december . this beautiful and accomplished young lady was cut off in the twentieth year of her age, in september , to the inexpressible grief not only of her affectionate and disconsolate parents, but of all who had the happiness to be acquainted with her amiable and excellent qualities. the honourable martha harriett, second daughter, was born at bath, and is residing with her now only parent. carteret, the third daughter, was born at bath the th november , and died young. the honourable amelia, the fourth daughter, was born at dartmouth, and was married on the rd september , to william young herries, esq. of spotts, in kirkcudbrightshire; they have one son (alexander), who is now ten years of age, and is the only grandchild of the illustrious lord. index. a. abercrombie, sir ralph, notice of his death, ii. . aboukir bay, french fleet discovered in, i. . addenda, ii. . admiralty, communications of the lords of, to sir j. saumarez respecting the destruction of the french squadron, i. ; determination of, respecting the command of cadiz and the mediterranean, ii. ; opinion of, respecting the address of sir j. saumarez to the emperor of russia, . Ætna, mount, description of, i. . alexander, emperor of russia, letter of sir j. saumarez to, ii. ; sends the russian fleet to england, . alexandria, remarks on the surrender of, ii. . algeziras, description of the town of, i. ; battle of, , ; controversy between different authors respecting, , ; spanish official account of, ; french account of, ; sufferings of the unfortunate men wounded in the battle off, ; list of the squadrons which sailed from, on the th july, , . allen, captain william, his instructions to captain saumarez, i. . american colonies, breaking out of the war with the, i. . ---- congress, order of, respecting the captains taken prisoners with the army under earl cornwallis, ii. . amherst, lord, congratulates capt. saumarez, upon his success in capturing the french frigate la réunion, i. . anholt, capture of the island of, ii. ; remarks of sir j. saumarez concerning, _ib._; attack on, ; gallant defence of the garrison of, _ib._; letters concerning, ; threatened attack of, by the danes, prevented, . anson, com. proceeds on his intended voyage round the world, ii. ; remarks respecting, _ib._; notice of his voyage, , ; arrives at macoa, ; return of his squadron to england, . appendix, ii. . asgill, capt. sir c. account of, ii. . atkins, captain, his death, ii. ; remarks concerning, . audacious, copy of the journal of the, i. ; observations upon, . augusta, description of the town of, i. . b. baird, mr. death of, i. . ball, captain sir alexander, directs the negotiation for landing prisoners on parole, i. ; his conversation with sir j. saumarez, respecting the battle of the nile, _n._; his letter to him, ; account of his flattering reception at naples, ; his letter to sir j. saumarez, . baltic fleet, under sir j. saumarez, arrives at gothenburg, ii. . ---- port, see _port baltic_. bathurst, capt. report of, relative to the position of the russian fleet, ii. ; account of his extreme sufferings, . bayne, captain, death of, i. . bedford, captain, anecdote of his men, ii. . bernadotte, general, prince of ponte corvo, elected crown prince of sweden, ii. ; remarks of admiral krusenstjerna respecting, ; his arrival in sweden, ; his implicit confidence in sir j. saumarez, . bertie, rear-admiral a., commands under sir j. saumarez in the baltic fleet, ii. . berry, captain, sails for england, with admiral nelson's despatches, i. . black rocks, command off the, assumed by sir j. saumarez, i. ; description of, _ib._ . blanquet, admiral, notice of his account of the battle of the nile, i. . brenton, admiral, father of sir jahleel brenton, notice of his death, ii. . ---- capt. afterwards sir jahleel, appointed to the cæsar, i. ; remarks of sir j. saumarez respecting, ; his account of the battle of algeziras, ; extract from his naval history, _n._; orders of sir j. saumarez to, ; professional abilities of, ; his description of the flag of sir j. saumarez being rehoisted in the cæsar, ; his account of the battle of the th july , _ib._; notice of his account of the wrecks of the st. george and defence, ii. ; his sketch of the professional character of lord de saumarez, . brest fleet, escape of, i. ; proceeds to the mediterranean, ; observations respecting, . bridport, lord, account of his action, i. ; his opinion of the british squadron, ; of capt. domett, _ib._; joins the channel fleet, ; takes command of the fleet, ; list of the fleet under his command, june rd, , ii. . brimstone hill, surrender of, i. . brisbane, capt. john, orders issued by, to the squadron at rhode island, i. ; division of sailors under, ; returns to england in the leviathan, ; narrowly escapes shipwreck, _ib._ british heroism, anecdote of, i. . ---- fleet, perilous situation of the, i. ; loss of men in, ; loss sustained by, in the battle of algeziras, ; list of the, under sir john jervis, ; account of the battle with the spanish fleet, off cape st. vincent, ; ii. ; mutiny in, i. ; proceedings of the, ii. , ; rejoicings in sweden, upon their triumph over the russian flotilla, ; disposition of the, ; list of the, commanded by admiral sir george rodney, in the actions of the th and th april , ; officers killed and wounded in, ; list of the, under admiral nelson, at the battle of the nile, . british seamen, perseverance of, i. . ---- squadron commanded by sir j. saumarez, victory of the, over the french and spanish squadrons, on the th july , i. . buonaparte, napoleon, remarks upon his career, i. ; his extraordinary exertions to invade england, ii. ; observations of lord nelson respecting, ; remarks on his success in austria and prussia, ; notice of his marriage with the arch-duchess maria louisa, ; his designs upon holland, _ib._; orders of, respecting the swedish commerce, ; declaration of, relating to the navy of england, ; his position at the commencement of , ; retreat from russia, . ---- joseph, declared king of spain, ii. . brueys, vice-admiral de, gallant conduct and death of, i. . brunswick, william duke of, his letter to sir j. saumarez, ii. ; sir james's letter in answer, _ib._ brydone, mr. notice of his travels through sicily and malta, i. . burrows, captain, death of, ii. . byron, captain, communicates with admiral rodney, respecting the enemy's approach, i. . c. cadiz, squadron off, i. ; bombardment of the city of, ; armament preparing for sea in, , ; squadron off, reinforced, ii. ; blockade of, resumed by sir j. saumarez, . cæsar, log of, respecting the battle of algeziras, extract from, i. . cairo, general o'hara's notice of the capitulation of, ii. . canning, mr. remarks relating to, ii. _n._ carl august, crown prince of sweden, ii. ; lamentable event at stockholm in consequence of his death, . carlscrona, arrival of sir j. saumarez at, ii. , ; mortality among the seamen at, ; orders respecting the fleet of line-of-battle ships fitting out there, . carlsham, orders of admiral puké respecting the defence of, ii. . casa-bianca, commodore, death of, i. . catania, remarks upon, i. . cathcart, earl, nominated ambassador to the court of st. petersburg, ii. ; sails from england, _ib._; letter from sir j. saumarez to, ; his despatches to sir james, . caulfield, captain thomas gordon, anecdote of, ii. , charles xiii. duke of sudermania, succeeds gustavus adolphus as king of sweden, ii. ; elected king by the states, ; confers on sir j. saumarez the grand cross of the order of the sword, , ; his message to the diet, upon the death of the crown prince, ; his letter to sir james, ; presents him with a portrait of himself, ; description of, . charlestown, notice of its surrender in , ii. . chatham, lord, his letter of congratulation to captain saumarez, i. . cherbourg, port of, object of the french government respecting, i. . clarence, duke of, visits guernsey, i. ; dines with sir j. saumarez, ; his eulogiums on the conduct of sir james in his actions with the united fleets of france and spain, ii. ; ascends the throne of england, ; raises sir j. saumarez to the peerage, _ib._ clephane, major-general william douglas maclean, his communication with sir j. saumarez, on the subject of the evacuation of minorca, ii. ; takes his passage to england, on board the pomone, . clinton, lieut.-gen. sails for south carolina, to besiege the city of charlestown, ii. . cockburn, capt. chased by two spanish line-of-battle ships, i. . collins, michael, bravery of, i. _n._ connolly, colonel, statements of, respecting the loss of the hannibal, at algeziras, i. . continental sovereigns, notice of their visit to london, ii. . corbett, thomas, his letter to capt. p. saumarez, ii. . cordova, don josef de, commands the spanish fleet, in the battle off cape st. vincent, i. ; list of his fleet, _ib._; his account of the battle, ii. . cornwallis, earl, order of the american congress relative to the captains taken prisoners with his army, ii. . crescent, action between the, and la réunion, i. ; force of the two frigates, . croker, j.w. secretary to the admiralty, letters of sir j. saumarez to, ii. , , , ; his letter to sir james, . crown, adm. list of his fleet, ii. . curtis, sir r. his arrival off cadiz, i. . d. dalrymple, capt. narrow escape of, from shipwreck in the leviathan, i. . danes, audacity of the, ii. . danish frigate, account of the capture of the, ii. . ---- troops, number of, in the island of zealand, ii. ; account of their attack on anholt, . dantzig bay, diversion made by adm. martin in, ii. . darley, mr. killed at the attack upon fort sullivan, i. . dashwood, capt. protects the island of anholt from the danes, ii. . defence (capt. atkins), wreck of the, ii. . dixon, rear-admiral m. placed under the command of sir j. saumarez, in the baltic fleet, ii. . dobree, lieutenant (nephew of sir j. saumarez), despatched to england with news of peace with russia, ii. ; promoted to the rank of commander, _ib._ dogger bank, battle off, i. ; dutch account of, ii. . domett, capt. lord bridport's approbation of his conduct, i. . douglas, sir charles, his calculations respecting the french and british fleets, i. . douvarnenez bay, description of, i. , . drake, rear-admiral, commences the engagement of the th of april, , i. . duckworth, sir john, account of the expedition under, i. ; application of lord gardner respecting, ii. . dumaresq, mr. philip, remarks of sir j. saumarez concerning, i. ; despatched to england with accounts of the victory of the th july , ; his reception at the admiralty by earl st. vincent, ii. ; promoted to the rank of commander, _ib._ dundas, hon. geo. h.l. appointed captain of the st. antoine, ii. . du petit thouars, capt. dying commands of, i. . durham, capt., his remarks respecting the french fleet, i. . dutch, declare war against england, i. ; account of their squadron, ; commencement of the action, ; account of . ---- fleet, list of the, under admiral zoutman in the battle off dogger bank, ii. . e. east indies, command in the, offered to sir j. saumarez, ii. . eamer, sir john, his letter to sir j. saumarez, ii. . engerstrom, baron, remarks respecting, ii. , . england, enthusiasm in, upon receiving news of the splendid victory of the th july , ii. . english fleet, list of the, under admiral sir hyde parker, in the battle off dogger bank, ii. ; under admiral lord bridport, rd june , ; number of killed and wounded in, _ib._ ---- squadron, commanded by sir j. saumarez off port baltic, ii. . essen, baron, his interview with sir j. saumarez, ii. . europa, british squadron assembled off, i. . europe, state of, in , ii. . exmouth, lord, see pellew. f. ferris, capt. remarks of sir j. saumarez upon the bravery of, i. ; his letter to sir james, ; narrative of, at his court-martial, ; returns to england in the plymouth lugger, . fersen, count, assassination of, at stockholm, ii. . finland, exertions of the swedish army in, ii. . fleets, junction of the, i. . foote, capt. e. perseverance of, i. . fort sullivan, attack upon, i. . foster, mr. augustus, appointed british minister, and chargé d'affaires at sweden, ii. ; correspondence between, and sir j. saumarez, , ; his account of the russian forces, ; of the situation of norway, ; remarks on the character of the duke of sudermania, ; his correspondence with sir j. saumarez, to , to ; his observations respecting the swedish government, . france, commencement of hostilities with, ii. . french fleet, at anchor off sandy hook, i. ; failure of their plans for the reduction of rhode island, ; equipment of, under comte de grasse, ; loss of men in, ; take possession of alexandria and cairo, ; position of, in the bay of aboukir, _ib._; situation of, in the battle of the nile, ; escape of, at brest, ; proceeds to the mediterranean, ; remarks respecting, ; amount of, at bayonne, ; discovered at anchor in algeziras bay, ; loss of men in, at the battle of algeziras, ; list of the, commanded by comte de grasse on the th and th april , ii. ; opposed to the english, rd june , ; list of the, under admiral gantheaume in the action off the mouth of the nile, . ---- garrison, summoned by sir j. saumarez at malta, i. ; ii. . ---- government, endeavours of the, to form a naval port in the british channel, i. . frenchmen, singular custom of, in battle, i. _n._ french privateers, account of the capture and destruction of, ii. . ---- ships, comparison between, and the british, i. . ---- squadron, attacked in the bay of brehat, i. ; gallant action of sir j. saumarez with, off guernsey, ; force of, ; list of the, which sailed from algeziras on the th july , . frere, j.h. english ambassador at lisbon, letter of sir j. saumarez to, i. . g. gantheaume, admiral, list of the french fleet under, in the action off the mouth of the nile, ii. . gardner, sir alan, remarks concerning, i. ; appointed to command the channel fleet, ii. ; applies for sir john duckworth to be his second in command, . george iii, king of england, visits the squadron under admiral parker, on its arrival at the nore, i. ; inquiries of, respecting lieutenant saumarez, ; expresses his satisfaction to sir j. saumarez with the manoeuvres of the squadron under his command, ; creates sir james a baronet of the united kingdom, ; commissions general o'hara, governor at gibraltar, to invest him with the order of the bath, ii. ; illness of, . ---- prince of wales, afterwards george iv. appointed regent, ii. . gibraltar, arrival of admiral nelson's squadron at, i. ; ball given at, _ib._; occurrences at, ; animating scene upon the arrival of the british squadron at, ; conduct of the governor and garrison at, ii. ; joy of the inhabitants of, upon sir j. saumarez being created a knight of the bath, . goodall, samuel cranston, kindness of, to mr. de saumarez, i. ; visits the mediterranean, _ib._; ordered to return to england, _ib._ gothenburg, arrival of the baltic fleet at, ii. ; of sir john moore, _ib._; of sir j. saumarez, . græme, capt. returns to england in the leviathan, i. ; providential escape of, from shipwreck, _ib._; commands the preston, ; loses his arm in action with the dutch, . graham, col. (lord lynedoch) his successful endeavours to effect the release of sir john moore, from his confinement at stockholm, ii. . granville, attack and bombardment of, ii. ; remarks of sir j. saumarez respecting the inhabitants of, . grasse, comte de, abandons his plan of attacking barbadoes, and arrives at st. kitts, i. ; takes possession of part of that island, _ib._; reinforcement of his fleet, ; equips his fleet to carry into execution the reduction of jamaica, ; ability displayed by, ; his conversation with captain saumarez, ; removed to the flag ship, _ib._; sails for england, ; list of the french fleet commanded by, on the th and th april , ii. . grave, william, death of, i. . great britain, peace declared between, and russia, ii. . grey, lord, visits plymouth, ii. ; his speech upon sir j. saumarez proposing his health, . griffith, com. walter, secret order of, to lieut. saumarez, i. . guernsey, important changes in the island of, i. ; visited by prince william henry, (afterwards william iv. king of england,) _ib._; inhabitants of, present sir j. saumarez with a silver vase in testimony of their sense of his gallant conduct, ii. ; benevolence of sir j. saumarez in, ; his residence there, _ib._; his reception, and rejoicings there, . ---- traders, observation respecting, i. . guichen, count de, ordered to prepare the french fleet for sea, i. ; engaged in action, ; power of the force under, ; fleet under in , ii. . guion, capt. remarks of rear-admiral reynolds concerning, ii. ; his death, . gustavus iv. (adolphus) king of sweden, his alarm at the preparations for invasion making at st. petersburg, ii. ; solicits a force from england for its protection, _ib._; orders the arrest and detention of sir john moore at stockholm, ; his letters to sir j. saumarez, ; his dethronement, ; removed to drottningholm, _ib._; succeeded by his uncle the duke of sudermania, as charles xiii, _ib._; proclamation issued respecting, ; his escape and arrival at gothenburg, ; conveyed to yarmouth, _ib._; remarks on his arrival in england, . h. hamilton, sir william, magnificent fête given by, at naples, in honour of admiral nelson, i. . harvey, rear-admiral henry, commands the expedition to isle dieu, i. ; order of, to sir j. saumarez, ; parts from the convoy off brest, _ib._ havre, duc d', account of, i. , . henikoff, admiral, commander of the russian fleet, observations respecting, ii. . henryson, lieut, appointed to command the cæsar, i. . holland, remarks on buonaparte's designs upon, ii. . holloway, rear-admiral, president at the court martial of capt. ferris, i. . hood, sir samuel, bold manoeuvre of, i. ; receives despatches from capt. saumarez, ; decision of, ; appoints capt. saumarez to command the russell, ; arrives at antigua, ; proceeds to st. lucia, ; endeavours to intercept a french convoy, _ib._; commands the van division in the action of the th april , ; his division brought into the rear, ; engagement of the th, ; chases a french ship, ; rejoins the fleet off tiberoon, ; discretional orders of sir j. saumarez to, ; his message in answer, ; remarks of earl st. vincent, in the house of lords respecting, ii. ; appointed to command under sir j. saumarez in the baltic fleet, ; returns to england, . hope, sir george, relieves sir j. saumarez at gothenburg, ii. . hostile fleets, situation of the, in the west indies, i. ; position of the, on the rd june , ii. ; list of the, in the action off the mouth of the nile, . house of commons, question in, relative to the wrecks of the st. george and defence, ii. ; remark of mr. whitbread respecting, _ib._ houses of parliament, thanks of the, voted to sir j. saumarez, i. ; ii. , ; express their approbation at his wise conduct in the baltic, . howe, earl, confirms the commission of capt. saumarez as post captain, i. ; his instructions to him, . ---- lady, remarks respecting, i. . hunt, j., his letter to captain saumarez, i. . i. institutions, patronized by sir j. saumarez, ii. . ireland, distressing state of, i. . isle dieu, expedition to, commanded by rear-admiral henry harvey, i. . j. jamaica, reception of sir george rodney at, i. . jersey, resolution of the states of, acknowledging the bravery of sir j. saumarez, ii. ; visited by him, . jervis, sir john, reinforced off cape st. vincent, by capt. saumarez, i. ; squadron under, ; account of his victory over the spanish fleet, ; letter of, to sir j. saumarez, ; grants a pardon to james mahoney, _ib._; created earl st. vincent, ; extracts from his letters to sir j. saumarez, ; his motives for bombarding the city of cadiz, ; letters of capt. saumarez to, , , , , ; proceeds to bantry bay, ; order of, to captain saumarez, ; to sir john borlase warren, ; his letters to capt. saumarez, , , ; his admiration of the conduct of sir james in douvarnenez bay, ; his letters to him, ; ii. ; to earl spencer, i. ; his speech in the house of lords respecting the gallant conduct of sir j. saumarez, in his actions with the united fleets of france, and spain, ii. ; moves the thanks of the house to sir james, ; also to captains hood and keats, ; is appointed to command the channel fleet, ; his letter to sir j. saumarez, . jones, lieut. thomas, his gallant conduct admired by rear-admiral martin, ii. . juan fernandez, description of the island of, ii. . k. karobka, rear-admiral, list of ships under, ii. . keats, capt. r.g. remarks of sir j. saumarez, upon his gallant conduct on the th july , i. ; his statement respecting the capture of the san antonio, _ib._; remarks of earl st. vincent in the house of lords upon, ii. ; placed under the command of sir j. saumarez in the baltic fleet, ; ordered to communicate with marquis romana respecting the rescuing of his army, ; address and tact displayed on the occasion, _ib._; remarks of lord mulgrave upon, ; appointed to the command at gothenburg, , keith, lord, letter of sir j. saumarez to, i. ; his letters to sir james, ii. , , ; his orders, respecting the evacuation of minorca, ; the regulation of the service in the bay of gibraltar, ; sails for england, . kempenfelt, admiral, sails for the west indies, i. ; professional skill of, _ib._; orders of, to capt. saumarez, ii. ; squadron sent under, to intercept the french west india convoy, . kent, edward, duke of, appointed to succeed general o'hara as governor of gibraltar, ii. ; his reception there, . kidd, capt. selected to accompany commodore anson, in his projected voyage round the world, ii. ; notice of his death, . knight, capt. g.w.h. (son of the late admiral sir john knight,) extract from his letter respecting lord rodney's victory, , ii. . knights of the bath, remarks on that order, ii. . krusenstjerna, admiral, his observations respecting bernadotte, ii. ; extract from his letter to sir j. saumarez, , ; his expressions of sincerity on taking leave of sir james, ; notice of his death, _ib._ l. larcom, capt. thomas, notice of his death, ii. . la réunion, surrender of, i. ; number of men killed in, . "le club de cherbourg," capture of, i. . legge, capt. accompanies commodore anson in his projected voyage round the world, ii. . libau, joy in, upon the arrival of capt. ross, with news of peace, ii. . lines--on the occasion of presenting a sword to admiral linois, i. ; on his improvement in naval tactics, . lindsay, mr. d. death of, i. . linois, admiral, able manoeuvre of, i. ; sword presented to, ; lines on the occasion, _ib._; epigram, upon his improvement in naval tactics, ; correspondence between him and sir j. saumarez respecting the exchange of prisoners, ; letter of sir james to, ; list of the squadron which sailed under, from algeziras, on the th july , i. . lisbon, return of the british fleet to, after their victory off st. vincent, i. . liverpool, lord, letter of sir j. saumarez to, ii. . london, freedom of the city of, presented to sir j. saumarez, ii. . ---- gazette extraordinary, containing admiral nelson's account of the victory off the nile, ii. . louis xvi. visits the port of cherbourg, i. ; capt. saumarez introduced to, _ib._ luce, lieut, ordered to take possession of the salvator del mundo, i. ; his description of the appalling state of, after her capture, ; promoted to the rank of master and commander, . m. mcbride, admiral john, appoints sir j. saumarez to command a squadron, i. ; letters of sir james to, , , ; his letter to sir james, . macoa, arrival of commodore anson at, ii. . madrid gazette extraordinary, statements in, relative to the battle of algeziras, i. , . mahoney, james, pardon granted to, i. . malta, island of, account of its surrender to the french, i. ; description of, ; the french garrison summoned at, . manilla, account of the action with the spanish galleon off, ii. . maria louisa, arch-duchess, notice of her marriage with napoleon buonaparte, ii. . marine artillery, plan of sir j. saumarez for the establishment of, ii. . maritime peace, declaration of buonaparte respecting, ii. . martin, rear-admiral sir byam, appointed to serve under sir j. saumarez in command in the baltic, ii. ; letter from captain ross to, ; detached in the aboukir, to assist in the defence of riga, ; diversion made by, in dantzig bay, ; joins rear-admiral morris at hanö, _ib._ maurice, capt., letter of sir j. saumarez to, ii. . maxwell, capt., observations of sir j. saumarez respecting, i. , . mazarredo, admiral don joseph de, correspondence of sir j. saumarez with, i. ; ii. ; translation of his letter to sir j. saumarez, . memorandum, issued to the british squadrons by sir j. saumarez, i. . messina, straits of, sir j. saumarez' remarks upon, i. . messina faro, description of, i. . mesurier, governor le, letter of captain saumarez to, i. . miells, m., account of his heroic death, i. . miller, capt., remarks of sir j. saumarez respecting, i. ; proposition of sir j. saumarez towards the erection of a monument to his memory, ii. . ministry, change in the, ii. . minorca, island of, given up to spain, ii. . mitchell, captain, afterwards admiral william, observations respecting, ii. ; appointed to commodore anson's squadron, for his projected voyage round the world, . moniteur, bulletin from the, i. . moore, sir john, arrival of, at gothenburg, ii. ; his expedition, _ib._; is arrested at stockholm, ; escapes in disguise, ; remarks of sir j. saumarez upon the subject, ; takes his passage on board the audacious to yarmouth, . moreno, vice-admiral don juan joaquin, list of the spanish squadron commanded by, on the th of july , i. ; orders of, to his fleet, . morris, captain, noble constancy of, at the attack upon fort sullivan, i. ; death of, . ---- rear-admiral j.n. ordered to serve under sir j. saumarez in command in the baltic, ii. ; despatched with the advanced squadron, ; arrives at wingo sound, _ib._; joined by admiral martin at hanö, . mulgrave, lord, his letter to sir j. saumarez, offering him the command in the east indies, ii. ; the command of the baltic fleet, ; letters of sir james to, , , . murray, capt. e. selected to accompany commodore anson, in his intended voyage round the world, ii. . n. naples, description of the bay of, i. . ---- king of, dinner given by, to admiral sir h. nelson and his captains, i. . nauckhoff, admiral, his letters to sir j. saumarez, ii. , ; list of the swedish fleet under, st september , . naval biography, remarks in the, upon the abilities of sir j. saumarez, ii. . nelson, adm. lord, engaged off cape st. vincent, i. ; cruise of, ; receives the grand cross of the bath, ; his letter to captain saumarez, ; resumes the command of the advanced squadron, ; sails for teneriffe, ; proceeds off toulon, ; vanguard dismasted in a storm, ; orders given by, on the junction of the squadron, ; proceedings of his squadron, ; discovers the french fleet in the bay of aboukir, ; makes signal to prepare for battle, _ib._; for close action, ; is wounded, ; receives the congratulations of the captains of the fleet upon his great victory off the nile, ; his general memoranda to the squadron, _ib._; conversation with sir j. saumarez on board the vanguard, ; remarks respecting his despatches, ; his friendship for sir t. troubridge, _ib._; presented with a sword by the captains of his squadron, ; his letter to them upon receiving it, _ib._; orders to sir j. saumarez respecting ships and prizes under his command, ; his letters to him, , ; to evan nepean, ; letters of sir j. saumarez to, , to ; remarks upon the favours conferred upon him, ; his letters of approbation to sir j. saumarez, ; his speech in the house of lords respecting the character and conduct of sir james, ii. ; his letter to sir james dated two days before his death, ; remarks on the career of the rochfort squadron, ; on buonaparte, _ib._; his letter to sir j. saumarez respecting the erection of a monument to the memory of captain miller, ; remarks upon, ; gazette extraordinary upon his victory at the nile, ; account of his being created baron nelson; pension granted to, _ib._; list of his fleet at the battle of the nile, ; letter to, from sir j. saumarez, . nepean, evan, secretary to the admiralty, lord bridport's letter to, i. ; his official letters to sir j. saumarez, ; ii. , , ; letters of sir j. saumarez to, i. , , , ; announcing the death of general o'hara, ii. ; the evacuation of minorca, ; letters of admiral nelson to, i. . nicholls, rev. r.b. his letters of congratulation to captain saumarez, i. . nicolls, capt. appointed governor of anholt, ii. . nile, battle of the, i. ; notice of admiral blanquet's account of, . niza, rear-admiral marquis de, his meeting with sir j. saumarez, i. ; concurs in sending a flag of truce with proposals to the french garrison ; ii. . norris, capt. sails in commodore anson's squadron, upon his intended voyage round the world, ii. . north seas, squadron in the, i. ; particulars of, ; remarks on crossing the, ii. . o. o'hara, general, governor of gibraltar, intelligence received from respecting the armament fitting out at cadiz, i. ; his letter to sir j. saumarez announcing the capitulation of cairo, and death of sir ralph abercrombie, ii. ; commissioned by king george iii. to invest sir james with the most honourable order of the bath, ; ceremony of the investiture, _ib._; his death, ; funeral, . orange, william prince of, visits sir j. saumarez on board the victory off ystad, ii. ; his letter to sir james, . oxford, visit of sir j. saumarez to, ii. . p. parker, commodore sir peter, appointed to command a squadron, i. ; commission of, to lieutenant saumarez, ; sails in the sandwich for england, ; letter of, to captain saumarez, . ---- admiral sir hyde, appointed to command the squadron in the north seas, i. ; observations respecting his action with the dutch, ; arrives at the nore, ; visited by george iii. _ib._; observation of, to his majesty, ; anecdotes of, ; informs captain saumarez of the declaration of war against france, ; fleet under in the battle off dogger bank, ii. . parker, (son of the admiral,) captain of the latona, i. ; his affectionate enquiries respecting his father, _n._ ---- lieutenant, afterwards admiral sir george, takes possession of la réunion frigate, i. ; appointed to the rank of master and commander, . pater, captain, his narrative of the circumstances relating to the st. george, ii. ; his conduct debated at a court-martial, ; his honourable acquittal, _ib._ patton, captain of the belle poule, i. ; hauls down the pendant of the dutch ship hollandia, . pellew, sir edward, agreement between, and sir j. saumarez respecting prize money, i. ; his wish to be relieved from the command in the east indies, ii. ; created baron exmouth, ; his remarks concerning sir. j. saumarez, _ib._; visits him at plymouth, . pelley, m. dumanoir le, his account of the action of the th july , i. . pierre, french corvette, capture of, i. . pitt, mr. remarks of, in the house of commons respecting the battle of the nile, i. , ; his motion in the house of commons respecting the merits of sir j. saumarez, ii. . platen, baron, his letter to sir j. saumarez, ii. , ; letter of sir james to, . pole, vice-admiral sir charles maurice, supersedes sir james saumarez in command, ii. ; proceeds to england, . ponte corvo, prince of, see _bernadotte_. port baltic, combined english and swedish fleet off, ii. ; command of, resumed by sir james saumarez, ; list of the squadron commanded by sir james off, . puké, admiral (governor of carlscrona), his attention to sir j. saumarez, ii. ; his letters to him, , ; swedish expedition sails under, _ib._; account of, ; his orders respecting the defence of carlsham, . purcell, mr. appointed lieutenant for his bravery in attacking the danes, ii. . q. quibo, description of the island of, ii. . r. ralfe, remarks in his "naval biography" upon the abilities of sir j. saumarez, ii. . reynolds, rear-admiral, letter of sir j. saumarez to, ii. ; sails in the st. george from hano, ; disasters in his fleet, ; arrives at wingo, ; sailing of his fleet, ; wreck of the st. george, ; his death, . rhode island, description of, i. . riga, siege of, ii. . robb, mr. narrow escape of, in the tisiphone, i. . rodney, admiral sir george, arrives at barbadoes, i. ; joins sir s. hood off antigua, _ib._; general signal made by, ; proceeds to jamaica, ; his reception there, _ib._; intentions of, respecting the russell, (capt. saumarez,) ; his letter relative to the actions of the th and th april , ii. ; list of the british fleet under, in the action, ; account of his victory, . romana, marquis, rescue of his army, ii. . rosen, count, his assurances to sir j. saumarez respecting the intention of the swedish government, ii. ; request of, to sir james, ; his sincerity towards sir james upon taking final leave of him, ; cause of his death, _ib._ ross, lieut, notice of his being created a knight of the order of the sword, ii. ; observations respecting, ; his letter to rear-admiral martin, ; appointed to carry the news of peace to libau, ; his joyful reception there, _ib._ roxborough, p. death of, i. . royston, mr. his death, ii. . russell (captain j. saumarez,) extract from the log of the, relative to lord rodney's victory, , ii. . russia, commencement of war with, ii. ; armistice and peace with, ; determines not to accede to the terms proposed by france, ; critical situation of, at the commencement of , ; peace declared between, and great britain, . ---- emperor of, see _alexander_. russian fleet, reconnoitred in the harbour by sir j. saumarez, ii. ; his meditated attack upon, prevented by change of winds, ; return of, to cronstadt, ; successful blockade of the, ; list of the, . s. st. clair, lieut. remarks on his bravery in attacking the danes, ii. ; promoted to the rank of commander, _ib._ st. george, narrative of the circumstances relating to, by capt. pater, ii. ; wreck of the, ; testimony of the survivors concerning, . st. julien's, description of, ii. . st. malo, anecdote of an occurrence at, i. . st. petersburg, preparations for invasion in, ii. ; earl cathcart appointed ambassador to the court of, . st. pietro, description of the town of, i. . st. vincent, account of the battle with the spanish fleet off the cape, i. ; ii. . ---- earl, see jervis. salamandre, le, capture and destruction of, ii. . salvador del mundo, account of her capture, i. ; appalling state of, . san antonio, capture of the, i. ; report respecting, ii. _n._ santissima trinidada, account of her striking her colours to the orion, i. . savage, sir john, disappointment of, i. ; extreme humanity of sir j. saumarez towards, . saumarez, capt. thomas de, character of, i. ; captures the french ship belliqueux, . ---- captain philip de, death of, i. ; biographical memoir of, ii. . ---- matthew (father of lord de saumarez) his marriage, i. ; receives the duke of gloucester upon his visiting the island of guernsey, ; notice of his death, ii. ; of his family, _ib._ saumarez, james lord de, birth of, i. ; singular record of his ancestors, ; his predilection for the navy, ; enters his name on the books of the solebay, ; his talents, ; his regard for captain goodall, ; joins the levant, ; hospitality of the english families in smyrna towards, _ib._; passes examination for lieutenant, ; his interview with sir peter parker, _ib._; proposes to leave the navy, ; his narrow escape at the attack on fort sullivan, ; copy of his acting commission as lieutenant, ; his activity in the boats of the bristol, ; removed to the chatham, ; appointed to command the spitfire, _ib._; makes sail for rhode island, ; secret orders of commodore griffith to, ; arduous nature of his undertakings, ; different engagements of, ; orders of commodore john brisbane to, respecting the war with france, ; destruction of his vessel, ; becomes aide-de-camp to commodore brisbane, ; returns to england in the leviathan, ; his providential escape from shipwreck, ; appointed first lieutenant of the edgar, _ib._; joins the victory, ; visits london, ; joins the fortitude, _ib._; conducts the preston into port, ; presented to george iii. ; promoted to the rank of master and commander, _ib._; arrives at torbay, ; joins the fleet under lord howe, _ib._; sails for the west indies with admiral kempenfelt, ; captures a french ship in the action with the count de guichen, _ib._; selected to apprise sir samuel hood of the approach of the enemy, ; arrives at barbadoes, _ib._; proceeds to antigua, ; escapes from two french men of war, _ib._; passes through the intricate channel between neves and st. kitts, ; proposal of, to sir samuel hood, respecting the conveyance of intelligence to jamaica, ; his ship ordered home, _ib._; his fortunate exchange with captain stanhope, ; takes command of the russell, ; restores discipline among his crew, ; engaged in the action of th april , ; position of his ship, ; anecdote of, ; extreme sensibility of, ; his conversation with comte de grasse respecting the loss of the ville de paris, ; returns to jamaica, ; arrives in england with convoy, ; is paid off at chatham, and appointed post-captain, _ib._; visits london, ; proceeds to guernsey, _ib._; his exemplary conduct, ; visits cherbourg, _ib._; presented to louis xvi. ; returns to guernsey, _ib._; visited by prince william henry, (afterwards william iv. king of england,) ; elegant person and manners of, _ib._; appointed to command the ambuscade frigate, ; pays her off, and returns to guernsey, _ib._; letter of, upon his marriage, _ib._; removes to exeter, ; commissions and pays off the raisonable, _ib._; appointed to command the crescent in the war of , ; receives intelligence from sir h. parker of war being declared against france, _ib._; ordered to reinforce the garrisons of the channel islands, ; account of his first cruise, _ib._; of his second, ; captures a cutter, _ib._; sails for plymouth with specie, ; returns to spithead, _ib._; orders of the admiralty to, _ib._; sails for the third cruise, ; visits his family while his ship is refitted, ; sails for the channel islands, ; action between the crescent and french frigate la réunion, ; conveys his prize to portsmouth, ; his ship refitted, ; letters of congratulation to, ; obtains leave of absence, _ib._; is knighted for his gallant conduct, ; placed under the orders of admiral mcbride, ; conveys transports with troops to guernsey and jersey, _ib._; his enthusiastic reception there, _ib._; attacks a french squadron, ; narrowly escapes shipwreck, ; chases some brigs off havre, ; his gallant conduct mentioned in the house of commons, ; ordered to cruise off the lizard, ; agreement between, and sir edward pellew, ; returns to plymouth, _ib._; sails from plymouth, ; account of his action with a french squadron off guernsey, _ib._; courageous scheme of, ; letter of admiral mcbride to, ; commands a squadron of frigates in the channel, ; his interview with king george iii. at weymouth, ; returns to plymouth, ; attached to the grand fleet under earl howe, _ib._; his situation in the fleet, ; application to earl spencer, ; appointed to the orion, ; attached to the channel fleet, _ib._; engaged in lord bridport's action, ; his account of, ; appearance of an epidemic fever on board the orion, ; returns to portsmouth, ; his expedition to isle dieu, ; arrives at spithead, ; proceeds to reinforce sir j. jervis off cape st. vincent, ; account of his victory over the spanish fleet, ; letter of sir j. jervis to, ; account of his engagement with and possession of the salvador del mundo and the santissima trinidada, ; receives the thanks of both houses of parliament, ; letters of congratulation to, from earl spencer and lord hugh seymour, _ib._; sails on a cruise with admiral nelson, ; returns to lisbon, ; receives a gold medal for his gallant conduct, _ib._; commands the advanced squadron off cadiz, _ib._; corresponds with the spanish admiral mazarredo, _ib._; letter from sir j. jervis to, ; admiral nelson's high opinion of, ; his remarks upon the spaniards, ; upon the disturbance in the channel fleet, ; his seasonable admonition to one of the mutineers, ; high degree of discipline in his crew, ; humane character of, ; perilous enterprise of, ; resumes the command of the advanced squadron at the bombardment of cadiz, ; escorts a convoy to gibraltar, ; is relieved by sir w. parker, _ib._; attached to nelson's squadron, and proceeds off toulon, ; captures the pierre, french corvette, _ib._; his exertions in refitting the vanguard at st. pierre, ; journal of, _ib._; the vanguard dismasted, ; his negotiation with the governor of st. pietro, ; captures a spanish brig, _ib._; obtains information of the arrival of a reinforcement under sir r. curtis off cadiz, ; captures a spanish vessel from genoa, _ib._; joins admiral nelson with the reinforcement, ; his remarks upon the "scylla and charybdis" celebrated by the ancients, ; upon different volcanoes, _ib._; upon the bay of naples, ; his account of mount strombolo, _ib._; of a pilot and his crew, ; of "brydone's travels through sicily and malta," _ib._; of the city of messina, ; obtains intelligence of the surrender of the island of malta to the french, _ib._; his remarks upon it, ; his anxiety respecting the french fleet, ; proceeds to alexandria, ; discovers the french fleet in aboukir bay, ; position of, in the battle of the nile, ; is wounded by a splinter, ; congratulates admiral nelson upon his glorious victory, ; visits the admiral on board the vanguard, ; observations of, respecting his being second in command, _n._; his proposition on board the orion, ; ordered by admiral nelson to take a detachment of ships and prizes under his command, ; journal of his tedious voyage, ; sails for gibraltar, ; letters of admiral nelson, to, , , ; his observations upon the state of ireland, ; arrives off candia, ; decides to pass through a perilous passage, _ib._; account of, _n._; falls in with the marquis de niza's squadron, ; summons the french garrison at malta, _ib._; leaves sicily, ; his tedious passage, ; letter of earl st. vincent to, ; arrives at gibraltar, ; his remarks upon the duc d'havre, _ib._; letter of captain ball, ; continues his journal, ; arrives at lisbon, ; sails from thence and arrives at spithead, ; at plymouth, ; returns to his family in bath, _ib._; one of the colonelcies of marines conferred upon him, ; appointed to the cæsar, and joins the channel fleet, _ib._; his journal continued, ; remarks upon lady howe, ; upon the escape of the french fleet, ; proceeds to the mediterranean, ; to bantry bay, ; to lisbon, _ib._; returns to spithead, ; rejoins the channel fleet, ; appointed by earl st. vincent to command the advanced squadron, ; assumes the command off the black rocks, ; his remarks upon the french fleet, ; the guernsey traders, _ib._; the black rocks, ; letters from earl st. vincent to, , , ; anchors at douvarnenez bay, ; his description of the bay, , ; letters from earl spencer, _ib._, ; his remarks upon the distressing state of the french in brest, ; promoted to the rank of rear-admiral, ; relieves admiral thornborough off the black rocks, ; receives a letter of approbation from earl st. vincent, ; his anxiety for the safety of the channel islands, ; remarks upon captain brenton, ; relieved by admiral thornbrough, _ib._; receives a letter from earl st. vincent, ; secret orders of the admiralty to, ; prepares to sail, ; created a baronet of the united kingdom, ; sails from england, ; arrives off cadiz, _ib._; attacks a french squadron at algeziras, ; proceeds to gibraltar, ; sends a flag of truce to algeziras, ; his official account of the battle, ; remarks upon the intrepid conduct of captain brenton during the engagement, ; orders issued by, ; letter of captain ferris to, ; his squadron in the mole at gibraltar, ; correspondence with admiral linois respecting the crew of the hannibal, ; despatches to lord keith, ; private letters, ; removes his flag to the audacious, ; renews his application to admiral linois in behalf of the unfortunate men on board the hannibal, ; determines to attack the combined squadron, ; his flag rehoisted on board the cæsar, ; sir j. brenton's description of that interesting scene, _ib._; his squadron assemble off europa, ; action of the th july , _ib._; destruction of two spanish three-deckers, ; his discretional orders to captain hood, ; animating scene at gibraltar, upon the arrival of his victorious squadron there, ; remarks upon the termination of the contest, ; his general memoranda given out to the squadron, _ib._; list of his squadron, ; account of his proceedings after his arrival at gibraltar, ; enthusiasm in england upon hearing of his victory of the th july , ii. ; letter from mrs. saumarez to, ; earl st. vincent, ; mr. tucker, ; his correspondence with the spanish governor at cadiz, , ; letters from lord keith, , , ; sir john warren, ; resumes the blockade of cadiz, _ib._; remarks on the result of his two actions, ; receives despatches from england, ; superseded by sir charles maurice pole, ; official letters from mr. evan nepean, , , ; remarks upon the arduous engagement at algeziras, ; upon the injustice of his treatment, ; arrives at gibraltar, ; hears of the capitulation of cairo, and the death of sir ralph abercrombie, _ib._; is created a knight of the bath, ; imposing ceremony of its investiture, ; stanzas written on the occasion, ; speeches of earl st. vincent and lord nelson in the house of lords respecting, , ; of the duke of clarence, ; motion of mr. pitt in the house of commons, _ib._; receives the thanks of both houses of parliament, ; the freedom of the city of london and a sword, ; an address from guernsey and jersey, ; presented with a silver vase by the inhabitants of guernsey, ; his disappointment in not returning home, ; detaches a squadron to follow the french ships to the west indies, ; sends intelligence to england of the death of governor o'hara, ; receives orders to superintend the evacuation of minorca, ; observations on the arduous nature of his duty, ; arrives at minorca, ; articles agreed upon between, and general clephane, ; arrives at gibraltar, ; proceeds to england, _ib._; hoists his flag at sheerness, ; proceeds to the command at guernsey, ; his flag in the grampus, _ib._; visits the island of jersey, ; examines the defence of the island, _ib._; his account of the attack and bombardment of granville, ; narrow escape from a shot, ; remarks upon the inhabitants of granville, _n._; continues the blockade of the french coast, _ib._; receives a letter from lord nelson two days before his death, ; his benevolent conduct at guernsey, ; joins the channel fleet under earl st. vincent, ; shifts his flag from the san josef into the prince of wales, ; his decisive conduct, ; returns to guernsey, ; declines the command in the east indies, ; letters to, from lord mulgrave, _ib._, , ; appointed to command the baltic fleet, ; arrives at gothenberg, ; his remarks on the detention and escape of sir john moore from stockholm, , ; on the swedish character, ; letter from gustavus adolphus, king of sweden, to, ; arrives at carlscrona, ; his account of the rescue of marquis romana's army, ; proceeds to the gulf of finland, ; reconnoitres the russian fleet, and determines to attack them, ; prevented by change of winds, ; letter to, from the russian admiral tchitchagoff, ; his anxiety respecting public opinion, ; returns to carlscrona, ; letters from admiral nauckhoff to, , ; leaves carlscrona, ; arrives in the downs, _ib._; reappointed to the command in the baltic, ; receives prince william of orange on board, off ystad, ; his opinion of the integrity of the swedes, ; letters from admiral puké, , ; from the prince of orange, ; proceeds to the gulf of finland to blockade the russian fleet, at cronstadt, ; the grand cross of the order of the sword conferred upon him by charles xiii. king of sweden, ; his remarks upon, ; success in the blockade of the russian fleet, ; letters from baron platen to, ; his fleet returns to england, ; receives the approbation of the lords of the admiralty, _ib._; continues the command of the baltic fleet, ; proceeds to gothenburg and havre, _ib._; promoted to the rank of vice-admiral of the red, ; letter of admiral krusenstjerna to, ; his judicious conduct in the disputes relative to the swedish commerce, ; interview with gustavus iv. the deposed king of sweden, ; orders his conveyance to yarmouth, _ib._; receives the approbation of government, ; letter from admiral krusenstjerna to, _ib._; his arrival in england, ; obtains leave of absence, ; observations respecting, ; continues the command in the baltic at the request of ministers, _ib._; receives the statement of the danish attack on anholt, ; letter from the duke of brunswick, ; arrives in sweden, ; his conference with baron tawast, ; considers the written document of the baron to be unsatisfactory, ; remonstrates with the swedish government, ; his correspondence respecting, ; sends a detail of his proceedings to the admiralty, ; implicit confidence placed in him by the crown prince of sweden, ; letter from rear-admiral reynolds to, relating the disaster of the st. george and convoy, ; observations upon, , ; proceedings of the victory, ; arrives at spithead, ; receives the approbation of ministers, and of the prince regent, ; resumes the command in the baltic, ; appoints rear-admirals byam martin, and j.n. morris to serve under him, _ib._; arrives at gothenburg, ; letter from captain stewart, ; from mr. thornton, ; named knight grand cross of the sword of sweden, ; letter from the king of sweden, _ib._; receives news from england of the death of his eldest daughter, ; his conduct on the occasion, _ib._; letter from lord cathcart, ; resigns his command to rear-admiral sir george hope, ; presented with a sword by the king of sweden, _ib._; letter from baron platen, _ib._; returns to england, ; letter from mr. croker, _ib._; retires from service, ; his various occupations, _ib._; claims for a peerage disregarded, ; observations respecting, ; resumes his works of charity, and benevolence in guernsey, ; his residence there, _ib._; visits oxford, ; letter from lord nelson, ; his political opinions, ; letter from earl st. vincent, ; is appointed to the command at plymouth, _ib._; sentiments of earl grey respecting, ; receives a visit from lord exmouth, _ib._; strikes his flag, ; created a baron upon the accession of his majesty william iv. _ib._; his reception at the island of guernsey and rejoicings there, ; political opinions and conduct, ; grief on the death of his second son, ; anecdotes of his carriage being robbed, ; the king of sweden presents him with his portrait, ; letter from count wetterstedt respecting, ; his last illness, ; christian fortitude, ; and death, ; remarks on his professional career, ; his moral and religious character, ; list of the english squadron under, off port baltic, , ; his plan for forming a corps of artillery for his majesty's naval service, ; letter from earl spencer, . saumarez, mr. john, letter to, from lord de saumarez, i. . ---- lieut.-general sir thomas, letter to, from lord de saumarez, i. ; biographical memoir of, ii. . ---- mr. richard, letters to, from lord de saumarez, i. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; ii. , , , , , , . ---- lady de, her marriage, i. ; letters to, from lord de saumarez, , , , , , , , , , , ; her letter to her son, . ---- (present lord), his tour to Åbo, and st. petersburg, ii. ; biographical memoir of, . ---- thomas le marchant, third son, notice of his death, ii. ; account of, . ---- mary dobrée, eldest daughter, notice of her death, ii. . schill, major, account of, ii. . scylla and charybdis, remarks of sir j. saumarez upon, i. . seymour, lord hugh, his letter of congratulation to sir j. saumarez, i. . skripeetzen mr. anecdote concerning, ii. . small, lieut. governor of guernsey, flattering testimonials published by, respecting sir j. saumarez, i. ; his letter to the secretary of the admiralty, . smith, capt. providential escape of, from shipwreck upon his return to england, i. . ---- j. letters from sir j. saumarez to, ii. , . spain, joins napoleon in his object of invading england, ii. ; joseph buonaparte declared king of, . spanish army, amount of, i. ; loss in, at the battle of algeziras, . ---- fleet, commanded by don josef de cordova, engaged with the british fleet off cape st. vincent, i. ; list of the, _ib._; opinion of sir j. saumarez respecting, . ---- galleon, account of the action with the, off manilla, ii. . ---- priests, miserable situation of, in a captured vessel, i. . ---- squadron, list of the, which sailed from algeziras on the th july, , i. . spencer, copy of the journal of the, i. ; remarks upon, . ---- earl, letters of, to sir j. saumarez, i. , , , , ; ii. ; letter of sir james to, i. , ; ii. . ---- mr. death of, i. . stanhope, capt. john, orders of, to sir j. saumarez, i. ; returns to england on board the tisiphone, . stanzas, written on the occasion of sir j. saumarez being created a knight of the bath, at gibraltar, ii. . stevens, p. secretary of the admiralty, letters of sir j. saumarez to, i. , , , . stewart, capt. his letter to sir j. saumarez, ii. ; detached to the belt, to cut off communication with zealand, . steward, mr. death of, i. . stockholm, arrest and escape of sir john moore at, ii. ; accounts received from, of the surrender of sweaborg, . strombolo mount, description of, i. . sudermania, duke of, see _charles xiii_. sweaborg, surrender of, ii. ; remarks concerning, _ib._ sweden, state of affairs in, ii. ; revolution in, ; dethronement of gustavus iv. king of, ; laws in, _ib. n._; rejoicings in, upon the triumph of the british squadron over the russian flotilla, ; change of politics in, ; death of the crown prince in, _ib._; peremptory orders of buonaparte, relating to the commerce of, ; election of bernadotte, prince of ponte corvo, as crown prince, ; his arrival in, ; critical situation of, in , ; regard of the inhabitants of, towards sir j. saumarez, ; letter of a tourist in, . ---- king of, see _gustavus adolphus_. swedish character, opinion of sir j. saumarez upon the, ii. . ---- expedition sails under admiral puké and general wachtmeister, ii. ; failure of the, . swedish fleet, number of ships in the, ii. ; anchors off rogerwick, ; malignant epidemic in the, ; list of the, commanded by rear-admiral nauckhoff, , ii. . ---- government, declaration of the, ii. ; remonstrance of sir j. saumarez with, . ---- officers, joy of, upon meeting sir j. saumarez, i. ; list of, on board the french fleet under comte de grasse, , ii. . symons, capt. narrow escape of, from shipwreck, upon his return to england, i. . t. tait, admiral, list of the fleet under, ii. . tancock, capt. john, remarks of sir j. saumarez upon his meritorious conduct, i. _n._ tawast, baron, conference of sir j. saumarez with, ii. ; his written document proves unsatisfactory, ; letter from sir james to, , . tchitchagoff, admiral, his letter to sir j. saumarez, ii. . thompson, capt. ordered to protect the trade in the mediterranean, i. ; sails for gibraltar, ; for england, _ib._ thornbrough, admiral, relieves sir j. saumarez in his cruise off the black rocks, i. . thornton, mr. (afterwards sir edward,) account of his being smuggled into the city of gothenburg, ii. ; his letter to sir j. saumarez, announcing peace between great britain and russia, . toulon fleet, sailing of the, i. ; narrow escape of, _ib._ trafalgar, battle of, its effect upon the speculations of buonaparte, ii. . "travels through sicily and malta," by brydone, sir j. saumarez's opinion of, i. . trolle, capt. his report relative to the position of the russian fleet, ii. . troubridge, capt. sir thomas, remarks concerning, i. ; his letter to sir j. saumarez, ; letter from sir james to, ii. . troude, capt. report of, to rear-admiral linois, i. . tucker, mr. his letter of congratulation to sir j. saumarez, upon his victory of the th july , ii. . tyrason, don miguel, made prisoner by admiral sir h. nelson, i. . v. vaudreuil, m. de, commands the squadron and fleet destined to the west indies, i. . venerable, copy of the journal of the, i. ; remarks upon, . vesuvius mount, observations respecting, i. . "ville de paris," capture of, i. ; description of, . w. wachtmeister, general count, observations upon his conduct in the swedish expedition, ii. . wales prince of, see _george_. war, declaration of, at the national convention, against great britain and holland, i. . warren, com. sir john borlase, joined by the orion, sir j. saumarez, i. ; leaves quiberon bay for noirmoutier, ; order of earl st. vincent to, ; his letter to sir j. saumarez, ii. . westcott, capt. notice of his death, i. . wetterstedt, count, his letter to lord de saumarez, accompanying the portrait of the king of sweden, ii. . white, capt. thomas, letter of sir j. saumarez to, i. . whitbread, mr. remark of, in the house of commons, relating to the wrecks of the st. george, and defence, ii. . william henry, prince, afterwards duke of clarence and king william iv. see _clarence_. williams, lieut. j. death of, i. . wingo sound, arrival of the st. george, under rear-adm. reynolds, with her convoy in, ii. ; of the advanced squadron under rear-admiral morris, . wooldridge, lieut. captures the spanish privateer rosario, ii. ; promoted to the rank of commander, . y. yorke, right hon. charles, letters to, from sir j. saumarez, ii. , , , , , , . york town, capitulation of the garrison of, ii. . z. zealand, number of danish troops in the island of, ii. . zoutman, admiral, commands a convoy to the baltic, i. ; hoists dutch colours, ; blame attached to, ; fleet under, in the battle off dogger-bank, ii. ; his account of the action, . the end. london: printed by samuel bentley, dorset street, fleet street. transcriber's note: on page , the following printer's errors were changed in the table of the dutch fleet to the well-documented correct historical names: "erst prince" to "erfprins" "batavia" to "batavier" "mendenblink" to "medenblik" "brank" to "van braak" "bentick" to "bentinck" "rijnevald" to "rynveld" the following ship's and officer's names were stardardized in the tables of the french fleet: page : "pegasse" or "pegase" to "pégase" "bien aimé" to "bien-aimé" "l'argenault" or "argenaut" to "l'argonaute" page : (commandeur) "la clocheuerie" to "la clochetterie" page : "le zèlé" or "zéle" to "zélé" "bourgoyne" to "bourgogne" "conquerant" to "conquérant" "diademe" to "diadème" "cæsar" to "césar" "l'eville" to "l'eveillé" page : "resolue" to "résolue" "medée" to "médée" page : "ceres" to "cérès" "conquerant" to "conquérant" page : "mons. de vaudrieul" to "mons. de vaudreuil" "le leon" to "le lion" page : "l'hardie" to "le hardi" page : "mutius" to "mucius" "coçade" to "cocade" page : "trulet (jun.) to "trullet" (jun.) "pieree" to "pierre" "capt. sol.ice" to "capt. soleil" "r.a. deérès" to "r.a. decrès" the three admirals. life in the royal navy in the s. by w.h.g. kingston. ________________________________________________________________________ this is the fourth in kingston's tetralogy that begins with the three midshipmen, and ends with the three admirals. these books were among the first written by kingston, and were published serially in weekly magazines. kingston's reputation was made by these books, that first appeared about , and dealt with an officer's life in the navy at about that time. by an extraordinary co-incidence, the three young men who had met as midshipmen, get postings that enable them to keep their friendships live even when they are admirals. another old friend is admiral triton, who, is now dead and buries on the isle of wight, but they get to visit his grave. this is actually quite a long book, but it is full of adventures, and you will love it as much as you loved its predecessors. ________________________________________________________________________ the three admirals. life in the royal navy in the s. by w.h.g. kingston. chapter one. the dragon off the bonins--a conversation between tom rogers and archie gordon--gerald desmond on the sick-list--threatenings of a typhoon--it strikes the ship--she runs before it--the ship hove to--the bowsprit carried away--a marine will-o'-the-wisp--enter a bay in one of the bonin islands--tom, gerald, and billy get leave to visit the shore--a beautiful cavern--land on the island--their discoveries--fishing-- interrupted by sharks--a picnic--boat drifts away from the shore--tom swims off--narrow escape from a shark--see the ship in the offing--pull after her--a hurricane coming on--fearful danger when re-entering the harbour. her majesty's corvette _dragon_, lately commanded by our old friend jack rogers, who had been superseded by commander rawson, was on her passage across the wide pacific, bound for esquimault harbour, vancouver's island, from japan, to which she had been sent with despatches. the wind being fair, the screw was at rest, and she was under all sail, looking as trim and taunt a little man-of-war as a sailor's heart could desire. her stay in japan had been short, so that no leave had been granted, and even the officers had seen little of the country and people; though, as they hoped to return before long, that did not much matter. as it was of no great importance that the _dragon_ should soon get back to vancouver's island, commander rawson had received directions to visit the ladrone islands, somewhat to the southward of his course, in order to obtain particulars of an outrage, said to have been committed on an english subject by some of the mongrel inhabitants of those islands, which have for some centuries belonged to spain. the smooth sea shone brightly in the rays of the sun, undimmed by cloud or mist. in all directions the snowy wings of sea fowl could be seen, now dipping towards the ocean, now rising into the blue ether, showing that land was at no great distance. as the wind was from the northward, the air was cool, though the shady side of the ship was generally sought for by the watch on deck, except by a few whose heads seemed impervious to the hot rays of a tropical sun. two midshipmen were slowly pacing the port side of the quarter-deck, where a few feet of shade afforded them shelter from the heat. the one, a somewhat short, well-knit lad, with open countenance, well tanned, and blue laughing eyes, his whole appearance giving promise of strength and activity; the other, a tall youth with sandy hair, and pleasant features well freckled. though tall, he was too well built to be called lanky, and showed that he possessed both strength and activity. "i say, archie, i do envy those fellows of the _eolus_ going on to china; they will see all sorts of fun, for the celestials are sure not to give in in a hurry. the _eoluses_ will have the same sort of work that my brother jack and your cousin murray went through in the last chinese war, when they were midshipmen." the speaker was tom rogers, the youngest brother of captain jack rogers; his companion was archie gordon, captain alick murray's cousin. "gerald was dreadfully cut up at not being able to remain on board the _eolus_, and having instead to come back with us to return home; but captain adair's letter was peremptory, and, as the newspapers say, i hope that he will hear of something to his advantage. gerald would have been better pleased had his uncle let him know why he was sent for." "he has no great cause to complain, seeing that the climate of china is none of the most delectable, and he would have run the risk of being shot into the bargain," observed archie. "i wish that i had the chance of going home, and finding myself the possessor of a tidy fortune with a title." "but then there's the honour and glory, and the fun, and the pig-tails to be captured, and the loot, and the chance of serving in a naval brigade and seeing some work on shore, just as the _shannon's_ people did in india, with a fair prospect of promotion at the end of it." "if a body happens not to be shot, ye ken," observed archie, who, though every bit as eager as tom for the sort of work he described, took a pleasure in differing in opinion from him whenever he could. "we will not, however, bother poor desmond about the subject until he is well again," said tom. "i really believe that he fell sick through vexation, though he was happy enough to be with us once more." "he is much better to-day," remarked archie, "and i hope by to-morrow that the doctor will let him come on deck again, although he may not be fit for duty for a day or two more." mr mildmay, the first lieutenant, who was officer of the watch, paced the deck, spyglass in hand, now and then going on to the bridge and sweeping the horizon with his glass, while he frequently called to the look-outs on the forecastle and fore-yardarm to keep their eyes open. jos green, the master, was also continually there, or else consulting the chart in his cabin, for that part of the ocean was comparatively little known, and cruel reefs might exist, not marked down. "the first lieutenant and the master seem very fidgety," remarked tom. "so would we be, i suspect, if the responsibility of navigating the ship rested with us," answered archie. "after all, no one suffers by being sufficiently careful; that's the rule my cousin gave me when i first came to sea." "and a very good rule it is, too, no doubt about that," observed tom. "my brother jack is as careful of his ship, and everything connected with her, as an old lady is of her best silk gown on a sunday morning, though any one, to hear him talk, would suppose that he was the most harum-scarum fellow alive, always excepting his old shipmate, captain adair. he is, however, staid and steady enough in reality. i was very glad to hear that he got his post rank at the same time as my brother jack did; and now the three old messmates, as they delight to call themselves, are post-captains, and will some day, i hope, be admirals. i wish, however, that they had not to wait so long. your grave cousin murray is as fit to be an admiral now as he will be twenty years hence, and, unless not a few fine fellows die off, it will take the best part of that time for any of them to get their flag." "it is encouragement for us, though," observed archie; "for if they have all been posted without any great amount of interest, we may hope to get promoted in consequence of our good conduct." "yes, but then remember that they have seen a great deal of service, and should the piping times of peace return, we may find it a hard matter to get employed and be able to exhibit our good conduct." "weel, mon, we'll hope for the best, and may be some other nation will kindly think fit to come to fisticuffs with old england, and give us something to do," said archie. "there's every chance of that, i should think," said tom. just then seven bells struck in the afternoon watch. "i'll go and see how gerald is getting on, before i have to come on deck again; it's dull work for him lying all by himself." tom found his old messmate, whose cot was slung a little way outside the berth, so that he might have the advantage of the air coming down the after-hatchway, sucking lustily at an orange which he grasped in one hand, while he held a book in the other. he was so absorbed in its perusal that he did not notice tom. suddenly he burst into a loud fit of laughter. "capital fun; i should have liked to have seen it!" he exclaimed; "soused over head and ears a second time. ah, ah, ah!" "what's the joke?" asked tom. "i've just got to where old peregrine wiffle tumbles into the water a second time, when he is showing how he saw the small fish playing under the wharf, and was picked up with a boat-hook." tom and gerald had a good laugh together. "you don't seem very bad," observed tom. "no; the fever, or whatever it was, that had got hold of me, has cut its stick, though i don't feel quite as nimble as i ought to be," answered gerald. "i believe that the disappointment of not going to china, and the thinking over what my uncle terence can want me home for, had more to do with it than the climate, the hot sun, or anything else, and i intend to ask the doctor to let me go on deck to-morrow, by which time i shall have finished my book, and i want to have a look at any of the islands we may happen to pass. there are some curious shaped ones, i am told." "yes; we have sighted some. one seemed to rise three or four hundred feet in a pointed peak, right out of the water, and it was not, i should say, an eighth of a mile in circumference. it is marked on the chart as lot's wife. a solitary existence she must lead all by herself." "whereabouts are we?" asked desmond. "at noon, when we were passing that curious rock, our latitude was degrees north, and our longitude degrees east. we shall next sight the bonin islands, or rosario, which is another lofty island, little more than a rock, standing up out of the sea." "do ask the doctor if i may get up, tom; i should be sorry to pass these places without having a look at them," exclaimed desmond. "i can finish my book by-and-by." just then the officer spoken of, mr hussey, came out from the gun-room. he was a short, somewhat stout gentleman, with a good-natured expression of countenance, and a merry twinkle in the eye, which showed that he could enjoy a joke, and was likely to utter many a one himself. his naturally florid complexion was deepened into a still more ruddy hue by exposure to the hot suns of the tropics. "do, doctor, let me get up; your physic has done me an immense deal of good, and i feel quite well already," said desmond. the doctor felt his pulse. "you get up!" he exclaimed. "what do you think yourself made of?" trying to look grave. "arrah, shure, sugar and spice and all that's nice! that's what midshipmen are made of. but shure, doctor dear, you will not keep me here, stewing by myself, when i might be enjoying the pure air of heaven?--for i really am well, doctor." "you mean to say that you have finished your book, and have got tired of lying in bed," was the reply. "well, if you promise to be a good boy and keep in the shade, you may dress and go on deck, but i cannot undertake to scratch you off the sick-list yet." "thank you, sir," said desmond; "i will do everything you tell me, and take as much medicine as you think fit to prescribe. i do not want to do duty yet, as i've got a hundred pages more of `tom cringle's log' to read, and i cannot gallop over a book as some people do." "well, well, possibly the ship may manage to take care of itself without you," said the doctor, as he passed on. whereupon desmond began to put on his clothes, a task which he accomplished with tom's assistance. he felt himself, however, much weaker than he had expected, as he made his way upon deck, though he tried hard to show that he was himself again. he received a friendly greeting from his messmates, and mr mildmay congratulated him on being able once more to make his appearance. there was plenty to amuse those who had a taste for natural history even when no land was in sight, and the doctor, who was a great naturalist, was constantly on the _qui vive_, for the sea teemed with squid, medusae, polypi, and flying-fish. several of the latter came through the ports, when there was a general scramble for them, the midshipmen, who were on the watch and the most active, coming in for the largest share. a short time afterwards the unhappy fish made an appearance, well fried, on their mess-table. whales, too, were sporting in all directions, tempted to the locality by the abundance of food which the before-named creatures afforded. several old whalers among the crew could scarcely restrain their impatience, and, could they have obtained leave, would have gone off with such gear as they could have prepared to attack the monsters of the deep. since the _dragon_ had left japan, the weather had been remarkably fine, with calms and light winds. but the calms lasted scarcely long enough to have the fires lighted before the ship was again under sail. that evening, however, a long heavy swell began to come from the north-east; the undulations rapidly increasing in size, making the ship roll from side to side, until her chains touched the water. desmond, in common with two or three of his messmates, and most of the ship's boys and marines, began to feel very uncomfortable. "what's going to happen?" he asked; "i'm mighty quare about the region of the stomach." "i suppose we are going to have a gale of wind, as a change," answered tom, who had never been ill since he first came to sea. "we shall have to shorten sail, i've a notion, before long, to be prepared for blustering boreas, when he thinks fit to visit us." the whole appearance of the sky and sea quickly changed. the wildfowl, which had been hovering around the ship, winged their flight to the nearest islands where shelter could be found. the atmosphere was pervaded with a peculiar glare by the rays of the sun coming through the clouds of a dull ochreous red, giving the ocean, the ship, her canvas and sides, the same unnatural tint. as the summits of the swells, till now as smooth as glass, rose higher and higher, they formed crests of foam, which sparkled in the ruddy light, like masses of jewels. hitherto there had not been sufficient wind to steady the ship as she made her way amid the heaving billows. mr jay, the second lieutenant, was now the officer of the watch; he made a sign to tom. "rogers," he said, "go and tell the commander that the weather is getting much worse." "be quick about it, too," exclaimed green; "there is no time to lose." commander rawson was quickly on deck. after taking a rapid glance round, he shouted out, "all hands shorten sail." the watch below came tumbling up on deck. the topsails were lowered, and the topmen, like bees, swiftly swarmed aloft, laying out on the yardarms. "hold on by your teeth and eyelids, billy," said tom to his old friend billy blueblazes, as he sprang up to his station in the main-top. the canvas was speedily reduced to closely-reefed fore and main-topsails and fore-staysail. it was hard work to hold on, for the ship rolled even more violently than before. the wind, however, did not come as soon as was expected, but it was impossible to say at what moment it might strike her. that it would come with no ordinary strength, and without further warning, there was every reason to believe. the crew, having performed their task, were called down on deck. there was something in the appearance of the sea and sky, and the heaviness of the atmosphere, which made even the toughest old seaman feel an extraordinary depression of spirits, though he might not have suspected the cause. "faith! i'm sorry i did not remain quietly in my cot," said desmond; "it seems to me as if the world were coming to an end. i should not be surprised to see flames spouting up out of the sea. it looks as if some big fires were burning away under it." "don't you ken, gerald, that the water would be putting the fire out," observed archie; "though from the appearance of some of those islands there has been fire enough below them at one time or other. they have all been raised up out of the ocean by volcanic agency." "i am not disposed to dispute the truth of your remark," said desmond; "i only wish the sea would get quiet, and let us glide comfortably over it, instead of kicking up such a disturbance." while the midshipmen were speaking, the ship had continued her uneasy course, slowly rising to the summit of a huge billow and then gliding down into the deep trough. suddenly a loud roar was heard, and it seemed as if some mighty monster of the deep had struck a prodigious blow on the side of the ship. over she heeled until the water rushed in at her lee ports. "up with the helm. furl the main-topsail. take another reef in the fore-topsail. we must run before it," cried the commander, hoping to steer clear of any islands or reefs which might be ahead. the ship quickly rose to an even keel, and dashed forward amid the foaming seas, rolling, however, even more violently than before. so rapidly did the waves follow, that many struck her stern; not, however, before her dead lights had been closed. so tremendous were some of the blows, that it seemed as if her masts would be shaken out of her. the doctor and purser, who were sitting in the gun room, were thrown off their seats sprawling under the table, fully believing that the ship had struck a rock, and that all hands would soon be struggling for their lives. as soon as things could be got to rights, tom helped desmond below, and he was glad enough to again turn into his hammock, which he had before been so anxious to quit. "shure we have got harry cane aboard of us, mr rogers," observed tim nolan, who was in tom's watch, and took the liberty of an old shipmate to address his officer with a freedom on which others would not have ventured. they were both stationed together on the forecastle, looking out ahead. "i wish that the gentleman would be good enough to take himself off, then," answered tom, "or he may be playing us a scurvy trick, by sending our craft on some of the ugly reefs which abound hereabouts." "we'll be after keeping a bright look-out for that, sir," said tim. "we may be on a reef before we can see it," observed tom. "for my part, if i did not believe that providence was steering us, i should not be at all comfortable." the ship continued to drive on before the gale. the second lieutenant came forward, but he had to confess that his eyes were of little value to pierce the dark gloom ahead. the foam-crested waves could alone be seen, rapidly rising and falling. tom's eyes ached. he was not sorry when he was relieved. still, neither he nor any one else felt inclined to go below; no one could tell what might happen. the thick clouds hung down like a dark canopy, apparently just above the masts' heads. the thunder, which had been rumbling in the distance, now began to roar loudly, while flashes of forked lightning came zig-zagging through the air, threatening every instant to strike the ship. but, though they played round on all sides, none touched her. the commander had ordered the fires to be got up, so that the ship might be under steam, ready for any emergency. hour after hour the typhoon continued to howl even more fiercely than at first. frequently a blast would strike the ship, making her tremble as if some solid mass had been hurled against her. then there would come a lull for a few seconds, then another blast would suddenly strike her in a way that made every plank shake throughout her frame. even the most hardy on board wished for day. the morning light brought no abatement of the gale. onward went the ship, now plunging into a vast hollow, which threatened to engulf her; now she rose rapidly to the top of another sea, while on either side they appeared to be vying with each other, which could leap the highest and accomplish her destruction. the officers were gathered aft, the men in the waist, holding on firmly to the stanchions, or anything to which they could secure themselves. each time that the ship plunged her head into the seas, the masts bent, as if every moment they would go by the board. at length a lull came, and the commander, having consulted with green, fearing dangers ahead, determined to bring the ship to, an operation attended by considerable risk, as a sea striking her at the moment might sweep her deck. a favourable opportunity was waited for. the crew stood ready to lower the fore-topsail and hoist the main-topsail, which had been closely reefed. both tasks were accomplished; the officers were anxiously watching the seas as the ship rode over them, but happily she was safely rounded to, and now lay with her main-topsail to the mast, though scarcely had she got into that position, than a fierce foam-crested sea, roaring up, struck her bows and deluged her decks, but shaking herself clear, like a thing of life, she sprang forward, while the water rushed through the ports. the lull continued, and many hoped that the gale was breaking; but in less than an hour another furious squall struck the ship, and nearly laid her over on her beam ends. once more she rose, her stout canvas having stood the severe trial to which it had been put, and she rode with comparative ease for a few minutes. the seas, however, seemed to become more broken than ever. a prodigious one came roaring towards the weather bow. the _dragon_ appeared to see her danger, and struggled to avoid it, but the next instant she pitched headlong into a deep hollow, when another monstrous wave, rising apparently half as high as the foretop, fell completely down on her deck. for a few seconds, her commander and his officers feared that she would never again rise. no orders could be issued, and nothing could be done. the crew stood silently at their stations, not uttering a word, or showing that they felt the fearful predicament in which they were placed. the ship remained, as it were, fixed in the sea; then with a sudden jerk she burst her way through it, but her stout bowsprit was broken short off, and the next sea threw the wreck of it across the forecastle. the commander's voice was now heard in tones vying with the howling of the gale. the crew, obedient to his orders, rushed forward to secure the bowsprit with lashings; while the boatswain, with another gang, lost not a moment in setting up fresh stays, to prevent the foremast being carried away. this, with the loss of one of the boats, and the forepart of the bulwarks stove in, were the chief damages hitherto received by the _dragon_ during the gale. it was not over, however. again the sun set, and the wind continued to rage with unabated fury. the watch below had been ordered to turn in, but few of the officers had done so, and, though tired out, still remained on deck. tom and archie were standing aft, close together, when the latter suddenly grasped tom by the arm. "oh, mon! what's that?" he exclaimed, pointing to the main-topmast head, which appeared crowned by a ball of pale fire. "it has a curious appearance; though i never saw it before, my brother jack has told me about it. it is a sort of jack-o'-lantern, or will-o'-the-wisp, or, as gerald once called it, `saint vitus' dance.' i believe he meant to say saint elmo's fire." while the midshipmen were gazing up, the flame descended rapidly down the mast, running first along the main topgallant yardarm, then returning, down it came, to the main-topsail yard, where it glided out to the extreme end. here it rested for some seconds, as if it had not made up its mind what next to do. presently back it came to the mast, and darted out to the lee yardarm. it had not yet finished its journey. once more gliding back, it ascended the mast, when it made its way by the main-topmast stay, on to the foremast and there went gliding backwards and forwards along the yard. "i wish it would come down on deck, and then we might have a chance of catching it," said tom. "i have read somewhere that a man going aloft with a bucket, clapped it over the light, and brought it down a prisoner. it is a sort of gas which is driven about through the air until it finds something to rest on. why it goes moving up and down in that curious way i don't know, nor does anybody else, i believe. i wish the doctor were on deck,--he would tell us." "shall i call him?" asked archie. "i don't think he would thank you," said tom. "let him rest in quiet; perhaps before he can get on his clothes the fire will have disappeared." tom was right. in another minute the luminous ball, gathering itself into a point, shot upwards and vanished. "that's a good sign," they heard green observe to the first lieutenant; "we shall have the gale breaking before long." before the watch was out the hurricane had sensibly decreased, showing that the master was right in his prognostication. the sea continued, however, to tumble the ship about terribly until the morning dawned, when the clouds began to disperse, and as the sun rose they appeared to fly before his burning rays. by noon the sky was perfectly clear, when, an observation having been taken, the commander determined to run under the lee of one of the bonin islands, which were sighted shortly afterwards. steam had been got up, and the vessel made rapid way, though she continued to roll considerably, moved by the now glass-like swell, which still came in from the north-east, showing that, although a calm rested on the waters where she was, a storm raged in another part of the ocean. several islands were now seen rising out of the water on the port bow, and as the _dragon_ drew near trees could be distinguished on the hills, showing that they were not as barren as they appeared to be at a distance. rounding the southern end of one of them, she went on at half speed, feeling her way with the lead until she opened a sheltered bay between two high projecting points. running in she brought up within a quarter of a mile from the shore in perfectly still water. everybody was glad enough to be at rest after the tumbling about they had had during the last few days. they were not allowed, however, to enjoy many minutes' quiet; all hands were speedily set to work to repair damages. "we should be thankful that we have escaped so easily," observed archie gordon, who had been surveying the shore through his telescope. "look there, tom, at those tall trees stretched on the ground with their roots in the air; it must have taken a pretty hard blow to break them down. i can see some stumps sticking up, showing that others have been snapped off by the wind. it is a mercy that we weathered it out as well as we did." tom took the glass. "i should have been sorry to have been under them," he answered, "and i only hope that no poor fellows were living on shore, or they would have run great risk of being crushed. it makes me think of the old song-- "`a strong nor'-wester's blowing, bill; hark i don't ye hear it roar now? lord help 'em, how i pities them unhappy folks on shore now!' "i hope the commander will let us take a run on shore, however, before we sail." in the course of a couple of days the repairs were nearly finished, but as there was a good deal of painting to be done, the commander resolved to remain at anchor another day. green and the second lieutenant had been employed during the time in surveying the island, but their surveys were not complete. "i say, gerald, we must get our trip some way or other," said tom to desmond. "you'd be the better for a run ashore, and i'm sure, if you suggested the idea to the doctor, he will say so, and get mr mildmay to let us have a boat." gerald followed tom's advice. "of course, my boy," answered the good-natured doctor; "if you find anything curious, remember to bring it off for me." "that i will, sir," said tom. the doctor having spoken to the first lieutenant, tom went up boldly and asked for the use of the jolly-boat. "you can have her; but remember you must be on board again in good time," answered mr mildmay. tom and his party were quickly ready, carrying some fishing-lines, as well as some baskets to bring off any wild fruit they might happen to find. tom and gerald were below making their preparations, when billy blueblazes came out of the gun-room. "holloa!" he exclaimed; "i've got leave to go with you. i suppose you'll take some grub?" "we'll be afther finding that on shore," answered desmond; "game, or fish, and fruit. i propose we carry a couple of muskets; we shall be sure to find something or other." "elephants or rhinoceroses," suggested billy. "not quite such big beasts as they are," answered tom. "we should find them rather too cumbrous to stow away in our game-bags." "but we'll take some bread, and rum, and some cold beef--they are not likely to grow on the island, at all events; or potatoes either, or a pot to boil them in," remarked desmond. the articles they fancied would be required were quickly collected. "shure, if we haven't forgotten the powder and shot!" exclaimed desmond, as they were committing the things to the charge of tim nolan, who was to accompany them, that he might stow them away in the boat. pat casey, the other irishman who had been saved from the savages, with jerry bird, formed the crew of the boat. bird and nolan were tried, steady men. casey, who was accustomed to a savage life, might be useful in searching for fruits or any animals which might be found in the island. he was also a first-rate fisherman, having had plenty of experience during his residence with the indians. the party shoved off soon after the second lieutenant and master had left the ship. "the only thing i'm sorry for is that archie is not with us," said tom. "however, we are sure to have plenty of fun of some sort or other." at the further end of the bay was a small piece of sandy beach, towards which tom steered the boat. as there was no surf, they ran her up on it, and stepped out without difficulty. a nearer acquaintance, however, showed them that the country was not of so tempting a character as they had at first supposed. there were a few trees close to the beach, some of which had been broken in two by the storm, and now lay prostrate on the ground. even larger trees, a species of mahogany, lay uprooted in all directions, so that they found it very difficult to make their way among them. still, by dint of climbing over the fallen trunks, and cutting a road through the brushwood, they had made some progress, when they discovered a circle of rocky hills, in many places almost precipitous. it seemed almost hopeless to attempt climbing over them, especially as desmond acknowledged that he "did not feel very well up to that sort of work," and they would have had likewise to carry their muskets, provisions and cooking utensils. "as we have not much time to lose, i propose that we go back to the boat, and try and find another landing-place further along the coast," said tom. his plan was agreed to; and launching the boat, they again took to their oars. after rounding a rocky point, which formed the eastern side of the bay, they pulled along for some distance in the hopes of finding another landing-place, from whence they could make their way into the interior. as there was no surf, and the sea was perfectly smooth, they kept close in with the land. in many places high cliffs rose precipitously out of the water. as they pulled along at the foot of one of these cliffs, tom shouted out-- "holloa! there's a big cavern directly ahead of us; the water seems to run right up into it, and i should not be surprised if we could get up some distance in the boat." they stopped rowing, to survey the mouth of the cavern. it appeared to be upwards of thirty feet in height and almost of the same width. everybody, of course, was eager to explore the cavern; and rowing gently, that no risk might be run of knocking the bows of the boat against a rock, they made their way into the cavern. by just keeping the oars moving, the boat glided on. ahead, all was darkness, so that it was impossible to ascertain how far the cave penetrated into the land. as soon as their eyes got accustomed to the subdued light which existed at a distance of thirty or forty feet from the entrance, the beauties of the grotto began to dawn on their sight. glittering stalactites, of a thousand fantastic forms, hung down from the high and vaulted roof, while at either side appeared columns and arches like those of some ancient temple, tinted with numberless delicate hues, the extreme points of the stalactites glittering like bright gems as they were reached by the reflected rays of the sun, which penetrated far down into the depths beneath, illuminating every object below its glassy surface. so beautifully clear was the water, that when the party in the boat looked over the sides, they could see right down to the bottom of the cavern, which appeared to consist of masses of rock, forming caves and hollows, covered with the richest marine vegetation. here were corals of various tints, blue and yellow, red and white: amid them the ocean fan expanded its vast leaves; from the lowest depths sprang up the sea-green stems of the fucus, twining round columns which sank far down, and afforded them support. here feathery tufts of green vegetables floated upwards in the clear water, while others of various strange shapes and hues formed recesses and arches, twisted and knotted in a variety of ways. fish, of varied forms and brilliant colours, darted in and out among the openings, some rising close up to the boat, as if curious to ascertain the character of the visitors to their submarine palace. "i wish the doctor were here to tell us their names," exclaimed tom. "look there, at those odd creatures. what can they be?" the fish at which he pointed were flat, of an oval form, and of a rich silvery colour, delicately striped downwards with azure bands. they swam in a perpendicular position, aided by two long and slender fins, one curving upwards from the back, of a considerable length, and the other curving downwards from the opposite side. there were many others differing in form, but all of the most beautiful colours, darting and gliding in and out, but, being apparently of a less curious or more timid disposition than those which had excited tom's astonishment, did not venture near the boat. there were cray-fish, too, of large size, and enormous crabs, and star-fish, and sea-urchins, and bivalves of various sorts clinging to the rocks, with open mouths, to catch any unwary creatures coming within their reach. after enjoying the scene for some time, by giving a few strokes with their oars the midshipmen allowed the boat to proceed further up the cavern. most of the party were hanging over the water with their noses just above the surface, some with their hands trying to catch any of the fish which might venture near, when a cry from tim made them spring up. "shure, he'll be afther catching some of us, if we don't look out," exclaimed the irishman, and at that moment they saw rising out of the far depths of the cavern an enormous shark, his eyes glaring like two glowing coals, as with open jaws he came nearer and nearer the boat. "he'll be after swallowing the whole of us," cried tim. "back water! back water!" to the irishman the shark probably appeared much larger than it really was. "he won't do us any harm; but just keep the oars out of the water," said tom, who was, of course, obeyed, and the shark glided alongside the boat, which he kept eyeing with suspicious glances. "would you be afther wishing to have one of us?" asked desmond. "then i hope you'll be mistaken; unless, billy, you wish to be kind to the baste, and let him have your arm as a treat." "thank you," said billy; "i'd rather not. it wouldn't give him much trouble to bite it off, though." "we must not be disappointed in our expectation of exploring the cavern by a brute like that," exclaimed tom. "hand me the boat-hook." standing up, he struck the point with all his might against the nose of the monster, which at that instant sank with a suddenness which made tom lose his balance, and had not desmond and billy seized him he would have been overboard. "he's more afraid of us than we are of him," said tom. "now let us get as far up the cavern as we can." they pulled cautiously on, tim standing up in the bows, and feeling ahead with the boat-hook. the mouth of the cavern seemed to grow smaller and smaller, until only a point of light remained. suddenly pat casey, who was pulling with jerry bird, declared that he felt something seize the blade of his oar. "it's the shark, perhaps," said tom. "we have the muskets ready. i'll give him a shot, and that will make him keep his distance. wait until he tries it again." tom took the musket, and stood up ready to fire. "there! he's got my oar in his jaws," cried pat. tom fired. the flash revealed for an instant the sides and roof of the cavern, which seemed to glitter as if studded with thousands of jewels, while ahead all was pitchy darkness, showing that they had not yet got to the extremity. the sound of the report, greatly increased in loudness, went echoing amid the arches and pillars, until it died away in the far distance, proving the great extent of the cavern. whether the shark was hit or not, it was impossible to say; but the bullet tore off the point of pat's oar, showing that tom had taken good aim. jerry bird now suggested to the midshipmen that it would be prudent to pull back, as without torches they could not see where they were going. there might be, for what they could tell to the contrary, some big sea monster squatting up at the further end, who might crunch them up without ceremony. though tom had no apprehensions on that score, he agreed to return, proposing, should the _dragon_ remain at anchor another day, to explore the cave with a supply of torches. the boat was accordingly cautiously pulled round, and made her way towards the mouth. it was curious to watch the arch growing higher and higher, and the light gradually increasing. they had almost reached the entrance, when, on either side, not one, but several sharks, came gliding up. one, bolder and bigger than the rest, seized the blade of an oar, crunching off the end; and the other men had to keep a watchful eye to save theirs from being destroyed. tom fired the other musket, and declared that the bullet went through the shark's head. as the monster did not appear the worse for it, desmond and billy doubted the fact. not until tom had fired several times, and the boat had got to a considerable distance from the cavern, did the sharks leave her. "there's one thing certain: that's not a place to bathe in, nor would it be pleasant to tumble overboard hereabouts," observed tom, gravely. "i never can see those black monsters, with their wicked eyes, floating near and looking up at one, without feeling uncomfortable." they had to row farther than they expected. at last they saw a narrow opening in a reef of rocks, within which they made out a small bay, with a sandy shore, where they could land with ease and draw up the boat. the country beyond, too, looked far more tempting than they had yet seen. the water in the passage was deep, so that they had no difficulty in making their way into the bay. as yet they had seen nothing of the second lieutenant's and the master's boats, which, supposing the island to be of small size, they had expected to meet coming round from the opposite side. "we shall probably see them if we cut directly across the island," observed tom. they were not disappointed in the bay. the beach was exactly what they wished for. they hauled the boat up, and agreed that she could be left without danger. "but i hope you fellows are not going to begin a long march without some food," observed billy, who was noted for his excellent appetite. "we have no game, nor have we caught any fish. it's lucky that we brought some food, as i advised." wood was collected, and a fire quickly made. as they had brought cold meat and bread with them, they had only their potatoes to cook. this operation was superintended by tim, while the rest of the party searched for any other productions of the island which might add to their repast. they had not gone far when tom exclaimed-- "why, there are some cocoa-nut trees, and very fine ones, too. i thought there were none on the island." "they are cocoa-nut trees, sure enough," said desmond, "and with cocoa-nuts growing on them. how to get them down is the question, for the stems are too stout to allow us to swarm up." "`where there's a will there's a way'; up we must climb, some way or other," said tom, who never liked to be beaten. on reaching the spot, they found not only cocoa-nut trees, but yams and bananas, covering the ground in the wildest profusion, the latter climbing up the surrounding branches, from which the ripe fruit hung temptingly down. on examining further, they discovered the remains of a fence, showing that the ground had been enclosed, for the purpose of forming a garden, at some probably distant period. "bless the man whoever planted these," said jerry bird; "he had a thought for any poor fellows who might be wrecked here some day or other. if others would do the same at all the desert islands they visit, the lives of many castaway seamen might be saved." the yams, from growing wild, were not likely to be worth much, but the bananas, notwithstanding the latitude, appeared to be very fine. in vain, however, they gazed up at the cocoa-nuts. jerry, though an active man, vowed that he could not attempt to reach the top unless they could get a rope over one of the branches. while they were discussing the matter, pat casey, who had been helping tim, came up, having also caught sight of the cocoa-nut trees from a distance. "bedad, i'll be afther doing it," he exclaimed; and running back to the boat, he returned with three or four fathoms of rope. this he twisted into a huge grummet round the tree, leaving space enough for his own body to get in also. then slipping it behind his waist, he began to swarm up, shoving the rope on the opposite side of the tree each time he moved on, as high as his shoulders. in a wonderfully short time he reached the top of the tree. "stand from under," he shouted out, as he threw down a cocoa-nut, which very nearly hit billy, who had not attended to his warning. several cocoa-nuts split by their fall, but billy, rushing forward, seized one of them before all the milk had run out. this example was followed by the rest: seeing this, pat secured several about his neck, and then getting into his grummet he descended. that one tree gave them as many nuts as they could require. "we ought not to take more than we want," said tom; "though before we shove off, we will get a supply for the ship." tim now shouted out that the "taters" were cooked, and returning to the camp-fire, the party enjoyed a very satisfactory repast with the aid of the bananas and cocoa-nuts. after this they made their way for some distance inland, passing large forests of tamanas, or mahogany trees, which appeared to cover the greater part of the island. excepting in the deserted plantation, they could discover no other fruit-bearing trees or roots, but they observed traces of some wild animals, which pat asserted must be hogs. as there was some risk of losing themselves, and there was nothing to induce them to continue their ramble, they returned to the boat. desmond, seconded by billy, now proposed that they should set to work to fish, that they might carry a supply with them on board. tom agreed, and pat having collected a quantity of crabs which he found among the rocks, to serve as bait, they once more embarked. they pulled out towards the mouth of the bay, just inside of a high reef, which completely shut out the sea from their view. here, so clear was the water, that although fully three fathoms deep, the bottom could be clearly seen, covered with masses of coloured coral and sea-weeds of various shades and tints. amid them they observed beautiful fish of all sizes and tints, gliding in all directions, now disappearing under some cavern, now darting again into sight. "as the creatures can see us and our lines, we shall have no chance of catching any," said tom. "just try, your honour," exclaimed pat; "they're mighty hungry bastes, and not accustomed to the look of white faces, so that they will not know what we're afther." the hooks were accordingly baited with crabs, and scarcely was the first line let down than a big fish caught it, and was immediately hauled up. "i told you so," cried pat exultingly; "we shall have as many as we like to catch." all were now eager to get their lines overboard, and no sooner had the hooks sunk towards the bottom than the fish, attracted by the tempting bait, dashed forward and seized them. "we'll mighty soon have a boat load," exclaimed pat, as fish after fish was hauled in. suddenly a change came over the scene. from out of a cavern, far down below the reef, a huge form appeared, very similar to the monster which had attacked the boat in the stalactite cave. rapidly and noiselessly it glided up, and before billy, who just then felt a bite, saw its approach, it had seized the fish which had bitten at his hook. billy gave a pull, expecting to haul up his fish, and very nearly got his fingers cut through by his line, as the shark, finding something tickling his throat, darted off with it. bird, seeing what had happened, cut the line, and away dashed the shark. the monster had put the other fish to flight, and it was some time before they returned. scarcely had they assembled, and a few more had been caught, than, other sharks appearing, the lines were immediately drawn up, to save them from the fate billy's had met with. as these pirates of the deep appeared, the smaller fish darted off in all directions. "shure, it matters very little to them whether they are caught by one of us or by those black brutes, excepting for the honour of the thing, and the pleasure of tasting a crab's leg before they die," observed desmond. these interruptions prevented the party taking note of time. they had got no small number of fish, still they were eager to catch a boat load; and tom, who ought to have looked at his watch, forgot to do so. thus hour after hour passed by, until they all began to get hungry, when desmond proposed going on shore and cooking some of their fish. the idea was too good a one to meet with dissenting voices; and returning to the beach, they quickly made up their fire, the embers of which had remained burning, and soon had three or four fine fish roasting on sticks round it, under the superintendence of pat casey. so busy were they with this interesting occupation, that no one had observed the changed appearance of the sky. the fish were, as pat declared, "just done to a turn," and tom and desmond and billy were served, the latter having filled his mouth with a dainty morsel, when they were startled by the booming sound of a gun. another followed. it was evidently fired for their recall. "we ought to have got back before this," exclaimed tom, starting up and looking seawards. the rest followed him, carrying the cooked fish down to the beach. what was their dismay to find, on reaching it, that the boat, which had been hauled up, had been floated by the rapidly rising tide, while a strong gust of wind had driven her a considerable distance from the shore, from which she was drifting further and further off. not a moment was to be lost. tom felt that he had been guilty of an act of indiscretion in remaining so long on shore, and in not having seen that the boat was properly secured. he had not forgotten those huge monsters of sharks, which had been prowling about, but there was only one way by which the boat could be regained. somebody must swim off to her. these thoughts rapidly passed through his mind. the swim itself was nothing; he had often swum ten times further without fatigue. but those sharks! he recollected the shudder which had passed through him as he had seen them approach the boat not two hours before. without saying anything, he had quickly thrown off his clothes. "shout, all of you, as loud as you can," he exclaimed. "good-bye, desmond; good-bye, billy," he said, shaking hands. "if i am swallowed by one of those brutes, say it happened while i was doing my duty." without another word, tom plunged in, and the rest of the party, rushing forward up to their knees, began splashing the water about, and shouting at the top of their voices. "i cannot let him go alone," said jerry bird, as soon as he saw what the midshipman was about. throwing off his jacket and shirt, he followed tom, shouting out lustily. "i am coming, mr rogers," he cried; "you climb in on one side of the boat, and i will on the other." tom was within a couple of fathoms of the boat, when to his horror he saw a dark fin, just rising above the water. it was stationary, however. perhaps the savage brute was merely surveying the boat, and wondering what strange creature it was. tom, undaunted by the sight, swam on. he might manage to scramble on board before the shark caught sight of him. "do not lose heart, bird," he cried out, for he guessed that his companion would have seen the shark's fin; "the chances are that he won't attack two of us." a few strokes more, and tom had got hold of the gunwale of the boat; jerry had seized that on the other side. tom, being in no way fatigued, easily held himself up, and, having got his left leg over, was about to drag up the other, when jerry threw himself in and tilted the boat over to the side he was on. it was a fortunate movement, for the shark ran his snout against the side, missing tom's foot almost by a hair's breadth. tom felt the brute's head strike against the boat, and well knew what had happened. it made him draw his breath quickly; but he had work before him. without stopping a moment, he and jerry, seizing the oars, rapidly pulled the boat back to the beach. their companions gave way to a hearty cheer as they reached it. "thank heaven, you have escaped," said desmond. "i saw what happened; my heart sank so low that i thought it would never get up again to its right place. however, `a miss is as good as a mile'; now the sooner we are away from this the better." tom's and jerry's clothes having been handed into the boat, they dressed themselves, while the rest of the party pulled down the bay. "i vote we eat the fish while it's warm," said billy blueblazes, whose appetite (as gerald used to say of him) "no dangers could daunt." "just hand me a slice, and i'll eat it as i pull." this proposal was seconded by the looks of the men, and tom accordingly passed portions, with some biscuit, forward. the crew ate the fish with gusto. they were wise in so doing, as they might have a long pull before them. another and another gun was heard. "those guns were not fired in the harbour," observed tom; "the ship must have put to sea." gerald agreed with him; but as yet the reef, which ran across the mouth of the bay, concealed her from sight. the wind had lately been blowing from all quarters--now down the harbour, now directly across it--until at length a heavy squall came in through the entrance. "we shall have a strong wind in our teeth, and a pretty heavy pull," observed tom to gerald. "i wish we had not spent so much time here; and i shall justly get the blame, if anything happens." "it won't much matter who gets the blame if we happen to be all drowned," answered gerald. "however, as we were known to have gone in this direction, the captain will probably stand along the shore to pick us up; and the chances are that we shall be safe on board within an hour or so." the men had now to bend their backs to the oars to force the boat over the heavy seas which came rolling in through the narrow entrance. under other circumstances, tom would have put back and waited for an improvement in the weather; but the signal of recall was peremptory, and he considered it his duty to try and get on board at all risks. the sea, which had been so calm when they pulled along the coast, was now tossed into heavy foam-crested billows, which came rolling on in rapid succession, bursting with loud roars against the rock-bound shore, and casting sheets of spray over the reef. "we must heave our cargo overboard," said tom, when he saw the heavy seas come tumbling in. "the lighter the boat is the better." the fish, with which they hoped to regale their shipmates, were quickly thrown overboard. "shure, a fine feast we are giving to the sharks," observed desmond, as he was engaged in the work. they retained, however, a dozen or so of the cocoa-nuts, in case they might be required for food. so slow was the progress they made against the sea and wind, that it was almost dusk before they got clear of the land. tom had been keeping a look-out to the westward, the side on which he expected the ship to appear. "there she is," he exclaimed at length; "but she is under sail, standing to the south-east, and i see no smoke coming out of her funnel." gerald agreed with tom that such was the case. they asked jerry bird, the oldest seaman on board, to give his opinion. "you're right, sir," he said; "to my mind something has happened to the machinery. either the shaft or the piston rod is broken, and they cannot get the screw to work. the commander, of course, did not like to remain in the bay, with the chance of a hurricane blowing right into it; and so he got up the steam, and was probably standing along the shore to look out for us, when the accident, whatever it was, happened; and the only chance he had of saving the ship was to go about and stand on the course he is now doing. maybe he will come about again before long to look for us." tom and gerald were very sure that the commander would not desert them, at the same time they felt far from comfortable at seeing the ship at so great a distance off. the wind was rapidly increasing; the seas came rolling in far more heavily than before, while the spray from their foaming crests being sent over the boat, soon thoroughly wetted through all hands. this, of course, no one cared much about; the question was whether their small boat would live in the furious sea they were likely to encounter before they got on board. if jerry bird was right, the ship herself must endeavour to get a good offing from the island in case a hurricane should come on. of that there now seemed every probability. the gloom of night had rapidly increased, and now they could only distinguish the ship from the light which she showed over her quarter. was it intended for a signal to them, or had the other two boats not yet returned to her? as the night advanced, the weather became worse and worse. "it's that old rascal harry cane at his tricks again," cried tim; "i wish that he had waited a bit, and let us get comfortably on board." "never complain, tim," observed pat; "maybe we shall be glad that we haven't left the boat; we have got a harbour under our lee, and plenty of grub on shore, and that's what many a poor fellow has wished for, and not been able to find." tom and gerald were excessively anxious to get on board, and determined to persevere as long as they possibly could. the men strained at their oars with hearty good will. now the boat mounted one sea, rapidly to descend into the trough of another. tom steered her carefully, keeping her head to the seas. he full well knew that at any moment one of the heavy tops of those seas falling on board might swamp her. bird frequently looked over his shoulder with an anxious glance. "beg pardon, mr rogers, but it won't do," he said at length; "the keener we put about and run back into the harbour, the better chance we shall have of living through this night; what has happened to the ship i cannot tell. but, while it's blowing like this, dead on shore, we shan't get on board to-night or to-morrow either." tom and gerald at length saw that jerry bird was right. they could no longer distinguish the _dragon's_ lights. either a thick mist had arisen, or she had got too far off for them to be seen; indeed, the shore itself, as the boat sank into the hollow of the sea, was invisible. "we must look out for a smooth, and pull the boat round, lads," cried tom. "arrah! shure, that will be a hard matter to find," said tim nolan, as if to himself. watching for an opportunity, tom, when in the trough of the sea, got the boat round. "give way, lads! give way!" he shouted out. not that there was any necessity for saying that; the men knew well enough that their lives depended on their pulling as hard as they could. any moment a sea, rolling up astern, might break over them. tom stood up to look out for the entrance to the harbour, which he believed they must be approaching, but he could see nothing but one unbroken line of foam bursting over the reef. the land rose from the shores of the bay. on the highest part tom recollected having observed a large clump of tamana trees, which, as they had pulled down the harbour, he had noted as a good land-mark for entering. in daylight it could easily be seen, but in the darkness he could scarcely hope to make it out against the sky, while the boat tumbled and rolled about in the way she was now doing. still, it was their only hope; should she strike a reef on either side of the entrance, she must in an instant be dashed to pieces, and all hands be washed amidst the foaming breakers. "now, desmond, use your eyes as you never have before, and try and see that clump of trees, or find out the passage." gerald strained his eyes. "i think i see a dark spot almost ahead," he said at length. "if you do, that must be the entrance," observed tom. "i can see no other; it is our only chance; the boat will not live long in the sea which is now getting up." tom steered towards the point gerald indicated. on sped the boat. the loud roar of the breakers as they neared the shore almost deafened them, and gerald, though sitting next to tom, had to shout to make him hear. "that's the passage, i'm sure of it," he cried out. "you're right," answered tom. "give way, lads!" the boat rushed on. a tremendous sea, with a huge crest of foam, came roaring up astern, and threatened to overwhelm her. the men saw it, and redoubled their efforts. on either side rose a wall of white foam dashing directly over the rocks beneath which they had been fishing. an instant later and the boat would have been swamped; but on she flew, surrounded by spray, and in another minute was floating in comparatively smooth water within the sheltering reef. at that moment the hurricane burst forth, sending the breakers flying in sheets over the reef, howling fearfully as it went rushing amid the trees of the forest, tearing off huge limbs, and laying many low, while vivid flashes of lightning were followed by peals of rattling thunder, adding yet further to the wild uproar of the elements. "thank heaven, we are safe!" exclaimed gerald. "we may rightly acknowledge that; but what has become of the other boats and the old barkey?" said tom. chapter two. land--bury the boat--take shelter under a rock--the hurricane rages--the night passes by--desmond shoots at a wild beast--storm abates--no ship-- boat missing--boat discovered--tim's pork chops--digging out the boat-- pat charged by a wild boar--flag-staff set up--no ship appears--a hut built--explore the island--miss the hogs, but kill some birds-- preparations for the voyage--turtle--billy's exploit--leaky condition of the boat--search for pitch--tom and desmond set out to explore the island. tom steered the boat up the bay towards the beach they had so lately left. it no longer afforded an easy landing place, for the waves came rolling in, even through the narrow entrance, creating a surf on the sandy shore, and scarcely had her stern touched the beach than a sea burst on board, not only wetting every one through, but nearly washing several articles out of her. all hands therefore jumped out. "now, lads, a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together," cried tim. in another minute the boat was hauled up the beach, and they began taking out the things and carrying them to the spot where they had left their fire burning. fortunately, the muskets and ammunition, though wet, had been saved, as had the articles of value in the boat, together with a compass which tom had thoughtfully brought, although they had hitherto had no use for it. the ashes of their fire were still alight, but they at once found that the exposed beach was not the spot where they would exactly wish to encamp. "we must find some sheltered place, where we can put up our tent," said tom to desmond. "a high overhanging rock would suit us best, but it won't do to be under these tall mahogany trees, which may at any moment crash down upon our heads, and we have already had a specimen of how they are likely to behave." "i'd rather get into a snug cavern, if we can discover one," said desmond. "but how is that to be found in the dark?" "i'll soon twist up a couple of torches such as i used to make when i was prime minister of the cannibal islands," cried pat casey. "i think we could find our way to the left, where i saw some big rocks this morning, and i should not be surprised to find tolerable shelter under them." "we ought to be there as soon as possible," observed tom, "for we shall probably have the rain down upon us before many minutes are over,--and the hurricane has only just begun, we must remember. get your torches made as soon as you can. before we leave this we must look after the boat, and haul her farther up the beach; it is impossible to say how high the water may rise with a hurricane setting on the shore." they accordingly hurried back and ran the boat some feet farther up, but beyond that they found it impossible to move her. "if we leave her as she is, she'll sure to be blown away," observed jerry bird. "if i may advise, sir, i'd make a sort of dock all round her, and fill her up with sand, so as to sink her in it. it will cost us some little trouble to clear it out again, but it will be better than having her knocked to pieces." tom and desmond highly approved of jerry's proposal. all hands, therefore, set to work with the boat stretchers to make the dock, which was very easily and quickly accomplished. they then filled her up with sand, almost to the gunwale. "she will be steady enough now, sir," said jerry. as soon as the work was finished, they returned to their former encampment, carrying the boat's mast, yards, sails, and oars with them, to assist in forming a tent, while the rest of her gear they placed for safety high up on the bank. pat had quickly twisted up some torches from the fibre of the cocoa-nuts, and now loading themselves with all their property, they set out, he leading the way. scarcely had they commenced their march, than they felt themselves almost taken off their feet; a loud crash was heard, and down fell a large tree, close to where they were, torn up by the roots. happily they were on the weather side. they hurried on, keeping as much as possible in the open ground. another blast came with redoubled fury, almost blowing out pat's torches, which burnt, indeed, with so much rapidity, that there seemed but little probability of their being able to reach the point towards which they were steering, by their light. they had not gone far when two torches had burnt out. heavily laden as they were, they could not move very fast. tim nolan alone was staggering under the boat's sail, an oar, a musket, and a basket of provisions. jerry bird had the breaker of water hung at his back, and was equally heavily laden. it was a great relief to tom when he heard pat shout out, "here are the rocks, though not the sign of a cave can i see." "perhaps, if we skirt along them, we may find a still more sheltered place than this," observed tom. the party accordingly moved on, and just as pat announced that his torch was beginning to burn his fingers, they found themselves in a recess of the rocks, where they were well sheltered from the wind, although they would obtain no protection from the rain when it should begin to fall. the end of the torch afforded them sufficient light to collect sticks for a fire, and by its light they were able to put up their tent. the side of the rock affording a back, it was made to slope from the rock down to the ground, so that the heaviest rain would run off. there was just room for all hands to get under it, closely packed; and after the fatigues of the day, they were very thankful to obtain such shelter. as far, indeed, as they themselves were concerned, they had no reason to complain. they had shelter, fire, food, and water. "let us see what you have brought, billy?" said gerald. billy produced three fish, which he had hung over his back. "i thought that we should want something for supper, and it is always wise to carry one's grub with one," he observed. "much obliged to you for your forethought," said gerald; and tim and pat were summoned to cook the fish. the fire had been made up close under the rock, so that it was not much influenced by the wind. in a short time tim announced that the supper was ready, "smoking hot," when a bottle of rum was produced from the provision basket. "now, lads," said tom, as he poured out the liquor. "i do not want to stint you of your grog, but recollect that we have but a small supply, and my belief is that it may be many days before we get back to the ship, so a glass apiece is all i can give you." the grog was mixed, and the seamen, with their young officers, sat round the fire, thinking just then very little of the past or future. the fish were pronounced excellent; while they sipped their grog one or the other alternately spun a yarn or sang a song. tom rogers must be excepted. he felt his responsibility as commanding the party, and he could not get over the consciousness that he ought to have returned at an earlier hour to the ship. this thought weighed down his spirits, although he tried not to allow his companions to discover his uneasiness. he felt also very anxious about the ship. if jerry bird was right in supposing that an accident had happened to the machinery, she might, during the hurricane, be exposed to the greatest possible danger; and if she was wrecked, they might have to remain for many months on the island, before they could find an opportunity of escaping. tom, before he came to sea, had often read about living on a desert island with one or two pleasant companions, and had thought that it would be very good fun. when the reality rose vividly before him, he could not but confess that he would rather be keeping watch on board, with a prospect of returning home to see his father, mother, and friends. when, however, it came to his turn to sing, he trolled forth, in his rich deep voice, "cease, rude boreas," or some other sea song of the same character, as if he had no anxious thoughts to trouble him. the blazing fire which they kept up served to dry their clothes. when, about an hour later, the rain came down, as it is wont to do in the tropics, they all crept under the tent, taking care to carry the muskets and such things as would be damaged by the wet with them. tom, in spite of his fatigue, lay awake for some time. he was thankful that they were safe on shore, and had been able to find a sheltered position for their encampment. the wind roared and howled in the most terrific manner among the forest trees. the very earth seemed to shake, as if it would topple down the high rock above them; but although branches, and sometimes large shrubs, torn up by the roots, flew over their heads, none fell on their tent. sometimes, for several minutes together, crash succeeded crash, as huge trees were levelled with the ground. then there would come a lull, and the wind would whistle mournfully, or rather moan, but only to recommence roaring more lustily than ever. tom wondered how his companions could sleep so soundly amid the uproar. the light of the fire, which came through the side of the tent, fell on their forms stretched out with their heads against the rock; while, in the lulls of the tempest, he could hear them all snoring away in concert. he was sufficiently well acquainted with the natural history of the pacific islands to be aware that there were no wild beasts to interfere with them, excepting the hogs, whose traces they had seen; and he had every reason to believe that the island was uninhabited. he thought it possible, however, that the rocks at the top of the cliff, loosened by the hurricane, might come tumbling down on their heads; but as only earth and small branches had hitherto fallen, he hoped that they would continue in their places. at all events, even should he and his companions move away, they were not likely to find more secure shelter. should refuge be sought under the trees, they might prove still more treacherous. he kept an eye on the fire, fearing that a sudden blast might whisk the embers into the tent; but, as the canvas was thoroughly wet, that would take some time to burn. he got up two or three times, and, by standing with his back against the cliff, he avoided the rain which poured in torrents scarcely more than a foot in front of him. excepting where the glare of the fire was cast upon the white tent on one side, the black rocks on the other, and the shrubs in front, all was pitchy darkness, though, on looking upwards, he could distinguish the tops of the trees waving to and fro against the sky. "i pray that the dear old _dragon_ may have escaped this!" he ejaculated more than once, as the hurricane, with apparently renewed strength, again and again hurled itself against the island. at length desmond roused up. "you must have had your two hours' watch or more. tom," he said. "just lie down and get a snooze; we may have a long pull before us, and there won't be much room for sleeping in the boat." tom, not sorry to be relieved, lay down, while desmond took his place. how long tom had been sleeping he could not tell, when he and the rest of the party were aroused by a shot fired close to their oars, and, looking up, they saw desmond with the musket at his shoulder, which he had just discharged. "what did you fire at?" asked tom. "at a bear, or a wolf, or some big baste or other, to be shure," answered desmond. "whatever it was we shall find out, for it cannot be far off. i hit it, i am certain of that, for it gave a terrible growl, and bolted back into the bushes." the fire had by this time almost burnt out, giving forth a faint glow, which scarcely afforded light sufficient to see any objects except those close to them, so that it would be useless to attempt searching for the wild beast which desmond asserted he had shot. he acknowledged that he had dropped asleep, and that, on suddenly awakening, he had seen the animal's eyes glaring at him not ten yards off. tom, on looking at his watch by the declining light of the fire, saw that it was nearly dawn. a change for the better had occurred. the strength of the hurricane had much abated, though the tree tops still waved backwards and forwards as the wind whistled and howled amid the branches, but it was with abated breath, while the rain had completely ceased. on looking up, small spaces in the clouds could be seen, through which, here and there, a star glittered brightly. jerry bird, who ought to have been on the watch before, now took desmond's place, and the party settled down again to wait for morning. sailors are accustomed to short snatches of sleep. even half an hour or less of rest was not to be despised, so that in less than a minute they all again had their eyes closed in happy forgetfulness of where they were. tom required no calling; he had scarcely forgotten in his sleep what had happened, and no sooner had the pale light of early morn driven away the darkness of night, than, opening his eyes, he crept out of the tent over bird, who had just dropped off. "i will let the rest sleep on, and see how things look," he said to himself. as he made his way over the fallen trunks towards the bay, he kept looking out to discover some accessible part of the hill, by which he might climb to the summit of the rock, under whose shelter they had slept, and which he supposed to be the highest point thereabouts, in order that he might obtain a wide view of the ocean around. he at length found a part, from whence by a little climbing he might reach the top of the hill. he had began his ascent, when he heard desmond's voice shouting to him, and sitting down he waited for his messmate to come up. the rock was more rugged and uneven than they had at first supposed. sometimes desmond helped him up to a ledge, then he hauled desmond after him. here and there shrubs grew in the crevices of the rock, which assisted them in their ascent. at last they stood together on the top. on casting their eyes around, they could nowhere see the ship; indeed, they scarcely expected that she would have been in sight. as far as the eye could range to the southward and eastward, foam-crested giant waves leaped up and down, but already their motion was becoming less rapid, and they seemed to be tumbling lazily and slowly against each other, as if weary of their late exertions, though the breakers incessantly burst on the rocky coast, sending masses of foam flying far inland. "even should the ship appear, we are not likely to be able to get out to her to-day," observed desmond, pointing to the entrance of the bay, through which the seas came tossing and foaming. "it seems a wonder how we got through last night." "we may indeed be thankful to heaven that we were not swamped," said tom; "but i should not be surprised if we find, within a few hours, should the ship appear, that we can get off to her. there has scarcely been time for the sea to go down since the hurricane ceased blowing; i do hope that the other boats got on board, or they will have run great risk of being lost." "perhaps our shipmates landed," observed desmond; "and we shall meet them before long. i should be very glad to know for certain that archie and jos green and mr joy are safe, though it is a terrible thing to think that the ship may have been cast away." "we will hope for the best," answered tom; "and now we will go down and see how the boat has fared. i am somewhat anxious about her, though i don't see how we could have secured her better than we did." the descent was nearly as difficult as the climb up the hill, and they ran a great risk, when leaping from rock to rock, of slipping off and tumbling a dozen or more feet at a time down to the next level. they had nearly reached the bottom, when they saw billy blueblazes and jerry bird looking up towards them. the countenances of both wore an aspect of dismay. "what has happened?" asked tom. "the boat has gone!" answered billy; "we can't see her anywhere, not even a bit of her wreck." "faith! that's bad news," exclaimed desmond; "but did you look everywhere? for, remember, everywhere means a good wide space." "no, we did not go right up to the spot, for there was no use in doing that," answered billy. "then we will, and perhaps we may discover some signs which may indicate the direction in which she has been driven," said tom. they accordingly set off. tom observed what billy had failed to do, that the shape of the beach was greatly altered, the wind having driven the sand far higher up than usual, so that in some parts it had risen to the height of the bank on which grass and shrubs grew. indeed, a portion of the grassy ground had itself been covered up by the sand. "what shall we do without the boat?" cried billy; "we shall have to spend our lives here, i suppose, if the ship has been lost, and the men say that they think she had very little chance of escaping." "i hope they are wrong in their conjectures," answered tom; "and as for the boat, i am not quite so certain that she is lost, although we may have some trouble in finding her." on arriving at that part of the beach where the boat had been left, tom looked round in every direction, and examined carefully the bushes and herbage along the edge of the beach. "if she was driven in this direction, she would have broken some of these bushes, but they do not appear to have been injured," he observed. "now, let us see whereabouts she lay. do you think you can tell, bird?" the seaman examined the ground. "i remember coming through just such a clump of bushes as these, directly after i left her; and look there, sir, there is her rudder and a stretcher," and he enumerated other articles belonging to the boat. then stepping back, he said, "i'm sure it was just hereabouts where she lay." "then, depend upon it, here we shall find her. don't you see the sand has blown over her, and she is safe enough within it. to save ourselves trouble, we will dig a line parallel with the beach, and another at right angles, and the chances are we shall strike some part of her gunwale before long." "shall i go and call the other men?" asked billy. "they are cooking the breakfast, sir," observed bird. "let them go on by all means," said tom; "if we find the boat we will come back afterwards and dig her up." they immediately set to work, under tom's directions, but the sand had risen even higher than they had supposed, and as they had only the boat's stretchers and their hands to work with, it was a slow business. "i've thought, sir, of a quicker way of finding her than this," observed jerry; and taking his axe, he cut a short pole with a sharp point, and ran it down though the sand, along the line which tom had marked out. "there's something here, sir," he cried out at length, and forthwith a hole was dug at the spot. jerry then plunged down his hand. "no doubt about it, sir; there's the boat's side, and if the weight of the sand has not bulged her out, she will be all to rights." "i have no fear on that score," observed tom. "the sand has probably driven up around her, and afforded her sides support. i am very thankful that we took the precaution of banking her up as we did, or i am pretty sure that she would have been rolled over and over, and knocked to pieces." the party having satisfied themselves as to the safety of the boat, returned to their camp, where they found tim and pat busily engaged over a huge fire in cooking pork chops. "why, where did these come from?" asked tom. "shure, sir, they are from a porker which we found in the bush. it's my belief it's the very baste mr desmond shot last night. he was not quite dead, and showed some fight, but we finished him, and cut him up in a jiffy." "i congratulate you on your success," said tom. "to tell you the truth," said desmond, "i was half dreaming at the time; and i was not quite sure this morning whether i had shot anything or not, but i'm mighty glad to find that my dream has come true." the pork chops were found very satisfactory, and it was still more so to know that there was an abundance of animal food in the island; for if there was one hog, there would to a certainty be many more; at the same time, they would have prevented the increase of roots which would otherwise have afforded nourishment. "as hogs live here, there, are probably acorns and nuts of various sorts, so that even should the cocoa-nuts and bananas run short, we need be under no apprehension of wanting vegetable diet," said tom to desmond. "again i say we have good reason to be thankful that we have landed on an island so abounding in provisions." "i wish we had brought off some tea, coffee, and sugar," said billy. "i should have enjoyed my breakfast much more." "be thankful for what you have got," observed tom. before setting out to commence the digging up of the boat, tom suggested that they should form some rough spades, without which the operation would be a very tedious one. they had fortunately brought with them two axes for cutting fire-wood, and with these jerry and pat managed to chop out from the fallen branches six rough spades. they would have finished them off in better style had tom allowed them. having ascertained the exact position of the boat, by running down a pointed stick, they commenced operations. they were much surprised at the enormous pit they had to dig before they even reached the gunwale of the boat. the digging was easy enough; the labour consisted in heaving the sand to a sufficient distance. all hands were getting very hungry. billy, as usual, was the first to cry out. "what do you say to dinner, rogers?" tom looked at his watch, and directed pat to go to the camp and prepare dinner, while the rest continued to work as before. it took them till noon to clear away the sand as far down as the gunwale, as of course it was necessary to dig a much wider space all round the boat than simply her width. the sun, too, had now become excessively hot, and the only coverings they had for their heads were straw hats. tom suggested that they should stick some large leaves or small branches into the bands, by which means a more effectual shelter could be formed for their heads. in spite of the heat, they returned with good appetites to the camp. "bedad, it's fortunate we have got anything to eat at all," exclaimed pat, as they approached. "just as i came up, what should i see but a couple of porkers poking their noses into the tent; in another minute they would have got hold of the meat and fish i had hung up ready for cooking. i would have turned them into pork pretty quickly, but before i could get hold of a musket, they had scampered away back into the woods; but we'll be even with them before long. when i went to look for the rest of the hog, if the bastes hadn't eaten up their brother, barring the hide, and that they had been quarrelling over, by the way it was torn to pieces." there was an ample supply of pork, and fish, and bananas, cocoa-nuts and vegetables, for that day's dinner tom had to consider what provision should be made for supper, and the next day. eager as he was to get the boat dug out, in case the ship should appear, he would not allow his companions to work for a couple of hours or more, for fear of their suffering from a stroke of the sun, whose fierce rays beat down with terrific force on the sand. pat, who was well inured to a far greater heat, under the line itself, in the meantime took one of the muskets, "to try and kill some game," he said, "or one of the porkers which had lately paid him a visit." the rest of the party lay down in the shade under the rock, to prepare themselves for their afternoon's work. pat had been absent for some time, and a couple of shots had been heard; but lately no sound had reached them, when again they heard a report at no great distance. presently he was seen scampering along, a big boar close at his heels. it appeared as if the next instant the creature's tusks would have run into him, when he seized the branch of a free and threw himself up upon it, while the animal ripped off the hem of his broad trousers. luckily the canvas gave way, or pat would have been brought to the ground. the boar looked up at his late opponent as if he still meditated vengeance; but suddenly seeing the party under the cliff, he came towards them, tearing up the ground in his fury, with his sharp tusks. fortunately the other musket was loaded. "stand by, for advance or flight," cried tom, seizing the weapon. bird grasped the boat-hook, while desmond and tim each took an axe, billy, having no arms, fulfilled the latter part of the order, by beginning to climb up a ledge of the rock on one side of the cliff. it was a moment of dreadful suspense, for, should tom miss, he well knew that the boar's tusks might, in the next instant, pierce him through. fortunately the animal caught sight of billy as he was climbing up the cliff. this for a moment distracted his attention, and, instead of coming directly at tom and his companions, it swerved a little on one side. seeing, however, that billy had got beyond its reach, it once more came galloping towards them, singling out jerry, who was the most conspicuous object, for its attack. tom waited until it got within twelve feet, when he fired. the bullet hit the animal, but did not stop it. jerry sprang on one side to avoid its charge, and then drove his boat-hook into its neck, bearing it to the ground. on this tim and desmond sprang forward, and, before it could again rise, dealt it several heavy strokes with their axes, preventing it from committing any further mischief. "hurrah; you've finished the baste, i hope," cried pat, who had been watching the proceedings from his bough, and now came hurrying forward. "i'd somehow or other missed a couple of pigs, when i caught sight of this big fellow taking a snooze in the sun. i was creeping up to him, when he opened his wicked eyes, and if i hadn't taken to my heels he would have had his tusks through and through me. at last i stopped behind a free and gave him a shot; but he didn't mind it at all, at all, by reason that the bullet flew over his head, and i had again to run for it. however, `all's well that ends well,' and, sure, we will be having him for supper, with the greatest pleasure in the world." after this specimen of rat's sportsmanlike qualities, tom resolved not to trust him with the musket again, as it was necessary carefully to husband their powder and shot. as, however, pat possessed very good qualifications for a butcher, he was left to cut up the boar, while the rest of the party returned to the boat, he being directed to rejoin them as soon as he had secured the joints. digging out the boat was severe labour, as to prevent the sand slipping back it had to be thrown several feet on either side of the boat. they then had to cut a channel down to the water. tom soon saw that they could not hope to get their boat afloat for another whole day at the soonest. diligently as they worked, the sun was sinking rapidly towards the horizon before the boat was free of sand. they examined her anxiously, fearing that her sides might have been forced out; but, as far as they could ascertain, she had received no material injury. "we must take another look-out for the ship, before it gets dark," exclaimed tom; and he and desmond set off to ascend the hill, from whence they could obtain an extensive view of the ocean around them. in vain they strained their eyes; no sail was in sight--not a speck appeared above the horizon. the sea was rolling in lazy undulations, here and there flecked with foam, which sparkled brightly in the rays of the setting sun, while the sea-fowl were once more venturing forth from their rocky homes in search of prey. "she must have run a long distance before the gale, and it will take her some time to beat back," observed tom. "we must not give her up yet." "i should think not, indeed," answered desmond. "it would have been rather inconvenient if she had come, and we had not got the boat afloat. however, we must manage to get a signal-staff set up to-morrow morning, in case she should appear, that they may know where we are, and send in to help us." tom agreed with desmond, and they accordingly arranged to cut a flag-staff the first thing the next day, and manufacture a flag which might be seen from the ship. descending the rock, they returned to their companions, who were still hard at work. pat, however, had been sent back, to light the fire and prepare supper. the party continued digging in the sand until darkness at length compelled them to give over. they had no little difficulty in making their way back to the camp, until their eyes were gladdened by the sight of pat's blazing fire. "we must compliment you on your pork chops," exclaimed billy, holding up the remains of one which he had been discussing with the help of his clasp knife. "i'll trouble you for another, as soon as it's done brown." "you're welcome to it, sir; and, bedad, i'm mighty better pleased to be cooking his hams, than for him to have had his tusks through mine," answered pat. the supper was pronounced excellent, though they had nothing but cold water from a neighbouring rivulet with which to wash it down. tim suggested that a thimbleful of rum would be mighty pleasant. tom refused to serve out any of their limited supply, having determined to keep it in case of emergency. although he did not express his fears to his companions, he could not help dreading that some accident might have happened to the _dragon_. the night passed quickly away. as soon as it was daylight tom and desmond ascended to their look-out place. they were again doomed to disappointment. the sea had become perfectly calm, a light air occasionally only rippling the surface. "it will take her a good many hours to get up to our island, even if she is now only just out of sight," observed tom. "still we must get a flag-staff set up, in case she should appear before we can launch the boat, and we shall be fortunate if we can do that before night." as soon as breakfast was over, tom having told the men what was wanted, all hands went in search of a tree fit for the purpose. none, however, were discovered. at last it was agreed that a young cocoa-nut tree must be cut down. this was soon done by jerry and tim, while the rest recommenced their attempt to free the boat. all hands were required to get the flag-staff to the top of the rock and set it up. the three men offered their handkerchiefs, which with others belonging to the midshipmen formed a tolerably sized flag. as they had no halyards, it was fixed with rope yarns to the top of the staff, before it was set up. a crevice was found in the rock, into which it was driven, and fixed on either side with large stones. "that will show clearly enough where we are, and if they can count the number of handkerchiefs, they will know we are all right," observed desmond. "i trust that the ship will come," said tom, though he could not throw much confidence into his tone. "now, lads, we must go back and dig away at our boat. i should like to see her afloat to-night or early to-morrow morning." in spite of the heat, they toiled on, not even returning to the camp for dinner; pat instead being sent to bring provisions and water. notwithstanding their perseverance, the work was not finished when tom set off alone to have another look out from flag-staff hill. he was soon seen coming back. "not a sign of her," he said; and taking up his spade he resumed his labours. a heap of sand still remained between the boat and the water, that had to be removed before she could be launched. "we must get rollers under her, or it will be more than we can do to drag her into the water," observed jerry, as he stamped his foot into the soft yielding sand under her keel. "you are right," said tom, "and we must make them the first thing in the morning." the songs sung and yarns spun that evening were not so cheerful as they had been; indeed, all hands were so sleepy that they were glad to turn in as soon as supper was over. tom hoped against hope, that the next morning the ship would appear, had no accident happened to her. even without her machinery she would surely be able to beat up to the island by this time. tom was at the flag-staff as soon as the light enabled him to see his way up the hill. he waited, gazing anxiously at the horizon, while the ruddy glow which suffused itself over the sky, announced the rising of the sun. but no sail appeared. "she will not come at all," he exclaimed to himself; "she must have been driven on the rocks during that fearful night, and probably all hands have perished. poor archie, i wish he had come with us, and i am very, very sorry for all the rest." tom, however, well knew that he must not give way to his melancholy forebodings, and that, at all events, it was his duty to try and keep up the spirits of his companions. on returning to the tent he put on as unconcerned a countenance as possible, and sat down to breakfast as if he had nothing on his mind. the high flavour of the pork showed him that they must, in the first place, look out for another hog, and some means must be found for preserving it. pat asserted that the hams were still very good, and tom suggested that they should be immediately smoked, until salt could be scraped from the rocks, or obtained by evaporation. "you see we have got plenty to do, and even if we spend a month here, we shall have no time to be idle," he observed. jerry and tim, before they recommenced digging, cut with their axes a number of rollers, which were then placed under the boat's keel, when with renewed ardour all hands set to work to clear away the intervening sand. it took, however, much longer than they had expected, and another day was drawing to a close before they could attempt to begin launching her. she was moved, however, but a few feet cut of the hollow in which she had been imbedded, as there was no object to be gained that night by putting her in the water, although the bay was now so smooth that she might have floated in perfect safety. tom made his usual visit to flag-staff hill, and came back with the same report as on the previous evening. "before we launch our boat," he said, when he rejoined the party at breakfast, "we must dismantle our tent; and indeed it is not wise to wear out our sail by using it as a roof. we may want it, and we shall certainly require the oars. i therefore propose, should the ship not appear by noon, to build a hut in the place of the tent, and we shall then have shelter, should we require it, at night. we cannot tell what we may need. the hurricane season is not yet over, we may depend upon that. we came in for the first blow, and there may be several others before the weather becomes settled." "what! do you think the ship's not coming back for us?" asked billy, in an anxious tone. "i should like to change my clothes, and i wish we had some tea and sugar, and some hard tack, and pepper, mustard, and all sorts of things." "as to the ship's coming back, it's possible she may not," observed tom. "if she does not, we must manage to do without the things we should like to have, and make the best of those we have got." "that's the right sort of philosophy," observed jerry bird, who knew that he might take a liberty which another man might not, and talk freely to his officers. as soon as breakfast was over, the oars and gear of the boat were carried down to the beach, when, with the help of rollers, she was, all hands hauling together, after some labour, run into the water. as tom had feared might be the case, it was soon discovered that, either from the hot atmosphere or the pressure to which she had been subjected, she leaked considerably. the leaks, however, it was hoped, would partially fill up, though she would require some fresh caulking, and a coat of tar, or some substitute, if tar was not to be procured. the hour of noon approached, and, in spite of the heat, tom and desmond climbed to the flag-staff. they looked around the horizon, and then at each other. "i am afraid she will not come at all," exclaimed desmond. "i feared as much from the first," answered tom. "then what do you propose doing?" asked desmond. "i don't wish to have to live on here month after month, or for what we can tell year after year, while our fellows are fighting the chinese, and all the rest of the world, perhaps." "no, nor do i," said tom. "we must fit our boat as well as we can for sea, and try and make our way, either back to japan, or to the ladrones, to which we were bound; but, as i said before, it won't do to put to sea until the hurricane season is over. even in fine weather it will be a pretty long trip in an open boat; but people have gone as far, or much farther, and what others have done we can do." "i am ready for anything you think best," answered desmond, "and i am sure the rest will be, but we must try and fit the boat for a long voyage, and the sooner we set about it the better." "it will be a difficult job to do that without tools," observed tom. "faith, i forgot that," remarked desmond. "still, as you often say, `where there's a will there's a way.' as we shall want our sail, we must try and manufacture some thick matting instead of canvas, to fix over the bows to raise the gunwale a foot or two, to keep out the sea. then for provisions, we shall have to salt down as many hogs as we can kill, dry a stock of yams, and carry our water in cocoa-nut shells." "i am glad, gerald, that you have thought about the matter; that's just what i was going to propose," said tom. "of course," cried gerald. "i have been thinking of that and a number of other things besides while i was digging in the sand, though i did not like to talk about them until the time came for action." thus the two midshipmen discussed their plans for the future. on their return to the camp, as the time fixed upon by tom had passed and the ship had not arrived, the tent was dismantled and tom set the men to work to cut poles of sufficient length to serve for rafters and uprights. their tent had answered so well that it was agreed that the hut should have a roof of the same shape. the walls were formed by closely interlacing the uprights with creepers, which also served to bind on the large pandanus leaves which they used for covering the roof. the hut being nearly completed, tom and desmond set out, armed with their muskets, to try and kill a hog or some small game. billy wanted to go, but tom advised him to remain and assist in finishing the hut. "if one of those fellows were to run at you, what could you do without a weapon of some sort?" "but i'd take the boat-hook," said billy. "a wild bear would be afther laughing at it in your hands," observed desmond. though they saw several hogs, which animals seemed to abound in the island, they were unable to get near enough to obtain a fair shot. while in search of hogs, their object was also to explore the island. they made their way across to the northern side. it consisted of deep indentations and high rocks, to the top of one of which they climbed; they could make out in the far distance another island to the north of them. though they narrowly scanned the ocean in every direction, no sail was to be seen. "i am determined not to give her up altogether," said tom; "but still, if she has escaped shipwreck, i cannot account for the commander not coming to look for us. my only idea is that by some mistake or other he supposes we were lost, and that being driven a long way to the southward, he does not think it worth while to come so far out of his course." on their way back they caught sight of a large number of good-sized birds perched thickly in a tree, apparently intending to roost there for the night. having drawn their bullets, they loaded with small shot, and firing into the midst of the birds, they brought down a dozen, which proved to be a species of pigeon. "we have got something for supper, at all events," cried desmond as he ran to pick up the birds and to finish off a few which were still fluttering on the ground. their ill-success in hog-hunting made them determine the next day to go out fishing in the boat. it need not be said that either tom or desmond paid periodical visits to the flag-staff. so often had they been disappointed that they at last gave up all expectation of seeing the ship. their fishing excursion, though not as successful as the first, had produced a good supply of fish, some of which they ate fresh and the rest they dried in the sun and smoked over a wood fire. they had, however, to keep baling nearly the whole of the time. this satisfied them that they must caulk the boat before they could venture out to sea in her. all hands were now busily employed in a variety of ways. pat had woven some baskets with long grass, and billy and tim, each carrying one, went out in search of salt, of which they found a plentiful supply in the hollows of the rocks, close down to the sea. tom and desmond searched in all directions for trees which might yield pitch or a gum of some description which would serve to pay over the outside of the boat, but they searched in vain. "we must find some substitute for pitch, or we cannot accomplish our voyage, that's very certain," said tom. the boat was constantly kept wet; at last they tried sinking her for several hours together, but her planks would not swell sufficiently to stop the leaks. they were almost in despair. "had we only a good supply of powder, we might live in luxury on fish, flesh, and fowl, with plenty of vegetables; but without the powder, should we get a continuance of had weather, we may be reduced to the vegetable diet," said desmond, as they were sitting round the fire at supper. "as to the hogs, we may be pretty sure of catching them," observed pat; "we can soon find out their runs, and by digging pitfalls it won't be long before a porker will find his way in." "then the sooner you can manage to dig a pitfall and catch a porker the better," said tom. "that will be the very thing i'll set about to-morrow morning, with tim as my mate," answered pat. tim agreed, and so it was arranged. "i should like to get half a dozen hogs well salted and smoked, so that there may be no fear of the meat turning bad," said tom; "we cannot tell how long our voyage may last, and it will not do for us to run short of provisions if we can help it. we must also catch and cure a supply of fish, and they, with the yams, will serve us for provisions. nothing else will be likely to keep, though perhaps we may obtain birds and vegetables at some of the islands we may pass." "but it won't do to land, sir, unless we know the people who inhabit them," said pat. "where i was living so long they would have knocked any visitors on the head and eaten them up, to a certainty." "my belief is that the people on this side of the equator are generally well disposed towards strangers," said tom. "i heard the commander say so only a short time ago, and he had been reading some books on the subject." so altogether tom was persuaded and imbued his companions with the same idea that the proposed voyage could be performed without any extraordinary risk, and all hands looked forward to the time when they might venture to commence it--not that they were tired of remaining on the island--but even the men had no wish to spend their days there, and the midshipmen were naturally anxious to be employed on active service. next morning, tom, having gone as usual to the flag-staff to take a look out, as he was descending, saw several dark objects moving on the sand of the bay below him. some were far up on the dry sand, others nearer the water. "those must be turtle," he said to himself; "we may catch some of them if we are quick about it, before they return to the water." he hurried back to the camp and told his companions what he had seen. they all followed him as fast as they could scamper towards the bay. each man got hold of a stick or weapon of some sort. the instinct of the turtle telling them that enemies were approaching, those farthest up the beach began to make their way, vigorously working their fins, towards the water. tom and desmond, who were ahead, managed to get their sticks under a good-sized one, which they turned over without much difficulty, and they then attacked three others in succession, throwing them over on their backs. the rest of the party had now come up. jerry and tim, in the same way, turned over two more. their success encouraged billy, who, being ambitious, tackled a big fellow, which was scrambling away at a great rate towards the water. billy, who was as courageous as a lion, seized hold of its fins, and in an instant he was covered over with showers of sand thrown up by its other fin, while the turtle showed no disposition to stop. billy shouted to his companions to come and help him. pat, who though the last on the field, having just turned a turtle, rushed forward and seized the big fellow by the other fin; but the creature had got good way and was not to be stopped by the united efforts of the midshipman and the irish sailor, who in another instant were dragged into the water. it was still too shallow for the turtle to swim, but it used its four flappers with so much effect against its two assailants, as to give them a thorough shower-bath. "we must have him; help, help!" shouted billy; "don't let him go, pat!" "that i'll not, shure!" answered pat, who maintained his hold like grim death to the hind flapper. "tim, me darlin', be quick here, or the baste will be off. jerry, man, lend a hand." "rogers, desmond, do come and help, or the fellow will get away after all our trouble," shouted billy. thus summoned, the whole party came to the assistance of the two heroes, tim in his eagerness toppling over on his nose in the shallow water. he quickly, however, recovered himself, and he and jerry seizing one of the fore flappers, and tom and gerald the other. they managed to stop the progress of the unfortunate turtle, though not until they had all been well wetted. with a heave they turned the turtle over and dragged it up again on the dry beach. by this time nearly all the other turtle had escaped; but another big fellow had just got into the water, and was paddling off, when pat in his eagerness threw himself upon it, shouting to his companions for help. billy dashed forward, when pat at the same moment contrived to turn over the turtle, but, unhappily for poor billy, his foot slipping, down he fell with the turtle on the top of him; though his head was above water, the turtle almost smothered him with water and sand, which its flappers sent flying into his face. "help, help!" he kept crying out. pat, in his efforts to release the midshipman, also slipped down under the turtle, which was all the time working itself into deep water, and dragging its assailants, who still held on, with it. tom and gerald, however, came to their rescue; but already the turtle had got into water of sufficient depth to enable it to recover its proper position, and with such good effect did it use its flappers, that, in spite of the exertions of the midshipmen and pat, who had to choose between being drawn into deep water at a risk of being drowned or seized by a lurking shark, or losing their prize, they instinctively let go, and the turtle diving, joined its more fortunate companions who had escaped. as, however, more turtle had been caught than the party could possibly eat, they had no cause to complain. "hurrah! i don't mind the wetting," cried billy, as he shook himself like a spaniel on coming out of the water. "we shall live for many a day like aldermen." "there's little chance of our eating them up before they turn bad," observed desmond. "you need not fear that, sir," said pat; "we will build a house for them, where they will live as happy as princes till we want to cook them?" his plan was to form an enclosure with a roof over it to protect the turtle from the rays of the sun, and to keep them well supplied with wet sea-weed. "i wonder i did not at once think about that," said tom. "we will do as you propose immediately." the axes were soon at work, and the enclosure was formed of sufficient size to contain all their turtle, before they returned to breakfast, dragging with them one of the smaller turtle, which was destined to serve them as food for the day. they had turtle steaks for, breakfast, turtle soup for dinner, and turtle again at night. "it is a pity we have not some port wine, and cayenne pepper, and some lemons," cried billy. "we have no cause to complain, since we have abundance of salt," said tom. "for my part, i think we have every reason to be thankful for the ample supply of food with which we have been provided." as day after day went by the hope that the _dragon_ would return became fainter and fainter. tom made up his mind that if they were to escape from the island, they must perform the voyage in the boat; but as he examined her again and again he could not help confessing that she was but ill-suited for the undertaking in her present state. whenever they went out fishing they had to keep constantly baling, so that they ran a great risk of going down. he had no anxiety about provisions, though there would be a difficulty in preserving them sufficiently to stand the constant exposure to the sun and wet. that risk must, however, be run. he charged pat and tim to thoroughly salt and smoke the pork and fish. he directed them also to clear out a number of cocoa-nuts to serve as bottles for holding water. pat had succeeded in catching two hogs in his pit-fall, and when the subject of carrying water was discussed, he offered to sew up the skins, so as to form two big leathern bottles. "where will you find the needles and thread to sew them up?" asked tom. "the needles! shure, i'd be afther makin' them from bone, and there would be no difficulty in finding the thread." though tom allowed all preparations to go on, his mind was not at all easy in regard to the condition of the boat, and desmond agreed with him that, unless her leaks could be stopped, it would be madness to put to sea. while the men, therefore, continued working at their several tasks tom had assigned to them, assisted by billy, who was not fond of long walks, he and desmond continued their search for pitch or something which would answer as a substitute. desmond had heard of pitch springs, and looked about for them for some time, until tom recollected that such were alone found in volcanic regions, and that they could only expect to discover some vegetable substance. at last they determined to explore the whole of the island, which would occupy them some two or tree days. taking one of the muskets, they filled their wallets--which pat lad manufactured for them of plaited grass--with a store of dried yams, salt pork, and fish, which they carried in case they should be unsuccessful in obtaining game. they charged billy, should the _dragon_ appear, to fire off the musket left behind, and also to light a beacon fire on the summit of flag-staff hill, the smoke of which they would probably be able to distinguish from any part of the island. bidding farewell to their companions, they first directed their course towards the south-east end of the island, which, as it had a rocky and barren appearance, they had not yet visited. chapter three. tom and desmond discover a wreck--horrible scene--find tools and stores on board--return with their treasures to the camp--visit the wreck in their boat, and bring back stores--the boat fitted for sea--last night on shore--setting sail--steer for japan--wind changes--stand to the south--a long calm--followed by a shark--a breeze, but against them-- running short of provisions--reduced to yams and oil--boat run down by a whaler--desmond and tim missing--tom and jerry find them. tom and gerald trudged manfully forward on their survey of the island. the path was very uneven. they kept as near to the coast as they could, and frequently they could only make their way, on account of the ruggedness of the rocks, by turning inland. they had to clamber over fallen trunks or to cut a path with their axe through thick creepers. at other times they had to climb wild rocks and rugged hills, then to descend again, either into some valley running up from the shore or to the shore itself. their object being, however, to examine the productions of the island, they generally kept away from the beach. they had made good eight or ten miles, when, ascending a rocky height, they obtained a view of the sea and a line of coast for some distance. suddenly tom stopped and put his hand on his companion's arm. "tell me, desmond, what do you think is that dark object out there? it is curiously shaped, like--or, is it--" "a vessel, to be sure," exclaimed desmond, whose eyes had been turned towards the spot. "how could she have come there without our seeing her?" "she may possibly have been there for some time," said tom. "certainly she must have been wrecked during a gale before we landed here, and she appears to be thrown high up on the rocks." as they got up to the vessel, they saw that she had been driven on shore between two ledges, where she had remained fixed. it had probably been high tide when she was wrecked, as the water had completely left her. after much difficulty, by scrambling along over the rocks, the midshipmen got alongside, then hauled themselves on board by some ropes which were hanging over the bows. the vessel was a fore-top-sail schooner. her masts were still standing, and her canvas was hoisted, though torn to tatters, now fluttering in the breeze. a horrible odour came up from the main hold as they went aft, and on looking down what was their horror to see three bodies, one apparently a white seaman, from his dress, the other two evidently blacks, from the few rags still hanging to their remains. the two midshipmen anxious to accomplish the survey of the vessel, hastened aft. about the companion hatch and on the bulwarks, the wood had been chipped off, as if by bullets, and there were other signs that a severe struggle had taken place at some time or other on board. they descended the companion ladder; at the foot were stains of blood, traces of which were discovered on the steps. they expected, from the odour which pervaded the whole vessel, to find some festering body in the cabin, but no human being, either dead or alive, was there. they discovered, however, what had evidently been the captain's log-book, by which it was shown that the vessel was the _ark_, of brisbane, queensland, and that she had been engaged in carrying labourers from various islands to serve as apprentices for three years in that colony. how she had come thus far north it was impossible to say. the last entry in the log showed that she was in the latitude of the caroline group; so that if she had been deserted there, she must have drifted several hundred miles. tom and desmond concluded that the blacks must have risen on the white crew, and that the latter, after defending themselves desperately, must have been overcome, while the former had probably swum on shore. one thing was certain, that a terrible tragedy had been enacted on board. the dead bodies below could tell no tales; probably they had fallen in the struggle and been left there by their companions. perhaps the blacks, after murdering the crew, had steered to the northward, fancying that their own islands lay in that direction. "we may suppose anything we like," said tom; "but we shall not get nearer the truth. however, we will take care of the log, and see if anything more can be got out of it. we will see now if the vessel contains anything likely to be useful, and if there is, we must send and fetch it without delay, as another gale might knock her to pieces." before they could further continue their search they had to come up and take fresh air; and they then again descended into the little cabin. no sooner had they commenced their search than they found a set of carpenter's tools, some parcels of nails, and several other articles which they required for repairing their boat. "these are indeed treasures," said tom, as he examined them. "now, if we can only find a cask of tar, we shall be fortunate." "that most likely is forward, or in the hold," said desmond. "ugh! i don't like having to go into the hold," said tom; "but we must go down, if we do not find what we want forward." nearly all the articles they wanted most were in the after cabin: a quadrant, a chart, canvas and rope, sail-maker's needles, twine--indeed, almost everything they could possibly require. they at once placed, ready for packing up, the things which were of the most value to them, such as some of the tools, the quadrant, and chart, a spy-glass, and other articles. they then, as they were unwilling to remain longer on board than was necessary, made their way forward. almost one of the first objects which their eyes encountered as they examined the fore hold was a cask of tar, which had been got up apparently for use; there were also oil, turpentine, white lead, and brushes. "i only wish we had time and skill, and we might, instead of repairing our own boat, have built another better fitted for our intended voyage. perhaps we could get the vessel off?" suggested desmond. "you would not say that if you saw her at high tide, when the water must flow in and out of her, for her bottom is like a sieve," answered tom. "we must not think of launching her, or of building another boat; but we may improve our craft, so as to make her thoroughly seaworthy." as the tackles were at hand, they at once hoisted the tar-barrel on deck; but by this time it was impossible to remain longer on board, and therefore, doing up the more valuable articles in two parcels, tom having first descended, desmond lowered them over the side to him. altogether their packages weighed a good deal; but, delighted with their acquisition, they trudged along right merrily, hoping to get back before night. "we shall astonish them," exclaimed desmond, "when they see us and the things we have brought." they had no little difficulty in getting back, and had frequently to stop and rest; but eager to join their comrades, they persevered, and at length, as night closed on them, they caught sight of the welcome fire under the cliff. pat had just concocted their potful of turtle soup, and had some yams roasting in the embers. he and the rest could scarcely believe their eyes when they saw the treasures tom and desmond had brought. the men were all eager to set off the next day. tom, however, determined to go in the boat, as there was a landing-place not far off, and the weather promised to be fine. next morning they accordingly launched their boat, carrying several cocoa-nut shells with which to bale her out, not forgetting to take also a supply of provisions. the wind was off the land, the water smooth; and setting the sail, they skimmed merrily along outside the reefs, keeping a bright look out for any which might be just below the surface. the only disagreeable part of the expedition was the necessity of keeping two bands constantly baling. this showed how utterly impossible it would have been to have attempted the proposed voyage before the boat had been repaired. they found a sandy beach about a quarter of a mile from the wreck. here they hauled the boat up, and all hands at once eagerly hastened on board. pat suggested that the first thing to be done was to bury the bodies, so that they might search the hold without inconvenience; and he and tim agreed to perform the disagreeable task. having found an old sail, they placed the remains in it. among the articles on board were a couple of spades, so that having dragged the bodies to a piece of soft ground inside the rocks, they quickly dug a grave, in which the white man and the blacks were placed together. "they'll not fight there," said tim, "whatever they may have done while they had life in them." the hold was then washed down, after which some cases of gun-powder having been found, tom devoted a portion to fumigating the hold. they were now able to search the vessel thoroughly. almost everything they could possibly require was discovered in her. still tim was seen searching about, as eagerly as at first. at length he gave a shout. "hurrah!" he cried out, "here is the treasure, my boys;" and he produced a box of tobacco, in which was still a considerable portion of its original contents. "it will serve us for many a day to come." some pipes were also found, and tom at once gave the men leave to take a smoke, for which they were truly grateful after the unpleasant duty they had performed. the midshipmen in the mean time were engaged in selecting the articles which they considered would be of the most use, so that should any accident happen to the wreck before they could return, they might at all events have secured the most necessary things. in tom's eyes the cask of tar was the most valuable. the voyage had apparently been a long one, as nearly all the provisions had been exhausted. a small barrel of biscuit, with a few pieces of beef at the bottom of a cask, were almost the only provisions remaining on board. there was, however, some tea, coffee, and sugar, and they did not forget to carry off some cooking utensils, as well as a few cups, plates, a tea-pot, some knives and forks, as also several articles of clothing, which would enable them to enjoy the luxury of a change of linen. tom at first thought of shifting their head-quarters to the little bay where their boat was drawn up; but on consideration, as it was in an exposed situation, he and desmond agreed to return to their original camp. they found a sufficient amount of planking to raise the boat's gunwales, and to put a small deck forward and some lockers aft. altogether they were highly satisfied with the treasures they had obtained, and having laden their boat, they once more put off. the wind again favouring them, they had a pleasant sail back to the bay. it was night by the time they landed their stores and had conveyed the articles of food to their encampment. tom and desmond were in much better spirits than they had been before. they had now, as they could make their boat seaworthy, great hopes of performing their intended voyage. they had a good store of provisions, with a compass, chart, quadrant, and almanac, so that they could direct their course in any direction which was considered advisable. they were still in some doubt whether they should go on to the ladrones or steer for japan. in the latter case they would be likely to fall in with an english man-of-war, but the voyage must be difficult, and they finally decided to be guided by the winds and the state of the weather. japan was certainly nearer, but they might make a port at which no englishmen were settled, and it was very uncertain how they might be treated by the natives. they hoped, too, that the _dragon_ might have escaped and managed to reach the ladrones, where, as she would without doubt remain some time, they might be able to rejoin her. none of the party, unfortunately, had much practical knowledge of carpentering. pat, from having lived so long among the savages, was the most skilful and accustomed to turn his hand to all sorts of work. they trusted, however, for success to the right exercise of their wits. they had to make a couple more trips to the wreck, to bring away various articles which they thought might be of use. they then, without further loss of time, commenced operations. the first task was to fix on a false keel, about half a foot in depth, to enable the boat to sail closer to the wind than she would otherwise have been able to do. it took some time, as they were greatly afraid of injuring the original keel. fortunately, they had found some long screws, which much assisted them. "i have a bright idea," said tom, as they were about to begin. "we'll nail on a length in the first place two inches deep, which we can firmly secure with iron hoops to the side of the keel, and into that we can run our screws, so that there will be no risk of splitting the keel." this plan was carried out. "to my mind, no carpenter could have done it better," exclaimed jerry, as he surveyed the work. the fore-part of the boat was next decked over, a piece of canvas being nailed down on the top of it, and well painted, thus rendering it perfectly water-tight. on the same principle they formed some large lockers aft, and another amidships, in which their heavier previsions could be stored. these being made water-tight, would materially assist in keeping the boat afloat should a heavy sea break on board of her. the gunwale was then raised a foot all round, and a bulwark placed athwartships, abaft the forecastle deck, from which, extending some feet further aft, a sliding hatch was fitted, so that in reality their boat was half decked over. they lastly gave her a thick coat of tar outside, and two coats of paint all over inside. she was rigged with a mainsail, a mizen, and a foresail, to which they added a sliding bowsprit, so that a jib could be set in light winds, with a flying gaff topsail. having plenty of canvas and spars, they also fitted a square sail; some sand-bags served for ballast, although the stores they intended to take would reader them at first unnecessary. tom had, however, half a dozen spare ones made, which could be filled from the beach of any island at which they might touch, as their stores became exhausted. altogether the craft was made thoroughly seaworthy. they had been working hard all day, the last touch was given, and after a critical examination she was pronounced complete. "now, lads, we will launch her," cried tom. by means of the rollers placed under her keel, this was done without much difficulty, and all hands jumped on board. ballast was then placed in her, and she was found not to make a drop of water. "for my part," exclaimed tom, anxious to encourage the rest, "i should be ready to sail right across the pacific in her." "and so should i," cried billy and desmond in chorus. "pardon me for saying it, sir; there are two things we cannot carry enough of to do that--water and fresh provisions," said jerry bird, the oldest seaman of the party. "if we did not meet with a hurricane or too heavy a gale for the boat, we might of course get across. such voyages have been performed before now, but no man would willingly undertake one if it could be avoided." these observations of jerry set tom thinking. "we must calculate the quantity of water we can carry, and go on an allowance from the first," he said to desmond. "we must do the same also with regard to our yams and all our other provisions, or, after all the pains we have taken, we might run short, which would not be pleasant." "i should think not," remarked billy. "i don't mind how long we remain in the boat, but i should not like to be on short commons." the weather promising to be fine, the boat was anchored close in shore, being also secured by an additional warp fastened to a stake driven into the ground. their intention was to carry their provisions and stores on board the next morning and immediately sail. with the writing materials he had found on board the schooner, tom wrote a short account of their adventures, and their intentions as to their _future_ proceedings, and corked the paper up in a bottle. this they lashed carefully to a stake close to the flag-staff, which they felt sure would be visited should any vessel come off the island. "at all events, our friends will some day or other learn what has become of us if we are lost," said desmond. "oh, pray don't talk about that," cried billy; "i can't bear to think about, anything so dreadful." it was some time before tom, who felt the responsibility of the undertaking resting on his shoulders, could go to sleep. he thought over what had to be done, and how he should act under the various circumstances which might occur. just as the first streaks of dawn appeared in the sky, he awoke. he immediately got up and went out to look at the state of the weather. as far as he could judge, from the sheltered position of the hut, it was as fine as it had been for some days past. "thank heaven, we shall commence our voyage under favourable auspices, at all events," he said to himself. then he shouted-- "rouse up there, rouse up!" his companions were quickly on foot. billy wanted to have breakfast immediately. tom would not hear of it. "no, no, we must get the cargo on board, and then we will take our last breakfast on the beach," he answered. the party now loaded themselves with the various articles which were to be taken from the hut. the heavier stores had been housed close to the beach. tom took a look round to see that nothing was left behind. they then all set off to the boat, which floated in the calm water of the bay. some time was occupied in loading her and stowing the stores judiciously away, so that those first required might be uppermost. their live stock were the last articles carried on board, consisting of a couple of turtle, which they hoped would live and serve them for fresh provisions. the survivors of those in the pen they allowed to scramble back into the water, a proceeding at which billy sighed deeply. "can't we tow them after us," he said, "or haul them on board as we might want them, or during calms make them tow us?" "bosh!" was the only answer tom made to billy's remark. it was with considerable anxiety that tom watched the depth to which the stores, as they were placed on board, gradually brought down the boat. they had still more water in cocoa-nuts and pigskins to bring on board. he, soon saw that should they meet with bad weather they might have to heave overboard a considerable portion; still, as long as the sea remained smooth, she was not considered much overloaded. pat having lighted a fire on the beach, the party sat down to take their last breakfast on the shore. it was a hearty one, it may be supposed, as after this they could not venture to have more than one hot meal in the day. they had found a small cooking apparatus on board the wreck, which could be heated either by an oil-lamp or by wood chips. "all hands on board," cried tom at length. he stood the last on the beach. having a gain cast an eye around to see that nothing was left behind, he once more gave a look at the boat. "she is indeed deep in the water--almost too deep," he said to himself. "she will, however, i trust, weather any gale we are likely to meet with. we must, at all events, run the risk, and trust to providence to take care of us." having cast off the warp, tom waded out to the boat and got on board. before giving the order to weigh anchor, he saw that everything was properly stowed, and that the chart, quadrant, and compass were in the locker ready for use. the wind in the bay was very light, but by the colour of the water outside, it could be seen that a breeze was blowing, though from what quarter it was difficult to determine. "now, lads, we will get up the anchor and pull away into the offing, though one cheer before we go for our island home." a cheerful hurrah burst from the lips of the party, the anchor was lifted and stowed, and the oars being got out, they pulled merrily down the harbour. the entrance to the passage was as smooth as the rest of the bay. having at length got well into the offing, tom and desmond had to decide in which direction to steer. the chart showed them guam, the principal of the ladrone islands, much further off than yokohama, on the coast of japan, towards which they proposed steering. the wind, too, was from the north-east, and should it continue from the same point, they might reach some place in the latter islands, much sooner than they could hope to arrive at guam. still, as they had taken it into their heads that the _dragon_ would touch at guam, they were far more inclined to go there than to japan. when tom, however, considered the risk of running short of water and of fresh provisions, he decided that they ought to attempt to reach japan. desmond agreed with him, and he accordingly at once put the boat's head to the north-west. the wind was so light that both the jib and gaff-topsail were set, and the boat which, at a distance, would have looked like a little cutter, stood well up to her canvas. "she will do it, sir," said jerry bird. "she is going better than four knots an hour now, and if there comes a stiff breeze, we shall get six out of her." tom was not quite so sanguine as to that; indeed, when he came to heave a log which he had fitted, he found that she was making really only three and a half knots, though that, considering the lightness of the wind, was very good. the little island on which they had spent so many days drew gradually astern. they could see others away to the northward. they concluded that they were also uninhabited, or, if there were any people on them, that they were not likely to afford them any assistance. at last the island itself faded from sight, and as the sun went down they floated in the midst of a watery circle. tom, with desmond and jerry bird, had taken the helm one after another, for billy had had no experience, and neither of the other men could be trusted to steer by the compass. as it got dark tom wisely took in the gaff-topsail and jib, while he kept a hand always ready to lower the mainsail, should a sudden squall strike the boat. there appeared to be little chance, however, of that, for scarcely had the sun gone down than the wind fell to a perfect calm, and the boat lay motionless on the water. "don't you think it would be well to take to the oars?" asked desmond. "if we were certain of making good our passage in this direction. i should say so, but before exerting our strength we must see from which quarter the wind will next blow. it may be in our teeth, and all our labour will have been in vain." tom divided the crew into two watches: he, billy, and pat taking one; desmond, with jerry bird and tim, being in the other. tom took the first watch, as he had an idea that the weather would change before midnight. "you need not sit up, billy," he said. "if you are wanted i'll call you. tim will tend the main halyards and keep a look-out forward." billy, who was always ready for a _caulk_, lay down in the stern sheets. tim kept himself awake by alternately singing snatches of irish songs and whistling. tom himself had some difficulty in keeping awake. he had lighted the binnacle lamp, by which he saw that the boat's head was turned now to one, now to another point of the compass. several times he got up to look about; though no sailing vessel could near them, a steamer might, and often and often he fancied he heard the sound of one in the distance. hour after hour passed by; he looked at his watch, which had fortunately kept good time. at midnight he roused up desmond, charging him to keep a good look out for any sudden squall. "which way it may come it is impossible to say, but i think very likely from the point for which we are steering," he observed. bird was of the same opinion. "we'll not be caught napping, sir," he said, as tom lay down, thankful for the prospect of getting some rest. desmond managed to keep awake, and amused himself by listening to pat casey's yarns, which were so extraordinary that desmond fancied he must be drawing upon his imagination, though he did not think fit to say so. the middle watch passed away much as the first had done. now and then a whale or some vast fish was heard blowing or splashing in the water, but nothing could be seen, the sound travelling over the smooth surface to a great distance. "we will let the first watch have their sleep out," said desmond. "it is a pity to rouse them up until daylight, though you, pat, can lie down." "shure, it's only my tongue that's been kept hard at work, and that will get along very well without any rest, so with your leave i'll sit up and keep jerry company," answered the irishman. scarcely an hour after this, desmond, who fancied he was awake, was sitting near the tiller, with his hand placed mechanically on it, when he felt it suddenly move. there was a rushing sound, the boat heeled slowly over. tom, who even in his sleep felt the movement, jumped up, and finding the boat heeling over, "let go the main-sheet," he shouted to pat, who, being in the land of dreams, had neglected to lower away on the main halyards. once aroused, he quickly obeyed the order, and the boat happily righted. fortunately, the stores being well stowed, nothing shifted, or it might have gone hard with them. tom's first act was to look at the compass. the wind, as he had expected, was from the north-west. desmond was keeping the boat close on the starboard tack, heading away to the southward of west. "i was afraid so," exclaimed tom. "however, we will try what we can do. perhaps it will shift again to its old quarter; but if it holds as it now does, we shall have a dead beat to yokohama, and it may be many a long day before we get there. we will give it a fair trial, however, in case the wind should change." daylight soon came. tom gazed anxiously around. "we will heave to and go to breakfast. should the wind continue as it is for a couple of hours, we will then bear up at once and run for guam. it is a sign to us that that must be our destination." having boiled their kettle, they took their first breakfast on board the boat. "follow my example, and make a good one," said billy. "if it comes on to blow, and we should have to heave any of our cargo overboard, it is as well to save as much as possible." the men, at all events, were inclined to follow the midshipman's advice; and after breakfast tom got out his chart and pricked off their course and present position. "with this wind we shall soon sight the bonins, so that we shall not have lost much time. we shall, i hope, make bailey islands before dark; after that our course must be south by east, which will carry us clear of several rocks and reefs to the westward, and i hope that if we have a good breeze we may sight one of the more northern of the ladrones in the course of a week or ten days, and guam is about three hundred miles further south." desmond fully agreed to tom's proposal, and the time they had fixed on having arrived, and the wind blowing as strongly and steadily as ever, the helm was put up, and the boat was steered on the proposed course. although the bonins were seen, night came on before they sighted bailey islands; and tom, afraid of running on them in the dark, steered more to the eastward than he otherwise would have done. before the first watch was set he addressed his companions, urging them one and all to keep a vigilant look out ahead, both day and night. "we have not the advantage, recollect, of a large vessel, when a rock or reef may be seen from the mast-head," he observed. "should there be any sea running, the first intimation we may have of our danger may be by finding ourselves on the top of a coral rock. we must be always ready, at a moment's notice, to alter our course, and get out the oars should the wind fail us. by that means we may escape the dangers we must expect to meet with. remember, the chart we have got is an old one and may be inaccurate, so that it would be unwise to trust completely to it." "very important remarks, and i hope the men in my watch will remember them, as i shall myself," said desmond. though the wind was fair, they ran on all night, under the main-sail, foresail, and mizzen, in case they should suddenly have to haul up to avoid any danger upon which they might be running. "as soon as we have daylight we will set the square sail, and make up for lost time," said tom. the wind held fair, but towards morning it began to fall, and by daybreak it was again perfectly calm. "suppose the wind springs up next time from the southward, are we to run north?" asked billy. "wait until that time comes," answered tom. "we have now laid a course for guam, and guam i hope we shall reach some day or other." as the sun rose the heat became very great, increased by the glare from the ocean, which shone like a sheet of burnished gold. having a second suit of sails, tom had the mainsail rigged as an awning, which, as the sun got higher, served to shelter their heads, and to prevent the risk of a sunstroke. the awning, however, could only be kept up as long as it remained calm, when it was of course most required. although some progress might have been made by rowing, tom was unwilling to fatigue his crew, thinking it better to husband their strength for any emergency which might occur. at the usual hour tom piped to breakfast, which was made to last as long as possible. tom's great difficulty was to find occupation for all hands. unfortunately they had no books except the nautical almanac, which was not interesting reading. yarn spinning is very well in the evening when men have done their work, but few can go on all day either as listeners or narrators. even singing songs becomes somewhat monotonous, especially when the list is small and the singers have already trolled them forth over and over again. their chief amusement was watching the coveys of flying-fish which rose every now and then from the ocean, and darted through the air, their bright scales glittering in the sun. occasionally a whale spouted forth a jet of vapour and spray with a loud noise like that emitted by the safety valve of a steam engine; while albicores, bonitos; and dolphins, with various other fish, could be seen here and there, sporting and tumbling, as they came to the surface, sending a circle of wavelets extending far and wide around. sea birds also flew through the blue ether, their wings appearing of snowy whiteness as they caught the rays of the sun in their rapid flight. jerry bird proposed getting out the oars. "maybe, sir, if we pull on for a few hours we may fall in with some craft becalmed; and though we may wish to continue the voyage in our boat, we may have a talk with her people, hear the news, and maybe get a glass of grog." "or slice of plum pudding, or pot of jam," put in billy. as there appeared to be no signs of a breeze springing up, tom agreed to jerry's proposal, and the oars were got out, billy taking one of them, at which gerald promised to take a spell when he got tired. heavily laden, however, as the boat was, they could scarcely send her ahead at the rate of two knots an hour; but even that was something; and supposing they could row for fifteen hours, night and day, thirty miles might be made good during the four and twenty. jerry, to keep up the spirits of his companions, led off with a song, when tim and pat followed him; and thus they continued until tom piped to dinner. they indeed seemed much happier than when doing nothing. as soon as dinner was over they again took to the oars, and pulled on steadily until dark; but no land was seen, nor was a sail in sight. indeed, so limited was their horizon, that they were likely to pass low islands without observing them. the night was as calm as the day; but, as the men required sleep, tom kept only two oars going. when the sun rose the next morning it shone on the same polished surface as on the previous day. "not an air in the heavens," said jerry, in answer to tom's inquiries, as he rose from his sleeping-place in the stern sheets; "and, to my mind, there won't be." "we must have patience," said tom, preparing to take a morning bath by jumping overboard. "be careful, sir, and look out for sharks," observed jerry. "i would not, if i were you, go far from the boat." "i will follow your advice. keep the oars splashing, and that will frighten them off, if any are near," said tom. plunging in, the midshipmen swam round and round the boat several times. billy jumped overboard, but being of opinion that he was likely to prove a tempting morsel to jack shark, very quickly begged jerry to help him on board again. the midshipmen having dressed themselves, the men imitated their example. they were splashing about round the beat, when pat shouted out-- "bear a hand; get on board, mates. i caught sight of the fin of a big fellow not twenty fathoms off; he'll be after trying the taste of our legs, if we don't look sharp." the midshipmen stood ready to help in the men, for they also had seen the ominous black fin. jerry, who had an especial dread of sharks, quickly threw himself over the gunwale, with the assistance of tom, while desmond and billy helped up tim. pat, who was farthest out, caught hold of the bobstay and was hoisting himself on board by the jibboom, when a cry of dismay escaped him. "he nearly had me, the baste; for i felt his jaws touch my foot." that this was not imagination was proved by the blood running from pat's heel, where the lips, though fortunately not the teeth of the monster, had struck him. a second later, and pat's foot would have been off to a certainty. the shark was directly afterwards seen swimming alongside the boat and casting a malicious leer at those on board. "it will be a lesson to us in future not to swim away from the side," observed tom. "it will be a lesson for me not to go overboard at all," said billy. "_i've_ no fancy to become food for a shark." another night passed. tom found at noon the next day that, instead of thirty, they had not made good twenty miles. the fact was that at times they were not rowing at all; at others only two oars were going, when not more than one mile an hour was made, and even when four were rowing, they had to exert themselves to move the boat at the rate of two knots an hour. still progress was being made. they should in time reach the most northern of the ladrones, where they might venture on shore without fear of being killed and eaten, as would certainly be their lot on any of the islands further to the south-west. rowing all day under a burning sun is not conducive to health, and though none of the party were actually ill, they began to long for a breeze, which would send them more rapidly on their course; while their spirits, which had hitherto been kept up, also flagged considerably. each day, too, they made less progress than on the former one, a sign that their strength was somewhat failing. they had hitherto had an ample supply of food. the salt junk found on board the wreck had been kept to be used only in case of necessity. of their turtle, one had been killed, and they had feasted on it for a couple of days, until the remainder grew bad, and they were compelled to throw it overboard. one morning pat, who had taken charge of the animals, announced that the other was dead, having died during the night, and that unless it was quickly eaten it would be lost. this proved to be the case, especially to billy's regret, who saw the tempting morsels swallowed by the shark, which had, since its first appearance, followed the boat. the still more alarming announcement was that several of their hams, which they had fancied so well cured, were also getting bad. some were consigned to the maw of the voracious shark, though others, which were only slightly tainted, were kept until the continued heat rendered them uneatable. pat could not make it out, but it was discovered on examination that neither the smoke nor salt had penetrated to any depth, and that they would have done better to have cut the meat in thin strips and attempted thus to preserve it. "well, we shall have fish enough and roots, before we attack the junk; we must husband the biscuit and other things," observed tom. he accordingly put all hands on an allowance. it was with no small anxiety that he examined the cured fish, which he was grieved to find emitted far from a pleasant odour; still, as it was at present eatable, he continued to serve it out. "it is not often i have known a calm last so long as this," exclaimed jerry, when a whole week had passed, and not a breath of air had filled their sails. "we would have been better off on shore had we known what was coming." "we should not grumble," observed tom. "we have got upwards of a hundred miles to the southward; when a breeze does come we shall have so much less distance to make." "but the food and the water, sir?" exclaimed jerry. "we must touch at the nearest island we sight and obtain a fresh supply," was the answer. day after day the shark had followed the boat, and while his hideous snout was seen, or that triangular fin of his, it would have been useless to put over a fishing-line, as it would certainly have been carried off. when, however, the fresh provisions ran short, gerald and tom determined to try and get rid of their fearful foe. the three men and billy, who, though fat and short, pulled a very good oar, were rowing as men do who have been at the task many hours, in a sort of mechanical fashion, when tom exclaimed-- "load the muskets, desmond, and if we cannot kill that brute astern, and get a few slices out of his carcase, we will, at all events, drive him away." the muskets had been kept clean and ready for use. they were soon loaded, when the midshipmen, bringing the weapons to their shoulders, took, as they thought, a steady aim and fired. the shark instantly sank out of sight. whether they had hit him or not, they could not tell, but it was possible that the bullets, being deflected by the water, had glanced clear of his head. they at once reloaded, expecting that he would return; but though they looked down into the clear water astern and on either side, the monster was nowhere to be seen. "he won't trouble us again," said desmond. "i feel pretty sure my bullet went into him." "and i think mine did," said tom; "but neither could have killed him, or he would have floated up." "then the sooner we get out the lines and try and catch some fish for supper the better," exclaimed billy. taking off the heavy leads, two of the lines were baited with pieces of rancid pork and allowed to tow astern. the lines had been out for some time, but not a bite had been obtained. "perhaps the lines are not deep enough, or the bait is not as good as it should be," observed desmond, beginning to haul in upon his line. he had got it in a third of the length, when he felt it torn from his grasp, and he caught sight of a monster running off with it. the next instant, as desmond had the line round the thwart, it snapped short off. away went hook and line. directly after, tom's line, hanging over the other quarter, without any warning was snapped off. "it's that brute of a shark come back again," cried tom. "get the muskets, desmond, and if we can entice him near, we will settle him this time." "he's too knowing for that, sir," observed jerry. "you may fire away every shot you've got--he'd see them coming, and be out of the way before they reach him." tom, not believing this, determined to try once more. he got out another piece of pork, and fastened it to the end of one of the broken lines. "the hooks will puzzle his inside," said desmond, "when he begins to feel them. he'll think twice before he has another bite." the muskets were loaded, and the midshipmen standing up, kept their eyes closely watching the bait, which floated on the surface, two or three fathoms astern. "there he comes," cried desmond. and as the shark, turning on his back, exposed the white of his belly, they both fired. the brute disappeared, and so did the bait, sinking like a rocket until lost to sight. "we have finished him this time, at all events," cried desmond. "he'll not take any more of our hooks." "yes, but we have lost the slices out of his back," cried billy; "and, unless we can now catch some fish, we shall be on short commons for supper." hoping that they should not be again troubled by the shark, fresh lines were got out. no fish, however, took the bait; either none came near, or it was not suited to their tastes. supper consequently consisted only of biscuits and tea; but the warm tea was a great comfort after the heat of the day. the watch kept the lines down all night, but still without success. two more days went by with little variation. now and then their hopes were raised seeing a ripple far away on the surface; but, if caused by wind, it died away before it reached them. they were now on a short allowance of water; that in the skins had either evaporated or leaked out, the store in the cocoa-nuts had soon been exhausted, and they had only the boat's breaker, on which they had already commenced. a few biscuits and a portion of the salt beef, which was at the best scarcely eatable, and possessed but slightly nutritive qualities, alone remained. still they had enough to keep them alive for three or four days, perhaps for longer; but before that time, should a breeze spring up, they might at all events reach faralon de pajaros, the most northern of the ladrones. there were other small islands marked down to the westward, one of which they might sight; and, if so, tom determined to land, and try to obtain water and any food they might be able to find. they would most likely be able to get shellfish from the rocks, which would be an improvement on the junk. it was night. desmond had the watch, and tom was lying down fast asleep. he was aroused by hearing desmond sing out, "a breeze! a breeze! all hands make sail!" tom in a moment was on his feet. he looked around him and up at the stars. "from which quarter does it come?" he asked. the binnacle lamp had not been lighted. a light was soon struck. tom examined the compass. "it is dead against us," he exclaimed, with almost a groan. "it is coming on very strong too, sir," observed jerry. "it would be better not to set the mainsail, until we see what happens." as jerry had feared, the wind became stronger, and they presently had as much as the boat could stagger under, with only her mizzen and foresail set. the sea, however, was not as heavy as might have been expected. tom kept the boat's head close to it, and she rode easily over the fast-rising billows. the hatch, which had hitherto been of no use, was shipped, and kept out the seas which occasionally broke on board. the boat was much lighter than when she had started; indeed, as jerry observed, "she would have been the better for a few more sand-bags in her bottom." tom was delighted at her behaviour. "she rides beautifully over the seas," he exclaimed. "i should have been sorry not to have given her a trial. the wind will very likely change before long, and we shall have a quick run to faralon. i wish that i knew more about it, but if we can get water and cocoa-nuts and shellfish there, we must not complain. we can afterwards make our way without difficulty to guam, having plenty of islands to stop at in our course." tom said this to keep up his own spirits and those of his companions. they had not as yet begun to suffer from hunger, but he well knew that they should in a few days unless they could reach land. they had none of them calculated on the contingency which had occurred. the gale continued all day. at night the sea went down, and the wind fell considerably, but still blew from the southward. the boat was put about, as tom and desmond agreed that they must try and beat up to faralon, which they might hope to sight in two or three days at the utmost. by daylight the wind had fallen sufficiently to enable them to set all sail, but they agreed that it would have been better to have had a dead calm, so that they might have pulled the boat in the direction they wished to go. at present, however, there was too much wind to enable them to do that. tom, who had hitherto bravely kept up his spirits, began to feel far from happy, although he did his best not to allow his companions to discover this. he could not help reflecting that in three or four days their water and provisions must come almost to an end. they had not enough now, even to keep up their strength, and it might still take two or three weeks before they could reach an island inhabited by civilised people. he, however, did his best not to communicate his feelings to his companions. "i wish we had gone to japan," exclaimed billy blueblazes. "we should have been there long ago, and i don't like these short commons--that i don't." "i acted for the best," answered tom. he could not say another word: he felt more for his companions than himself. the two irishmen were looking very woe-begone. all pat's fun had left him; he had just strength enough to tend the jib sheets. tim was stationed at the foresail, while jerry stood by the main halyards. tom and desmond, who had never played tricks with their constitutions, which were remarkably good ones, suffered much less than the rest, but even they felt themselves growing weaker and weaker. they had each day taken an observation. according to the chart they were nearly up to faralon, but no land appeared in sight. each day tom had lessened the allowance of food and water; he now took stock of what remained. half a dozen yams had been discovered, and these, beaten up with some oil, were all they had to sustain life. it was nauseous at best, but they ate it greedily. another night came on; the sea was tolerably smooth, the sky was overcast, and a thick mist arose, although it still blew very fresh. the boat was kept under easy sail, close-hauled. tom had the first watch with billy and pat. it was unusually dark, so that it was with difficulty that he could see the length of the boat. before night came on tom had again examined the chart. "i am convinced that by noon--perhaps earlier--to-morrow at latest, we shall see land," he said. "i agree with you," exclaimed desmond. "on the strength of it, i propose that we have a glass of grog apiece." "you'll not be afther laughin' at us, shure, mr desmond?" said tim. "if we could but have a dhrop of the creature, it would cheer our hearts mightily." "indeed, i am not," said desmond, producing the bottle from one of the after lockers. it was but a quarter full of rum, but even the small portion mixed with water which desmond served out was sufficient to restore energy, to the almost exhausted party. the remainder he carefully put by for the next day. after this the watch below lay down and went to sleep. tom sat at the helm. every now and then he told pat to keep a bright look out. "arrah, sir, it will be a hard matter to do that, since i cannot see half a fathom before my nose." "there cannot be much use in looking out," said billy. "if we were near the land we should have seen it before dark; and as we have not fallen in with a single vessel since we left the bonins, we are not likely to meet with one to-night." "that's not sound reasoning, billy," answered tom. "we must, until the fog lifts, make more use of our ears than our eyes. we may hear breakers ahead in time to avoid them if we listen attentively." they were silent for some time. tom's chief object in speaking was to keep his companions awake. "billy," he said, after some time, "did you hear anything?" "yes; i fancied i heard a bell strike." "more than once?" "yes; four times." "so did i," said tom; and he took out his watch, intending to look at it by the light of the binnacle lamp, when at that instant the lamp went out. the oil had been exhausted, and there was no more in the can. pat, he had reason to fear, had taken a pull at it unperceived. he struck a match, and saw it was just ten o'clock. there could be no doubt, then, that the bell they heard was that on board a ship; still it was so faint that she was probably a long way off. tom could now only steer by the wind, which, however, he believed was holding steady. he had settled with desmond to go about at four bells, and to keep on the starboard tack until midnight, then again to go about. he had just ordered pat to let fly the jib sheet, and had put down the helm, when, as the boat was in stays, pat sang out-- "a sail right ahead!" what was tom's horror at that instant to see a vast pyramid of sail towering above him. the next moment a crash was heard; the stranger's stem struck the boat's bow. at the sound desmond and jerry sprang to their feet. instinctively they knew that they had been run down, and simultaneously they uttered shouts of "help, help!" ropes were hove to them by the look-out men on the stranger's forecastle. tom put one into the hands of billy, who was too much alarmed to know what to do, while he himself grasped another. pat had caught hold of the dolphin striker, and was making his way up to the bowsprit. jerry grasped another rope, and all three swarmed up until they met friendly hands to assist them. tom supposed that desmond and tim were following, but, as he looked back, what was his dismay to see the boat drifting away. the crash he had heard convinced him that her side must have been stove in, and that she must sink almost immediately. "there are two men clinging to the craft you ran down, sir. in mercy's sake, lower a boat and pick them up," he shouted out. "aye, aye," was the answer. and he thankfully heard the order given to shorten sail and bring the ship to the wind. rushing aft, he found a party of men preparing to lower a boat. he begged to go in her. before she was in the water jerry joined him, and, together with three other hands, they shoved off. he then saw that she was a whaleboat. one of the men, an officer he concluded, took the steering oar. "desmond! tim!" he shouted out. no answer came. the boat must have gone down, but they could both swim well. "do you know the bearings?" he asked of the mate. "aye, aye! i guess i do," was the answer. "we will give them another hail presently." the boat pulled on. then tom, standing up again, halloed, the rest of the party joining him. an answer came from right ahead. tom recognised desmond's voice. with renewed zeal they pulled on and looked around. tom could distinguish the boat through the gloom, just above the water. "bear a hand," shouted desmond again, and they were up to the boat. she had gone almost over, her side being only above water. desmond was clinging to it. "here, take him off first," he said; and the crew of the whaleboat lifted tim on board. desmond sprang after him. scarcely had they got clear of the wreck of the boat than she went down. "thank heaven, you are safe," exclaimed tom, as he rung desmond's hand, as if they had been long parted. "did you not hear our first hail?" "no; i suppose it was when i was dragging poor tim up. he got a blow on the head, i think, and was very nearly slipping off. as the boat broke clear of the ship i was on the point of hauling myself up, but i could not bear to desert him." "just like you," said tom. "i hope he will recover." "no fear of that. we irishmen have good hard heads. if there is a doctor on board he will soon bring him round." "have you a doctor on board?" asked tom of the mate. "i guess we have; a smart man he is, too," answered the mate. "are there any more of you to pick up?" "no, thank you," replied tom; "all the officers and ship's company of our craft have been rescued." "what craft was she?" asked the mate. "the jolly-boat of her majesty's ship _dragon_," answered tom. "and how did you happen to be out here?" tom explained that they had lost their ship, and that they were steering for guam, where they expected to find her. "i guess you'll not do that, for we put in there a week ago, and there was no british man-of-war there at that time." this was unsatisfactory news. the mate had not time to ask many more questions before the boat was alongside. tom and desmond, on reaching the deck, found the master, who informed him that he was captain paul sibley--that the ship by which the boat had been run down was the whaler _columbia_, of boston. "i am very sorry for the accident," he added, "but i do not see that any one was to blame. it could not be helped. we could not see you, and you could not see us, and of course the weakest went to the wall, or rather to the bottom. however, now you are on board, you are welcome to remain until we can put you on board your ship, or set you on shore wherever you wish to land. i guess it won't be on any of the solomon islands of new hebrides, where they have an ugly fancy for eating their visitors." "thank you," answered tom. "if our ship is not at guam, where we expect to find her, we must consider at what other place it would be best to land, so that as soon as possible we may get on board a ship of war." "well, well, there, is no hurry," answered the captain. "and just now, the best thing you can do is to get off your wet clothes and turn in. i will have some shakedowns made up for you young gentlemen in my state cabin, while your three men can go forward, and the doctor will look after the one with the broken head." tom, gerald, and billy thanked the good-natured captain for his kind offer, but hinted that, as they had had nothing but mashed yams and oil for the last two days, they should be thankful for something to eat. "not very pleasant fare. it's an ill wind that blows nobody good; so, though i ran you down, you are better off than you would have been starving on such food as that, i guess. here, peter, light the galley fire, and get some food as quick as possible. hot tea in the mean time; and look after the men forward--they want food as much as their officers." the black steward, who had been asleep, came out rubbing his eyes, and hurried to obey the orders he had received; while the captain ushered his guests into the cabin, and soon produced three blankets. "there, strip off your wet duds, and wrap yourselves in these," he said, "while i make up your beds." the three midshipmen, weary and hungry as they were, indulged in a laugh, as they sat with the blankets over them, like three indian squaws looking at each other, while the kind captain completed the arrangements he had promised. the steward quickly returned with a pot of hot tea, and the captain produced a box of american crackers, which soon took off the edge of their appetites. "there, lie down now, until peter is able to bring you mere substantial fare," said the captain. they followed his advice, billy carrying a handful of crackers with him, munching which he soon fell fast asleep. they were roused up, it seemed to them, a moment afterwards by the steward, who announced that supper was on the table; when they again, not _unwillingly_, wrapped in their blankets, sat down to discuss some basins of hot soup and slices of cold beef, which, as billy observed, "was a great improvement on the raw salt junk, which had so long been their only substantial fare." at length the captain, observing that all three were nodding over the table, advised them to return to their beds; and scarcely had they put their heads on their pillows, than they were fast asleep. chapter four. kindly treated on board the american whaler--looking out for whales--a whale killed--cutting in and trying out--the master goes off in chase-- the second mate lost overboard--sandwich islander endeavours to save him--the boats disappear--no appearance of the master and first mate--a gale--the boatswain assumes command and plays the tyrant--will not search for the captain--hides the nautical instruments--the boatswain dashes tom's quadrant to the deck--night--the midshipmen turn in--the ship strikes--boatswain and crew put off--leave tom and his companions on the wreck--weather moderates--land seen--they build a raft--voyage to the shore--see a savage on it--turns out to be pat casey--night on shore. when tom rogers at length awoke, he found the captain, doctor locock (the surgeon), and the first mate seated at dinner. "well, young gentlemen, do you find yourselves well enough to join us?" asked the former. "yes, sir," said tom, slipping into his clothes, which he found perfectly dried by his side. he aroused his companions, and they were all three soon seated at table, where plates had been laid for them. they were thankful to hear from the doctor that tim, though still in his hammock, was in a fair way of recovery, and would be on deck in a day or two. they now gave a fuller account of their adventures than they had done on the previous night. the possible loss of the _dragon_ was discussed, and from the captain and mate's observations the midshipmen's hopes were somewhat raised that she might have escaped shipwreck. their opinion was that, as her machinery was damaged, she would have run to hong-kong, the nearest place at which it could be repaired; and that it would take several weeks before she could get back to the bonins to look for them. that their captain would return they felt sure, unless he was convinced that they were lost. "at all events, as we are about to fish off there, we will take a look round the neighbouring islands on the chance of discovering the wreck, and rescuing any of her people who may have escaped," said the master. "if we fail in that, we may fall in with a british man-of-war, and you shall be put on board. if not, we will land you at yokohama or kagoshima, from whence you can without difficulty get to hong-kong." tom, as spokesman, thanked the captain for his kindness, adding, "i feel sure that the british consul at any place at which you may land us will reimburse you for the expense to which you may be put on our account." "we won't talk about that, my young friend," answered the american captain. "we will set off the loss of your boat against that; and i am only too happy to have saved your lives, and to have rendered any service in my power to british officers in distress, for i tell you it is my belief that you would all have starved before you got to guam, or any other island at which you could have landed in the ladrones." "i guess that they don't value midshipmen at a long figure in your service," observed the mate, as if he doubted that the _dragon_ would return to look for them. "that depends on the sort of midshipmen they happen to be," answered tom, putting on a modest air. "we flatter ourselves that we are not likely to be neglected. now, if we happened to have all been like billy blueblazes there, who, from the quantity of beef he consumes, is undoubtedly a heavy cost to her majesty, our captain might have considered it his duty to leave us to find our own grub for the future, and thus save our beloved country a heavy expense." "i see," said the mate with a wink, discovering that tom was not a person out of whom he could take much change. "and pray may i ask if that young gentleman's name is really billy blueblazes? it's a curious sounding one, at all events." "it's the name by which he is known among us, at all events," answered tom. "the captain may in his supreme wisdom call him mr william blewitt, or when he is gazetted, on obtaining his lieutenancy, he may possibly be designated by the last-mentioned appellation; but billy blueblazes he will be called by his messmates while he remains afloat." the midshipmen went for a short time on deck, where they found jerry and pat, who seemed well pleased at the way they had been treated by the crew, who, though rough enough in appearance, were far less so than the seamen of many merchant vessels. "they have, howsumever, already tried to persuade pat and me to join them, as they have lost two or three men since they came out; but you know, mr rogers, that an old man-of-war's man is not likely to desert his flag, and least of all to join a greasy, stinking whaler," said jerry in a whisper, not wishing to be overheard. tom and gerald paid tim a visit, and found him almost himself again. "if it had not been for you, mr desmond, i should have lost the number of my mess--that i know; and though i cannot make a fine speech about it, you know that an irishman's heart can be grateful. if you ever come to barry shingle, there is an old mother i've got; and a couple of sisters, who will be showing you what they think of the matter. i have been thinking, as i lay here, what a sorrowing there would have been if you had not held on to me after i got that crack on the skull." on returning to the deck, tom and desmond found billy blueblazes fast asleep on the companion hatch; and as they could scarcely keep their own eyes open, they followed the captain's advice and turned in, where they quickly forgot what had happened and where they were. they awoke up for a short time to take supper, and very soon went off to sleep again. indeed, even tom felt that he required sound rest for two or three nights, to set him up after the hardships he had gone through. the voyage of the _columbia_ had hitherto been fortunate; she had, however, lost two of her boats stove in, and three hands drowned. she was already half full, and captain sibley hoped in the course of a few more months to be able to return home. the midshipmen were politely and kindly treated, and agreed that they ought to be thankful at finding themselves so well off. they were anxious, before leaving the ship, to see a whale captured, and to witness the operation of cutting out and trying in, which the doctor described to them. hitherto it had been almost calm since they came on board. the ship had but slightly changed her position; still a look-out was kept for whales, as at any moment one might appear. the midshipmen were asleep, when one morning, just at daybreak, they were aroused by the sound of feet hurrying overhead, and springing on deck, they saw the crew busily engaged in lowering two of the boats. "there! and there again!" shouted the look-out, meaning that a whale, which he had some time before seen, had come to the surface was spouting. tom immediately sprang into the rigging, and on looking out, he saw a whale spouting about a mile to windward. in less than a minute after the people had come on deck half dressed, the boats started away with six men in each, including the headsman and boat's steerer. the captain went as headsman in one, and the first mate in the other. the water bubbled and hissed under the bows of the boats, as the eager crews urged them forward. "i wish i had gone in one," cried tom. "so do i," said desmond; "but i doubt whether we should have found ourselves of much use, and as the captain would have considered us in the way, we should have had very little chance. however, we can see the fun, and if we get a breeze we may beat the ship up to the whale." the boats made good way, but before they got near enough to fire their harpoons into the monster, it sank beneath the surface. "the whale has disappeared! how provoking!" cried desmond. "don't suppose that. depend upon it, the captain has not given up the chase yet. the whale must soon come to the surface again to breathe," said tom. he was right. the whale rose at no great distance from where it had gone down, and somewhat nearer the ship. the boats were quickly up to it, and before it had done spouting, two harpoons, with a deadly force, were shot into its side. the boats backed off speedily to return to strike into it a number of lances. the whale, feeling a sudden pain, lifted up its flukes and disappeared. the line was quickly run out, and before long the creature again came to the surface and attempted to swim away from its foes; but it had not gone far, before it began furiously to lash the water with its flukes, beating it into a mass of foam and blood. the boats kept clear, their crews well knowing that one blow of that mighty tail would dash their boats to splinters. it was the last effort of the monster, which soon rolled over on its side perfectly dead. a cheer from the boats' crews, which was heard over the water, announced their success, when, securing tow-ropes to the whale, they dragged it alongside without loss of time, and the operation of cutting out was commenced. two of the crew descended with sharp spades, when they cut off the head of the whale, which was at once secured under the counter. a large hook being then fastened in a hole cut in the blubber at the head end of the animal, the operator commenced cutting off a strip about three feet broad, in a spiral direction, and a tackle having been fixed to the hook, this was drawn up on board, the body of the whale turning round and round. as the blubber was thus hoisted up, it was cut into pieces, known, as blanket pieces, and thrown into huge cauldrons arranged along the deck. as soon as the carcase was stripped of this, its outer coating, it was allowed to float away, and the spermaceti oil in the head astern was dipped out with small buckets at the end of poles, until the whole was extracted. this oil, the most valuable part of the whale, was then boiled separately, and stowed in casks. now commenced the operation of trying out. fires were lighted under the huge try-pots, the crisp membranous parts of the blanket, after the oil had been extracted, serving as fuel. the blubber was boiled until the oil rose to the surface, when it was skimmed off and placed in casks. in daylight the men thus employed looked grim enough, but at night, as they worked away, stripped to their waists, the fire casting a glare over their smoke-begrimed figures, they seemed more like a group of demons engaged in some diabolical work, than human beings. the midshipmen could scarcely recognise those with whom they had been talking familiarly the day before. the whale, which was a large one, gave, the captain told them, eighty barrels of oil. it took the crew upwards of two days to try out and stow away that quantity. "i should have to be precious hard up before i turned whaler," observed billy blueblazes. "it is hot work at night, but it must be terrible in a calm, with the blazing sun beating down on the poor fellows' heads." several days passed away after this before another whale was seen. a breeze, however, having sprung up, the ship stood to the northward. there was some sea on and the weather looked changeable, when one afternoon, as tom and gerald were enjoying a read at some of the captain's books in the cabin, billy rushed in, exclaiming-- "here's a school of whales close to us. come up and have a look at them, or perhaps they will be off." sure enough, when the midshipmen came on deck, they saw half a dozen or more whales spouting together, which, as the captain told them, were young bull whales. the crew were standing ready to lower the boats as soon as they should get the captain's order. the weather appeared to clear a little, and eager to obtain one or more of the frolicsome monsters, he determined, in spite of the threatening aspect of the weather, to go off in chase. he, as before, went in one boat, and the first mate in the other. the boats were, however, apparently seen by the whales, which immediately separated and went off in different directions. one, however, after making several turns, came directly towards the captain's boat. "'faith! i wish we were with him," exclaimed desmond. "he is sure to have that one." the captain, making a sign to his men not to move their oars, waited silently for the young bull, which came close up without discovering its foe. when at length it did so, it swerved on one side, at that moment receiving the deadly weapon just behind its hump. no sooner did the whale feel the pain than, apparently terror-stricken, it seemed unable to move; but as the captain was again about to fire, suddenly recovering itself, it darted off like an arrow, spinning the boat so quickly round that she was nearly upset. away went the whale dead to windward, towing the boat at a rate of nearly fifteen miles an hour, right against a head sea which, as she ploughed through it, was formed in a high bank of surf on either side, while she was almost concealed by the showers of spray flying over her. the second mate, who was at some distance, seeing the whale coming, pulled up in time to shoot his weapon into its side, when both boats, being fast, were towed almost as rapidly as had been the captain's. in vain the boats attempted to haul up closer, so as to strike their lances more deeply into the animal. tom and gerald, borrowing spy-glasses, ran aloft to watch the proceedings, but at so great a speed had the whale gone that, in a short time, neither it nor the beats could be seen by the naked eye. from the mast-head the midshipmen could just observe three objects like specks upon the ocean, and at length they entirely disappeared beyond the horizon. the wind had now freshened. "we must go and lend a hand," said tom, "as i suppose the second mate will beat the ship up to the boats." they accordingly descended; but before they were half-way down, the fearful cry reached their ears of "a man overboard!" on looking astern they saw him struggling in the waves. who he was they could not tell. hastening to the deck, they found the helm put down, the hands raising tacks and sheets to bring the ship about. in the mean time some oars and a hen-coop had been hove into the sea, but the man, whoever he was, seemed to have very little notion of swimming, as his efforts to reach them were unavailing. tom's first impulse was to leap overboard. gerald, holding him back, exclaimed, "you could not save the poor fellow; he would carry you down, if you attempted to get near him." "but i could tow the hen-coop up to him," said tom. "stay where you are, young gentleman," said the doctor. "see! there is a man gone to his assistance;" and they then caught sight of a sandwich islander in the water. he had slipped quietly overboard and was making his way towards the drowning man. just then the sun dipped beneath the horizon, looking angry and red, while the sky threatened a stormy night. only one small boat remained, which was lowered immediately; the ship was brought to, and tom, with desmond, jerry, and two of the crew, jumped into her; but by this time they had lost sight both of the drowning man and the sandwich islander. the sea, which was every moment getting up, broke over the bows of the boat as they pulled towards the spot where the men were last seen. "who is the poor fellow?" asked tom of one of the crew. "our second mate. he has been queer for some time, and i don't expect we shall find him." this was painful intelligence. tom felt it his duty to persevere. at length they heard a cry. it came from the sandwich islander. they could not see him, but they caught sight of a hen-coop, which assisted them in directing their course. just then tom, who had taken the bow oar, standing up to look out, saw two heads. "we shall be in time, even now. pull away!" he sang out. the mate had apparently got hold of an oar. "i see him," shouted tom to the sandwich islander. "wait another minute, and we will take you on board;" and he pointed towards the mate. they were not twelve fathoms from him, when a loud shriek escaped him, and, letting go the oar, he threw up his arms and sank from sight. they pulled round, still hoping that he might re-appear, but it was in vain. the sandwich islander came swimming rapidly up to them, and without waiting for assistance threw himself over the bows. "a shark got him," he said; "and would have had me in another minute." it was not without some danger of being swamped that the boat regained the ship's side. until the return of the captain and first mate the ship was under the command of mr betts, the boatswain, who appeared to be a rough hand; although tom concluded that he was a good seaman, who would act for the best, and endeavour to get up to the boats and take the officers on board. tom at once offered his and his companions' services to work the ship. indeed, she was so short-handed that without their assistance she could with difficulty even be put about. "i suppose those who are eating the owner's bread should work for the owner," was the gruff answer, as if he declined the offer for himself. this, however, mattered very little to tom. as the wind increased he felt more and more anxious for the fate of the absent ones. in order not to miss them, it was necessary to make short boards, so that all hands were kept constantly at work, putting the ship about every quarter of an hour, while lanterns were hung over the weather side to show her whereabouts should the boats have got clear of the whale. the gale became stronger and stronger. the canvas was taken in, until the ship was under closely reefed topsails. the sea got up more and more, frequently breaking over her bows, so that it seemed too probable that the boats, before they could reach her, would be swamped. already it would be a difficult matter for them to get alongside. tom, having discovered that there were some blue lights on board, burnt one every now and then, hoping that they might be seen and encourage the crews of the wave-tossed boats. the surgeon told him that he still had some hopes that they might escape, as boats had often done in a heavy sea, by hanging on under the lee of a dead whale, which served as a breakwater. "in that case we must take care not to go too far, or we may get to windward of them, and they might not venture to leave the shelter which the whale affords them," observed tom. on this he proposed to the boatswain to "heave to." "we are not up to them yet," was the answer. "i was at sea before you were born, young gentleman. leave me to judge what is best to be done." tom made no reply. "we have got a queer character to deal with," he observed to desmond. "however, we must try to manage him, although it will be a serious matter to us, as well as all on board, if we do not recover the poor captain and mate." no one turned in; indeed, all hands were required to put the ship about, and all night long she was kept on tack and tack without any answering signal. the doctor continued to fire at intervals one of the six-pounder guns on deck, but no signal was heard in return. when morning broke, the boatswain at length consented to heave to. neither of the boats had been seen, and those on board began to despair. the gale showed no signs of abatement, while the sea had continued to increase. high-tossing waves, crested with foam, rose up around, while the sky was obscured by dense masses of dark clouds. "will your whaleboats live in a sea like this?" asked tom of the boatswain, who in his character as commanding officer was standing aft. "i guess they could, young man, if they are handled as we know how to handle them," was the answer. "then we may still hope to find the captain and mate," observed desmond. "if that whale did not smash up one of the boats with her flukes. if he did, twelve people would prove a heavy cargo in a sea like this, and she is likely enough to have been swamped." "i am afraid that some such accident must have occurred," observed tom. "i guess you may not be far wrong," was the unsatisfactory remark. on going into the cabin for breakfast they found doctor locock resting his head on his hands, with his elbows on the table. "poor captain sibley! he and those with him are gone, i fear. i would have given all i possess to save him. a kinder-hearted man never commanded a ship. his poor wife and children! and the second mate gone! only that rough diamond in charge, without men enough to handle the ship. it will prove a very serious matter to us, i fear, young gentlemen, even should we ride out the present gale and bad weather continue." "with our party of six we shall have no difficulty in managing the ship," observed tom. "my eldest messmate and i are thorough navigators; and though we cannot assist in following up the object of the voyage, we shall be able to take her into a port where she can obtain another master, with more officers and men. i should propose steering for hong-kong, where we are certain to fall in with american merchantmen, and probably a man-of-war; but, before we leave this neighbourhood, i should wish to make a thorough search for the missing boats. notwithstanding what the boatswain says, i am not satisfied that they are lost." "do you think it possible that they can have escaped?" asked the surgeon, looking up. "i think it possible, though i dare not say it is probable," answered tom. "they may have killed the whale and hung on under the lee of its body, or they may have run before the wind and succeeded in reaching one of the small islands to the eastward. the weather has been so thick that they might easily have passed us without discovering our signals." these remarks of tom's greatly cheered the poor surgeon, who grieved for the loss of his friend the captain, and he was also naturally very anxious about his own fate. "with any other man than betts i should have less fear; but i know him to be an obstinate, self-opinionated, unprincipled fellow, and very ignorant at the same time," he observed. "if he were utterly ignorant of navigation there would be less danger; but he knows something about it, and has an idea that he is a first-rate navigator, and fully capable of taking charge of the ship." "we must take our observations and keep our reckoning carefully, and we may then be able to correct his errors," said tom. as he spoke, a gruff voice was heard to exclaim, "what's that you say?" and the boatswain, who had been standing at the door of the cabin, walked in, casting furious glances at the doctor and the three midshipmen. "so you think i know nothing about navigation, do you?" exclaimed the man. "i'll soon show you what i know, and as this cabin is mine, unless you can keep civil tongues in your heads, out you shall go and find berths forward." tom, remembering that a soft answer turneth away wrath, replied, "we have no wish to dispute your authority, mr betts, and shall be glad to give you all the assistance in our power. if the captain were here, and both the mates had been lost, he would have wished us to take observations and help him navigate the ship." "the captain was one man, and i am another. he might have liked what won't suit my fancy. so now, as i'm captain, i'll beg you to keep your hands in your pockets until you receive my orders to take them out. you understand me?" desmond, who was not so much inclined to keep his temper as tom, was firing up at the boatswain's impudence, when tom put his hand on his mouth, and turning to the boatswain, said, "very well, mr betts; we understand each other. but without boats, even if my people were able to help, you could not attempt to catch any more whales, and you have not even a sufficient number of men to take the ship home, so that you must put into a port to get fresh hands. if you take my advice you will, as soon as the gale is over, shape a course for hong-kong, but before we leave this part of the ocean i would strongly urge you to make a diligent search in all directions for the boats." "we might as well look for a needle in a bundle of hay. the boats are swamped, i'm sure of that, and don't intend to lose time by hunting for what we shall never find," answered the boatswain, as he took the captain's seat at the table. tom had considerable difficulty in restraining desmond from saying anything which might irritate the man. billy ate his breakfast in silence, stowing away an ample supply of provender to be ready for all emergencies. the doctor made no remark, fearful lest anything he might say should irritate the boatswain, whom he knew was capable of any act of tyranny. as soon as the meal was over, tom and desmond went on deck. "i wouldn't give way to that fellow," exclaimed the latter. "he'll be wanting us to take the ship round cape horn to boston, and then get the credit of bringing her home himself. the best thing we can do is to clap him in irons and take command ourselves. the doctor would side with us, and so would two or three of the ship's company, if not all of them; for, depend upon it, they must be aware that he is no navigator, and would not wish to trust the craft to him." tom, who was averse to this proceeding, replied, "it might turn out very well if we were first to fall in with a british man-of-war; but suppose we met an american, we might be accused of running away with the ship. rest assured that the boatswain and some of the men would be ready to swear to anything which would suit their own purposes." "i would risk that," said desmond. "the doctor's word would be taken before that of the boatswain, and any american officer would at once see that our statement was the true one." "suppose we were to fail in our attempt to seize the boatswain, he would murder us all, or at all events clap us in irons, and accuse us of mutiny and an attempt to seize the ship." "arrah! now, what's come over you, tom?" exclaimed desmond. "you'll not persuade me that you're afraid of carrying out my plan." "no," answered tom, smiling. "i only want to look at both sides of the case, as archie gordon would have done if he were with us. i fully agree with you, that if the fellow refuses to go to hong-kong we must compel him by some means or other; but, it would be wrong in us to seize the ship unless we are assured of the incapacity of the boatswain, by which her safety and the lives of all on board would be imperilled. in that case we should be justified in acting as you propose." "and isn't he incompetent?" exclaimed desmond. "the doctor says so. if he had been a good navigator he would not have been serving as boatswain." "if he will agree to go to hong-kong or sydney, or even to the sandwich islands, and let us assist him in navigating the ship, well and good, as we can leave her at any of those places, and he can obtain a fresh crew." tom's remarks satisfied desmond that they ought to wait and see how the boatswain would act. a look-out was kept in every direction for the boats, but hours went by and still they did not appear. as the day drew on the wind began to abate, and the sea proportionately to go down. the boatswain had turned into the captain's berth and gone to sleep, and no one felt inclined to awaken him. tom, desmond, or billy were constantly going to the mast-head to look out for the missing boats, still hoping that they might appear. desmond had gone into the cabin, where he heard the boatswain snoring loudly. he returned on deck. "now would be our time to seize the fellow," he said to tom. "the doctor has a brace of pistols and a fowling-piece. i found another brace in the first mate's berth. i will speak to jerry, and he can easily let tim and pat know what we are doing. peter, i am certain, would side with us by the way he looked when he saw the boatswain take the captain's seat. the rest of the men would be very easily won over; and if not, after we have clapped the boatswain in irons, we must make them prisoners. we can easily tackle the watch on deck, and then master those below as they come up." "your plan is a good one, and i dare say would succeed, but i hope we shall not have to carry it out," said tom. "we have had no proof that the boatswain will not act reasonably, and i again repeat that i do not consider we should be justified in taking the ship from him until he has shown by his conduct that he is likely to endanger our lives, and the rest of those on board." the midshipmen had the after part of the deck to themselves, while the ship was hove to. only two of the crew could be seen; one of them was the boatswain's mats, who, with the carpenter, were the only men remaining on board capable of taking charge of a watch. tom and desmond were now wishing that the boatswain would come up, in order that they might learn in what direction they were to steer. they were both indeed getting so sleepy that they could scarcely keep their eyes open, and much longed to lie down, even for a couple of hours. at last the boatswain made his appearance. "may i ask, mr betts, what you intend doing?" said tom, in as polite a tone as he could command. "what's that to you?" asked the boatswain, gruffly. "you are only passengers, and will have to go where the ship goes." "i had no intention of dictating to you," replied tom; "but because we are passengers, we naturally wish to learn when we are likely to get on shore." "that must depend upon circumstances," said the boatswain, evasively. "i am in command of this ship, and intend to keep it, unless the captain and mate should come on board." "we are perfectly ready to obey you, and to assist you in carrying the ship, either to hong-kong, or honolulu in the sandwich islands, or sydney, where you may obtain fresh hands to take her home, and all i ask is that you will tell me for which of these ports you intend to steer." "i have not made up my mind upon the matter," answered the boatswain. "perhaps you expect that we may still find the captain and boats crews; and if we were to work to windward during the night, and run back to-morrow over the same course, we may fall in with them, should they have kept afloat during the gale," said tom suggestively, for he was afraid of saying that this was the course he would advise. "wait until you see what i do," said the boatswain. "as you may be wanted on deck, i advise you to turn in and get some sleep; the ship is hove to now, and for what i can tell, hove to she will remain for some hours longer." tom and desmond agreed that they had better follow the boatswain's advice, and accordingly they went below. they found billy blueblazes snoring away, not troubling himself about what was likely to happen. throwing themselves on their beds, they were both in another minute fast asleep. they expected to have been called to keep watch; but no one arousing them, fatigued as they were, they slept on until daylight. tom was the first to awaken; he roused up desmond and billy, and all three went on deck together, where they found that the wind had again freshened up from the old quarter, and that the ship was standing close hauled to the eastward. the carpenter had charge of the deck, but they could get nothing out of him. the doctor soon afterwards came up. tom inquired whether he knew the boatswain's intentions? "he has not thought fit to enlighten me, but i conclude from the course he is steering that he intends visiting the sandwich islands," was the answer. "i wish that he had thought fit to steer in the opposite direction," observed tom. "however, we may perhaps find one of our ships there, and should then have no reason to complain." "i hope that you will keep to your intention of taking an observation every day, and ascertaining our position," said the doctor, in a low voice, so that he might not be overheard. "you may depend upon that," answered tom. "i conclude that you can tell whereabouts we now are?" said the doctor. "not unless i can learn at what hour sail was made and we began to stand on our present course," was the reply. when tom inquired of the carpenter, he received an evasive answer, and on going forward to learn from jerry, tim, or pat, they all said that they had gone below at night, and had not been roused up. some of the crew replied that it was in the first watch, others that it was in the middle watch. "at all events, i hope to ascertain our latitude if the weather clears, and perhaps we may get an observation in the afternoon, or a lunar at night," said tom. "but a good look-out must be kept ahead, for i know that there are numerous small islands and reefs, one of which may bring us up if we are not careful." the doctor assisted the midshipmen to search for a sextant and nautical almanack, but, to their surprise, neither were to be found. "the chronometer was," the doctor said, "he knew, in the captain's cabin;" and they at last began to suspect that the boatswain had managed to get hold of the mate's as well as the captain's sextant and charts, and had shut them up in the cabin he had appropriated. what his object was in so doing it was difficult to say, unless he thought that he should keep the midshipmen more in his power by preventing them from knowing whereabouts they were. just before breakfast the boatswain came out of his cabin, carefully locking the door behind him. after remaining on deck some time, he returned and took his seat without uttering a word either to the surgeon or to the midshipmen, although he swore away at peter for not being quick enough in bringing him what he asked for. tom took no notice of this, but after waiting some time, said in his usual polite way-- "i should be much obliged to you, mr betts, if you can supply me with a sextant, and the use of the chronometer, as i should like to ascertain our position." "then you won't be obliged to me, for i don't intend to let you have them," answered the boatswain. "i can take care of this ship, and i won't have any one interfering with me." "i do not wish to interfere," said tom. "i only desire to take an observation for my own satisfaction." "then you won't have the satisfaction," said the boatswain. desmond bit his lip, and tom expected to hear him every moment say something, which would be sure to enrage the boatswain. "at all events, if i can get a look at a chart, i shall be able to calculate where we are although that may not prevent this obstinate fellow from running the ship on a reef, and it will be a mercy if that is not her fate," thought tom. "i believe the man has gone out of his mind," said desmond, when he found himself alone with his two messmates. "it is a pity we did not put him in irons at first, and we might now have been on our way to hong-kong." "we did what was right," observed tom, "and whatever happens that will be a satisfaction." they hunted about for a chart, but the boatswain had locked that up also, and refused to allow tom to look at it. the wind continued tolerably steady during the day, though the weather looked unsettled, and the sea appeared again to be getting up. as the ship was kept under her topsails and spanker, with two reefs down, no fresh sail was made, and the boatswain did not order the midshipmen to perform any duty. the doctor seemed to feel the loss of the captain very much. he had until that morning entertained a hope of finding him, but this he now abandoned, and having no confidence in the boatswain's skill as a navigator, he seemed to have made up his mind that the ship would be cast away, and that all on board would be lost. he had hitherto appeared to be of a cheerful disposition, but he now sat all day moodily in his cabin, with a book before him, although his eye scarcely glanced at its pages. tom and gerald tried to induce him to come on deck, but he shook his head, declaring that he did not feel able to walk. billy endeavoured to amuse him by telling him one of his funny stories, but not a smile came over the poor doctor's face. at dinner the midshipmen had all the conversation to themselves. the boatswain did not address even a word to them. this did not, however, disconcert them in the least, and they continued talking away as if there was no such person present, so that he was well pleased to get up and go on deck. the same weather continued for a couple of days. the boatswain kept a watch on the midshipmen to prevent them taking an observation. billy, however, found a quadrant in the second mate's cabin, and watching his opportunity when mr betts was below, brought it up on deck to tom and gerald. they had fortunately carefully compared their watches with the chronometer, and the doctor had concealed a nautical almanack. "arrah!" exclaimed desmond; "we shall be able to make something of an observation, although not as correct as we should wish." tom took the quadrant and was looking through it, when he suddenly felt it dashed from his hand, and falling on deck it was broken. turning round he saw mr betts, who had stolen up behind him. "so you fancy i cannot navigate the ship, do you; and must needs try and take an observation yourself? do you and your mates try that prank again, and i'll land you all on the first island we sight, where you may follow your own pleasure, if the savages don't knock you on the head and eat you; and if some one doesn't take you off, which is not very likely, there you will remain to the end of your days." gerald was beginning to answer this rude address, when tom stopped him. "we do not wish to have a dispute with you, mr betts, though we have a perfect right to take an observation, or to do anything else which does not interfere with the discipline of the ship," said tom, as he turned away, feeling that it was better to avoid any dispute with the boatswain. tom accordingly signing to his companions, they all left the deck, allowing the boatswain to pace up and down by himself. towards evening he sent the steward to them, and told them that he expected all three to keep the middle watch. "your men will have the first watch," he said, "and i would advise you to be on deck directly you are called." as there was no reason to object to this they agreed to do as the boatswain wished. they accordingly turned in for the first part of the night. they had been asleep some time when a fearful crash was heard. they, all three being awake, quickly slipped into their clothes. "i knew it would be so," exclaimed the doctor, whom they met in the cabin; "we shall none of us see another sunrise." "i hope things won't be so bad as that," said tom; "the ship seems to be moving forward; perhaps she has merely touched a coral reef and has scraped clear. we will go on deck and ascertain how matters stand." the cries and shouts which reached the cabin showed that something serious had happened. scarcely had tom and his companions gained the deck, than again the ship struck with greater force than before, every timber quivering from stem to stern. the foremast went by the board, carrying with it the main-topmast, when a sea striking the ship swept over her. the wild shrieks for help which followed showed that some of the crew had been borne away. "can you see land?" asked desmond of tom. "no; we are on a coral reef, and our chances of escape are very small." just then they heard the boatswain shouting out to the crew to lower a boat, the only one remaining. "don't let us go in her," said tom; "if the ship holds together, we shall be better off where we are: when daylight comes we can form a raft, and if there is any land near we may get there on it." both desmond and billy agreed to do as tom proposed. just then jerry came up. "i'll stick by you, whatever you intend doing," he answered, when tom told him what he proposed. in the mean time, the boatswain, with the survivors of the crew, had lowered the boat, and were throwing various things into her. jerry made out tim and pat among the people about to go off. "where are you going to?" he shouted. "mr rogers says he'll stick by the wreck, and you'll not be deserting him, i hope?" "that i'll not. tim nolan is not the man to desert his officer," answered tim, as he made his way to the after part of the ship, where jerry was. pat either did not hear jerry, or determined to go off in the boat if he could. the doctor and peter, who had come on deck, seemed undecided. it was evident from the dislike peter had for the boatswain that he was unwilling to accompany him. the boatswain, with six other men, who alone remained of the crew, disappeared over the side into the boat. the doctor, seized by a sudden impulse, rushed to the side of the ship, shouting-- "take me with you! take me with you!" but the oars had been got out, the boat shoved off, and was already tossing among the broken water on the lee of the ship, several fathoms off. "you are safer on the wreck than in that boat," said tom, as the doctor came back. "dat you are, massa locock," said peter. "see dare where de boat go." through the gloom the boat could just be distinguished, surrounded by leaping masses of foaming water. the party on board watched her with anxious eyes, until she disappeared in the darkness. "hark!" cried peter. "me tink i hear a shriek; dat come from de boat; depen' upon it we no see her 'gan." as, however, she must have been by this time a long way to leeward, tom thought it impossible that any human voice could have come up against the wind still blowing as it did. tom and desmond, with the rest of the party, discussed the probability as to where they were. they must have passed over a sunken reef, on which the ship had first struck, and had then run right on to another part of the reef, somewhat higher, where she had become fixed. this was probably on the inner or lee side. though the sea broke over the fore part of the ship, the after part was tolerably dry, and hopes were entertained that she would hold together for some hours, and, should the wind go down, perhaps for days, which would enable them to provide for their safety. after the doctor had sufficiently recovered to take part in the discussion, he suggested that perhaps she might be got off. "you wouldn't say that, sir, if you had been forward when she struck," answered jerry. "she is entirely stove in, and must have twelve or fourteen feet of water in her by this time. it will be a hard job before long to get any provisions." "then the sooner we set about it the better," said tom, "if we can manage to find our way in the dark." "de lamp in de cabin is still 'light--me get him," said peter, who soon returned, carefully shading the lamp, when he, jerry, and tim made their way below, hoping to reach the fore hold, where the bulk of the provisions were stowed. they were, however, very soon convinced that it would be utterly impossible to get up anything until the tide had fallen, as the sea was rushing in at the bows, and completely flooding the hold. "then we must try what we can do at daylight, for at present it would be useless to attempt getting anything up. we will see, however, what is to be found in the afterpart of the ship." peter recollected that there were some eases of biscuits and other articles, which it was necessary to keep dry. his report encouraged tom to hope that they should not starve. "now, my lads, the first thing we have to do is to collect all the spars and loose plank we can get hold of, to form a raft. we are likely to find land either on one side or the other, perhaps not far off, though we are unable to see it now, and we must manage to reach it and carry provisions for our support, as we are not likely to find much more than cocoa-nuts and fish. one satisfactory thing is that the people hereabouts are not cannibals, and are generally disposed to be friendly to white men, so that if the island we may reach is inhabited we are not likely to be ill-treated." tom by these remarks and by keeping up his own spirits, prevented his companions from losing theirs. even the doctor began to hope that they might escape. all hands now set to work to collect materials for the raft as far as could be done in the dark, and to drag them up to the weather side of the quarter-deck, where there was not much risk of their being carried away. altogether they managed to secure a number of spars and pieces of the bulwarks and a good supply of rope of various sizes. the cabin bulk-heads with other portions of the vessel which could easily be torn away would give them wood enough to make a raft of sufficient size to carry the whole party as well as provisions. by lashing underneath two rows of casks, it would be sufficiently buoyant. they were thus employed until daylight, when tom, who had sprung up to the poop to look out, exclaimed--"a ship in sight! a ship in sight! she's only just hull down." his shout brought the rest of the party up around him, and all were eagerly looking out in the direction be pointed. as daylight increased, tim began to rub his eyes-- "arrah now, ill-luck to it; but my ship has just turned into a white rock," he cried out. "shure but it's a mighty disappointment." the expectation of speedy deliverance was thus suddenly destroyed; but the shipwrecked party continued looking round on every side, in the hope of discovering land. the light yet further increasing, tom's countenance brightened as he observed what looked like the masts of a ship rising, far off, out of the water. "why, i believe those are three cocoa-nut trees," he cried out cheerfully. "i see several others away to the eastward." "if there are cocoa-nut trees, there must be land too, for they don't grow out of the sea," said billy, "and i hope we may be able to get there." "you need not doubt about our doing that," said tom. this announcement raised every one's spirits. the weather had much moderated. the sea between the reef on which the ship lay and the land was tolerably smooth. the forlorn party began to cheer up. all now began to feel hungry. "i'll tell you what it is: if we don't get something to eat soon, i for one shall die of inanition," exclaimed billy. "i can't stand starving at the best of times, and i am suffering dreadfully." "we will see what can be done, billy," said tom, and as if it was a matter of course, he told peter to get breakfast ready. "yes, massa officer, me soon do dat same," answered the black, grinning and looking towards where the caboose had lately stood. "me try what can do in de cabin," he added, diving below. though the caboose had been washed away peter managed to light a fire in the cabin stove and to cook a tolerable breakfast, of which all thankfully partook. "'faith! we're not so badly off after all," observed gerald. "if the boatswain and the poor fellows with him had stuck to the ship, they might all have been alive now and have reached land without difficulty." immediately after breakfast they began to put the raft together, which tom determined to form of an oblong shape like a catamaran, so that it might, should the wind be fair, be sailed or propelled by paddles towards the shore. as the distance was considerable, it was important to make it as strong as possible, to stand any amount of sea they were likely to meet with before they reached the shore. it took upwards of an hour to form the frame-work and deck it. they then, having cut away the bulwarks, launched it overboard with capstan bars. the water under the lee of the wreck was tolerably smooth, so that the raft remained alongside without injury. they had next to lash the casks below it. this was a more difficult operation, as it was necessary to secure them firmly in their proper positions, a row on each side, head to head. when it was completed, the platform floated well out of the water. three oars only could be found on board, so that they had to form paddles by nailing boards on to the ends of short spars. the next work was to rig the masts. tom and desmond agreed to have two masts with a bowsprit, so that they might be able to sail with the wind abeam. the masts were firmly fixed by means of blocks nailed to the deck, and they were set up with stays. by noon the raft was completed. the midshipmen surveyed her with considerable satisfaction. "i for one should not mind sailing in her anywhere, provided she was well provisioned," said billy blueblazes. "i don't see why we should not try to fetch the ladrones, if we don't find ourselves very comfortable where we are going." "i would strongly advise you not to make the attempt, young gentlemen," said the doctor, with a groan, he not being as well satisfied with the appearance of the raft as his younger companions. "we shall see how she will behave when she has her cargo on board, and we get under way," said tom. "don't you think we had better have some dinner before we shove off?" asked billy; "it won't do to be going away without our grub, as it may be some time before we reach the shore." billy's proposal was agreed to, although tom strongly recommended that there should be no unnecessary delay. while peter was preparing dinner, all the stores which could be collected were placed on the raft and lashed securely down amidships. the principal provisions found aft were biscuits, tins of potted meats, a few preserves, coffee, tea, sugar, and five well-cured hams. "we are pretty well off as it is," said desmond; "but don't let us go without firearms." the doctor had a fowling-piece, and muskets and pistols enough were found to arm each of the rest of the party. with a good supply of ammunition they would thus, should they meet with hostile savages, be able to keep them at bay. they had already secured provisions sufficient to last them for several weeks. as it was important, however, to obtain some of a more substantial character, jerry and tim volunteered to dive down into the fore hold to try and get up some casks of beef. this, after some labour and no little risk of drowning themselves, they succeeded in doing, and two casks of beef were hoisted on deck. they fortunately came upon two casks, one of flour the other of rice, which, although damaged by the water, might be dried on shore in the sun, and rendered eatable. these accordingly were added to their provisions. two cases of wine and a small keg of spirits were also put on board. peter added to these some cooking utensils, with cups, plates, knives, and forks. at length, tom declared that the raft would carry no more. it was high time indeed to set off, as it might take them until dark to reach the land in sight. "let me advise you, gentlemen, to carry some clothing and blankets; they will not weigh much, and we may want them," observed the doctor. his advice was followed. "we must get on board and shove off," cried tom, at last. his messmates and the men obeyed him, being fully as eager as he was. the doctor was below; he presently appeared with his medicine chest and instrument case, which were handed down. "why, we are going off without a chart or nautical instrument!" exclaimed tom, reminded of his negligence by seeing the doctor's cases. he and desmond returned on board and found the chart, sextant, and chronometer, which the boatswain had fortunately not carried off. "the raft is as fully laden as she should be," observed tom to desmond; "we should arrange what things to heave overboard, if it comes on to blow and she cannot carry them all." "the doctor's physic, cases, and instruments, i should say," answered desmond; "however, i hope we shall not have to do that. the weather looks promising. as the wind is fair, we may soon reach the land." these remarks were made on deck. the two midshipmen now sprang on board the raft. tom gave the order to cast off, and all hands getting out the oars and paddles, the raft began to move away from the wreck. the foresail was now set, then the mainsail with the jib, tom steering with a long oar, the raft glided rapidly and smoothly over the water. their voyage was thus far well commenced, but tom and desmond could not help recollecting their late adventure in the boat, and how narrowly they had escaped perishing from hunger, although they had been so well supplied with provisions when they started. while tom steered, billy remained aft to tend the main-sheet, and desmond, with jerry, stood forward to keep a look-out for any reefs which might not have sufficient water on them to allow the raft to pass over. no dangers, however, as yet appeared ahead. they were apparently in the centre of a large circular reef, of which the island they hoped to gain formed a portion. they expected to find a beach on which they might run the raft, and land their cargo without difficulty. they were, however, too far off as yet to ascertain its character. of its existence they could only tell by seeing the cocoa-nut trees growing on it. it was evidently very low. of its extent they were unable to form an opinion. "my fear is that we shall find no water on it, and in that case we must search for another," observed the doctor. "you forget the milk in the cocoa-nuts," said desmond, laughing. "we should very soon exhaust that," answered the doctor, in a gloomy tone. "but we don't know yet that we shall not find water," answered desmond; "i can already make out the land extending a couple of miles north and south, and if it was not higher than we at first supposed, we should not see it even yet." "if any volcanic agency has been at work, we may then hope to find water," observed the doctor, brightening a little; "but i confess that i cannot see the land." the doctor, however, was near-sighted. the question next arose whether there were any inhabitants, and if so, whether they were likely to prove friendly. "i should say that if white kidnappers from your colonies have visited them, they are likely to be anything but friendly, and we shall probably have to fight for our lives," said the doctor. "but, my dear sir, we don't know whether there are any inhabitants," said desmond. "let us look at the bright side of things we have escaped with our lives, and have abundance of provisions. why should we make ourselves more unhappy than is necessary?" the wind occasionally dropped, when the oars and paddles were put in motion, and the raft continued its course steadily towards the land. even when the wind blew the freshest she moved but slowly, so that for a long time it appeared as if she would not reach the shore before dark. as they looked astern, however, they found that they had sunk the wreck almost out of sight. the doctor fancied she must have gone down, as he could not distinguish her. the wind, however, again freshened, and jerry asserted that the raft was going at the rate of three knots an hour. at length the land was clearly seen in some places, at the further side of the island especially, rising to a considerable height in ridges and hillocks. "no fear now, doctor, about not finding water," observed desmond. "volcanic agency must have been at work to throw up those hills, and i begin to see low trees or shrubs. it may turn out to be after all a fertile spot, though not a very picturesque one, i grant." "if it affords us rest to our feet, and vegetable productions to keep scurvy at a distance, with an ample supply of water, we shall have reason to be thankful," said the doctor, whose spirits rose as he was persuaded that his worst anticipations would not be fulfilled. the sun was now getting low, and it would be dark before they could reach the shore. desmond and jerry both declared that they could see no sign of breakers, and just before the sun dipped beneath the horizon his rays shone on a white sandy beach, which promised to afford them an easy landing-place. on one point, however, the doctor's mind was not satisfied. "what if the island is inhabited by savages? and if it supplies food and water, it is very likely to be the case," he observed. "we must try and make friends with them, or, if they will not be friends, keep them at a distance; depend upon it they will be civil enough when they see our firearms," answered desmond. "inhabited? i'm sure it is," exclaimed jerry, suddenly. "look there! there's a fellow dancing away on the top of that hillock. he sees us; the chances are a score or two more black fellows like him are hidden away, who will be down upon us as we step on shore." desmond at the same time saw the savage, and told tom. "well, there is but one as yet," said tom; "perhaps, however, it may be prudent to load a couple of the muskets, though one will be sufficient, depend upon it, to keep them at bay." as the raft approached the shore, the gestures of the savage appeared to become more and more frantic, but the gloom of evening soon rendered his form indistinct, although he could still be seen against the sky. the breeze having once more almost died away, the paddles were again got out. the raft neared the shore. there was, they saw, a little surf, but not sufficient to endanger the raft and cargo. in a few minutes more the beach would be reached. the savage had disappeared, but a voice was heard, evidently shouting to them. "bedad! but the savage is pat casey!" exclaimed tim, who recognised his countryman's voice, and, as the raft touched the beach, pat rushed forward, and grasped the hands of jerry and tim, who sprang overboard to assist in securing it. the rest of the party quickly followed, as it was important to lighten the raft as soon as possible. "where are the other men?" asked the doctor. "we thought you were all lost soon after you left the wreck." "sure, so they all were entirely but myself," answered pat; "and how i came on shore is more than i can tell, except that i'm after supposing i held on to the bottom of the boat, and this morning i found myself high and dry on the beach. i'm mighty glad to see you all, and you are welcome to the island." "are there any savages?" asked the doctor. "barring myself, no, your honour," answered pat, with a laugh. "they would have been down upon me before now if there had been any, but not a soul have i set eyes on since i came ashore." however, there was no time for talking, as it was important at once to land the cargo. the whole party, aided by pat, immediately set about performing this task. everything was got on shore without damage. the raft itself was then secured by the strongest ropes they possessed to the trunk of a cocoa-nut tree, which fortunately grew near. pat had collected wood for a fire, though he had forgotten that he did not possess the means of igniting it. but some matches having been fortunately brought among other things, a bright blaze was soon produced. by its light, at the doctor's suggestion, a tent was formed with the sails of the raft and some spare canvas, large enough to afford shelter to the whole party. peter and pat had been, in the mean time, busily engaged in preparing supper, to which all hands were ready to do justice. "dare, gentl'm," exclaimed peter, as he placed some slices of fried ham before the doctor and midshipmen; "you no get better dan dis in de bes' hotel in boston. per'aps you tink de cook is worth glass ob grog?" tom took the hint, and divided a couple of bottles of wine among the party, which assisted to put them in good spirits. they sat round the fire, yarns were told and songs were sung, but their heads soon began to nod, and they were glad to seek the shelter of the tent. as the island was uninhabited, tom did not consider it necessary to set a watch; indeed, had any one of the party made the attempt, the probabilities were that he would have been unable to keep his eyes open. chapter five. search for and find the boat--return in her to the wreck--find more stores, and build a raft--carry it to the shore, and go back to break up the wreck for building a vessel--once more getting back they find the doctor working at a still--another trip--it comes on to blow hard--reach shore--the still successful--the gale increases--its effects on the wreck--more stores saved--seeds found and sown--a flag-staff set up-- plans for their proposed vessel--engaged in shooting and fishing-- discover a marine poultry-yard--billy and the eggs--successful fishing-- seeds sown. tom, who was always the first on foot, roused up his companions. "do let a fellow have his sleep out," murmured billy; "we have got nothing to do." "we've plenty to do," answered tom. "we've got to look out for water, and if we find it to build a hut, and ascertain what food the island produces, and try to go back to the wreck and bring off more stores, and put up a flag-staff, and fifty other things." "well, i didn't think of all that," said billy, sitting up. "dear me, dear me! here we are, on another desert island; with the chances of remaining all our born days." "better than being at the bottom of the sea, or crunched up by sharks," observed desmond, "or than being cast on shore among cannibals, who would have cooked and eaten us at the first opportunity. it is not a barren island either, for there are cocoa-nut trees, and there may be other fruits or roots. we shall probably also be able to catch plenty of fish." "if we could get hold of some fine fat turtle, it would be more to the purpose," said billy. "pat makes capital turtle soup. i'm glad he escaped." "i am afraid the turtle have done laying their eggs by this time," observed the doctor. "they only come on shore for that purpose, and we are not likely to catch them otherwise, so you must give up all thoughts of revelling on turtle." while peter prepared breakfast, pat climbed one of the cocoa-nut trees, and sent down nuts enough to afford each of the party a refreshing draught of liquid. it could not properly be called milk, as it had not yet assumed its white appearance, which it does only after the nut is perfectly ripe. it was welcome, notwithstanding. though a small cask of water had been brought on shore, tom wisely wished to husband it until a spring had been discovered. about this the doctor was very doubtful, and pat, whom he questioned on the subject, stated that he had not discovered any signs of water. "i should have wished to search for water the first thing," observed tom; "but whether it is to be found or not, it is most important that we should ascertain whether the boat was washed up on the beach, and if she can be repaired to enable us to return to the wreck." "can you show us where you came on shore, pat?" "bedad, sir, i've been wandering up and down so many times, that i am not quite certain; but it's my belief that if she is to be found anywhere, it will be away to the northward, for i didn't see her at the other end." "then we will set off without delay," said tom; and taking pat, he and desmond, with jerry bird, commenced a search for the boat in the direction pat mentioned. the sandy beach was divided in many places by masses of coral extending some distance into the water, among which the boat might easily be concealed. had she, however, been thrown on any of them, she would, tom feared, in all probability be knocked to pieces. the surprising thing was that pat had not seen her. it appeared from his account that when he had partially recovered his senses, finding himself on shore, he had set off in a confused state of mind, without knowing where he was going, and that some time must have elapsed before he came entirely to himself. "suppose we do not recover the boat, how are we to visit the wreck?" asked desmond. "we must build a smaller raft out of the large one, which we can much more easily manage; and should the weather continue calm, as there appears to be no strong current likely to drive us away, we may, i think, without much risk easily make the trip there and back," answered tom. "but how are we to carry a cargo?" inquired desmond. "we must form another raft on board, and the materials will serve for building our hut," was the answer. "then you think we shall have to remain some time on the island?" said desmond. "of course; it may be for months or years, or we may get off in a few days or weeks. had we a good carpenter among us, we might have built a vessel from the wreck, should she hold together long enough for us to bring a good portion of her planking and timber ashore; but i am very certain that none of us are capable of that, although we have a stock of carpenter's tools." "there is nothing like trying," said desmond. "i have seen ships being built; and if we can obtain timber, we might manage in time to put one together large enough to carry us at once to guam or to the sandwich islands." "we will hear what the doctor says. what do you think about it, bird?" "well, sir, i have helped to rig many a craft, but cannot say that i ever worked as a shipwright, though i am ready to try my hand at that or anything else, and `where there's a will there's a way.'" "what do you say, pat?" asked tom. "as to that, mr rogers, when a man has been a prime minister, he ought to think himself fit for anything; and sooner than live on a dissolute island all me life, i'd undertake to build a ninety-gun ship, if i had the materials." the answers of the two seamen made tom think that desmond's proposal was, at all events, worth consideration. "well, if we find we can get timber enough from the wreck, i don't see why we should not make the attempt," he said, after turning over the matter in his mind. "i'll undertake that we can build a vessel of ten or fifteen tons, which will carry us to the sandwich islands," observed desmond, confidently. "i have got the idea in my head, though i cannot promise that she will be much of a clipper, but she shall keep afloat, beat to windward, and stand a pretty heavy sea." tom and desmond discussed the matter as they walked along. presently pat, who had started on ahead, cried out, "arrah! here she is, all right, if not all tight," and he pointed to a little sandy bay, almost at the extreme northern end of the island. there lay the boat on the beach. she had narrowly missed being swept round the island, when she would in all probability have been lost unless some counter current, on the lee side, had driven her back. she had escaped also another danger, that of being dashed to pieces against a rugged ledge close to which she must have passed. the party hurried up to her to ascertain what damage she had received. the surf had evidently turned her over, and but little water remained in her. at first sight she appeared to be uninjured. "i was afraid so," said tom, as he was going round her, and put his hand through a hole in the bows. "the water ran out here; perhaps she would have suffered more if she had not been thus damaged. if she's stove in nowhere else, we shall be able to repair her." this was apparently the only damage the boat had received. "i am not surprised that she should have been swamped with so many men in her, in the heavy sea there was running when those unhappy men put off," observed tom. "we shall have to bring our tools and materials here. and now let us see if any oars have been cast on shore." they hunted about, but the oars, being so much lighter than the boat, had either been swept round the north end of the island or thrown on some other part of the shore. having hauled the boat up, they returned towards the camp. tom and desmond were very anxious to repair the boat and visit the wreck before night-fall, in case the weather should change and she should go to pieces. as they walked along they discussed the best plan for repairing the boat. desmond suggested that they should first nail on pieces of well-greased canvas, and then fix over that two or more lengths from the staves of one of the casks. "but where's the grease to come from? i'm afraid we have none," observed tom. "we've got a piece of bacon, and there would be grease enough from that for the purpose," answered desmond. their conversation was interrupted by a shout from jerry bird, who held up an oar which he had found floating close in by the shore under one of the ledges. this, with the three oars they already possessed, and one of the long paddles to steer by, would enable them to shove off as soon as they could patch up the boat. the doctor's spirits rose considerably when he heard that the boat had been discovered, and he consented to remain on shore with tim and peter, while the rest of the party returned to the wreck--he undertaking to search for water. "you must not be alarmed if we do not come back to-night," said tom; "for, if the weather promises to be fine, it may be better to build a large raft, on which we can tow ashore all the stores we can obtain." "remember, rogers, to bring one of the tripods, the smith's forge and tools, and some piping; for should we fail to discover water, i may be able to construct a still, by which we may obtain as much fresh water as we require." "a capital idea," exclaimed tom. "i didn't think of that." "`necessity is the mother of invention,'" answered the doctor. "i never worked as a smith, but i know the principles on which a still is constructed, and i hope that i shall be able to put one up; if, however, we can find water, we may be saved the trouble, and employ our labour for other purposes." as they would have no time on board to spare for cooking, tom had a supply of food, sufficient for a couple of days, put up, with a bottle of water and a few cocoa-nuts, in case they might be unable to get at the water on board. thus laden with the materials for repairing the boat, they went back to where she lay, accompanied by billy. tom had begged the doctor to light a fire at night, in case the weather should come on bad and they might have to return sooner than they intended. desmond's plan was carried out. bird had brought some oakum, which was forced in between the seams with a chisel, and as the party surveyed their work, they had reason to hope that the boat would at all events swim. they watched the result, however, with no little anxiety, as, having run her down the beach, she was once more afloat. she leaked slightly, but desmond declared that it was not through the place where she had been repaired, and they found after getting some distance from the shore that they could easily bale out the water which made its way in. tom had brought the compass, and believing that he knew the bearings of the wreck, he steered a course which would soon bring them in sight of her. the sea was so calm that he did not suppose it possible she could have gone to pieces, and as they pulled on, he looked out eagerly for her. at length he made out a dark object rising out of the blue sea almost due west of the island. "there she is!" he exclaimed; "we shall be on board of her in an hour." the crew gave way, and in less than the time mentioned they were alongside. she appeared to be exactly in the condition they had left her. the boat having been carefully secured, they climbed up her side. the first thing to be obtained was a cask of fresh water, which they were fortunate in finding; it was at once got up and placed on deck. it would take too long to describe the various articles which were obtained. among them were the smith's forge, some piping and the tripod, which the doctor especially asked for. for some of them jerry or pat dived into the hold. others were found on the spar-deck and the after part of the ship, where they were got up without difficulty. tom and gerald, when they came on deck, frequently took a glance around to see how the weather looked, and were satisfied that there was every appearance of its holding fine. they accordingly made up their minds to remain during the night. having collected all the stores which such a raft as they intended to build could carry, they at once commenced forming one. the mizzen and part of the mainmast still remained standing; tom proposed forming shears and trying to hoist out the former; but as this was found impracticable, they cut both the masts away, to serve as the main beams of their raft. several more spars were got up, and they then began cutting away the spar-deck. they worked on until it was dark, when pat cooked some supper--the first food they had eaten since the morning. "now, we shall want some sleep," said tom; "but though the ship won't run away with us, it will be prudent to keep watch in case bad weather should come on; although it looks very fine at present, we should not trust to that. i'll keep the first watch; you, desmond, take the middle; and bird shall have the morning watch. we will excuse billy, because it is just possible he may fall asleep and tumble overboard, or at all events forget to call us, and pat requires another night's rest after his night on the bottom of the boat and the hard work he has done to-day." tom, in reality, did not wish to trust pat entirely, thinking it very possible that as soon as they were all below he would stow himself away and go to sleep. the deck cabin being free from water, the party were far more comfortably off than they would have been on shore. the deck having too great an inclination to afford a good walk, tom managed to keep awake by holding on to the weather bulwarks, and moving backwards and forwards, constantly looking to windward for any change of weather. though, after all the trouble they had taken, they would have been sorry to lose the various things they had found on board, it would have been unwise to have risked remaining on the wreck should the wind get up. the sky, however, was perfectly clear, the stars shone out brilliantly, undimmed by the slightest vapour, while scarcely a breath of wind disturbed the surface of the now slumbering ocean. "we shall want a breeze to-morrow to carry us to the shore, though i hope it will remain calm as at present until then," thought tom. he very frequently had the greatest difficulty in keeping his eyes open, but he succeeded. he calculated that it was about midnight when he went below, and finding that it was time, roused up gerald. "do not let sleep overtake you, old fellow," he said. "i found it a hard matter to keep my eyes open." "yes, but mine have been shut for four hours," said desmond. "i'll look after the ship, and depend upon it as soon as my watch is out i'll rouse up jerry." the middle watch passed away as calmly as the first, and jerry, after taking a look round, declared his belief that the day would be as fine as the former. according to tom's orders, all hands were aroused at daybreak, and they immediately set to work on the raft, which was completed and launched overboard before they knocked off for breakfast. empty casks were then got under it, and masts set up. as the wind was fair, they had only to rig a couple of large lugs, which answered every purpose. they had next to load their raft; the water was perfectly smooth, and it was hauled under the side, where this was easily done, though they had to lower many of the heavier articles on it with a tackle. tom directed desmond and jerry to go ahead in the boat, while billy and pat remained on board to help with the raft. as the day advanced, a steady breeze arose, and the raft, heavy as it was, made great progress, helped by the boat, towards the shore. as towards evening they neared the beach, they saw their companions anxiously waiting for them. the doctor's face looked even longer than usual. "what's the matter?" asked tom, as he shook hands. "we have found no water," answered the doctor; "and if you have not brought materials for making a still, we are doomed." "but i hope we have brought everything you want, doctor," replied tom. "thank heaven! our lives may then be preserved," said the doctor. "i was almost afraid to ask the question." "we have got even more than we expected," said desmond; "and should the weather hold fine, we may hope, in the course of two or three trips, to get wood enough for our proposed craft." there was no time for talking, however. all hands set to work to unload the raft; the doctor, who was now in better spirits, hauling away with might and main, to get the more heavy articles up the beach before dark. not only was everything already on shore, but the two rafts taken to pieces, and dragged up likewise. the weather continued so fine that tom and desmond determined, before hauling up the boat, to go back to the wreck for further stores, and to bring away as many rafts of timber as they could obtain. the doctor said he must remain on shore to work at the still. for his assistants he chose billy blueblazes and peter the black. billy was not ingenious, but, as the doctor observed, "he could collect wood and blow the bellows." billy was at first indignant on being told that he was thus to be employed, but after due reflection he came to the conclusion that it would be easier work than tearing off planking from the wreck, or pulling an oar under a hot sun for several hours each day. the first thing to be done was to set up the forge. all hands had turned out at daybreak, so that the doctor was able to begin work before the boat party shoved off. it took them two hours to get to the wreck. they had hard work before them. first they made a thorough search for all remaining provisions, iron-work, canvas, ropes, and blocks. these were placed aft, ready for lowering on to the raft as soon as one could be put together. sailors naturally feel it a somewhat melancholy task to break up a ship. it seems as if all hope of its being of further use is gone, but probably the party did not trouble themselves with any sentimental ideas on the subject just then; all they thought of was the best, way to tear up the planking, and to secure as much timber as possible. they indeed were cheered with the thoughts that they should be able to build a trim little craft out of the battered hull, to carry them to some place from whence they could once more get back to old england. for hours they laboured away with sledge-hammers, crowbars, and saws. the bowsprit was first got out, then all the remaining portions of the bulwarks wore cut away. they then commenced on the upper deck, and as the planks were torn up they were lowered overboard and lashed alongside. "to my mind, a pretty strong gale would save us a mighty deal of trouble," observed tim, as he was working away. "the say in a few hours would do more work than we can get through in as many days." "very likely, my boy," observed jerry; "but where would all the timber go to? it would not come floating of its own accord to our landing-place, and i suspect it would not be of much use when it got there. let us be thankful for the calm weather, and work away while it lasts." after some hours' labour, a sufficient quantity of wood had been obtained to form a large raft. it was of a much rougher description than the two former ones, but still buoyant enough to carry the remaining stores. among other things they had brought a kedge anchor and a hawser. they had, however, forgotten that there were no spars remaining to serve as masts or yards; it was necessary, therefore, to tow the raft. by the time all was ready, it was so late that it would be impossible to reach the shore before dark, and tom had omitted to charge the doctor to keep up a fire by which they might steer to the landing-place. "well, never mind, we will begin our voyage," he said, "and when it gets dark we will anchor the raft and return for it in the morning. should bad weather come on, the chances are that the timber, at all events, will be washed on shore, though we may lose the stores; but that will not matter so much, although we may be compelled to reduce the dimensions of our craft." tom and jerry took charge of the raft, having contrived two large paddles to propel it, while desmond and the rest went in the boat and pulled ahead. more progress was made than had been expected, as a slight current set towards the shore, and they had performed half the distance before it grew dark. the night also was very fine, and as desmond had a compass in the boat and had taken the bearings of the harbour, he was able to steer for it. the doctor had not forgotten them. in a short time, catching sight of a fire blazing up brightly, which they knew must be burning close to the beach, they continued their course. it was, however, past ten o'clock before they reached the shore, where they found the doctor and his companions ready to receive them. "you have not been idle, i see; nor have i," he exclaimed. "i have made good progress with my still, and i hope to get it into working order early to-morrow." tom hoped that the doctor would not be disappointed in his expectations, for on examining the water he found that they had sufficient, at the rate at which it was consumed, to last only two or three days more. he determined, therefore, to place the party on an allowance, in case the still should not succeed. "you need not be afraid of that," observed the doctor; "if we do not obtain the fresh water by to-morrow evening, i will undertake to drink a gallon of salt water. will that satisfy you?" "i should think so," answered tom, laughing. "i have no doubt of your success; but some accident may happen, and it is as well to be on the safe side." another trip was made the next day to the wreck, and as the party were able to devote the whole of their strength to the work of breaking up the vessel, they got out a larger quantity of wood than on the previous day, including several of the timbers, which, sawn through, would make the ribs of their proposed vessel. as the day drew on, the weather gave signs of changing. tom had intended remaining until even a later hour than before, for as the doctor had promised to keep a fire blazing on the beach, the voyage could be performed as well during the dark as the day-time. but, about two o'clock the wind began to get up, and the ocean, hitherto shining like a mirror in the rays of the sun, was seen to be rippled over with wavelets, which gradually increased in size, while the dash of the water against the weather side of the wreck sounded louder and louder. "we shall have it blowing strong before night, mr desmond," observed jerry; "and i am thinking it would be prudent if mr rogers were to order us to shove off, and to make the best of our way to the shore." desmond reported what jerry had said to tom, who at once saw the wisdom of the advice. the timber which had been got out was forthwith fastened together. a spar to serve as a mast, with a square sail, had been brought off, and these being rigged the voyage was commenced. the wind increased and sent the raft along at a rapid rate, considering its form and weight, tom, as before, steering it. sometimes, indeed, those at the oars had little work to do except to assist in guiding the raft. at last tom ordered them to cast off end keep alongside, in case he and jerry might be washed away by the fast-rising seas which occasionally swept almost over the raft, so that the water was up to their knees. gerald at length advised tom to come into the boat and to let the raft find its way as it best could to the shore. "no, no," answered tom; "as long as i can steer it i will, and try to carry it safely on to the beach; should it strike the coral rocks, the timbers may be injured and of no service." as the raft neared the island, jerry every now and then took a look astern. "there won't be much of the ship left by to-morrow morning, but i hope that a good part of her will come on shore, and if we can get this lot safe on the beach we shall have timber enough for building our craft and some to spare for fire-wood." though the wind blew stronger and stronger, tom stuck to the raft, and was rewarded for his perseverance by carrying it, just before dark, safely on to the beach. "welcome back, my young friends. i shall not have to drink the gallon of salt water," exclaimed the doctor, producing a jug. "just taste that." all the party pronounced the product of the still excellent, and as they had had nothing to drink since they had left the wreck, they were glad to obtain it. after taking a few hurried mouthfuls of food they set to work to drag up the materials of the raft, lest the sea might carry them off during the night. the task accomplished, they at length lay down in the tent, which the doctor had rendered more tenable than it otherwise would have been by putting up a close paling on the weather side. fortunately no rain fell, but the wind, which as the night advanced blew with great force, found its way in through the crevices. in the morning the ocean was covered with tossing foam-crested waves, which as they rolled in broke with a continuous roar on the rocky shore. they soon had evidence of the effect of the gale on the wreck. fragments of various sizes and casks of oil were seen floating in all directions, the larger portion drifting towards the northern end of the island. some came right into the bay, and were at once secured; others struck the coral rocks, and were soon ground into small pieces. jerry proposed going along the shore, accompanied by tim and pat, in order to pick up whatever they could find. they might save not only timber but casks and cases from the hold, which, from being under water, they had been unable to get up. the rest of the party in the mean time commenced building the hut. they first selected such timber and planking as would be of no use to the vessel. the discomfort they had endured the previous night made them anxious to secure sufficient shelter before the rain should come on, as in that exposed situation they could not trust to the protection of the tent. the roof, however, they intended to form with canvas, as they had enough for the purpose, and it would answer better than anything else they could obtain. peter prepared dinner for all the party. "but there is more here than we want," observed the doctor, looking into the pot; "we must be economical in the use of our provisions." "neber fear, massa," answered peter; "dey all come back in good time. dey smell dis at de oder end ob de island." peter was right in his conjectures. just as he was about to serve out the stew, jerry and his companions made their appearance. they reported that they had hauled up several good-sized pieces of wreck, three casks of oil, a barrel of flour, and two of beef or pork. "very good," observed the doctor; "we shall not run short of provisions; but i should have been glad to hear that you had found a case or two containing lime-juice. we must look out for vegetables of some sort, or we may not keep scurvy at bay." "shure, doesn't this island grow taters?" asked tim. "i'm afraid not," answered the doctor. "thin it must be a poor place, and i'll not wish to spend the remainder of me days here," answered tim, with one of his inimitable grimaces. "though there are not potatoes, there may be roots of some sort, and we have not yet examined all the cases which we brought out of the cabin. if i recollect rightly, some seeds were sent on board before we sailed, though fortunately we had no opportunity of making use of them," observed the doctor. a search was at once instituted, and the box the doctor spoke of discovered; it contained cabbage, lettuce, onion, carrot, turnip, and several other kinds of seeds. "the onions, in our case, will prove the most valuable, as they will have grown to some size before the vessel has been completed, and we can carry them to sea with us. they are the most certain specific against scurvy," said the doctor. these remarks were made while the officers and men sat together at breakfast. they were all in good spirits, thankful that they were so well supplied with everything they could possibly require. had it not been for the doctor, however, how different would have been their condition! in a day or two they would have been suffering all the horrors of thirst, and must ultimately have perished miserably, but now they could obtain as much fresh water as they could require for drinking and cooking. "one thing, however, we must remember, that our provisions will in time come to an end," observed tom. "we must use the most perishable first and keep the best preserved for our voyage." "but we shall be able to catch fish, and we need not go on short commons, i hope," said billy. "you shall have all you catch," said desmond, laughing; "but have we any hooks?" "lashings, sir," answered tim. "i found a bag full in the carpenter's store-room, and threw them down among the other things." the hooks and lines were soon discovered, but at present there was too much work to be done to allow any one to go fishing. the hut was very soon finished. it was placed with its back to the wind. there were plenty of spars, which, without cutting, served for rafters, and over them were stretched a couple of sails, lashed securely down, so that no ordinary hurricane could have blown them away. in front, sheltered from the wind, were established the two fires, one for cooking, the other for the still. to give a sufficient supply of water, it was necessary to keep the latter always alight. gerald, who had been the first to propose building a vessel, was anxious to lay down the keel. "i should be as eager as you are, did i not think that we may possibly be taken off by some passing vessel," said tom. "as soon as the gale is over we must set up a flag-staff, and a good tall one too, so that it may be seen at a long distance, as no vessel is likely, intentionally, to come near these reefs." "but we've only got an american flag, and i should not like to be taken for a yankee," exclaimed desmond, without considering what he was saying. "young gentleman," exclaimed the doctor, bristling up, "you might sail under a less honoured flag, and fight under it too, let me tell you! it is one which has made itself respected in every sea, and will ever be found on the side of freedom and justice." "i beg your pardon, doctor," answered desmond. "if i was not an english midshipman, i should be perfectly ready to become an american commodore, and i fully believe your navy, for its size, is superior to that of any other nation under the sun." "well, well, my young friend, we all of us have our national prejudices, and it is right that we should, provided we do not bring them too prominently forward. you may think england the tallest country in the world, and i may consider the united states taller still, but it is as well not to be measuring heights, or we may both have to come down a peg or two." "come," said tom, "let us set up the flag-staff and hoist the stars and stripes, and should one of uncle sam's ships come by, we will hand over the island as a free gift in exchange for our passage to any part of the world for which she may be bound." it did not take long to form a flag-staff and to fit it with rigging: the chief difficulty was to dig a hole of sufficient depth in the coral rock in which to step it. this, however, was at last done, and the wind having fallen, before the evening the flag-staff was fixed, and with a hearty cheer, led by the doctor, the stars and stripes were run up to the top. the flag was, however, hauled down again at sunset. tom also had a quantity of wood collected and piled up on the highest point near the flag-staff, so that should a ship at any time in the evening be seen in the offing, it might be lit to attract attention. one of the brass guns which had beer brought on shore was placed on its carriage near the flag-staff, so that it might be fired if necessary. "we have had a good day's work, and i propose that to-morrow we lay down the keel of our vessel," said desmond. to this tom readily agreed; and the two midshipmen, with the doctor, sat up until a late hour, discussing the subject and drawing plans for their proposed craft. they had a couple of adzes, three axes, and two augers, but only five of the party could be engaged on the building; indeed, it would have been dangerous to have entrusted some of them with such tools. billy to a certainty would have cut off his toes, and neither tom nor desmond were accustomed to their use, although they knew what it was necessary to do. to form the keel was simple work enough, to shape the timbers properly required the greatest skill. here the doctor was superior to the rest. he chose a level part of the sand, on which he drew the form of the timbers, and the rest of the party executed the plans he gave them. as the timbers had to be out in two, a saw-pit was dug, at which billy was doomed to work as under-sawyer, a task which desmond assured him he performed to perfection. by the end of the first day the keel was put down and the stem and stern-post set up. "i have other work, which must not be neglected, my friends," said the doctor, when the party were collected at supper. "we must look after fresh provisions. perhaps, rogers, you or desmond will take your guns and shoot some birds to-morrow; there are large numbers, i see, at the further end of the island. they may prove wholesome, if not palatable food. i don't know who are the best fishermen among you, but i would advise that two should go out every day in the boat fishing, so that we may not trespass on our salt provisions." "pat casey is the most skilful fisherman among us, and he with another of our party will do as you suggest, doctor," said tom. tom and desmond accordingly, who had wished to explore the end of the island not hitherto visited, set off with their guns the next morning. they had not gone far when they found themselves among numbers of birds, a large portion of which had made their nests on the ground. it appeared that for some reason or other they had selected the southern end of the island. most of them were so tame that they refused to move, and attacked the midshipmen's legs with their beaks. among them were gannets, sooty terns, and tropical birds in large numbers. the gannets sat on their eggs croaking hoarsely, not moving even when the midshipmen attempted to catch them. there were also frigate birds which had built their nests, in the lower trees, of a few sticks roughly put together. they sat for some time watching the trespassers on their domain, then spreading their wings flew off, inflating their blood-red bladders, which were of the size of the largest cocoa-nuts, to aid them in their ascent though the air. "we need not expend any powder and shot on these fellows," observed desmond; "and all we have to do is to wring the necks of as many as we want for our use, and take the eggs." "let us ascertain how long the eggs have been sat upon, or we may have the trouble of carrying them for nothing," answered tom. they went forward, expecting to get beyond the region of birds, but instead, the nests grew thicker and thicker; indeed, the midshipmen's progress was almost stopped at times, as they had to dodge in and out and skip here and there to avoid the attacks made on their legs. "we need have no fear of starving, although we might in time get tired of poultry," said desmond. at last they came to a lower part of the island, over which the sea occasionally washed. it had been avoided by the wise birds, but still had its inhabitants. whole armies of soldier-crabs were marching about in every direction with their shells on their backs, as well as common crabs on the watch for lizard or snake-like creatures which ventured among them. sometimes, when a big crab had got hold of one of these, and its attention was occupied in carrying off its prey, a frigate bird would pounce down and seize it, carrying both it and its captive off to its nest. the midshipmen were so amused that they could not tell how time passed, until hunger and the hot sun reminded them that it was the time when dinner would be ready; and passing through the "farm-yard," as desmond called it, they secured as many birds as they could carry and also filled their pockets with the freshest-looking eggs they could find. desmond, giving a wink to tom, put among them a couple from a nest over which the mother bird had fought stoutly, and which certainly did not look very fresh. "i can almost hear it croak," he said, placing an egg to his ear. "i intend these as a _bonne-bouche_ for billy. we won't show the others, and will make him suppose that we especially favour him by bringing these, knowing how fond he is of eggs." gerald kept to his intention. as nobody was in the hut when they got back, they hid away all the eggs with the exception of two, which desmond so kindly selected for his messmate. peter was engaged in cooking, and having his stew ready, he shouted to announce the fact. they hurried in, for all were hungry and eager again to begin work. tom and desmond showed their birds, and described the numbers they had met with. "did you bring any eggs?" asked the doctor; "they can be cooked at once, and are likely to prove better flavoured than the birds themselves." "yes," said desmond, "we brought as many as our pockets will hold, and we will hand them over to peter directly, but i want to give billy some first, as he is especially fond of eggs; he will value them the more if he thinks that nobody else has them." saying this, he handed them to peter to put them under the ashes. "there," he exclaimed when billy appeared, "we know how you like eggs, and so we brought a couple, and whenever we go out again we will try and find some more." billy watched the eggs eagerly, until peter declared that they were sufficiently cooked. "doctor, won't you have one?" asked billy, politely, when peter handed them to him. "no, thank you," answered the doctor; "i am content with this stew." billy very reluctantly felt himself called upon to offer an egg to tom and desmond; but they both declined. "then i suppose i must eat them myself," said billy, beginning to break the shell. he went on until the operation was performed, when he clapped the end into his mouth. "horrible!" he exclaimed, spitting the contents out. "if i haven't bitten off a bird's head!" "try the other, billy," said desmond; "that may not be so mature." billy, not suspecting a trick, commenced on the second egg, when desmond, running into the hut, produced the rest they had brought, which peter slipped under the ashes. billy looked several times at the second egg; he was going to put it into his mouth when he bethought him of his knife. no sooner had he cut into it, than he threw it away, exclaiming-- "i do believe, desmond, that you brought those on purpose; you have almost spoilt my appetite." "then i have done more than anything else has ever accomplished," answered desmond, laughing. "never mind, billy, you shall have the freshest of those eggs cooking under the ashes if you can regain your appetite." "i think i shall be able to do that, but i think i will take some stew in the mean time." the rest of the eggs were fresh, but the doctor advised that they should collect a supply at once, before the birds had sat too long on them, as probably the greater number had by this time done laying. in the afternoon pat went off in the boat a short distance, and in less than an hour caught more fish than the party could consume. the doctor had been too busily employed hitherto, but he, having set each man to work, started at the same time in search of vegetables. he came back with a bag filled with small green leaves. "i have found nothing except the cocoa-nuts very palatable, but until our garden seeds come up this will prove of greater value than any roots likely to be discovered. i was not aware that it was to be found in so low a latitude. it is a species of sorrel; it seems placed here by providence for the especial use of seamen, as it is most efficacious in preventing scurvy. all sea officers should be acquainted with it, as it grows on nearly every uninhabited island." as soon as it became too dark to work on the vessel, all hands turned to for the purpose of breaking up a plot for forming the proposed garden close to the hut, that the seeds might be put in without delay. they again went to work the following morning before daybreak, and in a short time a sufficient space was cleared and broken up for the intended object; as there were no animals, all that was necessary was to run a few sticks into the ground to mark the spot. "now," said the doctor, "if providence so wills it, we may live here for the next ten or twenty years, should we fail to build a craft in which we can venture to sea." "i am not afraid about that," said desmond, "and i hope by the time the crop of vegetables is up, that we may have our craft afloat, and ready to sail for the sandwich islands, or hong-kong." chapter six. progress made in building a vessel--tools break--signal kept flying--a sail seen--the flying beacon--a night of suspense--signal guns fired--an answering gun heard--a man-of-war steamer in sight--a boat comes on shore--tom and his friends get on board hms bellona, captain murray, and find captain rogers--fall in with a dismasted junk--jonathan jull and his wife--suspicious appearance of junk--jull and his wife taken on board the bellona--the junk blows up and founders--the bellona proceeds on her course--pass a reef--a wreck seen--visited--supposed to be the dragon--no one found on shore--bellona reaches hong-kong--jull disappears--captain rogers assumes command of the empress. the midshipmen and doctor had been somewhat over sanguine in regard to the rapidity with which the proposed craft could be built. they had not taken into account the damage the tools would receive from unskilful hands. they were constantly striking bolts and nails with their adzes and hatchets, blunting the edges. one of their two augers broke, and they had reason to fear that the second was injured. tim nolan cut himself badly, and was unable to work for several days. two of the party were obliged to go off and fish for some hours, as the fish caught on one day were unfit for food on the next. several of the ribs, from being unscientifically shaped, had to be taken down and reformed. two or three were split so as to render them useless. tom and the doctor, who were the architects, exerted all their wits, for practical skill they had none, and they often regretted the want of such training. "if every sea officer were to serve for a few months in a dockyard, he would gain a knowledge which would be useful under our circumstances, at all events," observed the doctor. still, by dint of sawing and chopping, they got a dozen ribs cut out and fixed in their places. they improved too, and, gerald declared, "would have got on like a house on fire," had not one of the adzes been totally disabled by the constant grinding which it required to restore the edge. an axe also broke, and they had now only three tools for executing the rougher work, beside some large chisels; but they found smoothing down with these was a very slow process. the doctor was constantly charging jerry and tim to be careful when using the took. he was especially anxious about the auger. "if that goes we shall be brought pretty well to a standstill, for i doubt if i can replace it," he remarked. at last he determined not to let it out of his own hands, and to bore all the bolt holes himself. one day, however, as he was working away, a crack was heard, the auger refused to advance. he drew it out; the tip had broken. examining it with a look of dismay, he sighed deeply, "our shipbuilding must come to an end, i fear, unless we can replace this simple instrument." "we will try, however, and see what we can accomplish in the forge," said tom. "you forget that it is steel," observed the doctor; "it will be difficult to soften it and afterwards to restore its temper." "we can but try," repeated tom; "a day or two won't make much difference, and we can go on with the other parts of the vessel in the mean time." tom was not disappointed; after repeated experiments he and the doctor succeeded in putting a head to the auger, and their success encouraged them to repair the first which had been broken; but they found that neither worked as well as they had done before. at last, however, they again broke. neither tom nor desmond were made of stuff which could easily be defeated. "we must try again," said tom. "i have heard of a missionary in the south seas who built a vessel entirely by himself, without a single white man to help him, in the course of three or four months. he had to begin without tools, and with only a ship's anchor and chain cable, and trees still growing in the forest. he set up a forge, manufactured tools, saws, and axes, then taught the natives to use them. they cut down trees, which they sawed up. he made ropes out of fibre, and sails from matting; and the necessary iron-work, of which there was very little in the whole craft, was formed from the remainder of the old anchor; yet that vessel performed long voyages and during several years visited numerous islands in the pacific. surely if one man can accomplish such a work, we ought to be ashamed of ourselves if, with materials all ready to our hands, we cannot build such a craft as we want." "yes, my friend; but the missionary you speak of--the late lamented williams, who was murdered not far off to the west of us--was a practical mechanic. he had studied blacksmith's work before he left england, and must have possessed a large amount of mechanical talent, such as none of us can boast of." encouraged by tom, the doctor recovered his spirits, and once more their shipbuilding progressed at fair speed. the main beams had been fixed up, and the skeleton was almost complete, but as yet not a plank had been fixed on. this, however, appeared to them comparatively easy work, and no one entertained a doubt of the success of their undertaking. regular discipline had been maintained all the time. at daybreak tom or desmond visited the hill, hoisted the flag, and took a look round. in the evening, when the flag was hauled down, generally two went up, in case a distant sail might escape the observation of one, and be discovered by the other, when they intended to light the beacon fire, in the hopes of attracting her attention. billy blueblazes, who had got a sharp pair of eyes, whatever might be said about his wits, had one evening accompanied desmond. they stood for some minutes scanning the horizon, but not a speck was visible in the blue sky except here and there, where a sea-fowl was winging its way towards the shore. "it would save us a great deal of trouble if a vessel would come," observed billy. "if we could build a steamer it would be very well; but we may be becalmed for days together, and i should not like to go through what we had to endure in the boat--mashed yams and oil. bah! i've not got the taste out of my mouth yet." "you've put a good many things into it, though, since then," said desmond. "for my part, after we have done so much, i should be almost disappointed if we were to be taken off before our craft was finished. i should not exactly wish to go round cape horn in her, but i would go anywhere else. i hope rogers will decide on sailing for hong-kong." "at all events, i wish she was finished, for i am tired of that sawing work," cried billy. "well, billy, we will haul down the flag, as there appears to be nothing in sight; but before we go, just swarm up the flag-staff, and take another look round; the horizon is remarkably clear, and you might see a ship's royals, even though they were but just above it." billy did as desmond asked him to do. presently he took off his cap, and waving it, shouted-- "a sail! a sail! to the eastward!" "are you certain of it?" asked desmond. "as sure as if i had it in my hand," answered billy. "a ship's royals, i am certain of it. i think, too, she is standing this way." "come down, then," said desmond, "and i'll have a look out through the glass." he had a telescope slung at his back. he swarmed up until he reached the head of the shrouds, when, securing himself, he brought his glass to bear in the direction billy had pointed. "you are right, billy," he exclaimed, after taking a steady look through it. "i can make out the fore, main, and the head of the mizzen royals. a large ship too, and, as you say, she is standing this way, with the wind from the eastward. she will not pass far from this either." having taken another steady glance through the glass, desmond descended; indeed, the thickening gloom by this time almost shut out the sail from sight. he and billy hurried back to the camp. "hurrah! hurrah!" they shouted out in one breath. "there is a ship coming to take us off!" the rest of the party were incredulous until desmond fully described the appearance of the sail. "and now let us get the beacon fire alight," he exclaimed. "no great hurry for that," said tom. "it could not be seen for some time, but we will carry up a supply of fuel to keep it burning all night. there may be a sail, but you cannot be positive she is standing this way, or if she is she may alter her course, which will carry her to a distance from us," said the doctor. "but i can be positive that she is standing this way," exclaimed desmond. "she may alter her course, but our fire will be seen." at the doctor's suggestion, one of the oil barrels was rolled up that the contents might increase the flame. every one was eager to light the beacon fire; even billy forgot to propose that they should first eat their supper. the doctor remarked that as the ship was drawing near they should send up a long spar, placed horizon tally with a burning mass at the end of it, which from its greater height might be seen further off than the fire on the ground. his plan was adopted; the signal halyards were strong enough for the purpose, and by means of a line at the other end it could be hoisted without risk of burning the shrouds. he quickly manufactured a fusee, so that the mass would not blaze up until the yard was fixed. the material to be fired was composed of oakum mixed with gunpowder, canvas saturated with oil, and bundles of shavings kept together with pieces of iron hoop. tom gave the word to hoist away, and "the flying beacon," as desmond called it, soon afterwards burst forth into a bright flame. the fire below was then lighted, and as it blazed up it cast a lurid glare over the whole island, on the ribs of their vessel, their hut below the tall cocoa-nut trees, and the lower shrubs. at the same instant loud screams were heard--the birds, startled by the unusual appearance, mounted into the air, numbers flying towards the fire, and the party on the hill had to use sticks to keep them off, as they darted here and there, blinded by the light. more and more fuel was added, and as soon as the doctor's flying beacon had burnt out, another of the same description was hoisted. "well, if they don't see our fire they must be all asleep on board the stranger," said desmond. "no fear of that," remarked the doctor; "in these seas, with reefs on every side, depend upon it a bright look-out will be kept, or no ship could get across with safety." "if she stood on, as you supposed she was steering, she must be by this time near enough to hear our gun," said tom. "bring up powder and wadding, bird." jerry eagerly hastened to obey the order. the gun was fired every five minutes, although it was not likely, as the sound had to travel against the wind, that it would be heard for some time on board the ship. most of the party had forgotten all about supper, until billy exclaimed: "if i don't get some provender, i shall collapse." as the rest acknowledged that they were much in the same state, peter and pat were sent to bring up a supply of food. "let there be plenty," said billy; "we need not be on short commons now, i hope!" the supper was discussed by the light of the fire. tom in the mean time could not refrain from now and then looking out for an answering signal. hours went by, and all remained dark as before round the island. as to sleeping, few would have closed their eyes even had they gone back to the hut. tom had kept his watch in his hand to time the firing. the gun had just been discharged and all was again silent, when, as he was about again to give the order to fire, there came down on the breeze the boom of a heavy gun. "no doubt about the sort of piece that comes from, sir," exclaimed jerry. "the craft away there is a man-of-war, or i'm no sailor." "i think so too," cried tom; "they must have noticed our signals, and i don't think the ship will pass by without sending on shore." "we might go off to her in our boat," said jerry. "we should have a difficulty in finding her at night, so we shall be wise to remain until the morning," answered tom; "the wind is very light and she is probably still a long way off, for i could not see the flash of her gun." notwithstanding their belief that they were discovered, the party on the island still kept their beacon fire blazing, and fired the gun at intervals. at length, pretty well tired out, all hands turned in with the exception of two, who remained to keep up the fire and discharge the gun every ten minutes. tom awoke at dawn of day and hurried up to join desmond, who was keeping the morning watch. "where is she?" he exclaimed eagerly. "that is more than i can tell," answered desmond. "i expected to see her close to, and to have had a boat come on shore by this time." "the mist hides her from us; see how it sweeps over the water from the northward. as the sun rises depend upon it we shall see her," observed tom. still desmond was in doubt; the mist was so light that he had not hitherto observed it, and his eyes were dazzled by the glare of the fire, which was still burning. tom ran up the flag, so that it might be seen the moment the mist should disperse. in a short time they were joined by the rest of the party, who in various tones expressed their disappointment at not seeing the stranger. presently the sun rose, and in a few seconds the veil lifted, disclosing a large ship, her bulwarks just rising above the horizon. "she is a man-of-war steamer," said tom, who had been the first to take a look at her through the telescope. "she's english too, for she's just hoisted her ensign. there is smoke coming out of her funnel; she's getting up steam. hurrah! we shall soon have her here." the excitement after this became general and greater than ever. tom and desmond, however, were the only two of the party who witnessed the approach of the british man-of-war with unmitigated satisfaction. the men, having plenty of food, were in no hurry to go back to their routine of duty. the doctor and peter would be among strangers, besides which the former, feeling assured that the vessel would in time be completed, was anxious to perform a voyage in a craft constructed under his own superintendence. "the bother is, i shall have to keep that tiresome watch," murmured billy. however, he did not express himself openly to his messmates on the subject. the frigate came slowly on with the lead going and look-outs at frigate, although she might not carry more than six or eight guns. at length she got within about a mile of the island, when the screw was stopped and a boat lowered. there was only one landing-place on the lee side, close below the hill on which the flag-staff had been erected. tom, securing four handkerchiefs to the end of a spar, hastened down to it to guide the boat in. on she came, pulled by six strong arms, a lieutenant and midshipman in the stern sheets. tom, desmond, and billy stood ready to receive the strangers. the boat was quickly run up on the beach, when the officers stepped on shore. the lieutenant, observing the three midshipmen's tattered uniforms, advanced towards them, and inquired as he shook hands, "has an american man-of-war been cast away here?" "no, sir; but an american whaler was wrecked here a few weeks ago." "then who are you, and how came you here?" asked the lieutenant. tom in a few words narrated their adventures, and then asked, "and what is your ship, sir?" "the _bellona_, captain murray--" "what! captain alick murray?" exclaimed tom. "i served with him. he is my brother jack's greatest friend." "are you captain rogers's brother? that is extraordinary," exclaimed the lieutenant, "for he is a passenger with us, going out to command the _empress_ in the china seas." "my brother jack on board! that is good news." tom now doing the honours, introduced the lieutenant to dr locock. "of course captain murray will be most happy to receive you on board, with any of the survivors of the whaler's crew," said the lieutenant. "i am much obliged to you; there is but one, and i shall be glad to embrace the opportunity of visiting china," answered the doctor. the lieutenant had received orders to return as soon as possible, but tom begged him to come and see the vessel they had commenced building; though he had made up his mind to try and get jack to come on shore also, as he was ambitious to show their handiwork to him. "you deserve great credit for the attempt," said the lieutenant, as he examined the structure; "but i congratulate you on escaping the necessity of making a voyage in her, for had she touched a rock, it is probable that she would have gone to pieces." after this remark tom felt less anxiety to exhibit the vessel to his brother jack. the lieutenant now repeated that his orders were to return immediately. the doctor merely requested that he might be allowed to take his medicine case, instruments, and clothes. "i shall be happy to let you have as many things as the boat will carry," said the lieutenant; "but as the captain is in a hurry to continue the voyage, he may be unwilling to send ashore again for any other articles." the boat was soon loaded with the doctor's property, the nautical instruments, and the clothing which the men had appropriated, and then rapidly made her way towards the _bellona_. the doctor had written a note, which he left in the hut, stating the name of the vessel wrecked on the island, and the circumstances under which he and the only survivor of the crew, with a party of english officers and men, had quitted it. by his special request the stars and stripes were left flying. as the midshipmen followed the lieutenant up the side, they saw the two captains standing on the quarter-deck, but even jack did not recognise his own brother. tom, lifting the remnant of his cap, went aft, and putting out his hand exclaimed-- "what, don't you know me, jack?" captain rogers looked at him for a few seconds, then wringing his hand said, "how did you come into this plight, my dear fellow?" tom of course explained what had happened, while gerald and billy were telling the same story to captain murray. doctor locock was of course well taken care of by the surgeon, and invited into the ward-room. tom had a good deal to hear about family matters. desmond and billy blueblazes were soon made at home by the other young gentlemen of the ship, while the men were equally cared for forward. captain murray did not think it worth while to send on shore for the small part of the whaler's cargo which had been saved, but he promised to give information to the first american man-of-war he might fall in with, that she might go for it if it was thought worth while. the account which the midshipmen gave of the _dragon_ caused considerable anxiety. when captain murray heard that her machinery was out of order, he felt satisfied that she had gone on to hong-kong, and as she would certainly be detained there for some time, she would not even yet be able to get back to the bonins. "perhaps," observed tom, "commander rawson fancies we are lost, and if so he is not likely to come and look for us." the wind continuing light, the _bellona_ steered on, soon leaving the coral island far astern. shortly after they had got on board, gerald asked tom to try and learn from his brother the reasons why his uncle had sent for him home. "one of them was, i conclude, that as he expected to get a command himself, he was anxious to have his nephew with him," answered jack. "another is that in consequence of the death of several persons, young desmond is heir-at-law to a handsome estate and a title. his uncle thought it better to have him near at hand, instead of knocking about far away from home. there is likely to be a trial of some sort, but my friend adair is very sanguine of success. it may be several years, however, before the matter is settled, as all depends upon the life of the present possessor, who, although somewhat old, is hale and hearty. but as he may possibly break his neck, or go out of the world suddenly by some other means, it is well that desmond should be on the spot to claim his rights. i don't know whether adair intended to let his nephew know this until his arrival, but as it was not told to me in confidence, i may mention it to you. however, use your own discretion in what you say to your friend--only do not let him be too sanguine; but it may perhaps make him take care of himself, which hitherto i suspect he has not been apt to do." tom promised to be very discreet in what he said to gerald, so as not to disappoint him should he fail of success. towards the evening of the day the _bellona_ had left the coral island, a shout was heard from the look-out at the mast-head, "a rock on the starboard bow!" an officer, however, going aloft with his glass, pronounced it to be a dismasted vessel. the frigate was accordingly headed up towards her, and on a nearer approach, from her peculiar build, she was seen to be undoubtedly a chinese or japanese craft. it was at first supposed that no one was on board, but as the steamer neared, a flag was waved from the after part of the stranger. the ship's way was accordingly stopped, and a boat was lowered. captain rogers volunteering to examine her, tom accompanied him. as they approached they saw that she must have encountered bad weather, for not only had she lost her masts, but she had no boats, and a considerable portion of her upper works had been carried away, while her sides had a weather-worn appearance, as if she had been a long time knocking about at sea. on getting on deck, one person only was to be seen, who, though dressed as a chinese, had european features. "i am thankful you have fallen in with us, gentlemen," he said, in good english, "for i don't know what would otherwise have become of this craft or us." "of us! is there any one besides yourself on board?" asked jack. "yes, i have my wife with me--we were passengers on board; when the junk was blown off the coast and lost her masts, the crew deserted in the boat, leaving us to our fate." "your wife! where is she?" asked jack. "she is below, sir," was the answer; "but she is a foreigner, young, and timid, and was afraid to come on deck." "what are you?--an englishman?" inquired jack. "well, as to that, i am more of an american, though i have been out in these seas so long that i cannot say i belong to any nation. still, i have not forgotten my native tongue. i should be grateful if you would take us in tow, or supply me with spars and canvas, so that i might find my way back." "that is more than you will be able to do, i suspect, with your craft knocked about as she is, and probably leaking not a little, even with the assistance of your wife," answered jack. "as for taking you in tow, that is out of the question--we should drag the bows out of her; but if you will bring your wife and any property you possess on board, i can answer for it that the captain will give you a passage to hong-kong or any other place at which we may touch where you desire to leave the ship. you are a seaman, i presume, from your undertaking to sail back the junk. what is your name, may i ask?" said jack. "jonathan jull, at your service." "that name has a yankee smack about it, certainly," observed jack. "well, mr jull, i'll overhaul the craft, and report her condition to the captain. he may possibly think fit to take her in tow, but i can make no promises on the subject. in the mean time prepare your wife for accompanying you on board." while jonathan jull went into one of the after cabins, jack and tom, with two men who had come on board, went round the junk. she had a considerable amount of cargo on board, of a somewhat miscellaneous character. jack ordered the well to be sounded. tom and one of the men performed the operation, and reported three feet in the hold, a large amount of water for a flat-bottomed craft. they had not long continued their search when tom exclaimed-- "look here; these are suspicious-looking marks. i have already observed others. they are evidently caused by bullets. see, in several places pieces of wood have been chipped off, and here is a bullet sticking in the planking." "what do you think of this, sir?" asked one of the men, pointing to some dark splashes on the deck and side of the vessel. "that's blood; there can be no doubt about it. i suspect that there has been some foul work on board," observed jack. "i wonder whether mr jull can account for the circumstance." "he, at all events, will give his own version of the matter," remarked tom. on a further search other signs of violence were discovered. jack began to suspect that the man's account of being deserted by the crew was not a true one. he resolved, however, before questioning him, to take him on board the _bellona_, to let captain murray decide what to do. "it appears to me that unless several hands are placed on board to keep the vessel clear of water, she must sink in a day or two if towed by the ship; and that certainly mr jull, experienced seaman as he may be, even with the aid of his wife, cannot, even were the craft supplied with masts and sails, find his way back to china. he is far more likely to run on a coral reef, or purposely cast his vessel away on one of the many islands in these seas, and take up his abode there." one thing was certain, there was something suspicions about the man. captain rogers and tom now made their way to the main cabin, where what was their surprise to see a remarkably handsome young female bending over a chest, in which she was engaged in packing up various articles which jonathan jull, as he called himself, standing by, was handing to her. her complexion and countenance, as well as her costume, showed her to be an oriental, probably a malay, though her features were more refined than those of malays in general. she rose as she saw the strangers enter the cabin, and unconsciously stood with her arms crossed on her bosom, gazing at them with her large lustrous eyes, which expressed more terror than satisfaction. "i see that you are preparing to quit the vessel, mr jull," said jack. "i must beg you to make haste and stow that chest, as we cannot remain much longer on board. indeed, from her condition, it is impossible to say when she may go down." the man, without at first answering, turned to the malay girl, and spoke some words to her in her own language, on which she again knelt down and continued packing the chest. there were several cases which the man handed quickly to the girl, but the other things were chiefly articles of clothing, with two or three jewel-hilted daggers, a short sword, and a brace of long-barrelled, beautifully mounted pistols. he had been apparently not desirous to allow the english officers to see the contents of his chest. as soon as it was filled, having locked it, he produced a stout rope and lashed it in a seamanlike manner. "now, sir, my wife and i are ready," he said, throwing a cloak over the girl's head, with which she could conceal her features. "if your people will lend me a hand to get this chest into the boat, i shall be obliged," he continued. "as you say, sir, the craft is not very seaworthy, and since i made you out i have neglected to keep the pump going. i have been compelled to work at it for several hours every day, or the leak would soon have gained on me." the man as he spoke seemed perfectly cool and collected, and not at all unwilling to go on board the ship of war. the chest, which was somewhat heavy, was lowered into the boat, with the aid of a tackle which the owner produced. he and his wife then followed, taking their seats in the stern sheets. as the boat pulled away from the junk jack observed that she had sunk already much lower in the water than when he went on board, and seemed to be settling down astern. "that craft has sprung a fresh leak since we saw her first," observed one of the crew, who had remained in the boat looking at the stranger. "i heard a curious noise as we were alongside, as if water was rushing in under the counter. we should have let you know if you hadn't come to the side with the chest." these words were spoken loud enough to be heard aft. tom fancied that he detected a peculiar expression pass over jull's countenance, but the man immediately resumed his unconcerned look, and spoke to his wife as if endeavouring to quiet her apparent alarm. the chest was hoisted on board, and the two persons who had been taken from the junk were allowed to seat themselves on it, while jack made a report to murray of his visit to the junk. "her cargo," he observed, "appears to be of considerable value, and it would be a pity to lose it." "we might get some of the most valuable portion out of her, but we must not spend time about it," remarked murray. "from your account, even were we to take her in tow, she is not likely to keep above water. we can afterwards examine this suspicious gentleman and his wife, although i doubt whether we shall get much out of them." "we are not likely to get much out of the junk either," said jack, pointing at her. "look there!" as he spoke the junk, towards which the frigate was steering, was seen to lift her bows, and immediately afterwards a loud report was heard; her stern and after decks were blown into fragments, and in a few seconds she disappeared beneath the surface. "our friend there had no intention that we should make a further examination of the craft," observed jack. "depend upon it, he had taken effectual measures to prevent us from doing so after he had secured in his chest the most valuable property on board." "we have no proof that he was instrumental in her destruction, though the circumstances are suspicious," said murray. "he will of course tell us what he thinks fit as to the cause of her sudden foundering and the explosion on board, while we are prevented from making any further examination of the signs of a conflict, which you suppose must have taken place. we will, however, try to get some information out of the man." a few fragments of wood floating on the surface was all that remained of the junk, as the frigate, now again put on her proper course, passed over the spot where she had lately floated. notwithstanding the suspicions which were entertained about mr jull, captain murray wishing to treat the man's wife with consideration, ordered a screen to be put up on the main-deck, where she might be in private and have the chest under her eye. he then sent for mr jull to come into the cabin, where he, with jack and the first lieutenant, were seated. jonathan jull persisted in the story he had given to jack, stating that he had commanded an opium clipper, which had been cast away; and that he had simply taken a passage with his wife on board the junk to go to shanghai, where he expected to find other employment. he glibly announced the name of his craft, the _swallow_, as well as the names of his officers, and was running on with those of his crew when he was stopped. "that is not necessary at present," observed captain murray. but mr jull seemed to be anxious that there should be no suspicion resting on him. he next mentioned her tonnage and armament, and indeed everything about her. "all very good," said captain murray; "but can you account for the signs of violence which we observed on board the junk--the stains of blood, the chipped beams, the bullets sticking in the bulkheads?" captain jull, as he announced himself, looked very much astonished. "you have observed, sir, what i failed to discover," he answered, "and i simply cannot account for the marks. if any violence occurred, it must have taken place before i went on board the junk. the crew appeared perfectly orderly, and only after the vessel had been dismasted, and they found her drifting away from the shore, did they take to their boats. for some reason, for which i cannot account, they refused to allow my wife and me to accompany them." "very well, mr jull; but can you account for the junk sinking so soon after you left her, and for the explosion?" "she was leaking very much indeed, and probably a butt suddenly gave way," answered captain jull. "in regard to the explosion, my wife had lit a fire in a stove aft, and i suppose a cask of gunpowder must inadvertently have been left in the neighbourhood. but this is merely conjecture. she herself will tell you that she lit the fire." it was very clear that the naval officers would not get any information from captain jull which he was unwilling to give them. although there were several suspicious circumstances against him, captain murray did not feel justified in making him a prisoner, and he therefore allowed him to remain with his wife. tom and gerald made themselves happy on board with their new shipmates, and billy was always liked wherever he went, never being out of humour and having not the slightest objection to be laughed at, besides which he had a store of amusing anecdotes, and was able to spin a good yarn, and sing a merry song. tom had plenty to talk about to his brother jack, who in course of time gave him all the news from home. captain rogers had been very unwilling to leave his wife, but the command of a ship having been offered him, he felt himself bound not to refuse. it had cost murray also not a little to leave _stella_. "we shall have his magnificent little boy come to sea before long," said jack. "how old it makes one! it seems to me only yesterday since i was a midshipman like you, tom, and i can scarcely fancy myself even now a post-captain." "i hope i shall not be a midshipman long," said tom, "and that desmond and gordon will get promoted." "there's little doubt about that," said jack, "if there is anything to do in china, and i fully expect there will be something, for the government are sending out troops and more ships. the chinese are too self-conceited to give in without a sound thrashing. by-the-by, have you told desmond anything about his prospects?" "no; i thought it might upset him," answered tom. "i merely hinted that you had heard from his uncle that there was a possibility of his obtaining a fortune, but that there was some uncertainty, and as he did not cross question me much, i got off without committing myself." jack commended tom's discretion. "it would be better indeed that he should hear the whole matter from his uncle, who will probably be sent out to china, where we shall meet him before long," observed jack. the ship had run on for a couple of days, the weather continuing calm and fine, though a favourable breeze would have been acceptable to save coal. about noon land was sighted on the starboard bow. the master stated that it was the island of dolores, very appropriately so called, as it consists of a small patch of land rising up amid a collection of coral reefs, which would prove the destruction of any unfortunate vessel driven on them. the _bellona_ had passed along the southern edge of the group, and the glasses of several of her officers had been turned towards the land to ascertain its appearance, when, just as they were leaving it on the starboard quarter, the look-out from aloft hailed the deck to say there was what appeared to him to be a wreck on an outer reef off the western side. the master and second lieutenant, on going aloft, were convinced that such was the case, and the ship was accordingly headed in that direction at half speed, a bright look-out being kept for any dangers which might lie off at a distance from the reef below the water. as soon as the ship arrived abreast of the wreck, two boats were lowered, and sent off under the second lieutenant and master to examine and ascertain what she was, and, if possible, what had become of her crew. captain rogers and tom went with the first-mentioned officer, and desmond with the master. as there appeared to be a channel leading up to the island, captain murray directed the party in the boats, should no persons be found on board, to make their way to the shore and see whether any people were there or had been there lately. the perfect calmness of the sea enabled the boats to get close up. as they got near, they saw from her shattered condition that it was not likely any one was remaining on board. when they were almost up to her, jack exclaimed-- "she is a steamer, for i see some of her machinery above water, and a man-of-war too, and i very much fear that she is the _dragon_." "i am afraid that she is," said tom. "that we shall soon learn, however, when we get on board, for i know every inch of her, and knocked about as she is, i should recognise something or other, which would put the matter beyond doubt." the ship lay broadside on the reef. the stern had been completely knocked away, and nearly the entire part of the lower side, but the fore part had suffered less, although the bulwarks had been swept off, and the bowsprit had gone. indeed, she greatly resembled the skeleton of a vast animal, with the head attached. there was but little footing anywhere, but tom and desmond, getting over the rocks, scrambled up. "yes, this is the old craft; there is no doubt about it," said tom, after they had made such a survey as was possible. "i am very sure of it," answered desmond. "if bird or nolan had come with us, they would have known this part of the ship even better than we do." they were now joined by captain rogers, who was perfectly satisfied that they were right. for a few seconds he stood contemplating the sad remains of the once gallant vessel he had commanded. what his thoughts were may be imagined. whether or not he heaved a sigh is not known, but jack rogers was not addicted to being sentimental. "we must ascertain whether any of the poor fellows have escaped," he exclaimed, leading the way to the boat. "we will now carry out captain murray's directions, and visit the island." the boats were accordingly steered for the shore. it required a careful look-out to keep in the right channel, so that the rocks, which appeared in all directions under water, might be avoided. the shore was reached at last, but no one was seen, though fragments of the wreck were found scattered about and fixed in the crevices of the rocks. here and there were pieces of casks, cases, and cabin furniture, but all were so shattered that it was impossible to recognise them. the whole island was searched, but no huts had been put up. no remains of fires were seen--indeed, there were no signs of any one having landed; not even a skeleton was discovered. "they must all have been lost, i fear," said jack. "we can easily conceive, with a fierce gale blowing, what a fearful surf would be dashing over these rocks. not a boat could live in it." the other officers were of opinion that every one on board must have been lost. "poor archie!" said tom to desmond; "there's one of us gone, then. i wish he had come in our boat, instead of accompanying the surveying expedition. captain murray will be very sorry when he hears it." as time was of consequence, and there was no object in searching further, the boats put off and returned to the ship. captain murray, while deeply regretting the loss of the _dragon_, her officers, and crew, was especially grieved to believe that his young cousin, in whom he had taken so deep an interest, had perished also. both officers and men, however, soon got over their sorrow for ship-mates and friends. they knew very well that such might be their own fate some day, though, as is natural to human beings, they hoped to escape it and die in their beds at a good old age, their fighting days over and their gallant deeds done. the _bellona_ continued her course, passing through the bashee channel to the south of formosa, when she had a clear run for hong-kong. at length the lofty heights which extended from east to west along the entire length of the island came in sight, and the _bellona_ steered for sulphur channel, which lies between the larger island and the little island known as green island. steering through this channel, she entered the harbour of victoria, which assumed a completely land-locked appearance, being shut in on one side by the kowloon peninsula and on the other by a point jutting off from the main land, the former being only about a mile from the town of victoria. the island of hong-kong is of irregular shape, about nine miles long and three broad. besides the centre ridge there are a series of high lands on either side of it. the western end rises to the height of feet; victoria peak, at the foot of which stands the town of victoria, creeping up the height from the beach. there are several other harbours--ly-tum on the southern side, and another on the west known as wong-ma-kok. on the western side of the neck of the peninsula which forms the latter harbour is the military station of stanley, where barracks have been erected, as it was supposed that it would prove a healthy position from being exposed to the south-west monsoon. the _bellona_ steamed up to an anchorage near victoria. among the ships in the harbour was the _empress_, which jack rogers was destined to command. there were several vacancies, and tom, desmond, and billy blueblazes accompanied her captain, who intended to get them appointed to her. bird, nolan, and casey were also entered on her books, and peter, from having been well treated on board the _bellona_, expressed his wish also to join; jack, at tom's recommendation, took him as his steward. dr locock, expressing his gratitude for the kindness he had received, went on shore, intending to remain until he could join an american ship, either a man-of-war or a merchantman. no sooner was the anchor dropped than the ship was surrounded by chinese boats with all sorts of provisions. murray had not forgotten captain jull and his wife. before captain rogers left the ship, he sent tom to summon the man, intending to question him again to ascertain where he was going. tom in a short time returned saying that jull and his wife, with their chest, had disappeared, and no one could tell what had become of them, he must have managed, while the officers and men were busily engaged, to slip his chest through a port into a native boat alongside. no one had, however, seen him; his chinese dress and the cloak his wife wore would have prevented them in the confusion from being observed. "there is something not altogether right about that fellow, depend upon it," said jack. "he had good reason for not wishing the junk to be brought into harbour, and he would have taken good care to destroy her even if we had had her in tow. we might have brought him to a trial for her loss, when very possibly he might have been recognised." on mentioning the subject afterwards on shore, murray learned that a large fleet of piratical junks were said to be commanded by an englishman, but little was known about them, except from the depredations they committed on the chinese merchant shipping, and occasionally on that of other nations, although they had hitherto avoided the risk of interfering with english vessels. the first inquiry murray and rogers made, on coming on shore, was for the _dragon_; but as neither she nor any of her crew had been heard of, their fears that she was the vessel they had discovered on the reef were confirmed. the _empress_ had been some time on the coast, and the members of the midshipmen's berth were full of what they had seen and ready to impart the information to tom and desmond, who had heard little or nothing of what had taken place. they found several old acquaintances on board, among whom was charley roy, whom they had met frequently in the black sea. charley could talk, and was not loth to make use of his talents. "you fellows want to know all we have done and all we expect to do out here," he began, the very first day they were on board. "the chinese, in my opinion, are the most obstinate fellows in the world; besides which they beat all others in cunning and deceit--at all events, their diplomatists do. they have a wonderful opinion of themselves, and don't know when they are beaten; lord elgin has found that out. you, of course, have heard of the thrashing we gave the celestials at the bogue forts, canton, pekin, and dozens of other places, and of the expedition hundreds of miles up the big river, the yang-tse-kiang, till we supposed that we had brought them to order, but they were still too clever for us, as you shall hear. you may have heard that lord elgin being desirous of going right up to pekin to exchange the necessary ratifications of the lately formed treaty, a squadron of gun-boats was sent up to escort him. as soon as they arrived off the peiho, the admiral sent an officer to announce the approach of the british ambassador, but the chinese commander refused him permission to land. of course this showed that they meant fighting." "before we commenced operations, however, a reconnoissance was made to ascertain what obstructions were in our way. in the first place we found that the forts, which before had been destroyed, were replaced by earthworks, mounting a large number of guns, and that the two forts higher up on the left bank were so placed as to rake any vessels which might advance abreast of the forts on the right, these forts being united by raised causeways. right across the river also were no end of stakes and booms, some of iron, each several tons in weight, forked above and below so as to rip up any vessel striking them. there was also a boom composed of three stout cables, one of hemp and two of iron chain, while some hundred yards further on were two great rafts of timber, stretching one from each bank, a passage being left between them of scarcely sufficient width to allow even a gun-boat to pass through. in front of the line of forts were ditches and wide spaces of soft mud, over which it would be scarcely possible for storming parties to pass. the chinese declared that these arrangements were simply made to prevent smuggling, and that they would be immediately removed. "another day passed, and no steps having been taken by the celestials to do as they had promised, the admiral sent in word to say that if the obstructions were not removed he should take upon himself to do so by force. having waited three days, he resolved to bombard the fort on the left. as our shot would have fallen into the town of taku, the admiral sent an officer to advise the inhabitants to provide for their safety by leaving the place. "they, however, replied that they did not receive orders from foreigners, and that if we touched the barriers the batteries would open fire upon us. of course it now became necessary to attack the forts. three of the larger ships and nine gun-boats were sent in two divisions to attack, in the first place, the taku forts on the right bank, and one of the gun-boats was directed to pull up the stakes so as to afford a passage to the rest of the squadron. she at length succeeded and made her way up to the boom. the moment she struck it, the chinese batteries opened on her with heavy guns. the other gun-boats took their stations astern of her. two unfortunately got aground, one on the northern extremity and the other on the southern. "the former, however, was notwithstanding still able to render some service against the forts further down the stream. in an hour one of the gun-boats was completely disabled; her commander killed, and out of a crew of forty men, nine only remained unhurt; the admiral himself, who was on board, being severely wounded. on this he shifted his flag into another vessel, with which he went close under the forts. here he received a second wound, but still would not quit the fight. unable to move, he took his place on the bridge, when the chain against which he was leaning was shot away, and he was thrown to the deck with such violence that one of his ribs was broken. three times injured, it might have been supposed that he would have retired; but again shifting his flag to another vessel, he remained on deck in his cot, and directed the battle until, faint from loss of blood and pain, he consented to yield up command to the senior captain, who took his place. "still the battle continued; but three of our gun-boats were on shore and reduced to mere wrecks. we had, however, vessels and men sufficient to carry on the fight. at last it was determined to storm the forts. the soldiers, marines, and the blue-jackets detailed for the purpose were landed; the commander of an american man-of-war showing his sympathy by assisting with his boats in taking detachments of the storming party on shore. the tide, which had gone out, had left large banks of mud between the channel and the firm ground. through this our men had to wade for many yards, covered, however, by the guns of the _lee_, which opened fire for their protection. scarcely, however, had they left the boats than every gun still serviceable in the fort, with numberless gingalls, rifles, and muskets, were directed upon them. "one captain was mortally wounded, another severely hurt, and the colonel of the marines fell desperately wounded. the third in command still led on the storming party. "the first ditch being nearly empty of water, was crossed, but a second, close under the walls of the fort, was full; and here, finding his immediate followers reduced to fifty men, while the larger party behind was almost exhausted, nearly having been stricken down in their disastrous rush across the mud--he felt that it was his duty to wait for reinforcements. on sending back, however, for them, the commanding officer was obliged to refuse the request and to order him to retire, as there were no men to be spared. as it was, they were nearly cut off, for the tide rising, several boats had drifted up the stream. some were taken possession of by the chinese; but others were recovered. during the retreat the chinese kept up a galling fire on our ranks, striking down many, who lay helpless in the mud until the returning tide put an end to their sufferings by washing over them. "not until past midnight did the commanders of the storming party, having collected all the men they could discover, embark in the last boat and return with heavy hearts to their ships. six gun-boats were on shore, and it was feared that all would be lost; but the tide, rising higher than usual the next day, three were floated off, the others, however, remained immovable. altogether we lost men killed on the spot, and wounded, many of whom died, among them being one of the most gallant officers in the service, captain vansittart. "this disaster has shown us that, after all, when the chinese have the advantage of strong fortifications, they are no contemptible enemies, and that it will not do to despise them. of course, they are not to go unpunished for this last proceeding. as soon as the troops can be collected and the ships are ready, we expect to go back to peiho to capture the taku forts and proceed on by land and water to pekin, which, if the emperor will not give up, we are to bombard and take possession of. so you see you fellows have plenty of work before you. you need not be afraid of that." tom and desmond, in return for the information they had received, had a still longer yarn to spin of the adventures they had gone through. billy occasionally put in a word. "the worst part of the business was when we were nearly starving and had to live on rotten yams and train oil. how would you fellows have liked that?" he asked. "not very pleasant," observed charley roy. "but you, billy, don't appear to have suffered much from the fare you describe." "i have had time to pick up again," answered billy; "but i assure you that for many weeks afterwards i was as thin as a whipping-post." chapter seven. a visit to the tailor's, and a walk round victoria--tricks of the coolies--a chinese festival--sail for shanghai--an unexpected meeting-- adventures of the dragon's crew--a walk through shanghai--the midshipmen's ride into the country--their pleasure disagreeably interrupted--a ride for life, and a narrow escape--bring news of the approach of the rebels--regain their hotel--aroused by the sound of firing--shanghai attacked by the rebels--the blue jackets take part in the defence--treachery defeated--jerry saves tom's life--the rebels defeated--return on board the empress--the orion, captain adair, arrives from england--adair comes on board the empress--gerald's anxiety--an astounding request--captain adair communicates some interesting information to desmond--the fleet assembles, and the army lands on the shores of china. the fleet lay in readiness to proceed to pe-chili, where it was expected that they would find work to do, as the taku forts had to be captured before the troops, now assembling in strong force, could march on pekin. in the mean time captain rogers took the midshipmen on shore to obtain an outfit for them, which they much required. with this object they repaired to the shop of tung-cheong, the buckmaster, of victoria. mr tung-cheong came forward with a smiling countenance, guessing, as he surveyed the tattered uniforms of the three midshipmen, what they required. "me thinkee greatest tailor in the world. thinkee nothing to make coat'ees for three gentlemans," he observed, as he pointed to the uniforms of every possible description hanging up in the shop. he at once produced a midshipman's uniform, which he kept as a specimen to show of what he was capable, and having taken their measures, he promised that all three should be ready the following evening, together with every other article they might please to order. they, of course, wanted shirts, socks, caps, and shoes, swords and belts, all of which, to their surprise, he had in stock--indeed, he showed, like most of his countrymen, that he had a keen eye for business, and would undertake to fit out a ship's company, from an admiral down to a powder-monkey. leaving the town, they climbed to the top of victoria peak, from whence they could look down on the harbour, which had the appearance of a picturesque lake, dotted over with vessels of every rig, while they obtained a good view of the town itself which extended along the shore for nearly four miles. below on one side was the kowloon peninsula, now covered with military tents, while on the south side were seen numberless islands, with the wide expanse of the china sea beyond. "now let us pay a visit to the happy valley," said tom, as they descended the heights. "it must be a pleasant place to live in. i should like to take up my abode there," observed billy. "wait until you reach it before you form an opinion; it has a good many inhabitants already," observed tom, who had heard all about the wang-ne-chung from charley roy. billy changed his opinion when they got to the place, which is the burial ground of hong-kong. on entering the protestant cemetery, they saw a column erected to the memory of the officers and men of the th regiment, which regiment, in the course of nine years, lost persons, including a number of women and upwards of children; the greater number cut down not by the weapons of the enemy, but by the pestiferous climate. on their way to the town they met a soldier, holding a chinaman by his pigtail, which he had twisted two or three times round his hand. on asking the englishman what he was about to do with his prisoner, his reply was-- "why, sir, this here chap is a coolie recruit; he has received his pay in advance, and was bolting, when i clapped eyes on him, and am taking him back to the barracks." the coolie corps had just been raised to act as carriers to the regiments going to pekin. not being over troubled with honesty, the men took every opportunity of escaping as soon as they had received an advance, intending in many instances again to enlist. on returning to the ship, charley roy told them of an incident, which had occurred just before. a number of coolies had been embarked on board a troop-ship, when one of them, who had purchased a quantity of pepper, started up and threw it into the eyes of the sentry placed over him, then dashing past the guard, leaped overboard, swam to a boat which was in waiting, and succeeded in making his escape. while the midshipmen were at hong-kong the great chinese festival was going on; and as they had leave to go on shore, they had an opportunity of witnessing the proceedings. one day they met a procession, consisting of some or people, many of them merchants and tradesmen, dressed in their gaudiest attire, extending upwards of a mile in length. there were bands of music and groups of figures, either carried on men's shoulders or wheeled along on platforms, representing various somewhat incomprehensible characters, but the chief attractions were three enormous dragons, each a hundred feet in length, which required thirty men to carry them. in the evening an entertainment was given, open to all, without charge. it was in an enormous building erected for the purpose, composed of bamboo frame-work covered with matting. the interior was elegantly fitted up, and lighted by large numbers of glass chandeliers; the sides were richly decorated, and here were soon altars overhung with gorgeous drapery, and conservatories full of flowering plants, while concerts of vocal and instrumental music were going on in several parts of the building. there were also rooms where light refreshments, such as tea, coffee, and fruit, could be obtained without charge. those who required more substantial fare could procure it at booths outside the large building, on very moderate payment. the midshipmen enjoyed themselves, and voted the chinese very amusing, hospitable fellows. at length the ships of war were ordered to the northward. the _empress_ was to call at shanghai, at the southern entrance of the great river yang-tse-kiang. shanghai consists of a large english settlement and a chinese city of considerable size. soon after the _empress_ had come to anchor, a shore boat, pulled by chinese, was seen approaching. "she has english officers on board. who can they be?" exclaimed gerald, who was on the look-out at the gangway, to tom. "i do believe! can it be possible? yes, i am nearly certain! there's archie gordon, mr joy, and there is commander rawson himself. then the old _dragon_ must have escaped after all." tom sprang to the gangway, and waved his cap. this salute was replied to by those in the boat, which in another minute was alongside, and commander rawson, with the lieutenant and archie, came on deck. "we had given you up for lost," said tom, as he shook hands with his brother midshipman. "and we, to say the truth, had very little expectation of seeing you again," answered archie. "how did you escape?" "how did you find your way here?" asked tom, without answering the question. before archie could reply, captain rogers came on deck and welcomed the party. after exchanging a few words, the commander and lieutenant accompanied him into the cabin, while archie was led off by his old shipmates into their berth. before, however, he would give them an account of his adventures, he insisted on hearing about theirs, which of course occupied some time. "and now," said tom, "we want to hear your yarn. was the _dragon_ lost? was it her we saw on the rocks, or was that some other unfortunate vessel?" "she was the _dragon_, there can be no doubt," answered archie. "you remember the day at the bonins when the hurricane suddenly sprang up. we had just got on board and were looking out for you, when the commander, considering that we should to a certainty be driven on shore if we remained where we were, ordered the steam to be got up, intending to run round and take you on board. we had not got far, however, when one of our boilers burst, killing half a dozen men and committing other damage. we had now to depend upon our canvas, while the hurricane was every instant increasing in strength. the ship, however, behaved very well. we ran on before the gale for four and twenty hours, when a lull coming on, the commander, wishing to get back to the bonins, hauled the ship up. we had not, however, stood on long under close-reefed topsails, when a furious blast suddenly struck her, and in one fell swoop carried away all our masts. we managed, however, to get before the wind again by hoisting a sail on the stump of our foremast, and ran on, hoping to get under the lee of some island by the time the gale was over, where we might rig jury masts. "night came on; the hurricane was over. we were anxiously looking for daylight. our belief was that we were a considerable distance from any island, when suddenly a loud crash was heard, and we had too sure evidence that the ship was on shore. happily the sea had gone down, and although she struck heavily several times, we had hopes that she would hold together until we had made our escape. the commander, who was as cool as a cucumber, told us that although he could not get the ship off, seeing that already she had two or three holes in her bottom, our lives might all be preserved if we maintained discipline and exerted ourselves. when daylight came we found ourselves in sight of a small island, but it looked barren and inhospitable, with intervening reefs, over which the sea was breaking, so that we could have but little hope of reaching it. outside, however, it was much calmer, but as the boats could not carry us all, the commander determined to build two or more rafts or catamarans which might convey all who could not go in the boats, and carry provisions and water. "we hoped to reach the loo-choo islands, should we miss grampus island, half-way to them. the weather coming on perfectly fine, we were able to get three rafts rigged and the boats prepared for sea. the boats were to take the rafts in tow and keep within hailing distance, steering as the commander might direct. with a light wind from the eastward we shoved off from the wreck, without leaving a man behind. we made but slow progress, as the wind was light and the rafts towed somewhat heavily, still, we were all in good spirits, except that we regretted the loss of the ship and could not help thinking what had become of you fellows. we ran on for three days and then began to look out for grampus island, when the weather became threatening. as the barometer fell, so did our spirits. had we all been in the boats, we might by this time have reached the shore, but of course they would not desert the rafts. the second lieutenant had charge of one raft, josling another, and i volunteered to command the third. even should a gale spring up, we did not altogether despair of navigating our rafts, so that we might run before it and lash ourselves down to escape being washed off. "the wind blew stronger and stronger; the sea got up, and as night approached, matters were looking very disagreeable. the commander came round and spoke to those on the rafts, telling us what to do, and promising that the boats should remain by us should the worst come to the worst. the night was dark and squally. the catamarans rode over the sea better than was expected, although at times we scarcely expected to see another sunrise. when day at length broke, we were still in sight of each other, but there was no abatement in the gale, nor could land anywhere be discerned. "though we had weathered one night, from the experience we had had we earnestly hoped that we might not be exposed to a still severer gale, and yet there seemed every likelihood of the wind increasing. for my part, i began to think it was a pity those in the boats should expose themselves to greater danger by remaining by us, and was considering that we ought to urge the commander to leave us to make the best of our way, when a sail appeared in sight to the southward. as she stood towards us we made her out to be an american whaler. on coming up to us she hove to, when our commander went on board. we were, it may be supposed, not a little anxious to know what arrangements he would make with the master of the whaler. he was not long in settling matters. in a short time he made a signal for the other boats to come alongside, which they quickly did. the stores and the people not required for pulling were at once taken on board. the boats then came off to the rafts, when we all got into them and towed the rafts up to the ship. the stores were at once hoisted up, when the rafts were cast adrift, while our larger boats were allowed to tow astern, as they could not be taken on board. the american captain, who was bound to the coast of japan in search of whales, agreed to land us at yokohama. "the voyage, however, was much longer than we expected. we were first of all caught in a heavy gale which came on that night, and were compelled to heave to, when we lost the boats towing astern. a day or two after this several whales were seen, which the captain was naturally anxious to catch. as he had plenty of hands on board, he put off with all his boats, and no less than three fish were killed. then we had to cut them up and stow them away, which occupied the best part of a week. scarcely was the operation concluded when two more whales were seen and taken, the american captain acknowledging that it was owing much to our assistance that he was able to secure such prizes. "after this we had calms and light or contrary winds, so that our voyage was a protracted one. we had brought provisions and water, though they were nearly exhausted. what with so many men being on board, and the dirty condition of the whaler, it was a wonder that sickness did not break out among us so the doctor said, and so it would have done had not the people lived as much as possible on deck. "the american captain fulfilled his promise, and landed us at yokohama. we were detained there a considerable time before we could get across to this place. as soon as we arrived we sent word to hong-kong of our safety, but i suppose the news had not reached that place before you sailed." "well, i am very glad, old fellow, that you and the rest have escaped," said tom, "and i hope that we three shall be as fortunate as were my brother jack and his two friends, when they were midshipmen." the three newly re-united friends at once got leave to go on shore together with a few other midshipmen. they first walked through the european settlement, which is handsomely laid out in streets running at right angles to each other. many of the houses were well built, and stood in compounds like those in india. strong wooden barriers had been put up at the beads of all the main streets, with loopholes in them, so that the place could be defended should the rebels succeed in capturing the native town beyond. this town is a short distance to the south of the european settlement. it was surrounded by a brick wall of about twenty-five feet in height, with an earthen embankment inside, forming a rampart six to ten feet wide. the parapet was two feet thick and seven high, containing embrasures for large gingalls three or four feet only apart. between each gingall was a small hole in the parapet which held an earthen vessel filled with slaked lime, ready to be flung in the faces of an enemy attempting to escalade the walls. a considerable number of chinese troops were stationed on the ramparts, with gay-coloured flags of various devices flying above their heads. it seemed curious that while the english were at war with the emperor, they should be in alliance with some part of his troops engaged in defending one of his towns against his rebel subjects. "this is mighty dull work," exclaimed gerald, after they had been wandering about the native town some time. "i vote that we get horses and take a gallop into the country. we shall have the fun of a ride, at all events, and perhaps see something curious." "but suppose we fall in with the tae-pings--that would not be pleasant; they would cut off our heads before we could explain who we were," observed archie, who always took the cautious side. "they look upon the english as friends, i believe," remarked charley roy. "they might, to be sure, take us prisoners and hold us as hostages; however, we must take care not to get near them, and by the last reports they were at pow-shun, twenty miles off at least." notwithstanding the risk they might run, the votes were decidedly in favour of a ride if horses could be procured. the midshipmen for some time made inquiries where horses were to be let, in vain. at length they got a chinaman to stop and try to understand what they wanted. gerald, jumping on billy's back, sticking his heels into his sides and beating behind, the chinaman signified that he comprehended their meaning, and led the way along several streets until they reached some stables containing a dozen tartar ponies, sorry-looking half-starved animals. an old man with a long pig-tail, dressed in a blue serge shirt hanging over trousers of the same material, made his appearance, and again they had recourse to signs to ascertain whether he would let the horses, and how much they were to pay. to do this tom produced some money, which he counted out into the hands of the old man, who immediately pocketed it, then saddled and bridled one of the ponies, thus giving the midshipmen to understand that he must be paid beforehand. as they had no objection to do this, the rest followed tom's example. "take care no go near tae-pings," said the old man, showing that he was accustomed to have dealings with the english, although his stock of words in that language was limited. the party, having been supplied with sticks instead of whips, set off in the direction of the west gate, which was wide open. as no enemy was near and it was supposed that the english officers were merely about to make a short circuit in the neighbourhood, they were allowed to pass unquestioned. as soon as they were clear of the walls, they put their horses into a gallop and dashed along at full speed, as if they were riding a race, laughing and shouting, to the great astonishment of the peasantry, who came out of their cottages to look at them. they had not gone far when they came upon a small pagoda-shaped edifice, about twenty feet in height. seeing a man entering it carrying a small oblong bundle, wrapped round with bamboo straw, they followed him. tom and gerald, getting off their horses, entered the building. round it were shelves, on which a number of similar bundles were seen; a pair of small feet sticking out of one of the bundles revealed to them the contents, and upon further inquiries from the man they ascertained that it was the "baby tower," in which the remains of infants whose parents were too poor to afford an ordinary funeral were deposited, and that when it was full it was cleared out by the municipal authorities. "what wonderfully methodical people these chinese are," said archie; "but they certainly have curious ways of doing things." the road over which they passed was well made and the country highly cultivated, with corn and paddy fields and gardens full of vegetables and fruit trees; ditches full of water to irrigate the ground ran in all directions, and over them were picturesque bridges, the larger ones of stone, and the others of wood or bamboo. people were at work in the fields, or employed in turning water-wheels, to raise the water to higher lands. the cottages were low, full of windows, deep caves, and so lightly built that it seemed as if a moderate gale would blow them away. the midshipmen had gone a considerable distance, much further, indeed, than they intended, but everything looked so peaceable that they could not fancy there was any risk, as they concluded that the rebels must be a long way off. at last, getting hungry and thirsty, they looked about in the hopes of discovering a tea-house where they might obtain refreshments. meeting a few peasants, as they seemed, by the road-side, they inquired by the usual language of signs where they could get something to eat. the men pointed to the west, and signified that they would soon come to a village where they could obtain what they wanted. "probably it is not much further; let us ride on," said charley roy. they galloped forward, and were not mistaken, a good-sized village appeared in sight, and one of the first houses in it was of the description they were in search of. the host chin-chinned as they approached, and welcomed them to his establishment. having fastened up their horses in a stable close at hand, where food and water were given them, they entered a tea house, and cakes, biscuits, and sweetmeats, with tea in wonderfully small cups, were at once placed before them. "i say, i wonder whether the old fellow hasn't got something more substantial than this?" exclaimed billy. "some beef steaks and mutton chops, with a supply of vegetables, would be more to the purpose." all the signs they made, however, produced nothing but a further supply of the same fare, which they despatched with a rapidity calculated to astonish their host, who was seen looking round at each of them and apparently calculating how much he should charge. after their repast, they strolled out into the garden behind the house, containing arbours, miniature ponds filled with fish, canals crossed by bamboo bridges, and beds of tulips with other gay flowers. as there were no other visitors, they made themselves at home, lighted their cigars and took possession of the arbours, while billy amused himself by trying to catch the fish with his hands as they swam up to gaze at the strange creature looking down upon them. "this is really very jolly," said desmond. "we will patronise our friend again if we come this way, although i wish i could make him understand that we want something better than cakes and tea." they had been resting for some time, two or three of the party dropping off to sleep, when the sound of distant shouts and cries reached their ears. the noises grew louder and louder. presently their host appeared at the door, gesticulating wildly, and pointing to the way they had come. some straggling shots were heard. "the place must be taken by the rebels, and as it is not our business to fight them, the best thing we can do is to make ourselves scarce," exclaimed archie gordon. "we shall all be knocked on the head if we don't," cried charley roy, starting up. "come, lads, the sooner we are on horseback the better." tom, shouting to his companions, led the way towards the house. the host had vanished, but they again caught sight of him hurrying off with a bundle under one arm, a box under the other, and a basket at his back. the doors were open, so they quickly rushed through the house towards the stables. the grooms had fled, fortunately not carrying off the steeds, which were munching away at their hay. to slip on the bridles and tighten up the girths did not take long. "now, boys," cried tom, "discretion in this case is the best part of valour." "we shall get preciously wigged by the first lieutenant if we lose our heads, for coming where we have no business to be," cried gerald. as they led out their horses, they saw people hurrying off in all directions across the fields, some scampering along the road they were about to follow. behind them, at the further end of the village, came a confused multitude, but whether fugitives or pursuers they could not make out. one thing was certain, that if they delayed they would get into serious trouble, if not lose their lives. "mount, mount, and let us be off!" cried tom. "here, billy, i will lend you a hand," and he lifted up his messmate, whose steed was somewhat restive, into his saddle; he then leaped on his own. only a minute was lost before the midshipmen were all mounted, but that minute was of consequence. the cries in their rear grew louder; several shots came whizzing past their ears. "on! on!" shouted tom. "i will bring up the rear," and, giving a whack to billy's pony, he drew up for an instant to let the others pass him. they then altogether galloped on as fast as their steeds could move their nimble legs. half-starved as the animals looked, they went at a good pace. should their pursuers be on foot, they would very soon be beyond all danger of being shot. tom occasionally turned to glance over his shoulder. still the people behind, whoever they were, came rushing on, though as they were distanced they seemed to be more and more confused, until only a dark-coloured mass could be distinguished. "we shall soon be beyond their reach," shouted tom; "it won't do to pull up until we have distanced them thoroughly." soon afterwards, as he looked again, he saw the dark mass divided, when he could distinguish sword blades flashing in the sun as they waved here and there. "there are cavalry of some sort after us," he cried out. as far as he could judge at that distance, the horsemen were engaged in cutting down the native peasantry, whom they had overtaken unprepared for resistance. "if we can make our horses go faster, we must do so," cried tom. "those fellows astern mean mischief, and we must keep well ahead, or they will be trying the sharpness of the sabres on our necks." the party did not require this exhortation to do their best to make their steeds move forward faster, urging them on with rein and reiterated whacks on the back with their sticks. the hoofs of the animals clattered over the hard ground, sending up clouds of dust. the day was further advanced than they had supposed, but darkness would favour them should they find a road by which they might turn off and gain the city by another entrance. "how far have we got to go?" inquired desmond, shouting to tom. "that is more than i can tell; i know we came a good long way," answered tom; "but our horses will carry us if we stick on their backs. keep a good hand on your reins. whatever you do, don't let them tumble down." though tom encouraged his companions, he did not feel very sure that they would escape. he could distinguish flags and spears, as well as the sword blades. the horsemen behind them were becoming every instant more distinct. much depended on the strength of their pursuers' horses. if these had already come a good way that morning they might be tired and soon knock up, but if they were fresh they might ere long overtake the midshipmen. "if they overtake us, we must stand and make a fight for it," cried tom. "no doubt about that," answered desmond. "it will never do to be cut down like sheep, running away." "but as long as we can run we will," cried tom. "if they do come up with us, my idea is that we should leap our horses over the ditch or fence, as may be most suitable, on our left, then wheel round and charge them if they attempt to follow us." roy and the rest agreed to tom's proposal. "i don't think the cavalry have carbines, so that they cannot shoot us down at a distance, and our pistol bullets will reach farther than their lance points." tom had taken command of the party by tacit consent, and no one was disposed to dispute his authority. there was no time, however, for saying much. as they went along tom had the satisfaction of observing that the enemy did not appear to be much, if at all, gaining upon them. this raised his hopes. they had already made good several miles, when charley roy proposed a halt, to breathe their horses and ascertain whether they were still pursued. scarcely, however, had they stopped, than the clattering of their pursuers' horses' hoofs sounded in their ears, mingled with the shouts of the riders. "we must push on, whether our nags like it or not," cried tom; "if we can once distance them, the enemy are very likely to give up the chase, as they know they will run a risk of being cut off should they get too near the town." again the party galloped forward. even their short halt enabled the tae-pings to gain on them, and the rebels' voices sounded considerably louder. "all right! they have no bow chasers, or we should have had them firing after us," cried tom, laughing; "they will have had their ride for nothing, i hope, after all." two or three miles more were got over. the midshipmen began to look out for the lanterns on the city walls, which, by this time, they expected to see. near, however, as they might be to a place of refuge, as their foes still continued the pursuit, they were not out of danger. their steeds, too, were giving evident signs of being knocked up, and they had to keep their sticks going to make the poor animals move forward. presently, down came billy's horse, sending its rider clear over its head, billy narrowly escaping a kick from the heels of the animal directly before him. tom, without stopping to see what had become of billy, pulled up, and fortunately succeeded in catching the animal's reins. "where are you, billy?" he shouted out; "not hurt, i hope?" "not much, only on my knee," answered billy, as he hobbled up and climbed again into his saddle. the rest of the party, not seeing what had occurred, galloped on. billy's horse, like his rider, had cut both its knees, and seemed very unwilling to continue the headlong race they had been so long running. "you must make him get along," said tom, applying his own stick to the animal's back. "i don't want my head cut off, and i don't want to leave you behind." short as had been the delay, it was of serious consequence, for when tom looked round he could distinctly see the enemy coming after them. billy, not being a good rider, cried out that he should be off again, as he had got one of his feet out of the stirrup. "never mind; hold on by your hands, and i'll lead your horse," cried tom, seizing the rein. he had no wish to delay the rest of the party, so he did not shout out to them to stop, but he determined to push forward as long as the horses could keep on their legs. billy in a short time succeeded in getting his foot into the stirrup. "now," said tom, "if we have to leap, don't be pulling at the rein, but let your horse have his head, and you stick on like wax." in the mean time the rest of the party pushed forward, gerald was surprised that tom did not answer a question; he shouted to him, still fancying that he was close behind. "there's a light ahead," he cried out; "it must be on the walls, or else a house in the suburbs." "if it was on the walls, it would appear higher," answered archie, "what do you think, tom?" he asked. no reply came from tom, and on looking round roy discovered that both tom and billy were nowhere to be seen. "we must wait for them," cried archie; "we cannot leave them behind." before, however, he or his companions could pull up, a loud challenge was heard, and several shots came whizzing past them. "if we stop or attempt to gallop back to look for them, we shall have another volley," said roy. "i will ride forward slowly. that must be a piquet of the indian regiment stationed outside the town. they mistake us for the enemy, and they may aim better the next time they fire." without waiting for his companions' reply, roy rode forward, shouting, "friends, friends! english, english!" at length he came in sight of a party of men drawn across the road, and the english officer, advancing, inquired who he was. he explained that they were pursued by a body of cavalry, whom they supposed to be tae-pings, and that he very much feared two of their companions had fallen into their hands. the officer on this ordered his men to advance, but to be careful not to fire until he gave the word. roy, riding forward, quickly overtook archie and gerald. on either side was a bank covered with shrubs, which would afford concealment in the dusk to the whole of the party. on seeing this, the officer told roy to go a little distance further on and then to halt, and immediately he should hear the rebels advancing, to gallop back towards the town. "you may, i hope, meet your friends, but if not, and they should have fallen into the hands of the rebels, we shall have a good chance of rescuing them." "i understand, and will carry out your direction," said roy, and the three midshipmen rode slowly back, hoping every instant to fall in with tom and billy. their disappointment was bitter when they were nowhere to be seen. they had not, however, gone far, when they saw the tae-ping horsemen moving rapidly towards them, but neither tom nor his companions were visible. on this they immediately turned their horses' heads and galloped back, as they had been told to do, in the direction of the town, feeling dreadfully anxious as to the fate of their friends. they had got some little distance beyond the ambush when a rapid succession of shots told them that the indian soldiers had opened their fire on the enemy. they at once pulled up, feeling sure that the tae-pings would not venture to advance further. in this they were right, for as they returned they saw them in rapid flight, the soldiers still firing after them. "you have saved our lives, i believe, sir," said roy, addressing the officer, who had advanced to meet him. "what can have become of our companions?" "i am afraid that the tae-pings must have overtaken them, and too probably, immediately have cut them down, for they certainly were not with the party we got under our fire. my men tell me that they saw no english uniforms." "if they were killed, they must be lying on the road," said desmond, his heart sinking within him as he spoke. "we must go and look for them." to this the officer made no objection, and sent forward five men with a sergeant. they proceeded even beyond where tom and billy had last been seen. although they came on the dead bodies of several tae-pings, who had been shot by the soldiers, they could discover no trace of their friends. "then they must have been carried off prisoners," observed desmond. "however, that is better than had they been killed, as we may possibly recover them." any further search was useless; indeed, the officer was anxious to send back to the town to give notice that the tae-pings were in the neighbourhood, and that a cavalry force had advanced so far without infantry to support them. the whole party accordingly returned to the house where the outpost was stationed. gerald and archie were so much cut up at the thought of tom's loss--though, if the truth was known, they did not care so much about poor billy,--that they felt scarcely able to ride back, and were glad to accept the lieutenant's offer of refreshment before they returned to the city. "they'll be after cutting off the poor fellows' heads," cried gerald. "how did we come to miss them? i would not have gone on if i hadn't thought they were close at our heels." "nor would i," said archie; "it's some blundering of that fellow billy blueblazes. he must have tumbled off his horse, and tom wouldn't leave him." the lieutenant could give them very little consolation. the tae-pings, from the reports received, committed the most horrible cruelties in the places they had taken, and when they captured pow-shun they put to death indiscriminately men, women, and children; the defeated imperialist troops having joined them and assisted in plundering the place. "our horses must be rested; it is time for us to be going back," said roy at last. thanking the lieutenant, they again mounted. just as they got outside the house they heard the sound of homes' hoofs. "don't fire!" cried the officer to his men. "these must be friends." in another moment two horsemen were seen coming along the road, and gerald, dashing forward, shouted out, "hurrah! why, it's tom rogers and billy blueblazes!" gerald was not mistaken, although their friends could scarcely be distinguished from the masses of mud which covered them and their steeds. tom and billy having received the congratulations of the party, and being introduced to the lieutenant, explained that finding the tae-pings gaining upon them, they had leaped over a ditch bordered by trees, which concealed them from the view of their pursuers, and that they had then galloped along over the soft ground, having to scramble through a number of ditches, which were too wide to leap, until they, once more catching sight of the lights in the village, made their way back to the road. as tom and billy were wet through, they declined to do more than stop and take a cup of hot tea, and the whole party then galloped on, as fast as their tired steeds could go, to the town, and managed to find their way back to the stable from which they had hired the horses. the old man examined them with his lantern, exhibiting a rueful countenance, and shaking his head, muttering as he did so, "no good, no good!" tom tried to explain that if they had not ridden hard, he would never again have seen his horses; but probably the midshipman's explanations were not understood, as the owner of the animals still kept muttering, "no good, no good!" "well, as it was partly our fault for delaying so long, i propose that we pay the old fellow something more," said tom. all agreed, and: mr kay chung's countenance brightened greatly when they handed him some more coin. on their way back they met several of the english inhabitants, to whom they reported that a force of tae-pings was in the neighbourhood. their news created no small amount of stir in the place. information had already been received at head-quarters from the outposts, and immediately active preparations were made for the defence of the town, lest the enemy should advance during the night. pretty well tired out, the midshipmen at last got back to the hotel where they settled to remain for the night, as it was too late by that time to return on board. tom and billy were not sorry to turn in, while a chinese waiter undertook to get their jackets and trousers cleaned and polished up by the next morning. tom had been sleeping for several hours, when gerald, followed by roy, who had a different room, rushed in, exclaiming, "rouse up, old fellows; something serious is going on. there's been tremendously heavy firing for the last ten minutes in the direction of the chinese town, and there can be no doubt but that the tae-pings are attacking the place. we are starting off to see the fun." "fun, do you call it!" said archie, who had been awakened by gerald's first exclamation. "it will be no fun if the rebels take shanghai, and there is but a small garrison for its defence. as likely as not the chinese will run away, or more probably fraternise with the tae-pings." "the marines and that indian regiment are sufficient to drive back the enemy, and we shall have our own blue-jackets on shore, depend upon it, when captain rogers hears what is going forward," said roy. "come, tom, are you going with us? i suppose nothing will induce billy to turn out, if he can help it." "but my clothes, my clothes! that chinese waiter fau-ti has got them. i have nothing to put on." "i will unearth him, and make him bring them to you," said desmond; "and billy's also, for he won't like to be left behind." while desmond went off to find the waiter, billy, who was sitting up in bed, rubbing his eyes, asked what the row was about. on being told, he answered-- "let them fight it out by themselves; i don't see why we should interfere," and lying down, he was about again to compose himself to sleep, when roy and archie, seizing the clothes, effectually roused him up. the firing was now heard closer than before, apparently extending over a considerable space. billy, as much as he was disinclined to leave his bed, did not like to be left behind, and forgetting that his clothes had been taken away, began hunting for them. "if you cannot find them, you must come as you are. wrap yourself up in a sheet; you will help to scare the enemy, at all events," said roy. desmond at last returned, followed by the waiter bringing the midshipmen's uniforms. although they were not long dressing, some time had been spent, but it was not yet daylight. there was a general commotion going forward in the house, the other inmates calling to each other, and inquiring what was happening. when the midshipmen got to the door of the house they found a large party collected, most of them with arms in hand and full of fight. for what they could tell to the contrary, however, the tae-pings might already have scaled the walls. just as they were setting off, the tramp of a large body of men was heard approaching. the midshipmen recognised captain rogers with the blue-jackets and marines of his ship, and several officers. tom at once joined his brother, and confessed what they had been about, and how narrowly they had escaped being caught by the rebels. "you were the means, however, of putting the garrison on the alert, for the messenger who came off with a request for me to land my men informed me that a party of midshipmen had brought in the intelligence of the approach of the enemy." tom was well pleased to hear this, as he hoped that he and his companions would escape the reprimand they expected to receive for having gone so far from the city. the sound of heavy guns was now heard, and a shot occasionally pitched into the ground at no great distance in front of them, showing that the enemy could not be far off outside the walls. "they have not yet got inside, and we shall be in time to help drive them off before they succeed," said jack. a chinese officer had been sent to guide the seamen to a part of the walls where the defenders most required support. just as they arrived the guns pointed in that direction had ceased firing, and large bodies of men were seen through the gloom approaching with scaling ladders. "we shall soon tumble those fellows over if they make the attempt to escalade the walls," said tom. the rebels, however, showed no want of pluck. in another instant the ladders were placed against the walls, and numbers of pig-tailed fellows, with broad hats, holding their shields above their heads, began to climb up, in spite of the hot fire which the marines and blue jackets poured down upon them. they had evidently not expected to meet with such a reception, supposing that the place was defended only by their own countrymen armed with matchlocks and spears. along the whole line of the wall, at different points, the same scene was being enacted. thousands of men were crowding forward, expecting by their numbers to overcome the limited garrison, but in every place they were met by the most determined courage, the civilians vying with the soldiers in repelling the foe. captain rogers had ordered another party of seamen to join him under the second lieutenant as soon as the boats could bring them on shore, and finding the determined way in which the rebels were attacking the part of the walls he had been directed to defend, he sent back tom and desmond to hurry them forward. the midshipmen met the party about half-way, and tom delivered the message. under the belief that he knew the road, he led them through several narrow streets, when suddenly he discovered that he had made a mistake, but whether he ought to have kept more to the left or right, he could not tell. sharp firing, however, being heard to the right, he concluded that was the direction he ought to have taken. the party moved forward again at the double. the walls soon rose up before them, and the shot, which came down like hail, showed that the enemy were firing away as hard as ever. just then, at the end of a short street they caught sight of a large body of men moving away from them. "i wonder where those fellows can have come from?" remarked the lieutenant. "they are making for the gate we rode out of yesterday," observed tom. "probably the enemy are attacking it; we will go and assist, though they appear to be chinese, and are not likely to make much of a stand," observed the lieutenant. the seamen dashed forward, when just as they reached the gate, which was in front of them, it was thrown open, and the party they had seen, turning round, rushed back the way they had come, followed by many others who were streaming through the gate. "there is some treachery at work here," exclaimed the lieutenant, and ordering his men to halt and fire, they poured a volley upon the advancing mass. before the rebels could recover from the confusion into which the unexpected shower of bullets had thrown them, the blue jackets were in their midst, cutting them down, knocking them over, or making them turn and try to escape through the gate. this put a stop to the further progress of those still outside, and the seamen, led by their gallant officer, fought their way up to the gate. here a desperate struggle ensued. a big tae-ping was on the point of cutting down tom, when, a cutlass intervening, brought the tae-ping with a blow on the head to the ground, and tom saw his old shipmate, jerry bird, whom he had not before recognised, slashing away right and left by his side. the rebels at length having been forced out, the lieutenant ordered the gates to be shut. this was no easy matter, with the space on either side covered with the dead and wounded, but the seamen, hauling the bodies out of the way, at last succeeded. one party remained to guard the gate, the other made prisoners of many as they could catch of those who had treacherously opened it. tom, with jerry bird and three other men, was now sent to inform captain rogers of what had occurred, that he might despatch people to the other gates to prevent the same trick being played. "you rendered me good service just now," said tom to jerry bird, "in saving my head from the sword of that big tae-ping. he would have cut me down to a certainty. i shall never forget it." "lor' bless you, sir, i'm as well pleased as you are; i wouldn't have had you killed, no, not to be made port admiral, and i hope, if ever there comes another occasion, i may do the same." "still, you have saved my life, and i should be grateful whether it was a pleasure to you or not," said tom. there was not much time for conversation, however. as they hurried on, they had to keep a look-out, lest they might be attacked by any of the traitors within the walls, who would have liked to have revenged themselves on those who had defeated their treacherous object. several suspicious-looking characters approached, but dreading the cutlasses of the british seamen, they retired to a respectful distance. tom and his party quickly made their way to the part of the walls where captain rogers and his men were stationed, and tom delivered his message. on receiving it, jack immediately despatched some of the midshipmen with the information to the officers commanding in the neighbourhood of the other gates, that they might be on their guard against any intended treachery. the rebels, supposing that their friends had got inside the city, continued to make feints in all directions, to keep the garrison employed, fully believing that the place would in a short time be theirs. along the whole line, as far as the eye could reach on either side appeared a rapid series of flames of fire, both from the summits of the walls and from below, as the defenders and their assailants exchanged fire. the assault continued until daylight breaking exposed the rebels more clearly to view, and they, probably believing that they had no prospect of success, ceased firing along their whole line, and began rapidly to retreat. the officer in command, on seeing this, sent a considerable body of men out of the west gate, and pursued them for some distance, giving them a lesson it was not likely they would wish to have repeated. the chinese soldiers cut off the heads of those they took. the english sailors contented themselves with depriving the fugitives of their pig-tails, generally giving them a probe in the back before they applied the final stroke. the whole ground for some distance was strewn with the dead, while under the walls they lay still more thickly, proving the desperation with which they fought, and the hot fire poured down upon them. captain rogers with his men remained on shore until it was ascertained that the rebels had retreated to pow-shun, twenty miles off, and there appeared no probability of their returning. information was received, however, that they were plundering the provinces in every direction, murdering the inhabitants, and committing every possible species of cruelty. an english regiment also arrived from hong-kong to reinforce the garrison, when there was no longer the slightest fear that the rebels would succeed in taking the place. captain rogers and his men had just returned on board the _empress_, when a man-of-war was seen standing in for the anchorage. she made the signal _orion_. "why, that's the ship to which your uncle adair is said to be appointed," observed archie to gerald. "i hope he has got her. i shall be very glad to see him, for a better fellow does not exist, and i shall then know all about the mysterious matter for which i was to go home," said gerald. the _orion_ brought up a short distance from the _empress_. in less than half an hour a boat put off from her. "there's no doubt about it; that's my uncle adair," said gerald, who was watching through his glass. "he's coming on board, so i feel like a young lady who is going to have a proposal made to her. i only hope now he has come out he won't insist on sending me home." in a short time captain adair stepped up the side. having been received with due honour, he was heartily welcomed by captain rogers, whom he accompanied, after he had shaken hands with his nephew, into the cabin. "i'm not much wiser than i was before," observed gerald; "but i suppose he will send for me soon." gerald, however, had to endure his suspense some time longer. tom had faithfully kept the secret with which he was entrusted, so that gerald had only a faint idea that some piece of good fortune was in store for him. while the two captains were in conference, a handsome chinese boat came off, and a mandarin of rank stepped on deck. he "chin-chinned" as the midshipmen drew up on either side of the gangway to do him honour, and the captains, hearing of his arrival, came out to receive him. he of course again "chin-chinned" to them, when, through an interpreter he had brought with him, he stated that "he had come to make a request which he hoped would not be denied." captain rogers answered "that he should be happy to render any service that was in his power." the mandarin replied, "that although he should consider the favour a great one, the trouble to him would not be so." "pray state, my friend, what it is," said jack. "understand, that my beloved brother died a few days ago of a malignant fever, and that his body is now deposited in the ning-foo jos-house, outside the city walls. he belongs to teit-sin, where his family reside, and as there is a difficulty in sending him by a merchant vessel, i shall feel deeply obliged if you will convey his coffin to that place, where it may be deposited with his august ancestors," was the answer. adair, when he heard what was said, could not refrain from bursting into a fit of laughter. jack tried to compose his countenance as he told the mandarin that it was with much regret he must refuse his request, as the ship would not certainly get so far as teit-sin, and that it was not usual for men-of-war to carry about dead bodies, except in rare instances; that when people died on board, they were buried at sea, and, especially for sanitary reasons, he could not receive that of a person who had died of a malignant fever. in vain the mandarin pleaded that his brother was shut up tightly and would not cause the slightest annoyance. jack was firm, and the mandarin had to return and allow his brother to remain in the jos-house until navigation was opened. terence had brought word for the _empress_ to proceed to the mouth of the peiho in the gulf of pe-chili, as it had been resolved at once to recapture the taku forts and to march the army to pekin, should the emperor not immediately yield to the demands of the british ambassador. the summer had begun and the weather was remarkably fine. the two ships sailed along in company, getting up steam only when the wind fell light. gerald and billy blueblazes were transferred to the _orion_, the berth of the _bellona_ being overcrowded. some of the crew of the unfortunate _dragon_ were also sent to her, the remainder being kept on board to be distributed among other ships of the squadron, while most of the officers had gone on to hong-kong with commander rawson, to await a passage home. mr joy joined the _orion_ in lieu of her third lieutenant, who was invalided. gerald, as soon as he had an opportunity, having waited in vain for his uncle to speak on the subject, asked to be informed about the matter for which he had been sent for home. "the uncertainties connected with it are so very great, that i have been unwilling to disturb your mind on the subject," answered adair. "you know that you had a distant relative, lord saint maur, who had a fine estate and numerous heirs to succeed him. one after the other, however, they have died. immediately on hearing this i put the matter into the hands of a clever dublin lawyer, who tells me that the direct descendants of the last lord having died, it is necessary to go several generations back, to a former lord saint maur, of whom your grandfather was the lineal descendant, and that all the other lines having become extinct, you are the rightful heir to the title and estate. other desmonds, however, have appeared, who have made out a similar claim, and the question is who has the best. they have money, which, unfortunately, you have not; but our dublin friend is so confident that he has undertaken the matter at his own risk. you, at all events, will lose nothing, and may gain your case; at the same time, i must confess i am not very sanguine on the subject. at first being so, i sent for you home, but after a time i arrived at a different conclusion, and would advise you not to think about the matter, though, if some day or other you succeed, well and good. it will be pleasant to be viscount saint maur and owner of a fine estate, but perhaps you would not be much the happier. if you stick to the navy you will get promoted in due course, and it will be much the same thing to you a hundred years hence." gerald did not quite agree with his uncle in the philosophic view he took of the case; at the same time, he determined not to bother himself about the affair. he was sorry to be parted from tom and archie, and to have only billy blueblazes instead, the rest of his shipmates being strangers to him. the _bellona_ and _orion_ had a quick run to the rendezvous off the sha-la-tung shoal, about twenty miles from pehtang. on their way, near the entrance to the gulf, they came up with the fleet conveying the troops intended to be disembarked near the mouth of the peiho. it was a magnificent sight, as the clouds of canvas appeared covering the blue ocean, the ships' bows dashing up the spray, which sparkled in the sunshine as they clove their onward way. among them were numerous steamers, but the wind being fair they were also under sail. the despatch vessels and gun-boats were moving about, enforcing orders and bringing up the slower craft. the ships as they arrived at their destination took up their position in line, according to the division, brigade, and regiment of the troops on board, all confusion being avoided by the admiral having furnished each captain with a plan showing the place in which he was to anchor. the next day the french fleet arrived, and the whole force moved nearer the shore. the smaller craft only could cross the bar of the pehtang, at the mouth of which is a town of the same name. early on the morning of the first of august the signal was made for the gun-boats and the small steamers attached to the fleet to take as many troops as they could on board, and to tow boats carrying others, when the whole flotilla commenced steaming slowly towards pehtang. as it would have been dangerous for the gun-boats to attack the forts in their crowded condition, they proceeded to a spot yards south of it. the country presented anything but an attractive appearance, as all that could be seen was an extensive mud flat, with a raised causeway, running from pehtang towards taku, while deep ditches were cut for the purpose of drainage, and were likely to prove disagreeable places to cross. the boats of the men-of-war were employed also in landing the troops. tom had command of one of the _empress's_ boats, and gerald one of the _orion's_, so that they had an opportunity of seeing what was going forward. as the boats approached, some chinese soldiers showed themselves, but perceiving the strength of the force invading their country, wisely beat a retreat. among the first to approach the shore was the commander-in-chief. it was impossible to get close to the bank. he surveyed the extent of mud before him; then pulling off his shoes and stockings, and rolling up his trousers, he leaped overboard, his example being followed by his officers and men. together they splashed and waded for upwards of half a mile through a horrible black mud. the french brigade landed on the left, and in the same manner in the neighbourhood, but finding somewhat harder ground, were the first to reach the causeway. a cavalry picquet now appeared on a drawbridge across the causeway, watching the movements of the allies, but they also, as the troops floundered on, mounted their horses and rode at a dignified pace southward towards taka. the whole day was occupied in landing troops. in the evening it was ascertained that the forts of pehtang were abandoned. it was intended at once to march in and take possession, but private information was obtained from some of the chinese that the garrison had left numerous infernal machines so placed with long fuses that they would explode among the troops on entering. the chinaman who had given the information was at once compelled to point out where these horrible engines of destruction were hidden, and they were removed by some men sent forward for that purpose. the army which had now landed, if so it could be called, had to pass the night on the mud flats and causeway, destitute of water and food, without tents, and wet ground alone on which the men could stretch themselves. it was not a pleasant commencement of a campaign. jack and desmond agreed that they had reason to be thankful for having their own comfortable ship to sleep in. the next morning at daybreak the gun-boats entered the river, and the troops advancing from their position occupied the town, the unhappy inhabitants being ejected to make room for them. it was one of the sad necessities of warfare that they were compelled to turn out the poor people. children in arms, old men and women, who had not for years left their homes, were forced to seek for shelter, which was not to be found; and many of the men destroyed themselves and their families rather than expose them to the perils they would have to meet with. the english took up their quarters in one part of the town, the french in the other. it was said to have contained , inhabitants, but when it was abandoned by the army scarcely any were to be found. among those who thus destroyed themselves was the man who had given the important information respecting the infernal machines, he and his whole family having put themselves to death. although, except as volunteers, the blue-jackets and their officers had but little prospect of fighting, they had work enough to do in landing the troops and stores, they being thus engaged at all hours of the day and night for many days together. "there is little honour or glory to be gained, that i can see, though we are very useful, i dare say," observed desmond to tom, after they had been in their boats for twelve hours on a stretch. "however, i don't mind if we can help the soldiers to lick the celestials, who deserve a sound drubbing, at all events." the soldiers were worse off than their sailor brethren. rain came down, rendering the town almost uninhabitable by the horrible smells which arose, while the mud in many places was several feet deep. such was the detestable spot in which the army was cooped up for nearly a fortnight. the allied armies having captured the taku forts, the smaller steamers entered the river and greatly aided the army by conveying troops and stores to teit-sin; but very few naval men saw anything of the subsequent operations, which terminated in the surrender of pekin and the destruction of the emperor's summer palace, and the establishment of peace between the british and chinese. chapter eight. bellona and empress in victoria harbour--a complaint of piracy--mr. jull again--the two ships sail in search of his fleet of junks--captain po-ho goes as pilot--fail in with orion--ordered to japan--expedition to attack a piratical fleet commanded by jull--the pirate fleet sighted-- tom and desmond sent in chase of junks--tom hoards a junk, and has good reason for getting out of her again--tom, pursuing the enemy, is captured--billy pulls after the other boats--the first junk blows up-- vain search for tom--return to the gnat--the fort and junks attacked-- the round moon recovered--jerry recognises jull--the seamen and marines on shore prepare to attack the fort. the taku forts had been captured, the march to pekin accomplished, the summer palace destroyed, the pride of the emperor humbled, and once more peace was established. her majesty's ships _bellona_ and _empress_ lay in victoria harbour, the broad pennant of commodore murray, for he had lately been raised to that rank, flying on board the former. he and captain rogers were seated in the cabin of his ship after dinner. the officers who had been the commodore's guests had retired, the midshipmen having previously received a polite hint to go on deck and ascertain which way the wind blew. "i heartily hope we shall soon be ordered away from this most undelectable coast," observed jack. "so do i, in truth," answered murray. "from what i hear, we shall soon be sent to japan, which seems to be in a very unsettled state with the mikado, tycoon, and the damios at loggerheads. if the latter especially are not put down, they will get the upper hand of their two spiritual and temporal sovereigns, and then set to work to murder each other, and the whole country will be thrown into a state of anarchy." "i should be glad of something to do, at all events," said jack. "the gun-boats have all the work nowadays, and as we have reduced the celestials to order there is not much prospect of our big ships being wanted." "had i a reason for proceeding in any definite direction i would sail to-morrow," observed the commodore; "but there is no object in cruising up and down the coast, expending coals and wearing out the ship." "i am sometimes tempted to wish that steam power had never been introduced on board men-of-war when i think of our early days on the _racer_ in the mediterranean, and the life we led on the coast of africa and out here," said jack. "after all, youngsters have the best of it." "they certainly have few cares and responsibilities, and enjoy sounder sleep than those in command can do when at sea," observed murray. while they were speaking, archie gordon, cap in hand, entered the cabin, and addressing the commodore said, "a chinaman has just come on board, sir, and as far as we can understand, desires to see you to report that his junk has some time ago been attacked and carried off by pirates." "i will see him at once; let him come below," answered the commodore. "request mr chin-ho, the interpreter, to come here." "he has gone on shore, sir," replied the midshipman. in less than a minute gordon returned, ushering in a stout-built chinaman, dressed, to english eyes, in a very unnautical costume, but characteristic of that strange people. "what have you got to say, my friend?" asked murray, after the visitor had made the usual salutation and been requested to sit down, for murray properly made it a rule to treat all the chinese with due courtesy. the stranger introduced himself as po-ho, captain of the big junk _round moon_. as the curious jargon in which he made his statement would not be understood by most readers, we must give it in ordinary english. "the _round moon_ was lying in swatow roads, in company with several other trading junks, when i, being asleep in my cabin, was awakened by a loud noise on deck, of shrieks and cries, clashing of swords, scuffling and thumps, as though men were falling. rushing out to see what was the matter, what was my horror to discover that the deck was in the possession of strangers, and that most of my crew lay dead or dying. my mate with two or three others was still fighting bravely, not far from the cabin door, when i beheld an englishman, jull by name, whom i knew to be a fearful scoundrel, a sword covered with blood in his hand, and about to attack the mate and the others. before i could run back and get my arms, jull had killed the mate, and the rest were cut down. seeing that i should share the same fate, i jumped through the cabin port into the water, intending to swim to a junk astern, when jull, who had followed me into the cabin, discovering that i was overboard, fired at me, but missed. i thought that i should escape, but presently another shot struck me in the back; still i swam on, and reached the side of the junk. "when i got on board, the first thing i saw was my ship with all sails set, standing out of the harbour. i wanted the captain of the junk who had picked me up to give chase, but he answered, `no, no; jull has got too many men and long guns.' before i could say anything more i had fainted. when i came to myself, the _round moon_ was out of sight. i have not seen her since, but wishing to recover her, i have not ceased inquiring about jull at every place at which i have touched. a few days ago, as i was sailing from chusan, i heard that jull, in command of a large fleet of junks, had attacked and plundered a number of merchant vessels in that neighbourhood, and that he was even then at anchor with all his fleet in a channel between the island of latea and that of chusan. if you go at once northward with your steamers, you may arrive in time to catch him before he sails away. he has nearly thirty junks, carrying heavy guns and gingalls, and or men. your steamers cannot get up the creek to attack him, and he is very likely to make his escape if he knows you are coming. you must, therefore, send in a large force, and be very careful how you approach, and as he fights with a rope round his neck, he will struggle to the last." this narrative took a long time to deliver, as mr po-ho, though he professed to speak english fluently, had to search about for words to express himself, and murray and rogers had to cross-question him and make him repeat over and over again what he had said before they could comprehend his meaning. the above, however, as has been said, was the substance of his statement, reduced to plain english. murray inquired whether mr po-ho, or rather captain po-ho, was ready to go as pilot. he jumped at the offer. nothing would give him more satisfaction than to see jull's head cut off. "we will both go," said murray. "return on board, jack; hoist the blue peter, fire your guns to bring off any of your officers or men who may be on shore. i will do the same, and we will sail this very evening. are you ready, captain po-ho?" the chinaman's little eyes twinkled with satisfaction. "he would," he said, "send his boat back to let his friends know that he had found some generous englishmen to avenge his loss, and expressed a hope that should his own junk be recovered, she would be restored to him." that night the two ships, with most of their officers on board--with the exception of two or three, who, having gone to the other side of the island, were left on shore--were steaming northward. just before they sighted chusan, a vessel under all sail was seen standing from the north-east. as she approached she made the signal of the _orion_, and that she had despatches for the commodore. the _bellona's_ way was therefore stopped, the _empress_ also waiting for her. in a short time captain adair came on board. he had come from japan with the request that some of the ships on the station might be sent there at once to protect british interests, subjects, and property, which were in constant danger from the damios. the commodore decided, however, that the matter was not so urgent as to prohibit his first looking after the pirate and his fleet, and resolved to carry out his object, taking the _orion_ with him. at chusan, off which he called to obtain further information, he found a gun-boat, the _gnat_, which, from her small size, would be able to play an important part in the expedition. from the information furnished by captain po-ho, murray learned that the pirate's stronghold was in the midst of several small islands, with four navigable channels between them leading up to it, and that to prevent the escape of the villains it would be necessary to watch the whole of them. the pirate also, po-ho said, had a strong battery on shore, its guns commanding a deep bay, in which the junks were at anchor. thus the boats in the expedition would be exposed to a hot fire, and should the junks be captured, they might immediately be sunk, before they could be carried off, by the guns of the fort, which was described as being very strong originally, and since it had been occupied by the pirates they had been employed in still further adding to the defences. it was said also that within was stored a large amount of merchandise, obtained by the pirates during several cruises. one thing appeared certain, that the piratical fleet was still at anchor off the fort. the commodore, having obtained all the necessary information, stood with his squadron late in the day towards the islands, so that he might not arrive off them until darkness would conceal his movements. po-ho advised that three of the entrances should be guarded, each by one of the ships, and that the gun-boat and boats should proceed up the other to attack the pirates. this suggestion was adopted. murray ordered three boats from each ship, with a strong body of blue-jackets, to rendezvous alongside the _gnat_, which also carried the larger number of marines. captain rogers, accompanied by po-ho as pilot and interpreter, went on board the _gnat_ and took command. the three midshipmen had each charge of a boat, as had our old friend jos green, while the others were under command of lieutenants or mates. tom was accompanied by billy blueblazes and tim nolan. the _gnat_, taking the fleet of boats in tow, steered towards the entrance of the chief channel, up which the expedition was to proceed. as they neared it just before dawn, a rocket was seen to rise, forming an arch in the dark sky, its glittering drops shining brilliantly as they fell. it was fired apparently from the centre of the island, where the fort was supposed to be situated, as a signal to some of the junks which might have been at anchor near the entrance of one of the channels. as captain po-ho could not give a very exact account of the position of the fort, captain rogers thought it prudent to wait until daybreak before commencing the attack. of the character of the enemy, however, he had no doubt, from the information obtained at chusan. they were a daring band of pirates, who had long been the terror of traders. the _gnat_, having a long line of boats astern, made but slow way. a bright look-out was kept, lest any of the junks might attempt to steal out and escape; but none appeared. the rocket, however, was an evidence that some of the pirate fleet, at all events, were still inside. the entrance was at length gained. the shore on either side was so close that, had the enemy concealed themselves among the rocks and shrubs, they might greatly have annoyed the flotilla without the risk of much damage to themselves. when morning broke the _gnat_ was approaching a long, low, rocky point, over which the masts of a considerable fleet of junks could be perceived. the steamer must at the same time have been discovered by the pirates, for the junks' sails were hoisted, and the wind favouring them, they stood away towards a channel in the opposite direction. "the villains will soon find they have made a mistake, if they expect to get off that way," observed tom to blueblazes. "they will fall from the frying-pan into the fire. the shots from our ships will send every one of them to the bottom." just then the _gnat_ grounded on a sand-bank, and the boats had to take to their oars while she made efforts to back off. while she was thus engaged, the junks were seen returning to their anchorage, sweeping along at a good speed. "the rascals have discovered that they are caught in a trap, and, like rats driven into a corner, will fight desperately," said tom. "we shall have some real work to do, billy." "i don't mind much about that, provided it will soon be over and we can get back to breakfast," answered the other midshipman. "i am terribly hungry already." this delay enabled the greater part of the pirate fleet to get back to their anchorage, but the wind blowing stronger as the sun rose, three of them, unable to make headway against it, turned down another channel, expecting probably to escape in that direction, being thus unable to render any assistance to their companions. on this captain rogers ordered three of the boats, of which tom's was one, to go in chase of the fugitives and capture them, hoping, from the prisoners who might be taken, to ascertain the strength of the fort, so that he might devise the best way of attacking it. the second lieutenant of the _empress_ led the boats, desmond's making the third. away they pulled as hard as they could go. the pirates, seeing them coming, opened on them with their stern guns, and at the same time kept up a pretty hot fire with gingalls; but their shot generally flew over the boats, which, although the junks sailed well, were rapidly coming up with them. "i will take the headmost; you board the other two," sang out the lieutenant, addressing tom and desmond. in each boat, it should have been said, there were four marines, who, in return, fired at the junks, taking steady aim, and seldom failing to kill or wound some of their crews. the channel took several turnings, which would have been an advantage to the pursuers had they been acquainted with the navigation, but the fear of running on any rocks or sand-banks made them keep directly astern of the junks. presently a shot struck one of tom's men, and another knocked an oar to pieces. this of course caused some delay, and the boat dropped astern. on rounding a point tom saw that the junk he had been ordered to board was in the act of running ashore in a small bay at the further side, while the other two junks continued their course, pursued by the lieutenant and desmond. tom considered it his duty to attack the one which could no longer escape him. he was soon alongside; but as he and his men clambered up on deck the pirates rushed forward, leaped down over the bows on to the beach, and began to make their way inland. tom, on looking round from the more elevated position he had gained, discovered that the creek ran at the back of the fort, but how far off he could not tell. "we must capture some of those fellows; captain rogers wants some prisoners," he sang out, and was about to lead the way over the bows when tim nolan exclaimed, "the villains have set their craft on fire. she'll be after goin' off like a sky-rocket in another minute." "back, back to the boat!" shouted tom, seeing that tim's words were likely to prove true. the whole party quickly tumbled in, each man trying to be first. tom was the last to leave his prize, and followed with no little reluctance. shoving off, they pulled away in the direction they had before been going, to assist, if necessary, the other boats. they had not got far, however, when tom caught sight of some of the pirates who had landed. they halted, and appeared as if they intended to return to the stranded junk. in their hurry they had thrown down their gingalls, and were armed only with their swords. "we must have some of those fellows," cried tom. steering in his boat, he jumped on shore, followed by the marines and four seamen, while he told billy to remain in charge of the rest of the crew. off the little party dashed, hoping without difficulty to capture some of the pirates. the latter turned and fled, leading their pursuers to a distance from the boat. tom imprudently was rushing on considerably ahead of his men when a volley fired from among some rocks laid three of their number low. the rest halted to return the fire of their concealed enemy, but, seeing no one, they let fly among the rooks, against which their bullets were flattened, without doing further execution. before they could re-load a party of desperadoes sprang out, and seizing tom, dragged him along with them. in vain tom endeavoured to free himself, expecting every instant to feel the point of a sword, or its edge, at the back of his neck. the survivors of his party charged bravely, hoping to recover him; but another volley wounded two more, and, seeing that they would all be cut off, they retreated towards the boat. they would even now probably have been attacked had not billy, showing unusual discretion on hearing the firing, landed with the rest of the men, and fired on the advancing pirates. what was his dismay to find that tom was not among those returning. "where is mr rogers?" he exclaimed. "the pirates, sir, have got hold of him," answered tim, who had reluctantly returned. "if we are quick about it, and the rest can come with us, we can overtake them, and we will get back mr rogers, at all events." billy and the rest of the men could not resist this appeal, and were rushing forward when they came to the three men who had fallen. one was dead, but the other two were still living, though unable to walk. they entreated that they might be carried back to the boat; and billy, finding that the pirates had disappeared, judged that there would be no use in pursuing them, and he remembered also that he had been directed to remain in the boat. notwithstanding, therefore, nolan's remark, billy ordered the men back to the boat. just at that instant the junk, from which their attention had been diverted, and which had been in flames fore and aft, blew up with a loud explosion, portions of the fragments being scattered far and wide, many falling close to them. "shove off!" cried billy; "not a moment must be lost." his crew pulled away after the lieutenant and desmond, in the hopes that should they have succeeded in taking the two junks, of obtaining their assistance and going in search of tom. on getting round the point which hid them from sight, billy discovered the junks, nearly a mile away, both on shore. as his boat got nearer he caught glimpses of the pirates running among the bushes, in the direction, as far as he could judge, of the fort. both junks had, therefore, been captured. billy only hoped that the pirates had not attempted the same trick they had played him, by laying trains to their magazines, although he half expected, before he reached the junks, to see them blow up into the air. in his eagerness to save his other shipmates, he almost forgot poor tom. "give way, lads, give way!" he cried. "they will all be sent up like sky-rockets if we don't warn them in time." the seamen made the boat fly over the water, understanding the danger as fully as he did. as he got near he shouted out, "back, back to the boats, or you will all be blown up!" "no fear about that, now," answered desmond, from the deck of the nearest junk. "we found a burning fusee, sure enough, but took good care to throw it overboard. hallo! where's rogers?" he exclaimed, looking down into the boat. "gone! the pirates have got hold of him, and may probably have cut his head off," answered billy. "gone! his head out off!" cried desmond, in an agony of grief, although scarcely believing his messmate's account; "how did you come away without him?" "we could not help it," answered billy, in a melancholy tone. "we should all have been killed if we had not. we have as it is lost two poor fellows knocked over, and four wounded. that shows that we did not give up the attempt to rescue rogers while there was a chance of success." "pull round and report to mr norman what has occurred. i will go with you," said desmond, jumping into billy's boat. the lieutenant was, of course, greatly grieved. "we must try and ascertain his fate, at all events. you did not see his head cut off?" he asked, turning to billy. "no, sir. we saw him in the pirates' hands. they were dragging him along." "then, perhaps they intend holding him as a hostage," observed mr norman. "the junks do not appear to have much in them; and so, for fear lest the pirates should get on board again, we will set them on fire, and pull back to where you lost rogers." mr norman at once gave the order, which the seamen executed with the delight of school-boys igniting huge bonfires, and then the three boats pulled back in the direction of the still burning junk. on reaching it mr norman landed his men, forming them in more regular order than tom had done, four of the marines advancing in skirmishing order to feel the way. no enemy, however, appeared; but being an experienced officer, he knew that they might be lurking at no great distance ahead, or concealed behind the brushwood either on the right hand or the left, so that they might attack him at any moment on the flank or get behind him and out off his retreat. having advanced therefore a short distance, he ordered a halt, and getting close under a hill from the top of which he hoped to obtain a survey of the country, he climbed up it, accompanied by desmond. "there's the fort, sir," exclaimed the latter, "and i see a number of men going into it. if they have not cut off rogers's head, they will be taking him in with them, and he'll run a great risk of being killed when the _gnat_ opens fire on the fort." mr norman thought desmond was right in his conjectures. "could not we make a dash at the rear of the fort? we might get in before the pirates know we were coming," said desmond. "with a stronger party i would try what we could do; but as the pirates must have been watching us, they would be prepared for an attack, and i very much doubt if we should succeed." desmond, though eager to try and rescue tom, of whose death he was as yet far from being convinced, acknowledged to himself that his lieutenant was right. they remained a few minutes longer, taking a more perfect survey of the fortress and the surrounding country. "if i mistake not, could we land on the right side of it, we might make our way, concealed by the mass of brushwood to the rear of the fort, and get close up to it before we are discovered, while the pirates, if they expect us to make the attempt, will be looking out for us over that open ground more to the left; but we must get back and communicate with captain rogers," observed the lieutenant. mr norman, directly he came down from the hill, ordered his men to retreat. as soon as they were on board, the boats pulled away for the _gnat_ as fast as the crews could lay their backs to the oars, all knowing the importance of placing the wounded under the surgeon's care as soon as possible. two poor fellows required no doctoring, but their bodies were carried, nevertheless, for the purpose of giving them, as jack called it, "decent burial?"--in reality that they might be sewn up neatly in their hammocks, with a shot at their feet, to carry them down to the oozy bed of the ocean beyond the ken of the sharks. the _gnat_ had just got off, and with the musquito fleet in tow was steaming up towards the pirates' stronghold. as mr norman's three boats passed within long range of the fort, several shots were fired at them without doing any damage, nor did the pirates make chase, which they might have done with a good chance of capturing their enemies. at last the boats got alongside the _gnat_. captain rogers received the account mr norman gave him with much concern. "but is it certain that he is killed? did any one see him fall?" he inquired. "no, sir," answered mr norman. "we are confident that he was made prisoner; but the belief is that the pirates, in revenge for the destruction of their junks, would have cut off his head unless they were induced to hold him as a hostage." "i trust that the latter is the case, and that we may manage to get him out of their hands," observed captain rogers. "but in my anxiety to save him i must not neglect my duty. we must attack these fellows without delay. unfortunately they have had some time for preparations, and will give us more trouble than would have been the case had not this craft got on shore. i purpose, while the boats attack the junks, to land the marines and storm the fort." captain adair having come on board, captain rogers directed him to accompany the marines with a small body of blue-jackets. "i believe, sir, that we may be able to get to the rear of the fort from a landing-place i discovered as i came along," said mr norman. "while the _gnat_ and the boats are assaulting the fort, we may hope to approach undiscovered, and by coming suddenly on the pirates, should your brother be still alive, we may be able to rescue him before they have time to revenge themselves by killing him." "i trust that you are right, mr norman, and that the poor fellow has escaped, although from the pirates not having sent off a flag of truce to treat for terms, i greatly fear that they have not kept him as an hostage." while the _gnat_ sailed on captain rogers made the necessary arrangements for the attack. she, with two of the largest boats, were to bombard the fort, the rest of the flotilla were to board the junks, with the exception of the boats under mr norman, who was to land with their crews and some marines and attack the fort in the rear. very little time longer elapsed before the _gnat_, the leading vessel, got within range of the junks, which immediately began to blaze away with their guns and gingalls, she and her smaller consorts returning the fire with interest. two large junks lay directly in the way; one, after the first round was fired, began to settle down so rapidly that many of the crew must have sunk with her, while the rest were seen swimming like a shoal of tadpoles towards the shore. the other, a fine-looking vessel, stood out longer. "fire at te deck, at te deck!" cried po-ho; "she my ship; no sink her!" a volley of musketry made the pirate crew quit the vessel and follow their companions on shore, while the _round moon_ remained floating tranquilly, although captain murray fully expected to see her burst out into flames and blow up as the others had done. po-ho entreated that he might go on board to prevent any such catastrophe; and he was allowed the dingy and a couple of men that he might take possession of his vessel. he might have been safer on board the _gnat_, for several shot from the fort struck the junk as the man-of-war glided in between her and the shore. so close did the _gnat_ get that the guns of the fort, which were trained at too high an elevation, sent their shot over her; while the shells, round shot, and rockets, which she poured into the fort, were apparently producing havoc among its defenders. first one gun was silenced, then another, but the remainder continued blazing away, either at the gun-boat or at the other boats. the report that tom rogers had been taken prisoner soon spread among the boats of the _empress_, and from them to the boats of the other ships, no one exactly knowing how it had happened. there was a search on board each junk captured, in the hopes of discovering him, as junk after junk was taken. several, however, which were farther from those first attacked, slipped their cables and tried to run on shore; some were overtaken before they had time to do so; others were set on fire by the pirates and blew up, and the remainder succeeded in effecting their purpose. a good many of the prisoners, however, were taken, who either could not swim or had not time to make their escape. the british casualties were very small, as only two or three of the junks showed fight. one of the largest fired away until the boats were close up to her; she then cut her cable and made for the shore, still blazing away with her heavy guns, gingalls, and match-locks. twice the crew were about to desert their guns and attempt to leap overboard, but were restrained by a fine-looking fellow in a malay dress, who with his sword kept the men to their duty, cutting down two or three who showed signs of disobedience. jerry bird was in one of the boats of the _empress_, and catching sight of the pirate captain, he exclaimed, "why, as i'm alive, that's no other than our friend jonathan jull! hallo, mr jull, knock under; it's no use holding out!" a fire-lock aimed at jerry's head was the only answer made by the pirate chief. fortunately the bullet merely cut off one of his love-locks, and the junk, already close to the shore, stood on. in another minute she touched the beach, when jull, firing the last gun, set the example of deserting her, and leaping overboard, began to wade up the beach, surrounded by his men, towards the fort. the british boats followed them, but as they got to the other side of the junk they were exposed to a hot fire from the fort. this, however, did not stop them. on they rushed, their lieutenant leading them, hoping to capture the pirate chief, and thus quickly put an end to the contest. jull, however, had a very fast pair of legs, and he and his men were close up to the gate, when the gun-boats ceased firing and two rockets rose together, the signal agreed on to show that the party on shore were about to attack the fort. in the mean time captain adair, with the marines, lieutenant norman, desmond, and gordon, had landed in a little sheltered bay, which had been discovered near the fort, and had pushed on without being perceived by the enemy. they advanced cautiously, feeling their way, in case of an ambush having been placed to attempt their destruction. all the time the continuous cannonade going on sounded in their ears. mr norman had told captain adair that he had seen a number of people escaping from the junks, as well as others outside the fort, and that it would, therefore, be but prudent to be prepared for a surprise. none, however, was made. the pirates had apparently assembled in their fort, determined to hold out to the last. they must have seen, however, that their case was desperate, when junk after junk was taken or destroyed, and that unless they possessed abundance of ammunition and provisions they must very soon have to surrender. chapter nine. tom in the hands of the pirates--about to be killed when rescued by jull's young wife--tom witnesses the fight from the rock--the fort taken and jull killed--fugitives bring the news--the young widow's philosophy--she makes tom an offer, who says he must ask his captain-- tom escorts the widow on board the gnat--jack forbids the banns--booty removed--the widow engaged by po-ho--the squadron reaches yokohama-- curious sights on shore--expected attack on prince satsuma--squadron sails--the prince's town bombarded and his fleet captured, proceedings which bring him to reason and establish friendly relations between the two countries. we must now return to tom rogers. on finding himself in the hands of the pirates, he expected nothing but instant death. his uniform, however, showed them that they had got hold of an officer, and always having an eye to business, they probably considered that they might obtain a high ransom for him, or that if hard pressed, he would prove a valuable hostage in their hands, and compel their enemies to come to terms. on hearing the shouts of his companions in the rear, he made several desperate efforts to escape, but, on calmer reflection, the sight of a sword-blade held to the level of his throat made him see the wisdom of desisting from any such attempts. on they dragged him to the rear of the fort; it was already in sight, when the party were joined by the fugitives of the other two junks which had been destroyed. they came boiling with rage at their defeat, and on seeing an english officer in the power of their companions, instantly prepared to kill him. a fierce-looking malay, whom tom guessed was their captain, drew his sword and was about to cut him down, when another party who had come out of the fort, appeared on the scene. they were escorting, so it seemed, a young female to a place of greater safety than the fort, which, although the pirates might be victorious, would they knew be exposed to showers of shot and shell. tom instantly recognised the girl as the young malay wife of jonathan jull, their guest on board the _bellona_. as he had no desire to die, he immediately shouted out to her, imploring her protection, and letting her know who he was. in another moment the savage malay would have cloven his head in two, had not the malay girl, answering to his appeal, sprung forward and placed herself in front of him, making violent gestures and vociferating vehemently. what she was saying tom could only guess at, although he supposed she was insisting that his life should be spared. "thank you, thank you!" he said, taking her hand, and putting it to his lips. "you have saved my life this once, and i will do my best to protect you, if i get clear altogether." the effect of the malay girl's speech had been to appease the savage old captain, who at length stalked away at the head of his men towards the fort, leaving tom with the malay girl and the party escorting her, and some of the men who had captured him. still tom felt his position very insecure. at any moment, should the pirates be defeated, they might, in revenge, put him to death, and even should jull lose his life, tom thought his protectress might probably turn against him from the same motive. he did his best, however, to ingratiate himself with her. as by this time the shot and shell were falling pretty thickly into the fort, some of the former occasionally flying over it and coming unpleasantly near the guard attending the malay girl, they hurried her on, taking tom with them. he was willing enough to go, as he would avoid the unnecessary danger he would otherwise have run had he been carried into the fort. the guard consisted only of about a dozen men, sufficient in number, however, to prevent tom from making his escape. what they intended ultimately to do with him he could not ascertain, but he felt tolerably safe while with the malay girl, who had already shown her willingness to befriend him. he talked away to her, although, as he could not speak a word of malay and very few of chinese, and she understood a very small number of english phrases, he found it a hard matter to make himself understood. "how can i prove my gratitude?" he thought; and he considered what present he could make her. he felt in his pockets; he could only find a few chinese coins, a clasp knife, and a pencil-case--the latter being merely plated, and somewhat battered, was not very valuable. he then recollected there was a gold seal attached to his watch-chain. this he offered to her, but she smilingly put it back and showed him a variety of gold ornaments, which she produced from a bag by her side;--how come by, tom did not ask. their conversation, such as it was, was interrupted by the increased roar of the guns, by which he guessed that the _gnat_ and the boats were hotly engaged with the fort and the fleet of junks. tom observed several men climbing up to the top of a rock, from whence he judged that they could see what was going forward. he naturally felt very anxious to do the same, and made signs to the girl for her permission. she nodded her consent, and the pirates made no objection to his joining them. as, however, they watched the fight and saw junk after junk blow up, and others towed away by the boats, their countenances assumed a still deeper scowl than usual, while their hands ominously clutched their swords; still, they did not make any effort to molest him, and he was permitted by his guards to remain where he was and see the fight. at length he observed the large junk attacked by the boats, and, after a hot fight, run on shore. shortly afterwards he caught sight of the marines appearing from under the shelter which had concealed them, and, with a party of blue-jackets, making a desperate assault on the rear of the fort towards the right hand. slight preparations only had been made for its defence, and but scarcely a minute had elapsed before he saw the red-coats, flanked by the blue-jackets, climbing up the embankment, and bounding like red and blue balls over the parapet. at first the pirates gave way, allowing the entrance of the whole force, and from the height he could clearly see all that was going forward in the inside. before the victorious party had got half-way across they were met by a band of savage-looking fellows led by a big captain, who quickly rallied the fugitives. the pirate chief, for such tom guessed he was, fought with the greatest desperation, but he and his men could not long withstand the points of the british bayonets, and the sharp edges of their cutlasses. tom now saw the chief fall, with a dozen of his men round him, while the rest giving way, made their escape out by the left gate, and were seen scampering away in hot haste across the country. tom, as he saw this, felt himself in no very enviable position. the villains into whose hands he had fallen might revenge the death of their companions by murdering him, but he maintained as indifferent a manner as he could assume, while he watched the countenances of those surrounding him. he had the satisfaction of observing that instead of thinking of killing him, they themselves were evidently much alarmed. they were, indeed, completely separated from the fugitive pirates, and should they leave their cover, they would to a certainty be discovered by the victors, who now had possession of the fort, as they and tom knew by seeing the british flag run up to the summit of the flag-staff on the fort. he was somewhat anxious to see what effect this would produce on the malay girl and the rest of the party. would any one venture to tell her that her husband was killed, or should he break the intelligence to her? she soon, however, apparently guessed from the exclamations of the pirates that the fort was captured, and might have suspected hat was her husband's fate. if such was the case, it did not appear to have any great effect upon her. she sat on the fallen trunk of a tree below the rock, maintaining the same composure as at first. tom now began to fear that the english would blow up the fort and embark without coming to look for him. "sooner than they should do that i must try and make a run for it," he said to himself. "these fellows look so cowed that they will not dare to stop me. i must, however, first thank this young lady for having saved my life, and as she can have no object in keeping me a prisoner, i will tell her boldly what i intend doing, and ask her assistance." having formed this resolution, he descended the rock and approached the malay girl. "things appear to have gone against my friends," she observed. "it was their misfortune, and cannot be helped." "_yes_, the english have possession of the fort, and have captured all the junks, so that i would advise your friends here to yield themselves prisoners, as the best way of saving their lives. i will intercede for them." "a very good idea," remarked the girl. "if you will go at once i will accompany you." "i shall be very glad of your society," answered tom; "but what will these fellows do? they may try to stop us." "i will order them to remain here until the english come and make them prisoners. indeed, they cannot get away without being discovered, even if they wish it." tom, who was highly delighted at thus easily obtaining his liberty, agreed to the proposal. "poor thing, she will be dreadfully cut up when she hears of her husband's death!" he thought. as it might be dangerous to remain longer, lest the pirates should change their minds, tom proposed to set off at once, and the malay girl agreeing, they started together for the fort, none of the pirates attempting to stop them. "i wonder whether i ought to tell her about her husband's death?" thought tom; "but she will hear it soon enough when we get to the fort." while he was discussing the matter in his own mind, she turned to him and said-- "they tell me my husband has been killed; if it is true, i hope that some of your people will take care of me. he was a dreadful tyrant; and now, after having lost all his wealth, he would have treated me even worse than before." this remark showed tom that all his sympathy had been thrown away. the young lady greatly puzzled him when she proposed that he should marry her. he was too polite to refuse at once, but remarked "that english midshipmen were not allowed to have wives on board, and that he would not think of such a thing without asking his captain's leave." this appeared to satisfy her, and they continued walking along side by side very amicably, till tom heard a voice exclaim, "why, there's tom rogers, all alive and merry!" immediately several of his messmates rushed out of the fort to greet him. a party were at once despatched to make prisoners of the pirates who were hiding behind the rock, and who were shortly afterwards brought in. preparations were now made for destroying the pirates' strong hold. the prisoners were handcuffed and carried on board the junks, with a guard placed over them. the _gnat_ meantime got up her steam in readiness to tow out the captured junks. the malay girl kept close to tom, evidently considering him her protector, and he, of course, in gratitude, could do nothing less than attend to her, and as soon as a boat could be obtained he took her off to the _gnat_. he explained her wishes to jack. "we must carry her to chusan, where i dare say she will find friends," said jack; "but you must let her understand that i cannot give you permission to make her your bride." the girl pouted when she heard this, but being evidently of a philosophical turn of mind, soon appeared reconciled to her lot. a considerable amount of booty was found in the fort, the most valuable portion of which was embarked in the captured junks. in the mean time the guns of the fort, several of which were of brass, and of considerable value, were carried on board the gun-boat. some powder having been landed and placed in advantageous positions for blowing up the fort, a train was laid, and as soon as all the party had embarked, it was fired. the junks with the prisoners on board were taken in tow by the _gnat_, while the other boats took charge of the rest of the junks. as the flotilla moved off, the fort blew up with a loud explosion, its fragments being scattered far around. "i hope the lesson we have given the rascals will teach them in future to turn to more lawful occupations," observed captain rogers, as he witnessed the destruction of the fort. "they will be at the same work in a few weeks, if they can cut out a junk, and find a fellow to lead them," said adair, to whom the remark had been made. "altogether we have had a good morning's work, and rendered some service to commerce by putting a stop for the present to the career of such desperadoes." the flotilla having got clear of the passage, rejoined the larger ships, which, taking the junks in tow, steamed back to chusan. jack's chief puzzle was to know in what way to dispose of the malay girl; but his anxiety was removed when captain po-ho, in due form, offered to marry her, an arrangement to which she appeared to have no objection. jack was at all events very glad to get her out of the ship, as, to say the best of her, she was a determined coquette, and had turned the heads of half the midshipmen, and, it was whispered, of more than one of the lieutenants, during the short time she had been on board. the prisoners were handed over to the chinese authorities, to be dealt with according to law. some lost their heads, others escaped, and the rest were turned over to the chinese navy. the junks were sold for the benefit of the captors, with the exception of the _round moon_, which was delivered back with her cargo to captain po-ho, who, considering that he had regained his vessel and property, and a wife in addition, benefited more largely than anybody else by the expedition. these arrangements having been made as quickly as possible, the commodore continued his course. in about a week the squadron came to anchor before the lately built town of yokohama. it stands on a dead flat, formerly a swamp, with bluffs of high land at each extremity, joined by a range of low and picturesquely wooded hills in the form of a horse shoe. beyond these hills, some fifty miles away, rising to the height of , feet above the sea, towers the truncated cone of fasiama. at the southern extremity was seen a long two-storied bungalow, serving as the british legation. although some time before the followers of one of the principal damios had wantonly murdered an englishman, the people were friendly to foreigners, who did not hesitate to ride out into the country. the three captains the following day went on shore to see as much as they could of the country and its curious inhabitants, and those fortunate individuals, the three midshipmen, with some of their messmates, were invited to accompany them. the foreign settlement was soon inspected, as there was but little to see in it, beyond its bungalow-looking buildings and gardens. they then went into the adjoining japanese town. it greatly resembled that of some of the northern cities of china, the principal streets being broad, with neat and clean-looking shops. these greatly resembled those of china, except that the japanese used neither tables, chairs, nor counters. those in the main street contained lacquer ware, carvings in ivory, bronzes, some very beautiful porcelain, and a variety of toys. strange sights were witnessed. females of no exalted rank were carried about in a basket-like litter, sitting cramped up in a most uncomfortable posture. the basket, which is called a "cango," is suspended from a pole, borne on the shoulders of two men. ladies and gentlemen of higher rank were seen going about in palanquins, which were smaller, than those used in india. they were formed of wicker work, and covered outside with lacquer. they also were supported by poles on the shoulders of bearers. none of the gentlemen, who sat their horses with apparently such wonderful dignity, really guided them, though they held their bridles in their hands--a groom always leading their gaily-caparisoned steeds. the soldiers, however, of whom a troop was always in attendance on any "damio," or great lord, of course, managed their horses themselves. the naval officers encountered a party of these gentlemen, and knowing the importance of avoiding any cause of dispute, managed in good time to get out of their way. the "betos," for so the horse-soldiers are called, cast fierce glances at the strangers. gerald, ever inclined to merriment, could scarcely refrain from laughing as he watched them passing by. "well, those fellows are the thinnest-clothed rascals i have ever seen. look, tom, at their braided coats, they fit as tight as their skins. see what curious devices they have on them, both back and front. look at that fellow with the big dragon--the head and fore part on his chest, its body and tail coming round his back, in blue, red, and yellow colours!" "why, that is his skin which is thus tattoed over in that curious fashion," answered tom. "not a shred of a coat has he got. see, every one of them has some device marked on him, and they are all in the same style of uniform." "take care, lads; don't speak so loud; or should the fellow see that you are laughing or talking about them, they may fancy you are insulting them, and disagreeable consequences may ensue," cried jack. the three captains accordingly turned their horses' heads and rode off in a different direction to that which the damio and his followers had taken. on returning on board, the captains received a summons from the admiral, desiring to see them on important business. having got themselves up in full fig, as required on such occasions, they pulled away for the flag-ship. "there is something in the wind, depend upon it!" observed one of the midshipmen to tom. "did the captain say anything about it to you?" "i don't think he knows himself; but if he did, he would not tell me sooner than anybody else," answered tom. "i'll tell you what i heard him and captain adair speaking about, and i shouldn't be surprised if what they are now meeting for is connected with it." most of the occupants of the midshipmen's birth were assembled at tea. "well, rogers, what is it?" exclaimed several voices. "most of us have heard of prince satsuma, a mighty magnificent three-tailed bashaw, the chief lord and owner of the city of kagosima and the adjacent parts. he, it appears, or one of his bare-backed followers, some time ago murdered, without any rhyme or reason, an english merchant, who happened to be riding along the high road. of course the british government demanded satisfaction: the punishment of the murderer, and a good round sum as compensation to his bereaved family. these very moderate terms the prince doesn't seem inclined to agree to, and we are, therefore, ordered here to impress him with the necessity of doing so, and, if he does not, we are to batter down his town, to take possession of his fleet--for it is said that he has got one--and to make such other reprisals as may be deemed expedient to bring him to reason. i heard the captain say that he paid a visit with one of the principal merchants residing here, who has transactions with the prince, to a japanese official of high rank in the place--i forget his name--and that during the conversation the matter under dispute was introduced. a japanese who speaks english very well was present to act as interpreter. the great aim of this official seemed to be to induce the british squadron not to go to kagosima, and he entreated the captain to visit another official, the prince's chief envoy. this, he said, could not be done without permission of the admiral, but, if granted, he would willingly do as he was requested. no sooner had the interpreter translated the captain's reply than the great man, taking out writing materials from a box, seated himself on the floor, and began scribbling away on a scroll of paper, in wonderfully large characters, a note to the envoy. as line after line was finished he rolled it up, and then, with due formality, handed it to the captain, who had the curiosity to measure it, and what do you think was its length? why, six feet at the very least. official documents, by the same rule, must be thirty or forty feet long, according to their importance." "can you tell us the length of a lover's _billet-doux_?" asked the assistant surgeon. "that depends very much on the excess of his ardour, and what he has got to say," answered tom; "though, from what i've heard, i don't think the japanese are addicted to writing love-letters." "and what happened next?" "that's more than i can tell, though i believe that the letter was delivered and answered, with a hint to prince satsuma that whatever might be said, he had better look sharp and yield to our demands, or that he might expect to have his town tumbling about his ears. the british envoy and admiral have been waiting a reply, and i suspect that it has arrived and is not satisfactory; consequently we shall proceed immediately to teach the haughty damio that englishmen are not to be murdered with impunity. these japanese will be like the chinese until they are taught better. they fancy that their castles are impregnable, and as they have never been attacked, except by each other, that they can beat off an english squadron with perfect ease." this information given by tom afforded intense satisfaction, and all hands waited with considerable anxiety to hear how soon they might expect to exchange shots with the japanese. they had heard that the batteries they were likely to be engaged with were somewhat of a formidable character, having already fired on an american and french man-of-war and inflicted considerable damage; the american indeed, being unsupported, narrowly escaped destruction. the captain, on his return, brought intelligence which confirmed their hopes. the emperor had, however, sent a document fifteen feet in length, earnestly requesting that the expedition might be put off; but as he gave no guarantee that by so doing a satisfactory result would be arrived at, the british envoy kept to his determination of immediately enforcing the demands of his government. early the following morning, the official gentlemen having embarked on board the flag-ship, the signal was made for the squadron to weigh, and the ships, steaming out of the harbour, shaped a course for the bay of kagosima. the distance was considerable, the voyage occupied four days, during which all preparations were made for the expected attack on the capital of the prince of satsuma. at last, through a wide entrance they steamed into the beautiful bay of kagosima, where they came to anchor some miles below the town, intending to wait there until the following morning. the midshipmen, as might be supposed, during the evening talked over the work they expected to be engaged in the next day. some thought that they should land and storm the town, others that the admiral would be content with bombarding it at a distance. "one thing i know that if there is work to be done my brother jack is the man to go in and do it," observed tom to desmond. "we are certain, therefore, to see the best part of the fun, whatever it may be." "i don't think my uncle captain adair will be far astern of him if he has a chance," said desmond, for he very properly always stuck up for his relative. one thing only was generally known, that the admiral had orders to bombard the place and burn it down if the japanese did not accede unconditionally to all demands made on them. the weather did not look so promising as could have been wished, but still hopes were entertained that it would allow the ships to take up their positions. at an early hour the next morning, the signal was made for weighing, and the squadron steamed up the bay until they arrived off the town to be attacked, when they again dropped anchor. it was no trifling work in which they were about to engage, for they could see a long line of fortifications extending across the whole front of the city, the flag of prince satsuma flying from one of them. the guns, however, remained silent. "we shall soon knock that place to pieces," said billy blueblazes, as he surveyed it with a look of contempt. "don't be too sure of that," answered tom; "there are some pretty heavy guns inside those forts, and the japanese know how to handle them too." still the guns did not open fire, and in a short time a boat was seen putting off from the shore. she contained a party of two-sworded officials, who came on board the flag-ship, where captain murray and archie happened at the time to be. archie afterwards related all he saw and heard. one of the principal of the two-sworded gentlemen inquired, with an air of surprise, "why the ships of war had come uninvited to the town?" adding that he concluded the ships had brought a letter from the british government on some subject or other. "you are perfectly correct there," was the answer. "it is a letter, insisting that all the demands which have been made should be complied with within twenty-four hours, if not, you see the guns which our ships carry; we have shells and rockets and other missiles of warfare, and we shall be compelled to let them fly pretty thickly about your ears." "but the prince is fifty miles off, and it is impossible to get an answer within the time specified." "then we will make the time thirty hours. your posts can perform the distance in that time, and take care that they do not dally on the way." the japanese chief official smiled blandly, and then said that it would facilitate matters if the admiral and the _charge d'affaires_ would come on shore to discuss the matter in an amicable manner within the city, where a palace had been prepared for their reception. "the japanese must think us very green if they suppose us to be caught in that fashion," remarked one of the officers standing by, when he heard the interpreter give the invitation. the japanese official pressed the offer in the most bland and courteous manner, pointing out the great advantage which would be gained by more quickly bringing affairs to a conclusion. the admiral, however, was not to be caught, and he had good reason to congratulate himself that he did not accept it, when it was reported that the japanese intended as soon as he and the envoy had got inside the castle to lift the drawbridges and to send word on board the squadron that should a shot be fired the prisoners would be instantly beheaded. the interview at length came to a conclusion, and the two-sworded officials took their departure for the shore. within the time specified they returned with a long rigmarole letter, which was of course anything but satisfactory. they looked very much surprised when ordered to return on shore with an intimation that no further communication would be held with the prince unless under a flag of truce. in the mean time a boat expedition had been ordered to proceed further up the gulf to ascertain what had become of the fleet of vessels which the prince was said to possess. tom and desmond had the satisfaction of going in one of the boats, their hopes being raised that some work would be cut out for them. the scenery presented on either shore was magnificent, while the weather continued fine. no ships were, however, seen until they had got about seven miles up, when they came in sight of three large steamers, with the flag of the prince flying on board. it was hoped that these would be at once captured and held in pledge until the demands of the british were complied with; but the officer in command having been directed simply to make a reconnaissance, ordered the boats to be put about, and they returned to the squadron. they found that the japanese officials had been going backwards and forwards, evidently with the intention, for some reason or other, of spinning out the time. that the japanese intended hostilities was manifest enough, for they began to assemble large bodies of men in their batteries, and to point the whole of their guns, numbering some seventy or eighty, upon the squadron. shortly after this, five large junks were warped out of the inner harbour, and anchored out of the line of fire. later in the day, a number of japanese boats came out of the harbour, and as they approached the squadron, they were seen to be filled with soldiers, although, at the same time they contained a few water melons, fowls, and eggs, apparently intended to represent the provisions with which the japanese had promised to supply the ships. instead of coming alongside, however, they merely pulled round the squadron, evidently for the purpose of counting the number of guns, that the garrisons of the forts might be satisfied how far superior a force they themselves possessed. the best scene of all, however, was a visit from a damio, or person of high rank, who came off with a guard of forty men. he had the impudence to ask to come on board the flag-ship with his guard, and, perhaps greatly to his surprise, this was granted, but he looked very much astonished when he saw a body of marines drawn up on the opposite side of the deck, who in a few seconds would have sent him and his guard of honour flying headlong into the water had they shown any hostile intentions. of this the two-sworded official was evidently very well aware, judging by the nervous expression on his countenance. as soon as he could find an excuse for doing so--glad enough to get out of the ship--he hurried away. before he was half-way down the companion ladder, the admiral hoisted the signal to the squadron to get up steam and to be ready to weigh anchor at a moment's notice. the reason of his doing so was evident, for it was seen that the japanese had been training their guns to bear directly on the squadron, under the belief that they were going to remain where they were, to be shot at. the admiral then issued another order, directing five of the smaller vessels of the squadron to proceed up the gulf and take possession of the three steamers which had been discovered by the boats. "we shall have some fun now, at all events," exclaimed tom to desmond, who, with himself and a boat's crew, had been sent on board one of the gun-boats short of hands. "if they do not fight they will run, and we shall have the amusement of making chase. it will be better fun than battering away at the walls, which, in my opinion, is a sort of work affording very little satisfaction to any one." the men-of-war, immediately getting under way, proceeded up the gulf. they steamed on at full speed, and soon came in sight of the three japanese steamers, which, however, showed no inclination either to fight or run away. this was somewhat of a disappointment. no sooner did the men-of-war approach, then they hauled down their flags and tamely submitted to be carried off, when they were brought to, just out of range of the guns of the fort, their crews and other persons found on board being taken out of them. "the admiral is speaking to us, sir," said desmond, who was acting as signal midshipman on board the _empress_. captain rogers quickly turned over the leaves of the signal book. "engage north battery, until signal to form line of battle is thrown out." jack immediately gave the order to slip the cable, and steam having been got up, the ship moved away towards the spot she was directed to occupy, opening her fire without loss of time on the battery, which replied in earnest, with well-directed shots. several struck her hull, while others, flying between her masts, cut away her rigging. this only made her crew work with greater zeal, in the hopes of soon silencing the battery. that, however, was not easily done, for the japanese were evidently handling their guns well, and were not to be driven from them. desmond kept his glass directed towards the flag-ship, to report any signals which might be made. tom was attending to his duty at the guns. billy blueblazes was standing near desmond, ready to convey the captain's orders. a shot passed unpleasantly near his head. "a miss is as good as a mile," remarked desmond, as billy bobbed, looking rather pale. "i hope no other will come nearer than that," said billy, recovering himself and trying to laugh. just then a shot struck the end of desmond's telescope, shattering it to pieces, and carrying the instrument out of his hands, a fragment striking billy on the cheek and drawing blood, but not inflicting any serious wound. the same shot took off the head of a man who was at the moment coming aft, at the other side of the deck. "now, that's not fair!" exclaimed billy; "aiming at me on purpose." "then go and get me another spy-glass, and afterwards ask the doctor to stick a plaster on your cheek," said desmond. "you'll be out of harm's way there, and have the honour of being reported wounded, which will be pleasanter than being in the other list, though it may not tend so much to your fame." billy gladly hurried off, holding his handkerchief to his face and speedily returned with the telescope, with which desmond, as coolly as before, continued to watch the mast-heads of the flag-ship. it was warm work, for already two men had been killed and several wounded, not including billy, who, however, appeared on deck with a large black patch on his cheek and a handkerchief tied round his head, not certainly improving his beauty. "did you get any teeth knocked out?" asked tom, as billy passed him. "if you did, take care to pick them up and get the doctor to stick them in again, for they will grow, depend on that." "no, i lost no teeth; i only had a piece taken out of my cheek," said billy. "lucky it wasn't your nose," observed tom; "it would have spoilt your beauty for ever." he could make no further remark, as he had to attend to his gun. jack had well performed the duty entrusted to him, and was expecting to remain until he had battered down the fort, when desmond cried out that the admiral was again making signals. they were to the effect that all ships of the squadron were to get under way and form line of battle before the town. accordingly jack, leaving the sorely battered fort, steamed away to take up his position in the line. the weather, which had long been threatening, came on much worse as the crews stood ready at their guns. a heavy squall blew across the gulf, and at the same instant a downfall of rain came on. suddenly the whole of the batteries opened on the squadron; still the ships did not return the fire. immediately the squall cleared away, the signal was seen flying from the flag-ship, directing the prizes to be destroyed and the vessels which had them in charge to join the line of battle. the flag-ship, which was leading, was for some time, owing to the heavy gale which was blowing, exposed to the fire of several batteries, which killed two of her officers and wounded a considerable number of men. as soon as the weather would allow, the other ships got up and lost not a moment in opening with their guns on the batteries. the ships had not long been engaged, when the effects of their fire became visible from the battered state to which the fort was reduced, while flames were seen bursting out in different parts of the town. every moment the weather was getting worse. the wind had increased almost to a hurricane. the sky was overcast with dark and gloomy clouds, rendering more than usually vivid the flashes of the guns as they poured forth their death-dealing shot into the town. at length it became difficult to work them, and the admiral gave the signal to discontinue the action. five large junks lay to the southward of the town, which the japanese might have hoped would have escaped, but they were mistaken in supposing that the prince was not to receive the full punishment due to him. these vessels were his private property. the admiral ordered one of the smaller ships to proceed immediately and set fire to the junks, as there was no possibility of carrying them off. one after the other they were quickly blazing up, and the flames, fanned by the rising gale, soon destroyed them. the steamer also threw her shells into an arsenal and among a number of large storehouses, which soon, sharing the fate of the junks, were left furiously blazing away. the squadron now stood off from the batteries and returned to their former anchorage. scarcely were their anchors down than the hurricane came on with greater fury than before. the night was as dark as pitch, heavy thunder-clouds rolling overhead; but the wind was off the land, though it was a question whether it might not change, and should any of the ships be driven ashore, their crews could expect but little mercy from the hands of the japanese. the _empress_ was one of the outermost of the squadron. it had just gone four bells in the first watch when the third lieutenant reported that the ship was dragging her anchors. more cable was veered out, but she was by this time exposed to the full blast of gale. the lead was hove, and sixty fathoms reported; that she could hold the ground now was, therefore, impossible. the captain ordered the cable to be slipped, and the steam having been kept up, she drifted slowly away, still endeavouring to regain her lost position. every moment she became more and more exposed to the force of the hurricane. all on board were well aware of her danger, although she might bring up on the opposite side of the bay; she would then be on a lee shore, and should her anchors not hold, her loss was almost inevitable, although some hours might pass before her fate was sealed. all hands remained on deck. jack had been in many a dangerous position; but in those days he had no wife to care for, and he had not the responsibilities of command. the night passed slowly away. when morning broke, the gale continued blowing as fiercely as ever, while the land to leeward looked unpleasantly near. still steam was kept up, and the trusty screw was doing its best to drive the gallant ship ahead. the instant the hurricane moderated she began to make way, and soon again got up to her anchorage with the rest of the squadron. desmond was turning his telescope towards the shore, where, at the top of a hill overlooking the anchorage, among a grove of thick trees, he saw a number of japanese working away with picks and shovels, and a little further on he caught a glimpse of a heavy gun, dragged by a number of horses, coming along the road, and then another and another. it was very clear that the japanese intended, from the advantageous position they held, to open fire on the smaller vessels lying within pistol-shot of the shore. the admiral, on discovering this, ordered the squadron to weigh, and his ship leading they steamed through the channel in line, passing the batteries on either side, which they saluted as they glided by with a hot fire, bestowing particular attention on the palace of the prince, teaching him a lesson he was not likely soon to forget. the batteries replied, but feebly and without damage to any one of the ships. the squadron now returned to the anchorage they had taken up on first entering the bay, where their crews had plenty of work to do in repairing damages; fishing spars and refitting before proceeding to sea. returning to yokohama, they had the satisfaction of learning that their proceedings having brought the prince to reason, the whole of the sum demanded had been paid and ample apologies offered. the undertaking, however, had been a costly one. two gallant officers and eleven men had been killed and forty-eight wounded. friendly relations were ultimately established with prince satsuma, who expressed his intention of sending several of his young nobility to england to be educated, while the tycoon despatched a special envoy to congratulate the british _charge d'affaires_ on the satisfactory termination of all difficulties, and to express a hope that in future amicable relations would exist between the two nations. chapter ten. the empress sails for the fiji islands--picks up two papuans--calls off the coast of new guinea--the wreck seen--two boats go on shore--what have become of the crew?--lieutenant norman ascends a hill--tom desmond and their party push on--the lieutenant attacked by the natives-- retreats--tom and desmond missing--after a severe fight, regains the boats--captain rogers lands, to recover his brother and his companions-- unsuccessful march--native village burnt--boats sent in again--gale comes on, and the ship stands off the land--returns--no traces of the midshipmen--continues her voyage--long stay at fiji--empress and orion sail for sydney--a wreck seen. the japanese difficulty having been satisfactorily settled, the ships of the squadron separated to proceed to their various destinations. the _empress_, while lying in victoria harbour, received orders to proceed to the fiji islands, with directions to touch on her way at the northern coast of new guinea in search of the crew of a merchant vessel said to have been lost thereabouts. captain rogers was afterwards to visit sydney and other australian ports before returning home. all hands were well pleased at the thoughts of the number of places they were to visit, and the curious people they were to see. the _empress_ was once more at sea. passing by the north of the philippine islands into the pacific, she steered to the southward until she sighted the pelew islands, about eight degrees north of the equator. as they are surrounded by a reef, she did not stand close in. several well-built canoes, however, came off, manned by the dark-skinned race who inhabit the group. they brought tropical fruits and vegetables, and appeared eager to trade. hills covered with trees, and fruitful valleys with streams trickling down them, could be seen. the distance to the shore, however, was too great to allow of a landing being made, and further intercourse being opened up with the people. the natives, having disposed of the cargoes of their canoes, were about to return, when another canoe came off, having on board two black men with frizzly heads of hair, evidently not pelew islanders. having come on board, they made signs that they wished to go to some country to the southward. the captain on this placed a chart before them, pointing to the islands off which the ship then was. after regarding it for some time, one of them drew his finger along the chart until it reached the coast of new guinea. on a picture of a group of papuans being then exhibited to him he seemed at once to recognise it; indeed, on looking at his features and then at the picture, jack was himself convinced that his two visitors were themselves papuans. one of the papuans, who had been on board a whaler for some months and could speak a little english, confirmed this. jack accordingly, without hesitation, undertook to carry the men to their native land. their names, they informed pat casey, who took to them at once and managed by some means or other to understand what they said, were nicho and picho, and forthwith they were dubbed nick and pipes. nick was a curious-looking little fellow, scarcely four feet high, but with broad shoulders, and as strong as hercules, his face being as hideous as could be well imagined. pipes was taller by a foot or more, and was intelligent and not so desperately ill-looking as his companion, though far from a beauty. they rapidly acquired a knowledge of english, and pat took great pains to teach them. they were evidently accustomed to a ship, and he discovered that they had been brought off from their native land by a whaler, on board which they had picked up some knowledge of the language. captain rogers hoped that they would make themselves useful in communicating with their countrymen. he would indeed gladly have had them on board for some weeks, in order that they might express themselves better than they now did. however, pat understood them, and so did tom and gerald, who were constantly talking to the men. the ship continued her course under sail in order to spare the coals, but as the wind was light she made but little way. at length, however, the coast of new guinea was sighted, ranges of lofty mountains appearing in the distance, while the ground from their base was of a more level character, and thickly covered with trees down to the water's edge. the ship stood along the coast, sending her boats frequently on shore, but nothing of the wreck was seen, nor could nick or pipes manage to communicate with any of their countrymen, whom they described as "bad mans," and made gestures significant of knocking on the head any intruders. captain rogers began to fear that such had been the fate of the crew of the _fair imogene_, the vessel of which they were in search. the ship occasionally came to an anchor, but the two papuans invariably gave the same character to the inhabitants. she was running along one afternoon before a light breeze under easy sail, the lead going, and the fires banked ready to get up steam should it be necessary, when the master, who was standing on the bridge, with his glass turned towards the coast, exclaimed-- "i see a wreck close in shore, though her masts are gone; but that's a ship's hull, or i'm a dutchman." several glasses were pointed in the same direction, and all came to the conclusion that the master was right. the ship was accordingly hove to with her head off shore, and two boats were sent in, the second lieutenant going in one to command the expedition, and having billy blueblazes with him, tom having charge of the other with desmond, pat casey, and peter the black, with nick and pipes. the sea was perfectly smooth, so that they were able to get alongside the wreck. a cursory examination left no doubt that she was the vessel of which they were in search. she was in a fearfully battered condition. her after-cabin had been knocked to pieces, and the whole of her cargo washed out of her; still it was possible that her crew might have escaped to the shore, and not have been destroyed by the natives. pipes asserted that they were "good mans," but nick was evidently doubtful about the matter. on reaching the beach the party from the boats landed without difficulty, and two men being left in charge of each, the rest proceeded in search of any signs of the _fair imogene's_ crew. mr norman said he thought they might probably have built a hut on the shore with part of the wreck, or erected a flag-staff to make signals to any passing vessel. not far off was a stream of fresh water, which would have enabled them to remain on the spot. birds innumerable, of gay plumage, and the traces of four-footed animals, showed that they could have been in no want of food. a search of an hour and a half or more, however, convinced mr norman that if the crew had landed there, they must have soon taken their departure, either inland or along the coast, for not the slightest sign of them could be found. the next thing was to discover some natives with whom to try and open up a communication. not far off to the right was a rocky hill partly covered with trees. mr norman, taking two of his men with him, climbed to the top, hoping from thence to be able to obtain a good view over the country, and to ascertain if any human habitation existed in the neighbourhood. tom and gerald, with their party, accompanied by the natives, had, perhaps imprudently, pushed further inland, intending to return to meet the lieutenant, who had neglected to give them any directions to remain stationary until he had come down from the hill. this was considerably higher than he had supposed, and occupied him a much longer time than he had expected in gaining the summit. he obtained, however, a much more extensive view than he had thought possible. although the shore was fringed with trees, which made it appear as if the whole country was covered with them, there were here and there plantations or open grassy spaces, as also numerous huts, built apparently like those of the malays, on piles. he had been for some time noting these and various other objects, when he caught sight below the hill, to the westward, of a considerable body of men, some armed with muskets, others with bows, spears, and swords. as they were making directly for the hill, he had but little doubt that he had been observed; and as they might cut him and his companions off from the rest of the party, he considered it prudent instantly to descend. just as he got to the bottom, he caught sight between the trees of a body of natives advancing towards him. "where are mr rogers and his men?" he inquired. "they went in that direction," was the answer. "it is possible, sir, that they have got back to the boats by some other way," said bird. "we fancied we caught sight of them between the trees in the distance." mr norman, however, not satisfied that such was the case, was about to lead forward his men in the direction which tom, desmond, and his companions had taken, when the natives in considerable numbers spread out in front of him, evidently intending to dispute his advance. as the captain had given him strict orders on no account to show any hostility to the inhabitants, he considered it his duty to halt and make signs of friendship. this, however, produced no effect on the natives. had either nick or pipes been with him he might have opened a communication, but they had gone on with tom rogers, and he had no means of making the natives understand that he wished to be on friendly terms with them. they soon showed their hostility by firing several shots. the lieutenant, therefore, felt it his duty to call his men together and to retreat in order to the boats, hoping to find that tom and his party had already reached them. as soon as they began to retreat the enemy pressed on. he now gave the order to fire in return, but no sooner did the seamen lift their muskets to their shoulders than the natives got under cover, and although the shot must have passed close to them, no one apparently was hurt. as others were seen coming up, mr norman continued to retreat. the enemy now grew bolder, and showers of arrows fell around the seamen, in addition to the bullets which whistled past their ears. the moment they halted to fire, the natives again dodged behind the trees, though they did not altogether escape, and two or three were seen to fall. the enemy, increasing in numbers, rushed boldly on, and only stopped when the sailors turned round to fire at them. mr norman was wounded in the arm by a bullet, and an arrow struck him in the side. calling on his men again to halt and fire, he succeeded in pulling it out and continued to retire. four of his men were shortly afterwards wounded, either by bullets or arrows, but happily as yet none had fallen. at length he could see the boats in the distance. he hoped that tom rogers and his men would come to his assistance, but he looked in vain. except the two men in the boats, who must have heard the firing and were standing up with their muskets ready for service, no one was to be seen. his great object was now to prevent the enemy getting between him and the water. continuing his retreat, he ordered his men to reload and fire as rapidly as they could, and then to push on for the boats. from the courage and hostility of the people, he doubted very much that they were papuans, and was convinced that they were malays who had taken possession of that part of the country. one thing was certain, that they must have had constant intercourse with white men to have obtained so large a supply of firearms and powder. not seeing tom and desmond, nor any of the men who accompanied them, he began to fear that they must have been cut off by another party of the natives. he determined, however, on reaching the boats, should the enemy advance, to shove off to a distance, and there await the possible reappearance of the midshipmen, or, should they not return, to go off to the ship for reinforcements, and if they had escaped with their lives, to endeavour to rescue them. it was a serious question, however, whether he should succeed in reaching the boats. he called on his men to fight to the last, and to sell their lives dearly. a hearty cheer was the reply, and the seamen fired a well-directed volley, which knocked over several of their enemies; but before they could reload, the natives were upon them, and a hand-to-hand fight ensued. animated by the voice of their officer, they got their bayonets fixed and charged the enemy. two poor fellows had dropped, shot through the heart. besides those already wounded, another close to mr norman had his brains knocked out. the survivors making a desperate effort, finally succeeded in reaching the boats. scarcely, however, had they got on board than the enemy regaining courage rushed down upon them, and not without a severe struggle did they manage to shove off, so many being wounded that it was with the greatest difficulty they could man the oars. scarcely had mr norman taken his seat in the stern sheets than he sank down fainting. he recovered somewhat as the boats got beyond the reach of shot from the shore; and although he wished to put himself and the other wounded men under the care of the surgeon, he felt a great unwillingness to pull off without having ascertained the fate of the midshipmen. "did any one see them?" he asked. "no, sir," answered jerry bird in a mournful tone. "not a glimpse of them. i have been listening in case they should fire, but i have not heard a shot from the direction i've an idea they took." "give way, then, lads," said the lieutenant, putting the boat's head round; the other following his example, they pulled back to the ship. the sound of the firing having been heard, the captain had just ordered three boats to be got ready, and a party of marines and blue-jackets well armed to go in and help their shipmates, when the boats were seen coming off. as it was supposed that all had returned in them, the order was countermanded. on hearing from mr norman what had occurred, the boats were immediately ordered off, the captain himself taking command, the third lieutenant and the senior mate having charge of the other boats, with two or three other midshipmen and master's assistants, who were all eager to recover their lost messmates. no one would believe that they had been actually cut off, and fully expected to find them either defending themselves in some strong position, or on the beach, having cut their way through their enemies. the boats drew near the shore, but no natives were to be seen, nor were the missing party. on landing, jack ordered the marines to form, and threw out skirmishers in front and on either side, to feel the way, fully expecting every moment to come in sight of a large body of the natives. still on they went, but no one appeared. on getting to the foot of the knoll from which lieutenant norman had obtained a view of the country round, the captain and a party of men climbed up to the summit. not a native was to be seen. in vain jack turned his glass in every direction, hoping to see his brother's party. no human being was visible, not even among the huts in the distance which lieutenant norman had discovered. to be sure, there might be natives close to them, yet concealed by the dense growth of the trees. jerry bird, who had returned in the captain's boat, and was as anxious as any one to recover the young officers, expressed his opinion that they had gone to the southward or south-west, and jack resolved to make his way in that direction, in the hopes of coming upon their "trail," as the expression is in north america. desirous as he was of recovering the lost ones, he did not forget his duty to his ship. he felt that he must not run the risk of being drawn into a trap and surrounded by a superior force of the enemy, while it was incumbent on him to return to the boats before nightfall. the party could advance but slowly through the thick brushwood, in many places having to hew away with their cutlasses, every instant expecting to see the enemy start up before them. there were traces of blood on the ground and bushes, showing where some of the natives had fallen by the bullets fired by mr norman's party, but the bodies of those killed had been carried off. indeed, savage as these papuans appeared to be, they apparently considered that "discretion is the best part of valour," and seeing a superior force landing, had beat a retreat into their inland fastnesses. jack began to feel sick at heart as hour after hour went by, and several miles of ground had been passed over, without any traces of tom and his companions having been discovered. the heat was intense, and the men began to show signs of fatigue, though they endeavoured to keep up as well as they could. jack, finding a tolerably open space with a rivulet of fresh water running through it, called a halt. he considered that here there was no risk of surprise, as by placing men on the watch, there would be time to stand on the defensive before they were attacked. the rest, with food and fresh water, restored the men, and they were eager once more to push forward. the "bush" in front was becoming thicker than ever; should they once work their way well into it, they might find it a difficult matter to get out again. he accordingly ordered them to fire off their muskets and to give a good hearty british cheer, so that should the missing party be anywhere in the neighbourhood they might hear it. they waited in silence; no reply came. jack looked at his watch. there would be barely time to reach the boats before dark, and should the enemy get between them and the shore, they would have to cut their way through them. with a heavy heart the captain at last gave the order to retire. "what! are we going off without punishing the rascals for the opposition they have shown us?" jack overheard one of the officers remark. "they will consider that they have gained the day, and will behave in the same fashion to any who may pay them another visit." jack's thoughts had been so completely engaged about tom and the other midshipmen that the necessity of inflicting punishment on the natives had not occurred to him. perhaps, after all, should their friends not have been killed, they might have been carried prisoners to the village he had seen from the height. he accordingly directed his march towards it, and as the country was pretty open in that direction, the party made good progress. the huts were reached; they were of considerable size, raised above the ground on piles, and were constructed chiefly of bamboos and thatched with palm leaves. the first they entered was deserted. they went on from house to house. not a human being was to be found, even the old people and children had been removed. as the only means of punishing the people for the uninvited attack they had made on the boats' crews, jack ordered the whole village to be given to the flames. by igniting a few handfuls of dried leaves which were thrown into the houses, they quickly blazed up from one end to the other. they were left burning so furiously that even should the inhabitants return, they could not possibly extinguish the fire. even this necessary act did not induce the enemy to come from their hiding-places, nor did they appear even in the distance as the party marched back to the boats. it was a bitter disappointment not to have recovered the midshipmen and their companions, while, from not having got hold of any of the natives, it had been impossible to ascertain their fate. night was approaching. jack felt it his duty to return to the ship, but he resolved on leaving one of the boats under mr hanson, the third lieutenant, who volunteered to remain. he was to keep close in shore, prepared to shove off at any moment, should he be attacked by a superior force of the enemy. much regret was expressed when the captain returned on board, that tom and his companions had not been recovered. the ship remained hove to all night, and many hoped and believed that the boat would return with the missing ones in the morning. when the morning came, however, no boat appeared. jack accordingly pulled in with two other boats, intending to relieve lieutenant hanson. the latter was seen coming out to meet them. he had remained at his post, he said, all night, and although he was not attacked, he heard the natives shouting and occasionally firing off muskets, so that even had the midshipmen attempted to do so, they could not have succeeded in making their way to the beach without fighting. jack, unwilling to give up all hope of getting tom back, again landed with his whole force and marched inland, but, as on the preceding day, the enemy retreated and hid themselves, being evidently conscious that they were unable to cope with so strong a party. the difficult nature of the country rendered it impossible for them to advance further than they had done on the previous day, and captain rogers was again compelled to return to the boats, without having effected anything. he left another boat under mr tomkinson, the senior mate, with the same directions he had given to the lieutenant. in addition, however, he instructed him that should the natives approach, if possible to get hold of one or more of them, charging him on no account to fire, unless attacked. once more the boats pulled back to the ship. on getting on board, jack, finding that the barometer was falling slightly, though the sky looked as serene as ever, considered it prudent to get a better offing than on the previous night, intending to stand back in the morning to pick up mr tomkinson's boat. he talked over with his first lieutenant the possibility of penetrating further into the country with a larger number of men than he had before landed. much would depend on the state of the weather; should it continue calm the larger boats might go in with guns in their bows, and securely hold the beach against any number of the inhabitants who might appear, so that a party landing might advance a considerable distance without fear of being attacked in the rear. their plans were, however, defeated. as the night drew on the weather began sensibly to change, and fears now began to be entertained that mr tomkinson's boat would not succeed in regaining the ship. should the expected gale blow on the shore, it would be necessary for the ship to gain a good offing as soon as possible. steam was got up, and her head was put towards the shore; she slowly made her way back, so as to be as close in as possible, in the expectation that mr tomkinson would, seeing the change in the weather, pull off to meet her. the lead was kept going, that she might run no risk of getting into too shallow water. just before daylight the captain ordered a gun to be fired, and another shortly afterwards, which mr tomkinson would, of course, understand as a signal of recall. when at length the gloom of night had cleared away, the boat was seen pulling off as fast as the crew could lay their backs to the oars. the ship's head, in the meantime, was put round, as it would have been dangerous for her to approach nearer. mr tomkinson reported, as mr hanson had done, that the natives had continued making a noise the whole night and firing, but that they had carefully kept out of the way, so that he had been unable to catch hold of any of them. scarcely had the boat been hoisted up, than a heavy squall struck the ship, and it became necessary to put on all the steam to enable her to obtain a sufficient offing from the land. as the wind continued to get up and the sea to increase, all hopes of communicating with the shore for some days to come, had to be abandoned. jack still would not believe that his midshipmen had been killed, though it was generally supposed on board that such had been their fate. the surgeon, dr mcgauley, however, was inclined to hold with the captain. "dinna fash yourself, captain rogers," he observed, "midshipmen have nine lives, like cats, and it is hard if the three together don't manage to get clear of the savages, although, should they be addicted to cannibalism, master billy will run a good chance of being eaten." "it is said, however, that the papuans are not cannibals, and the fellows we encountered are certainly not the sort of savages i supposed we should meet. my hope is that they have either made prisoners of the midshipmen and the other men, or that our people have managed to escape to the southward, and perhaps we may pick them up further along the coast," observed the captain. there was, however, no abatement of the gale; on the contrary, it had become a perfect hurricane, and as reefs abound along the coast of new guinea, it was necessary for the safety of the ship to stand out to sea. for nearly ten days the bad weather continued, and upwards of two weeks elapsed before the _empress_ could get back to the coast. boats were sent on shore as before, but the natives took good care not to appear. the ship then slowly steamed to the southward, firing guns and making signals, and, whenever possible, sending the boats in on two or three occasions the natives were seen, but without an interpreter it was found impossible to hold intercourse with them. at length jack was reluctantly compelled to give up all hope of recovering his midshipmen and the men with them. he felt bound to continue his voyage and to visit the islands at which he was directed to call, before going to fiji. several places were touched at in new ireland, the solomon islands, santa cruz and new hebrides. one of the duties captain rogers had to perform was to overhaul vessels suspected of unlawfully having islanders on board for the purpose of taking them to work in queensland or fiji. several were met with, but their papers were regular and their passengers appeared to be willingly on board; but at the same time, as there was no one to interpret for them, the latter point remained doubtful. the _empress_ continued her voyage, touching at numerous places, until she reached the fiji group, which has since passed into the possession of england. here she fell in with the _orion_, commanded by captain adair; and the two old friends, after spending some time in visiting the various chiefs, sailed for sydney, their ultimate destination. a visit was paid to noumea, the french settlement in new caledonia, and the ships also touched at norfolk island, no longer a convict establishment, but now the habitation of the pitcairn islanders, and the head-quarters of the melanesian mission. the ships had been at sea five days after leaving norfolk island, being under sail, when the look-out from the mast-head of the _empress_ announced that he saw what looked like a dead whale away on the starboard bow. "a whale does not float so high out of the water as that," remarked mr hanson, who went up the rigging with his glass. "that's a vessel of some sort, and a good large one, on her beam ends. possibly her crew may have escaped, and are clinging on to her." on returning on deck he made his report, and the captain ordering the yards to be braced up, the ship stood in the direction of the wreck. chapter eleven. tom and desmond with their party retreat into the interior--nick sets out to scout--returns--tom goes out and brings unsatisfactory intelligence--the party reach the river--embark in a canoe--pursued-- escape up the river--moor to a tree for the night--a plentiful breakfast--through a forest--tom and pipes visit the shore--see the ship sail--a storm--return to their companions--commence journey to the southward--escape observation of natives--numerous dangers--peter seized by a tiger--beautiful flowers--birds of gay plumage shot--billy narrowly escapes from a crocodile--attacked by monkeys--cross a wide prairie-- want of water--find water-melons--buffaloes killed--sight a snowy mountain--deer killed, and a fight with a tiger--crossing the mountains--see a volcano--an eruption--serpents--a large lake--a friendly chief--journey continued--the coast reached--an english brig in the harbour. the party consisting of tom rogers, gerald desmond, and billy blueblazes, with casey, peter, and the two papuans, nick and pipes, had penetrated a considerable distance to the south-west, when they heard the sound of hot firing in the rear. the midshipmen proposed at once returning to rejoin their friends, but pipes, in great alarm, pointed out the probability that the papuans had got between them and the english, and that they would to a certainty, should such be the case, be attacked and killed before they could regain the beach. nick joined his entreaties to those of his countryman, and offered to steal forward and ascertain the position of the two parties, begging his friends to remain concealed behind some rocks and thick bushes until his return. the sound of firing continued. from the nature of the volleys it was evident that two parties were engaged, and that the papuans must possess a considerable number of muskets. tom, therefore, thought it prudent to agree to nick's proposal. he and his companions accordingly concealed themselves in the spot proposed, while nick hurried forward in the direction of the firing. tom and desmond considered that it must have been further off than they had at first supposed. as nick did not re-appear, they at last began to fear that he had been caught by the enemy, or had perhaps deserted to them. they suggested this to pipes, who replied, "no, no; he good man; come back!" "i wish that we had run for it, and tried to reach the shore," said desmond. "we might have been knocked on the head had we made the attempt," answered tom; "but should we be discovered by the enemy we will sell our lives dearly, if we can but get possession of one of those rocks near us and hold it until our ammunition is expended." "oh dear? how dreadful!" exclaimed billy. "i'm thankful to say, however, that i brought away a powder flask quite full, and an ammunition pouch, so that we may hold out for some hours; and i hope by that time our friends will come to our rescue." they waited for nearly an hour longer. again there came the sound of even sharper firing than before, though it seemed further off. pipes now and then crept out of his hiding-place to ascertain if any one was approaching, a proceeding, had such been the case, which would very likely have betrayed him. "here come nick! him sure!" exclaimed pipes at last. "i hope it is," said tom. "but silence, all of you, in case it should prove an enemy who might betray our hiding-place." it was nick, however. he looked very much alarmed. his report, as far as could be understood, was that the papuans, having collected from other villages, had taken up positions some little distance from the coast, whence they could watch the proceedings of the white men, and that it would be impossible to get down to the shore without being discovered. tom and desmond, on this, proposed fighting their way through. casey and peter were ready enough to do so, or anything else they wished; but nick and pipes objected strongly to such a proceeding, affirming that they should be discovered and shot down were they to make the attempt. "wait; by-and-by mans go away!" said pipes. tom, not satisfied with this, determined to go out and scout for himself. desmond and billy wanted to go with him. "one is enough to run the risk," he answered. "two are more likely to be observed. i will not go far, and keep well under cover." desmond and billy felt very anxious while tom was away, lest he should fall into the hands of the papuans. "if they get him they will cut off his head," said billy, "and we shall never see him again." "tom knows what he is about; and unless the enemy suspect that we are in their rear, and are looking about, there is not much risk of his being discovered," answered desmond. "it would have been better to have sent one of the black fellows," observed billy. "i say, desmond, what are we to do for grub? i'm getting very sharp set, in spite of my feelings." "i suspect we shall get nothing to-night," answered desmond. "if we were to fire we should betray ourselves, and have the enemy down upon us. perhaps tom will report that they have moved away, and we shall after all be able to reach the beach. lieutenant norman is sure not to go away without us." "but he won't stop if he fancies that we are killed; and that will be his opinion, depend upon it," said billy, in a melancholy tone. "hark! i hear some one coming," said desmond. "keep quiet!" it proved to be tom, who looked unusually grave. "i have been a considerable distance," he said, "and have had a sharp run for it to keep ahead of the enemy. they are coming this way, and i question whether this will prove a secure hiding-place; for, as i watched them, they seemed to be stowing themselves away between trees or behind hillocks and rocks, and some of them are sure to pop in here." nick and pipes appeared quickly to understand what he was saying. "den we go on higher," said nick, pointing towards the bank of the river. it at once occurred to tom that the papuan expected to find a canoe by which they might escape down the river and get out to sea. he accordingly without hesitation followed nick's advice; and the party set out, following the two papuans as fast as they could run, hoping to avoid being seen by the enemy. instead, however, of keeping down the stream, as tom expected they would do, they proceeded up it. "i suppose they think we shall find a canoe in that direction more likely than below," said tom to desmond, "but it won't do to turn back." they continued along the bank in the direction their guides led them, thus getting further and further from the coast. they had gone on some way when tom asked nick whether he was sure they should find a canoe. "yes, yes, sure," was the answer. "we shall soon get back with the current," observed desmond. "it won't make much difference, indeed it will be sufficient if we wait until dark, and then we shall run but little risk of being seen." the two papuans were still positive that before long they would find a canoe. casey was of the same opinion, although on what he grounded it, it was difficult to say. when they stopped they could hear the enemy shouting and shrieking behind them, which convinced them that it would be safer to go on than to turn back. at last, after a run of several miles along the banks of the river, they caught sight of five canoes hauled up on the shore, and not far off several huts. none of the inhabitants were visible; perhaps they had gone down to defend their shores from the expected invasion of the white men. "hurrah! we are all right now!" cried desmond. "we will take the best canoe, and it might be prudent to smash the others to prevent the enemy giving chase to us." "let us get our own into the water first, and see about that afterwards," said tom, looking about for paddles. he found enough for each of his party, and a couple besides, which were carried off. it took some little time to launch the canoe, which was somewhat heavy and drawn up at a distance from the water. tom seated himself aft to steer. desmond and billy sat next to him, casey and peter next, and the two papuans in the bows to use the two foremost paddles. pipes was still on shore prepared to shove off the bow of the canoe before he stepped on board, when pointing to the eastward, he exclaimed "here come!" the midshipmen, looking in that direction, saw a large body of men approaching. "jump in, pipes, jump in!" exclaimed tom. "we must get down the stream before the enemy reach the banks, or they may be peppering us more warmly than we may find pleasant." tom was about to turn the head of the canoe in that direction, when desmond exclaimed-- "look there, look there! what are those fellows about?" three canoes full of men were seen darting from behind some thick bushes out of another small river which had not before been observed. they would effectually prevent the escape of the midshipmen's canoe. "we shall have a desperate fight with those fellows before: we can get down the river," cried desmond, "and they will have the assistance of their friends on shore." while desmond was speaking and tom was considering what was best to be done, several men flourishing paddles in their hands were seen to rush out of the huts. "dat way, dat way!" exclaimed both nick and pipes at the same time, pointing up the river. the sun was by this time on the point of setting, and tom considered that if they could keep ahead of their enemies until darkness set in, they might then either find some place of concealment, or paddle silently down during the night and escape observation. there was no time to consider the plan proposed; they must either follow it at once, or prepare for a desperate encounter. "it is the only thing to be done," observed desmond; and tom, turning the head of the canoe up the river, told his crew to paddle away for their lives. they had scarcely got good way on the canoe, before the men from the village began to launch theirs. more natives appeared, and in two or three minutes the whole of the native fleet was in the water. "they don't appear to have firearms, but they have got bows and arrows," said tom, looking astern. "if we had a good english boat, the whole fleet should not make us fly, but they might quickly capsize this canoe and have us in their power. i fear that more than their arms. paddle, paddle, lads!" he shouted. his crew did paddle, probably harder than they had ever done in their lives. poor billy exerted himself until he was red in the face, "puffing and blowing," as desmond declared, "like a grampus;" for in spite of the danger they were in, he amused himself by quizzing his companion. "we are gaining on them at all events," said tom. "if we do not encounter any more higher up the river, we shall distance them by the time it is dark, and then we shall have a good chance of getting clear." the river continued broad, and as the current was not very strong, the canoe made good headway. they kept in the centre, to run no risk of being attacked by the natives on the shore. here and there among the trees huts were seen, but the inhabitants either did not perceive them or supposed that they were papuans, for although they saw several canoes drawn up on the banks, no attempt was made to launch them. thus they went on without relaxing their efforts for an instant until sunset, when the shades of night quickly crept over the scene. tom felt very unwilling to go further from the coast, and proposed looking out for some creek or bay, shaded by trees, where they could remain concealed until their enemies were likely to be no longer watching the river, and they might steal down unobserved. no such spot, however, could they discover, and when at last wearied by their exertions they stopped paddling, they heard the shrieks of their pursuers in the distance. "they have not given up the chase yet," observed desmond. "the fact of their following us shows that they fear we may escape them by some other way. perhaps we may find a branch with another outlet to the sea." "oh, do let us paddle on," cried billy. "i don't like the thoughts of being caught and eaten by the savages." "whether they eat men or not, they will knock us on the head, and it will come to much the same thing," said casey; "so that we had better keep ahead of them until they give up the chase, and very likely, when they don't find us, they will fancy that we have landed, and turn back to where they come from." the paddles were accordingly plied with as much vigour as before. tom had a pocket compass, but it was too dark to see it; he however judged by the stars overhead that the river was running from the southward, and he hoped, by landing on the right bank, to be able to strike eastward across the country and regain the sea-shore. had he known the nature of the task, he would have considered the undertaking far more difficult than he now supposed it to be. in vain he and his companions looked out for another branch of the river which they might descend. no opening appeared either on one side or the other. after paddling on for another hour, they again stopped. at first no sounds were heard except the cries of night birds and the strange shrieks of animals in the forest. "we might pull in now to one bank or the other, and rest until it is time to slip down again," observed desmond. they were on the point of doing as proposed, when again the sound of the natives' voices was heard coming up the stream. the enemy had probably by this time been joined by the other canoes which had been seen on the banks, and tom confessed that he considered the risk of attempting to escape by the way they had come very great. the only thing they could therefore do was to keep on until tom and desmond had good reason to believe that they had completely distanced their pursuers, and then as soon as it was daylight they might hope to strike across the country and regain the coast, where they were sure that the boats would be on the look-out for them. for some time they had seen no lights on the banks or other indications that the country was inhabited, and the further they got up the river the less risk there was of being discovered. they had not correctly calculated the distance they had gone. there had been for some time little or no current against them, but this they had not discovered while they were paddling on. the tide was setting up the river, and had thus sent them on much faster than they had supposed. nick and pipes urged them to continue their course. "all right; we get away!" cried nick. "no fear," cried pipes. "paddle, boys, paddle!" thus hour after hour they paddled on, until tom declared that it would be folly to go further, and that they must either land or else secure the canoe to the trunk of a tree and wait in her until daylight. the latter plan was adopted. steering to the right bank, where some thick branches overhung the stream, they secured the canoe to the stem of a small tree. "we must keep watch," said tom, "or we may receive a visit from a wild beast, or be found napping by the natives, and be made prisoners or killed without an opportunity of defending ourselves." gerald agreed to keep the first watch for a couple of hours, and then to call tom. "i wish we had something to eat," said billy. "i shall grow as thin as a whipping-post, and never be able to march all the way to the coast, which must be very far off, i suspect." "never fear, billy; you had better get some sleep, and forget all about the matter. in the morning we shall probably be able to kill some birds, or find some wild fruit," answered tom. billy, with a groan, lay down in the bottom of the canoe, in which the rest of the party had stretched themselves as well as they could, although there was not much room for their legs. desmond sat up with his musket in his hands, keeping an eye down the river, and occasionally peering in among the trees on the shore. mournful sounds ever and anon came out of the forest, but he could detect no human voices; and he therefore hoped that the enemy had given up the pursuit. he had a hard matter to keep awake, the murmur of the water, as it passed by, tending much to lull him to sleep. he contrived, however, to keep his eyes open. he knew that in that region such disagreeable creatures existed as anacondas, tigers, huge baboons, and alligators, and that one or the other of them might suddenly make its appearance. he had stood his watch, as near as he could calculate, about a couple of hours, when feeling that, notwithstanding the danger to be apprehended, he could not hold out much longer, he roused up tom, who, after his two hours' sound sleep, was soon wide awake. "i have been thinking of all sorts of horrible creatures who may chance to be in the neighbourhood. take care you do not let any of them get hold of us," said gerald. "no fear of that," answered tom, taking gerald's musket; "i will try and give a good account of any beast which comes near us." tom sat, as desmond had done, with his rifle ready for immediate action. it had hitherto been too dark to look at his watch, and he thought it imprudent to strike a light for the purpose. he had, therefore, no notion of how time went by. greatly to his surprise he very shortly saw the streaks of dawn in the sky, and ere long a rich glow, heralding the rising sun, appeared to the eastward, shedding a ruddy tint over the calm surface of the river. he had now to decide what was next to be done. to attempt to descend the river during the daytime would expose them to certain capture. he was anxious to try and reach the coast as early as possible. taking out his compass, he ascertained that it lay due east, and that the course of the river was south-west and north-east; but how far off the shore was it was difficult to say. nick and pipes evidently did not like the thoughts of having to proceed in that direction, and, pointing towards the south, said that that was where their native village was situated. "we must go to the coast, at all events," said tom. "if they desert us we cannot help it." "since that matter is settled, let us have some breakfast," exclaimed billy. "i wish you would knock over a few birds. there are plenty of them. here are some small shot. i thought it would be useful." there were parrots, paraquets, doves, and several other birds of exquisite plumage, flying about; and tom, who was a very good shot, even with a ship's musket, in a few minutes shot as many as would serve the party for breakfast. the men then set to work to pluck them, caring very little for their fine feathers. an open space, where they could venture to light a fire, was soon found. nick and pipes had in the mean time been hunting about for wild fruit, and quickly brought in a good supply. "there's no fear of starving in this country; that's one comfort," observed billy, as he began to munch away at his share of a parrot. the fruits were very refreshing. they ate them without fear, although they did not know their names, as nick and pipes assured them they were good. the meal over, the party prepared to set out. they first, however, drew up the canoe, and concealed it as closely as possible under the bushes, that they might again make use of it if necessary. nick and pipes, when they understood what tom required, offered to go in front and scout, but gave him to understand that should they fall in with an enemy they would retreat, and that he must be prepared to halt or turn back again, as they might deem necessary. they soon found themselves in a very dense forest, through which it was a hard matter to make their way. wherever there was an open space the ground was covered with a profusion of flowers; and birds of gay plumage flew amid the trees, and monkeys of various sizes leaped from branch to branch. occasionally they had to make their way with their cutlasses, but it was a somewhat slow business, and fatiguing into the bargain. in many places nick and pipes were no more able to get through than they were, and they were also constantly afraid that they might come suddenly upon some natives and betray themselves. at last, coming to a brook, from sheer fatigue they were compelled to halt and eat the remainder of the provisions they had cooked in the morning. after resting they again pushed on, but their progress was not more rapid than at first. towards evening tom, in hopes of getting a sight of the ocean, climbed a tree taller than most of its fellows. having his spy-glass, he could see to a great distance. "how far off is it?" inquired desmond, when tom came down. "shall we get there to-night?" asked billy. "not for a week if we do not make better way than we have done this morning," answered tom. "i could make out the sea in the distance, and i fancied some huts and plantations between us and the shore. we must try to pass by them without being discovered by the inhabitants." the heat had been excessive, and the midshipmen were glad to rest until the following morning. during the night it was utterly impossible to make their way through the wood. as no huts had been seen near, they ventured to light a fire, watching carefully that it should not spread, when, as billy observed, their provisions would have been very much overdone. after camping, the first thing they had to do was to look out for food. the parrots, for some reason or other, were rather shy, but a troop of inquisitive monkeys came near to ascertain what the strangers were about. pipes, who accompanied tom, urged him to shoot. "him very good, very good," he said. tom had of course heard that the creatures were eaten, although he had never tasted monkey. he accordingly fired, and brought down two who were sitting together grinning at him. the rest on this came chattering and screeching to the boughs close above his head, and began to throw down sticks and nuts, some of the latter of which they had been eating, and to spit at him in the most furious fashion. "kill more, kill more!" cried pipes. tom again fired, and two others fell to the ground, when the remainder ran shrieking away through the forest. pipes, taking possession of the game, marched back to the camp with a well-satisfied air. "you do not mean to say we are to feed on these creatures?" exclaimed desmond. "i can't shoot anything else, and better eat them than starve," answered tom. "ah! let's try them," cried billy. "anything better than an empty stomach." by the time the monkeys had been cooked the appetites of all the party had considerably increased. although the midshipmen made some wry faces at first, after a few mouthfuls they went on eating monkey as if they had been accustomed to it all their lives. nick and pipes advised that they should keep up the fire all night, as otherwise they might find that somebody had been carried off by a huge species of tiger which they said infested the woods and forests of their country. their advice was followed, and all hands took it by turns to remain on watch. billy called up his companions twice, declaring that he saw the head of a huge tiger peering from between the bushes, but he did not fire, as he was afraid of missing. though desmond grumbled at being roused up, it was proved that billy was right by the marks the tiger had left on the ground. they had not got far the next day when their scouts came back and urged them not to proceed. as to reaching the shore without being discovered, they said that it was impossible, as the country was thickly inhabited and open, their only chance being to pass through it at night. should they advance much further they would run great risk of being seen. after searching about pipes and his companion discovered a good hiding-place, very similar to the one in which they had before concealed themselves. towards night they could tell, by the soughing of the wind in the trees and the appearance of the sky, that there was a change in the weather. "i am sure the boats won't leave us while there is a chance," observed tom. "i will make my way alone, with the help of pipes, and see what has become of them. if i do not come back you will know that i am caught, and i would advise you to try and get to the southward, where you may perhaps find the inhabitants more friendly, and be able to get across to australia." desmond begged tom to let him go instead; but tom had made up his mind to undertake the excursion, and as soon as it was dark he set off with pipes, who had agreed to go, although he evidently did not like the work. tom and his faithful attendant set off. they had a long distance to go, and detours to make. occasionally they heard dogs bark, and saw lights in the windows of huts; but they kept clear of them, and made good progress. they had one or two narrow escapes; and on one occasion both tumbled into a water-course. they, however, scrambled out again, with only the inconvenience of a wetting, which, considering the warmth of the weather, was of no great consequence, even to tom; and pipes had only to rub himself over with his hand, and he was dry again in a few minutes. it was nearly daylight, however, before the beach was reached, when they hunted about and found shelter under some rocks, which would prevent their being seen by the people on shore. here they waited until daylight, when tom eagerly looked out for the ship. "there she is!" he cried out, as the gloom of night clearing away he saw her standing in towards the land, though at some distance to the northward of where he was. presently a gun was fired, followed shortly afterwards by another. he was about to set off to try and make his way along the beach, feeling sure that the guns were fired as signals to some of the crew on shore, when he saw through his telescope a boat pull out from behind a point and make her way towards the ship, which at the same time swept round until her head was off shore. he had no means of making a signal. even should he fire his rifle, it would not be heard. to shout would be of no avail. he watched the boat until she was alongside, when she was hoisted up and the ship steamed away. it was high time that she should get off the shore, for a heavy gale had sprung up, sending the heavy breakers with fury against the rock-bound coast. "there is no chance of our getting off if this continues," said tom to himself; "we are left to our own resources, i see that. the best thing would be to start to the southward, as pipes recommends." tom was eager to return and consult with desmond, but pipes earnestly entreated him to remain concealed during the day, and then at night there would be but little difficulty in making their way back to their companions. it was a melancholy day, as he sat on the sea-shore under the rocks, watching the departing ship. a few shell-fish was the only food he and pipes could procure. as soon as night came on and the inhabitants had returned to their huts, he and his faithful companion set out. as the storm was howling and making a tremendous noise, there was little danger of being discovered. desmond and billy had become very anxious and were thankful to see them, although billy uttered a deep groan when he heard that the ship had sailed away, and that he would have some hundreds of miles to trudge through the country. none of them indeed knew what they were about to undertake, and, with the exception of billy, looked upon the journey as a pleasant excursion. as tom had had plenty of time to rest during the previous day, he was ready to set off early in the morning. guided by tom's pocket compass, they steered westward of south, which was the direction nick and pipes wished them to take. the two papuans explained that they would have to go out of their way to reach the river, and advised them to keep in the direction they were now pursuing. during the day they travelled on without stopping, anxious to get away from the sea-board. it was evidently the most thickly populated part of the country, while, judging from what they had seen, there were few or no inhabitants in the interior. in the afternoon, as they were moving on, pipes, who had been scouting in front, came back and made a sign to them all to get under the cover of some bushes, which he pointed out close at hand. scarcely had they crouched down, when they heard the voices of a party of natives who passed close by without discovering them. further on they came upon a plantation, with a number of women working on it. by turning aside in time, they escaped observation. they were, however, afraid of lighting a fire that night, lest it might betray their whereabouts to the natives. they had, fortunately, preserved some of the cooked meat before starting, and had enough for supper, with the help of some fruit. tom urged all hands, each man in his turn, to keep a strict watch; for having no fire there would be a great risk of being attacked by wild beasts. all promised to obey his injunctions. tom intended to take the first watch, casey the next, desmond the third, and billy--who, it was hoped, after a good sleep, would keep awake--the fourth. the three first had carefully kept their watches, moving round and round their sleeping companions, so that no savage beast could approach unperceived. desmond, however, fancied that he saw some object moving amid the trees in the gloom. at last he called up billy, and charged him to keep a bright look-out. "if you don't, depend upon it you or some of us will be carried off by one of those beasts of tigers," he said, with much emphasis. "i have not felt so uncomfortable for a long time as i have been during the time i have been on the watch." billy promised to remain broad awake and to keep his weather eye open. "mind you do!" said desmond, as he lay down. the whole camp was awakened by a fearful shriek and a loud cry from billy, and starting to their feet, they saw by the light of the day, which had just broken, a huge animal carrying off peter, the black, in its jaws, while billy lay sprawling on the ground where he had fallen, his foot having caught in a supple jack, as he was making chase after the depredator. the whole party followed, but the tiger, if tiger it was, quickly bounded out of sight. tom and the other midshipmen had a sincere regard for honest peter, and were grieved to think that they had lost him. rushing on, they caught sight of peter in the monster's jaws. but the black was not inactive, for having been seized by the left shoulder, with his right hand, which was free, he was punching the tiger furiously in the eyes. tom was afraid of firing, lest he should hit peter; at the same time it seemed scarcely possible that the poor fellow would escape being torn to pieces. suddenly, however, the tiger gave a spring forward, when the midshipmen saw that peter was no longer in the creature's mouth. tom and desmond both fired together, but the tiger bounded away. on getting up, what was their surprise to find peter rising to his feet, and, although his left shoulder was very much torn and he looked somewhat confused, he was well able to accompany them back to the camp. he knew no more about the matter than they did. suddenly he had felt himself carried off in the jaws of a big animal, and as he said, "naturally made the best use of his fists to get free." billy looked very much ashamed of himself, and was compelled to acknowledge that he must have been dozing, as he certainly did not see the tiger coming. "it shows that we must keep very wide awake, or none of us will reach the end of our journey," said tom. "now, the sooner we get away from this the better; for the sound of our shots may have attracted the attention of the natives in the neighbourhood." casey, who had been accustomed to see all sorts of wounds, assisted to bind up the hurt of poor peter, who declared that he was perfectly ready to continue the march. as they were afraid of lighting a fire and had no food, they pushed on during the cool hours of the morning, intending to take a substantial meal as soon as it was too hot to proceed. they had no little difficulty, however, in making their way amid the creepers and climbing plants, which, hanging from tree to tree, interlaced each other in a perfect network. they often, therefore, had to hunt about until they could discover a more open place, through which they could advance. they calculated that they had pushed forward about ten miles, when they reached a stream, arched over by tall trees, from which hung numberless flowers, bearing climbers of great beauty and of varied and brilliant colours. many of them were convolvulus-shaped, and of prodigious size, some white and yellow, spotted with red, others of a pale violet. there were scarlet flowers, blue, and sulphur-coloured flowers, and others of similar tints, striped and spotted in the most curious way. but far more interesting to the hungry travellers were the numberless water-fowl, which flew up and down the stream, and tom and desmond in a few minutes had knocked over several kingfishers, storks, and ducks, amply sufficient to supply all hands with food. the two natives had, in the mean time, been searching for honey and nuts, of which they brought in a supply. the latter grew on some enormous trees at no great distance. the natives had picked them up from the ground to which they had fallen, having been bitten off by the parrots. the outer shell was black and hard, about the size and shape of a lemon, and the kernel, enclosed in a thick inner covering, was white and hard, resembling chestnuts when roasted. "hurrah!" cried billy. "we shall run no risk of starving, at all events. these nuts will serve us for bread, and with the honey will stay our appetites." the fire was quickly blazing up, and the birds, plucked and spitted, placed before it. a sharp look-out was kept on every side for natives, snakes, tigers, or any other wild beasts which might be tempted to pay them a visit. tom urged his friends to keep together as much as possible, and always to have their arms ready. after a good rest they again pushed on, and encamped in the evening on the bank of a large river, no doubt the one up which they had come in the canoe. while casey and peter were lighting the fire, the two papuans were looking out for honey, and tom and desmond were shooting some birds for supper, billy went down to the water to fill a large gourd which pipes had procured for them. just as he was about to dip it in, a long snout appeared above the surface, the possessor of which--a huge crocodile-- made directly at him. billy, throwing down the gourd, scampered off. fortunately for him the monster stopped for an instant to pick up the gourd, which it crushed in its huge jaws, and thus billy was able to increase his distance. pat casey and peter, on hearing his cries, started up with their rifles, and as they ran forward uttered loud shouts to distract the attention of the crocodile. still, so determined was the monster to seize poor billy, that it did not seem to heed them. "jump on one side, sir, jump on one side!" cried casey to billy, who followed the advice, and the seaman, levelling his rifle, poured the contents down the crocodile's throat. it immediately rolled over, and after a few struggles lay dead. tom and desmond considered it advisable on their return to move further away from the river. fortunately they did so, for while they were sitting round the fire cooking their game, a dozen crocodiles crept out of the water and came towards them. the whole party, starting to their feet, shouted and shrieked, but not until tom and desmond had fired down the throats of a couple of the saurians did the rest turn tail, when, plunging into the water, they disappeared beneath the surface. "if we don't keep a bright look-out during the night one or other of us will be carried off, depend upon that," observed tom. his warning had a good effect, and it was agreed that two of the party should keep watch together, as they had to risk an attack from crocodiles on one side and tigers on the other, not to speak of big serpents and other creatures. the most dangerous of these were scorpions, several of which were seen five and six inches long, with stings which the natives asserted would deprive a person of life in the course of an hour or less. "oh dear, oh dear!" sighed billy. "i knew the journey would be fatiguing enough, but i little thought the trouble all these horrid beasts would cause us." for several days they travelled on along the course of the river, but taking care not to camp near enough to the bank to be surprised by a hungry crocodile. on several occasions they caught sight of tigers, and three were shot which came nearer to them than was pleasant. among the vast numbers of the feathered tribe which perched in the trees, or flitted amid the boughs, or soared high into the air, were the beautiful birds of paradise, of brilliant colours and graceful forms, which tom and desmond agreed it was a shame to kill when they could obtain as much game of a different species as they required. monkeys of various sizes were seen, some not larger than cats and others half as big as a man. the travellers were moving on, nick and pipes scouting in front, the three midshipmen following, casey and the black bringing up the rear. presently they heard a loud chattering overhead, and down came a shower of nuts, one of which hit billy on the nose. the pain made him cry out, when his voice was replied to by shrieks of laughter from overhead, followed by another volley. on looking up they caught sight of a large troop of big monkeys scampering from bough to bough, some of them descending as close as possible in order to get nearer the intruders of their domain. one old fellow spat right at desmond, and when he saw that the shot had been successful, shrieked and chuckled with laughter as he climbed back to a more secure part of the bough. the monkeys on this, emboldened by success and increased in numbers, discharged volleys of missiles of all descriptions, some of a very disagreeable character, so that the three midshipmen with their followers were fairly put to flight, the monkeys pursuing them, chattering and shrieking until they made their escape from the forest, which here fortunately came to a termination. "i'll pay you off for this!" cried desmond, who had been a sufferer with billy, and, firing, he brought down one of the monkeys, on which the rest set up the most fearful cries, shaking their fists and making all sorts of defiant grimaces. they now entered on a region totally different to any they had hitherto passed through. it was a vast open prairie, covered in many places with long grass, amid which snakes of large size were seen creeping, but nick assured tom that they were not venomous, and would afford a meal at any time, should game not be abundant. the difficulty of walking over this grass was considerable, as they had to lift their feet high at every step, while they were exposed to the rays of the sun. having hitherto obtained as much water as they required, it did not occur to them that they might fail to procure it. they caught sight of herds of buffalo and deer, but none during the day came near enough to be shot. all day they trudged on without water, and were well nigh ready to drop from thirst. "i shall die if i don't get something to drink," cried poor billy. tom got casey and peter to lift him up on their shoulders that he might obtain thereby a wider view, but nowhere was a stream or lake to be seen. he, however, caught sight of several round yellow objects on the ground, and on getting nearer, great was the joy of the party to discover that they were melons, the produce of a creeper with ivy-shaped leaves. the fruit proved even more refreshing than water, and enabled them to march on for several hours during the night. this they did in the hopes of reaching some clump of trees the next day before the sun had attained its greatest height. at last, overcome with fatigue, they were compelled to camp on the open prairie without afire. they were afraid of lighting one lest it should ignite the grass. after a few hours' rest they again moved on. already the sun had risen and every moment it was gaining strength, when they saw before them a grove of palm trees rising out of the plain. although they hastened their steps and went on for some time, they still seemed a long way off, but happily they found an abundance of water melons, which quenched their thirst. without them they must have perished. they were also getting very hungry, and in the open country no honey or nuts were to be procured, nor did birds come near them. a flight of parrots passed over their heads, but too high up for a shot, billy was crying out that he should die, when a herd of buffaloes were seen scampering across the plain towards them. "down, down!" cried the two papuans; "dey no see us den." the whole party hid themselves in the tall grass, with their rifles ready for action. there seemed great likelihood, however, that the buffaloes would trample them to death as they came rushing furiously on not dreaming of danger. the leading animals were close upon them when nick and pipes jumped up and waved their hands, shouting loudly at the same time. this turned the herd slightly, and as they swept by the animals presented a good shot, when their concealed foes, tom and gerald, fired, and two young bulls rolled over. the rest were not so successful, and before the first two who had fired had time to re-load, the herd were out of range. the two buffaloes shot were, however, more than sufficient for their wants, and in an instant casey and peter, aided by the papuans, were engaged with their long knives in flaying the two beasts, and cutting off such pieces of flesh as they could carry. here was a supply of food which would last them as long as it would keep good. the midshipmen did not fancy eating it raw, but the rest of the party were not so fastidious, and cut off favourite bits, which they clapped into their mouths with evident satisfaction. they were, in consequence, better able to bear their loads of meat than the midshipmen, who had satisfied themselves with two or three water melons apiece. at length the clump of trees was reached. the party seated in the shade enjoyed the cool air which played among the tall stems. having cleared away the grass in front of them, they lighted a fire and cooked a part of their meat, the rest being cut into strips and hung up in the sun to dry. it was fortunate for them that they took this precaution. for two days or more they travelled on without meeting with a drop of water, but existed as before on water melons, which prevented them suffering from thirst--as valuable to them as the plant of a similar species which exists on the arid sands of africa is to many a weary traveller, as well as to the wild beasts who roam over those sandy regions. they were keeping a look-out ahead for some prominent object by which to steer, when, as the sun rose one day, after they had been marching all night, his rays fell on what seemed like a white cone rising out of the plain. as they pushed on and on it rose higher and higher, although it seemed as far off as ever. "why, it must be a snow-covered mountain!" exclaimed tom. "i hope we shall not have to climb it, although i should not object to a good roll in the snow just to cool myself," said billy. in spite of their eagerness they were compelled to rest as before at the first wood they reached, near the banks of a stream. as most of the party lay fast asleep in the shade, tom, who was on the watch, observed a herd of small deer apparently coming down to drink. he roused up desmond, and taking their rifles they crept behind two trees. the deer came on in single file. they were graceful little animals of a dark drab colour on their backs and sides, and white underneath, and pretty large antlers. without hesitation they at once began to cross the stream, passing along close to where the midshipmen were concealed. tom selected one animal and gerald another, and both firing brought the two to the ground. the rest of the deer looked about very much astonished, but did not take to flight. those who had crossed still continued the same course as before. this gave tom and gerald time to re-load, and they brought down two more animals. not until this did the herd bound off in confusion. the firing had roused up the rest of the party. tom and desmond were eagerly rushing out to despatch one deer which was not quite dead, when they saw before them a large tiger, which had been following the herd, and was now going to seize hold of one of the slain deer. the beast looked at them, and seemed about to spring. neither of them had re-loaded his rifle, tom immediately began to do so, keeping his eyes on the tiger. "don't move, desmond," he cried out, "or the brute will spring on you!" desmond, imitating tom's coolness, also began to load, the tiger in the mean time lashing his tail and showing his huge teeth, while he kept a paw on one of the deer, which he seemed to claim as his prize. "now!" cried tom. "i'll fire at his head, you at his shoulder." just as the tiger was about to make a spring which might have proved fatal to one of the party, tom fired and hit him in the head. the creature gave a bound into the air. desmond's bullet struck him at the same moment and he rolled over dead. "well done, your honour!" cried casey, who had just come up; "that was a fine shot." "hurrah! we shall have some venison now," exclaimed billy, who followed him. "we shall want it," said tom, "if we have to climb those mountains ahead, for very likely we shall find no food there." the deer were collected, and without delay all hands set to work to cook some of the fresh flesh and to dry the remainder. three days after this they found themselves at the foot of a large and lofty mountain, which if they were to get to the south must be crossed. each man cut a stout stick, the end of which he pointed in the fire. their dried meat held out; fortunately they shot a couple more deer out of a herd which came to drink at a pool near their camp, and thus the next morning at daybreak, with their provisions strapped on their backs, they commenced the ascent. the cone which they had seen in the distance rose high on their left hand, but they discovered a passage lower down. up and up they climbed, feeling the cold increase, and suffering intensely after the heat of the plain. at length they could with difficulty breathe, and a desire to sleep seized all the party. tom, knowing the danger of giving way to it, urged his companions to keep moving. once peter sat down, declaring that he could go no further. tom and desmond dragged him up, and told casey to prick him on with the point of his stick if he attempted to stop again. poor billy puffed and panted, and at last declared that "he must have a snooze." "it won't be until you are over the other side," cried desmond. "haul him along! do you want to leave your bones here, or come with us? just think of the venison pasties and the parrot pies we will have when we get down into a more civilised country!" thus urged, billy exerted himself afresh. none of them could afterwards describe the way they got over the mountain. for several miles they dragged themselves over the snow, with the fear of sinking down into some crevice or hollow, while fearful precipices yawned now on one side, now on the other. the two papuans held out bravely, and, considering their scanty clothing, this was surprising. for a considerable time the whole party moved on without speaking, staggering as if in sleep. their eyes were dazzled with the whiteness of the snow, which now surrounded them on all sides. above their heads hung icicles of fantastic shapes, ornamenting cliff and crag. at length the summit of the pass was gained, and they commenced their descent, less painful because they knew that soon they would get into a warmer region. by nightfall they reached a valley, where the trees afforded them fuel to light a fire, round which they gathered, its genial blaze restoring warmth to their frozen limbs. for two days more they continued among the mountains, but gradually attained a lower altitude, until at last they once more found themselves in a tolerably level country. as far as they could see to the south, rose here and there ranges of hills, but they hoped, by skirting round their bases, to avoid the sufferings they had lately endured. the cooler air of this region enabled them to make longer journeys than before. they had been travelling along a range of hills, which shut out the country to the south from their view. having crossed these, they encamped one evening on some rocky ground, from whence they saw away to their left conical mountains, several thousand feet in height, of which they had only just before obtained a view. there appeared to be clouds rising above their summits, of which they, however, took but little notice, as they were busy preparing for the night. tom and desmond, as usual, were hunting for game. they had shot several birds and a couple of monkeys, which they immediately brought into the camp to be cooked. after the heat they had endured, finding the night chilly, they piled up some pieces of rock and slabs of bark to form a shelter from the wind. they had all stretched themselves to sleep, with the exception of casey, who had to keep the first watch, when they were aroused by a loud exclamation uttered by him, and at the same time by a thundering sound and by feeling the earth shake beneath them. starting to their feet, their eyes were attracted by a bright light, which rose from the mountain, where shooting upwards, it increased in size, until it assumed a mushroom appearance, the top extending far and wide round the mountain. it was a volcano which had suddenly burst forth. no lava, however, was seen descending its sides, but they felt a shower of fine ashes falling on their heads. the screen they had put up, however, partially sheltered them from it. nothing further could be done, so they resolved to remain where they were, hoping that the eruption would not increase. further sleep was out of the question; all night long they watched the fearful flames, expecting every moment to find a fiery shower falling upon them. "it might have been much worse," said tom. "we might have been close under it, and here, at all events, we only get a little peppered." towards morning the eruption began to subside, and by daylight dense smoke only was seen ascending out of the crater. in spite of their want of sleep, they at once continued their march, hoping to get well to the southward. as none of the party had pocket-books, they were unable to note down a description of the curious creatures they met with and the wonderful scenery they passed through. they frequently saw serpents of fifteen or twenty feet in length, and huge apes, upwards of five feet in height, with hideous features, of almost human shape. they were thankful when they got out of the volcanic region, although they had again to endure the heat of the plains. what was their joy, after ascending a low ridge, to see before them a wide expanse of water, glittering in the sun. "the sea! the sea!" exclaimed billy. casey and peter echoed the cry. had they truly reached the termination of their journey? tom doubted it. looking through his telescope, he discovered both to the east and west, a low shore. it might be an estuary extending a long way inland, but they might still be many days' journey from the coast. whether it was really the sea or a fresh water lake, could only be determined by getting down to it and tasting its waters. with stout hearts they marched on. they were now well supplied with food. seldom many hours passed without their meeting herds of deer and buffalo, from which they obtained an ample supply of food. smaller game, such as monkeys and parrots, were in abundance in the woods, while there were plenty of streams and lakelets of pure water, in which they often took a refreshing bath. billy, whose spirits had risen with the expectation of reaching the coast, insisted to the last that the water they had seen from the height was the sea. casey and the black agreed with him. at last they got close to it. they all hurried forward. fortunately the bank they reached was hard, and they without difficulty got down to the water. billy dipped in his hand. "it's fresh!" he exclaimed, as he tasted it. "i was sure of that," said tom. "it's a lake, and a good big one too. we are a couple of hundred miles yet from the coast." they continued their course along the western shore of the lake, and as they spent fully four days before they reached the southern end, calculating by the rate at which they travelled it must have been between seventy and eighty miles long. after this they had another range of mountains to pass, which, though wild and rugged in the extreme, were of less elevation than those to the north. once more they were on a level country, covered with tall grass. they crossed several streams, in wading through one of which a huge crocodile made a dash at them and very nearly caught poor billy. nick and pipes now began to examine the country with more curious eyes than before, and at last led them into a native path. "friends there!" said pipes, pointing ahead, and they saw through an opening in the trees several huts. the two papuans hurried on, begging their friends to sit down in the shade. in a short time they returned with a large party of natives, who, ugly as they were, had smiling faces. one of them who seemed to be the chief, advanced to tom and made him a speech, which pipes, who had accompanied him, interpreted as an invitation to the strangers to come to his village. "good mans!" said pipes. "plenty food!" the invitation was, of course, accepted. the chief, taking tom by the hand and signing to the rest to follow, led him towards the village, which consisted of a number of large huts composed of wooden frames covered with mats, with which the floor was also spread. the chief begged his visitors to sit down, and ordered food to be brought in. a number of yellow-skinned damsels in a short time appeared, bearing boiled rice and messes of roasted and stewed monkey and yams. whatever the midshipmen might formerly have thought of such a repast, they acknowledged that this was delicious. calabashes full of toddy, prepared from the sap of the cocoa-nut tree, were then introduced. "i say!" said tom, after he had drunk two or three cups, "we had better not take too much of this, or we shall find ourselves fou." they wisely declined a pressing invitation of the chief to imbibe any more of the apparently harmless liquor, but their two papuan friends, after their long absence, seemed to enjoy it, and were in a short time perfectly drunk. this was a misfortune, as they could no longer communicate with the friendly chief. however, he made signs to them to lie down on their mats. feeling confident of his honesty, they willingly complied with his request. after a day's rest, which all the party greatly required, nick and pipes having recovered, they set off for a village on the coast, about thirty miles distant. here the two papuans found friends and relatives, who welcomed them cordially, having long given them up for lost. the chief of the village, to whom nick and pipes were related, requested the midshipmen to take up their abode in his hut. it was situated in the midst of a grove of magnificent trees, and near it was a garden, in which were growing yams, bananas, pumpkins, and many other vegetables and fruits. they were glad to accept the invitation, as the hut was of considerable size, the floor spread neatly with mats, and perfectly clean. the reception over, they made their way down to the shores of the harbour, where, among several chinese and other strange craft, what was their satisfaction to see an english brig. chapter twelve. the master of the fox--bargain for a passage--trading with the natives-- farewell to friends--the skipper's rascally trick--the fox with the midshipmen on board at sea--bad fare--fishing--a shark captured, and the skipper knocked over--short of water--the fox struck by a squall-- capsized--the midshipmen hold on to the side of the brig--in a desperate condition--a sail--taken off by a boat from the empress--fox founders-- welcomed on board--sydney reached--a pleasant visit on shore--bound for new zealand. while the midshipmen were standing on the shore of the harbour a boat put off from the brig, and came towards them. she was pulled by four hands, two of whom were blacks and two malays. a stout white man, in a broad-brimmed straw hat, evidently the skipper, sat in the stern sheets. on landing, the latter, looking hard at them, and surveying their travel-stained, tattered uniforms, inquired-- "where in the world do you come from?" "from the other side of new guinea," answered tom. he briefly narrated their adventures. "we want to get on to sydney, where we expect to find our ship. can you take us there?" he added. "that depends on circumstances," answered the skipper. "can you pay for your passage?" "we can work it, at all events, and i have no doubt that our captain will pay any sum we agree to," said tom. tom did not like either the manner or appearance of the skipper. of course he did not express his opinion, either by words or looks. "are you bound for sydney?" inquired tom; "for, if so, we may come to terms." "as to that, i should not mind putting in there, provided you will pay the expenses. i was thinking of going further south, but i have not quite made up my mind," was the answer. "the _fox_ is a fine craft, and you will not have another chance of getting to sydney, or to any other english port for many months to come. few british traders touch here." "i see several chinese junks and malay proas. we may have a chance of getting to banda, or to some dutch port, or singapore," said tom, determined not to be done, if he could help it, by the master of the _fox_. "you will wish yourself on board the _fox_ if you sail in one of those craft, i can tell you," said the skipper. "come, you had better close with me, and i'll undertake to land you at sydney. what do you say now to pounds a head, and payment for such provisions and liquors as you consume? it will be a mighty deal better than sweltering on here in this hot place, with a chance of being knocked on the head, or being brought down by fever." tom thought the charge exorbitant, as probably no small sum would be added for provisions. he drew desmond and billy aside to consult with them. they were of opinion that the captain would certainly be unwilling to pay so large an amount. they soon returned to where the master of the _fox_ was standing watching them. "may i ask your name?" said tom. "yes; it's stubbins; i've no reason to be ashamed of it." "well, captain stubbins, we will pay you twenty pounds a-head for ourselves, and fifteen for each of our men, besides a pound a day for provisions." "you are sharp young gentlemen, i've an opinion," said the skipper. "if you don't like my terms you will stay here until you wish you had accepted them. i shall not be away for a fortnight or more, for i only came in yesterday, and have to get rid of my cargo and take a fresh one on board." accompanied by captain stubbins they returned to the hut of the chief, who was, they found, the principal trader in the place. he and the skipper appeared to be well acquainted, and arrangements for trading were soon concluded. the _fox_ had brought a cargo of very miscellaneous articles, consisting of gorgeously coloured calicoes of patterns such as to attract the savage taste--firearms, powder and shot, axes, knives, other articles of ironware, and no small amount of execrable rum and other spirits. the skipper invited the natives on board, and took good care to ply them with liquor before he commenced trading. the chief and his people had stores collected for the purpose, consisting of birds of paradise, and monkey skins, pearls, various kinds of wood and bark and gums, drugs and spices, besides cocoa-nuts, and other fruit and vegetables. they showed themselves keen traders; and it was evident that, should they meet with a certain sale and obtain fair prices, they would be ready to collect a large amount of valuable produce, such as there can be no doubt their country furnishes. captain stubbins, having obtained all the produce which had been collected by the natives, urged them to obtain a supply from other villages in the interior; and parties set off in various directions with the goods they had brought to make purchases. thus the midshipmen were detained a month instead of a fortnight; and, as captain stubbins would not abate his demands, they were finally compelled to accept them. immediately they had agreed to his terms, the skipper's manner changed. he appeared to be anxious to accommodate them in every way in his power. he persuaded them to come and live on board, as they would be more comfortable than in the hut of the chief, and he would be ready, should the wind come fair, to put to sea at any moment, without having to wait for them. the midshipmen agreed to his proposal, carrying with them several monkeys, and cages full of birds, which the hospitable chief had given them. in return for all his kindness they presented him with their own rifles, while they gave to nick and pipes two seamen's muskets, and such other articles as they could spare, promising to send the honest fellows more should an opportunity occur of forwarding the things from sydney, as a reward for their fidelity. the two papuans and their chief were highly delighted and grateful for the gifts, which they looked upon as an ample return for the services they had rendered. the brig looked like a menagerie, with the number of creatures which the captain and crew were taking, mostly monkeys and birds, such as were not to be found in australia. the natives now returned with a considerable amount of produce, which the skipper received on board, promising to send the goods in payment on shore. in the mean time he presented, with apparent generosity, some kegs of spirits to the chief and his people. the midshipmen, casey, and peter had turned in for the night, which was very dark, with the wind off shore. they heard the skipper go on deck, but were soon asleep again. not long after this they were awakened by the sound of the windlass. "why they must be weighing anchor!" exclaimed tom. he and desmond dressed, and went on deck. the brig was already under way, standing out of the harbour. "why, captain stubbins, you've forgotten to send the goods on shore, in return for the produce which came off yesterday!" "bless my heart! so i have!" answered the skipper, with a hoarse laugh. "i'll pay the people the next time i come here; but they are too drunk by this time to know whether i have paid or not; and, knowing that you were in a hurry to get to sydney, as the wind was fair, i could not resist the temptation of putting to sea." tom made no reply, but he had a very strong suspicion that the skipper had intended to cheat the poor natives, and such, indeed, he found to be the case. when morning dawned, the _fox_ was far beyond the possibility of pursuit by the natives, even had the chiefs been in a condition to follow her, which in all probability they were not, owing to the cunningly bestowed kegs of liquor. the breeze continued, and the _fox_ made good way. the skipper and his mate were constantly on the look-out to avoid the rocks and shoals which so thickly dot the entrance to torres straits. the brig then stood to the eastward, so as to run well clear of the coral reefs which fringe the north-eastern portion of australia. tom and his companions were thankful at length to find themselves, after all the dangers and toils they had gone through, on their way to a place where they could hope to meet with their ship; at the same time, there was little comfort to boast of on board. their berths were narrow recesses on either side of the little cabin, which was close in the extreme, and swarmed, moreover, with cockroaches and other creeping things, scorpions and centipedes, which had come on board with the cargo and occasionally made their appearance. "i don't care for the beasts, hungry as they are, but it is not pleasant to know that one may be stung at any moment by them," said desmond, as he brought his knife down on one which had fallen on the breakfast table. as long as their fresh provisions lasted, they fared pretty well, but when these were exhausted, they were reduced to very short commons, and, as desmond observed, "very bad of its sort." salt junk, which had made, perhaps, more than one voyage round the world, and mouldy biscuit, constituted the chief ingredients of their meals. the midshipmen complained, but the skipper replied that he gave them the best he had. billy especially declared that he should die of inanition. "salt junk never agreed with me at the best of times, and this is more like old horse than beef," he groaned, as he turned about a piece of black-looking stuff at the end of his fork. the men were quite as ill off--they could not be worse; but when they found their officers faring as badly as they were, they could not complain. the old brig sailed like a tub even in a breeze, and at last the wind dropped and they lay becalmed day after day with the sun striking down on their heads. they had found it hot enough very frequently in travelling through the country; it was here sometimes even hotter. on their journey they had had at all events abundance of food, refreshing fruits, and clear water, while now they had only tepid, thick, brackish liquid to drink. when they made faces as they poured it out at meal time, the skipper remarked with a grin-- "you're better off than if we had none, and if we are many weeks longer on the voyage maybe we shall be in that condition." tom suggested that as soon as a breeze sprang up, they should steer for brisbane, or one of the northern australian ports, but the skipper would not listen to any such proposal. he preferred keeping the open sea, free of the reefs which existed nearer in with the land. tom observed that they were already much further to the eastward than was necessary, but captain stubbins, though he was evidently no great navigator, declared that he knew his way as well as any naval officer, and refused to lend tom his quadrant to make an observation. billy looked very melancholy, and declared that should the voyage continue much longer he should give up the ghost. "if we could catch some fish we should do better," said tom. "suppose you ask the skipper if he has got any hooks and lines." "i doubt whether the old fellow will take the trouble to look them out if he has," observed desmond. billy applied as was proposed, and greatly to his delight the mats produced a shark hook and several others of smaller size, with a supply of lines. in a few minutes all hands were busy with lines overboard with bits of pork and beef for bait. several curious fish were hauled up, but the native crew pronounced them poisonous, and declared that those who ate them would die. this was tantalising. while they were engaged in the sport, toby--desmond's favourite monkey, whom he had taught all sorts of tricks--hopped on the bulwarks to see what they were about. "take care what you are doing, master toby," sang out desmond, springing forward to catch the monkey, who was in dangerous proximity to the shark hook line. toby, expecting to be caught, made a spring, but having no rope to take hold of, lost his balance, and over he went into the water. desmond, who was fond of the little animal, threw a line, calling to him to catch hold of it, but the monkey, finding itself in the water, was too much alarmed to obey his directions. "i'll go after him," cried desmond, and was on the point of leaping overboard, when toby uttered a cry of agony, a black snout was seen to rise for an instant, the white of a shark's belly glanced in the water, and toby disappeared beneath the surface. "the horrid brute!" exclaimed desmond; "we will pay him off for this if we can." the fishermen persevered, and desmond caught a good-looking fish and tom another. "i've got one!" cried billy, pulling away. "here, desmond, come and help me haul it in--he must be a big fellow." they hauled away at the line, which suddenly came up very rapidly, when a shark's nose appeared above the water; it was but for a moment, and the next billy and desmond were sprawling on the deck with the hook bitten off some way above the shank. "bad luck to the beast! it's the same which ate up poor toby," cried desmond, as he picked himself up. "i only hope he will not run away with any more of our hooks," said tom. "it will be as well to haul them in before he gets hold of them." directly afterwards the line with the shark hook attached was seen to be pulled violently. "hurrah! the voracious brute has got hold of the hook intended for him," cried tom. "let's haul him in before he breaks clear." all hands ran to the line. casey made a bowline round the line, ready to slip over the shark's head as soon as it should appear above water. could it once be got round its body, its capture would be certain. peter, in the mean time, got another ready to slip over its tail. the mate and some of the malays came to the assistance of the midshipmen. keeping a steady pull on the line, they soon brought the head of the big shark to the surface. it had bolted the hook, and was biting away at the chain secured to the shank. "he'll be through it if we don't make haste!" cried tom. "quick, quick, casey! slip the bowline round him!" the seaman managed dexterously to do this, and the rest of the crew, hauling away, at length got its body out of the water. it was a huge creature, ten feet long. it struggled desperately, beating the water into foam alongside, so that it was some time before peter could get a rope round its tail. that done it was a close prisoner. "keep all the lines taut, or he'll be wriggling through them and carry off the hook and line!" cried tom. at last it was got up flush with the bulwarks, when down it came, knocking over poor billy and two of the native crew. had not tom and desmond rushed forward and hauled billy out of the way, he would have been beaten into a mummy by the furious lashing of the creature's tail. for several moments it had possession of the deck, until at length casey and peter, having got hold of an axe apiece, rushed up and each dealt him a blow across the tail, springing back the next instant out of its way. again and again they had to repeat their blows. it was some time before the struggles of the monster ceased. "i shouldn't like to be in the way of that fellow's jaws," exclaimed billy, as he examined the shark's head. just then the creature gave a heave, and billy sprang back, knocking over peter, who, in his turn, tumbling against the skipper, brought him sprawling to the deck. captain stubbins, getting up, furiously attacked poor peter, as if he had tumbled against him intentionally, and, seizing a rope, began to belabour him severely. this excited tom's and desmond's indignation. "you've no business to treat the poor fellow in that way," exclaimed tom; "and i'll not allow it!" "who are you?" said the skipper. "this is mutiny, and i'll clap you and your companions in irons as soon as look at you." "we are queen's officers, and cannot allow a man under our charge to be treated as you have this poor fellow," answered tom, in a determined tone. the skipper, muttering a furious oath, without another word retired to his cabin, and presently re-appeared with a pistol in his hand, and another sticking out of his pocket. tom fixed his eye calmly upon him. "we do not fear your threats, captain stubbins," he said. "if you were to kill one of us, you would be guilty of murder, and would be hung to a certainty. let me advise you, then, to take those pistols back to your cabin. we have no wish to insult you or to dispute your authority. our messmate, who was the cause of the black's falling against you, is ready to apologise: i hope that will satisfy you." "really, captain stubbins, i am very sorry for what has happened," exclaimed billy; "and i am sure the shark would be if he could speak, for he, after all, was the cause of your misfortune. had he not given so unexpected a plunge, i should not have tumbled down nor knocked over peter, and peter would not have knocked over you. i promise you it shall not occur again, for i'll keep clear of him until we have a few delicately browned slices placed on the table. i never ate shark, but i'll undertake that it shall be better than the salt beef we have on board." by the time billy had finished his apology the skipper's anger had somewhat cooled down, but he still walked the deck with a pistol in his hand, and tom and desmond kept an eye upon him lest he should all of a sudden take it into his head to fire at one of them. at last, greatly to their satisfaction, he went below, and replaced the pistols in his berth. several other fish were caught after this, so that the midshipmen were not reduced to eat the shark. on cutting it open, poor toby was discovered within, and served as a _bonne bouche_ to the crew, the midshipmen contenting themselves with the fish. as long as the calm lasted, and fish could be obtained, the passengers and crew of the _fox_ did not fare ill; but as the midshipmen were anxious to get over a disagreeable passage and rejoin their ship, they would gladly have gone on short commons and made a quick passage. the water every day became worse and diminished in quantity, and they had serious apprehensions of what might be the result. "if we could manage to construct such a still as our friend the american doctor formed on the sand-bank, we might obtain fresh water," observed tom. "i'm sure i don't know exactly how it was done," answered desmond, "but i remember the principle, and feel pretty sure that i could manage it if any one on board understands blacksmith's work. steam we can produce fast enough from the largest tea-kettle on board; the chief difficulty will be the condenser." when, however, tom mentioned his idea to captain stubbins, the skipper laughed at him, and declared that he could not do it if he tried, as there was no blacksmith on board. a breeze springing up made it less necessary for tom to try his experiment, and the skipper asserted that the water would hold out until they could get into sydney. he was, however, all this time keeping much further to the eastward than was necessary. tom and desmond agreed that he was not aware how far off he was from land, though he would find out his mistake when he came to haul to the westward. "well, i do wish this voyage was over," exclaimed poor billy, on whom the hard fare was beginning to tell, though he had wonderfully withstood the long journey across the country. "i shall be losing the number of my mess if this horrid brig doesn't make better way than she has hitherto been doing." there seemed every probability of the voyage being prolonged. now the wind was contrary, now it again fell calm; and even with a fair wind the tub of a brig seldom made more than five or six knots an hour. the heat of the cabin was such that the midshipmen never remained below longer than they could help, and much of the night was spent on deck. the skipper, on the contrary, seemed seasoned to any amount of heat, and was constantly below. one night, after a supper of hard, cold, salt beef, which they could only eat by cutting it into the thinnest of slices--mouldy biscuit, rum and muddy water--they went on deck, where they found casey and peter, who had been taking a meal of the same description. excepting the watch, the rest of the crew were below. "any chance of our getting in, sir?" asked casey of tom. "it is pretty well time we should be there, for i've been trying to learn what quantity of water we have got on board. as far as i can make out, we've not got a gallon at the most, and that won't keep our tongues moist for more than a couple of days." "i doubt whether the master himself is aware of this," said tom, "for he takes the matter very easy, and he ought to have put all hands on an allowance before this. he must do so, or we shall be dying of thirst before we drop anchor in sydney harbour." the brig was at this time under all sail, but the wind was light, and she was making little way. suddenly her sails gave a loud flap against the mast. "we are going to have another calm, i fear," said desmond. "i'm not quite so sure of that," said casey. "i've been watching the sky, and it seems to me as if a thick gloom was spreading over it. i've observed a dark bank rising rapidly to the southward and eastward. look, sir, you cannot see a star in that quarter. if i was the mate, i'd shorten sail at once." tom and desmond took a survey of the horizon in the quarter to which casey was pointing. the bank was rising rapidly; it looked, indeed, as if a dark curtain was being drawn over the sky. "i'll point it out to the mate," said tom. on going aft, tom found the mate seated close to the taffrail. instead of keeping a look-out, he was fast asleep. tom roused him up, and pointed out the appearance of the sky. "i don't think it's anything," he observed, rubbing his eyes. "it is, though," cried tom. "listen to that roar." at that moment a dull rushing sound was heard, and a long streak of white was seen extending from east to south-west across the ocean. "turn the hands up! shorten sail!" cried tom. the mate repeated the order. the midshipmen sprang to the main-topsail halyards, casey and peter to the fore-topsail; but almost before a rope could be let go, a fierce blast struck the brig. in vain the mate tried to put the helm up. over she heeled more and more, until the yardarms touched the water. tom and desmond seized hold of billy, who had just before dropped off to sleep, and scrambled up to the weather bulwarks. casey and peter had been doing the same. another instant and the brig was on her beam ends, with the water rising up to the combings of the hatchway. believing that the brig was going over, the midshipmen and their companions got on to the outside of the bulwarks, holding on to the main-chains. as the lee side of the sails was already under water, there was no probability that the brig would rise again. every moment, indeed, it seemed as if she must go down. their position was truly a fearful one. the mate and the man at the helm had apparently slipped off into the water, as they were nowhere visible. of the two men forward, one only succeeded in gaining the bulwarks, the other had probably shared the fate of the mate. the condition of those below was terrible. unable to gain the deck, they were probably drowned in their berths. although the main hatchway was closed, the fore and companion hatches were open. the wind howled over the doomed brig; the sea was getting up. the midshipmen believed that she must quickly founder and their fate be sealed. "we have gone through many a danger together," said tom, to desmond; "but i believe our time has come at last. i wish my brother jack could have known our fate. he will be very sorry for us, and so will those at home." "it cannot be helped," said desmond. "i should have liked to live longer, and we are better off than the poor fellows drowning in their berths." "what! do you think the brig is going down?" cried billy. "dear me, how dreadful; can't we get something to float upon?" "as the water is rushing into her fearfully fast, i don't see what chance there is of her floating," answered tom. "however, we will not give up all hope while she remains above water. perhaps, when the squall is passed over, we may manage to scramble out along the masts and cut away the topgallant yards, and get hold of some of the gratings or spare spars to form a raft." "we must be quick about it, then," observed desmond; "for the old craft may go down at any moment." "while the wind is blowing as it is now, there is no use making the attempt," said tom. "she does not appear to me to have sunk lower than she did when she first went over. she has a light cargo, and will float longer than a vessel heavily laden." the midshipmen, however, could not talk much, for it was a difficult matter to make each other hear, what with the sound of the wind, and the sea dashing against the hull of the brig, while showers of spray fell over them. they could distinguish the figures of casey and peter, with another man holding on to the fore-rigging, but as yet they had been unable to exchange words with them, and were afraid to let go their hold, lest they should be washed off by the sea. the gale continued to blow furiously, and for two hours a perfect hurricane raged. it suddenly ceased, and the sea--though not so rapidly--began to go down. on this their hopes revived. tom was anxious to ascertain casey's opinion, and made his way to the fore-rigging. "i'd stick to the hull, sir," answered pat. "the brig has floated so long; she may float longer, and we had better wait until daylight before we attempt to make a raft. we may chance to slip off into the sea, or one of those savage sharks may be watching a chance to get hold of us." tom followed casey's advice, and without much difficulty regained his former position. never had a night appeared so long to any of the party. notwithstanding their position, however, billy was constantly dropping off to sleep, and tom and desmond had to hold him on, or he would to a certainty have fallen into the water. as the morning approached, the sea became perfectly calm. they would have been thankful for the breeze, which might bring some vessel to their succour. what hope could they have of surviving many hours on the bottom of the brig? the sun rose. almost exhausted, the midshipmen could with difficulty hold on. as they turned their weary eyes in all directions, not an object was in sight. "no land to be seen?" asked poor billy. "that may be a couple of hundred miles away, i fear," answered tom. "any vessel coming to our help?" again inquired billy, who, stretched on the rigging, could not lift his head. "without a breath of air, there is no chance of that," said desmond; "but cheer up, billy, perhaps a steamer will be coming this way." "there are not many likely to be cruising in this direction," observed tom. "however, as i have said all along, we will hope for the best." "oh! i'm so hungry; so thirsty," moaned the younger midshipman. "can't you get me something to eat?" "if we were to go into the cabin, we should find nothing," said desmond. "the last cask of water was on the starboard side, with the hung out, and must be full of salt water by this time." the midshipmen again relapsed into silence. the sun rose higher and higher, its beams striking down with fury on their heads; even tom, who was the strongest, felt that they could not hold out much longer. hour after hour went by; still, if they were not to perish, something must be done. he asked casey and the other men whether they had by chance any fish-hooks in their pockets? they searched, but in vain, and as to going below to look for them, they all declared that it would be impossible. the brig, however, continued to float; that was something, but tom could not help acknowledging that they would be unable to hold out another night. even he, as he felt the pangs of hunger and his mouth parched with thirst, began to despair. desmond and billy were already far gone. he gazed at the countenances of his two messmates. "they'll never see another sun rise, and shall i?" tom began seriously to consider how best to prepare himself for his inevitable fate. just then casey sang out, "a breeze! a breeze! i felt it on my cheek, a moment ago!" he endeavoured to wet his finger with his parched tongue, but could hardly do so. he held up his hand. "it's from the southward, and if we can manage to build a raft, we may yet reach the land, or get into the line of vessels running between sydney and the northern ports." these exclamations aroused tom; even desmond looked up. "a breeze! yes, indeed, there is, and a sail too. she is standing towards us!" he pointed to the southward. a patch of white canvas, on which the sun was shining brightly, appeared on the blue ocean. casey, at at the same time, caught sight of it. "hurrah! hurrah! we are saved; she cannot fail to see us." the cheer was taken up by his companions in misfortune. even billy lifted up his head. "is it true, rogers, that you see a sail?" he asked. "as true as that we are here, but we must not make too sure of being discovered," replied tom. "sure, they would not be after passing us, if they once get sight of the wreck," said desmond. "that's just what they may not happen to do," answered tom, who had become much less sanguine than formerly, and, hungry and worn out, was inclined to look on the dark side of things. the breeze increased, the stranger drew nearer and nearer. tom and desmond were both of opinion that she was a man-of-war. casey thought the same. the question was, however, whether she would pass them by. she was steering due west, and an object so low in the water as the hull of the brig now was, might not be visible. on she came, until she was about south-east of them, and as yet it was evident that those on board had not seen the wreck, though she herself was easily made out to be a large man-of-war steamer. proudly she was gliding on, when her yards were braced up and she stood towards the brig. "thank heaven, there is no longer any doubt about it!" cried tom. "rouse up, billy, rouse up, my boy! we are all right! here comes the steamer to our assistance, and more than that, i'm very sure that she is the _empress_, or a craft so like her that it would be difficult to distinguish one from the other." poor billy could only raise his head and smile faintly, as he ejaculated, "thank heaven, too!" tom was undoubtedly right. in a few minutes more the _empress_ was almost within hail, a boat was lowered, and with rapid strokes came pulling towards them. mr norman, from whom they had last parted on the coast of papua, was in her, but he evidently did not recognise them, supposing them to be part of the brig's crew. "slide down, and we will catch you," he cried out, as the boat pulled close to the keel of the brig, the rigging preventing her approaching the deck side. "billy shall go first," said tom, and making a rope fast round their messmate, he and desmond lowered him down. "handsomely, handsomely!" cried the lieutenant, "or that boy's skin will be torn off his back. why! who have we here?" exclaimed mr norman in astonishment, looking at billy's haggard countenance and recognising him rather by his faded and tattered uniform than by his features. "don't you know me, sir?" asked billy, in a faint voice. he could say no more. "bless my heart, is it you? and are those rogers and desmond?" "here we are, to answer for ourselves," said tom, who, with desmond, had managed with the aid of the rope to get down close to the boat, into which they were helped by the men, although in their weak state, so overcome were they by the exertion they had made, that they could hardly stand. they were handed into the stern sheets, and the boat then moving on took off the other three men in the same fashion. scarcely were they dear of the brig than she righted, and as she did so began rapidly to settle down. the midshipmen and their companions were received with hearty congratulations on board the _empress_, by no one more so than by her captain, who was truly thankful to get back his younger brother, about whose fate he had long been intensely anxious. the _orion_, which had been astern, now came up, and adair was informed that his nephew was safe, although apparently in a precarious condition. it was several days before the midshipmen could give an account of their adventures. when once they were able to use their tongues, they had very little rest, for every one was eager to know what they had done and seen, and it must be acknowledged that sometimes they were inclined to indulge their hearers with travellers' tales. by the time they reached sydney they were well enough to come on deck and have a look at the magnificent scenery of that superb harbour. of their stay there, although full of interest to themselves, but a brief account alone can be given. they were received in the kindest way by the inhabitants, and spent some weeks at the house of an old friend of the rogers' family. their friends, mr and mrs calvert, had several daughters, who contributed not a little to make their stay agreeable. on their first arrival the young gentlemen were compelled to keep their rooms, as it was considered that they had not sufficiently recovered to bear the excitement of society. they were not allowed to starve, however. a handsome repast had been sent up to them, and they were pledging each other in glasses of light australian wine, which they found very refreshing, when the two captains entered the room. "i congratulate you," said jack, as he handed two official-looking letters, the one to tom and the other to desmond, respectively addressed lieutenant thomas rogers and lieutenant gerald desmond. the envelopes contained their commissions. "those papers, i suspect, will do more to set you up than anything else," said jack. "indeed they will, although they have been long enough in coming," answered tom. "faith! i could get up and dance a jig forthwith," exclaimed desmond. "you'd better not, in case the ladies should arrive to congratulate you," observed his uncle. "is there no letter for me? i wonder when i shall get promoted!" asked billy from his corner of the room. "all in good time," answered jack. "perhaps you will have an opportunity before long of doing something to distinguish yourself." next morning the two lieutenants and billy were able to come downstairs. their promotion had had a wonderful effect on tom and desmond, who talked and joked at a great rate with their fair hostesses. as might be supposed, the young lieutenants lost their hearts, and even billy blueblazes, though still a midshipman, became more sentimental than he was ever before known to have been, the most juvenile of the ladies being the object of his adoration. a copy of verses, which he had begun to compose in her praise, though as yet he had not got very far in them, afforded a subject of amusement to his messmates. their visit on shore was, however, brought abruptly to an end, in consequence of the two ships being ordered off to new zealand. chapter thirteen. warfare in new zealand--blue-jackets from empress and orion land--a desperate attack on a pah--the pah captured--a night march--the party lose their way--gain the top of a hill--bivouac--attacked by a large party of maoris--a gallant defence--many killed--tom wounded--nearly overwhelmed--jack holds out bravely--succoured in time by adair and desmond--assault on the pah--deserted by the garrison--a night march to attack a village--desperate defence of the inhabitants--the old chief's granddaughter--tim proposes to splice her offhand--the end of the contest--homeward bound--billy struck by moon-blindness--a thunderstorm--billy restored to sight--the orion lost sight of--the empress reaches spithead. each of the two ships carried a party of volunteers, who had been raised to assist the new zealand colonists and regular troops in putting down the maori rebellion, which had some time before broken out. the part of the northern island of new zealand in which the natives had taken up arms, is a region of mountains, hills, and valleys, with lakes and streams, and several rivers of considerable size, the thames and the waikato being the largest. the ground is either covered with dense forest or scrub, or long grass, and the thickly growing flax plant, which afforded cover to the maoris in their engagements with the british troops. the rebels had frequently been defeated, but had fought bravely on all occasions, and sometimes successfully defended themselves. the commander-in-chief had resolved to attack a strong pah, in which one of the principal chiefs, with a large body of followers, held out, and the ships of war were ordered round, that the men of the larger ones might be landed to co-operate with the troops, while the smaller vessels and gun-boats proceeded up the river to bombard the enemy's fortifications before they were assaulted. the maoris had already shown themselves to be both brave and intelligent foes, and that, savages though they were called, they were in no way to be despised. jack and adair were dining together on board the _empress_. they intended to land next day with about eighty men and several officers, to assist the troops in the attack on the pah. it was situated on a hill some way up the river. the smaller steamers and gun-boats were to convey the troops and tow the men-of-war's boats with the blue-jackets on board. besides the pah, strong entrenchments had been thrown up by the maoris, reaching from the right bank of the river to a lake on the opposite side of the pah, thus completely blocking up the road. in addition to these fortifications, were two lines of rifle-pits, the most dangerous style of defence to attack in the hands of a desperate enemy. both soldiers and sailors knew that it was no child's play in which they were to be engaged, and that, savage as was the foe, many a life might be lost before he would be compelled to succumb. jack was unusually grave. adair laughed and joked, as was his custom. "if i fall to-morrow," said jack, "tell julia how i longed to return home to be with her. there is a letter for her, which i wrote last night, in my desk. i have left you my executor. my worldly affairs are in good order, so that you will not have much trouble. my letter contains chiefly expressions of my devoted affection and a few directions." "of course i will do everything you wish, should such a misfortune happen, but i do not believe that the bullet is cast that is to deprive you of life, jack," answered adair. "you'll get your flag, as i hope to get mine one of these days; although i know it is possible that a bit of lead may find me out, yet the chances are if it does it won't hit a vital part. still, in case such a thing should happen, you will bear my affectionate farewells to lucy, though she knows that i love her as the `apple of my eye.'" gerald had come on board to see tom, and the four relatives spent the evening together. the two young lieutenants were to join in the attack. at an early hour the next morning the expedition commenced the ascent of the river. it was sufficiently wide and deep to float steamers of considerable size, but as the current was very strong, it greatly impeded their progress. it had been arranged that simultaneous attacks should be made both above the fortifications and below them. the steamers which carried the troops destined to assault the southern end of the pah proceeded up the river. jack and terence with their men, having landed on the north side of the fortifications, were directed to proceed close to the neck of land, and sweeping round, left shoulders foremost, to attack the entrenchments at the part they would then reach. their guide conducted them until they reached the foot of a low ridge just beyond gunshot of the enemy. here they were to remain until a signal was made for them to commence the action. jack and tom climbed up among some low brushwood which lined the top of the ridge, whence they could see into the pah about to be attacked. it was a formidable-looking place, with a deep ditch in front, and strong palisades, which must be pulled down or escaladed before it could be entered. through his glass jack observed a line of dark heads with musket barrels shining in the sun. these were only the outer defences; within were other entrenchments and pits, all probably concealing a host of determined enemies, for it had been reported that the pah was held by nearly a thousand men. the blue-jackets cared very little for the difficulties and dangers before them. they were laughing and joking as usual, eagerly looking forward for the signal to assault the works. in the mean time the troops, having landed, were marching up to their destined positions, the object of the general being so completely to surround the pah that none of the garrison could escape and give further trouble. just then an officer arrived, directing captain rogers to keep his men in reserve. this was disappointment, as all hoped to be among the first in the fort. at length the gun-boats, which had got into position, opened fire on the fort. their shot, however, produced but little effect in the wide open space into which they fell, the enemy having numberless pits and holes in which they could protect themselves. the larger steamers were impeded by the current, and unable to get into position from whence they could discharge their shot at the pah. at length a rocket flew up from a hill at the north end above the river, as a signal to attack. it was answered by another at the south end, when the troops, rising from behind the cover which had concealed them from the enemy, rushed forward towards the pah, those who had just landed joining them on their right. they were received by a withering fire from the fortifications, which brought many to the ground, but, nothing daunted, they pushed forward to plant their scaling ladders against the palisades. the first line was quickly gained. more soldiers, as they landed, joined the first assailants, when the enemy retreated to the centre of the redoubt, where they seemed determined to defend themselves. the troops on the south side were at the same time fighting their way across the lines of rifle-pits, from which the enemy were firing at them with deadly effect. one pit after another was taken, the occupants of some being bayoneted, while those of others, losing heart, leaped out and endeavoured to make their escape across the lake to the east, the only outlet which now remained for them. the main body of the enemy held out in their centre fortification, which was of the strongest description. in vain the most desperate attack was made on it by a gallant party of artillery. so high were the palisades that the scaling ladders could not reach the summit. their commanding officer, in searching for a spot through which an entrance might be made, was brought mortally wounded to the ground. other officers fell; at length the soldiers had to retire. "now, captain rogers, will you see what you can do?" said an _aide-de-camp_, who had been despatched by the general. "on, lads!" cried jack. he and adair led the way, followed at hot speed by their men. terence had brought a number of hand-grenades, which were carried by a party under desmond's command. it was hoped, by throwing them in, the enemy would be driven from the spot, and time allowed for the seamen to climb over the palisades. the naval party were received with as hot a fire as had met the troops. the brave maoris, disconcerted by the repeated attacks made on them, began to waver. jack, in leading on his men, was struck down, and tom, who took his place, was wounded in the left shoulder, but still continued at the head of his men. desmond, in the mean time, was endeavouring to throw in his hand-grenades. although they burst in the midst of the enemy, and must have wounded several, others springing forward occupied their places, and nearly a score of blue jackets being killed or wounded, captain adair was obliged to retire. just then jack, who had been stunned by a bullet which had grazed his head, inflicting a scalp wound, recovered, and, calling on his men to follow, led them up once more to the assault. adair, imitating his example, and observing that some of the palisades had been shattered by the hand-grenades, attacked them with a party of his men who carried axes. while the maoris hurried to defend the spot thus threatened by adair, jack and tom, quickly followed by the _empress's_ men, mounting their ladders, climbed over the palisades, and were inside before the enemy perceived them. although there was yet another fortification in which the maoris might have held out for a short time longer, finding that they were overpowered, they hoisted a white flag as a sign that they were ready to capitulate. the troops who had been advancing to the support of the blue-jackets joined their shouts to the hearty cheers of the victors. not another shot was fired. several hundred maoris, many of them being chiefs, laid down their arms. some of the warriors declared that when they saw an officer whom they thought killed get up and lead on his men as bravely as before, it was time to give in. the victory, however, had been dearly purchased: upwards of forty men had been killed, including four officers, and nearly a hundred wounded, while the maoris must have lost a much larger number. two or three hundred of the enemy, who had been unable to escape, yielded themselves prisoners of war, promising never again to take up arms against the british. they were kindly treated, and at once became on very good terms with the soldiers and blue-jackets. it was curious to see them mingling with the men round their camp fires, talking in broken english, and apparently on the most friendly terms with their late enemies. as they were totally unarmed, and their chiefs remained as hostages well guarded, there was no fear of their attempting any treachery. a redoubt was now commenced on the captured position. soldiers and sailors laboured together in its construction, the latter especially in bringing up the guns, ammunition, and stores required by the garrison. another important pah, one of the principal strongholds of the enemy, further in the interior, had now to be attacked. the steamers proceeded up the river as far as the depth of water would allow, and the troops landed, with several bodies of blue-jackets from the different ships, under their respective officers. jack had his second lieutenant with him, mr norman, his brother, billy blueblazes, and about sixty men, among whom were jerry and tim nolan. adair was accompanied by desmond, his second lieutenant, and about the same number of men. while the main body of the troops were to assault the pah in front, other parties were sent round to attack it in the rear, as also to cut off the retreat of the enemy. jack had secured the services of a guide, a friendly native, who professed to know the country, and undertook to conduct him to a position whence he could observe the fort, and either move on to attack it, or, should the maoris take to flight, capture or shoot them down if they refused to yield. the force destined to attack the enemy in reverse, which had furthest to go, started from the camp late in the evening. the men had had their supper, and were ready for any amount of fatigue they might be called on to endure. tom marched alongside jack for the first part of the distance. there was no necessity for keeping silence, as no enemy was near. "i wish this business was over," said tom. "there is little honour or glory to be gained. it is excessively fatiguing and unsatisfactory work." "it has to be done, at all events," observed jack. "as to honour and glory, these maoris are no despicable foes, and fight as bravely as any men can do, though not always in the most civilised fashion, it must be allowed. it is to be hoped that they will in time discover the hopelessness of their cause, and sue for peace. it is sad to think how many brave officers and men have already lost their lives, and if the enemy holds out many more, too, probably will be killed. i am sorry, too, for the maoris themselves, who, from their ignorance of our power, venture so boldly to resist it." "it is satisfactory, at all events, to find that when they discover how hopeless is resistance, that they are inclined to become friends, as they have just shown," observed tom. the party were marching along a native path towards the south-east. on the left were hills covered with brushwood; on the right a more level country, partly wooded, with wide open spaces, in which grew in rich profusion the tall new zealand flax. the shades of evening were gradually closing around. jack was well aware that should the enemy discover the advance of his party, his position might become critical in the extreme. he therefore kept his men well together, and pushed forward as rapidly as the nature of the ground and the darkness would allow. having proceeded some distance, he ordered them to maintain perfect silence, and to tread as lightly as possible, so that their footsteps might not be heard at a distance. he sent tom with four men ahead, directing him to fall back should an enemy appear. thus the little band marched on, climbing hills, diving into valleys, now crossing open spaces, now making their way through the dense scrub. at length jack began to suspect that they had marched much longer than was necessary to gain the desired position. he interrogated the guide, who, in his replies, showed some hesitation, and at length confessed that a considerable period had elapsed since he had come that road. "i was afraid so," said jack. "we must look out for a spot where we can encamp until daylight, when we shall be able to ascertain our true position. if we march further we may get beyond the pah, and be too late for the assault." the party were then in a small valley, commanded on the left side by a wooded hill, from whence an enemy might fire down with impunity upon them. the guide asserted there was no risk of this, and advised jack to advance for a short time longer, assuring him that they should soon reach the position he wished to gain. he was so confident in his manner that jack allowed him to continue ahead to lead the way. as they advanced, however, the valley narrowed so that the party might be assaulted on both sides. still, as no enemy appeared, his belief in the guide's honesty returned. again the valley opened out; a hill appeared on the left side, sloping gradually up from the valley. jack determined to take possession of it, and to remain there until daylight. he accordingly sent tim nolan on to tom, who had charge of the guide, directing him to halt until the main body came up, when he hoped the guide would find a path by which the hill might be ascended. tim quickly returned, reporting that the guide had disappeared and although two of tom's men had instantly set off in pursuit, they had been unable to find him. this looked suspicious, and made jack more than ever anxious to get into a secure position. a path was found leading up the hill. he determined to pursue it, though steep and narrow, directing the men to be prepared for an attack, as he thought it possible that the hill might be in possession of the maoris. in perfect silence they proceeded, two men abreast, for the path would allow of no more. at any moment they might hear the crack of the enemy's rifles, and a shower of bullets might come rattling about their ears. still they went boldly on. up and up they ascended among the tall trees. it was too dark to see more than a few yards ahead; and jack issued orders that should the enemy appear, his men were to fire a volley and charge, when he had little doubt but that the maoris would give way. the path made several bends to avoid the steeper portions of the hill. it might easily have been defended by a determined body of natives. as none showed themselves, jack began to hope that he should gain the position without fighting. suddenly looking upwards, he discovered that there were no tall trees rising above him, and directly afterwards he found himself in an open space, destitute even of brushwood, on the summit of the hill. a line of palisades, partly broken down on the opposite side, convinced him that the ground was the site of an ancient pah or village; and, as it was of considerable elevation, he hoped at daylight, by obtaining a good view over the country, to ascertain the direction he must then take. it was not, he was certain, the position he had been directed to occupy, and was, he thought, a considerable way beyond it. that, however, without a guide, could only be ascertained in the morning. it was more secure than would have been a spot covered with trees, but at the same time the enemy might steal close up to it without being discovered. he therefore saw the necessity of keeping a vigilant look-out. a short time before a detachment of military, after a long march, having halted, had become scattered, the officers going to a distance from their men, when the maoris, who had been on the watch, fell upon them, killed one of the officers, wounded another, and killed or wounded upwards of a dozen men. to avoid a like misfortune, jack kept his men together in the centre of the space, and placed sentries all round. the rest he allowed to lie down with their arms by their sides. as they had had supper before marching, they were not hungry. many cried out for water, but unfortunately none had been brought. although there was no moon the stars were bright, and enabled objects to be seen from the hill-tops at a considerable distance. jack, though he sat down, did not venture to go to sleep, keeping his eyes and ears open. occasionally he and tom made a circuit of the ground, stopping every now and then to listen, but no sounds reached their ears. "i really don't think the enemy can have discovered us," observed tom; "or if they know where we are, they consider it too hazardous to attack us." jack was inclined to be of tom's opinion; so, directing the look-out men to keep a vigilant watch, they retired to the centre of the open space, and sat down close to the rest of the people. "it has occurred to me," said tom, at length, "that if our guide means treachery, he will find out the maoris and bring down a body upon us; and it is quite possible that we may even now be attacked before morning." "i have little doubt that he did intend treachery; and that he thought, on deserting us in the valley, that we should bivouac where we then were, from failing to discover this hill. if so, the maoris will be disappointed," answered jack. "whether they will venture to attack us when they find that we have gained this position, is the question." scarcely half an hour had passed after these remarks had been made, when suddenly, from amid the dark wood on every side, bright flashes of flame burst forth. the crack of rifles was heard, and bullets came flying over where the men lay. the sentries returned the fire. two of them the next instant were seen to fall. had the rest of the men been standing up, many of them must have been hit. the sound of musketry made the party spring to their feet; and jack, directing mr norman and tom to hold their ground with half the men, led the other half towards the side of the hill from whence the firing appeared to be thickest. as he gained it he ordered half of those with him to fire a volley down the hill, aiming at any objects they could see moving, then to lie down or seek cover behind trees. as soon as the smoke had cleared away he caught sight of a number of dark forms advancing up the hill. "now is your time, my lads!" he sang out. the men in reserve, while the first half were re-loading, fired at the approaching foe. several must have been hit, but the next instant not a man was to be seen, they having evidently sought cover by springing behind the trees. what has now been described occupied scarcely a minute of time. jack did not forget that the enemy were on the right and left of him, and might at any moment gain the level ground and get between him and the rest of his party. he therefore thought it prudent to fall back, intending to hold the position on the side where the hill was steepest, and which might be defended by a few men, while the main body were occupied by the enemy in front. his position was dangerous in the extreme. completely surrounded as he was by apparently a large force, he might find it difficult to hold out until the arrival of reinforcements; indeed, it was a question whether they would be sent to him. before he could get across the open space to the spot he had determined to hold, the enemy again appeared, this time coming boldly from under the cover of the trees, firing as they did so. they must have been somewhat surprised by the volley they received in return, as they must have supposed that the small number of men they first encountered formed the whole of the party. still several of the seamen had been hit, and two more poor fellows killed outright. it wanted yet an hour to dawn, but it was doubtful whether jack's position would be improved by daylight. the enemy would be able to take better aim from behind the trees at his men, exposed in the open. had there been time he would have pulled down the old palisades and made a breastwork, which would have afforded some protection to his people, but now the maoris had got behind the palisades and fired from thence. to attempt to leave the position would be madness. he could not hope to gain a better without having to pass through the thick of the forest, while his men would have been exposed to the fire of an almost invisible foe. his chief hope was that the maoris would discover that the other pah was to be attacked and would retreat to assist in its defence. this, however, was only likely provided they were at no great distance from the fortification. the warm way in which he received the enemy whenever they appeared kept them in check, and sometimes, for several minutes together, it was hoped that they had retreated, but again and again they came on, though they must have suffered severely. many more seamen would have been hit had not jack made them lie down and only rise on their knees to fire. it was satisfactory to him to think that it was owing to his vigilance that his whole party had not been surprised. it was very evident that they were far out-numbered by the enemy, who still seemed resolved to persevere in the attack. dawn at length broke, and as daylight increased jack knew that the diminished numbers of his party would be discovered by the maoris. for some time, however, no attack was made, nor could an enemy be seen. hopes were entertained that they really had retreated. the wounded were crying out for water, and as at some distance at the bottom of the hill, a stream could be discerned, jerry bird and several of the men volunteered to go down and fetch it. jack, of course, could not allow them to do this until he had ascertained whether the enemy had left the neighbourhood. taking, therefore, a dozen men with him, he was making his way across the open to examine the side of the hill, when a hundred dark forms sprang from behind the brushwood, where they had concealed themselves, and opened a hot fire on him and his small party. "give them a volley in return, lads, and retreat!" cried out jack. he was promptly obeyed by all but three, who had been struck down. he and his men then rapidly retreated, re-loading as they went. seeing what had occurred, tom, with a dozen more men, rushed forward to succour the captain, and greatly contributed to keep back the maoris, who, on seeing the retreat of the first party, had begun to advance. jack was on the point of giving the order for the whole of his party to charge, when a volley fired in his rear by a number of the enemy who had climbed up the steep sides of the hill, made him order the men to halt and deal with the fresh party of the foe. though the latter climbed up with the greatest courage, they were unable to avoid exposing themselves. several being shot, the rest sprang down the steep side of the hill, seeking such shelter as they could find. more of the seamen had been wounded, and even now from behind rocks and trunks of trees the maoris continued to fire from the foot of the hill at any of the sailors who exposed themselves. jack was casting a look round his diminished band, when to his grief he saw tom fall. he sent jerry bird to ascertain the nature of his brother's wound. jerry, stooping down, bound up tom's side, and directly afterwards lieutenant norman, who was bravely repelling, with half-a-dozen men, another assault on that side of the hill, was struck in the head by a bullet. in a short time bird rejoined him. "lieutenant rogers is badly hurt, sir; but i don't think he is mortally wounded, and as i've managed to stop the bleeding, if he can get the help of the doctor i think he'll do well, but i'm sorry to say, sir, poor mr norman is done for. he never moved after he fell. we've lost a good officer, sir." "you speak the truth, bird, but i wish you would stay by lieutenant rogers while you are able, and defend him to the last, should the enemy gain the hill. we must keep in check those in front. if it were not for our wounded, who would be exposed to destruction, i would charge and drive them down the hill." a short time after this the hard-pressed band were left at peace, and the wounded who lay on the ground were lifted up and brought together, so that a small party could defend them. the sun rose, and the heat, even on the summit of the hill, became excessive. the poor wounded fellows cried out loudly for water. "i think, sir, i might get down, and by keeping among the trees, be back with a couple of hats full before the enemy find me out," said jerry. "i wish, my brave fellow, that i dare let you go," answered jack. "i feel confident that you would be discovered and shot." it was very tantalising to see the water glittering in the distance and yet not to be able to get to it. that jack was right was soon shown by the enemy suddenly appearing. they must have observed how many of the seamen had already been shot down, and felt confident of ultimate success. they were received with the same steady fire as before, and several were killed. jack at last began to lose all hope of escaping, but he determined to hold out while a man remained alive. he had often been in dangerous positions, but at no time had he seen the prospect of death so near for himself and his followers. as long as his ammunition held out, however, he might still hope to keep the enemy at bay, as they appeared to have no inclination to come to close quarters. scarcely a man of his party had escaped without one or more bullets having pierced his clothes or hat, while on each occasion, when attacked, several had fallen. a longer pause than before ensued, when the maoris, with loud shouts, sprang up the hill, as if resolved to surround and overwhelm the small party of seamen. jack could not help feeling that they would too probably succeed. he, notwithstanding, cheered on his men and urged them to deliver their fire steadily at the foe. just then a cheer was heard at the bottom of the hill. the advancing maoris stopped and looked over their right shoulders. the next instant a volley was fired among them, which brought several to the ground, while the rest turned and fled away to the left, many throwing down their muskets as they rushed through the brushwood. in a few minutes a party of seamen were seen coming up the hill, and adair and desmond dashed across the open to meet jack with his men. their greeting was but short, as adair considered that the enemy should be followed and severely punished. jack advised him not to go far lest he might fall into an ambush. happily adair's party was accompanied by an assistant surgeon, who at once hastened to attend to the wounded. he gave a favourable report of tom, whose wound he had dressed, as well as most of the other men who were wounded. the hill being cleared of the enemy, bird with a party set off to obtain water for them, for all, even those unhurt, were suffering fearfully from thirst. in a short time adair returned, having found it impracticable to force his way through the bush in pursuit of the enemy. he brought in a number of muskets and pouches, showing that a panic must have seized the maoris, who evidently fancied that the whole of the british force was upon them. he, like jack, had lost his way, and hearing the firing, had directed his course to the spot whence it came. from the summit of the hill they were now able with their glasses to distinguish the pah it was intended to attack, which had been passed at a considerable distance. stretchers were at once made for the wounded, and as it was impossible to carry the dead, graves were dug at the top of the hill, where the bodies were interred. as far as they could judge, the attack on the fort had not commenced, and they would still be in time to perform the duty assigned to them. jack's people, though hungry and weary, and mourning for their shipmates, were still eager for the fight. taking a survey of the country from the hill, they were able to select a more open path than that by which they had come, towards the pah, which could be seen in the far distance. they of course had to keep a bright look-out, and to send out scouts on either hand to avoid a surprise should the natives rally and again attack them. they were at length much relieved by falling in with a body of troops sent round to join in the assault on the rear of the fort. as the road to the river was perfectly safe, the wounded were carried down to the boats to be conveyed on board the ships of war, where they could be better attended to than on shore. jack and terence learned from the officer commanding the troops that the attack on the pah had been postponed, and that they were still in time to take part in it. they accordingly pushed forward until they got just beyond gunshot, where they halted, expecting the signal from the opposite side for commencing the assault. jack and terence advanced, under cover of the trees, to a point whence they could obtain a good survey of the whole pah through their glasses. "very strange!" observed jack. "i see no people moving about, nor any in the entrenchments." "we must not, however, be too sure of that," answered terence. "they may show themselves fast enough when we commence the assault." they were now joined by the major commanding the troops, and together they settled the part of the works on which to direct the chief attack. scarcely was this done when up went the signal rocket, and hurrying back to their men they led them forward, expecting every moment to be exposed to the enemy's fire, but still not a black head appeared, not a gun barrel was to be seen. as soon as the ground would permit, the blue-jackets and soldiers advanced at the double, creating a dust which completely surrounded them. on reaching the palisades the seamen began to climb over, while the soldiers with their axes commenced opening a space through which they could force their way. still not a shot had been fired. they could see that the troops at the other side of the pah were engaged in similar work, and almost at the same moment both parties forced an entrance. great was their surprise and disappointment to discover that the space was deserted. there could be no doubt that the maoris who had attacked jack formed part of the garrison, and that finding the formidable preparations made for their destruction, they had deserted the pah, and falling in with him on their retreat, had intended to revenge themselves by attempting to cut him off. the general now resolved to attack two other important positions to the south of the province of auckland, which prevented a free communication between that province and taranki. jack had much wished to return on board the _empress_ to ascertain how tom was getting on, but finding that more work was to be done, he overcame his fraternal feelings, though tom's wound caused him considerable anxiety. the object on most occasions throughout the warfare waged with the rebel tribes was to out-flank and take the enemy in the rear. the success of these movements of course depended greatly upon the secrecy with which they were conducted. the force was now strengthened by three guns, two armstrong six-pounders, and a naval six-pounder which terence had brought from his ship. the tents were allowed to stand until after nightfall, and no signs were made in the british camp that the troops were about to move. soon after dark, however, the tents were struck and the troops being paraded without sound of bugle, moved silently forward. among them were the seamen and marines landed from the _empress_ and _orion_. jack and terence marched with their men, who dragged along their gun, which from the careful way they handled it, they evidently regarded with the greatest affection. after marching for a couple of hours, and crossing a river by a ford, they approached the enemy's position, into the rear of which it was necessary to get without being discovered. so perfect was the discipline of the troops that not a sound was uttered as they moved along, and the maoris--not dreaming that they were in the neighbourhood--were heard calling out as usual to evince their alertness-- "i see you, ye dogs, come on and fight! come on!" a low chuckle from the seamen was the only reply. it was not the intention of the general to attack this position, which would, by its supplies being cut off, become untenable when turned, and the column, therefore, marched on to capture a large maori village in which were considerable stores, the whole neighbourhood being also under cultivation. the advance guard consisted of a body of forest rangers, a colonial cavalry corps. they were followed by the seamen, who, lightly clad, managed to keep up with them. for several miles they marched along a path with high ferns on either side, the country beyond being completely shut out from their view. by pushing the cavalry and light troops forward it was hoped that the village might be surrounded, and the inhabitants prevented from making their escape. whether they would attempt to defend themselves was doubtful. it was hoped that they would see the uselessness of doing so, and orders were issued to treat them-- should they yield--with all kindness and consideration. ascending a slight elevation, the village, covering a wide extent of ground, could be seen, not a quarter of a mile away. no lights were visible in any of the huts, nor were any of the people moving about. not a dog barked-- not a sound was heard. the rangers were ordered to push forward and enter the village on one side, while the seamen and marines closed it in on the other, so that should the inhabitants take to flight they must fall into the hands of the troops who were coming up over the ridge. as the seamen were advancing, not supposing that they were even discovered, suddenly a line of fire opened on them from a range of huts in their front, the maoris running their muskets through the walls. the defenders in the smaller huts were soon disposed of, but from a large hut in the centre a most determined resistance was made. one of the seamen had got close up to the door, when it was opened and he was hauled inside before his comrades could rescue him. there could be little doubt but that he was instantly put to death. there being nothing at hand to break in the door, the seamen again and again attempted to force an entrance, while the defenders continued to fire through the walls. "we must not let those fellows keep us back," cried jack, dashing forward at the head of his men, when all at once flames burst forth so furiously from every part of the building that no one could approach it. not another shot was fired; probably the defenders had exhausted their ammunition. just as jack was about to order his men to move on and attack another part of the village, the door opened and a tall maori stalked forth, his blanket over his head to defend himself from the flames. with a dignified step he advanced towards jack, and presenting his war axe, he yielded himself up as a prisoner. no others came out, and the roof of the hut directly afterwards fell in. for a moment the seamen stopped, gazing at the catastrophe; then the impulse seized them to rush forward and attempt to rescue their fellow-creatures, but it was too late: for an instant a blackened head rose amidst the burning embers, and in another place an arm and shoulder appeared, but directly after sank down. not a groan, not a sound proceeded from the building. all within it had perished, together with the unfortunate seaman who had been dragged inside. in the mean time the resistance offered in the other parts of the village had been overcome. a hut near the centre still remained, however, from which shots were fired at the assailants. jack led on his men to attack it. as the door was closed they fired, knowing that their bullets would penetrate the walls. after the first discharge jack called to the inmates to surrender themselves. a shout of defiance was the only reply, followed by several shots. again the seamen fired, when dashing forward they burst open the door. no further resistance was then offered. on the ground lay stretched four maoris, still grasping their muskets, while at the other end sat a young girl, supporting in her lap the head of an old warrior, who had been shot through the chest and who was apparently dying. three other men--the remainder of the garrison--having thrown down their weapons, stood ready to deliver themselves up. as jack, followed by bird, nolan, and other men, approached the young girl, she said in broken english, pointing to the old warrior, "he grandfather! soon die! no hurt him!" "that we won't, my pretty maiden. i am sorry that he should have been wounded. we will see what the doctor can do for him." the girl shook her head. jack saw that not only was blood flowing from the wound in the old man's breast, but that it came gushing out from his mouth. he despatched one of his men for the surgeon, and had the old warrior lifted out of the hut, which felt hot and stifling, in the hopes that the fresh air might revive him. the girl followed and again seated herself on the ground beside her aged relative. "sure! isn't she a beauty!" exclaimed tim nolan, who had assisted in carrying the old man, and now stood regarding the girl with an expression of admiration in his countenance. "if she'd be after having me, i'd lave the sarvice and settle down in this beautiful country." "may be she wouldn't have you, me boy," observed jerry bird. "if she is a chief's daughter she'll be looking after an officer." tim gave a hitch to his trousers. "though i'm not an officer i'm a british seaman, and a mighty deal better looking than many an officer, no disrespect to my superiors, and i don't see why a maori girl should turn up her nose at me or at any one like me. i'll ask the captain's lave to splice her off hand." the surgeon soon arrived and at once pronounced the old chiefs wound mortal; indeed, before many minutes elapsed he had breathed his last. the poor girl was inconsolable. her mother, she said, was dead, and her father had gone off to defend a pah which it was supposed would be attacked by the british. jack promised to protect her to the best of his power. she seemed inclined to trust him. he was greatly puzzled, however, how to act, and tim, who made the offer to "splice her forthwith," in no way relieved him. while jack was in this dilemma the surgeon suggested that a missionary, who had accompanied the forces as interpreter, would be the best person to whom to consign her. the excellent man, when appealed to, gladly undertook the task, promising to send her at once to his station, where she would be looked after by his wife with some other chiefs' daughters of the same age. whether the young lady was pleased or not with this arrangement, it was difficult to say. she had been overcome with grief at the death of her relative, and she was still seen every now and then to give way to tears. poor tim was in despair. "i told you so," observed jerry bird. "she's a young lady born, though she's not rigged out in silks and furbelows, and she's not for such as you or me. if you are a wise man you'll wait for an english or an irish girl, for though she may have a cock-up nose, and weigh three times as much as this young beauty, she'll make you a far better wife." the expedition was successful. the strong posts of the maoris being captured, and the inhabitants of the whole of that part of the country having sent in their submission, the seamen and marines were able to return to their ships. jack and terence, after this, were engaged in several other expeditions on shore, in which, though successful, several officers and a large number of men lost their lives. at length the maoris discovered, what they might have known from the first, had they not been instigated by the knavish foes of england, who kept well in the background, that it was useless to contend against the power of britain. most of the rebel chiefs losing heart, tendered their submission, and promised in future to be faithful subjects of queen victoria. the regular forces were consequently withdrawn, and the protection of the provinces left to the care of the colonial troops. jack and terence, greatly to their satisfaction and to that of their officers and crews, received orders to return home. they agreed, as far as they were able, to keep together, although they would have few opportunities of communicating, except by signal. they were of course to proceed under sail, except in the event of continued calms, when they would put on steam. they had filled up their bunkers with coal at auckland, and they hoped to avoid the necessity of touching at rio, or any other place for fuel. the _empress_ taking the lead, the two men-of-war steamed together out of auckland harbour, when, having gained a good offing and a fair breeze springing up, all sail was made and they stood together on their homeward course. tom rogers, having completely recovered, was able to resume his duty. though he had often made billy blueblazes his butt, he had a sincere regard for the midshipman, who was placed in his watch. he was one night, soon after leaving new zealand, walking the deck, on which the full moon shone down with even more than its usual brilliancy, when he missed billy. leaving the poop he walked forward, when he found that he had slipped down with his back leaning against the bulwarks, just behind a gun, and was fast asleep with his eyes open. "well, billy, what sort of a night is it?" he asked. billy, starting up, rubbed his eyes. "very dark, sir; i've been looking out for some time, but can see nothing." tom was somewhat astonished at this answer. "what's the matter with you?" he asked. "i don't like to suppose that you were asleep, but it did look like it." "oh, no, sir," answered billy. "i never go to sleep if i can help it, at all events on duty. it is a dark night, although some time ago i know the moon was shining very brightly." "you must be joking," said tom; "why the moon is shining as brightly as ever i saw it in my life." "on my word, i cannot see that or any thing else," answered billy. "it seems to me that i have not been ten minutes on deck." just then it struck seven bells of the first watch. again poor billy rubbed his eyes. "i'm very sorry, but if i've been asleep i didn't know it," he said, putting out his hands instinctively before him. "do you know, i'm afraid i'm blind." "i very much fear that you are," said tom. "i'll send you below and you'd better turn in and have the doctor to see you in the morning; maybe that your eyes are only a little dazzled just now, and you will be all to rights by that time." tom called another midshipman and directed him to help billy into his hammock and let him know how he was. from the way poor billy walked, it was very evident that he could not see an inch before his nose, although, when he had once got his feet on the after hatchway ladder, he easily made his way to his hammock. he felt about, however, where to place his clothes, and required some assistance in turning in. when there, he heaved a deep sigh. his messmates heard him murmur, "oh, dear me! am i going to be blind all my life?" "i hope not billy, but mr rogers says that he thinks you have been struck by moon-blindness, from sleeping with your eyes open, gazing too long at dame luna. you would have got in a precious scrape if that had not happened. i suppose mr rogers won't report you now." again billy groaned. he had much rather have been reported and punished than have lost his sight, as he now supposed was the case. as soon as tom's watch was over, he came down to see billy, who was still groaning at the thoughts of having lost his sight. tom did not think matters so serious. intending to comfort billy, he told him that in consideration of what had happened, the captain would not be severe on him. billy at last groaned himself to sleep. he awoke just before daylight. all was as dark as ever, but, though he began to groan again, he very soon once more dropped off to sleep. at last he was aroused by hearing the hammocks piped up. he instinctively tumbled out of his, when what was his surprise to find that he could see as well as ever, though his eyes ached a little, and he felt an uncomfortable smarting about them. he hastily dressed and went on deck. the discovery that he could see threw him into high spirits. he began to tell every one of his wonderful recovery. in a short time the doctor heard of what had happened, and called him up to hear about it and to examine his eyes. "i don't wish to damp your spirits, but you must not be too sure of retaining your sight," observed the surgeon. still billy would not believe this, and was perfectly satisfied that he was all right. at night, however, what was his disappointment when, directly the sun set, he became blind and had to be led below to his hammock. in vain the doctor applied remedies--none of them had the slightest effect. poor billy was under the impression that he should have to leave the service without a chance of becoming one of england's admirals, or even obtaining his lieutenancy. the two ships, still keeping in company, had a long spell of fine weather, but at length one evening it came on to blow hard. the wind increased during the night, and on the following day a terrific storm of thunder and lightning burst over the ship. the _orion_, which had hitherto kept company, was lost sight off. the thunder rolled and rattled, and flash succeeded flash, each more vivid than the first. several times it appeared as if the ship herself would be struck, as the forked lightning, bursting from the mass of dark clouds above, went zig-zagging over the summits of the waves. it was tom's watch. billy, who, in the day time, could do duty as well as ever, was on deck, as indeed were most of the officers, who had come up to witness the terrific strife of the elements. billy was standing by himself, when a flash, darting through the air, passed so close to him that it appeared as if he had been struck. it was seen to flash across the deck and to lose itself in the foaming ocean. billy uttered a cry and put his hands to his eyes. tom asked him if anything had happened. he answered, "no, only the lightning looked very bright. i thought i was struck." the gale continued. no one thought of leaving the deck. night came on, yet billy remained moving about as he had not done for several weeks past. "why, billy, you seem, to be able to see your way as well as ever," said tom, who observed him. "so i do; although, between the flashes, the night is dark enough, i can make out objects as well as i ever could." though the gale continued, the thunderstorm blew over before midnight, and billy, with the rest of the watch below, turned in. the next evening he found to his infinite satisfaction that his moon blindness no longer existed, and the doctor and all who pretended to any scientific knowledge, were of opinion that it had been cured by the electric fluid, which had glanced across his face. "another half-inch, however, and we might have had a different tale to tell of you," observed the doctor. "how so?" inquired billy. "why, that you would have been turned into a piece of charcoal, instead of being restored to sight. there is something to think of, my boy, for the rest of your days." a look-out was kept for the _orion_. although the gale had ceased, and the horizon was clear, she was nowhere to be seen. "i hope they've not been after killing a pig aboard," remarked pat. "they may not get off so cheap as we have." "what do you mean?" asked tim nolan. "why, for what we can tell, one of them zig-zag flashes may have struck her, and sent her down to davy's locker, or fired her magazine and blown her up sky high." "i hope that's not captain adair's fate," observed jerry bird. "i've sailed with him many a day, and a better officer and a nicer gentleman does not command one of her majesty's ships. when i have been on shore with him, he has been kind and friendly like, and looked after the interests of his men, seeing that they have plenty of grub when it was to be got. never made us work when there was no necessity for it, and i should be sorry indeed if any harm happened to him." when, however, day after day went by, and the _orion_ was not seen, even jack began to feel somewhat anxious. she was not likely to have gone ahead of the _empress_, which was the faster ship of the two, nor could she have dropped so far astern as to be altogether out of sight in so short a time. still, as jack observed to tom, "they had often, during their early days, been inclined to give each other up for lost, and always met again," and he still hoped that such would be the case. at last, however, when the shores of old england appeared in sight, he began to dread having to tell his sister lucy his anxiety about her husband. proceeding up channel, spithead was reached, and the _empress_ immediately received orders to go into harbour to be paid off. jack wisely, when writing to his wife, who, with lucy, was staying at lady rogers', did not speak of his anxiety about adair, but merely said that he had parted from him at sea and hoped the _orion_, which had proved herself rather a slower ship than the _empress_, would soon make her appearance at spithead. murray and stella, with their children, were, he learned, at bercaldine, for which he was sorry, as he thought he might have had the satisfaction of meeting them in the south. some days must elapse before he could pay off his ship; he fully expected that julia and lucy would forthwith come down with their elder girls to southsea, though he felt very much inclined to advise them to wait. tom was glad to find that archie gordon had been promoted for more than a year, and was now serving in the channel squadron, so that he was very likely to fall in with him before long. as jack had expected, scarcely two days had passed since the _empress_ had dropped anchor, before julia and lucy arrived at southsea, each with a little girl, the very image of their mothers. jack had the happiness of hearing that a little jack had been born a few months after he had left england, and was grown into a fine chubby fellow, and that if the small lucy was the image of her mamma, still more so was young jack that of his papa. poor lucy began to look very sorrowful, when day after day went by, and the _orion_ did not appear. chapter fourteen. a visit to the grave of an old friend--the three old shipmates meet-- desmond in ireland--lays claim to a title and estate--the post captains take to yachting--cruises on board the stella--a naval review--down channel--a gale--a run up the irish sea--dublin reached--gerald desmond has become viscount saint maur--pleasant excursions round dublin-- counsellor mcmahon and his fair daughters--the stella again sails, with lord saint maur on board--becalmed in the chops of the english channel-- the yacht run down by a big ship--saint maur disappears--anxiety as to his fate--dangerous condition of the yacht--falmouth reached--dick stokes gives an account of the collision--return to ryde--the stella sails northward--jack appointed to the bellona, adair to the empress. two gentlemen, who might at a glance have been known as naval officers, were walking arm-in-arm towards a church in the midst of a burial ground, standing on the summit of a hill surrounded by woods in the isle of wight, overlooking the solent. the trees were green with the bright leaves of early summer, the birds flew here and there, carrying food to their young, and chirping merrily. in several places openings had been cut, affording a view of the blue water down the channel in the direction of calshot castle and towards spithead and the entrance of portsmouth harbour. one of the gentlemen was strongly built, of middle height, with an open, well-bronzed countenance, a few grey hairs showing themselves amid his bushy whiskers, proving that he was getting on in life. the other was tall and of slender proportions, but had equally the air and bearing of a son of the ocean. passing though a wicket gate, they went along a well-kept gravel path, and stopped before two monuments, side by side, one of granite, the other of white marble. on the first, surmounted by a naval crown, was engraved--"to the memory of admiral triton;" and on the other was inscribed the name of deborah triton, daughter of the late captain triton, rn, and sister of admiral triton, who lies interred by her side. at a little distance followed two ladies, with a party of girls and boys, who had been laughing, chatting, and joking, as they ran in and out among each other, skipping and jumping, and darting here and there. their voices were, however, hushed as they approached the wicket gate and discovered that they had arrived at the churchyard. "i'm glad that my directions have been carried out," said captain adair, the taller of the two gentlemen. "it is but a poor mark, after all, of the gratitude and affection i owe to my kind old friends, by whom i have been so largely benefited. what do you think of them, jack?" "they are very much to my taste, and are exactly such as i should have wished to put up," answered captain rogers. "we shall hear what julia and lucy say." their two wives, who now arrived, were equally pleased. the elder girls, who had brought wreaths of flowers, placed them on the graves as a token of their visit--an idea of their mothers, though it is probable that neither jack nor terence would have thought of doing such a thing. they were still looking at the monuments when carriage wheels were heard, and a gentleman and lady soon afterwards appeared from the other side of the churchyard, and approached them, accompanied by a fine-looking lad in a midshipman's uniform. "why, murray! my dear fellow! i little expected to see you here!" exclaimed jack, hurrying forward to greet them, adair following. captain murray introduced his son, who had just left the _britannia_, and expected every day to be appointed to a ship. "but where have you come from, and where are you staying?" asked jack. "from bercaldine, on board the _stella_, but not the _stella_ you know. our family having considerably increased, we had outgrown the old craft, so i purchased a fine schooner in greenock, aboard which we arrived only yesterday evening. finding you were staying at ryde, we went to your house and there heard that you had gone in this direction. guessing your object, we drove on here in the hopes of meeting you." this of course gave jack and terence and their wives the greatest satisfaction. thus the three old shipmates were again united, and together they stood round the grave of the friend they had known from their youth upwards. of course they had a great deal to talk about, and murray, sending away his carriage, walked back with his friends to ryde. young alick, as may be supposed, made himself agreeable to miss julia rogers and miss lucy adair--for both girls were christened after their mothers. he was a fine handsome boy, full of life and spirits, without a particle of bashfulness. murray inquired after tom and desmond. tom was at sea on board the _roarer_, a lately launched composite frigate, which was expected to perform wonders both under sail and steam, but she had already had to put back twice into plymouth with broken-down machinery and other injuries. it was hoped, however, now that she had undergone a thorough repair, that she would at all events be able to keep above water, although she might not succeed in running after a smaller enemy, or in running away from a big one. "and where is your nephew desmond?" asked murray. "in dublin, closeted every day, he writes me word, with a lawyer, poring over papers, writing and receiving letters, and seeing witnesses. our friend mcmahon assures me that he is certain ultimately to succeed his father's relative, viscount saint maur, a fifth, sixth, or seventh cousin, i believe, who has died lately. several other persons, however, having laid claim to the title and estates, mcmahon was somehow or other induced to look into the case, and became convinced that gerald was the rightful heir. i thought that it was better while he was at sea not to unsettle his mind by holding out any great prospect of success." "i heartily hope that he will succeed," said jack. "he is a fine young fellow; although he has not particularly distinguished himself in the service, i'm sure he will, should he have an opportunity. i hope he'll stick to it even although he should become viscount saint maur." "i'm not very confident about his doing that, even should the lords of the admiralty offer to promote him," said terence, laughing. "he may possibly imitate the example of our old school-fellow, johnny grant, who had been a mate eight or ten years, when, on his coming into a title, my lords wrote, offering at once to promote him and appoint him to a ship. he politely replied, that though hitherto overlooked, he was bound to thank them, but declined their noble offer. i suspect that gerald also will prefer remaining at home looking after his property, and probably taking to himself a wife." "not one of our australian friends?" asked jack. "i didn't think he was so far gone as that." "oh no; he is as heart-sound as ever, but an irishman with a title and good property is not likely to be allowed to remain in single blessedness. if he gains his cause at the trial, which is to come off shortly, i hope that he will come over and pay us a visit while the old house is undergoing repairs; we shall then probably go and stay with him during the winter. i wish that you and murray would come and see us at ballymacree--including, of course, mrs murray and mrs rogers and all your belongings. we have had the place put to rights, and i've bought back some of the dirty acres surrounding it which my poor father let slip through his fingers, so that it has regained some of its pristine greatness or glory, although we do not intend to carry on as was the custom in days of yore, when half-a-dozen hogsheads of claret were on tap at once, and anybody who asked for it got the key." the young ladies were, perhaps, not quite so much interested with the account adair gave of his nephew as were their parents, or in the prospect of seeing the future viscount. murray feared that he should be unable to visit ballymacree. "we are due at bercaldine in the autumn," he observed. "we are unwilling to disappoint the people there, who always look forward to our return, and we have been so many years absent that we do not like to remain away oftener than is necessary." "you'll be getting your flag soon," observed adair. "then if you have an appointment offered you, surely you would not wish to decline it. it will be some time before jack and i become admirals, although i shall scarcely feel myself neglected if i do not get a ship. in the mean time, i have paid several visits to the admiralty lately to ascertain by ocular demonstration what are my prospects, and, judging by appearances, they are not so bad as may be supposed. by my calculations, you will have your flag in a couple of years at the outside." "how is that?" asked mrs murray. "why, i will tell you. your husband, as well as rogers, well knows the waiting-room to which officers are ushered, who desire to pay their respects to the first lord of the admiralty, to obtain anything they can out of him. when i see a number of old post-captains collected, i generally drop a remark that i have not come to ask for employment, but to inquire how soon i am likely to obtain my flag. some one is sure to think i'm cracked, and to beg that i will say how i can possibly learn that? my reply is that i watch the way in which my seniors go upstairs. if they run nimbly up when summoned, i am pretty sure that they are likely to remain on the books as long as i am, and become admirals. but if they drag their legs up after them, and ascend at a slow pace, i feel certain that they will be placed on the retired list, or perhaps go out of the world altogether. on hearing this my respected seniors have generally cast angry looks at me; and when they are summoned i follow them out. the first few steps they go up nimbly enough, but by the fourth or fifth they drag their legs slower. before they are out of sight i see them creeping on, and often blowing like grampuses with the unusual exertion they have made. i generally pull out my watch too, and time them, making a note also of their mode of progress. in nine cases out of ten i have found that i have been right. since the idea first occurred to me fifty at least have gone off the list." mrs murray looked somewhat grave. "i had rather alick remained a captain than see a number of officers put aside or die to make room for him," she answered. "why, my dear mrs murray, it's all we have to look to," answered terence. "we must grow old, it's certain; and we wish to become admirals before we are laid up with the gout, or become too decrepit to go to sea. i hear the admiralty are taking the matter into consideration, and intend to increase the retired list, so that we juvenile captains may have a better chance of our flags." jack and terence accompanied murray and stella down to the pier, where their boat was waiting to take them off to the yacht, which lay among several other fine craft a short distance from it. both promised to go on board with their wives and children the next morning. "have you got ben snatchblock as master?" asked jack. "no, no," said murray, laughing. "he modestly declined taking so responsible a charge, and i thought he was right, so he has subsided into the more retiring character of boatswain or second mate. i brought the craft round myself, but i intend to look out for a cowes man as first mate and pilot, as i wish to have no anxieties, and be able to send the vessel anywhere i wish, without going in her. i propose engaging a couple of good men as master and mate, if they are to be found at this season of the year. most of the well-known men are, of course, already engaged." next morning jack and terence, with their belongings, went down to the pier, where the _stella's_ boat, with the young alick, was waiting to receive them with oars in the air. young alick gave the word to shove off in a very officer-like way, and the blades dropping flat on the water, scarcely making a splash, the boat with rapid strokes was pulled alongside the yacht. even to jack's critical eye she was as neat and trim as any craft could be, and, moreover, a thoroughly comfortable, wholesome vessel, as are most of the scotch yachts. captain murray stood in the gangway to hand in his guests, who were soon seated in easy camp chairs, on cloaks and cushions round the skylight. the anchor was hove up. the vessel's head, under her jib and foresail, payed round before a light air from the eastward, and the mainsail being hoisted, she stood away with several other yachts, which got under way at the same time, standing to the westward. the sky was blue and clear, and the sun shone brightly on the glittering water, just rippled over by the breeze, on the polished sides of the yacht, on the burnished brass work, and on the sails white as snow. as the _stella's_ squaresail was set, she ran by several of the yachts, showing that, although a comfortable craft, she was no laggard. every thing on board was perfect. the men in their white duck trousers, blue shirts, their hats having a band on which the name of the yacht was inscribed in gold letters, the decks without a spot, the ropes neatly flemished down, the bulwarks of a pale salmon colour, the stanchions, belaying-pins, and other brass work burnished to a nicety, all betokened a thoroughly well-ordered yacht, murray himself setting the example in his own person. the yacht soon glided by the wooded heights of binsted. the royal domain of osborne, surrounded by trees, with its green lawn, was passed, cowes point rounded, and its harbour opened out full of yachts of every size and rig, some at anchor, others just getting under way. its club house and picturesque villas, amid its groves of trees and bright lawns, were seen close on the port side; while on the opposite shore, at the mouth of southampton water, could be distinguished calshot castle, once the residence of a general well known in the peninsular war, the predecessor in the command of the british army of sir arthur wellesley. beyond calshot rose the tower of eaglehurst, and to the west of it, reaching to the shore, the outskirts of the new forest. then further on could be seen the town of lymington, at the end of a river meandering through mud flats, with jack-in-the-basket at its mouth; on the isle of wight shore the village of newton, peeping out amongst the thick foliage, with a line of downs rising far beyond it, extending to the extreme west of the island; and yarmouth, with its long street and sturdy little castle at one end, a church tower rising in its midst; and freshwater, with its attractive-looking residences, perched on the hillside; and to the west of it, its formidable but unpicturesque-looking forts, scientifically placed on heights commanding the entrance to the solent. on the right, at the end of a long spit of sand, were the red light-houses, and the castle, and newly erected batteries of hurst, such as no hostile fleet would dare to encounter; outside of which could be distinguished, by the broken water, the dangerous shoal of the shingles, well marked also by its huge black buoys. "how beautiful and curious those cliffs are coloured!" exclaimed the children in chorus, pointing to a bay in the isle of wight shore, a short distance inside the white needle rocks. "that is alum bay," answered captain murray. "the cliffs are composed of fine sand of different colours, as you see. you shall land there some day, when we will come down on purpose; and you can collect specimens for your museum. there are tints sufficient for forming a picture, and you may try who can produce the prettiest landscape with them." beyond alum bay the cliffs rose to a great height, continuing to the very end of the island, where the white needle rocks ran out into the blue waters. the most northern one had been scarped so as to form a platform, on which a granite light-house had been built, instead of one on the downs, which, frequently shrouded by mists, was not to be seen in thick weather by vessels entering from the westward. the needle rocks were soon rounded, while the tide was still ebbing, and scratchel's bay was opened out, its perpendicular cliff rising sheer out of the water several hundred feet. the pilot murray had engaged narrated how once upon a time a transport on a dark night ran in on the rocks, and the crew and passengers escaped over the fallen masts, and succeeded in scrambling up the more accessible part of the cliff; when the morning broke the white rocks looked as if sprinkled over by lady-birds, as the soldiers in their red jackets attempted to make their way to the summit. the yacht stood on until christchurch head was passed, and bournemouth, peeping out amid pine groves, and studland bay, and the pretty little town of swanage appeared, when she hauled her wind to save the tide back, as with a light breeze she would require every inch of it to reach ryde before nightfall. the ladies, who had never sailed down the solent before, were delighted with the scenery. even the three captains, who had so often come in and out through the needle passage, declared that they enjoyed the views more than they had ever done before. the sea was so smooth that there was no necessity to bring up for luncheon, while before dinner-time the _stella_ was again inside the isle of wight. it was the first of several pleasant trips the three old friends with their young people took on board the _stella_. the captains declared that they felt like boys again, and that it was the happiest time in their lives. they had picnics at alum bay, netley abbey, on the shores of southampton water; they pulled up beaulieu river in the boats, and several times sailed round the isle of wight. adair received a letter from his nephew gerald, giving a hopeful account of his prospects. "what do you say to a trip round to dublin to congratulate him if he succeeds, or to console the poor fellow if he fails?" said murray. "you will come, i am sure, and i dare say jack will have no objection to the trip." both adair and jack were perfectly ready to accept the invitation. mrs rogers expressed her readiness, and lucy undertook to remain at ryde to look after the children. it was finally settled that the eldest miss murray and miss rogers should go with the yacht, with, of course, young alick, while the rest remained behind. it was arranged that the _stella_ should sail as soon as a grand review of the fleet, which was about to take place, was over. the review was in honour of a visit paid to the queen by the sultan of turkey and the pasha of egypt, or rather to exhibit britannia's might and power to the two eastern potentates. murray had invited several friends of his own, as well as of jack's and adair's, to see the fleet. as soon as they were on board, the _stella_ got under way, and making sail ran down the two lines, the one composed of lofty line-of-battle ships and frigates, relics of days gone by, consisting of the _victory_, the _duke of wellington_, the _donegal_, the _revenge_, the _saint vincent_, the _royal george_, the _saint george_, the _dauntless_, and many others, whose names recalled the proudest days of england's glory, but which were probably three or four times the size of the old ships, with a weight of metal immensely surpassing their predecessors. in the other line were cupola or turret-ships; iron-clads, with four or five huge guns, armoured screw frigates, and screw corvettes, and rams--hideous to look at, but formidable monsters--and gun-boats innumerable, like huge beetles turned on their backs, each with a single gun capable of dealing destruction on the proudest of the ancient line-of-battle ships. the fleet getting under way stood to the eastward, when they formed in perfect order, the sailing ships taking the port line, the iron-clads the starboard. the _stella_, having stood back to spithead, saw them approaching, presenting a magnificent spectacle as they gradually emerged from the broad wreaths of smoke issuing from their funnels. "gaze at yonder sight, ladies and gentlemen; it will probably be the last time you will see the ancient and modern fleets of great britain placed in juxtaposition. all those magnificent three-deckers will be cut down into turret-ships, as the _royal sovereign_ has been treated, or be broken up as useless, unable to contend with the smallest gun-boat afloat." jack heaved a deep sigh as he spoke, adding, "i cannot help wishing at times that things had remained as they were, and that smoke-jacks and iron-clads, and rams and torpedoes, and other diabolical inventions had never been thought of; but we must take them as they are and make the best use of them in our power. in the next naval war, whenever it takes place, there will be some extraordinary naval events to be recorded. instead of stately ships and light frigates, with their white canvas reaching to the skies, the ocean will be covered with low black monsters, darting here and there seeking for antagonists, others ramming, and some sending their vile torpedoes beneath an enemy's keel; others thundering away from their monster guns; not a few blowing up and foundering with all hands on board." "you do not draw a pleasant picture of the battles of the future," observed adair, laughing. "my idea is that if the british fleet is kept up as it should be, no enemy will venture out to attack it." a strong south-westerly gale kept the _stella_ in cowes harbour for some days, but the weather again clearing, and promising to continue fine, she sailed with a northerly breeze down channel. by this time the ladies had got so well accustomed to the yacht that they felt themselves perfectly at home. murray had a good supply of books, and a box from mudie's was added to the store, with creature comforts of all sorts on board. "after all, though we are somewhat closer packed than we should be on board a line-of-battle ship, i must say that yachting is a mighty pleasant way of spending the time," exclaimed adair. "lucy, i suspect, will be well content if you are satisfied with indulging your nautical propensities in this way, instead of going afloat for three or four long years," observed julia. "it's as well not to think about the future. if the lords of the admiralty insist on my taking the command of a ship, unless i make up my mind to give up the service, i must accept their offer. however, at present, as they do not know where to find me, i am not likely to hear about the matter, even should they offer me a ship, so let's be happy while we can, and drive dull care away." the fine weather continued until the _stella_ had got to the westward of the eddystone, when it came on to blow pretty hard from the southward. murray proposed running into falmouth for the sake of the ladies. "will there be any danger if we continue the voyage?" asked his wife. "not the slightest; at the utmost we need only expect a summer gale, and though we may have a heavy sea when doubling the lizard, once round it there will be a fair wind for us," was the answer. the ladies were unanimous in their desire to keep at sea, so the yacht stood on her course. they certainly did repent of their resolve when the beacon on the wolf rock appeared on the starboard hand, and the gale came down with redoubled force, while a heavy sea got up, such as those who have often been in the chops of the channel have experienced to their cost. the ladies, however, showed not a shadow of fear. the yacht behaved beautifully. murray knew that he could trust to her spars and rigging, for ben had superintended the fitting out of the vessel, and set up each shroud and stay, and carefully examined every inch of her masts and yards, so that he felt confident that not a flaw existed. in a short time the helm was put up and the yacht stood for the passage between the land's end and the scilly isles, guided by the two magnificent lights, the longships on the starboard bow and those of the light vessel off the seven stones on the port. "why, i expected that we should have a terrible night of it; how suddenly the gale has gone down!" exclaimed julia, not aware that the yacht had been just put before the wind, as she and the other ladies were seated on the sofas in the luxurious cabin. the yacht, instead of heeling over as she had hitherto been doing, was on a tolerably even keel, though she gave now and then a little playful roll or pitch into the seas as she rapidly clove her way over them. jack came down and invited them to come on deck and see the two lights, which now appeared before them on each bow. "before the light vessel on the port bow was stationed there, no ship on a dark night and bad weather would willingly run through this channel," he observed. "but now it can be done as safely as in the broadest daylight, or indeed even more so." "but i see two lights close together," said julia. "yes," answered jack, "one is at each mast-head of the vessel. it can thus be distinguished from the larger light of the longships, which is a single light of much greater power. we can also thus distinguish the longships from the revolving light of saint agnes, on the southern rocks of scilly. you can see it low down over the port quarter. now you see it is hidden, but it will appear again in another minute, whereas the longships light is fixed and is always visible." as murray had prognosticated, the wind moderated, and the _stella_ had a pleasant run across the mouth of the bristol channel, sighting the smalls light-house the next forenoon to the westward of milford haven on the starboard hand, the revolving tuscar lights off the irish coast being seen over the port quarter as it grew dark. the wind now fell, and not until next morning did a light breeze spring up, which wafted the _stella_ along the wicklow coast. just before dark she brought up in the beautiful bay of dublin, the wind not allowing her to get into kingstown harbour. adair being especially anxious to go on shore to learn how it fared with desmond, the boat was manned, and jack accompanied him on shore, the ladies preferring to remain on board. the eventful day of the trial was over, and already it had been decided whether gerald desmond was to remain a poor lieutenant with his half-pay alone to depend upon, or become the owner of a handsome estate--albeit somewhat encumbered--and the possessor of a title, at all events worth something, whatever cynics might think about the matter. jack felt almost as much interested as adair, and could talk of nothing else during their passage up to dublin. the crew seemed to guess there was something in the wind, and gave way with a will. on arriving at dublin, having sent the boat back to the yacht, they hastened up to the residence of the counsellor mcmahon, with whom desmond was staying. they intended to sleep that night in dublin, and to return the next morning by way of kingstown to the _stella_. captain adair, excited by his feelings, pulled the bell with more than his usual vehemence. "is counsellor mcmahon at home?" he asked. "no, your honour, the master, with the lieutenant, is out, but they'll not be long before they're home," was the answer. adair thought the term lieutenant augured ill. surely the servant would speak of desmond as the young lord if he had gained his cause. he, however, considered that it would be undignified to put the question. "are any of the family at home?" asked jack, as he and adair tendered their cards. "sure, yes, capt'ns; the mistress and the young ladies are at home, and they'll be mighty glad to see ye." "take up our cards, at all events," said adair, "and we will wait in the hall." the servant hurried off, while jack and adair stood waiting his return. the man soon returned. "come up, come up, capt'ns; the mistress will be mighty pleased to see you," he said, beginning, in a way no english servant would have thought of doing, to relieve them of their hats. "sure, i'll just take charge of these; they'll be after incommoding you in the drawing-room," he said, taking possession of their beavers by gentle force. adair smiled, but made no objection, although jack was very unwilling to give up his hat. they were ushered into a handsome drawing-room, and the lady of the house--a buxom dame--came smiling forward, while three young damsels rose and put down the work on which they had been engaged. "the counsellor must have had good hope of success, or he would scarcely have invited the young lieutenant to remain at his house with three such attractive girls as those are," thought jack, as he cast a glance at the young ladies, while he advanced across the room. mrs mcmahon received them with irish cordiality and begged them to be seated. "i'm expecting the counsellor back every moment, and i conclude that our young friend, lord saint maur, will return with him; for so i may call lieutenant desmond, as only a few technicalities have to be gone through before he can properly assume the title." "has he really gained the cause?" exclaimed adair. "i am delighted, and grateful to counsellor mcmahon, without whose aid he would have had no chance of success." "the counsellor has done his best, and his success has afforded him as much satisfaction as it can any one else," answered the lady, bowing. "indeed, it is a pleasure to have been of service to so excellent and delightful a young man as your nephew, captain adair." jack looked round to see whether any of the young ladies gave responsive looks to the encomiums passed on gerald. they all three smiled sweetly, with precisely the same expression, so that it would have required a better physiognomist than was captain rogers to have discovered what was passing in their innocent minds. "i fully believe that the counsellor was disinterested in the efforts he made to forward desmond's cause," he thought to himself. there was not much time for conversation before counsellor mcmahon, a round, ruddy-faced, white-haired, bright-eyed man, accompanied by desmond, entered the room. he took adair's hand in both his own and shook it cordially, saying in a hearty tone-- "i congratulate you, my dear captain, on your nephew's success." "oh, don't thank me; i merely took care justice was done--that's all a lawyer has to do, from his client's point of view at all events. we triumphed, as i knew we should, notwithstanding the forgeries, the falsehood, and the perjury brought in array against us. it was truly a satisfaction to fight in the cause of your nephew, who bore his blushing honours with so much equanimity. i believe that had he lost, he would again have gone to sea and done his duty with as much zeal as ever. whether or not he will now return to tempt once more the tempest and the waves, not to speak of round shot and bullets, is more than i can say. i only know that if i were in his place i should stick to _terra firma_. but i never much admired a life on the ocean wave, albeit feeling the deepest respect for its gallant sons who hazard their lives in their country's cause." the lawyer ran on, scarcely allowing jack or adair to get in a word. at last, however, they had an opportunity of congratulating desmond on his good fortune. he spoke very sensibly, and was evidently in no way unduly elated by his success. jack rightly thought that he had been too busy to dream of making love to the lawyer's fair daughters, attractive as one and all of them were. in a few minutes supper was announced, and jack, as the senior officer, handed down the lady of the house, desmond modestly slipping behind and refusing to move. mrs mcmahon was affability itself, the counsellor brimful of jokes and good humour, laughing and talking for everybody else. on hearing that jack and adair had part of their families on board, he insisted that they should come on shore, and allow his wife to show them the lions of dublin and its neighbourhood. "you'll not be going away without taking a drive into wicklow, the most perfect paradise on the surface of the globe in my opinion," he added. "carriages shall be in waiting for the ladies, and i'll take all the trouble off your hands." so pressing an invitation was not to be refused. the various excursions mrs mcmahon and her friends made on shore need not be described. they were delighted with all they saw of the country, if not of dublin itself and the misses murray at once declared that they should be perfectly ready to come and live in ireland, though they had seen no spot which could equal bercaldine. as captain murray had to return to ryde to take on board his younger children, before returning to scotland, his stay in dublin could not be prolonged. "we can give you a berth, saint maur, if you are inclined to take a trip to sea again, although we will not make you keep watch unless you specially wish it," he said, scarcely expecting, however, that the invitation would be accepted. "i shall be delighted," answered desmond; "i can spare a couple of weeks, as mcmahon will not immediately require my signature and will do all that is necessary in the mean time. i feel as fond of the sea as ever, though i shall certainly not seek for employment, and may possibly retire and start a yacht next year if i can afford it, although on that score i am not very sanguine, as the old house, i understand, requires extensive repairs, and there is much to be done on the estate: decent cottages, instead of pigsties, to be built; land to be drained and fences put up--the tenantry must be looked after." murray, as the only way of returning the attentions he had received from counsellor mcmahon, took him, his wife, and daughters, a trip on board the _stella_, their cruise being along the wicklow coast, and highly delighted the young ladies were, though the counsellor acknowledged that he was much happier when the _stella_ brought up in kingstown harbour, and he found himself at the dinner table in the comfortable cabin at perfect rest. "it may be very pleasant for you young people to be tumbled and tossed about while you are gazing at the scenery of our incomparable mountains, but i confess that i can only enjoy the beauties of nature while i find my feet securely placed on _terra firma_," he remarked. the following day, with a spanking breeze from the westward, the _stella_ sailed on her return to the isle of wight. the fine weather continued until she had got clear of scilly. while she was still in the chops of the channel it fell a dead calm, and a thick fog came on. there the _stella_ lay, drifted slowly up by one tide and to the westward again by the other. night came on. the officers agreed that they had never been in the channel with such perfect darkness as hung over the water. lights were hoisted, and a look-out kept for any steamers which might be coming up or down the channel, although to get out of their way was impossible. captain murray and his friends felt far more anxiety than they would have experienced had it been blowing a strong gale. the evening was unusually chilly. moisture dropped from the sails and rigging, preventing the ladies from remaining on deck. adair went below, as he said, to amuse them; but murray, jack, and desmond remained looking out, ready to shout should they see a steamer approaching. of sailing vessels there was no fear, for they, as was the _stella_, would be becalmed. "oh, those horrible steam-kettles! i never before so heartily hated them as i do now. if one of them was to come thundering along now, without a bright look-out, she might be into us before our lights could be seen, or our warning shouts heard!" exclaimed adair. "yes, indeed," answered murray. "i'm almost inclined to get the ladies on deck and to have a boat lowered, in case a steamer should run into us. we should have a better hope of saving their lives, for the sides of a yacht are but ill able to withstand a blow from a steamer going at even a moderate speed; and some of those steam-boat skippers, provided they make a fast passage, care very little what damage they may do to small craft in their way." murray, however, kept all fast. he felt ashamed of making preparations for a catastrophe which might never occur. hour after hour passed by, while they paced the deck with their hands in their pockets, whistling for a breeze. it was very trying, as they were in a hurry to get back. "you had better go below, saint maur," said murray; "there is no necessity for us all to remain on deck." "thank you; but i would rather assist in keeping a look-out, while either you or captain rogers turn in. i'll keep moving, though, for i feel it rather cold;" and desmond continued walking up and down at a quick pace. captain rogers at last said he would go below to see what the ladies were about, and to advise them to turn in. scarcely had his head descended below the companion hatch than murray exclaimed-- "here's a breeze at last! its dead ahead though; but it will blow away the fog, i hope, and we shall be able to keep the yacht moving." two or three minutes, however, passed before the vessel's sails, feeling the influence of the wind, enabled her to gather way. contrary to murray's expectations, the fog still hung as thickly as before above the water. "here, murray, the ladies want you to settle a knotty point," exclaimed jack, from the foot of the companion ladder. murray, seeing that the schooner had now got way on her, dived below. not a minute after, a crash was heard. he, followed by jack, sprang on deck, when they saw a large dark hull, with a pyramid of canvas, rising above the deck, over the after part of which a long projecting bowsprit made a rapid sweep, tearing a hole through the mainsail, and carrying away the leech. they both instinctively sprang aft to the helm, the man at which had been knocked down. in another instant the schooner was clear, and the stranger had disappeared in the darkness. jack, taking the helm, kept it up, for the blow had brought the vessel to the wind, while murray hastened to ascertain what damage had been done. "she has only torn away our bulwarks, sir," cried ben. "try the well," said murray. ben reported-- "she's making no water, but i don't know what she may do when we go on t'other tack." "clear the boats ready for lowering," exclaimed murray. that on the port side, however, was found to have been carried away, with the davits, and now hung crushed to pieces, held by the falls. the darkness prevented all the damage which had been done from being discovered for some time. adair had remained a minute behind his friends, to quiet the alarm of the ladies, who were naturally somewhat agitated at hearing the sound caused by the collision. he now sprang on deck, just as murray was ordering a boat to be lowered. "here, desmond," he sang out, "lend me a hand at the after falls." "hold on!" cried murray; "there's no necessity for lowering a boat. there's no great damage done, after all, i hope; though it would have been the same to that big fellow, for no one on board him even hailed to know whether we required assistance." the breeze was every instant freshening. the schooner heeled over to starboard. "where are you, desmond?" exclaimed adair. no one answered. "good heavens! where's saint maur?" cried jack. "can he have gone below?" "that's not likely. alick, where are you?" cried captain murray, the fearful idea occurring to him that some accident might have happened to his son. "here, sir," cried alick, who had been forward talking to ben snatchblock. murray uttered his thanks to heaven. "bring a light here, and look round the deck," he exclaimed. "he may have been struck down." the search was in vain. the man who had been at the helm seemed to have been seriously injured, as he was found senseless close to the taffrail. it became too sadly evident that the young lord had been carried overboard. he must have been struck on the head; for no cry had been heard, and, owing to the pitchy darkness, no one had seen him. the crew, with the exception of the helmsman, having been gathered forward, they were now mustered to ascertain if any one else had been carried overboard, but all answered to their names. murray and jack blamed themselves bitterly for having left the deck when they ought to have been on the look-out; but even had they remained, the collision might not have been avoided, so suddenly had the stranger appeared running down before the wind. adair could scarcely restrain his grief for the loss of his nephew. murray immediately put the schooner about, and then kept away, so as to pass over the spot where the accident had occurred. desmond might possibly have recovered his senses, and kept himself afloat, either by swimming or holding on to the fragments of the boat. every eye was strained in looking ahead and on both sides, in the possibility of discovering him; but no voice replied to their repeated shouts, and nothing was seen floating on the water. hands were stationed at the falls to lower the boat, should it become necessary. the schooner was frequently tacked, so that every inch of water was explored; but the search was in vain. murray considered that it would be useless to attempt to overtake the stranger, to ascertain who she was, and to demand reparation for the damage inflicted. at length the search was abandoned as hopeless; and the yacht once more hauled her wind. she was destined, to all appearance, to have a long beat up channel. jack undertook to convey the sad intelligence to his wife and mrs murray, who had remained below, wondering what had occurred. it was a sad event in the trip, which had otherwise been so agreeable. the wind continued to increase, and murray felt too anxious to go below. the schooner had been put about and was now standing to the northward. he had made up his mind to run into falmouth to wait for a fair wind, should the weather not improve. ben snatchblock came aft. "i'm afraid, sir, that the craft's making more water than she should. we'll man the pumps, if you please. she got more damage than i had supposed. the chief injury seems to be amidships, and i should not be surprised if the water wasn't coming in through one of the side berths." jack and adair went below to examine into the state of affairs. one of the berths on the port side had been occupied by desmond. on entering it, by the light from the main cabin, they saw the water gushing in every time the schooner heeled over. the ladies naturally cried out with alarm. "it might have been far worse," said jack. "we can soon stop this. we must shorten sail and keep as much as possible on an even keel." the carpenter came below with some tools and planks, and set to work to try and stop the leak. the pumps were, in the mean time, kept actively going, and ben reported that the water was decreasing. still, the injury might be more serious than was at first apprehended, and no little anxiety was felt by all on board. it might be many hours before falmouth could be reached. the damage having been partially repaired, the yacht was put about. the leak in the side was anxiously watched, to ascertain if the water still came in. a small quantity was evidently forcing its way through the seams, but murray hoped that it would not prove of much consequence, and that the pumps might easily keep the vessel clear. still he was aware that at any moment the plank nailed on might be forced in. it seemed a wonder indeed that the yacht had not been sunk at once by the blow she had received. "the wind's coming a point or two more to the south'ard, sir," observed ben snatchblock, who had been looking at the binnacle. "half a point or so more, and we shall weather the lizard. there are the lights, sir. i thought we should see them before long." the mist clearing away, the fixed lights of the lizard were seen on the port bow. gradually the wind allowed the vessel's head to be turned more to the eastward, when they appeared broad on the bow. the schooner, by keeping close to the wind, was able to steer a course direct for falmouth harbour, and away she went slashing through the seas at a great rate. just before dawn it again grew unusually dark and thick, so that even the bright lights of the lizard could be seen but dimly. they served, however, to show that she was at a sufficient distance from the shore, but that shore was a lee one, and should any accident happen, she would be placed in great peril. "luff all you can," said murray to the helmsman, for he naturally dreaded, should the wind increase, to find himself with a rocky coast under his lee, though he had confidence in his craft. day dawned, and the cornish land appeared stretching along from north to south, and much nearer than had been supposed. breakers were seen dashing over the dangerous rocks of the manacles, close under their lee. just then a heavy squall struck the yacht; over she heeled, and the water rushed half up her deck, pouring in through crevices which had hitherto not been discovered. to keep her away was impossible. by luffing up she ran the risk of getting into the wind. to shorten sail would have been equally hazardous. she must stand on at all risks. the yacht flew through the water, plunging into the seas like a being struggling for life. falmouth harbour appeared directly ahead, with saint anthony's light-house on the east side of the entrance. in a short time the vessel would be safe. she shot by close to the buoy of the manacles. murray knew that it was placed some distance outside the rocks. he drew his breath when he saw it astern; still no one looking at him would have suspected the anxiety which had weighed on his heart. by keeping the pumps going the water did not gain sufficiently to cause much alarm, but the _stella_ had already more in her hold than was pleasant, and her stores, at all events, were likely to suffer. murray was infinitely relieved when he was able to let go the anchor, and the yacht rode safely in the beautiful harbour of falmouth, among numerous other craft, of various rig and size. the vessel once at rest, the water was soon pumped out, and, breakfast over, murray and adair went on shore to obtain a carpenter capable of thoroughly repairing the damages the vessel had received, as also to ascertain whether she had received any injury below water. meantime ben was engaged in mending the mainsail. the ladies did not feel disposed to go on shore. they were, fortunately, not fully aware of the danger in which the yacht had been placed, and had as much confidence in her as ever. the carpenter and his assistants set to work without delay, and, wonderful to relate, undertook to have all damages repaired by the following day. a doctor was also sent for to attend to poor dick stokes, who had remained senseless since he was taken below. after some treatment, however, he recovered sufficiently to speak and to give an account of what he recollected from the moment he saw the stranger gliding stem on towards the _stella's_ beam. "she seemed to be coming just as it were out of a fog, like a big ice mountain, and i thought it was all over with us," he said. "i'd just time to put the helm down, hoping to scrape clear of her, when i heard a crash and saw her bowsprit come sweeping along over our deck, tearing away the luff of the mainsail and knocking the port quarter-boat to pieces. i thought i saw some one hanging on to her bobstay, and the next moment that or something else struck me on the head and shoulders, and i thought i was going overboard. it seemed as if i heard a cry, but whether it was my own shout or some one else's is more than i can tell. you see, sir, it was so dark i could not make out anything more, so whether it was really a man i caught sight of or not i cannot tell. to my mind, where the schooner was struck, she bounded off from the ship, or we should have been sent to the bottom. that she was a sailing ship and not a steamer i am pretty certain, for i had time to see her canvas rising up above us." dick's statement, as far as the appearance of the ship was concerned, was corroborated by the rest of the crew, but so dark was it that only two had actually seen her before she was again clear of the schooner and running past astern. dick's statement slightly raised the hopes of adair and his friends, that lord saint maur might have escaped, but why, if he had got safely on board the ship, she did not heave to to allow the yacht to speak with her was surprising. the only supposition was that she was a foreigner, and that he could not make himself understood, or that the officer of the watch, supposing that the schooner had sunk, was afraid to heave to lest he might be made answerable for the catastrophe. such utter disregard for human life had before been exhibited on more than one occasion, and this might be another instance. however, conjectures were useless. if saint maur had been saved they would hear of him again. he would either get on board a homeward-bound vessel, or land at the first port at which the ship touched. the sad subject was discussed over and over again. "i cannot believe that lord saint maur is dead," said miss julia rogers, jack's eldest daughter--who had looked the picture of woe since the accident, although she had said nothing--when she heard dick's statement. "he was telling me of the numerous dangers he and tom had been in, and how they had got out of them all, and i don't see why he should not have escaped from this one. dick stokes thinks he saw a human being clinging on to the bowsprit rigging, and that must have been lord saint maur, and he being a sailor could easily have climbed up and got on board. i have been picturing to myself his doing so, and how astonished the sailors must have been when they saw him, though it was very, very cruel of them not to heave to and wait for us to receive him back again." stella smiled sadly at young julia's remark. murray was not so sanguine as his friends. he suspected that dick had been nodding at the helm, and that had he had his eyes open, he would at all events have given the alarm before the stranger had struck the yacht. the latter, it should have been said, was sailing on a course diagonal to the ship, or she would have been more severely damaged. the bad weather being over, the _stella_ once more sailed for the isle of wight. adair had written to counsellor mcmahon an account of the accident. he had posted the letter before dick had come to his senses, and he then expressed no hopes that his nephew had escaped. as the winds were light, the _stella_ was three days getting up the channel, and it was not till late at night that she brought up off ryde. the party, therefore, did not go on shore until the following morning. his aunt and young cousins were deeply grieved at hearing of desmond's possible fate. "it will be a sad blow for tom and archie when they hear of it," observed jack to adair. "they have as great an affection for him as we three had for each other." murray remained at ryde some days longer, taking trips in various directions, and then the captain and his family, bidding adieu to their old friends, sailed, intending to go homewards along the east coast and round the north of scotland. young alick, who had not yet been appointed to a ship, accompanied his father and mother. next morning, as jack and adair were seated at breakfast, adair remarked, as he was overlooking a new navy list, just sent in from the library-- "i had no idea that murray was so near his flag. i see that sir benjamin blowhard, old grummet, poor marlin, and kelson, lord figgins, as we used to call him, dick dotheboys, and oakum, have gone the way of all flesh. i saw by yesterday's paper that bulkhead had died in the west indies, and two other captains senior to murray are very ill." "i shall rejoice at murray's promotion," said jack; "there is no man better suited to command a fleet." "i cannot say that i wish for such a responsibility," observed adair, "nor am i in any special hurry to become an admiral, though lucy may think it a very fine thing, especially if i am made a kcb, of which, however, there is not the slightest probability. i'm much more likely to be kicked off to sea and sent to the east indies or west coast of africa to sun myself." while this conversation was going forward, two long official-looking letters were received. julia and lucy looked at them suspiciously. "those very affectionate gentlemen, the lords of the admiralty, request that i will do them the favour of taking command of the _bellona_, murray's old ship," said jack; "but whether to serve on the home station or to go out to the antipodes they do not explain." he handed the letter to his wife, who put her hand to her heart, as if she felt a sudden pain there. "oh, jack, i did not think they would send you off again!" she said, with a deep sigh. "and what is your despatch about?" asked lucy, in a trembling voice. "of the same tenor as jack's. those dear old fellows offer me the command of the _empress_, but leave me as much in the dark as jack is as to where i am to go." lucy always behaved better than her sister-in-law on such occasions, although she certainly did not love her husband a bit the less. "i hope if you are sent out to a foreign station where the children and i can live, that you will let us go too," said lucy; "either to north america, or the mediterranean, or australia, or the cape. i'm sure it will be one of these." julia was equally pressing to be allowed to go out to any part of the world to which the _bellona_ might be sent, but jack would wisely make no promises. "well, we must go over to-morrow or the next day to commission the old tubs, i suppose," said adair, laughing, as if the appointment was anything but satisfactory, although in reality he felt proud at being again sent to sea. this event almost banished poor desmond for a short time from his mind, until he received a letter from counsellor mcmahon:--"i cannot believe that our young friend has gone, after all the efforts we made to obtain his rights for him. i would rather suppose that he was even now swimming about somewhere in the chops of the channel, or was carried off by the ship which so abominably attempted to run you down. i have always heard that midshipmen have as many lives as a cat, and though he had become a lieutenant, he had not abandoned the privilege he enjoyed in his youth. i don't believe he is lost, and i do not intend to let either of the other claimants get hold of the property, or assume his title, until i have stronger evidence of his death than your letter supplies. i remember only a short time ago, one of the lords of the admiralty, or some high official in the marine department, was carried off by a stranger running into the vessel he was on board, and it was not until several days after that he was discovered, having clung to what is called the dolphin striker--although to what part of a ship's rigging that instrument belongs i do not know, but conclude that it must be at the end of the bowsprit--and that his lordship was hooked up by the breeks, from which disagreeable position he was rescued by the sympathising crew of the vessel which had run into his." the lawyer's confidence, although, perhaps, arising from insufficient grounds, greatly restored adair's spirits, and he and jack the next day went over to portsmouth to assume command of their respective ships. jack applied for his brother, and the lords of the admiralty graciously granted his request. he was very glad to obtain archie gordon as his first lieutenant. he at once wrote to murray, saying how delighted he should be to have young alick. his letter found the _stella_ lying in leith roads, she having put into the firth of forth to remain a few days. in less than twenty-four hours young alick appeared with a letter from his father, requesting jack to obtain the necessary articles for his outfit. orders were received to get both ships ready for sea with all possible expedition, and the two captains found that they were to proceed round the cape of good hope to aden, to which place further orders were to be transmitted to them. chapter fifteen. the bellona and empress sail for aden--part company--bellona falls in with a merchantman in distress--a gleam of hope--touches at the cape and aden, and proceeds up the red sea--the bellona reaches annesley bay-- jack and tom land at zulla--visit the british camp--extensive operations going forward--march commenced--interview between sir robert napier and the prince of tigre--the british army advances to attack magdala-- encounters theodore's forces--defeat of the abyssinians--theodore sends lieutenant prideaux to sir robert--anxious negotiations--the captives released--most of theodore's troops lay down their arms--the king holds out--magdala stormed--theodore shoots himself--the fortress destroyed-- return march--the bellona sails for aden. the _bellona_ and _empress_ had been for some time at sea on their voyage round the cape of good hope. adair had, to the last moment before leaving england, expected to hear of his nephew, lord saint maur, but although he had instituted every possible inquiry, no news had come of him. he had hoped, should gerald have been carried off by the ship which ran down the yacht, that he would have got on board some homeward-bound vessel or have landed at some port from whence he could send word of his safety, which he would certainly have done, knowing the deep anxiety which must be felt about him, not only by his uncle, but by his many other friends. though sailing in company, jack and adair were seldom able to communicate except by signal. they had, before crossing the line, met with a heavy gale, during which they lost sight of each other, though they fully expected to meet again before long, as their course was the same and both ships sailed or steamed at a pretty equal rate. on board the _bellona_, which ship we must accompany, a look-out was kept for the _empress_, as jack had no doubt that she was ahead. but day after day the sun rose and set and she did not appear. the _bellona_ had reached almost to the latitude of saint helena, when it came on a dead calm, and as there appeared every prospect of its continuance, jack unwillingly-- as he had been charged to husband his coal--got up steam, and the ship clove her rapid way through the calm water. just as morning dawned, the look-out from the mast-head announced a vessel in sight on the starboard bow. archie gordon, who, as first lieutenant, was paddling about with his trousers tucked up and his feet bare, superintending the process of holystoning and washing decks, inquired the appearance of the stranger, hoping that she might prove to be the _empress_. "she looks as if she had met with bad weather, sir; her foremast and two topmasts are gone. she has just hoisted a signal of distress half mast high." tom at that moment came on deck, and on hearing this went aloft with his spy-glass to have a look at the stranger. being satisfied that she was really in distress, on coming down, he sent young alick to inform the captain, and asked leave to steer for her. jack, quickly coming on deck, ordered the ship to be headed up towards the stranger. as the _bellona_ approached, her battered condition became more clearly visible; her boats were gone, her bulwarks stove in, and she lay a mere wreck on the water; a few people only were seen on her deck, and even through the telescopes directed at them, their countenances appeared worn and haggard as they stood leaning over the bulwarks gazing at the approaching man-of-war. the _bellona's_ way was stopped, and a boat being lowered, tom was soon alongside the wreck. "what ship is that?" he asked, as he pulled up. "the _argo_, captain robson, from hong-kong. in heaven's dame, i trust you can render us assistance," said the man, in a hollow voice. "we are short of provisions, and consumed our last drop of water yesterday. we are dying of thirst, and scarcely strong enough to keep the pumps going." "we will give you all the help we can," said tom, climbing up on deck, where the spectacle which met his view convinced him of the truth of the master's statement. five of the hands, whose countenances showed the sufferings they had endured, were working away at the pumps with all the strength they possessed, the clear stream which issued from the side showing the large amount of water the vessel must be making; while several others lay about the deck, exhausted from their previous exertions. a few only remained on foot, who looked ready to sink. tom, on seeing this, without further inquiries sent young alick back in the boat with a report of the state of the ship, requesting that the carpenter and his crew and some hands might return, to assist in repairing as far as possible the damages, as also that a supply of water and provisions might quickly be sent. "water! oh, water! let us have water first!" cried the master. the men bent to their oars, and quickly reached the _bellona_. two other boats were immediately lowered, and into alick's, which was the first ready, a cask of water was at once put, with which he and several additional hands returned to the merchantman. the fresh hands jumped on board and hoisted up the cask of water, at the sight of which the thirsty crew rushed aft. tom, who stood by while the contents were drawn up, was about to hand the cup to the master. he took it and hurried below. "it's for his wife," observed one of the men; "she's very bad." two boys, whose looks betrayed their sufferings, came forward, heaving deep sighs as they poured the refreshing liquid down their throats. the other men followed in turn. by this time the master returned and eagerly drank a draught of water. "thank heaven!" he ejaculated. "it has restored new strength to me, but we must not let the pumps be idle, or the water will gain upon us more rapidly than it has been doing." "let your men rest," said tom, leading the way to the pumps, which he with his people manned. meantime alick took his place at the cask and served out more water to the master and his men, who appeared still far from satisfied. jack, hearing of the condition of the merchantman's crew, sent the doctor, who now stepped on board. "stop, my lads!" he cried, on seeing the quantity of water the men were drinking. "you may have too much of such a simple thing as pure water." "will you come below and see my poor wife, sir?" said the master, in an anxious tone. the doctor at once descended with him. meantime the provisions were handed up; some cans of hot cocoa and biscuit. the crew stood round like school children, waiting to be supplied with their food, with difficulty restraining their eagerness until the cups of cocoa were handed to them. the food had a magical effect, and even those stretched on the deck now managed to move about. some spars had been towed off from the _bellona_, and tom at once set about fitting up a jury-mast, while the carpenter and his crew went below to try and find the leak, and see what could be done to stop it. the energetic pumping of the man-of-war's men soon reduced the water in the hold. after a long search the carpenter sent up to say he had discovered the worst leak and was already at work stopping it. expressions of thankfulness escaped from the crew as they heard this, and they turned to with a vigour they had not hitherto shown, to assist in the repairs going forward. "your wife will do very well," said the doctor, as he accompanied the master on deck. "proper food is all she wants, and captain rogers will do his utmost to supply you." "i shall be very grateful," said the master. "my poor wife would not take more than her share when she found how the men were suffering, nor touch any of mine, and, being delicate, she was almost succumbing." the doctor having now examined the most suffering of the crew, returned on board to report their condition, and obtain the medicines he considered necessary. jack liberally supplied the ship with such provisions as were required to take them home. as he was anxious to lose as little time as possible, he also sent mr large, the boatswain, with more men on board, who, working assiduously, soon got up a fore jury-mast, repaired the bowsprit, set up topmasts, with their rigging, and bent fresh sails, all of which had been carried away. the carpenter, having stopped the leak, set to work to patch up the bulwarks, a task the diminished crew of the _argo_ were unable to accomplish. captain robson gave a sad account of their sufferings. two men had died of fever, while three had been washed overboard during a previous gale, which had well-nigh sent her to the bottom. "by-the-by, sir," he said to tom, "we spoke a ship just as it was commencing, but there was too much sea on to allow us to board her. she was under dutch colours, bound out to batavia. she began to signalise us, but all i could make out was what seemed to be `british officer, take him on board, say'; but before i could distinguish the other flags, the gale came down on us, and we had too much to do to look after his signals, which probably did not concern us." "could you make out anybody on the stranger's deck?" asked tom, eagerly. "no, sir, for evening was coming on, and we were too far off for that. she was a big ship, high out of the water for one outward bound. however, i did not further note her, and she was soon out of sight. that very night we lost a man overboard, but it was not until some weeks later, after we had been becalmed for ten days or more, that we fell in with the gale which reduced us to the wrecked state in which you found us." "i wish you could have made out the signal," said tom. "are you certain that the first part was `british officer'?" "no doubt about that," answered captain robson, "and i am certain as to the other words." "that's strange," thought tom. "i wonder whether desmond could have been on board. if so, we may hear of him from batavia, or one of the spice islands, to which the stranger was bound." tom, as he surveyed the still haggard-looking crew and their commander, felt how unfit they were to continue the voyage to england, and proposed that he should request the captain of the _bellona_ to strengthen her crew, and assist in navigating her to saint helena, or back to the cape. "no, thank you, sir," replied the stout-hearted master, "you have set me to rights, and given me food and water, and i will touch at saint helena or ascension for more, if necessary, and hope, with god's providence, to find my way safe up the mersey. i have been in a worse plight than this, and provided the leak doesn't break out again, or my men fall sick, and we don't run short of provisions and water, we shall get home in time. you will come below, sir, before you leave, and let my wife thank you. she is grateful for all you have done for us. it is the only return we can make, under present circumstances." tom accepted the invitation, and found the master's wife seated on sofa, and a very ladylike person she seemed to be, though she looked dreadfully ill. "i shall be better soon, i trust, now that i have some wholesome food; but we are in god's hands. he knows best what is good for us, and we must not repine. you and your men, sir, have saved our lives, for we could not have held out many hours longer; and accept our gratitude. our prayers will be offered for your safety wherever you go." tom could remain but a couple of minutes. his men having performed their tasks, had returned to the ship, and his boat was the only one alongside. he jumped into her, feeling very doubtful whether the _argo_ would ever reach home in safety. "go ahead!" cried the captain, as tom's boat was hoisted up, and the _bellona_ soon left the unfortunate _argo_ astern. in a few hours, however, they met a strong breeze, which they hoped would fill her sails and waft her on her way. in consequence of the expenditure of so much coal, the _bellona_ had to touch at the cape. jack and tom made every possible inquiry for lord saint maur, but they could gain no tidings of the dutch ship. "he must, then, have gone on to batavia. i was in hopes that he might have put in here," observed tom. jack was surprised that the _empress_ had not got in, as he thought that she could have done so before him, in consequence of his delay in assisting the _argo_. some time was occupied in taking in coal and fresh water and provisions, to make up for the stores supplied to the merchant vessel. he waited until the last moment he felt justified in doing, but still the _empress_ did not appear, and he then had to continue his course up the mozambique channel, with which he and green were so well acquainted, and onwards to aden. here he found numerous ships of war, and several transports and store ships. the troops were to proceed up the red sea to massowah, a port belonging to the egyptians, at which the foreign office had obtained permission for the disembarkation of the forces destined to march to the rescue of the british prisoners held captive by theodore, the tyrant king of abyssinia. colliers also were arriving with coal to supply motive power, both for the transit of troops and also for the purpose of condensing from the sea fresh water for the use of men and animals. the _bellona_, in company with numerous other ships, now proceeded up the red sea. on their arrival in the neighbourhood of their destined port, they found that a convenient landing-place had been selected at zulla, on the shore of annesley bay. the _bellona_ steamed slowly in amid the vast number of vessels already arrived, and at length came to an anchor. about fourteen miles off rose the lofty mountains of abyssinia, which it was the destined task of the british soldiers to scale. between these mountains and the sea extended a wide plain, on which could be seen a large collection of white canvas tents, glittering in the tropical sun. among them red dots represented the british soldiers moving about; while the banner of england floated from a tall flag-staff in their midst. a long wharf had been constructed, extending into the sea, and on both sides of it were lighters, discharging munitions of war and stores of all descriptions, while countless other boats pulled backwards and forwards between the vessels and the pier. on shore, thousands of labourers of every hue were employed like ants, carrying the stores as they were landed to the commissariat depots. steam-engines were at work, rendering help of all sorts; some condensing the salt water, and, when turned into fresh fit for drinking, forcing it through pipes to the shore. nearly every hour fresh vessels were arriving, both from suez and aden, the former bringing mules and horses in vast numbers, to be employed in the transport service, the latter camels and even elephants, attended by swarthy drivers, sent out from india. jack, accompanied by his brother, hastened on shore to report his arrival and request to know from the commander-in-chief what service he could render. he was not a little pleased to find that a naval brigade was to be formed, and that there was a prospect of seeing some fighting and more of the wild mountainous region which rose before them, about which people in general seemed to know very little. [see note .] of course the expected warfare was the subject of conversation in the ward room, and various opinions were hazarded as to the result. "we shall know more about it in the course of a few days, when the march is commenced," observed the first lieutenant. "the question is whether theodore will murder his prisoners and fight to the last, or whether, when he sees the approach of so formidable a force as ours, he will deliver them up and apologise for his conduct." "at all events we will do our best to help the soldiers," said tom, and this sentiment was very general throughout the squadron, for never did soldiers and sailors work more cordially together. the next morning tom and his men, with billy blueblazes and dicky duff, now senior mate, and alick murray as midshipman, went on shore to join the naval brigade, to which, to their infinite satisfaction, they had been appointed. it was under the command of captain fellows. they had been but two days encamped when the order to commence the march was issued. the army, in detachments, moved forward for the front, for which the commander-in-chief had started on the th of january. the first post was senaffe, high up among the mountains, feet above the level of the sea. it was situated about two miles in front of the issue of the komayli defile, on elevated rocky ground. to the east and west rose lofty cliffs, and in front extended a wide plain. the scenery was magnificent. here rose masses of jagged rock, topped with acacia and juniper trees, deep valleys intervened with rushing streams, while heights extended as far as the eye could range over a vast extent of country. tom fancied that the army was to push on without stopping, but he found that each post had to be fortified and garrisoned, for it was evident that as the expedition showed strength, so in proportion it obtained the confidence of the savage rulers of the country. in spite, however, of the toil the army had to undergo, the men were in high spirits, the seamen especially laughing and joking as they marched along. they could carry but a small amount of provisions; and every article of baggage which could be dispensed with was left behind. in regard to provisions, they hoped that, on arriving at the next post, they would be amply provided. billy groaned as he went puffing and blowing up the hills. "i believe, mr rogers, that we are worse off than we were when making our way through papua." "i can't agree with you there," answered tom, laughing. "we found it pretty hard work, to be sure, crossing the mountains, and where for several days we had to go on short allowance of food and water, but i expect that things will mend as we advance, when we shall get into a more fertile region." tom was right. at length the army emerged into a broader but still barren portion of the pass, the road winding steeply for several miles along a snowy water-course, whence they passed over a plain, which, from the number of guinea fowls found there, obtained the name of "guinea fowl plain." here were seen tulip trees of enormous size, and graceful acacias, while the cactus, with its stiff, prickly leaves, grew in profusion among the rocks. antelopes frequently bounded across the road, and it was said at no great distance elephants and wild boars were to be found. birds of all sizes, some of the most gorgeous plumage, flashed here and there in the sunlight. monkeys and baboons appeared scrambling among the rocks, or leaping from tree to tree, jabbering at the strangers visiting their territory. "those beasts remind me of papua, though they have a very different appearance," observed billy. "we should astonish some of our friends if we were to shoot and cook a big monkey for dinner. i shouldn't mind eating one, i know." the monkeys, however, were generally too wary to come within gunshot; and billy had not an opportunity of astonishing his friends, which he certainly would have done. the country through which they passed continued rugged and barren in the extreme. the villages consisted of groups of mud hovels, generally pitched on high ground, originally for defence. the inhabitants were tall, with fine figures, the men dressed in a single robe of cotton, seldom washed, their black hair plaited and covered with rancid butter. their arms generally consisted of a crooked sword and spear, as well as a club. such were the weapons used for ages by their ancestors; but many had matchlocks, and others even double-barrelled guns. the discipline of the army was strict, so that no plundering took place; and the inhabitants were everywhere treated with kindness. negotiations were now opened with the prince of tigre, who professed a friendship for the british. nothing created so much astonishment as the appearance of the elephants, which were followed by crowds of wondering natives, who had been under the impression that no elephant could be tamed. the arrival of a battery of armstrong guns created equal surprise. notwithstanding the difficulties of the road, the gunners succeeded in carrying their guns to adigerat. step by step the army advanced, until anotolo was reached, on the nd of march. anotolo may be said to be half-way between zulla and magdala. letters were received from the prisoners, stating that theodore was still engaged in efforts to get up his ordnance and heavy baggage to magdala; but, impeded by his mortar, it was not likely that he could reach that stronghold until the first week in march. news was now brought that kassai, prince of tigre, was advancing, to seek an interview with the british general, and sir robert accordingly marched forward, taking advantage of the cool hours of the morning to meet him on the banks of the diab. the force, which was accompanied by several guns, pitched their camp about half a mile from the eastern bank of the river, which it was arranged should divide the two armies. the scenery around was magnificent, the ground sloping up gradually from the western bank of the diab, where the tigrean army was to be posted. the sun shone out brilliantly. the heat was excessive. about eleven o'clock the vanguard of kassai's army was seen approaching, and a body of men hurriedly coming forward, pitched a red tent on the slope opposite to that of the strangers' camp. just before midday the whole of the tigrean army, with drums beating and standards flying, consisting of about men, advanced down the slope towards the river, two yellow and red flags fluttering high above their heads showing the position of the chief and his principal officers. sir robert had directed a tent to be raised close to the bank of the river, where the meeting was to take place. as soon as the abyssinians were seen advancing, the english forces got under arms. the commander-in-chief, mounted on an elephant, and followed by his staff, rode forward. the appearance of the elephant undoubtedly greatly impressed the abyssinians, it being supposed that their own african elephants are untameable. on getting near the stream sir robert descended from his elephant, and mounted a horse, on which the abyssinian line opened; and kassai, surrounded by his chiefs and mounted on a white mule, with a crimson umbrella borne over his head, came forward, and at once fording the river approached sir robert. the abyssinian chief wore a white robe embroidered with crimson round his body, and a flowered silk shirt; his black hair, carefully plaited, was drawn back from his forehead, and tied behind his neck with a ribbon. he was still in the prime of manhood. his complexion was of a dark olive hue, his countenance intellectual; but he looked careworn and anxious. after the usual civilities had been gone through, sir robert conducted his guest to the tent, where a guard of honour drawn up fired a salute, evidently causing no small alarm in the chiefs mind and in that of his followers, who probably expected that the strangers would set upon them and shoot them down. on dismounting sir robert led the chief into the tent, when their respective officers arranged themselves on either side, the abyssinians squatting down on the ground. the conversation was for some time commonplace. then the presents which had been brought were offered, among which was a fine arab horse, the gift of sir robert himself. port wine was then served out, greatly to the satisfaction of the chiefs, when all, with the exception of two of the principal officers of both parties, having retired, serious matters were entered into between sir robert and kassai, who was assured that if he showed a friendly disposition and would send grain to the army, he would be handsomely rewarded. after the prince had rested, a review of the forces took place. the regiments, whose uniforms were very picturesque, among them being seen the light blue and silver of the bombay cavalry, the scarlet of the king's own, the dark blue and red facings of the artillery, and the scarlet coats and white turbans of the tenth native infantry, went through various manoeuvres. now they skirmished, now formed square for receiving cavalry, and then the cavalry charged furiously at a supposed foe. the prince appeared to take especial interest in the rifled guns, and complimented the british on possessing, as he called it, "so inestimable a blessing." sir robert returned the visit later in the day, and with his staff crossed the stream to the abyssinian camp. the uniform of the soldiers of tigre was picturesque, if not quite according to european notions. their heads were bare, except such covering as their plaited hair afforded. they wore long white robes, embroidered with scarlet, and the greater number possessed firearms, either matchlocks or double-barrelled percussion guns, some even had double-barrelled rifles, many had pistols, and all wore long, crooked swords on the right side. a comparative few were armed with sword, spear, and shield. the cavalry, to the number of about men, were mounted on shaggy ponies or mules. the discipline of the men was, however, very good, and they went through a number of movements in a most creditable manner. the general and his staff descended close to kassai's tent; inside it was a couch, covered with silk, on which the prince placed sir robert by his side. several richly and variously dressed officers also were present, while the evening sun, shining through the red tent on the group, produced a most picturesque and scenic effect. girls soon afterwards came in, bearing baskets with bread and curry. they were followed by others carrying huge jugs, filled with tedj, a beverage manufactured from fermented honey. each guest was expected to drink several flasks, but as it tasted somewhat like bad small beer, they had no great satisfaction in performing the necessary ceremony. shortly afterwards a band of six musicians, playing on long pipes, performed a wild piece of music; then a minstrel sang a war song, in which all the abyssinians joined. the entertainment being now considered at an end, the chief insisted on presenting sir robert with the gifts he had prepared. the first consisted of a silver gilt armlet, the sign of a great warrior, which was clasped round the general's arm. then a lion's skin and mane, the mark of a fierce fighter in battle, was thrown over his shoulder, a sword was next girt on his side, and a spear and shield, intended for his use, handed to one of the _aides-de-camp_, who acted for the nonce as his armour bearer. in this guise the general had to ride back to his own camp on a mule, but fortunately by this time the shades of evening having closed in, he was prevented from exhibiting himself in so antique a guise to his troops. notwithstanding all the professions of friendship and promises of assistance he received, sir robert very wisely did not put perfect faith in the prince, but determined to fortify his posts and guard his advance, as if he was passing through the country of an enemy. at anotolo the army was re-distributed in divisions, to each of which a separate duty was assigned. tom and his men marched with the second brigade of the first division. communication was kept up the whole of the way with zulla, and a telegraph wire laid down. on the th of march sir robert led forward his forces to tat. from this station he began a rapid advance on magdala. hitherto every movement had been in preparation for that undertaking. by the st march the army was at no great distance from the line of theodore's advance posts, and scouts were frequently seen on horseback, but were too nimble to be captured. precautions were taken against a night attack, which it was supposed theodore would make. several of the enemy's deserted camps were passed. the inhabitants had hitherto been universally friendly, and the gallas, who were now gained over in consequence of the barbarous treatment they had received from theodore, undertook to guard the passes by which the tyrant could make his way eastward. young alick murray had bravely endured the fatigues of the march; he generally kept by the side of tom, who, indeed, was unwilling to have him out of his sight. as they and the other officers of the naval brigade sat round the camp fire at night, many a yarn was spun and many a merry song sung, while during the day, as they marched on, jokes were constantly cracked by the seamen, whose spirits never flagged. they were always meeting objects of some sort to interest them, while the scenery itself through which their route lay was often magnificent in the extreme. at length the delanta heights were reached with the river of bashilo flowing beneath them on its course westward, hereafter to swell the waters of the mighty nile, of which it is one of the numberless tributaries. on either side of the valley through which the river flowed rose a series of rugged heights forming a crescent, on the eastern horn of which stood the fortress of magdala, theodore's supposed impregnable stronghold, while on the west was the rugged hill of fahla, mid-way between it and the lofty plateau of selassie. magdala and selassie were seen to be connected by a ridge, known as the saddle of islamgi, while the ridge joining selassie to fahla was called the saddle of fahla. the plateau on which magdala stood rose to a height of upwards of feet above the sea, and above the ravines immediately surrounding it. the sides were so steep and scarped by nature that it seemed as if it would be impossible to scale them, but a closer inspection showed that two causeways led to the plateau, one from islamgi and one from sangalat. theodore's army, its size and strength unknown, was seen encamped on the spit of islamgi. a deep ravine led into the wide valley beneath the heights occupied by the abyssinians. over-looking the plain of arogi was a spur, bearing in different parts the names of gumbaji and afficho, which sir robert had resolved to occupy, so that he could operate on either side of fahla, evidently the key of theodore's position. the army was encamped above the bashilo, the troops in high spirits at the thoughts that at length they were about to meet the enemy whom they had marched so many miles to encounter. sir robert and his staff having crossed the river and reconnoitred the ground, at early dawn on the th of april the advance was ordered. as no water was to be procured between the river and the fortress, except under the enemy's fire, a band of carriers had been organised for transporting a supply for the troops, while another band marched in the rear with stretchers for the removal of the wounded. while the greater part of the troops were toiling slowly up the steep slopes of the gumbaji spur, which they were destined to occupy, the naval brigade and a party of artillery, with the baggage of the first brigade, were making their way through the pass of the wurki waha valley, which it had been the intention of the general to secure by a body of infantry, and to form a road from thence up the gumbaji spur. the latter task, through a mistake, had not been performed, nor was the issue of the pass secured. the day had been threatening, already showers of rain had begun to fall, while roars of thunder and flashes of lightning burst from the clouds. the mules of the artillery and the rocket brigade had just emerged from the valley, when, echoing the roar of the thunder, the report of a gun was heard, fired from the heights on which theodore's army was posted, from whence, at the same moment, a body of warriors was seen descending, evidently with the intention of attacking the artillery. the small body of british immediately prepared for the expected encounter. most of the enemy were on foot, though some, evidently chiefs, from their gorgeous scarlet costumes, were mounted. the naval brigade, hastening up the afficho plateau, got their rocket tubes into position to receive the advancing mass of the foe. their position was critical in the extreme. should the abyssinians push forward they might be overwhelmed by numbers. without thinking of that, however, they began blazing away with their rockets, every missile telling fearfully among the crowded ranks of theodore's troops, who, brave as they were, appeared to be thrown into confusion. tom looked round to see what support was coming. at first the thought flashed upon him that he and his companions must be annihilated by the overwhelming hordes of barbarians rapidly approaching. young alick was thinking much the same thing, but no sign of fear was exhibited in his countenance. "i suppose, mr rogers, we shall have a pretty hard fight for it?" he remarked; "but we won't let them take our rocket tubes at all events." "no fear of that," answered tom. "see, the troops are advancing." while he was speaking, one party of the abyssinians was seen coming towards the artillery and baggage guard, who were, however, prepared to receive them, while another larger party, taking a different course, hurried on to battle, for now over the rugged ground the red coats of the british were seen making their way as skirmishers in front, the rapid crack of their rifles being heard as they got within range of the enemy. the troops now engaged consisted of the king's own regiment, with the belochees, and a detachment of the royal engineers and bombay sappers, the men cheering lustily as they saw their enemy before them. at the same time two companies of the th regiment, with a body of pioneers, attacked the enemy on their flank, pouring in rapid discharges from their snider rifles, the rockets whizzing again and again through their ranks, while the artillery produced equal havoc. all this time the enemy's guns had been playing on the british columns, but, owing to their elevated position, their fire was plunging, while their shot, from the use of too heavy charges of powder, ranged too far to do any harm. the seamen continued to fire their rockets among the mass of abyssinians until the infantry, advancing, drove back the enemy, when the rockets were directed upon the summit of fahla, where theodore and his staff were still posted. so good was their practice, that they caused confusion and dismay, and one, it was afterwards ascertained, very nearly killed the king as he was superintending the fire of his guns. though defeated at all quarters again and again, the abyssinians advanced. masses of slain and wounded covered the plain. for three hours the contest continued, when, in spite of their heroic courage, the dark-skinned warriors were compelled to retire, at first slowly and steadily up the heights, but a panic at length appeared to seize them as they cast an eye over the ground on which they had fought, covered by heaps of their men, when the larger number took to flight. the pursuit continued for some way, but sir robert wisely prevented his troops from advancing too far, lest by the british having to retire, the abyssinians might regain their courage. wet and weary with the exertions they had gone through, the troops bivouacked for the night at the mouth of the ravine. "i can't say i admire campaigning," observed billy blueblazes, as they were sitting round their camp fire on the wet ground, the lofty hills rising up above them, while the cries of the wounded abyssinians could still be heard from various parts of the plain where they had fallen. the british camp was kept constantly on the alert for lights were seen passing over the plain; but at length it was discovered that they were borne by abyssinians searching for their wounded or dead countrymen. the british wounded amounted only to twenty men. they were soon brought in. most of them were suffering from spear wounds, received during the desperate attempt of the abyssinians to capture the baggage. such of the wounded abyssinians as could be found were also brought into the british camp to be attended to by the surgeons. next morning tom, with several other officers, went over the battle-field, which exhibited a scene of horror in every direction. at the entrance of the ravine, men and horses were heaped together, shot down or pierced through with sword or bayonet, ten or twelve together. further on could be seen tracks of blood, where the wounded had attempted to crawl back to their friends or to gain the shelter of some rock or bush. almost in the middle of the field lay the dead body of theodore's chief general, arrayed in a splendid scarlet dress, surrounded by no less than seven chiefs who had fallen with him. further to the right, where the firing had been at long ranges, there were fewer dead, but numbers were stretched wounded on the ground. the points towards which the rockets had been chiefly directed could be discovered by the charred masses, showing the awful death the missiles carried wherever they sped their devastating course. the british army, having taken up their position, were again advancing to attack the enemy, when, in the far distance, a white flag was made out, borne aloft in the midst of a small party of horsemen, who came winding down the mountain path to meet them. as they approached nearer, the uniform of a british officer was seen among them. amid joyful cheers lieutenant prideaux and the missionary, mr flad, rode through the outposts towards sir robert napier's tent. they came with a verbal message only from the king. he acknowledged that heretofore he had considered himself the most important personage in the world, but having now discovered that there were others more powerful, he consequently desired to be reconciled to his sister sovereign, the queen of england. sir robert replied that he must come and put himself into the power of her general, and that no other terms could be accepted. the british lieutenant and the missionary, with the courage of heroes, returned with this answer in writing, knowing perfectly well that the tyrant in his rage might put them to death. some time elapsed, when they returned with a written answer from theodore, in which he declared it had been his intention to conquer the whole world, and that, among other things, he hoped to lead an army against jerusalem and expel the turks from it; consequently he was not inclined to yield to the british arms. to this absurd missive sir robert sent back the answer he had returned in the morning by lieutenant prideaux and mr flad, who owned that their apprehensions of being put to death were very naturally increased. intense was their joy and that of many others who had accompanied them on part of their journey to see a large band of persons approaching the camp, who turned out to be the envoy mr rassam, consul cameron, doctor blanc, and several others. "the king," they said, "convinced that he was defeated, had put a pistol to his head and attempted to destroy himself. on it being wrested from him, he had at once ordered the release of the captives, who immediately took advantage of his permission to get out of his power." during the day a herd of cattle arrived at the outpost, sent by the savage king as a peace offering, but the animals were returned by sir robert, who saw the importance of exhibiting no signs of wavering. not only was it necessary to vindicate the honour of england, but, in justice to those tribes who had assisted the british on their march, it was absolutely necessary to remove theodore from the country, for, had he escaped, he would not have failed to have revenged himself on those who had sided with his foes. some of his troops had now again gathered round him, and, his spirits reviving, he led them into magdala. the larger portion, however, deserted him, and thousands were flying from the fortress. sir robert had meantime so posted his forces that, with the aid of the gallas, no outlet for escape was left for theodore. the second brigade occupied the heights of selassie, when the king's troops who had not entered magdala were ordered to lay down their arms. this they immediately did, to the number of about , men, besides whom there were , or , women and children, who had fled with their husbands and fathers from the fortress. they now hurried as fast as the narrow path would allow to the plain below, where they remained to watch the issue of the contest. a curious scene was enacted on the islamgi saddle, which was occupied by a detachment of cavalry as well as by a company of infantry. between it and magdala, theodore had posted his six guns. a party from the fortress issued out and dragged off two of these, but before the other four could be removed, they were completely under the fire of the british rifles. theodore himself appeared mounted on a handsome charger, when, riding towards his foes, he began careering about, boasting of his mighty deeds, and occasionally firing off his rifle, shouting in a loud voice to any of the british officers who would come forth and meet him. he took good care, however, not to have his retreat to the fortress cut off, and all that could be done was to prevent him and his followers from making their escape down the other side of the saddle. tom, with a party of his men, had joined the infantry thus engaged. as they were moving along the top of the cliff, their noses were assailed by a most fearful odour. looking down, what was their horror to see, at the foot of the precipice to the right, a mass of human bodies in a dreadful state of corruption, some chained together, others manacled, many among them being those of old men, women, and children. they were some unfortunate prisoners who had been carried off by a party from the fortress some time before, and had been put to death in a drunken fit by theodore the day he heard of the approach of the british. it was, in truth, a fearful sight, and increased the desire of the soldiers and sailors to inflict condign punishment on the author of the atrocity. the end was now approaching. sir robert had occupied with his troops the nearest level spot to the principal gate of magdala, and, planting his artillery and rocket battery in commanding positions, he prepared for the assault. beyond this point, known as the saddle of islamgi, the rock on which the fortress stood rose feet in height, with precipitous sides, a narrow, steep, and winding path leading up to it, with two lines of defence, in each of which was a narrow gateway. it was thus difficult to get a sight of the defenders, yet occasionally armed men were seen moving about, and a stubborn resistance was expected. with a humanity worthy of imitation, sir robert so placed his guns that they should only act upon the gate, without running the risk of hurting the women and children still within the fortress. the two brigades now advanced, the storming party leading, and, covered by their fire, up the steep path they climbed with scaling-ladders fixed, and crowbars to burst open the gates. they were met by a hot fire from the garrison, not a man of whom could be seen. before the stormers was a wall, surrounded by a strong and thick barricade of stout stakes, with a narrow stone gateway. on reaching this gateway the engineers, finding that the powder-bags were not forthcoming, immediately set to work with their crowbars and burst it in, when, what was their disappointment to discover a pile of large stones, twelve feet in height, and a still greater breadth, directly in front of them. all this time they were exposed to the fire of the garrison. in vain they endeavoured to surmount a formidable barricade, but at length a party of the rd regiment, turning to the right, discovered a lower part of the wall, against which a scaling-ladder was placed. immediately mounting, they reached the top of the wall, and, leaping down, forming as they did so, attacked the garrison, who, seeing that their fortress was entered, took to flight towards the second defence. the whole regiment was quickly in, and, pressing after the fugitives, rushed through the second gateway, when, the summit of the fortress being gained, the british flag was quickly flying above it. on this the abyssinians, throwing down their arms, asked for quarter, which was at once granted. but what had become of the unhappy king, who had been the chief cause of the misery and suffering endured by his unhappy subjects for so many years? stretched on the ground leading to the second gateway to the palace his body was found, with a pistol-bullet through his head, the weapon with which he had shot himself still by his side. near the outward gateway lay several of his devoted chiefs, while the rest of his officers, throwing down their arms, endeavoured to escape. they all, however, before long, having been driven back by the gallas, who were watching for them on the other side, were compelled to return to the fortress, where they delivered themselves up. taking possession of magdala, sir robert, having made a hasty survey of it, collected all the abyssinians in the centre space, and placed a strong guard over them. an anxious night now commenced, as at any moment the numberless thatched buildings which covered the heights might have been set on fire and a heavy loss of life have ensued. the two gates were carefully watched, and, owing to the admirable arrangements, no disturbance occurred. the inhabitants were desired to take their departure, while the body of theodore was delivered up to his unhappy queen, and was interred two days afterwards in the church of magdala. the queen and her son then came into the british camp, where they received honourable treatment, while the inhabitants were escorted as far as was necessary towards the district where they had friends. the fortress was afterwards destroyed, the buildings within set on fire, and the guns which had been captured were also burst into fragments. as the british army retired they could see for many a league the dense clouds of smoke which rose to the sky and hung like a funeral pall over the stronghold of the tyrant king. "i'm thankful that we've done it, and done it well," exclaimed tom, as he, with his blue jackets, commenced their march towards annesley bay. "so am i," answered billy blueblazes. "for my part, i don't like this campaigning business. it may be very pleasant over a tolerable good road and plenty to eat, but i don't like having to climb these hills and to exist on short commons." the return march was not without its dangers, for the rebel tribes were on the watch to attack any weak convoy, tempted by the plunder they hoped to obtain, and aware that the british were not likely to follow them far into their mountain fastnesses; indeed, several persons who had incautiously wandered out of the line of march were cut off and murdered. the events of the return march need not be described. it was managed with the same skill as the advance, although the troops suffered somewhat from the storms of rain to which they were exposed. with no small satisfaction the men of the naval brigade returned to their respective ships, whose crews, however, had to remain to assist in the embarkation of the troops and stores. "why, mr blewitt, you appear to have lost two stone in weight!" observed the first lieutenant when billy made his appearance on board. "yes, sir," answered billy, with a rueful countenance. "i believe i've lost three stone; but i intend to do my best to make up for it now i've got back to the ship." billy did not fail to keep to his intentions, and the rest of the mess declared that he ought to pay a double subscription, as he certainly consumed more than any two others among them. "so would you if you fellows had gone through what i have done," answered billy, and he gave, not for the first time, an account of the hardships he had endured, the weight he had carried on his shoulders, his hard fare, the steep hills he had climbed, and the abrupt descents down which he had had to make his way. the _bellona_ remained with other ships of war until the troops had gone and the last of the stores had been embarked, when once more annesley bay was left to itself, in its original solitude. with a cheerful song the crew tramped round and round at the capstan, steam was got up, and the _bellona_, proceeding out of the bay, steered for aden, where captain rogers hoped to obtain intelligence of the _empress_. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . an account of the origin of the war, and of many interesting particulars connected with it, will be found in "our soldiers, or anecdotes of the campaigns and gallant deeds of the british army," published by griffith and farran. chapter sixteen. the bellona proceeds down the african coast--overhauls a suspicious dhow--tom finds his old acquaintance pango on board, and the dhow is condemned--after touching at zanzibar, the bellona proceeds to simon's bay--takes troops on board for caffraria--major bubsby and his family--a storm in the cabin--billy in love--a heavy surf on the coast--machinery gives way--ship on a lee shore--attempt to beat off--billy and angelica fall out--the bellona anchors--in great danger--has to stand off shore-- a man on a raft picked up--interesting information--a fire breaks out on board--the major's family lowered into a boat--he is detained by angelica--the boat dropped astern--the fire is extinguished--the major coldly received by his officers--the troops landed--the major begs to return in the bellona--jack refuses, and sends him on shore--the stranger picked up reports having seen a signal on a lone rock--the bellona reaches simon's bay, and sails in search of the empress. jack had some hopes on touching at aden that he might hear something of the _empress_, but not a word had been received there of her. taking in coal at that sandy and most unattractive of england's possessions, the _bellona_ sailed for the cape. she actually did sail, for the wind was fair, and jack, in common with other officers, had received orders to consume as little coal as possible. a bright look-out was kept for slavers, and several suspicious-looking craft were overhauled, but as the black-looking individuals found on board appeared to be either part of the crew or passengers, they were allowed to proceed on their voyage. some time before zanzibar was reached, a dhow was seen early one morning becalmed. some hours previously the _bellona_ had got up her steam, and was cleaving her way rapidly through the smooth water. by altering her course slightly she was thus able to pass close enough to the dhow to ascertain her character. as the sun rose, a breeze sprang up, and the dhow was seen to hoist her largest sail and to stand away for the coast. as this looked suspicious, a gun was fired, as a signal to her to heave to. the breeze was increasing, and she might lead the _bellona_ a considerable distance out of her course. she took no notice of the signal, but continued standing on as before, her crew possibly ignorant of the rate at which the dark-looking stranger could go. full speed was put on, and the steamer gained on the chase, while captain rogers continued throwing shot on either side of her, with no more effect, however, than at first. as, however, the _bellona_ must ere long come up with the dhow, he refrained from firing a shot into her, which he felt very much inclined to do. at length, when the arabs saw that they could not possibly reach the shore before they were overtaken, they lowered their huge sail, and the _bellona_ was quickly up to them. a boat being lowered, tom and alick soon pulled up alongside the dhow. as tom had no interpreter, and knew as much about arabic as he did about the ancient chaldean, he could only judge of the character of the craft by the appearance of things. her crew were very picturesque gentlemen, but, judging by their looks, cut-throats every one of them, and without any ceremony would have stuck their long daggers into the english officers had they dared. but the sight of the yardarm of a man-of-war, not to speak of her guns, has a wonderful effect in keeping such gentry in order. along the decks were arranged a party of ladies and gentlemen, most of them jet black, dressed out in a variety of fanciful costumes. some in pink and checked shirts, others with blankets over their shoulders, and others in loose trousers and vests, but it was easy to see that they were destitute of under garments. nearly a score of naked fellows, with clothes only round their waists, were standing round the halyards, to which they were holding on as if they were part of the crew. tom inquired of the savage-looking fellow who came forward in the character of captain, where they came from. "zanzibar," was the answer. "and where bound for?" the captain pointed to the north-east, and pronounced some name not on the chart. "of how many men does your ship's company consist?" asked tom, making signs by hauling away with his hands, then pretending to be rowing, and then holding up his fingers and pretending to count. the skipper pointed to the black fellows forward and then to the arabs, who were, indeed, alone quite sufficient for navigating the craft. "who are these ebony-coloured ladies and gentlemen who sit so demurely about the deck?" asked tom, pointing to them. the arab replied by signs that they had paid money into his hands for their passage, and by putting his head down, as if to sleep, that they had no work to do. "so they are passengers," observed tom. "i understand that, and now my fine fellow, we will have a look below." in the cabin were seated nearly a dozen young women and girls, dressed up in somewhat more elegant costumes than those on deck. "who are these?" asked tom. the captain signified that they were his wives. "what! all of them, you old wretch?" cried tom. the captain smiled in return, and pressed his hand on his heart, either to signify that he was speaking the truth or that they reigned there supreme. "we will now have a peep into the hold." tom, telling alick to look out on deck, descended with two hands below. as little light reached that region, it appeared at first to be entirely empty. the odour was not very pleasant. tom was on the point of returning on deck when he heard a groan, and hurrying to the fore part, by the dim light which came down, he distinguished a human form lying on the deck. blood was streaming from the poor fellow's head. tom and his men lifted him up, and discovering no one else, they carried him under the main hatchway. he quickly revived in the fresher air, and gazed with astonishment at the lieutenant and his men. "who are you, my poor fellow?" asked tom, not expecting an answer. "me pango; served board english man-war." "pango!" exclaimed tom, remembering the black who had been rescued at zanzibar by the _opal_, and who, after serving on board of her for some time, was lost sight of. "i recollect all about you, and if you wish it you shall come on board again, but i want first to know who all those people are." "all slavy, slavy," answered pango. "dey jus' dress up, an' when i tell cap'n dat trick no do, he cut me down an' try to kill me." "there is no time to be lost; take him up on deck, and we will soon show the skipper that you speak the truth," said tom. the arab captain looked very much taken aback, while he cast savage glances at poor pango; he saw, however, that the game was up, and that it was useless any longer to attempt deceiving the english officer. tom immediately ordered him and several of his crew to get into the boat, which conveyed them on board the _bellona_, under charge of alick. another boat being lowered, pango was taken on board, with the remainder of the arab crew, that the surgeon might look to him. tom then returned to the _bellona_. jack decided on taking all the supposed passengers on board. as soon as pango was sufficiently recovered to act as interpreter, they were examined, when they said that they had been forced to dress up, and threatened that should they not do so they would be thrown overboard. it was ascertained that most of them had been carried away from the coast not many days before, and that they had come a long journey from the interior. pango had been picked up from a canoe while fishing off the shore, and carried away. the evidence was so clear that jack, without hesitation, destroyed the dhow, which could not be towed all the way to zanzibar, resolving to risk all the consequences. during the passage several other dhows were met with, but although there were blacks on board, there was not sufficient evidence to prove that they were slaves. it convinced jack, however, that the abominable trade was still carried on, that thousands of africans were carried off to arabia, persia, and other parts of asia, to toil in hopeless slavery for the remainder of their lives, and that it would be necessary to make yet more strenuous efforts than before if it was to be effectually put down. he remembered, too, all the horrors he had witnessed and heard of in connection with the slave trade in the interior, when whole villages and districts were depopulated, and numbers were killed or perished from hunger, besides those captured by the arabs. pango was of assistance in enabling him to condemn two dhows, besides those he was compelled to let escape. the black improved rapidly in english, or rather recovered what he had lost. jack asked where he wished to be put on shore. "me no go shore 'gain," answered pango. "may be slave fellow take me 'gain. me go where ship go. me stay board. pango now sailor man." he was accordingly entered as one of the crew, greatly to his delight. jack inquired for his brother bango. pango's countenance became very sad. "do slavy man take him. me tinke cut him troat. me not see him now five years;" and poor pango burst into tears as he thought of the fate which had overtaken bango, showing that some africans, at all events, have as great an affection for their relatives as have white men for theirs. on arriving at zanzibar, jack handed over the arab crew to the authorities, to be dealt with for their infraction of the law; and the slaves were placed on board another man-of-war, to be carried to the seychelle islands, where they might enjoy liberty and a climate suited to their constitutions. jack was again disappointed at not gaining at zanzibar any tidings of the _empress_. running through the mozambique channel, he continued his course for cape town, where he arrived without any further adventure. his first inquiry was for the _empress_. no tidings, however, had been received, and serious apprehensions were felt for her safety. "it is supposed that she must have foundered in a typhoon in the indian seas, if she ever got there; or that she has been cast away and gone to pieces on some unknown rock," was the answer received. "poor adair! is such your end?" exclaimed jack, sorrowfully. "i won't believe it, however. i trust that lucy will not hear these reports." a day after his arrival the mail from england came in, bringing letters for him from julia and murray, who had just gained his rank as an admiral. "as there are so many good officers seeking for employment, i conclude that i shall be virtually shelved, although for my boy's sake i would gladly have gone to sea again," wrote murray. "his mother and i are looking out anxiously for tidings of him. his last letter gave us an account of the commencement of the abyssinian expedition, and that he was to go up the country with the naval brigade. it is important that a youngster should see service on shore as well as afloat, although we naturally feel anxious lest he should have suffered from the hardships to which he must of necessity have been exposed. we are, therefore, eagerly looking forward to his next letter. our girls are well, and we hear good accounts from julia of yours; but lucy is naturally in a sad state of anxiety. no tidings have reached england of the _empress_, nor has anything been heard of saint maur. i am continuing to make all possible inquiries, and have written to agents at various seaports to ascertain from the masters of ships trading foreign to endeavour to find some clue to his fate." the remainder of the letter referred to private matters. the _bellona_ remained some time in simon's bay, and all on board were in hopes of being sent home, when, no transport being ready, captain rogers was requested to proceed with a wing of the --- regiment to the coast of caffraria, where they were immediately wanted to put down a serious outbreak of the natives. it was far from a satisfactory or pleasant task, for the _bellona_ had no accommodation for officers or men; but captain rogers was not a person to throw difficulties in the way when a service could be rendered to the country. he had lately, during his constant intercourse with military men, got on without a dispute; and he hoped that such would be the case at present. all hands were busily employed in taking the baggage on board and embarking the men, so that neither he nor his officers had much time to attend to their guests. the last person to arrive on board was major bubsby, commanding the troops; and jack was not a little taken aback when he found that he had brought his wife and two tall daughters on board. the lady was almost twice the height of her better half, and the daughters promised to grow into the same proportions. the major was undoubtedly a short man, although not a small one either in girth or in his own estimation. he had a rubicund countenance, huge mustachios, and small, ferrety eyes. "i was not aware that we should have ladies, or i should have advised you not to bring them, although, as they have come, i will endeavour to provide the best accommodation i can for them," said jack, with his usual politeness. "you must understand, captain rogers, that i never move anywhere without mrs bubsby and my daughters. they are accustomed to camp life, and like it; and should i be wounded or fall sick, i should have them at hand to nurse me. i require care, for i am not so young as i once was, though still strong and active;" and the major twirled his mustachios and gave a loud "ahem!" "i am afraid that the ladies will be put to much inconvenience, both on board and on shore; for, should the regiment have to advance into the interior, i don't know what will become of them," observed jack. "and if you will take my advice--though, as i have said, i am perfectly ready to accommodate them--you will leave them at cape town to await your return." "never! captain rogers, never!" exclaimed major bubsby. "if i do i shall not know what they are about." "but should you be killed, and there may be some sharp fighting, what then will become of your wife and daughters?" observed jack, eyeing the stout little major. "then, captain rogers, i must beg that you will have the kindness so far to oblige me as to take them back to cape town," answered the major, looking evidently as if he did not quite like the remark. "i have now been in the service thirty years, and have no intention that the caffres or any other savages should take my life. they are a contemptible lot. why, a glance from my eye alone would be sufficient to put a whole host of the niggers to flight!" "as you please, major bubsby," said jack. "i shall be ready to appropriate a portion of my after cabin to your wife and daughters, and i will direct the carpenter to put up a screen, that they may live in private if they wish to do so." "ah, that will do, that will do," answered the major. this conversation took place out of earshot of mrs bubsby, who was not aware of jack's kind intentions towards her. jack, approaching with a bow, requested her and her daughters to remain on deck until the cabin was fitted up for their accommodation. "we do things rapidly on board, and shall not detain you long," he added. "i am surprised that the major did not intimate his intention to bring us; but it is very like him," answered mrs bubsby. "he is a worthy man, and devotedly attached to me and my daughters. allow me to introduce them. eugenia, my eldest, and angelica, my second daughter. they look forward with greater pleasure to the voyage and life in the bush than i do, i confess. they are good-hearted girls, and would be ready to follow their father into the field, if required." "ah, yes; we do not care where we go, or what we do," said eugenia. "we are never so happy as when on horseback or living under canvas." "i delight in the sea, and i love seamen," said angelica, smiling sweetly at the captain. she was not aware that jack possessed a wife and family. he had now to quit the ladies to attend to the duty of the ship. "blue peter" had been flying for some time, and a gun was fired to hurry off those on shore. the anchor was weighed, and the _bellona_ with her living freight steamed majestically out of the harbour. as soon as things had been got somewhat to rights, the baggage stowed away, and the soldiers berthed, jack and his lieutenants had time to look after the officers. directly the ladies' cabin was ready, jack escorted them below. mrs bubsby cast a somewhat indignant glance at the canvas screen which had been put up, but said nothing. but eugenia exclaimed-- "how nice! we shall hear everything that is said outside, and you'll hear us, so we must take care what we talk about." "i'm sure that we shall hear nothing but what is pleasant and sensible and right," said jack, with less veracity than it was his wont to speak. mrs bubsby gave a "hem!" and jack, bowing, left the cabin in possession of his fair guests. the major was pacing the deck, fussing and fuming. something had gone wrong with him. jack kept out of his way. he had already got hold of one of his own junior officers, to whom he was explaining what had happened. at last he came up to jack. "i must beg you, captain rogers, to put back. my dressing-case, with valuables to a large amount, has been left behind; and it will to a certainty be stolen. i cannot do without it while campaigning; and it will be a fearful inconvenience not to have it on board. i will give you a written request, if you think it necessary to have one." "i cannot return to harbour for such a purpose, even with a written request from you," answered jack, scarcely able to restrain his laughter. "perhaps the case in question has been brought on board after all. if not, anything i possess i shall be happy to place at your disposal." "you do not possess what i require, i am sure," answered the major. "but tell me what it is that your case contains which i cannot supply!" said jack. the major took jack by the arm and led him out of earshot of his officers. "my second set of teeth," he whispered. "i confide the fact to you; i shall never masticate my food without them; i shall die of indigestion." jack could not help giving way to his inclination to laugh. "i own, major, i do not possess a second set of teeth of any description, but we will try the doctor; he is a clever man, and although such things are not supplied among our medical stores, he may possibly have some." "i shall be most grateful if he can furnish me," answered the major, in the same tone as before; "but if you will not return into port, i must request you to institute a search for the dressing-case. you will not speak of its contents?" jack promised to do as the major requested, and directed tom to learn if any case belonging to one of the officers had been carried forward or stowed away by mistake. the major having allowed his "woman kind," as he called them, time to shake into their berths, went below. he had not been there long before jack, who had gone to his cabin, heard a low whispering from within. he caught the words-- "it was your fault!" "it was yours!" "i tell you it was not. i looked after everything entrusted to me. sniggins should have kept a better eye on your baggage." "no; he was not to blame. it was your business to look after the smaller articles; for what other reason do i carry you and your daughters about?" "i'm sure i don't want to go. you and the girls made me." "i made you? i never made you do anything in your life which you did not like. my beloved, you are losing your temper!" "i tell you i am as cool as a cucumber!" answered the lady, the tone of her voice belying the assertion. "don't fall out about it, papa," said a younger voice. "you are inclined to be aggravating." "my dear, i am as calm as your mamma," said the major. "then why do you come here and accuse me of doing what i didn't?" cried the lady. "i will not stand such treatment. it is all your fault!" "it's your fault, i say! why was that case left behind?" "it was not my fault," exclaimed mrs bubsby. "i'll teach you not to repeat such falsehoods!" there was a slight scream from eugenia, echoed by angelica, while some sounds greatly resembling those produced when a person is having his ears boxed, proceeded through the canvas. directly afterwards the major, with a flushed countenance and a bald head, rushed out at the door, followed by a wig sent as a missile after him. on seeing captain rogers reading at the further corner of the cabin, he tried to pick it up, but the vessel giving a gentle roll at the time, sent him flying into the middle of the cabin before he had succeeded in his object. pulling out his handkerchief in a vain endeavour to conceal his shaven crown, he uttered a groan. jack tried not to look at him, but believing that he had been hurt, was compelled at length to inquire what was the matter. "i confessed to you, captain rogers, that i made use of some false teeth in addition to my own natural ones, and now you have discovered that i wear a wig. but you will not, i trust, make it known to my officers, or they may lose the respect they now entertain for me." a scornful laugh from within showed that the major's last observation had been overheard, and that some one did not agree with it. jack, however, kindly rising from his seat, picked up the major's wig, and having handed it to him, helped him to get on his legs. "do you wish to return to your cabin?" asked jack. the major shook his head. "not at present," he whispered; "i'll wait until the storm has blown over. she is a good woman," pointing with his thumb to where it might be supposed mrs bubsby was standing; "but she's a little hasty, as you see, at times. i would have left her behind, but i could not bring my girls without a chaperon, besides which she would come, whether i liked it or not. i am frank with you, captain rogers; but i am frank by nature." "would you like to walk on deck, major bubsby?" asked jack, not wishing to make any remark in the presence of the lady, aware that every word he uttered would reach her ears. "yes, indeed, i would," answered the major; "a little fresh air would greatly restore me. these fits are apt to unman me for a time, but i quickly recover, and soon resume the command of my amazon forces." jack heard another scornful laugh from within, as the major hurried into the main cabin. the captain good-naturedly paced the deck with him for some minutes, listening to the account of his domestic woes, arising from mrs bubsby's somewhat uncertain temper. "she is in the main, however, a charming creature, charming when i married her--a perfect angel. still charming, though less angelic, i'll allow, at times." jack could not help smiling. the major observed him. "you doubt my assertion! wait until you have been married as long as i have, thirty years or more, and you'll understand what's what. you are not married, i conclude, captain rogers?" "i have the happiness of being so, although we poor sailors are not allowed to carry our wives and families with us, as you military men have the privilege of doing." "that will be a disappointment to eugenia and angelica," observed the major, apparently speaking to himself. "they fully speculated on your being a bachelor. you have some bachelor officers, however, captain?" "oh, yes," answered jack laughing; "my three lieutenants are all unmarried, and so are the rest of the officers, with the exception of the doctor and paymaster." "that's some consolation, at all events. if there's one thing i have at heart more than another, it is to see my charming daughters well married." "i wish you every success in so laudable an object," said jack, "but it is a matter in which i should decline to interfere with respect to my officers. indeed they are all too young to take upon themselves the responsibilities of married life. in my opinion a naval officer should not venture to fall in love until he is thirty at least, if he intends to get on in the service, and it would be much better to wait a few years beyond that." "ah, but my daughters would not consider them too young," said the major. "angelica once engaged herself to a young gentleman of seventeen, and would have married him too had not his father, who objected to the match, sent him off up the country, and the poor girl for a month at least could not hold up her head. it was not until a fresh regiment arrived that she in any way recovered her usual buoyant spirits, and had no less than three admirers at once dangling after her. one was so old that she could not make up her mind to accept him. another was over head and ears in debt, and asked me to pay his bills, on condition that he would take my daughter off my hands, and a third had, i found out, an unacknowledged wife. so you see my sweet angelica is perfectly free to give her heart and hand to the first person who asks her." the major, as he made these revelations, did not appear at all aware of the effect they were likely to produce on his auditor, who, as may be supposed, found it difficult to offer any remark on some of them. "i think i may now venture below, as time has been given for the storm which raged in a certain region to calm down," said the major, who was beginning to feel a little tired from so long pacing the deck. jack advised him by all means to return to his cabin. he wanted, indeed, to enjoy a good hearty fit of laughter by himself, as he felt every instant ready to explode. he somewhat astonished tom, who was on deck, when he at length gave way to his feelings as the major's head disappeared below the deck. tom, on hearing the account of the major's expulsion from the cabin, as may be supposed, joined his brother jack in his merriment, and it was with difficulty for hours afterwards that he could refrain from bursting into fits of laughter. the _bellona_ steamed on; not at full speed, however, for the engineer found something amiss with the machinery, and begged the captain, as soon as the wind should shift, to proceed under sail, that he might have an opportunity of repairing the defect. the young ladies were constantly on deck, endeavouring to make themselves as charming as possible. archie gordon and tom were respectfully polite, and took care not to commit themselves by any undue attentions. billy blueblazes was far less cautious. whenever he could find a spare minute, he was sure to make his way to the side of the fair angelica. at last, one night, while tom was on watch, he was surprised to find billy walk up to him. "i thought you'd turned in," remarked tom. "it wouldn't have been of any use; i couldn't have slept had i tried," answered billy, with a sigh. "i want, tom, to confide a secret to you." "what is it?" inquired tom. "you have had no quarrel with any of those military officers, i hope?" "oh, no, no," answered billy. "i know, rogers, that you were once susceptible of the tender passion, and i want to make you my confidant. i am in love, irretrievably, hopelessly in love, and the fair object of my affections returns it, she assures me, with the same ardour. but, you know, my income is small. at present i have nothing but my pay, and that will only keep me and allow me a few pounds to spend on tarts and jellies and ice creams, and i should have to give those up at all events, which would be a terrible sacrifice. and then the major, her father, is evidently a hard-hearted, stubborn old fogey, and the mother's a she-dragon. the adorable creature insists that i shall marry her on the first opportunity. she, indeed, proposes that the chaplain should perform the ceremony on board, but i am afraid the captain would not allow that, and i am in a fearful state of perplexity." "which of them is it?" asked tom; "for you appeared equally attentive to both whenever i have seen you together." "ah! but you have not observed the glances angelica has cast at me, nor the blush which mantles on her cheek when i approach. i thought that every one must have observed it, though i desired to keep the matter a secret in my own breast until i confided it to you. we have been shipmates for many years, so that i felt sure i could trust you." "indeed you can," answered tom. "i'll give you the best advice i can. don't say anything to any one else for a few days; at all events restrain your ardour, do not commit yourself while the lady remains on board. you can write to her, you know, at any time, when she's safe on shore, then the captain would not interfere. perhaps, after a little absence, you may find your affection cool; for, from the way you describe her parents, i am, as a friend, bound to tell you that there are some objections to the match, and i am sure the captain would see them." "i am sure that i shall never love her less than i do now," answered billy. "i have been thinking of composing some verses to present to her. as you know, i am something of a poet, but i should like to show them to you before i give them." "didn't you once begin some to a young lady in sydney?" asked tom, slily. "i don't think you ever finished them." "no, nor did i; still, i thought of completing them now. you must remember that the young lady there gave me no encouragement, but at present i know that they will be received, and my poetic genius will be stimulated. oh, tom! it is very delightful to be in love, but it sadly unhinges a man, you know that from experience." "bosh! if i ever was in love, it is so long ago and i was such a boy at the time, that i have forgotten all about it," answered tom, not quits liking billy's remark. "but what about the verses?" he asked. "i have them in my pocket, as far as i have gone. i would read them by the binnacle lamp but that the helmsman would overhear me. i think, however, i can recollect them. they begin-- "`angelica, my own beloved, an earthly angel thou!' "i forget the third line, but the fourth is-- "`before thy shrine i bow. "`the jasmine, lily, and the rose, in thee are all entwined.' "those third lines bother me, but the fourth i thought of terminating with `combined.' perhaps you can help me, tom?" "couldn't you put in something about a sunflower or a poplar," suggested tom. "the lady in question rather brings to my mind some of the taller productions of nature. you must have remarked she's a head and a half taller than you are, billy, and mrs bubsby even more than that above the major." "i might begin, `tall art thou as the stately pine,' but i think i should be bothered if i had to introduce the sunflower," observed billy. "give them to me," said tom, "and i will look them over; perhaps i may get the paymaster to help me--he's a capital hand with his pen." billy, pulling a paper out of his pocket, gave it to tom, and after pacing the deck for a few minutes longer went below to turn in, though, he averred, not to sleep. it should have been mentioned that billy had been promoted before leaving england, and was now junior lieutenant of the ship. tom, however, had no opportunity of looking at the verses. the following night the ship was five or six miles from waterloo bay, but jack deemed it prudent to wait until next morning to stand in. billy was very miserable at the thoughts of having so soon to part from angelica. "i say, rogers, do you think the captain would let me go on shore just for a day or two? the ship is sure to remain here for some time." "i'm not so certain of that, and you cannot be spared," answered tom. "the captain would smell a rat; depend upon that. he's too sharp-sighted not to have observed what has been going on. i don't think he altogether admires the young lady as much as you do." "have you read the remainder of the verses?" asked billy. "some of the lines want endings, and some of the verses want lines and rhymes. my ideas are very grand, but i am apt to break down for want of appropriate rhymes." "i'll find them for you," said tom. "i've got a dictionary, and i'll run my eye down it, and select as many as you can want." "i should like to have finished them before she goes on shore," said billy. "i don't see how that can be managed," observed tom. "you can send them to her before we again put to sea; it will be a last tender mark of your affection, and she will appreciate it. if you will write the address on an envelope i will get it sent with the captain's letters." billy was contented with this proposal, and turned in until his watch on deck came round. at daylight the _bellona_ slowly steamed in for the land, for it was very nearly a calm, though heavy undulations rolled on beneath the ship towards the shore. on approaching it the loud roar of the surf was heard. it soon became evident that it would be utterly impossible to land the troops. jack made a signal to ask how long this state of things would last. the answer was unsatisfactory. it might be for a week or ten days. the troops were greatly wanted, but it would be impossible for them to land, and captain rogers was requested to keep close to the coast, that no opportunity might be lost in case the surf should unexpectedly cease. he accordingly put the ship's head round, and was steaming off, when suddenly the engines stopped. the anchor, of course, was now the only resource, as there was not sufficient wind to enable the ship to claw off the land. as rapidly as possible the anchor was let go. no sooner had it caught the ground, and the cable run out, than the influence of the rollers began sensibly to be felt and the ship began pitching in a very unsatisfactory manner. astern was the threatening, barren-looking coast, with a broad line of white breakers dashing savagely on it. on trying the current, it was found setting west by north at the rate of a mile and a half an hour, which, with the swell, would soon have placed the ship in a most dangerous position. jack himself went below to ascertain the amount of damage to the machinery, and to urge the engineers to work with all speed. the chief engineer looked grave. "we ought to be in harbour, with smooth water, to accomplish this work," he observed; "but we will do our best, sir." "should a breeze spring up, we will get under way, and the ship will be far more steady than she is now," answered jack. "what was the cause of the accident?" "a flaw, sir, which ought to have been discovered. it is only a wonder that it did not give way before, and i cannot account for its going now. however, as i said, sir, we will do our best." "you can do no more, mr rivett," answered jack. "send for as many hands as you want, if they can assist you." "our own people are enough at present, but we may want them by-and-by," was the answer. jack returned on deck to find his principal guest looking rather pale. the major had been often enough at sea to know that a ship caught on a lee shore, with the chance of a heavy gale springing up, was not in a pleasant position. he felt also somewhat physically upset by the unusual motion. the ship was indeed riding uneasily, pulling at her cable as if at any instant she might haul the anchor from the bottom. jack ordered another cable to be ranged in case of accident, for, should the bower anchor be carried away, there would be no time to lose in bringing up. it is an ill wind that blows nobody good; and billy was congratulating himself on the happiness of spending a few more days in the society of angelica, but the motion of the ship had produced the same effect on her as it had on her papa, and when at length she did appear on deck, tom remarked that she looked wonderfully yellow about the region of the mouth. "i say, billy," he observed, mischievously, "i think it would be very appropriate to compare her to the sunflower now." in vain billy tried to console her; she was too miserable to speak. he at length had to lead her below to the door of her cabin. the calm continued all night, though the weather looked very threatening. in vain the engineers toiled on without ceasing. it might take two or three days even now before the damage could be repaired. the night came on. the captain, first lieutenant, and master felt too uneasy to turn in. either the second or third lieutenant remained on the forecastle, ready to issue the necessary orders for letting go the other cable, should the first give way. it held on, however, until morning, but still the same heavy surf as before rolled on the shore, from whence, in answer to jack's signals, the reply came, "troops cannot yet land." "i think, sir, before long, we shall have a breeze," said the master. "i hope it won't come due south; and from the look of the sky i should say that we shall have it from the south-west, or perhaps from the westward." "i trust, if we do get it, that it will be from a quarter which will enable us to make sail," answered jack. still hour after hour went by, and no breeze came. at length, towards night, a few ripples were seen on the water. they became more frequent. the dog vanes blew out. "hurrah! here comes a breeze!" cried the master. "we shall have it strong enough presently to make sail," he added. "we may then get that ironwork of ours to rights." the capstan was manned. scarcely had the men commenced tramping round than a loud report was heard. the messenger had given way, when the cable ran out to the clench, carrying away the stoppers, and running through both compressors. by great exertions, however, the messenger was again shackled together and the anchor hove up. no sooner did it appear above water than tom, who was on the forecastle, exclaimed-- "both flukes carried away, sir; nothing but the shank and stock remaining." sail was now made; but the ship was evidently drifting to the westward, by which she approached nearer and nearer the shore. every stitch of canvas that could be set was hoisted. the wind shifted to the very worst quarter from which it could blow. the ship stood on, however, close-hauled, first on the starboard tack, and then, the wind shifting half a point or so, for the purpose of taking advantage of it, she was put about. every sheet and brace was flattened aft; still, judging by the roar of the breakers, she was no further off the threatening coast than at first. many an eye was turned to leeward in an endeavour to discover the line of the coast, which, through the gloom, could dimly be distinguished below the bright sky. "we still hold our own," said jack to archie gordon, who was walking the deck. "if we can continue to do that until the sea goes down, we may still do well; and we must hope, if we should let drop an anchor, that it will prove sounder than the last. probably the engineers will by that time have accomplished their task, and we shall be able to get steam on the ship. she doesn't sail close-hauled as well as i expected, and we never before have had an opportunity of testing her as we are now doing." "i suspect that it is the current carrying her to leeward," observed archie. "possibly the wind may increase before daylight, and we shall then be better able to claw off the land." all night long the captain, endeavouring to take advantage of every change of wind, frequently put the ship about, anxiously wishing for daylight, to be able to judge better than he could during the darkness of her distance from the land. the lead kept going showed no increase of depth, which ranged from thirty-five to forty fathoms. as morning approached, the water shallowed, showing that she was nearer than she had been when night closed in. "by the deep, twenty," sang out the man in the chains. a short time afterwards, "fifteen fathom," then "twelve." just at daylight she was in ten fathoms of water. as the sun rose, the marks denoting the entrance to waterloo bay were seen under the lee. the bay afforded no shelter with the wind blowing, as it then did, directly into it. jack hoisted the signals, "can the troops land?" the answer run up on shore was, "not until the weather moderates." in a short time a pilot came off in a surf-boat, and the ship was brought up in nine fathoms, about a mile and a half from the shore. a spring was also got on the cable, in case of requiring to slip, and a bow-rope for a slip-rope, while the spare anchor was shifted to the cathead, in lieu of the one carried away, that everything might be ready in case of necessity. the pilot, on discovering that the machinery had given way, looked grave. he had been accustomed to sailing vessels all his life, and had no love for steamers. "i hope your engineers will look sharp and get their work done," he observed to the master. "this is a queer place when the wind is as it is, though well enough when it's off shore." after breakfast, the major and his family came on deck. angelica, looking about her, inquired why they could not land. "because the boats would be upset and rolled over and over in these breakers, and you, my sweet girl, would be gobbled up by a shark!" answered billy, to whom the question was put. "they would choose you first. i'm sure, if i was a shark, i shouldn't like to eat your papa or mamma!" "oh, what a dreadful idea!" exclaimed angelica; yet she smiled at what she considered billy's compliment. billy, who had recovered his verses from tom, although he had not had time to look at them, thought this a good opportunity of presenting them; and, observing that the major's eyes were turned another way, took the paper out of his pocket and gave it to her. "these lines, my dearest, will show you the depth of my affection," he said. angelica, with a blush, which she had the art of commanding at pleasure, took the paper. a frown, however, gathered on her brow as she read-- "`tall as a poplar, sharp as a thorn; i should never have missed you had you never been born. roses are sweet and lilies are fair, but they lose their beauty when seen in your hair.'" "do you mean to insult me?" exclaimed angelica, in an angry tone, as she continued to read on the doggerel which tom had substituted for those billy had given him. just then the major, turning round, saw his daughter with a paper in her hand, and billy standing by her side. he, supposing it to be a formal proposal which, in his paternal anxiety, he had carefully been looking for, approached with the intention of clinching the matter in the presence of witnesses, and allowing billy no chance of escape. so convinced was he of this, that, without asking to look at the paper, he grasped billy's hand. "my dear fellow," he exclaimed, in his enthusiasm, "i am happy to congratulate you on your success and good taste. she will make you an admirable wife; and you will prove, i am sure, an affectionate husband. i accept your offer on my daughter's behalf and you shall have my blessing and that of mrs bubsby." "but i have not made a downright offer," answered billy. "no, indeed he has not," exclaimed angelica. "look at these abominable lines he has just presented to me. what his object was i cannot divine." the major took the paper and read the lines. "do you mean to insult my beloved child by putting such wretched trash as this into her hands?" exclaimed the major, with a sudden revulsion of feeling. "i did not write them," answered billy. "indeed i did not. i had no wish to insult miss angelica; for i thought her a most charming person, and had got some beautiful lines almost ready, which i had intended to give her." "this does not satisfy me, sir," answered the major. "the only apology you can make is to go down on your knees and beg the forgiveness of my innocent child, and offer to marry her forthwith." "that i'll not," answered billy, who had not at all liked the ominous frown which he had seen gather over the fair angelica's brow, and still less the dictatorial tone of the irate major. billy had a fair proportion of good sense, although he made a fool of himself sometimes; and was, when put on his mettle, as brave as any man. his good genius suggested to him the various remarks which tom had made respecting the bubsby family. "i say that i did not intend to insult your daughter, and that i had not read the lines presented to her, nor did i compose them myself. i must beg that she will give them me back. i am ready to apologise for my unintentional mistake, and do so now." at this juncture mrs bubsby and her other daughter joined the party, and at once set tooth and nail on poor billy, not literally, but metaphorically. his spirit, however, was up. he positively refused to marry the fair angelica, or to offer any further apology than he had already done. "then, sir, i must have satisfaction," exclaimed the major. "your blood or mine must dye the soil of africa ere many days are over!" "oh! my beloved husband, do not say that," exclaimed mrs bubsby. "he is beneath your notice. if he refuses to marry angelica, the loss will be his. she will find ere long a far better husband." "you wicked, deceitful, cruel, abominable young man!" exclaimed angelica. "if you do not marry me you'll break my heart! it's not the first time i've been treated in this way. it shows me, however, more and more that you naval officers are not to be trusted." jack observed that something unpleasant was going on; but he was too much occupied with watching the position of the ship to interfere, as were the other officers. billy himself also had presently to hurry forward to attend to his duties, while the major and his wife and daughters retired to their cabins to discuss the matter. by this time heavy rollers were coming in, breaking within a cable's length of the ship on each quarter, making her position far from pleasant. there was but a light air from the southward, insufficient to enable her get under way. jack much regretted having come to the place, for it was evidently a far from satisfactory one for landing troops. the cutter was now lowered, and sent round the ship to sound. on her return on board the master reported only seven fathoms close to the breakers. the breeze now freshened from east-south-east, but the rollers increasing, the sea broke heavily half a cable's length from her. everything was now prepared for making sail. on the cable being shortened in, it was discovered that it had swept over a rock about fifty fathoms from the anchor, and that at any moment it might give way. "stop heaving!" cried the captain. "make ready to slip!" the sails were loosened; but as they were about to be sheeted home, the cable parted. instantly the sheet anchor was let go. for some seconds it seemed doubtful, before it could reach the bottom, whether the ship would strike on the rocks; but it happily brought her up, though fearfully near them. by this time it was again night; the rollers had greatly increased, and should the sheet anchor give way, it was clear that nothing could save the ship. jack had seldom been in so anxious a position. all on board saw the danger they were in. the major's cheek lost its ruddy hue, and even mrs bubsby's countenance exhibited signs of alarm. not far off lay a small vessel with both anchors down. her master coming on board volunteered to make a hawser fast to her for the purpose of casting the man-of-war the right way. the engineer stated that it would be some hours before steam could be got up. "then let me advise you, sir, to get under way forthwith," said the master of the merchantman. "should the anchor fail to hold, the ship must inevitably strike on that reef of rocks where the surf is breaking so furiously, and where, strong as she may be, she will not hold together for an hour, while there will not be the slightest chance of saving a single human life." jack gladly accepted the worthy master's offer. the cutters were lowered, and hawsers carried to the vessel. the sheet anchor was then weighed, when, on its coming above water, it was found that both the flukes had gone. her only hope of safety was on the remaining anchor. would it hold until sail could be made? from the direction the beats were drifting it was soon seen that, in spite of all the efforts of their crews, it would be impossible to carry the hawsers to the merchantman. jack looked anxiously at the compass and dog vanes. he knew full well that at any moment the cable might part, and, should the ship not cast the right way, she must be driven on the rocks and every soul perish. "i would advise you to return on board your own vessel, my friend," he said to the master of the merchantman. "you will be safer on board her than here." "now is your chance, captain," exclaimed the master, as the wind veered a point well to the eastward. the cable was slipped. the ship mercifully canted the right way under single-reefed topsails, topgallant sails, jib, and driver, and with a strong breeze stood out of the treacherous bay. jack and all on board had good reason to thank a merciful providence that they had escaped the danger to which they had been exposed. at length the _bellona_ was clear of the land. now came the question of what to do with the troops. there was only one anchor left. jack considered that it would be extreme rashness to bring up again close to the shore until he had steam power on which to depend to help him off, should the wind continue to the southward. still it was of the greatest importance that by some means or other the troops should be landed. the major, who was by this time anxious to leave the ship, insisted that "it ought to be done, and must be done." "the _must_ depends upon circumstances," answered jack. "if i can land your men i will, without risking their lives or those of my boats' crews. by running further to the eastward, a place may be found where you can be put on shore, and you must march from thence to the place you were ordered to garrison, but until the machinery is in good working order, i must do my utmost to keep off the land." to this the major had nothing to say. the breeze freshened. by nightfall the _bellona_ was out of sight of land, and jack felt much more easy than he had done for several days. although the rough seas had greatly delayed the engineer, he was at length able to report that the machinery was again in order. the wind also had fallen considerably, and the sea having much gone down, jack hoped that he might at length get rid of his guests. both officers and men had behaved admirably, and had assisted on all occasions in making sail, or when pulling and hauling was required on deck. the ship was, at this time, about forty miles from the port of debarkation. after many anxious hours of watching, jack turned in, leaving tom, as officer of the watch, on deck. young alick murray had been placed in tom's watch, and besides him there was a mate and another midshipman. the night was tolerably clear, the stars shining, but a mist hung above the surface of the sea, so that no object could be seen until tolerably near. tom constantly hailed the look-outs forward to ascertain that they were keeping their eyes open, and young alick paid frequent visits to the forecastle, sent by tom for the same purpose. the engines were working, though not in so satisfactory a manner as was desirable. alick was forward, when his sharp eyes discovered an object almost ahead, though slightly on the starboard bow. "what's that?" he asked, pointing it out to tim nolan, who was on the watch. "a boat, a raft, or a sunken vessel?" "it looks to me like a raft, and we must starboard the helm if we don't want to run into it," said tim. "a raft on the starboard bow!" shouted alick, in his clear voice. "starboard the helm!" "starboard it is," was the answer, and presently what looked like a hen-coop and a grating with a few spars lashed together, came in sight, and an object, evidently a human being, lying on it, but whether alive or dead could not at once be ascertained. presently, however, as the ship was abreast of the raft, a man rose on his knees and waved his hand, while he shouted out, "ship, ahoy!" his voice sounded hollow and shrill; he apparently supposed that he had not been seen. tom immediately ordered the engines to be stopped, and a boat to be lowered, but before this was done she had got a considerable distance from the raft. another cry escaped the forlorn occupant of the raft, as if he fancied he was to be left to his fate. tom hailed him, telling him that assistance would be sent. in a few minutes a boat was pulling as fast as the crew, with sturdy strokes--eager to rescue a fellow-creature-- could drive her through the water. alick had jumped into the boat, which he steered carefully up to the raft. no voice was heard as they approached. the poor man, overcome with the thought that he had been deserted, had apparently fainted or sunk down again from weakness. at first alick thought that he was not there, but his form was seen stretched out at full length on the frail raft. "look out not to capsize it!" sang out alick to his men, two of whom were about to spring on the raft. "let one at a time get on it, and lift the man carefully into the boat." his orders were obeyed, the man was got on board and passed along to the stern sheets, where he was laid with his head on a flag, which happened to be in the boat. alick pulled back as hard as possible, that the stranger might be placed under charge of the doctor. the poor man breathed, and that was all. alick was afraid that he might go off unless speedily attended to, for the boat had come away without brandy or any other restorative. the rescued man was handed on deck with all the tenderness with which sailors are wont to treat the sick and wounded, or women and children. the doctor was immediately roused up to do what he considered necessary. the stranger seemed by his dress to be an officer, although, whether officer or man, he would have been looked after with the same care. tom had him at once carried to his cabin, where the doctor undressed him. the various remedies which his case required having been applied, the stranger soon gave signs of returning animation. "his pulse is improving," observed the doctor, "and he will do well enough after a time. no one must talk to him, however, when he comes to his senses, or try to learn how he got into the situation in which he was found." tom's watch being over, and having given up his cabin he was about to roll himself up in his cloak in a corner of the ward room, when the fearful cry of "fire! fire!" was raised. he hurried on deck, where jack and all the officers and crew quickly assembled. the drum beat to quarters. the men flew to their stations. the soldiers, who well knew the meaning of the tattoo, hastened on deck and fell in, according to their officers' orders, on either side. during that moment of awful suspense, strict discipline prevailed. the last persons to appear were the major and mrs bubsby and their two tall daughters. the former, with a blanket thrown over his head, making him look very much like a young polar bear, and the lady in her nightcap, with a bonnet secured by a red woollen shawl fastened under her chin, while the costume of the young ladies showed also that they had hurriedly dressed themselves, and in a way they would not have wished to have appeared in, under ordinary circumstances, one having her papa's military cloak tied round her waist, while the other had a railway rug, of large size, covering her shoulders and hanging down behind. "what's the matter? what's the matter?" asked the major, in a tone of agitation. "the ship is on fire, and we, with the aid of your men, have to put it out," said jack. "fire!" exclaimed mrs bubsby. "oh, dear! oh, dear! what will become of us. i thought such a thing was impossible on board of a well-regulated man-of-war." jack had no time to reply to the lady. that the ship was on fire was too certain, as they could perceive a strong smell of burning, and although the smoke could not be seen through the darkness, its suffocating effects were felt as it ascended through the after hatch-way. jack at once ordered the first lieutenant and boatswain with a party of men to go below and ascertain the cause and extent of the fire, while the soldiers stood ready with buckets full of water in their hands, as did a party of the crew, with wet blankets and sails, to extinguish it. no sooner was the hatch taken off, however, than not only smoke but bright flames ascended. on this the soldiers, who were standing on the lower deck, were ordered to advance and heave the contents of their buckets over the spot. at first it appeared to produce but little effect. the steam pump was set to work and the hose carried aft, but scarcely had it begun to work, than the machinery by some accident gave way, and it was of no service. the major, seeing the serious aspect of affairs, at length rushed up to jack. "captain rogers, what is to become of my wife and daughters?" he asked, in an agitated tone. "we will lower one of the boats, and put them into it," said the captain, "with the senior mate and a midshipman." jack at once issued the order for the cutter to be lowered and manned. her own crew went in her with the officers jack had appointed. "murray, you go too," he said. "we will take you on board again as soon as the fire is put out." alick touched his cap, but was evidently very unwilling to go, though he said nothing. "the boat is ready, major, for your wife and daughters," shouted jack. the accommodation ladder was lowered to enable them to descend. "now, my precious ones," cried the major. "your lives shall be saved at all events, though it's my belief that the ship will burn to the water's edge and go down." billy was too busy attending to his duty below to assist his fair friends; indeed, he would not have been sorry to keep out of their way had he known what was taking place. mrs bubsby was the first to descend, helped by two of the crew, who could for a moment be spared to assist her. the eldest daughter went next, when the major descended, supporting angelica, who, overcome by her feelings, appeared to have fainted. when the crew offered to assist her into the boat, he exclaimed-- "no, no, hands off, i must place her in her mother's arms," and stepped in, not without a risk of pitching over into the stern sheets. jack, who just then looked over the side, observing that no one else remained to get into the boat, ordered her to shove off. "but the major is in her, sir," answered alick. "he must not go back to the dreadful ship!" cried mrs bubsby, her words being echoed by her daughters, while angelica, throwing her arms round his neck, held him down. in vain the major struggled, or appeared to struggle, to regain the accommodation ladder, but each time that he made an attempt to get on board, his wife and daughters pulled him back. while this was going forward, the boat was veered astern by a long warp, and now and then the major attempted to shout, but his wife placed her hand over his mouth, so that his demands to be taken on board were unheeded. at length, appearing reconciled to his fate, he subsided down and remained quietly with his wife and family, without any further effort to return to the ship. "it can't be helped, sir," said young alick. "they'll do very well without you, as there are quite men enough to put out the fire. i wish, though, that i was on board to help." "do you think there is any chance of the ship blowing up?" said mrs bubsby. "if it does i'm afraid we shall lose all our things." "you may be very sure, madam, that if the ship does blow up you will lose everything, but i can't help thinking that the lives of the officers and crew, not to speak of the poor soldiers, are of more consequence than your traps," answered alick. "oh dear! oh dear! will the ship blow up, do you suppose?" inquired angelica. "and poor lieutenant blewitt, what will become of him?" "i suppose that billy must share the fate of others," answered alick. "but i can assure you that i have no fear that she will blow up. her crew are well-disciplined, and the soldiers appear to be equally so, judging by the way they were behaving when we left the ship, and it was only as a matter of precaution, in case of accident, that captain rogers had you put into the boat, and it is probable that we shall be on board again in an hour or so, or in less time." "do you venture to call lieutenant blewitt `billy?'" exclaimed angelica, in whose tender besom the full amount of affection she had ever felt had returned for our friend, on supposing that he was in peril and might be lost to her for ever. "i beg your pardon, miss angelica. i forgot when i spoke that you and he were spooney on each other," answered alick, with perfect gravity. "i confess that we always call him `billy' in the berth, but on duty we address him with due respect as `lieutenant blewitt'; the other lieutenants, however, always speak of him as `billy blueblazes,' and he likes the name, he has got so accustomed to it." meantime, as far as could be ascertained by those in the boat, the fire continued burning on board the ship. sparks were seen occasionally rising above the deck, and alick now began to entertain serious apprehensions that the ship would be destroyed. some of her crew might escape in the boats, but he was very sure that the officers would be the last to leave her, and that it would be impossible to construct rafts to convey them all. he had been ready up to this time to joke and even to laugh. he now became very serious. the fire might reach to the magazine, though he felt sure that captain rogers would order it to be drowned or the powder to be thrown overboard, if such could be done. meantime jack and those under his command were making every effort which men could make to extinguish the fire. it was discovered to have originated in the after bunkers, and that the flames had got hold of some of the wood-work. by persevering efforts they having been extinguished, tom, covering up his head with a piece of wet blanket, followed by jerry bird and a gallant party of seamen similarly protected, made their way, buckets in hand, to the very seat of the fire. again and again they were driven back, and jerry, stout-hearted as he was, was hoisted senseless on deck, overcome by the smoke; two others suffering in the same manner, tom and the rest persevering. he was ready to perish rather than allow jack's ship to be destroyed. more volunteers were called for. at length, by their united efforts, as one party being overcome, another taking their place, the fire was got under, when the bunk being cooled by water, the coals were scraped out. by this time the sun was just rising above the horizon, casting a bright glare on the ship, as she slowly moved over the calm water. jack and all the naval and military officers were still on deck, many of them with their faces and hands blackened, as well as their clothing, by the smoke, while the ship herself presented far from her usual trim appearance. the boat was hauled alongside. the first to appear was the major, still wearing his blanket, which he had forgotten to throw aside, and not recollecting the curious figure he cut. his own officers turned from him, disgusted at what they supposed his pusillanimity and his desertion of them and his men; while the naval officers only laughed at his unusual and somewhat absurd costume. he was followed by his two daughters, mrs major bubsby bringing up the rear, though it might have been wiser in her to have led the van. her curious appearance did not lessen the merriment of those who had not before seen her, and those of the crew who were standing near in no way attempted to restrain their laughter. "what's it all about?" asked the major, in an indignant tone. he was too acute not to perceive the effect his conduct had produced on his own officers, but he determined to brazen it out. "you think i deserted you, gentlemen," he said. "you are much mistaken. i was the victim of affection. my beloved wife and daughters kept me an unwilling prisoner. i put it to you, gentlemen, how would you have behaved under similar circumstances? i made the most strenuous efforts to regain the deck, but these two dear girls of mine clung to me with frantic energy, and mrs bubsby held me down by main force." "i did, i own it," exclaimed mrs bubsby, who, now the danger was over, saw the dubious position in which her husband was placed. "my deep affection overcame every other consideration, and all i thought of was the safety of my beloved husband. my daughters were animated by the same spirit." "yes, we are. we thought that you would all be burnt, or blown up, or go to the bottom, and poor dear lieutenant blewitt into the bargain; and we could not endure the thoughts of losing our papa, so we held him tight, though he is as brave and strong as a lion. it was a very difficult thing to keep him down, i can assure you;" and angelica burst into tears. whether or not they produced any effect on the hard hearts of the captains and subalterns of the regiment it is impossible to say. "i should advise you, major, and mrs bubsby to go below and turn in, or change your dress, which is not quite becoming the deck of a man-of-war, and i hope your daughters will follow your example," observed jack, who thought that matters were proceeding too far. it was impossible to stop the shouts of laughter which escaped the ship's company as, one after another, they managed to get a look at the curious group. "i will take your advice, captain rogers," answered the major, and he, followed by his tall family, disappeared. the ship had received less damage than might have been expected, and the machinery not having been injured, she proceeded towards her destination. next day she came off a small, but land-locked, bay. the master, by careful pilotage, brought her in, and she anchored safely. jack breathed a sigh of relief as he thought that he should now get rid of the major and his family, as well as of the troops, admirably as they had behaved on board. the officers thanked him for the courtesy he had shown them. they eyed the major, who was standing at a little distance, with looks askance. "what we shall do under such a commanding officer is more than i can tell," said the senior captain. "i am sorry, captain rogers, that you have had so bad a specimen of a military man on board your ship. were any superior officers on shore, we should at once bring him to a court-martial, and you would be under the necessity of carrying him and his belongings back. as it is, in the face of an enemy, we cannot refuse to serve under him, and we can only hope that his wife and daughters will cling round his neck and keep him at head-quarters, or that a shot may disable him from active service. a very little thing would, i suspect, do that. we wish him no further ill." "i am very willing to oblige you in everything," said jack, laughing; "but i would rather not have the pleasure of carrying him and his `woman kind,' as he calls them, back to simon's bay." the boats were busily employed in landing the soldiers, who bade an affectionate farewell to their blue-jacket brethren. most of the officers had landed; the major and his family still remained. he appeared to have arrived at the conclusion that he did not stand very well with those under his command. had the ship gone down, he would have saved his life, and there would have been nobody to complain; but as it was, and there had been no real danger, he found himself placed in a very awkward position. of this he was well aware. he came up to jack. "age and infirmity have told upon me lately, captain rogers," he said. "mrs bubsby and my daughters are of the same opinion. my charming daughter angelica is very anxious to go back with you to cape town. i have, therefore, come to the conclusion of resigning my command and returning home, whatever may be the consequences." "are you speaking seriously?" asked jack. "have you considered the consequences of such an act? i should have thought that you would have been anxious to retrieve your character by showing your courage the first time you had an opportunity of meeting the enemy." "_my_ courage!" exclaimed the major; "who ever doubted that? it was not my courage gave way; it was the stout arms and affectionate embraces of my beloved daughters which kept me back in the boat when they thought that the ship was going down. my courage and honour are as bright as they ever were in my best days, when i was known as a perfect fire-eater. do you know what i did in the crimea--how gallantly i behaved at the storming of sevastopol? how i held the rifle-pits against a host of the enemy? how at the alma i climbed up the heights, shouting `death or victory!' when my men were driven back by the showers of bullets hissing past us and might have fled? why, sir, if any officer deserved the victoria cross, i did!" "i have not heard of your brave deeds, major bubsby," answered jack, "and it is my duty to land you and your wife and daughters at the nearest place to your destination. the state of the surf prevented my doing so at waterloo bay, and now i have only to inform you that the boat is waiting to convey you and your family on shore. your heavy baggage has already been sent off; what remains can be carried with you." the major looked aghast. "surely, captain rogers, you do not mean to say you insist on my landing, whether i like it or not, and would compel me and my delicate wife and those fair young creatures to march thirty miles or more through the sands of africa without conveyance for ourselves and baggage?" "duty is duty, major," answered jack, who was determined not to take him back if he could help it. "your duty is to land, mine is to put you on shore. you'll excuse me for saying this, but i intend to perform my duty." the major, seeing that he had no help for it, made a virtue of necessity. he called out to his wife-- "we must go, my beloved, and our sweet children must be exposed to the fearful dangers of this unknown land." on hearing this mrs bubsby approached jack, who stood boldly prepared for the assault he had every reason to expect from the frown which had gathered on the lady's brow. "captain rogers!" she exclaimed, in a voice which made jack answer-- "madam!" he had no time to say more, when she went on-- "have you, who belong to the sister service, the barbarity to refuse a passage to my beloved husband and my delicate daughters, when the request has been made to you? for myself, i care not; i can march wherever the regiment can go. i did not expect this from you; and i'd have you know that i do not consider your conduct worthy of an officer and a gentleman." "madam!" again ejaculated jack, "i must not submit to such language, even from a lady. i have simply to perform my duty, which is to land major bubsby and his family. if he will not go, i should be sorry to have to hoist him and you over the side; but i intend to do so." mrs bubsby plucked off her gloves. jack looked at her hands; her nails were long, but the captain of a man-of-war was not likely to be assaulted on the deck of his own ship, even by a lady. still jack could not tell what might be the irate dame's intention. the fair angelica cast a glance at lieutenant blewitt, who was standing at the gangway, hoping heartily to have the honour of handing her and her sister down the accommodation ladder, and of uttering a last farewell, but he averted his eyes when he saw those of his charmer fixed on him. the major now began to be seriously alarmed that his wife, of whose temper he had full experience, might proceed to extremities, and that it would be better to face the scorn of his officers and the assegais of the caffres than be ignominiously tumbled over the side. "come, come, my beloved! captain rogers knows his duty. he fulfils it sternly, i must say; but still we must obey; so march!" in the mean time archie gordon, having received directions from jack, was seeing the light baggage of the major conveyed to the boat. he sent alick to say that all was ready. the major saw that there was no excuse for further delay. "farewell, captain rogers," he said, lifting his hat. "farewell, gentlemen. you see a doomed man!" and he marched to the gangway. "oh, cruel! cruel!" uttered mrs bubsby, an exclamation repeated by eugenia and angelica. "give her another copy of verses," whispered tom to billy, "or repeat those i wrote for you." "i forget them, or i would," said billy. "good-bye, miss angelica," he added, as the young lady passed him with an averted countenance, not deigning a reply. the major descended into the boat. he would have been in a still greater hurry to be off had he not known what he was to expect on landing. he had some thoughts of throwing himself overboard; but the fin of a shark gliding by turned him from his intention. the ladies followed; and as they took their seats they put their handkerchiefs to their eyes, but whether to weep at parting from the naval officers or on account of their harsh treatment, it was impossible to say. alick, who steered the boat, declared that he did not think they were crying at all. the major sat silent and moody for some time. once he got up, "with fury in his countenance," as alick afterwards described; but his wife and daughters pulled him down, and at length he and they were landed safe on the beach, their various articles of baggage being carried up after them to a spot where a sergeant and a party of men were standing ready to escort them to the camp which had already been pitched in an advantageous position inland. they might at any time be attacked by the caffres; but the force was sufficient to keep at bay any number of the enemy likely to be in that part of the country. "have you any message to send to lieutenant blewitt, miss angelica?" asked alick, touching his cap with perfect gravity to that lady, who was walking last; he having already wished the major and the rest "good-bye." "yes; tell him he is a base deceiver," answered angelica, "and that i hope he may catch a tartar the next time he attempts to make love to an innocent maiden by presenting her with any of his abominable verses." "yes, miss," answered alick; "i'll faithfully deliver your message." and as he had been ordered to return without delay, he hurried back to the boat. "well, alick, what did they say?" asked tom, as he returned on board. alick described what had happened, and did not fail to repeat miss angelica's message to lieutenant blewitt. "i would rather not deliver it myself. perhaps you will, sir, as it may appear somewhat disrespectful coming from me," added the midshipman. "all right," said tom, chuckling. "i'll take care he gets it." tom took the opportunity, when most of the officers were collected at the mess table, to deliver miss angelica's message. billy laughed as heartily as any one. "i don't care what she called me, now that i am rid of her. i'm very much obliged to you, rogers, for your verses, although i confess that at the time i certainly did feel considerably annoyed." jack, having got rid of his guests, and being anxious to repair the damage caused by the fire, without delay steamed out of the harbour and proceeded on his voyage to simon's bay. the man who had been picked up just before the fire broke out had been carefully tended by the surgeon. during the whole time that efforts had been made to extinguish it, he had remained in a state of insensibility, and only recovered after the troops had landed. tom, whose berth he occupied, visited him frequently, but found him ill able to converse or even to give any account of himself. at length, after a refreshing sleep, he awoke greatly recovered. "i understand from the doctor, sir," he said, when tom soon afterwards went to see him, "that you have placed me in your berth, and i wish not to keep you out of it longer than possible. i am a ruined man, and must not expect longer to enjoy any of the comforts of life, until i can retrieve my fortunes, if that can ever be done." "pray do not consider that you have inconvenienced me," answered tom. "i am very happy to be of service to you. all we know is that we found you nearly perishing, and are happy to render you any aid in our power. we are naturally somewhat curious to know how you came to be floating all by yourself on a raft." "that's very natural, sir. my story is not a long one. my name is cooper. i was master and part owner of a fine barque, the _flora_, trading to hobart town, in tasmania. i was coming home by the southern route, when during some thick weather we sighted a rock not laid down in my chart. i call it a rock, but it was rather a small island rising in lofty precipices out of the sea. the weather clearing, somewhat to my surprise i made out a signal flying from a flag-staff, and on standing in close i could see through my glass a small hut. believing that some shipwrecked people were there, i stood still closer in, when a sudden squall struck my vessel, and laid her on her beam ends. she righted without much damage, as far as could be discovered; but the weather coming on very bad, i was obliged to keep off the shore. i made a second attempt, but was again driven off, and soon afterwards as heavy a gale as ever i experienced coming on from the southward, having lost my main and mizzen masts, and very nearly my fore-topmast, i was compelled to run before it. i had hopes of getting into simon's bay, when the carpenter came to me and reported eight feet of water in the hold. i sent the crew to the pumps, but all their efforts could not free the ship, for the water kept rushing in with fearful rapidity. a butt had been started. a heavy sea was running at the time, but i hoped the boats would live. i ordered them to be lowered when the cry arose that the ship was sinking. a panic seized my crew, and all hands rushed to the sides. some leaped into one boat, some into another. almost immediately the boats were swamped, and i had the misery to see the poor fellows drowned before my eyes. i alone remained on deck. the ship floated longer than i expected, and i had time to lash together the imperfect raft on which you found me, get it overboard, and to leap upon it, and with only a few biscuits which i stuffed into my pockets and a bottle of water. had i not taken them i must have perished. how i could have existed for a whole week, as i did, i know not; but i must have been very far gone, when through the mercy of heaven you found me." "you have indeed escaped from a terrible danger," said tom. "but i wish that you could have given more perfect information about the rock on which you saw the signal flying, and its position." "i noted it down at the time, sir, but my log was lost, and the events which have since occurred have put that and many other things out of my head, though i have been trying in vain to recall it. i do not remember at all clearly how many weeks' sail we were from hobart town, or how far i ran after sighting the rock; nor, indeed, how long i must have been on the raft, though while i retained my consciousness it seemed an age. on considering over the matter, i conclude that the gale could not have lasted much less than a week, and perhaps longer." tom, on obtaining this important information, at once communicated it to jack, who immediately went to captain cooper, and had a conversation with him. "it is within the range of possibilities that the _empress_ may have been lost on the rock sighted by captain cooper, though how she could have got so far to the east, when she should have hauled up long before for aden, it is difficult to say," observed jack, when afterwards talking the matter over with the lieutenant and master. "probably her machinery broke down, as ours did." "and meeting with a gale, she had to run before it," remarked the master. "these steam-kettles of ours can never be depended upon. i wish we could go back to the good old sailing ships. when we had them we knew what we were about, and took good care to keep off a lee shore; or, when it came on to blow, we hove the ship to and rode it out comfortably. now we trust to the machinery, and it fails us in time of need. i shouldn't like to say that to the engineer, for he sticks up for his engines, and wonders how ships used to cross the ocean before they got steam power." jack smiled. the master was a thorough seaman, and he was allowed always to have his say against the "new-fangled notions of the day," as he called them. both gordon and tom agreed with the master that there was a great probability that the _empress_ had been lost on the rock seen by captain cooper, as she had not touched at aden nor been heard of further to the eastward. some of her crew might have escaped, although it was too probable that many were lost, and if so that adair was among them; he certainly would not have quitted the wreck until the last--they knew him too well to suppose that. "the signal seen by captain cooper may, however, have been hoisted by the people who escaped from some other wreck," observed tom. "perhaps the _empress_ went down during the gale in which we lost sight of her," said the master. "i trust that such was not the case; she was as likely to keep afloat as we were, unless some unforeseen accident happened--" "to the machinery," put in the master. "if the steam was shut off and captain adair had trusted to his stout canvas, i should have no fear on the subject." "heaven forbid that she should have foundered. if she did, we shall never obtain proof positive of the fact," said the captain. "i am far rather inclined to believe that she struck on some unknown reef, and that the rock or island was reached in the boats, or that the ship herself gained it, unless too much damaged to continue her voyage. one thing i am determined to do as soon as our repairs are completed, to obtain leave to go in search of her, and should any other unfortunate persons be on the rock, we shall at all events have the satisfaction of rescuing them." fortunately the weather continued fine, and the _bellona_, without further misadventure, reached simon's bay. the repairs, however, took longer than was expected, as the damage received was far more serious than at first supposed. however, the work was such as could be accomplished while the ship was in simon's bay. "take care your machinery don't break down again, mr rivett," observed mr scales, the master, who was generally known as gunter scale. "we've got a ticklish part of the ocean to navigate, i can tell you, and if your engines fail just at the moment they are wanted to back astern off a coral reef, or keep the ship from being drifted on a lee shore, i shan't have much to say in their favour." "i beg, mr scales, that you will not take the ship into any such position. i understood that every rock and shoal between us and the south pole was well laid down, and it will be your fault if we come upon danger without knowing it beforehand." "you were wrongly informed, mr rivett; and there is many a rock, and many a shoal, and many an island, too, between us and the pole which no one alive knows anything about, although many a poor fellow has found them out too late, when his ship has run right upon them." "what you say reminds me of the irish pilot who told the captain of a ship he was taking to an anchorage, that he knew every rock on the coast. the captain doubted him, and five minutes afterwards the ship went crash upon one. `bedad! i tould your honour i knew thim, an' that's one of thim. there's many a rock i've found out in the same manner,'" said tom, who thought it better to put an end to the discussion. "i hope we shall find out none in that fashion," said mr rivett. "that will depend on your machinery," said mr gunter scale, chuckling. "we shall have to keep a bright look-out ahead and the lead going, and if your piston rods and boilers prove faithful, well and good. if not, i cannot warrant that the ship will keep out of the danger into which that screw of yours will run us. let me have her under canvas and i'll know where i'll go and where i'll not go, and i'll answer for it that i won't run a ship under my charge into a place where her sails can't take her off again." "then you have not perfect confidence in my machinery?" observed mr rivett. "no, i have not, and i wonder that you expect me to have. i say again, give me tough masts, sound spars, well set-up rigging, and stout canvas, with a properly built ship under my feet, and i'll keep the sea in all weathers, and carry her safely round the world." the discussion might have continued for many hours had not both officers been summoned to their respective duties. jack, according to his intention, reported to the admiral the account he had received from captain cooper, who afterwards repeated it. "i'm afraid that there is but little chance of your finding the missing ship, but at all events you shall go in search of her," was the answer. the repairs at length being completed, the _bellona_ sailed in search of the _empress_. chapter seventeen. the empress loses sight of the bellona--a gale--sails blown away--runs before the wind--a leak--the pumps manned--crew set to bale--pat's dream--pete discovers the leak--a thrummed sail got under the bottom-- another leak--the gale increases--steer for virginia island--all hands spell and spell--the ship passes over a reef--false keel carried away-- the water gains on them--adair addresses the crew--the midshipman and ship's boy with their water jugs--land in sight--reached at night--a beacon fire appears on shore--ship drifts from her anchor--surmises as to its being fly-away island--the ship regains an anchorage--two boats sent on shore--green grasps the hand of lord saint maur--stores and part of the crew landed--the ship again driven off the shore. we must now go back to the _empress_, which we left somewhere about the tropic of capricorn, in a heavy gale of wind, approaching to a hurricane. the weather having come on very thick, she soon lost sight of her consort, when the heavy sea which got up compelled captain adair either to heave the ship to or to run before the wind. he chose the former alternative, the steam still being kept up. waiting for a lull, he brought her to the wind under a close-reefed main-topsail. heavy ship as she was, and deep in the water with stores and provisions of all sorts, she did not ride it out in the comfortable fashion of an old wooden frigate. a fierce blast blew her canvas to ribbons, and a sea striking her carried away the bulwarks forward, and swept her deck, knocking two of her boats to pieces, and doing other serious damage. her screw working brought her up again, or the consequences might have been still more serious. it took a long time with all the strength that could be applied to set another sail, when the ship for a time rode rather more easily. she thus continued hove to for a couple of days, the weather in no way moderating. adair felt anxious about the _bellona_, which he hoped to have seen, not being aware that by running south he would have got out of the gale as she did. many a good seaman under similar circumstances has made the same mistake. suddenly the engines stopped. adair sent to inquire the cause. part of the machinery had got out of gear, but the engineer reported that it would be soon again in order if the ship could be induced to remain steady for a time. "he might as well tell us to land him and his engines and to set up a forge and shop," observed jos green, the master, who had no greater affection for "steam-kettles" than had old gunter scale, his brother master of the _bellona_. the ship was now in an uncomfortable position, to say the best of it another blast might blow away a second topsail, and if she fell oil it would be a difficult task to bring her to the wind again; her only resource would then be to run before the gale. the danger apprehended came upon her: the ship fell into the trough of the sea. "hold on, hold on, all of you for your lives!" shouted adair, as he saw a heavy wave come rolling on. it struck the ship, the decks were again swept, and two poor fellows, who had failed to obey the captain's orders, were carried away without the slightest hope of being rescued. adair sent below; he received the same answer as before from the engineer. meantime an attempt was made again to set head sail. as she thus lay the sea broke over her several times, doing more damage. the well was sounded, and the carpenter reported four feet of water in the hold. the donkey engine was immediately set to work. fortunately, that not refusing to do its duty, after being some time in operation it gained on the water. in the mean time another main-topsail was set and an attempt made to wear ship. suddenly the wind shifted to the north-west, and filling the sails of the sorely battered ship she flew before it, though the heavy broken seas which rolled up astern threatened at any moment to poop her. the engineer complained bitterly of the way in which the ship tumbled about. "never mind it now, my good fellow," said green; "we are under snug canvas and as much as we can carry, and your engines may have some rest. by-and-by we shall get into a calm; it will be your turn then. we seamen have the ship to ourselves at present. if we put into simon's bay, and there happens to be no rollers tumbling in, you will have time enough to put your gimcrack machinery to rights." "that's just what old gunter scale would have said," observed the engineer, who had once served with him on the _bellona_, and was accustomed to his satirical remarks. the ship, however, was not destined to touch at the cape, for one of those terrific gales which occasionally blow off the african coast caught her when within a hundred miles of land, covering her deck with a fine impalpable sand, and having only her canvas to depend upon, she was driven so far to the southward that it would have compelled her to go considerably out of her way had she hauled up again for the cape. she then fell in with a trade wind, which carried her under all sail to the eastward, and adair, hoping to regain the lost time, continued in that course until in the longitude of madagascar, outside of which he intended to stand, avoiding the mozambique channel, and probably, if necessary, to touch at the mauritius, where he could get his engines repaired. once more, however, another gale, not inferior in power to those she had already encountered, came on from the north-west. the battered _empress_ was but ill-prepared to encounter it. the donkey engine had been kept going, and the water had not hitherto considerably increased, but still it was evident that a serious leak existed somewhere, although where it was had not yet been ascertained. adair and his lieutenant, as well as the carpenter and boatswain, had made repeated efforts to discover the exact spot. the only way to do this was to creep under the bunkers among the bilge water, an unpleasant and dangerous task. it was evident that the water must be reduced before the leak could be discovered. the word was given to man the chain pumps, and the bilge pumps were also set in motion, while a double line of men were formed with all the buckets which could be found on board, from the main-deck to the hold, to bale out the water, one line passing down the empty buckets and the other handing up the full ones, almost as quickly as a chain pump could have done it. the men worked with a will, for they knew full well the danger to which they were exposed. perfect discipline, however, was maintained; no one showed the slightest sign of fear, no one complained. adair had shipped among his crew our old acquaintances pat casey and peter the black, the last-named as a stoker, being better able to perform the office than most englishmen. with one or two exceptions, the remaining stokers were either irishmen or germans, the latter having an aptitude for becoming stokers and sugar bakers, avocations which require the power of enduring heat. the gale continued to increase, and in spite of all the efforts of the crew the water rushed in as furiously as before. even had the engines been in order, it would have been impossible to steam back against the wind to the cape, and it was a great question whether the ship could be kept afloat until the mauritius--the nearest land--could be reached. adair and jos green anxiously examined the chart. "should the wind shift a few points more to the westward, we might manage it under sail, but in our present circumstances the only thing to be done is to keep the ship before the gale," observed the master. in few parts of the ocean is the sea more heavy than in the latitude in which the _empress_ now was, except, perhaps, to the southward of cape horn. all the other pumps were now set going, and a fresh party was told off to bale out the water with iron hand-buckets. these were hoisted up at the rate of seventy an hour. "set the fiddle and fife going, it will keep up the spirits of the men," said adair to the first lieutenant, who at once issued the order. presently merry notes were heard amid the howling of the gale, sounding strangely, and yet inspiriting the crew. still, in spite of all that could be done, the water rose higher and higher. "peter," said pat casey to his old shipmate, when, after toiling for four hours, they knocked off to get a little rest, "it's my opinion that this is the last cruise you and i shall take together. i've been in many a mighty quare fix before now, but niver one like this. sure, there's nothin' i hate more than a ship with a hole in her bottom, an' that's what we've got, an' a pretty big one, i'm after thinkin'." "you no gib up, pat," answered peter. "we fall in with 'nother ship, or sight some land, and we get 'shore, or stop de leak. when de cap'n finds de ship make too much water, he keep her 'float by fixin' a sail under her." "you may say what ye plaise, but before a sail could be thrummed an' passed under her keel, she'll be many fathoms down into the depths of the ocean. an' supposin' we did fall in with a ship, sure, how could we get aboard of her with this sea runnin'? then, as to reaching land-- where's the land to reach? i niver heard speak of any land away to the south'ard, except the icy pole, an' that we should niver see if we wished it ever so much." "dat may be de case; i nebber could make out de meanin' ob a chart, but wheneber i hab been in de pacific, me find many islands, and tink dere mus' be some here'bout. why you so down-hearted?" "down-hearted is it, sure? i'm not down-hearted, pater; but i'll tell ye, i dreamed a dream the night the gale came on, as i lay in me hammock; the ould mither--who's gone to glory these six years--came and stood by me side, an' i saw her face as clearly as i see yours, an' says she, `tim, me son, i've come to wake you;' then says i, `mither, what's that for?' says she, `i can wake ye well, although i cannot give ye dacent burial.' upon that she sit up such a howlin' i thought it would be heard all along the deck. says i, `mither, just hold fast there, or you'll be afther disturbin' the whole watch below.' but she wouldn't, an' still howled on, jist as i mind th' women doin' in ould ireland whin i was a boy. again i sung out, `mither, if ye love me, hold your peace. i don't want to be waked just now,' and as i uttered the words i heard the boatswain pipe all hands on deck, when sure if the wind wasn't shrieking, an' the blocks rattling, an' the masts groaning, showin' that a dacent hurricane was blowin'. me mither vanished immediately, an' i tumbled up on deck, more asleep thin awake, thinkin' of what the good soul had been saying to me." peter fell asleep while pat was talking, and both in a brief time were again summoned to take their spell at baling. all efforts to discover the leak had been hitherto in vain. peter went to the chief engineer. "pardon, sir, me tink find out de leak. if black peter get drowned, easily find better man to take him place." "i shall be very glad if you do, peter, for i suspect if the leak is not found we shall all be drowned together," said the engineer. "what do you propose doing?" "jus' dive down under de water, wid rope round him waist, an' have a bright light held above where him go down. you see, sir, lantern no burn under de water, or me take him down." "you might possibly succeed; but i fear you will lose your life," answered the engineer. "but you shall try if you like." "all right, ear," said peter, "me try, no matter what happen." the engineer reported to the captain the offer of the black. adair allowed him to make the attempt, and ordered the gunner to bring several blue-lights, as well as a dozen ship's lanterns, and he, with his first lieutenant, the chief engineer, the gunner, and boatswain, and three men to hold the rope, went below, where peter stood prepared for his undertaking. the hatches overhead were taken off to allow the fumes of the blue-lights to escape. "now," cried peter, "me ready," and slipping into the water, he disappeared beneath it. a blue-light was instantly ignited, the bright glare of which must, it was hoped, penetrate to the very bottom of the ship. it seemed impossible to those standing by that peter could exist beneath the black fluid which surged over him. the seconds went slowly by, each second appearing to them almost like a minute. the doctor, who had come down, kept his watch in his hand. adair expected him every moment to give the signal for drawing up the man. "the poor fellow will be drowned if he stays any longer," observed adair. "he will endure it for twenty-five seconds more," answered the doctor. "we must have him up by that time, if he does not return." "haul him up," cried adair; "he cannot stand it longer." just as he spoke, the black's head appeared above the water. "me find it next time," he said, drawing a deep breath. in a couple of minutes peter declared himself ready again to descend. another blue-light was burned, irradiating the depths below. as before, the doctor watched the time peter was under the water. two minutes had passed, when adair ordered the man to be hauled up. it was not a moment too soon. at first, from his appearance, all supposed he was drowned, and the doctor began to prepare to resuscitate him, when he came to himself. "all right!" he exclaimed; "de leak found, big 'nough to put him hand through." peter, as soon as he had regained his strength, showed the exact spot where the hole existed, through which the water was spouting as through a hose. adair was satisfied that the black was right. the question was now how to stop it. the carpenter had got plugs ready, but peter averred that no human power could force them in, unless the pressure of water was first taken off from the outside. the only way of doing this was by getting a thrummed sail under the ship's bottom. the engineer suggested that an iron plate should be screwed on, but the difficulty was to screw it in the proper position. he then proposed fixing an iron bar to the plate and securing the other end to a beam above it. the plate was quickly prepared as he suggested, but though it prevented the water spouting upwards as it had before done, it found an entrance notwithstanding, between the plate and the ship's bottom. adair now gave orders to have a sail thrummed. the operation is as follows: a sail is stretched out and masses of oakum are fastened on to one side, so as to give it the appearance of a large rug of great thickness. strong ropes are secured to the four corners; it is then dragged under the ship's bottom, when, by the force of the water rushing in, it is sucked into the leak, and although some water still finds its way through, it is calculated greatly to impede its entrance. happily there came a lull, and during it the ropes were got over the ship's bows, and dragged on until the part where the leak existed was reached, when the thrummed sail was hauled under the bottom, and firmly secured. a hundred more hands were now told off to bale at the different hatchways with canvas buckets, which the sailmaker's crew and other men had been employed in making to supplement the iron ones. adair anxiously watched the result of their labours. "if the weather improves we shall do well yet," observed green to the first lieutenant. "one does not see much prospect of that," was the answer. the sky indeed was as gloomy as ever, the wind blew a perfect hurricane, while the thick mist and spray which flew over the deck wetted every one to the skin. as the hours went by there was no relaxation for the hard-worked crew. the seamen and marines, engineers, and stokers, as well as the officers, laboured away with but short intervals for rest. no sooner were the men relieved, than, overcome by their exertions, they threw themselves down on the deck and waited until it was their turn again. the carpenter reported the water diminishing. "we ought, howsumever, to have got more out of the ship by this time than we have," he observed. "to my mind, there must be another leak somewhere." adair feared that the carpenter was right, and peter, hearing his opinion, volunteered again to do down and grope about until he could discover it. the same precautions were taken to save him from destruction. he persevered until he was so utterly exhausted that the doctor declared him to be unfit again to go below. though he had not succeeded, adair thanked him for his gallant conduct, and promised that it should not be overlooked. "me berry happy, cap'n, if de ship get into harbour. no want reward," answered the brave negro. scarcely had the thrummed sail been got under the ship, than it began to blow as hard as ever. should the gale continue for many days longer, all hope of saving the ship must be given up, and probably every soul on board would perish. adair did not conceal this from himself, although neither by word nor look did he show what was passing in his mind. there were rocks, rather than islands, he knew to the southward, one of which might possibly be reached, but much depended on the state of the weather. should the sea go down, the ship might be kept afloat, but he could not hope to get back to the cape nor even to the mauritius. at present he could steer no other course than directly before the wind. on examining the chart, he discovered that about miles off to the southward of east was a rock marked virginia island, but he could not find any description of it. whether its sides were precipitous and could not be scaled, whether low and easy of access, or whether it possessed a harbour of any description, not a word was said. it might be a barren rock without water, or any means of affording sustenance to even a small number of men. he could scarcely expect it to be otherwise, for in that latitude, he knew, where exposed to the icy blasts of the southern pole, all vegetation would be stunted if not destroyed, while he could scarcely entertain a hope that springs existed. still it was the nearest land of any description, and land is eagerly sought for by those on board a foundering ship. he was aware that other rocks in this latitude were the product of volcanic action, and that this was so likewise he had little doubt; should such be the case, it was very improbable that water would be found. poor adair felt his position keenly. through no fault of his, the lives of all entrusted to him were placed in jeopardy. often and often his thoughts went wandering away to his dear lucy. although he would not have allowed any fear of losing his own life to oppress him, he could not help dreading the idea of plunging her in grief and exposing her to long months of anxious suspense. still his officers, as they watched his calm countenance and brisk manner, fancied he was as light-hearted as ever, and some thought that he could not have realised the fearful position in which they were placed. they were now running across a little-known sea. the chart showed dangers, but marked as somewhat uncertain. still the storm-driven ship could pursue no other course. a hundred miles at least had yet to be accomplished before the island they hoped to sight could be reached; but even should that prove to be correctly marked on the chart, green had some doubt about sighting it. the ship might pass it and yet it might not be seen, or the gale, continuing, might drive her on with headlong force, so that she might not be able to haul up in time to get under its lee. twelve or fourteen hours would decide the point, perhaps even less. the wind had begun to moderate slightly, and some of the older hands on board, accustomed to the southern ocean, prognosticated a change of weather. all prayed that it might come. night returned, but it brought no rest to the labouring crew. every man and boy on board, except those on the look-out, were engaged in pumping or baling, unless lying down recruiting their strength for renewed exertions. they were working spell and spell, knowing full well that unless such were done, the ship could not be kept afloat. as she had before being recommissioned undergone a thorough repair, no one could account for the leak. many did anything but bless the ship-builders. some declared that the outer coat of wood was rotten, and that the inner one of iron had become corroded and had just been patched up to deceive the eye of the surveyor. "bedad! i belave it must be one of thim big fishes with the long noses has run against us, an' drilled a hole before he could get off again," said rat casey to his shipmate peter; "or, maybe, the big say sarpint was swimmin' by and gave us a whisk of his tail unbeknown." "me tink, massa pat, dey make you officer, if eber we get into harbour, if you swear to dat." "faith, me boy, swear, is it?" observed pat. "it's just th' sort of yarn a dockyard matey would swear to, if only to plaise his superiors; but there's one thing i believe, an' that is, that the wood an' iron are both rotten. bad luck to thim who didn't repair the damage whin they found it out! you are of the same opinion, though it wouldn't have become ye to say so. all you'd got to do was to find out where the hole was, an' ye did it like a brave man, an' sure i'd be sorry not to get home, if it were only because you'd be afther losin' your reward." what other reflections might have been cast on the dockyard officials it is impossible to say, when a grating sound was heard, and the ship quivered fore and aft. for a moment her way seemed to be stopped, and the cry rose from many a mouth, "we are lost! we are lost!" a tremendous sea came rolling up astern. "hold on, for your lives!" shouted adair, and the order was echoed along the decks. the wave struck the vessel's stern. a portion broke over her, but the next moment she was again driven forward. that fearful, dread-inspiring sound, which tells that the keel has come in contact with a hard rock, continued. every instant adair dreaded that the terrific crash would come which would denote the doom of all on board. still he stood calm, and apparently unmoved, as before. "keep to your stations, my lads! we will not yet let the old ship go down," shouted adair. the order was repeated along the deck. the magnificent discipline which prevails in the british navy, even at that terrible moment, triumphed. not a man deserted his post, but continued pumping or baling away as if no rugged reef was beneath the ship's keel. several times she rose and surged onwards, but it was only to feel the rock still under her. on she went. at that instant the wind began to abate, and even the sea was calmer than it had been before she had touched the reef. still it could not be doubted that she had received a serious injury. as the howling of the tempest abated, adair could make his voice heard along the decks. "my lads," he said, "i know you to be true british seamen. things may be bad enough, but we must not give way to despair. maintain the discipline of which we are justly proud, obey your officers, and don't give in while a plank remains above water. the weather is moderating, and as soon as it is calm enough we will try and discover the amount of damage the ship has received. stick to the pumps and buckets, and we will see if we cannot heave the water out of her faster than it comes in. now, turn to again!" the men, while adair was speaking, had knocked off for a few minutes. he saw, however, that he had gained time, by the energy with which they again set to work, he himself showing an example by handing along the buckets, as did all his officers. adair and green, however, had to knock off to try and take an observation, for the clouds gave signs of breaking, and they hoped every moment to see the sun burst forth. it was all-important indeed to ascertain the ship's exact position on the chart, that they might steer for the nearest spot where she might, if necessary, be beached, or at all events under the lee of which she might anchor, and an endeavour be made to repair damages. whether this could be done or not could only be ascertained by a more thorough examination of her bottom than had yet been possible. the midshipmen were summoned to assist. adair and his officers stood with their sextants in their hands ready to note the sun's altitude should he burst forth, while the first lieutenant watched the chronometer. the tossing seas rose round the labouring ship. they had already lost their leaden hue, and here and there bright green tints could be seen, while their crests no longer hissed and foamed as before. suddenly, as if by a stroke of the magician's wand, the clouds parted, and the bright sun shone forth in a clear space of blue. the men on deck cheered as they saw it. to them it seemed an augury of safety. a satisfactory observation was taken, the exact longitude was obtained, at noon they would find the true latitude, and then, should virginia island have been laid down correctly, they might steer with confidence towards it. according to the chart, it was still to the eastward, and might, if the ship had not run too far south, be sighted before night. noon was anxiously waited for. the crew continued labouring away with the same energy as before, though in the case of some it was the energy of despair. again adair took his place in the line of men passing the buckets up and down. still all their efforts did not avail to lessen the amount of water within the ship, but they kept it from increasing-- that was something. as long as their strength held out, they might continue to do that. every one knew that, should they relax in their efforts, the water would conquer them; the great point was to keep it sufficiently low to prevent the fires being put out. should that occur and a calm come on, their case would then be desperate, even though in sight of land. some, it is true, might be saved in the boats and others on rafts, should the ship float long enough to enable them to be constructed, but the bulk--two-thirds, probably--must be doomed to perish. adair knew that he must be among the latter. while a soul remained on board, he could not quit his ship. dear as life might be to him, for the sake of others it must be sacrificed. when also the trying moment should come, would discipline be maintained? would not the crew scramble into the boats and swamp them? or leap headlong on the rafts and render them useless? frequently the captain and master looked at their watches. once more they returned to the poop, with their sextants in hand. noon was approaching. clouds were still passing slowly across the sky; they might too probably rest between the sun and the ship, rendering it impossible to take an observation. the officers watched their progress. a large cloud was floating by; would it pass onwards before the sun gained its extreme altitude? "now, master!" cried adair, in a cheerful tone. the western edge of the cloud, tinged with a golden hue, was seen, and the sun came forth. the captain and green with the first lieutenant had their sextants to their eyes in a moment: the sun was still rising. "it has dipped!" cried adair. they carefully noted down the latitude, and green, in a few seconds, worked out the observation on a little slip of paper, not bigger than one's thumb nail. hurrying below, the chart was got out, and now the exact position of the ship was obtained. "hurrah! if this volcano of an island doesn't prove a fly-away piece of rock, we shall be up to it before sunset," exclaimed green. the wind had now sufficiently gone down to allow all sail to be set. the part of the crew who had knocked off from the pumps and the buckets were roused up. with the greatest alacrity, as if they had had their usual rest, they flew to their stations. the topsails and courses, long furled, were let fall and sheeted home; staysails were hoisted, and with the screw thus aided, the ship again rushed rapidly through the water. she steered, however, with some difficulty; and green expressed an opinion that damage had been done to her false keel, that a portion of it had been torn off, and that another part was still hanging down attached to the bottom. "we must take that into account when we wish to bring up," observed adair, "so that there may be no chance of running the ship on the rocks, where we do not want her to go." the next few hours were as anxious as any that had been passed; for, although the sea was going down and the wind was moderate, the water rushed in through the leaks at a rate which required the ceaseless efforts of the crew to keep under. the youngest midshipman on board-- tommy pratt, hitherto unknown to fame or to our readers--was observed, with one of the ship's boys, who had been considered not strong enough to handle the buckets, running up and down with two big jugs, which they emptied through the scuppers. "every little helps, i've heard say," answered tommy to the first lieutenant; "and i suppose a few quarts too much would sink the ship. so i got ned jones, who was doing nothing, to lend me a hand; and i calculate that we have emptied two hundred gallons at least, and that's something, sir." "well done, my boy," answered the lieutenant. "i'll not forget you and ned. who knows but that you and he have kept out the last hundred gallons which might have sent her to the bottom?" some time afterwards they were found still working away, though tommy confessed that "his arms were aching considerably, and that he should be very glad when they could stop the leak." men with sharp eyes were sent to the mast-head, to look out for virginia island. it was uncertain whether it was a high rocky a fertile island, or little better than a sand-bank. should it be the first and correctly laid down, the master hoped that it might at any moment be seen; but should it prove to be a low island, it might not become visible until they were close upon it. then again came the question, was it laid down correctly? adair, though he had assured his crew that they ought to be there before night, was not quite satisfied on that point. hitherto the men had laboured away bravely, but some of the weaker and less spirited began to show signs of fatigue; and the instant they were relieved, threw themselves on the deck as though utterly incapable of further exertion. some of the men, indeed, actually sank down at the pumps, but others took their places, and the doctor went round to the exhausted ones, giving them stimulants, and urging them to fresh exertions. several, however, when it came again to their turn to pump or hand up the buckets, declared that they were unable to move. it was important to maintain discipline; at the same time the first lieutenant, who went among them, was unwilling to use harsh measures. suddenly he recollected tommy pratt. taking one of the men, he showed him where the young midshipman and his companion were still working away with their big water jugs, running up and down as nimble as squirrels. "they have been at that work for the last eight hours, to my certain knowledge," said the lieutenant. "are you, a big, strong man, not ashamed of yourself?" "yes, i am," was the answer; and, rousing up the other men, they all again set to work without further grumbling. "i was sure the example of those youngsters would do good," observed the lieutenant to captain adair. "not only have they baled out several hundred gallons, but through their gallant conduct many thousands probably will be pumped out of the ship." as the _empress_ ran on, and no land was seen, the spirits of all began to fall lower than before. in that latitude gales were as likely to prevail as often as fine weather; and another might spring up before the ship could be carried into a harbour, or run on shore if necessary. even adair, who, since he had ascertained the correct position of the ship, had had his hopes revive, now felt it was too probable that the shore might never be reached. the hours were passing by. he and green again consulted the chart, to decide for what other spot in the ocean they should steer should virginia island not appear. they had just returned on deck, when the look-out aloft shouted-- "land! land!" "where away?" inquired the captain. "just over the port bow." "are you sure it is land?" asked the captain. "certain, sir. i've seen it for the last ten minutes; but there was a mist about it, and i could not make it out clearly enough." the master and second lieutenant immediately went aloft, and took a look through their glasses at the land. on coming below they reported that there was no doubt about its being land of considerable elevation, but of no great extent, with indented shores; and that they hoped, therefore, a harbour might be found there. the ship's course was accordingly slightly altered, and she stood towards it under sail and steam. in a short time a high, rocky island could be seen rising out of the now blue ocean, sparkling in the rays of the setting sun. it was several miles to the eastward of the spot marked on the chart. "if it affords us shelter and the means of repairing the ship, we must be truly thankful," observed adair. no murmurs were now heard. even those who had shown an inclination to skulk, laboured away with might and main. in a few more hours their safety might be secured. the sun set. although the land was for some time distinctly seen, it was yet a considerable distance off. adair determined to run on and anchor under the lee of the land, and to await until daylight, when a harbour might be found. the crew by this time might have given in, for the muscles even of the strongest ached; but one and all laboured as before. tommy and his companion worked away with their jugs, although the poor little fellows were almost dead beat. "cheer up, ned!" tommy kept saying. "if we keep the water out of the ship, we shall see our mothers and sisters again; and if we don't, we shan't. so work away, boy, work away!" the lieutenant declared afterwards that he believed the boys would have continued heaving water overboard until the sea had got up to their necks, and the ship was going down. as the _empress_ approached the island, sail was shortened, her way stopped, that the lead might be hove; but no soundings were found. she therefore kept at a respectful distance, cautiously steering round to the lee side, with the lead constantly going, lest she might run against any reef below the water. the outline of the island could only dimly be seen rising high out of the ocean against a clear sky. it looked barren and forlorn enough. as adair and his officers, and indeed all who could find time, were eagerly watching it, a light was seen suddenly to burst forth. it gradually increased, until what must have been a large fire was observed blazing on a height. "there are inhabitants, at all events," exclaimed adair to the first lieutenant. "there is one, any way," said the latter, "or that fire could not have been lighted. perhaps there is a harbour, and he expects that it will serve as a beacon to us." "he would scarcely suppose that we would venture in without some one on board who knows it, unless there are no dangers in the way," answered the captain. "our only safe plan will be to bring up outside, and wait till daylight. we will stand in as close as we can--a dozen fathoms, if possible." the leadsmen stood in the chains on either side, swinging the leads high in the air as they hove them. the ship appeared already very close before any bottom could be found. slowly she stood on. the first heave showed twenty fathoms, the next fourteen, when it seemed as if the ship was directly under the cliffs. but the more experienced seamen knew that the darkness was deceptive. "let go!" shouted adair, and the anchor ran out. the ship quickly brought up, and adair hoped that, now she was at rest, the water would run in with less rapidity, though it would still be necessary to keep the crew steadily pumping away. for the first time for several nights adair turned in, desiring to be called should any event of importance occur. when he awoke, he had the satisfaction of hearing that the crew had gained six inches on the leak, though, from any relaxation of their efforts, the water would quickly have flowed in again. all hands anxiously waited for daylight. the fires were kept banked up, ready at any moment should it become necessary to put on steam. it was fortunate that this precaution was taken. it had just gone two bells in the second watch, when a sudden squall, descending from the cliffs, struck the ship. the lead, which the second lieutenant, who had the watch, ordered to be hove, showed that she was drifting. adair was on deck in a moment. he ordered more cable to be veered out. the third lieutenant, who was in the forecastle, reported that the anchor was away. it was accordingly hove up, when it was found that it had parted close to the shank, leaving both flukes fast in the sand or rock into which it had stuck. steam was immediately got up, although by that time the ship had drifted some distance out to sea. when the morning broke she was surrounded by a thick mist, shutting out every object half a mile off. still, the direction of the land was known, and the engines being set to work, she soon steamed back. "i was afther thinkin'," said pat, "that that black rock we saw last night was but cape fly-away, afther all. it will be a wonder to me if we ever sight it again. but, hurrah! there's the fire we saw burning, so there must be a human being there; an' cape fly-away contains no living sowl except, maybe, the flyin' dutchman, afther he got tired of cruising about in his ould craft, an' taken to livin' on shore." similar ideas, although expressed in different language, were uttered by many of the other men. however, that did not prevent them from pumping away as before. all this time, it must be remembered that without a moment's cessation the whole crew were thus engaged spell and spell. "if that's cape fly-away, it's not had time to fly very far," observed pat, as the land once more came in sight and the anchor was let go in seven fathoms of water, still closer in with the shore, where it was hoped it would hold. the engineer, however, received orders to keep the fires up, so that she might hold her own against any ordinary blast which might again strike her. as the mist cleared away, every object on shore could be distinctly seen. the ship was found to be but a quarter of a mile distant from an almost circular line of cliffs, forming a deep basin, the only opening towards the sea. they rose in many places to the height of nearly feet, extending on either side of this curious basin for about a mile. it was thus conjectured that the island was about two miles in length. that there was a bar at the entrance of the harbour was evident from the way the water broke completely across it; but, from the size of the basin, it would have contained a fleet of ships as large as the _empress_. while they were looking at the shore, a dutch flag was run up to the end of a staff at the end of a high rock at the southern side of the entrance. "sure, i thought so!" said pat, when he saw it. "that's the flyin' dutchman. before the boats reach the shore he an' his island will be off again, an' lead us a pretty chase!" "maybe, massa pat," replied peter, "if it come on calm, we beat him by de steam. he hab always sail head to wind; but me tink dat big rock no play us dat trick." before sending any of the boats on shore, adair mustered all hands. "now, my lads," he said, "i have to tell you what i did not think it right before to acknowledge, although you may have guessed it, that this ship will not reach aden or the mauritius, or any other land that i know of; and that, to save your lives, i propose running into yonder harbour and beaching her to prevent her going down; but, remember, there is one thing i must have--that is, strict discipline and obedience to orders. you will understand that i will severely punish any man who exhibits insubordination. it is as well to say that, at the same time, i know that i can trust you. you have all shown what you can do by having kept the ship afloat so long. you will, i know, work with a will, and every man must do what is necessary for the preservation of our lives. return to the pumps until you can get the ship into harbour, or, if not, to some spot where she can sink no lower." the crew gave three cheers, and resumed their labours. adair immediately despatched two boats, with the first lieutenant and master, to sound the entrance of the harbour and communicate with the person or persons who had lighted the fire at night and hoisted the flag in the morning. the master in his boat led the way, sounding as he went, until the entrance was nearly gained. twelve feet were found, which shallowed to eight, the greatest depth over the bar. as the boats got in closer green observed a person at the end of the point, dressed in a conical goat-skin cap, with jacket and trousers of the same material, who had been watching them closely and waving vehemently. the master, having performed the first part of his duty, steered in the direction towards which the stranger was pointing. as the boat touched the beach he sprang out, and the instant afterwards, instead of seeing a stranger, what was his surprise and delight to find his hand grasped by gerald desmond. "how, by all that's wonderful, did you come here?" exclaimed the master. "we had long given you up for lost." "i was afraid so," answered desmond. "and, faith, i had some idea myself that i was lost, for here i've been for many a long month, with only two companions who escaped with me from the wreck of the dutch ship which brought me thus far. but, tell me, did the _stella_ escape with my uncle and the rest of the party on board?" green relieved desmond's mind on that point, and astonished him not a little by adding that captain adair commanded the ship outside. "and who are your companions?" asked the master. "an honest dutch lad--rip van winkle, as i call him--who was wrecked with me, and our faithful dog snarley. they set off this morning to bring in a couple of goats to be sacrificed for your entertainment. i saw you coming in last night, and i suspected that you were an english man-of-war. you may, therefore, judge of my disappointment this morning when i found that you had disappeared. though i guessed the truth, that you had been blown off again and would steam back, sometimes the horrible thought would occur to me that the ship had gone down; but, if such was the case, i hoped that some boats would have escaped and come on shore." desmond expressed his great satisfaction on receiving the information that his uncle terence was captain of the ship which had in so extraordinary a manner been driven for refuge towards the very rock on which he had been wrecked. "we very nearly met with the fate you supposed, and as the ship's bottom somewhat resembles a sieve, such must be her destiny if we cannot manage to get her over the bar at high water. at all events, we must run her on it, for as the men are well-nigh worn out, she cannot be kept afloat many hours longer," added green. "the sooner that's done the better, then," answered desmond, "for should the gale blow heavily, either on or off this shore, and provisions and stores not have been saved, we may all quickly be reduced to starvation. rip and i have found enough to eat with the aid of our fishing-lines, but the ship's company will be an over-abundant population for our small kingdom." "but i am eager, desmond, to know how you reached this said `small kingdom' of yours," said green. "i'll tell you all about it as we pull off," answered gerald, "though i am anxious to see my uncle's honest face again and to learn how things have gone on at home--whether any other claimant has taken possession of my title and estate. poor fellow! he won't bless this island, whatever you do, for having afforded me shelter, though it may be a mighty long time before i get back to old ireland to disappoint him and to delight the heart of our old friend, counsellor mcmahon, who will be fancying that all his toil and trouble have been thrown away, while his purse too will have suffered not a little. i have often wished that i possessed the means of tranquillising his mind on that point." "from what captain adair has said, i don't think the counsellor has ever given up the idea of your safety," answered the master, "but you will hear all about it very soon." this conversation took place as the boat was returning to the ship, after desmond had exchanged greetings with the first lieutenant. "well," exclaimed jos, "`it's an ill wind that blows nobody good,' and although i'm sorry enough to lose the ship, yet finding you goes a long way towards reconciling me to her fate, especially as i have not to pay for her." adair expressed himself in somewhat similar language on seeing his nephew, saint maur. "i was sure that you would turn up one day or other, gerald," he said, "and so was the counsellor, and i don't mind the court-martial and all the bother i shall have to go through, now that i have found you. although i am anxious enough to hear how you came here, i have too much to do just now to listen to you." such, indeed, was the case. before an attempt could be made to carry the ship over the bar, everything possible must be got out of her. the boats were immediately lowered and loaded with provisions and canvas for forming tents. all hands worked away with a will, young lord saint maur turning to with as much energy as the rest, officers and men pulling and hauling away at the ropes. to land the stores more rapidly, adair directed the carpenter to construct several rafts, which would be serviceable as long as the sea continued smooth, but which would be most untrustworthy should it come on to blow. lord saint maur gave the satisfactory intelligence that he had found three large boats on the island, which had apparently been left by a party who had been there for the purpose of catching whales, but for some reason or other had gone without having had time to remove them. he considered that they could be quickly repaired. he accordingly, accompanied by the carpenter's crew, returned on shore, and soon after mid-day, he and the men sent to assist him brought them off. they were soon loaded and on their way back to the shore. not a moment was lost. the marines were at once landed to help unload the boats and carry the cargoes to the spot selected for the proposed encampment on the right side of the entrance, where there was a level space of some size at no great distance above the water. desmond's companion, rip van winkle, had, in the mean time, brought in a couple of goats, which he had killed and prepared for the refreshment of the boats' crews. no one, however, had time to do more than "fist" a piece and run back with it to the boat. not until it became too dark to see the entrance did the boats cease plying backwards and forwards, and even then the crew on board were engaged in hoisting up articles of all sorts from the hold, to be discharged at daybreak. the night was calm, and every hope was entertained that the next day a large portion of stores and provisions might be landed, as well as the ammunition and some of the guns. a careful watch was kept, but the greater portion of the officers and crew turned in to obtain that rest they so much needed. those not actually on the look-out were engaged in pumping as before, for although the water ran in less furiously than at first, it would very soon otherwise have gained its previous ascendancy. strange that men should sleep so soundly in a sinking ship, for sinking she was, slowly though gradually, and any relaxation of the efforts necessary to keep her afloat would have proved their doom. several times during the night captain adair turned out, too anxious to sleep soundly. as morning approached, he feared, from the appearance of the sky, that the weather would change. his nephew, who had slept on board, joined him. "i don't think we need fear that as yet," he observed. "i've watched the appearance of the weather ever since i landed, for every day i have been on the look-out in the hopes of seeing a ship passing and being able to attract her attention. not long ago a vessel hove in sight, but the weather came on very bad, and although she made an attempt to near the rock, she was driven off again, and i saw no more of her." captain adair was cheered up by saint maur's remarks. no sooner had the first streak of dawn appeared in the sky, than he roused up all hands, and the boats, which had been hoisted up, were lowered and immediately loaded with the stores which had been got ready the previous night. the other boats came off from the shore, and now as fast as they could load and unload they passed backwards and forwards between the harbour and the ship. to save the long pull, captain adair determined, by saint maur's advice, to carry her closer in. steam was got up, and the anchor being hove from the bottom, she stood towards the shore. as the day advanced the wind, hitherto coming off the land, shifted and began to blow much stronger than before, while a white line of surf formed across the mouth of the harbour. the boats, however, continued to pass through it, although not without risk of being swamped, while their crews on each occasion got their jackets well wetted. no one thought of that or any other danger or inconvenience. their great object was to land stores and provisions sufficient to last them as many weeks or months, it might be, as they were to stay there, for all well knew that the old ship must go to the bottom or be knocked to pieces, unless run safely over the bar and beached inside the harbour. she had still a good store of coals on board. this was sacked and sent on shore, a small quantity only remaining, little above what was required to carry the ship over the bar. night put an end to their labours. besides the marines, several officers and men had been landed. as on the previous night, while part of the crew slept, the rest worked the pumps and kept a look-out. it had just gone one bell in the middle watch, when tommy pratt knocked at the door of the captain's berth, and in a hurried tone exclaimed, "the wind is blowing hard; dead on shore, sir. mr green says the ship is drifting towards the land." adair sprang on deck. as he listened to the sound of the wild breakers and watched the masses of foam which appeared through the darkness leaping over the rocks, he saw that if the ship was drifting she must very soon be dashed on the wild coast under her lee. he immediately ordered steam to be got up. small as was the amount of coal left on board, it must be employed to get the ship out of danger, when she must be carried to a safer anchorage, and some more coal brought back from the shore. some time elapsed, however, before steam could be got on her. she was riding to the wind with her stern to the shore, instead of, as before, with her head to it. adair and saint maur anxiously paced the deck, watching the rocks under their lee. every instant the wind was increasing. the roar of the breakers sounded louder, while masses of foam could be seen flying in sheets over the rocks. at length the engineer announced that steam was got up, and the engines being put in motion, the cable was slipped and the still sinking ship steamed away from the only place which could afford her refuge in her last extremity. still, with the sea there was breaking on the shore, she would to a certainty strike, and in all probability many of those on deck would be washed away, while she herself would be exposed to the full force of the waves, when ere long she would go to pieces. adair addressed the crew, urging them to renewed exertions at the pumps. all day long she continued under steam, with her head to the wind, though still making but little way. the captain saw the importance of waiting until the spring tides, when, lightened as she was, he hoped that she would get across the bar. that day was one of great suspense. there was too much sea for the boats to be got out, and should the bad weather continue, the coal on board would be exhausted, and she, perfectly helpless, would be driven to a distance from the land, and might be unable to regain it under sail. saint maur did his best to cheer up his uncle. "i have escaped so many dangers, when i thought that all hope was gone, that i cannot say i feel as anxious as you do," he observed. "i have remarked that the wind here never blows long together from one quarter. we may have it fine and calm again to-morrow." "i pray heaven it may," said adair, in a more melancholy tone than he had yet spoken in. however, to his officers and crew he kept up the same cheerful aspect as he had done all along. chapter eighteen. lord saint maur narrates his adventures--carried off by the dutchman-- ill-treated--drunken skipper and mates--rip van winkle and snarleyow-- ship strike, on a reef--crew desert her--saint maur, rip, and snarley get into the long-boat--ship goes down--remain under the lee of the reef all night--make sail in the morning--no water--virginia island reached-- boat capsized on the bar--saint maur and rip saved by snarley--their life on the island--water found--goat's flesh--the empress seen approaching the island--preparations for crossing the bar--awful suspense--ship steams on--strikes with a crash on the bar--more stores landed--the jollies alarmed by a jet of steam--sails seen in the distance. "by-the-by, i never told you how i came to be playing robinson crusoe and his man friday on yonder barren rock," observed saint maur, as he and his uncle paced together the deck of the _empress_. "you remember the night i was hooked off the yacht by a stranger which ran us down, and, as i thought, sent you to the bottom. i leave you to judge in what a state of fear and anxiety i was left. from the way the fellows talked when i got on board, i discovered that they were dutchmen. i rushed aft to the skipper and entreated him to heave to and lower his boats to try and pick up any of you who might be floating, but he either did not understand me or would not. when i ran to the helm, intending to put it down, that he might the better comprehend my meaning, he and his mates held me back. i pitched into one fellow and knocked him over, and was about to treat the other in the same way, when the skipper with his big fist hit me a blow on the head which brought me to the deck. "when i came to my senses it was broad daylight, and i knew that long before that time, if the yacht had gone down, you must all of you have lost your lives. i believe the dutchman intended to apologise for having treated me in so unceremonious a fashion, but, as i could not understand a word he said, i am not sure. he behaved, however, afterwards, far better than i should have expected from the way our acquaintance had commenced. i was never a very good hand at picking up languages, so that it was some time before i could make myself even imperfectly understood by any one on board. strange to say, not a man among them spoke a word of english. i wanted the skipper to put into some port, but he replied that, `out of his course he would not go for me or any man.' i then begged him, chiefly by signs, that should we fall in with a homeward-bound ship, to put me on board of her. he nodded his head and let me understand that, providing it was during calm weather, he should have no objection, and advised me meanwhile to console myself with his schiedam, of which he had a plentiful supply. both he and his mates indulged in it pretty largely, i found. i expected that he would touch at the cape, but to my disgust he ran to the south'ard, in order to fall in with the westerly trades, and i found that he intended to touch nowhere until he reached batavia. "this was anything but consolatory, besides which i had no one to talk to, and not a book on board i could read. i tried hard to make out the few dutch books he had on board, and used to ask him or the mates, or indeed any of the men i found at hand, to pronounce the words, when i tried to discover their meaning. i believe, had the voyage lasted longer, i should have learned to speak and read dutch fluently; but, as the skipper was drunk half his time, and the mates the other two quarters, i could not get much out of them. the only fellow who really was of use was young rip van winkle. he took a liking to me, as i did to him, from the first, and i often saved him from many a cuff and kick which he was wont to receive from the crew. he was, i confess, a sort of `dirty dick' on board, and so he would have continued had i not taught him to clean himself; and now he is as fond of washing as any one, except when the weather is cold, then he rather objects to it, and falls back into his bad habits. my only companion besides rip was a large dog--no great beauty--whom i called snarleyow, from being unable to pronounce his dutch name, and he took to it, as he did to me, immediately, and always came when so called. i treated him as a friend, whereas, from the skipper downwards, he was accustomed to receive more kicks than ha'pence, except from poor rip, and consequently had no great affection for his masters. "besides my anxiety about you, and my disappointment at not being able to take advantage of the new position into which, through counsellor mcmahon, i was placed--not that that weighed very much with me--i could not help feeling anxious about the way in which the ship was navigated. being unable to understand the dutch books, i could not myself work out the reckonings, though frequently i took an observation, to keep my hand in. "i once only had a chance of communicating with england. we sighted a british ship, and as by that time i had picked up enough dutch to use the signal-book, i hoisted the signals `british officer on board; heave to for him.' i thought when the skipper saw the other ship heave to that he would do the same, but it was blowing hard, and he obstinately refused to lift tack or sheet or lower a boat, and you can just fancy how i felt when i saw the homeward-bound vessel standing away from us. from the temperature of the weather i now suspected that we had got a very long way to the south, when it came on to blow hard. the dutchman shortened sail, as he generally did when there was any wind, and continued the course on which he was steering. the old ship, though a tub, was a good sea boat, and i had no reason to fear danger, provided she did not run her stem into an iceberg or strike any rocks or reefs. blow high, blow low, the skipper walked the deck with his hands in his pockets and a huge meerschaum in his mouth, looking as composed as usual? "one night i was about turning in, when i felt the ship strike. of course i sprang on deck, where i was followed by the skipper and the first mate, the second mate having the watch. the crew were singing out that we were lost. "`do not be afraid, boys!' cried the skipper, calling for a light for his pipe, and thrusting his hands into his pockets. `she'll drive over it. another hand to the helm. keep all standing!' "i knew, by the thickness of his voice, that he was half seas over, for he never exhibited his state in any other way, except when he sank down under the table. still, i hoped from his composure that he knew where we were, and that we should scrape clear of the sand-bank over which the sea was breaking with fearful force. several seas, indeed, nearly pooped us; but we surged forward, touching occasionally in a way which threatened to split the ship into fragments; but she held together wonderfully. the men, however, had not the same hope that i had; for i saw them gathering on either side, near the boats, taking the falls in their hands, ready to lower them with or without orders. "rip came up to me. `what's going to happen, mynheer?' he asked. "`the ship will probably go to the bottom or get knocked to pieces; but we may perhaps escape the danger, and so at last reach batavia,' i answered. `whatever happens, stick by me, rip, and you can lend me a hand whenever i want it, and i may perhaps save you.' "scarcely, however, had i spoken than the ship struck with far greater force than before, the fore and main masts going by the board, but falling clear of the deck. still she went on; but the carpenter sounded the well, and found that the water was rushing in at a rate which precluded all possibility of keeping the ship afloat. she had gone over the edge of the reef, which rose on the starboard bow, high above the water, and broke the force of the sea. springing aft, i put down the helm, which the man had deserted, and she rounded to under the lee of the rocks. "the crew instantly began lowering the boats. the skipper and his first mate tumbled into one, and they with several of the men shoved off; while the second mate took possession of the other, with the rest of the crew, leaving rip and me still on deck. so overcrowded were they, that i saw they were both likely to go down; and i determined to take my chance in the ship, which i thought, having a light cargo on board, might possibly float long enough to enable us to build a raft. the two boats quickly disappeared in the darkness, without provisions or water, which the men in their hurry forgot to take, while the skipper and his first mate were too drunk to think of it. i bethought me of examining the boat amidships, which i feared might have been crushed by the falling mast; but fortunately it had escaped. i told rip to cut the lashings clear, reminding him that our lives depended on it--to see that not a rope remained attached to the vessel's deck. i jumped in, followed by rip and snarley, who had been left on board with us, and whose instinct showed him that the boat was likely to prove the only ark of safety. the oars, as well as the masts and sails, were stowed in her, with a couple of hen-coops, our last surviving pig, and a variety of other articles. rip was about to heave the pig overboard, when i stopped him, and told him to hunt about for the plug-hole, which he had just time to stop with a bung, when i saw the water rushing over the deck. the ship did not go down immediately; and i suspect that, had all hands remained on board, we might have kept her afloat until daylight, at all events. "we got out the oars to shove the boat clear the instant the water rushed over the deck. i do not think i ever experienced a more anxious moment in my life. at last a sea came sweeping along, round the reef, and lifted us clear, right above the bulwarks, and free of the masts and spars still hanging over the side. we pulled away for our lives, and just saw the masts dragged down as the ship went to the bottom. the mizzenmast remained the last above water. we pulled under the lee of the reef; but, having no anchor, we were compelled to hold her in her position by paddling all night. when morning broke, no land was in sight; but as the wind was from the westward, i judged that our safest plan was to steer to the northward, when we might either fall in with some ship, or make java, or the western coast of australia, should we not sight any island on the way. we had a small cask of water in the boat, and three empty casks, put there to be out of the way. my hope was that we should be able to fill these with rain water before we got into a more northern latitude, where we were likely to meet with a ship. the reef off which we lay ran half a mile from north to south above the water; how much further below it i could only judge by the line of white foam which extended as far as the eye could reach. as this was a place no ship was likely to approach, the sooner we got out of its latitude the better. the wind having moderated, we accordingly made sail and stood to the eastward. "we had been three days in the boat, our small cask of water gradually diminishing, while not a drop of rain had fallen to fill our casks, when we sighted this small island. hoping that it might afford us some shelter, and at all events that we might obtain water, we steered towards it. as we approached we saw the harbour opening out before us. though i thought that there would be some risk in crossing the bar, yet i determined to make the attempt. anything was better than dying of thirst. the water appearing to be smoother in the centre, i stood under all sail the boat could carry towards it, for it was still blowing fresh. the bar was reached; and i expected the next instant to be in smooth water, when an abominable roller came tumbling in, swamped our boat, and turned her over, washing rip away. i clambered up on the bottom, when i saw snarley, who had just come to the surface. the dog, having looked about him, made towards a point inside the harbour, and, exerting his strength, hauled rip up. i, meantime, was tossing about on the bar, expecting every moment to be washed off, when i saw snarley returning. knowing that i should have his help, i sprang off and swam towards him. i twisted the fingers of my left hand in his long, shaggy hair, and he towed me through the surf safely to the shore, where i found rip already recovered waiting for me. he threw his arms around my neck and burst into tears, exclaiming in dutch--`i thought you had gone, mynheer, and that i was left alone; but now you are come we shall manage to live.' "he then bestowed his caresses on snarley for having saved me. the sun being bright and warm, we soon dried our clothes; but how we were to exist was the next question, when we had eaten up our pig, who was doomed quickly to die to satisfy our hunger. i had no fancy for raw pork, although my companions were not so particular. suddenly i bethought me that before the wreck i put a tin box of matches in my pocket to light my pipe. i felt for it. it was there; and although the water had got in, i hoped that the sun would restore their efficiency. i laid them out carefully on the rock, and sat down to watch them, turning them over and over, while rip set off to obtain fuel. pieces of driftwood strewed the shore; and some, during high tide, having been thrown up to a distance from the water, were perfectly dry. rip discovered also plenty of moss and branches of the low shrubs which grew in the hollows and level parts of the island. he had soon a sufficient supply for a good fire. i looked anxiously at the matches. i was afraid to strike one of them until i was certain that it was thoroughly dry, as i should otherwise have knocked off the end. i selected one from the middle of the box, which appeared never to have been wetted, and getting into a sheltered place, i drew it along the side of the box. to my great delight it ignited immediately; and leaving rip to blow up the fire, i replaced the other matches in the box, which i stowed carefully away in my pocket. we had our knives, for i had got a large one on board for cutting up tobacco. we both turned our eyes on poor piggy, who was grubbing about near us, trying to find roots. in a moment rip sprang upon him, and before he could give two grunts and a squeak he was turned into pork. "we did not stop to singe him, but quickly had some steaks toasting before the fire, while snarley looked wistfully on, giving a hungry sniff every now and then at piggy's carcase. it was somewhat lean, as he had been on short commons in the boat. "`good dog, you deserve some food,' said rip, giving snarley certain portions which i for one had no inclination to eat. "while we were at our meal we saw a cask wash on shore. the pork had excited our thirst, and rip ran down, hoping to find water in it; but it was empty. we looked about, trusting that the cask which had some still remaining in it might be sent to us, but it was nowhere to be seen. "`patience,' i observed; `we may have a shower before long, and fill our cask, so bring it up where it will be safe.' the boat, i should have said, had been tumbling about on the bar. at length it was driven inside the harbour. rip offered to swim off and tow her in. i hesitated for fear of sharks, but he declared that in that latitude they were not likely to be found. i begged him to wait until she got nearer, which she soon did, and then stripping off his clothes, he boldly plunged in. "`you remain on shore, mynheer,' he said; `you will better be able to help me than if you come now. should i get tired, i can always rest on the bottom of the boat.' "when snarley saw him set off, he also plunged in. on reaching the boat rip put a rope in the dog's mouth, and taking another himself, they began to tow the boat towards the beach. it was hard work, though the wind was partly in their favour, but at the same time it was sending the boat towards the foot of the cliffs opposite the entrance, against which the surf broke heavily, and would soon have knocked her to pieces. when rip got tired, he climbed up, as he intended, on the bottom of the boat, and after resting a few seconds, again took to towing, snarley all the time swimming bravely on. i never saw an animal exhibit so much sagacity. "at length the boat was brought near enough to enable rip to wade, when i going to his assistance, we dragged her up until she grounded. a slight examination showed us that without tools we should never be able to repair her, for the whole of one side was crushed in and the other was greatly damaged. we accordingly determined to break her up and build a hut with the fragments to shelter us. by this time, however, our thirst became almost unbearable. "`perhaps water may be found in the hollows of some of the rocks,' observed rip. "snarley was apparently suffering as much as we were, and when he saw us moving away from the landing-place he ran on ahead. "`he'll find water, if there's any to be found,' said rip; and i had the same hope. we climbed up the rocks, and after some exertion we reached the top of the island, when snarley dashed forward, and to our great joy we saw him with his head in a hollow, evidently enjoying a draught of water. we ran on, nearly toppling on our noses in our eagerness as we made our way over the rough ground. we soon were following snarley's example, for a pure pool of water was at our feet, while there were two others close at hand, each about a dozen yards in circumference. although they were apparently filled with rain water, and not from a spring, there was a sufficient quantity to supply all our wants. even could it be possible to exhaust them, they would be refilled by fresh showers. "having quenched our thirst we stood up to look around us, when we caught sight of several animals at no great distance off stopping to gaze at us. they were goats, and some had kids by their sides. here was food enough to last us for years to come, though we might have a difficulty in catching them ourselves. we felt that snarley would render us valuable aid in the matter, and that we need have no fear of starving. refreshed, we set off to take a further survey of the island. "as we passed along the cliffs overlooking the harbour, we caught sight in a little bay of three boats, hauled up on the beach, with a couple of huts, but no human being was to be seen. we shouted; our voices, however, might possibly not reach the spot. it was evident, at all events, that the island had at some time or other been inhabited, but at that distance we could not judge of the condition of the boats or the huts, so that it might have been years before. as we wished to be housed before night, we now returned to the landing-place, discovering on our way, among the grass, some leaves which tasted like spinach. i felt sure that they would serve as vegetable diet, which it was important to obtain. the mast, yards, and sails were still attached to the boat. though we had not strength enough to drag her up entire, we got hold of them and put up a small tent, which served to shelter us for the night. we were thankful even for this protection, for after sunset the atmosphere became very chilly. we were in pretty good spirits, and thankful to heaven that we had found the means of sustaining life. i thought it probable, too, that before long a vessel would appear and take us off. snarley, who had dried himself by running about, crawled into our tent and assisted to keep us warm, while for the first part of the night we kept a large fire blazing at our feet. we did not keep watch, for our island did not certainly contain any savage inhabitants or wild beasts, so that we slept soundly with a sense of perfect security. "next morning, after breakfasting on pork and sorrel leaves, which we ate raw, for want of means of boiling them, we set off to examine the boats and huts. it was a long walk round to where the huts were; as we expected, we found them empty. the boats were in tolerable condition; and though they had not, we judged, been used for several months, were still serviceable. without tools, however, we could not repair even one of them sufficiently to enable us to continue our voyage. while examining the huts, we discovered an iron pot, which was likely to prove of the greatest value to us. rip immediately set to work to scrape it clean. on our way back we filled it with water. the rest of the day was spent in pulling to pieces the wreck of the boat, and carrying them up to the spot we had selected for our habitation, which we preferred to those we had discovered near the boats. "as soon as we had finished our pork, which lasted us for ten days or more, we set off in search of a kid, which we felt sure snarley would help us to catch. we were not disappointed, though its poor mother fought bravely in its defence. as she stopped until we got up, we captured her also, and soon managed to tame her sufficiently to afford us milk. we spent our time in improving our habitation, in hunting a goat when we wanted one, and in collecting sorrel, which enabled us to make some tolerable broth. salt we got in abundance from the crevices of the rocks, and manufactured spoons out of drift-wood, and wooden platters and cups. we also brought materials from the other huts to improve our own. i think you'll say, when you see it, that it is a very respectable abode for a couple of bachelors. i own that very often i longed for a loaf of soft tack and a glass of something stronger than water. i managed to keep myself and rip constantly employed. "while rummaging about in the huts during one of our early visits, he discovered in a corner a bag containing a palm and sail needle, and nearly a dozen fishing-hooks and other articles. the hooks were likely to prove of great value. we immediately twisted some fishing-lines, and taking a piece of goat's flesh as bait, we scrambled out to the end of a rock, below which the water was deep, to try our luck. that day we caught ten fine fish. we had an additional cause to be thankful, for our health required a change of diet. we no longer had the slightest apprehension of starving. still after a few months of this sort of life, i began to wish to get away. we rigged the flag-staff you saw, and hoisted the dutch flag, one we had found in the locker of the boat. "day after day i looked out for a sail, but none appeared, and i began to think that i was doomed to spend the remainder of my life on this desert spot. at last our clothes wore out. to replace them i prepared some goat-skins, and we rigged ourselves out in the strange costume in which green discovered me. i had often when a boy fancied that it would be very pleasant to live on an island by myself, or with one companion; but faith! i found the reality very different, and i would gladly have given up my title and estates to escape. `it is an ill wind that blows no one good.' i can assure you that my heart leaped into my mouth when i saw the _empress_ approaching, not dreaming at the time of the dangerous condition to which she had been reduced. i own, however, that i shall be very glad to see her safe inside the harbour." after some hours, the gale having moderated, the _empress_ again stood back to the mouth of the harbour, and came to an anchor as close in as adair thought it safe to go. a boat now came off, with a sufficient supply of coal to enable her to cross the bar. adair began to fear that it would be impossible to wait for the spring tide, as the leaks had again begun to gain on the pumps in spite of the efforts of the crew to keep the water under. the larger the quantity of water which got into the ship, the lower she would be, and the less able to cross. as the surf had considerably gone down, the boats were again employed from morning until night in landing stores. but every time they returned loaded over the bar, they ran a considerable risk of being swamped. adair was seated in his cabin, the day's work being over, with his nephew, when the carpenter desired to speak with him. "the men have been doing their best, and i have done my best; but it is my opinion and my duty to express it: the ship won't swim four and twenty hours longer," said mr gimlet. "all hands are ready to work on at the pumps and with the buckets until we drop, but the water is rushing in faster than we can pump it out, and should it come on to blow again, no human power can keep the ship afloat." adair was not offended at the freedom with which the warrant officer spoke. "you and all the hands have done your very best, mr gimlet," he answered. "we must manage to keep the ship from going down to-night, and to-morrow morning, at the top of high tide, we will attempt to take her over the bar. it is a question whether we shall succeed, and i am very loth to lose her, but the risk must be run." "no doubt about that, sir," answered the carpenter. "if she once strikes on that bar, she'll never get off again, except piecemeal; but that's better than going to the bottom." although, besides the marines, a good many men had been landed, a sufficient number remained to work the pumps, watch and watch, and adair and desmond set an example by labouring with them, as they had before done. that night was as trying a one, to the captain at all events, as any yet passed. to-morrow must decide the fate of the ship, whether she would be cast a helpless wreck on the reef or be carried into smooth water and beached on a spot where it might be possible to repair her. besides, her upper works were strong and sound, but below she was too evidently of a very different character, like many another fine-looking craft. morning came at length. adair urged saint maur to go on shore. "i don't hide from myself that crossing the bar will be an undertaking of considerable danger--some, if not all of us, may be lost," said the captain. "i want you to return home to assume your title and property, and to enjoy your life for many years, and to benefit the peasantry on your estate by doing all the good you can. i am getting on in life, and at the best cannot expect to enjoy many more." nothing, however, that the captain could say would induce the young lord to quit the ship. "i know the bar as well as any one. there exists a channel, though a narrow one, through which i think i can take her," he answered. adair at last consented; preparations were made for crossing the dangerous spot. adair ordered the men to take breakfast, and then all went to their stations. the whole of the crew were on deck except the engineers, who of course had to remain below attending to the engines. there was no time to be lost, for already the water in the hold had risen higher than it had ever done before. steam was got up. the engineer reported that all was ready below. two of the best hands were sent to the wheel. the crew stood some forward, some aft, where most of the officers were stationed. desmond took his post by the side of the captain, whence he could direct the helmsmen. all on board felt it to be an awful time. some said that the ship, the moment she touched the ground, would go to pieces, and that the sea breaking over her would wash all hands from her decks. desmond, however, assured the captain that he had no such fear; even should the ship not cross the bar, she would run far enough over it to escape the full force of the breakers, besides which, at present they were very moderate, and were not likely to injure her materially. the anchor was now hove up, the fore-topsail only was set to assist in steering her, and she was headed in towards the mouth of the harbour. onwards she seemed to fly towards it. many even of the stoutest held their breath. the boats were all waiting inside the harbour's mouth, to render assistance should it be necessary. to a stranger on the shore watching the approaching ship, she appeared as trim and stout a man-of-war as need be. nothing on deck gave indication of her rotten condition below. pat casey and peter were standing together. "shall we get in an' put the ould boat to rights, or shall we stick on the bar an' see her knocked to pieces?" asked pat of his companion. "me tink, massa pat, dat if de ship stick on de rocks him go to pieces, and dat it better for him to do dat dan you and all hands get drowned, 'cause we den get 'shore while him break up." similar remarks were exchanged amongst the men generally. "silence, fore and aft!" sang out the captain, as the harbour's mouth was approached. all on board turned their eyes towards the white line of foam which stretched across it. desmond pointed out to the helmsmen the exact spot for which they were to steer. he had not to give another order; no one spoke. the smooth water could be seen inside. would the ship ever float on it? full steam was put on. forward she glided like an arrow towards its mark. already the outer barrier was reached where the water broke, hissing and foaming on either side. onward she plunged; then there came a crash, her masts quivered, and all knew that the noble ship was devoted to destruction. a roller came sweeping on astern. it lifted her. again she moved forward, but it was only to strike with greater force than before. once more she floated on the buoyant water, but it was again to descend with a crash which was heard and felt from stem to stern, telling that the rocks had gone through her bottom. there she remained firmly fixed, her engines continuing to work until the rapidly rising water rushing in, put out the fires. the engineer, having thoughtfully turned off the steam to prevent the boilers from exploding, his duty done, appeared on deck to announce to the captain that the engines had stopped. "i see that they have," said adair, smiling, even at the moment so sad to a captain who had just seen his ship wrecked. the vessel was evidently immovable, and even had the rollers come in with sufficient force to lift her, she must have sunk immediately in deep water. crash succeeded crash, as the rocks burst through her planks, but not a cheek blanched, not an eye quailed, not a cry was heard, not a man deserted his station. the rollers continued to tumble in, breaking close under her stem, but failed to wash over her. adair stood earnestly watching for what would next take place. at last he was satisfied that the lives committed to his charge were safe. "my lads," he exclaimed, "our brave ship will never float again on the ocean; but you still form her crew, and whether on board or on shore, i am sure that you will exhibit the same good discipline you have hitherto maintained. we will now turn to again and get all we can out of her. we may be discovered and taken off in a few weeks, or we may have to remain months here. as we must be prepared for the latter alternative, we must husband our provisions and stores. i hear that the harbour is full of fish, and that there are goats on the island, and, what is of more consequence, that water is to be found, so that we need have no fear of starving. the rest all depends upon yourselves. we may be a very happy ship's company if we make the best of everything, or we may become the contrary if we grumble and are discontented. i don't expect that of you, and i'm sure we shall all work with a will and look at things on the bright side." the crew gave three hearty cheers, and adair directing the first lieutenant to summon the boats alongside, all hands turned to in loading them with the numberless articles which still remained on board. the most valuable things had already been got out. by the doctor's advice four main-deck tanks were landed, with the smith's forge and other apparatus pertaining to his trade, that the engineers might manufacture a machine for turning salt water into fresh. the sails and ropes were also sent on shore, and indeed every article likely to prove of service which the ship contained. the captain and desmond, with several of the principal officers, still remained on board, a careful watch being kept at night to give them due notice should a change of weather threaten and make it advisable for them to quit the ship. fortunately the weather continued fine and the wind mostly blew off the land, so that the boats were able to ply backwards and forwards all day long. one of the assistant-surgeons, who had only lately come to sea, declared that he should not have believed it possible that the ship could have contained the multitudinous articles he saw landed; he had no idea where they could all have been stowed away. in that latitude the winter was likely to prove severe, and as it was approaching, it was important not only to land stores and provisions, but to house the party comfortably. for the latter purpose, adair went on shore for the first time and laid down the plan of their town. it formed one long street, with blocks on either side, while a cross road ran at right angles with the main one. one block formed the barracks of the marines, another a hospital. the captain's own house was at the top of the street, and opposite to it one for the lieutenants, another for the rest of the ward-room officers, and a third on their side of the way for the midshipmen. then came rows of huts, eight on each side, for the seamen. another was put up for the petty officers, the stokers had one for themselves, and the officers' servants one. at the top of the street, so that it could be seen from the very bottom, was the officers' mess tent, with flags flying over it, and a very tasty-looking affair it was. the walls were partly composed of stone, partly of turf, roofed over with canvas. the roof of captain adair's house was also lined with canvas, as were the walls, and divided by partitions. some of the midshipmen expressed their regret that there were no ladies among them. "the ladies are very much obliged to you," observed charley roy, who had joined the _empress_, and was now senior mate on board. "i suspect that they would rather remain comfortably on shore. perhaps you'd like a grand piano, a ball-room, and a croquet lawn?" one building there was called the grand hotel, and it was frequented by all ranks, from the warrant officers and sergeant of marines down to the stokers and ship's boys. liquor in very small quantities and well watered could be obtained there, as could tea and coffee, and various beverages, such as ginger beer, which the doctor continued to manufacture with certain ingredients in his possession, and which was highly appreciated in hot weather. the sergeant of marines was a temperance man, and persuaded half his own corps and fully a third of the blue-jackets to sign the pledge, which, as they had not the means of breaking, was very faithfully kept. thus not a man ever got drunk, and many who found that they could get on as well without liquor as they could with it, became very steady, sober men. the officers did their best not only to keep the men employed, but to amuse them in a variety of ways. no grumbling was heard from any ranks. one fellow only showed signs of insubordination. he had long been known on board as "grumpy dick." no sooner had he set his foot on shore than he asserted that he was a free man, and would no longer work. "very well, my fine fellow," said the captain. "if all hands side with you, the officers and i shall have to do what you ought to do to keep you all and ourselves alive. but if not, you shall as surely taste the cat as our stout ship lies there on the rocks. sleep upon it, and let me know what you think about it to-morrow morning." grumpy dick, who was as obstinate as a pig going to market, was in the same mood the next morning, on which the captain ordered him to be triced up and to receive a dozen at the hands of the boatswain's mate. this example had a very good effect; and if any other men were inclined to follow it, they thought better of the matter, and from that time forward all worked away as well as if they had been on board. they had plenty to do in building their houses. when the men were not otherwise employed, they were engaged in pulling down the materials of the old huts, and bringing them round to strengthen the new. they were fond of boasting of the size of the town, and pat casey averred that it was quite large enough to send a member to parliament, offering to be their first representative on liberal principles. then water had to be brought to supply the town from the ponds desmond and rip had discovered at the top of the hill. it was a work mainly accomplished by means of piping of various descriptions. some was of lead, another part was of canvas, and another portion was of wood in the form of a trough. it could be turned off at the top as was required. the apparatus for turning salt water into fresh also supplied them with such water as they required; but, on account of the fuel it consumed, it was only used when in dry weather there was a risk of the ponds becoming empty. as soon as the town was finished, adair had a flag-staff erected and fully rigged, in a way which desmond, with only one assistant, had been unable to accomplish. a couple of men and a midshipman were stationed there with spy-glasses, to watch the horizon, and to hoist a flag directly a ship was seen, a hut having been built for their accommodation. a small six-pounder, used on board for signalising, was also hauled up to be fired in case of a stranger coming near enough for it to be heard. a pile of wood was also collected in order that a beacon fire should be kindled at night, and rockets and blue-lights were kept ready for letting off should a ship appear in the offing. a hag of fish-hooks and lines had been found on board, and a party every day were told off to fish, and who never failed to return with an abundant supply. "our friend `blueblazes' would have been perfectly happy here," said desmond, laughing, as he and the captain sat at the wardroom mess table, at which they daily dined. they had had some especial fine fish for dinner that day--indeed, they were never at that time on short commons. of articles of luxury, as well as of meat and biscuit, which must, should they be kept there many months, ultimately come to an end, a small allowance only was of course served out. to keep up good feeling, dinner-parties were given by one mess to another. the first lieutenant invited the warrant officers and the engineers, who ranked with them, on one occasion, and the midshipmen invited them on another. some of the seamen occasionally dined with the marines, and _vice versa_. then they had games; though there was no ground for cricket, quoits could be played, and of course there was a fiddler on board, and hornpipes were danced. on sunday no work was done after the first week or two, and the chaplain had service regularly twice in the day, and occasionally also on other days in the week when they became settled on the island. adair and desmond had been walking a short distance from the town one afternoon, just after the men's dinner hour, when, as they came in sight of the marines' barracks, which were, as has been described, at a short distance from the high street, they heard a slight explosion, while a jet of white vapour ascended above the roof of the huts, and at the same instant the "jollies" were seen rushing out, shouting in english, scotch, irish, yorkshire, and south country dialects, tumbling over each other, some sprawling on the ground, many without caps or jackets, some making their way to the town, others down to the harbour, others scrambling away up to the hill. "what's the matter, my man?" asked adair, as soon as he got one of them, who happened to be an irishman, to stop. "arrah! your honour, captain dear, we're blown up entirely. sure there must be a big fire or an engine of some sort under the barracks, and we would have been roasted or boiled, if it had been at night an' we had all been in our beds." the column of steam, for adair saw that it was not smoke, continued to ascend. "there must be some volcanic agency at work," observed desmond; "and i am not surprised at the fellows being frightened when it burst out suddenly in their midst." "we'll examine it, at all events," said adair. "if there's a vent-hole, i don't suppose we need apprehend any danger." "don't go near it, cap'n, it may go off again," exclaimed the irishman, as he saw adair and desmond making their way into the huts. several of the men, who recognised their captain, shouted to their companions to stop, and the greater number came back, forming a circle round the spot, ashamed probably of their sudden flight. on examining the place, adair found that directly under where the men's table had stood, a jet of steam had burst forth and upset it, when it must have fallen with no small force against the men seated on one side. two poor fellows were still under the table. at first adair feared that they were killed, but they appeared only to be stunned or frightened into unconsciousness, and in no way injured, for the table had saved them from being scalded. the orifice was nearly a foot in diameter, and was apparently increasing, as fresh columns of steam, issuing from it, ascended high into the air, having blown off the canvas roof of the hut. the captain and desmond summoned the men within hail, ordering them to carry their injured comrades to the hospital, where the surgeons, who had come up on hearing the noise, examined them. the whole population had by this time turned out, and various were the surmises as to what might occur. one thing was certain, that the island was volcanic. what might ultimately happen it was impossible to say. the "croakers" feared that it was but the commencement of disasters, and that at any moment the town might be blown into the air, or the whole island itself, for what they could tell. adair and his officers endeavoured to quiet their alarm. the "jollies," having recovered from their fright, were ready to pull down their barracks and rebuild them at a short distance only from the vent-hole, the surgeon assuring them that they would be better off than their shipmates in the winter season, by having warm ground under their feet. as all hands turned to, the huts were shifted to another spot, a little above their former site, and before evening the work was completed. two days afterwards, however, a rocking motion was felt, accompanied by a low, rumbling sound, and immediately afterwards two fresh jets of steam burst forth. day after day the rumblings were heard, and those who wandered to a distance from the town brought word that they had seen, not only jets of steam, but of smoke and fire, while certain rocks, which they had remarked rising above the water, had disappeared, and others, in different places, had come to the surface. although adair did not believe that any violent convulsion would take place, he naturally became more anxious than before to escape from the rock. any spot in the neighbourhood of an active volcano is no pleasant place to live in. still more disagreeable did the officers and ship's company of the hapless _empress_ feel it to find themselves on the side of a mountain which might at any moment be overturned or sink into the ocean, without the possibility of making their escape. as, however, adair saw no prospect of averting the evil, should it overtake them, he endeavoured to keep up his own spirits and those of his people by persuading himself and them that such an event as they feared was highly improbable. after a time the men got accustomed to the appearance of jets of steam, and the "jollies" even made use of them by putting their pots on them to boil their fish. at length the public mind became perfectly tranquillised, and things went on much as before. still the captain could not help feeling it more than possible that a fresh outbreak might occur, and he found that the surgeon and first lieutenant were of the same opinion. a sharp look-out had of course been kept for any passing sail. the royals of two ships had been seen, but the signal-gun was probably not heard; nor could the flag have been sighted. the time spent on the rock was, meanwhile, not altogether uneventful. week after week, however, passed by, and many by that time were perfectly reconciled to their lot; but others, especially the officers, began to grow weary of the life they were leading, and longed to get away. trips also were taken to the ship every day, as long as anything remained on board to get out of her. chapter nineteen. captain adair's last visit to the empress--resolves to build a vessel out of the wreck--the doctor fears that the island may be blown up--a hurricane--the boats get adrift--the sea washes up the beach--a flash of lightning reveals the ship parting amidships--the masts fall--the ship breaks up--an earthquake--rocks fail from the cliffs--rafts constructed--the boats launched--a still more fearful convulsion than before occurs--the crew embark on the rafts and in the boats--roy left on the cliff--saint maur returns to call him--a fearful rush for their lives--reach the gig in time--the island in a terrific state of commotion--a sail in sight--approaches the island--proves to be the bellona--all safe on board--touches at the cape--the last of major bubsby--arrival at home--happy meetings--conclusion. adair and desmond paid a visit to the _empress_ one bright morning, when the harbour was smooth as a mill pond, and scarcely a ripple even was seen over the expanse of ocean outside. she lay as firm as ever, with her masts standing, and to all appearance in as good condition as she was the day when the attempt was made to bring her into the harbour, except that when they looked below they could see the clear water washing in and out of her. at a distance she might have been supposed to be at anchor. "i have been thinking that as no vessel has come near us since we have been here, we might have to wait for months, or perhaps years more, unless we make an attempt to get off by such means as we have at our disposal," observed adair. "what, you would not try to cross the indian ocean in the boats, would you?" asked saint maur. "no; i would not thus risk the lives of my people, but we must endeavour to build a craft out of the wreck large enough to get as far as batavia, or even madras or calcutta," answered adair. "i had hopes when we first came on shore that a ship would shortly appear, or i should at once have decided on building a vessel. i have now determined to delay no longer. when we return i will draw up plan for carrying my intention into effect." adair took several turns along the deck. "this is the third ship i have lost, and i suppose that i shall never get another," he said, with a sigh. "i shall be looked upon as an unlucky man, though in neither case could i blame myself, nor could any one blame me. we will go on shore." he stepped down the accommodation ladder, which still remained at the side. some time was spent in consulting the carpenter and making the arrangements for pulling the old ship to pieces. next morning all hands were to begin work. it was likely to prove a long undertaking, and one which no sailor likes to be engaged in. it was also doubtful if the weather would continue fine enough to enable it to be completed. during the day a slight movement of the earth was felt, and the same rumbling noise as before sounded beneath their feet, while another jet of steam burst forth from an orifice at a distance from the town. but the ship's company had become so accustomed to the sight of these spouts, that they did not trouble themselves about the matter. in the evening, while adair and desmond were seated together, the doctor called upon them. "i have come, captain adair, to state that i have been made anxious for some days past by various phenomena which i have observed on the island. i cannot help fearing that some internal commotion is taking place beneath our feet, which may produce serious consequences. the orifices through which the steam we have observed makes its escape may prove safety valves, but what if a larger quantity of steam is engendered than they can let off?" "you mean to say, doctor, that you fear the island may be blown up, and that we shall be blown up with it?" said adair, laughing, though he did not feel altogether comfortable in his mind on the subject. "such, captain, i apprehend may be the case, but whether shortly or some time hence i cannot take it upon myself to say," observed the doctor. "i would only urge that a vessel be built in which we can all embark, for i should not like to leave a human being to run the risk of being destroyed, which would be the case were such a convulsion as i dread to take place." "that's the very thing we are now doing as fast as possible," said adair. "do not, however, let the men know what you think may possibly occur, nor the officers either. the carpenter considers that it will take us two months at least to break up the ship and build a new craft out of the materials, and we can only hope that the land will remain quiet until that task is accomplished. lord saint maur and i will accompany you to inspect the new vent-hole and the other phenomena you speak of; and although we would not pit our scientific knowledge against yours, yet perhaps we may make some discovery which may allay your apprehensions." they set out at once, as there was still sufficient daylight to enable them to reach the spot to which the doctor had alluded. adair, after making a considerable circuit, during which they discovered several spots so hot that they could scarcely touch them with their hands, thought that possibly the doctor might be correct. all that he could do, however, was to make arrangements to afford the chance of escape to portion of his people, should the island be overwhelmed. he resolved to have all the boats fitted for sea with stores, water, and provisions. the whole of the community had turned in for the night with the exception of the sentries, who were told off to keep watch according to man-of-war fashion, although there was no enemy likely to attack them, when they were roused by the well-known sound of a furious gale blowing on the shore. it came on as suddenly as a clap of thunder, and ere long the breakers could be heard roaring as they dashed against the rocky coast. already the wind had lashed the surface of the harbour into foam, and the water rushed up the beach, threatening to carry off the boats, the largest of which were moored a short distance off, while the others were hauled up on the sand. the captain and officers were the first to be aroused by the sound of the gale. they hurried out, and turned up all hands to secure the boats. this was no easy matter, for two had already broken adrift, and it was necessary at all risks to go off after them. they, however, were brought back before the full fury of the hurricane burst on the island. they were at length hauled up on the beach by means of rollers placed under them and the strength of fifty hands at least applied to each. the sea continued to rise, and it became necessary to drag them still further up out of the danger of being washed away. even in the harbour so enormous were the waves that they washed right up to the huts, threatening to destroy the whole lower part of the town, the inmates of which were compelled to carry off their goods and chattels higher up the rock. the largest of the boats still remained on the beach, and the men, headed by the captain, and accompanied by several officers, were attempting to drag her up, when a loud sound, like the report of a heavy gun, was heard. "there goes the old ship!" cried several voices. adair feared that the remark was true. scarcely had the words been uttered, when a flash of lightning revealed the ship parting asunder amidships. the mizzenmast fell at the same time, but the mainmast was seen still standing. in another minute down came the mainmast with a crash, followed shortly afterwards by the foremast and bowsprit, and, high above the roar of the surf and howling of the wind, the rending and crashing of the ship's timbers could be distinguished. "there goes all chance of our being able to build a craft," observed saint maur to the captain. "the fragments which come on shore will be so battered and crushed that they will be of no use." "i fear so, indeed," answered adair; "but we must not show the men that we are disheartened." the gale went on increasing, while the sad sounds of the ship breaking up continued, and huge fragments were cast by the force of the waves on the beach, several striking the stern of the large boat, and almost staving her in before she could be hauled out of danger. though the men could do no more, they stood watching the catastrophe which, though many of them had long expected it, had come at last so suddenly upon them. as they thus stood grouped together they felt the earth rock beneath their feet in a way it had never done before. then came a sound far louder than any yet heard. several of the men cried out that the island was blowing up. at that moment there was a fearful crash, and by the light of another flash of lightning a glimpse was caught of a huge mass of rock descending from the summit of the hill into the water. another and another followed. adair and saint maur remembered the doctor's prognostications, and began truly to fear that the whole island was breaking up, and that ere long it might present a mass of broken fragments or sink down bodily beneath the sea. they endeavoured, notwithstanding, to maintain their own composure and to restore confidence to the men, many of whom were greatly alarmed. "whatever becomes of those high cliffs which seem to be crumbling away, i consider that we, on this level spot, have every chance of escaping," exclaimed adair. "we must, however, keep out of the way of those rocks, which, tired of their existence up in the sky, are going to find out how they like the bottom of the sea." by this time the night was nearly over, and when morning dawned and adair looked out, not a particle of the ship remained entire except her engines, which, like some huge creature, could just be distinguished, surrounded by the masses of foam breaking on the bar, while over the surface of the harbour and outside along the coast could be seen fragments of wreck of every size, tossed here and there by the waves. adair heaved a deeper sigh than he had ever done before in his life. the storm still continued to rage as fiercely as at first, and it was impossible to secure any portions of the wreck except those which were washed ashore in the harbour, and even to do that was a service of danger, as they were tossed about, threatening to crush those who approached them. still adair thought that it might be possible to save wood sufficient for the building of a vessel. it would, at all events, give the men something to do and keep up their spirits with a prospect of getting off. the carpenter shook his head when he spoke to him on the subject. "i am afraid, sir, it will be a rum sort of craft we should build, but if you will permit me to say so, i think if we were to lengthen some of the boats and rise upon them two or three feet, we should produce a better style of craft than we are likely to put together." adair thought the matter over, and discussed it with saint maur. they agreed that it was possible, and that, should some fearful convulsion of the island take place, it would be as well to have the boats thus fitted, in order that some of their lives, at all events, might be preserved. "we will hope that some ship will come in sight before the land sinks down to the bottom of the sea," said saint maur, in a cheerful tone. the captain just then remembered that the men had been on foot all that morning without breakfast. "pipe to breakfast, mr smalls," he sang out to the boatswain, who was near. the shrill pipe of the boatswain was heard sounding above the roaring of the breakers, the howling of the wind, and the crash of the falling rocks, which still, though in smaller pieces than before, came toppling down from the summit of the cliff above into the seething waters of the harbour. the men willingly obeyed the call, and were quickly seated at their mess tables, talking and laughing away as usual. adair and saint maur returned to their cottage. the roofs of the huts had been too securely fastened down to be blown away, and all hands were soon beneath their shelter. all day long the gale raged. in spite of it, the carpenter, with the hands he required, set to work in preparing the wood they had obtained for enlarging the boats. the largest had, it must be remembered, been left just above the influence of the sea, where it was fancied she was free from danger. in the morning, as usual, a party was sent off to the flag-staff, which was not visible from the town. some hours had passed and a relief was proceeding to take their place, when they were observed coming down the cliffs, holding on to the rocks as they slowly made their way. "what has happened?" asked charley roy, who commanded the second party. "the flag-staff is gone and we were all well-nigh carried off with it," was the answer. "there is no ship in sight; and if there were, she would take good care not to come near this rock if she could help it, so that there is no use in your going on and running the chance of losing your lives." "you are quite right," said roy, and he returned to obtain further orders. adair, of course, told him not to go on to the hill, adding, "we must get another flag-staff ready to set up as soon as the gale is over," and he at once issued orders to the carpenter to prepare it. when night closed in there was no appearance of a cessation of the gale; indeed, if anything, matters looked worse than they had done all day. at the usual hour all hands turned in to obtain the rest they required, while the men on watch stowed themselves away in the most sheltered corners they could find, for not a human being even during four hours could have stood exposed to the pitiless tempest. it was about midnight when those nearest the water were aroused by a crashing sound, and before they had time to dress themselves, they found the sea washing right up to their huts, far higher than it had done the day before. adair, who slept lightly, was also awakened by the voices and the shouts of the men as they rushed with their clothes bags and mess things out of their huts. he and saint maur hurried down to ascertain what was the matter, when on looking towards the beach where the large boat had been left, on which their hopes of safety depended, she was nowhere to be seen. a mass of timber and shattered fragments, surrounded by the seething water, alone marked the spot. a portion of the wreck, it was evident, had been driven against her, and the retiring sea had carried her off knocked to pieces. the remainder of the night was spent in shifting the huts exposed to the waves to a safer spot. adair allowed no word of complaint to escape him, but he could not but dread what might next happen. towards morning the gale abated, and the men were employed in hauling up the fragments of spars which floated among the rocks. some were of good size, while others were broken into small pieces, which could be of no use but to saw into planks. with the large ones the carpenter contrived, in the course of a couple of days, to build a fresh mast to supply the place of the old one. by this time the weather was again calm, and adair and saint maur and several officers accompanied the party who were selected to set it up. they carried their telescopes, hoping against hope that a ship might appear. but not a sail was to be seen in the horizon, nor a wreath of smoke to indicate a passing steamer. the flag-staff was erected, the ensign run up, and the gun fired to do it honour. but we must hasten on with the account of the adventures of the captain and crew of the unfortunate _empress_. day after day, week after week went by. occasionally the earth trembled and shook, but no more jets of vapour or gas burst forth, and the orifices of those which had first appeared were stopped up. the surgeon's face grew longer and longer. "well, doctor," said adair, when the latter was paying him a visit, "we are not to be blown up yet, and i hope that the old rock will stand firm enough until long after we have left it, unless we are to spend our lives here." "that's no reason why that fearful event should not some day occur, captain," answered dr mcquae. "i last night heard worse rumblings than have yet occurred. my bunk moved up and down in a curious fashion." "you must have been dreaming," said adair. "i slept but lightly, and heard no noises nor did i feel the slightest movement of the earth." "pardon me, captain adair. i was broad awake at the time, and could not be mistaken." adair, on making inquiries, was surprised to find that several other persons had heard noises and felt a movement, especially the sergeant of marines, who averred that he was very nearly thrown out of his bunk. his statement, however, was somewhat discredited by the warrant officers, who expressed their belief that he was addicted to romancing. be that as it may, a very uncomfortable feeling prevailed both among the officers and men, and all were wishing themselves away from so treacherous a locality. a few days after this a commotion took place throughout the length and breadth of the island, which left the matter no longer in doubt. vast fragments of rock came tumbling down from the summits of the cliffs, sending huge waves rolling up the beach, although the sky was serene and the wind blew gently from the northward, so that no surf broke along the mouth of the harbour. "if this continues much longer we must launch the boats and build rafts sufficient to carry all the people, to give some of us a chance for our lives, at all events," observed adair to saint maur. "cheer up, uncle terence," exclaimed desmond; "the cliffs may tumble down, but still, as you remarked before, we may have firm ground to stand upon." "i don't know what i should have done without you," answered adair. "frankly, i believe i should have broken down altogether: for my poor lucy's sake and yours i am as anxious to escape, if i can do so with honour, as any man, but desert my people while one remains in danger i must not." "at all events, there can be no harm in getting the rafts built," said desmond. "i will direct the first lieutenant to set the people about the work at once, just as a matter of precaution, so as not to alarm them," answered adair. there were few, however, who did not feel as anxious as the captain to get the rafts completed, and all hands set to work to collect every particle of timber they could find along the coast, and to haul it to the bay. the carpenter, upon calculation, found that he could form six rafts, thirty feet long and twenty wide. these would carry all the crew who were not able to find room in the boats, provided the sea was tolerably smooth. a couple of rafts had been completed, and as many hands as could be employed were working away at the others, when again that ominous sound which before had alarmed them was heard, and the whole island seemed to be convulsed, as if about to be rent asunder. although the movement ceased, it made them work away with almost frantic haste. by means of hand-spikes and rollers, the rafts, as they were finished, were launched, when the boatswain and his mates commenced rigging them in the best fashion they could, while the sail-makers were employed in cutting out the canvas, some of which had been kept in store, the rest being, taken for the roofs of the huts. although so much of the cliff had fallen down as to half fill the harbour, the point on which the flag-staff stood remained intact. charley roy was stationed there with a party of men, who kept a look-out around the horizon from sunrise to sunset. they were relieved at night by another party under the third lieutenant, who was directed to burn blue-lights and let off rockets at intervals, in case any ship should be passing. night brought no cessation to the toils of the crew. torches were formed, and fresh hands laboured away at the rafts. several times as they were thus toiling, the ground below them shook more or less violently. "stop a bit, an' we'll be afther gittin' off you," cried pat casey, who was always ready with a joke to cheer up his companions. "jist keep quiet, me darlin', for a few hours longer, an' you an' me will part company, whin ye can trimble as much as ye like." whether or not the volcano would accede to his request seemed very doubtful. towards morning the commotions increased, crash succeeded crash, and they could perceive that other portions of the cliff had given way, while there was some fear that the rafts would be swamped by the sea which the falling masses created, before they could get out of the harbour. strange to say, in spite of the fearful danger in which they were placed, the men joked as much as ever, though they worked away in a manner which showed that they were fully conscious of the necessity of speed, the officers labouring with them as hard as any one. at the sound of the boatswain's call they scampered off to breakfast, which they bolted in a few minutes, and soon came back to their work. the weather now became finer than it had been since they had landed on the island many months before. the sky was clear and the air pure, and there was not an invalid among them. the sixth raft had just been completed, and the men were working it down to the water, when a rumbling sound far louder than any thunder was heard. the tall cliffs appeared as if about to fall down and fill up the whole of the harbour, the mouth evidently of an ancient crater. the rocks were seen to lift and heave; adair stood on the shore, superintending the launching of the raft, apparently as cool and unmoved as ever. "now, my lads, get the boats into the water," he exclaimed. "let their proper crews attend to them; the rest of you assist the marines in bringing down the provisions and water." it should have been said that, under the direction of the pay-master and his assistants, all the casks had been filled with water, and all the provisions done up in packages, which could be easily transported. even at that moment perfect discipline prevailed; the men hurried backwards and forwards, it is true, as fast as their legs could carry them. they worked like a colony of ants, knowing exactly what they had to do. the midshipmen were ordered into the boats with their respective crews to stow the packages, and to keep the rafts off the beach. these were next loaded, and the boats being filled, the men were ordered to take their places on the rafts. captain adair and lord saint maur stood alone on the shore, when the sound of a gun was heard. "i forgot roy and the men with him," exclaimed adair. "i'll go for him," cried desmond, and before he could be stopped, he darted off. adair now ordered the boats to take the rafts in tow, and to proceed over the bar, as it would be impossible to find a more favourable opportunity for crossing it. one boat--his own gig--with four hands in her, only remained, so that she was able to carry, in addition, roy and his party. again the sound of the gun was heard, followed by a third report. all this time the cliffs above the further end of the harbour appeared crumbling away, while the ground where the marines' huts stood, as well as beyond them, was heaving in visible undulations. adair felt that at any moment the whole island might be convulsed in such a way as to destroy all remaining on it. he anxiously looked out for the return of saint maur and roy. the movements increased in violence. he saw the men in the boat turning their eyes towards the cliff, as if they were eager to be away, fearing lest they themselves would be involved in the expected destruction of the island. he drew his breath more freely when at length he saw saint maur appear on the top of the path leading from the hill, followed by roy and his men. down they rushed at headlong speed. they had not a moment to lose; already huge rents appeared in the ground, some of a width across which it seemed scarcely possible they could leap, while the rocks on either side were tumbling and leaping along, and threatening to crush the party as they made their downward way. adair ordered the men in the gig to come in, and he stood half in the water holding her stem. he had no need to hurry saint maur and the rest. one poor fellow was struck, but his companions did not wait for him; they saw at a glance that he was killed. another narrowly escaped, and a huge block came near saint maur as he sprang over a wide gap. with frantic haste they dashed along, and almost breathless reached the beach. "spring in!" cried adair; "i shall be the last to leave the shore!" roy and the other men followed. adair now jumped on board, and made his way to the stern sheets. the bow-men shoved, off without waiting for orders, and bending to their oars the gig was soon across the bar. saint maur and roy were too much out of breath to speak. indeed, adair himself forgot to ask the reason of the signals they had heard; as, while steering for the bar, and casting a momentary glance over his shoulders, he saw the whole island rocking to and fro, and not only steam and smoke, but flames bursting forth from several fissures. even now neither he nor his men were in safety: for should the island sink, the rafts and boats would be drawn into the vortex; or should it blow up, as seemed very likely, the fragments would too probably fall down and crush them, or create so violent a commotion of the ocean that they would scarcely escape being overwhelmed. steering for the heaviest raft, he joined another boat in towing her. as yet they were under the lee of the island, and their sails were of no use. long paddles had been formed for the use of the men on the rafts, who worked energetically, as the boats, heavily laden as they were, were unable to make much headway. roy, who had been hitherto panting too much to speak, now recovering himself, exclaimed-- "a sail, sir! a sail! we saw her standing towards the island. she's a steamer, i think, though i could not make out her funnel. i caught sight of a wreath of white smoke hanging above her masthead." "too probably she's only passing," said adair. "no, sir, she was standing steadily this way; and the heads of her courses had already risen above the horizon. we left the flag flying, so if the hill doesn't come toppling down, she will see that, and know that there is some one on the rock. perhaps she is coming expressly to look after us." "thank heaven!" cried adair, in a voice choking with emotion, for the first time the calm composure he had hitherto exhibited giving way. "my poor people will be saved!" the joyful news soon spread from boat to boat and raft to raft. at length feeling the wind, sail was set, and the little squadron steered a course as close to it as was possible, not to near the ship, but to get further off from the island. as soon as they had gained what adair considered a safe distance, he ordered the first lieutenant, who was in one of the boats, to cast off and stand towards the stranger, whose topsails by that time could be seen. he had now only earnestly to pray that the weather would continue calm until they were all on board. meantime he had cast many an anxious glance towards the land, which seemed, at the distance they were now from it, to be at rest, though the rumbling sounds which reached them and the thick clouds of smoke and flame ascending, showed them that they had good reason to be thankful that they had escaped it. the first lieutenant's boat was eagerly watched as she glided rapidly over the smooth water. at last her white speck of canvas disappeared beneath the horizon, and a further period elapsed. the stranger was pronounced by the cut of her canvas to be a british man-of-war. at last she was seen to change her course, and to stand directly for the rafts. soon afterwards the glorious ensign of england blew out at her peak. the sight was welcomed by a cheer from the whole crew. there could be no doubt that the first lieutenant had got on board. on she came until she approached, when her canvas was reduced. "hurrah! she's the _bellona_!" exclaimed saint maur and adair at the same moment. they both knew her, and in another minute they recognised captain rogers and several old friends. adair and desmond, springing up the side, were heartily welcomed. "we have come expressly to look for you," said jack, as he grasped their hands, and he told them of the information he had received from the master of the australian trader. the _bellona's_ boats had been lowered and now approached to take off the crew from the rafts, as well as the provisions and water. "we have arrived in the nick of time," said jack; "but as your island now seems tolerably quiet, we may as well remove the stores, the men's bags, and your own things, which it will be a pity to lose, and i shall be glad to leave some of these boats which we cannot take away." the _bellona_ accordingly steamed on towards the entrance of the harbour, keeping, as may be supposed, at a safe distance in case of a sudden outbreak. by this time the smoke and flames had disappeared, and the boats pulled in, piloted by adair and his officers. the blue-jackets were highly delighted at recovering their bags, and the marines their kits, which had of necessity been left behind. the boats which saint maur and rip had found when they landed were hauled high up on the beach and covered over with canvas to protect them from the weather. the more valuable stores were carried off, though provisions and other articles were left which might afford assistance to the sufferers of any ship which might be wrecked on the island. the _bellona_ steered directly for the cape, in a short time, as the wind became fair, making all sail. that night the watch on deck declared that they saw a bright glare in the sky above the rock and that a low rumbling noise was heard coming from the same direction. whether or not virginia island had blown up remained a matter of doubt, and captain rogers did not think that with two ships' companies on board it was his duty to return and ascertain the fact. crowded as they were, both officers and men were as happy as could be under such circumstances, and wonderful were the yarns which the crew of the _empress_ had to spin, none of the facts which had occurred losing in the narration, besides which there were many more to describe which are not chronicled in this history. the _bellona_, immediately on her arrival in simon's bay, was ordered home, where captain adair and his officers would have, of course, to undergo the usual court-martial for the loss of the _empress_. scarcely had she dropped her anchor, when, in one of the first boats which came off, was seen a stout military man, accompanied by two ladies. shortly after, major bubsby and the two misses bubsby ascended the side. jack, who was never wanting in politeness, whatever were his feelings, stood ready to receive them. "my dear captain rogers," exclaimed the major, grasping him by the hand, "i was at the telegraph station when you made your number, and i immediately hurried down to welcome you, picking up eugenia and angelica on the way. will you do me a favour?" "what is it?" inquired jack. "yes, it is a favour; i will acknowledge it as a favour if you grant it. will you convey mrs bubsby and myself with our two dear daughters to england? you must know that i was compelled to resign my command, and i do not find my stay here as pleasant as i should wish." billy blueblazes, who was standing behind the captain, observed miss angelica casting loving glances towards him. "heaven forbid that the captain should grant the major's request," he said to himself. he need have had no fear on that score. jack as politely as possible declined, and did not even invite the major and the misses bubsby below. "you must understand, major bubsby, that i have the officers and part of the ship's company of the _empress_ to carry home, so that we have not an inch to spare. i cannot turn them out of the only berths i have to offer, and you and your daughters would not like to sling up your hammocks on the lower deck." "i did not expect this of you, captain rogers," said the major, an angry frown gathering on his brow. "hard-hearted man!" murmured miss angelica. but jack was deaf to all they could say, and felt very much inclined to order the master-at-arms to escort his visitors, _nolens volens_, down the side. they at last made a virtue of necessity, and returned to their boat. billy heaved a sigh of relief as he watched them pulling towards the shore. it was the last he or his captain ever saw or heard of major bubsby and his daughters, the major's name disappearing soon afterwards from the army list. lord saint maur, of course, went home in the _bellona_. he was accompanied by rip and snarley, the former begging that he might enter his service as valet. old england was reached at last, when captain rogers made the pleasing discovery that he had become an admiral by seniority. in a very short time, telegrams having conveyed the joyful intelligence of the arrival of the ship with captain adair and lord saint maur on board, julia and lucy, the former accompanied by her fair daughters, arrived at southsea, which had so often before witnessed their grievous partings and happy meetings. this, as may be supposed, was one of the happiest. captain adair was honourably acquitted for the loss of the _empress_. though he did not again obtain a ship, he accompanied the expedition to coomassie, and took an active part in an exploit which redounded so greatly to the honour of the troops, blue-jackets, and marines engaged in it, as well as to that of its noble leader, proving what stern discipline and courage can effect, even in the most pestiferous of climates and against hosts of brave foes. lord saint maur, shortly after his return home, married miss lucy rogers, and archie gordon became the husband of another of jack's daughters. tom was supposed to be a confirmed bachelor, notwithstanding his early susceptibilities to female attractions, until, on going over to pay a visit to his old shipmate at kilcullin castle, he there met the misses mcmahon, the youngest of whom he married. billy blueblazes, who came to act the part of his best man, fell head over ears in love with the eldest--not the first englishman under similar circumstances who has been captivated by one of erin's fair daughters, and she, discovering attractions which satisfied her, and the counsellor ascertaining that he was heir to a good estate, no objections were raised, and billy became a happy benedict, quitting the service as a retired commander. tim nolan and pat casey made their appearance at the castle one day, "just," as they said, "to see how his lordship was getting on." "what are you going to do with yourselves, my good fellows?" asked lord saint maur. they twirled their hats and scraped their feet and acknowledged that they had not quite settled, except that they had made up their minds not to go to sea again. on this lord saint maur offered them cottages rent free, and employment on board his yacht in summer, and charge of his boats on the river which ran through his estate. jerry bird obtained a pension and settled near admiral rogers, while peter became butler to billy blueblazes. indeed, a satisfactory account can be given of all the friends who have played a part in this history. soon after his return from africa captain adair obtained his flag, and the "three admirals" remain, as they had been in their youth and through the whole of their career, the firmest friends, and, though they themselves are shelved, take the warmest interest in the glorious service in which they spent their lives, and in the welfare of their younger relatives and former followers. the life of thomas, lord cochrane, tenth earl of dundonald, g.c.b., admiral of the red, rear-admiral of the fleet, etc., etc., completing "the autobiography of a seaman." by thomas, eleventh earl of dundonald, and h. r. fox bourne, author of "english seamen under the tudors," etc. etc. _in two volumes._ vol. ii. london: richard bentley, new burlington street, publisher in ordinary to her majesty. . contents of the second volume. page chapter xvii. [ .] lord cochrane's arrival in greece.--his account of hydra and poros.--the congratulations offered to him.--visits from tombazes, mavrocordatos, and miaoulis.--letters from the national assembly and other public bodies and leading men.--the divisions in greece.--the french or moreot, and english or phanariot factions.--lord cochrane's relations with them.--the visit of kolokotrones and other deputies from the national assembly.--lord cochrane's efforts to procure unanimity.--sir richard church.--lord cochrane's commission as first admiral.--the national assembly at troezene.--the election of capodistrias as president--lord cochrane's oath-taking.--his advice to the national assembly and proclamation to the greeks chapter xviii. [ .] the siege of athens--the defenders of the acropolis.--the efforts of gordon and karaïskakes.--lord cochrane's plan for cutting off the turkish supplies.--the arguments by which he was induced to proceed instead to the phalerum.--his arrival there.--his other arrangements for serving greece.--his first meeting with karaïskakes.--the condition of the greek camp.--lord cochrane's position.--his efforts to give immediate relief to the acropolis, and the obstacles raised by the greeks.--karaïskakes's delays, and general church's difficulties.--the convent of saint spiridion.--the battle of phalerum.--the capture of saint spiridion.--the massacre of the turks, and its consequences.--lord cochrane's renewed efforts to save the acropolis.--the death of karaïskakes.--the march to the acropolis.--its failure through the perversity of the greeks.--the battle of athens.--the fall of the acropolis chapter xix. [ .] lord cochrane's return to poros.--his attempts to organise an efficient greek navy.--the want of funds and the apathy of the greeks.--his letter to the psarians, and his visits to hydra and spetzas.--his cruise round the morea.--his first engagement with the turks.--the disorganization of his greek sailors.--his capture of a vessel bearing the british flag, laden with greek prisoners.--seizure of part of reshid pasha's harem.--ibrahim pasha's narrow escape.--lord cochrane's further difficulties.--his expedition to alexandria.--its failure through the cowardice of his seamen.--his two letters to the pasha of egypt.--his return to poros.--further efforts to improve the navy.--his visit to syra.--the troubles of the greek government.--lord cochrane's visit to navarino.--his defeat of a turkish squadron chapter xx. [ .] the action of great britain and russia on behalf of hellenic independence.--the degradation of greece.--lord cochrane's renewed efforts to organise a fleet.--prince paul buonaparte, and his death.--an attempt to assassinate lord cochrane.--his intended expedition to western greece.--its prevention by sir edward codrington.--lord cochrane's return to the archipelago.--the interference of great britain, france, and russia.--the causes of the battle of navarino.--the battle chapter xxi. [ - .] the first consequences of the interference of the allied powers and the battle of navarino.--lord cochrane's intended share in fabvier's expedition to chios.--its abandonment.--his cruise among the islands and about navarino.--his efforts to repress piracy.--his return to the archipelago.--the misconduct of the government.--lord cochrane's complaints.--his letters to the representatives of the allied powers, acquitting himself of complicity in greek piracy.--his further complaints to the government.--his resolution to visit england.--his letter to count capodistrias explaining and justifying that resolution.--his departure from greece, and arrival at portsmouth.--his letter to m. eynard chapter xxii. [ - .] lord cochrane's occupations on behalf of greece in london and paris.--his second letter to capodistrias.--his defence of himself with reference to his visit to western europe.--his return to greece.--capodistrias's presidency and the progress of greece.--lord cochrane's reception by the government.--the settlement of his accounts.--his letter of resignation.--the final indignities to which he was subjected.--the correspondence thereupon between admiral heyden and dr. gosse.--lord cochrane's departure from greece.--his opinions regarding her.--the character and issues of his services to the greeks chapter xxiii. [ - .] a recapitulation of lord cochrane's naval services.--his efforts to obtain restitution of the rank taken from him after the stock exchange trial.--his petition to the duke of clarence.--its rejection by the duke of wellington's cabinet.--lord cochrane's occupations after the close of his greek service.--his return to england.--his memorial to william iv.--its tardy consideration by earl grey's cabinet.--its promoters and opponents.--lord cochrane's accession to the peerage as tenth earl of dundonald.--his interview with the king.--the countess of dundonald's efforts in aid of her husband's memorial.--their ultimate success.--the earl of dundonald's "free pardon," and restoration to naval rank chapter xxiv. [ - .] the inventions and discoveries of lord dundonald's father.--his own mechanical contrivances.--his lamps.--his rotary steam-engine, his screw-propeller, his condensing-boiler, and his lines of ship-building.--their tardy development.--his correspondence upon steam-shipping with sir james graham, the earl of minto, the earl of haddington, and the earl of auckland.--the progress of his inventions.--the _janus_.--the beneficial results of his experiments chapter xxv. [ - .] lord dundonald's secret war-plans.--his correspondence concerning them with lord lansdowne, lord minto, lord haddington, and lord auckland.--his letter to the "times."--the report of a committee, consisting of sir thomas hastings, sir john burgoyne, and lieut.-col. colquhoun, upon the secret war-plans.--a french project for naval warfare with england.--lord dundonald's opinions thereupon.--his views on the defence of england chapter xxvi. [ - .] the earl of dundonald's request for the restoration of the order of the bath.--his good service pension.--the investigation of his secret war-plans.--his pamphlet on naval affairs,--his installation as a g.c.b.--his candidature for election as a scotch representative peer.--the queen's permission to his wearing the brazilian order of the "cruziero."--his appointment as commander-in-chief of the north american and west indian station chapter xxvii. [ .] lord dundonald's departure for north america.--extracts from the correspondence of lord auckland and others respecting west indian affairs and european politics.--bermuda.--the french revolution of and its issues.--ireland and the chartists.--the death of lord auckland chapter xxviii. [ - .] lord dundonald's visit to the north american and west indian colonies, and his opinions thereon.--newfoundland and its fisheries.--labrador.--bermuda; its defences and its geological formation.--barbadoes.--the negroes.--trinidad.--its pitch lake.--the depressed condition of the west indian colonies.--lord dundonald's suggestions for their improvement chapter xxix. [ - .] lord dundonald's return from america.--his arguments for the relief of the newfoundland fisheries and the west india trade.--the trinidad bitumen.--lord dundonald's other scientific pursuits and views chapter xxx. [ - .] the russian war.--lord dundonald's proposals to employ his secret plans against cronstadt, sebastopol, and other strongholds.--his correspondence thereupon with sir james graham and lord palmerston.--their rejection.--lord dundonald's appointment as rear-admiral of the united kingdom.--prince albert's invitation to him to become an elder brother of the trinity house.--his correspondence with lord palmerston respecting the restitution of his half-pay.--his last work.--his death and burial.--conclusion * * * * * appendix. (page .)--captain frank abney hastings's letters to lord cochrane ( ) the life of thomas, tenth earl of dundonald. chapter xvii. lord cochrane's arrival in greece.--his account of hydra and poros.--the congratulations offered to him.--visits from tombazes, mavrocordatos, and miaoulis.--letters from the national assembly and other public bodies and leading men.--the divisions in greece.--the french or moreot, and english or phanariot factions.--lord cochrane's relations with them.--the visit of kolokotrones and other deputies from the national assembly.--lord cochrane's efforts to procure unanimity.--sir richard church.--lord cochrane's commission as first admiral.--the national assembly at troezene.--the ejection of capodistrias as president.--lord cochrane's oath-taking.--his advice to the national assembly and proclamation to the greeks. [ .] lord cochrane entered the egean sea with his little schooner _unicorn_ and the french brig _sauveur_ on the th of march, . in the afternoon he halted off the island of hydra, there to leave the greek deputy orlando, who had accompanied him from marseilles. "i was surprised," he said, "to observe that, except the open batteries near the town of hydra, the whole coast of the island remained unprotected, although, in a smooth sea, a landing might be effected in almost every part of its circumference. the town of hydra is built in an irregular manner on the fall of the mountain about the port, and presents a clean appearance, the houses being all whitewashed. there is not a tree on the island, though there are a few straggling bushes. there is scarcely any land capable of cultivation; but there are some vineyards on the south side and a few small gardens near the town. the port is small, the water deep, and the vessels made fast by hawsers to the shore. it is evident, that, if greece obtains independence, this island, to which the inhabitants fled to enjoy that species of precarious liberty that depends on eluding the view of tyranny, must be abandoned. even water is only to be had from tanks which are filled by the winter's rain." from hydra lord cochrane proceeded to egina, making a circuit in order that he might have a view of athens. "the acropolis," he wrote, "with the whole scenery at sunset, was beautiful. alas, what a change! what melancholy recollections crowd on the mind! there was the seat of science, of literature, and the arts. at this instant the barbarian turk is actually demolishing, by the shells that now are flying through the air, the scanty remains of the once magnificent temples in the acropolis." he called at egina on the th, in order to despatch letters, announcing his arrival, to the governing commission, as it was called, then located in the island, before proceeding to poros, where he anchored on the morning of the th. "the main entrance," we further read in his journal, "is scarcely wide enough to work a ship in, if the wind is from the land. the water, however, is sufficiently deep close to the shore; and the port, when you have entered through this narrow channel, is one of the finest in the world. there is another entrance towards the south, but it is shallow and crooked, and consequently used only by small vessels. the town of poros consists of a number of irregularly-built houses on the side of a hill, and merits the appellation of picturesque. there are remains of temples on the island, and the stone is yet to be seen on which demosthenes is said to have been sitting when he was recalled by antipater to athens, and in consequence of which recall he took poison and died." no sooner was the joyful intelligence conveyed to the inhabitants that lord cochrane, the long-expected deliverer of greece, had actually arrived, than all the leading men who happened to be in poros at the time hurried on board the unicorn to welcome their champion and to give personal assurance of their devotion to him. the first to arrive was jakomaki tombazes, who was now acting with dr. gosse as superintendent of marine affairs, having surrendered the chief command of the fleet into the hands of andreas miaoulis. miaoulis himself soon followed, and with him alexander mavrocordatos and many others. "prince mavrocordatos," wrote lord cochrane's secretary, mr. george cochrane, "was a short, stout, well-built man, of very dark complexion, with black eyes, an oval face expressing great intelligence, and his hair very long, hanging upon his shoulders. he was dressed in the european style, and wore on his head a little cloth cap. he also habitually wore spectacles. his manners indicated a man perfectly accustomed to the society of persons of rank. he immediately entered into familiar conversation with lord cochrane in the french language. he carried his pipe with him, which he continually smoked. miaoulis was dressed in the hydriot fashion; but, of course, as became a primate of the island, his attire was of a description much superior to that of his poorer fellow-countrymen.[ ] his countenance was open and dignified, and so calm that it appeared like a rock which nothing could move. not that it had any character of sternness in it; on the contrary, it possessed a placidity, blended with firmness, which was anything but forbidding. the moment miaoulis came on deck, he cordially shook hands with lord cochrane, and a broken conversation commenced between them in spanish, miaoulis speaking that language but imperfectly. at the period in question he commanded the _hellas_ frigate. he knew perfectly well that lord cochrane's arrival would take the command out of his hands. nevertheless, he evinced not the least jealousy, but was one of the first to offer his services under lord cochrane. 'i know my countrymen,' he said, 'and that i can be of service to your lordship on board the frigate. i will therefore sail under your command.' such an offer was not to be refused, and he was requested to remain on board. miaoulis informed lord cochrane that the hope of greece rested in the _hellas_, and in the quondam merchant brigs belonging to private individuals in the islands of hydra, spetzas, poros, and egina, amounting to about two hundred and fifty. these vessels had been armed as men-of-war; some had been turned into fireships, and it was the latter that struck so much terror into the turks, several turkish vessels of the line and frigates having been destroyed under the guidance of the brave kanaris, a native of the ill-fated island of psara." [ ] "these men," says the same authority, "generally speaking, from their complexions, evinced that they had been mariners all their lives, the sun having well tanned them. they wore small red caps, from which their hair flowed wildly down their shoulders. on the upper lip they wore very long mustachios, which the older ones were continually curling, and bringing out the point. they wore trousers of blue cotton, and a jacket; and by the immense capacity of the former, i should suppose they must have contained at least twelve yards. this was gathered into plaits round the waist, and only descended to the knees, which were left open. the hinder part presented a most singular appearance. it hung down almost trailing upon the ground in a huge bag, which kept moving backwards and forwards in a ludicrous manner at every motion of the body. they wore shoes, but no stockings; and their legs were as dark as their countenances, and covered with hair. round their waist they wore a large red sash in several folds. their jacket was similar to a waistcoat, with sleeves, and ornamented with small buttons from the wrist to the elbow, and the same on the bosom."--"wanderings in greece." the compliments and congratulations offered in person to lord cochrane immediately after his anchoring off poros were followed by compliments and congratulations yet more profuse conveyed to him in writing by all classes and from all quarters. one of the first and most important communications was addressed to him on the th of march, in the name of the national assembly, as it styled itself, met at kastri, by its president, georgios sissinis. "greece," he said, "rejoices at your appearance in her seas. the aspirations of the greeks are realised. their hopes in the success of their sacred struggle revive. the greek nation, assembled here in a third national assembly, desires to see you and invites you here, sending to you, with that object, the general-in-chief of the armies of the peloponnesus, theodore kolokotrones, messrs. kanaris, botazes, and bulgaris, general zavella and count metaxas, who will tender to you the thanks of all for your zeal on behalf of their cause." "the government is seized with unutterable joy at your auspicious arrival," wrote the members of the rival assembly at egina, on the same day: "the government wishes you happy success in all your enterprises, and hopes soon to find in you a triumphant conqueror." "for a long while past," wrote the governors of hydra, "our brave mariners have centred all their hopes on your arrival. you can understand then the joy that we felt when we saw your brig and schooner, and when we knew that you had actually arrived. we hasten to tender to you the homage of our island, and to express to you our impatience to see our little navy placed under your orders, and guided by you to new victories, by which the safety and independence of greece may be secured." "your arrival in our beloved country," wrote the primates of spetzas, "has filled the soul of every inhabitant of our island with joy, and every one presents his thanks to heaven for having at last sent such an one to fight with us and to protect our fatherland." "you have come to greece," wrote konduriottes, "at a moment when this unfortunate country most needs all that it can hope from the wisdom and courage of so great a defender. the announcement of your arrival will form an epoch in the history of our revolution, and, i dare to hope, in that of our moral regeneration." that moral regeneration was needed lord cochrane already well knew, and he had not been a day in greece before the knowledge was forced upon him afresh. the unworthy disposition of most of the men in power had never been more plainly shown, nor threatened more imminent danger to the independence of greece, than at the time of lord cochrane's arrival. with a few notable exceptions, of whom miaoulis was perhaps the chief, the greek leaders had forgotten all their national duty in personal ambition and jealousy. if they united in parties, it was only because each one hoped that, as soon as his own party was triumphant, he himself would be able to obtain the mastery over all his associates. two factions, especially, prevailed in greece at this time, which, partly from the circumstance that they were supported by unwise philhellenes of the two nations, partly because their native members looked for their chief support to those nations, were known as the french and english parties. among philhellenes the leading promoter of the french party was colonel fabvier, who was now, with some of the troops whom he commanded, defending the acropolis from the siege of the turks. he was an officer of considerable merit, with the interests of the greeks at heart, but of surpassing vanity and ambition. his hope was to become the napoleon of the east, to convert the whole male population of greece into a huge army, with himself at its head. with him sympathized most of the military leaders, who, originally little better than brigands, found everything to gratify their present tastes and their future hopes in a scheme which would give them endless employment in lawless warfare and martial dominion. these, coming chiefly from the morea, caused the faction also to be known as the moreot party. more formidable was the english party, with little that was english about it but the name. its ambition was not military, but diplomatic, the possession of place and power in such ways as were then possible. its real, if not avowed, leader was prince mavrocordatos, with an able abettor in his brother-in-law, mr. spiridion trikoupes. all through the previous year mavrocordatos and his friends had sought zealously to win for greece the protection of england. they had corresponded to that end with mr. stratford canning, the british ambassador at constantinople, with captain hamilton, who was then stationed in greek waters to watch the interests of english shipping, and with others. they had sent an irregular deputation to treat with the british government, and had used all the means in their power, so far as foreign intervention was concerned, for the establishment of a smaller but more organized greek nation than that which their rivals desired. had that end been worthily sought, they would have deserved universal sympathy. but they showed by their conduct that they cared little for good government, or for the real interests of the community. they exercised their abilities and squandered their resources in schemes for selfish aggrandisement, and the possession of authority which was to benefit none but themselves. many of their prominent members having studied statecraft, before the time of the revolution, as christian officials in the employment of turkey, to whom the name phanariot was given from the christian quarter of constantinople, the whole party acquired the name of phanariot. this latter party had all along hoped to make lord cochrane its tool. it was mavrocordatos who first invited him to enter the service of the greeks; and when that service was agreed upon no effort was spared to attach him to the group of partizans among whom mavrocordatos was chief. lord cochrane, steadily refusing this, soon incurred their opposition, and to this opposition is to be attributed some of the unreasonable blame which was afterwards brought upon him. much further opposition to him, moreover, was soon aroused by his, in like manner, refusing to become the creature of the other leading faction. he wisely resolved, from the first--and he maintained his resolution throughout--to belong to no party, but having devoted himself to the cause of the greek nation as a whole, to seek only those objects which were for the good of all. that resolution was soon put to the test. immediately after his arrival on the th of march, great efforts were made to implicate him in the schemes of the governing commission, as it was called, which, having outrun the time appointed for its duration, was continuing to assert its authority in egina, and to use that authority in the interests of the phanariot party. two days after that his partizanship was sought for the moreot faction, which had set up a rival government, styled the national assembly, at hermione, under the joint leadership of kolokotrones, konduriottes, and kolettes. on the th he was waited upon by the deputation named in the congratulatory letter which has already been quoted from. "with his whole party," said lord cochrane's secretary, reporting this interview, "kolokotrones rode down to the beach opposite the ship, and sent off to say he would there wait until a boat should be sent for him and his followers, the whole being about a hundred men, armed, according to the custom of the country, with pistols or daggers stuck in the left side of a sash or belt. the two boats sent being insufficient, not more than twenty came on board with the general. kolokotrones was the spokesman, and there appeared to be great energy in his gesticulations, which did not correspond with the translation by count metaxas, who, from the smile on his countenance, seemed to hold in no great respect the mental acquirements of kolokotrones. 'greece,' said the latter, 'required a government to bring order out of chaos. the functions of the commission appointed by the last legislative assembly ought to have ceased. its continuance in power was not legal, and consequently the members of the national assembly had met at hermione to name their successors; to which place it was requested that lord cochrane would proceed, in order to be present at their deliberations.' a letter to this effect, signed by the president of the assembly, was then put into lord cochrane's hands. "lord cochrane made answer verbally through count metaxas to the deputies, that he held in due estimation the honour they had done him by personally delivering the communication as well as by the very flattering terms used towards him by the members assembled at hermione. he regretted the decision that had taken place, and, recommending reconciliation, urged the necessity of prompt exertion and the little good that the wisest legislative enactments could effect, whilst the turks overran their country, whilst they possessed three-fourths of its strongholds, and whilst the enemy besieged the capital of the state, which was in danger of falling into their power. his lordship expressed his regret that so many able and brave military officers as those he saw before him should occupy themselves with civil discussions in the present state of their country. "upon this being interpreted to kolokotrones, he became exceedingly warm, and urged that the duty he was now occupied with was more essential than any other. he, however, cooled on seeing, as we presume, that no one seconded his opinion, which he evidently expected by his glances towards his companions. kolokotrones remained some time without saying a word, and then rising, took lord cochrane by the hand and assured him that he would do his utmost to produce a reconciliation of parties. lord cochrane urged that the termination of differences between the parties should be within the space of three days. kolokotrones requested five; but afterwards caused his interpreter, count metaxas, to say that possibly an answer might be received from hermione even before the shortest period fixed. count metaxas was the last who left the cabin, and as soon as the others were gone, he turned to lord cochrane and assured him that his utmost endeavours should not be wanting to accomplish so desirable an object. the count has evidently the management of kolokotrones, to whom he probably adheres in order to arrive at real power, under the sanction of an individual on whose shoulders may be heaped all the evil measures to be anticipated in acquiring or upholding any authority over a multitude of rival chiefs and their rude followers. "kolokotrones and his party then left the schooner, having first directed one of their soldiers to await lord cochrane's reply to the communication of the assembly. a deputation from hydra, and a crowd of other visitors, however, precluded lord cochrane's despatching the courier until the following morning." the reply, dated the st of march, was wise and bold. "i have had the honour," wrote lord cochrane, "to receive the despatches which you have addressed to me, and i cannot but be flattered by the sentiments that they convey. this satisfaction is the more lively because i have had the opportunity of becoming personally acquainted with his excellency general kolokotrones, and the officers who accompanied him. but i freely acknowledge that it is blended with a feeling of regret, in that it appears to me that the bravest and most renowned officers of greece are devoting all their energies to the formation of a civil government and wasting their time in discussions as to the place in which they shall effect a reunion while the enemy is overrunning the country without resistance. already he possesses three-fourths of the fortresses of greece, and is besieging the capital of the republic. athens is on the point of falling into the power of the ottoman forces; the brave fabvier and a few heroes, full of enthusiasm, are engaged in aiding the valiant defenders of that city; and meanwhile the officers of greece betake themselves again and again to frivolous discussions on civil affairs. if the shade of demosthenes could again animate the ashes of this great man which are here entombed, he would, changing only the names of persons and places, address to you his first philippic, and you would hear from the lips of a compatriot profoundly versed in history and in the knowledge of mankind, what ought to be your manner of acting. i recommend you to read his discourse in full assembly, and i especially recommend the citizens charged with presiding over the destinies of greece to follow his counsels point by point. with an authority so applicable to the existing circumstances, it would be unpardonable presumption in me to address to you other than his own words. 'if, athenians, you will now, though you did not before, adopt the principle of every man being ready, where he can and ought to give his service to the state, to give it without excuse, the wealthy to contribute, the able-bodied to enlist; in a word, plainly, if you will become your own masters, and cease each expecting to do nothing himself, while his neighbour does everything for him, you will then, with god's permission, get back your own, and recover what has been lost, and punish your enemy.'" to the same effect were lord cochrane's answers to the congratulatory letters sent to him by the other leading persons and parties in greece. "it may be well to notice," he wrote on the same day to the government at egina, "that in the conversation which i had with the deputation from hermione, i respectfully suggested that, as laws cannot be promulgated with advantage whilst the mass of the country is under the iron yoke of turkish despotism, nor executed whilst the lives and properties of all continue insecure, the national assembly might be adjourned with advantage until the capital is free, and thus we should avoid debating whilst we should be acting, and check those animosities and divisions which naturally arise from difference of sentiment under the peculiar conditions of modern greece." "the time now draws near," he wrote to the government of hydra, "when the approach of a large force may reasonably be anticipated, and when consequently the means that the greeks possess of contending with their enemies will be comparatively diminished. i have, therefore, in the name of all europe--by whose people i may in truth say that i have been sent here--called upon the executive government, and upon all those connected with public affairs, to act with union and promptitude, and i have informed them that without harmony and exertion amongst the chiefs, the slender means placed at my disposal, and any services which i personally could render, would prove of no avail. the people are split into factions, and operations are paralyzed by the conflicting personal interests of chiefs who perceive not that the prize about which they are contending will fall to the share of others. i have as yet taken no authority upon me in naval affairs, because if union do not prevail i shall deceive greece and deceive the world by inducing a belief that i could assist you." while waiting, however, for the rivalries of the greek leaders to be removed, or at any rate set aside for a time, lord cochrane was not idle. he had frequent interviews, not only with admiral miaoulis and the other native seamen of ability, but also with dr. gosse, and with captain abney hastings, who joined him on the nd, and provided him with much precise information as to the naval strength of greece, the character of the officers and crews, and the best methods of attacking the turks with advantage. information as precise about the land forces was derived from other philhellenes, among whom colonel heideck and colonel gordon were perhaps the best informed. lord cochrane also made the acquaintance of a new comer in greece, with whom he was soon to have very intimate relations--sir richard church. general church had begun life as an officer in the british army. he had seen various service between and , and in the latter year had organised a battalion of greeks at zante, with which, and afterwards with another which he also formed, he had played an important part in the war for the liberation of the ionian islands. on the establishment of peace, he had passed into the neapolitan service. many of his old greek soldiers were now leaders in the revolution, and, while lord cochrane was on his way to become the first admiral of the greeks, general church had been invited to become generalissimo on land. he arrived at porto kheli, near kastri or hermione, on the th of march, eight days before the appearance of lord cochrane. the generals assembled at hermione came out to meet him and tender their submission. "our father is at last come," said one; "we have only to obey him and our liberty is secured." sir richard church was at once sought as a leader by the moreot faction, just as lord cochrane was claimed by the phanariots as their champion. he, however, like his new comrade, wisely resolved to avoid partisanship and to study the interests of greece as a whole, and to him must be assigned a share of the good work of pacification in which lord cochrane was the prime mover. "this unhappy country," he wrote to his new friend on the th of march, "is now divided by absurd and criminal dissensions. i hope, however, that your lordship's arrival will have a happy effect, and that they will do everything in their power to be worthy of such a leader." they did something, if not everything. it was firmly believed that party strife had reached such a point that, had lord cochrane's arrival been delayed only a few days longer, the leaders of the national assembly at hermione, turning aside from their useless discussions, would have acted upon a plot that had been in preparation for several weeks, and, landing a hostile force at egina, would have violently seized the whole governing commission there established. lord cochrane's honest reproofs averted this, and so saved greece from the horrors of another civil war. "i am happy to be able to inform you," wrote general church on the th of march, "that things are brought to that state that the union of the parties is, i think, now effected. the deputies from kastri came over to me yesterday morning to damala, and there they met those of egina. after some discussion, they have come to a conclusion, which, if ratified by the assembly at egina, will finally terminate the affair." the affair was not terminated immediately. lord cochrane had to despatch many more letters and messages of earnest entreaty and indignant reproach to the leaders of the rival factions at egina and hermione, and to other prominent men, before the good end that he and all true philhellenes and patriots sought could be gained. "i have received the letter which your excellency has addressed to me," wrote the worthy miaoulis, on the rd of april, in answer to a letter declining to take command of the fleet until the differences were settled; "and i appreciate the objections which it contains. i wish with all my heart that the reasons which prevent you may not exist beyond this evening, and that a general union will induce you to place yourself at the head of the greek navy." before that, on the th of march, lord cochrane had received a formal commission from the government at egina. "knowing well," ran the document, "the valour, wisdom, ability, and energy, and all the warlike virtues which are joined in the estimable person of lord cochrane, and by which he has been distinguished in all the various services with which he has elsewhere been charged, the governing commission ordains, first, that lord cochrane be appointed first admiral of the fleet and of all the naval forces of greece; secondly, that he rank above all other naval officers, and enjoy all the honours, privileges, and rights that appertain to his office; thirdly, that all the admirals, officers, and seamen of greece recognize him as their superior, and obey his orders in all that concerns the service of the nation, and that all servants of the state, whether civil or military, render him the honour and respect that are his due; fourthly, that the general secretary of the government execute this order in all respects so soon as his excellency lord cochrane shall have taken oath to perform the duties, in regard of which he pledges himself to serve and to act." the document was signed by andreas zaimes, as president, by trikoupes, demetrakopoulos, blakos, zamados, mavromichales, anargiros, monarchides, and zotos, and by glarakes, the secretary of state. lord cochrane refused to accept the trust thus imposed upon him, however, until the authorities at egina had united with those at hermione and with the primates of the islands in forming one true national assembly. they still hesitated and objected, and he still had to warn and to expostulate. at length, on the rd of april, being convinced that milder language was useless, he wrote to the rival leaders, informing them that, as his counsels appeared to be of no avail, seeing that they were addressed to persons, who, professing to have the interests of the nation at heart, were determined to ruin those interests by their obstinate selfishness, he should quit greece at once, unless, before the close of the day, they agreed to lay aside their differences. that wise threat was successful. the factions coalesced, and decided to meet in joint assembly at damala, also known by its ancient name of troezene. on the th of april lord cochrane was able to write to them in a different tone. "having come to greece," he said, "with a firm determination to have nothing to do with party rivalries, except so far as to seek to conciliate them for the public good, and not to trouble myself about civil affairs, beyond assuring myself of the legality of my functions as admiral of greece, and having resolved to do all in my power to obtain its deliverance from the mahometan yoke, as well as from all foreign domination, i am well pleased at the reunion of all your members in a single national assembly, and congratulate you on the restoration of harmony. allow me, at the same time, to offer my prayers for the unanimity of the members of the government, and for the prompt completion of the business of the national assembly, in order that its members may depart to their respective provinces, and use their great influence to impress upon their compatriots the imminent danger of the state, and induce them to rush to arms, and by one simultaneous effort expel the oppressors of greece. after that the legislative assembly will have leisure, and the requisite security, to deliberate upon the constitution, the laws, and the arrangements necessary to establish upon a permanent footing the happiness and the prosperity of their fellow-citizens." having thus done so much for greece, lord cochrane was asked to do more. "the deputies whom you did me the honour to send," he wrote, on the following day, "having informed me of the difficulties which you find in forming a government with the necessary promptitude because of the jealousies shown in choosing citizens to fill situations of authority, permit me to advise that each member should write down the name of the person of his choice, and place it in an urn, and that he who thus obtains the highest number of votes should be president, the second, vice-president, and the others ranged in order until the number of functionaries is complete. in this way you will avoid discussions, animosities, and the loss of time, which is so precious in the present circumstances of greece. at present naval and military operations alike are all suspended, while the enemy is preparing to put an end at once to the question which engrosses your attention, and to the independence and liberty of greece!" that sensible advice was not taken, but the first difficulties in the way of administrative reform were overcome. on the th of april, the national assembly met at damala, on the coast opposite to poros, and half way between hermione and egina--the meeting-place, for want of a building large enough, to hold the two hundred members, being a lemon-grove, watered by the classic fountain of hippocrene. its first business, attended by turmoil which threatened to bring the whole proceeding to a violent close, was the election of count capodistrias as president, for seven years, of the greek nation. capodistrias was the favourite of the moreot party, but disliked by the phanariots, and hated by the island primates. the two latter would have prevented the election, but for the support given to it by lord cochrane, who on this account has been frequently and seriously blamed.[ ] there can be no doubt, however, that, whatever may have been the subsequent shortcomings of capodistrias, he was greatly superior to any of the other and native candidates for the office. none of these candidates had given any proof of statesmanlike powers or disinterested regard for the welfare of greece. lord cochrane judged, with good reason, that that welfare could only be promoted by placing at the head of affairs a man who had hitherto had no share in party strife, who had proved himself to be possessed of great abilities and of generous love for the nation of which, as a native of corfu, he was in some sort a citizen. unfortunately, though for this lord cochrane was in no way responsible, the management of affairs during the time that must elapse before capodistrias, if he accepted the office tendered to him, could enter upon it, was entrusted to a vice-governing commission composed of three inefficient men, georgios mavromichales, milaites of psara, and nakos of livadia. [ ] see especially trikoupes, vol. iv., p. , and gordon, vol. ii., p. . mr. finlay approves of the choice, but, not caring to say anything in favour of lord cochrane, makes no mention of his share in the work. vol. ii., p. . the most important business done by the troezene assembly was the installation of lord cochrane as first admiral of greece. this was done on the th of april. landing for the first time on the continent, lord cochrane proceeded in state on horseback for the distance of a mile and a-half that was between the shore and the lemon-grove. at the entrance he was met by kolokotrones, who embraced him, saying, "you are welcome;" words that were repeated by many other leading greeks, who attended and conducted him into the centre of the grove. there he was formally introduced to the delegates as the first admiral. through an interpreter he addressed to them a few sentences, urging the necessity of continued harmony, and of a prompt expedition against the turks, to be conducted both by sea and by land. after that, placing his hand on the hilt of his sword, he took the necessary oath: "i swear to shed my blood for the safety of the greeks and for the liberation of their country; i swear that i will not abandon their cause so long as they do not themselves abandon it, but sustain my efforts." the election of sir richard church as generalissimo of the land forces was, in like manner, completed on the th of april. the essential business for which lord cochrane had desired that the united national assembly should meet at troezene being now accomplished, he hoped that it would speedily adjourn, in order that the military leaders should be enabled to proceed at once to the work pressing urgently upon them. "the critical moment," said lord cochrane, in a letter addressed to them on the th of april, "has arrived in which you are called upon to decide whether the population of greece shall be annihilated or enslaved, your country peopled with barbarous hordes, and the name of greece blotted out from the list of independent nations." the national assembly, however, spent more than another month in idle discussions, and in disputing upon matters the settlement of which ought to have been postponed to a less perilous time. again and again lord cochrane had to impress upon them the necessity, in war as in council, of prompt and united action; but with very poor result. "once more i address you by letter," he wrote a few days later, "in the hope that you may be persuaded instantly to take measures to save your country from the ruin which protracted deliberations must at the present moment entail--ay, with as much certainty as a continuance of those dissensions which have hitherto so unhappily prevailed; and i follow this course the more readily in order that, as i have ever advocated liberal forms of government, my advice, that your assembly shall bring its labours to a close, shall not be misrepresented to greece and to the world. first, then, the agitated state of the country, by reason of the presence of the enemy, precludes the hope of obedience in ordinary course of law, which is as essential to the existence even of a shadow of republican forms as the practice of virtue and forbearance are to their reality--which, in states that would be free, ever must be accompanied by universal conviction in the public mind that power and wealth are not essential to the enjoyment of personal security, and are desirable or useful only as they promote the common welfare or administer to the wants or comforts of individuals themselves. the grecian people, however good, naturally cannot be expected instantly to practise virtues which are the offspring of long-established freedom. greece requires not, at the present moment, sage deliberations regarding permanent forms of government, nor permanent rulers; but she requires energetic authority, that she may be free at least from her foreign oppressors. if, without delay, the military officers take the field, if your labours be brought to a close and every citizen in his respective capacity exert himself to the utmost for the defence of his country, athens perhaps may yet be saved, although that object assuredly is rendered far more doubtful by the unfortunate delay that has already occurred." in entering upon his own share of the work no time was wasted by lord cochrane. he had already made himself acquainted with the naval resources of greece, and done much in devising measures for augmenting them. he had resolved upon the first enterprise to be entered upon; and, while rapidly completing his arrangements for it, he did everything in his power to quicken in the hearts of the greeks a patriotism as pure and zealous as was his own philanthropy. "to arms! to arms!" he wrote in a proclamation issued at this time. "one simultaneous effort, and greece is free. discord, the deadly foe you have had most to fear, is conquered. the task that now remains is easy. the youth everywhere fly to arms. the fate of the acropolis is no longer doubtful. the turks surrounded, their supplies cut off, the passes occupied, and retreat impossible, you can ensure the freedom of the classic plains of athens, again destined to become the seat of liberty, the sciences, and the arts. rest not content with such limited success. sheathe not the sword whilst the brutal turk, the enemy of the progress of civilization and improvement of the human mind, shall occupy one foot of that classic ground which once was yours. let the young seamen of the islands emulate the glory that awaits the military force. let them hasten to join the national ships, and, if denied your independence and rights, blockade the hellespont, thus carrying the war into the enemy's country. then the fate of the cruel sultan, the destroyer of his subjects, the tyrant taskmaster of a christian people, shall be sealed by the hands of the executioners who yet obey his bloody commands. then shall prophecy be fulfilled, and moslem sway be overthrown by the corruptions itself has engendered. then shall the sacred banner of the cross once more wave on the dome of saint sophia. then shall the grecian people live secure under the protection of just laws. then shall noble cities rise from their ruins, and the splendour of future times rival the days that are past." chapter xviii. the siege of athens.--the defenders of the acropolis.--the efforts of gordon and karaÏskakes.--lord cochrane's plan for cutting off the turkish supplies.--the arguments by which he was induced to proceed instead to the phalerum.--his arrival there.--his other arrangements for serving greece.--his first meeting with karaÏskakes.--the condition of the greek camp.--lord cochrane's position.--his efforts to give immediate relief to the acropolis, and the obstacles raised by the greeks.--karaÏskakes's delays, and general church's difficulties.--the convent of saint spiridion.--the battle of phalerum.--the capture of saint spiridion.--the massacre of the turks, and its consequences.--lord cochrane's renewed efforts to save the acropolis.--the death of karaÏskakes.--the march to the acropolis.--its failure through the perversity of the greeks.--the battle of athens.--the fall of the acropolis. [ .] after the conquest of missolonghi, by which all western greece was brought under turkish dominion, reshid pasha lost no time in proceeding to drive the greeks from athens, their chief stronghold in the east. the siege of the town had been begun by omar pasha of negropont, with a small ottoman force, on the st of june, . reshid arrived on the th of july, and, after much previous fighting, stormed athens so vigorously on the th of august, that the inhabitants were forced to abandon it. many of them, however, took refuge in the acropolis, where a strong garrison was established under the tyrannical rule of goura, and in this fortress the defence was maintained for nearly two months. goura died in october, and the rivalries of the officers whom he had held in awe, now allowed to have free exercise, threatened to make easy the further triumph of the besiegers. the citadel must have surrendered, but for the timely arrival of karaïskakes and fabvier, each with a strong body of troops, who diverted the enemy by formidable attacks in the rear. karaïskakes and his force continued, with various success, to watch and harass the enemy from without. on the th of december fabvier, by a brilliant exploit, forced his way into the acropolis with about six hundred men. he had intended only to give it temporary relief, but many of the native chiefs, gladly taking advantage of the arrival of a body for which, conjointly with the garrison already established, there was not room in the fortress, hastily departed. thus the leadership of the garrison, comprising about a thousand soldiers, with whom were four or five hundred women and children, and more than forty philhellenes from france, switzerland, germany, and italy, devolved upon colonel fabvier. the besiegers numbered about seven thousand picked soldiers, including a regiment of cavalry veterans and a good train of artillery. the greek regulars and irregulars, including a corps of philhellenes, commanded by captain inglesi, who attempted to raise the siege, varied, at different times, from two or three thousand to seven or eight thousand. that was the state of affairs when lord cochrane arrived in greece. that the expulsion of the turks from attica and the recovery of athens was the first great work to be attempted was clear to every one, whether native or philhellene, who had the welfare of greece at heart; but opinions varied as to the best mode of procedure. nearly all previous efforts had been aimed at the direct attack of the besiegers in athens and its neighbourhood. general gordon had established a camp of about three thousand men at munychia, the hill from which, two and twenty centuries before, thrasybulus had gone down to deliver athens from the thirty tyrants; and karaïskakes, with some two thousand five hundred followers, was stationed at keratsina, on the other side of the piræus. but the operations of both leaders were restrained by reshid pasha's establishment of a garrison in the monastery of saint spiridion, midway between the two camps; and, without wiser leaders than the greeks had hitherto possessed, there seemed small chance of their chasing the enemy from his strong positions. another plan, feebly recommended and yet more feebly attempted before lord cochrane's arrival, was to starve him out by intercepting the supplies of provisions that were brought from turkey by way of the northern channel of the negropont, to be sent overland from oropos, a well-fortified magazine on the northern shore of attica. lord cochrane saw at once that this latter course was the one most likely to be of service, or, at any rate, the one rightly devolving upon him, while general church was pursuing his operations nearer to athens; and he was strengthened in this conviction by discussion on the subject with general gordon, who came for a short visit to poros, on the st of march, in his own yacht. to this end he laboured while he was waiting for the reconciliation of parties and the official recognition of his employment as first admiral. "the fate of athens," he wrote, both to kolokotrones and to karaïskakes, on the th of march, "depends upon our depriving the enemy of the provisions obtained by him from the north. the general and the soldiers who first devote themselves to this object will have the glory of raising the siege. for myself, i offer the heartiest co-operation of the fleet, accompanied by two thousand brave marines, and the use of all the war-steamers and transports in any port of eastern attica. there is not a moment to be lost." this proposal was rejected by kolokotrones. on the nd of april, karaïskakes sent an ambiguous acceptance of it, which he cancelled on the th. "we are so mixed up with the enemy," he wrote, "that if we abandon the smallest of our positions we must resign ourselves to the loss of all. the turks are so embarrassed by us that they can offer only a feeble siege to the acropolis. of this i am assured by several greeks who have lately come from their camp. therefore, my lord, i am deterred from assailing the enemy from the north; and i have the boldness to assure and promise you that, if you will aid me here, athens will be free in a few days. with the help of two thousand good recruits, the enemy will not be able to resist our enthusiasm. i implore you, in the name of greece, to assist me as soon as possible with the means of destroying him and of saving athens." that letter, and the advice of all in office, whether military or civil, to the same effect, altered lord cochrane's plans. "as he," said gordon, who afterwards blamed him on this account, "unacquainted with the country and the language, could not form a correct judgment on the innumerable reports transmitted to him, it is not surprising that he was deceived by letters written from the acropolis, and entrusted to soldiers who, disguised as turks or albanians, slipped from time to time through the enemy's lines. in these epistles, fabvier and the other chiefs painted their situation in the blackest colours, carefully concealing the fact of their having provisions for many months."[ ] by them native greeks and foreigners long resident in the country were deceived. lord cochrane, still clinging to his project for injuring the turks by cutting off their supplies, was constrained to defer it for the present, and in compliance with the requests of the government, of general church, and of karaïskakes, to co-operate in the direct attack upon the enemy in the piræus. "i now agree with you," he wrote to the latter, on the th of april, "that the time is past when a movement in the rear of the turks, and the cutting off of their provisions, could have the effect of saving the acropolis, and i see clearly the justice of your observation that a decisive blow must be struck at once against the enemy. the eyes of europe are turned towards greece, and on the success or failure of the measures now to be adopted depends the support of your glorious cause, or its abandonment in despair." [ ] gordon, vol. ii., p. . as gordon was with lord cochrane at the time, and on intimate relations with him, it is strange, unless he himself, with far less excuse, shared the error for which he blamed him, that he did not advise him to pursue his former plan. compare trikoupes, vol. iv., p. , who blames and involuntarily acquits lord cochrane almost in the same breath. something was done by lord cochrane at once, however, towards the fulfilment of his first design. he despatched captain abney hastings, with the _karteria_ and five other vessels, to the gulf of volo and the channel of negropont, with orders to seize as many turkish provision-ships as he could there find within the next fourteen days. one expedition was very successful. off volo, on the th of april, hastings found eight transports protected by the guns of the fort. he silenced the guns, captured five of the vessels, and destroyed the other three. he then passed down the channel, and near tricheri fell in with a turkish brig-of-war, which, after some skilful fighting, he destroyed by shells that exploded her powder magazine. after that he proceeded to kumi, where he captured a store of grain, and reached poros within the time appointed. in the meanwhile lord cochrane had gone to the bay of athens as soon as he could complete his arrangements for the present and future employment of the greek shipping. "four of the largest brigs at poros are in process of equipment," he wrote to the government on the th of april, "and five of the fastest small sailing vessels of spetzas, and eight transports, with a thousand men, are ready at hydra to proceed on service. the frigate _hellas_ is victualled for two months, four gun-boats have been ordered to be built, and fireships are in progress in addition to those which were already fitted out. the expenses of these preparations have been, or will be, defrayed out of the funds in my possession. in addition to these disbursements, a very considerable sum, out of the money destined for the naval service, has been advanced by me for military purposes. i consider that the fate of greece depends, in a great measure, on pecuniary aid from the rest of europe, and such aid on the probability of ultimate success; but assuredly it will not be afforded if greece proves unable or unwilling to exert herself against the handful of sickly and enfeebled turks who continue to besiege the acropolis of athens." on the th of april, lord cochrane passed from poros to salamis in the _hellas_, attended by twelve brigs and schooners from hydra and spetzas. in his pay were a thousand hydriots, two hundred cretans, and a corps of roumeliots. on the same day, general church embarked with three thousand soldiers collected in the morea, under gennaios kolokotrones, chrisanthos sessini, and others. these new supplies, with the troops already at keratsina and munychia, composed a force of about ten thousand men. five days were spent in organising this force, over which sir richard church, though nominally generalissimo, had very little real command. the delay and the want of discipline which caused it were alike annoying to lord cochrane, whose little fleet was anchored in the small bay of phalerum, his hydriot recruits, under major gordon urquhart, being established on the adjoining shore. on the th he received a four hours' visit on board the _hellas_ from karaïskakes, a tall, bony, athletic man, small-featured, and swarthy, with flashing eyes, and a lively tongue, about forty years of age. on the th he and general church went to inspect the camp of the famous greek leader at keratsina. it gave but slight evidence of military organization, and both officers and men appeared to lord cochrane more willing to talk than to fight. his presence among them, however, stirred up a new and fitful enthusiasm. on this occasion he brought with him a large blue and white flag, with an owl, the national emblem of greece, painted on the centre, which had been conveyed from marseilles. the flag was unfurled in the presence of seven thousand greek soldiers, within sight of the turkish camp. through his interpreter, lord cochrane briefly addressed the soldiers, urging them, for love of their country, and for their own honour and welfare, to unite in a prompt and vigorous attack on the enemy. then, firmly planting the flag in the ground, he exclaimed, "soldiers, whoever of you will lodge this flag on the summit of the acropolis, shall receive from me, as a reward of his bravery, a thousand dollars, and ten times that sum shall be my share of the recompense to the force that accompanies him!" great applause, of course, followed that announcement, but not much more than applause. lord cochrane's popularity with the troops and their leaders, for the time at any rate, was unbounded. karaïskakes, niketas, zavella, notaras, makriyannes, gennaios kolokotrones, and all the other captains vied with one another in offering fulsome adulation to him, and pledging themselves to yield implicit obedience to his instructions. by word, indeed, they were more submissive than he wished. he had to remind them that he was admiral of the fleet, not generalissimo on land, and that the latter office was held by sir richard church. unfortunately, karaïskakes and his followers were, from the first, jealous of general church; and general church, accustomed only to the management of a small disciplined band, was unequal to the troublesome duties appertaining to him as controller of a heterogeneous crowd of irregular soldiers, most of them trained as brigands, and accustomed to the half-lawless rule of their own petty officers. hardly a day passed in which he did not complain bitterly to lord cochrane of the obstructions thrown in his way; and lord cochrane had to take upon himself the thankless functions of a mediator between a good-hearted commander-in-chief and his disaffected subordinates. this state of things would at any time have been irksome to him. it was especially so in the condition of affairs represented to him. each day fresh reports were brought of the desperate state of the acropolis. "the affairs of the fortress of athens," we read in one document, signed by seven leaders of the besieged, and dated the nd of april, "have arrived at a very critical height, and no longer any remedy is expected from within, and therefore the besieged are obliged to address themselves to the government of greece and to the commanders of her forces, and to urge them to adopt the best, the speediest, and the most efficient measures to relieve the citadel. the government and the commanders have always replied with promises of the most positive kind to raise the siege in a very few days. we can no longer believe their word. to give you further intelligence, we send now five men, who will tell you verbally what we cannot describe. if, however, they do not persuade you, we tell you this is our last letter. we will wait five days longer, and we can hold out no more. we have been brothers, and remain so during dearth, sickness, and all evils. our nature is like that of all men: we can suffer no more than others. we are neither angels nor workers of miracles, to raise the dead, or do impossible things. if any evil should happen, we are not to blame, nor has god to condemn us in anything." the bearers of this letter, and others who brought a like report, were carefully examined by lord cochrane, and by them he was solemnly assured that the garrison of the acropolis, destitute of provisions and every other necessary, could not possibly hold out more than five days longer. he and all others were deceived; but he alone thoroughly felt the urgent need of instant action. "as i perceive the ruin of greece," he wrote to karaïskakes on the rd of april, "in the delay now taking place, and as i have every reason to believe that intrigues are carrying on by persons of desperate fortune and worthless character, with a view to promote their private ends, they not being aware that the subjection of greece to a foreign power will ultimately destroy the hopes which they entertain, i take the liberty of urging, as an officer who has some character to lose in this affair, that your excellency should caution the officers of your army against the vain belief that intrigues at the present moment can produce any other effect than the ruin of themselves and their country. the education which my countrymen, in common with myself, have received, leads to an attachment to the cause of greece amounting to enthusiasm, and this feeling cannot but be increased by viewing the monuments of her ancient grandeur. i am ready to do my utmost to promote the interests of your country, but i am by no means willing to allow myself to be made the puppet of intriguers. i shall put an end to intrigue in the navy or i shall quit it, and i trust your excellency will excuse me if i adopt the same resolutions respecting the army, if you yourself cannot put it down. i have been but a short time in greece, but have taken effectual measures to obtain that sort of information which is necessary for my guidance. this has led me to the resolution to act by myself and for greece, so far as i can, whenever i find that others are either disinclined or unable to co-operate. i have moved the transports close to the phalerum in order that they may be more conveniently situated when i shall learn the determination of your excellency and the officers in your camp. if that determination is to relieve athens the night of the th is passed, the marines whom i have hired, paid, and victualled, shall co-operate; if not, i shall try to render them serviceable in some other quarter, and i will denounce to the world as traitors to their country those intriguers who are the cause of the captivity and perhaps annihilation of the garrison in the acropolis. my advice to your excellency is, that passing the tambourias by night, without firing a shot, you join our troops in the olive-grove, where i will take care they shall meet your excellency, if such is your pleasure. i have been anxious that the glory of relieving athens should accrue to a greek, and especially to your excellency. that object i am ready to promote by every means in my power. the friendly manner in which we the other day met will cause me to regret, if in my next letter i shall be obliged to bid your excellency adieu for ever." that letter to karaïskakes was followed by one, written on the th, to general church. "in forty-eight hours," wrote lord cochrane, "the question of relieving athens will be at a close. i have told karaïskakes what i think of the state of affairs, and have made up my mind to act accordingly; taking upon myself all the responsibility of not looking longer on tambouria disputes whilst it seems resolved by the greeks themselves not to march to the relief of athens. i have not sent the transports to attica to raise the miserable inhabitants at this hour, when too late for them to be of the least use in relieving the acropolis. if i had done so, i should have the load on my conscience of causing their heads to be struck off. i can assure you, sir richard, that colonel gordon and myself laboured long ago to prevail on karaïskakes to do this, but he resisted every application, for reasons which it will be well if he can satisfactorily explain hereafter. if your men will not come on, and karaïskakes's men will not in the night pass those miserable tambourias, which in that case are no impediment, what is the use of my detaining the squadron here? i have viewed the bugbear of a convent this day from opposite sides, and it is no more in karaïskakes's way than the church of poros. "since writing the above," lord cochrane added, "i have received your note requesting that six hundred men shall be transported hence to karaïskakes's head-quarters in the rear. the naval funds have been expended and our funds exhausted in bringing forces nearer to the enemy. i am sure if you reflect on this demand of his, and that karaïskakes's head-quarters are twice as far from athens as the phalerum, you will be of the opinion that it would be better to bring an equal number, or even the whole of karaïskakes's force here, and endeavour immediately to do something effectual to save fabvier and the garrison from the inevitable destruction consequent on the present mode of proceeding. if karaïskakes wants more men he wants them to take tambourias, and not to march past them as he ought, for his present position is of no use whatever. do cause some rational mode of proceeding to be adopted, or let us give it up; for we are now only in the way by occasioning jealousy and promoting the vilest intrigues." the "bugbear of a convent," which karaïskakes wished first to capture, was the monastery of saint spiridion, occupied by a few scores of turks, who from it overlooked the greek encampments on each side, the one at piræus, the other at munychia, with a distant view of lord cochrane's station at phalerum and of sir richard church's on the other side. finding that karaïskakes would not join with church and press on to athens, at a distance of about seven miles, lord cochrane had urged the co-operation of all the forces at cape colias, whence the way to athens was only about five miles long. karaïskakes, however, refused this plan also. he maintained that the only safe course was to preserve his position and strengthen it by the formation of innumerable small circular earthworks, known as tambourias, within which the soldiers could crouch by day and lie securely on the bare ground at night. in this way he hoped to starve out the garrison at saint spiridion, the capture of which he deemed essential before any formidable attempt was made upon the main body of the turkish camp, in athens and around it, and especially under the walls of the acropolis. in vain lord cochrane urged that this mode of warfare, tardy and expensive enough at the best of times, was cruelly reprehensible when they considered the wretched state in which the garrison of the acropolis was supposed to be, and the prospect of its speedy evacuation. karaïskakes refused to move, answering each appeal by unreasonable demands upon lord cochrane for supplies of ammunition and provisions, which it was no part of his duty to supply out of the residue of the insignificant sum of , l. supplied to him out of the greek loan for naval purposes.[ ] it may be that karaïskakes--a bold and shrewd man--was not personally responsible for his inactivity. his army was little more than a commonwealth of small bands, of which each leader claimed an authoritative share in all deliberations, and owed, even to him, only a nominal subjection. but if we acquit him individually of cowardice, we only throw the greater blame on the greek force as a whole. that it was blameworthy is clear. "your lordship," wrote sir richard church in answer to the letter just quoted, "is not aware of all the difficulties i had to encounter in passing our troops who had all struck for pay. not one would move. however, that difficulty is now nearly over and the greater part are passing to the camp at this moment." [ ] trikoupes, gordon, finlay, and all the other authorities, say that lord cochrane had , l. he had only been supplied with , l; and nearly all this sum had been already disposed of in fitting out the fleet at poros, and paying the seamen's wages. unexpected boldness was forced upon them on the th of april. "i am now in a position," wrote lord cochrane to general church at eight o'clock in the morning from the piræus, "to carry you all over to the rear of the enemy, if karaïskakes's army have the courage to walk to this point, which is in their own possession, in order to land on the opposite shore at two hundred yards distance, and whereon is not a living soul. i can make such a diversion by means of the seamen at night as would enable karaïskakes's army to move on by land towards the phalerum, whilst those on the phalerum, with the exception of a few, might take up a position near athens or in the town. i can embark you and yours, and leave karaïskakes's men without food, taking all the provisions to the advanced post, leaving him to starve or come on." that desperate expedient was averted. two or three hours after suggesting it, lord cochrane was superintending the debarkation of some thirty soldiers, under cover of two gunboats. a party of ottomans, seeing the operation, hurried down with the intention of harassing the new comers. lord cochrane's hydriots, however, rushed to the rescue. other turkish troops came up, to be met by other greeks, and the battle became general. lord cochrane, with nothing but his telescope in his hand, gathered the christian troops round him, and, with encouraging words, led them on in an orderly attack upon the entrenchments about the monastery of saint spiridion. within an hour, nine entrenchments were in the hands of the greeks, who lost only eight men. sixty turks were slain, and then their comrades fled, most of them hurrying up to the camp of athens, a few betaking themselves to the convent. "the greeks," wrote lord cochrane to the government, "have this day done as their forefathers were wont to do. henceforth commences a new era in the system of modern grecian warfare. if every one behaves to-morrow as all, without exception, have behaved to-day, the siege of the acropolis will be raised and the liberty of greece secured." by this success the turks, with exception of the garrison in the convent, were driven back to the neighbourhood of athens, and karaïskakes was encouraged to remove his camp from keratsina to the piræus. at a council of war held the same evening lord cochrane urged a sudden and united attack upon the turkish camp on the morrow. karaïskakes, however, declined to move a step further until the monastery was captured, and, as general church agreed with this view, lord cochrane assented to it. early next morning the bombardment of the monastery was begun. the _hellas_, commanded by miaoulis, discharged her heavy guns upon it during several hours, with such effect that it seemed to be only a mass of ruins. it was feebly invested by karaïskakes on land. but its garrison held out with excellent bravery. thrice the greeks tried to storm it; but thrice they were driven back. in the evening the turks solicited an armistice, and offered to capitulate on condition that they should be allowed to retire with all their arms and properties: and this proposal karaïskakes was inclined to accept. lord cochrane, however, contended that they should have nothing but bare life. while this was being discussed, the turks perfidiously assassinated a greek messenger sent to treat with them, and fired upon a boat in which lord cochrane's secretary, mr. edward masson, was carrying the flag of truce. thereupon, the chief admiral refused to hear any more of a compromise. returning to his ship, he ordered the bombardment of the convent to be resumed, and besought karaïskakes to continue storming it by land. this was done throughout the th, but unsuccessfully, because unwillingly. the greeks asserted that the turkish garrison was utterly without provisions and water. lord cochrane urged that, if it was so, a small detachment of the greek army and the ships of war would suffice for its investment, while the main force marched boldly on to athens before the terror inspired by its recent achievements had died out. he reproached them with cowardice, and threatened to leave them unless they took prompt measures for completing their triumph. "the services of the navy," he wrote to karaïskakes, "are immediately required for other purposes than those of attending upon an inactive army. my duty i am determined to execute in all possible ways in which my services can benefit greece. i shall therefore be gratified if, in reply to this letter, you will inform me if it is in your power to make the army advance, and if that advance will take place before to-morrow night. it will give me the greatest pleasure to co-operate with you in all manner of ways, but my desire to that effect is rendered null if those under your orders will not conform to your wishes or obey your commands." to the same effect lord cochrane wrote, on the following morning, to general church. "the convent and its walls," he said, "have been levelled to the ground. the rubbish alone remains on the southern side towards the shipping; and it appears that not more than one hundred of those it contained, or who fled within its walls for safety, now remain to oppose, or assault, or threaten, the rear of the greek army, should you be able to prevail on its leaders to advance. i should remind those leaders that, independently of the army, i have full fifteen hundred men under my command, a thousand of whom, being on shore now at this port, are more than sufficient to blockade these ruins or destroy all within; which last event might have taken place yesterday had it not been that the seamen were removed from the positions which they had stormed and taken, in the neighbourhood of the convent, and soldiers placed in their stead--a circumstance which seems to have given them offence, so that they leave the storming of the ruins of the convent to those thus placed, as they say, in the post of honour. these feelings, in such minds--however proper the proceedings may have been in a military point of view--i cannot prevent or remove. time, provisions, and money, are wasting in inaction. the enemy is concentrating troops and fortifying positions around athens, each of which positions will be a pretext for delay; even were i not aware that abundant excuses of other kinds will not be wanting--such as the arrival of a few hundred cavalry from negropont or the like; so that i really begin to despair of one step being made in advance for the relief of the acropolis. i know the difficulties of your situation, and i fear that they are more than even your energy can surmount. when you shall have done your utmost towards the end we have in view, i shall make one effort for the safety of the unfortunate women and children who are threatened with immediate destruction or perpetual slavery. pray let me have a decisive reply as to what is to be done, and when." general church's reply is instructive. "i have read your letter with great attention," he wrote, "and fully enter into your view of affairs. the hydriots are unquestionably the best to storm, if anybody will storm. the soldiers that they say have taken their post were placed to co-operate in a general assault, and i had made an arrangement with a chief who certainly displayed considerable courage the other day. i gave him directions to collect a band, or forlorn hope, of volunteers to lead with, and he is to have five hundred dollars for himself and five hundred for his band. had it not rained--however ridiculous it may seem to say so--i am sure that a storming party would have advanced yesterday evening, and i hope it will do so to-day. in fact, the rain yesterday almost dispersed the whole camp, and many of our outposts were quite abandoned. if the hydriots will advance, i will order the others away immediately. you have no idea of my anxiety to move on, and i cannot express it. karaïskakes is at this moment going round his outposts. as soon as he returns, i shall send for him and combine with him, _bon gré mal gré_, an advance for to-night or to-morrow. i will let you know as soon as we have had our conference. i think, my lord, that if the weather clears up, we shall be able still to storm, and perhaps a little firing again would have the effect of rousing the fellows." soldiers who could only fight in fine weather were hardly fit to rescue greece in the heaviest pressure of her misfortunes. on the previous night something like a mutiny had been occasioned by lord cochrane's complaints at their inactivity. even karaïskakes sympathised with his captains. "we shall not go well with these english," he said; "i fear they will ruin us by their impatience. they cannot restrain themselves. but we must make the best we can of them." sir richard church, fired with lord cochrane's ardour, would not be made the best of, according to the views of karaïskakes and his followers. the letter from him last quoted was followed within an hour by a brief one:--"my lord, i have the honour to inform you that i have given over the command to general karaïskakes." karaïskakes and the greek officers were thus left, at about ten o'clock in the morning of the th, to work out their own devices. at eleven, lord cochrane received orders to cease the firing which he had reopened from the guns of the _hellas_. the movements which, through his telescope, he saw in process within the convent walls and at its gate induced him to send strict orders to major urquhart to withdraw his hydriot marines from their post near the convent, and station them on the summit of munychia. the turks had again sent offers of capitulation, and karaïskakes, now uncontrolled by lord cochrane or general church, and in contempt of his positive assertion, made two days before, that the garrison had not a ration of provisions left and could easily be starved into utter submission, had acceded to their terms. it was agreed that they were to be allowed to surrender with all the honours of war. bearing their arms and all their property, they were to pass unmolested into the turkish camp on the hills. karaïskakes must be blamed for this excess of generosity; but, to his credit be it stated, that, having agreed to the capitulation, he took all reasonable care to have it honourably observed. along the road leading from the gate of the convent to the fortifications on the hills he ranged soldiers on either side, in order that the turks might be protected from the crowd of less disciplined soldiers. all looked well as the two hundred and seventy men, women, and children who had been locked within the shattered building passed out of it and began their march. but no sooner was the convent evacuated than a swarm of greeks rushed into it, each hoping to seize the largest share of the booty which they expected to find. they found nothing, and then angrily rushed out again to inform their comrades of their disappointment. lord cochrane watched their proceedings from the deck of the _unicorn_, general gordon and mr. finlay, who was then serving as a volunteer on gordon's staff, being by his side. "all those men will be murdered!" exclaimed mr. finlay, pointing to the retreating turks. lord cochrane, not yet initiated in all the depths of greek treachery, turned in horror to general gordon and said, "do you hear what he says?" "my lord," answered gordon, "i fear it is too true."[ ] [ ] finlay, vol. ii., p. . and so it proved. a greek soldier, pushing through the guard, snatched at the sword of one of the turks passing along the line. the turk resisted, and a scuffle followed. two or three other turks raised their muskets and fired. a score of greeks at once retaliated. a shadow of an excuse was thus afforded to the christians for wreaking vengeance for all the ills they had endured from the enemy, and for giving vent to their anger at finding no prizes in the deserted convent. a horrible massacre ensued. two hundred or more turks were murdered. less than seventy escaped. "forgive me, as i forgive you," shouted karaïskakes to the moslems, after vainly trying to stay the slaughter; "i can do nothing more for you." "islanders," wrote lord cochrane, in a proclamation to his hydriot force, "i was no party to the capitulation this day. fearing that some outrage might be committed, i sent you an order to retire; and i glory in the consciousness that i have saved you as well as myself from being inculpated in the most horrid scene i ever beheld,--a scene which freezes my blood, and which cannot be palliated by any barbarities which the turks have committed on you. i send you the thousand dollars which i promised should be distributed, as a reward for your valour and for your obedience to my directions, which you will ever find lead to the path of honour and humanity and the duty we owe to your country." utter confusion among the greeks resulted, for a time, from the barbarous massacre of saint spiridion. the soldiers quarrelled and fought over the blood-stained spoil. the officers were occupied with mutual recriminations and excuses regarding their several shares in the atrocity. karaïskakes found himself unable to establish order, and had to entreat sir richard church to take back his surrendered authority. to this general church assented on the promise that, if he did so, he should be aided in bringing the chief wrong-doers to justice. indeed, both he and lord cochrane hoped, for a little while, that their very misconduct, filling the greeks with shame and penitence, would incline them to listen to the counsels in which they both saw the only chance of safety to the garrison of the acropolis. "the destinies of greece," wrote lord cochrane to karaïskakes, on the th of april, "the fate of your army, and the character of its chiefs, are now wholly in the hands of your excellency. you and you alone will be held responsible for all that shall happen. the hour of clemency for greece is past; the sword alone can decide the contest. courage is a characteristic of men who deserve to be free. let then the conduct of a few atrocious individuals yesterday be effaced by a march direct to athens, at least to relieve the women and children now doomed to destruction, if prompt exertions be not made to save them. your excellency has hitherto treated my friendly advice in a manner which i did not anticipate; but the world will judge between the course you have taken and that which i wished you, for the benefit of your country, to pursue. i shall wait three days for your excellency's reply, when it will be my duty, if the fortress be not relieved, to attend exclusively to naval affairs. i hope you will reflect on the glory you may yet attain by saving your country, and on the ruinous consequences of persevering in inaction until the last resources of war shall be exhausted." karaïskakes's only answer was that the army was in urgent need of spades and shovels, with which he hoped that lord cochrane would supply him, as without those means of making fresh tambourias he could not move from his encampment. lord cochrane was reasonably indignant. "i confess," he wrote in reply, "that i am now in despair of your making any movement for the relief of the acropolis, because i have now ascertained that, all the obstacles which first presented themselves to your excellency being overcome, others successively present themselves, to put off the day of your march to the acropolis. i have made a diversion here this day in favour of your excellency, which, by all the rules of military tactics, must increase the relative strength of your army and facilitate its march. my time and attention must now be devoted to naval matters, and unless you advance this evening, i shall have deeply and bitterly to regret, for the sake of greece, that i ever put faith in anything being accomplished by individuals to whom so many difficulties, which my experience has taught me to be imaginary, present themselves. i recall to your excellency's recollection your promises and assurances, and i call upon you to make some effort to save your country from inevitable ruin. i solemnly declare that it is my opinion that a thousand men who would obey orders and do their duty are more than are necessary to perform the task at which your excellency hesitates. i shall be oppressed with grief if, after the scene of yesterday, i am compelled to return, first, to the seat of government, and next to europe, without having witnessed any deed that can tend to obliterate the stain thereby affixed on the grecian people." "i am making my last effort," wrote lord cochrane to dr. gosse, "to get karaïskakes to advance. the monastery is taken, its defenders are destroyed, and now the sheepfold on the other side of the phalerum is the obstacle. we want mortars, shells, and fuses, shoes for the seamen, and food for the mob denominated falsely the army of greece." the letter to karaïskakes had some effect. on the th of april, general church wrote to say that he had persuaded the greek captains to agree unanimously to an immediate movement against athens. two thousand men were to go, during the following night, by water to the neighbourhood of cape colias, and thence march stealthily to a hill about a mile south of athens, which they hoped to seize and secure under cover of the darkness. during the next evening, a force about twice as large was to join them by the same route, and all were to do their best to drive the turks from their encampments round the acropolis. this was lord cochrane's plan; and there can be no doubt that it would have been successful had the greeks acted upon it and done their duty. unfortunately they did neither. having promised overnight, they found reasons in the morning for breaking their promises. nothing was done on the st of may, and lord cochrane, tired of their excuses for procrastination, paid a brief visit to the authorities at poros. the result was, that he thought of going without the greek leaders. "i have seen the government," he wrote to sir richard church on the nd, "and prepared them for the worst, should things go on as they have hitherto done. they are incapable of applying any remedy. therefore, the more credit will be due to you if you shall be enabled to save the garrison of the acropolis; in which endeavour count on my utmost exertions and most unlimited co-operation. i hope now you will be able to act without karaïskakes. in addition to your own people, i can provide two thousand marines, seamen, and volunteers. with these, if you land at night to the eastward, you may be in the neighbourhood of athens in two hours; and then there is the garrison of fifteen hundred in addition to co-operate, making in the whole a force of nearly five thousand, without taking a soldier from karaïskakes's tambourias. if, however, you judge well to have volunteers from karaïskakes's camp, i shall offer , piastres amongst all who will accompany you or meet you at athens; by which means i have little doubt you will find karaïskakes deserted, and the whole mob at the gates of athens. all the vessels are at your service." sir richard church feared to undertake the exploit without the co-operation of karaïskakes, and, on again consulting him, he was informed that a fresh supply of entrenching tools was necessary. lord cochrane immediately sent messengers to procure them, but was none the less annoyed at what seemed to him an unnecessary excuse, and again threatened to take his ships where they could do good work for greece. "you have done everything in your power," wrote sir richard to him on the rd of may, "and so have i. the soldiers will not embark without the entrenching tools. all we could collect do not amount to two hundred and fifty. i would have gone without one, but no one will follow me. i cannot say more; but to-morrow we may be more fortunate. i cannot say to you stay or otherwise. if you go, i cannot deplore it more than yourself." lord cochrane consented to wait till the morrow, and on the morrow an incident occurred which caused a little further delay. on the th of may a small body of greeks, chiefly hydriots, went on a skirmishing expedition. at first they were successful, and they had nearly won a redoubt, when a large force of turks suddenly assailed them on the flank, and drove them back to phalerum with a loss of nearly a hundred men. karaïskakes, hearing of this reverse, hurried to the rescue, and with the bravery which was never wanting to him when in actual battle, sought to rally the fugitives. he was on the point of leading them back, when a ball from a pistol struck him in the belly. he was conveyed, in a dying state, to general church's schooner. regret at his previous vacillations seems to have filled his mind. "where is cochrane? bring cochrane to me!" he exclaimed over and over again. lord cochrane soon arrived. karaïskakes, on seeing him, murmured repeated thanks to him for his forbearance towards himself and his devotion to the cause of the greeks. in his eagerness, he seized the interpreter, mr. masson, by the beard, and, pointing towards cape colias, said, with all the strength he could muster, "tell them to be sure to land the division over there to-morrow." then, not doubting that the expedition would be successful, he uttered solemn thanks to heaven that he was dying in the moment of victory. then he made his will--a soldier's will. "i leave my sword and my gun to my son. tell him to remember they belonged to karaïskakes." he had little else to leave, having always been free from the avarice by which many of his countrymen were disgraced. he died in the night, and in him greece lost the worthiest of her native warriors. his faults were the faults of his nation. many of his virtues were his own. had his followers been as brave and honest as he was in his best moments, he might have led them on to easy victory. but they wavered and procrastinated, and, in listening to their excuses, he lost his chance of triumph and subjected himself to blame, for which his brave death only half atoned. on the evening of the th, lord cochrane assembled the greek captains at munychia, and telling them of their leader's dying message, asked whether they were ready to obey it. for some time they made no answer. at length, on the question being repeated, they replied that they thought they had only been brought thither to hear from the admiral words of consolation for the loss they had sustained in the death of the brave and wise karaïskakes. being asked a third time whether they would obey the dying injunction of the leader for whom they now mourned so much, they answered that they were not ready, that the army was in disorder, that some of them were occupied in burying the slain, that some were tending the wounded, and that all desired to stay near their chief as long as the soul was in his body, and to have at any rate the opportunity of kissing his body before its burial. with some bitterness, lord cochrane replied that such an excess of grief was inopportune, and that their love for karaïskakes would be best shown in obeying his last command. he added that, if they really refused to go to the rescue of the acropolis, they would not need his presence on the coast and could not complain of his going to serve greece elsewhere. having said that, he returned to his ship. he had not been long on board, however, when a messenger followed him with intelligence that the army would adopt his plan and be ready, without fail, to proceed to the acropolis on the following evening. there was no further procrastination, and throughout the next day preparations were being made for what one historian of the greek revolution calls "a whim,"[ ] and another "an insane scheme."[ ] [ ] trikoupes, vol. iv., p. . [ ] gordon, vol. ii., p. . "the scheme," says one who was in close attendance on lord cochrane all through this time, mr. edward masson, "was anything but insane. it was one of the most sober, safe, and practicable plans ever formed. the first and fundamental condition on which lord cochrane consented to co-operate in any plan of landing troops at cape colias was, that the troops landed should not expose themselves to an attack of cavalry in the plains, but should, on being landed, proceed by a night march, in compact order, and without halting, to a specified rocky height beyond the temple of jupiter olympus, a position which, it was admitted by all, they could hold with perfect safety during the day. from this position, the leaders were to try to communicate, by signals or otherwise, with the garrison, and in concert with it, act as circumstances might dictate. should the garrison resolve to make a sortie, the main body of the greek army advancing simultaneously from the phalerum, it was confidently hoped that the combined attack on the enemy would prove victorious; or, at least, would be so far successful, as to enable the greeks to save the garrison and bring away the families. the great characteristic of the plan was, that nothing should be risked in reference to the enemy's cavalry, and that if the detachment should find they could accomplish nothing, they should, on the following night, return as they went, in safety, and be embarked for the phalerum." unfortunately, the two main points on which lord cochrane had insisted were neglected, and thereby what must otherwise have been a brilliant victory was turned into a miserable defeat. he had insisted upon the movement from cape colias being aided by the march of the main body of the army direct from the piræus to the hills, thus diverting the attention of many of the turks while the advancing party and the garrison were uniting; but zavella, to whom this part of the work had been entrusted, never moved at all. he had urged yet more strongly that the preparations for the advance should be so hastened as that all the ground should be travelled over during the night-time, while the turks were in ignorance of it; but instead of that, the greeks, though they were embarked at phalerum by midnight, and landed at cape colias before two o'clock in the morning, loitered near the shore till daylight, so that their whole enterprise was exposed to the enemy. the critics who have laid the blame of the disaster on lord cochrane have neglected to show how these circumstances caused the failure of the enterprise. the story of the disaster of the th of may will be best told in the words of an eye-witness. "about three thousand soldiers," said dr. gosse, in a letter written to m. eynard on the rd, "were embarked in the night between the th and the th of may, in a clear moonlight, and in the most perfect order, and promptly landed on the other shore. up to that time everything favoured our enterprise; but the treason and negligence of the chiefs, and the indolence of some of the soldiers, altogether destroyed it. instead of marching directly to athens during the night, they employed themselves in constructing redoubt after redoubt, as bad as they were useless, of the sort called by them tambourias. we counted a dozen. only the suliots, the candiots, commanded by demetrius kalerdji, two hundred regular troops, under the orders of inglesi and d'aujourd'hui, and twenty-two philhellenes, went in advance. without any hindrance, they reached within cannon-shot of the acropolis, towards philippapus, so that, as i have heard, they could even speak with the besieged; but, having received no orders to enter, they waited until the day rendered their position hazardous. the enemy thus had time to ascertain their weakness and to send against them eight hundred horsemen. thrice these troops were repulsed. vasso and notaras, however, who covered the right flank, abandoned their posts, as they had done in the affair of the unfortunate bourbakes, and thereby they caused confusion among the troops in the centre. the latter defended themselves with renewed valour, but yielded at last to the sabres of the dehli cavalry. then was exhibited such a panic as cannot be described. the soldiers who occupied the redoubts in the rear, and near to the place of debarkation, began to flee almost at the same time as those of vasso, and threw themselves into the sea at the risk of being drowned. i was at this time with lord cochrane, who did not wish to mix himself up with the affair, when the sudden flight forced us at once to rejoin our boat, and even this was not done without great difficulty. general church was also on the shore, and he too was only saved by the sloop which was waiting for him. the turkish cavalry, after having killed or captured all the advanced party, rushed into the plain and made terrible havoc among the greeks. seven hundred of them were killed; and two hundred and forty were taken prisoners. the rest, numbering about two thousand, rushed down towards the sea, and would soon have been all destroyed by the turkish guns placed on the hills if the fire from the vessels off the coast had not kept the enemy at a respectful distance. they passed the day in a terrible uncertainty, but were sustained by the courage of certain chiefs, especially of nicolo serva, a suliot captain; and in the following night they were embarked and carried back to phalerum. while this portion of the army was being thus troubled, the greeks, under the orders of kisso zavella, remained inactive. that chief quietly smoked his pipe, and when implored to march, was content to answer coldly, 'when they pay me i will go.' the troops of kolokotrones the younger, and of sessinis, deserted in the direction of livonia. the turks, taking advantage of the disorganized condition of the greeks, attacked the phalerum on the night of the th, but were repulsed." lord cochrane's account of the battle sent to the government on the th of may, though more general, supplies some other details. "the plan concocted previous to the death of general karaïskakes," he said, "was carried into effect on the th, by his excellency general church, with this difference in the execution of the service, that his excellency and myself were anxious that a rapid march should be made from the place of debarkation direct to athens, by a body of four thousand men, in order to return with the women and children and the wounded, whereas the officers of the army insisted upon entrenchments being made in the line of their progress--an operation which required so much time as to preclude the possibility of effecting the object surprised and unopposed. the redoubts were in progress of construction, and the work continued with unremitting labour until about nine o'clock in the morning, when the enemy's cavalry, having collected from all quarters, broke in upon the unfinished redoubts and vigorously attacked those who had advanced the furthest, and who, from the number of subdivisions left, according to the custom of the country, in these redoubts during their progress, had become so weakened as to be incapable of making effectual resistance. the loss on our side has been very considerable. i had to lament this day that the greeks still continue their aversion to that regularity of movement and honesty of action which constitute the strength of armies, and i grieve to see great bravery rendered useless to their country and dangerous to themselves, and wasted in desultory and unsupported personal efforts. the use of the bayonet and very slight military instruction would have saved most of those who fell on this occasion, and would have rendered unnecessary those redoubts which delay the progress of your arms, and destroy more men in insignificant enterprises which tend to no result, than would be required for the deliverance of your country. the affairs of greece require energy, and that remedy be at once applied to whatever impedes the progress of affairs." lord cochrane testified to the excellent soldiership of the turkish horsemen. with sabres and short muskets, they dashed in and out of the crowd of retreating greeks, who, having no bayonets and no weapons adapted for close fighting, were utterly defenceless. he himself, having landed with dr. gosse to watch the operations from the shore, was so hard pressed by these formidable antagonists that he was only rescued by his own bravery and the daring of dr. gosse, who retained possession of the boat which was waiting for him on the shore until his chief had time to force his way back to it through the crowd of fighting turks and greeks and through the waves beating up to his neck. it was only when he was again on board the _hellas_, and able to direct the firing of the guns, that the turks were driven back, and the remnant of the greek force was allowed to collect and prepare for the return to phalerum. the fall of the acropolis soon followed this terrible defeat. by it the greeks were utterly disorganized. lord cochrane, finding it impossible to persuade them to another attempt, returned to poros with the fleet on the th of may. sir richard church remained at munychia, his army being every hour reduced by desertions, till the th, when he and the two thousand starving men who were left to him abandoned their position. fabvier and the garrison, through the intervention of the french captain le blanc and admiral de rigny, capitulated on the th of june. it was then found that the acropolis still contained stores of food and ammunition sufficient for four months' use, and that their reports of destitution had been deliberate falsehoods, intended only to force their friends outside to come speedily to their relief. those falsehoods had been particularly mischievous. by them, as has been shown, lord cochrane was induced to listen to the entreaties of karaïskakes and the government, and take his ships to phalerum, instead of carrying out his plan of stopping the turkish supplies in the negropont and at oropos. had that plan been adhered to, it seems as if a very different issue might easily have been brought about. the work on which he had been engaged having terminated so unfortunately, lord cochrane was much blamed for it by critics who had private reasons for being jealous. we have shown, however, that he only entered upon that work at the request of men whose power and influence he could not gainsay; that, having undertaken it, he set himself shrewdly and earnestly to render it successful; and that the failure was occasioned, not by adoption of his plans, but by their perversion or rejection. if he erred, he erred only in expecting too much patriotism and valour from the people whom he was doing his utmost to serve. if anything further need be said in explanation and defence of lord cochrane's position up to this time, it will be best done by quoting part of a letter addressed to m. eynard on the th of may, in which he concisely repeated the whole story. "on my arrival in greece," he wrote, "i found that the authority was claimed by two factions, that nothing like a navy existed, and that a number of individuals called an army were collected to raise the siege of athens,--but wholly deficient in military talent on the part of the commanders, or in obedience and discipline on the part of the troops. as soon as i had accepted my commission, i commenced active exertions to save the acropolis. i advised karaïskakes to embark and land to the southward and eastward of the phalerum, and, marching direct to the acropolis, bring out the women and children. but my counsel was in vain, as he had no idea of any combined naval and military movement, nor indeed of any military plan, except that of advancing by slow steps, after the manner of the turks, who construct little fortifications, called tambourias, at every few hundred yards, which are again opposed by others of the adverse party; and, as neither army attacks these forts by active force, the whole, after a few hours, are brought to a stand, and the result of the contest depends on who can the longest continue to furnish pay and provisions. such was the state of the military contest when general church took the command. the battle at phalerum, though brilliant, was accidental, and, not being followed up, was productive of no result. karaïskakes fell, and general church embarked the troops in order to execute the movement that ought to have taken place a month before. the moment was more inauspicious than we were aware of; for the turkish commander had that very night been joined by a large body of cavalry and a number of infantry from negropont and elsewhere. this, however, would not have proved decisive, had not general church, with a view to conciliate the officers under his command, and indeed in order to induce them to embark at all upon the expedition, conformed to their absurd views of military movement, and permitted them to carry entrenching tools to form their usual numerous positions on the line of their route, the construction of which wholly defeated the intention of surprise, and enabled the enemy to surround their advanced guard or van, weakened by the division of the troops into fourteen garrisons left in a line in their advance, whereas the whole body might, with perfect safety and in two hours, have reached the acropolis. the slaughter which the turks made in the advanced posts of the greeks was horrible, and the panic which took possession of those who remained on the phalerum, at three leagues' distance from the scene of action, was as disgraceful as the conduct of their chief, zavella, who made no movement even to create a diversion, but sat coolly looking at the slaughter of his countrymen. with six thousand men under his command he remained totally inactive. this expedition to athens cost upwards of twenty-five thousand dollars of the naval money and destroyed most of our provisions. at the same time, i believed it to be my duty to act as i did, and i have not since regretted any step that i took, because, if fabvier and the garrison fall into the hands of the turks and are destroyed, i shall at least have the consolation of knowing that my utmost efforts were made to avert their fate." chapter xix. lord cochrane's return to poros.--his attempts to organize an efficient greek navy.--the want of funds and the apathy of the greeks.--his letter to the psarians, and his visits to hydra and spetzas.--his cruise round the morea.--his first engagement with the turks.--the disorganization of his greek sailors.--his capture of a vessel bearing the british flag, laden with greek prisoners.--seizure of part of reshid pasha's harem.--ibrahim pasha's narrow escape.--lord cochrane's further difficulties.--his expedition to alexandria.--its failure through the cowardice of his seamen.--his two letters to the pasha of egypt.--his return to poros.--further efforts to improve the navy.--his visit to syra.--the troubles of the greek government.--lord cochrane's visit to navarino.--his defeat of a turkish squadron. [ .] before arriving in greece, lord cochrane bad been informed by captain abney hastings and other experienced philhellenes of the inefficiency of the navy, and a very short stay at poros served to convince him of the truth of the information. on the th of april he obtained from the national assembly a decree authorizing the organization of a better national fleet, and, before proceeding to join in the efforts for the relief of the acropolis, he did all that was possible towards the achievement of this object, making such arrangements as would prevent any hindrance thereto arising from his temporary absence on the most pressing work that devolved upon him. having sent captain hastings with all the available ships on the expedition to the negropont which has already been described, he established at poros the centre of the administration of the fleet, entrusting its direction to dr. gosse, as commissary-general. he then visited hydra, spetzas, and other islands, and left in each directions for the inspection of all the ships there stationed, in order that, according to the national decrees, the best of them might be bought up by the government, on equitable terms, and converted into vessels of war at poros. during his stay near the piræus he was in almost daily correspondence with dr. grosse and emanuel tombazes respecting the purchase of stores, the construction of gunboats, and every other essential to the fulfilment of his purpose. he sent jakomaki tombazes, the elder of the two brothers, to look out near candia for a new corvette which had just been built at leghorn for the pasha of egypt. all other means in his power were adopted by him for augmenting the naval strength of greece, and fitting it to oppose the force of her enemies so soon as he was able to devote himself exclusively to that work. this he did promptly and zealously immediately after the failure of the expedition in favour of the garrison of the acropolis. "brave officers and soldiers and seamen of the military and naval services," he wrote in a proclamation issued on the th of may, "a defeat of the enemy's naval force will tenfold repay the check which was sustained in yesterday's attempt to relieve the acropolis. let every man maintain his post as duty to his country demands, and in a few days i trust you will find your affairs not only retrieved but secured on a permanent base." that trust was not fulfilled. the greeks proved themselves on sea as well as on land unable to fight worthily, and with enough real patriotism, for the liberty of their country. but honour must not on that account be withheld from the man who used all his large experience and larger philanthropy in trying to put them in the way of victory. lord cochrane returned to poros on the th of may, after an absence of just three weeks. he lost no time in rendering to the government, then located in that island, a personal account of his recent proceedings, and in doing his utmost to persuade the greeks to aid him in the new exploits on which he hoped to enter with better prospect of success. an address to the psarians, dated the th of may, will serve as a specimen of many documents of the same nature. "it was my intention yesterday," he said, "to have paid my respects to you, in order personally to have made known to you the circumstances in which the naval service is placed and the state and preparations of the enemy, and to have called on you to show an example to the other islanders, on whose exertions now depend the liberties and fate of their country. the abandonment of the schooner, in which i have hitherto been embarked by all her seamen, prevented me from fulfilling my intention, and the certain intelligence received this morning that the turkish fleet from constantinople passed syra the day before yesterday, to join the egyptian fleet, compels me now to recommend you by writing, instead of by word of mouth, to save your country and yourselves by prompt and energetic exertions. the money i brought here with me, being the proceeds of subscriptions made throughout europe for your cause, has unfortunately been nearly consumed in fruitless endeavours to save the capital of greece by means of an irregular and unmanageable body of men, who will neither receive instruction nor listen to advice. i hope that the brave seamen who understand their duty will listen to my recommendation through you that they should at once step forward to save their families from oppression and slavery, and the name of their country from being struck out of the list of independent nations. by one glorious effort greece may be free; but if she remain in her present state of apathy all hope must be abandoned. i call upon you now to stand forward in defence of your religion and all that is valuable to man. i send you a thousand dollars, which is all that i can spare. those who will equip their ships may depend on repayment out of the first money that shall be remitted to me for the public service of greece." as that letter implies, lord cochrane had to begin his reconstruction of the greek navy--now the only remaining resource of the nation in its hope of working out and assuring its independence by effort of its own--almost without funds. the small sum of l. which he had brought with him, as well as the money collected by the european committees and transmitted to the philhellenic committee in greece, composed of colonel heydeck, dr. bailli, and dr. gosse, was nearly exhausted, and the bankrupt government was unable to provide him with any adequate resources for carrying on his work. it had authorized him to buy ships and stores and to employ labourers and seamen, and expected him to do all without stint, but gave him no money for the purpose. in lieu it authorized him to borrow upon the security of all the future revenue to be derived from the islands; and every effort to utilize this mortgage was made by his agent dr. gosse, but with very poor success. the credit of the greek government was so low that the prospects of any considerable revenue in the depressed state of commerce--likely to be yet more depressed by the steady advances made by the turks in regaining their dominion over the insurgents--deterred capitalists from staking their money thereupon. lord cochrane, as we shall see, had to apply half his energies in performing the work of a financier, never anticipated by him, and certainly not proper to his functions as first admiral; and, the result of all being feeble, his legitimate duties were grievously crippled. money being absolutely needed, however, he did his best to procure it, and with this view, as well as in order to make personal acquaintance with the principal ports, and the ships and sailors contained in them, he left poros, three days after returning to it, on a tour among the other important islands. starting on sunday, the th of may, he reached hydra on the following morning. there, in the house of the brothers konduriottes, its richest and most influential inhabitants, he met several other leading primates, and prevailed on them to take upon themselves the outfit of several brigs and brulottes, the cost of which he had at present no means of paying. having, on the th, passed on to spetzas, lord cochrane had a similar interview with its chief residents. "i have been highly gratified," he wrote on the th to the elder konduriottes, "by the spirit here manifested in following the noble example which you have set, and i have no doubt but a sufficient force will be immediately equipped to cut off all the resources by which the army of reshid pasha is maintained, and so destroy that army even more effectually than by the sword. the utmost promptitude, however, is necessary. one day's delay may permit several weeks' provisions and stores to enter the negropont." promptitude was not easy, in spite of the favourable promises of the primates. "strange as it may appear to you," said lord cochrane, in a letter to his friend, m. eynard, "it is yet a fact that, out of the thousands of seamen idle and starving at hydra, spetzas, and egina, not a man will enter the service of his country without being paid in advance; nor will they engage to prolong their service beyond a month, so that the labour of disciplining a crew is interminable. were there funds to increase the pay for each month, the sailors would remain, and there might be some hope of getting a ship in order. at the present moment there are no individuals in greece who are instructed in their duties as officers in ships of war." "i see no termination to the obstacles," he wrote to dr. gosse on the th, "which present themselves at every step i advance. neither the hydriots nor the psarians, nor the spetziots, nor the poriots, will embark in this frigate, which is thus useless to greece, if not prejudicial, because her maintenance is an expense without benefit. i wish i could do a thousand things which i am compelled to neglect, by reason of the difficulties and want of assistance of all kinds. you, my good friend, are my only aid." at spetzas, and in its neighbourhood, lord cochrane remained four days, directing the arrangements to be made in organizing a fleet strong enough to go against the enemy's shipping, and, while waiting for that, in appointing two minor expeditions upon services that were urgent. on the th of may, he sent admiral saktoures with ten brigs and four fireships to cruise about the negropont and capture as much as he could of the stores sent through that channel from constantinople for the use of the turkish army in attica. on the following day he went himself in the _hellas_, attended by the _karteria_, under captain abney hastings, in the direction of cape clarenza, the north-westernmost point of the morea, opposite to zante.[ ] [ ] "the admiral," says gordon, "weighed with the _hellas_ and _karteria_ alone, leaving the rest of his squadron to draw pay and rations at porto kheli" (vol. ii., p. ). the fact was that all the rest of his squadron that was fit for service was sent to the negropont; and lord cochrane left directions that the other vessels, as soon as there were men to be rationed and funds for paying them, should follow him to clarenza. but they only came to run away. castle tornese, there situated, was being besieged by the turks, and lord cochrane hoped to be in time to avert its capture. in this he failed. arriving on the nd of may, he found that the castle had capitulated a few hours before. all he could do was to chase two turkish frigates which he found on the coast. "we fired into them," he said, "but our guns were ill-directed, and the noise and confusion on board this ship was excessive, which prevented my choosing to attack them again, though they did us not the slightest injury, because i am desirous that the _hellas_ shall be in somewhat better order before i voluntarily attack an enemy who may take advantage of the impossibility of causing my orders to be obeyed, and so leave the fate of the ship to the conduct of a rabble." one capture, however, the _hellas_ was able to make on the following day. she fell in with a vessel, manned by turks and ionian islanders, bearing the british flag, loaded with captives, chiefly women and children, just taken in the castle tornese. lord cochrane seized her, and sent her, with a reasonably indignant letter, to the lord high commissioner at corfu. "if i do not attempt to express my feelings in addressing you," he said, "it is because i am aware that the terms i should employ would fall far short of the sensations that will arise in the breast of every honourable man throughout the civilized world, and the degradation which every englishman will experience, on learning that the flag of england, first prostituted by supplying the traffickers in christian slaves with all the necessaries for their horrid purposes, is now further debased by a traffic in the slaves themselves. i send you an ionian vessel, full of women violated in their persons, and who, with their children, had been reduced to slavery, in order that the british public and the world may ascertain whether these unfortunate people will be protected by the decision of an ionian tribunal. if there were any hope that the people in the ionian islands would abandon their infamous dealings otherwise than by force, i should ask your excellency to issue an order upon the subject. i beg, however, to signify that i am ready to co-operate with the admiral and officers of the british naval service in the mediterranean in enforcing obedience to the laws of justice and humanity, and putting down the ionian trade in slaves, as well as the piracies which have originated chiefly in the total contempt shown by the ionian people and others for the laws of nations and the principles of justice during the contest between greeks and turks. i also put at your disposal the turks found on board the ionian boat, not considering them as prisoners of war, but as men apprehended in violating the laws of civilized nations and insulting the feelings of christendom." "since writing the above," it was added in a postscript, "i have experienced considerable difficulty in restraining the fury of the greeks from bursting forth upon the violators of their countrywomen. from what i foresee, i also feel it my duty to warn you that, should the transportation of christian captives by neutrals be continued, i cannot answer for the safety of ionians found so employed by the other vessels of the greek squadron." a formal acknowledgment of that letter was all the answer received by lord cochrane. on the th of may, when near missolonghi, he made another capture--a turkish brig, with eight guns, bearing austrian colours, which was proceeding from previsa to navarino. in her, besides a good store of flour and gunpowder, were found some turkish officials and several members of reshid pasha's harem. the alarm of these prisoners was very great at first; but they were treated with courtesy, and landed, with all their personal properties, at the first convenient halting-place, the brig and its cargo being retained as prizes. reshid pasha, in return for the generous treatment shown to his attendants, afterwards released a hundred greek prisoners without ransom. another curious incident occurred at this time. several small turkish merchant-vessels passed lord cochrane's ship during his stay near missolonghi, but he abstained from capturing them, deeming it unworthy to interfere with such small crafts, devoted, as it was supposed, only to trading purposes. he was afterwards informed that in one of them ibrahim pasha himself had been concealed. had the egyptian leader been thus made prisoner, the future course of the war might have been altogether changed. lord cochrane had gone into the gulf of patras in hope of meeting with captain hastings, from whom he had parted soon after leaving spetzas; but the _karteria_ had been disabled by a squall, which took away both her masts, and so had to return to poros; and with the ill-manned _hellas_ alone lord cochrane did not deem it prudent, as he had wished, to attack navarino, whither the besiegers of the castle tornese had gone, and where twelve egyptian frigates, twenty corvettes, and forty or fifty smaller vessels were for some time lying. several of these came out to take on board the ottoman troops who had done their work at cape clarenza, and lord cochrane, on the st of june, remained for several hours within sight of them, ready and hoping to be attacked. no fight being offered, however, he did not choose to run the risk of going single-handed into their midst. he accordingly contented himself with surveying the coast, and forming his own judgment as to the relative value of its ports and harbours, as he sailed back in the direction of poros. to poros itself lord cochrane did not venture to proceed. "i have written for all the greek vessels that are ready, including the fireships and explosion-vessels, to join me," he said in a letter to dr. gosse, written on the th of june, off cerigo; "i remain at sea with this frigate, lest the whole of her crew should desert, according to custom, were i to pay a visit to poros." the want of zeal which he thus perceived in his seamen was shared by nearly all their countrymen. all wished him to serve them, but very few made any patriotic effort to aid him in the service. his most active supporter was captain abney hastings; and captain abney hastings complained yet more loudly than did his superior of the indolence and bad conduct of the greeks. "i had the honour to receive your order of the th, enjoining me to repair to your lordship without delay, if ready for sea," he wrote on the th, from spetzas; "a variety of circumstances, unavoidable in a country deprived of even the shadow of organization, has prevented me from being yet ready to sail. the majority and best of my crew have left me, and i must look for others." hastings and all his other officers wrote over and over again to lord cochrane, asking for stores of all sorts, and for money with which to pay the wages of their crews. but lord cochrane was still almost without funds. only from konduriottes, and the other island primates, could he procure scanty supplies with which to carry on his work--or rather, to prevent that work from being altogether abandoned. "i have the honour," he wrote to the government, "to represent to your excellencies that i find it impossible to realise the credit which you assigned to me on the revenues of the islands, and that insurmountable obstacles prevent my acting as affairs require. the _hellas_ even is idle for want of supplies. each day, each event, increases my conviction that, without strong and special efforts, without a prompt and disinterested co-operation of all its citizens, greece must of necessity be overcome. isolated as i am, i am useless to them. supported by their patriotism and zeal, i could fight for their independence. the islands of the archipelago are willing to aid our efforts, but they claim from me in return a guarantee for the safety of their goods and for the regular administration of their imposts. i await your excellencies' instructions for promptly answering their demand; for the resources of the western nations are drained; european charity is wearied. the islands alone offer us the means of maintaining the naval forces, and of resisting, if it be possible--if it be not too late--the vigorous preparations of our enemy. we must act promptly or abandon everything." the government only answered by urging its chief admiral to lose no time in securing the independence of greece. this, in spite of the difficulties thrown in his way, he set himself heartily to attempt. two courses were now open to him. reshid pasha, having taken possession of the acropolis, and thus completed the capture of athens, had laid siege to corinth; and sir richard church, with a weak and vacillating body which went by the name of an army--the remnants of that which had proved so useless in the neighbourhood of the piræus--was vainly trying to raise the siege. by him and by the government lord cochrane was urged to muster as large a fleet as possible in the bay of corinth, and to co-operate with the land forces by blockading the besiegers, after the method that had failed at athens. experience convinced him that such action would be useless; whereas from modification of the plan which he had in the former instance been induced to abandon he hoped much. he knew that a large egyptian force was being prepared at alexandria, to be employed first in aiding the siege of corinth, and afterwards in completing the conquest of all greece. if only he could train the greeks to act under his bold leadership, as he had trained the chilians and brazilians, he trusted that, by one daring movement, he could seize alexandria as he had seized valdivia and maranham. and to this project he zealously addressed himself, deeming it sufficient to send a small force to blockade the gulfs of patras and corinth, and leaving dr. gosse as his agent in command of naval affairs at home, with special orders to visit the various islands, and, in accordance with authority received from the government, to collect the revenues of each, in order that the necessary expenses of the fleet might be met. he collected all the vessels he could muster in the neighbourhood of cape saint angelo. his force consisted, besides the _hellas_, of one corvette, the _sauveur_, which he had brought from marseilles, commanded by captain thomas, of fourteen greek brigs and of eight brulôts or fireships. with these he started for alexandria on the th of june, the _hellas_ having often to slacken speed in order that the slower greek vessels might be kept in attendance. candia was passed on the th, and alexandria was sighted at five o'clock in the morning of the th. lord cochrane stood out to sea so that he might not be discovered, and spent the day in putting his fleet in order, preparing an explosion-vessel, and arranging for the work of the morrow. "brave officers and seamen," he said, in an address to his followers, "one decisive blow, and greece is free. the port of alexandria, the centre of all the evil that has befallen you, now contains within its narrow bounds numerous ships of war and a multitude of vessels laden with provisions, stores, and troops, intended to effect your total ruin. the wind is fair for us, and our enterprise unsuspected. brave brulotteers, resolve by one moment of active exertion to annihilate the power of the satrap. then shall the siege of athens be raised in egypt; then shall the armies of ibrahim and reshid be deprived of subsistence, and their garrisons perish of hunger, whilst the brave inhabitants of continental greece and the islanders, freed from impending danger, will fly to arms, and, by one simultaneous movement, throw off the barbarian yoke. date the return of happy days and the liberty and security of greece from your present exhibition of valour. the emancipation of egypt and the downfall of the satrap are also inevitable consequences; for the war is concentrated in one point of action and of time." that spirited address was ineffectual, and lord cochrane's bold plan for seizing alexandria was prevented by the cowardice and disorganization of the greeks whom he was labouring to serve. they could hardly be persuaded on the th to follow the _hellas_ and the _sauveur_, all bearing austrian colours, as far as the entrance to alexandria, and when twenty large egyptian vessels were found to be there lying at harbour, they lost heart altogether. lord cochrane knew from past experience that, with proper support from his subordinates, he could easily capture or disperse the enemy's shipping. he had made arrangements for attacking them with the fireships and his explosion-vessel. but nearly all the crews refused to serve. kanaris alone among the greeks was brave. having command of the fireships, he induced the sailors of two of them to bear down upon the enemy, and at about eight o'clock in the evening one man-of-war was burnt. so great was the effect of this small success that the other ships of the enemy prepared to escape, and great numbers of the inhabitants of alexandria hurried out of the town and sought a hiding in the adjoining villages. seeing the egyptian ships making ready for flight, however, the greeks supposed that they were coming out to attack them, and themselves immediately turned sail, heedless alike of their own honour and of lord cochrane's assurances that a splendid victory was easy to them. all the night was vainly spent by the _hellas_ and the _sauveur_ in futile efforts to collect them, and on the morning of the th they were found to be dispersed far out at sea over an area of more than twenty miles. in despite of his feeble allies, lord cochrane would have gone boldly into port and attacked the enemy. but his own greek sailors were as timid as their comrades; and after a whole day spent in reconnoitring the enemy, whose force of twenty-five sail dared not offer battle, but had gained courage enough to abstain from actual flight, he was compelled, on the th, also to put out to sea and to spend two other days in signalling the brigs and fireships to join him. not till the afternoon of the th, by which time he had pursued his allies to a distance eighty miles from alexandria, was he able to bring them into any sort of order, and then the bitter conviction was forced upon him that further prosecution of his plan, for the present at any rate, was useless. the scanty store of provisions that had been sent with the fleet, moreover, was nearly exhausted, and thus a new difficulty arose. lord cochrane sent the most useless of his vessels back to poros for a fresh supply, and with an earnest entreaty that some efficient reinforcements might also be forwarded to him, announcing his intention of waiting in the neighbourhood in hopes of achieving some better success. "your excellencies may rest assured," he said in his letter to the government, "that our visit to alexandria will have a powerful effect in paralysing the equipment of an expedition, and i have every reason to conclude that the example made before their eyes of the brig-of-war will deter any of the numerous neutral vessels from engaging as transports in the expedition equipping by the pasha. the sensation created must indeed have been powerful as two neutral vessels of war made the signal for pilots before we weighed anchor on the morning of the th, under the impression, no doubt, that a more effectual attack would shortly be attempted. i am going to make a short tour, with a view, as far as i am enabled with the inadequate means at my disposal, to distract and paralyse the enemy." in accordance with that purpose, being already near cyprus, lord cochrane conducted his fleet a little further north, and anchored, on the rd of june, off phineka, in asia minor, where, after a brief fight with the turks, he effected a landing, and received some much-needed food and water. thence he addressed letters, urging the prompt despatch of the necessary stores and vessels, to the government, to the primates of hydra, and to dr. gosse. from this halting-place, also, he sent a noteworthy letter to mahomet ali, the pasha of egypt, a supplement to one which he had addressed to him nearly a year before, when he was on his way to enter the service of the greeks. "your employing foreigners in your military and naval service," he had said in the former letter, which will be best quoted in this place, "the privilege which you claim and exercise of building and equipping ships-of-war in neutral states, and of purchasing steam-vessels and hiring transports under neutral flags, for hostile purposes, and to transport to slavery a people whom the ottoman arms have never yet been able wholly to subdue, warrant a belief, whatever your sentiments may be, that the civilized, educated, and liberal portion of mankind will be gratified that succours similar to those which you, unfortunately, have hitherto obtained from these states are now about to be afforded to the brave, the oppressed, and suffering greeks. nor will the advantage derived be wholly theirs; for, until you shall cease or be forced to abandon your inhuman traffic in christian slaves and the commission of cruelties which stain the character of man, your subjects must inevitably continue barbarians,--a state from which it would be a source of great gratification to contribute to release them. it is true that the christian world has not of late contended in arms with those of your faith on points of religion. it has, however, not fallen into a state of apathy so great as to see unheeded the perpetration of those enormities which you are daily committing on christians,--a sentiment with which no feeling of animosity towards you or towards your people is combined. on the contrary, it desires to render you every good service consistent with that duty paramount to all others, namely, to wipe out the stain from the civilized world of unfeelingly and inhumanly co-operating to exterminate, enslave, and transport to bondage a whole christian people--and such a people--the descendants of those greeks whose genius laid the chief foundation of literature, the sciences, and the arts; who reared those noble monuments and edifices which time and the more destructive barbarian hand have yet failed to destroy, and which, compared with the wretched hovels of your hordes, may better point out to you the elevation they attained, and the prostrate state in which your people are--owing, alas! to the baneful effects of bigotry and despotic sway. surely, surely there is ample field for the exercise of your energies at home, in encouraging industry, the arts and sciences, in promoting the civilization of your people, and in enacting equitable laws for the security of persons and property--on which bases the national prosperity of all countries must rest. but should your ambition, not content with bestowing blessings like these on your native land, lead you to soar almost above mortal acts, distant oceans would unite, and the extremities of the globe approach at your command.[ ] thus might your name be rendered immortal, and egypt become again the emporium of commerce, and one of the richest and happiest nations upon earth. how infinitely great the glory from such acts! how despicable the fame of a tyrant conqueror, the ruler of slaves! it would be pleasing to support you as the author of great and good works, but it is shameful to permit your present proceedings, and dastardly to leave the unfeeling apostate sons of neutral and christian nations unopposed, aiding to perpetuate barbarism for horrid gain, drawn from the price of christians torn from their homes and sold as slaves in foreign lands. against these atrocious men, my companions and myself, casting the gauntlet down, will contend, in the hope that they and you may perceive your true interests and your great error, and pursue a different course before it shall be too late. quit the classic sacred soil of greece, let the flayings, and burnings, and impalings of that people cease, and oh! shocking to humanity, the ripping up of pregnant women, and the hewing up of their infant babes, and other acts yet worse than these--too horrid to relate. release the christian slaves; pursue an honourable and enlightened path, and we become friends to aid you in your pursuits--but should the present course be continued, let the bands of cruel assassins in your employ count on our opposition; count, too, on our neutralizing the effects of every vessel procured or bought from christian states. 'hear the voice of the lord, ye rulers,' in the prophecy now to be fulfilled. 'woe to them that go down to egypt for help and stay.' 'when the lord shall stretch out his hand, both he that helpeth shall fall, and he that is holpen shall fall down, and they shall all fall together.' instead of filling brim full the cup of bitterness, of which you yourself must ultimately drink, how admirably might you not employ your people, and your treasure--the waste whereof is rearing to you a barbarian successor to prolong the bondage of egypt. the christian prayer of those called to rescue their suffering brethren is that, conforming yourself to the dictates of reason and humanity, you may live long to benefit mankind; and as you are more enlightened than your predecessors, so may you become more humane and just." [ ] it is singular that at this early date lord cochrane should thus have advised and prognosticated the construction of the suez canal. the second letter was more brief. "the discrimination of your highness," lord cochrane now wrote, "enables you to judge between those who offer advice to promote personal objects and those who disinterestedly desire the welfare of mankind. egypt may become great by the attention of her rulers to her internal concerns, but not by war and foreign conquest, and assuredly not by the conquest of that people with whom your highness is now engaged in hostilities, not only on account of the impossibility of reducing them to subjection but because the whole of europe is directly or indirectly engaged in their support. i beg your highness to be assured that, if i present myself to your consideration in a more conspicuous point of view than others, it is only because the habits of my life have enabled me to be openly instrumental in the protection of a christian people whom you attack, and not because i feel animosity against your highness, nor because i desire the overthrow of the lawful power of your highness. should your highness, however, listen to interested counsellors, or to those who hope to gain by adulation, and continue the present unjust and sanguinary contest, i take leave once more to warn you that the first visit i have had the honour of paying you shall not be the last, and that it is not in the power of your highness to prevent the destruction of your ships destined for the invasion of greece, nor to defeat my intention to block up the port of alexandria. i had the honour to address your highness twelve months ago; but have thought proper to repeat once more the honest advice i then expressed, in order that your highness may acquit me when, in the hour of adversity, you have to regret that you have not listened to the voice of truth." lord cochrane's threats could not be enforced. off the coast of asia minor and among the southern islands of the archipelago he waited for more than a week. but no adequate reinforcements or supplies of provisions arrived. the disorganised fleet became more and more unmanageable. one vessel after another deserted, and those that remained in nominal attendance on the flag-ship could not be brought under control. lord cochrane, who had made skilful sailors and brave warriors of enervated chilians and brazilians, found the greeks utterly unmanageable. up to the nd of july he tried vainly to bring them into order, and only succeeded in pursuing them from island to island until, on that day, they had drawn him back to the neighbourhood of hydra. there they all dispersed, and with a heavy heart he anchored at poros on the th. the _hellas_ was immediately deserted by her crew. another month had been wasted and another bold project for the assistance of greece had been spoiled by the want of patriotism which, exhibited first and most flagrantly by the leaders, was now rapidly pervading all classes of the greeks. an amusing instance of the worthlessness of the greek sailors, whom, from first to last, he tried to make useful, may here be given. on one occasion, following his invariable habit of taking every possible occasion of trying to win the confidence and friendship of those under him, he was exhibiting a magic lantern to the crew of the _hellas_. at many of the dissolving views they manifested a childish delight, but at length one unfortunate picture was brought before them. it depicted a greek running from the pursuit of a turk, and then melted into a view of the turk cutting off his captive's head. at that sight every greek on board took fright. some ran into the hold of the ship, others jumped overboard, and many hours had to be spent in bringing them together again and dispelling their frivolous and superstitious fears. lord cochrane, however, though disheartened, still sought, with unabated zeal, to render to greece such help as became his name and character. but he saw that this could not be done without a thorough reform in naval affairs; and this, often urged by him before, he lost no time in urging again. "the crew of the _hellas_," he wrote to the effete government on the very day of his return, "having, according to their usual practice, abandoned the vessel on her arrival in port, it is essential that others should be enlisted to serve in the frigate without delay. it is further essential that the individuals so enlisted shall engage to serve during a period of not less than six months, and that they shall be young men who will conform to the rules and regulations by which the ships-of-war of other states are governed. it is quite impossible to conduct a large ship-of-war amidst the noise and confusion which i have witnessed during the two months that have elapsed since my flag was hoisted on board this ship, and equally impossible to induce monthly crews to conform to habits of order and regularity. under these circumstances, i enclose you a proclamation, stating the pay and advantages which will accrue to such individuals. i should prefer that the enlistment should take place under such respectable young men as propose to obtain rank in the national marine, and who can be in some degree responsible for the good conduct of the individuals who accompany them, each individual qualified for, and aspiring to, the rank of lieutenant being accompanied by sixty young seamen, the second lieutenants to be each accompanied by thirty. for this ship five of the first class and eight of the second are required." the proclamation which lord cochrane submitted to the government detailed his plan for ensuring, or at any rate making possible, honest and hearty service in seafaring. "i wish i could inform your excellencies," he said in another letter written two days later, "that the obstacles, however great, which presented themselves in the course of the naval service were all i had to contend with. the jealousies among the islanders, even the most enlightened, embarrassed me exceedingly; and these, i regret to say, cannot be alleviated by having recourse to your advice or authority, at the distance at which you are placed, without a correspondence so voluminous that i should occupy too much of your attention. i must, therefore, act according to my own responsibility; and in so doing i am aware that some may be displeased, and probably no one will be satisfied." nearly all the month of july, indeed, was spent by lord cochrane in zealous efforts to render the greek navy more efficient. for this two things were needed--that the officers and crews should be honest and intelligent, and that there should be money enough in hand for paying their wages, for fitting out proper vessels, and for supplying the requisite stores and provisions. for the first object proclamations were issued, letters were written, and agents were sent into various parts of greece and her islands. for the second, lord cochrane went personally to the assistance of dr. gosse, who, as commissary-general of the fleet, had been attempting to collect the revenues of the islands which, by order of the government, had been assigned to naval uses. he succeeded to some extent in this, and also in quickening the latent patriotism of the people whom he visited. his most important visit was to syra, where, as will be seen from the letter which he addressed to the government on the th of july, he was obliged to resort to strong measures for securing the good end he had in view. "i have the honour to inform your excellencies," he wrote, "that, a new crew having been procured for the _hellas_ with less delay than i anticipated, by reason of the pay having been increased one-third in amount, i proceeded to syra, taking with me several of the principal inhabitants of the three maritime islands, who expressed to me, by letter, their anxiety to have an opportunity of promoting a loan on the credit of the revenues of the islands, which your excellencies had authorised me, jointly with others, to collect. i have now the pleasure to inform you that when i left syra yesterday everything seemed to promise a favourable result; but in order to attain this important object it became necessary that i should take upon myself the responsibility of intimating to the prefect of police, who had assumed despotic authority, that it was essential to the public good that the magistrates should resume the functions that they exercised previous to his arrival. i am convinced that your excellencies will perceive as clearly as i do, that it will be impossible to preserve harmony amongst the islanders, if strangers are sent to exercise over the natives an authority that is not acceptable to them. indeed, the character of these natives demands at all times prudence and circumspection on the part of the government." unfortunately, the miserable triumvirate to which the direction of greek affairs had been assigned until the arrival of count capodistrias was wholly wanting in prudence and circumspection. after vainly trying to maintain a show of authority, and to use it to their own aggrandisement at damala and at poros, they had, on the th of july, removed to nauplia. there, however, they only found themselves more embarrassed than ever. while the last hopes of greek independence, to be secured and maintained by greeks themselves, were rapidly dying out, the leaders were amusing themselves and gratifying their petty jealousies and ambitions by conduct more despicable than ever. nauplia was the seat of civil war between two military factions, whose joint contempt of the worthless government would have been, at any rate, excusable, had not the interests of the whole nation been thereby injured. the triumvirate was driven from the town, and taking refuge in a little island in the bay of nauplia, wrote in despair to lord cochrane, asking him to come to its aid and devise some means of preserving, or rather of constructing, its authority. to nauplia he accordingly went on the th of july. "i am now at the anchorage of this place," he wrote thence to dr. gosse on the nd. "the town is evacuated by the inhabitants and abandoned by the government. the latter are in the little island in the bay in the most deplorable condition, trembling like sancho when invaded in his dominions of barataria, and not knowing which way to turn, whether to avoid or meet the enemy. no words can depict the state of things. i have had correspondence with the government and all the chiefs, but have waited on none, because i am determined to keep myself clear of faction, and go straightforward in what i consider to be my duty." "we are now weighing anchor," he added, in a postscript written in the evening of the same day, "and the austrian commodore is coming into the bay--an evil omen. he is watching, like a vulture, the agonies of the expiring authorities of greece." "as you have done me the honour," said lord cochrane, in a letter to the government, "to request my opinion regarding the manner of settling the disputes between the contending chiefs who hold the higher and lower fortresses of nauplia, it becomes a sacred duty to give that opinion without the slightest reserve, because the consequences of any half measure will be entirely destructive of the influence of your excellencies throughout greece, and eventually may frustrate the endeavours of the european powers to promote a settlement with the porte. your excellencies, then, must at once remove from the situation in which you are now placed, or, more properly speaking, to which you have fled, and where you are still under the cannon of the disputing chiefs, or both these chiefs must be caused to abandon the fortresses they hold. to suffer one to remain and to expel the other would be voluntarily to surrender your authority, and through greece and throughout the world you would be considered in no other light than as instruments for giving the semblance of legality to the dictates of a military chief." lord cochrane did not wait to see the end of this dispute between the mock government and its nominal subjects. he left nauplia on the nd of july to complete the arrangements he had made for another attempt in defence of greece. he had already sent admiral saktoures and a small force to maintain a show of blockading alexandria, in order that thereby neutral vessels, at any rate, might be deterred from giving aid to the turkish cause. he had sent vessels to blockade the gulf of patras in the same way. he had also issued a vigorous proclamation to the inhabitants of western greece, urging them to rise against their oppressors, and he was eager to go thither himself and encourage the work, for which he hoped that his fleet and his naval arrangements were now better fitted. one important auxiliary to this work he hoped to have in a corps of marines, to the number of a thousand, which colonel gordon urquhart was now trying, under his directions, to organise. "i have several things in view which even this small force could accomplish," he wrote to dr. gosse, "and amongst the rest will be the rooting out of the pirates from the islands." more important, however, than the restraint of piracy, was the resistance, if possible, of the turkish forces. several of the egyptian ships which lord cochrane had hoped to destroy in the harbour of alexandria had now come out and joined the ottoman fleet, which had navarino for its head-quarters. he determined, without loss of time, to go and see what injury could be done to them; and accordingly, after a brief visit to poros, where he took on board some stores and provisions, and where he left dr. gosse to use the scanty supply of money which he had collected in completing the equipment of the other vessels, he started in the _hellas_, on the th of july, for the western side of the morea. on the th, when near cape st. angelo, he fell in with the _sauveur_, returning from a cruise in the gulf of patras, and the two vessels proceeded with all haste to navarino. they reached that port, and had sight of the turkish fleet on the evening of the th. with french colours flying, lord cochrane reconnoitred its position, and then watched for an opportunity of attacking some part of it. the opportunity occurred on the st of august. a corvette, carrying twenty-eight fine guns, and a crew of three hundred and forty, with two brigs and two schooners, had passed out on the previous day, apparently with the intention of conveying reinforcements to the gulf of patras. lord cochrane immediately gave them chase, and drove them backwards and forwards between zante and the shore north of navarino all through the night and till nearly noon on the st. then suddenly tacking, he closed upon the corvette, and there was hard fighting--the first in which he had been able to persuade his greeks to join--between the two vessels, for fifty minutes. at about one o'clock, after fifty of their number had been killed and thirty wounded, the turks surrendered.[ ] lord cochrane found on board twenty greek women and several children, who had been subjected to the vilest treatment. in the meanwhile, captain thomas, of the _sauveur_, had engaged with one of the brigs, carrying twelve guns, and captured her with a loss of fifteen killed and wounded to the turks, but none to the greeks. the other vessels escaped, but an ionian vessel, laden with provisions for the ottoman army at patras, was seized in the afternoon, and her cargo put to good use. [ ] "the admiral," says gordon (vol. ii., pp. , ), "was less gratified at his victory than mortified that so inferior a vessel should have fought the _hellas_ for three-quarters of an hour, and disgusted at the backwardness of his crew. in his first cruise he carried with him four hundred men recruited in the cyclades; but as they ran below in his engagement with the two egyptian corvettes, he discharged them and took hydriots alone. these last, though better mariners, and really more courageous, were disconcerted by his system of reserving fire till within pistol-shot--so different from their own plan of cannonading at a mile's distance. 'the boys,' said cochrane, 'behaved pretty well; but the oldest, and ugliest, and fiercest-looking bravoes of hydra ran to the other side of the deck, roaring like market-bulls.' his lordship took summary satisfaction by knocking them down with his fists, right and left." lord cochrane waited off navarino for two days, hoping that some of the enemy's fleet would come out to attack him. they, however, locked themselves carefully in the harbour until he had set sail for the south, when they feebly attempted to pursue him. he thereupon, after releasing the turkish prisoners at candia, returned to poros, there to leave his prizes and endeavour to take back a larger force with which worthily to supplement his recent successes. chapter xx. the action of great britain and russia on behalf of hellenic independence.--the degradation of greece.--lord cochrane's renewed efforts to organise a fleet.--prince paul buonaparte, and his death.--an attempt to assassinate lord cochrane.--his intended expedition to western greece.--its prevention by sir edward codrington.--lord cochrane's return to the archipelago.--the interference of great britain, france, and russia.--the causes of the battle of navarino.--the battle. [ .] the duke of wellington's mission to st. petersburg in the spring of , which has been already referred to, was part of a policy by which the british government materially contributed to the ultimate independence of greece. its first result was the protocol of the th of april, in which england and russia recognized the right of the greeks to claim from the porte a recognition of their freedom. at about the same time our government had sent mr. stratford canning, afterwards lord stratford de redclyffe, as ambassador to constantinople, with special instructions to use every endeavour to bring about a cessation of the war which should be favourable to greece; and on the th of april the national assembly at epidaurus had authorized him to treat with turkey on its behalf, agreeing, if no more favourable terms could be obtained, to a recognition of the sultan's supremacy and the payment of tribute to him, on condition that greece should be independent in all its internal government. those terms, however, were rejected by the porte; and after a delay of a year and a half it was forced by the great powers, slowly awakening from their long lethargy, to accede to arrangements far more favourable to greece. these negotiations, however, proceeded very slowly, and before the dawn of greek independence there was a time of almost utter darkness, the darkest time of all being the few months following lord cochrane's arrival. "vanquished greece," says her historian, "lay writhing in convulsive throes. in herself there was neither hope nor help, and the question to be solved was merely whether the mahometans would have time to subdue her before the mediating powers made up their minds to use force. that the former, if not checked from abroad, must speedily overrun the country did not admit of the least doubt. but it was equally certain that they could not pacify it; for, while the rich and timid prepared to emigrate, the poorer and hardier portion of the insurgents formed themselves into bands of robbers and pirates, which would have long infested the mountains and the levant seas, deriding the efforts of the porte to suppress them. the only branch of the hellenic confederacy that still presented a menacing aspect was the navy under lord cochrane. every other department was a heap of confusion. no government existed, since it would be idle to dignify with that name the three puppets set up by the congress of damala. none ever thought of obeying them, and they sealed their own degradation by carrying on an infamous traffic in selling letters of marque to freebooters. there was no army, because there was no revenue. after the fall of athens, roumelia was entirely lost, and the captains either renewed their act of submission to reshid pasha or fled to the morea. it was not, however, with an intention of defending the peninsula that they retreated into it. their purpose was to seize the fortresses, and thereby be enabled to make a good bargain with the turks, or any other party that should remain in final possession. nauplia and the acrocorinthus were already garrisoned by roumeliotes. monemvasia, the third peloponnesian stronghold yet held by the greeks, was in the hands of petro-bey's brother, john mavromikales, who, fitting out from thence predatory craft, converted it into a den of thieves."[ ] [ ] gordon, vol. ii., pp. , . it is not strange that, amid all this confusion, cowardice, and treachery, lord cochrane should have found it almost impossible to achieve anything worthy of his abilities or of the cause which he desired so earnestly to serve. yet he continued, in spite of all obstacles, to do all that lay in his power, in fulfilment of his duty, and even in excess of that duty. he had engaged to act as first admiral of the greek fleet. finding that there was no fleet for him to direct, he laboured with unwearied zeal not only to construct one and to turn his unmannerly subordinates into disciplined sailors and brave warriors, but also to persuade the landsmen to co-operate with him in trying to withstand, if not to drive back, the advancing force of the enemy. one day when he was at poros, dr. gosse came on board the _hellas_ to visit him. "see, my friend," said lord cochrane, taking a loaded pistol from the inner pocket of his waistcoat, "see what it is to be a greek admiral." he found it necessary to be always provided with a weapon with which he could defend himself from his indolent, unpatriotic seamen. having returned to poros with his prizes on the th of august, he was obliged to wait there for twelve days. there were no funds to be had for the requisite repairs and other expenses in paying and feeding his crews. all he could do was to repeat his former arguments and entreaties for assistance from the miserable government at nauplia, and the more active, but still half-hearted primates of the islands. he also made all the other arrangements in his power for improving his fleet and for carrying on some sort of naval warfare among the southern isles, especially on the coast of candia, and for fomenting an insurrection of the inhabitants of western greece, who, held in awe by the turks ever since the fall of missolonghi, had hitherto done little in aid of the national strife, but to whose support he now looked with some hope. on the th he obtained a little further assistance. mr. george cochrane, whom he had sent to marseilles in the _unicorn_, to ask for fresh supplies of money and stores from the philhellenes of western europe, but whose return had been long delayed, now arrived with a cargo of provisions, and with a sum of l., which, though altogether inadequate to the work to be done, made possible some work at any rate. in the _unicorn_ also came a new volunteer on behalf of greek independence. the schooner having called at zante on her way back, mr. cochrane there met prince paul buonaparte, nephew of the great napoleon who asked to be taken on board in order that he might serve under lord cochrane. this was agreed to, and the prince, a youth about eighteen years old, and six feet high, became, immediately after his arrival at poros, a favourite with lord cochrane and all his staff and crew. he was remarkable, said dr. grosse, for "his good-will, his amiability of character, his solidity of judgment, his intelligence, and the moderation of his principles." his stay in greece, however, was very brief. on the morning of the th of september, all on board the _hellas_ were startled by a shriek and the exclamation, "ah, mon dieu! je suis mort!" lord cochrane and several officers rushed to the prince's cabin, there to find him lying in a pool of blood, and writhing in agony. his servant had been cleaning his pistols, and he had just loaded one of them to hang it on a nail, when, the trigger being accidentally struck, the weapon discharged and a ball entered his body and settled in the groin. dr. howe, an american surgeon, famous for his services to greece and for later philanthropic labours, being at hand, came to his relief until dr. gosse could be sent for. all that could be done, however, was to lessen the pain, which he bore with great heroism through two-and-twenty hours. lord cochrane had him placed in his own cabin, and carefully tended him with his own hands. at seven o'clock in the following morning he cried out, "ah, quel douleur!" and died immediately. that melancholy accident had a sequel which must be told in illustration of the greed of the greeks. the prince's body was placed in a hogshead of spirits and conveyed to spetzas, there to be deposited in a convent until the wishes of the father, prince lucien buonaparte, could be ascertained as to its interment. a few months afterwards, some natives entering the convent and smelling the spirits, but apparently in ignorance of the use to which they had been applied, could not resist the temptation of tapping the hogshead and drinking a part of its contents. prince paul buonaparte died while lord cochrane was again making a tour of the islands, vainly trying to induce the inhabitants to provide him with adequate means for a formidable attack on the enemy. "in the port of spetzas," wrote one of his officers, on the th of august, "there are now nearly forty vessels--none of them ready, not a man on board. all the men are out in cruisers, notwithstanding his excellency's order to fit out their vessels to meet the enemy's fleet. but such are the greeks; they have no foresight, and until they see the enemy they will make no preparations, nor will they, unless the money is in their hands, expend a dollar to prepare a single fireship to defend their country. it is now twenty-eight days since lord cochrane ordered the vessels from hydra, spetzas, and egina to be prepared, and they are not yet ready." at length, on the th of september, lord cochrane was able, though still with difficulty, to resign the irksome and extra-official duties of a tax-gatherer that had been forced upon him. "since my return from zante, and, indeed, since my return from alexandria," he wrote on that day to the government, now lodged at egina, "i have been using my utmost endeavours to procure the equipment of a dozen brigs and as many fireships. the delays occasioned, however, by the want of pecuniary means have hitherto prevented the realization of my wishes, and the services of this frigate have been lost to the state during the fore-mentioned period, owing to the impossibility of procuring the necessary funds without my personal presence at syra and elsewhere. the equipment of the brigs and part of the fireships is now completed, in spite of all difficulties, and i shall not delay one moment the endeavour to effect something useful to the interests of the state. i think it proper, however, to intimate to your excellencies that, everything being paid relative to the expense of the present expedition, i know of no means whereby a single vessel can be maintained during the ensuing month." on the th of september, lord cochrane was able to start on another warlike cruise. his force comprised the _hellas_, the _karteria_, the _sauveur_, and nineteen or twenty other vessels. the spetziots and the hydriots, at the last moment, refused to aid him; but he was attended by miaoulis, kanaris, and saktoures, the three best of the native admirals. after a brief visit to candia, where he encouraged the garrison of grabusa to hold out against the enemy, he again passed round the morea, in which direction he desired to attain two important objects. the first was to injure as much as possible the turkish and egyptian vessels collected near navarino. the second was to co-operate with the wretched force that, under general church, had for three months past been making a show of resistance to the enemy at corinth, and with its help to try and stir up the natives of albania and western greece. these objects, partly prevented in other ways, were nearly averted by a barbarous plot for lord cochrane's assassination. while halting off the southern coast of the morea, on or near the th of september, a short, thick-built greek, with an ugly countenance and determined eye, came on board the _hellas_ and asked for employment as a sailor. he was examined and rejected, on the ground of previous misconduct. instead of going on shore again, however, he contrived to hide himself among the crew, and was not detected by lord cochrane for several hours, and when the frigate was in full sail. in the interval lord cochrane had received authentic information that this man had been commissioned by ibrahim pasha to attempt his life. there would have been justification for his immediate arrest, and, after a court martial, for his summary execution. but lord cochrane pursued a more generous policy. walking up to his secretary, mr. george cochrane, he said: "observe that man who is at the gangway on the larboard side. i have just had information that he has been sent by ibrahim pasha to assassinate me. go quietly below, put on your sword, and watch him while he is on board." mr. cochrane obeyed his instructions. "in less than five minutes," he says, "i was again on deck with my sword. i took a few turns on the quarter-deck with his lordship, and then placed myself in a convenient position, about a dozen yards from the man. i did not lose sight of him for a couple of hours, keeping my eye steadily upon him. he soon observed that i was watching him, and i could perceive that he did not feel very comfortable in his mind. he did not attempt to come aft. had he done so, i should have drawn my sword. after the men had had their dinner, one or two boats were got ready to convey seamen on board another vessel; and this fellow, seeing that his intentions were discovered, took advantage of the opportunity and got into one of the boats. i looked over the side of the _hellas_, and saw him depart." thus lord cochrane's life was saved. navarino was passed on the th of september. lord cochrane made no halt, as he saw that a british squadron, under sir edward codrington, was there watching the ottoman fleet and forbidding its egress. he accordingly at once proceeded northwards, and entered the gulf of patras on the th of september. on that day, in anticipation of the visit which he proposed to pay them, he forwarded proclamations to the inhabitants of the western coast. "people of albania!" he wrote in one of them, "although you have so long suffered under the mussulman yoke; although your love of liberty has been so long kept down by a dark and cruel despotism, the hour of your deliverance is not distant, and if you will you can hasten it. europe takes a lively interest in your destiny; your fellow-countrymen are hastening to aid you. but all depends on the energy which you yourselves display: the support which we offer you, to be efficacious, requires on your part redoubled zeal and patriotism in the actual and decisive moment. brave albanians! your happy future, the security of your families, and the honour of your religion, are in your hands; your bold and steady co-operation will ensure your own salvation and our success!" the intended expedition was prevented. it had been arranged that lord cochrane should wait near cape papas for the arrival of general church's army and convey it to western greece, in the hope of putting it to better service in that region. but the land force was long in coming, and before its arrival lord cochrane had to write to the government, explaining his recent movement and the reasons which compelled him to abandon the project of fighting in albania. "having proceeded to the gulf of patras," he said, "in order to co-operate with general church in his intended expedition to western greece, i thought it would be conducive to the public service to invest the fort of vasiladi, until, by the arrival of the forces of the general, more important operations could be undertaken; and accordingly that island was immediately blockaded by the boats of the squadron, and now continues surrounded by the vessels belonging to the missolonghites, who have undertaken to maintain the blockade until it shall surrender. the _karteria_, the _sauveur_, and two of the gunboats, were immediately detached with orders to take or destroy all the enemy's vessels within the gulf of lepanto, whilst the _hellas_ went to the anchorage of kalamos, in order to ascertain from the officers in arms what prospect there was of general co-operation; and i regret to say that the want of union among the chiefs and the prospect of some kind of accommodation with the enemy seemed to paralyse all their energies. i therefore detached all the squadron under admiral miaoulis to syra and naxos, to aid the candiots and chiots, should they continue inclined to assert their independence. i have to add that i received an indirect communication from the british admiral, intimating his desire that no new or further operations should be undertaken in that quarter; for which reason i am about to proceed elsewhere, under the impression that nothing should be left undone to stir up the population of greece to a sense of their duty to themselves and to their country." the communication referred to was conveyed by lord ingestre, commander of the _philomel_, who hailed the _hellas_ on the th of september, to deliver a message from sir edward codrington. "whereas i am informed by sir frederick adam," wrote the english admiral, "that lord cochrane, with the greek fleet, is about to embark the army of general church in the neighbourhood of cape papas, for the purpose of conveying them to the coast of albania, you are hereby directed to make known to the commander of that expedition that i consider it my duty, in the present state of affairs, to prevent such a measure being carried into execution, and that i shall shortly present myself in that neighbourhood for that purpose." lord cochrane knew that, if it would be personally very distasteful to him to be in collision with the naval force of his own country, it would, on public grounds and in the interests of greek independence, be wholly inexcusable for him to act in violation of sir edward codrington's message. therefore he complied with it and went back to the archipelago, there to do other work, while england was serving greece in her own way. the service was to be rendered at last. after spending a year in diplomatic formalities, great britain and russia had, in the spring of , openly renewed their arguments with the porte in favour of greek independence. these arguments having been rejected, the two christian powers were in consultation as to the next course to be pursued, when france, partly urged thereto by her schemes for the acquisition of algiers, then a turkish dependency, offered to take part in the defence of greece. the result was a treaty signed in london, on behalf of the three states, on the th of july, having for its object the enforcement of the st. petersburg protocol of the th of april, . it insisted that greece should have internal freedom, though under vassalage to turkey; and provided that, if the contending parties did not agree to an armistice within a month, there should be a forcible intervention. the greeks welcomed the proposals made to them in consequence of this treaty; but they were rejected by the turkish government, notwithstanding the appearance of english, french, and russian warships in the eastern part of the mediterranean. reshid pasha and ibrahim continued their efforts to bring the whole insurgent district into thorough subjection, and accordingly the patriotic greeks and their foreign supporters continued to act on the defensive. lord cochrane and a few others, indeed, were eager to secure action bolder than ever, considering that, when the settling-time arrived, the limits of independent greece would be augmented if a larger area was then the scene of zealous opposition to the turkish power. this it was that chiefly induced the efforts to quicken the revolt in albania, and when lord cochrane was prevented by sir edward codrington from persevering in his work in that quarter, he lost no time in sailing round to the eastern side of greece, there to do his utmost towards rousing the people of candia and other islands into an assertion of their independence, in order that they too might have a claim to be included in the liberation of the greeks. the message from sir edward codrington to lord cochrane, which has been quoted, was dated the th of september. it was written immediately after an interview of the english commander and admiral de rigny, who was in charge of the french squadron, with ibrahim pasha. to him they had formally announced that they were instructed to insist upon a cessation of hostilities, and that they should promptly act upon their instructions. ibrahim answered that he had orders from the sultan to continue the war, but he promised to communicate with his sovereign, and pledged himself to abstain from hostilities until the answer arrived and was reported to the allied fleets. before that answer came a fortunate series of accidents, arising out of lord cochrane's expedition to the albanian coast, turned the current of diplomacy and secured for greece more freedom than had been anticipated. lord cochrane, attended by his greek vessels, had left the neighbourhood of cape papas on the th of september. but, though deeming himself bound in honour to that course, he was willing to allow a part of his force to remain in the neighbourhood and watch the progress of events, especially as that part was at the time separated from him and lying in the gulf of lepanto. it consisted of the _karteria_, under captain abney hastings, the _sauveur_, under captain thomas, and two gunboats, each mounting a -pounder. for a week this little squadron, ignorant of the arrangement between the allied admirals and ibrahim pasha, watched a turkish force that was moored in the scala of salona, and comprised one large algerine schooner carrying twenty brass guns, a brig of fourteen guns, six smaller brigs and schooners, two gunboats, and two armed transports. these vessels were protected by batteries on the level shore and other batteries on overhanging rocks. on the th of september, captains hastings and thomas proceeded to attack them, and did so with excellent effect. the solid shot of the _sauveur_ and the gunboats soon silenced the batteries; the red-hot shells of the _karteria_ made havoc of the enemy's vessels, four being defeated within half-an-hour. soon the _sauveur_ and the gunboats joined in the attack on the shipping, and, in the end, seven vessels were destroyed and three captured. the news of that victory, as soon as it was conveyed to navarino, where nearly all the naval force of the turks was lying, roused the anger of ibrahim pasha, who complained that the allied powers, while binding him to inaction, allowed the greeks to carry on the war. on the st of october, he sent out thirty war-ships with orders to enter the gulf of lepanto and punish hastings and thomas for their recent exploits. sir edward codrington, however, pursued them, and drove them back to navarino. ibrahim pasha, not easily to be baffled, himself left navarino, on the evening of the rd, with fourteen of his stoutest vessels. again sir edward codrington gave chase, and this second squadron also was compelled by him to return to port. ibrahim pasha, however, was not to be robbed of his revenge. he dared not leave navarino by sea, but he sent thence a land force, which marched up to the northern side of the morea, and did serious mischief to the wornout fragment of an army which general church was slowly conducting from corinth to papas, there to be embarked for albania. only by the unlooked-for valour of young kolokotrones and his section was the rout of the whole army averted. nor was ibrahim satisfied with this act of retaliation. his troops scoured all the adjoining country, burning villages and laying waste the olive-groves and fig-gardens which were the only source of subsistence to the luckless natives. thereby sir edward codrington and his allies were in turn incensed. they decided that the time had come for direct interference in the struggle, and for the expulsion of the ottoman forces from the morea. in the afternoon of the th of october, five and twenty line-of-battle ships, frigates, and sloops entered the bay of navarino. ten of them were english, seven were french, and eight were russian, and they carried in all guns. twenty thousand ottoman troops watched them from the fortresses of navarino and sphakteria, and, as they entered the harbour, they saw some eighty turkish and egyptian vessels, mounting about guns, drawn up in the shape of a horseshoe to receive them. they had come only to threaten; but accident, or design on the part of the enemy, brought about a most momentous battle. a volley from the ottomans began the fight, which was continued for four hours with stolid energy on both sides. the english and french vessels, being foremost, carried on the chief contest with the enemy's shipping; the russians had to silence the batteries before they could enter the harbour, but then their admiral, count heyden, did his full share of the deadly work. the fighting lasted till sunset; but by that time many of the enemy's hulks were in flames, and all through the night these flames spread from one vessel to another till nearly all were destroyed. at daybreak, only twenty-nine out of the eighty were afloat, and six thousand or more moslems had been slain, burnt, or drowned. many of the vessels of the allies were seriously damaged, and of their crews a hundred and seventy-five men were killed, and four hundred and fifty wounded. that was the battle of navarino. "i have the honour to inform you," wrote sir edward codrington to the greek government, "that, according to the decision of my colleagues, count heyden and rear-admiral de rigny, and myself, the combined fleet entered this port at two o'clock on the th, that some of the ships of the turko-egyptian fleet first began a fire of musketry, and then fired cannon-shot, which led very shortly to a general battle, which lasted till dark, and that the consequence of this has been the destruction of the whole of the turkish fleet, except a few corvettes and brigs. most of the ships of the allied fleets have received so much injury that they must go into port; but if the greek vessels of war are employed against their enemy instead of destroying the commerce of the allies, they may henceforth easily obstruct the movements of any turkish force by sea." chapter xxi. the first consequences of the interference of the allied powers and the battle of navarino.--lord cochrane's intended share in fabvier's expedition to chios.--its abandonment.--his cruise among the islands and about navarino.--his efforts to repress piracy.--his return to the archipelago.--the misconduct of the government.--lord cochrane's complaints.--his letters to the representatives of the allied powers, acquitting himself of complicity in greek piracy.--his further complaints to the government.--his resolution to visit england.--his letter to count capodistrias explaining and justifying that resolution.--his departure from greece, and arrival at portsmouth.--his letter to m. eynard. [ - .] heartily rejoicing at the benefit conferred on greece by the battle of navarino, lord cochrane could not but be troubled to think that the overthrow of the turkish and egyptian fleet, which he had laboured so zealously to effect, and which, had he received any adequate support from the government or the people, would have been a work as easy for him as the enterprises in which he had been so notably successful in former times and other countries, had to be done by the officers and ships of foreign nations instead of by him and the native fleet of which, by name, he was commander-in-chief. the battle being won, however, he tried, with no flagging of his energy, to complete the triumph that had been thus begun, and, if anything was easy to a people so wanting in patriotism, made easier. he was at poros at the time of the battle. on his way thither he had fallen in with the _enterprise_, the first of the steamers built in england, and which, with others that never were completed at all, ought to have been completed nearly two years before. the _enterprise_ had been so badly constructed, that now that she arrived, she was of very little use. lord cochrane was now trying to improve her sailing powers, and at the same time attempting to collect a really manageable crew for the _hellas_, and to bring together other vessels fit for naval work. in these labours there was no less difficulty than had befallen him on former occasions. the _hellas_ was in want of water; but the inhabitants of poros refused to supply it, on the plea that they had no more than was needed for their lemon-gardens. some carpentering was urgently needed by the _enterprise_; but, as it had to be done on sunday, the workmen declined to touch a hammer, notwithstanding the exhortations of a priest who promised them absolution, and even threatened to excommunicate them if they failed in their duty to the country in this pressing time of its necessity. of those sorts were the obstacles that occurred each day, and rendered futile all the efforts of lord cochrane and his officers. on the th of october, lord cochrane again set sail from poros in the _hellas_, accompanied by the _sauveur_, and the corvette which he had lately taken from the turks, to which the name of _hydra_ was now given, and proceeded to chios. that island, the scene of previous disasters, had since been left in the hands of the turks. colonel fabvier was now attempting to recover it for greece, and lord cochrane entered heartily into the work. he arrived on the th, and spent two days in vigorous co-operation with the land force that had reached the island a day before. his share in this enterprise, however, was brief. he was visited on the nd of november first by captain le blanc, bearing a message from admiral de rigny, and afterwards by captain hamilton, who produced a copy of a letter addressed on the th of october to the legislative assembly by the admirals of the three allied powers. "we will not suffer greece," they there said, "to send any expedition to cruise or blockade, except between lepanto and volo, comprehending salamis, egina, hydra, and spetzas. we will not suffer the greeks to carry insurrection into either chios or albania, and, by so doing, to expose the inhabitants to the cruel reprisals of the turks. we regard as null and void all letters of marque given to cruisers found beyond the above limits; and the ships-of-war of the allied powers will everywhere have orders to detain them. there remains no longer any pretence for them. the maritime armistice is, in fact, observed on the side of the turks, since their fleet no longer exists. take care of yours, for we will destroy it also, if the case requires it, to put an end to a system of maritime pillage which will end by putting you out of the protection of the law of nations." by that letter, lord cochrane was constrained to abandon his intended work at chios. he could excuse the angry terms in which it was couched, since the anger was only directed against the same unpatriotic conduct which he had all along been denouncing. he was painfully aware that, with the exception of his own flag-ship and the few vessels commanded by english officers, his fleet was chiefly composed of pirates, who only took temporary service under the national flag in order to fill up their idle time, or to make their public service an occasion for further clandestine pursuit of their lawless avocations. from the first he had persistently and fiercely denounced this piracy, and from the day on which he had heard of the victory at navarino he had resolved to make it a special business to do all in his power to root out the evil. "the destruction of the ottoman fleet by that of the allied powers," he had said in a proclamation dated the th of october, "having delivered the greek fleet from the cares which had necessarily occupied its attention, and the commander of the maritime forces of greece having the right to take due measures for the extinction of piracy, to preserve the honour of the state, and to protect the people and property of friendly nations, it is now made known that ships of less than a hundred tons' burden are not to have arms on board, unless they are first provided with express commissions, so registered, and numbered in such a manner that the number shall be conspicuously noted on the ship. all other vessels of the size defined which shall be found at sea with arms will be considered as pirates, and the crews shall be brought to trial, and, if found guilty, be executed." for the brief remainder of his service in greece, indeed, lord cochrane made it his principal duty to do all in his power towards the suppression of piracy. the admirals of the allies having insisted that the greek vessels should do nothing but watch their own coasts within a distance of twelve miles from the shore, he proceeded to the southern part of the morea, making only a short tour, in order to meet the primates of samos, naxia, paros, candia, and other islands, and ascertain from them the condition of the people and their power of resistance to the turks and to their piratical enemies of their own race. the information gained by him was not satisfactory. he found that here, as in the mainland and the nearer islands, patriotism was weak and misrule oppressive. everywhere the people were the victims of their own want of patriotism and of the tyranny of foes, both moslem and christian. he was off cerigo on the th of november. there, having heard that the residue of the turkish and egyptian fleet was preparing to put to sea with all the available force, apparently to carry on the war in candia, he at once sailed on to the south-eastern promontory of the morea, and, during a fortnight, maintained the blockade on both sides of navarino, between coron and prodana. there also he was able to carry on his war against pirates. "the _hellas_ being off the island of prodana, a few miles to the north of navarino," he reported to the government, describing an important adventure of the st of november, "i sent two boats for the purpose of procuring wood from the island. the boats, being fired upon from persons near to some vessels in a cove, returned with a report that there were turks upon the island. in consequence of this report, the corvette _hydra_ was directed to enter by the northern passage, whilst the _hellas_ entered to the southward of the island, and both vessels anchored opposite to the place where the supposed turkish vessels were at anchor. it was immediately perceived, however, that the vessels were not turkish, and, on examination, one proved to be a schooner under the greek flag. it was soon discovered that a dutch vessel at anchor in the same port had been seized, without the slightest pretence, by the schooner and plundered of almost everything that could be removed, and, moreover, that the captain and crew had been most barbarously flogged, for the purpose of ascertaining where the proceeds of the outward cargo were deposited." lord cochrane wrote to the same effect to the governor of zante. "i have left the piratical vessel with a petty officer and sufficient crew to blockade prodana, until you can send and seize the pirates, should you think proper, as they have been plundering and annoying the trade of the ionian islands. i send two of the pirates in irons, in order that, obtaining further information, you may deal with them and with the others according to the law of nations." that instance of the policy adopted by lord cochrane will help to show how he set himself to put down piracy. the work was not easy, as the lawless conduct was secretly authorised by the government, and practised with very little secresy by great numbers of the national vessels. it was in vain that he issued the proclamation of the th of october, that has been quoted; in vain, too, that he sent two gunboats to visit all the principal ports, with fresh injunctions against piracy and with authority to compel obedience to those injunctions, if necessary, by force. good work, however, was done by these gunboats, in conjunction with two brigs detached for the purpose, in escorting neutral trading vessels through the waters most infested by the sea-robbers. slowly and painfully the conviction was forced upon lord cochrane that, after all his previous failures in attempting to turn the lawless greeks into honest patriots and to convert their ill-manned ships into members of an efficient navy, his labours were now more useless than ever. after a fortnight's cruising about navarino, he retraced his course and anchored, on the rd of december, off egina, where the so-called government was then located. to it he wrote on that day, asking for directions as to his mode of procedure. "the squadron under my command," he said, "has been in the blockade of coron, modon, and navarino, and i have to inform your excellencies that there yet exists in the port of navarino a naval force, under the turkish flag, superior to the force under my command. i have, therefore, felt it my duty to repair to this port, in order that i may obtain instructions for my guidance, more especially as the turkish squadron is ready for sea, and said to be destined for candia, with ten thousand men, intending there to repeat the barbarities which the want of provisions in the morea renders it impossible they can longer perpetrate in that quarter. there is also a great number of captive women and children about to be transported as slaves, and the only force of the allied powers off navarino consists of a small brig, the _pelican_, which is totally inadequate to impede the naval operations of the turks. under these circumstances, i beg to be explicitly informed whether i am to consider that 'the armistice _de facto_' continues, and if you have any doubt on the subject that you will be pleased candidly to inform me, that i may not be led into error and so increase the evils by doing anything in opposition to the intentions of the allied powers." that letter was answered by a personal visit from the members of the government, when lord cochrane was informed that the triumvirate was so embarrassed by the demands of the allied powers for restitution on account of piracies committed with its approval that it could neither do nor sanction anything at all. he was told that even the scanty means that he had had for supporting the fleet out of the revenues of the islands could no longer be allowed to him, as every dollar that could any how be collected would be required for other purposes. still, however, the government expected him to continue his work, and he was even asked to do work from which, both for his own honour and in the interests of greece, he felt bound to abstain. "i have received your letter," he wrote to the secretary, about ten days afterwards, from poros, "informing me that it is the desire of the government that a national vessel shall be despatched to chios, in the event of my being prevented from personally proceeding in the _hellas_ to that island. in reply to this intimation, i have to state to you that it is impossible for me, consistently with the duties which i owe to greece, to place the national squadron, whilst it shall continue under my command, or any part thereof, under circumstances to be treated by the ships-of-war of the allied powers after the manner set forth in the letter of the th of october, addressed by the three admirals to the legislative assembly,--a determination which is even more painful to me than the grief i feel at finding myself involved, notwithstanding all my precautions, in the restrictions and penalties justly laid upon privateers and pirates. i cannot trust myself to say more on this subject, lest i should be led by my feelings to pass the bounds which i prescribe to myself as an officer when treating of the conduct of the government which he serves. if chios remains unprotected, if candia is deprived of the aid it might receive from the national marine, and if the ships-of-war are incapacitated from extending the bounds of greece, i have the consolation of knowing that i have used my utmost endeavours to prevent the evils i foresaw. one of these, however, i was far from anticipating,--namely, that the revenues which i was authorised to collect for the service of the marine would have been withdrawn from my control and expended for other purposes; more particularly that sums so diverted should be placed to the account of the marine, without the objects for which they were employed having received my sanction or even been known by me. "i have struggled during eight months in the service of greece against difficulties far greater than all i ever encountered before; and i would most willingly continue to contend with these, did i find the slightest co-operation in any quarter. but, as the government has withdrawn _de facto_ the resources decreed, and the seamen decline to embark without pay in advance, and the funds, arising from the philanthropy of other european nations, which supplied the navy with the means of subsistence, are wholly exhausted, i have no alternative but to lay the ships up in port, until means to defray the expenses of the navy shall be found. i have myself, during the last month, paid the greeks in the naval service; but whilst i see that even the share of prizes claimed by government is diverted from its proper use, i shall not continue to be answerable for future expenses, nor for the liquidation of the just claims of the foreign officers, which they have had the patience to leave in arrears for many months." it had come to this. lord cochrane had been devoting all his energies to the service of greece; and now he found himself deserted by his employers, or only retained in the hope that he would be an unpaid agent in piratical and lawless proceedings. that last circumstance was to him the most painful of all. having done his utmost to restrain the piracy that was rife, he was still regarded by the governing triumvirate as only the most powerful instrument for achievements that were little better than piratical; and the same cruel misrepresentation of his functions was common among his enemies in england and other parts of europe. colour for this misrepresentation appeared in the celebrated letter written by the three admirals on the th of october, which, describing the national fleet as a mere crowd of "greek corsairs," by implication included lord cochrane and his english supporters in the same opprobrium. this had not at first been perceived by him. on his detecting the insult, he wrote to the representatives of the three powers three letters, which here need to be quoted in his justification. the first was addressed, on the th of december, to captain le blanc, commander of the _junon_. "the silence respecting the regular forces under my orders," he said, "observed in the letter of the admirals of the mediating powers, dated october the th, , appearing to make no distinction between them and the mere pirates, hanging over both the same accusations, and subjecting consequently the former to the restrictions wisely adopted towards the latter, makes it my duty, both towards the country which i serve, towards the officers under my command, and towards myself, to protest publicly and in the face of europe, against the interpretations to which such a document seems to give foundation. the detailed account of the conduct of those ships of war which are under my immediate orders, and which compose the national squadron of greece, will prove that no neutral vessel whatever has been seized, driven out of its course, or stopped by them under any pretext whatever, with the exception of such as have broken the blockade of lepanto, the detention of which is legalized by the act above mentioned. these facts are undeniable. the conduct of the officers of the national squadron has been conformable, in all points, to the laws of nations and to the instructions issued by the admirals, in their character of representatives of the mediating powers. no hostility has been committed by the national vessels against the territory or the forces of the turco-egyptian government, placed beyond the prescribed limits of lepanto. but, if such be the state of things, i have the right of sending on a mission, for the public service, ships of war beyond these limits, and, availing myself of that right, i have despatched two (the one to corfu, and the other to syra), the destination of which relates to the finances of the navy. be pleased, sir, to communicate the contents of this letter to admiral de rigny, with whom you have communicated verbally on the subject, and explain to him the propriety of this step, to avoid explanations with which it is not necessary that the public should intermix." the second letter, dated the th of january, , was to the commander of the russian frigate _constantine_. "although i am aware," wrote lord cochrane, "that his excellency, count heyden, when he affixed his signature to the letter of the admirals, addressed to the legislative assembly of greece, dated the th of october, could not attest, of his own knowledge, the truth of the imputations contained in the said document; yet, as the public may not recollect that the recent arrival of the count precluded the possibility of his being in the slightest degree acquainted with facts regarding the regular naval service under my command, i expect from the count, that so soon as he shall have informed himself on the subject, he will take the necessary steps to remove an evil impression which he unconsciously has contributed to produce, and thus save me, in as far as the count is concerned, the necessity, always disagreeable, even of a satisfactory refutation of the imputations cast upon me as commander-in-chief of the greek fleet." the third letter was to commodore hamilton, of the _cambrian_, who had been left by sir edward codrington to represent the british squadron in the archipelago. "the government of greece having acquiesced in the offer made by the three powers to mediate in her behalf," wrote lord cochrane, "it became my duty to obey the decision of the admirals representing those powers, when duly communicated. but whilst my official situation demands acquiescence on points of a public nature, it is far otherwise when the admirals give reasons affecting the character of the regular naval service of greece, in justification of restrictions imposed by them on the movements of the squadron i command, accompanied by threats to destroy the greek vessels of war, in order to prevent asserted piracy. you, sir, who are accurately acquainted with facts, and now possess ample means of ascertaining the truth here upon the spot, must know, or may learn, that no neutral vessel has been seized or disturbed in her course by the national squadron on the high seas, nor any vessel detained, except those acting in violation of the blockades acknowledged by these very admirals. is it not then extraordinary that such limitations and menaces on false grounds should originate with persons whose high official situations would seem to sanction imputation under their signatures? i have told the french and russian commanders, and i hope you will assure the british admiral, that i shall be loth to trespass on public attention with explanations, to refute their joint letter of the th of october, in justification of those under my orders; but it will become me so to do unless a satisfactory interpretation shall be given to expressions which, at present, seem even more particularly personal to myself." that was almost the last letter written by lord cochrane in greece for many months. finding his position as first admiral of the greek navy, without work to do or crews to direct, unbearable, he had resolved upon a fresh expedient for attempting to improve the state of affairs. before that, however, he made a last attempt to gain support from the nominal government, and uttered a last protest against its mode of procedure. "i have strenuously endeavoured," he wrote on the th of december, "to avoid laying before you any complaint, more particularly concerning acts done by your excellencies; but there is a point at which such forbearance on my part would become a dereliction of my duty as an officer in the service of greece, amounting even to treason against the state. so long as the evils extended no further than the depriving the ships-of-war of their crews, and preventing the brulottes from being equipped for service; so long as the injury occasioned by the granting of numerous licences to privateers only prevented naval operations from being carried on against the enemy, i remained silent. but now that the conduct of those privateers has brought down upon the greek nation a threat of being placed out of the law of nations, and has involved the national squadron, unmeritedly, in the disgrace attached to those who have been guilty of unlawful acts, it is my duty to notify to your excellencies that i consider all authorities given without my intervention to armed vessels, of any description, for belligerent purposes, to be illegal, and that i have given orders to the national vessels under my authority to seize them, wherever they may be found, that they may be judged according to the law of nations." "i have been waiting with anxiety," he wrote in another letter, a few days later, "for the occurrence of events which would have rendered it unnecessary for me to enter into any correspondence with your excellencies on pecuniary matters; but, unfortunately, my anticipations on this head having been disappointed, and the squadron being without even the provisions necessary for the maintenance of the few men required on board the ships when at anchor, it has become an imperious duty no longer to delay calling upon your excellencies to fulfil the engagement entered into relative to the appropriation of two-thirds of the revenues of the islands, which you have thought fit to apply to other purposes." to neither letter was any satisfactory answer sent by the authorities, and lord cochrane, after all his previous troubles, believed that none would ever be obtained. he therefore suddenly resolved to leave greece for a time, to go himself to england and france, and there, by personal communication with the leading philhellenes, to describe the actual condition of greece, and to see if any better state of affairs could be brought about. this resolution he announced on the st of january, , to count capodistrias, who, having been elected president of greece nearly nine months before, and having accepted that office, had not yet thought fit to enter upon it or to do anything towards repairing the shattered fortunes and retrieving the violated honour of the state of which he was nominally the head. "on my return home from brazil," said lord cochrane, in this memorable letter, "i was pressed by various friends of greece to engage in the service of a people struggling to free themselves from oppression and slavery. my inclination was consonant to theirs. it was stipulated that, for the objects in view, six steam-vessels should be rapidly built, and that two old vessels of war, or indiamen, should be purchased and manned with foreign seamen. the engines for the steam-vessels were to be high-pressure, these being the easiest constructed and managed; and two american frigates, when finished, were also to be placed under my authority. the failure of the engineer, through disgraceful ignorance or base treachery, in the proper construction of the engines--the want of funds to procure the old vessels of war or indiamen with foreign seamen--and the retention of one of the frigates built in north america, deprived me of the whole of the stipulated force, except the _hellas_. it is needless to remark that with one frigate i was unable to effect that which has since required eleven european ships of the line, aided by many frigates and smaller vessels, to accomplish. under these circumstances, it became my duty to confine myself to desultory operations, secretly conducted against the enemy. "the difficulties i have had to contend with, even in these excursions," he continued, "can best be appreciated by the few foreign european officers who accompanied me. the obstinate refusal of the greek seamen to embark or perform the smallest service without being paid in advance--the contempt with which the elder portion of the seamen treated every endeavour to promote regularity and maintain silence in exercising the great guns and other evolutions, rendered their improvement hopeless; and the enlistment of young seamen, whilst the old were rejected, has been rendered extremely difficult by reason of the influence of the latter, and by the prejudice excited against a regular naval service by influential individuals, whose power and importance are thereby diminished in the maritime islands. the frequent mutinies or resistance to authority, and the numerous instances in which i have been obliged to return to port or abstain from going to sea are recorded, as to dates and circumstances, in the log-book of the _hellas_, together with the disgraceful conduct of the crew in the stripping and robbing of prisoners, and their want of coolness in the presence of an enemy--exemplified on our attacking a small frigate and a corvette near clarenza, and by the firing of upwards of four hundred round shot, on a subsequent occasion, at the corvette now named _hydra_, without hitting the hull of that vessel four times, although she was within a hundred yards of the _hellas_. such was the confusion excited by the contiguity even of so inferior an enemy. it is not my intention to trouble you at present with detail; yet i cannot suffer to pass unnoticed that certain commanders, and the seamen of the majority of the fireships--in the use of which vessels rested my last hopes--failed in their duty on the only two important occasions when their services were required; once at alexandria in the presence of the enemy, as the brave kanaris can well testify; and again by the crews abandoning their duty and embarking in privateers, many of them after having received pay in advance for their services. indeed--encouraged by privateering licenses--insubordination, outrage, and piracy have arrived at such a pitch that these very national fireships, stripped not only of their rigging, but of their anchors and cables, are now drifting about the harbour of poros. a neutral boat, detained by the _hellas_ for violation of blockade, has been plundered by those sent in charge of her; and scarcely a vessel can pass between the islands, or along the shore, without the passengers and property being exposed to brutal violence and plunder. a darker period is yet approaching if decisive measures are not adopted for the suppression of outrages like these. "i am ready to serve greece, and to aid in any way in the accomplishment of the arduous task you have undertaken; but, on the fullest consideration of circumstances, i feel that i should practise a deception were i to contribute to the belief that the few foreign officers in the naval service can put a stop to these disorders, which must finally involve the character of that very service, already prematurely brought in question by the conduct of vessels unlawfully commissioned by the temporary government. i have, in consequence of this opinion, come to the resolution to exert myself to procure adequate means to execute the duties of an office in which my efforts hitherto have been all counteracted; and i the more readily adopt this resolution as, during the winter months, it is impossible to navigate the _hellas_ in these narrow seas with a crew of young inexperienced greek seamen, and still more impracticable to manage her with old ones of turkish habits. i may, indeed, add that, until the communication addressed on the th of october by the three admirals to the legislative assembly shall be cancelled, it is hopeless to attempt any naval enterprise in favour of greece, even had admiral de rigny not super-added his commands 'that all greek vessels, armed for war, found beyond twelve miles from the shores of continental greece, between volo and lepanto, shall be destroyed.' i repeat that i have taken my determination, not from any private feeling of disgust at the above disgraceful restrictions brought by the temporary government; nor from their misappropriation of the revenues allotted to maritime purposes, and the consequent want of pay, stores, and even provisions for the ships of war; nor from the painful feeling that the crippled ships of the enemy are thereby enabled to depart in security, dragging with them four thousand grecian captives to slavery; nor from the impossibility of reducing their maritime fortifications, while the greeks, unpunished, are the chief violators of the blockade; but i have resolved to proceed to england without loss of time, that i may render better service to greece. if you aid me with means, my object as to seamen will be ensured. sober, steady men can be obtained from the northern nations, who will do their duty, and, since precept is useless, teach the greeks by example. then piracy may cease and commerce may flourish. be your intention in regard to the steam-vessels still in england what it may, foreign seamen are indispensable to the interests of greece and to your own; and the expense of bringing them here will be little increased if these steamers, fitted under my inspection, shall become the means of their conveyance. the hardship of a winter's voyage to the north, in a small vessel, i shall deem amply repaid if i can accomplish these objects, expose the injustice and impolicy of certain measures, and bring the real wants of greece to the knowledge of a liberal and enlightened administration." on the same new year's day lord cochrane wrote, explaining his resolution, to dr. gosse, who, of all the philhellenes in greece, had rendered him most efficient service in his thankless task, and most zealously encouraged him, throughout a long series of failures for which he was in no way answerable, to persevere in struggling for success. "my dear friend and fellow-sufferer," he said, "in conformity with your wish and opinion, i have tolerated my mental load of grievances until the new year; but as it is essential to commence it well in order that measures may prosper to the end, i have resolved to put my intention in execution, regardless of the officious tongues of those of microscopic views who may deem that my time might be well employed in balancing the rivalships of barbarous seamen or protecting the movable stores of the immovable _hellas_. in my present state of official insignificance i could render no other service. i have stated a few of my reasons in a letter to capodistrias, for his private information, when he shall assume the office of president. i hope these will suffice, and that he will communicate his desire, which shall be duly attended to." in accordance with his new resolution, lord cochrane transferred the command of the _hellas_, and such control of the whole navy as was possible, to admiral miaoulis. he left poros in the little schooner _unicorn_, on the th of january, and arrived at portsmouth on the th of february. "the anxiety and disappointment," he said, writing to m. eynard from portsmouth on the following day, "which i experienced in regard to the steam-vessels and other means that were to have been placed at my disposal are trifling, when compared to the distress i have felt at finding my only remaining hope of rendering effectual service to greece destroyed by the impossibility of inducing the greek seamen to submit to the slightest restraint on their inclinations, or to render the most trifling service without being paid in advance, or to perform such service after being so paid, if it suited their interest or convenience to evade the fulfilment of their engagement. more than six crews have passed under my review on board the _hellas_ in the course of as many months, exclusive of those in other vessels, and, notwithstanding all that has been written to praise the courage of the greek seamen, they are collectively the greatest cowards i have ever met with. no service of any difficulty or danger can be undertaken with such men without the greatest risk of being compromised by the confusion they create, and the impossibility of causing orders to be obeyed. indeed, though styled commander-in-chief of the greek naval forces, i have, since the th of april last, when i hoisted my flag, been, in truth, under the control of wild and frantic savages, whose acts are guided by momentary impulses or heedless avidity to grasp some immediate pecuniary or petty advantage, regardless of any prospect of future benefit, however great, to their country or to themselves. to give you an idea of the character of men suddenly emancipated from a state of the most degrading and abject slavery, in which state cunning, deception, and fraud, if not absolutely requisite, were convenient and profitable, of their present arrogancy, ignorance, despotism, and cruelty, when safe opportunity offers for revenge, would require that a diary should be laid before you of events which have actually occurred. the confidence you were pleased to repose in me, and the friendly offices for which i am indebted to you would have imposed upon me the task of transmitting to you such detail, had the state of my mind, harassed by constant contrarieties, permitted. "leaving to a future period, then, minute recital of distressing occurrences, permit me to make a few observations as to the course that appears to be necessary to be pursued in order to save greece from impending ruin:-- st. the chief leaders of the different factions should be removed from greece,--those who have education, on missions to different states, as envoys, consuls, etc., and the others, as circumstances will permit. else greece will be a theatre of plunder and discord whilst they hold authority or have means to interfere in public affairs. ndly. troops to the amount of four thousand, at least, are required to enforce obedience to salutary laws and regulations. rdly. five hundred seamen from the northern nations of europe or north america are indispensable for the suppression of piracy and to prevent the plunder of the islands. thly. young greek seamen should be employed by the civilized nations in their vessels of war and commerce. thly. the settlement of persons from all quarters of europe, in numbers affording mutual protection, should be encouraged. of course education at home, but more especially abroad, will improve the rising generation. for all those people now at the age of maturity in greece there is no hope of amelioration. in regard to myself, i am ready, according to my engagement, to render any service in my power to greece, and i shall feel great satisfaction if i am enabled to do so; but it is no part of my contract to place myself under the control of lawless savages. what might we not have done had the steam-vessels and five hundred good seamen been employed in greece, when, with these barbarians, we have doubled the number of greek national vessels of war, and destroyed twice as many of the enemy's squadron? i hope the president capodistrias will not put his foot on shore in greece, unless accompanied by a military force. if he does, he will afford corroborative proof of the impossibility of establishing a new order of things by the instrumentality of men who feel interested in the continuance of ancient habits and abuses."[ ] [ ] see appendix. chapter xxii. lord cochrane's occupations on behalf of greece in london and paris.--his second letter to capodistrias.--his defence of himself with reference to his visit to western europe.--his return to greece.--capodistrias's presidency and the progress of greece.--lord cochrane's reception by the government.--the settlement of his accounts.--his letter of resignation.--the final indignities to which he was subjected.--the correspondence thereupon between admiral heyden and dr. gosse.--lord cochrane's departure from greece.--his opinions regarding her.--the character and issues of his services to the greeks. [ - .] lord cochrane's absence from greece was longer and less advantageous than he anticipated. arriving in london on the th of february, , he found that the english philhellenes were tired out by the bad faith and the unpatriotic conduct of the greeks, and that the english government, which he had hoped to influence so far as to obtain an alteration in the foreign enlistment act which would enable him to secure the services of a well-trained force of british seamen, was determined to give no help in the matter. he found, too, that the steam-vessels yet to be furnished in accordance with the old contract with mr. galloway were still unfinished, and that there would be no little trouble and delay, added to all that had already been endured, before their completion could be hoped for. not disheartened, however, he went almost immediately to paris, there to see what could be expected from the philhellenes of the continent. "i have taken steps," he wrote to m. eynard from paris on the nd of march, "to cause one of our small steam-vessels to be fitted with proper engines, the expense of which i shall find means to defray. i hope the president will favour me with a communication at an early date, at least, to say whether he has means to pay and victual a few hundreds of foreign seamen, and thus put my mind at rest. for he must depend on foreign aid to support him in his government, protect commerce, and enable a revenue to be derived from the latent resources of greece. the greeks themselves will do nothing towards these objects; though there will not be wanting individuals who will endeavour, for their personal views, to persuade them to the contrary of this. my mind is not yet sufficiently tranquil to give detailed reasons for my opinion that things will not succeed in greece without troops and other foreign aid; but such time will prove to be the case." "were the three great powers," he said in another letter to m. eynard, dated the th of march, "pleased to aid the president with funds to a small amount, they would accomplish more for their own benefit and that of greece, than by great fleets and armies. four thousand troops, under the greek government, and five hundred seamen, would terminate the affair; but never will anarchy cease or piracy be put down, nor will capodistrias be secure, unless he has, under his own authority, the means of enforcing obedience to the laws and regulations for the public good by sea and land. i have told you that the greek seamen cannot be used to suppress piracy, and i may truly add that no greeks of age to bear arms can become soldiers, though they learn readily enough to perform the military exercises. there neither is nor has yet been, since my arrival in greece, one single company--not even the marines, with which so much pains was taken--that deserves the name of regular. their ideas are quite repugnant to everything that constitutes the military character." lord cochrane, who, it will be remembered, was chiefly instrumental in the election of count john capodistrias as president of greece in april, , had hoped much from his government. his confidence was not a little shaken by the long delay which the president had shown in entering on his office, and when capodistrias arrived, in greece, only a few days after lord cochrane's departure, his first acts were calculated to shake that confidence yet more. he introduced many solid reforms; but in other respects clung to the old and bad traditions of the people, and, which was yet worse, allowed himself to be guided by some of the worst placehunters and most skilful abusers of national power, whom he ought to have most carefully avoided. lord cochrane began to perceive this before he had been six weeks out of greece. he yet hoped, however, that wise counsels and good government would prevail, and he tendered his advice, while he reported his own movements, in a second letter which he addressed to capodistrias. "the information which your excellency must have acquired since your arrival in greece," he wrote to him on the nd of march, "may have convinced you of the facts briefly touched on in the letter which i had the honour to address to you on the st of january, and may also have proved to you the impossibility, under existing circumstances, of my rendering service to greece, otherwise than by the course i have pursued. although, on my arrival in england, i was disappointed at finding other ministers than those i expected in the counsels of his britannic majesty, yet i had an opportunity of making facts known to influential individuals in proof that the interests of england would be best promoted by a liberal policy towards greece, and by placing that country, without loss of time, in the rank of an independent state, having boundaries the most extensive that could be conceded. since then, i have had several conversations here with the gentlemen of the paris greek committee, and i have advised them to assure the ministers that large naval and military armaments are not required for the expulsion of the turkish and egyptian forces from greece, or to protect that country from farther attempts at invasion by the before-mentioned powers; that for the speedy regulation of the internal affairs of greece, and the support of your authority, it would be far preferable and infinitely less costly for the mediating powers to place in your hands the means of maintaining four or five thousand troops, together with five hundred seamen, and apply a portion of the vast sums they will save to the education of the rising generation of greeks abroad and at home, and to the encouragement of whatever will tend to direct the talent and genius of the young people most speedily into the course which will entitle greece to rank amongst the civilized nations of europe. whether this advice shall be listened to or not, i am satisfied that my opinion is correct, and that a multitude of foreign troops, in the pay of rival foreign nations, would contribute less to the objects these nations profess to have in view than a much smaller force under your own authority, more especially when it is considered that these troops could in no way interfere with the internal arrangement and police of the country, unless by usurping, or at least superseding the authority which ought to be exclusively vested in your excellency as chief of the greek government. besides, knowing, as i do, the jealous character of your countrymen, the facility with which they listen to surmises and reports, the diversity of interests amongst the rival chiefs, and the intrigues practised by base and worthless individuals, i have little doubt but that such mixture of troops of different nations would give rise to a state of anarchy more injurious to greece than that which at present exists. whether such anarchy might be prevented by one nation alone taking upon itself the internal arrangement of greece seems doubtful; for, to enforce laws, however just and necessary, by troops in foreign pay, against the opinion and habits of a people who have no just notion of the reciprocal duties of civilized society, would be in their estimation to erect a military despotism, and would call forth resistance on their part even to the most salutary changes. i have also recommended, as an additional security against a multitude of evils, an immediate demarkation of the boundaries of greece, or, at least, an acknowledgment of your excellency as president. the outfit of two or three steam-vessels still unfinished is going on, and i shall find means to accomplish this object in a way that will render them equal if not superior in velocity to most of the steamboats in general use. but, as no pecuniary means could be obtained in england to procure seamen and purchase provisions, coals, and other necessaries, i came to paris, in the hope that the greek committee might enable me to give orders regarding these arrangements, so indispensable to the navigating of these vessels to greece. the paris committee, however, intimate that they have no funds; and the chevalier eynard assures me that the moneys collected by him are exhausted. i therefore await with anxiety your answer to the letter which i had the honour to address to you previous to my departure from greece." no answer came from capodistrias. he sent a message to lord cochrane asking him to sell him the little _unicorn_, which had conveyed him to england, but said nothing about his own return. believing that the allied powers would do for him all that was necessary in naval resistance of turkey, he was not sorry to be deprived of an associate in the actual service of greece as powerful as lord cochrane. this lord cochrane began to suspect. "everything is arranged regarding the engines for the two steamboats," he said in a letter to m. eynard, on the th of march; "but circumstances do not enable me to accomplish more, especially without the sanction of the president, from whom i shall no doubt shortly hear on the subject;--unless, indeed, he shall be persuaded by the primates of the islands that he can do better without a regular naval force, or, at least, without me, which i know is the opinion of konduriottes, and also of mavromichales, the great licenser and patron of pirates, so loudly and justly complained of. i am very low, and do not feel at all well. i cannot free myself from the oppression of spirits occasioned by seeing everything in the lamentable state in which all must continue in greece, unless some effectual steps are taken to put an end to the intrigues and rivalships headed by unprincipled chiefs and backed by their savage followers. believe me, that there is nothing i will leave undone to serve the cause. but it is essential that more time shall not be wasted in endeavouring to accomplish objects of vital importance by inadequate means." while lord cochrane was endeavouring to hasten the arrangements for his return to greece, he was annoyed by a letter forwarded to him by sir francis burdett. the letter was from andreas luriottis, one of the two greek deputies who had requested lord cochrane, two years and a half before, to enter the service of greece, and who now claimed a restitution of the , l. paid to him, on the plea that by leaving greece he had broken his contract. "before writing to sir francis," said lord cochrane in the indignant letter which he addressed to this person on the th of april, "you ought to have informed yourself of facts and circumstances. you might have learnt that i continued to serve until the greek government had assumed to themselves the powers vested in me, as naval commander-in-chief, to regulate the distribution of armed vessels, and until they had covered the seas with piratical craft. you might have informed yourself that i remained at my post until the neutral admirals refused to hold communication with a government which had so misconducted itself, and with which they considered it would have been disgraceful to correspond, even on subjects of a public nature. you might have informed yourself that i remained on board the _hellas_ until the temporary government had sold and applied to other purposes the revenues of the islands allotted for the maintenance of the regular naval service, and deprived me of the means to satisfy the claims of the officers and seamen; that i continued until the seamen had abandoned the frigate, plundered the fireships, and fitted out pirate vessels before my eyes--all which i had no power to punish or means to prevent. if you or others infer that my endeavours in the cause of greece are to be judged by naval operations carried on against the enemy by open force, you are mistaken. it is essential that you hold in mind that there are no naval officers in greece who are acquainted with the discipline of regular ships of war, that the seamen would submit to no restraint, that they would not enlist for more than one month, that they would do nothing without being paid in advance, nor continue to serve after the expiration of the short period for which they were so paid, that by this determination of the seamen the _hellas_ was detained for months in port or occupied in collecting amongst the islands paltry means to satisfy their demands, and that at last, when money was found, half the period of the seamen's engagement was consumed in proceeding even to the nearest point at which hostile operations could be carried on, whence it became necessary to return almost at the moment of our arrival. it is not for me to speak, except when i am attacked, of the services i have rendered both in my professional capacity and otherwise. those who were in greece knew my exertions to reconcile the national assemblies in april, , to suppress the animosity amongst the chiefs and save the country from civil discord. they know that i doubled the national marine by captures from the enemy. they know that by desultory operations i paralysed the efforts of fleets we could not oppose. they know that the attack on vasiladi and lepanto, in september last, induced the turkish and egyptian fleets to follow to that quarter, in violation of the armistice, and that this act produced their rencontre and dispute with the british admiral, and ultimately led to the destruction of those fleets in the port of navarino." a few days after writing that letter, lord cochrane returned to london from paris, where he had been staying for nearly two months, in frequent communication with the members of the philhellenic committees of that city and of other parts of the continent. the growing dissatisfaction which the bad conduct of the greeks had awakened in many of their best friends, and still more the silence of capodistrias, prevented his doing all that he had hoped to do. he succeeded, however, in exciting some fresh interest, and found that one of the steamboats, at any rate, the _mercury_, was at length in a fair way of completion, though this and its subsequent equipment were only effected by an advance of two thousand pounds, which he himself made. this was the business which took him to london, where he was busily employed during may and the first few days of june. he then went back to paris for nearly three months more, and made further efforts, though in vain, to procure the substantial assistance for greece on which his heart was set. as soon as the _mercury_ was ready for sea, he directed that she should proceed to marseilles, where she arrived on the th of september: on the th, determined to make the best use of her in his power, he again set sail for greece. he reached poros on or near the last day of september. he found that the internal arrangements of greece had wonderfully improved. capodistrias during the last eight months had been ruling with an iron hand over all those districts which the previous conquests of the turks and egyptians had not taken out of his control, and all those conquests were just then being finally abrogated. the full effects of the battle of navarino were now appearing. ibrahim pasha, having deported many of his troops to alexandria, chiefly because there was not food enough to be found for them in the morea, had refused to surrender his authority or to abandon any of the numerous fortresses of which he was master. the president, with sir richard church and the worn-out refuse of the so-called army for his only support, could do nothing to expel him; but he gladly accepted the proffered aid of france. in compliance with a protocol signed on the th of july, fourteen thousand soldiers, under general maison, had landed at petilidi, on the th of august, and within a week ibrahim had been forced to sign a convention pledging himself to prompt evacuation of the peninsula. half of the residue of his army quitted navarino on the th of september; the rest was preparing to depart at the time of lord cochrane's arrival, and actually started on the th of october. the ensuing weeks were worthily employed by the french army in clearing out the pestilential garrisons and making it possible for wholesome rule to succeed to the seven weary years of strife. thus the primary work which lord cochrane had been engaged to do, and which he vainly strove to do under the miserable circumstances of his position, had been effected by others. the ottoman fleets had been dispersed and destroyed, and, as far as they were concerned, greece was free at last. there was work yet to be done, troublesome but most important work, in converting the disorderly and piratical vessels and crews which constituted the navy of greece into an efficient agent for protecting the state and extending its boundaries. this, in spite of all his previous annoyances, lord cochrane was prepared to do, if the greeks were willing. but they did not will it. capodistrias had laid his plans for governing greece, and for their performance he had no need of a foreigner as wise and honest as lord cochrane. the plans were not altogether reprehensible. at starting they were perhaps the best that could be adopted. the new president--the president whom lord cochrane had nominated as the likeliest man to beat down the factions and override the jealousies that had hitherto wrought such grievous mischief to greece--began by acting up to the anticipations which had induced his selection. schooled in italy and russia, he practised both tortuous diplomacy and straightforward tyranny in attempting to turn divided greece into a united nation, in which a hundred rival claimants for power should be made humble instruments of the authority of their one master. thereby the state was enabled to assert its existence, and it was made possible for good government to be introduced. when, however, the time came for inaugurating that good government, capodistrias sought to continue the method of rule which, if allowable at first, was no longer right or likely to succeed. young greece was to be kept in subjection for his own aggrandisement and for the aggrandisement of his few favourites and advisers. these favourites and advisers were the leaders of the old phanariot party, prince mavrocordatos and his brother-in-law mr. trikoupes; men whose policy lord cochrane had opposed on his first arrival in greece, and who accordingly became even more inimical to himself than he was to their purposes and plans. therefore it was that, when lord cochrane returned to greece in the autumn of , he was coldly received and his offers of further service, though not openly rejected, were not accepted. throughout ten weeks he was treated with contemptuous indifference, or formal compliments, the hollowness of which was transparent. on his arrival, the president found it difficult to grant him an interview. when that interview was granted, the only subject allowed to be discussed was the accuracy of the accounts that had been drawn up by dr. gosse as commissary-general of the fleet, during the nine months of the previous year in which lord cochrane had been in active service. nearly two months were spent in tedious and vexatious examination of these accounts, and correspondence thereupon, ending, however, in the partial satisfaction which lord cochrane derived from the knowledge that, after the most searching investigation, they were admitted to be correct in every particular. more than once, during this waiting time, lord cochrane threatened to leave greece immediately, without waiting for the settlement of the accounts. he was only induced to remain, and submit to the insults offered to him, by the consideration that his hasty departure might cause an indefinite postponement of this settlement, and so prove injurious to his subordinates if not to himself. this being done, however, he lost no time in resigning his office as first admiral of greece; and that measure was accompanied by a rare exhibition of generosity. "the direct and active interference of the great european powers having decided the glorious contest for the freedom of greece," he said in a letter to count capodistrias, written at poros, on the th of november, "and its independence being formally acknowledged by accredited agents from these powers, no means now present themselves to me whereby i can professionally promote the interests of this hitherto oppressed people. i beg, therefore, that i may be permitted as an individual to alleviate their burdens by presenting the state with my share as admiral of the corvette _hydra_, and schooner-of-war _athenian_, captured from the enemy; and further by absolving the state from any and every obligation whereby the sum of , l. was to be paid to me on the acknowledgment of the independence of this country. if your excellency shall be pleased, conjointly with the national assembly, to appropriate any part of the said amount to the relief of the seamen wounded, and of the families of those who have fallen during the contest, it will be a high gratification to my feelings, and i hope will be admitted as a testimony of my satisfaction at the introduction of useful institutions, and of the pleasure i experience at the rapid advancement towards order which has taken place even during the short period of your excellency's presidency. i have only to add that, if at any future time your excellency shall deem my services useful, i shall be delighted at an opportunity to prove my zeal for the welfare of greece, more fully than circumstances have heretofore permitted." the president's reply, dated the th of december, was complimentary: "the government of greece," he said, "thanks you, my lord, for the services you have rendered, and for the new proof of your interest and your benevolence which you have shown in your letter of the th of november. as you observe, greece having been taken under the protection of the great powers of europe, the provisional government can engage in no warlike operation worthy of your talents and your station. it regrets, therefore, that it cannot offer you an opportunity of giving further proof of the noble and generous sentiments which animate you in favour of greece. the government will make it its duty to convey to the national congress your offer to cede your rights in the corvette _hydra_ and the schooner _athenian_, and in the , l. which greece was to pay you on the acknowledgment of her independence. it doubts not that the congress will value at its true worth all the nation's debt to you, and that it will adopt the measures which you propose for succouring the families of the greek seamen who have fallen in the war. the future of greece is in the hands of god and of the allied powers. you have taken part in her restoration, and she will reckon you, with sentiments of profound gratitude, among her first and generous defenders." a day had not passed, however, before lord cochrane had fresh proof of the worthlessness of that pretended gratitude. information having reached messrs. j. and s. ricardo, the contractors for the greek loan of , that the new government contemplated repudiating the debt, they had written to lord cochrane, begging him to bring the matter before capodistrias, and represent to him the injustice to the stock-holders and the discredit to greece that would result from such an act. lord cochrane, accordingly, had an interview with the president and his two chief advisers on the th of december, when this subject was discussed, and, though the repudiation was only threatened, attempts were made to justify it on the plea that the , , l. forming the loan had nearly all been squandered in england and america, much having disappeared in unexplained ways, the rest having been absorbed in ship-building and engine-making, from which greece had derived no benefit. both in the personal interview and in a long letter which he addressed to the president on the following day, lord cochrane indignantly resented the proposed repudiation. he admitted that there had been gross mismanagement, but showed that the chief blame for this attached to the greek deputies, orlando and luriottis, who had been sent to england to raise the money and to see that it was properly expended, but who, as was well known, had sought only their own advantage and enjoyment, and, pilfering themselves, had allowed others to pilfer without restraint. he urged that the innocent holders of the greek stock ought not to suffer on this account, and showed also, that, if there had been great abuse of the loan, it had enabled the greeks to tide over their worst time of trouble. "your excellency must be aware," he wrote, "that there was no war-ship belonging to the state which was not bought, taken, or obtained by the aid of this loan, and that all the guns, mortars, powder, and other military stores which served to maintain the liberties of greece during these later years were chiefly procured by help of this same fund. it enabled you to carry on the war until independence was secured by the intervention of the allied powers." the debt was not repudiated; but lord cochrane's arguments for its acknowledgment gave an opportunity for exhibition of the long-smothered jealousy with which he was regarded by the counsellors of capodistrias, if not by capodistrias himself. the exhibition certainly was contemptible. as lord cochrane was about to leave greece--and, indeed, eager to do so--the spite could only be shown in the arrangements made for his departure. having transferred the _mercury_, which brought him out, to the president, lord cochrane had to ask for a vessel to take him from egina, where he was then staying, to the ionian islands, or, if he could not there find suitable conveyance, to toulon or marseilles. the brig _proserpine_ was grudgingly placed at his disposal. "i pray you, my lord," wrote mavrocordatos, on the th of december, "if you are obliged to take her to toulon or marseilles, not to detain her at navarino or zante, but to enable her to return with as little delay as possible to her work on the shores of western greece." lord cochrane accordingly embarked in this vessel on the th. no sooner was he on board, however, than he found himself treated with studied rudeness by her captain, manoli bouti, "exposed," as he said, "to privations and insults that would not be allowed in the conveyance of convicts." he had to put in at poros on the same evening, and thence address a complaint to the government, then lodged in that island. four days passed before he received a written answer to his letter, and then it conveyed nothing but a formal intimation that another captain would be appointed in lieu of the obnoxious officer. many personal communications, however, had passed in the interval, by which was confirmed the suspicion formed by lord cochrane from the first, that the captain's misconduct had been dictated by his superiors, and that it had been a preconceived plan to try and send the first admiral of greece--for both title and functions still belonged to him--from her shores with every possible degradation. he naturally resented this indignity. he claimed that, while he remained in greece, and until his office of first admiral was abrogated, he should be treated with the respect due to his rank. all he asked, he urged, was that he might be allowed to leave greece at once, if with such show of honour from the people whom he had done his best to serve, as would free him from insult and the government from disgrace. "i assure your excellency," he wrote to the president, "that i regret the occurrence of any circumstance that occasions uneasiness to you; but i believe that, on reflection, you will clearly perceive that all which has occurred has been the work of others, whose acts i could neither control nor foresee. i waive my right to insist at present on any explicit recognition of my authority, and, though there is ample justification for my seeking more than i desire, all that i demand of your excellency is, for the sake of greece, not to suffer, not to sanction your ministers in an endeavour to force me on to public explanations, by persevering in the scandalous line of conduct which they pursue. surely your excellency cannot be aware of the importance which naval men attach to the continuance of the insignia of office, whilst actually embarked within the limits of their station, or you would not for an instant tolerate the attempt made to degrade me in the estimation of the high authorities and numerous officers here present in the port of poros. i respectfully await your excellency's official commands and warrant to strike my flag; not founded on reasonings or on assumptions, which may prove fallacious or incorrect; but dictated in explicit terms, such as an officer can, such as he ought to obey." that lord cochrane was not fighting with a shadow, appears from a letter addressed to dr. gosse, on the th of december, by count heyden, then commanding the _azoff_, as representative of russia in the bay of poros. "as the affairs of etiquette are delicate," he said, "i beg that you will inform me whether his lordship is still serving as first admiral of greece, or whether he has received his _congé_. if he is still in her service and employ, i shall rejoice to render him all the honours due to his rank. in the other case, i will pay him all the honours, except the salute of cannon. i beg that you will favour me with an answer, in order that i may show his lordship all the honour that is due to him." dr. gosse's answer, though longer than admiral heyden expected, claims to be here quoted, as it furnished an important tribute to lord cochrane's worth, and was all the more valuable in that the russian officer, glad to do all in his power to render homage to a man whom the greek government was now treating with childish insolence, made it his own by publishing it in the naval archives of russia. "lord cochrane," wrote dr. gosse, "having arrived in greece in march , was, in the national assembly at troezene, elected first admiral and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of greece, with independent and unlimited powers. subsequently, and after the election of count capodistrias as president, the assembly decided that the admiral should be under the authority of the government until the arrival of the president. during the year , lord cochrane fulfilled his duties with all the zeal, all the accuracy, and all the talent for which he is renowned; but he found it impossible to achieve anything of importance, isolated as he was, without sufficient funds, and without support from others, except that of the philhellenic committees, and without the co-operation of the greeks themselves. at length, having pledged himself not to interfere in internal politics, he considered his presence in greece useless until a firm government could be organized, and deemed that he could render best service to the nation by advocating its interests in western europe. he departed early in january, after during two months vainly awaiting the arrival of count capodistrias, whom he informed of his expedition, and asked for instructions. he returned to france and england, used all the means in his power to obtain fresh aid for greece, fitted out one of the steamboats that were being prepared in london, took steps for the completion of the other two, and, after writing a second letter to the president--which, like the first one, received no answer--returned to greece, resolved to devote himself to her cause. he was received with coldness and indifference; neither lodging, nor provisions, nor employment were offered to him. he asked that his accounts might be examined: ignorant or evil-minded commissioners were entrusted with their investigation, and the government only took it in hand very tardily. objections and disputes, difficulties and contradictions, accumulated, and it was only after a delay of sixty days that his accounts were publicly and officially declared to be correct. all that while he remained like a private person on board his steamboat, manned only by six sailors. in all the audiences that he had with the president, he asked for instructions as to the position and work that he should assume; but he could never receive any definite answer. during one interview which he had with prince mavrocordatos on board the _mercury_, in the port of poros, on the st of december, the anniversary of the coronation of the emperor of russia, he announced his intention of hoisting his flag on board one of the national vessels as a public compliment to that sovereign, and asked m. mavrocordatos to inform the president of that intention; but he received no answer. he had during this period received numerous letters from the government addressed to him as first admiral and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of greece. he afterwards went to egina with messrs. trikoupes and mavrocordatos, to receive a part of the money due to him, and to hand over to the commission of marine the steamboat _mercury_. that done, he was embarked in a national vessel, a miserable brig which had been seized as contraband, badly repaired, which had been sent to convey him to navarino, zante, toulon, or marseilles. this vessel was under the orders of a hydriot brulotteer, an ignorant and coarse man, who, long before, at the expedition against alexandria, had acted in direct violation of the admiral's orders; and the crew was on a par with the captain. lord cochrane was insolently received by these people. no place of safety was found for his baggage and his money; no food was provided even for the voyage from egina to poros, where lord cochrane wished to take leave of the president. at poros the captain repeated his insults. lord cochrane requested the president to dismiss him, but received no answer. m. trikoupes even came on board and declared that the captain should continue his voyage and proceed to his destination. lord cochrane then said that he would be master on board a vessel from whose mast floated his admiral's flag, and that he would yield to nothing but the written orders of the president, in order, as he said, that he might protect himself from the insolence of servants of the government who sought to annoy him by their exhibition of paltry jealousy, or to force him into a quarrel with the president. the day before yesterday, in the afternoon, he had an interview with the president, and, messrs. trikoupes and mavrocordatos being present, he openly pointed out to him the intrigues of these officials and the dangers of the course in which they were leading him. warmly, and with the boldness of a good conscience, he exposed their policy and expressed his views upon the organization of the greek navy. he then repeated his wish to depart as soon as possible, although he declared himself willing at any future time to serve greece if she had need of him. he also announced that he would at once take down his flag of authority if the president officially and directly required it, but that, if any charges were brought against him, he should be compelled to remain in greece until he had exculpated himself before the nation and obtained the punishment of the unworthy servants of the president, for whom personally he declared that he had a profound respect, while he commiserated his difficult and painful position. in this interview lord cochrane appeared to me to have a great advantage over his antagonists. yesterday the admiral's flag was still floating. in the evening the president wrote him a letter in vague terms and contributing nothing to the end he had in view. this morning lord cochrane, in his reply, has again asked for authority to lower his flag, if that is the will of the president; but no orders have been received. this precise statement of facts which have come under my own knowledge will, i think, make it easy for your excellency to arrive at conclusions comporting with the laws of etiquette." "i have read your letter with pleasure and with pain," wrote admiral heyden in answer on the same day; "for i am certain that lord cochrane must have suffered greatly from the treatment to which he has been exposed. in proof of my esteem i beg that he will send back to their kennels these miserable causes of his annoyance, and proceed to malta, or to zante if he wishes, in one of my corvettes, taking with him as large a suite as he likes. it cannot be too numerous. as regards his salute, i shall receive him with the honours due to his rank and with musical honours; and at his departure i will man the yards; but the salute of guns i cannot give him, as he is not in naval authority. vice-admiral miaoulis never received from me the honours which i offer to lord cochrane. i did not man the yards and did not give him a salute. i hope i shall have the pleasure of seeing his lordship, and that i can provide him a passage more agreeable than that proposed for him by greece." not content with sending that friendly message to lord cochrane, admiral heyden took prompt occasion to reprove capodistrias for his unworthy conduct. capodistrias thereupon used the influence of dr. grosse in bringing about at any rate a formal reconciliation between himself and lord cochrane, the result of which was that the latter received the official discharge that he desired, and even an offer to find him in another ship a better passage than he could have expected on board the _proserpine_. lord cochrane, however, preferred to accept admiral heyden's more generous invitation. "it is gratifying," he said in a letter to dr. grosse on the th of december,[ ] "that even the authority to which wicked men refer in proof of the rectitude of evil deeds fails to sanction infamous conduct. alas! if capodistrias suffers--and he seems not inclined to oppose--i say, if he suffers the base intrigues of the phanar to be introduced as the means of ruling a nation, greece must fall back, if not into a darker state, yet into a worse condition, inasmuch as suspended anarchy is preferable to civil war." [ ] dr. gosse had remained in greece during lord cochrane's absence, and he continued to reside in greece for a few months after his friend's final departure. he won for himself much gratitude, not only by his zealous work in war time, but by the skill and patience with which he sought to reduce the plague which raged in greece in and . two proofs of the popularity which he fairly won are as follows. the first, dated the th of june, , was signed by twenty-three leading inhabitants of poros. "nous citoyens de poros, reconnaissant dans la personne de m. le docteur louis andré gosse, un homme animé du philhellénisme le plus sincère et doué de vertus éminentes, considérant son zèle ardent et infatigable pourtant en ce qui concerne le bien de la patrie et pour la cause sacrée de la grèce et en particulier témoins des soins philanthropiques qu'il a prodigués aux indigens, persuadés d'autre part que ses qualités rares contribueront à l'amélioration de la morale du peuple grec, et animés du désir d'attacher à notre ile cette homme vertueux; d'une voix unanime et d'un accord commun concédons le droit de bourgeoisie au susdit m. l. a. gosse, pour qu'il jonisse dorénavant du titre et des droits de citoyen poriote indigène. en foi de quoi nous lui avons délivré la présente." the other document was issued by president capodistrias on the rd of february, . "la lettre que vous venez de m'adresser, datée du février, et les comptes qu'elle renferme, sont une nouvelle preuve du zèle et de l'extrême exactitude, par laquelle vous vous êtes toujours montré digne de la confiance des amis généreux de la grèce. "je n'ai pas besoin de vous répéter combien la nation sait apprécier les services que vous lui avez rendus, et combien de reconnaissance je vous dois en particulier. c'est à mon instance que vous avez prolongé d'un an votre séjour en grèce. dans cet espace, et surtout dans l'été dernier, la peste et les maladies qui vinrent augmenter nos malheurs et nos souffrances, vous ont fourni l'occasion de co-opérer par un noble dénouement a l'accomplissement des mesures sanitaires qui à l'aide de la providence ont conjuré les manx majeurs, dont la patrie était menacée. "maintenant vous devez remplir des désirs qui honorent vos sentiments, vous allez retourner dans votre heureuse patrie, auprès de votre mère. mes voeux vous y accompagneront, je vous souhaite toute sorte de bonheur. la grèce ne peut dans ce moment vous exprimer d'autre manière sa reconnaissance, mais un jour viendra, je l'espère, dans lequel elle le pourra et son gouvernement s'empressera alors d'acquitter sa dette envers vous, ainsi qu'envers les autres étrangers, qui sincèrement et généreusement ont servi sa cause sacrée. "lorsque vos affaires et vos intérêts le permettront, vous vous occuperez toujours du bien de la grèce; vous lui serez toujours utile partout où vous vous trouverez; mais si vous voulez lui être utile plus directement, revenez encore au milieu d'un peuple qui vous connaît et qui vous aime, et son gouvernement se hâtera de vous mettre à même de lui rendre encore de grands services. "recevez en attendant l'expression de ces sentiments, avec l'assurance de la considération le plus distinguée." those prognostications proved correct. capodistrias, allowing others to direct him in ways of bad government, entered on a policy which very soon led to his assassination--to be followed by the milder rule of king otho. on the th of december lord cochrane left poros in the russian corvette _grimachi_, honourably placed at his disposal by admiral heyden, and proceeded to malta. there he was worthily received by the british admiral, sir pulteney malcolm, who offered him immediate conveyance to naples in the _racer_, or, in a week's time, a passage direct to marseilles in the _etna_. believing that thus he would save time, he chose the former alternative. from naples, however, he found it impossible to proceed to marseilles, and he was obliged, on the th of january, to embark in an english merchant vessel to leghorn. eleven days were spent in the short voyage, and on reaching leghorn he had to submit to fifteen days' quarantine before being allowed to proceed to paris, there to rejoin his family. the whole journey occupied nearly ten weeks. from leghorn he wrote on the th of february to chevalier eynard respecting greece and her still unfortunate condition. "civilization and internal order," he said, "can make no steady progress in greece unless the government can be supported otherwise than by the present bands of undisciplined, ignorant, and lawless savages. under existing circumstances, greeks who have attained the age of maturity are incapable of military organization. you have long known my opinion as to the necessity of sending foreign troops to greece to maintain order. you know that i preferred swiss or bavarian soldiers to those of the great pacificating powers, because the latter cannot, with propriety, interfere in matters of police, whilst paid by foreign countries. it is now, however, too late to send small military establishments, such as would have sufficed on the arrival of capodistrias, because _now_ they would be considered as oppressors; _then_ they would have been received as allies and friends. the alternatives that may be pursued in the conduct relative to greece now are, to let the revolution work itself out, as in south america, or to leave six regiments in the country until the young men who are abroad shall be educated and the rising generation at home shall be somewhat civilized. it is of no use to attempt to do good by half measures under the present circumstances of greece. kolokotrones is ready, on the spot, to take possession of patras the moment it is evacuated. petro-bey, who has been prosecuted in the court of admiralty for piracy, is prepared to avenge himself by taking authority in maina. konduriottes, zaimes, and all the other chiefs, anxiously await the meeting of the assembly, which they hail as the final hour of the president's authority. capodistrias's ministers, too, who are no fools, but, on the contrary, cunning men, undoubtedly have similar views, for they have taken every means to discredit, disgust, and drive away every foreigner who, by his conduct, counsel, or friendly intimation, could avert the evil. thus things are fast tending towards a discreditable close of the president's administration." "thank god," wrote lord cochrane three months later, on the th of may, to dr. gosse, who, in the interval, had also left greece, "we are both clear of a country in which there is no hope of amelioration for half a century to come; unless, indeed, immigration shall take place to a great extent, under some king, or competent ruler, appointed and supported by the governments of the mediating powers. the mental fever i contracted in greece has not yet subsided, nor will it probably for some months to come." lord cochrane might well be suffering from a mental fever. nearly four years of his life had been spent in efforts to serve greece, and with very poor result. to himself the issue had been wholly unfortunate; even the pecuniary recompense to which he was entitled having been so reduced as not to meet the expenses to which he had been put, partly through his generous surrender of the , l. which he was to receive on completion of the work, partly through the depreciation of the greek stock in which, out of sympathy for the cause, he had invested the , l. paid to him on his engagement. and to greece the issues had been far less beneficial than he had hoped. the tedious and wanton delays to which he had been subjected at starting, whereby that starting was prevented for a year and a half, had hindered his arrival in greece till it was too late for him to do much of the work that he had planned. the want of money, and, still more, the want of patriotism, courage, and even common honesty on the part of nearly all the leaders with whom he was to co-operate, and the officers and crews whom he was to command, had caused his ten months' active service in greece to comprise little more than a series of bold projects, and projects which, if he had been aided by brave men, would have been as easy as they were bold, in which he received none of the support that was necessary, and which accordingly all his energy and genius could not make successful. when, after his visit to england and france, he returned to greece, eager and able to render invaluable assistance in the organization of the navy, he was treated only with neglect and insolence, from which at last he was enabled to escape through the generous sympathy of a russian admiral. much, however, he had done for greece. to his persistent entreaties were due all the meagre displays of patriotism by which the government of the country was maintained and capodistrias accepted as president, and all the feeble efforts by which the war was carried on and the triumph of the porte was averted until the direct interference of the allied powers. that interference had been in great measure induced by the report that he had entered the service of greece, so that to him was due not a little of the benefit that accrued from the whole course of diplomacy by which her independence was secured; and the independence was made more prompt and complete than could have been expected by the fortunate circumstance of his having occasioned the collision between the forces of turkey and those of the allied powers which issued in the battle of navarino. much more he would have achieved had his arguments been listened to and his plans supported. his failures no less than his successes bespeak his worth. chapter xxiii. a recapitulation of lord cochrane's naval services.--his efforts to obtain restitution of the rank taken from him after the stock exchange trial.--his petition to the duke of clarence.--its rejection by the duke of wellington's cabinet.--lord cochrane's occupations after the close of his greek service.--his return to england.--his memorial to william iv.--its tardy consideration by earl grey's cabinet.--its promoters and opponents.--lord cochrane's accession to the peerage as tenth earl of dundonald.--his interview with the king.--the countess of dundonald's efforts in aid of her husband's memorial.--their ultimate success.--the earl of dundonald's "free pardon," and restoration to naval rank. [ - .] lord cochrane's retirement from the service of greece brought to a close his career as a fighting seaman. with one brief exception, occurring twenty years later, when he commanded the british squadron in the north american and west indian waters, but when there was no warfare to be done the rest of his life, comprising thirty years of ripe manhood and vigorous old age, was passed without employment in the profession which was dear to him, and in which he had shown himself to be possessed of talents rarely equalled and certainly never surpassed. he entered that profession at the age of seventeen. in , when he was twenty-four, he was promoted to the command of the _speedy_. with that crazy little sloop, no larger than a coasting brig, he captured a large french privateer on the th of may, and on the th he recaptured two english vessels that had been seized by the enemy. on the th of june he took another french vessel, and on the nd another, with a prize which she had just obtained. on the th, he secured a large spanish privateer, in spite of five gunboats which fought in her defence. on the th of july he captured another french privateer and rescued her prize; on the th he sunk another; and on the st he put another to flight and took possession of the prize which she had in tow. on the nd of september, he seized another of the enemy's vessels. on the th of december he wrecked one french war-ship and captured another, one of three which came to her assistance; and on the th, being attacked by two spanish privateers, he took one of them. on the th of january, , he chased two vessels, and seized one, and on the nd, two of the enemy's craft, one french and the other spanish, struck to him. on the th of february a french brig fell into his hands. the same fate was shared by another vessel on the th of april, by another on the th, and by two others on the th. he captured a spanish tartan and a spanish privateer on the th of may; and on the th occurred his celebrated victory over the _gamo_--carrying four times the tonnage, six times the number of men, and seven times the weight of shot possessed by the _speedy_--which was soon followed by the taking of two other spanish privateers heavily armed. on the th of june, the _speedy_ and another little vessel had a nine hours' fight, first with a spanish zebec and three gunboats, and afterwards with a felucco and two more gunboats which came to their aid, which were only allowed to escape when the english ammunition was nearly exhausted, the _speedy_ having discharged fourteen hundred shot. on the rd of july, the pigmy vessel, after hard fighting, had to surrender to three french line-of-battle ships. it was on that occasion that their senior officer, captain pallière, declined to accept the sword of "an officer," as he said, "who had for so many hours struggled against impossibility." in his thirteen months' cruise lord cochrane had with his little sloop of fourteen -pounders, and a crew of fifty-four officers and men, taken and retaken fifty vessels, a hundred and twenty-two guns, and five hundred and thirty-four prisoners. his next ship, the _arab_, was made to serve during fourteen months in seas in which there was no work to be done; but for the _pallas_, a fine frigate of thirty-two guns, he was allowed to find memorable employment. he was sent to the azores, with orders to limit his cruise to a month. he captured one large spanish vessel on the th of february, , a second on the th, a third on the th, a fourth on the th. forced after that to be idle, as far as prize-taking was concerned, for more than a year, he seized two french vessels on the th of march, , and another a few days later. on the th of april he captured the _tapageuse_, and on the th he chased three other corvettes till they were driven on shore by their crews and wrecked. he took another prize on the th. on the th of may, the _pallas_ had her famous engagement with the french frigate _minerve_ and three brigs, the _lynx_, the _sylph_, and the _palinure_, carrying eighty-eight guns in all, wherein she was so disabled that she was forced to return to portsmouth to be refitted. the _imperieuse_ being assigned to him in august, , lord cochrane took two prizes on the th of december, and a third on the st. he was then ordered home, and there detained till the autumn of . on the th of november, being again in the mediterranean, he captured a maltese pirate-ship, and soon afterwards he seized some other vessels. being ordered to scour the french coast during the summer of , he took numerous prizes on the sea and effected yet more important work on land. "with varying opposition but with unvaried success," he wrote in his concise report to lord collingwood on the th of september, "the newly-constructed semaphoric telegraphs--which are of the utmost consequence to the safety of the numerous convoys that pass along the coast of france--at bourdigne, la pinede, st. maguire, frontignan, canet, and fay, have been blown up and completely demolished, together with their telegraph houses, fourteen barracks of gens d'armes, one battery, and the strong tower on the lake of frontignan." the list of casualties was "none killed, none wounded, one singed, in blowing up the battery." that work was followed by more of the same nature, a famous episode in which was lord cochrane's occupation of the castle of trinidad. "the zeal and energy with which he has maintained that fortress," wrote lord collingwood, "excite the highest admiration. his resources for every exigency have no end." the splendid exploit with the fireships in basque roads followed in , and with that lord cochrane's services to england as a seaman were brought to a conclusion. official persecution kept him in idleness during the remaining period of war with france, and he was in the end driven to seek relief from oppression at home, and exercise for his talents, by devoting himself to the cause of freedom in chili, peru, brazil, and greece. his unparalleled successes on both sides of the south american continent, and the circumstances of his partial failure in greece, have been sufficiently detailed in previous chapters. all through that time of virtual expatriation, his dearest hope had been that england would, as far as possible, retrieve the cruel wrong that had been done to him. full redress was impossible. the heavy cloud that had been cast over so many years of his most energetic manhood could not be removed by any tardy act of justice; but that tardy justice could at any rate be done to him, and for this he strove with unabated zeal. to this end he was partly occupied during his temporary absence from greece in . on the th of june he addressed a memorial to the duke of clarence, then lord high admiral, who just two years afterwards was to become king of england. this memorial, eloquent in its simplicity and earnestness, the prelude to many others that were to be presented in later years, claims to be here quoted in full. "to his royal highness the lord high admiral," it ran, "the memorial of lord cochrane humbly showeth;--that for fourteen years your memorialist has suffered, among many injuries and privations, the loss of his situation and rank as post-captain in his majesty's navy, in consequence of a verdict pronouncing your memorialist guilty of an offence of which he was entirely and absolutely innocent;--that during the whole course of your memorialist's life, up to the day on which he was charged with the crime of conspiring with others to raise false reports for the purpose of fraudulently effecting a rise in the price of the public funds, the character and conduct of your memorialist were without reproach; and, numerous as have been the transactions in which your memorialist has subsequently engaged, he has, amid them all, uniformly preserved, though not an unassailed, yet an unshaken and unsullied character;--that your memorialist has never ceased, and never can cease to assert his absolute innocence of the crime of which he was pronounced guilty. he asserts it now, most solemnly, as in the presence of almighty god, and certain he is, if every doubt be not dissipated in this world, that when summoned to enter more immediately into that awful and infinite presence, he shall not fail, with his last breath, most solemnly to assert his innocence;--that it was your memorialist's consciousness of innocence that contributed, perhaps more than any other cause, to produce his conviction; because it rendered him confident, and much less careful in making the necessary preparations for his defence than he ought to have been, or than he would have been, if guilty; while, on the other hand, there existed the utmost zeal, industry, and skill in the conduct of the prosecution;--that your memorialist did all that was possible to procure a revision of his case; but, as he had laboured under the disadvantage of being included in, and tried under, the same indictment with some who had probably no reason to complain of the result, as well as the still greater disadvantage of having his defence blended, with theirs, so was he denied a new trial for the same reason; it being a rule of court that a new trial should not be allowed to any individual tried for conspiracy unless all the parties should appear in court to join in the application; which, in the case of your memorialist, could not possibly be, some of the parties having quitted the country on the verdict being pronounced against them;--that your memorialist has never been able to obtain a re-investigation of his extraordinary case, nor to obtain redress in any way; but now that your royal highness is lord high admiral, and has, among other illustrious acts, distinguished yourself in that capacity by doing justice to meritorious officers, your memorialist feels that he has everything to hope from the magnanimity of your royal highness;--that it is indeed certain that nothing can be more repugnant to the feelings of your royal highness than that an individual who zealously devoted himself to the naval service of his king and country, as your royal highness knows your memorialist to have done, should be for ever cut off from the service without the most unquestionable certainty of the rectitude of so severe an infliction. so far, therefore, as depends on your royal highness, your memorialist cannot but confidently entertain the hope that he shall not be doomed to remain all his life long the victim of a verdict of which he has not only never ceased to complain, but which he knows that he has proved to be unfounded, to the satisfaction of those who have examined as well what was advanced against him at the trial as what he has since adduced in his own justification. your memorialist, therefore, is encouraged most respectfully to solicit your royal highness to represent his case--a case of peculiar and unprecedented hardship--to his most sacred majesty, and to advocate his cause. and if, happily for your memorialist, his most sacred majesty, recognising the innocence of your memorialist, and taking his long-protracted and unmerited sufferings into his gracious consideration, should, of his most gracious pleasure, vouchsafe to reinstate your memorialist in that rank and station in his royal navy which he previously held, your memorialist will ever maintain the deepest and most grateful sense of his duty to his most sacred majesty and to your royal highness, and will never cease to testify his gratitude by all the means in his power." that document was presented by sir robert preston to the duke of clarence, who promised to use every endeavour to obtain a reconsideration of lord cochrane's case. he was unsuccessful. "dear sir," he wrote to sir robert preston on the th of june, "immediately on the receipt of the memorial you brought from lord cochrane, i sent it to the duke of wellington, with a request it might be considered by his majesty's confidential servants, and last evening i had a communication from his grace to state that the king's cabinet cannot comply with the prayer of the memorial. i ever remain, dear sir, yours sincerely, william." the harsh news of this failure was sent to paris, whither lord cochrane had gone in furtherance of his efforts for the assistance of greece. to paris he returned, as we have seen, after his final departure from greece, and there he resided with his family for about six months. he paid a brief visit to england in september, ; but, seeing no immediate prospect of gaining the restitution of his naval rank, and finding that idle life at home was especially irksome to him, he soon went back to the continent. the serious illness of lady cochrane induced him to pass the winter in italy, where by the same cause he was detained for several months. he was in england again in the autumn of . one motive for his return was the accession of the duke of clarence to the throne as king william iv. the new sovereign's often-expressed sympathy for him, induced him to hope that now he had a better chance of obtaining the justice that had been so long withheld. the change of sovereigns, however, was of small avail while the ministers who had summarily rejected his former memorial continued to have the direction of affairs. "to petition or memorialize the king whilst his present ministers remain in office," he said in a letter written on the th of september, "would be to debase myself in my own estimation, and, i think, in that of every man of sense and feeling." "i cannot petition again," he said in another letter; "though i am assured from high authority it would be attended to. sir robert wilson and others have obtained favour; but i, who protested against the forging of charts and public waste of money, have had no mercy shown!" lord cochrane ascertained, about this time, that his memorial of , though sent by the duke of clarence for the consideration of king george iv., had never reached his majesty, the cabinet having preferred to dismiss it at once. he therefore had good reason for abstaining from further action until a more friendly ministry should be in power. he had not long to wait. on the th of november, the duke of wellington's cabinet resigned. in the administration which succeeded earl grey was premier, and mr. brougham, raised to the peerage, was lord chancellor. lord cochrane then lost no time in completing a "review" of his case, which he had prepared for publication, and in getting ready some early copies of the volume to be presented to the king and his ministers. the king's copy was forwarded through lord melbourne, the home secretary, on the th of december, accompanied by a brief petition. "assured that the memorial which i laid before your majesty when lord high admiral," wrote lord cochrane, "was honoured with your earnest consideration, and that your majesty was graciously pleased to make an effort in my behalf, with the desire of restoring me to my station in the navy; assured, too, that, had not the ministers of his late most gracious majesty been opposed to the prayer of my memorial, i should then have been restored; and believing that no such obstacle to your majesty's favour would be now interposed, i have every reason to hope that the auspicious moment is at length arrived when the redress which i have so long sought will be freely bestowed by my most gracious sovereign. i beseech your majesty to condescend to receive the accompanying review of my case, which, i trust, will prove to your majesty that i am not unworthy of that act of your majesty's favour which i humbly solicit. it is not because i have undergone a sentence heavier than the law pronounced, it is not because i have been deprived for sixteen years of the rank and honours which i acquired in the royal navy, nor is it because i am deserving of any consideration on account of services to my king and country, that i now presume to appeal to your majesty,--though no one is more likely than your majesty to feel for my sufferings, and no one more competent to appreciate my services,--but it is because i had no participation in, and no knowledge, not even the most indistinct or remote, of the crime under the imputation of which i have been so variously and so unceasingly punished. it is this alone which impels me to approach your majesty, and this alone which enables me." other copies of the "review" having been sent to the cabinet ministers, with letters urging its favourable consideration, lord cochrane, in nearly every case, received a friendly answer. "i need not say," wrote earl grey on the th of december, "that it would give me great satisfaction if it should be found possible to comply with the prayer of your petition. this opinion i expressed some years ago in a letter which, i believe, was communicated to you. to the sentiments expressed in that letter i refer, which, if i remember right, acquitted you of all blame, except such as might have been incurred by inadvertence and by having suffered yourself to be led by others into measures of the consequences of which you were not sufficiently aware." more than a year was to be spent, however, in persevering effort before lord cochrane's claim for justice was acceded to. objection was taken by some to the form in which his address to the king was worded. it was "a letter," they said, and not "a petition;" and lord cochrane was distressed at hearing, on the th, that the document had been given back by his majesty to lord melbourne without any comment. "if i have erred as to the form of my petition, which was in the shape of a most respectful and dutiful letter to his majesty, or as to the channel through which it should have been forwarded," said lord cochrane in a letter to earl grey, written on the rd of december, "i have erred in judgment only; and it would be hard indeed should redress not be accorded by reason of an informality in the mode of my application. i have since been advised that my petition ought to have been forwarded through the first lord of the admiralty, whom i have therefore solicited to present another petition, the same in effect, but more brief, and in the regular form. when his majesty was lord high admiral he received a memorial from me by the hands of sir robert preston, and though it had not the effect, of procuring my restoration at that time, yet from the gracious manner in which, i am assured, it was received, i did flatter myself that his majesty would have pleasure in the opportunity, which appeared to present itself when your lordship's administration was formed, of originating a measure which all would consider gracious, and most, i hope, believe to be perfectly just. in reference to the letter, in answer to mine, with which your lordship honoured me on the th instant, which i cannot but perceive is written with a kindness of feeling which commands my best thanks, i beg only to state that any opinion of me in regard to the crime imputed to me that does not fully acquit me of all knowledge thereof whatever does not do me justice. that crime was contrived and completed so entirely without my knowledge that i had not the most distant idea of its having been meditated until i read of its commission in the public prints." in a brief reply to that letter earl grey stated that, the petition having been presented to the king and being now under consideration, no more formal address need be sent in lieu of it. thus lord cochrane had only to await the result of his application, and he waited for sixteen months. during that interval many friends interceded on his behalf, especially lord durham and lord auckland, and from time to time his hopes were quickened by information that the subject was still being considered by his majesty's ministers, who were anxious that right should be done. but he was often disappointed. "the king," he said, in a letter written on the st of april, "has invited all the knights of the bath to dine with him on the th, which is the anniversary of the affair of basque roads, as well as that of grambier's installation. if nothing is done on that day i shall not obtain justice during the life of william iv. indeed, i understand that every effort has been made to influence the king to my prejudice." "i was at an evening party at the marquess of lansdowne's on friday," wrote lord cochrane on the th of april, "and there i met the lord chancellor [brougham] who was very civil indeed, and told me they had a battle to fight for me, and hoped they would succeed. since then the electors of the borough of southwark have sent a deputation to beg me to stand; but hearing that brougham's brother was also to be a candidate, i have declined opposing him. i had a double motive for this line of conduct, for, had i been returned to parliament, i could not conscientiously have accepted a favour at the hands of the ministers of the crown." service in the house of commons was, soon after that, made impossible to lord cochrane. his father, archibald, ninth earl of dundonald, died on the st of july, . lord cochrane then ceased to be a commoner, and became in succession, when he was nearly fifty-six years old, earl of dundonald. as earl of dundonald, however, he found it no easier to obtain an answer to his demand for justice than as lord cochrane. in september he heard that his opponents were making use of some admiralty correspondence respecting his conduct in chili, nearly ten years before, to throw fresh difficulties in his way. he at once applied to sir james graham, the first lord of the admiralty, for extracts from this correspondence of any parts requiring explanation, in order that he might furnish the same. "i beg leave to state," wrote sir james in reply, "that it is not usual for his majesty's government to produce, from the records of public offices, documents which do not appear to be required for any public purpose. i am therefore under the necessity of declining to comply with your lordship's request." "is it not astonishing," said lord dundonald, in a letter to the duke of hamilton, "that sir james graham does not consider justice to an individual to be a public object?" tired out, at length, by the delays in the settlement of his case, lord dundonald wisely resolved to seek a personal interview with the king. with that object he went down to brighton, and the interview was readily granted to him on sunday, the th of november. he was graciously received, and the king listened attentively to his respectful claim for a fair investigation of the matter, and for permission to rebut any charges that might be brought against him respecting his conduct in connection with the stock exchange fraud, his chilian service, or any other portion of his life that had been or could be complained of. his majesty promised to see that the case was fairly looked into, and lord dundonald was not long in observing the good effects of his bold step. "lady dundonald has seen lord grey, and he has expressed his readiness to do all he can," he wrote from london on the th of december. "but i understand there is something in the way. burdett assures me that he will bring the whole affair before parliament if they do not do me justice." sir francis burdett, who, never flagging in his friendship, had rendered valuable assistance during these weary months, continued in the same course to the end; but it was not necessary for him to appeal to parliament in this case. yet its settlement was further delayed. "i am unwilling to trespass on your lordship's most valuable time," wrote lord dundonald to earl grey, on the th of january, ; "but as it is now two months since i had the honour of an audience of the king, and of presenting to his majesty my humble memorial setting forth my claims to be heard in my defence in refutation of the accusations existing against me in the admiralty, and praying that i might be furnished with copies of the accusatory documents, i can no longer refrain from entreating your lordship to relieve my mind from its present state of most painful suspense by making me acquainted with the decision of the government. from my knowledge of your lordship's considerate feelings towards me, and of your desire, should it be found practicable and just, to restore me to my place in his majesty's service, and from that consciousness of my own integrity which has maintained me during so many years of adversity, i cannot but be sanguine, notwithstanding the delay, of an ultimately favourable result. but the period of suspense is not only one of great mental anxiety, but in other respects most injurious. it places me in a position worse than that which i was in under the former administration, which at once decided to dismiss my complaint without consideration, and spared me that uncertainty which 'makes the heart sick.' while those ministers were in power my character sustained no injury from their refusal to do me justice. but under the administration of your lordship, the public opinion must be that my case has received every consideration, and that the ascertained justice of the verdict against me is the bar to my restoration. this opinion already operates so much to my disadvantage and annoyance as to paralyze all my pursuits, and will shortly compel me, unless your lordship spares me that sacrifice, to quit a country of which i have never, by any act of my life, rendered myself unworthy, and in the bosom of which, unless called out again in her service, i would fain spend the remainder of my life in tranquillity." that letter was delivered by the countess of dundonald, who at this time, as at all others, laboured with rare energy and tact to lighten her husband's heavy load of suffering and to augment his scanty store of joy. "lady dundonald," he wrote on the th of february, "has had a long talk with lord grey on the subject of my affair, and it clearly appears that there are two individuals in the cabinet who will not give in. it is now, however, determined that lady dundonald--i being out of town--shall go to the king with a very proper memorial on her part, praying that the stain on the family may be wiped away by a free pardon. it is supposed that this will succeed; because in that case the king can exercise his prerogative without other counsel than that of his prime minister, who is favourable." that term "free pardon" was galling to lord dundonald. he knew that he had done nothing which needed forgiveness. it was justice, not pardon, that he sought. he had suffered so much, however, from official formalities, and his honest resentment of them, that he now reluctantly consented to accept the virtual acquittal which was the great object of his hopes and toils, though it might be couched in a phrase none the less distasteful to him because it was the phrase that from time immemorial had been used as a cloak for the withdrawal of official wrong. his concession was successful. "the king," he was able to write on the th of march, "has at last promised to do that which the late administration refused, and the present ministry had not the power or courage to accomplish. for this i am indebted to the zealous exertions of lady dundonald, who has been at brighton, and has left lord grey and others no rest until her object was accomplished. thus, you see, perseverance has done more than reason, right, and justice. the fact is that great folks neither read nor trouble themselves with judging from facts on subjects which do not immediately concern themselves. i have no doubt that the 'review' has never been looked into by one of the ministers." the "free pardon" was promised on the th of february, but it was not formally granted till five weeks afterwards. lord dundonald ascertained that one cause of the long delay in considering his case was the heat of party fight occasioned by the reform bill. the government feared to show any kindness to a man whom the tories had so long and so persistently reviled, lest thereby they should lose in the house of commons a few wavering votes that were important. the reform bill passed the lower house, for the second time, at the end of march.[ ] its final adoption being expected with less difficulty than arose, it was now easier to do justice to lord dundonald. "i was happy to hear your memorial to the king read in council and referred to the admiralty," the earl of durham wrote to him on the th of april. "i trust we may eventually have the means of doing an act of private as well as of public justice, and that i shall see you restored to that service of which you are the highest ornament. but you well know that you have had not only my best wishes, but my warmest exertions, for the attainment of that object." [ ] "my dear lord durham," wrote the earl of dundonald, on the th of april, "allow me most sincerely to congratulate you on the attainment of the great object which the present administration has now, so honourably for themselves and so fortunately for the country, brought to a pass wherein no retrograde movement can take place, whatever may be the obstructions offered by the interested proprietors of borough influence, or by persons whose ideas of government have been formed under the tuition of preceding administrations. it is rare felicity for a nation to be governed by men having the liberality and justice which induce them to confer free institutions peacefully on the country; institutions which merit the gratitude of all who now exist, and will receive the unqualified applause of future generations. the page of history affords no parallel to the present event." the object was at last attained. at a privy council held on the nd of may, a "free pardon" was granted to the earl of dundonald. he was restored to his position in the royal navy, and, on the th, gazetted as a rear-admiral of the fleet. in that capacity he was presented to king william iv. at the levée held on the th of may; and congratulations poured in from all quarters as soon as the good news was published. but he could not, even in the first moments of rejoicing, forget that the cause of congratulation was only a pardon for an offence which he had never committed, and for which he had been enduring heavy punishment during sixteen years of his life. chapter xxiv. the intentions and discoveries of lord dundonald's father.--his own mechanical contrivances.--his lamps.--his rotary steam-engine, his screw-propeller, his condensing-boiler, and his lines of ship-building.--their tardy development.--his correspondence upon steam-shipping with sir james graham, the earl of minto, the earl of haddington, and the earl of auckland.--the progress of his inventions.--the "janus."--the beneficial results of his experiments. [ - .] lord dundonald's father, the ninth earl, had devoted the chief energies of his long life to scientific pursuits, which won for him, not profit, but well-earned fame, and which proved of immense benefit to his own and succeeding generations. by him was discovered the art of extracting tar from coal, and out of that discovery was developed, partly by him and partly by others, the manufacture of gas, first used for lighting his tar-works. the important chemical process of making alkali and crystals of soda was also introduced by him, whereby a great impetus was given to the manufacture of glass and to many other important branches of industry. he discovered the present method of preparing alum, or sulphate of vitriol, and suggested its substitution for gum senegal, which has proved hardly less advantageous to the mechanical arts. in , he published a treatise, the result of numerous and costly experiments, on the connection between agriculture and chemistry, which was almost the parent of all the later researches that have issued in beneficial plans for improving the soil and invigorating the growth of crops, and in various and important developments of scientific farming. the tenth earl of dundonald inherited his father's mechanical and scientific genius. the lamp invented by him in , which introduced the principle upon which all later lamps for burning oil, naphtha, and other combustibles have been constructed, has been already referred to. many other inventions and discoveries occupied his leisure during the years in which he was allowed to follow his profession both in british and in foreign service;[ ] and the fuller leisure forced upon him during the years following his return from greece was chiefly devoted to further exercise of his inventive faculties. [ ] it is interesting to note that the recent introduction among us of the turkish bath was due to lord dundonald. "having recovered," says dr. gosse, in his treatise "du bain turc," p. , "from two attacks of intermitting fever, i visited the islands of the archipelago until summoned to nauplia by admiral cochrane, who was then on board the little steam-vessel _mercury_. there the air of the gulf, and the marshy miasma, brought on another attack of fever, from which i feared a fatal issue. lord cochrane had the kindness to take me in his arms, and to place me in the current of steam, which caused me to perspire freely. my illness disappeared as by enchantment." a similar service was rendered by lord dundonald to mr. david urquhart, whose attention was thus called to the advantages of the turkish bath, and who became its great advocate. to the wonderful invention known as his "secret war-plan" allusion will presently be made. his other most important mechanical pursuits had for their principal object the improvement of steam-engines and other appliances for steam-shipping. almost his first reminiscence was of a visit in which, when he was seven or eight years old, he accompanied his father to birmingham, there to meet with james watt, and hear something of his memorable discovery. apprehending in his youth the value of that discovery, he never wearied in his efforts to extend its usefulness. the _rising star_, built in under his directions, and those of his brother, major cochrane, for service in chili, was the first steam-vessel that crossed the atlantic, and it was an additional disappointment to him, amid all the misfortunes incident to his efforts to give adequate assistance to the greeks in their war of independence, that the ill-fated steamers which were to be his chief instruments therein, failed through the indolence and incompetence of those to whom their construction was assigned. it is not necessary here to detail the studies and experiments by which he afterwards sought to introduce a better steam-engine, for locomotive purposes, than was then, or is even now, in general use. his plan--not a new one, though it had never before been made available in practice--was to substitute for the ordinary reciprocating engine a machine which should at once produce a circular motion. "of the many rotary engines heretofore offered to the notice of the world," he wrote, in , "none have stood the test of practical use and experience. the cause of this uniform failure has been the great difficulty of obtaining, within the machine, a base of resistance on which the steam might act in propelling the moveable piston." he did not quite overcome this difficulty, but he succeeded in producing what the foremost critic in this department of manufacture describes--after a lapse of thirty years unrivalled for their development of ingenuity--as "the most perfect engine of the class that has yet been projected." "in this engine," says the same authority, "an eccentric is made to revolve on an axis in the manner of a piston, and two doors, forming part of the side of the cylinder, press upon the eccentric. the points of these doors are armed with swivelling brasses, which apply themselves to the eccentric and make the point of contact tight in all positions."[ ] [ ] john bourne. "a treatise on the steam-engine" ( ), p. . "this revolving engine," said lord dundonald, "does not require any valve or slide; consequently, there is no waste of steam thereby; neither is there any loss, as in the space left at the top and bottom of the cylinders of reciprocating engines. there is much less friction than arises from the sum of all the bearings required to convert the rectilineal force of the common engine to circular motion. there are no beams, cranks, side-rods, connecting-rods, parallel motions, levers, slide-valves, or eccentrics, with their nicely-adjusted joints and bearings; and thus the revolving engine is not liable, even in one-tenth degree, to the accidents and hindrances of other engines. as its moving parts pursue their course in perfect circles, without stop or hindrance, it is capable of progressive acceleration, until the work performed equals the pressure of steam on the vacuum--an advantage which the reciprocating engine does not possess. the diminished bulk and weight, and the absence of tremor, add to the capacity, buoyancy, velocity, and durability of vessels in which it is placed." the rotary engine did not satisfy all lord dundonald's expectations, but it took precedence of all others of the same sort, and was of great service at any rate in directing attention to what he rightly considered to be the great want in war-shipping, namely, vessels of the least possible bulk and of the greatest possible strength, speed, and fighting power. years were spent by him in attempting to bring it into notice. at his own cost he fitted out a little steamboat, which navigated the thames; but to perfect the invention were required more funds than he had at his command, and he sought in vain for adequate assistance from others. in january, , he wrote to sir james graham, then first lord of the admiralty, thanking him for his share in the restitution of his naval rank that had occurred nearly two years before, and urging the co-operation of the government in perfecting an invention that promised to be of so much importance to the naval power of england. "you are not obliged to me for anything," answered sir james on the th; "i only am fortunate in being the member of a government which has regained for our country the benefit of your distinguished valour and services, which, if again required in war, will, i am persuaded, be so exerted as to win the gratitude of the nation, and to demonstrate the justice of the decision to which you allude. it is impossible to over-estimate the paramount importance of steam in future naval operations; and it is fortunate that you have directed so much of your attention to the subject. the board has complied with your request, and two engineers, in whom we place reliance, will be ordered to attend you." it does not appear, how-ever, that the engineers did attend. at any rate, nothing was done by the admiralty in aid of the invention either then or for many years after. yet its ingenuity was acknowledged by all who investigated it, and by naval authorities among the number. the earl of minto, when first lord of the admiralty, sought to introduce it into the national ship-building; but official hindrances, too great even for him to overcome, stood in his way. all he could do was to have it referred to competent judges and to receive their report in its favour. "i am commanded to acquaint your lordship," wrote sir john barrow, the secretary to the admiralty, to the earl of dundonald, on the th of december, , "that the opinions received of your revolving engine are favourable to the principle, and that it has not been stated that there are any insurmountable obstacles to its practical execution." the insurmountable obstacles were in the stolid resistance of subordinates to any novelty designed to lessen labour and promote economy. lord minto, when out of office, was able to speak of the engine in more approving terms than he could adopt in his official capacity. "i need hardly say," he wrote on the th of september, , "that the report of continued success in your rotatory engine gives me great pleasure, not only upon your own account, but as promising a valuable addition to our naval power in its application to ships of war. as a high-pressure engine, the complete success of your plan has, i believe, been recognised by all who have attended to it, and it is in this form that i had contemplated its application in the first instance as an auxiliary and occasional power in some ships of war." at length, though not with all the energy that he desired, lord dundonald's engine was put to the test by the admiralty during the earl of haddington's tenure of office in that department. in may, , he was invited by the new first lord, who, in common with all the world, was aware of the zeal and intelligence with which he had devoted himself to the consideration of every branch of naval science, to communicate his opinions thereupon. the first result of this invitation was a letter showing remarkable discernment of evils then existing, and curiously anticipating some later efforts to correct them. "the slow progress," wrote lord dundonald, on the th of june, "which the naval service has made towards its present ameliorated state--yet far from perfection--has not permitted any one board of admiralty in my time to stand pre-eminently distinguished for decisive improvements. these have rather been effected by the gradual changes which time occasions, or by following the example of america, or even of france, than by encouraging efforts of native genius. this has arisen from causes easily remedied; one of which is, that the rejection or adoption of proffered improvements has depended on the decision of several authorities, who consequently feel little individual responsibility, and imagine themselves liable to censure only for a change of system. thus, my lord, a still heavier responsibility has, in fact, been incurred by continuing, long after the most superficial observation demanded a change, to construct small ships of the line, and little frigates, which the great practical skill and bravery of our countrymen were taxed to defend against the powerful eighty-gun ships of france and the large frigates of america. this timidity as to change caused many years to elapse, after the commercial use of steam-vessels, before the naval department possessed even a tug-boat. hence the mischievous economy manifested by the purchase of worthless merchant steamers; hence the subsequent parsimonious project of building small steam-vessels fitted with engines immersed beyond their bearing, and deficient in every requisite for purposes of war. i am not one of those, my lord, who deem it advantageous to act on the belief that one englishman can beat two frenchmen. i am inclined to doubt whether a practical demonstration of that saying might not be attended with disastrous consequences. long habitude reared experienced british officers, who are now replaced by others who possess less nautical skill, and are nearer on a par with those of france, in regard to whose education every pains has been taken by its government. i do not presume to advise that your lordship should adopt changes precipitately, nor without consulting those who may be most competent to judge; no, nor even then that the best measures should be prematurely disclosed, so as to give intimation to other nations of the vast increase of power which may suddenly be rendered available. but i venture to suggest that you may quietly prepare the means of effecting purposes which neither the ordinary ships of war nor the present steam-ships in the navy can accomplish. permanent blockades, my lord, are now quite out of the question; and so, in my opinion, are all our ordinary naval tactics. a couple of heavy line-of-battle ships, suddenly fitted, on the outbreak of war, with adequate steam-power, would decide the successful result of a general action; and i am assured that i could show your lordship how to fit a steam-ship which, in scouring the channel or ranging the coast, could take or destroy every steam-ship belonging to france that came within view." that offer was accepted by the earl of haddington, who, being at portsmouth in august, made personal inspection of some experiments in which lord dundonald was there engaging; and the result of that inspection was that he promptly arranged for the introduction, at the public expense, of the rotary engine in the _firefly_, a small steam-vessel which, like many others, the government had bought and found useless, by reason of its clumsy machinery. in her, with no more than the usual delay occasioned by the co-operation of official routine with private enterprise, in which lord dundonald had the assistance of mr. renton and messrs. bramah, the experiment was tried and found to answer so well, in spite of the difficulties incident to a first attempt, that it was resolved to develop it further in a frigate to be built throughout in accordance with his plans for the improved construction of shipping. to these he had lately made some valuable additions. on the th of january, , a patent was granted to him for various improvements in engines and other machinery, one of which was an apparatus for propelling vessels. "this improved propeller," says a competent authority, "consists of an arrangement of propelling blades immerged beneath the water, in the manner now usual in screw vessels; but, instead of the blades being set at right angles with the propeller-shaft, they form an angle therewith. one important effect of this arrangement is that it corrects the centrifugal action of the screw; for whereas, in common screws, the water which is discharged backwards assumes a conical figure, enlarging as it recedes, in a screw formed on lord dundonald's plan the outline of the moving water will be cylindrical, the centrifugal action being counteracted by the convergent action due to the backward inclination of the propelling blades. it is found, practically, that screws constructed upon this principle give a better result than ordinary screws."[ ] [ ] john bourne. "a treatise on the screw propeller, screw vessels, and screw engines" ( ), p. . another invention patented by lord dundonald at the same time was a modification of the boilers used for steam-engines. "these boilers," says the same critic, "are constructed with a double tier of furnaces and with upright tubes, the water being contained within the tubes and the smoke impinging upon them on its passage to the chimney. this species of boiler is found to be very efficient. a hanging bridge is introduced to retain the heat in the upper part of the flue in which the tubes are erected. by inserting a short piece of tube in the upper extremity of each tube within the boiler the upward circulation of the water within the tubes was increased as the length of the lighter column of water was augmented, while the length of the gravitating column remained without alteration."[ ] [ ] john bourne. "a treatise on the steam engine" ( ), p. . these boilers, extensively used in london, america, and elsewhere, and now introduced in the admiralty ship-building, have been greatly improved by lord dundonald's son, captain the hon. a. a. cochrane, c.b. "i believe," he said in a letter to lord haddington dated the nd of may, , "that all our old vessels of war, save the class of eighty-gun ships and a few first-rate and large frigates, are almost worthless; whilst our steam department is deficient in most of the properties which constitute effective vessels. no blockades worthy of the name can now be maintained by fleets of sailing ships; nor can accompanying steamships be kept for months and years even in 'approximate readiness,' awaiting the distant night when it may suit the enemy to attack our blockading force or quietly to slip out in the dark in order to assail our commerce in other quarters. i have, my lord, during the last twelve years actually disbursed, to the great inconvenience of my family, upwards of , l. to promote nautical objects which appeared to me of importance. your lordship knows their nature, and it is in no way difficult to ascertain their reality. i consider that several, if not all our line-of-battle ships, should have the benefit of mechanical power, say to the extent of a hundred horses--the machinery to be placed out of the reach of shot. the construction of new ships on the best lines that could be found would prove more judicious than repairing old ones, however apparently cheap such repairs may be; for a few powerful and quick-sailing ships are preferable to a multitude which can neither successfully chase, nor escape from, an enemy." that allusion to the "best lines" of ship-building, and some of lord dundonald's other views on naval architecture, will be explained by another letter written by him to lord haddington, three months before, on the th of february. "i have lately," he said, "submitted to the consideration of sir george cockburn an axiom for the uniform delineation of consecutive parabolic curves, forming a series of lines presenting the least resistance in the submerged portion of ships and vessels--an axiom never before so applied in naval architecture, as is manifest from the discrepant forms of our ships of war. i also offered to sir george's attention a new propeller and method of adapting propellers to sailing ships in her majesty's service, free from the disadvantages of paddle-wheels and from the injurious consequences of lessening the buoyancy and weakening the strength of the after part of ships by a prolongation of the 'dead wood,' and by cutting a large hole through it for the insertion of the archimedean screw. the favourable impression made on the mind of sir george, and my own deliberate conviction of the importance of these improvements, and of others then briefly touched on, lead me, by reason of the lamented indisposition of that talented officer, now personally, instead of through him, to offer them to your lordship's attention. "the french, as your lordship is well aware, are making great exertions to advance their steam department, especially in the mediterranean, where calms are frequent and their coal is abundant--doubtless in the hope of thereby preventing the future blockade of toulon, and of keeping open their intercourse with algiers; which would be equivalent to possessing the dominion of the mediterranean sea, where a british blockading fleet of sailing ships must, under such circumstances, themselves be protected. in saying this, my lord, i beg to be understood as by no means depreciating the capabilities of our common ships of war, whilst they possess the power of motion, but as holding them to be quite unfit for blockades, and exposed to great peril where calms are of frequent occurrence and long duration. indeed, it may be worthy of your lordship's serious consideration whether, in another point of view, it might not be judicious to place steam-engines in some, at least, of our line-of-battle ships, in order to divert the attention of foreign nations from the exclusive employment of mechanical propelling power to purposes of naval war, whereby british officers and seamen, deprived of the means of displaying their superior skill, become reduced to a par with the trained bands of continental states. "i have prepared a model in bronze of a steam-frigate possessing peculiar properties, founded on the before-mentioned axiom, which, i do not hesitate to submit to your lordship, would save vast sums wasted in the construction of inferior ships and vessels, by enabling the admiralty, on unerring data, to stereotype--if i may use the expression--every curve in every rate or class of ships, and so impose on constructors the undeviating task of adhering to the lines and models scientifically determined on by their lordships."[ ] [ ] the following statement of lord dundonald's "axiom" accompanied the model which was submitted to the admiralty:--"it is universally admitted that a sharp _bow_ and a clear _run_ contribute to the speed of vessels; but what the consecutive lines ought to be, in order to constitute a perfect _bow_, or what those to form the _run_, no builder has yet exemplified by uniformity of practice, or theoretically defined. ship-delineators profess the art as a mystery, and arbitrary forms are assumed as the result of science. these lines ought to be, by an axiom, founded on a law imposed by infinite wisdom for the perfect guidance of inanimate matter. projectiles, thrown obliquely, take their flight in convex parabolic curves, wherein resistance is overcome by a minimum of force; and elastic surfaces obey the converse of that law in opposing certain external influences. it is a property of conic sections that a straight line, centred in the apex, and caused to circumscribe the surface of the cone, will apply itself continuously to all consecutive parabolic curves. hence curves similar to the flight of projectiles, and to those formed by the flection of elastic surfaces, may be described on a large scale simply by causing a straight line or beam to revolve as on the axis of a cone, in contact with a parabolic or elliptical section. thus a consecutive series of convex parabolic or elliptical curves may be substituted in ship-building for hollow fantastical lines. the benefits from which application are, increased velocity, capacity, strength, buoyancy, facility of steering, ease in hard seas, and exemption from breaking or 'hogging.'" diagrams and explanations thereof accompanied this concise statement of the principle. great interest attended the development of lord dundonald's inventions. "i need hardly assure you," wrote lord minto, on the th of october, "of the very great satisfaction i derive from the continued and increasing success of your rotatory engine; and i shall now look with no little impatience for further evidence of its merits in the new steam-frigate to which it is to be applied. i am glad, also, that you have turned your attention to the construction of steamers of war. i have never been satisfied with the properties of these vessels, much as their construction has undoubtedly been improved of late years. it is certainly a difficult subject, because some of the qualities essential to a vessel under sail can only be obtained by some deviation from the form calculated to give the greatest speed under steam; and i consider fair sailing powers, so as under all circumstances to keep company with a fleet, as not less important than speed and power as a steamer. the best combination of these very different qualities, or that which will upon the whole produce the most serviceable ship, is yet to be sought. i think, also, that sufficient consideration has not yet been given to the correction of that very grievous defect, the great uneasiness and excessive rolling of all these vessels, from the low position of the weights they carry. there is another object in connection with your engine which i had constantly in view: i mean its adaptation in the high-pressure form to our ships of war in general. it was my intention, had i remained in office, to have fitted a frigate with one of your high-pressure engines--not very high, however--with a view, if the experiment answered, to the introduction of an occasional steam power in all ships of the line. i believe you and i may probably differ as to the amount of steam power it might be advisable to give such ships, and that you would wish to steam the _vanguard_ or the _queen_ at the rate of ten miles an hour. my wishes are much more humble, and i should be perfectly satisfied with an amount of power sufficient to give steerage way under all circumstances, to carry the ship into or out of action, and to afford her some assistance in clearing off a lee-shore--something about equivalent to five knots--an amount of power that might probably be obtained, together with some fuel for occasional use, without encroaching too much upon the stowage of the ship. i shall be extremely glad if you can induce lord haddington to direct his attention to this object." through the latter part of and the whole of , lord dundonald was chiefly occupied with the construction of the _janus_, the steam-frigate which was being built and fitted upon his plans. she was shaped in accordance with his "lines," and in her were introduced both his revolving engines and his improved boilers. "i have just returned from chatham," he wrote to a friend on the th of april, , "where everything regarding the _janus_ is going on very well indeed. and i have further good news to tell you. the admiralty are so pleased with my parabolic lines for ship-building that they have ordered a drawing to be made immediately of a frigate of the first class, in order to have one constructed." hopeful that at last his long-cherished ideas would bring benefit both to himself and to the nation, he had in these months much to encourage him. "all is going on as well as i could wish, or even as i could accomplish, were destiny at my command," he wrote on the st of may. "the portsmouth engines now meet the approbation of all the authorities of the yard, and the admiralty are so satisfied that they have given me the building of a steamship to put them in, in lieu of placing them in the old _firefly_." "nothing," he said in a letter written a week or two later, "can exceed the perfection of the work which the bramahs have put into the _janus_'s engines." "the experimental engine at portsmouth," he wrote on the rd of july, "continues to perform admirably, beating all others in the yard in point of vacuum, which, you know, is the test of power." "the engines will commence being put together in ten or fourteen days," we read in another letter dated the th of july; "after that we shall make rapid progress. the _janus_ is now completing--that is, being coppered--and having the part of her deck laid down which was left off for the purpose of getting the boilers on board. my patent boilers will be tried by authority of the admiralty about the th, and i hope for a favourable result." the trial, postponed till the st of august, was satisfactory. "we have tried the boilers of the _janus_," he wrote on that day, "and the result is most triumphant, having, with slack firing, ten and a half pounds of water evaporated by each pound of coal." "i have just returned from portsmouth," he had written five days before, "where i had the pleasure to find my engine exceeding even all that it had done before--the vacuum, with all the work on, being - / , two inches above that of any other engine in the dockyard. mr. taplin, the chief engineer, is quite delighted with it." "sir george cockburn and sir john barrow, permanent secretary of the admiralty, saw my engine yesterday," he wrote on the th of october, concerning the machine being built by the bramahs for the _janus_; "and so did lord brougham; all of whom were well pleased with my explanation of its principles and the appearance of the workmanship. it is now being pulled to pieces, in order to its being sent to chatham and set up on board the _janus_, whose boilers, by my request, are again to be officially tested as to their evaporative power, and that, too, by the woolwich authorities, whose boilers have been beaten one-third by the evaporation of mine. this request must show the admiralty my confidence in the correctness of the former trial; for there is no doubt the woolwich people would condemn it if they could." this second and crucial trial took place on the th of november, and the result exceeded alike lord dundonald's expectations and those of the official judges, to whom failure would have been most pleasant. "all matters as regards my engines," he wrote on the th of november, "are going on well. i hope soon to hear something satisfactory from the admiralty on the subject of the boilers, respecting which they have until now pursued the most profound silence, notwithstanding the triumphant result, which has surpassed the product of the far-famed cornish boilers in evaporative power." those extracts from lord dundonald's letters to the friend with whom he corresponded most freely will suffice to show in what temper he watched the progress of his inventions during . at the close of the year he hoped that his labours to bring them into general use were now nearly at an end; but in this he was disappointed. the woolwich authorities, who had at the time expressed their approval of the boilers, sent in an adverse report to the admiralty, and lord dundonald had to wait several months before he could disprove the statements made against them; and opposition of the same sort--the common experience of nearly every inventor--encountered him at every turn, and had again and again to be overcome. his portsmouth engine continued to work well; but in september, , he learnt that a malicious trick had been resorted to, to prevent its working better. "on a recent examination of the pumps in the well," wrote mr. taplin, the engineer, "to our utter astonishment we found, in the middle suction pipe, an elm plug, driven in so tight that we were obliged to bore and cut it out. the plug stopped that suction pipe effectually, and from its appearance must have been there from the time the pumps were first put in motion. as proof of this, we never had such a supply of water as at present." and that is only an illustration of the obstacles, accidental or designed, that occurred to him. by them, the _janus_ was delayed for a whole year. she was to have been completed in ; but this was not done till the end of . "i have just returned," lord dundonald was able to write on the th of december, "from a nine days' trip in the _janus_, the result of which has been successful, both in regard to the properties of the engines and those of the 'lines' on which she has been constructed. nothing can exceed the beauty of her passage through the water, without even a ripple, far less the wave which ordinary steamboats occasion." that success, however, was to be followed by a long series of disasters. the weight of the _janus_ had been miscalculated, and though she could proceed admirably in smooth water, she was found to lie so low that there was constant danger of her being wrecked in rough seas and bad weather. other faults, incident to the bringing together for the first time of so much new workmanship, were also discovered. she had to be returned to dock, and fresh hindrances of every sort occurred during the two following years; each hindrance being attended by tedious correspondence or controversies with petty functionaries jealous of a stranger's interference, and only eager to bring discredit upon his work. much discredit did result. loud complaints were made concerning the waste of public money resulting from lord dundonald's experiments, and on him, of course, nearly all the blame was thrown. all this, added to his previous difficulties in securing for his boiler and engine any notice at all, was very grievous to him. every complaint and every entreaty from him was met by a new excuse and a new reason for delay. "ten days are always added," he said, in one letter, "and ten days yet are said to be required." the days became weeks and the weeks months, and still the _janus_ was incomplete. she was unfinished when lord dundonald left england for more than two years in order to fulfil the duties assigned to him as commander-in-chief of the north american and west indian squadron, and his absence caused a final abandonment of the works. the tedious process of her construction, however, to which only sufficient reference has here been made to serve as illustration of one phase of lord dundonald's life, was attended by many good results. to himself she brought only trouble and expense; but the obstacles thrown in her way and in his did not deter private adventurers from acting upon some of the principles developed in abortive attempts at her completion by public functionaries. lord dundonald's inventions--his revolving engine, his screw-propeller, his boiler, and his "lines of ship-building,"--have all proved useful in themselves, and have been of yet greater use in their influence upon the improved mechanism of our own generation. to him must be attributed no slight share in the revolution that has been effected in the materials for naval warfare. of the superiority of steamers to war-ships, he was one of the first advocates. his own rotatory engine was never extensively adopted, and was superseded by other engines which, lacking the great merit of direct action upon the paddles, that it was his object to attain, had other and greater merits of their own; but in their adoption his great object was realized, seeing that that object was not his own aggrandisement, but the development of the naval strength of england. chapter xxv. lord dundonald's secret war-plans.--his correspondence concerning them with lord lansdowne, lord minto, lord haddington, and lord auckland.--his letter to the "times."--the report of a committee consisting of sir thomas hastings, sir john burgoyne, and lieut.-col. colquhoun upon the secret war-plans.--a french project for naval warfare with england.--lord dundonald's opinion thereupon.--his views on the defence of england. [ - .] zealously as the earl of dundonald strove through nearly twenty years to perfect and to make generally useful his inventions in connection with steam shipping, he attached yet greater importance to another and an older invention or discovery, which, though its efficacy has been admitted by all to whom it has been explained, has never yet been adopted. this was the device known as his "secret war-plans," for capturing the fleets and forts of an enemy by an altogether novel process, attended by little cost or risk to the assailant, but of terrible effect upon the objects attacked. these plans were conceived by him in , and in the following year, as he has told in his "autobiography," he submitted them to the prince regent, afterwards king george iv. by the prince they were referred to a secret committee, consisting of the duke of york, as president, lord keith, lord exmouth, and the two congreves; who, on the details being set before them, declared this method of attack to be infallible and irresistible. lord dundonald was pledged to secrecy by the prince regent, and it was proposed to employ the device in the war still proceeding with france. that proposal, however, was abandoned, and another, for a trial of the plan under sir alexander cochrane in north america, in , was prevented by the stock exchange trial. after that, the long peace enjoyed by england would have postponed the experiment, even if lord dundonald had not been debarred from pursuit of his calling as an english naval officer. he might have used his secret in chili, brazil, and greece; but his promise to the prince regent, and patriotic feelings, that were even more cogent than that promise, restrained him. once used, it would cease to be a secret; and he resolved that the great advantage that would accrue from the first use should be reserved for his own country. the project, however, was not forgotten by him. soon after the accession of king william iv., he explained it to his majesty, who acknowledged its value, and paid a tribute to lord dundonald's honourable conduct in keeping his secret so long and under such strong inducements to an opposite course. soon afterwards, and during many years, the prospect of another war induced him to engage in frequent correspondence on the subject with various members of the successive governments. "i long ago," wrote the marquis of lansdowne--then president of the council--in may, , "communicated the substance of the paper you left with me, on the important objects which might be accomplished by the agency you describe, in an attack upon an hostile marine, to such of my colleagues as i then had an opportunity of seeing, and more particularly to lord minto, whom i found in some degree apprized of your views upon this subject. as questions of such importance to the naval interests of the country can only be satisfactorily inquired into by the admiralty department of the government, i should recommend your entering into an unreserved communication with him on the subject, which i know he will receive with all the attention due to your high professional character and experience." the earl of minto gave many proofs of his regard for lord dundonald; but he was not disposed to think favourably of the secret war-plan, and it was kept in abeyance for four years more. in the autumn of lord dundonald again pressed its consideration upon lord lansdowne, alleging as a reason the warlike attitude of russia. "i am obliged to you for your letter," wrote lord lansdowne in reply, on the th of november, "and will certainly make use of the communication it contains in the proper quarter, if the occasion arises, which i sincerely hope it will not. ambitious and encroaching as russia is seen and felt to be in all directions, i am confident that her own true policy is to avoid giving just cause for war, and that, busily as she may use all indirect means towards her ends which she thinks she can justify, she will yield to remonstrance when these limits are transgressed by her agents. this is a course, however, which requires to be, and i trust will be, most carefully watched." in that interesting letter, lord lansdowne showed, by his silence, that he was not inclined to investigate the war-plan; and a like indifference was experienced by lord dundonald in his repeated efforts, during the ensuing years, to secure its acceptance by the government. it was submitted to a favoured few, and all to whom it was explained acknowledged its efficacy; but no more than that was done. its most competent critic was the duke of wellington, who recognised the terrible power of the device, although he objected to it on the score that "two could play at that game." "if the people of france shall force their government to war with england," wrote lord dundonald to lord minto on the rd of august, , "i hope you will do me the favour and justice to reflect on the nature of the opinion you received from the duke of wellington in regard to my plans, which is the same as that given to the prince regent by lords keith and exmouth and the two congreves in the year , and that your lordship will perceive, that 'although two can play at the game,' the one who first understands it can alone be successful. in the event of war, i beg to offer my endeavours to place the navy of france under your control, or at once effectually to annihilate it. were my plans known to the world, i should not be accused of over-rating their powers by the above otherwise extraordinary assertion." lord minto's answer was very brief: "i shall bear your offer in mind; but there is not the slightest chance of war." for the same reason the secret plans were set aside by the earl of haddington, who was first lord of the admiralty after lord minto. he rendered considerable aid to lord dundonald in testing his steam-engine and boiler, but considered the fact that england was at peace as a sufficient reason for not discussing the value of a new instrument of war. lord dundonald, however, who knew the value of his invention, thought otherwise. while vast sums of money were being spent at dover, portsmouth, and elsewhere upon fortifications and harbours of refuge for trading-vessels, which, in war time, could have no chance of safety against fighting steam ships in the open sea, he deemed it especially important that attention should be paid to a project calculated to effect an entire revolution in the principles and methods of warfare. if his project was feasible, it furnished an instrument by which fortifications and harbours of refuge would be rendered useless, seeing that the most powerful enemy might by it be effectually prevented from coming within reach of those defences, or, if he was allowed to approach them, could use it with a terrible effect, to which the most formidable defences could offer no resistance. it was under this impression that, on the th of november, , finding governments indifferent to his arguments, he addressed a vigorous letter to "the times." "had gunpowder and its adaptation to artillery," he there said, "been discovered and perfected by an individual, and had its wonderful power been privately tested, indisputably proved, and reported to a government, or to a council of military men, at the period when the battering-ram and cross-bow were chief implements in war, it is probable that the civilians would have treated the author as a wild visionary, and that the professional council, true to the _esprit de corps_, would have spurned the supposed insult to their superior understanding. science and the arts, both of peace and war, nevertheless, in despite of all such retarding causes, have advanced, and probably will advance, until effects and consequences accrue which the imagination can scarcely contemplate. "it is not, however, my intention to intrude observations of an ordinary nature, but to endeavour to rectify an erroneous opinion which appears to prevail, that consequences disastrous to this country may be anticipated from the introduction of steam-ships into maritime warfare. i am desirous of showing that the use of steam-ships of war, though at present available by rival nations, need not necessarily diminish the security of our commerce; that still less need it necessarily endanger our national existence, which appears to be apprehended by those who allege the necessity of devoting millions of money to the defence of our coasts. i contend that there is nothing in the expected new system of naval warfare, through the employment of steam-vessels, that can justify such expensive and derogatory precautions, because there are equally new, and yet secret, means of conquest, which no devices hitherto used in maritime warfare could resist or evade. "that the like prejudice or incredulity which in all probability would have scouted the invention of gunpowder, if offered to notice under the circumstances above supposed, may exist to a considerable extent in the present case, is extremely likely; yet i do not the less advisedly affirm, that with this all-powerful auxiliary invasion may be rendered impossible, and our commerce secure, by the speedy and effectual destruction of all assemblages of steam-ships, and, if necessary, of all the navies of the whole world, which, for ever after, might be prevented from inconveniently increasing. away then with the sinister forebodings which have originated the recent devices for protruding through the sterns of sluggish ships of war additional guns for defence in fight! away with the projected plans of 'protective forts and ports' of cowardly refuge! let the manly resolution be taken, when occasion shall require, vigorously to attack the enemy, instead of preparing elaborate means of defence. factitious ports on the margin of the channel cannot be better protected than those which exist, respecting which i pledge any professional credit i may possess, that whatever hostile force might therein be assembled could be destroyed within the first twenty-four hours favourable for effective operations, in defiance of forts and batteries, mounted with the most powerful ordnance now in use. "in the capacity of an officer all hope seemed to be precluded, that in time of peace i could render service to my country. a new light, however, has beamed through the cloud, for in the pursuit of my vocation as an amateur engineer it has become apparent that a plan, which i deemed available only in war, may contribute to prevent the naval department from being paralysed by wasteful perversion of its legitimate support. protective harbours (save as screens from wind and sea) may be likened to nets wherein fishes, seeking to escape, find themselves inextricably entangled; or to the guardian care of a shepherd, who should pen his flock in a fold to secure it from a marching army. no effective protection could be afforded in such ports against a superior naval force equipped for purposes of destruction; whilst their utility as places of refuge from steam privateers is quite disproportioned to their cost--privateers could neither tow off merchant vessels from our shore, nor regain their own, if appropriate measures shall be adopted to intercept them. "impressions in favour of so expensive, so despondent, and so inadequate a scheme, can have no better origin than specious reports, emanating from delusive opinions derived from a very limited knowledge of facts. the hasty adoption of such measures, and the voting away the vast sums required to carry them into execution, are evils seriously to be deprecated. it is, therefore, greatly to be desired that those in power should pause before proceeding further in such a course. it behoves them to consider in all its bearings, and in all its consequences, the contemplated system of stationary maritime defence, subject, as that system may become, to the overwhelming influence of the secret plan which i placed in their hands, similar to that which i presented in to his royal highness the prince regent, who referred its consideration confidentially to lord keith, lord exmouth, and the two congreves, professional and scientific men, by whom it was pronounced to be infallible, under the circumstances detailed in my explanatory statement. "thirty-three years is a long time to retain an important secret, especially as i could have used it with effect in defence of my character when cruelly assailed (as i have shown at length in a representation to the government), and could have practically employed it on various occasions to my private advantage. i have now, however, determined to solicit its well-merited consideration, in the hope, privately, if possible, to prove the comparative inexpedience of an expenditure of some , , l. or , , l. sterling for the construction of forts and harbours, instead of applying ample funds at once to remodel and renovate the navy--professionally known to be susceptible of immense improvement--including the removal from its swollen bulk of much that is cumbrous and prejudicial. "however injudicious it might be thought to divulge my plan, at least until energetically put in execution for an adequate object; yet, if its disclosure is indispensable to enable a just and general estimate to be formed of the merits of the mongrel terraqueous scheme of defence now in contemplation, as compared with the mighty power and protective ubiquity of the floating bulwarks of britain, i am satisfied that the balance would be greatly in favour of publicity. it would demonstrate that there could be no security in those defences and those asylums, on the construction of which it is proposed to expend so many millions of the public money; it might, therefore, have the effect of preventing such useless expenditure, and of averting the obviously impending danger of future parsimonious naval administration, abandonment of essential measures of nautical improvement, and the national disgrace of maritime degradation--all inseparable from an unnatural hermaphrodite union between a distinguished service, which might still further be immeasurably exalted, and the most extravagant, derogatory, inefficient, and preposterous project that could be devised for the security and protection of an insular, widely-extended, colonial and commercial state." a few months after that letter had been written, lord dundonald's hopes that his secret plans would be accepted by the government were revived. in , his friend lord auckland took office as first lord of the admiralty; and by him, with very little delay, it was proposed to submit the plans to the judgment of a competent committee of officers. this was all that lord dundonald had asked for, and he gladly accepted the proposal. the officers chosen were sir thomas hastings, then surveyor general of the ordnance, sir j. f. burgoyne, and lieutenant-colonel j. s. colquhoun. by them the project was carefully considered, and on the th of january, , they tendered their official report upon it. "these plans," it was there said, "may be classed under three heads:-- st. one, on which an opinion may be formed with experiment, for concealing or masking offensive warlike operations; and we consider that, under many particular circumstances, the method of his lordship may be made available as well by land as by sea, and we therefore suggest that a record of this part of lord dundonald's plans should be deposited with the admiralty, to be made use of when, in the judgment of their lordships, the opportunity for employing it may occur. nd. one, on which experiments would be required before a satisfactory conclusion could be arrived at. rd. nos. and combined for the purpose of hostile operations. after mature consideration, we have resolved that it is not desirable that any experiment should be made. we assume it to be possible that the plan no. contains power for producing the sweeping destruction the inventor ascribes to it; but it is clear this power could not be retained exclusively by this country, because its first employment would develop both its principle and application. we considered, in the next place, how far the adoption of the proposed secret plans would accord with the feelings and principles of civilized warfare. we are of unanimous opinion that plans nos. and would not be so. we therefore recommend that, as hitherto, plans nos. and should remain concealed. we feel that great credit is due to lord dundonald for the right feeling which prompted him not to disclose his secret plans, when serving in war as naval commander-in-chief of the forces of other nations, and under many trying circumstances, in the conviction that these plans might eventually be of the highest importance to his own country." that report was, in the main, highly gratifying to lord dundonald. it recognized the efficacy of his plans, and recommended their partial use, at any rate, in time of need. "permit me to express, as far as i am able," he wrote to lord auckland on the th of january, "my deep sense of obligation to your lordship in causing my plans of war to be thoroughly investigated by the most competent authorities, and for the extremely kind terms in which you have informed me of the satisfactory result. with regard to their disposal, i submit that it would be advisable to retain them inviolate until a period shall arrive when the use of them may be deemed beneficial to the interests of the country, i have to observe, as to the opinions of the commission, that plans nos. and would not accord with the principles and feeling of civilized warfare, that the new method resorted to by the french, of firing horizontal shells and carcases, is stated by a commission of scientific and practical men appointed by the french government to ascertain their effects, to be so formidable that 'it would render impossible the success of any enterprise attempted against their vessels in harbour,' and that, 'for the defence of roadsteads, or for the attack of line-of-battle ships, becalmed or embayed, its effect would be infallible,'--namely, by blowing up or burning our ships, to the probable destruction of the lives of all their crews. i submit that, against such batteries as these, the adoption of my plans nos. and would be perfectly justifiable." that the french, not yet forgetful of the injuries inflicted on them in the last great war, and in the frequent wars of previous centuries, were still hoping and planning for an opportunity of retaliation, and that their plans needed to be carefully watched and counteracted, were convictions strongly impressed upon lord dundonald in these years; and in he had a singular verification of them. "i enclose a paper of some consequence," wrote lord auckland to him on the th of june. "it contains the plan which, in contemplation of war, has been submitted to the french provisional government for naval operations. it is, perhaps, little more than the pamphlet of the prince de joinville, carried out methodically and in detail, and the writer seems to me to anticipate a far more exclusive playing of the game only on one side than we should allow to be the case; but, nevertheless, such a mode of warfare would be embarrassing and mischievous, and i should like to have from you your views of a counter project to it, and your criticisms upon it." the report here forwarded to lord dundonald by lord auckland, entitled "la puissance maritime de la france," and designed to show that "une guerre maritime est plus à redouter pour l'angleterre que pour la france," besides affording curious confirmation of lord dundonald's opinions, is a document very memorable in itself. its main idea was that in naval warfare victory is to be obtained, not by mere numbers, but by superiority in ships and guns. "in the present condition of our marine," said its author, "we must give up fleet-fighting. the english can arm more fleets than we can, and we cannot maintain a war of fleets with england without exposing ourselves to losses as great as those we experienced under the first empire. though during twenty years, however, our warfare, as carried on by fleets, was disastrous, that of our cruisers was nearly always successful. by again sending these forth, with instructions not to compromise themselves with an enemy superior to them in numbers, we shall inflict great loss on english commerce. to attack that commerce is to attack the vital principle of england--to strike her to the heart." that was the view advanced under louis philippe's reign by the prince de joinville; but it was much more elaborately worked out by the advocate of naval energy in days immediately preceding prince louis napoleon's accession to power. "what i propose," he said, "is a war founded on this principle of striking at english commerce. in a naval war between two nations, one of which has a very large commerce, and the other very little, military forces are of small consequence. in the end, peace must become a necessity to the power which has much to lose and little to gain. let us see what took place in america during the disputes on the oregon question. despite the immense superiority of the english navy, the americans maintained their pretensions. england found out that their well-equipped frigates and countless privateers were sufficient to carry on a war against her commerce in all parts of the globe; whilst all the damage she could do to america was the destruction of a few coast-towns, by which she could gain neither honour nor profit; and so she decided to preserve peace by yielding the question. it is this american system that we in france must adopt. renouncing the glory of fleet victories, we must make active war on the commercial shipping of great britain. if america with her small means could gain such an advantage over england, what results may we not expect to obtain with a hundred and fifty ships of war and three hundred corsairs armed with long-range guns?" the report recommended that the naval force of france should be organized in twenty "corsair-divisions." these were to have cherbourg for their head-quarters; one to look after the merchant-shipping in the british channel; another to watch the mouth of the thames; and a third to cruise along the dutch and german coasts, so as to intercept our baltic trade; and all these were to be aided by a line of telegraphs from brest to dunkirk, in correspondence with a line of scouts ranged along the french coast, with orders to communicate to the central station at cherbourg every movement of british merchantmen. three similar divisions were to be formed at brest, charged respectively with the oversight of the east and west indian shipping as it passed cape clear, of the azores, and of the irish coast. a seventh division, stationed at rochefort, was to watch for a favourable opportunity of co-operating with the other six, if desirable, in transporting an army to ireland. an eighth division was to watch the neighbourhood of gibraltar, and four others were to be stationed in various parts of the mediterranean. three other divisions were to cruise along the north american coast, to harass our commerce with the united states, to intercept the trade of canada and the neighbouring colonies, and, in spring time, to capture the produce of the newfoundland fisheries. three smaller divisions were to be charged with the annoyance of our west indian islands and the destruction of their commerce; and the remaining two were to scour the coasts of south america. a separate and formidable establishment of screw-frigates was to have for its head-quarters a port of refuge to be constructed in madagascar, whence operations were to be directed in all quarters against our east indian possessions and their extensive trade. "in addition to these means," it was further said in the report, "the departmental councils should each arm one steam-frigate, commanded by an officer of the navy born in the department. the prizes captured by each should in this case be at the disposal of the departmental councils, a portion being devoted to defraying the expenses of the vessel, and the remainder applied to the execution of public works within the department." "as regards the defence of french ports, this may be best effected by flat-bottomed hulks, armed with long-range guns adapted to horizontal firing. the chances against invasion are greatly in favour of france, on account of the superiority of her land force, and the facility of transporting troops by railway to the locality attacked." "a great point will be the perfect training of the french squadron by annual evolutions, and with double or treble the requisite number of officers. if these suggestions are carried out, france will establish at sea what russia has done on land, to the injury and restriction of british commerce, which must be seriously damaged, without material harm being done to ourselves. this loss of commerce will especially affect the working classes of england, and thus bring about a democratic inundation which will compel her to a speedy submission." those were the chief proposals of the secret memoir which, falling into the hands of the british government, so far alarmed it as to lead it to call upon the earl of dundonald for his opinions as to the best way of meeting the threatened danger. "this document," he wrote in his reply to lord auckland, "describes a plan of maritime operations undoubtedly more injurious to the interests of england than that pursued by france in former wars. there is nothing new, however, in the opinions promulgated. they have long been familiar to british naval officers, whose wonder has been that the wide-spread colonial commerce of england has never yet been effectually assailed. it is true that the advice given in the memoir derives more importance now from the fact that the application of steam-power to a system of predatory warfare constitutes every harbour a port of naval equipment, requiring to be watched, not in the passive manner of former blockades, but effectively by steam-vessels having their fires kindled at least during the obscurity of night. the cost and number of such blockades need not be dwelt on, nor the indefinite period to which prudence on the part of the enemy, and vigilance on that of the blockading force, might prolong a war. one hundred millions sterling added to our national debt would solve a doubt whether the most successful depredation on british commerce could produce consequences more extensive and permanently injurious. the memoir obviously anticipates that 'l'usage des canons bombes, dont les atteintes ont un si prodigieux effet,' will prevent our blockading ships from approaching the shores of france, and that thus their steam-vessels might escape unobserved during night, even with sailing-vessels in tow. this is no vague conjecture, but a consequence which assuredly will follow any hesitation on our part to counteract the system extensively adopted, and now under the consideration of the national assembly, of arming all batteries with projectiles, whereby to burn or blow up our ships of war--a fate which even the precaution of keeping out of range could not avert, by reason of the incendiary and explosive missiles whereby 'les petits bailments à vapeur pouront attaquer les plus gros vaisseaux.' it is impossible to retaliate by using similar weapons. forts and batteries are incombustible. recourse must therefore be had to other means, whereby to overcome fortifications protecting expeditionary forces and piratical equipments." the means recommended by lord dundonald, it need hardly be said, were the secret war-plans which he had developed nearly forty years before, and the efficacy of which had recently been again admitted by the committee appointed to investigate them in . it is not allowable, of course, to quote the paragraphs in which lord dundonald once more explained them and urged their adoption in case of need. the only objection offered to them was that they were too terrible for use by a civilized community. "these means," he replied, "all powerful, are nevertheless humane when contrasted with the use of shells and carcases by ships at sea, and most merciful, as competent to avert the bloodshed that would attend the contemplated 'descente en angleterre ou en ireland,' and other hostile schemes recommended in the memoir." that letter was forwarded to lord auckland from halifax, where lord dundonald then was, in the beginning of august. "assuredly the reasons which you give for the use of the means suggested are such as it is difficult to controvert," wrote lord auckland on the th; "but i would at least defer my assent or dissent to the time when the question may be more pressing than it is at present." "i would postpone my own reflections on the 'secret plans,'" he wrote again on the st of september, "and would fain hope that events will allow the government long to postpone all decision upon them. i agree with you, however, in much that you say upon their principle, and am well satisfied that to no hands better than yours could the execution of any vigorous plans be entrusted." when, however, as will be seen on a latter page, an opportunity did arise for enforcing those plans against another power than france, their execution was not permitted to lord dundonald. strongly as he himself was impressed with their importance, they formed only a part of a complete system of opinions respecting the defence of england at which he arrived by close study and long experience. these have already been partially indicated. he did not wish that his plans should be lightly made use of; but, believing that they would ultimately become a recognised means of warfare, and that even without them a great revolution would soon take place in ways of fighting, he deprecated as useless and wasteful the elaborate fortifications which were in his time beginning to be extensively set up at dover, portsmouth, and other possible points of attack upon england, and urged, with no less energy, that vast improvements ought to be made in the construction and employment of ships of war. fortifications, he considered, were only desirable for the protection of the special ports and depôts around which they were set up; and even for that purpose they ought to be so compact as to need no more than a few troops and local garrisons for their occupation. to have them so complicated and numerous as to require the exclusive attention of all or nearly all the military force of england, appeared to him only a source of national weakness. his own achievements at valdivia and elsewhere showed him that skilful seamanship on the part of an invader would render them much less sufficient for the defence of the country than was generally supposed. if all our soldiers were scattered along various parts of the coast, it would not be difficult for the enemy, by a bold and sudden onslaught, or still more by a feint of the sort in which he himself was master, to take possession of one, and then there would be no concentrated army available to prevent the onward march of the assailant. much wiser would it be to leave the seaboard comparatively unprotected from the land, and to have a powerful army so arranged as to be ready for prompt resistance of the enemy, if, by any means, he had gained a footing on the shore. to prevent that footing being gained, however, lord dundonald was quite as eager as any champion of monster fortifications could be; but this prevention, he urged, must be by means of moveable ships, and not by immoveable land-works. a strong fleet of gunboats, stationed all along the coast, and with carefully-devised arrangements for mutual communication, so that at any time their force could be speedily concentrated in one or more important positions, would be far more efficacious and far more economical than the more popular expedients for the military defence of england. he heartily believed, in fact, in the old and often-proved maxim that the sea was england's wall, and he desired to have that wall guarded by a force able to watch its whole extent and pass at ease from one point to another as occasion required. desiring that thus the coast should be immediately protected by efficient gunboats, he desired no less to augment the naval strength of the country by means of improved war-ships as much like gunboats as possible. to large ships, if constructed in moderation and applied to special purposes, he was not averse; but he set a far higher value upon small and well-armed vessels, able to pass rapidly from place to place and to navigate shallow seas. "give me," he often said, "a fast small steamer, with a heavy long-range gun in the bow, and another in the hold to fall back upon, and i would not hesitate to attack the largest ship afloat." his opinion on this point also was confirmed by his own experience--most notably in the exploits of his little _speedy_ in the mediterranean--and by the whole history of english naval triumphs. since the time when the so-called invincible armada of spain entered the british channel, designed to conquer england by means of its huge armaments, and when the bulky galleons and galeasses of philip's haughty sailors were chased and worried by the smaller barks and pinnaces of drake, hawkins, frobisher, and the other sea-captains of elizabeth, who sailed round and round their foe, and darted in and out of his unwieldy mass of shipping, never failing to inflict great injury, while his volleys of artillery passed harmlessly over their decks to sink into the sea, there had been abundant proof of the constant superiority of small warships over large. a "mosquito fleet," as he called it, was what lord dundonald wished to see developed; a swarm of active little vessels, just large enough to carry one or two powerful guns, which could go anywhere and do anything, to which the larger crafts of the enemy would afford convenient targets, but which, small and nimble, would be much less likely to be themselves attacked, and, even if attacked and sunk, would entail far less loss than would ensue from the destruction of a large war-ship. "as large a gun as possible, in a vessel as small and swift as possible, and as many of them as you can put upon the sea," was lord dundonald's ideal. for this he argued during half a century; for this he laboured hard and long in the exercise of his inventive powers. in , the plan of the war-steamers which he was to have taken to greece was explained to lord exmouth--no slight authority on naval matters. "why, it's not only the turkish fleet," exclaimed the veteran, "but all the navies in the world, that you will be able to conquer with such craft as these." chapter xxvi the earl of dundonald's claim for the restoration of the order of the bath.--his good service pension.--the investigation of his secret war-plans.--his pamphlet on naval affairs.--his installation as a g.o.b.--his candidature for election as a scotch representative peer.--the queen's permission to his wearing the brazilian order of the "cruziero."--his appointment as commander-in-chief of the north american and west indian station. [ - .] the restoration of his naval rank to the earl of dundonald in , was slowly followed by other acts reversing the injustice of previous years by which a large portion of his life had been embittered. "your lordship and the admiralty," he wrote to lord minto, then at the head of naval affairs, on the th of march, , "may have been surprised that i have never solicited any appointment since my reinstatement in the naval service by his late majesty, whose memory i shall ever cherish for this magnanimous act of justice. the cause, my lord, has not been from any reluctance on my part, but from a feeling which, i have no doubt, will appear satisfactory to your lordship, if you do me the favour to read the enclosed copy of a letter which i have written this day to the marquess of lansdowne as president of the council." the letter to lord lansdowne referred in great part to lord dundonald's rotary-engine, and to his secret war-plan, which he expressed his willingness to put in execution if ever it was required. "your lordship and the privy council, however," it was added, "will not fail to observe that, if it shall ever be the intention of the government, under any circumstances, again to employ me in the naval service, it would be quite inconsistent with the character of that service, as well as my own reputation, for me to assume command, unless the order of the bath, gained on the th of april, , now thirty years ago, shall be restored to me." "i hope it will appear to your lordship," said lord dundonald, in a letter to lord melbourne, dated the th july, , "that my services as a naval officer have been useful and honourable to my country; and, referring to those services and to the peculiar opportunities i have since had of acquiring further professional knowledge, i may say, without vanity, that her majesty has no officer in her navy more experienced than myself; and yet, from the extraordinary circumstances of my case, i am the only flag-officer in her majesty's service who, if called upon to take a command, could not do so consistently with his own honour and the respect due to those who might be appointed to serve under him. for where is the officer who could not conveniently call to mind, that i, who when only a captain was a knight of the bath, was deprived of that honour, and that now, though a flag-officer, i have not been deemed worthy of having it restored?" "i am sensible," wrote lord dundonald in another letter to the premier, written eight days later, "that the act of justice which i experienced from the late king, under the ministry of earl grey, of which your lordship was a distinguished member, in restoring me to my naval rank, was a great favour, inasmuch as it evinced a considerate feeling towards me; and i was then fully satisfied with it, under the impression that it would be viewed by the public, and especially by the navy, as a testimony of the belief of the government, at that time, that i was innocent of the offence that had been laid to my charge, and also that i should stand as good a chance as most of my brother officers (and perhaps, from my experience, a better) of being called to active service. i did not then foresee that the restoration of my naval rank alone would be viewed as a half-measure. still less did i anticipate that, in the event of my being offered an appointment, i should be incapacitated from accepting it by reason of the feelings of other officers that i still laboured under some imputation which would render it derogatory to them to serve under me. but it is now impossible for me to conceal from myself the fact that, while the navy generally is kindly disposed towards me, and would rejoice to see me fully reinstated in all that i once enjoyed, i am considered by many to remain as completely precluded from active service as if my name had never more appeared in the navy list, i trust, my lord, that it cannot be thought reasonable to reduce me to the inglorious condition of a retired or yellow admiral at home, and at the same time to deny me the privilege of acquiring either emolument or distinction in foreign service." lord dundonald's hope was that, on the occasion of her majesty's marriage, there would be a bestowal of honours, which would afford a convenient opportunity for the restoration of his dignity as a knight of the bath. but in this he was disappointed. a minor favour was conferred upon him, however, and in a very gratifying way, eighteen months later. "you are probably aware," wrote lord minto to him on the rd of january, , "that the death of sir henry bayntam has vacated one of the pensions for good and meritorious service. before i left town a few days ago i made my arrangements to enable me to confer this pension upon you, if you should think it worthy of your acceptance, either as evidence of the high estimation in which i have ever held your services, or as convenient in a pecuniary point of view. although you are one of the few who have not applied for this, i do not fear that any one of the numerous claimants can show so good a title to it." that compliment was accepted by lord dundonald in a spirit answering to that in which it was offered. yet his reasonable anxiety for a restitution of the order of the bath was not abated, and thereupon he was engaged in a correspondence with the earl of haddington, then first lord of the admiralty, during the early part of , which was closed by the intimation, bitterly disappointing to lord dundonald, that the cabinet council declined recommending the queen to comply with his earnest request. equally disappointing was the result of another application with the same object which he made to sir robert peel in the autumn of . "her majesty's servants," wrote sir robert peel on the th of november, "have had under consideration the letter which i received from your lordship, bearing date the th of september. on reference to the proceedings which were adopted in the year , it appears that, previously to the restoration of your lordship to your rank in the navy, a free pardon under the great seal was granted to your lordship; and adverting to that circumstance, and to the fact that thirty years have now elapsed since the charges to which the free pardon had reference were the subject of investigation before the proper judicial tribunal of the country, her majesty's servants cannot consistently with their duty advise the queen to reopen an inquiry into these charges." lord dundonald failed to see, in the partial reversal, twelve years before, of the unjust treatment to which he had been subjected eighteen years before that, a reason for refusing to inquire whether there was any injustice yet to be atoned for. he had not, however, very much longer to wait for the object which he sought. one of his grounds for desiring a public recognition of the efficacy of his secret war-plans was a reasonable belief that, if it was seen that through half a lifetime he had steadfastly avoided using for his private advantage what might have been to him a vast source of wealth, in order that the secret might be reserved solely for the benefit of his country, it would be acknowledged to be incredible that, for insignificant ends, he could have resorted to the gross and clumsy fraud attributed to him at the stock exchange trial. and in this expectation he was right. nearly all the reparation that was now possible quickly followed upon the investigation into the war-plans that was referred to in the last chapter. while the investigation was pending he was pained by a letter from sir thomas hastings, not unkind in itself, but showing that his real motives for courting that investigation were not understood. "i made a communication to-day," wrote sir thomas on the th of november, , "that the commission had entered on its duties, and received instructions to inform you that it would be desirable, before the commission proceeded further, to ascertain your lordship's views as to the nature of the remuneration you would expect from government in the event of your plans being reported on favourably." lord dundonald's reply was characteristic. "you intimate a wish on the part of government," he wrote on the st of december, "to ascertain my views in regard to the 'remuneration' i expect, in the event of my plans being favourably reported on. i reply that i devoted these plans, thirty-five years ago, to the service of my country, that i have reserved them through the most adverse and trying circumstances, satisfied that at some future time i should prove my character to be above pecuniary considerations or mercenary motives. i have looked forward to the restoration of those honours, of which i was most unjustly bereaved, and to freedom from mental anguish, endured throughout an isolation from society of one-third of a century. i cannot contrast with such sufferings, nor with my plans, any sum that government could bestow. nevertheless, i have implicitly relied that collateral deprivations and losses would be taken into consideration by some future, just, and impartial administration. i do most earnestly hope that the period has now arrived." that letter was communicated by sir thomas hastings to lord auckland. "i return the letter," he wrote to sir thomas on the th of december, "which lord dundonald wrote to you upon the remuneration which he would expect in the event of a favourable report upon his plans; namely, first, his restoration to the honours of which he was deprived; and, secondly, a consideration of collateral deprivations and losses. i am sorry to acquaint you that the first condition is one to which i am not authorized to promise an acquiescence. it is not necessary that i should discuss the difficulties which occur to the restoration in question. i can only express my own deep regret that they should exist, and that the hopes which have been entertained by lord dundonald should be disappointed. for myself, i personally regard him. i look upon his naval career as most remarkable and most honourable; and i must lament whatever may seem to detract from the advantage and grace of his return to the navy." "sir thomas hastings," wrote lord dundonald to lord auckland on the following day, "has sent me your sympathizing note on the decision of the cabinet council in regard to the first item, designated as 'the remuneration i would expect in the event of a favourable report on my plans.' now, after the expression of my deep sense of gratitude to your lordship for having brought the question before the cabinet, i do most sincerely rejoice that 'the first condition is one to which you are not authorized to promise an acquiescence.' i could not deem acquiescence a remuneration, nor could i value it otherwise than as evidence of conviction, produced by facts and the tenor of a whole life, of my incapability of descending to base acts for gain at any period of my existence, especially at a moment when i can prove that i had objects of the highest national importance and the most brilliant personal prospects in view. in confirmation of disinterestedness, i further hold my retention of the 'secret war-plans' for a period of thirty-five years, notwithstanding frequent opportunities to use them to my incalculable private advantage. the merit of these plans, though i am well aware of their value, is yet officially unpronounced by the commission appointed to report. therefore, the preceding facts being doubtful, i repeat that i do most sincerely rejoice that the cabinet council have manifested that their decision neither depends on favour nor on the value of the plans themselves. foreseeing that, whatever may be the ultimate determination, it must be founded on facts and justified by an exposition of my conduct and character, i am preparing a document which, whatever may be my fate pending the brief remainder of my existence, will justify my memory when grievous wrongs shall cease to prey on a mind which, save from the consciousness of rectitude, would in brief time have bowed my head with humiliation to the ground." the document there referred to was a pamphlet entitled "observations on naval affairs, and on some collateral subjects." in it were concisely enumerated lord dundonald's services as a british naval officer, and the hardships brought upon him by the unmerited stock exchange trial. the pamphlet was published in february, , and immediately excited considerable attention. "i hope the difficulties which have prevented the realization of your wishes may be removed shortly," wrote sir thomas hastings on the nd of march. "but services so distinguished, and a career so splendid and full of professional instruction as your lordship's, can never be blotted out or rendered dim in the annals of the naval history of our country." "i have had the kindest note possible from the marquess of lansdowne," said lord dundonald, in a letter written on the th of april. "lord auckland was at our house on saturday, and spoke in the kindest and most feeling manner. i hear from all quarters that the pamphlet has made and is making a great impression, and i have every hope that all will end well." all did end well. the public announcement, on the highest authority, of the value of his secret war-plans, and the consequent exhibition of his disinterested patriotism in so long preserving them for his country's use, followed by the bold appeal made by him to the public through his pamphlet, brought success at last to his long-continued efforts to obtain a restoration of his dignity as a knight of the bath. his best friends in the cabinet, especially lords lansdowne and auckland, had influence, though not all the influence they desired, upon other cabinet and privy councillors who were opposed to the tardy act of justice. but they did not wait for the assent of all. on the th of may lord lansdowne represented the case to her majesty the queen, and received her promise that, with or without the approval of her privy councillors, she would confer the next vacant order of the bath upon lord dundonald. fortunately a vacancy occurred immediately, through the death of admiral sir davige gould. "lord auckland has called," wrote lord dundonald on the th of may, "and informed me officially that the queen has placed at his disposal the vacant order of the bath; and that, in conformity with the intention with which it was so placed, he was to deliver it to me." "i have information from the palace," he wrote a few days later, "that her majesty has had conversation as to the justice of some further atonement for the injuries that have been inflicted on me, and that she said it was subject of regret that such was not in her power; but, should the subject be entertained by her advisers, her concurrence would not be wanting." that further act of justice was never rendered; but lord dundonald rejoiced that the more important measure--that which, by restoring the dignity wrongfully taken from him, would do more than anything else to set him right in the eyes of the world--was at last adopted. "it gives me sincere pleasure," wrote lord john russell on the th of may, in answer to a letter thanking him for the conduct of his administration, "that the last act of the government has been so gratifying to you. your services to your country are recorded among those of the most brilliant of a war signalised by heroic achievements. i will lay before her majesty the expression of your gratitude, and i can assure you that the queen has sanctioned with the greatest satisfaction the advice of her ministers." on the th of may--the order being dated the nd--lord dundonald was gazetted as a knight grand cross of the order of the bath; and this act of grace was rendered more graceful by the personal interest shown by prince albert, who, as grand master of the order, dispensed with the customary formalities and delays, and, on the following morning, caused a warrant to be sent to him, in order that he might wear the cross at the birthday drawing-room, which he attended by her majesty's command on the th of may. thus another step was made in the way of retribution for the injuries inflicted on him in and in the ensuing years. "to-day," he wrote on the th of july, "there was a grand muster at the palace of all the knights grand crosses, and many inferior crosses, and i was installed. lord ellenborough was one of my sponsors, and the duke of wellington shook hands with me, and expressed his satisfaction at my restoration to the order. i am glad to tell you that the ceremony of knighting, of which i was afraid, was not resorted to; so my knightship dates back to the th of april, ." in another effort to obtain full justice for himself, however, he was unsuccessful. the great expenses that sprang out of his long-continued scientific and mechanical pursuits had absorbed all his scanty sources of income, and he forcibly urged that in accordance with the precedent furnished by a similar grant to sir robert wilson, in , he was entitled to the arrears of pay due to him for the seventeen years during which he had been kept out of his position in the british navy. but his request was refused; and the heavy pecuniary loss, as well as other and much heavier deprivations, consequent on a persecution that has been since admitted to have been wholly undeserved, has never been compensated.[ ] [ ] part of a letter which lord dundonald received on this subject four years afterwards from mr. joseph hume, though quoted in his "autobiography," is too important to be here omitted. "i considered," wrote the great champion of public economy, on the th of may, , "that you were incapable of taking the means that were resorted to by mr. cochrane johnstone, and for which you suffered; and i was pleased to learn that you had been restored to your rank. i considered that act a proof that the government which had restored you to the rank and honours of your profession, and had afterwards appointed you to the command in the west indies, must have come to the same conclusion; and, until the perusal of your draft petition, i concluded that you had all your arrears paid to you as a tardy, though inadequate, return to your lordship, whose early exploits did honour to yourself, and gave additional lustre to the naval service of the country to which you belonged.... his majesty king william iv. was satisfied with the innocence of sir robert wilson, and he was restored to the service--was, i understand, paid all the arrears of pay and allowances during his suspension, and afterwards appointed to the command of gibraltar. i was pleased at the result; and it would give me equal pleasure to learn that your application to her majesty should be attended with an act of justice to you equally merited." lord palmerston subsequently, in answer to an application from lord dundonald--forgetting sir robert wilson's case--said there was no precedent for such an act. lord dundonald answered that there was no precedent for such injustice as had been done to him. shortly after that event lord dundonald sought to be elected one of the scotch representative peers in the house of lords. now that his load of unmerited disgrace was shaken off, he desired to resume his old functions as a legislator--and this with no abatement of his zeal for the welfare of the people; but with none of the violence which his own heavy sufferings at the time of their first and heaviest pressure had partly caused him to show during his former parliamentary career. being now a peer, he could not return to his seat in the house of commons, and being a scotch peer, he could only sit in the house of lords as one of the delegates from the aristocracy of his native land. among these he therefore asked for a place at the election in september, . he did not, however, begin to seek it early enough. other candidates had, according to custom, obtained promises of a majority of votes from the electors before he thought of canvassing, and he was thus left in a minority. many peers, however, who on this occasion were unable to support him, offered to pledge their votes to him for the next election. a minor favour was at this time shown to lord dundonald, which afforded him real gratification. in , he had been allowed by king william iv. to use the insignia of a grand commander of the order of the saviour of greece, conferred upon him by king otho. in august, , he applied to the cabinet for permission to use the title of marquis of maranham and the grand cross of brazil, both of which had been conferred upon him by the emperor pedro i., in . "i have to acquaint your lordship," wrote lord palmerston, then foreign secretary, on the th of october, "that under the peculiar circumstances of the case, which have prevented the application being made earlier, the queen has signified her pleasure that you should be permitted to accept the grand cross of the order of the cruziero. with regard, however, to the title of marquis of maranham, it is my duty to state to your lordship that, after full consideration, her majesty's government regret that they cannot advise the queen to grant you the desired permission. while her majesty's government duly appreciate the services rendered by your lordship to the crown of brazil, they consider it to be on general principles so undesirable that distinguished officers of the british navy should have foreign titles, that they feel themselves compelled to decline complying with the request." "i beg to assure your lordship," wrote lord dundonald in reply, on the th of october, "that i feel more gratitude in being informed of the sentiments of her majesty's government in regard to my faithful and zealous services in brazil than i ever experienced from the title conferred on me as the honorary portion of my reward for such services. as far as relates to assuming the title in my native country, i entreat your lordship to believe that i never entertained the intention." a memorable occurrence soon followed. now that his honours as well as his naval rank were restored to him, he had no reason for holding back from active service in his profession; and the earl of auckland, anxious to make use--as far as use could be made in peace-time--of his great and varied experience, and also to give further proof of the desire at last to render him all possible honour, was prompt in offering him fresh employment on the sea. "i shall shortly have to name a commander-in-chief for the north american and west indian station," wrote lord auckland on the th of december, . "will you accept the appointment? i shall feel it to be an honour and a pleasure to have named you to it, and i am satisfied that your nomination will be agreeable to her majesty, as it will be to the country, and, particularly, to the navy." lord dundonald did accept the appointment, rejoicing in it as a further step in reparation for the injuries by which he had been hindered, a whole generation before, from rising to the highest rank in the naval service of his country. he might then have achieved victories over the french which would have surpassed his brilliant exploit at basque roads. he could now only direct the quiet operations of a small fleet in time of peace. this, however, being the best that it was now possible for him to do, he gladly undertook. "permit me," he wrote to lord auckland, "to assure your lordship that this gracious act has further tended to obliterate the deep and painful impressions made by thirty years of mental suffering, such as no language can describe; for, my lord, the agony produced by false accusations on an honourable mind is infinitely greater than merited infliction of death itself. i leave your lordship then to estimate the amount of obligation i fail to convey, and beg you will allow me to express a hope that your generous recommendation to her majesty will be justified by my zealous endeavours to fulfil the duties i owe to my sovereign and country." "i have waited for her majesty's assent to your appointment," said the earl of auckland in a letter written on the rd of january, , "before answering your letter of the th ultimo. this assent has been most cordially given, and you may now consider yourself commander-in-chief of the north american and west indian station, and i may repeat that my share in this proceeding has given me very great pleasure, and that i am confirmed in my feelings of gratification by the terms in which you speak of occupying your proper place in the navy. i am glad for you, and i am glad for myself that i have done this just and honourable act." very hearty was the satisfaction expressed by all classes as soon as lord dundonald's appointment was made public. "i beg," wrote mr. delane, the editor of the "times," earliest of all in tendering his compliments, "to offer my very hearty congratulations upon your appointment--all that remained to efface the stain of such unmerited persecution." "the communication you have just made to me," wrote the duke of hamilton and brandon, "is most gratifying, and the first lord of the admiralty has done himself immortal honour in appointing that naval officer commander in one hemisphere who had previously illustrated his name by his most brilliant exploits in the other. everything i think has now been done to undo the foul aspersions with which you have been assailed; and i am sure now everything will be done that can most serve to establish the ability of the officer and the delicacy of the gentleman. i congratulate you most sincerely upon your appointment, and i hope you will meet with difficulties when you arrive at your destination. don't be surprised at this my wish. it proceeds from knowing the ample resources of my friend to overcome them, and his constant desire to sacrifice everything to duty and honour." "i derive the greatest pleasure and satisfaction from your appointment to the command of a british fleet," wrote sir george sinclair, "an appointment not less creditable to the ministry than honourable to yourself. i cannot help contemplating with affectionate sorrow the portrait of our dearest friend, sir francis burdett, now suspended over the chimney-piece, and thinking how happy he would have been had he witnessed this most welcome and delightful consummation." "permit me the honour," wrote admiral john white, "to bear testimony to the high gratification i felt at seeing by the papers the announcement of your lordship's having taken the command of the west india and halifax stations. the whole british empire has expressed great joy at this justice having been done to the bravery of your lordship as an officer and your goodness and honour as a man." that last sentence told no more than the truth. chapter xxvii. lord dundonald's departure for north america.--extracts from the correspondence of lord auckland and others respecting west indian affairs and european politics.--bermuda.--the french revolution of and its issues.--ireland and the chartists.--the death of lord auckland. [ .] lord dundonald left london for devonport on the th of march, , and on the following day hoisted his flag on board the _wellesley_ as admiral in command of the north american and west indian fleet. on the th of march he set sail for halifax, which was soon reached, and was, during three years, the head-quarters from which he proceeded on numerous voyages in fulfilment of the duties of his office. these duties were not very onerous or various. they were relieved, however, by much careful study of the circumstances and prospects of our colonies in british north america, and by correspondence thereupon, and on other subjects, with influential friends at home, and especially with lord auckland, the first lord of the admiralty. from this correspondence some selections will be made in the ensuing pages. "i am very much pleased with your letter of the th," wrote lord auckland, on the st of march, while the _wellesley_ was still at devonport, "and the good spirit with which you look forward to your coming duties. i know how irksome is the succession of the petty duties which are incident to places of authority, and how far more attractive is the excitement of great actions to those who are capable of performing them. but even the first class of duties is not without interest, and carries credit as it is performed with justice and exactness; and i hope that for the second the necessity of great exertions will not arise. but it is always well that the possibility of their being called for should be borne in mind; and, while you follow the peaceful avocations of your station, i should be glad that you become acquainted with all its points of strength and of weakness. all the information and advice that you may give to me will be gratefully received and carefully considered." "i hope," wrote lord auckland, three days later, "that the mosquito affair will have been brought to a termination before your arrival, and that the necessity for the presence of ships in the bay of mexico will have terminated with a cessation of hostilities between the united states and mexico. you will then have the slave-trade and the fisheries mainly to attend to. you will learn from the consul at cuba whether the slave-trade is now actively carried on. it had for some time entirely ceased, but it may have revived, and, with good information and force for interception applied at the right time, i should hope that it will not require many of your ships. the fisheries will, for a season, be a regular and fixed object of attention. though i feel that your number of ships is small, it is difficult for me to increase it. i hate to fritter away our men and naval strength on a multitude of brigs and sloops and petty objects." lord auckland communicated to his friend many interesting opinions respecting the state of politics and the condition of affairs on both sides of the atlantic. a letter from him, dated the th of april, had reference chiefly to the troubles occasioned at that time by the interference of nicaragua with british commerce, which had necessitated the sending of captain lock, in the _alarm_, to watch the course of events and compel proper behaviour by the turbulent state. "a 'little war' is always a vexatious thing," he wrote, "and our relations with the state of mosquito, though they have long and ancient standing to recommend them, are strange and anomalous. but the insults of nicaragua were highly provoking. the detention of british subjects was not to be borne, and the spirit which has been exhibited by captain lock, the spirit and enterprise with which his operations were directed, the conduct of all who served under him, and the successful results which have been achieved, are all highly to be applauded. i am glad, however, that they have left the river of san juan. i see that in nelson lost by the climate there fifteen hundred out of eighteen hundred men; and i well know what is the effect of a low country in the tropics, particularly after exertion and fatigue." the rest of the letter related to the turmoil excited in europe by the deposition of louis philippe in february, , and the less successful revolutions in other countries. "we continue to be on the very best terms with the provisional government, and there is a better disposition towards us on the part of the french people than there was at the first outbreak of the revolution. i have therefore at present no apprehension of war. there is, however, this danger; that germany and italy are greatly disturbed, and that austria and sardinia are engaged in war on the side of italy, and prussia and denmark to the north, and it will not be easy for france and england to be peaceful lookers-on. besides which, the government of france will long be subject to popular gusts, and it is never easy to say in what direction they may blow. in the meantime, however, all wears the appearance of peace, and at home the chances of disturbance both from chartists and repealers have become less. we have only danger from the distress and want of employment which have followed upon the shock given to credit throughout europe." unfortunately, most of the letters written by lord dundonald during these months have been lost; but something of their purport may be gathered from the replies to them. "i am very glad," lord auckland wrote, on the th of may, "that your thoughts appear to be very considerately given to the health of those that are under your command. you will, of course, have consideration for the ships that have served in the gulf of mexico, or other unhealthy places, and give them a turn in the north. i did not lose a moment in sending to lord grey your suggestions in favour of removing the convict hulks at bermuda, and he has promised me that he will, without delay, issue orders accordingly." lord auckland wrote again to his friend on the rd of june. "i have your valuable memoranda on the defences and dockyard of bermuda," he said, "and i am greatly obliged to you for them, as will be lord grey. i will promise to give them early and deep consideration. in the meantime i will press the board to give immediate authority for the improvement of the drains of the hospital, and of the supply of water. i am greatly obliged to you for the steadiness with which you keep considerations of economy in view. the disinterestedness with which you regard the schemes which have been proposed for a new admiralty house at bermuda will give you authority in checking expenditure in other objects." "the affairs of france," we read in the same letter, written while general cavaignac was suppressing the june revolution, "are most unsettled. there is no confidence in any man or party, and there are discontent, and mistrust, and alarm. all feel that things cannot go on in their present form; but none can foresee what will follow. it may be a continuance of internal dissension, but in an aggravated form. it may be a disposition to external violence. at home the condition both of england and ireland is quieter than it was." "there is more brightness in our prospects at home just now," wrote lord auckland, three weeks later, on the th of july, "than has been the case for some months. commerce and credit are reviving; chartism is dormant, and ireland is less troublesome. and on the continent there is a more general disposition to return to institutions of order. i confess that i should be glad to hear that just at this moment there were a larger force than usual at bermuda. the presence there of mitchell[ ] is apparently raising some excitement. though i cannot apprehend any formidable attempt at rescue, yet the notoriety of a force being at or about the island may put an end to the vapouring menaces which are proclaimed, and prevent any rash or foolish enterprise that may be projected." [ ] the great chartist who, having been tried and sentenced to transportation, had been sent to bermuda in may, . "thanks to you for your letter from halifax," lord auckland wrote again, on the st of july, "and for your last sheets on the defences of bermuda. i did not think, when we parted, that the question of these defences would so soon come under serious discussion, with a view to their practical efficiency, but i do not yet think they will be put to the test by any formidable attempt for the rescue of mr. mitchell. such apprehensions of danger, however, as they occur occasionally, do good, and lead men to think of and correct their weak points. what you say of the accessible nature of the southern reef surprises me, and strengthens your recommendation of gunboats as the means of defence which are least to be neglected. i only hang back in regard to them, as the naval department could not bear the expense of such defences for the many colonies that would require them, and they must be provided by the colonial governments. our arrangements, however, may in some cases be subsidiary to theirs, and, wherever it is possible, the craft of the dockyard and other establishments should be so fitted as to be capable of carrying a gun. i am glad you sent off the _scourge_ to bermuda. she is a handy vessel and well commanded, and the notoriety of her presence will not be without a useful effect. what you say of the character of the emigrants that are sent forth from ireland to our colonies is but too true. yet it is better that they should go than accumulate famine and disturbance at home. the present condition of ireland menaces trouble and difficulty." "i am quite aware," wrote earl grey, who was then secretary of state for the colonies, to lord dundonald, on the rd of august, "of the unfortunate tendency of the emigration to the north american provinces being chiefly from ireland; but i do not see how it is in the power of the government effectually to counteract the causes which are leading to the settlement of so large a proportion of irish in this part of the british dominion. i fear this will, hereafter, be attended with very unfortunate results." "i beg to thank your lordship," he also said, "for the important information you have transmitted to me, and for the pains you have taken in considering the subject of the defence of bermuda, which i recommended to your attention before you left england. i am in communication with lord auckland upon this subject, and we shall endeavour to act upon your suggestions so far as we are enabled to do so, under the financial difficulties with which we have to contend." in the next letter written by lord auckland to lord dundonald, on the th of august, he again referred to european politics. "there is, with regard to the continent, more promise of peace at this moment than there has been for a long time past, and there is a tone of more moderation on the part of france towards other countries than i have ever expected to see. but she yet has within her fearful elements of disturbance; her government is yet unsettled, and, whenever determined, it will be subject to strong popular influences, and there can be no security. i almost apprehend earlier mischief from the popular influences of the united states. they have had a task of conquest and annexation, and cuba lies temptingly. the uneasiness of the black population of many of the west india islands may lead to opportunities, and disagreeable events may grow out of such circumstances. but these are matters of speculation, and nothing turns out as men think that they foresee. i wish that your squadron was stronger; for you are weak in numbers for the many points that you have to cover. our home politics are rather more satisfactory than they were; that is to say, the dangers of irish insurrection and of formidable chartist outbreak are over. but there is still much uneasiness and disaffection in both countries, and the various events of paris have given encouragement to strange enterprises. i apprehend, however, no serious mischief from these quarters at present; but we have in prospect a very general failure of the potato crop, and a very indifferent harvest, and here will be new causes of embarrassment." there were many causes of embarrassment to english statesmen during the ensuing months. "for the present," wrote lord auckland, on the st of september, "there is a cordial and friendly understanding between the governments of this country and france, and the chances of war seem to be distant. general cavaignac seems to be a prudent and moderate man. but no one can predict into what courses the popular influences of france may force him, or what changes may on any day occur. the extreme communist party is weaker than it was; and a royalist party--for some king, but not for louis philippe--is growing up; and between these is a government of a republic and an army. the first political difficulty will be that of italy, where the austrians will not readily make any concession, and where the french will not readily see them again accumulate strength. it is to be seen whether their mediation and ours will be of any avail." "the condition of the present french government is precarious," lord auckland said in another letter, dated the th of november. "according to present appearances, louis napoleon will be elected president, not because he is personally esteemed, but from his name, with some parties, and because it is anticipated by others that his rule will be short, and that he will be made to make way for others." "the election of a french president is over," lord auckland was able to say on the th of december, "and has been carried at last with a rush; and we are to have a new dynasty of napoleons. louis napoleon was supported by the army for his name, by the bulk of the nation because cavaignac and the republic were hated, and by the legitimists because they think he may presently be overthrown. he is pronounced to be a foolish man; but his course has been lately one of prudence and perseverance, and he will enter upon power with good auspices. but he will have many difficulties to contend with, and we may yet see many changes before the condition of france will be settled." the earl of auckland, one of the worthiest and most generous statesmen of his time, lord dundonald's firm friend, and the friend of all with whom he came in contact, did not live to see these changes. just a week after that letter was written, admiral john dundas, who had been his chief adviser on admiralty matters, had to write to lord dundonald. "it is with great regret," he said, on the st of january, , "i have to inform you of the death of lord auckland, after a few hours' illness. he was on a visit to lord ashburton, near winchester, on saturday--seized with a fit--never spoke after--and died this morning. you may well imagine the universal sorrow at such a loss; and i am sure you will join in that, for i know well the friendship that existed between you." by lord auckland's letters, it has been shown that, among much else, lord dundonald made special study of the actual condition and the possible improvement of bermuda, both as a convict settlement and as a centre of defence against any attacks that might be made upon the west indies. he suggested various beneficial changes for the strengthening of its fortifications and for lessening its unhealthy character by better drainage and other expedients. in all of these he was supported by lord auckland. but from the new first lord of the admiralty, sir francis baring, he met with less encouragement. bermuda had been made a subject of inquiry by a parliamentary committee, and the house of commons being averse to any further expense, sir francis baring was compelled to countermand much of the action that had been resolved upon. with sir francis baring lord dundonald corresponded on little but strictly official matters, and therefore their letters are of less general interest than those which passed between him and lord auckland. chapter xxviii. lord dundonald's visits to the north american and west indian colonies, and his opinions thereon.--newfoundland and its fisheries.--labrador.--bermuda; its defences and its geological formation.--barbadoes.--the negros.--trinidad.--its pitch lake.--the depressed condition of the west indian colonies.--lord dundonald's suggestions for their improvement. [ - .] the foregoing chapter consists chiefly of extracts from letters addressed to lord dundonald during . in the present one free use will be made of his own journal of a tour among the colonies and islands whose interests he was appointed to watch as admiral of the north american and west indian squadron.[ ] it furnishes much interesting information about the places visited, and has also additional interest as illustrating the writer's tone of mind and method of investigation concerning every object that came in his way. the journal describes his occupations during eight months, beginning with the summer of , and includes reminiscences of less systematic visits to the various localities made during the previous year. leaving halifax, in nova scotia, on the th of july, lord dundonald proceeded northwards, passed cape breton island to newfoundland, the fisheries of which it was part of his duty to protect. [ ] published in as a pamphlet, entitled, "notes on the mineralogy, government, and condition of the british west india islands and north american maritime colonies." he entered st. george's harbour, the chief resort of the fishermen and traders, on the th of july. "it is situated," he said, "in the angle of a deep bay between aguille and cape st. george, the town being on the promontory and having deep water close to it. no village can be better placed for the herring fishery, as these gregarious fish at the season of their arrival on the coast enter this harbour, as it were, into the cod of a net, whence they are lifted into the boats by scoops and buckets. with such slender means possessed by the inhabitants, the average catch amounts to twenty-two thousand barrels; but hundreds of thousands might be taken, were encouragement afforded. salmon are also caught in the neighbouring rivers, which are alive with undisturbed and neglected trout. the barrels in which the herrings are packed are said to cost two shillings and sixpence each, and some new regulation requires additional hoops, which, to those concerned, appears a grievance. it is said the herrings must realise ten shillings per barrel, in order to repay costs and labour, but the last advices from halifax state that eight shillings only are offered by the merchants. the french, i understand, attend more to the cod fishery. they are not at liberty, if they adhere to the treaty, to draw nets on the shore. there is an american merchant here who deals in truck with the english settlers, and obtains from them about a third part of the herrings caught, which he sends to the united states in such of the numerous american schooners employed in the fishery as enter this bay. the unauthorised british settlers here are said to be very jealous of intruders, as they consider they have an exclusive right to the land and fisheries in their actual possession, and from which all are, by treaty, excluded. they seemed suspicious that the _wellesley_ might have some motive in entering the bay contrary to their interests. no person whatsoever came on board, nor did any one come off to the ship, even to offer himself as a pilot. some persons were lately desirous to set up a saw-mill, which would have been important, as they obtain all their staves for herring-casks, &c., from abroad; but the sanction of the inhabitants could not be obtained. there is no magistrate or civil or military authority, no medical man, and, perhaps fortunately, no attorney. indeed, there is no law, though justice is done amongst themselves after their own manner. there is a neat little church, at which the bishop is now officiating, and the people who are resorting to it seem well-dressed and orderly." on the th of july lord dundonald left the harbour, to pass round the sharp promontory known as cape st. george. "about midway," he said, "a remarkable change takes place to the northward of the table mountain, where the vertical strata become in appearance horizontal along the whole shore of the projecting isthmus. the colour of the strata is chiefly grey, in parallel layers of varying hardness, as appears from its projections and indentations. i could not, without delaying the ship longer than i wished, procure samples of the strata, but there was no appearance of carboniferous minerals. the same layers were visible in detached places up to the tops of the hills, which are of considerable altitude, though that is not denoted in the chart. when we rounded cape st. george on the following morning, the strata, which before appeared parallel, were observed to dip at a considerable angle towards the n.e., and seemed, where sufficiently exposed to view, to be split into large diagonal flakes. there is an island close off the shore, about five miles to the eastward of the cape, called red island, which is of quite a different formation seemingly red horizontal layers of sandstone, of a soft nature, as is obvious from the encroachments of the sea. the peninsula opposite to this island is of considerable elevation, as far as round head, whence it gradually lowers to a point about ten miles farther to the eastward. here the level ground at first seems to be alluvial, but on closer observation indurated rocks are seen to protrude in flakes dipping into the sea. the bay formed by this promontory is of great magnitude. there are several islands at its mouth and in the interior, but there being no chart, and no motive for entering it, we stood on towards the mountains on the main shore, some of which are very high. in many parts the contortion of the strata, and the confusion of all kinds of materials, are extraordinary. the sides of the mountains on the shore are clad with moss alone, trees of very stunted growth only appearing in the sheltered valleys. no visible portion of the shore seems capable of producing food for man." from the western coast of newfoundland lord dundonald sailed due north to visit labrador. with its natural resources, and the neglect of them, he was much surprised. "the british possessions in labrador," he said, "extend over a tract of country as great as the northern regions of russia from st. petersburg towards the pole, wherein the ural mountains compensate that government for the sterility of the soil. i have often felt surprise at the indifference evinced by the spanish government towards developing the resources of its possessions; but it is with still greater astonishment i view the supineness of our own government in leaving this vast tract unexplored, and its probable treasures undiscovered." similar complaints were suggested to him by his observations on the eastern side of newfoundland, to which he sailed down on the th of august. "we passed several ports, wherein there were numerous french ships and square-rigged vessels dismantled, and schooners and multitudes of fishing-boats in full activity in the offing. these schooners and fishing-boats are manned by the crews of the large french vessels which are laid up in port, and constitute depots as well as the means of transporting the produce of the fishery to france, an arrangement highly advantageous to the french marine, and which we erroneously abandoned by erecting newfoundland into a colonial government, thus surrendering our deep-sea fishery entirely, even without rendering the inshore fishery available to the newly-erected colony, throughout which it languishes from want of stimulus, or an adequate reward, even to induce the impoverished inhabitants of the shore to avail themselves of their small and almost costless boats to catch fish, which, by reason of the bounties given by france and america, are unsaleable with profit in any country in europe. it is grievous to observe the difference in the mode of carrying on the british fishery compared to that of the french. the former in rudely-constructed skiffs, with a couple of destitute-looking beings in party-coloured rags; the latter in fine, well-equipped schooners, which may be called tenders to their larger ships, the seamen uniformly dressed in blue, with joinville hats, looking as men ought and may be expected to look whose interests and those of the parent state are understood to be in unison, and attended to as such." at st. john's, newfoundland, lord dundonald made some stay before sailing down to sydney, in cape breton. then he returned to halifax, to go thence for a second visit to bermuda. respecting bermuda, as we have seen, he had much correspondence. "this island," he now said, "ever since the discovery of the opening in the reefs by captain hurd, has been deemed of much naval importance, and plans were formed by the highest military authorities for its defence. a naval arsenal also has been designed for the accommodation of a large establishment of ships of war. distant islands, however, cannot be defended on principles which would be the most judicious at home--by the erection of forts in all quarters that could be occupied by an enemy. it is obvious that, under the circumstances of bermuda, troops cannot be spared from the parent state permanently to garrison the multitude of forts which, on such a principle of defence, would be requisite. if they could, the expense would be enormous, and therefore i cannot dismiss this subject without an expression of my satisfaction at the intelligence i lately received that such extravagant and unavailing system of fortification has been suspended. in my opinion it is a great error to imagine that naval officers are unfit to be consulted respecting maritime defences; had it not been for so mistaken a notion many hundreds of thousands of pounds, perhaps i might say a million, might have been saved. i unhesitatingly assert that gunboats not only would suffice, but are by far the most available, and infinitely the cheapest defensive force amongst the rocks around the island of bermuda. the coloured population of this island are a fine race, incomparably superior to the generality of the coloured population in the west indies. they are accustomed to navigate in their commercial vessels: their lives are almost spent in boats, and no better crews could be got for the defence of their own island than they would prove themselves to be." "the existence of this solitary island so far from the continent of north america," we further read in lord dundonald's journal, "is a circumstance meriting the attention of geologists, as well as the uniform material of which it is composed. it is all of a calcareous nature, but differing in condition from any of the other islands of the same substance. the strata are exposed in the perpendicular cliffs on the sea-shore in numerous precipices, from a hundred feet to minor altitudes, and are composed either of the most minute shells, or of parts of shells so triturated that they scarcely indicate their origin. in some places, however, there are laminae containing shells in a more perfect state, all of a white colour, with the exception of one (which i found on digging a cave) of a semicircular shape, of a red colour, and almost as large as an oyster shell. the whole of the substance of bermuda can be burnt into good lime; but there is an indurated calcareous stone, often containing many perfect shells, on the island on which the naval yard is being built, which is preferred as more adhesive and better in quality. although there are no indications of volcanic products on this island, yet it exhibits manifest proofs that volcanic force has raised it from the depths of the ocean. in what stage of induration it was at that period it is difficult to conjecture. the hills and vales throughout the whole extent of bermuda have the stratified calcareous material generally conforming on all sides to the inclination of the surface. there are, however, many situations in which the strata present themselves as manifestly broken by force. in the deep cutting in the road which enters into the enclosure around the government house, one of these breaks appears at the apex of the hill, dividing its sides, which here incline towards the centre, exposing a wedge-formed supplementary part that fills up the interstice. in the grounds of the admiralty house curious instances of unconformable strata are laid bare in old quarries. these indicate some other cause for their nonconformity than that before assigned, and i am quite at a loss to imagine how the stratified materials could have been placed one above another at such different angles by the action of water, or in any other way, without appearance of disruption. there are caves upon this island containing large stalactites. there is one on tucker's island where these stalactites reach from the top of the cave far below the surface of the salt water it contains. i am not aware of any other instance where similar crystalisations have taken place under the sea water. it seems to lead to the belief that this island was at some time less submerged. there are other caves much larger, and one which goes in so far that the officers who accompanied me did not scramble to its end. this cave is formed by two large masses of calcareous matter having been reared up one against the other. i have seen some very beautiful crystallisations taken from another cave recently found in a quarry at ireland island; but the absence of petrifactions here (for i have never seen one) constitutes a remarkable difference between this formation and that on the island of antigua, where the roads are almost made with petrifactions. "in clearing the surface of the rock, as has lately been done at the quarries, and in laying the foundation of the new convict barracks, the most irregular formation is exposed. large holes are found contiguous to each other in the white calcareous rock, which are filled with a substance resembling chocolate in its colour, unlike everything else upon the island." from bermuda lord dundonald sailed down to barbadoes, where he arrived on the th of february. "the negroes," he said, "who are much more numerous on this island than on any other of the west indies, appear to be well fed, and cheery in their dispositions. they live in small wooden houses resting on clumps of wood or blocks of stone, a mode of construction which enables them, when tired of or displeased with their locality, to transport them elsewhere. i was told that a street of stone huts, constructed for their use, is almost abandoned, by reason of the immobility of such residences. i consider this locomotive propensity a favourable trait in their character. behind the barracks we stopped at a hut on the rising ground whereon the barracks ought to have been placed, and assuredly i never saw a more contented scene. there was a young negro, and, i believe, his wife, together with an old woman, perhaps the grandmother of the child she fondled. we made inquiry as to their mode of living, and they showed us green peas, seasoned with red pepper, ready to be cooked, yams, and cassava bread, as good as oatmeal cakes. these peas grow on large bushes, and vegetables of all kinds surround their hut." from barbadoes lord dundonald proceeded by way of tobago to trinidad. "on the morning of the th of february," he said, "we weighed and returned through the dragon's mouth, shaping our course for the great natural curiosity of trinidad, the pitch lake, which i hoped might be rendered useful for fuel for our steam-ships--so important in the event of war--as fuel is only obtained at present from europe. the united states and nova scotia are never resorted to; hence, could this pitch be rendered applicable as fuel, our vessels would be supplied when an enemy would be almost deprived of the use of steam in these seas. we arrived at la brea, and before daybreak on the following morning we were on the road to the lake, or rather on a stream of bitumen (now indurated) which in former ages overflowed the lake. indeed the bitumen beneath this road seems still to be on the move, as shown by curvilineal ridges on its surface, like waves receding from a stone thrown into water. the appearance of the lake is most extraordinary. one vast sheet of bitumen extends until lost amidst luxuriant vegetation. its circumference is full three miles, exclusive of the creeks, which double the extent. the bituminous surface is of a dark brown, waxy consistence, except in one or two places where the fluid still exudes; obviously this spring is in full vigour beneath, for the whole surface of the lake is formed into protuberances like the segments of a globe pressed together, having hollows between filled with rain-water, which (except in the immediate vicinity of the bituminous springs) is inodorous and without taste--an extraordinary fact, showing that this bitumen is of a nature quite different from that of pyrotechnic mineral or vegetable tar. in its dry state it is quite insoluble in water, though when charged with essential oil, as it exudes from nature's laboratory, it imparts a pungent and unpleasant taste. a considerable quantity of gas bubbles up through these bituminous springs, showing that decomposition is still active amongst the materials whence it exudes. some of the recent bitumen has an odour resembling vegetable gum. mr. johnson, the very obliging proprietor of a neighbouring estate, had the goodness to cause some of his labourers and a cart to bring samples to the beach. means of transport, however, were so inadequate, that we had recourse to digging the more impure pitch on the beach, in order to prosecute our trials for its substitution as fuel. this bitumen, which had flowed upwards of a mile from the lake, was combined with earthy and other substances which it had encountered in its course. various attempts have heretofore been made to apply the bitumen to useful purposes, but without success, as we may judge from the total abandonment of those trials and expectations which for a brief period induced its shipment to england with a view to its application to the pavements of london and other cities. all excavation has consequently ceased, and so low is the estimation in which the bitumen is held, that the duty on embarkation is only one halfpenny per ton. the nature of this bitumen is very different from that of coal. when exposed to a naked fire it becomes fluid, and runs through the bars before gas is disengaged, or at least before it is raised to a temperature at which it will ignite; perhaps it requires more or purer air than enters through the bars of steamboat furnaces--a conjecture which seems to be confirmed by the dense smoke speedily produced." "the plains of trinidad," wrote lord dundonald, "have a fertile soil, which, simply by clearing the ground, is capable of being rendered the most productive in the west india islands for the growth of sugar and whatever can be cultivated in a climate most uniform in its temperature, most congenial to tropical plants, free from the evils of hurricanes and from all impediments to vegetation. i am confident that, if the hands of the governor were not bound by restrictions and routine, the progress of trinidad would soon verify this opinion. lord harris, the present governor, nobly tendered a portion of his official income in alleviation of the burthens which are so severely felt in the present depressed state of agriculture and commerce, but from some cause his lordship's liberal intention was not realized. the example would have proved salutary, as it must have been followed by reductions throughout other west india islands, whose resources are even in a worse state than those of trinidad. is it reasonable, whilst the ground has ceased to be cultivated because production is unprofitable, not only that the land should continue to be taxed at the rate it was in prosperous times, but that a duty should be levied on the exportation of its produce? is it reasonable that whilst householders can obtain no rent, and have no income save the bare means of providing a scanty subsistence, they should be assessed at the rack-rent of former valuation? can any property be more entitled to protection than that of the owners of the soil or of the dwellings they inhabit? and yet all these, as appears by the numerous gazetted sales, are sacrificed to the collection of sums, the bulk of which is uselessly and prejudicially expended. whilst the government of the parent state has alleviated the burdens on the productive classes, is it just that taxes on food and on all the necessaries of life should be continued throughout the colonies, and that even their productions should be intolerably burdened with local imposts, whilst complaints are loud and true of the absence of all remuneration from the sources which once constituted the prosperity of those now impoverished and oppressed possessions? the above observations do not apply exclusively to trinidad, but to the whole of the islands, which scarcely differ in degree in the causes of ruin which seem irremediable by any authority except the legislature of the parent state. i am persuaded that the chief of the colonial department at home would endeavour to counteract the causes of widely-spread and increasing ruin, were he in possession of correct information; but popular representations of grievances, often embodying misapprehensions as to their true origin, and accompanied by suggestions of impracticable remedies, are denied or disputed in counterstatements by interested officials, so that the colonial minister is bewildered, and can form no correct judgment from such conflicting statements. i hold it to be impossible that the monstrous absurdities and violations of every principle of good government which exist throughout these western colonies could be tolerated an instant, were their consequences known and believed by those in power, or were they laid before the british public by any person on whose judgment and opinion they could rely. can it be credited that even in the island of trinidad, not only multitudes of valuable properties are brought to sale from the inability of their owners to pay the fiscal demands, but that properties are consigned to the government auctioneer even for so small an assessment as three-fourths of a dollar? this is, nevertheless, the fact. the emancipation of the slaves was a glorious act, but the rescue of these noble possessions from ruin, and the restoration of prosperity to an integral part of the empire, would redound to the honour of any one who would successfully advocate the cause of reason and justice, not only on the principles of equity, but with the less noble view of gain to the parent state, as it is certain that the consumption of british manufactured articles has fallen off in these colonies to an extent which has not been counterbalanced by the increase of exports anticipated from the questionable policy of concession to brazil, in which i have reason to believe the supply of articles required for the slave trade constitutes a large proportion." reflections of that sort occurred to lord dundonald again and again, as, passing round from trinidad, he visited all the principal british west india islands, the last at which he called on his way back to halifax being jamaica. "no doubt," he said, "the generous and noble act by which, in the reign of his late majesty, slavery was abolished, produced a prejudicial change in the economy of the sugar plantations, notwithstanding the large amount awarded to the proprietors, as the sums so paid were for the most part immediately transferred to mortgagees, leaving the proprietors in possession of the soil, but without the means of paying the expense of its cultivation by free labour. this is an evil which time has not remedied, and, of course, in the estimation of those who are, in consequence, losers, furnishes the pretext for imputing to the black population a degree of reluctance to labour far exceeding the reality. those who pay a reasonable price for work, and are punctual in their payments, do not fail to get as many labourers as they require. i assert this not from any vague hearsay, but from various unquestionable and authentic documents, amongst which are the examinations taken by committees of the house of assembly appointed to inquire into the causes and difficulties alleged to exist in the cultivation of estates. whilst the poverty of the planters and the destitution of the labouring population is so universal, it seems most extraordinary on inspecting the custom house returns to find almost every article of necessary consumption brought from abroad paying high duties on entry; whilst the concession of small patches of land to the negroes, whom there is no capital to employ, would, if accorded, produce food, and in a great measure dispense with such injurious importations. is it reasonable to instruct the negroes in their rights as men, and open their minds to the humble ambition of acquiring spots of land, and then throw every impediment possible in the way of its gratification? i perceive by the imposts and expenses on the transfer of small properties, that a barrier almost insurmountable is raised to their acquisition by the coloured population. i have learnt that small lots of crown lands are scarcely ever disposed of, though three-fourths of these lands are still in the hands of government. "it is lamentable to see the negroes in rags, lying about the streets of kingston; to learn that the gaols are full; the penitentiaries incapable of containing more inmates; whilst the port is destitute of shipping, the wharves abandoned, and the storehouses empty; while much, if not all, of this might be remedied. it may be asked, how is this to be effected? and i answer--by justice, resolution, patriotism, and disinterestedness. never can this wretched state of affairs be remedied so long as taxes on the necessaries of life are heaped on an impoverished population. never can the peasantry raise their heads with a contented aspect, whilst every animate and inanimate thing around them is taxed to the utmost. not only is there a tax on land, and on the shipment of its produce, on houses, outhouses, and gardens, on horned cattle and horses, but on asses and pigs; and the severest penalties are enacted for concealment or suppression in the returns. officials are employed for the gathering of pittances which do not defray the expense of collection. the harbour dues and exactions are such that no vessel, when it can be avoided, is brought into the port of kingston; consequently, though jamaica is admirably situated, even more favourably than st. thomas, the former port is abandoned, whilst that of the latter is filled with the shipping of all nations." lord dundonald detailed the substance of these opinions in a letter to earl grey, the secretary for the colonies. "i have to thank your lordship," lord grey replied, "for your letter. the observations of a person of your lordship's knowledge and experience upon the present state of our colonies are most interesting and useful to me. i am aware that there exists much distress in the west indies at present; but i am sorry to say i do not see what parliament can do towards removing it, beyond freeing their trade from the remaining restrictions by the repeal of the navigation laws, which i hope will now be soon accomplished. i own i quite differ from your lordship as to the propriety of restoring to the planters the monopoly in the british market they formerly enjoyed, and i believe that the permanent interests of these colonies would be injured instead of being advanced by doing so." chapter xxix. lord dundonald's return from america.--his arguments for the relief of the newfoundland fisheries and the west india trade.--the trinidad bitumen.--lord dundonald's other scientific pursuits and views. [ - .] the earl of dundonald's time of service as admiral of the west indian and north american stations expired in april, . on the st of december, , sir francis baring wrote to inform him that sir george seymour had been appointed his successor. "it is with some regret," said sir francis, "that i have performed this duty, as it has been my pleasure to have been in communication with you, and to feel that an important command has been placed in the hands of an officer of your lordship's high professional character and merits. you must permit me, in making this announcement, to add my sincere thanks for the manner in which you conducted the duties of your position, and particularly for the valuable information you have communicated to the board, and the attention you have paid to the many points you had brought before you." on the th of may lord dundonald left halifax, and he reached portsmouth in the beginning of june. during the next few years his mind was much occupied with the further consideration of various topics suggested by his observations and explorations on the other side of the atlantic. it will be enough to make brief allusion to the most important of these. subjects of hearty regret to him, repeatedly brought under his notice during his three years' stay in the north american and west indian waters, were the great depression of the british fisheries in the neighbourhood of newfoundland, and the yet greater depression of trade consequent on the remission of slavery in the more southern colonies. for both he sought to provide a remedy. he urged, as has already been shown in the extracts from his journal, which was published, and attracted much attention, in the summer of , that special help should be given to these colonies, not only by the removal of all restrictions upon their commerce and manufactures, but by protective enactments in their favour. his reasons for this view, as regards the newfoundland fisheries, in which he thought not alone of the interests of the colonists, were set forth by him in a letter addressed to the "times," in august, . "were not the question of maintaining our nurseries for seamen," he there said, "more important than commercial considerations, i should not venture, through your favour, to trespass on public attention regarding the north american fisheries; but, perceiving that impressions are likely to be made by writers, avoiding responsibility for erroneous opinions by withholding their names, i feel it a duty explicitly to state that it is not to the amount of fish caught and cured, to the price at which it can be sold at home or abroad, or to the number of persons employed in the fishery, but to their nationality and vocation, to which i attach importance, in order that our fisheries shall form hardy british seamen in oceanic vessels, like those employed under the bounties paid by north america and france. these being the considerations, the question is not whether it is consistent with the enlightened theory of free trade to pay a premium which shall transfer capital from the pockets of one class to those of another, but whether it is wiser and more economical for the community at large to uphold such nursery, or to maintain even a skeleton of warlike establishments--perhaps to build, equip, and employ additional ships of war, squadrons, or fleets, to watch, perchance to contend with, power thus cheaply developed by rival nations. i ask whether the bounty given to enable steam-packets to cross the ocean is more consistent with free-trade principles than a bounty awarded to our fisheries as a nursery for seamen. a colonial premium is indeed talked of, and by those unacquainted with facts, who do not foresee its operation, it may be deemed a substitute for a bounty by the parent state; but i advisedly assert that such colonial premium would not rear one disposable seaman for our naval service, and that even the colonial fishermen would derive no commensurate advantage, such is the impoverishing effect of the inveterate system of truck-dealing that boat fishermen, even from the harbour of the capital of newfoundland, are chiefly paid by daily wages; the advantages derived from the employment of two half-idle fishermen being greater to the truckmaster, in the absence of an available market, than the like amount of fish caught by one customer. it is manifest, by the true theory of free trade, that it is unimportant whether the french and americans obtain their bait and catch fish within our limits or not, or even whether the world is supplied by them or by us; but it is not so if foreign nations thereby rear, employ, and maintain in time of peace fifty thousand seamen, who, in the event of war, are at the beck of their respective governments, while britain, the rightful owner, has not one available seaman from the fisheries. on subjects of such vital importance it is essential that general theories, however good, shall not be supported in detail by false reasoning, or by captivating appellations inconsistent with truth. nine-tenths of our western colonies are still taxed on every article of food, and on all existing property, animate and inanimate; a state of things alike adverse to production and trade. is it reasonable to imagine, if the interests of colonists are not considered jointly with those of the parent state, that they can continue to administer to our wants, comforts, and luxuries--above all, to our commercial nursery for seamen, the source of our national greatness? a parliamentary investigation is indispensable to afford a chance of escape to these noble possessions of the crown from impending ruin." for the relief of the west indian colonies lord dundonald was also anxious to obtain the intervention of parliament; but he believed that he had himself discovered one source of possible advancement for them. his remarks concerning the pitch lake of trinidad have already been partly quoted. having first explored that lake in the beginning of , he at once recognized the importance of its stores of bitumen, and much of his leisure from official duties was employed in observations and experiments with a view to its being utilized. he was soon convinced as to its great and various importance. the decomposed bitumen that lay in vast beds around the lake he found exceedingly valuable as a manure; and he perceived that the liquid mass, of which boundless supplies might be obtained, could be put to many very valuable uses. here he discerned the presence of a new material of commerce which might prove of incalculable benefit not only to trinidad but also to all the other west india islands; therefore he urged its employment, and, though but little heed was paid to his advice, the successful results of the few cases in which it was adopted fully justified his opinions. after his return to england he also sought zealously to make his discovery beneficial to himself. he was to a great extent baffled by the obstacles common to new projects; but his projects afford curious illustration of the activity of his mind and the fertility of his inventive powers. "used as a mastic," he said in a concise enumeration of the uses to which he found that the bitumen might be put, "it is peculiarly suited to unite and ensure the durability of hydraulic works. it renders the foundations and superstructure of buildings impermeable to humidity. it is admirably adapted, by its resistance to decomposition by the most powerful solvents, to the construction of sewers, and, being tasteless, it is an excellent coating to water-pipes, aqueducts, and reservoirs. when masticated and prepared, it is a substitute for costly gums as applied to numerous purposes. combined with a small portion of ligneous matter, it constitutes a fuel of greater evaporating power than coal, and, when pulverized and scattered over growing potato-plants or other vegetables, it prevents their destruction by insects or blight, and acts also as a fertiliser of the soil. essential and viscid oils are obtained by various well-known processes from bituminous substances, but from none in such abundance and possessing such valuable properties as the oils extracted from the bitumen of the lake of trinidad, as well as from the petroleum of springs still in activity."[ ] [ ] the following patents, for the use of the trinidad bitumen, were taken out by lord dundonald:-- . "improvements in the construction and manufacture of sewers, drains, waterways, pipes, reservoirs, and receptacles for liquids or solids, and for the making of columns, pillars, capitals, pedestals, bases, and other useful and ornamental objects, from a substance never heretofore employed for such manufactures."-- . "improvements in coating and insulating wire."-- . "improving bituminous substances, thereby rendering them available for purposes to which they never heretofore have been successfully applied."-- . "improvements in producing compositions or combinations of bituminous, resinous, and gummy matters, and thereby obtaining products useful in the arts and manufactures."-- . "improvements in apparatus for laying pipes in the earth, and in the juncture of such pipes." the "observations on the long-desired, yet still unaccomplished proceeding, whereby to effect the embankment of the thames and free the river from pollution," by the earl of dundonald, are especially interesting at the present time:--"it will probably be admitted that the thames above bridge is unnecessarily broad, unless considered as a recipient for back-water; and that the long margin of shallow water between london bridge and that of vauxhall is of little importance, even for that purpose, as gravel, sand, and other substances, may advantageously be removed from the central bed of the river, fully to compensate for the water that would be excluded by an embankment of one-sixth on both sides of the channel. "an easy method of accomplishing this object would be to cut a ditch on each shore, equidistant from the centre, and fill it with bituminous concrete, as the foundation of a parapet or wharf to be formed of similar materials. within this a main sewer might be excavated, and constructed in like manner of conglomerated gravel and sand from the spot. "it will of course occur that, although roads may be carried over the entrances of the various docks by swing-bridges, yet these entrances present obstacles to a direct line of sewers. "to enable this difficulty to be overcome, very solid tunnels, floored with hard pavement stones, set in bitumen, may be caused to descend in subverted curves below the entrances of the docks, whence all matters deposited may occasionally be removed by see-saw locomotive dredges on wheels, worked either by mechanical power, or by the current acting directly on the dredge." while thus urging the importance of bitumen, and initiating many mechanical operations which have quickly and extensively been turned to the great advantage of society, lord dundonald was not unmindful of his older inventions and the arguments by which he had long sought to promote the naval strength of england. of these inventions one in particular--that of his improved steam-boilers--had been largely adopted, and found highly beneficial during his absence from england, and its use continued after his return. from them he hoped, and not in vain, that good would result to the general extension of naval science. he was cheered during the last years of his life by seeing the adoption of many of the views on these matters which he had advocated long before. others have yet to be enforced. chapter xxx. the russian war.--lord dundonald's proposals to employ his secret plans against cronstadt, sebastopol, and other strongholds.--his correspondence thereupon with sir james graham and lord palmerston.--their rejection.--lord dundonald's appointment as rear-admiral of the united kingdom.--prince albert's invitation to him to become an elder brother of the trinity house.--his correspondence with lord palmerston respecting the restitution of his half-pay.--his last work.--his death and burial.--conclusion. [ - .] when in june, , he returned to england and surrendered his office as commander-in-chief of the north american and west indian squadron, the earl of dundonald was in his seventy-sixth year. that he was still young and vigorous in mind is sufficiently shown by the illustrations of his inventive genius and philanthropic earnestness that have been given in the last chapter. the most striking proof of this, however, so far as he was allowed to prove it, has yet to be given. very soon after his return he sought to impress upon sir james graham, then first lord of the admiralty, under the earl of aberdeen's administration, the value of his secret war-plans, and before long a special reason for advocating their adoption arose. their efficacy had been frequently acknowledged by the highest authorities, but as england was at peace, nothing more than an acknowledgment was made. the outbreak of our war with russia induced lord dundonald to bring them forward again in . at first sir james graham declined to entertain the subject. the government believed that russia would be easily and promptly defeated by the ordinary means of warfare, and therefore contented itself with them. in this decision lord dundonald acquiesced perforce; but, on its appearing that the fight would be harder than had been anticipated, he again claimed a hearing for his proposals, believing that by their acceptance he could not only bring his own career as a british seaman to a glorious termination, but also--a yet dearer object to him--by so doing render inestimable service to his country. in this spirit he wrote again to sir james graham on the nd of july, . "important aggressive enterprises," he said, "being now suspended by russia, whose armies, on the defensive, may indefinitely prolong the war, and thereby expose our country to perilous consequences, resulting from protracted naval co-operation, i am desirous, through you, respectfully to offer for the consideration of her majesty's cabinet ministers a simple yet effective plan of operations, showing that the maritime defences of cronstadt, however strong against ordinary means of attack, may be captured, and their red-hot shot and incendiary missiles, prepared for the destruction of our ships, turned on those they protect; a result of paramount importance, now that the forces in the black sea have been diverted from the judiciously-contemplated attack on sebastopol, compared to the success of which any secondary enterprise in the baltic would prove of very small importance to the successful result of the war. permit me, therefore, in the event of my plans being approved, unreservedly to offer my services, without command or authority, except over the very limited means of attack, the success whereof cannot fail in its consequences to free and ensure, perhaps for ever, all minor states from russian dominion. personal acquaintance with vice-admiral sir charles napier and rear-admiral chads warrants my conviction that no feeling of rivalry could exist, save in the zealous performance of the service." sir james graham's reply was complimentary. "you offer for the consideration of her majesty's government," he wrote on the th of july, "a plan of operations by which the maritime defences of cronstadt may, in your opinion, be captured; and in the most handsome manner you declare your readiness to direct and superintend the execution of your plan, if it should be adopted. when the great interests at stake are considered, and when the fatal effects of a possible failure are duly regarded, it is apparent that the merits of your plan and the chances of success must be fully investigated and weighed by competent authority. the cabinet, unaided, can form no judgment in this matter, and the tender of your services is most properly made by you dependent on the previous approval of your plan. the question is a naval one, into which professional considerations must enter largely. naval officers, therefore, of experience and high character are the judges to whom, in the first instance, this question ought to be submitted. let me therefore ask you, before i take any further step, whether you are willing, in strict confidence, to lay your whole plan before sir bryan martin, sir william parker, and admiral berkeley, who, from his place at this board, is my first naval adviser? if you do not object to this measure, or to any of the naval officers whom i have named, i should be disposed to add sir john burgoyne, the head of the engineers, on whose judgment i place great reliance. i am sure that you will not regard this mode of treating your proposal as inconsistent with the respect which i sincerely entertain for your high professional character, resting on past services of no ordinary merit, which i have never failed to recognise. but my duty on this occasion prescribes caution and deliberate care; and you will do justice to the motives by which this answer to your request is guided." to this suggestion lord dundonald readily acceded, and his secret war-plans were once more referred to a committee of investigation. nothing, however, was gained by this step. "i have received," wrote sir james graham on the th of august, "the report of the committee of officers to whom, with your consent, the plan for the attack on cronstadt was submitted. on the whole, after careful consideration, they have come to the unanimous conclusion that it is inexpedient to try experiments in present circumstances. they do full justice to your lordship, and they expressly state that, if such an enterprise were to be undertaken, it could not be confided to fitter or abler hands than yours; for your professional career has been distinguished by remarkable instances of skill and courage, in all of which you have been the foremost to lead the way, and by your personal heroism you have gained an honourable celebrity in the naval history of this country." that letter was disappointing to lord dundonald; but, as the value of his plans was not disputed, he hoped that he might yet be allowed to put them in execution. "be pleased," he said in his reply to sir james graham, "to accept the sincere assurance of the high estimation in which i hold the kind and favourable expression of your sentiments towards me. it is indeed gratifying to perceive that the experienced admirals to whom you referred the professional consideration of my secret plan have not expressed any doubt of its practicability." the report of the admirals, however, had as unfavourable an effect as could have resulted had they declared openly against the project. week followed week without any successful issue to the efforts of the baltic fleet; and added to lord dundonald's chagrin at not being permitted to achieve the desired success, was his distress at finding unmerited blame thrown by the government, and by nearly all classes of the public, upon a brave and skilful seaman, for not doing what, with the means at his disposal, it was impossible for him to do. admiral sir charles napier had failed, through no fault of his own, in the project for attacking cronstadt, a fortress of almost unrivalled strength, and, by reason of the shallow water surrounding it, unapproachable by the heavy line-of-battle ships and frigates which constituted all his force; and during the months of his necessary inactivity, and after his return to england, lord dundonald was almost his only defender. "in justice to admiral napier, against whom 'the indignant dissatisfaction of the nation' is said to be directed," he wrote in a letter to the "morning post," on the st of september, "permit me to say that success could not have attended the operations of ships against stone batteries firing red-hot shot, however easily unresisting walls may be leisurely demolished. there is but one means to place these parties on an equal footing, and that i confidentially laid before the government." "the unreasoning portion of the public," he wrote to sir james graham on the th of november, "have made an outcry against old admirals, as if it were essential that they should be able to clear their way with a broadsword. but, my dear sir james, were it necessary--which it is not--that i should place myself in an arm-chair on the poop, with each leg on a cushion, i will undertake to subdue every insular fortification at cronstadt within four hours from the commencement of the attack." and sebastopol, he urged, could be as easily captured, if he were only allowed to put his plans in operation. but it was not allowed. "nothing new can be attempted at the present moment," answered sir james graham. "winter will put an end to all active operations in the baltic; and i still venture to hope that at sebastopol our arms will be triumphant." lord dundonald, though pained, not so much on his own account as in the interests of the nation, at the way in which his offers were treated, persevered in making them. it was now too late in the season to effect anything in the baltic; but the siege of sebastopol was being carried on without any immediate prospect of success; and he yearned, with all the ardour that he had displayed half a century before, for an opportunity of rendering success both certain and immediate. to this end he wrote again to sir james graham, and also for the first time to the earl of aberdeen, on the th of december. "the pertinacious resistance made at sebastopol, and the possibility of events that may still further disappoint expectation," he said to sir james, "have induced me to address lord aberdeen, saying that 'if it is the opinion of the cabinet, or of those whom they consult on military affairs, that, failing the early capture of sebastopol, the british army may be in danger, i offer to the discernment of the cabinet my still secret plans of attack,' whereby the garrisons would be expelled from the forts or annihilated, in defiance of numerical force, and possession obtained, at least during sufficient time to enable the chief defences to be blown up and the harbour fleet to be destroyed. if you will so far favour me, i should be gratified by having an opportunity of demonstrating to your strong mind, free from professional bias, the fact that combustible ships may be not only placed on a parity with stone forts fitted to fire red-hot shot, but secured from injury more effectually than if incased in iron." sir james graham's answer was, like its forerunners, complimentary, but nothing more. "i can never cease," he wrote, "to do justice to your patriotic desire to serve your country, which is evinced by your desire to encounter, in your own person, the dangers attendant on your experiment, and not to transfer the hazard of the enterprise to others." but to the enterprise itself he would give no sanction. "your plans," he said, "by my desire were submitted to the consideration of most competent naval and military officers, whose impartial judgment cannot be impugned, and, on the whole, they did not recommend the trial of the experiment which you are anxious to make. neither lord aberdeen nor i can venture to place our individual opinions in opposition to a recorded judgment of the highest authority on a question which is purely professional. i see no advantage, therefore, in renewing the discussion with you at the present moment." had the "impartial judgment" by which sir james graham held himself bound been adverse to the principle of lord dundonald's plans, or declared them to be anything more than "inexpedient in present circumstances," more weight might have been attached to it; although even then he could have pointed to the opposite verdict, given in , by other judges quite as impartial and competent, who, while objecting to part of them on the score of their deadly efficacy, had officially announced their belief in the applicability of another part--the part of which lord dundonald now proposed to make most use--and recommended its adoption "when the opportunity of employing it may occur." he therefore refused to be thwarted in his efforts to render to his country the great service that he considered to be in his power, and sir charles napier's removal from the command of the baltic fleet, in january, , gave him an opportunity of offering to use that power under conditions that would relieve the admiralty of all direct responsibility in the event of his failure. "i am much gratified," he said in another letter to sir james graham, "to learn that her most gracious majesty has been pleased to reserve the high dignity of admiral of the fleet as a reward for services. under this impression, permit me to solicit the favour of being allowed to contend for that distinction, not by reference again to opinions, which may prove fallacious, but by actual experimental proof of the safety and facility of assailing fortifications by my secret plans. by them, the damage and loss of life sustained by the allied squadron in their late attack on the fortifications of sebastopol might have been partly if not wholly averted, and probably a tenfold destruction inflicted on the enemy. if this is admitted--and i do not think it can be disputed--i hope you will allow me to demonstrate the general applicability of these simple, comparatively costless, and in my opinion infallible means of annihilating the power of all kinds of batteries that can be approached to windward within half a mile. these plans have been entertained and pondered over by me during forty years, and now again i offer to explain, to test, and to put them in execution." sir james graham's answer was very terse. "i have had the honour," he wrote on the rd of january, "of receiving your lordship's letter, in which you tender your services to take command of the baltic fleet. i consider the tender highly honourable to you; but i cannot give any other assurance." no other assurance would have been of any avail. the earl of aberdeen's cabinet, having lost the confidence of the country, was dissolved almost immediately after that letter was written, to be replaced by an administration in which lord palmerston was premier, and sir charles wood first lord of the admiralty. to lord palmerston the earl of dundonald wrote on the th of february. "the high position of our country being at stake on the result of the war," he said, "and our long-established naval renown pledged on the successful conduct of affairs in the baltic, i addressed my kind friend lord lansdowne, who has been long conversant with the objects which, by his advice, i now offer to your lordship's notice as first minister of the crown, conjointly, if you judge proper, with that of the cabinet over which you preside." he then briefly described the principle of his secret plan, adding, "i respectfully offer to execute this plan, and answer for its success, against cronstadt, and against all minor strongholds in the baltic." four weeks elapsed before that letter was answered. in the meanwhile lord dundonald, beginning to despair of a satisfactory hearing from any minister of state, unless he was induced thereto by a popular demand, addressed a petition to the house of commons, urging the importance of his plans, and praying for "a searching inquiry, to ascertain whether the aforesaid secret plans are capable speedily, certainly, and cheaply to surmount obstacles which our gallant, persevering, and costly armies and fleets have failed to accomplish." his reasons for so doing he explained in a letter addressed to the "times" on the th of march. "peace," he there said, "being desirable not only for the interests of our country, but for those of the world at large, and the negotiations now pending being doubtless injuriously influenced by the obstinate resistance of sebastopol (which could be overcome in a day), and by the impossibility of successfully attacking cronstadt by naval means (which might be as speedily reduced), i have drawn up a petition to parliament in order that secrecy and silence on my part, and deficiency of information on that of the public, may no longer prove injurious to the success of our arms. hostilities having proceeded so far, assuredly it is more expedient to reduce a restless nation to a third- or fourth-rate power, than be ourselves reduced. let not my motive be mistaken. i have no wish to command a fleet of -gun ships, or to attack first-rate fortresses by incased batteries or steam gunboats. that which i desire is, first, secretly to demonstrate to competent persons the efficiency of my plans, and then to obtain authority, during eight or ten days of fine weather, to put them in execution. the means i contemplate are simple, cheap, and safe. they would spare thousands of lives, millions of money, great havoc and uncertainty of results. their consequences might, and probably would, effect the emancipation of poland, and give freedom to the usurped territories of sweden. those who judge unfavourably of all aged naval commanders assuredly do not reflect that the useful employment of the energies of thousands and tens of thousands of men can best be developed and directed by a mind instructed by long observation matured by reflection;--an advantage to which physical power, that could clear its way by a broadsword, can bear no comparison. my unsupported opinion in regard to a naval enterprise in proved to be correct. every other undertaking in the british service, and as commander-in-chief in chili, peru, brazil, and greece, was successful, and so would the protracted and unaccomplished undertaking, so injurious to the result of negotiation, have succeeded, had i possessed sufficient influence to be patiently listened to." the petition aroused much interest among the public, but was unheeded by the house of commons, and therefore produced very slight effect on the ministry. "my published petition," wrote lord dundonald to viscount palmerston on the th of march, "has brought me numerous letters, and, amongst others, a communication, i believe from high authority, that if i do know any means whereby to spare the slaughter that must take place on storming sebastopol, i ought to make it known. i wish i could impart to your lordship what i feel under the present circumstances, and how anxiously i desire that a speedy decision may succeed the lingering delays that i have so long endured." a few days after that, chiefly through the assistance of his friend lord brougham, lord dundonald obtained an interview with lord palmerston, at which he further detailed his plans, and urged that they should be promptly employed in hastening a conclusion of the war with russia. to lord palmerston he also wrote again on the st of march. "it has occurred to me," he said, "that the supposed inhumanity of my plans may have caused the use of the word 'inexpedient' in the report of the commission appointed in july last by the admiralty, and may even now influence the decision of the cabinet. perhaps another view may have been taken of the consequences of divulging my plans, as regards the security of this kingdom." to these possible objections he urged that no conduct that brought to a speedy termination a war which might otherwise last for years, and be attended by terrible bloodshed in numerous battles, could be called inhuman; and that the most powerful means of averting invasion, and, indeed, all future war, would be the introduction of a method of fighting which, rendering all vigorous defence impossible, would frighten every nation from running the risks of warfare at all. those arguments appear to have had some weight; but, after further correspondence, lord palmerston's government, like all the other governments to which they had been offered, refused to put the plans in execution. further evidence in their favour was obtained from some eminent scientific men; and it was put beyond dispute that, though they might not have such deadly efficacy as lord dundonald anticipated--on which point the critics spoke with hesitation--they could not fail, if properly applied, in producing very important results. but it was all in vain. all that lord palmerston would agree to was to have the experiment tried on a small scale at sebastopol, and by two engineer officers who were to be instructed in their work by lord dundonald. lord dundonald consented to the trial, if it was conducted by his son, captain the honourable arthur cochrane, r.n. but this was not agreed to, and the whole project fell to the ground. at that result lord dundonald was hardly more disappointed than was a large section of the english public. friends and strangers, soldiers, sailors, newspaper writers, and merchants, wrote to him from london, edinburgh, liverpool, birmingham, belfast, and all other parts of the kingdom, urging that, if the enterprise was not undertaken by government, it should be executed by means of a private subscription. "i am perfectly convinced," wrote one, "that you can do all the injury to the russian fortifications that you say you can do. if miserable jealousy at the admiralty refuses you the means, take them from those who, like myself, are very proud to be your countrymen. i am not a rich man, but i shall gladly subscribe one hundred pounds to any scheme that you will propose and carry out yourself." "if your lordship will appeal to the country," wrote another, "in less than a week you will receive subscriptions to any amount. you will then be independent of government routine, and the public will, without further delay, have an opportunity of testing the value of your invention, towards which the eyes of all europe are anxiously turned at the present juncture." those suggestions, and the evidence afforded by them of a widespread sympathy in his efforts to render a last great service to his country, afforded real satisfaction to lord dundonald; but their adoption was quite impossible. as a british officer, he could not for a moment think of entering upon a warlike project independently of the state. therefore he left the work on which his heart was set undone, and soon--though by no means so soon as he could have made it--the russian war was brought to a conclusion. whatever may have been the cause of the rejection of his offer to hasten that conclusion by means of his secret war-plans, the earl of dundonald experienced no lack of personal courtesy during the period of the correspondence, or throughout the brief remainder of his life. his closing years were cheered by many acts by which was nearly completed the tardy reparation for former injuries which was begun with his reinstatement in the navy by king william iv., and in which the most gratifying circumstance of all was the restoration of his honours as a knight of the bath by her gracious majesty queen victoria. "the death of sir byam martin, and the promotion of sir william gage to the office of vice-admiral of the united kingdom," wrote sir james graham on the rd of october, , "vacate the appointment of rear-admiral. it is an honorary distinction; and your standing in the naval service and your gallant achievements entitle you to this reward. i have taken her majesty's pleasure, and the queen has graciously approved my recommendation. i propose, therefore, with your lordship's permission, that you shall be gazetted rear-admiral of the united kingdom." "i accept the proposed honour with gratitude to her majesty and with thanks to you," answered lord dundonald, on the th. "permit me, however, to express a hope that such distinction shall not preclude my further service to the crown and country, which long and matured consideration on professional subjects assures me i could now perform even more effectually than at an earlier period." a month later he was honoured by a compliment from one who, kind and gracious in all his acts, had never failed in showing towards him special grace and kindness. "my dear lord," wrote prince albert on the th of november, "a vacancy has occurred in the list of honorary brethren of the trinity house, by the lamented death of sir byam martin. it has always been customary in that corporation to have the royal navy represented amongst the elder brethren by one of its most distinguished officers. i therefore write to inquire whether it would be agreeable to you to be elected a member of that body; as i should, in that case, have much pleasure in proposing, as master of the corporation, your name for the election of the elder brethren. believe me always, my dear lord, yours truly,--albert." "may it please your royal highness," lord dundonald wrote in reply, on the th, "to accept my dutiful and most grateful thanks for the honour your royal highness is pleased to confer. i assure your royal highness that i shall ever look forward with anxiety to prove my devotion and gratitude to her most gracious majesty, for signal acts of justice and favour, and to your royal highness for this highly-appreciated mark of your consideration." a token of the estimation in which lord dundonald was at length held by all classes of his countrymen may here be recorded. after frequent refusal, on the ground of his age and love of privacy, he consented, in may, , to seek admission to the united service club. its members, thereupon, at once resolved, at the proposal of vice-admiral sir george f. seymour, which was seconded by lieutenant-general sir c. f. smith, "to invite that highly-distinguished officer, admiral the earl of dundonald, to become an honorary member of the club, until the time of his lordship's ballot takes place." in spite of compliments like these, however, it was his earnest desire that, before his life was ended, every shadow which had darkened it might be cleared away, and that he might not pass into the grave without the assurance that he was formally, and in every respect, acquitted of the unjust charges brought against him nearly half a century before. while one single consequence of those charges remained in force, he considered that he was not so acquitted, and with this object he laboured to the last. "i venture to remind your lordship," he wrote to lord palmerston, on the th of may, "that the undeviating rectitude of my conduct through a long life has already induced the crown, in the exercise of its justice, to restore my rank and honours. there yet remains, my dear lord, a gracious and important act to perform, namely, to order my banner to be replaced in king henry vii.'s chapel, and to direct the repayment of the fine inflicted by the court of king's bench, and the restoration of my half-pay suspended during my removal from the naval service. unless these be done, i shall descend to my grave with the consciousness, not only that justice has not fully been done to me, but under the painful conviction that its omission will be construed to the injury of my character in the estimation of posterity. independently of the justice of this claim on its own merits, i venture to express a hope that your lordship will admit that, during my temporary absence from the naval service, my exertions tended materially to promote the interests of our country by opening to commerce the ports of the pacific and those of all the northern provinces of brazil." the appeal was unsuccessful. the part of it having reference to the replacement of lord dundonald's banner in westminster abbey was considered by lord palmerston to be a question with which it was not in his province to deal. "with regard to the fine," he said, "i am afraid that there are no funds out of which it could be repaid, and i should doubt there being any precedent for such a proceeding; and i find, on inquiry, that pay or half-pay has not been granted to any naval officer for any period during which he may have been out of the service." that reply induced lord dundonald to write again to lord palmerston on the th of june. "i submit," he then said, "that, the fine being imposed for an alleged offence of which i was wholly innocent, it ought to be repaid, even if there be no special fund appropriated to such a purpose. the peculiarity of my case may account for there being no precedent for such a proceeding, if none there be. the same peculiarity may distinguish my case from that of all other naval officers to whom no pay or half-pay has been allowed for any period during which they may have been out of the service. i may have been the only naval officer unjustly expelled, and assuredly i have been the only one so expelled after manifesting, by various acts, a truly patriotic zeal for the honour and interest of our country. no other naval officer, after such acts, was ever expelled the service and otherwise punished on mere conjectural evidence, since demonstrated to have been utterly groundless. i submit that instances have occurred of military officers recovering pay or half-pay after unjust expulsion, as in the case of sir robert wilson; and i am not aware of the existence of any cause for a distinction in this respect between the two services. i feel the deepest gratitude and satisfaction that my life has been spared to a period when i may reasonably hope that the portion of justice yet due to me for the erroneous verdict and its injurious consequences will not be withheld. of that justice, the first instalment, namely, the restoration of my naval rank, was granted by his late majesty king william, and the second by her present most gracious majesty, who, on the representation of my noble friend the marquess of lansdowne, was pleased to reinstate me in the order of the bath. for the third and conclusive portion of justice still remaining due to me, i cannot desist from looking to your lordship." it is not necessary to detail the later correspondence that ensued upon this subject. lord dundonald found that the final reparation which he sought was not, then at any rate, to be conceded to him by the government; and therefore he resolved to employ his last remaining powers in seeking from his countrymen that thorough justice which he rightly considered would result from an honest review of the incidents of his life. during , and in the beginning of , he was engaged in the preparation of his "narrative of services in the liberation of chili, peru, and brazil from spanish and portuguese domination."[ ] that work was immediately followed by his "autobiography of a seaman," of which the first volume was completed in december, , the second in september, ; bringing down the story to the date from which it has been continued in the present work.[ ] [ ] the following letter, dated "buckingham palace, march , ," gave pleasure to lord dundonald:--"my lord,--i have received the commands of his royal highness the prince consort to return you his best thanks for the copy of your 'narrative,' which you have been good enough to send to his royal highness, and upon which his royal highness will place a high value. i am directed further to say that it would add materially to that value if you would have the kindness to write in the first page of the accompanying volume that it was presented by your lordship to the prince. i have the honour to be, my lord, your most obedient humble servant,--c. b. phipps." [ ] almost the last letter written by lord dundonald was this to lord brougham:--"my dear lord brougham,--i have the pleasure to forward you the second volume of my 'autobiography,' in which you will find that use has been made of the kind expressions towards myself contained in your works. of the injustice done to me i need not tell you, who are so well acquainted with the subject. if the accompanying volume succeeds in impressing on the public mind the sentiments so unflinchingly set forth in your works, it will have answered its purpose; and that it will do so i see no reason to doubt, now that the subject can be canvassed apart from political rancour. i am, my dear lord brougham, ever faithfully yours,--dundonald." lord brougham's answer was dated from paris, on the st of october, the very day of his friend's death. "i have just received your very kind letter, and i daresay the volume will very speedily reach me.... one thing i fear you do not come down late enough to relate. i mean the impression made upon all present when i took you to the tuileries; and when the name of cochrane, so well known to them (and which i cannot bring myself to change for your present title), was no sooner heard than there was a general start and shudder. i remember saying, as we drove away, that it ought to satisfy you as to your disappointment at basque roads; and you answered that you would rather have had the ships." that his mind was full of vigour to the last is best proved by that autobiography. but the body was worn out. after two years of great physical suffering, passed in the house of his eldest son at queen's gate, kensington, he died on the st of october, , eighty-five years old. he was buried in westminster abbey, where in his last moments he had expressed a desire to rest, in company with other great servants of the nation. a public funeral was not granted to him; but his son was permitted to conduct that funeral in a way worthy of his great reputation, and agreeable to the wishes of all classes of his countrymen. through the personal intervention of her most gracious majesty and the prince consort, moreover, who counteracted the efforts of subordinates, his insignia of the order of the bath, which had been ignominiously spurned from king henry the seventh's chapel, one-and-fifty years before, were restored to their place on the th of november. thus his last and most cherished wish was fulfilled, and another precious boon was added to the many favours for which his family can never cease to be grateful to their sovereign and her noble husband. the burial was on the th of november. the pall-bearers were admiral sir george seymour, the brazilian minister, admiral grenfell--who five-and-thirty years before had been associated with lord dundonald in securing the independence of brazil--captain goldsmith, captain schomberg, captain hay, and captain nolloth. among the mourners was lord brougham, who had come from paris to render this last honour to one who had been his friend through fifty years. standing over the grave, and looking round upon the assemblage, he exclaimed, "no cabinet minister here! no officer of state to grace this great man's funeral!" but the funeral was graced by the reverent homage of hundreds gathered within the abbey walls, and of the thousands who, though absent, acknowledged that england had lost one of her bravest warriors and most unselfish patriots, one whose warfare had been marked by acts of daring rarely equalled, and whose patriotism had brought upon him sufferings such as few in modern times have had to endure. the solemn anthem chanted over his grave, "his body is buried in peace, but his memory shall live for ever," echoed far and wide, and awakened in every breast keen sentiments of sympathy for what he had borne and of pride in what he had done. ashes to ashes! lay the hero down within the grey old abbey's glorious shade. in our walhalla ne'er was worthier laid since martyr first won palm, or victor crown. 'tis well the state he served no farthing pays to grace with pomp and honour all too late his grave, whom, living, statesmen dogged with hate, denying justice, and withholding praise. let england hide her face above his tomb, as much for shame as sorrow. let her think upon the bitter cup he had to drink-- heroic soul, branded with felon's doom. a sea-king, whose fit place had been by blake, or our own nelson, had he been but free to follow glory's quest upon the sea, leading the conquered navies in his wake-- a captain, whom it had been ours to cheer from conquest on to conquest, had our land but set its wisest, worthiest in command, not such as hated all the good revere. we let them cage the lion while the fire in his high heart burnt clear and unsubdued; we let them stir that frank and forward mood from greatness to the self-consuming ire, the fret and chafe that wait on service scorned, justice denied, and truth to silence driven; from men we left him to appeal to heaven, 'gainst fraud set high, and evidence suborned-- we left him, with bound arms, to mark the sword given to weak hands; left him, with working brain, to see rogues traffic, and fools rashly reign, where strength should have been guide, and honour lord-- left him to cry aloud, without support, against the creeping things that eat away our wooden walls, and boast as they betray, the base supporters of a baser court, the crawling worms that in corruption breed, and on corruption batten, till at last mistaken honour the proud victim cast out to their spite, to writhe, and pant, and bleed under their stings and slime; and bleed he did for years, till hope into heart-sickness grew, and he sought other seas and service new, and his bright sword in alien laurels hid-- nor even so found gratitude, but came back to his england, bankrupt, save of praise, to eat his heart, through weary wishful days, and shape his strength to bearing of his shame, till, slow but sure, drew on a better time, and statesmen owned the check of public will; and, at the last, light pierced the shadow chill that fouled his honour with the taint of crime. and then they gave him back the knightly spurs which he had never forfeited--the rank from which he ne'er by ill-deserving sank, more than the lion sinks for yelp of curs. justice had lingered on its road too long: the lion was grown old; the time gone by, when for his aid we vainly raised a cry, to save our flag from shame, our decks from wrong. the infamy is _theirs_, whose evil deed is past undoing; yet not guiltless we, who, penniless, that brave old man could see, restored to honour, but denied its meed. a belisarius, old and sad and poor, to _our_ shame, not to _his_--so he lived on, till man's allotted fourscore years were gone, and scarcely then had leave to 'stablish sure proofs of _his_ innocence, and _their_ shame, that had so wronged him; and, this done, came death, to seal the assurance of his dying breath, and wipe the last faint tarnish from his name. at last his fame stands fair, and full of years he seeks that judgment which his wrongers all have sought before him--and above his pall his flag, replaced at length, waves with his peers. he did not live to see it, but he knew his country with one voice had set it high; and knowing this he was content to die, and leave to gracious heaven what might ensue. ashes to ashes! lay the hero down, no nobler heart e'er knew the bitter lot to be misjudged, maligned, accused, forgot-- twine martyr's palm among his victor's crown.[ ] [ ] these lines, by mr. tom taylor, were published in "punch." "victor and martyr." those are the words fittest to be inscribed on the monument that will be set up in the hearts of englishmen in honour of the earl of dundonald. entering life with great powers of mind and great physical endowments for his only fortune, he made his name famous, and won immortal honour to himself by daring and successful enterprises in the naval service of his country, which none have surpassed at an age so young as his, and which few have rivalled during a long life-time spent in war. but he sought to follow up those triumphs of his prowess on the sea by peaceful victories at home over private jealousy, official intrigue, and political wrong-doing, and thereby he brought on himself opposition which, boldly resented, caused the unjust forfeiture of the rewards that were his due, and weighed him down with a terrible load of disappointed hope and undeserved reproach. seeking relief from these grievous sufferings, and opportunity of further work in a profession very dear to him and in generous aid of nations striving to throw off the tyranny to which they had long been subjected, he entered the service of three foreign states in succession. but in helping others he only brought fresh trouble on himself. he rescued chili and peru from spanish thraldom, only to find that the people whom he had freed therefrom were themselves enthralled by passions which even he could do nothing to overcome, and which drove him from their shores, barely thanked and quite unrecompensed. he fought the battles of the young empire of brazil against portugal, doubled her territories, and more than doubled her opportunities of future development, only to be cruelly spurned by the faction then in power, and denied the fulfilment of national pledges which a later generation has but tardily and slightly regarded. harder yet was his treatment by the greeks, who, having asked him to lead them in their contest with their turkish masters, refused to follow his leadership, gave him no assistance in his plans for fighting on their behalf, and, in return for the services which, in spite of all the difficulties in his way, he was able to render them, offered him little but insult. thus more than half his life was wasted--wasted as far as he himself was concerned, though the gain to others from every one of his achievements was great indeed. returning then to peaceful work in england, he chiefly spent the years remaining to him in efforts to win back the justice of which he had been deprived, and in efforts, yet more zealous, to benefit his country by exercise of the inventive talents in which he was almost as eminent as in warlike powers. but those talents were slighted, though from them has, in part, resulted an entire and wholly beneficial revolution in the science and practice of naval warfare. and, though many of his personal wrongs were redressed, he was allowed to die without the complete wiping out of the stain that had been put upon his honour. of this long course of suffering, it must be admitted, he was himself in some measure the cause. endowed, as few others have been endowed, with the highest mental qualities, he lacked other qualities necessary to worldly advancement and the prosperous enjoyment of life. truth and justice he made the guiding principles of all his actions; but he knew nothing of expediency, and was no adept in the arts of prudence. unrivalled strategy was displayed by him in all his warlike enterprises; but against the strategy of his fellow-workers he was utterly defenceless. he made enemies where a cautious man might have made friends, and he allowed those enemies to assail him, and to inflict upon him injuries almost irreparable, with weapons and by onslaughts which a cautious man would easily have warded off. judged by the harshest rules of worldly wisdom, however, it must be acknowledged that these faults brought upon him far heavier punishment than he merited. and perhaps it will be deemed by posterity that they were faults very nearly akin to virtues. the same want of prudence caused trouble to him in other respects. it led him, in furtherance of the inventions and other projects by which he sought to benefit the world, into expenses by which his scanty sources of income were very heavily taxed. it also sometimes made him the victim of others. guileless himself, he was not proof against the guile of many with whom he came in contact. every kind word sounded in his ear, every kind act appeared in his eye, as if it proceeded from a heart as full of kindness as his own, and he often lavished sympathy and gratitude on unworthy objects. but shall we blame him for this? kindness, indeed, was as much a characteristic of him as valour. while the world was full of the fame of his warlike achievements, all who came within the circle of his acquaintance marvelled to find a man so simple, so tender, so generous, and so courteous. when he was bowed down by sorrows that nearly crushed him, he sought comfort in zealous efforts for alleviating the sufferings of others. fortunate circumstances would have placed him in a station of universal honour, which he could have occupied to the admiration of all on-lookers. but the circumstances of his life were unfortunate; and therefore he had to endure such hardship as falls to the lot of few. the harsh judgment by which he suffered has already been reversed. it will be atoned for when his worth is properly acknowledged by his fellow-men. appendix. (page .) captain abney hastings's letters to lord cochrane so much had to be said in the body of this volume in evidence of the insurmountable difficulties raised by the greeks themselves to lord cochrane's efforts to aid them as efficiently as he desired, that there seemed no room, without wearying the reader, for there citing more than two or three of the letters addressed to him by captain abney hastings. they have, therefore, been reserved for quotation here. their publication is desirable for two reasons. in the first place, they show how captain hastings, whom all the historians of the greek revolution join in praising, was harassed, and his work rendered almost useless, by causes which lord cochrane, in a much more difficult position, was blamed for not overcoming. in the second place, they will serve as a contribution to the biography of a high-minded and valiant man, a sharer in lord cochrane's zealous efforts on behalf of greece, and in the misfortunes incident thereto, of whose memorable career the world knows little. i. _karteria_, hydra, march th, . my lord, the usual contrarieties of the machine prevented my following you yesterday according to your desire. observing you went to poros, i thought i should act in conformity with your wishes by coming here to take in coals, and avoid all possible delay. i have got on board enough for about four days more. i have expected you all day, and not seeing you i have taken upon myself to depart for the service you destined me for; although i am not quite certain i know the exact station. i shall go off grabousa and endeavour to find captain st. george. i leave a letter here for the primates, requesting them to load a small vessel with coals for my return, which i wish to take in on the opposite side. this measure, far from occasioning delay, would be advantageous in that respect as well as having less close connection with the hydriots, whose presence always has the effect of setting a bad example to the greeks i have on board. i should feel obliged to your lordship to insist on this measure. perhaps it would be advantageous for your lordship to decide upon the port you intend to occupy immediately, and send there all the coals and other stores wanted for your naval force. since you object to an island in the great archipelago, i am of opinion, with colonel gordon, that ambalaki is the best suited for your station. if all the coals were there, much delay would be saved to the steam-vessels. one of the causes our engine went so badly was that some fire-bars being burnt the fire fell through, and we could not keep up the steam; another was, i had taken up the paddles (which previously had two-feet dip) six inches; the engine consequently went faster, but the pumps would not supply sufficient water. i have lowered them again. pray leave your further orders for me here, as i shall touch for coals as aforesaid on my return. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. ii. _karteria_, poros, april th, my lord, i have the honour to transmit you an account of the _karteria_ steam-vessel up to march th, by which you will perceive that with the l. credit i have on messrs. baif at zante, i still have a credit of dollars in my favour. not accustomed to keep such accounts, there may be errors, but if any they are certainly against myself, as i may have omitted charging expenses; whereas, i have never charged but what has really been expended, nor have i ever charged anything for myself, directly or indirectly. wages will become due again the th of this month, for which i shall require about dollars. having but a few days' salt meat on board, i beg your lordship to cause an order to be written, enabling me to receive such quantity as you may deem requisite. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. iii. _karteria_, scopulo, april th, n.s., . my lord, northerly winds prevented my passing cape doro until the th. having spoken a vessel from skyro, i learnt that an austrian merchant vessel loaded with corn and ammunition for negropont was laying at that island under convoy of an austrian vessel of war, and that the corvette of tombasi was there watching the merchant vessel. i touched at skyro the night of the th, and found that the austrian was gone, supposed for syra, followed by an hydriot schooner of konduriottes, who is supposed to have made some arrangement with the austrian to deliver the cargo to him. the greek corvette had sailed, as i was told, for this. i arrived here the night of the th, and found that the brig and schooner were zealously employed on the service they had been sent upon. having steamed more than i had at first intended, i was in want of fuel, and set them at work here to obtain me wood, which they have done with more alacrity than i expected during easter holidays. the engine of course required repairs. i sent off the schooner to inform the vessels of the blockade, when i should join them, and appointing a rendezvous. i sail immediately, and hope to take or destroy the vessels at tricheri and volo tomorrow. i send this by the primates of this island, who carry a letter to your lordship offering their services. they have been apparently much oppressed in all these islands by the heroes of the earth, and are anxious to obtain protection from the naval force. this island is fertile, and could (and could be made to) pay well for protection. the others have claims equally strong for protection. st. george, de skyro, scopulo, skatho, &c., &c., have more than , liapis quartered upon them at this moment. if athens is relieved, these worthies might be turned into negropont with much effect. i am told the turkish transports are still at tricheri and volo, not doubting to clear the gulf of greeks _à force d'argent_--however, i hope to be with them to-morrow. i suspect fuel could be obtained cheaper here than at megara; and i see no reason for incurring the expense of transport of wood to poros for construction of gunboats when a great majority of the greek vessels are constructed here. the wood does not grow here. it is brought from agora on the main. the deputies--_tout bêtes comme ils sont_--can inform your lordship of these things. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. p.s.--having taken the coals out from between the boilers and side of the ship, i am anxious to fill this space with wool, as a protection against shot. the coals stowed there are an inconvenience for many reasons, and something is necessary to replace them as a protection for the boilers. if your lordship would be good enough to order tombasi to procure me wool for that purpose, i think you would be ultimately satisfied of its utility. iv. _karteria_, off tricheri, monday, april rd, n.s., . my lord, i have the honour to inform you that in pursuance of your orders, i carried the squadron under my command, consisting of corvette _themistocles_, brig _aris_, schooner _aspasia_, and schooner _panayia_, before the port of volo, the evening of the th. i found eight vessels at anchor in the port; immediately i directed the _themistocles_ and _aris_ to anchor off a battery at the point, and cannonade it whilst i entered the harbour with boats and schooners. at . p.m. they anchored with much gallantry, and soon silenced the musket-shot from the battery. at the same moment i entered the harbour with the boats and schooners, and we shortly took possession of seven brigs: they were all on shore, and most without sails bent. however, by p.m. we succeeded in getting out five prizes, three loaded with provisions and ammunition, two light; and this most fortunately without the loss of a man killed or wounded, although we lay at anchor in the harbour four hours and a half, exposed to the fire of the castle of volo. the ship has received no material injury, although several shot struck her. we set fire to two prizes we could not succeed in getting out; one light brig remains, but we shot away her foremast and did her such damage in her hull as will (i hope) prevent her putting to sea again. last night i entered tricheri with the boats of _themistocles_, _aris_, and _aspasia_, to endeavour to carry out a brig of war, turkish, of sixteen guns and two mortars, but found her protected too advantageously by batteries and musketry. i send the prizes to your lordship under the convoy of the _aspasia_, and shall remain here a few days to endeavour to destroy the turkish brig of war, and shall then return to join your lordship. i beg leave to assure your lordship before i conclude that in these affairs i have met with the most cordial support from the captains of the vessels under my orders, and that their conduct, as well as that of all the officers and men of the squadron, has been highly meritorious. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. p.s.--as the schooner _panayia_ will participate in the prizes, i have ordered her to remain on the blockade, although not sent by your lordship. v. _karteria_, at sea, april th, . my lord, an hour after i had the honour of sending you my last letter, detailing the affair of volo, i stood into tricheri with the vessels under my command, viz., _themistocles_, _aris_, _panayia_. the turks in this place had one brig-of-war which (erroneously in my last i rated at sixteen guns) mounted but fourteen long -pounders and two mortars; she was made fast in a small bight, with a plank on shore and high rocks on each side of her, behind which were posted a strong corps of albanian troops; she was likewise protected by a battery close under her bow and five other batteries in other parts. four small schooners lay quite hauled up on the beach. to attempt to carry away vessels so posted and defended by men who wanted neither alacrity nor resolution would have been exposing the lives of the crews in a very unwarrantable manner. i therefore resolved to burn the brig, which we effected in less than an hour. i did not make any attempt upon the schooners, which i considered too inconsiderable to justify a loss in capturing them. in this affair the captains, officers, and crews conducted themselves all much to my satisfaction. inclosed i have the honour to transmit to you a return of the killed and wounded in this affair, which, i am happy to say, is trifling. i have left the rest of the squadron to maintain the blockade. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. a return of the killed and wounded on board of the greek squadron, at tricheri, april rd./ th. _karteria_, killed . . . one seaman, ralph hall. _aris_, killed . . . . . one seaman. " wounded . . . . . . two seamen. _panayia_, wounded . . . one seaman. total . . . . . . . two killed and three wounded. f. a. hastings. vi. _karteria_, at sea, april th, n.s., . my lord, passing by kumi, i observed several vessels at anchor there, and a great number of large kyekes, &c., hauled up on the beach. i stood in, and overhauled them, and found, as i suspected, that a most scandalous and extensive commerce in grain is carrying on to that place with the turks, chiefly in greek vessels. a brig under russian colours was chiefly discharged; a psarian schooner was nearly full, and the magazines on shore were full. i set about loading the grain from the magazines, but was unable to take off more than one-third of what was in them; and i have good reason for supposing that other magazines equally stored are to be found in the town, about an hour's distance. here there were only a dozen turks, who fled at our approach. in the evening no less than nine small vessels were seen standing in to kumi. i weighed and boarded six of them; three being entirely empty, i allowed to pass; two i detained and have brought with me. the want of men, of time, &c., has prevented my putting a finishing hand to this infamous traffic; but i have no doubt your lordship will see the propriety of sending a vessel of war without delay to destroy these depôts. it is idle to talk of blockading the gulf of negropont whilst such an extensive commerce is carrying on at other points of the island. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. vii. _karteria_, poros, april th, . my lord, captain st. george going to join you, i take the opportunity of informing you, besides what my other letters contain, that my information from kumi imports that negropont contains two months' provisions for the army of kutayi and fortress, and that all their hopes are in the turkish fleet, expected daily. it seems to me of the first importance that the greek fleet should be ready to encounter the turks; and the gulf is a place particularly favourable to the smaller, lighter, and more skilful party. might i suggest, my lord, the propriety of sending a couple of light vessels upon whom you could depend to cruise off the dardanelles, and give information in time? the corvette, brig, and schooner off tricheri requested me to represent their want of provisions, and the necessity they have of paying their crew regularly; many i suspect have already quitted them: with greek sailors no arrears of pay can exist--hitherto they have been accustomed to receive their wages in advance; if they can be made to go to sea without that advance it is a great point gained; to omit fulfilling the engagement would be to ruin all confidence and oblige the sailors to return to their ancient demands. with respect to kumi, i beg leave to urge the necessity of sending a vessel (perhaps better captain st. george than a greek, who probably would not dare do his duty there, was he so disposed) to destroy the infamous traffic existing there. may i beg of your lordship to order here the marine tribunal from napoli to adjudge the prizes taken; also to issue a public order respecting the distribution of prize-money, by which i may be guided in my payments? you will observe that in my letter respecting the affair of tricheri i mention simply having burnt the brig-of-war without saying how. that letter being a despatch for publication, i thought it as well not to proclaim to the enemy the use we made of red-hot shot. it was by those i burnt the brig, and could quite as easily burn by the same means the largest ship ever built. might i suggest the advantage that would result from using the same projectile from almost every ship? each vessel might as well as me have a furnace in her hold for the feeding of two of her guns--the effect would be tremendous. if the fleet was ready before the turks came out, a slight excursion to salonica might be attended with profit and advantage. i shall require a little time to repair damages. i have lost my larboard cat-head, my jib-boom, second topmast, main-gaff, bowsprit shot through, and the engine requires various repairs--the steam waste-pipe is completely gone, and i must get another made. i hope and trust your lordship has still the intention of forming a national fleet and a dockyard; without this your difficulties will be multiplied beyond measure. i merely mention this because i hear intrigues are on foot to prevent such measures. i, a stranger, who belong to no party, and who neither fear nor love the hydriots and spetziots, will tell you the truth on these points. although your orders prescribed for me to remain a fortnight on the blockade of the gulf of negropont, i was forced to return--wanting ammunition, fuel, provisions, and various repairs. i shall use my endeavours to be ready for sea as speedily as possible. before i conclude, give me leave to congratulate your lordship upon your brilliant success at the piræus. i have no doubt it is but a prelude to more important successes. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. viii. _karteria_, poros, april th, . my lord, may i beg leave to present to you my very particular friend, mr. nicolo kalergy? you will find him a young man of good education, talent, and, what is of still greater value, of great probity. i have known him many years, and esteemed him equally long. by his private fortune he is independent, and has consequently always refused to meddle in the intrigues he regrets so much to see cause the misfortunes of his country. so much for introduction. mr. nicolo kalergy has been good enough to wait upon you to receive your orders respecting the prizes i have lately captured. these vessels contain grain chiefly, and therefore would in that state be of no use to you. your commissaries must turn it into biscuit before it is sent to the piraeus. the government has sent for the admiralty court from napoli to sit here upon the judgment of vessels detained. as to the sale, i am of opinion that to appease the jealousy of the seamen a public sale should be held, and your commissaries purchase it if they please. they will thus always obtain it cheaper than they could buy it at syra, and thus nobody can complain. i am anxious to receive from your lordship an order respecting the distribution of prize-money, and this, i think, should be public. hitherto the government has received fifteen per cent. upon all prizes. of course your lordship will arrange as you think proper upon this subject; but if any part of a prize goes to the public purse, it is only but just it should aid in the payment of the wages of seamen. i am now paying a month's wages out of my own pocket, which i hope and trust your lordship will reimburse me, as i cannot continue this system. anything can be done in greece by prompt payments; with arrears nothing is to be done. my friend has much and various information respecting every part of greece, and can furnish you with much useful matter. i do not doubt but you will shortly appreciate his merit. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. p.s.--may i beg of you, my lord, to furnish me with a commission of lieutenant for mr. darby, the only officer doing duty as a sailor on board--in truth, he is no sailor, and does not pretend, but he is brave, diligent, and a gentleman, and has served with me for about four months? ix. _karteria_, poros, april th, . my lord, i had the honour to receive your orders of the th inst. your lordship will have observed, by the letters i had the honour of transmitting to you, that the condition of this vessel is such as to render it impossible for her to put to sea immediately. dr. gosse last night was occupied sending you off -pounders, and i am happy to hear this morning that the monastery has fallen without them. i must again repeat how indispensable it is that this fleet should be in readiness to encounter the turks, who cannot now delay long their departure. it is with deep regret i see the extreme discontent existing on board the _sauveur_ brig, which seems to me to be greatly augmented, if not entirely owing to the greeks being paid in advance and the english being in arrears of wages. in this country, my lord, i must repeat, nothing can be done without regular payments. by paying out of my own funds, when others could not be obtained, i have established the confidence of the greeks and english in this vessel, as far as money is concerned; but i cannot continue to pay out of my own pocket. if funds are not forthcoming for the wages of this vessel, i must beg leave to resign. whilst i am on board my people will always consider me personally responsible for their wages; and i must again remark i have suffered already much too severely in my private fortune to admit of my making further sacrifices. besides wages for the crew, i have various expenses here to repair damage sustained by the vessel. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. p.s.--it seems to me necessary to relieve the vessels at volo, or they will quit their station. greek sailors on board their own ships will not remain more than a month at sea. x. _karteria_, poros, may th, . my lord, i do myself the honour of enclosing for your perusal two different extracts from public papers sent me lately from zante. i am now ready for sea, excepting powder, of which i have only two quarter-casks of very vile french stuff, received from captain st. george. mr. hesketh, amongst the other prizes made at napoli, has brought some flannel cartridges for our guns filled, and forty casks of powder. would your lordship have the goodness to cause an order to be sent me to receive this powder? there is still a great quantity of the stores sent out from england missing. i have the bills of lading, and can give copies to mr. hesketh, if you think proper to send to hydra, spetzas, and napoli again to collect them. i suspect the hydriots have now in their possession about one hundred and sixty carbines such as i have on board. it appears strange to everybody here that all the commissary department should be absent. i am informed provisions are wanted, and yet nobody comes to buy the prize provisions. as every greek is by nature a thief, things disappear daily; and if they remain much longer, nothing will be forthcoming. already my greeks have petitioned me about the prizes; and everybody acquainted with greek sailors must be aware they will not go to sea again until they have been paid their prize-money. till now there never was no example of a ship quitting her prize until sold and the proceeds distributed. i am sorry to be obliged to remind your lordship again that on my arrival here i paid my crew one month's wages, due the th of last month, and in ten days more another month's wages are due, and pay i must, for, as i have frequently remarked to your lordship, no arrears can exist in this country. the wages also is not the only expense. i was obliged to purchase about one hundred tons of firewood at scopulo. fresh meat in harbour runs away with great sums; and when the engine works, it consumes about half a dollar a day of oil. besides all this, i have been obliged to hire three carpenters for ten days to repair damages done in late expedition. i had a fluke shot off a bower anchor at tricheri, and ought to have another one. i must get a new main-sail made here. it is disagreeable to me to torment your lordship with all these statements, but you must be aware that a vessel like this cannot be sailed without great expense. there are here a number of seamen from the brig who want to enter with me. i have as yet refused to receive them; but, if you thought proper to give me an order, i should then be justified in so doing. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xi. _karteria_, spetzas, may th, . my lord, having lost my two masts in a squall off cape malea, and having business at poros requiring my presence, i have thought it the most expeditious way to go myself to purchase other masts at hydra, and settle my affairs at poros. i therefore do myself the honour to transmit to your lordship a report of my proceedings after you left me near stamphane. at sunset i lighted the fires, and, as soon as steam was up, steered for the passage between zante and the morea. the wind freshening much in a contrary direction, i found myself about ten miles to the southward of zante in the morning. about three a.m. we perceived a large vessel standing towards us from the morea, and we went to quarters for her. i thought at first she might be the _hellas_; but on approaching she stood back to the mainland, which made me conclude that it was a stranger; the wind increasing, i could not remain head to wind, and made sail under the lee of zante. in the forenoon i saw a large ship under the land far off steering to the south, which i concluded was a turkish or neutral ship of war. the wind abating, i steamed up round the eastern point of zante, and not finding the _hellas_ on the other side of the island, i stood towards cephalonia, opening out the two turkish frigates laying at clarenza. in the evening i saw a large ship very far astern coming northward, and supposed she was the _hellas_ and the same i had seen in the forenoon under the land. at sunset i altered course and steered for clarenza, and in the first watch we saw a good deal of firing in that direction. the wind and sea augmenting, i was unable to keep the ship head to sea, and therefore bore up for the _rendezvous_ of oxia. not finding the _hellas_ at this station, the wind augmenting, the starboard wheel being out of repair, and threatening to come to pieces if not looked to, the water requiring to be drawn off the boilers, &c., all these things made it necessary for me to search a port. i looked inside oxia, but found it unsafe, and therefore bore up for the port of petala, where i put things to rights as well as i could; but found on examination we had but three days and a half's coals, little water, and only a few days' bread. under these circumstances, i felt myself called upon to return whilst the means were still left me of hoping to accomplish it. having obtained an offing west of cephalonia, i took off the paddles and sailed, which gave us an opportunity of again repairing the wheels--again in an unsound condition--and saved our fuel. the wind and sea calming, i got up my steam; and there being every appearance of calm weather, i stood within five or six miles of modon, hoping to meet the two frigates we saw off there when we passed northward. however, we saw nothing but a brig inside the harbour, sailing close along the land. late on the evening of the th, when rounding cape st. angelo, a squall from the high land carried away our fore and second masts, and left us in a very unenviable situation, considering we had but a few hours' coals on board. however, a breeze favouring us all night, we arrived here at ten a.m., th may. upon the foremast we lost one man--jani patinioti. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xii. _karteria_, spetzas, june th, n.s., . my lord, i had the honour of sending you a report of my proceedings since i left you, and hoped to have found you here on my return from poros, that i might receive your further orders. i returned last night, having been subjected to more delay and vexation than can be imagined or expressed, respecting the prizes taken at volo. i could only procure one mast at poros, sold me by tombasi--others there were both at hydra and poros, but the proprietors would not part with them; i have therefore been obliged to purchase one here, considerably too large and expensive, but there is no remedy. i hope to be ready for sea in three days, but fear i shall have some embarrassment about money matters. the purchase of masts, of salt provisions, sails, &c., besides the pay due to crew, puts me to considerable straits, particularly as i had lent all the ready money i possessed to kalergy to redeem his brother; however, i shall do my utmost to get to sea, and i am anxious to know how, when, and where, i can have the honour of rejoining your lordship. a fireship that departs to-day will deliver you this letter, and your lordship may perhaps think it worth while to send a vessel here with orders for my further guidance. may i beg of you also to add a private signal by which i may know all greek vessels at a tolerable distance by day--also a night private signal? the british squadron is assembled at smyrna, awaiting the admiral. the camp at phalerum is broken up, and general church is returned to egina. the puppet of government is occupied voting for the nomination of ministers, if possible more incapable than themselves; they talk of going to napoli--griva and fotomana propose this. the former as usual seized upon an american ship; and dr. howe, charged with the distribution of the cargo, applied to captain patterson of the _constitution_, who is now at napoli guarding it. i am sorry to add that mr. lee received a letter from england announcing that the _enterprise_ having sailed, her boilers burst opposite plymouth, and she was towed into that port by a brig-of-war. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xiii. _karteria_, spetzas, june th, . my lord, i had the honour to receive your order of the th, enjoining me to repair to your lordship without delay, if ready for sea. a variety of circumstances (unavoidable in a country deprived of even the shadow of organization) has prevented my being yet ready to sail. i received my foremast on board to-day, but the majority and best of my crew has left me. i must look for others, and intend to weigh to-night and go to poros, where i was tormented by hundreds to take them. here i can get men--but shall confine myself to half-a-dozen, as i find it necessary to mix my crew. in going to poros i shall not delay anything, since i shall be occupied getting up my masts and rigging there, making sails, &c., &c., _en route_, and i can water more easily at poros than here. i have informed the captain of the brig that brought this, that if i am ready to sail before any further orders of yours arrive, i shall repair to cerigotto, and there await instructions from you; if i am not at cerigotto i shall be found here. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xiv. _karteria_, syra, august st, . my lord, in hopes of seeing your lordship here i have waited two days, since which, although not finished, all the work of our machinery can be done on board. there are two things which retain me, namely, money, of which i require about seven hundred dollars, and the fire-bars, which they continually civilly refuse me--acting the true greek or in other words, the dog in the manger. if your lordship remains long absent, i shall be sadly puzzled how to act. without new fire-bars we cannot steam again. the local authorities here are so afraid of the hydriots and spetziots that they dare not take any steps against them. to leave this without the fire-bars is useless. if i can obtain these bars, and your lordship does not arrive, i will pay myself the necessary sums to get the vessel out of this port, hoping you will reimburse me--but to go without the bars is only going to return again. what i can do to forward the service i will readily perform, and anxious enough i am to get away from this place. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xv. _karteria_, poros, august th, , my lord, on my arrival here i wrote to hydra to request the local authorities there to send me the necessary coals, since you do not wish the last cargo to be used. i have received no answer, and upon inquiring yesterday from persons arrived from hydra, i find they are not taking any measures to forward them to me. my officer wrote me under date of the th from napoli that he hoped to be able to cast the bars there, in which case i shall have to wait for the coals from hydra. the impertinence of these shopkeepers has at length attained a pitch that is scarcely endurable--it is to be hoped your lordship will make them send the coals--[the remainder is lost.] xvi. _karteria_, poros, august th, . my lord, i am delighted to find you have an expedition in progress. this vessel shall be ready to accompany your lordship, whether i can get the bars cast at napoli or not. the ones we now have can be made to answer for twenty-four hours. i shall write to napoli to order the engineers to be here by the rd, whether they succeed in casting the bars or not. the coals i wrote for from hydra are government coals; and it is well they should be used the first, as i have been informed they are greatly diminishing without our consumption. i should like to complete as speedily as possible, and there is no time to spare between this and the th for shipping tons of coal from hydra. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xvii. _karteria_, poros, august nd, . my lord, i am making a sail according to your lordship's plan, to becalm the hull of the ship, but want sailcloth for completing it. i understand m. koering has some in store; would your lordship be kind enough to allow me to take a hundred piques? i have a good deal of very bad french powder on board, and even of turkish, i suspect, put into french barrels, which i received from methana--could your lordship permit me to exchange it against english powder? it is of very great importance that our cartridge powder should be good. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xviii. _karteria_, gulf of lepanto, sept. th, . my lord, i have the honour to transmit you a report of my proceedings from the day i left you till this moment. captain thomas, of the _sauveur_, joined me the st, and proposed with much gallantry to go into the gulf in the daytime. the wind being usually out at night i consented with some difficulty, in consequence of the little dependence i can place on my engine, which might render it impossible for me to follow him immediately. the _sauveur_, with gunboat _bavaroise_ in tow, and accompanied by two schooners (you had left to keep the blockade at missolonghi, but who, contrary to my knowledge, thus disobeyed your orders), passed into the gulf the evening of the st in most gallant style, in despite of the enemy's very formidable batteries and one brig of war and two schooners at the morea castles, and several vessels at lepanto. i attempted to steam in that night, but the engine failed me within two miles of the castles. the next day, the wind being strong in, i attempted to sail in, but when within gunshot of the castles the wind failed me, and it was not until the evening of the rd that i could get passed, towing after me the _philhellene_ gunboat, of whose commander i have always had particular occasion to be satisfied. all our damage amounted to a few ropes cut. on communicating with the morea, the th, i was informed that the enemy had nine vessels at salona, and there were three austrians there, that captain thomas had attacked them the rd, but in consequence of unfavorable weather he had not made any impression, and that he retired to loutraki. i immediately despatched a mistico to desire captain thomas to join me with all the vessels he could collect; but not seeing him on the th, and fearing that the turks might strengthen themselves during a delay, i stood in on the th with the gunboat _philhellene_; but we no sooner approached than the wind came so strong out that we could not keep the ship head to wind, and found it necessary to retire. the turks have at salona a very fine algerine schooner brig, of fourteen guns, brig of sixteen guns, bearing an admiral's flag, three smaller schooners, two armed transport brigs, and two large boats with guns, and they have a battery on shore. there are also three austrians. while under their fire one of my engineers was slightly wounded. i am now waiting for the arrival of captain thomas, for whom i have sent again, and preparing for a final trial. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xix. _karteria_, loutraki, oct. th, . my lord, captain thomas arrived here after our affair at salona with the prizes, and sent off immediately to poros for provisions and ammunition. i could not (notwithstanding your orders for him to remain only seven days in the gulf) allow him to depart in the state he then was--having only five days' provisions, and four cartridges a gun. he received some powder and provisions yesterday, and in consequence of your order of the th, which he received yesterday, departs immediately. if the length of time captain thomas has remained in the gulf is contrary to your intentions, i am alone responsible; he was always anxious to depart. my crew is in a very discontented state, in consequence of the month being expired without their receiving their wages. twelve have left me, and if i do not get money i fear the whole crew will follow their example. i have sent an officer to poros for provisions, ammunition, and money, if possible. i understand the english are about to prevent any offensive operations of general church, and if not, he would never be able to undertake any, situated as he is for money and provisions. this seems to render my remaining here any longer of no use. as soon as i can get any money and provisions and arrange about the prizes i will quit the gulf; but as i have no orders from you where to go, i shall return to poros unless you contrive to send me some directions in the interim. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xx. _karteria_, loutraki, oct. th, . my lord, i have the honour to receive your letter of the rd, and am happy to hear that the _enterprise_ is arrived. i have also received one thousand dollars with the stores, &c., which are very acceptable. i despatched the _sauveur_ yesterday, according to your order of the th ult. i still retain the gunboats, which are very useful. i wish further orders from your lordship to know whether we are to remain in the gulf, and if you wish us to go out. there is yet at the castles a brig and three or four turkish schooners. i do not exactly know their position. i intend to run down there one of these days and see what can be done with them; if close under the walls of the castles, which are very strong, we could burn them some dark night if you would send me a dozen rockets. i would go with a small boat close to them and do their business. mr. hane announces to me that your lordship proposes coming up to corinth, in which case i will do myself the honour of waiting upon you, and receiving your further orders. i have despatched a gunboat to general church to inform him of your intention, and to bring him here if he wishes to confer with your lordship. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxi. _karteria_, loutraki, oct. th, . my lord, mr. hane writes me that the turkish fleet is off patras. from time to time i have received vague accounts of vessels off there, but nothing certain. i shall fortify myself either here or at the port on the other side, under the village of pera ora--i think the latter. i want fuzes for shells. a box was sent (i suppose in mistake for fuzes), but it contained blue lights. pray give an officer an order to send me at least five hundred fuzes. in my last to your lordship i mentioned of what service rockets would be to us as means of attack on the enemy's vessels at the castles; they will be of no less service as weapons of defence. pray, my lord, let me have as large a quantity as possible. i understood you were coming to corinth, which has detained me here, or i would by this have been at the other end of the gulf to gain information, and see after the brig, for i fear thomas is not too prudent. i have just been informed that much cannonading was heard in the quarter of lepanto the day before yesterday. i hope no misfortune has befallen him. i have the two gunboats and one mistico out to bring me information, and i can receive nothing. pray let me have the rockets. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxii. _karteria_, port strava, gulf of lepanto, oct. th, . my lord, not having received any orders from your lordship, i am still in the gulf. in consequence of an order from your lordship to captain thomas, i despatched the _sauveur_ on the th inst., and sent the gunboat _philhellene_ with her with letters to general church, and orders to wait and bring me information how the _sauveur_ got past the castles; for i was a good deal anxious on her account, and should have gone myself to give her any assistance in case of need, but that i understood you intended coming over to corinth. mr. hane bringing me letters for general church, i despatched the other gunboat, _bavaroise_, with these, and also some for the _sauveur_, in case she was still in the gulf. mr. darby, the commander of the _bavaroise_, had directions to bring general church if he was anxious to communicate personally with your lordship. day after day i awaited anxiously an answer, till at length the mistico i had sent three days ago to general church, to learn something of the fleet outside, which mr. hane wrote me for certain was turkish, returned yesterday evening, informing me that the _sauveur_ and two gunboats had gone out on wednesday. general church writes me that he positively intends passing into roumelia, and wants my aid; but i am now quite alone (except the mistico, with whom i know not what to do). he continually applies to me for provisions, and will soon probably for money. what am i to do about him? although wishing to aid general church and the service in all i can, i must acknowledge i have no confidence in his intended movement, more particularly as he tells me he has no provisions, and wants me to seize by force what i find in boats. all i could get by this discreditable way of raising provisions would not certainly feed one hundred men for three days, and therefore could not aid general church, and would be a gratuitous vexation of these miserable peasantry. if general church had money and provisions, much is to be done in roumelia, but without these nothing can be achieved anywhere. as soon as i have got the prizes back to loutraki, and formed batteries, i will go and visit general church, and learn more particulars. but i am very anxious for some orders from your lordship, having received nothing but the official letter of thanks since i left you. i write in haste, and beg your lordship to let me have an answer as soon as possible. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxiii. _karteria_, loutraki, oct. th, . my lord, i am ready to do all and anything for the good of the service, but i fear general church has no means. i had him on board for two days, making reconnaissances round the gulf, and from what i can gather, the money said to be at corfu is a chimera. i suspect he has not a shilling anywhere, and cannot stir. he talks, it is true, of expeditions, and i have always assured him of my readiness to aid him, but we cannot be consuming months after months in the hopes of his receiving supplies. i must limit the period of his embarkation, and if he cannot then act, i think i shall be justified in quitting him. i shall try, however, to destroy the other vessels in the gulf first. we are in great want of fire-bars. i am laying in a stock of wood, but we have not yet been able to succeed perfectly with it. i have taken out the bars and filled the ash-pits; this we find does better than with any bars in, but we cannot as yet keep up steam with it. i hope, however, ultimately to succeed--in fact our coals are nearly finished. to show you how general church goes on--his gunboat has only advanced twenty feet from the beach, and yet he will not send away that swindler allen, who commands her. i told him i would not meddle with her until he dismissed that man, and things remain thus. general church, while on board, received letters announcing the unlooked-for destruction of the turkish fleet; still i have not entirely credited it, and i am in anxious expectation of some decisive information about it. i am obliged to your lordship for the fuzes, and hoped to have had also some rockets. we are beginning to get short again of provisions, viz., biscuit. the loaded prize is condemned, with a ridiculous clause for me to pay the crew. they say nothing of the other vessels. i send captain hane to egina, to hasten the condemnation of the light vessels and counteract the intrigues which i have no doubt tombasi has recommenced. i shall also endeavour by him to have more biscuit; we have now but for a fortnight. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxiv. _karteria_, loutraki, nov. th, . my lord, the general church has at length put himself in motion. some provisions and money have arrived on the other side for him (i mean at calamachi), and i hope to sail with it to join him to-night. i fortunately received a fortnight's provisions yesterday, when i had only one day's biscuit on board. after destroying, or ascertaining that i cannot destroy, the vessels at lepanto, i will go outside the gulf and blockade missolonghi, patras, and the gulf, hoping the general will blockade them by land. i fear much, however, for provisions; i will endeavour to get some from the ionian islands; but money and everything else is scarce with me,--but i hear your lordship is in the same predicament, and therefore i cannot complain. may i beg of your lordship to grant a commission of naval lieutenant to m. falanga, who has served on board this vessel from th march, , and is a most deserving officer? he is the only sailor officer i have, and was always the only one of any use in that capacity. he behaved extremely well both at volo, tricheri, and salona, at which latter place he was wounded in the neck with a musket-ball, while setting fire to one of the abandoned vessels. i may really say he is the only greek i ever saw who seems to conceive what an officer ought to be. although he would be a great loss to me, and i should be sorry to part with him but for his own advantage, i can strongly recommend him for promotion in the command of a vessel, since (as i hear) your lordship is in such dreadful want of officers to command. i am sure he would give you the highest satisfaction. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxv. _karteria_, nov. th, . my lord, i have the honour to announce to you that, after much delay and disappointment--usual in greece--i am about to proceed to lepanto to-morrow, and endeavour to destroy the turkish vessels there. i then go outside, to pass general church over into roumelia, and afterwards blockade missolonghi, patras, and lepanto. the want of the gunboats here is much felt by me at this moment, as, in going out, i must leave the gulf to the turks; who, even should i be fortunate enough to destroy the enemy's vessels at lepanto, will always have here armed boats enough to command the gulf. i must also beg of your lordship to consider us in money matters. i am now seven thousand pounds out of pocket by greek affairs, and i am daily now expending my own money for the public service. our prizes are serving for transports for the army, and i must either shortly abandon this important position or be paid. it is most likely that if all the important points i have mentioned could be blockaded, the turks would be soon reduced, from the blockade being so much more easily maintained than elsewhere. without money, you must be aware i cannot maintain this vessel; and all to be expected from general church, you must be aware, is plenty of promises. the general is already overwhelmed with expectants, and if he had millions would not be able to command a farthing. i will do all i can; but i must repeat, it is not quite fair i should end a beggar after all the labour, vexation, and disappointment i have experienced for so many years. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxvi. _karteria_, off cape papas, nov. th, . my lord, i have the honour to inform you i passed the castles on the th, with the three prizes and mistico in company. i lost two men killed and one wounded in passing; the other vessels passed without suffering any damage. it had been my intention to attack the turkish squadron at lepanto, but the wind was so strong on the land, that i felt i could not effect my object; and, anxious to profit by the same wind to go out and aid the operations of the army outside, and blockade the fortresses, i passed through without waiting a more favourable moment of attack. at patras i found a schooner, whose suspicious conduct--in abstaining for a long time from hoisting any colours, and, when she afterwards showed austrian, persisting in drawing closer under the turkish battery--induced me to fire and bring her out. after waiting a little, and finding no attention paid to my warning, i fired again, and sunk her. i hear she was austrian. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxvii. _karteria_, petala, dec. nd, . my lord, i had the honour to write to you from cape papas, informing you that i had come out of the gulf of lepanto, and was waiting to embark the troops of general church. i now beg leave to acquaint you that i arrived at dragomestre the day before yesterday with the three prizes, which have been serving as transports to general church's army for six weeks. we brought over six hundred soldiers, artillery, horses, &c.; and i am now returning to cape papas to embark a second division. i heard of the gunboat _helvetia_, m. fabricius, being at kataculo, and i sent immediately to order him to join me, which he did, and is now at cape papas. while at kataculo, the gunboat was attacked by a turkish brig of twenty-four guns. m. fabricius defended himself with much spirit, and obliged the brig to retire. i have since heard that the same brig is now off previsa. if the service here will permit my absence, i think of going to look after her. the gulf of lepanto is now left entirely in the hands of the turks, and i wish to send the gunboat in to assist the expedition against salona, but the crew having been so long about here, suffering much hardship and without pay, are very dissatisfied. i have given the boat a new mast, anchor, cable, provisions, ammunition, &c., and i will even advance them a little money, if they will go into the gulf. i should hope, however, that your lordship will reimburse me for these expenses, extra of my own vessel. as you may imagine, i am almost entirely without coals, and cannot get a sufficient quantity of the pitch-pine to burn; the other pine will not answer, and therefore i am reduced to sails. general church had ordered round here a psariot brig he had at kenkness, and i wrote to m. koering to request him to put coals on board of her, which, i understand, m. koering refused. from the manner in which i have been frequently treated, one would imagine that this vessel was not a greek but an enemy's vessel. i trust your lordship will remedy this, and put me on a fair footing with the other greek national vessels. i wish your lordship could also contrive to let me have some money, to cover the expenses of this vessel, which, for three months that we have been absent from poros, cannot be supposed trifling. as i conceive it important, under existing circumstances, to keep the blockade of patras, missolonghi, and the gulf, i will remain as long as my destitute situation will permit me. since i have been here i do not think any vessels have entered the gulf. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxviii. _karteria_, dragomestre, dec. th, . my lord, i have the honour to inform you that i have passed over the army of general church to this port, amounting to about twelve hundred men, with six pieces of artillery, and about sixty horses, mules, &c. the general has been joined by maori and some other captains, which may have increased his force to two thousand men. he is in hourly expectation of being joined by zouga, and even varnachioti is expected to come over. the monastery of ligovitza, on the road from arta to lepanto and missolonghi, is said to have been possessed by the troops of the general. this post is of importance. the troops have all marched from patras to navarino, and nothing remains but some albanians and the inhabitants. lepanto is thinly peopled; all have little provisions as well as missolonghi. from what i know of lepanto and the castles, i am confident that, if your lordship was to attack it with the squadron you command, and general church was to make even a demonstration of attack by land, it must fall in forty-eight hours' time. lepanto lies on the face of a hill open to the sea; every shot and shell and rocket must tell somewhere, and they would readily capitulate. we must not take the monastery of the piraeus as an example. at lepanto the turks have their families--this particular always operates upon them; but whether it did or not, the place would be taken, and i am not one who overrates the capabilities of the greeks. i fear, however, that general church has other projects, and such as, according to my opinion, are very unlikely to succeed. so much so that, if your lordship does not arrive or send me orders, i shall return to the archipelago, rather than lend myself to measures which appear to me worse than useless. i must again beg of your lordship not to forget us in the way of money, provisions, ammunition, coals, &c. we are now more than three months absent from poros. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxix. _karteria_, off vasiladhi, dec. th, . my lord, i have now been twelve days before vasiladhi, and since our arrival i have every reason to believe they have neither received provisions nor water. the weather has usually been so bad, that i have only been able to bombard it twice, and the gunboat having few shot, i have exchanged her for one of our 's, with shells; since which i have not been able to batter it, owing to the weather. i am satisfied they are now at their last shifts in the fort; and if i could remain before it a week longer, and bombard it for a couple of days, i doubt not it would fall into our hands. i regret of all things not having the flat-bottomed gunboat here; with her we would have had the fort before this. general church was to have attacked anatolico, and might have taken it, in the first instance, with little or no resistance; but he delayed till too late, and then came without an ounce of provisions, and returned the day after to dragomestre. this man is such an insufferable quack, that i cannot act any longer with him; he affects to command the navy as well as the army; and although i have given him one or two rather rough lessons, he, the other day, captured with a boat of his a spy of mine, on his way to me, and carried him off without mentioning a word of it to me. the man merely came here the other day, supposing vasiladhi about to surrender, that he might say he took it. god knows there is no merit due, unless to the boats blockading inside. i have received letters to-day from the gulf, and i find the expedition at trisonia is in alarm of being blockaded by the turkish vessels at lepanto. the loss of the gunboats from the gulf is almost irreparable. if your lordship could send them round here with a brig, it would be of infinite service. i am so in want of ammunition, provisions, fuel, &c., that i hardly know what to do, but if possible i will re-enter the gulf to assist them there. i wrote by mr. finlay, announcing to your lordship that if the whole squadron was to come round here, i am satisfied that missolonghi, patras, lepanto, and the castles might be taken. they are much straitened for provisions at all, but particularly at missolonghi and lepanto, and the castles could be taken by force. patras is now provisioned daily by one of church's generals, neneka, from zante, _viâ_ clarenza. dr. gosse informs me how much you are in want of money. i trust, however, if you obtain any, i shall not be forgotten. i have only received six hundred dollars from general church, and my expenses have been enormous, for fuel, provisions, &c. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. xxx. _karteria_, off vasiladhi, dec. th, . my lord, i have the honour to inform you that, after having transported the troops of general church from cape papas to dragomestre, i undertook the blockade of vasiladhi, for which purpose i put in requisition the small craft after-mentioned, and employed them to intercept all communication with vasiladhi. this flotilla i placed under the orders of my first lieutenant, m. falanga; and on the night of the th they entered, and commenced the blockade, which has been so strictly observed up to this day, that nothing had entered vasiladhi. one boat, with a letter and fresh provisions, was captured by our flotilla. i anchored, the gunboat _helvetia_ in company, outside vasiladhi. your lordship is aware that the _helvetia_ was armed with a long -pounder, which, in my opinion, is very inferior in every point of view to a , but indisputably so for cannonading a fort only to be reduced by shells. for this reason i changed her -pounder long gun for a -pounder cannonade. on the nd i bombarded vasiladhi alone (the gunboat having been detached), with little effect, the weather being unfavourable; nor could i recommence until to-day, when, considering the distance we were off (about one and three-quarter mile), and the diminutive size of the object fired at, better practice has rarely been displayed: four shells out of seven from this ship and gunboat exploded in, and one blew up, their magazine. i immediately ordered an assault, in which all the boats took part. the turks, intimidated by the explosion, and by our attitude of attack, called for quarter, which i granted them, although they had previously forfeited their lives by firing on a flag of truce i sent to them with terms of capitulation. i embarked the prisoners on board this ship, and from thence conveyed them in safety to near missolonghi. they were thirty in number; and one greek badly wounded i have retained on board to be treated by our surgeon. the original number was from forty to fifty, the deficit having been killed off by our previous cannonading and by the explosion. i am happy, my lord, to testify to the exemplary conduct of the greeks during the whole of this service; they have borne the fatigues and privations of a winter's blockade in open boats with extraordinary patience, and the forbearance they displayed towards the turks rendered any interference of mine in their favour superfluous. of my officers, lieutenant falanga and captain hane, m.a., i have only to repeat the often-told tale of their meritorious conduct. to m. fabricius, commanding the gunboat _helvetia_, i feel much indebted for his zeal and activity, and i am happy to have so deserving an officer under my orders. the fort of vasiladhi mounts twelve guns, three of which are of that remarkably useful piece of ordnance, the turkish licorne. i have offered to deliver the fort of vasiladhi to general church upon his remunerating for their services those employed in taking it. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. list of small vessels employed in taking vasiladhi. a mistico, galaxidhiote, captain urgaki; the same sent with me into the gulf of lepanto, and who has served with me ever since. a mistico, galaxidhiote. a bonée. an armed row-boat. two of my prize launches, armed each with a -pounder. a bratsiera. five monoxolies, or canoes, for the shallows. xxxi. _karteria_, dragomestre, jan. th, . my lord, i have the honour to acquaint you that general church arrived before vasiladhi on the nd inst.; and i resigned to him that fort on the third, requesting him to refund the expenses of taking it; these consist of five dollars per man bounty, besides the provisions of the flotilla employed in the blockade. the general has promised to repay this, although not without expressing some surprise at the demand; yet the guns he receives in the fort would pay the whole sum. on the same day i received an official letter from general church, requesting me to inform him what co-operation he might expect from the navy in a projected attack of his on anatolico. according to the wish of general church, i agreed to send all the boats at my disposal that night, to attempt to capture an island named poros, commanding the entrance into the lake of anatolico, where the turks had a post, and we heard he was filling up the passage, and about to place guns on another island, which would render him entirely master of the entrance. i soon discovered that what general church calls the cooperation of the navy is in reality the navy executing the service, and the army looking on at its leisure, ready to take possession if success attended the arms of the former. i had understood that i was to be supported by two rocket-boats of general church, and by the launch of the psarian brig, carrying a carronade to throw grenades; but these did not appear. a dozen policaries arrived from general church, and were embarked in the expedition. at half-past three a.m. of the th inst. i arrived with five boats out of nine (the rest having unaccountably kept behind) at a narrow part of the passage of the lake, across which the turks had built a wall, and stationed a gunboat behind it. the turkish boat was soon put to flight; the sailors jumping into the water soon cleared away a passage for the boats, and the five of our boats rowed upon poros, the turks keeping up a brisk fire of musketry from that island, and of cannon from anatolico. we were now within pistol-shot of poros, when i found, to my surprise, a fort on it--which i had been assured there was not, or i would not have attempted the attack, knowing that in our warfare their holds are not to be thus taken. seeing no reasonable hope of succeeding, i ordered a retreat; and having repassed by the way we entered, found general church's detachment lying flat in the bottom of their boats out of gun-shot. to say that my officers, captain hane, m.a., and lieutenant falanga, also m. fabricius, commanding the gunboat _helvetia_, accompanied me, is to commend them for their accustomed zeal and gallantry. i cannot conclude without mentioning the name of chrysanto, who, after having aided at vasiladhi, was with me here in his own boat, and displayed much courage. he had one man wounded, the only loss we sustained. perceiving that anatolico was not to be taken by us; that general church's troops were (without provisions) somewhere in a marsh, where our boats could not get to embark them, and that they might have marched on the mainland close to anatolico; being without provisions in this ship, and seeing no possibility of rendering any service by remaining longer before vasiladhi, i returned to this port to provide for our immediate wants, and in the hopes of meeting dr. gosse, and procuring from him some funds for the maintenance of my crew, which i think your lordship will see the necessity of providing me with, as i have not received more than two thousand dollars during five months, and i have latterly been maintaining this ship in provisions and fuel, besides furnishing money and provisions to the gunboat and flotilla inside vasiladhi. i have the honour to be, &c., f. a. hastings. * * * * * london: printed by william clowes and sons, stamford street and charing cross. transcriber's note: the following typographical errors were corrected: * chapter vii, page : "intrusted" changed to "entrusted" * appendix, letter ix, page : "vessel," changed to "vessel." the life of horatio lord nelson by robert southey ( - ) to john wilson croker esq., ll.d., f.r.s., secretary of the admiralty; who, by the official situation which he so ably fills, is qualified to appreciate its historical accuracy; and who, as a member of the republic of letters, is equally qualified to decide upon its literary merits, this work is respectfully inscribed by his friend, the author many lives of nelson have been written; one is yet wanting, clear and concise enough to become a manual for the young sailor, which he may carry about with him till he has treasured it up for example in his memory and in his heart. in attempting such a work i shall write the eulogy of our great national hero, for the best eulogy of nelson is the faithful history of his actions, and the best history must be that which shall relate them most perspicuously. chapter i - nelson's birth and boyhood--he is entered on board the raisonable--goes to the west indies in a merchant-ship; then serves in the triumph--he sails in captain phipps' voyage of discovery--goes to the east indies in the seahorse, and returns in ill health--serves as acting lieutenant in the worcester, and is made lieutenant into the lowestoffe, commander into the badger brig, and post into the hinchinbroke--expedition against the spanish main--sent to the north seas in the albermarle--services during the american war. horatio, son of edmund and catherine nelson, was born september , , in the parsonage-house of burnham thorpe, a village in the county of norfolk, of which his father was rector. his mother was a daughter of dr. suckling, prebendary of westminster, whose grandmother was sister of sir robert walpole, and this child was named after his godfather, the first lord walpole. mrs. nelson died in , leaving eight out of eleven children. her brother, captain maurice suckling, of the navy visited the widower upon this event, and promised to take care of one of the boys. three years afterwards, when horatio was only twelve years of age, being at home during the christmas holidays, he read in the county newspaper that his uncle was appointed to the raisonnable, of sixty-four guns. "do, william," said he to a brother who was a year and a half older than himself, "write to my father, and tell him that i should like to go to sea with uncle maurice." mr. nelson was then at bath, whither he had gone for the recovery of his health: his circumstances were straitened, and he had no prospect of ever seeing them bettered: he knew that it was the wish of providing for himself by which horatio was chiefly actuated, and did not oppose his resolution; he understood also the boy's character, and had always said, that in whatever station he might be placed, he would climb if possible to the very top of the tree. captain suckling was written to. "what," said he in his answer, "has poor horatio done, who is so weak, that he, above all the rest, should be sent to rough it out at sea?--but let him come; and the first time we go into action, a cannon-ball may knock off his head, and provide for him at once." it is manifest from these words that horatio was not the boy whom his uncle would have chosen to bring up in his own profession. he was never of a strong body; and the ague, which at that time was one of the most common diseases in england, had greatly reduced his strength; yet he had already given proofs of that resolute heart and nobleness of mind which, during his whole career of labour and of glory, so eminently distinguished him. when a mere child, he strayed a-birds'-nesting from his grandmother's house in company with a cowboy: the dinner-hour elapsed; he was absent, and could not be found; and the alarm of the family became very great, for they apprehended that he might have been carried off by gipsies. at length, after search had been made for him in various directions, he was discovered alone, sitting composedly by the side of a brook which he could not get over. "i wonder, child," said the old lady when she saw him, "that hunger and fear did not drive you home." "fear! grandmama:" replied the future hero, "i never saw fear:--what is it?" once, after the winter holidays, when he and his brother william had set off on horseback to return to school, they came back, because there had been a fall of snow; and william, who did not much like the journey, said it was too deep for them to venture on. "if that be the case," said the father, "you certainly shall not go; but make another attempt, and i will leave it to your honour. if the road is dangerous you may return: but remember, boys, i leave it to your honour!" the snow was deep enough to have afforded them a reasonable excuse; but horatio was not to be prevailed upon to turn back. "we must go on," said he: "remember, brother, it was left to our honour!"--there were some fine pears growing in the schoolmaster's garden, which the boys regarded as lawful booty, and in the highest degree tempting; but the boldest among them were afraid to venture for the prize. horatio volunteered upon this service: he was lowered down at night from the bedroom window by some sheets, plundered the tree, was drawn up with the pears, and then distributed them among his school-fellows without reserving any for himself. "he only took them," he said, "because every other boy was afraid." early on a cold and dark spring morning mr. nelson's servant arrived at this school, at north walsham, with the expected summons for horatio to join his ship. the parting from his brother william, who had been for so many years his playmate and bed-fellow, was a painful effort, and was the beginning of those privations which are the sailor's lot through life. he accompanied his father to london. the raisonnable was lying in the medway. he was put into the chatham stage, and on its arrival was set down with the rest of the passengers, and left to find his way on board as he could. after wandering about in the cold, without being able to reach the ship, an officer observed the forlorn appearance of the boy, questioned him; and happening to be acquainted with his uncle, took him home and gave him some refreshments. when he got on board, captain suckling was not in the ship, nor had any person been apprised of the boy's coming. he paced the deck the whole remainder of the day without being noticed by any one; and it was not till the second day that somebody, as he expressed it, "took compassion on him." the pain which is felt when we are first transplanted from our native soil--when the living branch is cut from the parent tree is one of the most poignant which we have to endure through life. there are after-griefs which wound more deeply, which leave behind them scars never to be effaced, which bruise the spirit, and sometimes break the heart; but never do we feel so keenly the want of love, the necessity of being loved, and the sense of utter desertion, as when we first leave the haven of home, and are, as it were, pushed off upon the stream of life. added to these feelings, the sea-boy has to endure physical hardships, and the privation of every comfort, even of sleep. nelson had a feeble body and an affectionate heart, and he remembered through life his first days of wretchedness in the service. the raisonnable having been commissioned on account of the dispute respecting the falkland islands, was paid off as soon as the difference with the court of spain was accommodated, and captain suckling was removed to the triumph, seventy-four, then stationed as a guard-ship in the thames. this was considered as too inactive a life for a boy, and nelson was therefore sent a voyage to the west indies in a merchant-ship, commanded by mr. john rathbone, an excellent seaman, who had served as master's mate under captain suckling in the dreadnought. he returned a practical seaman, but with a hatred of the king's service, and a saying then common among the sailors--"aft the most honour; forward the better man." rathbone had probably been disappointed and disgusted in the navy; and, with no unfriendly intentions, warned nelson against a profession which he himself had found hopeless. his uncle received him on board the triumph on his return, and discovering his dislike to the navy, took the best means of reconciling him to it. he held it out as a reward that, if he attended well to his navigation, he should go in the cutter and decked long-boat, which was attached to the commanding-officer's ship at chatham. thus he became a good pilot for vessels of that description from chatham to the tower, and down the swin channel to the north foreland, and acquired a confidence among rocks and sands of which he often felt the value. nelson had not been many months on board the triumph, when his love of enterprise was excited by hearing that two ships were fitting out for a voyage of discovery towards the north pole. in consequence of the difficulties which were expected on such a service, these vessels were to take out effective men instead of the usual number of boys. this, however, did not deter him from soliciting to be received, and, by his uncle's interest, he was admitted as coxswain under captain lutwidge, second in command. the voyage was undertaken in compliance with an application from the royal society. the hon. captain constantine john phipps, eldest son of lord mulgrave, volunteered his services. the racehorse and carcass bombs were selected as the strongest ships, and, therefore, best adapted for such a voyage; and they were taken into dock and strengthened, to render them as secure as possible against the ice. two masters of greenlandmen were employed as pilots for each ship. no expedition was ever more carefully fitted out; and the first lord of the admiralty, lord sandwich, with a laudable solicitude, went on board himself, before their departure, to see that everything had been completed to the wish of the officers. the ships were provided with a simple and excellent apparatus for distilling fresh from salt water, the invention of dr. irving, who accompanied the expedition. it consisted merely in fitting a tube to the ship's kettle, and applying a wet mop to the surface as the vapour was passing. by these means, from thirty-four to forty gallons were produced every day. they sailed from the nore on the th of june. on the th of july they were in latitude d m s; longitude d m s e. the next day, about the place where most of the old discoverers had been stopped, the racehorse was beset with ice; but they hove her through with ice-anchors. captain phipps continued ranging along the ice, northward and westward, till the th; he then tried to the eastward. on the th he was in latitude d m; longitude d m e. among the islands and in the ice, with no appearance of an opening for the ships. the weather was exceedingly fine, mild, and unusually clear. here they were becalmed in a large bay, with three apparent openings between the islands which formed it; but everywhere, as far as they could see, surrounded with ice. there was not a breath of air, the water was perfectly smooth, the ice covered with snow, low and even, except a few broken pieces near the edge; and the pools of water in the middle of the ice-fields just crusted over with young ice. on the next day the ice closed upon them, and no opening was to be seen anywhere, except a hole, or lake as it might be called, of about a mile and a half in circumference, where the ships lay fast to the ice with their ice-anchors. from these ice-fields they filled their casks with water, which was very pure and soft. the men were playing on the ice all day; but the greenland pilots, who were further than they had ever been before, and considered that the season was far advancing, were alarmed at being thus beset. the next day there was not the smallest opening; the ships were within less than two lengths of each other, separated by ice, and neither having room to turn. the ice, which the day before had been flat and almost level with the water's edge, was now in many places forced higher than the mainyard by the pieces squeezing together. a day of thick fog followed: it was succeeded by clear weather; but the passage by which the ships had entered from the westward was closed, and no open water was in sight, either in that or any other quarter. by the pilots' advice the men were set to cut a passage, and warp through the small openings to the westward. they sawed through pieces of ice twelve feet thick; and this labour continued the whole day, during which their utmost efforts did not move the ships above three hundred yards; while they were driven, together with the ice, far to the n.e. and e. by the current. sometimes a field of several acres square would be lifted up between two larger islands, and incorporated with them; and thus these larger pieces continued to grow by aggregation. another day passed, and there seemed no probability of getting the ships out without a strong e. or n.e. wind. the season was far advanced, and every hour lessened the chance of extricating themselves. young as he was, nelson was appointed to command one of the boats which were sent out to explore a passage into the open water. it was the means of saving a boat belonging to the racehorse from a singular but imminent danger. some of the officers had fired at and wounded a walrus. as no other animal has so human-like an expression in its countenance, so also is there none that seems to possess more of the passions of humanity. the wounded animal dived immediately, and brought up a number of its companions; and they all joined in an attack upon the boat. they wrested an oar from one of the men; and it was with the utmost difficulty that the crew could prevent them from staving or upsetting her, till the carcass's boat came up; and the walruses, finding their enemies thus reinforced, dispersed. young nelson exposed himself in a more daring manner. one night, during the mid-watch, he stole from the ship with one of his comrades, taking advantage of a rising fog, and set off over the ice in pursuit of a bear. it was not long before they were missed. the fog thickened, and captain lutwidge and his officers became exceedingly alarmed for their safety. between three and four in the morning the weather cleared, and the two adventurers were seen, at a considerable distance from the ship, attacking a huge bear. the signal for them to return was immediately made; nelson's comrade called upon him to obey it, but in vain; his musket had flashed in the pan; their ammunition was expended; and a chasm in the ice, which divided him from the bear, probably preserved his life. "never mind," he cried; "do but let me get a blow at this devil with the butt-end of my musket, and we shall have him." captain lutwidge, however, seeing his danger, fired a gun, which had the desired effect of frightening the beast; and the boy then returned, somewhat afraid of the consequences of his trespass. the captain reprimanded him sternly for conduct so unworthy of the office which he filled, and desired to know what motive he could have for hunting a bear. "sir," said he, pouting his lip, as he was wont to do when agitated, "i wished to kill the bear, that i might carry the skin to my father." a party were now sent to an island, about twelve miles off (named walden's island in the charts, from the midshipman who was intrusted with this service), to see where the open water lay. they came back with information that the ice, though close all about them, was open to the westward, round the point by which they came in. they said also, that upon the island they had had a fresh east wind. this intelligence considerably abated the hopes of the crew; for where they lay it had been almost calm, and their main dependence had been upon the effect of an easterly wind in clearing the bay. there was but one alternative: either to wait the event of the weather upon the ships, or to betake themselves to the boats. the likelihood that it might be necessary to sacrifice the ships had been foreseen. the boats accordingly were adapted, both in number and size, to transport, in case of emergency, the whole crew; and there were dutch whalers upon the coast, in which they could all be conveyed to europe. as for wintering where they were, that dreadful experiment had been already tried too often. no time was to be lost; the ships had driven into shoal water, having but fourteen fathoms. should they, or the ice to which they were fast, take the ground, they must inevitably be lost; and at this time they were driving fast toward some rocks on the n.e. captain phipps sent for the officers of both ships, and told them his intention of preparing the boats for going away. they were immediately hoisted out, and the fitting begun. canvas bread-bags were made, in case it should be necessary suddenly to desert the vessels; and men were sent with the lead and line to n. and e., to sound wherever they found cracks in the ice, that they might have notice before the ice took the ground; for in that case the ships must instantly have been crushed or overset. on the th of august they began to haul the boats over the ice, nelson having command of a four-oared cutter. the men behaved excellently well, like true british seamen: they seemed reconciled to the thought of leaving the ships, and had full confidence in their officers. about noon, the ice appeared rather more open near the vessels; and as the wind was easterly, though there was but little of it, the sails were set, and they got about a mile to the westward. they moved very slowly, and were not now nearly so far to the westward as when they were first beset. however, all sail was kept upon them, to force them through whenever the ice slacked the least. whatever exertions were made, it could not be possible to get the boats to the water's edge before the th; and if the situation of the ships should not alter by that time, it would not be justifiable to stay longer by them. the commander therefore resolved to carry on both attempts together, moving the boats constantly, and taking every opportunity of getting the ships through. a party was sent out next day to the westward to examine the state of the ice: they returned with tidings that it was very heavy and close, consisting chiefly of large fields. the ships, however, moved something, and the ice itself was drifting westward. there was a thick fog, so that it was impossible to ascertain what advantage had been gained. it continued on the th; but the ships were moved a little through some very small openings: the mist cleared off in the afternoon, and it was then perceived that they had driven much more than could have been expected to the westward, and that the ice itself had driven still further. in the course of the day they got past the boats, and took them on board again. on the morrow the wind sprang up to the n.n.e. all sail was set, and the ships forced their way through a great deal of very heavy ice. they frequently struck, and with such force that one stroke broke the shank of the racehorse's best bower-anchor, but the vessels made way; and by noon they had cleared the ice, and were out at sea. the next day they anchored in smeerenberg harbour, close to that island of which the westernmost point is called hakluyt's headland, in honour of the great promoter and compiler of our english voyages of discovery. here they remained a few days, that the men might rest after their fatigue. no insect was to be seen in this dreary country, nor any species of reptile--not even the common earth-worm. large bodies of ice, called icebergs, filled up the valleys between high mountains, so dark as, when contrasted with the snow, to appear black. the colour of the ice was a lively light green. opposite to the place where they fixed their observatory was one of these icebergs, above three hundred feet high; its side toward the sea was nearly perpendicular, and a stream of water issued from it. large pieces frequently broke off and rolled down into the sea. there was no thunder nor lightning during the whole time they were in these latitudes. the sky was generally loaded with hard white clouds, from which it was never entirely free even in the clearest weather. they always knew when they were approaching the ice long before they saw it, by a bright appearance near the horizon, which the greenlandmen called the blink of the ice. the season was now so far advanced that nothing more could have been attempted, if indeed anything had been left untried; but the summer had been unusually favourable, and they had carefully surveyed the wall of ice, extending for more than twenty degrees between the latitudes of d and d, without the smallest appearance of any opening. the ships were paid off shortly after their return to england; and nelson was then placed by his uncle with captain farmer, in the seahorse, of twenty guns, then going out to the east indies in the squadron under sir edward hughes. he was stationed in the foretop at watch and watch. his good conduct attracted the attention of the master (afterwards captain surridge), in whose watch he was; and upon his recommendation the captain rated him as midshipman. at this time his countenance was florid, and his appearance rather stout and athletic; but when he had been about eighteen months in india, he felt the effects of that climate, so perilous to european constitutions. the disease baffled all power of medicine; he was reduced almost to a skeleton; the use of his limbs was for some time entirely lost; and the only hope that remained was from a voyage home. accordingly he was brought home by captain pigot, in the dolphin; and had it not been for the attentive and careful kindness of that officer on the way, nelson would never have lived to reach his native shores. he had formed an acquaintance with sir charles pole, sir thomas troubridge, and other distinguished officers, then, like himself, beginning their career: he had left them pursuing that career in full enjoyment of health and hope, and was returning, from a country in which all things were to him new and interesting, with a body broken down by sickness, and spirits which had sunk with his strength. long afterwards, when the name of nelson was known as widely as that of england itself, he spoke of the feelings which he at this time endured. "i felt impressed," said he, "with a feeling that i should never rise in my profession. my mind was staggered with a view of the difficulties i had to surmount and the little interest i possessed. i could discover no means of reaching the object of my ambition. after a long and gloomy reverie, in which i almost wished myself overboard, a sudden glow of patriotism was kindled within me, and presented my king and country as my patron. 'well then,' i exclaimed, 'i will be a hero! and, confiding in providence, i will brave every danger!'" long afterwards nelson loved to speak of the feelings of that moment; and from that time, he often said, a radiant orb was suspended in his mind's eye, which urged him onward to renown. the state of mind in which these feelings began, is what the mystics mean by their season of darkness and desertion. if the animal spirits fail, they represent it as an actual temptation. the enthusiasm of nelson's nature had taken a different direction, but its essence was the same. he knew to what the previous state of dejection was to be attributed; that an enfeebled body, and a mind depressed, had cast this shade over his soul; but he always seemed willing to believe that the sunshine which succeeded bore with it a prophetic glory, and that the light which led him on was "light from heaven." his interest, however, was far better than he imagined, during his absence, captain suckling had been made comptroller of the navy; his health had materially improved upon the voyage; and as soon as the dolphin was paid off, he was appointed acting lieutenant in the worcester, sixty-four, captain mark robinson, then going out with convoy to gibraltar. soon after his return, on the th of april , he passed his examination for a lieutenancy. captain suckling sat at the head of the board; and when the examination had ended, in a manner highly honourable to nelson, rose from his seat, and introduced him to the examining captains as his nephew. they expressed their wonder that he had not informed them of this relationship before; he replied that he did not wish the younker to be favoured; he knew his nephew would pass a good examination, and he had not been deceived. the next day nelson received his commission as second lieutenant of the lowestoffe frigate, captain william locker, then fitting out for jamaica. american and french privateers, under american colours, were at that time harassing our trade in the west indies: even a frigate was not sufficiently active for nelson, and he repeatedly got appointed to the command of one of the lowestoffe's tenders. during one of their cruises the lowestoffe captured an american letter-of-marque: it was blowing a gale, and a heavy sea running. the first lieutenant being ordered to board the prize, went below to put on his hanger. it happened to be mislaid; and while he was seeking it, captain locker came on deck. perceiving the boat still alongside, and in danger every moment of being swamped, and being extremely anxious that the privateer should be instantly taken in charge, because he feared that it would otherwise founder, he exclaimed, "have i no officer in the ship who can board the prize?" nelson did not offer himself immediately, waiting, with his usual sense of propriety, for the first lieutenant's return; but hearing the master volunteer, he jumped into the boat, saying, "it is my turn now; and if i come back, it is yours." the american, who had carried a heavy press of sail in hope of escaping, was so completely water-logged that the lowestoffe's boat went in on deck and out again with the sea. about this time he lost his uncle. captain locker, however, who had perceived the excellent qualities of nelson, and formed a friendship for him which continued during his life, recommended him warmly to sir peter parker, then commander-in-chief upon that station. in consequence of this recommendation he was removed into the bristol flag-ship, and lieutenant cuthbert collingwood succeeded him in the lowestoffe. sir peter parker was the friend of both, and thus it happened that whenever nelson got a step in rank, collingwood succeeded him. the former soon became first lieutenant, and on the th of december was appointed commander of the badger brig; collingwood taking his place in the bristol. while the badger was lying in montego bay, jamaica, the glasgow of twenty guns came in and anchored there, and in two hours was in flames, the steward having set fire to her while stealing rum out of the after-hold. her crew were leaping into the water, when nelson came up in his boats, made them throw their powder overboard and point their guns upward; and by his presence of mind and personal exertions prevented the loss of life which would otherwise have ensued. on the th of june he was made post into the hinchinbrook, of twenty-eight guns, an enemy's merchantman, sheathed with wood, which had been taken into the service. collingwood was then made commander into the badger. a short time after he left the lowestoffe, that ship, with a small squadron, stormed the fort of st. fernando de omoa, on the south side of the bay of honduras, and captured some register ships which were lying under its guns. two hundred and fifty quintals of quicksilver and three millions of piastres were the reward of this enterprise; and it is characteristic of nelson that the chance by which he missed a share in such a prize is never mentioned in any of his letters; nor is it likely that it ever excited even a momentary feeling of vexation. nelson was fortunate in possessing good interest at the time when it could be most serviceable to him: his promotion had been almost as rapid as it could be; and before he had attained the age of twenty-one he had gained that rank which brought all the honours of the service within his reach. no opportunity, indeed, had yet been given him of distinguishing himself; but he was thoroughly master of his profession, and his zeal and ability were acknowledged wherever he was known. count d'estaing, with a fleet of one hundred and twenty-five sail, men of war and transports, and a reputed force of five-and twenty thousand men, threatened jamaica from st. domingo. nelson offered his services to the admiral and to governor-general dalling, and was appointed to command the batteries of fort charles, at port royal. not more than seven thousand men could be mustered for the defence of the island,--a number wholly inadequate to resist the force which threatened them. of this nelson was so well aware, that when he wrote to his friends in england, he told them they must not be surprised to hear of his learning to speak french. d'estaing, however, was either not aware of his own superiority, or not equal to the command with which he was intrusted: he attempted nothing with his formidable armament; and general dalling was thus left to execute a project which he had formed against the spanish colonies. this project was, to take fort san juan on the river of that name, which flows from lake nicaragua into the atlantic; make himself master of the lake itself, and of the cities of granada and leon; and thus cut off the communication of the spaniards between their northern and southern possessions in america. here it is that a canal between the two seas may most easily be formed--a work more important in its consequences than any which has ever yet been effected by human power. lord george germaine, at that time secretary of state for the american department, approved the plan; and as discontents at that time were known to prevail in the nuevo reyno, in popayan, and in peru, the more sanguine part of the english began to dream of acquiring an empire in one part of america, more extensive than that which they were on the point of losing in another. general dalling's plans were well formed; but the history and the nature of the country had not been studied as accurately as its geography: the difficulties which occurred in fitting out the expedition delayed it till the season was too far advanced; and the men were thus sent to adventure themselves, not so much against an enemy, whom they would have beaten, as against a climate which would do the enemy's work. early in the year , five hundred men destined for this service were convoyed by nelson from port royal to cape gracias a dios, in honduras. not a native was to be seen when they landed: they had been taught that the english came with no other intent than that of enslaving them, and sending them to jamaica. after a while, however, one of them ventured down, confiding in his knowledge of one of the party; and by his means the neighbouring tribes were conciliated with presents, and brought in. the troops were encamped on a swampy and unwholesome plain, where they were joined by a party of the th regiment from black river, who were already in a deplorable state of sickness. having remained here a month, they proceeded, anchoring frequently, along the mosquito shore, to collect their indian allies, who were to furnish proper boats for the river, and to accompany them. they reached the river san juan, march th; and here, according to his orders, nelson's services were to terminate; but not a man in the expedition had ever been up the river, or knew the distance of any fortification from its mouth; and he not being one who would turn back when so much was to be done, resolved to carry the soldiers up. about two hundred, therefore, were embarked in the mosquito shore craft and in two of the hinchinbrook's boats, and they began their voyage. it was the latter end of the dry season, the worst time for such an expedition; the river was consequently low. indians were sent forward through narrow channels between shoals and sandbanks, and the men were frequently obliged to quit the boats and exert their utmost strength to drag or thrust them along. this labour continued for several days; when they came into deeper water, they had then currents and rapids to contend with, which would have been insurmountable but for the skill of the indians in such difficulties. the brunt of the labour was borne by them and by the sailors--men never accustomed to stand aloof when any exertion of strength or hardihood is required. the soldiers, less accustomed to rely upon themselves, were of little use. but all equally endured the violent heat of the sun, rendered more intense by being reflected from the white shoals; while the high woods, on both sides of the river, were frequently so close as to prevent any refreshing circulation of air; and during the night all were equally exposed to the heavy and unwholesome dews. on the th of april they reached an island in the river, called san bartolomeo, which the spaniards had fortified, as an outpost, with a small semicircular battery, mounting nine or ten swivels, and manned with sixteen or eighteen men. it commanded the river in a rapid and difficult part of the navigation. nelson, at the head of a few of his seamen, leaped upon the beach. the ground upon which he sprung was so muddy that he had some difficulty in extricating himself, and lost his shoes: bare-footed, however, he advanced, and, in his own phrase, boarded the battery. in this resolute attempt he was bravely supported by despard, at that time a captain in the army, afterward unhappily executed for his schemes of revolutionary treason. the castle of san tuan is situated about miles higher up; the stores and ammunition, however, were landed a few miles below the castle, and the men had to march through woods almost impassable. one of the men was bitten under the eye by a snake which darted upon him from the bough of a tree. he was unable to proceed from the violence of the pain; and when, after a short while, some of his comrades were sent back to assist him, he was dead, and the body already putrid. nelson himself narrowly escaped a similar fate. he had ordered his hammock to be slung under some trees, being excessively fatigued, and was sleeping, when a monitory lizard passed across his face. the indians happily observed the reptile; and knowing what it indicated, awoke him. he started up, and found one of the deadliest serpents of the country coiled up at his feet. he suffered from poison of another kind; for drinking at a spring in which some boughs of the manchineel had been thrown, the effects were so severe as, in the opinion of some of his friends, to inflict a lasting injury upon his constitution. the castle of san juan is miles below the point where the river issues from the lake of nicaragua, and from its mouth. boats reach the sea from thence in a day and a-half; but their navigation back, even when unladen, is the labour of nine days. the english appeared before it on the th, two days after they had taken san bartolomeo. nelson's advice was, that it should instantly be carried by assault; but nelson was not the commander; and it was thought proper to observe all the formalities of a siege. ten days were wasted before this could be commenced. it was a work more of fatigue than of danger; but fatigue was more to be dreaded than the enemy; the rains set in; and could the garrison have held out a little longer, diseases would have rid them of their invaders. even the indians sunk under it, the victims of unusual exertion, and of their own excesses. the place surrendered on the th. but victory procured to the conquerors none of that relief which had been expected; the castle was worse than a prison; and it contained nothing which could contribute to the recovery of the sick, or the preservation of those who were yet unaffected. the huts which served for hospitals were surrounded with filth, and with the putrefying hides of slaughtered cattle--almost sufficient of themselves to have engendered pestilence; and when at last orders were given to erect a convenient hospital, the contagion had become so general that there were none who could work at it; for besides the few who were able to perform garrison duty, there were not orderly men enough to assist the sick. added to these evils, there was the want of all needful remedies; for though the expedition had been amply provided with hospital stores, river craft enough had not been procured for transporting the requisite baggage; and when much was to be left behind, provision for sickness was that which of all things men in health would be most ready to leave. now, when these medicines were required, the river was swollen, and so turbulent that its upward navigation was almost impracticable. at length even the task of burying the dead was more than the living could perform, and the bodies were tossed into the stream, or left for beasts of prey, and for the gallinazos--those dreadful carrion birds, which do not always wait for death before they begin their work. five months the english persisted in what may be called this war against nature; they then left a few men, who seemed proof against the climate, to retain the castle till the spaniards should choose to retake it and make them prisoners. the rest abandoned their baleful conquest. eighteen hundred men were sent to different posts upon this wretched expedition: not more than three hundred and eighty ever returned. the hinchinbrook's complement consisted of two hundred men; eighty-seven took to their beds in one night, and of the whole crew not more than ten survived. the transports' men all died, and some of the ships, having none left to take care of them, sunk in the harbour: but transport ships were not wanted, for the troops which they had brought were no more: they had fallen, not by the hand of an enemy, but by the deadly influence of the climate. nelson himself was saved by a timely removal. in a few days after the commencement of the siege he was seized with the prevailing dysentery; meantime captain glover (son of the author of leonidas) died, and nelson was appointed to succeed him in the janus, of forty-four guns; collingwood being then made post into the hinchinbrook. he returned to the harbour the day before san juan surrendered, and immediately sailed for jamaica in the sloop which brought the news of his appointment. he was, however, so greatly reduced by the disorder, that when they reached port royal he was carried ashore in his cot; and finding himself, after a partial amendment, unable to retain the command of his new ship, he was compelled to ask leave to return to england, as the only means of recovery. captain (afterwards admiral) cornwallis took him home in the lion; and to his fare and kindness nelson believed himself indebted for his life. he went immediately to bath, in a miserable state; so helpless that he was carried to and from his bed; and the act of moving him produced the most violent pain. in three months he recovered, and immediately hastened to london, and applied for employment. after an interval of about four months he was appointed to the albemarle, of twenty-eight guns, a french merchantman which had been purchased from the captors for the king's service. his health was not yet thoroughly re-established; and while he was employed in getting his ship ready, he again became so ill as hardly to be able to keep out of bed. yet in this state, still suffering from the fatal effect of a west indian climate, as if it might almost be supposed, he said, to try his constitution, he was sent to the north seas, and kept there the whole winter. the asperity with which he mentioned this so many years afterwards evinces how deeply he resented a mode of conduct equally cruel to the individual and detrimental to the service. it was during the armed neutrality; and when they anchored off elsinore, the danish admiral sent on board, desiring to be informed what ships had arrived, and to have their force written down. "the albemarle," said nelson to the messenger, "is one of his britannic majesty's ships: you are at liberty, sir, to count the guns as you go down the side; and you may assure the danish admiral that, if necessary, they shall all be well served." during this voyage he gained a considerable knowledge of the danish coast and its soundings, greatly to the advantage of his country in after-times. the albemarle was not a good ship, and was several times nearly overset in consequence of the masts having been made much too long for her. on her return to england they were shortened, and some other improvements made at nelson's suggestion. still he always insisted that her first owners, the french, had taught her to run away, as she was never a good sailer except when going directly before the wind. on their return to the downs, while he was ashore visiting the senior officer, there came on so heavy a gale that almost all the vessels drove, and a store-ship came athwart-hawse of the albemarle. nelson feared she would drive on the goodwin sands; he ran to the beach; but even the deal boatmen thought it impossible to get on board, such was the violence of the storm. at length some of the most intrepid offered to make the attempt for fifteen guineas; and to the astonishment and fear of all the beholders, he embarked during the height of the tempest. with great difficulty and imminent danger he succeeded in reaching her. she lost her bowsprit and foremast, but escaped further injury. he was now ordered to quebec, where his surgeon told him he would certainly be laid up by the climate. many of his friends urged him to represent this to admiral keppel; but having received his orders from lord sandwich, there appeared to him an indelicacy in applying to his successor to have them altered. accordingly he sailed for canada. during her first cruise on that station the albemarle captured a fishing schooner which contained in her cargo nearly all the property that her master possessed, and the poor fellow had a large family at home, anxiously expecting him. nelson employed him as a pilot in boston bay, then restored him the schooner and cargo, and gave him a certificate to secure him against being captured by any other vessel. the man came off afterwards to the albemarle, at the hazard of his life, with a present of sheep, poultry, and fresh provisions. a most valuable supply it proved, for the scurvy was raging on board: this was in the middle of august, and the ship's company had not had a fresh meal since the beginning of april. the certificate was preserved at boston in memory of an act of unusual generosity; and now that the fame of nelson has given interest to everything connected with his name, it is regarded as a relic. the albemarle had a narrow escape upon this cruise. four french sail of the line and a frigate, which had come out of boston harbour, gave chase to her; and nelson, perceiving that they beat him in sailing, boldly ran among the numerous shoals of st. george's bank, confiding in his own skill in pilotage. captain salter, in the sta. margaretta, had escaped the french fleet by a similar manoeuvre not long before. the frigate alone continued warily to pursue him; but as soon as he perceived that this enemy was unsupported, he shortened sail and hove to; upon which the frenchman thought it advisable to give over the pursuit, and sail in quest of his consorts. at quebec nelson became acquainted with alexander davison, by whose interference he was prevented from making what would have been called an imprudent marriage. the albemarle was about to leave the station, her captain had taken leave of his friends, and was gone down the river to the place of anchorage; when the next morning, as davison was walking on the beach, to his surprise he saw nelson coming back in his boat. upon inquiring the cause of this reappearance, nelson took his arm to walk towards the town, and told him that he found it utterly impossible to leave quebec without again seeing the woman whose society had contributed so much to his happiness there, and offering her his hand. "if you do," said his friend, "your ruin must inevitably follow." "then let it follow," cried nelson, "for i am resolved to do it" "and i," replied davison, "am resolved you shall not." nelson, however, upon this occasion, was less resolute than his friend, and suffered himself to be led back to the boat. the albemarle was under orders to convoy a fleet of transports to new york. "a very pretty job" said her captain, "at this late season of the year" (october was far advanced), "for our sails are at this moment frozen to the yards." on his arrival at sandy hook, he waited on the commander-in-chief, admiral digby, who told him he was come on a fine station for making prize-money. "yes, sir," nelson made answer, "but the west indies is the station for honour." lord hood, with a detachment of rodney's victorious fleet, was at that time at sandy hook: he had been intimate with captain suckling; and nelson, who was desirous of nothing but honour, requested him to ask for the albemarle, that he might go to that station where it was most likely to be obtained. admiral digby reluctantly parted with him. his professional merit was already well known; and lord hood, on introducing him to prince william henry, as the duke of clarence was then called, told the prince, if he wished to ask any questions respecting naval tactics, captain nelson could give him as much information as any officer in the fleet. the duke--who, to his own honour, became from that time the firm friend of nelson--describes him as appearing the merest boy of a captain he had ever seen, dressed in a full laced uniform, an old-fashioned waistcoat with long flaps, and his lank unpowdered hair tied in a stiff hessian tail of extraordinary length; making altogether so remarkable a figure, that, says the duke, "i had never seen anything like it before, nor could i imagine who he was, nor what he came about. but his address and conversation were irresistibly pleasing; and when he spoke on professional subjects, it was with an enthusiasm that showed he was no common being." it was expected that the french would attempt some of the passages between the bahamas; and lord hood, thinking of this, said to nelson, "i suppose, sir, from the length of time you were cruising among the bahama keys, you must be a good pilot there." he replied, with that constant readiness to render justice to every man which was so conspicuous in all his conduct through life, that he was well acquainted with them himself, but that in that respect his second lieutenant was far his superior. the french got into puerto cabello, on the coast of venezuela. nelson was cruising between that port and la guapra, under french colours, for the purpose of obtaining information; when a king's launch, belonging to the spaniards, passed near, and being hailed in french, came alongside without suspicion, and answered all questions that were asked concerning the number and force of the enemy's ships. the crew, however, were not a little surprised when they were taken on board and found themselves prisoners. one of the party went by the name of the count de deux-ponts. he was, however, a prince of the german empire, and brother to the heir of the electorate of bavaria: his companions were french officers of distinction, and men of science, who had been collecting specimens in the various branches of natural history. nelson, having entertained them with the best his table could afford, told them they were at liberty to depart with their boat, and all that it contained: he only required them to promise that they would consider themselves as prisoners if the commander-in-chief should refuse to acquiesce in their being thus liberated: a circumstance which was not likely to happen. tidings soon arrived that the preliminaries of peace had been signed; and the albemarle returned to england and was paid off. nelson's first business, after he got to london, even before he went to see his relations, was to attempt to get the wages due to his men for the various ships in which they had served during the war. "the disgust of seamen to the navy," he said, "was all owing to the infernal plan of turning them over from ship to ship; so that men could not be attached to their officers, nor the officers care the least about the men." yet he himself was so beloved by his men that his whole ship's company offered, if he could get a ship, to enter for her immediately. he was now, for the first time, presented at court. after going through this ceremony, he dined with his friend davison at lincoln's inn. as soon as he entered the chambers, he threw off what he called his iron-bound coat; and, putting himself at ease in a dressing gown, passed the remainder of the day in talking over all that had befallen them since they parted on the shore of the river st. lawrence. chapter ii - nelson goes to france--reappointed to the boreas at the leeward islands in the boreas--his firm conduct concerning the american interlopers and the contractors--marries and returns to england--is on the point of quitting the service in disgust--manner of life while unemployed--appointed to the agamemnon on the breaking out of the war of the french revolution. "i have closed the war," said nelson in one of his letters, "without a fortune; but there is not a speck in my character. true honour, i hope, predominates in my mind far above riches." he did not apply for a ship, because he was not wealthy enough to live on board in the manner which was then become customary. finding it, therefore, prudent to economise on his half-pay during the peace, he went to france, in company with captain macnamara of the navy, and took lodgings at st. omer's. the death of his favourite sister, anne, who died in consequence of going out of the ball-room at bath when heated with dancing, affected his father so much that it had nearly occasioned him to return in a few weeks. time, however, and reason and religion, overcame this grief in the old man; and nelson continued at st. omer's long enough to fall in love with the daughter of an english clergyman. this second attachment appears to have been less ardent than the first, for upon weighing the evils of a straitened income to a married man, he thought it better to leave france, assigning to his friends something in his accounts as the cause. this prevented him from accepting an invitation from the count of deux-ponts to visit him at paris, couched in the handsomest terms of acknowledgment for the treatment which he had received on board the albemarle. the self-constraint which nelson exerted in subduing this attachment made him naturally desire to be at sea; and when, upon visiting lord howe at the admiralty, he was asked if he wished to be employed, he made answer that he did. accordingly in march, he was appointed to the boreas, twenty-eight guns, going to the leeward islands as a cruiser on the peace establishment. lady hughes and her family went out with him to admiral sir richard hughes, who commanded on that station. his ship was full of young midshipmen, of whom there were not less than thirty on board; and happy were they whose lot it was to be placed with such a captain. if he perceived that a boy was afraid at first going aloft, he would say to him in a friendly manner, "well, sir, i am going a race to the mast-head, and beg that i may meet you there." the poor little fellow instantly began to climb, and got up how he could,--nelson never noticed in what manner, but when they met in the top, spoke cheerfully to him, and would say how much any person was to be pitied who fancied that getting up was either dangerous or difficult. every day he went into the school-room to see that they were pursuing their nautical studies; and at noon he was always the first on deck with his quadrant. whenever he paid a visit of ceremony, some of these youths accompanied him; and when he went to dine with the governor at barbadoes, he took one of them in his hand, and presented him, saying, "your excellency must excuse me for bringing one of my midshipmen. i make it a rule to introduce them to all the good company i can, as they have few to look up to, besides myself, during the time they are at sea." when nelson arrived in the west indies, he found himself senior captain, and consequently second in command on that station. satisfactory as this was, it soon involved him in a dispute with the admiral, which a man less zealous for the service might have avoided. he found the latona in english harbour, antigua, with a broad pendant hoisted; and upon inquiring the reason, was presented with a written order from sir r. hughes, requiring and directing him to obey the orders of resident commissioner moutray during the time he might have occasion to remain there; the said resident commissioner being in consequence, authorised to hoist a broad pendant on board any of his majesty's ships in that port that he might think proper. nelson was never at a loss how to act in any emergency. "i know of no superior officers," said he, "besides the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and my seniors on the post list." concluding, therefore, that it was not consistent with the service for a resident commissioner, who held only a civil situation, to hoist a broad pendant, the moment that he had anchored he sent an order to the captain of the latona to strike it, and return it to the dock-yard. he went on shore the same day, dined with the commissioner, to show him that he was actuated by no other motive than a sense of duty, and gave him the first intelligence that his pendant had been struck. sir richard sent an account of this to the admiralty; but the case could admit of no doubt, and captain nelson's conduct was approved. he displayed the same promptitude on another occasion. while the boreas, after the hurricane months were over, was riding at anchor in nevis roads, a french frigate passed to leeward, close along shore. nelson had obtained information that this ship was sent from martinico, with two general officers and some engineers on board, to make a survey of our sugar islands. this purpose he was determined to prevent them from executing, and therefore he gave orders to follow them. the next day he came up with them at anchor in the roads of st. eustatia, and anchored at about two cables' length on the frigate's quarter. being afterwards invited by the dutch governor to meet the french officers at dinner, he seized that occasion of assuring the french captain that, understanding it was his intention to honour the british possessions with a visit, he had taken the earliest opportunity in his power to accompany him, in his majesty's ship the boreas, in order that such attention might be paid to the officers of his most christian majesty as every englishman in the islands would be proud to show. the french, with equal courtesy, protested against giving him this trouble; especially, they said, as they intended merely to cruise round the islands without landing on any. but nelson, with the utmost politeness, insisted upon paying them this compliment, followed them close in spite of all their attempts to elude his vigilance, and never lost sight of them; till, finding it impossible either to deceive or escape him, they gave up their treacherous purpose in despair, and beat up for martinico. a business of more serious import soon engaged his attention. the americans were at this time trading with our islands, taking advantage of the register of their ships, which had been issued while they were british subjects. nelson knew that, by the navigation act, no foreigners, directly or indirectly, are permitted to carry on any trade with these possessions. he knew, also, that the americans had made themselves foreigners with regard to england; they had disregarded the ties of blood and language when they acquired the independence which they had been led on to claim, unhappily for themselves before they were fit for it; and he was resolved that they should derive no profit from those ties now. foreigners they had made themselves, and as foreigners they were to be treated. "if once," said he, "they are admitted to any kind of intercourse with our islands, the views of the loyalists, in settling at nova scotia, are entirely done away; and when we are again embroiled in a french war, the americans will first become the carriers of these colonies, and then have possession of them. here they come, sell their cargoes for ready money, go to martinico, buy molasses, and so round and round. the loyalist cannot do this, and consequently must sell a little dearer. the residents here are americans by connection and by interest, and are inimical to great britain. they are as great rebels as ever were in america, had they the power to show it." in november, when the squadron, having arrived at barbadoes, was to separate, with no other orders than those for examining anchorages, and the usual inquiries concerning wood and water, nelson asked his friend collingwood, then captain of the mediator, whose opinions he knew upon the subject, to accompany him to the commander-in-chief, whom he then respectfully asked, whether they were not to attend to the commerce of the country, and see that the navigation act was respected--that appearing to him to be the intent of keeping men-of-war upon this station in time of peace? sir richard hughes replied, he had no particular orders, neither had the admiralty sent him any acts of parliament. but nelson made answer, that the navigation act was included in the statutes of the admiralty, with which every captain was furnished, and that act was directed to admirals, captains, &c., to see it carried into execution. sir richard said he had never seen the book. upon this nelson produced the statutes, read the words of the act, and apparently convinced the commander-in-chief, that men-of-war, as he said, "were sent abroad for some other purpose than to be made a show of." accordingly orders were given to enforce the navigation act. major-general sir thomas shirley was at this time governor of the leeward islands; and when nelson waited on him, to inform him how he intended to act, and upon what grounds, he replied, that "old generals were not in the habit of taking advice from young gentlemen." "sir," said the young officer, with that confidence in himself which never carried him too far, and always was equal to the occasion, "i am as old as the prime minister of england, and i think myself as capable of commanding one of his majesty's ships as that minister is of governing the state." he was resolved to do his duty, whatever might be the opinion or conduct of others; and when he arrived upon his station at st. kitt's, he sent away all the americans, not choosing to seize them before they had been well apprised that the act would be carried into effect, lest it might seem as if a trap had been laid for them. the americans, though they prudently decamped from st. kitt's, were emboldened by the support they met with, and resolved to resist his orders, alleging that king's ships had no legal power to seize them without having deputations from the customs. the planters were to a man against him; the governors and the presidents of the different islands, with only a single exception, gave him no support; and the admiral, afraid to act on either side, yet wishing to oblige the planters, sent him a note, advising him to be guided by the wishes of the president of the council. there was no danger in disregarding this, as it came unofficially, and in the form of advice. but scarcely a month after he had shown sir richard hughes the law, and, as he supposed, satisfied him concerning it, he received an order from him, stating that he had now obtained good advice upon the point, and the americans were not to be hindered from coming, and having free egress and regress, if the governor chose to permit them. an order to the same purport had been sent round to the different governors and presidents; and general shirley and others informed him, in an authoritative manner, that they chose to admit american ships, as the commander-in-chief had left the decision to them. these persons, in his own words, he soon "trimmed up, and silenced;" but it was a more delicate business to deal with the admiral: "i must either," said he, "disobey my orders, or disobey acts of parliament. i determined upon the former, trusting to the uprightness of my intentions, and believing that my country would not let me be ruined for protecting her commerce." with this determination he wrote to sir richard; appealed again to the plain, literal, unequivocal sense of the navigation act; and in respectful language told him, he felt it his duty to decline obeying these orders till he had an opportunity of seeing and conversing with him. sir richard's first feeling was that of anger, and he was about to supersede nelson; but having mentioned the affair to his captain, that officer told him he believed all the squadron thought the orders illegal, and therefore did not know how far they were bound to obey them. it was impossible, therefore, to bring nelson to a court-martial, composed of men who agreed with him in opinion upon the point in dispute; and luckily, though the admiral wanted vigour of mind to decide upon what was right, he was not obstinate in wrong, and had even generosity enough in his nature to thank nelson afterwards for having shown him his error. collingwood in the mediator, and his brother, wilfred collingwood, in the rattler, actively co-operated with nelson. the custom-houses were informed that after a certain day all foreign vessels found in the ports would be seized; and many were, in consequence, seized, and condemned in the admiralty court. when the boreas arrived at nevis, she found four american vessels deeply laden, and what are called the island colours flying--white, with a red cross. they were ordered to hoist their proper flag, and depart within hours; but they refused to obey, denying that they were americans. some of their crews were then examined in nelson's cabin, where the judge of admiralty happened to be present. the case was plain; they confessed that they were americans, and that the ships, hull and cargo, were wholly american property; upon which he seized them. this raised a storm: the planters, the custom-house, and the governor, were all against him. subscriptions were opened, and presently filled, for the purpose of carrying on the cause in behalf of the american captains; and the admiral, whose flag was at that time in the roads, stood neutral. but the americans and their abettors were not content with defensive law. the marines, whom he had sent to secure the ships, had prevented some of the masters from going ashore; and those persons, by whose depositions it appeared that the vessels and cargoes were american property, declared that they had given their testimony under bodily fear, for that a man with a drawn sword in his hand had stood over them the whole time. a rascally lawyer, whom the party employed, suggested this story; and as the sentry at the cabin door was a man with a drawn sword, the americans made no scruple of swearing to this ridiculous falsehood, and commencing prosecutions against him accordingly. they laid their damages at the enormous amount of l , ; and nelson was obliged to keep close on board his own ship, lest he should be arrested for a sum for which it would have been impossible to find bail. the marshal frequently came on board to arrest him, but was always prevented by the address of the first lieutenant, mr. wallis. had he been taken, such was the temper of the people that it was certain he would have been cast for the whole sum. one of his officers, one day, in speaking of the restraint which he was thus compelled to suffer, happened to use the word pity! "pity!" exclaimed nelson: "pity! did you say? i shall live, sir, to be envied! and to that point i shall always direct my course." eight weeks remained in this state of duresse. during that time the trial respecting the detained ships came on in the court of admiralty. he went on shore under a protection for the day from the judge; but, notwithstanding this, the marshal was called upon to take that opportunity of arresting him, and the merchants promised to indemnify him for so doing. the judge, however, did his duty, and threatened to send the marshal to prison if he attempted to violate the protection of the court. mr. herbert, the president of nevis, behaved with singular generosity upon this occasion. though no man was a greater sufferer by the measures which nelson had pursued, he offered in court to become his bail for l , if he chose to suffer the arrest. the lawyer whom he had chosen proved to be an able as well as an honest man; and notwithstanding the opinions and pleadings of most of the counsel of the different islands, who maintained that ships of war were not justified in seizing american vessels without a deputation from the customs, the law was so explicit, the case so clear, and nelson pleaded his own cause so well, that the four ships were condemned. during the progress of this business he sent a memorial home to the king, in consequence of which orders were issued that he should be defended at the expense of the crown. and upon the representation which he made at the same time to the secretary of state, and the suggestions with which he accompanied it, the register act was framed. the sanction of government, and the approbation of his conduct which it implied, were highly gratifying to him; but he was offended, and not without just cause, that the treasury should have transmitted thanks to the commander-in-chief for his activity and zeal in protecting the commerce of great britain. "had they known all," said he, "i do not think they would have bestowed thanks in that quarter, and neglected me. i feel much hurt that, after the loss of health and risk of fortune, another should be thanked for what i did against his orders. i either deserved to be sent out of the service, or at least to have had some little notice taken of what i had done. they have thought it worthy of notice, and yet have neglected me. if this is the reward for a faithful discharge of my duty, i shall be careful, and never stand forward again. but i have done my duty, and have nothing to accuse myself of." the anxiety which he had suffered from the harassing uncertainties of law is apparent from these expressions. he had, however, something to console him, for he was at this time wooing the niece of his friend the president, then in her eighteenth year, the widow of dr. nisbet, a physician. she had one child, a son, by name josiah, who was three years old. one day mr. herbert, who had hastened half-dressed to receive nelson, exclaimed, on returning to his dressing-room, "good god! if i did not find that great little man, of whom everybody is so afraid, playing in the next room, under the dining-table, with mrs. nisbet's child!" a few days afterwards mrs. nisbet herself was first introduced to him, and thanked him for the partiality which he had shown to her little boy. her manners were mild and winning; and the captain, whose heart was easily susceptible of attachment, found no such imperious necessity for subduing his inclinations as had twice before withheld him from marrying. they were married on march , : prince william henry, who had come out to the west indies the preceding winter, being present, by his own desire, to give away the bride. mr. herbert, her uncle, was at this time so much displeased with his only daughter, that he had resolved to disinherit her, and leave his whole fortune, which was very great, to his niece. but nelson, whose nature was too noble to let him profit by an act of injustice, interfered, and succeeded in reconciling the president to his child. "yesterday," said one of his naval friends the day after the wedding, "the navy lost one of its greatest ornaments by nelson's marriage. it is a national loss that such an officer should marry: had it not been for this, nelson would have become the greatest man in the service." the man was rightly estimated; but he who delivered this opinion did not understand the effect of domestic love and duty upon a mind of the true heroic stamp. "we are often separate," said nelson, in a letter to mrs. nisbet a few months before their marriage; "but our affections are not by any means on that account diminished. our country has the first demand for our services; and private convenience or happiness must ever give way to the public good. duty is the great business of a sea officer: all private considerations must give way to it, however painful." "have you not often heard," says he in another letter, "that salt water and absence always wash away love? now i am such a heretic as not to believe that article, for, behold, every morning i have had six pails of salt water poured upon my head, and instead of finding what seamen say to be true, it goes on so contrary to the prescription, that you may, perhaps, see me before the fixed time." more frequently his correspondence breathed a deeper strain. "to write letters to you," says he, "is the next greatest pleasure i feel to receiving them from you. what i experience when i read such as i am sure are the pure sentiments of your heart, my poor pen cannot express; nor, indeed, would i give much for any pen or head which could express feelings of that kind. absent from you, i feel no pleasure: it is you who are everything to me. without you, i care not for this world; for i have found, lately, nothing in it but vexation and trouble. these are my present sentiments. god almighty grant they may never change! nor do i think they will. indeed there is, as far as human knowledge can judge, a moral certainty that they cannot; for it must be real affection that brings us together, not interest or compulsion." such were the feelings, and such the sense of duty, with which nelson became a husband. during his stay upon this station he had ample opportunity of observing the scandalous practices of the contractors, prize-agents, and other persons in the west indies connected with the naval service. when he was first left with the command, and bills were brought him to sign for money which was owing for goods purchased for the navy, he required the original voucher, that he might examine whether those goods had been really purchased at the market price; but to produce vouchers would not have been convenient, and therefore was not the custom. upon this nelson wrote to sir charles middleton, then comptroller of the navy, representing the abuses which were likely to be practised in this manner. the answer which he received seemed to imply that the old forms were thought sufficient; and thus, having no alternative, he was compelled, with his eyes open, to submit to a practice originating in fraudulent intentions. soon afterwards two antigua merchants informed him that they were privy to great frauds which had been committed upon government in various departments; at antigua, to the amount of nearly l , ; at lucie, l , ; at barbadoes, l , ; at jamaica, upwards of a million. the informers were both shrewd sensible men of business; they did not affect to be actuated by a sense of justice, but required a percentage upon so much as government should actually recover through their means. nelson examined the books and papers which they produced, and was convinced that government had been most infamously plundered. vouchers, he found, in that country, were no check whatever: the principle was, that "a thing was always worth what it would bring;" and the merchants were in the habit of signing vouchers for each other, without even the appearance of looking at the articles. these accounts he sent home to the different departments which had been defrauded; but the peculators were too powerful, and they succeeded not merely in impeding inquiry, but even in raising prejudices against nelson at the board of admiralty, which it was many years before he could subdue. owing probably, to these prejudices, and the influence of the peculators, he was treated, on his return to england, in a manner which had nearly driven him from the service. during the three years that the boreas had remained upon a station which is usually so fatal, not a single officer or man of her whole complement had died. this almost unexampled instance of good health, though mostly, no doubt, imputable to a healthy season, must in some measure, also, be ascribed to the wise conduct of the captain. he never suffered the ships to remain more than three or four weeks at a time at any of the islands; and when the hurricane months confined him to english harbour, he encouraged all kinds of useful amusements--music, dancing, and cudgelling among the men; theatricals among the officers; anything which could employ their attention, and keep their spirits cheerful. the boreas arrived in england in june. nelson, who had many times been supposed to be consumptive when in the west indies, and perhaps was saved from consumption by that climate, was still in a precarious state of health; and the raw wet weather of one of our ungenial summers brought on cold, and sore throat, and fever; yet his vessel was kept at the nore from the end of june till the end of november, serving as a slop and receiving ship. this unworthy treatment, which more probably proceeded from inattention than from neglect, excited in nelson the strongest indignation. during the whole five months he seldom or never quitted the ship, but carried on the duty with strict and sullen attention. on the morning when orders were received to prepare the boreas for being paid off, he expressed his joy to the senior officer in the medway, saying, "it will release me for ever from an ungrateful service; for it is my firm and unalterable determination never again to set my foot on board a king's ship. immediately after my arrival in town i shall wait on the first lord of the admiralty, and resign my commission." the officer to whom he thus communicated his intentions behaved in the wisest and most friendly manner; for finding it in vain to dissuade him in his present state of feeling, he secretly interfered with the first lord to save him from a step so injurious to himself, little foreseeing how deeply the welfare and honour of england were at that moment at stake. this interference produced a letter from lord howe the day before the ship was paid off, intimating a wish to see captain nelson as soon as he arrived in town; when, being pleased with his conversation, and perfectly convinced, by what was then explained to him, of the propriety of his conduct, he desired that he might present him to the king on the first levee-day; and the gracious manner in which nelson was then received effectually removed his resentment. prejudices had been, in like manner, excited against his friend, prince william henry. "nothing is wanting, sir," said nelson, in one of his letters, "to make you the darling of the english nation but truth. sorry am i to say, much to the contrary has been dispersed." this was not flattery, for nelson was no flatterer. the letter in which this passage occurs shows in how wise and noble a manner he dealt with the prince. one of his royal highness's officers had applied for a court-martial upon a point in which he was unquestionably wrong. his royal highness, however, while he supported his own character and authority, prevented the trial, which must have been injurious to a brave and deserving man. "now that you are parted," said nelson, "pardon me, my prince, when i presume to recommend that he may stand in your royal favour as if he had never sailed with you, and that at some future day you will serve him. there only wants this to place your conduct in the highest point of view. none of us are without failings--his was being rather too hasty; but that, put in competition with his being a good officer, will not, i am bold to say, be taken in the scale against him. more able friends than myself your royal highness may easily find, and of more consequence in the state; but one more attached and affectionate is not so easily met with: princes seldom, very seldom, find a disinterested person to communicate their thoughts to: i do not pretend to be that person; but of this be assured, by a man who, i trust, never did a dishonourable act, that i am interested only that your royal highness should be the greatest and best man this country ever produced." encouraged by the conduct of lord howe, and by his reception at court, nelson renewed his attack upon the peculators with fresh spirit. he had interviews with mr. rose, mr. pitt, and sir charles middleton, to all of whom he satisfactorily proved his charges. in consequence, if is said, these very extensive public frauds were at length put in a proper train to be provided against in future; his representations were attended to; and every step which he recommended was adopted; the investigation was put into a proper course, which ended in the detection and punishment of some of the culprits; an immense saving was made to government, and thus its attention was directed to similar peculations in other arts of the colonies. but it is said also that no mark of commendation seems to have been bestowed upon nelson for his exertion. it has been justly remarked that the spirit of the navy cannot be preserved so effectually by the liberal honours bestowed on officers when they are worn out in the service, as by an attention to those who, like nelson at this part of his life, have only their integrity and zeal to bring them into notice. a junior officer, who had been left with the command at jamaica, received an additional allowance, for which nelson had applied in vain. double pay was allowed to every artificer and seaman employed in the naval yard: nelson had superintended the whole business of that yard with the most rigid exactness, and he complained that he was neglected. "it was most true," he said, "that the trouble which he took to detect the fraudulent practices then carried on was no more than his duty; but he little thought that the expenses attending his frequent journeys to st. john's upon that duty (a distance of twelve miles) would have fallen upon his pay as captain of the boreas." nevertheless, the sense of what he thought unworthy usage did not diminish his zeal. "i," said he, "must buffet the waves in search of--what? alas! that they called honour is thought of no more. my fortune, god knows, has grown worse for the service; so much for serving my country! but the devil, ever willing to tempt the virtuous, has made me offer, if any ships should be sent to destroy his majesty of morocco's ports, to be there; and i have some reason to think that, should any more come of it, my humble services will be accepted. i have invariably laid down, and followed close, a plan of what ought to be uppermost in the breast of an officer,--that it is much better to serve an ungrateful country than to give up his own fame. posterity will do him justice. a uniform course of honour and integrity seldom fails of bringing a man to the goal of fame at last." the design against the barbary pirates, like all other designs against them, was laid aside; and nelson took his wife to his father's parsonage, meaning only to pay him a visit before they went to france; a project which he had formed for the sake of acquiring a competent knowledge of the french language. but his father could not bear to lose him thus unnecessarily. mr. nelson had long been an invalid, suffering under paralytic and asthmatic affections, which, for several hours after he rose in the morning, scarcely permitted him to speak. he had been given over by his physicians for this complaint nearly forty years before his death; and was, for many of his latter years, obliged to spend all his winters at bath. the sight of his son, he declared, had given him new life. "but, horatio," said he, "it would have been better that i had not been thus cheered, if i am so soon to be bereaved of you again. let me, my good son, see you whilst i can. my age and infirmities increase, and i shall not last long." to such an appeal there could be no reply. nelson took up his abode at the parsonage, and amused himself with the sports and occupations of the country. sometimes he busied himself with farming the glebe; sometimes spent the greater part of the day in the garden, where he would dig as if for the mere pleasure of wearying himself. sometimes he went a birds'-nesting, like a boy; and in these expeditions mrs. nelson always, by his expressed desire, accompanied him. coursing was his favourite amusement. shooting, as he practised it, was far too dangerous for his companions; for he carried his gun upon the full cock, as if he were going to board an enemy; and the moment a bird rose, he let fly without ever putting the fowling-piece to his shoulder. it is not, therefore, extraordinary that his having once shot a partridge should be remembered by his family among the remarkable events of his life. but his time did not pass away thus without some vexatious cares to ruffle it. the affair of the american ships was not yet over, and he was again pestered with threats of prosecution. "i have written them word," said he, "that i will have nothing to do with them, and they must act as they think proper. government, i suppose, will do what is right, and not leave me in the lurch. we have heard enough lately of the consequences of the navigation act to this country. they may take my person; but if sixpence would save me from a prosecution, i would not give it." it was his great ambition at this time to possess a pony; and having resolved to purchase one, he went to a fair for that purpose. during his absence two men abruptly entered the parsonage and inquired for him: they then asked for mrs. nelson; and after they had made her repeatedly declare that she was really and truly the captain's wife, presented her with a writ, or notification, on the part of the american captains, who now laid their damages at l , , and they charged her to give it to her husband on his return. nelson, having bought his pony, came home with it in high spirits. he called out his wife to admire the purchase and listen to all its excellences: nor was it till his glee had in some measure subsided that the paper could be presented to him. his indignation was excessive; and in the apprehension that he should be exposed to the anxieties of the suit and the ruinous consequences which might ensue, he exclaimed, "this affront i did not deserve! but i'll be trifled with no longer. i will write immediately to the treasury, and if government will not support me, i am resolved to leave the country." accordingly, he informed the treasury that, if a satisfactory answer were not sent him by return of post, he should take refuge in france. to this he expected he should be driven, and for this he arranged everything with his characteristic rapidity of decision. it was settled that he should depart immediately, and mrs. nelson follow, under the care of his elder brother maurice, ten days after him. but the answer which he received from government quieted his fears: it stated that captain nelson was a very good officer, and needed to be under no apprehension, for he would assuredly be supported. here his disquietude upon this subject seems to have ended. still he was not at ease; he wanted employment, and was mortified that his applications for it produced no effect. "not being a man of fortune," he said, "was a crime which he was unable to get over, and therefore none of the great cared about him." repeatedly he requested the admiralty that they would not leave him to rust in indolence. during the armament which was made upon occasion of the dispute concerning nootka sound, he renewed his application; and his steady friend, prince william, who had then been created duke of clarence, recommended him to lord chatham. the failure of this recommendation wounded him so keenly that he again thought of retiring from the service in disgust; a resolution from which nothing but the urgent remonstrances of lord hood induced him to desist. hearing that the raisonnable, in which he had commenced his career, was to be commissioned, he asked for her. this also was in vain; and a coolness ensued, on his part, toward lord hood, because that excellent officer did not use his influence with lord chatham upon this occasion. lord hood, however, had certainly sufficient reasons for not interfering; for he ever continued his steady friend. in the winter of , when we were on the eve of the revolutionary war, nelson once more offered his services, earnestly requested a ship, and added, that if their lordships should be pleased to appoint him to a cockle-boat he should feel satisfied. he was answered in the usual official form: "sir, i have received your letter of the th instant, expressing your readiness to serve, and have read the same to my lords commissioners of the admiralty." on the th of december he received this dry acknowledgment. the fresh mortification did not, however, affect him long; for, by the joint interest of the duke and lord hood, he was appointed, on the th of january following, to the agamemnon, of sixty-four guns. chapter iii - the agamemnon sent to the mediterranean --commencement of nelson's aquaintance with sir w. hamilton--he is sent to corsica, to cooperate with paoli--state of affairs in that island--nelson undertakes the siege of bastia, and reduces it--takes a distinguished part in the siege of calvi, where he loses an eye--admiral hotham's action--the agamemnon ordered to genoa, to co-operate with the austrian and sardinian forces--gross misconduct of the austrian general. "there are three things, young gentleman," said nelson to one of his midshipmen, "which you are constantly to bear in mind. first, you must always implicitly obey orders, without attempting to form any opinion of your own respecting their propriety; secondly, you must consider every man your enemy who speaks ill of your king; and, thirdly, you must hate a frenchman as you do the devil." with these feelings he engaged in the war. josiah, his son-in-law, went with him as a midshipman. the agamemnon was ordered to the mediterranean under lord hood. the fleet arrived in those seas at a time when the south of france would willingly have formed itself into a separate republic, under the protection of england. but good principles had been at that time perilously abused by ignorant and profligate men; and, in its fear and hatred of democracy, the english government abhorred whatever was republican. lord hood could not take advantage of the fair occasion which presented itself; and which, if it had been seized with vigour, might have ended in dividing france:--but he negotiated with the people of toulon, to take possession provisionally of their port and city; which, fatally for themselves, was done. before the british fleet entered, nelson was sent with despatches to sir william hamilton, our envoy at the court of naples. sir william, after his first interview with him, told lady hamilton he was about to introduce a little man to her, who could not boast of being very handsome; but such a man as, he believed, would one day astonish the world. "i have never before," he continued, "entertained an officer at my house; but i am determined to bring him here. let him be put in the room prepared for prince augustus." thus that acquaintance began which ended in the destruction of nelson's domestic happiness. it seemed to threaten no such consequences at its commencement. he spoke of lady hamilton, in a letter to his wife, as a young woman of amiable manners, who did honour to the station to which she had been raised; and he remarked, that she had been exceedingly kind to josiah. the activity with which the envoy exerted himself in procuring troops from naples, to assist in garrisoning toulon, so delighted him, that he is said to have exclaimed, "sir william, you are a man after my own heart!--you do business in my own way:" and then to have added, "i am now only a captain; but i will, if i live, be at the top of the tree." here, also, that acquaintance with the neapolitan court commenced, which led to the only blot upon nelson's public character. the king, who was sincere at that time in his enmity to the french, called the english the saviours of italy, and of his dominions in particular. he paid the most flattering attentions to nelson, made him dine with him, and seated him at his right hand. having accomplished this mission, nelson received orders to join commodore linzee at tunis. on the way, five sail of the enemy were discovered off the coast of sardinia, and he chased them. they proved to be three forty-four gun frigates, with a corvette of twenty-four and a brig of twelve. the agamemnon had only men at quarters, having landed part of her crew at toulon, and others being absent in prizes. he came near enough one of the frigates to engage her, but at great disadvantage, the frenchman manoeuvring well and sailing greatly better. a running fight of three hours ensued, during which the other ships, which were at some distance, made all speed to come up. by this time the enemy was almost silenced, when a favourable change of wind enabled her to get out of reach of the agamemnon's guns; and that ship had received so much damage in the rigging that she could not follow her. nelson, conceiving that this was but the forerunner of a far more serious engagement, called his officers together, and asked them if the ship was fit to go into action against such a superior force without some small refit and refreshment for the men. their answer was, that she certainly was not. he then gave these orders,--"veer the ship, and lay her head to the westward: let some of the best men be employed in refitting the rigging, and the carpenter in getting crows and capstan-bars to prevent our wounded spars from coming down: and get the wine up for the people, with some bread, for it may be half an hour good before we are again in action." but when the french came up, their comrade made signals of distress, and they all hoisted out their boats to go to her assistance, leaving the agamemnon unmolested. nelson found commodore linzee at tunis, where he had been sent to expostulate with the dey upon the impolicy of his supporting the revolutionary government of france. nelson represented to him the atrocity of that government. such arguments were of little avail in barbary; and when the dey was told that the french had put their sovereign to death, he drily replied, that "nothing could be more heinous; and yet, if historians told the truth, the english had once done the same." this answer had doubtless been suggested by the french about him: they had completely gained the ascendancy, and all negotiation on our part proved fruitless. shortly afterward, nelson was detached with a small squadron, to co-operate with general paoli and the anti-gallican party in corsica. some thirty years before this time the heroic patriotism of the corsicans, and of their leader paoli, had been the admiration of england. the history of these brave people is but a melancholy tale. the island which they inhabit has been abundantly blessed by nature; it has many excellent harbours; and though the malaria, or pestilential atmosphere, which is so deadly in many parts of italy and of the italian islands, prevails on the eastern coast, the greater part of the country is mountainous and healthy. it is about miles long, and from to broad; in circumference, some ; a country large enough, and sufficiently distant from the nearest shores, to have subsisted as an independent state, if the welfare and happiness of the human race had ever been considered as the end and aim of policy. the moors, the pisans, the kings of aragon, and the genoese, successively attempted, and each for a time effected its conquest. the yoke of the genoese continued longest, and was the heaviest. these petty tyrants ruled with an iron rod; and when at any time a patriot rose to resist their oppressions, if they failed to subdue him by force they resorted to assassination. at the commencement of the last century they quelled one revolt by the aid of german auxiliaries, whom the emperor charles vi. sent against a people who had never offended him, and who were fighting for whatever is most dear to man. in the war was renewed; and theodore, a westphalian baron, then appeared upon the stage. in that age men were not accustomed to see adventurers play for kingdoms, and theodore became the common talk of europe. he had served in the french armies; and having afterwards been noticed both by ripperda and alberoni, their example, perhaps, inflamed a spirit as ambitious and as unprincipled as their own. he employed the whole of his means in raising money and procuring arms; then wrote to the leaders of the corsican patriots, to offer them considerable assistance, if they would erect corsica into an independent kingdom, and elect him king. when he landed among them, they were struck with his stately person, his dignified manners, and imposing talents. they believed the magnificent promises of foreign assistance which he held out, and elected him king accordingly. had his means been as he represented them, they could not have acted more wisely than in thus at once fixing the government of their country, and putting an end to those rivalries among the leading families, which had so often proved pernicious to the public weal. he struck money, conferred titles, blocked up the fortified towns which were held by the genoese, and amused the people with promises of assistance for about eight months: then, perceiving that they cooled in their affections towards him in proportion as their expectations were disappointed, he left the island, under the plea of expediting himself the succours which he had so long awaited. such was his address, that he prevailed upon several rich merchants in holland, particularly the jews, to trust him with cannon and warlike stores to a great amount. they shipped these under the charge of a supercargo. theodore returned with this supercargo to corsica, and put him to death on his arrival, as the shortest way of settling the account. the remainder of his life was a series of deserved afflictions. he threw in the stores which he had thus fraudulently obtained; but he did not dare to land, for genoa had now called in the french to their assistance, and a price had been set upon his head. his dreams of royalty were now at an end; he took refuge in london, contracted debts, and was thrown into the king's bench. after lingering there many years, he was released under an act of insolvency, in consequence of which he made over the kingdom of corsica for the use of his creditors, and died shortly after his deliverance. the french, who have never acted a generous part in the history of the world, readily entered into the views of the genoese, which accorded with their own policy: for such was their ascendancy at genoa, that in subduing corsica for these allies, they were in fact subduing it for themselves. they entered into the contest, therefore, with their usual vigour, and their usual cruelty. it was in vain that the corsicans addressed a most affecting memorial to the court of versailles; that remorseless government persisted in its flagitious project. they poured in troops; dressed a part of them like the people of the country, by which means they deceived and destroyed many of the patriots; cut down the standing corn, the vines, and the olives; set fire to the villages, and hung all the most able and active men who fell into their hands. a war of this kind may be carried on with success against a country so small and so thinly peopled as corsica. having reduced the island to perfect servitude, which they called peace, the french withdrew their forces. as soon as they were gone, men, women, and boys rose at once against their oppressors. the circumstances of the times were now favourable to them; and some british ships, acting as allies of sardinia, bombarded bastia and san fiorenzo, and delivered them into the hands of the patriots. this service was long remembered with gratitude: the impression made upon our own countrymen was less favourable. they had witnessed the heartburnings of rival chiefs, and the dissensions among the patriots; and perceiving the state of barbarism to which continual oppression, and habits of lawless turbulence, had reduced the nation, did not recollect that the vices of the people were owing to their unhappy circumstances, but that the virtues which they displayed arose from their own nature. this feeling, perhaps, influenced the british court, when, in , corsica offered to put herself under the protection of great britain: an answer was returned, expressing satisfaction at such a communication, hoping that the corsicans would preserve the same sentiments, but signifying also that the present was not the time for such a measure. these brave islanders then formed a government for themselves, under two leaders, gaffori and matra, who had the title of protectors. the latter is represented as a partisan of genoa, favouring the views of the oppressors of his country by the most treasonable means. gaffori was a hero worthy of old times. his eloquence was long remembered with admiration. a band of assassins was once advancing against him; he heard of their approach, went out to meet them; and, with a serene dignity which overawed them, requested them to hear him. he then spake to them so forcibly of the distresses of their country, her intolerable wrongs, and the hopes and views of their brethren in arms, that the very men who had been hired to murder him, fell at his feet, implored his forgiveness, and joined his banner. while he was besieging the genoese in corte, a part of the garrison perceiving the nurse with his eldest son, then an infant in arms, straying at a little distance from the camp, suddenly sallied out and seized them. the use they made of their persons was in conformity to their usual execrable conduct. when gaffori advanced to batter the walls, they held up the child directly over that part of the wall at which the guns were pointed. the corsicans stopped: but gaffori stood at their head, and ordered them to continue the fire. providentially the child escaped, and lived to relate, with becoming feeling, a fact so honourable to his father. that father conducted the affairs of the island till , when he was assassinated by some wretches, set on, it is believed, by genoa, but certainly pensioned by that abominable government after the deed. he left the country in such a state that it was enabled to continue the war two years after his death without a leader: the corsicans then found one worthy of their cause in pasquale de paoli. paoli's father was one of the patriots who effected their escape from corsica when the french reduced it to obedience. he retired to naples, and brought up his youngest son in the neapolitan service. the corsicans heard of young paoli's abilities, and solicited him to come over to his native country, and take the command. he did not hesitate long: his father, who was too far advanced in years to take an active part himself, encouraged him to go; and when they separated, the old man fell on his neck, and kissed him, and gave him his blessing. "my son," said he, "perhaps i may never see you more; but in my mind i shall ever be present with you. your design is great and noble; and i doubt not but god will bless you in it. i shall devote to your cause the little remainder of my life in offering up my prayers for your success." when paoli assumed the command, he found all things in confusion: he formed a democratical government, of which he was chosen chief: restored the authority of the laws; established a university; and took such measures, both for repressing abuses and moulding the rising generation, that, if france had not interfered, upon its wicked and detestable principle of usurpation, corsica might at this day have been as free, and flourishing and happy a commonwealth as any of the grecian states in the days of their prosperity. the genoese were at this time driven out of their fortified towns, and must in a short time have been expelled. france was indebted some millions of livres to genoa: it was not convenient to pay this money; so the french minister proposed to the genoese, that she should discharge the debt by sending six battalions to serve in corsica for four years. the indignation which this conduct excited in all generous hearts was forcibly expressed by rousseau, who, with all his errors, was seldom deficient in feeling for the wrongs of humanity. "you frenchmen," said he, writing to one of that people, "are a thoroughly servile nation, thoroughly sold to tyranny, thoroughly cruel and relentless in persecuting the unhappy. if you knew of a freeman at the other end of the world, i believe you would go thither for the mere pleasure of extirpating him." the immediate object of the french happened to be purely mercenary: they wanted to clear off their debt to genoa; and as the presence of their troops in the island effected this, they aimed at doing the people no farther mischief. would that the conduct of england had been at this time free from reproach! but a proclamation was issued by the english government, after the peace of paris, prohibiting any intercourse with the rebels of corsica. paoli said, he did not expect this from great britain. this great man was deservedly proud of his country. "i defy rome, sparta, or thebes," he would say, "to show me thirty years of such patriotism as corsica can boast!" availing himself of the respite which the inactivity of the french and the weakness of the genoese allowed, he prosecuted his plans of civilising the people. he used to say, that though he had an unspeakable pride in the prospect of the fame to which he aspired; yet if he could but render his countrymen happy, he could be content to be forgotten. his own importance he never affected to undervalue. "we are now to our country," said he, "like the prophet elisha stretched over the dead child of the shunamite,--eye to eye, nose to nose, mouth to mouth. it begins to recover warmth, and to revive: i hope it will yet regain full health and vigour." but when the four years were expired, france purchased the sovereignty of corsica from the genoese for forty millions of livres; as if the genoese had been entitled to sell it; as if any bargain and sale could justify one country in taking possession of another against the will of the inhabitants, and butchering all who oppose the usurpation! among the enormities which france has committed, this action seems but as a speck; yet the foulest murderer that ever suffered by the hand of the executioner has infinitely less guilt upon his soul than the statesman who concluded this treaty, and the monarch who sanctioned and confirmed it. a desperate and glorious resistance was made, but it was in vain; no power interposed in behalf of these injured islanders, and the french poured in as many troops as were required. they offered to confirm paoli in the supreme authority, only on condition that he would hold it under their government. his answer was, that "the rocks which surrounded him should melt away before he would betray a cause which he held in common with the poorest corsican." this people then set a price upon his head. during two campaigns he kept them at bay: they overpowered him at length; he was driven to the shore, and having escaped on shipboard, took refuge in england. it is said that lord shelburne resigned his seat in the cabinet because the ministry looked on without attempting to prevent france from succeeding in this abominable and important act of aggrandizement. in one respect, however, our country acted as became her. paoli was welcomed with the honours which he deserved, a pension of l was immediately granted him, and provision was liberally made for his elder brother and his nephew. about twenty years paoli remained in england, enjoying the friendship of the wise and the admiration of the good. but when the french revolution began, it seemed as if the restoration of corsica was at hand. the whole country, as if animated by one spirit, rose and demanded liberty; and the national assembly passed a decree recognising the island as a department of france, and therefore entitled to all the privileges of the new french constitution. this satisfied the corsicans, which it ought not to have done; and paoli, in whom the ardour of youth was passed, seeing that his countrymen were contented, and believing that they were about to enjoy a state of freedom, naturally wished to return to his native country. he resigned his pension in the year , and appeared at the bar of the assembly with the corsican deputies, when they took the oath of fidelity to france. but the course of events in france soon dispelled those hopes of a new and better order of things, which paoli, in common with so many of the friends of human-kind, had indulged; and perceiving, after the execution of the king, that a civil war was about to ensue, of which no man could foresee the issue, he prepared to break the connection between corsica and the french republic. the convention suspecting such a design, and perhaps occasioning it by their suspicions, ordered him to their bar. that way he well knew led to the guillotine; and returning a respectful answer, he declared that he would never be found wanting in his duty, but pleaded age and infirmity as a reason for disobeying the summons. their second order was more summary; and the french troops, who were in corsica, aided by those of the natives, who were either influenced by hereditary party feelings, or who were sincere in jacobinism, took the field against him. but the people were with him. he repaired to corte, the capital of the island, and was again invested with the authority which he had held in the noonday of his fame. the convention upon this denounced him as a rebel, and set a price upon his head. it was not the first time that france had proscribed paoli. paoli now opened a correspondence with lord hood, promising, if the english would make an attack upon st. fiorenzo from the sea, he would at the same time attack it by land. this promise he was unable to perform; and commodore linzee, who, in reliance upon it, was sent upon this service, was repulsed with some loss. lord hood, who had now been compelled to evacuate toulon, suspected paoli of intentionally deceiving him. this was an injurious suspicion. shortly afterwards he dispatched lieutenant-colonel (afterward sir john) moore and major koehler to confer with him upon a plan of operations. sir gilbert elliot accompanied them; and it was agreed that, in consideration of the succours, both military and naval, which his britannic majesty should afford for the purpose of expelling the french, the island of corsica should be delivered into the immediate possession of his majesty, and bind itself to acquiesce in any settlement he might approve of concerning its government, and its future relation with great britain. while this negotiation was going on, nelson cruised off the island with a small squadron, to prevent the enemy from throwing in supplies. close to st. fiorenzo the french had a storehouse of flour near their only mill: he watched an opportunity, and landed men, who threw the flour into the sea, burnt the mill, and re-embarked before men, who were sent against him, could occasion them the loss of a single man. while he exerted himself thus, keeping out all supplies, intercepting despatches, attacking their outposts and forts, and cutting out vessels from the bay,--a species of warfare which depresses the spirit of an enemy even more than it injures them, because of the sense of individual superiority which it indicates in the assailants--troops were landed, and st. fiorenzo was besieged. the french finding themselves unable to maintain their post sunk one of their frigates, burnt another, and retreated to bastia. lord hood submitted to general dundas, who commanded the land forces, a plan for the reduction of this place: the general declined co-operating, thinking the attempt impracticable without a reinforcement of men, which he expected from gibraltar. upon this lord hood determined to reduce it with the naval force under his command; and leaving part of his fleet off toulon, he came with the rest to bastia. he showed a proper sense of respect for nelson's services, and of confidence in his talents, by taking care not to bring with him any older captain. a few days before their arrival, nelson had had what he called a brush with the enemy. "if i had had with me troops," he said, "to a certainty i should have stormed the town; and i believe it might have been carried. armies go so slow that seamen think they never mean to get forward; but i daresay they act on a surer principle, although we seldom fail." during this partial action our army appeared upon the heights; and having reconnoitered the place, returned to st. fiorenzo. "what the general could have seen to make a retreat necessary," said nelson, "i cannot comprehend. a thousand men would certainly take bastia: with five hundred and the agamemnon i would attempt it. my seamen are now what british seamen ought to be--almost invincible. they really mind shot no more than peas." general dundas had not the same confidence. "after mature consideration," he said in a letter to lord hood, "and a personal inspection for several days of all circumstances, local as well as others, i consider the siege of bastia, with our present means and force, to be a most visionary and rash attempt; such as no officer would be justified in undertaking." lord hood replied that nothing would be more gratifying to his feelings than to have the whole responsibility upon himself; and that he was ready and willing to undertake the reduction of the place at his own risk with the force and means at present there. general d'aubant, who succeeded at this time to the command of the army, coincided in opinion with his predecessor, and did not think it right to furnish his lordship with a single soldier, cannon, or any stores. lord hood could only obtain a few artillerymen; and ordering on board that part of the troops who, having been embarked as marines, "were borne on the ships" books as part of their respective complements, he began the siege with soldiers, artillerymen, and marines, and sailors. "we are but few," said nelson, "but of the right sort; our general at st. fiorenzo not giving us one of the five regiments he has there lying idle." these men were landed on the th of april, under lieutenant-colonel villettes and nelson, who had now acquired from the army the title of brigadier. guns were dragged by the sailors up heights where it appeared almost impossible to convey them--a work of the greatest difficulty, and which nelson said could never, in his opinion, have been accomplished by any but british seamen. the soldiers, though less dexterous in such service, because not accustomed, like sailors, to habitual dexterity. behaved with equal spirit. "their zeal," said the brigadier, "is almost unexampled. there is not a man but considers himself as personally interested in the event, and deserted by the general. it has, i am persuaded, made them equal to double their numbers." this is one proof, of many, that for our soldiers to equal our seamen, it is only necessary for them to be equally well commanded. they have the same heart and soul, as well as the same flesh and blood. too much may, indeed, be exacted from them in a retreat; but set their face toward a foe, and there is nothing within the reach of human achievement which they cannot perform. the french had improved the leisure which our military commander had allowed them; and before lord hood commenced his operations, he had the mortification of seeing that the enemy were every day erecting new works, strengthening old ones, and rendering the attempt more difficult. la combe st. michel, the commissioner from the national convention, who was in the city, replied in these terms to the summons of the british admiral--"i have hot shot for your ships, and bayonets for your troops. when two-thirds of our men are killed, i will then trust to the generosity of the english." the siege, however, was not sustained with the firmness which such a reply seemed to augur. on the th of may a treaty of capitulation was begun; that same evening the troops from st. fiorenzo made their appearance on the hills; and, on the following morning, general d'aubant arrived with the whole army to take possession of bastia. the event of the siege had justified the confidence of the sailors; but they themselves excused the opinion of the generals when they saw what they had done. "i am all astonishment," said nelson, "when i reflect on what we have achieved; regulars, national guards, and a large party of corsican troops, in all, laying down their arms to soldiers, marines, and seamen! i always was of opinion, have ever acted up to it, and never had any reason to repent it, that one englishman was equal to three frenchmen. had this been an english town, i am sure it would not have been taken by them." when it had been resolved to attack the place, the enemy were supposed to be far inferior in number; and it was not till the whole had been arranged, and the siege publicly undertaken, that nelson received certain information of the great superiority of the garrison. this intelligence he kept secret, fearing lest, if so fair a pretext were afforded, the attempt would be abandoned. "my own honour," said he to his wife, "lord hood's honour, and the honour of our country, must have been sacrificed had i mentioned what i knew; therefore you will believe what must have been my feelings during the whole siege, when i had often proposals made to me to write to lord hood to raise it." those very persons who thus advised him, were rewarded for their conduct at the siege of bastia: nelson, by whom it may truly be affirmed that bastia was taken, received no reward. lord hood's thanks to him, both public and private, were, as he himself said, the handsomest which man could give; but his signal merits were not so mentioned in the despatches as to make them sufficiently known to the nation, nor to obtain for him from government those honours to which they so amply entitled him. this could only have arisen from the haste in which the despatches were written; certainly not from any deliberate purpose, for lord hood was uniformly his steady and sincere friend. one of the cartel's ships, which carried the garrison of bastia to toulon, brought back intelligence that the french were about to sail from that port;-such exertions had they made to repair the damage done at the evacuation, and to fit out a fleet. the intelligence was speedily verified. lord hood sailed in quest of them toward the islands of hieres. the agamemnon was with him. "i pray god," said nelson, writing to his wife, "that we may meet their fleet. if any accident should happen to me, i am sure my conduct will be such as will entitle you to the royal favour; not that i have the least idea but i shall return to you, and full of honour: if not, the lord's will be done. my name shall never be a disgrace to those who may belong to me. the little i have, i have given to you, except a small annuity--i wish it was more; but i have never got a farthing dishonestly: it descends from clean hands. whatever fate awaits me, i pray god to bless you, and preserve you, for your son's sake." with a mind thus prepared, and thus confident, his hopes and wishes seemed on the point of being gratified, when the enemy were discovered close under the land, near st. tropez. the wind fell, and prevented lord hood from getting between them and the shore, as he designed: boats came out from antibes and other places to their assistance, and towed them within the shoals in gourjean roads, where they were protected by the batteries on isles st. honore and st. marguerite, and on cape garousse. here the english admiral planned a new mode of attack, meaning to double on five of the nearest ships; but the wind again died away, and it was found that they had anchored in compact order, guarding the only passage for large ships. there was no way of effecting this passage, except by towing or warping the vessels; and this rendered the attempt impracticable. for this time the enemy escaped; but nelson bore in mind the admirable plan of attack which lord hood had devised, and there came a day when they felt its tremendous effects. the agamemnon was now despatched to co-operate at the siege of calvi with general sir charles stuart; an officer who, unfortunately for his country, never had an adequate field allotted him far the display of those eminent talents which were, to all who knew him, so conspicuous. nelson had less responsibility here than at bastia; and was acting with a man after his own heart, who was never sparing of himself, and slept every night in the advanced battery. but the service was not less hard than that of the former siege. "we will fag ourselves to death," said he to lord hood, "before any blame shall lie at our doors. i trust it will not be forgotten, that twenty-five pieces of heavy ordnance have been dragged to the different batteries, mounted, and, all but three, fought by seamen, except one artilleryman to point the guns." the climate proved more destructive than the service; for this was during the lion sun, as they call our season of the dog-days. of men, above half were sick, and the rest like so many phantoms. nelson described himself as the reed among the oaks, bowing before the storm when they were laid low by it. "all the prevailing disorders have attacked me," said he, "but i have not strength enough for them to fasten on." the loss from the enemy was not great; but nelson received a serious injury: a shot struck the ground near him, and drove the sand and small gravel into one of his eyes. he spoke of it slightly at the time: writing the same day to lord hood, he only said that he had got a little hurt that morning, not much; and the next day, he said, he should be able to attend his duty in the evening. in fact, he suffered it to confine him only one day; but the sight was lost. after the fall of calvi, his services were, by a strange omission, altogether overlooked; and his name was not even mentioned in the list of wounded. this was no ways imputable to the admiral, for he sent home to government nelson's journal of the siege, that they might fully understand the nature of his indefatigable and unequalled exertions. if those exertions were not rewarded in the conspicuous manner which they deserved, the fault was in the administration of the day, not in lord hood. nelson felt himself neglected. "one hundred and ten days," said he, "i have been actually engaged at sea and on shore against the enemy; three actions against ships, two against bastia in my ship, four boat actions, and two villages taken, and twelve sail of vessels burnt. i do not know that any one has done more. i have had the comfort to be always applauded by my commander-in-chief, but never to be rewarded; and, what is more mortifying, for services in which i have been wounded, others have been praised, who, at the same time, were actually in bed, far from the scene of action. they have not done me justice. but never mind, i'll have a gazette of my own." how amply was this second-sight of glory realised! the health of his ship's company had now, in his own words, been miserably torn to pieces by as hard service as a ship's crew ever performed: were in their beds when he left calvi; of them he lost and believed that the constitutions of the rest were entirely destroyed. he was now sent with despatches to mr. drake, at genoa, and had his first interview with the doge. the french had, at this time, taken possession of vado bay, in the genoese territory; and nelson foresaw that, if their thoughts were bent on the invasion of italy, they would accomplish it the ensuing spring. "the allied powers," he said, "were jealous of each other; and none but england was hearty in the cause." his wish was for peace on fair terms, because england he thought was draining herself to maintain allies who would not fight for themselves. lord hood had now returned to england, and the command devolved on admiral hotham. the affairs of the mediterranean wore at this time a gloomy aspect. the arts, as well as the arms of the enemy, were gaining the ascendancy there. tuscany concluded peace relying upon the faith of france, which was, in fact, placing itself at her mercy. corsica was in danger. we had taken that island for ourselves, annexed it formally to the crown of great britain, and given it a constitution as free as our own. this was done with the consent of the majority of the inhabitants; and no transaction between two countries was ever more fairly or legitimately conducted: yet our conduct was unwise;--the island is large enough to form an independent state, and such we should have made it, under our protection, as long as protection might be needed; the corsicans would then have felt as a nation; but when one party had given up the country to england, the natural consequence was that the other looked to france. the question proposed to the people was, to which would they belong? our language and our religion were against us; our unaccommodating manners, it is to be feared, still more so. the french were better politicians. in intrigue they have ever been unrivalled; and it now became apparent that, in spite of old wrongs, which ought never to have been forgotten nor forgiven, their partisans were daily acquiring strength. it is part of the policy of france, and a wise policy it is, to impress upon other powers the opinion of its strength, by lofty language: and by threatening before it strikes; a system which, while it keeps up the spirit of its allies, and perpetually stimulates their hopes, tends also to dismay its enemies. corsica was now loudly threatened. "the french, who had not yet been taught to feel their own inferiority upon the seas, braved us in contempt upon that element." they had a superior fleet in the mediterranean, and they sent it out with express orders to seek the english and engage them. accordingly, the toulon fleet, consisting of seventeen ships of the line and five smaller vessels, put to sea. admiral hotham received this information at leghorn, and sailed immediately in search of them. he had with him fourteen sail of the line, and one neapolitan seventy-four; but his ships were only half-manned, containing but men, whereas the enemy had , . he soon came in sight of them: a general action was expected; and nelson, as was his custom on such occasions, wrote a hasty letter to his wife, as that which might possibly contain his last farewell. "the lives of all," said he, "are in the hand of him who knows best whether to preserve mine or not; my character and good name are in my own keeping." but however confident the french government might be of their naval superiority, the officers had no such feeling; and after manoeuvring for a day in sight of the english fleet, they suffered themselves to be chased. one of their ships, the ca ira, of eighty-four guns, carried away her main and fore top-masts. the inconstant frigate fired at the disabled ship, but received so many shot that she was obliged to leave her. soon afterwards a french frigate took the ca ira in tow; and the sans-culottes, one hundred and twenty, and the jean barras, seventy-four, kept about gunshot distance on her weather bow. the agamemnon stood towards her, having no ship of the line to support her within several miles. as she drew near, the ca ira fired her stern guns so truly, that not a shot missed some part of the ship; and latterly, the masts were struck by every shot. it had been nelson's intention not to fire before he touched her stern; but seeing how impossible it was that he should be supported, and how certainly the agamemnon must be severely cut up if her masts were disabled, he altered his plan according to the occasion. as soon, therefore, as he was within a hundred yards of her stern, he ordered the helm to be put a-starboard, and the driver and after-sails to be brailed up and shivered; and, as the ship fell off, gave the enemy her whole broadside. they instantly braced up the after-yards, put the helm a-port, and stood after her again. this manoeuvre he practised for two hours and a quarter, never allowing the ca ira to get a single gun from either side to bear on him; and when the french fired their after-guns now, it was no longer with coolness and precision, for every shot went far ahead. by this time her sails were hanging in tatters, her mizen-top-mast, mizen-top-sail, and cross-jack-yards shot away. but the frigate which had her in tow hove in stays, and got her round. both these french ships now brought their guns to bear, and opened their fire. the agamemnon passed them within half-pistol shot; almost every shot passed over her, for the french had elevated their guns for the rigging, and for distant firing, and did not think of altering the elevation. as soon as the agamemnon's after-guns ceased to bear, she hove in stays, keeping a constant fire as she came round; and being worked, said nelson, with as much exactness as if she had been turning into spithead. on getting round, he saw that the sans-culottes, which had wore, with many of the enemy's ships, was under his lee bow, and standing to leeward. the admiral, at the same time, made the signal for the van ships to join him. upon this nelson bore away, and prepared to set all sail; and the enemy, having saved their ship, hauled close to the wind, and opened upon him a distant and ineffectual fire. only seven of the agamemnon's men were hurt--a thing which nelson himself remarked as wonderful: her sails and rigging were very much cut, and she had many shots in her hull, and some between wind and water. the ca ira lost men that day, and was so cut up that she could not get a top-mast aloft during the night. at daylight on the following morning, the english ships were taken aback with a fine breeze at n.w., while the enemy's fleet kept the southerly wind. the body of their fleet was about five miles distant; the ca ira and the censeur, seventy-four, which had her in tow, about three and a half. all sail was made to cut these ships off; and as the french attempted to save them, a partial action was brought on. the agamemnon was again engaged with her yesterday's antagonist; but she had to fight on both sides the ship at the same time. the ca ira and the censeur fought most gallantly: the first lost nearly men, in addition to her former loss; the last, . both at length struck; and lieutenant andrews, of the agamemnon, brother to the lady to whom nelson had become attached in france, and, in nelson's own words, "as gallant an officer as ever stepped a quarter-deck," hoisted english colours on board them both. the rest of the enemy's ships' behaved very ill. as soon as these vessels had struck, nelson went to admiral hotham and proposed that the two prizes should be left with the illustrious and courageux, which had been crippled in the action, and with four frigates, and that the rest of the fleet should pursue the enemy, and follow up the advantage to the utmost. but his reply was--"we must be contented: we have done very well."--"now," said nelson, "had we taken ten sail, and allowed the eleventh to escape, when it had been possible to have got at her, i could never have called it well done. goodall backed me; i got him to write to the admiral; but it would not do. we should have had such a day as, i believe, the annals of england never produced." in this letter the character of nelson fully manifests itself. "i wish," said he, "to be an admiral, and in the command of the english fleet: i should very soon either do much, or be ruined: my disposition cannot bear tame and slow measures. sure i am, had i commanded on the th, that either the whole french fleet would have graced my triumph, or i should have been in a confounded scrape." what the event would have been, he knew from his prophetic feelings and his own consciousness of power; and we also know it now, for aboukir and trafalgar have told it. the ca ira and censeur probably defended themselves with more obstinacy in this action, from a persuasion that, if they struck, no quarter would be given; because they had fired red-hot shot, and had also a preparation sent, as they said, by the convention from paris, which seems to have been of the nature of the greek fire; for it became liquid when it was discharged, and water would not extinguish its flames. this combustible was concealed with great care in the captured ships; like the red-hot shot, it had been found useless in battle. admiral hotham's action saved corsica for the time; but the victory had been incomplete, and the arrival at toulon of six sail of the line, two frigates, and two cutters from brest, gave the french a superiority which, had they known how to use it, would materially have endangered the british mediterranean fleet. that fleet had been greatly neglected at the admiralty during lord chatham's administration: and it did not, for some time, feel the beneficial effect of his removal. lord hood had gone home to represent the real state of affairs, and solicit reinforcements adequate to the exigencies of the time, and the importance of the scene of action. but that fatal error of under-proportioning the force to the service; that ruinous economy, which, by sparing a little, renders all that is spent useless, infected the british councils; and lord hood, not being able to obtain such reinforcements as he knew were necessary, resigned the command. "surely," said nelson, "the people at home have forgotten us." another neapolitan seventy-four joined admiral hotham, and nelson observed with sorrow that this was matter of exultation to an english fleet. when the store-ships and victuallers from gibraltar arrived, their escape from the enemy was thought wonderful; and yet, had they not escaped, "the game," said nelson, "was up here. at this moment our operations are at a stand for want of ships to support the austrians in getting possession of the sea-coast of the king of sardinia; and behold our admiral does not feel himself equal to show himself, much less to give assistance in their operations." it was reported that the french were again out with or sail. the combined british and neapolitan were but sixteen; should the enemy be only eighteen, nelson made no doubt of a complete victory; but if they were twenty, he said, it was not to be expected; and a battle, without complete victory, would have been destruction, because another mast was not to be got on that side gibraltar. at length admiral man arrived with a squadron from england. "what they can mean by sending him with only five sail of the line," said nelson, "is truly astonishing; but all men are alike, and we in this country do not find any amendment or alteration from the old board of admiralty. they should know that half the ships in the fleet require to go to england; and that long ago they ought to have reinforced us." about this time nelson was made colonel of marines; a mark of approbation which he had long wished for rather than expected. it came in good season, for his spirits were oppressed by the thought that his services had not been acknowledged as they deserved; and it abated the resentful feeling which would else have been excited by the answer to an application to the war-office. during his four months' land service in corsica, he had lost all his ship furniture, owing to the movements of a camp. upon this he wrote to the secretary at war, briefly stating what his services on shore had been, and saying, he trusted it was not asking an improper thing to request that the same allowance might be made to him which would be made to a land officer of his rank, which, situated as he was, would be that of a brigadier-general: if this could not be accorded, he hoped that his additional expenses would be paid him. the answer which he received was, that "no pay had ever been issued under the direction of the war-office to officers of the navy serving with the army on shore." he now entered upon a new line of service. the austrian and sardinian armies, under general de vins, required a british squadron to co-operate with them in driving the french from the riviera di genoa; and as nelson had been so much in the habit of soldiering, it was immediately fixed that the brigadier should go. he sailed from st. fiorenzo on this destination; but fell in, off cape del mele, with the enemy's fleet, who immediately gave his squadron chase. the chase lasted four-and-twenty hours; and, owing to the fickleness of the wind, the british ships were sometimes hard pressed; but the want of skill on the part of the french gave nelson many advantages. nelson bent his way back to st. fiorenzo, where the fleet, which was in the midst of watering and refitting, had, for seven hours, the mortification of seeing him almost in possession of the enemy, before the wind would allow them to put out to his assistance. the french, however, at evening, went off, not choosing to approach nearer the shore. during the night, admiral hotham, by great exertions, got under weigh; and, having sought the enemy four days, came in sight of them on the fifth. baffling winds and vexatious calms, so common in the mediterranean, rendered it impossible to close with them; only a partial action could be brought on; and then the firing made a perfect calm. the french being to windward, drew inshore; and the english fleet was becalmed six or seven miles to the westward. l'alcide, of seventy-four guns, struck; but before she could be taken possession of, a box of combustibles in her fore-top took fire, and the unhappy crew experienced how far more perilous their inventions were to themselves than to their enemies. so rapid was the conflagration, that the french in their official account say, the hull, the masts, and sails, all seemed to take fire at the same moment; and though the english boats were put out to the assistance of the poor wretches on board, not more than could be saved. the agamemnon, and captain rowley in the cumberland, were just getting into close action a second time, when the admiral called them off, the wind now blowing directly into the gulf of frejus, where the enemy anchored after the evening closed. nelson now proceeded to his station with eight sail of frigates under his command. arriving at genoa, he had a conference with mr. drake, the british envoy to that state; the result of which was, that the object of the british must be to put an entire stop to all trade between genoa, france, and the places occupied by the french troops; for unless this trade were stopped, it would be scarcely possible for the allied armies to hold their situation, and impossible for them to make any progress in driving the enemy out of the riviera di genoa. mr. drake was of opinion that even nice might fall for want of supplies, if the trade with genoa were cut off. this sort of blockade nelson could not carry on without great risk to himself. a captain in the navy, as he represented to the envoy, is liable to prosecution for detention and damages. this danger was increased by an order which had then lately been issued; by which, when a neutral ship was detained, a complete specification of her cargo was directed to be sent to the secretary of the admiralty, and no legal process instituted against her till the pleasure of that board should be communicated. this was requiring an impossibility. the cargoes of ships detained upon this station, consisting chiefly of corn, would be spoiled long before the orders of the admiralty could be known; and then, if they should happen to release the vessel, the owners would look to the captain for damages. even the only precaution which could be taken against this danger, involved another danger not less to be apprehended: for if the captain should direct the cargo to be taken out, the freight paid for, and the vessel released, the agent employed might prove fraudulent, and become bankrupt; and in that case the captain became responsible. such things had happened: nelson therefore required, as the only means for carrying on that service, which was judged essential to the common cause, without exposing the officers to ruin, that the british envoy should appoint agents to pay the freight, release the vessels, sell the cargo, and hold the amount till process was had upon it: government thus securing its officers. "i am acting," said nelson. "not only without the orders of my commander-in-chief, but, in some measure, contrary to him. however, i have not only the support of his majesty's ministers, both at turin and genoa, but a consciousness that i am doing what is right and proper for the service of our king and country. political courage, in an officer abroad, is as highly necessary as military courage." this quality, which is as much rarer than military courage as it is more valuable, and without which the soldier's bravery is often of little avail, nelson possessed in an eminent degree. his representations were attended to as they deserved. admiral hotham commended him for what he had done; and the attention of government was awakened to the injury which the cause of the allies continually suffered from the frauds of neutral vessels. "what changes in my life of activity!" said the indefatigable man. "here i am, having commenced a co-operation with an old austrian general, almost fancying myself charging at the head of a troop of horse! i do not write less than from ten to twenty letters every day; which, with the austrian general and aides-de-camp, and my own little squadron, fully employ my time. this i like; active service or none." it was nelson's mind which supported his feeble body through these exertions. he was at this time almost blind, and wrote with very great pain. "poor agamemnon," he sometimes said, "was as nearly worn out as her captain; and both must soon be laid up to repair." when nelson first saw general de vins, he thought him an able man, who was willing to act with vigour. the general charged his inactivity upon the piedmontese and neapolitans, whom, he said, nothing could induce to act; and he concerted a plan with nelson for embarking a part of the austrian army, and landing it in the rear of the french. but the english commodore soon began to suspect that the austrian general was little disposed to any active operations. in the hope of spurring him on, he wrote to him, telling him that he had surveyed the coast to the w. as far as nice, and would undertake to embark or men, with their arms and a few days' provisions, on board the squadron, and land them within two miles of st. remo, with their field-pieces. respecting further provisions for the austrian army, he would provide convoys, that they should arrive in safety; and if a re-embarkation should be found necessary, he would cover it with the squadron. the possession of st. remo, as headquarters for magazines of every kind, would enable the austrian general to turn his army to the eastward or westward. the enemy at oneglia would be cut off from provisions, and men could be landed to attack that place whenever it was judged necessary. st. remo was the only place between vado and ville franche where the squadron could lie in safety, and anchor in almost all winds. the bay was not so good as vado for large ships; but it had a mole, which vado had not, where all small vessels could lie, and load and unload their cargoes. this bay being in possession of the allies, nice could be completely blockaded by sea. general de vins affecting, in his reply, to consider that nelson's proposal had no other end than that of obtaining the bay of st. remo as a station for the ships, told him, what he well knew, and had expressed before, that vado bay was a better anchorage; nevertheless, if monsieur le commandant nelson was well assured that part of the fleet could winter there, there was no risk to which he would not expose himself with pleasure, for the sake of procuring a safe station for the vessels of his britannic majesty. nelson soon assured the austrian commander that this was not the object of his memorial. he now began to suspect that both the austrian court and their general had other ends in view than the cause of the allies. "this army," said he, "is slow beyond all description; and i begin to think that the emperor is anxious to touch another l , , of english money. as for the german generals, war is their trade, and peace is ruin to them; therefore we cannot expect that they should have any wish to finish the war. the politics of courts are so mean, that private people would be ashamed to act in the same way; all is trick and finesse, to which the common cause is sacrificed. the general wants a loop-hole; it has for some time appeared to me that he means to go no further than his present position, and to lay the miscarriage of the enterprise against nice, which has always been held out as the great object of his army, to the non-cooperation of the british fleet and of the sardinians." to prevent this plea, nelson again addressed de vins, requesting only to know the time, and the number of troops ready to embark; then he would, he said, dispatch a ship to admiral hotham, requesting transports, having no doubt of obtaining them, and trusting that the plan would be successful to its fullest extent. nelson thought at the time that, if the whole fleet were offered him for transports, he would find some other excuse; and mr. drake, who was now appointed to reside at the austrian headquarters, entertained the same idea of the general's sincerity. it was not, however, put so clearly to the proof as it ought to have been. he replied that, as soon as nelson could declare himself ready with the vessels necessary for conveying , men, with their artillery and baggage, he would put the army in motion. but nelson was not enabled to do this: admiral hotham, who was highly meritorious in leaving such a man so much at his own discretion, pursued a cautious system, ill according with the bold and comprehensive views of nelson, who continually regretted lord hood, saying that the nation had suffered much by his resignation of the mediterranean command. the plan which had been concerted, he said, would astonish the french, and perhaps the english. there was no unity in the views of the allied powers, no cordiality in their co-operation, no energy in their councils. the neutral powers assisted france more effectually than the allies assisted each other. the genoese ports were at this time filled with french privateers, which swarmed out every night, and covered the gulf; and french vessels were allowed to tow out of the port of genoa itself, board vessels which were coming in, and then return into the mole. this was allowed without a remonstrance; while, though nelson abstained most carefully from offering any offence to the genoese territory or flag, complaints were so repeatedly made against his squadron, that, he says, it seemed a trial who should be tired first; they of complaining, or he of answering their complaints. but the question of neutrality was soon at an end. an austrian commissary was travelling from genoa towards vado; it was known that he was to sleep at voltri, and that he had l , with him--a booty which the french minister in that city, and the captain of a french frigate in that port, considered as far more important than the word of honour of the one, the duties of the other, and the laws of neutrality. the boats of the frigate went out with some privateers, landed, robbed the commissary, and brought back the money to genoa. the next day men were publicly enlisted in that city for the french army: men were embarked, with stand of arms, on board the frigates and other vessels, who were to land between voltri and savona. there a detachment from the french army was to join them, and the genoese peasantry were to be invited to insurrection--a measure for which everything had been prepared. the night of the th was fixed for the sailing of this expedition; the austrians called loudly for nelson to prevent it; and he, on the evening of the th, arrived at genoa. his presence checked the plan: the frigate, knowing her deserts, got within the merchant-ships, in the inner mole; and the genoese government did not now even demand of nelson respect to the neutral port, knowing that they had allowed, if not connived at, a flagrant breach of neutrality, and expecting the answer which he was prepared to return, that it was useless and impossible for him to respect it longer. but though this movement produced the immediate effect which was designed, it led to ill consequences, which nelson foresaw, but for want of sufficient force was unable to prevent. his squadron was too small for the service which it had to perform. he required two seventy-fours and eight or ten frigates and sloops; but when he demanded this reinforcement, admiral hotham had left the command. sir hyde parker had succeeded till the new commander should arrive; and he immediately reduced it to almost nothing, leaving him only one frigate and a brig. this was a fatal error. while the austrian and sardinian troops, whether from the imbecility or the treachery of their leaders, remained inactive, the french were preparing for the invasion of italy. not many days before nelson was thus summoned to genoa, he chased a large convoy into alassio. twelve vessels he had formerly destroyed in that port, though french troops occupied the town. this former attack had made them take new measures of defence; and there were now above sail of victuallers, gun-boats, and ships of war. nelson represented to the admiral how important it was to destroy these vessels; and offered, with his squadron of frigates, and the culloden and courageux, to lead himself in the agamemnon, and take or destroy the whole. the attempt was not permitted; but it was nelson's belief that, if it had been made, it would have prevented the attack upon the austrian army, which took place almost immediately afterwards. general de vins demanded satisfaction of the genoese government for the seizure of his commissary; and then, without waiting for their reply, took possession of some empty magazines of the french, and pushed his sentinels to the very gates of genoa. had he done so at first, he would have found the magazines full; but, timed as the measure was, and useless as it was to the cause of the allies, it was in character with the whole of the austrian general's conduct; and it is no small proof of the dexterity with which he served the enemy, that in such circumstances he could so act with genoa as to contrive to put himself in the wrong. nelson was at this time, according to his own expression, placed in a cleft stick. mr. drake, the austrian minister, and the austrian general, all joined in requiring him not to leave genoa; if he left that port unguarded, they said, not only the imperial troops at st. pier d'arena and voltri would be lost, but the french plan for taking post between voltri and savona would certainly succeed; if the austrians should be worsted in the advanced posts, the retreat of the bocchetta would be cut off; and if this happened, the loss of the army would be imputed to him, for having left genoa. on the other hand, he knew that if he were not at pietra, the enemy's gun-boats would harass the left flank of the austrians, who, if they were defeated, as was to be expected, from the spirit of all their operations, would, very probably, lay their defeat to the want of assistance from the agamemnon. had the force for which nelson applied been given him, he could have attended to both objects; and had he been permitted to attack the convoy in alassio, he would have disconcerted the plans of the french, in spite of the austrian general. he had foreseen the danger, and pointed out how it might be prevented; but the means of preventing it were withheld. the attack was made as he foresaw; and the gun-boats brought their fire to bear upon the austrians. it so happened, however, that the left flank, which was exposed to them, was the only part of the army that behaved well: this division stood its ground till the centre and the right wing fled, and then retreated in a soldier-like manner. general de vins gave up the command in the middle of the battle, pleading ill health. "from that moment," says nelson, "not a soldier stayed at his post: it was the devil take the hindmost. many thousands ran away who had never seen the enemy; some of them thirty miles from the advanced posts. had i not, though i own, against my inclination, been kept at genoa, from to , men would have been taken prisoners, and, amongst the number, general de vins himself; but by this means the pass of the bocchetta was kept open. the purser of the ship, who was at vado, ran with the austrians eighteen miles without stopping; the men without arms, officers without soldiers, women without assistance. the oldest officers say they never heard of so complete a defeat, and certainly without any reason. thus has ended my campaign. we have established the french republic: which but for us, i verily believe, would never have been settled by such a volatile, changeable people. i hate a frenchman: they are equally objects of my detestation whether royalists or republicans: in some points, i believe, the latter are the best." nelson had a lieutenant and two midshipmen taken at vado: they told him, in their letter, that few of the french soldiers were more than three or four and twenty years old, a great many not more than fourteen, and all were nearly naked; they were sure, they said, his barge's crew could have beat a hundred of them; and that, had he himself seen them, he would not have thought, if the world had been covered with such people, that they could have beaten the austrian army. the defeat of general de vins gave the enemy possession of the genoese coast from savona to voltri, and it deprived the austrians of their direct communication with the english fleet. the agamemnon, therefore, could no longer be useful on this station, and nelson sailed for leghorn to refit. when his ship went into dock, there was not a mast, yard, sail, or any part of the rigging, but what stood in need of repair, having been cut to pieces with shot. the hull was so damaged that it had for some time been secured by cables, which were served or thrapped round it. chapter iv - sir j. jervis takes the command--genoa joins the french--bounaparte begins his career--evacuation of corsica--nelson hoists his broad pennant in the minerve--action with the sabina--battle off cape st. vincent--nelson commands the inner squadron at the blockade of cadiz boat action in the bay of cadiz--expedition against teneriffe--nelson loses an arm--his sufferings in england, and recovery. sir john jervis had now arrived to take the command of the mediterranean fleet. the agamemnon having, as her captain said, been made as fit for sea as a rotten ship could be, nelson sailed from leghorn, and joined the admiral in fiorenzo bay. "i found him," said he, "anxious to know many things which i was a good deal surprised to find had not been communicated to him by others in the fleet; and it would appear that he was so well satisfied with my opinion of what is likely to happen, and the means of prevention to be taken, that he had no reserve with me respecting his information and ideas of what is likely to be done." the manner in which nelson was received is said to have excited some envy. one captain observed to him: "you did just as you pleased in lord hood's time, the same in admiral hotham's, and now again with sir john jervis: it makes no difference to you who is commander-in-chief." a higher compliment could not have been paid to any commander-in-chief than to say of him that he understood the merits of nelson, and left him, as far as possible, to act upon his own judgment. sir john jervis offered him the st. george, ninety, or the zealous, seventy-four, and asked if he should have any objection to serve under him with his flag. he replied, that if the agamemnon were ordered home, and his flag were not arrived, he should, on many accounts, wish to return to england; still, if the war continued, he should be very proud of hoisting his flag under sir john's command, "we cannot spare you," said sir john, "either as captain or admiral." accordingly, he resumed his station in the gulf of genoa. the french had not followed up their successes in that quarter with their usual celerity. scherer, who commanded there, owed his advancement to any other cause than his merit: he was a favourite of the directory; but for the present, through the influence of barras, he was removed from a command for which his incapacity was afterwards clearly proved, and buonaparte was appointed to succeed him. buonaparte had given indications of his military talents at toulon, and of his remorseless nature at paris; but the extent either of his ability or his wickedness was at this time known to none, and perhaps not even suspected by himself. nelson supposed, from the information which he had obtained, that one column of the french army would take possession of port especia; either penetrating through the genoese territory, or proceeding coast-ways in light vessels; our ships of war not being able to approach the coast, because of the shallowness of the water. to prevent this, he said; two things were necessary: the possession of vado bay, and the taking of port especia; if either of these points were secured, italy would be safe from any attack of the french by sea. general beaulieu, who had now superseded de vins in the command of the allied austrian and sardinian army, sent his nephew and aide-de-camp to communicate with nelson, and inquire whether he could anchor in any other place than vado bay. nelson replied, that vado was the only place where the british fleet could lie in safety, but all places would suit his squadron; and wherever the general came to the sea-coast, there he should find it. the austrian repeatedly asked, if there was not a risk of losing the squadron? and was constantly answered, that if these ships should be lost, the admiral would find others. but all plans of co-operation with the austrians were soon frustrated by the battle of montenotte. beaulieu ordered an attack to be made upon the post of voltri. it was made twelve hours before the time which he had fixed, and before he arrived to direct it. in consequence, the french were enabled to effect their retreat, and fall back to montenotte, thus giving the troops there a decisive superiority in number over the division which attacked them. this drew on the defeat of the austrians. buonaparte, with a celerity which had never before been witnessed in modern war, pursued his advantages; and, in the course of a fortnight, dictated to the court of turin terms of peace, or rather of submission; by which all the strongest places of piedmont were put into his bands. on one occasion, and only on one, nelson was able to impede the progress of this new conqueror. six vessels, laden with cannon and ordnance-stores for the siege of mantua, sailed from toulon for st. pier d'arena. assisted by captain cockburn, in the meleager, he drove them under a battery; pursued them, silenced the batteries, and captured the whole. military books, plans and maps of italy, with the different points marked upon them where former battles had been fought, sent by the directory for buonaparte's use, were found in the convoy. the loss of this artillery was one of the chief causes which compelled the french to raise the siege of mantua; but there was too much treachery, and too much imbecility, both in the councils and armies of the allied powers, for austria to improve this momentary success. buonaparte perceived that the conquest of italy was within his reach; treaties, and the rights of neutral or of friendly powers, were as little regarded by him as by the government for which he acted. in open contempt of both he entered tuscany, and took possession of leghorn. in consequence of this movement, nelson blockaded that port, and landed a british force in the isle of elba, to secure porto ferrajo. soon afterwards he took the island of capraja, which had formerly belonged to corsica, being less than forty miles distant from it; a distance, however, short as it was, which enabled the genoese to retain it, after their infamous sale of corsica to france. genoa had now taken part with france: its government had long covertly assisted the french, and now willingly yielded to the first compulsory menace which required them to exclude the english from their ports. capraja was seized in consequence; but this act of vigour was not followed up as it ought to have been. england at that time depended too much upon the feeble governments of the continent, and too little upon itself. it was determined by the british cabinet to evacuate corsica, as soon as spain should form an offensive alliance with france. this event, which, from the moment that spain had been compelled to make peace, was clearly foreseen, had now taken place; and orders for the evacuation of the island were immediately sent out. it was impolitic to annex this island to the british dominions; but having done so, it was disgraceful thus to abandon it. the disgrace would have been spared, and every advantage which could have been derived from the possession of the island secured, if the people had at first been left to form a government for themselves, and protected by us in the enjoyment of their independence. the viceroy, sir gilbert elliott, deeply felt the impolicy and ignominy of this evacuation. the fleet also was ordered to leave the mediterranean. this resolution was so contrary to the last instructions which had been received, that nelson exclaimed, "do his majesty's ministers know their own minds? they at home," said he, "do not know what this fleet is capable of performing--anything and everything. much as i shall rejoice to see england, i lament our present orders in sackcloth and ashes, so dishonourable to the dignity of england, whose fleets are equal to meet the world in arms; and of all the fleets i ever saw, i never beheld one, in point of officers and men, equal to sir john jervis's, who is a commander-in-chief able to lead them to glory." sir gilbert elliott believed that the great body of the corsicans were perfectly satisfied, as they had good reason to be, with the british government, sensible of its advantages, and attached to it. however this may have been, when they found that the english intended to evacuate the island, they naturally and necessarily sent to make their peace with the french. the partisans of france found none to oppose them. a committee of thirty took upon them the government of bastia, and sequestrated all the british property; armed corsicans mounted guard at every place, and a plan was laid for seizing the viceroy. nelson, who was appointed to superintend the evacuation, frustrated these projects. at a time when every one else despaired of saving stores, cannon, provisions, or property of any kind, and a privateer was moored across the mole-head to prevent all boats from passing, he sent word to the committee, that if the slightest opposition were made to the embarkment and removal of british property, he would batter the town down. the privateer pointed her guns at the officer who carried this message, and muskets were levelled against his boats from the mole-head. upon this captain sutton, of the egmont, pulling out his watch, gave them a quarter of an hour to deliberate upon their answer. in five minutes after the expiration of that time, the ships, he said, would open their fire. upon this the very sentinels scampered off, and every vessel came out of the mole. a shipowner complained to the commodore that the municipality refused to let him take his goods out of the custom-house. nelson directed him to say, that unless they were instantly delivered, he would open his fire. the committee turned pale, and, without answering a word, gave him the keys. their last attempt was to levy a duty upon the things that were re-embarked. he sent them word, that he would pay them a disagreeable visit, if there were any more complaints. the committee then finding that they had to deal with a man who knew his own power, and was determined to make the british name respected, desisted from the insolent conduct which they had assumed; and it was acknowledged that bastia never had been so quiet and orderly since the english were in possession of it. this was on the th of october; during the five following days the work of embarkation was carried on, the private property was saved, and public stores to the amount of l , . the french, favoured by the spanish fleet, which was at that time within twelve leagues of bastia, pushed over troops from leghorn, who landed near cape corse on the th; and on the th, at one in the morning, entered the citadel, an hour only after the british had spiked the guns and evacuated it. nelson embarked at daybreak, being the last person who left the shore; having thus, as he said, seen the first and the last of corsica. provoked at the conduct of the municipality, and the disposition which the populace had shown to profit by the confusion, he turned towards the shore, as he stepped into his boat, and exclaimed: "now, john corse, follow the natural bent of your detestable character --plunder and revenge." this, however, was not nelson's deliberate opinion of the people of corsica; he knew that their vices were the natural consequences of internal anarchy and foreign oppression, such as the same causes would produce in any people; and when he saw, that of all those who took leave of the viceroy there was not one who parted from him without tears, he acknowledged that they manifestly acted not from dislike of the english, but from fear of the french. england then might, with more reason, reproach her own rulers for pusillanimity than the corsicans for ingratitude. having thus ably effected this humiliating service, nelson was ordered to hoist his broad pendant on board the minerve frigate, captain george cockburn, and with the blanche under his command, proceed to porto ferrajo, and superintend the evacuation of that place also. on his way, he fell in with two spanish frigates, the sabina and the ceres. the minerve engaged the former, which was commanded by d. jacobo stuart, a descendent of the duke of berwick. after an action of three hours, during which the spaniards lost men, the sabina struck. the spanish captain, who was the only surviving officer, had hardly been conveyed on board the minerve, when another enemy's frigate came up, compelled her to cast off the prize, and brought her a second time into action. after half an hour's trial of strength, this new antagonist wore and hauled off; but a spanish squadron of two ships of the line and two frigates came in sight. the blanche, from which the ceres had got off, was far to windward, and the minerve escaped only by the anxiety of the enemy to recover their own ship. as soon as nelson reached porto ferrajo he sent his prisoner in a flag of truce to carthagena, having returned him his sword; this he did in honour of the gallantry which d. jacobo had displayed, and not without some feeling of respect for his ancestry. "i felt it," said he, "consonant to the dignity of my country and i always act as i feel right, without regard to custom; he was reputed the best officer in spain, and his men were worthy of such a commander." by the same flag of truce he sent back all the spanish prisoners at porto ferrajo; in exchange for whom he received his own men who had been taken in the prize. general de burgh, who commanded at the isle of elba, did not think himself authorised to abandon the place till he had received specific instructions from england to that effect; professing that he was unable to decide between the contradictory orders of government, or to guess at what their present intentions might be; but he said, his only motive for urging delay in this measure arose from a desire that his own conduct might be properly sanctioned, not from any opinion that porto ferrajo ought to be retained. but naples having made peace, sir john jervis considered his business with italy as concluded; and the protection of portugal was the point to which he was now instructed to attend. nelson, therefore, whose orders were perfectly clear and explicit, withdrew the whole naval establishment from that station, leaving the transports victualled, and so arranged that all the troops and stores could be embarked in three days. he was now about to leave the mediterranean. mr. drake, who had been our minister at genoa, expressed to him, on this occasion, the very high opinion which the allies entertained of his conspicuous merit; adding, that it was impossible for any one, who had the honour of co-operating with him, not to admire the activity, talents, and zeal which he had so eminently and constantly displayed. in fact, during this long course of services in the mediterranean, the whole of his conduct had exhibited the same zeal, the same indefatigable energy, the same intuitive judgment, the same prompt and unerring decision which characterised his after-career of glory. his name was as yet hardly known to the english public; but it was feared and respected throughout italy. a letter came to him, directed "horatio nelson, genoa;" and the writer, when he was asked how he could direct it so vaguely, replied, "sir, there is but one horatio nelson in the world." at genoa, in particular, where he had so long been stationed, and where the nature of his duty first led him to continual disputes with the government, and afterwards compelled him to stop the trade of the port, he was equally respected by the doge and by the people; for, while he maintained the rights and interests of great britain with becoming firmness, he tempered the exercise of power with courtesy and humanity wherever duty would permit. "had all my actions," said he, writing at this time to his wife, "been gazetted, not one fortnight would have passed, during the whole war, without a letter from me. one day or other i will have a long gazette to myself. i feel that such an opportunity will be given me. i cannot, if i am in the field of glory, be kept out of sight; wherever there is anything to be done, there providence is sure to direct my steps." these hopes and anticipations were soon to be fulfilled. nelson's mind had long been irritated and depressed by the fear that a general action would take place before he could join the fleet. at length he sailed from porto ferrajo with a convoy for gibraltar; and having reached that place, proceeded to the westward in search of the admiral. off the mouth of the straits he fell in with the spanish fleet; and on the th of february reaching the station off cape st. vincent, communicated this intelligence to sir john jervis. he was now directed to shift his broad pendant on board the captain, seventy-four, captain r.w. miller; and before sunset the signal was made to prepare for action, and to keep, during the night, in close order. at daybreak the enemy were in sight. the british force consisted of two ships of one hundred guns, two of ninety-eight, two of ninety, eight of seventy-four, and one sixty-four;-fifteen of the line in all; with four frigates, a sloop, and a cutter. the spaniards had one four-decker, of one hundred and thirty-six guns; six three-deckers, of one hundred and twelve; two eighty-four, eighteen seventy-four--in all, twenty-seven ships of the line, with ten frigates and a brig. their admiral, d. joseph de cordova, had learnt from an american on the th, that the english had only nine ships, which was indeed the case when his informer had seen them; for a reinforcement of five ships from england, under admiral parker, had not then joined, and the culloden had parted company. upon this information the spanish commander, instead of going into cadiz, as was his intention when he sailed from carthagena, determined to seek an enemy so inferior in force; and relying, with fatal confidence, upon the american account, he suffered his ships to remain too far dispersed, and in some disorder. when the morning of the th broke, and discovered the english fleet, a fog for some time concealed their number. that fleet had heard their signal-guns during the night, the weather being fine though thick and hazy; soon after daylight they were seen very much scattered, while the british ships were in a compact little body. the look-out ship of the spaniards, fancying that her signal was disregarded because so little notice seemed to be taken of it, made another signal, that the english force consisted of forty sail of the line. the captain afterwards said he did this to rouse the admiral; it had the effect of perplexing him and alarming the whole fleet. the absurdity of such an act shows what was the state of the spanish navy under that miserable government by which spain was so long oppressed and degraded, and finally betrayed. in reality, the general incapacity of the naval officers was so well known, that in a pasquinade, which about this time appeared at madrid, wherein the different orders of the state were advertised for sale, the greater part of the sea-officers, with all their equipments, were offered as a gift; and it was added, that any person who would please to take them, should receive a handsome gratuity. when the probability that spain would take part in the war, as an ally of france, was first contemplated, nelson said that their fleet, if it were no better than when it acted in alliance with us, would "soon be done for." before the enemy could form a regular order of battle, sir j. jervis, by carrying a press of sail, came up with them, passed through their fleet, then tacked, and thus cut off nine of their ships from the main body. these ships attempted to form on the larboard tack, either with a design of passing through the british line, or to leeward of it, and thus rejoining their friends. only one of them succeeded in this attempt; and that only because she was so covered with smoke that her intention was not discovered till she had reached the rear: the others were so warmly received, that they put about, took to flight, and did not appear again in the action to its close. the admiral was now able to direct his attention to the enemy's main body, which was still superior in number to his whole fleet, and greatly so in weight of metal. he made signal to tack in succession. nelson, whose station was in the rear of the british line, perceived that the spaniards were bearing up before the wind, with an intention of forming their line, going large, and joining their separated ships, or else of getting off without an engagement. to prevent either of these schemes, he disobeyed the signal without a moment's hesitation: and ordered his ship to be wore. this at once brought him into action with the santissima trinidad, one hundred and thirty-six; the san joseph, one hundred and twelve; the salvador del mundo, one hundred and twelve; the san nicolas, eighty; the san isidro, seventy-four, another seventy-four, and another first-rate. troubridge, in the culloden, immediately joined, and most nobly supported him; and for nearly an hour did the culloden and captain maintain what nelson called "this apparently, but not really unequal contest;"--such was the advantage of skill and discipline, and the confidence which brave men derive from them. the blenheim then passing between them and the enemy, gave them a respite, and poured in her fire upon the spaniards. the salvador del mundo and san isidro dropped astern, and were fired into in a masterly style by the excellent, captain collingwood. the san isidro struck; and nelson thought that the salvador struck also. "but collingwood," says he, "disdaining the parade of taking possession of beaten enemies, most gallantly pushed up, with every sail set, to save his old friend and messmate, who was to appearance in a critical situation;" for the captain was at this time actually fired upon by three first-rates--by the san nicolas, and by a seventy-four, within about pistol-shot of that vessel. the blenheim was ahead, the culloden crippled and astern. collingwood ranged up, and hauling up his mainsail just astern, passed within ten feet of the san nicolas, giving her a most tremendous fire, then passed on for the santissima trinidad. the san nicolas luffing up, the san joseph fell on board her, and nelson resumed his station abreast of them, and close alongside. the captain was now incapable of further service, either in the line or in chase: she had lost her foretop-mast; not a sail, shroud, or rope was left, and her wheel was shot away. nelson therefore directed captain miller to put the helm a-starboard, and calling for the boarders, ordered them to board. captain berry, who had lately been nelson's first lieutenant, was the first man who leaped into the enemy's mizen chains. miller, when in the very act of going, was ordered by nelson to remain. berry was supported from the spritsail-yard, which locked in the san nicolas's main rigging. a soldier of the th broke the upper quarter-gallery window, and jumped in, followed by the commodore himself and by the others as fast as possible. the cabin doors were fastened, and the spanish officers fired their pistols at them through the window; the doors were soon forced, and the spanish brigadier fell while retreating to the quarter-deck. nelson pushed on, and found berry in possession of the poop, and the spanish ensign hauling down. he passed on to the forecastle, where he met two or three spanish officers, and received their swords. the english were now in full possession of every part of the ship, when a fire of pistols and musketry opened upon them from the admiral's stern-gallery of the san joseph. nelson having placed sentinels at the different ladders, and ordered captain miller to send more men into the prize, gave orders for boarding that ship from the san nicolas. it was done in an instant, he himself leading the way, and exclaiming, "westminster abbey or victory!" berry assisted him into the main chains; and at that moment a spanish officer looked over the quarter-deck rail, and said they surrendered. it was not long before he was on the quarter-deck, where the spanish captain presented to him his sword, and told him the admiral was below dying of his wounds. there, on the quarter-deck of an enemy's first-rate, he received the swords of the officers, giving them, as they were delivered, one by one to william fearney, one of his old agamemnons, who, with the utmost coolness, put them under his arm, "bundling them up," in the lively expression of collingwood, "with as much composure as he would have made a faggot, though twenty-two sail of their line were still within gunshot." one of his sailors came up, and with an englishman's feeling took him by the hand, saying he might not soon have such another place to do it in, and he was heartily glad to see him there. twenty-four of the captain's men were killed, and fifty-six wounded; a fourth part of the loss sustained by the whole squadron falling upon this ship. nelson received only a few bruises. the spaniards had still eighteen or nineteen ships which had suffered little or no injury: that part of the fleet which had been separated from the main body in the morning was now coming up, and sir john jervis made signal to bring to. his ships could not have formed without abandoning those which they had captured, and running to leeward: the captain was lying a perfect wreck on board her two prizes; and many of the other vessels were so shattered in their masts and rigging as to be wholly unmanageable. the spanish admiral meantime, according to his official account, being altogether undecided in his own opinion respecting the state of the fleet, inquired of his captains whether it was proper to renew the action; nine of them answered explicitly that it was not; others replied that it was expedient to delay the business. the pelayo and the prince conquistador were the only ships that were for fighting. as soon as the action was discontinued, nelson went on board the admiral's ship. sir john jervis received him on the quarter-deck, took him in his arms, and said he could not sufficiently thank him. for this victory the commander-in-chief was rewarded with the title of earl st. vincent. nelson, who before the action was known in england had been advanced to the rank of rear-admiral, had the order of the bath given him. the sword of the spanish rear-admiral, which sir john jervis insisted upon his keeping, he presented to the mayor and corporation of norwich, saying that he knew no place where it could give him or his family more pleasure to have it kept than in the capital city of the county where he was born. the freedom of that city was voted him on this occasion. but of all the numerous congratulations which he received, none could have affected him with deeper delight than that which came from his venerable father. "i thank my god," said this excellent man, "with all the power of a grateful soul, for the mercies he has most graciously bestowed on me in preserving you. not only my few acquaintance here, but the people in general, met me at every corner with such handsome words, that i was obliged to retire from the public eye. the height of glory to which your professional judgment, united with a proper degree of bravery, guarded by providence, has raised you, few sons, my dear child, attain to, and fewer fathers live to see. tears of joy have involuntarily trickled down my furrowed cheeks: who could stand the force of such general congratulation? the name and services of nelson have sounded through this city of bath--from the common ballad-singer to the public theatre." the good old man concluded by telling him that the field of glory, in which he had so long been conspicuous, was still open, and by giving him his blessing. sir horatio, who had now hoisted his flag as rear-admiral of the blue, was sent to bring away the troops from porto ferrajo; having performed this, he shifted his flag to the theseus. that ship, had taken part in the mutiny in england, and being just arrived from home, some danger was apprehended from the temper of the men. this was one reason why nelson was removed to her. he had not been on board many weeks before a paper, signed in the name of all the ship's company, was dropped on the quarter-deck, containing these words: "success attend admiral nelson! god bless captain miller! we thank them for the officers they have placed over us. we are happy and comfortable, and will shed every drop of blood in our veins to support them; and the name of the theseus shall be immortalised as high as her captain's." wherever nelson commanded, the men soon became attached to him; in ten days' time he would have restored the most mutinous ship in the navy to order. whenever an officer fails to win the affections of those who are under his command, he may be assured that the fault is chiefly in himself. while sir horatio was in the theseus, he was employed in the command of the inner squadron at the blockade of cadiz. during this service, the most perilous action occurred in which he was ever engaged. making a night attack upon the spanish gun-boats, his barge was attacked by an armed launch, under their commander, d. miguel tregoyen, carrying men. nelson had with him only his ten bargemen, captain freemantle, and his coxswain, john sykes, an old and faithful follower, who twice saved the life of his admiral by parrying the blows that were aimed at him, and at last actually interposed his own head to receive the blow of a spanish sabre, which he could not by any other means avert; thus dearly was nelson beloved. this was a desperate service--hand to hand with swords; and nelson always considered that his personal courage was more conspicuous on this occasion than on any other during his whole life. notwithstanding the great disproportion of numbers, of the enemy were killed, all the rest wounded, and their launch taken. nelson would have asked for a lieutenancy for sykes, if he had served long enough; his manner and conduct, he observed, were so entirely above his situation, that nature certainly intended him for a gentleman; but though he recovered from the dangerous wound which he received in this act of heroic attachment, he did not live to profit by the gratitude and friendship of his commander. twelve days after this rencontre, nelson sailed at the head of an expedition against teneriffe. a report had prevailed a few months before, that the viceroy of mexico, with the treasure ships, had put into that island. this had led nelson to meditate the plan of an attack upon it, which he communicated to earl st. vincent. he was perfectly aware of the difficulties of the attempt. "i do not," said he, "reckon myself equal to blake; but, if i recollect right, he was more obliged to the wind coming off the land than to any exertions of his own. the approach by sea to the anchoring-place is under very high land, passing three valleys; therefore the wind is either in from the sea, or squally with calms from the mountains:" and he perceived that if the spanish ships were won, the object would still be frustrated if the wind did not come off shore. the land force, he thought, would render success certain; and there were the troops from elba, with all necessary stores and artillery, already embarked. "but here," said he, "soldiers must be consulted; and i know, from experience, they have not the same boldness in undertaking a political measure that we have: we look to the benefit of our country, and risk our own fame every day to serve her; a soldier obeys his orders, and no more." nelson's experience at corsica justified him in this harsh opinion: he did not live to see the glorious days of the british army under wellington. the army from elba, consisting of men, would do the business, he said, in three days, probably in much less time; and he would undertake, with a very small squadron, to perform the naval part; for though the shore was not easy of access, the transports might run in and land the troops in one day. the report concerning the viceroy was unfounded: but a homeward-bound manilla ship put into santa cruz at this time, and the expedition was determined upon. it was not fitted out upon the scale which nelson had proposed. four ships of the line, three frigates, and the fox cutter, formed the squadron; and he was allowed to choose such ships and officers as he thought proper. no troops were embarked; the seamen and marines of the squadron being thought sufficient. his orders were, to make a vigorous attack; but on no account to land in person, unless his presence should be absolutely necessary. the plan was, that the boats should land in the night, between the fort on the n.e. side of santa cruz bay and the town, make themselves masters of that fort, and then send a summons to the governor. by midnight, the three frigates, having the force on board which was intended for this debarkation, approached within three miles of the place; but owing to a strong gale of wind in the offing, and a strong current against them in-shore, they were not able to get within a mile of the landing-place before daybreak; and then they were seen, and their intention discovered. troubridge and bowen, with captain oldfield, of the marines, went upon this to consult with the admiral what was to be done; and it was resolved that they should attempt to get possession of the heights above the fort. the frigates accordingly landed their men; and nelson stood in with the line-of-battle ships, meaning to batter the fort for the purpose of distracting the attention of the garrison. a calm and contrary current hindered him from getting within a league of the shore; and the heights were by this time so secured, and manned with such a force, as to be judged impracticable. thus foiled in his plans by circumstances of wind and tide, he still considered it a point of honour that some attempt should be made. this was on the nd of july: he re-embarked his men that night, got the ships on the th to anchor about two miles north of the town, and made show as if he intended to attack the heights. at six in the evening signal was made for the boats to prepare to proceed on the service as previously ordered. when this was done, nelson addressed a letter to the commander-in-chief--the last which was ever written with his right hand. "i shall not," said he, "enter on the subject, why we are not in possession of santa cruz. your partiality will give credit, that all has hitherto been done which was possible, but without effect. this night i, humble as i am, command the whole destined to land under the batteries of the town; and to-morrow my head will probably be crowned either with laurel or cypress. i have only to recommend josiah nisbet to you and my country. the duke of clarence, should i fall, will, i am confident, take a lively interest for my son-in-law, on his name being mentioned." perfectly aware how desperate a service this was likely to prove, before he left the theseus he called lieutenant nisbet, who had the watch on deck, into the cabin, that he might assist in arranging and burning his mother's letters. perceiving that the young man was armed, he earnestly begged him to remain behind. "should we both fall, josiah," said he, "what will become of your poor mother! the care of the theseus falls to you: stay, therefore, and take charge of her." nisbet replied: "sir, the ship must take care of herself: i will go with you to-night, if i never go again." he met his captains at supper on board the seahorse, captain freemantle, whose wife, whom he had lately married in the mediterranean, presided at table. at eleven o'clock the boats, containing between and men, with on board the fox cutter, and from to in a boat which had been taken the day before, proceeded in six divisions toward the town, conducted by all the captains of the squadron, except freemantle and bowen, who attended with nelson to regulate and lead the way to the attack. they were to land on the mole, and thence hasten as fast as possible into the great square; then form and proceed as should be found expedient. they were not discovered till about half-past one o'clock, when, being within half gun-shot of the landing-place, nelson directed the boats to cast off from each other, give a huzza, and push for the shore. but the spaniards were exceedingly well prepared; the alarm-bells answered the huzza, and a fire of thirty or forty pieces of cannon, with musketry from one end of the town to the other, opened upon the invaders. nothing, however, could check the intrepidity with which they advanced. the night was exceedingly dark: most of the boats missed the mole and went on shore through a raging surf, which stove all to the left of it. the admiral, freemantle, thompson, bowen, and four or five other boats, found the mole: they stormed it instantly, and carried it, though it was defended, as they imagined, by or men. its guns, which were six-and-twenty pounders, were spiked; but such a heavy fire of musketry and grape was kept up from the citadel and the houses at the head of the mole, that the assailants could not advance, and nearly all of them were killed or wounded. in the act of stepping out of the boat, nelson received a shot through the right elbow, and fell; but as he fell he caught the sword, which he had just drawn, in his left hand, determined never to part with it while he lived, for it had belonged to his uncle, captain suckling, and he valued it like a relic. nisbet, who was close to him, placed him at the bottom of the boat, and laid his hat over the shattered arm, lest the sight of the blood, which gushed out in great abundance, should increase his faintness. he then examined the wound, and taking some silk handkerchiefs from his neck, bound them round tight above the lacerated vessels. had it not been for this presence of mind in his son-in-law, nelson must have perished. one of his bargemen, by name level, tore his shirt into shreds, and made a sling with them for the broken limb. they then collected five other seamen, by whose assistance they succeeded at length in getting the boat afloat; for it had grounded with the falling tide. nisbet took one of the oars and ordered the steersman to go close under the guns of the battery, that they might be safe from its tremendous fire. hearing his voice, nelson roused himself, and desired to be lifted up in the boat that he might look about him. nisbet raised him up; but nothing could be seen except the firing of the guns on shore, and what could be discerned by their flashes upon a stormy sea. in a few minutes a general shriek was heard from the crew of the fox, which had received a shot under water, and went down. ninety-seven men were lost in her: were saved, many by nelson himself, whose exertions on this occasion greatly increased the pain and danger of his wound. the first ship which the boat could reach happened to be the seahorse; but nothing could induce him to go on board, though he was assured that if they attempted to row to another ship it might be at the risk of his life. "i had rather suffer death," he replied, "than alarm mrs. freemantle, by letting her see me in this state, when i can give her no tidings whatever of her husband." they pushed on for the theseus. when they came alongside he peremptorily refused all assistance in getting on board, so impatient was he that the boat should return, in hopes that it might save a few more from the fox. he desired to have only a single rope thrown over the side, which he twisted round his left hand, saying "let me alone; i have yet my legs left and one arm. tell the surgeon to make haste and get his instruments. i know i must lose my right arm, so the sooner it is off the better." the spirit which he displayed in jumping up the ship's side astonished everybody. freemantle had been severely wounded in the right arm soon after the admiral. he was fortunate enough to find a boat on the beach, and got instantly to his ship. thompson was wounded: bowen killed, to the great regret of nelson: as was also one of his own officers, lieutenant weatherhead, who had followed him from the agamemnon, and whom he greatly and deservedly esteemed. troubridge, meantime, fortunately for his party, missed the mole in the darkness, but pushed on shore under the batteries, close to the south end of the citadel. captain waller, of the emerald, and two or three other boats, landed at the same time. the surf was so high that many others put back. the boats were instantly filled with water and stove against the rocks; and most of the ammunition in the men's pouches was wetted. having collected a few men they pushed on to the great square, hoping there to find the admiral and the rest of the force. the ladders were all lost, so that they could make no immediate attempt on the citadel; but they sent a sergeant with two of the town's-people to summon it: this messenger never returned; and troubridge having waited about an hour in painful expectation of his friends, marched to join captains hood and miller, who had effected their landing to the south-west. they then endeavoured to procure some intelligence of the admiral and the rest of the officers, but without success. by daybreak they had gathered together about eighty marines, eighty pikemen, and one hundred and eighty small-arm seamen; all the survivors of those who had made good their landing. they obtained some ammunition from the prisoners whom they had taken, and marched on to try what could be done at the citadel without ladders. they found all the streets commanded by field-pieces, and several thousand spaniards, with about a hundred french, under arms, approaching by every avenue. finding himself without provisions, the powder wet, and no possibility of obtaining either stores or reinforcements from the ships, the boats being lost, troubridge with great presence of mind, sent captain samuel hood with a flag of truce to the governor to say he was prepared to burn the town, and would instantly set fire to it if the spaniards approached one inch nearer. this, however, if he were compelled to do it, he should do with regret, for he had no wish to injure the inhabitants; and he was ready to treat upon these terms--that the british troops should reembark, with all their arms of every kind, and take their own boats, if they were saved, or be provided with such others as might be wanting; they, on their part, engaging that the squadron should not molest the town, or any of the canary islands: all prisoners on both sides to be given up. when these terms were proposed the governor made answer, that the english ought to surrender as prisoners of war; but captain hood replied, he was instructed to say, that if the terms were not accepted in five minutes, captain troubridge would set the town on fire and attack the spaniards at the point of the bayonet. satisfied with his success, which was indeed sufficiently complete, and respecting, like a brave and honourable man, the gallantry of his enemy, the spaniard acceded to the proposal, found boats to re-embark them, their own having all been dashed to pieces in landing, and before they parted gave every man a loaf and a pint of wine. "and here," says nelson in his journal, "it is right we should notice the noble and generous conduct of don juan antonio gutierrez, the spanish governor. the moment the terms were agreed to, he directed our wounded men to be received into the hospitals, and all our people to be supplied with the best provisions that could be procured; and made it known that the ships were at liberty to send on shore and purchase whatever refreshments they were in want of during the time they might be off the island." a youth, by name don bernardo collagon, stripped himself of his shirt to make bandages for one of those englishmen against whom, not an hour before, he had been engaged in battle. nelson wrote to thank the governor for the humanity which he had displayed. presents were interchanged between them. sir horatio offered to take charge of his despatches for the spanish government, and thus actually became the first messenger to spain of his own defeat. the total loss of the english in killed, wounded, and drowned, amounted to . nelson made no mention of his own wound in his official despatches; but in a private letter to lord st. vincent--the first which he wrote with his left hand--he shows himself to have been deeply affected by the failure of this enterprise. "i am become," he said, "a burthen to my friends, and useless to my country; but by my last letter you will perceive my anxiety for the promotion of my son-in-law, josiah nisbet. when i leave your command i become dead to the world--'i go hence, and am no more seen.' if from poor bowen's loss, you think it proper to oblige me, i rest confident you will do it. the boy is under obligations to me, but he repaid me by bringing me from the mole of santa cruz. i hope you will be able to give me a frigate to convey the remains of my carcass to england." "a left-handed admiral," he said in a subsequent letter, "will never again be considered as useful; therefore the sooner i get to a very humble cottage the better, and make room for a sounder man to serve the state." his first letter to lady nelson was written under the same opinion, but in a more cheerful strain. "it was the chance of war," said he, "and i have great reason to be thankful: and i know it will add much to your pleasure to find that josiah, under god's providence, was principally instrumental in saving my life. i shall not be surprised if i am neglected and forgotten: probably i shall no longer be considered as useful; however, i shall feel rich if i continue to enjoy your affection. i beg neither you nor my father will think much of this mishap; my mind has long been made up to such an event." his son-in-law, according to his wish, was immediately promoted; and honours enough to heal his wounded spirit awaited him in england. letters were addressed to him by the first lord of the admiralty, and by his steady friend the duke of clarence, to congratulate him on his return, covered as he was with glory. he assured the duke, in his reply, that not a scrap of that ardour with which he had hitherto served his king had been shot away. the freedom of the cities of bristol and london were transmitted to him; he was invested with the order of the bath, and received a pension of l a-year. the memorial which, as a matter of form, he was called upon to present on this occasion, exhibited an extraordinary catalogue of services performed during the war. it stated that he had been in four actions with the fleets of the enemy, and in three actions with boats employed in cutting out of harbour, in destroying vessels, and in taking three towns. he had served on shore with the army four months, and commanded the batteries at the sieges of basti and calvi: he had assisted at the capture of seven sail of the line, six frigates, four corvettes, and eleven privateers: taken and destroyed near fifty sail of merchant vessels, and actually been engaged against the enemy upwards of a hundred and twenty times, in which service he had lost his right eye and right arm, and been severely wounded and bruised in his body. his sufferings from the lost limb were long and painful. a nerve had been taken up in one of the ligatures at the time of the operation; and the ligature, according to the practice of the french surgeons, was of silk instead of waxed thread; this produced a constant irritation and discharge; and the ends of the ligature being pulled every day, in hopes of bringing it away, occasioned fresh agony. he had scarcely any intermission of pain, day or night, for three months after his return to england. lady nelson, at his earnest request, attended the dressing of his arm, till she had acquired sufficient resolution and skill to dress it herself. one night, during this state of suffering, after a day of constant pain, nelson retired early to bed, in hope of enloying some respite by means of laudanum. he was at that time lodging in bond street, and the family were soon disturbed by a mob knocking loudly and violently at the door. the news of duncan's victory had been made public, and the house was not illuminated. but when the mob were told that admiral nelson lay there in bed, badly wounded, the foremost of them made answer: "you shall hear no more from us to-night:" and in fact, the feeling of respect and sympathy was communicated from one to another with such effect that, under the confusion of such a night, the house was not molested again. about the end of november, after a night of sound sleep, he found the arm nearly free from pain. the surgeon was immediately sent for to examine it; and the ligature came away with the slightest touch. from that time it began to heal. as soon as he thought his health established, he sent the following form of thanksgiving to the minister of st. george's, hanover square:--"an officer desires to return thanks to almighty god for his perfect recovery from a severe wound, and also for the many mercies bestowed on him." not having been in england till now, since he lost his eye, he went to receive a year's pay as smart money; but could not obtain payment, because he had neglected to bring a certificate from a surgeon that the sight was actually destroyed. a little irritated that this form should be insisted upon, because, though the fact was not apparent, he thought it was sufficiently notorious, he procured a certificate at the same time for the loss of his arm; saying, they might just as well doubt one as the other. this put him in good humour with himself, and with the clerk who had offended him. on his return to the office, the clerk, finding it was only the annual pay of a captain, observed, he thought it had been more. "oh!" replied nelson, "this is only for an eye. in a few days i shall come for an arm; and in a little time longer, god knows, most probably for a leg." accordingly he soon afterwards went, and with perfect good humour exhibited the certificate of the loss of his arm. chapter v nelson rejoins earl st. vincent in the vanguard--sails in pursuit of the french in egypt--returns to sicily, and sails again to egypt--battle of the nile. early in the year , sir horatio nelson hoisted his flag in the vanguard, and was ordered to rejoin earl st. vincent. upon his departure, his father addressed him with that affectionate solemnity by which all his letters were distinguished. "i trust in the lord," said he, "that he will prosper your going out and your coming in. i earnestly desired once more to see you, and that wish has been heard. if i should presume to say, i hope to see you again, the question would be readily asked, how old art thou? vale! vale! domine, vale!" it is said that a gloomy foreboding hung on the spirits of lady nelson at their parting. this could have arisen only from the dread of losing him by the chance of war. any apprehension of losing his affections could hardly have existed, for all his correspondence to this time shows that he thought himself happy in his marriage; and his private character had hitherto been as spotless as his public conduct. one of the last things he said to her was, that his own ambition was satisfied, but that he went to raise her to that rank in which he had long wished to see her. immediately on his rejoining the fleet, he was despatched to the mediterranean with a small squadron, in order to ascertain, if possible, the object of the great expedition which at that time was fitting out under buonaparte at toulon. the defeat of this armament, whatever might be its destination, was deemed by the british government an object paramount to every other; and earl st. vincent was directed, if he thought it necessary, to take his whole force into the mediterranean, to relinquish, for that purpose, the blockade of the spanish fleet, as a thing of inferior moment; but if he should deem a detachment sufficient, "i think it almost necessary," said the first lord of the admiralty in his secret instructions, "to suggest to you the propriety of putting it under sir horatio nelson." it is to the honour of earl st. vincent that he had already made the same choice. this appointment to a service in which so much honour might be acquired, gave great offence to the senior admirals of the fleet. sir william parker, who was a very excellent naval officer, and as gallant a man as any in the navy, and sir john orde, who on all occasions of service had acquitted himself with great honour, each wrote to lord spencer, complaining that so marked a preference should have been given to a junior of the same fleet. this resentment is what most men in a like case would feel; and if the preference thus given to nelson had not originated in a clear perception that (as his friend collingwood said of him a little while before) his spirit was equal to all undertakings, and his resources fitted to all occasions, an injustice would have been done to them by his appointment. but if the service were conducted with undeviating respect to seniority, the naval and military character would soon be brought down to the dead level of mediocrity. the armament at toulon consisted of thirteen ships of the line, seven forty-gun frigates, with twenty-four smaller vessels of war, and nearly transports. mr. udney, our consul at leghorn, was the first person who procured certain intelligence of the enemy's design against malta; and, from his own sagacity, foresaw that egypt must be their after object. nelson sailed from gibraltar on the th of may, with the vanguard, orion, and alexander, seventy-fours; the caroline, flora, emerald, and terpsichore, frigates; and the bonne citoyenne, sloop of war, to watch this formidable armament. on the th, when they were in the gulf of lyons, a gale came on from the n.w. it moderated so much on the th as to enable them to get their top-gallant masts and yards aloft. after dark it again began to blow strong, but the ships had been prepared for a gale, and therefore nelson's mind was easy. shortly after midnight, however, his main-topmast went over the side, and the mizentopmast soon afterward. the night was so tempestuous that it was impossible for any signal either to be seen or heard; and nelson determined, as soon as it should be daybreak, to wear, and scud before the gale; but at half-past three the fore-mast went in three pieces, and the bowsprit was found to be sprung in three places. when day broke they succeeded in wearing the ship with a remnant of the spritsail. this was hardly to have been expected. the vanguard was at that time twenty-five leagues south of the island of hieres; with her head lying to the n.e., and if she had not wore, the ship must have drifted to corsica. captain ball, in the alexander, took her in tow, to carry her into the sardinian harbour of st. pietro. nelson, apprehensive that this attempt might endanger both vessels, ordered him to cast off; but that excellent officer, with a spirit like his commanders, replied, he was confident he could save the vanguard, and, by god's help, he would do it. there had been a previous coolness between these great men; but from this time nelson became fully sensible of the extraordinary talents of captain ball, and a sincere friendship subsisted between them during the remainder of their lives. "i ought not," said the admiral, writing to his wife--"i ought not to call what has happened to the vanguard by the cold name of accident: i believe firmly it was the almighty's goodness, to check my consummate vanity. i hope it has made me a better officer, as i feel confident it has made me a better man. figure to yourself, on sunday evening at sunset, a vain man walking in his cabin, with a squadron around him, who looked up to their chief to lead them to glory, and in whom their chief placed the firmest reliance that the proudest ships of equal numbers belonging to france would have lowered their flags; figure to yourself, on monday morning, when the sun rose, this proud man, his ship dismasted, his fleet dispersed, and himself in such distress that the meanest frigate out of france would have been an unwelcome guest." nelson had, indeed, more reason to refuse the cold name of accident to this tempest than he was then aware of, for on that very day the french fleet sailed from toulon, and must have passed within a few leagues of his little squadron, which was thus preserved by the thick weather that came on. the british government at this time, with a becoming spirit, gave orders that any port in the mediterranean should be considered as hostile where the governor or chief magistrate should refuse to let our ships of war procure supplies of provisions, or of any article which they might require. in these orders the ports of sardinia were excepted. the continental possessions of the king of sardinia were at this time completely at the mercy of the french, and that prince was now discovering, when too late, that the terms to which he had consented, for the purpose of escaping immediate danger, necessarily involved the loss of the dominions which they were intended to preserve. the citadel of turin was now occupied by french troops; and his wretched court feared to afford the common rights of humanity to british ships, lest it should give the french occasion to seize on the remainder of his dominions--a measure for which it was certain they would soon make a pretext, if they did not find one. nelson was informed that he could not be permitted to enter the port of st pietro. regardless of this interdict, which, under his circumstances, it would have been an act of suicidal folly to have regarded, he anchored in the harbour; and, by the exertions of sir james saumarez, captain ball, and captain berry, the vanguard was refitted in four days; months would have been employed in refitting her in england. nelson, with that proper sense of merit, wherever it was found, which proved at once the goodness and the greatness of his character, especially recommended to earl st. vincent the carpenter of the alexander, under whose directions the ship had been repaired; stating, that he was an old and faithful servant of the crown, who had been nearly thirty years a warrant carpenter, and begging most earnestly that the commander-in-chief would recommend him to the particular notice of the board of admiralty. he did not leave the harbour without expressing his sense of the treatment which he had received there, in a letter to the viceroy of sardinia. "sir," it said, "having, by a gale of wind, sustained some trifling damages, i anchored a small part of his majesty's fleet under my orders off this island, and was surprised to hear, by an officer sent by the governor, that admittance was to be refused to the flag of his britannic majesty into this port. when i reflect, that my most gracious sovereign is the oldest, i believe, and certainly the most faithful ally which the king of sardinia ever had, i could feel the sorrow which it must have been to his majesty to have given such an order; and also for your excellency, who had to direct its execution. i cannot but look at the african shore, where the followers of mahomet are performing the part of the good samaritan, which i look for in vain at st. peter's, where it is said the christian religion is professed." the delay which was thus occasioned was useful to him in many respects; it enabled him to complete his supply of water, and to receive a reinforcement which earl st. vincent, being himself reinforced from england, was enabled to send him. it consisted of the best ships of his fleet; the culloden, seventy-four, captain t. troubridge; goliath, seventy-four, captain t. foley; minotaur, seventy-four, captain t. louis; defence, seventy-four, captain john peyton; bellerophon, seventy-four, captain h.d.e. darby; majestic, seventy-four, captain g. b. westcott; zealous, seventy-four, captain s. hood; swiftsure, seventy-four, captain b. hallowell; theseus, seventy-four, captain r. w. miller; audacious, seventy-four, captain davidge gould. the leander, fifty, captain t. e. thompson, was afterwards added. these ships were made ready for the service as soon as earl st. vincent received advice from england that he was to be reinforced. as soon as the reinforcement was seen from the mast-head of the admiral's ship, off cadiz bay, signal was immediately made to captain troubridge to put to sea; and he was out of sight before the ships from home cast anchor in the british station. troubridge took with him no instructions to nelson as to the course he was to steer, nor any certain account of the enemy's destination; everything was left to his own judgment. unfortunately, the frigates had been separated from him in the tempest and had not been able to rejoin: they sought him unsuccessfully in the bay of naples, where they obtained no tidings of his course: and he sailed without them. the first news of the enemy's armament was that it had surprised malta, nelson formed a plan for attacking it while at anchor at gozo; but on the nd of june intelligence reached him that the french had left that island on the th, the day after their arrival. it was clear that their destination was eastward--he thought for egypt--and for egypt, therefore, he made all sail. had the frigates been with him, he could scarcely have failed to gain information of the enemy; for want of them, he only spoke three vessels on the way: two came from alexandria, one from the archipelago, and neither of them had seen anything of the french. he arrived off alexandria on the th, and the enemy were not there, neither was there any account of them; but the governor was endeavouring to put the city in a state of defence, having received advice from leghorn that the french expedition was intended against egypt, after it had taken malta. nelson then shaped his course to the northward for caramania, and steered from thence along the southern side of candia, carrying a press of sail both night and day, with a contrary wind. it would have been his delight, he said, to have tried bonaparte on a wind. it would have been the delight of europe, too, and the blessing of the world, if that fleet had been overtaken with its general on board. but of the myriads and millions of human beings who would have been preserved by that day's victory, there is not one to whom such essential benefit would have resulted as to bonaparte himself. it would have spared him his defeat at acre--his only disgrace; for to have been defeated by nelson upon the seas would not have been disgraceful; it would have spared him all his after enormities. hitherto his career had been glorious; the baneful principles of his heart had never yet passed his lips; history would have represented him as a soldier of fortune, who had faithfully served the cause in which he engaged; and whose career had been distinguished by a series of successes unexampled in modern times. a romantic obscurity would have hung over the expedition to egypt, and he would have escaped the perpetration of those crimes which have incarnadined his soul with a deeper dye than that of the purple for which he committed them--those acts of perfidy, midnight murder, usurpation, and remorseless tyranny, which have consigned his name to universal execration, now and for ever. conceiving that when an officer is not successful in his plans it is absolutely necessary that he should explain the motives upon which they were founded, nelson wrote at this time an account and vindication of his conduct for having carried the fleet to egypt. the objection which he anticipated was that he ought not to have made so long a voyage without more certain information. "my answer," said he, "is ready. who was i to get it from? the governments of naples and sicily either knew not, or chose to keep me in ignorance. was i to wait patiently until i heard certain accounts? if egypt were their object, before i could hear of them they would have been in india. to do nothing was disgraceful; therefore i made use of my understanding. i am before your lordships' judgment; and if, under all circumstances, it is decided that i am wrong, i ought, for the sake of our country, to be superseded; for at this moment, when i know the french are not in alexandria, i hold the same opinion as off cape passaro--that, under all circumstances, i was right in steering for alexandria; and by that opinion i must stand or fall." captain ball, to whom he showed this paper, told him he should recommend a friend never to begin a defence of his conduct before he was accused of error: he might give the fullest reasons for what he had done, expressed in such terms as would evince that he had acted from the strongest conviction of being right; and of course he must expect that the public would view it in the same light. captain ball judged rightly of the public, whose first impulses, though, from want of sufficient information, they must frequently be erroneous, are generally founded upon just feelings. but the public are easily misled, and there are always persons ready to mislead them. nelson had not yet attained that fame which compels envy to be silent; and when it was known in england that he had returned after an unsuccessful pursuit, it was said that he deserved impeachment; and earl st. vincent was severely censured for having sent so young an officer upon so important a service. baffled in his pursuit, he returned to sicily. the neapolitan ministry had determined to give his squadron no assistance, being resolved to do nothing which could possibly endanger their peace with the french directory; by means, however, of lady hamilton's influence at court, he procured secret orders to the sicilian governors; and under those orders obtained everything which he wanted at syracuse--a timely supply; without which, he always said, he could not have recommenced his pursuit with any hope of success. "it is an old saying," said he in his letter, "that the devil's children have the devil's luck. i cannot to this moment learn, beyond vague conjecture, where the french fleet have gone to; and having gone a round of leagues, at this season of the year, with an expedition incredible, here i am, as ignorant of the situation of the enemy as i was twenty-seven days ago. every moment i have to regret the frigates having left me; had one-half of them been with me, i could not have wanted information. should the french be so strongly secured in port that i cannot get at them, i shall immediately shift my flag into some other ship, and send the vanguard to naples to be refitted; for hardly any person but myself would have continued on service so long in such a wretched state." vexed, however, and disappointed as he was, nelson, with the true spirit of a hero, was still full of hope. "thanks to your exertions," said he, writing to sir. william and lady hamilton, "we have victualled and watered; and surely watering at the fountain of arethusa, we must have victory. we shall sail with the first breeze; and be assured i will return either crowned with laurel or covered with cypress." earl st. vincent he assured, that if the french were above water he would find them out: he still held his opinion that they were bound for egypt: "but," said he to the first lord of the admiralty, "be they bound to the antipodes, your lordship may rely that i will not lose a moment in bringing them to action." on the th of july he sailed from syracuse for the morea. anxious beyond measure, and irritated that the enemy should so long have eluded him, the tediousness of the nights made him impatient; and the officer of the watch was repeatedly called on to let him know the hour, and convince him, who measured time by his own eagerness, that it was not yet daybreak. the squadron made the gulf of coron on the th. troubridge entered the port, and returned with intelligence that the french fleet had been seen about four weeks before steering to the s.e. from candia. nelson then determined immediately to return to alexandria; and the british fleet accordingly, with every sail set, stood once more for the coast of egypt. on the st of august, about in the morning, they came in sight of alexandria: the port had been vacant and solitary when they saw it last; it was now crowded with ships; and they perceived with exultation that the tri-coloured flag was flying upon the walls. at four in the afternoon, captain hood, in the zealous, made the signal for the enemy's fleet. for many preceding days nelson had hardly taken either sleep or food: he now ordered his dinner to be served, while preparations were making for battle; and when his officers rose from table, and went to their separate stations, he said to them, "before this time to-morrow i shall have gained a peerage or westminster abbey." the french, steering direct for candia, had made an angular passage for alexandria; whereas nelson, in pursuit of them, made straight for that place, and thus materially shortened the distance. the comparative smallness of his force made it necessary to sail in close order, and it covered a less space than it would have done if the frigates had been with him: the weather also was constantly hazy. these circumstances prevented the english from discovering the enemy on the way to egypt, though it appeared, upon examining the journals of the french officers taken in the action, that the two fleets must actually have crossed on the night of the nd of june. during the return to syracuse, the chances of falling in with them were become fewer. why buonaparte, having effected his landing, should not have suffered the fleet to return, has never yet been explained. this much is certain, that it was detained by his command, though, with his accustomed falsehood, he accused admiral brueys, after that officer's death, of having lingered on the coast contrary to orders. the french fleet arrived at alexandria on the st of july, and brueys, not being able to enter the port, which time and neglect had ruined, moored his ships in aboukir bay, in a strong and compact line of battle; the headmost vessel, according to his own account, being as close as possible to a shoal on the n.w., and the rest of the fleet forming a kind of curve along the line of deep water, so as not to be turned by any means in the s.w. by buonaparte's desire he had offered a reward of , livres to any pilot of the country who would carry the squadron in, but none could be found who would venture to take charge of a single vessel drawing more than twenty feet. he had therefore made the best of his situation, and chosen the strongest position which he could possibly take in an open road. the commissary of the fleet said they were moored in such a manner as to bid defiance to a force more than double their own. this presumption could not then be thought unreasonable. admiral barrington, when moored in a similar manner off st. lucia, in the year , beat off the comte d'estaign in three several attacks, though his force was inferior by almost one-third to that which assailed it. here, the advantage in numbers, both in ships, guns, and men, was in favour of the french. they had thirteen ships of the line and four frigates, carrying guns and , men. the english had the same number of ships of the line and one fifty-gun ship, carrying guns and men. the english ships were all seventy-fours; the french had three eighty-gun ships, and one three-decker of one hundred and twenty. during the whole pursuit it had been nelson's practice, whenever circumstances would permit, to have his captains on board the vanguard, and explain to them his own ideas of the different and best modes of attack, and such plans as he proposed to execute on falling in with the enemy, whatever their situation might be. there is no possible position, it is said, which he did not take into calculation. his officers were thus fully acquainted with his principles of tactics; and such was his confidence in their abilities that the only thing determined upon, in case they should find the french at anchor, was for the ships to form as most convenient for their mutual support, and to anchor by the stern. "first gain the victory," he said, "and then make the best use of it you can." the moment he perceived the position of the french, that intuitive genius with which nelson was endowed displayed itself; and it instantly struck him that where there was room for an enemy's ship to swing, there was room for one of ours to anchor. the plan which he intended to pursue, therefore, was to keep entirely on the outer side of the french line, and station his ships, as far as he was able, one on the outer bow, and another on the outer quarter, of each of the enemy's. this plan of doubling on the enemy's ships was projected by lord hood, when he designed to attack the french fleet at their anchorage in gourjean road. lord hood found it impossible to make the attempt; but the thought was not lost upon nelson, who acknowledged himself, on this occasion, indebted for it to his old and excellent commander. captain berry, when he comprehended the scope of the design, exclaimed with transport, "if we succeed, what will the world say?" "there is no if in the case," replied the admiral: "that we shall succeed is certain; who may live to tell the story is a very different question." as the squadron advanced, they were assailed by a shower of shot and shells from the batteries on the island, and the enemy opened a steady fire from the starboard side of their whole line, within half gunshot distance, full into the bows of our van ships. it was received in silence: the men on board every ship were employed aloft in furling sails, and below in tending the braces and making ready for anchoring. a miserable sight for the french; who, with all their skill, and all their courage, and all their advantages of numbers and situation, were upon that element on which, when the hour of trial comes, a frenchman has no hope. admiral brueys was a brave and able man; yet the indelible character of his country broke out in one of his letters, wherein he delivered it as his private opinion, that the english had missed him, because, not being superior in force, they did not think it prudent to try their strength with him. the moment was now come in which he was to be undeceived. a french brig was instructed to decoy the english by manoeuvring so as to tempt them toward a shoal lying off the island of bekier; but nelson either knew the danger or suspected some deceit; and the lure was unsuccessful. captain foley led the way in the goliath, outsailing the zealous, which for some minutes disputed this post of honour with him. he had long conceived that if the enemy were moored in line of battle in with the land, the best plan of attack would be to lead between them and the shore, because the french guns on that side were not likely to be manned, nor even ready for action. intending, therefore, to fix himself on the inner bow of the guerrier, he kept as near the edge of the bank as the depth of water would admit; but his anchor hung, and having opened his fire he drifted to the second ship, the conquerant, before it was clear; then anchored by the stern inside of her, and in ten minutes shot away her mast. hood, in the zealous, perceiving this, took the station which the goliath intended to have occupied, and totally disabled the guerrier in twelve minutes. the third ship which doubled the enemy's van was the orion, sir j. saumarez; she passed to windward of the zealous, and opened her larboard guns as long as they bore on guerrier; then, passing inside the goliath, sunk a frigate which annoyed her, hauled round toward the french line, and anchoring inside, between the fifth and sixth ships from the guerrier, took her station on the larboard bow of the franklin and the quarter of the peuple souverain, receiving and returning the fire of both. the sun was now nearly down. the audacious, captain could, pouring a heavy fire into the guerrier and the conquerant, fixed herself on the larboard bow of the latter, and when that ship struck, passed on to the peuple souverain. the theseus, capt miller, followed, brought down the guerrier's remaining main and mizzen masts, then anchored inside of the spartiate, the third in the french line. while these advanced ships doubled the french line, the vanguard was the first that anchored on the outer side of the enemy, within half pistol-shot of their third ship, the spartiate. nelson had six colours flying in different parts of his rigging, lest they should be shot away; that they should be struck, no british admiral considers as a possibility. he veered half a cable, and instantly opened a tremendous fire; under cover of which the other four ships of his division, the minotaur, bellerophon, defence, and majestic, sailed on ahead of the admiral. in a few minutes, every man stationed at the first six guns in the fore part of the vanguard's deck was killed or wounded. these guns were three times cleared. captain louis, in the minotaur, anchored just ahead, and took off the fire of the aquilon, the fourth in the enemy's line. the bellerophon, captain darby, passed ahead, and dropped her stern anchor on the starboard bow of the orient, seventh in the line, brueys' own ship, of one hundred and twenty guns, whose difference of force was in proportion of more than seven to three, and whose weight of ball, from the lower deck alone, exceeded that from the whole broadside of the bellerophon. captain peyton, in the defence, took his station ahead of the minotaur, and engaged the franklin, the sixth in the line, by which judicious movement the british line remained unbroken. the majestic, captain westcott, got entangled with the main rigging of one of the french ships astern of the orient, and suffered dreadfully from that three-decker's fire; but she swung clear, and closely engaging the heureux, the ninth ship on the starboard bow, received also the fire of the tonnant, which was the eighth in the line. the other four ships of the british squadron, having been detached previous to the discovery of the french, were at a considerable distance when the action began. it commenced at half after six; about seven night closed, and there was no other light than that from the fire of the contending fleets. troubridge, in the culloden, then foremost of the remaining ships, was two leagues astern. he came on sounding, as the others had done: as he advanced, the increasing darkness increased the difficulty of the navigation; and suddenly, after having found eleven fathoms water, before the lead could be hove again he was fast aground; nor could all his own exertions, joined with those of the leander and the mutine brig, which came to his assistance, get him off in time to bear a part in the action. his ship, however, served as a beacon to the alexander and swiftsure, which would else, from the course which they were holding, have gone considerably further on the reef, and must inevitably have been lost. these ships entered the bay, and took their stations in the darkness, in a manner still spoken of with admiration by all who remember it. captain hallowell, in the swiftsure, as he was bearing down, fell in with what seemed to be a strange sail. nelson had directed his ships to hoist four lights horizontally at the mizzen peak as soon as it became dark; and this vessel had no such distinction. hallowell, however, with great judgment, ordered his men not to fire: if she was an enemy, he said, she was in too disabled a state to escape; but from her sails being loose, and the way in which her head was, it was probable she might be an english ship. it was the bellerophon, overpowered by the huge orient: her lights had gone overboard, nearly of her crew were killed or wounded, all her masts and cables had been shot away; and she was drifting out of the line toward the leeside of the bay. her station, at this important time, was occupied by the swiftsure, which opened a steady fire on the quarter of the franklin and the bows of the french admiral. at the same instant, captain ball, with the alexander, passed under his stern, and anchored within-side on his larboard quarter, raking; him, and keeping up a severe fire of musketry upon his decks. the last ship which arrived to complete the destruction of the enemy was the leander. captain thompson, finding that nothing could be done that night to get off the culloden, advanced with the intention of anchoring athwart-hawse of the orient. the franklin was so near her ahead that there was not room for him to pass clear of the two; he therefore took his station athwart-hawse of the latter in such a position as to rake both. the two first ships of the french line had been dismasted within a quarter of an hour after the commencement of the action; and the others had in that time suffered so severely that victory was already certain. the third, fourth, and fifth were taken possession of at half-past eight. meantime nelson received a severe wound on the head from a piece of langridge shot. captain berry caught him in his arms as he was falling. the great effusion of blood occasioned an apprehension that the wound was mortal: nelson himself thought so; a large flap of the skin of the forehead, cut from the bone, had fallen over one eye; and the other being blind, he was in total darkness. when he was carried down, the surgeon--in the midst of a scene scarcely to be conceived by those who have never seen a cockpit in time of action, and the heroism which is displayed amid its horrors,--with a natural and pardonable eagerness, quitted the poor fellow then under his hands, that he might instantly attend the admiral. "no!" said nelson, "i will take my turn with my brave fellows." nor would he suffer his own wound to be examined till every man who had been previously wounded was properly attended to. fully believing that the wound was mortal, and that he was about to die, as he had ever desired, in battle, and in victory, he called the chaplain, and desired him to deliver what he supposed to be his dying remembrance to lady nelson; he then sent for captain louis on board from the minotaur, that he might thank him personally for the great assistance which he had rendered to the vanguard; and ever mindful of those who deserved to be his friends, appointed captain hardy from the brig to the command of his own ship, captain berry having to go home with the news of the victory. when the surgeon came in due time to examine his wound (for it was in vain to entreat him to let it be examined sooner), the most anxious silence prevailed; and the joy of the wounded men, and of the whole crew, when they heard that the hurt was merely superficial, gave nelson deeper pleasure than the unexpected assurance that his life was in no danger. the surgeon requested, and as far as he could, ordered him to remain quiet; but nelson could not rest. he called for his secretary, mr. campbell, to write the despatches. campbell had himself been wounded, and was so affected at the blind and suffering state of the admiral that he was unable to write. the chaplain was then sent for; but before he came, nelson with his characteristic eagerness took the pen, and contrived to trace a few words, marking his devout sense of the success which had already been obtained. he was now left alone; when suddenly a cry was heard on the deck that the orient was on fire. in the confusion he found his way up, unassisted and unnoticed; and, to the astonishment of every one, appeared on the quarter-decks where he immediately gave order that the boats should be sent to the relief of the enemy. it was soon after nine that the fire on, board the orient broke out. brueys was dead; he had received three wounds, yet would not leave his post: a fourth cut him almost in two. he desired not to be carried below, but to be left to die upon deck. the flames soon mastered his ship. her sides had just been painted; and the oil-jars and paint buckets were lying on the poop. by the prodigious light of this conflagration, the situation of the two fleets could now be perceived, the colours of both being clearly distinguishable. about ten o'clock the ship blew up, with a shock which was felt to the very bottom of every vessel. many of her officers and men jumped overboard, some clinging to the spars and pieces of wreck with which the sea was strewn, others swimming to escape from the destruction which they momently dreaded. some were picked up by our boats; and some even in the heat and fury of the action were dragged into the lower ports of the nearest british ships by the british sailors. the greater part of her crew, however, stood the danger till the last, and continued to fire from the lower deck. this tremendous explosion was followed by a silence not less awful: the firing immediately ceased on both sides; and the first sound which broke the silence, was the dash of her shattered masts and yards, falling into the water from the vast height to which they had been exploded. it is upon record that a battle between two armies was once broken off by an earthquake. such an event would be felt like a miracle; but no incident in war, produced by human means, has ever equalled the sublimity of this co-instantaneous pause, and all its circumstances. about seventy of the orient's crew were saved by the english boats. among the many hundreds who perished were the commodore, casa-bianca, and his son, a brave boy, only ten years old. they were seen floating on a shattered mast when the ship blew up. she had money on board (the plunder of malta) to the amount of l , sterling. the masses of burning wreck, which were scattered by the explosion, excited for some moments apprehensions in the english which they had never felt from any other danger. two large pieces fell into the main and fore tops of the swiftsure without injuring any person. a port-fire also fell into the main-royal of the alexander; the fire which it occasioned was speedily extinguished. captain ball had provided, as far as human foresight could provide, against any such danger. all the shrouds and sails of his ship, not absolutely necessary for its immediate management, were thoroughly wetted, and so rolled up that they were as hard and as little inflammable as so many solid cylinders. the firing recommenced with the ships to leeward of the centre, and continued till about three. at daybreak, the guillaume tell and the genereux, the two rear ships of the enemy, were the only french ships of the line which had their colours flying; they cut their cables in the forenoon, not having been engaged, and stood out to sea, and two frigates with them. the zealous pursued; but as there was no other ship in a condition to support captain hood, he was recalled. it was generally believed by the officers that if nelson had not been wounded, not one of these ships could have escaped. the four certainly could not if the culloden had got into action; and if the frigates belonging to the squadron had been present, not one of the enemy's fleet would have left aboukir bay. these four vessels, however, were all that escaped; and the victory was the most complete and glorious in the annals of naval history. "victory," said nelson, "is not a name strong enough for such a scene:" he called it a conquest. of thirteen sail of the line, nine were taken and two burned. of the four frigates, one was sunk, another, the artemise, was burned in a villanous manner by her captain, m. estandlet, who, having fired a broadside at the theseus, struck his colours, then set fire to the ship and escaped with most of his crew to shore. the british loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to westcott was the only captain who fell; of the french, including the wounded, were sent on shore by cartel, and perished. as soon as the conquest was completed, nelson sent orders through the fleet to return thanksgiving in every ship for the victory with which almighty god had blessed his majesty's arms. the french at rosetta, who with miserable fear beheld the engagement, were at a loss to understand the stillness of the fleet during the performance of this solemn duty; but it seemed to affect many of the prisoners, officers as well as men; and graceless and godless as the officers were, some of them remarked that it was no wonder such order was preserved in the british navy, when the minds of our men could be impressed with such sentiments after so great a victory, and at a moment of such confusion. the french at rosetta, seeing their four ships sail out of the bay unmolested, endeavoured to persuade themselves that they were in possession of the place of battle. but it was in vain thus to attempt, against their own secret and certain conviction, to deceive themselves; and even if they could have succeeded in this, the bonfires which the arabs kindled along the whole coast, and over the country, for the three following nights, would soon have undeceived them. thousands of arabs and egyptians lined the shore, and covered the house tops during the action, rejoicing in the destruction which had overtaken their invaders. long after the battle, innumerable bodies were seen floating about the bay, in spite of all the exertions which were made to sink them, as well from fear of pestilence as from the loathing and horror which the sight occasioned. great numbers were cast up upon the isle of bekier (nelson's island, as it has since been called), and our sailors raised mounds of sand over them. even after an interval of nearly three years dr. clarke saw them, and assisted in interring heaps of human bodies, which, having been thrown up by the sea where there were no jackals to devour them, presented a sight loathsome to humanity. the shore, for an extent of four leagues, was covered with wreck; and the arabs found employment for many days in burning on the beach the fragments which were cast up, for the sake of the iron. part of the orient's main-mast was picked up by the swiftsure. captain hallowell ordered his carpenter to make a coffin of it; the iron, as well as the wood, was taken from the wreck of the same ship; it was finished as well and handsomely as the workman's skill and materials would permit; and hallowell then sent it to the admiral with the following letter:--"sir, i have taken the liberty of presenting you a coffin made from the main mast of l'orient, that when you have finished your military career in this world you may be buried in one of your trophies. but that that period may be far distant is the earnest wish of your sincere friend, benjamin hallowell."--an offering so strange, and yet so suited to the occasion, was received by nelson in the spirit with which it was sent. as if he felt it good for him, now that he was at the summit of his wishes, to have death before his eyes, he ordered the coffin to be placed upright in his cabin. such a piece of furniture, however, was more suitable to his own feelings than to those of his guests and attendants; and an old favourite servant entreated him so earnestly to let it be removed, that at length he consented to have the coffin carried below; but he gave strict orders that it should be safely stowed, and reserved for the purpose for which its brave and worthy donor had designed it. the victory was complete; but nelson could not pursue it as he would have done for want of means. had he been provided with small craft, nothing could have prevented the destruction of the store-ships and transports in the port of alexandria: four bomb-vessels would at that time have burned the whole in a few hours. "were i to die this moment." said he in his despatches to the admiralty, "want of frigates would be found stamped on my heart! no words of mine can express what i have suffered, and am suffering, for want of them." he had also to bear up against great bodily suffering: the blow had so shaken his head, that from its constant and violent aching, and the perpetual sickness which accompanied the pain, he could scarcely persuade himself that the skull was not fractured. had it not been for troubridge, ball, hood, and hallowell, he declared that he should have sunk under the fatigue of refitting the squadron. "all," he said, "had done well; but these officers were his supporters." but, amidst his sufferings and exertions, nelson could yet think of all the consequences of his victory; and that no advantage from it might be lost, he despatched an officer overland to india, with letters to the governor of bombay, informing him of the arrival of the french in egypt, the total destruction of their fleet, and the consequent preservation of india from any attempt against it on the part of this formidable armament. "he knew that bombay," he said, "was their first object, if they could get there; but he trusted that almighty god would overthrow in egypt these pests of the human race. buonaparte had never yet had to contend with an english officer, and he would endeavour to make him respect us." this despatch he sent upon his own responsibility, with letters of credit upon the east india company, addressed to the british consuls, vice-consuls, and merchants on his route; nelson saying, "that if he had done wrong, he hoped the bills would be paid, and he would repay the company; for, as an englishman, he should be proud that it had been in his power to put our settlements on their guard." the information which by this means reached india was of great importance. orders had just been received for defensive preparations, upon a scale proportionate to the apprehended danger; and the extraordinary expenses which would otherwise have been incurred were thus prevented. nelson was now at the summit of glory; congratulations, rewards, and honours were showered upon him by all the states, and princes, and powers to whom his victory gave a respite. the first communication of this nature which he received was from the turkish sultan, who, as soon as the invasion of egypt was known, had called upon "all true believers to take arms against those swinish infidels the french, that they might deliver these blessed habitations from their accursed hands;" and who had ordered his "pashas to turn night into day in their efforts to take vengeance." the present of "his imperial majesty, the powerful, formidable, and most magnificent grand seignior," was a pelisse of sables, with broad sleeves, valued at dols.; and a diamond aigrette, valued at , dols., the most honourable badge among the turks; and in this instance more especially honourable, because it was taken from one of the royal turbans. "if it were worth a million," said nelson to his wife, "my pleasure would be to see it in your possession." the sultan also sent, in a spirit worthy of imitation, a purse of sequins, to be distributed among the wounded. the mother of the sultan sent him a box, set with diamonds, valued at l . the czar paul, in whom the better part of his strangely compounded nature at this time predominated, presented him with his portrait, set in diamonds, in a gold box, accompanied with a letter of congratulation, written by his own hand. the king of sardinia also wrote to him, and sent a gold box set with diamonds. honours in profusion were awaiting him at naples. in his own country the king granted these honourable augmentations to his armorial ensign: a chief undulated, argent: thereon waves of the sea; from which a palm tree issuant, between a disabled ship on the dexter, and a ruinous battery on the sinister all proper; and for his crest, on a naval crown, or, the chelengk, or plume, presented to him by the turk, with the motto, palmam qui meruit ferat. and to his supporters, being a sailor on the dexter, and a lion on the sinister, were given these honourable augmentations: a palm branch in the sailor's hand, and another in the paw of the lion, both proper; with a tri-coloured flag and staff in the lion's mouth. he was created baron nelson of the nile, and of burnham thorpe, with a pension of l for his own life, and those of his two immediate successors. when the grant was moved in the house of commons, general walpole expressed an opinion that a higher degree of rank ought to be conferred. mr. pitt made answer, that he thought it needless to enter into that question. "admiral nelson's fame," he said, "would be co-equal with the british name; and it would be remembered that he had obtained the greatest naval victory on record, when no man would think of asking whether he had been created a baron, a viscount, or an earl." it was strange that, in the very act of conferring a title, the minister should have excused himself for not having conferred a higher one, by representing all titles, on such an occasion, as nugatory and superfluous. true, indeed, whatever title had been bestowed, whether viscount, earl, marquis, duke, or prince, if our laws had so permitted, he who received it would have been nelson still. that name he had ennobled beyond all addition of nobility; it was the name by which england loved him, france feared him, italy, egypt, and turkey celebrated him, and by which he will continue to be known while the present kingdoms and languages of the world endure, and as long as their history after them shall be held in remembrance. it depended upon the degree of rank what should be the fashion of his coronet, in what page of the red book his name was to be inserted, and what precedency should be allowed his lady in the drawing-room and at the ball. that nelson's honours were affected thus far, and no further, might be conceded to mr. pitt and his colleagues in administration; but the degree of rank which they thought proper to allot was the measure of their gratitude, though not of his service. this nelson felt, and this he expressed, with indignation, among his friends. whatever may have been the motives of the ministry, and whatever the formalities with which they excused their conduct to themselves, the importance and magnitude of the victory were universally acknowledged. a grant of l , was voted to nelson by the east india company; the turkish company presented him with a piece of plate; the city of london presented a sword to him, and to each of his captains; gold medals were distributed to the captains; and the first lieutenants of all the ships were promoted, as had been done after lord howe's victory. nelson was exceedingly anxious that the captain and first lieutenant of the culloden should not be passed over because of their misfortune. to troubridge himself he said, "let us rejoice that the ship which got on shore was commanded by an officer whose character is so thoroughly established." to the admiralty he stated that captain troubridge's conduct was as fully entitled to praise as that of any one officer in the squadron, and as highly deserving of reward. "it was troubridge," said he, "who equipped the squadron so soon at syracuse; it was troubridge who exerted himself for me after the action; it was troubridge who saved the culloden, when none that i know in the service would have attempted it." the gold medal, therefore, by the king's express desire, was given to captain troubridge, "for his services both before and since, and for the great and wonderful exertion which he made at the time of the action in saving and getting off his ship." the private letter from the admiralty to nelson informed him that the first lieutenants of all the ships engaged were to be promoted. nelson instantly wrote to the commander-in-chief: "i sincerely hope," said he, "this is not intended to exclude the first lieutenant of the culloden. for heaven's sake--for my sake, if it be so--get it altered. our dear friend troubridge has endured enough. his sufferings were, in every respect, more than any of us." to the admiralty he wrote in terms equally warm. "i hope, and believe, the word engaged is not intended to exclude the culloden. the merits of that ship, and her gallant captain, are too well known to benefit by anything i could say. her misfortune was great in getting aground, while her more fortunate companions were in the full tide of happiness. no: i am confident that my good lord spencer will never add misery to misfortune. captain troubridge on shore is superior to captains afloat: in the midst of his great misfortunes he made those signals which prevented certainly the alexander and swiftsure from running on the shoals. i beg your pardon for writing on a subject which, i verily believe, has never entered your lordship's head; but my heart, as it ought to be, is warm to my gallant friends." thus feelingly alive was nelson to the claims, and interests, and feelings of others. the admiralty replied, that the exception was necessary, as the ship had not been in action; but they desired the commander-in-chief to promote the lieutenant upon the first vacancy which should occur. nelson, in remembrance of an old and uninterrupted friendship, appointed alexander davison sole prize agent for the captured ships: upon which davison ordered medals to be struck in gold, for the captains; in silver, for the lieutenants and warrant officers; in gilt metal for the petty officers; and in copper for the seamen and marines. the cost of this act of liberality amounted nearly to l . it is worthy of record on another account;--for some of the gallant men, who received no other honorary badge of their conduct on that memorable day than this copper medal from a private individual, years afterwards, when they died upon a foreign station, made it their last request, that the medals might carefully be sent home to their respective friends. so sensible are brave men of honour, in whatever rank they may be placed. three of the frigates, whose presence would have been so essential a few weeks sooner, joined the squadron on the twelfth day after the action. the fourth joined a few days after them. nelson thus received despatches, which rendered it necessary for him to return to naples. before he left egypt he burned three of the prizes; they could not have been fitted for a passage to gibraltar in less than a month, and that at a great expense, and with the loss of the services of at least two sail of the line. "i rest assured," he said to the admiralty, "that they will be paid for, and have held out that assurance to the squadron. for if an admiral, after a victory, is to look after the captured ships, and not to the distressing of the enemy, very dearly, indeed, must the nation pay for the prizes. i trust that l , will be deemed a very moderate sum for them: and when the services, time, and men, with the expense of fitting the three ships for a voyage to england, are considered, government will save nearly as much as they are valued at. paying for prizes," he continued, "is no new idea of mine, and would often prove an amazing saving to the state, even without taking into calculation what the nation loses by the attention of admirals to the property of the captors; an attention absolutely necessary, as a recompence for the exertions of the officers and men. an admiral may be amply rewarded by his own feelings, and by the approbation of his superiors; but what reward have the inferior officers and men but the value of the prizes? if an admiral takes that from them, on any consideration, he cannot expect to be well supported." to earl st. vincent he said, "if he could have been sure that government would have paid a reasonable value for them, he would have ordered two of the other prizes to be burnt, for they would cost more in refitting, and by the loss of ships attending them, than they were worth." having sent the six remaining prizes forward, under sir james saumarez, nelson left captain hood, in the zealous off alexandria, with the swiftsure, goliath, alcmene, zealous, and emerald, and stood out to sea himself on the seventeenth day after the battle. chapter vi - nelson returns to naples--state of that court and kingdom--general mack--the french approach naples--flight of the royal family--successes of the allies in italy--transactions in the bay of naples--expulsion of the french from the neapolitan and roman states--nelson is made duke of bronte--he leaves the mediterranean and returns to england. nelson's health had suffered greatly while he was in the agamemnon. "my complaint," he said, "is as if a girth were buckled taut over my breast, and my endeavour in the night is to get it loose." after the battle of cape st. vincent he felt a little rest to be so essential to his recovery, that he declared he would not continue to serve longer than the ensuing summer, unless it should be absolutely necessary; for in his own strong language, he had then been four years and nine months without one moment's repose for body or mind. a few months' intermission of labour he had obtained--not of rest, for it was purchased with the loss of a limb; and the greater part of the time had been a season of constant pain. as soon as his shattered frame had sufficiently recovered for him to resume his duties, he was called to services of greater importance than any on which he had hitherto been employed, which brought with them commensurate fatigue and care. the anxiety which he endured during his long pursuit of the enemy, was rather changed in its direction than abated by their defeat; and this constant wakefulness of thought, added to the effect of his wound, and the exertions from which it was not possible for one of so ardent and wide-reaching a mind to spare himself, nearly proved fatal. on his way back to italy he was seized with fever. for eighteen hours his life was despaired of; and even when the disorder took a favourable turn, and he was so far recovered as again to appear on deck, he himself thought that his end was approaching--such was the weakness to which the fever and cough had reduced him. writing to earl st. vincent on the passage, he said to him, "i never expect, my dear lord, to see your face again. it may please god that this will be the finish to that fever of anxiety which i have endured from the middle of june; but be that as it pleases his goodness. i am resigned to his will." the kindest attentions of the warmest friendship were awaiting him at naples. "come here," said sir william hamilton, "for god's sake, my dear friend, as soon as the service will permit you. a pleasant apartment is ready for you in my house, and emma is looking out for the softest pillows to repose the few wearied limbs you have left." happy would it have been for nelson if warm and careful friendship had been all that waited him there. he himself saw at that time the character of the neapolitan court, as it first struck an englishman, in its true light; and when he was on the way, he declared that he detested the voyage to naples, and that nothing but necessity could have forced him to it. but never was any hero, on his return from victory, welcomed with more heartfelt joy. before the battle of aboukir the court at naples had been trembling for its existence. the language which the directory held towards it was well described by sir william hamilton as being exactly the language of a highwayman. the neapolitans were told that benevento might be added to their dominions, provided they would pay a large sum, sufficient to satisfy the directory; and they were warned, that if the proposal were refused, or even if there were any delay in accepting it, the french would revolutionise all italy. the joy, therefore, of the court at nelson's success was in proportion to the dismay from which that success relieved them. the queen was a daughter of maria theresa, and sister of maria antoinette. had she been the wisest and gentlest of her sex, it would not have been possible for her to have regarded the french without hatred and horror; and the progress of revolutionary opinions, while it perpetually reminded her of her sister's fate, excited no unreasonable apprehensions for her own. her feelings, naturally ardent, and little accustomed to restraint, were excited to the highest pitch when the news of the victory arrived. lady hamilton, her constant friend and favourite, who was present, says, "it is not possible to describe her transports; she wept, she kissed her husband, her children, walked frantically about the room, burst into tears again, and again kissed and embraced every person near her; exclaiming, 'o brave nelson! o god! bless and protect our brave deliverer! o nelson! nelson! what do we not owe you! o conqueror--saviour of italy! o that my swollen heart could now tell him personally what we owe to him!'" she herself wrote to the neapolitan ambassador at london upon the occasion, in terms which show the fulness of her joy, and the height of the hopes which it had excited. "i wish i could give wings," said she, "to the bearer of the news, and at the same time to our most sincere gratitude. the whole of the sea-coast of italy saved; and this is owing alone to the generous english. this battle, or, to speak more correctly, this total defeat of the regicide squadron, was obtained by the valour of this brave admiral, seconded by a navy which is the terror of its enemies. the victory is so complete that i can still scarcely believe it; and if it were not the brave english nation, which is accustomed to perform prodigies by sea, i could not persuade myself that it had happened. it would have moved you to have seen all my children, boys and girls, hanging on my neck, and crying for joy at the happy news. recommend the hero to his master: he has filled the whole of italy with admiration of the english. great hopes were entertained of some advantages being gained by his bravery, but no one could look for so total a destruction. all here are drunk with joy." such being the feelings of the royal family, it may well be supposed with what delight, and with what honours nelson would be welcomed. early on the nd of september the poor wretched vanguard, as he called his shattered vessel, appeared in sight of naples. the culloden and alexander had preceded her by some days, and given notice of her approach. many hundred boats and barges were ready to go forth and meet him, with music and streamers and every demonstration of joy and triumph. sir william and lady hamilton led the way in their state barge. they had seen nelson only for a few days, four years ago, but they then perceived in him that heroic spirit which was now so fully and gloriously manifested to the world. emma lady hamilton, who from this time so greatly influenced his future life, was a woman whose personal accomplishments have seldom been equalled, and whose powers of mind were not less fascinating than her person. she was passionately attached to the queen; and by her influence the british fleet had obtained those supplies at syracuse, without which, nelson always asserted, the battle of aboukir could not have been fought. during the long interval which passed before any tidings were received, her anxiety had been hardly less than that of nelson himself, while pursuing an enemy of whom he could obtain no information; and when the tidings were brought her by a joyful bearer, open-mouthed, its effect was such that she fell like one who had been shot. she and sir william had literally been made ill by their hopes and fears, and joy at a catastrophe so far exceeding all that they had dared to hope for. their admiration for the hero necessarily produced a degree of proportionate gratitude and affection; and when their barge came alongside the vanguard, at the sight of nelson, lady hamilton sprang up the ship's side, and exclaiming, "o god! is it possible!" fell into his arms more, he says, like one dead than alive. he described the meeting as "terribly affecting." these friends had scarcely recovered from their tears, when the king, who went out to meet him three leagues in the royal barge, came on board and took him by the hand, calling him his deliverer and preserver. from all the boats around he was saluted with the same appellations: the multitude who surrounded him when he landed repeated the same enthusiastic cries; and the lazzaroni displayed their joy by holding up birds in cages, and giving them their liberty as he passed. his birth-day, which occurred a week after his arrival, was celebrated with one of the most splendid fetes ever beheld at naples. but, notwithstanding the splendour with which he was encircled, and the flattering honours with which all ranks welcomed him, nelson was fully sensible of the depravity, as well as weakness, of those by whom he was surrounded. "what precious moments," said he, "the courts of naples and vienna are losing! three months would liberate italy! but this court is so enervated that the happy moment will be lost. i am very unwell; and their miserable conduct is not likely to cool my irritable temper. it is a country of fiddlers and poets, whores and scoundrels." this sense of their ruinous weakness he always retained; nor was he ever blind to the mingled folly and treachery of the neapolitan ministers, and the complication in iniquities under which the country groaned; but he insensibly, under the influence of lady hamilton, formed an affection for the court, to whose misgovernment the miserable condition of the country was so greatly to be imputed. by the kindness of her nature, as well as by her attractions, she had won his heart. earl st. vincent, writing to her at this time, says, "pray do not let your fascinating neapolitan dames approach too near our invaluable friend nelson, for he is made of flesh and blood, and cannot resist their temptations." but this was addressed to the very person from whom he was in danger. the state of naples may be described in few words. the king was one of the spanish bourbons. as the caesars have shown us to what wickedness the moral nature of princes may be perverted, so in this family, the degradation to which their intellectual nature can be reduced has been not less conspicuously evinced. ferdinand, like the rest of his race, was passionately fond of field sports, and cared for nothing else. his queen had all the vices of the house of austria, with little to mitigate, and nothing to ennoble them--provided she could have her pleasures, and the king his sports, they cared not in what manner the revenue was raised or administered. of course a system of favouritism existed at court, and the vilest and most impudent corruption prevailed in every department of state, and in every branch of administration, from the highest to the lowest. it is only the institutions of christianity, and the vicinity of better-regulated states, which prevent kingdoms, under such circumstances of misrule, from sinking into a barbarism like that of turkey. a sense of better things was kept alive in some of the neapolitans by literature, and by their intercourse with happier countries. these persons naturally looked to france, at the commencement of the revolution, and during all the horrors of that revolution still cherished a hope that, by the aid of france, they might be enabled to establish a new order of things in naples. they were grievously mistaken in supposing that the principles of liberty would ever be supported by france, but they were not mistaken in believing that no government could be worse than their own; and therefore they considered any change as desirable. in this opinion men of the most different characters agreed. many of the nobles, who were not in favour, wished for a revolution, that they might obtain the ascendancy to which they thought themselves entitled; men of desperate fortunes desired it, in the hope of enriching themselves; knaves and intriguers sold themselves to the french to promote it; and a few enlightened men, and true lovers of their country, joined in the same cause, from the purest and noblest motives. all these were confounded under the common name of jacobins; and the jacobins of the continental kingdoms were regarded by the english with more hatred than they deserved. they were classed with phillippe egalite, marat, and hebert; whereas they deserved rather to be ranked, if not with locke, and sydney, and russell, at least with argyle and monmouth, and those who, having the same object as the prime movers of our own revolution, failed in their premature but not unworthy attempt. no circumstances could be more unfavourable to the best interests of europe, than those which placed england in strict alliance with the superannuated and abominable governments of the continent. the subjects of those governments who wished for freedom thus became enemies to england, and dupes and agents of france. they looked to their own grinding grievances, and did not see the danger with which the liberties of the world were threatened. england, on the other hand, saw the danger in its true magnitude, but was blind to these grievances, and found herself compelled to support systems which had formerly been equally the object of her abhorrence and her contempt. this was the state of nelson's mind; he knew that there could be no peace for europe till the pride of france was humbled, and her strength broken; and he regarded all those who were the friends of france as traitors to the common cause, as well as to their own individual sovereigns. there are situations in which the most opposite and hostile parties may mean equally well, and yet act equally wrong. the court of naples, unconscious of committing any crime by continuing the system of misrule to which they had succeeded, conceived that, in maintaining things as they were, they were maintaining their own rights, and preserving the people from such horrors as had been perpetrated in france. the neapolitan revolutionists thought that without a total change of system, any relief from the present evils was impossible, and they believed themselves justified in bringing about that change by any means. both parties knew that it was the fixed intention of the french to revolutionise naples. the revolutionists supposed that it was for the purpose of establishing a free government; the court, and all disinterested persons, were perfectly aware that the enemy had no other object than conquest and plunder. the battle of the nile shook the power of france. her most successful general, and her finest army, were blocked up in egypt--hopeless, as it appeared, of return; and the government was in the hands of men without talents, without character, and divided among themselves. austria, whom buonaparte had terrified into a peace, at a time when constancy on her part would probably have led to his destruction, took advantage of the crisis to renew the war. russia also was preparing to enter the field with unbroken forces, led by a general, whose extraordinary military genius would have entitled him to a high and honourable rank in history, if it had not been sullied by all the ferocity of a barbarian. naples, seeing its destruction at hand, and thinking that the only means of averting it was by meeting the danger, after long vacillations, which were produced by the fears and treachery of its council, agreed at last to join this new coalition with a numerical force of , men. nelson told the king, in plain terms, that he had his choice, either to advance, trusting to god for his blessing on a just cause, and prepared to die sword in hand, or to remain quiet, and be kicked out of his kingdom; one of these things must happen. the king made answer he would go on, and trust in god and nelson; and nelson, who would else have returned to egypt, for the purpose of destroying the french shipping in alexandria, gave up his intention at the desire of the neapolitan court, and resolved to remain on that station, in the hope that he might be useful to the movements of the army. he suspected also, with reason, that the continuance of his fleet was so earnestly requested, because the royal family thought their persons would be safer, in case of any mishap, under the british flag, than under their own. his first object was the recovery of malta--an island which the king of naples pretended to claim. the maltese, whom the villanous knights of their order had betrayed to france, had taken up arms against their rapacious invaders, with a spirit and unanimity worthy of the highest praise. they blockaded the french garrison by land, and a small squadron, under captain ball, began to blockade them by sea, on the th of october. twelve days afterwards nelson arrived. "it is as i suspected," he says: "the ministers at naples know nothing of the situation of the island. not a house or bastion of the town is in possession of the islanders: and the marquis de niza tells us they want arms, victuals, and support. he does not know that any neapolitan officers are on the island; perhaps, although i have their names, none are arrived; and it is very certain, by the marquis's account, that no supplies have been sent by the governors of syracuse and messina." the little island of gozo, dependent upon malta, which had also been seized and garrisoned by the french, capitulated soon after his arrival, and was taken possession of by the british, in the name of his sicilian majesty--a power who had no better claim to it than france. having seen this effected, and reinforced captain ball, he left that able officer to perform a most arduous and important part, and returned himself to cooperate with the intended movements of the neapolitans. general mack was at the head of the neapolitan troops. all that is now doubtful concerning this man is, whether he was a coward or a traitor. at that time he was assiduously extolled as a most consummate commander, to whom europe might look for deliverance. and when he was introduced by the king and queen to the british admiral, the queen said to him, "be to us by land, general, what my hero nelson has been by sea." mack, on his part, did not fail to praise the force which he was appointed to command. "it was," he said, "the finest army in europe." nelson agreed with him that there could not be finer men; but when the general, at a review, so directed the operations of a mock fight, that by an unhappy blunder his own troops were surrounded, instead of those of the enemy, he turned to his friends and exclaimed with bitterness, that the fellow did not understand his business. another circumstance, not less characteristic, confirmed nelson in his judgment. "general mack:" said he, in one of his letters, "cannot move without five carriages! i have formed my opinion. i heartily pray i may be mistaken." while mack, at the head of , men, marched into the roman state, neapolitans were embarked on board the british and portuguese squadron, to take possession of leghorn. this was effected without opposition; and the grand duke of tuscany, whose neutrality had been so outrageously violated by the french, was better satisfied with the measure than some of the neapolitans themselves. nasseli, their general, refused to seize the french vessels at leghorn, because he and the duke di sangro, who was ambassador at the tuscan court, maintained that the king of naples was not at war with france. "what!" said nelson, "has not the king received, as a conquest made by him, the republican flag taken at gozo? is not his own flag flying there, and at malta, not only by his permission, but by his order? is not his flag shot at every day by the french, and their shot returned from batteries which bear that flag? are not two frigates and a corvette placed under my orders ready to fight the french, meet them where they may? has not the king sent publicly from naples guns, mortars, &c., with officers and artillery, against the french in malta? if these acts are not tantamount to any written paper, i give up all knowledge of what is war." this reasoning was of less avail than argument addressed to the general's fears. nelson told him that, if he permitted the many hundred french who were then in the mole to remain neutral, till they had a fair opportunity of being active, they had one sure resource, if all other schemes failed, which was to set one vessel on fire; the mole would be destroyed, probably the town also, and the port ruined for twenty years. this representation made naselli agree to the half measure of laying an embargo on the vessels; among them were a great number of french privateers, some of which were of such force as to threaten the greatest mischief to our commerce, and about seventy sail of vessels belonging to the ligurian republic, as genoa was now called, laden with corn, and ready to sail for genoa and france; where their arrival would have expedited the entrance of more french troops into italy. "the general," said nelson, "saw, i believe, the consequence of permitting these vessels to depart, in the same light as myself; but there is this difference between us: he prudently, and certainly safely, waits the orders of his court, taking no responsibility upon himself; i act from the circumstances of the moment, as i feel may be most advantageous for the cause which i serve, taking all responsibility on myself." it was in vain to hope for anything vigorous or manly from such men as nelson was compelled to act with. the crews of the french ships and their allies were ordered to depart in two days. four days elapsed and nobody obeyed the order; nor, in spite of the representations of the british minister, mr. wyndham, were any means taken to enforce it: the true neapolitan shuffle, as nelson called it, took place on all occasions. after an absence of ten days he returned to naples; and receiving intelligence there from mr. wyndham that the privateers were at last to be disarmed, the corn landed, and the crews sent away, he expressed his satisfaction at the news in characteristic language, saying, "so far i am content. the enemy will be distressed; and, thank god, i shall get no money. the world, i know, think that money is our god; and now they will be undeceived as far as relates to us. down, down with the french! is my constant prayer." odes, sonnets, and congratulatory poems of every description were poured in upon nelson on his arrival at naples. an irish franciscan, who was one of the poets, not being content with panegyric upon this occasion, ventured on a flight of prophecy, and predicted that lord nelson would take rome with his ships. his lordship reminded father m'cormick that ships could not ascend the tiber; but the father, who had probably forgotten this circumstance, met the objection with a bold front, and declared he saw that it would come to pass notwithstanding. rejoicings of this kind were of short duration. the king of naples was with the army which had entered rome; but the castle of st. angelo was held by the french, and , french were strongly posted in the roman states at castallana. mack had marched against them with , men. nelson saw that the event was doubtful, or rather that there could be very little hope of the result. but the immediate fate of naples, as he well knew, hung upon the issue. "if mack is defeated," said he, "in fourteen days this country is lost; for the emperor has not yet moved his army, and naples has not the power of resisting the enemy. it was not a case for choice, but of necessity, which induced the king to march out of his kingdom, and not wait till the french had collected a force sufficient to drive him out of it in a week." he had no reliance upon the neapolitan officers, who, as he described them, seemed frightened at a drawn sword or a loaded gun; and he was perfectly aware of the consequences which the sluggish movements and deceitful policy of the austrians were likely to bring down upon themselves and all their continental allies. "a delayed war on the part of the emperor," said he, writing to the british minister at vienna, "will be destructive to this monarchy of naples; and, of course, to the newly-acquired dominions of the emperor in italy. had the war commenced in september or october, all italy would, at this moment, have been liberated. this month is worse than the last; the next will render the contest doubtful; and, in six months, when the neapolitan republic will be organised, armed, and with its numerous resources called forth, the emperor will not only be defeated in italy, but will totter on his throne at vienna. down, down with the french! ought to be written in the council-room of every country in the world; and may almighty god give right thoughts to every sovereign, is my constant prayer!" his perfect foresight of the immediate event was clearly shown in this letter, when he desired the ambassador to assure the empress (who was a daughter of the house of naples) that, notwithstanding the councils which had shaken the throne of her father and mother, he would remain there, ready to save their persons, and her brothers and sisters; and that he had also left ships at leghorn to save the lives of the grand duke and her sister: "for all," said he, "must be a republic, if the emperor does not act with expedition and vigour." his fears were soon verified. "the neapolitan officers," said nelson, "did not lose much honour, for, god knows, they had not much to lose; but they lost all they had." general st. philip commanded the right wing, of , men. he fell in with of the enemy; and, as soon as he came near enough, deserted to them. one of his men had virtue enough to level a musket at him, and shot him through the arm; but the wound was not sufficient to prevent him from joining with the french in pursuit of his own countrymen. cannon, tents, baggage, and military chest, were all forsaken by the runaways, though they lost only forty men; for the french having put them to flight and got possession of everything, did not pursue an army of more than three times their own number. the main body of the neapolitans, under mack, did not behave better. the king returned to naples, where every day brought with it tidings of some new disgrace from the army and the discovery of some new treachery at home; till, four days after his return, the general sent him advice that there was no prospect of stopping the progress of the enemy, and that the royal family must look to their own personal safety. the state of the public mind at naples was such, at this time, that neither the british minister nor the british admiral thought it prudent to appear at court. their motions were watched; and the revolutionists had even formed a plan for seizing and detaining them as hostages, to prevent an attack on the city after the french should have taken possession of it. a letter which nelson addressed at this time to the first lord of the admiralty, shows in what manner he contemplated the possible issue of the storm, it was in these words:--"my dear lord, there is an old saying, that when things are at the worst they must mend: now the mind of man cannot fancy things worse than they are here. but, thank god! my health is better, my mind never firmer, and my heart in the right trim to comfort, relieve, and protect those whom it is my duty to afford assistance to. pray, my lord, assure our gracious sovereign that while i live, i will support his glory; and that if i fall, it shall be in a manner worthy of your lordship's faithful and obliged nelson. i must not write more. every word may be a text for a long letter." meantime lady hamilton arranged every thing for the removal of the royal family. this was conducted on her part with the greatest address, and without suspicion, because she had been in habits of constant correspondence with the queen. it was known that the removal could not be effected without danger; for the mob, and especially the lazzaroni, were attached to the king; and as at this time they felt a natural presumption in their own numbers and strength, they insisted that he should not leave naples. several persons fell victims to their fury; among others was a messenger from vienna, whose body was dragged under the windows of the palace in the king's sight. the king and queen spoke to the mob, and pacified them; but it would not have been safe, while they were in this agitated state, to have embarked the effects of the royal family openly. lady hamilton, like a heroine of modern romance, explored with no little danger a subterraneous passage leading from the palace to the sea-side: through this passage the royal treasures, the choicest pieces of painting and sculpture, and other property to the amount of two millions and a half, were conveyed to the shore, and stowed safely on board the english ships. on the night of the st, at half-past eight, nelson landed, brought out the whole royal family, embarked them in three barges, and carried them safely, through a tremendous sea, to the vanguard. notice was then immediately given to the british merchants, that they would be received on board any ships in the squadron. their property had previously been embarked in transports. two days were passed in the bay, for the purpose of taking such persons on board as required an asylum; and, on the night of the rd, the fleet sailed. the next day a more violent storm arose than nelson had ever before encountered. on the th, the youngest of the princes was taken ill, and died in lady hamilton's arms. during this whole trying season, lady hamilton waited upon the royal family with the zeal of the most devoted servant, at a time when, except one man, no person belonging to the court assisted them. on the morning of the th the royal family were landed at palermo. it was soon seen that their flight had not been premature. prince pignatelli, who had been left as vicar-general and viceroy, with orders to defend the kingdom to the last rock in calabria, sent plenipotentiaries to the french camp before capua; and they, for the sake of saving the capital, signed an armistice, by which the greater part of the kingdom was given up to the enemy: a cession that necessarily led to the loss of the whole. this was on the th of january. the french advanced towards naples. mack, under pretext of taking shelter from the fury of the lazzaroni, fled to the french general championet, who sent him under an escort to milan; but as france hoped for further services from this wretched traitor, it was thought prudent to treat him apparently as a prisoner of war. the neapolitan army disappeared in a few days: of the men, some, following their officers, deserted to the enemy; the greater part took the opportunity of disbanding themselves. the lazzaroni proved true to their country; they attacked the enemy's advanced posts, drove them in, and were not dispirited by the murderous defeat which they suffered from the main body. flying into the city, they continued to defend it, even after the french had planted their artillery in the principal streets. had there been a man of genius to have directed their enthusiasm, or had there been any correspondent feelings in the higher ranks, naples might have set a glorious example to europe, and have proved the grave of every frenchman who entered it. but the vices of the government had extinguished all other patriotism than that of the rabble, who had no other than that sort of loyalty which was like the fidelity of a dog to its master. this fidelity the french and their adherents counteracted by another kind of devotion: the priests affirmed that st. januarius had declared in favour of the revolution. the miracle of his blood was performed with the usual success, and more than usual effect, on the very evening when, after two days of desperate fighting, the french obtained possession of naples. a french guard of honour was stationed at his church. championet gave, "respect for st. januarius!" as the word for the army; and the next day te deum was sung by the archbishop in the cathedral; and the inhabitants were invited to attend the ceremony, and join in thanksgiving for the glorious entry of the french; who, it was said, being under the peculiar protection of providence, had regenerated the neapolitans, and were come to establish and consolidate their happiness. it seems to have been nelson's opinion that the austrian cabinet regarded the conquest of naples with complacency, and that its measures were directed so as designedly not to prevent the french from overrunning it. that cabinet was assuredly capable of any folly, and of any baseness; and it is not improbable that at this time, calculating upon the success of the new coalition, it indulged a dream of adding extensively to its former italian possessions; and, therefore, left the few remaining powers of italy to be overthrown, as a means which would facilitate its own ambitious views. the king of sardinia, finding it impossible longer to endure the exactions of france and the insults of the french commissary, went to leghorn, embarked on board a danish frigate, and sailed, under british protection, to sardinia--that part of his dominions which the maritime supremacy of england rendered a secure asylum. on his arrival he published a protest against the conduct of france, declaring, upon the faith and word of a king, that he had never infringed, even in the slightest degree, the treaties which he had made with the french republic. tuscany was soon occupied by french troops--a fate which bolder policy might, perhaps, have failed to avert, but which its weak and timid neutrality rendered inevitable. nelson began to fear even for sicily. "oh, my dear sir," said he, writing to commodore duckworth, "one thousand english troops would save messina; and i fear general stuart cannot give me men to save this most important island!" but his representations were not lost upon sir charles stuart. this officer hastened immediately from minorca with men, assisted in the measures of defence which were taken, and did not return before he had satisfied himself that, if the neapolitans were excluded from the management of affairs, and the spirit of the peasantry properly directed, sicily was safe. before his coming, nelson had offered the king, if no resources should arrive, to defend messina with the ship's company of an english man-of-war. russia had now entered into the war. corfu, surrendered to a russian and turkish fleet, acting now, for the first time, in strange confederacy yet against a power which was certainly the common and worst enemy of both. troubridge having given up the blockade of alexandria to sir sidney smith, joined nelson, bringing with him a considerable addition of strength; and in himself what nelson valued more, a man, upon whose sagacity, indefatigable zeal, and inexhaustible resources, he could place full reliance. troubridge was intrusted to commence the operations against the french in the bay of naples. meantime cardinal ruffo, a man of questionable character, but of a temper fitted for such times, having landed in calabria, raised what he called a christian army, composed of the best and the vilest materials--loyal peasants, enthusiastic priests and friars, galley slaves, the emptying of the jails, and banditti. the islands in the bay of naples were joyfully delivered up by the inhabitants, who were in a state of famine already, from the effect of this baleful revolution. troubridge distributed among them all his flour, and nelson pressed the sicilian court incessantly for supplies; telling them that l , given away in provisions would, at this time, purchase a kingdom. money, he was told, they had not to give; and the wisdom and integrity which might have supplied its wants were not to be found. "there is nothing," said he, "which i propose, that is not, so far as orders go, implicitly complied with; but the execution is dreadful, and almost makes me mad. my desire to serve their majesties faithfully, as is my duty, has been such that i am almost blind and worn out; and cannot in my present state hold out much longer." before any government can be overthrown by the consent of the people, the government must be intolerably oppressive, or the people thoroughly corrupted. bad as the misrule at naples had been, its consequences had been felt far less there than in sicily; and the peasantry had that attachment to the soil which gives birth to so many of the noblest as well as of the happiest feelings. in all the islands the people were perfectly frantic with joy when they saw the neapolitan colours hoisted. at procida, troubridge could not procure even a rag of the tri-coloured flag to lay at the king's feet: it was rent into ten thousand pieces by the inhabitants, and entirely destroyed. "the horrid treatment of the french," he said, "had made them mad." it exasperated the ferocity of a character which neither the laws nor the religion under which they lived tended to mitigate. their hatred was especially directed against the neapolitan revolutionists; and the fishermen, in concert among themselves, chose each his own victim, whom he would stiletto when the day of vengeance should arrive. the head of one was sent off one morning to troubridge, with his basket of grapes for breakfast; and a note from the italian who had, what he called, the glory of presenting it, saying, he had killed the man as he was running away, and begging his excellency to accept the head, and consider it as a proof of the writer's attachment to the crown. with the first successes of the court the work of punishment began. the judge at ischia said it was necessary to have a bishop to degrade the traitorous priests before he could execute them; upon which troubridge advised him to hang them first, and send them to him afterwards, if he did not think that degradation sufficient. this was said with the straightforward feeling of a sailor, who cared as little for canon-law as he knew about it; but when he discovered that the judge's orders were to go through the business in a summary manner, under his sanction, he told him at once that could not be, for the prisoners were not british subjects; and he declined having anything to do with it. there were manifestly persons about the court, who, while they thirsted for the pleasure of vengeance, were devising how to throw the odium of it upon the english. they wanted to employ an english man-of-war to carry the priests to palermo for degradation, and then bring them back for execution; and they applied to troubridge for a hangman, which he indignantly refused. he, meantime, was almost heartbroken by the situation in which he found himself. he had promised relief to the islanders, relying upon the queen's promise to him. he had distributed the whole of his private stock,--there was plenty of grain at palermo, and in its neighbourhood, and yet none was sent him: the enemy, he complained, had more interest there than the king; and the distress for bread which he witnessed was such, he said, that it would move even a frenchman to pity. nelson's heart, too, was at this time a-shore. "to tell you," he says, writing to lady hamilton, "how dreary and uncomfortable the vanguard appears, is only telling you what it is to go from the pleasantest society to a solitary cell, or from the dearest friends to no friends. i am now perfectly the great man--not a creature near me. from my heart i wish myself the little man again. you and good sir william have spoiled me for any place but with you." his mind was not in a happier state respecting public affairs. "as to politics," said he, "at this time they are my abomination: the ministers of kings and princes are as great scoundrels as ever lived. the brother of the emperor is just going to marry the great something of russia, and it is more than expected that a kingdom is to be found for him in italy, and that the king of naples will be sacrificed." had there been a wise and manly spirit in the italian states, or had the conduct of austria been directed by anything like a principle of honour, a more favourable opportunity could not have been desired for restoring order and prosperity in europe, than the misconduct of the french directory at this time afforded. but nelson perceived selfishness and knavery wherever he looked; and even the pleasure of seeing a cause prosper, in which he was so zealously engaged, was poisoned by his sense of the rascality of those with whom he was compelled to act. at this juncture intelligence arrived that the french fleet had escaped from brest, under cover of a fog, passed cadiz unseen by lord keith's squadron, in hazy weather, and entered the mediterranean. it was said to consist of twenty-four sail of the line, six frigates, and three sloops. the object of the french was to liberate the spanish fleet, form a junction with them, act against minorca and sicily, and overpower our naval force in the mediterranean, by falling in with detached squadrons, and thus destroying it in detail. when they arrived off carthagena, they requested the spanish ships to make sail and join; but the spaniards replied they had not men to man them. to this it was answered that the french had men enough on board for that purpose. but the spaniards seem to have been apprehensive of delivering up their ships thus entirely into the power of such allies, and refused to come out. the fleet from cadiz, however, consisting of from seventeen to twenty sail of the line, got out, under masaredo, a man who then bore an honourable name, which he has since rendered infamous by betraying his country. they met with a violent storm off the coast of oran, which dismasted many of their ships, and so effectually disabled them as to prevent the junction, and frustrate a well-planned expedition. before this occurred, and while the junction was as probable as it would have been formidable, nelson was in a state of the greatest anxiety. "what a state am i in!" said he to earl st. vincent. "if i go, i risk, and more than risk, sicily; for we know, from experience, that more depends upon opinion than upon acts themselves; and, as i stay, my heart is breaking." his first business was to summon troubridge to join him, with all the ships of the line under his command, and a frigate, if possible. then hearing that the french had entered the mediterranean, and expecting them at palermo, where he had only his own ship--with that single ship he prepared to make all the resistance possible. troubridge having joined him, he left captain e. j. foote, of the seahorse, to command the smaller vessels in the bay of naples, and sailed with six ships--one a portuguese, and a portuguese corvette--telling earl st. vincent that the squadron should never fall into the hands of the enemy. "and before we are destroyed," said he, "i have little doubt but they will have their wings so completely clipped that they may be easily overtaken." it was just at this time that he received from captain hallowell the present of the coffin. such a present was regarded by the men with natural astonishment. one of his old shipmates in the agamemnon said, "we shall have hot work of it indeed! you see the admiral intends to fight till he is killed; and there he is to be buried." nelson placed it upright against the bulkhead of his cabin, behind his chair, where he sat at dinner. the gift suited him at this time. it is said that he was disappointed in the step-son whom he had loved so dearly from his childhood, and who had saved his life at teneriffe; and it is certain that he had now formed an infatuated attachment for lady hamilton, which totally weaned his affections from his wife. farther than this, there is no reason to believe that this most unfortunate attachment was criminal; but this was criminality enough, and it brought with it its punishment. nelson was dissatisfied with himself, and therefore weary of the world. this feeling he now frequently expressed. "there is no true happiness in this life," said he, "and in my present state i could quit it with a smile." and in a letter to his old friend davison he said, "believe me, my only wish is to sink with honour into the grave; and when that shall please god, i shall meet death with a smile. not that i am insensible to the honours and riches my king and country have heaped upon me--so much more than any officer could deserve; yet am i ready to quit this world of trouble, and envy none but those of the estate six feet by two." well had it been for nelson if he had made no other sacrifices to this unhappy attachment than his peace of mind; but it led to the only blot upon his public character. while he sailed from palermo, with the intention of collecting his whole force, and keeping off maretimo, either to receive reinforcements there if the french were bound upwards, or to hasten to minorca if that should be their destination, captain foote, in the sea-horse, with the neapolitan frigates, and some small vessels, under his command, was left to act with a land force consisting of a few regular troops, of four different nations, and with the armed rabble which cardinal ruffo called the christian army. his directions were to co-operate to the utmost of his power with the royalists, at whose head ruffo had been placed, and he had no other instructions whatever. ruffo advancing without any plan, but relying upon the enemy's want of numbers, which prevented them from attempting to act upon the offensive, and ready to take advantage of any accident which might occur, approached naples. fort st. elmo, which commands the town, was wholly garrisoned by the french troops; the castles of uovo and nuovo, which commanded the anchorage, were chiefly defended by neapolitan revolutionists, the powerful men among them having taken shelter there. if these castles were taken, the reduction of fort st. elmo would be greatly expedited. they were strong places, and there was reason to apprehend that the french fleet might arrive to relieve them. ruffo proposed to the garrison to capitulate, on condition that their persons and property should be guaranteed, and that they should, at their own option, either be sent to toulon or remain at naples, without being molested either in their persons or families. this capitulation was accepted: it was signed by the cardinal, and the russian and turkish commanders; and lastly, by captain foote, as commander of the british force. about six-and-thirty hours afterwards nelson arrived in the bay with a force which had joined him during his cruise, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, with troops on board, and the prince royal of naples in the admiral's ship. a flag of truce was flying on the castles, and on board the seahorse. nelson made a signal to annul the treaty; declaring that he would grant rebels no other terms than those of unconditional submission. the cardinal objected to this: nor could all the arguments of nelson, sir w. hamilton, and lady hamilton, who took an active part in the conference, convince him that a treaty of such a nature, solemnly concluded, could honourably be set aside. he retired at last, silenced by nelson's authority, but not convinced. captain foote was sent out of the bay; and the garrisons, taken out of the castles under pretence of carrying the treaty into effect, were delivered over as rebels to the vengeance of the sicilian court. a deplorable transaction! a stain upon the memory of nelson and the honour of england! to palliate it would be in vain; to justify it would be wicked: there is no alternative, for one who will not make himself a participator in guilt, but to record the disgraceful story with sorrow and with shame. prince francesco caraccioli, a younger branch of one of the noblest neapolitan families, escaped from one of these castles before it capitulated. he was at the head of the marine, and was nearly seventy years of age, bearing a high character, both for professional and personal merit. he had accompanied the court to sicily; but when the revolutionary government, or parthenopean republic, as it was called, issued an edict, ordering all absent neapolitans to return on pain of confiscation of their property, he solicited and obtained permission of the king to return, his estates being very great. it is said that the king, when he granted him this permission, warned him not to take any part in politics; expressing at the same time his own persuasion that he should recover his kingdom. but neither the king, nor he himself, ought to have imagined that, in such times, a man of such reputation would be permitted to remain inactive; and it soon appeared that caraccioli was again in command of the navy, and serving under the republic against his late sovereign. the sailors reported that he was forced to act thus; and this was believed, till it was seen that he directed ably the offensive operations of the revolutionists, and did not avail himself of opportunities for escaping when they offered. when the recovery of naples was evidently near, he applied to cardinal ruffo, and to the duke of calvirrano, for protection; expressing his hope that the few days during which he had been forced to obey the french would not outweigh forty years of faithful services; but perhaps not receiving such assurances as he wished, and knowing too well the temper of the sicilian court, he endeavoured to secrete himself, and a price was set upon his head. more unfortunately for others than for himself, he was brought in alive, having been discovered in the disguise of a peasant, and carried one morning on board lord nelson's ship, with his hands tied behind him. caraccioli was well known to the british officers, and had been ever highly esteemed by all who knew him. captain hardy ordered him immediately to be unbound, and to be treated with all those attentions which he felt due to a man who, when last on board the foudroyant, had been received as an admiral and a prince. sir william and lady hamilton were in the ship; but nelson, it is affirmed, saw no one except his own officers during the tragedy which ensued. his own determination was made; and he issued an order to the neapolitan commodore, count thurn, to assemble a court-martial of neapolitan officers, on board the british flag-ship, proceed immediately to try the prisoner, and report to him, if the charges were proved, what punishment he ought to suffer. these proceedings were as rapid as possible; caraccioli was brought on board at nine in the forenoon, and the trial began at ten. it lasted two hours: he averred in his defence that he had acted under compulsion, having been compelled to serve as a common soldier, till he consented to take command of the fleet. this, the apologists of lord nelson say, he failed in proving. they forget that the possibility of proving it was not allowed him, for he was brought to trial within an hour after he was legally in arrest; and how, in that time, was he to collect his witnesses? he was found guilty, and sentenced to death; and nelson gave orders that the sentence should be carried into effect that evening, at five o'clock, on board the sicilian frigate, la minerva, by hanging him at the fore-yard-arm till sunset; when the body was to be cut down and thrown into the sea. caraccioli requested lieut. parkinson, under whose custody he was placed, to intercede with lord nelson for a second trial--for this, among other reasons, that count thurn, who presided at the court-martial, was notoriously his personal enemy. nelson made answer, that the prisoner had been fairly tried by the officers of his own country, and he could not interfere; forgetting that, if he felt himself justified in ordering the trial and the execution, no human being could ever have questioned the propriety of his interfering on the side of mercy. caraccioli then entreated that he might be shot. "i am an old man, sir," said he: "i leave no family to lament me, and therefore cannot be supposed to be very anxious about prolonging my life; but the disgrace of being hanged is dreadful to me." when this was repeated to nelson, he only told the lieutenant, with much agitation, to go and attend his duty. as a last hope, caraccioli asked the lieutenant if he thought an application to lady hamilton would be beneficial? parkinson went to seek her; she was not to be seen on this occasion; but she was present at the execution. she had the most devoted attachment to the neapolitan court; and the hatred which she felt against those whom she regarded as its enemies, made her at this time forget what was due to the character of her sex as well as of her country. here, also, a faithful historian is called upon to pronounce a severe and unqualified condemnation of nelson's conduct. had he the authority of his sicilian majesty for proceeding as he did? if so, why was not that authority produced? if not, why were the proceedings hurried on without it? why was the trial precipitated, so that it was impossible for the prisoner, if he had been innocent, to provide the witnesses, who might have proved him so? why was a second trial refused, when the known animosity of the president of the court against the prisoner was considered? why was the execution hastened, so as to preclude any appeal for mercy, and render the prerogative of mercy useless? doubtless, the british admiral seemed to himself to be acting under a rigid sense of justice; but to all other persons it was obvious that he was influenced by an infatuated attachment--a baneful passion, which destroyed his domestic happiness, and now, in a second instance, stained ineffaceably his public character. the body was carried out to a considerable distance, and sunk in the bay, with three double-headed shot, weighing lbs., tied to its legs. between two or three weeks afterward, when the king was on board the foudroyant, a neapolitan fisherman came to the ship, and solemnly declared that caraccioli had risen from the bottom of the sea, and was coming as fast as he could to naples, swimming half out of the water. such an account was listened to like a tale of idle credulity. the day being fair, nelson, to please the king, stood out to sea; but the ship had not proceeded far before a body was distinctly seen, upright in the water, and approaching them. it was soon recognised to be indeed the corpse of caraccioli, which had risen and floated, while the great weights attached to the legs kept the body in a position like that of a living man. a fact so extraordinary astonished the king, and perhaps excited some feeling of superstitious fear, akin to regret. he gave permission for the body to be taken on shore and receive christian burial. it produced no better effect. naples exhibited more dreadful scenes than it had witnessed in the days of massaniello. after the mob had had their fill of blood and plunder, the reins were given to justice--if that can be called justice which annuls its own stipulations, looks to the naked facts alone, disregarding all motives and all circumstances; and without considering character, or science, or sex, or youth, sacrifices its victims, not for the public weal, but for the gratification of greedy vengeance. the castles of st. elmo, gaieta, and capua remained to be subdued. on the land side there was no danger that the french in these garrisons should be relieved, for suvarof was now beginning to drive the enemy before him; but nelson thought his presence necessary in the bay of naples: and when lord keith, having received intelligence that the french and spanish fleets had formed a junction, and sailed for carthagena, ordered him to repair to minorca with the whole or the greater part of his force, he sent admiral duckworth with a small part only. this was a dilemma which he had foreseen. "should such an order come at this moment," he said, in a letter previously written to the admiralty, "it would be a case for some consideration, whether minorca is to be risked, or the two kingdoms of naples and sicily; i rather think my decision would be to risk the former." and after he had acted upon this opinion, he wrote in these terms to the duke of clarence, with whose high notions of obedience he was well acquainted: "i am well aware of the consequences of disobeying my orders; but as i have often before risked my life for the good cause, so i with cheerfulness did my commission; for although a military tribunal may think me criminal, the world will approve of my conduct; and i regard not my own safety when the honour of my king is at stake." nelson was right in his judgment: no attempt was made on minorca: and the expulsion of the french from naples may rather be said to have been effected than accelerated by the english and portuguese of the allied fleet, acting upon shore, under troubridge. the french commandant at st. elmo, relying upon the strength of the place, and the nature of the force which attacked it, had insulted captain foote in the grossest terms; but citoyen mejan was soon taught better manners, when troubridge, in spite of every obstacle, opened five batteries upon the fort. he was informed that none of his letters, with the insolent printed words at the top, liberte eqalite, guerre aux tyrans, &c. would be received; but that if he wrote like a soldier and a gentleman he would be answered in the same style. the frenchman then began to flatter his antagonist upon the bienfaisance and humanite which, he said, were the least of the many virtues which distinguished monsieur troubridge. monsieur troubridge's bienfaisance was at this time thinking of mining the fort. "if we can accomplish that," said he, "i am a strong advocate to send them, hostages and all, to old nick, and surprise him with a group of nobility and republicans. meantime," he added, "it was some satisfaction to perceive that the shells fell well, and broke some of their shins." finally, to complete his character, mejan offered to surrender for , ducats. great britain, perhaps, has made but too little use of this kind of artillery, which france has found so effectual towards subjugating the continent: but troubridge had the prey within his reach; and in the course of a few days, his last battery, "after much trouble and palaver," as he said, "brought the vagabonds to their senses." troubridge had more difficulties to overcome this siege, from the character of the neapolitans who pretended to assist him, and whom he made useful, than even from the strength of the place and the skill of the french. "such damned cowards and villains," he declared, "he had never seen before." the men at the advanced posts carried on, what he called, "a diabolical good understanding" with the enemy, and the workmen would sometimes take fright and run away. "i make the best i can," said he, "of the degenerate race i have to deal with; the whole means of guns, ammunition, pioneers, &c., with all materials, rest with them. with fair promises to the men, and threats of instant death if i find any one erring, a little spur has been given." nelson said of him with truth, upon this occasion, that he was a first-rate general. "i find, sir," said he afterwards in a letter to the duke of clarence, "that general koehler does not approve of such irregular proceedings as naval officers attacking and defending fortifications. we have but one idea--to get close alongside. none but a sailor would have placed a battery only yards from the castle of st. elmo; a soldier must have gone according to art, and the /\/\/\/\ way. my brave troubridge went straight on, for we had no time to spare." troubridge then proceeded to capua, and took the command of the motley besieging force. one thousand of the best men in the fleet were sent to assist in the siege. just at this time nelson received a peremptory order from lord keith to sail with the whole of his force for the protection of minorca; or, at least, to retain no more than was absolutely necessary at sicily. "you will easily conceive my feelings," said he in communicating this to earl st. vincent; "but my mind, as your lordship knows, was perfectly prepared for this order; and it is now, more than ever, made up. at this moment i will not part with a single ship; as i cannot do that without drawing a hundred and twenty men from each ship, now at the siege of capua. i am fully aware of the act i have committed; but i am prepared for any fate which may await my disobedience. capua and gaieta will soon fall; and the moment the scoundrels of french are out of this kingdom i shall send eight or nine ships of the line to minorca. i have done what i thought right--others may think differently; but it will be my consolation that i have gained a kingdom, seated a faithful ally of his majesty firmly on his throne, and restored happiness to millions." at capua, troubridge had the same difficulties as at st. elmo; and being farther from naples, and from the fleet, was less able to overcome them. the powder was so bad that he suspected treachery; and when he asked nelson to spare him forty casks from the ships, he told him it would be necessary that some englishmen should accompany it, or they would steal one-half, and change the other. "all the men you see," said he, "gentle and simple, are such notorious villains, that it is misery to be with them." capua, however, soon fell; gaieta immediately afterwards surrendered to captain louis of the minotaur. here the commanding officer acted more unlike a frenchman, captain louis said, than any one he had ever met; meaning that he acted like a man of honour. he required, however, that the garrison should carry away their horses, and other pillaged property: to which nelson replied, "that no property which they did not bring with them into the country could be theirs: and that the greatest care should be taken to prevent them from carrying it away." "i am sorry," said he to captain louis, "that you have entered into any altercation. there is no way of dealing with a frenchman but to knock him down; to be civil to them is only to be laughed at, when they are enemies." the whole kingdom of naples was thus delivered by nelson from the french. the admiralty, however, thought it expedient to censure him for disobeying lord keith's orders, and thus hazarding minorca, without, as it appeared to them, any sufficient reason; and also for having landed seamen for the siege of capua, to form part of an army employed in operations at a distance from the coast; where, in case of defeat, they might have been prevented from returning to their ships; and they enjoined him, "not to employ the seamen in like manner in future." this reprimand was issued before the event was known; though, indeed, the event would not affect the principle upon which it proceeded. when nelson communicated the tidings of his complete success, he said, in his public letter, "that it would not be the less acceptable for having been principally brought about by british sailors." his judgment in thus employing them had been justified by the result; and his joy was evidently heightened by the gratification of a professional and becoming pride. to the first lord he said, at the same time, "i certainly, from having only a left hand, cannot enter into details which may explain the motives that actuated my conduct. my principle is, to assist in driving the french to the devil, and in restoring peace and happiness to mankind. i feel that i am fitter to do the action than to describe it." he then added that he would take care of minorca. in expelling the french from naples, nelson had, with characteristic zeal and ability, discharged his duty; but he deceived himself when he imagined that he had seated ferdinand firmly on his throne, and that he had restored happiness to millions. these objects might have been accomplished if it had been possible to inspire virtue and wisdom into a vicious and infatuated court; and if nelson's eyes had not been, as it were, spell-bound by that unhappy attachment, which had now completely mastered him, he would have seen things as they were; and might, perhaps, have awakened the sicilian court to a sense of their interest, if not of their duty. that court employed itself in a miserable round of folly and festivity, while the prisons of naples were filled with groans, and the scaffolds streamed with blood. st. januarius was solemnly removed from his rank as patron saint of the kingdom, having been convicted of jacobinism; and st. antonio as solemnly installed in his place. the king, instead of re-establishing order at naples by his presence, speedily returned to palermo, to indulge in his favourite amusements. nelson, and the ambassador's family, accompanied the court; and troubridge remained, groaning over the villany and frivolity of those with whom he was compelled to deal. a party of officers applied to him for a passage to palermo, to see the procession of st. rosalia: he recommended them to exercise their troops, and not behave like children. it was grief enough for him that the court should be busied in these follies, and nelson involved in them. "i dread, my lord," said he, "all the feasting, &c. at palermo. i am sure your health will be hurt. if so, all their saints will be damned by the navy. the king would be better employed digesting a good government; everything gives way to their pleasures. the money spent at palermo gives discontent here; fifty thousand people are unemployed, trade discouraged, manufactures at a stand. it is the interest of many here to keep the king away: they all dread reform. their villanies are so deeply rooted, that if some method is not taken to dig them out, this government cannot hold together. out of twenty millions of ducats, collected as the revenue, only thirteen millions reach the treasury; and the king pays four ducats where he should pay one. he is surrounded by thieves; and none of them have honour or honesty enough to tell him the real and true state of things." in another letter he expressed his sense of the miserable state of naples. "there are upwards of forty thousand families," said he, "who have relations confined. if some act of oblivion is not passed, there will be no end of persecution; for the people of this country have no idea of anything but revenge, and to gain a point would swear ten thousand false oaths. constant efforts are made to get a man taken up, in order to rob him. the confiscated property does not reach the king's treasury. all thieves! it is selling for nothing. his own people, whom he employs, are buying it up, and the vagabonds pocket the whole. i should not be surprised to hear that they brought a bill of expenses against him for the sale." the sicilian court, however, were at this time duly sensible of the services which had been rendered them by the british fleet, and their gratitude to nelson was shown with proper and princely munificence. they gave him the dukedom and domain of bronte, worth about l a year. it was some days before he could be persuaded to accept it; the argument which finally prevailed is said to have been suggested by the queen, and urged, at her request, by lady hamilton upon her knees. "he considered his own honour too much," she said, "if he persisted in refusing what the king and queen felt to be absolutely necessary for the preservation of theirs." the king himself, also, is said to have addressed him in words, which show that the sense of rank will sometimes confer a virtue upon those who seem to be most unworthy of the lot to which they have been born: "lord nelson, do you wish that your name alone should pass with honour to posterity; and that i, ferdinand bourbon, should appear ungrateful?" he gave him also, when the dukedom was accepted, a diamond-hilted sword, which his father, char. iii. of spain, had given him on his accession to the throne of the two sicilies. nelson said, "the reward was magnificent, and worthy of a king, and he was determined that the inhabitants on the domain should be the happiest in all his sicilian majesty's dominions. yet," said he, speaking of these and the other remunerations which were made him for his services, "these presents, rich as they are, do not elevate me. my pride is, that at constantinople, from the grand seignior to the lowest turk, the name of nelson is familiar in their mouths; and in this country i am everything which a grateful monarch and people can call me." nelson, however, had a pardonable pride in the outward and visible signs of honour which he had so fairly won. he was fond of his sicilian title; the signification, perhaps, pleased him; duke of thunder was what in dahomy would be called a strong name; it was to a sailor's taste; and certainly, to no man could it ever be more applicable. but a simple offering, which he received not long afterwards, from the island of zante, affected him with a deeper and finer feeling. the greeks of that little community sent him a golden-headed sword and a truncheon, set round with all the diamonds that the island could furnish, in a single row. they thanked him "for having, by his victory, preserved that part of greece from the horrors of anarchy; and prayed that his exploits might accelerate the day, in which, amidst the glory and peace of thrones, the miseries of the human race would cease." this unexpected tribute touched nelson to the heart. "no officer," he said, "had ever received from any country a higher acknowledgment of his services." the french still occupied the roman states; from which, according to their own admission, they had extorted in jewels, plate, specie, and requisitions of every kind, to the enormous amount of eight millions sterling; yet they affected to appear as deliverers among the people whom they were thus cruelly plundering; and they distributed portraits of buonaparte, with the blasphemous inscription, "this is the true likeness of the holy saviour of the world!" the people, detesting the impiety, and groaning beneath the exactions of these perfidious robbers, were ready to join any regular force that should come to their assistance; but they dreaded cardinal ruffo's rabble, and declared they would resist him as a banditti, who came only for the purpose of pillage. nelson perceived that no object was now so essential for the tranquillity of naples as the recovery of rome; which in the present state of things, when suvarof was driving the french before him, would complete the deliverance of italy. he applied, therefore, to sir james st. clair erskine, who in the absence of general fox commanded at minorca, to assist in this great object with men. "the field of glory," said he, "is a large one, and was never more open to any one than at this moment to you. rome would throw open her gates and receive you as her deliverer; and the pope would owe his restoration to a heretic." but sir james erskine looked only at the difficulties of the undertaking. "twelve hundred men, he thought, would be too small a force to be committed in such an enterprise; for civita vecchia was a regular fortress; the local situation and climate also were such, that even if this force were adequate, it would be proper to delay the expedition till october. general fox, too, was soon expected; and during his absence, and under existing circumstances, he did not feel justified in sending away such a detachment." what this general thought it imprudent to attempt, nelson and troubridge effected without his assistance, by a small detachment from the fleet. troubridge first sent captain hallowell to civita vecchia to offer the garrison there and at castle st. angelo the same terms which had been granted to gaieta. hallowell perceived, by the overstrained civility of the officers who came off to him, and the compliments which they paid to the english nation, that they were sensible of their own weakness and their inability to offer any effectual resistance; but the french know, that while they are in a condition to serve their government, they can rely upon it for every possible exertion in their support; and this reliance gives them hope and confidence to the last. upon hallowell's report, troubridge, who had now been made sir thomas for his services, sent captain louis with a squadron to enforce the terms which he had offered; and, as soon as he could leave naples, he himself followed. the french, who had no longer any hope from the fate of arms, relied upon their skill in negotiation, and proposed terms to troubridge with that effrontery which characterises their public proceedings; but which is as often successful as it is impudent. they had a man of the right stamp to deal with. their ambassador at rome began by saying, that the roman territory was the property of the french by right of conquest. the british commodore settled that point, by replying, "it is mine by reconquest." a capitulation was soon concluded for all the roman states, and captain louis rowed up the tiber in his barge, hoisted english colours on the capitol, and acted for the time as governor of rome. the prophecy of the irish poet was thus accomplished, and the friar reaped the fruits; for nelson, who was struck with the oddity of the circumstance, and not a little pleased with it, obtained preferment for him from the king of sicily, and recommended him to the pope. having thus completed his work upon the continent of italy, nelson's whole attention was directed towards malta; where captain ball, with most inadequate means, was besieging the french garrison. never was any officer engaged in more anxious and painful service: the smallest reinforcement from france would, at any moment, have turned the scale against him; and had it not been for his consummate ability, and the love and veneration with which the maltese regarded him, malta must have remained in the hands of the enemy. men, money, food--all things were wanting. the garrison consisted of troops; the besieging force of english and portuguese marines, and about armed peasants. long and repeatedly did nelson solicit troops to effect the reduction of this important place. "it has been no fault of the navy," said he, "that malta has not been attacked by land; but we have neither the means ourselves nor influence with those who have." the same causes of demurral existed which prevented british troops from assisting in the expulsion of the french from rome. sir james erskine was expecting general fox; he could not act without orders; and not having, like nelson, that lively spring of hope within him, which partakes enough of the nature of faith to work miracles in war, he thought it "evident that unless a respectable land force, in numbers sufficient to undertake the siege of such a garrison, in one of the strongest places of europe, and supplied with proportionate artillery and stores, were sent against it, no reasonable hope could be entertained of its surrender." nelson groaned over the spirit of over-reasoning caution and unreasoning obedience. "my heart," said he, "is almost broken. if the enemy gets supplies in, we may bid adieu to malta; all the force we can collect would then be of little use against the strongest place in europe. to say that an officer is never, for any object, to alter his orders, is what i cannot comprehend. the circumstances of this war so often vary, that an officer has almost every moment to consider, what would my superiors direct, did they know what was passing under my nose?" "but, sir," said he writing to the duke of clarence, "i find few think as i do. to obey orders is all perfection. to serve my king, and to destroy the french, i consider as the great order of all, from which little ones spring; and if one of these militate against it (for who can tell exactly at a distance?) i go back and obey the great order and object, to down--down with the damned french villains!--my blood boils at the name of frenchmen!" at length, general fox arrived at minorca--and at length permitted col. graham to go to malta, but with means miserably limited. in fact, the expedition was at a stand for want of money; when troubridge arriving at messina to co-operate in it, and finding this fresh delay, immediately offered all that he could command of his own. "i procured him, my lord," said he to nelson," of my cobs--every farthing and every atom of me shall be devoted to the cause." "what can this mean?" said nelson, when he learned that col. graham was ordered not to incur any expenses for stores, or any articles except provisions!--"the cause cannot stand still for want of a little money. if nobody will pay it, i will sell bronte and the emperor of russia's box." and he actually pledged bronte for l if there should be any difficulty about paying the bills. the long-delayed expedition was thus, at last, sent forth; but troubridge little imagined in what scenes of misery he was to bear his part. he looked to sicily for supplies: it was the interest, as well as the duty of the sicilian government to use every exertion for furnishing them; and nelson and the british ambassador were on the spot to press upon them the necessity of exertion. but, though nelson saw with what a knavish crew the sicilian court was surrounded, he was blind to the vices of the court itself; and resigning himself wholly to lady hamilton's influence, never even suspected the crooked policy which it was remorselessly pursuing. the maltese and the british in malta severely felt it. troubridge, who had the truest affection for nelson, knew his infatuation, and feared that it might prove injurious to his character, as well as fatal to an enterprise which had begun so well, and been carried on so patiently. "my lord," said he, writing to him from the siege, "we are dying off fast for want. i learn that sir william hamilton says prince luzzi refused corn some time ago, and sir william does not think it worth while making another application. if that be the case, i wish he commanded this distressing scene instead of me. puglia had an immense harvest; near thirty sail left messina before i did, to load corn. will they let us have any? if not, a short time will decide the business. the german interest prevails. i wish i was at your lordship's elbow for an hour. all, all, will be thrown on you!--i will parry the blow as much as in my power: i foresee much mischief brewing. god bless your lordship; i am miserable i cannot assist your operations more. many happy returns of the day to you--(it was the first of the new year)--i never spent so miserable a one. i am not very tender-hearted; but really the distress here would even move a neapolitan." soon afterwards he wrote, "i have this day saved thirty thousand people from starving; but with this day my ability ceases. as the government are bent on starving us, i see no alternative but to leave these poor unhappy people to perish, without our being witnesses of their distress. i curse the day i ever served the neapolitan government. we have characters, my lord, to lose; these people have none. do not suffer their infamous conduct to fall on us. our country is just, but severe. such is the fever of my brain this minute, that i assure you, on my honour, if the palermo traitors were here, i would shoot them first, and then myself. girgenti is full of corn; the money is ready to pay for it; we do not ask it as a gift. oh! could you see the horrid distress i daily experience, something would be done. some engine is at work against us at naples; and i believe i hit on the proper person. if you complain he will be immediately promoted, agreeably to the neapolitan custom. all i write to you is known at the queen's. for my own part, i look upon the neapolitans as the worst of intriguing enemies: every hour shows me their infamy and duplicity. i pray your lordship be cautious: your honest, open manner of acting will be made a handle of. when i see you, and tell of their infamous tricks, you will be as much surprised as i am. the whole will fall on you." nelson was not, and could not be, insensible to the distress which his friend so earnestly represented. he begged, almost on his knees, he said, small supplies of money and corn, to keep the maltese from starving. and when the court granted a small supply, protesting their poverty, he believed their protestations, and was satisfied with their professions, instead of insisting that the restrictions upon the exportation of corn should be withdrawn. the anxiety, however, which he endured, affected him so deeply that he said it had broken his spirit for ever. happily, all that troubridge with so much reason foreboded, did not come to pass. for captain ball, with more decision than nelson himself would have shown at that time and upon that occasion, ventured upon a resolute measure, for which his name would deserve always to be held in veneration by the maltese, even if it had no other claims to the love and reverence of a grateful people. finding it hopeless longer to look for succour or common humanity from the deceitful and infatuated court of sicily, which persisted in prohibiting by sanguinary edicts the exportation of supplies, at his own risk, he sent his first lieutenant to the port of girgenti, with orders to seize and bring with him to malta the ships which were there lying laden with corn; of the numbers of which he had received accurate information. these orders were executed to the great delight and advantage of the shipowners and proprietors: the necessity of raising the siege was removed, and captain ball waited in calmness for the consequences to himself. the neapolitan government complained to the english ambassador, and the complaint was communicated to nelson, who, in return, requested sir william hamilton would fully and plainly state, that the act ought not to be considered as any intended disrespect to his sicilian majesty, but as of the most absolute and imperious necessity; the alternative being either of abandoning malta to the french, or of anticipating the king's orders for carrying the corn in those vessels to malta. "i trust," he added, "that the government of the country will never again force any of our royal master's servants to so unpleasant an alternative." thus ended the complaint of the neapolitan court. "the sole result was," says mr. coleridge, "that the governor of malta became an especial object of its hatred, its fears, and its respect." nelson himself, at the beginning of february, sailed for that island. on the way he fell in with a french squadron bound for its relief, and consisting of the genereux seventy-four, three frigates, and a corvette. one of these frigates and the line-of-battle ship were taken; the others escaped, but failed in their purpose of reaching la valette. this success was peculiarly gratifying to nelson, for many reasons. during some months he had acted as commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, while lord keith was in england. lord keith was now returned; and nelson had, upon his own plan, and at his own risk, left him to sail for malta, "for which," said he, "if i had not succeeded, i might have been broke: and if i had not acted thus, the genereux never would have been taken." this ship was one of those which had escaped from aboukir. two frigates, and the guillaume tell, eighty-six were all that now remained of the fleet which buonaparte had conducted to egypt. the guillaume tell was at this time closely watched in the harbour of la valette; and shortly afterwards, attempting to make her escape from thence, was taken after an action, in which greater skill was never displayed by british ships, nor greater gallantry by an enemy. she was taken by the foudroyant, lion, and penelope frigate. nelson, rejoicing at what he called this glorious finish to the whole french mediterranean fleet, rejoiced also that he was not present to have taken a sprig of these brave men's laurels. "they are," said he, "and i glory in them, my children; they served in my school; and all of us caught our professional zeal and fire from the great and good earl st. vincent. what a pleasure, what happiness, to have the nile fleet all taken, under my orders and regulations!" the two frigates still remained in la valette; before its surrender they stole out; one was taken in the attempt; the other was the only ship of the whole fleet which escaped capture or destruction. letters were found on board the guillaume tell showing that the french were now become hopeless of preserving the conquest which they had so foully acquired. troubridge and his brother officers were anxious that nelson should have the honour of signing the capitulation. they told, him that they absolutely, as far as they dared, insisted on his staying to do this; but their earnest and affectionate entreaties were vain. sir william hamilton had just been superseded: nelson had no feeling of cordiality towards lord keith; and thinking that after earl st. vincent no man had so good a claim to the command in the mediterranean as himself, he applied for permission to return to england; telling the first lord of the admiralty that his spirit could not submit patiently, and that he was a broken-hearted man. from the time of his return from egypt, amid all the honours which were showered upon him, he had suffered many mortifications. sir sidney smith had been sent to egypt with orders to take under his command the squadron which nelson had left there. sir sidney appears to have thought that this command was to be independent of nelson; and nelson himself thinking so, determined to return, saying to earl st. vincent, "i do feel, for i am a man, that it is impossible for me to serve in these seas with a squadron under a junior officer." earl st. vincent seems to have dissuaded him from this resolution: some heart-burnings, however, still remained, and some incautious expressions of sir sidney's were noticed by him in terms of evident displeasure. but this did not continue long, as no man bore more willing testimony than nelson to the admirable defence of acre. he differed from sir sidney as to the policy which ought to be pursued toward the french in egypt; and strictly commanded him, in the strongest language, not, on any pretence, to permit a single frenchman to leave the country, saying that he considered it nothing short of madness to permit that band of thieves to return to europe. "no," said he, "to egypt they went with their own consent, and there they shall remain while nelson commands this squadron; for never, never, will he consent to the return of one ship or frenchman. i wish them to perish in egypt, and give an awful lesson to the world of the justice of the almighty." if nelson had not thoroughly understood the character of the enemy against whom he was engaged, their conduct in egypt would have disclosed it. after the battle of the nile he had landed all his prisoners, upon a solemn engagement made between troubridge on one side and captain barre on the other, that none of them should serve until regularly exchanged. they were no sooner on shore than part of them were drafted into the different regiments, and the remainder formed into a corps, called the nautic legion. this occasioned captain hallowell to say that the french had forfeited all claim to respect from us. "the army of buonaparte," said he, "are entirely destitute of every principle of honour: they have always acted like licentious thieves." buonaparte's escape was the more regretted by nelson, because, if he had had sufficient force, he thought it would certainly have been prevented. he wished to keep ships upon the watch to intercept anything coming from egypt; but the admiralty calculated upon the assistance of the russian fleet, which failed when it was most wanted. the ships which should have been thus employed were then required for more pressing services; and the bloody corsican was thus enabled to reach europe in safety; there to become the guilty instrument of a wider-spreading destruction than any with which the world had ever before been visited. nelson had other causes of chagrin. earl st. vincent, for whom he felt such high respect, and whom sir john orde had challenged for having nominated nelson instead of himself to the command of the nile squadron, laid claim to prize money, as commander-in-chief, after he had quitted the station. the point was contested, and decided against him. nelson, perhaps, felt this the more, because his own feelings, with regard to money, were so different. an opinion had been given by dr. lawrence, which would have excluded the junior flag-officers from prize-money. when this was made known to him, his reply was in these words: "notwithstanding dr. lawrence's opinion, i do not believe i have any right to exclude the junior flag-officers; and if i have, i desire that no such claim may be made: no, not if it were sixty times the sum--and, poor as i am, i were never to see prize-money." a ship could not be spared to convey him to england; he therefore travelled through germany to hamburgh, in company with his inseparable friends, sir william and lady hamilton. the queen of naples went with them to vienna. while they were at leghorn, upon a report that the french were approaching (for, through the folly of weak courts and the treachery of venal cabinets, they had now recovered their ascendancy in italy), the people rose tumultuously, and would fain have persuaded nelson to lead them against the enemy. public honours, and yet more gratifying testimonials of public admiration, awaited nelson wherever he went. the prince of esterhazy entertained him in a style of hungarian magnificence--a hundred grenadiers, each six feet in height, constantly waiting at table. at madgeburgh, the master of the hotel where he was entertained contrived to show him for money--admitting the curious to mount a ladder, and peep at him through a small window. a wine merchant at hamburgh, who was above seventy years of age, requested to speak with lady hamilton; and told her he had some rhenish wine, of the vintage of , which had been in his own possession more than half-a-century: he had preserved it for some extraordinary occasion; and that which had now arrived was far beyond any that he could ever have expected. his request was, that her ladyship would prevail upon lord nelson to accept six dozen of this incomparable wine: part of it would then have the honour to flow into the heart's blood of that immortal hero; and this thought would make him happy during the remainder of his life. nelson, when this singular request was reported to him, went into the room, and taking the worthy old gentleman kindly by the hand, consented to receive six bottles, provided the donor would dine with him next day. twelve were sent; and nelson, saying that he hoped yet to win half-a-dozen more great victories, promised to lay by six bottles of his hamburgh friend's wine, for the purpose of drinking one after each. a german pastor, between seventy and eighty years of age, travelled forty miles, with the bible of his parish church, to request that nelson would write his name on the first leaf of it. he called him the saviour of the christian world. the old man's hope deceived him. there was no nelson upon shore, or europe would have been saved; but in his foresight of the horrors with which all germany and all christendom were threatened by france, the pastor could not possibly have apprehended more than has actually taken place. chapter vii - nelson separates himself from his wife--northern confederacy--he goes to the baltic, under sir hyde parker--battle of copenhagen, and subsequent negotiation--nelson is made a viscount. nelson was welcomed in england with every mark of popular honour. at yarmouth, where he landed, every ship in the harbour hoisted her colours. the mayor and corporation waited upon him with the freedom of the town, and accompanied him in procession to church, with all the naval officers on shore, and the principal inhabitants. bonfires and illuminations concluded the day; and on the morrow, the volunteer cavalry drew up, and saluted him as he departed, and followed the carriage to the borders of the county. at ipswich, the people came out to meet him, drew him a mile into the town, and three miles out. when he was in the agamemnon, he wished to represent this place in parliament, and some of his friends had consulted the leading men of the corporation--the result was not successful; and nelson, observing that he would endeavour to find out a preferable path into parliament, said there might come a time when the people of ipswich would think it an honour to have had him for their representative. in london, he was feasted by the city, drawn by the populace from ludgate-hill to guildhall, and received the thanks of the common-council for his great victory, and a golden-hilted sword studded with diamonds. nelson had every earthly blessing except domestic happiness; he had forfeited that for ever. before he had been three months in england he separated from lady nelson. some of his last words to her were--"i call god to witness, there is nothing in you, or your conduct, that i wish otherwise." this was the consequence of his infatuated attachment to lady hamilton. it had before caused a quarrel with his son-in-law, and occasioned remonstrances from his truest friends, which produced no other effect than that of making him displeased with them, and more dissatisfied with himself. the addington administration was just at this time formed; and nelson, who had solicited employment, and been made vice-admiral of the blue, was sent to the baltic, as second in command, under sir hyde parker, by earl st. vincent, the new first lord of the admiralty. the three northern courts had formed a confederacy for making england resign her naval rights. of these courts, russia was guided by the passions of its emperor, paul, a man not without fits of generosity, and some natural goodness, but subject to the wildest humours of caprice, and erased by the possession of greater power than can ever be safely, or perhaps innocently, possessed by weak humanity. denmark was french at heart: ready to co-operate in all the views of france, to recognise all her usurpations, and obey all her injunctions. sweden, under a king whose principles were right, and whose feelings were generous, but who had a taint of hereditary insanity, acted in acquiescence with the dictates of two powers whom it feared to offend. the danish navy, at this time, consisted of ships of the line, with about frigates and smaller vessels, exclusive of guard-ships. the swedes had ships of the line, frigates and sloops, seventy-four galleys and smaller vessels, besides gun-boats; and this force was in a far better state of equipment than the danish. the russians had sail of the line and frigates. of these there were sail of the line at cronstadt, revel, petersburgh, and archangel; but the russian fleet was ill-manned, ill-officered, and ill-equipped. such a combination under the influence of france would soon have become formidable; and never did the british cabinet display more decision than in instantly preparing to crush it. they erred, however, in permitting any petty consideration to prevent them from appointing nelson to the command. the public properly murmured at seeing it intrusted to another; and he himself said to earl st. vincent that, circumstanced as he was, this expedition would probably be the last service that he should ever perform. the earl, in reply, besought him, for god's sake, not to suffer himself to be carried away by any sudden impulse. the season happened to be unusually favourable; so mild a winter had not been known in the baltic for many years. when nelson joined the fleet at yarmouth, he found the admiral "a little nervous about dark nights and fields of ice." "but we must brace up," said he; "these are not times for nervous systems. i hope we shall give our northern enemies that hailstorm of bullets which gives our dear country the dominion of the sea. we have it, and all the devils in the north cannot take it from us, if our wooden walls have fair play." before the fleet left yarmouth, it was sufficiently known that its destination was against denmark. some danes, who belonged to the amazon frigate, went to captain riou, and telling him what they had heard, begged that he would get them exchanged into a ship bound on some other destination. "they had no wish," they said, "to quit the british service; but they entreated that they might not be forced to fight against their own country." there was not in our whole navy a man who had a higher and more chivalrous sense of duty than riou. tears came into his eyes while the men were speaking. without making any reply, he instantly ordered his boat, and did not return to the amazon till he could tell them that their wish was effected. the fleet sailed on the th of march. mr. vansittart sailed in it; the british cabinet still hoping to attain its end by negotiation. it was well for england that sir hyde parker placed a fuller confidence in nelson than the government seems to have done at this most important crisis. her enemies might well have been astonished at learning that any other man should for a moment have been thought of for the command. but so little deference was paid, even at this time, to his intuitive and all-commanding genius, that when the fleet had reached its first rendezvous, at the entrance of the cattegat, he had received no official communication whatever of the intended operations. his own mind had been made up upon them with its accustomed decision. "all i have gathered of our first plans," said he, "i disapprove most exceedingly. honour may arise from them; good cannot. i hear we are likely to anchor outside of cronenburgh castle, instead of copenhagen, which would give weight to our negotiation. a danish minister would think twice before he would put his name to war with england, when the next moment he would probably see his master's fleet in flames, and his capital in ruins. the dane should see our flag every moment he lifted up his head." mr vansittart left the fleet at the scaw, and preceded it in a frigate with a flag of truce. precious time was lost by this delay, which was to be purchased by the dearest blood of britain and denmark: according to the danes themselves, the intelligence that a british fleet was seen off the sound produced a much more general alarm in copenhagen than its actual arrival in the roads; for the means of defence were at that time in such a state that they could hardly hope to resist, still less to repel an enemy. on the st nelson had a long conference with sir hyde; and the next day addressed a letter to him, worthy of himself and of the occasion. mr. vansittart's report had then been received. it represented the danish government as in the highest degree hostile, and their state of preparation as exceeding what our cabinet had supposed possible; for denmark had profited with all activity of the leisure which had so impoliticly been given her. "the more i have reflected," said nelson to his commander, "the more i am confirmed in opinion, that not a moment should be lost in attacking the enemy. they will every day and every hour be stronger; we shall never be so good a match for them as at this moment. the only consideration is, how to get at them with the least risk to our ships. here you are, with almost the safety, certainly with the honour of england, more entrusted to you than ever yet fell to the lot of any british officer. on your decision depends whether our country shall be degraded in the eyes of europe, or whether she shall rear her head higher than ever. again, i do repeat, never did our country depend so much upon the success of any fleet as on this. how best to honour her and abate the pride of her enemies, must be the subject of your deepest consideration." supposing him to force the passage of the sound, nelson thought some damage might be done among the masts and yards; though, perhaps, not one of them but would be serviceable again. "if the wind be fair," said he, "and you determined to attack the ships and crown islands, you must expect the natural issue of such a battle--ships crippled, and perhaps one or two lost for the wind which carries you in will most probably not bring out a crippled ship. this mode i call taking the bull by the horns. it, however, will not prevent the revel ships, or the swedes, from joining the danes and to prevent this is, in my humble opinion, a measure absolutely necessary, and still to attack copenhagen." for this he proposed two modes. one was to pass cronenburg, taking the risk of danger; take the deepest and straightest channel along the middle grounds, and then coming down to garbar, or king's channel, attack the danish line of floating batteries and ships as might be found convenient. this would prevent a junction, and might give an opportunity of bombarding copenhagen. or to take the passage of the belt, which might be accomplished in four or five days; and then the attack by draco might be made, and the junction of the russians prevented. supposing them through the belt, he proposed that a detachment of the fleet should be sent to destroy the russian squadron at revel; and that the business at copenhagen should be attempted with the remainder. "the measure," he said, "might be thought bold; but the boldest measures are the safest." the pilots, as men who had nothing but safety to think of, were terrified by the formidable report of the batteries of elsinore, and the tremendous preparations which our negotiators, who were now returned from their fruitless mission, had witnessed. they, therefore, persuaded sir hyde to prefer the passage of the belt. "let it be by the sound, by the belt, or anyhow," cried nelson, "only lose not an hour!" on the th they sailed for the belt. such was the habitual reserve of sir hyde that his own captain, the captain of the fleet, did not know which course he had resolved to take till the fleet were getting under weigh. when captain domett was thus apprised of it, he felt it his duty to represent to the admiral his belief that if that course were persevered in, the ultimate object would be totally defeated: it was liable to long delays, and to accidents of ships grounding; in the whole fleet there were only one captain and one pilot who knew anything of this formidable passage (as it was then deemed), and their knowledge was very slight--their instructions did not authorise them to attempt it. supposing them safe through the belts, the heavy ships could not come over the grounds to attack copenhagen; and light vessels would have no effect on such a line of defence as had been prepared against them. domett urged these reasons so forcibly that sir hyde's opinion was shaken, and he consented to bring the fleet to and send for nelson on board. there can be little doubt but that the expedition would have failed if captain domett had not thus timeously and earnestly given his advice. nelson entirely agreed with him; and it was finally determined to take the passage of the sound, and the fleet returned to its former anchorage. the next day was more idly expended in despatching a flag of truce to the governor of cronenburg castle, to ask whether he had received orders to fire at the british fleet; as the admiral must consider the first gun to be a declaration of war on the part of denmark. a soldier-like and becoming answer was returned to this formality. the governor said that the british minister had not been sent away from copenhagen, but had obtained a passport at his own demand. he himself, as a soldier, could not meddle with politics; but he was not at liberty to suffer a fleet, of which the intention was not yet known, to approach the guns of the castle which he had the honour to command: and he requested, "if the british admiral should think proper to make any proposals to the king of denmark, that he might be apprised of it before the fleet approached nearer." during this intercourse, a dane, who came on board the commander's ship, having occasion to express his business in writing, found the pen blunt; and, holding it up, sarcastically said, "if your guns are not better pointed than your pens, you will make little impression on copenhagen!" on that day intelligence reached the admiral of the loss of one of his fleet, the invincible, seventy-four, wrecked on a sand-bank, as she was coming out of yarmouth: four hundred of her men perished in her. nelson, who was now appointed to lead the van, shifted his flag to the elephant, captain foley--a lighter ship than the st. george, and, therefore, fitter for the expected operations. the two following days were calm. orders had been given to pass the sound as soon as the wind would permit; and, on the afternoon of the th, the ships were cleared for action, with an alacrity characteristic of british seamen. at daybreak on the th it blew a topsail breeze from n.w. the signal was made, and the fleet moved on in order of battle; nelson's division in the van, sir hyde's in the centre, and admiral graves' in the rear. great actions, whether military or naval, have generally given celebrity to the scenes from whence they are denominated; and thus petty villages, and capes and bays known only to the coasting trader, become associated with mighty deeds, and their names are made conspicuous in the history of the world. here, however, the scene was every way worthy of the drama. the political importance of the sound is such, that grand objects are not needed there to impress the imagination; yet is the channel full of grand and interesting objects, both of art and nature. this passage, which denmark had so long considered as the key of the baltic, is, in its narrowest part, about three miles wide; and here the city of elsinore is situated; except copenhagen, the most flourishing of the danish towns. every vessel which passes lowers her top-gallant sails and pays toll at elsinore; a toll which is believed to have had its origin in the consent of the traders to that sea, denmark taking upon itself the charge of constructing lighthouses, and erecting signals, to mark the shoals and rocks from the cattegat to the baltic; and they, on their part, agreeing that all ships should pass this way in order that all might pay their shares: none from that time using the passage of the belt, because it was not fitting that they who enjoyed the benefit of the beacons in dark and stormy weather, should evade contributing to them in fair seasons and summer nights. of late years about ten thousand vessels had annually paid this contribution in time of peace. adjoining elsinore, and at the edge of the peninsular promontory, upon the nearest point of land to the swedish coast, stands cronenburgh castle, built after tycho brahe's design; a magnificent pile--at once a palace, and fortress, and state-prison, with its spires, and towers, and battlements, and batteries. on the left of the strait is the old swedish city of helsinburg, at the foot, and on the side of a hill. to the north of helsinburg the shores are steep and rocky; they lower to the south; and the distant spires of lanscrona, lund, and malmoe are seen in the flat country. the danish shores consist partly of ridges of sand; but more frequently they are diversified with cornfields, meadows, slopes, and are covered with rich wood, and villages, and villas, and summer palaces belonging to the king and the nobility, and denoting the vicinity of a great capital. the isles of huen, statholm, and amak, appear in the widening channel; and at the distance of twenty miles from elsinore stands copenhagen in full view; the best city of the north, and one of the finest capitals of europe, visible, with its stately spires, far off. amid these magnificent objects there are some which possess a peculiar interest for the recollections which they call forth. the isle of huen, a lovely domain, about six miles in circumference, had been the munificent gift of frederick the second to tycho brahe. it has higher shores than the near coast of zealand, or than the swedish coast in that part. here most of his discoveries were made; and here the ruins are to be seen of his observatory, and of the mansion where he was visited by princes; and where, with a princely spirit, he received and entertained all comers from all parts, and promoted science by his liberality as well as by his labours. elsinore is a name familiar to english ears, being inseparably associated with hamlet, and one of the noblest works of human genius. cronenburgh had been the scene of deeper tragedy: here queen matilda was confined, the victim of a foul and murderous court intrigue. here, amid heart-breaking griefs, she found consolation in nursing her infant. here she took her everlasting leave of that infant, when, by the interference of england, her own deliverance was obtained; and as the ship bore her away from a country where the venial indiscretions of youth and unsuspicious gaiety had been so cruelly punished, upon these towers she fixed her eyes, and stood upon the deck, obstinately gazing toward them till the last speck had disappeared. the sound being the only frequented entrance to the baltic, the great mediterranean of the north, few parts of the sea display so frequent a navigation. in the height of the season not fewer than a hundred vessels pass every four-and-twenty hours for many weeks in succession; but never had so busy or so splendid a scene been exhibited there as on this day, when the british fleet prepared to force that passage where, till now, all ships had vailed their topsails to the flag of denmark. the whole force consisted of fifty-one sail of various descriptions, of which sixteen were of the line. the greater part of the bomb and gun vessels took their stations off cronenburgh castle, to cover the fleet; while others on the larboard were ready to engage the swedish shore. the danes, having improved every moment which ill-timed negotiation and baffling weather gave them, had lined their shores with batteries; and as soon as the monarch, which was the leading ship, came abreast of them, a fire was opened from about a hundred pieces of cannon and mortars; our light vessels immediately, in return, opened their fire upon the castle. here was all the pompous circumstance and exciting reality of war, without its effects; for this ostentatious display was but a bloodless prelude to the wide and sweeping destruction which was soon to follow. the enemy's shot fell near enough to splash the water on board our ships: not relying upon any forbearance of the swedes, they meant to have kept the mid channel; but when they perceived that not a shot was fired from helsinburg, and that no batteries were to be seen on the swedish shore, they inclined to that side, so as completely to get out of reach of the danish guns. the uninterrupted blaze which was kept up from them till the fleet had passed, served only to exhilarate our sailors, and afford them matter for jest, as the shot fell in showers a full cable's length short of its destined aim. a few rounds were returned from some of our leading ships, till they perceived its inutility: this, however, occasioned the only bloodshed of the day, some of our men being killed and wounded by the bursting of a gun. as soon as the main body had passed, the gun vessels followed, desisting from their bombardment, which had been as innocent as that of the enemy; and, about mid-day, the whole fleet anchored between the island of huen and copenhagen. sir hyde, with nelson, admiral graves, some of the senior captains, and the commanding officers of the artillery and the troops, then proceeded in a lugger to reconnoitre the enemy's means of defence; a formidable line of ships, radeaus, pontoons, galleys, fire-ships and gun-boats, flanked and supported by extensive batteries, and occupying, from one extreme point to the other, an extent of nearly four miles. a council of war was held in the afternoon. it was apparent that the danes could not be attacked without great difficulty and risk; and some of the members of the council spoke of the number of the swedes and the russians whom they should afterwards have to engage, as a consideration which ought to be borne in mind. nelson, who kept pacing the cabin, impatient as he ever was of anything which savoured of irresolution, repeatedly said, "the more numerous the better: i wish they were twice as many,--the easier the victory, depend on it." the plan upon which he had determined; if ever it should be his fortune to bring a baltic fleet to action, was, to attack the head of their line and confuse their movements. "close with a frenchman," he used to say, "but out manoeuvre a russian." he offered his services for the attack, requiring ten sail of the line and the whole of the smaller craft. sir hyde gave him two more line-of-battle ships than he asked, and left everything to his judgment. the enemy's force was not the only, nor the greatest, obstacle with which the british fleet had to contend: there was another to be overcome before they could come in contact with it. the channel was little known and extremely intricate: all the buoys had been removed; and the danes considered this difficulty as almost insuperable, thinking the channel impracticable for so large a fleet. nelson himself saw the soundings made and the buoys laid down, boating it upon this exhausting service, day and night, till it was effected. when this was done he thanked god for having enabled him to get through this difficult part of his duty. "it had worn him down," he said, "and was infinitely more grievous to him than any resistance which he could experience from the enemy." at the first council of war, opinions inclined to an attack from the eastward; but the next day, the wind being southerly, after a second examination of the danish position, it was determined to attack from the south, approaching in the manner which nelson had suggested in his first thoughts. on the morning of the st of april the whole fleet removed to an anchorage within two leagues of the town, and off the n.w. end of the middle ground; a shoal lying exactly before the town, at about three quarters of a mile distance, and extending along its whole sea-front. the king's channel, where there is deep water, is between this shoal and the town; and here the danes had arranged their line of defence, as near the shore as possible: nineteen ships and floating batteries, flanked, at the end nearest the town, by the crown batteries, which were two artificial islands, at the mouth of the harbour--most formidable works; the larger one having, by the danish account, guns; but, as nelson believed, . the fleet having anchored, nelson, with riou, in the amazon, made his last examination of the ground; and about one o'clock, returning to his own ship, threw out the signal to weigh. it was received with a shout throughout the whole division; they weighed with a light and favourable wind: the narrow channel between the island of saltholm and the middle ground had been accurately buoyed; the small craft pointed out the course distinctly; riou led the way: the whole division coasted along the outer edge of the shoal, doubled its further extremity, and anchored there off draco point, just as the darkness closed--the headmost of the enemy's line not being more than two miles distant. the signal to prepare for action had been made early in the evening; and as his own anchor dropt, nelson called out, "i will fight them the moment i have a fair wind!" it had been agreed that sir hyde, with the remaining ships, should weigh on the following morning, at the same time as nelson, to menace the crown batteries on his side, and the four ships of the line which lay at the entrance of the arsenal; and to cover our own disabled ships as they came out of action. the danes, meantime, had not been idle: no sooner did the guns of cronenburgh make it known to the whole city that all negotiation was at an end, that the british fleet was passing the sound, and that the dispute between the two crowns must now be decided by arms, than a spirit displayed itself most honourable to the danish character. all ranks offered themselves to the service of their country; the university furnished a corps of youth, the flower of denmark--it was one of those emergencies in which little drilling or discipline is necessary to render courage available: they had nothing to learn but how to manage the guns, and day and night were employed in practising them. when the movements of nelson's squadron were perceived, it was known when and where the attack was to be expected, and the line of defence was manned indiscriminately by soldiers, sailors, and citizens. had not the whole attention of the danes been directed to strengthen their own means of defence, they might most materially have annoyed the invading squadron, and perhaps frustrated the impending attack; for the british ships were crowded in an anchoring ground of little extent:--it was calm, so that mortar-boats might have acted against them to the utmost advantage; and they were within range of shells from amak island. a few fell among them; but the enemy soon ceased to fire. it was learned afterwards, that, fortunately for the fleet, the bed of the mortar had given way; and the danes either could not get it replaced, or, in the darkness, lost the direction. this was an awful night for copenhagen--far more so than for the british fleet, where the men were accustomed to battle and victory, and had none of those objects before their eyes which rendered death terrible. nelson sat down to table with a large party of his officers: he was, as he was ever wont to be when on the eve of action, in high spirits, and drank to a leading wind, and to the success of the morrow. after supper they returned to their respective ships, except riou, who remained to arrange the order of battle with nelson and foley, and to draw up instructions. hardy, meantime, went in a small boat to examine the channel between them and the enemy; approaching so near that he sounded round their leading ship with a pole, lest the noise of throwing the lead should discover him. the incessant fatigue of body, as well as mind, which nelson had undergone during the last three days, had so exhausted him that he was earnestly urged to go to his cot; and his old servant, allen, using that kind of authority which long and affectionate services entitled and enabled him to assume on such occasions, insisted upon his complying. the cot was placed on the floor, and he continued to dictate from it. about eleven hardy returned, and reported the practicability of the channel, and the depth of water up to the enemy's line. about one the orders were completed; and half-a-dozen clerks, in the foremost cabin, proceeded to transcribe them, nelson frequently calling out to them from his cot to hasten their work, for the wind was becoming fair. instead of attempting to get a few hours' sleep, he was constantly receiving reports on this important point. at daybreak it was announced as becoming perfectly fair. the clerks finished their work about six. nelson, who was already up, breakfasted, and made signal for all captains. the land forces and five hundred seamen, under captain freemantle and the hon. colonel stewart, were to storm the crown battery as soon as its fire should be silenced: and riou--whom nelson had never seen till this expedition, but whose worth he had instantly perceived, and appreciated as it deserved--had the blanche and alcmene frigates, the dart and arrow sloops, and the zephyr and otter fire-ships, given him, with a special command to act as circumstances might require--every other ship had its station appointed. between eight and nine, the pilots and masters were ordered on board the admirals' ships. the pilots were mostly men who had been mates in baltic traders; and their hesitation about the bearing of the east end of the shoal, and the exact line of deep water, gave ominous warning of how little their knowledge was to be trusted. the signal for action had been made, the wind was fair--not a moment to be lost. nelson urged them to be steady, to be resolute, and to decide; but they wanted the only ground for steadiness and decision in such cases; and nelson had reason to regret that he had not trusted to hardy's single report. this was one of the most painful moments of his life; and he always spoke of it with bitterness. "i experienced in the sound," said he, "the misery of having the honour of our country entrusted to a set of pilots, who have no other thought than to keep the ships clear of danger, and their own silly heads clear of shot. everybody knows what i must have suffered; and if any merit attaches itself to me, it was for combating the dangers of the shallows in defiance of them." at length mr. bryerly, the master of the bellona, declared that he was prepared to lead the fleet; his judgment was acceded to by the rest; they returned to their ships; and at half-past nine the signal was made to weigh in succession. captain murray, in the edgar, led the way; the agamemnon was next in order; but on the first attempt to leave her anchorage, she could not weather the edge of the shoal; and nelson had the grief to see his old ship, in which he had performed so many years' gallant services, immovably aground at a moment when her help was so greatly required. signal was then made for the polyphemus; and this change in the order of sailing was executed with the utmost promptitude: yet so much delay had thus been unavoidably occasioned, that the edgar was for some time unsupported, and the polyphemus, whose place should have been at the end of the enemy's line, where their strength was the greatest, could get no further than the beginning, owing to the difficulty of the channel: there she occupied, indeed, an efficient station, but one where her presence was less required. the isis followed with better fortune, and took her own berth. the bellona, sir thomas boulden thompson, kept too close on the starboard shoal, and grounded abreast of the outer ship of the enemy: this was the more vexatious, inasmuch as the wind was fair, the room ample, and three ships had led the way. the russell, following the bellona, grounded in like manner: both were within reach of shot; but their absence from their intended stations was severely felt. each ship had been ordered to pass her leader on the starboard side, because the water was supposed to shoal on the larboard shore. nelson, who came next after these two ships, thought they had kept too far on the starboard direction, and made signal for them to close with the enemy, not knowing that they were aground; but when he perceived that they did not obey the signal, he ordered the elephant's helm to starboard, and went within these ships: thus quitting the appointed order of sailing, and guiding those which were to follow. the greater part of the fleet were probably, by this act of promptitude on his part, saved from going on shore. each ship, as she arrived nearly opposite to her appointed station, let her anchor go by the stern, and presented her broadside to the danes. the distance between each was about half a cable. the action was fought nearly at the distance of a cable's length from the enemy. this, which rendered its continuance so long, was owing to the ignorance and consequent indecision of the pilots. in pursuance of the same error which had led the bellona and the russell aground, they, when the lead was at a quarter less five, refused to approach nearer, in dread of shoaling their water on the larboard shore: a fear altogether erroneous, for the water deepened up to the very side of the enemy's line of battle. at five minutes after ten the action began. the first half of our fleet was engaged in about half an hour; and by half-past eleven the battle became general. the plan of the attack had been complete: but seldom has any plan been more disconcerted by untoward accidents. of twelve ships of the line, one was entirely useless, and two others in a situation where they could not render half the service which was required of them. of the squadron of gun-brigs, only one could get into action; the rest were prevented, by baffling currents, from weathering the eastern end of the shoal; and only two of the bomb-vessels could reach their station on the middle ground, and open their mortars on the arsenal, firing over both fleets. riou took the vacant station against the crown battery, with his frigates: attempting, with that unequal force, a service in which three sail of the line had been directed to assist. nelson's agitation had been extreme when he saw himself, before the action began, deprived of a fourth part of his ships of the line; but no sooner was he in battle, where his squadron was received with the fire of more than a thousand guns, than, as if that artillery, like music, had driven away all care and painful thoughts, his countenance brightened; and, as a bystander describes him, his conversation became joyous, animated, elevated, and delightful. the commander-in-chief meantime, near enough to the scene of action to know the unfavourable accidents which had so materially weakened nelson, and yet too distant to know the real state of the contending parties, suffered the most dreadful anxiety. to get to his assistance was impossible; both wind and current were against him. fear for the event, in such circumstances, would naturally preponderate in the bravest mind; and at one o'clock, perceiving that, after three hours' endurance, the enemy's fire was unslackened, he began to despair of success. "i will make the signal of recall," said he to his captain, "for nelson's sake. if he is in a condition to continue the action successfully, he will disregard it; if he is not, it will be an excuse for his retreat, and no blame can be imputed to him." captain domett urged him at least to delay the signal till he could communicate with nelson; but in sir hyde's opinion the danger was too pressing for delay. "the fire," he said, "was too hot for nelson to oppose; a retreat he thought must be made; he was aware of the consequences to his own personal reputation, but it would be cowardly in him to leave nelson to bear the whole shame of the failure, if shame it should be deemed." under, a mistaken judgment, therefore, but with this disinterested and generous feeling, he made the signal for retreat. nelson was at this time, in all the excitement of action, pacing the quarter-deck. a shot through the mainmast knocked the splinters about; and he observed to one of his officers with a smile, "it is warm work, and this day may be the last to any of us at a moment:"--and then stopping short at the gangway, added, with emotion--"but mark you! i would not be elsewhere for thousands." about this time the signal-lieutenant called out that number thirty-nine (the signal for discontinuing the action) was thrown out by the commander-in-chief. he continued to walk the deck, and appeared to take no notice of it. the signal officer met him at the next turn, and asked if he should repeat it. "no," he replied, "acknowledge it." presently he called after him to know if the signal for close action was still hoisted; and being answered in the affirmative, said, "mind you keep it so." he now paced the deck, moving the stump of his lost arm in a manner which always indicated great emotion. "do you know," said he to mr. ferguson, "what is shown on board the commander-in-chief? number thirty-nine!" mr. ferguson asked what that meant. "why, to leave off action!" then shrugging up his shoulders, he repeated the words--"leave off action? now, damn me if i do! you know, foley," turning to the captain, "i have only one eye,--i have a right to be blind sometimes:" and then putting the glass to his blind eye, in that mood of mind which sports with bitterness, he exclaimed, "i really do not see the signal!" presently he exclaimed, "damn the signal! keep mine for closer battle flying! that's the way i answer signals! nail mine to the mast!" admiral graves, who was so situated that he could not discern what was done on board the elephant, disobeyed sir hyde's signal in like manner; whether by fortunate mistake, or by a like brave intention, has not been made known. the other ships of the line, looking only to nelson, continued the action. the signal, however, saved riou's little squadron, but did not save its heroic leader. this squadron, which was nearest the commander-in-chief, obeyed and hauled off. it had suffered severely in its most unequal contest. for a long time the amazon had been firing, enveloped in smoke, when riou desired his men to stand fast, and let the smoke clear off, that they might see what they were about. a fatal order--for the danes then got clear sight of her from the batteries, and pointed their guns with such tremendous effect that nothing but the signal for retreat saved this frigate from destruction. "what will nelson think of us?" was riou's mournful exclamation when he unwillingly drew off. he had been wounded in the head by a splinter, and was sitting on a gun, encouraging his men, when, just as the amazon showed her stern to the trekroner battery, his clerk was killed by his side; and another shot swept away several marines who were hauling in the main-brace. "come, then, my boys!" cried riou; "let us die all together!" the words had scarcely been uttered before a raking shot cut him in two. except it had been nelson himself, the british navy could not have suffered a severer loss. the action continued along the line with unabated vigour on our side, and with the most determined resolution on the part of the danes. they fought to great advantage, because most of the vessels in their line of defence were without masts; the few which had any standing had their top-masts struck, and the hulls could not be seen at intervals. the isis must have been destroyed by the superior weight of her enemy's fire, if captain inman, in the desiree frigate, had not judiciously taken a situation which enabled him to rake the dane, if the polyphemus had not also relieved her. both in the bellona and the isis many men were lost by the bursting of their guns. the former ship was about forty years old, and these guns were believed to be the same which she had first taken to sea: they were, probably, originally faulty, for the fragments were full of little air-holes. the bellona lost men; the isis, ; the monarch, . she was, more than any other line-of-battle ship, exposed to the great battery; and supporting, at the same time, the united fire of the holstein and the zealand, her loss this day exceeded that of any single ship during the whole war. amid the tremendous carnage in this vessel, some of the men displayed a singular instance of coolness: the pork and peas happened to be in the kettle; a shot knocked its contents about; they picked up the pieces, and ate and fought at the same time. the prince-royal had taken his station upon one of the batteries, from whence he beheld the action and issued his orders. denmark had never been engaged in so arduous a contest, and never did the danes more nobly display their national courage--a courage not more unhappily than impolitically exerted in subserviency to the interests of france. captain thura, of the indfoedsretten, fell early in the action; and all his officers, except one lieutenant and one marine officer, were either killed or wounded in the confusion, the colours were either struck or shot away; but she was moored athwart one of the batteries in such a situation that the british made no attempt to board her; and a boat was despatched to the prince, to inform him of her situation. he turned to those about him, and said, "gentlemen, thura is killed; which of you will take the command?" schroedersee, a captain who had lately resigned on account of extreme ill-health, answered in a feeble voice, "i will!" and hastened on board. the crew, perceiving a new commander coming alongside, hoisted their colours again, and fired a broadside. schroedersee, when he came on deck, found himself surrounded by the dead and wounded, and called to those in the boat to get quickly on board: a ball struck him at that moment. a lieutenant, who had accompanied him, then took the command, and continued to fight the ship. a youth of seventeen, by name villemoes, particularly distinguished himself on this memorable day. he had volunteered to take the command of a floating battery, which was a raft, consisting merely of a number of beams nailed together, with a flooring to support the guns: it was square, with a breast-work full of port-holes, and without masts--carrying twenty-four guns, and one hundred and twenty men. with this he got under the stern of the elephant, below the reach of the stern-chasers; and under a heavy fire of small-arms from the marines, fought his raft, till the truce was announced, with such skill as well as courage, as to excite nelson's warmest admiration. between one and two the fire of the danes slackened; about two it ceased from the greater part of their line, and some of their lighter ships were adrift. it was, however, difficult to take possession of those which struck, because the batteries on amak island protected them; and because an irregular fire was kept up from the ships themselves as the boats approached. this arose from the nature of the action: the crews were continually reinforced from the shore; and fresh men coming on board, did not inquire whether the flag had been struck, or, perhaps, did not heed it; many or most of them never having been engaged in war before--knowing nothing, therefore, of its laws, and thinking only of defending their country to the last extremity. the danbrog fired upon the elephant's boats in this manner, though her commodore had removed her pendant and deserted her, though she had struck, and though she was in flames. after she had been abandoned by the commodore, braun fought her till he lost his right hand, and then captain lemming took the command. this unexpected renewal of her fire made the elephant and glatton renew theirs, till she was not only silenced, but nearly every man in the praams, ahead and astern of her, was killed. when the smoke of their guns died away, she was seen drifting in flames before the wind: those of her crew who remained alive, and able to exert themselves, throwing themselves out at her port-holes. captain bertie of the ardent sent his launch to their assistance, and saved three-and-twenty of them. captain rothe commanded the nyeborg praam; and perceiving that she could not much longer be kept afloat, made for the inner road. as he passed the line, he found the aggershuus praam in a more miserable condition than his own; her masts had all gone by the board, and she was on the point of sinking. rothe made fast a cable to her stern, and towed her off; but he could get her no further than a shoal called stubben, when she sunk, and soon after he had worked the nyeborg up to the landing-place, that vessel also sunk to her gunwale. never did any vessel come out of action in a more dreadful plight. the stump of her foremast was the only stick standing; her cabin had been stove in; every gun, except a single one, was dismounted; and her deck was covered with shattered limbs and dead bodies. by half-past two the action had ceased along that part of the line which was astern of the elephant, but not with the ships ahead and the crown batteries. nelson, seeing the manner in which his boats were fired upon when they went to take possession of the prizes, became angry, and said he must either send ashore to have this irregular proceeding stopped, or send a fire-ship and burn them. half the shot from the trekroner, and from the batteries at amak, at this time, struck the surrendered ships, four of which had got close together; and the fire of the english, in return, was equally or even more destructive to these poor devoted danes. nelson, who was as humane as he was brave, was shocked at the massacre--for such he called it; and with a presence of mind peculiar to himself, and never more signally displayed than now, he retired into the stern gallery, and wrote thus to the crown prince:--"vice-admiral lord nelson has been commanded to spare denmark when she no longer resists. the line of defence which covered her shores has struck to the british flag; but if the firing is continued on the part of denmark, he must set on fire all the prizes that he has taken, without having the power of saving the men who have so nobly defended them. the brave danes are the brothers, and should never be the enemies, of the english." a wafer was given him, but he ordered a candle to be brought from the cockpit, and sealed the letter with wax, affixing a larger seal than he ordinarily used. "this," said he, "is no time to appear hurried and informal." captain sir frederick thesiger, who acted as his aide-de-camp, carried this letter with a flag of truce. meantime the fire of the ships ahead, and the approach of the ramillies and defence from sir hyde's division, which had now worked near enough to alarm the enemy, though not to injure them, silenced the remainder of the danish line to the eastward of the trekroner. that battery, however, continued its fire. this formidable work, owing to the want of the ships which had been destined to attack it, and the inadequate force of riou's little squadron, was comparatively uninjured. towards the close of the action it had been manned with nearly fifteen hundred men; and the intention of storming it, for which every preparation had been made, was abandoned as impracticable. during thesiger's absence, nelson sent for freemantle, from the ganges, and consulted with him and foley whether it was advisable to advance, with those ships which had sustained least damage, against the yet uninjured part of the danish line. they were decidedly of opinion that the best thing which could be done was, while the wind continued fair, to remove the fleet out of the intricate channel from which it had to retreat. in somewhat more than half an hour after thesiger had been despatched, the danish adjutant-general, lindholm came, bearing a flag of truce, upon which the trekroner ceased to fire, and the action closed, after four hours' continuance. he brought an inquiry from the prince,--what was the object of nelson's note? the british admiral wrote in reply:--"lord nelson's object in sending the flag of truce was humanity; he therefore consents that hostilities shall cease, and that the wounded danes may be taken on shore. and lord nelson will take his prisoners out of the vessels, and burn or carry off his prizes as he shall think fit. lord nelson, with humble duty to his royal highness the prince, will consider this the greatest victory he has ever gained, if it may be the cause of a happy reconciliation and union between his own most gracious sovereign and his majesty the king of denmark." sir frederick thesiger was despatched a second time with the reply; and the danish adjutant-general was referred to the commander-in-chief for a conference upon this overture. lindholm assenting to this, proceeded to the london, which was riding at anchor full four miles off and nelson, losing not one of the critical moments which he had thus gained, made signal for his leading ships to weigh in succession; they had the shoal to clear, they were much crippled, and their course was immediately under the guns of the trekroner. the monarch led the way. this ship had received six-and-twenty shot between wind and water. she had not a shroud standing; there was a double-headed shot in the heart of her foremast, and the slightest wind would have sent every mast over her side. the imminent danger from which nelson had extricated himself soon became apparent: the monarch touched immediately upon a shoal, over which she was pushed by the ganges taking her amidships; the glatton went clear; but the other two, the defiance and the elephant, grounded about a mile from the trekroner, and there remained fixed for many hours, in spite of all the exertions of their wearied crews. the desiree frigate also, at the other end of the line, having gone toward the close of the action to assist the bellona, became fast on the same shoal. nelson left the elephant soon after she took the ground, to follow lindholm. the heat of the action was over, and that kind of feeling which the surrounding scene of havoc was so well fitted to produce, pressed heavily upon his exhausted spirits. the sky had suddenly become overcast; white flags were waving from the mast-heads of so many shattered ships; the slaughter had ceased, but the grief was to come; for the account of the dead was not yet made up, and no man could tell for what friends he might have to mourn. the very silence which follows the cessation of such a battle becomes a weight upon the heart at first, rather than a relief; and though the work of mutual destruction was at an end, the danbrog was at this time drifting about in flames; presently she blew up; while our boats, which had put off in all directions to assist her, were endeavouring to pick up her devoted crew, few of whom could be saved. the fate of these men, after the gallantry which they had displayed, particularly affected nelson; for there was nothing in this action of that indignation against the enemy, and that impression of retributive justice, which at the nile had given a sterner temper to his mind, and a sense of austere delight in beholding the vengeance of which he was the appointed minister. the danes were an honourable foe; they were of english mould as well as english blood; and now that the battle had ceased, he regarded them rather as brethren than as enemies. there was another reflection also which mingled with these melancholy thoughts, and predisposed him to receive them. he was not here master of his own movements, as at egypt; he had won the day by disobeying his orders; and in so far as he had been successful, had convicted the commander-in-chief of an error in judgment. "well," said he, as he left the elephant, "i have fought contrary to orders, and i shall perhaps be hanged. never mind: let them!" this was the language of a man who, while he is giving utterance to uneasy thought, clothes it half in jest, because he half repents that it has been disclosed. his services had been too eminent on that day, his judgment too conspicuous, his success too signal, for any commander, however jealous of his own authority, or envious of another's merits, to express anything but satisfaction and gratitude: which sir hyde heartily felt, and sincerely expressed. it was speedily agreed that there should be a suspension of hostilities for four-and-twenty hours; that all the prizes should be surrendered, and the wounded danes carried on shore. there was a pressing necessity for this, for the danes, either from too much confidence in the strength of their position and the difficulty of the channel, or supposing that the wounded might be carried on shore during the action, which was found totally impracticable, or perhaps from the confusion which the attack excited, had provided no surgeons; so that, when our men boarded the captured ships, they found many of the mangled and mutilated danes bleeding to death for want of proper assistance--a scene, of all others, the most shocking to a brave man's feelings. the boats of sir hyde's division were actively employed all night in bringing out the prizes, and in getting afloat the ships which were on shore. at daybreak, nelson, who had slept in his own ship, the st. george, rowed to the elephant; and his delight at finding her afloat seemed to give him new life. there he took a hasty breakfast, praising the men for their exertions, and then pushed off to the prizes, which had not yet been removed. the zealand, seventy-four, the last which struck, had drifted on the shoal under the trekroner; and relying, as it seems, upon the protection which that battery might have afforded, refused to acknowledge herself captured; saying, that though it was true her flag was not to be seen, her pendant was still flying. nelson ordered one of our brigs and three long-boats to approach her, and rowed up himself to one of the enemy's ships, to communicate with the commodore. this officer proved to be an old acquaintance, whom he had known in the west indies; so he invited himself on board, and with that urbanity as well as decision which always characterised him, urged his claim to the zealand so well that it was admitted. the men from the boats lashed a cable round her bowsprit, and the gun-vessel towed her away. it is affirmed, and probably with truth, that the danes felt more pain at beholding this than at all their misfortunes on the preceding day; and one of the officers, commodore steen rille, went to the trekroner battery, and asked the commander why he had not sunk the zealand, rather than suffer her thus to be carried off by the enemy? this was, indeed, a mournful day for copenhagen! it was good friday; but the general agitation, and the mourning which was in every house, made all distinction of days be forgotten. there were, at that hour, thousands in that city who felt, and more perhaps who needed, the consolations of christianity, but few or none who could be calm enough to think of its observances. the english were actively employed in refitting their own ships, securing the prizes, and distributing the prisoners; the danes, in carrying on shore and disposing of the wounded and the dead. it had been a murderous action. our loss, in killed and wounded, was . part of this slaughter might have been spared. the commanding officer of the troops on board one of our ships asked where his men should be stationed? he was told that they could be of no use! that they were not near enough for musketry, and were not wanted at the guns; they had, therefore, better go below. this, he said, was impossible; it would be a disgrace that could never be wiped away. they were, therefore, drawn up upon the gangway, to satisfy this cruel point of honour; and there, without the possibility of annoying the enemy, they were mowed down! the loss of the danes, including prisoners, amounted to about six thousand. the negotiations, meantime, went on; and it was agreed that nelson should have an interview with the prince the following day. hardy and freemantle landed with him. this was a thing as unexampled as the other circumstances of the battle. a strong guard was appointed to escort him to the palace, as much for the purpose of security as of honour. the populace, according to the british account, showed a mixture of admiration, curiosity, and displeasure, at beholding that man in the midst of them who had inflicted such wounds upon denmark. but there were neither acclamations nor murmurs. "the people," says a dane, "did not degrade themselves with the former, nor disgrace themselves with the latter: the admiral was received as one brave enemy ever ought to receive another--he was received with respect." the preliminaries of the negotiation were adjusted at this interview. during the repast which followed, nelson, with all the sincerity of his character, bore willing testimony to the valour of his foes. he told the prince that he had been in a hundred and five engagements, but that this was the most tremendous of all. "the french," he said, "fought bravely; but they could not have stood for one hour the fight which the danes had supported for four." he requested that villemoes might be introduced to him; and, shaking hands with the youth, told the prince that he ought to be made an admiral. the prince replied: "if, my lord, i am to make all my brave officers admirals, i should have no captains or lieutenants in my service." the sympathy of the danes for their countrymen who had bled in their defence, was not weakened by distance of time or place in this instance. things needful for the service, or the comfort of the wounded, were sent in profusion to the hospitals, till the superintendents gave public notice that they could receive no more. on the third day after the action, the dead were buried in the naval churchyard: the ceremony was made as public and as solemn as the occasion required; such a procession had never before been seen in that, or perhaps in any other city. a public monument was erected upon the spot where the slain were gathered together. a subscription was opened on the day of the funeral for the relief of the sufferers, and collections in aid of it made throughout all the churches in the kingdom. this appeal to the feelings of the people was made with circumstances which gave it full effect. a monument was raised in the midst of the church, surmounted by the danish colours: young maidens, dressed in white, stood round it, with either one who had been wounded in the battle, or the widow and orphans of some one who had fallen: a suitable oration was delivered from the pulpit, and patriotic hymns and songs were afterwards performed. medals were distributed to all the officers, and to the men who had distinguished themselves. poets and painters vied with each other in celebrating a battle which, disastrous as it was, had yet been honourable to their country: some, with pardonable sophistry, represented the advantage of the day as on their own side. one writer discovered a more curious, but less disputable ground of satisfaction, in the reflection that nelson, as may be inferred from his name, was of danish descent, and his actions therefore, the dane argued, were attributable to danish valour. the negotiation was continued during the five following days; and in that interval the prizes were disposed of, in a manner which was little approved by nelson. six line-of-battle ships and eight praams had been taken. of these the holstein, sixty-four, was the only one which was sent home. the zealand was a finer ship; but the zealand and all the others were burned, and their brass battering cannon sunk with the hulls in such shoal water, that, when the fleet returned from revel, they found the danes, with craft over the wrecks, employed in getting the guns up again. nelson, though he forbore from any public expression of displeasure at seeing the proofs and trophies of his victory destroyed, did not forget to represent to the admiralty the case of those who were thus deprived of their prize-money. "whether," said he to earl st. vincent, "sir hyde parker may mention the subject to you, i know not; for he is rich, and does not want it: nor is it, you will believe me, any desire to get a few hundred pounds that actuates me to address this letter to you; but justice to the brave officers and men who fought on that day. it is true our opponents were in hulks and floats, only adapted for the position they were in; but that made our battle so much the harder, and victory so much the more difficult to obtain. believe me, i have weighed all circumstances; and, in my conscience, i think that the king should send a gracious message to the house of commons for a gift to this fleet; for what must be the natural feelings of the officers and men belonging to it, to see their rich commander-in-chief burn all the fruits of their victory, which, if fitted up and sent to england (as many of them might have been by dismantling part of our fleet), would have sold for a good round sum." on the th, nelson landed again, to conclude the terms of the armistice. during its continuance the armed ships and vessels of denmark were to remain in their actual situation, as to armament, equipment, and hostile position; and the treaty of armed neutrality, as far as related to the co-operation of denmark, was suspended. the prisoners were to be sent on shore; an acknowledgment being given for them, and for the wounded also, that: they might be carried to great britain's credit in the account of war, in case hostilities should be renewed. the british fleet was allowed to provide itself with all things requisite for the health and comfort of its men. a difficulty arose respecting the duration of the armistice. the danish commissioners fairly stated their fears of russia; and nelson, with that frankness which sound policy and the sense of power seem often to require as well as justify in diplomacy, told them his reason for demanding a long term was, that he might have time to act against the russian fleet, and then return to copenhagen. neither party would yield upon this point; and one of the danes hinted at the renewal of hostilities. "renew hostilities!" cried nelson to one of his friends--for he understood french enough to comprehend what was said, though not to answer it in the same language--"tell him we are ready at a moment! ready to bombard this very night!" the conference, however, proceeded amicably on both sides; and as the commissioners could not agree on this head, they broke up, leaving nelson to settle it with the prince. a levee was held forthwith in one of the state-rooms, a scene well suited for such a consultation; for all these rooms had been stripped of their furniture, in fear of a bombardment. to a bombardment also nelson was looking at this time: fatigue and anxiety, and vexation at the dilatory measures of the commander-in-chief, combined to make him irritable; and as he was on his way to the prince's dining-room, he whispered to the officer on whose arm he was leaning, "though i have only one eye, i can see that all this will burn well." after dinner he was closeted with the prince; and they agreed that the armistice should continue fourteen weeks; and that, at its termination, fourteen days' notice should be given before the recommencement of hostilities. an official account of the battle was published by olfert fischer, the danish commander-in-chief in which it was asserted that our force was greatly superior; nevertheless, that two of our ships of the line had struck; that the others were so weakened, and especially lord nelson's own ship, as to fire only single shots for an hour before the end of the action; and that this hero himself, in the middle and very heat of the conflict, sent a flag of truce on shore, to propose a cessation of hostilities. for the truth of this account the dane appealed to the prince, and all those who, like him, had been eyewitnesses of the scene. nelson was exceedingly indignant at such a statement, and addressed a letter in confutation of it to the adjutant-general lindholm; thinking this incumbent on him for the information of the prince, since his royal highness had been appealed to as a witness: "otherwise," said he, "had commodore fischer confined himself to his own veracity, i should have treated his official letter with the contempt it deserved, and allowed the world to appreciate the merits of the two commanding officers." after pointing out and detecting some of the misstatements in the account, he proceeds: "as to his nonsense about victory, his royal highness will not much credit him. i sunk, burnt, captured, or drove into the harbour, the whole line of defence to the southward of the crown islands. he says he is told that two british ships struck. why did he not take possession of them? i took possession of his as fast as they struck. the reason is clear, that he did not believe it: he must have known the falsity of the report. he states that the ship in which i had the honour to hoist my flag fired latterly only single guns. it is true; for steady and cool were my brave fellows, and did not wish to throw away a single shot. he seems to exult that i sent on shore a flag of truce. you know, and his royal highness knows, that the guns fired from the shore could only fire through the danish ships which had surrendered; and that, if i fired at the shore, it could only be in the same manner. god forbid that i should destroy an unresisting dane! when they become my prisoners, i become their protector." this letter was written in terms of great asperity to the danish commander. lindholm replied in a manner every way honourable to himself. he vindicated the commodore in some points, and excused him in others; reminding nelson that every commander-in-chief was liable to receive incorrect reports. with a natural desire to represent the action in the most favourable light to denmark, he took into the comparative strength of the two parties the ships which were aground, and which could not get into action; and omitted the trekroner and the batteries upon amak island. he disclaimed all idea of claiming as a victory, "what, to every intent and purpose," said he, "was a defeat--but not an inglorious one. as to your lordship's motive for sending a flag of truce, it never can be misconstrued and your subsequent conduct has sufficiently shown that humanity is always the companion of true valour. you have done more: you have shown yourself a friend to the re-establishment of peace and good harmony between this country and great britain. it is, therefore, with the sincerest esteem i shall always feel myself attached to your lordship." thus handsomely winding up his reply, he soothed and contented nelson; who drawing up a memorandum of the comparative force of the two parties for his own satisfaction, assured lindholm that, if the commodore's statement had been in the same manly and honourable strain, he would have been the last man to have noticed any little inaccuracies which might get into a commander-in-chiefs public letter. for the battle of copenhagen nelson was raised to the rank of viscount--an inadequate mark of reward for services so splendid, and of such paramount importance to the dearest interests of england. there was, however, some prudence in dealing out honours to him step by step: had he lived long enough, he would have fought his way up to a dukedom. chapter viii - sir hyde parker is recalled and nelson appointed commander--he goes to revel--settlement of affairs in the baltic--unsuccessful attempt upon the flotilla at boulogne--peace of amiens--nelson takes command in the mediterranean on the renewal of the war--escape of the toulon fleet--nelson chases them to the west indies and back--delivers up his squadron to admiral cornwallis and lands in england. when nelson informed earl st. vincent that the armistice had been concluded, he told him also, without reserve, his own discontent at the dilatoriness and indecision which he witnessed, and could not remedy. "no man," said he, "but those who are on the spot, can tell what i have gone through, and do suffer. i make no scruple in saying, that i would have been at revel fourteen days ago! that, without this armistice, the fleet would never have gone, but by order of the admiralty; and with it, i daresay, we shall not go this week. i wanted sir hyde to let me, at least, go and cruise off carlscrona, to prevent the revel ships from getting in. i said i would not go to revel to take any of those laurels which i was sure he would reap there. think for me, my dear lord: and if i have deserved well, let me return; if ill, for heaven's sake supersede me, for i cannot exist in this state." fatigue, incessant anxiety, and a climate little suited to one of a tender constitution, which had now for many years been accustomed to more genial latitudes, made him at this time seriously determine upon returning home. "if the northern business were not settled," he said, "they must send more admirals; for the keen air of the north had cut him to the heart." he felt the want of activity and decision in the commander-in-chief more keenly; and this affected his spirits, and, consequently, his health, more than the inclemency of the baltic. soon after the armistice was signed, sir hyde proceeded to the eastward with such ships as were fit for service, leaving nelson to follow with the rest, as soon as those which had received slight damages should be repaired, and the rest sent to england. in passing between the isles of amak and saltholm, most of the ships touched the ground, and some of them stuck fast for a while: no serious injury, however, was sustained. it was intended to act against the russians first, before the breaking up of the frost should enable them to leave revel; but learning on the way that the swedes had put to sea to effect a junction with them, sir hyde altered his course, in hopes of intercepting this part of the enemy's force. nelson had, at this time, provided for the more pressing emergencies of the service, and prepared on the th to follow the fleet. the st. george drew too much water to pass the channel between the isles without being lightened; the guns were therefore taken out, and put on board an american vessel; a contrary wind, however, prevented nelson from moving; and on that same evening, while he was thus delayed, information reached him of the relative situation of the swedish and british fleets, and the probability of an action. the fleet was nearly ten leagues distant, and both wind and current contrary, but it was not possible that nelson could wait for a favourable season under such an expectation. he ordered his boat immediately, and stepped into it. night was setting in, one of the cold spring nights of the north; and it was discovered, soon after they left the ship, that in their haste they had forgotten to provide him with a boat-cloak. he, however, forbade them to return for one; and when one of his companions offered his own great-coat, and urged him to make use of it, he replied, "i thank you very much; but, to tell you the truth, my anxiety keeps me sufficiently warm at present." "do you think," said he presently, "that our fleet has quitted bornholm? if it has, we must follow it to carlscrona." about midnight he reached it, and once more got on board the elephant. on the following morning the swedes were discovered; as soon, however, as they perceived the english approaching, they retired, and took shelter in carlscrona, behind the batteries on the island, at the entrance of that port. sir hyde sent in a flag of truce, stating that denmark had concluded an armistice, and requiring an explicit declaration from the court of sweden, whether it would adhere to or abandon the hostile measures which it had taken against the rights and interests of great britain? the commander, vice-admiral cronstadt, replied, "that he could not answer a question which did not come within the particular circle of his duty; but that the king was then at maloe, and would soon be at carlscrona." gustavus shortly afterwards arrived, and an answer was then returned to this effect: "that his swedish majesty would not, for a moment, fail to fulfil, with fidelity and sincerity, the engagements he had entered into with his allies; but he would not refuse to listen to equitable proposals made by deputies furnished with proper authority by the king of great britain to the united northern powers." satisfied with this answer, and with the known disposition of the swedish court, sir hyde sailed for the gulf of finland; but he had not proceeded far before a despatch boat from the russian ambassador at copenhagen arrived, bringing intelligence of the death of the emperor paul, and that his successor alexander had accepted the offer made by england to his father of terminating the dispute by a convention: the british admiral was, therefore, required to desist from all further hostilities. it was nelson's maxim, that, to negotiate with effect, force should be at hand, and in a situation to act. the fleet, having been reinforced from england, amounted to eighteen sail of the line, and the wind was fair for revel. there he would have sailed immediately to place himself between that division of the russian fleet and the squadron at cronstadt, in case this offer should prove insincere. sir hyde, on the other hand, believed that the death of paul had effected all which was necessary. the manner of that death, indeed, rendered it apparent that a change of policy would take place in the cabinet of petersburgh; but nelson never trusted anything to the uncertain events of time, which could possibly be secured by promptitude or resolution. it was not, therefore, without severe mortification, that he saw the commander-in-chief return to the coast of zealand, and anchor in kioge bay, there to wait patiently for what might happen. there the fleet remained till dispatches arrived from home, on the th of may, recalling sir hyde, and appointing nelson commander-in-chief. nelson wrote to earl st. vincent that he was unable to hold this honourable station. admiral graves also was so ill as to be confined to his bed; and he entreated that some person might come out and take the command. "i will endeavour," said he, "to do my best while i remain; but, my dear lord, i shall either soon go to heaven, i hope, or must rest quiet for a time. if sir hyde were gone, i would now be under sail." on the day when this was written, he received news of his appointment. not a moment was now lost. his first signal, as commander-in-chief, was to hoist in all launches and prepare to weigh; and on the th he sailed from kioge. part of his fleet was left at bornholm, to watch the swedes, from whom he required and obtained an assurance that the british trade in the cattegat and in the baltic should not be molested; and saying how unpleasant it would be to him if anything should happen which might for a moment disturb the returning harmony between sweden and great britain, he apprised them that he was not directed to abstain from hostilities should he meet with the swedish fleet at sea. meantime he himself; with ten sail of the line, two frigates, a brig, and a schooner, made for the gulf of finland. paul, in one of the freaks of his tyranny, had seized upon all the british effects in russia, and even considered british subjects as his prisoners. "i will have all the english shipping and property restored," said nelson, "but i will do nothing violently, neither commit the affairs of my country, nor suffer russia to mix the affairs of denmark or sweden with the detention of our ships." the wind was fair, and carried him in four days to revel roads. but the bay had been clear of firm ice on the th of april, while the english were lying idly at kioge. the russians had cut through the ice in the mole six feet thick, and their whole squadron had sailed for cronstadt on the rd. before that time it had lain at the mercy of the english. "nothing," nelson said, "if it had been right to make the attack, could have saved one ship of them in two hours after our entering the bay." it so happened that there was no cause to regret the opportunity which had been lost, and nelson immediately put the intentions of russia to the proof. he sent on shore, to say that he came with friendly views, and was ready to return a salute. on their part the salute was delayed, till a message was sent to them to inquire for what reason; and the officer whose neglect had occasioned the delay, was put under arrest. nelson wrote to the emperor, proposing to wait on him personally and congratulate him on his accession, and urged the immediate release of british subjects, and restoration of british property. the answer arrived on the th: nelson, meantime, had exchanged visits with the governor, and the most friendly intercourse had subsisted between the ships and the shore. alexander's ministers, in their reply, expressed their surprise at the arrival of a british fleet in a russian port, and their wish that it should return: they professed, on the part of russia, the most friendly disposition towards great britain; but declined the personal visit of lord nelson, unless he came in a single ship. there was a suspicion implied in this which stung nelson; and he said the russian ministers would never have written thus if their fleet had been at revel. he wrote an immediate reply, expressing what he felt; he told the court of petersburgh, "that the word of a british admiral, when given in explanation of any part of his conduct, was as sacred as that of any sovereign's in europe." and he repeated, "that, under other circumstances, it would have been his anxious wish to have paid his personal respects to the emperor, and signed with his own hand the act of amity between the two countries." having despatched this, he stood out to sea immediately, leaving a brig to bring off the provisions which had been contracted for, and to settle the accounts. "i hope all is right," said he, writing to our ambassador at berlin; "but seamen are but bad negotiators; for we put to issue in five minutes what diplomatic forms would be five months doing." on his way down the baltic, however, he met the russian admiral, tchitchagof, whom the emperor, in reply to sir hyde's overtures, had sent to communicate personally with the british commander-in-chief. the reply was such as had been wished and expected; and these negotiators going, seamen-like, straight to their object, satisfied each other of the friendly intentions of their respective governments. nelson then anchored off rostock; and there he received an answer to his last despatch from revel, in which the russian court expressed their regret that there should have been any misconception between them; informed him that the british vessels which paul had detained were ordered to be liberated, and invited him to petersburgh, in whatever mode might be most agreeable to himself. other honours awaited him: the duke of mecklenburgh strelitz, the queen's brother, came to visit him on board his ship; and towns of the inland parts of mecklenburgh sent deputations, with their public books of record, that they might have the name of nelson in them written by his own hand. from rostock the fleet returned to kioge bay. nelson saw that the temper of the danes towards england was such as naturally arose from the chastisement which they had so recently received. "in this nation," said he, "we shall not be forgiven for having the upper hand of them: i only thank god we have, or they would try to humble us to the dust." he saw also that the danish cabinet was completely subservient to france: a french officer was at this time the companion and counsellor of the crown prince; and things were done in such open violation of the armistice, that nelson thought a second infliction of vengeance would soon be necessary. he wrote to the admiralty, requesting a clear and explicit reply to his inquiry, whether the commander-in-chief was at liberty to hold the language becoming a british admiral? "which, very probably," said he, "if i am here, will break the armistice, and set copenhagen in a blaze. i see everything which is dirty and mean going on, and the prince royal at the head of it. ships have been masted, guns taken on board, floating batteries prepared, and except hauling out and completing their rigging, everything is done in defiance of the treaty. my heart burns at seeing the word of a prince, nearly allied to our good king, so falsified; but his conduct is such, that he will lose his kingdom if he goes on; for jacobins rule in denmark. i have made no representations yet, as it would be useless to do so until i have the power of correction. all i beg, in the name of the future commander-in-chief, is, that the orders may be clear; for enough is done to break twenty treaties, if it should be wished, or to make the prince royal humble himself before british generosity." nelson was not deceived in his judgment of the danish cabinet, but the battle of copenhagen had crippled its power. the death of the czar paul had broken the confederacy; and that cabinet, therefore, was compelled to defer till a more convenient season the indulgence of its enmity towards great britain. soon afterwards admiral sir charles maurice pole arrived to take the command. the business, military and political, had by that time been so far completed that the presence of the british fleet soon became no longer necessary. sir charles, however, made the short time of his command memorable, by passing the great belt for the first time with line-of-battle ships, working through the channel against adverse winds. when nelson left the fleet, this speedy termination of the expedition, though confidently expected, was not certain; and he, in his unwillingness to weaken the british force, thought at one time of traversing jutland in his boat, by the canal to tonningen on the eyder and finding his way home from thence. this intention was not executed; but he returned in a brig, declining to accept a frigate, which few admirals would have done, especially if, like him, they suffered from sea-sickness in a small vessel. on his arrival at yarmouth, the first thing he did was to visit the hospital and see the men who had been wounded in the late battle--that victory which had added new glory to the name of nelson, and which was of more importance even than the battle of the nile to the honour, the strength, and security of england. the feelings of nelson's friends, upon the news of his great victory at copenhagen, were highly described by sir william hamilton in a letter to him. "we can only expect," he says, "what me know well, and often said before, that nelson was, is, and to the last will ever be, the first. emma did not know whether she was on her head or heels--in such a hurry to tell your great news, that she could utter nothing but tears of joy and tenderness. i went to davison, and found him still in bed, having had a severe fit of the gout, and with your letter, which he had just received; and he cried like a child; but, what was very extraordinary, assured me that, from the instant he had read your letter, all pain had left him, and that he felt himself able to get up and walk about. your brother, mrs. nelson, and horace dined with us. your brother was more extraordinary than ever. he would get up suddenly and cut a caper, rubbing his hands every time that the thought of your fresh laurels came into his head. but i am sure that no one really rejoiced more at heart than i did. i have lived too long to have ecstasies! but with calm reflection, i felt for my friend having got to the very summit of glory! the ne plus ultra! that he has had another opportunity of rendering his country the most important service, and manifesting again his judgment, his intrepidity, and his humanity." he had not been many weeks on shore before he was called upon to undertake a service, for which no nelson was required. buonaparte, who was now first consul, and in reality sole ruler of france, was making preparations, upon a great scale, for invading england; but his schemes in the baltic had been baffled; fleets could not be created as they were wanted; and his armies, therefore, were to come over in gun-boats, and such small craft as could be rapidly built or collected for the occasion. from the former governments of france such threats have only been matter of insult and policy: in buonaparte they were sincere; for this adventurer, intoxicated with success, already began to imagine that all things were to be submitted to his fortune. we had not at that time proved the superiority of our soldiers over the french; and the unreflecting multitude were not to be persuaded that an invasion could only be effected by numerous and powerful fleets. a general alarm was excited; and, in condescension to this unworthy feeling, nelson was appointed to a command, extending from orfordness to beachy head, on both shores--a sort of service, he said, for which he felt no other ability than what might be found in his zeal. to this service, however, such as it was, he applied with his wonted alacrity; though in no cheerful frame of mind. to lady hamilton, his only female correspondent, he says at this time; "i am not in very good spirits; and, except that our country demands all our services and abilities to bring about an honourable peace, nothing should prevent my being the bearer of my own letter. but, my dear friend, i know you are so true and loyal an englishwoman, that you would hate those who would not stand forth in defence of our king, laws, religion, and all that is dear to us. it is your sex that makes us go forth, and seem to tell us, 'none but the brave deserve the fair'; and if we fall, we still live in the hearts of those females. it is your sex that rewards us; it is your sex who cherish our memories; and you, my dear honoured friend, are, believe me, the first, the best of your sex. i have been the world around, and in every corner of it, and never yet saw your equal, or even one who could be put in comparison with you. you know how to reward virtue, honour, and courage, and never to ask if it is placed in a prince, duke, lord, or peasant." having hoisted his flag in the medusa frigate, he went to reconnoitre boulogne the point from which it was supposed the great attempt would be made, and which the french, in fear of an attack themselves, were fortifying with all care. he approached near enough to sink two of their floating batteries, and to destroy a few gun-boats which were without the pier. what damage was done within could not be ascertained. "boulogne," he said, "was certainly not a very pleasant place that morning; but," he added, "it is not my wish to injure the poor inhabitants; and the town is spared as much as the nature of the service will admit." enough was done to show the enemy that they could not, with impunity, come outside their own ports. nelson was satisfied by what he saw, that they meant to make an attempt from this place, but that it was impracticable; for the least wind at w.n.w. and they were lost. the ports of flushing and flanders were better points: there we could not tell by our eyes what means of transport were provided. from thence, therefore, if it came forth at all, the expedition would come. "and what a forlorn undertaking!" said he: "consider cross tides, &c. as for rowing, that is impossible. it is perfectly right to be prepared for a mad government; but with the active force which has been given me, i may pronounce it almost impracticable." that force had been got together with an alacrity which has seldom been equalled. on the th of july, we were, in nelson's own words, literally at the foundation of our fabric of defence, and twelve days afterwards we were so prepared on the enemy's coast that he did not believe they could get three miles from their ports. the medusa, returning to our own shores, anchored in the rolling ground off harwich; and when nelson wished to get to the nore in her, the wind rendered it impossible to proceed there by the usual channel. in haste to be at the nore, remembering that he had been a tolerable pilot for the mouth of the thames in his younger days, and thinking it necessary that he should know all that could be known of the navigation, he requested the maritime surveyor of the coast, mr. spence, to get him into the swin by any channel; for neither the pilots which he had on board, nor the harwich ones, would take charge of the ship. no vessel drawing more than fourteen feet had ever before ventured over the naze. mr. spence, however, who had surveyed the channel, carried her safely through. the channel has since been called nelson's, though he himself wished it to be named after the medusa: his name needed no new memorial. nelson's eye was upon flushing. "to take possession of that place," he said, "would be a week's expedition for four or five thousand troops." this, however, required a consultation with the admiralty; and that something might be done, meantime he resolved upon attacking the flotilla in the mouth of the boulogne harbour. this resolution was made in deference to the opinion of others, and to the public feeling, which was so preposterously excited. he himself scrupled not to assert that the french army would never embark at boulogne for the invasion of england; and he owned that this boat warfare was not exactly congenial to his feelings. into helvoet or flushing he should be happy to lead, if government turned their thoughts that way. "while i serve," said he, "i will do it actively, and to the very best of my abilities. i require nursing like a child," he added; "my mind carries me beyond my strength, and will do me up; but such is my nature." the attack was made by the boats of the squadron in five divisions, under captains somerville, parker, cotgrave, jones, and conn. the previous essay had taught the french the weak parts of their position; and they omitted no means of strengthening it, and of guarding against the expected attempt. the boats put off about half-an-hour before midnight; but, owing to the darkness, and tide and half-tide, which must always make night attacks so uncertain on the coasts of the channel, the divisions separated. one could not arrive at all; another not till near daybreak. the others made their attack gallantly; but the enemy were fully prepared: every vessel was defended by long poles, headed with iron spikes, projecting from their sides: strong nettings were braced up to their lower yards; they were moored by the bottom to the shore, they were strongly manned with soldiers, and protected by land batteries, and the shore was lined with troops. many were taken possession of; and, though they could not have been brought out, would have been burned, had not the french resorted to a mode of offence, which they have often used, but which no other people have ever been wicked enough to employ. the moment the firing ceased on board one of their own vessels they fired upon it from the shore, perfectly regardless of their own men. the commander of one of the french divisions acted like a generous enemy. he hailed the boats as they approached, and cried out in english: "let me advise you, my brave englishmen, to keep your distance: you can do nothing here; and it is only uselessly shedding the blood of brave men to make the attempt." the french official account boasted of the victory. "the combat," it said, "took place in sight of both countries; it was the first of the kind, and the historian would have cause to make this remark." they guessed our loss at four or five hundred; it amounted to one hundred and seventy-two. in his private letters to the admiralty, nelson affirmed, that had our force arrived as he intended, it was not all the chains in france which could have prevented our men from bringing off the whole of the vessels. there had been no error committed, and never did englishmen display more courage. upon this point nelson was fully satisfied; but he said he should never bring himself again to allow any attack wherein he was not personally concerned; and that his mind suffered more than if he had had a leg shot off in the affair. he grieved particularly for captain parker, an excellent officer, to whom he was greatly attached, and who had an aged father looking to him for assistance. his thigh was shattered in the action; and the wound proved mortal, after some weeks of suffering and manly resignation. during this interval, nelson's anxiety was very great. "dear parker is my child," said he; "for i found him in distress." and when he received the tidings of his death, he replied: "you will judge of my feelings: god's will be done. i beg that his hair may be cut off and given me; it shall be buried in my grave. poor mr. parker! what a son has he lost! if i were to say i was content, i should lie; but i shall endeavour to submit with all the fortitude in my power. his loss has made a wound in my heart, which time will hardly heal." "you ask me, my dear friend," he says to lady hamilton, "if i am going on more expeditions? and even if i was to forfeit your friendship, which is dearer to me than all the world, i can tell you nothing. for, i go out: i see the enemy, and can get at them, it is my duty: and you would naturally hate me, if i kept back one moment. i long to pay them for their tricks t'other day, the debt of a drubbing, which surely i'll pay: but when, where or how, it is impossible, your own good sense must tell you, for me or mortal man to say." yet he now wished to be relieved from this service. the country, he said, had attached a confidence to his name, which he had submitted to, and therefore had cheerfully repaired to the station; but this boat business, though it might be part of a great plan of invasion, could never be the only one, and he did not think it was a command for a vice-admiral. it was not that he wanted a more lucrative situation; for, seriously indisposed as he was, and low-spirited from private considerations, he did not know, if the mediterranean were vacant, that he should be equal to undertake it. he was offended with the admiralty for refusing him leave to go to town when he had solicited: in reply to a friendly letter from troubridge he says, "i am at this moment as firmly of opinion as ever, that lord st. vincent and yourself should have allowed of my coming to town for my own affairs, for every one knows i left it without a thought for myself." his letters at this time breathe an angry feeling toward troubridge, who was now become, he said, one of his lords and masters. "i have a letter from him," he says, "recommending me to wear flannel shirts. does he care for me? no: but never mind. they shall work hard to get me again. the cold has settled in my bowels. i wish the admiralty had my complaint: but they have no bowels, at least for me. i daresay master troubridge is grown fat; i know i am grown lean with my complaint, which, but for their indifference about my health, could never have happened; or, at least, i should have got well long ago in a warm room with a good fire and sincere friend." in the same tone of bitterness he complained that he was not able to promote those whom he thought deserving. "troubridge," he says, "has so completely prevented my ever mentioning anybody's service, that i am become a cipher, and he has gained a victory over nelson's spirit. i am kept here, for what?--he may be able to tell, i cannot. but long it cannot, shall not be." an end was put to this uncomfortable state of mind when, fortunately (on that account) for him, as well as happily for the nation, the peace of amiens was just at this time signed. nelson rejoiced that the experiment was made, but was well aware that it was an experiment. he saw what he called the misery of peace, unless the utmost vigilance and prudence were exerted; and he expressed, in bitter terms, his proper indignation at the manner in which the mob of london welcomed the french general who brought the ratification saying, "that they made him ashamed of his country." he had purchased a house and estate at merton, in surrey, meaning to pass his days there in the society of sir william and lady hamilton. he had indulged in pleasant dreams when looking on to this as his place of residence and rest. "to be sure," he says, "we shall employ the tradespeople of our village in preference to any others in what we want for common use, and give them every encouragement to be kind and attentive to us." "have we a nice church at merton? we will set an example of goodness to the under-parishioners. i admire the pigs and poultry. sheep are certainly most beneficial to eat off the grass. do you get paid for them, and take care that they are kept on the premises all night, for that is the time they do good to the land. they should be folded. is your head-man a good person, and true to our interest? i intend to have a farming-book. i expect that all animals will increase where you are, for i never expect that you will suffer any to be killed. no person can take amiss our not visiting. the answer from me will always be very civil thanks, but that i wish to live retired. we shall have our sea-friends; and i know sir william thinks they are the best." this place he had never seen till he was now welcomed there by the friends to whom he had so passionately devoted himself, and who were not less sincerely attached to him. the place, and everything which lady hamilton had done to it, delighted him; and he declared that the longest liver should possess it all. here he amused himself with angling in the wandle, having been a good fly-fisher in former days, and learning now to practise with his left hand what he could no longer pursue as a solitary diversion. his pensions for his victories, and for the loss of his eye and arm, amounted with his half-pay to about l a-year. from this he gave l to lady nelson, l to a brother's widow, and l for the education of his children; and he paid l interest for borrowed money; so that nelson was comparatively a poor man; and though much of the pecuniary embarrassment which he endured was occasioned by the separation from his wife--even if that cause had not existed, his income would not have been sufficient for the rank which he held, and the claims which would necessarily be made upon his bounty. the depression of spirits under which he had long laboured arose partly from this state of his circumstances, and partly from the other disquietudes in which his connection with lady hamilton had involved him--a connection which it was not possible his father could behold without sorrow and displeasure. mr. nelson, however, was soon persuaded that the attachment, which lady nelson regarded with natural jealousy and resentment, did not in reality pass the bounds of ardent and romantic admiration: a passion which the manners and accomplishments of lady hamilton, fascinating as they were, would not have been able to excite, if they had not been accompanied by more uncommon intellectual endowments, and by a character which, both in its strength and in its weakness, resembled his own. it did not, therefore, require much explanation to reconcile him to his son--an event the more essential to nelson's happiness, because, a few months afterwards, the good old man died at the age of seventy-nine. soon after the conclusion of peace, tidings arrived of our final and decisive successes in egypt; in consequence of which, the common council voted their thanks to the army and navy for bringing the campaign to so glorious a conclusion. when nelson, after the action of cape st. vincent, had been entertained at a city feast, he had observed to the lord mayor, "that, if the city continued its generosity, the navy would ruin them in gifts." to which the lord mayor replied, putting his hand upon the admiral's shoulder: "do you find victories and we will find rewards." nelson, as he said, had kept his word, had doubly fulfilled his part of the contract, but no thanks had been voted for the battle of copenhagen; and feeling that he and his companions in that day's glory had a fair and honourable claim to this reward, he took the present opportunity of addressing a letter to the lord mayor, complaining of the omission and the injustice. "the smallest services," said he, "rendered by the army or navy to the country, have always been noticed by the great city of london with one exception--the glorious nd of april--a day when the greatest dangers of navigation were overcome; and the danish force, which they thought impregnable, totally taken or destroyed, by the consummate skill of our commanders, and by the undaunted bravery of as gallant a band as ever defended the rights of this country. for myself, if i were only personally concerned, i should bear the stigma, attempted to be now first placed upon my brow, with humility. but, my lord, i am the natural guardian of the fame of all the officers of the navy, army, and marines who fought, and so profusely bled, under my command on that day. again i disclaim for myself more merit than naturally falls to a successful commander; but when i am called upon to speak of the merits of the captains of his majesty's ships, and of the officers and men, whether seamen, marines, or soldiers, whom i that day had the happiness to command, i then say, that never was the glory of this country upheld with more determined bravery than on that occasion: and if i may be allowed to give an opinion as a briton, then i say, that more important service was never rendered to our king and country. it is my duty, my lord, to prove to the brave fellows, my companions in danger, that i have not failed at every proper place to represent, as well as i am able, their bravery and meritorious conduct." another honour, of greater import, was withheld from the conquerors. the king had given medals to those captains who were engaged in the battles of the st of june, of cape st. vincent, of camperdown, and of the nile. then came the victory at copenhagen, which nelson truly called the most difficult achievement, the hardest-fought battle, the most glorious result that ever graced the annals of our country. he, of course, expected the medal; and in writing to earl st. vincent, said, "he longed to have it, and would not give it up to be made an english duke." the medal, however, was not given:--"for what reason," said nelson, "lord st. vincent best knows." words plainly implying a suspicion that it was withheld by some feeling of jealousy; and that suspicion estranged him, during the remaining period of his life, from one who had at one time been essentially, as well as sincerely, his friend; and of whose professional abilities he ever entertained the highest opinion. the happiness which nelson enjoyed in the society of his chosen friends was of no long continuance. sir william hamilton, who was far advanced in years, died early in ; a mild, amiable, and accomplished man, who has thus in a letter described his own philosophy: "my study of antiquities," he says, "has kept me in constant thought of the perpetual fluctuation of everything. the whole art is really to live all the days of our life; and not with anxious care disturb the sweetest hour that life affords--which is the present. admire the creator, and all his works, to us incomprehensible; and do all the good you can upon earth; and take the chance of eternity without dismay." he expired in his wife's arms, holding nelson by the hand; and almost in his last words, left her to his protection; requesting him that he would see justice done her by the government, as he knew what she had done for her country. he left him her portrait in enamel, calling him his dearest friend; the most virtuous, loyal, and truly brave character he had ever known. the codicil, containing this bequest, concluded with these words, "god bless him, and shame fall on those who do not say amen." sir william's pension of l a year ceased with his death. nelson applied to mr. addington in lady hamilton's behalf, stating the important service which she had rendered to the fleet at syracuse; and mr. addington, it is said, acknowledged that she had a just claim upon the gratitude of the country. this barren acknowledgment was all that was obtained; but a sum, equal to the pension which her husband had enjoyed, was settled on her by nelson, and paid in monthly payments during his life. a few weeks after this event, the war was renewed; and the day after his majesty's message to parliament, nelson departed to take the command of the mediterranean fleet. the war he thought, could not be long; just enough to make him independent in pecuniary matters. he took his station immediately off toulon; and there, with incessant vigilance, waited for the coming out of the enemy. the expectation of acquiring a competent fortune did not last long. "somehow," he says, "my mind is not sharp enough for prize-money. lord keith would have made l , , and i have not made l ." more than once he says that the prizes taken in the mediterranean had not paid his expenses; and once he expresses himself as if it were a consolation to think that some ball might soon close all his accounts with this world of care and vexation. at this time the widow of his brother, being then blind and advanced in years, was distressed for money, and about to sell her plate; he wrote to lady hamilton, requesting of her to find out what her debts were, and saying that, if the amount was within his power, he would certainly pay it, and rather pinch himself than that she should want. before he had finished the letter, an account arrived that a sum was payable to him for some neutral taken four years before, which enabled him to do this without being the poorer; and he seems to have felt at the moment that what was thus disposed of by a cheerful giver, shall be paid to him again. one from whom he had looked for very different conduct, had compared his own wealth, in no becoming manner, with nelson's limited means. "i know," said he to lady hamilton, "the full extent of the obligation i owe him, and he may be useful to me again; but i can never forget his unkindness to you. but, i guess many reasons influenced his conduct in bragging of his riches and my honourable poverty; but, as i have often said, and with honest pride, what i have is my own: it never cost the widow a tear, or the nation a farthing. i got what i have with my pure blood, from the enemies of my country. our house, my own emma, is built upon a solid foundation; and will last to us, when his houses and lands may belong to others than his children." his hope was that peace might soon be made, or that he should be relieved from his command, and retire to merton, where at that distance he was planning and directing improvements. on his birthday he writes, "this day, my dearest emma, i consider as more fortunate than common days, as by my coming into this world it has brought me so intimately acquainted with you. i well know that you will keep it, and have my dear horatio to drink my health. forty-six years of toil and trouble! how few more the common lot of mankind leads us to expect! and therefore it is almost time to think of spending the few last years in peace and quietness." it is painful to think that this language was not addressed to his wife, but to one with whom he promised himself "many many happy years, when that impediment," as he calls her, "shall be removed, if god pleased; and they might be surrounded by their children's children." when he had been fourteen months off toulon, he received a vote of thanks from the city of london for his skill and perseverance in blockading that port, so as to prevent the french from putting to sea. nelson had not forgotten the wrong which the city had done to the baltic fleet by their omission, and did not lose the opportunity which this vote afforded of recurring to that point. "i do assure your lordship," said he, in his answer to the lord mayor, "that there is not that man breathing who sets a higher value upon the thanks of his fellow-citizens of london than myself; but i should feel as much ashamed to receive them for a particular service marked in the resolution, if i felt that i did not come within that line of service, as i should feel hurt at having a great victory passed over without notice. i beg to inform your lordship, that the port of toulon has never been blockaded by me; quite the reverse. every opportunity has been offered the enemy to put to sea; for it is there that we hope to realise the hopes and expectations of our country." nelson then remarked that the junior flag-officers of his fleet had been omitted in this vote of thanks; and his surprise at the omission was expressed with more asperity, perhaps, than an offence so entirely and manifestly unintentional deserved; but it arose from that generous regard for the feelings as well as the interests of all who were under his command, which made him as much beloved in the fleets of britain as he was dreaded in those of the enemy. never was any commander more beloved. he governed men by their reason and their affections; they knew that he was incapable of caprice or tyranny and they obeyed him with alacrity and joy, because he possessed their confidence as well as their love. "our nel," they used to say, "is as brave as a lion and as gentle as a lamb." severe discipline he detested, though he had been bred in a severe school. he never inflicted corporal punishment if it were possible to avoid it; and when compelled to enforce it, he, who was familiar with wounds and death, suffered like a woman. in his whole life, nelson was never known to act unkindly towards an officer. if he was asked to prosecute one for ill behaviour, he used to answer, "that there was no occasion for him to ruin a poor devil who was sufficiently his own enemy to ruin himself." but in nelson there was more than the easiness and humanity of a happy nature: he did not merely abstain from injury; his was an active and watchful benevolence, ever desirous not only to render justice, but to do good. during the peace he had spoken in parliament upon the abuses respecting prize-money, and had submitted plans to government for more easily manning the navy, and preventing desertion from it, by bettering the condition of the seamen. he proposed that their certificates should be registered, and that every man who had served, with a good character, five years in war, should receive a bounty of two guineas annually after that time, and of four guineas after eight years. "this," he said, "might, at first sight, appear an enormous sum for the state to pay; but the average life of seamen is, from hard service, finished at forty-five. he cannot, therefore, enjoy the annuity many years, and the interest of the money saved by their not deserting would go far to pay the whole expense." to his midshipmen he ever showed the most winning kindness, encouraging the diffident, tempering the hasty, counselling and befriending both. "recollect," he used to say, "that you must be a seaman to be an officer; and also that you cannot be a good officer without being a gentleman." a lieutenant wrote to him to say that he was dissatisfied with his captain. nelson's answer was in that spirit of perfect wisdom and perfect goodness which regulated his whole conduct towards those who were under his command. "i have just received your letter, and am truly sorry that any difference should arise between your captain, who has the reputation of being one of the bright officers of the service, and yourself, a very young man, and a very young officer, who must naturally have much to learn; therefore the chance is that you are perfectly wrong in the disagreement. however, as your present situation must be very disagreeable, i will certainly take an early opportunity of removing you, provided your conduct to your present captain be such that another may not refuse to receive you." the gentleness and benignity of his disposition never made him forget what was due to discipline. being on one occasion applied to, to save a young officer from a court-martial, which he had provoked by his misconduct, his reply was, "that he would do everything in his power to oblige so gallant and good an officer as sir john warren," in whose name the intercession had been made. "but what," he added, "would he do if he were here? exactly what i have done, and am still willing to do. the young man must write such a letter of contrition as would be an acknowledgment of his great fault; and with a sincere promise, if his captain will intercede to prevent the impending court-martial, never to so misbehave again. on his captain's enclosing me such a letter, with a request to cancel the order for the trial, i might be induced to do it; but the letters and reprimand will be given in the public order-book of the fleet, and read to all the officers. the young man has pushed himself forward to notice, and he must take the consequence. it was upon the quarter-deck, in the face of the ship's company, that he treated his captain with contempt; and i am in duty bound to support the authority and consequence of every officer under my command. a poor ignorant seaman is for ever punished for contempt to his superiors." a dispute occurred in the fleet while it was off toulon, which called forth nelson's zeal for the rights and interests of the navy. some young artillery officers, serving on board the bomb vessels, refused to let their men perform any other duty but what related to the mortars. they wished to have it established that their corps was not subject to the captain's authority. the same pretensions were made in the channel fleet about the same time, and the artillery rested their claims to separate and independent authority on board, upon a clause in the act, which they interpreted in their favour. nelson took up the subject with all the earnestness which its importance deserved. "there is no real happiness in this world," said he, writing to earl st. vincent, as first lord. "with all content and smiles around me, up start these artillery boys (i understand they are not beyond that age), and set us at defiance; speaking in the most disrespectful manner of the navy and its commanders. i know you, my dear lord, so well, that with your quickness the matter would have been settled, and perhaps some of them been broke. i am perhaps more patient, but i do assure you not less resolved, if my plan of conciliation is not attended to. you and i are on the eve of quitting the theatre of our exploits; but we hold it due to our successors never, whilst we have a tongue to speak or a hand to write, to allow the navy to be in the smallest degree injured in its discipline by our conduct." to troubridge he wrote in the same spirit: "it is the old history, trying to do away the act of parliament; but i trust they will never succeed; for when they do, farewell to our naval superiority. we should be prettily commanded! let them once gain the step of being independent of the navy on board a ship, and they will soon have the other, and command us. but, thank god! my dear troubridge, the king himself cannot do away the act of parliament. although my career is nearly run, yet it would embitter my future days, and expiring moments, to hear of our navy being sacrificed to the army." as the surest way of preventing such disputes, he suggested that the navy should have it's own corps of artillery; and a corps of marine artillery was accordingly established. instead of lessening the power of the commander, nelson would have wished to see it increased: it was absolutely necessary, he thought, that merit should be rewarded at the moment, and that the officers of the fleet should look up to the commander-in-chief for their reward. he himself was never more happy than when he could promote those who were deserving of promotion. many were the services which he thus rendered unsolicited; and frequently the officer, in whose behalf he had interested himself with the admiralty, did not know to whose friendly interference he was indebted for his good fortune. he used to say, "i wish it to appear as a god-send." the love which he bore the navy made him promote the interests, and honour the memory, of all who had added to its glories. "the near relations of brother officers," he said, "he considered as legacies to the service." upon mention being made to him of a son of rodney, by the duke of clarence, his reply was: "i agree with your royal highness most entirely, that the son of a rodney ought to be the protege of every person in the kingdom, and particularly of the sea-officers. had i known that there had been this claimant, some of my own lieutenants must have given way to such a name, and he should have been placed in the victory: she is full, and i have twenty on my list; but, whatever numbers i have, the name of rodney must cut many of them out." such was the proper sense which nelson felt of what was due to splendid services and illustrious names. his feelings toward the brave men who had served with him are shown by a note in his diary, which was probably not intended for any other eye than his own: "nov. . i had the comfort of making an old agamemnon, george jones, a gunner into the chameleon brig." when nelson took the command, it was expected that the mediterranean would be an active scene. nelson well understood the character of the perfidious corsican, who was now sole tyrant of france; and knowing that he was as ready to attack his friends as his enemies, knew, therefore, that nothing could be more uncertain than the direction of the fleet from toulon, whenever it should put to sea. "it had as many destinations," he said, "as there were countries." the momentous revolutions of the last ten years had given him ample matter for reflection, as well as opportunities for observation: the film was cleared from his eyes; and now, when the french no longer went abroad with the cry of liberty and equality, he saw that the oppression and misrule of the powers which had been opposed to them, had been the main causes of their success, and that those causes would still prepare the way before them. even in sicily, where, if it had been possible longer to blind himself, nelson would willingly have seen no evil, he perceived that the people wished for a change, and acknowledged that they had reason to wish for it. in sardinia the same burden of misgovernment was felt; and the people, like the sicilians, were impoverished by a government so utterly incompetent to perform its first and most essential duties that it did not protect its own coasts from the barbary pirates. he would fain have had us purchase this island (the finest in the mediterranean) from its sovereign, who did not receive l a year from it after its wretched establishment was paid. there was reason to think that france was preparing to possess herself of this important point, which afforded our fleet facilities for watching toulon, not to be obtained elsewhere. an expedition was preparing at corsica for the purpose; and all the sardes, who had taken part with revolutionary france, were ordered to assemble there. it was certain that if the attack were made it would succeed. nelson thought that the only means to prevent sardinia from becoming french was to make it english, and that half a million would give the king a rich price, and england a cheap purchase. a better, and therefore a wiser policy, would have been to exert our influence in removing the abuses of the government, for foreign dominion is always, in some degree, an evil and allegiance neither can nor ought to be made a thing of bargain and sale. sardinia, like sicily and corsica, is large enough to form a separate state. let us hope that these islands may one day be made free and independent. freedom and independence will bring with them industry and prosperity; and wherever these are found, arts and letters will flourish, and the improvement of the human race proceed. the proposed attack was postponed. views of wider ambition were opening upon buonaparte, who now almost undisguisedldy aspired to make himself master of the continent of europe; and austria was preparing for another struggle, to be conducted as weakly and terminated as miserably as the former. spain, too, was once more to be involved in war by the policy of france: that perfidious government having in view the double object of employing the spanish resources against england, and exhausting them in order to render spain herself finally its prey. nelson, who knew that england and the peninsula ought to be in alliance, for the common interest of both, frequently expressed his hopes that spain might resume her natural rank among the nations. "we ought," he said, "by mutual consent, to be the very best friends, and both to be ever hostile to france." but he saw that buonaparte was meditating the destruction of spain; and that, while the wretched court of madrid professed to remain neutral, the appearances of neutrality were scarcely preserved, an order of the year , excluding british ships of war from the spanish ports, was revived, and put in force: while french privateers, from these very ports, annoyed the british trade, carried their prizes in, and sold them even at barcelona. nelson complained of this to the captain-general of catalonia, informing him that he claimed, for every british ship or squadron, the right of lying, as long as it pleased, in the ports of spain, while that right was allowed to other powers. to the british ambassador he said: "i am ready to make large allowances for the miserable situation spain has placed herself in; but there is a certain line, beyond which i cannot submit to be treated with disrespect. we have given up french vessels taken within gunshot of the spanish shore, and yet french vessels are permitted to attack our ships from the spanish shore. your excellency may assure the spanish government that, in whatever place the spaniards allow the french to attack us, in that place i shall order the french to be attacked." during this state of things, to which the weakness of spain, and not her will, consented, the enemy's fleet did not venture to put to sea. nelson watched it with unremitting and almost unexampled perseverance. the station off toulon he called his home. "we are in the right fighting trim," said he: "let them come as soon as they please. i never saw a fleet altogether so well officered and manned; would to god the ships were half as good! the finest ones in the service would soon be destroyed by such terrible weather. i know well enough that if i were to go into malta i should save the ships during this bad season; but if i am to watch the french i must be at sea; and if at sea, must have bad weather; and if the ships are not fit to stand bad weather, they are useless." then only he was satisfied and at ease when he had the enemy in view. mr. elliot, our minister at naples, seems at this time to have proposed to send a confidential frenchman to him with information. "i should be very happy," he replied, "to receive authentic intelligence of the destination of the french squadron, their route, and time of sailing. anything short of this is useless; and i assure your excellency, that i would not upon any consideration have a frenchman in the fleet, except as a prisoner. i put no confidence in them. you think yours good; the queen thinks the same; i believe they are all alike. whatever information you can get me i shall be very thankful for; but not a frenchman comes here. forgive me, but my mother hated the french." m. latouche treville, who had commanded at boulogne, commanded now at toulon. "he was sent for on purpose," said nelson, "as he beat me at boulogne, to beat me again; but he seems very loath to try." one day, while the main body of our fleet was out of sight of land, rear-admiral campbell, reconnoitring with the canopus, donegal, and amazon, stood in close to the port; and m. latouche, taking advantage of a breeze which sprung up, pushed out with four ships of the line and three heavy frigates, and chased him about four leagues. the frenchman, delighted at having found himself in so novel a situation, published a boastful account, affirming that he had given chase to the whole british fleet, and that nelson had fled before him! nelson thought it due to the admiralty to send home a copy of the victory's log upon this occasion. "as for himself," he said, "if his character was not established by that time for not being apt to run away, it was not worth his while to put the world right."--"if this fleet gets fairly up with m. latouche," said he to one of his correspondents, "his letter, with all his ingenuity, must be different from his last. we had fancied that we chased him into toulon; for, blind as i am, i could see his water line, when he clued his topsails up, shutting in sepet. but from the time of his meeting captain hawker in the isis, i never heard of his acting otherwise than as a poltroon and a liar. contempt is the best mode of treating such a miscreant." in spite, however, of contempt, the impudence of this frenchman half angered him. he said to his brother: "you will have seen latouche's letter; how he chased me and how i ran. i keep it; and if i take him, by god he shall eat it." nelson, who used to say, that in sea affairs nothing is impossible, and nothing improbable, feared the more that this frenchman might get out and elude his vigilance; because he was so especially desirous of catching him, and administering to him his own lying letter in a sandwich. m. latouche, however, escaped him in another way. he died, according to the french papers, in consequence of walking so often up to the signal-post upon sepet, to watch the british fleet. "i always pronounced that would be his death," said nelson. "if he had come out and fought me, it would at least have added ten years to my life." the patience with which he had watched toulon, he spoke of, truly, as a perseverance at sea which had never been surpassed. from may, , to august, , he himself went out of his ship but three times; each of those times was upon the king's service, and neither time of absence exceeded an hour. in the swift cutter going out with despatches was taken, and all the despatches and letters fell into the hands of the enemy. "a very pretty piece of work," says nelson; "i am not surprised at the capture, but am very much so that any despatches should be sent in a vessel with twenty-three men, not equal to cope with any row-boat privateer. the loss of the hindostan was great enough; but for importance it is lost in comparison to the probable knowledge the enemy will obtain of our connexions with foreign countries. foreigners for ever say, and it is true, we dare not trust england: one way or other we are sure to be committed." in a subsequent letter he says, speaking of the same capture: "i find, my dearest emma, that your picture is very much admired by the french consul at barcelona, and that he has not sent it to be admired, which i am sure it would be, by buonaparte. they pretend that there were three pictures taken. i wish i had them; but they are all gone as irretrievably as the despatches, unless we may read them in a book, as we printed their correspondence from egypt. but from us what can they find out? that i love you most dearly, and hate the french most damnably. dr. scott went to barcelona to try to get the private letters, but i fancy they are all gone to paris. the swedish and american consuls told him that the french consul had your picture and read your letters; and the doctor thinks one of them, probably, read the letters. by the master's account of the cutter, i would not have trusted an old pair of shoes in her. he tells me she did not sail, but was a good sea-boat. i hope mr. marsden will not trust any more of my private letters in such a conveyance: if they choose to trust the affairs of the public in such a thing, i cannot help it." while he was on this station, the weather had been so unusually severe that he said the mediterranean seemed altered. it was his rule never to contend with the gales; but either run to the southward to escape their violence, or furl all the sails, and make the ships as easy as possible. the men, though he said flesh and blood could hardly stand it, continued in excellent health, which he ascribed, in great measure, to a plentiful supply of lemons and onions. for himself, he thought he could only last till the battle was over. one battle more it was his hope that he might fight. "however," said he, "whatever happens, i have run a glorious race." "a few months rest," he says, "i must have very soon. if i am in my grave, what are the mines of peru to me? but to say the truth, i have no idea of killing myself. i may, with care, live yet to do good service to the state. my cough is very bad, and my side, where i was struck on the th of february, is very much swelled: at times a lump as large as my fist, brought on occasionally by violent coughing. but i hope and believe my lungs are yet safe." he was afraid of blindness and this was the only evil which he could not contemplate without unhappiness. more alarming symptoms he regarded with less apprehension, describing his own "shattered carcass" as in the worst plight of any in the fleet; and he says, "i have felt the blood gushing up the left side of my head; and, the moment it covers the brain, i am fast asleep." the fleet was in worse trim than the men; but when he compared it with the enemy's, it was with a right english feeling. "the french fleet yesterday," said he, in one of his letters, "was to appearance in high feather, and as fine as paint could make them; but when they may sail, or where they may go, i am very sorry to say is a secret i am not acquainted with. our weather-beaten ships, i have no fear, will make their sides like a plum-pudding." "yesterday," he says, on another occasion, "a rear-admiral and seven sail of ships put their nose outside the harbour. if they go on playing this game, some day we shall lay salt on their tails." hostilities at length commenced between great britain and spain. that country, whose miserable government made her subservient to france, was once more destined to lavish her resources and her blood in furtherance of the designs of a perfidious ally. the immediate occasion of the war was the seizure of four treasure-ships by the english. the act was perfectly justifiable, for those treasures were intended to furnish means for france; but the circumstances which attended it were as unhappy as they were unforeseen. four frigates had been despatched to intercept them. they met with an equal force. resistance, therefore, became a point of honour on the part of the spaniards, and one of their ships soon blew up with all on board. had a stronger squadron been sent, this deplorable catastrophe might have been spared: a catastrophe which excited not more indignation in spain than it did grief in those who were its unwilling instruments, in the english government, and in the english people. on the th of october this unhappy affair occurred, and nelson was not apprised of it till the twelfth of the ensuing month. he had, indeed, sufficient mortification at the breaking out of this spanish war; an event which, it might reasonably have been supposed, would amply enrich the officers of the mediterranean fleet, and repay them for the severe and unremitting duty on which they had been so long employed. but of this harvest they were deprived; for sir john orde was sent with a small squadron, and a separate command, to cadiz. nelson's feelings were never wounded so deeply as now. "i had thought," said he, writing in the first flow and freshness of indignation; "fancied--but nay; it must have been a dream, an idle dream; yet i confess it, i did fancy that i had done my country service; and thus they use me! and under what circumstances, and with what pointed aggravation? yet, if i know my own thoughts, it is not for myself, or on my own account chiefly, that i feel the sting and the disappointment. no! it is for my brave officers: for my noble minded friends and comrades. such a gallant set of fellows! such a band of brothers! my heart swells at the thought of them." war between spain and england was now declared; and on the eighteenth of january, the toulon fleet, having the spaniards to co-operate with them, put to sea. nelson was at anchor off the coast of sardinia, where the madelena islands form one of the finest harbours in the world, when, at three in the afternoon of the nineteenth, the active and seahorse frigates brought this long-hoped-for intelligence. they had been close to the enemy at ten on the preceding night, but lost sight of them in about four hours. the fleet immediately unmoored and weighed, and at six in the evening ran through the strait between biche and sardinia: a passage so narrow that the ships could only pass one at a time, each following the stern-lights of its leader. from the position of the enemy, when they were last seen, it was inferred that they must be bound round the southern end of sardinia. signal was made the next morning to prepare for battle. bad weather came on, baffling the one fleet in its object, and the other in its pursuit. nelson beat about the sicilian seas for ten days, without obtaining any other information of the enemy than that one of their ships had put into ajaccio, dismasted; and having seen that sardinia, naples, and sicily were safe, believing egypt to be their destination, for egypt he ran. the disappointment and distress which he had experienced in his former pursuits of the french through the same seas were now renewed; but nelson, while he endured these anxious and unhappy feelings, was still consoled by the same confidence as on the former occasion--that, though his judgment might be erroneous, under all circumstances he was right in having formed it. "i have consulted no man," said he to the admiralty; "therefore the whole blame of ignorance in forming my judgment must rest with me. i would allow no man to take from me an atom of my glory had i fallen in with the french fleet; nor do i desire any man to partake any of the responsibility. all is mine, right or wrong." then stating the grounds upon which he had proceeded, he added, "at this moment of sorrow, i still feel that i have acted right." in the same spirit he said to sir alexander ball: "when i call to remembrance all the circumstances, i approve, if nobody else does, of my own conduct." baffled thus, he bore up for malta, and met intelligence from naples that the french, having been dispersed in a gale, had put back to toulon. from the same quarter he learned that a great number of saddles and muskets had been embarked; and this confirmed him in his opinion that egypt was their destination. that they should have put him back in consequence of storms which he had weathered, gave him a consoling sense of british superiority. "these gentlemen," said he, "are not accustomed to a gulf of lyons gale: we have buffeted them for one-and-twenty months, and not carried away a spar." he, however, who had so often braved these gales, was now, though not mastered by them, vexatiously thwarted and impeded; and on february th he was compelled to anchor in pula bay in the gulf of cagliari. from the st of january the fleet had remained ready for battle, without a bulk-head up night or day. he anchored here that he might not be driven to leeward. as soon as the weather moderated he put to sea again; and after again beating about against contrary winds, another gale drove him to anchor in the gulf of palma on the th of march. this he made his rendezvous: he knew that the french troops still remained embarked; and wishing to lead them into a belief that he was stationed upon the spanish coast, he made his appearance off barcelona with that intent. about the end of the month he began to fear that the plan of the expedition was abandoned; and sailing once more towards his old station off toulon on the th of april, he met the phoebe, with news that villeneuve had put to sea on the last of march, with eleven ships of the line, seven frigates, and two brigs. when last seen they were steering towards the coast of africa. nelson first covered the channel between sardinia and barbary, so as to satisfy himself that villeneuve was not taking the same route for egypt which gantheaume had taken before him, when he attempted to carry reinforcements thither. certain of this, he bore up on the th for palermo, lest the french should pass to the north of corsica, and he despatched cruisers in all directions. on the th he felt assured that they were not gone down the mediterranean; and sending off frigates to gibraltar, to lisbon, and to admiral cornwallis, who commanded the squadron off brest, he endeavoured to get to the westward, beating against westerly winds. after five days a neutral gave intelligence that the french had been seen off cape de gatte on the th. it was soon after ascertained that they had passed the straits of gibraltar on the day following; and nelson, knowing that they might already be half way to ireland or to jamaica, exclaimed that he was miserable. one gleam of comfort only came across him in the reflection, that his vigilance had rendered it impossible for them to undertake any expedition in the mediterranean. eight days after this certain intelligence had been obtained, he described his state of mind thus forcibly in writing to the governor of malta: "my good fortune, my dear ball, seems flown away. i cannot get a fair wind, or even a side-wind. dead foul!--dead foul! but my mind is fully made up what to do when i leave the supposing there is no certain account of the enemy's destination. i believe this ill-luck will go near to kill me; but as these are times for exertion, i must not be cast down, whatever i may feel." in spite of every exertion which could be made by all the zeal and all the skill of british seamen, he did not get in sight of gibraltar till the th of april; and the wind was then so adverse that it was impossible to pass the gut. he anchored in mazari bay, on the barbary shore; obtained supplies from tetuan; and when, on the th, a breeze from the eastward sprang up at last, sailed once more, hoping to hear of the enemy from sir john orde, who commanded off cadiz, or from lisbon. "if nothing is heard of them," said he to the admiralty, "i shall probably think the rumours which have been spread are true, that their object is the west indies; and, in that case, i think it my duty to follow them--or to the antipodes, should i believe that to be their destination." at the time when this resolution was taken, the physician of the fleet had ordered him to return to england before the hot months. nelson had formed his judgment of their destination, and made up his mind accordingly, when donald campbell, at that time an admiral in the portuguese service, the same person who had given important tidings to earl st. vincent of the movements of that fleet from which he won his title, a second time gave timely and momentous intelligence to the flag of his country. he went on board the victory, and communicated to nelson his certain knowledge that the combined spanish and french fleets were bound for the west indies. hitherto all things had favoured the enemy. while the british commander was beating up again strong southerly and westerly gales, they had wind to their wish from the n.e., and had done in nine days what he was a whole month in accomplishing. villeneuve, finding the spaniards at carthagena were not in a fit state of equipment to join him, dared not wait, but hastened on to cadiz. sir john orde necessarily retired at his approach. admiral gravina, with six spanish ships of the line and two french, come out to him, and they sailed without a moment's loss of time. they had about three thousand french troops on board, and fifteen hundred spanish: six hundred were under orders, expecting them at martinique, and one thousand at guadaloupe. general lauriston commanded the troops. the combined fleet now consisted of eighteen sail of the line, six forty-four gun frigates, one of twenty-six guns, three corvettes, and a brig. they were joined afterwards by two new french line-of-battle ships, and one forty-four. nelson pursued them with ten sail of the line and three frigates. "take you a frenchman apiece," said he to his captains, "and leave me the spaniards: when i haul down my colours, i expect you to do the same, and not till then." the enemy had five-and-thirty days' start; but he calculated that he should gain eight or ten days upon them by his exertions. may th he made madeira, and on june th reached barbadoes, whither he had sent despatches before him; and where he found admiral cochrane, with two ships, part of our squadron in those seas being at jamaica. he found here also accounts that the combined fleets had been seen from st. lucia on the th, standing to the southward, and that tobago and trinidad were their objects. this nelson doubted; but he was alone in his opinion, and yielded it with these foreboding words: "if your intelligence proves false, you lose me the french fleet." sir w. myers offered to embark here with troops; they were taken on board, and the next morning he sailed for tobago. here accident confirmed the false intelligence which had, whether from intention or error, misled him. a merchant at tobago, in the general alarm, not knowing whether this fleet was friend or foe, sent out a schooner to reconnoitre, and acquaint him by signal. the signal which he had chosen happened to be the very one which had been appointed by col. shipley of the engineers to signify that the enemy were at trinidad; and as this was at the close of the day, there was no opportunity of discovering the mistake. an american brig was met with about the same time, the master of which, with that propensity to deceive the english and assist the french in any manner which has been but too common among his countrymen, affirmed that he had been boarded off granada a few days before by the french, who were standing towards the bocas of trinidad. this fresh intelligence removed all doubts. the ships were cleared for action before daylight, and nelson entered the bay of paria on the th, hoping and expecting to make the mouths of the orinoco as famous in the annals of the british navy as those of the nile. not an enemy was there; and it was discovered that accident and artifice had combined to lead him so far to leeward, that there could have been little hope of fetching to windward of granada for any other fleet. nelson, however, with skill and exertions never exceeded, and almost unexampled, bore for that island. advices met him on the way, that the combined fleets, having captured the diamond rock, were then at martinique on the fourth, and were expected to sail that night for the attack of granada. on the th nelson arrived off that island; and there learned that they had passed to leeward of antigua the preceding day, and had taken a homeward-bound convoy. had it not been for false information, upon which nelson had acted reluctantly, and in opposition to his own judgment, he would have been off port royal just as they were leaving; it, and the battle would have been fought on the spot where rodney defeated de grasse. this he remembered in his vexation; but he had saved the colonies, and above ships laden for europe, which would else have fallen into the enemy's hands; and he had the satisfaction of knowing that the mere terror of his name had effected this, and had put to flight the allied enemies, whose force nearly doubled that before which they fled. that they were flying back to europe he believed, and for europe he steered in pursuit on the th, having disembarked the troops at antigua, and taking with him the spartiate, seventy-four; the only addition to the squadron with which he was pursuing so superior a force. five days afterwards the amazon brought intelligence that she had spoke a schooner who had seen them on the evening of the th, steering to the north; and by computation, eighty-seven leagues off. nelson's diary at this time denotes his great anxiety and his perpetual and all-observing vigilance. "june . midnight, nearly calm, saw three planks, which i think came from the french fleet. very miserable, which is very foolish." on the th of july he came in sight of cape st. vincent, and steered for gibraltar. "june th," his diary says, "cape spartel in sight, but no french fleet, nor any information about them. how sorrowful this makes me! but i cannot help myself." the next day he anchored at gibraltar; and on the th, says he, "i went on shore for the first time since june , ; and from having my foot out of the victory two years, wanting ten days." here he communicated with his old friend collingwood; who, having been detached with a squadron, when the disappearance of the combined fleets, and of nelson in their pursuit, was known in england, had taken his station off cadiz. he thought that ireland was the enemy's ultimate object; that they would now liberate the ferrol squadron, which was blocked up by sir robert calder, call for the rochefort ships, and then appear off ushant with or sail; there to be joined: by the brest fleet. with this great force he supposed they would make for ireland--the real mark and bent of all their operations; and their flight to the west indies, he thought, had been merely undertaken to take off nelson's force, which was the great impediment to their undertaking. collingwood was gifted with great political penetration. as yet, however, all was conjecture concerning the enemy; and nelson, having victualled and watered at tetuan, stood for ceuta on the th, still without information of their course. next day intelligence arrived that the curieux brig had seen them on the th, standing to the northward. he proceeded off cape st. vincent, rather cruising for intelligence than knowing whither to betake himself; and here a case occurred that more than any other event in real history resembles those whimsical proofs of sagacity which voltaire, in his zadig, has borrowed from the orientals. one of our frigates spoke an american, who, a little to the westward of the azores, had fallen in with an armed vessel, appearing to be a dismasted privateer, deserted by her crew, which had been run on board by another ship, and had been set fire to; but the fire had gone out. a log-book and a few seamen's jackets were found in the cabin; and these were brought to nelson. the log-book closed with these words: "two large vessels in the w.n.w.:" and this led him to conclude that the vessel had been an english privateer, cruising off the western islands. but there was in this book a scrap of dirty paper, filled with figures. nelson, immediately upon seeing it, observed that the figures were written by a frenchman; and after studying this for a while, said, "i can explain the whole. the jackets are of french manufacture, and prove that the privateer was in possession of the enemy. she had been chased and taken by the two ships that were seen in the w.n.w. the prizemaster, going on board in a hurry, forgot to take with him his reckoning: there is none in the log-book; and the dirty paper contains her work for the number of days since the privateer last left corvo; with an unaccounted-for run, which i take to have been the chase, in his endeavour to find out her situation by back reckonings. by some mismanagement, i conclude she was run on board of by one of the enemy's ships, and dismasted. not liking delay (for i am satisfied that those two ships were the advanced ones of the french squadron), and fancying we were close at their heels, they set fire to the vessel, and abandoned her in a hurry. if this explanation be correct, i infer from it that they are gone more to the northward; and more to the northward i will look for them." this course accordingly he held, but still without success. still persevering, and still disappointed, he returned near enough to cadiz to ascertain that they were not there; traversed the bay of biscay; and then, as a last hope, stood over for the north-west coast of ireland against adverse winds, till, on the evening of the th of august, he learned that they had not been heard of there. frustrated thus in all his hopes, after a pursuit, to which, for its extent, rapidity, and perseverance, no parallel can be produced, he judged it best to reinforce the channel fleet with his squadron, lest the enemy, as collingwood apprehended, should bear down upon brest with their whole collected force. on the th he joined admiral cornwallis off ushant. no news had yet been obtained of the enemy; and on the same evening he received orders to proceed, with the victory and superb, to portsmouth. chapter ix sir robert calder falls in with the combined fleets--they form a junction with the ferrol squadron, and get into cadiz--nelson is reappointed to the command--battle of trafalgar--victory, and death of nelson. at portsmouth, nelson at length found news of the combined fleet. sir robert calder, who had been sent out to intercept their return, had fallen in with them on the nd of july, sixty leagues off cape finisterre. their force consisted of twenty sail of the line, three fifty-gun ships, five frigates, and two brigs: his, of fifteen line-of-battle ships, two frigates, a cutter, and a lugger. after an action of four hours he had captured an eighty-four and a seventy-four, and then thought it necessary to bring-to the squadron, for the purpose of securing their prizes. the hostile fleets remained in sight of each other till the th, when the enemy bore away. the capture of two ships from so superior a force would have been considered as no inconsiderable victory, a few years earlier; but nelson had introduced a new era in our naval history; and the nation felt respecting this action as he had felt on a somewhat similar occasion. they regretted that nelson, with his eleven ships, had not been in sir robert calder's place; and their disappointment was generally and loudly expressed. frustrated as his own hopes had been, nelson had yet the high satisfaction of knowing that his judgment had never been more conspicuously approved, and that he had rendered essential service to his country, by driving the enemy from those islands where they expected there could be no force capable of opposing them. the west india merchants in london, as men whose interests were more immediately benefited, appointed a deputation to express their thanks for his great and judicious exertions. it was now his intention to rest awhile from his labours, and recruit himself, after all his fatigues and cares, in the society of those whom he loved. all his stores were brought up from the victory; and he found in his house at merton the enjoyment which he had anticipated. many days had not elapsed before captain blackwood, on his way to london with despatches, called on him at five in the morning. nelson, who was already dressed, exclaimed, the moment he saw him: "i am sure you bring me news of the french and spanish fleets! i think i shall yet have to beat them!" they had refitted at vigo, after the indecisive action with sir robert calder; then proceeded to ferrol, brought out the squadron from thence, and with it entered cadiz in safety. "depend on it, blackwood:" he repeatedly said, "i shall yet give m. villeneuve a drubbing." but when blackwood had left him, he wanted resolution to declare his wishes to lady hamilton and his sisters, and endeavoured to drive away the thought. he had done enough, he said: "let the man trudge it who has lost his budget!" his countenance belied his lips; and as he was pacing one of the walks in the garden, which he used to call the quarter-deck, lady hamilton came up to him, and told him she saw he was uneasy. he smiled, and said: "no, he was as happy as possible; he was surrounded by his family, his health was better since he had been an shore, and he would not give sixpence to call the king his uncle." she replied, that she did not believe him, that she knew that he was longing to get at the combined fleets, that he considered them as his own property, that he would be miserable if any man but himself did the business; and that he ought to have them, as the price and reward of his two years' long watching, and his hard chase. "nelson," said she, "however we may lament your absence, offer your services; they will be accepted, and you will gain a quiet heart by it: you will have a glorious victory, and then you may return here, and be happy." he looked at her with tears in his eyes: "brave emma! good emma! if there were more emmas there would be more nelsons." his services were as willingly accepted as they were offered; and lord barham, giving him the list of the navy, desired him to choose his own officers. "choose yourself, my lord," was his reply: "the same spirit actuates the whole profession: you cannot choose wrong." lord barham then desired him to say what ships, and how many, he would wish, in addition to the fleet which he was going to command, and said they should follow him as soon as each was ready. no appointment was ever more in unison with the feelings and judgment of the whole nation. they, like lady hamilton, thought that the destruction of the combined fleets ought properly to be nelson's work; that he who had been "half around the sea-girt ball, the hunter of the recreant gaul," ought to reap the spoils of the chase which he had watched so long, and so perseveringly pursued. unremitting exertions were made to equip the ships which he had chosen, and especially to refit the victory, which was once more to bear his flag. before he left london he called at his upholsterer's, where the coffin which captain hallowell had given him was deposited; and desired that its history might be engraven upon the lid, saying that it was highly probable he might want it on his return. he seemed, indeed, to have been impressed with an expectation that he should fall in the battle. in a letter to his brother, written immediately after his return, he had said: "we must not talk of sir robert calder's battle--i might not have done so much with my small force. if i had fallen in with them, you might probably have been a lord before i wished; for i know they meant to make a dead set at the victory." nelson had once regarded the prospect of death with gloomy satisfaction: it was when he anticipated the upbraidings of his wife, and the displeasure of his venerable father. the state of his feelings now was expressed in his private journal in these words: "friday night (sept. ), at half-past ten, i drove from dear, dear merton; where i left all which i hold dear in this world, to go and serve my king and country. may the great god, whom i adore, enable me to fulfil the expectations of my country! and if it is his good pleasure that i should return, my thanks will never cease being offered up to the throne of his mercy. if it is his good providence to cut short my days upon earth, i bow with the greatest submission; relying that he will protect those so dear to me whom i may leave behind! his will be done. amen! amen! amen!" early on the following morning he reached portsmouth; and having despatched his business on shore, endeavoured to elude the populace by taking a by-way to the beach; but a crowd collected in his train, pressing forward to obtain a sight of his face: many were in tears, and many knelt down before him and blessed him as he passed. england has had many heroes; but never one who so entirely possessed the love of his fellow-countrymen as nelson. all men knew that his heart was as humane as it was fearless; that there was not in his nature the slightest alloy of selfishness or cupidity; but that with perfect and entire devotion he served his country with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his strength; and, therefore, they loved him as truly and as fervently as he loved england. they pressed upon the parapet to gaze after him when his barge pushed off, and he was returning their cheers by waving his hat. the sentinels, who endeavoured to prevent them from trespassing upon this ground, were wedged among the crowd; and an officer who, not very prudently upon such an occasion, ordered them to drive the people down with their bayonets, was compelled speedily to retreat; for the people would not be debarred from gazing till the last moment upon the hero--the darling hero of england! he arrived off cadiz on the th of september--his birthday. fearing that if the enemy knew his force they might be deterred from venturing to sea, he kept out of sight of land, desired collingwood to fire no salute and hoist no colours, and wrote to gibraltar to request that the force of the fleet might not be inserted there in the gazette. his reception in the mediterranean fleet was as gratifying as the farewell of his countrymen at portsmouth: the officers who came on board to welcome him forgot his rank as commander in their joy at seeing him again. on the day of his arrival, villeneuve received orders to put to sea the first opportunity. villeneuve, however, hesitated when he heard that nelson had resumed the command. he called a council of war; and their determination was, that it would not be expedient to leave cadiz, unless they had reason to believe themselves stronger by one-third than the british force. in the public measures of this country secrecy is seldom practicable, and seldomer attempted: here, however, by the precautions of nelson and the wise measures of the admiralty, the enemy were for once kept in ignorance; for as the ships appointed to reinforce the mediterranean fleet were despatched singly, each as soon as it was ready, their collected number was not stated in the newspapers, and their arrival was not known to the enemy. but the enemy knew that admiral louis, with six sail, had been detached for stores and water to gibraltar. accident also contributed to make the french admiral doubt whether nelson himself had actually taken the command. an american, lately arrived from england, maintained that it was impossible, for he had seen him only a few days before in london, and at that time there was no rumour of his going again to sea. the station which nelson had chosen was some fifty or sixty miles to the west of cadiz, near cape st. marys. at this distance, he hoped to decoy the enemy out while he guarded against the danger of being caught with a westerly wind near cadiz and driven within the straits. the blockade of the port was rigorously enforced, in hopes that the combined fleet might be forced to sea by want. the danish vessels, therefore, which were carrying provisions from the french ports in the bay, under the name of danish property, to all the little ports from ayamonte to algeziras, from whence they were conveyed in coasting boats to cadiz, were seized. without this proper exertion of power, the blockade would have been rendered nugatory by the advantage thus taken of the neutral flag. the supplies from france were thus effectually cut off. there was now every indication that the enemy would speedily venture out: officers and men were in the highest spirits at the prospects of giving them a decisive blow; such, indeed, as would put an end to all further contest upon the seas. theatrical amusements were performed every evening in most of the ships; and god save the king was the hymn with which the sports concluded. "i verily believe," said nelson (writing on the th of october), "that the country will soon be put to some expense on my account; either a monument, or a new pension and honours; for i have not the smallest doubt but that a very few days, almost hours, will put us in battle. the success no man can ensure; but for the fighting them, if they can be got at, i pledge myself. the sooner the better: i don't like to have these things upon my mind." at this time he was not without some cause of anxiety: he was in want of frigates, and the eyes of the fleet, as he always called them; to the want of which the enemy before were indebted for their escape, and buonaparte for his arrival in egypt. he had only twenty-three ships; others were on the way, but they might come too late; and though nelson never doubted of victory, mere victory was not what he looked to; he wanted to annihilate the enemy's fleet. the carthagena squadron might effect a junction with this fleet on the one side; and on the other it was to be expected that a similar attempt would be made by the french from brest; in either case a formidable contingency to be apprehended by the blockading force. the rochefort squadron did push out, and had nearly caught the agamemnon and l'aimable in their way to reinforce the british admiral. yet nelson at this time weakened his own fleet. he had the unpleasant task to perform of sending home sir robert calder, whose conduct was to be made the subject of a court-martial, in consequence of the general dissatisfaction which had been felt and expressed at his imperfect victory. sir robert calder and sir john orde, nelson believed to be the only two enemies whom he had ever had in his profession; and from that sensitive delicacy which distinguished him, this made him the more scrupulously anxious to show every possible mark of respect and kindness to sir robert. he wished to detain him till after the expected action, when the services which he might perform, and the triumphant joy which would be excited, would leave nothing to be apprehended from an inquiry into the previous engagement. sir robert, however, whose situation was very painful, did not choose to delay a trial from the result of which he confidently expected a complete justification; and nelson, instead of sending him home in a frigate, insisted on his returning in his own ninety-gun ship--ill as such a ship could at that time be spared. nothing could be more honourable than the feeling by which nelson was influenced; but, at such a crisis, it ought not to have been indulged. on the th nelson sent collingwood what he called, in his diary, the nelson-touch. "i send you," said he, "my plan of attack, as far as a man dare venture to guess at the very uncertain position the enemy may be found in; but it is to place you perfectly at ease respecting my intentions, and to give full scope to your judgment for carrying them into effect. we can, my dear coll, have no little jealousies. we have only one great object in view, that of annihilating our enemies, and getting a glorious peace for our country. no man has more confidence in another than i have in you; and no man will render your services more justice than your very old friend nelson and bronte." the order of sailing was to be the order of battle: the fleet in two lines, with an advanced squadron of eight of the fastest-sailing two-deckers. the second in command, having the entire direction of his line, was to break through the enemy, about the twelfth ship from their rear: he would lead through the centre, and the advanced squadron was to cut off three or four ahead of the centre. this plan was to be adapted to the strength of the enemy, so that they should always be one-fourth superior to those whom they cut off. nelson said, "that his admirals and captains, knowing his precise object to be that of a close and decisive action, would supply any deficiency of signals, and act accordingly. in case signals cannot be seen or clearly understood, no captain can do wrong if he places his ship alongside that of an enemy." one of the last orders of this admirable man was, that the name and family of every officer, seaman, and marine, who might be killed or wounded in action, should be, as soon as possible, returned to him, in order to be transmitted to the chairman of the patriotic fund, that the case might be taken into consideration for the benefit of the sufferer or his family. about half-past nine in the morning of the th, the mars, being the nearest to the fleet of the ships which formed the line of communication with the frigates inshore, repeated the signal that the enemy were coming out of port. the wind was at this time very light, with partial breezes, mostly from the s.s.w. nelson ordered the signal to be made for a chase in the south-east quarter. about two, the repeating ships announced that the enemy were at sea. all night the british fleet continued under all sail, steering to the south-east. at daybreak they were in the entrance of the straits, but the enemy were not in sight. about seven one of the frigates made signal that the enemy were bearing north. upon this the victory hove to; and shortly afterwards nelson made sail again to the northward. in the afternoon-the wind blew fresh from the south-west, and the english began to fear that the foe might be forced to return to port. a little before sunset, however, blackwood, in the euryalus, telegraphed that they appeared determined to go to the westward, "and that," said the admiral in his diary, "they shall not do, if it is in the power of nelson and bronte to prevent them." nelson had signified to blackwood that he depended upon him to keep sight of the enemy. they were observed so well that all their motions were made known to him; and as they wore twice, he inferred that they were aiming to keep the port of cadiz open, and would retreat there as soon as they saw the british fleet; for this reason he was very careful not to approach near enough to be seen by them during the night. at daybreak the combined fleets were distinctly seen from the victory's deck, formed in a close line of battle ahead, on the starboard tack, about twelve miles to leeward, and standing to the south. our fleet consisted of twenty-seven sail of the line and four frigates; theirs of thirty-three and seven large frigates. their superiority was greater in size and weight of metal than in numbers. they had four thousand troops on board; and the best riflemen who could be procured, many of them tyrolese, were dispersed through the ships. little did the tyrolese, and little did the spaniards, at that day, imagine what horrors the wicked tyrant whom they served was preparing for their country. soon after daylight nelson came upon deck. the st of october was a festival in his family, because on that day his uncle, captain suckling, in the dreadnought, with two other line-of-battle ships, had beaten off a french squadron of four sail of the line and three frigates. nelson, with that sort of superstition from which few persons are entirely exempt, had more than once expressed his persuasion that this was to be the day of his battle also; and he was well pleased at seeing his prediction about to be verified. the wind was now from the west, light breezes, with a long heavy swell. signal was made to bear down upon the enemy in two lines; and the fleet set all sail. collingwood, in the royal sovereign, led the leeline of thirteen ships; the victory led the weather line of fourteen. having seen that all was as it should be, nelson retired to his cabin, and wrote the following prayer:-- "may the great god whom i worship, grant to my country, and for the benefit of europe in general, a great and glorious victory, and may no misconduct in any one tarnish it; and may humanity after victory be the predominant feature in the british fleet! for myself individually, i commit my life to him that made me; and may his blessing alight on my endeavours for serving my country faithfully! to him i resign myself, and the just cause which is entrusted to me to defend. amen! amen! amen!" having thus discharged his devotional duties, he annexed, in the same diary, the following remarkable writing:-- october , .--. then in sight of the combined fleets of france and spain, distant about ten miles. "whereas the eminent services of emma hamilton, widow of the right hon. sir w. hamilton, have been of the very greatest service to my king and country, to my knowledge, without ever receiving any reward from either our king or country. . that she obtained the king of spain's letter, in , to his brother, the king of naples, acquainting him of his intention to declare war against england from which letter the ministry sent out orders to the then sir john jervis to strike a stroke, if opportunity offered, against either the arsenals of spain or her fleets. that neither of these was done is not the fault of lady hamilton; the opportunity might have been offered. . the british fleet under my command could never have returned the second time to egypt, had not lady hamilton's influence with the queen of naples caused letters to be wrote to the governor of syracuse that he was to encourage the fleet's being supplied with everything, should they put into any port in sicily. we put into syracuse, and received every supply; went to egypt and destroyed the french fleet. "could i have rewarded these services, i would not now call upon my country; but as that has not been in my power, i leave emma lady hamilton therefore a legacy to my king and country, that they will give her an ample provision to maintain her rank in life. "i also leave to the beneficence of my country my adopted daughter, horatia nelson thompson; and i desire she will use in future the name of nelson only. "these are the only favours i ask of my king and country, at this moment, when i am going to fight their battle. may god bless my king and country, and all those i hold dear! my relations it is needless to mention; they will of course be amply provided for. "nelson and bronte. "witness, ( henry blackwood. ( t.m.hardy." the child of whom this writing speaks was believed to be his daughter, and so, indeed, he called her the last time he pronounced her name. she was then about five years old, living at merton, under lady hamilton's care. the last minutes which nelson passed at merton were employed in praying over this child, as she lay sleeping. a portrait of lady hamilton hung in his cabin; and no catholic ever beheld the picture of his patron saint with devouter reverence. the undisguised and romantic passion with which he regarded it amounted almost to superstition; and when the portrait was now taken down in clearing for action, he desired the men who removed it to "take care of his guardian angel." in this manner he frequently spoke of it, as if he believed there were a virtue in the image. he wore a miniature of her, also, next his heart. blackwood went on board the victory about six. he found him in good spirits, but very calm; not in that exhilaration which he had felt upon entering into battle at aboukir and copenhagen: he knew that his own life would be particularly aimed at, and seems to have looked for death with almost as sure an expectation as for victory. his whole attention was fixed upon the enemy. they tacked to the northward, and formed their line on the larboard tack; thus bringing the shoals of trafalgar and st. pedro under the lee of the british, and keeping the port of cadiz open for themselves. this was judiciously done; and nelson, aware of all the advantages which it gave them made signal to prepare to anchor. villeneuve was a skilful seaman: worthy of serving a better master, and a better cause. his plan of defence was as well conceived, and as original, as the plan of attack. he formed the fleet in a double line; every alternate ship being about a cable's length to windward of her second ahead and astern. nelson, certain of a triumphant issue to the day, asked blackwood what he should consider as a victory. that officer answered, that, considering the handsome way in which battle was offered by the enemy, their apparent determination for a fair trial of strength, and the situation of the land, he thought it would be a glorious result if fourteen were captured. he replied: "i shall not be satisfied with less than twenty." soon afterwards he asked him if he did not think there was a signal wanting. captain blackwood made answer, that he thought the whole fleet seemed very clearly to understand what they were about. these words were scarcely spoken before that signal was made, which will be remembered as long as the language, or even the memory, of england shall endure; nelson's last signal:--"england expects every man to do his duty!" it was received throughout the fleet with a shout of answering acclamation, made sublime by the spirit which it breathed, and the feeling which it expressed. "now," said lord nelson, "i can do no more. we must trust to the great disposer of all events, and the justice of our cause. i thank god for this great opportunity of doing my duty." he wore that day, as usual, his admiral's frock-coat, bearing on the left breast four stars, of the different orders with which he was invested. ornaments which rendered him so conspicuous a mark for the enemy were beheld with ominous apprehensions by his officers. it was known that there were riflemen on board the french ships, and it could not be doubted but that his life would be particularly aimed at. they communicated their fears to each other; and the surgeon, mr. beatty, spoke to the chaplain dr. scott, and to mr. scott the public secretary, desiring that some person would entreat him to change his dress, or cover the stars; but they knew that such a request would highly displease him. "in honour i gained them," he had said when such a thing had been hinted to him formerly, "and in honour i will die with them." mr. beatty, however, would not have been deterred by any fear of exciting his displeasure from speaking to him himself upon a subject in which the weal of england, as well as the life of nelson, was concerned; but he was ordered from the deck before he could find an opportunity. this was a point upon which nelson's officers knew that it was hopeless to remonstrate or reason with him; but both blackwood, and his own captain, hardy, represented to him how advantageous to the fleet it would be for him to keep out of action as long as possible; and he consented at last to let the leviathan and the temeraire, which were sailing abreast of the victory, he ordered to pass ahead. yet even here the last infirmity of this noble mind was indulged, for these ships could not pass ahead if the victory continued to carry all her sail; and so far was nelson from shortening sail, that it was evident he took pleasure in pressing on, and rendering it impossible for them to obey his own orders. a long swell was setting into the bay of cadiz: our ships, crowding all sail, moved majestically before it, with light winds from the south-west. the sun shone on the sails of the enemy; and their well-formed line, with their numerous three-deckers, made an appearance which any other assailants would have thought formidable; but the british sailors only admired the beauty and the splendour of the spectacle; and in full confidence of winning what they saw, remarked to each other what a fine sight yonder ships would make at spithead! the french admiral, from the bucentaure, beheld the new manner in which his enemy was advancing--nelson and collingwood each leading his line; and pointing them out; to his officers, he is said to have exclaimed that such conduct could not fail to be successful. yet villeneuve had made his own dispositions with the utmost skill and the fleets under his command waited for the attack with perfect coolness. ten minutes before twelve they opened their fire. eight or nine of the ships immediately ahead of the victory, and across her bows, fired single guns at her, to ascertain whether she was yet within their range. as soon as nelson perceived that their shot passed over him, he desired blackwood and captain prowse, of the sirius, to repair to their respective frigates; and, on their way, to tell all the captains of the line-of-battle ships that he depended on their exertions; and that if, by the prescribed mode of attack, they found it impracticable to get into action immediately, they might adopt whatever they thought best, provided it led them quickly and closely alongside an enemy. as they were standing on the front of the poop, blackwood took him by the hand, saying, he hoped soon to return and find him in possession of twenty prizes. he replied, "god bless you, blackwood; i shall never see you again." nelson's column was steered about two points more to the north than collingwood's, in order to cut off the enemy's escape into cadiz: the lee line, therefore, was first engaged. "see," cried nelson, pointing to the royal sovereign, as she steered right for the centre of the enemy's line, cut through it astern of the santa anna three-decker, and engaged her at the muzzle of her guns on the starboard side--"see how that noble fellow, collingwood, carries his ship into action!" collingwood, delighted at being first in the heat of the fire, and knowing the feelings of his commander and old friend, turned to his captain, and exclaimed: "rotherham, what would nelson give to be here?" both these brave officers, perhaps, at this moment, thought of nelson with gratitude, for a circumstance which had occurred on the preceding day. admiral collingwood, with some of the captains, having gone on board the victory to receive instructions, nelson inquired of him where his captain was and was told, in reply, that they were not upon good terms with each other. "terms!" said nelson,--"good terms with each other!" immediately he sent a boat for captain rotherham; led him, as soon as he arrived, to collingwood; and saying, "look; yonder are the enemy!" bade them shake hands like englishmen. the enemy continued to fire a gun at a time at the victory, till they saw that a shot had passed through her main-top-gallant sail; then they opened their broadsides, aiming chiefly at her rigging, in the hope of disabling her before she could close with them. nelson, as usual, had hoisted several flags, lest one should be shot away. the enemy showed no colours till late in the action, when they began to feel the necessity of having them to strike. for this reason, the santissima trinidad, nelson's old acquaintance, as he used to call her, was distinguishable only by her four decks; and to the bow of this opponent he ordered the victory to be steered. meantime an incessant raking fire was kept up upon the victory. the admiral's secretary was one of the first who fell; he was killed by a cannon-shot while conversing with hardy. captain adair of the marines, with the help of a sailor, endeavoured to remove the body from nelson's sight, who had a great regard for mr. scott; but he anxiously asked: "is that poor scott that's gone?" and being informed that was indeed so, exclaimed: "poor fellow!" presently, a double-headed shot struck a party of marines who were drawn up on the poop, and killed eight of them; upon which nelson immediately desired captain adair to disperse his men round the ship, that they might not suffer so much from being together. a few minutes afterwards a shot struck the four-brace bits on the quarter-deck, and passed between nelson and hardy, a splinter from the bit tearing off hardy's buckle, and bruising his foot. both stopped, and looked anxiously at each other, each supposed the other to be wounded. nelson then smiled, and said, "this is too warm work, hardy, to last long." the victory had not yet returned a single gun: fifty of her men had been by this time killed or wounded, and her main-top-mast, with all her studding-sails and her booms, shot away. nelson declared, that, in all his battles, he had seen nothing which surpassed the cool courage of his crew on this occasion. at four minutes after twelve she opened her fire from both sides of her deck. it was not possible to break the enemy's line without running on board one of their ships: hardy informed him of this, and asked him which he would prefer. nelson replied: "take your choice, hardy, it does not signify much." the master was ordered to put the helm to port, and the victory ran on board the redoutable, just as her tiller ropes were shot away. the french ship received her with a broadside; then instantly let down her lower-deck ports, for fear of being bearded through them, and never afterwards fired a great gun during the action. her tops, like those of all the enemy's ships, were filled with riflemen. nelson never placed musketry in his tops; he had a strong dislike to the practice; not merely because it endangers setting fire to the sails, but also because it is a murderous sort of warfare, by which individuals may suffer, and a commander now and then be picked off; but which never can decide the fate of a general engagement. captain harvey, in the temeraire, fell on board the redoutable on the other side. another enemy was in like manner on board the temeraire; so that these four ships formed as compact a tier as if they had been moored together, their heads lying all the same way. the lieutenants of the victory, seeing this, depressed their guns of the middle and lower decks, and fired with a diminished charge, lest the shot should pass through, and injure the temeraire. and because there was danger that the redoubtable might take fire from the lower-deck guns, the muzzles of which touched her side when they were run out, the fireman of each gun stood ready with a bucket of water; which, as soon as the gun was discharged, he dashed into the hole made by the shot. an incessant fire was kept up from the victory from both sides; her larboard guns playing upon the bucentaure and the huge santissima trinidad. it had been part of nelson's prayer that the british fleet might be distinguished by humanity in the victory which he expected. setting an example himself, he twice gave orders to cease firing upon the redoutable, supposing that she had struck, because her great guns were silent; for as she carried no flag, there were no means of instantly ascertaining the fact. from this ship, which he had thus twice spared, he received his death. a ball fired from her mizzen-top, which, in the then situation of the two vessels, was not more than fifteen yards from that part of the deck where he was standing, struck the epaulette on his left shoulder, about a quarter after one, just in the heat of action. he fell upon his face, on the spot which was covered with his poor secretary's blood. hardy, who was a few steps from him, turning round, saw three men raising him up.--"they have done for me at last, hardy," said he.--"i hope not," cried hardy.--"yes!" he replied, "my back-bone is shot through." yet even now, not for a moment losing his presence of mind, he observed, as they were carrying him down the ladder, that the tiller ropes, which had been shot away, were not yet replaced, and ordered that new ones should be rove immediately. then, that he might not be seen by the crew, he took out his handkerchief, and covered his face and his stars. had he but concealed these badges of honour from the enemy, england, perhaps, would not have had cause to receive with sorrow the news of the battle of trafalgar. the cockpit was crowded with wounded and dying men, over whose bodies he was with some difficulty conveyed, and laid upon a pallet in the midshipmen's berth. it was soon perceived, upon examination, that the wound was mortal. this, however, was concealed from all except captain hardy, the chaplain, and the medical attendants. he himself being certain, from the sensation in his back, and the gush of blood he felt momently within his breast, that no human care could avail him, insisted that the surgeon should leave him, and attend to those to whom he might be useful; "for," said he, "you can do nothing for me." all that could be done was to fan him with paper, and frequently to give him lemonade to alleviate his intense thirst. he was in great pain, and expressed much anxiety for the event of the action, which now began to declare itself. as often as a ship struck, the crew of the victory hurrahed; and at every hurrah a visible expression of joy gleamed in the eyes, and marked the countenance of the dying hero. but he became impatient to see captain hardy; and as that officer, though often sent for, could not leave the deck, nelson feared that some fatal cause prevented him, and repeatedly cried, "will no one bring hardy to me? he must be killed! he is surely dead!" an hour and ten minutes elapsed from the time when nelson received his wound before hardy could come to him. they shook hands in silence, hardy in vain struggling to repress the feelings of that most painful and yet sublimest moment. "well, hardy," said nelson, "how goes the day with us?"--"very well," replied hardy; "ten ships have struck, but five of the van have tacked, and show an intention to bear down upon the victory, i have called two or three of our fresh ships round, and have no doubt of giving them a drubbing."--"i hope," said nelson, "none of our ships have struck?" hardy answered, "there was no fear of that." then, and not till then, nelson spoke of himself. "i am a dead man, hardy," said he: "i am going fast: it will be all over with me soon. come nearer to me. let my dear lady hamilton have my hair, and all other things belonging to me." hardy observed that he hoped mr. beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life. "oh, no!" he replied, "it is impossible. my back is shot through. beatty will tell you so." captain hardy then, once more, shook hands with him; and, with a heart almost bursting, hastened upon deck. by this time all feeling below the breast was gone; and nelson, having made the surgeon ascertain this, said to him: "you know i am gone, i know it. i feel something rising in my breast,"--putting his hand on his left side,--"which tells me so." and upon beatty's inquiring whether his pain was very great, he replied, "so great, that he wished he was dead. yet," said he, in a lower voice, "one would like to live a little longer too!" and after a few minutes, in the same under tone, he added--"what would become of poor lady hamilton, if she knew my situation!" next to his country she occupied his thoughts. captain hardy, some fifty minutes after he had left the cockpit, returned; and, again taking the hand of his dying friend and commander, congratulated him on having gained a complete victory. how many of the enemy were taken he did not know, as it was impossible to perceive them distinctly; but fourteen or fifteen at least. "that's well," cried nelson, "but i bargained for twenty." and then, in a stronger voice, he said: "anchor, hardy; anchor." hardy, upon this, hinted that admiral collingwood would take upon himself the direction of affairs. "not while i live, hardy," said the dying nelson, ineffectually endeavouring to raise himself from the bed: "do you anchor." his previous order for preparing to anchor had shown how clearly he foresaw the necessity of this. presently, calling hardy back, he said to him in a low voice, "don't throw me overboard:" and he desired that he might be buried by his parents, unless it should please the king to order otherwise. then reverting to private feelings: "take care of my dear lady hamilton, hardy take care of poor lady hamilton. kiss me, hardy," said he. hardy knelt down and kissed his cheek; and nelson: said, "now i am satisfied. thank god i have done my duty." hardy stood over him in silence for a moment or two, then knelt again and kissed his forehead. "who is that?" said nelson; and being informed, he replied, "god bless you, hardy." and hardy then left him --for ever. nelson now desired to be turned upon his right side, and said, "i wish i had not left the deck; for i shall soon be gone." death was, indeed, rapidly approaching. he said to the chaplain, "doctor, i have not been a great sinner;" and after a short pause, "remember that i leave lady hamilton and my daughter horatia as a legacy to my country." his articulation now became difficult; but he was distinctly heard to say, "thank god i have done my duty." these words he repeatedly pronounced; and they were the last words which he uttered. he expired at thirty minutes after four--three hours and a quarter after he had received his wound. within a quarter of an hour after nelson was wounded, above fifty of the victory's men fell by the enemy's musketry. they, however, on their part, were not idle; and it was not long before there were only two frenchmen left alive in the mizzen-top of the redoutable. one of them was the man who had given the fatal wound: he did not live to boast of what he had done. an old quarter-master had seen him fire; and easily recognised him, because he wore a glazed cocked hat and a white frock. this quarter-master and two midshipmen, mr. collingwood and mr. pollard, were the only persons left in the victory's poop; the two midshipmen kept firing at the top, and he supplied them with cartridges. one of the frenchmen, attempting to make his escape down the rigging, was shot by mr. pollard, and fell on the poop. but the old quarter-master, as he cried out, "that's he, that's he," and pointed at the other who was coming forward to fire again, received a shot in his mouth, and fell dead. both the midshipmen then fired at the same time, and the fellow dropped in the top. when they took possession of the prize, they went into the mizzen-top, and found him dead, with one ball through his head, and another through his breast. the redoutable struck within twenty minutes after the fatal shot had been fired from her. during that time she had been twice on fire in her fore-chains and in her forecastle. the french, as they had done in other battles, made use in this, of fire-balls and other combustibles; implements of destruction which other nations, from a sense of honour and humanity, have laid aside; which add to the sufferings of the wounded, without determining the issue of the combat: which none but the cruel would employ, and which never can be successful against the brave. once they succeeded in setting fire, from the redoutable, to some ropes and canvas on the victory's booms. the cry ran through the ship, and reached the cockpit; but even this dreadful cry produced no confusion: the men displayed that perfect self-possession in danger by which english seamen are characterised; they extinguished the flames on board their own ship, and then hastened to extinguish them in the enemy, by throwing buckets of water from the gangway. when the redoutable had struck, it was not practicable to board her from the victory; for, though the two ships touched, the upper works of both fell in so much, that there was a great space between their gangways; and she could not be boarded from the lower or middle decks because her ports were down. some of our men went to lieutenant quilliam, and offered to swim under her bows, and get up there; but it was thought unfit to hazard brave lives in this manner. what our men would have done from gallantry, some of the crew of the santissima trinidad did to save themselves. unable to stand the tremendous fire of the victory, whose larboard guns played against this great four-decker, and not knowing how else to escape them, nor where else to betake themselves for protection, many of them leaped overboard and swam to the victory; and were actually helped up her sides by the english during the action. the spaniards began the battle with less vivacity than their unworthy allies, but they continued it with greater firmness. the argonauta and bahama were defended till they had each lost about four hundred men; the san juan nepomuceno lost three hundred and fifty. often as the superiority of british courage has been proved against france upon the seas, it was never more conspicuous than in this decisive conflict. five of our ships were engaged muzzle to muzzle with five of the french. in all five the frenchmen lowered their lower-deck ports, and deserted their guns; while our men continued deliberately to load and fire till they had made the victory secure. once, amidst his sufferings, nelson had expressed a wish that he were dead; but immediately the spirit subdued the pains of death, and he wished to live a little longer, doubtless that he might hear the completion of the victory which he had seen so gloriously begun. that consolation, that joy, that triumph, was afforded him. he lived to know that the victory was decisive; and the last guns which were fired at the flying enemy were heard a minute or two before he expired. the ships which were thus flying were four of the enemy's van, all french, under rear-admiral dumanoir. they had borne no part in the action; and now, when they were seeking safety in flight, they fired not only into the victory and royal sovereign as they passed, but poured their broadsides into the spanish captured ships; and they were seen to back their topsails for the purpose of firing with more precision. the indignation of the spaniards at this detestable cruelty from their allies, for whom they had fought so bravely, and so profusely bled, may well be conceived. it was such that when, two days after the action, seven of the ships which had escaped into cadiz came out in hopes of re-taking some of the disabled prizes, the prisoners in the argonauta, in a body, offered their services to the british prize-master, to man the guns against any of the french ships, saying, that if a spanish ship came alongside, they would quietly go below; but they requested that they might be allowed to fight the french in resentment for the murderous usage which they had suffered at their hands. such was their earnestness, and such the implicit confidence which could be placed in spanish honour, that the offer was accepted and they were actually stationed at the lower-deck guns. dumanoir and his squadron were not more fortunate than the fleet from whose destruction they fled. they fell in with sir richard strachan, who was cruising for the rochefort squadron, and were all taken. in the better days of france, if such a crime could then have been committed, it would have received an exemplary punishment from the french government. under buonaparte it was sure of impunity, and perhaps might be thought deserving of reward. but if the spanish court had been independent, it would have become us to have delivered dumanoir and his captains up to spain, that they might have been brought to trial, and hanged in sight of the remains of the spanish fleet. the total british loss in the battle of trafalgar amounted to . twenty of the enemy struck; but it was not possible to anchor the fleet, as nelson had enjoined. a gale came on from the s.w., some of the prizes went down, some went on shore; one effected its escape into cadiz; others were destroyed; four only were saved, and those by the greatest exertions. the wounded spaniards were sent ashore, an assurance being given that they should not serve till regularly exchanged; and the spaniards, with a generous feeling, which would not perhaps have been found in any other people, offered the use of their hospitals for our wounded, pledging the honour of spain that they should be carefully attended there. when the storm, after the action, drove some of the prizes upon the coast, they declared that the english who were thus thrown into their hands should not be considered as prisoners of war; and the spanish soldiers gave up their own beds to their shipwrecked enemies. the spanish vice-admiral, alva, died of his wounds. villeneuve was sent to england, and permitted to return to france. the french government say that he destroyed himself on the way to paris, dreading the consequences of a court-martial; but there is every reason to believe that the tyrant, who never acknowledged the loss of the battle of trafalgar, added villeneuve to the numerous victims of his murderous policy. it is almost superfluous to add, that all the honours which a grateful country could bestow were heaped upon the memory of nelson. his brother was made an earl, with a grant of l a year. l , were voted to each of his sisters; and l , for the purchase of an estate. a public funeral was decreed, and a public monument. statues and monuments also were voted by most of our principal cities. the leaden coffin in which he was brought home was cut in pieces, which were distributed as relics of saint nelson,--so the gunner of the victory called them; and when, at his internment, his flag was about to be lowered into the grave, the sailors who assisted at the ceremony with one accord rent it in pieces, that each might preserve a fragment while he lived. the death of nelson was felt in england as something more than a public calamity; men started at the intelligence, and turned pale, as if they had heard of the loss of a dear friend. an object of our admiration and affection, of our pride and of our hopes, was suddenly taken from us; and it seemed as if we had never, till then, known how deeply we loved and reverenced him. what the country had lost in its great naval hero--the greatest of our own, and of all former times--was scarcely taken into the account of grief. so perfectly, indeed, had he performed his part, that the maritime war, after the battle of trafalgar, was considered at an end: the fleets of the enemy were not merely defeated but destroyed; new navies must be built, and a new race of seamen reared for them, before the possibility of their invading our shores could again be contemplated. it was not, therefore, from any selfish reflection upon the magnitude of our loss that we mourned for him: the general sorrow was of a higher character. the people of england grieved that funeral ceremonies, and public monuments, and posthumous rewards, were all which they could now bestow upon him, whom the king, the legislature, and the nation would have alike delighted to honour; whom every tongue would have blessed; whose presence in every village through which he might have passed would have wakened the church bells, have given schoolboys a holiday, have drawn children from their sports to gaze upon him, and "old men from the chimney corner" to look upon nelson ere they died. the victory of trafalgar was celebrated, indeed, with the usual forms of rejoicing, but they were without joy; for such already was the glory of the british navy, through nelson's surpassing genius, that it scarcely seemed to receive any addition from the most signal victory that ever was achieved upon the seas: and the destruction of this mighty fleet, by which all the maritime schemes of france were totally frustrated, hardly appeared to add to our security or strength; for, while nelson was living, to watch the combined squadrons of the enemy, we felt ourselves as secure as now, when they were no longer in existence. there was reason to suppose, from the appearances upon opening the body, that in the course of nature he might have attained, like his father, to a good old age. yet he cannot be said to have fallen prematurely whose work was done; nor ought he to be lamented who died so full of honours, at the height of human fame. the most triumphant death is that of the martyr; the most awful that of the martyred patriot; the most splendid that of the hero in the hour of victory: and if the chariot and horses of fire had been vouchsafed for nelson's translation, he could scarcely have departed in a brighter blaze of glory. he has left us, not indeed his mantle of inspiration, but a name and an example which are at this hour inspiring thousands of the youth of england: a name which is our pride, and an example which will continue to be our shield and our strength. thus it is that the spirits of the great and the wise continue to live and to act after them; verifying, in this sense, the language of the old mythologist:-- [the book ends with two lines of ancient greek by the poet hesiod. their meaning is approximately that of the final lines above.] [in this text, to keep the character set to the minimum 'vanilla ascii': italics have been converted to capitals, accents etc. have been omitted, and the british 'pound' currency symbol has been written as 'l'. where angles are given in degrees, minutes and seconds; the abbreviations d, m, s have been used.] for the admiral w.j. marx _author of "scouting for buller," "the british legion," etc._ hodder and stoughton publishers london _printed in _ _butler and panner, the selwood printing works, frome, and london_ to my wife but for whose encouragement this story would never have been written. contents chapter i a perilous ride chapter ii tracked, or not? chapter iii the fight by the way chapter iv how we kept the ford chapter v a traitor to the king chapter vi the unknown cavalier chapter vii a commission for the admiral chapter viii the tragedy of jarnac chapter ix a glorious victory chapter x i rejoin the advance chapter xi a desperate conflict chapter xii the return to rochelle chapter xiii a daring enterprise chapter xiv scouting for coligny chapter xv a glorious triumph chapter xvi a gleam of sunshine chapter xvii the king's promise chapter xviii a warning from l'estang chapter xix who killed the courier? chapter xx l'estang's courier chapter xxi i save cordel's life chapter xxii l'estang tells his story chapter xxiii a royal marriage chapter xxiv a mysterious warning chapter xxv a dastardly deed chapter xxvi what will the king do? chapter xxvii the day of the massacre chapter xxviii farewell france l'envoi chapter i a perilous ride "i trust no harm has happened to my father, jacques. the night grows late and there are strange rumours afloat. 'tis said that the guises are eager to break the peace." "better open warfare than this state of things, monsieur. the peace is no peace: the king's troops are robbing and slaying as they please. françois of the mill told me a pretty tale of their doings to-day. but listen, i hear the beat of hoofs on the road below." "there are two horses, jacques, and they approach very slowly. my father does not usually ride like that." "no, faith!" said jacques, with a laugh; "if his horse went at that pace the sieur le blanc would get down and walk! but the travellers are coming here, nevertheless. shall we go to the gate, monsieur?" "it may be as well," i answered. "one can never tell these days what mischief is brewing." by the peasantry for miles around my home was called the castle of le blanc. it stood on the brow of a hill, overlooking a wide plain, and was defended by a dry moat and massive walls. a score of resolute men inside might easily have kept two hundred at bay, and more than once, indeed, the castle had stood a regular siege. according to jacques it might have to do so again, for in that year, , of which i write, france was in a terrible state. the nation was divided into two hostile parties--those who fiercely resisted any changes being made in the church, and the huguenots, those of the religion--and the whole land was given over to brawling and disorder. my father, who was held in high esteem by the huguenot party, had fought through three campaigns under gaspard de coligny, the admiral, as men, by virtue of his office, generally called him. severely wounded in one of the numerous skirmishes, he had returned home to be nursed back to health by my mother. before he recovered a peace was patched up between the two parties, and he had since remained quietly on his estate. he it was who, rather to my surprise, now came riding at a foot pace into the courtyard. the stranger accompanying him sat his horse limply, and seemed in some danger of falling from the saddle. [illustration: "the stranger accompanying him sat his horse limply."] "take the bridle, jacques," cried my father. "edmond, let your mother know i am bringing with me a wounded man." when we had assisted the stranger into one of the chambers i saw that he was of medium height, spare in figure, but tough and sinewy. he had a swarthy complexion, and small, black, twinkling eyes that gave the impression of good-humour. his right arm, evidently broken, was carried in a rough, hastily-made sling; his doublet was bloodstained, and his forehead had been scored by the slash of a knife. he must have been suffering agony, yet he did not even wince when my father, who had considerable experience of wounds, set the broken limb, while i, after sponging his face with warm water, applied some salve to the gash. but he kept muttering to himself, "this is a whole night wasted; i must set out at daybreak." "we are going to get you into bed, and dress the wound in your side," said my father cheerily. "i hope that at daybreak you will be sleeping soundly." "the cut is a bagatelle, monsieur, and i must to the road again. a murrain on those rascally bandits!" "at least you will be none the worse for an hour's rest," said my father, humouring his fancy. "edmond, get off his boots, and do it gently: we must keep this wound from bleeding afresh." between us we removed his clothes, and in spite of his protests got him into bed, when my father bathed and bandaged his side, saying, "it looks worse than it really is. now, a cup of hot broth, and you should sleep comfortably." "the broth will be welcome, monsieur, but i have no time for sleep. an hour lost here may plunge thousands of good frenchmen into mourning." i thought at first the pain had turned his brain; but he spoke sensibly enough, and appeared deeply in earnest. "can we help you?" my father asked. "it will be a week yet before you are able to sit in the saddle. do you know me?" "yes," said the other, and his face brightened, "you are the sieur le blanc. i have seen you at rochelle with the admiral." "then you know i am to be trusted! mind, i have no wish to pry into your business; but perhaps we can be of service. are you travelling far?" "a week's ride," groaned the man; then, raising himself in bed, he said, "monsieur, i must go forward!" "pshaw, man, you talk nonsense! you haven't sufficient strength to carry you across the room, and the wound in your side would start bleeding before you reached the courtyard. come, throw aside your fears; i make no secret of my friendship for gaspard de coligny, and it is easy to guess you have fought under his banner before now. but here is jacques with the broth! drink this, and afterwards we will talk." i raised him up while he drank, and presently he said, "monsieur, if i rested till midday i should be strong enough." "a week at the least," my father replied, "and even then a score of miles would overtax your strength." after lying quietly for a few minutes, he whispered, "monsieur, make the door fast. now, hand me my doublet. a murrain on the knaves who brought me to this! a knife, monsieur, and slit the lining. do you feel a packet? 'tis a small one. ah, that is it. look, monsieur, at the address." "the admiral!" said my father with a start of surprise, "and he is at tanlay. man, it will be a month before you can reach tanlay; and the packet is marked 'all speed!' do you know the purport of the message?" "it conveys a warning, monsieur, and it will arrive too late. the guises and the queen-mother have laid their plans; the loire is guarded along its banks, and the troops are collecting for a swoop on tanlay." "and condé is at noyers!" "the prince is included, monsieur. 'let us take off the heads of the two leaders,' is what the italian woman says, 'and there will be no more huguenots.' and the chiefs at rochelle chose me to carry the warning. 'there is none braver or more prudent than ambroise devine,' they said. monsieur, i would rather have lost my right hand!" "cheer up, man. i warrant you have no cause for reproach. guise has his spies in rochelle, and they would follow you on the chance of picking up some information. when were you attacked?" "at the close of the afternoon, monsieur, in the wood a few miles to the west. they sprang out upon me suddenly--there were three of them--and i was taken unawares. but it was a good fight," and, in spite of his pain and distress of mind, his face lit up with a smile of satisfaction. "there is one trooper the less in guise's ranks, and another who won't earn his pay for months to come." "and best of all, the papers are safe," my father observed. "now, what is to be done? that is the important point. the admiral must have them without loss of time, and you cannot carry them to him. my duties keep me here, but i could send jacques----" "jacques?" said the sick man questioningly. "he is a trusty servant; i will vouch for his loyalty." devine shook his head. it was plain he did not welcome the proposal. "trust the papers to me," i said, on a sudden impulse, "and i will take jacques for company." "'tis a long journey, edmond, and full of danger," said my father. "i fear an older head than yours is needed." "jacques can supply the older head, and i will take charge of the papers." "you are only a boy," objected devine. "so much the better: no one will suspect i am engaged on an errand of importance." "there is something in that, but this is no child's game; 'tis an affair of life and death. you must travel day and night, and from the moment the papers are in your hands your life belongs to the admiral. if you fail to reach tanlay in time, the death of the noblest gentleman in france will lie on your shoulders." "i will do my best." "he is young," remarked my father, "but he can bear fatigue. he has a sure seat in the saddle, and he is more thoughtful than most boys of his age. with jacques at his elbow the venture is not as desperate as it may seem." since nothing better offered, devine at length agreed to the proposal, and having informed jacques that we should start at dawn i went straight to bed, in the hope of getting a couple of hours' sleep before beginning the journey. the morning had scarcely broken when jacques wakened me; i sprang up quickly, dressed--my mother had sewn the precious papers securely inside my doublet--and made a hearty meal. my mother, who had risen in order to bid me farewell, was full of anxiety; but, like the brave woman she was, she put aside her fears; for the admiral's safety was at stake, and we of the religion were well content to make any sacrifice for our beloved leader. i embraced her fondly, assuring her i would be careful, and proceeded to the chamber where ambroise devine lay. he had not slept, but was eagerly awaiting the time of my departure. "you have the papers?" he asked. "give them into the admiral's own hands, and remember that a single hour's delay may ruin the cause." "he carries a full purse," said my father, "and can buy fresh horses on the road." wishing the sick man good-bye, and bidding him be of good courage, i descended to the courtyard, where jacques awaited me with the horses. "do not be sparing of your money, edmond; if need arises, spend freely," my father advised. "and now, may god bless you, and bring you safely through. do not forget, jacques, that a shrewd brain will pay better than a strong arm in this venture." "we will be as prudent as the admiral himself, monsieur," declared jacques, as he vaulted into the saddle; and, with a last word of counsel from my father, we crossed the drawbridge and rode down the hill to the high road. "'tis a long journey before us, monsieur, and an unexpected one," observed my companion, as, turning sharply to the left, we rode through the still sleeping village. "'tis odd what a chance encounter may bring about; but for the sieur's meeting with the wounded man we should still be snug abed. there is some one stirring at the inn. old pierre will be none too pleased at having guests who rise so early; but there, 'twill be another coin or so to add to his hoard." "pierre is a wise man," i said. "i think not, monsieur. there is little wisdom in saving money for others to spend. the king's troopers will ride through here some day, and pierre will be a cunning man if they do not strip him as bare as a trussed fowl. 'tis more satisfactory these days to spend one's money while one has the chance. and things will never be any better until they send the italian woman out of the country." jacques generally spoke of the queen-mother as the italian woman, and he regarded her as the chief cause of all our troubles. "she cares for no one but herself," he continued, "not even for the boy king, and the guises have her under their thumb. what with them and her italian favourites there is no room in france for an honest frenchman. listen, some one rides behind us! 'tis the early riser from the inn perhaps. faith, he is a keen judge of horseflesh." "and he has a firm seat," i remarked, glancing round. "he will overtake us in a few minutes. shall we quicken our pace?" "no, monsieur. if he is a friend there is no need; should he be an enemy 'twill but arouse suspicion." "good-day, messieurs," cried a pleasant voice, "i trust we are well met. i am a stranger in the district, and wish to discover the whereabouts of one etienne cordel. he is an advocate from paris, but he owns a small estate in the neighbourhood." "a tall man," said jacques, "with a nose like a hawk's beak, and eyes that look in opposite directions?" "faith, my friend," laughed the stranger jovially, "you have his picture to a nicety. that is etienne cordel. are you acquainted with him?" "i have met him," replied jacques carelessly. "we shall pass within a mile or two of his place, if you care to travel in our company." "nothing would please me more," declared the cavalier. "this is a stroke of good fortune on which i had not counted. i spent the night at the inn yonder, but the dolt of a landlord might have been one of the staves of his own barrels: he could not answer me a question!" "ha! my dashing friend," i thought to myself, "old pierre must have had his reasons for making a fool of you," for in truth the landlord knew every one, and everything that happened, for miles around. the stranger had drawn his horse abreast of mine, and was riding on my left. he was a man of perhaps thirty years, richly but quietly dressed, wearing a sword, and carrying two pistols in his holsters. his dark brown hair escaped over his forehead in short curls; his face was strong and capable; he had good features, and a rounded chin. his eyes were blue, deep, expressive, and beautiful as a woman's, and he had a most engaging air of candour and sincerity. the horse he rode was a splendid animal; my father had not its equal in his stables. "this place of etienne's," said he, addressing jacques, "is it far?" "within a dozen miles, monsieur. you might easily have reached it last night by pushing on." "had i been acquainted with the road! but it was late when i arrived at the inn, and my horse had done a heavy's day work. you are a native of the district, monsieur?" turning to me. "if you make the district wide enough," i answered, with a laugh. "you have escaped the ravages of war in these parts; you are fortunate. one can ride here without loosening his sword." "yes," assented jacques, "'tis a peaceful neighbourhood." "a pity one cannot say the same of all france," replied the other with a deep sigh, as if saddened at the mere thought of bloodshed; "and yet it is whispered that the war is likely to break out again. has the rumour reached you down here?" "we hear little news of the outside world," i replied. "excuse me, monsieur," exclaimed jacques suddenly, "but it will suit us to quicken the pace. we have pressing business to transact," to which our chance acquaintance replied that he was quite willing to be guided by our wishes. accordingly we broke into a canter, and for the next hour or so no sound was heard save the beat of our horses' hoofs on the hard road. but once, when the stranger had shot a few paces to the front--for as i have said he rode a splendid animal--jacques made me a swift sign that i should be cautious. chapter ii tracked, or not? "that is your road, monsieur. at the end of a mile a cross-road leads straight to etienne cordel's dwelling. you will see the house from the spot where the road branches. you will pardon us for our hasty departure, but time presses. if you put up again at the inn, we may have the pleasure of meeting you on our return." taking the cue from jacques, who evidently did not intend holding a prolonged conversation, i said: "adieu, monsieur, and a pleasant ending to your journey. you cannot mistake the way, now," and directly he had thanked us for our assistance we rode on. "rather an abrupt departure, jacques," i remarked presently, feeling somewhat puzzled. "better that, monsieur, than wait to be asked inconvenient questions. did you notice that slash across his doublet? he has been pretty close to a naked sword, and not long ago either! what does he want with etienne cordel? he looks more fitted for the camp than the law courts." "monsieur cordel no doubt transacts his private business for him." "no doubt," said jacques, with a shrug of his shoulders. "but i did not like his appearance, and if we could spare the time i would ride back to discover what made pierre suddenly dumb. i warrant he misliked his questioner; but if the stranger is seeking information, he can obtain all he wants from cordel." "you are no friend to the advocate, jacques!" "he is a spy, monsieur, and a maker of mischief. one of these days men will learn his true character." "i have no liking for cordel," i said, "but still all this has nothing to do with our errand." "perhaps not, monsieur; we will hope not," replied my companion, "but all the same, i wish we had started an hour earlier." honestly i felt rather inclined to laugh at jacques' vague fears, for the stranger's pleasant speech and affable manner had impressed me, and i could not think of him in any other light than that of a courteous and gallant gentleman. in spite of wise saws, one is often tempted to believe that occasionally fine feathers make fine birds. we rode on steadily, stopping for an hour or two during the hottest part of the day, and putting up late at night at a dilapidated inn in a half-deserted village. the landlord, a bent, feeble, old man, had gone to bed, but he set about preparing some supper, while, since there was no ostler, we fed and groomed the animals ourselves. "we must start at daybreak," said jacques, when we had finished our meal; "that will give us four hours' sleep." "fourteen would suit me better!" i laughed, as we followed our host to the guest-chamber, and, indeed, i was so thoroughly tired that my head scarcely touched the pillow before i was sound asleep. it was still dark when jacques roused me, and by dawn we were once more on the road. on this second day's journey the ravages of the late war were plainly apparent, and the sights made one's heart ache. the fields lay waste and untilled; the cattle, few in number, were mere bundles of skin and bone; the villages were half-emptied of their inhabitants, while those who remained resembled skeletons rather than human beings. "and all this," exclaimed my companion bitterly, "is the work of the italian woman and her friends. it is time that frenchmen took their country into their own hands again, and out of the clutches of these foreign harpies!" "that can be done only by another war, jacques, and surely we have had enough of cutting one another's throats!" "it must be either war or murder," he responded. "the guises won't rest until they become masters. france will swim in blood one of these days. do you know, monsieur, i am glad that mademoiselle jeanne is not at the castle!" jeanne was my sister, who, since the peace, had been living at rochelle with an invalid aunt. she was seventeen years of age, a year older than myself, and a girl of beauty and courage. "you are in a gloomy mood, jacques, and fancying all kinds of dangers that are not likely to happen. why, even the stranger we met at le blanc alarmed you." "he alarms me yet," replied jacques gravely; "he is a bird of ill omen." "come," i said banteringly, "let us have a canter; it will clear the cobwebs from your brain, besides helping us on our way to saintbreuil," the little town where we intended to pass the night and to procure fresh horses. jacques had an acquaintance at saintbreuil--an innkeeper who secretly favoured the cause without possessing sufficient courage to declare his opinions. the night had grown somewhat late by the time of our arrival, but we managed to secure admittance, and jacques had no difficulty in finding the inn--a fairly decent house in a small square. "a quiet room, edouard, and some supper," said my companion to the host, "and serve us yourself. there is no need that all saintbreuil should learn of our being here. and be quick, for we are tired and hungry, and there is business to transact." the landlord, a nervous-looking fellow, took us quickly to a chamber at the farther end of the house, and in a short time we were sitting down to a well-spread table. "is the town quiet?" asked jacques presently. "quiet, but uneasy. the citizens are afraid of they know not what. there is a whisper that the peace will be broken." "humph! there is more than a whisper in some parts; but listen to me, edouard; monsieur and i are travelling fast. we have nearly foundered our animals, and yet it is necessary to push on again directly the gates are opened. you must procure us fresh horses, the best that can be got." "and the two in the stables?" "can go in exchange." "you will have to pay heavily." "of course we shall, my dear edouard, but monsieur is prepared to open his purse. get them into the stable to-night, and call us at daybreak." "can you trust him to procure really good animals?" i asked, when the man had gone out. "there are few keener judges of horseflesh than edouard, monsieur; and now let us to bed." jacques had lost his gloomy fit; there seemed little likelihood of danger, and i slept soundly till wakened by our host. dressing hastily we went straight to the stables, and were more than satisfied with our new animals. they were beautiful creatures, shaped for both speed and endurance, and i did not grudge the money the landlord had spent. "they should carry us to our journey's end," said jacques in a whisper; "the sight of them gives me fresh courage. i care not a rap of the fingers now for our chance acquaintance!" "the cavalier seems to have turned your brain!" i laughed. "maybe 'twas only an idle fancy, but i mistrusted the fellow. perhaps you will laugh, but i thought he might be one of those who attacked monsieur devine." "well?" i said, startled by this statement, and yet puzzled to understand how it affected us. "if so, he must be trying to obtain possession of the papers. he would follow the wounded man, and suddenly lose him. he failed to get any information from old pierre, and he learned little from us; but the advocate would tell him everything." "what could cordel tell?" i asked, still puzzled. "that your father, monsieur, is the chief person in the district--that he is of the religion--that the wounded messenger might have found shelter in the castle." "yes, the advocate would certainly mention that." "the stranger would speak of us, too, and the lawyer, recognizing the description, would inform him who we were. that would arouse his suspicions, for you must admit that we chose a strange hour to ride." "and you think he would follow us?" "that is what i feared. he is splendidly mounted, and could easily overtake us; but now," and jacques laughed, "the case is different." "even should he come up with us," i said, "he is but one against two, and we can both handle a sword!" my companion shrugged his shoulders. "what chance should we have in saintbreuil, monsieur? a word to a king's officer, and we should either be dead, or in prison." "faith," i said laughing, though not with much heartiness, "you draw a lively picture! once outside these walls, i shall not care to venture into a town again until we reach tanlay." "with these horses there should be no need." the officer of the guard gazed at us suspiciously. "you travel early, monsieur!" he remarked. "too early for comfort!" i replied, "but i must reach nevers before marshal tavannes leaves. he does not like idle excuses." "you are right, monsieur!" replied the man, with an instant change of expression, "one does not play tricks with the marshal. but i did not know he was at nevers." "'tis but a flying visit, i believe." "well, a pleasant journey to you. have a care, though, if you ride late; the country is infested with brigands." thanking him for his advice i followed after jacques, who had taken advantage of the conversation to ride on. "i thought the officer might take a fancy to ask me some questions, and i am not so intimately acquainted as you with the doings of the king's general!" he said with a chuckle. "'twas a bold stroke, monsieur, but it paid." "yes," i said, "it paid. and now let us push forward." strangely enough, now that jacques had recovered his composure i began to feel nervous, and more than once caught myself glancing round as if half expecting to see a body of pursuers on our track. however, we proceeded all day without adventure, slept for two or three hours at a village inn, and resumed our journey in high spirits. "we should reach the loire by midday," remarked jacques. "shall we go into the town and cross by the bridge, or try for a ford? there is one a little to the north." "the ford will suit our purpose," i said, "and i hardly care about trusting myself in the town." there still wanted two hours to noon when, coming to a grassy and tree-shaded plateau through which ran a sparkling stream, jacques proposed that we should rest the horses. so we dismounted, gave them a drink, fastened them to a tree, and lay down beside them. "monsieur might be able to sleep," suggested jacques. "i will watch, but we cannot afford more than an hour." "we will take turns," i said. "not at all, monsieur. i do not feel sleepy. i will waken you in good time." feeling refreshed by the short rest i was just remounting when a rough, sturdy-looking fellow came along, riding a powerful horse. "good-day, messieurs," he said, glancing at us, i thought, very keenly; "am i on the right track for nevers?" "yes," i answered rather curtly. "perhaps monsieur is himself going there? i am a stranger in these parts." "no," i replied, "we are not going to the town, but you cannot miss the way." he hung about for some time, trying to make conversation, but presently rode on, and a bend in the road hid him from our view. "an ugly customer to meet on a dark night, jacques," i remarked. "let us push on, monsieur; that fellow meant us no good. did you notice his speech?" "no." "i did; he comes from our own neighbourhood. it is possible he has seen us before." "and what of that?" "nothing, except that it is curious," and jacques quickened his pace. at the end of a quarter of a mile a cross-road to the left led to the river, and along this track we travelled. it was very narrow, so narrow, indeed, that we were forced to ride in single file, jacques going before. the stranger had disappeared; no one was in sight; the countryside seemed deserted. "do you know where the ford is situated?" i asked. "i have a fairly good notion. ah, what is that?" and he reined up sharply. from our position we could just catch a glimpse of several horsemen riding swiftly along the bank of the river. they were out of sight in a few minutes, and we proceeded in a somewhat uncomfortable frame of mind. "they can have nothing to do with us, jacques," i said cheerily. "no, monsieur, nothing," he replied. "how much farther do we go before descending?" "about a quarter of a mile." "once across the river we shall be in no danger at all." "none at all, monsieur." "a plague on you, jacques!" i cried, "can't you make some sensible remark?" "i was but agreeing with monsieur." we had gone about four hundred yards when the track began to descend in winding fashion toward the water. my companion was still in front, and i noticed he had loosened his sword. i had done the same, and in addition had seen that my pistols were in order. somehow, a strange sense of approaching peril, for which i could not account, hung about me. "there is the ford," said jacques, drawing rein, and pointing straight ahead of him. "that is where we must cross." "yes," i said. "but i cannot see the horsemen, and they should be visible from here. it is very absurd, of course, but still, i would advise monsieur to look to his pistols." "i am ready, jacques." "come, then, and if i say 'gallop!' stretch your horse to his utmost." he advanced carefully, i following, and watching him intently. presently, without turning round, he said: "it is as i thought; the horsemen are there; we cannot get through without a fight." "then we must fight, jacques; it is impossible to turn back. they will not expect a rush, and we may catch them off their guard. but it will be amusing if they turn out to be simply peaceful travellers." "amusing and satisfactory, monsieur. are you ready? we will ride abreast at the bottom; it will give us greater strength." jacques was a splendid horseman, and he had taught me to ride almost from the first day i could sit a horse's back. from him, too, as well as from my father, i had learned how to use a sword, though my weapon had never yet been drawn in actual conflict, and even now i hoped against hope that the horsemen below were not waiting for us. but if jacques' view were correct, then we must fight. because of the trust reposed in me, i could not yield; either i must win a way through, or leave my dead body there on the bank. my companion's voice recalled me to action. "fire your pistol directly we come within range," he said, "and then lay on with the sword." "but we must give them warning, jacques!" "it is needless; they have seen us, and are preparing. _corbleu!_ it is as i thought! see, there is the man who overtook us in the village. monsieur, there is no escape; it is a fight to the death!" "i am ready!" chapter iii the fight by the way they watched us furtively, as, with seeming carelessness, we descended the slope, slowly at first, but gradually increasing the pace as the ground became less steep. there were five of them in all, and presently i perceived that the one a little in advance of the group was the unknown cavalier whom we had directed to the house of etienne cordel. "draw level, monsieur. now!" and the next instant we were dashing down the remaining part of the slope at terrific speed. it was a wild ride, a ride so mad that many a night afterwards i started from sleep with the sensation of being hurled through space. the horses flew, their hoofs seeming not to touch the ground; had we wished, we should have found it impossible to check their headlong career. nearer and nearer we approached; the horsemen wavered visibly, their leader alone remaining unmoved. there was a loud report; a ball whizzed past, and we heard a cry of "in the king's name!" for answer we discharged our pistols almost at point-blank distance, and a horse rolled over heavily with its rider. "one down!" cried jacques in triumph, drawing his sword and aiming a desperate blow at the leader, who called out--"the boy! capture the boy! shoot his horse, you dolts!" he thrust at me vigorously, but, parrying the attack more by luck than good management, i dashed on, jacques crying, "this way, monsieur, quick!" with a tremendous leap we sprang into the river, the poor animals struggling franticly to keep their footing. "this way!" shouted jacques, "we are too far to the right; the ford lies here. forward, forward! use your spurs; they are after us. to the front; i will hold them at bay!" "no, no; we will stand by each other." "nonsense!" he cried, "remember the packet!" and, having no answer to that, i pushed forward, though with reluctance. it was a wild scramble, now swimming, now wading, stumbling, and floundering along with the yells of the pursuers in our ears. i reached the opposite bank, and while my gallant animal clambered up, jacques turned to face the enemy. almost immediately there came the clash of swords, and, looking back, i saw him engaged in desperate conflict with the foremost of the pursuers. the contest was short. with a howl of pain the fellow dropped his sword, and the water reddened with his blood. "spread out!" cried the cavalier angrily, "'tis the boy we want!" and at that, jacques being powerless to prevent them from slipping past, rode after me. "only three to two now!" he exclaimed joyfully; "shall we stop? it will be a good fight." "no, no, we may get away; we are the better mounted." "i do not think so, monsieur; their horses are the fresher." once again jacques proved correct. the three men, the cavalier leading, hung stubbornly on our track, and began steadily to ride us down. "if we could reach a village," i gasped, "the people might be for us!" "or against us, monsieur." on we went across the open stretch of upland, the pace becoming perceptibly slower, the pursuers approaching steadily nearer. below us, white and dusty in the sunlight, wound a broad road, with a high bank on one side of it. "if we could get there," remarked jacques, "we could fight with our backs to the wall, and the odds are not so heavy." "let us try." the animals responded nobly to our urging, though their nostrils were blood-red, and their quivering haunches flaked with spume. panting and straining, they raced along, so that we gained the road a considerable distance ahead of our pursuers; but the pace could not be maintained and jacques counselled a halt. "the horses will get back their wind," he said, "and we shall engage at an advantage. if we go on, the creatures will be completely blown. only three against two, monsieur; your father would laugh at such odds!" "i am not thinking of myself, jacques, but of the admiral. the papers make a coward of me." "this is the best chance of saving them. let us wait here. fortunately their firearms are useless, and they must trust to the sword. just fancy you are engaged in a fencing bout in the courtyard, monsieur edmond, and we shall beat them easily." we drew up on the dusty road, with our backs to the high bank, and waited--perhaps for death. the sobbing animals, trembling in every limb, were grateful for the rest, and drew in deep breaths. the sun beat down on our heads; not a ripple of air stirred the branches of the trees; for a few moments not a sound broke the eerie stillness. "here they come!" they had struck the highroad some distance above us, and it gave me heart to see how blown their animals were. but the cavalier, catching sight of us, spurred his jaded beast and advanced, crying out loudly, "surrender, edmond le blanc! i arrest you in the king's name!" "what charge have you against me?" i asked. "i have an order for your arrest. lay down your sword." "faith!" broke in jacques, "those who want our swords must take them. we are free men." "then your blood be on your own heads!" exclaimed the cavalier. "forward, my lads. capture or kill; 'tis all one." "keep cool, monsieur," advised jacques, "those two cut-throats are no sworders. they are far handier with a knife than a sword, and are unused to fighting in the sunlight." "a truce to words!" cried their leader; "at them, my lads!" and he himself led the way. jacques met him boldly, while i found myself furiously engaged with his followers. they were sturdy fellows, both, and fearless of danger; but fortunately for me without trick of fence, and almost in the first blush of the fight i had pricked one in the side. the misadventure taught them caution, and they renewed the attack more warily. jacques was on my left, but i dared not look to see how he fared, though fearing that in the unknown cavalier he had met his equal, if not his master. thrust and parry--thrust and parry; now a lunge in front, now a half-turn to the right, till my arm ached, and my eyes became dazzled with watching the movements of the flashing steel. a laugh of triumph from the leader of our foes warned me that some misfortune had happened to my comrade, but whatever the mishap the gallant fellow continued to keep his adversary fully employed. "ride him down!" cried the leader, and once more the two ruffians attacked me furiously. one of them paid the penalty of his recklessness. with a rapid lunge i got beneath his guard, and my sword passed between his ribs. he fell forward on his horse's neck, groaning, and i cried exultingly, "courage, jacques! two to two!" but disaster followed swiftly on the heels of my triumph. a half-suppressed cry of pain came from my comrade, and i saw his horse roll over. warding off a blow from my opponent, i turned and attacked the cavalier so hotly that he was forced back several paces, and jacques disengaged himself from the fallen animal. "look to yourself, monsieur," he said, "i still count." i had only a momentary glimpse of him as he staggered to his feet, but the sight was not encouraging. his face was covered with blood, his left arm hung limply at his side, and he had received a wound in the shoulder. but in spite of his injuries he faced his opponent boldly, using his horse's body as some sort of protection. "yield!" cried the cavalier, "and i will spare your lives. you are brave fellows." "fight on, monsieur," said jacques stolidly. "as you will," exclaimed the other, and once more the clash of steel broke on the air. how would it end? the contest was going steadily against us. i could easily hold my opponent in check, but jacques was seriously wounded; he was on foot, and must inevitably be beaten. i thought once of riding off in the hope of drawing the others after me, but they might stop to kill my comrade, and that i dared not risk. he still fought with his accustomed skill, but he was becoming weaker every minute; he could no longer attack, and had much ado to defend himself. our sole chance lay in disabling my opponent before jacques was over-powered. i rode at him recklessly, but he was a wary knave, and, judging how matters were likely to go, he remained on the defensive. we were still battling vigorously, though i was fast losing all hope, when the tramp of hoofs sounded in the distance. who were the travellers? they could not make our situation worse; they might improve it. our assailants seemed to be of the same opinion, and, leaving jacques, they flung themselves at me. could i hold out a few minutes longer? i set my teeth hard, and braced myself for the effort. twice the unknown cavalier missed my breast by a hair's breadth; but i was still unwounded, save for a slight scratch, when a body of mounted men turned the bend in the road. they appeared to be a nobleman's bodyguard, and wore blue favours, but this told me nothing. jacques, however, was better informed. "lord st. cyr!" he cried feebly. "for the admiral!" and sank to the ground. echoing my comrade's words, i cried lustily, "for the admiral!" at which the gentlemen set spurs to their horses, while our assailants as hastily rode off. before the troop came up, i dismounted, and bending over my comrade whispered, "who is this st. cyr?" "a friend," he replied; "the papers are safe now; you can trust him." a noble-looking gentleman rode in front of the troop. he was well advanced in years--at least fourscore, as i afterwards learned--but he sat erect in his saddle, and his eyes were keen and vigorous. "what is the meaning of this, monsieur?" he asked sternly, as i went toward him. "am i speaking to the lord st. cyr?" i asked. "i am the count of st. cyr." "then, my lord, i can speak freely. my name is edmond le blanc; my father is the sieur le blanc----" "sufficient recommendation," he interrupted, with a genial smile. "my servant and i were on our way to tanlay, carrying important despatches to the admiral. at the ford we were attacked by five ruffians. two were wounded; the others followed us here." "what was their object?" "i fear, my lord, they must have learned the nature of my mission." "and wished to obtain possession of the papers! are they really of great importance?" "the original bearer, my lord, was waylaid and grievously wounded near my home. he assured me solemnly that their loss would probably plunge thousands of frenchmen into mourning. he hinted at some special peril to the admiral." "you have made a gallant fight," said the count, "and providence has plainly sent us to your aid. your servant is wounded i see. leave him to my care, and meanwhile i will provide you with suitable escort. the ruffians will think twice before venturing to attack my gentlemen." "one of our assailants is hurt, my lord." "we will attend to him also; he cannot be left to die." during this conversation, a man soberly clad and evidently a minister of the religion--he was, in truth, though wearing a sword, the count's private chaplain--had been attending to jacques. now he stepped forward, and said, "the man is weak from loss of blood, but his wounds are not serious; he should speedily recover his strength." "that is good hearing for monsieur le blanc," said the count. "pray tell your servant that he has fallen into friendly hands." i ran joyfully to jacques, who looked at me with a smile. "it is all right now, monsieur," said he; "the journey is as good as done." "still, i wish we could finish it together, but that is impossible. i must leave you with lord st. cyr, and push on. he has promised to furnish me with an escort." "do not delay, monsieur; time is precious." i gave him a portion of my money, bade him be of good cheer, and returned to the count, who had already selected six of his gentlemen to accompany me. "keep free from brawls," he advised their leader, "and ride with all speed. remember that you are engaged on a matter that may involve the life of our chief." "we will waste no time on the road, my lord." amidst a cheer from the rest of the bodyguard we rode forward, and were soon out of sight. my new comrades were kindly, gallant gentlemen, in whose company i soon recovered my spirits. jacques was in no danger, while it was certain that i should now be able to place the paper in the admiral's hands. indeed, the remainder of the journey can be passed over almost without comment. we travelled fast, making few halts, and on the evening of the next day rode into tanlay. the admiral, who had just finished prayers, granted me immediate audience, and my heart throbbed with excitement as i entered his room. i was about to see, for the first time, this splendid gentleman, who was to many thousands of frenchmen the pride and glory of france. he was of medium height, strongly made, well proportioned, and of a ruddy complexion. his eyes had a grave but kindly expression; his countenance was severe and majestic. "here," was my first thought, "is a true leader of men!" he spoke slowly, but his voice was soft, pleasant, and musical. "well, my young friend," he said, "you have something of importance to communicate to me?" i had ripped the lining of my doublet, and now handed him the packet. "my story can wait, my lord," i said, "this is the more pressing matter." he broke the seal and read the letter, slowly, as if committing each word to heart. then he said in his grave manner, "this is from la rochelle, and should have reached me by the hand of ambroise devine. where is he?" "there are those who desired that you should not receive this communication, my lord, and the original messenger lies in my father's house, grievously wounded. as there was none other to bring it, the packet was even entrusted to my keeping." "you are of the religion?" "the son of the sieur le blanc could not well be otherwise, my lord." "the sieur le blanc has proved his devotion on more than one battlefield. so you are his son! and you have risked your life to help me! i am grateful, my young friend, and others will be grateful also; but i will speak with you again. for the present i must place you under the care of my gentlemen. there is much here," touching the packet, "to be considered, and that without delay. but you have deserved well of the cause, boy, and the sieur le blanc can be justly proud of his son." i was thoroughly tired by my long, hazardous journey, but i lay awake for hours that night, my cheeks burning at the remembrance of the admiral's words. he had praised me--edmond le blanc--this hero whom i regarded as the highest, the bravest, the noblest gentleman in the whole world! it seemed incredible that i should have obtained such honour! chapter iv how we kept the ford early next morning i was summoned to attend the admiral, who received me very graciously. "i trust you have rested well," he said, "as i am about to send you on another journey. there is, however, no danger in it," he added, smiling. "i wish you to go to the prince of condé at noyers, to tell him your story, and to answer any questions he may put to you. i am setting out myself in an hour or two, but my preparations are not complete. monsieur bellièvre will accompany you as guide; he has received my instructions." the admiral could not have chosen for me a more suitable comrade than felix bellièvre. he was quite young, barely more than eighteen, tall, slim, and good-looking. he had large, expressive, dark eyes, thick, curling hair, and beautiful white teeth. his smile was sweet and winning, and he had an air of candour very engaging. indeed, he so won upon me, that, after the first mile or two of our journey, we were chatting like old friends. "you must be a person of importance," he declared merrily. "your coming has created a tremendous commotion at tanlay. is it true that the guises are bent on a fresh war?" "i cannot tell; i am nothing more than a messenger." "'twas said last night you were the bearer of startling news. there was whisper of a plot to swoop down upon the admiral and on condé, and to whisk them off to paris. faith, if the guises once got them there we should see little of them again." "why has the admiral no soldiers?" "because he is too honourable to distrust others. he believes they will keep their word. as for me, i would as soon trust a starving wolf as a guise, or the queen-mother. the admiral is foolish, but he is too good-hearted to think about himself." praise of the admiral entered largely into bellièvre's conversation, as indeed it did into that of all his retinue. no one was so wise or strong, so full of courage and good sense, so patient and forbearing, so grand and noble as gaspard de coligny. it was hero worship, perhaps, but hero worship of the truest kind. not one of his household but would have died for him. "do you know," i said presently, "that the admiral is coming to noyers?" "and his gentlemen! it looks as if rumour for once spoke true." "but we cannot defend ourselves at noyers against an army!" "no, that is impossible. besides, our leaders must be free, or there will be no one to command the troops. fancy an army without condé or the admiral at its head!" and he laughed merrily. "then what is likely to be done?" "faith, i have no notion!" he answered lightly. "we march and countermarch and fight, just as we are bidden; it is all one to those of coligny's household. we never ask questions." it was a glorious day, with a fresh breeze tempering the heat of the sun, and we rode along gaily. my comrade had already learned habits of caution, but there was really no danger, and late in the afternoon we reached noyers, where, after a short delay, i was admitted into condé's presence. he had received a message from tanlay some hours previously, and he said at once: "you are edmond le blanc, who brought the packet from la rochelle." "from the castle of le blanc, my lord, where it was given me by ambroise devine." "ah, yes, he was attacked and wounded. what did he tell you?" "that troops were being collected secretly to surround tanlay and noyers, that the banks of the loire were guarded"--the prince gave a start of surprise--and that unless you moved quickly, your escape would be cut off." "and you rode from le blanc to tanlay? did you hear anything of this on the journey?" "no, my lord, but there seemed to be a general feeling of uneasiness abroad, as if people thought something strange was about to happen." "did you notice any movement of troops?" "no, my lord." "where did you cross the loire?" "at the ford a little to the north of nevers." "and it was unguarded? but there, it matters little; it will be guarded by now. how do the folks in your own neighbourhood talk?" "that the present state of things cannot continue, and that one side or the other must begin a fresh war." "humph," he said, half to himself, "if we unsheath the sword again, we will not lay it down until the work is finished. monsieur, you need rest and refreshment; my gentlemen will attend to you. the admiral will be here by nightfall. we have to thank you for your services. it was a very gallant enterprise." bellièvre, who was no stranger at noyers, introduced me to several of his acquaintances, and we spent a merry evening together. the rumour of some impending calamity had spread rapidly, and all sorts of opinions were expressed by condé's cavaliers. "i hope," said one, "if war does break out that the prince will not make peace until the guises and the queen-mother are swept out of the country. the king is but a cat's-paw." "true," cried another. "his mother rules him completely." "and the guises rule her!" "not at all," said the first man, "she is ruled by her own fears. catherine wants all the power in her own hands, and she is afraid of the prince's influence. that is the root of the evil." "she has too many spaniards and italians around her," said bellièvre; "france is drained dry by foreigners. a plague on the leeches!" "bravo, felix, that is well said; but if this rumour is really true, it is time we were doing something. a hundred sworders would make little impression on an army." "trust our chiefs! the admiral will be here in an hour or two. i shall be surprised if we are not out of noyers by this time to-morrow." bellièvre and i were in bed when the admiral arrived, but the next morning we discovered that preparations were being made for almost instant departure. we numbered about a hundred and fifty horsemen, and by ourselves could have made a spirited fight; but we were hampered by the presence of our leaders' wives and children, and more than one man shook his head doubtfully at the thought of meeting the king's troops. i asked my comrade where we were going, and he replied that there were as many different opinions as horsemen. "but for my part," said he, "i believe our destination is la rochelle. that has always been the rallying-place." "'tis a long journey, and with the women and children a dangerous one!" i remarked. "we can be ambushed at a thousand places on the road." "then," said he gaily, "there are a thousand chances of a fight. my dear edmond--we seem such good friends that i cannot call you le blanc--do not look so gloomy. to us of the admiral's house a brush with the enemy is as natural as breaking one's fast. they know the coligny battle-cry by now, i assure you." "i am not thinking of ourselves, but of the women and children." "ah," said he brightly, "that gives us a chance of gaining greater glory." the sun was always shining and the sky always blue for felix bellièvre, and if there were any clouds, he failed to see them. he and i rode in the rear of the cavalcade, with the sieur andelot, coligny's brother, and a number of cavaliers belonging to his household. the weather, fortunately, was dry, but the sun beat down fiercely, and at times we were half-choked by the dust that rose from beneath our feet. as felix had foretold, we struck westward, travelling at a steady pace, and seeing no sign of the king's troops till shortly before reaching the loire, near sancerre. then the few cavaliers forming the extreme rear came riding hurriedly with the information that a large body of the enemy was pushing on at a tremendous pace with the object of overtaking us. "the rear is the post of honour, gentlemen," said andelot, with his pleasant smile--he was, i think, even more kindly than his famous brother--"but it is also the post of danger. we must keep these troops at bay until our comrades succeed in discovering a ford," and we greeted his words with a loyal cheer. the situation was in truth an awkward one. unless our scouts could find some way of crossing the river we must either surrender or suffer annihilation, and the word had gone forth that there must be no yielding. "faith, edmond," exclaimed felix merrily, "it seems you are to have a good baptism. one could not wish a better introduction to knightly feats. ah, here comes one of condé's men with news." a cavalier galloping back from the advance-guard informed andelot that the ford was passable, and that the prince expected us to keep off the foe until the ladies, with a small escort, had crossed to the opposite side. "the prince can trust in our devotion," replied andelot briefly. we proceeded steadily and in perfect order, andelot last of all, when presently we heard the thunder of hoofs and a loud shout of "for the king!" as the foremost of the enemy tore pell-mell toward us. we quickened our pace in seeming alarm, and the royalists rushed on cheering as if their prey were already secured. suddenly andelot gave the signal; we wheeled as one man, and with a yell of defiance dashed at them. the surprise was complete. confident in their numbers they were riding anyhow, and before they could form we were upon them. down they went, horses and riders, while the air was rent by shouts of "condé!" "for the cause!" "for the admiral!" "guise! guise!" in three minutes after the shock they were flying in wild confusion back to their infantry. "bravo, gentlemen!" cried our leader, as we checked the pursuit and reformed our ranks, "that is worth half an hour to our friends!" "a smart affair that," remarked bellièvre, "but soon over. if guise is with the troops we shan't come off so well next time; he is a fine soldier. but the women and children must have crossed the ford by now." we proceeded steadily till the road turned, and here andelot halted, evidently expecting another attack. nor had we long to wait. with a sweeping rush the enemy returned, headed by a richly-dressed cavalier on a superb horse, and shouting: "guise! guise!" they outnumbered us by four to one, but we were well placed, and not a man budged. "let them spend their strength," said our leader, "and when they waver, charge home!" the onset was terrific, but not a horseman broke through our ranks; they crowded upon one another in the narrow pass; they had no room for the play of their weapons, and while those in the rear were striving to push forward, the foremost were thrust back upon them in a confused heap. then, above the din, was heard andelot's voice, crying: "charge, gentlemen!" and with the force of a hurricane rush we swept them before us like leaves scattered by an autumn gale. and as we returned, flushed but triumphant, a second messenger met us. "they are across, my lord," he cried, "all but ourselves; and the prince is preparing to defend the ford on the farther side of the river. he begs that you will come immediately; the waters are rising." "forward! forward!" laughing and cheering, we raced along, a few wounded, but none seriously, and most of us unharmed. our comrades were marshalled on the opposite bank, and they cried to us to hasten. from what cause--unless by a direct intervention of providence--i know not, but the river was rising rapidly, and the last of our troop were compelled to swim several yards. but we reached the bank without mishap, and turning round perceived our stubborn pursuers advancing at full speed. the foremost horsemen reaching the river drew rein; the ford was no longer visible, and they had no means of passage. they wandered along the bank disconsolately, while we, sending them one last cheer, rode after our van. "a point in the game to us, edmond," said my comrade, "and oddly gained too. the admiral's chaplain will make use of that in his next discourse. he will say that providence is fighting on our side." "'tis at least a good omen! had the enemy crossed, we must have been defeated." "perhaps so; perhaps not. i'll wager guise is storming over yonder, at the escape of his prey." "but why wasn't the ford guarded?" i asked. "an oversight, most likely, and a fortunate one for us. however, we are out of the trap." "there is still a long distance to go." "yes, but every day's journey improves our position. condé feels secure now; he dreaded only the passage of the loire. guise made a huge blunder which, in the future, will cost him dear." encouraged by our escape, and more so by the strange manner of it, we rode on with light hearts, chatting gaily about our past adventures, and looking forward with confidence to our safe arrival at rochelle. "i suppose you will throw in your lot with us," said bellièvre, as we lay sheltering one noon from the sun's heat; "it is a great honour to belong to the admiral's household." "i should like it of all things, but there are two objections to the plan. in the first place the admiral has not offered me the privilege, and in the second i must return home. my parents will be alarmed at such a long absence." "yes," he said slowly, "you must visit your father and mother. as for the first objection," he added mysteriously, "it can be remedied easily." i did not understand his meaning, but the very next day, as we were proceeding on our journey, the admiral came to my side. "bellièvre tells me," he said, "that you wish to join my household!" "my lord," i replied, flushing crimson--for this speech was very startling and unexpected--"i can hardly credit that such honour is within my reach." "there is no honour to which the son of the sieur le blanc cannot aspire," he said, "and you have already proved yourself a brave lad. but first you must lay the proposal before your father; if he consents, you will find me at my house in rochelle. we pass, i believe, within a day or two's march of le blanc. is your purse empty?" "no, my lord, i thank you; i have sufficient for my needs." "very well; you know where to find me, but i warrant bellièvre will be looking out for you!" "i shall watch for him eagerly, my lord," interposed felix; "he is too good a comrade to be lost." "i owe this to your kindness, felix," i remarked when the admiral had ridden off. "not kindness, my friend, but selfishness. i was thinking not so much of you, as of felix bellièvre. i foresee many happy days in store for us, edmond." "like the one at sancerre, for instance!" "ah," he replied brightly, "that is a day to be marked in red. but there will be others; and, edmond, do not waste too much time between le blanc and la rochelle." "unless i am laid by the heels," i answered laughing, "i shall be at rochelle shortly after you!" chapter v a traitor to the king it was on the evening of the first day in august, , that i rode into the village of le blanc. all day long a pitiless sun had been beating down on the arid earth, with not one freshening breeze to temper the intense heat, and even now not a breath of air stirred so much as a solitary leaf on the trees. my poor beast dragged wearily along, and his fatigue was scarcely greater than my own. "good old fellow!" i said, stroking his neck affectionately, "a few hundred yards more and we shall be at home. food and water, clean straw, and a shady place for you. ha, ha, old fellow, that makes you prick up your ears!" we trailed along the sun-baked street; the door of every house was wide open; the villagers, men, women, and children sprawled listlessly in the coolest places, hardly raising their eyes at the beat of my horse's hoofs. but those who did glance up gazed at me curiously, and once or twice i heard a muttered, "'tis monsieur edmond!" as if i were the last person they expected to see in my own home. their strange glances, half surprise, half pity, made me uncomfortable, and set me wondering whether any accident had happened. however, i proceeded slowly as far as the inn, outside which half a dozen men had congregated, while old pierre himself stood in the doorway. they greeted me in wonder, and again i heard some one say, "'tis monsieur edmond!" "well, my friends," i exclaimed, with perhaps a suggestion of annoyance in my voice, "is there any reason why it should not be monsieur edmond? did you think me dead, or has the heat affected your brains? speak up, some of you!" "is monsieur going to the castle?" asked pierre. "of course i am!" i answered half angrily. "perhaps monsieur will dismount and enter the inn. things have happened since monsieur went away." a great fear seized me, but, keeping my features under control, i slipped from the saddle, and, bidding the ostler take charge of the animal, followed pierre into the one private room the inn contained. "now, pierre," i exclaimed, "tell me the story quickly, in as few words as possible." "first then, monsieur," began the old man in his quavering voice, "it is useless going to the castle, as it is shut up." "the castle shut up!" i cried in astonishment. "well, go on with the story; it promises plenty of interest." "shortly after your departure, monsieur, many rumours spread abroad. some said one thing, some mother; but no one knew the truth. then, one night, your father sent for me to the castle. he ordered me to watch for your return, and to tell you he had gone to rochelle. not another word, monsieur, except that you were to join him, and to keep out of the way of the king's troops." "this is strange news!" i said. "your father must have gone away that night, monsieur, for next day the castle was deserted. and it was well he did not stay longer," the old man concluded, with a wise shake of the head. "why?" i asked anxiously. "the next night, monsieur, we were roused from sleep by the tramping of soldiers. i ran to the window and looked out. there were more than two hundred of them marching through the village. on arriving at the castle, they found they were too late. their leader was very angry; he raved like a madman." "did you go to listen to him?" "no, monsieur, he slept here at the inn. the next day he had all the villagers drawn up outside, and made them a grand speech. had it not been for his soldiers, i think he would not have left the village alive." "then he made the good folk angry?" "monsieur, it was terrible. he said the sieur le blanc was a traitor to the king, that he had harboured one of the king's enemies, and that his life was forfeit to the law. any man was to shoot him like a dog. he said all this, monsieur, and more, much more. then he called in the leading men one by one, and questioned them closely, but they knew nothing." "he should have asked you, pierre." "he did, monsieur, but he said i was a stupid dolt, with no more sense than one of my own casks!" and the old man broke into a hearty laugh. "you had a guest the night i went away; he left early in the morning. who was he?" "i do not know, monsieur. he was a stranger who wished to learn all he could about the chief folk in the district; but he was an enemy to the cause, and he did not carry away much information. old pierre was too dense to understand his questions," and the old man chuckled again. "well," i said after a pause, "since it is useless going to the castle, i must put up here for the night. i am tired and hungry. get me some supper and a bed; meanwhile i must attend to my horse; the poor beast has carried me far." pierre's information was very disquieting, but, as my father had evidently received timely warning, i trusted he had effected his escape, and that by this time he was safely sheltered behind the strong walls of la rochelle. when pierre brought in the supper i asked after jacques, and, hearing he had not returned, told the landlord to inform him of what had happened. whether he would endeavour to get into rochelle or not i left to himself. i ate my supper slowly, my mind fully occupied with this extraordinary occurrence. why had my father thus suddenly been marked down for vengeance? he was a noted huguenot, 'twas true, but he was not a leader such as condé or the admiral. he had sheltered the wounded messenger, and had allowed me to carry the warning to tanlay. this, of course, was sufficient to incur the queen-mother's displeasure; but how had the knowledge reached her? who was there at le blanc able and willing to betray our secrets? not a soul, unless----! ah, the name leaped of itself into my mind. who was the maker of mischief but etienne cordel? i put together all that i had heard of this man whom jacques detested so thoroughly. he was a lawyer, who, by some means, had amassed wealth and lands. numerous stories, all evil, were related of him, and it was rumoured that he had long served as a useful tool to persons in high places. at least he had prospered exceedingly in some mysterious manner, and it was said he had been promised a patent of nobility. i called for pierre, and asked if he had heard anything fresh lately of this upstart lawyer. "no, monsieur," he answered, "cordel had gone away before the soldiers came, and he has not yet returned. he went hurriedly, after a visit from the cavalier who slept here. monsieur does not think----" "for the present i think nothing, pierre. i am tired and will go to bed. get me an early breakfast, so that i can proceed on my journey in the cool of the morning." of what use were my suspicions, even if i proved them to be correct? the mischief was done, and i could not undo it. my father was a fugitive from his home, to which he dared not return, and it only remained for me to join him. i went to bed, and, in spite of my anxiety, was soon asleep, for the long journey from noyers had been both tedious and fatiguing. pierre called me early, and while the village still slumbered i set forth. "monsieur goes to rochelle?" asked the old man, as i vaulted lightly into the saddle. "yes, at present i intend going to rochelle." "it is said here that the war has begun again." "if it has not, it soon will, pierre, and when it is finished, the sieur le blanc will once more be master of his castle." "heaven grant it, monsieur," said he earnestly, as i rode off. the state of the country west of le blanc was even more deplorable than what i had seen during my journey to tanlay. the fields were bare both of corn and of cattle; the villagers were starving; the people of the towns went about in fear and trembling; the king's troops robbed as they pleased without restraint. at poictiers i found the citizens in a state of dangerous excitement. armed bands, some huguenots, some catholics, patrolled the streets, singing and shouting, and uttering threats of vengeance. fearful of being mixed up in these disturbances, i alighted before the door of the first decent inn, gave my horse to the ostler, and entered. "your streets are a trifle dangerous for a peaceful traveller," i remarked to the landlord, who showed me to a room. "what would you, monsieur?" he asked, with a shrug of the shoulders; "the times are evil. these miserable heretics disturb the whole country with their senseless brawls. but the mischief will be stamped out before long." "how?" i said. "has not the king granted them the privilege of worshipping in their own way?" "ah, monsieur, that was meant but for a time. the queen-mother will make a clean sweep of their rights as soon as she has power enough. and it is said," here he lowered his voice to a confidential whisper, "that a royal army is already marching from paris. but monsieur is hungry?" "hungry and thirsty both," i replied. "what is that?" for the sounds of angry voices came from the outside. "it is nothing, monsieur; some one has drawn a knife, perhaps, and there is a little fighting, but that is all. one does not regard these things," and he hurried off to prepare my meal. after leaving poictiers, i avoided the towns as much as possible, though travelling in the country districts was nearly as hazardous. the peasants having no work, and being without food, had formed themselves into robber bands, and more than once i owed my safety to the fleetness of my horse. however, on the evening of the second day, i reached rochelle, just as the gates were being closed. the streets were filled with citizens and huguenot soldiers, and it was apparent that the illustrious fugitives had arrived safely at their stronghold. being a stranger to the city i rode slowly along the street, noting the houses, and scanning the people closely, on the chance of discovering a familiar face. in all my solitary wanderings i had not felt as lonely as i did now, amidst a seething crowd of my fellow-creatures. the first thing, of course, was to find my father, but on coming to the _hôtel coligny_, i resolved to dismount and to seek out felix bellièvre. fortunately, he was within, and i received a hearty welcome, which caused me to feel once more as if i belonged to the world of human beings. "faith, edmond," he cried cheerily, "the grass has not grown under your feet! i did not expect you until to-morrow, at the earliest." "one does not care to linger around an empty nest," i replied moodily. "empty only for a short time, i hope. do not look so astonished. i have seen your father. more than that, i have been presented to your sister. already i am a friend of the family! i will conduct you to the house, if you wish. come, i have plenty of leisure, and you will serve as an excellent excuse for my visit." "how did you happen to become acquainted with my father?" i asked, as we walked along. "in the simplest way imaginable, my dear edmond. he called to pay his respects to the admiral; being on duty at the time, i heard his name, and made myself known as your friend. he was eager to hear news of you, and carried me off. i met your sister, and you will not be surprised that within twenty-four hours i was repeating my visit. you see there were so many things to tell her about yourself," and he laughed roguishly. "are they depressed by what has happened?" "not in the least; they regard it as a trial of their faith; but here we are at the house. i fear you will not see your estimable aunt; she is an invalid, and keeps strictly to her own rooms. ah, here is one of the servants; let him attend to your animal, and i will announce you. your sister will fall on your neck and embrace you. do you think it possible for us to change parts for a few minutes?" he was still laughing and talking in his madcap way when a door opened, and my father came towards us. "edmond!" he cried, on seeing me, "now this is indeed bright sunshine gleaming through the dark clouds. monsieur bellièvre, you are doubly welcome, for your own sake and for what you bring with you!" the memory of the pleasant evening that followed i treasured for many years. i sat beside my mother, my hand clasped in hers, telling her the story of my adventures. jeanne was full of high spirits, while felix was simply overflowing with wit and good-humoured drollery. the only drawback to our enjoyment was the absence of the trusted jacques, but even that was slight, as he was not seriously wounded, and from the household of the noble count st. cyr he was certain to receive every attention. nothing was said that evening about the visit of the troops to le blanc, but the next morning i had a long talk with my father on the subject. i told him what i had learned from old pierre, and also my suspicions concerning etienne cordel. "the advocate is a scheming rogue," he said, "who bears me no goodwill because i have laughed at his pretensions to be considered our equal. he is in the pay of monseigneur, and he has acted as a spy on those of the religion; but, unless he heard of the affair of the letter, he could do me no harm." "he must have heard of it from the stranger with whom we travelled," i declared. "jacques distrusted him from the first, and believed he was one of those who attacked devine. did he recover?" "yes; he is in rochelle, fretting and fuming at having been prevented from fulfilling his mission. but to return to our own affairs. have you considered what this proclamation means?" "that your life is in danger." "a bagatelle, edmond. it has been in danger these many years. there is something far more serious. as a traitor to the king, my estates are forfeit, and you will grow up to see another man master of the land which by right is yours. it is a heavy price for you to pay, my boy." now i hold it folly to pretend that this caused me no grief, but i was young and enthusiastic, and sensible enough to know that any sign of sorrow would add to my father's unhappiness. so i looked straight into his eyes and said brightly, "others have paid a heavy price for their faith without murmuring; i am strong enough to do the same." he held me in his arms and kissed my cheeks, saying: "now god bless and reward you for those brave words, my son," and never before in all my life had i seen him so deeply moved. chapter vi the unknown cavalier my father had already accepted the admiral's kind offer, so, after a few days of idleness, i began my new duties, meeting with a genial reception from my future comrades, several of whom were but a little older than myself. every day now some fresh note of alarm sounded. the king withdrew the privileges he had granted to those of the religion, and from several quarters we learned that civil war in all but the name had broken out afresh. it was said, too, that the king had given command of the royal army to his brother, the duke of anjou, with orders to exterminate us, root and branch. "anjou!" laughed my comrade, "why, he is only a boy! he should be doing his lessons. has the king provided him with a nurse?" "yes," i replied, "he will find marshal tavannes a very capable nurse." "oh, that is the way of it, eh? faith, 'tis a good plan, for, see you, edmond, if there be any glory 'twill go to anjou, while tavannes can take the discredit. a capital arrangement--that is, from monseigneur's point of view!" meanwhile numbers of huguenot gentlemen with their retainers were arriving at rochelle, and our leaders were soon able to muster a respectable little army. "anjou must make haste if he wishes to cover himself with glory," said felix one morning. "the queen of navarre will be here to-morrow, bringing four thousand bearnese with her. they are sturdy fellows and splendid fighters." "there is another item of news," i said. "the english queen is sending money and guns!" "ah," responded my comrade, "the english are stupid! why don't they join us boldly? we are fighting for the same object, and against the same enemy. for, mark you, edmond, our real foes are spain and the pope, which these english will find out one of these days! if we get beaten, it will be their turn next." we gave the brave queen of navarre and her troops a right royal reception, but to me the most interesting figure in the procession was her son, henry, on whom in the years to come the hopes of so many frenchmen were centred. he was quite a boy, only fifteen years old, but he had a strong and capable face, full of fire and energy. his hair had a reddish tinge, his skin was brown but clear, and he had well-shaped regular features. his eyes had a sweet expression, and when he smiled his whole face lit up with animation. he sat his horse with extreme grace, and responded to the plaudits of the crowd with courtly bows. "a gallant lad!" exclaimed felix delightedly. "he has the makings of a soldier, and in a year or two will be a tower of strength to us." the talk now among the younger men was of moving out from rochelle, scattering the royalists, marching on paris, and dictating peace in the palace. it was astonishing how easy these things appeared to be, as we sat and gossiped idly in the admiral's ante-chamber! fortunately, however, our leaders, being in possession of cooler heads and clearer brains, decided otherwise, and when winter came, making a campaign impossible, we were still inside the walls. during the autumn we were joined by a troop of english gentlemen, about a hundred strong, under the leadership of one named henry champernoun. they were mostly young, of good birth and family, very gallant fellows, and as eager to fight as the most headstrong of us. with one of them--roger braund, a lad about the same age as felix--we soon became very friendly. he was fair and handsome, with sparkling blue eyes and shapely features. he was tall and well made, a skilful horseman, and an astonishing master of fence. few of us could equal him with the sword, but he was modest and unassuming, and had a genial manner, very captivating. he was a frequent visitor at my aunt's house, where he speedily became as great a favourite as felix. indeed, i sometimes thought that jeanne regarded him with even more favour. she spent much time in his company, listening to his accounts of the english court and of his own home, which was situated in a district called devonshire. i think felix was not too well pleased with this intimacy, but whatever sorrow it caused him he kept locked up in his own breast. one evening, they started together to the house, expecting me to follow as soon as i was relieved of my duty. it was, i remember, about a half after six, when i left the hotel. the streets as usual were thronged with citizens and soldiers, who in some places almost blocked the road. in front of me was a horseman, to all appearance but newly arrived. he was proceeding at a foot pace, and evidently looking for suitable accommodation. "a fine beast!" i thought, glancing at the animal, and then--"surely i have seen that horse before!" the knowledge did not come to me at once, but by degrees i remembered the early morning ride through the sleeping village of le blanc, and the richly-dressed cavalier with whom we had travelled some distance. i quickened my steps, and scanned the rider closely. i could not see his face well, but there could be no mistaking the alert, soldierly figure, and the short, brown curls escaping over the forehead. "faith, my friend," i said to myself, "the tables are turned now! one word from me, and you would be torn in pieces; but you must be a brave rascal to venture alone into rochelle! if anjou has many spies as fearless as you, he must be well served." i walked close behind him, wondering what was best to be done. he was certainly a spy, who had entered the city for the purpose of searching out our strength and weakness. perhaps it would be best to call a patrol, and have him arrested on the spot. i was still considering this, when he turned up a side street and dismounted before the door of an inn. an ostler led his horse to the stables, and he entered the house. now the fellow was so completely in my power that i had the mind to watch him a little further. several persons were in the room, but he had taken his place at an unoccupied table in the corner, and called for the host. "some food and a little wine," he said, "but serve me quickly; i have important business on hand." "monsieur has travelled?" said the landlord, with a glance at his boots. "yes," he answered, "and one feels safer inside rochelle than beyond its walls, let me tell you!" "what is anjou doing now, monsieur?" asked a man at one of the other tables. "killing," said the stranger briefly. "rochelle will soon be able to hold all those left of the religion." "i vow," exclaimed an iron-featured trooper, "it makes one wonder our leaders should keep us cooped up here." "you had better offer your opinion to the admiral, or to condé," said the stranger with a laugh, and he turned his attention to the food that had been set before him. he ate and drank quickly, taking no further part in the conversation, but apparently as much at ease as if sitting at anjou's table. "you will require a room, monsieur?" said the host presently. "i will pay for one, though i may not use it." "and your horse, monsieur?" "will remain in the stables." he had nearly finished his meal now, and, acting on a sudden impulse, i crossed the room and sat down opposite him. he looked up at me in a casual way, and the next instant understood he was discovered. but the man had nerves of iron; not a muscle of his face moved; only by the sudden light in his eyes did i know that he recognized me. "the game is to me, monsieur," i said simply. "yes," he agreed, "the game is yours, but do not claim the stakes until i have spoken with you." "the game is altogether finished, monsieur, and you have lost; you cannot throw again." "a fig for the game!" he said; "you have but to raise your voice, and these bloodhounds will bury their fangs in my heart. i know that, and do not complain. i ask only a few hours' freedom." "surely, monsieur, in the circumstance, that is a strange request!" "a riddle is always strange when one does not possess the key. for instance, you believe i have entered rochelle as a spy." "exactly." "and yet you are mistaken. i suppose you will laugh at my story, but i must tell it you. you know me only as an opponent." "a clever and a daring one." "and yet you foiled me! but that is not to the point. my name is renaud l'estang. my father was a gentleman, poor and without influence; i had good blood in my veins but no money in my purse. my only chance of wealth lay in my sword. i sold it to the highest bidder. in short, monsieur, i am an adventurer, no better and no worse than thousands of others." "and in the pay of the league!" "at present," he corrected, with a courteous inclination of the head, "in the service of the duke of anjou." "why did you attack me at nevers?" "to obtain possession of the letter of whose contents we were in ignorance." "and you denounced my father to the duke!" "there you wrong me. i endeavoured to capture the letter; i failed, and my part in the affair was over; but again i am wandering from the point, which is to explain my presence in rochelle. monsieur, has it ever occurred to you that a man who earns his livelihood by his sword may have a heart the same as more innocent persons?" "no one is without some virtue," i said. "there is one person in the world," he continued, in low earnest tones, almost as if communing with himself, "who has all my love and affection. for her i would willingly die, or suffer the worst tortures a fiend could invent. monsieur, there is but one person on earth who loves me and whom i love; and she is in rochelle, lying at the point of death." "your wife?" i said questioningly. "my mother!" he replied. "in her eyes, monsieur, i possess all the virtues. it is strange, is it not?" and he laughed a trifle bitterly. "and you risked your life to comfort her before she died?" "bah!" he exclaimed impatiently, "what is a trifle like that? monsieur, i never yet begged a favour, but i beg one now. not for myself, but for her. you are young, and have a mother of your own! i shall not plead to you vainly. i tried to kill you, but you will not take your revenge on her. and i am altogether in your power." "yes," i said slowly, "that is true." "you can send for a guard, but without explaining your object. they can surround the house, while i close my mother's eyes, and afterwards i am at your service. the gallows, the block, or the wheel, as your leaders direct; you will not lose much." "no, i shall not lose much," i repeated. now, strangely perhaps, i felt not the slightest doubt of the man's story. his good faith was apparent in every tone and every gesture. whatever his vices, he loved his mother with his whole heart. and he was entirely in my power! even if he got away from me in the streets he could not leave rochelle! i thought of my own mother, and hesitated no longer. i could not keep these two apart. "monsieur," i said, "for good or ill i intend to trust you. we will go together to your home, and--and afterwards you will return with me to the _hôtel coligny_. if you abuse my confidence, i will leave your punishment in the hands of god, who judges huguenot and catholic alike. come, let us hasten." he made no violent protestations, but murmured brokenly: "may the blessing of a dying woman reward you!" we passed out of the inn together, and walked briskly through the streets, until we reached a house not far from the harbour. the door was opened by a middle-aged woman who gazed at my companion in astonishment. "hush!" he said softly, "am i in time?" "for the end," she answered, "only for that. madame has already received the last rites." the woman showed us into an empty room, where my companion laid aside his weapons. "you do not repent of your generosity?" he asked. "i have trusted you fully," i replied, and his face lit up with a gratified smile as he left the room, stepping noiselessly into the corridor. the servant brought a light, and some refreshments, but they stood before me untasted. i was busy with my thoughts. the house was very still; not a sound broke the silence, not the murmur of a voice, nor the fall of a footstep. i might have been in a house of the dead. suddenly the door was pushed open noiselessly, and the adventurer stood before me beckoning. i rose from my seat and followed him without a word into another apartment. in the bed in the alcove a woman lay dying. she must have been beautiful in her youth, and traces of beauty still lingered on her face. she stretched out her hands and drew my head down to hers. "renaud tells me you have done him a great service," she said feebly. "it is through you that he was able to come to me. a dying woman blesses you, monsieur, and surely the saints will reward you. a goodly youth! a goodly youth! may god hold you in his holy keeping! treasure him, renaud, my son, even to the giving of your life for his!" her eyes closed, she sank back exhausted, and i stole from the room. how my heart ached that night! "treasure him, renaud!" poor soul! how merciful that she should die ignorant of the wretched truth! "even to the giving of your life for his!" and his life was in my hands already! oh, the pity, the horror of it! she called on god to bless me, and i was about to lead her only son straight from her death-bed to the executioner! for i could not disguise from myself the fact that this man would die the death of a spy. ambroise devine was in rochelle, and he would show no mercy. and, terrible as it might seem, there were those in the city who would scout the idea that renaud l'estang had risked his life solely to visit his dying mother. "he is a spy," they would declare hotly; "let him die a spy's death!" "it is not my fault," i said to myself angrily; "he has lost; he must pay forfeit!" "a dying woman blesses you, and surely the saints will reward you!" the room was filled with the words; they buzzed in my ears, and beat into my brain continually; i could not rid myself of them. "a dying woman!" ay, perhaps a dead woman by now, and her son following swiftly as the night the day! i could have cried aloud in my agony of mind. chapter vii a commission for the admiral "it is over, monsieur." renaud l'estang stood before me, his face drawn and haggard, and heavy with a great grief. he had stolen in noiselessly; his sword and pistol lay within reach of his hand; he might have killed me without effort, and saved his own life. the thought flashed into my mind, but died away instantly. from the moment when he told his story i had never once mistrusted him. "your mother has passed away?" i questioned in a tone of sympathy. "she died in my arms; her last moments were full of peace. now, i am at your service." "you are faint," i said. "will it not be advisable to break your fast before starting out? you will need all your strength." "i cannot eat." "yet it is necessary. pardon me if i summon your servant." he allowed himself to be treated almost as a child, eating and drinking mechanically what was set before him, hardly conscious of my presence, unable to detach his thoughts from the sombre picture in the adjoining apartment. at last he had finished, and i said gently, "have you made arrangements for your mother's burial?" "they are all made," he replied gravely. "there is your sword," i remarked, pointing to the weapon lying on the table. "let it lie monsieur," he answered with a mournful smile; "a dead man has no use for a sword." now i may have done a very foolish thing, for this l'estang was a daring soldier, crafty, able, and resolute. he was an enemy to be feared far more than many a general in the armies of the league. all this was well known to me, and yet i could not harden my heart against him. i had meant to denounce him to the admiral, but at the last moment my courage failed. how could i condemn to death this man who had freely risked his life to comfort his mother's last moments? "monsieur," i said awkwardly, "listen to me. when i met you in the city, i jumped to the conclusion that you had come to rochelle as a spy. you told me your story, and i believed it; but you have doubtless many enemies who will laugh at it. they will say----" "nothing, monsieur; i shall go to the block without words. renaud l'estang will find no mercy in rochelle, and asks none." there was no hint of bravado in his speech; it was but the expression of a man of intrepid courage and iron will. "once more listen," i said. "had you come to rochelle as a spy i should have handed you over to our troops without hesitation; but i am regarding you, not as the servant of anjou but as a tender and loving son. i cannot have on my hands the blood of a man who has shown such affection for his mother. i propose to accompany you to the gate, and there to set you at liberty." he stood like one suddenly stricken dumb. his limbs trembled, the muscles of his face twitched convulsively; he gazed at me with unseeing eyes. "monsieur," he said after a time, "i do not comprehend. is it that you give me, renaud l'estang, my life? no, i must have mistaken your words." "you have made no mistake. as far as i am concerned you are free. i ask but one thing, renaud l'estang. some day you may be able to show mercy to one of your foes. should such a time arrive, remember that once mercy was not withheld from you." he did not speak, but motioned me with his hand to follow him. we entered the chamber of death, and he knelt reverently by the bedside. then, in low, passionate tones, calling on the dead woman by name, he made a solemn vow that, should it ever be in his power, he would repay the debt he owed me, even at the sacrifice of life and all he held most dear. "i must fight for my side," he said, "but no huguenot shall ever seek quarter from me in vain." he buckled on his sword, and we went out together in the dull grey morning. few persons were abroad, and none presumed to question one of the admiral's household. my companion fetched his horse from the inn, and i walked with him until we were well beyond the walls of the town. then i came to a halt, saying: "here we part; now you must depend on yourself for safety." he doffed his plumed hat. "monsieur," he said, "the friends of renaud l'estang would laugh on being told he was at a loss for words; yet it is true. i cannot express my gratitude; i can but pray that i may have an opportunity of proving it. good-bye!" "good-bye!" i replied, and when he had ridden some distance i returned thoughtfully to the city. felix, who was on duty at the hotel, looked at me curiously. "where have you been?" he asked. "we expected you last night, and concluded you must have been detained on some special service. i have been wearing myself to a shadow on your account!" i made some commonplace excuse and left him, saying i was tired and wished to sleep; for, though i did not regret my action, i could hardly refrain from doubting its wisdom. at first the incident occupied a large portion of my thoughts, but as the days passed into weeks the memory of it wore off. winter had set in, and we knew the campaign would not open until the spring of the next year. it was a trying time; the cold was intense--the oldest veteran had never known such a keen frost--and much sickness broke out among the troops. the good admiral tended them with the devotion of a father, spending himself in their service, and we of his household were kept busy from morning till night. in spite of every care, however, our losses were enormous, and the prospect became very gloomy. every one looked forward with eagerness to the coming of spring. "if the winter lasts much longer," said roger braund, one night when we had all met at my aunt's house, "there will be no army left." "a little more patience," my father exclaimed smilingly; "once the campaign begins you will have no cause to complain of inaction!" "faith," laughed felix, "if he rides with the admiral, he will be regretting sometimes having left the comforts of rochelle." "i shall probably do that," said roger, glancing at my sister, "even without the hard riding." "then you are a caitiff knight and no true soldier," i broke in hastily, for jeanne was blushing furiously, and my comrade's face had lost its merriment; "but, really, things are becoming serious; more than a score of men have died to-day!" "poor fellows!" said my mother tenderly; "if those who force us into these cruel wars could only realize the misery they cause!" "i fear, madame," remarked roger, "that the suffering troubles them little, as long as they can gain their ends." about a week after this conversation there were signs that our long inactivity was drawing to a close. the weather became far milder; the ice began to thaw, and it was possible for the soldiers to pass the nights in some degree of comfort. orders were issued to the various leaders, carts were collected and filled with stores, bodies of troops marched out from the city, and preparations for the campaign were actively pushed forward. "i really believe," said felix one morning, "that we are about to move. condé has issued instructions for all his followers to hold themselves in readiness, and a body of infantry left rochelle an hour ago." we were on duty in the admiral's ante-chamber, and my comrade had just finished speaking when our leader, attended as usual by the sieur de guerchy, ascended the staircase. he glanced round at us with his kindly smile, and, clapping me lightly on the shoulder, exclaimed: "a word with you in my room, monsieur le blanc." expecting some trifling commission, such as often fell to his gentlemen of the bodyguard, i followed him into the apartment, and stood waiting to hear his commands. "a prudent youth, de guerchy," he remarked to his companion, "and not without experience. he it was who brought the timely warning to tanlay. his father is the sieur le blanc." "a gallant soldier!" said de guerchy with decision. "and i think the lad will follow in his father's footsteps. i am about to send him to saint jean d'angely, and to cognac," adding, with a laugh, "'tis a far less distance than to tanlay." "but the commission is almost as important," said de guerchy. "much less dangerous though," and, turning to me, he added: "can you carry a letter to the commandant at cognac?" "i will do my best, my lord." "then make your preparations; i shall be ready for you at the end of two hours." i saluted and returned to the ante-chamber, where felix, catching sight of my smiling face, exclaimed: "more good fortune, edmond? i shall be jealous of you soon! why do the fates select you for their favours?" "it is an affair of little importance," i said. "does it carry you away from rochelle?" "a short distance; but i must attend to my horse; our patron is in a hurry," and expecting that we should meet later i hurried away. having saddled my horse and put my pistols in order i paid a hasty visit home, though fully expecting to be back in the city within a few days. my father, however, thought my absence would be for a longer period. "the truth is, edmond," he said, "that the campaign has opened. some of the troops have already started, and coligny himself leaves the city before night. so, should you be charged with a message for him, you are not likely to return to rochelle." "and you?" i asked. "i am waiting for orders, i may march with the troops, or remain here; it depends on our leaders." my father's information put a greyer colour on the farewell; jeanne and my mother embraced me very tenderly, and neither could altogether keep back the tell-tale tears. still, they were very brave, and when at last i rode off, they stood at the window waving their handkerchiefs and smiling, though i suspect the smiles quickly faded after i disappeared from sight. i found the hotel in a state of commotion, and felix, who met me in the lobby, exclaimed excitedly: "it has begun, edmond; we march almost immediately. i am just going to say good-bye to your sister. will you be away from us long?" "i think not. i am carrying a despatch to the commandants at saint jean d'angely and cognac. afterwards i shall rejoin you." "till we meet again then," said he, hurriedly, anxious to make the most of the short time still at his disposal. several of our leaders besides de guerchy were with the admiral, and from time to time one of them came out, mounted his horse, and galloped off. presently the door opened, and de guerchy called me inside, where the admiral handed me two packets. "one for the commandant at saint jean d'angely," he said, "and one for him at cognac. from cognac you will proceed to angoulême, unless you meet with us on the way. i need not warn you to be prudent and vigilant, nor remind you that these despatches must not fall into the hands of an enemy. start at once; you should reach saint jean d'angely before norning." i took the packets, placed them securely inside my doublet, and, after a last word of caution from de guerchy, left the room. the news of the coming movement had spread throughout the town and the streets were crowded. the excitement was intense, and i witnessed many sad scenes; for every one understood that of the thousands who marched from rochelle comparatively few would return. heavy carts, and big, clumsy guns--chiefly useful for making a noise--rumbled along; dashing cavaliers with flaunting favours bestrode their horses proudly; sturdy foot-soldiers carrying murderous pike or deadly arquebus tramped steadily onward, while weeping children and silent, white-faced women stood bowed with grief. even beyond the gates i found crowds of people who had come thus far, loth to say the last farewell to their dear ones; but after a while i left the throng behind, and set my horse into a canter. now and again i overtook a body of troops, marching cheerfully, and singing their favourite hymns. they, too, were tired of inaction, and eager to plunge into the strife. with the falling of darkness i slackened my pace, riding carefully, listening for any unusual sounds, and peering into the gloom. i had not forgotten my former adventure, but nothing untoward happened, and shortly after midnight i drew rein at the gate of the town. "your business?" exclaimed the officer of the guard. "i am from rochelle, with a despatch for your commandant." "from the prince?" "from the admiral--it is all one." the gate was opened, and, having dismounted, i led my horse forward by the bridle. "you have had a dark ride, monsieur." "but a safe one," i answered, laughing. "where is the commandant to be found? he will not feel well pleased at being wakened from his sleep." "ah, you do not know him! he is like the owl, and sleeps only in the daylight. at other times he watches; he is going the rounds now, and will be with us in a few minutes. it will need a craftier leader than anjou to take saint jean d'angely by surprise! ah, here is the commandant!" a veteran soldier, with white moustaches, white hair, and grizzled beard! a strongly-built man of middle height, with resolute, determined face, and an air that betokened long years of command. "a despatch from the admiral, monsieur," i said, saluting and handing him the packet. tearing off the covering, he read the letter by the light of a torch, folded the paper, and put it away carefully. by his face one could not judge whether the information he had received was good or ill. "you are from rochelle?" he asked sharply. "i have just ridden from there, monsieur." "and are you returning?" "no, monsieur. i am proceeding to cognac." "you have had a brisk ride, and your horse is in leed of rest. come with me." he conducted me to an inn, wakened the landlord, and did not leave until my horse was comfortably stabled, and preparations for a good supper were in progress. then he said: "you will be starting early in the morning. have a care on your journey to cognac. bodies of the enemy have been prowling around the district for some days." "i thank you, monsieur. i was unaware they had ventured so far south." "they are striking, i think, at angoulême," he said; "i have sent a courier to rochelle with the news. good-night! and don't let the rascals snap you up." the supper was an excellent one, the bed delightfully cosy and inviting, and my last thought was one of regret at having to leave it so soon. however, i turned out at the landlord's warning, made another hearty meal--these journeys were keen sharpeners of the appetite--and before the day was fairly awake had started in cheerful spirits for cognac. chapter viii the tragedy of jarnac what led to the dismal disaster that overtook us at the very opening of the campaign i cannot say. some ascribe it to the rashness of the prince, who was certainly a very impetuous leader; but it is ill work buffeting the dead, and profitless also. and if his fiery temper did, indeed, bring about the mischance, he exerted himself as a gallant gentleman to retrieve his error. by great good fortune, as it appeared afterwards, i had carried my despatch safely to cognac, and was now, after spending a night in the town, riding along the bank of the charente in the direction of angoulême. i had not encountered any of anjou's troopers, though at cognac it was strongly rumoured they were in the neighbourhood. the day was cold and somewhat cloudy, the sun shining out only at intervals, and there was a suspicion of rain in the air. partly to restore the circulation, and partly to ease my horse--for we were ascending a hill--i had dismounted, and was walking briskly along at the animal's side. from the brow of the hill i had a clear view of the wide plain stretching before me. huddled together in one corner was the cluster of houses forming the village of jarnac, where i intended to break my journey. presently, however, i caught sight of something which put all thought of food and rest out of my head. a body of cavalry had halted on the plain. some of the men were lying down, some drinking from the brook, but scouts were stationed at a distance from the main body to give warning of any hostile approach. "this is either anjou or condé," i thought, "and in any case it is necessary to discover which." still leading my horse, i crept down the hill, and advanced some distance across the plain, ready directly danger threatened to mount and ride. as soon, however, as i drew close enough to distinguish the scouts i saw they were friends, and went on boldly. where was coligny? they did not know; they had parted company with the infantry some time previously. leaving them, i proceeded to the main body, and in passing a group of cavaliers, heard my name called by a voice i recognized as roger braund's. "why are you wandering about here?" he asked. "faith," i laughed, "i might put that very same question to you! where are coligny and the troops? i did not expect to meet with half an army." "say, rather, a third; we have not a gun, nor even a man to carry a pike." "but what does it mean?" "perhaps that i don't understand your mode of warfare. we have been marching and countermarching for hours, with no other result as yet than wearing out our animals; but i warrant the prince has his reasons." "if there is a man with brains in the enemy's council," said another englishman, "we shall rejoin our infantry only in the next world. we are scarcely fifteen hundred strong, and i heard this morning that anjou has at least three thousand." "two to one," i remarked carelessly, "the prince has fought against even heavier odds. but----" "mount, mount, messieurs; anjou is advancing!" the scouts came galloping in with their warning; the cry was repeated on all sides; men running to their horses mounted hurriedly; officers shouted commands; in an instant all was activity. "you showed little wisdom in stumbling on us to-day," said roger. "you would have been better off with your own leader." "at least i make one more!" "yes," he replied, "and a pity too. but come along, you will ride with us, and i promise we will not disgrace you. a fair field for a charge, edward!" addressing one of his comrades. "i would rather it were a pitched battle," replied the other; "with our numbers we can do no more than ride them down." "the prince! the prince!" cried one, and presently condé came riding along our ranks. he had opened his helmet; his face was full of high resolve, his eyes flashed fire. "gentlemen!" he exclaimed, "here is the chance for which we have waited. let us begin the campaign with a victory, and we shall finish it the sooner." we greeted his words with a cheer; the english shouted "hurrah!" which sounded strangely in our ears, and every one gripped his sword firmly. for, in spite of cheers, and of brave looks, a desperate enterprise lay before us. monseigneur's troops were at least twice as numerous as ours, and his men were seasoned soldiers. but condé gave us little time for reflection. "forward! forward!" we rose in our stirrups, and with a ringing cheer dashed at the foe. like a wall of rock they stood, and our front rank went down before them. we withdrew a space, and once more sprang forward, but with the same result. the din was terrific; steel clashed against steel; horses neighed, men groaned in agony, or shouted in triumph. and presently, above the tumult, we heard condé's voice ringing high and clear, "to me, gentlemen! to me!" he was in the thick of the press, cutting a passage for himself, while numbers of his bodyguard toiled after him. "to the prince!" cried roger braund in stentorian tones, "or he is lost!" we tore our way like a parcel of madmen, striking right and left in blind fury, and not pausing to parry a blow. but the enemy surged round us like waves in a storm. they hammered us in front, in the rear, on both flanks; we fell apart into groups, each group fighting strenuously for dear life. and in the midst of the fearful struggle there rose the ominous cry, "the prince is down!" for an instant both sides stood still, and then roger braund, crying, "to the rescue!" leaped straight at those in front of him. the noble band of englishmen followed, the battle flamed up afresh; renewed cries of "condé! condé!" arose, but we listened in vain for the reply of our daring general. "the prince is down!" ran mournfully from man to man, and though some fought on with intrepid bravery, the majority were thrown into disorder by their leader's fall. as for myself, i know not how the latter part of the battle went. half-stunned by a heavy blow on my helmet, i clung mechanically to my horse, who carried me out of the press. as soon as my senses returned, i drew rein and gazed across the plain. it presented a melancholy sight. here was a little band of wearied troopers spurring hard from the scene of conflict; there a man, dismounted and wounded, staggering along painfully, while some lay in the stillness of death. they had struck their first and last blow. the battle, if battle it could be called, was over; the victors were busy securing their prisoners; nothing more could be done, and with a heavy heart i turned reluctantly away. removing my helmet so that the fresh air might blow upon my aching temples, i rode on, picking up a companion here and there, until at last we formed a troop some fifty strong. hardly a word passed between us. we were angry, and ashamed; we had met with a bitter defeat; our leader was down, and no man knew even if he lived. "where is the admiral?" i asked at last of the horseman at my side; "we must find the admiral." "i cannot say, but it is certain that when the news reaches him he will retreat"; then he relapsed into silence. it was a dreary journey. we wandered on aimlessly and hopelessly for hours, and night had long since fallen when, by some lucky chance, we stumbled upon our infantry. we were not the first fugitives to arrive, and the camp was full of excitement. i made my way straight to the admiral's tent, and was instantly admitted. several officers were already there, eagerly discussing the news, and they plied me with anxious questions. i could, however, tell them nothing fresh, and could throw no light on the fate of the prince. in the midst of the interview an officer brought in a wounded trooper. he was weak and faint from loss of blood, and, gallantly as he had held himself in the fray, he hung his head shamefacedly. "you are from jarnac?" said coligny kindly; "can you tell us what has happened to your general?" every voice was hushed; the silence became painful as we listened with straining ears for the man's reply. steadying himself, he gave his answer, and a deep groan burst from the assembled officers. "the prince is dead, my lord," he said slowly. "dead!" echoed our leader. "killed in the battle?" "murdered in cold blood after the battle, my lord!" "how?" cried coligny, and never had i seen his face look so stern. "think well, my man, before speaking. this is a serious statement to make." "but a true one, my lord. i was not a yard away when the deed was done." "tell us all about it," said the admiral, "for if this be true----" but here he checked himself. "the prince's horse fell, my lord, and he was thrown heavily. i tried to reach him, but failed." "'tis plain that you made a most gallant attempt!" remarked coligny in kindly tones. "i was knocked down, my lord, and i suppose thought to be dead! the prince lay a yard or so away. he had taken off his helmet, and was talking to one of the enemy's officers. i heard him say, 'd'argence, save my life and i will give you a hundred thousand crowns!" "and what was the answer?" "the officer promised, my lord, but just afterwards a fresh body of soldiers came galloping to that part of the field. then the prince said, 'there is monseigneur's troop; i am a dead man!'" "and what answered d'argence?" "he said, 'no, my lord, cover your face, and i will yet save you.' but he had not the chance. one of monseigneur's officers"--we learned afterwards that it was montesquieu, the captain of the swiss guard--"shot the prince in the back of the head!" "and killed him instantly?" "he just had strength to say, 'now i trust you are content!'" replied the trooper, "and then he fell forward dead. they wrapped his body in a sheet and carried it off the field, but i do not know where." "there is no possible chance of your having been mistaken?" "none, my lord." the chaplain, stepping forward, led the trooper from the tent to give him some food, and to bind up his wounds, while every one began discussing the mournful story he had told. in the midst of the talk i slipped out, eager to assure felix of my safety, and to learn if roger braund had returned. no one in the camp thought of sleep or rest; the soldiers had gathered together in knots, asking and answering questions, while from time to time a single horseman, or half a dozen in a body, trailed wearily into the lines. i met felix coming toward the tent, and on seeing me he ran forward hastily. "is it really you, edmond?" he cried; "are you hurt? how came you to be in the fight? one of the englishmen told me you were there. 'tis a sorry beginning to the campaign, eh? but, after all, 'tis but one dark spot on the sun. come to our tent and tell us what has happened. there are a thousand rumours." "is roger braund not with his comrades?" i asked. "no; there are a good many of the english still missing, but their friends are not anxious; they have lost their way perhaps, and we shall see them in the morning." as nothing could be done, i accompanied felix to the tent, where a number of our comrades speedily assembled. felix gave me food, as i had eaten nothing for hours, and then i related my story. "on the plain of jarnac!" exclaimed one in surprise; "what was the prince doing there?" "i cannot say. remember, i came upon them by mere chance." "'twas stupid folly!" exclaimed the speaker. "we aren't so strong that we can afford to divide our forces. condé's rashness will ruin everything. one would think he was a hot-headed boy!" "if condé was in fault, he has paid dearly for his mistake," i remarked, and was greeted by cries of "what do you mean?" "is the prince hurt?" "is he a prisoner?" "speak out, le blanc!" "the prince, gentlemen," i replied slowly, "is dead; and if my account be true, most foully murdered." "condé dead!" cried one, "no, no; there must be some strange mistake!" "i fear not, monsieur!" and, while they listened in breathless silence, i repeated the story which the wounded trooper had brought from the battle-field. "anjou shall have cause to rue this day!" said one, speaking with deadly earnestness. "if i meet him on foot or in the saddle, in victory or in defeat, i will not leave the ground till i have plunged my sword into his heart!" "but anjou was not the murderer!" "an officer of his bodyguard, you said. do you think he acted against his master's wishes? pshaw! i tell you, monseigneur is as much the murderer as if his own fingers had pulled the trigger!" and the murmur of applause from all who heard showed how fully they agreed with him. when they left the tent, to retail the circumstances of the prince's death, i was glad to lie down. i was still anxious concerning my english comrade, but felix, who was too excited to sleep, promised to bring me any information that he could gather. my head ached terribly, but i managed to sleep, and for an hour or two at least i forgot the dismal tragedy that had occurred. the whole camp was astir in the early morning, and my comrade brought me very welcome news. roger had arrived during the night, with about a dozen fellow-countrymen, tired out but unwounded. "i half expected he was dead," i said; "he was in the very thickest of the _mêlée_." "humph!" said felix, "i warrant he fought with no greater bravery than edmond le blanc! he is a gallant fellow enough, but you need not worship him as a hero." i looked at my comrade with surprise, and i think he felt rather ashamed of his ungenerous speech, as he continued: "however, he is unhurt, which is the main thing. it seems we have lost quite a number of brave fellows besides condé at jarnac." "i suppose the last of the stragglers are in?" "yes, and we strike camp almost immediately. anjou is very kind to give us breathing time. according to our scouts, he is actually going to lay siege to cognac." "he will meet with a warm reception!" "if the citizens can hold him only for a few weeks," said felix, "all will go well. we are to be joined by strong reinforcements. the sun will shine again, edmond." making my way through the camp after breakfast i came across roger, who had just risen from a brief sleep. "i did not come to your tent last night," he said; "there was no need to disturb you. you are not much hurt?" "no, but rather ashamed! we have begun badly." "and shall therefore make a better ending," said he brightly. "cheer up, edmond, there is no disgrace in being beaten by twice our number. jarnac is not the only field of battle in france." chapter ix a glorious victory the steady courage and resolute will of our great leader raised the spirits of every soldier under his command; the disaster at jarnac became more and more a dream; the retreat to niort was conducted without the least disorder or confusion. every one trusted coligny, and felt that under his rule all would go well. and, as far as human skill and foresight could prevail, the admiral deserved our confidence. all through the day, and far into the night, he toiled, and never grew weary; at one time inspecting his troops, at another strengthening his defences; now endeavouring to form some useful alliance, again writing cheerful letters and putting heart into the more timid of our friends. we had another leader, too, who, though she did not lead us into battle was worth many a troop of horse to the cause. i shall never forget the day when joan of albret, the great-hearted queen of navarre, came riding into our camp at niort, bringing her son, henry of beam, and her nephew henry, the son of the murdered condé. true and steadfast in the hour of our defeat--more steadfast even than some of those who would ride fearlessly in the wildest charge--she came to prove her unswerving loyalty. "i offer you my son," said this noble lady--may her name ever be held in reverence--"who burns with a bold ardour to avenge the death of the prince we all regret. behold also condé's son, now become my own child. he succeeds to his father's name and glory. heaven grant that they may both show themselves worthy of their ancestors!" while she spoke, not another sound broke the silence in all that vast assembly; but when the echo of the last word had died away, such a shout arose that few have ever heard its like. the whole army cheered and cheered again with one voice; hundreds of swords flashed in the air; men went wild with enthusiasm as they cried, "long live joan of albret! long live the queen of navarre!" when at length silence was restored there rode to the front that gallant youth, henry of beam, whose winning manners had already charmed us at rochelle. i have seen him since with all the world at his feet, and crowned with victory; but after his most glorious triumph he did not look more noble than on that memorable day at niort. he was, as i have said, a splendid horseman, and he managed his fiery charger with exquisite grace and ease. his eyes, usually so sweet, were bright and burning; the hot blood reddened his clear brown skin. "soldiers!" he exclaimed--and i would you could have heard the music of his voice--"your cause is mine. i swear to defend our religion, and to persevere until death or victory has restored us the liberty for which we fight." once again the thundering cheers pealed forth, and had monseigneur but met us that day, i warrant he would not have carried a hundred men with him from the field. "your henry of beam is a gallant youngster, edmond," remarked roger braund that evening; "i would he had been with us at jarnac!" "that might have prevented his being here now!" "true! on the other hand, his presence might have saved the day. however, he will have an opportunity of showing his mettle. do we move soon?" "we are waiting for a body of german foot-soldiers, and for the troops from languedoc. directly they arrive, i believe we break camp." "the sooner the better," said he; "we shall rust out by staying here." most of the troops, indeed, had begun to weary of inaction, and when, on the arrival of our reinforcements, coligny determined to offer battle once more, the whole camp received the news with satisfaction. a great grief had befallen our leader. his brother, the kindly genial sieur andelot, whom all men loved, had broken down under the terrible strain, and died at saintes. it was a terrible blow, but the admiral sternly repressed his sorrow, counting no sacrifice too great for the success of the cause. we marched out from the camp at niort, twenty-five thousand strong, all in good spirits, and all placing the most implicit trust in our gallant leader. the dead condé's troops were especially eager for the fray, and as they mounted and rode off, the words "remember jarnac!" passed from man to man. it was a watchword that boded ill for their opponents. from day to day our scouts brought in word of the royal forces. they outnumbered us by several thousands, but that did not damp our ardour; in spite of jarnac, we felt that we were marching to victory. we had advanced within two days' distance of the city of limoges, when our scouts galloped in with the information that they had encountered a strong force of hostile cavalry. our preparations for battle were all made, so coligny continued his march, the horsemen retiring before us, and making no effort to attack. we passed an anxious night: the sentries were doubled, the outposts strengthened, and the men slept with their weapons in their hands, ready to spring up at the first note of warning. for the admiral's personal attendants there was no sleep whatever. we passed our time in visiting the outposts, and in seeing that everything was secure. only after day broke were we able to snatch an hour or two's rest. "faith," laughed felix, as the march was resumed, "this is fine preparation for a battle! edmond, rub the dust from your eyes; you look sleepy enough to fall from your saddle!" "and all our labour was wasted!" i grumbled. "those fellows just went comfortably to sleep, laughing at us for our pains." "never mind!" said my comrade merrily, "it may be our turn to laugh next. and, after all, i would rather laugh last." all that day we marched through a woody, irregular district, the horsemen watching our movements, but retiring steadily at our approach, as if wishing to lure us into some cunning trap. but coligny was not to be tempted; he kept his troops well in hand, and in the evening we camped by the side of a small stream with a marsh in our front. "we have caught him," cried felix, in a tone of delight. "or he has caught us!" said i dubiously. "anjou has some skilful soldier at his elbow who chose that position." on the other side of the marsh rose a rugged hill, and at the summit the royalist general had pitched his camp. rude breastworks, from which the muzzles of several guns peeped out, had been erected, and altogether it looked as if monseigneur had provided us with a hard nut to crack. coligny rode out across the marsh to examine the enemy's position more clearly, and i fancied there was a shade of anxiety on his usually serene face. it was a heavy responsibility he had to bear, for, should his troops be defeated, the huguenot cause was lost. there was no other army to replace the one under his command. "the longer you look at it the less you'll like it," said roger braund cheerfully--for our english comrade often came over for a chat when we had pitched camp--"monseigneur has fenced himself in marvellously well." "the more credit in digging him out!" laughed felix. "don't make edmond more doleful; he is half afraid now of meeting with a second jarnac. de pilles"--the commander of our artillery--"will soon batter down those walls, and a sharp rush will carry the hill." "'tis a simple matter winning a battle--in our minds," laughed roger, "but not always so easy in practice. monseigneur's troops fought well enough at jarnac." "ah," said felix merrily, "they will fight well here, but we shall fight better!" "is an assault decided on?" "no one knows," i replied; "there is to be a meeting of the council presently. but i take it that we must attack. monseigneur has the advantage of us. he can obtain provisions; we can't." "and we aren't likely to retreat!" exclaimed felix. "in that case we must go forward; but we shall hear the decision in an hour or two." the council sat for a considerable time, while we of the admiral's household discussed the situation among ourselves. there were various opinions given, the older men declaring monseigneur was too strongly posted to be dislodged, the younger and more hot-headed making light of the danger. at length the council broke up, and, though nothing was actually disclosed, we soon became aware that coligny had resolved on risking a battle. "bravo!" said felix, as we went to our tent, "'twill be a pity if roche abeille does not make up for jarnac!" the bugle-call roused us at daybreak, and after a hasty breakfast we prepared for the fray. it was a glorious summer morning, with only a few fleecy clouds dotting the blue sky. the country was bathed in sunlight, and the green, leafy foliage of the numerous trees on our left made a delightful picture. the waters of the little stream in our rear danced and sparkled, and the chorus of the birds made wondrous music. before long every feathered creature was flying hastily away in amazement and affright. the army was drawn up in battle array, and the noble coligny, serene and confident, rode along the lines. "soldiers!" he exclaimed, "the time has come. the enemy are before us. we must beat them or die. soldiers, if we lose this battle, the sacred cause to which we have pledged our lives is overthrown. our religion will be destroyed, our wives and little ones slain, we ourselves shall go to the prison, the block, or the stake. soldiers, the safety of the cause is entrusted to your arms! i know you are worthy of the honour." a great cheer greeted these stirring words, a cheer that, echoing far and wide, sounded like a haughty challenge of defiance to the foe. i had little to do but to watch the opening of the battle, and my heart beat fast as de pilles, a rough and fearless fighter, went forward with his artilery. almost instantly the excitement became tense. "he is into the marsh!" cried felix. "his guns are stuck fast! he cannot get them out! ah, see, monseigneur is launching his horsemen at them!" down the hill they came in beautiful order, a troop of italian cavalry, their helmets gleaming, their swords flashing in the sunlight. "de pilles is lost!" muttered a man behind me. "no, no!" cried felix; "he will beat them off. see, he is forming up his men. ah, bravo! bravo! look, there isn't a coward among them!" with a rush, the italians swept down on the guns. they were brave men and seasoned fighters, but they came to grief that day. though their animals floundered in the soft soil they struggled on valiantly; they reached the guns, they wheeled and circled, they struck fierce blows with their glittering blades, but, wherever they rode, there they found a grim and sturdy opponent. back they went for a breathing-space, and then, with a magnificent charge, once more flung themselves on the handful of gunners. my heart stood still when, for a moment, our gallant few disappeared as if overwhelmed by the waves of a human sea. a triumphant shout from felix roused me. the waves had rolled back, broken and shattered, and we raised cheer after cheer as the baffled horsemen slowly climbed the hill. de pilles had saved his guns, and in monseigneur's italian troop there were more than a score of empty saddles. it was a good beginning for us. the battle now became general. the guns, dragged from the marsh on to firm ground, opened fire against the breastworks, the infantry marched steadily forward, two troops of horse worked round to the right, seeking a favourable place for attack. but our progress was slow. monseigneur's troops, fighting with rare vigour and courage, forced us back again and again; their position seemed impregnable, and our men fell fast. unless we could break through somewhere the battle was lost. by extreme good fortune, i was close behind the admiral when he turned his head, seeking a messenger. "le blanc" he cried, courteous as ever, even in the midst of the terrible strife, "ride to de courcy lamont, and tell him to charge home. tell him that unless he can make a gap for us, the day is lost. and say that the admiral trusts him." bowing low, i spurred my horse sharply, and darted off. around me rose the din of battle--the thunder of the guns, the savage cries of angry men closely locked in deadly combat. already monseigneur's troops were shouting "victory!" and i had visions of an even more fearful disaster than at jarnac. de courcy lamont listened to my message with a proud smile on his face. his troopers were faint and weary; many were more or less seriously wounded; they had lost several of their comrades; but coligny's words acted like magic. "the admiral trusts to us!" said their leader. "shall we disappoint him?" "no! no!" they cried; "we will die for the admiral! let us charge!" "i thank you, gentlemen," said de courcy simply. it was a desperate enterprise, and would never have been attempted but for the love these gallant men bore to our great chief. for his sake they were going to throw themselves upon death. "charge!" half mad with excitement, i took my place with them, behind de courcy, who rode several lengths in advance. from a trot to a canter, from a canter to a gallop, and then with one mighty rush we swept down on the foe. a body of horse dashed across our path; we brushed them aside like a handful of chaff, and never slackened pace. "the admiral! the admiral! for the cause! remember jarnac!" we shouted hoarsely, as our straining animals flew over the intervening space. faster and faster grew the mad gallop, until, like a living whirlwind, we flung ourselves on a line of bristling pikes. "for the admiral!" cried our leader joyously. "anjou! anjou!" came back the defiant answer, and then we were in the midst of them. we had made a gap, but at terrible expense. hotter and hotter waxed the strife; swords flashed, pikes ran red, shouts of triumph mingled with groans of despair; men went down and were trampled underfoot in the horrible press; we were tossed and buffeted from side to side, but we fought on with savage desperation, and the cry, "for the admiral!" still rose in triumph. truly it could not be said that we grudged our lives that day! and presently an answering cry of "for the admiral!" sounded on our ears. our charge had not been made in vain! back went the enemy, slowly and stubbornly at first, fighting every inch of the ground, but still retreating. "they give way!" cried de courcy, who was bare-headed and wounded, "they give way! charge, my brave lads!" the words decided the fortunes of the day. with a rush and a roar we swept forward, and anjou's stubborn troops scattered in flight. forward we went in hot pursuit, but suddenly everything became dark to me; the stricken field with its mob of flying men vanished from sight, and i sank forward helplessly across my horse's neck. chapter x i rejoin the advance "do you know me, monsieur? it is i--jacques." "jacques?" i repeated dreamily. "where are we? what are we doing here? my head aches; i feel stiff all over. where is the letter? ah, i remember now. we won the battle, jacques?" "yes, monsieur. it was a great victory. monseigneur's troops were completely routed." i closed my eyes and lay thinking. by degrees it all came back to me; the admiral's message, de courcy's wild charge, the terrible conflict, the flight of the royalists, and then--! i had a strange half-consciousness of having been raised from the ground and carried some distance, but of what had really happened i had no definite knowledge. but how came jacques into the picture? surely he was not at roche abeille! i opened my eyes and saw him bending over me and looking eagerly into my face. "jacques," i said, "what are you doing here?" "nursing you, monsieur," he answered cheerfully. "i got to rochelle just after you had started, and followed the army; but the battle was over when i reached roche abeille." "how did you find me?" "i went to the admiral's gentlemen. they said you were killed, and that your friend monsieur bellièvre was distracted, and there was another gentleman, an englishman, who looked very unhappy. but we fetched a surgeon, who patched you up, and we carried you here." "where, jacques?" "the city of limoges, monsieur. you are lodged at a comfortable inn, and now you have talked enough." "one more question, my good jacques; how long have i been here?" "three days, monsieur. now i will get you some nourishing food, and afterwards you must sleep." the next morning, finding i was much stronger, jacques was willing to answer further questions. felix had come through the fray unscathed, and roger braund was only slightly wounded. anjou, he said, had been thoroughly defeated, and there was already talk of the end of the war. "and where are the troops now?" i asked. "they marched in the direction of poictiers. it is rumoured that the admiral intends to besiege the town." "it may be so," i observed doubtfully, "but it is hardly likely. that is the mistake monseigneur made after jarnac." "well," replied jacques with a smile, "it cannot interest monsieur very much for the next three or four weeks." he had quite recovered from his own wounds, and was full of praise of the count st. cyr, who had treated him with the greatest kindness. "the count is a noble gentleman," he remarked, "and full of zeal for the cause. he is bringing his retainers to aid the admiral." "he is an old man, too," i said musingly. "but with all the fire of a boy, monsieur." "have you heard that a price has been set on my father's head?" i asked presently. "yes," and the worthy fellow's face clouded over with passion, "that is etienne cordel's handiwork." "but we have done the man no harm!" "he hates your father, monsieur; and, besides, le blanc is a fine property. monseigneur and the italian woman are deeply in his debt, and that would be a simple mode of payment. 'tis easy to give away what does not belong to one. many huguenot estates have changed hands in that way." i thought jacques was exaggerating the case, but not caring to argue the matter i said no more, and turning round dropped off into a refreshing sleep. for a fortnight longer i lay in bed, and then the surgeon, who came every day, allowed me to get up. my head was still dizzy, and my legs tottered under me, but, leaning on jacques' arm, i walked slowly up and down the room. the next morning, still attended by my faithful servant, i went downstairs and out into the street, and from that day i fast began to recover my strength. there was not much news of the war, beyond the fact that the huguenots were besieging poictiers, a piece of information that i was sorry to hear, since it seemed to me they would fritter away their strength for nothing. the admiral, however, doubtless possessed good reasons for his actions, and in any case it was not for me to question his wisdom. i was able now to walk without assistance, and even to sit in the saddle, though not very firmly, and i felt eager to rejoin my comrades. but to this neither jacques nor the surgeon would consent, so i continued to while away the time in the quaint old town as patiently as possible. but, as the weeks passed and my strength returned more fully, life in limoges became more and more insupportable, and i finally resolved to travel by easy stages to poictiers. the news we gathered on the journey was by no means reassuring. coligny had failed to capture the town; he had lost several thousand good troops, and had raised the siege. equally discomforting was the information that anjou was in the field again with a strong and well-equipped army. "we seem to have gained little by our victory," i said disconsolately. "we shall do better after our next one," said jacques cheerily. "we learn by our mistakes, monsieur." the rival armies had apparently vanished. from time to time we obtained news of coligny, but it was very vague, and left us little the wiser. one day he was said to be at moncontour, another at loudun; on a third we were told he was retreating pell-mell to la rochelle, with anjou hot on his heels. within a few hours' ride of loudun we put up for the night at a small inn. jacques attended to the animals--one of us generally saw them properly fed--while i gave instructions to the landlord concerning our supper. he was an old man, almost as old as pierre, and he had such a peculiar trick of jerking his head in answer to my remarks that i almost feared it would come right off. "i am sorry, monsieur, i will do my best; but the larder is empty. i will kill a fowl; there is one left; but monsieur will be under the disagreeable necessity of waiting." "we are sharp set," i said. "is there no cold meat in the house?" "monsieur, the troopers have devoured everything." "whose troopers?" i asked sharply. "whose but monseigneur's!" replied the old man; "but they did not remain long; they were busy hunting down the heretics." after asking a few more questions, i sent him away to catch and cook our supper, and then discussed his information with jacques. from the old man's story we gathered that the duke of montpensier was marching south with a division of the royal army in pursuit of our comrades. "between montpensier and anjou we are in an awkward situation," i said. "we have overshot the mark." "that is true, monsieur; we must turn back, if we wish to join the admiral; but our animals are tired." "we will give them a few hours' rest, and start early in the morning." "if the supper is cooked by then!" answered jacques slily. there seemed to be some little doubt about that, but finally our host, who had been scouring the village, returned in triumph with provisions for an ample meal. awake soon after dawn, we fed the animals, broke our own fast, and, having settled the score, started off on the highroad to poictiers. it was, by the position of the sun, about nine o'clock in the morning when we perceived a horseman approaching us. he appeared in a desperate hurry, and was spurring his horse vigorously. "jacques!" i exclaimed, "this is a soldier of some sort. will he be coming from montpensier, think you?" "likely enough, monsieur." "if so, he may carry important news, and his information may be of service to the admiral. it should be easy for us to obtain it." "true, monsieur; he will never dream of danger." "but we must not hurt him, jacques; mind that." "nothing more than a tap on the head," said jacques, "if he should prove obstinate." the rider came along at a swinging pace. he was a young fellow, richly dressed, and of a handsome appearance. "good news, monsieur!" i cried, riding toward him. "do you carry good news?" it was evident that he had not the slightest idea of meeting with an enemy in the rear of montpensier's troops. he drew rein, saying, "are you from monseigneur? i am bearing him welcome information. coligny is retreating, we fell on his rear just now and drove it in. ah, ah, 'tis a rich joke! he thinks monseigneur himself is here with the whole army." "while 'tis only montpensier with a division!" i said, laughing. "where shall we find the duke?" "an hour's ride, not more; but i must be going. monseigneur waits to make his plans." the next instant jacques had clutched his bridle rein, while the young fellow was gazing in blank astonishment along the barrel of my pistol. "'tis a disagreeable necessity, monsieur," i remarked, speaking very harshly, "but you are our prisoner. tie the horses' reins together, jacques, and remove this gentleman's weapons. do not stir, monsieur, it would be foolish. a cry or a movement will cost your life. we must have that despatch which you are carrying to monseigneur." "who are you?" he asked. "we belong to the huguenot army, and have met you by a stroke of good fortune. and now the document, monsieur! will you surrender it? or will you compel us to search you? that is an undignified proceeding, and will not help you at all." "no," he agreed gloomily; "i am in your power. but this is a sorry trick; i would rather you had forced the paper from me at the sword's point. it would have been more creditable to your honour." "that may be so, but meanwhile we await the paper." finding himself helpless, he handed me the document with the best grace he could muster, and i immediately placed it inside my doublet. "now," i exclaimed cheerfully, "we are in a hurry to reach our comrades, but we have no wish to ride into the midst of the duke's troops. in order to avoid that calamity, we will make you our guide; but pray be careful, because in the event of a mistake you will be the first victim. my servant is an old soldier, while i have had some practice with the pistol. but this is a disagreeable subject; let us dismiss it." "with all my heart," said he, laughing. "and now what would you have me do?" "put us on the track of our comrades, and prevent us from falling into the duke's hands." "that is," said he, "to return good for evil. well, 'tis something of a novelty for me." "you should practise it more frequently," i laughed, and with that we rode on, our prisoner being in the middle. i hardly thought he would venture his life by misleading us of set purpose, yet for all that i rode cautiously, keeping my eyes open for any sign of the enemy. but either by good luck or our prisoner's skilful guidance--and it matters little which--we entirely avoided the royalist army, and came up with our own troops just as they had halted for a short rest. being instantly challenged, i gave my name to the officer, and asked where the admiral was to be found. "i will take you to him," said he, and he led us through the camp, walking by the horse's side. coligny was eating his frugal meal, but he glanced up at our approach, and the officer said, "edmond le blanc, general, who claims to belong to your household." "le blanc!" echoed the admiral, knitting his brows--he had doubtless forgotten me--"ah, of course; you have been absent from duty a long time." "i had the misfortune to be left behind at roche abeille, my lord." "ah, i remember. you are bellièvre's comrade, and you carried my message to de courcy. so you have recovered?" "yes, my lord; but i have something important to say. i have had the good luck to capture a messenger carrying a despatch from the duke of montpensier to monseigneur." "to monseigneur!" and, turning to my prisoner, he said, "is he not with the troops who attacked us?" "i do not know the customs of your gentlemen, my lord," he replied, with a low bow, "but it is not our practice to betray secrets to an enemy." "a proper answer," said the admiral, with more slowness of speech even than usual, "and a just reproof. but this paper should tell what i wish to learn," and he broke the seal. "montpensier's division alone," he muttered; "this is valuable information. le blanc, can we be sure of this?" "it is certain, my lord, that monseigneur's troops are not present, though i believe they are hurrying to join with the duke's." "there will be just time," he said, "just time," and, leaving his meal, he instantly summoned his principal officers. as soon as my interview with him was over a dozen of my old comrades crowded around, congratulating me on my recovery, and asking all sorts of questions. several familiar faces were missing, and i learned that more than one of my intimate friends had been left behind in the trenches at poictiers. felix, happily, was unhurt, and he informed me that roger braund was still with the little troop of englishmen. "but what of your prisoner?" he asked. "has he given his parole?" "no, i fancy he is rather counting on the chance of escape." "then he must be placed under guard. i will attend to it, and return in a few minutes. well, jacques, has your master been very troublesome?" "not since we left limoges, monsieur." we were preparing to look for roger when the bugles sounded, the men sprang to arms, and orders were issued for the retreat to be resumed. "i don't like this," grumbled felix, "it breaks the men's spirits. our rearguard came running in to-day like a parcel of sheep. i wish the admiral would fight; it will be too late after a while. it is not pleasant to be chased as if we were rabbits." the royalists were in full view now, and the faster we marched the more closely they pressed the pursuit. it was very galling, and many a murmur was heard even against our noble leader, but none from those who rode with him in the rear. twice we turned and faced the enemy, but, on each occasion, after a few minutes' conflict the order was issued for further retreat. at length we reached the summit of a gentle slope, behind which flowed the river dive. here it seemed as if the admiral intended to make a stand, but the royalists gave him little leisure for forming plans. they advanced boldly, taunting us for runaways, and bidding us muster sufficient courage to cross swords with them. a volley from our german foot-soldiers checked their rush, and, while they were endeavouring to re-form, a body of horse crashed, as if shot from a gun, into their left flank. the noble st. cyr, erect and soldierly, in spite of his four score and five years, led the charge, and a rousing cheer broke from us at sight of the gallant veteran. but there was little time for cheering. "charge, my children!" cried the admiral, "charge, and strike home! for the faith!" "for the faith!" we echoed lustily, spurring our horses, and dashing into the fray. hammered by st. cyr on the left, by the admiral in front, by the young princes on the right, the royalist horse reeled and staggered. again and again they tried to rally; but we rode them down, broke the groups as soon as they re-formed, drove them pell-mell on to their infantry, and then with one grand rush tumbled the whole division into ruin. "forward! forward!" cried the hot-bloods. "remember jarnac!" "remember condé!" "cut them down!" but a wild pursuit formed no part of the admiral's plans; he wished to cross the river unmolested, so the bugles were sounded, and we came dropping back, laughing and cheering, and in high spirits at our brilliant little victory. as with flushed cheeks and sparkling eyes we ranged ourselves around our brave leader some one cried out, "see, what is going on over yonder!" in a corner of the field, some distance off, a number of royalists had rallied round a flag. something strange was happening; the flag disappeared, came into view again, and once more sank from sight. then in one spot the crowd gave way as if burst asunder, and out from the gap leaped a horseman. he was carrying the flag, and he rode straight toward us. a dozen men started in pursuit, but he outdistanced them easily, turning from time to time and waving the flag as if in derision. we gazed in astonishment at the spectacle, wondering what it meant, until felix cried out, "'tis the englishman! 'tis roger braund. he has captured the flag!" a great roar of cheering went up as he approached us, his helmet gone, his face bleeding, his doublet slashed, but his eyes smiling cheerfully. with an easy grace he jumped from his horse, and advancing on foot presented the trophy to the admiral. "a memento of the battle-field, my lord," he said, with a courteous bow. coligny took the flag, and with a rare smile handed it back, saying, "monsieur, it could not remain in worthier hands! let it be carried in the ranks of your gallant countrymen, to whom we owe so much." roger bowed again. "the memory of your praise my lord," said he, "will nerve us to deserve it." as we rode back toward the river, every one tried to get near him, to shake his hand, to praise him for his deed of daring. and in truth it was a splendid action! single-handed, he had charged into the press; single-handed he had wrested the trophy by from its custodian; and, still alone, had fought his way out. it was a brilliant feat, which we of the religion talked of round many a camp fire. and that it was done by one who was not our countryman did not lessen our admiration. chapter xi a desperate conflict we had crossed the dive safely, the cavalry last of all, and the soldiers, wearied by their long marches, had thrown themselves down to snatch a brief rest. the enemy were assembling on the opposite bank of the river, and it was plain that they had been heavily reinforced. "monseigneur must have arrived with his troops," said felix. "i hope the admiral will offer him battle. the victory over montpensier has put our fellows in fine fettle; they would fight now with a good heart." "the enemy have us at a disadvantage," said roger. "you forget our guns are at montcontour." a surgeon had dressed his wounds; he had borrowed a helmet from a comrade, and had changed his doublet. his left arm troubled him somewhat, but otherwise he suffered no ill effects from his famous fight for the flag. "they outnumber us, too," said i, "especially in their cavalry, and anjou's gentlemen are no mean sworders." "but we must fight at some time or other; we cannot wander about the country for ever!" laughed felix. "it seems to me we have been playing at hide-and-seek with anjou ever since leaving poictiers. and let me whisper another thing--the germans are beginning to grumble." "that," said roger, "is a serious matter. what is their grievance?" "money! their pay has fallen into arrears, and i don't see how it is to be made up. the admiral has almost ruined himself for the cause already. 'tis a pity we cannot capture anjou's money chests; they would be worth having. _corbleu_! the bugle is sounding! that means there is to be no battle." "monseigneur may have something to say to that," remarked roger, as he walked off toward his own comrades. in a short time the troops had fallen in, and the infantry at a swinging pace marched off the ground, the cavalry as before forming the rearguard. the evening was neither clear nor dull, there being just sufficient light to enable us to see our way. st. cyr's troop, and the body of englishmen, now, alas! sadly reduced in numbers, rode last of all, and occasionally one of the troopers would gallop up to our leader with information of the enemy's movements. we appeared to have gained a good start, as it was not until noon of the next day that our rearguard was driven in, and we got a clear view of the hostile troops. they followed us closely, hanging like leeches on our rear, but refraining from making any determined attack. still, in order to protect our own main body, we were forced several times to turn at bay. in these combats the fiercest fighting always centred round the troop of englishmen carrying the captured flag. "roger is a gallant fellow," i remarked after one of these occasions, "but too venturesome. it would be more prudent to hide the trophy." "faith!" cried felix, "you have strange ideas! i would hold it as high as i could, till my arm was numbed. i hear they have hung our banners in notre dame, so that the parisians may see what fine fellows they are. if i could capture a flag, edmond, they should cut me in little pieces before i let it go. were i your english friend i would not change places with coligny himself." "well," i said laughing, "you may have a chance to obtain your wish soon, for, whether it pleases our leaders or not, they will be compelled to fight. this retreat cannot continue much longer. and if the germans desert us, there is likely to be a second jarnac." "rubbish!" exclaimed he lightly; "we should gain the greater honour by the victory!" our german allies had become very sullen during the last day or two, and the evening we reached montcontour they broke out into open threats. they declared angrily that unless their arrears of pay were immediately made up they would not fight. the evening was almost as miserable as that after the battle of jarnac. monseigneur, with a strong, well-equipped army, was close on our heels, ready to swoop down upon us at any moment. our own men were weary and disheartened, and now we had to contend with the anger of our allies. "let the poltroons go!" exclaimed felix scornfully. "we will fight and win without them," and all the young hot-heads among our comrades applauded him. but the veterans were wiser, and openly showed their pleasure when it was announced that our leader had, by another splendid sacrifice, appeased his mutinous followers. but, even with the germans ready to do their duty, our prospects seemed to me far from rosy, and i found that roger braund held the same view. "whether we fight or retreat," said he, "in my opinion the situation is equally desperate." "the council has decided to give battle," exclaimed felix, who had just come from the admiral's tent. "then a good many of us are spending our last evening on earth," observed roger calmly. "we must take our chance," said felix; "every battle levies its toll; but i can see no more danger here than at roche abeille. do you think our fellows have lost heart?" "not exactly; but they are dispirited, while their opponents are full of confidence." "we beat them at roche abeille!" "they have recovered from that defeat." "we flung them off at dive!" "a bagatelle! remember, only montpensier's division was engaged. things are different now. monseigneur has a thoroughly good army. his cavalry especially are as brave as ours, and far more numerous. still, i may be looking through a smoked glass. this time to-morrow you may be rallying me on my gloomy prophecy. i hope so, with all my heart!" "i am sure of it," laughed felix merrily. "you will not have the courage to look me in the face!" during this conversation there was a matter on my mind of which i was resolved to speak before my english comrade returned to his own quarters. "is it necessary," i asked, "to carry that flag into the battle to-morrow? according to your account, the conflict will be a desperate one; is it well to expose your comrades to even greater danger? the sight of it will rouse your opponents to fury, and your troop will be singled out for vengeance." "as felix would say, we must take our chance," he answered smilingly. "the admiral committed the flag to our charge, and, my comrades will guard it with their lives." "it is needless risk." "i think not, edmond; it will put heart into us when the hour of trial comes. but the night grows late; i must wish you farewell, and trust that we may meet again when the battle is over." we bade him good-night, and, having no duties to perform, lay down to rest. i slept very lightly, my brain being filled with all sorts of confused fancies, and it was a relief to hear the bugles sound the rouse. felix sprang up cheerfully, and in a short time we had placed ourselves in attendance on our chief, who greeted us with his usual grave but kindly smile. "let us commend our souls to god, gentlemen," he said reverently, "and beseech him to strengthen our hearts in the approaching encounter." it may have been pure fancy on my part, but as we rode along the lines i seemed to miss that air of cheerful confidence which had been so evident at roche abeille. the men greeted their general with cheers, and i had no doubt they would do their duty; but they lacked that eager vivacity which goes so far toward winning victory. across the plain the enemy were drawn up in two lines with their artillery posted on a hill, and about eight o'clock the first cannon ball came booming toward us. instantly our guns replied, and a fierce artillery duel which lasted throughout the battle began. "their guns are heavier than ours, and carry a farther distance," i observed to felix. "it matters little," replied he; "the battle will be decided by the sword. i wonder when we are going to advance?" "not at all, i expect. the admiral has chosen his ground"--though there was little choice for that matter--"and intends to stand on the defensive." "that may suit the germans well enough, but our own men do not like waiting to be charged. monseigneur means to drive in our right wing! see, he is bringing his cavalry forward. how splendidly they ride! it makes one proud to know they are frenchmen!" "and sorry, too!" i think monseigneur was at their head, but the distance from our centre, where the admiral had stationed himself, was great, and i may have been mistaken; but the leader, whoever he was, advanced very gallantly, several lengths in advance of his front line, waving his sword and cheering his followers. the sun shone down on their steel caps, their breastplates and thigh-pieces, and made their swords glitter like silver. they formed a pretty picture, with their gay flags and fluttering pennons, and they rode with all the confidence of victors. from a trot they broke into a gallop, and we held our breath as, gathering momentum, they swept proudly down on our right wing. a volley rang out, and here and there a trooper dropped, but the rest galloped on straight for their foe. we craned our necks to watch the result. not a man spoke; we hardly dared to breathe, so keen was our anxiety. would our fellows stand firm before that human avalanche? if they gave way ever so little, our right wing must be tumbled into ruin. nearer and nearer, in beautiful order, horse's head to horse's head, they tore along, until, with a tremendous crash, they flung themselves upon the solid wall of infantry. "bravo!" cried felix excitedly, "they are broken; they are turning back! ah, st. cyr is upon them! there go the englishmen! for the faith! for the faith!" we stood in our stirrups, waving our swords and cheering like madmen. straight as a die the noble veteran with his gallant troop and the scanty band of englishmen leaped into the midst of the baffled horsemen, and drove them back in wild disorder. but there were brave and valiant hearts among those royalist gentlemen, and we had hardly finished our exulting cheers when they returned to the attack. they flung away their lives recklessly, but they forced a passage, and our infantry were slowly yielding to numbers when coligny, with a "follow me, gentlemen!" galloped to the rescue. cheer answered cheer as we dashed into the fray, and the shouts of "anjou!" were drowned by the cries of "for the faith!" "for the admiral!" with splendid bravery the royalists stood their ground; but coligny's presence so inspired his followers that at last, with one irresistible rush, they swept forward, carrying everything before them. "stand firm, my brave lads!" said our chief, as the troops, flushed with their success, formed up anew, "stand firm, and the day is won!" he had turned to speak to the count of st. cyr, when a mounted messenger dashed up, panting and breathless. "my lord," he gasped, after a moment's pause, "we are heavily beset on the left, and are being forced back. i fear that the whole wing is in danger." "courage, my friend," replied coligny, "courage. we will be with you directly. come, gentlemen, there is still work for us to do." the battle was now at its height, but as we dashed along from right to left, our centre paused to cheer their gallant general. they were hardly pressed, but were holding their own sturdily, and our spirits rose at sight of their intrepid defence. on the left wing, however, the case was different. here anjou, or tavannes--for i suppose it was the marshal who really directed the battle--was throwing successive bodies of troops upon the devoted huguenots, who were sorely put to it to defend their position. but at our approach a great cry of relief went up from the panting soldiers. there was one among us worth a whole division! even those who had begun to retreat joined in the shout, and once more dashed into the fray. wave after wave of royalists rolled down upon us, but time and again we flung them back, and at last, with one superb effort, hurled their front rank into ruin. "the day goes well," cried felix exultingly, as we galloped back to our lines. "anjou will remember montcontour!" in every part of the field the fight now raged fiercely, and, wherever the stress was greatest, there, as if by magic, appeared coligny. his escort steadily decreased in numbers; one died here, while supporting a body of infantry, another dropped during some wild charge; but our general himself, though fighting like a common trooper, appeared invulnerable. wherever he was, there victory followed our arms; but the odds against us were too heavy. our men stood in their places and fought to the death; but their limbs grew tired, their arms ached with the strain; they needed rest. all our troops, however, were in the fighting-line, and the royalist attacks never ceased. anjou fed his lines constantly; fresh troops took the places of the fallen; we might slay and slay, but the number of our enemies never seemed to lessen. and in the midst of the terrible uproar a cry arose that our centre was wavering. for an hour or more a battle of giants had been taking place there. in front of our infantry the dead lay piled in a heap, but for every royalist who died anjou sent another. the strain was too great to be borne. our men were beginning to give way, and once more we galloped with the admiral at headlong speed toward the point of danger. we were too late; we should perhaps have been too late in any case. the royalist foot-soldiers opened out, and from behind them poured impetuously a body of horsemen. they struck us full, rode us down, leaped at the infantry, forced a passage here and there, cut and slashed without mercy, yelling like tigers, "death to the huguenots!" coligny was wounded, his face bled; i thought he would have fallen from his saddle; but, recovering himself, he called on us to follow him and dashed at the victorious horsemen. our numbers were few and no help could reach us. we called on our men to stand firm, to fight for the admiral, to remember their wives and children--it was all in vain. we were borne along in one struggling, confused mass, horse and foot, royalists and huguenots all mingled together. "anjou! anjou!" shouted the victors in wild exultation, while the cries of "for the admiral! for the faith!" became weaker and weaker. in that part of the field the battle was lost. we closed around our chief, perhaps a score of us, some even of that number already desperately wounded. no one spoke, but we set our teeth hard, resolving grimly that there should be twenty corpses before anjou's victorious troopers reached him. "we must stop them," said coligny, speaking in evident pain, "turn them back, beg them to fight, or the cause is lost." again and again we endeavoured to make a stand; calling on the fugitives to halt, to remember they were frenchmen, to look their foes in the face--it was useless, every little group that formed for a moment being swept away by the raging, human torrent. "some one must find count louis of nassau," said our general, "and say i trust to him to cover the retreat. we may yet rally the runaways." we looked at each other in doubt. it was not the fear of death that kept us tongue-tied, though death lay in our rear, but each man wished to spend his life for our beloved leader. "let three or four of you go," he said; "one may reach him," and as he spoke his glance seemed to light on my face. "i will take the count your message, my lord!" i cried, and without waiting for a reply turned my horse's head, and dashed into the whirlpool. the battle-field was a hideous scene. wherever the eye could reach, men were fighting and dying. there was no order even among the conquerors. i came across a little knot of huguenot gentlemen who had turned furiously at bay. "for the admiral!" i cried, plunging in wild excitement into the midst of the hostile sworders. "for the admiral!" perhaps my comrades thought me mad, and in sober truth they would not have been far wrong; but they were generous souls, and with a yell of defiance they cut their way through after me. "count louis," i said breathlessly to the first man, as we emerged on the other side, "where is he?" "i do not know; he was on our right wing when the crash came." "i must find him; i have a message from the chief" "let us try the right wing," he said, "they are making a stand there." a dozen gentlemen had followed me, one of them carrying a flag, and as we galloped forward others joined us until we were fifty or sixty strong. it was like riding into the very jaws of death, but they asked no questions; the sight of the flag was sufficient. a body of infantry barred our path; we turned neither to right nor left, but crashed straight through them. a few foot-soldiers ran with us, holding by the stirrups, going cheerfully to death, rather than seek safety in shameful flight. suddenly a burst of cheering in a foreign tongue reached us. "hurrah! hurrah! for the admiral!" and a troop of horse came tearing down. it was the band of gallant englishmen, and i recognized roger braund still bearing the captured trophy. fearing they might mistake us for royalists i rode forward hastily, crying in english, "friends! friends! we are huguenots!" chapter xii the return to rochelle the conference was brief. "have you seen count louis?" i asked their leader. "no, monsieur, but we will help you to find him. forward, brave boys; another blow for the cause!" they replied with a cheer--oh, how those englishmen cheered!--and we raced on together, french and english, side by side, and death all around us. i glanced at roger; he had been wounded again, but there was no time to speak. the retreat in this part of the field had not become general; numbers of soldiers in tolerably good order were still battling stubbornly, and presently we reached the remnant of several troops of cavalry. in front of them was the venerable count of st. cyr, his snow-white beard sweeping to his waist. "my lord," i said, riding up, "can you tell me where to find count louis of nassau?" "farther on the right, monsieur," he replied courteously; "but you will find it difficult to reach him. ah, here they come!" and, glancing ahead, i perceived a cloud of horsemen preparing to swoop down upon us. "pray, my lord," pleaded his chaplain, who was close by, "say something to encourage your troops. they are faint and weary with fighting, and the odds against them are terrible." the stout-hearted warrior turned to his followers. "brave men need no words!" he cried; "do as you see me do!" and they greeted his speech with frantic cheers. "you will be lucky to meet count louis after this!" cried roger, as i returned to my men. the royalists swept forward, threatening to engulf us as the wild sea swallows a tiny boat, and i must admit that my heart sank at sight of them. but i was in the company of brave men, and following the flag of as brave a leader as could be found in all france. he glanced round at us; there was a proud smile on his resolute face; his eyes glowed with fiery ardour. "charge, my children!" he cried, "and strike a last blow for st. cyr!" he pressed his horse's sides with the spurs, and waving his sword dashed forward, his battle-cry, "st. cyr!" ringing out high and clear. it was a sight to make one weep, and yet feel proud that one's country could produce such a hero. forward we went, and the air was filled with cries of "st cyr! for the admiral! hurrah! hurrah!" as we plunged into the midst of the press. "forward, my children!" cried st cyr, as he carved a passage for himself through the throng; "forward!" he was a splendid rider and a skilful swordsman, but his enemies closed round him thickly. savage blows rained upon him from every side, and at last, with a "fight on, my children!" the gallant veteran sank bleeding to the ground. montcontour cost france numerous brave men but none braver than the chivalrous st. cyr. his fall, instead of dispiriting his followers, roused them to fury! no one asked or gave quarter; it was a fight to the death, and when finally we succeeded in breaking through the royalist horse, half of our number lay lifeless on the plain. some there were--st. cyr's personal attendants notably--so fired with grief and anger at the death of their beloved chief that they were for turning back and renewing the combat. this, however, was stark madness, so we galloped on, with the royalists like sleuth-hounds on our track. presently they slackened their pace, and then abandoned the pursuit, for we were approaching our cavalry, commanded by count louis of nassau. "you are welcome, brave hearts!" he exclaimed, "every man is needed," and his troops cheered us vigorously. "my lord," i said, riding up and saluting, "i have come from the admiral; he begs that you will cover the retreat, for unless you can do so all is lost." "where is the admiral, monsieur?" "my lord, when the centre broke, he was carried away by the rush. he has been wounded in the head, and i fear seriously." "did you leave him in safety?" "he was surrounded by his bodyguard; at least, by all those who were left alive." "will the centre rally, think you?" "there is no centre; it is a scattered mob. i fear there is no army except the troops you have here. the left, i am sure, has given way." he was about to reply when a cavalier galloped up to us. his horse's sides were flaked with spume, and the gallant beast quivered in every limb. the rider was deathly pale; one arm hung down limply, his side was stained with blood. he rolled from side to side, having scarcely sufficient strength to keep his seat in the saddle. he endeavoured to salute count louis, while i, leaning forward, placed my arm round his waist to support him. "my lord," he said, "the admiral----" and stopped helpless. "'tis one of coligny's gentlemen," i exclaimed, "he has come on the same errand as myself. there were three or four of us." the wounded cavalier looked into my face. "le blanc!" he said feebly; "it is all right," and with that his head fell forward, and he dropped dead across his horse's neck. "a brave and gallant gentleman!" exclaimed count louis. "france should be proud of her sons!" lifting him from his horse, we laid him on the plain and turned away. on that awful day no one had leisure for sorrow; the sorrow would come afterwards. it was useless now attempting to return to the admiral, so i joined my english comrade. "you are hurt?" i said anxiously. "a trifle; no more. where is bellièvre?" "with the admiral. coligny is badly wounded. we have lost the battle." "there is time to gain the victory yet!" "you do not understand. the army is gone; it is a mere mob, utterly helpless; we are the only troops left. the royalists are slaying at their pleasure." "in that case," said he gravely, "we have serious work before us. who was the noble old man killed in the last charge?" "the count of st. cyr, one of the bravest gentlemen in the huguenot army. it will grieve the admiral sorely to hear of his death." "he was a splendid soldier. ah, the bugles are sounding. edmond, my friend, i fear the worst of the day is still to come." my english friend was right. what had gone before was the play of children compared with what followed. we had the whole force of anjou's army opposed to us. hour after hour we retreated, fighting every step of the way. of the eighteen thousand huguenots who had marched out to battle it seemed as if we alone remained. again and again the royalists bore down in overwhelming numbers; their heavy guns ploughed lanes through our ranks; the arquebusiers pelted us with bullets unceasingly; the horsemen charged with desperate fury. but in spite of everything we held together; for if we once gave way the doom of our beloved general was sealed. "remember, brave hearts," cried count louis, "that we are fighting for the admiral! we must die for coligny!" he himself displayed the most wonderful bravery; nothing daunted him; beset by death on every hand he remained cool and resolute, rallying us after every onset, rousing the faint-hearted by his own indomitable courage. at last the blessed darkness came to our relief. the rain of bullets ceased; we no longer heard the thundering beat of galloping horses in our rear, were no longer called to face about in order to repel some fierce cavalry charge. the pursuit had stopped; the victors had returned to celebrate their triumph. we marched on in the darkness of the night, gloomy and weary. some were too tired and dispirited even to talk; others--but only a few--grumbled bitterly at their leaders, telling each other that if this or that had been done, we should have gained the victory. many of the poor fellows were badly hurt; some sank exhausted to the ground, from which they would never rise again. at parthenay we overtook the admiral and the few troops he had been able to collect. when morning came, felix was one of the first to meet me, and i had never seen him so down-hearted. his bright smile, his happy, cheery looks had all gone; he hung his head in shame. "it is terrible, edmond," he said; "the cause is ruined, and we are disgraced. i would rather we had all died on the field." "nonsense!" i replied, endeavouring to hearten him; "we are of far more use alive than dead. and to be beaten is not to be disgraced. had you seen the count of st. cyr die you would not use that word. but what of our chief? is he seriously wounded?" "his jaw is broken by a pistol-shot." "yet i warrant he has not given way to despair!" "no," he replied with something of his old brightness, "a coligny does not despair." "nor does a bellièvre!" i returned smiling. "we shall rally the runaways in a few days, and coligny will command an army again." the defeat was, however, a heavier one than i guessed, and only anjou's folly saved us from utter destruction. instead of hunting us down with his whole force he turned aside to besiege st. jean d'angely, and thus gave our leaders time to form fresh plans. strong garrisons were sent to defend niort and angoulême, while the main part of the beaten army retired to rochelle. it was a dismal entry into the town. the citizens came to meet us, the men sullen and downcast, the women white-faced and weeping. many were searching eagerly among the war-worn band for the dear ones they would never meet again on earth. on that dreadful day scores of women learned for the first time that they were already widowed, and that their helpless little ones were fatherless. opposite the hotel i perceived jeanne and my mother, and on seeing me their faces lit up with happy smiles. i could not go to them then, but the instant my duties permitted i ran again into the street. they were still in the same place, waiting. "i thank god for this blessing, my son," said my mother. "i feared i had lost you for ever. let us hasten home; you are weary and faint." "but are you not hurt, edmond?" cried my pretty sister. "oh, how my heart ached at sight of those poor wounded men! they must have suffered torture on their long march!" "did jacques not find you?" my mother asked presently. "yes, he was with me at the beginning of the last battle, but i have not seen him since. he may have escaped though, for all that; numbers besides ourselves got away. bellièvre is safe, and so is roger braund. they have acted like heroes!" "i saw them both," said jeanne, blushing prettily; "monsieur braund has been wounded." "yes," i replied laughing, "he will need a skilful nurse. but where is my father? is he not still in rochelle?" "no," said jeanne with a sigh, "an order came from the admiral three weeks ago for him to take fifty men to st. jean d'angely. i know it is selfish, but i wish edmond, oh, i wish he could have stayed with us. it seems to me there is no safety outside the walls of rochelle." "rochelle may be as dangerous as any other place," i remarked, not caring to let them know that monseigneur was marching on st. jean d'angely. "but here we are at the house; does my aunt still keep her room?" "yes," replied jeanne with a smile, "though i believe her illness is more fanciful than real. but she is very good and kind, and we humour her fancies." it was very pleasant to be home again; to see the loving looks and to receive the tender caresses of my mother and sister. they were eager to hear what had happened, and the tears came to their eyes as i described the sufferings of my gallant comrades. they were brave, too, and instead of being crushed by our defeat looked forward to happier times. "perhaps the king will stop the cruel war," said my mother hopefully, "and let us worship god in peace. how can he think we wish to harm our beautiful france? we ask so little; surely he could grant us our modest request. "i believe he would if it were not for his mother," i said, "and she is afraid of the guises. they are hand in glove with the pope and the spaniards." "will monseigneur try to capture rochelle?" asked jeanne. "it is very likely, but he will not succeed; rochelle can never be taken by an enemy." i stayed very late with them that night, for there were many things to talk about, and they were so glad to see me that even at the end i was loth to depart. the next day my comrades, who purposely stayed away on the previous evening, accompanied me home, and were made much of by my mother and jeanne. these occasional visits were like oases in a dreary desert. we tried to banish all thoughts of the war, and to talk as cheerfully as if there were no misery in the land. but for felix and me these days of happy idleness speedily came to an end. there was much to be done, and coligny needed our services. instead of being cast down by his reverse at montcontour, our leader was already planning a gigantic scheme which should help to repair our broken fortunes. meanwhile the garrison at st. jean d'angely was offering a splendid resistance to the enemy. anjou was pressing the siege with vigour, king charles himself was in the trenches--i never held, as some of my comrades did, that the king was a coward--but the handful of troops defied the royal brothers and all their force. one morning as our chief came from his chamber, the ante-room being filled with his gentlemen and the leaders of the army, he stopped and laid his hand with a kindly touch on my shoulder. "my young friend," he said, "we are all proud of your father. the reports from st. jean d'angely declare that he is the very heart of the defence." "i thank you, my lord, for your kind words," i stammered, blushing crimson with pride, for to hear my father thus honoured was far sweeter than any praise of myself could have been. and a day or two later rochelle was ringing with his name. men lauded his courage and prowess, speaking of him almost as if he were our beloved leader himself. heading a body of troops in the early morning, he had sallied forth, destroyed a big gun, and driven the besiegers pell-mell from the trenches. anjou had scowled angrily, but king charles was reported to have declared it a most brilliant feat of arms. it was a proud day for all of us, but our joy was shortly changed to mourning. coligny, with most of his attendants, had left rochelle for saintes; the rest of us, with two hundred troopers, were to depart the next day. i had spent the evening at home, and accompanied by felix had returned to the hotel. "is that you, le blanc?" cried one of my comrades. "what means this treasonable correspondence with the enemy?" and he handed me a sealed packet. "for me?" i exclaimed, taking it in surprise. "where does it come from?" "ah," said he, laughing merrily, "that is a nice question to ask! one of monseigneur's rascals brought it under a flag of truce to the officer at the gate, and he sent it here. i should have put you under arrest, and forwarded the correspondence to the admiral." i looked at the letter curiously, and with a vague feeling of uneasiness. it bore my name, but the handwriting was unfamiliar. "one of anjou's troopers!" i muttered. i walked slowly away, still accompanied by felix and carrying the packet in my hand. i had no idea of the sender, nor of the contents, yet strangely enough, when we reached our room, my fingers trembled so much that i could hardly break the seal. "what is it?" asked felix anxiously. "what do you fear?" "nothing," i replied with a forced laugh; "i am foolish; that is all." yes, there was my name in crabbed letters; i glanced from it to the foot of the page: the letter was signed, "renaud l'estang." "l'estang!" i muttered, "l'estang! why, that is the name of my adventurer. of course he is with anjou; but why should he write to me? perhaps 'tis to thank me again, or to tell me something about cordel! ah, yes, that would be it. he must have gathered some fresh information concerning the rascally lawyer!" i gave a deep sigh of relief, yet studiously avoided what he had written. but this was childish folly! courage! what had i to fear? cordel had already done his worst. we had lost our estates--it mattered little who gained them. "monsieur, you once did me a priceless service. i have never forgotten--shall never forget----"--"just as i thought," i remarked aloud, "the poor fellow still feels under an obligation to me!"--"believe me, monsieur, it is with poignant grief i write this brief note."--"ah," i continued, "he has discovered some fresh villainy. well, well, it is of little consequence."--"i have been with monseigneur at st. jean d'angely----" "d'angely!" i cried; "felix, he has been at the siege. read it, my friend, my eyes swim, i cannot see the letters, they all run into one another."--"your father was the bravest."--"oh, felix, felix, do you understand? how can i tell them? how can i comfort them? and i must ride away in the morning and leave them to their grief! read it to me slowly, dear friend, while i try to think." chapter xiii a daring enterprise after the lapse of many years, i close my eyes, and leaning back in my chair listen again to my comrade as with tremulous voice he reads the fatal letter.--"monsieur, you once did me a priceless service. i have never forgotten--shall never forget. believe me, monsieur, it is with poignant grief i write this brief note. i have been with monseigneur at st. jean d'angely throughout the siege. your father was the bravest man among our enemies. his wonderful skill and courage have gained the admiration of friend and foe alike. the king spoke of his bravery with the highest praise: monseigneur has declared openly that the sieur le blanc alone stood between him and the capture of the town. he has indeed proved himself one of the finest soldiers in france; but, alas! monsieur, the sieur le blanc is no more. he fell not an hour ago at the head of his men, in a brilliant sortie. remembering your kindness to me, my heart bleeds for you. i write this with the deepest sorrow, but it may be less painful for you to learn of your loss in this way than to be tortured by a rumour, the truth of which you cannot prove. accept my heartfelt sympathy." "my father is dead, felix," i said in a dazed manner. "he fought a good fight," replied my comrade. "his memory will live in the hearts of our people." this might be true, but the knowledge did little to soften my grief. and i was thinking not of my father alone--after all he had died a hero's death--but of my mother and sister. how could i tell them this mournful news? how could i comfort them? "felix," i said, "we are going away to-morrow." "you must stay here," he said firmly, "at least for a few days. i will inform our patron; he is not likely to leave saintes for a week. shall i come home with you, or do you prefer to be alone?" "i will go alone, felix; it will be better for them. i will join you at saintes. good-bye, dear friend." "tell your mother and sister how deeply i sympathize with them," he said. "i would come with you, but, as you say, perhaps it is better not." "i think they will prefer to be alone," i answered, grasping his hand in farewell. i went out into the deserted street, walking unsteadily, and hardly conscious of anything beyond my one absorbing sorrow. i reached the house at last, and in answer to my summons a servant opened the door. no, the ladies had not retired; they were still downstairs. perhaps my face betrayed the miserable truth; perhaps some chord of sympathy passed from me to them--i know not. they jumped up and came forward with a sudden fear in their eyes. i had already bidden them farewell, and they did not expect to see me again, until i rode from the city in the morning. my mother gazed at me earnestly, but said nothing; jeanne cried impulsively, "what is it, edmond? there is bad news! oh, edmond, is it about our father?" "you must be brave," i said gently, taking a hand of each, "very brave. yes, i have received bad news from st. jean d'angely. there has been a fierce fight; our father headed a sortie, and has been seriously hurt. he was the bravest man there, every one says so from the king downwards. even his enemies praise him." "edmond," said my mother quietly, "we are strong enough to bear the truth--is your father dead?" words were not needed to answer that question; the answer was plain in my face, and those two dear ones understood. oh, it was pitiful to see their white faces, and the misery in their eyes! and yet i could feel a pride, too, in their wonderful bravery. they wept silently in each; other's arms, and presently my mother said softly, "it is god's will; let us pray to him for strength to bear our loss." i stayed with them for four days, being i believe of some comfort in that sorrowful time, and then my mother herself suggested that i should return to my duty. "you belong to the cause, my son," she said, "and not to us. it is a heavy trial to let you go, but your father would have wished it. perhaps the good god, in his mercy, may guard you through all dangers, and we may meet again. but, if not, we are in' his hands. tell felix we thank him for his kind message." "roger, too, will grieve for our loss," i said. "he admired my father greatly." the englishmen had accompanied the admiral, so that roger had left rochelle when the news arrived. early on the morning fixed for my departure i wished my mother and sister good-bye, and returned to the hotel. coligny was still at saintes, and i waited for a letter that the commandant had requested me to deliver to him. i had gone into the courtyard to see about my horse when a man, riding in, exclaimed, "oh, i am in time, monsieur; i feared you had gone." "jacques!" i cried with delight, "surely you have taken a long while to travel from montcontour to rochelle! and yet you have a good beast!" "as good an animal as ever carried saddle!" said jacques, eyeing his horse complacently; "but then i have not owned it long." "have you been to the house?" "yes, monsieur," and his face became grave, "it was madame who told me where to find you. she said you were about to rejoin the army." he did not speak of my loss, though it was plain he had heard the news, and indeed several days passed before the subject was mentioned between us. jacques had been brought up in my father's service, and he was unwilling to talk about the death of his loved master. "yes, i am going to join the admiral," i said; "but have you not had enough of adventures? would you not rather stay at rochelle?" "while monsieur is wandering about the country?" he asked. "ah," as a servant came from the building, "here is a summons for monsieur!" the commandant had finished his letter, and having received his instructions i returned to the courtyard, mounted my horse, and, followed by jacques, started on my journey. i was very glad of his company, since it took me out of myself, and gave me less opportunity for brooding. "did monsieur bellièvre and the englishman escape from montcontour?" he asked, as we reached the open country. "yes, we shall meet them both at saintes; but about yourself--i was afraid you were killed." "so was i," he laughed. "monsieur, it was a terrible day, and a still more terrible night. our poor fellows received little mercy. monseigneur's troopers gave no quarter. i got a nasty cut, and hid in a hollow till all was quiet; then i crawled out, took my choice of several riderless horses, and rode into the darkness. i thought i might find the army somewhere, but there was no army to be found." "no," i said rather bitterly, "the army was running to all the points of the compass." "that's just what i was doing, monsieur. what with the darkness, and the pain of my wound, and the fear of falling into the hands of monseigneur's troops, i lost my head entirely, and wandered about in a circle. when morning came i was hardly a mile from montcontour. then some peasants seized me, and for once in my life i was glad to count a robber among my friends." "how so?" "one of the fellows was jules bredin, from our own village. he recognized me, and as he possessed some authority i came to no harm. indeed, they took me to their camp in the woods, and attended to me until i had quite recovered. i owe jules a debt of gratitude." "on which side do these fellows fight?" "i asked jules that question myself, and he laughed in my face. 'my dear jacques,' said the rascal, 'we fight for ourselves, and we get our victims from both parties. they won't let us work, so we must earn our living as best we can.' and they seemed to be flourishing, monsieur. they had no lack of wine and provisions. jules never feasted so well in his life before. but, monsieur, what is the admiral doing at saintes?" "that i do not know, jacques, but doubtless we shall soon discover." our journey passed without incident, and having delivered the despatch i sought my comrades. roger had by this time been made acquainted with my loss, and both he and felix showed me the greatest kindness. it was pleasant to feel that one possessed such trusty friends. "you have arrived just in time," said felix, "for we march in the morning." "march?" i asked in surprise, "where?" "somewhere to the south, i believe; but the admiral keeps his plans close. but you may be sure he isn't going to offer anjou battle. we scarcely number three thousand, counting the handful of infantry." "not a large number with which to conquer a kingdom!" laughed roger. "we shall get more," said felix, who had recovered his spirits, and was as sanguine as ever. "coligny's name alone will attract men to the standard. why, surely that must be jacques!" as my servant approached. "jacques, you rascal, i thought you had deserted us at montcontour!" "i think it was the other way about, monsieur," replied jacques slily. "i stayed at montcontour." "ah, a good thrust!" cried my comrade merrily, "a good thrust! but whichever way it is i am glad to see you again, jacques. we are sadly in need of strong arms and stout hearts." "well, monsieur, i have been round the camp, and certainly i think the admiral is quite equal to commanding a larger army." "you should not regard mere numbers, jacques; it is the quality that tells. three thousand picked men are worth ten thousand ordinary troops. and then our chief is as good as an army in himself!" to those who had fought at roche abeille, our camp presented a somewhat sorry spectacle. as felix had said, we numbered barely three thousand men, and one missed a host of familiar faces. i thought with pity of the noble st. cyr, and many others of our best and bravest who had already laid down their lives for the cause. we retired to rest early, and soon after daybreak were roused by the bugles. tents were struck, prayers said, and about nine o'clock we moved off the ground in the direction of the dordogne. it would be tedious to relate in detail the incidents of that southern journey. the weather was bitterly cold and rainy, much sickness set in, and we suffered numerous hardships. still we pushed steadily forward, through guienne, ronergue, and quercy, passed the lot below cadence, and halted at montauban. here we were cheered by the arrival of montgomery, with two thousand bearnese, a welcome addition to our scanty force. smaller bodies of troops had already joined us, and after leaving montauban we picked up several more. felix, of course, was in excellent spirits, and talked as if we had the whole kingdom at our feet. "but where are we going?" i asked in bewilderment, "and what are we going to do?" "i do not know, my dear edmond," he replied gaily. "it is enough for me that coligny leads. i warrant he has some brilliant scheme in his head." from montauban we marched up the garonne to toulouse, and finally found ourselves at narbonne, where we went into winter quarters. roger was, of course, with his own troop, but felix and i were billeted in the same house, much to our satisfaction. after our long and painful march, the comfort which we met with at narbonne was exceedingly welcome, and week after week glided rapidly away. toward the end of the winter several hundred men came in from the surrounding districts, and our army began to present quite a respectable appearance. many conjectures were made as to our leader's intentions, but he kept his own counsel, and even we of his household had no inkling of the gigantic scheme forming in his mind. some said he meant to establish a separate kingdom in the south, to which those of the religion in all parts of the country would flock; but this idea was scouted by those who knew his intense love of france. besides, as felix remarked, we should have to abandon la rochelle, and such a proceeding as that was incredible. "into harness again, edmond," exclaimed my comrade excitedly, one morning, coming from his attendance on the admiral. "boot and saddle, and the tented field once more. we leave narbonne in a week; aren't you glad?" "upon my word i am not sorry. where do we go? is the mystery solved?" "no," he said, laughing good-humouredly, "the chief still keeps his secret. but when it does leak out i fancy there will be a surprise for us." the news soon spread, and the town was filled with bustle and animation. every one was busy with his preparations, and from morning till night the streets were crowded with men and horses, and with wagons for carrying the provisions and stores. our days of idleness were over; we had no rest now. felix and i were ever hurrying from place to place, carrying orders and instructions to the different leaders. at last the day came when with cheerful confidence we marched out from the town that had been our winter home. the sick had recovered their health, every one was strong and vigorous, the horses were in capital condition, and we all looked forward to a successful campaign, though without the slightest idea where it would take place. i had thought it most probable that we should retrace our steps to toulouse, but instead we speedily struck eastward. what did our leader intend doing? was the question asked by every one that night, and which no one could answer. a few of the troops showed some concern, but the majority shared my comrade's opinion. "what does it matter where we go," said he, "as long as coligny leads us? it is for him to form the plan, and for us to carry it out." "we are going farther away from rochelle," i remarked. "rochelle can look after itself, edmond. it would help the cause considerably if anjou would besiege the city; but he won't. as to this march, the admiral will explain his intentions when he thinks well." it was at nismes that coligny first revealed his purpose, and it came on most of us as a thunder-clap. instead of returning to the scenes of our former struggles, we were to cross the rhone, march through dauphigny, and threaten paris from the east. the proposal was so bold and audacious that it fairly took away our breath, and we gazed at each other in astonishment. but the hot-headed ones, and felix among them, cheered the speech with all the vigour of their lungs, more than making up for the silence of the rest. "soldiers," said the admiral, "there are my plans, but i do not force you to obey me. those whose courage fails must stop behind and return to their homes, but i will march though not more than five hundred should follow my banner. think well before you agree. the journey is long, perilous, and full of hardship. we shall find few friends and many enemies; our provisions may fail, and monseigneur will certainly send a strong army to bar our passage. it is an undertaking for only the bravest; the weak-kneed will but hinder." "we will follow you to the death, my lord," cried felix impetuously, and thousands of voices took up the bold cry. "i will ask you to-morrow," said our chief; "for when once we have started i must have no faltering, nor turning back." that same evening felix and i went over to the englishmen's camp. i had expected to find some traces of excitement, and to hear them discussing whether they should embark on the hazardous venture. instead of that they were lounging about as carelessly as if we had drought the war to a successful conclusion. roger came towards us smiling. "well," said he, "your general has sprung a surprise on us!" "will your comrades go with us?" i asked. "have they talked the matter over yet?" "what is there to talk over? we are here to help, not to say what you shall do. of course we shall go. one part of france is the same to us as another; but i fancy some of your own troops will elect to remain behind." "'tis quite possible," i replied. "the venture is a daring one." "the majority will march," declared felix with enthusiasm; "a few of the southerners may prefer to guard their own districts, but that is all. i knew coligny had some gigantic scheme in his head, but never dreamed of this. it is glorious; it will be the talk of europe." "if it succeed," said roger drily, "it will matter little whether europe talks or not; but in any case coligny is staking everything on one throw. if we get beaten, he cannot expect to raise another army." "do not let us think of defeat," i said, "and we shall stand a better chance of winning a victory. there is no sense in gazing at the black clouds when we can as easily look at the bright sunshine." chapter xiv scouting for coligny as roger had prophesied, not all the huguenot soldiers were prepared to follow their intrepid leader; but on that memorable april morning of we swung out from nismes some five thousand strong, all horsemen, for coligny had mounted the three thousand arquebusiers who formed the major part of our force. the journey from saintes to narbonne had been tedious, and, because of the bitter winter cold, full of hardship, but we had not met with opposition. now we were launched straight into the midst of a hostile district filled with the king's troops, and few days passed without some skirmish, in which, though petty enough, we could ill afford to engage. it seems little to put down on paper--how we rode hour after hour, often with insufficient food; how we watched at night, sometimes springing to arms at a false alarm, and more than once having to fight desperately to beat off a surprise attack; but it was a stiff business for those who went through with it. we were, however, in good spirits, and pushed on steadily day after day, picking up a few recruits here and there to strengthen our army. the men were sturdy, resolute fellows, full of zeal for the cause, and ready to lay down their lives for the admiral, to whom they were devoted. how wholly dependent we were upon him, in spite of the presence of prince henry and young condé, became plain when he was taken ill at st. etienne. the march was stopped abruptly, and for three weeks we waited in fear and doubt, asking ourselves anxiously what would happen if he died. even the sanguine felix admitted that without him the enterprise would result in failure, but fortunately the admiral recovered, and we resumed our march. the halt which we were forced to make at st. etienne had done us considerable service. horses and men alike were broken down by fatigue, loss of sleep, and scanty rations, and the long rest had restored their strength. shortly before leaving, too, a body of cavalry, fifteen hundred strong, had ridden into camp amidst the acclamations of the assembled troops. "now," said felix joyously, "monseigneur can meet us as soon as he likes." after leaving st. etienne we soon discovered that the worst part of the journey was still before us. our way lay over rugged crests, and along the edge of steep precipices overhanging gloomy chasms. nothing save a few chestnut trees, whose fruit was not yet ripe, grew on that bare, stony ground, while the only animals were small, stunted sheep, and mountain goats. here and there we passed a tiny hamlet, but for the most part we marched through a wild and desolate solitude, through steep and gloomy gorges with rapid torrents thundering at the bottom. in the upper passes the snow lay deep, and more than once as we stumbled along a piercing shriek told us that some unfortunate animal, missing its footing, had hurled its wretched rider into eternity. at length, to the loudly expressed joy of every man in the army, we left the gloomy wilderness behind, and emerged into a rich and smiling valley. the animals neighed with delight on seeing the fresh sweet grass, and we who had shivered with the bitter cold in the mountain passes rejoiced at the glorious warmth of the sun. but now we had to proceed with far greater caution, since at any moment a royalist army might swoop down upon us. sharp-sighted scouts rode ahead and on our flanks, while messengers frequently arrived bringing information for our general. according to these accounts monseigneur was still in the west, but marshal cossé had been despatched with a strong army to oppose us. we had halted for the night some ten miles or so from arnay-le-duc, and i was gossiping with roger braund and several of the englishmen--their numbers by this time, alas! had thinned considerably--when felix came up hastily, his eyes shining with keen excitement. "any fresh news?" asked roger. "nothing certain," my comrade answered, "but cossé is reported to be at or near arnay-le-duc. edmond are you for a ride?" "with all my heart," said i, "but where?" "to find out what we can about cossé. i have the admiral's instructions. i told jacques to saddle your horse; but you must hurry." "good-night, roger; good-night, gentlemen," i said, laughing; "you can sleep soundly, knowing that we are awake." "take care!" laughed roger good-humouredly, "and don't let that madcap get you into mischief. i shouldn't be surprised if he tries to get his information from cossé himself." "i would," declared felix merrily, "if he gave me half a chance; but we must really go; the admiral"--and he drew himself up with an air of assumed importance--"depends upon us." "good-bye," laughed roger, "you won't be a prisoner long; we will capture the marshal and exchange him for you!" "monseigneur would make a poor bargain if he agreed to that!" said my comrade, as we went off light-heartedly. "shall we take jacques?" i asked, as we hurried along. "he has settled that question for himself," returned felix in high glee; "he is saddling his own animal as well as ours." "what does the admiral wish to learn?" "the enemy's numbers. the reports are conflicting and range from five thousand to thirty, but we will discover the truth for ourselves before the morning." "at any rate we will do our best. there is jacques; he has lost little time; the horses are ready. my pistols, jacques!" "they are in the holsters, monsieur, and loaded." "into the saddle then! have you the password, felix?" "yes; 'tis _roche abeille_." "a good choice! 'tis an omen of success. have you any idea of the proper direction?" "i can find the way easily to arnay-le-duc; i have had a long talk with one of the couriers." having passed our last outpost, where we stayed to chat for a moment with the officer in command, we proceeded at a brisk pace, my comrade feeling assured that we should not meet an enemy during the first six miles. after that distance we went more slowly and with greater caution, for if the marshal was really at arnay-le-duc, his patrols were probably scouring the neighbourhood. about four miles from the town we entered the street of a straggling village. it was a half after ten; the lights in the cottages were out; the villagers had retired to bed. "shall we do any good by knocking up the landlord of the inn?" i asked. "what say you, jacques?" "we shall probably learn the village gossip, and if the marshal is anywhere near arnay-le-duc it will be known here." "true," said my comrade; "let us lead the animals into the yard. edmond, hammer at the door!" the landlord was in bed, but he came down quickly, and, having shown us into his best room, proceeded to draw the wine which felix ordered. "you are in bed early," i remarked on his return. "have you no guests in the house?" "none, monsieur." "we expected to meet with some of the king's troops here: have they passed through already?" "there have been no soldiers in the village, monsieur." "but surely they are close at hand!" "if monsieur means marshal cossé's army, it is ten miles off. at least philippe said so when he came home this evening." "who is philippe?" "he lives in the village, monsieur; he could guide you to the soldiers. shall i fetch him?" "yes," i replied, "and waste no time. jacques," and i glanced at my servant meaningly, "you might go with the worthy host." they returned in less than half an hour, bringing with them a short, thin man, spare in build, but tough and wiry. his eyes were sharp and bright, and his face was shrewd and full of intelligence. "are you a good catholic, philippe?" i asked. his glance passed from me to felix and back again so swiftly that he might never have taken his gaze from my face. then he said with the most natural hesitation in the world, and as if fully expecting to suffer for his confession, "i hope monsieur will not be offended, but i belong to the religion." "faith, philippe," i said, "i guessed you were shrewd; you are the very fellow for our purpose. since you belong to the religion"--the rascal's lips twitched ever so slightly--"you will have no scruple in helping us. we are of the religion, too." "is it possible, monsieur?" he said, with a start of well-feigned surprise. "now listen to me," i continued; "you know where the marshal's army is. don't contradict; it will be useless." "i am attending, monsieur." "we want to see this army, but we do not wish to introduce ourselves to the soldiers. now a sharp guide, thoroughly acquainted with the district, can easily lead us to a place from which we can learn all we want to know. is not that a good scheme?" "it has one serious drawback, monsieur." "speak on; we are listening." "if the guide should be caught by the king's troops, he would be hanged." "that is awkward, certainly. on the other hand, if he refuses to go he will die by the sword. you are a sensible man, philippe, and will see the force of my remarks. now, which is it to be? will you earn a few crowns by taking the risk, or will you lose your life at once?" "truly, monsieur," said he, after a pause, "you place me in an unpleasant position; but since there is no way out of it, i will do as you wish." "a sensible answer, and there is but one thing more to add. if you are thinking to play us false, we count three swords and six loaded pistols, and you cannot reasonably expect to escape them all." "monsieur's kindness in pointing out these things is truly touching!" exclaimed the rascal with a broad grin. "my friend is noted for such kindness!" laughed felix. "and now let us get into the saddle. is there a spare horse in the stables, landlord?" "yes, monsieur," replied our host, whose limbs were shaking through fright. "then we shall use it for philippe. don't be afraid; we will pay you for the hire." "monsieur is very good." "and a word in your ear, landlord. on our return, do not let us find that your tongue has been wagging!" we rode out from the inn yard, jacques and philippe in front, felix and i following. "he is a clever rascal," remarked felix in a low voice; "he is no huguenot." "if he is," i replied laughing quietly, "'twas a quick conversion. he was certainly a good catholic until he had taken note of our dress. but the fellow will guide us aright, for his own sake. he is quick enough to calculate the chances." occasionally one or other of us cantered forward and rode a short distance by his side, while jacques watched him constantly with the eyes of a hawk. but the fellow who was keen enough to understand that treachery would result in his own death, whatever else happened, led us very carefully across country and right away from the beaten tracks until about three o'clock in the morning, when he came to a halt on the top of a wooded hill. "very softly!" he whispered, "we are in the rear of the army, but there may be some sentries at hand. when day breaks we shall see the camp almost at our feet." i bade jacques lead the animals deeper into the wood, lest they should attract attention; then felix and i lay down with the guide between us. "so far, philippe, you have served us well," whispered my comrade. "you will pocket those crowns yet!" "hush, monsieur; a single sound may cost us our lives." this was true, so we lay silent, watching for the breaking of dawn. little by little the night haze cleared away; the light broke through the clouds; the sun rose, lighting up first the distant hills, and presently revealing the secret of the plain beneath. the bugles sounded; men came from their tents, rubbing their eyes still burdened with sleep, and before long all the camp was astir. "guns!" said felix; "how many do you make, edmond?" "six," i replied, after a careful survey. "i can count six, too," he said. "according to our spies the marshal had no guns." i nudged our guide, saying, "what is the number of the troops down there?" "fifteen thousand infantry, and six thousand horsemen, monsieur," he answered promptly. "it may be so," i said, "but we shall be better able to judge when they are ready to march." for two hours we lay flat on the ground, with our eyes fixed on the camp, never changing our position, and speaking hardly a word. we watched the cavalry feed and groom the animals, and saw the troops sit down to breakfast. then a body of horsemen, about fifty or sixty in number, rode out from the camp in the direction of arnay-le-duc. [illustration: "for two hours we lay flat on the ground, with our eyes fixed on the camp."] after a while the troops fell in, and a number of richly-dressed officers rode along the lines, as if to inspect them. "jacques," i said softly, for all this time he had remained with the animals, "if you can leave the horses, come here." in two or three minutes he had crept close up to us, and was looking steadily at the camp. "how many, jacques?" i asked, for he was an old campaigner, with far more experience than either felix or i possessed. "'tis a nice little army," he said after a time, "but"--with a sidelong glance at philippe--"no match for ours. why, the marshal has hardly more than four thousand horsemen, with thirteen thousand infantry at the outside." "my own estimate!" exclaimed felix; "what do you say, edmond?" "one can easily make a mistake at this work," i answered, "but i should think your guess is not far from the truth." "then we need stay no longer. come," to the guide, "lead us back safely, and the crowns are yours." stealing very quietly and cautiously into the wood, we took our horses by the bridle, and led them--jacques going in front and closely followed by our guide--along a narrow path, away from the camp. at the end of the wood we mounted, and, riding in twos, set out briskly on the return journey. thanks to philippe, we reached the inn without mishap, paid the landlord, who was evidently surprised at seeing us again, for the loan of his horse, and handed our guide his promised reward. "put the crowns in your purse, my man," said felix, "and for your own sake i should advise you not to open your lips. marshal cossé may not be too pleased with your night's work." we cantered off at a sharp pace, eager to acquaint the admiral with our success, and had covered a little more than half the distance, when, on turning a bend in the road, we perceived about a dozen horsemen galloping full tilt towards us. "king's men!" cried jacques quickly. "a patrol from the camp on their way back." "we must ride through them!" exclaimed felix. "'tis our only chance. all three abreast, jacques. ready?" there being no other way out of the business, except that of standing still to be captured, we drew our swords and, crying "for the admiral!" dashed boldly at them. they were riding in no sort of order, but straggled along loosely, each intent, it seemed to me, on getting first. they were clearly surprised at encountering us, and, beyond a few hasty sword-strokes in passing,--and these did no damage--made no effort to oppose our passage. several yards behind the main body two men were stumbling along on wounded horses. they themselves were hurt also, and both promptly surrendered at our challenge. "faith!" cried felix, "this is a queer proceeding. ah, there is the reason," as a strong patrol of our own men came thundering along. the leader pointed ahead with his sword, as if asking a question, and felix exclaimed quickly, "they are in front; their horses are getting blown." we drew aside to give them room, as they galloped past in a cloud of dust, and then my comrade, turning to jacques, said, "can you manage the prisoners, jacques? we must hurry on." my servant produced a loaded pistol. "i am well provided, monsieur," he answered. "i think these gentlemen will not give trouble." "very good. take your time; i expect our troops are on the march. forward, edmond," and, setting spurs to our horses, we galloped off. all danger was over now, and before long we caught sight of the advanced-guard of our army. "can you tell us where to find the general?" asked felix of an officer, as we pulled up. "he is with the centre, monsieur. have you seen the enemy?" "yes," i answered, riding on, "and there will be some stirring work soon!" chapter xv a glorious triumph coligny was riding with a group of his principal officers when we drew up, and he greeted us with a kindly smile. "here are our knights-errant," said he, "let us hear what they have to say. have you seen the enemy, bellièvre?" "yes, my lord; their camp is a few miles beyond arnay-le-duc. they were preparing to march when we left, though they seemed to be in no particular hurry. the officers were holding some sort of inspection." "did you get close to them?" "we had a clear view of the whole camp from the top of a wooded hill in the rear." "and you have formed some idea of their numbers?" "there were three of us, my lord, and we were all fairly well agreed. the marshal has six guns, between four and five thousand cavalry, and about thirteen thousand infantry." "do you agree with that statement, le blanc?" "the numbers are a little over my calculation, my lord; but not much." "in any case, you think the figures are high enough?" "that is absolutely certain," i replied. "good! we owe you both our best thanks." they were simple words, simply spoken, but they went straight to our hearts, amply repaying us for the risks attendant on our night's adventure. marching slowly, and halting two or three times during the day, as the general wished to husband his men's strength, we arrived early in the evening at a little stream near arnay-le-duc, and beheld, on the other side, two or three thousand of the royalist cavalry. there were no guns in sight, and the infantry had been drawn up at some distance in the background. the troops took their supper--a very meagre one, too; our provisions being at a low ebb--sentries were posted, and coligny made all arrangements for battle, in case the enemy should attack before morning. "there is roger coming towards us!" i exclaimed, as we lay wrapped in our cloaks on the ground. "he has come to discover if we are still alive!" said my comrade. "you are wrong," laughed the englishman, dropping down beside us; "jacques told me he had kept you from coming to grief. i congratulate you on having such a servant. but, seriously, i am glad to see you back; the errand was rather venturesome for such young persons," and he laughed again in his rich, musical voice. "go away," said felix, "before i am tempted to chastise you. it would be a pity to lose your services for to-morrow!" "it would," agreed our friend. "by the look of things, coligny will need all the swords he can muster. did you find out anything about the enemy's strength?" we gave him the figures, and he remarked: "the odds are heavy enough in all conscience, seeing that we count barely six thousand men. still, they are picked troops." "and they have their backs against the wall," i observed. "there was a chance of escape at montcontour, but there is none here. if we are defeated we shall be cut to pieces." "you are entertaining, you two!" interposed felix. "can we not have a change? let me arrange the programme. first, we rout cossé--an easy matter; second, we continue our march to paris, defeating monseigneur on the way; third, we dictate terms of peace at the louvre." "and fourth," laughed roger, "we appoint monsieur felix bellièvre marshal of france, and advance him to the highest dignity!" "the suggestion does you credit," replied my comrade, good-humouredly; "and we will make a beginning in the morning by beating cossé." knowing that we had lost our sleep the previous night, roger did not stay long, and as soon as our attendance on the admiral was over we went to bed, or rather lay down inside the tent, muffled in our cloaks. the morning of june , , opened bright and clear, and we looked forward with hope, if not exactly with confidence, to the approaching battle. the enemy were nearly three to one, but, as roger had said, our men were all picked troops, hardy, resolute fellows, filled with intense zeal, and fighting for what they believed to be right. they greeted coligny with deafening cheers, when, after breakfast, and our simple morning service, he rode along the lines, accompanied by henry of bearn and the young condé. these gallant youths each commanded a regiment, and their flushed cheeks and sparkling eyes told how ardently they burned to distinguish themselves. "there are the enemy, my lads," said coligny, in his grave, measured tones, "and we must beat them. it is our last chance. if we fail, the cause is lost, and we shall find no mercy. if we run away, we shall be cut down, for there is no place of shelter. we must win the battle, or die on the field." "we will!" they cried, and there was a ring in their voices that spoke of an iron determination to succeed. "and we," said young henry of bearn, "will die with you. not one of your leaders will leave the field except as a victor. it is victory or death for all of us." at these brave words the cheering broke out afresh, and my comrade, turning to me, exclaimed, "the battle is won already! those fellows will never retreat." they were, indeed, in fine fettle, but it was setting them a desperate task to oppose nearly three times their number! the marshal began the attack with a cavalry charge, but, as the horsemen galloped forward, a body of arquebusiers posted in a ditch discharged such a stinging fire that our opponents wheeled round and rode hurriedly back to shelter. "well done!" cried felix; "we have drawn first blood." they tried again with the same result, and then a strong body of infantry was pushed forward. but the arquebusiers clung firmly to their post, and presently young condé, sweeping round unexpectedly at the head of his regiment, charged and broke the hostile infantry. it was a daring charge, and we waved our swords and cheered, as the victorious horsemen rode proudly back. the marshal, however, was not to be denied. again and again he launched his horsemen at us, while his foot-soldiers crept steadily nearer. all along our front the battle raged fiercely, and at every point our gallant fellows were fighting against overwhelming numbers. "stand firm, soldiers, stand firm!" cried our general, as he galloped over the field, bringing the magic of his presence to whatever part was in most danger. it was in one of these wild rushes the incident occurred that laid the foundation of my fortunes, though the building took many years to complete. i tell it here, not out of pride or vainglory--though i was proud, too--but because it is necessary to the better understanding of my story. we had just left the handful of englishmen, who had bravely repulsed a stubborn attack of cavalry and infantry on their position, when a cry arose of "prince henry! help for the prince!" a cry of despair broke from us as we realized his peril. how it came about i never clearly learned, for in the heat of battle one rarely sees more than the things close at hand. some said one thing, some another, but this i reckon was the most likely way of it. his regiment was rather exposed, and on the left flank stretched some rolling ground, unsuitable for cavalry but affording good cover for foot-soldiers. across these hollows cossé had sent a large body of infantry, while at the same time the prince's regiment was assailed by an overwhelming force of cavalry. an order to retire was given--though none knew by whom--and in consequence, henry, with a handful of men, was left surrounded by a sea of foes. coligny glanced quickly round the field; the royalists were pressing us at every point; not a man could be spared from his post. "we must save him ourselves, gentlemen!" he exclaimed tersely, "forward!" we counted barely two score swords, but the prince was in peril, and though the enterprise cost all our lives he must be rescued. our comrades battling desperately at their posts cheered us as we flew by, crying, "coligny! coligny!" straight as a die we rode, our chief slightly in advance, the rest of us in threes, horse's head to horse's head, the animals straining and quivering in every muscle as we urged them madly forward. too late! was the thought in every heart, as we beheld the prince fighting for dear life, and hemmed in by a host of enemies. "coligny! coligny!" we cried, and in blind fury charged the dense mass. now it chanced by pure accident, for i had no other thought than to follow my patron closely, that the charge brought me close to the bridle-hand of the prince. henry of bearn, though a fine sworder, was even a better horseman, and it was to his skill as a rider, much more than to his dexterity with the sword, that he owed his life. but now he was so closely beset that he was compelled to depend upon the play of his sword, and his strength was failing. they struck fiercely at him in front and on both sides; there was a continuous circle of flashing steel; it was marvellous how death missed him. pressed hard by a trooper on the right he turned to parry his blows more effectively, when a second trooper slashed at his bridle-arm. there was no time for warning; no time even for thought. with a cry of "coligny!" i dashed forward, and, throwing myself half out of the saddle, caught the descending sword. before the trooper could recover himself i had pierced him through the side, and he fell with a groan across his horse's neck. i did not think that henry had noticed the incident, but without turning his head he cried pleasantly, "my thanks, monsieur; i owe my life to you." "have no fear for this side, my lord," i answered, and the next instant was fiercely engaged with two of the king's troopers. but now the cry of "coligny!" grew louder; the press was broken here and there; the admiral himself appeared; some of his gentlemen fought their way to our side, and with one desperate effort we thrust back the hostile horsemen. "coligny! coligny! bearn! bearn!" were the shouts, as, with swords flashing and gleaming in the sunlight, we pushed a way through. at the same time the rest of the regiment drove back the infantry, and the prince was saved. "stand firm, soldiers, stand firm!" cried our leader as he prepared to gallop off, for cossé's assaults were so rapid and daring that we had hardly a moment's breathing space. but, as we were moving away, henry of bearn, calling me to his side, said, "your name, monsieur?" "edmond le blanc, my lord," i answered, bowing low. "if we live through this day," he said graciously, "i will remember the debt i owe you." once again i bowed, and, saluting with my sword, darted off to take my place in the admiral's train. whatever henry's fortune, there appeared considerable doubt as to my surviving the battle, for my patron seemed determined to court death not only for himself but for every gentleman in his household. wherever the huguenots recoiled ever so slightly before the terrible onslaughts of the foe, there we were cheering and fighting till our arms were wearied by the work and our heads dazed by the maddening tumult. and never for a moment during that long summer day did the strife cease. cossé was inflexible; he sent his troops to death without pity, and they obeyed without a murmur. the carnage was fearful, and i longed for darkness to put an end to the hideous slaughter. at the end of the afternoon he gathered his forces together for one supreme effort. horse and foot, they swung along as blithely as if the battle were only beginning. i looked round on our diminished ranks, and wondered if we had strength to withstand another onset. "'tis their last try!" exclaimed felix cheerfully; "if they fail now they will break, and the victory is ours. half an hour will see the finish; one side must give way." one side! but which? on they came, wave after wave, like the waters of an irresistible sea. we waited in painful silence, broken suddenly by the admiral's voice, "stand firm, soldiers, stand firm. the end is at hand!" on they came, bugles blowing, flags flying, horses prancing; the dying sun lighting up the bared swords and pike heads, the steel caps and breastplates. on they came, a goodly and gallant band of well-trained warriors. "stand firm, soldiers, stand firm!" well in front, serene and confident, full of proud courage and high resolve, there was our glorious leader, the best and bravest man in the two armies. with a roar of cheering and a hurricane rush the foe dashed forward. they struck us in front, they swirled tumultuously around our flanks, driving us back and cheering lustily, "for the king!" the fate of the day hung trembling in the balance, but henry of bearn on the one flank, and condé on the other, rallied their troops, while in the centre the stout old admiral plunged yet again into the fray. [illustration: "with a roar of cheering and a hurricane rush the foe dashed forward."] "forward! forward!" we shouted. "on them! they are giving way!" and felix, snatching a flag from a wounded man, charged with reckless abandon into the very midst of the foe. "the flag!" i cried, "follow the flag!" straight ahead of us it went, now waving triumphantly aloft, now drooping, now swaying again, and high above the din of strife sounded my comrade's voice, crying, "for the admiral! for the faith! forward! forward!" the daring hazardous exploit sent a wave of fire through every man. we flung off our fatigue as if it were a cloak, dealing our blows as vigorously as though the battle were but newly joined. and as we toiled on, following the flag, a great shout of victory arose on our right. henry of bearn had thrust back his assailants; they were running fast, and his horsemen were hanging on their heels like sleuth-hounds. the cry was taken up and repeated all along the line, and in a few minutes the enemy, smitten by sudden fear, were flying in all directions. for some distance we pursued, sweeping numbers of prisoners to the rear; but our animals were wearied, and presently all but a few of the most fiery spirits had halted. the victory was ours, but we had bought it at a high price. some of our bravest officers were dead, and coligny looked mournfully at his diminished band of attendants. we rode back to our lines, and to me the joy of our triumph was sadly dimmed by the absence of my comrade. in the wild stampede i had lost sight of the flag, and no one had seen its gallant bearer. "has monsieur bellièvre fallen?" asked jacques, who had ridden well and boldly with the troopers. "i do not know; i fear so. he was a long distance ahead of us in the last charge. i am going to search for him." "there is your english friend, monsieur; he is not hurt." roger grasped my hand warmly. "safe!" he exclaimed; "i hardly dared to hope it. it has been a terrible fight. our poor fellows"--he spoke of the english remnant--"have suffered severely. where is felix?" "we are on our way to look for him; i fear he has fallen." roger turned and went with us. "i saw him with the flag," he remarked. "'twas a gallant deed. it helped us to win the battle. by my word, cossé must have lost frightfully; the field just here looks carpeted with the dead." "'tis a fearful sight to see in cold blood," i replied. numbers of men were removing the wounded, but knowing that felix had ridden some distance ahead we kept steadily on our way. "'twas here cossé's troops began to break," said jacques presently, "and 'tis hereabout we ought to find monsieur bellièvre's body." the words jarred upon me horribly; they expressed the thought i was trying hard to keep out of my head. we went quickly from one to the other, doing what we could for the wounded, and hurrying on again. it was a gruesome task, and the fear of finding what we sought so earnestly added to the horror. suddenly my heart gave a leap, and i ran forward quickly to where i saw the colour of the blood-stained flag. a dead horse lay near it, and by the animal's side lay my comrade. his head was bare, and his fair hair clustered in curls over his forehead. he was very white and still, and his eyes were closed. "poor fellow; i fear he is past help," murmured roger. "let us find out," advised the practical jacques, and, kneeling down on the other side, he assisted me to loosen the doublet. chapter xvi a gleam of sunshine "the heart beats, monsieur; faintly, but it beats." "are you sure, jacques? are you quite certain?" "i can feel it plainly, monsieur. he has lost a great deal of blood. if we move him the bleeding may begin again; i will fetch a surgeon to dress his wounds here." it seemed an age before jacques returned with a surgeon, and meanwhile felix lay perfectly still. there was not the flutter of an eyelid, not the twitching of a muscle; only by placing a hand over his heart could one tell that he still lived. the surgeon shook his head as he bound up the wounds, evidently having little faith in my comrade's chance of recovery. we got him back to the camp, however, where jacques and i watched by turns all night at his side. toward morning he moved restlessly, and presently his eyes opened. "felix," i said softly, with a great joy at my heart, "felix, do you know me?" "the flag!" he said feebly, "follow the flag! forward, brave hearts!" and he would have risen, but i held him down gently. "the battle is over, felix; we have won a great victory. it is i, edmond. you have been wounded, but are getting better. we found you on the field." "i dropped the flag," he said, smiling at me, but not knowing me. "it is all right. we picked it up; it is here," and i placed it near him. his hand closed lovingly round the silken folds, and his eyes were filled with deep contentment. leaving the room quietly, i called to jacques, saying, "he is awake, but he does not recognize me." "give him time, monsieur; his brain is not yet clear, but he will come round. sit by him a while, so that he can see you; he will remember by degrees." acting on this suggestion, i returned to the bedside and sat down, but without speaking. felix lay fingering the flag, but presently his eyes sought mine, wonderingly at first, but afterwards with a gleam of recognition in them. i had sat thus for perhaps half an hour, when he called me by name, and i bent over him with a throb of joy. "edmond," he said, "where are we? is the battle over?" "yes, and cossé has been badly beaten. you were hurt in the last charge." "yes," he said slowly, "i remember. ah, you found the flag!" "it was lying beside you; your horse was killed." "a pistol-shot," he said, "and a fellow cut at me with his sword at the same time. but i am tired. is the admiral safe?" "yes, i am going to him now. jacques will stay with you, and i will send the surgeon." fearing lest he should overtax his strength, i went out, and after a visit to the surgeon proceeded to coligny's tent. my heart ached as i gazed around at my comrades, and realized more fully what the victory had cost us. "is bellièvre likely to recover?" asked one. "i hope so; he is quite sensible, but very weak." "he did a splendid thing! the admiral is very proud of him." "that piece of information will go a long way toward pulling him through!" i said. just then coligny himself came from his tent, and hearing our talk inquired kindly after my comrade. "he is sensible, my lord, and i am hoping he may recover," i replied. "i trust so; we cannot well afford to lose such a gallant lad. i must come to see him presently, and tell him how much we owe him." "that will do him more good than all the surgeon's skill!" i said. the excitement of the closing scenes of the battle, the uncertainty as to my comrade's fate, and the long night's watch had driven from my head all remembrance of the incident connected with henry of bearn, but the prince himself had not forgotten. during the forenoon he came riding over to coligny's quarters, debonair and gracious as ever. "i have come," said he to the admiral, "not exactly to pay a debt, but to acknowledge it. i owe my life to one of your gentlemen; but for his bravery and skill with the sword henry of bearn would be food for the worms. i trust he still lives to accept my thanks." "le blanc! it is le blanc!" murmured my comrades. "that is the name," said the prince with his frank smile, "and there is the gentleman." my comrades pushed me forward, and i advanced awkwardly, hot with confusion, but--i have no false shame about admitting the truth--my breast swelling with pride. "monsieur," exclaimed the prince genially, "yesterday we had leisure for but little speech, and my thanks were necessarily of the scantiest. to-day i wish to acknowledge before your comrades in arms that, when i was sorely beset and had no thought except to sell my life dearly, you came in the most gallant manner to my rescue. i have not much to offer you, monsieur, beyond my friendship, but that is yours until the day of my death." he paused here, and, unbuckling his sword, placed it in my hands, saying, "here is the token of my promise. should the day ever come when you ask in vain anything that i can grant, let all men call henry of bearn ingrate and traitor to his plighted word. i call you, my lord admiral, and you, gentlemen, to witness." i tried to say something in reply, but the words were choked in my throat; not one would come. but a still higher honour was in store for me. the admiral--the great and good leader whom we all worshipped--removing my sword, buckled on the prince's gift with his own hands. "i rejoice," said he speaking slowly as was his wont, "that the son of the hero who died for the cause at st. jean d'angely should thus add honour to his father's name." i managed to stammer out a few words, and then my comrades crowded around, cheering me with generous enthusiasm. and, when the prince had gone, i had the further happiness of conducting the admiral to our tent, and of hearing the words of praise he spoke to felix, who would gladly have died a thousand deaths to have secured such honour. i said nothing to him that day of the prince's gracious gift--he had already had as much excitement as he could bear--but jacques, of course, had heard of it, and the trusty fellow showed as much pride as if he himself had received a patent of nobility. roger braund, too, came to congratulate me, and his pleasure was so genuine that it made mine the greater. altogether i think that day after the battle of arnay-le-duc was the most wonderful of my life. the defeat of marshal cossé was so complete that we met with no further opposition, but pushed on to chatillon, the sleepy little town which had the honour of being the birth-place of our noble chief. having to attend on the admiral, i left my wounded comrade in the care of jacques, who made him as comfortable as possible in one of the wagons, and waited upon him day and night. whenever opportunity offered i rode back to see him, and each time found to my delight that he was progressing favourably. at last we reached the town and rode along the main street through groups of cheering citizens to the castle, a strong and massive fortress with ample accommodation for thousands of persons. it stood in the midst of a vast enclosure, surrounded by a deep and wide fosse; and the thick walls, as roger remarked, appeared capable of withstanding the assaults of a well-equipped army. inside the enclosure were large gardens and handsome terraces, while the huge tower, sixty feet high, looked down into a wide and spacious courtyard. "this is pleasant and comfortable," said roger that same evening, "but what does it mean? why have we come here? i understood we were to march on paris." "i do not know; there is some talk of peace. several important messengers were despatched post-haste to the king directly after the defeat of cossé." roger shrugged his shoulders. "i think it a mistake," he said; "one should never come to terms with an enemy who is only half-beaten; it gives him time to recover." "well, this is pleasanter than marching through dauphigny." "so it is," he agreed laughingly; "what a magnificent old place it is! your nobles are very powerful; almost too powerful for the king's comfort i should fancy. how is felix?" "getting well rapidly, and clamouring to leave his bed. as usual, he is just a little too impatient." "that is his chief failing," said roger, "but he is a gallant fellow nevertheless. i wonder how your mother and sister are!" "if we stay here, as seems likely, i shall despatch jacques on a visit to rochelle." "do not forget to say i send them my deepest respect and sympathy. indeed, jacques might carry a little note from me." "to my mother?" i asked mischievously. "of course," he replied, with a blush that became him well; but all the same when, a few days later, jacques started on his journey, i noticed that roger's letter was addressed to jeanne. perhaps being in a hurry he had made a mistake! we passed our time at chatillon very pleasantly. felix was soon able to leave his bed, and every day increased his strength. the rumours of an approaching peace became stronger, and at last it was announced that coligny had signed a treaty, which secured to those of the religion perfect freedom to worship as they pleased. "as long as we keep our swords loose, and our horses saddled," said felix, "but no longer," and roger, rather to my surprise, agreed with him. it was the time of evening, and we were walking on one of the terraces, when jacques rode slowly into the courtyard. he looked tired and travel-stained, as was but natural, but his face wore a gloomy expression that could not be due to fatigue. i went down to him quickly with a sudden sinking of the heart. "well, jacques, what news?" i cried, with forced cheerfulness. "the country is quiet, monsieur, and the citizens are rejoicing in rochelle." "i care nothing for rochelle just now; 'tis of my mother and sister i would hear. are they well? are they cheerful? have they written to me? speak out, man; is your tongue in a knot?" "i would it were," said he, "if that would alter the news i bring. you must brace yourself, monsieur, to face another calamity. but here is a letter from mademoiselle jeanne." "from jeanne?" i repeated, and at that i understood the truth. my mother was dead! i read the blotted and tear-stained paper with moist eyes. on the very day when we started from narbonne on our memorable march, my poor mother, who had never really recovered from the shock of my father's death, breathed her last. concerning herself, jeanne said little except that she was living in the household of the queen of navarre, who was holding her court at rochelle. after telling felix and roger the sad news, i went away to brood over my sorrow alone. it was a heavy blow, and the heavier because so unexpected. the chance that my mother might die during my absence had never struck me, and i had been looking forward impatiently to meeting her again. fortunately, the newly-signed peace brought me many active duties. the army was disbanded, and most of our chiefs began their preparations for a visit to rochelle. felix and i were kept busy, and indeed until the journey began we had few idle moments. the little band of englishmen who had survived the war--gallant hearts, they had spent themselves so recklessly that barely a dozen remained--accompanied us, and naturally we saw a great deal of roger. "i suppose," said felix to him one day, "that now you will return to england?" "my comrades are returning at once," he replied, "but i shall stay a while longer; perhaps even pay a visit to paris before i leave." "if you wish to see paris," said felix, "it will be well to go quickly, before the clouds burst again"; but roger observed with a smile that he intended to stay in rochelle for a few weeks at least. our entry into the city was very different from that after the rout of montcontour. cannon boomed, church bells rang merrily, the streets were gay with flags and flowers and triumphal arches; while the citizens, dressed in their best, with happy smiling faces, cheered until they were hoarse, as the admiral, with henry of bearn on his right and the youthful condé on his left, rode through the gateway. jeanne, with several of the queen's ladies, was sitting in the balcony of the _hôtel coligny_. catching sight of us, she stood up and waved her hand, and we bowed low in our saddles, and smiled, and waved our hands in return. "your sister is more beautiful than ever, edmond," said my comrade enthusiastically. "she looked paler, i thought," i replied, as we turned into the courtyard; "but now the war is over we shall have a chance to cheer her a little." "did she see roger braund, do you think?" "it is likely enough," i laughed; "he is a fair size, and sits up well in the saddle," a harmless pleasantry which, to judge by his peevish exclamation, felix did not appreciate. that evening we all met at the reception given by the queen of navarre, a reception brilliant by reason of the number of brave men and beautiful women assembled. i had spent an hour alone with jeanne during the afternoon, and she had told me of our mother's illness, and of her last loving message to myself. i asked how she came to be in the queen of navarre's household, and her eyes kindled and her face flushed as she answered, "oh, edmond, the queen has been the kindest of friends! she sought me out in my sorrow, saying it was not right that the daughter of so brave a soldier as my father should be left to bear her grief alone. she insisted on my becoming one of her ladies-in-waiting, and ever since has done her best to make me happy." my sister was certainly very beautiful, and i could not wonder to see the numbers of handsome and highborn cavaliers who clustered around her that evening. but jeanne was staunch and leal, and, though courteous to all, it was in the company of her old friends felix and roger she found her chief pleasure. we four were chatting together, and felix was describing in his lively way some of our adventures, when henry of bearn drew near. "le blanc," he exclaimed, looking at me, "surely it is le blanc!" and taking my arm he added jovially, "come with me, i must present you specially to my mother. she ought to know to whom she is indebted for her son's life." jeanne looked at me in surprise, and as we moved away i heard felix saying, "i warrant he never told you a word of that. by my faith, one could hardly blame him had he cried it from the housetops!" meanwhile the prince marched up the room, his arm placed affectionately on my shoulder, and presented me to the gracious lady who was such a tower of strength to the cause. "madame," he said in his hearty way, "this is the cavalier of whom i spoke. but for his courage henry of bearn would have been left lying on the field at arnay-le-duc." she gave me her hand to kiss, and thanked me graciously, saying that while she or her son lived i should not want a true friend. "madame," i replied, "in taking my sister under your gracious protection you have already shown your kindness." "your sister!" she said in surprise; "who is your sister?" "jeanne le blanc, whom your majesty has honoured by making one of your ladies-in-waiting." "then you must be the sieur le blanc!" "edmond le blanc, your majesty. my father sacrificed his title and his lands, as well as his life, for the cause!" "how is this?" asked her son, and when i had related the story, he declared roundly that, with the admiral's support, he would force the king to restore my rights. presently i withdrew, and jeanne, to whom felix had related the adventure, kissed me and made much of me, to the envy of my two comrades, who, poor fellows, had no pretty sister of their own. it was a proud night for me, but the shadow of my parents' death lay on my happiness, and i would gladly have sacrificed all my honours for their presence. "if life at rochelle is to be as agreeable as this," remarked roger, with a glance at my sister, "i shall be loth to return to england." "then you can be no true englishman!" laughed jeanne, as she wished us good-night before going to attend upon her royal mistress. chapter xvii the king's promise life flowed very smoothly in la rochelle during that autumn of . amongst us at least the peace was not broken, though we heard rumours of dark threats from the guises, and coligny received numerous warnings not to trust himself, without an armed force, outside the city walls. the first break came about with the departure of roger braund. an english ship put into the harbour one morning at the end of november, and her master brought a letter which compelled my comrade to return home. "no," he said in reply to my question, "there is no bad news; it is simply a matter of business. i shall not wish you good-bye; i have still my promised visit to paris to make. perhaps we shall all be able to go there together." what he said to jeanne i do not know, but she did not seem so much cast down at his departure as i expected, for they two had become very close friends. indeed, i sometimes thought their friendship was even warmer than that between jeanne and felix. however, we went down to the harbour, felix and i, and aboard his ship, an uncomfortable-looking craft, with but scanty accommodation for a passenger. but roger did not mind this. he had sailed in a much worse vessel, he said, and a far longer distance than the passage across the channel. felix shrugged his shoulders. "on land," he remarked, "danger does not alarm me, but i should not care to put to sea in such a boat as that!" in which i was at one with him. "i will choose a better craft next time," laughed roger, as, after bidding him farewell, we walked across the gangway to the wharf, where we stood waving our hands until he disappeared from sight. "does he really mean to return?" my comrade asked. "i think so. he has evidently made up his mind to visit paris." "i fancy," said felix rather bitterly, it struck me, "that he will be satisfied with rochelle, as long as queen joan holds her court there!" my friend was not in the best of humour, but he recovered his spirits in a day or two, and before a week had passed was as lively and merry as usual. black care and felix were not congenial companions. nothing happened after roger's departure until the spring of , when we heard of the king's marriage with elizabeth of germany. none of our leaders attended the ceremony, which seemed to have been a very brilliant affair, the new queen riding into paris in an open litter hung with cloth of silver, drawn by the very finest mules shod with the same gleaming metal. a courier who waited upon the admiral declared that the decorations were a triumph of art, and that the bridge of notre dame was like a scene taken bodily from fairy land. a triumphal arch was erected at each end of the bridge; the roadway was covered with an awning smothered in flowers and evergreens, while between every window on the first floor of the houses were figures of nymphs bearing fruits and flowers, and crowned with laurel. but, although debarred from attending the marriage of the king, we were not without our rejoicings. our noble leader was married to jacqueline of montbel, countess of entremont, who came to la rochelle attended by fifty gentlemen of her kindred. headed by coligny, we rode out to meet her, and the cannon thundered forth a joyous salute. the citizens lined the streets, and if our decorations were not as gay as those of paris, there was, perhaps, a more genuine heartiness in our welcome. these public rejoicings, however, could not make me forget that my position was still very awkward. my stock of money was dwindling, and i could not expect to live in the admiral's house for ever; while, as long as we remained at rochelle, henry of beam's generous promise was not likely to bear fruit. jacques, who paid one or two visits to le blanc, reported that the castle remained closed, and that the tenants on the property had received orders to pay their rents to the crown. this was bad enough, but his second piece of information made my blood hot with anger. i asked if he had learned anything of etienne cordel, and he replied angrily, "more than enough, monsieur. i shall certainly spit that insolent upstart one of these days. he is giving himself all the airs of a grand personage, and boasts openly that before long he will be the sieur le blanc. he is a serpent, monsieur--a crawling, loathsome, deadly serpent; his breath pollutes the very air." "he is no worse than his kind," i replied somewhat bitterly. "he is but trying to raise himself on the misfortunes of others." "worse than that, monsieur. in my opinion it was he who caused the downfall of your house, for his own wicked ends. your father's property was to be his reward for doing monseigneur's dirty work." "it is likely enough," i replied, "but we can do nothing without the admiral." a day or two after this conversation--it was as far as i can remember about the middle of july--felix came to me in a state of great excitement. "have you heard the news?" he asked. "the king has sent for our chief!" "for what purpose?" "he has written a most kindly letter and has promised to follow his counsel." "faith," said i, "it smacks to me of the invitation of the hungry fox to the plump pullet! i think coligny will be well advised to remain within the walls of la rochelle." the king's letter was the subject of eager discussion, and almost every one declared that our beloved chief would run the greatest risk in accepting the invitation. "the king may be honest enough, though i doubt it," said one, "but the guises are murderers; while as for monseigneur and his mother, i would as soon trust to a pack of wolves!" queen joan, henry of bearn, young condé, and all our leaders, though making use of less blunt speech, were of the same opinion, but the admiral cared little for his own safety, when there was a chance of benefiting his country. "the king is surrounded by evil counsellors," he said; "there is all the greater need for one who will tender him honest advice. i have ventured my life freely for france; you would not have me turn coward in my old age?" "to die on the field of battle, my lord," exclaimed one of his oldest comrades in arms, "and to be stabbed in the back by a cowardly assassin are two very different things." "you love me over-much," replied the admiral, placing a hand affectionately on his shoulder; "you are too tender of my welfare. what is one man's life compared with the good of france?" "very little, my lord, except when the man is yourself, and then it becomes everything!" "well," replied coligny, "at the least we can ponder his majesty's request." "he will go," declared felix that evening; "his mind is made up. with him france is first, second, and third; coligny is nowhere." "the king may really mean well," i suggested. "if he doesn't," said felix, "and any harm happens to our chief, the house of valois will rue it! we will clear them out, root and branch." my comrade foretold the admiral's decision correctly. with his eyes wide open to the terrible risk, he elected to place himself in the king's power, in the hope of healing the wounds from which france was still bleeding. jeanne was so happy with her royal mistress that i felt no misgiving in leaving her, and for myself i was not sorry to exchange the confinement of rochelle for a more active life. besides, i could not help reflecting that it was to the admiral's influence i looked for the recovery of my father's estates. the evening before leaving la rochelle i went to take farewell of my sister. "if roger braund should return during our absence," i said, "you can tell him we have gone to blois and perhaps to paris. what is it, sweetheart?" for at this, a wave of colour spread over her fair face. "'tis nothing, brother," said she, gazing earnestly at the ground, "only this very morning the master of an english ship brought me a note from him." "a note for you! 'tis strange he did not write to me!" "he speaks of you in his letter, and hopes you are well. there is some trouble at court" he says, "and he cannot obtain his queen's permission to leave the country." "then we have seen the last of him. i am sorry." "he thinks he may be able to come in a few months," she continued, but, strangely enough, she did not show me his letter, nor did she mention the subject to felix, who presently joined us. the next morning, to the visible anxiety of our friends, we rode out from the city, fifty strong, with the admiral at our head. we journeyed pleasantly and at our leisure to blois, where the king accorded our chief a most gracious and kindly reception. if he really meditated treachery, he was a most accomplished actor. his gentlemen entertained us with lavish hospitality, and, though there were occasionally sharp differences of opinion, we got on very well together. when the king treated our leader so affectionately, calling him "father," and placing his arm round his neck, the members of the royal household could not afford to be churlish. one morning i chanced to be in attendance on the admiral when he and the king were taking a turn in the grounds. felix and two or three of the king's gentlemen were with me, and we were all chatting pleasantly together when my patron, turning round, beckoned me to approach. "this is the young man, sire," he said; "he comes from a good family, and i have proved him to be a trusty servant." "my dear admiral," cried charles, "a word from you is sufficient recommendation. but there are forms to be observed, and you would not have me override the parliament! eh, my dear admiral, you would not have me do that," and he laughed roguishly. "i would have you do nothing unjustly, sire, but i would have you set the wrong right, and this is a foul wrong. the sieur le blanc did nothing more than any other huguenot gentleman. why was he outlawed, and a price set on his head, and his property confiscated?" "upon my word," exclaimed charles, looking very foolish, "i do not know!" "you were pleased at st. jean d'angely to call him a very gallant gentleman." "at d'angely?" echoed the king. "are you speaking of the man who set us so long at defiance? my brother was not well pleased with him." "your brother, sire, does not rule france." "no, by st. james!" cried charles, with sudden fury, "and while i live he never shall! i am the king, and what i wish shall be done. this le blanc who fought at d'angely was as brave a soldier as ever drew sword. had he been on our side, i would have made him a marshal. i swear it!" "he fought against you, sire, but it was for what he thought right." "perhaps he was right," said charles. "why can't we all live at peace with each other? when we have finished cutting each other's throats, the spaniards will step in and seize the country. i am not a fool, though my brother thinks i am!" "while france remains true to herself, sire, spain can do her no harm. and a generous action, your majesty, goes far toward gaining a nation's love." "you wish me to restore this young man's estates? they shall be restored, my dear admiral; i will look into the matter on my return to paris. there will be papers to sign--it seems to me i am always signing papers, principally to please my mother and monseigneur--in this i will please myself." "i thank you, sire, not only for myself, but for henry of beam, whose life the youth had the good fortune to save, and who is greatly interested in him." "if it will please henry of beam," said the king with an interest for which i could not account, but which became clearer afterwards, "that is a further reason why i should have justice done. let the young man go to his estates whenever he pleases; i will see that whatever forms are necessary are made out." at that i thanked his majesty very respectfully, and at a sign from my patron fell back to rejoin my companions. i said nothing to felix then concerning this conversation, but at night, when we were alone, i told him of the king's promise. "he will keep his word," said my comrade, "unless anjou gets hold of him. but if anjou has promised the estates to his tool, i foresee difficulties." "surely the king is master of his own actions!" i remarked. my comrade laughed. "he is a mere puppet; his mother and anjou between them pull the strings as they please. charles is a weakling, edmond, and easily swayed by other people's opinions." "he seems to be under the admiral's influence just at present." "yes; it is when he returns to paris that the trouble will begin. the other side will work hard to drive him away from our patron." a fortnight passed before i heard anything more of the subject, and i was beginning to feel somewhat doubtful of the king's good faith when one morning the admiral sent for me. "his majesty is returning to paris, le blanc," he said, "and i am going for a short while to chatillon. he has promised to set things right for you, but he may forget, and i shall not be with him." "it is very kind of you to think of my troubles, my lord." "i must be true to those who are true to me," he replied graciously, "and i am still deeply in your debt. now, what is to be done? until the papers are signed, your tenants must continue to pay their rents to the crown; but it may be as well for you to take the king at his word, and go to your estates. of course, you will need money, but, fortunately, i can supply that." "you are indeed generous, my lord; but there is another objection," i stammered out awkwardly. "what is that?" he asked "my duty to yourself, my lord. it is not the part of a gentleman of france to leave his chief in danger." "but i am not in danger, my boy! france is at peace; the king is my friend; we have blotted out the past. still, should the time come when i have need of a trusty sword, i shall not fail to send for edmond le blanc. i leave blois in two or three days, but before then i will send my chaplain to you. keep a stout heart; the king is anxious to stand well with prince henry, who will not forget to press your claims." i took my leave of him with heart-felt gratitude, and sought my comrade, whose face clouded as he listened to my story. "'tis good advice, edmond," he exclaimed dolefully, "and it is selfish in me to feel sorry; but it puts an end to our comradeship." "say, rather, it breaks it for a time," i suggested. "as soon as the affair is settled i shall come back." "will you?" he cried delightedly; "then i hope the king will sign the papers directly he reaches paris. i shall be miserable until your return." "the pleasures of the capital will help to keep up your spirits," i laughed. "it will be a novelty to see our friends attending the royal banquets and receptions. monseigneur and the guises will be charmed with your society." "it is a big risk," he remarked thoughtfully. "i wonder how it will all end?" and i hardly liked to answer the question even to myself. the next day the chaplain brought me a purse of money, with a kindly message from the chief, who had gone to attend the king, and i told jacques to prepare for setting out early in the morning. "are we going to paris?" he asked, and i laughed at the amazed expression of his face on hearing that we were about to return home. "'tis a long story," i said, "but there will be ample time to tell it on the journey." i wished my comrades farewell, and early in the morning took my departure from blois, felix riding a short distance with me. "i would we were travelling the whole journey together," he said; "but as that is out of the question i shall pray for your speedy return. good-bye, edmond, till we meet again." "and may that be soon!" i exclaimed warmly. chapter xviii a warning from l'estang the hour being late when we reached le blanc, jacques proposed that we should put up at the inn. old pierre came bustling out with a hearty welcome; the horses were stabled, a room was prepared, and by the time we had removed the traces of our journey pierre brought in a substantial and appetising supper. "why, pierre," i exclaimed laughing, "you must have laid your larder bare!" "all the larders in the village would be laid bare for monsieur's use," replied the old man, and i believed him. "come jacques," i said, "sit down and fall-to; the ride to-day must have put an edge on your appetite!" for we had eaten nothing since the early morning. after supper i bade pierre seat himself and tell us the news of the neighbourhood, which he did willingly, though there was but little to relate. the castle still remained closed, and when i asked about the keys he said they had been taken away by the officer, and no one knew what had become of them. "that need not keep us out long," said jacques, "we can easily get fresh ones made in the morning; urie will see to that." "has etienne cordel been in the village lately?" i asked. "he is always here, monsieur," cried the old man with an angry outburst; "he collects the money for the crown, and acts as if he were the rightful owner. he gives himself as many airs as if he were some great lord!" "which he may be one of these days; he has powerful friends at court. doesn't he talk of what he will do in the future?" "he tells idle tales, monsieur," replied pierre with a frown. "what does he say?" "that before long the estates will be his own, and that the king has promised to make him the sieur le blanc. he is going to live in the castle and grind us under his feet. but"--and the old man shook his head scornfully--"i don't think his life at the castle will be a long one! a rascally lawyer to be our master, forsooth!" "well, pierre," i said, "at present i intend living there myself, and, i do not suppose cordel will care to keep me company. send word to urie that i shall need his services at daylight, and now we will go to bed; jacques is half asleep already." "i do feel drowsy, monsieur," said jacques, almost as if it were a crime to be tired, "but i shall be fresh by the morning." the news of my return quickly spread, and next day all the village had assembled outside pierre's door. men, women and children were there, and i confess their hearty and genuine welcome touched me very closely. i had always been a favourite with them, and the death of my father, of whose prowess at d'angely they had heard, increased their love. "ho, ho!" exclaimed one burly fellow, "now that our young lord has come back monsieur cordel can take himself off, or he will get a taste of my cudgel!" "no, no, my friend!" i cried hastily, for his companions had begun to cheer, "you must not interfere with monsieur cordel, or you will get into trouble. i have returned to le blanc by the king's instructions, but his majesty has not yet signed the necessary papers permitting me to take possession of my property. that will come in time, but meanwhile we must be patient and give no cause of offence." "we will do whatever you tell us, monsieur," they answered. from the first streak of dawn urie, the blacksmith and worker in iron, had with the assistance of jacques been busily fashioning the new keys. it was a troublesome business, and evening was again approaching when i succeeded in entering my old home. rather to my surprise, i discovered that the royal troops had committed little damage, and in a few days, through the willing labours of the villagers, everything was restored to its former condition. several of my father's old servants were eager to return, but, knowing how uncertain the future was, i decided to manage with as few as possible. "i fear, monsieur," said jacques one evening, about a week after our return, "that we must expect trouble." "how so?" i asked. "cordel has been in the village, and has gone off in a towering passion. it seems he has only just learned of your arrival, and has let fall several threats to old pierre." "pshaw!" i exclaimed, "what harm can the fellow do us?" "i do not know, monsieur; but he is a false knave and full of cunning. he will play you a nasty trick if he can find a way!" "we will wait till that time comes," i replied cheerfully, thinking jacques had magnified the danger. cordel did not tax my patience long. the very next afternoon an officer with an escort of twenty troopers, clattering up to the drawbridge, demanded admittance in the king's name. he was accompanied by the lawyer, and, knowing it would be folly to offer resistance, i ordered the bridge to be lowered. "edmond le blanc?" said the officer brusquely. "permit me to put you right," i replied: "the sieur le blanc!" he looked at cordel, who said, "no one bears that name now. his father was outlawed, and his estate confiscated. the castle belongs to the king; this fellow has no right here, and," viciously, "i doubt if he has a right to his life. in any case, as the king's representative, i order you to arrest him!" "you will be responsible?" asked the officer, who seemed suddenly to have become somewhat timorous. "you will give me an order in writing?" "i tell you," exclaimed cordel furiously, taken aback by this question, "that i am carrying out the wishes of monseigneur. if you desire to make an enemy of him, you must." "but monseigneur is not the king," said the perplexed officer. "you must choose between them," i remarked, rather enjoying his dilemma. "this man appears to shelter himself under the authority of monseigneur; i am here at the express command of his majesty, to whom, as you wear his uniform, i suppose you are responsible. however, the business is none of mine, but when the king calls you to account, remember that i gave you warning." "a plague on you both!" cried the officer, now thoroughly exasperated. "to offend monseigneur will be bad; to offend the king may be worse. do i understand, monsieur, that you are here by the king's wish?" "i am acting on his instructions. of course, if you force me to accompany you, i must submit, but it will be at your own peril." he drew cordel aside, and the two conversed earnestly together for several minutes. then, turning to me, he said, "i am going away, monsieur; when i return it will be with his majesty's order in my pocket." "you will find me always ready to obey his majesty's commands," i answered, and at that the whole body rode off, cordel turning round to give me a glance of bitter and vindictive hatred. "the lawyer's first move!" observed jacques, who had been standing by my side during the parley, "what will be the second?" "to seek the advice of his patron. to-morrow most likely he will set out for paris. it was bound to come to this, but i am rather sorry. monseigneur has immense influence over the king. i fear that he and the queen-mother will prove more than a match for the admiral. however, we will go on hoping until the worst happens." the next evening jacques returned with the information that the lawyer had departed. having expected this move i was not surprised, but it made my prospects distinctly gloomy. anjou possessed much influence at court, and the king was hardly likely to quarrel with his brother over the affairs of an unknown and penniless lad. several weeks passed, and even after cordel's return from paris i remained in quiet possession of the castle. i received no papers from the king, but, on the other hand, no one made any attempt to molest me. it appeared as if the cloud had passed over without bursting. but i was yet to learn of what etienne cordel was capable. i was sitting one night alone in my room, reading for the second time a letter from jeanne. she wrote very brightly and hopefully. she continued to be a decided favourite with her royal mistress, and was very happy in her service. this was good news, as i thought it unwise for her to come to le blanc until my affairs were settled. she wrote at great length, too, on a subject that was producing much excitement in queen joan's little court. this was a proposal that henry of bearn should marry the king's sister, margaret. charles was said to be eager for the marriage, which was also approved of by the leading huguenot gentlemen, but thus far queen joan had refused her consent. "faith," i said to myself, "nothing could be better; it would give our party a strong friend at court. it might help me out of my difficulty too. i wish the marriage were taking place to-morrow!" it was a wild night outside; very cold, with a heavy downfall of rain, while now and then the wind howled round the building in furious gusts. i had put the letter away, and was sitting down again when some one knocked at the door. knowing it must be jacques, i told him to enter. "a wild night, jacques," i remarked. "we have the best of it indoors." "truly, monsieur, only those who are forced will ride abroad in weather like this. but there is one person eager enough for your company to brave the storm. he has travelled far, too, by the look of his horse." "a visitor for me! where is he? who is it?" "he is in the courtyard, where, if you take my advice, you will let him stay. as to who he is, he either has no name or is too shy to tell it. he is muffled up so closely that one cannot see his face." "and he will not give his name?" "he says it is sufficient to tell you he is the writer of the letter from st. jean d'angely." "it is all right, jacques. have the horse put in the stables, and bring the rider here." "is it wise, monsieur? one cannot be too careful in these days." "the man is a friend, jacques, and will do me no harm. you are getting fanciful." "very good, monsieur," said he stolidly, and turned away. "the writer of the letter from st. jean d'angely," i said. "he must have come from paris on purpose to see me! what does he want? does he bring news? what a dolt jacques is! why is he so long? ah, they are coming!" and in my eagerness i hurried to the door. my visitor was heavily cloaked and closely muffled, and he made no movement toward undoing his wrappings. "is it l'estang?" i asked, at which he turned as if to remind me that my servant was present. "you can trust jacques as you would trust myself," i said; "but come into my room, while he prepares some supper; you are wet; it is a wild night." "a terrible night, monsieur; i was glad to see the walls of your castle." bidding jacques see that a good meal was got ready, i led my visitor into my chamber, where he removed his hat and cloak, which i sent away to be dried i made him take off his boots, and gave him a change of clothing, for his own was soaked by the heavy rain. "it is kind of you, monsieur," he said, "but i must depart before morning. i am supposed to be in paris, and i cannot afford to be recognized here." "still," i said pleasantly, "you may as well be comfortable while you remain. no one will see you but jacques, and i would trust him with my life. join me when you are ready." jacques had everything arranged so that there was no need for any one to enter the room, and at a sign from me he went out, though very reluctantly, being afraid apparently lest my unexpected visitor should have some evil design on my life. l'estang sat down to the table and ate and drank like a man who had fasted long. "it is a curious situation, is it not?" said he presently. "here am i, in the service of anjou, accepting the hospitality of one of coligny's attendants. we ought really to be cutting each other's throats!" "there can be no question of strife between you and me, l'estang." "no," he said slowly, "i am too much in your debt. i have not forgotten." "you repaid me at d'angely, and now i fancy i shall be in your debt. you have journeyed from paris on purpose to see me!" "to warn you of danger!" "from cordel? he is my bitter enemy, and hates me, though i scarcely know why." "the reason is plain. you are in his way, and baulk his plans. he has been very useful to monseigneur, and is deep in his secrets." "but that does not concern me!" l'estang looked at me a moment before replying. "it concerns you very nearly, monsieur. cordel expects to be paid for his work, and his wages were agreed upon long ago. they are the estates of le blanc, and a patent of nobility. cordel flies high." "it appears so." "as you know, the estates were confiscated, and he was made receiver for the crown. that was the first step. good progress had been made with the second, when coligny appealed to the king at blois." "you know that?" "i am acquainted with many things," he answered, smiling. "the king brought up the subject in paris; monseigneur protested, but charles had one of his obstinate fits and declared he would do as he pleased. monseigneur went to his mother, who talked to charles with the result that the papers are still unsigned." "the admiral will use his influence," i said. "the admiral is a broken reed, monsieur; but if it were not so, your danger would be just as great. cordel has been in paris: he is furious at the check to his plans, and afraid lest they should be overthrown. he can see but one way out of the difficulty." "and that?" "is obvious; you are the obstacle in his path, and he intends to remove it." "you mean that he will try to take my life?" "if you were dead, he would obtain the estates without trouble, and the patent would follow." "pshaw!" i exclaimed, "etienne cordel is too timorous a knave to play with naked steel, or even to fire a pistol from behind a hedge!" "but not too timorous to employ others," said l'estang. "there are scores of ruffians in paris ready to earn a few crowns, and cordel knows where to seek them. that is what brought me here to-night. weigh well what i say, monsieur. this rascal has marked you down, and sleeping or waking your life is in danger." i thanked the kind-hearted adventurer warmly for his service--it was strange to think that but for a trifling accident he might have been earning cordel's pay--and promised to observe the greatest caution. "if i learn anything more," he said, "i will send you a note by a trusty messenger, and that you may be sure it comes from me i will sign it d'angely." "a good suggestion, monsieur. now, there is still time for an hour or two's sleep before starting on your journey." "i must not be here at daylight: if cordel recognizes me, i can do you no more good." "the mornings are dark; i will call you in ample time, and jacques will have your horse ready. you can be miles away from le blanc before the villagers are stirring." the heavy supper and the warmth of the room after his cold, wet ride had made him drowsy, and on my promising to call him at the end of two hours he went to bed. it was still dark when jacques undid the fastenings of the gate, and i bade my guest farewell. "remember my warning!" he whispered, "and keep free from cordel's clutches." "a short visit, monsieur," commented jacques, as l'estang rode off. "but full of interest, nevertheless. my visitor came all the way from paris in this wretched weather and at some risk to himself to warn me against etienne cordel"; and thereupon i told jacques the story, though without revealing the adventurer's identity. "the tale rings true," said he, "but we ought to be a match for the lawyer's cut-throats. 'tis a pity that cordel won't give us a chance of measuring swords with him." "he knows better how to handle the goose-quill," i laughed, leaving jacques to fasten the gate, and returning to my room. chapter xix who killed the courier? l'estang's information caused me a certain amount of anxiety, and during the next few weeks i was rarely abroad except for a ride in the broad daylight. cordel, who was still at home, occasionally came into the village, but nothing happened that served to show he was pushing on his plot. indeed, as jacques pointed out one evening when we were discussing the matter, the lawyer had a difficult game to play. he could strike at me only outside the castle walls, while the villagers were my devoted friends, and every man of them would be eager to put me on my guard. but cordel's threats had apparently ended in smoke. week followed week; the old year gave place to the new, and i remained unmolested. about the beginning of february, , i received another letter from jeanne, informing me that her royal mistress had finally consented to journey to blois, and that they would set out in a week or two at the latest. she also added, in a brief postscript at the end, that roger braund intended to pay us a visit before the summer ended. about the same time a message reached me from felix, who was at blois again, in attendance on our patron. the king, he wrote, was more than ever fixed on the marriage of his sister margaret to henry of beam, though the pope and all the guises were bitterly opposed to the match. "but the marriage is certain to take place," he concluded, "and then, if not before, i trust charles will see that justice is done you." "'twas from monsieur bellièvre, jacques," i said, when the messenger had departed with my reply; "he is at blois once more. there is to be a marriage between the king's sister and our prince henry, and the court is filled with excitement. do you know, jacques, i am getting weary of this life. if we were at blois i should have a chance of meeting the king and pressing my claims. the longer we stay here, the more likely i am to be forgotten." "true, monsieur; in my opinion it was a mistake to come. when one is not in sight, one is not in mind, and the admiral has many weighty matters to think about." "i have told monsieur bellièvre what i think, and asked his advice. but still, i cannot return without the admiral's commands." the next morning jacques came early to my room before i had risen. "monsieur," he said, "will you get up? a strange thing has happened." "a strange thing?" i repeated, springing from the bed. "a man has been slain--at least i believe the poor fellow is dead--on the highroad. urie found him; he was not dead then, and had sufficient strength to whisper your name. urie declares that he said quite distinctly, 'monsieur le blanc!' so he had him brought here." "do we know him?" i asked, now thoroughly roused. "he is a stranger to me. i have never seen him before, and he does not belong to these parts. but one thing is certain: he is no peaceable citizen." all this time i was hastily dressing, and now, filled with curiosity, i accompanied jacques to the room where the wounded man lay. he was a sturdy-looking fellow, in the prime of life, tough, wiry, and with muscles well developed by exercise. his dress was that of an ordinary trooper; he wore a long knife at his girdle, and urie had placed his sword, which was broken and stained with blood, by his side. the mark of an old scar disfigured his left cheek, and his chest showed that he had been wounded more than once in his life. jacques was certainly right in saying he was no peaceable citizen. urie had fetched the curé, who had bandaged his hurts, but the worthy priest shook his head at me as if to say, "there was really little use in doing it." "foul work!" i exclaimed; "the man must have made a desperate struggle for life. where did you find him, urie?" "just outside the little wood, monsieur. the ground all around was ploughed up by horses' hoofs, and stained with blood. i should say he was attacked by at least three horsemen. i thought he was dead, but when i bent over him he was muttering 'monsieur le blanc'" "did he seem sensible?" "i asked him several questions, but he did not reply, except to repeat monsieur's name, so i had him brought here." "it is very strange," i said; "he is a perfect stranger; i have never seen him before. why should he mention my name? is it possible for him to recover?" "quite impossible, my son," exclaimed the curé; "he is dying fast; no surgeon could do anything for him. the wonder is that he has lived so long. he has been fearfully hurt." "did you meet no strange persons in the village?" i asked urie. "not a soul, monsieur. it was very early; the villagers were not yet about, and the road was empty." the wounded man groaned, and the curé partly raised his head, when he seemed more comfortable. his eyes were closed, and his breath came in quick gasps; the shadow of death was stealing across his face. would he have strength to speak before he died? it was unlikely. who was he? what was his secret? how did it concern me? these and a dozen similar questions ran through my mind as i stood there watching him die, and quite helpless to obtain the information i needed. once or twice he stirred uneasily; his eyes opened; his fingers strayed uncertainly over the bed as if seeking something that had gone astray, and presently he said quite distinctly, but very, very faintly, "le blanc! monsieur le blanc!" "he is here," said the curé softly. "this is monsieur le blanc. what have you to tell him?" i do not know if the man heard; his eyes remained open; his fingers were still fumbling among the bedclothes; a frown clouded his forehead, and presently he whispered, but to himself, not to us, "the note! i can't find it. it has gone." i bent over, him, placing my hand on his brow. "the note?" i said, "tell me about it. who gave it you? come, who gave you the note that is lost?" my question produced an effect, but not the one i intended. the angry scowl spread over his face; the dying eyes filled with passion; the voice became quite strong again as the man cried angrily, "i did not lose it. i earned my money. it was stolen. they set on me--three of them--they were too many--i--i--" a great hush fell across us, and we gazed at each other blankly. "it is too late," said the curé; "he has carried his secret to the grave." "is he dead?" "dead, monsieur." "we must make inquiries," i murmured. "urie shall show us the place where he found the body. come, jacques, we can do no good here." "i will follow in a few minutes, monsieur. i wish to discover if there is anything by which we can identify the stranger." urie and i went out together, but the keenest search failed to help us. the dead man's horse had disappeared, and his assailants had left no trace behind them. i questioned the villagers closely, but none could throw any light on the tragedy. the victim was unknown to them, and no one had seen any strange persons in the neighbourhood. jacques, too, was at fault, having failed to find anything in the stranger's clothing that would tend to solve the mystery. "it is a curious thing, monsieur," he remarked that evening. "a dead body on the highroad is not an uncommon sight, but this man was coming to you on a special errand." "it is evident he was bringing me a letter. the question is--did his murderers kill him to obtain possession of it?" "the note has disappeared." "true, and i am inclined to think it was the possession of the letter that cost him his life. now, who are the persons likely to write to me? my sister--but we can dismiss her--one doesn't commit murder for a page of ordinary gossip." "no," said jacques, "i do not think the poor fellow was a messenger from mademoiselle jeanne." "there is monsieur bellièvre! he is at court and aware of what is going on there. is it likely that he has heard some favourable news, and--" "ah, monsieur," jacques broke in hastily, "our thoughts are the same. these cut-throats are in the pay of etienne cordel, and in killing this poor fellow they have struck at you. but how, i cannot understand." "we know that cordel has friends at court," i continued. "let us suppose for an instant that the king has agreed to sign the papers; the lawyer would learn the news quickly enough." "yes, monsieur," agreed jacques, "that is so. but how does that help us?" "thus. monsieur bellièvre or the admiral writes, giving me the information, and advising me to return. i arrive at blois, or wherever the court may be; the papers are signed, and cordel's chance of the estates has vanished. he certainly might kill me afterwards, but it could be only in revenge." "but, monsieur, the news could not have been kept from you for long. besides, the journey to blois would have given the lawyer the very chance he wanted. it would have suited him better for the letter to have reached you. then his ruffians would have waited, and have waylaid you on the road." "he might not have thought of that!" "it would not have needed much cunning, monsieur!" "there is just one other solution possible," i said. "you remember the man who came here on the night of the wild storm? you did not recognize him, but--" "i am hardly likely to forget the man who tried hard to kill both of us!" interrupted jacques. "you have kept your knowledge very close then!" i replied. "i had no wish to pry into your secrets, monsieur." "it was not exactly a secret. something happened while you were with the count of st cyr. i had this man's life in my hand, and spared it." jacques shrugged his shoulders as if to imply that he had hardly thought me capable of acting so foolishly. "he is in monseigneur's service, and, as you know, came to warn me against etienne cordel. he promised, if he could ferret out the lawyer's schemes, to write to me." "do you really trust this fellow, monsieur?" "he bears no love to those of the religion," i answered; "but for me personally i believe he would lay down his life." "very good," said jacques, as if argument was utterly useless against such folly. "i was thinking it possible that in coming to or going from le blanc he was recognized. if so, the lawyer would be put on his guard." "there is certainly something in that, monsieur." "and if he sent me a warning message, it would be to cordel's interest to secure it." "'twould be easy to test the truth of the matter," said jacques. "this fellow will be with monseigneur; let me go to him, and put the question directly. in that way, if you are right, we shall get at the lawyer's schemes in spite of his villainy. i will not loiter on the road, and i don't see how any danger can happen to you before my return." we talked the plan over, and at length i agreed that jacques should start on the journey the next morning. i gave him the name of my strange friend, and he promised to get to work with the utmost caution. "it is possible," i remarked, "you will find him at blois, and in that case you will have an opportunity of talking with monsieur bellièvre. tell him that mademoiselle jeanne is accompanying the queen of navarre." he went to the stables, and i did not see him again until just before my time for going to bed, when he returned looking gloomy and troubled. "i have been thinking, monsieur," he said rather shamefacedly, "and i am beginning to doubt the wisdom of my advice. if cordel's ruffians are close at hand, my going away will make their work easier. now that it comes to the point i do not like leaving you, and that is the truth." "that's a poor compliment, jacques!" i laughed; "evidently you don't think i can take care of myself." "the poor fellow they brought here this morning was as strong as you, and had as much experience, but he is dead all the same." "i will take care, jacques; i will go only into the village, and if it will make you feel more easy, urie shall sleep here at night all the time you are away." he was somewhat relieved by this promise, and his face brightened considerably. "let urie bring an iron bar," he laughed, "and a man need wear a thick steel cap to save his skull!" i went to bed hoping to obtain a good night's rest, but the startling tragedy had weakened my nerves more than i guessed, and i lay awake a long time, wondering what the secret was that the dead man had carried with him to the grave. was he really a messenger from l'estang? and if so, what was the news he was bringing? i little dreamed that one of these questions was to be answered within a few hours. we rose early; i saw that jacques made a good breakfast, and was standing in the courtyard giving him his final instructions when we heard the clatter of hoofs, and saw a horseman coming at a gallop up the slope. "another visitor!" i exclaimed, "and one apparently in a desperate hurry." jacques dismounted, saying, "he looks as if he had been frightened half out of his wits. stay here, monsieur, while i find out what he wants." in a few minutes he returned with the man, who, jumping from his horse, said questioningly, "monsieur le blanc?" "yes," i said, looking at him keenly. he might have been own brother to the poor fellow whom urie had found by the wood. he was short but strongly built; his face was scarred; his skin red and rough through continual exposure to the weather. he carried a sword and a long knife, and a pair of pistols peeped from the holsters. plainly he was a man accustomed to take his life in his hand. "you have ridden fast!" i remarked, for his animal's sides were lathered with foam. "i was paid to ride fast!" he answered surlily; "my employer feared you would have started." "started!" i echoed unsurprised, "whither?" "he did not confide in me," the fellow replied, "and i didn't ask; 'twould have been no use. my orders were to ride for my life, to give you a letter, and afterwards to guide you to a certain place mentioned in the note." "and who is your employer?" "i had no orders to tell that; i expect he has written it down here," and the fellow handed me a sealed packet. as he raised his arm i noticed a hole, apparently made by a bullet, through his cloak. "what is the meaning of that?" i asked. "it means," said he grimly, "that had i not received orders to make no delay on my journey, there would have been one rogue less in your part of the world, monsieur." "you have been attacked on the road?" i said, with a swift glance at jacques. "the bullet went a trifle wide," he answered shortly, "but it came close enough for my comfort." "well," exclaimed jacques, "a miss is as good as a mile. come and have some breakfast, while monsieur reads his letter. both you and the animal need food and rest." leaving my servant and the messenger together, i returned to my own room, and opened the packet. as i more than half expected, the letter was signed "d'angely." it was very short, but it answered one of the questions i had been asking myself. "since sending my first messenger," it ran, "monseigneur's business calls me immediately to poictiers; so i must meet you there instead. start at once; you can trust the bearer." directly jacques was at liberty he joined me, and i handed him the letter without comment. "that clears up one point of the mystery," said he. "it is plain the lawyer knows he has this l'estang to fight against; but 'tis a pity your friend does not give a hint of what is in progress. he might, for instance, have sent a description of cordel's tools." "very probably he did. you forget that this letter only supplements the first one." "yes," said jacques, adding, "will you go to poictiers, monsieur?" "i must. l'estang may have something of importance to tell me." "he could have written it," said jacques. "i don't like this journey. these assassins are on the watch. one messenger killed, and the next shot at--we can be sure they won't let you pass free." "there are three of us," i replied lightly--"you and i and l'estang's courier, and he seems well able to take care of himself. let us get ready while he is resting." chapter xx l'estang's courier "the stranger rides a fine beast," remarked jacques, as we entered the stables; "it has stood the long journey well. the grooming and feed of oats have made it as fresh as ever." "did he tell you his name?" i asked. "no; he is a surly rascal. if he were to be in our company long, i should have to teach him good manners. had i not better waken him? we shall not reach poictiers to-night." "yes; tell him we are ready to start. i have no wish to pass the night at some village inn." l'estang's messenger was indeed a surly fellow. he came into the courtyard rubbing his eyes and grumbling at being disturbed. his patron might not reach the town before the morning, he said, and it would be better for us to make a two days' journey. his horse was tired, and likely to break down on the way. "little fear of that!" declared jacques brusquely; "the beast has strength for a hundred miles yet. 'tis as fine a creature as i have seen." the courier looked at him with a gratified smile. "yes," he said, brightening up, "'tis as good an animal as monsieur has in his stables." he replaced the saddle and tightened the girths, but spent so much time over the business that jacques was hard put to it to restrain his impatience. however, he was ready at last, and we all three rode down the slope, and along the road toward the wood. jacques and the courier rode together a little in the rear, and, turning round, i remarked pleasantly, "by the way, my good fellow, i suppose you have a name of your own?" "i can't say if it's mine or not," he replied sulkily, "but men call me casimir." "is this the place where you were attacked?" i asked, as we came to the wood. the fellow returned no answer, but, suddenly seizing his pistol and spurring his horse cruelly, he dashed to the front and disappeared. a minute or two later, we heard a loud report, and jacques and i gazed at each other in amazement. "your friend sent you a pretty guide, monsieur," said jacques; "the fellow must be crazy!" "he fancied, perhaps, that he perceived one of his assailants." "i saw nothing, and heard nothing; but he is coming back. well, my friend, did you get a successful shot?" "no," replied casimir, who seemed angry at his own clumsiness, "i missed. but there are more days than one in a week, and my turn will come yet! did you get a good view of the fellow, monsieur?" i admitted that i had neither seen nor heard any one, at which he cried scornfully: "'tis plain i shall have to be eyes and ears for the party. he was half hidden by yonder tree, but i saw the barrel of his arquebus. had i known i was to be dragged into your quarrels, i would have stayed in paris!" "tell me where to find your patron, and you can return at once," i said sternly; "i want no unwilling service!" but, muttering something under his breath he once more took his place beside jacques. "'tis a rough dog, l'estang has sent me," i thought, "but one that will bite if need be. i wonder if the fellow he fired at was one of cordel's ruffians? strange that neither jacques nor i saw him." the incident had rendered us more cautious, and we proceeded through the wood carefully, keeping a sharp lookout and listening intently; but the mysterious man had vanished so completely that i began to wonder if casimir had not been a victim of his imagination. from the wood we turned into the highroad, and after travelling steadily for nearly three hours halted at a wayside inn. for myself i wished to push on, and jacques was equally impatient, but our guide complained that his horse was tired and needed a rest. "'twould be folly to risk foundering a valuable animal for the sake of getting to a place before one is wanted there," said he, laughing as if he had made some humorous remark. but laughter was not casimir's strong point, and he made a sorry business of it. however, since we were entirely in his hands, he had his way, and much precious time was wasted. "it will take us three days at this rate to reach poictiers," grumbled jacques, as we resumed the journey. "we shall be there as soon as we are expected," returned casimir, who seemed to have a fresh fit of sullenness, which increased rather than lessened as we proceeded. about five miles from our stopping-place, two horsemen overtook us. they were cantering briskly along, but drew rein to bid us good-day. "are you for poictiers?" asked one of them pleasantly, but before i had time to reply our guide broke in roughly: "we are going where we please. the highroad is free to all, i suppose!" "certainly, friend, and i doubt if many travellers would care to share it with you. a civil question is worth a civil answer." "our business is our own," muttered casimir, "and we are able to look after it." the horseman who had first spoken was on the point of making an angry reply, but his companion exclaimed with a laugh, "let the boor alone to do his business; by the look of his face 'twill bring him pretty close to the hangman's rope!" and, taking no further notice of us, they galloped on. "by my faith, casimir," i exclaimed hotly, "your parisian manners are not of the pleasantest. i could wish that your patron had employed a less boorish messenger." "see here, monsieur," said he, "there is no need for us to quarrel, but i don't intend losing my life on your account, and it's plain there is some one who bears you no goodwill. how do i know who these travellers are? they may belong to the same gang that shot at me in the wood!" "well," i returned rather scornfully, "since you are so fearful of being in my company we had better push on faster. the sooner you bring me to your patron the sooner you can take yourself off." the rebuke apparently produced some effect, and for a time we proceeded at a fairly rapid pace; but the best part of the day was over, and the late afternoon was already closing in. to reach poictiers before nightfall was out of the question, and i began to resign myself to sleeping at some wayside inn. "at any rate," i thought, "there can be little danger. what with casimir's fears and jacques' vigilance i shall receive plenty of warning." i was never an advocate of overboldness, but our guide erred in the other extreme. he became more and more nervous and fidgety, stopping a dozen times to listen, fancying he heard the beat of horses' hoofs in our rear, and declaring we were being followed. and the more his nervousness increased, the more jacques and i laughed at his fears. it was fast getting dark when we entered a narrow road, where there was scarcely room for jacques and casimir to ride abreast. to the right was a wall of rock, to the left a steep stony slope, on which one might easily break a limb if not one's neck. i rode a little in advance; jacques on the edge of the slope, and casimir next to the wall. it was so dark that we could see hardly more than a few yards ahead, and i warned jacques to be careful. suddenly our guide, crying, "stop a minute, monsieur, my horse has a stone in its foot!" jumped to the ground. what the reason was i had no suspicion at the time, though it was easy enough to guess afterwards; but the animal began plunging and rearing so violently that its owner had hard work to hold it. jacques had no time to escape the danger, and, before i realized what had happened, his frightened horse, edging away from the kicking creature at its side, toppled over the slope. when in after days i related the story to felix, he laughed at my simplicity, saying i ought to have guessed the secret from the beginning; but, as a matter of fact, even when my servant disappeared i had no thought of treachery. i hugged the wall closely, and looked round. "get down, monsieur," cried casimir loudly; "get down and help me. the beast has gone crazy." now i could dismount only in front of the plunging brute, and having no desire to be kicked to death, and the danger being pressing, i seized my pistol and shot the animal in the forehead. being a keen lover of horses i hated to do it, but there was no alternative. the effect of the shot produced a far more serious result than i intended. the poor beast, plunging madly, must have kicked casimir in its last desperate struggle, for a scream of agony rang out wildly on the night air, and i could just distinguish the man's body lying motionless. this was not all. the report from my pistol was quickly followed by two others, and a couple of bullets whizzed past my head. the next instant i heard the clatter of hoofs, and two horsemen came tearing along the road toward me. bewildered by these sudden and startling events, i had yet sufficient presence of mind to realize that i had been trapped, and that my only chance of escape lay in flight. turning my animal's head, i prepared to gallop off, when i found my way barred by another horseman, who had come up during the struggle. the sudden movement saved my life; he was in the very act of firing when i struck at him fiercely, and he dropped across his saddle with a cry of pain. the road was now open, and, keeping as far from the slope as possible, i stretched my horse to his utmost speed. it was a mad gallop, with the risk of a sudden and violent death in every foot of the road. my pursuers were not far behind, but i dared not look round. my limbs shook, the sweat poured in streams down my face; i could not think, i could only sit firm and leave my fate in the hands of providence. [illustration: "i stretched my horse to his utmost speed."] my poor horse bounded along like a crazy thing, but he kept his footing, though every moment i expected him to tumble headlong. the men behind must have ridden more warily, for the sound of hoofs, though still audible, became more faint and indistinct. i could have cried aloud in joyful triumph as my gallant horse flew out from the narrow pass on to the broad road. my pursuers were now far in the rear, and i had a moment to think. whoever they were, they knew i had come from le blanc, and would expect me to return there. my best plan was to let them pass, and then go back in search of jacques. even to save my own life i must not desert my trusty servant. in a few seconds i had formed my plan, and acted upon it. leaving the highroad, i struck into the open country, and dismounting, concealed my horse in a hollow. several minutes passed before the two horsemen came galloping by, evidently bent on following me to le blanc. as soon as they had gone out of hearing, i mounted again and returned quickly but cautiously to the spot where the startling struggle had taken place. casimir still lay where he had fallen, by the side of his horse. the second animal had disappeared, but its rider was huddled against the wall groaning, and talking as if in delirium. "it was not my fault, monsieur," he was saying, "casimir bungled it; he struck too soon." his head had evidently been dashed with great violence against the wall and i could do little for him. besides, there was my servant to be considered. tying my horse securely, i advanced to the edge of the slope, and cried aloud, "jacques! jacques!" there was no answer, and my heart sank as i thought how likely it was that the poor fellow lay there dead, killed by the terrible fall. i found the spot where his horse had slipped, and groped my way down, still calling his name. and at last i heard a feeble "i am here, monsieur!" "where?" i cried, "where?" and, guided by the sound of his voice, i made my way toward him. he was half lying, half sitting at the foot of a chestnut tree, and at my approach he struggled to his feet. "i am coming round, monsieur," he said in a whisper, "i must have been stunned. i do not know what happened; i think i must have been thrown against a tree." "sit down," i commanded, "and rest while i find the horse and get your pistols; they may be useful." the poor beast had rolled to the bottom of the slope, and was, of course, quite dead; so i removed the pistols and returned to jacques hastily. "we were trapped, monsieur," he whispered. "yes," i agreed, "but we can talk of that later. the question now is whether you can get to the top of the slope. lean on me and take your time. there is not much danger. casimir and a second man are dead, two others are galloping in the direction of le blanc. now, are you ready?" "i shall soon be all right. there is no bone broken; it is my head that pains!" his steps at first were very tottery, and he had need of support, but once we reached level ground he walked steadily. we paused at casimir's body, and jacques said thoughtfully, "he was a cunning rogue; he deceived me to the very end. poor fellow, i am sorry to see him like this, but he took his risks. he thought to kill me and he is dead himself." i went over to the second of our assailants. he had fallen forward on his face; his heart had ceased beating; he lay quite motionless. he was beyond human aid, and we turned away quietly. the dead must ever give place to the claims of the living. jacques, who was fast recovering from the blow on his head, now seemed capable of discussing the situation with me. what was best to be done was the question in my mind. we had but the one horse, which could not carry both of us, and jacques was too weak to walk far. it was plain that if we returned to le blanc he must ride, in spite of his objection. but was it safe to return? at any moment our two assailants might abandon the pursuit, and we were not equal to continuing the fight. they were doubtless strong, sturdy ruffians, well armed, and experienced in the use of their weapons. i should be on foot, and unable to count on jacques for much assistance. "i think," i said, "we had better conceal ourselves until the morning; they will hardly dare to attack us in broad daylight. besides, we can hire a horse at one of the inns." "why not stay here?" asked my companion. "they may come back to see if their comrades are living; then we can pounce on them." poor old jacques! he was as brave as a lion, and gave no thought to his weakness. after a while i convinced him that my plan was the best, so we unfastened the horse, and, leaving the two bodies, walked slowly along the narrow road, and so to the hollow where i had already lain. having secured the horse so that he would not stray, i compelled my servant, much against his wish, to lie down in a sheltered nook, and covered him with my cloak, for the night was bitterly cold. "a good sleep will clear your brain," i remarked, "and you will need all your wits in the morning." walking briskly to and fro in order to keep myself warm, i listened intently for the sound of hoofs. perhaps three hours had passed--the time seemed an age--when clambering softly from the gully and advancing to the roadside i stretched myself flat on the grass. two horsemen were approaching slowly, and their animals were jaded and leg-weary. they came close to me at a walking pace; i could dimly distinguish their figures as they leaned forward; they were level with me, one so close that i could have shot him dead with my eyes shut; but it was horrible to think of slaying a fellow creature in cold blood, and i let them pass. slowly and painfully they proceeded until at length they reached the narrow road. returning to the hollow i wakened jacques, and, telling him of the two ruffians' return, advised that we should proceed. "very good, monsieur," he said at once, "i am at your service." chapter xxi i save cordel's life leading the horse to the road i helped jacques to mount, for in spite of his bold words he was still very weak, and then walked along by his side. the night was passing, though it was not yet light, but as the road stretched straight ahead of us for several miles we could not mistake the way. i walked at a smart pace, but rather with the idea of reaching some place of shelter than from any fear of danger. our pursuers had abandoned the chase, and for a while, at least, were unlikely to renew it. they were too tired for a fresh pursuit, and their animals were worn out. jacques being still wrapped in my cloak, i was able to walk briskly, and this prevented me from feeling the cold. mile after mile i trudged along, and as we proceeded the haze of darkness lifted, and dawn began to glimmer in the eastern sky. save for ourselves the road was deserted; the country around seemed dead; not a hamlet, not even a house appeared in sight. everything was gloomy and depressing; the very rays of the sun were cold and cheerless, and the bare trees added only another dreary feature to the landscape. several times jacques begged earnestly that we should change places, but, knowing this would make the pace slower, i insisted on his keeping his seat. "we will stop at the first inn," i said, "have some food and a rest, and procure another horse." about eight o'clock we entered the street of a village and drew up before the door of the inn. jacques dismounted, the ostler led the animal away, and we entered the house, the landlord, who could not conceal his curiosity, showing us a room. "a good breakfast," i said; "the best the house contains. and while you are getting it ready we will put ourselves straight. have you any salve suitable for cuts and bruises?" "yes, monsieur; i will fetch some." "faith, jacques," i exclaimed, when the man had bustled off, "you are a pretty object at present. there is a lump as large as a hen's egg on your head, and your face is covered with bruises, which will show more distinctly when we get the dirt off." "perhaps it had better be kept on," said he, smiling cheerily. after we had brushed our soiled clothing and washed ourselves i applied some salve to jacques' bruises, while the landlord prepared a compress for the swelling on his head. then we sat down to breakfast, and our attack on the provisions proved that the startling adventures of the past night had not robbed us of our appetites. i had, meanwhile, arranged with the landlord to furnish us with a second horse, and now suggested that jacques should take a couple of hours' rest before starting. against this he protested vigorously, declaring he had slept well during the night, and that it was i who needed rest. at last he persuaded me to lie down, while he sat in the room facing the road, with a loaded pistol in one hand and another by his side. nothing happened however, during the time i slept, and at the end of the second hour jacques wakened me. the food and rest had made new men of us, and, having settled accounts with the landlord, we mounted our horses, and set off cheerfully in the direction of le blanc. for the time being the danger had passed. it was broad daylight, and every yard forward brought us nearer to my friends. but there were several things in the adventure to worry me, and that evening, after we had safely reached home, i called jacques into my room to discuss the matter. "i don't pretend to understand it, monsieur," he said, "but i feel sure these fellows were in the lawyer's pay. who else would set a trap for you?" "i cannot think. cordel is my only enemy, and yet before concluding it was he who planned the assault there are one or two questions to answer. casimir, for instance, was he in league with our assailants? if so, he played his part marvellously well, and blinded me effectually." "so he did me; but he was in league with them, for all that. remember how he shot at a man in the wood, when no man was there." "i certainly neither saw nor heard one." "nor did casimir. the shot was a signal to his comrades, and told them that his trick had succeeded. and then his fear about being dragged into your quarrel! that was a blind, monsieur, meant to throw you off your guard." "it certainly succeeded," i was forced to admit. "and the fuss he made about foundering his horse! it was a mere trick to delay us on the road; there was nothing the matter with the beast." "do you think," i asked, "he behaved so rudely to those horsemen through fear that they might upset the plot?" "no, monsieur," replied jacques, with a shake of the head; "i cannot see through it clearly, but in my opinion that was all a part of the scheme. i believe they were the fellows who rode out on you while i was lying stunned." "but why should they join us?" "there is no telling, monsieur. it might have been to learn from casimir if it was safe to carry out their plot. he was a crafty rogue. i had no suspicion of the truth until he began to make his horse plunge and rear. then i knew he meant to kill me--by accident!" he concluded grimly. "and in the confusion it would have been an easy matter to settle my account!" "a very easy matter," agreed jacques. "the facts fit in well with your idea," i said, after a pause; "but if you are right, the puzzle becomes worse than ever." "in what way, monsieur." "it brings us face to face with this question--was casimir in the pay of two employers--one my friend the other my enemy?" "pardon me, monsieur," exclaimed jacques hesitatingly, "but are you sure this adventurer is your friend? he once tried to take your life; he belongs to the opposite camp, and he is a henchman of monseigneur's, who certainly does not love the huguenots. you have done this man a service, but it is easy to forget benefits." "i am afraid that is so, jacques, yet i cannot doubt l'estang. besides, he had me in his power the night he came here." "yes," said my servant, with a queer smile, "but he knew that had he done you any harm he would never have left the room alive." "still, we will assume that l'estang is really my friend. in that case casimir must have sold his knowledge to the lawyer. but if he was in touch with cordel, who would shoot at him in the wood?" "a friendly hand could shoot a hole through a cloak. of course, it is just possible casimir did not come from l'estang at all. it is as easy to kill two messengers as one, and the first was killed." "but how would he know what was in the letter? it had not been opened." "i had not thought of that," said jacques. "it drives me back on my first suspicion, which monsieur does not like. but, unless l'estang helped in the plot, i cannot understand how it was carried out!" we sat talking half the night, but without coming any nearer to solving the problem, and at last, thoroughly tired, i went to bed. out of the whole tangle one thing only was plain--etienne cordel was playing a desperate game, and no scruples would prevent him from winning it. and there was no way of getting at the rascal! he laid his plots with so much skill that i could accuse him of nothing. i had no real proofs against him, and without proofs he could laugh in my face. the story of the attempt on my life quickly spread abroad, and the villagers came in a crowd to learn if i had been injured. "who are the villains, monsieur?" cried urie. "tell us who they are, and we will make an end of them." "ay," said another; "we will pull them in pieces!" and his companions shouted their approval. "no," i exclaimed, "you must do nothing against the law, or you will be made to suffer for it. two of the rascals are dead, and the others are not likely to trouble me again. but there is no harm in keeping watch on any strangers hanging about the neighbourhood." "we will do that, monsieur!" they cried, and at last i succeeded in persuading them to return to their homes. the excitement, however, did not die down, and the next evening jacques informed me there was a fierce talk going on at old pierre's. some one had started the report that my enemy was etienne cordel, and a cry had been raised to march to his house and burn it about his ears. "but they do not mean it?" i exclaimed. "as far as words go, they do," replied jacques; "but dogs that are so ready to bark rarely bite." he treated the subject so lightly that i thought no more of it; but about ten o'clock a woman came from the village with the news that a number of the men, armed with clubs, pikes and forks, had started off in a body for the lawyer's house. in answer to my anxious questioning she said they had been gone some time, and had taken a short cut across country. "saddle the horses, jacques!" i cried; "this must be stopped. cordel has influence enough to have every one of them broken on the wheel. look alive, man!" putting on my boots hastily, i followed him to the stables, when we saddled the horses and led them out. i was in a fever of excitement lest we should not arrive at the house in time, since it was necessary for us to take the longer route by the road. jacques endeavoured to calm me, saying, "they will do no harm; they will only shout and threaten, and frighten the old fox half out of his wits. it won't hurt him, and it may teach him a lesson." this was likely enough, but, fearing lest these foolish people should get themselves into trouble i galloped along, almost as fast as when my two assailants were in pursuit of me. fortunately, we met no travellers, but, on turning into the cross-road leading to the lawyer's house, i heard a confused roar of voices. the villagers had arrived before us. i spurred my willing beast, swept swiftly along the narrrow road, shot through the open gateway, and drew up in front of the building, where a mob of men were shouting and yelling for etienne cordel. "bring your pikes!" roared one, "and break the door down!" "smoke the old fox out!" yelled another; and at that a dozen cried, "yes, yes, that's the plan! smoke the fox out, or let him die in his den." some had brought torches, and in their lurid glare the peasants looked quite truculent and formidable. pushing between them and the building, i called for silence, but the sound of my voice caused the hubbub to grow louder. "monsieur edmond!" they yelled, giving me the name by which i was best known to them; "bravo, bravo, we will see justice done, monsieur!" "be quiet!" i cried angrily, "and listen to me. do you know what you are doing?" "yes, yes. burn the house down! he set the murderers on!" "who told you that?" "let him deny it! where is he? fetch him out!" they were excited, even dangerous; i almost doubted if my influence was sufficient to keep them from doing mischief; yet in ordinary times they were as docile and obedient as a flock of sheep. they vowed they would not depart unless cordel came out to them, and at length the lawyer appeared on the balcony which ran along the front of the house above the ground floor. he had huddled on a dressing-gown, and looked so wretched and forlorn that i almost felt it in my heart to pity him. but the mob showed no mercy, greeting him with cries of "assassin!" "murderer!" and declaring loudly that he was unfit to live. as soon as their shouts ceased, i exclaimed, "monsieur cordel, an attempt has been made on my life, and it is rumoured that you hired the men to kill me. perhaps you will satisfy these good people that they are mistaken!" he leaned over the railing and looked down, his face yellow, his eyes staring, evidently in abject fear for his life. "my friends," he cried desperately, and it made one laugh to hear him address these peasants, whom he utterly despised, as his friends, "i know nothing; i am innocent; i have conspired against no man's life. i swear it!" the fellow lied, and knew that i was aware of it, but for the sake of the people themselves, i was bound to protect him. an attack on the house would be followed by a visit from the king's troops, and i shuddered to think of the miseries the unfortunate villagers would suffer. "you hear his denial," i cried loudly, "you have been deceived. we cannot punish an innocent man. now disperse quietly to your homes. have no fear for me; i can hold my own against any assassins who may come to le blanc." they departed sullenly, still murmuring threats of vengeance, and turning round to shake their motley weapons menacingly at cordel's house. "now, monsieur cordel," i cried, when the last of them had disappeared, "you can go to sleep without fear. i rejoice that i got here in time to prevent mischief; but, monsieur," i added drily, "had the ruffians killed me, i could not have come to your rescue!" and with that parting shot i rode off. "'tis a pity you had to stop them," said jacques presently; they would have made short work of the rascal." "and have been fearfully punished afterwards!" "as to that, monsieur, he will do them all the mischief he can now if he gets a chance." the next morning i sent for urie and the leading men, lectured them on the folly of their proceedings, pointed out the risks they were running, and made them promise to keep their companions from committing any violence in the future. "you are more or less in monsieur cordel's power," i said; "he has strong friends at court, while i have none, and am unable to protect you." "we will be careful," replied urie for the others, "but if anything happens to monsieur the rascally lawyer will have need of all his powerful friends." the failure of his plot--if it was his plot--served to keep the lawyer quiet for a while. he remained at home with only his own domestics in the house, and although many men kept a strict watch no suspicious-looking stranger was seen to visit him. meanwhile the prospects of those of the religion began to brighten: the king was apparently throwing off the influence of his mother and brother; it was reported that he relied more and more on the advice of coligny, and in spite of the pope and the guises, he was still stubbornly bent on marrying his sister to henry of bearn. the queen of navarre was at blois, and jeanne wrote me a long account of the balls and festivities charles had arranged. i do not suppose they appealed strongly to queen joan, who had little taste for such worldly matters, but the music, the dance, and the joyous merriment were quite to the liking of the younger ladies in her train. "the king has persuaded my dear mistress to consent to the marriage," jeanne wrote, "and it is settled that we are to go from here to paris. felix has just left for touraine. he is a dear, good fellow, and has been very kind. he says it is stupid for you to stay at le blanc. the king is so full of the marriage and of affairs of state that he will not attend to any less important business. felix declares that if prince henry comes to paris you must come too, and push your claims. it is certain that the prince's marriage will stop all further persecution of the huguenots, and it is that which caused my mistress to give her consent. felix told me yesterday that the guises are very angry with the king, and have gone away. from all i hear, i really believe he would be pleased if they never came back." i read portions of my sister's letter to jacques, but when i remarked that our troubles were nearly at an end, he shook his head, saying, "those who live will see, monsieur." chapter xxii l'estang tells his story spring had ripened into summer, and i was still at le blanc, not having heard from my patron, and being unwilling to depart without his orders. cordel had gone to paris, and, for the time at least, had abandoned his schemes. one day, about the third week in june, i had just returned from a morning gallop when jacques met me in the courtyard with the news that ambroise devine had brought me a packet from monsieur bellièvre. i had almost forgotten the man, never having seen him since the morning when i started on the memorable journey to tanlay. "it is along while since we met," i said, greeting him. "my father told me you recovered from your wounds, and i expected to find you in rochelle." "rochelle forms my headquarters, so to speak, monsieur, but i am in the hands of the chiefs. my last journey was to flanders, whence i am now returning. hearing that i was on my way to rochelle, monsieur bellièvre entrusted me with this packet for you." "you must stay and have a gossip with me," said i, having thanked him; "i hear little news from the outside world." "you honour me, monsieur; but it is necessary for me to push on with all speed; i am carrying important despatches." "but you need refreshment!" "jacques has seen to that, monsieur, and also to my horse." "we may meet again," i said, as he took his leave. "it is very likely. there will be a gathering of our gentlemen in paris before long; but doubtless monsieur bellièvre has told you all the news." when he had gone i sat down eagerly to read my comrade's letter. there was a smaller packet enclosed, but that i set aside. felix wrote at some length, and his first item of news was very startling. "it will cause you both grief and astonishment," he wrote, "to learn of the death of our good queen joan. she died on june , and some talk has passed of her having been poisoned. there is, however, a great deal of sickness here, and from what jeanne tells me, i think the poor queen took fever." "this may cause events to move more rapidly," i thought. "now that henry has become king of navarre, he is a person of even greater importance. charles will need to reckon with him." "our patron," felix continued, "remains in close attendance on the king, who treats him with the utmost kindness, and even respect. the guises are in despair, monseigneur is furious, and even the queen-mother has to swallow her pride. this is strange, is it not?" "strange!" i exclaimed aloud, "it is a miracle! what else does this wonderful budget contain?" "our patron has a grand scheme in his head. he is working hard to unite the huguenots and the moderate catholics into a national party, and to declare war against spain. the king has nearly consented, and unless the queen-mother regains her power war may break out at any moment." "better to fight the spaniards than to cut each other's throats," i muttered. "i have kept my best news until the last," the letter continued. "our patron believes the coming war will afford you the chance needed. he will nominate you to a commission, and present you to the king at the same time. for this purpose you must be here, and i am to instruct you to repair at once to the _hôtel coligny_, at paris. is not this glorious news?" i had scarcely patience to finish the letter, feeling more inclined to jump up and dance around the room; and yet the ending was full of strange interest. "a week ago, a man, closely muffled, who refused to give his name, sought me out late at night. he wished, he said, to communicate with you, but for a special reason preferred to send in an indirect way. he finished by asking me to enclose a note the first time i was sending any correspondence to le blanc. it sounded very mysterious, but thinking a letter could not work much mischief i consented." "that is odd," i thought, looking at the smaller packet, which bore no address, and opening it i read in renaud l'estang's handwriting-- "monsieur, i fear something has gone wrong. did you receive my letter? my messenger has not returned, and i can hear no word of him. i am too busily engaged to leave monseigneur, and i do not care to send to you openly. cordel either suspects or knows that i am your friend. d'angely." calling jacques, i handed the note to him, and asked his opinion. "it does not help us a bit," he declared; "it explains nothing. if l'estang is a false friend, as i believe, he is merely trying by this note to throw dust into your eyes. if, on the other hand, he was not a party to the plot, the mystery remains the same." "i fear you are right, jacques. however, let us not trouble our heads with the riddle; it will solve itself one of these days. i have other news; can you guess what it is?" "by your face, monsieur, it should be something pleasant: the king has signed those tiresome papers!" "not exactly right," i answered laughing, "but i have hope of that happening in time. we are going to paris, jacques. there is likely to be war with spain, and i am to receive the king's commission. it will be better than fighting against those of our own race and blood; and if we come through the campaign alive, monsieur cordel may even cast his eyes on some other person's estates." "when do we start?" asked jacques eagerly. "i have a few arrangements to make. let us say the day after to-morrow." "very good, monsieur, but it is a long time to wait." the lawyer was still absent from his house, but in case any of his spies should carry information, jacques let it be known the next morning that in a few days we were going to la rochelle; nor did i give my own servants any different information. it was a glorious summer morning when we set forth: the sun shone brightly in a blue sky thinly flaked with snowy clouds; the birds carolled joyously; the green leaves, made brilliant by the sunlight, danced in the gentle breeze; a fresh, sweet smell rose from the fragrant earth. many a long day had passed since my heart had felt so light, and as we cantered into the highroad i hummed a gay refrain. i felt as if this was bound to prove the most successful of our ventures. i had real hope as a foundation on which to rear my airy castle. the war of religion was over and done with; huguenot and catholic would stand shoulder to shoulder against the common foe; monseigneur, the guises, and all those who were striving for their own interests to embroil the country in civil strife would have to stand aside; france would at length be united, and therefore strong. my own private fortunes also wore a rosy tint that morning. even if the king did not restore my estates at the outset, he would certainly not refuse to do so after i had fought his battles, and perhaps helped to gain his victories! no, i had not a single fear when i turned to take a last lingering view of the castle of le blanc. as a matter of precaution we rode a few miles in the direction of la rochelle, but neither jacques nor i expected that any further attempt would be made upon us in that part of the country. cordel was most probably in paris, and could have no knowledge of our sudden departure from le blanc. in fact we reached paris without any mishap, save the casting of a horse's shoe, and the loss of a few hours one night when we went astray in the darkness. we entered paris a little before the gate was closed for the night. it was still very light, and the streets were filled with people, very few of whom, however, took much notice of us. the capital was utterly strange to me, and i knew nothing of coligny's residence, except that it was situated in the rue de l'arbre sec. overtaking an officer of the king's guards i asked to be directed to that street, and he very courteously undertook to conduct me part of the way. "you are a stranger in paris?" said he, looking critically at me and my servant. "yes, i have but now arrived from the south, to meet a friend who lives in the rue de l'arbre sec." "i should fancy," exclaimed the officer, with a humorous twinkle, "that your friend's residence is not far from the _hôtel coligny_! have you borne arms, monsieur?" "i fought at arnay-le-duc," i replied, feeling sure that my questioner had already set me down in his own mind as a huguenot. "i was there, too," he said, "but i'll wager we were not on the same side. however, those days are gone, and we may yet have a chance of fighting under the same flag!" to which i replied that nothing would give the members of our party more pleasure. having conducted me to the corner of the street and pointed out coligny's house he took his leave, with a cheery hope that i should find my stay in town pleasant. the admiral was absent, but the house was occupied by several of his gentlemen, who gave me a hearty welcome. felix was somewhere in the town on business, one said, not unconnected with my family, at which the others laughed. he came in about an hour later, when i learned he had been spending the evening with the countess guichy, at whose house my sister was staying. "the countess, my dear edmond," said he, "is a relative of mine. she does not belong to the religion, but she is a worthy soul, and when queen joan died and everything was in confusion, i persuaded your sister to go to her until she could consult you as to her future." "that was like your kind heart, felix; you have ever been a good friend to both of us. i had not thought how awkwardly jeanne would be placed by the queen's death." "there is no need to thank me," he replied, "i have done the countess a favour. your sister has won her heart already, though to be sure there is no miracle in that. they called her the queen of hearts at blois. i must take you to see her in the morning. did jacques come with you?" "yes, he is making himself at home with some of his old acquaintances; but where is the admiral?" "at fontainebleau with the king. everything is settled; henry comes to paris in a week or two, and there is to be a grand wedding. our opponents are furious, but helpless. there is only one thing i dread." "what is that?" i asked, rather taken aback by the sudden serious look on his face. "there are ugly rumours about, edmond. it is whispered that guise has sworn to take our patron's life. coligny has received a dozen warnings, but he is too fearless to notice them. he shrugs his shoulders and says 'it would be better to die a hundred times than to live in constant fear. i am tired of such alarms, and have lived long enough.' but he hasn't lived long enough, edmond! without him, the cause would be ruined." "no one will dare to do him an injury while the king stands by him," i said cheerfully. "if charles is really his friend there is nothing to fear." "i am not so sure of that. unless the admiral is at his elbow charles is simply a tool in the hands of monseigneur and the queen-mother." "even so it should be difficult for the assassin's knife to reach our patron while he has his body-guard around him!" at which felix laughed, saying the admiral frequently ventured abroad either alone, or with but one or two attendants. the next morning we set off for the countess guichy's, where jeanne received me with open arms. since our last meeting she had become even prettier, and i scarcely wondered that the gay young courtiers had called her the "queen of hearts." she was very happy and cheerful, and full of praise for felix, who had watched over her as tenderly as if she were his own sister. the countess was a stately lady, with a kind face and twinkling eyes. it was easy to see she had become very attached to jeanne, and she would listen to no arrangements that would remove my sister from her house. "from all i can gather," she said, "you will be off to the wars soon, and pray what will jeanne do then? bury herself in that musty rochelle? no, my dear, you shall remain with me until--ah, well, it isn't your brother who will part us!" at which poor jeanne flushed painfully. the countess insisted on our remaining to dinner, after which we escorted jeanne into the city, felix pointing out the sights and describing the buildings with the air of one who had lived in paris all his life. our patron still being with the king we enjoyed a great deal of leisure, and for nearly a week spent most of our time with the countess and jeanne, much to the satisfaction of felix, who so contrived that i always had the honour of escorting his noble relative. we were returning late one evening, walking quietly along the rue de bethisy, at the corner of which stood the admiral's house, when a man, who had evidently been watching the approaches to the building, tapped me on the shoulder and whispered "monsieur le blanc!" he wore a large plumed hat which was drawn partly over his forehead, and he was, besides, closely muffled, but i had no difficulty in recognizing him as renaud l'estang. telling felix i would follow in a few minutes, i turned aside with the adventurer into the courtyard of a large house where we were not likely to be interrupted. "i learned yesterday you were in paris," he remarked, "and have been watching for you. did your friend send you my note?" "yes, but it was difficult to answer. your first messenger was killed; your second was a traitor. that is why i did not meet you at poictiers." "my second messenger!" he exclaimed in a tone of surprise. "poictiers! either you or i must be dreaming! i sent but one man, and he vanished. why should you expect to meet me at poictiers?" "at your own invitation!" i replied. "but, monsieur, this is a puzzle! i do not understand; it is beyond me." "perhaps," i remarked drily, "you have forgotten casimir!" at that he drew a long breath. "casimir!" he exclaimed; "ah, that lets in a little light. monsieur, will you tell me the story? we shall get at something surprising." he listened attentively while i related what had happened, and then "truly," he said, "this cordel is a clever rogue, and casimir an able tool. i have found him useful myself before now." "he cheated you to some purpose in the end," i remarked. "but he did not cheat me at all; i had nothing to do with him. listen, and judge for yourself. i discovered that the lawyer had bargained with four men, one of whom was this very casimir, to take your life. the murder was to be done in such a manner that no suspicion should attach to him, and the first thing was to get you away from le blanc." "in that at least," said i laughing, "they succeeded." "i wrote a letter warning you of this, and describing the four men, and despatched it by the hand of a trusty messenger." "he was worthy of your trust," i said. "the second letter asking you to meet me at poictiers was not written by me." "then who was the writer?" i asked. "it would be difficult to prove, but i should say it was etienne cordel. several little matters convinced me he had heard of my flying visit to le blanc. that put him on his guard, and unfortunately my messenger was known to casimir and his companions." "do you think they tracked him?" "waylaid him in the wood, abstracted the letter, and carried it to the lawyer. it was easy for him to imitate my writing, and the signature of d'angely would disarm suspicion." "your explanation certainly seems reasonable," i remarked. "and i believe it to be true. and now, take my advice and be very cautious. men are cheap in paris, and cordel will stick at nothing. if i can help you against him, you may be sure i will." i thanked him warmly, and proceeded to the hotel. "jacques will be glad to know that gratitude is not altogether dead in the world," i said to myself. chapter xxiii a royal marriage i should probably have worried myself considerably over the strange story related by renaud l'estang, but for the public events which occurred almost immediately. on the very next morning we received orders from the admiral to be prepared to escort henry of navarre into the capital. my purse, fortunately, was not yet empty, for it was necessary to don a mourning suit in order to show respect to the memory of the late queen. "we must show ourselves as fine as those popinjays of anjou's," said felix. "fine feathers make fine birds in the eyes of the populace, and we must let them see that huguenot gentlemen are a match for those of the king." it was early morning of july , , when about a dozen of us, all splendidly, though sombrely attired, rode out from the courtyard of the _hôtel coligny,_ and, passing quickly through the empty streets, proceeded to meet the princely cavalcade. henry's retinue formed a striking and impressive spectacle. he was attended by young condé, the cardinal of bourbon, and our own beloved chief. behind them rode eight hundred gallant gentlemen, all in mourning, the majority of whom had proved their zeal and devotion to the cause on more than one battle-field. we saluted the chiefs, and took our places in the procession. "i think even the parisians will admit we do not make a very sorry show," remarked felix as we rode along. at the gates of st. jacques we were met by monseigneur at the head of fifteen hundred gorgeously attired horsemen. he greeted our leaders with elaborate ceremony, but, as far as i could judge, with little goodwill, and catholics and huguenots mingled together, forming one imposing body. young condé and his brother, the marquis, rode between guise and the chevalier d'angoulême; henry himself was placed between the king's brothers, anjou and alençon. the streets were packed with dense crowds of citizens; every balcony was filled, and fair ladies sat watching from the open windows. here and there men shouted lustily for monseigneur, but for henry of navarre there was no word of kindly welcome; we proceeded amidst a cold and chilling silence. "this may be a royal welcome," laughed one of my neighbours, "'tis anything but a friendly one. faith, i am beginning to think already that we shall have as much need of our swords in paris as ever we had at arnay-le-duc." "bah!" cried felix; "who wants the plaudits of a mob? these people are but puppets, and the strings are pulled by the priests." "the citizens are hardly reconciled yet to the new order of things," remarked one of monseigneur's gentlemen; "but the strangeness will soon wear off, and you will be as welcome in paris as in rochelle. it is not strange that at present anjou is their favourite; you must give them time." the speaker may have been right, but the hostile attitude with which the citizens met us became stronger, when, having escorted the princes to the palace, we broke up into small groups and rode towards our various dwellings. the sullen silence gave place to angry murmurs, and even to open threats, especially when we passed the crosses and images at the corners of the streets without raising our hats. "well," i said, as, entering the courtyard of the hotel, we gave our animals to jacques, "the king may desire the marriage, but it certainly does not meet with the approval of the citizens. in truth, now that to-day's ceremony is over, i am rather surprised to find myself alive." "you are not the only one, le blanc," said de guerchy, who was entering with us; "i expected every moment to hear a cry of 'kill the huguenots!' they say a bad beginning often leads to a good ending; let us hope this will be a case in proof of it. but i wish the admiral was in the midst of us!" "there lies the danger," i said; "a pistol-shot or the stroke of a sword, and the streets of paris will run with blood." "they will," declared felix fiercely, "if any harm happens to our leader!" when i came to think about these things in after days, it seemed strange to remember how, through all the time of rejoicing and apparent friendliness, there ran an uneasy feeling, for which even henry's chilling reception by the parisians was not sufficient to account. our first thought in the morning and our last thought at night centred upon the admiral's safety. absolutely fearless, and placing unbounded confidence in the king's honesty, that chivalrous nobleman behaved as if he were surrounded by loyal friends. he had consecrated his life to the welfare of france, and no thought of self could turn him aside from his duty. his usual attendants were de guerchy and des pruneaux, and with them he would set out from his residence to transact his business with the king at the louvre. but, unknown to him, two of us always went a little ahead, while two followed closely in the rear. we carefully avoided drawing attention to ourselves, but our eyes sought every passer-by and examined every window where an assassin might lurk. thus the time passed between hopes and fears. there was little talk now of the war with spain, and it began to be understood that the subject would not be pursued until after the marriage. being so fully occupied we saw little of jeanne during these days, but one evening felix and i started to pay her a visit. it was the first week in august, the day had been hot, and most of the citizens were out of doors seeking the cool air. "one minute, monsieur!" we were at the bottom of the steps in front of the countess guichy's hotel, but, recognizing the voice, i stopped and turned. "is it you, l'estang?" i said. "hush! it would be as well to call me d'angely. you have been followed here from the rue de l'arbre sec. a strange man, now hiding on the other side of the road, has been watching you for these two days past. the populace have no love for a huguenot gentleman." "what is the fellow like?" i asked. "he keeps himself well muffled; he is about your own height and build; that is all i can discover. but i believe he has been hired by cordel. take care not to expose yourself too freely." "many thanks," i said, as he disappeared. "'tis almost a pity," exclaimed felix, "that you interfered with your peasants. you should have let them rid you of that rascally lawyer while they were in the mood." "nonsense!" i replied, "you are talking wildly. of course there must be no word of this to jeanne." "i am not likely to alarm her!" he replied, and ran lightly up the steps. the ladies were full of the approaching ceremony, and could talk of nothing but stomachers and brilliants and gold lace and such like stuff, without which they seemed to imply there could be no wedding at all. the countess, who had arranged for jeanne to form one of the young bride's attendants, had been spending money lavishly on a wonderful dress, and she declared laughingly that when henry saw my sister he would wish she could change places with margaret; at which felix remarked it would certainly show his good taste. jeanne laughed and blushed, calling him a flatterer, but she was very happy, and her eyes were sparkling with pleasure. as our visit drew to a close, she contrived to whisper: "i have heard from your english friend. a messenger from la rochelle brought me a letter yesterday. he is coming to see you shortly; he may be in france already." "oh," i replied, "unless he comes quickly he may have to travel as far as flanders; that is," i added, slily "if he really wishes to see me." "of course he does," she answered gaily, "and to visit paris; he has set his heart on seeing our capital." although very fond of roger braund, i felt, somehow, rather sorry to hear jeanne's news, and, as we left the house, my comrade rallied me on my thoughtfulness. "come," said he briskly, "we must hurry; the admiral does not like our being abroad so late," at which, remembering how persistently he had refused to leave earlier, i laughed heartily. the streets were for the most part deserted; but in spite of the late hour it was not dark. "listen!" exclaimed felix suddenly, "there is some one following us; he is coming at a quick pace, as if trying to overtake us. perhaps it is your quixotic adventurer friend, with a further warning." "no," i replied, "l'estang is not so heavy; he is more cat-footed. 'tis some belated wayfarer like ourselves, in a hurry to reach his lodgings." the man caught us up, gave a surly growl in response to our "good-night," and passed on rapidly. "'tis plain that all the boors do not live in the country," remarked felix, as the fellow disappeared. "i thought all parisians were noted for their good breeding." "another mistake corrected, my friend. as we grow older--ah! after him, quick!" a bullet had whizzed past my head, cutting, as i found later, the feather stuck jauntily in my hat--for we did not choose that anjou's gentlemen should exhibit all the airs and graces. the shot was fired from a low entry, and before the noise of the report had died away felix, who kept his wits wonderfully, darted inside. in another instant i had joined him, and we raced together up the narrow court. "there he is!" i cried; "ah, he is climbing the wall!" felix being the swifter runner drew ahead, but he was too late. the assassin, straddling the wall, struck him furiously with his arquebus, and my comrade fell. i bent over him in an agony of fright, but he struggled to his feet, saying, "it is all right, edmond; he has raised a lump on my head, nothing more; but i fear he has escaped." "yes, we should only lose ourselves trying to follow him there. are you sure you are not hurt?" "quite sure. my head will ache for an hour or two, but i shall be all right in the morning. i suppose that bullet was meant for you!" "there can be little doubt of it. l'estang must have had good ground for his warning." "you will have to put an end to this, edmond." "as soon as this marriage is over, the admiral has promised to make another appeal to the king. with henry to speak a word for me as well, i think charles will restore my estates. at all events, there is the spanish war in sight, and cordel isn't likely to follow me to flanders." i spoke lightly, but this second attempt on my life was really a serious matter, showing as it did that my enemy had not abandoned his design. the next few days, however, were very busy ones, and the course of events gave me little leisure for brooding over my own dangerous position. the betrothal of the royal pair took place on august , at the louvre, and was followed by a supper and a ball. then, according to custom, the bride was escorted by the king and queen, the queen-mother, monseigneur, and the leading princes and nobles to the palace of the bishop of paris, where she was to spend the night. the actual ceremony was fixed for the next day, and we at the _hôtel coligny_ were up betimes. strangely enough, the uneasy feeling of which i have spoken had increased rather than lessened, though no one could give any reason for this growing apprehension. everything was going well; there was no fresh cause for alarm, and yet there was not a man amongst us--unless we except our noble leader--who did not wish the day well over. he was in the highest of spirits, looking upon the marriage as a public proof that henceforth charles intended to rule all his subjects with equal justice. perhaps he did! the day was gloriously fine, and hours before the time announced for the ceremony the streets were thronged with dense crowds of citizens. on the open space in front of notre dame a gorgeous pavilion, in which the marriage was to be solemnized, had been erected. coligny was accompanied by certain of his gentlemen, but most of us were stationed outside the pavilion. the people glared at us scowlingly, and even when the grand procession passed on the way to escort margaret from the palace they remained mute. yet for those who enjoy idle shows it was a pretty spectacle. charles, henry, and condé, with some idea perhaps of showing their affection for each other, were all dressed alike, in pale yellow satin, embroidered with silver, and adorned with pearls and precious stones. anjou, who was even more magnificently attired, had a set of thirty-two pearls in his toque, while the noble dames were gorgeous in rich brocades, and velvets interwoven with gold and silver. "if the people had their way," whispered felix, as the grand cavalcade swept by, "henry would be going to his funeral instead of to his marriage, and there would be few of us left to mourn him." from the bishop's palace to the pavilion stretched a raised covered platform, and presently there was a slight craning of necks, and the citizens showed some faint interest, as the head of the bridal procession appeared in sight. first came the archbishops and bishops in their copes of cloth of gold; then the cardinals in their scarlet robes, and the knights of st. michael, their breasts glittering with orders; but not a cheer was raised until young henry of guise appeared, when it was easy to tell who was the favourite of the parisians. i regarded him with much interest. he was only twenty-two years old; tall and handsome, with a lissom figure and an air of easy grace that became him well. his eyes were keen and bright; he wore a light beard, and a profusion of curly hair. altogether, he looked a very dashing and accomplished nobleman. "there she is!" cried felix suddenly; "do you see her? could any one look more lovely?" "she is certainly magnificent." "bah!" he interrupted in disgust, "you are looking at margaret. 'tis jeanne i am speaking of--your sister. edmond, you are more blind than a mole!" there really was some excuse for his extravagant praise, for even amongst that galaxy of beauty jeanne shone with a loveliness all her own, and felix was not the only one of my comrades to declare that she was the most beautiful of all that glittering throng. but the centre of attraction was margaret herself, still only a girl of twenty, with a beautifully clear complexion and bright black eyes full of fire and spirit. she was truly a royal bride, gracious, dignified, queenly magnificent brilliants sparkled in her glossy hair; her stomacher was set with lustrous pearls; her dress was of cloth of gold, and gold lace fringed her dainty handkerchief and gloves. "a magnificent creature to look at!" grunted the man next to me, "but i would prefer my wife to be a trifle more womanly." at length they had all passed into the pavilion, and when the ceremony was concluded henry led his bride into the cathedral, afterwards joining coligny, condé, and a few other huguenot gentlemen, who walked up and down the close, conversing earnestly together. leaving the admiral at the louvre with a small escort, we returned to the _hôtel coligny_, discussing the great event of the day. the citizens were slowly dispersing, and as we passed some of them muttered violent threats against the huguenots; others cheered for henry of guise, a few raised a cheer for monseigneur, but i did not hear a word of welcome for the king, or for henry of navarre, or for our own noble leader--the most chivalrous of them all. [illustration: "some of them as we passed muttered violent threats."] "charles hasn't increased his popularity by this marriage!" i remarked. "no," said one of my comrades, "he has lost ground among the parisians. it will frighten him; he will be more afraid of guise than ever. how the fools roared for the duke! perhaps they would like him for king! they would find they had their master, for all his smooth speech and courtly manners." "the people's coldness may do good in one way," remarked felix. "charles may rush into a war with spain, thinking that a brilliant victory or two would win back his popularity." "the war with spain will never come about," growled a grizzled veteran, who had fought with coligny on his earliest battle-field. "guise, the pope, monseigneur, and the queen-mother are all against it, and charles is just a lump of clay in their hands: they can mould him as they please." "well," exclaimed felix, as we entered the courtyard, "in my opinion it's either a spanish war, or a civil war, and charles must take his choice." chapter xxiv a mysterious warning it was the evening of august . the louvre was brilliantly illuminated; the gardens and the various apartments were crowded with the beauty and nobility of france. catholics and huguenots mingled together on the friendliest terms; everything pointed to peace and goodwill. henry of navarre and his handsome queen were there, and so were monseigneur and henry of guise. one could hardly think of danger in the midst of so much mirth and gaiety, and yet, though unseen by us, the shadow of death was hovering very near! felix and i had gone to the palace together, but, as he basely deserted me for jeanne, i was left to wander about alone. i was, however, by no means depressed by my isolation. the lights, the music, the beauty of the ladies, and the handsome uniforms of the men, all filled me with the liveliest pleasure, and two hours rapidly slipped by. now and again i exchanged greetings with some cavalier whose acquaintance i had made during my stay in the city, and amongst others i met the catholic officer who had befriended me on the night of my arrival in paris. "this is far better than cutting each other's throats, monsieur," said he, with a wave of his hand. "your henry of navarre has proved a real peacemaker!" "and the king!" i responded, unwilling to be outdone in generosity. "we must not forget his part in bringing about this happy state of affairs!" "nor the noble coligny's. i expect the admiral has had more to do with it than both the others." now it was exceedingly pleasant to hear my patron praised in this way by one of his opponents, and i began to think that after all our prospects were less gloomy than the conversation of my comrades would lead one to suppose. toward midnight i was crossing the hall in order to speak with felix and my sister, who were standing with the countess guichy and several ladies, when i caught sight of renaud l'estang. he had been in attendance upon monseigneur, but was now at liberty. turning aside, i went to meet him, intending to thank him for his timely warning. "ah, monsieur," said he pleasantly, "i have been looking for you. i have something to say, and one can talk without fear in a crowded room. but do not let people guess by your face that i am saying anything serious. that lady," and he glanced toward jeanne, "is, i believe, your sister?" "yes," i replied, wondering what he could say which concerned jeanne. "listen," he continued. "i have tried to keep the promise made to you that miserable night in rochelle." "you have more than kept your promise," i interrupted eagerly. "i have done what i could. it is not much, but enough perhaps to show i am your friend. now, ask me no questions; i cannot reply to them; but for the love you bear your sister answer what i ask you. can you make an excuse to leave paris?" "and desert my patron?" "no," said he thoughtfully, "it is too much to expect from a man of honour; but there is your servant! he is shrewd and capable, and will fight to the death in your sister's defence." "yes," i exclaimed, "you judge him rightly." "do not start; keep a smile on your face, but understand all the time that i am speaking of a matter of life and death. invent what excuse you like, but to-morrow morning send jacques to rochelle in charge of your sister, and let him make no delay on the road. brush aside all objections; do not be influenced by any one; follow my advice, and i pledge my word that you will not regret it." "this is somewhat startling!" i exclaimed; "you must have some good reasons for such advice as this. can you not trust me?" "monsieur," he replied a little bitterly, "i have already told you that i have my own code of honour. it sounds strange from the lips of an adventurer, does it not? but i cannot betray the man whose bread i eat. as a matter of fact, i know nothing; to-morrow i may know more--that is why i am speaking to-night. now i must leave you, but i say again with all the earnestness i possess, send your sister to rochelle in the morning, even if you have to force her to go!" raising his voice he uttered some commonplace about the brilliancy of the scene, smiled brightly, waved his hand, and disappeared, leaving me lost in wonder and perplexity. what was the meaning of this strange warning? he was in deadly earnest; of that there could be no doubt, and yet he refused to give me the slightest clue to the mystery. but perhaps that very refusal would help to reveal the secret! i must discuss the matter with felix, and meanwhile try to bear myself as if nothing had happened. as a matter of precaution, however, i told jeanne i had received news from rochelle, and that it might be necessary for her to travel to that town. "there is nothing at which to be alarmed," i continued, "but we will talk about it to-morrow. if it really becomes necessary for you to go, i shall want you to depart without delay." jeanne was a brave girl. "do you fear danger, edmond?" she asked. "if there is danger, i will stay and share it with you." "what a queer fancy!" i exclaimed lightly. "it is just a little matter in which you can be of assistance to the cause"; at which she smiled, saying, "anything i can do for the cause, edmond, i will do willingly." "even leave paris!" i laughed, and having driven away her fears i left her. felix was very bright and joyous that night, and so merry in himself that he failed to notice my thoughtfulness. i said nothing of l'estang's communication until we were alone in our room, when i told him the story. i had not to ask for his opinion. almost before i had finished, he exclaimed with decision, "whatever this does or does not mean, jeanne must go to rochelle. l'estang has proved himself your friend; he can have no reason for deceiving you." "i will answer for l'estang's loyalty." "then send jeanne away; or, rather, take her yourself." "that is impossible! if there is anything in l'estang's story, it points to a plot against our chief. he is evidently afraid of trouble, perhaps of fierce fighting between the two parties, and thinks my sister would be safer out of the city." "he gave you no hint?" "not the slightest. he said he knew nothing, but had he known he would not have betrayed his own party. we must remember that though he has done so much for me, he belongs to the side of our opponents. it must have cost him a struggle to tell what he did." "yes," said felix thoughtfully, "between loyalty to his party and friendship for you he was in a cleft stick! you will repeat the story to our patron?" "to what end? he has received dozens of warnings! still, i will tell him." i obtained little sleep that night; spending the hours tossing restlessly, turning from side to side, wondering what the danger was which had induced l'estang to give this indirect but ominous warning. as soon as the household began to stir, i rose and dressed, eager to seek an interview with coligny. he was already dressed and busy with des pruneaux, but he spoke to me graciously and with the kindly interest that he ever showed. "you must not keep me long, le blanc," he said, laying a hand on my shoulder in his fatherly manner. "my lord," i replied, "you shall have my story in the fewest possible words. i think it is of the greatest importance, but in any case i am bound to tell you! when we were in rochelle, i did a simple service for one of our opponents." "a good deed ever brings forth good fruit, my boy." "it did in this instance, my lord. the man, who is in the pay of monseigneur, has since proved a faithful friend in connexion with my private affairs. i owe him my life. he is, i believe deep in the secrets of his party, but these he has never revealed, and i have never asked him." "quite right," observed the admiral. "since the death of queen joan, my sister has lived in paris with the countess guichy. last night this strange friend of mine advised me with the utmost earnestness to have her conveyed to rochelle. he gave me no reason, but from his manner i am sure he fears something terrible is about to happen. 'invent what excuse you like,' said he, 'but to-morrow morning send jacques'--that is my servant--'to rochelle in charge of your sister, and let him make no delay on the road.' there must be some grave reason for his advice, my lord." "you have no doubt of this man's friendship?" "not a shadow of doubt; he has proved it to the hilt." "then your sister must leave paris promptly, and she shall carry a letter from me to the commandant. that will furnish an excuse for her hurried departure. i will write it immediately." "but, my lord," i said hesitatingly, for it ever required some courage to hint that he should take measures for his personal safety, "it is of the possible peril to yourself i am thinking." "i do not believe there is any danger," he replied; "but i am in the hands of god, le blanc. if he, in his wisdom, and for his own good purpose, wills that i should die at my post, i am content. now, des pruneaux shall write the letter, and after breakfast you shall take it to your sister." i went out, and writing a note to jeanne, bidding her get ready for an early start, sent it off by jacques. "i wonder," said felix, "if your friend's warning has anything to do with the king's fresh move. last night twelve hundred of the guards marched into paris, and are quartered near the louvre." "they may be wanted to overawe guise and anjou," i suggested. "if so, it was a wise step to take." "yes, if so!" he agreed, but the tone of his voice did not imply much confidence in my suggestion. as soon as jacques returned, i told him to prepare for a journey to rochelle, dwelling strongly upon the necessity for the greatest expedition. "there is some danger threatening you," exclaimed the trusty fellow. "no more than there was yesterday, jacques; but i am uneasy about my sister, and would rather she were behind the walls of la rochelle." "i do not like leaving you, monsieur." "you must, jacques; there is no one else to whom i would care to entrust my sister. but not a word to her of the real reason! she must imagine she is doing us a service or she will not stir; so we are sending her with a letter from the admiral to the commandant at rochelle." when felix and i went to the house, we were received by the countess, who was not at all pleased by the news of jeanne's approaching departure. "what new conspiracy is this," she asked, "that you need a young girl for an ally? have you not men enough to do your work?" "ah," laughed felix playfully, "you wish to discover our secrets. it is quite useless, my lady; we are proof against all your wiles; but on her return, mademoiselle jeanne shall tell you herself; you won't be able to do any mischief then!" "you are a saucy boy!" exclaimed the countess, pinching his ear. "and pray, which of you is to be jeanne's escort?" "i am sending my servant," i answered. "he is very trustworthy, and will guard her with his own life." "do you intend your sister to walk to rochelle?" she asked, the humorous twinkle coming back to her eyes. "i am going to procure a carriage." "you will do nothing of the kind!" she declared emphatically. "i am not supposed to be acquainted with your stupid plots, and your sister shall go to rochelle in my carriage, drawn by my horses, and driven by my coachman. the poor beasts will probably die of the plague in that gloomy hole, but they must take their chance. now, do not speak! i am not to be lectured by two giddy boys. and do not kiss me, felix! what i am doing is for jeanne. perhaps when they cut off my head for joining in your horrid conspiracy you will be sorry. now, have the horses put into the carriage, while i see jeanne." "she is a generous soul!" exclaimed felix, as we left the room. "she has many strange whims, but no one could be more loyal to a friend, and she has grown to love jeanne very dearly." "she is exceedingly kind," i said, "and the more so since we have no claims on her generosity." by the time jacques arrived everything was ready, and we had only to bid my sister good-bye. she bore up bravely, but the parting was a painful one, for in our hearts both felix and i had an uneasy feeling that we were saying farewell to her for ever. of this, fortunately, she had no suspicion, and she promised the countess to return directly the business with the commandant was finished. "remember," i whispered to jacques, as the coachman gathered up the reins, "there must be no delay. reach rochelle as quickly as possible, and keep your mistress there until i send to you. the commandant, who will understand the real purpose of the journey, will help you." jacques drew up beside the carriage; jeanne, leaning out, fluttered her dainty handkerchief; we waved our hands in response, and she was gone. "jeanne is a brave girl and a good girl," said the countess. "i wish she were my daughter. and now, you two villains, who have deprived an old woman of her only pleasure in life, leave me. i am going to my room, where i can cry comfortably. i am not so young that tears will spoil my eyes." on our way back to the _hôtel coligny_ we encountered monseigneur, with a body of his gentlemen, riding through the city. numerous persons were in the streets, and as he passed by, bowing and smiling graciously, they greeted him with cheers. "anjou has some purpose in doing that," remarked felix; but i made no answer, being occupied in watching l'estang, who rode in the very rear of the cavalcade. he had caught sight of me, and while still looking straight before him he raised his hand, pointing significantly to the west. i nodded my head, and with a smile of satisfaction he rode on. "did you notice that?" i asked. "yes," replied felix, "but without understanding." "the meaning was plain enough. he was asking if jeanne had gone, and i answered 'yes.'" "he takes a great interest in your sister," said felix a trifle discontentedly. "because she is my sister," i replied. "listen, the worthy citizens are cheering for guise now." "i suppose he is parading the streets as well. what a pack of fools these parisians are!" "if they cheered for coligny," i laughed, "you would credit them with all the wisdom under the sun. so much depends on one's point of view!" "edmond! felix! why do you look so astonished? do you fancy i am a spirit? feel my hand; that is substantial enough, is it not?" and roger braund laughed heartily as he crossed the lobby of the admiral's house toward us. "you in paris!" i exclaimed, after we had exchanged greetings, "when did you arrive? how long have you been here?" "an hour," he replied cheerfully. "is your sister well, edmond?" "quite well, thank you. she is on the way to rochelle; but come to our room, where we can talk more privately." he accompanied us to our room, and i told him the story as it has been set down here. "you did right," said he thoughtfully! "paris just now is no place for her. but this journey to rochelle is a hazardous venture with only jacques to protect her!" "jacques is a man of courage and discretion!" exclaimed felix, with rather more heat than was necessary. "jacques is a brave fellow," agreed roger, "but he is only one man. edmond, with your leave, i will set out after the travellers, and assist jacques in guarding your sister." "you will have but a short stay in paris," remarked felix. "i shall return quickly to offer my sword to your chief. from edmond's story, i fancy he will have need of all his friends. i left my horse at an inn; it is a fine beast, and is thoroughly rested now. i will start immediately. no, i am not hungry; i have made a substantial meal. i shall come straight here on my return. good-bye to you both. directly i have placed mademoiselle jeanne in safety you will see me again?" we had scarcely time to answer before he had gone, and from the window i saw him speeding along the street as if he feared the loss of a single second would overthrow all his plans. chapter xxv a dastardly deed in the evening of that same day, the admiral in passing to his room inquired kindly if i had executed his commission, and appeared pleased to learn that my sister had already started on her journey. "i do not think it was necessary," he remarked, "but at least no harm can come from it, and you will feel easier in your mind. good-night, gentlemen; our plans are progressing favourably, and i hope soon to have good news for you all." i went to bed early that night, for felix, unlike his usual bright self, was very gloomy and morose. i fancy he was not well pleased with the coming of roger braund, and still less so with his ready offer to escort jeanne to rochelle. "what is the fellow doing here at all?" he asked. "why can he not stay in his own country?" i ventured to suggest that no one put the question at jarnac, or at montcontour, and that we of the religion at least owed a great debt of gratitude to roger and his brave comrades. felix seemed rather to resent this remark, so i said no more, trusting that by another day he would have recovered his good humour and pleasant manners. i remember well how that memorable day began. it was friday, august , and as i wakened from a long sleep the cheery rays of the morning sun flooded the room. how little any of us in the _hôtel coligny_ dreamed of what was to happen before that same sun sank to rest! after breakfast, des pruneaux drew me on one side. "the admiral proceeds to the louvre this morning," he said. "de guerchy and i attend him; you and bellièvre will walk a little distance behind us. be more vigilant even than usual, for there are strange rumours abroad." each trifling incident comes back to me now as vividly as if it happened yesterday. we went to the louvre, waited while our chief transacted his business, and started on the journey home. presently we met charles, who greeted the admiral affectionately, and the two walked together in the direction of the tennis-court. des pruneaux and de guerchy joined the king's attendants; felix and i followed a few paces in the rear. at the court charles and the duke of guise made up a match against our patron's son-in-law, teligny, and a gentleman whose name i did not know. the admiral stood watching the game for some time, but between ten and eleven o'clock he bade the king adieu and once more started for home. he walked between des pruneaux and de guerchy, talking cheerfully about the game, and praising the skill of the king, for charles was certainly an accomplished player, superior in my opinion even to guise. "yes," exclaimed felix, to whom i passed some such remark, and who had not altogether thrown off his bitterness of the previous day, "if he were as good a ruler as tennis-player france might have some chance of happiness." "well, he is making good progress even in that!" i replied cheerfully. i have said that the _hôtel_ was in the rue de l'arbre sec, at the corner of the rue de bethisy, and we were passing along the rue des fossés de st. germain, when a man approached the admiral with what looked like a petition. we quickened our pace, but the citizen was an inoffensive person, and the admiral, taking the paper, began to read, walking on slowly the while. he turned the corner in front of us, and was hidden for an instant from our view, when we heard a loud report. "treachery!" cried my comrade, drawing his sword, and with a rush we sped round the corner. my heart leaped into my mouth as i realized what had happened. there was our noble chief, the truest, bravest, most chivalrous man in france, supported in de guerchy's arms. des pruneaux, who was stanching the blood with a handkerchief, pointed to the latticed windows of the _hôtel de retz_ on our right, and, understanding it was from there the assassin had fired, we ran across, my comrade's cries of "for the admiral!" bringing out a number of huguenot gentlemen who lodged in the neighbourhood. "this way!" i cried excitedly, "the assassin is in this house!" and the next minute, having burst open the doors, we were swarming into the building. save for a deaf old woman and a horse-boy the place was empty, and a howl of rage rose from the searchers. nothing could be got from the old woman, but felix, clutching the boy by the throat, demanded sternly "where is the assassin? speak, or i will kill you!" "the man who was upstairs has got away through the cloisters, monsieur. i do not know him. i was only told to bring a swift horse from my master's stables." "who is your master?" "the duke of guise, monsieur," and at that another howl of execration went up, several men shouting "guise is the murderer! kill the duke of guise!" "whose house is this?" i asked. the boy could not answer, but a voice cried out "canon vallemur's! he used to be the duke's tutor! guise is the assassin!" "yes, yes! let us kill guise!" "here is the weapon," cried one of the searchers, bringing forward an arquebus which he had found in the window; "it has monseigneur's arms stamped on it; it must belong to one of his body-guard. guise and anjou are the murderers!" "come," exclaimed felix, "we can do nothing here; the fellow is out of the city by now!" an excited crowd had gathered in front of the _hôtel coligny_, but, pushing the people roughly aside, we made our way into the courtyard. "is he dead?" asked felix of one of our comrades. "no; one bullet carried off the first finger of his right hand; the other wounded him seriously in the left arm. paré"--the king's own surgeon--"is attending him. they say charles is furious, but i do not know; all his family are accomplished actors. were you there? did you see it done? tell us all about it," and they gathered round as felix described the incident and the search in the empty house. "guise is the real murderer!" exclaimed one angrily. "or anjou!" "or both!" "if charles doesn't punish them, we won't rest till we have made an end of him and his whole stock!" "'tis likely he is as guilty as the rest!" "and coligny trusts him implicitly!" "the admiral is too trustful and kind-hearted! did you hear what he said to des pruneaux? 'i forgive freely and with all my heart both him that struck me and those who incited him to do it.' if i catch the fellow, i will tear him limb from limb!" "let us capture guise and anjou," cried felix, "and if the admiral dies hang them both." "bravo, bellièvre! there's sense in that! to arms, my friends! we will have vengeance!" and a number of the most hot-headed were rushing out wildly when a cry arose of "navarre! navarre!" and, going to the street, we saw henry of navarre accompanied by five or six hundred huguenot gentlemen. the gallant prince was angry and excited. "what means this foul outrage?" he cried, leaping from his horse. "have they slain our noble leader?" "no, no, sire; he has been shot at and wounded, but he is not dead. way there for navarre! we want justice, sire!" "by my faith, gentlemen," exclaimed the fiery henry, as he mounted the stairs, "you shall have it, or navarre shall lose its monarch." save for the sick-room, where our illustrious chief lay, the whole house was crowded with excited men. from time to time messengers arrived bringing reports from the city, and from their accounts it really looked as if charles was bent on discovering and punishing the murderer. the civic guards were mustered; the sentries at the gates doubled; and no one was permitted to go armed into the streets. "a blind!" cried some hotly. "there is no need to hunt for the murderer; charles can find him at his own table!" "why do we stay here?" cried felix; "let us march to the palace and demand justice!" "let us first consult navarre," said another; "he must be our leader now," and the majority agreed with this suggestion. about two oclock a man came running into the courtyard crying "the king! the king!" and shortly afterwards charles appeared, followed by his mother and anjou. and here i must say that few of us, after looking at his gloomy face, believed that he had any share in the dastardly plot against our beloved chief. we let him pass in silence, but when anjou came, there were many muttered threats of vengeance, and more than one loud cry of "assassin!" "monseigneur comes to gloat over his victim!" exclaimed one man, and so intense was our anger that but for the king's presence i doubt if monseigneur would have left the house alive. when the royal party had ended their visit, henry, condé, and other leading members of our party held a meeting in one of the lower rooms. felix and i remained on duty in the ante-chamber where de guerchy came to fetch us. "the king of navarre wishes to learn the truth about the discoveries in vallemur's house," he said. the room was very crowded, and the nobles were discussing the situation with fierce excitement. "'tis no time for playing like children," de pilles was saying, "i tell you we are all doomed; this is but the first stroke. let us strike back, and strike hard." "i would suggest," said his neighbour, "that we get coligny safe to rochelle, and then gather all our forces." "we cannot move the admiral; paré will not answer for his life if he is moved." "my lords," said teligny, "i do not think it is necessary. i am convinced that the king has no hand in this vile outrage, and that if we trust him he will bring the murderer to justice." "what!" sneered de pilles, "execute his own brother! or even the duke of guise! you have more faith in charles than i have!" "where are those gentlemen who helped to search the house?" asked henry. "let them stand forward. ah, my friend," catching sight of me, "i have not forgotten your face. now let us hear the story, and why the duke of guise is suspected in the matter." thereupon i related all that had occurred, and at the conclusion henry observed gravely, "truly there is something here for the duke to explain!" "explain, sire!" cried de pilles scornfully, "how can he explain? who here doubts the duke's guilt? let us kill him and anjou, i say, or they will kill us. put no trust in charles. they will drag him into the plot." "what would you have us do?" asked henry; "overthrow the throne?" "ay," answered de pilles stoutly, "i would clear the kingdom of the whole family." i cannot say what further arguments were used, as de guerchy made a sign for us to withdraw; but presently the meeting broke up, and the cavaliers, mounting their horses, rode away, singing psalms, and vowing to obtain justice. "de pilles was right!" exclaimed felix, as we returned to the ante-chamber; "this means war to the knife, and the sooner our leaders give the word the better. i am thankful that your sister has left paris." "we owe that to l'estang i wonder if he had any actual information of what was about to happen? i have a mind to endeavour to find him this evening; he will probably be at the louvre." "we will go together," said felix, and accordingly about seven o'clock, there being nothing for us to do, we set out. the city was in a state of intense excitement, the streets were thronged, and groups of men were discussing the attempt on the admiral's life, and praising those who had directed the plot. "the king is too weak," they said, "this coligny twines him round his finger. he should listen to monseigneur and the duke of guise; they would make an end of these huguenots." several times i had to grasp felix by the arms, and whisper to him to control himself, since a brawl in the streets could end only in his death and mine. a knowledge of fence is of little service against a mob of ruffians armed with clubs and pikes. approaching the marais we heard a tremendous hubbub, and running forward quickly beheld a number of huguenot gentlemen gathered outside the _hôtel de guise_, waving their swords defiantly and threatening to have justice done upon the duke. de pilles was at their head, and i expected every moment to see him give the signal for an attack on the building. had he done so, he would have been instantly obeyed, and perhaps we should not have had cause to mourn the horrors of the impending tragedy. instead of doing so, however, he suddenly exclaimed, "to the palace! we will demand justice from the king; he cannot deny us!" and the huguenots, suspicious, alarmed and rapidly losing their heads, took up the cry. "to the palace!" they shouted; "let us see if charles will give us justice!" felix, as passionate and headstrong as any of them, exclaimed, "come along, edmond; we shall count two more. let us discover if there is any honour in the man." not believing it could effect any good, i had no wish to be drawn into the flighty venture, but as my comrade was resolute in courting danger i was forced to accompany him. the king was at supper when, flourishing our swords and demanding justice, we burst into the palace. charles behaved coolly enough, but anjou, who sat next to him, changed colour and trembled, while beads of sweat stood upon his forehead. "we demand justice, sire!" cried de pilles, who cared no more for a monarch than for a peasant. "if the king refuses it we will take the matter into our own hands," and he looked at anjou, who averted his head. "you will obtain justice, gentlemen," answered charles. "my word is pledged, and i will not break it. i have assured my friend, the noble coligny, that the villain who shot him shall be sought out and punished. i will not spare the guilty parties whoever they are!" at that we gave him a round of cheers, and marched out, de pilles and his followers returning straight to the city. l'estang was not present, but seeing one of anjou's guards i asked if he could find my friend for me, which he did. "the palace is not a safe place for you to-night," said l'estang as he came to meet me. "as safe as any part of the city," i answered. "it seems i did well in taking your advice and sending my sister away. you have heard of this morning's dastardly crime?" "all paris has heard of it," said he; "but pardon me if i say that to-night's folly will not make the king's task any the easier." "surely you do not expect us to see our leader murdered without protest!" exclaimed felix. "not at all; but there is such a thing as being over hasty. it would have paid better to show, or to appear to show, some trust in the king." "pshaw!" cried my comrade, "for all we know charles himself is responsible for the deed!" "at all events," i said, "the plot must have been known beforehand in the palace!" "if you think that, because i warned you to remove your sister from paris, you are mistaken. your surprise this morning was not greater than my own. i believe that scarcely any one inside the palace knew of what was going on." "but you yourself expected trouble of some kind!" "true; and now i am sure of it. how can it be avoided? each side is suspicious of the other: you are angry, and justly angry, at the assault on your chief, and you threaten vengeance even on the king. i believe he wishes to be your friend, and you are driving him into the arms of your enemies. do you fancy he will care to trust himself in your hands after to-night's mad freak? but the hour grows late, and the streets are not safe; i will walk a short distance with you." "the citizens are still abroad!" i remarked after a time. "listen! they are cheering for guise!" "and there lies the trouble," he said. "but, monsieur, i have a private word for you. etienne cordel is in paris; he can read the signs as well as most men, and if there is a disturbance he will take advantage of it. you are doubly in danger--first as a huguenot and a friend of coligny's; next as the owner of le blanc. you will have to steer skilfully to avoid both dangers!" "you speak as if a plot to murder the huguenots were already afoot." "i am aware of no plot at present," he said, "but after to-day's unlucky events one can be sure of nothing. here is the corner of your street; i will bid you good-night, and once more i repeat my warning. guard yourself, and sleep with your sword at your hand." chapter xxvi what will the king do? the morning of august broke bright and clear, but i rose from my bed with a troubled and unquiet feeling. i had passed a restless night, dreaming that all paris was ablaze, and that the streets of the city were running with blood, and i could not get rid of the thought that some terrible calamity was about to happen. directly it was light the house began to fill with huguenot gentlemen, asking eagerly how it fared with their beloved chief. he was still extremely weak, but paré spoke hopefully, declaring there was no cause for alarm, and that his illustrious patient required only rest and quietness. "in a few days he will be able to leave paris," said the famous surgeon, "and his recovery is certain. i have not the slightest anxiety about him." this was cheering news, but as the day wore on strange and alarming rumours began to reach us from the city. our spies reported that the streets were thronged with excited people, cheering for guise and threatening the huguenots with death. "there is some one behind all this," said felix, "some one working in secret to stir up the passions of the citizens. unless the king interferes there will be a terrible outbreak shortly." about noon--we had not long risen from dinner--a man arrived bearing news that, to our heated imaginations, was startling indeed. a great meeting was taking place at the _hôtel de guise_, where our bitterest enemies had assembled. the spy brought a list of the names, and as he recounted them one by one our feeling of uneasiness deepened. "'tis a plot against us," said one, "with guise at the head, and anjou secretly favouring it." "are we to wait to be killed like sheep?" demanded felix. "have we not swords of our own? shall we keep them in their scabbards? out upon us for timid hares! we deserve to die, if we have not the courage to strike a blow in our own defence!" "what can we do?" asked carnaton, who had just come from the sick-room. "the admiral is helpless, and henry of navarre is being closely watched. we have no leaders, and it would be folly for us to break the peace." "let us wait," laughed felix mockingly, "till this dog of a guise has murdered us all! then, perhaps, it will be time to strike." "the king has pledged his word to protect us," said la bonne; "let us ask him to send a guard for our chief." "a guard for coligny!" cried felix in a bitter tone; "a guard for coligny, and a thousand huguenot gentlemen in paris! let us summon our comrades and guard our chief with our own lives!" we spoke angrily, and many sharp words passed between us, the more fiery of the speakers upholding felix, the cooler and wiser ones supporting la bonne, and finally it was agreed to despatch a messenger to the king. "when the troops arrive," said felix, "we will give them our weapons to take care of for us!" i did not hold altogether with my hot-headed comrade, but when in the course of an hour or two the king's soldiers marched into the street i began to think we had committed a serious blunder. there were fifty of them, and at their head marched cosseins, the admiral's determined enemy. "faith!" exclaimed felix, as the soldiers posted themselves in two houses close at hand, "i have heard that charles loves a practical joke, but this must be one of the grimmest that even he has played!" "he could have bettered it," said yolet, our beloved chief's trusty esquire, "only by sending guise himself!" presently a man, threading his way through the crowd in front of the courtyard, ran up to carnaton, and whispered something in his ear. "more bad news?" said i, noticing his look of surprise. "i fear it is not good at any rate," he replied slowly. "charles has sent for guise to the louvre." "guise at the louvre!" cried felix, "and we stay here with our arms folded! now this is downright madness!" "it may be," suggested la bonne mildly, "that the king wishes to give him orders not to break the peace." "it seems to me," said felix, "that we might employ our time better than in inventing excuses for our enemies. this visit to the louvre means that charles has gone over to the side of anjou and guise." "it may be so," agreed carnaton, "but we have no proof." "proof!" cried my comrade with a mocking laugh, "it will be sufficient proof when one of anjou's troopers runs a sword through your heart!" carnaton was about to reply when he was summoned to attend the admiral, and we settled down to wait doggedly for the next piece of information. it was not long in coming. a messenger despatched by la bonne returned a few minutes before three o'clock. his face was pale, and he had a frightened look which was far from reassuring. "well?" exclaimed la bonne, "what news?" "ill news, monsieur," replied the man. "guise has left the louvre and is in the city. the streets are crowded and the citizens are wild with excitement. he is stirring them up against us, and they are cheering him, and crying that the huguenots ought not to live." we gazed at each other blankly; this certainly did not appear as if charles had given him any peaceful commands. nor was our alarm lessened when an hour later another spy reported that anjou and angoulême were following guise's example, and doing their best to rouse the passions of the people. "they are telling the citizens," our messenger said, "that a plot to take the king's life, and to slay monseigneur has been discovered, and the citizens are crying for vengeance on the huguenots." "guise and anjou will see to it that they get their vengeance," i remarked, for it was no longer possible to doubt that our enemies had determined on our destruction. we had put our trust in charles; if he deserted us it was all over. "at least," said la bonne, "if we have to die, we will die like men." "with our swords in our hands, and not in their scabbards!" exclaimed felix, and a fierce growl of approval greeted his words. as the day wore to a close it became more and more plain that, as my comrade had declared, we were like hunted animals caught in a trap. we might sell our lives dearly, but we could not hope to fight successfully against the royal troops and a city in arms. only one chance of escape presented itself. by banding together and making a determined rush we might force a passage through the streets, and seek safety in flight; but to do this we must abandon our illustrious chief, whose weakness prevented him from being moved. i hope it is needless to add that every huguenot gentleman in paris would have lost his life fifty times over rather than have agreed to such a base proceeding. about seven o'clock in the evening many of navarre's gentlemen left the house, and some of us accompanied them to the end of the street. la bonne having received favourable news from the palace, our alarm, in consequence, had begun to subside, though we still remained a trifle anxious. we were returning in a body to the _hôtel_, felix and i being the last of the company, when a man slipped a paper into my hand and instantly disappeared. "another warning from your strange friend, i suppose," said felix. i opened the paper and read hurriedly: "bring monsieur bellièvre with you shortly after midnight, and meet me at the little gate of the louvre where i saw you before. wrap yourselves up closely, and attract as little attention as possible. do not fail to come, as i have important news.--d'angely." "are you sure this is not a second invitation from the lawyer?" my comrade asked. "it appears to be l'estang's handwriting." "so did the other note." "true, but etienne cordel would not bait a trap for you. he bears you no grudge, and besides you would only be in his way!" "yes," said my comrade, "there is something in that. will you go?" "why not? we may learn something that will be useful to our chief. l'estang wishes me well, and in order to save my life he may be tempted to disclose what he knows of guise's conspiracy; for i feel sure there is one." "if it will serve the admiral," said felix hesitatingly. "it may. i cannot tell, but it is worth running a little risk to discover." "he has chosen an odd time and an odd place." "he cannot meet us in broad day, and a thousand causes may prevent him from coming to this quarter. you must remember he is anjou's servant, and he will not wish to draw suspicion upon himself." "very well," said my comrade, "we will go. carnaton and la bonne are on duty to-night." as the evening closed in the streets began to empty; our comrades went off to their lodgings, and by nine o'clock there were few of us left in the _hôtel_. teligny and de guerchy were in the sick-room, and with them paré, the surgeon, and the admiral's chaplain, pastor merlin; carnaton and la bonne dozed in the ante-chamber, while yolet was posting the five switzers who formed part of navarre's bodyguard. "it seems as if we shall have a quiet night, yolet," i remarked. "the danger has blown over," he answered. "charles was frightened into believing we intended to murder him, but the king of navarre has opened his eyes. the real plotters will have an unwelcome surprise in a day or two. i heard de guerchy telling the admiral." "oh," said i, quite relieved by this information, "if the king keeps firm, we have nothing to fear." "trusting to the king," remarked my comrade, who always spoke of charles as a puppet in the hands of his mother and brother, "is trusting to a broken reed. for my part i hope the instant our chief is strong enough to travel he will hasten to rochelle. i have more faith in a keen blade than in a king's promise," and from yolet's face one would have judged he was of the same opinion. about a quarter before midnight he came with us to open the front gate, and to fasten it after our departure. we had told him something of our errand, and he advised us to go to work very warily, saying, "do not forget that a dog isn't dead because he has ceased barking!" we slipped into the street and he fastened the gate quietly. it was fairly dark now, and being closely muffled in our mantles there was little chance of our being recognized. cossein's soldiers were apparently asleep; no lights gleamed anywhere; the rue des fossés de st. germain was empty. on approaching nearer the louvre, however, we observed a body of citizens, armed, and marching with some sort of military discipline. we had barely time to conceal ourselves in a doorway before they came by, so close to us that we could almost count their numbers. "what does that mean?" asked my comrade when at last we ventured out again. "where are those fellows going? edmond, i don't like the look of that; it is suspicious." "on the contrary, it has helped to remove my suspicion," i answered. "they are under the provost's orders, and he would not dare to muster them except by the king's instructions." "from which you think----?" "that charles is taking measures in our favour on his own account." "i hope you will prove a true prophet, though i do not feel very sanguine." the delay caused us to be a trifle late in keeping our appointment, and when we reached the place of meeting no one was to be seen. for half an hour we walked softly to and fro, keeping in the shadow of the wall, watching keenly, and listening for the sound of a footstep. it was strange that l'estang should not be there, and i had a vague, uneasy feeling that it was impossible to banish. felix, too, became fidgety, and at last said in a whisper, "edmond, let us return; there is something wrong, i am sure of it!" "nonsense," i replied, more to keep up my own spirits than for any other reason; "a hundred things may have kept the man from coming. besides, what is there to fear?" "i don't know," he admitted, "but i am certain there is mischief afoot. it may be the darkness and the silence. listen!" and he caught me by the arm, "do you hear that? horses, edmond, and horsemen! where are they?" listening intently i recognized the sounds. soldiers were gathering inside the grounds. where could they be going at this time? once more i slipped back to the little gate, calling softly "d'angely!" but there was no response. the adventurer for once had failed me. i returned to my comrade, who was now trembling with excitement. "there is some terrible business on hand!" said he. "what can it mean?" "let us wait here; we may discover the secret." "yes," he answered bitterly, "when it is too late! we have all been blind fools, edmond, from navarre downwards. ah, they are coming out--horse and foot." it was too dark for us to distinguish them closely, but we could make out a group of officers riding a little ahead, a number of troopers, and two or three score foot-soldiers. they proceeded at a walking pace, making scarcely any sound. "let us follow," whispered felix, and he was in such a restless state that, although unwilling to leave without having met l'estang, i offered no objection. silently, and keeping well in the shadow of the houses, we stole after them, creeping like unquiet spirits through the streets of the sleeping city. at first we imagined they were going to the _hôtel de guise_, and it was only on entering the rue des fossés de st. germain that the dreadful truth flashed across our minds. "they are going to murder the admiral!" whispered my comrade with a groan. "edmond, can we do nothing? is there no way of warning la bonne?" "i fear not, we cannot get past the troops." even had that been possible it would have proved of but little service. the leaders quickened their pace; the whole body swept round the corner; they were in front of the building; only by the roof could any one escape; and the admiral, alas! could not walk even across his chamber. the blood ran cold in my veins; it seemed as if my heart had ceased to beat. death was calling for my beloved chief, and i was powerless to keep the grisly visitor at bay. i felt felix fumbling at his sword, and, gripping him firmly by the wrist, whispered, "keep still! what can you do?" "die with him!" he answered fiercely. "nonsense!" i said coldly, for i had no wish to see him butchered uselessly before my eyes, "you cannot do even that! you will be slain before you have moved three yards. and i will not let you throw your life away. live, my friend, live to avenge him!" "ah," he whispered, "that is well said, edmond. take your hand off me. i am calm enough now. ah, they are knocking at the gate. listen! 'in the king's name!' that is guise's voice. will they open, think you, edmond?" i had dragged him into a doorway, so that the troopers might not see us, but by this time there was little danger of detection; the noise had aroused the neighbourhood, and many citizens were already in the street. "yes," i said, "they will think it is a messenger from charles. see!" for the dawn was breaking now, "there is guise!" "and angoulême! and cosseins! he has come to defend the admiral! let us go nearer, edmond; they will not bother about us!" leaving the shelter of the doorway we mingled with the crowd, pressing close upon the heels of the troops. for several minutes we waited in breathless suspense; then the gate was opened; there was a wild rush; a cry of warning, stifled suddenly, rang out, and the troopers surged into the courtyard. "that was la bonne's voice," i said with a shudder, "he has learned the value of a king's promise." drawing our mantles up to our faces, we ran with the rest to the courtyard. already the house was filled with soldiers, and several shrieks of agony told us that they were killing even the poor servants. we heard sterner shouts also, and hoped in our hearts that carnaton, yolet, and the few switzers were making guise's butchers pay dearly for their cruel treachery. guise and angoulême had not entered the house; they were standing in the courtyard, beneath the window of the admiral's room, awaiting the completion of the brutal work. we heard the crashing of timber, the cries of the switzers, and then the tramp of feet up the stairway. suddenly the sound ceased, and felix, turning to me, whispered, "they have broken into his room!" an awful silence fell upon us in the courtyard as we stood there waiting for the end of the ghastly tragedy. chapter xxvii the day of the massacre i always think of this incident in my life with a certain amount of shame; yet even now i cannot see in what i failed. my comrade and i would have spent our lives freely in the admiral's defence, but what could we do? to fight our way through that mob of soldiers was impossible; we could not have taken two steps without being killed. and yet--and yet--perhaps it would have been the nobler part to have died with our chief! i remember the look on roger braund's face when he heard the story--an expression that plainly asked, "how comes it then that you are still alive?" if we did indeed act the coward's part the blame must rest on my shoulders; but for me felix would have flung himself at the troopers and died with the old battle-cry "for the admiral!" on his lips. it was i who, regarding such sacrifice as sheer folly, kept him back, though my blood boiled and my heart ached at what was going forward. presently a man wearing a corslet and waving a sword dyed red with blood appeared at the window of the sick-room. "it is done, my lord!" cried he lustily, "it is all over." "where is the body?" asked guise brutally. "monseigneur d'angoulême will not believe unless he sees the body." i was beside myself with grief and passion; yet even at that awful moment i gripped felix tightly, bidding him control himself. "we must live, and not die!" i whispered. behm, and cosseins, and a trooper in the dark green and white uniform of anjou's guard approached the window, half dragging, half carrying a lifeless body. raising it up, they flung it, as if it were the carcase of a sheep, into the courtyard, behm exclaiming, "there is your enemy; he can do little harm now!" "yes, it is he," said guise, spurning the dead hero with his foot, "i know him well. we have made a good beginning, my men; let us finish the business. forward, in the king's name!" our cry of agony was drowned by the shouting of the troopers, and the next moment we were swept with the rest of the crowd from the courtyard into the narrow street. suddenly, as if it were a signal, the great bell of st. germain l'auxerrois began to toll; other bells in the neighbourhood clanged and clashed, and mingling with their sounds were the fierce cries of "kill the huguenots! kill! kill!" felix turned to me with a look of horror. "it is a planned massacre!" he exclaimed, "our comrades will be murdered in their beds!" we were borne along helplessly in the midst of the crowd. in all the world, i think, no one could have ever beheld a more fearful spectacle. the men and women were mad with passion; their faces were as the faces of fiends; already some of their weapons were wet with blood. each had a white band bound round the arm, and most of them wore a white cross in their caps. guise and angoulême rode off with their troopers to carry on the terrible work elsewhere, and they bade the citizens slay and spare not. crash went the doors of the houses where the huguenots lived; shrieks of despair and cries of "kill! kill!" rose on the air; the glare of numerous torches lit up the hideous scene. "drag them out!" "death to the huguenots!" "burn the houses!" "long live the duke of guise!" "throw them from the windows!" "kill the whole brood!" very soon the street was dotted with dead bodies. the unhappy people, roused from sleep by the yells of the mob, could offer but little resistance; they were slain in their beds, or escaped from the murderers only to be killed in the streets. but every one did not die tamely. at one spot we saw about a dozen of our comrades, some only half dressed, standing shoulder to shoulder, with their backs to the wall and holding the mob at bay. at this sight felix, wrapping his mantle round his left arm and drawing his sword, ran toward them, crying defiantly, "coligny! coligny! for the admiral!" it was a daring venture, and yet no more, dangerous than remaining in the crowd, where we must shortly have been discovered. "coligny! coligny!" shouted the fighters by the wall, and the very sound of the name inspired them with fresh courage. one of the ruffians pushed at felix with his pike, but he, with a vigorous stroke, clave him from the shoulder, and our comrades cheered again as the rascal fell. "this way, bellièvre," they cried; "this way, le blanc! where is the admiral?" "murdered!" answered felix bitterly, "and thrown like a dog into the courtyard of his own house." his words sent a thrill of horror through the little band. coligny murdered! their noble chief done to death by a pack of human wolves! their eyes flashed fire; they set their teeth hard, and one, a strong, sturdy fellow from chatillon, crying "vengeance for coligny!" sprang at the howling mob. three times his blade gleamed in the air, and each time it descended a man fell. "three for coligny!" he cried grimly, springing back to his place. it was a fearful conflict, chiefly because we had no hope. we could fight to the death, but there was no escape. the men with the pikes rushed at us repeatedly; we beat them off, and the heap of their slain grew steadily larger, but we had lost two of our number, and were worn with fatigue. and presently from the rear of the mob there arose a shout of "anjou! anjou!" as if monseigneur himself or some of his troopers had arrived to complete our destruction. "let us defend the house!" exclaimed felix, "we can kill more from the inside!" and the rest agreed. the door of the house to which my comrade pointed had been smashed; the building itself contained no one but the dead. we worked our way along, keeping the mob at bay with our swords, until we were all in shelter; then they came with a terrific rush, but the foremost were wounded or slain, and their bodies blocked the entrance. "drag the furniture into the passage!" cried felix; but we had not the time. roused to desperation by their losses, the mob surged through the doorway, trampling upon their fallen comrades, screaming "kill the huguenots!" flinging themselves upon us with a fury we could not withstand. back we went to the foot of the stairs, where not more than two men could stand abreast; the passage was packed with a swaying, struggling mass that forced a way by its own weight. "kill! kill!" they screamed, and we answered with defiant shouts of "coligny! coligny! for the admiral." they gained the lowest stair, and then another; it was evident we could not hold out much longer, but the knowledge had no effect on our courage. as felix said, we could die but once. on the landing at the top of the stairs were two rooms, but our numbers were not strong enough to garrison them both. there were only seven of us left, and not one unwounded. "the end is close now," cried my comrade, "but we will die hard for the honour of the admiral." "well said, bellièvre!" and once more the familiar battle-cry "coligny! coligny! for the admiral!" rang out. [illustration: "coligny! coligny! for the admiral!"] "good-bye, edmond. i am glad jeanne is safe." "farewell, felix. ah!" our two comrades nearest the door were down, and the angry mob, lusting for blood, burst into the room. we numbered five now, and a minute later four. "for the admiral!" cried felix, running a man through the chest, but before he could withdraw his sword a violent blow from a club struck him to the ground. we were three now, all faint, weary, and wounded. we were entirely at the mercy of our assailants. they leaped at us, brandishing their weapons, and yelling exultingly. "coligny! coligny" i shouted in defiance. crash! i was down, and almost immediately afterwards the noise and the shouting died away. i was dimly conscious of some one bending over me, and then knew no more. i opened my eyes in a small room almost bare of furniture. i was lying dressed, on a bed; my head was bandaged; every muscle of my body ached with pain. forgetting what had happened, i called for jacques, and then for felix, but by degrees the sickening events of the awful tragedy came back to my memory. getting down from the bed, i crossed the room slowly and cautiously, and tried the door; it was fastened from the outside. i went back to the little window for the purpose of looking into the street. it was crowded with people wearing white crosses in their hats and white bands round their arms. then, for the first time, i noticed that some one had tied a white band round my arm. i tore the accursed emblem off, and trampled it underfoot, in a fit of childish rage. the citizens were dancing, shouting, and yelling like maniacs. they were armed with clubs and pikes and swords, and one could see the clots of blood clinging to the deadly weapons. i stood at the window horrified, yet fascinated by the dreadful sight. a soldier, evidently an officer of high rank, rode past cheering and waving a blood-stained sword. i caught sight of his face, and recognized marshal tavannes. directly afterwards, a man chased by human bloodhounds from the shelter of a neighbouring house darted into the midst of the crowd. he twisted and doubled, running now this way, now that, like a hunted hare. the assassins struck at him fiercely as he ran, holding his hands above his head to protect himself. a blow from a club struck one arm, and it dropped to his side, broken. he turned sharply; a ruffian pricked him with his knife; he staggered forward, lurched, swayed to and fro, and finally fell. i closed my eyes in order not to see the end of the ghastly tragedy. presently a cart rumbled slowly along. men and women danced round about it, shouting and jeering, and brandishing their pikes and clubs. the clumsy vehicle was packed with human beings, bound hand and foot, and tied, as far as i could see, two together. they lay in a confused heap, some of them wounded and bleeding. i wondered in a dull sort of way where they were being taken. i learned later that they were flung one and two at a time into the seine, while their savage enemies watched them drown. sick at heart, and stricken with horror, i lay down again upon the bed. my misery was so intense that i cared nothing about my own fate. coligny was dead; i had seen felix killed before my eyes; most of the gallant gentlemen who had been my true and loyal comrades were slain--what mattered it whether i lived or died? strangely enough, perhaps, i did not even ask myself how i had escaped the awful butchery. shortly after noon, the door was opened, and some one entered the room. i expected to see a ruffian with a blood-red pike; my visitor was a pale but pretty woman, carrying a bowl of soup. "drink this, monsieur," she said, "it will give you strength. renaud will return in the evening." "renaud!" i exclaimed, "do you mean renaud l'estang? do i owe my life to him?" "he is a brave man," she answered, "he saved your life at the risk of his own; but i must go again. do not make any sound, monsieur. if the citizens were aware of your being here they would murder us." she went out and fastened the door, leaving me to drink the soup at my leisure. so, it was renaud l'estang who had saved me. truly that little action of mine in rochelle had borne good fruit. several times during the afternoon i returned to the window overlooking the narrow street, but toward evening i lay down and slept, and when a noise at the door wakened me the room was nearly dark. "monsieur," a voice exclaimed, "are you awake? do not be alarmed; it is i--l'estang." hearing me move, he closed the door softly, and came across to the bed. "you are better," he said, "i am glad of that, as you must leave paris. i have saved your life thus far, but it will be impossible to do so much longer. cordel has discovered that you are alive, and his fellows are searching for your hiding-place. you must go to rochelle at once; that is your only place of safety." "it is easy to say 'go to rochelle,'" i answered a trifle bitterly, "but how is it to be done? the streets are filled with my enemies who will kill me without mercy, and the gates, no doubt, are strictly watched." "yes," he replied slowly, "the sentries have been doubled, still it is not impossible to get through, while to stay here means death. for the sake of your sister you should endeavour to live." "what do you propose?" i asked. "i have a pass from monseigneur in my pocket. the officer on duty is commanded to let myself and louis bourdonais leave the city without question or delay. for the time being you are louis bourdonais. as soon as the night becomes darker i will bring a carriage to the house, you will enter, and we will drive to the gate of st. jacques. unless you are recognized there is no danger." "and if i am?" "then," said he, "i fear you will share the fate of your friends." "and you?" he shrugged his shoulders carelessly, saying, "have no fear for me; i can easily make my peace with monseigneur." there seemed to me something cowardly in this running away from danger, but l'estang mocked at my scruples. "what can you do?" he asked. "at present there is no huguenot party. the admiral, teligny, la rochefoucalt, de guerchy, all are dead; henry of navarre and condé are both prisoners, and may be put to death at any moment; your particular friend, bellièvre, is slain--i would have saved him for your sake, but was too late. now, if you stay in paris, one of two things will happen. you will be discovered here, when every person in the house will be murdered; or you will venture into the street and be clubbed to death in less than five minutes." "i do not wish to drag you into danger." "there is no danger to me," he answered rather brusquely, "unless you are obstinate." "then i will go with you." "very good," he replied, as coolly as if we were about to embark on an enterprise of the most ordinary kind. "i will make my preparations and return in a short time." he went out softly, and i sat on the side of the bed thinking sadly over the information he had brought. there was no huguenot party; there were neither leaders nor followers. the assassins had not only lopped the branches but had uprooted the tree. even condé and henry of navarre were not safe from the royal vengeance! the horror pressed upon me heavily; even now i could scarcely realize the full extent of the fearful business. i still sat brooding when l'estang came again, this time bringing a light. he noticed the white band on the ground, and, stooping, picked it up. "it may be disagreeable," he said, "but it is necessary; it has saved your life once. remember you are louis bourdonais, and he would not refuse to wear it." "'tis horrible!" i cried, turning from the badge with loathing. "that may be, but it is a safeguard you cannot afford to despise. lean on me; you are weaker than i thought." he supported me across the room, down the stairway, and so to the door of the house, in front of which a carriage was drawn up. the coachman wore anjou's livery--a device of l'estang's, since the equipage did not belong to monseigneur--and the crowd stood around cheering wildly. l'estang, fearful lest any of the lawyer's spies should be there, helped me into the carriage quickly, jumped in himself, and told the driver to whip up his horses. the worst of the massacre was over, but the citizens having tasted blood thirsted for more, and, though the hour was so late, they were roaming about in bands shouting for vengeance on the huguenots. our carriage being compelled to proceed slowly, i had ample opportunity to note the traces of the awful tragedy. every house where a huguenot had lived was wrecked; in many instances the window-sills were smeared with blood, and dead bodies still lay thick in the streets. i shut my eyes tightly, while my whole body was convulsed by a shudder of horror. "monsieur, we are at the gate. turn your head to the left, so that the officer may not see your face easily. if he asks questions, remember you are louis bourdonais of monseigneur's household." "halt! who goes there?" my companion looked out. "we are on monseigneur's private business," he exclaimed. "here is his pass. be quick, if you please, we are in a hurry." the officer took the paper and examined it closely, "where is louis bourdonais?" he asked. "here!" i said, bracing myself with an effort. "i wish monseigneur knew his own mind!" he grumbled, "my orders were to let no one through!" "shall we go back and ask him to write down his reasons for the change?" asked l'estang; but the officer was already giving instructions for the opening of the gate, and in a few minutes we were outside the walls. chapter xxviii farewell france! "the danger is over!" exclaimed my companion as we left the city behind us; "lean back on the cushions and try to sleep." "there are several questions i wish to ask first." "i will answer them in the morning, when you have rested, but not now," he said firmly. he had brought a number of cushions and rugs, and he tended me as carefully as if i had been a delicate woman. and yet he was in the pay of the brutal anjou, and perhaps his own hands were not innocent of the blood of my slain comrades! it might have been that he guessed something of the thoughts passing through my mind, for he exclaimed suddenly, "there is one thing i would say, monsieur. this massacre is none of my seeking, and through it all my sword has never left the scabbard except in your defence. the mercy once shown to me i have shown again." "you are a good fellow, l'estang," i murmured, "and i thank you." after that i fell asleep and in spite of the jolting of the carriage did not waken until the sun was high in the heavens. "you have wakened in time for breakfast," said my companion, who appeared not to have slept at all; "in a few minutes we shall arrive at an inn where i intend to halt. i am known there, and we shall be well treated." we stayed a couple of hours, during which time fresh horses were procured and harnessed to the carriage, while the coachman removed monseigneur's favours from his hat, and covered his livery with a blue overall. "now," i said, when the journey was resumed, tell me why you asked us to meet you at the louvre, and then failed to keep the appointment!" "i will answer the last part of the question first; the explanation is very simple. monseigneur needed my attendance, and when i was able to leave him it was too late." "you intended to give us warning of this horrible conspiracy?" "no, i could not betray my patron, but i intended to save you and monsieur bellièvre. i felt sure you would not leave your leader; i should have despised you if you had." "and rightly, too." "so," he continued, "i arranged to carry you off by force, and keep you shut up until the danger was past. monseigneur, without intending it, disturbed my plans. guessing you would return to coligny's _hôtel_ i followed as quickly as possible with a few rascals who would do my bidding, and ask no questions. you were not there." "the troopers reached the _hôtel_ before us," i explained. "i guessed what had happened, and searched the streets. finally i reached the house where you had taken refuge. i was too late for monsieur bellièvre; he was dead." "as true a heart as beat in france!" i said. "yes," agreed l'estang, "he was a gallant youngster. turning from him i saw you fall, and ran across the room. the mob recognized me as monseigneur's attendant, or it would have gone hard with you. even as it was--but there, do the details matter? i got you away at last to the room i had prepared; then it was necessary to return to my patron." i endeavoured to thank him, but he would hear nothing, saying, "a promise to the dead is sacred, monsieur." "charles may not be a strong king," i remarked some time later, "but he plays the hypocrite vastly well. one would have thought from his visit to the admiral that he was devoured by grief." "he was both sorry and angry at the attempt on coligny's life; it was not his work." "but surely he must have given orders for the massacre!" "afterwards, monsieur. at first i do not believe that even guise meant to do more than kill coligny and a few of the most powerful leaders. but they were blinded by panic; carried away by their own fears, and they swept charles into the same stream." "the world will say the horrible tragedy was planned from the beginning." "the world may be right, but i hardly think so. no one, monsieur, can be more cruel than a panic-stricken man." "who was it," i asked, "that made the first attempt on the admiral's life?" "maurevel." "the king's assassin!" "the same man; but he did not receive his orders from charles; on that point i feel certain." "henry of navarre still lives," i said after a time. "yes; he and condé have been spared so far." "and their gentlemen? they were lodged with their chiefs in the louvre; surely they have not been slain?" "monsieur, i will tell you the story, so that you may understand how utterly helpless you are. every one in the palace went to bed that night, restless and excited, afraid and yet not knowing of what they were afraid. as soon as day broke, henry descended the staircase; condé was with him, and they were followed by their gentlemen." "they must have numbered two hundred!" "about that number. at the foot of the staircase henry and condé were arrested and disarmed. their gentlemen were called by name, and they stepped one by one into the courtyard." "yes," i said, as he hesitated. "the courtyard was filled with swiss guards. your colleagues died bravely, monsieur, some of them defiantly, taunting the king with their last breath." "the king!" i cried in astonishment, "where was the king?" "looking from an upper window." "yet you endeavoured to make me believe he was not responsible for the massacre!" "i still believe that to be true; but when it began, he became blood mad." "de pilles was at the louvre!" "de pilles is dead! except navarre, who cannot help even himself, you have not a single friend left. you cannot return to le blanc, and wherever you go you will be hunted down by cordel's assassins. he can strike at you now without fear, and he will do so. he has the promise of your estates, and a strong hope of a patent of nobility. you cannot leave rochelle, and even there you will not be safe." "your comfort is but cold," i said, forcing myself to laugh. "i want you to see the truth in all its nakedness, so that you may not feed yourself with false hopes," he replied soberly. "after what has happened in paris there is little chance of my doing that; but i must have time to think; i must consult with my friends at rochelle." by this time the news of the fearful massacre on the day of st. bartholomew had spread far and wide; the whole country was wild with excitement, and in the various towns through which we passed the unhappy huguenots were being hounded mercilessly to death. thanks, however, to l'estang, i was never in any danger, and at length we arrived at the gates of what had become a veritable city of refuge. here, with many expressions of good-will on both sides, we parted, l'estang to return to paris, and i to enter the grief-stricken town. numbers of fugitives thronged the streets; everywhere one saw groups of men, and weeping women, and frightened children who had abandoned their homes in terror. i proceeded slowly and haltingly, being still extremely weak, and many a curious glance was directed toward my bandaged head. expecting to find jeanne at my aunt's house, i went there first, and in the courtyard saw two horses saddled and bridled as if for a journey. i stopped a moment to speak to the servant, when a voice exclaimed joyfully, "'tis he! 'tis monsieur edmond!" and jacques came running out, his face beaming with delight. "we were coming in search of you," he cried. "monsieur braund is in the house, bidding mademoiselle farewell. she is terribly alarmed on your account; she believes you to be dead. she blames herself bitterly for leaving you in paris. is the news true, monsieur? is it really true that the noble coligny has been murdered?" "yes," i answered sadly, "it is too true. but you shall hear all about it later; i must go to my sister." roger was endeavouring to comfort her, but on seeing me she broke from him and ran across the room, crying, "edmond! edmond!" as if she could scarcely credit the evidence of her senses. "did you think i was a ghost, jeanne?" i asked laughingly. "'tis i, edmond, and very much alive, i assure you. come, let me dry those tears; you will spoil your pretty eyes." "oh, edmond," she gasped, "i thought you were killed! and you have been wounded! your head is bandaged." "i have had a very narrow escape, jeanne; but here i am, and there is no need for any more sorrow on my account." "and felix?" she cried, "has he escaped too? where have you left him? ah, he is dead! i am sure of it! i can read it in your face!" "yes," i answered sadly, "there have been terrible doings in paris, and felix is among the slain." "and he was so brave and good!" she sobbed. "poor felix! tell me about it, edmond." when she had become more composed i related the story just as it had happened, but softening down the more brutal parts lest her grief should break out afresh. she was silent for a little while, but presently she said, "the cause is ruined, edmond!" "yes," i admitted, reluctantly, "with all our leaders slain, or in the hands of the king, we are powerless. and now, my dear jeanne, you had better go to your room and rest a while." "but you are hurt!" she exclaimed anxiously. "the wound is not serious, and it has been skilfully dressed. however, roger shall fetch a surgeon." "and you need food," she said, "you are weak and faint. it is you who need rest, and i will take care of you." "very well," i said, thinking it would be better perhaps if she had something to occupy her mind, "you shall nurse back my strength." now that the excitement of the journey had passed i felt, indeed, painfully weak, and for several days kept to my bed, being waited upon by jeanne and roger, while jacques slept at night in my chamber. one morning toward the end of the week roger came as usual to sit with me. jeanne was in the room, but she disappeared quickly, her pretty cheeks covered with blushes. "you have frightened jeanne away!" i exclaimed, laughing. "she knows that i wish to have a talk with you," he answered, and upon my word he began to blush like an overgrown boy. "one would fancy it a matter of some importance!" "of the greatest importance," he replied earnestly, "since it affects all your future life. do you realize that unless you desert your faith, and go to mass, your career is ruined? your account of the massacre was under rather than over the mark. with the exception of condé and navarre there does not appear to be a single huguenot leader left, and it is reported that condé has recanted in order to save his life." "the cause is not dead because condé has forsaken it." "no," agreed roger, "but it is dead nevertheless. henry is a prisoner in paris; the huguenots are scattered and dispirited; they have no leaders, no arms, no money; there is not a single district in which they are not at the mercy of the king's troops. already the paris massacre has been repeated in several towns." "well," i said, wondering whither all this tended. "you yourself cannot leave rochelle except at the risk of your life." "because of cordel?" "because of cordel. he means to possess your estates; he has a powerful patron in anjou, and you cannot obtain the ear of the king." "'twould do me little service if i could!" "what will you do in rochelle?" "i shall not stay here long; i shall sail to our colony in america, where one can at least worship god in peace." "yes," he said musingly, "you can do that"; and then as if the thought had but just occurred to him, "it will be a terribly rough life for jeanne--i mean for your sister." "i had forgotten jeanne. well, that plan must be given up." "there is one way out of the difficulty," he continued, coming finally to the point toward which he had been leading. "i am rich, and my own master. i have a good estate in england." "yes," i said, leaving him, rather ungenerously, to flounder through as best he could. "i love your sister," he blurted out. "i wish to make her my wife. do you object to having me for a brother, edmond?" now, i was very fond of my english friend; he was a gallant gentleman, and the soul of honour. to be quite frank, i had once hoped that jeanne would marry felix, but he, poor fellow, was dead. i gave roger my hand, saying, "there is no one living to whom i would rather trust my sister's happiness. besides, that gets rid of all our difficulties at once. with you to protect jeanne, i can carry out my plans." "not so fast, edmond," he interposed. "jeanne is willing to be my wife, but she is not willing to part from you. she still blames herself for leaving you in paris, though that, of course, is nonsense. she could not have done you any good." "most probably, had she stayed, both of us would have been killed. however, to return to our point; i cannot ask you to cross the ocean with us." "it is unnecessary," said he, smiling cheerfully; "i can ask you to cross the channel with me. no, don't speak yet. the scheme has several advantages. you will be out of cordel's way, and yet close at hand. things are bound to change. the king may die, or henry of navarre may obtain greater influence. he cannot be kept a prisoner all his life, and the time may come when he is once more at the head of an army. that will be your opportunity. a few days will take you across the water, and with navarre as your friend--for he is not likely to go back on his pledged word--you can hope for justice." "there is something in that," i said thoughtfully. "there is everything, my dear fellow. now, on the other hand, by sailing to the new world, you will cut yourself off from france for ever; and lose all chance of regaining your estates. the rascally lawyer will be left to enjoy his stolen property in peace." this was an argument that touched me nearly, and roger, perceiving the effect it produced, harped upon it so strongly that at last i agreed to accompany him to his english home. there was, however, still my servant to be considered, but roger declared merrily there was plenty of room for jacques, who should be given the charge of the stables. "and," added the generous fellow, "i shall be the gainer by that, for he is a splendid judge of horses!" which was perfectly true. i had a talk with jacques the same evening and asked him to give me his opinion freely on the subject. the honest fellow did not hesitate an instant. "go with monsieur braund by all means," said he. "as long as the king of navarre remains a prisoner you can do nothing, but directly he is free you will have a chance of settling accounts with this cordel. to go to the new world will be to acknowledge yourself beaten." "you are right, jacques," i said; "we will stay in england, and bide our time." "it will come, monsieur, be assured of that; and then let etienne cordel look out for himself." we were still talking about the lawyer when roger came in, bringing a note that had been left by a stranger at the _hôtel coligny_. it was addressed to me, and i recognized the handwriting immediately. "'tis from l'estang," i said; "what can he have to say?" "open it and see," suggested roger merrily, "that is the easiest way of finding out!" the contents were brief, but they made me bite my lips hard. "cordel has been granted the le blanc estates, and in all likelihood a patent of nobility will be made out in a few weeks. his assassins are still seeking for you." "well," said roger, "as it happens, they will seek in vain, and when they do find you, they may be sorry for the discovery." now that my decision was made, i felt anxious to get away, hoping that new scenes and new faces might blunt the misery which l'estang's letter had caused me. roger was also desirous to return immediately, and, as there was a vessel timed to sail in a few days, he arranged that we should take our passage in her. it was a beautiful september morning when we went on board, and as the ship moved slowly from the harbour i took a sad farewell of my fair but unhappy country. stronger men might have laughed at my weakness, but my eyes were dim as, leaning over the vessel's side, i watched the receding shore. who could foretell if i should ever behold my own land again? "courage, monsieur!" whispered jacques; "we shall return." "yes," i replied, with a sudden glow of confidence, "we shall return; let us hold fast by that!" l'envoi. my story as i set out to tell it really ends on the day when the _white rose_ left the harbour of rochelle, but those who have followed my fortunes thus far may not take it amiss if i relate very briefly the upshot of my adventures. concerning jeanne and her english husband there is little to tell. happy, it is said, is the country that has no history, and their lives were one long happiness, passed in their beautiful home, surrounded by friends, and blessed by the presence of little children. for four years i stayed with them, until, indeed, the joyful news of henry's escape from paris sent me, accompanied by the faithful jacques, in hot haste to france, where the offer of my services was gladly accepted by the great huguenot chief. "the dawn is long in coming, le blanc," he said kindly; "but it will come at last." it would take too long to tell you of the years of strife, of our marches and countermarches, of our defeats and victories, of how we changed from hope to despair, and from despair to hope, until on that memorable field of ivri we smote our enemies hip and thigh, and broke the league that had brought so much misery on the country. it was at ivri, right at the moment of triumph, i lost jacques, who, through good and ill, had followed my fortunes with a loyalty and devotion that no man ever exceeded, and fell just when i had the power to reward his services. renaud l'estang i rarely met after my return. he served his patron faithfully and well, and on anjou's death joined the household of the duke of guise, who held him in high esteem. he was, i believe, slain in one of the numerous skirmishes, but even that i learned only by hearsay. in spite of my vaunts and boastings etienne cordel enjoyed his ill-gotten gains for several years, and then it was not to me, but to a higher judge he had to render his account. but when henry of navarre became king of france, the estates of le blanc were restored to their rightful owner, and in the old castle to-day, hung in the place of honour, is the sword which henry gave me at arnay-le-duc, and on which he has graciously caused to be inscribed, "from henry of navarre to the sieur le blanc." generously made available by the internet archive/canadian libraries.) a letter to a gentleman in the country, from his friend in london: giving an authentick and circumstantial account of the confinement, behaviour, and death of admiral byng, as attested by the gentlemen who were present. _mens conscia recti._ london: printed for and sold by j. lacy, the corner of st. martin's-court, st. martin's-lane, near leicester-fields. mdcclvii. [price one shilling.] _just published, and sold by_ j. lacy, _at the corner of_ st. martin's-court, st. martin's-lane, _near_ leicester-fields. i. further particulars in relation to the case of admiral byng, from original papers, by a gentleman of oxford. price one shilling. ii. a collection of several pamphlets very little known: some suppressed letters, and sundry detached pieces, relative to the case of admiral byng. price one shilling and six-pence. iii. a further address to the publick; containing genuine copies of all the letters which passed between admiral byng and the s------y of the ad----ty, from the time of his suspension to the th of october last. price one shilling. iv. the whole and genuine trial of admiral byng, two volumes octavo. n. b. for the better understanding of which, five curious prints are added, which exhibit the different positions of both fleets, before, at, and after the engagement. price five shillings. v. admiral byng's defence as presented by him, and read in the court martial, on board his majesty's ship st. george in portsmouth-harbour, january, . . price six-pence. n. b. most money for any library or parcel of books; books elegantly bound; and gentlemen's libraries gilt, or lettered, methodiz'd, and catalogues written either in town or country. a letter to a gentleman in the country, from his friend in london, _&c._ dear sir, agreeable to your request, i have taken great pains to collect all the particulars, relating to the behaviour and death of the unfortunate admiral byng. you know me sufficiently, to be satisfied that i have never had any biass in his favour, or against him. but as the whole affair has been laid before the publick, sufficiently plain for every man of common sense, not prejudiced, to understand it; excepting some _inexplicable_ circumstances relating to the _court martial_; i may be allowed to judge for myself, and yield to truths which i think can admit of no farther controversy. it is true, there are yet _sophisters_, who want to _impose_ upon us; but i think their designs are easily seen through. it is impossible that any impartial man should fail to observe the almost incredible pains taken to misrepresent and blacken his publick and private character. even now, after he has paid the forfeit of his _life_, for _crimes_, at most, only _disputably so_, there are a great number of emissaries, who seem to make it their business to go from one coffee-house to another, spreading the most scandalous reports with regard to his death. _dying speeches_, containing the most _infamous absurdities_, have been imposed upon the publick, with several booksellers names prefixed in the title-page, in order to give them the air of authenticity. for what end and purposes all these measures have been taken, they can best tell, who have always been, and still continue so indefatigably industrious. but i must confess they greatly raise my indignation; and i am at last fully persuaded, _hidden political machinery_ has been employed against this unfortunate gentleman. our friend _d----_ says, _cunning heads, black hearts, and long purses_. indeed, i think it appears very evident, that some persons are very active and solicitous to _load him_ with ignominious crimes, with a view _to exculpate themselves_, or others; to render him odious in the eyes of the people, that his fall may be unlamented. but can a generous nation, like this, where understanding abounds, accept of his blood for the crimes of any other? surely, it cannot be. i believe you will agree with me in thinking, that the admiral's behaviour before and at the time of his death; his observations and conversation with his friends; together with the paper containing his thoughts on the occasion, wrote by himself, and signed, which he gave to the marshal of the admiralty, immediately before the sentence passed upon him was put in execution; must hereafter be his best apology, exculpation, and encomium; must reflect honour upon his family, and be an _indelible reproach to some of our cotemporaries_; who have practised every _wicked artifice, to deceive and spirit up the people_, and to throw a mist over the whole of this transaction. without any farther preamble, i shall proceed to give you a relation of the particulars, as they are ascertained to me, by the concurring testimony of gentlemen who were upon the spot; whose veracity cannot be doubted, and whose authority to vouch them again, may be easily obtained. as you have critically perused the trial and sentence, i presume you will be pleased with some particulars as far back as the time of passing the sentence. on _thursday_ the th of _january_, when the admiral was sent for on board the _st. george_ to receive his sentence, he declared to some of his friends, that he expected to be reprimanded, and that he possibly might be cashiered; "_because_, said he, _there must have been several controverted points; the court martial has been shut up a long time; and almost all the questions proposed by the court have tended much more to pick out faults in my conduct, than to get at a true state of the circumstances; but i profess, i cannot conceive what they will fix upon_." soon after he got on board, and was in the cabbin upon the quarter-deck, a member of the _court martial_ came out, and told one of his relations, he had the court's leave to inform him, they had found the admiral capitally guilty; in order that he might prepare him to receive the sentence. the gentleman went up to him immediately; but was so surprised, he could not tell how to inform him. the admiral observing his countenance, said to him, "_what is the matter? have they broke me?_" the gentleman hesitating in his reply, with some confusion of countenance, he added, "_well, i understand--if nothing but my blood will satisfy, let them take it_." immediately after this, he was sent for into court, where he continued to be the only man that did not appear moved, while the sentence was reading by the judge-advocate; and went ashore afterwards with the same air and composure that he came on board. a gentleman afterwards endeavoured to give him consolation, by representing to him, that a _sentence without guilt could be no stain_; that it was highly improbable such a sentence would be put in execution, considering the extraordinary circumstances attending it; and that there was the greatest probability of a pardon. he replied, "_what will that signify to me? what satisfaction can i receive from the liberty to crawl a few years longer on the earth, with the infamous load of a pardon at my back? i despise life upon such terms, and would rather have them take it_." the gentleman then remarked to him, that his pardon must proceed from justice rather than mercy; and must be more an acknowlegment of his innocence, than a forgiveness of guilt: with that distinction he seemed better satisfied, and reconciled to the thought. some days after the sentence was passed, he was conveyed on board the _monarque_, and confined in the captain's cabbin upon the quarter-deck. and as soon as the warrant for his death arrived at _portsmouth_, all his friends who came to see him, were obliged to leave him before it was dark, and go on shore. an additional number of marine officers and marines were ordered on board that ship. an officer regularly mounted guard, and a great number of centinels were placed, _viz._ two upon the fore-castle, one over each side in the chains, two at the cabbin-door, two upon the poop, two in a boat under the ship's stern, and, for some part of the time, two in the stern-gallery; besides a guard-boat constantly rowing round the ship during the night. these centinels had orders to call aloud to each other, _all is well_, every five minutes throughout the night; by which means, almost as soon as the last centinel had answered, it was time for the first to begin again, and there was a perpetual round of, _all is well_. this circumstance almost totally depriving the admiral of sleep, because the centinels were mostly close to him where he lay, made him frequently say, "_i did hope for leave to sleep, and apprehend i might be sufficiently guarded and taken care of, without so frequent a repetition of this noisy ceremony close to my ear_." at length the lieutenants of the ship had orders to watch in the great cabbin, relieving each other every four hours, as is customary at sea: so that there was always one of them in the cabbin with him day and night, who delivered up the charge of the admiral's person to the next officer, keeping a journal, in which was minuted down every person's name who came to him, the time when he came, and the time of his going away; and the order to the centinels for calling out every five minutes, was then omitted. when captain _montague_ waited upon him, to inform him that the warrant from the admiralty was come, for putting the sentence passed upon him in execution, he received the news with the same cool composure, that he had received the sentence; without discovering the smallest emotion, depression of spirits, or alteration in his behaviour. the same gentleman waited upon him again, on the th of _february_, being the day before that which was appointed for his execution, and, in admiral _boscawen_'s name, acquainted him that a respite was arrived for fourteen days. he composedly desired his compliments to admiral _boscawen_, with thanks for his intelligence, without appearing in the smallest degree elevated, or even pleased beyond his usual. his friends, on that occasion, represented to him what had passed in the house of commons, magnified and dwelt upon every favourable circumstance; and, giving themselves up to joy, congratulated him on the certainty of an honourable pardon, which they imagined must follow. he calmly replied, "_i am glad you think so, because it makes you easy and happy; but i think it is now become an affair merely_ political, _without any farther relation to_ right or wrong, justice or injustice; _and therefore i differ in opinion from you_." during all the time of his confinement, his comportment was uniformly the same; almost always chearful, sometimes, with decency, facetious. this gave rise to a rumour that he expected a pardon, or meditated an escape; which was most industriously propagated, to lessen the merit of his behaviour, by the same instruments that had been always made use of to wrest every circumstance to his disadvantage, and asperse him. some of those _wretches_ were employed, during his trial, to send up to town, for the newspapers, _false minutes_ of the evidence; and to pick out such passages as could be made to bear a harsh construction, or, by _sophistical_ comments, be brought to carry the appearance of _guilt_, in order to inflame the people, already prepossessed by similar practices. the unwary were prejudiced by these arts, and joined in the cry against him; but he defeated the further designs of his enemies, by preserving the same equanimity to the last. the nearer approach of death made no change in his manner. he had divine service performed in the morning by the chaplain of the _monarque_, and usually spent the remainder of the day in conversation with his friends; and sometimes in regulating his private family-affairs, when any thing occurred to his memory as not properly settled agreeable to his intention. on _saturday_ the th of _march_, in the evening, when his friends were going on shore as usual, he took leave of his two nephews in a tender manner, and desired they would not come on board to him again, lest any immoderate grief in them should soften him. on _sunday_ morning captain _montague_, having received a warrant from admiral _boscawen_ for his execution next day, gave it to the marshal to read to him; which he calmly heard read over, and then remarked, with some warmth, that the place appointed by the warrant was upon the fore-castle. "_is not this_," said he, addressing himself to his friends, "_putting me upon the footing of a common seaman, condemned to be shot? is not this an indignity to my birth, to my family, and to my rank in the service? i think i have not been treated like an officer in any instance since i was disgraced, excepting in that of being ordered to be shot_." he appeared much disturbed at this circumstance, and looked upon it as a considerable grievance. his friends, fearing it could not be altered, because the warrant was expresly worded so, represented to him, that it appeared to them an impropriety; but they hoped he would think the place immaterial, a circumstance beneath his notice, and not let any such consideration break in upon his tranquillity of mind. he then composed himself again, and replied, "_it is very true, the place or manner is of no great importance to me; but i think living admirals should consult the dignity of the rank, for their own sakes. i cannot plead a precedent: there is no precedent of an admiral, or a general officer in the army, being shot. they make a precedent of me, such as admirals hereafter may feel the effects of_." after this he appeared calm again; and in the forenoon heard prayers read by the chaplain of the _monarque_, and received the sacrament in a very decent devout manner, with some of his relations and friends. at dinner he was chearful as usual, very politely helped his friends, and drank their healths; but did not sit long at table. in the afternoon he frequently turned the conversation upon the place and manner of his execution next day, at times expressing some uneasiness that the place appointed should be the fore-castle: and perceiving that his friends avoided the subject out of complaisance to him, sometimes telling him they thought it improper, "_i like to talk upon the subject_," said he: "_it is not to be supposed i do not think of it; why then should it be more improper to talk of it?_" he frequently observed how the wind was, and wished it might continue westerly long enough for the members of his court martial, who were upon the point of sailing, to be present at the time the sentence passed upon him was put in execution. about six he ordered tea, as usual, for himself and his company; and remarking that his friends took notice of his easy manner and conversation, "_i have observed_, said he, _that persons condemned to die, have generally had something to be sorry for, that they have expressed concern for having committed; and though i do not pretend to have been exempt from human frailties, yet it is my consolation to have no remorse for any transaction in my publick character, during the whole series of my long services_." one of his friends observed to him, that no man was exempt from human frailties; that what came under that denomination were not crimes cognisable here, or supposed to be so hereafter. he replied, "_i am conscious of no crimes; and am particularly happy in not dying the mean, despicable, ignominious wretch, my enemies would have had the world believe me. i hope i am not supposed so now; the court martial has acquitted me of every thing criminal or ignominious_." one of his friends assured him, that none called or thought him so, but obstinately prejudiced persons, and his enemies, interested to deceive the world still; neither of whom would ever own themselves convinced by reasons: at which he seemed much pleased. in this manner he passed the day, generally walking about the cabbin, as is customary on board a ship, to supply the place of exercise; and retiring for a few minutes into the state-room[ ], sometimes with one friend, sometimes with another, when he had any thing particular to say to them. in the evening his friends, desirous to be with him a little longer that night than had been permitted before, on purpose to entertain him, and enjoy his conversation for a last time, sent to admiral _boscawen_, requesting that indulgence; which was granted for as long as they pleased; but he himself desired they would not exceed the hour of eight, being then about seven: and added, that as they would be so obliging as to pass the evening with him, he must ask them to drink a glass with him. he then ordered a small bowl of punch to be made; and when all were seated round the table, he obligingly helped every one, and taking his own glass with a little punch in it, "_my friends_, said he, _here is all your healths, and god bless you all: i am pleased to find i have some friends still, notwithstanding my misfortunes_." when he had drank, and set his glass down, he added, "_i am to die to-morrow; and as my country requires my blood, i am ready to resign it, though i do not as yet know what my crime is. i think my judges, in justice to posterity, to officers who come after us, should have explained my crime a little more, and pointed out the way to avoid falling into the same errors i did. as the sentence and resolutions stand now, i am persuaded no admiral will be wiser hereafter by them, or know better how to conduct himself on the like occasion_." observing one of the company who had his eyes attentively fixed upon him, while he was speaking, "_my friend_," said he, "_i understand reproof in that grave look. it is a long time since i have spoke so much upon the subject, and you now think i say too much: perhaps i do so_." "far from presuming to mean any reproof," answered the gentleman, "i am all attention to what you say, sir; and though all of us here are satisfied of these truths, yet we must be pleased to hear you make them plainer." "_be it so_," replied he; "_but i shall only add one remark more. i am supposed not to have relieved and assisted the van: who then did assist the van, and relieve the three disabled ships, who were upon the brink of being attacked by the body of the enemy? though the enemy did fire upon them[ ], there is but one witness who says they received damage at that time. may not that one witness be mistaken, who was on board the ship considerably the farthest removed from the enemy of the three, and who had dropt there out of her station, by being disabled before? and why did the enemy bear away from these ships, if it was not because my division was under sail close after them, in a regular line of battle?_" here the admiral stopt; and the conversation for a few minutes turning upon other subjects, he desired to be particularly remembered to several absent friends. the time he appointed for his friends to go ashore drawing near, he got up, and withdrew into the state-room with one of them at a time; and thanking each in a very pathetick manner, for their acts of friendship and services, he embraced them, and took his leave; with intention, as he told them, to spare them the disagreeable and painful office, as his friends, of seeing him next day. but they intreating leave to pay their last respects and services to him in the morning, he consented. one of them observing the admiral softened into tears upon the occasion, said to him, "pray, sir, don't suffer yourself to be discomposed." he replied, "_i have not a heart of stone; i am a man, and must feel at parting with my friends; but you will not see me discomposed to-morrow_." he then dismissed them all, wished them a good night, and desired they would come to him next day at nine; chusing to have the morning to himself. he carefully avoided desiring any thing himself, that could look like a favour; but one of his relations waited upon admiral _boscawen_ that evening, and represented to him, that appointing the fore-castle for the place of execution was an indignity to admiral _byng_'s rank, and hoped that he would change the place to the quarter-deck. admiral _boscawen_ said, the order from the admiralty expresly appointed it so; but if it was his request, he would consider of it, and do what lay in his power. the gentleman replied, _i do make it my request, sir_; and admiral _boscawen_, after considering a little, promised to give directions that the quarter-deck should be the place; which was done accordingly. when the officers, who watched in the great cabbin with the admiral, relieved each other in the night, the officer who was relieved, always made it a rule, at twelve at night, and at four in the morning, to go into the state-room with the other, to show that the admiral was there, and deliver over his charge. they seldom found him awake at these hours; but that last night, in particular, they found him both times in a profound sleep. it was his custom to rise early, and to banter the marshal for being seldom up so early as him. he was up on _monday_ morning about five; and as soon as he saw the marshal, about six, "_well_," said he, "_marshal, i think i have beat you at rising this morning_." soon after, when he was shifting, as he constantly did every morning betimes, "_here_," said he to his valet, "_take these sleeve-buttons, and wear them for my sake; your's will do to be buried with_." having directed that he should be put into his coffin with his cloaths as he died: recollecting himself, he added, "_but hold--as these buttons are gold, my giving them to you may be doubted, and you may be drawn into a scrape_." then desired the marshal, and one of his servants, might be called to witness the exchange. he spent a considerable part of the morning in the state-room by himself: then came out, and sat down with the marshal, and breakfasted composedly, as usual. his dress was a plain cloth suit, a light grey mixture, such as he had always wore after he received his order of suspension in _gibraltar_-bay; having stripped off his uniform, which he immediately threw into the sea, as soon as he had read that order. at nine, when his friends came on board, in a familiar easy manner, he took each by the hand, and obligingly inquired after their health: and being informed that the quarter-deck was now the place appointed for his execution, in consideration of his rank, he was greatly pleased at it. he then spoke about an erasement in his will, which he had recollected; mentioning the sheet, the number of the line from the top, and the words erased. he expressed some uneasiness at that circumstance, and said, that though he did not apprehend such a circumstance would occasion any dispute amongst his relations, yet believing that erasement not mentioned as is customary upon the will, he thought it proper something should be drawn up, as an acknowlegment that the erasement was agreeable to his intention; which being done in the manner he desired, he copied it himself, signed it, and desired three gentlemen present to witness it. after this the admiral appeared satisfied, as if he had no farther concerns to think of; and had the morning-service performed by the chaplain of the _monarque_. the rest of his time was mostly spent in walking across the cabbin, conversing sometimes with one friend, sometimes with another. he had always declared that he would die with his face uncovered, and would give the word of command to the platoon of marines himself; saying, "_as it is my fate, i can look at it, and receive it_." as the time drew near, his friends unanimously endeavoured to dissuade him from it; frequently half gained his consent to have his face covered, and he as frequently retracted, and said, "_no--it cannot be--i cannot bear it--i must look, and receive my fate_." but by representing to him, that, considering his rank, it was impossible the marines could receive the word of command from him, or look in his face, and see him looking at them, without being awed and intimidated; by hinting at the consequences which might ensue, that he might be wounded only, and mangled; and by adding every sort of argument and intreaty, he at last was prevailed upon and consented to have a bandage over his eyes, and to make a signal by dropping a handkerchief, though with very great reluctance: "_if it must be so_, said he, _and you insist, it must be so_." he then desired to be made acquainted with all the particulars of the form, that he might make no mistake; telling his friends, that he had never been present at such a ceremony himself. proposed pulling off his coat; and when one of his friends informed him that was quite unnecessary, "_but_, said he, _it may be said i kept my coat on as if afraid to receive the blow, or feel the bullets_." "no," answered the gentleman, "such a remark can never be made; and it must be more decent to make no alteration in dress." "_well then_, replied he, _if it is more decent, no alteration shall be made_." the commanding officer of the marines was informed of the admiral's intentions, and the signal he was to make, that he might instruct his men; and at the same time was desired to let them know they should have a present of ten guineas, to encourage them to behave properly. the marines were all drawn up under arms, upon the poop, along the gang-ways in the waist, and on one side of the quarter-deck. on the other side of the quarter-deck was thrown a heap of saw-dust, and a cushion placed upon it; and in the middle, upon the gratings, a platoon consisting of nine marines were drawn up in three lines, three in each: the two foremost lines, intended to fire, had their bayonets fixed, as is customary on such occasions. the captains of all the ships in _portsmouth_-harbour, and at _spithead_, were ordered to attend with their boats; but lay a-breast upon their oars[ ], without coming on board, to avoid the inconvenience of so great a croud as that would have occasioned. the admiral, about eleven, as he walked across the cabbin, observed the croud of boats out of one of the side cabbin-windows, took his spying-glass and viewed several of them; and perceiving many boats from the shore, as well as the ship-boats, and the decks, shrouds, and yards of all the ships that lay near, covered with men, said he, "_curiosity is strong--it draws a great number of people together--but their curiosity will be disappointed:--where they are, they may hear, but they cannot see_." perceiving the marshal had his uniform and sword on, speaking softly to one of his friends, "_do you observe_," said he, "_how well dressed the marshal is?_" "yes," answered the gentleman; "i dare say, sir, he intends paying the last piece of respect to you that he can." "_i am sensible he means well_," replied he, "_and i accept the compliment_." the gentleman added, "to see you so easy and composed, sir, gives me as much pleasure as i can have on this occasion; but i expected no less from the whole of your conduct heretofore, and the last actions of a man marks his character more than all the others of his life." "_i am sensible they do, sir_," replied he, "_and obliged to you for putting me in mind. i find innocence is the best foundation for firmness of mind_." after that, he walked about in the cabbin for some time; inquired what time it would be high-water; remarked that the tide would not suit to carry his body ashore after dark; expressed some apprehensions, that his body might be insulted going ashore in the day, on account of the prejudices of the people: but, on being assured that no such spirit was remaining among the people at _portsmouth_, he appeared very well satisfied on that head. then taking a paper out of his pocket, he addressed himself to the marshal as follows: "_sir, these are my thoughts on this occasion: i shall give them to you, that you may authenticate them, and prevent any thing spurious being published, that might tend to defame me. i have given a copy to one of my relations_." the paper was wrote in his own hand, and contained as follows: _on board his majesty's ship_ monarque _in_ portsmouth-_harbour_, march , . "_a few moments will now deliver me from the virulent persecutions, and frustrate the farther malice of my enemies;--nor need i envy them a life subject to the sensations my injuries, and the injustice done me, must create.--persuaded i am justice will be done to my reputation hereafter.--the manner and cause, of raising and keeping up the popular clamour and prejudice against me, will be seen through.--i shall be considered, (as i now perceive myself) a victim, destined to divert the indignation and resentment of an injured and deluded people, from the proper objects.--my enemies themselves, must, now, think me innocent,--happy for me at this last moment, that i know_ my own _innocence, and am conscious, that no part of my country's misfortunes can be owing to me.--i heartily wish the shedding my blood may contribute to the happiness and service of my country;--but cannot resign my just claim to a faithful discharge of my duty, according to the best of my judgment, and the utmost exertion of my ability, for his majesty's honour and my country's service.--i am sorry that my endeavours were not attended with more success, and that the armament under my command proved too weak to succeed, in an expedition of such moment.--_truth _has prevailed over calumny and_ falshood, _and justice has wiped off the ignominious stain of my_ supposed _want of personal courage, or disaffection--my heart acquits me of these crimes,--but who can be presumptuously sure of his own judgment?--if my crime is an error in judgment, or_ differing _in opinion from my judges; and if yet, the_ error _in judgment should be on their side,--god forgive them, as i do; and may,_ the distress of their minds, and uneasiness of their consciences, which in justice to me _they have represented, be relieved, and subside, as my resentment has done.--the supreme judge sees all hearts and motives, and to him i must submit the justice of my cause._" j. byng. soon after he had so spoke, an officer came to the cabbin-door, and in a low voice informed one of his friends the hour of twelve was drawing near. he, overhearing, replied, "_it is very well_;" and retired into the state-room for about three minutes. in the mean time the cabbin-doors were thrown open, and the admiral, opening the state-room-door, came out, with a stately pace and composed countenance: he made a bow to his friends in the cabbin, and speaking to the marshal, "_come along_," said he, "_my friend_;" and walked out upon the quarter-deck. then turning to the marshal, with an easy bow, he gave him the paper, containing as above, saying, "_remember, sir, what i have told you relating to this paper_;" and went to the cushion and kneeled down. one of his friends attended him to the cushion, and offered to tie the bandage over his eyes; but having a white handkerchief ready folded in his hand, he replied, with a smile on his countenance, "_i am obliged to you, sir--i thank god, i can do it myself--i think i can--i am sure i can_;" and tied it behind his head himself. then taking the gentleman by the hand, "_god bless you, my friend_," said he; "_don't stay longer here; they may shoot you_." the marines, in the mean time, advanced about two paces, and, as soon as the gentleman retired, presented their pieces; the first line kneeling, their bayonets about half a yard from his breast; the second stooping, and close to the first; the third line standing upright, were appointed a reserve, in case any life should remain after the two first had fired. the admiral continued upon his knees something more than a minute, appearing very composed, and to be making an ejaculation; and then dropped his handkerchief, the signal agreed upon. the platoon immediately fired; one missed, four passed thorough different parts of his breast, and one through his heart, and he sunk down motionless, gently falling on his side, as if still studious to preserve _decency_ and _dignity_ in his fall. the spectators were amazed at the intrepidity of his behaviour, and scarce could refrain from tears; even the common seamen, one of whom having stood all the while full of attention, with his arms across, cried out, with a kind of enthusiasm, when he saw him fall, _there lies the bravest and best officer of the navy_. the _ramillies_, the ship he had his flag on board of, breaking loose from her moorings, immediately after his death, induced the people to believe that she sympathized with her admiral. his coffins were made at _portsmouth_ two days before, and sent on board early that morning; one of wood inclosed in one of lead, and that again inclosed in another of wood. on that of lead was the following plain inscription: the hon. john byng, esqr. died march th, . as soon as his body was cold, it was put into his coffin, and sent on shore to the dock-yard in the evening; from whence it has been since removed to the family burying-place at _south-hill_ in _bedfordshire_. thus did this _unfortunate_ but _undaunted gentleman_, arrive at a place of rest, whose sentence explained, as an epitaph, would do him honour; who to the last moment asserted his innocence, and assured us that he has been violently _persecuted_ by party rage; treated with many _unprecedented indignities_ and _hardships_; _calumniated_ and _misrepresented_ to the people, who had been prepossessed by the early intrigues of his _enemies_, in order to _screen themselves_; and at last _sacrificed_, to appease the _misguided resentment_ of the nation. his fate is now lamented by far the majority of people of understanding, who see through the mist, and are disposed to view him in the same light. posterity, in spite of slander, will undoubtedly do justice to his injured character and honour. in all probability, the present age will set the example, when our patriots have unravelled the mystery. so much fortitude and firmness of mind, so heroick a manner of dying, under a cloud of prejudices and misfortunes, cannot fail to be the result and clearest demonstration of innocence, and a mind conscious of a proper discharge of its duty. _i am, sir, yours_, &c. london, march th, . _p. s._ i have purposely informed you of several minute particulars, because they have been much the subject of conversation, and very whimsically and maliciously described by the authors of _pamphlets_, composed of _common reports_ and _scraps_ from _news-papers_. finis. footnotes: [ ] the apartment where the captain sleeps, so called on board a ship. [ ] it does not appear that a single man was killed on board either of these ships, when the enemy passed them. [ ] that is, from time to time, rowing a little, when it is necessary, to keep in the same place. transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _underscore_. long "s" has been modernized. the life of thomas, lord cochrane, tenth earl of dundonald, g.c.b., admiral of the red, rear-admiral of the fleet, etc., etc., completing "the autobiography of a seaman." by thomas, eleventh earl of dundonald, and h.r. fox bourne, author of "english seamen under the tudors," etc. etc. in two volumes. vol. i. published . to miss angela burdett coutts, whose honoured father was the firmest and most constant friend and supporter of my father, during a career devoted to the welfare of his country and the honour of his profession, and whom it is my happiness and privilege to call my friend, this work is dedicated, with all respect and regard, by her attached and faithful servant, dundonald. preface. in these volumes is recounted the public life of my late father from the period to which the narrative was brought down by himself in his unfinished "autobiography of a seaman." the completion of that work was prevented by his death, which occurred almost immediately after the publication of the second volume, eight years and a half ago. i had hoped to supplement it sooner; but in this hope i have been thwarted. my father's papers were, at the time of his death, in the hands of a gentleman who had assisted him in the preparation of his "autobiography," and to this gentleman was entrusted the completion of the work. illness and other occupations, however, interfered, and, after a lapse of about two years, he died, leaving the papers, of which no use had been made by him, to fall into the possession of others. only after long delay and considerable trouble and expense was i able to recover them and realize my long-cherished purpose. further delay in the publication of this book has arisen from my having been compelled, as my father's executor, to make three long and laborious journeys to brazil, which have engrossed much time. at length, however, i find myself able to pay the debt which i owe both to my father's memory and to the public, by whom the "autobiography of a seaman" was read with so much interest. at the beginning of last year i placed all the necessary documents in the hands of my friend, mr. h.r. fox bourne, asking him to handle them with the same zeal of research and impartiality of judgment which he has shown in his already published works. i have also furnished him with my own reminiscences of so much of my father's life as was personally known to me; and he has availed himself of all the help that could be obtained from other sources of information, both private and public. he has written the book to the best of his ability, and i have done my utmost to help him in making it as complete and accurate as possible. we hope that the late earl of dundonald's life and character have been all the better delineated in that the work has grown out of the personal knowledge of his son and the unbiassed judgment of a stranger. a long time having elapsed since the publication of the "autobiography of a seaman," it has been thought well to give a brief recapitulation of its story in an opening chapter. the four following chapters recount my father's history during the five years following the cruel stock exchange trial, the subject last treated of in the "autobiography." it is not strange that the harsh treatment to which he was subjected should have led him into opposition, in which there was some violence, which he afterwards condemned, against the government of the day. but, if there were circumstances to be regretted in this portion of his career, it shows almost more plainly than any other with what strength of philanthropy he sought to aid the poor and the oppressed. his occupations as chief admiral, first of chili and afterwards of brazil, were described by himself in two volumes, entitled, "a narrative of services in chili, peru, and brazil." therefore, the seven chapters of the present work which describe these episodes have been made as concise as possible. only the most memorable circumstances have been dwelt upon, and the details introduced have been drawn to some extent from documents not included in the volumes referred to. there was no reason for abridgment in treating of my father's connection with greece. in the service of that country he was less able to achieve beneficial results than in chili and brazil; but as, on that ground, he has been frequently traduced by critics and historians, it seemed especially important to show how his successes were greater than these critics and historians have represented, and how his failures sprang from the faults of others and from misfortunes by which he was the chief sufferer. the documents left by him, moreover, afford abundant material for illustrating an eventful period in modern history. the chapters referring to greece and greek affairs, accordingly, enter with especial fullness into the circumstances of lord dundonald's life at this time, and his connection with contemporary politics. eight other chapters recount all that was of most public interest in the thirty years of my father's life after his return from greece. except during a brief period of active service in his profession, when he had command of the british squadron in north american and west indian waters, those thirty years were chiefly spent in efforts--by scientific research, by mechanical experiment, and by persevering argument--to increase the naval power of his country, and in efforts no less zealous to secure for himself that full reversal of the wrongful sentence passed upon him in a former generation, which could only be attained by public restitution of the official rank and national honours of which he had been deprived. this restitution was begun by his majesty king william iv., and completed by our present most gracious queen and the prince consort. by the kindnesses which he received from these illustrious persons, my father's later years were cheered; and i can never cease to be profoundly grateful to my sovereign, and her revered husband, for the personal interest with which they listened to my prayer immediately after his death. through their gracious influence, the same banner of the bath that had been taken from him nearly fifty years before, was restored to its place in westminster abbey, and allowed to float over his remains at their time of burial. thus the last stain upon my father's memory was wiped out. dundonald. london, may th, . contents of the first volume. * * * * * chapter i. [ - .] introduction.--lord cochrane's ancestry.--his first occupations in the navy.--his cruise in the _speedy_ and capture of the _gamo_.--his exploits in the _pallas_.--the beginning of his parliamentary life.--his two elections as member for honiton.--his election for westminster.--further seamanship.--the basque roads affair.--the court-martial on lord gambier, and its injurious effects on lord cochrane's naval career.--his parliamentary occupations.--his visit to malta and its issues.--the antecedents and consequences of the stock exchange trial - chapter ii. [ .] the issue of the stock exchange trial.--lord cochrane's committal to the king's bench prison.--the debate upon his case in the house of commons, and his speech on that occasion.--his expulsion from the house, and re-election as member for westminster.--the withdrawal of his sentence to the pillory.--the removal of his insignia as a knight of the bath - chapter iii. [ - .] lord cochrane's bearing in the king's bench prison.--his street lamps.--his escape, and the motives for it.--his capture in the house of commons, and subsequent treatment.--his confinement in the strong room of the king's bench prison.--his release - chapter iv. [ - .] lord cochrane's return to the house of commons.--his share in the refusal of the duke of cumberland's marriage pension.--his charges against lord ellenborough, and their rejection by the house.--his popularity.--the part taken by him in public meetings for the relief of the people.--the london tavern meeting.--his further prosecution, trial at guildford, and subsequent imprisonment.--the payment of his fines by a penny subscription.--the congratulations of his westminster constituents - chapter v. [ - .] the state of politics in england in and , and lord cochrane's share in them.--his work as a radical in and out of parliament.--his futile efforts to obtain the prize money due for his services at basque roads.--the holly hill siege.--the preparations for his enterprise in south america.--his last speech in parliament - chapter vi. [ - .] the antecedents of lord cochrane's employments in south america.--the war of independence in the spanish colonies.--mexico.--venezuela.--colombia.--chili.--the first chilian insurrection.--the carreras and o'higgins.--the battle of rancagua.--o'higgins's successes.--the establishment of the chilian republic.--lord cochrane invited to enter the chilian service - chapter vii. [ - .] lord cochrane's voyage to chili.--his reception at valparaiso and santiago.--the disorganization of the chilian fleet.--first signs of disaffection.--the naval forces of the chilians and the spaniards.--lord cochrane's first expedition to peru.--his attack on callao.--"drake the dragon" and "cochrane the devil."--lord cochrane's successes in overawing the spaniards, in treasure-taking, and in encouragement of the peruvians to join in the war of independence.--his plan for another attack on callao.--his difficulties in equipping the expedition.--the failure of the attempt.--his plan for storming valdivia.--its successful accomplishment - chapter viii. [ - .] lord cochrane's return to valparaiso.--his relations with the chilian senate.--the third expedition to peru.--general san martin.--the capture of the _esmeralda_, and its issue.--lord cochrane's subsequent work.--san martin's treachery.--his assumption of the protectorate of peru.--his base proposals to lord cochrane.--lord cochrane's condemnation of them.--the troubles of the chilian squadron.--lord cochrane's seizure of treasure at ancon, and employment of it in paying his officers and men.--his stay at guayaquil.--the advantages of free trade.--lord cochrane's cruise along the mexican coast in search of the remaining spanish frigates.--their annexation by peru.--lord cochrane's last visit to callao - chapter ix. [ - .] lord cochrane's return to valparaiso,--the conduct of the chilian government towards him.--his resignation of chilian employment, and acceptance of employment under the emperor of brazil.--his subsequent correspondence with the government of chili.--the results of his chilian service. - chapter x. [ .] the antecedents of brazilian independence.--pedro i.'s accession.--the internal and external troubles of the new empire.--lord cochrane's invitation to brazil.--his arrival at rio de janeiro, and acceptance of brazilian service.--his first occupations.--the bad condition of the squadron, and the consequent failure of his first attack on the portuguese off bahia.--his plans for improving the fleet, and their success.--his night visit to bahia, and the consequent flight of the enemy.--lord cochrane's pursuit of them.--his visit to maranham, and annexation of that province and of para.--his return to rio de janeiro.--the honours conferred upon him. - chapter xi [ - .] the nature of the rewards bestowed on lord cochrane for his first services to brazil.--pedro i. and the portuguese faction.--lord cochrane's advice to the emperor.--the troubles brought upon him by it.--the conduct of the government towards him and the fleet.--the withholding of prize-money and pay.--personal indignities to lord cochrane.--an amusing episode.--lord cochrane's threat of resignation, and its effect.--sir james mackintosh's allusion to him in the house of commons - chapter xii. [ - .] the insurrection in pernambuco.--lord cochrane's expedition to suppress it.--the success of his work.--his stay at maranham.--the disorganized state of affairs in that province.--lord cochrane's efforts to restore order and good government.--their result in further trouble to himself.--his cruise in the _piranga_, and return to england.--his treatment there.--his retirement from brazilian service.--his letter to the emperor pedro i.--the end of his south american employments - chapter xiii. [ - .] the greek revolution and its antecedents.--the modern greeks.--the friendly society.--sultan mahmud and ali pasha's rebellion.--the beginning of the greek insurrection.--count john capodistrias.--prince alexander hypsilantes.--the revolution in the morca.--theodore kolokotrones.--the revolution in the islands.--the greek navy and its character.--the excesses of the greeks.--their bad government.--prince alexander mavrocordatos.--the progress of the revolution.--the spoliation of chios.--english philhellenes; thomas gordon, frank abney hastings, lord byron.--the first greek loan, and the bad uses to which it was put.--reverses of the greeks.--ibrahim and his successes.--mavrocordatos's letter to lord cochrane - chapter xiv. [ - .] lord cochrane's dismissal from brazilian service, and his acceptance of employment as chief admiral of the greeks.--the greek committee and the greek deputies in london.--the terms of lord cochrane's agreement, and the consequent preparations.--his visit to scotland.--sir walter scott's verses on lady cochrane.--lord cochrane's forced retirement to boulogne, and thence to brussels.--the delays in fitting out the greek armament.--captain hastings, mr. hobhouse, and sir francis burdett.--captain hastings's memoir on the greek leaders and their characters.--the first consequences of lord cochrane's new enterprise.--the duke of wellington's message to lord cochrane.--the greek deputies' proposal to lord cochrane and his answer.--the final arrangements for his departure.--the messiah of the greeks. - chapter xv. [ - .] lord cochrane's departure for greece.--his visit to london and voyage to the mediterranean.--his stay at messina, and afterwards at marseilles.--the delays in completing the steamships, and the consequent injury to the greek cause, and serious embarrassment to lord cochrane.--his correspondence with messrs. j. and s. ricardo.--his letter to the greek government.--chevalíer eynard, and the continental philhellenes.--lord cochrane's final departure and arrival in greece. - chapter xvi. [ - .] the progress of affairs in greece.--the siege of missolonghi.--its fall.--the bad government and mismanagement of the greeks.--general ponsonby's account of them.--the effect of lord cochrane's promised assistance.--the fears of the turks, as shown in their correspondence with mr. canning.--the arrival of captain hastings in greece, with the _karteria_.--his opinion of greek captains and sailors.--the frigate _hellas_,--letters to lord cochrane from admiral miaoulis and the governing commission of greece. - appendix. * * * * * i. (page .)--"resumé of the services of the late earl of dundonald, none of which have been requited or officially recognised," by thomas, eleventh earl of dundonald. - ii. (page .)--part of a speech delivered by lord cochrane in the house of commons, on the th of may, , on naval abuses. - iii. (page .)--a letter written by lord cochrane to the secretary of state of brazil on the rd of may, . - the life of thomas, tenth earl of dundonald. chapter i. introduction.--lord cochrane's ancestry.--his first occupations in the navy.--his cruise in the "speedy" and capture of the "gamo."--his exploits in the "pallas."--the beginning of his parliamentary life.--his two elections as member for honiton.--his election for westminster.--further seamanship.--the basque roads affair.--the court-martial on lord gambier, and its injurious effects on lord cochrane's naval career.--his parliamentary occupations.--his visit to malta and its issues.--the antecedents and consequences of the stock exchange trial. [ - .] thomas, loud cochrane, tenth earl of dundonald, was born at annsfield, in lanark, on the th of december, , and died in london on the st of october, . shortly before his death he wrote two volumes, styled "the autobiography of a seaman," which set forth his history down to , the fortieth year of his age. to those volumes the present work, recounting his career during the ensuing six-and-forty years, is intended to serve as a sequel. before entering upon the later narrative, however, it will be necessary briefly to recapitulate the incidents that have been already detailed. the earl of dundonald was descended from a long line of knights and barons, chiefly resident in renfrew and ayr, many of whom were men of mark in scottish history during the thirteenth and following centuries. robert cochran was the especial favourite and foremost counsellor of james iii., who made him earl of mar; but the favours heaped upon him, and perhaps a certain arrogance in the use of those favours, led to so much opposition from his peers and rivals that he was assassinated by them in .[a] [footnote a: pinkerton, the historian, gives some curious details, illustrating not only robert cochran's character, but also the condition of government and society in scotland four centuries ago. "the scottish army," he says, "amounting to about fifty thousand, had crowded to the royal banner at burrough muir, near edinburgh, whence they marched to soutray and to lauder, at which place they encamped between the church and the village. cochran, earl of mar, conducted the artillery. on the morning after their arrival at lauder, the peers assembled in a secret council, in the church, and deliberated upon their designs of revenge.... cochran, ignorant of their designs, left the royal presence to proceed to the council. the earl was attended by three hundred men, armed with light battle-axes, and distinguished by his livery of white with black fillets. he was clothed in a riding cloak of black velvet, and wore a large chain of gold around his neck; his horn of the chase, or of battle, was adorned with gold and precious stones, and his helmet, overlaid with the same valuable metal, was borne before him. approaching the door of the church, he commanded an attendant to knock with authority; and sir robert douglas, of lochleven, who guarded the passage, inquiring the name, was answered, 'tis i, the earl of mar.' cochran and some of his friends were admitted. angus advanced to him, and pulling the gold chain from his neck, said, 'a rope will become thee better,' while douglas of lochleven seized his hunting-horn, declaring that he had been too long a hunter of mischief. rather astonished than alarmed, cochran said, 'my lords, is it jest or earnest?' to which it was replied, 'it is good earnest, and so thou shalt find it; for thou and thy accomplices have too long abused our prince's favour. but no longer expect such advantage, for thou and thy followers shall now reap the deserved reward.' having secured mar, the lords despatched some men-at-arms to the king's pavilion, conducted by two or three moderate leaders, who amused james, while their followers seized the favourites. sir william roger and others were instantly hanged over the bridge at lauder. cochran was now brought out, his hands bound with a rope, and thus conducted to the bridge, and hanged above his fellows."] later scions of the family prospered, and in , sir william cochrane was raised to the peerage, as lord cochrane of cowden, by charles i. for his adherence to the royal cause this nobleman was fined _l._ by the long parliament in ; and, in recompense for his loyalty, he was made first earl of dundonald by charles ii. in . his successors were faithful to the stuarts, and thereby they suffered heavily. archibald, the ninth earl, inheriting a patrimony much reduced by the loyalty and zeal of his ancestors, spent it all in the scientific pursuits to which he devoted himself, and in which he was the friendly rival of watt, priestley, cavendish, and other leading chemists and mechanicians of two or three generations ago. his eldest son, heir to little more than a famous name and a chivalrous and enterprising disposition, had to fight his own way in the world. lord cochrane--as the subject of these memoirs was styled in courtesy until his accession to the peerage in --was intended by his father for the army, in which he received a captain's commission. but his own predilections were in favour of a seaman's life, and accordingly, after brief schooling, he joined the _hind_, as a midshipman, in june, , when he was nearly eighteen years of age. during the next seven years he learnt his craft in various ships and seas, being helped in many ways by his uncle, the hon. alexander cochrane, but profiting most by his own ready wit and hearty love of his profession. having been promoted to the rank of lieutenant in , he was made commander of the _speedy_ early in . this little sloop, not larger than a coasting brig, but crowded with eighty-four men and six officers, seemed to be intended only for playing at war. her whole armament consisted of fourteen -pounders. when her new commander tried to add to these a couple of -pounders, the deck proved too small and the timbers too weak for them, and they had to be returned. so lilliputian was his cabin, that, to shave himself, lord cochrane was obliged to thrust his head out of the skylight and make a dressing-table of the quarter-deck. yet the _speedy_, ably commanded, was quite large enough to be of good service. cruising in her along the spanish coast, lord cochrane succeeded in capturing many gunboats and merchantmen, and the enemy soon learnt to regard her with especial dread. on one memorable occasion, the th of may, , he fell in with the _gamo_, a spanish frigate furnished with six times as many men as were in the _speedy_ and with seven times her weight of shot. lord cochrane, boldly advancing, locked his little craft in the enemy's rigging. it was, in miniature, a contest as unequal as that by which sir francis drake and his fellows overcame the great armada of spain in , and with like result. the heavy shot of the _gamo_ riddled the _speedy's_ sails, but, passing overhead, did no mischief to her hulk or her men. during an hour there was desperate fighting with small arms, and twice the spaniards tried in vain to board their sturdy little foe. lord cochrane then determined to meet them on their own deck, and the daring project was facilitated by one of the smart expedients in which he was never wanting. before going into action, "knowing," as he said, "that the final struggle would be a desperate one, and calculating on the superstitious wonder which forms an element in the spanish character," he had ordered his crew to blacken their faces; and, "what with this and the excitement of combat, more ferocious-looking objects could scarcely be imagined." with these men following him he promptly gained the frigate's deck, and then their strong arms and hideous faces soon frightened the spaniards into submission. the senior officer of the _gamo_ asked for a certificate of his bravery, and received one testifying that he had conducted himself "like a true spaniard." to spain, of course, this was no sarcasm, and on the strength of the document its holder soon obtained further promotion. that achievement, which cost only three men's lives, led to consequences greater than could have been expected. lord cochrane, after three months' waiting, received the rank of post captain. but his desire that the services of lieutenant parker, his second in command, should also be recompensed led to a correspondence with earl st. vincent which turned him from a jealous superior into a bitter enemy. in reply to lord cochrane's recommendation, earl st. vincent alleged that "it was unusual to promote two officers for such a service,--besides which the small number of men killed on board the _speedy_ did not warrant the application." lord cochrane answered, with incautious honesty, that "his lordship's reasons for not promoting lieutenant parker, because there were only three men killed on board the _speedy_, were in opposition to his lordship's own promotion to an earldom, as well as that of his flag-captain to knighthood, and his other officers to increased rank and honours; for that, in the battle from which his lordship derived his title there was only one man killed on board his own flagship." that was language too plain to be forgiven. in july, , the _speedy_ was captured by three french line-of-battle ships, whose senior in command, captain pallière, declined to accept the sword of an officer "who had," as he said, "for so many hours struggled against impossibility," and asked lord cochrane, though a prisoner, still to wear it. he, however, was refused employment as commander of another ship. thereupon, with characteristic energy, he devoted his forced leisure from professional pursuits to a year of student life at edinburgh, where, in , lord palmerston was his class-fellow under professor dugald stewart. this occupation, however, was disturbed by the renewal of war with france in . lord cochrane, though with difficulty, then obtained permission to return to active service, the _arab_, one of the craziest little ships in the navy, being assigned to him. on his representing that she was too rotten for use off the french coast, he was ordered to employ her in cruising in the north sea and protecting the fisheries north-east of the orkneys, "where," as he said, "no vessel fished, and consequently there were no fisheries to protect." this ignominious work lasted for a year. it was brought to a close in december, , soon after the appointment of lord melville, in succession to earl st. vincent, as first lord of the admiralty. by him lord cochrane was transferred from the _arab_ to the _pallas_, a new and smart frigate of thirty-two guns, and allowed to use her in a famous cruise of prize-taking among the azores and off the coast of portugal. this was followed in by farther work in the same frigate, the closing portion of which was especially memorable. being off the basque roads at the end of april he fixed his attention upon a frigate, the _minerve_, and three brigs, forming an important part of the french squadron in the mediterranean. after three weeks' waiting, on the th of may, he saw the frigate and the brigs approaching him, and promptly prepared to attack them. he was not deterred by knowing that the _minerve_ alone, carrying forty guns, was far stronger than the _pallas_, which had also to withstand the force of the three brigs, each with sixteen guns, and to be prepared for the fire of the batteries on the isle d'aix. "this morning, when close to isle d'aix, reconnoitring the french squadron," he wrote concisely to his admiral, "it gave me great joy to find our late opponent, the black frigate, and her companions, the three brigs, getting under sail. we formed high expectations that the long wished-for opportunity was at last arrived. the _pallas_ remained under topsails by the wind to await them. at half-past eleven a smart point-blank firing commenced on both sides, which was severely felt by the enemy. the main topsail-yard of one of the brigs was cut through, and the frigate lost her after-sails. the batteries on i'lsle d'aix opened on the _pallas_, and a cannonade continued, interrupted on our part only by the necessity we were under to make various tacks to avoid the shoals, till one o'clock, when our endeavour to gain the wind of the enemy and get between him and the batteries proved successful. an effectual distance was now chosen. a few broadsides were poured in. the enemy's fire slackened. i ordered ours to cease, and directed mr. sutherland, the master, to run the frigate on board, with intention effectually to prevent her retreat. the enemy's side thrust our guns back into the ports. the whole were then discharged. the effect and crash were dreadful. their decks were deserted. three pistol-shots were the unequal return. with confidence i say that the frigate would have been lost to france, had not the unequal collision torn away our fore-topmast, jib-boom, fore and maintop-sails, spritsail-yards, bumpkin, cathead, chainplates, fore-rigging, foresail, and bower anchor, with which last i intended to hook on; but all proved insufficient. she would yet have been lost to france, had not the french admiral, seeing his frigate's foreyard gone, her rigging ruined, and the danger she was in, sent two others to her assistance. the _pallas_ being a wreck, we came out with what sail could be set, and his majesty's sloop the _kingfisher_ afterwards took us in tow." the exploit was none the less valiant in that it was partly a failure. the waiting-times before and after that cruise were occupied by lord cochrane with brief commencement of parliamentary life. long before this time lord cochrane had resolved on entering the house of commons, in order to expose the naval abuses which were then rife, and which he had never been deterred, by consideration of his own interests, from boldly denouncing. he stood for honiton in , and was defeated through his refusal to vie with his opponent in the art of bribery. he contrived, however, to profit by corruption while he punished it. as soon as the election was over, he gave ten guineas to each of the constituents who had freely voted for him. the consequence of this was his triumphant return at the new election, which took place in july, . when his supporters asked for like payment to that made in the previous instance, it was bluntly refused. "the former gift," said lord cochrane, "was for your disinterested conduct in not taking the bribe of five pounds from the agents of my opponent. for me now to pay you would be a violation of my principles." a short cruise in the basque roads prevented lord cochrane from occupying in the house of commons the seat thus won, and in april, , very soon after his return, parliament was again dissolved. he then resolved to stand for westminster, with sir francis burdett for his associate. both were returned, and lord cochrane held his seat for eleven years. in , however, he had only time to bring forward two motions respecting sinecures and naval abuses, which issued in violent but unproductive discussion, when he received orders to join the fleet in the mediterranean as captain of the _imperiéuse_. naval employment was grudgingly accorded to him; but it was thought wiser to give him work abroad than to suffer under his free speech at home. this employment was marked by many brilliant deeds, which procured for him, on his surrendering his command of the _imperiéuse_ after eighteen months' duration, the reproach of having spent more sails, stores, gunpowder, and shot than had been used by any other captain in the service. the most brilliant deed of all, one of the most brilliant deeds in the whole naval history of england, was his well-known exploit in the basque roads on the th, th, and th of april, . much against his will, he was persuaded by lord mulgrave, at that time first lord of the admiralty, to bear the responsibility of attacking and attempting to destroy the french squadron by means of fireships and explosion-vessels. the project was opposed by lord gambier, the admiral of the fleet, as being at once "hazardous, if not desperate," and "a horrible and anti-christian mode of warfare;" and consequently he gave no hearty co-operation. on lord cochrane devolved the whole duty of preparing for and executing the project. his own words will best tell the story. "on the th of april," he said, "it blew hard, with a high sea. as all preparations were complete, i did not consider the state of the weather a justifiable impediment to the attack; so that, after nightfall, the officers who volunteered to command the fireships were assembled on board the _caledonia_, and supplied with instructions according to the plan previously laid down by myself. the _impérieuse_ had proceeded to the edge of the boyart shoal, close to which she anchored with an explosion-vessel made fast to her stern, it being my intention, after firing the one of which i was about to take charge, to return to her for the other, to be employed as circumstances might require. at a short distance from the _impérieuse_ were anchored the frigates _aigle_, _unicorn_, and _pallas_, for the purpose of receiving the crews of the fireships on their return, as well as to support the boats of the fleet assembled alongside the _cæsar_, to assist the fireships. the boats of the fleet were not, however, for some reason or other made use of at all. "having myself embarked on board the largest explosion-vessel, accompanied by lieut. bissel and a volunteer crew of four men only, we led the way to the attack. the night was dark, and, as the wind was fair, though blowing hard, we soon neared the estimated position of the advanced french ships, for it was too dark to discern them. judging our distance, therefore, as well as we could, with regard to the time the fuse was calculated to burn, the crew of four men entered the gig, under the direction of lieut. bissel, whilst i kindled the portfires, and then, descending into the boat, urged the men to pull for their lives, which they did with a will, though, as wind and sea were strong against us, without making the expected progress. "to our consternation, the fuses, which had been constructed to burn fifteen minutes, lasted little more than half that time, when the vessel blew up, filling the air with shells, grenades, and rockets; whilst the downward and lateral force of the explosion raised a solitary mountain of water, from the breaking of which in all directions our little boat narrowly escaped being swamped. the explosion-vessel did her work well, the effect constituting one of the grandest artificial spectacles imaginable. for a moment, the sky was red with the lurid glare arising from the simultaneous ignition of fifteen hundred barrels of powder. on this gigantic flash subsiding, the air seemed alive with shells, grenades, rockets, and masses of timber, the wreck of the shattered vessel. the sea was convulsed as by an earthquake, rising, as has been said, in a huge wave, on whose crest our boat was lifted like a cork, and as suddenly dropped into a vast trough, out of which as it closed upon us with the rush of a whirlpool, none expected to emerge. in a few minutes nothing but a heavy rolling sea had to be encountered, all having again become silence and darkness." in spite of its bursting too soon, the explosion-vessel did excellent work. the strong boom, composed of large spars bound by heavy chains, and firmly anchored at various points in its length of more than a mile, which was supposed to constitute an impassable barrier between the english ships that were outside and the french ships locked behind it, was broken in several parts. the enemy's ships were thoroughly disorganised by the sudden and appalling occurrence of the explosion. in their alarm and confusion, many of them fired into one another, and all might have been easily destroyed had the first success of the explosion-vessel been properly followed up. unfortunately, however, on returning to the _impérieuse_, lord cochrane found that there had been gross mismanagement of the fireships, which, according to his plans, were to have been despatched against various sections of the french fleet while it was too confused to protect itself. one of them, fired at the wrong time and sent in a wrong direction, nearly destroyed the _impérieuse_ and caused the wasting of a second explosion-vessel, which was meant to be held in reserve. the others, if not as mischievous in their effects, were almost as useless. "of all the fire-ships, upwards of twenty in number," said lord cochrane, "only four reached the enemy's position, and not one did any damage. the _impérieuse_ lay three miles from the enemy, so that the one which was near setting fire to her became useless at the outset; whilst several others were kindled a mile and a half to the windward of this, or four miles and a half from the enemy. of the remainder, many were at once rendered harmless from being brought to on the wrong tack. six passed a mile to windward of the french fleet, and one grounded on oleron." though the full success of lord cochrane's scheme was thus prevented, however, the work done by it was considerable. "as the fireships began to light up the roads," he said, "we could observe the enemy's fleet in great confusion. without doubt, taking every fireship for an explosion-vessel, and being deceived as to their distance, not only did the french make no effort to divert them from their course, but some of their ships cut their cables and were seen drifting away broadside on to the wind and tide, whilst others made sail, as the only alternative to escape from what they evidently considered certain destruction. at daylight on the morning of the th, not a spar of the boom was anywhere visible, and, with the exception of the _foudroyant_ and _cassard_, the whole of the enemy's vessels were helplessly aground. the flag-ship, _l'océan_, a three-decker, drawing the most water, lay outermost on the north-west edge of the palles shoal, nearest the deep water, where she was most exposed to attack; whilst all, by the fall of the tide, were lying on their bilge, with their bottoms completely exposed to shot, and therefore beyond the possibility of resistance." the french fleet had not been destroyed; yet it was so paralysed by the shock that its utter defeat seemed easy to lord cochrane. to the mast of the _impérieuse_, between six o'clock in the morning of the th and one in the afternoon, he hoisted signal after signal, urging lord gambier, who was with the main body of the fleet about fourteen miles off, to make an attack. failing in all these, and growing desperate in his zeal, especially as every hour of delay was enabling the french to recover themselves and rendering success less sure, he suffered his single frigate to drift towards the enemy. "i did not venture to make sail," wrote lord cochrane, in his very modest account of this daring exploit, "lest the movement might be seen from the flag-ship, and a signal of recall should defeat my purpose of making an attack with the _impérieuse_; my object being to compel the commander-in-chief to send vessels to our assistance. we drifted by the wind and tide slowly past the fortifications on isle d'aix; but, though they fired at us with every gun that could be brought to bear, the distance was too great to inflict damage. proceeding thus till . p.m., we then suddenly made sail after the nearest of the enemy's vessels escaping. in order to divert our attention from the vessels we were pursuing, these having thrown their guns overboard, the _calcutta_, a store-ship carrying fifty-six guns, which was still aground, broadside on, began firing at us. before proceeding further, it became therefore necessary to attack her, and at . we shortened sail and returned the fire. at . the _impérieuse_ came to an anchor in five fathoms, and, veering to half a cable, kept fast the spring, firing upon the _calcutta_ with our broadside, and at the same time upon the _aquillon_ and _ville de varsovie_, two line-of-battle ships, each of seventy-four guns, with our forecastle and bow guns, both these ships being aground stern on, in an opposite direction. after some time we had the satisfaction of observing several ships sent to our assistance, namely, the _emerald_, the _unicorn_, the _indefatigable_, the _valiant_, the _revenge_, the _pallas_, and the _aigle_. on seeing this, the captain and the crew of the _calcutta_ abandoned their vessel, of which the boats of the _impérieuse_ took possession before the vessels sent to our assistance came down." soon after the arrival of the new ships, the two other vessels were also forced to surrender. most of the ships sent to his assistance returned to lord grambier on the th. lord cochrane, seeing that it would be easy for him to do much further mischief, made ready for the work on the morrow. but from this he was prevented by the inexcusable conduct of lord gambier, who, having discountenanced the attempt with the fireships, now not only refused to take part in the victory which his comrade had made possible, but also hindered its achievement by him. lord cochrane had already overstepped the strict duty of a subordinate, though acting only as became an english sailor. the fireships with which he had been ordered to ruin the enemy's fleet had partly failed through the error of others. "it was then," he said, "a question with me whether i should disappoint the expectations of my country, be set down as a charlatan by the admiralty, whose hopes had been raised by my plan, and have my future prospects destroyed, or force on an action which some had induced an easy commander-in-chief to believe impracticable." he did force on some fighting, which was altogether disastrous to the enemy, and rich in tokens of his unflinching heroism; but it was in violation of repeated orders, dubiously worded, from lord grambier, and, when at last an order was issued in terms too distinct to allow of any further evasion, he had no alternative but to abandon the enterprise. he was at once sent back to england, to be rewarded with much popular favour, and with a knighthood of the order of the bath, conferred by george iii., but to become the victim of an official persecution, which, embittering his whole life, lasted almost to its close. it must be admitted that this persecution was in great measure provoked by lord cochrane's own fearless conduct. he was reasonably aggrieved at the effort made by the admiralty authorities to attribute to lord gambier, who had taken no part at all in the achievements in basque roads, all the merit of their success. to use his own caustic but accurate words, "the only victory gained by lord gambier in basque roads was that of bringing his ships to anchor there, whilst the enemy's ships were quietly heaving off from the banks on which they had been driven nine miles distant from the fleet." when for this proceeding it was determined to honour lord gambier with the thanks of parliament, lord cochrane, as member for westminster, announced his intention of opposing the motion. as a bribe to silence he was offered an important command by lord mulgrave, and it was proposed that his name should be included in the vote of thanks. the bribe being refused and the opposition persisted in, lord gambier demanded a court-martial, in which, as he alleged, to controvert the insinuations thrown out against him by lord cochrane. the history of this court-martial, its antecedents and its consequences, furnishes an episode almost unique in the annals of official injustice. as a preparation for it, lord gambier, in obedience to orders from the admiralty, supplemented his first account of the victory by another of entirely different tenour. in the first, written on the spot, he had avowed that he could not speak highly enough of lord cochrane's vigour and gallantry in approaching the enemy,--conduct, he said, "which could not be exceeded by any feat of valour hitherto achieved by the british navy." in the record, written four weeks later and in london, he altogether ignored lord cochrane's services, and transferred the entire merit to himself. the whole conduct of the court-martial was in keeping with that prelude. no effort was spared in stifling all the evidence on lord cochrane's side, and in adducing false testimony against him. logbooks and witnesses alike were tampered with. in support of his scheme for annihilating the whole french fleet, lord cochrane produced in court a chart showing the relative position of the various points in aix roads, and of the overhanging fort which was to protect the french ships. this chart, left lying upon the table, was tacitly accepted by the authorities of the admiralty as a trustworthy document, and duly preserved among the official records. but at the time the court refused to receive it in evidence, and adopted instead two falsified charts, in which, by the introduction of imaginary shoals and the narrowing of the channel to aix roads from two miles to one, the success of the scheme appeared impossible. although this gross deception was more than suspected, both then and afterwards, by lord cochrane, his repeated applications to the admiralty for permission to inspect the documents were steadily refused. it was not till more than fifty years after the period of the court-martial that he was able to prove the scandalous fraud.[a] [footnote a: readers of "the autobiography of a seaman" need not be reminded of the copious and convincing evidence of the way in which he was treated by this court-martial that was adduced by lord dundonald in that work.] the result of the court-martial was, of course, such as from the first had been intended. lord grambier was acquitted, and unlimited blame was, by inference, thrown upon lord cochrane. the coveted vote of thanks was promptly obtained from the house of commons; lord cochrane's proposal that the minutes of the court-martial be first investigated being, through ministerial influence, summarily rejected. these proceedings determined the course which men in power were to adopt, and fixed lord cochrane's future. it was a future to be made up of cruel disregard and of revengeful persecution.[a] [footnote a: see appendix (i.).] soon after the close of the trial, the brave seaman applied to the admiralty for permission to rejoin his old frigate, the _impérieuse_, and accompanied his application with a bold plan for attacking the french fleet in the scheldt. he received an insulting answer to the effect that, if he would be ready to quit the country in a week, and then to occupy a position subordinate to that which he had formerly held, his services would be accepted. on his replying that his great desire to be employed in his profession made him willing to do anything, and that all he wished for was a little longer time for preparation, no further communication was vouchsafed to him. he was quietly superseded in the command of the _impérieuse_, and received no other ship. out of this ill-treatment, however, resulted some benefit to the nation. lord cochrane employed much of his forced leisure, during the next few years, in exposing abuses that were then over-abundant, and in strenuously advocating reform. in parliament, voting always with his friend sir francis burdett and the radical party, he limited his exertions to naval matters, and such as were within his own experience. herein there was plenty to occupy him, and much that it is now amusing to look back upon.[a] [footnote a: see appendix (ii.).] one scandalous grievance led to a memorable episode in his life. the many prizes taken by him in the mediterranean, which, according to rule, had been sent to the maltese admiralty court for condemnation, had been encumbered with such preposterous charges that, instead of realizing anything by his captures, he was made out to be largely in debt to the court. the principal agent of this court was a mr. jackson, who illegally held office as at the same time marshal and proctor. "the consequence was," said lord cochrane, "that every prize placed in his hands as proctor had to pass through his hands as marshal; whilst as proctor it was further in his power to consult himself as marshal as often as he pleased, and to any extent he pleased. the amount of self-consultation may be imagined." as proctor he charged for visiting himself, and as marshal he charged for receiving visits from himself. as marshal he was paid for instructing himself, and as proctor he was paid for listening to his own instructions. ten shillings and twopence three farthings was the customary charge for an oath to the effect that he had served a monition on himself. of the sheets composing the bill for services of these sorts presented to him, lord cochrane formed a roll which, when unfolded and exhibited in parliament, stretched from the speaker's table to the bar of the house. not content, however, with laughing at the official robberies committed upon him, he determined, early in , to proceed to malta and personally investigate the matter. reaching valetta long before he was expected, he immediately presented himself at the court-house, and asked for a copy of the table of fees authorized by the crown, and which, according to directions, ought to have been placed conspicuously in the public room. the existence of such a document being denied, he proceeded to hunt for it himself, and, after long and careful search, found it concealed in an out-of-the-way corner of the building. having taken possession of it, he was carrying off the prize, which he intended to exhibit in the house of commons, in token of the extent to which he and others had been defrauded, when he was arrested for contempt of court. he protested that the arrest was illegal, seeing that, as the court had not been sitting, no insult could have been offered to it. the plea was not accepted, and he was sent to gaol. no ground for punishment, however, could be found against him; and, after refusing to help the authorities out of their embarrassment by going at large on bail, and insisting on a proper exculpation or nothing at all, he let himself out of window by means of a rope. a gig was waiting for him, by which he was enabled to overtake the packet-boat that had quitted malta shortly before, to return to london, and to present the document seized by him to parliament a month before the official report of his escapade reached home.[a] [footnote a: this letter from the duke of kent to lord cochrane will help to show that, even after the time of his admiralty persecution, he was not without friends and admirers in high quarters:--"kensington palace, th july, . my dear lord,--i trust the acquaintance i have the satisfaction to possess with your lordship, and the long and intimate friendship subsisting between myself and your brother, lieut.-colonel basil cochrane, will warrant my intruding upon you for the purpose of seconding the wishes expressed by a young naval protégé of mine, and i cannot help adding my earnest request that when your distinguished zeal and talents in your profession are again called into action by government, you will kindly oblige me by taking lieutenant edgar under your wing and protection; he is a fine young man, and i think would not disgrace the wardroom of your lordship's ship. i remain, with my sincere regard, my dear lord, yours faithfully, edward. "_the right honourable lord cochrane_."] an imprisonment of very different character occurred after an interval of nearly three years. this was in consequence of the famous stock exchange trial, the episode last treated of by the earl of dundonald in his autobiography, and not quite recounted to the end before death stayed his hand. from to , lord cochrane was allowed to take no active part in the work of his profession. but at the close of the latter year, his uncle, sir alexander cochrane, having been selected for the command of the fleet on the north american station, appointed him his flag-captain--an appointment resting only with the commander-in-chief, and one with which the government could not interfere. it was always lord cochrane's belief that the implacable enmity of his foes in the admiralty office--determined to prevent by irregular means, since no regular course was open to them, his return to naval work--helped to bring about the cruel persecution by which his whole life was embittered. but it must be admitted that the dishonesty of one of his own kinsmen--about which a chivalrous sense of honour caused him to be reticent during nearly fifty years--conduced to this result. the chief agent of the fraud practised upon him was a foreigner, named de berenger. this man, clever and unscrupulous, had been associated with mr. cochrane johnstone, an uncle of lord cochrane's, in certain stock-jobbing transactions. in that or in some other way he became known to lord cochrane and to his other uncle, sir alexander cochrane; and, being a smart chemist and pyrotechnist, it was proposed that he should accompany lord cochrane to north america, and assist him in the trial of his recently-discovered method of attacking forts and fleets in a secret and irresistible manner. with that object--of course clandestine--sir alexander cochrane sought the permission of the admiralty to employ de berenger as a teacher of sharp-shooting, in which he was a well-known adept. this was not granted, and near the end of , sir alexander set sail for halifax, leaving lord cochrane to follow in the _tonnant_, in charge of a convoy, and in getting the _tonnant_ ready for sea his lordship was busy during january and february, . in the former month de berenger sought him out and earnestly requested that, his official appointment being refused, he might be taken on board in a private capacity and allowed to rely upon the success of his work for recompense. lord cochrane declined to employ him without some sort of sanction from the admiralty, and de berenger left him with the avowed intention of doing his utmost to procure this sanction. he was otherwise occupied. being in urgent need of money, with which to evade the grasp of his numerous creditors, he returned to his stock-jobbing pursuits--if indeed he had not been engaging in them all along; using his proposal for employment under lord cochrane as a blind or as a secondary resource. instead of furthering his efforts to obtain this employment, he contrived a plan for causing a sudden rise in the funds, and thereby securing a large profit to himself and his accomplices. on the th of february he presented himself at the ship hotel at dover, disguised as a foreigner and calling himself colonel de bourg, professing that he brought intelligence from france to the effect that buonaparte had been killed by the cossacks, that the allied armies were in full march towards paris, and that a speedy cessation of the war was certain. thence he hurried up to london and was traced to have gone, on the following morning, to lord cochrane's house. the ostensible object of that visit was to renew his application for employment on board the _tonnant_. the real object was, by means of a trick, to get possession of a hat and cloak, with which to disguise himself afresh, and thus try to elude the pursuit of agents of the stock exchange, who would soon seek to punish him for his fraud. the disguise was given to him in all innocence, and might have been successful, had not lord cochrane, on finding how grossly he had been deceived, volunteered to assist in punishing the culprit. leaving the _tonnant_, in which he was about to start from chatham, he returned to london, and gave full information as to his share in the transaction, with the view of furthering the cause of justice and clearing himself from all blame. that was prevented by as wanton a prosecution and as malicious a perverting of the forms of justice and the principles of equity as the annals of english law, not often abused even in a much less degree, can show. the straightforward evidence furnished by him was made the handle to an elaborate machinery of falsehood and perjury for effecting his own ruin. the solicitor who had managed the cause of the admiralty at the court-martial on lord gambier, and therein proved his skill, was entrusted with the ugly work. by him an elaborate case for prosecution was trumped up, and lord cochrane, hindered from sailing to north america in the _tonnant_, and hindered from obtaining any other employment in his country's service during four-and-thirty years, was, on the th of june, placed in the prisoner's dock at the court of king's bench on a charge of conspiring with his uncle, mr. cochrane johnstone, with de berenger, and with some other persons, to defraud the stock exchange. lord ellenborough, who presided at the trial, delivered a charge which was even more virulent and more marked by political spite than was his wont, and the too compliant jury brought in a verdict of "guilty." lord cochrane vainly sought for a new trial, and vainly adduced abundant proof of his innocence. the chance of justice that is every englishman's right was denied to him. he was sentenced to an hour's detention in the pillory at the entrance of the royal exchange, to a year's imprisonment in the king's bench prison, and to a fine of a thousand pounds. the first part of the sentence was not insisted upon, as sir francis burdett, lord cochrane's noble-hearted colleague as member for westminster, avowed his intention of standing also in the pillory, if his friend was subjected to that indignity, and of thus encouraging the storm of popular indignation, that, without any such encouragement, would probably have led to consequences which the government, already hated by all englishmen who loved their birthright, dared not brook. but the unworthy vengeance of his persecutors was amply satisfied in other ways. he had already suffered more than most men. "neglect," he said, "i was accustomed to. but when an alleged offence was laid to my charge, in which, on the honour of a man now on the brink of the grave, i had not the slightest participation, and from which i never benefited, nor thought to benefit one farthing, and when this allegation was, by political rancour and legal chicanery, consummated in an unmerited conviction and an outrageous sentence, my heart for the first time sank within me, as conscious of a blow, the effect of which it has required all my energies to sustain." it is needless now to say anything in proof of lord cochrane's innocence of the charge brought against him. the world has long since reversed the verdict passed at lord ellenborough's dictation. that an officer and a gentleman of lord cochrane's reputation should have demeaned himself by becoming a party to the fraud of which he was accused, is, to say the least, improbable. that, if he had been guilty of that fraud, he should not have availed himself of the only benefit that could be derived from it by investing in the stocks when they were low and selling out during the brief time of their artificial value, is far more improbable. that, when the fraud was perpetrated, and its chief instrument was undiscovered, he should have left the _tonnant_ in order to expose him, instead of taking him away from england, and so almost ensuring the preservation of the secret, is utterly impossible. his only faults were too great faith in his own innocence and a too chivalrous desire to protect, or rather to abstain from injuring, his unworthy kinsman. "i must be here distinctly understood," it was said by lord brougham, in his "historic sketches of british statesmen," "to deny the accuracy of the opinion which lord ellenborough appears to have formed in this case, and deeply to lament the verdict of 'guilty' which the jury returned after three hours' consultation and hesitation. if lord cochrane was at all aware of his uncle mr. cochrane johnstone's proceedings, it was the whole extent of his privity to the fact. having been one of the counsel engaged in the cause, i can speak with some confidence respecting it, and i take upon me to assert that lord cochrane's conviction was mainly owing to the extreme repugnance which he felt to giving up his uncle, or taking those precautions for his own safety which would have operated against that near relation. even when he, the real criminal, had confessed his guilt by taking to flight, and the other defendants were brought up for judgment, we, the counsel, could not persuade lord cochrane to shake himself loose from the contamination by abandoning him." part of a letter addressed to the earl of dundonald in , on the anniversary of his eighty-fourth birthday, and shortly after the publication of the first volume of his "autobiography of a seaman," by the daughter of the man whose wrong-doing had conduced so terribly to his misfortunes, may here be fitly quoted:--"you are still active, still in health," says the writer, "and you have just given to the world a striking proof of the vigour of your mind and intellect. many years i cannot wish for you; but may you live to finish your book, and, if it please god, may you and i have a peaceful death-bed. we have both suffered much mental anguish, though in various degrees; for yours was indeed the hardest lot that an honourable man can be called on to bear. oh, my dear cousin, let me say once more, whilst we are still here, how, ever since that miserable time, i have felt that you suffered for my poor father's fault--how agonizing that conviction was--how thankful i am that _tardy justice_ was done you. may god return you fourfold for your generous though misplaced confidence in him, and for all your subsequent forbearance!" another extract from a letter, from one out of a multitude of tributes to the earl of dundonald's honourable bearing, which were tendered after his death, shall close this introductory chapter. "five years after the trial of lord cochrane," wrote sir fitzroy kelly, now lord chief baron, on the th of december, , "i began to study for the bar, and very soon became acquainted with and interested in his case, and i have thought of it much and long during more than forty years; and i am profoundly convinced that, had he been defended singly and separately from the others accused, or had he at the last moment, before judgment was pronounced, applied, with competent legal advice and assistance, for a new trial, he would have been unhesitatingly and honourably acquitted. we cannot blot out this dark page from our legal and judicial history." chapter ii. the issue of the stock exchange trial.--lord cochrane's committal to the king's bench prison.--the debate upon his case in the house of commons, and his speech on that occasion.--his expulsion from the house, and re-election as member for westminster.--the withdrawal of his sentence to the pillory.--the removal of his insignia as a knight of the bath. [ .] the famous and infamous stock exchange trial occupied the th and th of june, ; but the sentence was deferred until the st of the same month, in consequence of lord cochrane's demand for a new trial. that demand was not complied with, in spite of the production of overwhelming evidence to justify it; and the victim of lord ellenborough and the tyrannical government of the day was at once conveyed to the king's bench prison. no time was lost in heaping upon him all the indignities which, in accordance with precedent and in excess of all precedent, might supplement his degradation. the first was a notice of motion which would result in his expulsion from the house of commons. lord cochrane promptly availed himself of the opening thus afforded for a public avowal of his innocence. to the hon. charles abbot, then speaker of the house, he wrote from his prison on the rd of june. "sir," runs the letter, "i respectfully entreat you to communicate to the honourable house of commons my earnest desire and prayer that no question arising out of the late convictions in the court of king's bench may be agitated without affording me timely notice and full opportunity of attending in my place for the justification of my character. from the house of commons i hope to obtain that justice of which too implicit reliance on the consciousness of my innocence, and circumstances over which i had no control, have hitherto deprived me. the painful situation in which i am placed is known to the house, and i trust that i shall be enabled to demonstrate that a more injured man has never sought redress from those to whose justice i now appeal for the preservation of my character and existence." in compliance with that request, and with parliamentary rules, lord cochrane was conveyed from the king's bench prison to the house of commons, and allowed to read a carefully-prepared statement of his case, on the th of july, the day fixed for investigation of the subject. from this statement it is not necessary to cite the clear and conclusive recapitulation of the evidence adduced at the trial, or refused admission therein because it was too convincing, in proof of lord cochrane's innocence; but room must be found for some passages illustrating the independent temper of the speaker and the perversions of justice to which he fell a victim. "i am not here, sir," he said, "to bespeak compassion or to pave the way to pardon. both ideas are alike repugnant to my feelings. that the public in general have felt indignation at the sentence that has been passed upon me does honour to their hearts, and tends still to make my country dear to me, in spite of what i have suffered from the malignity of persons in power. but, sir, i am not here to complain of the hardship of my case or about the cruelty of judges, who, for an act which was never till now ever known or thought to be a legal offence, have laid upon me a sentence more heavy than they have ever yet laid upon persons clearly convicted of the most horrid of crimes--crimes of which nature herself cries aloud against the commission. if, therefore, it was my object to complain of the cruelty of my judges, i should bid the public look into the calendar, and see if they could find a punishment like that inflicted on me; inflicted by these same judges on any one of these unnatural wretches. it is not, however, my business to complain of the cruelty of this sentence. i am here to assert, for the third time, my innocence in the most unqualified and solemn manner; i am here to expose the unfairness of the proceedings against me previous to the trial, at the trial, and subsequent to it; i am here to expose the long train of artful villainies which have been practised against me hitherto with so much success. "i am persuaded, sir, that the house will easily perceive, and every honourable man, i am sure, participate in my feelings, that the fine, the imprisonment, the pillory--even that pillory to which i am condemned--are nothing, that they weigh not as a feather, when put in the balance against my desire to show that i have been unjustly condemned. therefore, sir, i trust that the house will give a fair and impartial hearing to what i have to say respecting the conduct of my enemies, to expose which conduct is a duty which i owe to my constituents, and to my country, not less than to myself. "in the first place, sir, i here, in the presence of this house, and with the eyes of the country fixed upon me, most solemnly declare that i am wholly innocent of the crime which has been laid to my charge, and for which i have been condemned to the most infamous of punishments. having repeated this assertion of my innocence, i next proceed to complain of the means that have been made use of to effect my destruction. and first, sir, was it ever before known in this or in any other country, that the prosecutor should form a sort of court of his own erection, call witnesses before it of his own choosing, and, under offers of great rewards, take minutes of the evidence of such witnesses, and publish those minutes to the world under the forms and appearances of a judicial proceeding? was it ever before known, that steps like these were taken previous to an indictment,--previous to the bringing of an intended victim into a court of justice? was there ever before known so regular, so systematic a scheme for exciting suspicion against a man, and for implanting an immovable prejudice against him in the minds of a whole nation, previous to the preferring a bill of indictment, in order that the grand jury, be it composed of whomsoever it might, should be predisposed to find the bill? i ask you, sir, and i ask the house, whether it was ever before known, that means like these were resorted to, previous to a man's being legally accused? but, sir, what must the world think, when they see some of those to whom the welfare and the honour of the nation are committed covertly co-operating with a committee of the stock exchange, and becoming their associates in so nefarious a scheme? nevertheless, sir, this fact is now notorious to the whole world. i must confess i was not prepared to believe the thing possible." thereupon followed a detailed examination of the charges brought against lord cochrane, and of the way in which those charges were handled, special complaint being made concerning the malicious bearing of lord ellenborough. "it must be in the recollection of the house," said lord cochrane, "as it is in that of the public, that he urged, that he compelled, the counsel to enter upon my defence _after midnight_, at the end of fifteen hours from the commencement of the trial, when that counsel declared himself quite exhausted, and when the jury, who were to decide, were in a state of such weariness as to render attention to what was said totally impossible. the speeches of the counsel being ended, the judge, at _half-past three in the morning_, adjourned the court till ten; thus separating the evidence from the argument, and reserving his own strength, and the strength of my adversaries' advocates, for the close; giving to both the great advantage of time to consider the reply, and to insert and arrange arguments to meet those which had been urged in my defence." all his treatment by lord ellenborough, as lord cochrane urged, was of that sort, or worse. "of all tyrannies, sir," he said, "the worst is that which exercises its vengeance under the guise of judicial proceedings, and especially if a jury make part of the means by which its base purposes are effected. the man who is flung into prison, or sent to the scaffold, at the nod of an avowed despotism, has at least the consolation to know that his sufferings bring down upon that despotism the execration of mankind; but he who is entrapped and entangled in the meshes of a crafty and corrupt system of jurisprudence; who is pursued imperceptibly by a law with leaden feet and iron jaws; who is not put upon his trial till the ear of the public has been poisoned, and its heart steeled against him,--falls, at last, without being cheered with a hope of seeing his tyrants execrated even by the warmest of his friends. in their principle, the ancient and settled laws of england are excellent; but of late years, so many injurious and fatal alterations in the law have taken place, that any man who ventures to meddle with public affairs, and to oppose persons in power, is sure and certain, sooner or later, to suffer in some way or other. "sir, the punishment which the malice of my enemies has procured to be inflicted on me is not, in my mind, worth a moment's reflection. the judge supposed, apparently, that the sentence of the pillory would disgrace and mortify me. i can assure him, and i now solemnly assure this house, my constituents, and my country, that i would rather stand in my own name, in the pillory, every day of my life, under such a sentence, than i would sit upon the bench in the name and with the real character of lord ellenborough for one single hour. "something has been said, sir, in this house, as i have heard, about an application for a mitigation of my sentence, in a certain quarter, where, it is observed, that mercy never failed to flow; but i can assure the house that an application for pardon, extorted from me, is one of the things which even a partial judge and a packed jury have not the power to accomplish. no, sir; i will seek for, and i look for, pardon _nowhere_, for _i have committed no crime_. i have sought for, i still seek for, and i confidently expect justice; not, however, at the hands of those by whose machinations i have been brought to what they regard as my ruin, but at the hands of my enlightened and virtuous constituents, to whose exertions the nation owes that there is still a voice to cry out against that haughty and inexorable tyranny which commands silence to all but parasites and hypocrites." thus ended lord cochrane's written argument. it was followed by, a few words spoken on the spur of the moment: "having so long occupied its time, i will not trouble the house longer than to implore it to investigate the circumstances of my case. i think i have stated enough to induce it to call for the minutes of the trial. all i wish is an inquiry. many important facts yet remain to be considered, and i trust that the house will not come to a decision with its eyes shut. i entreat, i implore investigation. it is true that a sentence of a court of law has been pronounced against me; but that punishment is nothing, and will to me seem nothing, in comparison with what it is in the power of the house to inflict. i have already suffered much; but if after a deliberate and a fair investigation the house shall determine that i am guilty, then let me be deserted and abandoned by the world. i shall submit without repining to any the most dreadful penalty that the house can assign. i solemnly declare before almighty god that i am ignorant of the whole transaction. into the hearts of men we cannot penetrate; we cannot dive into their inmost thoughts; but my heart i lay open, and my most secret thoughts i disclose to the house. i entreat the strictest scrutiny and a patient hearing. i implore it at your hands, as an act of justice, and once more i call upon my maker, upon almighty god, to bear witness that i am innocent. he knows my heart, he knows all its secrets, and he knows that i am innocent." an animated debate followed upon that eloquent address. viscount castlereagh complained that lord cochrane, instead of defending himself, had only libelled lord ellenborough and the noblest institutions of the land. other speakers expressed similar opinions; but others testified to the consistent character of lord cochrane, rendering it impossible that he should be guilty of the offence with which he was charged; and others again confessed that, having previously had doubts in the matter, those doubts had been removed by the high-minded tone and the powerful arguments of his defence. but in the end the house adopted the view set forth by lord castlereagh; that its duty was simply to accept the verdict of the court of the king's bench, and, according to precedent, to expel the member declared guilty by that court, without daring to revive the question of his guilt or innocence; and that it would be better for an innocent man thus to suffer, than for the house to assail "the bulwarks of english liberty," by turning itself into a star chamber, or an inquisition, and attempting to interfere with "the regular administration of justice." the proposal that lord cochrane's case should be referred to a select committee was rejected without a division. the motion that he should be expelled from the house was carried by a hundred and forty members, against forty-four dissentients. that new act of injustice, however, though it added much to lord cochrane's suffering, brought him no fresh disgrace. it only led to his triumphant re-election as member for westminster, under circumstances that were reasonably consoling to him. his seat having been taken from him on the th of july, a great meeting of the electors, attended by five thousand people, was held on the th. it was there unanimously resolved that lord cochrane was perfectly innocent of the stock exchange fraud, that he was a fit and proper person to represent the city of westminster in parliament, and that his re-election should be secured without any expense to him. richard brinsley sheridan, his stout opponent at the previous election, who was now urged to oppose him again, honourably refused to do so; and therefore the election passed without a contest. but contest would only have added to its glory; unless, indeed, the people, over-zealous in their expression of sympathy for their representative, had been provoked thereby to violent exhibition of their temper. even without such provocation the turmoil of the re-election day, the th of july, was great; angry crowds assembled in the streets, and menacing words against the government and its myrmidons were loudly uttered. the wisdom of sir francis burdett and other leaders of the popular party, however, prevented anything worse than angry speech. "amongst all the occurrences of my life," said lord cochrane, writing from the king's bench prison to thank the electors for their confidence in him, "i can call to memory no one which has produced so great a degree of exultation in my breast as this, that, after all the machinations of corruption have been able to effect against me, the citizens of westminster have, with unanimous voice, pronounced me worthy of continuing to be one of their representatives in parliament. with regard to the case, the agitation of which has been the cause of this most gratifying result, i am in no apprehension as to the opinions and feelings of the world, and especially of the people of england, who, though they may be occasionally misled, are never deliberately cruel or unjust. only let it be said of me: 'the stock exchange has accused; lord ellenborough has charged for guilty; the special jury have found that guilt; the court have sentenced to the pillory; the house of commons have expelled; and the citizens of westminster have re-elected,'--only let this be the record placed against my name, and i shall be proud to stand in the calendar of criminals all the days of my life." the worst part of the sentence passed upon lord cochrane, as has been already said, was not carried out. the th of august had been fixed as the day on which he was to stand in the pillory for an hour in front of the royal exchange. but the danger of a disturbance among the people, and of fierce opposition in the house of commons hindered the perpetration of this indignity. some sentences of a letter addressed to lord ebrington, deprecating his motion in parliament for a remission of this part of the sentence, are too characteristic, however, to be left unquoted. "i did not expect," said lord cochrane, "to be treated by your lordship as an object of mercy, on the grounds of past services, or severity of sentence. i cannot allow myself to be indebted to that tenderness of disposition which has led your lordship to form an erroneous estimate of the amount of punishment due to the crimes of which i have been accused; nor can i for a moment consent that any past services of mine should be prostituted to the purpose of protecting me from any part of the vengeance of the laws against which i, if at all, have grossly offended. if i am guilty, i richly merit the whole of the sentence that has been passed upon me. if innocent, one penalty cannot be inflicted with more justice than another." if the degradation of the pillory was remitted, another degradation quite as painful to lord cochrane was substituted for it. his name having, on the th of june, been struck off the list of naval officers in the admiralty, the knights companions of the bath promptly held a chapter to consider the propriety of expelling him from their ranks. that was soon done, and no time was lost in making the insult as thorough as possible. at one o'clock in the morning of the th of august, the bath king at arms repaired to king henry the seventh's chapel in westminster abbey, and there, under a warrant signed by lord sidmouth, the secretary of state, removed the banner of lord cochrane, which was suspended between those of lord beresford and sir brent spencer. his arms were next unscrewed, and his helmet, sword, and other insignia were taken down from the stall. the banner was then kicked out of the chapel and down the steps by the official, eager to omit no possible indignity. it was an indignity unparalleled since the establishment of the order in . chapter iii. lord cochrane's bearing in the king's bench prison--his street lamps.--his escape, and the motives for it.--his capture in the house of commons, and subsequent treatment.--his confinement in the strong room of the king's bench prison.--his release. [ - .] during the first period of his imprisonment lord cochrane was not treated with more than usual severity. two rooms in the king's bench state house were provided for him, in which, of course, all the expenses of his maintenance devolved upon himself. he was led to understand that, if he chose to ask for it, he might have the privilege of "the rules," which would have allowed him, on certain conditions, a range of about half-a-mile round the prison. but he did not choose to ask. rather, he said, than seek any favour from the government, he would lie in a dungeon all through the term of his unjust imprisonment. throughout that period he resolutely avowed his perfect innocence, to friends and foes alike; and the consciousness of his innocence helped him to bear up under a degradation that, to a nature as sensitive and chivalrous as his, was doubly bitter. good friends, like sir francis burdett, came to cheer him in his solitude, and over-zealous, yet honest, friends, like william cobbett, came to take counsel with him as to ways of keeping alive and quickening the popular indignation which, without any stimulants from headstrong demagogues, was strong enough on his behalf. the tedium of his captivity was further relieved by his devotion to those scientific and mechanical pursuits which, all through life, yielded employment very solacing to himself, and very profitable to the world. while in the king's bench prison he was especially occupied in completing a plan for lighting the public streets by means of a lamp invented by him, in which the main principle was the introduction of a steady current of fresh air into the globes, whereby all the oil was fairly burnt, and a brilliant light was always maintained. in this way lamps much cheaper than those previously in use were found to have a far greater illuminating power. early in october, , the lamps in st. ann's parish, westminster, numbering eight hundred in all, were taken down and replaced by four hundred constructed on lord cochrane's plan; and even political opponents spoke in acknowledgment of the excellent result of the change. had it not been for the introduction of gas, the superiority of these new lamps must soon have compelled their adoption all over london. it is curious that the discovery of the illuminating power of gas--undoubtedly due to his father--should have superseded one of lord cochrane's most promising inventions as soon as it had been brought to recognized perfection. in such pursuits nine months of the unjust imprisonment were passed. "lord cochrane has hitherto borne all his hardships with great fortitude," wrote one of his most intimate friends on the th of november, "and, if there are any more in store for him, i hope he will continue to be cheerful and courageous." "his lordship always hopes for the best, and is never afraid of the worst," said the same authority on the th of december, "and therefore he is in good spirits." this fearless disposition led, in march, , to a bold step, which some of lord cochrane's best friends deprecated. knowing that he was unjustly imprisoned, he conceived that, since his re-election as member for westminster, the imprisonment was illegal as well as unjust, in that it was contrary to the privilege of parliament. the law provides that "no member of parliament can be imprisoned either for non-payment of a fine to the king, or for any other cause than treason, felony, or refusing to give security for the peace." it may be questioned whether, in the presence of this law, his first imprisonment, even under the sentence of the court of king's bench, was legal. but having been imprisoned, and having been expelled from the house of commons, it is clear that his subsequent re-election could not interfere with the fulfilment, of the sentence passed against him, especially as he had not been able to make good his title to membership by taking the prescribed oaths and claiming a seat in the house. he, however--acting as it would seem under the advice of william cobbett and other unsafe counsellors--thought otherwise, and considered that he was only vindicating a high constitutional principle, against the exercise of despotic power by the government, in making his escape from the king's bench prison. "i did not quit these walls," he said in a letter addressed to the electors of westminster, on the th of april, "to escape from personal oppression, but, at the hazard of my life, to assert that right to liberty which, as a member of the community, i have never forfeited, and that right, which i received from you, to attack in its very den the corruption which threatens to annihilate the liberties of us all. i did not quit them to fly from the justice of my country, but to expose the wickedness, fraud, and hypocrisy of those who elude that justice by committing their enormities under the colour of its name. i did not quit them from the childish motive of impatience under suffering. i stayed long enough to evince that i could endure restraint as a pain, but not as a penalty. i stayed long enough to be certain that my persecutors were conscious of their injustice, and to feel that my submission to their unmerited inflictions was losing the dignity of resignation, and sinking into the ignominious endurance of an insult." the escape was effected on the th of march, and by the same means which had proved successful in lord cochrane's retreat from the gaol at malta, just four years before. his rooms in the king's bench prison, being on the upper storey of the building known as the state house, were nearly as high as the wall which formed the prison boundary, and the windows were only a few feet distant from it. the possibility of escape by this way, however, had never been contemplated, and therefore the windows were unprotected by bars. accordingly lord cochrane, having been supplied, from time to time, by the same servant who had aided him at malta, with a quantity of small strong rope, managed, soon after midnight, and while the watchman going his rounds was in a distant part of the prison, to get out of window and climb on to the roof of the building. thence he threw a running noose over the iron spikes placed on the wall, and, exercising the agility that he had acquired during his seaman's occupations, easily gained the summit--to be somewhat discomfited by having to sit upon the iron spikes while he fastened his rope to one of them and prepared, with its help, to slip down to the pavement on the outer side of the wall. the rope was not strong enough, however, to bear his weight; it snapped when he was some twenty-five feet from the ground, and caused him to fall with his back upon the stone pavement. there he lay, in an almost unconscious state, for a considerable time. but no passer-by observed him; and before daylight he was able to crawl to the house of an old nurse of his eldest son's, who gladly afforded him concealment. long concealment was not intended by him. "if it had not been," he said, "for the commotion excited by that obnoxious, injurious, and arbitrary measure, the corn bill, which began to evince itself on the day of my departure from prison, i should have lost no time in proceeding to the house of commons; but, conjecturing that the spirit of disturbance might derive some encouragement from my unexpected appearance at that time, and having no inclination to promote tumult, i resolved to defer my appearance at the house, and, if possible, to conceal my departure from the prison, until the order of the metropolis should be restored." to the same effect was a letter addressed by lord cochrane to the speaker of the house of commons on the th of march. "i respectfully request," he said therein, "that you will state to the honourable the house of commons, that i should immediately and personally have communicated to them my departure from the custody of lord ellenborough, by whom i have been long most unjustly detained; but i judged it better to endeavour to conceal my absence, and to defer my appearance in the house until the public agitation excited by the corn bill should subside. and i have further to request that you will also communicate to the house that it is my intention, on an early day, to present myself for the purpose of taking my seat and moving an inquiry into the conduct of lord ellenborough." on the day of that letter's delivery, the th of march--also famous as the day on which buonaparte's escape from elba was published in england--lord cochrane's gaolers discovered that he was no longer in his prison. immediately a hue and cry was raised. this notice was issued: "escaped from the king's bench prison, on monday the th day of march, instant, lord cochrane. he is about five feet eleven inches in height,[a] thin and narrow-chested, with sandy hair and full eyes, red whiskers and eyebrows. whoever will apprehend and secure lord cochrane in any of his majesty's gaols in the kingdom shall have a reward of three hundred guineas from william jones, marshal of the king's bench." [footnote a: he was really about six feet two inches in height, and broad in proportion.] great search was made in consequence of that notice, and lord cochrane's disappearance was an eleven days' wonder. every newspaper had each day a new statement as to his whereabouts. some declared that he had gone mad, and, as a madman's freak, was hiding himself in some corner of the prison; others that he was lodging at an apothecary's shop in london. according to one report, he had been seen at hastings, according to another, at farnham, and according to another, in jersey; while others declared that he had been discovered in france and elsewhere on the continent. none of the thousands whom political spite or the hope of reward set in search of him thought of looking for him in his real resting-place. "as soon as i had written to the speaker," he said, "i went into hampshire, where i remained eleven days, and till within one day of my appearance in the house of commons. during that period i was occupied in regulating my affairs in that county, and in riding about the county, as was well known to the people of the neighbourhood, none of whom were base enough to be seduced by a bribe to deliver an injured man into the hands of his oppressors." at his own house, known as holly hill, in the south of hampshire, lord cochrane remained quietly, though with no attempt to hide himself, until the th of march. he then, in fulfilment of his original purpose, returned to london, and on the following day entered the house of commons at about two o'clock in the afternoon. very great was the astonishment among the officials in attendance caused by his appearance, "dressed," according to one of the newspaper reports, "in his usual costume, grey pantaloons, frogged great-coat, &c.;" and by some of them the intelligence of his arrival was promptly communicated to the marshal of the king's bench. in the meanwhile, considering himself safe within the precincts of the house at any rate, he proceeded to occupy his customary seat. to that it was objected that, until he had taken the oaths and complied with the prescribed forms consequent on his re-election, he had no right within the building. he answered that he was willing to do this, and, to see that all was according to rule, went at once to the clerks' office. there it was pretended that the writ of his re-election had not yet been received, and that it must first be procured from the crown office, in chancery lane. awaiting the return of the messenger, ostensibly despatched for this purpose, he again entered the house, and there he was found, at a few minutes before four, by mr. jones, the marshal, who, on receiving the information sent to him, had hurried up, with a bow street runner and some tipstaves. the runner, walking up to lord cochrane and touching him on the shoulder, bluntly claimed him as his prisoner. lord cochrane asked by what authority he dared to arrest a member of parliament in the house of commons. "my lord," answered the man, "my authority is the public proclamation of the marshal of the king's bench prison, offering a reward for your apprehension." lord cochrane declared that he neither acknowledged, nor would yield to, any such authority, that he was there to resume his seat as one of the representatives of the city of westminster, and that any who dared to touch him would do so at their peril. two tipstaves thereupon rudely seized him by the arms. he again cautioned them that the marshal of the king's bench had no authority within those walls, and that their conduct was altogether illegal. the answer was that he had better go quietly; his reply that he would not go at all. other officers, however, came up. after a short struggle, he was overpowered, and, on his refusing to walk, he was carried out of the house on the shoulders of the tipstaves and constables. there was a halt, however, in this disgraceful march. the bow street runner expressed a fear that lord cochrane had firearms concealed under his clothes, and he was accordingly taken into one of the committee-rooms to be searched. nothing more dangerous was found about him than a packet of snuff. "if i had thought of that before," said lord cochrane, not quite wisely, "you should have had it in your eyes!" on this incident was founded a foolish story, to be told next day, amid a score of exaggerations and falsehoods, in the government newspapers. "being asked why he had provided himself with such a quantity of snuff," we there read, "he said he had bought a canister for the purpose of throwing it in the eyes of those who might attempt to secure him, unless the opposing force should be too strong for resistance, observing that he had found the use of a similar weapon when he was in the bay of rosas, as he had thrown a mixture of lime, sand, &c., upon the frenchmen who attempted to board his ship, and found it effectual." another zealous organ of the government added that he had also provided himself with a bottle of vitriol, to be used in the same way. had a penknife been found in his pocket, perhaps the marshal of the king's bench, the bow street runner, the tipstaves, and the constables would all have fled, deeming that the possession of so deadly an instrument made the retention of their captive too dangerous a thing to be attempted. the snuff having been seized, however, he was again lodged on the officers' shoulders and so conveyed into the courtyard. he then said that, being now beyond the privilege of the house, he was willing to proceed quietly. a coach was called, and he was taken back to the king's bench prison. the indignity thus offered to him was small indeed in comparison with the indignity offered to the parliament of england. in former times the slightest encroachment by the crown, by the government, or by any humbler part of the executive, was fiercely resented; and to this resentment some of the greatest and most memorable crises in the long fight for english liberty are due. but rarely had there been a more flagrant, never a more wanton, infringement of the hardly-won privileges of the house of commons. had lord cochrane been detected and seized violently in some out-of-the-way hiding-place, the over-zealous servants of the crown would have had some excuse for their conduct. but in appearing publicly in the house, he showed to all the world that he was no runaway from justice, that he was willing to submit to its honest administration by honest hands, that all he sought was a fair hearing and a fair judgment upon his case, and that, believing it impossible to obtain that through the elaborate machinery of oppression which then went by the name of administration of justice, he now only asserted his right, the right of every englishman, and especially the right of a member of parliament, to appeal from the agents of the law to the makers of the law, to call upon the legislators of his country to see whether he had not been wrongfully used by the men who, though practically too much their masters, were in theory only their servants. "i did not go to the house of commons," he said, "to complain about losses or sufferings, about fine or imprisonment; or of property, to the amount of ten times the fine, of which i had been cheated by this malicious prosecution. i did not go to the house to complain of the mockery of having been heard in my defence, and answered by a reference to the decision from which that defence was an appeal. i did not go there to complain of those who expelled me from my profession. i did not go to the house to complain _generally_ of the advisers of the crown. but i went there to complain of the conduct of him who has indeed the right of recommending to mercy, but whose privilege, as a privy councillor, of advising the confirmation of his own condemnations, and of interposing between the victims of legal vengeance and the justice of the throne, is spurious and unconstitutional. when it is considered that my intention of going to the house of commons was announced on the day on which my absence from the prison was discovered; i say, when it is considered that, as soon as it was known that i had left the prison, it was also known that i had left it for the express purpose of going to the house of commons to move for an inquiry into the conduct of lord ellenborough; when it is considered that every engine was set to work to tempt or intimidate me from that purpose, to frighten me out of the country or allure me back to the custody of the marshal, that assurances were given that the doors should be kept open for my admission at any hour of the night, and that i should be received with secresy, courtesy, and indemnity; and when it is considered that i was afterwards seized in the house of commons, in defiance of the privileges of the house--can there be a doubt that the object of that apprehension was less the accomplishment of the sentence of the court than the prevention of the exposure which i was prepared to make of the injustice of that sentence? that recourse should have been had to violence to stifle the accusations which i was prepared to bring forward, that terror of the truth should have so superseded a wonted reverence for parliamentary privileges as to have admitted the intrusion of tipstaves and thief-takers into the house of commons, to seize the person of an individual elected to serve as a member of that house, and avowedly attendant for that purpose, is extraordinary, though not unnatural." it must be admitted that the question of breach of privilege was somewhat more complicated than lord cochrane considered. his opponents did not think with him that he was still a member of the house of commons. that membership had been taken from him, formally, though wrongfully, by his expulsion on the th of july, and he had himself recognized the expulsion by accepting re-election from the constituents of westminster on the th of the same month. according to precedent, however, that re-election could not be perfected until the customary oaths had been taken; and, through a trick contrived in the clerks' office, he was hindered from taking them before the arrival of the marshal and his consequent arrest. yet there can be no doubt that, in the special circumstances of the case, this arrest was especially indecorous, and, in the method of effecting it, altogether illegal. if he had no right in the house of commons, he was a common trespasser, and ought to have been at once removed by the servants of the house, who alone could have power to touch him within the walls. to allow him a seat therein, without molestation, until the arrival of the servants of the king's bench prison, and then to allow those servants to enter the house and act upon an authority that could there be no authority, was wholly unwarrantable, a gross insult to lord cochrane, and, to the customs of the house of commons, an insult yet more gross. but to the hardship and the insult alike the house of commons, servile in its devotion to the government of the day, was blind. a miserable farce ensued. while the house was sitting, a few hours after lord cochrane's capture, a letter from the marshal of the king's bench was read by the speaker, in which his bold act was formally reported and apologized for. "i humbly hope," he there said, "that i have not committed any breach of privilege by the steps i have taken; and that, if i have done wrong, it will be attributed to error in judgment, and not to any intention of doing anything that might give offence." the short debate that followed the reading of that letter is very noteworthy. lord castlereagh spoke first, and dictated the view to be taken by all loyal members of the house. "from the nature of the arrest and the circumstances attending it, i do not think, sir," he said, "that the house is called upon to interfere. i am not aware, as the house was not actually sitting, with the mace on the table and the speaker in the chair, when the arrest took place, that any breach of privilege has been committed. it must be quite obvious to every man that the marshal has not acted wilfully in violation of the privileges of the house. no blame can attach to him, since he has submitted himself to the judgment of the house of commons after having done that which he considered his duty as a civil officer. having had lord cochrane in his custody, from which he escaped, the marshal was bound not to pass over any justifiable means of putting him under arrest whenever a fair opportunity occurred." most of the members thought, with lord castlereagh, that this was a "fair opportunity." only one, mr. tierney--and he very feebly--ventured to express an opposite opinion. "i consider this," he said, "to be the case of a member regularly elected to serve in parliament, and coming down to take his seat. now, sir, the house is regularly adjourned until ten o'clock in the morning; and i recollect occasions when the speaker did take the chair at that hour. suppose, then, a member, about to take his seat, came down here at an early hour, with the proper documents in his hand, and desired to be instructed in the mode of proceeding, and, while waiting, an officer entered, arrested him, and took his person away, would not this be a case to call for the interference of the house?" mr. tierney admitted that he approved of lord cochrane's arrest, but feared it might become a precedent and be put to the "improper purpose" of sanctioning the arrest of members more deserving of consideration. to please him, and to satisfy the formalities, therefore, the question was referred to a committee of privileges. this committee reported, on the rd of march, "that, under the particular circumstances, it did not appear that the privileges of parliament had been violated, so as to call for the interposition of the house;" and the house of commons being satisfied with that opinion, no further attention was paid to the subject. in the meanwhile lord cochrane was being punished, with inexcusable severity, for his contempt of the authority of lord ellenborough and mr. jones. a member of the house, during the discussion of the st of march, had said that he had just come from the king's bench prison. "i found lord cochrane," he had averred, "confined there in a strong room, fourteen feet square, without windows, fireplace, table, or bed. i do not think it can be necessary for the purpose of security to confine him in this manner. according to my own feelings, it is a place unfit for the noble lord, or for any other person whatsoever." in this strong room, however, lord cochrane was detained for more than three weeks. it was partly underground, devoid of ventilation or necessary warmth, and, according to the testimony of dr. buchan, one of the physicians who visited him in it, "rendered extremely damp and unpleasant by the exudations coming through the wall." on being taken to this den immediately after his capture, lord cochrane was informed by mr. jones that he would be detained in it for a short time only, until the apartments over the lobby of the prison were prepared for his reception. that was done in a few days; but no intimation of a change was made until the st of april, when a message to that effect was sent to the prisoner. on the following day he received a letter from mr. jones informing him that, if he would anticipate the payment of the fine of _l._ levied against him, and would also pledge himself, and give security for the keeping of the promise, to make no further effort to escape, he might be allowed to occupy the more comfortable quarters. "it is no new thing," said lord cochrane, "for a prisoner to escape or to be retaken; but to require of any prisoner a bond and securities not to repeat such escape was, i think, a proposition without precedent, and such as the marshal knew could not be complied with by me without humiliation, and therefore could not be proposed by him without insult. besides, he had my assurance that if i were again to quit his custody (which i gave him no reason to believe i should attempt, and which, as i observed and believe, it was as easy for me to effect from that room as from any other part of the prison), i should proceed no further than to the house of commons, and that where he found me before he might find me again; i having had no other object in view than that of expressing, by some peculiar act, the keen sense which i entertained of _peculiar_ injustice, and of endeavouring to bring such additional proofs of that injustice before the house as were not in my possession when i was heard in my defence." mr. jones, however, resolved to keep his captive in the strong room, unless he would promise to resign himself to captivity in a less obnoxious part of the prison. even for that negative favour the marshal took great credit to himself in a document which he issued at the time. "if a humane and kind concern for this unfortunate nobleman," he there averred, "had not softened the solicitude which i naturally felt for my own security, i could have committed him, on my own warrant for the escape, to the new gaol in horsemonger lane, for the space of a month; and that power is still within my jurisdiction. had i thought proper to exercise it, lord cochrane would then have been confined in a solitary cell with a stone floor, with windows impenetrably barred and without glass; nor would it have proved half the size of the strong room in the king's bench, which has a boarded floor and glazed lights." that statement reasonably stirred the anger of lord cochrane. "though the solitary cell in horsemonger lane," he answered, "may be half the size of the strong room, it could not, i apprehend, have been more gloomy, damp, filthy, or injurious to health than the last-mentioned dungeon. and since mr. jones could only have confined me in the former place for a month, and did confine me in the latter for twenty-six days, i can scarcely see that degree of difference which should entitle him to those 'grateful sentiments for his mode of acting on the occasion' which, he submits to the public, it is my duty to entertain. the 'glazed lights' mentioned by mr. jones were not put up till i had been thirty hours in the place, and i have always understood that i was indebted for them to the good offices of mr. bennet and mr. lambton, who happened [as part of a parliamentary committee] to be prosecuting their inquiry into the state of the prison at the time of my return. for these and all other mercies of the said marshal, my gratitude is due to their friendship and sense of duty, and to his dread of their discoveries and proceedings." it is clear that nothing but fear of the consequences induced mr. jones to remove lord cochrane from the strong room, after twenty-six days of confinement therein. on the th of april the prisoner issued an address to the electors of westminster, detailing some of the hardships to which he was being subjected; and its publication immediately roused so much popular interest that the authorities of king's bench prison deemed it necessary to make at any rate a show of amelioration in his treatment. on the th, his physician, dr. buchan, was allowed to visit him, and his report was such that another medical man of eminence, mr. saumarez, was sent to examine into the state of the prisoner's health. part of dr. buchan's certificate has already been quoted. the rest was as follows: "this is to certify that i have this day visited lord cochrane, who is affected with severe pain of the breast. his pulse is low, his hands cold, and he has many symptoms of a person about to have typhus or putrid fever. these symptoms are, in my opinion, produced by the stagnant air of the strong room in which he is now confined." "i hereby certify," wrote mr. saumarez, "that i have visited lord cochrane, and am of opinion, from the state of his health at this time, that it is essentially necessary that he should be removed from the room which he now inhabits to one which is better ventilated, and in which there is a fireplace. his lordship complains of pain in the chest, with difficulty of respiration, accompanied with great coldness of the hands; and, from the general state of his health, there is great reason to fear that a low typhus may come on." the only result of those medical opinions was a renewal of the offer to remove lord cochrane to the rooms prepared for him, on the conditions previously specified by mr. jones. lord cochrane answered that he would rather die than submit to such an insulting arrangement. he published the doctors' certificates, however, on the th of april, and their effect upon the public was so great that the authorities were forced on the following day to take him out of his dungeon. mr. jones's account of this step is worth quoting. "i again tried," he reported, "to induce lord cochrane's friends and relations to give me any kind of undertaking against another escape. on their refusal, i determined myself to become his friend, and, at my own risk, to remove him to the rooms which have been already mentioned, and where, i am confident, he can have no cause of complaint. these rooms not being altogether safe against such a person as lord cochrane, should he determine to risk another escape, i must look to the laws of my country as a safeguard, in the hope that the terrors of them will discourage him from attempting a repetition of his offence, and prevent him from incurring the penalties of another indictment." lord cochrane never really intended to attempt a second escape. had it been otherwise, the illness induced by his confinement in the strong room would have restrained him. being placed in healthier apartments on the th of april, he quietly remained there for the remainder of his term of imprisonment. on the th of june he was informed that, the term being now at an end, he was at liberty to depart on payment of the fine of _l._ levied against him. this he at first refused to do, and accordingly he was detained in prison for a fortnight more; but at length the entreaties of his friends prevailed. on the rd of july he tendered to the marshal of the king's bench a _l._ note, with this memorable endorsement: "my health having suffered by long and close confinement, and my oppressors being resolved to deprive me of property or life, i submit to robbery to protect myself from murder, in the hope that i shall live to bring the delinquents to justice." upon that the prison doors were opened for him, and he was able once more to fight for the justice so cruelly withheld from him, and to make his innocence entirely clear to all whose selfish interests did not force them to be blind to the truth. chapter iv. lord cochrane's return to the house of commons.--his share in the refusal of the duke of cumberland's marriage pension.--his charges against lord ellenborough, and their rejection by the house.--his popularity.--the part taken by him in public meetings for the relief of the people.--the london tavern meeting.--his further prosecution, trial at guildford, and subsequent imprisonment.--the payment of his fines by a penny subscription.--the congratulations of his westminster constituents. [ - .] released from imprisonment on monday, the rd of july, lord cochrane resumed his seat in the house of commons on the evening of the same day, just in time to secure the defeat of a measure which was especially obnoxious to his radical friends. the duke of cumberland having lately married a daughter of the duke of mecklenburg-strelitz, it was proposed to augment his income of about , _l._ a year by a further pension of _l._ a bill to that effect was brought in by lord castlereagh, and, after much sullen opposition from independent members, allowed a first reading by a majority of seventeen. on the second division the majority was reduced to twelve. the bill was brought on for the third reading on the rd of july, and would have been passed through the house of commons by the speaker's casting vote but for lord cochrane's sudden appearance. his vote secured a majority against it, and thereby it was finally overthrown. great, on the morrow, were the rejoicings of his supporters. "what a triumph," it was said in a friendly newspaper, "is this to innocence! after being sentenced to the scandalous and disgraceful punishment of the pillory, after being confined in a loathsome dungeon, fined _l._ in money to the king, disgracefully removed from that service in which he had attained such high honours and rendered to his country such essential service, his escutcheon kicked out of westminster abbey, his order of knighthood taken from him; in short, after having every possible indignity which the most malignant imagination could invent heaped upon him in every way, his single vote, on the very first day of his returning to his parliamentary duties, has been the means of obtaining a signal victory over those under whose persecution he had been so long suffering." the one victory upon which lord cochrane set his heart, however--the reversal of the unjust sentence passed upon him, and the consequent restoration of the honours and offices that were now doubly dear to him--he was not able to obtain. on the th of july, just before the prorogation of parliament, he gave notice that, early in the next session, he should move for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the conduct of lord ellenborough and others towards him during the stock exchange trial. in arranging for this new effort at self-justification, he was partly occupied during the ensuing autumn and winter, and the question was brought prominently before the house of commons in the spring of ; only to issue, however, in further injustice and disappointment. his purpose from the first was, of course, virtually the impeachment of lord ellenborough; and that object was yet more apparent from the altered shape which the question assumed when introduced in the new session. during the recess, lord cochrane, with the help of advisers, some of whom were more zealous than wise, william cobbett being the chief, had prepared an elaborate series of "charges of partiality, misrepresentation, injustice, and oppression against the lord chief justice;" and these were formally introduced to the house of commons on the th of march. "when i recollect," said lord cochrane on that occasion, "the imputations cast upon my character, and circulated industriously previous to any legal proceedings, the conduct pursued at my trial, the verdict obtained, the ineffectual endeavours; to procure a revision of my case in the court of king's bench, and the infamous sentence there pronounced, together with my expulsion from this house without being suffered to expose its injustice--when i call to mind my dismissal from a service in which i have spent the fairest portion of my life, at least without reproach, and my illegal and unmerited deprivation of the order of the bath--it is impossible to speak without emotion. i have but one course now left to pursue, namely, to show that the charge of the lord chief justice, on which he directed the jury to decide, was not only unsupported by, but was in direct contradiction to, the evidence on which it professed to be founded. this is the best course to pursue both in justice to the learned judge and to myself. either i am unfit to sit in this house, or the judge has no right to his place on the bench. i have courted investigation in every shape; and i trust that the learned lord will not shrink from it or suffer his friends on the opposite side to evade the consideration of these charges by 'the previous question.'" lord cochrane thereupon tendered to the house thirteen charges against lord ellenborough, in which every point of importance in the stock exchange trial was minutely detailed and discussed; and these charges being read, therein occupying nearly three hours, were ordered to be printed. a fourteenth charge, bearing upon lord ellenborough's conduct subsequent to the trial, was introduced on the th of march; but this, as it included aspersions upon the character of another judge, sir simon le blanc, was objected to and withdrawn. there was further discussion on the subject on the st and the th of april; but not much was done until the th of april. on that evening, lord cochrane formally moved that his charges against lord ellenborough should be referred to a committee of the whole house, and that evidence in support of them should be heard at the bar. a lengthy discussion then ensued, the most notable speeches being made by the solicitor-general, sir francis burdett, and the attorney-general. the solicitor-general of course opposed the motion. "as the house, on the one hand," he said, "should jealously watch over the conduct of judges, so, on the other, it should protect them when deserving of protection, not only as a debt of justice due to the judges, but as a debt due to justice herself, in order that the public confidence in the purity of the administration of our laws may not be disappointed, and that the course of that administration may continue the admiration of the world; for, unless the judges are protected in the exercise of their functions, the public opinion of the excellence of our laws will be inevitably weakened,--and to weaken public opinion is to weaken justice herself." that sort of argument, too frivolous and faulty, it might be supposed, to influence any one, had weight with the house of commons to which it was addressed; and the solicitor-general adduced much more of it. to him the spotless character of lord ellenborough appeared to be an ample defence against lord cochrane's charges. "never," he said, with a truthfulness that posterity can appreciate, "never was there an individual at the bar or on the bench less liable to the imputation of corrupt motives; never was there one more remarkable for independence--i will say, sturdy independence--of character, than the noble and learned lord. for twelve years he has presided on the bench with unsullied honour, displaying a perfect knowledge of the law; evincing as much legal knowledge as was ever amassed by any individual; and now, in the latter part of his life, when he has arrived at the highest dignity to which a man can arrive, by a promotion well-earned at the bar, and doubly well-earned at the bench, we are told that he has sacrificed all his honours by acting from corrupt motives!" sir francis burdett replied effectively to the speeches of the solicitor-general and others who sided with him, and nobly defended his friend. he showed that the proposal to refuse investigation of this case because it might weaken the cause of justice, by making the conduct of the administrators of justice contemptible, was worse than frivolous. "such language," he averred, "would operate against the investigation of any charges whatever against any judge; would indeed form a barrier against the exercise of the best privilege of this house--the privilege of inquiring into the conduct of courts of justice. it would serve equally well to shelter even those judges who have been dragged from the bench for their misconduct." he then reviewed the incidents of the stock exchange trial, and urged that lord cochrane had good reason for bringing forward his charges. "the question for the house to consider is, 'do these charges, if admitted, contain criminal matter for the consideration of the house?' i conceive that they do. no doubt the judges who condemned russell and sidney were, at the time, spoken of as men of high character, who could not be supposed to suffer any base motives to influence their conduct. such arguments as those ought to be banished from this house. it is our duty to look, with constitutional suspicion on jealousy, on the proceedings of the judges; and, when a grave charge is solemnly brought forward, justice to the country, as well as to the judge, demands an inquiry into it." that, however, was refused. after a long speech from the attorney-general, and an eloquent reply by lord cochrane, the house divided on the motion. eighty-nine members voted against it. its only supporters were sir francis burdett and lord cochrane himself. not only did the house refuse to listen to the allegations against lord ellenborough; in the excess of its devotion to such law and such order as the government of the day appointed, it even resolved that all the entries in its record of proceedings which referred to this subject should be expunged from the journals. lord cochrane made no resistance to this further insult thrown upon him. "it gives me great satisfaction," he said, in the brief and dignified speech with which he closed the discussion, "to think that the vote which has been come to has been come to without any of my charges having been disproved. whatever may be done with them now, they will find their way to posterity, and posterity will form a different judgment concerning them than that which has been adopted by this house. so long as i have a seat in this house, however, i will continue to bring them forward, year by year and time after time, until i am allowed the opportunity of establishing the truth of my allegations." other occupations prevented the full realization of that purpose. but to the end of his life lord cochrane used every occasion of asserting his innocence and courting a full investigation of all the incidents on which his assertion was based. posterity, as he truly prophesied, has learnt to endorse his judgment; and therefore, in the ensuing pages, it will not be necessary to adduce from his letters and actions more than occasional illustrations of the temper which animated him throughout with reference to this heaviest of all his heavy troubles. by these troubles, however, even in the time of their greatest pressure, he was not overcome; and in the midst of them he found time and heart for active labour in the good work of various sorts that was always dear to him. he used the advantages of his liberty in striving to perfect the invention of improved street lamps and lighting material that had occupied him while in prison, and to procure their general adoption. his place in parliament, moreover, all through the session of , was employed not only in seeking justice for himself, but also in furthering every project advanced for benefiting the community and checking the pernicious action of the government. a zealous, honest whig before, he was now as zealous and as honest as ever in all his political conduct. and his devotion to the best interests of the people was yet more apparent in his unflagging labours, out of parliament, for the public good. his great abilities, rendered all the more prominent by the cruel persecution to which he had been and still was subjected, made him a leading champion of the people during the turmoil to which misgovernment at home, and the distracted state of foreign politics, gave a special stimulus in . a long list might be made of the great meetings which he attended, and took part in, both among his own constituents of westminster and elsewhere, for the consideration of popular grievances and their remedies. one such meeting, attended by henry brougham and sir francis burdett among others, was held in palace yard, westminster, on the st of march, for the purpose of petitioning parliament against the renewal of the property-tax and the maintenance of a standing army in time of peace. lord cochrane, the hero of the day, on account of "the spirit of opposition which he had shown to the infringement of the constitution and the grievances of the people," won for himself new favour by the boldness with which he denounced the policy of the government, which, boasting that it was ruining the french nation, was at the same time bringing misery also upon englishmen by the excessive taxation and the reckless extravagance to which it resorted. a smaller, but much more momentous meeting assembled at the city of london tavern on the th of july, under the auspices of the association for the relief of the manufacturing and labouring poor. instigated in a spirit of praiseworthy charity by many of the most influential persons of the day, it was used by lord cochrane for the enforcement of the views as to public right and public duty, and the mutual relations of the rich and the poor, which were forced upon him by his recent troubles, and the relations in which he was at this time placed with some over-zealous champions of popular reform, and some unreasonable exponents of popular grievances. that his conduct on this occasion was extravagant and even factious, he afterwards heartily regretted. yet as a memorable illustration of the power and earnestness with which he fought for what seemed to him to be right, as well with word as with sword, its details, as reported at the time, may be here set forth at length. about half-past one o'clock the duke of york entered and took the chair, supported on his right by the duke of kent, and on his left by the duke of cambridge. he was accompanied on his entrance by the archbishop of canterbury, the bishop of london, the duke of rutland, lord manvers, the chancellor of the exchequer, mr. wilberforce, and other distinguished individuals. his royal highness the duke of york immediately proceeded to open the business of the day, by observing that the present meeting had been called to consider and, as far as possible, to alleviate the present distress and sufferings of the labouring classes of the community. these distresses were, he feared, too well known to all who heard him to require any description; and all he had to add to the bare statement of them was the expression of his confidence that the liberality which had been so signally manifested in the course of foreign distress would not be found wanting when the direction of it was to be towards the comfort and relief of our own countrymen at home. the duke of kent, after alluding to the exertions of the committee of , observed that the immediate object was to raise a fund, in the subsequent accumulation and management of which many ulterior arrangements might be projected, and from which charity might soon emanate in a thousand directions. he doubted not that every county and every town would be quick to imitate the example of the metropolis. the association of had at least the merit of producing this effect, and had spread through the whole land that spirit of active benevolence which he was feebly invoking on this occasion. he trusted that it was necessary for him to say but little more to insure the adoption of the resolution which he should have the honour to propose. he confessed he felt gratified when he saw so great a concourse of his countrymen assembled together for such a purpose, and additional gratification at seeing by whom they were supported. he was sure, then, that he should not plead in vain to the national liberality; but that the remedy would be promptly afforded to an evil which he trusted would be found but temporary. if they should be so happy as but to succeed in discovering new sources of employment to supply the place of those channels which had been suddenly shut up, he should indeed despond if we did not soon restore the country to that same flourishing condition which had long made her the envy of the world. the royal duke then moved the first resolution, as follows:--"that the transition from a state of extensive warfare to a system of peace has occasioned a stagnation of employment and a revulsion of trade, deeply affecting the situation of many parts of the community, and producing many instances of great local distress." the resolution was seconded by mr. harman. lord cochrane offered himself to the attention of the meeting, but was for some time unable to proceed, his voice being lost in the huzzas and hisses which his presence called forth. silence being at length in some measure obtained, his lordship said he would not have addressed the meeting but that, having received a circular letter from the committee, and feeling the importance of the subject, he would have thought it a dereliction of his duty if he refrained from attending. he rose thus early because the observations he had to submit would not be suitable if made when the other resolutions were put. the first resolution was, in his opinion, founded on a gross fallacy; and this was his reason for saying so. the existing distresses could not be truly ascribed to any sudden transition from war to peace. could it be pretended that it was peace which had occasioned the fall in the value of all agricultural produce? or could any man venture to assert that the difficulties and sufferings of the manufacturing classes had any other cause than a prodigious and enormous burthen of taxation? he was much gratified at seeing the royal dukes so active in promoting a generous and laudable undertaking, and he hoped he should not be understood as treating them with disrespect when he repeated that the resolution was founded on an entire fallacy. but, not to content himself with a mere assertion of his own belief, he had brought official documents to prove the correctness of his statements; and if he should be wrong, he saw the chancellor of the exchequer near him, who would have the opportunity of correcting his misrepresentation. this brief statement, he believed, would be quite sufficient to show that the financial situation of the country was such as to render any attempts of that meeting for the purpose of extending general relief utterly ineffectual. the whole revenue of the kingdom was , , _l._, deducting the property-tax, and the revenue was thus expended. the interest of the national debt, including the interest of unfunded exchequer bills, was upwards of , , _l._, leaving to support the expenses of government only about , , _l._ it was this enormous sum which now hung round our necks--it was this, which unnecessary extravagance had caused to increase from year to year to its present terrible amount, which was the cause of all the evils of the country at this moment. this taxation, and extravagance, for which the country was now suffering, was supported and sanctioned by those who had derived and still derived large emoluments from them. these were truths that the people ought to know; for they were the source of their burthens, and the origin of all the mischief. it was this profuse expenditure of the public money, to say no worse of it, that occasioned the present calamities. it was the lavish expenditure to meet a compliant list of placemen that brought the country to its present state. the deficiency in the revenue occasioned by the enormous interest of the national debt, which ministers would have to supply, would, according to the present disbursements and receipts, amount to , , _l._ unless that expenditure were reduced, every such attempt as they were at present making would, he was convinced, prove abortive: it was a mere topical application while a mortal distemper was raging within. he had taken no notice in his estimate of the charges for sinecures or the bounties on exports and imports: and yet the returns upon which he went, exclusive of these charges, showed a deficit for the ensuing year of , , _l._ were those who heard him prepared to make this good? it was, he believed, undeniable that nothing could equalize our revenue with our expenditure, but the putting down entirely the army and navy, or the extinction of one half of the national debt; but when he looked to the actual receipt of the last quarter and found a falling off of , , _l._, which, with a corresponding decrease in the three succeeding quarters, must create a new deficit of , , _l._, and, added to the , , _l._ to which he had alluded, would form a sum equal to the whole amount of the boasted sinking-fund, he felt that it was worse than trifling to suppose we could go on upon the present system. were they prepared to make up this enormous deficiency? [a voice from the crowd cried "yes."] he was happy to hear it: he supposed it was some fund-holder who answered, and if any class could do so, it was the fund-holders. they alone had the ability, they alone now derived any returns from their property; but even if they should be both able and willing, still it would only remain a positive deficit made good, and no new facility would be derived for alleviating the existing burthens. the burthens and distresses must still remain what they were before. he spoke not now upon conjecture, or loose calculation, he had brought his authority with him. these were the records from which he derived his statements--the official returns of the treasury; and if false, the chancellor of the exchequer was present to contradict them. he was glad, he confessed, to see him, for those who heard him were, no doubt, aware that it was not always in the house of commons that a minister could discover the genuine sentiments of the people. if, therefore, no other person should move an amendment, he should feel it his duty to propose an omission of that part of the resolution which ascribed the distressed state of the country to the transition from a state of war to a state of peace, and to state the cause to be an enormous debt, and a lavish expenditure. he had come there with the expectation of seeing the duke of rutland in the chair; and with some hopes, as he took the lead upon this occasion, that it was his intention to surrender that sinecure of , _l._ a-year which he was now in the habit of putting in his pocket. he still trusted that all who were present and were also holders of sinecures had it in their intention to sacrifice them to their liberality and their justice; and that they did not come there to aid the distresses of their country by paying half-a-crown per cent, out of the hundreds which they took from it. if they did not, all he could say was, that to him their pretended charity was little better than a fraud. without, however, taking up more of their time, he should move his amendment, with this one additional observation, that it would be a disgrace to an enlightened meeting, and particularly to a meeting which might be considered as comprising an aggregate mass of the property and intellect of the country, to place a fallacy upon the record of their proceedings, and to build all their following resolutions upon an assertion which had no foundation in truth. he concluded by moving the following amendment to the first resolution:--"that the enormous load of the national debt, together with the large military establishment and the profuse expenditure of public money, was the real cause of the present public distress." mr. wilberforce said he was himself too much of an englishman, and had been too long engaged in political discussions to feel any surprise that those who felt warmly on such a subject as the present should be anxious to give expression to their sentiments: but he could not help thinking that, upon cool reflection, the noble lord would be of opinion that his own object would be better attained if he confined himself, on this occasion, to the distinct question under consideration. the noble lord said the country was in a crisis, and would they apply a mere topical remedy? but he might ask the noble lord if he would refuse to assuage the pain of a temporary distemper because he had it not in his power at once to cure it radically? to him the existing distress appeared to be a distemper which rather called for immediate alleviation, than for the speculative discussion of its cause. he thought the most charitable and manly course to be pursued--and that which must be most congenial to what he knew to be the noble lord's own charitable and manly disposition--was not to call upon the meeting to give any opinion upon a political question not under consideration, so as to divert them from pursuing it with diligence and confidence, but to postpone to a better opportunity a discussion of this nature, and to unite cordially in the general cause of finding employment and encouragement for our suffering fellow-citizens. if the noble lord would reflect upon the best mode of relieving the distresses of the people, he would find his amendment not likely to have that tendency. let him reserve all discussion on the question it involved until he could do it without interrupting the stream of charity, and until he could enter upon it under fair and proper circumstances. he (mr. wilberforce), in a proper place, would not shrink from meeting the noble lord on that inquiry; he was twice as old in public life as the noble lord could pretend to be, and fully as independent; yet he would not have easily supposed any man, however young in politics, could have started such topics there. for his part, he should be sorry to take advantage of any credit which might be to supposed to belong to him upon such an occasion as this to cast reproaches upon those who were concurring with him in a benevolent design. the meeting must on the present occasion feel how much indebted it stood to the royal personages for their attendance. they had come to listen to a discussion which had for its avowed and direct object the relief of the people, and they were in the room suddenly called upon to lay aside the practical part of their inquiry and to enter upon a distinct pursuit. was such a course fair towards those illustrious individuals? was it that which was likely to induce them to listen to proposals for their personal co-operation on occasions of benevolence, if they had no security against the occupation of their time for discussions of a different character? in conclusion, he entreated the noble lord, of whose real disposition to relieve the people of england he had no doubt, and whose motives he could justly appreciate, to withdraw his amendment. lord cochrane thanked the honourable gentleman for his personal civilities towards him, and said that he would feel no hesitation in withdrawing his amendment if the honourable gentleman would state to the meeting, on his own personal veracity and honour, that he believed that the original resolution contained the true cause of the public distress, and the amendment the false one. if the honourable gentleman would say that--if any respectable man present would say it--he would be satisfied. mr. cotes said he was entirely unconnected with the noble lord, and had never even had the honour of speaking, to him. he agreed, however, with him in thinking that this was a moment when the eyes of the public ought to be open to their real situation. the amendment harmonized entirely with all the opinions which he had been able to form upon subject. mr. wilberforce, to whose humane and benevolent mr. character he was happy to pay his acknowledgments, had attempted to get rid of the noble lord's amendment by a sort of side-wind; but to his judgment there was no incompatibility between the object of the meeting and the amendment. there was nothing irrelevant in it; it naturally grew out of the course adopted by the chair, and in which a cause of the prevailing distress was distinctly specified. the question was, then, ought their resolutions to go forth to the public with a falsehood upon the face of them? ought they not to state the true cause, since his royal highness by mistake had assigned a fallacious one? mr. wilberforce, with his usual ability, but in a manner that still marked its duplicity--he meant the word in no offensive sense--had asked, would he enter into a political discussion when we were called upon to extend relief? he begged to state this was not the true question: it was whether they would found all the future proceedings upon error and misstatement, or upon incontrovertible facts. another question was, would they be satisfied to patch up the wounds of the country for a short period or seek to remedy the disease in its spring and in its sources before it became still more alarming and incurable? the duke of kent said he had offered the resolution as it had been put into his hand; and if he had conceived there had been any mention of a course upon which difference of opinion could exist, he hoped they knew him sufficiently to believe that he should have been incapable of requiring their assent to it. he now, therefore, proposed an omission of all that part of the resolution which had any reference whatever to the cause of the present distress. he knew the noble lord well enough--and he had known him in early life--to be assured that he would agree with him, at least in a declaration as to the fact. their common object, he believed, was to afford relief and to admit its necessity without assigning either one cause or another. for his own part, it had not been his intention to attend a political discussion. he would never enter the arena of politics with the noble lord; but he begged leave to say, he considered himself as competent to plead the cause of humanity, to advocate the interests of the weather-beaten sufferer, as the noble lord could be. there were, however, other times and other places for men to engage in discussion of party politics, and he therefore implored the noble lord not to distract the attention of the meeting by the introduction of these; and to keep solely in view that they had met as the friends of benevolence, not as the advocates of a party. his royal highness then proposed to alter the motion as follows:-- "resolved that there do at this moment exist a stagnation of employment and a revulsion of trade, deeply affecting the situation of many parts of the community, and producing many instances of great local distress." lord cochrane, in reply, stated that he had no wish to excite a difference of opinion on such an occasion, and that, after the alteration in the resolution, nothing gave him more pleasure than the opportunity of withdrawing his amendment; but, in justification of what he had done, it became necessary for him to say that he never would have thought of his amendment if it had not been for the assertion as to the cause of existing distress--he had no doubt in his mind as to the nature of that cause, and he held it but just and honourable that if a cause must be assigned, it should be the true one. after returning thanks to mr. wilberforce and the duke of kent for their expressions of personal civility, the noble lord consented to withdraw his motion so far as he was personally concerned in it. considerable opposition, however, from various parts of the hall was manifested to this mode of withdrawing the amendment, and a great deal of disturbance took place. at last the resolution, as altered by the duke of kent, was put and carried. the duke of cambridge, in his speech, which followed, returned his warm thanks to the noble lord for the handsome manner in which he had withdrawn his amendment. he moved the following resolution, which was unanimously agreed to:-- "from the experienced generosity of the british nation it may be confidently expected that those who are able to afford the means of relief to their fellow-subjects will contribute their utmost endeavours to remedy or alleviate the sufferings of those who are particularly distressed." the archbishop of canterbury moved the following resolution, which was seconded and carried unanimously: "that although it is obviously impossible for any association of individuals to attempt a general relief of difficulties affecting so large a proportion of the public, yet that it has been proved by the experience of this association that most important and extensive benefits may be derived from the co-operation and correspondence of a society in the metropolis encouraging the efforts of those benevolent individuals who may be disposed to associate themselves in the different districts for the relief of their several neighbourhoods." the duke of rutland afterwards addressed the meeting, and moved that a subscription be immediately opened, and contributions generally solicited for carrying into effect the objects of this association; which was seconded, and agreed to. the earl of manvers, after stating that he had opposed the amendment of the noble lord (lord cochrane) solely from his anxiety to preserve the unanimity of the meeting, as it was only by becoming unanimous they could gain their object, moved: "that subscribers of _l._ and upwards be added to the committee of the association for the relief of the manufacturing and labouring poor; that the committee have full power to dispose of the funds to be collected, and to name sub-committees for correspondence." the motion was seconded by sir t. bell, and unanimously carried. the bishop of london proposed a vote of thanks to the duke of york, which mr. c. barclay was about to second, but-- lord cochrane again stepped forward and gained the attention of the meeting. he repeated the explanation of the motives for withdrawing his proposed amendment, adding, that he had no wish again to press that amendment upon the consideration of the meeting. but he could not forbear from observing what would have been the fate of such a proposition, if brought forward in another place, which he need not name. for there, instead of being requested to withdraw the proposition, it would have been met by a direct negative or by 'the previous question,' in support of which, no doubt, a majority of that assembly, miscalled the representatives of the people, would have voted. yet the manner in which this, a meeting of the people, would have decided, was pretty obvious; and hence it might be inferred how far the people concurred in sentiment and feeling with the house of commons. that the proposed, or any charitable subscription, must be inadequate to relieve the actual distress of the country was a proposition which could not be disputed, but yet he did not intend to oppose that subscription; on the contrary, he should give it every possible support in his power; and it was, he felt, a consolation to them that there were still some persons in this country who could afford something to relieve the poor; but he was afraid that neither the landowner nor the mercantile interest had the means of doing so; for the former could obtain no rent, and the latter no trade--the only persons, in fact, who were able to assist the poor under present circumstances were the placemen, the sinecurists, and the fund-holders, who must give up at least half of their ill-gotten gains in order to effect the object. with this impression fixed upon his mind, he felt it his duty to propose an additional resolution, that the ministers of the crown, that the government of the country, who wielded the power of parliament, were alone competent to remove and to alleviate the national distress. this, indeed, was evident from the statement of our financial situation which he had already made. he had called upon the chancellor of the exchequer, who was present, to contradict that statement if he could; but the right honourable gentleman had felt it expedient not to utter one word, as the meeting had witnessed. yet from that statement it must be obvious, as he had already observed, that the military and naval situation of the country must be abandoned, or at least half the national debt must be extinguished, for the resources of the empire could not endure such burthens. the noble lord concluded with expressing his intention when the present resolutions were got over, to move another, stating the real cause of the present distress, and that the chancellor of the exchequer and his majesty's ministers were alone capable of affording serious relief to the present distress. mr. barclay seconded the motion of the right reverend the bishop of london, to which lord cochrane assured the meeting he entertained no objection. great confusion prevailed in the meeting, some crying out for lord cochrane's motion, while others were equally loud in testifying their anxiety for the vote of thanks. the duke of kent then put the motion. lord cochrane said that his sole object was to have an opportunity of moving his resolution after the present was disposed of. a person from a distant part of the room exclaimed: "that resolution shall not be put, for it is a libel on the parliament." several other remarks were made, but they were generally unintelligible from the violent uproar and confusion that prevailed. loud cries of "put lord cochrane's motion first" were mixed with the cry of "chair, chair." the duke of kent said that he had attended this meeting with a view to assist in promoting an object of charity, and he had no doubt that such was the intention of the noble lord (cochrane). of this he was sure from the noble lord's own declaration, as well as from his knowledge of the noble lord's feelings. the noble lord had, indeed, himself stated that he had no wish to introduce any political, or to press any, measure likely to interfere with the object of the meeting. therefore, he called upon the noble lord, in consistency, in politeness and urbanity, not to urge any political principle; and the noble lord must be aware that his proposition had a strong political tendency. the proposition was indeed such, that the noble lord must be aware that it was calculated to injure the subscription, for those who were not of the noble lord's opinion in politics were but too likely to leave the room if that proposition were pressed to a vote, and thus a material object of charity would suffer through a desire to urge a declaration of a mere political opinion. lord cochrane disclaimed any wish to provoke political discussion. he expressed his desire merely to declare a truth which no man could venture to dispute in any popular assembly, in order that the chancellor of the exchequer, and others present, might have an opportunity of reporting to government the decided sentiment and real feeling of the people. the archbishop of canterbury begged leave to call back the attention of the meeting to the motion before it, and which, he had no doubt, would be unanimously adopted. this motion, the most reverend prelate added, was not intended in any degree to interfere with the motion of the noble lord. amid loud cries of "put lord cochrane's motion first, for if the motion of thanks be disposed of, the duke of york will leave the chair, and the noble lord's motion will not be put at all," the duke of kent declared that there could be no intention to get rid of the noble lord's motion by any side-wind. the motion of thanks was then passed while lord cochrane was engaged in writing his motion, and the duke of york, having bowed to the meeting, immediately withdrew, amidst loud hissings, and cries of "shame! shame! a trick! a trick!" the duke of kent, whose head was turned towards lord cochrane, was much surprised and disappointed at discovering the absence of the chairman. the general cry was then raised: "the duke of kent to the chair." his royal highness addressed the meeting. having, he said, pledged himself on proposing the last resolution that there was no intention of getting rid of lord cochrane's motion by any side-wind, he felt himself in a very awkward predicament. "but," he added, "i hope that, as liberal englishmen, you will consider my situation and who i am; and that after my illustrious relatives have retired from the meeting, you will not insist upon my taking the chair for the purpose of pressing the declaration of a political opinion; but that you will commend my motives, and do justice to those feelings which determine the propriety of my immediate departure." his royal highness accordingly withdrew. the majority of the meeting still remained, calling for the nomination of another chairman, and pressing the adoption of lord cochrane's motion; but the noble lord also withdrew, and the meeting separated. that meeting was memorable. if lord cochrane's bearing at it was factious, it must be remembered how greatly he had suffered and how earnestly he desired to save the people at large from the sufferings entailed upon them by the government which he and they had learnt to regard with a common dislike. by exposing what appeared to him and many others to be the hypocrisy of seeming philanthropists, and showing what he deemed the only real cause and the only real remedy of the national distress, he only acted as a brave and honest man, and his work was appreciated by the masses in whose interest it was done. a thrill of satisfaction ran through the land. during the ensuing weeks and months congratulations were heaped upon him from all quarters, and from nearly every class of society. if he had lessened the resources of the association for the belief of the manufacturing and labouring poor, he was thanked even for this, since it was believed to be a good thing for shallow charity to be stayed, in order that the cause of real justice might be promoted. the thanks were all the heartier because of the fresh persecution to which lord cochrane was subjected on account of his patriotism. this persecution was in the shape of legal proceedings instituted against him by the marshal of the king's bench prison for his escape therefrom on the th of march, . the action had been formally commenced almost immediately after the alleged offence, but on technical grounds, and perhaps from the consciousness that he was already punished enough, it was delayed for more than a year. as the previous punishment, however, had not been enough to silence him, the government determined to revive the old charge as a further act of vengeance. at the special instigation of lord ellenborough, as it was averred, the prosecution had been renewed in may, , almost immediately after the rejection by the house of commons of lord cochrane's charges against the vindictive and unprincipled judge; but the time was too far gone for trial to take place during the summer term. it was again renewed, and at length successfully, directly after lord cochrane's fresh exhibition of his hostility to the government at the london tavern meeting. the trial was at guildford, on the th of august. its history and issue may best be told in the words of an autobiographical fragment, written by lord dundonald shortly before his death. "i was accompanied to guildford," he said, "by sir francis burdett and several other leading inhabitants of westminster, whose names are forgotten by me. i took neither counsel nor witnesses, having determined to rest my case on the point of law that 'no member of parliament can be imprisoned, either for non-payment of a fine to the king, or for any other cause than treason or felony, or refusing to give security to keep the peace,' my inference being that as i was illegally imprisoned, i had committed no illegality in escaping. i read to the jury a general statement, on which they unequivocally expressed their conviction that the trial had better not have been instituted, for that the punishment already sustained was more than adequate to the offence alleged to have been committed. the judge, however, interfered, and told the jury that, as i had admitted the escape in my statement, they had no alternative but to bring in a verdict of guilty, which was reluctantly done, and judgment was deferred. "after the trial i returned to my house in hampshire, and not hearing anything more of the affair, naturally concluded that, in the face of the opinion expressed by the jury, the government would be ashamed to prosecute the matter further. not liking, however, to trust to their mercy, whilst their malevolence might be exercised at an inconvenient season, or made to depend upon my political conduct, i directed my attorney to inquire whether it was intended to put in execution the sentence at guildford. the reply was that no steps had been taken, and the impression was, that government would be against further proceedings, lest they should tend to increase my popularity. considering that this might be a feint to put me off my guard, i went to london for the purpose of attending a large political meeting, in the conduct of which i participated. shortly afterwards i received a summons to appear at westminster hall and receive judgment on the verdict; the judgment being that i was condemned to pay a fine of _l._ to the crown. "on my refusal to pay the fine, on the st of november, i was again taken into custody, i alleging that the sentence would amount to perpetual imprisonment, for that i would never pay a fine imposed for escaping from an illegal detention. "on my being taken back to prison, however, a meeting of the electors of westminster was held, at which it was determined that the amount of the fine should be paid by a penny subscription, no person being allowed to subscribe more. this plan was adopted in order that the public throughout the kingdom might have an opportunity of manifesting their disapprobation of the oppressive way in which i was being treated. though i knew nothing of the intentions of the committee at the time, it was expected that the subscription would amount to a much larger sum than the fine, and resolved that the surplus should be devoted to the re-imbursement of the former fine of _l._ and of the expenses to which i had been put at the trial. receiving-houses were accordingly opened in the metropolis and in various other large towns, and the amount of the fine of _l._ was speedily collected in london alone. "meanwhile meetings were constantly being held to petition parliament for reform, and at these my name and sufferings formed a prominent topic, so that the government would have been glad to be rid of me. after one of these meetings in spafields, for the purpose of requesting sir francis burdett and myself to present a petition to parliament, a serious riot took place in the city of london, in which a gentleman was shot by the military. the government, in alarm lest the people should proceed to the king's bench and liberate me, did me the honour to send a company of infantry to guard me, the officers of the prison being ordered to admit no strangers whatever. the troops were further ordered to continue their attendance till i was released from custody. "the subscription having been completed in pence, sent from all parts of the kingdom, my secretary, mr. jackson, applied to the master of the crown office to receive the amount of the fine in coppers. this was refused, as not being a legal tender. the master, however, in token of the suffering to which i had so unworthily been subjected, said that, as payment of the fine in such a manner marked the sense of the people on my case, he would not oppose himself to the expression of public sentiment, but would take _l._ of the sum in coppers. this was accordingly paid, and the remainder in notes and silver, which were given by various tradesmen in exchange for the coppers of the people, whose money was thus literally appropriated to the payment of the fine. "finding, on my liberation, whole chests filled with penny pieces, i wrote to the committee, stating that sufficient had been collected. the reply was that the subscription should go on till the amount of the fine of _l._ was paid in addition. the whole of the amount of the fine was thus realized, with something beyond--i do not recollect how much--towards my law expenses, which had necessarily been excessive. taking, however, the _l._ paid in pence, this alone showed that two million six hundred and forty thousand persons--composing a very large portion of the adult population of the kingdom--sympathised with me. not one of my persecutors could have elicited such an expression of public sympathy." the fine being thus paid, lord cochrane was released from the king's bench prison on the th of december, after a confinement of sixteen days, which was attended by all the wanton severity shown to him during his previous incarceration. having been apprehended on a thursday, he was, on his arrival at the king's bench, placed in an unhealthy room protected by an iron grating. in the evening, having complained of such unusual treatment, he was informed that it was under the express directions of the marshal. next day, being seriously unwell, a physician was sent to him, who reported that he was suffering from palpitation of the heart and other symptoms of dangerous excitement, which made it necessary that he should be removed to better quarters. accordingly, worse quarters were found for him, in a damp, dark, and very imperfectly-ventilated room, entirely devoid of furniture, in the middle of the building. stedfastly refusing to go there, he was allowed to remain for that night in the room, first assigned to him. on saturday morning, just as he was sitting down to breakfast, he was ordered to proceed to his new dungeon. again refusing, his untasted breakfast was forcibly taken from him until he consented to eat it in the appointed place. thither he accordingly went, and there he was detained for the fortnight that passed before his liberation. on the th of december an enthusiastic meeting of the citizens of westminster was held to congratulate lord cochrane upon his release. "we, your lordship's constituents," it was stated in an address adopted by that meeting, "beg leave, on the present occasion, to declare that, after having had long and ample means for inquiry and reflection, we remain in the full and entire conviction of the perfect innocence of your lordship of every part of the offence laid to your charge at the outset of that series of persecutions by which, during the last three years of your life, you have been incessantly harassed. but, indeed, those persons must have very little knowledge of public affairs, and particularly of your distinguished naval and political career, who do not clearly perceive that all those persecutions have arisen from your public virtues, and who are not well convinced that, if you had not served the people by your exposure of the abuses in the prize courts, by your endeavours to restore to the right owners the immense sums unjustly alienated under the names of droits of admiralty, by your honest explanation of the causes which prevented the naval renown of your country being complete at basque roads, and by having caused to be produced in parliament, and published to the nation, that memorable account of sinecures, pensions, and grants which so usefully enlightened the public, you never would have been prosecuted for a pretended fraud on the funds. your lordship's constituents, being thus fully sensible that you have suffered and are still suffering solely for their and their country's sake, would deem themselves amongst the most ungrateful of mankind were they to neglect this occasion to tender you the most solemn assurances of their unabated attachment and their most resolute support, and, whilst they are endeavouring to discharge their duty towards your lordship, they entertain the consoling reflection that the day is not distant when you will mainly assist in carrying forward that measure of radical parliamentary reform which alone can be a safeguard against all sorts of oppressions, and especially oppressions under which your lordship has so long and so severely suffered." to that honourable address an honourable reply was penned by lord cochrane on the th of december, and presented to the electors of westminster at another meeting assembled for the purpose on the st of january ensuing. the direct persecution which began with the stock exchange trial and its antecedents was now at an end, after three years of gross and untiring vindictiveness. indirect persecution was to continue for more than thirty years. chapter v. the state of politics in england in and , and lord cochrane's share in them.--his work as a radical in and out of parliament.--his futile attempts to obtain the prize money due for his services at basque roads.--the holly hill battle.--the preparations for his enterprise in south america.--his last speech in parliament. [ - .] the years and were years of great political turmoil. the english people, weary of the european wars, which in two-and-twenty years had raised the national debt from , , _l._ to , , _l._, thus causing a taxation which amounted, in the average, to _l._ a year upon every family of five persons, were in no mood to be made happy even by the restitution of peace. partly by necessity, partly by the bad management of the government and its officials, the war-burdens were continued, and to the starving multitudes they were more burdensome than ever. angry complaints were uttered openly, and repeated again and again with steadily-increasing vehemence, in all parts of the country. that the ministers and agents of the crown were grievously at fault was patent to all; and it is not strange that, in the excitement and the misery that prevailed, they should be blamed even more than was their due. but the men in power did not choose to be blamed at all; they denied that any fault attached to them, and fiercely reprobated every complaint as sedition, every opponent as a lawless and unpatriotic demagogue. hence the government and the people came to be at deadly feud. most right was with the people, and their bold assertion of that right, albeit sometimes in wrong ways, has secured memorable benefits in later times; but power was still with the government, and it was used even more roughly than in former years. that lord cochrane, having suffered so much from the vindictive persecution of the tories, should have thrown in his lot with its most extreme opponents, is not to be wondered at. during he was intimately associated with the popular party in all its efforts for the redress of grievances and in all the assertions of its real and fancied rights. in and out of parliament he was alike active and outspoken. the history of his public conduct at this time forms no small section of the history of the radical movement during the period. it resulted naturally from the circumstances in which he had lately been placed. energetic in thought and action, a ready writer and an able speaker, his recent sufferings helped to place him in the foremost rank of patriots, as they were called by friends--demagogues, as they were called by enemies. with the exception of sir francis burdett, than whom he even went further, the people had, outside their own ranks, no sturdier champion. if there had been any doubt before as to his line of action, there could be no doubt after the re-assembling of parliament in january, . during the recess, monster meetings had been held in all parts of the country to consider the popular troubles and to insist upon popular reforms. lord cochrane agreed to present to the house of commons many of the petitions that resulted from these meetings, and this he did on the th of january, the very day of the re-opening of parliament. in anticipation of this measure, there was a great assembling of reform delegates from all parts of england, and of others favourable to their purpose, in front of lord cochrane's residence at no. , palace yard, westminster. shortly before two o'clock lord cochrane showed himself at the window, and announced that he was now on his way to the house, there to watch over the rights and liberties of the people, and that he would shortly return and let them know what was passing. this he did at four o'clock, part of the interval being occupied with a fervid address from henry hunt. on his reappearance, lord cochrane stated that the speech with which the prince regent had opened parliament had not disappointed his expectations, for it was wholly disappointing to the people. the regent had complained of the disaffection pervading the country, and had announced his intention of using all the power given him by the constitution for its suppression. lord cochrane expressed his confident hope that the people, having the right on their side, would so demean themselves as to give their enemies no ground of charge against them; for those enemies desired nothing so much as riot and disorder. thereupon an immense bundle of petitions was handed him, and he himself was placed in a chair, and so conveyed on men's shoulders to the door of westminster hall, where the crowd dispersed in an orderly way. in the house, before the motion for an address in answer to the prince regent's speech, lord cochrane rose to present a petition, signed by more than twenty thousand inhabitants of bristol, setting forth the present distress of the country, the increase of paupers and beggars, the grievous lack of employment for industrious persons, and the misery that resulted from this state of things. in these circumstances, the petitioners urged, it was in vain to pretend to relieve the sufferers by giving them soup, while, for the support of sinecure placemen, pensioners without number, and an insatiable civil list, half their earnings were taken from them by the enormous taxation under which the country groaned. after considerable opposition, the petition was allowed to lie on the table. lord cochrane then presented a smaller but much more outspoken petition from the inhabitants of quirk, in yorkshire. "the petitioners," it was there urged, "have a full and immovable conviction--a conviction which they believe to be universal throughout the kingdom--that the house does not, in any constitutional or rational sense, represent the nation; that, when the people have ceased to be represented, the constitution is subverted; that taxation without representation is a state of slavery; that the scourge of taxation without representation has now reached a severity too harassing and vexatious, too intolerable and degrading, to be longer endured without resistance by all possible means warranted by the constitution; that such a condition of affairs has now been reached that contending factions are alike guilty of their country's wrongs, alike forgetful of her rights, mocking the public patience with repeated, protracted, and disgusting debates on questions of refinement in the complicated and abstruse science of taxation, as if in such refinement, and not in a reformed representation, as if in a consolidated corruption, and not in a renovated constitution, relief were to be found; that thus there are left no human means of redressing the people's wrongs or composing their distracted minds, or of preventing the subversion of liberty and the establishment of despotism, unless by calling the collected wisdom and virtue of the community into counsel by the election of a free parliament; and therefore, considering that, through the usurpation of borough factions and other causes, the people have been put even out of a condition to consent to taxes; and considering also that, until their sacred right of election shall be restored, no free parliament can have existence, it is necessary that the house shall, without delay, pass a law for putting the aggrieved and much-aroused people in possession of their undoubted right to representation co-extensive with taxation, to an equal distribution of such representation throughout the community, and to parliaments of a continuance according to the constitution, namely, not exceeding one year." a long discussion ensued as to whether this petition should be accepted by the house or rejected as an insulting libel. several members of the house denounced it. other members, while objecting to its terms, urged its acceptance. among them the most notable was mr. brougham. the petition, he said, was rudely worded, and its recommendations were such as no wise lover of the english constitution could wholly subscribe to; but it pointed to real grievances and recommended improvements which were necessary to the well-being of the state, and therefore it ought to be admitted. mr. canning was one of those who insisted upon its rejection, and this was ultimately done by a majority of , being in favour of the petition, and against it. four other petitions presented by lord cochrane, being to the same effect, were also rejected; and two, more moderate in their language, were accepted. lord cochrane thus succeeded, at any rate, in forcing the house during several hours to take into consideration the troubled state of the country, and the pressing need, as it seemed to great masses of the people, of thorough parliamentary reform. "you will see by the 'debates,'" he wrote next day to a friend, "that i presented a number of petitions last night, and had a hard battle to fight. today i am quite indisposed, by reason of the corruption of the honourable house. it is impossible to support a bad cause by honest means. god knows where all these base projects will end." that his own cause was a good one, and that the means used by him were honest, he had no doubt. in the same letter he referred to the opposition offered to him, even by some of his own relatives, on account of his conduct. "mr. cochrane has thought proper to disavow, through the public papers, any connection with my politics. the consciousness that i am acting as i ought makes that light which i should otherwise feel as a heavy clog in following that course which i think honour and justice require." therefore he persevered in his herculean task. having presented and spoken upon others in the interval, he presented another monster petition to the house on the th of february. it was signed, he said, by twenty-four thousand inhabitants of london and the neighbourhood. it complained of the unbearable weight of taxation and the distresses of the country, and of the squandering of the money extracted from the pockets of an oppressed and impoverished people to support sinecure placemen and pensioners. "it appears to me," he said, "surprising that there should be any set of men so cruel and unjust as to wallow in wealth at the public expense while poor wretches are starving at every corner of the streets." he represented that the petition was drawn up in temperate, respectful language,--more temperate, indeed, than he should have employed had he dictated its phrases. he urged that the people had good cause for complaint as to the way in which parliament neglected their interests, and good ground for asserting that the system of parliamentary representation then afforded them was no real representation at all. members entered the house only in pursuit of their own selfish ends, and the government encouraged this state of things by fostering a system of wholesale bribery and corruption, degrading in itself and fraught with terrible mischief to the community. what wonder, then, that the people should pray, as they did in this petition, for a thorough reform, and should point to annual parliaments and universal suffrage as the only efficient remedies? it is needless to recapitulate all the arguments offered again and again by lord cochrane, with ever fresh-force and cogency, in presenting massive petitions to the house, and in introducing into the occasional debates on reform with which the house amused itself a vigour and practicalness in which few other members cared to sympathize. nor need we enumerate all the meetings, in london and the provinces, in which he took prominent part. it is enough to say that in parliament he always spoke with exceeding boldness, and that upon the people, notwithstanding the contrary assertions of his detractors, he always enjoined, if not conciliation and forbearance, at any rate such action as was within the strict letter of the law, and most likely, in the end, to obtain the realization of their wishes. on all occasions he defended them from the charges of sedition and conspiracy brought against them by their opponents, and proved, to all who were open to proof, that their objects were patriotic, and were being sought in patriotic ways. of this, however, the government did not choose to be convinced. taking advantage of some intemperate speeches of demagogues, making much of some violent handbills circulated by police-officers under secret instructions, mightily exaggerating a few lawless acts,--as when a drunken old sailor summoned the keepers of the tower of london to surrender,--they procured, on the th of february, the suspension of the habeas corpus act. therefrom resulted, at any rate, some good. the whigs, who had hitherto mainly supported the tory government, were now turned against it, and with them the wiser radicals, like lord cochrane, sought to effect a coalition. "you will perceive by the papers," he said in a letter dated february the th, "that i have resolved to steer another political course, seeing that the only means of averting military despotism from the country is to unite the people and the whigs, so far as they can be induced to co-operate, which they must do if they wish to preserve the remainder of the constitution. the 'times' of yesterday contains the fullest account of the late debates on the suspension of the habeas corpus act, and by that report you will perceive that the whigs really made a good stand." in that temper, lord cochrane spoke at a westminster meeting, held on the th of march, "to take into consideration the propriety of agreeing to an address to his royal highness the prince regent, beseeching that he will, in his well-known solicitude for the freedom and happiness of his majesty's subjects, remove from his royal councils those ministers who appear resolved to adopt no effectual measures of economy and retrenchment, but, on the contrary, to persevere in measures calculated to drive a suffering people to despair." there was some flattery or some mockery, or something of both, in that announcement; and both, with much earnest enunciation of popular grievances, were in lord cochrane's speech on the subject. he said that the regent had as much cause as the people to complain of his present ministers, seeing how shamelessly they sought to hide from him the real state of the country. it was to be expected, from the early habits and character of the regent, that he would anxiously pursue the interests of the nation, if, instead of being in the hands of an odious oligarchy, he could act for himself. this, at any rate, lord cochrane maintained should be urged upon him, for if something were not quickly done for the relief of the nation, trade and commerce would soon be utterly ruined, and the whole community would share the misery that had so long oppressed the lower orders. he again dwelt forcibly on the causes of this misery, and again denounced the conduct of the ministers and placemen who, while squandering the hardly-earned pounds of the people, claimed respect for their exemplary charity in doling out a few farthings for "the relief of the poor." in the previous year, he showed, lord castlereagh, "the bell-wether of the house of commons," and thirteen other persons, had drawn from the revenues of the country , _l._, and out of that amount had given back, in "sinecure soup," only _l._ on a hundred other occasions, both outside of the house of commons and within its walls, lord cochrane continued fearlessly to set forth the troubles of the people and the wrong-doing of its governors. in parliament petitions without number were presented, and, amid all sorts of contumely, defended by him; and he took a no less active part in various important discussions, of which it will suffice, by way of illustration, to name the debates of the rd, th, and th of march, on the famous seditious meetings bill, and that of the th of march on the depressed condition of english trade and its causes--a subject which was recurred to by mr. brougham in his memorable motion of the th of july on the state of the nation. six weeks before that, on the th of may, lord cochrane spoke on another famous motion--that made by his friend sir francis burdett in favour of parliamentary reform. once more, he complained that the existing house of commons in no way represented the people, and was entirely regardless of its interests. nothing better, he alleged, could be hoped for, without a radical change in the system of representation. "but," he continued, "reform we must have, whether we will or no. the state of the country is such that things cannot much longer be conducted as they now are. there is a general call for reform. if the call is not obeyed, thank god the evil will produce its own remedy, the mass of corruption will destroy itself, for the maggots it engenders will eat it up. the members of this house are the maggots of the constitution. they are the locusts that devour it and cause all the evils that are complained of. there is nothing wicked which does not emanate from this house. in it originate all knavery, perjury, and fraud. you well know all this. you also know that the means by which the great majority of the house is returned is one great cause of the corruption of the whole people. it has been said, 'let the people reform themselves;' but if sums of money are offered for seats within these walls, there will always be found men ready to receive them. it is impossible to imagine that the profuse expenditure of the late war would have taken place, had it not been for a corrupt majority devoted to their selfish interests. at least it would have had a shorter duration, from being carried on in a more effective manner, had it not been conducive to the views of many to prevent its speedy termination. much has been said about the glorious result of the war; but has not lavish expenditure loaded us with taxation which is impoverishing the people and annihilating commerce? are not vessels seen everywhere with brooms at their mastheads? are not sailors starving? is not agriculture languishing? are not our manufactures in the most distressed state?" lord cochrane asserted that the real revolutionists of england were the ministers and their followers. "i am persuaded that no man without doors wishes the subversion of the constitution; but within it, bribery and corruption stand for the constitution. mr. pitt himself confessed that no honest man could hold the situation of minister for any length of time. there can be no honest minister until measures have been taken to purge and purify the house. if this be not done, it is in vain to hope for a renewal of successful enterprise in this country: the sun of the country is set for ever. it may indeed exist as a petty military german despotism, with horsemen parading up and down, with large whiskers, with sabres ringing by their horses' sides, with fantastically-shaped caps of fantastical colours on their heads; but this country cannot thus be made a great military power. a previous speaker has instanced juries as one of the benefits of the constitution; but i will affirm, with respect to the manner in which juries are chosen under the present system, that justice is much better administered, in a more summary manner, with less expense, and no chicanery, by the dey of algiers. if this country were erected at once into a downright, honest, open despotism, the people would be gainers. if a judge or despot then proved a rogue, he would at once appear in his true character; but now villany can be artfully concealed under the verdict of a packed jury. i am satisfied that the present system of corruption is more detrimental to the country than a despotism." no other speaker spoke so boldly as lord cochrane; but his eloquent words were substantially endorsed by many; by sir samuel romilly and mr. brougham in especial; and on a division, though voted against sir francis burdett's motion, it was supported by a minority--unusually large for the time--of . slowly but surely the better principles of government for which lord cochrane fought so persistently were gaining ground, destined ultimately to produce the changes in national temper which made plain the duty and expediency of adopting the changes in political systems in which the years and are epochs. in after years, lord cochrane himself clearly saw that he had been rash in his advocacy of the sweeping reforms which the excited people deemed necessary for their welfare in the years of trouble and misgovernment consequent on the tedious war-time ending with the battle of waterloo. but he never had cause to regret the honest zeal and the generous sympathy with which he strove, though in violent ways, to lessen the weight of the popular distresses. distresses were not wanting to himself during this period. the weight of his former troubles still hung heavily upon him. he could not forget the terrible disgrace--none the less terrible because it was unmerited--that had befallen him. and in pecuniary ways he was a grievous sufferer by them. in losing his naval employment he lost the income on which he had counted. his resources were thus seriously crippled; and the scientific pursuits, in which he still persevered, failed to bring to him the profit that he anticipated. in one characteristic way--only one among many--the government persecution still clung to him. in the distribution of prize-money for the achievement at basque roads all the officers and crews of lord grambier's fleet had been considered entitled to share. to this arrangement lord cochrane objected. he urged that as the whole triumph was due to the _impérieuse_ and the few ships actually engaged with her, the reward ought to be limited to them. "i am preparing to proceed in the court of admiralty on the question of head-money for basque roads," he wrote on the th of november, ; "my affidavit has reluctantly been admitted, though strenuously opposed, on the ground that i was not to be believed on my oath!" lord cochrane's council in this case was dr. lushington, afterwards the eminent judge of the admiralty court. dr. lushington showed plainly that the greater part of the fleet, having taken no share in the action, had no right to head-money, and that therefore all ought to be divided among those who actually shared with lord cochrane the danger and the success of the enterprise. but sir william scott (afterwards lord stowell), the judge at that time, was not disposed to sanction this view. therefore he thwarted it by delays. the case having been postponed from november, , was brought up again in the first term of . "the judge has again delayed his decision," wrote lord cochrane on the th of february, the day of the announcement, "and i believe has done so until next session. he gave a curious reason for this, namely, that i took part at the westminster meeting against the suspension of the habeas corpus act!" at the next session it was again postponed, all the time available for its consideration being taken up with a frivolous discussion as to lord cochrane's right to give evidence. "they have gone the length," wrote his secretary, mr. jackson, on the rd of may, "of denying lord cochrane's credibility in a court of justice. they had no other way of answering his affidavit, which would have gained his cause in the court of admiralty, as it proved that the french ships in basque roads were destroyed by his own exertions in fighting without orders from the admiral. the denial-of lord cochrane's competency to give evidence has excited a great deal of interest, and the court of admiralty was quite crowded on tuesday, when the question came on to be discussed. i thought that our counsel had much the best of the argument, and i believe the judge, sir william scott, thought so too, as he put off his sentence to a future day." on the future day the judge admitted as much. "we have gained a bit of a victory in the admiralty court," said the same writer in a letter dated the th of june, "the judge having been compelled to pronounce in favour of his lordship's right to be believed on his oath." the time taken by him to arrive at this decision, however, was so long that the case had to be adjourned to november term, and thereby lord cochrane's enemies so far attained their object, that it was impossible for him, in november term, to renew the suit. in the interval he had gone to france, preparatory to a much longer and more momentous journey to south america, in anticipation of which he was winding up his affairs and realizing his property during and after the summer of . in this settlement of accounts there was at any rate one amusing incident. it will be remembered that, on the occasion of his being elected member of parliament for honiton in , lord cochrane had refused to follow the almost universal fashion of bribery, but, after the election was over, had thoughtlessly yielded to the proposal of his agent that he should entertain his constituents at a public supper.[a] this entertainment, either through spite or through wanton extravagance, was turned by those to whom the management of it was assigned into a great occasion of feasting for all the inhabitants of the town; and for defrayment of the expenses thus incurred a claim for more than _l._ was afterwards made upon lord cochrane. through eleven years he bluntly refused to pay the preposterous demand; but his creditors had the law upon their side, and in the spring of an order was granted for putting an execution into his house at holly hill. [footnote a: 'the autobiography of a seaman,' vol. i. pp. , .] lord cochrane, however, having resisted the demand thus far, determined to resist to the end. for more than six weeks he prevented the agents of the law from entering the house. "i still hold out," he said in a letter to his secretary, "though the castle has several times been threatened in great force. the trumpeter is now blowing for a parley, but no one appears on the ramparts. explosion-bags are set in the lower embrasures, and all the garrison is under arms." in the explosion-bags there was nothing more dangerous than powdered charcoal; but, supposing they contained gunpowder or some other combustible, the sheriff of hampshire and twenty-five officers were held at bay by them, until at length one official, more daring than the rest, jumped in at an open window, to find lord cochrane sitting at breakfast and to be complimented by him upon the wonderful bravery which he had shown in coming up to a building defended by charcoal dust. that battle with the sheriff and bailiffs of hampshire occupied nearly the whole of april and may, . in the latter month, if not before, lord cochrane began to think seriously of proceeding to join in battles of a more serious sort in south america, under inducements and with issues that will presently be detailed. "his lordship has made up his mind to go to south america," wrote his secretary on the st of may. "numbers of gentlemen of great respectability are desirous of accompanying him, and even sir francis burdett has declared that he feels a great temptation to do so; but lord cochrane discourages all. they think he is going to immolate the spaniards by his secret plans; but he is not going to do anything of the kind, having promised the prince regent not to divulge or use them otherwise than in the service of his country." with this expedition in view, and purposing to start upon it nearly a year sooner than he found himself able to do, lord cochrane sold holly hill and his other property in hampshire, in july. in august he went for a few months to france, partly for the benefit of lady cochrane's health, partly, as it would seem, in the hope of introducing into that country the lamps which he had lately invented, and from which he hoped to derive considerable profit. to this matter, and to his efforts to obtain some share, at any rate, of his rights from the english government, the letters written by him from france chiefly refer. but there are in them some notes and illustrations of more general interest. "i am quite astonished at the state of boulogne," he wrote thence on the th of august. "neither the town nor the heights are fortified; so great was napoleon's confidence in the terror of his name and the knowledge he possessed of the stupidity and ignorance of our government." in a letter from paris, dated the rd of august, we read: "everything is looking much more settled than when i was formerly here, and i do really think that the government, from the conciliatory measures wisely adopted, will stand their ground against the adherents of buonaparte. we are to have a great rejoicing to-morrow. all paris will be dancing, fiddling, and singing. they are a light-hearted people. i wish i could join in their fun. i was hopeful that i should; but the cursed recollection of the injustice that has been done to me is never out of my mind; so that all my pleasures are blasted, from whatever source they might be expected to arise." that last sentence fairly indicates the state of lord cochrane's mind during these painful years. weighed down by troubles heavy enough to break the heart of an ordinary man, he fought nobly for the thorough justification of his character and for the protection of others from such persecution as had befallen him. in both objects, altogether praise-worthy in themselves, he may have sometimes been intemperate; but ample excuse for far greater intemperance would be found in the troubles that oppressed him. "the cursed recollection of the injustice that has been done to me is never out of my mind; all my pleasures are blasted!" in the same temper, after a lapse of nine months, about which it is only necessary to say that, like their forerunners, they were employed in private cares, and, especially after the reassembling of parliament, in zealous action for the public good, he made his last speech in the house of commons on the nd of june, . the occasion was a debate upon a second motion by sir francis burdett in favour of parliamentary reform, more cogent and effective than that of the th of may, , to lord cochrane's share in which we have already referred. the former speech was wholly of public interest. this has a personal significance, very painful and very memorable. it brings to a pathetic close the saddest epoch in lord cochrane's life--so very full of sadness. "i rise, sir," he said, "to second the motion of my honourable friend. in what i have to say, i do not presume to think that i can add to the able arguments that have just been uttered; but it is my duty distinctly to declare my opinions on the subject. when i recollect all the proceedings of this house, i confess that i do not entertain much hope of a favourable result to the present motion. to me it seems chiefly serviceable as an exhibition of sound principles, and as showing the people for what they ought to petition. i shall perhaps be told that it is unparliamentary to say there are any representatives of the people in this house who have sold themselves to the purposes and views of any set of men in power; but the history of the degenerate senate of that once free people, the romans, will serve to show how far corruption may make inroads upon public virtue or patriotism. the tyranny inflicted on the roman people, and on mankind in general, under the form of acts passed by the roman senate, will ever prove a useful memento to nations which have any freedom to lose. it is not for me to prophesy when our case will be like theirs; but this i will say, that those who are the slaves of a despotic monarch are far less reprehensible for their actions than those who voluntarily sell themselves when they have the means of remaining free. "and here," he continued, in sentences broken by his emotions, "as it is probably the last time i shall ever have the honour of addressing the house on any subject, i am anxious to tell its members what i think of their conduct. it is now nearly eleven years since i have had the honour of a seat in this house, and since then there have been very few measures in which i could agree with the opinions of the majority. to say that these measures were contrary to justice would not be parliamentary. i will not even go into the inquiry whether they tend to the national good or not; but i will merely appeal to the feelings of the landholders present, i will appeal to the knowledge of those members who are engaged in commerce, and ask them whether the acts of the legislative body have not been of a description, during the late war, that would, if not for the timely intervention of the use of machinery, have sent this nation to total ruin? the country is burthened to a degree which, but for this intervention, it would have been impossible for the people to bear. the cause of these measures having such an effect upon the country has been examined and gone into by my honourable colleague (sir francis burdett); they are to be traced to that patronage and influence which, a number of powerful individuals possess over the nomination of a great proportion of the members of this house; a power which, devolving on a few, becomes thereby the more liable to be affected by the influence of the crown; and which has in fact been rendered almost entirely subservient to that influence. to reform the abuses which arise out of this system is the object of my honourable friend's motion. i will not, cannot, anticipate the success of the motion; but i will say, as has been said before by the great chatham, the father of mr. pitt, that, if the house does not reform itself from within, it will be reformed with a vengeance from without. the people will take up the subject, and a reform will take place which will make many members regret their apathy in now refusing that reform which might be rendered efficient and permanent. but, unfortunately, in the present formation of the house, it appears to me that from within no reform can be expected, and for the truth of this i appeal to the experience of the few members, less than a hundred, who are now present, nearly six hundred being absent; i appeal to their experience to say whether they have ever known of any one instance in which a petition of the people for reform has been taken into consideration, or any redress afforded in consequence of such a petition? this i regret, because i foresee the consequence which must necessarily result from it. i do trust and hope that before it is too late some measures shall be adopted for redressing the grievances of the people; for certain i am that unless some measures are taken to stop the feelings which the people entertain towards this house and to restore their confidence in it, you will one day have ample cause to repent the line of conduct you have pursued. the gentlemen who now sit on the benches opposite with such triumphant feelings will one day repent their conduct. the commotions to which that conduct will inevitably give rise will shake, not only this house, but the whole framework of government and society to its foundations. i have been actuated by the wish to prevent this, and i have had no other intention. "i shall not trespass longer on your time," he continued, in a few broken sentences, uttered painfully and with agitation that aroused much sympathy in the house. "the situation i have held for eleven years in this house i owe to the favour of the electors of westminster. the feelings of my heart are gratified by the manner in which they have acted towards me. they have rescued me from a desperate and wicked conspiracy which has nearly involved me in total ruin. i forgive those who have so done; and i hope when they depart to their graves they will be equally able to forgive themselves. all this is foreign to the subject before the house, but i trust you will forgive me. i shall not trespass on your time longer now--perhaps never again on any subject. i hope his majesty's ministers will take into their serious consideration what i now say. i do not utter it with any feelings of hostility--such feelings have now left me--but i trust they will take my warning, and save the country by abandoning the present system before it is too late." chapter vi. the antecedents of lord cochrane's employments in america.--the war of independence in the spanish colonies.--mexico.--venezuela. --colombia.--chili.--the first chilian insurrection.--the carreras and o'higgins.--the battle of bancagua.--o'higgins's successes.--the establishment of the chilian republic.--lord cochrane invited to enter the chilian service. ( -- .) to an understanding of lord cochrane's share in the south american wars of independence a brief recapitulation of their antecedents, and of the state of affairs at the time of his first connection with them, is necessary. the spanish possessions in both north and south america, which had reached nearly their full dimensions before the close of the sixteenth century, had been retained, with little opposition from without, and with still less from within, down to the close of the eighteenth century. these possessions, including mexico and central america, new granada, venezuela, peru, la plata, and chili, covered an area larger than that of europe, more than twice as large as that of the present united states. through half a dozen generations they had been governed with all the short-sighted tyranny for which the spanish government is famous; the resources of the countries had been crippled in order that each day's greed might be satisfied; and the inhabitants, who, for the most part, were the mixed offspring of spanish and native parents, had been kept in abject dependence and in ignorant ferocity. there was plenty of internal hatred and strife; but no serious thought of winning their liberty and working out their own regeneration seems to have existed among the people of the several provinces, until it was suggested by the triumphant success of the united states in throwing off the stronger but much less oppressive thraldom of great britain. that success having been achieved, however, it was soon emulated by the colonial subjects of spain. the first leader of agitation was francisco miranda, a venezuelan creole. he visited england in , and received some encouragement in his revolutionary projects from pitt. he went to france in , and there, while waiting some years for fit occasion of prosecuting the work on which his heart was set, he helped to fight the battle of the revolution against the bourbons and the worn-out feudalism of which they were representatives. during his absence, in , conspiracies against spain arose in mexico and new granada, and, these continuing, he went in , armed by secret promises of assistance from pitt, to help in fomenting them. they prospered for several years; and in miranda obtained substantial aid from sir alexander cochrane, lord cochrane's uncle, then the admiral in command of the west india station. but in pitt died. the whigs came into power, and with their coming occurred a change in the english policy. in , general crawfurd was ordered to throw obstacles in the way of miranda, then heading a formidable insurrection. the result was a temporary check to the work of revolution. in miranda renewed his enterprise in venezuela, still with poor success; and in the same year a fresh revolt was stirred up in mexico by miguel hidalgo, of costilla, a priest of dolores. hidalgo's insurrection was foolish in design and bloodthirsty in execution. it was continued, in better spirit, but with poor success, by morelos and rayon, who, sustaining a serious defeat in , left the strife to degenerate into a coarse bandit struggle, very disastrous to spain, but hardly beneficial to the cause of mexican independence. in the meanwhile a more prosperous and worthier contest was being waged in south america. besides the efforts of miranda in venezuela, which were renewed between and , when he was taken prisoner and sent to spain, there to die in a dungeon, a separate standard of revolt was raised in quito by narinno and his friends in . after fighting desperately, in guerilla fashion, for five years, narinno was captured and forced to share miranda's lot. a greater man, the greatest hero of south american independence, simon bolivar, succeeded them. bolivar, a native of caraccas, had passed many years in europe, when in , at the age of twenty-seven, he went to serve under miranda in venezuela. miranda's defeat in compelled him to retire to new granada, but there he did good service. he improved the fighting ways and extended the fighting area, and in december, , was appointed captain-general of venezuela and new granada, soon, however, to be driven back and forced to take shelter in jamaica by the superior strength of morillo, the spanish general, who arrived with a formidable army in . in bolivar again showed himself in the field at the head of his famous liberating army, which, crossing over from trinidad, and gaining reinforcements at every step, planted freedom, such as it was, all along the northern parts of south america, in which the new republic of colombia was founded under his presidency, in the neighbouring district of new granada, and down to the la plata province, where he established the republic of bolivia, so named in his honour. with these patriotic labours he was busied upon land, while lord cochrane was securing the independence of the spanish colonies by his brave warfare on the sea. as the cause of liberty progressed in south america, it became apparent that it had poor chance of permanence, while the revolutionists were unable to cope with the spaniards in naval strife or to wrest from spain her strongholds on the coast. this was especially the case with the maritime provinces of chili and peru. peru, held firmly by the army garrisoned in lima, to which callao served as an almost impregnable port, had been unable to share in the contest waged on the other side of the andes; and chili, though strong enough to declare its independence, was too weak to maintain it without foreign aid. the chilian struggle began in , when the spanish captain-general, carrasco, was deposed, and a native government set up under count de la conquista. by this government the sovereignty of spain was still recognised, although various reforms were adopted which spain could not be expected to endorse. accordingly, in april, , an attempt was made by the spanish soldiers to overturn the new order of things. the result was that, after brief fighting, the revolutionists triumphed, and the yoke of spain was thrown off. but the independence of chili, thus easily begun, was not easily continued. three brothers, jose miguel, juan jose, and luis carreras, and their sister, styled the anne boleyn of chili, determined to pervert the public weal to their own aggrandisement. winning their way into popularity, they overturned the national congress that had been established in june, and in december set up a new junta, with jose miguel carrera at its head. a dismal period of misrule ensued, which encouraged the spanish generals, pareja and sanchez, to attempt the reconquest of chili in . pareja and sanchez were successfully resisted, and a better man, general bernardo o'higgins, the republican son of an irishman who had been viceroy of peru, was put at the head of affairs. he succeeded to the command of the chilian army in november, , when a fresh attack from the spaniards was expected. at first his good soldiership was successful. the enemy, having come almost to the gates of santiago, was forced to retire in may, ; and the chilian cause might have continued to prosper under o'higgins, had not the carreras contrived, in hopes of reinstating themselves in power, to divide the republican interests, and so, while encouraging renewed invasion by the spaniards from lima, make their resistance more difficult. wisely deeming it right to set aside every other consideration than the necessity of saving chili from the danger pressing upon it from without, o'higgins effected a junction with the carreras, hoping thus to bring the whole force of the republic against the royalist army, larger than its predecessors, which was marching towards santiago and valparaiso. had his magnanimous proposals been properly acted upon, the issue might have been very different. but the carreras, even in the most urgent hour of danger, could not forget their private ambitions. holding aloof with their part of the army, they allowed o'higgins and his force of nine hundred to be defeated by four thousand royalists under general osorio, in the preliminary fight which took place at the end of september. they were guilty of like treachery during the great battle of the st of october. on that day the royalists entered rancagua, the town in which o'higgins and his little band had taken shelter. they were fiercely resisted, and the fighting lasted through thirty-six hours. so brave was the conduct of the patriots that the spanish general was, after some hours' contest, on the point of retreating. he saw that he would have no chance of success, had the carreras brought up their troops, as was expected by both sides of the combatants. but the carreras, short-sighted in their selfishness, and nothing loth that o'higgins should be defeated, still held aloof. thereupon the spaniards took heart, and made one more desperate effort. with hatchets and swords they forced their way, inch by inch and hour by hour, into the centre of the town. there, in an open square, o'higgins, with two hundred men--all the remnant of his little army--made a last resistance. when only a few dozen of his soldiers were left alive, and when he himself was seriously wounded, he determined, not to surrender, but to end the battle. the residue of the patriots dashed through the town, cutting a road through the astonished crowd of their opponents, and effected a retreat in which those opponents, though more than twenty times as numerous, durst not pursue them. that memorable battle of rancagua caused throughout the american continent, and, across the atlantic, through europe, a thrill of sympathy for the chilian war of independence. but its immediate effects were most disastrous. the carreras, too selfish to fight before, were now too cowardly. they and their followers fled. o'higgins had barely soldiers enough left to serve as a weak escort to the fourteen hundred old men, women, and children who crossed the andes with him on foot, to pass two years and a half in voluntary exile at mendoza. during those two years and a half the spaniards were masters in santiago, and chili was once more a spanish province, in which the inhabitants were punished terribly in confiscations, imprisonments, and executions for their recent defection. deliverance, however, was at hand. general san martin, through whom chiefly la plata had achieved its freedom, gave assistance to o'higgins and the chilian patriots. the main body of the spanish army, numbering about five thousand, had been stationed on the heights of chacabuco, whence santiago, valparaiso, and the other leading towns of chili were overawed. on the th of february, , san martin and o'higgins, with a force nearly as large, surprised this garrison, and, with excellent strategy and very little loss of life, to the patriots at any rate, it was entirely subdued. santiago was entered in triumph on the th of february, and a few weeks served for the entire dispersion of the royalist forces. the supreme directorship of the renovated republic was offered to san martin. on his declining the honour, it was assigned, to the satisfaction of all parties, to o'higgins. the new dictator and the wisest of his counsellors, however, were not satisfied with the temporary advantage that they had achieved. they knew that armies would continue to come down from peru, the defeat of which, even if that could be relied upon, would waste all the resources of the republic. they knew, too, that the spanish war-ships which supplied peru with troops and ammunition from home, passing the chilian coast on their way, would seriously hinder the commerce on which the young state had to depend for its development, even if they did not destroy that commerce at its starting-point by seizing valparaiso and the other ports. therefore they resolved to seek for efficient help from europe. with that end don jose alvarez, a high-minded patriot, who had done much good service to chili in previous years, was immediately sent to europe, commissioned to borrow money, to build or buy warships, and in all the ways in his power to enlist the sympathies of the english people in the republican cause. in the last of these projects, at any rate, he succeeded beyond all reasonable expectation. beaching london in april, , alvarez was welcomed by many friends of south american freedom--sir francis burdett, sir james mackintosh, mr. henry brougham, and mr. edward ellice among the number. lord cochrane was just then out of london, fighting his amusing battle with the sheriffs and bailiffs of hampshire; but as soon as that business was over he took foremost place among the friends of don alvarez and the chilian cause which he represented. with a message to him, indeed, alvarez was specially commissioned. he was invited by the chilian government to undertake the organization and command of an improved naval force, and so, by exercise of the prowess which he had displayed in the mediterranean and elsewhere, to render invaluable service to the young republic. he promptly accepted the invitation, being induced thereto by many sufficient reasons. sick at heart, as we have seen, under the cruel treatment to which for so many years he had been subjected by his enemies in power, he saw here an opportunity of, at the same time, escaping from his persecutors, returning to active work in a profession very dear to him, and giving efficient aid to a noble enterprise. chapter vii. lord cochrane's voyage to chili.--his reception at valparaiso and santiago.--the disorganization of the chilian fleet.--first signs of disaffection.--the naval forces of the chilians and the spaniards.--lord cochrane's first expedition to peru.--his attack on callao.--"drake the dragon" and "cochrane the devil."--lord cochrane's successes in overawing the spaniards, in treasure-taking, and in encouragement of the peruvians to join in the war of independence.--his plan foe another attack on callao.--his difficulties in equipping the expedition.--the failure of the attempt.--his plan for storming valdivia.--its successful accomplishment. [ - .] having accepted, in may, , the offer conveyed to him by the chilian government through don jose alvarez, lord cochrane's departure from england was delayed for more than a year. this was chiefly on account of the war-steamer, the _rising star_, which it was arranged to build and equip in london under his superintendence. but the work proceeded so slowly, in consequence of the difficulty experienced by alvarez in raising the requisite funds, that, at last, lord cochrane, being urgently needed in south america, where the spaniards were steadily gaining ground, was requested to leave the superintendence of the _rising star_ in other hands, and to cross the atlantic without her. accompanied by lady cochrane and his two children, he went first from rye to boulogne, and there, on the th of august, , embarked in the _rose_, a merchantman which had formerly been a warsloop. the long voyage was uninteresting until cape horn was reached. there, and in passing along the rugged coast-line of tierra del fuego, lord cochrane was struck by its wild scenery. he watched the lazy penguins that crowded on the rocks, among evergreens that showed brightly amid the imposing mass of snow, and caught with hooks the lazier sea-pigeons that skimmed the heavy waves and hovered round the bulwarks and got entangled among the rigging of the _rose_. he shot several of the huge albatrosses that floated fearlessly over the deck, but was not successful in his efforts to catch the fish that were seen coming to the surface of the troubled sea. the sea was made so boisterous by rain and snow, and such a stiff wind blew from the west, that for two or three days the _rose_ could not double the cape. she was forced to tack towards the south until a favourable gale set in, which carried her safely to valparaiso. valparaiso was reached on the th of november, after ten weeks passed on shipboard. there and at santiago, the seat of government, to which he proceeded as soon as the congratulations of his new friends would allow him, lord cochrane was heartily welcomed. so profuse and prolonged were the entertainments in his favour--splendid dinners, at which zealous patriots tendered their hearty compliments, being followed by yet more splendid balls, at which handsome women showed their gratitude in smiles, and eagerly sought the honour of being led by him through the dances which were their chief delight--that he had to remind his guests that he had come to chili not to feast but to fight. there was prompt need of fighting. the spaniards had a strong land force pressing up from the south and threatening to invest santiago. their formidable fleet swept the seas, and was being organized for an attack on valparaiso. admiral blanco encalada had just returned from a cruise in which he had succeeded in capturing, in talcuanho bay, a fine spanish fifty-gun frigate, the maria isabel; but his fleet was ill-ordered and poorly equipped, quite unable, without thorough re-organization, to withstand the superior force of the enemy. an instance of the bad state of affairs was induced by lord cochrane's arrival, and seemed likely to cause serious trouble to him and worse misfortune to his chilian employers. one of the republican vessels was the _hecate_, a sloop of eighteen guns which had been sold out of the british navy and bought as a speculation by captains guise and spry. having first offered her in vain to the buenos ayrean government, they had brought her on to chili, and there contrived to sell her with advantage and to be themselves taken into the chilian service. they and another volunteer, captain worcester, a north american, liking the ascendancy over admiral bianco which their experience had won for them, formed a cabal with the object of securing admiral blanco's continuance in the chief command, or its equal division between him and lord cochrane. nothing but the chilian admiral's disinterested patriotism prevented a serious rupture. he steadily withstood all temptations to his vanity, and avowed his determination to accept no greater honour--if there could be a greater--than that of serving as second in command under the brave englishman who had come to fight for the independence of chili. thus, though some troubles afterwards sprang from the disaffections of guise, spry, and worcester, the mischief schemed by them was prevented at starting. a few days after his arrival lord cochrane received his commission as "vice-admiral of chili, admiral, and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of the republic." his flag was hoisted, on the nd of december, on board the _maria isabel_, now rechristened the _o'higgins_, and fitted out as the principal ship in the small chilian fleet. the other vessels of the fleet were the _san martin_, formerly an indiaman in the english service, of fifty-six guns; the _lautaro_, also an old indiaman, of forty-four guns; the _galvarino_, as the _hecate_ of captains cruise and spry was now styled, of eighteen guns; the _chacabuco_, of twenty guns; the _aracauno_, of sixteen guns; and a sloop of fourteen guns named the _puyrredon_. the spanish fleet, which these seven ships had to withstand, comprised fourteen vessels and twenty-seven gunboats. of the former three were frigates, the _esmeralda_, of forty-four guns, the _venganza_, of forty-two guns, and the _sebastiana_, of twenty-eight guns; four were brigs, the _maypeu_, of eighteen guns, the _pezuela_, of twenty-two guns, the _potrilla_, of eighteen guns, and another, whose name is not recorded, also of eighteen guns. there was a schooner, name unknown, which carried one large gun and twenty culverins. the rest were armed merchantmen, the _resolution_, of thirty-six guns; the _cleopatra_, of twenty-eight guns; the _la focha_, of twenty guns; the _guarmey_, of eighteen guns; the fernando, of twenty-six guns, and the san antonio, of eighteen guns. only ten out of the fourteen, however, were ready for sea; and before the whole naval force could be got ready for service, it had been partly broken up by lord cochrane. there was delay, also, in getting the chilian fleet under sail. after waiting at valparaiso as long as he deemed prudent, lord cochrane left the three smaller vessels to complete their equipment under admiral blanco's direction, and passed out of port on the th of january, with the o'higgins, the san martin, the lautaro, and the chacabuco. he had hardly started before a mutiny broke out on board the last-named vessel, which compelled him to halt at coquimbo long enough to try and punish the mutineers. resuming the voyage, he proceeded along the chilian and peruvian coast as far northward as callao bay, where he cruised about for some days, awaiting an opportunity of attacking the spanish shipping there collected in considerable force. while thus waiting he employed his leisure in observations, great and small, of the sort and in the way characteristic of him all through life. one of his rough notes runs thus:--"cormorants resort in enormous nights, coming in the morning from the northward to callao bay, and proceeding along shore to the southward, diving in regular succession one after another on the fish which, driven at the same time from below by shoals of porpoises, seem to have no chance but to be devoured under water or scooped up in the large bags pendent from the enormous bills of the cormorants." "prodigious seals," we read in another note, "inhabit the rocks, whose grave faces and grey beards look more like the human countenance than the faces of most other animals. they are very unwieldy in their movements when on shore, but most expert in the water. there is a small kind of duck in the bay, which, from the clearness of the water, can be seen flying with its wings under water in chase of small fry, which it speedily overtakes from its prodigious speed." from note-making of that sort, lord cochrane turned to more serious business. the batteries of callao and of san lorenzo, a little island in the bay which helped to form the port, mounted one hundred and sixty guns, and more than twice as many were at the command of vessels there lying-to. direct attack of a force so very much superior to that of the chilian fleet seemed out of the question. therefore lord cochrane bethought him of a subterfuge. learning that two north american war-ships were expected at callao, he determined to personate them with the _o'higgins_ and _lautaro_, and so enter the port under alien colours. it was then carnival-time, and on the st of february, deeming that the spaniards were more likely to be off their guard, he proposed "to make a feint of sending a boat ashore with despatches, and in the mean time suddenly to dash at the frigates and cut them out." unfortunately a dense fog set in, which lasted till the th, and made it impossible for him to effect his purpose before the carnival was over. let the sequel be told in his own words. "on the th, hearing heavy firing and imagining that one of the ships was engaged with the enemy, i stood with the flag-ship into the bay. the other ships, imagining the same thing, also steered in the direction of the firing, when, the fog clearing for a moment, we discovered each other, as well as a strange sail near us. this proved to be a spanish gunboat, with a lieutenant and twenty men, who, on being made prisoners, informed us that the firing was a salute in honour of the viceroy, who had that morning been on a visit of inspection to the batteries and shipping, and was then on board the brig-of-war _pezuela_, which we saw crowding sail in the direction of the batteries. the fog, again coming on, suggested to me the possibility of a direct attack. accordingly, still maintaining our disguise under american colours, the _o'higgins_ and _lautaro_ stood towards the batteries, narrowly escaping going ashore in the fog. the viceroy, having no doubt witnessed the capture of the gunboat, had, however, provided for our reception, the garrison being at their guns, and the crews of the ships-of-war at their quarters. notwithstanding the great odds, i determined to persist in an attack, as our withdrawing, without firing a shot, would produce an effect upon the minds of the spaniards the reverse of that intended. i had sufficient experience in war to know that moral effect, even if the result of a degree of temerity, will not unfrequently supply the place of superior force. "the wind falling light, i did not venture on laying the flag-ship and the _lautaro_ alongside the spanish frigates, as i at first intended, but anchored with springs on our cables, abreast of the shipping, which was arranged in a half-moon of two lines, the rear-rank being judiciously disposed so as to cover the intervals of the ships in the front line. a dead calm succeeded, and we were for two hours exposed to a heavy fire from the batteries, in addition to that from the two frigates, the brigs _pezuela_ and _maypeu_, and seven or eight gunboats. nevertheless the northern angle of one of the principal forts was silenced by our fire. as soon as a breeze sprang up, we weighed anchor, standing to and fro in front of the batteries, and returning their fire, until captain guise, who commanded the _lautaro_, being severely wounded, that ship sheered off and never again came within range. as, from want of wind, or doubt of the result, neither the _san martin_ nor the _chacabuco_ had ever got within fire, the flag-ship was thus left alone, and i was reluctantly compelled to relinquish the attack. i withdrew to the island of san lorenzo, about three miles distant from the forts; the spaniards, though nearly quadruple our numbers, exclusive of their gunboats, not venturing to follow us. "the action having been commenced in a fog, the spaniards imagined that all the chilian vessels were engaged. they were not a little surprised, as it again cleared, to find that their own frigate, the quondam _maria isabella_, was almost their only opponent. so much were they dispirited by this discovery that, as soon as possible after the close of the contest, their ships-of-war were dismantled, the topmasts and spars being formed into a double boom across the anchorage, so as to prevent approach. the spaniards were also previously unaware of my being in command of the chilian squadron. on becoming acquainted with this fact, they bestowed upon me the not very complimentary title of 'el diablo,' by which i was afterwards known amongst them." two hundred and forty years before, almost to a day, sir francis drake--whom, of all english seamen, lord cochrane most resembled in chivalrous daring and in chivalrous hatred of oppression--had secretly led his little _golden hind_ into the harbour of callao, and there despoiled a spanish fleet of seventeen vessels; for which and for his other brave achievements he won the nickname of el dracone. drake the dragon and cochrane the devil were kinsmen in noble hatred, and noble punishment, of spanish wrong-doing. retiring to san lorenzo, after the fight in callao bay on the th of february, lord cochrane occupied the island, and from it blockaded callao for five weeks. on the island he found thirty-seven chilian soldiers, whom the spaniards had made prisoners eight years before. "the unhappy men," he said, "had ever since been forced to work in chains under the supervision of a military guard--now prisoners in turn; their sleeping-place during the whole of this period being a filthy shed, in which they were every night chained by one leg to an iron bar." yet worse, as he was informed by the poor fellows whom he freed from their misery, was the condition of some chilian officers and seamen imprisoned in lima, and so cruelly chained that the fetters had worn bare their ankles to the bone. he accordingly, under a flag of truce, sent to the spanish viceroy, don joaquim de la pezuela, offering to exchange for these chilian prisoners a larger number of spaniards captured by himself and others. this proposal was bluntly refused by the viceroy, who took occasion, in his letter, to avow his surprise that a british nobleman should come to fight for a rebel community "unacknowledged by all the powers of the globe." lord cochrane replied that "a british nobleman was a free man, and therefore had a right to assist any country which was endeavouring to re-establish the rights of aggrieved humanity." "i have," he added, "adopted the cause of chili with the same freedom of judgment that i previously exercised when refusing the offer of an admiral's rank in spain, made to me not long ago by the spanish ambassador in london." except in blockading callao and repairing his ships little was done by lord cochrane during his stay at san lorenzo. on the st of march he went into the harbour again and opened a destructive fire upon the spanish gunboats, but as these soon sought shelter under the batteries, which the _o'higgins_ and the _lautaro_ were not strong enough to oppose, the demonstration did not last long. unsuccessful also was an attempt made upon the batteries, with the aid of an explosion-vessel, on the nd of march. the explosion-vessel, when just within musket-range, was struck by a round shot, and foundered, thus spoiling the intended enterprise. but other plans fared better. at the beginning of april, lord cochrane left san lorenzo and proceeded to huacho, a few leagues north of callao. its inhabitants were for the most part in sympathy with the republican cause, and the spanish garrison fled at almost the first gunshot, leaving a large quantity of government property and specie in the hands of the assailants. much other treasure, which proved very serviceable to the impoverished chilian exchequer, was captured by the little fleet during a two months' cruise about the coast of peru, both north and south of callao. everywhere, too, the spanish cause was weakened, and the natives were encouraged to share in the great work of south american rebellion against a tyranny of three centuries' duration. "it was my object," said lord cochrane, "to make friends of the peruvian people, by adopting towards them a conciliatory course, and by strict care that none but spanish property should be taken. confidence was thus inspired, and the universal dissatisfaction with spanish rule speedily became changed into an earnest desire to be freed from it." having cruised about the peruvian coast during april and may, lord cochrane returned to valparaiso on the th of june. "the objects of the first expedition," he said, "had been fully accomplished, namely, to reconnoitre, with a view to future operations, when the squadron should be rendered efficient; but more especially to ascertain the inclinations of the peruvians--a point of the first importance to chili, as being obliged to be constantly on the alert for her own newly-acquired liberties so long as the spaniards were in undisturbed possession of peru. to the accomplishment of these objects had been superadded the restriction of the spanish naval force to the shelter of the forts, the defeat of their military forces wherever encountered, and the capture of no inconsiderable amount of treasure." that was work enough to be done by four small ships, ill-manned and ill-provisioned, during a five months' absence from valparaiso; and the chilians were not ungrateful. their gratitude, however, was not strong enough to make them zealous co-operators in his schemes for their benefit. lord cochrane was eager to start upon another expedition, in which he hoped for yet greater success. but for this were needed preparations which the poverty and mismanagement of the chilian government made almost impossible. he asked for a thousand troops with which to facilitate a second attack on callao. this force, certainly not a large one, was promised, but, when he was about to embark, only ninety soldiers were ready, and even then a private subscription had to be raised for giving them decent clothing instead of the rags in which they appeared. for the assault on callao, also, an ample supply of rockets was required. an engineer named goldsack had gone from england to construct them, and, that there might be no stinting in the work, lord cochrane offered to surrender all his share of prize-money. the offer was refused; but, to save money, their manufacture was assigned to some spanish prisoners, who showed their patriotism in making them so badly that, when tried, they were found utterly worthless. there were other instances of false economy, whereby lord cochrane's intended services to his chilian employers were seriously hindered. the vessels were refitted, however, and a new one, an american-built corvette, named the _independencia_, of twenty-eight guns, was added to the number. after nearly three months' stay at valparaiso, he again set sail on the th of september, . admiral blanco was his second in command, and his squadron consisted of the _o'higgins_, the _san martin_, the _lautaro_, the _independencia_, the _galvarino_, the _araucano_, and the _puyrredon_, mounting two hundred and twenty guns in all. there were also two old vessels, to be used as fireships. the fleet entered callao roads on the th of september. on this occasion there was no subterfuge. on the th lord cochrane despatched a boat to callao with a flag of truce, and a challenge to the viceroy to send out his ships--nearly twice as strong as those of chili in guns and men--for a fair fight in the open sea. the challenge was bluntly rejected, and an attack on the batteries and the ships in harbour was then planned. on the st of october, the smaller vessels reconnoitred the bay, and there was some fighting, in which the _araucano_ was damaged. throughout the night of the nd, a formidable attack was attempted, in which the main reliance was placed in the goldsack rockets; but, in consequence of the treacherous handling of the spanish soldiers who had filled them, they proved worse than useless, doing nearly as much injury to the men who fired them as to the enemy. only one gunboat was sunk by the shells from a raft commanded by major miller, who also did some damage to the forts and shipping. on the night of the th, lord cochrane amused himself, while a fireship was being prepared, by causing a burning tar-barrel to be drifted with the tide towards the enemy's shipping. it was, in the darkness, supposed to be a much more formidable antagonist, and volleys of spanish shot were spent upon it. on the following evening a fireship was despatched; but this also was a failure. a sudden calm prevented her progress. she was riddled through and through by the enemy's guns, and, rapidly gaining water in consequence, had to be fired so much too soon that she exploded before getting near enough to work any serious mischief among the spanish shipping. by these misfortunes lord cochrane was altogether disheartened. the rockets, on which he had chiefly relied, had proved worthless, and, one fireship having been wasted, he did not care to risk the loss of the other. he found too that the spaniards, profiting by the warning which he had previously given, had so strengthened their booms that it was quite impossible, with the small force at his command, to get at them or to reach the port. his store of provisions, also, was nearly exhausted, and the fresh supply promised from chili had not arrived. he therefore reluctantly, for the time, abandoned his project for taking callao. he continued to watch the port for a few weeks, however, hoping for some chance opportunity of injuring it; and, in the interval, sent three hundred and fifty soldiers and marines, under lieutenant-colonel charles and major miller, in the _lautaro_, the _galvarino_, and the remaining fireship, commanded by captain guise, to attack pisco and procure from it and the neighbourhood the requisite provisions. this was satisfactorily done; but the sickness of many of his men caused his further detention at santa, whither he had gone from callao. on the st of november the sick were sent to valparaiso, in the charge of the _san martin_, the _independencia_, and the _araucano_. with the remaining ships, the _o'higgins_, the _lautaro_, the _galvarino_, and the _puyrredon_, lord cochrane proceeded to the mouth of the river guayaquil. there, on the th of the month, he captured two large spanish vessels, one of twenty and the other of sixteen guns, laden with timber, and took possession of the village of puna. at guayaquil there was another delay of a fortnight, owing to a mutiny attempted by captains guise and spry, whose treacherous disposition has already been mentioned. not till the middle of december was he able to escape from the troubles brought upon him by others, and to return to work worthy of his great name and character. then, however, sending one of his ships, with the prizes, to valparaiso, and leaving two others to watch the peruvian coast, he started, with only his flag-ship, upon an enterprise as brilliant in conception and execution as any in his whole eventful history. "the chilian people," he said, "expected impossibilities; and i. had for some time been revolving in my mind a plan to achieve one which should gratify them, and allay my own wounded feelings. i had now only one ship, so that there were no other inclinations to consult; and i felt quite sure of major miller's concurrence where there was any fighting to be done. my design was, with the flag-ship alone, to capture by a _coup de main_ the numerous forts and garrison of valdivia, a fortress previously deemed impregnable, and thus to counteract the disappointment which would ensue in chili from our want of success at callao. the enterprise was a desperate one; nevertheless, i was not about to do anything desperate, having resolved that, unless i was fully satisfied as to its practicability, i would not attempt it. rashness, though often imputed to me, forms no part of my composition. there is a rashness without calculation of consequences; but with that calculation well-founded, it is no longer rashness. and thus, now that i was unfettered by people who did not second my operations as they ought to have done, i made up my mind to take valdivia, if the attempt came within the scope of my calculations." valdivia was the stronghold and centre of spanish attack upon chili from the south, just as were lima and callao on the north. to reach it lord cochrane had to sail northwards along the coast of peru and chili to some distance below valparaiso. this he did without loss of time, to work out an excellent strategy which will be best understood from his own report of it. "the first step," he said, "clearly was to reconnoitre valdivia. the flag-ship arrived on the th of january, , under spanish colours, and made a signal for a pilot, who--as the spaniards mistook the _o'higgins_ for a ship of their own--promptly came off, together with a complimentary retinue of an officer and four soldiers, all of whom were made prisoners as soon as they came on board. the pilot was ordered to take us into the channels leading to the forts, whilst the officer and his men, knowing there was little chance of their finding their way on shore again, thought it most conducive to their interests to supply all the information demanded, the result being increased confidence on my part as to the possibility of a successful attack. amongst other information obtained was the expected arrival of the spanish brig _potrillo_, with money on board for the payment of the garrison. "as we were busily employing ourselves in inspecting the channels, the officer commanding the garrison began to suspect that our object might not altogether be pacific, a suspicion which was confirmed by the detention of his officer. suddenly a heavy fire was opened upon us from the various forts, to which we did not reply, but, our reconnoissance being now complete, withdrew beyond its reach. two days were occupied in reconnoitring. on the third day the _potrillo_ hove in sight, and she, being also deceived by our spanish colours, was captured without a shot, twenty thousand dollars and some important despatches being found on board." that first business having been satisfactorily achieved, lord cochrane proceeded to concepcion, there to ask and obtain from its chilian governor, general freire, a force of two hundred and fifty soldiers, under major beauchef, a french volunteer. in talcahuano bay, moreover, he found a chilian schooner, the _montezuma_, and a brazilian brig, the _intrepido_. he attached the former to his service, and accepted the volunteered aid of the latter. with this augmented but still insignificant force, very defective in some important respects, he returned to valdivia. "the flag-ship," he said, "had only two naval officers on board, one of these being under arrest for disobedience of orders, whilst the other was incapable of performing the duty of lieutenant; so that i had to act as admiral, captain and lieutenant, taking my turn in the watch--or rather being constantly on the watch--as the only available officer was so incompetent." "we sailed from talcahuano on the th of january," the narrative proceeds, "when i communicated my intentions to the military officers, who displayed great eagerness in the cause--alone questioning their success from motives of prudence. on my explaining to them that, if unexpected projects are energetically put in execution, they almost invariably succeed in spite of odds, they willingly entered into my plans. "on the night of the th, we were off the island of quiriquina, in a dead calm. from excessive fatigue in the execution of subordinate duties, i had lain down to rest, leaving the ship in charge of the lieutenant, who took advantage of my absence to retire also, surrendering the watch to the care of a midshipman, who fell asleep. knowing our dangerous position, i had left strict orders that i was to be called the moment a breeze sprang up; but these orders were neglected. a sudden wind took the ship unawares, and the midshipman, in attempting to bring her round, ran her upon the sharp edge of a rock, where she lay beating, suspended, as it were, upon her keel; and, had the swell increased, she must inevitably have gone to pieces. "we were forty miles from the mainland, the brig and schooner being both out of sight. the first impulse, both of officers and crew, was to abandon the ship, but, as we had six hundred men on board, whilst not more than a hundred and fifty could have entered the boats, this would have been but a scramble for life. pointing out to the men that those who escaped could only reach the coast of arauco, where they would meet nothing but torture and inevitable death at the hands of the indians, i with some difficulty got them to adopt the alternative of attempting to save the ship. the first sounding gave five feet of water in the hold, and the pumps were entirely out of order. our carpenter, who was only one by name, was incompetent to repair them; but, having myself some skill in carpentry, i took off my coat, and by midnight, got them into working order, the water in the meanwhile gaining on us, though the whole crew were engaged in baling it out with buckets. "to our great delight, the leak did not increase, upon which i got out the stream anchor and commenced heaving off the ship; the officers clamoured first to ascertain the extent of the leak; but this i expressly forbade, as calculated to damp the energy of the men, whilst, as we now gained on the leak, there was no doubt the ship would swim as far as valdivia, which was the chief point to be regarded, the capture of the fortress being my object, after which the ship might be repaired at leisure. as there was no lack of physical force on board, she was at length floated; but the powder magazine having been under water, the ammunition of every kind, except a little upon deck and in the cartouche-boxes of the troops, was rendered unserviceable; though about this i cared little, as it involved the necessity of using the bayonet in our anticipated attack; and to facing this weapon the spaniards had, in every case, evinced a rooted aversion." the _o'higgins_, thus bravely saved from wreck, was soon joined by the _intrepido_ and the _montezuma_, and these vessels being now most fit for action, as many men as possible were transferred to them, and the _o'higgins_ was ordered to stand out to sea, only to be made use of in case of need. the _montezuma_ now became the flag-ship, and with her and her consort lord cochrane sailed into valdivia harbour on the nd of february. "the fortifications of valdivia," he said, "are placed on both sides of a channel three quarters of a mile in width, and command the entrance, anchorage, and river leading to the town, crossing their fire in all directions so effectually that, with proper caution on the part of the garrison, no ship could enter without suffering severely, while she would be equally exposed at anchor. the principal forts on the western shore are placed in the following order:--el ingles, san carlos, amargos, chorocomayo, alto, and corral castle. those on the eastern side are niebla, directly opposite amargos, and piojo; whilst on the island of manzanera is a strong fort mounted with guns of large calibre, commanding the whole range of the entrance channel. these forts and a few others, fifteen in all, would render the place in the hands of a skilful garrison almost impregnable, the shores on which they stand being inaccessible by reason of the surf, with the exception of a small landing-place at fort ingles. "it was to this landing-place that we first directed our attention, anchoring the brig and schooner off the guns of fort ingles on the afternoon of february the rd, amidst a swell which rendered immediate disembarkation impracticable. the troops were carefully kept below; and, to avert the suspicion of the spaniards, we had trumped up a story of our having just arrived from cadiz and being in want of a pilot. they told us to send a boat for one. to this we replied that our boats had been washed away in the passage round cape horn. not being quite satisfied, they began to assemble troops at the landing-place, firing alarm-guns, and rapidly bringing up the garrisons of the western forts to fort ingles, but not molesting us. "unfortunately for the credit of the story about the loss of the boats, which were at the time carefully concealed under the lee of the vessels, one drifted astern, so that our object became apparent, and the guns of fort ingles, under which we lay, forthwith opened upon us, the first shots passing through the sides of the _intrepido_ and killing two men, so that it became necessary to land in spite of the swell. we had only two launches and a gig. i directed the operation in the gig, whilst major miller, with forty-four marines, pushed off in the first launch, under the fire of the party at the landing-place, on to which they soon leaped, driving the spaniards before them at the point of the bayonet. the second launch then pushed off from the _intrepido_, while the other was returning; and in this way, in less than an hour, three hundred men had made good their footing on shore. "the most difficult task, the capture of the forts, was to come. the only way in which the first, fort ingles, could be approached, was by a precipitous path, along which the men could only pass in single file, the fort itself being inaccessible except by a ladder, which the enemy, after being routed by major miller, had drawn up. "as soon as it was dark, a picked party, under the guidance of one of the spanish prisoners, silently advanced to the attack. this party having taken up its position, the main body moved forward, cheering and firing in the air, to intimate to the spaniards that their chief reliance was on the bayonet. the enemy, meanwhile, kept up an incessant fire of artillery and musketry in the direction of the shouts, but without effect, as no aim could be taken in the dark. "whilst the patriots were thus noisily advancing, a gallant young officer, ensign vidal, got under the inland flank of the fort, and, with a few men, contrived to tear up some pallisades, by which a bridge was made across the ditch. in that way he and his small party entered and formed noiselessly under cover of some branches of trees, while the garrison, numbering about eight hundred soldiers, were directing their whole attention in an opposite direction. "a volley from vidal's party convinced the spaniards that they had been taken in flank. without waiting to ascertain the number of those who had outflanked them, they instantly took to flight, filling with a like panic a column of three hundred men drawn up behind the fort. the chilians, who were now well up, bayoneted them by dozens as they attempted to gain the forts; and when the forts were opened to receive them the patriots entered at the same time, and thus drove them from fort to fort into the castle of corral, together with two hundred more who had abandoned some guns advantageously placed on a height at fort chorocomayo. the corral was stormed with equal rapidity, a number of the enemy escaping in boats to valdivia, others plunging into the forest. upwards of a hundred fell into our hands, and on the following morning the like number were found to have been bayoneted. our loss was seven men killed and nineteen wounded. "on the th, the _intrepido_ and _montezuma_, which had been left near fort ingles, entered the harbour, being fired at in their passage by fort niebla, on the eastern shore. on their coming to an anchor at the corral, two hundred men were again embarked to attack forts niebla, carbonero, and piojo. the _o'higgins_ also appeared in sight off the mouth of the harbour. the spaniards thereupon summarily abandoned the forts on the eastern side; no doubt judging that, as the western forts had been captured without the aid of the frigate, they had, now that she had arrived, no chance of successfully defending them. "on the th, the troops were again embarked to pursue the flying garrison up the river, when we received a flag of truce, informing us that the enemy had abandoned the town, after plundering the private houses and magazines, and with the governor, colonel montoya, had fled in the direction of chiloe. the booty which fell into our hands, exclusive of the value of the forts and public buildings, was considerable, valdivia being the chief military depôt in the southern side of the continent. amongst the military stores were upwards of tons of gunpowder, , cannon-shot, , musket-cartridges, a large quantity of small arms, guns, of which were brass and the remainder iron, the ship _dolores_--afterwards sold at valparaiso for twenty thousand dollars--with public stores sold for the like value, and plate, of which general sanchez had previously stripped the churches of concepcion, valued at sixteen thousand dollars." those prizes compensated over and over again for the loss of the _intrepido_, which grounded in the channel, and the injuries done to the _o'higgins_ on her way to valdivia. but the value of lord cochrane's capture of this stronghold was not to be counted in money. by its daring conception and easy completion the spaniards, besides losing their great southern starting-point for attacks on chili and the other states that were fighting for their freedom, lost heart, to a great extent, in their whole south american warfare. they saw that their insurgent colonists had now found a champion too bold, too cautious, too honest, and too prosperous for them any longer to hope that they could succeed in their efforts to win back the dependencies which were shaking off the thraldom of three centuries. chapter viii. lord cochrane's return to valparaiso.--his ill-treatment by the chilian senate.--the third expedition to peru.--general san martin.--the capture of the "esmeralda," and its issue.--lord cochrane's subsequent work.--san martin's treachery.--his assumption of the protectorate of peru.--his base proposals to lord cochrane.--lord cochrane's condemnation of them.--the troubles of the chilian squadron.--lord cochrane's seizure of treasure at ancon, and employment of it in paying his officers and men.--his stay at guayaquil.--the advantages of free trade.--lord cochrane's cruise along the mexican coast in search of the remaining spanish frigates.--their annexation by peru.--lord cochrane's last visit to callao. [ - .] lord cochrane returned to valparaiso on the th of february, . by general o'higgins, the supreme director, and by the populace he was enthusiastically received. but zenteno, the minister of marine, and other members of the government, jealous of the fresh renown which he had won by his conquest of valdivia, showed their jealousy in various offensive ways. in anticipation of his failure they had prepared an elaborate charge of insubordination, in that he had not come back direct from callao. now that he had triumphed, they sought at first to have him reprimanded for attempting so hazardous an exploit, and afterwards to rob him of his due on the ground that his achievement was insignificant and valueless. when they were compelled by the voice of the people to declare publicly that "the capture of valdivia was the happy result of an admirably-arranged plan and of the most daring execution," they refused to award either to him or to his comrades any other recompense than was contained in the verbal compliment; and, on his refusing to give up his prizes until the seamen had been paid their arrears of wages, he was threatened with prosecution for detention of the national property. the threat was impotent, as the people of chili would not for a moment have permitted such an indignity to their champion. but so irritating were this and other attempted persecutions to lord cochrane that, on the th of may, he tendered to the supreme director his resignation of service under the chilian government. that proposal was, of course, rejected; but with the rejection came a promise of better treatment. the seamen were paid in july, and the valdivian prize-money was nominally awarded. lord cochrane's share amounted to , dollars, and to this was added a grant of land at rio clara. but the money was never paid, and the estate was forcibly seized a few years afterwards. other annoyances, which need not here be detailed, were offered to lord cochrane, and thus six months were wasted by zenteno and his associates in the chilian senate. "the senate," said lord cochrane, "was an anomaly in state government. it consisted of five members, whose functions were to remain only during the first struggles of the country for independence; but this body had now assumed a permanent right to dictatorial control, whilst there was no appeal from their arbitrary conduct, except to themselves. they arrogated the title of 'most excellent,' whilst the supreme director was simply 'his excellency;' his position, though nominally head of the executive, being really that of mouthpiece to the senate, which, assuming all power, deprived the executive government of its legitimate influence, so that no armament could be equipped, no public work undertaken, no troops raised, and no taxes levied, except by the consent of this irresponsible body. for such a clique the plain, simple good sense of the supreme director was no match. he was led to believe that a crooked policy was a necessary evil of government, and, as such a policy was adverse to his own nature, he was the more easily induced to surrender its administration to others who were free from his conscientious principles." those sentences explain the treatment to which, now and afterwards, lord cochrane was subjected. he was allowed, however, to do further excellent service to the nation which had already begun to reward him with nothing but ingratitude. as soon as the chilian government could turn from its spiteful exercise to its proper duty of consolidating the independence of the insurgents from spanish dominion, it was resolved to despatch as strong a force as could be raised for another and more formidable expedition to peru, whereby at the same time the peruvians should be freed from the tyranny by which they were still oppressed, and the chilians should be rid of the constant danger that they incurred from the presence of a spanish army in lima, callao, and other garrisons, ready to bear down upon them again and again, as it had often done before. in lord cochrane had vainly asked for a suitable land force with which to aid his attack upon callao. it was now resolved to organize a liberating army, after the fashion of that with which bolivar had nobly scoured the northern districts of south america, and to place it under the direction of general san martin, in co-operation with whom lord cochrane was to pursue his work as chief admiral of the fleet. san martin had fought worthily in la plata, and he had earned the gratitude of the chilians by winning back their freedom in conjunction with o'higgins in . vanity and ambition, however, had since unhinged him, and he now proved himself a champion of liberty very inferior, both in prowess and in honesty, to bolivar. his army, numbering four thousand two hundred men, was collected by the st of august, and on that day it was embarked at valparaiso in the whole chilian squadron. lord cochrane proposed to go at once to chilca, the nearest point both to lima and to callao. san martin, however, decided upon pisco as a safer landing-place, and there the troops were deposited on the th of september. for fifty days they were detained there, and the fleet was forced to share their idleness, capturing only a few passing merchantmen. on the th of october they were re-embarked, and lord cochrane again urged a vigorous attack on the capital and its port. again he was thwarted by san martin, who requested to be landed at ancon, considerably to the north of callao, and as unsuitable a halting-place as was the southerly town of pisco. lord cochrane had to comply; but he bethought him of a plan for achieving a great work, in spite of san martin. sending the main body of his fleet to ancon with the troops, no the th, he retained the _o'higgins_, the _independencia_, and the _lautaro_, with the professed object of merely blockading callao at a safe distance. "the fact was," he said, "that, annoyed, in common with the whole expedition, at this irresolution on the part of general san martin, i determined that the means of chili, furnished with great difficulty, should not be wholly wasted, without some attempt at accomplishing the object of the expedition. i accordingly formed a plan of attack with the three ships which i had kept back, though, being apprehensive that my design would be opposed by general san martin, i had not even mentioned to him my intentions. this design was, to cut out the _esmeralda_ frigate from under the fortifications, and also to get possession of another ship, on board of which we had learned that a million of dollars was embarked." the plan was certainly a bold one. the _esmeralda_, of forty-four guns, was the finest spanish ship in the pacific ocean. now especially well armed and manned, in readiness for any work that had to be done, she was lying in callao harbour, protected by three hundred pieces of artillery on shore and by a strong boom with chain moorings, by twenty-seven gunboats and several armed block-ships. these considerations, however, only induced lord cochrane to proceed cautiously upon his enterprise. three days were spent in preparations, the purpose of which was known only to himself and to his chief officers. on the afternoon of the th of november he issued this proclamation:--"marines and seamen,--this night we shall give the enemy a mortal blow. to-morrow you will present yourself proudly before callao, and all your comrades will envy your good fortune. one hour of courage and resolution is all that is required for you to triumph. remember that you have conquered in valdivia, and have no fear of those who have hitherto fled from you. the value of all the vessels captured in callao will be yours, and the same reward will be distributed amongst you as has been offered by the spaniards in lima to those who should capture any of the chilian squadron. the moment of glory is approaching. i hope that the chilians will fight as they have been accustomed to do, and that the english will act as they have ever done at home and abroad." a request was made for volunteers, and the whole body of seamen and marines on board the three ships offered to follow lord cochrane wherever he might lead. this was more than he wanted. "a hundred and sixty seamen and eighty marines," said lord cochrane, whose own narrative of the sequel will best describe it, "were placed, after dark, in fourteen boats alongside the flag-ship, each man, armed with cutlass and pistol, being, for distinction's sake, dressed in white, with a blue band on the left arm. the spaniards, i expected, would be off their guard, and consider themselves safe from attack for that night, since, by way of ruse, the other ships had been sent out of the bay under the charge of captain foster, as though in pursuit of some vessels in the offing. "at ten o'clock all was in readiness, the boats being formed in two divisions, the first commanded by flag-captain crosbie and the second by captain gruise,--my boat leading. the strictest silence and the exclusive use of cutlasses were enjoined; so that, as the oars were muffled and the night was dark, the enemy had not the least suspicion of the impending attack. "it was just upon midnight when we neared the small opening left in the boom, our plan being well-nigh frustrated by the vigilance of a guard-boat upon which my launch had unluckily stumbled. the challenge was given, upon which, in an undertone, i threatened the occupants of the boat with instant death if they made the least alarm. no reply was made to the threat, and in a few minutes our gallant fellows were alongside the frigate in line, boarding at several points simultaneously. the spaniards were completely taken by surprise, the whole, with the exception of the sentries, being asleep at their quarters; and great was the havoc made amongst them by the chilian cutlasses whilst they were recovering themselves. retreating to the forecastle, they there made a gallant stand, and it was not until the third charge that the position was carried. the fight was for a short time renewed on the quarterdeck, where the spanish marines fell to a man, the rest of the enemy leaping overboard and into the hold to escape slaughter. "on boarding the ship by the main-chains, i was knocked back by the sentry's musket, and falling on the tholl-pin of the boat, it entered my back near the spine, inflicting a severe injury, which caused me many years of subsequent suffering. immediately regaining my footing, i reascended the side, and, when on deck, was shot through the thigh. but, binding a handkerchief tightly round the wound, i managed, though with great difficulty, to direct the contest to its close. "the whole affair, from beginning to end, occupied only a quarter of an hour, our loss being eleven killed and thirty wounded, whilst that of the spaniards was a hundred and sixty, many of whom fell under the cutlasses of the chilians before they could stand to their arms. greater bravery i never saw displayed than by our gallant fellows. before boarding, the duties of all had been appointed, and a party was told off to take possession of the tops. we had not been on deck a minute, when i hailed the foretop, and was instantly answered by our own men, an equally prompt answer being returned from the frigate's main-top. no british man-of-war's crew could have excelled this minute attention to orders. "the uproar speedily alarmed the garrison, who, hastening to their guns, opened fire on their own frigate, thus paying us the compliment of having taken it; though, even in this case, their own men must still have been on board, so that firing on them was a wanton proceeding. several spaniards were killed or wounded by the shot of the fortress. amongst the wounded was captain coig, the commander of the _esmeralda_, who, after he was made prisoner, received a severe contusion by a shot from his own party. "the fire from the fortress was, however, neutralized by a successful expedient. there were two foreign ships of war present during the contest, the united states frigate _macedonian_ and the british frigate _hyperion_; and these, as had been previously agreed upon with the spanish authorities in case of a night attack, hoisted peculiar lights as signals, to prevent being fired upon. this contingency being provided for by us, as soon as the fortress commenced its fire on the _esmeralda_, we also ran up similar lights, so that the garrison did not know which vessel to fire at. the _hyperion_ and _macedonian_ were several times struck, while the _esmeralda_ was comparatively untouched. upon this the neutral vessels cut their cables and moved away. contrary to my orders, captain gruise then cut the _esmeralda's_ cables also, so that there was nothing to be done but to loose her topsails and follow. the fortress thereupon ceased its fire. "i had distinctly ordered that the cables of the _esmeralda_ were not to be cut, but that after taking her, the force was to capture the _maypeu_, a brig of war previously taken from chili, and then to attack and cut adrift every ship near, there being plenty of time before us. i had no doubt that, when the _esmeralda_ was taken, the spaniards would desert the other ships as fast as their boats would permit them, so that the whole might have been either captured or burnt. to this end all my previous plans had been arranged; but, on my being placed _hors de combat_ by my wounds, captain gruise, on whom the command of the prize devolved, chose to interpose his own judgment and content himself with the _esmeralda_ alone; the reason assigned being that the english had broken into her spirit-room and were getting drunk, whilst the chilians were disorganized by plundering. it was a great mistake. if we could capture the _esmeralda_ with her picked and well-appointed crew, there would have been little or no difficulty in cutting the other ships adrift in succession. it would only have been the rout of valdivia over again, chasing the enemy, without loss, from ship to ship instead of from fort to fort." lord cochrane's exploit, however, though less complete than he had intended, was as successful in its issue as it was brilliant in its achievement. "this loss of the _esmeralda_," wrote captain basil hall, then commanding a british war-ship in south american waters, "was a death-blow to the spanish naval force in that quarter of the world; for, although there were still two spanish frigates and some smaller vessels in the pacific, they never afterwards ventured to show themselves, but left lord cochrane undisputed master of the coast." the speedy liberation of peru was its direct consequence, although that good work was seriously impaired by the continued and increasing misconduct of general san martin, inducing troubles, of which lord cochrane received his full share. in the first burst of his enthusiasm at the intelligence of lord cochrane's action, san martin was generous for once. "the importance of the service you have rendered to the country, my lord," he wrote on the th of november, "by the capture of the frigate _esmeralda_, and the brilliant manner in which you conducted the gallant officers and seamen under your orders to accomplish that noble enterprise, have augmented the gratitude due to your former services by the government, as well as that of all interested in the public welfare and in your fame. all those who participated in the risks and glory of the deed also deserve well of their countrymen; and i have the satisfaction to be the medium of transmitting the sentiments of admiration which such transcendent success has excited in the chiefs of the army under my command." "it is impossible for me to eulogize in proper language," he also wrote to the chilian administration, "the daring enterprise of the th of november, by which lord cochrane has decided the superiority of our naval forces, augmented the splendour and power of chili, and secured the success of this campaign." a few days later, however, san martin wrote in very different terms. "before the general-in-chief left the vice-admiral of the squadron," he said, in a bulletin to the army, "they agreed on the execution of a memorable project, sufficient to astonish intrepidity itself, and to make the history of the liberating expedition of peru eternal." "this glory," he added, "was reserved for the liberating army, whose efforts have snatched the victims of tyranny from its hands." thus impudently did he arrogate to himself a share, at any rate, in the initiation of a project which lord cochrane, knowing that he would oppose it, had purposely kept secret from him, and assign the whole merit of its completion to the army which his vacillation and incompetence were holding in unwelcome inactivity. lord cochrane was too much accustomed to personal injustice, however, to be very greatly troubled by that fresh indignity. it was a far heavier trouble to him that his first triumph was not allowed to be supplemented by prompt completion of the work on which, and not on any individual aggrandisement, his heart was set--the establishment of peruvian as well as chilian freedom. san martin, having done nothing hitherto but allow his army to waste its strength and squander its resources, first at pisco and afterwards at ancon, now fixed upon huacha as another loitering-place. thither lord cochrane had to convey it, before he was permitted to resume the blockade of callao. this blockade lasted, though not all the while under his personal direction, for eight months. "several attempts were now made," said lord cochrane, with reference to the first few weeks of the blockade, "to entice the remaining spanish naval force from their shelter under the batteries by placing the _esmeralda_ apparently within reach, and the flagship herself in situations of some danger. one day i carried her through an intricate strait called the boqueron, in which nothing beyond a fifty-ton schooner was ever seen. the spaniards, expecting every moment to see the ship strike, manned their gunboats, ready to attack as soon as she was aground; of which there was little danger, for we had found, and buoyed off with small bits of wood invisible to the enemy, a channel through which a vessel could pass without much difficulty. at another time, the esmeralda being in a more than usually tempting position, the spanish gunboats ventured out in the hope of recapturing her, and for an hour maintained a smart fire; but on seeing the _o'higgins_ manoeuvring to cut them off, they precipitately retreated." in ways like those the spaniards were locked in, and harassed, in callao bay. good result came in the steady weakening of the spanish cause. on the rd of december, six hundred and fifty soldiers deserted to the chilian army. on the th they were followed by forty officers; and after that hardly a day passed without some important defections to the patriot force.' unfortunately, however, there was weakness also among the patriots. san martin, idle himself, determined to profit by the advantages, direct and indirect, which lord cochrane's prowess had secured and was securing. it began to be no secret that, as soon as peru was freed from the spanish yoke, he proposed to subject it to a military despotism of his own. this being resented by lord cochrane, who on other grounds could have little sympathy or respect for his associate, coolness arose between the leaders. lord cochrane, anxious to do some more important work, if only a few troops might be allowed to co-operate with his sailors, was forced to share some of san martin's inactivity. in march, , he offered, if two thousand soldiers were assigned to him, to capture lima; and when this offer was rejected, he declared himself willing to undertake the work with half the number of men. with difficulty he at last obtained a force of six hundred; and by them and the fleet nearly all the subsequent fighting in peru was done. lord cochrane did not venture upon a direct assault on the capital with so small an army; but he used it vigorously from point to point on the coast, between callao and arica, and thus compelled the capitulation of lima on the th of july. again, as heretofore, he was thanked in the first moment of triumph, to be slighted at leisure. lord cochrane, on entering the city, was welcomed as the great deliverer of peru: the medals distributed on the th of july--the day on which peru's independence was proclaimed--testified that the honour was due to general san martin and his liberating army. that, however, was only part of a policy long before devised. "it is now became evident to me," said lord cochrane, "that the army had been kept inert for the purpose of preserving it entire to further the ambitious views of the general, and that, with the whole force now at lima, the inhabitants were completely at the mercy of their pretended liberator, but in reality their conqueror." with that policy, however much he reprobated it, lord cochrane wisely judged that it was not for him to quarrel. "as the existence of this self-constituted authority," he said, "was no less at variance with the institutions of the chilian republic than with its solemn promises to the peruvians, i hoisted my flag on board the _o'higgins_, determined to adhere solely to the interests of chili; but not interfering in any way with general san martin's proceedings till they interfered with me in my capacity as commander-in-chief of the chilian navy." he was not, therefore, in lima on the rd of august, when san martin issued a proclamation declaring himself protector of peru, and appointing three of his creatures as his ministers of state. of the way in which he became acquainted of this violent and lawless measure, a precise description has been given by an eye-witness, mr. w.b. stevenson. "on the following morning, the th of august," he says, "lord cochrane, uninformed of the change which had taken place in the title of san martin, visited the palace, and began to beg the general-in-chief to propose some means for the payment of the seamen who had served their time and fulfilled their contract. to this san martin answered that 'he would never pay the chilian squadron unless it was sold to peru, and then the payment should be considered part of the purchase-money.' lord cochrane replied that 'by such a transaction the squadron of chili would be transferred to peru by merely paying what was due to the officers and crews for services done to that state.' san martin knit his brows and, turning to his ministers, garcia and monteagudo, ordered them to retire; to which his lordship objected, stating that, 'as he was not master of the spanish language, he wished them to remain as interpreters, being fearful that some expression, not rightly understood, might be considered offensive.' san martin now turned round to the admiral and said, 'are you aware, my lord, that i am protector of peru?' 'no,' said his lordship. 'i ordered my secretaries to inform you of it,' returned san martin. 'that is now unnecessary, for you have personally informed me,' said his lordship: 'i hope that the friendship which has existed between general san martin and myself will continue to exist between the protector of peru and myself.' san martin then, rubbing his hands, said, 'i have only to say that i am protector of peru.' the manner in which this last sentence was expressed roused the admiral, who, advancing, said, 'then it becomes me, as senior officer of chili, and consequently the representative of the nation, to request the fulfilment of all the promises made to chili and the squadron; but first, and principally, the squadron.' san martin returned, 'chili! chili! i will never pay a single real to chili! as to the squadron, you may take it where you please, and go where you choose. a couple of schooners are quite enough for me.' on hearing this garcia left the room, and monteagudo walked to the balcony. san martin paced the room for a short time, and, turning to his lordship, said, 'forget, my lord, what is past.' the admiral replied, 'i will when i can,' and immediately left the palace.[a] "one thing has been omitted in the preceding narrative," said lord cochrane. "general san martin, following me to the staircase, had the temerity to propose to me to follow his example--namely, to break faith with the chilian government, to which we had both sworn, to abandon the squadron to his interests, and to accept the higher grade of first admiral of peru. i need scarcely say that a proposition so dishonourable was declined; when, in a tone of irritation, he declared that 'he would neither give the seamen their arrears of pay nor the gratuity he had promised.'" [footnote a: w.b. stevenson, "twenty years' residence in south america." .] lord cochrane lost no time in returning to his flagship in callao roads. thence, however, on the th of august, he wrote a letter to san martin, couched in terms as temperate and persuasive as he could bring himself to use. "my dear general," he there said, "i address you for the last time under your late designation, being aware that the liberty i may take as a friend might not be deemed decorous to you under the title of protector, for i shall not, with a gentleman of your understanding, take into account, as a motive for abstaining to speak truth, any chance of your resentment. nay, were i certain that such would be the effect of this letter, i would nevertheless perform such an act of friendship, in repayment of the support you gave me at a time when the basest plots were laid for my dismissal from the chilian service. permit me to give you the experience of eleven years, during which i sat in the first senate in the world, and to say what i anticipate on the one hand, and what i fear on the other--nay, what i foresee. you have it in your power to be the napoleon of south america; but you have also the power to choose your course, and if the first steps are false, the eminence on which you stand will, as though from the brink of a precipice, make your fall the more heavy and the more certain. the real strength of government is public opinion. what would the world say, were the protector of peru, as his first act, to cancel the bonds of san martin, even though gratitude may be a private and not a public virtue? what would they say, were the protector to refuse to pay the expense of that expedition which placed him in his present elevated situation? what would they say, were it promulgated to the world that he intended not even to remunerate those employed in the navy which contributed to his success?" much more to the same effect lord cochrane wrote, urging honesty upon san martin as the only path by which he could win for himself a permanent success, and making a special claim upon his honesty in the interests of the seamen and naval officers, to whom neither pay nor prize-money had been given since their departure from chili nearly a year before. it was all in vain. san martin wrote, on the th of august, a letter making professions of virtue and acknowledging much personal indebtedness to lord cochrane and the fleet, but evading the whole question at issue. "i am disposed," he said, "to recompense valour displayed in the cause of the country. but you know, my lord, that the wages of the crews do not come under these circumstances, and that i, never having engaged to pay the amount, am not obliged to do so. that debt is due from chili, whose government engaged the seamen." lord cochrane knew that chili would decline to pay for work that, if intended to be done in its interests, had been perverted from that intention; and his crews, also knowing it, became reasonably mutinous. after much further correspondence--in which san martin suggested as his only remedy that lord cochrane should accept the dishonourable proposal made to him, and, becoming himself first admiral of peru, should induce the fleet to join in the same rebellion against chili to which the army had been brought by its general, and in which captains guise and spry, always evil-minded, had already joined--lord cochrane adopted a bold but altogether justifiable manoeuvre. a large quantity of treasure, seized from the spaniards, having been deposited by san martin at ancon, he sailed thither, in the middle of september, and quietly took possession of it. so much as lawful owners could be found for was given up to them. with the residue, amounting to , dollars, lord cochrane paid off the year's arrears to every officer and man in his employ, taking nothing for himself, but reserving the small surplus for the pressing exigencies and re-equipment of the squadron. it is unnecessary to detail the angry correspondence that arose out of that rough act of justice. before the money was distributed, treacherous offers to restore it and enter into rebellious league with san martin were made to lord cochrane; and with these were alternated mock-virtuous complaints and bombastic threats. both bribes and threats were treated by him with equal contempt. "after a lapse of nearly forty years' anxious consideration," he wrote in , "i cannot reproach myself with having done any wrong in the seizure of the money of the protectorial government. general san martin and myself had been in our respective departments deputed to liberate peru from spain, and to give to the peruvians the same free institutions which chili herself enjoyed. the first part of our object had been fully effected by the achievements and vigilance of the squadron; the second part was frustrated by general san martin arrogating to himself despotic power, which set at naught the wishes and voice of the people. as 'my fortune in common with his own' was only to be secured by acquiescence in the wrong he had done to chili by casting off his allegiance to her, and by upholding him in the still greater wrong he was inflicting on peru, i did not choose to sacrifice my self-esteem and professional character by lending myself as an instrument to purposes so unworthy. i did all in my power to warn general san martin of the consequences of ambition so ill-directed, but the warning was neglected, if not despised. chili trusted to him to defray the expenses of the squadron, when its objects, as laid down by the supreme director, should be accomplished; but, in place of fulfilling the obligation, he permitted the squadron to starve, its crews to go in rags, and the ships to be in perpetual danger for want of the proper equipment which chili could not afford to give them when they sailed from valparaiso. the pretence for this neglect was want of means, though, at the same time, money to a vast amount was sent away from the capital to ancon. seeing that no intention existed on the part of the protector's government to do justice to the chilian squadron, whilst every effort was made to excite discontent among the officers and men with the purpose of procuring their transfer to peru, i seized the public money, satisfied the men, and saved the navy to the chilian republic, which afterwards warmly thanked me for what i had done. despite the obloquy cast upon me by the protector's government, there was nothing wrong in the course i pursued, if only for the reason that, if the chilian squadron was to be preserved, it was impossible for me to have done otherwise. years of reflection have only produced the conviction that, were i again placed in similar circumstances, i should adopt precisely the same course." in spite of his treachery to the chilian government, general san martin professed to retain his functions as commander-in-chief of the chilian liberating expedition to peru; and, accordingly, when he found it useless to make further efforts, by bribes or threats, to seduce lord cochrane from his allegiance, he ordered him to return at once to valparaiso. this order lord cochrane refused to obey, seeing that the work entrusted to him--the entire destruction of the spanish squadron in the pacific--had not yet been completed. he determined to complete that work, first going to guayaquil to repair and refit his ships, which san martin would not allow him to do in any peruvian port. he was thus employed during six weeks following the th of october, . on his departure, a complimentary address from the townsmen afforded him an opportunity of offering some good advice on a matter in which his long and intelligent political experience showed him that they were especially at fault. the inhabitants of guayaquil, like many other young communities, sought to increase their revenues and strengthen their independence by violent restrictions upon foreign commerce and arbitrary support of native monopolists. lord cochrane eloquently propounded to them the doctrine of free trade. "let your public press," he said, "declare the consequences of monopoly, and affix your names to the defence of your enlightened system. let it show, if your province contains eighty thousand inhabitants, and if eighty of these are privileged merchants according to the old system, that nine hundred and ninety-nine persons out of a thousand must suffer because their cotton, coffee, tobacco, timber, and other productions, must come into the hands of the monopolist, as the only purchaser of what they have to sell, and the only seller of what they must necessarily buy; the effect being that he will buy at the lowest possible rate and sell at the dearest, so that not only are the nine hundred and ninety-nine injured, but the lands will remain waste, the manufactories without workmen, and the people will be lazy and poor for want of a stimulus, it being a law of nature that no man will labour solely for the gain of another. tell the monopolist that the true method of acquiring general riches, political power, and even his own private advantage, is to sell his country's produce as high, and foreign goods as low, as possible, and that public competition can alone accomplish this. let foreign merchants, who bring capital, and those who practise any art or handicraft, be permitted to settle freely. thus a competition will be formed, from which all must reap advantage. then will land and fixed property increase in value. the magazines, instead of being the receptacles of filth and crime, will be full of the richest foreign and domestic productions; and all will be energy and activity, because the reward will be in proportion to the labour. your river will be filled with ships, and the monopolist degraded and shamed. you will bless the day in which omnipotence permitted to be rent asunder the veil of obscurity, under which the despotism of spain, the abominable tyranny of the inquisition, and the want of liberty of the press, so long hid the truth from your sight. let your customs' duties be moderate, in order to promote the greatest possible consumption of foreign and domestic goods; then smuggling will cease and the returns to the treasury increase. let every man do as he pleases as regards his own property, views, and interests; because each individual will watch over his own with more zeal than senates, ministers, or kings. by your enlarged views set an example to the new world; and thus, as guayaquil is, from its situation, the central republic, it will become the centre of the agriculture, commerce, and riches of the pacific." lord cochrane left guayaquil on the rd of december, and cruised northwards in search of the _prueba_ and the _venganza_, the only two remaining spanish frigates, which had made their escape from callao and gone in the direction of mexico. he sailed along the colombian and mexican coasts as far as acapulco, where he called on the th of january, , without finding the objects of his search. he there learned, on the nd of february, from an in-coming merchantman, that the frigates had eluded him and were now somewhere to the southwards. upon that he at once retraced his course, and, in spite of a storm which nearly wrecked his two best ships, one of them being the captured _esmeralda_, now christened the _valdivia_, was at guayaquil again on the th of march. there, as he expected, from information received on the passage, he found the _venganza._ both the frigates had been compelled, by want of provisions, to run the risk of halting at guayaquil, whither also an envoy from san martin had arrived, instructed to tempt the guayaquilians into friendship with peru and jealousy of chili. on the appearance of the spanish frigates, he had persuaded their captains, as the only means of averting the certain ruin that lord cochrane was planning for them, quietly to surrender to the peruvian government. in this way chili was cheated of its prizes, although lord cochrane's main object, the entire overthrow of the spanish war shipping in the pacific, was accomplished without further use of powder and shot. the _prueba_ had been sent to callao, and the _venganza_ was now being refitted at guayaquil. lord cochrane had now done all that it was possible for him to do in fulfilment of the naval mission on which he had quitted chili a year and a half before. proceeding southward, he anchored in callao roads from the th of april till the th of may. san martin's government, fearing punishment for their misdeeds, prepared to defend callao. lord cochrane, however, wrote to say that he had no intention of making war upon the peruvians; that all he asked was adequate payment for the services rendered to them by his officers and seamen. in the same letter he denounced the new treachery that had been shown with reference to the _venganza_ and the _prueba_. the answer to that letter was a visit from san martin's chief minister, who begged lord cochrane to recall it, and impudently repeated the old offers of service under the peruvian government, adding that san martin had written a private letter to the same effect. "tell the protector from me," said lord cochrane, "that if, after the conduct he has pursued, he had sent me a private letter, it would certainly have been returned unanswered. you may also tell him that it is not my wish to injure him, that i neither fear him nor hate him, but that i disapprove of his conduct." lord cochrane's brief stay off callao sufficed to convince him that, though the people of peru were being for the time subjected to a tyranny almost equal to that practised by spain, no one was likely to be long in fear of san martin, as his treacheries and his vices were already bringing upon him well-deserved disgrace and punishment. to that purport lord cochrane wrote to o'higgins on the nd of may. "as the attached and sincere friend of your excellency," he said, "i hope you will take into your serious consideration the propriety of at once fixing the chilian government upon a base not to be shaken by the fall of the present tyranny in peru, of which there are not only indications, but the result is inevitable--unless, indeed, the mischievous counsels of vain and mercenary men can suffice to prop up a fabric of the most barbarous political architecture, serving as a screen from whence to dart their weapons against the heart of liberty. thank god, my hands are free from the stain of labouring in any such work; and having finished all you gave me to do, i may now rest till you shall command my further endeavours for the honour and security of my adopted land." chapter ix. lord cochrane's return to valparaiso.--his further ill-treatment by the chilian government.--his resignation of chilian employment, and acceptance of employment under the emperor of brazil.--his subsequent correspondence with the government of chili.--the results of his chilian service. [ - .] lord cochrane returned to valparaiso on the rd of june, , having been absent more than twenty months. an enthusiastic welcome awaited him. medals were struck in his honour, and in various ephemeral ways the public gratitude was expressed. it was, however, only ephemeral. there was no substantial recognition of his great services. his men were left unpaid, and he himself was subjected to further indignities of the sort already described. it is not necessary here to give any detailed account of them, or to enter into a particular rehearsal of his efforts during the next six months to continue his beneficial services to chili. he had done the great service for which he had been invited to south america. in the course of about three years he had scoured the pacific of the spanish ships, which had offered an obstacle too serious for the patriots to overcome by any force or wisdom of their own. he had made it possible for them to assert their independence of a foreign yoke, and, if their patriotism had been genuine enough, to work out internal reforms, by which the sometime colonies of spain in south america might have been able to vie in greatness with the sometime colonies of england in the northern continent. the benefits which he conferred especially upon chili were shared by all the liberated communities along the whole pacific coastline up to mexico. but all were alike ungrateful, except in fitful words and in sentiments that prompted to no action. shortly after his return to chili, lord cochrane went to live upon the estates that had been conferred upon him. soon, however, he was forced to go back to valparaiso, there to look after the interests of the officers and crews who had served him and chili during the previous fighting time. his earnest arguments on their behalf were not heeded. the poor fellows were left to starve and be perished by the cold of a south american winter, against which the pitiful rags in which they were clothed afforded no protection. and before long fresh incidents arose which made it impossible for him to persevere in fighting their battle. general san martin, having run his course of petty tyranny in peru, was soon forced to resign his protectorate and seek safety in chili. he reached valparaiso on the th of october, and then lord cochrane, who had long before seen good reasons for suspecting it, was convinced that zenteno and many other influential men in chili were in league with him. he claimed that san martin should be tried by court-martial for his treasons, known to all the world. instead of that san martin was loaded with honours, and fresh indignities were heaped upon his chief accuser. this monstrous action of the ministers led to a revolution, which, if lord cochrane had stayed to the end, might have proved much to his advantage. but the revolution, headed by general freire, an honest man, had for its object the overthrow of o'higgins, also an honest man, though too weak to withstand the influences brought to bear upon him by the bad men by whom he was surrounded. lord cochrane refused freire's offers to join in opposition to o'higgins, always, as far as his small powers permitted, his good friend. he preferred to abandon chili, or rather to allow it to abandon one who had done for it so much and had received so little in return. "the difficulties," he said, in a dignified letter addressed to general o'higgins, still nominally the supreme director, in which he virtually resigned his appointment as vice-admiral of the republic, "the difficulties which i have experienced in accomplishing the naval enterprises successfully achieved during the period of my command as admiral of chili have not been mastered without responsibility such as i would scarcely again undertake, not because i would hesitate to make any personal sacrifice in a cause of so much interest, but because even these favourable results have led to the total alienation of the sympathies of meritorious officers--whose co-operation was indispensable--in consequence of the conduct of the government. that which has made most impression on their minds has been, not the privations they have suffered, nor the withholding of their pay and other dues, but the absence of any public acknowledgment by the government of the honours and distinctions promised for their fidelity and constancy to chili; especially at a time when no temptation was withheld that could induce them to abandon the cause of chili for the service of the protector of peru. ever since that time, though there was no want of means or knowledge of facts on the part of the chilian government, it has submitted itself to the influence of the agents of an individual whose power, having ceased in peru, has been again resumed in chili. the effect of this on me is so keen that i cannot trust myself in words to express my personal feelings. whatever i have recommended or asked for the good of the naval service has been scouted or denied, though acquiescence would have placed chili in the first rank of maritime states in this quarter of the globe. my requisitions and suggestions were founded on the practice of the first naval service in the world--that of england. they have, however, met with no consideration, as though their object had been directed to my own personal benefit. until now i have never eaten the bread of idleness. i cannot reconcile to my mind a state of inactivity which might even now impose upon the chilian republic an annual pension for past services; especially as an admiral of peru is actually in command of a portion of the chilian squadron, whilst other vessels are sent to sea without the orders under which they act being communicated to me, and are despatched through the instrumentality of the governor of valparaiso [zenteno]. i mention these circumstances incidentally as having confirmed me in the resolution to withdraw myself from chili for a time, asking nothing for myself during my absence; whilst, as regards the sums owing to me, i forbear to press for their payment till the government shall be more freed from its difficulties. i have complied with all that my public duty demanded, and, if i have not been able to accomplish more, the deficiency has arisen from circumstances beyond my control. at any rate, having the world still before me, i hope to prove that it is not owing to me. i have received proposals from mexico, from brazil, and from a european state, but have not as yet accepted any of these offers. nevertheless, the habits of my life do not permit me to refuse my services to those labouring under oppression, as chili was before the annihilation of the spanish naval force in the pacific. in this i am prepared to justify whatever course i may pursue. in thus taking leave of chili, i do so with sentiments of deep regret that i have not been suffered to be more useful to the cause of liberty, and that i am compelled to separate myself from individuals with whom i hoped to live for a long period, without violating such sentiments of honour as, were they broken, would render me odious to myself and despicable in their eyes." that letter sufficiently explains the reasons which induced lord cochrane to resign his chilian command. he had, as he said, received invitations to enter the service of brazil, of mexico, and of greece. the mexican offer he declined at once, as acceptance of it would involve little of the active work in fighting which, if for a good cause, was always attractive to him. assistance of the greeks who, a year and a half before, had begun to throw off their long servitude to turkey, and who were now fighting desperately for their freedom, was an enterprise on which he would gladly have embarked, but the invitation from brazil was more pressing, and he therefore conditionally accepted it. "the war in the pacific," he said, on the th of november, in answer to two letters written on behalf of the newly-elected emperor of brazil, "having been happily terminated by the total destruction of the spanish naval force, i am, of course, free for the crusade of liberty in any other quarter of the globe. i confess, however, that i have not hitherto directed my attention to the brazils; considering that the struggle for the liberties of greece, the most oppressed of modern states, afforded the fairest opportunity for enterprise and exertion. i have to-day tendered my ultimate resignation to the government of chili, and am not at this moment aware that any material delay will be necessary previous to my setting off, by way of cape horn, for rio de janeiro; it being, in the meantime, understood that i hold myself free to decline, as well as entitled to accept, the offer which has, through you, been made to me by his imperial majesty. i only mention this from a desire to preserve a consistency of character, should the government (which i by no means anticipate) differ so widely in its nature from those which i have been in the habit of supporting as to render the proposed situation repugnant to my principles, and so justly expose me to suspicion, and render me unworthy the confidence of his majesty and the nation." in accordance with the terms of that letter, lord cochrane wrote as we have seen to the supreme director of chili, not completely resigning his employment, but proposing to absent himself for an indefinite period. his proposal was at once accepted by the chilian government, to whom his honesty and his popularity with the people made him particularly obnoxious. he thereupon made prompt arrangements for his departure. he quitted valparaiso on the th of january, , in a vessel chartered for his own use and that of several european officers and seamen, who, like him, were tired of chilian ingratitude, and who begged to be employed under him wherever he might serve. of the subsequent occurrences in the western states, for which he had done so much, and tried to do so much more than was permitted, it is enough to say that peru, sadly abused by san martin, and almost won back to spain, was rescued by the valour and wisdom of bolivar, and that chili, destined to much future trouble through the bad action of its false patriots, was temporarily benefited by the successful revolution which placed general freire in the supreme directorship. lord cochrane had not been absent three months before a new minister of marine wrote to inform him of freire's accession and to solicit his return. from this, however, he excused himself, on the grounds that he had now entered into engagements with brazil which he was bound to fulfil, and that his past treatment by the chilian government discouraged him from renewal of relations which had been so full of annoyance to him. "on my quitting chili," he said in his reply, "there was no looking to the past without regret, nor to the future without despair, for i had learned by experience what were the views and motives which guided the counsels of the state. believe me that nothing but a thorough conviction that it was impracticable to render the good people of chili any further service under existing circumstances, or to live in tranquillity under such a system, could have induced me to remove myself from a country which i had vainly hoped would have afforded me that tranquil asylum which, after the anxieties i had suffered, i felt needful to my repose. my inclinations, too, were decidedly in favour of a residence in chili, from a feeling of the congeniality which subsisted between my own habits and the manners and customs of the people, those few only excepted who were corrupted by contiguity with the court, or debased in their minds and practices by that species of spanish colonial education which inculcates duplicity as the chief qualification of statesmen in all their dealings, both with individuals and the public. i now speak more particularly of the persons lately in power, excepting, however, the supreme director, whom i believe to have been the dupe of their deceit. point out to me one engagement that has been honourably fulfilled, one military enterprise of which the professed object has not been perverted, or one solemn pledge that has not been forfeited. look at my representations on the necessities of the navy, and see how they were relieved. look at my memorial, proposing to establish a nursery for seamen by encouraging the coasting trade, and compare its principles with the code of rodriguez, which annihilated both. you will see in this, as in all other cases, that whatever i recommended, in regard to the promotion of the good of the marine, was set at nought, or opposed by measures directly the reverse. look to the orders which i received, and see whether i had more liberty of action than a schoolboy in the execution of his task. sir, that which i suffered from anxiety of mind whilst in the chilian service, i will never again endure for any consideration. to organize new crews, to navigate ships destitute of sails, cordage, provisions, and stores, to secure them in port without anchors and cables, except so far as i could supply these essentials by accidental means, were difficulties sufficiently harassing; but to live amongst officers and men discontented and mutinous on account of arrears of pay and other numerous privations, to be compelled to incur the responsibility of seizing by force from peru funds for their payment, in order to prevent worse consequences to chili, and then to be exposed to the reproach of one party for such seizure, and the suspicions of another that the sums were not duly applied, are all circumstances so disagreeable and so disgusting that, until i have certain proof that the present ministers are disposed to act in another manner, i cannot possibly consent to renew my services where, under such circumstances, they would be wholly unavailing to the true interests of the people." writing thus to the minister of marine, lord cochrane wrote also at the same time to general freire, who, as has been said, asked him to join his revolutionary movement. "it would give me great pleasure, my respected friend, to learn that the change which has been effected in the government of chili proves alike conducive to your happiness and to the interests of the state. for my own part, like yourself, i have suffered so long and so much that i could not bear the neglect and double-dealing of those in power any longer, but adopted other means of freeing myself from an unpleasant situation. not being under those imperious obligations which, as a native chilian, rendered it incumbent on you to rescue your country from the mischiefs with which it was assailed, i could not accept your offer. my heart was with you in the measures you adopted for their removal; and my hand was only restrained by a conviction that my interference, as a foreigner, in the internal affairs of the state would not only have been improper in itself, but would have tended to shake that confidence in my undeviating rectitude which it was my ambition that the people of chili should ever justly entertain. permit me to add my opinion that, whoever may possess the supreme authority in chili, until after the present generation, educated as it has been under the spanish colonial yoke, shall have passed away, will have to contend with so much error and so many prejudices as to be disappointed in his utmost endeavours to pursue steadily the course best calculated to promote the freedom and happiness of the people. i admire the middle and lower classes of chili, but i have ever found the senate, the ministers, and the convention actuated by the narrowest policy, which led them to adopt the worst measures. it is my earnest wish that you may find better men to co-operate with you. if so, you may be fortunate and may succeed in what you have most at heart, the promotion of your country's good." for the real welfare of chili lord cochrane was always eager; but in the treatment which he himself experienced he had strong proof, both during his four years' active service under the republic and in all after times, of the difficulties in the way of its advancement. not only was he subjected to the contumely and neglect of which he complained in the letters just quoted from: he was also directly mulcted to a very large extent in the scanty recompense for his services to which he was legally entitled, and indirectly injured to a yet larger extent. "i was compelled to quit chili," he wrote at a later date, "without any of the emoluments due to my position as commander-in-chief of the navy, or any share of the sums belonging to myself and the officers and seamen; which sums, on the faith of repayment, had, at my solicitation, been appropriated to the repairs and maintenance of the squadron generally, but more especially at guayaquil and acapulco, when in pursuit of the _prueba_ and the _venganza_. neither was any compensation made for the value of stores captured and collected by the squadron, whereby its efficiency was chiefly maintained during the whole period of the peruvian blockade. the supreme director of chili, recognizing the justice of payment being made by the peruvians for at least the value of the _esmeralda_, the capture of which inflicted the death-blow on spanish power, sent me a bill on the peruvian government for , dollars, which was dishonoured, and has never since been paid by any succeeding government. even the , dollars stipulated by the authorities at guayaquil as the penalty for giving up the _venganza_ was never liquidated. no compensation for the severe wounds received during the capture of the _esmeralda_ was either offered or received. shortly after my departure for brazil, the government forcibly and indefensibly resumed the estate at rio clara, which had been awarded to me and my family in perpetuity, as a remuneration for the capture of valdivia, and my bailiff, who had been left upon it for its management and direction, was summarily ejected. unhappily, this ingratitude for services rendered was the least misfortune which my devotedness to chili brought upon me. on my return to england in , after the termination of my services in brazil, i found myself involved in litigation on account of the seizure of neutral vessels by authority of the then unacknowledged government of chili. these litigations cost me, directly, upwards of , _l._, and, indirectly, more than double that amount. thus, in place of receiving anything for my efforts in the cause of chilian and peruvian independence, i was a loser of upwards of , _l._, this being more than double the whole amount i had received as pay whilst in command of the chilian squadron." chapter x. the antecedents of brazilian independence.--pedro i.'s accession.--the internal and external troubles of the new empire.--lord cochrane's invitation to brazil.--his arrival at rio de janeiro, and acceptance of brazilian service.--his first misfortunes.--the bad condition of his squadron, and the consequent failure of his first attack on the portuguese off bahia.--his plans for improving the fleet, and their success.--his night visit to bahia, and the consequent flight of the enemy.--lord cochrane's pursuit of them.--his visit to maranham, and annexation of that province and of parÀ.--his return to rio de janeiro.--the honours conferred upon him. [ .] in , king john vi. of portugal, driven by buonaparte from his european dominions, took refuge in his great colonial possession of brazil, and the result of his emigration was considerable enlargement of the liberties of the brazilians. thereby the immense portuguese colony in south america was prevented from following in the revolutionary steps of the numerous spanish provinces adjoining it. in brazil, however, during the ensuing years party faction produced nearly as much turmoil as attended the struggle for independence in chili and the other spanish, colonies. those brazilians who were still intimately connected with the inhabitants of the mother country rallied under portuguese leaders, and did their utmost to maintain the portuguese supremacy over the colony. quite as many, on the other hand, were eager to take advantage of the new state of things as a means of consolidating the freedom of brazil. plots and counterplots, broils and insurrections, lasted, almost without intermission, until , when king john returned to portugal, leaving his son, don pedro, as lieutenant and regent, to cope with yet greater difficulties. the cortes of portugal, able to get back their king, desired also to bring back brazil to all its former servitude. so great was the opposition thus provoked that the native or true brazilian party induced don pedro to throw off allegiance to his father. in october, , the independence of the colony was publicly declared, and on the st of december don pedro assumed the title of emperor of brazil. only the southern part of brazil, however, acknowledged his authority. the northern provinces, including bahia, maranham, and para, were ruled by the portuguese faction and held by portuguese troops. a formidable fleet, moreover, swept the seas, and the independent provinces were threatened with speedy subjection to the sway of portugal. that was the state of affairs in the young empire of brazil during the months in which lord cochrane, having destroyed the spanish fleet in the pacific, was being subjected to the worst ingratitude of his chilian employers. don pedro and his advisers, hearing of this, lost no time in inviting him to enter the service of the brazilian nation. equal rank and position to those held by him under chili were offered to him. "abandonnez vous, milord," wrote the official who conveyed the emperor's message, on the th of november, , "à la reconnaisance brésilienne, à la munificence du prince, à la probité sans tache de l'actuel gouvernement; on vous fera justice; on ne rabaissera d'un seul point la haute considération, rang, grade, caractère, et avantages qui vous sont dûs." in yet stronger terms a second letter was written soon afterwards. "venez, milord; l'honneur vous invite; la gloire vous appelle. venez donner à nos armes navales cet ordre merveilleux et discipline incomparable de puissante albion." lord cochrane, as we have seen, accepted this invitation; not, however, without some misgivings, which, in the end, were fully justified. having quitted valparaiso on the th of january, , he arrived at rio de janeiro on the th of march. he had not been there a week before he discovered that, while all classes were anxious to secure his aid, the emperor pedro i. stood almost alone in the desire to treat him honourably and in a way worthy of his character and reputation. vague promises were made to him; but, when a statement of his position was asked for in writing, very different terms were employed. he was only to have the rank of a subordinate admiral, with pay of less amount than the chilian pension that he had resigned. his employment was to be temporary and informal, subjecting him to the chance of dismissal at any moment. when, however, resenting these trickeries, he announced his intention of proceeding at once to europe, and accepting the greek service offered to him, a different tone was adopted. under the emperor's signature he was appointed, on the st of march, first admiral of the national and imperial navy, with emoluments equal to those he had received from chili. he did not then know, though he was soon to learn it by hard experience, how strong, even at the imperial court, was the influence of the portuguese party, and by what meanness and trickery it sought to maintain and augment that influence. "where the portuguese party was really to blame," he afterwards said, "was in this,--that, seeing disorder everywhere more or less prevalent, they strained every nerve to increase it, hoping to paralyze further attempts at independence by exposing whole provinces to the evils of anarchy and confusion. their loyalty also partook more of self-interest than of attachment to the supremacy of portugal; for the commercial classes, which formed the real strength of the portuguese faction, hoped, by preserving the authority of the mother country in her distant provinces, to obtain as their reward the revival of old trade monopolies which, twelve years before, had been thrown open, enabling the english traders--whom they cordially hated--to supersede them in their own markets. being a citizen of the rival nation, their aversion to me personally was undisguised--the more so, perhaps, that they believed me capable of achieving at bahia, whither the squadron was destined, that irreparable injury to their own cause which the imperial troops had been unable to effect. had i, at the time, been aware of the influence and latent power of the portuguese party in the empire, nothing would have induced me to accept the command of the brazilian navy; for to contend with faction is more dangerous than to engage an enemy, and a contest of intrigue is foreign to my nature and inclination." having entered the brazilian service, however, lord cochrane applied himself to his work with characteristic energy and success. he hoisted his flag on board the _pedro primiero_ on the st of march, and put to sea on the rd of april. his squadron consisted of the _pedro primiero_, a fine and well-appointed ship, rated rather too highly for seventy-four guns, commanded by captain crosbie; of the _piranga_, a fine frigate, entrusted to captain jowett; of the _maria de gloria_, a showy but comparatively worthless clipper, mounting thirty-two small guns, under captain beaurepaire; of the _liberal_, under captain garcaõ. he was accompanied by two old vessels, the _guarani_ and the _real_, to be used as fireships. two other ships of war, the _nitherohy_, assigned to captain taylor, and the _carolina_, were left behind to complete their equipment, and the first of these joined the squadron on its way to bahia, which, being the nearest of the disaffected provinces, was the first to be subdued. the coast of bahia was reached on the st of may, and lord cochrane was arranging to blockade its capital and port, on the th, when the portuguese fleet came out of the harbour. it comprised the _don joaõ_, of seventy-four guns; the _constitucaõ_, of fifty; the _perola_, of forty-four; the _princeza real_, of twenty-eight; the _regeneracaõ_, the _dez de fevereiro_, the _san gaulter_, the _principe de brazil_, and the _restauracaõ_, of twenty-six each; the _calypso_ and the _activa_, of twenty-two; the _audaz_, of twenty; and the _canceicaõ_, of eight; being one line-of-battle ship, five frigates, five corvettes, a brig, and a schooner. lord cochrane did not venture with his small and as yet untried force to attack the whole squadron, but he proceeded to cut off the four rearmost ships. this he did with the _pedro primiero_, but, to his disgust, the other vessels, heedless of his orders, failed to follow him. "had the rest of the brazilian squadron," he said, "come down in obedience to signals, the ships cut off might have been taken or dismantled, as with the flag-ship i could have kept the others at bay, and no doubt have crippled all in a position to render them assistance. to my astonishment, the signals were disregarded, and no efforts were made to second my operations." the _pedro primiero_, after fighting alone for some time, and during that time even doing but little mischief, by reason of the clumsy way in which her guns were handled, had to be withdrawn. at that failure lord cochrane was reasonably chagrined. worse than the fact that the portuguese had escaped uninjured for this once, was the knowledge that he could not hope thoroughly to punish them without first effecting great reform in the materials at his disposal. on the th of may he wrote to the government to complain of the miserable condition of the ships and crews provided for him by the brazilian government. "from the defective sailing and manning of the squadron," he said, "it seems to me that the _pedro primiero_ is the only one that can assail an enemy's ship-of-war, or act in the face of a superior force so as not to compromise the interests of the empire and the character of the officers commanding. even this ship, in common with the rest, is so ill-equipped as to be much less efficient than she otherwise would be. our cartridges are all unfit for service, and i have been obliged to cut up every flag and ensign that could be spared to render them serviceable, so as to prevent the men's arms being blown off whilst working the guns. the guns are without locks. the bed of the mortar which i received on board this ship was crushed on the first fire, being entirely rotten. the fuses for the shells are formed of such wretched composition that it will not take fire with the discharge of the mortar. even the powder is so bad that six pounds will not throw out shells more than a thousand yards. the marines understand neither gun exercise, the use of small arms, nor the sword, and yet have so high an opinion of themselves that they will not assist to wash the decks, or even to clean out their own berths, but sit and look on whilst these operations are being performed by seamen. i warned the minister of marine that every native of portugal put on board the squadron, with the exception of officers of known character, would prove prejudicial to the expedition, and yesterday we had clear proof of the fact. the portuguese stationed in the magazine actually withheld the powder whilst this ship was in the midst of the enemy, and i have since learnt that they did so from feelings of attachment to their own countrymen. i enclose two letters, one from the officer commanding the _real_, whose crew were on the point of carrying that vessel into the enemy's squadron for the purpose of delivering her up. i have also reason to believe that the conduct of the _liberal_ yesterday in not bearing down upon the enemy, and not complying with the signal which i had made to break the line, was owing to her being manned by portuguese. the _maria de gloria_ also has a great number of portuguese, which is the more to be regretted as otherwise her superior sailing, with the zeal and activity of her captain, would render her an effective vessel. to disclose to you the truth, it appears to me that one half of the squadron is necessary to watch over the other half. assuredly this is a system which ought to be put an end to without delay." other indignant complaints of that sort, which need not here be repeated, were reasonably made by lord cochrane. the bad equipment of his squadron, both in men and in material, had hindered him, at starting, from achieving a brilliant success over the enemy, and though his subsequent achievements were of unsurpassed brilliance, he was to the end seriously hindered by the wilful and accidental mismanagement of his employers. lord cochrane lost no time, however, in correcting by his own prudent action the evil effects of this mismanagement. not choosing to run the risk of a second failure, and believing that two good ships would be more serviceable than any number of bad ones, he took his squadron to the moro san paulo, where he transferred all the best men and the most serviceable fittings to the flag-ship and the _maria de gloria_. there he left the other vessels to be improved as far as possible, directing that instruction should be given in seamanship to all the incompetent men who showed any promise of being made efficient, and that several small prizes which he had taken on his way from rio de janeiro should be turned into fireships for future use. with the two refitted ships he then went back to bahia, to watch its whole coast and blockade the port. the wisdom of this course was at once apparent. several minor captures were made; the supplies of bahia were cut off, and the enemy's squadron was locked in the harbour for three weeks. lord cochrane went to the moro san paulo on the th, leaving the _maria de gloria_ to overlook the port, and then the portuguese fleet ventured out for a few days. it dared not show fight, however, and was driven back by the flag-ship, which returned on the nd of june. "on the th of june," said lord cochrane, "information was received that the enemy was seriously thinking of evacuating the port before the fireships were completed. i therefore ordered the _maria de gloria_ to water and re-victual for three months, so as to be in readiness for anything which might occur, as, in case the rumour proved correct, our operations might take a different turn to those previous intended. the _piranga_ was also directed to have everything in readiness for weighing immediately on the flag-ship appearing off the moro and making signals to that effect. the whole squadron was at the same time ordered to re-victual, and to place its surplus articles in a large shed constructed of trees and branches felled in the neighbourhood of the moro. whilst the other ships were thus engaged, i determined to increase the panic of the enemy with the flag-ship alone. the position of their fleet was about nine miles up the bay, under shelter of fortifications, so that an attack by day would have been more perilous than prudent. nevertheless, it appeared practicable to pay them a hostile visit on the first dark night, when, if we were unable to effect any serious mischief, it would at least be possible to ascertain their exact position, and to judge what could be accomplished when the fireships were brought to bear upon them. "accordingly," the narrative proceeds, "having during the day carefully taken bearings at the mouth of the river, on the night of the th of june, i decided on making the attempt, which might possibly result in the destruction of part of the enemy's fleet, in consequence of the confused manner in which the ships were anchored. as soon as it became dark we proceeded up the river; but, unfortunately, when we were within hail of the outermost ship, the wind failed, and, the tide soon after turning, our plan of attack was rendered abortive. determined, however, to complete the reconnoisance, we threaded our way amongst the outermost vessels. in spite of the darkness, the presence of a strange ship under sail was discovered, and some beat to quarters, hailing to know what ship it was. the reply, 'an english vessel,' satisfied them, however, and so our investigation was not molested. the chief object thus accomplished, we succeeded in dropping out with the ebb-tide, now rapidly running, and were enabled to steady our course stern-foremost with the stream anchor adrag, whereby we reached our former position." that exploit was more daring than lord cochrane's modest description would imply; and, though the bold hope that it might be possible for a single invading ship to conquer the whole portuguese squadron in its moorings was not realized, the effect was all that could be desired. the portuguese admiral and his chief officers were at a ball in bahia while lord cochrane was quietly sailing round and amongst their squadron, and the report of this achievement was brought to them in the midst of their festivities. "what!" exclaimed the admiral, "lord cochrane's line-of-battle ship in the very midst of our fleet! impossible! no large ship can have come up in the dark." when it was known that the thing had really been done, and that the construction of fireships at the moro san paulo was being rapidly proceeded with, the portuguese authorities, both naval and military, considered that it would be no longer safe to remain in bahia harbour. they were seriously inconvenienced, moreover, by the success with which lord cochrane had blockaded the port and all its approaches. "the means of subsistence fail us, and we cannot secure the entrance of any provisions," said the commander-in-chief, in the proclamation intimating that the so-called defenders of the province were thinking of abandoning their post. this they did after a fortnight's consideration. on the nd of july the whole squadron of thirteen warvessels and about seventy merchantmen and transports, filled with a large body of troops, evacuated the port. that was a movement with which lord cochrane was well pleased. he had been in doubt as to the prudence of leading his small fleet into a desperate action in the harbour, by which the inexperience of his crews might ruin everything, and which might have to be followed by fighting on land. but now that the portuguese, both soldiers and sailors, were in the open sea, he could give them chase without much risk, as, in the event of their turning round upon him with more valour than he gave them credit for, the worst that could happen would be his forced abandonment of the pursuit. the valour was not shown. no sooner were the portuguese out of port, with their sails set for maranham, where they hoped to join other ships and troops, and so augment their strength, than lord cochrane proceeded to follow them and dog their progress. his scheme was a bold one, but as successful as it was bold. attended first by the _maria de gloria_ alone, and afterwards by the _carolina_, the _nitherohy_, and a small merchant brig, the _colonel allen_, in which he had placed a few guns, he pursued and harassed the cumbrous crowd of portuguese warships, troop-ships, and trading vessels, about eighty in all, through fourteen days. the chase, indeed, was practically conducted by his flag-ship, the _pedro primiero_, alone. the other vessels were ordered to look out for any of the enemy's fleet that lagged behind or were borne away from the main body of the fugitives, either to the right hand or to the left. of these there were plenty, and none were allowed to escape. the pursuers had easy work in prize-taking. "i have the honour to inform you," wrote lord cochrane in a concise despatch to the brazilian minister of marine, on the th of july, "that half the enemy's army, their colours, cannon, ammunition, stores, and baggage have been taken. we are still in pursuit, and shall endeavour to intercept the remainder of the troops, and shall then look after the ships of war, which would have been my first object but that, in pursuing this course, the military would have escaped to occasion further hostilities against the brazilian empire." most of his prizes and prisoners lord cochrane sent into pernambuco, the port then nearest to him, and he despatched two officers to hold bahia for brazil. with his flag-ship he continued his pursuit of the enemy, losing them once during a fog, and, when, he found them, being prevented from doing all the mischief which he hoped, as a calm enabled them to keep close together and present a front too formidable for attack by a single assailant. the portuguese, however, continued their flight as soon as the wind permitted. lord cochrane did not trouble them much during the day, but each night he swept down on them, like a hawk upon its prey, and harassed them with wonderful effect. they were chased past fernando island, past the equator, and more than half way to cape verde. then, on the th of july, lord cochrane, after a parting broadside, left them to make their way in peace to lisbon, there to tell how, by one daring vessel, thirteen ships of war had been ignominiously driven home, accompanied by only thirteen out of the seventy vessels that had placed themselves under their protection. lord cochrane would have continued the pursuit still farther, had not some of the troop-ships contrived to escape; and as he was anxious that these should not get into shelter at maranham, or, if there, should not have time to recover their spirits, he deemed it best to hasten thither. he reached maranham before them, and thus found it possible to carry through an excellent expedient which he had devised on the way. maranham, the wealthiest province of the old brazilian colony, was best guarded by the portuguese, and now served as the centre and stronghold of resistance to the authority of the new emperor. lord cochrane's plan had for its object nothing less than the annexation of the whole province singlehanded and without a blow. with this intent, he entered the river maranham, which served as a harbour to the port of the same name, on the th of july, with portuguese colours flying from the mast of the _pedro primiero_. the authorities, deceived thereby, promptly sent a messenger with despatches and congratulations on the safe arrival of what was supposed to be a valuable reinforcement from portugal. the messenger was soon undeceived, but lord cochrane at once made him the agent of a much more elaborate and altogether justifiable deception announcing to him that the swift sailing of the _pedro primiero_ had brought her first to maranham, but that she was being followed by a formidable squadron, intended for the invasion of the province, he sent him back with letters to the same effect, addressed to the portuguese commandant and to the local junta of maranham. "the naval and military forces under my command," he wrote to the former, "leave me no room to doubt the success of the enterprise in which i am about to engage, in order to free the province of maranham from foreign domination, and to allow the people free choice of government. of the flight of the portuguese naval and military forces from bahia you are aware. i have now to inform you of the capture of two-thirds of the transports and troops, with all their stores and ammunition. i am anxious not to let loose the imperial troops of bahia upon maranham, exasperated as they are at the injuries and cruelties exercised towards themselves and their countrymen, as well as by the plunder of the people and churches of bahia. it is for you to decide whether the inhabitants of these countries shall be further exasperated by resistance, which appears to me unavailing, and alike prejudicial to the best interests of portugal and brazil," "the forces of his imperial majesty," he said to the junta, "having freed the city and province of bahia from the enemies of independence, i now hasten--in conformity with the will of his majesty that the beautiful province of maranham should be free also--to offer to the oppressed inhabitants whatever aid and protection they need against a foreign yoke; desiring to accomplish their liberation and to hail them as brethren and friends. should there, however, be any who, from self-interested motives, oppose themselves to the deliverance of their country, let such be assured that the naval and military forces which have driven the portuguese from the south are again ready to draw the sword in the like just cause, and the result cannot be long doubtful." those mingled promises and threats took prompt effect. on the following day, the th of july, after a conditional offer of capitulation had been rejected, the members of the junta, the bishop of maranham, and other leading persons, went on board the _pedro primiero_ to tender their submission to the emperor of brazil. the city and forts were surrendered without reserve, and in less than twenty-four hours from lord cochrane's first appearance in the river the flag of portugal was replaced by that of brazil. a great province had been added to the dominions of pedro i. without bloodshed, and with no more expenditure of ammunition than was needed for the volleys discharged in honour of the triumph. the liberation of maranham was publicly celebrated on the th of july, and on the following day the portuguese troops embarked for europe, special concessions being made to them by lord cochrane, who deemed it well that they should be out of the way before the device by which he had outwitted them was made known. no resentment was to be expected from the civilians, as even those most hearty in their adherence to the portuguese faction in brazil would not dare to offer direct opposition to the sentiments of the majority. but lord cochrane wisely set himself to conciliate all. "to the inhabitants of the city," he said, "i was careful to accord complete liberty, claiming in return that perfect order should be preserved and property of all kinds respected. the delight of the people was unbounded at being freed from a terrible system of exaction and imprisonment which, when i entered the river, was being carried on with unrelenting rigour by the portuguese authorities towards all suspected of a leaning to the imperial government. instead of retaliating, as would have been gratifying to those so recently labouring under oppression, i directed oaths to the constitution to be administered, not to brazilians only, but also to all portuguese who chose to remain and conform to the new order of things; a privilege of which many influential persons of that nation availed themselves." with the capture of maranham alone, however, lord cochrane was not satisfied. without a day's delay, he despatched a portuguese brig which he had seized in the river and christened by its name, under captain grenfell, to follow at parà, the only important province of brazil still under the portuguese yoke, the same course which he had just adopted with such wonderful success. he himself found it necessary to remain at maranham for more than two months, where he had to curb with a strong hand the passions of the liberated inhabitants, eager to use their liberty in lawless ways and to retaliate upon the portuguese still resident among them for all the hardships which they had hitherto endured. on the th of september, having heard that captain grenfell had entirely succeeded in his designs on parà, he started for rio de janeiro, and there he arrived on the th of november. "i immediately forwarded to the minister of marine," he said, "a recapitulation of all transactions since my departure seven months before; namely,--the evacuation of bahia by the portuguese in consequence of our nocturnal visit, connected with the dread of my reputed skill in the use of fireships, arising from the affair of basque roads; the pursuit of their fleet beyond the equator, and the dispersion of its convoy; the capture and disabling of the transports filled with troops intended to maintain portuguese domination on maranham and parà; the device adopted to obtain the surrender, to the _pedro primiero_ alone, of the enemy's naval and military forces at maranham; the capitulation of parà, with the ships of war, to my summons sent by captain grenfell; the deliverance of the brazilian patriots whom the portuguese had imprisoned; the declaration of independence by the intermediate provinces thus liberated, and their union with the empire; the appointment of provisional governments; the embarkation and departure of every portuguese soldier from brazil; and the enthusiasm with which all my measures--though unauthorised and therefore extra-official--had been, received by the people of the northern provinces, who, thus relieved from the dread of further oppression, had everywhere acknowledged and proclaimed his majesty as constitutional emperor." lord cochrane's services had, indeed, been, many of them, "unauthorised and therefore extra-official." he had been sent out merely to recover bahia; but, besides doing that, he had gained for brazil other territories more than half as large as europe. for this, however, nothing but gratitude could be shown, and the gratitude was, for the time at any rate, unalloyed. on the very day of the _pedro primiero's_ return, the emperor went on board to offer his thanks in person. further, thanks were voted by the legislature, and tendered by all classes of the people. "taking into consideration the great services which your excellency has just rendered to the nation," wrote the emperor on the th of november, "and desiring to give your excellency a public testimonial of gratitude for those high and extraordinary services on behalf of the generous brazilian people, who will ever preserve a lively remembrance of such illustrious acts, i deem it right to confer upon your excellency the title of marquis of maranham." the decoration of the imperial order of the cruizeiro was also bestowed upon lord cochrane, and on the th of december he was made a privy councillor of brazil, the highest honour which it was in the emperor's power to grant. on the same day he also received from the emperor a charter confirming his rank and emoluments as first admiral of brazil, "seeing how advantageous it would be for the interests of this empire to avail itself of the skill of so valuable an officer," and in recognition of "the valour, intelligence, and activity by which he had distinguished himself in the different services with which he had been entrusted." chapter xi. the nature of the rewards bestowed on lord cochrane for his first services to brazil.--pedro i. and the portuguese faction.--lord cochrane's advice to the emperor.--the fresh troubles brought upon him by it.--the unjust treatment adopted towards him and the fleet.--the withholding of prize-money and pay.--personal indignities to lord cochrane.--an amusing episode.--lord cochrane's threat of resignation, and its effect.--sir james mackintosh's allusion to lord cochrane in the house of commons. [ - .] all the rewards bestowed upon lord cochrane for his wonderful successes in the northern part of brazil, except the confirmation of his patent as first admiral, be it noted, were unsubstantial. he had for ever crushed the power of portugal in south america; he had added vast provinces to the imperial dominion, and had thus augmented the imperial revenues by considerably more than a million dollars a-year, besides the great and immediate profits of his prize-taking. and all this had been done with a small fleet, poorly equipped and unpaid. the ships entrusted to him had been rendered efficient by his own ingenuity, unaided by the government, and with scant addition to his resources from the numerous captures made by him. in excess of his instructions, and with nothing but cheap compliments and cheaper promises to encourage him, he had acquired maranham and parà, and all the provinces dependent upon them, as well as bahia. relying on the honour of his employers, he had pledged his own honour, that on their returning to rio de janeiro, his crews, who were clamouring for some part, at any rate, of the wages due to them, should be fully recompensed, and he had the reasonable expectation, that, out of the abundant wealth that he had gained for brazil, he himself should receive his lawful share of the prize-money gained by his exertions. instead of that he and his subordinates, both officers and men, were subjected to an unparalleled course of meanness, trickery, and fraud. this partly resulted from an unfortunate change in the government that had occurred during his absence. when he left rio de janeiro, pedro i.'s chief secretary of state had been don josé bonifacio de andrada y silva, a wise and patriotic brazilian. the emperor and his minister had all along been seriously crippled in fulfilment of their good purposes by subordinates of the portuguese faction, who persistently twisted their instructions, when they did not act in direct opposition to those instructions, so as to promote their own and their countrymen's selfish and unpatriotic objects; but there had been hope that the zeal of pedro and josé de andrada would overcome these evil devices, and secure the healthy consolidation of the empire. when lord cochrane returned, however, he found that the honest minister had been deposed, that his party had been ousted, and that the emperor was surrounded by bad counsellors, who, unable to pervert his judgment, were strong enough to restrain its action, and who were robbing him, one by one, of all his constitutional functions, and doing their best to bring brazil into a state of anarchy, with a view to the re-establishment of portuguese authority in its old or in some new but no less obnoxious form. the emperor, desiring to do well, had hardly improved his position, a few days before the _pedro primiero's_ arrival, by violently dissolving the legislative assembly, banishing some of its members, and threatening to place rio de janeiro itself under military law. that was the state of affairs when lord cochrane entered the port. only five days afterwards, on the th of november, , he wrote a bold letter to the emperor. "my sense of the impropriety of intruding myself on the attention of your imperial majesty on any subject unconnected with the official position with which your majesty has been pleased to honour me," he said, "could only have been overcome by an irresistible desire, under existing circumstances, to contribute to the service of your majesty, and the empire. the conduct of the late legislative assembly, which sought to derogate from the dignity and prerogatives of your majesty, even presuming to require you to divest yourself of your crown in their presence--which deprived you of your council of state and denied you a voice in the enactment of laws and the formation of the constitution--and which dared to object to your exercising the only remaining function of royalty, that of rewarding services and conferring honours--could no longer be tolerated; and the justice and wisdom of your imperial majesty in dissolving such an assembly will be duly appreciated by discerning men, and by those whose love of good order and their country supersedes their ambition or personal interests. there are, however, individuals who will wickedly take advantage of the late proceedings to kindle the flames of discord, and throw the empire into anarchy and confusion, unless timely prevented by the wisdom and energy of your imperial majesty. the declaration that you will give to your people a practical constitution, more free even than that which the late assembly professed an intention to establish, cannot--considering the spirit which now pervades south america--have the effect of averting impending evils, unless your imperial majesty shall be pleased to dissipate all doubts by at once declaring--before the news of the recent events can be dispersed throughout the provinces, and before the discontented members of the late congress can return to their constituents--what is the precise nature of that constitution which your imperial majesty intends to bestow. as no monarch is more happy or more truly powerful than the limited monarch of england, surrounded by a free people, enriched by that industry which the security of property by means of just laws never fails to create, permit me humbly and respectfully to suggest, that if your majesty were to decree that the english constitution, in its most perfect practical form--which, with slight alteration, and chiefly in name, is also the constitution of the united states of north america--shall be the model for the government of brazil under your imperial majesty, with power to the constituent assembly to alter particular parts as local circumstances may render advisable, it would excite the sympathy of powerful states abroad, and the firm allegiance of the brazilian people to your majesty's throne. were your majesty, by a few brief lines in the 'gazette,' to announce your intention so to do, and were you to banish all distrust from the public mind by removing from your person for a time, and finding employment on honourable missions abroad for, those portuguese individuals of whom the brazilians are jealous, the purity of your majesty's motives would be secured from the possibility of misrepresentation, the factions which disturb the country would be silenced or converted, and the feelings of the world, especially those of england and north america, would be interested in promoting the glory, happiness, and prosperity of your imperial majesty." that advice, in the main adopted by the emperor, led to a reconstruction of the brazilian constitution in its present shape, and so added another to the many great benefits which brazil owes to lord cochrane. but the whole, and especially the last part of it, being directly at variance with the plans and interests of the portuguese faction, it won for him much hatred and many personal troubles. "that i, a foreigner, having nothing to do with national politics," he said, "should have counselled his majesty to banish those who opposed him, was not to be borne, and the resentment caused by my recent services was increased to bitter enmity for meddling in affairs which, it was considered, did not concern me; though i could have had no other object than the good of the empire by the establishment of a constitution which should give it stability in the estimation of european states." consequently, in return for the great services he had conferred to brazil, he received, as had been the case in chili, little but insult and injury, the course of insult and injury being hardly stayed even during the period in which he was needed to engage in further services. the emperor honestly tried to be generous; but he could not rid himself of the portuguese faction, generally dominant in brazil, and his worthy intentions were thwarted in every possible way. with difficulty could he secure for lord cochrane the confirmation of his patent as first admiral, which has been already referred to. no great resistance was made to his conferment of the empty title of marquis of maranham, but he was not allowed to make the grant of land which was intended to go with the title and enable it to be borne with dignity. prevented from being generous, he was even hindered from exercising the barest justice. the injustice was shown not only to lord cochrane, but also to all the officers and crews who, serving under him, had enabled brazil to maintain its resistance to the tyranny of portugal, though not to shake off the tyranny of the faction which still had the interests of portugal at heart. it is not necessary to describe in detail the long course of ill-usage to which he and his subordinates were exposed. part of that ill-usage will be best and most briefly indicated by citing a portion of an eloquent memorial which lord cochrane addressed to the imperial government on the th of january, . the memorial began by enumerating the achievements of the fleet at bahia, maranham, parà, and elsewhere. "the imperial squadron," it proceeds, "made sail for rio de janeiro, in the full expectation of reaping a reward for their labours; not only because they had been mainly instrumental in rescuing from the hands of the portuguese, and adding to the imperial dominion, one half of the empire; but also because their hopes seemed to be firmly grounded, independently of such services, on the capture of upwards of one hundred transports and merchant vessels, exclusive of ships of war, all of which, they had a just right to expect, would, under the existing laws, be adjudged to the captors. the whole of them were seized under portuguese colours, with portuguese registers, manned by portuguese seamen, having on board portuguese troops and ammunition or portuguese produce and manufacture. on arriving at rio de janeiro, there was no feeling but one of satisfaction among the officers and seamen, and the brazilian marine might from that moment, without the expense of one milrei to the nation, have been rapidly raised to a state of efficiency and discipline which had not yet been attained in any marine in south america, and which the navies of portugal and spain do not possess. it could not, however, be long concealed from the knowledge of the squadron that political or other reasons had prevented any proceedings being had in the adjudication of their prizes; and the extraordinary declaration that was made by the tribunal of prizes,--'that they were not aware that hostilities existed between brazil and portugal'--led to an inquiry of whom that tribunal was composed. all surprise at so extraordinary a declaration then ceased; but other sentiments injurious to the imperial service, arose,--those of indignation and disgust that the power of withholding their rights should be placed in the hands of persons who were natives of that very nation against which they were employed in war. his imperial majesty, however, having signified to this tribunal his pleasure that they should delay no longer in proceeding to the adjudication of the captured vessels, the result was that, in almost every instance, at the commencement of their proceedings, the vessels were condemned, not as lawful prizes to the captors, but as droits to the crown. his majesty was then pleased to desire that the said droits should be granted to the squadron, and about one-fifth part of the value of the prizes taken was eventually paid under the denomination of a 'grant of the droits of the crown.' but when this decree of his imperial majesty was promulgated, the tribunal altered their course of proceeding, and, instead of condemning to the crown, did, in almost every remaining instance, pronounce the acquittal of the vessels captured, and adjudged them to be given up to pretended brazilian owners, notwithstanding that brazilian property embarked in enemy's vessels was, by the law, declared to be forfeited; and that, too, with such indecent precipitancy that, in cases where the hull only had been claimed, the cargo also was decreed to be given up to the claimants of the hull, without any part of it having, at any time, been even pretended to be their property. other ships and cargoes were given up without any form of trial, and without any intimation whatever to the captors and their agents; and, in most cases, costs and quadruple damages were unjustly decreed against the captors, to the amount of , milreis. that the prizes of which the captors were thus fraudulently deprived, chiefly under the unlawful and false pretence of their belonging to brazilians, were really the property of portuguese and well known so to be by the said tribunal, has since been fully demonstrated, by the arrival in lisbon of the whole of the vessels liberated by their decisions. thus the charge of a system of wilful injustice, brought by the squadron against the portuguese tribunal of prizes at rio de janeiro, is established beyond the possibility of contradiction." it was only an aggravation of that injustice that, when lord cochrane claimed the prompt and equitable adjudication of the prizes, an attempt was made to silence him on the th of november by a message from the minister of marine, to the effect that the emperor would do everything in his power for him personally. "his majesty," answered lord cochrane, "has already conferred honours upon me quite equal to my merits, and the greatest personal favour he can bestow is to urge on the speedy adjudication of the prizes, so that the officers and seamen may reap the reward decreed by the emperor's own authority." a hardship to the fleet even greater than the withholding of its prize-money was the withholding of the arrears of pay, which had been accumulating ever since the departure from rio de janeiro in april. on the th of november, three months' wages were offered to men to whom more than twice the amount was due. this they indignantly refused, and all lord cochrane's tact was needed to restrain them from open mutiny. in spite of the emperor's friendship towards lord cochrane, or rather in consequence of it, he was in all sorts of ways insulted by the ministry, the head of which was now severiano da costa. a new ship, the _atulanta_, was on the th of december, without reference to him, ordered for service at monte video. he was on the same day publicly described as "commander of the naval forces in the port of rio de janeiro," being thus placed on a level with other officers in the service of which, by the emperor's patent, he was first admiral, and no notice was taken of his protest against that insult. on the th of february he was gazetted as "commander-in-chief of all the naval forces of the empire during the present war," by which his functions, though not now limited in extent, were limited in time. at length, reasonably indignant at these and other violations of the contract made with him, he offered to resign his command altogether. "if i thought that the course pursued towards me was dictated by his imperial majesty," he wrote to the minister of marine on the th of march, "it would be impossible for me to remain an hour longer in his service, and i should feel it my duty, at the earliest possible moment, to lay my commission at his feet. if i have not done so before, from the treatment which, in common with the navy. i have experienced, it has been solely from an anxious desire to promote his majesty's real interests. indeed, to struggle against prejudices, and at the same time against those in power whose prepossessions are at variance with the interests of his majesty and the tranquillity and independence of brazil, is a task to which i am by no means equal. i am, therefore, perfectly willing to resign the situation i hold, rather than contend against difficulties which appear to me insurmountable."[a] [footnote a: see appendix (iii).] that letter was answered with complimentary phrases, and lord cochrane was induced to continue in the employment from which he could not be spared; but there was no diminution of the ill-treatment to which he was subjected. one special indignity was attended by some amusing incidents. on the rd of june, while he was residing on shore, it was proposed to search his flag-ship, on the pretext that he had there concealed large sums of money which were the property of the nation. "late in the evening," he said, "i received a visit from madame bonpland, the talented wife of the distinguished french naturalist. this lady, who had singular opportunities for becoming acquainted with state secrets, came expressly to inform me that my house was at that moment surrounded by a guard of soldiers. she further informed me that, under the pretence of a review to be held at the opposite side of the harbour early in the following morning, preparations had been made by the ministers to board the flag-ship, which was to be thoroughly overhauled whilst i was detained on shore, and all the money found taken possession of. thanking my friend for her timely warning, i clambered over my garden fence, as the only practicable way to the stables, selected a horse, and, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, proceeded to san christoval, the country palace of the emperor, where, on my arrival, i demanded to see his majesty. the request being refused by the gentleman in waiting, in such a way as to confirm the statement of madame bonpland, i dared him at his peril to refuse me admission, adding that the matter on which i had come was fraught with grave consequences to his majesty and the empire. 'but,' said he, 'his majesty has retired to bed long ago.' 'no matter,' i replied; 'in bed or not in bed, i demand to see him, in virtue of my privilege of access to him at all times, and, if you refuse to concede permission, look to the consequences.' his majesty was not, however, asleep, and, the royal chamber being close at hand, he recognized my voice in the altercation with the attendant. hastily coming out of his apartments, he asked what could have brought me there at that time of night. my reply was that, understanding that the troops ordered for review were destined to proceed to the flag-ship in search of supposed treasure, i had come to request his majesty immediately to appoint confidential persons to accompany me on board, when the keys of every chest in the ship should be placed in their hands and every place thrown open to inspection, but that, if any of his anti-brazilian administration ventured to board the ship in perpetration of the contemplated insult, they would certainly be regarded as pirates and treated as such; adding at the same time, 'depend upon it, they are not more my enemies than the enemies of your majesty and the empire, and an intrusion so unwarrantable the officers and crew are bound to resist.' 'well,' replied his majesty, 'you seem to be apprised of everything; but the plot is not mine, being, as far as i am concerned, convinced that no money would be found more than we already know of from yourself.' i then entreated his majesty to take such steps for my justification as would be satisfactory to the public. 'there is no necessity for any,' he replied. 'but how to dispense with the review is the puzzle. i will be ill in the morning; so go home and think no more of the matter. i give you my word, your flag shall not be outraged.' the emperor kept his word, and in the night was taken suddenly ill. as his majesty was really beloved by his brazilian subjects, all the native respectability of rio was early next day on its way to the palace to inquire after the royal health, and ordering my carriage, i also proceeded to the palace, lest my absence might seem singular. on my entering the room,--where the emperor was in the act of explaining the nature of his disease to the anxious inquirers,--his majesty burst into a fit of uncontrollable laughter, in which i as heartily joined, the bystanders evidently, from the gravity of their countenances, considering that we had both taken leave of our senses. the ministers looked astounded, but said nothing. his majesty kept his secret, and i was silent." that anecdote fairly illustrates the treatment adopted towards lord cochrane, and the straits to which the emperor was reduced in his efforts to protect him from his enemies in power. the ill-treatment both of himself and of the whole fleet continuing, he addressed an indignant protest to his majesty in july. "the time has at length arrived," he there said, "when it is impossible to doubt that the influence which the portuguese faction has so long exerted, with the view of depriving the officers and seamen of their stipulated rights, has succeeded in its object, and has even prevailed against the expressed wishes and intentions of your majesty. the determined perseverance in a course so opposed to justice must come to an end. the general discontent which prevails in the squadron has rendered the situation in which i am placed one of the most embarrassing description; for, though a few may be aware that my own cause of complaint is equal to theirs, many cannot perceive the consistency of my patient continuance in the service with disapprobation of the measures pursued. even the honours which your majesty has been pleased to bestow upon me are deemed by most of the officers, and by the whole of the men, who know not the assiduity with which i have persevered in earnest but unavailing remonstrance, as a bribe by which i have been induced to abandon their interests. much, therefore, as i prize those honours, as the gracious gift of your imperial majesty, yet, holding in still dearer estimation my character as an officer and a man, i cannot hesitate in choosing which to sacrifice when the retention of both is evidently incompatible. i can, therefore, no longer delay to demonstrate to the squadron and the world that i am no partner in the deceptions and oppressions which are practised on the naval service; and, as the first and most painful step in the performance of this imperious duty, i crave permission, with all humility and respect, to return those honours, and lay them at the feet of your imperial majesty. i should, however, fall short of my duty to those who were induced to enter the service by my example or invitation, were i to do nothing more than convince them that i had been deceived. it is incumbent on me to make every effort to obtain for them the fulfilment of engagements for which i made myself responsible. as far as i am personally concerned, i could be content to quit the service of your imperial majesty, either with or without the expectation of obtaining compensation at a future period. after effectually fighting the battles of freedom and independence on both sides of south america, and clearing the two seas of every vessel of war, i could submit to return to my native country unrewarded; but i cannot submit to adopt any course which shall not redeem my pledge to my brother officers and seamen." that and other arguments contained in the same letter, aided by inducements of a different sort, to be presently referred to, had partial effect. a small portion of the prize-money and wages due to the squadron was issued, and lord cochrane remained for another year in the service of brazil. his weary waiting-time at rio de janeiro, however, extending over nearly nine months, was almost at an end. on the nd of august he left it, never to return. while the ingratitude shown to him in brazil was at its worst it is interesting to notice that a few, at any rate, of his own countrymen were remembering his past troubles and his present worth. on the st of june, sir james mackintosh, in one of the many speeches in the british house of commons in which he nobly advocated the recognition of the independence of the south american states, both as a political duty and as a necessary measure in the interests of commerce, made a graceful allusion to lord cochrane. "i know," he said, "that i am here touching on a topic of great delicacy; but i must say that commerce has been gallantly protected by that extraordinary man who was once a british officer, who once filled a distinguished post in the british navy at the brightest period of its annals. i mention this circumstance with struggling and mingled emotions--emotions of pride that the individual i speak of is a briton, emotions of regret that he is no longer a british officer. can any one imagine a more gallant action than the cutting out of the _esmeralda_ from callao? never was there a greater display of judgment, calmness, and enterprising british valour than was shown on that memorable occasion. no man ever felt a more ardent, a more inextinguishable love of country, a more anxious desire to promote its interests and extend its prosperity, than the gallant individual to whom i allude. i speak for myself. no person is responsible for the opinions which i now utter. but ask, what native of this country can help wishing that such a man were again amongst us? i hope i shall be excused for saying thus much; but i cannot avoid fervently wishing that such advice may be given to the crown by his majesty's constitutional advisers as will induce his majesty graciously to restore lord cochrane to the country which he so warmly loves, and to that noble service to the glory of which, i am convinced, he willingly would sacrifice every earthly consideration." chapter xii. the insurrection in pernambuco.--lord cochrane's expedition to suppress it.--the success of his work.--his stay at maranham.--the disorganised state of affairs in that province.--lord cochrane's efforts to restore order and good government.--their result in further trouble to himself.--his cruise in the "piranga," and return to england.--the fresh indignities there offered to him.--his retirement from brazilian service.--his letter to the emperor pedro i.--the end of his south american employments. [ - .] the political turmoils which lord cochrane found to be prevalent in rio de janeiro, on his return from maranham, were, as he had anticipated, very disastrous to the whole brazilian empire. the unpatriotic action of men in power at head-quarters encouraged yet more unpatriotic action in the outlying and newly-acquired provinces. portuguese sympathizers in pernambuco, in maranham, and in the neighbouring districts, following the policy of the portuguese faction at the centre of government, and acting even more unworthily, induced serious trouble; and the trouble was aggravated by the fierce opposition which was in many cases offered to them. before the end of information arrived that an insurrection, having for its object the establishment in the northern provinces of a government distinct from both brazil and portugal, had broken out in pernambuco, and nearly every week brought fresh intelligence of the spread of this insurrection and of the troubles induced by it. the emperor pedro i. was eager to send thither the squadron under lord cochrane, and so to win back the allegiance of the inhabitants; and for this lord cochrane was no less eager. to the portuguese partizans, however, whose great effort was to weaken the resources of the empire, the news of the insurrection was welcome; and perhaps their strongest inducement to the long course of injustice detailed in the last chapter was the knowledge that by so doing they were most successfully preventing the despatch of an armament strong enough to restore order in the northern provinces. herein they prospered. for more than six months the emperor was prevented from suppressing the insurrection, which all through that time was extending and becoming more and more formidable. not till july was anything done to satisfy the claims of the seamen for payment of their prize-money and the arrears of wages due to them, without which they refused to return to their work and render possible the equipment and despatch of the squadron; and even then only , milreis--less than a tenth of the prize-money that was owing--were granted as an instalment of the payment to be made to them. with that money, however, lord cochrane, using his great personal influence with the officers and crews, induced them to rejoin the fleet. the funds were placed in his hands on the th of july, , and equitably disbursed by him during the following three weeks. on the nd of august he set sail in the _pedro primiero_ from rio de janeiro, attended by the _maranham_ and three transports containing twelve hundred soldiers. having landed general lima and the troops at alagoas on the th, he arrived off pernambuco on the th. there he found that a strong republican government had been set up under the presidentship of manoel de carvalho pais d'andrade, whose authority, secret or open, extended far into the interior and along the adjoining coasts. "knowing that it would take some time for the troops to come up," he said, "i determined to try the effect of a threat of bombardment, and issued a proclamation remonstrating with the inhabitants on the folly of permitting themselves to be deceived by men who lacked the ability to execute their schemes; pointing out, moreover, that persistence in revolt would involve both the town and its rulers in one common ruin, for, if forced to the necessity of bombardment, i would reduce the port and city to insignificance. on the other hand, i assured them that, if they retraced their steps and rallied round the imperial throne, thus aiding to protect it from foreign influence, it would be more gratifying to me to act the part of a mediator, and to restore pernambuco to peace, prosperity, and happiness, than to carry out the work of destruction which would be my only remaining alternative. in another proclamation i called the attention of the inhabitants to the distracted state of the spanish republics on the other side of the continent, asking whether it would be wise to risk the benefits of orderly government for social and political confusion, and entreating them not to compel me to proceed to extremities, as it would become my duty to destroy their shipping and block up their port, unless, within eight days, the integrity of the empire were acknowledged." while waiting to see the result of those proclamations lord cochrane received a message from carvalho, offering him immediate payment of , milreis if he would abandon the imperial cause and go over to the republicans. "frankness is the distinguishing character of free men," wrote carvalho, "but your excellency has not found it in your connection with the imperial government. your not having been rewarded for the first expedition affords a justifiable inference that you will get nothing for the second." that audacious proposal, it need hardly be said, was indignantly resented by lord cochrane. "if i shall have an opportunity of becoming personally known to your excellency," he wrote, "i can afford you proof that the opinion you have formed of me has had its origin in the misrepresentations of those in power, whose purposes i was incapable of serving." the threats and promises of lord cochrane's proclamation did not lead to the peaceable surrender of pernambuco, and at the end of the eight days' waiting-time he proceeded to bombard the town. in that, however, he was hindered by bad weather, which made it impossible for him to enter the shallow water without great risk of shipwreck. he was in urgent need, also, of anchors and other fittings. therefore, after a brief show of attack, which frightened the inhabitants, but had no other effect, he left the smaller vessels to maintain the blockade, and went on the th of september in the flag-ship to bahia, there to procure the necessary articles. on his return he found that general lima had marched against pernambuco on the th, and, with the assistance of the blockading vessels, made an easy capture of it. there was plenty of other work, however, to be done. all the northern provinces were disaffected, if not in actual revolt, and, in compliance with the emperor's directions, lord cochrane proceeded to visit their ports and reduce them to order. some other ships having arrived from rio de janeiro, he selected the _piranga_ and two smaller vessels for service with the flag-ship, leaving the others at the disposal of general lima, and sailed from pernambuco on the th of october. he reached cearà on the th, and then, by his mere presence, compelled the insurgents, who had seized the city, to retire, and enabled the well-disposed inhabitants to organize a vigorous scheme of self-protection. a harder task awaited him at maranham, at which he arrived on the th of november. there the utmost confusion prevailed. the portuguese faction had the supremacy, and there were special causes of animosity and misconduct among the members of the opposite party of native brazilians. "in maranham," said lord cochrane, "as in the other northern provinces of the empire, there had been no amelioration whatever in the condition of the people, and, without such amelioration, it was absurd to place reliance on the hyperbolical professions of devotion to the emperor which were now abundantly avowed by those who, before my arrival, had been foremost in promoting and cherishing disturbance. the condition of the province, and indeed of all the provinces, was in no way better than they had been under the dominion of portugal, though they presented one of the finest fields imaginable for improvement. all the old colonial imports and duties remained without alteration; the manifold hindrances to commerce and agriculture still existed; and arbitrary power was everywhere exercised uncontrolled: so that, in place of being benefited by emancipation from the portuguese yoke, the condition of the great mass of the population was literally worse than before. to amend this state of things it was necessary to begin with the officers of government, of whose corruption and arbitrary conduct complaints, signed by whole communities, were daily arriving from every part of the province. to such an extent, indeed, wad this misrule carried that neither the lives nor the property of the inhabitants were safe." this state of things lord cochrane set himself zealously to remedy; and, during his six months' stay at maranham, he did all that, with the bad materials at his disposal and in the harassing circumstances of his position, it was possible for him to do. unable to break down the cabals and intrigues, the mutual jealousies and the unworthy ambitions that had prevailed previous to his arrival, he held them all in check while he was present and secured the observance of law and the freedom of all classes of the community. thereby, however, he brought upon himself much fresh hatred. the governor of the province, being devoted to the portuguese party and a chief cause of the existing troubles, had to be suspended and sent to rio de janeiro; and though the suspension occurred after orders had been despatched by the emperor for his recall, it afforded an excuse to the governor and his friends in office for denunciation of lord cochrane's conduct, alleged to be greatly in excess of his powers and in contempt of the constituted authority. in fact, the same bad policy that had embarrassed him before, while he was in rio de janeiro, continued to embarrass him yet more during his service in maranham. that that service was very helpful to the best interests of brazil no one attempted to deny. the french and english consuls, speaking on behalf of all their countrymen resident in the northern provinces, overstepped the line of strict neutrality, and entreated him to persevere in the measures by which he was making it possible for commerce to prosper and the rules of civilized life to be observed. the emperor sent to thank him for his work. "his majesty," wrote the secretary on the nd of december, "approves of the first admiral's determination to establish order and obedience in the northern provinces, a duty which he has so wisely and judiciously undertaken, and in which he must continue until the provinces submit themselves to the authorities lately appointed, and enjoy the benefits of the paternal government of his imperial majesty." the emperor, however, was at this time almost powerless. the leaders of the portuguese faction reigned, and by them lord cochrane continued to be treated with every possible indignity and insult. not daring openly to dismiss him or even to accept the resignation which he frequently offered, they determined to wear out his patience, and, if possible, to drive him to some act on which they could fasten as an excuse for degrading him. they partly succeeded, though the only wonder is that lord cochrane should have been, for so long a time, as patient as he proved. his temper is well shown in the numerous letters which he addressed to pedro i. and the government during these harassing months. "the condescension," he wrote, "with which your imperial majesty has been pleased to permit me to approach your royal person, on matters regarding the public service, and even on those more particularly relating to myself, emboldens me to adopt the only means in my power, at this distance, of craving that your majesty will be graciously pleased to judge of my conduct in the imperial service by the result of my endeavours to promote your majesty's interests, and not by the false reports spread by those who, for reasons best known to themselves, desire to alienate your majesty's mind from me, and thus to bring about my removal from your majesty's service. i trust that your imperial majesty will please to believe me to be sensible that the honours which you have so graciously bestowed upon me it is my duty not to tarnish, and that your majesty will further believe that, highly as i prize those honours, i hold the maintenance of my reputation in my native country in equal estimation. i respectfully crave permission to add that, perceiving it is impossible to continue in the service of your imperial majesty without at all times subjecting my professional character, under the present management of the marine department, to great risks, i trust your majesty will be graciously pleased to grant me leave to retire from your imperial service, in which it appears to me i have now accomplished all that can be expected from me, the authority of your imperial majesty being established throughout the whole extent of brazil." that request was not granted, or in any way answered; and the statement that the whole of brazil was finally subjected to the emperor's authority proved to be not quite correct. fresh turmoils arose in parà, and lord cochrane had to send thither a small force, by which order was restored. he himself found ample employment in restraining the factions that could not be suppressed at maranham. that was the state of things in the early months of , until unlooked-for circumstances arose, by which lord cochrane's brazilian employment was brought to a termination in a way that he had not anticipated. "the anxiety occasioned by the constant harassing which i had undergone, unalleviated by any acknowledgment on the part of the imperial government of the services which had a second time saved the empire from intestine war, anarchy, and revolution," he said, "began to make serious inroads on my health; whilst that of the officers and men, in consequence of the great heat and pestilential exhalations of the climate, and of the double duty which they had to perform afloat and ashore, was even less satisfactory. as i saw no advantage in longer contending with factious intrigues at maranham, unsupported and neglected as i was by the administration at rio de janeiro, i resolved upon a short run into a more bracing northerly atmosphere, which would answer the double purpose of restoring our health and of giving us a clear offing for our subsequent voyage to the capital. "accordingly," the narrative proceeds, "i shifted my flag into the _piranga_, despatched the _pedro primiero_ to rio, and, leaving captain manson, of the _cacique_, in charge of the naval department at maranham, put to sea on the th of may. on the st we crossed the equator, and, meeting with a succession of easterly winds, were carried to the northward of the azores, passing st. michael's on the th of june. it had been my intention to sail into the latitude of the azores, and then to return to rio de janeiro. but, strong gales coming on, we made the unpleasant discovery that the frigate's main-topmast was sprung, and, when putting her about, the main and main-topsail yards were discovered to be unserviceable. for the condition of the ship's spars i had depended on others, not deeming it necessary to take upon myself such investigation. it was, however, possible that we might have patched these up, had not the running rigging been as rotten as the masts, and we had no spare cordage on board. a still worse disaster was that the salt provisions shipped at maranham were reported bad, mercantile ingenuity having resorted to the device of placing good meat at the top and bottom of the barrels, whilst the middle, being composed of unsound articles, had tainted the whole, thereby rendering it not only unpalatable but positively dangerous to health. the good provisions on board being little more than sufficient for a week's subsistence, a direct return to rio de janeiro was out of the question." it was therefore absolutely necessary to seek some nearer harbour; but lord cochrane was considerably embarrassed in his choice of a port. portugal was an enemy's country, and spain, by reason of his achievements in chili and peru, was no less hostile to him. france had not yet recognised the independence of brazil, and therefore a stay on any part of its coast might lead to difficulties. england afforded the only safe halting-place, though there lord cochrane was uncertain as to the way in which, in consequence of the foreign enlistment act, he might be received. to england, however, he resolved to go; and, sighting its coast on the th of june, he anchored at spithead on the following day. salutes were exchanged with a british ship lying in harbour, and in the afternoon he landed at portsmouth, to be enthusiastically welcomed by nearly all classes of his countrymen, whose admiration for his personal character and his excellence as a naval officer was heightened by the renown of his exploits in south america during an absence of six years and a half. his subsequent relations with brazil can be briefly told. his unavoidable return to england afforded just the excuse which his enemies in brazil had been seeking for ousting him from his command. they and the chevalier manoel rodriguez gameiro pessoa, the brazilian envoy in london, who altogether sympathised with them, chose to regard this occurrence as an act of desertion. lord cochrane lost no time in reporting his arrival and requesting to be provided with the necessary means for refitting the _piranga_ and preparing for a speedy return to rio de janeiro. to expedite matters, he even advanced _l._ out of his own property--which was never repaid to him--for this purpose. his repeated applications for instructions were either unheeded or only answered with insult. he was ordered to return to brazil at once, towards which no assistance was given to him; and at the same time his officers and crew were ordered to repudiate his authority and to return without him. lord cochrane had no room to doubt that by going back to brazil he should only expose himself to yet worse treatment than that from which he had been suffering during nearly two years; but at the same time he was resolved to do nothing at variance with his duty to the emperor from whom he had received his commission, and nothing invalidating his claims to the recompense which was clearly due to him. at length he was relieved from some of his perplexities, after they had lasted more than three months. on the rd of november, , peace was declared between brazil and portugal; and thereby his relations with his employers were materially altered. the work which he had pledged himself to do was completed, and he was justified in resigning his command, or at any rate in declining to resume it until the causes of his recent troubles were removed. this he did in a letter addressed to the emperor pedro i., from london, on the th of november. "the gracious condescension which i experienced from your imperial majesty, from the first moment of my arrival in the brazils, the honorary distinctions which i received from your majesty, and the attention with which you were pleased to listen to all my personal representations relating to the promotion of the naval power of your empire," he wrote, "have impressed upon my mind a high sense of the honour which your majesty conferred, and forbid my entertaining any other sentiments than those of attachment to your majesty and devotion to your true interests. but, whilst i express these my unfeigned sentiments towards your imperial majesty, it is with infinite pain and regret that i recall to my recollection the conduct that has been pursued towards the naval service, and to myself personally, since the members of the brazilian administration of josé bonifacio de andrade were superseded by persons devoted to the views and interests of portugal,--views and interests which are directly opposed to the adoption of that line of conduct which can alone promote and secure the true interests and glory of your imperial majesty, founded on the tranquillity and happiness of the brazilian people. without imputing to such ministers as severiano, gomez, and barboza disaffection to the person of your imperial majesty, it is sufficient to know that they are men bigoted to the unenlightened opinions of their ancestors of four centuries ago, that they are men who, from their limited intercourse with the world, from the paucity of the literature of their native language, and from their want of all rational instruction in the service of government and political economy, have no conception of governing brazil by any other than the same wretched and crooked policy to which the nation had been so long subjected in its condition as a colony. nothing further need be said, while we acquit them of treason, to convict them of unfitness to be the counsellors of your imperial majesty. "none but such ministers as these could have endeavoured to impress upon the mind of your imperial majesty that the refugee portuguese from the provinces and many thousands from europe, collected in rio de janeiro, were the only true friends and supporters of the imperial crown of brazil. none but such ministers would have endeavoured to impress your imperial majesty with a belief that the brazilian people were inimical to your person and the imperial crown, merely because they were hostile to the system pursued by those ministers. none but such ministers would have placed in important offices of trust the natives of a nation with which your imperial majesty was at war. none but such ministers would have endeavoured to induce your imperial majesty to believe that officers who had abandoned their king and native country for their own private interests could be depended on as faithful servants to a hostile government and a foreign land. none but such ministers could have induced your imperial majesty to place in the command of your fortresses, regiments, and ships of war such individuals as these. none but such ministers would have attempted to excite in the breast of your imperial majesty suspicions with respect to the fidelity of myself and of those other officers who, by the most zealous exertions, had proved our devotion to the best interests of your imperial majesty and your brazilian people. none but such ministers would have endeavoured by insults and acts of the grossest injustice, to drive us from the service of your imperial majesty and to place portuguese officers in our stead. and, above all, none but such ministers could have suggested to your imperial majesty that extraordinary proceeding which was projected to take place on the night of the rd of june, , a proceeding which, had it not been averted by a timely discovery and prompt interposition on my part, would have tarnished for ever the glory of your imperial majesty, and which, if it had failed to prove fatal to myself and officers, must inevitably have driven us from your imperial service. when placed in competition with this plot of these ministers and the false insinuations by which they induced your imperial majesty to listen to their insidious counsel, all their previous intrigues, and those of the whole portuguese faction, to ruin the naval power of brazil, sink into insignificance. but for the advancement of portuguese interests there was nothing too treacherous or malignant for such ministers and such men as these to insinuate to your imperial majesty, especially when they had discovered that it was not possible by their unjust conduct to provoke me to abandon the service of brazil so long as my exertions could be useful to secure its independence, which i believed to be alike the object of your imperial majesty and the interest of the brazilian people. "if the counsels of such persons should prove fatal to the interests of your imperial majesty, no one will regret the event more sincerely than myself. my only consolation will be the knowledge that your imperial majesty cannot but be conscious that i, individually, have discharged my duty, both in a military and in a private capacity, towards your majesty, whose true interest, i may venture to add, i have held in greater regard than my own; for, had i connived at the views of the portuguese faction, even without dereliction of my duty as an officer, i might have shared amply in the honours and emoluments which such influence has enabled these persons to obtain, instead of being deprived, by their means, of even the ordinary rewards of my labours in the cause of independence which your imperial majesty had engaged me to maintain,--which cause i neither have abandoned nor will abandon, if ever it should be in my power successfully to renew my exertions for the true interests of your imperial majesty and those of the brazilian people. "meanwhile my office as commander-in-chief of your imperial majesty's naval forces having terminated by the conclusion of peace and by the decree promulgated on the th of february, , i have notified to your imperial majesty's envoy, the chevalier de gameiro, that i have directed my flag to be struck this day. praying that the war now terminated abroad may be accompanied by tranquillity at home, i respectfully take leave of your imperial majesty." all lord cochrane's subsequent correspondence with brazil had for its object the recovery of the payments due to him and to his officers and crews for the great services done by them to the empire. lord cochrane had saved that empire from being brought back to the position of a portuguese colony, and had enabled it to enter on a career of independence. in return for it he was subjected to more than two years of galling insult, was deprived of his proper share of the prizes taken by him and his squadron, was refused the estate in maranham which the emperor, more grateful than his ministers, had bestowed upon him, and was mulcted of a portion of his pay and of all the pension to which he was entitled by imperial decree and the ordinances of the government. his services to brazil, like his services to chili, adding much to his renown as a disinterested champion of liberty and an unrivalled seaman and warrior, brought upon him personally little but trouble and misfortune. only near the end of his life, when a worthy emperor and honest ministers succeeded to power, was any recompence accorded to him. chapter xiii. the greek revolution and its antecedents.--the modern greeks.--the friendly society.--sultan mahmud and ali pasha's rebellion.--the beginning of the greek insurrection.--count john capodistrias.--prince alexander hypsilantes.--the revolution in the morea.--theodore kolkotrones.--the revolution in the islands.--the greek navy and its character.--the excesses of the greeks.--their bad government.--prince alexander mavrocordatos.--the progress of the revolution.--the spoliation of the chios.--english philhellenes; thomas gordon, frank abney hastings, lord byron.--the first greek loan, and the bad uses to which it was put.--reverses of the greeks.--ibrahim and his successes.--mavrocordatos's letter to lord cochrane. [ - .] while lord cochrane was rendering efficient service to the cause of freedom in south america, another war of independence was being waged in europe; and he had hardly been at home a week before solicitations pressed upon him from all quarters that he should lend his great name and great abilities to this war also. as he consented to do so, and almost from the moment of his arrival was intimately connected with the greek revolution, the previous stages of this memorable episode, the incidents that occurred during his absence in chili and brazil, need to be here reviewed and recapitulated. the greek revolution began openly in . but there had been long previous forebodings of it. the dwellers in the land once peopled by the noble race which planned and perfected the arts and graces, the true refinements and the solid virtues that are the basis of our modern civilization, had been for four centuries and more the slaves of the turks. they were hardly greeks, if by that name is implied descent from the inhabitants of classic greece. with the old stock had been blended, from generation to generation, so many foreign elements that nearly all trace of the original blood had disappeared, and the modern greeks had nothing but their residence and their language to justify them in maintaining the old title. but their slavery was only too real. oppressed by the ottomans on account of their race and their religion, the oppression was none the less in that it induced many of them to cast off the last shreds of freedom and deck themselves in the coarser, but, to slavish minds, the pleasanter bondage of trickery and meanness. during the eighteenth century, many greeks rose to eminence in the turkish service, and proved harder task-masters to their brethren than the turks themselves generally were. the hope of further aggrandisement, however, led them to scheme the overthrow of their ottoman employers, and their projects were greatly aided by the truer, albeit short-sighted, patriotism that animated the greater number of their kinsmen. they groaned under turkish thraldom, and yearned to be freed from it, in the temper so well described and so worthily denounced by lord byron in :-- "and many dream withal the hour is nigh that gives them back their fathers' heritage: for foreign arms and aid they loudly sigh, nor solely dare encounter hostile rage. hereditary bondsmen! know ye not who would be free themselves must strike the blow? by their right arm the conquest must be wrought. will gaul or muscovite redress ye?--no! true, they may lay your proud despoilers low, but not for you will freedom's altars flame." the greeks, all but a few genuine patriots, thought otherwise. they sought deliverance at the hands of gauls and muscovites; and, as the muscovites had good reason for desiring the overthrow of turkey, they listened to their prayers, and other ties than that of community in religion bound the persecuted greeks to russia. the philiké hetaira, or friendly society, chief representative of a very general movement, was founded at odessa in . it was a secret society, which speedily had ramifications among the greek christians in every part of turkey, encouraging them to prepare for insurrection as soon as the czar alexander i. deemed it expedient to aid them by open invasion of turkey, or as soon as they themselves could take the initiative, trusting to russia to complete the work of revolution. the friendly society increased its influence and multiplied its visionary schemes during many years previous to . its strength was augmented by the political condition of turkey at the time. the sultan mahmud--a true type of the ottoman sovereign at his worst--had attempted to perfect his power by a long train of cruelties, of which murder was the lightest. defeating his own purpose thereby, he aroused the opposition of mahometan as well as christian subjects, and induced the rebellious schemes of ali pasha of joannina, the boldest of his vassals. in albania ali ruled with a cruelty that was hardly inferior to mahmud's. byron tells how his "dread command is lawless law; for with a bloody hand he sways a nation turbulent and told." the cruelty could be tolerated; but not opposition to mahmud's will. long and growing jealousy existed between the sultan and his tributary. at length, in , there was an open rupture. ali was denounced as a traitor, and ordered to surrender his pashalik. instead of so doing, he organized his army for prompt rebellion, trusting for success partly to the support of the greeks. most of the greeks held aloof; but the suliots, a race of christian marauders, the fiercest of the fierce community of albanians, sided with him, and for more than a year rendered him valuable aid by reason of their hereditary skill in lawless warfare. not till january, , was ali forced to surrender, and then only, perhaps, through the defection of the suliots. the suliots, dissatisfied with ali's recompense for their services, had gone over to the greeks, who, not caring to serve under ali in his rebellion, had welcomed that rebellion as a heaven-sent opportunity for realising their long-cherished hopes. the turkish garrisons in greece being half unmanned in order that the strongest possible force might be used in subduing ali, and turkish government in the peninsula being at a standstill, the greeks found themselves in an excellent position for asserting their freedom. had they been less degraded than they were by their long centuries of slavery, or had there been some better organization than that which the purposes and the methods of the friendly society afforded for developing the latent patriotism which was honest and wide-spread, they might have achieved a triumph worthy of the classic name they bore and the heroic ancestry that they claimed. unfortunately, the friendly society, already degenerated from the unworthy aim with which it started, now an elaborate machinery of personal ambition, private greed, and local spite, the willing tool of russia, was master of the situation. the mastery, however, was by no means thorough. the society had dispossessed all other organizations, but had no organization of its own adequate to the working out of a successful rebellion. its machinery was tolerably perfect, but efficient motive-power was wanting. its exchequer was empty; its counsels were divided; above all, it had alienated the sympathies of the worthiest patriots of greece. finding itself suddenly in the way of triumph, it was incapable of rightly progressing in that way. obstacles of its own raising, and obstacles raised by others, stood in the path, and only a very wise man had the chance of successfully removing them. the wise man did not exist, or was not to be obtained. perhaps the wisest, though, as later history proved, not very wise, was count john capodistrias, a native of corfu. born in , he had gone to italy to study and practise medicine. there also he studied, afterwards to put in practice, the effete machiavellianism then in vogue. in he entered political life as secretary to the lately-founded republic of the ionian islands. napoleon's annexation of the ionian islands in drove him into the service of russia, and, as russian agent, he advocated, at the vienna conference of , the reconstruction of the ionian republic. the partial concession of great britain towards that project, by which the ionian islands were established as a sort of commonwealth, dependent upon england, enabled him to live and work in corfu, awaiting the realization of his own patriotic schemes, and watching the patriotic movement in greece. italian in his education, and russian in his sympathies, he was still an honest greek, worthier and abler than most other influential greeks. "he had many virtues and great abilities," says a competent critic. "his conduct was firm and disinterested, his manners simple and dignified. his personal feelings were warm, and, as a consequence of this virtue, they were sometimes so strong as to warp his judgment. he wanted the equanimity and impartiality of mind, and the elevation of soul necessary to make a great man."[a] in spite of his defects, he might have done good service to the greek revolution, had he accepted the offer of its leadership, shrewdly tendered to him by the friendly society. but this he declined, having no liking for the society, and no trust in its methods and designs. [footnote a: finlay, "history of the greek revolution" ( ), vol. ii., p. . mr. finlay served as a volunteer in greece under captain abney hastings. his work is certainly the best on the subject, though we shall have in later pages to differ widely from its strictures on lord cochrane's motives and action. but our complaints will be less against his history than against the two other leading ones--general gordon's "history of the greek revolution" ( ), and m. trikoupes's "[greek: historia tês hellênikês epanastaseôs]" ( - ), which is not very much more than a paraphrase of gordon's work.] the friendly society then sought and found a leader, far inferior to count capodistrias, in prince alexander hypsilantes, the son of a hospodar of wallachia who had been deposed in . hypsilantes had been educated in russia, and had there risen to some rank, high enough at any rate to quicken his ambition and vanity, both as a soldier and as a courtier. he was not without virtues; but he was utterly unfit for the duties imposed upon him as leader of the greek revolution. not a greek himself, his purpose in accepting the office seems to have been to make greece an appendage of the despotic monarchy, which, by means of the political crisis, he hoped to establish in wallachia, under russian protection. with that view, in march , he led the first crude army of greek and other christian rebels into moldavia. there and in wallachia he stirred up a brief revolt, attended by military blunders and lawless atrocities which soon brought vengeance upon himself and made a false beginning of the revolutionary work. moldavia and wallachia were quickly restored to turkish rule, and hypsilantes had in june to fly for safety into austria. but the bad example that he set, and the evil influence that he and his promoters and followers of the friendly society exerted, initiated a false policy and encouraged a pernicious course of action, by which the cause of the greeks was injured for years. the real greek revolution began in the morea. there the friendly society did good work in showing the people that the hour for action had come; but its direction of that action was for the most part mischievous. the worst greeks were the leaders, and, under their guidance, the play of evil passions--inevitable in all efforts of the oppressed to overturn their oppressors--was developed to a grievous extent. turkish blood was first shed on the th of march, , and within a week the whole of the morea was in a ferment of rebellion. by the nd of april, which was easter sunday, it is reckoned that from ten to fifteen thousand mahometans had been slaughtered in cold blood, and about three thousand turkish homes destroyed. the promoters of all that wanton atrocity were the directors of the friendly society, among whom the archimandrate gregorios dikaios, nicknamed pappa phlesas, and petros mavromichales, or petro-bey, were the most conspicuous. its principal agents were the klepht or brigand chieftains, best represented by theodore kolokotrones. born about , of a family devoted to the use of arms in predatory ways, kolokotrones had led a lawless life until , when the greek peasantry called in the assistance of their turkish rulers in hunting down their persecutors of their own race, and when, several of his family being slain, he himself had to seek refuge in zante. there he maintained himself, partly by piracy, partly by cattle-dealing. in the english annexation of the ionian islands led to his employment, first as captain and afterwards as major, in the greek contingent of the british army. he had amassed much wealth, and was in the prime of life when, in january, , he returned to his early home, to revive his old brigand life under the name of legitimate warfare. his thorough knowledge of the country, its passes and its strongholds, and his familiarity with the modes of fighting proper to them, his handsome person and agreeable deportment, his shrewd wit and persuasive oratory, made him one of the most influential agents of the revolution at its commencement, and his influence grew during the ensuing years. the flame of rebellion, having spread through the morea during the early weeks of april, extended rapidly over the adjoining districts of the mainland. by the end of june the insurgents were masters of nearly all the country now possessed by modern greece. their cause was heartily espoused by the suliots of albania and other fellow-christians in the various turkish provinces, and their kinsmen of the outlying islands were eager to join in the work of national regeneration, and to contribute largely to the completion of that work by their naval prowess. it was naval prowess, as our later pages will abundantly show, of a very barbarous and undeveloped sort. besides the two principal seaports on the mainland, tricheri on mount pelion and galaxidhi on the gulf of corinth, there were famous colonies of greek seamen in the islands of psara and kasos, and similar colonies of albanians in hydra and spetzas. these and the other islands had long practised irregular commerce, and protected that commerce by irregular fighting with the turks. at the first sound of revolution they threw in their lot with the insurgents of the mainland, and thus a nondescript navy of some four hundred brigs and schooners, of from sixty to four hundred tons' burthen, and manned by about twelve thousand sailors, adepts alike in trade and piracy, but very unskilled in orderly warfare, and very feebly inspired by anything like disinterested patriotism, was ready to use and abuse its powers during the ensuing seven years' fight for greek independence. during the summer of , while the continental greeks were rushing to arms, murdering the turkish residents among them by thousands, and thus bringing down upon themselves, or upon those of their own race who, as peasants and burghers, took no important share in actual fighting, the murderous vengeance of the turkish troops sent to attempt the suppression of the revolt, these sailors were pursuing an easier and more profitable game. the turkish ports were not warlike, and the turkish trading ships were not prepared for fighting. in may, a formidable crowd of vessels left the islands on a cruise, from which they soon returned with an immense store of booty. early in june, the best turkish fleet that could be brought together, consisting of two line-of-battle ships, three frigates, and three sloops, went out to harass, if not to destroy, the swarm of smaller enemies. jakomaki tombazes, with thirty-seven of these smaller enemies, set off to meet them, and falling in with one of the ships, gave her chase, till, in the roads of eripos, she was attacked on the th of june, and, with the help of a fireship, destroyed with a loss of nearly four hundred men. that victory caused the flight of the other turkish vessels, and was the beginning of much cruel work at sea and with ships, which, not often daring to meet in open fight, wrought terrible mischief to unprotected ports and islands. the mischief wrought upon the land was yet more terrible. a seething tide of greek and moslem blood heaved to and fro, as, during the second half of , each party in turn gained temporary ascendency in one district after another. greeks murdered turks, and turks murdered greeks, with equal ferocity; or perhaps the ferocity of the greeks, stirred by bad leaders to revenge themselves for all their previous sufferings, even surpassed that of the turks. of their cruelty a glaring instance occurred in their capture of navarino. the turkish inhabitants having held out as long as a mouthful of food was left in the town, were forced to capitulate on the th of august. it was promised that, upon their surrendering, the greek vessels were to convey them, their wearing apparel, and their household furniture, either to egypt or to tunis. no sooner were the gates opened than a wholesale plunder and slaughter ensued. a greek ecclesiastic has described the scene. "women wounded with musket-balls and sabre-cuts rushed to the sea, seeking to escape, and were deliberately shot. mothers robbed of their clothes, with infants in their arms, plunged into the water to conceal themselves from shame, and they were then made a mark for inhuman riflemen. greeks seized infants from their mothers' breasts and dashed them against the rocks. children, three and four years old, were hurled, living, into the sea, and left to drown. when the massacre was ended, the dead bodies washed ashore, or piled on the beach, threatened to cause a pestilence."[a] at the sack of tripolitza, on the th of october, about eight thousand moslems were murdered, the last two thousand, chiefly women and children, being taken into a neighbouring ravine, there to be slaughtered at leisure. two years afterwards a ghastly heap of bones attested the inhuman deed. [footnote a: finlay, vol. i.; p. , citing phrantzes.] in ways like these the first stage of the greek revolution was achieved. before the close of , it appeared to the greeks themselves, to their moslem enemies, and to their many friends in england, france, and other countries, that the triumph was complete. unfortunately, the same bad motives and the same bad methods that had so grievously polluted the torrent of patriotism continued to poison and disturb the stream which might otherwise have been henceforth clear, steady, and health-giving. greece was free, but, unless another and a much harder revolution could be effected in the temper and conduct of its own people, unfit to put its freedom to good use or even to maintain it. "the rapid success of the greeks during the first few weeks of the revolution," says their ablest historian, "threw the management of much civil and financial business into the hands of the proësti and demogeronts in office. the primates, who already exercised great official authority, instantly appropriated that which had been hitherto exercised by murdered voivodes and beys. every primate strove to make himself a little independent potentate, and every captain of a district assumed the powers of a commander-in-chief. the revolution, before six months had passed, seemed to have peopled greece with a host of little ali pashas. when the primate and the captain acted in concert, they collected the public revenues; administered the turkish property, which was declared national; enrolled, paid, and provisioned as many troops as circumstances required, or as they thought fit; named officers; formed a local guard for the primate of the best soldiers in the place, who were thus often withdrawn from the public service; and organised a local police and a local treasury. this i system of local self-government, constituted in a very self-willed manner, and relieved from almost all responsibility, was soon established as a natural result of the revolution over all greece. the sultan's authority having ceased, every primate assumed the prerogatives of the sultan. for a few weeks this state of things was unavoidable, and, to an able and honest chief or government, it would have facilitated the establishment of a strong central authority; but by the vices of greek society it was perpetuated into an organised anarchy. no improvement was made in financial arrangements, or in the system of taxation; no measures were adopted for rendering property more secure; no attempt was made to create an equitable administration of justice; no courts of law were established; and no financial accounts were published. governments were formed, constitutions were drawn up, national assemblies met, orators debated, and laws were passed according to the political fashion patronised by the liberals of the day. but no effort was made to prevent the government being virtually absolute, unless it was by rendering it absolutely powerless. the constitutions were framed to remain a dead letter. the national assemblies were nothing but conferences of parties, and the laws passed were intended to fascinate western europe, not to operate with effect in greece."[a] [footnote a: finlay, vol. i., pp. , .] the supreme government of greece had been assumed in june by prince demetrius hypsilantes, a worthier man than his brother alexander, but by no means equal to the task he took in hand. at first the brigand chiefs and local potentates, not willing to surrender any of the power they had acquired, were disposed to render to him nominal submission, believing that his name and his russian influence would be serviceable to the cause of greece. but hypsilantes showed himself utterly incompetent, and it was soon apparent that his sympathies were wholly alien to those both of the greek people and of their military and civil leaders. therefore another master had to be chosen. kolokotrones might have succeeded to the dignity, and he certainly had vigour enough of disposition, and enough honesty and dishonesty combined, to make the position one of power as well as of dignity. for that very reason, however, his comrades and rivals were unwilling to place him in it. they desired a president skilful enough to hold the reins of government with a very loose hand, yet so as to keep them from getting hopelessly entangled--one who should be a smart secretary and adviser, without assuming the functions of a director. such a man they found in prince alexander mavrocordatos, then about thirty-two years old. he was a kinsman of a hospodar of wallachia, by whom he had in his youth been employed in political matters. after that he had resided in france, where he acquired much fresh knowledge, and where his popularity helped to quicken sympathy on behalf of the greek revolution at its first outburst. he had lately come to missolonghi with a ship-load of ammunition and other material, procured and brought at his own expense, and soon attained considerable influence. always courteous in his manners, only ungenerous in his actions where the interests of others came into collision with his own, less strong-willed and less ambitious than most of his associates, those associates were hardly jealous of his popularity at home, and wholly pleased with his popularity among foreigners. it was a clear gain to their cause to have shelley writing his "hellas," and dedicating the poem to mavrocordatos, as "a token of admiration, sympathy, and friendship." mavrocordatos was named president of greece in the constitution of epidaurus, chiefly his own workmanship, which was proclaimed on the th of january--new year's day, according to the reckoning of the greek church-- . it is not necessary here to detail his own acts or those of his real or professing subordinates. all we have to do is to furnish a general account, and a few characteristic illustrations, of the course of events during the greek revolution, in explanation of the state of parties and of politics at the time of lord cochrane's advent among them. these events were marked by continuance of the same selfish policy, divided interests, class prejudice, and individual jealousy that have been already referred to. the mass of the greek people were, as they had been from the first, zealous in their desire for freedom, and, having won it, they were not unwilling to use it honestly. for their faults their leaders are chiefly to be blamed; and in apology for those leaders, it must be remembered that they were an assemblage of soldiers who had been schooled in oriental brigandage, of priests whose education had been in a corrupt form of christianity made more corrupt by persecution, of merchants who had found it hard to trade without trickery, and of seamen who had been taught to regard piracy as an honourable vocation. perhaps we have less cause to condemn them for the errors and vices that they exhibited during their fight for freedom, than to wonder that those errors and vices were not more reprehensible in themselves and disastrous in their issues. for about six years the fight was maintained without foreign aid, save that given by private volunteers and generous champions in western europe, against a state numerically nearly twenty times as strong as the little community of revolutionists. in it, along with much wanton cruelty, was displayed much excellent heroism. but the heroism was reckless and undisciplined, and therefore often worse than useless. memorable instances both of recklessness and of want of discipline appeared in the attempts made to wrest chios from the turks in . the greek inhabitants of this island, on whom the turkish yoke pressed lightly, had refused to join in the insurgent movement of their brethren on the mainland and in the neighbouring islands. but it was considered that a little coercion would induce them to share in the revolution and convert their prosperous island into a greek possession. therefore, in march, a small force of two thousand five hundred men crossed the archipelago, took possession of koutari, the principal town, and proceeded to invest the turkish citadel. the chiots, though perhaps not very willingly, took part in the enterprise; but the invading party was quite unequal to the work it had undertaken. in april a formidable turkish squadron arrived, and by it chios was easily recovered, to become the scene of vindictive atrocities, which brought all the terrified inhabitants who were not slaughtered, or who could not escape, into abject submission. thereupon, on the th of may, a greek fleet of fifty-six vessels was despatched by mavrocordatos to attempt a more thorough capture of the island. its commander was andreas miaoulis, a hydriot merchant, who proved himself the best sea-captain among the greeks. had miaoulis been able, as he wished, to start sooner and meet the turkish squadron on its way to chios, a brilliant victory might have resulted, instead of one of the saddest catastrophes in the whole greek war. being deterred therefrom by the vacillation of mavrocordatos and the insubordination of his captains and their crews, he was only able to reach the island when it was again in the hands of the enemy, and when all was ready for withstanding him. there was useless fighting on the st of may and the two following days. on the th of june, miaoulis made another attack; but he was only able to destroy the turkish flag-ship, and nearly all on board, by means of a fire-vessel. his fleet was unmanageable, and he had to abandon the enterprise and to leave the unfortunate chiots to endure further punishment for offences that were not their own. this punishment was so terrible that, in six months, the population of chios was reduced from one hundred thousand to thirty thousand. twenty thousand managed to escape. fifty thousand were either put to death or sold as slaves in asia minor. that failure of the greeks at chios, quickly followed by their defeat on land at petta, greatly disheartened the revolutionists. mavrocordatos virtually resigned his presidentship, and there was anarchy in greece till . athens, captured from the turks in june, , became the centre of jealous rivalry and visionary scheming, mismanagement, and government that was worse than no government at all. odysseus, the vilest of the vile men whom the revolution brought to the surface, was its master for some time; and, when he played traitor to the turks, he was succeeded by others hardly better than himself. in spite of some heavy disasters, however, the greeks were so far successful during that in they were able to hold their newly-acquired territory and to wrest some more fortresses from their enemies. the real heroism that they had displayed, moreover--the foul cruelties of which they were guilty and the selfish courses which they pursued being hardly reported to their friends, and, when reported, hardly believed--awakened keen sympathy on their behalf. shelley and byron, and many others of less note, had sung their virtues and their sufferings in noble verse and enlarged upon them in eloquent prose, and in england and france, in switzerland, germany, and the united states, a strong party of philhellenes was organized to collect money and send recruits for their assistance. the two philhellenes of greatest note who served in greece during the earlier years of the revolution were thomas gordon and frank abney hastings. gordon, who attained the rank of general in the army of independence, had the advantage of a long previous and thorough acquaintance with the character of both turks and greeks and with the languages that they spoke. he watched all the revolutionary movements from the beginning, and took part in many of them. in the "history of the greek revolution," which he published in , he gave such a vivid and, in the main, so accurate an account of them that his narrative has formed the basis of the more ambitious work of the native historian, mr. trikoupes. of the vices and errors of the people on whose behalf he fought and wrote he spoke boldly. "whatever national or individual wrong the greeks may have endured," he said in one place, "it is impossible to justify the ferocity of their vengeance or to deny that a comparison instituted between them and the ottoman generals, mehemet aboulaboud, omer vrioni, and the kehaya bey of kurshid, would give to the latter the palm of humanity. humanity, however, is a word quite out of place when applied either to them or to their opponents." in another page, further denouncing the greek leaders, he wrote: "panourias was the worst of these local despots, whom some writers have elevated into heroes. he was, in fact, an ignoble robber, hardened in evil. he enriched himself with the spoils of the mahometans; yet he and his retinue of brigands compelled the people to maintain them at free quarters, in idleness and luxury, exacting not only bread, meat, wine, and forage, but also sugar and coffee. hence springs the reflection that the greeks had cause to repent their early predilection for the klephts, who were almost all, beginning with kolokotrones, infamous for the sordid perversity of their dispositions."[a] gordon's disinterested and brave efforts to bring about a better state of things and to help on the cause of real patriotism in greece were highly praiseworthy; but, as another historian has truly said, "he did not possess the activity and decision of character necessary to obtain commanding influence in council, or to initiate daring measures in the field."[b] [footnote a: gordon, vol. i., pp. , .] [footnote b: finlay, vol. ii., p. .] frank abney hastings was an abler man. born in , he was started in the naval profession when only eleven years old. six months after the commencement of his midshipman's life he was present, on board the _neptune_, at the battle of trafalgar, and during the ensuing fourteen years he served in nearly every quarter of the globe. his independent spirit, however--something akin to lord cochrane's--brought him into disfavour, and, in , for challenging a superior officer who had insulted him, he was dismissed from the british navy. disheartened and disgusted, he resided in france for about three years. at length he resolved to go and fight for the greeks, partly out of sympathy for their cause, partly as a relief from the misery of forced idleness, partly with the view of developing a plan which he had been devising for extending the use of steamships in naval warfare,--to which last excellent improvement he greatly contributed. he arrived at hydra in april, , just in time to take part in the fighting off chios. one of his ingenious suggestions, made to andreas miaoulis, and its reception, have been described by himself. "i proposed to direct a fireship and three other vessels upon the frigate, and, when near the enemy, to set fire to certain combustibles which should throw out a great flame. the enemy would naturally conclude they were all fireships. the vessels were then to attach themselves to the frigate, fire broadsides, double-shotted, throwing on board the enemy at the same time combustible balls which gave a great smoke without flame. this would doubtless induce him to believe he was on fire, and give a most favourable opportunity for boarding him. however, the admiral returned my plan, saying only [greek: kalo], without asking a single question, or wishing me to explain its details; and i observed a kind of insolent contempt in his manner. this interview with the admiral disgusted me. they place you in a position in which it is impossible to render any service, and then they boast of their own superiority, and of the uselessness of the franks, as they call us, in turkish warfare." miaoulis, however, soon gained wisdom and made good use of captain hastings, who spent more than _l._--all his patrimony--in serving the greeks. he was almost the only officer in their employ who, during the earlier years of the revolution, succeeded in establishing any sort of discipline or good management. lord byron, the most illustrious of all the early philhellenes, used to say, shortly before his death, that with napier at the head of the army and hastings in command of a fleet the triumph of greece might be insured. byron was then at missolonghi, whither he had gone in january, , to die in april. long before, while stirring up the sympathy of all lovers of liberty for the cause of regeneration in greece, he had shown that regeneration could be by no means a short or easy work, and now he had to report that the real work was hardly yet begun--nay, that it seemed almost further off than ever. "of the greeks," he wrote, "i can't say much good hitherto, and i do not like to speak ill of them, though they do of one another." it was chiefly at byron's instigation that the first greek loan was contracted, in london, early in . its proceeds, , _l._, were spent partly in unprofitable outlay upon ships, ammunition, and the like, of which the people were in no position to make good use, but mostly in civil war and in pandering to the greed and vanity of the members of the government and their subordinate officials. "phanariots and doctors in medicine," says an eye-witness, "who, in the month of april, , were clad in ragged coats, and who lived on scanty rations, threw off that patriotic chrysalis before summer was past, and emerged in all the splendour of brigand life, fluttering about in rich albanian habiliments, refulgent with brilliant and unused arms, and followed by diminutive pipe-bearers and tall henchmen."[a] [footnote a: finky, vol. ii. p. .] even the scanty allowance made by the greek government out of its newly-acquired wealth for fighting purposes was for the most part squandered almost as frivolously. one general who drew pay and rations for seven hundred soldiers went to fight and die at sphakteria at the head of seventeen armed peasants.[a] and that is only a glaring instance of peculations that were all but universal. [footnote a: trikoupes, vol. iii., p. .] that being the degradation to which the leaders of the greek revolution had sunk, it is not strange that its gains in previous years should have begun in to be followed by heavy losses. the greek people--the peasants and burghers--were still patriots, though ill-trained and misdirected. they could defend their own homesteads with unsurpassed heroism, and hold their own mountains and valleys with fierce persistency. but they were unfit for distant fighting, even when their chiefs consented to employ them in it. sultan mahmud, therefore, who had been profiting by the hard experience of former years, and whose strength had been steadily growing while the power of the insurgents had been rapidly weakening, entered on a new and successful policy. he left the greeks to waste their energies in their own possessions, and resolved to recapture, one after another, the outposts and ill-protected islands. for this he took especial care in augmenting his navy, and, besides developing his own resources, induced his powerful and turbulent vassal, mohammed ali, the pasha of egypt, to equip a formidable fleet and entrust it to his son ibrahim, on whom was conferred the title of vizier of the morea. even without that aid mahmud was able to do much in furtherance of his purpose. the island of kasos was easily recovered, and full vengeance was wreaked on its greek inhabitants on the th of june. soon afterwards psara was seized and punished yet more hardly. on the th of july ibrahim left alexandria with a naval force which swept the southern seas of greek pirates or privateers. on the st of september he effected a junction with the turkish fleet at budrun. their united strength comprised forty-six ships, frigates, and corvettes, and about three hundred transports, large and small. the greek fleet, between seventy and eighty sail, would have been strong enough to withstand it under any sort of good management; but good management was wanting, and the crews were quite beyond the control of their masters. the result was that in a series of small battles during the autumn of the mahometans were generally successful, and their enemies found themselves at the close of the year terribly discomfited the little organization previously existing was destroyed, and the revolutionists felt that they had no prospect of advantageously carrying on their strife at sea without assistance and guidance that could not be looked for among themselves. their troubles were increased in the following year. in february and march, , ibrahim landed a formidable army in the morea, and began a course of operations in which the land forces and the fleet combined to dispossess the greeks of their chief strongholds. the strongly-fortified island of sphakteria, the portal of navarino and pylos, was taken on the th of may. pylos capitulated on the th, and navarino on the st of the same month. other citadels, one after another, were surrendered; and ibrahim and his army spent the summer in scouring the morea and punishing its inhabitants, with the utmost severity, for the lawless brigandage and the devoted patriotism of which they had been guilty during the past four years. the result was altogether disheartening to the greeks. they saw that their condition was indeed desperate. george konduriottes, a hydriot merchant, an albanian who could not speak greek, and who was alike unable to govern himself or others, had, in june, , been named president of the republic, and since then the rival interests of the primates, the priests, and the military leaders had been steadily causing the decay of all that was left of patriotism and increase of the selfishness that had so long been rampant. there was one consequence of this degradation, however, which promised to be very beneficial. seeing that their cause was being rapidly weakened, and that their hard-fought battle for liberty was in danger of speedy and ignominious reversal by their own divisions, by the stealthy encroachments of the ottomans in the north, and by the more energetic advances of the egyptians in the south, the greeks resolved to abandon some of their jealousies and greeds, to look for a saviour from without, and, on his coming, to try and submit themselves honestly and heartily to his leadership. the issue of that resolution was the following letter, written by mavrocordatos, then secretary to the national assembly:-- "milord,--tandis que vos rares talens étaient consacrés à procurer le bonheur d'un pays séparé par un espace immense de la grèce, celle-ci ne voyait pas sans admiration, sans intérêt, sans une espèce de jalousie secrète même, les succès brillants qui ont toujours couronné vos nobles efforts, et rendu à l'indépendance un des plus beaux, des plus riches pays du monde. votre retour en angleterre a excité la plus vive joie dans le coeur du citoyen grèc et de ses représentans par l'espoir flattereur qu'ils commencent à concevoir que, celui qui s'est si noblement dédié à procurer le bonheur d'une nation, ne refusera pas d'en faire autant pour celui d'une autre, qui ne lui offre pas une carrière moins brillante et moins digne de lui et par son nom historique, et par ses malheurs passés et par ses efforts actuels pour reconquérir sa liberté et son indépendance. les mers qui rappellent les victoires des thémistocles et des timon, ne seront pas un théâtre indifférent pour celui qui sait apprécier les grands hommes, et un des premiers amiraux de notre siècle ne verra qu' avec plaisir qu'il est appellé à renouveler les beaux jours de salamine et de mycale à la tête des miaoulis, des sachtouris et des kanaris. "c'est avec la plus grande satisfaction, milord, que je me vois chargé de faire, au nom du gouvernement, à votre seigneurie, la proposition du commandement général des forces navales de la grèce. si votre seigneurie est disposée à l'accepter, messieurs les deputés du gouvernement grèc à londres ont toute l'autorisation et les instructions nécessaires pour combiner avec elle sur les moyens à mettre à sa disposition, afin d'utiliser le plutôt possible votre noble décision et accélérer l'heureux moment que la grèce reconnaissante et enthousiasmée vous verra combattre pour la cause de sa liberté. "je profite de cette occasion pour prier votre seigneurie de vouloir bien agréer l'assurance de mon respect et de la plus haute estime avec laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'être, milord, de votre seigneurie le très humble et très obéissant serviteur, "a. mavrocordatos, "naples de romanie, "secre-genl d'etat. "_le août_, ----------- er bre "a sa seigneurie le très honorable lord cochrane, à londres." chapter xiv. lord cochrane's dismissal from brazilian service, and his acceptance of employment as chief admiral of the greeks.--the greek committee and the greek deputies in london--the terms of lord cochrane's agreement, and the consequent preparations.--his visit to scotland--sir walter scott's verses on lady cochrane.--lord cochrane's forced retirement to boulogne, and thence to brussels.--the delays in fitting out the greek armament.--captain hastings, mr. hobhouse, and sir frances burdett.--captain hastings's memoir on the greek leaders and their characters.--the first consequence of lord cochrane's new enterprise.--the duke of wellington's indirect message to lord cochrane.--the greek deputies' proposal to lord cochrane and his answer.--the final arrangements for his departure.--the messiah of the greeks. [ - .] the letter from mavrocordatos quoted in the last chapter was only part of a series of negotiations that had been long pending. lord cochrane, as we have seen, had arrived at portsmouth on the th of june, , in command of a brazilian war-ship and still holding office as first admiral of the empire of brazil. his intention in visiting england had been only to effect the necessary repairs in his ship before going back to rio de janeiro. he had no sooner arrived, however, than it was clear to him, from the vague and insolent language of the brazilian envoy in london, that it was designed by that official, if not by the authorities in rio de janeiro, to oust him from his command. during four months he remained in uncertainty, determined not willingly to retire from his brazilian service, but gradually convinced by the increasing insolence of the envoy's treatment of him that it would be inexpedient for him hastily to return to brazil, where, before his departure, he had experienced the grossest ingratitude for his brilliant achievements and neglect and abuse of all sorts. at length, in november, upon learning that his captain and crew had been formally instructed to "cast off all subordination" to him, he deemed that he had no alternative but to consider himself dismissed from brazilian employment and free to enter upon a new engagement. that engagement had been urged upon him even while he was in south america by his friends in england, who were also devoted friends to the cause of greek independence, and the proposal had been renewed very soon after his arrival at portsmouth. it was so freely talked of among all classes of the english public and so openly discussed in the newspapers before the middle of august that by it lord cochrane's last relations with the brazilian envoy were seriously complicated. "lord cochrane is looking very well, after eight years of harassing and ungrateful service," wrote sir francis burdett on the th of august, "and, i trust, will be the liberator of greece. what a glorious title!" it is needless to say that sir francis burdett, always the noble and disinterested champion of the oppressed, and the far-seeing and fearless advocate of liberty both at home and abroad, was a leading member of the greek committee in london. this committee was a counterpart--though composed of more illustrious members than any of the others--of philhellenic associations that had been organized in nearly every capital of europe and in the chief towns of the united states. everywhere a keen sympathy was aroused on behalf of the down-trodden greeks; and the sympathy only showed itself more zealously when it appeared that the greeks were still burdened with the moral degradation of their long centuries of slavery, and needed the guidance and support of men more fortunately trained than they had been in ways of freedom. such a man, and foremost among such men, always generous, wise, and earnest, was sir francis burdett, lord cochrane's oldest and best political friend, his readiest adviser and stoutest defender all through the weary time of his subjection to unmerited disgrace and heartless contumely. another leading member of the greek committee was mr. john cam hobhouse, afterwards lord broughton, lord byron's friend and fellow-traveller, now sir francis burdett's colleague in the representation of westminster as successor to lord cochrane. another of high note was mr. edward ellice, eminent alike as a merchant and as a statesman. another, no less eminent, was joseph hume. another was mr. (afterwards sir) john bowring, secretary to the greek committee. by them and many others the progress of the greek revolution was carefully watched and its best interests were strenuously advocated, and by all the return of lord cochrane to england and the prospect of his enlistment in the philhellenic enterprise afforded hearty satisfaction. to them the real liberty of greece was a cherished object; and one and all united in welcoming the great promoter of chilian and brazilian independence as the liberator of greece. other honest friends of greece were less sanguine, and more disposed to urge caution upon lord cochrane. "my very dear friend," wrote one of them, dr. william porter, from bristol on the th of august, "i will not suffer you to be longer in england without welcoming you; for your health, happiness, and fame are all dear to me. i have followed you in your transatlantic career with deep feelings of anxiety for your life, but none for your glory: i know you too well to entertain a fear for that. i had hoped that you would repose on your laurels and enjoy the evening of life in peace, but am told that you are about to launch a thunderbolt against the grand seignior on behalf of greece. i wish to see greece free; but could also wish you to rest from your labours. for a sexagenarian to command a fleet in ordinary war is an easy task, and even threescore and ten might do it; but fifty years are too many to conduct a naval war for a people whose pretensions to nautical skill you will find on a thousand occasions to give rise to jealousies against you. you will also find that on some important day they will withhold their co-operation, in order to rob you of your glory. the cause of greece is, nevertheless, a glorious cause. our remembrance of what their ancestors did at salamis, at marathon, at thermopylae, gives an additional interest to all that concerns them. but, to say the truth of them, they are a race of tigers, and their ancestors were the same. i shall be glad to see them fall upon their aigretted keeper and his pashas; but, confound them! i would not answer for their destroying the man that would break their fetters and set them loose in all the power of recognised freedom." there was much truth in those opinions, and lord cochrane was not blind to it. that he, though now in his fiftieth year, was too old for any difficult seamanship or daring warfare that came in his way he certainly was not inclined to admit; but he was not quite as enthusiastic as sir francis burdett and many of his other friends regarding the immediate purposes and the ultimate issue of the greek revolution. he was now as hearty a lover of liberty, and as willing to employ all his great experience and his excellent ability in its service, as he had been eight years before when he went to aid the cause of south american independence. but both in chili and in brazil he had suffered much himself, and, what was yet more galling to one of his generous disposition, had seen how grievously his disinterested efforts for the benefit of others had been stultified, by the selfishness and imprudence, the meanness and treachery of those whom he had done his utmost to direct in a sure and rapid way of freedom. he feared, and had good reason for fearing, like disappointments in any relations into which he might enter with greece. therefore, though he readily consented to work for the hellenic revolutionists, as he had worked for the chilians and brazilians, he did so with something of a forlorn hope, with a fear--which in the end was fully justified--that thereby his own troubles might only be augmented, and that his philanthropic plans might in great measure be frustrated. coming newly to england, where the real state of affairs in greece, the selfishness of the leaders, the want of discipline among the masses, and the consequent weakness and embarrassment to the revolutionary cause, were not thoroughly understood, and where this understanding was especially difficult for him without previous acquaintance even with all the details that were known and apprehended by his friends, he yet saw enough to lead him to the belief that the work they wished him to do in greece would be harder and more thankless than they supposed. this must be remembered as an answer to the first of the misstatements--misstatements that will have to be controverted at every stage of the ensuing narrative--which were carefully disseminated, and have been persistently recorded by political opponents and jealous rivals of lord cochrane. it has been alleged that he was induced by mercenary motives, and by them alone, to enter the service of the greeks. his sole inducements were a desire to do his best on all occasions towards the punishment of oppressors and the relief of the oppressed, and a desire, hardly less strong, to seek relief in the naval enterprise that was always very dear to him from the oppression under which he himself suffered so heavily. the ingratitude that he had lately experienced in chili and brazil, however, bringing upon him much present embarrassment in lawsuits and other troubles, led him to use what was only common prudence in his negotiations with the greek committee and with the greek deputies, john orlando and andreas luriottis, who were in london at the time, and on whom devolved the formal arrangements for employing him and providing him with suitable equipments for his work. these were done with help of a second greek loan, contracted in london in , for , , _l._ out of this sum it was agreed that lord cochrane was to receive , _l._ at starting, and a further sum of , _l._ on the completion of his services; and that he was to be provided with a suitable squadron, for which purpose , _l._ were to be expended in the construction of six steamships in england, and a like sum on the building and fitting out of two sixty-gun frigates in the united states. with the disappointments that he had experienced in chili and brazil fresh in his mind, he refused to enter on this new engagement without a formidable little fleet, manned by english and american seamen, and under his exclusive direction; and he further stipulated that the entire greek fleet should be at his sole command, and that he should have full power to carry out his views independently of the greek government. these arrangements were completed on the th of august, except that lord cochrane, not having yet been actually dismissed by the brazilian envoy, refused formally to pledge himself to his new employers. in conjunction with sir francis burdett, mr. hobhouse, mr. ellice, and the ricardos, as contractors, however, he made all the preliminary arrangements, and before the end of august he went for a two months' visit to his native county and other parts of scotland, from which he had been absent more than twenty years. one incident in that visit was noteworthy. on the rd of october, lord and lady cochrane, being in edinburgh, went to the theatre, where an eager crowd assembled to do them honour. into the after-piece an allusion to south america was specially introduced. upon that the whole audience rose and, turning to the seats occupied by the visitors, showed their admiration by plaudits so long and so vehement that lady cochrane, overpowered by her feelings, burst into tears. thereupon sir walter scott, who was in the theatre, wrote the following verses:-- "i knew thee, lady, by that glorious eye, by that pure brow and those dark locks of thine, i knew thee for a soldier's bride, and high my full heart bounded: for the golden mine of heavenly thought kindled at sight of thee, radiant with all the stars of memory. "i knew thee, and, albeit, myself unknown, i called on heaven to bless thee for thy love, the strength, the constancy thou long hast shown, each selfish aim, each womanish fear above: and, lady, heaven is with thee; thou art blest, blest in whatever thy immortal soul loves best. "thy name, ask brazil, for she knows it well; it is a name a hero gave to thee; in every letter lurks there not a spell,-- the mighty spell of immortality? ye sail together down time's glittering stream; around your heads two glittering haloes gleam. "even now, as through the air the plaudits rung, i marked the smiles that in her features came; she caught the word that fell from every tongue, and her eye brightened at her cochrane's name; and brighter yet became her bright eyes' blaze; it was his country, and she felt the praise,-- "ay, even as a woman, and his bride, should feel, with all the warmth of an o'erflowing soul: unshaken she had seen the ensanguined steel, unshaken she had heard war's thunders roll, but now her noble heart could find relief in tears alone, though not the tears of grief. "may the gods guard thee, lady, whereso'er thou wanderest in thy love and loveliness! for thee may every scene and sky be fair, each hour instinct with more than happiness! may all thou valuest be good and great, and be thy wishes thy own future fate!" those aspirations were very far from realised. even during his brief holiday in scotland, lord cochrane was troubled by the news that mr. galloway, the engineer to whom had been entrusted the chief work in constructing steam-boilers for the greek vessels, was proceeding very slowly with his task. "my conviction is," wrote mr. ellice, "that galloway, in undertaking so much, has promised what he can never perform, and that it will be christmas, if not later, before the whole work is completed. no engines are to be got either in glasgow or liverpool. you know i am not sanguine, and the sooner you are here to judge for yourself the better. there has been no hesitation about the means from the beginning, but money will not produce steam-engines and vessels in these times." in consequence of that letter, lord cochrane hurried up to london at once, intending personally to superintend and hasten on the work. he arrived on the rd of november; but only to find that fresh troubles were in store for him. he had already been exposed to vexatious litigation, arising out of groundless and malicious prosecutions with reference to his brazilian enterprise. he was now informed that a more serious prosecution was being initiated. the foreign enlistment act, passed shortly after his acceptance of service under the chilian republic, and at the special instigation of the spanish government, had made his work in south america an indictable offence; but it was supposed that no action would be taken against him now that he had returned to england. as soon as it was publicly known, however, that he was about to embark in a new enterprise, on behalf of greece, steps were taken to restrain him by means of an indictment on the score of his former employment. "there is a most unchristian league against us," he wrote to his secretary, "and fearful odds too. to be prosecuted at home, and not permitted to go abroad, is the devil. how can i be prosecuted for fighting in brazil for the heir-apparent to the throne, who, whilst his father was held in restraint by the rebellious cortes, contended for the legitimate rights of the royal house of braganza, then the ally of england, who had, during the contest, by the presence of her consuls and other official agents, sanctioned the acts of the prince regent of brazil?" it soon became clear, however, that the government had found some justification of its conduct, and that active measures were being adopted for lord cochrane's punishment. he was warned by mr. brougham that, if he stayed many days longer in england, he would be arrested and so prevented not only from facilitating the construction of the greek vessels, but even from going to greece at all. therefore, at the earnest advice of his friends, he left london for calais on the th of november, soon to proceed to boulogne, where he was joined by his family, and where he waited for six weeks, vainly hoping that in his absence the contractors and their overseers would see that the ship-building was promptly and properly executed. while at boulogne, foreseeing the troubles that would ensue from these new difficulties, he was half inclined to abandon his greek engagement, and in that temper he wrote to sir francis burdett for advice. "i have taken four-and-twenty hours," wrote his good friend in answer, on the th of november, "to consider your last letter, and have not one moment varied in my first opinion as to the propriety of your persevering in your glorious career. according to brougham's opinion, you cannot be put in a worse situation,--that is, more in peril of government here,--by continuing foreign service in the greek cause than you already stand in by having served the emperor of the brazils. in my opinion you will be in a great deal less; for, the greater your renown, the less power will your enemies have, whatever may be their inclination, to meddle with you. perhaps they only at present desist to look out for a better opportunity, 'reculer pour mieux sauter,' like the tiger. i don't mean to accuse them of this baseness; but, should it be the case, the less you do the more power they will have to injure you, if so inclined. were they to prosecute you for having served the brazilian emperor, it would call forth no public sympathy, or but slight, in your favour. the case would be thought very hard, to be sure; but that would be all. not so, should you triumph in the greek cause. transcendent glory would not only crown but protect you. no minister would dare to wag a finger--no, nor even crown lawyer a tongue--against you; and, if they did, the feeling of the whole english public would surround you with an impenetrable shield. fines would be paid; imprisonment protested and petitioned against; in short, i am convinced the nation would be in a flame, and you in far less danger of any attempt to your injury than at present. this, my dear lord cochrane, is my firm conviction." encouraged by that letter and other like expressions of opinion from his english friends, lord cochrane determined to persevere in his greek enterprise, and to reside at boulogne until the fleet that was being prepared for him was ready for service. he had to wait, however, very much longer than had been anticipated, and he was unable to wait all the time in boulogne. there also prosecution threatened him. about the middle of december he heard that proceedings were about to be instituted against him for his detention, while in the pacific, of a french brig named _la gazelle_, the real inducement thereto being in the fact, as it was reported, that the french government had espoused the cause of the pasha of egypt, and so was averse to such a plan for destroying the egyptian fleet under ibrahim as lord cochrane was concocting. therefore, he deemed it expedient to quit french territory, and accordingly he left boulogne on the rd of december, and took up his residence at brussels, with his family, on the th of the same month. through four weary months and more he was waiting at brussels, harassed by the prosecutions arising out of the lawsuits that have been already alluded to, in reference to which he said in one letter, "i think i must make up my mind, though it is a hard task, to quit england for ever;" harassed even more by the knowledge that the building and fitting out of the vessels for his greek expedition were being delayed on frivolous pretexts and for selfish ends, which his presence in london, if that had been possible, might, to a great extent, have averted. "the welfare of greece at this moment rests much on your lordship," wrote orlando, the chief deputy in london, "and i dare hope that you will hasten her triumph:" yet orlando and his fellows were idling in london, profiting by delays that increased their opportunities of peculation, and doing nothing to quicken the construction of the fleet. galloway, the engineer, wrote again and again to promise that his work should be done in three weeks,--it was always "three weeks hence;" yet he was well informed that galloway was wilfully negligent, though he did not know till afterwards that galloway, having private connections with the pasha of egypt, never intended to do the work which he was employed to do. lord cochrane had good friends at home in sir francis burdett, mr. hobhouse, and others; but they were not competent to take personal supervision of the details. he had an experienced deputy in captain abney hastings, who had come from greece some time before, and who was now to return as lord cochrane's second in command; but captain hastings, single-handed, could not exert much influence upon the rogues with whom he had to deal. "the _perseverance_," he wrote of the largest of the ships, which was to be ready first, on the th of december, "may perhaps be ready to sail in six weeks--mr. galloway has said three weeks for the last month; but to his professions i do not, and have not for a length of time, paid the slightest attention. i believe he does all he can do; all i object against him is that he promises more than he can perform, and promises with the determination of not performing it. the _perseverance_ is a fine vessel. her power of two forty-horses will, however, be feeble. i suspect you are not quite aware of the delay which will take place." lord cochrane soon became quite aware of the delay, but was unable to prevent it, and the next few months were passed by him in tedious anxiety and ceaseless chagrin. there was one desperate mode of lessening the delay--for lord cochrane to go out in the _perseverance_ as soon as it was ready to start, leaving the other vessels to follow as soon as they were ready. captain abney hastings went to brussels on purpose to urge him to that course, and mr. hobhouse also recommended it. "there are two points," he wrote on the rd of december, "to which your attention will probably be chiefly directed by captain hastings. these are, the expediency of your going with the _perseverance_, instead of waiting for the other boats, and the propriety of immediately disposing of the two frigates in america"--about which frequent reports had arrived, showing that their preparation was in even worse hands than was that of the london vessels--"to the highest bidder. as to the first, i am confident that, although it would have been desirable to have got together the whole force in the first instance, yet, as the salvation of greece is a question of time only, and as it will be probably so late either as may or june next before the two larger boats can leave the river, it would be in every way inexpedient for you to wait until you could have the whole armament under your orders. be assured, your presence in greece would do more than the activity of any man living, and, as far as anything can be done in pushing forward the business at home, neither time nor pains shall be spared. i wish indeed you could have the whole of the boats at once; but galloway has determined otherwise, and we must do the next best thing. captain hastings will tell you how much may be done even by one steam-vessel, commanded by you, and directing the operations of the fire-vessels. on such a topic i should not have the presumption to enlarge to you. as to the american frigates, it is mr. ellice's decided opinion, as well as my own, that you should have the money instead of the frigates. first and last, the frigates _never will be finished_. the rogues at new york demand , _l._ above the , _l._ which they have already received, and protest they will not complete their work without the additional sum. now , _l._ in your hands will be better than the _hopes_--and they will be nothing but _hopes_--of having the frigates. if you agree in this view, perhaps you will be so good as to state it in writing, which may remove mr. ricardo's objections." lord cochrane was tempted to follow captain hastings's and mr. hobhouse's advice; but he first, as was his wont, sought sir francis burdett's opinion; and sir francis dissuaded him, for the time, at any rate. "i would by no means have you proceed with the first vessel, nor at all without adequate means," he wrote on the th of january, ; "for besides thinking of the greeks, for whom i am, i own, greatly interested, i must think, and certainly not with less interest, of you, and, i may add, in some degree of myself too; for i am placed under much responsibility, and i don't mean to be a party to making shipwreck of you and your great naval reputation; nor will i ever consent to your going upon a forlorn and desperate attempt--that is, without the means necessary for the fair chance of success--in other words, adequate means. although you have worked miracles, we can never be justified in expecting them, and still less in requiring them." following that sound advice, lord cochrane resolved to wait until, at any rate, a good part of his fleet was ready. he wrote to that effect, and in as good spirits as he could muster, to mr. hobhouse, who in the answer which he despatched on the th of february acknowledged the wisdom of the decision. "i am very glad to perceive," he said in that answer, "that you have good heart and hope for the great cause. i assure you we have been doing all we can to induce the parties concerned to second your wishes in every respect; and i now learn from mr. hastings, who is our sheet anchor, that matters go on pretty well. i hope you write every now and then to galloway, in whose hands is the fate of greece--the worse our luck, for he is the great cause of our sad delay." "you see our house is opened," said mr. hobhouse in the same letter. "not a word of greece in the speech, and i spoke to hume and wilson, and begged them not to touch upon the subject. it is much better to keep all quiet, in order to prevent angry words from the ministers, who, if nothing is said, will, i think, shut their eyes at what we are doing. there is a very prevalent notion here that the (holy) alliance have resolved to recommend something to turkey in favour of the greeks. whether this is true or not signifies nothing. the turks will promise anything, and do just what suits them. they have always lost in war, for more than a hundred years, and have uniformly gained by diplomacy. they will never abandon the hope of reconquering greece until driven out of europe themselves, which they ought to be. by the way, the greeks really appear to have been doing a little better lately; but i still fear these disciplined arabians. i have written a very strong letter to prince mavrocordatos, telling them to hold out:--no surrender on any terms. i have not mentioned your name; but i have stated vaguely that they may expect the promised assistance early in the spring. it would indeed be a fine thing if you could commence operations during the rhamadan; but i fear that is impossible. any time, however, will do against the stupid, besotted turks. were they not led by frenchmen, even the greeks would beat them." of the leisure forced upon him, lord cochrane made good use in studying for himself the character of "the stupid, besotted turks," and the nature of the war that was being waged against them by the greeks; and he asked mr. hobhouse to procure for him all the books published on the subject or in any way related to it, of which he was not already master. "with respect to books," wrote mr. hobhouse, in reply to this request, "there are very few that are not what you have found those you have read to be, namely, romances; but i will take care to send out with you such as are the best, together with the most useful map that can be got." more than fifty volumes were thus collected for lord cochrane's use. from captain abney hastings, moreover, he obtained precise information about greek waters, forts, and armaments, as well as "a list of the names of the principal persons in greece, with their characters." this list, as showing the opinions of an intelligent englishman, based on personal knowledge, as to the parties and persons with whom lord cochrane was soon to deal, is worth quoting entire, especially as it was the chief basis of lord cochrane's own judgment during this time of study and preparation. i. archontes, or men influential by their riches. lazaros konduriottes.--a hydriot merchant, the elder of the two brothers, who are the most wealthy men in that island, and even in all greece. this one, by intrigue, by distributing his money adroitly in hydra, and keeping in pay the most dissolute and unruly of the sailors, and protecting them in the commission of their crimes, has acquired almost unlimited power at hydra. he asserts democracy, appealing on all occasions to the people, who are his creatures. the other primates hate him, of course. lazaros has the reputation of being clever. he never quits hydra for an instant, for fear of finding himself supplanted on his return. george konduriottes.--brother of the former, and, like him a hydriot merchant; an ignorant weak man; said to be vindictive; espouses the party of his brother at hydra, by which means he has obtained the presidency [of greece]. he made the land captains his enemies, and had not good men enough to form an army of his own, viz., regular troops. his penetration went no further than bribing one captain to destroy another; which had for effect merely the changing the names of chieftains without diminishing the power. i understand he has lately retired to hydra, and takes no active part in affairs. emanuel tombazes.--a hydriot merchant and captain. there are two brothers, at the head of the party opposed to konduriottes. this man was the first who ventured on the voyage from the black sea to marseilles in a latteen-rigged vessel. this traffic afterwards gave birth to the colossal fortunes in hydra. these men are the most enlightened in hydra. this one is dignified, energetic, and a good sailor. however, he lost in candia much of the reputation he had previously acquired; but with all the errors he committed there, the loss of that island is not attributable to him. 'twould have been lost, under similar circumstances, had cæsar commanded there. konduriottes and his adherents hate him, of course, and did all they could to paralyze his operations in crete. all considered, this man is more capable of introducing order and regularity into the ships than any other greek. jakomaki tombazes.--a hydriot merchant and captain, brother of the former. he commanded the fleet the first year of the revolution, and to him is due the introduction of fire-vessels, by which he destroyed the first turkish line-of-battle ship at mytelene. he is perhaps the best-informed hydriot; but he wants decision, and demands the advice of everybody at the moment he should be acting. this man takes little part in politics and follows his mercantile pursuits. his hobby-horse is ship-building, in which art he is such a proficient as to be quite the seppings of hydra. as to the rest, he is a very worthy, warm-hearted man, but excessively phlegmatic. miaoulis.--a hydriot merchant and captain, who obtained command of the hydriot fleet after jakomaki resigned. he is a very dignified, worthy old man, possesses personal courage and decision, and is less intriguing than any greek that i know. saktoures.--a hydriot captain. he has risen from a sailor, and is considered by the archontes rather in the light of a _parvenu_. he is courageous and enterprising, but a bit of a pirate. bondomes, samadhoff, ghika, orlando.--hydriot merchants without anything but their money to recommend them. pepinos.--a hydriot sailor of the clan of tombazes, who has distinguished himself frequently in fireships. kanaris.--a psarian sailor; the most distinguished of the commanders of fire-vessels. botazes.--a spetziot merchant; the most influential person in his island. but the hydriot merchants possess so much property in spetziot vessels that, in some measure, they rule that island. petro-bey [or petros mavromichales].--the principal archonte of maina; was governor of that province under the turks. a fat, stupid, worthy man; is sincere in the cause, in which he has lost two if not three sons. deliyannes.--a moreot archonte, and one of the most intriguing and ambitious; was formerly sworn enemy to kolokotrones and the captains, but, having betrothed his daughter to kolokotrones's son, they have become allies. this man, if not the richest archonte in the morea, is the one who affected the most pomp in the time of the turks, and he cannot now easily brook his diminished influence. he is reported clever and unprincipled. notabas.--a moreot archonte, considered the most ancient of the noble families in the morea; is a well-meaning old blockhead; has a son, a good-looking youth, who commanded the government forces against the captains in ; is said to be an egregious coward. londos.--a moreot archonte; was much flattered by the government, but afterwards leagued against them. he is a drunkard, and a man of no consideration but for his wealth.[a] [footnote a: lord byron used to describe an evening passed in the company of londos at vostitza, when both were young men. after supper londos, who had the face and figure of a chimpanzee, sprang upon a table, and commenced singing through his nose rhiga's "hymn to liberty." a new cadi, passing near the house, inquired the cause of the discordant hubbub. a native mussulman replied, "it is only the young primate londos, who is drunk, and is singing hymns to the new franaghia of the greeks, whom they call 'eleftheria.'"--finlay, vol. ii., p. .] zaimes.--a moreot archonte; said to possess considerable talent, and he exercises a very considerable influence. his brother was formerly a deputy in england. sissines.--a moreot archonte; was formerly a doctor at patras; has risen into wealth and consequence since the revolution; has great talent, and is a great rogue. sotires xaralambi.--a moreot archonte of influence. i do not know his character. speliotopolos.--a moreot archonte, whose name would never have been heard by a foreigner, if he had not been made a member of the executive body; a stupid old man, possessing little influence of any kind. kolettes.--a romeliot; was formerly doctor to ali pasha; possesses some talent; has held various situations in the ministry; is detested, yet i know not why. i never could ascertain any act of his that merited the dislike he has inspired a large party with. i fancy 'tis alone attributable to jealousy--the peculiar feature of the greek character. it must nevertheless be acknowledged that he has sometimes made himself ridiculous by assuming the sword, for which profession he is totally incapacitated by want of courage. he is, however, poor, although in employment since the commencement of the revolution. thikoupes.--an archonte of missolonghi; of some importance from the english education he has received from lord guildford; a worthy man, possessed of instruction, but, i think, not genius. he has married mavrocordatos's sister. ii. phanaeiots. [demetrius] hypsilantes.--is of a phanariot family; was a russian officer; although young, is bald and feeble. his appearance and voice are much against him. he does not so much want talent as ferocity. he possesses personal courage and probity, and may be said to be the only honest man that has figured upon the stage of the revolution. he does not favour, but has never openly opposed, the party of the captains. he felt he had not the power to do it with success, and therefore showed his good sense in refraining. the archontes, fearing the influence he might acquire would destroy theirs, have uniformly opposed him, secretly and openly; and they hate one another so cordially now that it is impossible they should ever unite. mavrocordatos.--of a phanariot family; came forward under the auspices of hypsilantes, and then tried to supplant him; and to do this he made himself the tool of the hydriots, who, as soon as they had obtained all power in their hands, endeavoured to kick down the stepping-stool by which they had mounted. perceiving this, he entered into negotiations with the captains, and frightened the hydriots into an acknowledgment of some power for himself. he possesses quickness and intrigue; but i doubt if he has solid talent, and it is reported that he is particularly careful not to court danger. iii. captains or land-chieftains. kolokotrones.--a captain of the morea, and the most powerful one in all greece. he owes this partly to the numerous ramifications of his family, partly to his reputation as a hereditary robber, and also to the wealth he has amassed in his vocation. he is a fine, decided-looking man, and knows perfectly all the localities of the country for carrying on mountain warfare, and he knows also, better than any other, how to manage the greek mountaineers. he is, however, entirely ignorant of any other species of warfare, and is not sufficiently civilized to look forward for any other advantage to himself or his country than that of possessing the mountains and keeping the turks at bay. he proposed destroying all the fortresses except nauplia. 'twas an error of mavrocordatos to have made this man an open enemy to himself and to organization. had he been allowed to have profited by order, he would have espoused it. at present he may be considered irreconcilably opposed to order and the hydriot party. niketas.--there are two of this name; but the only one that merits notice is the moreot captain, a relation of kolokrotones. he is as ignorant and dirty as the rest of his brethren, but bears the reputation of being disinterested and courageous. he is always poor. all the chieftains are good bottle-men; but this one excels them so much that 'tis confidently asserted he drinks three bottles of rum per day. staikos.--a moreot captain who took part early with the hydriot party from jealousy of kolokotrones. when that party gained the ascendency, not finding himself sufficiently rewarded, he joined the captains. momginos.--a mainot chieftain, a rival of petro-bey; is undistinguished, except by his colossal stature and ferocious countenance. goura.--a romeliot captain; was a soldier of odysseus, and employed by him in various assassinations, and thus he rose to preferment and supplanted his protector, and at length assassinated him. this man possesses courage and extreme ferocity, but is remarkably ignorant. in the hands of a similar master, he would have been a perfect tristan l'hermite. to supplant odysseus, he was obliged to range himself with the hydriot party. constantine botzares.--a suliot captain; nephew to the celebrated makrys, who, from all accounts, was a phenomenon among the captains. this man bears a good character. karaÏskakes, rango, kaltzas, zavella, &c. &c.--romeliot captains; all more or less opposed to order, according as they see it suits their immediate interest. that estimate of the greek heroes--in the main wonderfully accurate--was certainly not encouraging to lord cochrane. he determined, however, to go on with the work he had entered upon, and in doing his duty to the greeks, to try to bring into healthy play the real patriotism that was being perverted by such unworthy leaders. great benefit was conferred upon the greeks by his entering into their service from its very beginning, in spite of the obstacles which were thrown in his way at starting, and which materially damaged all his subsequent work on their behalf. no sooner was it known that he was coming to aid them with his unsurpassed bravery and his unrivalled genius than they took heart and held out against the turkish and egyptian foes to whom they had just before been inclined to yield. and his enlistment in their cause had another effect, of which they themselves were ignorant. the mere announcement that he intended to fight and win for them, as he had fought and won for chili, for peru, and for brazil, while it caused both england and france to do their utmost in hindering him from achieving an end which was more thorough than they desired, forced both england and france to shake off the listlessness with which they had regarded the contest during nearly five years, and initiate the temporizing action by which greece was prevented from becoming as great and independent a state as it might have been, yet by which a smaller independence was secured for it. hardly had lord cochrane consented to serve as admiral of the greeks than the duke of wellington was despatched, in the beginning of , on a mission to russia, which issued in the protocol of april, , and the treaty of july, --both having for their avowed object the pacification of greece--and in the battle of navarino, by which that pacification was secured. the duke of wellington passed through brussels, on his way to st. petersburg, in march, . halting there, he informed the hotel-keeper that he could see no one _except lord cochrane_, which was as distinct an intimation that he desired an interview as, in accordance with the rules of etiquette, he could make. the hotel-keeper, however, was too dull to take the hint. he did not acquaint lord cochrane of the indirect message intended for him until the duke of wellington had proceeded on his journey. thus was prevented a meeting between one of england's greatest soldiers and one of her greatest sailors, which could not but have been very memorable in itself, and which might have been far more memorable in its political consequences. the meeting was hindered, and, without listening either to the personal courtesies or to the diplomatic arguments of the duke of wellington, lord cochrane continued his preparations for active service in greek waters. the details of these preparations and their practical execution, as has been shown, he was forced to leave in other and less competent hands, and their actual supervision was still impossible to him. gradually the irritating and wasteful obstacles for which mr. galloway was chiefly responsible induced him to resolve upon following the advice tendered in december by mr. hobhouse and captain hastings--that is, to go to greece with a small portion only of the naval armament for which he had stipulated, and which his most cautious friends deemed necessary to his enterprise. to this he was driven, not only by a desire to do something worthy of his great name, and something really helpful to the cause which he had espoused, but also by the knowledge that the tedious delays that arose were squandering all the money with which he had counted upon rendering his work efficient when he could get to greece. of this he received frequent and clear intimation from all his friends in london, though from none so emphatically as from the greek deputies, orlando and luriottis, who, being themselves grievously to blame for their peculations and their bad management, threw all the blame upon mr. galloway and the other defaulters. finding that the proceeds of the second greek loan were being rapidly exhausted by their own and others' wrong-doing, they were even audacious enough to propose to lord cochrane that, not abandoning his greek engagement, but rather continuing it under conditions involving much greater risk and anxiety than had been anticipated, he should return the , _l._ which had been handed over to sir francis burdett on his account, and take as sole security for his ultimate recompense the two frigates half built in america, acknowledged to be of so little value that no purchaser could be found for them. "our only desire." they said, "is to rescue the millions of souls that are praying with a thousand supplications that they may not fall victims to the despair which is only averted by the hope of your lordship's arrival." to that preposterous request lord cochrane made a very temperate answer. "i have perused your letter of the th," he wrote on the th of february, "with the utmost attention, and have since considered its contents with the most anxious desire to promote the objects you have in view in all ways in my power. but i have not been able to convince myself that, under existing circumstances, there is any means by which greece can be so readily saved as by steady perseverance in equipping the steam-vessels, which are so admirably calculated to cut off the enemies' communication with alexandria and constantinople, and for towing fire-vessels and explosion-vessels by night into ports and places where the hostile squadrons anchor on the shores of greece. with steam-vessels constructed for such purposes, and a few gunboats carrying heavy cannon, i have no doubt but that the morea might in a few weeks be cleared of the enemy's naval force. i wish i could give you, without writing a volume, a clear view of the numerous reasons, derived from thirty-five years' experience, which induce me to prefer a force that can move in all directions in the obscurity of night through narrow channels, in shoal water, and with silence and celerity, over a naval armament of the usual kind, though of far superior force. you would then perceive with what efficacy the counsel of demosthenes to your countrymen might be carried into effect by desultory attacks on the enemy; and, in fact, you would perceive that steam-vessels, whenever they shall be brought into war for hostile purposes, will prove the most formidable means that ever has been employed in naval warfare. indeed, it is my opinion that twenty-four vessels moved by steam (such as the largest constructed for your service) could commence at st. petersburg, and finish at constantinople, the destruction of every ship of war in the european ports. i therefore hold that you ought to strain every nerve to get the steam-vessels equipped. for on these, next to the valour of the greeks themselves, depends the fate of greece, and not on large unwieldy ships, immovable in calms, and ill-calculated for nocturnal operations on the shores of the morea and adjacent islands. having thus repeated to you my opinions, i have only to add that, if you judge you can follow a better course, i release you from the engagement you entered into with me, and i am ready to return you the , _l._ on your receiving as part thereof , greek scrip, at the price i gave for it on the day following my engagement (under the faith of the stipulations then entered into), as a further stimulus to my exertion, by casting my property, as well as my life, into the scale with greece. this release i am ready to make at once; but i cannot consent to accept as security, for the fruits of seven years' toil, vessels manned by americans, whose pay and provisions i see no adequate or regular means of providing. but should the , _l._ placed at the disposal of the committee not prove sufficient for the objects _i have required_, i will advance the , _l._ for the pay and provisions necessary for the steamboats on the security of the boats themselves. thus you have the option of releasing me from the service, or of continuing my engagement, although i shall lose severely by my temporary acceptance of your offer." in that letter lord cochrane conceded more than ought to have been expected of him. in a supplementary letter written on the same day he added: "i again assure you that i am ready to do whatever is reasonable for the interest of greece; but it cannot be expected that for such interest i ought to sacrifice totally those of my family and myself, as would be the case were i to give up both the means i possess to obtain justice in south america and my indemnification, on so slender a security as that offered to me. believe me, i should have tendered the , _l._, without reference to the greek scrip i had purchased, had it not been evident to me that, under such circumstances, the security of your public funds would be dependent on chances which i cannot foresee, and over which i should have no control." thus temperately rebuked, the greek deputies did not urge their proposal any further. they only wrote to promise all possible expedition in completing the steam-vessels. lord cochrane, however, voluntarily acceded to one of their wishes. hearing that the largest of the steamers, the _perseverance_, was nearly ready for sea, and that mr. galloway had again solemnly pledged himself to complete the others in a short time, he determined not to wait for the whole force, but to start at once for the mediterranean. it had been all along decided that the _perseverance_ should be placed under captain hastings's command; and it was now arranged that he should take her to greece as soon as she was ready, and that lord cochrane should follow in a schooner, the _unicorn_, of tons. it was not intended, of course, that with that boat alone he should go all the way to greece; but it was considered--perhaps not very wisely--that if he were actually on his way to greece, the completion of the other five steamships would be proceeded with more rapidly; and he agreed that, as soon as he was joined in the mediterranean by the first two of these, the _enterprise_ and the _irresistible_, he would hasten on to the archipelago, and there make the best of the small force at his disposal. not only was it supposed that mr. galloway and the other agents would thus be induced to more vigorous action: it was also deemed that the effect of this step upon the hellenic nation would be very beneficial. "as soon as the greek government know that your lordship is on your way to greece," wrote the london deputies on the th of april, "their courage will be animated, and their confidence renewed. we may with truth assert that your lordship is regarded by all classes of our countrymen as a messiah, who is to come to their deliverance; and, from the enthusiasm which will prevail amongst the people, we may venture to predict that your lordship's valour and success at sea will give energy and victory to their arms on land." with the new arrangements necessitated by this change of plans the last two or three weeks of april and the first of may were occupied. lord cochrane put to sea on the th of may. "as a greek citizen," one of the deputies in london, andreas luriottis, had written on the th of april, "i cannot refrain from expressing my sincere gratitude towards your lordship for the resolution which you have taken to depart almost immediately for greece. this generous determination, at a moment when my country is really in want of every assistance, cannot be regarded with indifference by my countrymen, who already look upon your lordship as a messiah. your talents and intrepidity cannot allow us for a moment to doubt of success. my countrymen will afford you every assistance, and confer on you all the powers necessary for your undertaking; although your lordship must be aware that greece, after five years' struggle, cannot be expected to present a very favourable aspect to a stranger. your lordship will, however, find men full of devotion and courage--men who have founded, their best hopes on you, and from whom, under such a leader, everything may be expected. your lordship's previous exploits encourage me to hope that greece will not be less successful than the brazils, since the materials she offers for cultivation are superior. with patience and perseverance in the outset, all difficulties will soon vanish, and the course will be direct and unimpeded. the resources of greece are not to be despised, and, if successful, she will find ample means to reward those who will have devoted themselves to her service and to the cause of liberty." chapter xv. lord cochrane's departure for greece.--his visit to london and voyage to the mediterranean.--his stay at messina, and afterwards at marseilles.--the delays in completing the steamships, and the consequent injury to the greek cause, and serious embarrassment to lord cochrane.--his correspondence with messrs. j. and s. ricardo.--his letter to the greek government.--chevalier eynard, and the continental philhellenes.--lord cochrane's final departure, and arrival in greece. [ - .] lord cochrane, having passed from brussels to flushing, sailed thence in the _unicorn_ on the th of may, . before proceeding to the mediterranean, he determined, in spite of the personal risk he would thus be subjected to through the foreign enlistment act, to see for himself in what state were the preparations for his enterprise in greece. he accordingly landed at weymouth, and hurrying up to london, spent the greater part of sunday, the th of may, in mr. galloway's building yard at greenwich. he found that the _perseverance_ was apparently completed, though waiting for some finishing touches to be put to her boilers. "the two other vessels," he said, "were filled with pieces of the high-pressure engines, all unfixed, and scattered about in the engine-room and on deck. the boilers were in the small boats, and occupied nearly one half of their length, mr. galloway having, through inattention or otherwise, caused them to be made of the same dimensions as the boilers for the great vessels, which, by the by, had been improperly increased from sixteen feet, the length determined on, to twenty-three feet." the inspection was unsatisfactory; but mr. galloway pledged himself on his honour that the _perseverance_ should start in a day or two, that the _enterprise_ and the _irresistible_ should be completed and sent to sea within a fortnight, and that the other three vessels should be out of hand in less than a month. trusting to that promise, or at any rate hoping that it might be fulfilled, and after a parting interview with sir francis burdett, mr. ellice, and other friends, lord cochrane left london on monday, and joined the _unicorn_, at dartford, on the th of may. it had been arranged that he should wait in british waters for the first instalment of his little fleet, at any rate. with that object he called at falmouth, and, receiving no satisfactory information there, went to make a longer halt in bantry bay. at length, hearing that the _perseverance_ had actually started, with captain hastings for its commander, and that the other two large vessels were on the point of leaving the thames, he left the coast of ireland on the th of june. he vainly hoped that the vessels would promptly join him in the mediterranean, and that within four or five weeks' time he should be at work in greek waters. the journey, however, was to last nine months. the mismanagement and the wilful delays of mr. galloway and the other contractors and agents continued as before. the urgent need of greece was unsatisfied; the funds collected for promoting her deliverance were wantonly perverted; and the looked-for deliverer was doomed to nearly a year of further inactivity--hateful to him at all times, but now a special source of annoyance, as it involved not only idleness to himself, but also serious injury to the cause he had espoused. he passed oporto on the th, lisbon on the th, and gibraltar on the th of june. he was off algiers on the rd of july, and on the th he anchored in the harbour of messina. there, and in the adjoining waters, he waited nearly three months, in daily expectation of the arrival of his vessels, messina having been the appointed meeting-place. no vessels came, but instead only dismal and procrastinating letters. "we deeply lament," wrote messrs. j. and s. ricardo, the contractors for the greek loan, in one of them, dated the th of september, "that, after all the exertions which have been used, we have not yet been able to despatch the two large steam-vessels. everything has been ready for some time; but mr. galloway's failure in the engines will now occasion a much longer detention. we leave to your brother, who writes by the same opportunity, to explain fully to your lordship how all this has arisen, and what measures it has been considered expedient to adopt. in the whole of this unfortunate affair we have endeavoured to follow your wishes; and our conduct towards mr. galloway, who has much to answer for, has been chiefly directed by his representations." "galloway is the evil genius that pursues us everywhere," wrote the same correspondents on the th of september; "his presumption is only equalled by his incompetency. whatever he has to do with is miserably deficient. we do not think his misconduct has been intentional; but it has proved most fatal to the interests of greece, and of those engaged in her behalf. on your lordship it has pressed peculiarly hard; and most sincerely do we lament that an undertaking, which promised so fairly in the commencement should hitherto have proved unavailing, and that your power of assisting this unhappy country should have been rendered nugatory by the want of means to put it in effect." those letters, and others written before and after, did not reach lord cochrane till the end of october. in the meanwhile, finding that the expected vessels did not arrive at messina, and that in that place it was impossible even for him to receive accurate information as to the progress of affairs in london, he called at malta about the middle of september, and thence proceeded to marseilles, as a convenient halting-place, in which he had better chance of hearing how matters were proceeding, and from which he could easily go to meet the vessels when, if ever, they were ready to join him. he reached marseilles on the th of october, and on the same day he forwarded a letter to messrs. ricardo. "i wrote to you a few days ago," he said, "from malta, and, as the packet sailed with a fair wind, you will receive that letter very shortly. you will thereby perceive the distressing suspense in which i have been held, and the inconvenience to which i have been exposed, by remaining on board this small vessel for a period of five months, during all the heat of a mediterranean summer, without exercise or recreation. this situation has been rendered the more unpleasant, as i have had no means to inform myself, except through the public papers, relative to the concern in which we are now engaged. my patience, however, is now worn out, and i have come here to learn whether i am to expect the steam-vessels or not,--whether the scandalous blunders of mr. galloway are to be remedied by those concerned, or if an ill-timed parsimony is to doom greece to inevitable destruction; for such will be the consequence, if ibrahim's resources are not cut up before the period at which it is usual for him to commence operations. you know my opinions so well, that it is unnecessary to repeat them to you. i shall, however, add, that the intelligence and plans i have obtained since my arrival in the mediterranean confirm these opinions, and enable me to predict, with as much certainty as i ever could do on any enterprise, that if the vessels and the means to pay six months' expenses are forwarded, there shall not be a turkish or egyptian ship in the archipelago at the termination of the winter. it may have been expected that i should immediately proceed to greece in this vessel. i might have done so at an earlier period of my life, before i had proved by experience that advice is thrown away upon persons in the situation and circumstances in which the greek rulers and their people are unfortunately placed. having made up my mind on this subject, i must entreat you to let me know by the earliest possible means what i am to expect in regard to the steamships. i see by the 'globe' of the nd of last month that the holders of greek stock were to have a meeting. i conclude they came to some resolution, and this resolution i want to know. i wish i could give them my eyes to see with--they would then pursue a course which would secure their interests. this, however, is impossible; therefore they must, like the greeks, be left to follow their own notions. i have, however, no objections to your stating to these gentlemen, either publicly or privately, that i pledge my reputation to free greece if they will, by the smallest additional sacrifice that may be required, put the stipulated force at my disposal."[a] [footnote a: this letter, like some others of this nature, is partly written in cypher, the key to which is lost. its concluding sentences, therefore, are not given.] at marseilles, lord cochrane received information, disheartening enough, though more encouraging than was justified by the real state of affairs, with reference to his intended fleet. on the th of october he wrote to explain his position, as he himself understood it, to the greek government. "by the most fortunate accident," he said, "i have met mr. hobhouse here, who, from his correspondence with messrs. ricardo and others in london, enables me to state to you that the two large steamboats will be completed on the th day of this month, and that they will proceed on the following day for the _rendezvous_ which i had assigned to them previous to my departure. you may, therefore, count on their being in greece about the th of next month. the american frigate is said to be completed and on her way, and i feel a confident hope that i shall be able here to add a very efficient ship of war to the before-mentioned vessels.[a] it is probable," he added, "that many idle reports will be circulated here and through the public prints, because, under existing circumstances, i find it necessary to appear now as a person travelling about for private amusement. i can assure you, however, that the hundred and sixty days which i have already spent in this small vessel, without ever having my foot on shore till the day before yesterday, has been a sacrifice which i should not have made for any other cause than that in which i am engaged; but i considered it essential to conceal the real insignificance of my situation and allow rumours to circulate of squadrons collecting in various parts, judging that the effect would be to embarrass the operations of the enemy." [footnote a: it should here be explained that the building and fitting out of the two frigates contracted for in new york, at a cost of , _l._, having been assigned to persons whose mismanagement was as scandalous as that which perplexed the greek cause in london, one of them had been sold, and with the proceeds and some other funds the other had been completed and fitted out, more than , _l._ having been spent upon her. she reached greece at the end of , there to be known as the _hellas_.] that concealment had to be maintained, and the wearisome delays continued, for three months more. all the promises of mr. galloway and all the efforts, real or pretended, of the greek deputies in london, were vain. the completion of the steam-vessels was retarded on all sorts of pretexts, and when each little portion of the work was said to be done, it was found to be so badly executed that it had to be cancelled and the whole thing done afresh. in this way all the residue of the loan of was exhausted, and all for worse than nothing. lord cochrane would never have been able to proceed to greece at all, had the greek deputies, orlando and luriottis, who had contracted for his employment, been his only supporters. fortunately, however, he had other and worthier coadjutors. the greek committee in paris did much on his behalf, and yet more was done by the philhellenes of switzerland, with chevalier eynard at their head, of whom one zealous member, dr. l.a. gosse, of geneva, "well-informed, very zealous, full of genuine enthusiasm for the cause of humanity, and an excellent physician," as m. eynard described him, was about to go in person to greece, as administrator of the funds collected by the swiss committee. lord cochrane's disconsolate arrival at marseilles, and the miserable failure of the plans for his enterprise, had not been known to m. eynard and his friends a week, before they set themselves to remedy the mischief as far as lay in their power. as a first and chief movement they proposed to buy a french corvette, then lying in marseilles harbour, and fit her out as a stout auxiliary to lord cochrane's little force expected from london and new york. lord cochrane, being consulted on the scheme, eagerly acceded to it in a letter written on the th of october. "as i have yet no certainty," he said, "that the person employed to fit the machinery of the steam-vessels will now perform his task better than he has heretofore done, i recommend purchasing the corvette, provided that she can be purchased for the sum of , francs, and, if funds are wanting, i personally am willing to advance enough to provision the corvette, and am ready to proceed in that or any fit vessel. but i am quite resolved, without a moral certainty of something following me, not to ruin and disgrace the cause by presenting myself in greece in a schooner of two carronades of the smallest calibre." the corvette was bought and equipped; but in this several weeks were employed. in the interval, for a week or two after the th of december, lord cochrane went to geneva, there to be the guest of chevalier eynard, to be introduced to dr. gosse, and to become personally acquainted with many other philhellenes. neither lord cochrane nor his friends could quite abandon hope of the ultimate completion of the london steam-vessels. they felt, too, that with nothing but the new vessel, the american frigate, and the _perseverance_, lord cochrane would have very poor provision for his undertaking. "i have this moment received a letter from his lordship," wrote m. eynard to mr. hobhouse on the th of january, , "wherein he appears rather disappointed with respect to the scantiness of the forces and the means placed at his disposal. he informs me that he has no officers, few sailors; and that, in case the steamers should not arrive, he will not feel qualified to encounter the turkish and egyptian naval forces, as well as the algerines, who of all are the best manned. 'i therefore shall not be able to undertake anything of moment,' continues his lordship. 'thus to stake my character and existence would be a mere quixotic act. i will put to sea, however, but still with a heavy heart; yet not until i have with me all requisites, and my stores and ammunition be embarked likewise.' discouragement appears throughout his lordship's letter." the discouragement is not to be wondered at. it is hardly necessary, however, to give further illustration of it, or of the troubles incident to this long waiting-time. enough has been said to show lord cochrane's position in relation to this deplorable state of affairs, and to exonerate him from all blame in the matter. that he should have been blamed at all is only part of the wanton injustice that attended him nearly all through his life. he had consented, in the autumn of , to enter the service of the greeks, on the distinct understanding that six english-built steamships should be placed at his disposal, and to facilitate the arrangements he did and bore far more than could have been expected of him. for the delays and disasters that befel those arrangements he was in no way responsible: he was only thereby a very great sufferer. but his sufferings would have been greater, and he would have been really at fault, had he consented to go to greece without any sort of provision, as a few rash friends and many eager enemies desired him to do, and afterwards blamed him for not doing. as it was, he greatly increased his difficulties by at last proceeding to greece with the miserable equipment provided for him. in his little schooner, the _unicorn_, he left marseilles on the th of february, , and proceeded to st. tropezy, where the french corvette, the _sauveur_, was being fitted out under the direction of captain thomas, a brave and energetic officer. thence he set sail, with the two vessels, on the rd of february. he reached poros, and entered upon his service in greek waters, on the th of march. "he had been wandering about the mediterranean in a fine english yacht, purchased for him out of the proceeds of the loan, in order to accelerate his arrival in greece, ever since the month of june, ," says the ablest historian of the greek revolution.[a] the preceding paragraphs will show how much truth is contained in that sarcastic sentence. [footnote a: finlay, vol. ii., p. .] chapter xvi. the progress of affairs in greece.--the siege of missolonghi.--its fall.--the bad government and mismanagement of the greeks.--general ponsonby's account of them.--the effect of lord cochrane's promised assistance.--the fears of the turks, as shown in their correspondence with mr. canning.--the arrival of captain hastings in greece, with the "karteria."--his opinion of greek captains and sailors.--the frigate "hellas."--letters to lord cochrane from admiral miaoulis and the governing commission of greece. [ - .] during the one-and-twenty weary months that elapsed between lord cochrane's acceptance of service in the greek war of independence and his actual participation in the work, the revolution passed through a new and disastrous stage. in the summer of , when the invitation was sent to him, the disorganisation of the greeks and the superior strength of the turks, and yet more of their egyptian and arabian allies under ibrahim pasha, were threatening to undo all that had been achieved in the previous years. one bold stand had begun to be made, in which, throughout nearly a whole year, the greeks fought with unsurpassed heroism, and then the whole struggle for liberty fell into the lawless and disordered condition which already had prevailed in many districts, and which was then to become universal and to offer obstacles too great even for lord cochrane's genius to overcome in his efforts to revive genuine patriotism and to render thoroughly successful the cause that he had espoused. the last great stand was at missolonghi. built on the edge of a marshy plain, bounded on the north by the high hills of zygos and protected on the south by shallow lagoons at the mouth of the gulf of lepanto, and chiefly tenanted by hardy fishermen, this town had been the first in western greece to take part in the revolution. here in june, , nearly all the moslem residents had been slaughtered, the wealthiest and most serviceable only being spared to become the slaves of their christian masters. in the last two months of the ottomans had made a desperate attempt to win back the stronghold; but its inhabitants, led by mavrocordatos, who had lately come to join in the work of regeneration, had resolutely beaten off the invaders and taken revenge upon the few turks still resident among them. "the wife of one of the turkish inhabitants of missolonghi," said an english visitor in , "imploring my pity, begged me to allow her to remain under my roof, in order to shelter her from the brutality and cruelty of the greeks. they had murdered all her relations. a little girl, nine years old, remained to be the only companion of her misery."[a] missolonghi continued to be one of the chief strongholds of independence in continental greece; and, the revolutionists being forced into it by the turks, who scoured the districts north and east of it in and , it became in the latter year the main object of attack and the scene of most desperate resistance. here were concentrated the chief energies of the greek warriors and of their moslem antagonists, and here was exhibited the last and most heroic effort of the patriots, unaided by foreign champions of note, in their long and hard-fought battle for freedom. [footnote a: millingen, "memoirs on the affairs of greece," p. .] reshid pasha, the ablest of the turkish generals, having advanced into the neighbourhood of missolonghi towards the end of april, began to besiege it in good earnest, at the head of an army of some seven or eight thousand picked followers, on the th of may. while he was forming his entrenchments and erecting his batteries, the townsmen, augmented by a number of fierce suliots and others, were strengthening their defences. they increased their ramparts, and organised a garrison of four thousand soldiers and armed peasants, with a thousand citizens and boatmen as auxiliaries. at first the tide of fortune was with them. the turks had to defend themselves as best they could from numerous sorties, well-planned and well-executed, in may and june; and fresh courage came to the greeks with the intelligence that admiral miaoulis was on his way to the port, with as powerful a fleet as he could muster. while he was being expected, however, on the th of july, the turkish capitan pasha of greece arrived with fifty-five vessels. miaoulis, with forty greek sail, made his appearance on the nd of august. thus the naval and military forces of both sides were brought into formidable opposition. at first the greeks triumphed on the sea. in the night of the rd of august, miaoulis, finding that missolonghi was being greatly troubled by the blockade established by the turks, cleverly placed himself to windward of the enemy's line, and at daybreak on the th he dispersed the squadron nearest the shore. at noon the whole turkish force came against him. he met them bravely, but being able to do no more than hold his own by the ordinary method of warfare, he sent three fireships against them in the afternoon. the turks did not wait to be injured by them. they fled at once, going all the way to alexandria in search of safety. miaoulis then lost no time in seconding his first exploit by another. a detachment of the army of eastern greece, under the brave generals karaïskakes and zavellas, having been sent to harass reshid pasha's operations, the admiral assisted them in a successful piece of strategy. the turks were, on the th of august, attacked simultaneously by the ships and by the outlying battalion of greeks, while fifteen hundred of the garrison rushed out upon the invaders. four turkish batteries were seized, and a great number of their defenders were killed and captured; the remainder, after tough fighting during three hours and a half, being driven so far back that much of the besieging work had to be done over again. miaoulis then went in search of the ottoman fleet, leaving the townsmen, who were enabled, by the raising of the blockade, to receive fresh supplies of food, ammunition, and men, to continue their defence with a good heart. reshid pasha vigorously restored his siege operations, but, attempting to force his way into the town on the st of september, was again seriously repulsed. the turks were allowed, and even tempted, to advance to a point which had been skilfully undermined by the besieged. the mine was then fired, and a great number of moslems were blown into the air, while their comrades, fleeing in disorder, were further injured by a storm of shot from the ramparts. a similar device was resorted to, with like success, on the th of october. reshid had to retire to a safe distance and there build winter quarters for his diminished and starving army. karaïskakes and zavellas entered missolonghi without hindrance, there to concert measures which, had they been promptly adopted, might have utterly destroyed the besieging force. they delayed their plans too long. the capitan pasha having in august fled in a cowardly way to alexandria, there effected a junction with the egyptians, and returned to the neighbourhood of missolonghi in the middle of november with a huge fleet of a hundred and thirty-five vessels, well supplied with troops and provisions. these he landed at patras on the th, just in time to be free from any annoyance that might have been occasioned by miaoulis, who returned to missolonghi on the th with a fleet of only thirty-three sail. he had vainly attacked a part of the moslem force on its way, and now, after landing some stores at missolonghi, made several vain attempts to overcome a force four times as strong as his own. he soon retired, intending to return as promptly as he could collect a large fleet and bring with him further supplies of the provisions of which the missolonghites were beginning to be in need. the need was greater even than he imagined. not only had the capitan pasha brought temporary assistance, in men and food, to the besieging force. yet greater assistance soon came in the shape of an egyptian army, led by ibrahim pasha himself. an overwhelming power was thus organized during the last weeks of , and the defenders of missolonghi were left to succumb to it, almost unaided. their previous successes had induced the greeks of other districts to believe that they could continue their defence alone, and almost the only relief obtained by them was from the zantiots, who had all along been zealous in the despatch of money and provisions, and from miaoulis and the small fleet and equipment that he was able to collect from the islands of the archipelago. miaoulis returned in january, , and did much injury to the turkish and egyptian vessels. but he could offer no hindrance to the action of the turks and egyptians upon land. the rainy months of december and january, in which no important attack could be entered upon, were spent by ibrahim and his companions in preparation for future work. the invaders were now well provided with every requisite. the besieged were in want of nearly everything. "invested for ten months," says the contemporary historian, "frequently on the verge of starvation, thinned by fatigue, watching, and wounds, they had already buried fifteen hundred soldiers. the town was in ruins, and they lived amongst the mire and water of their ditches, exposed to the inclemency of a rigorous season, without shoes and in tattered clothing. as far as their vision stretched over the waves they beheld only turkish flags. the plain was studded with mussulman tents and standards; and the gradual appearance of new batteries more skilfully disposed, the field days of the arabs, and the noise of saws and hammers, gave fearful warning. yet these gallant acarnanians, etolians, and epirots never flinched for an instant."[a] [footnote a: gordon, vol. ii., p. .] on the th of january, ibrahim pasha sent to say that he was willing to treat with them for an honourable surrender if they would convey their terms by deputies who could speak albanian, turkish, and french. "we are illiterate, and do not understand so many languages," was their blunt reply; "pashas we do not recognize; but we know how to handle the sword and gun."[a] [footnote a: ibid.] sword and gun were handled with desperate prowess during february and march and the early part of april. in april, offers of capitulation were renewed by ibrahim, and more disinterested attempts to avert the worst calamity were made by sir frederick adam, the lord high commissioner of the ionian islands. both proposals were stoutly rejected. the missolonghiotes declared that they would defend their town to the last, and trust only in god and in their own strong arms. but on the st of april the last scanty distribution of public rations was exhausted. for three weeks the inhabitants subsisted upon nothing but cats, rats, hides, seaweed, and whatever other refuse and vermin they could collect. at length, on the nd of april, finding it impossible to hold out for a day longer, they resolved to evacuate the town in a body, and, cutting their way through the enemy, to try to join karaïskakes and his small force, who, hiding among the mountain fastnesses, were vainly seeking for some way of assisting them, and to whom they now despatched a message, asking them to advance and help to clear a passage for their flight. after sunset four bridges of planks were secretly laid over the outer ditch of missolonghi, and the inhabitants were ordered to prepare to leave in two hours. many--about two thousand--lost heart at last; some betaking themselves to the powder stores, there, when all hope was over, to end their lives by easier death than the enemy might allow them; others, crouching in corners of their homesteads, deeming it better to be murdered there than in the open country. the rest obeyed the orders of the generals. all the women dressed themselves as men, with swords or daggers at their waists. every child who could hold a weapon had one placed in his hand. there was bitter leave-taking, and desperate words of encouragement passed from one to another, as the patriots were marshalled in the order of their departure;--three thousand fighting men to open a passage and four thousand women and children to follow;--the whole being divided into three separate parties. at length all was ready, and the first party silently passed out of the town and advanced to the bridges. to their amazement, they no sooner appeared than they were met by volley after volley of turkish fire. a traitor had revealed their plan, and every measure had been taken for their destruction. some rushed on in despite; others hurried back, to fall into confusion, which it was hard indeed to overcome. they felt, however, that this deadly chance was their only chance of life, and they pressed on through the fire, and the swords of their foes, and by the sheer heroism of despair forced a passage to the mountains. karaiskakes's aid--apparently through no fault of his--was only obtained when the worst dangers had been surmounted or succumbed to. of the nine thousand persons who were in missolonghi on the day of the evacuation, four thousand were killed in the town or on the way out of it. only thirteen hundred men and two hundred women and children lived to reach salona after more than a week of wandering and hiding among the mountains. the long siege of missolonghi illustrates all the best and some of the worst features of the greek revolution. in it there was patriotism worthy, in its bursts of splendour, of the nation that claimed descent from the heroes of plataea and thermopylae. but the patriotism was often fitful in its working, and oftener wholly wanting. the greeks could not shake off the pernicious influences that sprang, almost necessarily, from their long centuries of thraldom. heroism was closely linked with treachery and meanness. the worthiest and most disinterested energy was intimately associated with ignorance as to the right methods of action, and with wilful action in wrong ways. the elements of weakness that had been apparent from the first were more and more developed as the painful struggle reached its termination. it seems as if, in spite of reshid pasha and ibrahim and their fierce armies, it would have been easy for missolonghi and its brave defenders to have been saved. but rival ambitions and paltry jealousies divided the leaders of the revolution. they were quarrelling while the power that each one coveted for himself was, step by step, being wrested from them all; and when they tried to do well their want of discipline often rendered their efforts of small avail. no adequate attempt was made to relieve missolonghi by land, and the brave conduct of miaoulis on the sea was almost neutralized by the disorganization of his crews and the selfish policy of the islanders who sent him out. "with respect to the greek army," wrote general ponsonby to the duke of wellington, from corfu, on the th of june, "it is, generally speaking, a mob; and a chief can only calculate upon keeping it together as long as he has provisions to give it or the prospect of plunder without danger. there is nothing to oppose the egyptian army but a mob kept together by the small sums sent by the different committees in foreign countries. the greeks have a great horror of the bayonet, which, however, they have never seen near, except at missolonghi. the suliots, who chiefly formed the garrison of that place, are fine men, and certainly fought with great courage. much has been said of naval actions, but there is no truth in any of the accounts. the greeks are better sailors than the turks, but no action has been fought since the beginning of the war, if it is understood by action that there is risk and loss on both sides. the greeks, however, have done wonders with their fleet. they have destroyed many large ships, and, in the month of february last, with twenty-three brigs, they out-manoeuvred the turkish fleet of sixty sail, and threw provisions into missolonghi. this, though done by seamanship, and not fighting, was called a great battle and a great victory. i was within two miles of the fleets, and the cannonade for six hours was tremendous; but when i spoke to miaoulis the following morning he told me he had not lost a man in his fleet."[a] [footnote a: "despatches of the duke of wellington," vol. iii., p. .] during the summer and winter following the fall of missolonghi a series of small disasters, the aggregate of which was by no means small, befel the greeks. it was the opinion of all parties, and admitted even by jealous rivals, that the tottering cause of independence was only sustained by the constant and eager expectation of the arrival of the powerful fleet which was supposed to be on its way to the archipelago, under the able leadership of lord cochrane, the world-famous champion of chilian and brazilian freedom. his approach was hardly more a cause of hope to the greeks than a subject of fear to the turks. no sooner was it publicly known that he had espoused the cause of the insurgents than angry complaints were made by the turkish government to the british ministry, and mr. canning, then foreign secretary, had more than once to avow that the authorities in england knew nothing of his movements, and had done all that the law rendered possible to restrain him. he had also to promise that everything legal should be done to keep him in check on his arrival in greek waters. "we have heard," he wrote in august to his cousin, mr. stratford canning, afterwards lord stratford de redcliffe, the ambassador at constantinople, "that lord cochrane is gone to the mediterranean; whether it be really so, we know not." he then proceeded to define the bearing of english and international law in the existing circumstances. "lord cochrane may enter the greek service, and continue therein. he may even, as a greek commander, institute (as he did in brazil) blockades which british officers will respect, and exercise the belligerent rights of search on british merchant-ships, without exposing himself to any other penalty than that which the law will inflict upon him if ever hereafter he shall again bring himself within its reach, and be duly convicted of the offence for the punishment of which that law was enacted. if, indeed, he should do any of such things without a commission he would become a pirate, and liable to the summary justice to which, without reference to the municipal laws of his country, he would, as an enemy of the human race, be liable; and liable just as much from the officers of any other country as of his own."[a] [footnote a: "despatches of the duke of wellington," vol. iii., pp. , .] while that correspondence was going on, lord cochrane, as we have seen, was battling with a long series of delays, as irksome to himself as they were unfortunate to the greeks. it was not till the th of september, about eight months after the time fixed for the arrival of his whole fleet, that the first instalment of it, the _perseverance_, which he had sent on as soon as it was completed, with captain abney hastings as its commander, entered the harbour of nauplia. on the th of october, captain hastings wrote a letter, giving curious evidence of the estimate formed by him of the greek character. it was left at nauplia and addressed to "the commander of the first american or english vessel that arrives in greece to join the greeks." "an apprenticeship in greece tolerably long," he wrote, "has taught me the risks to which anybody newly arrived, and possessed of some place and power, is exposed. they know me, and they also know that i know them; yet they have not ceased, and never will cease, intriguing to get this vessel out of my hands and into their own, which would be tantamount to ruining her. knowing all this, i take the liberty of leaving this letter, to be delivered to the first officer that arrives in greece in the command of a vessel, to caution him not to receive on board his vessel any greek captain. they will endeavour, under various pretences, to introduce themselves on board, and when once they have got a footing, they will gradually encroach until they feel themselves strong enough to turn out the original commander. the presence of such men can only be attended with inconvenience, for, if you are obliged to take a certain number of greek sailors, these captains will render subordination among them impossible by their own irregularity and bad example. if you want seamen, take some from hydra, spetzas, kranidi, or poros. the psarians may be trusted in very small numbers. take a few men from one, a few from another island, and thus you will be best enabled to establish some kind of discipline. take a good number of marines. choose them from the peasantry and foreign greeks, and you may make something of them. you must see, sir, that, in this my advice to the first officer arriving in command of a vessel, i can have no interest any further than inasmuch as i wish well to the greek cause, and therefore do not wish to see a force that can be of great service rendered ineffective by falling into the hands of people totally incapable and unwilling to adopt a single right measure. in greece there cannot be any military operations except such as are carried on by foreigners in their service." that letter was written after captain hastings had endured a month's annoyance from the trouble brought upon him by the hydriot officers and seamen who tried to oust him from the command of his fine vessel, whose name was now changed from the _perseverance_ to the _karteria_. unfortunately, his letter, left at nauplia, did not reach the captain of the next reinforcement, the american frigate, which arrived at egina on the th of december. "she was one of the finest ships in the world," we are told, "carrying sixty-four guns--long -pounders on the main, and -pound carronades on the upper deck--and was filled with flour, ammunition, medicines, and marine stores for eighteen months' consumption. the greeks contemplated her with delight, but, upon the departure of the american officers and seamen who navigated her out, they discovered that she would be more embarrassing than useful to them. to manage vessels of such a size was beyond their capacity, and the mutual jealousy of the islanders suggested to the government the absurd notion of putting the frigate into commission, hydra, spetzas, and the psarian community being desired to send quotas of men. this plan was now found to be impracticable. repeated fights occurred on board. the ship was twice in danger of being wrecked at egina, and at poros she actually drifted ashore, luckily on soft mud. she was finally given up to miaoulis, with a hydriot crew of his own selection."[a] [footnote a: gordon, vol. ii., p. .] this frigate, christened the _hellas_, came too late to be of much service to admiral miaoulis, before the arrival of lord cochrane. in the previous summer and autumn, however, he had been harassing and keeping at bay the turkish and egyptian fleets--work in which hastings was in time to assist him. andreas miaoulis, one of the least obtrusive, was almost the worthiest of all the greek patriots. during five years he had never ceased to do the best that it was possible for him to do with the bad materials at his disposal. when the greek revolution was at its height, he had contributed largely to its success; and in the ensuing years of disaster upon land, he had maintained its dignity on the sea by offering bold resistance to the great naval power of the combined turkish and egyptian fleets. no better proof of his patriotism could be given than in the zeal with which he surrendered to lord cochrane the leadership of the fleet which had devolved upon him for so long and been so ably conducted by him. "i received four days ago," he wrote from poros on the rd of february, , "your amiable letter of the th of last month, and my great satisfaction at the announcement of your approaching arrival in greece is joined with a special pleasure at the honour you do me in associating me with your important operations. i shall be happy, my admiral, if, in serving you, i can do my duty. i await you with impatience." just a month before that, on the rd of january, a like letter of congratulation was addressed to lord cochrane from egina by the governing commission of greece. "the intelligence of your speedy coming to greece," they said, "has awakened the liveliest joy and satisfaction, and has already begun to rekindle in the hearts of the greeks that enthusiasm which is the most powerful weapon and the surest support of a nation that has devoted itself to the recovery of its most sacred rights. the government of greece is waiting with the utmost impatience for the most zealous defender of the nation's liberty. it hopes to see you in its midst as soon as possible after your arrival at hydra, and then to make you acquainted with the actual state of greece, and to furnish you with all the means in its power for the achievement of the grand results proposed by your lordship." the letter was signed by andreas zaimes, as president of the commission, and by seven of its members, among whom were mavromichales, or petro-bey, who, with zaimes and two others, represented the morea, spiridion trikoupes, the deputy for roumelia, zamados from hydra, monarchides from psara, and demetrakopoulos from the islands of the egean sea. by the same body was issued, on the st of february, a preliminary commission, intended to protect him in case of any opposition being raised to his progress by the authorities of other nations. "the governing commission of greece," it was written, "makes known that admiral lord cochrane is recognised as being in the service of greece, and accordingly has the permission of the government to hoist the greek flag on all the vessels that are under his command. he has power, also, to fight the enemies of greece to the utmost of his power. therefore the officers of neutral powers, being informed of this, are implored, not only to offer no opposition to his movements, but also, if necessary, to supply him with any assistance he may require, seeing that it is our custom to do the same to all friendly nations." armed with this document, and provided with the necessary means by the philhellenes of england, france, and switzerland, lord cochrane proceeded from marseilles to greece. appendix. i. (page .) the following "resumé of the services of the late earl of dundonald, none of which have been requited or officially recognized," was written by his son, one of the authors of the present work, and printed for private circulation in . . the destruction of three heavily-armed french corvettes, near the mouth of the garonne, the crew of lord cochrane's frigate, _pallas_, being at the time, with the exception of forty men, engaged in cutting out the _tapageuse_, lying under the protection of two batteries thirty miles up the river, in which operation they were also successful, four ships of war being thus captured or destroyed in a single day. for these services lord cochrane obtained nothing but his share of the _tapageuse_, sold by auction for a trifling sum, the government refusing to purchase her as a ship of war, though of admirable build and construction. contrary to the usual rule, no ship ever taken by lord cochrane, throughout his whole career, was ever allowed to be bought into the navy. for the corvettes, which lord cochrane destroyed with so small a crew, he never received reward or thanks, the alleged reason being, that, having become wrecks, they were not in existence, and therefore could not have value attached to them. this decision of the admiralty was contrary to custom, as admitted to the present day. in the late russian war a gunboat of the enemy having been driven on shore and wrecked, compensation is said to have been awarded to the officers and crew of the british vessel which drove her on shore. the importance of wrecking a gunboat, in comparison with the destruction of three fast-sailing ships, which were picking up our merchantmen, in all directions, needs no comment. . lord cochrane's services on the coast of catalonia, of which lord collingwood, then commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, testified of his lordship to the admiralty that by his energy and foresight he had, with a single frigate, stopped a french army from occupying eastern spain. the services by which this was effected were as follows:--preventing the reinforcement of the french garrison in barcelona, by harassing the newly-arrived troops in their march along the coast, and organising and assisting the spanish militia to oppose their progress, lord cochrane himself capturing one of their forts on shore, and taking the garrison prisoners. on the approach of a powerful french _corps d'armée_ towards barcelona, lord cochrane blew up the roads along the coast, and taught the spanish peasantry how to do so inland. by blowing up the cliff roads, near mongat, lord cochrane interposed an insurmountable obstacle between the army and its artillery, capturing and throwing into the sea a considerable number of field-pieces, so that the operations of the french were rendered nugatory. for these services, lord cochrane, notwithstanding the strong representations of lord collingwood to the board of admiralty, neither received thanks nor reward of any kind; notwithstanding that whilst so engaged, and that voluntarily, in successfully accomplishing the work of an army, he patriotically gave up all chances of prize money, though easily to be obtained by cruising after the enemy's vessels. in place of this, he neither searched for nor captured a single prize, whilst engaged in harassing the french army on shore, devoting his whole energies towards the enterprise which he considered most conducive to the interests of his country. . having effected his object, lord cochrane sailed for the gulf of lyons, with the intention of cutting off the enemy's shore communications. this he accomplished by destroying their signal stations, telegraphs, and shore batteries along nearly the whole coast, navigating his frigate with perfect safety throughout this proverbially perilous part of the mediterranean. in order further to paralyse the enemy's movements, lord cochrane made a practice of burning paper near the demolished stations, so as to deceive the french into the belief that he had burned their signal books; he rightly judging that from this circumstance they might not deem it necessary to alter their code of signals. the ruse succeeded, and, transmitting the signal books to lord collingwood, then watching the enemy's preparations in toulon, the commander-in-chief was thus fully apprised, by the enemy's signals, not only of all their naval movements, but also of the position and movements of all british ships of war on the french coast. lord cochrane's single frigate thus performed the work of many vessels of observation, and lord collingwood testified of him to the admiralty that "his resources seemed to have no end." notwithstanding this testimony from his commander-in-chief, lord cochrane neither received reward nor thanks for the service rendered. . on his return to the spanish coast, lord cochrane found the french besieging rosas, the spaniards maintaining possession of the citadel, whilst fort trinidad had just been evacuated by the british officer who had been co-operating with the spaniards in the larger fortress. lord cochrane, believing that if fort trinidad were held till reinforcements arrived, the french must be compelled to raise the siege of rosas, persuaded the spanish governor not to surrender, as he was about to do, on its evacuation by the british officer aforesaid, and threw himself into the fort with a detachment from the seamen and marines of the _impérieuse_, with which frigate he maintained uninterrupted communication, in spite of the enemy, who, on ascertaining it to be lord cochrane who was keeping them at bay, redoubled their efforts to capture the fort, the gallant defence of which is amongst the most remarkable events of naval warfare. lord cochrane held fort trinidad till, the spaniards surrendering the citadel, he would not allow his men to run further risk in their behalf, and withdrew the seamen and marines in safety. for this remarkable exploit lord cochrane, though himself severely wounded, neither received reward nor thanks, except from lord collingwood, who again, without effect, warmly applauded his gallantry to the admiralty. . immediately on his arrival at plymouth, on leave of absence in consequence of ill health from his extraordinary exertions, lord cochrane was immediately summoned by the admiralty to whitehall, and asked for a plan whereby the french fleet in basque roads, then threatening our west india possessions, might be destroyed at one blow; this extraordinary request from a junior captain, after the most experienced officers in the navy had pronounced its impracticability, forcibly proving the very high opinion entertained by the admiralty of lord cochrane's skill and resources. he gave in a plan, and was ordered to execute it, which order he reluctantly obeyed, having done all in his power to decline an invidious command, for fear of arousing the jealousy of officers to whom he was junior in the service. what followed is matter of history, and needs not to be recapitulated. yet for the destruction of that powerful armament he neither received reward nor thanks from the admiralty, though rewarded by his sovereign with the highest order of the bath, a distinction which marked his majesty's sense of the important service rendered. nine years afterwards head money was awarded to the whole fleet, of which only the vessels directed by lord cochrane and a few sent afterwards, when too late for effective measures, took part in the action. the alleged reason of this award was that the _calcutta_, one of the ships driven ashore by lord cochrane, did not surrender to him, but to ships sent to his assistance. this was not true, though after protracted deliberation so ruled by the admiralty court, and officers now living and present in the action have recently come forward to testify to the ship being in lord cochrane's possession before the arrival of the ships which subsequently came to his assistance. a small sum was therefore only awarded to him as a junior captain, in common with those who had been spectators only, and this he declined to receive. such was his recompense for a service to the high merit of which napoleon himself afterwards testified in the warmest manner; and it may be mentioned as a further testimony that a french court martial shot captain lafont, the commander of the _calcutta_, because he surrendered to a vessel of inferior power, viz., lord cochrane's frigate, the _impérieuse_ of forty-four guns, the _calcutta_ carrying sixty guns.[a] [footnote a: captain lafont was shot on board the _ocean_, on september , , _for surrendering the calcutta to a ship of inferior force_, thus proving that she surrendered to lord cochrane alone, though sir william scott ruled in opposition to the facts adopted by the french court martial, which condemned captain lafont to death for the act. the surrender to lord cochrane alone is further proved by the additional fact, that the captains of the _ville de varsovie_ and _aquilon_, which _did_ surrender to the other ships in conjunction with lord cochrane's frigate, were not even accused, much less punished for so doing.] the exploits of lord cochrane in the _speedy_ and _pallas_ are too well known in naval history to require recapitulation, and of these it may be said that the numerous prizes captured by these vessels constituted their own reward. it may here be mentioned in confirmation of what has previously been said, that the _gamo_, a magnificent xebeque frigate of thirty-two guns, was not allowed to be bought into the navy, but was sold for a small sum to one of the piratical barbary states, notwithstanding that lord cochrane had said that if he were allowed to have her in place of the _speedy_, then in a very dilapidated condition, he would sweep the mediterranean of the enemy's cruisers and privateers. his capacity so to do may be judged from what he effected with the _speedy_, mounting only fourteen -pounders. with regard to the services previously enumerated, the case is different, notwithstanding their national importance in comparison with his minor acts, which may be classed as brilliant exploits only. but that no reward should have been conferred for doing effectively the work of an army, and that without the cost of a shilling to the nation beyond the ordinary expenditure of a small frigate, necessary to be disbursed whether she performed any effective service or not, is a neglect which, unless repaired in the persons of his successors, will for ever remain a blot on the british government. still more so will the worse neglect of not having in any way rewarded him for the destruction of the french fleet in basque roads, for though only four ships were destroyed at the moment, the whole fleet of the enemy was so damaged by having been driven on shore from terror of the explosive vessel, fired with lord cochrane's own hand, that it eventually became a wreck; and thus our west india commerce, then the most important branch of national export and import, was in a month after lord cochrane's arrival from the mediterranean relieved from the panic which paralysed it, and restored to its wonted security;--a service which can only be estimated by the gloom and panic which had previously pervaded the whole country. were reference made to the pension list, and note taken of the pensions granted to other officers and their successors for services which in point of national importance do not admit of comparison with those of lord cochrane, the present generation would be surprised at the national ingratitude manifested towards one, who, in his great exploits, had so patriotically sacrificed every consideration of private interest to his country's service. his cruise in the _impérieuse_, which has no parallel in naval history, procured for lord cochrane nothing whatever but shattered health from the incessant anxiety and exertion he had undergone in the profitless but high-minded course he adopted to thwart the french in their attempts to establish a permanent footing in eastern spain. his exploits in basque roads procured him nothing but absolute ruin; for, from his refusal as a member of parliament to acquiesce in a vote of thanks to lord gambier, even though the same thanks were promised to himself, may be dated that active political persecution which commenced by depriving him of further naval employment and did not cease till it had accomplished his utter ruin, even to striking his name out of the _navy list_. the animosity of this political partisanship towards one who had effected so much for his country is an anomaly even in political history. that amended representation of the people in parliament, for which he strove up to , had only fourteen years afterwards become the law of the land, and the boast of some who had persecuted lord cochrane for no offence beyond having been amongst the first to give expression to the popular will subsequently adopted by themselves. the efforts of lord cochrane in favour of reforming the abuses of the navy and of greenwich hospital, which at that time brought upon him the wrath of the administration, are at this moment seriously engaging the attention of parliament, as being of paramount national necessity. the doctrine then openly laid down, that no naval officer in parliament had a right to interfere with naval administration, has long been abrogated, and many of the brightest ornaments of the navy are now amongst the foremost to denounce naval abuses in the house of commons. it is, in fact, to them that the country now looks for that vigilance which shall preserve the navy in a proper state of efficiency. yet for these very things was lord cochrane persecuted, though modern governments, which have been liberal enough to acquiesce in popular reforms, of which he was the early advocate, have not been liberal enough to make him amends for the wrongs he suffered as one of the indefatigable originators of their now-cherished measures. still less have they deemed it inconsistent with the honour of this great country to refrain from rewarding him in the ordinary manner for his most important services, rendered when others shrank from them, as was the case at basque roads, where his plans, declined by his seniors in the service, were successfully executed by himself under the greatest possible discouragement and disadvantage. but the injustice manifested towards the late earl of dundonald did not end here. driven from the service of his own country, and without fortune, he was compelled by his necessities to embark in the service of foreign states. with his own hand, directed by his own genius, which had to supply the place of adequate naval force, he liberated chili, peru, and brazil from thraldom, consolidating the rebellious provinces of the latter empire on so permanent a basis, that its internal peace has never again been disturbed. yet not one of these states has to this day satisfied the stipulated and indisputable arrangements by which he was induced to espouse their cause; the reason of their breach of contract being distinctly traceable to the course pursued towards lord dundonald in england. seeing that the british government paid no attention to the yet more important claims he had upon its gratitude, the south american states believed that they might with impunity disregard their own stipulations, and the dictates of national honour; the chief of one of them having had the audacity to tell lord cochrane that he would find no sympathy in the british government. three of the most distinguished officers in the british service, sir thomas hastings, sir john burgoyne, and colonel colquhoun, have felt it their duty, when officially reporting on the efficacy of lord dundonald's war plans, to give him the highest credit for having kept his secret "_under peculiarly trying circumstances_," and from pure love of his native country. the "trying circumstances" were these,--that he had been driven from the service of that country by the machinations of a political faction, which, in the conscientious performance of his parliamentary duties, he had offended. even this injury, which blasted his whole life and prospects, did not detract one _iota_ from the love of country, which to the day of his death was with him a passion; his acute mind well knowing how to draw the distinction between his country and those who were sacrificing its best interests to their love of power, if not to less worthy purposes. never was praise more honourably given, than in the ordnance report of the above-named distinguished officers, and never was it more nobly deserved. another "peculiarly trying circumstance" alluded to by those officers, was that, when compelled by actual pecuniary necessity, in consequence of the deprivation of his rank and pay, and the demands of increasing family, to accept service under a foreign state as his only means of subsistence, he lay before the castles of callao, into which had been removed for security the whole wealth of the rich capital of peru, including bullion and plate, estimated at upwards of a million sterling, he preserved his war secret, though strongly urged to put it in execution. had he listened to the temptation, in six hours the whole of that wealth must have been in his possession. for not listening to it, he incurred the enmity of his employers, who urged that they were entitled to all his professional skill and knowledge, as a part of his bargain with them; and his non-compliance with their wishes is doubtless amongst the chief reasons why they have not, to this day, satisfied their own offered stipulations for his services. yet, at the very moment when he was displaying this self-sacrificing patriotism, lest his country might suffer from his secret being divulged, the government of great britain had, at the suggestion of the spanish government, passed a "foreign enlistment act," with the express intention of enveloping him in its meshes.[a] [footnote a: on lord cochrane's return from brazil, having occasion to go before the attorney-general, on the subject of a patent, that learned functionary rudely asked him, "_whether he was not afraid to appear in his presence?_" lord cochrane's reply was, "_no, nor in the presence of any man living_." evidence exists that the attorney-general asked the ministry if he should prosecute lord cochrane under the foreign enlistment act, the reply being in the negative.] ii. (page .) as a striking instance of lord cochrane's method of exposing naval abuses, part of a speech delivered by him in the house of commons, on the th of may, , is here copied from his "autobiography," vol. ii. pp. - . an admiral, worn out in the service, is superannuated at _l._. a year, a captain at _l._., a clerk of the ticket office retires on _l._. a year! the widow of admiral sir andrew mitchell has one third of the allowance given to the widow of a commissioner of the navy. i will give the house another instance. four daughters of the gallant captain courtenay have l. s. each, the daughter of admiral sir andrew mitchell has l., two daughters of admiral epworth have l. each, the daughter of admiral keppel l., the daughter of captain mann, who was killed in action, l., four children of admiral moriarty l. each. that is--thirteen daughters of admirals and captains, several of whose fathers fell in the service of their country, receive from the gratitude of the nation a sum less than dame mary saxton, the widow of a commissioner. the pension list is not formed on any comparative rank or merit, length of service, or other rational principle, but appears to me to be dependent on parliamentary influence alone. lieutenant ellison, who lost his arm, is allowed l. s., captain johnstone, who lost his arm, has only l. s. d., lieutenant arden, who lost his arm, has l. s., lieutenant campbell, who lost his leg, _l._., and poor lieutenant chambers, who lost both his legs, has only _l._., whilst sir a.s. hamond retires on _l._. per annum. the brave sir samuel hood, who lost his arm, has only _l._., whilst the late secretary of the admiralty retires, in full health, on a pension of _l._. per annum. to speak less in detail, flag officers, captains, lieutenants, masters, surgeons, pursers, boatswains, gunners, carpenters, and cooks, in all persons, cost the country l. less than the nett proceeds of the sinecures of lords arden ( , _l._), camden ( , _l._), and buckingham ( , _l._). all the superannuated admirals, captains, and lieutenants put together, have but l. more than earl camden's sinecure alone! all that is paid to the wounded officers of the whole british navy, and to the wives and children of those dead or killed in action, do not amount by l. to as much as lord arden's sinecure alone, viz. , _l._. what is paid to the mutilated officers themselves is but half as much. is this justice? is this the treatment which the officers of the navy deserve at the hands of those who call themselves his majesty's government? does the country know of this injustice? will this too be defended? if i express myself with warmth i trust in the indulgence of the house. i cannot suppress my feelings. should commissioners, commissioners' wives, and clerks have l. more amongst them than all the wounded officers of the navy of england? i find upon examination that the wellesleys receive from the public , _l._, a sum equal to pairs of lieutenants' legs, calculated at the rate of allowance of lieutenant chambers's legs. calculating for the pension of captain johnstone's arm, viz. l., lord arden's sinecure is equal to the value of captains' arms. the marquis of buckingham's sinecure alone will maintain the whole ordinary establishment of the victualling department at chatham, dover, gibraltar, sheerness, downs, heligoland, cork, malta, mediterranean, cape of good hope, rio de janeiro, and leave _l._ in the treasury. two of these comfortable sinecures would victual the officers and men serving in all the ships in ordinary in great britain, viz. sail of the line, frigates, sloops, and hulks. three of them would maintain the dockyard establishments at portsmouth and plymouth. the addition of a few more would amount to as much as the whole ordinary establishments of the royal dockyards at chatham, woolwich, deptford, and sheerness; whilst the sinecures and offices executed wholly by deputy would more than maintain the ordinary establishment of all the royal dockyards in the kingdom. even mr. ponsonby, who lately made so pathetic an appeal to the good sense of the people of england against those whom he was pleased to term demagogues, actually receives, for having been thirteen months in office, a sum equal to nine admirals who have spent their lives in the service of their country; three times as much as all the pensions given to all the daughters and children of all the admirals, captains, lieutenants, and other officers who have died in indigent circumstances, or who have been killed in the service. iii. (page .) the following letter, too long to be quoted in the body of the work, but too important to be omitted, was addressed by lord cochrane to the brazilian secretary of state. it gives memorable evidence of the treatment to which he was subjected by the portuguese faction in brazil. rio de janeiro, may rd, . most excellent sir, i have received the honour of your excellency's reply to my letter of the th of march, and as i am thereby taught that the subjects on which i wrote are not now considered so intimately connected with your excellency's department as they were by your immediate predecessor, nor even so far relevant as to justify a direct communication to your excellency, i should feel it my duty to avoid troubling you farther on those subjects, were it not that you at the same time have freely expressed such opinions with respect to my conduct and motives as justice to myself requires me to controvert and refute. with regard to your excellency's assurance that it has ever been the intention of his imperial majesty and council to act favourably towards me, i can in return assure your excellency that i have never doubted the just and benign intention of his imperial majesty himself, neither have i doubted that a part of his privy council has thought well of my services; and if i have imagined that a majority has been prejudiced against me, i have formed that conclusion merely from the effects which i have seen and experienced, and not from any undue prepossession against particular individuals, whether brazilian or portuguese. but when your excellency adds that those transactions between the late minister and myself, which, owing to their having been conducted verbally, have been ill-understood, have invariably been decided in a manner favourable to me, i confess myself at a loss to understand your excellency's meaning, not having any recollection of such favourable decisions, and therefore not feeling myself competent either to admit or deny unless in the first place your excellency shall be pleased to descend to particulars. i do indeed recollect that the late ministers, professing to have the authority of his imperial majesty, and which, from the personal countenance i have experienced from that august personage, i am sure they did not clandestinely assume, proffered to me the command of the imperial squadron, with every privilege, emolument, and advantage which i possessed in the command of the navy of chili; and this, your excellency is desired to observe, was not a verbal transaction, but a written one, and therefore not liable to any of those misunderstandings to which verbal transactions, as your excellency observes, are naturally subject. now, in chili my commission was that of commander-in-chief of the squadron, without limitation as to time or any other restriction. my command, of course, was only to cease by my own voluntary resignation, or by sentence of court-martial, or by death, or other uncontrollable event. and accordingly the appointment which i accepted in the service of his imperial majesty, and in virtue of which i sailed in command of the expedition to bahia, was that of commander-in-chief of the whole squadron, without limitation as to time or otherwise; and this, too, your excellency will be pleased to observe, was not a verbal transaction, but a solemn engagement in writing, bearing date the th day of march, , and now in my possession. i had also the assurance in writing of the minister of marine, that the formalities of engrossment and registration of such appointment were only deferred from want of time, and should be executed immediately after my return. and now i most respectfully put it home to your excellency whether these engagements have or have not been fully confirmed and complied with under the present administration. i ask your excellency whether the patent which i received, bearing date the th november, , did not contain a clause of limitation by which i might at any time be dismissed from the service under any pretence or without any pretence whatever--without even the form of a hearing in my own defence. then again i ask your excellency whether my office as commander-in-chief of the squadron was not reduced for a period of three months--as appears by every official communication of the minister of marine to me during that period--to the command only of the vessels of war anchored in this port?[a] and further on this subject i ask your excellency whether after my repeated remonstrances against this injurious limitation of my stipulated authority, it was not pretended by the decree published in the gazette of the th february, that i was then for the first time, as a mark of special favour, elevated to the rank of commander-in-chief of the squadron, and that too during the period only of the existing war: although nothing less than the chief command had been offered to me at the first, without any restriction as to time, and although it was only in that capacity i had consented to enter into the service, and under a written appointment as such i had then been in the service nearly twelve months. and then i ask your excellency whether the limitation introduced into the patent of the th of november last, in violation of the original agreement, and confirmed and defined by the decree published on the th of february following; to which may be added the communication which i received from your excellency, excluding me from taking the oath, and becoming a party to the constitution, the th article of which provides for the protection of officers until lawfully deprived by sentence of court-martial; i say that i respectfully ask your excellency whether these proceedings were not well adapted for the purpose of casting me off with the utmost facility at the earliest moment that convenience might dictate; either with or without the admission of those claims for the future to which past services are usually considered entitled, as might best suit the inclination of those with whom my dismissal might originate. and is it not most probable that their inclination would run counter to those claims, especially when it is considered that my letter of the th of march to the minister of marine, in which i made the inquiry whether my right to half-pay would be recognized on the termination of the war, has never been answered, although my application for a reply has been repeated?[b] if then the explicit engagements in writing between the late minister of his imperial majesty and myself have, as i have shown, been set aside by the present ministry and council, and other arrangements far less favourable to me, and destructive of the lawful security of my present and future rights, have without my consent been substituted in their stead, where, i entreat your excellency, am i to look for those favourable constructions of "ill-understood verbal transactions," which your excellency requires me to accept as a proof that the intentions of the present ministry and council, in respect to me, have ever been of the most favourable and obliging nature? [footnote a: this was resorted to, in order to prevent lord cochrane from stationing the cruisers to annoy the enemy, to deprive him of any interest in future captures, and prevent his opposition to the unlawful restoration of enemy's property.] [footnote b: an answer was at last given, a few days before lord cochrane's assistance was called for to put down the revolution at pernambuco; and _half_ of the originally-granted _half-pay_ was decreed when he should return, after the termination of hostilities, to his native country.] i would beg permission, too, to inquire how it happened that portarias[a] from the minister of marine, charging me unjustly from time to time with neglecting to obey the command of his imperial majesty, were constantly made public, while my answers in refutation were always suppressed. and why, when i remonstrated against this injustice, was i answered that the same course should be persisted in, and that i had no alternative but to acquiesce, or to descend to a newspaper controversy by publishing my exculpations myself? is it possible not to perceive that the _ex parte_ publication of these accusatory portarias was intended to lower me in the public estimation, and to prepare the way for the exercise of that power of summary dismissal which was so unfairly acquired by the means above described? [footnote a: official communications.] on the subject of the prizes your excellency is pleased to state: "les difficultés survenues dans le jugement des prizes ont eu des motifs si connus et positifs qu'il est assez doloureux de les voir attribuir à la mauvaise volonté du conseil de s.m.i." to this i reply that i know of no just cause for the delay which has arisen in the decision of the prizes, and consequently i have a right to impute blame for that delay to those who have the power to cause it or remove it. if the majority of the voices in council had been for a prompt condemnation to the captors of the prizes taken from the portuguese nation, is it possible that individuals of that nation would be suffered to continue to be the judges of those prizes after an experience of many months has demonstrated either their determination to do nothing, or nothing favourable to the captors? the repugnance of portuguese judges to condemn property captured from their fellow-countrymen, as a reward to those who have engaged in hostilities against portugal, is natural enough, and is the only well-known and positive cause of the delay with which i am acquainted; but it is not such a cause for delay as ought to have been permitted to operate by the ministers and council of his imperial majesty, who are bound in honour and duty to act with fidelity towards those who have been engaged as auxiliaries in the attainment and maintenance of the independence of the empire. i did, however, inform your excellency that i had heard it stated that another difficulty had arisen in the apprehension that this government might be under the necessity of eventually restoring the prizes to the original portuguese owners as a condition of peace. but this, your excellency assures me, proves nothing but that i am a listener to "rapporteurs," whom i ought to drive from my presence. unfortunately, however, for this bold explanation of your excellency, the individual whom i heard make the observation was no other than his excellency the present minister of marine, francisco villala barboza. if your excellency considers that gentleman in the light of a "rapporteur," or talebearer, it is not for me to object; but the imputation of being a listener to or encourager of talebearers, so rashly advanced by your excellency against me, is without foundation in truth. it may be necessary for ministers of state to have their eavesdroppers and informers, but mine is a straightforward course, which needs no such precautions. and if there be any who volunteer information or advice, i can appreciate the value of it, and the motives of those who offer it. those who know me much better than your excellency does, will admit that i am in the habit of thinking for myself, and not apt to act on the suggestions of others, especially if officiously tendered. as to the successive appointment and removal of incompetent auditors of marine, for which your excellency gives credit to the council, i can only say that the benefit of such repeated changes is by no means apparent. and to revert again to the difficulty of decision, for which your excellency intimates there is sufficient cause, i beg leave to ask your excellency what just reason can exist for not condemning these prizes to the captors. can it be denied that the orders under which i sailed for the blockade of bahia authorized me to act hostilely against the ships and property of the crown and subjects of portugal? can it be denied that war was regularly declared between the two nations? was it not even promulgated under the sanction of his imperial majesty in a document giving to privateers certain privileges which it is admitted were possessed by the ships of war in the making and sale of captures? and yet did not the prize tribunal (consisting chiefly, as i before observed, of portuguese), on the return of the squadron, eight months afterwards, pretend to be ignorant whether his imperial majesty was at war or at peace with the kingdom of portugal? and did they not under that pretence avoid proceeding to adjudication? was not this pretence a false one, or is it one of those well-founded causes of difficulty to which your excellency alludes? can it be denied that the squadron sailed and acted in the full expectation, grounded on the assurance and engagements of the government, that all captures made under the flag of the enemy, whether ships of war or merchant vessels, were to be prize to the captors? and yet when the prize judges were at length under the necessity of commencing proceedings, did they not endeavour to set aside the claims of the captors by the monstrous pretence that they had no interest in their captures when made within the distance of two leagues from the shore? will your excellency contend that this was a good and sufficient reason? was it founded in common sense, or on any rational precedent, or indeed any precedent whatever? was it either honest to the squadron or faithful to the country? was it not calculated to prevent the squadron from ever again assailing an invading enemy, or again expelling him from the shores of the empire? then, in the next place, did not these most extraordinary judges pretend that at least all vessels taken in ports and harbours should be condemned as droits to the crown, and not as prize to the captors? was not this another most pernicious attempt to deprive the imperial squadron not only of its reward for the past but of any adequate motive for the risk of future enterprise? and in effect, were not these successive pretences calculated to operate as invitations to invasions? did they not tend to encourage the enemy to resume his occupation of the port of bahia, and generally to renew his aggressions against the independence of the empire on her shores and in her ports without the probability of resistance by the squadrons of his imperial majesty? and have not these same judges actually condemned almost every prize as a droit to the crown, thereby doing as much as in them lay to defraud the squadron and to damp its zeal and destroy its energies? nay, have not the auditors of marine actually issued decrees pronouncing the captures made at maranhão to have been illegal, alleging that they were seized under the brazilian flag, although in truth the flag of the enemy was flying at the time both in the forts and ships; declaring me a violator of the law of nations and law of the land; accusing me of having been guilty of an insult to the emperor and the empire, and decreeing costs and damages against me under these infamous pretences? can your excellency perceive either justice or decency in these decrees? do they in any degree breathe the spirit of gratitude for the union of so important a province to the empire, or are they at all in accordance with the distinguished approbation which his imperial majesty himself has evinced of my services at maranhão? can it be unknown to your excellency that the late ministers, acting doubtless under the sanction of his imperial majesty, and assuredly under the guidance of common sense, held out that the value of ships of war taken from the enemy was to be the reward of the enterprise of the captors? and yet are we not now told that a law exists decreeing all captured men-of-war to the crown, and so rendering the engagements of the late ministers illegal and nugatory? can anything be more contrary to justice, to good faith, to common sense, or to sound policy? was it ever expected by any government employing foreign seamen in a war in which they can have no personal rights at stake, that those seamen will incur the risk of attacking a superior, or even an equal, force, without prospect of other reward than their ordinary pay? is it not notorious that even in england it is found essential, or at least highly advantageous, to reward the officers and seamen, though fighting their own battles, not only with the full value of captured vessels of war, but even with additional premiums; and was it ever doubted that such liberal policy has mainly contributed to the surpassing magnitude of the naval power of that little island, and her consequent greatness as a nation? can your excellency deny that the delay, the neglect, and the conduct generally of the prize judges, have been the cause of an immense diminution in the value of the captures? have not the consequences been a wanton and shameful waste of property by decay and plunder? can your excellency really believe in the existence of a good and sufficient motive for consigning such property to destruction, rather than at once awarding it to the captors in recompense for their services to the empire? is it not true that all control over the sales and cargoes of the vessels, most of which are without invoices, have been taken from the captors and their agents and placed in the hands of individuals over whom they have no authority or influence, and from whom they can have no security of receiving a just account? and can it be doubted that the gracious intentions of his imperial majesty, as announced by himself, of rewarding the captors with the value of the prizes, are in the utmost danger of being defeated by such proceedings? since the th day of february, when his imperial majesty was graciously pleased to signify his pleasure in his own handwriting that the prizes, though condemned to the crown, should be paid for to the captors, and that valuators should be appointed to estimate the amount, is it not true that nothing whatever, up to the date of my former letter to your excellency, had been done by his ministers and council in furtherance of such his gracious intentions? on the contrary, is it not notorious that, since the announcement of the imperial intention, numerous vessels and cargoes have been arbitrarily disposed of by authority of the auditors of marine, by being delivered to pretended owners and others without legal adjudication, and even without the decency of acquainting the captors or their agents that the property had been so transferred? and has not the whole cost of litigation, watching and guarding the vessels and cargoes, been entirely at the expense of the captors, notwithstanding the disposal of the property and the receipt of the proceeds by the agents of government and others? so little hope of justice has been presented by the proceedings of the prize tribunal, that it has appeared quite useless to label the stores found in the naval and military arsenals of maranhão, or the , dollars in the chests of the treasury and custom house, with double that sum in bills, all of which was left for the use of the province, or permitted to be disbursed to satisfy the clamorous troops of ceara and pianhy. has any remuneration been offered to the navy for these sacrifices, of which ministers were duly informed by my official despatches? or has any recompense been awarded for the portuguese brig and schooner of war, both completely stored and equipped, which were surrendered at maranhão, and which have ever since been employed in the naval service? to a proportion of all this i should have been entitled in chili, as well as in the english service; and why, i ask, must i here be contented to be deprived of every hope of these the fruits of my labours? in addition to the prize vessels delivered to claimants without trial, have not the ministers appropriated others _to the uses of the state without valuation or recompense_?[a] [footnote a: this conduct was afterwards more flagrantly exemplified on the arrival of the new and noble prize frigate _imperatrice_, the equipment whereof had cost the captors , milreas, which sum has never been returned.] in short, is it not true that though more than a year has elapsed since the sailing of the imperial squadron under my command, and nearly half a year since its return, after succeeding in expelling the naval and military forces of the enemy from bahia, and liberating the northern provinces, and uniting them to the empire; i say is it not true that not one shilling of prize money has yet been distributed to the squadron, and that no prospect is even now apparent of any distribution being speedily made? is it not true that the only substantial reward of the officers and seamen of the squadron for the important services they have rendered has hitherto been nothing more than their mere pittance of ordinary pay; and even that in many instances vexatiously delayed and miserably curtailed? and with respect to myself individually, is it not notorious that i necessarily consume my whole pay in my current expenses; that my official rank cannot be upheld with less, and that it is wholly inadequate to the due support of the dignity of those high honours which his imperial majesty has been graciously pleased to confer? under all these circumstances, it is in vain that i endeavour to make that discovery which your excellency assures me requires only a moment's reflection: "au reste" (your excellency says), "que v'e. ex'ce. réfléchisse un moment, celle trouverá que le gouvernement de s.m.i. simplement et uniquement pour faire plaisir à v'e. ex'ce. á s'est attiré une enormé responsabilité dans les engagemens pris avec v'e. ex'ce." it is not one moment only nor one hour that i have reflected on these words, but without making the promised discovery, or any probable guess at your excellency's meaning. i would therefore entreat your excellency to tell me what it is that the government has engaged to do. all that i know is they have engaged to pay me a certain sum per annum as commander-in-chief of the squadron; and this engagement, i admit, they have so far fulfilled. but the amount is little more than is received by the commander-in-chief of an english squadron; and is it not found in that service, and in every regular or established naval service, that for one officer qualified for any considerable command there are probably ten that are not qualified; though all have necessarily been reared and paid at the national expense? whereas, in this case, so far from your having been at the expense of money in order to procure a few that are effective, you obtained at once, without any previous cost whatever, the services of myself and the officers that accompanied me, all of whom were experienced and efficient. now, the united amount of the salaries you are engaged to pay to myself and the officers whom i brought with me does not exceed , dollars a year. to speak of this as an "enormous responsibility" as an empire, requires more than a "moment's reflection" to be clearly understood. the government did, however, engage to pay to myself and my brother officers and seamen the value of our captures from the enemy, pursuant to the practice of all maritime belligerents, but this engagement has not hitherto been fulfilled. if, however, your excellency admits the responsibility of the government to fulfil this engagement also, i am still equally at a loss to conceive in what sense that responsibility can be considered enormous, inasmuch as these prizes were not the property of the state, nor of individuals belonging to this nation, but were the property of portugal, with whom this nation was and is engaged in lawful war. the payment, therefore, of the value of these prizes to the captors, supposing even the full value to be paid, does not in effect take one penny out of the national treasury, or out of the pocket of any brazilian. if it be false--and your excellency appears to scout the idea--that any danger exists of having to pay twice for these prizes; if there really is no danger of being compelled to purchase peace with a defeated enemy by restoring them their forfeited property--it follows that the responsibility of the government in fulfilling its engagement with the captors is so far from being enormous, that it is literally nothing. how the fulfilment of a lawful engagement by the simple act of paying over to the squadron the value of its prizes taken in time of war from the foreign enemies of the state (such payment occasioning no expense, and no loss to the state itself) can be attended with an enormous responsibility, i am utterly unable to comprehend. so far as the engagements of the government with me, or with the captors in general of the portuguese prizes, are of a pecuniary nature, they appear to me to lay no great weight of responsibility on the herculean shoulders of this vast empire. and it is only in a pecuniary sense that i can conceive it to be possible for your excellency to have thought of complaining of the responsibility attending the fulfilment of the engagements of the government with me. it is no less difficult to comprehend how this supposed enormous responsibility has been incurred, "simplement et uniquement pour faire plaisir" to me; and it is still more difficult to comprehend how it happens that your excellency, "after all that you have heard and seen" (après ce que j'ai entendu et vu), should be at a loss to know in what manner i am to be contented (je ne saurais pas dequelle maniére on puisse vous contenter). if, indeed, your excellency imagines that i ought to be contented with honorary distinctions alone, however highly i may prize them as the free gift of his imperial majesty; if your excellency is of opinion that i ought with "remercimens et satisfaction" to put up with those honours in lieu of those stipulated substantial rewards, which even those very honours render more necessary; if your excellency thinks that i ought, like the dog in the fable, to resign the substance for a grasp at the shadow; if this is all that your excellency knows on the subject of giving me content, it is then very true that your excellency does not know in what manner it is to be done. but if, "after all that your excellency has heard and seen," you would be pleased to render yourself conversant with those written engagements under which i was induced to enter into the service, all that your excellency and the rest of the ministers and council of his imperial majesty would then have to do in order to content me to the full, would be to desist from evading the performance of those engagements, and to cause them at once to be fully and honourably fulfilled. and i do believe that my "correspondance officielle une fais rendue publique, en faira foi;" for i am not conscious that i have ever called on the government to incur one farthing of expense on my account beyond the fulfilment of their written engagements, which were the same as those which i had with chili, which were formed precisely on the practice of england. there was, indeed, a verbal and conditional engagement with the late ministers that certain losses which i might incur in consequence of leaving the service of chili should be made good;[a] and the question as to the obligation of fulfilling that engagement i submitted (in my letter of the th of march to the minister of marine) to the consideration of their successors. it will be fortunate for me if this should prove to be one of those "ill-understood verbal transactions" which your excellency assures me the present ministers and council always decide in my favour. i shall not in that case be backward to receive the benefit of the decision with "thanks and satisfaction;" but i am willing to resign it rather than it should add an overwhelming weight to that "enormous responsibility" which your excellency complains has already been incurred with a view to my contentment. i repeat that i have never asked for more than i possessed in chili, or than any officer of the same rank is entitled to in england; though british officers have heretofore received in the service of portugal double the amount of their english pay; and though the burning climate of brazil is injurious to health, while those of chili and portugal are salubrious. your excellency, therefore, is perfectly welcome to publish the whole of my official correspondence, because instead of proving, as your excellency asserts, the great difficulty of contenting me, it would go far to prove the much greater difficulty of inducing those with whom i have to do to take any one step for that purpose. [footnote a: as the brazilian government had obtained possession of a new corvette, named the _maria de gloria_, which cost the government of chili , dollars, without reimbursing to that state one single farthing; and by the said act had deprived lord cochrane of the benefit he would have derived, as commander-in-chief, from the services of that ship in the pacific, the non-fulfilment of this engagement seems the more unjust.] i confess, however, that in order to content me effectually it is necessary to fulfil not only all written engagements with myself individually, but generally with all the officers and seamen with whom, while i hold the command, i consider myself identified; and the more particularly because, in my own firm reliance on the good faith of the government, i did in some sort become responsible for that good faith to my brother officers and seamen. but with whom, i put it to your excellency, has good faith been kept? is it not notorious that previous to the departure of the expedition to bahia, declarations were made to the seamen in writing by the late minister of marine, through my medium, and in printed proclamations, that their dues should be paid with all possible regularity, and all their arrears discharged immediately on their return? and is not your excellency aware that specific contracts were entered into by the accredited agent of his imperial majesty in england, with a number of officers and seamen, who, in consequence, were induced to quit their native country and enter into the employ of his imperial majesty? can it be denied that these declarations and contracts, written and printed, were known to, and are actually in the possession of the ministers, or in the hands of the officers of the pay department, and yet is it not true that they were neglected to be fulfilled for a period of upwards of three months after the return of the _pedro primiero_; and was not the tardy fulfilment which at length took place procured by my incessant representations and remonstrances? permit me also to ask whether the good effects of prompt payment were not illustrated on the arrival of the frigates _nitherohy_ and _caroline_, which happened just at the period i had succeeded in procuring payment to be made. was it not in consequence of immediate payment that the greater part of the english crew of the _nitherohy_ remained quietly on board, and are now actually engaged on an important service to his imperial majesty? and, on the other hand, is it not equally true that the english seamen of the _pedro primiero_ were so disheartened and disgusted with the long delay which in their case had occurred, and the manifest bad faith which had been evinced, that by far the greater part of them actually abandoned the ship? and generally, is it not true that the violations of promise, the obstructions of justice, and the arbitrary acts of severity, have produced dissatisfaction and irritation in the minds of the officers and seamen, and done infinite prejudice to the service of his imperial majesty and to the interests and prospects of the empire? can it be denied that the treatment to which the officers are exposed is in the highest degree cruel and unjust? have they not in many instances been confined in a fortress or prison-ship without being told who is their accuser or what is the accusation? and are they not kept for many months at a time in that cruel state of suspense and restraint without the means or opportunity of justification or defence? have not some of them while incarcerated in the fortress of the island of cobras been deprived of their pay for a great length of time, and even denied the provisions necessary for their subsistence? and if, after all, they are brought to trial, are not their judges composed of the natives of a nation with whom they are at war? is it possible that english, or other foreign officers in the service, can be satisfied with such a system? can your excellency entertain a doubt, that open accusation, prompt trial, unsuspected justice, and speedy punishment, if merited, are essential to the good government of a naval service? nay, is it possible that your excellency should not know that the system of government in the naval service of portugal is the most wretched in the world, and consequently the last that ought to have been adopted for the naval service of brazil? and here i would respectfully ask your excellency whether you know of any one thing recommended by me for the benefit of the naval service being complied with? have the laws been revised to adapt them to the better government of the service? has a corps of marine artillery been formed and taught their duty? have young gentlemen intended for officers been sent on board to learn their profession? have young men been enlisted and sent on board to be bred up as seamen? or has any encouragement been given to the employment of brazilians in the commerce of the coast?[a] [footnote a: it was the policy of portugal to navigate the coasting-trade of brazil by slaves; and that of spain to allow none but indians to exercise the trade of fishermen on the shores of their south american colonies.] with regard to those difficulties, delays, and other impediments of which i have complained as existing in the arsenal and other offices, and which your excellency supposes me to have represented as being caused, or at least tolerated, by the minister, and which you are pleased to characterise as "tout a fait imaginaires, et n'ayant d'outré source que l'ambition sordide de quelque intrigant," i shall not now enter into them again at any length, as much that i have already written tends to refute your excellency's notions on the subject. that such abuses do really exist i have proved beyond the power of contradiction; and that they are at least tolerated by those--whoever they may be--who possess without exercising the means of preventing, does not require the ingenuity of an "intrigant" to discover, as the fact is self-evident. i cannot, therefore, admit that either my complaints or suspicions are "tout a fait imaginaires," or that they are "des petitesses," as your excellency is pleased contemptuously to term them; but whatever they are, they originate in my own observation, without any assistance from the spectacles of an "intrigant," with which i am so gratuitously accommodated by your excellency. in still further proof, however, of the real existence of the evils in question, i may just observe that since the return of the _pedro primiero_, that ship has been kept in constant disorder by the delay in commencing and the idle and negligent mode of executing even the trifling alterations in the channels, which were necessary to enable the rigging to be set up, and which, after the lapse of upwards of five months, is now scarcely finished, though it might have been accomplished in forty-eight hours. even the time of caulking was spun out to a period nearly as long as was occupied last year in the accomplishment of that thorough repair which the ship then underwent; and the painting is far from being completed after sixteen or eighteen days' labour, though a british ship of war is usually painted in a day. even my own cabin is in such a state that when i am on board i have no place to sit down in. all these things may appear to your excellency as "des petitesses," or even "tout a fait imaginaires," but to me they appear matters of a serious nature, injurious and disgraceful to the service. i may not, perhaps, succeed in convincing your excellency, but i have the satisfaction of being inwardly conscious that, independent of my natural desire to obtain justice for myself and for all the officers and men of the squadron, no small part of my anxiety for the fulfilment of the engagements of the government proceeds from a desire to see the navy of his imperial majesty rendered efficient; which it can never be unless the same good faith is observed with the officers and men as is kept between the government and navy of england, and unless indeed many other important considerations are attended to, which appear to have hitherto escaped the regard of the imperial government. why, for instance, is there that indifference in regard to the clothing of the men? what but discontent, debasement, and enervation, can be the effects of that ragged and almost naked condition in which they have so long been suffered to remain, notwithstanding the numerous applications that have been made for the necessary clothing? i would also inquire the reason that officers and men, strangers to each other, and destitute of attachment and mutual confidence, are hastily shipped together in vessels of war going on active service, when better arrangements might easily be made. what can be expected from the vessels of war just gone out, in case they should meet with any serious opposition, but disgrace to those by whom they were so imperfectly and improperly equipped? if this communication were not already too long, or if, after the letter i have received from your excellency, it were possible for me to continue my representations in the hope of redress, i could add to the list of those causes of complaint which i have already pointed out many particulars which none but those who are blindly attached to that wretched system which has been so injurious to the marine and kingdom of portugal could consider either trifling or imaginary. but as my present object has been chiefly to repel those imputations in which your excellency has so freely indulged, and believing that i have fully succeeded in that object, and have shown clearly that your excellency has unjustly and untruly accused me of encouraging talebearers, making unfounded complaints, and of being of a nature so avaricious as never to be satisfied--which latter, by-the-by, is an extraordinary accusation to prefer against me--a man whom your excellency must know has not hitherto been benefited, after being more than a year in the service, to the amount of one shilling for the important services he has rendered, but who, on the contrary, as he can show by his accounts, has necessarily expended more in his official situation than he has received in the service; so that the "remercimens" and the "satisfaction," which your excellency accuses him of being deficient in, can scarcely yet be due, unless it is proper to be satisfied and grateful too for less than nothing--having, i say, fully repelled and refuted these unjust accusations, i shall avoid troubling your excellency with any further detail. but i repeat that your excellency has my free consent to cause the whole of my official correspondence to be published; for in all that i have advanced with respect to the violations of contracts, and on the subject of the unsatisfied claims of the squadron, and relative to the ill-usage of officers under arrest, and to the misconduct of the judges of prizes, and of those who have the management of the civil department of the marine,[a] and in all matters whatever in question between the government of brazil and myself, i am confident i may safely rely on the decision of the public. and if, at the same time, your excellency can give a satisfactory explanation of the motives of that line of conduct on the part of the ministers and council, which, without such explanation, would have the appearance of originating in bad faith, the publication would be doubly beneficial by placing the conduct and character of all parties in a proper point of view. [footnote a: also portuguese.] i have the honour to be, most excellent sir, your respectful and most obedient servant, cochrane and maranham. his excellency, joão sereriano maciele da costa, secretary of state for the home department, &c., &c., &c. end of vol. i. london: printed by william clowes and sons, stamford street and charing cross. transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). admirals of the british navy portraits in colours by francis dodd with introduction and biographical notes published from the offices of "country life," ltd., , tavistock street, covent garden, london; and george newnes, ltd., - , southampton street, strand, london, w.c. . mcmxvii contents _introduction_ i.--jellicoe, admiral sir john r., g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o. ii.--burney, admiral sir cecil, g.c.m.g., k.c.b., d.s.o. iii.--madden, admiral sir c. e., k.c.b., k.c.m.g., c.v.o. iv.--phillimore, rear-admiral r. f., c.b., m.v.o. v.--bacon, vice-admiral sir r. h. s., k.c.b., k.c.v.o., d.s.o. vi.--de robeck, vice-admiral sir j. m., k.c.b. vii.--napier, vice-admiral t. d. w., c.b., m.v.o. viii.--brock, rear-admiral sir osmond de b., k.c.v.o., c.b., c.m.g. ix.--halsey, rear-admiral lionel, c.b., c.m.g. x.--pakenham, vice-admiral sir w. c., k.c.b., k.c.v.o. xi.--paine, commodore godfrey m., c.b., m.v.o. xii.--tyrwhitt, commodore sir r. y., k.c.b., d.s.o. introduction if the english are singularly incurious about their navy, that attitude must not be thought to imply neglect. on the contrary, it is a blend of admiration, respect, and, above all, confidence, induced very largely by the navy itself. for so long has the navy minded its own silent business that we--otherwise so inquisitive a people--have come to look upon it as beyond examination and (normally too eager to cut open the drum and explore its resources) trustfully to leave it to its own devices, conscious that those devices are wholly in our own interests. as matthew arnold said in his sonnet to shakespeare: _others abide our question, thou art free--_ so do we address the navy. for, although it baffles curiosity and ends by eliminating it, it is only to substitute faith. we do not take for granted all the things that we cannot understand: sometimes, indeed, we deny them; but we are satisfied to take for granted the navy. we know that it is there. where "there" is we may have no notion; by "there" we mean probably everywhere. the navy is not only there, the navy is everywhere, and therefore all's well. that is our simple creed. a further cause for this quiet and unusual acceptivity is to be found in the medium in which the navy works--the sea itself. the sea has ever been a barrier to investigation, and the navy and the sea are one. public opinion is land-made, and landsmen have neither time nor inclination to cope with the riddles of the ocean, which to most of us is vague and inimical, the home of risks and discomforts which it is wiser to avoid. well content to consider her, from a safe distance, as a sphinx, we are very happy that to others has fallen the perilous lot of patrolling her and very full of gratitude for their courage and success. if the army, on the contrary, is so much under the microscope, it is largely because it has few or no mysteries. we know the rules. armies are made up of men like ourselves (only better). they advance as we do, by putting one foot before another, on the solid earth. their movements are followable, even if we cannot always understand them; daily bulletins are printed in the public press. but the navy keeps its secrets. not only have we no notion where it is, but we should be little the wiser as to its inner purposes if, scanning the illimitable and capricious waves, it should be our fortune to descry here and there a flotilla of its dark grey hulls. even in harbour most men pointing out a cruiser to their children say "that's a dreadnought"--a state of confusion bred and fostered by the strange, dark, dangerous element in which the navy has its being. so much for the causes of our odd willingness to forego one of the chief privileges of british birthright, which is to criticise, even to belittling, all that is ours. but there is justification, too, as the state of the sea to-day testifies. thanks to the navy there is at this moment hardly an enemy ship at large on the surface of the waters. the kaiser's darling ironclads are idle as painted ships upon a painted ocean: not even an ocean, a canal. our troops in millions have crossed to the continent. we have enough to eat. by what wonders of efficiency and discipline, machinery and co-ordination, this result has been brought about we neither know nor are concerned to enquire. enough that it is. but when it comes to _personnel_, curiosity is legitimate; and this collection of portraits and brief biographies has been prepared in the belief that very many of those whose lives have been rendered secure by these efforts of the navy would like to see what manner of men are in control of our safeguards. this is the heyday of the picture, and here are the pictures of our leading sailors--the commanders who stand between us and the foe and keep the foe at bay. charles lamb (who was less of a sea-dog even than most men) confessed in old age that he once sat to an artist friend for the portraits of sixteen british admirals. mr. dodd (even could a sitter of such notable companionableness be now found) would have forced himself to dispense with the fun of using him, for verisimilitude's sake, because all these heads have been drawn from life and are reproduced as nearly as possible in the colours of life. looking over the forty and more naval heroes whom he has limned, one is struck by a generic likeness which is deeper than such superficial similarity as the service beard can confer. most of the admirals look like admirals--and is there a better thing to be? certainly there is no better word. not only have their ability and courage and character united to lift them to high position and authority; but here, again, we discern the subtle and penetrating influence of the sea, a mistress who will allow no relaxation of vigilance or toil, so swiftly and dangerously changeable can she be. hence the keen eyes, the level gaze, of all who would understand and cope with her, and noticeably of all this gallant company. in the present work the emphasis is laid rather upon the illustrations than the letterpress. it is a gallery of portraits rather than a series of biographies such as "the lives of the british admirals," which was written by dr. john campbell, and, with periodical additions, so long held the field. the time for such biographies happily is not yet. but when it comes may there be some victories (already, of course, there are three or four) to record as decisive and as noble as those in campbell's volumes! e. v. lucas. i admiral sir john r. jellicoe, g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o. admiral sir john rushworth jellicoe, g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o., was born on december th, . he was educated at rottingdean, and entered the navy in , becoming in a lieutenant (three first class certificates). as a young officer he specialised in gunnery. during the egyptian war, as lieutenant of the "agincourt," he gained the egyptian medal and khedive's bronze star. in he received a special £ prize at the royal naval college. in may, , lieutenant jellicoe was awarded the board of trade silver medal for having commanded a gig, manned by volunteers, which set out to rescue the crew of a steamer stranded on a sandbank near gibraltar. a heavy sea was running and the boat capsized, but the crew, being provided with cork jackets, managed to reach the shore in safety. lieutenant jellicoe was assistant to the director of naval ordnance from to , on june th of which year he became a commander, and was serving in the "victoria" when she foundered off tripoli after collision with the "camperdown" on june th, . at the time of the catastrophe commander jellicoe was suffering from mediterranean fever. he was promoted to captain on january st, . during the boxer outbreak in he was flag-captain in the "centurion," and took part in admiral sir e. h. seymour's international expedition to relieve the pekin legations. in this expedition he acted as chief staff officer, was wounded, and afterwards received the c.b. for his services. [illustration: admiral sir john r. jellicoe] he was naval assistant to the controller of the navy from february, , to august, ; captain of the "drake" from august, , to january, ; and director of naval ordnance and torpedoes from to august, . in the previous march he had been made aide-de-camp to the king, a post which he held until february th, , when he became an admiral. from august, , to august, , he was rear-admiral in the atlantic fleet, becoming third sea lord and controller of the navy at the end of . he commanded the atlantic fleet in , with the rank of acting vice-admiral, and on the occasion of king george v.'s coronation he was made a k.c.b. in he commanded the second division of the home fleet, becoming a vice-admiral on september th of that year. on december th, , he was appointed second sea lord. on the outbreak of war on august th, , he was given chief command of the grand fleet, with the acting rank of admiral. he was in supreme command at the battle of jutland. in recognition of his services during the war, he received the g.c.b. on february th, , and an order in council, dated november th, , laid down that "admiral jellicoe on his promotion to the rank of admiral is to retain seniority as admiral of august th, , while holding his present command." on may st, , admiral jellicoe received the order of merit. on december th, , he became first sea lord, the title "chief of naval staff" being added on may st, . admiral jellicoe holds the grand cross of the legion of honour, the russian order of st. george (third class), the order of the first class of the rising sun with paulounia, and the grand cordon of the order of leopold, also the french and belgian croix de guerre and the grand cross of the military order of savoy. no biographical notice of sir john jellicoe would be complete without a mention of his father, who was, in his day, a well-known and distinguished captain in the merchant service. it is pleasant to remember that captain jellicoe lived to see his son in command of the grand fleet during the greatest war in history. this close connection between the two branches of sea service is also peculiarly happy and appropriate. admiral patton, a great-grandfather on his mother's side, was second sea lord during the trafalgar campaign. ii admiral sir cecil burney, g.c.m.g., k.c.b. admiral sir cecil burney, g.c.m.g., k.c.b., was born in and received his education at the royal naval academy, gosport; he served as a lieutenant of the "carysfoot" during the egyptian war, and also in the naval and military operations near suakin in the eastern soudan. for these services he received the egyptian medal, khedive's bronze star and suakin clasp. as a lieutenant of the "hecate" admiral burney performed a singularly gallant action. his ship having gone outside plymouth breakwater for gun trials, a carpenter's mate engaged in some work on the outside of a turret slipped overboard, striking his head as he fell. lieutenant burney and mr. berridge, gunner, at once plunged to the rescue and succeeded in supporting the man till one of the boats, which unfortunately were stowed inboard owing to gun practice, could be got ready to go to their assistance. in - admiral burney was aide-de-camp to king edward vii. he was rear-admiral of plymouth home fleet, - , a member of the admiralty submarine committee, - ; rear-admiral commanding fifth cruiser squadron, february, ; acting vice-admiral commanding third battle squadron (formerly atlantic fleet), in december of the same year and vice-admiral in september, . in april, , he became second in command in the mediterranean and senior officer of the international squadron ordered to blockade the coast of montenegro, and in may of the same year he was appointed chief to the commission to administer the affairs of scutari on behalf of the powers. [illustration: admiral sir cecil burney] vice-admiral burney received the k.c.b. on king george's birthday in , and the k.c.m.g. in october of the same year, in which he also received the command of the second and third fleets. at the battle of jutland he was second in command of the grand fleet and was mentioned in despatches. he became a g.c.m.g. and admiral in , being decorated grand officer of the legion of honour for his war services in the same year. in he was also appointed second sea lord of the admiralty. he also holds the order of st. vladimir (second class) with swords, the grand cross of the order of st. maurice and st. lazarus, and the grand cordon of the order of the rising sun. admiral burney retired from the post of second sea lord in august, , and in october was appointed commander-in-chief of the east coast of scotland in succession to the late admiral sir frederick hamilton. iii admiral sir charles edward madden, k.c.b., k.c.m.g., c.v.o. admiral sir charles edward madden, k.c.b., k.c.m.g., c.v.o., became a midshipman in october, . as an acting sub-lieutenant of h.m.s. "ruby," he served in the egyptian war of and received the egyptian medal and the khedive's bronze star. he became a lieutenant on july th, . as a young officer, admiral madden specialized in torpedo work, and from to was first lieutenant and staff officer of the "vernon" torpedo school ship. on june th of the latter year he became commander and was promoted captain on the same day of the same month in . from to captain madden was flag captain to sir wilmot fawkes, commanding the cruiser squadron in h.m.s. "good hope." on february th, , captain madden was appointed naval assistant to the controller of the navy, becoming on december th of the following year naval assistant to the first sea lord. on the occasion of king edward's review of the home fleet in the solent on august rd, , he received the c.v.o. nine days later captain madden became captain of h.m.s. "dreadnought," and chief of staff, home fleet. [illustration: admiral sir charles e. madden] on december st, , he was appointed private secretary to the first lord of the admiralty, and from january th, , to december, , was fourth sea lord; from january, , to april th, , when he was promoted to rear-admiral, captain madden was aide-de-camp to the king. from january th, , to december th of the same year, he was rear-admiral in the first battle squadron first fleet, and from december, , to december, , he commanded the third cruiser squadron. in the latter month he assumed the command of the second cruiser squadron, which command he held till july, . on the outbreak of war rear-admiral madden was appointed chief of the staff to admiral sir john jellicoe, commander-in-chief of the grand fleet, and was specially granted the acting rank of vice-admiral on june th, . he was present at the battle of jutland and was appointed a k.c.m.g. for his services on that occasion. in his despatch, admiral sir john jellicoe said of vice-admiral madden, "throughout a period of twenty-one months of war his services have been of inestimable value. his good judgment, his long experience in fleets, special gift for organization, and his capacity for unlimited work, have all been of the greatest assistance to me, and have relieved me of much of the anxiety inseparable from the conduct of the fleet during the war. in the stages leading up to the fleet action, and during and after the action, he was always at hand to assist, and his judgment was never at fault. "i owe him more than i can say." vice-admiral madden was made a k.c.b. on january st, , a k.c.m.g. on may st, and confirmed as a vice-admiral on june th of the same year. on november th, , he was made an acting-admiral and appointed in command of a portion of the grand fleet. he is a commander of the legion of honour, a commander of the military order of savoy, holds the russian order of st. anne (first class), with swords, and japanese order of the rising sun (first class). iv rear-admiral richard fortescue phillimore, c.b., m.v.o. rear-admiral richard fortescue phillimore, c.b., m.v.o., entered the navy in , became a lieutenant in and a commander in . he was commander of the "goliath" during the china war of (medal), and commanded h.m.s. "mohawk" during the operations in somaliland in (medal). he commanded the machine guns of the naval brigade at the capture of illig. on june th, , he was promoted to captain. from june, , to the end of august, , he was chief of staff in the mediterranean fleet, holding the rank of commodore (second class) from september, . on january st, , he was awarded the c.b. when sir a. berkeley milne hauled down his flag, captain phillimore remained in "inflexible" as captain, and commanded her in admiral sturdee's action off the falkland islands, during the bombardment of the chanak forts on march th, , and during the previous operations in the dardanelles. "commended for service in action." he was principal beach-master at the landing in gallipoli in . mentioned in despatches as having performed "most valuable service," and again mentioned for transport services. [illustration: rear-admiral richard f. phillimore] he was attached to the russian imperial headquarters from october, , to december, , and holds the order of st. vladimir (third class) with swords (awarded in november, ) and st. stanislaus, first class with swords (awarded in december, ). aide-de-camp to the king, - . v vice-admiral sir reginald h. s. bacon, k.c.b., k.c.v.o., d.s.o. vice-admiral sir reginald hugh spencer bacon, k.c.b., k.c.v.o., d.s.o., was born in september, , and entered the navy in . in he became a lieutenant (five firsts and promotion marks). in he joined the "camperdown" as torpedo lieutenant. he was awarded a silver medal by the italian government for bravery displayed in rescuing the crew of the indian vessel, "utopia," wrecked in gibraltar bay in march, . as commander of the "theseus," he served in the punitive naval expedition commanded by rear-admiral rawson, c.b., and took part in the landing and capture of benin city in february, . it was in connection with this campaign that he wrote "benin, the city of blood." as chief of the intelligence department, he was mentioned in despatches, received the general african medal, benin clasp, and the d.s.o. he was the first inspecting captain of submarines, and held the appointment from march, , till october, , being in charge of the submarine service during that time. he was naval assistant to the first sea lord from october, , to december, ; the first captain of h.m.s. "dreadnought," - , and flag-captain and chief of the staff in the home fleet in the latter year. from august, , to december, , rear-admiral bacon was director of naval ordnance and torpedoes. on the occasion of king edward vii.'s review of the home fleet in the solent he received the c.v.o., and was aide-de-camp to the king from to , during which year he became a rear-admiral. [illustration: vice-admiral sir reginald bacon] having retired in to take up the post of managing director of the coventry ordnance works, he returned to service in january, , as officer commanding the siege brigade, royal marines, with temporary rank of colonel second commandant. he served with the expeditionary force in france. later in the same year admiral bacon was placed in command of the dover patrol, becoming a vice-admiral on july th, , and being made a k.c.b. on january st, . on the occasion of the king's visit to his army in the field in august, , vice-admiral bacon received the k.c.v.o. he became a grand officer of the legion of honour in september, , and was also created grand officer of the order of leopold by the king of the belgians in november, . in he received the belgian croix de guerre. vi vice-admiral sir john michael de robeck, k.c.b. vice-admiral sir john michael de robeck, k.c.b., received his naval education on board the "britannia," and entered the royal navy as a cadet in . he became a lieutenant on september th, , a commander on the june nd, , and a captain on january st, . from february th, , to december st of the same year he was inspecting captain of boys' training establishments. on december st, , he became a rear-admiral. from april th, , to may st, , he was admiral of patrols, being the first occupant of that post. on the outbreak of war he commanded a cruiser force, and on the retirement through illness of vice-admiral carden in he was appointed acting vice-admiral in command of the british eastern mediterranean squadron at the dardanelles, march th, and directed the naval operations carried out in march and april of that year. it was during this period that the mediterranean expeditionary force was landed and firmly established on the gallipoli peninsula. in his despatch published in the "london gazette," july th, , general sir ian hamilton said, "throughout the events i have chronicled, the royal navy has been father and mother to the army. not one of us realises how much he owes to vice-admiral de robeck." later in the year sir ian hamilton wrote: "the sheet-anchor on which hung the whole of these elaborate schemes was the navy. one tiny flaw in the mutual trust and confidence animating the two services would have wrecked the whole enterprise. experts at a distance may have guessed as much: it was self-evident to the rawest private on the spot. but with men like vice-admiral de robeck, commodore roger keyes, rear-admiral christian, and captain f. h. mitchell at our backs, we soldiers were secured against any such risk, and it will be seen how perfect was the precision the sailors put into their job." [illustration: vice-admiral sir john m. de robeck] vice-admiral de robeck also commanded the naval forces which took part in the evacuation of the gallipoli peninsula between november th, , and january th, . he was appointed a k.c.b. on january st, , in recognition of the services he had rendered during the war. he is a grand officer of the legion of honour, and holds the japanese order of the sacred treasure (first class), and the grand cross of the order of the crown of italy. vii vice-admiral trevylyan dacres willes napier, c.b., m.v.o. vice-admiral trevylyan dacres willes napier, c.b., m.v.o., entered the navy as a cadet in , becoming a midshipman two years later. he served in the egyptian war on board the "minotaur," receiving the egyptian medal and khedive's bronze star. on february th, , he was promoted lieutenant, becoming a commander on january st, . he served in command of a destroyer flotilla, and in the royal yacht and attained the rank of captain on june th, . between and he was flag-captain to admiral sir john durnford on the cape station, and from to commanded the royal naval college at dartmouth, and commanded the "bellerophon" from to . he was appointed aide-de-camp to the king on january th, , and on july st of the same year was appointed commodore in command of the second light cruiser squadron, which command he held till december st. [illustration: rear-admiral t. d. w. napier] on october th, , he became a rear-admiral. he has served afloat in the war from december, , to the present time, and for his services received the c.b. on june rd, . he was also mentioned in despatches for his services in the battle of jutland, in which he commanded the third light cruiser squadron. the squadron had a difficult rôle to perform throughout the battle. with the first light cruiser squadron it formed the screen of sir david beatty's battle cruiser squadrons at the opening of the battle, and later in the day protected the head of the line from torpedo attack by light cruisers and destroyers. it attacked the german battle cruisers with torpedoes and gun fire. "rear-admiral napier deserves great credit for his determined and effective attack." he holds the order of st. stanislaus (first class), with swords. viii rear-admiral sir osmond de beauvoir brock, k.c.v.o., c.b., c.m.g. rear-admiral sir osmond de beauvoir brock, k.c.v.o., c.b., c.m.g., entered the navy in the early 'eighties of the last century, becoming a midshipman on august th, . while serving in the "raleigh" he was awarded the royal humane society's testimonial on vellum for having jumped overboard at simon's bay to the assistance of john duggan, stoker. he was promoted to lieutenant on february th, , having passed the examination with five first class certificates, and later specialised in gunnery. he was promoted to commander on january st, , and on january st, , he became a captain. in he was flag captain to lord charles beresford, and in november, , was appointed assistant director of naval mobilisation. from january th, , to august st, , he acted as assistant director, mobilisation division, admiralty war staff. [illustration: rear-admiral sir osmond de b. brock] during the action in heligoland bight on august th, , captain brock commanded the "princess royal," and in the action off the dogger bank, january th, , he commanded the same ship. when sir david beatty's flagship "lion" was damaged he transferred his flag to the destroyer "attack," and later the "princess royal." for his services captain brock was mentioned in despatches and awarded the c.b. he commanded a battle cruiser squadron in the battle of jutland, was again mentioned in despatches and awarded the c.m.g. it was on these battle cruiser squadrons, as sir john jellicoe remarked, that the brunt of the fighting fell, and sir david beatty reported the "able support" rendered him in the battle by their commanders. he was aide-de-camp to the king from october th, , to march th, , when he became a rear-admiral. ix rear-admiral lionel halsey, c.b., c.m.g. rear-admiral lionel halsey, c.b., c.m.g., third sea lord, was born in , and joined h.m.s. "britannia" in . as a naval cadet he served in the "agincourt," flag-ship of rear-admiral the hon. edmund r. fremantle, then second in command of the channel squadron. becoming a sub-lieutenant in , he subsequently served as lieutenant and flag-lieutenant in several different ships. during the south african war he took part in the defence of ladysmith, where he had charge of the . gun in princess victoria battery at cove hill redoubt. he was also executive officer to captain lambton (now admiral sir hedworth meux) towards the end of the siege, besides taking charge of all the naval guns. for his services in this connection he was mentioned in despatches. on january st, , he was specially promoted to commander. in he became captain of the "new zealand," the first capital ship built at the charge of a dominion government. in the following year captain halsey received the c.m.g. from september, , till he became rear-admiral in april, , he was aide-de-camp to the king. [illustration: rear-admiral l. halsey] captain halsey was mentioned in despatches for his services in the actions at heligoland and the dogger bank. he became captain of the fleet and commodore, first class, in . after the battle of jutland, admiral jellicoe wrote as follows:--"my special thanks are due to commodore lionel halsey, c.m.g., the captain of the fleet, who also assists me in the working of the fleet at sea, and to whose good organization is largely due the rapidity with which the fleet was fuelled and replenished with ammunition on return to its bases. he was of much assistance to me during the action." commodore halsey received the c.b. on june rd, , becoming fourth sea lord in december of the same year, and third sea lord in may, . he is a commander of the legion of honour, and holds the russian order of st. vladimir (third class). x vice-admiral sir william c. pakenham, k.c.b., k.c.v.o. vice-admiral sir william christopher pakenham, k.c.b., k.c.v.o., was born in july, , the second son of the late rear-admiral the hon. thomas alexander pakenham. in his early days in the royal navy he made a reputation as a swimmer, assisting in the rescue of a seaman who fell overboard at larnaca, cyprus, and some years later endeavouring to save a man who fell from the foreyard of the "calypso" during drill at kiel. he became a captain on june th, , and from april, , to may, , he was naval attaché at tokyo. he became a c.b. in july, , and received the order of the rising sun (second class) from h.i.m. the emperor of japan in . in july, , when in command of the "antrim," escorting king edward to ireland, he was awarded the m.v.o. from december, , to december, , he was a lord commissioner of the admiralty. in june, , he became rear-admiral, and in december was appointed to command the third cruiser squadron. rear-admiral pakenham was present at the battle of jutland and received a k.c.b. on may st, , for his services on that occasion. [illustration: vice-admiral sir william pakenham] when admiral sir david beatty was given the command of the grand fleet in succession to admiral sir john jellicoe in november, , admiral pakenham was selected to assume the command of the battle cruiser force, and was promoted to acting vice-admiral on june th, . on the occasion of the visit of h.m. king george to the fleet in july, , admiral pakenham was made a k.c.v.o. vice-admiral pakenham has received the russian order of st. stanislaus (second class), and also an imperial gift, graciously conferred by h.i.m. the emperor of japan. xi commodore godfrey m. paine, c.b., m.v.o. commodore godfrey marshall paine, c.b., m.v.o., was born in and entered the navy in , becoming a lieutenant on august rd, , after service in the royal yacht. on december st, , he became a commander, and was in the "renown" during the voyage of the prince and princess of wales to india, october, , to may, . on june th, , he became a captain. from june, , to june, , he commanded the third torpedo boat destroyer flotilla. from august, , to may, , he was captain of h.m.s. "actæon," the torpedo school ship at sheerness, then the headquarters of the infant naval air service. he gained the pilot's certificate of the royal aero club in may, , flying a short biplane, and before the end of the month became first commandant of the central flying school, salisbury plain. this school, inaugurated in , was open to both naval and military aviators, and was, in consequence, an institution demanding special qualifications from the officer in command. the new experiment proved a complete success under captain paine. [illustration: commodore g. m. paine] in captain paine became a commodore (first class), and in he was appointed director of naval air service and fifth sea lord. the skill, versatility and usefulness of the naval air service have rivalled those of the military airmen. the naval airmen have had to discover their true rôle and make their traditions. when their record can be known the success of commodore paine will be fully appreciated. he received a c.b. on january st, . he is also a commander of the legion of honour. xii commodore sir reginald yorke tyrwhitt, k.c.b., d.s.o. commodore (first class) sir reginald yorke tyrwhitt, k.c.b., d.s.o., was born in and entered the "britannia" as a cadet in , becoming a lieutenant on august th, . as lieutenant of h.m.s. "cleopatra" in he was one of a landing party, composed of seamen and marines, under lieutenant colmore, who went to protect the inhabitants of bluefields, nicaragua. this expedition saved the lives of the inhabitants, who expressed their gratitude in a letter of thanks. having become a captain on june th, , captain tyrwhitt commanded the second flotilla from august, , to november, , when he was appointed captain of the first fleet flotillas and was advanced to the rank of commodore (second class), in april, . at the outbreak of war, commodore tyrwhitt was in command of the harwich force consisting of the first, second, and tenth flotillas. he took part in the actions in the heligoland bight and off the dogger bank and in many minor actions in - . for his services in the action in the heligoland bight he was awarded the c.b. the "london gazette" stated that his attack was delivered with great skill and gallantry. commodore tyrwhitt also received the thanks of the admiralty for the manner in which he lead his forces. [illustration: commodore sir reginald y. tyrwhitt] in december, , he was advanced to commodore (first class). in june, , he received the d.s.o., and in april, , he was appointed a.d.c. to the king, and for services rendered during the war received the k.c.b. on july th, . commodore tyrwhitt is a commander of the legion of honour and chevalier of the military order of savoy. the western front drawings by muirhead bone "they illustrate admirably the daily life of the troops under my command." --f.m. sir douglas haig, k.t. in monthly parts, price /- net. parts i.-v. in volume form, with extra matter, /- net. parts vi.-x. in volume form, with extra matter, /- net. mr. muirhead bone's drawings are reproduced in the following form, apart from "the western front" publication:-- war drawings size by inches. ten plates in each part, / net. munition drawings size ½ by inches. six plates in portfolio, /- net. with the grand fleet size ½ by inches. six plates in portfolio, /- net. "tanks" size by ¼ inches. single plate, /- net. british artists at the front continuation of "the western front" the sequel to the monthly publication illustrated by mr. muirhead bone will be issued under the title of "british artists at the front." in size, quality of paper and style this publication will retain the characteristics of its predecessor. the illustrations will be in colours, and will be provided by various artists who have been given facilities to make records of the war. further particulars of this publication will be sent on application to "country life," ltd., , tavistock street, covent garden, london, w.c. . _uniform with this publication._ generals of the british army portraits by francis dodd _introduction_ i.--haig, field marshal sir douglas, k.t., g.c.b., g.c.v.o., k.c.i.e., =a.d.c.= ii.--plumer, general sir h. c. o., g.c.m.g., g.c.v.o., k.c.b., =a.d.c.= iii.--rawlinson, general sir h. s., bart., g.c.v.o., k.c.b., k.c.v.o. iv.--gough, general sir h. de la poer, k.c.b., k.c.v.o. v.--allenby, general sir e. h., k.c.b. vi.--horne, general sir h. s., k.c.b. vii.--birdwood, lieut.-gen. sir w. r., k.c.b., k.c.s.i., k.c.m.g., c.i.e., d.s.o. viii.--byng, general the hon. sir j. h. g., k.c.b., k.c.m.g., m.v.o. ix.--congreve, lieut.-gen. sir w. n., =v.c.=, k.c.b., m.v.o. x.--haldane, lieut.-gen. j. a. l., c.b., d.s.o. xi.--watts, lieut.-gen. h. e., c.b., c.m.g. xii.--smuts, lieut.-gen. the rt. hon. jan c., p.c., k.c., m.l.a. hudson & kearns, ltd., printers, hatfield street, london, s.e. . contents of this issue. _introduction._ i.--beatty, admiral sir david, g.c.b., g.c.v.o., d.s.o. ii.--jackson, admiral sir henry b., g.c.b., k.c.v.o., f.r.s. iii.--colville, admiral the hon. sir stanley c. j., g.c.v.o., k.c.b. iv.--brock, admiral sir f. e. e., k.c.m.g., c.b. v.--grant, rear-admiral heathcoat s., c.b. vi.--tudor, rear-admiral f. c. tudor, c.b. vii.--callaghan, admiral of the fleet sir george a., g.c.b., g.c.v.o. viii.--leveson, rear-admiral a. c., c.b. ix.--evan-thomas, vice-admiral sir h., k.c.b., m.v.o. x.--bruce, rear-admiral henry h., c.b., m.v.o. xi.--alexander-sinclair, rear-admiral e. s., c.b., m.v.o. xii.--keyes, rear-admiral sir roger j. b., k.c.b., c.m.g., m.v.o., d.s.o. introduction part ii. the first thing a landlubber does when he opens his mouth about the sea or about sea power is to put his foot in it; and therefore one's sense of decency in approaching this procession of illustrious admirals, headed by sir david beatty, compels one to put oneself in a posture of reverent trepidation and respectful humility. the man of words in time of war ought to prostrate himself before the man of action. he ought to order himself lowly and reverently before and very much below his betters. in his case judgment or even criticism is an outrageous impertinence. he knows little about war by land and even less about war by sea. any enlargement of his knowledge is only a microscopical diminution of his ignorance. the sea is a mystery, unveiled only to those who go down to (or in) the sea in ships. sailors tolerate our immeasurable ignorance, for they rejoice in the sense of humour which the sea seems to enrich and expand. it is many years since a mischievous midshipman cajoled me into climbing the mast of h.m.s. "majestic," then flying the flag of sir harry rawson. until i went up in an aeroplane at st. omer i never drank more deeply of the cup of terror. that midshipman, for all i know, may now be one of these grave admirals with smiles lurking at the corners of their eyes and lips. it is a far cry from the naval manoeuvres of the "'nineties" to the "real thing" of , but the impulse to hark back to those mimic battles is irresistible. my first and last misdemeanour was the striking of a match on the paint of a casemate. the memory of it even now makes me blush from nape to heel, and warns me that nearly everything a landlubber may say about the navy is as the striking of a match on the wrong place at the wrong time on a victorian man o' war. and yet those far-off days in wardroom and gunroom, on navigating bridge and quarter-deck, helped me to drink the pure milk of the navy word. no man who has watched a blinded battle fleet keeping station on a pitch-black night, or whose head has grown giddy in the mazes of a cruiser action, or who has seen a destroyer attack pushed home in the dark, or who has seen the drifters coming in coated with ice, can fail to feel in his bones the thrill of sea-power. to such a man there comes at all moments the salt warning, "put not your trust only in armies. for england there is but one supreme war-faith, the creed of the sea." there is no lack of lip-service to the sea-creed in these islands. the sea-litany and the sea-liturgy and the sea-prayers and the sea-collects and the sea-psalms and the sea-proverbs are tirelessly chanted and sung and said by high and low. line upon line, precept upon precept, sea-bible and sea-gospel and sea-hymn--we know them all by heart. our newbolts, our kiplings, our conrads, our hurds, our leylands--yes, and our mahans--they are all a great cloud of witnesses to the supreme necessity of sea-power. and yet in one's lay bones one feels that our practice falls far short of our preaching, and that we as a race are not utterly single-minded in our worship of the one power who has never betrayed us, the sea. the sea is a jealous god, and in these latter days a sure instinct leads one back to the old faith taught by nelson and his forerunners, by the great captains and admirals whose bones are dust. peace is a rust that tarnishes a navy, and, as one studies these portraits and these all too brief and bare biographies, one wonders whether "the nelson touch" is hereditary, and whether these clear-eyed, strong-lipped admirals are all chips of the old block. one wonders, i say, and yet one does not doubt, for at every meal we eat the proof of the pudding. these admirals and their men have kept the faith and held the sea against high seas fleet and mine and submarine. not for many a long day will all the wonders they have wrought be known or even suspected. few there be who are allowed to peep into the inner shrine of admiralty. the higher secrets of sea-power are guarded and will be guarded long after britain shall have won this war. herein is the true explanation of these modest memoirs which tell so little with all their camouflage of dates and decorations. compared with a british admiral, tacitus was a loquacious and copious blabber and babbler. if you interrogate him, he smiles and displays a long row of ribbons or a festoon of foreign orders. "the silent navy" is silent because it is not safe to talk or to be talked about, and also because it is not in love with the gauds of publicity. i confess i like the austere reticence of these dull and dreary lifelets of our great admirals. it warns us that we must walk by faith and not by sight when, like peter, we take to the stormy waters. there is, of course, the doubting thomas, who is "hot for certainties" in the sea affair. he whispers in my ear that there is in the higher ranks a dearth of genius as compared with the lower ranks, and he tries to support his theory by asserting that all the brilliant junior officers must pass through a narrow bottle-neck before they become captains, and that the captains, after ten or twelve years of that awful solitude which is the captain's pride and peril, are apt to suffer from the ossifying brain which rejects new ideas, from the crusted conservatism which resists reform, from deskwork and paperwork, and from all the ravages of the red tapeworm. my answer is that the sea is a giant that refreshes itself, and that your nelson is proof against his routine, master of his groove. the long duel with the submarine is in itself evidence of the adaptability of our seamen. where we have failed is not on the sea but in the dim region behind the sea, where the word of the sailor is no longer dominant and where other forces and factors interlock and interplay. many and manifold are the uses of sea-power; many and manifold also are its abuses. and it is one of the qualities of sea-power that it is inarticulate, not given to polemics or dialectics or rhetoric or oratory, a thing of profound instinct and intuition, a product of the genius of race. napoleon never understood sea-power as the german emperor and admiral von tirpitz have learned to understand it, after much patient poring over the writings of mahan. in all humility we ought not to be surprised that some of our own great ones have been and perhaps still are in the same state of pupilage as napoleon. but war is a schoolmaster whose lessons are learned in due time by the most backward scholars. there is a music-hall song sung in these stern days by some witless buffoon, "if you don't want to fight, join the navy." as if the locker of davy jones were not fat with the valour of our seamen and our fishermen! in the bitterness of his soul a super-dreadnought captain said to me, "after the war i'll not be able to walk down piccadilly without being hissed." these are extravagances of hyperbole, but they are a reflection of the folly that asks, "what is the navy doing?" when i hear that fatuous question i retort, "what on earth and what on the sea is the navy not doing?" it is keeping the ring for all the armies of all the allies, and it is waiting for the last great sea-fight of armageddon, the fight that is bound to come. "they were dull, weary, eventless months, those months of watching and waiting of the big ships. purposeless they surely seemed to many, but they saved england. those far distant storm-beaten ships, upon which the grand army never looked, stood between it and the dominion of the world." a greater army than the grand army, led by chieftains hardly less renowned than napoleon, is battering, as i write, at the gates of the channel ports. whatever may befall, we know in our bones that these admirals of ours and their seamen stand between the emperor wilhelm and his imperial dream of world tyranny. sir david beatty sitting in his deck-chair is a living symbol of sea-power, and the armchair pessimist may well emulate his nonchalant vigilance, noting the wicked twinkle in his humorous eye and the sardonic curl of his sailor-mouth. the kaiser has chosen to sup with the sea-devil, and he has need of a very long spoon before he sees his supper, which happens to be our freedom and the freedom of all free men. james douglas. i admiral sir david beatty, g.c.b., g.c.v.o., d.s.o. admiral sir david beatty, g.c.b., g.c.v.o., d.s.o., was born on january th, , and entered the "britannia" in january, . he became a lieutenant in august, . during the egyptian war he served on the nile in cooperation with the egyptian army, under the late lord kitchener. in the course of this campaign he rendered excellent service in getting gunboats over the cataract, and, as second in command of the flotilla, at the forcing of the dervish batteries at hafir under fire. on commander colville being wounded, lieutenant beatty took command of the flotilla and fought the gunboats in front of the enemy batteries with great persistence and success, eventually dismounting their guns. for these services he was awarded the d.s.o. and mentioned in despatches. he was also mentioned in despatches by the sirdar for service with the gunboats employed during the soudan operations on the nile in , which included the capture of berber and the battles of atbara and khartoum. he subsequently accompanied lord kitchener in the advance to fashoda, and was present at his meeting with major marchand. after the capture of khartoum he was specially promoted to commander. when the boxer outbreak occurred admiral beatty was commander in the "barfleur," second flagship on the china station, and served in the tientsin concession throughout the siege. he showed exceptional tenacity in attempting with bluejackets to capture two chinese guns which were causing great trouble to the forces and inhabitants; after being twice wounded he continued to lead his men to the attack. he afterwards commanded the british naval brigade of the international force which relieved admiral seymour's expedition from a critical situation in hsikon arsenal. later he commanded the naval brigade at the capture of tientsin city. for these services he was specially promoted to the rank of captain at the early age of , in . [illustration: admiral sir david beatty] from november, , to january st, , captain beatty was aide-de-camp to the king. on january st, , although not years old, he became rear-admiral, and two years later was appointed naval secretary to the first lord of the admiralty, a post which he held until february, . during the naval manoeuvres of , rear-admiral beatty commanded the sixth cruiser squadron, flying his flag in h.m.s. "aboukir." in the following year he was appointed to command the first battle cruiser squadron. in june, , he was made a k.c.b., and on august rd was promoted acting vice-admiral and given command of the cruiser forces of the grand fleet. on august th, , he was in command of the british forces which proceeded into the heligoland bight in support of a flotilla of destroyers which was being hard pressed. in the action which resulted, three german light cruisers were sunk. no british ships were lost. in january, , he commanded the british forces in the action off the dogger bank, which resulted in the sinking of the "blucher." his flagship, "lion," was severely damaged at a critical moment of the action and was towed back to port. he was subsequently appointed to command the battle cruiser fleet. at the battle of jutland he succeeded, after very severe fighting, in drawing the enemy's fleet towards the british battle fleet and establishing touch between them. for his services he was mentioned in despatches and received the g.c.b. in november, , he was appointed commander-in-chief of the grand fleet, with the acting rank of admiral. he is a grand officer of the legion of honour, grand officer of the military order of savoy, and holds the japanese order of the rising sun, and the russian military order of st. george (fourth class). ii admiral sir henry bradwardine jackson, g.c.b., k.c.v.o., f.r.s. admiral sir henry bradwardine jackson, g.c.b., k.c.v.o., entered the royal navy in , became a lieutenant on october th, , a commander on january st, , and a captain on june th, . as lieutenant of the "active" he took part in the zulu war in - , and for his services was awarded the south african medal. in he received the royal naval college prize when qualifying for torpedo lieutenant. he served as senior staff officer of the "vernon" from until promoted to commander. as a captain he was naval attaché from - . in may, , he was nominated a fellow of the royal society for his researches in electrical physics. in february, , he was appointed assistant director of torpedoes, and, after further services at sea, controller of the navy in february, . from september th, , to october th, , he was aide-de-camp to the king, being promoted rear-admiral on the latter date. on november th, , he received the k.c.v.o., and from october th, , to october th, , he was in command of the third, afterwards known as the sixth, cruiser squadron. [illustration: admiral sir henry b. jackson] on june rd, , he became a k.c.b., and on the st december of the same year was admiralty representative at the international conference on aerial navigation at paris. he was in command of the royal naval war college from february, , to january, , becoming a vice-admiral on march th of the first mentioned year. during the naval manoeuvres in july, , he temporarily commanded the seventh squadron, hoisting his flag in h.m.s. "illustrious." he was chief of the war staff in january, , and was promoted to admiral on february th, . he was nominated commander-in-chief in the mediterranean in august, , but on the outbreak of war was retained for special service at the admiralty. he was first sea lord from may th, , to december rd, , and was then appointed president of the royal naval college, greenwich. he became a g.c.b. on december th, , and first and principal naval aide-de-camp to the king on april nd, . iii admiral the honourable sir stanley cecil james colville, g.c.v.o., k.c.b. admiral the honourable sir stanley cecil james colville, g.c.v.o., k.c.b., became a midshipman on october st, , a lieutenant on november th, , a commander on august th, , and a captain on october st, . as a midshipman of the "boadicea" he landed with the naval brigade during the zulu war and accompanied the ekowe relief column. he was present at the battle of ginghilovo, april nd, , and accompanied the brigade to port durnford. he received the south african medal and clasp. as sub-lieutenant of the "alexandra," during the egyptian war, he was awarded the egyptian medal and khedive's bronze star. as lieutenant of the "alexandra" he served with the naval brigade landed for service in the sudan and with the nile expedition for the relief of general gordon at khartum, - , receiving the nile medal and clasp. employed on the nile and in the sudan in co-operation with the egyptian army under the sirdar (the late lord kitchener), he rendered excellent service in connection with the construction of gunboats. he commanded the flotilla on the advance of the egyptian army on dongola, at the forcing of the passage of hafir on september th, , when he was severely wounded, and at the taking of dongola. for these services he was mentioned in despatches, promoted to captain, and made a c.b. [illustration: admiral the hon. sir stanley colville] he was naval adviser to the inspector general of fortifications in and ; chief of staff, mediterranean station, may st, , on june th of which year he received the c.v.o. from december th, , to november th, , he was aide-de-camp to the king, being promoted rear-admiral on the latter date. from january, , to january, , he was in command of the nore division, home fleet, and from february, , to march, , he was in command of the first cruiser squadron. on april th, , he became a vice-admiral, and was made a k.c.b. on june th of the following year. from june nd, , to june nd, , he was vice-admiral commanding the first battle squadron, and on september th, , he was appointed for special service. on september th, , he became admiral. in december, , he was temporarily in command of the first battle squadron, grand fleet. he received the g.c.v.o. on july th, , and was appointed commander-in-chief at portsmouth, on february th, . iv admiral sir frederic edward errington brock, k.c.m.g., c.b. admiral sir frederic edward errington brock, k.c.m.g., c.b., was born on october th, . he entered the navy in and became lieutenant on december th, , commander on january st, , and captain on june th, . from to he was aide-de-camp to the king, and became in the latter year a rear-admiral. from to he was in command of the portsmouth division of the home fleet, and from september, , to october, , he was senior officer at gibraltar, being in promoted to vice-admiral. he was awarded the c.b. (civil) on september th, . [illustration: admiral sir frederic brock] on january st, , vice-admiral brock was made a k.c.m.g.--"in recognition of services rendered in connection with naval operations of the war." he became an admiral on april nd, . he is a commander of the legion of honour. v rear-admiral heathcoat salusbury grant, c.b. rear-admiral heathcoat salusbury grant, c.b., born in , was educated at stubbington school, fareham, and entered the navy in . he has commanded h.m.s. "diana," "kent," "black prince," and "canopus," having been in command of the latter as guardship at port stanley at the time of admiral sturdee's action off the falkland islands. he was naval attaché at washington from june, , to june, . rear-admiral grant holds the royal humane society's testimonial on vellum for rescuing a young lad, jervis tylee by name, at inverness on september th, . while the steamer "glengarry" was passing through gairlochy lochs on that date, tylee, who was a passenger, while walking ashore, slipped into the canal. immediately the accident was observed, lieutenant grant, who happened to be a fellow passenger, plunged into the canal to the rescue, and seizing hold of the lad swam with him to the side and held him up till assistance was forthcoming to help them both on shore. as captain of the "diana" in , rear-admiral grant received the cross of the order of naval and military merit (second class) from the king of spain. for his services in action during the operations in gallipoli from april, , to may, (being then a captain), he received high commendation and was made a c.b. [illustration: rear-admiral heathcoat s. grant] he became a rear-admiral on june th, , having been awarded a good service pension in the previous year. since june, , he has been senior officer, and in charge of all h.m. naval establishments at gibraltar. vi rear-admiral frederick charles tudor tudor, c.b. rear-admiral frederick charles tudor tudor, c.b., is especially well known for his thorough knowledge of the limitations and capabilities of ordnance as applied to the strategical and tactical problems of modern warfare. in this particular line indeed he is an expert of undisputed authority where knowledge, besides being fortified by mental attainments of an unusually brilliant kind, is based upon a profound study of the science of gunnery, in which, it should be added, rear-admiral tudor specialized during the early part of his career. navigation was originally the particular branch of naval knowledge to which the admiralty directed him to devote himself, but early realising the immense part which heavy artillery was to play in modern warfare, admiral tudor, as a young man, eventually devoted his entire attention to the study of guns and gunnery. at no time in the history of armaments has such an important development of power, of rapidity of firing and of reliability of guns of all calibre, been known, and this being so, officers like rear-admiral tudor, who are experts in such matters, are absolutely invaluable to the british navy. from the very beginning of his career rear-admiral tudor was recognised as an officer possessing intelligence of a very high order. from for two years he acted as experimental officer, and for a further two years as a senior staff officer of h.m.s. "excellent," passing to the department of the director of naval ordnance at the admiralty in january, , where he remained until may, . in he became a captain, and from september, , to may, , he was assistant director of naval ordnance. [illustration: vice-admiral sir f. c. t. tudor] as captain of the "excellent," to which ship he was appointed in august, , rear-admiral tudor did much to promote that proficiency in gunnery which is so vitally essential to the success of all modern naval operations. he held the post for nearly two years, and during that period impressed everyone who came in contact with him with the firm idea that he was the right man in the right place. from april th, , to january th, , he was aide-de-camp to the king, on which latter date he was promoted to rear-admiral. on june th, , rear-admiral tudor was appointed director of naval ordnance, and on king george's birthday in he received the c.b. he was third sea lord on the board of admiralty from august th, , to may st, , being mainly responsible for new construction during this period of immense expansion of the fleet under war conditions. vii admiral of the fleet sir george astley callaghan, g.c.b., g.c.v.o. admiral of the fleet, sir george astley callaghan, g.c.b., g.c.v.o., was born on december st, . he was in command of the "endymion" during the operations in china in ; commanded the naval brigade during the advance with the allied forces for the relief of the legations at peking; mentioned in despatches, and received the c.b. for this service in november, . he was aide-de-camp to the king from march th, , to july th, , and became a rear-admiral on july st, , and was appointed rear-admiral in the channel fleet on november th, . on april th, , admiral callaghan became rear-admiral commanding the th cruiser squadron, and on august rd of that year, on the occasion of the review in the solent of the home fleet by king edward vii., he received the c.v.o. from november, , to august, , he was second in command of the mediterranean fleet, and was made a k.c.v.o. on april th, , the occasion of the visit of king edward and queen alexandra to malta in the "victoria and albert." he was promoted vice-admiral on april th, , and made a k.c.b. on june th the same year. he commanded the second division of the home fleet from august, , to december, , and was appointed commander-in-chief of the home fleet on december th, , which appointment he held until august th, . [illustration: admiral of the fleet sir george a. callaghan] admiral callaghan was in command of the home fleet assembled for inspection at weymouth bay by king george v in may, , and received the following message from his majesty:-- "before leaving i wish to express to you my satisfaction at finding the fleet under your command in such a high state of efficiency. i was glad to have the opportunity of inspecting vessels of the latest type, and of witnessing squadron firing, an attack by submarines, and flights by aeroplanes. will you express to the officers and men the pleasure it has given me to be again with them during the last few days?" admiral callaghan received the g.c.v.o. on this occasion; his tenure of appointment as commander-in-chief, home fleets, extended to three years. he was promoted admiral on may th, , and on june rd of the same year he received from president poincaré the grand cordon of the legion of honour. was in command of the fleets assembled at spithead in july, , for inspection by h.m. the king. on august th, , he was appointed to the admiralty war staff. he became commander-in-chief at the nore on january st, , and was made a g.c.b. in the birthday honours of . on september th, , admiral callaghan was appointed first and principal naval aide-de-camp to the king, and promoted admiral of the fleet on april nd, . for services after the messina earthquake in december, , admiral callaghan was made grand officer of the order of the crown of italy and received the italian silver medal. viii rear-admiral arthur cavenagh leveson, c.b. rear-admiral arthur cavenagh leveson, c.b. (civil), c.b. (military), was born in , and after going to a private school, began his naval education on board the "britannia." as a young man he gained five firsts, the beaufort testimonial and goodenough medal. he qualified in gunnery. he served as gunnery lieutenant in the "victoria" in , and was on board when she sank after collision with the "camperdown" off tripoli. he was st gunnery officer at whale island (h.m.s. "excellent"), and brigade major to the naval brigade in london on the occasion of queen victoria's jubilee, , for which he received the jubilee medal. he was promoted to commander from whale island, and became a fellow of the royal geographical society. he served as commander for the whole of the first commission of the "canopus," and was promoted to captain on july st, . from august, , to february, , he was naval assistant to the controller of the navy. he served as flag captain to admiral sir william may, commander-in-chief of the atlantic fleet, and took part in in the original initiation of the entente cordiale at brest and in paris, for which he received the croix d'officier of the legion of honour. [illustration: rear-admiral a. c. leveson] he subsequently commanded h.m. battleship "africa" and h.m. battle-cruiser "indefatigable," and received the coronation medal of h.m. king george v. in . in he was made a c.b. (civil) in the first batch of naval officers to whom the award of this honour was extended. in he was made aide-de-camp to h.m. king george v., and in the same year was commodore (first class) on the staff of admiral of the fleet sir william may, umpire-in-chief during the naval manoeuvres which took place during july and august. he became rear-admiral on december st, , and director of operations divisions of the admiralty war staff on may st, , and served as such for the first six months of the war. he was then appointed rear-admiral, second in command of the second battle squadron, and was present at the battle of jutland on may st, , for which he was mentioned in despatches and received the c.b. (military). he has also received the order of st. stanislaus (first class) with swords, and the order of the rising sun (second class). ix vice-admiral sir hugh evan-thomas, k.c.b., m.v.o. vice-admiral sir hugh evan-thomas, k.c.b., m.v.o., was born in and entered the royal navy in . he became a lieutenant on december st, , a commander on january st, , and a captain on june th, . he was flag captain in the channel fleet, - , and private secretary to the first lord of the admiralty from - . commanded h.m.s. "bellerophon" - . from july, , to august, , he was in command of the royal naval college, dartmouth, and from february, , to july th, , aide-de-camp to the king, being promoted to the rank of rear-admiral on july th, . he was rear-admiral, first battle squadron, - , and was in command of the fifth battle squadron with his flag in h.m.s. "barham" at the battle of jutland, may st, , being mentioned in despatches. he received the c.b. on june rd of that year, and on september th, , he was made a k.c.b. for his services during the battle of jutland. in the same month he was decorated commander of the legion of honour by the president of the french republic for his services in the war. he also holds the order of st. anne (first class) with swords, is a grand officer of the order of the crown of italy, and has received the order of the rising sun (second class). he became a rear-admiral on april th, . assumed the rank of acting vice-admiral, july th, . [illustration: vice-admiral sir hugh evan-thomas] he was aide-de-camp to the king from december th, , until promoted, and was awarded a good service pension on january th, . he received the civil c.b. on june th, . x rear-admiral henry harvey bruce, c.b., m.v.o. rear-admiral henry harvey bruce, c.b., m.v.o., was born in , and in the early 'eighties of the last century served as a midshipman of the "monarch" during the egyptian war. for his services during that campaign he received the egyptian medal and khedive's bronze star. as a midshipman in the "monarch" rear-admiral bruce had a very narrow escape of losing his life by an accident. this occurred during torpedo exercises, in the course of which a steam pinnace having come alongside the ship, a light charge of a fish torpedo suddenly exploded. the result of this mishap was that a lieutenant was killed on the spot, while several of the crew were severely hurt. among the latter was mr. bruce, whose eyes sustained injuries which happily did not turn out to be as serious as was at first anticipated. in - he was captain of the "defence" in the detached squadron which escorted the "medina" to india for the durbar; he received the m.v.o. (fourth class) on february th, . [illustration: rear-admiral henry h. bruce] he was captain of h.m.s. "hercules" in the grand fleet when war broke out in august, . on june st, , he was appointed commodore superintendent at rosyth, being the first occupant of this post. xi rear-admiral edwyn s. alexander-sinclair, c.b., m.v.o. rear-admiral edwyn s. alexander-sinclair of freswick, c.b., m.v.o., joined the "britannia" in as a cadet, becoming a midshipman two and a-half years later. he acted as flag-lieutenant to a number of admirals and was promoted to commander on the january th, . from february, , to january, , he was in command of the destroyer "albatross," being afterwards placed in command of the "surprise" until , when he became a captain. he commanded the royal naval college at osborne for three years, and in received the m.v.o. commodore alexander-sinclair was in command of h.m.s. "galatea" when that ship assisted in the destruction of zeppelin l off the schleswig coast on may th, , and received a c.b. (military) on the rd of the following month. commanding a light cruiser squadron at the battle of jutland, he was first to gain touch with the enemy. he was mentioned in despatches and would have been recommended for an honour had he not received one shortly before the battle. sir david beatty in his report to the commander-in-chief referred specially to commodore edwyn s. alexander-sinclair and a few others, saying that these officers anticipated his wishes and used their forces to the best possible effect. [illustration: rear-admiral e. s. alexander-sinclair] after jutland commodore alexander-sinclair received the russian order of st. vladimir (third class) with swords. from december th, , until promoted rear-admiral, he was aide-de-camp to the king. he has also held a good service pension. xii rear-admiral sir roger john brownlow keyes, k.c.b., c.m.g., m.v.o., d.s.o. rear-admiral sir roger john brownlow keyes, k.c.b., c.m.g., m.v.o., d.s.o., was born in and entered the royal navy in , became a lieutenant on august th, , a commander on november th, , and a captain on june th, . in he served in the naval brigade which took part in the punitive expedition against the sultan of vitu in east africa. for this he received the general african medal, vitu, , and clasp. as lieutenant-commander of the "fame" in , he received the bronze medal of the royal humane society for having jumped into the peiho river, china, and saving midshipman r. c. mayne, who had accidentally been swept overboard by a coil of rope. whilst in command of the "fame" during the boxer rising in the same year, he did good service, especially in the capture of four chinese destroyers at tongku, for which he received from the admiralty "the expression of their lordships' thorough approbation." he was mentioned in despatches by general gaselee on january th, , and promoted commander for his services in china. he was naval attaché at rome, vienna, athens, and constantinople from - . on april th, , he received the m.v.o., and in the same year he also received the order of the crown of italy (third class). [illustration: rear-admiral roger j. b. keyes] he became inspecting captain of submarines on november th, , and commodore (s) in charge of the submarine service on august st, , which post he held until . at the coronation of king george v. he was made a c.b. (military). as commodore, rear admiral keyes commanded the submarine flotilla in operations in the heligoland bight on august th, . on the morning of the day in question, in company with the "firedrake," he searched the area to the southward of the battle cruisers for the enemy's submarines, and, having been detached, was present at the sinking of the german cruiser "mainz," when he gallantly proceeded alongside her in the "lurcher" and rescued of her crew, many of whom were wounded. subsequently, he escorted the "laurel" and the "liberty" out of action and kept them company till rear-admiral campbell's cruisers were sighted. he commanded the submarines co-operating in the air reconnaissance of the heligoland bight on december th, , and received the "expression of their lordships' appreciation" for this service. he was appointed aide-de-camp to the king on september th, , and in became chief of the staff to vice-admiral sir j. m. de robeck, commanding the eastern mediterranean squadron, holding that post during both the landing on and the evacuation of the gallipoli peninsula, for which he was commended in despatches, and on january st, , he was awarded the c.m.g. for his services during the war. in further recognition of these services he also received the d.s.o. on june rd of the same year, on april th of which he had been decorated commander of the legion of honour by the president of the french republic. he was appointed to the command at dover on january st, , being given acting vice-admiral's rank. he was in command of the units that carried out the attack on zeebrugge and ostend on april rd, flying his flag in h.m. destroyer "north star." on april th his majesty the king signified his approval of the promotion of vice-admiral keyes to be a member of the second class, or knight commander of the most honourable order of the bath (military division), "in recognition of his distinguished service in command of the operations against zeebrugge and ostend on tuesday, april rd, ." rear-admiral keyes in addition to the above-named honours holds the order of st. maurice and st. lazarus of italy, and the order of the redeemer (third class) of greece. the western front drawings by muirhead bone "they illustrate admirably the daily life of the troops under my command." --f.m. sir douglas haig, k.t. in monthly parts, price /- net. parts i.-v. in volume form, with extra matter, /- net. parts vi.-x. in volume form, with extra matter, /- net. mr. muirhead bone's drawings are reproduced in the following form, apart from "the western front" publication:-- war drawings size by inches. ten plates in each part, / net. munition drawings size ½ by inches. six plates in portfolio, /- net. with the grand fleet size ½ by inches. six plates in portfolio, /- net. "tanks" size by ¼ inches. single plate, /- net. british artists at the front continuation of "the western front" the sequel to the monthly publication illustrated by mr. muirhead bone is issued under the title of "british artists at the front." the illustrations are in colours. i.--c. r. w. nevinson. ii.--sir john lavery, a.r.a. iii.--paul nash. iv.--eric kennington (in progress). v.--james mcbey (in progress). further particulars of this publication will be sent on application to "country life," ltd., , tavistock street, covent garden, london, w.c. . contents of part i. _introduction._ i.--jellicoe, admiral lord, g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o. ii.--burney, admiral sir cecil, g.c.m.g., k.c.b., d.s.o. iii.--madden, admiral sir c. e., k.c.b., k.c.m.g., c.v.o. iv.--phillimore, rear-admiral sir r. f., c.b., m.v.o. v.--bacon, vice-admiral sir r. h. s., k.c.b., k.c.v.o., d.s.o. vi.--de robeck, vice-admiral sir j. m., k.c.b. vii.--napier, vice-admiral t. d. w., c.b., m.v.o. viii.--brock, vice-admiral sir osmond de b., k.c.v.o., c.b., c.m.g. ix.--halsey, rear-admiral lionel, c.b., c.m.g. x.--pakenham, vice-admiral sir w. c., k.c.b., k.c.v.o. xi.--paine, commodore sir godfrey m., c.b., m.v.o. xii.--tyrwhitt, rear-admiral sir r. y., k.c.b., d.s.o. _uniform with this publication._ generals of the british army portraits by francis dodd _each part /- net._ contents of part i. _introduction._ i.--haig, field-marshal sir douglas, k.t., g.c.b., g.c.v.o., k.c.i.e., =a.d.c.= ii.--plumer, general sir h. c. o., g.c.b., g.c.m.g., g.c.v.o., =a.d.c.= iii.--rawlinson, general sir h. s., bart., g.c.v.o., k.c.b., k.c.v.o. iv.--gough, general sir h. de la poer, k.c.b., k.c.v.o. v.--allenby, general sir e. h., k.c.b. vi.--horne, general sir h. s., k.c.b. vii.--birdwood, general sir w. r., k.c.b., k.c.s.i., k.c.m.g., c.i.e., d.s.o. viii.--byng, general the hon. sir j. h. g., k.c.b., k.c.m.g., m.v.o. ix.--congreve, lieut.-gen. sir w. n., =v.c.=, k.c.b., m.v.o. x.--haldane, lieut.-gen. sir j. a. l., k.c.b., d.s.o. xi.--watts, lieut.-gen. sir h. e., k.c.m.g., c.m.g. xii.--smuts, lieut.-gen. the rt. hon. jan c., p.c., k.c., m.l.a. contents of part ii. _introduction._ i.--french, field-marshal viscount, k.p., g.c.b., o.m. ii.--pulteney, lieut.-gen. sir william, k.c.b., k.c.m.g., d.s.o. iii.--haking, lieut.-gen. sir r. c. b., k.c.b. iv.--fergusson, lieut.-gen. sir charles, bart., k.c.b., m.v.o., d.s.o. v.--fowke, lieut.-gen. sir george h., k.c.b., k.c.m.g. vi.--hunter-weston, lieut.-gen. sir a., k.c.b., d.s.o. vii.--jacob, lieut.-gen. sir c. w., k.c.b. viii.--holland, major-gen. sir a. e. a., k.c.b., m.v.o., d.s.o. ix.--maxse, lieut.-gen. sir ivor, k.c.b., c.v.o., d.s.o. x.--morland, lieut.-gen. sir t. l. n., k.c.b., k.c.m.g., d.s.o. xi.--trenchard, major-gen. sir h. m., k.c.b., d.s.o. xii.--fanshawe, lieut.-gen. sir e. a., k.c.b. _large reproductions of some of these portraits may be obtained, price / each._ hudson & kearns, ltd., printers, hatfield street, london, s.e. . * * * * * transcriber's note: punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise inconsistencies were unchanged. simple typographical errors were corrected; most were retained. in advertisements, black letter honorific abbreviations are shown here in boldface. when originally published, the tables of content were on the back covers. in this ebook, each has been moved to the beginning of the part it references. generously made available by the internet archive/canadian libraries.) a letter to lord robert bertie. [price one shilling.] a letter to lord robert bertie, relating to his conduct in the mediterranean, and his defence of admiral byng. hic unde vitam sumeret inscius pacem duello miscuit. o pudor! o magna carthago! probrosis altior italiæ ruinis! hor. london: printed for r. griffiths, in pater-noster row. mdcclvii. a letter to lord robert bertie. my lord, characters like your's, are regarded with impartial attention by human society, and the world will impatiently expect something in your conduct suitable to your rank and dignity. those who are intrusted with the charter of our liberties, or the revenge of our wrongs, are laid under the strongest obligations which honour or gratitude can impose, to maintain the rights and execute the resentment of their country; but if they fail to exert themselves to the utmost for this purpose, the people, naturally fretful at their losses, will not forbear reflecting on the supposed authors of their misfortunes. and when they call to mind that indelible disgrace which has befallen them in the _mediterranean_, it's possible they may mingle too much petulance and severity in their censures upon those who were concerned in that unfortunate expedition. i am extremely sorry, my lord, to find your name in the number of those to whose misconduct that fatal defeat is attributed. you have been marked out by the indignation of the publick, and maliciously charged with principles the most remote from your heart, and designs. no person, i can assure you, was more assiduous in vindicating your fame, than the author of this address; and it was not without the utmost reluctance, that i ever suffered myself to entertain any suspicion of the wisdom or activity of your conduct: but since you have espoused the cause of the admiral, now under condemnation, with so much warmth and solicitude, i fear your sentiments are no longer a doubt, nor your behaviour altogether capable of such an honourable construction as your friends could wish. i shall therefore take that liberty which, as one of your constituents, i may claim, of canvassing the merits of that transaction in which your lordship had a considerable share; and as i shall endeavour to preserve an inviolable regard to truth, without partiality or rancour, i hope you will esteem these remonstrances as the observations of a friend, solicitous for your reputation; and not of an enemy, exulting in your adversity. these are the unanimous sentiments of your constituents, who think themselves so far interested in the fate of their representative, as to be honoured by his glory, and wounded by his disgrace; who are more publick-spirited than to justify an unworthy member, and more generous than to desert a faithful officer, tho' the popular cry be against him.--the principal objections against your lordship's conduct, on which i shall now freely animadvert, are the part you acted in the _mediterranean_, and the defence you have made at home. with relation to the first, my lord, i believe that your friends and enemies both lamented that terrible oversight in the administration, which neglected to prepare so invaluable a fortress, as _st. philip_'s, for every contingency whatsoever; and, when it was besieged, heartily wished that that detachment, which your lordship commanded, had been stronger for its relief. they apprehended that it was not politick, considering the precarious events of war, to trust to a small number, from an ostentatious confidence of our strength, or an ill-judged frugality, when greater forces might have been sent, consistent with our safety at home. but it unfortunately happened, that those few on board were all that _gibraltar_ could spare. _minorca_ was exposed to a furious storm, the general was brave, and the garrison sustained the attack with undaunted resolution. but valour cannot surmount all difficulties, courage cannot stifle the demands of nature, nor the greatest spirits persevere without some relaxation from hardship and fatigue: they had to encounter with the intense heat of the climate, and were denied the necessary refreshment of repose. in these circumstances, what transports of pleasure would the sight of a _british_ fleet inspire? how chearfully would they exert all their remaining strength, in hopes of being speedily supplied with all the necessaries their distresses required? what noble efforts must they make, when they saw a fresh reinforcement of men flying as swift as possible to their assistance? the smallest detachment that could have been landed, attended with stores and provisions, would have revived their courage, animated their spirits, and possibly might intirely have defeated the designs of our enemies. what motives of an opposite nature could sway with such weighty considerations? what danger could there be in attempting to land? what hesitation could there be about the expediency of it? what council, good god! could deliberate a moment, whether they should help their friends, or abandon them to destruction? the reasons which were urged against that enterprize, were not on account of the smallness of the detachment, but the danger of entering the harbour, which would have been equally conclusive against the most numerous body, which must have suffered more from the fire of their cannon than a few, and would deter us from performing any exploits which are attended with the least degree of danger or inconvenience. but admitting the truth of that assertion you have frequently maintained, 'that all the assistance you was capable of bringing would have been no effectual relief; and, at best, could but have protracted the siege a few days;' admitting, i say, that the presence and encouragement of so many superior officers would not have accomplished that desireable end, yet you would have stood acquitted, and glorious, in the eyes of your country, and of posterity. the guilt would have been confined intirely to those who sent you out in so miserable a plight: we should have pitied and applauded the gallant efforts of that bravery which was not crowned with success; we should have resigned the place with less regret, when it was so dearly bought.--but, alas! we did not put it in the power of fortune to save us: the least evil was not hazarded; we had not the pain of seeing our friends overcome by a superior enemy; your valour was reserved for a nobler theatre, and your eloquence spared for a more glorious occasion. there is one circumstance, my lord, which i shall mention, as it just occurs to my mind. if i forget not, it was agreed in council, that the enemy could never neglect planting cannon on such advantageous places, as those two opposite points which command the avenue of the harbour. now as you did not approach so near the place as to be spectators of any dreadful artillery planted to intercept relief, this opinion must be wholly founded on conjecture; and you had as much reason to apprehend it while at _gibraltar_, as after the th of _may_; and if so, would it not have been more prudent to have staid at _gibraltar_, than have put your men on board a squadron so imperfectly equipped, destitute of hospital and store-ships, where they could be of no service, where they must consume the provisions of the fleet, and be liable to the sickness which attends a close confinement? who could have objected to you the disobedience of orders then, if they acquit you now? how ridiculously must you pretend to say, that the commands of majesty were obeyed, when the least attempt was never made to land the reinforcements at that place where it was only in their power to be of any service? i defy all history to produce any instance when the orders of a sovereign, and the possessions of a kingdom, were ever so infamously disregarded, under the sanction of a council! i have nothing, at present, to say concerning the engagement betwixt the two admirals, as your lordship's fame was not interested in the event; and whatever benefit the squadron might be supposed to receive from the continuance of your regiment on board, i presume you will not ascribe to them the merit of having defeated the enemy. the principal figure you had the honour to make, was in the decisive resolution, agreed upon in council, of returning to _gibraltar_. i don't suppose your lordship was more forward in promoting that determination, than any of those that composed that honourable body. as to the losses and situation of the fleet, i don't doubt but they might be represented to you in such a light, that it might appear wise and necessary to repair to _gibraltar_ to refit, before you ventured upon another engagement; but how any other reasons could impose upon your judgment to consent to so infamous a retreat, i cannot conceive; and am amazed and confounded when i think of it.--could it ever seriously be urged, that the _french_ fleet designed to escape thro' the _streights_, in order to join a squadron from _brest_, and so do some terrible mischief, the lord knows where?----what unaccountable panick could seize you, in behalf of _gibraltar_? were not all their efforts exerted, all their armaments drained, all their magazines exhausted, to carry on the siege at _minorca_?--besides the strength they borrowed of the _genoese_. what alarms could _gibraltar_ apprehend, unless ships were to rise from the deep, or an army drop from the skies?----whatever they might boast of the strength and cleanness of their fleet, they must have sustained some damage in the engagement: they must be weakened and disabled by the brisk firing of mr. _west_'s division; not to mention the immense quantity of powder and ball discharged from the _ramillies_, which surely could not be expended in vain.--yet, notwithstanding these reasons, it appeared more eligible to you to retire, than to answer the design of your expedition. i would not be understood to reflect on the valour of those officers who embarked along with you; and you might think it a deference due to them to acquiesce in their sentiments.--but yet, my lord, had you considered, with due attention, the distresses of the place--the certainty of its falling into the hands of the _french_, if not relieved--the grand purpose for which you was sent--and the censures to which you would stand peculiarly exposed, as commander of the regiment on board----i am persuaded you would have been the first for landing the reinforcement, and have indignantly rejected a proposal for abandoning a fortress so valuable, unassisted, unrelieved.----whatever danger might have attended the enterprize, would have redounded to your glory----and your neutrality, at least, would have endeared you to the eternal esteem of your friends, and recommended you to greater honours than we can confer.----what pleasure would it give to those who have the least connection with you, to find your resolution so singularly distinguished, and your zeal for your country so warm, as to surmount every obstacle, every difficulty, attending its defence! i remember to have read of a great general, whose example should be the model of every soldier, that having convened a council to debate upon some important enterprize, then in agitation, and finding them discontented with his proposal, he upbraided their timidity, gave them liberty to return, and declared that he would march forward with his own fifth legion alone!----his reproach had a just effect upon them, and inspired them with such shame and indignation as rekindled their courage, and carried them thro' the greatest difficulties with uninterrupted success. my lord, i should not have expostulated with you so freely, had i not been assured that the intended reinforcement was practicable, and might have been successful. history affords many instances of garrisons, in strength much inferior to _st. philip_'s, holding out against a more formidable enemy; and, whatever representations may have been given of the romantick nature of the attempt, if i should maintain that your own small supply would have been sufficient, i should be justified in the assertion by the most unexceptionable authority. there is great reason to believe, that had the fatal attack, on the th of _june_, been repulsed from those forts which were most defenceless, and most surprized, as it might have been done with a very small number more, they never would have renewed it again with equal fury, or equal advantage. and if there be any weight in this supposition, if there was any prospect of affording the castle any relief, we can't help being astonished that any danger should induce you to decline the prosecution of so glorious an undertaking.----we cannot applaud the voice you gave in the council, according to our present apprehensions; and we must continue in this opinion, unless you shall vindicate your conduct, and acquaint us with those views that influenced your lordship's determination. this a piece of justice which the honour of your character requires, and which your friends expect. as your electors, we beseech it; as the subjects of an insulted kingdom, whose losses are universally felt, we demand it at your hands. reflect, my lord, (for your country can never forget) what a long succescession of dreadful consequences this loss must extend to futurity? what additional expences must the protection of our trade require, when thus deprived of its guardian? what sums can insure the return of our ships, exposed, as they must constantly be, to the capture of our enemies? what profit can attend that commerce, which must always be liable to irretrievable losses? what fleets of convoys must be engaged for our defence, which might otherwise be employed to the annoyance of the enemy? what aggravated indignities we must receive from the most contemptible powers in the _mediterranean_, who will look upon this defeat as the certain token of the ruin of our once invincible navy. whoever considers this sad concurrence of misfortunes, and at the same time the enormity of the disgrace we have sustained, will blush to find so black a period as this recorded in the annals of _great britain_. let it never be remembered, what great and lasting advantage might have been reaped from the defeat of the most rash invasion that was ever undertaken, how fatal a wound we might have given to their ambition, and what future hostilities might have been prevented. may posterity forgive us for losing the most glorious opportunity of gaining a complete and final triumph over our enemies, that heaven ever gave. may not our colonies reproach us for all those cruelties and calamities, which this disastrous event has contributed to enhance and prolong. and now, my lord, i proceed to the defence you have made in favour of the admiral, when the united voice of his country called upon him to answer for his conduct: and here you have espoused his cause with a solicitude eager for his safety, and with a confidence which the persuasion of his innocence could only create.----you was pleased to express the greatest surprize, that the action on the th of _may_ should be so universally condemned by the nation; and to prevent your friends from being carried down the tide of popular clamour, you favoured them with a particular account of the situation, strength, and armament of the two squadrons. you gave a particular calculation of the weight of metal, the number of guns, and superiority of men; from which it appears, that if no confidence was to be placed in the valour and activity of our seamen, and the experience of our commanders, we must inevitably lose the victory.--to confirm this, the state of our fleet might be added, which has been so pathetically represented as weak, destitute, and unprovided with necessary stores and tenders, at a time, alas! when it ought to have been invincible. besides, we have been told of the immense rate at which our enemy's ships failed, (if we were capable of being bubbled by so palpable an imposition) which must necessarily disappoint our most vigorous efforts in the chace. and yet, notwithstanding these unsurmountable difficulties, which it was mr. _byng_'s peculiar misfortune to encounter with, your friends cannot cease to believe, with the most exquisite concern and regret, that it was in our power to have destroyed their boasted squadron, and abundantly revenged their invasion of _minorca_. what instance can be produced in our naval records, where so small a difference in strength was ever urged to vindicate a timorous action, or justify a hasty retreat. there has been a time when our captains, so far from being terrified with a formidable enemy, have exulted in their superiority--improved it to their own greater glory, and envied no success but what has been obtained by unequal numbers.--vigilance and resolution will succeed against the strongest force. fortune may hold the ballance of war; but bravery turns the scale. if any thing could embitter the remembrance of our late misfortunes, it must be those circumstances that have suspended the fate of the author of them so long, contrary to the united demands of the kingdom. we are not so barbarously impatient for justice, as to deny an equitable trial to the worst of criminals; but we cannot see why the satisfaction of an injured people should be delayed; and we can never be too jealous of that power which enables us to arraign the greatest crimes, and condemn the most capital offenders. and, with relation to the present case, nothing but the most scrupulous mercy could have deliberated on the execution of his sentence so long. the fury of the people was subsided. all the weapons, which falshood and calumny could invent, to transfer the odium of this transaction to a higher cause. his situation was considered with all the allowance that candour could make: his judges entered upon his trial free from all prejudice and passion, and every witness that was desired was granted. so that all complaints of ill usage and injustice are urged without the least shadow of foundation; and there is not the least reason to pretend that he falls a sacrifice to the resentment of a private party.--if he has the sanction of authority to produce, let his commission be shewn, and the mystery of the whole combination be unfolded: but if no associates should be found, if the original springs of our mischiefs should be inaccessible, we do know the instruments of them, and whether bribery or disaffection, or cowardice or negligence, has principally prevailed.--we know what we ought to have done, and need not be reminded what we have lost. we are sensible _who reflected disgrace upon his majesty's flag, abandoned his gallant countrymen, and infamously retreated to_ gibraltar, _while our enemies were seizing an undefended garrison, and triumphing in those seas which never acknowledged any but a_ british _sovereign before_. when we repose such an important trust in the hands of a commander, the least neglect in the discharge of it is a crime of the most aggravated nature. what can make us a recompence for what we have lost? not all the spoils of plunder, nor the profits of illicit trade. the forfeiture of that immense fortune he has accumulated would be no amends; and the sacrifice of that life he did not rashly expose to danger, would be too small an atonement of our wrongs. did we not hone so memorable an example would do justice to our name, and prevent the same sad misconduct from ever being transacted any more. if there be any weight in these observations, mr. _byng_ has been treated with no cruel severity to which he was not intitled; and whoever exert themselves as patrons and defenders of his cause, cannot hope to be exempt from the unsparing censures of the publick.--your lordship's evidence has not been the least remarkable: you have befriended him in open court; and in private conversation you have not scrupled to express your favourable opinion of his conduct, in opposition to the general belief of his country.--whatever principles you may have declared in the latter case, i shall not charge you with; but your depositions, as an evidence, are subject to every one's examination; and these, i presume, are far from making his character appear in a more agreeable point of view than it was placed in before. if your lordship could have discovered one reason why mr. _byng_'s ship was prevented from bearing down upon the enemy with all expedition; why he was kept back so long, that one of our own ships, which did not sail so well as the _ramillies_, was able to get betwixt him and the enemy, and was in great danger therefore of receiving her fire--you would have alledged an argument in his defence more material and important, than a thousand encomiums on his calmness and presence of mind. facts are the only solid tests of truth, and the only proofs which are liable to no ambiguity: and if we appeal to these, may we not suppose that every contingency that furnished a pretence for trifling and delay, was gladly embraced.----what appearance is there of the least ardour to engage, or the smallest attention to improve any favourable event to his advantage? where was the spirit of resolution and enterprize worthy of a _british_ commander? what losses did he receive, but that of a timber-head? what danger could he apprehend, when the enemy's fire did not reach a ship in his division much nearer than himself?----where was the heroism of delivering his orders without terror or confusion, while he was situated at so harmless a distance? if this can proceed from neglect, it may cost us more than _minorca_----our navy and kingdom too. and what can cowardice or disaffection do more?----the most friendly and partial evidences do him no honour, and represent him, at best, but as an inactive, inglorious spectator, indifferent to victory, rather than as a vigorous commander, whose country's reputation, as well as his own, was immediately interested in the event. and if the unexceptionable attestations of the rest have any authority with them, we cannot be at a loss to whom we shall ascribe the defeat of that fatal expedition; and we cannot but think a solicitude to defend a conduct so undeniably culpable, will deserve part of the ignominy which attends it. your friends, fearful of pronouncing too hasty a sentence, rejected a great many reports which enhanced the guilt of this action, and waved their opinion till the most material circumstances were confirmed by the court-martial. they are sensible of the difficulty of forming a just judgment upon an engagement, which requires such extensive skill, and so minute an attention, to be free from all exception: yet when they see a ship of the first note, for sailing, scandalously loitering in the rear, without any just impediment, while the rest were sustaining unequal fire, with not one man wounded or killed during the whole time, though all the evidences were unanimous in commending the admiral, we could not help condemning it as defective; and while this is the case, we cannot approve of your endeavouring to obstruct or mitigate the punishment such misbehaviour deserves. these remonstrances are not the dictates of passion and malice; but of a desire for the impartial unbiassed administration of justice. the honour of every brave man is dear, as the actions of every coward are odious, to his country.----it is incumbent on your lordship to remove all suspicions of partiality from the minds of your friends, that your memory may not be transmitted to posterity in connection with that name, which they will have as much reason to detest as their ancestors had to admire. when the necessary rigor of the military oeconomy is relaxed by an unbounded indulgence to superior officers, when supreme orders are stripped of all their meaning and force, by the arbitrary construction of those to whom they are directed, when the greatest offenders, relying upon their affluent fortunes and almighty influence, shall be able to resist the united demands of a whole people, crying for vengeance, we can never be astonished at the consequences which will follow. the restraint of publick awe will be removed, popular displeasure despised, and our invaluable possessions will be sacrificed to indolence, timidity, or private revenge.--that this was our case we had but too much reason to apprehend, when such uncommon circumstances of delay protracted the execution of a late sentence so long. at last we find that neither artifice nor intreaty, interest nor power, can wrest from us that victim to justice which our misfortunes require of us.----whether we are to look upon any hidden mover in this dark labyrinth as antecedently guilty or no, we refer to the deliberations of parliament; and, waving all assertions and murmurs not sufficiently supported, shall acquiesce in the result of their impartial enquiries. my lord, you cannot do greater justice to yourself, or favour to your friends, than by promoting, to the utmost of your power, that scrutiny we have recommended to you, that the causes of our disasters may no longer be concealed, nor their authors escape with impunity: may future discoveries reflect an agreeable light upon your conduct, and restore you to that esteem you once deservedly possessed. if these reasonings are not founded on so exact a knowledge of the inaccessible situation of _st. philip_'s, or so accurate a calculation of the force of the two squadrons as your lordship obtained, we may expect you will confute them by an open vindicacation; for silence and contempt will only confirm them. it would be malignantly partial to have directed the popular clamour against you, had not you invited this address by the talk you voluntarily undertook, in which you have advanced so little material, that the admiral was indebted more to the generosity of your friendship than the merit of your evidence. to draw this letter to a conclusion; when the actions of any officer are not called to publick account, it creates a strong and probable presumption in his defence: but there is a secret judge in every human breast, by which a brave man would always wish to be approved. honour erects a more equitable tribunal; and its decrees are irreversable. to stand acquitted there, it is necessary that every prejudice and exception, which tend to diminish the fame of any exploit, be cleared up and removed. those which lie against your lordship are here faithfully related, without any groundless aspersions or malicious conjectures.--but it is too painful to dwell on this critical subject any longer; may the review of past misfortunes animate us to a more vigorous execution of future measures. our enemies have longed triumphed in their perfidious spoils, and reaped the fruit of our negligence and misconduct.----the last dear prizes are at stake, our possessions and our being in the most critical suspence.----yet, when a wise and uncorrupted administration sustains the arduous offices of government, when valour and integrity conduct our arms, when our commanders are recompensed with their just deserts,----a brighter prospect will dawn upon us; _britain_ may once more lift up her head, her withered laurels revive, and her dominion over the deep be re-assumed.--that the infamy of our late mismanagement may be effaced by the steadiness of our councils, and the propriety of all our measures; and that your lordship may take an honourable and distinguished part therein, is the sincere and ardent wish of, my lord, your most obedient humble servant. [frontispiece: charles beresford, admiral] the memoirs of admiral lord beresford with twenty-three illustrations fourth edition in one volume methuen & co. ltd. essex street w.c. london first published ( vols.) . . . . october th, second edition . . . . november, third edition . . . . december, fourth edition ( vol.) . . . . september, to my brother officers of the royal navy {vii} preface this work is a record of my life from the year , when i entered the royal navy, to the year , when i hauled down my flag and came on shore. for the introduction and the notes, which have been written in order to amplify the personal narrative and to connect it with the historical events of the period, mr. l. cope cornford is responsible. i have dedicated the book to my brother officers of the royal navy. as luck would have it, my career has been of a singularly varied character. and my hope is that, in reading its story, boys and girls, as well as their elders, may find pleasure. charles beresford _admiral_ great cumberland place, w. _june_ [illustration: curraghmore] {ix} contents introductory note chap. i. i see the fleet ii. the beginning of service iii. the ship of happiest memory iv. the ship of unhappy memory v. the midshipman of vi. strict service vii. the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_-- i. to the antipodes viii. the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_)-- ii. my two faithful servants ix. the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_)-- iii. tahiti and the sandwich islands x. the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_)-- iv. old japan. note xi. the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_)-- v. with the duke in japan xii. the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_)-- vi. the homeward voyage xiii. flag-lieutenant at plymouth xiv. political events of - and postscript. note {x} xv. an irish election and irish politics xvi. member for waterford, and commander, royal navy xvii. with the prince in india xviii. the egyptian war-- i. the beginning of trouble. note xix. the egyptian war (_continued_)-- ii. the bombardment of alexandria xx. the egyptian war (_continued_)-- iii. chief of police xxi. the egyptian war (_continued_)-- iv. garrison work xxii. passing through egypt xxiii. the soudan war of - -- i. summary of events. note xxiv. the soudan war (_continued_)-- ii. how we brought the boats through the great gate xxv. the soudan war (_continued_)-- iii. up the cataracts and across the desert xxvi. the soudan war (_continued_)-- iv. the first march of the desert column. note xxvii. the soudan war (_continued_)-- v. the desert march of the forlorn hope xxviii. the soudan war (_continued_)-- vi. the fight at abu klea xxix. the soudan war (_continued_)-- vii. the fight to reach the river {xi} xxx. the soudan war (_continued_)-- viii. disaster xxxi. the soudan war (_continued_)-- ix. the rescue xxxii. the soudan war (_continued_)-- x. the effect of the action of wad habeshi xxxiii. the soudan war (_continued_)-- xi. the retreat xxxiv. the soudan war (_continued_)-- xii. sequel and conclusion xxxv. organisation for war xxxvi. the twenty-one million xxxvii. h.m.s. undaunted-- i. with the mediterranean fleet xxxviii. h.m.s. undaunted (_continued_)-- ii. the salving of the _seignelay_ xxxix. the second shipbuilding programme xl. steam reserve xli. views and reviews xlii. coveted china. note xliii. the intromission of the admirals xliv. traffics and discoveries-- i. china xlv. traffics and discoveries (_continued_)-- ii. japan xlvi. traffics and discoveries (_continued_)-- iii. the united states {xii} xlvii. h.m.s. _ramillies_ xlviii. her majesty's midshipmen xlix. the parliamentary anvil l. the channel fleet li. boat racing lii. the mediterranean station liii. sporting memories-- i. riding and driving liv. sporting memories (continued)-- i. shooting lv. sporting memories (continued)-- iii. fishing lvi. home waters: the last command postscript. the making of an admiral index (the "notes" are by l. cope cornford) {xiii} list of illustrations the author . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _frontispiece_ from a photograph by heath curraghmore from a photograph by g. d. croker sir john de la poer beresford, th marquess of waterford christina, marchioness of waterford from paintings at curraghmore the author as naval cadet from a photograph h.m.s. _marlborough_, from a painting in the possession of the author the officers of h.m.s. _sutlej_, . from a photograph h.r.h. the duke of edinburgh from a photograph by j. russell & sons pieter both mountain, mauritius from a photograph the author as lieutenant from a photograph {xiv} the author Æt. from a photograph lady charles beresford from a photograph the bombardment of alexandria, th july from a chart drawn by the author at the time on board h.m.s. condor, th july from a drawing by frederic villiers provost-marshal and chief of police, alexandria, july from a drawing by frederic villiers the author's method of hauling boats through the bab-el-kebir after a drawing made on the spot by the author the nile from wady halfa to khartoum the author from a photograph by hallen, new york "running the gauntlet"--the action of the _safieh_ at wad habeshi, th february from a painting in the possession of the author field-marshal the right hon. viscount wolseley from a photograph by elliott & fry the author speaking in the house of commons on his twenty-one million shipbuilding programme, th december from the drawing by j. walter wilson in the possession of the author {xv} the author, from a drawing by phil may in the possession of the author h.m.s. _king edward vii_ engaged in battle practice, from a photograph (_design of cover by harold wyllie_) {xvii} introductory note the house of beresford lord charles william de la poer beresford, born in , was the second of five brothers, sons of sir john de la poer beresford, fourth marquess of waterford. lord charles's elder brother, sir john henry de la poer beresford (to give him his full title), earl and viscount of tyrone, baron de la poer of curraghmore in the county of waterford, and baron beresford of beresford in the county of cavan, in the peerage of ireland, and baron tyrone of haverfordwest in the county of pembroke, in the peerage of great britain, knight of the most illustrious order of st. patrick, succeeded to these titles in . sir john joined the st life guards. he died in , and was succeeded by his son (nephew to lord charles), as presently to be noted. of the other three brothers, lord william de la poer joined the th lancers and became military secretary to five successive viceroys of india, was a patron of the turf, and died in ; lord marcus de la poer joined the th hussars, took charge of the king's racehorses, an office which he still fulfils, and was appointed extra equerry to king george; lord delaval james de la poer (sixteen years younger than lord charles) ranched in north america and was killed in a railway accident in . the five brothers were keen sportsmen, hard riders, men of their hands, high-couraged, adventurous, talented in affairs, winning friendship and affection wherever they went. {xviii} lord john-henry, fifth marquess, the eldest brother, inherited the family tradition of good landlordship. there was never any oppression of tenants on the waterford estate. in the house of lords and in the country, lord waterford took a strenuous part in the troubled and complex issues of irish politics; although during the last years of his life he was crippled and helpless, the result of an accident which befell him in the hunting field. lord william won the v.c. by an act of cool and audacious gallantry in the zulu war of ; renowned for reckless hardihood, there was hardly a bone in his body which he had not broken; and it is probable that his injuries, diminishing his powers of resistance, caused him to succumb to his last illness. lord charles has broken his chest-bone,--a piece of which was cut out in his boyhood, leaving a cavity,--pelvis, right leg, right hand, foot, five ribs, one collar-bone three times, the other once, his nose three times; but owing to his extraordinary physique and strict regimen, he is younger and stronger at the time of writing than most men of half his age. the family home of the five brothers was curraghmore, a noble estate lying some twelve miles west of waterford. the great house stands in a cup of the hills, whose slopes are clothed with woods of oak, the primæval forest of ireland. the oak woods adjoining the house were planted with the design of supplying timber to the royal navy. built foursquare, like most houses in ireland, the mansion faces upon a vast gravelled quadrangle, closed in on left and right by the long ranges of stables. beyond the lawns of the terraced garden, beyond the hanging woods, the bony shoulders of the mountains of comeragh hunch upon the changing sky; nearer hand, darkens the lone hill of croughaun; and day and night the noise of running waters, the voice of the clodagh river, flowing through tawny shallow and sombre pool, breaking white-maned upon rock and fall, rises upon the quiet air. looking westward from the bare summit of the hill above the deer-park, you shall {xix} view the rich valley parcelled into garden and farm and paddock, which are set among deep groves; in the midst, flanked by a gleam of water, the house darkens upon the westering sunlight; and beyond, the sparkling landscape fades into the profound and aerial blue of the mountain wall. eastward, the rounded bosses of the forest clothe the hills; and in the valley's gentle opening, the river suir, like a scimitar laid on cloth of tapestry, glimmers dark and bright upon the plain, which, studded with woods and dotted with white specks of villages, stretches to where the dim sea-line merges in the sky. over yonder, cloven through the heart of the ancient woods, a green drive rises to the skyline, bordered on either side by rhododendrons, like huge ropes of jewels, three miles long. in the forest there is silence. few birds or none nest in that deep labyrinth of silver-barked and shaggy trees, rooted for centuries in the mould of their own perennial decay. the martin-cat is lord of that hoary solitude. as a boy, lord charles trapped the martin-cats, and presented his mother with a muff made from their skins. high on the hill rising to the north of the house of curraghmore, set in a grove of beeches and enclosed within a wall, the last resting-place of the beresfords opens upon a great and shining prospect of wood and mountain. here is a wide and broad stone platform, like an ancient altar, the hue of rusty iron, compact of the granite slabs whereon the names of the dead are graven. on three sides it is walled with the tall silver stems of beeches, whose branches high overhead interlace in a green canopy. hard by stands the private chapel, once the parish church of clonegam, a bleak and an unfeatured edifice. within, there reclines the bronze effigy of the third marquess, he of the aquiline profile and the full beard, who broke his neck out hunting in . opposite to him lies the white marble figure, urbane and majestic, of lord john, his successor, father of lord charles beresford. in the south wall of the chancel, in an arched recess cut out of the {xx} thickness of the wall, the white light falls from an unseen opening above upon the sculptured figure of a lady, sleeping recumbent, and beside her nestles the tiny form of her child. she was the first wife of the fifth marquess, and she died in childbirth. near by the private chapel, high uplifted on the bare shoulder of the hill, stands a round tower, a mark for leagues, the monument set up to the memory of the little boy, marcus, lord le poer, heir to lord tyrone, afterwards first marquess. he died from the effects of a fall from his pony, the accident occurring when he was jumping hurdles just outside the great courtyard of the house. his portrait, painted by gainsborough, hangs in the drawing-room. it is a noble head, done with gainsborough's inimitable delicacy. the lad's blue eyes gaze frankly out of the picture; his fair hair curls upon his shoulders; his coat is scarlet, with the open falling collar of the time; the face is of a singular beauty. near by, in the centre of the wall, hangs sir joshua reynolds's portrait of sir francis delaval, k.b. a tremendous figure, sir francis, posed in a commanding attitude upon a hillside, right arm extended, grasping a musket with fixed bayonet, and clad in a rich suit of claret colour and cocked hat. he was the uncle of the wife of the second marquess of waterford. by reason of that alliance, many of the delaval family pictures came to curraghmore. here is lord delaval himself, who died in , a nobleman of a somewhat rugged and domineering countenance. here is the first marquess of waterford, with a long hooked nose; he is thin-lipped, narrow-eyed (it seems that he had a squint), wearing the ribbon and star of a knight of st. patrick. henry, second marquess, was painted by sir thomas lawrence; a handsome head, crowned with a mass of fine light hair. in the hall hangs the portrait of the third marquess; he whose bronze effigy lies in the chapel. he is reading. with his pale and finely cast features, his thick brown hair and beard, he might have been (but was not) an ascetic student. he married the hon. louisa {xxi} stuart, second daughter and co-heiress of charles, lord stuart dc rothesay. the marchioness was a lady of taste, and was considered the most talented amateur painter of her day. she laid out anew the gardens, where heretofore the horses used to graze close to the house, took great interest in the improvement of the mansion itself, designed the cawnpore memorial, designed ford village, formerly the property of the delavals in northumberland, and achieved a series of cartoons representing religious subjects, which adorn the walls of the school at ford. these and many other ancestral portraits gaze from the walls of gallery and hall and chamber, in the great house of curraghmore. each generation as it grew up has traced in them its own lineaments fore-ordained, and has marked the miracle of heredity repeated again and again, from sir tristram beresford, darkling in full armour, through the masterful katherine le poer and the beautiful susanna carpenter, whose mother was a delaval, to the penultimate head of the house of de la poer beresford. the entrance hall of the mansion of curraghmore is the ancient keep, which was built by the de la poers in the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, foursquare, the walls ten feet thick. the rest of the house is eighteenth century. the original edifice is briefly described in _the antient and present state of the county and city of waterford_, by charles smith, published in dublin in , and in _the history, topography and antiquities of the county and city of waterford_, by the rev. r. h. ryland, published by murray in . sir marcus, first earl of tyrone, and his son, afterwards first marquess of waterford, made considerable additions, which, according to the date inscribed upon the lead work, were completed in . from the old keep, transformed into an eighteenth-century entrance hall, a flight of steps leads to the inner hall, whence a wide staircase rises, following the walls, and out of which open the reception rooms. these face upon lawn and fountain and terrace. over the entrance door are carved the family coat; {xxii} and the crest of the de la poers, a stag couchant bearing a cross upon his forehead, crowns the parapet. upon the garden front are sculptured the beresford shield and their crest, "a dragon's head erased, the neck pierced with a tilting spear, and holding the point broken off in the mouth." motto, _nil nisi cruce_. such was the home of the five brothers, when their father, lord john dc la poer beresford, in holy orders, succeeded his brother in . lord charles beresford, who had been for some years at school in england, joined the navy in that year. he came to curraghmore in his brief and widely spaced intervals of leave, while his brothers came home more frequently during their vacations. in those days, the stables were filled with horses, the house was populous with guests; and the great courtyard in front of the house, now silent, resounded with the cheery bustle of a jovial company coming and going. all winter the house was thronged; there was hunting six days in the week; and more than a hundred horses were stabled at curraghmore. lord charles beresford has told how that many a time, when, as a midshipman, he was humping beef into the blood-boats for the fleet, did he think not without envy upon his brothers, each with his two or three hunters, riding to hounds at curraghmore. the house of beresford derives from the "very old and eminent english family of beresford of beresford, in the county of stafford," and from the de la poers, an ancient breton family, and their quarterings include the noble houses of hamilton, monck, carpenter, plantagenet, lastile and leon, mortimer, de burgh, holland, wake, wevill, beauchamp, delaval, blake. the beresfords represented the english plantation in the north of ireland, until the marriage was made which united them with de la poers, who were of the first english plantation in the south. [illustration: sir john de la poer beresford, fourth marquess of waterford, father of lord charles beresford. christina, wife of the fourth marquess of waterford, mother of lord charles beresford] tristram beresford came into ireland in the reign of james i., as manager of the corporation of londoners, known as "the society of the new plantation in ulster." {xxiii} the first tristram settled at coleraine, in county londonderry. his son, sir tristram, first baronet, in common with the first created baronets of ulster, bore on his shield the open red hand of ulster, hitherto borne by the forfeited o'neils. sir randal, second baronet, sat in the first parliament held after the restoration. sir tristram, his son, commanded a regiment of foot against king james ii., and was attainted. he it was who married the hon. nicola sophia hamilton, concerning whom a legend of the supernatural is current. briefly, it is that the friend of her early years, the earl of tyrone, visited her after his death, according to agreement, and, to prove the reality of his appearance, touched her wrist, shrivelling nerve and sinew, so that ever afterwards she wore a bracelet of black velvet. a picture, supposed to represent this lady, hangs in curraghmore. it must be said that the evidence of it extant is so highly dubious, that the story is not worth telling in detail. sir tristram was succeeded by his son, sir marcus, fourth baronet, who married the lady katherine de la poer, who was baroness in her own right. thus the two houses were conjoined. lady katherine was the only daughter and heiress of james, third and last earl of tyrone. she was allowed the barony of la poer in fee by resolution of the irish house of lords, on th november . sir marcus her husband was created earl of tyrone in . the son of sir marcus and lady katherine, george de la poer, was created marquess of waterford in , and knight of st. patrick at the institution of the order in . first marquess, he was the first de la poer beresford. the de la poer, power, or poher, family traces its descent from comorre i., count of le poher, who married the widow of jonas, king of domnonée, and who died a.d. . le poher was one of the five independent states of brittany, of which the others were la domnonée, la cornouailles, le vannes, and le leon. the genealogy of the le poers is {xxiv} interesting, if only by reason of its romantic names. from comorre i., count of le poher, descended the counts comorre, erispoë, rivallon, nominoë. nominoë married one argantal, defeated charles the bald, drove the franks out of brittany, and was proclaimed king of that country in . he was succeeded by his son erispoë, who married mormohec. from the aforesaid rivallon descended salomon, who (having achieved a little murderous intrigue) succeeded king erispoë, and married wembrit. from the brother of salomon, mathuedoi, descended alain, count of vannes and duke of brittany, who fought against the normans, and who was driven by them to take refuge in england. his son alain (called barbe-torte) returned to brittany, drove out the normans in his turn, and united le poer to the duchy. from the pohers, in the female line, descended arthur, duke of brittany, who was done to death by john, king of england, a.d. . there is this other link between john of england and the de la poers, that in the demesne of curraghmore an ancient bridge of stone, over which the english king is said to have passed, spans the river and is called john's bridge to this day. from the duchess constance, the mother of arthur of brittany, descended the duchess anne, who married king louis xii. of france. brittany was thus incorporated in france. the pohers seem to have come to england with duke william of normandy, called the conqueror. in they are found in devonshire; and later, in leicestershire, northamptonshire, shropshire, warwickshire, gloucestershire, wiltshire, herefordshire; a fructuous and an acquisitive clan. they came to ireland in the reign of the second henry: then came sir robert, sir roger, william and simon. sir roger helped in the invasion of ulster. but the founder of the de la poers of curraghmore was sir robert, who, in the year , accompanied king henry ii. as knight marshal, and to whom was given by the king, the town of waterford and a great parcel of county waterford. {xxv} towards the end of the sixteenth century, sir henry sidney, in the course of his account of the province of munster, communicated to the lords of the council, describes his visit to john, lord le poer, who was born in . " th feb., . the day i departed from waterford i lodged that night at curraghmore, the house that lord power is baron of, where i was so used, and with such plenty and good order entertained (as adding to it the quiet of all the country adjoining, by the people called power country, for that surname has been since the beginning of the englishman's planting inhabitants there), it may be well compared with the best ordered country in the english pale. and the lord of the country, though he be of scope of ground a far less territory than his neighbour is, yet he lives in show far more honourably and plentifully than he or any other, whatsoever he be, of his calling that lives in his province." the "peerage of ireland" of urbanely observes: "it is very remarkable, that in so long a succession in this family, and in a country continually disturbed and torn by rebellion and civil wars, that not one of this family was ever engaged in any rebellion against the crown of england, nor was there ever a forfeiture in the family during the space of six hundred years that they have been planted in ireland; and they at this day enjoy the family lands, and reside at the same place they were originally settled in, in the county of waterford. in a grant of letters patent from king charles ii. to this richard, lord la poer, bearing date the th may, the twenty-third year of his reign, there is this recital. that the ancestors of the said richard, lord la poer, from their first planting in ireland, for above four hundred years, had entirely preserved their faith and loyalty to the crown of england, in consideration therefore," etc. sir tristram beresford, up in the north, fought against king james second; but the de la poers harboured that monarch; who in the course of his retreat from ireland, {xxvi} slept a night at curraghmore, and departing thence took ship at waterford, and was no more seen in erin. sir marcus, the son of sir tristram, as above recited, united the two houses by marrying the lady katherine le poer; and their descendants, as in , "at this day enjoy the family lands and reside at the same place they were originally settled in." the earldom of tyrone, which was extinguished by the death of lady katherine's father, the third earl, was revived in sir marcus beresford. tracing back the direct line of the de la poers of curraghmore, we find that nicholas de la poer was summoned to parliament in , in , and in , by the most ancient writs contained in the rolls office in ireland. this sir nicholas of curraghmore traced his descent from brian boru, king of erin, who died in . the line of irish kings (as recorded in _whitaker's almanack_) goes back to a.d. ; and some say much further. a collateral branch of the de pohers, or powers, was the barons of donoyle, or dunhill, the ruins of whose castle remain to this day. it was stoutly defended against cromwell by the baroness; and, according to tradition, was betrayed into the hands of the enemy by the lieutenant of her garrison. these powers were then transplanted to connaught, and their estates were forfeited. another collateral branch was the powers of knockbrit, county tipperary. in the year , to edmund power and his wife, who was a daughter of "buck" sheehy, was born marguerite, who became lady blessington. it seems that her father, "buck" power, dissipated his fortune, as the mode was in those days; that he compelled his daughter to marry one captain farmer, who ill-treated her; that mrs. farmer left her husband, came to london with her brother, was painted by sir thomas lawrence, and, after farmer's death, married lord blessington. here is a link with my lord byron. the relation of the de la poer beresfords with the delavals of seaton-delaval in northumberland, consists in the marriage of sir henry de la poer, second marquess {xxvii} ( - ), with lady susanna carpenter, who was the granddaughter of lord delaval. her mother, daughter of lord delaval, married george, second earl of tyrconnel. the lady tyrconnel was famed for her beauty. the portrait of her daughter, lady susanna, now at curraghmore, represents a singularly beautiful, fair-haired creature, delicately featured, blue-eyed. the delavals would seem to have been a high-spirited, reckless, and spendthrift race. extravagant entertainments were devised at their house of seaton-delaval, which was built by sir john vanbrugh, playwright and architect. the actor foote was a friend of the family; they were devoted to amateur theatricals; and garrick once lent drury lane theatre to them. the delavals were singularly addicted to practical jokes; a tendency to the same diversion has reappeared in later generations. lord delaval's only son died young, and the title expired. there is a picture of the sturdy, brown-haired lad at curraghmore. it is worth noting that an ancestor of lady susanna, and, therefore, of lord charles beresford, was a naval officer of some distinction. george delaval, vice-admiral of the red, was present at the action fought off cape barfleur in may . the generation of the second marquess, he who married the lady susanna, produced an archbishop: even the right honourable and most reverend lord john george de la poer beresford, archbishop of armagh and primate of all ireland. he was born in , and died in . possessing great wealth, he was known for his immense benefactions. he gave largely to dublin university, and to the college of saint columba; restored the cathedral at armagh at a cost of £ , ; and augmented the salaries of his clergy. the bust of this magnificent prelate stands in the private chapel at curraghmore. his body is interred in armagh cathedral. the archbishop bequeathed his property in county cavan to lord charles beresford; the townlands on the estate bearing such euphonious names as ballyheady, corraleehan beg, crockawaddy, {xxviii} kiltynaskeelan, derrynacrieve, gubnagree, scrabby, tullynamoultra. the third marquess, sir henry de la poer, having met his death in the hunting-field, was succeeded in by his brother, sir john, who was dean and prebendary of mullaghbrack, in the arch-diocese of armagh. he married, in , christina leslie, daughter of charles powell-leslie. she was born in , and lived until . the marchioness learned to ride when she was between forty and fifty years of age, and speedily became a noted rider to hounds. their sons, as before recited, were sir john-henry de la poer, fifth marquess of waterford; lord charles, lord william, lord marcus, and lord delaval; of whom lord charles and lord marcus survive at the time of writing. lord charles was born on th february at philipstown glebe, louth. it was the year of the great famine; and at curraghmore, half a regiment was then quartered in the house. the fifth marquess, elder brother of lord charles, was succeeded in by his son, nephew to lord charles. the sixth marquess lost his life by a sad accident in . the present heir is a minor. in this chronicle, brief as it is, three notable figures cannot be omitted: mr. commissioner john beresford, admiral sir john poo beresford, and the marshal. (for information concerning these worthies, i have drawn upon the _dictionary of national biography_.) john beresford, whose name is even yet occasionally reproached by the descendants of his political opponents, was born in , and died in . he was the second son of marcus, earl of tyrone (brother of the first marquess) and lady katherine, baroness de la poer. appointed first commissioner of revenue in , john beresford became in fact ruler of ireland. he was entrusted by pitt with the management of all irish affairs. viceroys came and viceroys went, but beresford continued to hold a position "greater than that of the lord lieutenant {xxix} himself"; much to the indignation of lord fitzwilliam, who, when he was appointed lord lieutenant, permitted himself to address the first commissioner in terms so indigestible that beresford promptly challenged him. the duel, however, was prevented. john beresford took a great part in the preparation and passing of the act of union; was m.p. for waterford and a privy councillor; and did much to improve the city of dublin, the fine custom-house being built under his auspices. he married barbara montgomery, who was one of the "three graces" in the painting done by sir joshua reynolds, now in the national gallery. the other two graces were her sister, lady mountjoy, and the marchioness of townshend. admiral sir john poo beresford ( (?)- ) was a natural son of the first marquess of waterford. he entered the royal navy in ; fought a smart action in the capture of the french store-ships in hampton roads on th may ; and performed distinguished service in the west indies. he took part in the famous eight months' blockade off ferrol in , and in the blockade of lorient, commanding one of those "weather-beaten ships upon which the grand army never looked." in he was co-operating off lisbon with wellington's army, with which his younger brother the marshal, in command of the portuguese army, was also co-operating. he represented in parliament, in succession, coleraine, berwick, northallerton, and chatham. in he was junior lord of the admiralty. his career, a combination of fighting seaman, member of parliament, and junior lord, presents a singular resemblance to the career of his relative, lord charles beresford. marshal beresford, or, more precisely, general viscount william carr beresford, was born in and died, full of years and honours, in . son of the first marquess, he also, like the admiral, bore the bar sinister on his escutcheon. as captain of the th regiment, he was with lord hood at toulon in , and commanded the storming party at the tower of martello. he was present at the {xxx} captures of bastia, calvi, and san fiorenzo. after service in india, beresford's brigade led the march across the desert in the egyptian campaign of . eighty-four years later, his relative, captain lord charles beresford, took his naval brigade across the desert with sir herbert stewart's forlorn hope. beresford was present at the capture of cape colony under baird in . then he went up to buenos ayres, and with men took that place from the spanish. after three days' hard fighting, beresford was driven out of buenos ayres by an overwhelming force. then he went with sir arthur wellesley to portugal; where he commanded two brigades under sir john moore. in the terrible winter retreat to corunna, beresford's brigade, told off to assist the rescue, was constantly engaged with the french vanguard. at corunna, beresford fought on the english left, achieving the greatest distinction. in , at the request of the portuguese government, beresford was appointed to reorganise the portuguese army. gifted with that marvellous capacity for handling men and for organisation, which irishmen of english descent sometimes combine with a reckless gallantry, beresford speedily transformed an ill-found, insubordinate mob into an efficient, well-fed, fighting force. he knew how to establish obedience to discipline, together with the confidence that good conduct would be rewarded; or, in lord charles beresford's phrase, he coupled "commendation with condemnation." the portuguese government made him marshal in the portuguese army while he was lieutenant-general in the british army; nor did the annoyance discovered by british officers at the double rank, which gave wellington trouble, perturb the marshal in the least. his portuguese fought well alongside the english at busaco, an action which earned beresford the k.c.b. and other decorations. he won the battle of albuera, defeating soult, though not without heavy losses. the victory was said to be due {xxxi} to the action of one of his staff, rather than to beresford's tactics; a good deal of controversy was waged on the subject, in which the marshal, after his retirement, took a vigorous part; but the fact remains that albuera was won. beresford was present at the tremendous siege of badajoz and at the battle of salamanca, at which he was severely wounded. he speedily recovered, and fought at vittoria in , in the battles of the pyrenees, and in the battles of nivelle, nive, and arthez. he then returned to portugal to command the portuguese army; so that he was not present at waterloo. at the conclusion of the war he was created baron. he left portugal in , and took his seat in the house of lords, where he was a sturdy supporter of the policy of the duke of wellington. in he was appointed master-general of ordnance. in he retired. wellington wrote of the marshal in : "all that i can tell you is that the ablest man i have yet seen with the army, and that one having the largest views, is beresford ... he is the only person capable of conducting a large concern." and upon another occasion, wellington affirmed that if he were removed by death or illness, he would recommend beresford to succeed him, not because he was a great general, but because he alone could "feed an army." general lord beresford married the hon. louisa hope, his first cousin, daughter of the most rev. william beresford, archbishop of tuam and lord decies, and widow of thomas hope, author of _anastatius_. his stepson was a. t. beresford-hope, sometime member for cambridge university. in the marshal purchased the ancestral estate of the beresfords in staffordshire. his portrait, which bears a singular resemblance to lord charles, hangs in curraghmore. it depicts a burly, martial figure, gorgeous in full uniform, with a broad, jovial, open countenance, and a bold blue eye, head thrown back, and a vast spread of chest and {xxxii} shoulder. endowed with extraordinary physical strength, he was a born fighter, a great administrator, a big, warm-hearted, quick-tempered, irrepressible beresford. the formal list of his titles is: viscount and baron in the peerage of england, duke of elvas in the peerage of spain, conde de trancoso in the peerage of portugal, k.c.b., etc., colonel-in-chief th rifles, colonel th regiment, general in the english army, marshal in the portuguese army. the generations pass: the house remains. the house of de la poer beresford derives, from among other sources innumerable, from the counts of brittany, in the sixth century; from brian boru, king of ireland, in the eleventh; from the beresfords, that "very old and eminent english family," norman in origin; from the delavals of northumberland, whose forefathers fought in the crusades. this is the virtue of ancient lineage: that from generation to generation, an honourable tradition of service, of peculiar obligation, gathers reinforcement. every scion of the house is judged by the stern company of his forefathers; who, together with his dower of body and of mind and heritage of land or wealth, bequeath him warning or example. no traffic in titles can purchase that unique inheritance, nor can any forfeiture of material possessions diminish its essential value. l.c.c. { } the memoirs of admiral lord charles beresford chapter i i see the fleet i saw the navy for the first time in the year , when i was twelve years old. the channel squadron came into the downs; the admiral, who was a friend of my father, invited me to visit his flagship. the admiral put off from deal in a six-oared galley, and i was taken into a second boat. both crews began to pull with all their might. i remember being intensely excited, beating with my hand on the gunwale and urging the men to row faster. we were overhauling the admiral, when the boat in which i was slackened her pace. "row!" i shouted. "why don't you go on rowing?" "we can't pass the admiral, sir," said the coxswain. and that was my first lesson in naval etiquette. as we drew near to the ships, there arose a great tumult of shouting, and i could see the men running to and fro and racing aloft, and presently they stood in rows along the yards, manning yards in honour of the arrival of the admiral. the neatness and order of the stately ships, the taut rigging, the snowy sails, the ropes coiled down neatly on deck: these things left an abiding impression upon my youthful mind. { } it was in the winter of the same year, - , that a certain young soldier, who had fought throughout the indian mutiny with great gallantry and conspicuous ability, came to his home in county waterford on his first furlough. he was lieutenant roberts, v.c.; now field-marshal earl roberts of kandahar. "during the winter months," he writes, "i hunted with the curraghmore hounds, and was out with them the day before lord waterford was killed. we had no run, and at the end of the day, when wishing us good-bye, he said 'i hope, gentlemen, we shall have better luck next time.' 'next time' there was 'better luck' as regarded the hunting, but the worst of all possible luck for lord waterford's numerous friends; in returning home after a good run, and having killed two foxes, his horse stumbled over quite a small ditch, throwing his rider on his head; the spinal cord was snapped, and the fine sportsman breathed his last in a few moments." (_forty-one years in india_. by field-marshal lord roberts of kandahar. bentley. vols. london, , p. , vol. .) my father, the rev. lord john beresford, succeeded to the marquisate. in the same year, , i joined the naval service. i remember, some years afterwards, thinking with some degree of envy of my two younger brothers, each of whom had three hunters, while i was only the "blood-boat" (the jolly-boat bringing beef to the ship) midshipman of a man-of-war. at that time the navy consisted of both sailing ships and steamships. steam was used as seldom as possible in those ships which were fitted with masts and yards. the flagships of the cape of good hope, east indies and china, south-east coast of america, pacific and north america and west indies stations were all sailing ships. the navy list of gives the names of no less than "effective" ships, together with a list of "steam gunboats" and a list of vessels employed in harbour service. that there was so large a number of "steam gunboats" { } was the result of the crimean war, during which very many were built for service in the baltic. there is a story that an admiral returning from foreign service noticed eight gunboats aground on the spit. upon his inquiry, he was informed by one of his crew that they were "commanded by these old baltic war mates and second masters, the sort what knows nothing and fears nothing." but of the sailing master there will be more to say. the line-of-battle sailing ships which were flagships on naval stations abroad were:--the _boscawen_, guns, rear-admiral hon. sir frederick w. grey, cape of good hope; _calcutta_, , rear-admiral sir michael seymour, east indies and china; _cumberland_, , rear-admiral sir stephen lushington, s.e. coast of america; _ganges_, , rear-admiral r. l. baynes, pacific; _hibernia_, , rear-admiral h. j. codrington, malta; _indus_, , vice-admiral sir houston stewart, north america and west indies. the number of ships distributed among the various stations in was no less than . "trade follows the flag." east indies and china . . . . . . . pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . w. coast of africa . . . . . . . . n. america and w. indies . . . . . s.e. coast of america . . . . . . . mediterranean . . . . . . . . . . . cape of good hope . . . . . . . . . australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . river gambia . . . . . . . . . . . channel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . --- total === the presence of so large a force in chinese waters was due to the affair of "the lorcha _arrow_," which occurred on th october, , in the canton river. the _arrow_, a small vessel flying the british flag, was captured by the chinese authorities and the crew were arrested on a charge of piracy. in the result, admiral sir michael seymour bombarded { } canton. operations were suspended during the indian mutiny, to be resumed in , with the assistance of france. canton was captured, and the treaty of tien-tsin was concluded with china. it was not, however, ratified, and in june, --six months before i entered the navy--hostilities were resumed, to terminate in the burning of the summer palace at pekin, and the subsequent signing of a convention. { } chapter ii the beginning of service i was sent to sea for the somewhat vague reasons which so often determine a boy's future. there was a belief that i was of a delicate constitution, and an impression--perhaps justified--that i needed discipline. i was sent to bayford school in england when i was very young, together with two of my three brothers. we were known as the three "wild irish." among my schoolfellows were the present lord rosebery, james lowther, lord newport, lord claud hamilton and lord george hamilton, lord worcester, and lord methuen. from bayford i went to the educational establishment of the rev. david bruce payne (afterwards canon) at deal, where i first saw the ships of the royal navy, as already related. canon payne was a splendid type of the best british clergyman, and i had a great respect and affection for him. i was afterwards a pupil of the rev. mr. foster, of stubbington, fareham. i received my nomination from captain charles eden, c.b., and qualified as a naval cadet on th december, . the qualifying certificate must be signed by the candidate; a regulation which, simple as it seems, was nearly my undoing. "do you always sign your christian name william with one 'l'?" asked the examiner. it was a critical moment. irish resource supplied the answer. i said, "only sometimes, sir." the examiner smiled grimly. but he passed me. it was my first narrow escape in the navy. { } i have the faded blue paper before me as i write. the signature, laboriously written in a round hand, is "charles wiliam delapoer beresford." the qualifying examination was not very formidable in those easy days. the knowledge required consisted of a little "english," less french or latin (with the "aid of a dictionary"), a "satisfactory knowledge of the leading facts of scripture and english history," a certain amount of geography, and an elementary knowledge of arithmetic, algebra and euclid. the preliminary course of education afforded to "volunteers," as the naval cadets used to be called, at the royal naval college, portsmouth, had been abolished in , and for the next twenty years cadets were sent straight to sea. in , cadets were entered for training in the _illustrious_, captain robert harris. the number of cadets exceeding the accommodation in the ship, the _britannia_ was commissioned on st january, , by captain harris. but not for many years did the entrance examination become the competitive ordeal for which cramming is the only preparation, known to the present generation. but i remember admiral william bowles, commander-in-chief of portsmouth, taking me kindly by the shoulder and saying, "well, my little man, you are very small for your age. why are you being sent to sea?" i said that i wanted to go to sea. "are you good at your books?" asked the admiral. "bless me, i know many an admiral who could not pass the examination you have passed. good heavens, what they expect boys to do nowadays!" the _britannia_ was then moored at the entrance to haslar creek in portsmouth harbour, where the depot ships of the submarines are moored to-day. alongside her, in the following year, lay the training frigate _eurydice_, which was afterwards capsized off the isle of wight on th march, , when lives were lost out of a complement of . i learned to heave the lead from the chains of the _eurydice_. [illustration: the author as naval cadet] { } in addition to the ordinary school curriculum on board the _britannia_, the cadets were taught seamanship, gunnery and navigation. book-work did not interest me, but i took great pains to become proficient in seamanship, in which i always secured a high place. a cadet entering the _britannia_ under years of age, would be rejected from the service if he failed to pass the fourth quarterly examination after his entrance. having entered the _britannia_ in december, , i was sent to sea in march, . i was very happy during my time in the _britannia_. out of school time, we did a great deal of boat-pulling. my boat was called the _gazelle_. i remember that one day, when i borrowed a private boat to put off to the _gazelle_, my comrades pushed me out into the stream, and i drifted out to spithead, without oars. there was nothing in the boat but a painter, which i considered it to be my duty neatly to coil down. then i sat still and waited until a boat came to fetch me. seamanship was taught by the use of models, and sail-drill was taught upon the mizen-mast. i remember being haunted by a doubt lest the handling of small models, and going aloft in a stationary ship, might not enable me to practise the knowledge thus acquired when i came to deal with the real full-size objects and to go aloft in a ship at sea. my prevision was largely justified; and when i came to command a ship, i made the youngsters learn their business by handling real things and not the models of them. for if anything goes wrong while teaching a youngster, for instance, to lay out a -ton anchor upon a model, he puts it right with his finger and thumb and thinks he can do the same with the real anchor. the captain of the _britannia_ was robert harris, to whom the service owes the inestimable benefit of cadet training ships. the first lieutenant was george s. nares (now vice-admiral sir george s. nares, k.c.b.). he commanded the _challenger_ in her voyage of scientific discovery of , during which he was recalled to proceed { } upon his celebrated voyage of arctic exploration. another lieutenant was william h. heaton, whose long whiskers afforded the cadets much innocent amusement. on a windy day his whiskers used to stream backwards over his shoulders. lieutenant heaton chose to wear his stripes running longitudinally up his arm, a peculiarity which exemplifies the prevailing latitude with regard to uniform. there was no rule prescribing the pattern of cap or great-coat worn in the service. officers might wear the mohair band and badge on any kind of cap that took their fancy. some of them used to transfer plain clothes buttons to a uniform coat or greatcoat, if they were going ashore, for the sake of economy; for we were nearly all poor in those days. the chaplain and naval instructor was the rev. robert m. inskip. my chest on board the _britannia_ stood between the chests of poor "andy" wauchope and henry john thoroton hildyard. both subsequently left the navy for the army. the late major-general andrew gilbert wauchope, d.s.o., was fatally wounded at magersfontein during the south african war. general sir henry j. t. hildyard, g.c.b., k.c.b., retired in , after long and distinguished service. i was strongly inclined to follow the example of my comrades and to join the army; and i have since occasionally regretted that i remained in the navy, in which service there is less opportunity for attaining the highest rank. i was raised to the rank of "captain" in the _britannia_; but i regret to say that my enjoyment of that dignity was singularly brief, for i was disrated upon the same day, even before i had time to put on the stripe. for my delight at my promotion so exhilarated me, that i forgot to resist the temptation to empty a bread-barge upon the head of the old master-at-arms as he was coming up the hatchway, and the spectacle was so amusing that i stayed to laugh at it. when i entered the service, the system of training { } young seamen, as well as cadets, was in operation. to sir james graham, first lord of the admiralty, is due the credit of introducing the training of seamen. in , he caused the _illustrious_, two-decker, to be commissioned for that purpose, under the command of captain robert harris. the fact was that as sails gave place to steam and as the science of gunnery progressed, it became necessary to enter seamen as boys and to train them for continuous service. for some time the short service and long service systems were concurrent. when i went to sea, captains still entered men direct from the merchant service, and very good seamen they were. they were engaged for a commission, at the end of which they could re-engage or not as they pleased. but in the meantime, under the admirable administration of captain harris, "jimmy graham's novices," as they were called, earned an excellent reputation in the fleet; and continuous service gradually replaced intermittent service. in the continuous service system resided our chief superiority over foreign navies. the objection to it on the part of the government was (and is) the increasing permanent charge of pensions. but in the interests of the service and of the country, it cannot be too clearly understood that the system is well worth the cost, and that the revival of the short service system is profoundly to be regretted. note h.m.s. _britannia_.--she was the seventh ship of her name. she was launched at plymouth in , was pierced for guns, and her complement was men. her length, beam and draught were feet, feet and feet respectively. in the crimean war, she landed men as part of the naval brigade which assisted the army at the siege of sevastopol, and took part in the bombardment of that town. she was commissioned on st january, , by captain robert harris, as a training ship for cadets. { } the _britannia_ was stationed first in portsmouth harbour, then at dartmouth. she was broken up in . the memory of captain robert harris deserves to be held in high honour. vice-admiral sir william fanshawe martin, who himself achieved great reforms in the discipline of the fleet, while in command of the mediterranean fleet, wrote to captain harris under date th january, , "there is no man in england whose opportunity of doing good to our country for ages to come is greater than yours; and assuredly the navy is greatly your debtor." (_the story of the britannia_, by commander e. p. statham, r.n. cassell.) the successor of the _britannia_ in which lord charles beresford received his training, the eighth of her name, known and remembered with affection by all naval officers save the new generation, lay at dartmouth for more than forty years, when her functions were transferred to the colleges on shore. (_the king's ships_, by h. s. lecky, lieut. r. n. muirhead. vol. .) { } chapter iii the ship of happiest memory on the th of march, , i was appointed naval cadet in the _marlborough_. as i climbed up her side by the hand-rungs, while my chest was being hoisted in over all, i perceived two huge men looking down upon me, and i heard one say to the other:-- "that white-faced little beggar ain't long for this world, dick." the speaker was john glanville (called clamfy glanville), boatswain's mate (of whom more anon), and he addressed this lugubrious remark to dicky horne, the quartermaster, a very fat man. it was a far from encouraging welcome to the sea; but the fact was that i had been ill, and was feeling very cold as i climbed up the side of the ship. at first, i was much disappointed at having been sent to a large ship, for we youngsters had a notion that there were more freedom and independence in a small ship; and besides, i wanted to go to china. but i went to china all in good time. the _marlborough_ was the flagship of the mediterranean station. she was a wooden line of battleship, three-decker, launched in , tons burthen old measure, displacement new measure, fitted with single screw horizontal maudslay engines. the length of her gundeck was feet inches, her extreme beam was feet, her maximum draught was feet. her complement was , and she always carried or more supernumeraries. she was pierced for guns and she carried guns. she was { } one of the first ships to be fitted with wire lower rigging. in the _marlborough_ the old -inch hemp cable was used for laying out anchor at drill. it was the same class of cable as that which was used in nelson's time; it was superseded by the chain cable. the vice-admiral in command of the mediterranean station was sir william fanshawe martin (called "fly" martin); the captain, william h. stewart; the commander, thomas brandreth: three of the finest officers that ever lived. the captain of the fleet was rear-admiral sydney c. dacres, c.b. his duties were those of what we should now call a chief of staff. the office was subsequently abolished; and it was always my desire to see it restored. ships in those days were manned according to the number of guns they carried. the theory was that if the boats' crews were absent from the ship, there should always be sufficient men on board to work the sails and the guns. the watch-bills were made out upon this principle, the men being distributed among what were called the "parts of the ship." in the case of a newly commissioned ship, the making out of the watch-bills and assigning his place to each man, was the first thing to be done. it was no small task, especially as no printed forms were supplied for the purpose. the watch-bills were ruled and entered by the officers on paper supplied by themselves, and were arranged upon the tradition handed down for centuries. even the signalmen supplied their own pencils and paper. each ship made its own arrangement. it was not until that uniform watch-bills, quarter-bills and station-bills were instituted. [illustration: h.m.s. "marlborough," ] the men were classed in the following categories, each "part of the ship" being divided into port watch and starboard watch. the forecastlemen the foretopmen the maintopmen the mizentopmen the gunners { } the afterguard the royal marines the idlers the forecastlemen were most experienced seamen. they wore their caps a little differently from the others. they manned the foreyard, and worked the foresail, staysail, jib, flying jib, jibboom, flying jibboom and lower studdingsails. the foretopmen worked the foretopsail, foretopgallant and foreroyal yards, foretopgallantmast, foretopmast and topgallant studding-sails. the maintopmen worked the maintopsail, maintopgallant and main-royal yards and maintopgallantmast, maintopmast and topgallant studding-sails. the mizentopmen worked the mizentopsail, mizentopgallant and mizen-royal yards, and mizentopgallantmast, mizentopmast and mizencourse (if there was one), also the driver. the upper-yard men were the smartest in the ship, whose character largely depended upon them. the gunners, assisted by the afterguard, worked the mainsail and mainyard. these were generally old and steady men, who were not very quick aloft. the gunners were also responsible for the care and maintenance of the gun gear, side tackles, train tackles and the ammunition. the senior warrant officer was the gunner. there were only three warrant officers:--gunner, boatswain and carpenter. the royal marines were divided between fore and aft, working on forecastle and quarterdeck. i remember seeing a detachment of marines, upon coming aboard, fallen in while the blacksmith, lifting up each man's foot behind him, wrenched off and dropped into a bucket the metal on the heel of his boot, lest it should mark the deck. the afterguard worked on the quarterdeck and helped with the mainyard. they were the less efficient men and were therefore employed under the eye of the commander. { } the idlers were not idlers. they were so called because (theoretically) they had their nights in, although actually they turned out at four o'clock a.m. they were artificers, such as carpenters, caulkers, plumbers, blacksmiths, etc. they worked all day at their several trades until their supper-time. they were nearly all old petty officers, steady and respectable. it was part of their duty to man the pumps every morning for washing decks. i made up my mind that, if ever i was in a position to do so, i would relieve them of an irksome and an inappropriate duty. in action, the carpenters worked below decks, stopping holes with shot-plugs, while many of the other idlers worked in the magazines. among the idlers was the ship's musician--unless the ship carried a band--who was a fiddler. he used to play to the men on the forecastle after working hours and when they manned the capstan. personally i always considered the name of idlers to be anomalous. they are now called daymen. among the ship's company were several negroes. at that time, it was often the case that the captain of the hold and the cooper were coloured men. an instance of the rapidity and efficiency of the organisation of the _marlborough_ occurred upon the night before she sailed for the mediterranean. she was newly commissioned, and she carried a large number of supernumeraries on passage. we took out all told. a fire broke out on the orlop deck; the drum beat to quarters; every man instantly went to his station, to which he had previously been told off; and the fire was speedily extinguished. the event was my first experience of discipline in a big ship. the nature of the discipline which was then in force, i learned on the way out to the mediterranean. in the modern sense of the word, discipline was exemplified by the royal marines alone. i cannot better convey an idea of the old system than by means of an illustration. supposing that a marine and a bluejacket had each committed an offence. the marine was brought up on the quarter-deck before the { } commander, and the charge was read to him. the commander asked him what he had to say. the prisoner, standing rigidly to attention, embarked upon a long rambling explanation. if his defence were invalid, the commander cut him short, and the sergeant gave his order. "right turn. quick march." the marine, although continuing to protest, obeyed automatically, and away he went. he continued to talk until he was out of hearing, but he went. not so the bluejacket. he did not stand to attention, not he. he shifted from one foot to the other, he hitched his breeches, fiddled with his cap, scratched his head. "well, sir," said he, "it was like this here, sir," ... and he began to spin an interminable yarn. "that'll do, my man," quoth the commander. but, not at all. "no, sir, look here, sir, what i wants to say is this"--and so on, until the commander had to order a file of marines to march him below. but both marine and bluejacket had this in common: each would ask the commander to settle the matter rather than let it go before the captain; and the captain, to sentence him rather than hold a court-martial. the explanation of the difference between the old system of discipline and the new is that in the sailing days it was of the first importance that the seaman should be capable of instant independent action. the soldier's uniformity and military precision were wholly unsuited to the sailor, who, at any moment, might have to tackle an emergency on his own initiative. if a seaman of the old days noticed anything wrong aloft, up he would run to put it right, without waiting for orders. life and death often hung upon his promptitude of resource. in the old days, we would often overhear such a conversation as the following:-- officer: "why the blank dash didn't you blank well do so-and-so when i told you?" man: "why didn't i? because if i had i should have been blank well killed and so would you." { } officer: "damn you, sir, don't you answer me! i shall put you in the report." man: "put me in the ruddy report, then." and the next day the commander, having heard both sides, would say to the officer, "why, the man was quite right." and to the man, "you had no right to argue with the officer. don't do it again. now get away with you to hell." and everyone would part the best of friends. the change came with the improvement and progress in gunnery, which involved, first, the better drilling of the small-arm companies. in my early days, the small-arm companies used to drill with bare feet. indeed, boots were never worn on board. it was of course impossible to wear boots going aloft for a sailor going aloft in boots would injure the heads and hands of his topmates. occasionally the midshipmen went aloft barefooted like the men. so indurated did the feet of the sailors become, that they were unable to wear boots without discomfort, and often carried them when they were ashore. a sailor's offences were hardly ever crimes against honour. they rather arose from the character induced by his calling. its conditions were hard, dangerous and often intensely exciting. the sailor's view was devil-may-care. he was free with his language, handy with his fists and afraid of nothing. a smart man might receive four dozen for some violence, and be rated petty officer six months afterwards. condemnation was then the rule. personally, i endeavoured to substitute for it, commendation. for if there are two men, one of whom takes a pride in (say) keeping his rifle clean, and the other neglects it, to ignore the efficiency of the one is both to discourage him and to encourage the other. before the system of silence was introduced by the _marlborough_ the tumult on deck during an evolution or exercise was tremendous. the shouting in the ships in malta harbour could be heard all over valetta. the _marlborough_ introduced the "still" bugle-call. at the { } bugle-call "still" every man stood motionless and looked at the officer. for in order to have an order understood, the men must be looking at the officer who gives it. during the soudan war, i used the "still" at several critical moments. silence and attention are the first necessities for discipline. about this time the bugle superseded the drum in many ships for routine orders. there were few punishments, the chief punishment being the cat. the first time i saw the cat applied, i fainted. but men were constantly being flogged. i have seen six men flogged in one morning. even upon these painful occasions, the crew were not fallen in. they were merely summoned aft "for punishment"--"clear lower deck lay aft for punishment" was piped--and grouped themselves as they would, sitting in the boats and standing about, nor did they even keep silence while the flogging was being inflicted. the officers stood within three sides of a square formed by the marines. another punishment was "putting the admiral in his barge and the general in his helmet," when one man was stood in a bucket and the other had a bucket on his head. very great credit is due to admiral sir william martin, who reformed the discipline of the fleet. the naval discipline act was passed in ; the new naval discipline act in . in a circular was issued restricting the infliction of corporal punishment in peace time. flogging was virtually abolished in . (laird clowes' _the royal navy_, vol. .) now we have proper discipline and no cat. in former days, we had the cat but no proper discipline. the men were granted very little leave. they were often on board for months together. when they went ashore, there they remained until they had spent their last penny; and when they came on board they were either drunk or shamming drunk. for drunkenness was the fashion then, just as sobriety is, happily, the fashion now. in order to be in the mode, a man would actually feign drunkenness on coming aboard. in many a night-watch after leave had been { } given have i superintended the hoisting in of drunken men, who were handed over to the care of their messmates. to-day, an intoxicated man is not welcomed by his mess, his comrades preferring that he should be put out of the way in cells. it was impossible to keep liquor out of the ship. men would bring it aboard in little bladders concealed in their neckties. excess was the rule in many ships. on christmas day, for instance, it was not advisable for an officer to go on the lower deck, which was given up to license. i remember one man who ate and drank himself to death on christmas day. there he lay, beside a gun, dead. other cases of the same kind occurred in other ships. the rations were so meagre that hunger induced the men constantly to chew tobacco. for the same reason i chewed tobacco myself as a boy. nor have i ever been able to understand how on such insufficient and plain diet the men were so extraordinarily hardy. they used to go aloft and remain aloft for hours, reefing sails, when a gale was blowing with snow and sleet, clad only in flannel (vest) serge frock and cloth or serge trousers, their heads, arms and lower part of their legs bare. then they would go below to find the decks awash in a foot of water, the galley fire extinguished, nothing to eat until next meal time but a biscuit, and nothing to drink but water. seamen often curse and swear when they are aloft furling or reefing sails in a gale of wind; but i have never heard a sailor blaspheme on these occasions. their language aloft is merely a mode of speaking. although in the old days i have heard men blaspheme on deck, blasphemy was never heard aloft in a gale. to be aloft in a whole gale or in a hurricane impresses the mind with a sense of the almighty power of the deity, and the insignificance of man, that puny atom, compared with the vast forces of the elements. in later life, i once said to a young man whom i heard using blasphemous language in a club: "if you were up with me on the weather yard-arm of a topsail yard reefing topsails in a whole gale, you would be { } afraid to say what you are saying now. you would see what a little puny devil a man is, and although you might swear, you would be too great a coward to blaspheme." and i went on to ram the lesson home with some forcible expressions, a method of reproof which amused the audience, but which effectually silenced the blasphemer. the fact is, there is a deep sense of religion in those who go down to the sea in ships and do their business in the great waters. every minister of god, irrespective of the denomination to which he belongs, is treated with respect. and a good chaplain, exercising tact and knowing how to give advice, does invaluable service in a ship, and is a great help in maintaining sound discipline, inasmuch as by virtue of his position he can discover and remove little misunderstandings which cause discontent and irritation. the discomforts of the old navy are unknown to the new. the sanitary appliances, for instance, were placed right forward in the bows, in the open air. if the sea were rough they could not be used. on these occasions, the state of the lower deck may with more discretion be imagined than described. as the ship rolled, the water leaked in through the rebated joints of the gun-ports, and as long as a gale lasted the mess-decks were no better than cesspools. it is a curious fact that in spite of all these things, the spirits of both officers and men rose whenever it came on to blow; and the harder it blew, the more cheery everyone became. the men sang most under stress of weather; just as they will to-day under the same conditions or while coaling ship. after a gale of wind, the whole ship's company turned-to to clean the ship. in those days the men used to dress in cloth trousers and tunic with buttons. the men used to embroider their collars and their fronts with most elaborate and beautiful designs. they had two hats, a black hat and a white hat, which they made themselves. the black hats were made of straw covered with duck and painted. many a man has lost his life aloft in trying to save his heavy black hat from being blown away. { } the fashion of wearing hair on the face was to cultivate luxuriant whiskers, and to "leave a gangway," which meant shaving upper lip, chin and neck. later, mr. childers introduced a new order: a man might shave clean, or cultivate all growth, or leave a gangway as before, but he might not wear a moustache only. the order, which applied to officers and men (except the royal marines) is still in force. steam was never used except under dire necessity, or when entering harbour, or when exercising steam tactics as a fleet. the order to raise steam cast a gloom over the entire ship. the chief engineer laboured under considerable difficulties. he was constantly summoned on deck to be forcibly condemned for "making too much smoke." we were very particular about our gunnery in the _marlborough_; although at the same time gunnery was regarded as quite a secondary art. it was considered that anyone could fire a gun, and that the whole credit of successful gunnery depended upon the seamanship of the sailors who brought the ship into the requisite position. the greater number of the guns in the _marlborough_ were the same as those used in the time of nelson, with their wooden trucks, handspikes, sponges, rammers, worms and all gear complete. the _marlborough_ was fitted with a cupola for heating round-shot, which were carried red-hot to the gun in an iron bucket. i know of no other ship which was thus equipped. the gunnery lieutenant of the _marlborough_, charles inglis, was gifted with so great and splendid a voice, that, when he gave his orders from the middle deck, they were heard at every gun in the ship. we used to practise firing at a cliff in malta harbour, at a range of a hundred yards or so. i used to be sent on shore to collect the round-shot and bring them on board for future use. i remember that when, in the course of a lecture delivered to my men on board the _bulwark_ more than forty years afterwards, i related the incident, i could see by their faces that my audience did not believe me; though i showed to them the shot-holes in the face of the cliff, which remain to this day. { } on gunnery days, all fires were extinguished, in case a spark should ignite the loose powder spilt by the boys who brought the cartridges to the guns, making a trail to the magazines. at "night quarters," we were turned out of our hammocks, which were lashed up. the mess-tables were triced up overhead. the lower-deck ports being closed, there was no room to wield the wooden rammer; so that the charges for the muzzle-loading guns were rammed home with rope rammers. before the order to fire was given, the ports were triced up. upon one occasion, so anxious was a bluejacket to be first in loading and firing, that he cherished a charge hidden in his hammock since the last night quarters, a period of nearly three months, and, firing before the port was triced up, blew it into the next ship. in those days, the master was responsible for the navigation of the ship. he was an old, wily, experienced seaman, who had entered the service as master's mate. (when i was midshipman in the _defence_, the master's assistant was richard w. middleton, afterwards captain middleton, chief organiser of the conservative central office.) the master laid the course and kept the reckoning. as steam replaced sails, the office of master was transferred to the navigating officer, a lieutenant who specialised in navigation. the transformation was effected by the order in council of th june, . the sail-drill in the _marlborough_ was a miracle of smartness and speed. the spirit of emulation in the fleet was furious. the fact that a certain number of men used to be killed, seemed to quicken the rivalry. poor inman, a midshipman in the _marlborough_, a great friend of mine, his foot slipping as he was running down from aloft, lost his life. his death was a great shock to me. the men would run aloft so quickly that their bare feet were nearly indistinguishable. topmasts and lower yard were sent down and sent up at a pace which to-day is inconceivable. i once saw the captain of the maintop hurl himself bodily down from the cap upon a hand in the top who was slow in { } obeying orders. that reckless topman was martin schultz, a magnificent seaman, who was entered by the captain direct from the norwegian merchant service, in which he had been a mate. mr. george lewis, an old topmate of mine, who was one of the smartest seamen on board h.m.s. _marlborough_, has kindly sent to me the following interesting details with regard to the times of sail-drill and the risks incidental to the evolutions. time allowed time in by admiral. _marlborough_. min. sec. min. sec. cross topgallant and royal yards down topgallant yards with royal yards across up topgallant mast, cross upper yards and loose sails shift topgallant masts from royal yards across up topgallant mast and make all plain sail up topgallant mast and make all possible sail shift topsails from plainsail in all boom boats from away aloft out all boom boats away lifeboat's crew what mr. lewis means by "admiral's time," let him explain in his own words. "when our admiral" (sir william martin) "was captain of the _prince regent_, which was considered the smartest ship in the navy, he brought all her times of all her drills to the grand old _marlborough_ along with him; and you know, my lord, that he allowed us six months to get our good old ship in trim before we drilled along with the fleet; but we started to drill along with the fleet after three months, and were able to beat them all." "now, my lord," continues mr. lewis, "i come to one of the smartest bits of our drill. when we were sailing in the bay of naples under all possible sail, our captain wanted to let the world see what a smart ship he had and what a smart lot of men was under him. from the order 'shift topsails and courses make all possible sail again'"--which really means that the masts were stripped of sails and again { } all sails were hoisted--"admiral's time minutes, our time minutes seconds. all went without a hitch, within yards of our anchorage." mr. lewis proceeds to recount a very daring act of his own. "we were sending down upper yards and topgallant mast one evening, and it was my duty to make fast the lizard. but i could only make fast one hitch, so i slid down the mast rope and it turned me right over, but i managed to catch the lizard and hold on to it, and so saved the mast from falling on the hundred men that were in the gangway. no doubt if it had fallen on them it would have killed a good many...." what happened was that lewis, in the tearing speed of the evolution, not having time properly to secure the head of the mast as it was coming down, held the fastening in place while clinging to the mast rope and so came hurtling down with the mast. he adds that he "felt very proud"--and well he might--when the captain "told the admiral on sunday that i was the smartest man aloft that he had ever seen during his time in the service." he had an even narrower escape. "i was at the yard-arm when we had just crossed" (hoisted into place). "i was pulling down the royal sheet and someone had let it go on deck, and i fell backwards off the yard head-foremost. i had my arm through the strop of the jewel block, and it held me, and dropped me in the topmast rigging, and some of my topmates caught me." mr. lewis himself was one of the smartest and quickest men aloft i have ever seen during the whole of my career. the men of other ships used to watch him going aloft. "my best time," he writes--and i can confirm his statement "from ''way aloft' to the topgallant yard-arm was seconds, which was never beaten." it was equalled, however, by ninepin jones on the foretopgallant yard. the topgallant and royal yard men started from the maintop, inside of the topmast rigging, at the order '"way aloft." the height to be run from the top, inside of the topmast rigging, { } to the topgallant yard-arm was feet. from the deck to the maintop was feet. at one time, the upper-yard men used to start from the deck at the word "away aloft"; but the strain of going aloft so high and at so great a speed injured their hearts and lungs, so that they ascended first to the top, and there awaited the order "away aloft." the orders were therefore altered. they were: first, "midshipmen aloft," when the midshipmen went aloft to the tops; second, "upper-yard men aloft," when the upper-yard men went aloft to the tops, and one midshipman went from the top to the masthead. at the evening or morning evolution of sending down or up topgallant masts and topgallant and royal yards, only the upper-yard men received the order, "upper-yard men in the tops." the next order was "away aloft," the upper-yard men going to the masthead. at general drill, requiring lower- and topsail-yard men aloft, as well as upper-yard men, the orders were: first, "midshipmen aloft"; then "upper-yard men in the tops"; then, "away aloft," when the lower- and topsail-yard men went aloft to the topsail and lower yards, and the upper-yard men went aloft to the masthead. these arrangements applied of course only to drill. in the event of a squall or an emergency, the men went straight from deck to the topgallant and royal yards. mr. lewis's performance was a marvel. writing to me fifty years afterwards, he says:--"i think, my lord, it would take me a little longer than seconds now to get to the maintopgallant yard-arm and run in again without holding on to anything, which i have done many hundreds of times." the men would constantly run thus along the yards--upon which the jackstay is secured, to which again the sail is bent, so that the footing is uneven--while the ship was rolling. sometimes they would fall, catching the yard, and so save themselves. { } the foretopgallant-yard man, jones, was as smart as lewis, though he never beat lewis's record time. these two men were always six to ten ratlines ahead of the other yard men, smart men as these were. one day jones lost a toe aloft. it was cut clean off by the fid of the foretopgallant mast. but jones continued his work as though nothing had happened, until the drill was ended, when he hopped down to the sick bay. he was as quick as ever after the accident; and the sailors called him ninepin jack. another old topmate, mr. s. d. sharp, writing to me in , when i hauled down my flag, says:--"i was proud of the old _marlborough_ and her successor up the straits, the _victoria_. they were a noble sight in full sail with a stiff breeze. no doubt the present fleet far excels the old wooden walls, but the old wooden walls made sailors. but sailors to-day have to stand aside for engine-men. going round portsmouth dockyard some few years since, i was very sad to see the noble old marlborough a hulk" (she is now part of h.m.s. _vernon_ torpedo school), "laid aside, as i expect we all shall be in time" (mr. sharp is only between seventy and eighty years of age). "i am doubtful if there are many men in the navy to-day who would stand bolt upright upon the royal truck of a line-of-battle ship. i was one of those who did so. perhaps a foolish practice. but in those days fear never came our way." there speaks the old navy. when a ship was paid off out of malta harbour, it was the custom that there should be a man standing erect on each of the trucks, main, mizen and fore. many a time have i seen these men balanced more than feet in the air, strip off their shirts and wave them. and once i saw a man holding to the vane-spindle set in the truck, and i saw the spindle break in his hand, and the man fall.... in the course of my experience, i have seen a man fall off the main-royal yard, be caught in the belly of the mainsail slip down the sail, catch the second reef-line with his { } legs, and hold on until a topmate ran aloft with a bowline and saved him. i have seen a man fall off the maintopsail yard, and be caught in the bight of the mainsheet in the main rigging, and run aloft again. and this was at sea. and several times i have seen a man fall from aloft to be dashed to pieces upon the deck. one of the closest escapes i have ever had occurred aloft in the _marlborough_. being midshipman of the mizenroyal, i was furling the sail, leaning forward upon the yard, gathering in the canvas, my feet braced backward upon the footrope, when another midshipman, leaping upon the footrope, accidentally knocked it from under my feet. for two or three seconds i hung by the tips of my fingers, which were pressed against the jackstay of the mizen-royal yard (the rope running taut along the top of the yard to which the sail is bent) under which i could not push my fingers, and then, at the last moment, i found the footrope again. i have never forgotten my feelings, when i saw certain death approaching while my feet were clawing about for the footrope. when the hands were turned out to bathe, john glanville, chief boatswain's mate, would go up to the main-yard, stand with one foot on the yard and the other on the preventive braceblock, and thence take a header. the height was between and feet. once he struck the sea sideways, and was injured, so that he was never quite the same man afterwards. but any other man would have been killed. on another occasion, when the ship was hove-to for the hands to bathe, the captain of the forecastle hauled the jib sheet aft, and the ship began to glide away from the officers and men, myself among them, in the water. luckily all got on board again. in the spirit of emulation, i fell into deserved disgrace at sail-drill. in order to be first in the evolution, i secretly unbent the foretopgallant sheet before the men arrived at the masthead. another midshipman did likewise at the { } main. he was arthur gresley, one of the smartest midshipmen aloft, and one of the best oars in the service, a splendid, cheery, chivalrous, noble-minded lad. we were discovered; and, before all the men, we were ordered down on deck, and were severely reprimanded for having endeavoured to gain an unfair advantage, thereby staining the character of a ship justly noted for her scrupulous fair play. i was taken out of my top, deprived of the command of my boat, and disrated to cadet; and i had serious thoughts of ending a ruined career by jumping overboard. i have never been so genuinely unhappy before or since. but upon the following day i was rated up again, and replaced in my top and my boat. at first in the _marlborough_ i was midshipman of the mizentop, and in charge of the jolly-boat. the midshipman in charge of a boat learned how to handle men. as he was away from the ship with them for long periods, he was forced to understand them and to discover how to treat them, thus learning the essential elements of administration. as all my delight was in seamanship, i contrived to miss a good deal of school. it was not difficult, when the naval instructor desired my presence, to find a good reason for duty with my boat. i was afterwards midshipman of the foretop, and when i was promoted from the jolly-boat to the second pinnace, and to the command of the first subdivision of the three-pounder division of field-guns for landing, being placed in charge of one three-pounder gun, i thought i was an emperor. we used to land with the guns for field-battery exercises, setting marine sentries all round to prevent the men getting away to drink. returning on board, we used to race down the calcara hill at malta to the harbour. on one occasion, we were going so fast that we couldn't turn the gun round the corner, and gun and all toppled over the wharf into the water..... i fell into another scrape in excess of zeal for marksmanship. we used to practise aiming with rifles and { } muzzle-loading enfields, the service rifle of that day. we fired percussion caps without charges, at little bull's-eyes painted on a strip of canvas, which was stretched along the bulwarks below the hammock-nettings. the marksman stood on the opposite side of the deck. another midshipman and myself contrived to fire a couple of caps as projectiles, which of course entered the woodwork behind the targets, making dreadful holes. this appalling desecration, involving the fitting in of new planking, was discovered by the commander, brandreth. his rage was justifiable. we were stood on the bitts, and also mastheaded. captain houston stewart used to fish from the stern gallery when the ship was at anchor. he tied his line to the rail, and went back into his cabin, returning every few minutes to see if he had a fish. beneath the stern gallery opened the ports of the gunroom. with a hooked stick i drew in his line, attached a red herring to the hook, dropped it in again, and when the captain came to feel his line i jerked it. he hauled it up in a hurry. instantly after, he sent for all the midshipmen; and, for some reason or other, he picked me out at once. "_you_ did that, beresford," he said. "most impertinent! your leave will be stopped." next day, however, he let me off. among the most delightful incidents were the boat-races. it was before the time when fleet regattas were instituted. what happened was that a boat would row round from their ship, to the ship they wished to race, and toss oars under her bows in sign of a challenge. then the boat's crew of the challenged ship would practise with intense assiduity until they felt they were fit to meet the enemy. the bitterest feeling was aroused. even the crews of "chummy ships" could not meet without fighting. hundreds of pounds were wagered on the event. in the _marlborough_ we had the cutter, _black bess_, specially built for racing. her stroke was john glanville, the gigantic boatswain's mate, who, when i joined the ship, told dicky { } horne, the quartermaster, that i was not likely to live long. he was the son of ann glanville, the redoubtable west country woman who pulled stroke in the crew of saltash women that raced and beat a crew of frenchmen at cherbourg, under the eyes of the queen, the prince consort, the emperor napoleon iii., and the british and french navies. that notable victory was won in , when queen victoria, accompanied by the prince consort, visited napoleon iii. the queen and the prince sailed in h.m.s. _victoria and albert_, escorted by a squadron of men-of-war. they were received by the french navy. after the race, the queen invited the saltash women on board the royal yacht. later in life, it was my privilege to remove anxiety concerning her livelihood from fine old mrs. glanville. i steered the _black bess_, and we beat the two best boats in the fleet; and then we were challenged by the _st. george_. the _st. george_ had taken the upper strake off her boat to make her row easier. now the stroke of the _st. george_ was george glanville, brother to john, and of the same formidable weight and size. the race was rowed in malta harbour, over a ½-mile course, and we were beaten. we could not understand it; but beaten we were. that night george glanville came aboard the _marlborough_ with a bag containing some £ the money put up to cover the stakes. george came to receive the stakes, and according to custom he brought the cover-money to show that all was above-board. to him came john his brother; and scarce a word was said ere the two big men were fighting furiously, the bag of gold on the deck beside them. they were torn apart with difficulty. nor could the respective crews be landed together for a long time afterwards. next year we beat the _st. george_. when we lay in corfu harbour, the _marlborough_ was challenged by a crew of artillerymen. it was i think on this occasion that john glanville headed a deputation to me, asking me to be the coxswain. { } "well, sir," he said, "it's like this here, sir, if you'll pardon me. yew be young-like, and what we was thinking was whether you have the power of language that du be required." i said i would do my best. i did. i astonished myself. as for the artillerymen, they rowed themselves right under. there was a little seaway, and they rowed the boat under and there they were struggling in the water. "what! yew bain't never going to pick 'em up?" cried john glanville, in the heat of his excitement. i also rowed bow-oar in the officers' boat, the second cutter. i was young and small, but i had great staying power. i could go on rowing for ever. when my leave was stopped--which did occur occasionally--i had a system by means of which i went ashore at night. i lashed a hammock-lashing round the port stern-ring, crawled out of the stern port, lowered myself to the water, and swam to a shore boat, waiting for me by arrangement. maltese boats are partly covered in, and i dressed in a spare suit of clothes. on one occasion, upon landing, i nearly--but not quite--ran into the arms of the commander. one night i went ashore, taking a painter and two men. we lowered the painter over the edge of the cliff, and he inscribed on the cliff in immense letters, "'marlborough,' star of the mediterranean." next morning the whole fleet, not without emotion, beheld the legend. another brilliant wit went ashore on the following night and altered the word "star" into "turtle." my reply was the addition "until the 'queen' comes out." after this exploit i was sent ashore to clean the cliff. there were numerous horses in malta, and the midshipmen and bluejackets used to hire them for half-a-crown a day. when the horses had had enough of their riders, they used to gallop down to the florian gate, kick them off, and return to their stable. i heard one sailor remark to another, { } who, sticking to his horse, was bounding up and down in his saddle: "get off that there 'orse, jack, 'e's a beast!" "he aint no beast at all," retorted jack. '"e's the cleverest 'orse i ever see. he chucks me up and he catches me, he chucks me up and he catches me--why, 'e's only missed me three times in a hour!" there used to be very bad feeling between english and maltese. both sailors and soldiers frequently lost their lives on shore. the seamen used to be stabbed, and the soldiers were sometimes thrown over the fortifications at night. i have seen a dead soldier lying on the rocks where he was thrown. a party of _marlborough_ officers drove out in "go-carts" (two-wheeled vehicles in which passengers lay on cushions) to civita vecchia, to hear the celebrated mass on new year's eve. the cathedral was the richest church in europe until napoleon confiscated its treasure. somehow or other, there was a row, and we were fighting fiercely with a crowd of maltese. a clerk of our party, a very stout person, was stabbed in the belly, so that his entrails protruded. we got him away, laid him in a go-cart, drove back to malta, a two-hours' drive, and put him on board, and he recovered. at nine o'clock p.m. the seniors in the gunroom stuck a fork in the beam overhead, the signal for the youngsters to leave their elders in peace--too often to drink. sobriety--to put it delicately--was not reckoned a virtue. i remember visiting a ship at bermuda (never mind her name) to find every member of the mess intoxicated. two were suffering from delirium tremens; and one of them was picking the bodies of imaginary rats from the floor with a stick, his case was worse than that of the eminent member of a certain club in london, who, when a real rat ran across the carpet, looked solemnly round upon the expectant faces of his friends, and said, "aha! you thought i saw a rat. _but i didn't!_" there was no rank of sub-lieutenant, the corresponding { } grade being a "mate." many of the mates were men of thirty or more, who had never gained promotion and who never would gain it. i remember an old mate who used to earn his living by rowing a wherry in portsmouth harbour. he was then ( ) on half-pay, with seniority of . his name was peter b. stagg, as you may see in the navy lists of the period. in the navy list of , stagg is rated sub-lieutenant, the rank of mate having been abolished in the previous year. wisdom spoken by babes was not approved in the _marlborough_. i ventured to remark a thing i had observed, which was that the masts of men-of-war were out of proportion tall as compared with the sails they carried; or, in technical language, that the masts were very taunt, whereas the sails were not proportionately square. i said that the masts ought to be lower and the sails squarer, thus increasing the sailing power. "d--n it! listen to this youngster laying down the law as if he knew better than nelson!" cried an old mate. i was instantly sentenced to be cobbed; and received twelve strokes with a dirk scabbard. it was true that the rig had been inherited from the men of nelson's day; but it was not true that i had pretended to know better than the late admiral; for, since his death, the ships had become longer; so that, whereas in nelson's time the masts, being closer together, were made taller, with relatively narrow sails, in order that in going about the yards should not lock, in my time the reason for the disproportion had ceased to exist. very shortly after i had been beaten for the impiety of thinking for myself, the merchant clippers adopted the very plan i had in mind, lowering masts and increasing the size of sails and thereby gaining a speed which was unrivalled. i visited corfu during my time in the _marlborough_ when that island, together with the rest of the ionian islands--cephalonia, zante, ithaca, santa maura, cerigo and paxo--was an independent state under the protection of great { } britain. in the following year, , the islands were annexed to greece. when the great powers agreed that a sovereign should be nominated to reign over greece, it was suggested that, as the integrity of his kingdom could not be guaranteed, he should be provided with a place of refuge in case of trouble. so at least ran the talk at the time. in any case, great britain was induced to relinquish these magnificent islands, which she had won from the french in . their loss was greatly deplored by the navy at the time; for corfu has one of the finest harbours in the world; a harbour in which a whole fleet can be manoeuvred. the islands, moreover, had magnificent roads, and were furnished with barracks, and in all respects formed an invaluable naval base. prince william of schleswig-holstein was proclaimed king george i of greece on th march, . the late king was a most admirable sovereign, whose personal friendship i was privileged to enjoy. when i was in corfu there was a story current to the effect that when mr. gladstone came to the islands on his mission of inquiry in , he delivered a superb oration in the greek tongue. he was, of course, an excellent scholar in ancient greek; but modern greek differs in pronunciation and other respects. when he had finished, the official in attendance, while complimenting him upon his eloquence, observed what a pity it was that mr. gladstone delivered his speech in the english language. as i am writing, it is the fiftieth anniversary of the marriage of the late king edward with queen alexandra, who is still spared to us. i remember that on the th march, , the _marlborough_ was illuminated with a dainty splendour i have never seen surpassed, even in these days of electricity. every port-hole was framed in sixteen little maltese glass lamps; the rails and yards were set with them; so that, ports being triced up, and the ship being lit within, she was as though wrought in a glow of mellow fire. early in the year i was ordered home, to my great grief. i was discharged to the _hibernia_ stationed in malta { } harbour, to await the homeward bound p. and o. mail steamer. many years afterwards, when commanding the _undaunted_, i was tried by court-martial in the old _hibernia_ for running my ship ashore and was acquitted of all blame. while waiting in the _hibernia_ for a passage, i learned that the _marlborough_ had gone to the rescue of a turkish liner, carrying troops, which had run aground on the filfola rocks, twelve or fifteen miles by sea from malta harbour. i was so eager to see my old ship again, that i hired a duck-punt and pulled all by myself to the filfola rocks. fortunately the sea was calm, or i must have been drowned. i found a party from the _marlborough_ rolling the turkish vessel to get her off. each british sailor took a turkish sailor by the scruff of his neck, and ran with him from side to side of the ship, until she rolled herself into deep water. i had a delightful dinner on board the _marlborough_ and then i pulled all the way back in the dark to the _hibernia_. i was sad indeed that my time in the _marlborough_ was ended; for, in the words of george lewis, my old topmate, "the dear old _marlborough_ was the smartest and happiest ship that ever floated." i took passage home in the mail steamer, and was appointed midshipman to the _defence_ by rear-admiral charles eden, c.b., my "sea-daddy." he very kindly said he wished me to gain experience of one of the new iron ships. note _the old navy_.--the _marlborough_ was a survival of the old navy, in whose traditions lord charles beresford and his contemporaries were nurtured. it was a hard-fisted, free-living, implacable, tragic, jovial, splendid service; it was england at her valorous best. the present generation hardly realises that the naval cadets, who, like lord charles beresford, entered the service in the mid-nineteenth century, were taught their business by the men who had served with nelson. the admirals and old seamen of fifty years' service who are alive to-day, therefore represent the direct link between nelson's time and our { } own. when they entered the navy, many of the admirals and the elder seamen had actually fought under nelson, and the service was in all essentials what it was at trafalgar. admiral of the fleet sir edward seymour relates (in _my naval career_) that as a cadet he often talked with master-commander g. allen, who saw nelson embark from the sally-port at portsmouth for trafalgar. the change from sails to steam was just beginning. never again will the royal navy be administered by men who were brought up in that stern school, which produced a type of men unique in history. the time-honoured divisions of the fleet into red, white and blue were still in use while lord charles beresford was a midshipman. they were abolished by an order in council of th july, . in the year - there was only one admiral of the fleet, sir john west, k.c.b. he entered the navy in , as a "first-class volunteer," as a naval cadet was then called. west served on the coast of guinea, in the west indies, newfoundland and the channel in the _pomona_. he was midshipman in the _salisbury_, , and the _london_, , and was in the _hebe_, captain alexander hood. he was lieutenant in the _royal george_, captain domett. he was present at the action of Île de groix of the rd june, , under lord bridport. he was promoted to captain in . in , commanding the _excellent_, , he was engaged off catalonia, helping the spaniards to defend the citadel of rosas, which was besieged by french. he was promoted to rear-admiral in , and to admiral of the white in . here was an instance of an officer becoming a captain at the age of , after no more than eight years' service; remaining a captain for years; and a rear-admiral for years; and in he was still alive as an admiral of the fleet, being then years of age. the board of admiralty in - consisted of: the right hon. sir john somerset pakington, bart., m.p.; vice-admiral william fanshawe martin, who entered the { } navy in ; vice-admiral the hon. sir richard saunders dundas, k.c.b., who entered the royal naval college in ; rear-admiral sir alexander milne, k.c.b., who entered the royal naval college in ; and the right hon. lord loraine, m.p. a very brief survey of the services of the admirals of the red, white and blue shows that they derived directly from the french wars and the time of nelson. admiral of the red sir william hall gage, g.c.h., had been acting-lieutenant of the _minerva_, when she bore the broad pennant of commodore nelson; had fought in the battle of st. vincent under sir john jervis; and commanded the _indus_ under sir edward pellew in the action off toulon of th february, . admiral of the red sir edward durnford king, k.g.h., in command of the _endymion_, watched sail of the line and nine frigates put into cadiz on th april, , and carried the information to vice-admiral collingwood, who was cruising off gibraltar with four ships. he had the ill-luck to be detailed for special service at gibraltar on trafalgar day. admiral sir george mundy, k.c.b., fought in the battles of st. vincent and of the nile, and had a deal of other distinguished fighting service in his record. then there was admiral of the red the right hon. thomas, earl of dundonald, g.c.b., whose skill in privateering amounted to genius. as lord cochrane, commanding in the _speedy_ sloop, guns and men, he captured in one year and two months vessels containing guns and men. among other spirited exploits, he boarded and carried the spaniard _el gamo_, guns, men. falling under the displeasure of the politicians, his rank and his seat in parliament were forfeited. in , he accepted the chief command of the chilian navy, then of the brazilian navy, and then entered the greek naval service. king william the fourth upon his succession reinstated dundonald in his rank in the royal navy. admiral of the red sir william parker, bart, g.c.b., { } went with nelson in pursuit of the french fleet to the west indies and back in . admiral of the white sir lucius curtis, bart, c.b., served in the mediterranean in and . admiral of the white sir john louis, bart., served in the mediterranean in . admiral of the white john ayscough was flag-lieutenant in the _queen charlotte_, lord rowe's flagship, in the channel in ; he afterwards served with distinction in holland, quiberon, cadiz, egypt, the west indies; and, with two frigates and some sloops, protected sicily against the invasion of joachim murat. admiral of the blue sir edward chetham strode, k.c.b., k.c.h., served under lord hood in the _victory_ in the mediterranean, taking part in the evacuation of toulon, in the sieges of st. fiorenza, bastia and calvi, in corsica. in august, , he was lieutenant in the _agamemnon_, commanded by nelson. he performed much distinguished service until, in , he attained flag rank and went on half-pay. admiral of the blue william bowles, c.b., entered the navy in , was employed in the channel and off cadiz, in the north sea, west indies, and north american station. in command of the _zebra_ bomb, he went with lord gambier to copenhagen. in , and again in , he performed excellent service in protecting british trade in rio la plata and the neighbouring coasts. admiral of the blue james whitley deans dundas, c.b., entered the navy in , took part in the blockade of alexandria in , and served with distinction in the north sea, baltic and mediterranean. admiral of the blue henry hope, c.b., took part in the blockade of alexandria in , and served in the mediterranean. admiral of the blue the hon. sir fleetwood broughton reynolds pellew performed long and gallant fighting services in the dutch east indies. admiral of the blue sir charles napier, k.c.b., etc. etc., { } had a most distinguished fighting record in the west indies and on the coast of syria. in he represented marylebone in parliament, in which respect, as in others, his career resembled that of lord charles beresford. in , sir charles napier was appointed to the command of the great fleet which sailed for the baltic in the spring of that year. admiral penrose fitzgerald, who received his nomination to the navy from sir charles napier, and who served in the second baltic expedition of the following year, makes some instructive observations in respect of the treatment of sir charles napier by the authorities. "... the issue was really decided in the black sea, and both baltic expeditions were, practically speaking, failures. the admirals were told by the government that they were not to attack stone forts with their wooden ships, and were then censured by the same government for doing nothing, when there was really nothing else to do. sir charles napier, who commanded the british baltic fleet in the summer of , was shamefully treated by the politicians, and, being a hot tempered old gentleman, he couldn't stand it. he got into parliament as member for southwark and gave them back as good as they gave.... it was the old story--the politicians shunting the blame on to the soldiers or the sailors when they fail to achieve such success as is expected of them, but quite ready to take credit to themselves for their magnificent strategy and foresight when it turns out the other way.... when sir charles was peremptorily ordered to haul down his flag, as a punishment for not disobeying orders, he was superseded in command by admiral dundas, who had been a lord of the admiralty in ...." sir charles napier requested the prime minister, lord palmerston, to grant an inquiry into his case. he then addressed the following letter to lord palmerston:--"i sent your lordship my case, which i requested you to lay before the cabinet, but you have not favoured me with a reply. i am aware of the various occupations of your lordship, but { } still there ought to be some consideration for an old officer who has served his country faithfully, and who has held an important command. had my papers been examined by your cabinet, and justice done, instead of dismissing me, and appointing one of the lords of the admiralty my successor, you would have dismissed sir james graham and his admiralty, for treachery to me." (_life of sir charles napier_, by general elers napier. quoted by admiral penrose fitzgerald, in _memories of the sea_.) sir charles napier, remarks admiral fitzgerald, "thus gave his wary enemies a chance of accusing him of disrespect towards those in authority." admiral of the blue phipps hornby, c.b., was promoted acting-lieutenant from the _victory_, flagship of lord nelson, to the _excellent_, . as captain of the _volage_, , he received a gold medal from the admiralty for gallant conduct in the action off lissa of march, , when a british squadron of guns and men defeated after six hours' action a franco-venetian force of guns and men. such is the tale of the admirals of the red, white and blue in the year - . several of them had actually served in nelson's ships; the most of them had served under nelson's command, when lord charles beresford joined the navy. in the same year, the number of officers receiving pensions for wounds on service was . admirals . . . . . . . . . . . . . vice-admirals . . . . . . . . . . rear-admirals . . . . . . . . . . captains . . . . . . . . . . . . . commanders . . . . . . . . . . . . lieutenants . . . . . . . . . . . masters . . . . . . . . . . . . . surgeons . . . . . . . . . . . . . mates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . second masters . . . . . . . . . . paymasters . . . . . . . . . . . . --- === { } the total number of men in the royal navy in - was , : , seamen, , marines. in - , the total number was , : , seamen, , marines. in , the number of seamen and marines was , : , seamen, , marines. { } chapter iv the ship of unhappy memory i did not like the _defence_. i thought her a dreadful ship. after the immaculate decks, the glittering perfection, the spirit and fire and pride of the _marlborough_, the "flagship of the world," i was condemned to a slovenly, unhandy, tin kettle which could not sail without steam; which had not even any royal-masts; and which took minutes instead of seconds to cross topgallant yards, a disgusting spectacle to a midshipman of the _marlborough_. instead of the splendid sun and blue waters of the mediterranean, there were the cold skies and the dirty seas of the channel. i wrote to my father asking him to remove me from the navy. the _defence_ was one of the iron-built, or iron-cased, armoured, heavily rigged, steam-driven, broadside-fire vessels launched from to . they represented the transition from the old navy to the new, inasmuch as they retained large sailing powers and broadside fire, combining with these traditional elements, iron construction and steam propulsion. they were the _warrior_, _black prince_, _defence_, _resistance_, _hector_, _valiant_, _achilles_, _minotaur_, _agincourt_, and _northumberland_. the _defence_, launched in , was (in modern terms) of tons displacement, h.p., . knots speed, carried guns, and had a complement of men. she was commanded by captain augustus phillimore, and was one of the channel squadron, which, in the year , was commanded by rear-admiral robert smart, k.h. { } channel squadron (navy list, , description) rate h.p. name guns tons com. officer complement nd s. revenge (flag) capt. charles fellowes iron-cased ship s. warrior capt. hon. a. a. cochrane, c.b. " s. black prince capt. j. f. a. wainwright " s. defence capt. augustus phillimore " s. resistance capt. w. c. chamberlain gunboat s. trinculo --- tender to revenge the channel squadron at that time was employed in cruising round the coasts of the british isles, in order to familiarise people on shore with the fleet. in later life it fell to me, as commander-in-chief, to conduct similar cruises, of whose object i thoroughly approve. the _warrior_ and _black prince_, in particular, were stately and noble vessels whose beauty was a delight to behold. their great spread of sail, their long hulls and yacht bows, the vast expanse of flush wooden decks, their solidity and grace, set them among the finest ships ever built. i was somewhat consoled in the _defence_ by being placed in charge of the cutter; in which i succeeded, by a small feat of seamanship, in earning the rare commendation of the first lieutenant. i was about to sail off to the fleet from devonport, when i discovered that the yard of the dipping lug was sprung. this was serious, as it was blowing fairly hard. fortunately, i had one of those knives so dear to boyhood, containing a small saw and other implements; and with this weapon i shaped a batten and fitted it to the yard, woolded it with spun-yarn and wedged it tight. i did not expect it to hold; but, double-reefing the sail, i put off. all { } the way to the ship i had an eye on the yard, and it held. of course i was late on board; and the first lieutenant declined to believe my explanation of the delay until he had had the yard hoisted on deck. then he was kind enough to say, "well, my boy, if you can do a thing like that, there's hope for you yet." every little ray of hope is worth having. but by reason of my love for the cutter, i fell into trouble. in the dockyard at devonport, there stood a mast newly fitted with beautiful new white signal halliards, the very thing for the cutter. i should explain that, as we were kept very short of stores, stealing in the service from the service for the service, used to be a virtue. there was once an admiral who stole a whole ship's propeller in order to melt the brass from it; and it was another admiral who boasted to me of his brother officer's achievement. of course, no one ever steals anything nowadays; nothing is ever missing out of store; and no midshipman would dream of attempting to convey signal halliards from the dockyard into his boat. but i did. i brought an end of the halliard into an adjacent shed, concealed in which i revolved swiftly upon my axis, winding the rope about me. then i put on an overcoat, borrowed for the purpose. but my figure presented an appearance so unnaturally rotund that a policeman experienced in diagnosing these sudden metamorphoses, compelled me to divest and to revolve, unwinding, in the public eye. he also reported me for stealing government stores. "zeal, all zeal, mr. easy!" it was during my time in the _defence_ that i was so fortunate as to be enabled to save two lives. on one occasion, the ship was lying in the mersey, and visitors were on board. a party of these was leaving the ship, when their boat was slewed round by the strong tide, and one of them, a big, heavy man, fell into the water. i dived after him. luckily there was a boat-keeper in the galley secured astern of the ship. he held out a boat-hook, { } which i caught with one hand, holding up my man with the other. i received the gold medal of the liverpool shipwreck humane society, and the bronze medal of the royal humane society. the name of the man who fell overboard was richardson. more than forty years afterwards, the son of mr. richardson sent me a kind letter, enclosing a photograph of his father, who had died in , nineteen years after his rescue. "my mother," wrote mr. j. richardson, "was in very great terror, as my father could not swim a stroke. he was a very fine man, and this made your task you so quickly undertook not any the easier.... the clothes he wore on that memorable occasion were, after their thorough wetting, too small for him to wear again, so they were cut down for my elder brothers, and were called by them their 'channel fleet' clothes, and jolly proud they were to wear them too." the boys' sentiment is pleasing, whether it arose from the exciting fact that mr. richardson had fallen overboard in them--a thing which might happen to any gentleman--or from his having in them been picked out by an officer (however junior) of the channel fleet. the second occasion when i was successful in saving a man from drowning was in plymouth sound. a string of boats from the fleet carrying liberty men was pulling ashore, when a shore-boat crossed their bows and was run down by the leading boat. i jumped in and held up one of the passengers; and was again awarded the bronze medal of the royal humane society. in the _defence_, as in my other ships, my service transgressions were few and venial, as in the case of the signal halliards. my troubles arose from my intervals of relaxation on shore. it is now so long ago that perhaps i may without imprudence relate a sad episode in which i fell under the condemnation of the law, with all that attendant publicity which--as one journalist rather unctuously remarked at the time--is so often worse than the penalty. { } "_defence_, plymouth "my dearest father,--i am writing to you at once to tell you what a sad scrape i have just come out of. on friday night i was with some other wild fellows on the outside of a cab, pea-shooting, myself the worst, when unfortunately i hit a lady who was leaning on a gentleman's arm in the face. the man chased us and with a good deal of difficulty, caught us; we were then taken to the station-house, and given into custody. the hotel-keeper we always go to, very kindly bailed us for the night. in the morning we went to the station-house according to promise; and were tried; the result was my paying £ , s. and costs, or one month's imprisonment, and another £ , or days. the other two got off, no peas being found upon them. you will see all about it in the papers i am sending you. i am writing to you in such a hurry, as i am afraid you might believe the papers if you saw them before my letter. i most _solemnly swear_ to you on my honour that i was _quite_ sober the whole of the day that this took place. and as for behaving unbecoming a gentleman in the court, i certainly did laugh, but the judge made me, and all did so, as he was chaffing all the time. the reason i did not apologise to the man was because he swore on his oath that i was drunk; which was a lie. i had been dining with hutchinson (see in the paper), who was giving a dinner as he was leaving the ship. all i drank was two glasses of moselle. the papers i sent you are radical so of course they run me down.... all that remains to be said is, i hope you will look upon it as a boyish lark and not as a disgraceful action ... and will you send me pounds as i have but shillings left; and i must have some money to pay mess, wine, etc. etc. so now write soon to your prodigal son, "charlie beresford" i received in reply a severe but affectionate reproof from my father. the gentlemen of the press took upon themselves to { } improve the occasion, having first taken care, of course, to describe the affair as a great deal worse than it was. "let this lesson be taken," says one kind journalist, "it may be a guide and a warning for the future. the days are gone--gone for ever--when the pranks of a waterford would be tolerated; but while we would hope his follies are lost, we would likewise hope that his manly, frank, chivalrous nature is still inherited by his kinsmen." another reporter did me the justice to record that, on being called on for my defence, i said: "i certainly do apologise if i did strike the lady, because it was not my intention to do so; but i certainly don't apologise for striking mr. yates." i trust he bears me no malice. yet another guardian of public morals observed that "his worship, in announcing the penalties, called attention to the inequalities of the law, which exacted fines for the same offence alike from the man with whom sovereigns were plentiful as hours and the man whose night's spree must cost him a week's fasting." had his worship taken the trouble to refer to the scale of pay granted by a generous country to midshipmen, comparing it with the scale of rations and the price we paid for them, and had he (in addition) enjoyed the privilege of perusing the financial clauses of the letter addressed to me more in sorrow than in anger by my father, he might perhaps have modified his exordium. as an illustration of the strict supervision exercised by the senior officers, i may record that i received--in addition to my other penalties and visitations--a severe reproof from captain stewart, my old captain in the _marlborough_. the channel fleet visited teneriffe. it was the first iron fleet ever seen in the west indies. in the cutting-out action off teneriffe, nelson lost his arm, and several ensigns of the british boats were captured by the french. ever since, it has been a tradition in the navy that the flags ought to be recaptured. a party of bluejackets did once succeed in taking them from the { } cathedral and carrying them on board; but the admiral ordered their restoration. they were then placed high up on the wall, out of reach, where i saw them. we held a meeting in the gun-room of the _defence_ to consider the best method of taking the flags. but the admiral, who was of course aware that all junior officers cherished the hope of recovering the relics, issued orders that no such attempt was to be made. i was invited by an old friend of my father, a religious old gentleman living in cornwall, to a couple of days' rabbit-shooting. i was overjoyed at the opportunity, and was the object of the envy of my brother midshipmen. arriving after lunch, i was brought into the great room where the old gentleman was sitting in an arm-chair, with his feet, which were swathed in masses of cotton-wool, resting on gout-rests. near him was a turn-table laden with books. "don't come near me, my boy," he shouted, as i entered. "i am very glad to see you, but don't come near me. i have a terribly painful attack of gout, the worst i ever had in my life. go and sit down on that chair over there." with the breadth of the polished floor between us, we chatted for a while; and then the old gentleman, pointing to the table of books, asked me to give him a particular volume. "now be very careful," said he. full of ardour, delighted to think that i should now escape to the keeper and the rabbits, i jumped up, ran to the table, my foot slipped on the parquet, and i fell face forward with my whole weight upon the poor old man's feet, smashing both foot-rests. the agonising pain shot him into the air and he fell on my back. i have never heard such language before or since. as he rolled off me, he shouted: "ring the bell, you ---- ----!" in came the butler. "take that ---- ---- out of my house! send him back to his ---- ship! never let me see his ---- face again!" screamed my host. { } so i departed in the dog-cart. it was many a long day ere i heard the last of my rabbit-shooting from my messmates. a few months afterwards, when i had been less than a year in the _defence_, rear-admiral charles eden appointed me to the _clio_ as senior midshipman. he said he wanted me to learn responsibility. note _the new ships_.--the predecessors of the _defence_ and her class were wooden vessels plated with iron armour. the first iron-built, armoured, sea-going british vessel was the _warrior_, launched in . she was laid down in the previous year, in which lord charles beresford entered the navy. several wooden ships (_royal oak_, _caledonia_, _prince consort_, _ocean_, _royal alfred_, _repulse_, _favorite_, _research_) were converted into armoured ships during their construction. these were launched from to . for some years the admiralty built wooden armoured ships and iron armoured ships simultaneously. from to , ten iron-built, armoured, sail and steam ships were launched: _warrior_, _black prince_, _defence_, _resistance_, _hector_, _achilles_, _valiant_, _minotaur_, _agincourt_, _northumberland_. in and , five wooden-built, armoured ships were launched: _lord clyde_, _lord warden_, _zealous_, _pallas_, _enterprise_. the _royal sovereign_, launched in as a wooden line-of-battle ship, was converted in to an armoured vessel and was equipped with four turrets. she was thus the first turret-ship in the british navy. the next step was to group the guns in a central armoured battery, and to belt the ship with armour along the water-line. at the same time, more turret-ships were constructed. earnest controversy was waged among naval authorities as to what were the most important qualities of the fighting ship, to which other qualities must be partially sacrificed; for, broadly speaking, all warships represent a compromise { } among speed, defence and offence--or engines, armour and guns. the controversy still continues. the disaster which befell the _captain_ decided, at least, the low-freeboard question in so far as heavily rigged sailing steam vessels were concerned, for the captain, a rigged low-freeboard turret-ship, capsized on th september, . (_the royal navy_, vol. i., laird clowes.) lord charles beresford, entering the navy at the beginning of the changes from sails to steam, from wood to iron, and from iron to steel, learned, like his contemporaries, the whole art of the sailing ship sailor, added to it the skill of the sailor of the transition period, and again added to that the whole body of knowledge of the seaman of the new navy. he saw the days when the sailing officers hated steam and ignored it so far as possible; as in the case of the admiral who, entering harbour under steam and sail, gave his sailing orders but neglected the engineer, and so fouled the wharf, and said, "bless me, i forgot i was in a steamship!" admiral penrose fitzgerald, who entered the navy five years before lord charles beresford, describes the transitional period in his _memories of the sea_. speaking of the _hercules_, one of the new central-battery, armoured-waterline ironclads, to which he was appointed first lieutenant when she was first commissioned in , admiral fitzgerald writes:--"the _hercules_ was the most powerful ironclad afloat, in this or any other country. she carried -ton guns--muzzle-loaders--and nine inches of armour, though this was only in patches; but she had a good deal of six-inch armour, and her water-line and battery were well protected, as against ordnance of that date. she was full-rigged, with the spars and sails of a line-of-battle ship, and she could steam fourteen knots--on a pinch, and could sail a _little_. in fact she was the masterpiece of sir edward reed's genius. "up to the advent of the _hercules_ the three great five-masted ships of , tons, the _minotaur_, _agincourt_ and { } _northumberland_, had been considered the most powerful ships in the british navy, and probably in the world, and sir edward reed's triumph was, that he built a ship of about tons which carried a more powerful armament, thicker armour, fifty feet shorter and thus much handier, steamed the same speed, and i was going to say--sailed better; but i had better say--did not sail quite so badly; and it must ever be borne in mind that at this transition stage in the development of the navy, our rulers at whitehall insisted that our ships of all classes should have sail power suitable to their tonnage. 'for,' said they, 'the engines might break down, and then where would you be?'" (_memories of the sea_, admiral penrose fitzgerald, chap. xiv.) { } chapter v the midshipman of i wish i could convey to my readers something of the pride and delight which a sailor feels in his ship. but who that has never had the luck to be a deep-water sailor, can understand his joy in the noble vessel, or the uplifting sense of his control over her matchless and splendid power, born of a knowledge of her every rope and sail and timber, and of an understanding of her behaviour and ability. for every ship has her own spirit, her own personality. you may build two ships or twenty upon the same design, line for line the same, and each will develop her own character. as there are no two people alike, so there are no two ships the same. what can be more glorious than a ship getting under way? she quivers like a sentient thing amid the whole moving tumultuous lusty life. men are racing aloft; other men, their feet pounding upon the white decks, are running away with the ropes; the ringing commands and the shouting fill the air; the wind strikes with a salt and hearty sting; and the proud and beautiful creature rises to the lift of the sea. doctor, paymaster, idlers and all used to run up on deck to witness that magnificent spectacle, a full-rigged ship getting under sail. as for me, i blessed my luck when i returned from the _defence_ to a sailing ship. the _clio_ was a corvette pierced for guns, of tons burthen, and h.p. the screw was hoisted when she was under sail, which was nearly all the time. she was an excellent sailer, doing fourteen to sixteen knots. { } the midshipmen's mess was so small, that there was no room for chairs. we sat on lockers, and in order to reach the farther side, we must walk across the table. one of our amusements in this tiny cabin was racing cockroaches, which were numerous. we used to drop a bit of melted tallow from a purser's dip upon their backs, plant in it a piece of spun-yarn, light the spun-yarn, and away they would go from one end of the table to the other. there was once a cockroach--but not in the _clio_--which escaped, its light still burning, and set the ship on fire. i began in the _clio_ by immediately assuming that responsibility of senior midshipman desired by rear-admiral charles eden. i purchased the stores for the gunroom mess, expending £ , accounting for every penny, with the most sedulous precision. we paid a shilling a day for messing, and the stores were to supplement our miserable rations. they were so bad that i wonder we kept our health; indeed, only the fittest survived. we sailed from portsmouth in august, . it was my first long voyage. it is curious that the first week of a long voyage goes very slowly, and the rest of the time very fast. i used to keep the first dog watch and to relieve the officer in the morning watch. in the keen pleasure of handling the ship--loosing sails, sheeting them home, reefing, furling, and all the rest of the work of a sailor--i regained all my old delight in the sea which i had lost in the _defence_. keeping watch under sail required unremitting vigilance, perpetual activity, and constant readiness. the officer of the watch must be everywhere, with an eye to everything, forward and aft; while the helmsman handling the wheel under the break of the poop, keeps the weather leach just lifting. the memory of the continuous hard work of the daily routine, makes the sober and pleasant background to the more lively recollection of events, which were after all but the natural reaction from the long monotony of sea life. it was my duty to preserve order in the gun-room; and a lively lot i had in charge. one of the midshipmen, a { } big fellow, was something of a bully. he used to persecute a youngster smaller than himself, and one day the boy came to me and asked what he could do to end the tyranny. i thought that this particular bully was also a coward--by no means an inevitable combination--and i advised his victim, next time he was bullied, to hit the bully on the point of the nose as hard as he could, and i promised that i would support him in whatever came afterwards. he did as he was told; whereupon the bully came to me with a complaint that a junior midshipman had struck him. i formed a ring and put the two to settle the matter with their fists. the little boy was a plucky youngster, and clever with his fists. he knocked out his enemy, and had peace thereafter. i crossed the line for the first time. in going through the usual ceremonies, being ducked and held under in the big tank, i was as nearly drowned as ever in my life, being hauled out insensible. we towed out the _turtle_, a government vessel, bound for ascension with stores. while towing, it is necessary to wear instead of tacking, for fear of coming on top of the tow. but the first lieutenant thought he would tack; so he tried to go about. there was a gale of wind; the ship missed stays, and came right on top of the unfortunate _turtle_, dismasting and nearly sinking her. i was sent on board her to give assistance; and i made excellent use of the opportunity to collect from the _turtle's_ stores many useful little ship's fittings of which the _clio_ was in need. we took the _turtle_ into ascension, where the midshipmen landed, collected the eggs of the "wideawake" gulls, and bottled them for future consumption. we put in at the falkland islands in november. the population consisted of ex-royal marines and their families. it was considered necessary to populate the islands; and we always send for the royal marines in any difficulty. there were also south american guachos and ranchers. the governor came on board to ask for the captain's help. the governor wanted a man to be hanged, and his { } trouble was that he was afraid to hang him. the prisoner was a guacho, who had murdered a rancher, whom he had cast into the river and then shot to death. the governor was afraid that if he executed the murderer, the other guachos would rise in rebellion. so he wanted the captain to bring the murderer on board and hang him to the yard-arm. the captain refused this request; but he offered to hang him on shore, a proposal to which the governor agreed. the boatswain's mate piped: "volunteers for a hangman--fall in." to my surprise, half the ship's company fell in. the sergeant of marines was chosen to be executioner. he took a party on shore, and they constructed a curious kind of box, like a wardrobe, having a trap-door in the top, above which projected the beam. the man dropped through the trap door into the box and was no more seen, until the body was taken out under cover of night and buried. the shooting on that island was naturally an intense delight to a boy of my age. we midshipmen used to go away shooting the upland geese. i managed to bring aboard more than the others, because i cut off the wings, heads and necks, cleaned the birds, and secured them by toggling the legs together, so that i was able to sling four birds over each shoulder. the whole island being clothed in high pampas grass, it was impossible to see one's way. officers used to be lost in the falklands. the body of a paymaster who was thus lost was not discovered for eight years. the cold induced sleep, and a sleeping man might freeze to death. admiral penrose fitzgerald, in his _memories of the sea_, relating his experience as a midshipman in the falkland islands, says, "everybody has heard of the falkland island geese, and they may be seen to-day in st. james's park. the upland geese--as they are generally called--are excellent eating; but there are also immense numbers and different varieties of other geese and these are known as 'kelp geese.' alas! our ornithological education had been so { } sadly neglected that we did not know the difference with the feathers on, though we soon found it out, when we came to cook and eat them. all the birds we shot were kelp geese, about as fishy as cormorants; but they were not wasted, for we gave them to our marine servants, who ate them all and declared them to be excellent. 'some flavour about them,' as they said." while we lay at the falkland islands a merchant ship came in whose whole company was down with scurvy. when i joined the navy, lime-juice, the prophylactic, was served out under the regulation; but in the mercantile marine scurvy was still prevalent. it is a most repulsive disease. the sufferer rots into putrid decay while he is yet alive. if you pressed a finger upon his flesh the dent would remain. he is so sunk in lethargy that if he were told the ship was sinking he would decline to move. his teeth drop out and his hair falls off. it is worthy of remembrance that the use of lime-juice as a prophylactic was discovered, or at least largely introduced, by captain james cook the navigator; whose statue, erected at whitby, i had the privilege of unveiling in . historically, i believe that captain lancaster, commanding the _dragon_, in the service of the honourable east india company in the time of james i, was the first to cure scurvy by administering three spoonfuls of lemon to each patient, with his breakfast. from the falkland islands we proceeded to the straits of magellan, where the natives of terra del fuego came off to us in boats. they were totally naked, and were smeared all over with grease. it was snowing, and they had made a fire in the boats; and when the sea splashed upon the fire and put it out, they beat the sea in anger with their paddles. at the convict settlement there used to be a box to hold mails fixed on the top of a pole. the letters were taken on board the next ship passing homeward bound. i posted a letter addressed to my mother, who received it in due time. { } we dropped anchor off port mercy. it came on to blow a hurricane. we had two anchors down ahead, struck lower yards and topmast, and kept the screw moving to ease the cables. without the aid of steam, we should have been blown away. even so, the captain became anxious and decided to put out to sea. we battened down and went out under trysails and forestaysail. instantly we were plunged into a mountainous sea, and the wind whipped the canvas out of us. we set close-reefed foretopsail. a tremendous squall struck us, we shipped water and were blown upon our beam ends. so strong was the wind that each successive blast listed the ship right over. the captain then determined to run back to port mercy. the master set the course, as he thought, to clear the headland; and we steamed at full speed. i was standing half-way up the bridge ladder holding on to the man-rope in a violent squall of hail and snow, the hail cutting my cheeks open, when i saw land right ahead. the fact was that the master had mistaken his course, and the ship was driving straight on shore, where every man would have perished. i reported my observation to the first lieutenant, who merely remarked that it was probable that the master knew better than i did. but presently he too saw the high rocks looming ahead through the smother of snow and spray, and the course was altered just in time. the wind was on the port beam; we edged into it out to sea; and so were able to clear the headland and get under the lee of the land. the first lieutenant afterwards handsomely admitted that it was a good job i was standing where i was "with my eyes open" at the critical moment. it was in the height of this emergency, that i first heard the pipe go "save ship." we proceeded to valparaiso, where the ship put in to refit. at valparaiso, we were able to get horses, and we organised paper-chases. it was about this time that the incident of the impresario occurred. he was conducting the orchestra from the stage itself, being seated in a hole cut in the stage, so that his legs { } rested upon a little platform below. the refreshment room was underneath the stage, and the impresario's legs projected downwards from the ceiling into the room, where were two or three midshipmen and myself. the temptation was irresistible. we grasped the legs; hauled on them; and down came the impresario. overhead, the music faltered and died away. from valparaiso we proceeded to the sandwich islands, whence we were ordered to take queen emma to panama, on her way to england to see queen victoria. queen emma was born miss emma booker. she married kamehameha iv in . we took the queen on board with one native lady as her attendant. the natives were devoted to their queen, and they insisted on loading the ship with presents for her. they brought pigs, masses of yams, sweet potatoes, water-melons and other fruit. the pigs were housed forward on the main deck, and the other offerings were piled on the rigging and hammock nettings and about the davit guys, so that the ship looked like an agricultural show when we sailed for panama. we sighted a schooner flying signals of distress. the life-boat was called away to go to her assistance. i was in charge of the life-boat. when a boat is called away at sea, the crew of course take their places in her before she is lowered. the whole operation, from the sound of the pipe to the moment the boat touches the water, occupies no more than a few seconds in a smart ship. there was a little sea-way on, and the movement of the boat caused a jerk to the falls, unhooking the safety catch, and dislodging an enormous water-melon, which fell through about eighteen feet upon the top of my head. i was knocked nearly senseless. it was the melon that split upon the impact, deluging me with red pulp; but i thought that it was my skull which had cracked, and that they were my brains which were spoiling my uniform, and i remember wondering that my brains should be so queerly and vividly coloured. but i recovered from the shock in a few minutes. { } boarding the schooner, i found she was short of water. but the remarkable thing about that schooner was that although she carried a cargo of six thousand pounds in mexican dollars, they had only four men on board, all told--an easy prize for a pirate. after touching at acapulco, which was all heat and flies, we landed the queen of the sandwich islands at panama. some years afterwards, i went to call upon her majesty. in all my voyages, i carried with me a set of tandem harness; and on this occasion, i hired a light cart and a couple of ponies, and drove them tandem. approaching the royal residence, i took a corner too sharply, the cart capsized, i was flung out, and found myself sitting on the ground in the queen's presence. but before we quitted the sandwich islands, an event occurred (of which i was the humble and unwitting instrument) which nearly brought about what are called international complications. i should explain that feeling ran pretty high between the english and the americans in the sandwich islands with regard to the american civil war, which was then waging. it was none of our business, but we of the _clio_ chose to sympathise with the south. now that these unhappy differences have been so long composed, there can be no harm in referring to them. but it was not resentment against the north which inspired my indiscretion. it was the natural desire to win a bet. a certain lady--her name does not matter--bet me that i would not ride down a steep pass in the hills, down which no horse had yet been ridden. i took the bet and i won it. then the same fair lady bet me--it was at a ball--that i would not pull down the american flag. that emblem was painted on wood upon an escutcheon fixed over the entrance to the garden of the consulate. i took that bet, too, and won it. having induced two other midshipmen to come with me, we went under cover of night to the consulate. i climbed upon the backs of my accomplices, leaped up, caught hold of the escutcheon, and brought the whole thing down upon { } us. then we carried the trophy on board in a shore-boat. unfortunately the boatman recognised what it was, and basely told the american consul, who was naturally indignant, and who insisted that the flag should be nailed up again in its place. i had no intention of inflicting annoyance, and had never considered how serious might be the consequences of a boyish impulse. my captain very justly said that as i had pulled down the flag i must put it up again, and sent me with a couple of carpenters on shore. we replaced the insulted emblem of national honour, to the deep delight of an admiring crowd. the _clio_ put to sea. we heard afterwards that the american government dispatched a couple of ships of war to capture me, but i do not think the report was true. having landed the queen of the sandwich islands at panama, as i have said, about the middle of june, , we left the bay early in july, and proceeded to vancouver, arriving there in the middle of august. there we remained until early in december. i was placed in charge of a working party from the _clio_, to cut a trail through the virgin forest of magnificent timber with which the island was then covered. i was pleased enough to receive an extra shilling a day check-money. where the flourishing town of victoria now stands, there were a few log huts, closed in by gigantic woods. when i revisited the country recently, i found a tramway running along what was once my trail, and i met several persons who remembered my having helped to cut it, nearly fifty years before. i believe that canada will eventually become the centre of the british empire; for the canadians are a splendid nation, gifted with pluck, enterprise and energy. the free forest life was bliss to a boy of my age. to tell the truth, we were allowed to do pretty well what we liked in the _clio_, which was so easy-going a ship that she was nicknamed "the privateer." we used to go out fishing for salmon with the indians, in their canoes, using the { } indian hook made of shell. to this day the indians fish for salmon in canoes, using shell hooks. i made a trot, a night-line with a hundred hooks, and hauled up a goodly quantity of fish every morning. i remember that a party of midshipmen (of whom i was not one) from another ship were playing cricket on the island, when a bear suddenly walked out of the forest. the boys instantly ran for a gun and found one in an adjacent cabin, but there were no bullets or caps. so they filled up the weapon with stones from the beach. in the meantime the bear had climbed a tree. the midshipmen levelled the gun at him and fired it with a lucifer match. we used to go away into the forest deer-shooting, and on one occasion we were lost for a day and a night. it was at this time that i made the acquaintance of the celebrated mr. dunsmuir, who became a mayor and a millionaire, simply because he slept one night in the forest--for the sake of coolness. when he awoke in the morning, he found that he had pillowed his head upon a lump of coal. he subsequently obtained an enormous concession of land from the government and amassed a huge fortune in coal. two of our lieutenants put money in the scheme. i wrote at the time to my father, asking him to let me have a thousand pounds to invest in the coal business. but he replied affectionately but firmly that, until i ceased to exceed my allowance, he did not think it right that i should embark in a gambling project. the two lucky lieutenants were eventually bought out by mr. dunsmuir for a very large sum of money. i was very happy in the _clio_; but, for reasons, it was considered expedient that i should be transferred to the _tribune_. accordingly, i turned over to the _tribune_ early in december, by the orders of my constant friend, admiral charles eden. he said it would do me good to serve under captain lord gillford. he was right. it did. { } chapter vi strict service captain lord gillford, afterwards lord clamwilliam, was one of the finest seamen, and his ship was one of the smartest ships, in the service. the _tribune_ was what we used to call a jackass frigate. she was pierced for guns, was of tons burthen, and h.p.--not that anything could ever induce the captain to use steam. before i joined the _tribune_, she had sprung her foremast so she went up the fraser river to cut a new spar out of he forest. such things were done in those days. but on the way up she grounded on the bar. everything--guns, coal, stores--was taken out of her; anchors were got out; and every effort was made to warp her off. still she would not move. in this desperate pass, when every man in the ship, except one, was hauling on the purchases, it is on record that when the chaplain put his weight on the rope, away she came. the power of the man of god is remembered even unto this day. then the _tribune_ sailed up the river, and they cut a new spar, set it up and rigged it, and she came home with it. captain lord gillford prided himself on the speed of his ship under sail. he had fitted her with all sorts of extra gear, such as they had in the famous tea-clippers. his tacks and sheets were much thicker than was usual; strengthening pieces were fitted to the sails; there were gaffs for topgallant backstays, and extra braces. his order book was a curiosity, day after day it bore the same entry: "the course. carry sail." sailing from vancouver to valparaiso, the _tribune_ { } beat the _sutlej_, another fine sailing ship commanded by another first-class seaman, by two days. captain lord gillford's orders were that sail should never be shortened without his permission. one night when it was blowing hard i went down to the captain's cabin to ask him if we might take in the topmast studding-sail. the ship was then heeling over. the captain stuck one leg out of his cot and put his foot against the side of the ship. "i don't feel any water here yet," says he, and sent me on deck again. the next moment the sail blew away. i can never be too grateful for the seamanship i learned on board the _tribune_. the captain lost no opportunity of teaching us. on one occasion, for instance, we carried away the starboard foremast swifter, in the fore rigging--the _tribune_ had rope lower rigging. captain lord gillford, instead of splicing the shroud to the masthead pennants, chose, in order to educate us, to strip the whole foremast to a gantline. we got the whole of the lower rigging over the masthead again. i was in the sailmaker's crew; and another midshipman and myself, together with the forecastle men, fitted in the new shroud, turned it in, wormed, parcelled, and served it; put it over the masthead, and got the fore rigging all a-taunto again. i also helped to make a new foresail and jib out of number one canvas, roped them, put the clews in, and completed the job. lord gillford's object was to teach those under him to carry out the work in the proper shipshape manner. the sailmaker's crew, among whom was another midshipman, named morrison, and myself, numbered or men, including able seamen, and we were all as happy as possible. we were taught by one of the best sailmakers in the service, who was named flood. we always worked in a sailmaker's canvas jumper and trousers made by ourselves. i could cut out and make a seaman's canvas working suit, jumper and trousers, in minutes, using the sailmaker's stitch of four stitches to the inch. i had a complete sailmaker's bag with every sailmaker's tool necessary--serving and roping mallets, jiggers, seaming { } and roping palms, all-sized marling-spikes, fids, seam-rubbers, sail-hooks, grease-pot, seaming and roping twine, etc. etc. morrison and i worked together at everything. we turned in new boats' falls, replaced lanyards in wash-deck buckets, as well as taking our turn at all tricks sailmaker's crew. we put in new clews to a topsail and course. we roped a jib and other fore-and-aft sails. both of these jobs require great care and practice, and both of them we had to do two or three times before we got them right. a sailmaker knows how difficult it is to keep the lay of the rope right in roping a sail. we used also to go aloft and repair sick seams in the sails to avoid unbending. captain lord gillford himself could cut out a sail, whether fore-and-aft or square. i have heard him argue with flood as to the amount of goring to be allowed, and lord gillford was always right. it was he who put it into my head to try to teach myself all that i could, by saying, "if a man is a lubber over a job, you ought to be able to _show_ him how to do it, not _tell_ him how to do it." we were never so proud as when lord gillford sent for us and told us that we had made a good job of roping the new jib. among other things, i learned from the "snob," as the shoemaker was called, to welt and repair boots. in after years, i made a portmanteau, which lasted for a long time, for my old friend, chief engineer roffey; and i made many shooting and fishing bags for my brother officers. merely for the sake of knowing how to do and how not to do a thing, in later years i have chipped a boiler (a devil of a job), filled coal-sacks, trimmed bunkers, stoked fires and driven engines. we used up all our spare canvas in the _tribune_; and i remember that on one occasion we were obliged to patch the main-royal with a mail-bag, so that the main-royal bore the legend "letters for england" on it thereafter. while in the _tribune_, two misfortunes occurred to me on the same day. as we all know, misfortunes never come singly. the sailmaker had reported me for skylarking; and it { } occurred to me that if he was going to put me in the report, he might as well have a better reason for that extreme action. i therefore rove a line attached to a sailmaker's needle through the holes of the bench upon which he sat. when he seated himself to begin his work, i jerked the line, and he leaped into the air with a loud cry. that was my first misfortune. the second was entirely due to the rude and thoughtless conduct of another midshipman, who, in passing me as i sat at my sailmaker's bench, industriously working, tilted me over. i took up the first thing which was handy, which happened to be a carpenter's chisel, and hurled it at his retreating figure. it stuck and quivered in a portion of his anatomy which is (or was) considered by schoolmasters as designed to receive punishment. i had, of course, no intention of hurting him. but i was reported for the second time that day. i was put on watch and watch for a week, a penance which involved being four hours on and four hours off, my duties having to be done as usual during the watch off in the daytime. we sailed from vancouver early in december, . on nd january i was promoted to be acting sub-lieutenant. i find that captain lord gillford endorsed my certificate with the statement that lord charles beresford had conducted himself "with sobriety, diligence, attention, and was always obedient to command; and i have been much pleased with the zealous manner in which he has performed his duties." we arrived at valparaiso towards the end of january. i continued to discharge my duties in the _tribune_ until the middle of february, when i was transferred to the _sutlej_. i was as happy on board the _tribune_ as i had been in the _marlborough_ and the _clio_, and for the same reason: the splendid seamanship and constant sailorising. [illustration: the officers of h.m.s. "sutlej," . (the author is the second figure on the left of the capstan)] the _sutlej_ was a steam frigate pierced for guns, of tons and h.p., flagship of the pacific station. before i joined her, the commander-in-chief of the station was admiral kingcome, who had (as we say) come in through { } the hawse-pipe. it was the delight of this queer old admiral to beat the drum for night-quarters himself. he used to steal the drum, and trot away with it, rub-a-dub all along the lower deck, bending double beneath the hammocks of the sleeping seamen. on one of these occasions--so runs the yarn--a burly able seaman thrust his bare legs over the edge of his hammock, clipped the admiral under the shoulders, swung him to and fro, and, with an appropriate but unquotable objurgation, dispatched him forward with a kick. such (in a word) was the condition of the flagship to which rear-admiral the honourable joseph denman succeeded, after the enjoyment of twenty-five years' profound peace in the command of the queen's yacht. the captain, trevenen p. coode, was tall and thin, hooked-nosed and elderly, much bent about the shoulders, with a habit of crossing his arms and folding his hands inside his sleeves. he was a taut hand and a fine seaman. he nearly broke my heart, old martinet that he was; for i was mate of the upper deck and the hull, and took an immense pride in keeping them immaculately clean; but they were never clean enough for captain trevenen p. coode. in those days we had little bright-work, but plenty of whitewash and blacking. the test of a smart ship was that the lines of white or black should meet with absolute accuracy; and a fraction of error would be visited with the captain's severe displeasure. for he employed condemnation instead of commendation. there was an old yarn about a mate of the main deck, who boasted that he had got to windward of his captain. we used to take live stock, poultry and sheep to sea in those days. the captain found fault with the mate because the fowls and coops were dirty. the mate whitewashed the chickens and blacked their legs and beaks. now the poultry in question belonged to the captain. thereafter the fowls died. it was the custom for the admiral to take a cow or two { } to sea, and the officers took sheep and fowls. there is a tradition in the navy that the cow used to be milked in the middle watch for the benefit of the officer on watch; and that, in order that the admiral should get his allowance of milk, the cow was filled up with water and made to leap backwards and forwards across the hatchways. another tradition ordains that when the forage for the sheep ran short, the innocent animals were fitted with green spectacles, and thus equipped, they were fed on shavings. when we put into valparaiso the spanish fleet was threatening to bombard the town. rather more than a year previously, in , spain had quarrelled with chile, alleging that chile had violated neutrality, and had committed other offences. in march, , spain began the diplomatic correspondence with chile in which she demanded reparation, which was refused. chile sent artillery and troops to valparaiso. the spanish admiral, pareja, then proclaimed a blockade of the chilian ports, and chile declared war. the european residents in valparaiso, who owned an immense amount of valuable property stored in the custom-houses, were terrified at the prospect of a bombardment, and petitioned admiral denman to prevent it. an american fleet of warships was also lying in the bay. among them was the _miantonomoh_, the second screw ironclad that ever came through the straits of magellan, the first being the spanish ironclad _numancia_. when the _miantonomoh_ crossed the atlantic in , _the times_ kindly remarked that the existing british navy was henceforth useless, and that most of its vessels "were only fit to be laid up and 'painted that dirty yellow which is universally adopted to mark treachery, failure, and crime.'" the british and american admirals consulted together as to the advisability of preventing the bombardment. the prospect of a fight cheered us all; and we entered into elaborate calculations of the relative strength of the spanish fleet and the british-american force. as a matter of fact, they were about equal. the spanish admiral, nunez, who { } had succeeded pareja, visited the _sutlej_ and conversed with admiral denman. it was reported by the midshipman who was a.d.c. to the admiral that, upon his departure, the spaniard had said: "very well, admiral denman, you know your duty and i know mine." the information raised our hopes; but at the critical moment a telegram forbidding the british admiral to take action was received from the british minister at santiago. so the british and american fleets steamed out to sea while the spaniards fired upon valparaiso from eight in the morning until four in the afternoon, setting the place on fire, and then retired to their anchorage outside. the british and american fleets then returned to the bay, and i accompanied a landing-party to help to extinguish the conflagration. five of us were standing on the top of the high wall of a building whose roof had fallen in, so that the whole interior was a mass of burning wreckage, upon which we were directing the hose, when the men below shouted that the wall was falling. we slid down the ladder, and no sooner had we touched the ground than the whole wall tottered and fell inwards. we put the fires out, but the inhabitants were so angry with us because we had not prevented the bombardment, that they requested that the landing-party should be sent back to their ships. then the flames broke out afresh. for years the resentment of the valparaisians remained so hot that it was inadvisable to land in the town men from british ships. the meeting of the british and american seamen gave rise to much discussion concerning the respective merits of the british and american theories of gunnery. the americans advocated the use of round shot to deliver a "racking blow"; the british preferred firing a pointed projectile which would penetrate the target instead of merely striking it. when an american bluejacket asked his british friend to explain the new english system of { } shell-fire, the british bluejacket said: "we casts our shot for the new gun so many fathoms long, and then, d'ye see, we cuts off a length at a time, regulatin' the length required according to the ship we uses it against. for your ship, i reckon we should cut off about three and a half inches." the spanish fleet was afflicted with scurvy; and we used to pull over to the spanish ships in the evenings, bringing the officers presents of chicken, fresh meat and fruit. having done with valparaiso, the spaniards went to callao; but there they had a more difficult job; for callao was fortified, and the spaniards were considerably damaged by the gun-fire from the forts. during the progress of hostilities between the chilians and the spaniards, the chilians constructed one of the first submarines. it was an american invention worked by hand and ballasted with water. the chilians intended, or hoped, to sink the spanish fleet with it. the submarine started from the beach on this enterprise; but it was never seen again. it simply plunged into the sea, and in the sea it remains to this day. we left valparaiso about the middle of april, , and proceeded to vancouver. on the way, the _sutlej_ ran into a french barque, taking her foremast and bowsprit out of her. captain coode stood by the rail, his arms crossed, his hands folded in his sleeves, looking down upon the wreck with a sardonic grin, while the french captain, gesticulating below, shouted, "o you goddam englishman for you it is all-a-right, but for it it is not so nice!" but we repaired all damages so that at the latter end he was better off than when he started. we arrived at vancouver early in june, and left a few days later, to encounter a terrific hurricane. it blew from the th june to the nd june; and the track of the ship on the chart during those four days looks like a diagram of cat's-cradle. the ship was much battered, and her boats were lost. on this occasion, i heard the pipe go "save ship" for the second time in my life. { } we put into san francisco to refit. here many of our men deserted. in those days, it was impossible to prevent desertions on these coasts, although the sentries on board had their rifles loaded with ball cartridge. once the men had landed we could not touch them. i used to meet the deserters on shore, and they used to chaff me. as we had lost our boats, the american dockyard supplied us with some. one day the officer of the watch noticed fourteen men getting into the cutter, which was lying at the boom. he hailed them from the deck. the men, returning no answer, promptly pushed off for the shore. the officer of the watch instantly called away the whaler, the only other boat available, intending to send a party in pursuit. but the deserters had foreseen that contingency, and had cut the falls just inside the lowering cleat, so that the whaler could not be lowered. while i was at san francisco, i had my first experience of the american practical view of a situation. bound upon a shooting excursion, i had taken the train to benicia, and alighted with a small bag, gun and cartridges. i asked a railway man to carry my bag for me to a hack (cab). he looked at me, and said, "say, is it heavy?" "no," i said, "it is quite light." "waal then," said he, "i guess you can carry it yourself." i had to, so i did. benicia is celebrated as the birthplace of john heenan, the "benicia boy," the famous american boxer. the great fight between heenan and tom sayers was fought at farnborough on the th april, . heenan was a huge man, six feet and an inch in height; sayers, champion of england, five feet eight inches. the fight was interrupted. both men received a silver belt. i remember well the event of the fight, though i was not present at it. more than three years afterwards, in december, , tom king beat heenan. from san francisco we proceeded to cape horn, { } homeward bound. on these long sailing passages we used to amuse ourselves by spearing fish. sitting on the dolphin-striker (the spar below the bowsprit) we harpooned albacore and bonito and dolphin, which is not the dolphin proper but the coryphee. we rounded the horn, buffeted by the huge seas of that tempestuous promontory. on that occasion, i actually saw the horn, which is an inconspicuous island beaten upon by the great waves, standing amid a colony of little black islands. and off buenos aires we were caught in a pampero, the hurricane of south american waters. it blew from the land; and although we were three or four hundred miles out at sea, the master smelt it coming. indeed, the whole air was odorous with the fragrance of new-mown hay; and then, down came the wind. we were bound for portsmouth. and when we rounded the isle of wight, and came into view of spithead, lo! the anchorage was filled with great ships all stationed in review order. they were assembled for a review to be held for the sultan of turkey. we took in the signal containing our instructions, and fired a salute; and then, standing in under all plain sail and starboard studdingsails, we sailed right through the fleet, and all the men of the fleet crowded rails and yards to look at us, and cheered us down the lines. for the days of sails were passing even then; we had come home from the ends of the world; and the splendid apparition of a full-rigged man-of-war standing into the anchorage moved every sailor's heart; so that many officers and men have since told me that the _sutlej_ sailing into spithead through the lines of the fleet was the finest sight it was ever their fortune to behold. in the _tribune_ and in the _sutlej_ it was my luck to serve under two of the strictest and best captains in the service, captain lord gillford and captain trevenen p. coode. i may be forgiven for recalling that both these officers added a special commendation to my certificates; an exceedingly { } rare action on their part, and in the case of captain coode, i think the first instance on record. part of the test for passing for sub-lieutenant was bends and hitches. captain lord gillford was highly pleased with a white line which i had spliced an eye in and grafted myself. knowing that i was a good sailmaker, he once made me fetch palm and canvas and sew an exhibition seam in public. from the _sutlej_ i passed into the h.m.s. _excellent_, in order to prepare for the examinations in gunnery. in those days, the _excellent_ was a gunnery school ship of tons, moored in the upper part of portsmouth harbour. the _excellent_ gunnery school is now whale island. while in the _excellent_ i had the misfortune, in dismounting a gun, to break a bone in my foot; and although the injury seemed to heal very quickly under the application of arnica, i have felt its effects ever since. in i was appointed to the _research_, which was stationed at holyhead, and in which i served for a few months. there was a good deal of alarm felt with regard to the fenians, who were active at the time, and the _research_ was ordered to look out for them. with my messmates, cæsar hawkins, lascelles, and forbes, i hunted a good deal from holyhead with mr. panton's hounds. i also hunted with the ward union in ireland. i used to cross from holyhead at night, hunt during the day, and return that night. among other memories of those old days, i remember that my brother and myself, being delayed at limerick junction, occupied the time in performing a work of charity upon the porter, whose hair was of an immoderate luxuriance. he was--so far as we could discover--neither poet nor musician, and was therefore without excuse. nevertheless, he refused the proffered kindness. perceiving that he was thus blinded to his own interest, we gently bound him hand and foot and lashed him to a railway truck. i possessed a knife, but we found it an unsuitable weapon: my brother searched the station and found a pair of snuffers, used for trimming the station lamps. with this rude but practicable { } instrument we shore the locks of the porter, and his hair blew all about the empty station like the wool of a sheep at shearing-time. when it was done we made him suitable compensation. "sure," said the porter, "i'll grow my hair again as quick as i can the way you'll be giving me another tip." we had an old irish keeper at home, whose rule in life was to agree with everything that was said to him. upon a day when it was blowing a full gale of wind, i said to myself that i would get to windward of him to-day anyhow. "well, harney," said i. "it is a fine calm day to-day." "you may say that, lord char-less, but what little wind there is, is terrible strong," says harney. a lady once said to him, "how old are you, harney?" "och, shure, it's very ould and jaded i am, it's not long i'll be for this worrld," said he. "oh," said she, "but i'm old, too. how old do you think i am?" "sure, how would i know that? but whatever age ye are, ye don't look it, milady." { } chapter vii the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ i. to the antipodes after a brief spell in the royal yacht, i was promoted out of her to lieutenant, and was appointed to the _galatea_, captain h.r.h. alfred ernest albert, duke of edinburgh, k.g., k.t. h.m.s. _galatea_ had four months previously returned from the long cruise of seventeen months, th january, , to th june, , during which the duke visited south africa and australasia. while he was in australia, an attempt had been made to assassinate his royal highness, who had a very narrow escape. the pistol was fired at the range of a few feet, and the bullet, entering the duke's back, struck a rib and ran round the bone, inflicting a superficial wound. a full account of the voyage is contained in _the cruise of h.m.s. galatea_, by the rev. john milner and oswald w. brierley (london, ; w. h. allen). the _galatea_ frigate was built at woolwich and launched in . she was of tons burthen, h.p.; she was pierced for guns; maindeck, guns, -inch, cwt., and guns, -inch, ½ tons; on the quarterdeck, guns, rifled, -pounders; in the forecastle, guns, rifled, -pounders. the ½-ton guns threw a shot of lb., and a large double-shell weighing lb. she stowed tons of coal and tons of water. previously the _galatea_, commanded by captain rochfort maguire, had been employed from to in the baltic, and on the mediterranean and west indian stations. she { } took part in the suppression of the insurrection at jamaica, and, after the loss of h.m.s. _bulldog_, destroyed the batteries on cape haitien. her sister ship was the _ariadne_, and admiral penrose fitzgerald, who served in the _ariadne_, in , writes: "it would not be too much to say that she and her sister ship, the _galatea_, were the two finest wooden frigates ever built in this or any other country" (_memories of the sea_). personally, i am inclined to consider, that fine sailor as the _galatea_ was, the _sutlej_ was finer still. the duke of edinburgh was an admirable seaman. he had a great natural ability for handling a fleet, and he would have made a first-class fighting admiral. the duke's urbanity and kindness won the affection of all who knew him. i am indebted to him for many acts of kindness, and i was quite devoted to him. the voyage of the _galatea_ lasted for two years and a half. we visited cape town, australia, new zealand, tahiti, the sandwich islands, japan, china, india, and the falkland islands. it is not my purpose to describe that long cruise in detail; but rather to record those incidents which emerge from the capricious haze of memory. in many respects, the second long voyage of the _galatea_ was a repetition of her first voyage, so elaborately chronicled by the rev. john milner and mr. brierley. in every part of the queen's dominions visited by her son, the duke was invariably received with the greatest loyalty and enthusiasm. it should be understood throughout that, when his ship was not in company, or was in company with a ship commanded by an officer junior to his royal highness, he was received as the queen's son; but when a senior officer was present, the duke ranked in the order of his seniority in the service. [illustration: h.r.h. alfred ernest albert, duke of edinburgh, k.g., k.t.] we left plymouth early in november, , and once more i was afloat in a crack sailing ship, smart and well found in every detail, and once more i entered into the charm of the life in which above all i delighted. we touched at madeira, where i grieve to say some of the junior officers captured a goat and some other matters during { } a night on shore; touched at st. vincent; and arrived at cape town on christmas day. at cape town, my set of tandem harness came again into requisition. from the cape we proceeded to perth. the fact that an attempt upon his life had been made in australia, was one of the reasons why the duke chose to pay the colony another visit. upon a part of our voyage to australia we were accompanied by my old ship, the _clio_, and so admirably handled was she, that she sometimes beat the _galatea_ in sailing. in every place to which we went in australia and new zealand, we received the most unbounded hospitality, of which i shall always retain the most pleasant recollections. we were asked everywhere; livery stables were put at the disposal of the officers; we went to shooting parties, and to every kind of festivity. at perth i visited the convict settlement; and there i found a relative or connection of the beresford family, who had been so unfortunate as to be transported for forgery. he appeared to be a most respectable old gentleman, and (with the permission of the governor) i presented him with a small cheque. alas! incredible as it may seem, the sight of my signature awoke the ruling passion; and my gentleman promptly forged a bill of exchange for £ , and (as i found when i came home) got it cashed. it was in perth, too, that i visited a prisoner, a fellow-irishman, who had been convicted of murder. he had been a soldier, and had slain his corporal and his sergeant. this man inspired me with some ideas with regard to criminals which later in life i tried to put into practice; and also aroused in me an interest in prisons and prison discipline which i have always retained. he was a gigantic person, of immense physical strength, with receding forehead and a huge projecting jaw. he was considered to be dangerous; five or six warders accompanied me into his cell; and they spoke to him as though he were a dog. i looked at the man's eyes; and i was convinced then, as i am convinced { } now, that his intellect was impaired. criminal psychology then hardly existed; and although it is now recognised as a science, it must be said that existing penal conditions are still in many respects awaiting reform. subsequent experience has proved to me that i was right in believing that many crimes of violence are due to a lesion of the brain, and cannot therefore be treated as moral offences. i heard some time subsequently that the irishman had been shot for the attempted murder of a warder. perth and new south wales were the only places in the british dominions in which there was a death penalty for attempted murder. i may here mention that in after years i was appointed, together with the (late) duke of fife, as civil inspector of prisons; an office which i held for a year or two. i was able to institute a reform in the system then in force of mulcting prisoners of good conduct marks. these were deducted in advance, before the man had earned them, if he gave trouble. a prisoner sentenced to a long term--who usually gives trouble during his first two years--found, when he began to run straight, that good marks he earned had been deducted in advance. i was able to change the system, so that no marks should be deducted before they were earned. it was after i had been placed in command of the police at alexandria, in , that i was offered the post of chief commissioner of police in the metropolis; and i was honoured by a gracious message from a very distinguished personage, expressing a hope that i would accept the appointment; but, as i wished to remain in the navy, i declined it. we returned to australia on our homeward voyage, but for the sake of convenience i may here deal with the two visits as one. at sydney, i purchased a pair of horses. they were reputed to be runaways, and i bought them for £ a pair, and i drove them tandem with ring snaffle bits. they never ran away with me--except once. when they came into my possession, i found that their mouths were { } sore, and i did what i could to cure them. many a drive i had, and all went well. then one day we all drove to a picnic. the duke, who was very fond of coaching, drove a coach. i drove my tandem, taking with me the commander, adeane. on the way home, the road was down a steep hill. we were beginning to descend, when one of the duke's mounted orderlies mixed himself up with the traces between the leader and the wheeler. the leader, taking fright, bolted, and the sudden tightening of the traces jerked the orderly head over heels into the bush. away we went down the hill as hard as the horses could gallop. the next thing i saw was a train of carts laden with mineral waters coming up the hill and blocking the whole road. the only way to avoid disaster was to steer between a telegraph pole and the wall. it was a near thing, but we did it. i gave the reins of one horse to the commander and held on to the reins of the other. then i was aware, in that furious rush, of a melancholy voice, speaking close beside me. it was the voice of the commander, speaking, unknown to himself, the thoughts of his heart, reckoning the chances of mishap and how long they would take to repair. it said: "an arm, an arm, an arm--a month. a leg, a leg, a leg--six weeks. a neck, a neck a neck--o! my god!" and so on, over and over, saying the same words. thus did jerry adeane, the commander, think aloud according to his habit. he continued his refrain until we pulled up on the next rise. "thank god, that's over," said jerry adeane. before leaving australia, i sold my pair of horses for more than i gave for them. when the _galatea_ was in new zealand, sir george grey, who owned an island called the kanwah, gave me permission to shoot there. he had stocked it for years with every sort of wild bird and beast. indigenous to the island were wild boar and wild cattle, which were supposed to have been turned down there by the buccaneers. i landed early one morning to stalk the wild cattle, with my servant, a pulpy, { } bulbous sort of rotten fellow who hated walking. he carried my second rifle. we climbed to the top of a hill with the wind against us, to get a spy round. when i came near the top, i perceived the unmistakable smell of cattle; and, on reaching the top, there, within thirty yards of me, were a great black bull and two cows. the bull saw me. he shook his head savagely, bellowed, pawed the ground, put his head about, and charged straight for me. i was standing in a thick sort of tea scrub which was level with my shoulders, so that i could see only the beast's back as he charged. i thought it was of no use to fire at his back; and, remembering that the scrub was thin, having only stems underneath, i dropped on my knee, hoping to see his head. fortunately, i was able to see it plainly. i fired, and he dropped within about five yards of me. i said to my man: "well, that was lucky; he might have got us." as there was no reply, i turned round, and saw my trusty second gun half-way down the hill, running like a hare. i was so angry that i felt inclined to give him my second barrel. on returning on board i dispensed with his services, and engaged a good old trusty marine to look after me. i killed six of these wild cattle altogether, and a landing party bringing them off to the ship, there was beef enough for the whole ship's company. there was a number of sheep on the island, under the care of a shepherd named raynes, who was a sort of keeper in sir george's service. he said to me, "you have not killed a boar yet. come with me to-morrow, and i will take you where we can find one." i said, "all right, i will come at four o'clock to-morrow and bring my rifle." "no," said he, "don't bring a rifle, bring a knife. i always kill them with a knife." i thought he was chaffing, but i said, "all right, i will bring a knife, but i shall bring my rifle as well." { } in the morning he met me at the landing-stage with three dogs, one a small collie, and two heavy dogs like half-bred mastiffs, held in a leash. we walked about three miles to a thick swampy place, with rushes and tussocks. he chased the collie into the bush, and in about twenty minutes we heard the collie barking furiously. raynes told me to follow him close, and not on any account to get in front of him. the heavy dogs fairly pulled him through the bush. we soon came up to the collie, and found him with an immense boar in a small open space. raynes slipped the heavy dogs, who went straight for the boar, and seized him, one by the ear and the other by the throat. the boar cut both the dogs, one badly. when they had a firm hold, raynes ran in from behind, seized one of the boar's hind legs, and passing it in front of the other hind leg, gave a violent pull, and the boar fell on its side. raynes immediately killed it with his knife, by stabbing it behind the shoulder. i never saw a quicker or a more skilful performance. i suggested to raynes that i should like to try it. "well," he said, "we will try and find a light sow to-morrow. a boar would cut you if you were not quick." on the following day, we got a sow, but i made an awful mess of it, and if it had not been for the heavy dogs, she would have cut me badly; as it was, she bowled me over in the mud before i killed her. in new zealand, we went up to the white springs and we all bathed with the maories. you stand in the water warm as milk, close beside springs of boiling water, and occasionally a jet of steam makes you jump. the person of one of the guests, a very portly gentleman, suggested a practical joke to the maori boys and girls, who dived in and swam up to him under water, pinched him and swam away with yells of laughter. the old boy, determined to preserve harmony, endured the torment with an agonised pretence of enjoyment. "very playful, very playful!" he kept miserably { } repeating. "oh, very playful indeed. _tanaqui_ (how do you do), _tanaqui_." we had an excellent lunch, of pig, fowls, and yams, all boiled on the spot in the hot springs. i saw a live pig chased by some maori children into a hot spring, and it was boiled in a moment. in this region i rode over soil which was exactly like dust-shot; the whole ground apparently consisting of ore. we visited the white terraces, where, if you wrote your name in pencil upon the cliffs, the silicate would preserve the legend as if it were raised or embroidered. some of the signatures had been there for years. i have since heard that the place was destroyed by volcanic eruption. we witnessed the weird and magnificent war dances of the maoris. never have i seen finer specimens of humanity than these men. when, after leaping simultaneously into the air, they all came to the ground together, the impact sounded like the report of a gun. a party of the chiefs came to pay a ceremonial visit to the duke. it struck me that they looked hungry, and i said so. they want cheering up, i said. i went to forage for them. i took a huge silver bowl, and filled it with chicken, whisky, lobster, beef, champagne, biscuits and everything else i could find, and presented it to them. you never saw warriors more delighted. they ate the whole, using their fingers, and were greatly cheered. it was in new zealand that i had an interesting conversation with a cannibal--or rather, an ex-cannibal. i asked him if he ever craved for human flesh, and he said no, not now--unless he happened to see a plump woman. in that case, he said he lusted for the flesh of the ball of the thumb, which (he gave me to understand) was the prime delicacy. some of the half-caste women were of great beauty. their savage blood endowed them with something of the untamed, implacable aspect of their ancestry. i heard of one such woman, who, outwardly attuned to every tenet of white civilisation, and received everywhere in white society, { } suddenly reverted. a native rebellion breaking out, she rejoined her tribe and slew a missionary with her _meri_--the native chief's badge of office. she cut off the top of the missionary's skull, and used it thereafter as a drinking-vessel. poor lady, she was (i heard) eventually captured and was executed. { } chapter viii the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_) ii. my two faithful servants they came to me first in the _galatea_, so that their story may fitly be related in this place. tom fat the china boy came to me at kowloon. he was brought to me by his uncle, who desired to dispose of his nephew, for a consideration. the consideration was £ . lest i should be accused of chinese slavery--and anything is possible in these days--i should explain that the fiver was not the price of tom fat, but was in the nature of a delicate compliment paid to his uncle. tom was a free boy; he was entered in the ship's books as my servant, at so much wages per month. not that he valued his wages particularly; he had wider views. he was an invaluable servant, clever, orderly, indefatigable and devoted. i attired him in gorgeous silks, and he bore my crest with perfect unassuming dignity. he kept my purse, and expended my money with prudence, even with generosity. when i wanted money, tom fat had plenty of ready cash. i sometimes wondered how it was that he always seemed to be provided with a margin, for i was not conscious of practising economy. the fact was, i was careless in those days, and kept no accounts. it was not until he had been in my service for some years, that i discovered the secret of his wealth. it was simple enough. he was in the habit of forging cheques. altogether, he forged cheques for nearly twelve hundred pounds. how much of that amount he kept for himself i { } never knew; but it is certain that a great deal of it he spent upon me. nor do i know why he did not ask for a cheque instead of forging it. apparently it was a point of honour with tom not to ask for money. when i asked him if he wanted a cheque to defray expenses, he usually replied cheerfully that he had no need of it. certainly he acquired a reputation for economy by these means. his methods were subtle. he was well aware that i kept no private account book of my own, and that my bankers did not enter the names of payees in my pass-book, but only the numbers of the cheques cashed, and also that the bank returned cashed cheques from time to time. on these occasions, tom, finding pass-book and cashed cheques among my papers, would abstract both the counterfoils and the cheques which he had forged, knowing that as i should not take the trouble to compare the numbers of the cheques with the numbers in the pass-book, i should not notice that some cheques were missing. he was always careful to arrange that the last counterfoil filled up--at which one naturally looks--should be that of my cheque and not that of his; and he never drew large sums, varying his amounts between £ and £ , except on one occasion, when he forged a cheque for £ . the oriental mind is inscrutable; but whether or no tom considered that he was robbing me; whether, if he considered that he was robbing me, he believed he was justified in so doing; he took the most sedulous care that no one else should enjoy that privilege. tom was universally popular. i took him everywhere with me. in his way, he was a sportsman. one day, hunting with the duke of beaufort's hounds, i mounted him on a skewbald pony. we came to a nasty slippery place, a bad take-off, a wall to jump, and the road beyond. tom's pony took it safely. a big, hard-riding guardsman who was coming up behind us, not liking the look of the place, shouted to me, "is it all right?" "that hideous chinaman has just done it!" i shouted back. not to be outdone by a chinaman, the guardsman { } rode at the fence, his horse went down, and he got a dreadful toss. when he got up, he was furiously angry with me. when tom had been with me for some years, he came to me and said, "master, you never give me leave! you give others leave but not me leave. i want leave." the request was reasonable enough, and i sent tom to my house in town, there to amuse himself for a week. at the end of the week he did not return. he was reported missing. i advertised for him, offering a reward. the next day he was arrested at the criterion restaurant, being one of a party of thirteen (of whom twelve were ladies) to whom tom was about to play the host. it turned out that during his week in town, my faithful servant had spent £ . he had also raised money at one of my clubs. "lord charles want twenty-five pounds," he said to the porter, who took him to the cashier. "his lordship must give me his i.o.u.," says the cashier. "what thing that?" says tom. the cashier explained. "all-light," says the man of resource, and promptly forged my i.o.u. for thirty-five pounds. "you said twenty-five," remarked the cashier. "i tink lord charles like little more," tom replied. of course, the cashier sent me the document. when i investigated tom's transactions, i found a few of his forged cheques in the bank, and i could hardly tell the difference between my signature and his forgeries. the cheque-books were compared with the pass-book, and counterfoils were found to be missing. i took legal action against him, and he was sentenced to five years. shortly afterwards, when i was in scotland, i received a letter from the hapless tom, saying he was dying, and asking me to come and see him. i went at once. i found him in the infirmary, a dying man indeed, with his face to the wall. a chinaman dies at will. he simply lies down and dies; but by the same { } token, he can continue to live. so i determined to rouse him. i hailed him in a loud and cheerful voice. "tom! cheer up, tom! what's the matter? you're not ill. rouse up." "me die, master," said tom. "not you," i said. "come! cheer up, and i'll try to get you out of this." and sure enough, he turned back, became quite well, and i secured his release after he had served a short term. i found him a place in china, sent him east, and never saw him again. when i went to china subsequently, i failed to find him. after his interval of western service, china took him and swallowed him up. and that was the end of tom fat. he was in my service when, upon the return voyage to australia of the _galatea_, we touched at mauritius. in that strange island i came across a youthful negro savage. i learned his history from his master, an amiable french gentleman. punch, as i named him, had been brought to mauritius by a british cruiser. the warship had chased a slaver, whose crew jettisoned the slaves. they were fettered in chains and hove over the side. when the british seamen boarded the vessel they found her holds empty, except for the odour. in a dark corner was stowed a bundle of rags, into which a bluejacket thrust his cutlass. the rags sprang to life with a yell, and there was punch with a wound in his thigh, of which he carried the scar to his end. it occurred to me that punch would serve me for a groom, and i said so to his master. "_tiens!_" said that gentleman pleasantly. "you shall have him for five shilling." "done!" said i, and paid him the money. he did not think i was serious; but he made no bones about ridding himself of his garden-boy. punch was the most hideous savage i have ever viewed. he was black as a boot; even his lips were black; his face was seamed with the cicatrices which were the totem marks { } of his tribe, whatever that may have been; and his countenance was exactly like the countenance of a bull-dog. the scars wrinkled his cheeks, like a bull-dog's jowl. he was densely stupid, and wild of temper. he attacked one of the men on board with his teeth. but he was utterly fearless, and although he knew nothing about horses, he was never afraid of them. he was apparently constructed of india-rubber. nothing hurt him. when i drove a tandem, it was his duty as tiger to spring up behind as we started. but as my horses started at speed, punch had not always time to run from their heads to the back of the vehicle. i have known him catch a spoke of the wheel and be whirled into the air, and the wheel to pass over him, without harming him in the least. at a race meeting in australia, punch begged for a mount, and i borrowed a horse, which galloped away down the course, punch clinging to him with arms and legs exactly like a monkey. he took two big fences like a bird; but at the third, the horse breasted it, fell backwards and rolled over upon his rider. i thought he was killed, but he wasn't. he was not even damaged. when i went on half-pay, i placed punch in the stables. the women servants took a fancy to him; but punch, whatever he may have thought of the women, had no love for the head groom, in whose arm he made his teeth meet. so i found him a billet in a hairdresser's shop, which bore the legend, "hairbrushing by machinery." punch was the machinery. i saw him at it, turning a wheel in the window. i never saw him again, and know not what became of him. { } chapter ix the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_) iii. tahiti and the sandwich islands we arrived at tahiti in june, . here is the most lovely climate in the world. the inhabitants never seemed to do any work, with the single exception of carrying bananas. in this exercise they were extraordinarily expert, bearing enormous weights upon the shoulders, the skin of which becomes hard like leather. i considered myself to be fairly strong; but when i tried to carry one of the masses of bananas under which the natives march swiftly all day long, up hill and down, i found that i was able to carry it only for a short distance, and with difficulty, on level ground. the people were perfectly delightful. we went ashore and lived among them; and it was then that i understood how it was that the men of the _bounty_ mutinied. the fact was that those discontented mariners could not bear to leave islands so delectable. i do not of course, desire to justify their very reprehensible conduct. all i say is that i can understand the strength of its motive. it was simply the desire to remain in an earthly paradise which inspired the men of the _bounty_ when they left otaheite in april, , to set captain bligh adrift in an open boat, with the nineteen men who stayed by him, and a small stock of provisions. the captain and his men made an astonishing voyage of nearly miles, and fetched up at the island of timor, south of the malaccas, in the following june. some of the mutineers were subsequently { } brought to justice in the year . six of them were condemned and three were executed. in it was discovered that ten among the mutineers had colonised pitcairn island. we in the _galatea_ stayed at tahiti as long as we possibly could, and enjoyed every moment of the time. one of our amusements was to float down a narrow and swift stream and shoot the waterfall. at a point some little distance from the coast, the stream ran deep and rapid between banks which were about three feet apart. the natives, boys and girls, used to drop into the stream and let themselves be carried down feet foremost to a waterfall, which descended some or feet in a wide pool; and it occurred to me that what they could do, i could accomplish. i watched these intrepid children very carefully, and i observed that they always came to the surface some distance away from the fall. in spite of some dissuasion, i determined to attempt the enterprise. i floated down the stream feet foremost, shot the fall, and the moment i reached the foot of it i struck out under water. i was amazed to find that the water was just like air, or an enormous cauldron of soda water, buoying one up, and i came to the surface without the slightest difficulty. afterwards i went down head first. the only thing to remember was not to come up under the fall itself. shooting the waterfall became a popular amusement. another of our diversions was surf-playing. this enchanting exercise is performed with the aid of a long board shaped like a wedge. the swimmer takes his board, pushes it before him over the breakers, while he dives through them, then turns, and, leaning on the board, rides back on the crest of the surf. the speed, whatever it may be, feels like sixty miles an hour. it is one of the most exhilarating pastimes in the world. i remember that we all went to church on sunday. during the service, the queen of tahiti suddenly clapped her hands, whereupon the clergyman desisted from his { } ministrations, while her majesty distributed tobacco among the congregation. when it was well alight the queen again clapped her hands, and the clergyman went on with the service. we left tahiti with profound regret, receiving and giving many presents on parting. from tahiti we proceeded to the sandwich islands, where i met many old friends, made during my sojourn four years previously. the american population had quite forgiven and forgotten my boyish freak, which had so agitated them at the time. our old friend queen emma, whom we had taken to panama on her way to england to see the queen, had returned. i went to call upon her, driving tandem, as already related. turning in at the gate, i took the corner too sharply, the wheels locked, and the buggy capsized. in the meantime the queen, having heard the jingling of the canadian sleigh bells attached to the harness, came out to find her visitor sitting on the grass at her feet. the horses galloped on and wrecked the vehicle and also themselves. altogether it was a very expensive drive. { } chapter x the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ iv. old japan note when lord charles beresford visited nippon (from the chinese jih pun, the place or rising of the sun, changed by english pronunciation to japan), it was the old japan that he saw; the japan of centuries of isolation, inviolate save for the intrusion of the jesuit missionaries in the sixteenth century, and the little wedge of dutch traders. it had been the japan of the mikado, who was as a god; of the tycoon, his temporal representative, who, like a man walking the tight-rope above a wood of transfixing swords, maintained a delicate equipoise of power among the feudal seigneuralty, the great daimios, each lord of his domain and master of life and death over thousands of retainers. it was the japan of the samurai, the two-sworded rufflers; of the ronins, the masterless men, the outlaws, who roved the country in bands, patriotic, ferocious and pitiless. it was still the japan in which the common people, men and women and maidens, walked naked and unashamed; in which the warriors went to battle clad in armour wrought of tortoise-shell and silk, girt with swords and carrying bows and arrows; in which the life of a barbarian foreigner was never safe from hour to hour, so that he must be guarded by the two-sworded yaconins, the government officers, who, knowing the hatred of the government towards their charges, seldom drew sword in { } their defence until it was just one blood-stained second too late; in which a fault in honour was instantly expiated by hara-kiri, the fatal cross-cut upon the belly, performed in the public eye, which was justly offended if the incision were so clumsily executed that the entrails protruded. such, at least, is the ceremonial theory. in practice, the dagger is driven in below the ribs, drawn horizontally across the belly, and up the other side; an operation requiring inconceivable courage. it is the land of tea-houses and temples, of running footmen and palanquins; where houses and string and handkerchiefs are made of paper; where the people wash themselves every day and their clothes never; where the oldest profession in the world is counted honourable service, and the pictures of courtesans adorn the temples in which the bonzes intone prayers in the midst of games and dances: where the writing is done from top to bottom, from right to left, and keys are turned from left to right, and carpenters draw their planes towards them, and the houses are built from the roof downwards, and horses are mounted on the off-side, and ladies black their teeth. it was a land of immense processional pageants: the processions of the high daimios, who once a year quitted their ancestral homes with a great train to dwell in yedo, the capital of the tycoon, for six months; and returned again, leaving as hostages for their loyalty their wives and children for another six months. the two-sworded samurai march in front, crying "shitanirio!" and all the spectators drop upon their knees and hide behind their legs while the long procession ambles by, spearmen and banners and baggage-carriers and palanquins; the norimons, which are the palanquins of the notable, and the cangos, which are the palanquins of the humble. when the foreigner rode abroad in state, he was attended by the ward-guards, who marched in front, striking the earth at every step with their long staves whereon loose iron rings were strung, so that their jingling warned the populace to make way. { } at night, festivals were celebrated by immense processions filling the streets, in which everyone carried a lighted lantern swaying upon the end of a flexible bamboo, and the lanterns were painted with bats and dragons, and the people wore horrible masks, distended with the monstrous rictus of the devil-gods. in the yoshiwara, where the women, painted and gilded, sashed and bedecked, sit in a double row, each with her price placarded upon her knee, there were the great priapic processions, concerning which the english works upon japan preserve a shocked reticence. in old japan, the common ideal of the ruling classes was that their country should maintain for ever intact its immemorial laws, traditions and customs; an ideal whose attainment the entrance of the foreigner would render impossible. as for the common people, they had no aspirations beyond the day's work. japan, in her own view, was complete, self-sufficient and wholly satisfied with a civilisation compared with which the politics of the occident were of yesterday. the islands of nippon were ensphered in holy crystal, whose flawless preservation was the highest duty of a patriot. into that rare atmosphere, surcharged with perilous elements, sailed commodore perry of the united states navy in the year . some fifty years later, pierre loti entered japanese waters in a french warship. "et nous entrions maintenant dans une espèce de couloir ombreux, entre deux rangées de très hautes montagnes, qui se succédaient avec une bizarrerie symétrique--comme les 'portants' d'un décor tout en profondeur, extrêmement beau, mais pas assez naturel--on eut dit que ce japon s'ouvrait devant nous, en une déchirure enchantée, pour nous laisser pénétrer dans son cceur même" (_madame chrysanthème_). it was commodore perry who rent open the heart of old japan, and her blood flowed. the gallant commodore, anchoring off cape idzu on th july, , with two steam frigates and two sloops of war, demanded no more than a treaty securing help and proper treatment to sailors shipwrecked { } on the coasts of japan. the japanese government said neither yes nor no; whereupon perry gave them a year to consider the matter, promising to return at the end of it with a "larger fleet." and on th february, , there was commodore perry in the bay of yedo with three steam frigates and four sloops of war. after long negotiations, a treaty of amity was signed, including a promise to succour ships in distress, and (above all) opening two new ports. from that moment the isolation of japan was ended. the door opened but a crack; but into that crack the wedge of commerce, driven by the lust of gain, was thrust by america ( ), russia ( ), england and france ( ). in , mr. (afterwards sir) rutherford alcock, british representative of h.b.m. government in china was appointed her majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in japan. his book, _the capital of the tycoon_ (london, . longman, vols.), gives one of the first authoritative accounts of old japan presented to the british public. during his three years in that country he was constantly in peril of assassination. in august, , an officer and a sailor from one of the russian ships lying in the harbour were cut down and slashed to pieces in the streets of yedo, and a steward was severely wounded. in the following year the japanese linguist attached the british legation was stabbed to death, and two dutch ship-captains were cut to pieces in yokohama. the next demonstration of the hatred of foreigners was the murder of the gotairo, the regent, iko-mono-no-kami. his escort was suddenly attacked as it was leaving his castle by some twenty swordsmen, wielding the terrible japanese two-handed weapon. the hands of the bearers of his norimon were severed on the pole and the regent himself decapitated, his head being carried away as a trophy. in , mr. heuskin, attached to the american legation, was murdered. soon afterwards, one of the governors (or under-secretaries) of foreign affairs, { } oribeno-no-kami, who had been especially friendly in his intercourse with the legations, "died," in the japanese phrase, "without the effects of medicine." to be more precise, he had committed hara-kiri. in july, , the british legation at yedo was attacked at night by a band of swordsmen, who passed the guards and rushed the building. mr. oliphant, who had recently been appointed secretary to the legation, was severely wounded. one of the guards, a porter, and a groom, and two of the assailants, were killed outright. one of the assailants was severely wounded, to six of the legation party who were severely wounded and eleven slightly wounded. such were the beginnings of western influence in japan. sir rutherford alcock's voluminous account of his three years' ministry reveals a gallant, honest, kindly gentleman sorely perplexed by the ethical problems involved in the forcible interference of one powerful nation in the affairs of a weaker nation, whose sole ambition was to be let alone. hampered, on the one hand, by the greed and discourtesy of the european traders, and on the other, by the immitigable duplicity and the furtive and implacable enmity of the japanese, yet singly determined to do his duty to his queen and country, sir rutherford alcock honourably fulfilled a task of extreme danger and incredible difficulty. thenceforward, until the year , the duel between east and west continued with increasing ardour. the whole polity of old japan was shaken as by the earthquakes which agitate and rend its soil. there were frequent assassinations of the foreign barbarians; the governing classes, which consisted wholly of the military caste, employed every invidious method to restrict trade with europeans; while the western nations, on their side, brought their armed strength to bear in the enforcement of treaty rights, which by the same means had originally been wrung from the tycoon's government. and here it falls to distinguish between the divine prestige of the mikado, { } descendant of the sun-goddess, and the temporal administration of the tycoon, or shogun. in that dual administration resided a main factor of the extraordinary difficulty of the situation. both the spiritual and temporal rulers, the imperial court and the bakufu, or tycoon's government, were equally inspired by hatred of the foreigner. but whereas the mikado, dwelling majestically apart, could avoid all contact with the barbarians, the tycoon was compelled by superior force to negotiate with them. he was thus placed between two fires; on the one side, the mikado ordered him to expel the foreigner; on the other, the foreigner threatened him with war unless the treaties were carried into execution. for long the tycoon, or his advisers, maintained his position with singular address. but no man born of woman could have solved its complications. for the great daimios, the feudal nobility, held allegiance primarily to the mikado. the tycoon could and did detach some of the clans to his side; but the great body of the western clans defied him. the influence of the tycoon began swiftly to decline. at the same time the imperial party began to perceive that the expulsion of foreigners had become impossible. the immediate result was the revolt of some of their adherents. inspired as it was by hatred of the foreigner, it was directed equally against mikado and tycoon, and accompanied by expressions of loyalty to both parties. in the troops of the choshiu clan attempted to capture kioto and to obtain possession of the person of the mikado. they were defeated after heavy fighting. in june of the previous year, the choshiu men had fired upon the american ship _pembroke_ while she was passing through the inland sea, and also upon the dutch corvette _medusa_. the french commander-in-chief of the station, admiral jaurès proceeded to shimoseki and destroyed the batteries. in august a british naval force under the command of vice-admiral kuper proceeded to kagoshima in order to enforce { } the payment of the indemnity due for the murder of mr. richardson, bombarded the town and destroyed the batteries. it was these two actions which for the first time really convinced the ruling classes in japan that it was hopeless any longer to endeavour to prevent the intrusion of foreign influence. in the tycoon iyemochi died. in the same year a new and enlarged convention was concluded with great britain, france, america and holland. in the following year keiki, very unwillingly, became tycoon, an office which by this time had become exceedingly insecure. in the same year the mikado, komei, died and was succeeded by his son mutsuhito, a minor. in the following year the mikado assumed the whole administrative power hitherto vested in the tycoon, and a new system of government was promulgated. followed, civil war and the defeat of the tycoon, who retired into seclusion. in the meantime the mikado had invited the representatives of foreign powers to visit him at kioto. "that the mikado of japan, who claims to be descended from the sun-goddess, and in whose person a peculiar odour of sanctity was considered to exist, should voluntarily invite to his palace at kioto the envoys of nations who had hitherto been looked upon as outer barbarians, and intercourse with whom was a profane thing, was indeed a great step in advance. no foreigner had ever yet crossed the imperial threshold, or looked upon the face of the sacred emperor of japan. it was a proof that a new order of things was inaugurated, and gave good hopes for the future" (adams, _history of japan_. lond., ). but although the imperial government perceived the wisdom of accepting the inevitable, the hatred of the foreigner, bred in the blood of the military caste, could neither be dissembled nor controlled; and the attack made upon the british envoy, sir harry parkes, while actually on his way to the imperial palace on rd march, , illustrates the condition of affairs. on the road to kioto { } and in the sacred city itself, the europeans had been regarded by the people with a polite and respectful curiosity, nor was there any sign of hostility. sir harry parkes left the temple of chi-on-in, where he lodged, to proceed to the audience, with a mounted escort of twelve ex-metropolitan mounted police, under the command of inspector peacock, with whom rode a japanese officer, nakai kozo. behind these massive veterans rode sir harry himself, accompanied by goto shojiro, of the japanese foreign department, and followed by mr. mitford, mr. satow, dr. willis, and other members of the legation. then came a guard of forty men of h.m.'s th regiment under the command of lieutenant bradshaw and lieutenant bruce. a native guard preceded the train, and another guard followed it. just as the policemen were turning the corner of a narrow street, sir harry observed signs of confusion, and the next moment a japanese, his great sword flashing and hewing, dashed round the corner, closely pursued by two policemen. sir harry cried out to the soldiers behind him to stop the samurai. turning his head, he saw his companion, goto shojiro, on foot, sword in hand rushing forward to attack a second samurai, who was already fighting hand to hand with nakai kozo, the japanese officer who had been riding alongside inspector peacock at the head of the policemen. behind sir harry, shots rang out as the soldiers fired at the first assassin. sir harry parkes was suddenly aware of the wild figure of a japanese warrior, advancing towards him through the press. his face was a mask of blood; in one hand shone a long sword, dripping red from hilt to point; in the other, the victor lifted the bloody head, shorn clean from the shoulders, of his countryman. it was nakai kozo. nakai gave the following ingenuous account of his deed of arms to mr. adams, secretary of the legation, who quotes it in his _history_, as follows:-- "i saw a man running down the line cutting at one man after another. i jumped off my horse, drew my sword, and { } rushed after him; he turned and we engaged; he cut me on the head. then goto came up and dealt him a blow which felled him to the ground. unfortunately goto's sword-hilt, which was of lacquer, slipped from his hands, and i had to cope with the fellow alone. i could only see out of one eye, the other being covered with blood, but i kept chopping at him, and after about ten blows i managed to cut his head off. i then took the head and showed it to sir h. parkes." the soldiers bayoneted the first samurai, who was still alive when he was finally secured by mr. mitford. he was afterwards beheaded by the imperial government. but those two desperate enemies of the foreigner wounded thirteen men and five horses ere they were cut down. one of the wounded was a soldier, another a native groom; the remaining nine, of whom two were so seriously hurt that they were invalided home, were ex-metropolitan policeman to whom the methods of the samurai must have been startling. these trained fighters wield their two-handed swords, heavy, perfectly balanced, razor-sharp weapons, with an appalling swiftness and dexterity. at a single blow they can cleave a man to the chin, or cut off his head, or lop off a limb. in may, sir harry parkes presented his credentials, which had hitherto been addressed to the tycoon, to the emperor. on the rd was celebrated the queen's birthday, when many japanese of high rank, some of whom had never before made acquaintance with a foreigner, were entertained by vice-admiral sir henry keppel, commander-in-chief of the china station, on board h.m.s. _rodney_. it was not until november that the civil war was ended by the submission of the rebels. the emperor then took up his residence for a time in yedo--now called tokio--which had been the capital of the tycoon, and which was henceforth to be the eastern metropolis of the emperor, as kioto was the western capital. in the following year, after another insurrection had been suppressed, the great daimios made their memorable sacrifice, offering their lands and servants to the emperor; thereby deliberately exchanging their { } almost independent state for a condition of subservience to the central government. such, in brief, was the beginning of the new japan; and it was at this stage in its development that, for the first time in history, a foreign prince, in the person of h.r.h. the duke of edinburgh, visited the mikado. { } chapter xi the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_) v. with the duke in japan the _galatea_ arrived at yokohama on the th august . the duke with his suite, including myself, went up to tokio (the old yedo) and took up his quarters at hama-go-ten, which had been the summer residence of the tycoon. the estate marched with a piece of water opening into the bay; here were many summer-houses; and a commodious building equipped for the duke by the orders of the mikado. the name was changed to yen-rio-kan, signifying a place set apart for distinguished foreigners. we were entertained with the most delicate and sumptuous hospitality by this charming people whose courtesy greatly impressed us. conjurers, acrobats and wrestlers performed for the entertainment of his royal highness; whenever we went abroad, thirty two-sworded yaconins attended us. the duke went in state to visit the mikado in his palace. all along the route the upper windows of the houses were sealed with paper, so that none should look down upon he royal visitor; a precaution only taken in the case of the highest nobility. the duke, attended only by sir harry parkes, admiral sir harry keppel and mr. mitford (afterwards lord reedsdale and author of the delightful _tales of old japan_), had a private audience of the emperor, who was presented by his royal highness with a diamond snuff-box. { } six of us were afterwards admitted to the presence. i remember the dim figure of a young man seated behind a screen at the end of the audience chamber. many years afterwards, when i again visited japan, the mikado, who remembered my former visit, graciously invited me to lunch, and entertained me with the royal sport of catching ducks in a hand-net. the ducks are preserved in the royal gardens, which are charmingly diversified with lawns and running water, and flowering shrubs. as you enter, the ducks rise suddenly, and the sport was to net them as they rose. as we remained no longer than a week in tokio, my recollections are few. i was tattooed by the native artificers, to the astonishment of the japanese officials and nobles; for in japan none save the common people is tattooed. the japanese artist designs in white upon dark, working upon the skin round the chief ornament in his scheme; whereas the english tattooer designs dark upon white, using the natural skin as a background. both methods are beautifully illustrated upon my person. i witnessed the decapitation of six criminals. the victims stand in a row, their hands bound behind them: each in turn is tapped on the shoulder, when he kneels down, and bows his head. with a single half-arm stroke, the executioner slices through the neck. i also saw a crucifixion. the man's hands and feet are extended and tied to cross-bars, so that he makes a figure like an hour-glass. then he is transfixed with a spear. on the th september, the duke returned to yokohama by sea, taking with him as his guest in the _galatea_, hiobukio-no-miya, prince of the blood, minister of war, and other high dignitaries, who attended a ball given at the british legation. on the th, the _galatea_ sailed for china. { } chapter xii the cruise of h.m.s. _galatea_ (_continued_) vi. the homeward voyage from japan we proceeded to china, touching at chefoo, shanghai and hongkong. nothing could exceed the princely hospitality of the great british mercantile firms in china. it was then that i learned, what subsequent experience confirmed, the remarkable integrity of the business dealings of the chinese. the head of the chinese bank told me that he never had a bad account with a chinaman. the chinese keeps agreements to the letter, quite irrespective of documentary contracts. from china we proceeded to manila, then a spanish possession. my principal recollection of manila is the extraordinary prevalence of cock-fighting. there was a cockpit in every street; and the sole occupation of the inhabitants appeared to consist of betting upon their birds. one used constantly to meet men walking in the street with their birds under their arms. the cocks were armed with steel spurs shaped like a scythe, and sharpened to a razor edge. i have seen a bird spring up and slice the head of its adversary clean off, and i have seen the chest of a bird slashed open, almost cutting its body in two. the use of the artificial spurs affected the betting, making the fight very much more uncertain and therefore more exciting. for, whereas if a cock uses its natural spurs, the best bird probably wins, an inferior bird armed artificially might gain the victory. { } from manila we proceeded to calcutta. upon landing, i met my brother, lord marcus, and with him i rode up, together with the staff, to government house. it is a singular coincidence that when i landed at calcutta, six years afterwards, on the corresponding date, when i was a member of the staff of the prince of wales (afterwards king edward vii), i met my other brother, lord william, and rode up with him to government house. the _galatea_ lay alongside the wharf. it was necessary to take the most stringent precautions against cholera. only one boy in the ship's company was taken ill during our stay. he died inside an hour. but in the merchant ships lying in the port there were many deaths. men were employed in working parties to push off with long bamboos the corpses that were continually floating down from the hooghli, lest they should foul the moorings. the bodies used to come floating down with the birds perching and feeding upon them. we went up country, and enjoyed a great deal of excellent sport. we went out pig-sticking, which is the finest sport in the world; we went out tiger-shooting upon elephants; and riding upon elephants, we shot partridges--a form of sport by no means easy. i remember an irascible old colonel of artillery, who became very hot, and who missed a good many partridges, saying indignantly to the duke: "this is all d----d rot. i could shoot more partridges on woolwich common." it was the same peppery soldier who, when one of the members of the staff had fallen ill, went with me upon a visitation to the sick. we found the invalid in a state of extreme agitation, and surrounded with books of a religious nature. "i think--i hope--" he kept saying, "that i shall be forgiven. i think i shall--i hope so." "what's he saying? what's he saying?" cried the colonel, who, as often happens to people in hot weather, had become rather deaf. { } "he thinks he's dying," i shouted. whereupon the colonel, turning angrily to the invalid, shouted, "you d----d fool, you have only over-eaten yourself!" the sick man was so infuriated that he hurled his books of religion at the colonel, and sprang out of bed. next day he was quite well. another member of the staff was mounted one day upon a red horse (they paint their horses in india), a wild, half-broken arab steed, which was giving its rider a deal of trouble. i advised my friend to dismount, and left him. presently i rode back to find him on foot and alone. i asked him, where was his horse? "gone," said he. "whenever that d----d horse saw a mosquito, it sat down and cried like a child. so i kicked it in the belly and it ran away into the jungle." we visited trincomalee, where the elephants built the dockyard. they carried the timber and they carried the stones, and they lifted the stones into position and adjusted them with their feet. the remarkable thing about the climate of ceylon is its intermittent showers of tropical violence, followed by bursts of sunshine. in the result, you actually see the foliage growing. i remember the extraordinary beauty of the native decorations, which are fabricated of palms and leaves and flowers. from colombo we went to mauritius, arriving there in may, . here i climbed the famous mountain called pieter botte, or, more correctly, pieter both. [illustration: pieter both mountain, mauritius] the mountain is so named after pieter both, governor-general of the dutch east indies in the early part of the seventeenth century, and the founder of dutch power in that region. on his homeward voyage he was wrecked in the bay overlooked by the mountain, which thereafter bore his name. previous ascents are recorded in the archives at mauritius, from which it appears that mine was the fourteenth. admiral sir william kennedy ascended pieter botte in ; he gives an account of his climb in his { } interesting book, _hurrah for the life of a sailor_ (london, nash). kennedy started with a party of fourteen persons, of whom five reached the summit. at nine o'clock in the morning i started, together with the captain of the maintop, edward hele. we took with us ropes, a rope ladder, cod-line, and a small lead. these were all our appliances. we drove to the foot of the mountain and began the ascent at . a.m. now the mountain of pieter botte is shaped like a church with a steep roof, from one end of which rises a spire. this pinnacle of rock is crowned with a huge, rounded, overhanging boulder. part of the ridge was so sharp that we were forced to sit on it and to proceed astride. then we came to the pinnacle. the ascent was so sharp and difficult that we were obliged to take off both shoes and socks. at one point, i lost my balance, and was only saved from falling backwards by hele's ready hand. climbing the pinnacle was far more difficult than scaling the overhanging boulder at the top. at the top of the pinnacle there was just room to stand beneath the overhanging boulder. the only possible method of climbing the boulder was to get the rope ladder over the top of it. accordingly, one end of the rope ladder was attached to the lead-line. in order to swing the lead, one of us was roped with a round turn round his body, while the other, lying on his back, held the rope while the leadsman, leaning right backwards and outwards over the sheer precipice of some feet fall, swung the lead. we took it in turns to swing the lead; as we leaned outwards, the rock spread over our heads like an umbrella; and it was an hour and a half before we succeeded in casting it over the boulder. then we hauled the rope ladder over and made all fast. it was too short, and the last few yards we hauled ourselves up hand over hand. so we climbed to the top, which is a platform of about feet square. it was then . p.m. we took off our shirts, and waved them to the warships lying far below in the bay, from which we were { } plainly to be distinguished with the aid of a telescope. the ships each saluted us with one gun. we planted on the summit a flag upon whose staff were carved our names and the names of our ships. when we returned, my brother officers gave us a dinner to celebrate the event. hele was eventually promoted to warrant officer. when hele died, i was able to help his son to gain his education, and he did very well. it was in mauritius that we went out shooting with the native population; one of the most dangerous amusements in which i have ever taken part, for the bullets used to whistle in the air all round us. from mauritius we proceeded to cape town. here, on the th july, , the duke inaugurated the new harbour, breakwater and docks. i kept a team on shore, and used to drive up from simon's bay to cape town. every now and then we stuck in a quicksand. on one such occasion i had a brother officer with me; and as he was afflicted with a cold, i took him on my back to save him from wet feet. but i fell with him, and we were both soaked to the skin. upon another day, when we stuck, i put two of my messmates on the leaders, and they pulled the coach right through. if you want horses to pull a weight out of a tight place, put weight on their backs. the colonial secretary at cape town was mr. southey. he was a most delightful and sagacious person, and became a great friend of mine. he prophesied in a most wonderful way what would be the future of south africa. "if," said he, "we could only get a big man, a master-mind, to come out here, all that i foresee would come true." the right man presently arrived in the person of the late cecil john rhodes, and my friend's prophecies have been most singularly fulfilled. while at the cape, we went up country, shooting. both dutch and english families were most kind and hospitable to us. upon one of these expeditions, a member of the staff went out by himself very early in the morning to shoot. observing some ostriches in the distance, he stalked { } them with immense labour and patience, and presently succeeded in shooting a couple of birds. when he returned, he complained that it had been very difficult to get his sights on, owing to some high rails which were between himself and the birds. it had not occurred to him that he had been stalking tame ostriches on a farm. i once rode from cape town to simon's town and back, between lunch and dinner, galloping the whole distance, with four changes of horses. the distance between the two places is about miles as the crow flies. my errand was merely to postpone the arrival of a visitor who was to come to the _galatea_. the ride, however, showed that i was in good condition. i have always tried to keep myself fit, holding that condition of body regulates condition of mind. cheery people deserve small credit, because their frame of mind is due to their being right inside. quarrelsome people are wrong inside. on our way to england we touched at the falkland islands where i visited a relative of mine who kept a ranch. he used bull-dogs to catch his bulls, when he required them for branding. the dogs seized the bulls by the nose and held them while they were lassoed by the guachos. when we touched at montevideo, i remember conversing with various persons, who foretold the immense profit which must eventually accrue if the land there was purchased at that time. their opinion has since proved true. but i had no money to invest; so that the opportunity was only another instance of what might have been. the _galatea_ was badly strained in a gale of wind, her deck seams opening so that the water streamed into the cabins beneath. one lieutenant used to say to another: "how did you sleep last night? it was pretty rough. "woke at one o'clock and saw them reefing tops'ls"--meaning that, lying in bed, he could see clear through the seams. i used my sail-making ability to make a canvas awning { } for my bed; fitted it with a ridge rope, laced it down and hauled it taut, led a trough from it to take the water into the slop-pail; and slept dry under it. it was during the visit of the _galatea_ to australia that i was made a freemason; and i have always regretted that i have never been able to devote as much time to masonry as i should have liked to give to the craft. the australian lodge into which i was admitted was under the impression that i was the most timid neophyte who had ever joined it. when the ceremony was ended, one of the members of the lodge said to me: "you are safely through it. but do you know that of all the men we have had through this lodge, we never had one so paralysed with fear as yourself. you were shivering like an aspen!" the fact was that during the initiatory ceremonies something unaccountably struck me as extraordinarily funny. the effort to subdue my emotions caused me to tremble all over. one of our diversions in the _galatea_ when she was at sea, was to listen to the conversations which used repeatedly to occur between a certain worthy member of the duke's suite and the old quartermaster. the member of the staff in question had endeared himself to us by his high seriousness. he dealt with the most trifling incidents of life in a spirit of preternatural and wholly sincere solemnity. supposing that you told him that a common friend had fallen off his horse and bruised his leg, our member of staff would instantly ship a countenance of intense concern. "bruised his leg? you don't say so! good god! has he indeed?" "yes--he's bruised his leg!" { } "has he now? well, well. bruised his leg! i hope it's not serious. i do hope it's not serious. tut-tut! bruised his leg, you say?" "it's not serious. but he's bruised his leg." "i'm delighted to hear it's not serious. but--bruised his leg. i am really distressed." and so on. among other matters, our friend took his family very seriously. one of his ancestors had been an admiral; and it was this distinguished officer who made the link between the member of staff and the quartermaster. the member of staff used to stroll on the quarterdeck in the evening, and fall into talk with the seamen. "well, jones. good evening, jones. i suppose, now, you've heard of my uncle, the admiral?" "heard of 'im, sir? i should think i 'ad heard of 'im. ah, he was a _man_, he was. he could handle a ship, he could--ah, and handle the men, too!" "why, where did you serve with him, jones?" "where, sir? where not? all over the world, sir. ah, he was a man!" "i'm delighted to meet anyone who knew a member of my family so well, jones--delighted, i assure you." "knew 'im? why, sir, to know 'im was to admire 'im, as the saying is. many a time i've seen the men turn out _for_ to admire 'im, sir. "have you indeed, jones--have you indeed! dear me. most interesting, i am sure. i daresay a glass of grog would not come amiss to you, jones?" "wery kind of you, i'm sure, sir. it 'ud be a pleasure to drink your health, and the admiral's too, sir. ah, he was a man!" mr jones, afterwards, forward on the lower deck, to envious friends: "pretty sweet conversation that, mates. i wonder 'oo the b----y h--l 'is uncle might 'a been!" there was another member of the suite who surely deserves record--the elephant. he was really a member of the ship's company, for he could do, and did, the work of twenty men. he joined the ship in india, when he was quite small, and he grew enormously on board. he lived in { } a house built aft, and fed upon branches of trees and bran and biscuits and anything he could get. i trained him myself. i taught him to obey the words of command, and he would do anything for me. he would hoist me upon his shoulders with a fore foot, or upon his back with a hind foot. in the dinner hour, when most of the men were below, he used to take his share in working the ship. we slung the rope in a bowline round his neck, and he would clew up the mainsail by walking on till he was told to stop. he was never seasick. he used to balance himself, swaying to and fro as the ship rolled. one night when the midshipmen and i, having supper on deck aft, were called forward to trim sails, the elephant finished the meal for us. he ate everything on the table, put his foot on the plates and smashed them, and squashed the big coffee-tin quite flat. then he looked at us like a naughty child. i was the only person who could persuade him to leave the ship or to come on board again when he had been ashore. when we reached home, he was put in a railway truck and directed to the zoological gardens. his keeper, a marine artilleryman, went with him in the truck. elephants have a habit of rolling on their feet and squirming their vast bulk. when the marine was trying to pass the elephant, the great beast unconsciously pinned his keeper against the side of the truck, and against a projecting bolt, which broke the man's rib, forcing it into his heart. he was taken out dead. { } chapter xiii flag-lieutenant at plymouth in , i was appointed flag-lieutenant to admiral (afterwards admiral of the fleet) the hon. sir henry keppel, commander-in-chief at plymouth. his flag was flown in the _royal adelaide_. sir harry, as already recorded, had been commander-in-chief upon the china station when the duke of edinburgh visited japan, and had accompanied his royal highness upon his visit to the mikado. it was at plymouth that i first had the honour of serving under sir harry keppel: a splendid seaman, a most distinguished officer, a fine sportsman, one of the best and kindest of men. admiral the hon. victor montagu, who served as a midshipman under sir harry, relates in his _reminiscences_ some interesting actions of his old captain, which i may be permitted to quote. commodore keppel distinguished himself by his personal gallantry and skilful leadership in the battle of fatshan creek, st june, ; of which a full account is given in laird clowes' _the royal navy_; and admiral montagu records his own recollections of the affair: "during the many years in which i knew him i never once sir harry lose his temper, except when the chinese war-junks beat us back on the first attack we had made on them.... john chinaman, seeing us retire, took the hint, and began making off himself, which so infuriated harry keppel that he jumped up on our paddle-box, shook his fist at the war-junks, some or yards away, and shouted out: 'you d----d rascals! i'll pay you out for this! man the boats, boys--man the boats at once! the beggars are { } trying to escape!' i never saw such a rush. at no regatta could men have rowed faster." commodore keppel commissioned the _raleigh_ frigate, guns, for the china station. admiral montagu states that she was "the last man-of-war that ever sailed out of portsmouth harbour." keppel would have none of your steam-tugs. "we ran out with a fair wind with studding-sails set on both sides." alas! the _raleigh_ never came back any more. on th april, , she struck a sunken rock in the china seas, near macao. keppel's indomitable conduct turned a disaster into an achievement. "shortly afterwards," writes admiral montagu, who was a midshipman on board at the time, "we descried a french squadron lying at anchor in macao roads, with an admiral's flag flying, and, though we were firing minute guns of distress as the water gained on our pumps, keppel, nothing daunted, called out: 'up with the french flag. give him his salute. sinking or not, let the frenchmen hear us.'" a french frigate coming to the assistance of the _raleigh_, her captain asked permission "to go below to see how high the water had risen in the ship. 'oh,' said keppel, 'don't go below; look down the hatchway.' 'ah! mon dieu!' exclaimed the captain." ... keppel kept the pumps going, crowded sail on the ship, and finally beached her off macao, just in time. he landed the ship's company, but himself stayed aboard the vessel, sleeping on the bridge. the stores and guns were saved. keppel was deeply distressed at the loss of his fine ship, "which," he wrote, "brings my career as a captain to an end." fortunately he was mistaken. in after years, when i told him that the admiralty were about to build a second _raleigh_, keppel replied, "very glad to hear it, my dear boy. i had the honour of losing the first one." admiral montagu records that keppel, while in command of the _raleigh_, challenged an american clipper ship to race from penang to singapore. "we were constantly going at a speed of thirteen knots, during heavy squalls, close-hauled, { } and trailing the muzzles of our main-deck guns through the water on the lee side, and i sometimes used to turn into my hammock in abject terror, fearing that at any moment we might capsize." sir harry keppel was famous throughout the service when i was appointed his flag-lieutenant. one of my first recollections of that office concerned an old-fashioned "eighteen-hundred-and-war-time," peppery, strict-service captain, who, having just come home from the west coast of africa, asked to see the commander-in-chief. it happened that sir harry and myself were on the point of going out hunting when the old captain called, and the admiral was attired in hunting kit. "tell him i'll see him to-morrow," said sir harry. but that wouldn't do at all, nor would any other excuse serve. "i insist on seeing the admiral," said the captain. "i have just come home and it is my duty to see him at once." "bring him in, then," said sir harry impatiently, "now, sir," said he, "my flag-lieutenant informed you that i was engaged. why couldn't you see the secretary?" "the secretary, sir? the secretary!" says the old captain wrathfully staring at sir harry's informal attire. "indeed i am told, sir, that the secretary _is_ the commander-in-chief here. that's what they say, sir--that's what they say!" "do they?" returned sir harry placidly. "and a d----d good commander-in-chief too!" says he. when, in later years, i became commander-in-chief, i made it a rule that all admirals and captains should have direct access to myself, no matter how trifling the occasion. in those days, there was a turnpike-gate outside the town. i was driving a brother officer home late one night, after dining at a house some distance away and when we came to the toll-gate, the keeper was in bed, and all my knocking and shouting failed to wake him up. so i { } proceeded to heave a large stone through his window. that fetched him; and down he came, grumbling and swearing. i thrust a sovereign--the only coin i had--into his hand to pay for his broken window and the toll. it was bad tactics, for he promptly retreated into his house (with my sovereign) leaving us still on the wrong side of the gate. there was nothing for it but to break the rest of his windows, but still he wouldn't come out. evidently a surly fellow, unfit to take charge of turnpike gates, an office demanding tact and courtesy; and we thought it well to remove his temptation. so my companion and i wrenched the gate from its hinges and lashed it to the cart, vertically, so that it projected over our heads like a kind of ornamental roof, its weight nearly lifting the mare between the shafts off her legs and making her kick like blazes. then we drove into plymouth, gate and all. the gate was reduced to firewood before sunrise. next day, the town was placarded with vain offers of reward for information concerning "some evil-disposed person or persons unknown who," etc. at that time, i used to ride steeple-chases whenever i had an opportunity, and kept myself in regular training by hard exercise; a habit which on one occasion involved the commander-in-chief in an alarming rumour. it arose from the trifling circumstance that i had borrowed his overcoat. the fleet was at holyhead, to celebrate the opening of the new breakwater by the prince of wales; i was just going for a training run up and down that breakwater, when, finding i had no coat, i took sir harry keppel's uniform overcoat. i took it, without thinking, merely because i wanted it. the next thing that happened was that the signalmen in the fleet reported that the admiral must have gone mad on the breakwater, seeing that he was racing up and down it clad in a shooting-cap, grey trousers, muffler and uniform overcoat. as my face was almost hidden by cap and muffler, the signalmen were deceived by the gold lace, took me for the admiral, and thought that poor sir harry was smitten with insanity. [illustration: the author as lieutenant] { } we used to hunt a good deal with the dartmoor hounds; and upon a day when there was no run, and everyone was bored, one of the ladies present begged me to provide some kind of sport, kindly suggesting that i should personate the fox, a part i declined. "you _must_ do something to amuse us," she said. "very well, i will," said i. among the officers there were an elderly admiral and an elderly general, and i pointed them out to the lady. "i will get up a race between the two of them," said i. she bet me i would not, and i took it. i began with the soldier. ambling alongside the general, i asked him casually if he had ridden much in his life. "of course i have," says he irritably. "what do you mean, sir?" "nothing at all," says i. "i thought i would ask. the admiral----" "what about the admiral?" cries the general, staring suspiciously at the distant and unconscious officer. "he was saying he didn't think you knew very much about a horse." the general lost his temper. he swore. he said he would show the admiral what he knew about a horse. "you can easily prove it," said i; and before he understood what was happening, he had agreed to ride a race. then i went over to the admiral. "do you know what the general says? he says you look like a monkey on a horse," said i; and it was the admiral's turn to swear. "d----d impertinence!" says he. "i'll race him, and beat him any day in the week." and he continued to use forcible language. "you can do that," i said, for the admiral was riding one of my best horses. "if you really want a race, i'll arrange the whole thing," said i. and i brought the two wrathful old gentlemen { } together, rode with them to the starting-point, gave the word, and off they went as hard as they could pelt. i followed, cheering them on. the general began to draw ahead, when his horse baulked at a soft place. the admiral's horse did the same, throwing his rider upon his neck. "get back into the saddle and he'll go through," i shouted, for i knew the horse. the admiral hove himself into his seat, and won the race. he wouldn't have won, if his adversary hadn't baulked. the members of the board of admiralty came down to plymouth to witness the autumn military manoeuvres. i offered to drive them all in my coach; and they were settled in their places--mr. goschen the first lord, admiral sir alexander milne, the earl of camperdown and mr. shaw-lefevre--when out of the house came rear-admiral beauchamp seymour. "get down!" he shouted. "gentlemen, you must get down." they asked him why. "you don't know that boy," said seymour. "he's not safe. he'll upset you on purpose, just to say he's upset the whole board of admiralty!" and he actually ordered my guests off my coach, so that they had to go in barouches. sir harry keppel often came sailing with me in my little yacht. we were out together, when i said to him, "i cannot weather that ironclad, sir." "then run into her, my dear boy," said keppel placidly. "all right, sir--obey orders." i held on, and we cleared the jib-boom of the ironclad by an inch. sir harry had an old friend of his to stay with him, captain clifton, a most remarkable and interesting man. in the old days, the passage for the opium trade existing between china and india was taken only once a year--the opium ships running up to china with one monsoon and down to india with the other. clifton went to the government { } of india and undertook, if the government would permit him to build vessels to his own design, to build clippers to thrash up against the monsoon as well as run before it, and so double the income accruing from the opium trade. the government consenting, clifton designed the _blue jacket_ and the _red jacket_ and vessels of that class, which were the famous opium clippers of the "roaring forties" and fifties. the indian government gave captain clifton a lakh of rupees. on his way home, clifton, touching at what is now the city of melbourne in australia, but which was then a small assemblage of wooden shanties, noticed the possibilities of the magnificent harbour. he told me that he could have bought the whole site of melbourne for a lakh; but on consideration, he decided against the project. one of my great friends, sir allan young, a brilliant seaman of the old school, commanded, at the age of twenty-four, one of clifton's opium clippers. upon the occasion of the prince of wales's opening the new breakwater at holyhead, in , his royal highness was entertained together with a large party at a country house in the neighbourhood. the prince called to me, and said: "this is very slow. you really must do something to enliven the proceedings." "well, sir," said i, "i will run a hundred yards race with lord ----. as he is irish, he is sure to take me up if i challenge him." sure enough, lord ---- accepted the challenge, but on conditions. these were: that i should race in full uniform, excepting my sword, while himself should "take his wardrobe from off himself." lord ---- then proceeded to divest himself there and then of his patrick ribbon, coat, waistcoat, and boots, which he confided to the care of the wife of a certain distinguished liberal statesman. he dropped his patrick ribbon into her lap, saying: "madam, will ye have a care now of me jewel, for glory { } be to god there's no saying what twist this mad one might give me!" entirely at ease, with the seat of his breeches patched with stuff of another colour from the rest, and his toes sticking from his stockings, he was wholly unperturbed by the laughter of the assemblage. although attired in cocked hat, frock coat, and epaulettes, i had the speed of him, and waited on him. then the devil entered into me; and when lord ---- drew abreast of a big plant of pampas grass, i cannoned into him, pitching him head first into the grass, not, of course, intending to harm him. but to my consternation and sorrow, lord ----'s leg was broken below the knee. i put the poor lord into his coach--he had a coach and four-in-hand--and drove him back to his hotel. that excellent and magnanimous sportsman was perfectly unconcerned. "you hit me a bad skelp, and i am destroyed," said he. "never mind, they all laughed, anny way." it was about this period of my life, when, returning from a ball in london in the early morning, i came upon a person selling whelks. he invited me to sup--or breakfast--upon a plate of these delicacies. "how much do you charge for a plateful?" "threepence," said he. "i'll give you sixpence for every plateful you eat yourself." "done," said he. he finished two platefuls, and had begun a third, when he was overtaken by rebellion from within, swiftly followed by catastrophe. "that's not fair," i said. "you can't count those two platefuls." "o my gawd," he said. "'ave i got to begin again?" to this time, too, belong my memories of a certain famous naval captain, who was extraordinarily particular both as to his own dress and the wearing of proper uniform by others. his regard for appearances, however, { } did not prevent his diving overboard in full and immaculate uniform, including white gloves, to save a seaman. exceedingly precise in his speech, he owned the singular trait of becoming deprived of utterance when he was angry; and few things made him more angry than faulty attire in the service. he was driving with me in a cab towards plymouth, when we met an old warrant officer, who was wearing a purple woollen waistcoat and green gloves. my friend, stopping the cab so suddenly that the horse slithered along on its haunches, leaped from the vehicle. the old warrant officer, his attention arrested, had halted and turned round. my friend went up to him. then i perceived that he was stricken speechless with wrath; for, continuing to swallow nothing, as his habit was in these crises of emotion, he tapped the warrant officer's waistcoat and gloves. glaring at him and still silently swallowing, he turned about and got into the cab. the old warrant officer stood staring with dropped jaw, like a man petrified. it was my friend who, being asked at a court-martial what he would have done in certain difficult circumstances, replied deliberately: "if i was where i was not i might have done something i did not do." in after years, when he was commander-in-chief at the nore, he was walking along the road to sheerness, dressed in plain clothes, when a bluejacket, who was slightly intoxicated, lurched against him. "man, man," said my friend, with his picked elocution, "do you know what you are doing? man, you are colliding with the commander-in-chief." "ho," returned the seaman, totally unimpressed. "har you, indeed? then all i've got to say, is to say you've got a ruddy good billet--an' wha's more, you take care you don't lose it by getting drunk." despite of my diversions, i did a good deal of hard work. as flag-lieutenant i was in charge of the signalling, a { } science which, as it was understood in those days, i mastered completely. my first independent command was the _goshawk_ gunboat, to which i was appointed as lieutenant-commander for the manoeuvres and for review in , while i was still flag-lieutenant to sir harry keppel. i had a narrow escape from disaster at the very beginning. fortunately i noticed that the navigator was going the wrong side of the buoy off drake's island, and i was just in time to point out his mistake. i remember my feeling of horror at the prospect of running on a rock in plymouth sound in my first command. the first thing i did in the _goshawk_ was to get from the flagship a big working party of a hundred men to work at holystoning our decks until they were as clean as a hound's tooth. from that day onwards i set myself steadily against bright-work and spit-and-polish. my objection to bright-work is that you have first to dirty it with brick and oil in order to clean it afterwards. there are certain things in a ship which must be kept bright, and these i would burnish; but everything that could be painted i would paint, and then scrub the paint with soap and water. i remember the shock it was to the commander when i told him to cover the brass rails with canvas and paint it. under the spit-and-polish system no doubt the men take a pride in keeping the ship bright, but such a process involves perpetual extra bother and worry and black-list, which are quite unnecessary. cleaning bright-work makes the men's hands filthy at divisions; and after ten minutes of bad weather, the copper turns blue and the brass green, and the whole of the work must be done over again. at one time the bright-work system was carried to absurd extremes. i have known a ship actually to have a bright cable. i have known another ship with bright hammock hooks. the hatchways of some vessels were polished and decorated with inlay and all kinds of ocean ornament until the ship looked like a lady's boudoir or a transatlantic liner. { } the custom came in as the old sailing ships gave place to steam ships, when the time hitherto devoted to making a vessel all a-taunto, ropes taut, sail furling and mending and so forth, was given instead to polishing, burnishing and making bright-work shine, until the present system of gunnery and gymnastic training was introduced. captains and officers used to spend on their ships large sums out of their private income, which very often they could ill afford. "promotion by paint" was not unknown. a ship ought to be scrupulously clean, but she should have paint wherever possible, and soap and water should replace spit-and-polish. { } chapter xiv political events of - and postscript note the following brief summary of political and international affairs is introduced for convenience of reference. it may be skipped by the reader, should he disdain politics. the government of mr. gladstone, returned to power in , began to disintegrate in . the proximate cause was the irish university education bill, announced in the speech from the throne at the opening of the session on th february, . irish affairs have always been the curse of the liberal party. but a popular government would have survived even the irish university education bill, which, designed to please all parties, failed of course to please any. the truth is that, as people soon or late weary of all administrations, so they turned from the liberal government. mr. disraeli summarised the history of the government in a piece of invective which has become classic: "you have had four years of it. you have despoiled churches. you have threatened every corporation and every endowment in the country. you have examined into everybody's affairs. you have criticised every profession and vexed every trade. no one is certain of his property, and no one knows what duties he may have to perform to-morrow. i believe that the people of this country have had enough of the policy of confiscation." { } the government were beaten on the irish university education bill; mr. gladstone resigned; but mr. disraeli declined to take office. mr. gladstone was therefore compelled to carry on the government. early in he suddenly appealed to the electorate; which, however, chose to give his opponents a majority. mr. gladstone resigned, or partly resigned, his leadership, and plunged into the esoteric joys of a controversy dealing with the doctrine of papal infallibility. it would seem that a great ecclesiastic was sacrificed, when the young gladstone chose to give to politics talents which would have won him the archbishopric of canterbury. in mr. disraeli's cabinet lord cairns was lord chancellor; lord derby, foreign secretary; lord salisbury, secretary of state for india; lord carnarvon, colonial secretary; mr. cross, home secretary; mr. gathorne hardy, secretary of state for war; mr. ward hunt, first lord of the admiralty; sir stafford northcote, chancellor of the exchequer. the duke of richmond, as lord president of the council, led the conservative party in the house of lords. the liberal leader, walking in the gladstonian shadow, was lord hartington. in the bill for the regulation of public worship was passed. in the following year mr. plimsoll, by the exercise of that dogged determination and gallant defiance of parliamentary conventions, by means of which parliament can sometimes be goaded into acts of justice, forced the government to pass the merchant shipping bill. mr. cross, the home secretary, introduced the useful artisans' dwellings bill, which was passed. upon th november, , the government, at the suggestion of mr. frederic greenwood, purchased from the khedive of egypt, , suez canal shares for the sum of £ , , . in the same year, the prince of wales, afterwards king edward vii, went to india, whither he was accompanied by commander lord charles beresford, m.p., as a.d.c. (lord charles was promoted to the rank of commander on nd { } november, .) the prince received a telegram informing him of the purchase of the suez canal shares when his ship was passing through the canal on the way to india. lord lytton was appointed viceroy of india. in it was announced that the queen was to assume the additional title of "empress of india." in july, , there was trouble in the near east, which, nearly two years later, in april, , resulted in the declaration by russia of war against turkey. the mediterranean fleet was ordered to pass the dardanelles. in march, , lord derby resigned, and lord salisbury succeeded him at the foreign office. mr. gathorne hardy went to the india office, colonel stanley to the war office, and mr. james lowther became chief secretary for ireland. sir michael hicks-beach had already succeeded lord carnarvon at the colonial office. in the parliament of - , young mr. parnell began his career. indomitable, subtle, cold and inscrutable, he speedily became a power. a protestant in faith, he had his foot on the necks of the irish roman catholic nationalist members; half an englishman by birth, he was an implacable enemy of england. utilising the tactics of obstruction, he succeeded in bringing discredit upon a government which was powerless to control him and his led captains. he forced the government to pass a bill for university education in ireland; and as the measure was no better, if no worse, than the gladstonian scheme which had been rejected, so the result upon the conservative administration was equally injurious. mr. gladstone emerged from his studies in papal infallibility to denounce bulgarian atrocities and the like. but the country declined to become excited on the subject. in the meantime the russian army was approaching constantinople. the british government took public measures of military and naval precaution clearly implying that russia would not be permitted to occupy constantinople. prince bismarck thereupon intervened, and invited the nations concerned to discuss matters at berlin. lord beaconsfield (he { } had received his peerage in ) and prince bismarck were the two most powerful men in europe. beaconsfield chose himself to represent great britain at the congress, which opened at berlin on th june, . lord beaconsfield returned in triumph, bearing with him "peace with honour." the advance of russian influence in afghanistan induced the british government, in , to dispatch an expedition to cabul, which was occupied by british troops, and from which the amir, shere ali, fled. followed, the signature of the treaty of gandamak by yakoob khan, son and successor of shere ali; the treacherous murder of sir louis cavagnan, british envoy, and the greater number of his staff; and the recapture of cabul by british troops. the true history of the whole affair, much distorted at the time (and since) by political malice, is lucidly set forth in lord roberts's _forty-one years in india_, by the great soldier who took so distinguished a part in it. another frontier war broke out in . in south africa, sir theophilus shepstone had annexed the transvaal; sir bartle frere, lord high commissioner, announcing to the zulu king cetewayo, that cetewayo was entitled to a strip of territory claimed both by cetewayo and the transvaal republic, ordered him to disband his army. the advance of british troops was checked by their total defeat by the zulus on nd january, , at isandhlwana. lord chelmsford the commander-in-chief, prosecuted the campaign, defeated cetewayo and took him prisoner. during the war the young prince louis napoleon, son of the empress eugenie, lost his life. in the meantime, the trade of the country had been profoundly depressed, with the natural result that there was much discontent. on th march, , parliament was dissolved; and the liberal party were returned with a majority of some hundred and twenty. the queen sent for lord hartington; sent for lord granville; and finally, for mr. gladstone. { } the russo-turkish war of had brought russia into opposition to austria-hungary, thus destroying the alliance of the three emperors; and although bismarck made peace between the two powers at the congress of berlin, russia became estranged from germany. in order to restore her security, germany concluded an alliance with austria-hungary and shortly afterwards with italy, which had quarrelled with france concerning her occupation of tunis. thus was formed the triple alliance. its counterpoise was the drawing together of france and russia, in view of whose possibilities prince bismarck in increased the german army. in germany passed the navy law, which ordained that the german fleet should be so strong that any attack upon it would be dangerous to the attacking party. nothing but the strength of the british fleet, which had been largely increased by the action of lord charles beresford in , and again by the naval programme of , and whose organisation had been brought to a high state of efficiency by admiral sir frederick richards (afterwards admiral of the fleet), prevented the outbreak of war between england and france at the time of the fashoda incident in . the affair caused both nations to reconsider the situation; with the result that they settled all outstanding difficulties; and the triple entente of great britain, france and russia balanced the triple alliance. germany, in , added some , men to her army, while austria and italy increased their fleets. by the time the allied nations of the near east had declared war upon the turkish empire, in , russia had recovered from the disastrous results of her war with japan, so that the triple entente once more balanced the triple alliance. but the war in the near east, with the heavy losses it inflicted upon turkey, had opened anew the whole eastern question. the settlement concluded { } at the berlin conference thirty-four years previously was abolished in a moment. it has been thought worth while to trace the main developments of european politics from to the present time; as it happened to lord charles beresford to be a member of that parliament which saw the triumph of the beaconsfield policy in foreign affairs, and to be a member of subsequent parliaments confronted with the emergence of new and sinister international conditions. { } chapter xv an irish election and irish politics the political situation in ireland at the time when i entered politics was characteristically exemplified in the kerry election of , in which i took part. it was fought entirely on the home rule issue, which had been revived by isaac butt when, in , he formed his home government association. in the kerry election of , the roman catholic hierarchy was opposed to home rule. the anti-home rule candidate, mr. deas, was a roman catholic, a local landlord and extremely popular. his opponent, mr. blennerhasset, was a protestant and a stranger to the locality. but because he was a home ruler, he was elected in spite of the priests and of the personal claims of mr. deas, winning by votes. i may add that he won in spite also of my exertions, which were considerable. i started at two o'clock in the morning with mr. harry herbert of muckross, and led a band of tenants to the poll. (the ballot act was not passed until th july of the same year, .) having polled the tenants, i was strolling in the street, when i was stopped by one of my grand fellow-countrymen, a huge man of about six feet five. "are ye for home rule?" says he. "to hell with your home rule!" said i. whereupon he hit me on the point of the nose, knocking me over backwards, and effectually silencing my arguments for the space of an hour and a half. { } the nature of the problem of the land in ireland may be exemplified from my own experience as a landlord. i came into my property in , and when i returned from the sea two years later, being in need of money, i wrote to my agent, telling him that i intended to inspect the estate. he replied asking me to come as soon as i could, and adding that i should be able to raise the rents all round. i told him to do nothing until my arrival. when i went over, i drove to one of my farms upon which it was proposed to raise the rent. the farm was about acres in extent, situated in the middle of a bog. here i was entertained by one of the finest old irishmen i have ever seen, and his three sons. said i to him: "i want to talk to you about the rent. i hear that you are paying me only s. d. an acre, whereas i can get s. an acre in the market." i shall never forget how the poor old man's face fell as he said: "for the love of god, do not turn me out, lord charles, i will give you s. an acre sooner than you should turn me out." and then he told me that he had occupied the farm during years; and in that time he and his sons had raised the original value to s. an acre. of course i told him to stay where he was at the old rent. but by the law of the land i could have turned him out and put in a new tenant who would have paid me s. an acre, the increased value being solely due to the exertions of the old man and his sons. had i been an absentee landlord, it would have been an ordinary matter of business to have instructed my agent to turn the man out and to raise the rent; and that very course was taken in thousands of cases. there was no compensation for tenants' improvements before ; and a farmer who did his best for the land, and to whose exertions alone increased value was due, must pay the increased rent or go. the monstrous land system in ireland naturally caused { } the tenants to feel distrust and enmity towards the landlords; for, although not many landlords abused their powers, the knowledge that they _could_ abuse them was alone sufficient to create suspicion and hostility. again, the great companies which bought land on speculation, exacted rents at the outside market value. a company cannot be expected to make allowances. nor did the companies know the tenants or care for them. but under the irish custom they were the tenants who had themselves by their improvements raised the value of the land. in fairness to the landlords, it should be understood that the tenants objected to the improvement of property by the landlord. "if you, the landlord," the tenant argued, "improve the land, you will be raising the rent on me. i would rather make my own improvements." the terms of tenure in ireland were quite different from the terms of tenancy in england, except in the north of ireland, where was the custom of tenant-right. in the south and west, the majority of tenants had a yearly tenancy, and were liable to six months' notice, known as "the hanging gale." when a landlord desired to get rid of a tenant, he "called in the hanging gale." and a tenant habitually owed six months' rent. i stood for waterford at the request of my brother lord waterford. that i was elected was due to his great personal popularity as a landlord and as a sportsman and also to the powerful influence of a certain prominent supporter of home rule, which he exercised on my behalf because, although i was opposed to home rule, i supported denominational education. i believed then, as i believe now, that a man's religion is his own affair, and whatever it may be, it should be respected by those who own another form of faith. i have always held (in a word) that the particular form of a man's religion is necessarily due to his early education and surroundings. [illustration: the author. Æt. ] but when in the house of commons i publicly declared that conviction, i received about four hundred letters of a { } most violent character, most of which were written by clergymen of my own persuasion. i have never asked a man for his vote in my life. when i stood for marylebone, in , there was a controversy concerning the sunday opening of museums and picture galleries. i was in favour of opening them, upon the ground that people who were hard at work all the week might have opportunities for recreation, which i would have extended beyond museums and galleries. but i was waited upon by a solemn deputation of clerical gentlemen of various denominations, who desired to make their support of me conditional upon my acceptance of their views. "gentlemen," i said, "has it ever occurred to you that i have never asked you for your vote? let me tell you that if you disapprove of my opinions, your only honest course is to vote for my opponent." they were so astonished that they withdrew in shocked silence. when i was in parliament, isaac butt, who was failing in his endeavour to promote an agitation, begun in , in favour of home government, or home rule, did his best to persuade me to join the irish party, and to obtain for it lord waterford's influence, because, he said, lord waterford was so universally popular and so just. although i was unable to join the irish party, i was much impressed with butt's arguments in so far as the land question was concerned; and i discussed the whole matter with lord waterford. i suggested to him that he should form a league of landlords pledged not to rack-rent their tenants; pointing out that if the irish landlords failed to take the initiative in reform, it was certain that the people would eventually prevail against them, and that the reforms which would be enforced by law would bear hardly upon the good landlords. lord waterford sympathised with my view of the matter; but after long consideration he came to the conclusion that the course i proposed might do more harm than { } good. the question was inextricably complicated by the fact that many of the landlords who had raised their rents, had been compelled to raise them by force of circumstances; as, for instance, when they had been obliged to pay very high charges upon succeeding to their estates. in his position, lord waterford shrank from associating himself with a scheme which must inflict hardship upon landlords poorer than himself. events took their course, with the result i had foreseen. my proposal was inspired by that sympathy with the demands of the irish people, and that recognition of their justice, which had been accorded by both great political parties in turn, and which ultimately found expression in the wyndham land purchase act. not long ago i asked one of my tenants, who had bought his holding under the wyndham act, and who was a strong home ruler: "now you own the farm, are you still for home rule?" "faith, lord char-less," said he, "now i have the land behind me, shure if it was a choice i could be given between home rule and a bullock, i'd take the bullock." in recording the beginning of my parliamentary career, i may say at once that i have always disliked politics, as such. i entered parliament with the desire to promote the interests of the service; and in so far as i have been successful, i have not regretted the sacrifices involved. but in my approval of denominational education--in other words, my support of the right of every parent to have his child educated in his own religion--outweighed my opposition to home rule. one of my principal supporters, himself a home ruler, suggested as an ingenious compromise that i should so print my election address that the words home rule should appear large and prominent, and the qualification "an inquiry into," very small: a proposal i declined. my opponents were mr. j. esmonde and mr. longbottom, who was celebrated for his achievements in finance. he stood for home rule. concerning mr. longbottom, a { } certain parish priest, who was also a home ruler, addressed his congregation one sunday morning as follows:-- "now, boys," says he, "a few words about th' election that's pending. first of all, if ye have a vote ye'd give ut to a genuine home ruler, if ye had one standing. ye have not. secondly, ye'd give it to a good conservative, if ye had one standing. well, ye have one in lord char-less beresford, the gr-reat say-captain. and thirdly, ye'd vote for the divil, but ye'd never vote for a whig. but as for this mr. long-what's-'is-name, i wudn't be dhirtying me mouth by mentioning the latter end of him." one of my opponent's supporters retorted by urging the boys to "kape th' bloody beresford out, for the beresfords were never known to shmile except when they saw their victims writhin' on th' gibbet": an amiable reference to john beresford, first commissioner of revenue at the period of the passing of the act of union, and _de facto_ ruler of ireland. other incidents of that cheery time occur to my recollection. there was the farmer who, ploughing his field, cried to me as i rode by, "hurroo for lord char-less." i went up to him and asked him whether he really meant anything, and if so, what. "will you _do_ anything?" said i. said he, "lord char-less, if 'tis votes you want me to collect, begob i'll quit th' plough an' travel for a fortnight." there was the car-boys' race i arranged on waterford quay. ten of them started, and i won, because i had taken the precaution to stuff some hay under the pad, which i lit with a match. the horse was stimulated but quite uninjured. then there was the affair of the bill-poster. i had been driving round the country all day in a side-car, seeing the boys, and late at night we stopped at a small inn. i was standing in the doorway smoking a pipe, and feeling cold and rather jaded, when i noticed a bill-poster hard at { } work, pasting placards upon the wall of an adjacent building. i could see that they were the green placards of my opponent, my own colours being blue and white. i strolled across, and sure enough, there was my bill-poster sticking up "vote for longbottom, the friend of the people." "and what are ye doing, my fine peacock?" said i. "sure i'm posting the bills of misther longbottom, the friend of the people," said he. "'tis a grand occupation," said i. "vote for longbottom, the friend of the people, and to hell with lord char-less," said i. "to hell with lord char-less," says he. "come," says i, "let me show ye the way to paste bills, ye omadhaun." "and what do ye know about pasting bills?" "haven't i been a billposter all me life, then?" says i. "here, let me get at it, and i'll shew ye the right way to paste the bills of longbottom, the friend of the people." he handed me his long hairy brush, and a pailful of a horrible stinking compound, and i pasted up a bill the way i was born to it. "sure," says he, "ye can paste bills with anny man that god ever put two legs under. 'tis clear ye're a grand bill-poster," says he. "didn't i tell ye?" says i. and with that i caught him a lick with the full brush across the face, so that the hairs flicked all round his head, and with a loud cry he turned and fled away. armed with the pail and the brush, away i started after him, but my foot caught in the lap of the long coat i had on, and down i came, and knocked my nose on the ground, so that it bled all over me, and i had to go back to the inn. i took the rest of the placards, and the pail and the brush, and drove home, arriving very late. my brother bill was in bed and sound asleep. without waking him, i pasted the whole of his room with bills, "vote for longbottom, { } the friend of the people." i pasted them on the walls, and on the door, and on his bed, and on his towels, and on his trousers, and on the floor. then i went to bed. in the morning he awakened me, wearing a pale and solemn countenance. "charlie," said he, "there's some bold men among the enemy." "what do you mean?" said i. "they are great boys," says he. "why, one of them got into my room last night." "impossible," said i. "come and see," said he. "when i woke this morning i thought i had gone mad." upon the eve of the election, a man whom i knew to be a fenian, came up to me and said, "i shall vote for ye, lord char-less. i don't agree with your politics, but i shall vote for ye." "and why would you?" i said. "you that's a fenian, you should be voting for mr. longbottom, the friend of the people, like an honest man." "not at all," says he. "when ye go to the market to buy a horse, or a cow, or a pig, what is it ye look for in 'um? blood," says he. "an' it's the same in an iliction. ye are well-bred, annyway," says he, "but as for this mr. longwhat's-'is-name, he's cross-bred." when i was holding a meeting, one of the audience kept interrupting me; so i invited him to come up on the platform and have it out. "now what is it, ye old blackguard," i said. "speak out." "lord char-less," says he, "ye're no man." "we'll see about that," says i. "why do you say so?" "lord char-less," he said solemnly, "i remimber the time one of your family stood for th' county of waterford, i was up to the knees in blood and whisky for a month, and at this iliction, begob, devil a drop of eyther have i seen." the old man referred to the election of , in which { } lord george beresford was beaten by lord stewart de decies, an event which was partially instrumental in bringing about the emancipation of the roman catholics in . i have always preferred a hostile political meeting to a peaceable assembly; nor have i ever failed to hold a hostile audience except upon one occasion, during the york election. i had sent a speaker to occupy the attention of an audience, largely composed of my own countrymen, till i came, and by the time i arrived he had succeeded in irritating them beyond the power of pacification. but one can hardly save oneself from one's friends. during the waterford election i came one evening to youghal and went to the hotel. i was peacefully smoking outside the inn, when a party of the boys came along, hooting me, and presently they began to throw stones. when i advanced upon them they ran away and were lost in the darkness. as i turned to go back to the hotel, a large missile caught me behind the ear, knocking me over. next morning i related the incident to one of my most enthusiastic supporters in the place. "'tis a disgrace," said i, "throwing stones in the dark. and as for that boy who made a good shot, if i could get hold of him i would scatter his features." "ye would not," said he. "and why wouldn't i?" said i. "because," says he, "it was myself that threw that brick. an' didn't i get ye grand!" says he. "but ye're not hurted. sure ye're not hurted, or i wudn't have told ye annything about it." it wasn't disloyalty on his part. it was simply that he couldn't resist what he considered a joke. the result of the polling was: beresford, ; esmonde, ; longbottom, . a salient characteristic of the irish race is that they will not endure condescension towards them. they admire resolution and determination, and will submit to the sternest discipline if it is enforced upon them by a man who understands { } them and whom they respect. conversely, they will yield nothing to weakness, and will return any assumption of superiority with hatred and contempt. hence it is that the english have so often failed in their dealings with the irish. in spite of the violence the irish often exhibit in politics, their pride of race and pride in one another remain their notable characteristics. i recently overheard a remark which illustrates the irish master sentiment. during the debates upon the home rule bill which took place in the house of commons in , one of his majesty's ministers, having made a long and an eloquent speech in support of that measure, punctuated by enthusiastic cheers by the nationalist members, had it knocked to smithereens by sir edward carson. afterwards, i heard one nationalist member say to another, "wasn't that grand, now, to see the irishman knocking spots out of the saxon!" yet it was the saxon who was fighting for the nationalist cause, which the irishman, sir edward carson, was strenuously opposing. { } chapter xvi member for waterford, and commander, royal navy i shall never forget my first impressions, when, in , i entered parliament. there was a discussion upon a matter of local government. i listened to the speeches made on both sides of the house, each speaker taking a different point of view, and i became more and more doubtful concerning the solution of the problem in hand. at last a radical member, whose name i forget, drew all the yarns into one rope, making what appeared to me to be a clear, concise and reasonable proposal. sitting among my friends, several of whom had been at school with me, i said: "that is the only man who has solved the difficulty, and if he divides i shall vote with him." my innocent remark was received with a volley of expostulations. i was told that i had only just joined political life, and that i did not understand it; that the radical speaker's plan was excellent, but that the other side could not be allowed to take the credit of producing a good scheme, because it would do our side harm in the country; that the scheme would be thrown out for the time, in order that our side might be able later on to bring in the same scheme and reap the credit of it, and so forth. "well," i said, "if this kind of tactics is required in politics, it is no place for me. i had better go back to sea." whereupon i was told that i should shake down to political methods when i had been a year or two in the { } house. but i have spent years in politics and i have never shaken down to political methods. a thing is either right or wrong. i have never scrupled to vote against my own party when i thought they were in the wrong. upon one occasion, someone told disraeli that i was intending to vote against the party. he put his arm on my shoulder, and said in his orotund, deliberate enunciation: "my boy, don't you know that it's your first duty to vote with your party? if everyone voted according to his convictions, there would be no party system. and without a party system the government could not be carried on, as you will discover in time." i have also discovered that when politicians think only of issues as affecting themselves and not as affecting the state, party politics fall to a very low level, and those who believe in great national and imperial ideas are regarded as freaks and faddists. disraeli was very friendly both to my brother waterford and myself. upon the first occasion of a division in which i took part, he walked through the lobby with his arm on my shoulder, rather to the surprise of the old members. "who the devil is that young man to whom dizzy is talking?" i heard them murmur. i sat immediately behind disraeli; and one night, lord barrington, a great friend of his, hurried into the house, and squeezing himself in between me and the next man, leaned over and said to disraeli in a whisper: "poor whyte-melville has been killed!" disraeli turned slowly round, fitting his glass into his eye. "dear, dear," said he deliberately; "and pray, how did _that_ happen?" "killed in the hunting-field!" "how very dramatic!" said disraeli solemnly. we stayed at sandringham, and went for long walks together, during which disraeli talked and laughed with the greatest enjoyment. but i remember how, in the pauses of { } the conversation, he would stand still, and, glass in eye, dreamily surveying the landscape, would make some such observation as "the air is balmy ... and serene!" or "the foliage is stunted ... but productive!" with the most weighty and measured emphasis, as though these were prophetic utterances. i was quite bewildered; for i did not then know whether he were serious, or were indulging a recondite wit. he was a visionary, dwelling much in a world of his own; and i know now that he was perfectly natural and serious on these occasions. he and his wife were devotedly attached to each other. having taken lady beaconsfield in to dinner one evening, i noticed some red marks upon her arm and her napkin. she was wearing red roses, and at first i thought some petals had fallen from them. then i saw that she was wearing a bandage on her arm, and that blood was oozing from under it. i told her that her arm was bleeding. "please don't say a word, lord charles," she said hastily, "it would distress dizzy so much." and she furtively twisted her napkin about her arm. lord beaconsfield, who was sitting opposite to us, stuck his glass in his eye and stared across the table--i was afraid for a moment that he had overheard what his wife had said. poor lady, she died shortly afterwards. when i entered parliament in it was still the day of the great orators: of disraeli, gladstone, bright, david plunkett, o'connor power; whose like, perhaps, we shall not see again. there was a tradition of eloquence in the house of commons of that time; members declined to listen to a bore; and debate was conducted almost entirely by the two front benches. it was in my first parliament that disraeli touched the zenith of his extraordinary and splendid career; during which he formulated the principles of a national policy, a part of which himself carried into execution, but whose complete fulfilment remains to be achieved. disraeli established a tradition; and like all those who have a great ideal--whether right or wrong is { } not here the question--he still lives in the minds of men, and his name still carries inspiration. his great rival, who wore him down at last, bequeathed no such national inheritance. it was in this my first parliament that mr. parnell emerged as the leader of the irish party. he was a cold, unapproachable person; he kept his party under the most rigid control, with a tight hold upon the purse. he had great ability. i have often seen him stalk into the house in the middle of a debate, receive a sheaf of notes from his secretary, mr. o'brien, with whom he would hold a whispered consultation, then rise and deliver a masterly speech. he sat with me on the committee of the army discipline bill; speaking seldom, but always to the point. lord randolph churchill entered parliament at the same time as myself; and he was always a great personal friend of mine. although we were opposed in politics, the other four waterford members were on excellent terms with the only anti-home ruler in the five. there were dick power, f. h. o'donnell, j. delahunty, and purcell o'gorman, who weighed twenty-eight stone or so; and they all came to my wedding. another waterford man was mr. sexton. as a boy, he manifested so brilliant a talent for oratory, that he was sent into parliament, where, as everyone knows, he speedily made his mark. i remember, too, the o'gorman mahon, who, if i am not mistaken, fought the last formal duel in this country. when i entered parliament the automobile torpedo was a comparatively recent invention. mr whitehead had begun his experiments in ; after four years' work and at the cost of £ , , he produced the formidable engine of war known as the whitehead torpedo, the type from which all subsequent improvements have been evolved. i have heard it stated that the british government could have bought the invention right out for £ , . whitehead invented the device of using hydrostatic pressure to regulate the depth of the immersion of the torpedo, and employed compressed air { } as its motive power. the new weapon was adopted by the british navy and by other naval powers. in the year the type in use was the -in., length ft. in., weight lbs. in my view, the capabilities of the new weapon had not been fully appreciated; that opinion may or may not have been justified; but i considered it to be my duty publicly to insist upon the importance of the torpedo in naval warfare. i spoke on the subject both inside the house of commons and on the platform, and was so fortunate as to win the approval of _the times_. the admiralty, however, were deeply affronted. the first lord, mr. george ward hunt, informed me that the board took great exception to my speaking in the house upon naval subjects, and desired me to understand that i must choose between the career of a sailor and that of a politician. my reply was that i considered the request to be a breach of privilege. mr. ward hunt admitted the point; but argued that the employment in the house of commons of my knowledge of the service was prejudicial to discipline. he was of course right in so far as the conditions did undoubtedly afford opportunities for prejudicing discipline; but as there was no regulation forbidding a naval officer to sit in parliament, a dual position which had been frequently held by members of the board of admiralty, the responsibility rested upon the individual. however, it was not a case for argument; and i appealed directly to mr. disraeli, telling him that i regarded the request of the admiralty as a breach of privilege; that i had no intention of relinquishing my naval career; and that i had entered parliament solely in the interests of the service. disraeli listened with his customary sardonic gravity. "what," he asked, "do you intend to do?" i said that if the matter were pressed to a conclusion, i should resign my seat, in which event waterford would very probably be captured by a hot home ruler. "my dear boy," said disraeli, in his deliberate way, "i { } am quite sure that you will do nothing heroic. i," he added,--"i will see the secretariat." and that was the last i heard of the affair. among other service matters in which i did what i could in the house of commons to obtain reforms, were the training of the personnel, the more rapid promotion of officers, promotion from the lower deck to officers' rank, and the necessity for building fast cruisers to protect the trade routes. i advocated more time being spent by the men upon gunnery training, and less upon polishing bright-work; and brought forward a motion to stop the men of the fleet "doing 'orses" (as they called hauling carts laden with stores about the dockyard), instead of being trained in their proper work. these subjects no longer possess any interest save in so far as the circumstances resemble those of the present day. but i find recurring to-day many of the difficulties of thirty or forty years ago. at that time the admiralty had abolished the short service system under which highly efficient seamen were recruited direct from the mercantile marine, and the board had become responsible for the whole supply and training of men for the fleet. but the admiralty had neglected to constitute an efficient system of training. a very large proportion of men were employed at sea upon duties which precluded them from receiving war training of any kind; another large contingent was kept idle in hulks and receiving ships while waiting to be drafted into sea-going vessels. the suggestion was that barracks should be erected for their accommodation and provided with attached vessels; and that a complete system of training should be organised; so that every man upon going to sea in a ship of war should be acquainted with his duties. commander noel (now admiral of the fleet sir gerard h. u. noel, k.c.b., k.c.m.g.) kindly sent to me a most valuable memorandum upon the subject, in which he presented an admirable scheme of organisation, the principles of which were afterwards carried into execution. of late years those principles have been { } infringed; but the exigencies of the service will compel the authorities to return to the essential conditions laid down by sir gerard noel, whose authority is entitled to the greatest respect. i also received a sagacious letter on the same subject from commodore john wilson, under whom i afterwards served as commander in the _thunderer_, indicating the necessity of framing a scheme of organisation to come into force as soon as the barracks were completed. with regard to the promotion of officers and men, the state of things nearly forty years ago finds a parallel to-day. then, as now, a very large proportion of officers, from the rank of commander downwards, cannot hope to be promoted. it was then suggested that the retiring allowance should be increased. it is true that in mr. goschen, by granting an increased retiring allowance for a limited period, had done his best to effect a temporary relief. but the permanent reform, which is more necessary now than ever before, still awaits achievement. in the meantime the discontent to which i drew attention in , is by no means less detrimental than it was. the whole difficulty, as usual, is financial. government after government, of what political complexion soever, refuse to pay the services properly. the condition of affairs is a national disgrace. at that time, too, the fleet was highly deficient in cruisers; and, in consequence, the sea-borne trade of the country was exposed to great danger in the event of war, as i explained to the house of commons. in later years the requisite ships were provided; only, in a moment of retrograde impulse, to be abolished. after a period of insecurity and uneasiness, the cruiser force is once more being slowly increased. in later years my political opponents found great solace at elections in saying that i had objected to the abolition of flogging in the navy. the question arose in my first parliament. what i actually did--as a reference to hansard will confirm--was to point out that in many cases they were the best men, the men who had the pluck to get { } into a row. high-tempered, full of exuberance, they were flogged for offences against discipline, and whereas a flogging was soon over and done with, the alternative proposed would break a man's heart in prison and deprive the navy of valuable services. which, then, was the more humane course? to-day, the circumstances and conditions have changed. discipline is better, and flogging, thank goodness, is abolished. but when the matter was under discussion, a certain ex-naval officer assembled a public meeting, at which he attacked me with great vehemence and impassioned eloquence. he was interrupted by an old fellow at the back of the hall, who, refusing to be silenced, was asked to speak from the platform. he did. he gave the meeting a dose of lower-deck phraseology, hot and strong; and told the audience they were not to believe a word they had heard concerning myself; that he had been shipmates both with the speaker of the evening and with myself. he devoted some complimentary remarks to me, "but," says he, "as for the other, he flogged every man in the ship three or four times." whereupon the audience rose in its wrath and drove my opponent from the platform. mr. disraeli asked me to survey the three battleships building for turkey and the one battleship building for chile, and to give him my opinion as to whether or not they were worth buying. disraeli said he preferred to ask me rather than the admiralty, as i could, if necessary, speak on the matter in parliament. "and," said disraeli, in his pontifical way, "i like young brains." i advised the purchase of the ships; and purchased they were, being added to the british navy under the names of _superb_, _belleisle_, _orion_ and _neptune_. in those days i owned a bull-dog of marked personality. he never fought unless he were attacked; but his favourite recreation was to rush at full speed, head down, at every dog bigger than himself. the instant he caught sight of a big dog, he shot away like a projectile discharged from a gun; nothing stopped or turned him; and the unsuspecting object { } of the manifestation would go down like a ninepin. then, unless he were detained by reprisals, butcher would return to his master with the air of a dog who knew his duty and who had done it. at that time the streets of london were haunted by italian image-venders, who carried the twelve apostles and other sacred statuettes neatly arranged upon a board, which the merchant balanced on his head. one of those pious venders was walking directly in the headlong path of butcher, who flashed between his legs. down came the apostles, who were dashed to fragments, for which i had to pay about £ to the pedlar of saints. when my dog thought i wanted a hansom, he used to scramble into it, jump upon the seat, and sit there panting with his tongue hanging out. he performed this feat one day when an old gentleman, without noticing him, had hailed a hansom. the old gentleman, climbing slowly into the cab, suddenly saw the dog on the seat, and was so startled that he tumbled backwards and knocked his head on the pavement. in , having passed in torpedo work in the _vernon_, i applied for the appointment of second in command in a big snip, holding then, as i hold now, that every officer who hopes to obtain flag rank should gain experience in detailed routine work and in handling and organising men, which can only be acquired as first lieutenant or commander. the second in command of a man-of-war gains invaluable experience. he must always look ahead in order to _prevent_ things occurring which would cause confusion or discomfort. he has literally not one minute to himself in the day; thinking ahead, waylaying the wishes of his captain, and providing not only for what _will_ occur but for what _may_ occur, and being ready to encounter the constant unforeseen emergencies inseparable from life at sea in a man-of-war. i was accordingly appointed to the _thunderer_ as commander. her captain was john crawford wilson (afterwards rear-admiral). the navy lost one of the best officers that ever sailed the seas when he died in . he { } was mentioned in the admiral's dispatch for gallant conduct in the affair of the peiho forts in , served on the pacific station, and was commodore of the australian station. he was commander of the _bombay_ screw wooden first-rate, when she was burned off montevideo on the th december, , and when officers and men perished. many of those who were lost had climbed out on the bowsprit, and when they were forced overboard by the heat, the melting lead of the gammoning (the lead covering to the chain gammoning securing the bowsprit) dropped on them and killed them. it was largely due to the splendid discipline maintained by wilson that the loss was not far greater. the men held their posts although the flames were licking up through the skids, so that the falls of the last boat, lowered from the yard-arm, were actually burned through. it should be added that in this disaster the royal marines enhanced their unrivalled reputation, out of lost belonging to the corps, the sentries dying at their posts. the _thunderer_ was of ( ) tons, ( ) h.p., and belonged to the channel squadron. she was an improved central battery twin-screw ironclad, designed, with the vessels of a similar type, _devastation_ and _dreadnought_, by mr. e. t. reed, c.b. in these ships there was no propulsion by mast and sail power. they also embodied the idea of limiting the armament to heavy guns, the secondary armament of lighter guns being omitted. this arrangement, after having been wisely abandoned for many years, was repeated in the _dreadnought_ of the year , only to be once more recognised as a mistake. one of many reasons why a secondary armament was essential, particularly with muzzle-loading guns, was that, lacking it, the men might have been exposed to the enemy's fire for some time before they could reply, a most demoralising position. these considerations were constantly represented by captain wilson to the admiralty. while the science of gunnery progressed, the element of time has remained a { } factor in the problem, though under different circumstances. the _thunderer_ carried two pairs of muzzle-loading guns in two turrets; the foremost pair being -ton guns, hydraulic loading, the after pair -ton guns, hand-loading. she was belted with -inch armour along the water line; and the armour projecting squarely from the hull, its edge struck the water so hard when the ship rolled, that she was shaken throughout her structure. to remedy this defect, wedge-shaped pieces were fitted along the lower edge of the armour. before i joined the ship she had burst a boiler, the escaping steam causing great loss of life. captain wilson, who was in the engine-room at the time, was saved by his stature; although he was scalded, his face was above the level of the steam, being between the deck-beams where there was an air cushion. that the boiler exploded was due to the remarkable coincidence of two factors. the box safety-valve jammed, owing to the two different metals of which it was constructed expanding in different degrees. and the pressure-gauge tell-tale, which was fitted in a cogged circle, had the needle forced right round the circle twice or more, so that it showed a normal pressure. the actual pressure must have been terrific. and after i left the ship one of her guns burst. this accident contributed another instance in favour of breech-loading as opposed to muzzle-loading guns. the accident occurred during practice at quarters in the gulf of ismid, on nd january, , in the fore-turret. captain alfred john chatfield had succeeded captain wilson in command. two officers and nine men were killed, and thirty-five persons injured. the muzzle was blown off from about two feet in front of the trunnions. there was much discussion then and subsequently concerning the cause of the accident. the probability is that the bursting of the gun was due to its having been double-loaded, after a previous miss-fire, which, in the simultaneous discharge of the rest of the guns, had not been noticed. the committee { } which reported on the matter on st march, , adopted this hypothesis, in preference to the theory that there had been a flaw in the material. captain edward seymour (afterwards admiral of the fleet the right hon. sir e. h. seymour), who was then in command of the troopship _orontes_, in his book, _my naval career and travels_, thus refers to the incident:-- "from malta i brought home the main part of the ship's company of h.m.s. _thunderer_, on board which ship the terrible explosion of the -ton muzzle-loading gun had lately occurred in her foremost turret. both turret guns were being fired simultaneously, but evidently one did not go off. it may seem hard to believe such a thing could happen and not be noticed, but from my own experience i understand it. the men in the turret often stopped their ears, and perhaps shut their eyes, at the moment of firing, and then instantly worked the run-in levers, and did not notice how much the guns had recoiled. this no doubt occurred. both guns were then at once reloaded, and the rammer's indicator, working by machinery, set fast and failed to show how far home the new charge had gone. this, too, may seem unlikely, but no doubt it happened; and the gun on being then fired burst, killing two officers and several men, and wrecking the turret. experiments made with a similar gun double-loaded, burst it in exactly the same way." i agree. i have frequently been in the turret during practice, and i have myself fired several rounds and i can testify that the concussion was so tremendous that it was impossible to hear whether one gun was fired or both guns were fired. without insisting upon details, it was also the fact that the men in the turret could not tell by the position of the hydraulic rammer whether or not the gun had already been charged, as the rammer was three-jointed and telescopic: the indicator which was designed to show the position of the rammer was totally unreliable; while the actual loading of the gun was done upon the battery deck below the turret. { } hence the loading crew must also have been unaware that there had been a misfire. the system in use in the _thunderer_ was experimental, and after the accident its defects were remedied. i then wrote to _the times_ explaining what the system had been and how it had been improved, in order both to remove any misapprehension there might have been with regard to the efficiency of the officers and men who perished in the disaster, and with regard to the future safety of guns' crews. i was reprimanded by the admiralty for having published the letter while on full pay in the command of the _osborne_; but the reprimand was (like the bishop's apron) a mere form, for i also received a private letter of thanks. after the bursting of the boiler, but before the gun accident, the prince of wales at my suggestion very kindly came on board, in order that the men's belief that the _thunderer_ was an unlucky ship should be removed. the prince fired the fore turret guns at a target from the captain of the guns' firing position, and made a rattling good shot. the _thunderer_ was employed in experimental work, such as measuring her turning-circle (the diameter of which is the smallest distance the ship can set between the point at which she begins to describe a semi-circle and the point at which she ends it), and noting her behaviour under various circumstances and stresses of weather. i gained much valuable experience in her, and i shall always remember captain wilson as one of those officers from whose skill and experience i learned the most. while i was in the _thunderer_ ( - ) i made one of the first working models of the telephone used in this country, and had the honour of presenting it to h.r.h. the princess of wales. the invention was first exhibited before the british association by mr. w. h. preece on rd august, ; and it was shown to queen victoria at osborne on th january, . the telephone company was established during the same year. [illustration: lady charles beresford] the _thunderer_ was sent to blow up a vessel which had { } capsized and which was floating in the channel, a danger to mariners. explosives attached to her side tore pieces out of her, but the wreck continued to float. in these cases it is necessary to disintegrate the vessel, whether sunk or floating, into fragments. i suggested that the hull should be girdled with an iron hoop to which explosives were attached at intervals, and the device was successful. the explosion cut her into holes like the perforations of a sheet of postage stamps and she broke up. the _thunderer_ was lying off queenstown, and i was watching a cutter which was running out of the harbour. on the deck was a group of irish farmers. the cutter suddenly gybed, the boom knocking down the farmers. getting up, they instantly fell upon one another with sticks; and they were hard at it when over came the boom again, and again felled them all to the deck. it could be they had had a drop of liquor taken, which confused their intellects. in the year i married miss jeromina gardner, daughter of the late richard gardner, m.p. for leicester, and of lucy countess mandelsloh, whose father, count mandelsloh, was for some years minister in london, representing würtemberg. shortly afterwards i was appointed to command the royal yacht _osborne_. the _osborne_ was used by the prince of wales (afterwards king edward vii). in those days she was not kept in commission for more than a few months in each year. several cruises were made to denmark, and there were many shooting expeditions. on one such occasion i was the only person present who was not either a king actual or a king prospective. there were the king of denmark, the king of norway and sweden, and the king of greece, the prince of wales, the cesarewitch, the crown princes of denmark, of norway and sweden, and of greece. we shot foxes, hares, deer, and anything that came along; and i was laughed at when my instincts forbade me to shoot a fox. { } upon a return voyage, when all the royal children were on board, a gale sprang up just off the skaw. the starboard paddle-wheel was smashed upon some wreckage; and the next thing i saw was a small craft being driven on a lee shore. the _osborne_ dropped anchor, in order both that the paddle-wheel should be repaired and that the crew of the driving vessel might be assisted. the only way to rescue them was to veer a boat astern with a hawser. just as the arrangement was ready, to my delight i perceived the crew--there were four--embarking in their own boats. they reached the shore in safety, but their ship was wrecked. it was then the system in the royal yachts to retain the officers in her for long periods. one officer had been in the _osborne_ for fourteen years. i ventured to suggest to the prince of wales that under these conditions his acquaintance with the officers of the fleet was necessarily limited, and that by means of restricting the time of service in the _osborne_ to two years, he might become acquainted with a succession of officers. with his habitual courtesy and address, the prince adopted the suggestion. queen victoria was, however, a little perturbed by the change. her majesty said to me that she hoped i should not endeavour to change the officers in the royal yacht. "no, ma'am," i replied. "i have no such power. i only made a suggestion to the prince." "you may be right," said the queen, "but i am an old woman now, and i like to see faces i know about me, and not have to begin again with new faces." we had some excellent boat-racing in the _osborne_. one famous race was rowed at cowes between the officers of the royal yachts _victoria and albert_ and _osborne_, in six-oared galleys. her majesty queen victoria came down to the jetty to witness the contest. the stroke of the _victoria and albert_ was my old comrade in the _marlborough_ and _bellerophon_, swinton holland. i was stroke of the _osborne's_ crew. at first the _osborne_ drew ahead--rather, i think, to { } the queen's dismay--but eventually the _victoria and albert_ won the race, to the delight of her majesty. another great race was rowed between the _osborne_ six-oared galley and the dockyard boat. it took place off southsea, the whole of the foreshore being lined with people. the _osborne_ won. her boat was manned by irish bluejackets whom i had trained myself. while i was commanding the _osborne_ one of the crew met with a singular accident. we were shooting the seine off calshot, and, as it fouled, i sent a man down to clear it. when he came up, he said that he had been stabbed through the hand "by some beast." i examined the wound and found that his hand had been pierced right through, and i thought that he must have come upon a nail or a splinter in a piece of wreckage. but when we hauled up the seine, there was a huge sting-ray. i cut out the sting and gave it to the princess. there is no doubt that the fish had transfixed the man's hand. the sailor is still alive, and is well known in portsmouth for his political enthusiasms. it was in the same haul that we caught a red mullet weighing about six pounds, the biggest i have ever seen. i ought here to record the very great interest taken by the royal family in all matters connected with the navy. while i was in command of the _osborne_, the prince of wales graciously consented to attend one of the gatherings of members of parliament who came at my invitation to see something of the navy. on this occasion they visited portsmouth dockyard, where they were shown everything of interest. one of the experiments performed for the entertainment and the instruction of the party was firing at a floating cask with bombs thrown by hand, a method of warfare since discontinued owing to the danger it involves to the person bombarding. when the cask exploded, a stave flew between the prince and the general commanding at portsmouth, sir hastings doyle. had it struck either of them he must have been killed. { } the general's brother, percy doyle, a dear old gentleman well known in society, had very bad sight. i once saw him trying to eat a red mullet done up in paper. after a good deal of harpooning, he got it out, but put the paper in his mouth. we always told him he had swallowed the births, deaths, and marriages column of _the times_. on sunday the th of march, (the date of my engagement to miss gardner), the _eurydice_, training frigate, capsized off the isle of wight in a sudden squall and sank. the total loss of life was about , only two being saved. she was on her way home from the west indies. coming under the isle of wight, she hauled her wind for spithead, thus closing the land, so that it was impossible for the watch to see a squall coming up from windward. the captain, the hon. marcus a. s. hare, was anxious to reach the harbour as soon as possible in order to give the men sunday leisure. it was about four o'clock in the afternoon when a sudden squall struck the ship, and she heeled over; the lee main-deck ports being open, according to custom, she took in a good deal of water, depressing her bows; so that instead of capsizing, she simply sailed straight to the bottom, her fore-foot being broken off with the force of the impact, and her topgallant masts remaining above the surface. there was no time to shorten sail. when she was raised it was found that only one rope, the mainroyal sheet, had carried away. rear-admiral foley, admiral-superintendent of portsmouth dockyard, kindly invited me to be his guest to take part in the salvage operations arranged for the raising of the _eurydice_. that occasion was, i think, the first upon which the newly invented wire hawsers were actually tested in practical work. when they were introduced it was thought that they would not be flexible enough for their purpose. they were, however, used with great success in raising the _eurydice_. the hawsers were passed under the hull of the sunken ship and secured to lighters moored on either side of her. as the tide went down, the hawsers were hove taut, and water was { } let into the lighters so that they should be brought as low in the water as possible. the water was then pumped out of the lighters, thus putting the utmost strain upon the hawsers. then, as the rising of the tide exerted a powerful lift upon lighters and hawsers, the lighters were towed towards the shore, in order to drag the wreck upon the beach. as soon as she grounded, the hawsers were fleeted and the whole process gone through again until at low tide she was nearly high and dry. my old ship, the _thunderer_, which took a hawser to her after capstan to tow the _eurydice_, had the solid iron spindle of the capstan pulled right out of her, as a long nail is bent and dragged out of a piece of timber. i well remember the intense excitement when the wreck first shifted from her bed. eventually we hauled her up the beach. i was just then taking a bearing for admiral foley, and could not have given a better holloa if i had viewed a fox. before the water was pumped out of her, and as she lay on her side on the beach, i climbed in at a porthole, and sat there waiting till i could enter. as the water fell, i saw emerge the sentry's clock on the main-deck. the hands had stopped at . . the bodies lay in heaps, tangled amid ropes; some had lost a head and some a limb. black mud had filtered in everywhere, even (as sir edward seymour remarks) into the closed drawers of the chests in the cabins. when, as a cadet, i was learning to heave the lead from the chains of the _eurydice_, which, as i have already related, was then moored off haslar creek in portsmouth harbour, i little thought i should one day help to raise her from the bottom of the sea. dr. boyd carpenter (late bishop of ripon), in his charming volume of recollections, _some pages of my life_, narrates a remarkable story concerning the _eurydice_, as it was told to him. sir john macneill was the bishop's cousin and, like other members of his family, had the gift of second sight. { } "sir john macneill," writes the bishop, "was looking out of the window in sir john cowell's room at windsor, when suddenly he exclaimed: 'good heavens! why don't they close the portholes and reef the topsails!' sir john cowell looked up and asked him what he meant. he said, in reply, that he hardly knew; but that he had seen a ship coming up channel in full sail, with open portholes, while a heavy squall was descending upon her. at the very time this conversation was taking place the fatal storm fell upon the _eurydice_, and she foundered as she was coming in sight of home." in , while i was still in command of the _osborne_, i lost my seat at waterford. in the following year, desiring to hold another independent command before my promotion to captain, i applied to go to sea again, and was appointed to command h.m.s. _condor_. { } chapter xvii with the prince in india in september, , i was appointed a.d.c. to the prince of wales (our late king) to accompany his royal highness upon his visit to india. the complete list of the suite was as follows: the duke of sutherland, k.g.; sir bartle frere; lord suffield, head of the prince's household; major-general lord alfred paget, clerk-marshal to h.m. the queen; lord aylesford; major-general probyn, v.c., equerry to the prince, in charge of the transport and sporting arrangements; colonel arthur ellis, grenadier guards, equerry to the prince; mr. francis knollys (afterwards lord knollys), the prince's private secretary; surgeon-general fayrer, physician to the prince; captain h. carr glyn, royal navy, a.d.c. to h.m. the queen commanding h.m.s. _serapis_; colonel owen williams; lieutenant lord charles beresford, royal navy, a.d.c. to the prince; lord carington, a.d.c. to the prince; the rev. canon duckworth, chaplain; lieutenant (afterwards colonel) augustus fitzgeorge, rifle brigade extra a.d.c. to the prince; commander durrant, royal navy, commanding royal yacht _osborne_; dr. w. h. russell, hon. private secretary to the prince, chronicler of the voyage; mr. albert grey (afterwards lord grey), private secretary to sir bartle frere; mr. sydney hall, artist. the indian officers, who joined the suite at bombay, and whose energy and ability were beyond all praise, were major-general sam browne, v.c., in charge of transport; major williams, in charge of horses and grooms; major { } bradford, head of the police and responsible for the safety of the person of the prince; major sartorius, v.c., in charge of tents and servants; and major henderson, linguist. the first announcement of the intention of the prince to visit the indian empire was made by lord salisbury to the council of india on th march, . the matter was subsequently discussed at length both in parliament and in the press. the condition of affairs in india, where the mass of the ruling princes and chieftains had still to realise that the rule of the honourable east india company had given place to a greater governance, rendered the visit of the future sovereign of paramount importance; and the prince's sagacity was seldom more admirably exemplified than in his determination to visit india as the heir-apparent of the crown. that the scheme was entirely and supremely successful in achieving the object for which it was designed, was due to the prince's zeal, ability, tact and indomitable vigour. he gave his whole mind to the enterprise; thought of everything in advance; and set aside his personal comfort and convenience from first to last. only one regret was present in the minds of all: the regret for the unavoidable absence of the princess. the whole history of the episode has been so excellently well told by the late dr. william howard russell, the famous war correspondent, who was a member of the suite, in his _the prince of wales's tour_ (london, ; sampson low) that any detailed account of it on my part would be superfluous. the prince left england on th october, , and embarked in h.m.s. _serapis_ at brindisi on the th. in the suez canal we heard of the purchase of suez canal shares by the british government. the _serapis_ arrived at bombay on th november. thenceforward the prince's tour was an unresting progress of durbars, receptions, dinners, visits, processions, ceremonies, speeches, addresses, fireworks, entertainments, investitures, reviews, varied only by intervals of sport. from bombay, { } the prince went to goa, and thence to ceylon, visiting colombo, kandy, where he viewed the sacred tooth of gotama buddha, and ruanwalla, where there was an elephant hunt. then he went to tuticorin, madura, trichinopoly, madras, calcutta, bankipoor, benares, lucknow, cawnpore, delhi, lahore, cashmir, umritsar, agra, gwalior, and jeypoor. from jeypoor he went into camp in the terai and enjoyed excellent sport. then, in nepal, under the auspices of sir jung bahadur, there was the great elephant hunt. from nepal the prince went to allahabad, then to bombay, whence he sailed on th march, , having been in india seventeen weeks exactly. "the prince," wrote dr. russell on that date, "has travelled nearly miles by land and by sea, knows more chiefs than all the viceroys and governors together, and seen more of the country in the time than any other living man." on the outward voyage his royal highness visited the king of greece. when the king and queen were leaving the _serapis_ after dining on board, we showed them compliment and honour by setting them alight. the blue lights burning at the main-yard being exactly above the boat in which their majesties were going ashore, dropped flakes of fire upon them. the prince also visited the khedive. on the return voyage, the prince met at suez lord lytton, who was on his way to india to succeed lord northbrook as viceroy; was again entertained by the khedive; visited malta; called at gibraltar; and visited the king of spain and the king of portugal. the _serapis_ was accompanied by the royal yacht _osborne_, commander durrant, and h.m.s. _raleigh_, captain tryon. the prince landed in england on th may, . it is worth noting that lord lytton went out in the _orontes_, one of the imperial service troopships, as they were called. the troopship service was then at times conducted by the royal navy, a practice since discontinued. the _orontes_ was commanded by captain e. h. seymour (afterwards admiral of the fleet the right hon. sir edward { } seymour, g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o., ll.d.) in his very interesting book, _my naval career and travels_, sir edward seymour writes: "at suez, by arrangement, we met h.r.h. the prince of wales (our late king) on his way home in the _serapis_. at aden lord lytton landed in state, it being the first point reached of his new dominions." the point illustrates the working in detail of the great scheme of imperial organisation which was conceived by the master-mind of disraeli, and which he continued to carry into execution so long as he was in power. upon landing at bombay, i rode up to government house with my brother, lord william, precisely as i had ridden up with another brother, lord marcus, exactly six years previously, on the same day of the year. lord william was then extra a.d.c. to the viceroy, lord northbrook, having been appointed to that post as a subaltern in the th lancers. he was subsequently appointed a.d.c. to lord lytton, in which capacity he attended the viceroy at the durbar at which queen victoria was proclaimed empress of india. he was afterwards military secretary to three successive viceroys, lords ripon, dufferin and lansdowne; altogether he served on the personal staff of five viceroys. from to , while nominally in attendance upon the viceroy, lord william fought in the jowaki expedition of - , the afghan war, during which he was present at the capture of ali musjid, and the zulu war of . "in the latter," wrote a military correspondent of _the times_ ( st december, ), "he served as a staff officer during the reconnaissance across the white umvolusi river and at the battle of ulundi. it was in zululand, in july, , that beresford won the v.c. for halting, when closely pursued by the enemy, to take a wounded non-commissioned officer on his horse. when the soldier at first declined to risk the officer's life by giving the latter's horse a double burden, beresford is understood to have hotly declared that unless the man immediately got up on the saddle he would himself dismount and 'punch his head.'" { } for his services in the burmese expedition of , he received a brevet-colonelcy; and in he was promoted full colonel; in he received the k.c.s.i.; and thereafter remained on the active list of the army, but unemployed. of his exploits on the turf it is not here the place to speak; but i may be pardoned if i have placed on record in this place some account of lord william's indian service which extended over nearly twenty years. few men have earned so universal an affection as that which lord william inspired, alike in european and native. his ability in matters of administration was remarkable, and he acquired an extraordinary influence over the natives of india. the correspondent of _the times_, already quoted, observes that lord william might have had a distinguished career in any profession; that he might have been a great soldier, a great diplomat, a great political officer, had not his passion for the turf diverted a part of his energies. it may be so; but perhaps one may be allowed to say that one liked him for what he was and not for what he might have been; and also that he did not do so badly. the warmest affection existed between my brother and myself; and his death, which occurred in , was a great grief to me. but that was in the far future when i landed from the _serapis_ and we rode up to government house together. of the other members of the prince's suite i retain the most pleasant recollections. among them i especially recall major-general probyn (afterwards general the right hon. sir dighton macnaghten probyn, v.c., etc. etc.); major-general sam browne, v.c. (afterwards general sir samuel james browne, v.c., k.c.s.i., etc.); major bradford (afterwards sir edward ridley colborne bradford, bart., k.c.s.i., g.c.v.o.); surgeon-general fayrer (afterwards sir joseph fayrer, bart.); and dr. russell (afterwards sir william howard russell, c.v.o., ll.d.). major-general probyn, of magnificent presence, black-bearded, hawk-eyed, a hero of the mutiny, was universally respected and beloved by the native population, over { } whom he owned a great influence. he was one of the finest soldiers and most delightful companions it has been my fortune to know. in , he already had twenty-five years' service, including the trans-indus frontier affair of - , the mutiny (in which his name was a terror), in china in , in the umbeyla campaign of . he was colonel of probyn's horse, th king edward's own lancers; afterwards keeper of the privy purse, comptroller and treasurer of the household of the present king when he was prince of wales; and since , extra equerry to the king. probyn and i assisted at a surgical operation. a mahout had his hand smashed; and we held him while the surgeon amputated his finger and thumb. major-general sam browne, v.c., had served in the second sikh war with distinction, and during the mutiny led the surprise attack upon the rebels at sirpura, at dawn upon st august, . almost single-handed, he charged the guns, receiving the wound resulting in the loss of his arm. for this service, he was awarded the v.c. during the prince's tour he represented the indian army; nor could a finer or more efficient representative have been selected. major bradford had performed gallant and distinguished service in the mutiny. he had lost an arm, under circumstances which may be worth repetition. together with a brother officer, captain curtis, and a trooper, bradford was tiger-shooting. seated in a mechan (tree-shelter), he wounded a tiger, breaking its back; his second barrel missed fire; and bradford fell from the mechan on the top of the tiger, which seized him. bradford thrust his fist down the beast's throat; and while curtis was trying to get another shot, the tiger mangled bradford's arm up to the shoulder. curtis eventually killed the animal. the party had a long and painful distance to traverse before they reached help. bradford's arm was amputated without chloroform. in , bradford was appointed commissioner of police in the metropolis, at a time when there was a good deal of { } discontent in the force, and speedily proved the worth of his unrivalled experience and ability. surgeon-general fayrer, i remember, had a remarkable way with snakes. he kept a selection of the most deadly reptiles in a wheelbarrow, nestled in straw. with his naked hands he would uncover them, and, deftly catching them by the neck, force them to exhibit their fangs. someone composed a set of irreverent verses dedicated to the surgeon-general: "little joe fayrer sent for his bearer and asked for his christmas pie. e put in his thumb, and pulled out a plum, and found it a k.c.s.i." dr. w. h. russell, the famous war correspondent, who in his letters to _the times_ during the crimean war did so much good service, was a most delightful companion. he is remembered by all who knew him, both for his talents and for his sympathetic and affectionate disposition and his unfailing sense of humour. he was one of my greatest friends. during the voyage, he occupied the cabin next to mine. the prince having requested him to provide himself with a uniform, dr. russell designed a kind of ambassadorial dress of great splendour, with so generous a gold stripe to his kersey breeches, that we told him he had gold trousers with a white stripe inside. these effulgent garments unfortunately carried away when the doctor was climbing upon an elephant, on his way to a durbar. i executed temporary repairs upon his person with safety pins; and implored him not to stoop. but when it came to his turn to bow, bow he must; the jury rig parted, and a festoon of white linen, of extraordinary length, waved behind him. fortunately, the assembled indian princes thought it was part of his uniform. at mian mir, during the ceremony of a great review of troops, dr. russell, who was riding among the suite mounted on a half-broken arab, was suddenly heard to shout, "whoa, you villainous brute!" at the same moment, several of the { } suite were knocked endways. the arab then got the bit in his teeth, and tore away past the prince down the whole line. dr. russell's helmet was jerked to the back of his head, his puggaree unfurled in a long train floating behind him, he vanished into the distance and we did not see him again until dinner-time. he passed so close to the prince, that had the doctor another thickness of gold on his gold trousers, there would have been an accident to his royal highness. the duke of sutherland, during the prince's journeys overland in india, took an intense delight in driving the engine, from which it was hard to tear him away. we had halted at a station where the customary ceremonial had been arranged, and had changed into uniform, all save the duke, who was nowhere to be seen. "where can he be?" said the prince. i submitted that he might be on the engine, and went to see. sure enough, the duke was sitting on the rail, his red shirt flung open, his sun-helmet on the back of his head. in either black fist he grasped a handful of cotton waste, with which he was mopping up the perspiration of honest toil. he hurried to his carriage to change into uniform; and presently appeared, buttoning his tunic with one hand. in the other he still grasped a skein of cotton waste. the prince looked at him. "can nothing be done?" said the prince sadly. the great elephant hunt in nepal took place on the th february, , under the auspices of sir jung bahadur (afterwards the maharaja sir jung bahadur, g.c.b., g.c.s.i.). a herd of wild elephants, captained by a male of gigantic size and valour, who had already vanquished sir jung's most formidable righting elephants, had been tracked down in the forest. sir jung determined that, come what would, he should be captured. sir jung led the prince and several of his suite, all well mounted on horses, into the forest, to the rendezvous, to which the wild herd was to be driven. but in the meantime, the big elephant had given the hunters the slip. i was of the hunting party, and i had the stiffest run of { } my life, and at the end of it there were left besides myself only my companion--i think he was mr. greenwood--and six indian notables. mounted on swift pad elephants, we pursued that tremendous beast at top speed from four o'clock in the morning till six in the evening, bursting through the jungle, splashing through rivers, climbing the rocky steeps of hills upon which there appeared to be no foothold except for monkeys, and down which the elephants slid upon their bellies. so we rode hour after hour, hanging on the ropes secured to the _guddee_, lying flat upon the steed's back to avoid being scraped off his back by branches, until the quarry, escaping us ran straight into sir jung bahadur's party of horsemen. there, in an open space set with sword-like reeds, stood the elephant, his flanks heaving, his head and trunk moving from side to side. he had one huge tusk and the stump of the other. it was the business of the horsemen in front to keep him employed in the open while the champion fighting elephants, jung pershaud and bijli pershaud, were being brought up. again and again he charged, the riders eluding his rushes, the prince among them. a stumble or a fall--and nothing could have saved the rider. presently the elephant, wearying of these profitless tactics, wheeled and took refuge in a swamp, where the reeds and rushes hid him. but there was nothing to do but await the arrival of the fighting elephants. the fugitive employed his respite in cooling himself by pouring water over his heated person. in the meantime, jung pershaud, the terrible rogue elephant, somewhat fatigued like his quarry, was drawing near. jung pershaud, in order to give warning of his very dangerous presence, was hung about the neck with a large bell, like a railway-station bell. when he was not in action he was secured with ropes. presently, from out the jungle, there sounded the uneven, minatory clangour of the bell. everyone shouted that jung pershaud was coming. the hunted elephant paused in his ablutions, turned about, and, pushing the foliage aside with { } his trunk, gazed in the direction of the warning note. then emerged into view the vast head of jung pershaud, painted scarlet. he moved steadily and directly upon his quarry, who lowered his head, presenting his long sharp tusk. the tusks of jung pershaud were four to five feet long and ringed with brass. jung swung his trunk and dealt the hunted elephant a blow on the head, then charged him in the flank with a resounding impact, drew back and charged the reeling beast from behind. the hunted elephant took to flight, pursued by jung pershaud, heading straight for the place where i was watching the combat among the pads and smaller fighting elephants. these turned and fled in terror. the hunted elephant plunged into the wood, ploughing his way through the undergrowth, leaving jung pershaud behind him. sir jung bahadur, following with the prince and the rest of the party, adjured us to keep out of the way of the fleeing beast while keeping him in sight. the quarry checked at an opening in the forest and remained in the shelter of the trees, while the prince, with sir jung bahadur and dr. russell, rode across a stream into the open space. sir jung bahadur sat on his horse and cursed the elephant; who, after hearkening attentively for a few minutes, suddenly charged the horsemen. at the same instant, the second fighting elephant, bijli pershaud, burst out of the jungle, and the two animals met forehead to forehead with a crash. bijli pershaud drew off and charged again, striking the hunted elephant on the shoulder, and running beside him, charged him heavily again and again, until the poor driven beast dropped his trunk and uttered a pitiable cry. he was beaten at last. as we came up, it was discovered that the elephant was blind of one eye; everyone commiserated the defeated gladiator; and sir jung bahadur offered to let him go free should the prince so desire. the prince having accepted the suggestion, the elephant was led captive away and was secured with thick ropes to a { } tree. he bent his vast strength to a last effort to escape, so that the tree creaked and shook under the strain. he cried aloud in despair, and then stood silent, refusing all food. they set him free upon the following day, having sawn off his great tusk; which was presented by sir jung bahadur to the prince. a few days before the great hunt took place in nepal, sir jung bahadur's regiment of elephants paraded before the prince. they numbered more than , and were drilled to manoeuvre in companies to the sound of the bugle. after the hunt, the prince reviewed sir jung's army: a corps which, as the message from the queen delivered by the prince recalled in gracious terms, had tendered valuable help to the british arms upon an important occasion. the total strength of the army was , infantry and guns. the infantry, in addition to rifle and bayonet, carried the _kukri_, or curved knife, the national weapon. we witnessed an exhibition of its use by the soldiers, who vied with one another in cutting, with a single action, slices of soft wood from a baulk, the cut making a diagonal section. more by good luck than by merit, i succeeded in cutting the widest section; and perceiving it to be extremely improbable that i could repeat the performance, i refused the invitation to try again. sir jung bahadur presented me with the _kukri_ i had used. i have the weapon now. with this weapon, i slew a boa-constrictor. riding an elephant after tiger, on which occasion shooting at any other game was forbidden, i saw a boa-constrictor, and dismounted. the great snake was lying asleep, coiled in a hole in the ground and half hidden in foliage. selecting a narrowing coil, i cut nearly through it. the snake darted at me, and i finished it with a stick. although it was dead, its body continued to writhe until sunset. for a long time i kept the skin, but unfortunately it decomposed. my brother lord william and i were out pig-sticking, and were riding after a boar. i got first spear, when the { } boar knocked both me and my horse clean over. the boar went on, then turned, and as i was in the act of getting up, came right at me. remembering what an old pig-sticker, archie hill, had told me a man should do if he were bowled over and a boar attacked him, i rolled over on my face, presenting my least vital aspect to the enemy. but my brother, cleverly turning his horse, killed the boar within a few feet of me. the beast's head is preserved at curraghmore. during the whole time of the prince's stay in india, one of his suite, the members of which took it in turns to discharge the duty, remained on guard over his person at night. i have in my possession the pair of pistols with which the gentleman on watch was armed. on th january, , the prince visited the cawnpore memorial. "there was deep silence," writes dr. russell, "as the prince read in a low voice the touching words, 'to the memory of a great company of christian people, principally women and children, who were cruelly slaughtered here'--the name of the great criminal and the date of the massacre are cut round the base of the statue. no two persons agree as to the expression of marochetti's angel which stands over the well. is it pain?--pity?--resignation?--vengeance?--or triumph?" perhaps my aunt, lady waterford, could have enlightened the learned doctor; for she it was who designed the monument, which was carried into execution by marochetti. a certain officer in high command was extremely agitated concerning the exact degree of precedence due to him--or rather, to the service to which he belonged; a matter not easy to settle amid the throng of british dignitaries and indian potentates. the officer chafed sorely at the delay; nor was he soothed by the injurious remarks of a junior member of the suite, who dealt with his dignity in a spirit of deplorable frivolity. at last, however, the junior member approached him with the aspect of sympathetic gravity proper to the occasion. { } "i congratulate you, sir. that matter of your order of precedence has been settled at last." "i am glad to hear it--very glad to hear it," said the officer. "the delay has been simply scandalous. what is to be my position?" the junior member appeared to reflect. "oh, of course," he said, at length. "now i remember. your place, sir, is between the ram of (something) and the jam of (something else)!" the distinguished officer: "...!!!" on th november, , while the _serapis_ was on her way from bombay to colombo, the prince kindly presided at a dinner given in honour of my promotion to the rank of commander. in a letter written to me by his royal highness some years afterwards, he recalls that festivity, with a note of regret that those jolly days were gone. three years afterwards, upon the occasion of my marriage, the suite presented me with a most beautiful silver bowl, which remains one of my most highly prized possessions. there were many babu poems composed to celebrate the prince's prowess as a hunter. among them, i remember the following:-- "beautifully he will shoot many a royal tiger brute; laying on their backs they die, shot in the apple of the eye." seven years afterwards, i visited india again. it seemed to me that in the interval the relations between the indian and the englishman had changed for the better; in that the natives were less afraid of the white man, and that a better feeling had grown up between east and west. the principle upon which india is governed is the principle of establishing justice and humanity. india is governed by the sword; but the sword is sheathed. { } chapter xviii the egyptian war i. the beginning of trouble note the story of the egyptian war may conveniently begin with an account of the affair of the th september, , when tewfik, khedive of egypt, met arabi pasha face to face in the square of abdin at cairo, and failed to take advantage of the greatest opportunity of his life. had he acted there and then upon the counsel of mr. (afterwards sir) auckland colvin, british controller, it is possible that the egyptian war might have been avoided. the beginning of the trouble was the jealousy existing between the native egyptian and the turkish, or circassian, elements of the army. rightly or wrongly, the egyptian, or fellah, officers believed themselves to be slighted. the turkish, or circassian, officers, being of the same race as the ruling family, regarded themselves as the dominant caste. in the time of ismail pasha, the predecessor of tewfik, the minister of war, osman pasha rifki, a circassian, perceived that his dignity was compromised by his being obliged to receive orders from the khedive through ali fehmi, captain of the guards at the palace, a fellah. in the east, such a situation does not continue. ali fehmi mysteriously fell into disgrace. naturally, he had a grievance; and he joined himself to two other officers of his race, who also had { } grievances. these were abdel-el-al and ahmed arabi, who was to become better known as arabi pasha. they were called the "three colonels," and to them came mahmoud sami pasha, an exceedingly astute politician. arabi's particular injury was that he had been punished by ismail for creating a disturbance under the palace windows, when he was one of the officers of the guard. ismail had bluntly remarked that arabi was more noisy but less useful than the big drum. arabi joined a secret society of discontented officers, and shortly afterwards again fell into trouble under a charge of corruption while he was in command of transports during the war between egypt and abyssinia. subsequently, ismail allowed arabi to join a regiment, whereupon he became chief of the secret society. one of its members divulged the secret to the khedive, who adopted the oriental method of buying the allegiance of the disaffected officers by promoting in one day seventy of them to be lieutenant-colonels. he also presented one of his slaves to arabi to wife. so much for ismail pasha. when, by order of the sultan, he was superseded by tewfik, arabi made haste to do obeisance to the new khedive, who made him a full colonel. but when tewfik reduced the army, the three colonels presented a petition to the khedive, demanding, among other matters, that an egyptian should be made minister of war in place of osman rifki. the three colonels were thereupon arrested. mahmoud sami pasha, a member of the cabinet, secretly arranged that when they were brought before the court-martial, the soldiers should rescue them. on the st february, , accordingly, the soldiers burst into the court, turned it inside out, and carried the three colonels to the palace. the khedive, confronted with physical force to which he had nothing to oppose, consented to supersede his war minister in favour of the crafty mahmoud sami, to increase the army by , men, and to abolish favouritism. the khedive very soon discovered that mahmoud sami { } was by no means a desirable minister of war, and also that the three colonels and their friends continued to stir up trouble. he therefore dismissed mahmoud sami and appointed in his stead the khedive's brother-in-law, daoud pasha, a circassian, and ordered the disaffected regiments to leave cairo. at the same time it was rumoured that the khedive had obtained a secret decree from the sultan condemning arabi and his friends to death. when the order to remove his regiment from cairo was received by arabi, that leader of revolt informed the minister of war on th september, , that the troops in cairo would proceed the same afternoon to the palace of abdin, there to demand of the khedive the dismissal of the ministry, the convocation of the national assembly, and the increase of the army. then came tewfik's opportunity, which, as already observed, he let slip. when the khedive entered the square, accompanied by mr. colvin, british controller, and a few native and european officers, he was confronted with some soldiers and thirty guns. the following account of the critical moment is given by the hon. charles royle, in his excellent history of _the egyptian campaigns_ (london, ). "the khedive advanced firmly towards a little group of officers and men (some of whom were mounted) in the centre. colvin said to him, 'when arabi presents himself, tell him to give up his sword and follow you. then go the round of the regiments, address each separately, and give them the "order to disperse."' the soldiers all this time were standing in easy attitudes, chatting, laughing, rolling up cigarettes, and eating pistachio nuts, looking, in fact, as little like desperate mutineers as could well be imagined. they apparently were there in obedience only to orders, and, without being either loyal or disloyal, might almost be regarded as disinterested spectators. "arabi approached on horseback: the khedive called out to him to dismount. he did so, and came forward on foot with several others, and a guard with fixed bayonets, { } and saluted. as he advanced, colvin said to the khedive, 'now is the moment, give the word.' he replied, 'we are between four fires. we shall be killed.' colvin said, 'have courage.' tewfik again wavered, he turned for counsel to a native officer at his side, and repeated, 'what can i do? we are between four fires.' he then told arabi to sheathe his sword. arabi did so at once, his hand trembling so with nervousness that he could scarcely get the weapon back into its scabbard. the moment was lost. instead of following colvin's advice, and arresting arabi on the spot, a step which would have at once put an end to the whole disturbance, the khedive walked towards him and commenced to parley." the khedive subsequently agreed to dismiss the ministry at arabi's request; and arabi thus advanced another step towards obtaining military control of the country. for a time he prevented cherif pasha from forming a ministry, and summoned to cairo the chamber of notables. the members of the chamber, however, whose office was purely advisory, supported cherif pasha. by means of a skilful intrigue, mahmoud sami contrived to obtain the appointment of minister of war. arabi then effected a temporary retreat with his regiment to el ouady, in the delta, and waited upon events. it was then october. the khedive had convoked an assembly of the chamber of notables at the end of december, and in the meantime the elections were proceeding. it should here be observed that arabi did not merely represent discontent in the army. he had behind him a genuine and largely just popular agitation, the result of many evils suffered by the natives. "ismail's merciless exactions, and the pressure of foreign moneylenders, had given rise to a desire to limit the power of the khedive, and, above all, to abolish the anglo-french control, which was considered as ruling the country simply for the benefit of the foreign bondholders. the control was further hated by the large landholders, because the law of liquidation (with { } which the controllers in the minds of the people were associated) had in a measure sacrificed their claims for compensation in respect of the cancelling of a forced loan known as the 'moukabaleh,' and it was still more detested by the pashas and native officials, because it interfered with the reckless squandering of public money, and the many opportunities for corruption by which they had so long been benefited. in addition to this, there was a great deal of irritation at the increasing number of highly paid european officials which the reformed administration inaugurated in the latter days of ismail involved. the people began to suspect that what was occurring was only part of a plan for handing the country over to europeans. the examples lately set by england with regard to cyprus, and by france in tunis, were, it must be owned, but little calculated to inspire confidence in the political morality of either of these two powers" (royle, _the egyptian campaigns_). in these things consisted the reserve strength of arabi; and while he was ostensibly in retirement at el ouady (probably spending a good deal of time in cairo with his fellow-conspirators), the native press continued to excite irritation against the europeans; and when the new chamber of notables assembled on th december, , they at once presented demands which brought the whole situation in egypt to the notice of europe. the chamber demanded control of the revenues outside those assigned to the public debt, together with other new powers directly infringing the prerogatives of the sultan and of the khedive. it seems that mahmoud sami inspired these manifestations, not with any hope or desire that the demands of the chamber would be granted, but because, as they were inadmissible, the ministry of cherif pasha would be wrecked, and mahmoud sami thereby advantaged. the british and french governments declared that the demands of the chamber were unacceptable. at the same time they learned that the coast fortifications were being strengthened and that the army was to be increased. on { } behalf of the two powers, a joint note was presented to the khedive in cairo, on th january, , stating that england and france were united in opposing "the dangers to which the government of the khedive might be exposed." the presentation of the joint note marks the beginning of that european intervention which might have prevented, but which did not prevent, the massacre in alexandria of the th june, , and which eventually resulted in the bombardment of that city on th july, . the jealousy existing between france and england at that time in respect of intervention in egypt, nullified the effective action of either party. had m. gambetta continued in power, he would probably have forced lord granville to adopt a decisive policy. but m. de freycinet, who succeeded gambetta while the question was still under discussion, was as much afraid of responsibility as lord granville was. diplomacy thus returned to its customary routine of addressing circular notes to the european powers, and generally avoiding definition as long as possible. arabi seized his opportunity and announced that intervention on the part of england and france was inadmissible. the chamber of notables also saw their chance, and demanded the dismissal of the ministry. the khedive, apparently deserted by england and france, and much afraid of offending the sultan, had no choice but to dismiss cherif pasha and to appoint in his stead mahmoud sami, who thus attained his object. mahmoud sami immediately appointed arabi pasha minister of war. arabi thus achieved a military dictatorship. it will be observed that his success was directly due to the vacillation of the english and french governments. mahmoud sami at once forced the khedive to assent to the demands of the chamber, and the english and french controllers resigned, upon the ground that "the khedive's power no longer exists." the dictators, mahmoud sami and arabi (now arabi pasha), strengthened the coast fortifications, ordered ninety { } guns of herr krupp, and rapidly increased the army. then the dictators, considering that the hour of their vengeance had arrived, arrested fifty of the hated circassian officers, (it is said) tortured them, and sentenced forty of them to perpetual exile. the khedive refused to sign the decree; whereupon mahmoud sami threatened that his refusal would be followed by a general massacre of foreigners. a month later, on th june, such a massacre occurred. in the meantime, the open quarrel between the khedive on the one side, and his ministers, backed by the army, on the other, created general alarm. mahmoud sami convoked the chamber; only to discover that the notables were afraid to support him. under these circumstances, mahmoud sami and arabi pasha informed the khedive that, on condition that he would guarantee the maintenance of public order, they would resign. the khedive replied in effect that it was not he but arabi that troubled israel. on the next day, th may, , the english and french consuls-general warned arabi that in the event of disturbance, england, france and turkey would deal with him. arabi retorted that if a fleet arrived, he could not be responsible for the safety of the public. upon the same day the consul-general informed the khedive that an anglo-french fleet was on its way to alexandria, whereupon mahmoud sami and the rest of the ministry made a formal submission to the khedive. such was the first influence, exerted from afar, of naval power. but when, upon the th and th may, the ships arrived at alexandria, the effect was considerably lessened; for the force consisted of no more than one british line-of-battle ship, h.m.s. _invincible_, with two gunboats, and one french line-of-battle ship, _la gallisonière_, with two gunboats. the object of the granville-freycinet diplomacy, to do something and yet not to do it, had thus been triumphantly achieved. the instructions given to the british and french admirals respectively are worth noting. { } the british admiral was told to: "communicate with the british consul-general on arrival at alexandria, and in concert with him propose to co-operate with naval forces of france to support the khedive and protect british subjects and europeans, landing a force, if required, for latter object, such force not to leave protection of ships' guns without instructions from home." it will be observed that admiral sir frederick beauchamp seymour was not given enough men to form an efficient landing party; so that the futile clause concerning "the protection of the ships' guns" is hardly worth considering. the french instructions were at least logical. the french admiral was plainly told to do nothing except in an emergency. "on arrival at alexandria communicate with the consul-general, who will, if necessary, indicate to you what you will have to do to give a moral support to the khedive. you will abstain, until you have contrary instructions, from any material act of war, unless you are attacked or have to protect the safety of europeans." acting on the advice of the consuls-general, the khedive endeavoured to induce mahmoud sami and arabi to resign. the dictators refused. the consuls-general thereupon presented them with an ultimatum, and the ministry resigned; but the khedive was subsequently compelled by the threats of the army and the prayers of the terrified notables to reinstate arabi pasha. that leader at once published a proclamation stating that he guaranteed the public safety, which failed, however, to allay the public fears. on th may the european population of alexandria drew up a memorial, which was telegraphed to the foreign office, stating that they were placed in extreme peril, against which the force at the disposal of the british admiral was totally inadequate. upon the same day, admiral seymour reported that earthworks were being raised on shore, and asked for { } reinforcements. on th may another line-of-battle ship arrived, with two gunboats, and three french warships. the rest of the british squadron in the mediterranean were directed to cruise within touch of the admiral. on the th june an imperial commissioner, dervish pasha, dispatched by the sultan, arrived at cairo. he was instructed to play a double part, the object of his mission being to counteract european influence. it was a complicated intrigue; but it is not worth unravelling, because dervish pasha presently discovered that the ruler of egypt was arabi pasha. such is a summary of events up to the eve of the riots in alexandria. at that moment, arabi pasha was military dictator; backed by the army and supported by popular sentiment: the khedive, still nominally ruler, was deprived of power and went in peril of his life; the sultan, his overlord, whose dominant motive was the desire to avoid foreign intervention in egypt, wrapped himself in diplomatic ambiguity; england and france, the only interested foreign powers, each afraid of the other and both afraid of incurring responsibility, were in a state of miserable vacillation, for which (as usual) many helpless and innocent persons paid with their lives and property. in these circumstances, the advantage lay with the man who knew his own mind. that man was arabi pasha. it seemed that nothing could better serve his ends than an organised massacre of europeans by the populace, during which the police and the army should remain passive; for nothing could more effectually demonstrate the power of the dictator, bring the khedive into contempt, flout the foreign powers which had exhibited so contemptible a weakness, and delight the populace. accordingly, on sunday, th june, , a devastating riot broke out in alexandria. the natives had been armed beforehand with _naboots_, or long sticks; the _mustaphazin_, or military police, joined in the attack; the soldiers remained immobile until arabi telegraphed his orders from cairo, { } when they at once stopped the disturbance. during the day, men, women and children, european and native, were shot, beaten, and murdered, and the town was looted. the loss of life was estimated at persons. in the evening the troops restored order, and subsequently maintained it up to the day of the bombardment. during that period, large numbers of persons left the city. refugees of all nations were embarked in the harbour. lord salisbury, who was then in opposition, trenchantly exposed the true character of a policy whose direct result was that british subjects were "butchered under the very guns of the fleet, which had never budged an inch to save them." the government had not given the admiral an adequate force. it was the old story of the naval officer being forced to subserve the ends of the politicians. in england, public indignation forced the government to take action. the channel squadron was dispatched to malta, there to remain at admiral seymour's disposal. two battalions were sent to cyprus. arabi pasha brought more troops to alexandria and continued to fortify the coast defences. in the meantime the navy was helping to embark the refugees. from this point, the general course of events may conveniently be related in the form of a diary, thus supplementing, for the purposes of reference, the detailed narrative of lord charles beresford. on th july the british fleet bombarded the coast forts. the warships of other nations took no part in the action. the british force consisted of fifteen vessels and men; eight ironclads, five gunboats, a torpedo vessel and dispatch vessel. the forts were silenced and the gunners were driven from their batteries. on th july the city was set on fire by the egyptian troops. these, accompanied by civilians, looted the city and so departed. on th july the british admiral landed men. it will be observed that had admiral seymour been permitted { } to land a force upon the preceding day, he could have disarmed the egyptian troops and prevented the conflagration. the khedive had taken refuge in his palace at ramleh, and the _condor_, commander lord charles beresford, was sent to lie off the palace to protect him. captain john fisher, h.m.s. _inflexible_, was ordered to take command of the landing party. upon occupying the outer lines, captain fisher, finding chaos in the town, in rear of his position, applied for an officer to exercise the duties of provost-marshal and chief of police, and suggested that lord charles beresford should be appointed. on th july the british force was occupying all important positions. on th july admiral dowell, commanding the channel squadron, arrived in the _monarch_. lord charles beresford was appointed provost-marshal and chief of police to restore order. mr. john ross, the british merchant in alexandria who gave unsparing and generous assistance to the british forces,--services for which he has never received recognition--writes to me as follows:-- "lord charles beresford saved millions' worth of property, causing the indemnity paid by the european government to be much less than it would otherwise have been. i can assure you that there was a chance of the whole of alexandria being burnt to the ground, had it not been for the wonderfully prompt, energetic, and scientific arrangements made by lord charles beresford... i do not think england can ever be made to know properly and understand and appreciate enough with regard to what lord charles beresford did for his country as well as for egypt in ." on th july marines and soldiers arrived. general sir archibald alison took command of the whole of the land forces, now numbering in all, . on the th july the british government decided to dispatch an expedition to egypt. on the st july the water supply of alexandria began { } to fail, arabi having dammed the flow from the nile into the mahmoudieh canal, and let salt water into it from lake mareotis. hitherto the supply had been maintained by the gallant exertions of mr. t. e. cornish, manager of the waterworks. sir archibald alison began his attacking movements. on the nd july the khedive dismissed arabi pasha from his post of minister of war. arabi pasha was now at kafr dowar with to , men. a battalion of british troops sailed from bombay. on the th july mr. gladstone informed parliament that the country was "not at war." on the same day the british troops occupied ramleh, a suburb of alexandria. at this time captain fisher fitted out the armoured train. on the th july the scots guards sailed for alexandria. from the beginning to end of the war, there were dispatched, or under orders, from great britain and mediterranean stations, officers and , men. add the indian contingent, officers, men, consisting of st seaforths, st manchester, bombay and bengal battalions native infantry, regiments bengal cavalry, field battery, mountain battery, and a section of madras sappers and miners. add to these, followers, horses, ponies, mules. on the st august lord charles beresford, having in the space of a fortnight saved the town of alexandria from destruction and restored complete order, was relieved by major gordon. on the nd august admiral sir william hewett, with six vessels of war, occupied suez. on rd august the national council declared its support of arabi pasha. on th august general alison attacked and defeated the enemy on the mahmoudieh canal. on the th august the khedive issued a proclamation directed against arabi pasha and rebellion. { } on the th august sir john adye, chief of staff, with the duke of connaught, arrived at alexandria. on the th august the brigade of guards, the duke of connaught at their head, marched through alexandria to ramleh, greatly impressing the populace. on the th, general commanding-in-chief sir garnet wolseley and major-general sir evelyn wood arrived at alexandria. on the th august the greater part of the troops embarked for port said, the transports being escorted by five ironclads. on the night of the th- th august the navy took entire possession of the suez canal. the _monarch_ and _iris_ took port said. the _orion_, _northumberland_, _carysfort_ and _coquette_ took ismailia. admiral hewett had already seized suez. on the th of august the troops and warships from alexandria arrived at port said, together with admiral sir beauchamp seymour in the _helicon_. m. ferdinand de lesseps had done his utmost to prevent the seizure of the canal, which, he insisted, was neutral. it is said that when the troops began to disembark at ismailia, m. de lesseps, erect upon the landing-place, announced that "no one should land except over his dead body"; to which defiance a bluejacket, gently urging aside the heroic engineer, replied, "we don't want any dead bodies about here, sir; all you've got to do is to step back a bit" (royle, _egyptian campaigns_). on the st august sir garnet wolseley arrived at ismailia in the _salamis_, and, by orders of the khedive, issued a proclamation announcing that the sole object of her majesty's government was "to re-establish the authority of the khedive." the advance into the delta was begun. on the th august wolseley captured the dam on the fresh water canal. on the th august the enemy were driven back upon { } tel-el-kebir. mahmoud fehmi pasha, one of the original "three colonels," now arabi's chief of staff, was captured at mahsameh railway station. on the th august occurred the action at kassassin, in which the egyptians were defeated. kassassin was occupied. during the next few days men and stores were assembled there. on the th september arabi attacked kassassin in force and was driven back to tel-el-kebir. sir garnet wolseley made kassassin his headquarters. on the th september the army was concentrated at kassassin. on that night the troops advanced towards tel-el-kebir. on the th september an attack at dawn was made in three places upon the egyptian entrenchments. the british carried them under a heavy fire at the point of the bayonet. the action was decisive. arabi's power was broken. arabi fled to cairo. the th bengal cavalry captured zag-a-zig the same evening; and the cavalry division occupied belbeis. on th august the cavalry division rode from belbeis to cairo, starting at dawn and arriving at abbassieh at . p.m. the same night, captain watson, r.e., disarmed the troops in the citadel and occupied cairo. on the th august sir garnet wolseley and the guards arrived at cairo, a day before scheduled time. during the next week, kafr dowar, a place of equal importance with tel-el-kebir, aboukir, rosetta and damietta, surrendered. from the bombardment of alexandria to the capture of cairo was sixty-six days, of which the campaign occupied twenty-five days. on the th september the khedive returned to cairo, where the greater number of the british troops assembled. subsequently, admiral sir beauchamp seymour and sir garnet wolseley were created peers of the united kingdom. { } arabi pasha was tried by court-martial on a charge of rebellion against the khedive, and was condemned to death, the sentence being commuted to exile for life. in december, arabi and six of his friends who had been sentenced sailed for ceylon. { } chapter xix the egyptian war (_continued_) ii. the bombardment of alexandria my appointment to h.m.s. _condor_ was dated st december, . the _condor_ was a single-screw composite sloop gun-vessel of tons and h.p., carrying one ½-ton gun amidships, one -pr. forward and one -pr. aft, all muzzle-loading guns. in june, , the _condor_ formed part of the squadron lying off alexandria under the command of admiral sir beauchamp seymour. on sunday, th june, calling upon captain blomfield, the harbour-master, i found him in great distress. he had heard that there was trouble in the city, into which his wife had gone, and he was extremely anxious about her safety. we took a light carriage harnessed to a pair of arab horses and drove into the town. presently a great crowd came running down the street towards us. they were mostly greeks, many of whom were wounded and bleeding. the next moment we were surrounded by a raging mob, armed with _naboots_, or long sticks, with which they attacked us. the street was blocked from end to end; and to have attempted to drive through the mob would have been certain death. i seized the reins, swung the horses round, cleared the crowd, and drove back to the harbour-master's house. in the meantime his wife had taken refuge in an hotel, whence she safely returned later in the day. the officers and men of the fleet were ordered back to { } their ships. i went on board the flagship and reported to the admiral the condition of the town. with the trifling force at his disposal, it was impossible that he should send a landing-party ashore. had he done so, in contravention of his orders, the handful of british seamen and marines would have had no chance against the thousands of egyptian soldiers who, under arabi's instructions, were waiting in their barracks under arms, ready to turn out at the first attempt at intervention on the part of the fleet. during the ensuing month there poured out of alexandria an immense number of refugees of all nations and every class of society. these were placed on board various vessels and were dispatched to the ports of their several countries. i was placed in charge of these operations; which included the chartering of ships, their preparation for passengers, and the embarkation of the refugees. in the course of the work there fell to me a task rarely included even among the infinite variety of the duties of a naval officer. my working-party was stowing native refugees in the hold of a collier, when a coloured lady was taken ill. she said: "baby he come, sare, directly, sare, myself, sare." and so it was. we rigged up a screen, and my coxswain and i performed the office of midwives thus thrust upon us, and all went well. on the th july all merchant vessels and all foreign men-of-war left the harbour, and the british fleet prepared for action. admiral seymour's squadron consisted of fifteen vessels: the ironclads _alexandra_ (flagship), captain c. f. hotham; _superb_, captain t. le hunte ward; _sultan_, captain w. j. hunt-grubbe; _téméraire_, captain h. f. nicholson; _inflexible_, captain j. a. fisher; _monarch_, captain h. fairfax, c.b.; _invincible_, captain r. h. m. molyneux; _penelope_, captain s. j. c. d'arcy-irvine: the torpedo-vessel _hecla_, captain a. k. wilson; gunboats _condor_, commander lord c. beresford; _bittern_, commander hon. t. s. brand; _beacon_, commander g. w. hand; _cygnet_, lieutenant h. c. d. ryder; _decoy_, lieutenant a. h. boldero; and dispatch vessel { } _helicon_, lieutenant w. l. morrison. the coast fortifications extended over a front of rather more than nine miles, from fort marabout on the south-west to fort silsileh on the north-east. midway between the two, projects the forked spit of land whose northern arm encircles the new port, and whose southern arm, extending in a breakwater, encloses the old port. the twelve forts or batteries mounted in all guns and mortars. [illustration: the bombardment of alexandria, th july, . from chart draw by author at the time] the bombardment of alexandria has been so thoroughly described in standard works that repetition must be unnecessary; and such interest as the present narrative may contain, must reside in the record of personal experience. i may say at once that any notoriety attached to the part borne by the _condor_ in the action was due to accidental circumstance. she happened to fight apart from the rest of the fleet and in full view of the foreign warships and merchant vessels; and, in obedience to the orders of the admiral, she had on board the correspondent of _the times_, the late mr. moberly bell. the _condor_ was actually under way when i received instructions to embark mr. bell. mr. frederic villiers, the artist war-correspondent, by permission of the admiral, had been my guest on board for several days. the following account of the action is taken from a private letter written at the time:-- "the night before the action, i turned up all hands and made them a speech. i said that the admiral's orders were to keep out of range until an opportunity occurred. so i said to the men, 'now, my lads, if you will rely upon me to find the opportunity, i will rely upon you to make the most of it when it occurs.' ... the marabout fort was the second largest fort, but a long way off from the places to be attacked by the ironclads. so the admiral had decided not to attack it at all, as he could not spare one heavy ship, and of course he would not order the small ships down there, as it was thought that they would be sunk. the orders given to the small ships were to keep out of fire, and to watch for an opportunity to occur, after the forts were silenced, to assist. { } _helicon_ and _condor_ were repeating ships for signals. i took station just between the two attacking fleets. "just as the action began the _téméraire_ parted her cable and got ashore. i ran down to her and towed her off and while doing so, saw fort marabout giving pepper to _monarch_, _invincible_ and _penelope_. not one of these ships could be spared, as they were getting it hot and could not spare a gun for marabout from the forts they were engaging. seeing the difficulty, directly i had got the _téméraire_ afloat i steamed down at full speed and engaged fort marabout, on the principle that according to orders 'an opportunity' had occurred.... i thought we should have a real rough time of it, as i knew of the heavy guns, and i knew that one shot fairly placed must sink us. but i hoped to be able to dodge the shoals, of which there were many, and get close in, when i was quite sure they would fire over us. that is exactly what occurred. i got in close and manoeuvred the ship on the angle of the fort, so that the heavy guns could hardly bear on me, if i was very careful. the smooth-bores rained on us, but only two shots hit, the rest went short or over. one heavy shot struck the water about six feet from the ship, wetting everyone on the upper deck with spray, and bounded over us in a ricochet. "i did not fire on the smooth-bores at all until i had silenced the heavy guns which were annoying _invincible_, _monarch_, and _penelope_. the men fired splendidly. i put all down to the lectures i have given them at target practice, telling them never to throw a shot away, but always to wait until they got the sights on. [illustration: on board h.m.s. "condor," th july, . from a drawing by frederic villiers] "hedworth lambton told me afterwards that the admiral had just sent on the signal for the _monarch_ to go to fort marabout as soon as she could be spared, when he heard a cheer from his own men. he asked, 'what's that?' and they told him they were cheering the _condor_. just then our three guns were fired, and each shot hit in the middle of the heavy battery, and the _invincible's_ men burst into a cheer. the admiral said, 'good god, she'll be sunk!' when off { } went our guns again, cheers rang out again from the flagship and the admiral, instead of making 'recall _condor_; made 'well done, _condor_' ... at the suggestion of hedworth lambton, the flag-lieutenant. "we then remained there two and a half hours, and had silenced the fort all except one gun, when the signal was made to all the other small craft to assist _condor_, and down they came and pegged away. i was not sorry, as the men were getting a bit beat. we were then recalled to the flagship, 'captain repair on board,' and the admiral's ship's company gave us three cheers, and he himself on the quarterdeck shook me warmly by the hand, and told me he was extremely pleased.... i never saw such pluck as the egyptians showed. we shelled them and shot them, but still they kept on till only one gun was left in action. it was splendid.... nothing could have been more clever than the way the admiral placed his ships.... the wounded are all doing well. one man had his foot shot off, and he picked it up in his hand and hopped down to the doctor with it.... the troops hoisted a flag of truce the day after the action; and while we waited i sent to find out why it was they were marched away, having set fire to the town in many places. it has been burning ever since." ... the day after the bombardment, captain wilson (now admiral of the fleet sir a. k. wilson, v.c., g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o) hauled down the flag of the marabout fort and presented it to me. it is now in the museum of the royal naval college, greenwich. the commandant of fort marabout was so excellent an officer that when i was appointed provost-marshal and governor of the town by the admiral, i placed him on my staff to assist me in restoring order. { } chapter xx the egyptian war (_continued_) iii. chief of police the bombardment took place on the th july. on the th, as i have narrated, the egyptian soldiery fired the city, looted it, and evacuated the defences. on the same day the khedive was surrounded in his palace at ramleh by some of arabi's cavalry and infantry, a force subsequently reduced to about men. that evening admiral seymour was informed that the khedive was in danger. the admiral dispatched the _condor_ to lie off ramleh; and there we lay all that night, rolling heavily, with a spring on the cable to enable the guns to be trained upon the sandy lane down which the soldiers must advance if they intended to take the palace. it was arranged that, if the palace were attacked, the khedive should hang a white sheet from a window, and i would at once take measures to secure his safety. the night went by without alarm; and next day tewfik, escorted by a guard of native cavalry, went to the ras-el-tin palace, where he was received by admiral seymour and a guard of marines. commander hammill (who afterwards performed excellent service on the nile), with a landing-party of bluejackets and marines, had already taken possession of the ras-el-tin peninsula. upon the same day captain john fisher, h.m.s. _inflexible_ (afterwards admiral of the fleet lord fisher of kilverstone, o.m.), was ordered to take command of the { } landing-party whose business was to secure the outer defences of the city. captain fisher, having occupied the lines, had a zone of anarchy, incendiarism and chaos, comprising the whole city, in the rear of his position. he at once made application for an officer to be appointed provost-marshal and chief of police, suggesting my name for the post; and the admiral gave me orders to assume this office. as a narrative written at the time owns a certain intrinsic interest, i make no apology for transcribing further passages from private letters. "chief of police office headquarters, alexandria the arsenal, _th july_, "... i landed on the th july, armed myself, got a horse and a guide and an escort of about thirty egyptian cavalry, and started to overhaul the town, and see how i could best carry out my orders to 'restore law and order as soon as possible, put out fires, bury the dead, and clear the streets.' i never saw anything so awful as the town on that friday; streets, square, and blocks of buildings all on fire, roaring and crackling and tumbling about like a hell, let loose arabs murdering each other for loot under my nose, wretches running about with fire-balls and torches to light up new places, all the main thoroughfares impassable from burning fallen houses, streets with many corpses in them, mostly murdered by the arab soldiers for loot--these corpses were arabs murdered by each other--in fact, a pandemonium of hell and its devils. "i took a chart with me and arranged the different parts of the town where i should make depots and police stations. the admiral could only spare me bluejackets and marines from the british fleet; but he obtained a proportionate number from the foreign warships. by sunset i had men in the different depots, mostly foreigners.... i had only men to patrol the town, to stop the looting, to stop the 'fresh burning' of houses, to bury the corpses, and to protect the lives of those who had come on shore. by { } quickly sending the men about in parties in different parts of the town, and by employing arabs to inform me when and where certain houses might be burnt, i often managed to get a patrol there just in time to stop it, and the people thought there were police in the town instead of . for the foreign bluejackets were ordered to occupy their respective legations and not to take any part in restoring order. this was of course in the first seventy-two hours, during which time neither myself nor my men slept one wink, as at o'clock on two occasions an alarm was sounded that arabi was attacking the lines, and all of us had to peg away to the front, where we had to remain until daylight, expecting attack every moment. these alarms lost many houses, as the mob set them alight while we were at the front; however, it was unavoidable. [illustration: provost-marshal and chief of police. alexandria. july, . from a drawing by frederick villiers] "on monday, th july, i was sent more men (bluejackets) in answer to my urgent appeal to the admiral, as so many fanatic arabs were coming into the town, ... but on tuesday the th the bluejackets were all ordered off to their ships and picked marines were sent in their place.... after i had planned to get the town into order on the friday ( th) i went to the arsenal and wrote a proclamation.... "i went off to the admiral on the following (saturday) morning, and submitted that i should be allowed to post the proclamation throughout the town. sir a. colvin and the khedive were strongly opposed to the proclamation; but the admiral approved of the scheme. some of the authorities suggested that if i shot anybody it would be well to shoot him at night, or in the prisons, and then no one would know, and there would be no row. this i stoutly refused, demanding my own way for restoring order, and saying that a fair honest proclamation was the proper line to take, as all persons would then know what would happen to them if they committed certain specified acts. i carried my point, and the admiral supported me, and on saturday night ( th) i had the whole town proclaimed in arabic, stating that persons { } caught firing houses would be shot, persons caught looting twice would be shot; all persons to return to their homes, etc., with confidence, and anyone wanting to get information or to lodge complaints to repair instantly to the chief of police. "by wednesday ( th) i had perfect order in the town, and all firing of houses had been stopped, life was comparatively safe, looting nearly stopped. by friday the st, one week after taking charge, all the fires were put out, all the corpses buried, and things were generally ship-shape. i could not have done this unless the admiral had trusted entirely to me, and given me absolute power of life and death, or to flog, or to blow down houses, or to do anything that i thought fit to restore law and order and to put the fires out. i only had to shoot five men by drumhead court-martial sentence, besides flogging a certain number, to effect what i have told you. "i had a clear thoroughfare through every street in the town by monday ( th), and all _débris_ from fallen houses piled up each side and all dangerous walls pulled down. these things were done by organising large working parties of from to hired arabs. at first i collected them at the point of the bayonet and made them work, but i paid them a good wage every evening, and the bayonets were unnecessary after the first day, when they found that england would pay well. "i also collected all the fire-engines i could find, bought some, and requisitioned others, got some artificers from the fleet and got the engines in order, had a bluejacket fire-brigade, and also a working party of arabs on the same footing as the road brigade. these worked exclusively at the fires, and not at patrolling unless at urgent necessity. besides these i had a sanitary committee, which buried any bodies we might have missed, burned refuse and remains of loot about the streets, and reburied any bodies which might not have been buried deep enough, besides enforcing cleanliness directly the town began to get a little bit shipshape. there was a corps of native police to work under { } my patrols, and when i turned all the affairs over, i had of these men. "i disarmed all europeans found in the streets with revolvers, and by so doing saved many a row in the town, as the class i have mentioned returned in thousands after the bombardment, and they treated the arabs as if they, the europeans, had silenced the forts and policed the town. i put many in irons for looting, and for shooting at inoffensive arabs. "the greatest triumph was the formation of an egyptian court to try the serious cases i had on hand for life and death and long terms of imprisonment. not only did tret the court formed to try what cases i chose to bring before it but after sentence of death i insisted on egyptian authorities making the egyptian soldiers (the loyal ones) themselves shooting the prisoners whom the court sentenced.... "i had four gallopers and four marine orderly gallopers, in default of whom i could not have done things so quickly in the many different departments, nineteen horses, and a telephone to each station. i paid all the carts requisitioned in the town for carrying my men's provisions, loot, etc. etc. the officer using them signed a chit stating the hour he had taken a cart and for what service, and then the man came to my office to be paid, which he was instantly. by this means good feeling was established between the people and the military police. each depot had two interpreters attached to it to avoid any misunderstanding, and for explanations when trying prisoners and interrogating witnesses.... "the marine officer thoroughly investigated each case, examined all witnesses, and then placed the evidence on a regular charge-sheet, stating whether he believed the prisoner guilty or not guilty, and his reason for that opinion. if it was a serious case, i again tried it myself and judged accordingly. there were several cases of blackmailing at first, but these were soon stopped.... "besides the courts held at the police depots, courts were { } held at the tribunal zaptieh and the caracol l'a'ban, at which egyptian officers acted as judges. in each court were three shorthand-writers, each placed behind a separate screen, and under the charge of a sergeant of marines, to prevent collusion, who submitted their reports to me, in order that i should receive three independent accounts of the proceedings, upon which i could intervene if necessary, in order to prevent anyone being shot if there were not the clearest and most uncompromising evidence of his guilt. if there were any discrepancy in the reports, i had the prisoner retried. i did this in three cases. another case, in which the circumstantial evidence, though very strong, was not conclusive, i reprieved." the following troops assisted the british forces in restoring order: americans, about the american consulate; germans, about the german consulate and hospital; and greeks about the greek consulate and hospital. on the th july, captain briscoe (a son of an old waterford man who hunted the curraghmore hounds after the death of my uncle, henry lord waterford) of the p. and o. _tanjore_ volunteered his services, and with italians of his crew, did excellent work. other volunteers who assisted me were mr. towrest, a member of the customs, and mr. wallace. major hemel, r.m.l.i., and captain creaghi, r.m.l.i., were appointed magistrates. these marine officers performed invaluable services. i had special reason to be grateful to mr. john ross, a british merchant of alexandria, who gave me every assistance in his power. he knew every yard of the place. he gave me invaluable advice with regard to the organisation of the city, obtained interpreters, and helped to supply the troops, placing his stores at my disposal. he would have dispensed with receipts for articles supplied, had i not insisted upon his taking them. mr. ross supplied the whole fleet with coal, fresh meat, and all necessaries; his help was quite inestimable, his energy and patriotism beyond praise; { } but although he must have suffered considerable losses, he received no recognition of any kind from the governnment except the naval medal. mr. ross gave me great assistance also in parcelling out mehemet ali square among the country purveyors of produce, each of whom received a permit, written in english and in arabic, to occupy a certain space, duly pegged out, in which to put up their booths. this measure restored confidence. one old lady, a stout person of levantine origin, thought that the permit entitled her to perpetual freehold; and she subsequently attempted to sue the egyptian government for damages, producing my permit as evidence. upon first going ashore to restore order, i found whole streets blocked with smouldering ruins. putting my horse at one such obstacle, i scrambled over it; and i had scarce reached the other side when a wall fell bodily behind me, cutting off my escort, who had to fetch a compass round the side streets to rejoin me. without taking the smallest notice of me or of my escort, men were shooting at one another, quarrelling over loot, and staggering along, laden with great bundles, like walking balloons. the streets were speedily cleared of these rioters by the use of machine guns. the method adopted was to fire the gun over their heads, and as they fled, to run the gun round turnings and head them off again, so that they received the impression that the town was full of guns. on no occasion did i fire the gun _at_ them. the principles upon which order was restored were to punish disobedience, to enlist labour and to pay for it fairly. the prisoners taken were organised in separate gangs set to work, and paid less than the rest of the labourers! the most critical part of the business of extinguishing fires and preventing incendiarism occurred at the tribunal, which was stored with property worth many thousands of pounds. a fire-engine was purchased for its protection at a cost of £ , s. d. the total expenses of the restoration or { } order were, i think, under £ . during the fortnight i was on shore, every station and port was visited at least once a day and twice a night. on one such inspection i gave my horse to an arab lad to hold. a few minutes afterwards there was the crack of a pistol. i ran out, and there was the boy lying on the ground a bullet-wound in his chest. to satisfy his curiosity he had been fingering the -barrel lancaster pistol in the holster, and that was the end of _him_, poor lad. upon another occasion, when i was at work in one of my stations, a sudden tumult arose in the street. i went put, to perceive a huge irish marine artilleryman engaged in furious conflict with five or six men of the patrol. they had got handcuffs on him, and he was fighting with manacled hands. i asked the sergeant what was the matter. "he's drunk, sir. we are going to lock him up." "let him go," i said. the men fell back; and the irishman, seeing an iron railing, raised his hands above his head and brought them down upon the iron, smashing the handcuffs, and turned upon me like a wild beast at bay. the man was in a frenzy. standing directly in front of him, i spoke to him quietly. "now, my lad, listen to me. you're an irishman." he looked down at me. "you're an irishman, and you've had a little too much to drink, like many of us at times. but you are all right. think a moment. irishmen don't behave like this in the presence of the enemy. nor will you. why, we may be in a tight place to-morrow, and who's going to back me then? you are. you're worth fifty of the enemy. you're the man i want." as i talked to him, the expression of his face changed from desperation to a look of bewilderment, and from bewilderment to understanding; and then he suddenly broke down. he turned his head aside and cried. i told the sergeant to take him away and give him some tea. having heard from the governor of alexandria that a { } quantity of arms was concealed in a village lying a few miles outside the city, i took thither a party of egyptian military police and a guard of marines. on the way we were joined by some british soldiers, who surrounded the village, while the police conducted a house-to-house search. a certain newspaper correspondent accompanied me. the police knocked at the door of a house, and received no reply; whereupon the correspondent drew his revolver and incontinently blew in the lock. i told him that he had no right to do such a thing; that he might have killed innocent persons; and that he must not do it again. "oh, but," says he, "you don't understand how to do these things." i requested him to understand that i was provost-marshal, and that unless he obeyed orders, he would be sent back to alexandria. "oh, but," says he, "you can't do that. you don't understand----" "sergeant!" said i, "a file of marines." "oh, but," protested the correspondent, "you can't----" "sergeant, take this gentleman back to alexandria." it was a long walk and a hot walk home. on the th july, general sir archibald alison took command of the land forces. at the request of the general, the admiral ordered me to remain in command of the police until st august, when i was relieved by major gordon. it was about this time that captain fisher devised his armoured train, which, carrying armed bluejackets, made daily sorties. a bluejacket sitting on the rail was ordered to come down by his officer. "i can't see 'em from down below," he said. the next moment he was hit by a bullet. "they've found the range, sir," said he, as he tumbled over. admiral sir beauchamp seymour was good enough to address to me a very gratifying letter of commendation for my services. among the many kind congratulations i { } received, i valued especially the letters from the captains under whom i had served in various ships, and many admirals with whom i had served. on th july i was promoted to the rank of captain. in the following september the admiralty forwarded to admiral sir beauchamp seymour (raised in november to a peerage as baron alcester) the expression of their satisfaction at the services of captain fisher and of myself. i overheard a lady finding great fault with my old chief, sir beauchamp seymour. i asked her what she had against lord alcester. "why," said she, "he is a goth and a vandal. did he not burn the alexandrian library?" a sequel to the work in alexandria was my conversation with mr. gladstone on the subject, which took place upon my return home some weeks later. mr. gladstone sent for me; and after most courteously expressing his appreciation of my services, he discussed the question of compensation to the inhabitants of alexandria who had suffered loss and damage. the information he required i had carefully collected in alexandria by means of an organised intelligence corps, upon each of whom was impressed the fact that if he gave false information he would most certainly be punished. my view was then, and is now, that the whole of the claims might have been justly settled for a million sterling, upon these conditions: that the question should be tackled at once; that all palpably unwarranted claims should be repudiated from the outset, because if they were recorded as claims there would eventually be no way of rebutting them, and it would be found necessary to pay them ultimately; that doubtful claims should be held over for consideration; and that the proved claims should be paid immediately. the important point was that in order to avoid difficulties in disputes in the future, the matter should be dealt with at once. i knew of a case (and of other similar cases) in which a jeweller who had contrived to remove the whole of his stock { } into safety after the riot, put in a claim for the value of the whole of the said goods. these considerations i laid before mr. gladstone, informing him also, in the light of the special information which had come to my knowledge, that if the matter were allowed to drift, the sum to be disbursed, instead of being about a million, would probably amount to some four millions. in the event, the international commission of indemnities paid £ , , . { } chapter xxi the egyptian war (_continued_) iv. garrison work when i was relieved, on st august ( ), of the post of provost-marshal and chief of police, the _condor_ was ordered to keep the mex lines and citadel, which defended the south-western boundary of alexandria, forming a barrier across the long and narrow strip of land which extends between the sea and lake mareotis, and upon which the city is built. the fortifications of the sea front were continued, with a brief interval, at right angles to the sea face, extending no more than some three-quarters of the distance across the strip of land, so that between one end of the fortifications and the sea, and between the other end and the shore of lake mareotis, there were undefended spaces. it was therefore necessary to frame a plan of defence with the force and materials at command, sufficient to hold this left flank of the city against the large bodies of rebel soldiery and arabs hovering in the vicinity. thirty men from the _condor_ were brought on shore, with the band, which, consisting of one drum and one fife, was few and humble but convincing. the two forts on the earthwork were manned; a -pounder smooth-bore taken from one of the mex forts was mounted on the roof of the fort nearest to lake mareotis, whence it was fired at regular intervals at the enemy occupying the earthworks on the farther shore of the lake. after five days they were knocked out of the place. { } charges were made for the gun out of the miscellaneous ammunition found in the mex forts. the gun used to capsize almost every time it was fired. it was served by a maltese gunner, who became so superstitiously devoted to his commanding officer, that when i was relieved by colonel earle, my maltese never received an order without observing that "lord charles beresford not do that, sare"; until earle lost patience, as well he might. "d--n lord charles beresford!" said he. wire entanglements were fixed along the face of the earthworks. in the two open spaces at the ends of the line of fortifications, rockets were buried, and a lanyard was led along from the firing tube to a peg in the ground, so that anyone passing that way at night would trip over the lanyard, thus firing the rocket, and causing a beautiful fountain of fire to spring from the ground, lighting up the whole locality. the device soon stopped nocturnal intrusions. the open space at the mareotis end was also commanded by a gatling gun mounted on the roof of the fort. in the forts and earthworks were about twenty miscellaneous guns. these were all kept loaded; the powder being taken from the vast amount of loose powder stored in the mex lines. the guns were connected with trigger lines to the forts, so that the whole lot could be fired from one place. the railway lines leading from mex harbour through the fortification, and, on the other side of the strip of land, from the causeway leading across lake mareotis into the city, were repaired. the railway bridge by lake mareotis was repaired, and a torpedo was placed beneath it in case of attack. a picquet of marines occupied a truck placed on the bridge. the train was set running. the two drawbridges leading to the forts were repaired. the men garrisoning the works were housed in tents made out of the sails of the arab dhows lying in mex camber. a tank was obtained from alexandria, and fresh water brought into it. on the sea { } side of the position, the _condor_ commanded the flank of the approaches. having thus secured this flank of the city against attack, so that it could be held against a large force, it was necessary to make reconnaissances into the surrounding country. the little landing-party went ashore every evening at . (with the band, few and humble but convincing) and occupied the lines. every morning at seven o'clock they returned to the ship; and during the afternoon went out upon reconnaissance, accompanied by a boat's gun mounted in a bullock cart, and a rocket-tube mounted on another bullock cart. two horses were harnessed to each cart, assisted, when required, by bluejackets hauling on drag-ropes. the men of the _condor_ were reinforced from the fleet on these expeditions, so that the total force of bluejackets and marines was . the cavalry being represented solely by the colonel and the major of marines, and myself, who were mounted, we had no sufficient force wherewith to pursue the flying foe. we used to play hide-and-seek with the soldiery and bedouin among the sandhills. when they approached on one flank, we shelled them with the little gun until they retired; and then, hauling the gun-cart and rocket-cart over the roughest ground, we suddenly appeared and shelled them on the other flank, to their great amazement. all hands enjoyed these expeditions amazingly. in the course of these reconnaissances, large quantities of stores and ammunition were found in the neighbouring villages. about three miles from the lines, an immense store of gun-cotton and abel's detonators was discovered in a quarry among the low hills, stored in a shed. as no hostile force appeared during the next two days, i determined to destroy the gun-cotton. captain a. k. wilson of the _hecla_ sent bluejackets and six marines to assist me. these were embarked and landed within half a mile of the place. outposts were set, with orders to signal should the enemy appear, and the rest of the party set to work. { } although gun-cotton does not, strictly speaking, explode except by detonation, it is extremely difficult to define where ignition ends and detonation begins; and there had been instances of its explosion, supposed to be due to the internal pressure of a large mass. a tremendous explosion of gun-cotton had occurred in at stowmarket, where its manufacture was being carried on under the patent of sir frederick abel, then chemist to the war office. on another occasion, when sir frederick was conducting an experiment designed to prove that ignition was harmless, he had his clothes blown off his body, and narrowly escaped with his life. recollecting these things, i thought it advisable to spread the stuff in a loose mass upon the hillside sloping to the quarry. the gun-cotton was packed in boxes. these were unpacked, and the contents were spread on the ground. next to the pile, a bucket of loose powder was poured on the ground and over the fuse, to make sure of ignition. into the powder was led one end of a bickford's fuse, which was then threaded through the discs of gun-cotton. the fuse was timed to burn for five minutes. the work was highly exhausting to the men, and more than once i felt inclined to call in the outposts to help; but i decided that it would not be right to take the risk of a surprise attack; for we were working in a trap, being closed in by the quarries on one side and by the low hills on the other. and sure enough, when the men had been working for five hours, up went the outpost's signal, and the corporal of marines with his three men came running in to report that large numbers of the enemy were in sight. hastening out, i saw about scouts running up, an action so unusual that it was evident they were strongly supported. presently, about skirmishers appeared, and behind them a large body of cavalry, probably about in number. the outposts were at once recalled. the men were ordered out of the quarry, divided into two companies { } of twelve men each, and retired by companies over the hill towards the shore, out of sight of the enemy. mr. attwood, the gunner of the _hecla_, a bluejacket and myself, remained to fire the fuse. it was a five-minute fuse. the retreating men had been told to count as they ran, and at the end of four minutes, or when they saw us lie down, to halt and lie down. i gave the order in case there should be an explosion. when the men were lying down, i fired the fuse. then the gunner, the bluejacket and i ran about yards, and flung ourselves down. then there came a noise as though a giant had expelled a huge breath; the blast of the ignition burned our cheeks; in the midst of a vast column of yellow smoke, boxes and pieces of paper were whirling high in air, and a strong wind sucked back into the vacuum, almost dragging us along the sand. the enemy were so interested in the spectacle that they gave us time to get back to the boats. it is probable that information had been given to the hostile forces by the inhabitants of the village past which we went to reach the quarry where was the gun-cotton; for, in retreating to the boats, when i looked back, instead of the or native women who were usually sitting about the place, i saw about men eagerly watching us from the house-tops, evidently in the hope of enjoying the gratifying spectacle of our destruction. from the summit of the slope falling to the sea, i signalled to the flagship, with a handkerchief tied to a pole, that i was surrounded: one of the many occasions upon which a knowledge of signalling proved invaluable. there was a haze upon the water, and i could not clearly discern the answering signal; but the signalman of the flagship had seen my figure silhouetted on the sky-line. instantly after, captain john fisher of the _inflexible_ manned and armed boats, came ashore, and the enemy immediately retreated. shortly afterwards, as i was now a captain, i was relieved of the command of the _condor_ by commander { } jeffreys, and went on half-pay. i should naturally have much preferred to remain in my little ship; but she was not a captain's command; and i left her (as i see i wrote at the time) with a tear in each eye. commander jeffreys discovered the place where she had been hit during the bombardment, one of her under-water plates having been started. until then, it was thought that the only damage consisted of a hole through her awning and the smashing of a boat. at the conclusion of this period of my service, i was most gratified to receive a gracious message of congratulation from her majesty the queen. h.h. the khedive wrote to me, kindly expressing his sense of my services, and at the same time offering me an appointment upon his staff, in which capacity i was to go to the front. lord granville and the admiralty having signified their permission that i should accept the post, i left alexandria for ismailia, together with several members of the khedival staff. we went by steamer, which towed a huge iron lighter carrying horses. a beam ran from stem to stern of the lighter, and to it the horses were tethered with halters. i remarked to the captain of the steamer that it would be advisable, in order to avoid injuring the lighter, to take every precaution to prevent the steamer from having to go astern. but in ismailia bay, which was crowded with shipping, a vessel crossed the steamer's bows, the steamer was forced to go astern, and she cut a hole in the lighter with her propeller. one of the ship's officers instantly descended the jacob's ladder into the lighter with me, and we cut the halters of the horses, just in time to free them before the lighter sank, and there we were swimming about among the wild and frightened stallions. by splashing the water into their faces, we turned one or two shorewards, when the rest followed and came safely to land. upon discussing the matter of my appointment to the staff of the khedive with sir garnet wolseley, to my { } surprise he declined to permit me to accept it. discipline is discipline, and there was nothing for it but to acquiesce. i was about packing up my things, when mr. cameron, the war correspondent of _the standard_, informed me that he was authorised to appoint a correspondent to _the new york herald_, and also that he had permission to send the said correspondent to the front, where i particularly desired to go. the notion attracted me. i applied to the military authorities for permission to accept the offer. permission was, however, refused. so there was nothing to do but to go home. but before starting, i consoled myself by sending some provisions, privately, to the unfortunate officers at the front, who, owing to the substitution by the transport people of tents for food, were short of necessaries. i obtained from the orient four large boxes filled with potted lobster, salmon, sardines, beef, tins of cocoa, and so forth, and sent one box each to the st life guards, the blues, the guards, and the royal marines. the orders were that no private supplies were to go up. these i ventured to disregard; got up bright and early at three o'clock in the morning; and had the boxes stowed under the hay which was being sent up in railway trucks, before officialdom was out of bed. then i went home. i consider that sir garnet wolseley's conduct of the campaign, and his brilliant victory at tel-el-kebir, were military achievements of a high order. the public, perhaps, incline to estimate the merit of an action with reference to the loss of life incurred, rather than in relation to the skill employed in attaining the object in view. the attack at dawn at tel-el-kebir was a daring conception brilliantly carried into execution. many persons, both at the time and subsequently, have explained how it ought to have been done. but sir garnet wolseley did it. the public seem to appreciate a big butcher's bill, although it may be caused by stupidity or by lack of foresight on the part of the general. but if he retrieves his mistakes, the public think more of him than of the general { } who, by the exercise of foresight and knowledge, wins an action with little loss of life. i carried home with me a lb. shell fired from the _condor_ at the mex magazine, intending to present it to the prince of wales. i found it in the sand. it had passed right through the walls of the magazine, and it had not exploded. having brought it on board the _condor_, i caused the gunner, mr. alexander greening, to sound it with a copper rod: and he came to the conclusion that it was empty of gunpowder. i therefore thought that it had never been filled. i intended to have it cut in two and a lamp for the prince made of the pieces, and took it to nordenfelt's works for the purpose. the foreman, desirous of taking every precaution before cutting it, had it again filled with water and sounded with a copper rod, when it suddenly exploded, blowing off the foot of the workman who held it, and doing other serious damage. the explanation seems to be that the force of the impact when the shell was fired had solidified the powder into a hard mass. but explanation would have little availed had the shell burst in the smoking-room at sandringham, where a fragment of it remains to this day. { } chapter xxii passing through egypt at the beginning of the year i was on my way out to india with lady charles in the p. and o. s.s. _malwa_. proceeding into ismailia lake, the _malwa_ was rammed by another vessel which tried to cross the _malwa's_ bows. i was looking over the side of the _malwa_ and i saw a curious thing. i saw the colliding vessel rebound from the _malwa_ and strike her again. i ran up to the bridge, where the captain had already given orders to stop the engines. the ship was sinking; it was no time to stand upon ceremony; and i ventured to suggest to the captain that he should put his engines full steam ahead, when he might hope to beach the vessel, whereas if she stayed where she was, she would infallibly go down in deep water. the captain, like a good seaman, gave the order, and the chief engineer carried it into execution with admirable promptitude. i went down into the engine-room and found the water already rising through the foot-plates. as the ship steamed towards the shore, settling down as she went, i stood with lady charles on the bridge, telling her that, if the vessel sank, i should throw her overboard--although she could not swim--and should jump in after her. to which she merely replied, "that will be very disagreeable!" the ship was safely beached, though not before the water had risen to my cabin. she was afterwards salved by the help of the navy. h.m.s. _carysfort_, commanded by captain h. f. stephenson, c.b. (now admiral sir henry f. stephenson, { } g.c.v.o., k.c.b., gentleman usher of the black rod), sent a carpenter and a working party; and they did excellent service in the _malwa_. our party went to cairo, there to await the next steamer. hicks pasha and his staff dined with us upon the night before they left cairo, upon their fatal expedition. colonel w. hicks had been appointed by the khedive chief of the staff of the army of the soudan. in the following august he was appointed commander-in-chief. from cairo he went to souakim, thence to berber, and thence to khartoum. on the th april, he fought a successful action on the white nile, south of khartoum, in which his egyptian troops did well. in september, hicks left duem with his staff and some , men and marched into the desert, which swallowed them up. the whole army was exterminated by the mahdi's dervishes. gordon said that the mahdi built with the skulls of the slain a pyramid. i applied for permission to accompany hicks pasha, but my old friend lord dufferin was determined that i should not go upon that hazardous enterprise. i believe he telegraphed to the government on the subject. at any rate, he had his way, and so saved my life. in october, before the news of the disaster had reached cairo, the british army of occupation had been reduced from men to . subsequently, the british government proceeded with the policy of abandoning the soudan, in one phase of which i was to bear my part. in the meantime, lady charles and i joined the duke of portland and his party, among whom were lord de grey and lord wenlock; went to india; enjoyed some excellent sport; and returned home. { } chapter xxiii the soudan war of - i. summary of events note a year before the british forces restored order in egypt, trouble was beginning in the soudan. one mahomet ahmed, who was the son of a boat-builder, and who had the peculiar conformation of the teeth which betokened the fore-ordained of the prophet, announced that he was the mahdi. in july, , the holy man dwelt upon the island of abba, on the white nile, above khartoum. thence he caused it to be made known that he was the chosen instrument for the reformation of islam, and that all those who denied him would be abolished. reouf pasha, who was then governor-general of the soudan, summoned the mahdi to khartoum, there to give an account of himself. the mahdi naturally refused; and when reouf sent soldiers to fetch him, the mahdi slew most of them, and departed into the hills, he and all his following. the governor of fashoda took an expedition to gheddeer, and was also slain, together with most of his men. then giegler pasha, a german, acting as temporary governor-general of the soudan, succeeded in defeating the forces of the mahdi. but abdel kader, who, succeeding reouf, took over the command from giegler, was defeated in his turn. on th june, , the egyptian forces were cut to pieces near fashoda. in july, the mahdi was besieging obeid and { } bara. by october, , both places were in danger of falling, and abdel kader was demanding reinforcements from egypt. the soudan is a country as large as india; at that time it had no railways, no canals, no roads, and, excepting the nile during a part of the year, no navigable rivers. in november, , the british government informed the khedive that they declined to be responsible for the condition of the soudan. lord granville's intimation to this effect was the first step in the policy which progressed from blunder to blunder to the desertion and death of general gordon. the egyptian government, left in the lurch, hastily enlisted some , men, the most part being brought in by force, and dispatched them to abdel kader at berber. at abdel kader's request, colonel stewart and two other british officers were sent to khartoum to help him to deal with the raw and mutinous levies. in december, a number of british officers were appointed to the egyptian army in egypt, in accordance with the recommendations of lord dufferin, and sir evelyn wood was appointed sirdar. the british army of occupation had now been reduced to , men, under the command of general sir archibald alison, who, in the following april ( ) was succeeded by lieutenant-general f. c. s. stephenson. in january, , colonel w. hicks, afterwards hicks pasha, was appointed by the khedive chief of the staff of the army of the soudan. before he proceeded to the theatre of war, abdel kader had lost and won various engagements, and had reoccupied the province of sennar; while the mahdi had taken el obeid and bara and occupied the whole of kordofan. in february, it was announced in the queen's speech that "the british troops will be withdrawn as promptly as may be permitted by a prudent examination of the country"; a declaration provoking intense alarm among the european { } inhabitants of egypt. their protests, however, were totally disregarded. the egyptians naturally concluded that england owned no real interest in that reform of administration which her influence alone could achieve. on th february, , colonel hicks left cairo for khartoum, with his staff, consisting of colonels colborne and de coetlogon, majors farquhar and martin, and captains warner, massey and forrestier-walker. upon the night before their departure, colonel hicks and his staff dined with lord and lady charles beresford in cairo. lord charles beresford, who was then on half-pay, had expressed a wish to accompany colonel hicks, but lord dufferin disapproving of his suggestion, lord charles beresford withdrew it. hicks and his men disappeared into the desert, which presently swallowed them up. on the th april, hicks defeated a large force of the mahdi's army on the white nile. the egyptian government then decided to reconquer the province of kordofan, and dispatched reinforcements to khartoum. on the th september, hicks pasha, at the head of , men, marched for duem. the last dispatch received from him was dated rd october, . upon a day early in november, hicks and his whole army were annihilated. his defeat left khartoum in great danger. on th november, before the news of the disaster reached england, the british government stated that all british troops were to be withdrawn from egypt. when the fact was known, the decision of the government was modified; but they still declined to interfere in the soudan; and advised the egyptian government to evacuate at least a part of that territory. the egyptian government protesting, the british government, on th january, , sent a peremptory message insisting that the policy of evacuation should be carried into execution. the inconsequence of her majesty's ministers is sufficiently apparent. in the meantime, during august of the preceding year, { } , trouble had arisen in the eastern soudan, where osman digna, a trader, joined the mahdi, and brought all the tribes of that country to his standard. at the beginning of november, , just at the time when hicks pasha and his army had come to their end, an egyptian force under mahmoud talma pasha was defeated by osman digna in the attempt to relieve tokar, besieged by the rebels, captain moncrieff, royal navy, british consul at souakim, being killed in the action. a second expeditionary force under suleiman pasha was cut to pieces on nd december at tamanieh. the egyptian government then dispatched reinforcements under the command of general valentine baker, among whose staff were colonel sartorius, lieutenant-colonel harrington, lieutenant-colonel hay, majors harvey, giles, and holroyd, morice bey and dr. leslie. on the th february, , baker was defeated at el-teb, with the loss of nearly two-thirds of his force. morice bey, dr. leslie, and nine other european officers were killed. souakim being threatened, admiral hewett, on th december, was given the command of the town, having under him some troops. two days later came the news of the taking of sinkat by the rebels, and of the massacre of the garrison. during the period in which these successive disasters occurred, the british army of occupation was kept idle in cairo by the orders of the british government. the current of events now divides, one leading to khartoum, the other still flowing in the eastern soudan. the british government, hopelessly at fault, turned to general charles gordon, as the one man in the world who could apparently perform miracles. ten years previously, "chinese" gordon, as governor-general of the soudan, and again in , as governor-general of the soudan, darfur and the equatorial provinces, had freed the country from turkish rule, broken the slave trade, established peace, opened trade routes, and laid the foundations of civilisation. since he had been engaged in setting wrong things right in egypt { } in the soudan again, in abyssinia, in china, in the mauritius, at the cape, in palestine, and in the congo. on th january, , gordon was instructed by the british government to report upon the best method of evacuating the soudan. when he arrived at cairo, these instructions were radically altered by sir evelyn baring (afterwards lord cromer), who, on the th january, informed gordon that he was required actually to direct the evacuation of khartoum and of the whole soudan, and afterwards to establish an organised government in that country. gordon arrived at khartoum on the th february, where he was hailed as the father and saviour of the people. on the same day, major-general sir gerald graham left suez to join at souakim the force which had been placed under his command. that force was chiefly drawn from the british army of occupation in egypt. the object of the expedition was the relief of tokar, or, if that place had already fallen, the protection of souakim, an alternative which involved an attack upon osman digna's victorious army. tokar was in fact taken by the enemy before the expedition started. the british government, whose original intention had been to refrain from any action in the soudan whatsoever; which had been compelled by force of circumstances, including the most frightful bloodshed, to change a wholly negative policy to a definite scheme of evacuation; now perceived, of course too late, that if the european population was to be brought away, at least some measure of military force must be employed. what her majesty's ministers were unable to see, or what, if they saw, they chose to ignore, was the plain fact that the same force and the same measures and the same promptitude would be required for the salvation of europeans in face of the enemy, as for the reconquest and reoccupation of the country. in this delusion, or dereliction, resides the explanation of an affair which has left an indelible stain upon british honour. { } on th february, , graham defeated the enemy, inflicting upon them severe losses, at el-teb, near the spot upon which baker's disastrous action had occurred some three weeks previously. on th march, after a hard and at times a dubious fight, graham won another victory at tamaai, and the power of osman digna was broken. graham was then ordered to return, and the expedition was over. by withdrawing graham's troops, the government both threw away the fruits of his success, and deliberately abandoned the control of the souakim-berber route from khartoum, by which alone gordon could have brought away the refugees. berber was the key to the soudan. thenceforth, the souakim-berber route was impracticable; and it was for this reason that lord wolseley was obliged to take the much longer nile route. on the very day after graham's victory at el-teb, and before graham had left souakim, gordon had telegraphed from khartoum as follows:-- "there is not much chance of the situation improving, and every chance of it getting worse; for we have nothing to rely on to make it better. you must, therefore, decide whether you will or will not make an attempt to save the two-thirds of the population who are well affected before these two-thirds retreat. should you wish to intervene, send british troops to wady halfa, and adjutants to inspect dongola, and then open up souakim-berber road by indian moslem troops. this will cause an immediate collapse of the revolt." on nd march he telegraphed again to the same effect; but lord granville declined to accede to general gordon's suggestions. a few days later, when the eastern soudan and the souakim-berber route had been definitely abandoned, sir evelyn baring strongly advised the british government to obtain command of the souakim-berber route. but the { } advice was refused by lord granville, and the most urgent appeals continued to be addressed to him in vain. deserted by the government, gordon tried, and failed, to raise money privately for the purpose of engaging turkish troops. early in april, khartoum was closely besieged. at this time, lord wolseley urged upon the government the necessity of relieving gordon. in may, preparations for war were begun. a part of the british army of occupation in egypt was sent up the nile; and commander hammill and other naval officers were employed to report upon the navigation of the river. these facts did not prevent lord hartington from informing the house of commons, early in july, that the government had no intention of sending an expedition to relieve general gordon, unless it were made clear that by no other means could he be relieved, and adding that the government had "received no information making it desirable that we should depart from that decision" (royce, _the egyptian campaigns_). on th july, lord wolseley made a spirited protest against the procrastination of the government. the pressure of public opinion could no longer be entirely withstood. on th july, gordon sent a message in which he declared his retreat to be impossible. on th august, mr. gladstone asked and obtained a vote of credit. then, and not until then, were the preparations for war begun in england. having decided, upon the advice of lord wolseley, to follow the nile route instead of the souakim-berber route, the government ordered boats. these were feet long, having six feet six inches beam, two feet six inches draught, fitted with oars, two masts and lug sails; each designed to carry two boatmen and soldiers with provisions, arms and ammunition. eight steam pinnaces and two stern-wheel paddle-boats were also fitted out; the nile steamers belonging to the egyptian government were taken over; and _voyageurs_ from canada were engaged. the total force of troops selected numbered . messrs. thomas cook & son contracted to transport the { } whole expedition to above the second cataract. lord wolseley was appointed commander-in-chief; general sir redvers buller was chief of staff; general earle was given command of a brigade; special service officers were: colonels sir charles wilson, brackenbury, harrison, henderson, maurice, lord anson (royce, _the egyptian campaigns_). lord charles beresford was attached to lord wolseley's staff. even now, the government failed to recognise the plain facts of the case. their instructions to lord wolseley were that the main object of the expedition was to rescue general gordon. her majesty's ministers considered that it might be practicable to achieve his release without going to khartoum, and that in any case it was desirable to avoid any fighting so far as possible. when lord wolseley started from cairo on th september, , the advance was already going rapidly forward. under the direction of sir evelyn wood and commander hammill, a number of the whaler boats had been transported to wady halfa, which is nearly miles from khartoum, the total length of the nile route being miles. along the river, up to wady halfa and a little beyond to sarras, bases of supply had been established; an advance guard was already at new dongola, about miles above wady halfa, under the command of general sir herbert stewart, he who afterwards led the desert column. arriving at wady halfa on th october, lord wolseley received news that colonel j. s. stewart, mr. power, british consul at khartoum and correspondent of _the times_, m. herbin, french consul, and a party of greek and egyptian refugees, who had left khartoum in the steamer abbas, had all been slain. stewart had with him gordon's papers, which, of course, were taken by the mahdi's men. on the th october a letter from m. herbin was received at cairo. it was dated from khartoum, th july, , and stated that there were then provisions for two months in the { } place. the time had thus expired--and m. herbin had been murdered--ere the letter arrived. a temporary base was formed at wady halfa; and bases of supplies were established along the river up to new dongola. by means of extraordinary exertions, boats and steamers were hauled up to dongola through the rapids. lord wolseley formed a camel corps of men, consisting of four regiments, heavy cavalry, light cavalry, guards, and mounted infantry, with a detachment of royal marines. early in november, a general advance was made from wady halfa. wolseley arrived at dongola on rd november. two days previously, on st november, sir evelyn baring had received a message from gordon, dated th july, saying that he could hold out for four months. the limit, therefore, had nearly been reached by the time the expedition was leaving wady halfa, miles from khartoum. lord wolseley, early in november, considered that it would take to the end of the year to concentrate his forces at ambukol, just above old dongola. he returned to wady halfa to expedite progress; and by the middle of december headquarters were established at korti, and by christmas the greater part of the force was concentrated there. during the whole of this period, wolseley's army must be figured as a river of men flowing along the river nile, the infantry struggling up in boats, the mounted men toiling along the banks; the stream of men banking up at headquarters, the military front, which is steadily pushed forward from wady halfa to new dongola, from new dongola to old dongola to miles farther up, from old dongola to korti. on th november a letter was received from gordon saying that he could hold out for forty days from the date of the superscription, th november, , thus leaving wolseley barely four weeks to accomplish a task needing as many months. on th november another letter from gordon, dated th september, gave the relief expedition four months, thus leaving wolseley five weeks from the { } date upon which the letter was received. it was now clear that the expedition could not reach khartoum in time. when lord wolseley, towards the end of december, had his forces concentrated at korti, he decided to divide them into two columns, the desert column and the nile column. the reasons for his scheme can only be clearly apprehended by a reference to the map. at korti, the nile turns north-east, looping back again, and resuming its southward course at metemmeh. a straight line drawn across the bayuda desert from korti to metemmeh is the short cut. this was the route given to the desert column. the nile column was to proceed up the loop of the river to hamdab, there to avenge the murder of colonel stewart and his party, to proceed higher up to berti, and thence to secure the bend of the river and to open up the desert route back to korosko, below wady halfa, and from korosko it was intended to attack berber, and thence to join forces with the desert column at metemmeh. the nile column, numbering about men, under the command of major-general earle, brigadier-general brackenbury being second in command, left korti on th december, . the desert column was placed under the command of general sir herbert stewart. with him was colonel sir charles wilson, who was instructed to take a body of troops from metemmeh to khartoum. the column consisted of sections of the camel corps, a company of the royal engineers, a detachment of the th hussars, detachments of the commissariat and medical corps, and the naval brigade, which was placed under the command of lord charles beresford. the total force numbered officers, non-commissioned officers and men, camels, and horses. the desert column left korti on th december, . it was, in fact, a forlorn hope. (the writer desires to acknowledge the use he has made of the excellent narrative of events contained in _the egyptian campaigns_, by the hon. charles royle.) { } chapter xxiv the soudan war (_continued_) ii. how we brought the boats through the great gate in january, , general gordon was entrusted by the british and egyptian governments with the impossible task of evacuating the soudan and of organising its future internal administration, in the face of a vast horde of armed fanatics. in april, the investment of khartoum, in which gordon was shut up, was complete. in may, preparations for war were begun in england and in egypt. it was not, however, until th august that lord hartington informed general stephenson, commanding the british army of occupation in egypt, that measures would be taken to relieve gordon. during the same month the whale-boats for the nile route were ordered. on th august general stephenson was informed that lord wolseley would command the expedition. in august, while i was staying with the duke of fife at mar lodge, i was appointed to lord wolseley's staff. i sailed with lord wolseley and the rest of his staff. we arrived at alexandria on th september, , and went on to cairo, where we lodged in the palace on the shoobra road. here were lord wolseley, general sir redvers buller, colonel swaine, major wardrop and lord edward fitzgerald, a.d.c. to buller. sir evelyn wood and commander hammill were already up the nile { } organising transport and supply. general sir herbert stewart and general earle were at wady halfa. it is not my intention to relate the history of the war, which has been admirably recorded in the various works dealing with the subject; but rather to narrate my personal experiences during the campaign. and the reader will also be left to his own consideration of the contemporary affairs of the great world: the marrying and giving in marriage, losses and gains, desires foiled and ambitions achieved, the shifts and intrigues and gossip of domestic politics, the portentous manoeuvres upon the clouded stage of international drama: all of which, to the sailors and soldiers of the forlorn hope strung along the gigantic reaches of the nile, toiling and fighting in the desert, went by as though it had never been. it is an old story now; very many of my gallant comrades have passed away; but the record of their courage and endurance remains, and shall remain. when we arrived in cairo there were already naval officers and men, divided into several sections, at work along the nile. these were sent by admiral lord john hay, commander-in-chief in the mediterranean. in addition, the admiralty had appointed two or three senior officers, among whom was captain boardman (afterwards admiral f. r. boardman, c.b.). at lord wolseley's request, boardman was placed in command of the whole naval contingent, which had not hitherto been under either a naval officer in chief command or the military authority. my own position with regard to the naval contingent was simply that of lord wolseley's representative. while we were in cairo i purchased for £ my famous racing camel bimbashi. buller also bought a camel, and we rode together daily. he used to laugh till he nearly fell out of his saddle, when my camel ran away with me through and over foot-passengers, donkeys, carriages and dogs. i might haul bimbashi's head round till it was under my knee, and he was looking astern, and still he charged onwards. { } the whale-boats designed to transport the expedition were then arriving in large numbers. the total number was . they were similar to the man-of-war -foot whaler, but fuller in the body to enable them to carry more weight. each boat was feet long, with six feet six inches beam, and two feet six inches draught, fitted for oars, and two masts with lug sails, and capable of carrying soldiers, two boatmen (canadian _voyageurs_), rations and ammunition. there was a story current when the boats were struggling up the nile, that one of them, manned by a sergeant and eight soldiers, but without a _voyageur_ on board, having run athwart a rock and upset, a soldier observed to the sergeant that "the cove who sent nine men in a boat with rations must have been this here journey before!" there were also to be provided eight steam pinnaces, two stern-wheel paddle boats, and a number of hired egyptian government steamers. the whale-boats as they arrived were sent, first, by rail and river to assiout. thence they were towed to assouan, where is the first cataract. here they were either railed on trucks, or hauled through the rapids to shellal, eight miles up. from shellal to wady halfa, miles farther, was plain sailing. at wady halfa is the second cataract and the formidable rapid of bab-el-kebir, or the "great gate." early in september i was ordered by lord wolseley to go up the nile, overhauling the arrangements for the water transport, right up to wady halfa, which would be the temporary military base, i went by train from cairo to assiout, the hottest journey i had ever endured. india was nothing to it. the desert gathered itself up to destroy me. any little spot upon my person which was not deep in desert was a fly-bazaar. but at assiout a cold shower-bath paid for all. here i investigated the transport arrangements made by captain boardman, and found them excellent. i may say at once that the whole of captain boardman's work was admirable, and that his management { } throughout the campaign was marked by the greatest good feeling, tact, and patience. i left assiout in one of messrs. cook's steamers, the _fersaat_, which had the appearance of a boat and the manners of a kangaroo. she was loosely concocted of iron and leaked at every rivet; she squealed and grunted; her boiler roared like a camel; she bounded as she went. her reis (captain and pilot) was a sorrowful old mohammedan, whose only method of finding out if the shoals and sands were still in the same place was by running upon them; and his manner of getting off them was to cry "allah kerim!" ("god is great!") and to beat his poor old forehead on the deck. in the meantime one of his arabs, tastefully attired in a long blue night-gown, an enormous pair of drawers, and decorated elastic-sided boots, stripped and jumped overboard and pushed the boat, and while he pushed he chanted a dirge. as the boat began to move, he made sounds which suggested that he was about to be violently sick but could not quite manage it satisfactorily, although encouraged thereto by the loud objurgations of the two stokers. when he clambered back on deck, he put on the decorated boots and walked about in them till he was dry enough to dress; while the reis gave thanks to his maker, and the two stokers, men who knew nothing and feared nothing, piled wood on the furnaces and drove the boat along again. if anyone walked from port to starboard or touched the helm, the boat rolled over, and until the next roll maintained a list of ten degrees, so that i was frequently shot off the locker upon which i was trying to sleep, landing upon the top of josé, my maltese interpreter, and followed by field-glasses, filter, sword and boots. the mosquito-curtains carried away, and the mosquitoes instantly attacked in force, driving me nearly mad with loss of blood, irritation, and rage. my only comfort was a pneumatic life-belt, which had been sent to me by lady charles, and which i used as a pillow. { } so we struggled along against the stream for the miles to assouan; and the weather was not too hot, and the nights were cool, and the banks were fringed with date-palms, and every night the sun sank from the intense blue of the zenith, laced with long-drawn clouds of rose, to the lucent green low in the west, and the sand turned to gold colour and rose, until the sun dropped suddenly out of sight and all turned grey like ashes. then a cold little wind sprang up out of the desert and the night deepened into the velvet dark flashing with a myriad stars. on rd september i came to assouan: reorganised the postal service to bring two mails a week by steam-launch: made arrangements for the rapid working of the water transport generally, ready for the time of pressure, and sent an urgent request for flexible wire hawsers, as i was sure they would be urgently required. leaving assouan on th september, i arrived at wady halfa on the th. here were sir evelyn wood and his staff; among whom was my old friend zohrab pasha. i was immediately set to work trying camels, as i had become acquainted with these singular animals in india. upon the day of my arrival i went out with a young officer in the mounted infantry. his camel blundered over an irrigation ditch, and flung my young friend head over heels into the mud, where he sat looking sadly up into the face of his steed, which was complaining, as camels do, making a peculiar mumbling noise like an old woman kept waiting for her tea. having been restored to his seat, this unfortunate youth immediately rode too close to the river and incontinently fell into a deep mud hole from which he had to be dug out. on th october lord wolseley arrived at wady halfa, as cheery as usual, and took up his quarters in a _dahabieh_. sir redvers buller and zohrab pasha were also dwelling in _dahabiehs_. i was attached to sir evelyn wood's mess, sir evelyn being in charge of communications. i lived in a small bell tent close to the river, chiefly furnished with a { } penny whistle, a photograph of lady charles, my letters from home, and a stag beetle big enough to carry me to hounds, which i generally had to chase from my bed. upon lord wolseley's arrival we heard the rumour of the murder of colonel stewart at el-kamar, and of the slaying of his companions. ultimately, the news was confirmed. stewart, with three steamers, had left khartoum on th september. after shelling the forts at berber, two of the steamers returned; while stewart, in the abbas, which was towing two boats carrying refugees, went on to abu hamid, where the natives opened a heavy fire. the boats were cast adrift and their passengers captured. stewart went on; his steamer was wrecked near the village of hebbeh, at which, having been induced to land by treachery, stewart, m. herbin, french consul at khartoum, mr. power, _times_ correspondent, and a number of greeks and egyptians, were slain. it was a pitiful end to all colonel stewart's gallant service with gordon. during the first part of my time at wady halfa i was engaged under lord wolseley's instructions in the inspection of the transport up and down the river, often riding more than forty miles in a day upon a camel. wady halfa was then being formed into the base camp preparatory to the general advance: and troops and stores were arriving daily. the railway ran along the east bank of the river to sarras, miles distant. one day, when sir evelyn wood and a party of soldiers were going by train to sarras, and commander hammill and i were accompanying them, the engine broke down half-way. the egyptian engineer and stoker being helpless, hammill and i examined the locomotive, hammill taking the top part, while i lay on my back underneath, close to the furnace, where the sensation was like being baked in an oven. the bearings were overheated, a lubricating tube having become unscrewed. after two hours' hard work, we managed to reverse the tube end for end and to refix it. sir evelyn wood helped to pull me from under the engine, { } and laughed till he cried. i was covered with black grease from top to toe, and my clothes were scorched to tatters. hammill was in no better case, his suit being drenched with oil. the spectacle may have been very amusing to the general; but neither hammill nor i had more than two suits, and here was one of them destroyed entirely. by the th october, when lord wolseley arrived at wady halfa, sir herbert stewart had been for several days at dongola with mounted infantry, who were transported in _nuggars_ (native boats) from sarras. the whale-boats were arriving daily at wady halfa, the first boat having been hauled through the rapids on th september, and by the th october there were whalers assembled at wady halfa. at wady halfa is the second cataract, at the lower end of which is the gorge of bab-el-kebir, the great gate. between wady halfa and dal are the cataracts of samneh, attireh, ambigol, tangour and akasha. at intervals of about miles from sarras to (new) dongola, stations were established with commissariat depots. the transport of troops and stores from the base camp at wady halfa to dongola consisted of the steamers, whale-boats, and _nuggars_ along the river, the train from wady halfa to sarras, from sarras to ambigol by camel, thence by water. the camel corps marched along the east bank to dongola. it was composed of four regiments, heavy, light, guards, and mounted infantry, each being composed of detachments from cavalry and infantry regiments, each detachment consisting of two officers, two sergeants, two corporals, one bugler, and men; total, officers, n.c.o.'s and men. such, in brief, was the condition of affairs early in october ( ), when i was stationed at the second cataract at wady halfa. here the nile divides into two, flowing on either side of a group of rocks and islands for about miles, and at the other (or upper) end of the group of rocks and islands, on the east (or left) bank, is the sickle-shaped gorge of bab-el-kebir. at this time, although the { } river was falling, the roar of the torrent pouring through the bab was so tremendous, that no voice could be heard, and we communicated with one another by semaphore. when i left the bab, goats were feeding in the bed of the river. lord wolseley told me that he was informed that it was impossible to haul the steamers up the second cataract, and asked me if i could do it. i replied that nothing was impossible until it was proved to be impossible; and that, in the case under consideration, i would admit the impossibility when i had smashed two steamers in trying to get them through; while if i smashed only one, i might thereby get experience which would enable me to succeed with the other. the steamers were hauled through successfully while the bab-el-kebir was still full and roaring, the current being so powerful that the steamers forging against it trembled like a whip. some natives were put on the hawser of the first steamer; and as they hauled her up, she had but a foot's clearance between her sides and the rocks. the torrent flung her against them, and if she had not been defended by timber and mats, she would have been smashed to pieces. about the middle of the gorge the natives could move her no farther. whereupon they cried to allah to strengthen them, and to order the rope to pull harder and to slacken the water. but as their prayers availed not, i eased the steamer back again, and put about british soldiers on the hawser. they did not pray; indeed, their language was as it were the reverse of prayer; but they dragged the steamer right through. theologically speaking, the victory should have gone to the natives. i put the problem to a bishop, but he was unable to solve it. the task of hauling the whalers through the second cataract was at first entrusted to koko, the native pilot of bab-el-kebir. his method was to take a line, dive with it into the rapids, and carry it across the river. the line was { } frequently torn from him by the current, and many of the boats were stove in against the rocks. i designed a scheme of haulage, and was eventually placed by lord wolseley in charge of the whole of the water transport from wady halfa to gemai, a stretch of about miles. at gemai was established a dockyard, where damaged boats were repaired and equipped for the rest of the voyage. my scheme for hauling the boats consisted of a stout standing guess warp rigged as nearly as possible at right angles to the course of the boat to be hauled, and secured at either end to rock or tree; one end of a short hawser was hooked to the guess warp, so that it could move freely up and down it, and a block was secured to the other end. through the block was rove a towing rope proper, one end secured to the boat, and the working party on land tailing on to the other. as the course of the river shifted, the guess warp was moved; the whole passage being accomplished by a series of these operations. in certain places two blocks were used, a standing block and a pendant block, a pendant being rove through the standing block, one end secured to the pendant block, men hauling on the other end; and through the pendant block was rove the hauling line, one end secured to the boat, men hauling on the other upon the bank opposite to that on which were the pendant crew. by hauling on the hauling line, then easing the pendant, and then hauling again on the hauling line, the boat was brought clear of the cataract and hauled round the corner into smooth water. each boat was supplied with two poles for punting and a long line for tracking, besides oars and sails. the whole equipment of the boats was organised by sir redvers buller, who utilised his experience of the red river expedition, and nothing could have better served its purpose. the _nuggars_, or native boats, were bought near assouan, and were then brought up to wady halfa, whence they were hauled through the cataract, then loaded with stores and { } sent on up river. it was of the utmost importance that they should be dispatched as quickly as possible; for an army moves on its stomach, and the _nuggars_ carried the wherewithal. their sails, being invariably rotten, were blown to pieces in the cataracts. they were constantly crashing into the rocks, which made holes in them, when they were hauled by main force to the shore, where a dock was excavated in the sand to receive them. here they were repaired and thence dispatched up river. a _nuggar_ would come sailing along, when there was a sudden crash, the bluejacket at the helm was pitched headlong into the bottom of the boat, while the sail split into ribbons, and the native crew embraced the mast crying that allah was great! [illustration: the author's method of hauling boats through the bab-el-kebir. aa. hawser: bb. hauling line; c. gibguy; j. and i. men hauling; h. fixed point; g. purchase for setting taut. after a drawing made on the spot by the author] when the whale-boats came along, their passage was so arranged that a regiment, or part of a regiment, was kept together; the distribution being maintained all up the river, so that a homogeneous body could be landed at any moment for attack or defence if necessary. so furious was the torrent, that whoso fell into it seldom rose again, unless he were one of the expert dongola divers. the men coming up in the boats, who had done and suffered much before reaching wady halfa, had repaired their trousers with biscuit tins. i overheard the following dialogue between one of these tin-bottomed weary heroes and a comrade on the bank: "hullo, bill, 'ow are you getting on?" "me? i've been pulling on this here ruddy river for about two years. 'ow far is it to gemai?" "about fifteen miles, mate." "o my gawd! is there an 'orspital there?" late in october, the _voyageurs_ arrived, a fine body of men, strong. being acquainted with rapids and understanding their navigation, the _voyageurs_ were invaluable in bringing the boats through the long and difficult reaches of the nile up to wady halfa, and from wady halfa up to korti. the { } task could never have been accomplished in the time, and the losses of boats would have been heavier, had it not been for the _voyageurs_. as the boats came through the bab or across the portage, the _voyageurs_ took charge of them and sailed them up to gemai. here they were overhauled and fully equipped, the soldiers were embarked, and away they went up river. by the th november, boats had left gemai with the sussex regiment on board. the river was then falling so swiftly that a new course for the boats must be found almost every day. hitherto the boats had been passed through the cataract almost without a scratch or the loss of a single article of gear. now the rocks began to show through the surf in the bab. a boat was smashed. we caught her lower down; and with men portaged her over a rocky hill, across the neck of land formed by the curve of the bab, then laid her keel upwards across two other boats, and so floated, took her up to gemai dockyard. i was the more pleased with this piece of salvage, because everyone said it was impossible to save the boat. the last nine boats, after being emptied of all gear, were hauled clean over the rocks by main force. they came prettily lipping through the boiling torrent from rock to rock, taking the blows upon keel and bilge pieces, so that they were scarcely damaged. early in october, foreseeing that, as the water fell, the bab-el-kebir would become impracticable, i had designed a scheme for a portage. the alternative would have been to entrain the boats from wady halfa to sarras, an expedient which, as the whole of the train service was required to carry provisions, would have involved immense delay. my plan was to haul the boats up to the entrance of the bab and then to carry them across the neck of land formed by the curve of the bab, a distance of yards, which required men, who should be divided into sections of to each boat. the boat was hauled on shore, her masts, oars, and poles laid on the ground to serve as bearers; the boat was { } laid on these keel uppermost, and was then lifted and carried, the masts, oars, and poles resting on the men's shoulders, and other men supporting the boat by resting thwarts and gunwale on their shoulders. my scheme was at first received with incredulity by all except lord wolseley. but i made a trial trip with men, and had the boat across the portage, including six stoppages for rest, and in the water with all her gear without a scratch, in an hour and twenty minutes. the passage of bab-el-kebir, low as the water had become, would have taken at least six hours, with great risk of disaster. now, having hauled the last nine boats through, over the rocks, the portage scheme came into operation; and on the th november i closed the bab, and used the portage, by means of which alone it was made possible to continue the supply of boats at the same rate. thenceforward we were able to put the boats through quicker than they were supplied. many of the boats were poisonous to handle, as their matting was infested with scorpions. my dwelling was at first a tent at wady halfa, and afterwards a hut on the bank beside the bab-el-kebir. it stood within six feet of the roaring river, in a grove of mimosa. the camels lunched daily upon the long sharp thorns of the mimosa, apparently relishing these spines as a form of worcester sauce. rising at daylight, every day i covered some thirty miles up and down the shore of the cataract, superintending operations from dawn till dark. i rode one of my camels, bimbashi or ballyhooly or beelzebub, or my donkey, county waterford, so named because the second time i contested him i lost my seat: a political allegory. being short of both officers and men, my presence was required everywhere at once. by haulage and portage a perpetual procession of whaleboats and _nuggars_ was kept moving up to the dockyard at gemai. from wady halfa to the bab the cataract was divided { } into reaches, a post being stationed at each. at the first reach were peel of the nd life guards and dongola men; at the naval camp, on the second reach, were lieutenant colbourne and dongola men; at palm tree camp, in the third reach, were an egyptian officer and dongola men; for the portage at bab-el-kebir i had men of the nd egyptian battalion under their colonel, and another of their officers, shakespeare of the marines, who had been with me in the _thunderer_. all along the cataract were stationed small parties of carpenters and sailmakers in order that damages should be repaired on the spot. living with me was colonel grant, who was in command of all the dongola men. later, the canadian _voyageurs_ camped beside my hut. by means of the distribution of work, each section being placed under a responsible officer, progress speedily became three times as fast. officers and men worked magnificently. i was proud of the old navy. the routine for the bluejackets was: turn out . a.m., breakfast; walk seven to ten miles through the desert along the river, often having to retrace their steps to help a boat in distress; work all day till sunset, no spell for dinner, which consisted of biscuit; at sunset, walk seven miles back to camp, supper and turn in. the officers walked with the men, giving their camels to the men who suffered from sore feet. officers and men were burned as black as the natives. until my arrival, the nine naval officers and the doctor had been living at the naval camp nine miles from wady halfa, without a single servant or a cook. they were allowed neither servants nor the money with which to hire natives. but nothing could exceed the kindness and good-will of general buller, who at once granted all my requests, and if i found it necessary to order first and report afterwards, sanctioned my requisitions. i had with me in my hut for a time f. h. pollen, who could dive and swim better than the dongola men, using like them a blown-up goatskin. the constant immersion { } brought on an attack of dysentery. i kept him in bed, taking away his clothes so that he could not get up, and doctored him till he recovered. at this time i acted as doctor to the men under me. every case of sickness was reported to me at once. if the patient suffered from diarrhoea i exhibited castor oil. a petty officer having been thus treated, said he felt easier. i asked him if he would like another dose, and he said he would like it. the same night he died. i sent his body on a camel to the nearest medical officer, who found seventeen date-stones in his stomach. i had the sorry consolation of knowing that the poor fellow must have died in any event. on the th november, lord wolseley, returning from dongola, arrived suddenly at wady halfa, where he remained for twenty-four hours, afterwards returning to dongola. all we knew was that he had come to press matters forward. history relates how that on the th november, wolseley received a letter from gordon dated th november, in which gordon wrote: "we can hold out forty days with ease; after that it will be difficult." in reply wolseley telegraphed from wady halfa: "yours of th just received th; the first i have had from you. i shall be at kasr dongola in four days." wolseley at the same time informed lord hartington that while the news would not affect his plans, it seemed to show that gordon's relief could not be accomplished without fighting. lord wolseley made no announcement on the subject at the time, merely telling general buller and myself that we were to stay where we were for the present. our impression was that wolseley had abandoned the idea of making a dash across the desert from korti to metemmeh. at that date, th november, we had more than boats ready to embark troops at gernai, from which twenty to thirty boats were being dispatched daily. nearly boats had already gone, carrying detachments of the essex, stafford, and cornwall regiments, the engineers, and commissariat. about more boats had still to pass the { } cataract. i was very pleased with the work and behaviour of the nd battalion of the egyptian army, which was working the portage. i expressed my satisfaction to them, and gave every man a quarter of a pound of native tobacco, whereupon they declared with one voice that, "if god was willing, they would go to hell with my excellency." at about this time i received a private intimation from lord wolseley that, when the general advance began, he intended to place me in command of a naval brigade. by nd november, boats had been passed through the second cataract, of which had been hauled through the bab-el-kebir, the rest portaged. of the whole number of boats, only three were smashed; and very few received any damage. accidents were few, although the work was dangerous. on st november a _voyageur_ was drowned. three _voyageurs_ went overboard, and two were saved by catching hold of a rope. the third scorned the rope, relying upon his ability to swim, and was never seen again. up to that date five men altogether had been drowned, two soldiers, two canadians, and one native. later, another native, and he an esneh swimmer, was drowned. the river was extraordinarily fatal. not one man who went under upon falling overboard was saved. the natives always used to do their best to keep on the surface. lord wolseley was so good as warmly to commend the work done on the second cataract; and sir redvers buller, who at first declared the portage scheme to be impossible of execution, generously expressed his appreciation of its success. having shot a little alligator, i skinned it myself. the arab camel-man in my service, who spoke french, argued with me in that language for a long time that an alligator had no tongue, but fed by suction, like a snipe. as i had cut out the tongue of my little alligator, i knew it had one; but my arabian naturalist refused to be persuaded. at this time and afterwards while i was in egypt, my servant, interpreter and cook was the excellent josé salvatro, { } a maltese. if he happened to be absent, i conveyed my instructions to the natives through my french-speaking camel-man, in french. between my french and his french and his arabic, i used to wonder how the meaning filtered through; but i have a note in my diary that "it comes all right, the natives are cheery fellows and work capitally with me, and a good smack upon the 'sit-upon' of a lazy one keeps the whole lot going." towards the end of november i was living alone in my hut on the bab-el-kebir, attended only by a bluejacket and the faithful josé, who ceased not from scrubbing and washing, so that i was never a day without clean things, an inestimable comfort in that climate. here i was haunted by an arab maniac who dwelt in some indiscoverable antre of the rocks. at night i heard him howling to himself. in the daytime, he ran here and there, his only garment being the dust he cast upon his shaven head, crying upon allah. he ate sand and offal, a diet which left him hungry, for he would come to my tent for food, which i gave him. he seemed to know me in a vague way. i gave him some calico to cover his nakedness withal, but he tore the stuff into fragments and ate them. one day he rushed into my tent, clawed some mutton-broth out of the cooking-pot with his horrible hands and crammed it boiling hot into his mouth. i was obliged forcibly to eject him lest he should take the whole; but i had no stomach for the rest. my fear was lest he should burst in at night and i should be obliged in self-defence to shoot him. eventually, josé lost patience, seized a huge wood-axe, and chased the maniac for a mile. the poor wretch ran like a hare and vanished into his hole in the rocks. i made a match with colonel brocklehurst, head of the remount department, to ride my camel, the bold bimbashi, against any one of brocklehurst's camels, for £ . the course was six miles long across the desert, from peel's camp at the beginning of the cataract to sir evelyn wood's flagstaff at wady halfa. brocklehurst's rider was his interpreter, { } a lean rat of an arab sheikh, who was absolutely certain he would win. his camel was the favourite of wood's mess and was reputed to be the best in egypt. the betting was fifty to one against me. but i had been riding bimbashi miles or so a day, and we were both in fine hard condition. the sheikh started at a gallop. first his turban, then his goatskin saddle-rug, carried away. both rider and camel were blowing and perspiring ere they had run three miles. for the first two and a half miles i waited on the sheikh, then came away and won in a canter half a mile ahead. at the finish the troops lined up and made a course for us. thus i won my first camel race, owner up. no one was better pleased than my old friend colonel brocklehurst. bimbashi (according to my journal) covered the six miles in a little over eighteen minutes. that gallant steed had already been ridden the nine miles from my camp to the starting-point; and when i rode him back in the evening, he was so fresh that he ran away with me, grumbling loudly, because he was offended at the sight of a dead donkey lying wrong side up beside the railway. i invented a saddle for camels, and i believe the pattern is still in use. the saddle-tree is a triangular wooden framework, like the gable of a roof. i covered the wood with oakum and canvas; abolished all buckles, made the girths and stirrups of raw hide thongs, and put the stirrups forward, instead of behind. count gleichen, in his interesting book, _with the camel corps up the nile_, relates how the saddles and equipment served out to the camel corps gave the men infinite trouble and discomfort. the unseasoned wood came to pieces, the straps broke, the water-skins and water-bottles leaked; but one instance of the departmental mismanagement which caused our men so much unnecessary suffering. by the end of november, the river was falling so swiftly that what was smooth water yesterday was to-day a { } frivolous series of waterfalls with a twist in them. every alteration in the river involved a new device for haulage, and it would alter at three or four places in a mile, and there were miles of rapids. i was generally able to judge by the look of the water when and where it would change its course during the next few hours. in order to avoid the least delay, new arrangements must be devised beforehand; and my mind was so absorbed in these schemes, that i dreamed of them nightly. by that time i had men working under me, whose work must be organised, and stations allocated. the bab-el-kebir, that formidable rapid, was now a grazing ground for goats. i shifted my quarters from the bab to wady halfa, as the difficulties were now all at that end of the cataract. peel and colbourne, in command respectively of the next two reaches, found no day too long and no work too hard. in order to supervise the whole length of the operations as quickly as possible, i kept one camel, ballyhooly, at the bab; the big white donkey county waterford half-way there; and bimbashi the bold and beelzebub at wady halfa. bimbashi could trot miles in the hour. a bedouin sheikh offered me £ $ for him. as i had bought him for £ i concluded that his vender had stolen him. i won more than his price in the race with colonel brocklehurst's sheikh. while at wady halfa i rode him six miles out in the heavy sand against sir evelyn wood and his a.d.c., who rode horses, and bimbashi beat the horses fair and square. lord wolseley sent me a telegram ordering me to form a naval brigade of men and officers. but as the bluejackets were of inestimable service in getting the remainder of the boats through the cataract, and fitting them out at gemai, where the soldiers embarked, he desired to keep them where they were as long as possible. on th november, we hoped to get all the boats through during the next five days. up to that date--the last for which i have a note-- boats had been passed through the cataract, with { } a loss of only; about men of all sorts had been drowned; and boats had left gemai with troops and stores. on th december the last boat was passed through. on the same day, sir evelyn wood and sir redvers buller received a telegram reporting a block of boats at ambigol and dal cataract; and i was ordered there at a moment's notice. on th september i had arrived at wady halfa; on th october i schemed the portage; and for eight weeks since that date i had been continuously hard at work passing the boats through the second cataract; which the arabs call "the belly of stone." { } chapter xxv the soudan war (_continued_) iii. up the cataracts and across the desert "to assiout, in a cloud of dust we came, and it made us smile, to see each other's features, till we washed them in the nile. from there, by boat, to assouan we came, and every night made fast, for the boatmen wouldn't steam excepting in daylight." _songs of the camel corps_ (sergt. h. eagle, r.m.c.c.) on the th december, , peel and colbourne, my two gallant comrades who had done so splendid a work upon the second cataract, quitted the belly of stone, embarking in two boats manned by kroomen. the names of these big black men were africa, ginger red, bottled beer, sampson, two glasses and been-very-ill-twice; and when they were excited, as they nearly always were, they took to the english tongue, and kept us laughing for a week. when the wind was fair and we sailed up against the rapids, the kroo boys were terribly anxious, knowing that if the wind failed we should slide all the way back again. by this time the whole expedition was moving up river. the conduct of the soldiers was magnificent, achieving wonderful results. of the sailors, accustomed to the work, and knowing the shortest way of doing things, one expected much--and got even more. it was hard enough for the { } seamen. although they, the soldiers, knew nothing of boats, they worked like heroes. and the navigation of the nile from gemai to dal enforced hard continuous toil from dawn to dark day after day. the _voyageurs_ did splendid service; the expedition could not have advanced so rapidly without them; and although they knew nothing of sails, being acute adventurous fellows they soon picked up enough knowledge to carry them through. an officer of cavalry in charge of a convoy of stores on the river worked by dongola men, describing his adventures with what he called his "peasant crews," pathetically observed: "you know, i know nothing whatever about a boat, or what it ought to do, and i am not ashamed to tell you that the whole time i am sweating with terror. and every night when i go to bed i dream of whirlpools and boiling rapids and then i dream that i am drowned." but his visions of the night affected neither his nerve nor his indomitable energy. our daily routine along the river began at . : all hands turn out, make up tent (if there were one), breakfast, and start, sailing or tracking or rowing according to the state of the river. but whether you sailed or tracked or rowed, before long the river changed and you must row instead of track, or sail instead of row. then you would come to a difficult place, and you would heave the cargo on shore, and get the empty boat up a fall or a heavy rush of water, and portage the cargo on to the boat. so on to midday, when an hour was allowed for dinner; then at it again, sailing, tracking, rowing, in and out cargo, till sundown. then haul into the bank and eat bully beef without vegetables. after supper, roll in a blanket and sleep on the soft sand the profound and delicious slumber of weary men. occasionally a boat would strike a rock; or at rare intervals an accident would happen, and part of a crew would be lost, and the boat's gear swept away; or a hole would be knocked in the boat, when she would be emptied of gear and cargo, hauled up, and patched. under these circumstances, { } the boats often made no more than three or four miles' advance in a day. overloaded as were many of the boats, they served their purpose admirably well. at the big cataracts were stationed working parties, which emptied the boats of gear and cargo, portaged them overland, and hauled the boats through the rapids. so we struggled up the broad and rushing river from gemai to dal, sailing and towing and rowing, capsized and righting again. and one night a sandstorm waltzed out of the desert and blew away our tent and with it knives, forks, slippers, lamp, candles, matches and everything. and the next morning peel dropped his knife, and in trying to save it he upset our whole breakfast of sardines and coffee into colbourne's boots. and half my kit was stolen, and i was reduced to one broken pair of boots, and the natives stole my tooth powder and baked bread with it. and we had boils all over us like the man in the bible, because every little scratch was poisoned by the innumerable flies of egypt. but we were so busy that nothing mattered. fighting every mile of the great river pouring down from khartoum, we on the cataracts had no news of gordon. all we knew was that there was need to hurry, hurry all the way. at such times as the mail from home arrived upon a dyspeptic camel, we got scraps of news of home affairs. people who knew much more than lord wolseley, were saying he ought to have taken the souakim-berber route instead of the nile route. i said then, as i say now, he had no choice. at this time of crisis, when the navy was dangerously inadequate, one political party was screaming denunciations against "legislation by panic." encouraging to sailors and soldiers sweating on service! but we knew what to expect. i observe that in a private letter written in december, , from the banks of the nile, at the end of a long day's work with the boats, i said, "both sides are equally to blame for the defective state of the navy. tell ---- and ---- not to be unpatriotic and make the navy a party question, or they will not do half the good they might." { } we came to ambigol to find the boats had been cleared by alleyne of the artillery. i was able to improve the organisation there, and to give help along the river i was in time to save three boats. at dal, i laid lines along the centre of the two and a half miles rapid, so that in calm weather the boats could haul themselves through. in the meantime, the naval brigade of which lord wolseley had ordered me to take command, had been selected, at my request, by captain boardman. on th december, my first division came to dal. up they came, all together in line ahead, under all possible sail, using the boat awnings as spinnakers. they had sailed up the rapids where the other boats were tracking; and the soldiers cheered them as they went by. there was not a scratch on any boat, nor a drop of water in any of them. every cargo was complete in detail, including machine guns, ammunition, oil and stores. had i not a right to be proud of the seamen? i put an officer at the helm of each boat, and told them to follow me through dal cataract; and led them through, so that the same night the boats were reloaded with the gear and cargo which had been portaged, and were going on. the passage of dal cataract usually occupied three days. i sent on the first division, and stayed at dal to await the arrival of the second, in order to get all my men together. as it happened, i did not see it until it reached korti. on st december it had left sarras, bringing oil and stores to be used in the nile steamers of which i was to take charge. for by this time i had been informed of lord wolseley's intention to send the naval brigade with the camel corps to make a dash across the bayuda desert to metemmeh. the naval brigade was then to attack khartoum in gordon's steamers, while the camel corps attacked it by land. so i remained yet a little while at dal, helping the boats through the cataract, and camping in the sand. i found a baby scorpion two and a half inches long in my { } handkerchief. the officer whose tent was next to mine, shared it with a sand-rat, which used to fill his slippers with _dhura_ grains every night, and which jumped on and off my knee when i breakfasted with my friend. actually there came two or three days when i had nothing to do; and when i could take a hot bath in peace, with the luxury of a cake of carbolic soap, and sit in my little canvas chair, which was, however, speedily stolen. my poor servant josé was suddenly taken with so sharp an attack of fever that he was stricken helpless and could hardly lift a cup to his lips. his pulse was going like a machine gun. he was too ill to be moved on mule-back to the hospital, which was eight miles distant; and i had to doctor him myself. i gave him castor-oil, deprived him of all food for twenty-four hours, gave him five grains of quinine every two hours, and plenty of lime-juice to drink; and he was soon well again. lord avonmore, lieutenant-colonel j. alleyne, captain burnaby and myself subscribed to a christmas dinner of extraordinary charm, eaten with the guards. the menu was:--soup made of bully beef, onions, rice and boiled biscuit, fish from the nile, stewed bully beef and chicken _à la_ as-if-they-had-been-trained-for-long-distance-races-for-a-year, _entremet_ of biscuit and jam. rum to drink. i should have missed that feast, and should have been on the way to korti post-haste several days before christmas, had it not been that a telegram sent by lord wolseley to me had been delayed in transmission. on th december i received an urgent telegram from general buller, asking where i was and what i was doing. a week previously lord wolseley had telegraphed instructions that i was to proceed to korti with all speed to arrive with the first division of the naval brigade. having received no orders, i was waiting for the second division so that i might see that it was complete and satisfactory. (it arrived at dal the day after i left that place in obedience to general buller's orders.) { } from dal to korti, as the crow flies, is some miles to the southward; following up the river, which, with many windings, flows north from korti, the distance is more than half as much again. i was already (by no fault of mine) a week behind; my instructions were to proceed by the shortest possible route by the quickest possible means, camels or steam pinnace; and immediately i received general buller's telegram i dashed off to the commissariat. here i obtained four camels to carry josé, myself and my kit to the nearest point at which i could catch a steam pinnace on the river. also, by riding the first stage of the journey, i could avoid two wide bends of the nile. the camels were but baggage animals; they all had sore backs; and i could get no proper saddle. i strapped my rug on the wooden framework. we started the same evening at seven o'clock. the night had fallen when we left behind us the stir of the armed camp and plunged into the deep stillness of the desert. the brilliant moonlight sharply illumined the low rocky hills, and the withered scrub, near and far; the hard gravelly track stretched plainly before us; and the camels went noiselessly forward on their great padded feet. so, hour after hour. it was one o'clock upon the following morning ( st december) when we rode into a dark and silent village. lighting upon an empty hut, we crawled into it, cooked a little supper, and went to sleep. before daylight we were awakened by the noise of voices crying and quarrelling; and there were two black negresses upbraiding us, and beyond them was a group of agitated natives. it appeared that we were desecrating the village mosque. having soothed the inhabitants, we started. that day we rode from a.m. to . p.m. with a halt of an hour and a half at midday, travelling miles in twelve hours, good going for baggage camels with sore backs. by that time i was getting sore, too. we slept that night at absarat, started the next morning ( th december) at . , and rode to abu fatmeh, arriving at p.m. starting next morning at nine o'clock, we arrived at kaibur at p.m. here, to my { } intense relief, we picked up colville and his steam pinnace, in which we instantly embarked for korti. during the last three days and a half we had been thirty-two hours in the saddle (which, strictly speaking, my camel had not) and a part of my anatomy was quite worn away. i lay down in the pinnace and hoped to become healed. we did not know it; but the same evening, general sir herbert stewart's desert column left korti upon the great forced march of the forlorn hope. the pinnace, whose furnaces were burning wood, most of which was wet and green, pounded slowly up river until we met the steamer _nassifara_, into which i transferred myself. blissful was the rest in that steamer after my two months' tremendous toil getting the boats through the bab-el-kebir and the long ride across the desert. so i lay in the steamer and lived on the height of diet, fresh meat, milk, butter and eggs, till my tunic hardly held me. i did not then know why lord wolseley had sent for me in so great a hurry. { } chapter xxvi the soudan war (_continued_) iv. the first march of the desert column note by the end of december, , the whole of the expedition was in process of concentrating at korti. at korti the nile fetches a wide arc north-eastward. the chord of the arc, running south-eastward, runs from korti to metemmeh, and shendi, which stands on the farther, or east, bank. from korti to metemmeh is miles across the desert. shendi was the rendezvous at which the troops were to meet gordon's steamers sent down by him from khartoum. wolseley's object in sending lord charles beresford with the naval brigade was that he should take command of the steamers, which, filled with troops, were to proceed up to khartoum. the first business of the desert column under general sir herbert stewart, was to seize the wells of jakdul, which lay miles distant from korti, and to hold them, thus securing the main water supply on the desert route and an intermediate station between metemmeh and the base at korti. having obtained possession of the wells, the guards' battalion was to be left there, while the remainder of the column returned to korti, there to be sufficiently reinforced to return to jakdul, and to complete the march to metemmeh. such was the original idea. the reason why sufficient troops and transport were not sent in the first instance, thereby avoiding the necessity of the return { } of the greater part of the column to korti, and its second march with the reinforcements, seems to have been the scarcity of camels. when the desert column made its first march, lord charles beresford and the naval brigade were still on their way to korti. the first division under the command of lord charles marched with the desert column on its return. the first desert column numbered officers, men and natives, and camels. it consisted of one squadron of the th hussars, guards' camel regiment, mounted infantry, engineers, camels carrying stores and driven by natives, medical staff corps, and bearer company. personal luggage was limited to lb. a man. an account of the march is given by count gleichen, in his pleasant and interesting book (to which the present writer is much indebted) _with the camel corps up the nile_ (chapman & hall). some years previously the route from korti to metemmeh had been surveyed by ismail pasha, who had intended to run a railway along it from wady halfa to khartoum; and the map then made of the district was in possession of the column. the enemy were reported to be about; but it was expected that they would be found beyond the jakdul wells; as indeed they were. the desert column started from korti on the afternoon of tuesday, th december, . the hussars escorted a party of native guides and scouted ahead. the column marched the whole of that night, in the light of a brilliant moon, across hard sand or gravel, amid low hills of black rock, at whose bases grew long yellow savas grass and mimosa bushes, and in places mimosa trees. at . on the morning of the st december they halted until p.m., marched till . p.m., found the wells of abu hashim nearly dry, marched on, ascending a stony tableland, and still marching, sang the new year in at midnight; came to the wells of el howeiyat, drank them dry and bivouacked until a.m. on the morning of the st january, . { } all that morning they marched, coming at midday to a plain covered with scrub and intersected with dry water-courses; rested for three hours; marched all that night, and about a.m. on the morning of nd january, entered the defile, floored with large loose stones and closed in with steep black hills, leading to the wells of jakdul. these are deep pools filling clefts in the rock of the hills encompassing the little valley, three reservoirs rising one above the other. count gleichen, who was the first man to climb to the upper pools, thus describes the middle pool. "eighty feet above my head towered an overhanging precipice of black rock; behind me rose another of the same height; at the foot of the one in front lay a beautiful, large ice-green pool, deepening into black as i looked into its transparent depths. scarlet dragon-flies flitted about in the shade; rocks covered with dark-green weed looked out of the water; the air was cool almost to coldness. it was like being dropped into a fairy grotto, at least so it seemed to me after grilling for days in the sun." when the desert column reached that oasis, they had been on the march for sixty-four hours, with no more than four hours' consecutive sleep. the time as recorded by count gleichen was "sixty-four hours, thirty-four hours on the move and thirty broken up into short halts." the distance covered was a little under miles; therefore the camels' rate of marching averaged as nearly as may be two and three-quarter miles an hour throughout. a camel walks like clock-work, and if he quickens his speed he keeps the same length of pace, almost exactly one yard. the guards' battalion, to which were attached the royal marines, with six hussars and engineers remained at the wells. the rest of the column left jakdul at dusk of the day upon which they had arrived, to return to korti, bivouacking that night in the desert. the detachment at jakdul made roads, built forts, and laid out the camp for the returning column. on th { } january, a convoy of camels carrying stores and ammunition, under the command of colonel stanley clarke, arrived at jakdul. in the meantime, on st december, the day after which the desert column had started for the first time, lord wolseley had received a written message from gordon, "khartoum all right," dated th december. should it be captured, the message was intended to deceive the captor. the messenger delivered verbal information of a different tenure, to the effect that gordon was hard pressed and that provisions were becoming very scarce. at the time of the starting of the desert column upon its second march, when it was accompanied by the first division of the naval brigade under the command of lord charles beresford, and by other reinforcements, the general situation was briefly as follows. the river column, which was intended to clear the country along the nile, to occupy berber, and thence to join the desert column at metemmeh, was assembling at hamdab, miles above korti. it was commanded by general earle. the four steamers sent down the river from khartoum by general gordon in october, were at nasri island, below the shabloka cataract, half-way between khartoum and metemmeh, which are miles apart. korti and berber, as a glance at the map will show, occupy respectively the left and right corners of the base of an inverted pyramid, of which metemmeh is the apex, while khartoum may be figured as at the end of a line miles long depending from the apex. the desert column traversed one side of the triangle, from korti to metemmeh; the river column was intended to traverse the other two sides. [illustration: the nile from wadi halfa to khartoum] { } chapter xxvii the soudan war (_continued_) v. the desert march of the forlorn hope "when years ago i 'listed, lads, to serve our gracious queen, the sergeant made me understand i was a 'royal marine.' he said we sometimes served in ships, and sometimes on the shore; but did not say i should wear spurs, or be in the camel corps." _songs of the camel corps_ (sergt. h. eagle, r.m.c.c.) korti was a city of tents arrayed amid groves of fronded palm overhanging the broad river; beyond, the illimitable coloured spaces of the desert, barred with plains of tawny grass set with mimosa, and green fields of _dhura_, and merging into the far rose-hued hills. all day long the strong sun smote upon its yellow avenues, and the bugles called, and the north wind, steady and cool, blew the boats up the river, and the men, ragged and cheery and tanned saddle-colour, came marching in and were absorbed into the great armed camp. thence were to spring two long arms of fighting men, one to encircle the river, the other to reach across the desert, strike at khartoum and save gordon. the day after i arrived at korti, th january, , the desert arm had bent back to obtain reinforcements; because there were not enough camels to furnish transport for the first march. { } the first division of the naval brigade, under lieutenant alfred pigott, also arrived on the th. officers and men alike were covered with little black pustules, due to the poison carried by the flies. nevertheless, they were fit and well and all a-taunto. they were brigaded under my command with sir herbert stewart's desert column. the intention was that gordon's steamers, then waiting for us somewhere between metemmeh and khartoum, should be manned with the sailors and a detachment of infantry, and should take sir charles wilson up to khartoum. the second division of the naval brigade was still on its way up. it eventually joined us at gubat. i may here say, for the sake of clearness, that gubat is close to metemmeh and that shendi lies on the farther, or east, bank of the nile, so that gubat, metemmeh and shendi were really all within the area of the rendezvous at which the river column under general earle was intended to join forces with the desert column. sir herbert stewart arrived at korti on the th and left that place on the th, the intervening days being occupied in preparations. an essential part of my own arrangements consisted in obtaining spare boiler-plates, rivets, oakum, lubricating oil, and engineers' stores generally, as i foresaw that these would be needed for the steamers, which had already been knocking about the nile in a hostile country for some three months. at first, sir redvers buller refused to let me have either the stores or the camels upon which to carry them. he was most good-natured and sympathetic, but he did not immediately perceive the necessity. "what do you want boiler-plates for?" he said. "are you going to mend the camels with them?" but he let me have what i wanted. (i did mend the camels with oakum.) with other stores, i took eight boiler-plates, and a quantity of rivets. one of those plates, and a couple of dozen of those rivets, saved the column. the gardner gun of the naval brigade was carried in pieces on four camels. number one carried the barrels, { } number two training and elevating gear and wheels, number three the trail, number four, four boxes of hoppers. the limber was abolished for the sake of handiness. the gun was unloaded, mounted, feed-plate full, and ready to march in under four minutes. when marching with the gun, the men hauled it with drag-ropes, muzzle first, the trail being lifted and carried upon a light pole. upon going into action the trail was dropped and the gun was ready, all the confusion and delay caused by unlimbering in a crowded space being thus avoided. at midday the th january, the desert column paraded for its second and final march, behind the village of korti, and was inspected by lord wolseley. the same thought inspired every officer and man: we are getting to the real business at last. the desert column, quoting from the figures given in sir charles wilson's excellent work, _from korti to khartoum_, was composed as follows: n.-c. officers officers and men staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . naval brigade . . . . . . . . . . . th hussars . . . . . . . . . . . heavy camel regiment . . . . . . . m. i. camel regiment . . . . . . . royal artillery . . . . . . . . . . royal sussex regiment . . . . . . . essex regiment . . . . . . . . . . commissariat and transport . . . . medical staff . . . . . . . . . . . -- ---- == ==== and four guns (one gardner, three -pr. screw guns), natives, camels, and horses. already there were along the route at the wells of howeiyat (left on the first march) officers and men of the m. i. camel regiment and camels; and at jakdul officers and men of the guards' camel regiment (including royal marines), royal engineers, and medical staff, and camels. { } the desert column picked up these detachments as it went along, leaving others in their places. the column rode off at o'clock p.m. amid a chorus of good wishes from our comrades. i rode my white donkey, county waterford, which had been sent up to korti by boat, we marched ten miles; halted at sunset and bivouacked, and started again half an hour after midnight. the moon rode high, and it was very cold; but the cold was invigorating; and the hard gravel or sand of the track made good going. desert marching with camels demands perpetual attention; the loads slip on the camels and must be adjusted; a native driver unships the load and drops it to save himself trouble; camels stray or break loose. by means of perpetual driving, the unwieldy herd creeps forward with noiseless footsteps, at something under three miles an hour. although the camels were so numerous, their numbers had been reduced to the bare requirements of that small mobile column, which alone could hope to achieve the enterprise. at o'clock a.m. on the th, we halted for four hours in a valley of grass and mimosa trees; marched till sunset and came to another grassy valley and bivouacked. on the th we started before daylight, and reached the wells of el howeiyat at noon, very thirsty, and drank muddy water and breakfasted; marched on until long after dark over rough ground, the men very thirsty, the camels slipping and falling all over the place, and at length bivouacked. starting again before daylight on the th, we came to the wooded valley set among granite hills, where are the wells of abu halfa, men and animals suffering greatly from thirst. the wells consisted of a muddy pond and a few small pools of bitter water. more holes were dug, and the watering went on all the afternoon and all night. next morning, th january, we loaded up at daylight, and marched across the plain lying beneath the range of yellow hills, broken by black rocks, called jebel jelif; entered a grassy and wide valley, ending in a wall of rock; turned { } the corner of the wall, and came into a narrower valley, full of large round stones, and closed in at the upper end by precipices, riven into clefts, within which were the pools of jakdul. we beheld roads cleared of stones, and the sign-boards of a camp, and the forts of the garrison, and stone walls crowning the hills, one high on the left, two high on the right hand. in ten days the little detachment of guards, royal marines and engineers under major dorward, r.e., had performed an incredible amount of work: road-making, wall-building, laying-out, canal-digging and reservoir-making. all was ready for sir herbert stewart's force, which took up its quarters at once. that evening the guards gave an excellent dinner to the staff, substituting fresh gazelle and sand-grouse for bully-beef. all night the men were drawing water from the upper pool of the wells, in which was the best water, by the light of lanterns. the next day, th january, all were hard at work watering the camels and preparing for the advance on the morrow. the camels were already suffering severely: some thirty had dropped dead on the way; and owing to the impossibility of obtaining enough animals to carry the requisite grain, they were growing thin. it will be observed that the whole progress of the expedition depended upon camels as the sole means of transport. when a camel falls from exhaustion, it rolls over upon its side, and is unable to rise. but it is not going to die unless it stretches its head back; and it has still a store of latent energy; for a beast will seldom of its own accord go on to the last. it may sound cruel; but in that expedition it was a case of a man's life or a camel's suffering. when i came across a fallen camel, i had it hove upright with a gun-pole, loaded men upon it, and so got them over another thirty or forty miles. by the exercise of care and forethought, i succeeded in bringing back from the expedition more camels, in the proportion of those in my control, than others, much to the interest of my old friend sir redvers { } buller. he asked me how it was done; and i told him that i superintended the feeding of the camels myself. if a camel was exhausted, i treated it as i would treat a tired hunter, which, after a long day, refuses its food. i gave the exhausted camels food by handfuls, putting them upon a piece of cloth or canvas, instead of throwing the whole ration upon the ground at once. major kitchener (now lord kitchener of khartoum), who was dwelling in a cave in the hillside, reported that khashm-el-mus bey, malik (king) of the shagiyeh tribe, was at shendi with three of gordon's steamers. (he was actually at nasri island.) lieutenant e. j. montagu-stuart-wortley, king's royal rifles, joined the column for service with sir charles wilson in khartoum. little did we anticipate in what his plucky service would consist. colonel burnaby came in with a supply of grain, most of which was left at jakdul, as the camels which had brought it were needed to carry stores for the column. there were commissariat camels, carrying provisions for men for a month, the first instalment of the depot it was intended to form at metemmeh, as the base camp from which to advance upon khartoum. with burnaby came captain gascoigne, who had special knowledge of the eastern soudan, and who afterwards went up to khartoum with sir charles wilson. the column left jakdul at o'clock p.m. on th january, and marched for three hours. it was generally supposed that we might be attacked between jakdul and metemmeh, a distance of between and miles; although the only intelligence we had was major kitchener's report that men under the mahdi's emir were at metemmeh. we did not know that the occupation of jakdul by sir herbert stewart on the nd of january, had moved the mahdi to determine upon the destruction of the desert column between jakdul and metemmeh. the news of the occupation of jakdul had travelled with extraordinary swiftness. it was known on the th january, or two { } days after the event, in berber, nearly miles from jakdul as the crow flies; and on that day the emir of berber dispatched his men to reinforce the emir of metemmeh. if the news were known in berber and metemmeh it must have run through the whole surrounding area of desert. the ten days occupied by the column in returning to korti and returning again to jakdul, gave the enemy the time they needed to concentrate in front of us. moreover, omdurman had fallen during the second week in january, setting free a number of the mahdi's soldiers. but of these things we were ignorant when we pushed out of jakdul. we picked up a remington rifle, and saw some horse-tracks, and that was all. during the second night out from jakdul (the th- th) the camels were knee-lashed and dispositions were made in case of attack, but nothing happened. it was the last night's rest we were to have for some time. on the morning of the th we started as usual in the dark. when the light came, we saw the hills of abu klea in the distance, and after marching nearly to them, halted for breakfast, in the meantime lieutenant-colonel barrow, with his squadron of the th hussars, had gone ahead to occupy the wells of abu klea. about a.m. barrow returned to report that there was a large force of the enemy between us and the wells. the column was then lying in a shallow valley, whence the track led uphill over rough ground towards a pass cleft in the range of hills, beyond which were the wells. the column fell in and mounted at once. through glasses we could clearly distinguish innumerable white-robed figures of arabs, relieved upon the black cliffs dominating the pass, leaping and gesticulating. here and there were puffs of smoke, followed after an interval by a faint report; but the range was too far, and no bullet arrived. nearer hand, were swiftly jerking the isolated flags of the signallers, communicating from the advanced scouts to the main body. the naval brigade with the { } mounted infantry, which were on the left of the column, were ordered to ascend the hill on the left of the line of advance, to guard the flank of the column. we dragged up the gardner gun, placed it in position, and built a breastwork of loose stones. by the time we had finished, it was about o'clock. beyond and beneath us, a line of green and white flags was strung across the valley, fluttering above the scrub, and these, with a large tent, denoted the headquarters of the enemy. the rest of the column were hurriedly building a zeriba in the valley. as the twilight fell, a party of the enemy crept to the summit of the hill on the right flank, opposite to our fort, and dropped bullets at long range into the column below, which replied with a couple of screw guns. as the darkness thickened, there arose that maddening noise of tom-toms, whose hollow and menacing beat, endlessly and pitilessly repeated, haunts those who have heard it to the last day of their lives. swelling and falling, it sounds now hard at hand, and again far away. that night, we lay behind the breastwork, sleepless and very cold; and the deadly throbbing of the drums filled the air, mingled with the murmur of many voices and the rustle as of many feet, and punctuated with the sullen crack of rifles, now firing singly, now in a volley, and the whine of bullets. at intervals, thinking the enemy were upon us, we stood to arms. when at last the day broke, there were thousands of white-robed figures clustering nearer upon the hills, and the bullets thickened, so that, chilled as we were, rather than attempt to warm ourselves by exercise we were fain to lie behind the breastwork. the naval brigade had no casualties. our detachment was speedily called in, so that we had no time for breakfast, which was being hastily eaten under fire by the rest of the column. all we had was a biscuit and a drink of water. we took up our position on the right front. sir herbert stewart waited for a time in case the { } enemy should attack. major gough, commanding the mounted infantry, was knocked senseless by a bullet graze; major dickson of the royals was shot through the knee; lieutenant lyall of the royal artillery was hit in the back. sir herbert stewart and colonel burnaby were riding about on high ground, a mark for the enemy. i saw the general's bugler drop close beside him, and running up, implored both him and burnaby to dismount, but they would not. i had hardly returned to my place when i heard another bullet strike, and saw burnaby's horse fall, throwing its rider. i went to help burnaby to his feet, and as i picked him up, he said a curious thing. he said, "i'm not in luck to-day, charlie." when it became evident that the enemy would not attack, sir herbert stewart decided to take the initiative. he ordered a square to be formed outside the zeriba, in which the baggage and the camels were to be left in charge of a small garrison. in the centre of the square were to be camels, carrying water, ammunition, and cacolets (litters) for the wounded. i do not know how many camels there were. count gleichen says about ; colonel colville, in the official history, gives the figure as . in the front of the square (looking from the rear of the square forward), left, and nearly all down the left flank, were mounted infantry; on the right front, and half-way down the right flank, guards' camel regiment. beginning on the left flank where mounted infantry ended, and continuing round the rear face, were the heavy camel regiment. then, in the centre of the rear, was the naval brigade with gardner gun. on the right of rear face, the heavy camel regiment extended to the angle. round the corner, lower right flank, were the royal sussex, then came the royal marines, continuing to the guards' camel regiment. behind the centre of the front ranks were the three screw guns. in case of attack, i was directed to use my own judgment as to placing the gardner gun. { } the square was thus formed under fire. bear in mind that the column was upon the floor of a valley commanded by slopes and hill-tops occupied by the enemy. the route of the square lay over the lower slopes of the hills on the right, thus avoiding the hollow way on the left commanded by the enemy's breastworks. captain campbell's company of mounted infantry, and colonel barrow with his hussars, went ahead to skirmish on the front and on the left flank, and somewhat checked the fire, while lieutenant romilly and a detachment of scots guards skirmished ahead on the right. it was about a.m. when the square began to move. the enemy, increasing their fire, kept pace with it. the route, studded with rocky knolls, furrowed with watercourses, and sharply rising and falling, was almost impassable for the camels. they lagged behind, slipping and falling, and we of the rear face were all tangled up with a grunting, squealing, reeking mass of struggling animals. their drivers, terrified by the murderous fire coming from the right, were pressing back towards the left rear angle. by dint of the most splendid exertions, the sailors kept up, dragging the gardner gun. men were dropping, and halts must be made while they were hoisted into the cacolets and their camels forced into the square. surgeon j. magill, attending a wounded skirmisher outside the square, was hit in the leg. during the halts the enemy's fire was returned, driving off large numbers on the hills to the right. in about an hour we covered two miles. then we saw, on the left front, about yards away, a line of green and white flags twinkling on long poles planted in the grass and scrub. no one knew what these might portend. as the fire was hottest on the right, we thought that the main body would attack from that quarter. suddenly, as we halted, more and yet more flags flashed above the green; and the next moment the valley was alive with black and white figures, and resounding with their cries. the whole body of them moved swiftly and in { } perfect order across our left front, disappearing behind rocks and herbage. the square was instantly moved forward some thirty yards on the slope, in order to gain a better position. ere the movement was completed, the enemy reappeared. { } chapter xxviii the soudan war (_continued_) vi. the fight at abu klea "england well may speak with wonder of the small heroic band, fearlessly, though parched and weary, toiling 'cross the desert sand; how they met the foeman's onslaught, firm, undaunted, with a cheer, drove ten times or more their number, down the vale of abu klea." _songs of the camel corps_ (serg. h. eagle, r.m.c.c.) before the square was completely formed on the top of the knoll at the foot of which it had been halted when the thousands of arabs sprang into view on the left front, the arabs reappeared on the left rear, about yards distant. they were formed into three phalanxes joined together, the points of the three wedges being headed by emirs or sheikhs, riding with banners. the horsemen came on at a hand-gallop, the masses of footmen keeping up with them. our skirmishers were racing in for their lives. the last man was overtaken and speared. at this moment the left rear angle of the square was still unformed. the camels were still struggling into it. several camels, laden with wounded, had lain down at the foot of the slope and their drivers had fled into the square; and these animals were being dragged in by soldiers. the appalling danger of this open corner was instantly evident. i told the bugler to sound the halt, and having forced my way through the press to the front of the square, and reported the case to sir herbert stewart, who said, "quite right," i struggled back to the rear. { } then i ordered the crew of the gardner gun to run it outside the square to the left flank. at the same time, colonel burnaby wheeled number company ( th and th dragoon guards) from the rear face to the left flank. number company (scots greys and royals) had already wheeled from the rear to the left flank, so that they were just behind me. five or six paces outside the square we dropped the trail of the gun. so swiftly did these things happen that the leading ranks of the enemy were still yards away. they were tearing down upon us with a roar like the roar of the sea, an immense surging wave of white-slashed black forms brandishing bright spears and long flashing swords; and all were chanting, as they leaped and ran, the war-song of their faith, "_la ilaha ill' allah mohammedu rasul allah_"; and the terrible rain of bullets poured into them by the mounted infantry and the guards stayed them not. they wore the loose white robe of the mahdi's uniform, looped over the left shoulder, and the straw skullcap. these things we heard and saw in a flash, as the formidable wave swept steadily nearer. i laid the gardner gun myself to make sure. as i fired, i saw the enemy mown down in rows, dropping like ninepins; but as the men killed were in rear of the front rank, after firing about forty rounds (eight turns of the lever), i lowered the elevation. i was putting in most effective work on the leading ranks and had fired about thirty rounds when the gun jammed. the extraction had pulled the head from a discharged cartridge, leaving the empty cylinder in the barrel. william rhodes, chief boatswain's mate, and myself immediately set to work to unscrew the feed-plate in order to clear the barrel or to take out its lock. the next moment the enemy were on top of us. the feed-plate dropped on my head, knocking me under the gun and across its trail. simultaneously a spear was thrust right through poor rhodes, who was instantly killed at my side. walter miller the armourer was speared beside the gun at the same time. i was knocked off the trail of the gun { } by a blow with the handle of an axe, the blade of which missed me. an arab thrust at me with his spear, and i caught the blade, cutting my hand, and before he could recover his weapon a bullet dropped him. struggling to my feet, i was carried bodily backwards by the tremendous impact of the rush, right back upon the front rank of the men of number company, who stood like rocks. i can compare the press to nothing but the crush of a theatre crowd alarmed by a cry of fire. immediately facing me was an arab holding a spear over his head, the staff of the weapon being jammed against his back by the pressure behind him. i could draw neither sword nor pistol. the front ranks of our men could not use rifle or bayonet for a few moments. but the pressure, forcing our men backwards up the hill, presently enabled the rear rank, now occupying a position of a few inches higher than the enemy, to fire over the heads of the front rank right into the mass of the arabs. the bullets whizzed close by my head; and one passed through my helmet. the arabs fell in heaps, whereupon our front rank, the pressure upon them relaxing, fired, and fought hand to hand with the bayonet, cursing as the rifles jammed and the shoddy bayonets twisted like tin. the enemy wavered and broke away, some retreating, but the greater number turning to the rear face of the square, carrying some of the naval brigade with them. the rest of my men manned the gun and opened fire on the retreating enemy. but by the time the gun was in action the retreating dervishes had hidden themselves in a nullah, and the main body of the enemy had burst into the gap left by the camels in the rear face. my men joined in the furious hand-to-hand fighting all among the jam of men and camels. the ranks of the front face of the square had turned about face and were firing inwards. poor burnaby (who was "not in luck to-day") was thrown from his horse, and was killed by a sword cut in the neck as he lay on the ground. { } fighting next to me in the square was "bloody-minded piggot"--captain c. p. piggot of the st hussars--using a shot-gun charged with buck-shot. the arabs were crawling and twisting under the camels and in and out the legs of the men, whom they tried to stab in the back, and piggot was loading and firing, and the bluejackets kept calling to him, "here's another joker, sir!" i saw the bald head of an arab emerging from a pile of bodies, and as piggot fired i saw the bald crown riddled like the rose of a watering-pot. one mounted sheikh, at least, won right into the square, where the bodies of himself and his horse were found afterwards. numbers and company, who had withstood the first rush until they were pressed back upon the mass of camels, were still fighting in front when they were attacked in rear. there, the left wing of the heavy camel regiment--scots greys, royals, and th dragoon guards--did desperate hand-to-hand fighting in the square, while the right wing and the royal sussex by their steady fire kept off the rest of the enemy. the stress endured only a few minutes. every arab inside the square was slain. the camels, which had made the weak corner of the square, afterwards saved it by presenting a solid, irremovable obstacle to the enemy. as the enemy retired, sir herbert stewart gave the word, and our men cheered again and again, and the retreating arabs turned and shook their fists at us. their desperate courage was marvellous. i saw a boy of some twelve years of age, who had been shot through the stomach, walk slowly up through a storm of bullets and thrust his spear at one of our men. i saw several arabs writhe from out a pile of dead and wounded, and charge some eighty yards under fire towards us, and one of them ran right up to the bayonets and flung himself upon them and was killed. i saw an arab, who was wounded in the legs, sit up, and hurl his spear at a passing soldier. as the soldier stopped to load his rifle, the arab tried to { } reach another spear, and failing, caught up stones and cast them at his foe; and then, when the soldier presented his rifle and took a deliberate aim, the arab sat perfectly still looking down the barrel, till the bullet killed him. surgeon-general sir arthur w. may tells me of an instance of the spirit of the men. a huge able seaman, nicknamed jumbo, who was one of the gun's crew when it was run outside the square, was thrown upon his face by the charge; and apparently every arab who went past or over him, had a dig at the prostrate seaman. after the action, with the help of able seaman laker, i carried him to the doctor. he was a mass of blood, which soaked my tunic. i tried to wash it afterwards with sand. he must have weighed about sixteen stone. quite recently, at stornoway, where he is chief petty officer of the coast-guard, i had the pleasure of meeting mr. laker, and we recalled the salving of poor jumbo. he had seventeen wounds, spear-thrusts, and sword-cuts. upon visiting him in the field hospital a few days later, surgeon may, intending to console the patient, said: "you will be able to be sent back with the next convoy of wounded, after all." "sent back?" returned jumbo indignantly. "i haven't done with the beggars yet!" he recovered, but not in time to gratify his ardour. the square was moved some yards from the field of battle and was formed anew. i went to try to find any wounded men of my brigade. having brought in two, i was starting for a third time, when someone shouted, "look out, charlie!" and i turned about to see an arab charging at me with a spear. i ran to meet him, sword in hand, parried his spear, then held my sword rigid at arm's length. he ran right up the blade to the hilt, against which his body struck with so great force that he fell backward. i picked up a man who was shot through the back, and put him upon a camel upon which was a wounded arab. presently i heard my man singing out; and i { } found his thumb was being chewed off by the arab, whom i hauled off the camel and of whom i disposed in another way. the bodies of most of my men who were killed were found some yards from the place at which we had worked the gun. here were the bodies of my poor comrades, lieutenants alfred pigott and r. e. de lisle. pigott had been promoted to commander, but he never knew it. de lisle had his whole face cut clean off. captain c. p. piggot (not to be confused with the naval officer, commander alfred pigott), who fought like a paladin in the square, and who knew not fear, died some years afterwards in england. (i took him on my coach to lord's; he was so weak that he could not get upon it without the help of a footman, and he looked dreadfully ill. he told me that the doctor had given him three weeks to live; but he was dead in three days.) eight of the naval brigade were killed and seven were wounded, out of who went into action. every man of the brigade handling the gun outside the square was killed, excepting myself. i observed that the rows of bullets from the gardner gun, which was rifle calibre . -inch, with five barrels, had cut off heads and tops of heads as though sliced horizontally with a knife. the official account gives the loss of the enemy at in the vicinity of the square. nearly half the british rifles jammed, owing to the use of leaf cartridges. the remington rifles used by the mahdi's soldiers had solid drawn cartridges which did not jam. during the action of abu klea the officers were almost entirely employed in clearing jammed rifles passed back to them by the men. the british bayonets and cutlasses bent and twisted, the result of a combination of knavery and laziness on the part of those who were trusted to supply the soldier with weapons upon which his life depends. the bayonets were blunt, because no one had thought of sharpening them. the spears of the arabs were sharp like { } razors. the cutlasses of the naval brigade were specially sharpened. i noticed that when a soldier was killed, a bluejacket always endeavoured to secure his bayonet; and that when a sailor was killed, a soldier always tried to take his hat, preferring it to the army helmet. the official report of sir charles wilson states the total number of the enemy to have been from to , , consisting of men from berber, metemmeh, kordofan, and men of the mahdi's army. of the total number, it was estimated that or attacked. the british numbered something over men; but, these being in square, the weight of the attack fell upon no more than about men. there were men of the royal artillery on the front face of the square; men on the left flank, reinforced when the charge came by some of the naval brigade and a company from the rear face; men and the naval brigade, between and strong, on the rear face; and men on the right flank. the centre was a solid mass of camels. this thin framework of men, forced back upon the camels, resisted the tremendous impact of thousands of frenzied fanatics who knew not fear, and whom nothing stopped but death. i cannot better describe the result than by quoting the words of colonel the hon. reginald talbot, st life guards, who commanded the heavy camel regiment at abu klea (_nineteenth century_, jan. ): "it was an inkerman on a small scale--a soldiers' battle; strength, determination, steadiness, and unflinching courage alone could have stemmed the onslaught." it was a soldiers' battle, because the attack was sudden; it came before the square was formed; and in the stress and tumult orders were useless. [illustration: the author, ] { } chapter xxix the soudan war (_continued_) vii. the fight to reach the river "we had beat the foe at abu klea, and now had marched all night, parching with thirst, each longed to see the first faint streak of light, for all expected with the dawn to see the river flow. 'twas there all right, but in our path stood thousands of the foe; we halted, and a barricade of biscuit boxes made, and swift their deadly bullets flew round that frail barricade, and many a gallant fellow dropped before the welcome cry, 'form square' was heard, 'we must advance, and reach the nile or die.'" _songs of the camel corps_ (sergeant h. eagle, r.m.c.c.) by the time the wounded were picked up, the dead counted, and their weapons destroyed, and the square was ready to start, it was half-past three in the afternoon. there was no food, and hardly any water. the soldiers suffered dreadfully from thirst; their tongues were so swollen as to cause intense pain, their lips black, their mouths covered with white mucus. several men fainted. luckily i had put a skin of water upon a camel just before the action, so that the men of the naval brigade all had a drink, and there was a little water over for the wounded. the sailors persisted in smoking; they said it did them good; so i let them. { } the wells of abu klea lay some three miles ahead. the cavalry, the horses weak, emaciated, and tormented by thirst, were sent on to reconnoitre. the square followed slowly. so short-handed was the naval brigade that i had to clap on to the drag-ropes myself. we hauled the gun through the sand and across nullahs and over rocks till about . p.m., when we came to the wells, which were small pools in the soil, and which, when they were emptied, slowly filled again. the water was yellow and of the consistency of cream; but it was cool, sweet, and delicious. three hundred volunteers from the heavy camel regiment, the guards' camel regiment, and the mounted infantry left the wells soon after sunset to march the six weary miles back again to fetch the camels and commissariat. they marched and worked all night; yet their lot was better than ours; for they got food and could keep warm. as for ourselves, we lay down where we were, without food or blankets, and suffered the coldest night in my remembrance. it is suggested to me by a friend who has seen much active service in many wars, that, owing probably to the exhaustion of the nerves, men are far more susceptible to cold after a battle. he himself recalls the night after magersfontein as the coldest he ever experienced. at any rate, we were cold to the marrow that night of th- th january; cold and bruised and very hungry, the most of us having had no food for twenty-four hours. i must here record my admiration of the medical staff, who worked hard all night, doing their utmost for the sick and wounded. i sat on an ammunition box and shivered. the wound upon my finger, where the arab's spear had cut it, though slight, was disproportionately painful. lieutenant douglas dawson (of the coldstream guards) came to me and asked me if i had any tobacco. i told him that my tobacco, together with my field-glasses, had departed into the desert with my steed county waterford, which had run away. dawson had six cigarettes, of which he gave me three. i would cheerfully have given a year's income for them, as { } i told him. we agreed that it was hard to have to die without knowing who had won the derby. at about seven o'clock next morning ( th january) the convoy returned with the rest of the camels and the commissariat. we had our first meal for some thirty-six hours. then we went to work to build a fort in which to leave the wounded, and to prepare for the march to the river, some miles distant. a burying party went back to the field of abu klea and interred our dead. some prisoners captured by the convoy on its way back to the camp, reported that omdurman had fallen; but the information was not made generally known. i did not hear it until we reached metemmeh. sir herbert stewart then determined to reach the nile before next morning. a small detachment of the royal sussex was left to guard the wounded. the column marched about . p.m. it was a desperate venture, for the men had had no sleep for two nights, had fought a battle in between, had suffered agonies of thirst and the exhaustion of hunger. but sir herbert stewart had learned from the prisoners that the enemy who had fought at abu klea were no more than the advanced guard of the main body, which would probably come out from metemmeh to meet us, and that the fall of omdurman had released a number of the mahdi's army; and the general wished to reach the river before fighting again. he hoped to be upon the nile before daylight. in any event, the enterprise of the desert column was a forlorn hope; and by this time we all knew it. cameron, war correspondent of _the standard_, came to me with a very grave face. he was not alarmed for his own safety, for he was a most gallant man; but he feared for the column. "lord charles," he said, "have you any influence with general stewart? if so, for god's sake implore him not to go on without reinforcements. i know these people and he does not." { } the next time i saw poor cameron was upon the following day, when he was lying with a bullet-hole in his forehead, dead. the column was guided by ali loda, a friendly desert freebooter who had been captured during the first march to jakdul. he was accompanied by captain verner and colonel barrow. half the force marched on foot, in case of attack; the mounted men each leading a camel. the commissariat camels were tied in threes, nose to tail, the leading camel being ridden by a native driver. although both men and camels were tired out, they went bravely along the track leading across a wide plain, with grass and scrub in the distance. by the time it was dark, we had come to the long savas grass, and the tracks, hitherto plain to see in the brilliant starlight, became obscured. then began the confusion. by this time men and camels were utterly exhausted. there was no moon, but no lights were allowed, and all orders were to be given in a whisper. the camels, weary and famished, lagged and tumbled down; their riders went to sleep and fell off; the leading camels fell behind; and the rear camels, most of them riderless, straggled up to the front. the formation was totally disordered. in the darkness the confusion speedily became inextricable. when there was a halt to wait for stragglers, the men lay down and dropped asleep. about this time the column blundered into a wood of acacia trees armed with long sharp thorns. there ought to have been no such wood; indeed, count gleichen avers that no one ever found it afterwards. in this state of affairs, the column lost in the dark in an unknown country, utterly worn out, and inextricably tangled upon itself, i made the naval brigade unspan and gave them tea. then we struggled on, hour after hour. as for silence, the noise might have been heard and probably was heard at metemmeh. an immense multitudinous murmur went up from the unhappy mob of swearing men and roaring, squealing, grumbling camels. a longer or more exhausting nightmare i never suffered. { } daylight came at last. it was about o'clock on the morning of th january. the least we had hoped was to have come within sight of the nile. but when the column halted there was no nile; only a long gravel slope rising before us, set with scattered trees rising from the eternal savas grass and low scrub. captain verner went ahead to reconnoitre, and the column toiled on up the ridge. then, at last, upon reaching the top at about o'clock, we beheld the wide valley, and the nile flowing between broad belts of green, and on the left, the roofs of a chain of villages, and the walled town of metemmeh. beyond, upon the farther bank, clustered the huts of the village of shendi. but we had not yet come to the river. and moving out from metemmeh were crowds of the enemy, moving out to cut us off from the blessed water. once more, the whole air was throbbed with the boding war-drums. sir herbert stewart determined to give the men breakfast and then to attack. as usual, a zeriba must first be constructed and the force put in laager. the column was halted upon the top of the rising ground, in a space some yards square, surrounded by a sea of thin scrub, in which the enemy could find cover. a parapet, square in plan, and about two feet six inches high, was constructed of saddles and biscuit boxes and anything else which would serve the purpose. the camels were pushed inside it, and knee-lashed, and in the centre was placed the hospital. during the progress of the work the enemy, concealed in the scrub, crept nearer and opened fire. the men breakfasted in a rain of bullets. so wearied were they, that some fell asleep over their food, bullets singing all about them. many of the men got no food at all. i saw two men shot while they slept. one dervish in particular sniped the naval brigade all breakfast-time. i subsequently discovered him in the bush, lying dead, a bullet through his head, in a litter of about spent cartridges. one of my men was shot, and a spoke was knocked out of the wheel of the gardner gun. a soldier was shot through { } the stomach, and was carried screaming to the doctors, who gave him laudanum. the situation was far from encouraging. during the night--the third without sleep--the men had marched for hours, covering miles, and losing some hundred camels. we were still four miles from the river, and between the river and our exhausted force were thousands of raging dervishes. we were caught in a trap. seventy yards from our left flank was a little hill. in order to prevent its capture by the enemy, guardsmen were told off to occupy it. volunteers carried saddles and boxes across the bullet-swept space and built a small breastwork with them. several men were knocked over. in the meantime a company was extended along the ridge some yards beyond the zeriba to check the enemy's fire; but they had nothing at which to aim except the puffs of smoke rising above the scrub. the naval brigade had no better luck with the gardner gun, placed outside the zeriba near the left angle of the front. at some time between and o'clock sir herbert stewart was hit in the groin and severely wounded. the knowledge of this disaster was concealed from the men as long as possible. then followed a terrible interval, which lasted for hours. under that pitiless fire, exposed to an invisible enemy, men and camels were being hit every minute. all this time the heat was intense. there we lay in the blazing sun, helpless, the rattle of rifles all around us, the thin high note of the bullets singing overheard, or ending with a thud close at hand; men crying out suddenly, or groaning; camels lying motionless and silent, blood trickling from their wounds; and no one seemed to know what we were going to do. of all things, the most trying to a soldier is to lie still under fire without being able to reply. it is true that there was volley firing in reply to the enemy, but they were invisible. the command had naturally devolved upon colonel sir charles wilson, r.e., head of the intelligence department. { } it was clear to me that unless we marched against the enemy at once, we were done. i dispatched a written message to sir charles wilson. the messenger was killed. i sent a second message by sub-lieutenant e. l. munro, r.n., who was struck by a bullet which wounded him in seven places. shortly afterwards i received a message from sir charles wilson informing me that he was about to march against the enemy. i was ordered to remain in command of the zeriba, with colonel barrow. before forming square, sir charles wilson ordered the breastwork surrounding the hospital and that defending the little knoll occupied by the guards in our rear, to be strengthened into redoubts, in case of attack. the ammunition boxes must be shifted from the inside of the main zeriba, and carried across and among the baggage and the packed and helpless camels, a slow, laborious and dangerous business performed under fire. men and officers worked with a will; yet it was o'clock in the afternoon before they had done. just then st. leger herbert, private secretary to sir herbert stewart and correspondent of _the morning post_, was shot through the head. the square was composed of half the heavy camel regiment, guards, mounted infantry, royal sussex, royal engineers, and some dismounted hussars. sir charles wilson placed it under the executive command of lieutenant-colonel the hon. e. e. boscawen. the square was formed up in rear of the zeriba at . and marched at o'clock. the men were cool, alert, and perfectly determined. the british soldier had shut his mouth. he was going to get to the river, enemy or no enemy, or die. by this time the enemy were plainly visible in full force in front, horse and foot gathering behind a line of green and white banners. the moment the square moved beyond the redoubt, it received a heavy fire. several men were hit, and were carried back to the zeriba by our men, while the square moved forward at quick march. it made a zig-zag course in order to take { } advantage of the clear patches of ground among the scrub; lying down and firing, and again advancing. the naval brigade mounted the gardner gun in the angle of the redoubt, and, together with the royal artillery and two of their screw-guns under captain norton, maintained a steady fire at the three distinct masses of the enemy. two of these were hovering in front of the advancing square, upon the landward slope of the hill rising between us and the river; the third threatened the zeriba. in all of these we dropped shells, paying particular attention to the body menacing the zeriba. when the shells burst in their midst, the dervishes scattered like a flock of starlings. in the zeriba were the most of the hussars, whose horses were worn out, the royal artillery, half the heavy camel regiment, half the royal engineers, what was left of the naval brigade, and the wounded in the hospital. some camels were knee-lashed outside and all round the larger zeriba, forming a valuable breastwork. all we could do was to work our guns. as the square went on, the enemy, moving in large masses, shifted their position, and as they moved, we dropped shells among them. we judged their numbers to be greater than at abu klea. would the square of only men ever get through? if ever a little british army looked like walking to certain death, it was that thin square of infantry. presently it disappeared from view. soon afterwards we heard the steady roll of volley firing, and we knew that the enemy were charging the square. then, silence. whether the enemy had been driven back, or the square annihilated, we did not know. what we did know was that if the square had been defeated, the zeriba would very soon be attacked in overwhelming force. but as the moments passed the strain of suspense slackened; for, as the fire of the enemy directed upon the zeriba diminished and soon ceased altogether, the presumption was that the square had been victorious and had got through to the river. what had happened was that the arabs, charging downhill { } at the left front angle of the square, had been met by concentrated rifle fire, our men aiming low at a range of yards, steady as on parade. once more the british soldier proved that no troops in the world can face his musketry. the front ranks of the charging thousands were lying dead in heaps; the rear ranks fled over the hills; and the square went on, unmolested, very slowly, because the men were tired out, and so came to the river. count gleichen, who marched with the square, recounting his experiences (in his _with the camel corps up the nile_), writes: "soon in the growing dusk a silver streak was visible here and there in amongst the green belt, but it was still a couple of miles off.... our pace could not exceed a slow march. the sun went down, and the twilight became almost darkness; ... a two-days-old crescent was shining in the sky, and its feeble light guided us through the gravel hills right to the brink of the nile. the men were as wild with joy as their exhausted condition would allow. the wounded were held up for one look at the gleaming river, and then hurried to the banks. still, perfect discipline was observed. not a man left his place in the ranks until his company was marched up to take its fill.... a chain of sentries was established on the slopes overlooking the square, and in two minutes the force was fast asleep." sir charles wilson (_from korti to khartoum_) adds: "the men were so exhausted that when they came up from their drink at the river they fell down like logs...." they had been marching and fighting for four days and three nights without sleep, and with very little food and water, and had lost a tenth of their number. that night we in the zeriba also slept. i remember very little about it, except that lieutenant charles crutchley, adjutant of the guards' camel regiment, woke me twice and asked me for water. he made no complaint of any kind, and i did not know that he had been hit early in the day and that he had a bullet in his leg. general crutchley, who was so kind as to { } write to me in reply to my request that he would tell me what he remembers of the affair, says: "i remember lying on a stretcher that night, and people knocking against my leg, and that my revolver was stolen, i believe by one of the camel boys." crutchley was carried down to the river by my bluejackets next day, and was taken into hospital. as i remember the occasion, he left the decision as to whether or not his leg should be amputated, to me. at any rate, the surgeon had no doubt as to the necessity of the operation, at which i was present. with his finger he flicked out of the wound pieces of bone like splinters of bamboo. the leg was buried, and was afterwards exhumed in order to extract the bullet from it. i think i remember that crutchley, seeing it being carried across to the hospital, asked whose leg it was. he was carried upon a litter back to korti, and the shaking of that terrible march made necessary a second operation, which was successful. sir charles wilson's force, having bivouacked that night beside the nile, were up at daybreak; took possession of the empty village of mud huts, called abu kru, but always known as gubat, which stood on the gravel ridge sloping to the nile, yards from the river; and placed the wounded in gubat under a guard. the force then returned to our zeriba. when we saw that gallant little array come marching over the distant hill-top, and through the scrub towards us, we cheered again and again. hearty were our greetings. our comrades, who had marched without breakfast, were speedily provided with a plentiful meal of bully-beef and tea. then we all set to work to dismantle the zeriba, to collect the stores of which it was constructed and to sort them out, to mend the broken saddles, and load up the wretched camels, who had been knee-lashed and unable to move for twenty-four hours. about a hundred camels were dead, having been shot as they lay. as there were not enough camels to carry all the stores, a part of these were { } left under an increased garrison inside the redoubt upon the knoll in rear of the zeriba, major t. davison in command. at midday we buried the dead, over whom i read the service, sir charles wilson being present as chief mourner. the last of the wounded to be moved was sir herbert stewart, so that he should be spared as much discomfort as possible. he was doing fairly well, and we then hoped that he would recover. before sunset we were all safely lodged in gubat. the desert column had reached the river at last. it was the th january; we had left korti on the th. in the course of that miles we had gone through perhaps as sharp a trial as british troops have endured. at the fight of abu klea, nine officers and non-commissioned officers and men were killed, and nine officers and non-commissioned officers and men were wounded. on the th january, between the wells of abu klea and the river, one officer and non-commissioned officers and men were killed, and eight officers and non-commissioned officers and men were wounded. the general, sir herbert stewart, had received a wound which was to prove mortal. all the officers of the naval brigade, except mr. james webber, boatswain, and sub-lieutenant munro, who was wounded, and myself, had been killed. the losses were roughly one-tenth of the total number of the column. the camels which survived had been on one-third rations and without water for a week. they were hardly able to walk; ulcerating sores pitted their bodies; their ribs actually came through their skin. count gleichen says that his camel drank from the nile for minutes without stopping; and that subsequently the poor beast's ribs took a fine polish from the rubbing of the saddle. the horses of the hussars had been hours, and many of them hours, without water. i cannot mention the hussars without paying a tribute to the admirable scouting work they did under lieutenant-colonel barrow during the whole march, up to the time the last zeriba was formed, when the gallant little horses were dead beat. { } the present field-marshal, sir john french, did splendid service with the hussars throughout the campaign. when we came into gubat i was painfully, though not seriously, ill. the galling of the makeshift saddle during my three days' ride across the desert from dal to abu fatmeh on my way to korti, had developed into a horrid carbuncle; and i was unable to walk without help. { } chapter xxx the soudan war (_continued_) viii. disaster "comrades, who with us side by side, did in the brunt of battle stand, are absent now, their manly forms lie mouldering in the desert sand." _songs of the camel corps_ (sergeant h. eagle, r.m.c.c.) on st january, the day after the main body of the desert column had come to gubat, an attack was made upon metemmeh, which resolved itself into a reconnaissance in force. lord wolseley's instructions to sir herbert stewart were "to advance on metemmeh, which you will attack and occupy." these instructions sir charles wilson, upon whom the command had devolved, determined to carry into execution, although there was a doubt whether under the circumstances the attempt would be justified. metemmeh was a walled town of considerable strength, lying two miles down the river from the encampment. between the encampment and the town rose low ridges, in whose folds clustered the huts of deserted villages. the naval brigade joined in the attack; and as i was out of action, mr. webber, boatswain, was in command, and did admirably well. while sir charles wilson's force was firing upon the town, whence the enemy briskly replied, gordon's four steamers arrived. his black troops instantly landed with guns, and joyfully bombarded the mud walls; while sir { } charles wilson conferred with khashm-el-mus bey, malik (king) of the shagiyeh tribe, and abd-el-hamid bey, a young arab greatly trusted by gordon, who were in command of the steamers. abd el hamid subsequently deserted, and was, i think, shot by the mahdi. khashm-el-mus having reported that a large force was on its way down from khartoum under feki mustapha, sir charles wilson decided that he ought not to incur the further loss of men involved in the capture of metemmeh. he therefore withdrew from metemmeh, and returned to gubat, destroying the three intervening villages on the way. during the reconnaissance of metemmeh, major william h. poe, of the royal marines, was severely wounded in the leg. he insisted upon wearing a red coat, saying that his other coat was not fit to be seen; and he made a conspicuous target. his leg was amputated, and he eventually recovered; and he rides to hounds to this day. in view of the approach of the enemy, the wounded were brought from the fort on the ridge to an entrenched camp on the river; and opposite to it, upon gubat island, a breastwork was constructed, and was occupied by some of gordon's soudanese who had come in the steamers. major t. davison's outlying detachment, with the remaining stores, was brought in. it was now necessary very carefully to consider the situation. sir charles wilson read the letters dispatched by gordon and brought in one of the steamers, the _bordein_, which had left khartoum on th december. sir charles gave me these letters to read. in a letter addressed to the officer commanding h.m. troops, gordon requested that "all egyptian officers and soldiers" be taken out of the steamer. "i make you a present of these _hens_," he wrote, "and i request you will not let one come back here to me." in another letter, addressed to major watson (colonel in the egyptian army), dated th december, gordon wrote that he expected a crisis to arrive about christmas; and implied that he had abandoned hope of relief. { } it was now nearly a month after christmas, and khartoum was still holding out. but it was no longer possible to carry into execution lord wolseley's original intention: that sir herbert stewart should capture and occupy metemmeh; that i should man gordon's four steamers with the naval brigade and should take sir charles wilson with a detachment of infantry up to khartoum. now, sir herbert stewart was incapacitated by his wound; it was not considered practicable to take metemmeh; all the officers of the naval brigade were killed or wounded except mr. webber; and i myself was so ill as to be unable to get about without help. moreover, the weakened desert column, including more than a hundred wounded, would in all likelihood shortly be attacked by a greatly superior force. two main provisions of the original plan, however, had been fulfilled. the column had reached the river; and gordon's steamers had joined the column. and it was then supposed that wolseley was marching across the bayuda desert with reinforcements. sir charles wilson determined to go to khartoum (a decision in which i strongly supported him), provided that he could make reasonably sure that the force to be left behind was not in immediate danger of attack. he reckoned that the news of the defeat of the mahdi's forces at abu klea would have served both to inspirit the garrison at khartoum, and, owing to the dispatch of a number of the enemy to meet us, to relieve them in some measure. and after examining the commanders of the steamers on the point, he was satisfied that the delay of two days spent in reconnoitring, would not be material; a conclusion which was not shared by khashm-el-mus, who was eager to go to khartoum. accordingly, on nd january, sir charles wilson took three steamers down stream to reconnoitre. the four boats sent down by gordon were: the _bordein_, under abd-el-hamid; _talahawiyeh_, under nusri pasha; _safieh_, under mahmoud bey; and _tewfikiyeh_, under khashm-el-mus. { } sir herbert stewart was moved on board the _tewfikiyeh_, a small boat, which was employed as a ferry between gubat island and the mainland. i went with sir charles wilson in the _talahawiyeh_. i was not of much use, as i had to be helped on board, and was obliged to lie down in the cabin. in the same steamer were major phipps and two companies of mounted infantry. old khashm-el-mus was made commandant of the boat instead of nusri pasha. in the _bordein_ were captain verner, abd-el-hamid, and native soldiers. the _safieh_ had her own crew and captain. these vessels, about the size and build of the old penny steamboats on the thames, had been ingeniously protected and armed by poor colonel stewart, he who was treacherously murdered on th september, , after the wreck of his steamer _abbas_ at hebbeh. (it will be remembered that colonel stewart was sent by gordon, with a party of refugees, to communicate in person with the authorities in egypt.) in the bows was a small turret constructed of baulks of timber, and containing a -pr. brass howitzer (_canon rayé_) to fire ahead; amidships, between the paddle-boxes, was the central turret, also built of timber, and mounting a gun to fire over the paddle-boxes. astern, on the roof of the deckhouse, was an enclosure of boiler-plate, protecting the wheel and giving shelter to riflemen. the sides and bulwarks were covered with boiler-plate, above which was fixed a rail of thick timber, leaving a space through which to fire. the boiler, which projected above the deck, was jacketed with logs of wood. the improvised armour of wood and iron would stop a bullet, but was pervious by shell. the ships' companies were an interesting example of river piracy. the steamers had been cruising up and down the nile since october, a period of four months, during which the crews lived on the country, raiding and fighting. everything was filthy and neglected except the engines. the forehold was crammed with ammunition, _dhura_ { } grain, wool, fuel, and miscellaneous loot. the main-hold was inhabited by women, babies, stowaways, wounded men, goats, amid a confusion of ammunition, sacks of grain, wood fuel, bedding and loot. the after-hold held the possessions, including loot, of the commandant. below the forward turret slave-girls ceased not from cooking _dhura_-cakes. rats swarmed everywhere; the whole ship exhaled a most appalling stench; and the ship's company shouted and screamed all day long. first there was the commandant, who was theoretically in chief command of the ship, and who commanded the soldiers on shore; then there was the officer commanding the regular soldiers, soudanese. he was black, and so were his men, who were freed slaves. the officer commanding the artillery was an egyptian. the bashi-bazouk contingent was composed of shagiyehs--who were of the tribe ruled by khashm-el-mus--of black slaves, and of half-castes. their officers were turks, kurds, and circassians. the captain of the ship was a dongolese, and his sailors were blacks. under the captain were numerous petty officers, such as the chief of the sailors, the chief of the carpenters, and so forth. the chief engineer and his staff were egyptians. the reis (pilot) and his assistants were dongolese. into this wild medley, in the _talahawiyeh_, sir charles wilson brought a company of mounted infantry; and thus reinforced, we steamed down river; while i lay in the cabin, in a good deal of pain, and chatted to khashm-el-mus, who became a great friend of mine. he was a short, grey-bearded, dignified man of middle age, owning great power over his own people. he remained loyal to gordon under very trying conditions, and he stuck by us to the last. near shendi, one of khashm-el-mus's men came on board and reported that the force advancing from berber had met the fugitives from abu klea and had come no farther. another shagiyeh gave the same information. the people of shendi fired on the steamers, which replied { } with ten rounds of shell from each gun. we then went about and returned to gubat. at my request, sir charles wilson conferred upon mr. ingram, of _the illustrated london news_, the rank of acting-lieutenant in the royal navy. ingram had been of the greatest service. he had brought his own launch up from korti, volunteered to the desert column, and fought gallantly at abu klea and at the reconnaissance of metemmeh. as all the naval officers had been killed or wounded, and i was comparatively helpless, i was delighted to secure mr. ingram, who was exceedingly useful. his subsequent history was remarkable. he was killed while hunting big game in africa, and was buried upon an island which was afterwards washed away. the story goes that the manner of his death and the bearing away by a flood of his remains, were the fulfilment of a curse, which fell upon him when, in spite of warnings, he purchased a certain egyptian mummy. sir charles wilson, being assured that no attack was intended from the direction of berber, began immediately to prepare for his expedition to khartoum. most unfortunately, i was compelled to retire into hospital; but i was able to issue instructions which i hope were of use. at sir charles wilson's request, i advised him to take the two larger and better protected steamers, _bordein_ and _talahawiyeh_. the work of preparing them began next morning, rd january. the first thing to be done was to sort out from their crews the egyptians, turks, kurds, circassians, the "hens" whom gordon had refused to have again in khartoum, and to man the two vessels with soudanese sailors and soldiers. captain gascoigne and lieutenant stuart-wortley toiled at this tiresome job nearly all day. at my suggestion, the people removed from the steamers were placed in a camp by themselves up stream, on the khartoum side of gubat; so that in the event of a force advancing from khartoum, and the consequent revolt { } of the "hens," we should not be placed between two fires. the military objection was that they would foul the water; which was obviated by my building wooden piers projecting into the stream. an engine-room artificer from the naval brigade was sent on board each steamer, in which they went to work to repair defects. wood for the steamers was obtained by cutting up the _sakiehs_, or water-wheels, up and down the river, a slow process as performed by natives receiving orders through interpreters. khashm-el-mus was placed in command of the _bordein_, and abd-el-hamid of the _talakawiyeh_. sir charles wilson was to go in the _bordein_, together with captain gascoigne, non-commissioned officers and men of the royal sussex, one petty officer and one artificer naval brigade, and no soudanese soldiers. in the _talahawiyeh_ were captain l. j. trafford, in command of non-commissioned officers and men of the royal sussex, one of whom was a signaller, one engine-room artificer naval brigade, and some soudanese soldiers. the _talahawiyeh_ towed a _nuggar_ carrying about soudanese soldiers and a cargo of grain for khartoum. according to gordon's express desire, the british troops were clad in red tunics, which, being borrowed from the guards and the heavy camel regiment, were far from being a regimental fit. by the time the preparations were complete, it was too late to start that night, and the royal sussex, folded in their red tunics, bivouacked on the bank. during the day, the entrenchments upon the hillside and by the river were strengthened; and the same evening a convoy and an escort under the command of colonel talbot started for jakdul to fetch stores. captain c. b. piggot, the man who knew not fear, carrying dispatches to korti, accompanied them. it should be borne in mind that the chief object of the expedition to khartoum, apart from the necessity of communicating with gordon himself, was to produce a moral { } effect upon the mahdists; gordon's idea being that the presence of a small force of british soldiers would inevitably convince the native that powerful reinforcements might be expected immediately. in the journal of sir charles wilson (_from korti to khartoum_) he makes the following comment: "the original plan was for beresford to man two of the steamers with the naval brigade, mount his gardner gun on one of them, and after overhauling them, take me to khartoum with about fifty men of the sussex regiment. this was now impossible: all the naval officers were killed or wounded except beresford, who was himself unable to walk, and many of the best petty officers and seamen were also gone. beresford offered to accompany me; but he had done himself no good by going down the river the day before, and there was every prospect of his getting worse before he was better. besides, i felt i could not deprive the force of its only naval officer, when it was quite possible the steamers left behind might have to take part in a fight." that possibility was fulfilled. in the event, if i may say so, it was lucky that i was there. at eight o'clock on the morning of the th january, the two steamers started, flying the egyptian flag, the slave-girls frying _dhura_-cake under the fore turret, old khashm-el-mus smoking and drinking coffee on the cabin sofa, both vessels crammed with yelling and joyous savages, among whom were a bare score of british soldiers. they must pass powerful batteries, a single shot from which would sink them, and dangerous cataracts sown with rocks, and finally the guns of omdurman, which was now in possession of the enemy. and having survived these perils, they might be unable to return, for the river was rapidly falling. slowly they steamed away against the strong stream, and vanished; and for seven days we waited for news of that desperate enterprise. { } in sir charles wilson's absence, the military command devolved upon colonel boscawen, and after a few days, colonel boscawen being ill with fever, upon colonel mildmay willson of the scots guards. the actual senior officer was myself. i issued a proclamation to the natives. (_translation_) "to the people of the river districts. "this is to make it known to you that we are the advanced portion of the two great english armies which are now marching on khartoum to punish the rebels. "we do not wish to do you any harm if you will come to see us. you will receive no hurt; and we will pay you for your cattle and crops. "if, however, you do not tender your submission, we will punish you severely. your cattle will be taken, your villages and _sakiehs_ burnt, and you yourselves will be killed, even as those unfortunates who ventured to oppose us at abu klea and metemmeh. "any person desirous of speaking with the english general should carry a white flag, and come by the river bank alone. he will not be detained, and he will be guarded from all danger. "the sirdar "advanced guard, english army" i was in hospital for only two days. the surgeon's knife relieved my pain, and i was speedily healed. on the th january, and the following day, i took the _safieh_ down to metemmeh and shelled that place, covering the advance of a foraging party. there were daily expeditions both by the river in the steamer, and by land, to get goats and cattle, vegetables for the sick, and green-stuff for the camels, which had already eaten up all the vegetation about the camp. we weighed anchor daily at a.m., taking a party of twenty picked shots from one of the regiments. small { } parties of riflemen used to fire at us from the left bank, but we had no casualties. all the villages in the neighbourhood were deserted; but there was nothing to be taken from them except a few beans and lentils, and the native wooden bedsteads. a good deal of long-range sniping went on, but no one was the worse for it. the british sailors and soldiers had trouble with the native bulls, which, docile enough with natives, resisted capture by white men. nusri pasha, the egyptian, who had come down in command of the _talahawiyeh_, was standing on the deck of the _safieh_, watching my men trying to compel a recalcitrant bull down the bank. "let me try," said nusri pasha. "he'll obey me. you see." and he crossed the plank to the shore, and went up to the angry bull. no sooner did the pasha lay hand on the rope, than the bull charged, caught the unhappy egyptian between his horns, carried him headlong down the slope and into the water, and fetched up against the steamer with his horns fixed in the sponson, while nusri disappeared into the river, the beholders yelling with laughter. the pasha was fished out, chastened but not much the worse for his extraordinary escape. had he been impaled upon the horns, there would have been no more nusri, tamer of bulls. every night the tom-toms beat in metemmeh; and on the th, there was a great noise of firing, which we supposed to be the celebration of a religious festival. alas, it was something else. on st january, colonel talbot returned from jakdul with a large convoy of supplies. he was accompanied by the second division of the naval brigade, which, it may be remembered, had not arrived at korti when the desert column left that place. with the naval brigade came lieutenant e. b. van koughnet, in command, sub-lieutenant colin r. keppel (son of my old friend sir harry { } keppel), surgeon arthur william may (now surgeon-general sir a. w. may, c.b.), and chief engineer henry benbow (now sir henry benbow, k.c.b., d.s.o.). never was reinforcement more timely; and it was with inexpressible pleasure that i greeted my shipmates. once more i had officers; in the meantime, i had put the _safieh_ into fighting trim; and now we were ready for emergency. it came. every night i used to haul off the _safieh_ into the stream; and i slept on deck. very early in the morning of the st february, i was awakened by a voice hailing the _safieh_. i ran to the rail, and there, in the first light of the dawn, was a boat, and stuart-wortley's face was lifted to mine. he climbed aboard. "gordon is killed and khartoum has fallen," he said. then stuart-wortley told me how sir charles wilson's two steamers were wrecked, how his force was isolated up the river, and how the mahdi might be marching down with his whole triumphant horde armed with all the guns and rifles of the fallen city. "then the soldiers had better run up more wire entanglements and earthworks as quick as they can. and i wish to god i had those two steamers!" i said. i told stuart-wortley i would at once proceed to the rescue of sir charles wilson's party, and sent him on shore to tell the news to colonel boscawen. how the tidings came to the camp, is related by lieutenant douglas dawson, who recorded in his diary how one "drew his curtains in the dead of night and told him" ... (the diary was published in _the nineteenth century_ for november, . i quote from the copy kindly lent to me by the author): "_february st_. no member of our small force as long as he lives will ever forget this morning. just at dawn i was woke by someone outside our hut calling for boscawen. i jumped up and went out to see who it was, and then made { } out to my surprise stuart-wortley, whom we all thought at khartoum. "i looked towards the river, expecting in the faint light to see the steamers, then seeing nothing, and observing by his face that there was something wrong, i said, 'why, good heavens! where are the steamers, what is the news?' he said, 'the very worst.'" the full story of a very gallant exploit, sir charles wilson's daring voyage to khartoum, has been modestly and clearly told in his book, _from korti to khartoum_. the _bordein_ and the _talahawiyeh_ towing the _nuggar_, came to the shabloka cataract upon the day ( th january) after they had started. here the _bordein_ stuck; and having been got off after many hours' work, she ran aground again off hassan island next day, during which the expedition advanced only three miles. on the afternoon of the th, a man appearing on the left bank cried that khartoum had fallen and gordon was slain. no one believed him, because the air was full of false rumours. the next day, th, in the morning, a man on the right bank cried that khartoum had fallen and that gordon had been killed, two days before. no one believed him. but it was true. it was on that night that we in gubat heard the guns firing in metemmeh. by this time, those in the steamers could catch a far glimpse of the roofs and minarets of khartoum pencilled upon the blue above the trees of tuti island; and at the same time, a heavy fire was opened from the battery of fighiaiha on their right hand. then they came to halfiyeh, where a battery of four guns fired upon them, on their left hand. the naked black men in the steamers served their guns with a furious zeal, while the british infantry fired steadily, and so through the smoke the red flags went on, safely past the point of the long island that ends opposite to halfiyeh, the soudanese ecstatically shrieking defiance and brandishing their rifles. at halfiyeh were boats lying, and khashm-el-mus said to sir charles wilson, "gordon's troops must be there, as the mahdi has no boats." { } then, from the _bordein_, which was leading, they could see government house in khartoum plain above the trees, but there was no flag flying from its roof. as they passed between the island on their left hand and the mainland on the right, two more guns opened, and there began a heavy rifle-fire from both sides which continued for the rest of the way. tuti island, the upper end of which faces khartoum, and about which on either side the blue nile stretches an arm to join the white nile, was lined with riflemen firing over a dyke. at first sir charles thought them to be gordon's men, and took the steamer nearer in, when the fire increased. so, writes sir charles, "we went on, old khashm protesting it was all up, and predicting terrible disaster to ourselves. no sooner did we start upwards than we got into such a fire as i hope never to pass through again in a 'penny steamer.' two or more guns opened upon us from omdurman fort, and three or four from khartoum or the upper end of tuti; the roll of musketry from each side was continuous; and high above that could be heard the grunting of a nordenfelt or a mitrailleuse, and the loud rushing noise of the krupp shells..." they rounded the curve of the island, and there beyond the space of rushing water torn with shot, and the flash and smoke of bursting shells, khartoum rose into full sight; and there, ranged on the sandy shore beneath the walls, the mahdi's banners fluttered above the massed ranks of the dervishes. all was done. sir charles wilson had fought his way to the end, determined to go on till he was certain of the fate of the city. then he knew; then, and not until then, did he give the order to go about. at the word, as he relates, the soudanese, who had lost all they had in the world, were stricken mute and impotent. poor old khashm-el-mus wrapped his mantle about his head, crouching in a corner. they ran down stream through the fire, the soudanese bravely returning it, the british infantry steady as ever, and won clear. during four hours they had { } been under fire. they ran down some miles, and moored for the night. the next day, th january, the _talahawiyeh_ struck on a rock in the shabloka cataract, and must be abandoned. the british were transhipped to the _bordein_, the natives bivouacked on an island. next day the natives were sent on ahead in the _nuggar_, hitherto towed by the _talahawiyeh_, and the _bordein_ followed. the day after, st january, during the afternoon, the _bordein_ struck a rock, began to fill, and was run on shore upon a small island close to the large mernat island. when the accident occurred, sir charles wilson was just preparing to run at full speed past the fort and battery of wad habeshi, which lay on the left hand some three and a half miles lower down. mernat island lies about miles above gubat by land, and nearly by river. sir charles wilson landed guns, ammunition and stores. at first he intended to make a night march down on the right bank; but he changed his plan and decided to remain where he was for the night. lieutenant stuart-wortley was dispatched to carry the news to gubat in one of the two small boats, a felucca. he left at . p.m., taking a crew of four english soldiers and eight natives. they were fired at and missed by the wad habeshi fort; and working splendidly, traversed the miles in a little over eight hours, arriving at gubat, as already related, at a.m. on the morning of st february. stuart-wortley and his men faced death every mile of the way; and their voyage deserves to be remembered as a bold, determined and gallant achievement. { } chapter xxxi the soudan war (_continued_) ix. the rescue "and while lying near metemmeh he went--many a time you know-- up the river in his steamer, dealing havoc on the foe; and each gallant tar and jollie that was with him, fighting there, now would follow without question, let him lead them, anywhere." _songs of the camel corps_ (sergeant h. eagle, r.m.c.c.) [the men used to sing 'our navy on the nile,' of which the above is an excerpt; but the rest is so complimentary to the author, that he is obliged to omit it.] at two o'clock in the afternoon of the st february the _safieh_ left gubat to proceed to the rescue of sir charles wilson's force. from the time the news arrived until we started, we were occupied in getting wood and stores. with me were lieutenant e. b. van koughnet, sub-lieutenant colin r. keppel, surgeon arthur william may, chief engineer henry benbow, acting-lieutenant walter ingram, mr. webber, boatswain, all of the royal navy, lieutenant r. l. bower, king's royal rifle corps, and lieutenant stuart-wortley, who had brought the news of the disaster. the vessel was manned by picked men from both divisions of the naval brigade, and carried twenty non-commissioned officers and men, picked shots, of the mounted infantry, under the command of lieutenant { } r. l. bower. the engine-room staff consisted of chief engineer benbow; two engine-room artificers, royal navy, j. t. garland and g. woodman; and one chief stoker, royal navy; an arab or egyptian engineer, and six soudanese stokers. we mounted the two gardner guns in echelon on the platform made of railway sleepers and boiler-plate amidships, and one of the two brass -pr. mountain guns was placed in the turret forward, the other in the turret aft, both turrets being built of railway sleepers and boiler-plate, with which defences the ship had been cased above water. the reis (native pilot) was stationed inside the barricade protecting the wheel, to guide the helmsman, who was a bluejacket. the native boats always carry two reises, one to look out, the other to steer. our reis was mounted upon a box so that he could see over the barricade. in order to guard against the kind of accident which had befallen sir charles wilson's steamers, i informed him that if he took us safely up and down he would be rewarded, but that upon any indication of treachery he would be shot at once. he was then handcuffed to a stanchion, and quartermaster olden, with a loaded revolver, was placed at his side. surgeon-general a. w. may, who very kindly sent me his recollections of the trip, writes: "a quartermaster with the nickname of 'punch' was told off to look after him, and he stood as grim as death at his side, revolver in hand, quite ready at the slightest sign of treachery to carry out his orders ... i always attribute our getting up and down when the river was low and dangerous to your wise warning of the pilot." the _safieh_ was simply a penny steamer in a packing-case. where the packing-case was deficient, bullets went through her as through paper, and a shell would pierce her wooden jacket. the pinch would come when we sighted the fort at wad habeshi, which lay on our right hand, between us and mernat island, where was sir charles wilson's party, and which was some miles up stream from gubat. on st february we shoved along at the rate of . { } miles an hour, the most the _safieh_ could do against the current, stopped to get wood, and anchored in the stream during the night. it was impossible to navigate in the dark. the next day was almost entirely occupied in collecting wood, which was laboriously obtained by dismantling and cutting up the _sakiehs_, native water-wheels. that evening we arrived within three or four miles of wad habeshi, and again anchored for the night. after weighing next morning, i assembled the ship's company and briefly addressed them. i told them that we were in a tight place, but that we would get out of it; that if we failed to rescue sir charles wilson, the mahdi's men would get them and would then come down upon gubat; but that we would save wilson's party. the men were as cheery and steady as possible. at a.m. we sighted wad habeshi on the starboard hand; and we saw, far up the river, the trees of mernat island, and the tilted hull and funnel of the stranded _bordein_. by . a.m. we were within yards of the fort, and i opened fire with the bow gun. wad habeshi was a strong earthwork, with four embrasures, mounting four guns, and manned, according to stuart-wortley's report, by riflemen. the only practicable channel ran within yards of the fort. we could only crawl past the battery, and as we were defenceless against gun-fire, our only chance was to maintain so overwhelming a fire upon the embrasures as to demoralise the guns' crews. it was an extreme instance of the principle that the best defence resides in gun-fire rather than in armour; for we had no effective armour. accordingly, the starboard gardner and the two brass guns, the soldiers and bluejackets, poured a steady and an accurate fire into the fort, disregarding the parties of riflemen who were shooting at us from the bank. there were some or of these, and one gun opened fire from the side embrasure of the fort. poor von koughnet was shot in the leg, and second-class petty officer edwin curnow, number two of the crew of the starboard gardner, fell mortally wounded, and died that evening. but so { } deadly was the fire we poured into the embrasures of the fort, that the enemy could not fire the two guns bearing upon the _safieh_ while she was bore abeam of them. we passed the fort, and by the time we had left it about yards astern, our fire necessarily slackened, as our guns no longer bore upon the battery. suddenly a great cloud of steam or smoke rose from the after hatchway. instantly the fire of the enemy increased. chief engineer benbow, who was standing with-me on the quarter-deck, ran to the engine-room. a maltese carpenter rushed up to me crying, "all is lost, sare, myself and my brother, sare! the ship he sink, sare!" and was promptly kicked out of the way. i saw the black stokers rushing up from the stoke-hold hatchway. at the moment it was uncertain whether the ship was on fire or the boiler injured; but as she still had way upon her i ordered her to be headed towards the bank, away from the fort, and so gained another few yards. the carpenter's mate reported that there were three feet of water in the well, and that the vessel was sinking. then she stopped. in the meantime our fire upon the side embrasure of the fort was continued by the riflemen; and it went on without pause, lest the enemy should get another shot in. i dropped anchor, and addressed the men. i told them that the vessel was all right, as she had only a foot of water under her bottom; that the stores and ammunition must be got up on deck in case she settled down; that no relief was possible; but that not a single dervish would come on board while one of us was alive. the men were quite cool and jovial. "it's all right, sir," said one cheerfully. "we'll make it 'ot for the beggars!" mr. benbow, chief engineer, came to me and reported that the water must have come from the boiler, because it was hot; and that, as the shot which had pierced the boiler had entered above the water-line, the vessel was safe. i then { } countermanded the order to bring up the ammunition and stores. in the meantime the two engine-room artificers, garland and woodman, had been carried up from the engine-room, so terribly scalded that the flesh of their hands, forearms and faces was hanging in strips, like the flesh of a boiled chicken. they had been stationed by mr. benbow between the boiler and the ship's side, with orders to insert shot-plugs if the side was pierced; and in that position were farther from the exit than the soudanese stokers, and therefore were more severely injured. the stokers were badly scalded, two days afterwards, an odour as of the grave pervading the upper deck, a search discovered a black stoker under the fortified superstructure. he was hauled out with a boat-hook, and was then still alive, although his flesh was peeling from his bones. he had resigned himself to die, as asiatics will; and he died. considering the situation, i thought that upon the _safieh_ probably depended not only the fate of sir charles wilson's party, who were isolated in a hostile country between the strong force at wad habeshi and the mahdi's host marching down from khartoum, and who could not even rely upon the native soldiers with them, but the fate of the whole desert column; because if we failed to bring away wilson, and his party were captured or slain, the enemy would be encouraged to descend upon the desert column at gubat. i was, of course, at that moment ignorant of the movements of the mahdi's army; and could only conjecture that they were even then marching upon us. as a matter of fact, they were; but the exact sequence of events did not become known for a long time afterwards. i asked mr. benbow if he could repair the boiler. he replied, "i think i can do it." he added that it was still too hot to examine. the time was then between nine and ten a.m. mr. benbow, assisted by the leading stoker r.n., who had been stationed on deck as stretcher-bearer, drew the fires and pumped out the boiler, { } when he found a hole some three inches in diameter, round which the plate had bulged inwards, its edges being torn and jagged. by the time the examination was completed, it was about eleven o'clock. mr. benbow then set to work to make a new plate with his own hands. he had brought with him from the depot at wady halfa some engineer's stores: a piece of sheet-iron, and some bolts and nuts; part of the equipment i had brought from korti, when general buller asked me if i was going to mend camels with them. i remembered his chaff in that hour. mr. benbow, with no other assistance than that of the leading stoker, had to cut a plate, inches by , drill the holes in it to receive the bolts, drill holes in the injured boiler plate corresponding to the first to a fraction, and cut the threads of the screws upon bolts and nuts. the new plate being too thin to take the pressure, he also had to bolt an iron bar across it, drilling the holes through the bar, through the new plate, and through the injured boiler plate. during the whole time he was below in the stifling hot engine-room at work upon a task demanding at once great exertion and the utmost nicety, the fire from the fort never ceased. bullets pattered continually upon the hull, some of them piercing it, and striking the wounded men who lay below. at any moment another shell might burst into the engine-room. but mr. benbow went on with his work. on deck, we continued to maintain a steady fire, hour after hour, upon the fort. it was our only chance. the slightest cessation, and they would bring their gun to bear on us. the range was between and yards. as we hung at anchor, the fort bore almost directly astern. it was therefore necessary to alter the position of our guns. a rough platform was built aft, upon which one of the gardners was mounted, and where it was admirably served all day by acting-lieutenant walter ingram. lieutenant colin keppel, in order to have room inside the narrow wood-protected casemate astern to train his brass howitzer, sawed off its { } trail. the result was that after each discharge the gun leaped into the air and fell upon its back. after laying the gun, and before firing, keppel removed the sight to prevent its being injured, and put it in his pocket. keppel and mr. james webber served the gun all day, firing rounds. the casemate itself was strengthened to take the shock of the gun by buttressing it with a stout strut of timber. at every discharge the whole crazy vessel shook and trembled; her plates started; and her bows opened. the fire from the gardner and the rifle-fire, directed upon the side embrasure of the fort, were so accurate and incessant that the gunners of the enemy never had a chance, either to get their gun to bear or to remove it to another position. the few shots they fired travelled about yards to the right of the steamer. meantime, mr. benbow, down below, went on with his work. the noise of the engagement was so deafening and continuous that we did not hear the three shots fired upon mernat island, the signal arranged by sir charles wilson with stuart-wortley to show that the party was safe; and we were so busy that we did not see the flags hoisted upon the wreck of the _bordein_ with the same object. at that time sir charles wilson's party were themselves engaged with the enemy, who were firing upon them from the bank. sir charles wilson was able to make out that the _safieh_ was at anchor and was heavily engaged. he then thought that we had the two steamers, the _tewfikiyeh_ as well as the _safieh_, that one had been injured, and that the _safieh_ was covering her from the fire of the fort. he immediately broke up his zeriba, embarked the wounded, some of the natives, the guns, ammunition and stores, and a small guard of the royal sussex, in the _nuggar_, and sent it down stream under the command of captain gascoigne. the embarkation was carried into execution under fire. sir charles then landed the rest of his force on the right bank (wad habeshi and the enemy were on the left bank) in his remaining small { } boat, a felucca. the whole party then marched down the right bank to a point opposite to the _safieh_, captain gascoigne taking down the _nuggar_ and the felucca. "as we got nearer," writes sir charles, "we could make out the white ensign flying bravely in the breeze, a pleasant sight for hard-pressed britishers." upon the arrival of his force, it immediately opened fire upon the fort. i signalled to sir charles, informing him of the condition of affairs, and suggesting that he should move to a place lower down, where i would pick him up on the morrow. the _safieh_ lying some yards from the bank, and sir charles having a difficulty in replying to my signals, captain gascoigne volunteered to go aboard. he took a native crew in the felucca and pulled across under a hot fire from the fort, which did not discompose him in the least. there was never a cooler man under fire than gascoigne. he brought with him the two engine-room artificers of the naval brigade who had accompanied sir charles wilson, and who at once went below to help mr. benbow to repair the boiler. captain gascoigne returned with a message from myself to sir charles wilson suggesting that, in order to divert the attention of the enemy from the _safieh_, he should continue to maintain a fire upon the fort with a part of his force, while the rest proceeded farther down to form a zeriba at a spot suitable for embarkation; and that the women, sick and wounded should proceed in the _nuggar_ during the night to the same place, to which i would bring the steamer on the following morning. captain gascoigne rejoined sir charles wilson without casualty. sir charles then sent captain trafford forward with the royal sussex, khashm-el-mus and most of the soudanese, while sir charles himself remained with men and one gun. they maintained a steady and a useful fire until sunset, when they marched after the rest of the party. meantime, mr. benbow, down below, went on with his work. { } it was about two o'clock when the artificers joined him, so that he had already been toiling single-handed, except for the leading stoker, for three hours. after another three hours, at five o'clock, the plate and bar were made, the holes drilled in them and in the boiler, and the threads cut upon the bolts and nuts. but the boiler was still so hot, that it was impossible for a man to be in it, and the plate could not be fixed, because it was necessary to pass the bolts through the plates from inside the boiler. mr. benbow pumped cold water into the boiler and out again once or twice; but by o'clock the heat was still too great for a white man to endure. we smeared a negro boy with tallow, and i promised him a reward if he would go into the boiler. he was delighted. he was lowered down, to climb out again faster than he went in. after a short pause, he had another try. this time, in a frying heat that only a black skin could bear, he stayed inside, passing the bolts through, while mr. benbow caulked plates and bolts and screwed them home. the boy was none the worse in body and richer in possessions than ever in his life. by seven o'clock the job was done. you can see what it was for yourself; for the plate is now in the museum of the royal naval college, greenwich. rear-admiral sir colin keppel (sub-lieutenant in ), writing to me on the subject, says, "when in command of the gunboats under lord kitchener in , on our way to fashoda, about miles above khartoum on the white nile, i again came upon our old _safieh_, then again in the hands of the dervishes, with whom we had a short action. the first thing i did afterwards was to go down below (i knew where to look!) and found the patch which old benbow had put on more than years before." lord kitchener afterwards had the plate cut out, and he very kindly sent it to me. by ten o'clock that night, the boiler was repaired and the fires were laid. in the meantime, as soon as the twilight fell that evening, the fire from the fort slackened. { } it was my object to delude the enemy into the belief that we had abandoned the steamer; for, if they thought she was empty, they would not fire upon her, lest they should damage an invaluable prize. moreover, did the enemy suppose that we were staying by the ship, they would during the night shift a gun from the fort, dragging it along the bank to a point abreast of the steamer; whence they could see the vessel looming on the water, whereas we in the steamer could not see them; whence the range was no more than about yards; and whence a single hit would disable us. but all depended upon our running the gauntlet in the morning. therefore, in the hope of deceiving the enemy, as the darkness gathered, the four boats brought down to embark wilson's party were ostentatiously hauled alongside, as if to take off the ship's company. then all firing stopped; and after that thirteen hours' furious fusillade, the immense and crystal silence of the desert submerged us like the sea. talking above a whisper was forbidden; every aperture was closed below, where the lamps were burning to light mr. benbow at his work, and no spark of light was allowed on deck. the men lit their pipes at a slow match burning in a bucket, and smoked under cover. after leaving the _safieh_ in the afternoon, captain gascoigne had more adventures with his _nuggar_, of which by this time he must have been weary. it went ashore opposite to the fort, which of course shot at it, and gascoigne must embark all except the badly wounded, under fire as usual. luckily, the enemy failed to get the range. by sunset, the united exertions of sir charles wilson's firing party had refloated the _nuggar_. late that night, we saw her drift past us in the darkness. the fort fired upon her, but apparently without result, for she drifted on and disappeared. then the enemy opened fire again upon the steamer. they had run the guns outside the fort in the interval, and fired a few rounds at us, accompanied by a heavy rifle fire. but the _safieh_ remained dumb and motionless. the firing ceased, the { } enemy evidently believing that we had abandoned the vessel. i slept in snatches on deck, waking every now and then to look round. the officers were sound asleep, lying in a neat row on the deck. it occurred to me that, taking into consideration the position in which they lay relative to the gun on the bank, a single shot might kill them all. so i roused them up very quietly, and bade them dispose themselves in various places. i remember how they waked with a sleepy grin, each looking for a separate corner, dropping into it and falling asleep again. so far, our ruse had succeeded. at five o'clock the next morning ( th february) mr. benbow lit the fires, using the utmost caution, keeping the ash-pit draught plates almost shut, in order to prevent sparks, which would instantly betray us, from flying up the funnel. on deck, we were in suspense, all staring at the shot-riddled funnel. it kept its secret for fifty minutes; then suddenly it belched a fountain of hot ashes. it was then within ten minutes of daylight. almost at the same moment a great shouting broke out in the fort, and a convulsive beating of tom-toms. then the guns and rifles began to speak again. what had happened was that when the pressure-gauge indicated lb. of steam, the arab captain of the stokers suddenly appeared at the engine-room hatch, and spoke swiftly in arabic to his men, who, before mr. benbow could interfere, flung open the draught plates. it was a close-run business. in the next ten minutes the steam had run up to lb. pressure. instantly we weighed anchor. the moment the steamer began to move, such a yell of rage went up from the dervishes in the fort, as i never heard before or since. leaping and screaming on the bank, they took up handfuls of sand and flung them towards us. they had thought us fled, and the steamer theirs. and there we were, and there was the steamer moving away up river towards khartoum; and the men of wad habeshi were naturally disappointed. { } i took the _safieh_ about a quarter of a mile up stream, both to confuse the enemy and to enable me to turn outside the narrow channel, and at a comparatively safe distance. then we went about, and ran down at full speed, again concentrating our fire upon the embrasures of the fort. once more, as we came abreast of wad habeshi, we turned both gardners and both howitzers upon the embrasures, in one of which we burst a shell; while the soldiers and the bluejackets maintained their steady rifle fire. we were running now with the stream instead of against it, and our speed was the greater, and we stormed past the fort without a single casualty; and then, just as we thought we were clear, lo! there was gascoigne's hapless _nuggar_, stuck and helpless some yards below wad habeshi, and in full bearing of its side embrasure. as all depended upon the safe passage of the _safieh_, i ran on until we were a mile from the fort and out of its range, and then dropped anchor. [illustration: "running the gauntlet." the action of the "safieh" at wad habeshi, th february, ] i dispatched keppel with six bluejackets in a small boat to the assistance of the _nuggar_. rear-admiral sir colin keppel very kindly sent to me his account of the affair, based upon the notes made in his diary at the time. "the riflemen, having got rid of the steamer, concentrated their fire on the _nuggar_. however, the range was long and their fire was not very accurate. after we had anchored you dispatched me in a small boat with six bluejackets to the assistance of the _nuggar_. after attempting to pull up to her, we found that the stream was too strong, and so i decided, having obtained your approval by semaphore, to land on the right bank, track the boat up until well upstream of the _nuggar_, and thus reach her. i found the only thing to do was to lighten her; and while gascoigne and i were throwing overboard sacks of _dhura_ and other things, i was struck in the groin by a bullet which went through my breeches but did not penetrate the skin. it only raised a bruise which made me limp for a few days. there was a considerable number of wounded in the _nuggar_. when { } she was afloat again we drifted down. you got under way in the steamer and picked us up." such is keppel's modest account of what was a very gallant piece of service on his part and on the part of captain gascoigne, who with their men were working in the _nuggar_ under fire for three hours. had they failed where they so brilliantly succeeded, the whole column, as we learned afterwards, would have been jeopardised; for the steamer, returning to their assistance, would again have come within range of the fort. the _nuggar_ was taken in tow, and captain gascoigne's heroic struggles with that unlucky craft were thus ended for the time. a mile below us, sir charles wilson was waiting for us with his whole detachment. they were all embarked, and by . p.m. we had safely arrived at gubat. that night i slept so profoundly that i do not know when i should have awakened, had not first one rat, and then another, walked over my face. mr. benbow's skilled and intrepid service had saved the column with a piece of boiler plate and a handful of bolts. he received the special compliments of lord wolseley, who presented him with his own silver cigarette case; and was promoted to the rank of chief inspector of machinery. he ought to have received the victoria cross; but owing to the fact that i did not then know that the decoration could be granted for a service of that nature, i did not, to my great regret, recommend him for the honour. mr. james webber was promoted to be chief boatswain; and in , his services being once more exceptionally recommended, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant. surgeon arthur may's services were inestimable. always cheery, indefatigable and zealous, when he was not attending to the wounded under fire, he was on deck, rifle in hand, among the marksmen. it was a great pleasure to me to report in the highest terms of the conduct of the officers and men under my command, and specially to recommend lieutenant e. b. van koughnet, sub-lieutenant { } c. r. keppel, acting-lieutenant walter ingram, chief engineer benbow, surgeon arthur william may and mr. james webber, boatswain, and lieutenant bower, commanding the mounted infantry. during the engagement with the fort at wad habeshi rounds were fired from the gardner guns, and from the rifles. the figure for the brass howitzers is uncertain, the official report giving , but sub-lieutenant keppel, who served one of the guns, mentioned as the number fired from one gun in one day. { } chapter xxxii the soudan war (_continued_) x. the effect of the action of wad habeshi the proximate result of the fight of the _safieh_ was of course the fulfilment of its immediate object, the rescue of sir charles wilson's gallant detachment. but, years afterwards, it was made known that the full effect actually extended so far as to include the salvation of the whole desert column. in _the royal navy: a history_, vol. vii., sir william laird clowes briefly mentions the fact, referring to sir f. r. wingate's letter to lord wolseley of th march, . the passages in that letter to which he refers are as follows: "... it is therefore on these grounds only that i have ventured to collate evidence on an episode which may be considered to have been finally dealt with.... moreover, with the light which this evidence throws on the situation, the results of beresford's action cannot but be enhanced ... that he was the means of saving sir c. wilson and his party is an admitted fact; but when it is realised that added to this, his action really saved the column, it is, i consider, my duty to bring before you this evidence which, had it been known at the time, might have secured for beresford and benbow the greatest reward soldiers and sailors can hope to obtain. but late as it is, it may not be too late for the question to be reopened.... "in order to arrive at the actual details of the dervish movements subsequent to the fall of khartoum, a meeting { } was held at the intelligence department, egyptian army, cairo, on the rd february, , at which the following were present, namely, father orhwalder, kasha el mus pasha, major hassan agha mohammed (kassala), hassan eff. riban (late maowin berber district) and present at berber at that time; the emir sheikh medawi (one of the principal dervish emirs present in the attack on khartoum).... "in the unanimous opinion of the above committee, the credit of having delayed the dervish advance and thus enabling the british column to be retired safely is due to the action of lord charles beresford at wad habeshi...." the following short extracts may be cited from the evidence which led the committee to their conclusion. the first is taken from the statement of esh sheikh murabek wad el tilb, a kordofan merchant who arrived in cairo on th may, , from omdurman: "... there were dervishes there (at wad habeshi) under the emir ahmed wad faid and sheikh mustafa el amin. these dervishes thought they could easily capture the steamer in which there were only about men, but the english stood up and fought like men for many hours, they inflicted great loss on the dervishes, and forced them to draw off and disperse. their chief emir was killed as well as their artillery officer. "the effect of this defeat on the dervishes was immense, and it also affected the whole situation. the survivors fled in many directions, spreading the news of the english victory far and wide.... "if the dervishes at wad habeshi had succeeded in capturing the steamer, there is no doubt nejumi would have hastened his march and would have intercepted the english before they could have got away from gubat, but instead of that he halted when he heard of wad faid's death, and delayed some days in consequence at wad bishara and at gereishab. he had a very large force with him ... "(signed) murabek wad el tilb" { } the second extract is translated from the german of father orhwalder, long a prisoner of the mahdi: "... it is an undoubted fact that lord charles beresford's gallant action at wad habeshi was the means of saving the lives of sir charles wilson and his party, who would have suffered a like fate to that of colonel stewart and his companions, and it is an equally undoubted fact that the mahdi's success at khartoum shook the fidelity of the shagiyeh, but lord charles beresford's victory at wad habeshi had the effect of making nejumi dread meeting the english on the river, and decided him to attack them on the desert. "lord charles beresford deserves the credit of having effected this and was thus the means of saving the entire british force. "(signed) don guiseppe orhwalder "( _rd february_, )" it is obvious that the estimation of the conduct of the officers and men who fought at wad habeshi remains unaffected by the results of the action, which were neither definitely contemplated nor clearly foreseen. and the evidence i have quoted being irrelevant, strictly speaking, to any criticism of the action itself, is here cited, not in order to enhance the credit of the officers and men concerned but, for the sake both of its intrinsic interest, and for the purpose of illustrating, incidentally, the methods occasionally adopted under the system controlling the royal navy. the effect of the action at wad habeshi exemplifies the extraordinary potency of the element of chance in war. under what conceivable theory of tactics could it have been maintained that a penny steamer had the smallest chance of rescuing a detachment isolated in a hostile country, upon condition of twice engaging a powerful battery at short range, and twice defeating its garrison of sixty or a hundred to one? or what self-respecting tactician would have { } predicted that in the extremely improbable event of success, its effect would have been to check, even momentarily, the advance by land of the main force of the enemy? but the unexpected happened; and as it did happen, it would have been in accordance with a courteous precedent on the part of the authorities to have recognised the fact. i make no complaint of their action as regards myself; and only recall it here in the hope that no repetition of it will be permitted in respect of others perhaps less fortunate than i. the admiralty refused to allow me to count my service in the soudan either as time spent in command of a ship of war, or, as part of a period of command spent both in peace and war. their lordships' refusal might have involved my retirement before i had completed the time required to qualify for flag rank. the queen's regulations ordained: that a captain must have completed six years' service, of which the first three years must be in command of a ship of war at sea; or that he must have completed four years during war; or five years, of war and peace combined. after having been for over two years in command of h.m.s. _undaunted_, i applied (in may, ) for permission to count the days in the soudan during which i was borne on the books of h.m.s. _alexandra_, which were allowed as sea-time by the admiralty, in the required five years of war and peace combined. the application was refused, on the ground that war service could not be reckoned by a captain unless he was in command of a ship of war actually employed in active service at sea. having completed my three years' service in command at sea, i applied (in april, ) for permission to count the days sea-time, although they preceded the three years in command at sea, as part of the required six years' service. the application was refused, upon the ground that its acceptance was not necessary in order to save me from retirement. a year and a half afterwards (in january, ) i repeated my application, pointing out that in three cases { } the admiralty had, by order in council, conceded similar claims of admittedly much less force than my own, and that the only naval officers engaged in the soudan war who were not allowed to count their time towards promotion were captain boardman and myself. their lordships then merely referred me to their previous answers. i may mention that my application was warmly and emphatically supported by lord wolseley. { } chapter xxxiii the soudan war (_continued_) xi. the retreat upon the day after the rescue of sir charles wilson's party, a court of inquiry, under my presidency, was held to investigate the conduct of the captains of the two wrecked steamers, and one of the reises. the captains were acquitted. the reis was found guilty of treachery, but his punishment was remitted in consideration of the fact that he had brought lieutenant stuart-wortley safely down the river after the wreck of the _bordein_. the little _safieh_ was riddled with bullet-holes; she leaked like a sieve, so that even before the action of wad habeshi, the pumps must be kept going continually; and her bows, under the incessant concussion of the guns, had opened out like a flower. the sides came away from the stem, and in order to stop the water coming in, the natives had stuffed rags and mud into the openings, which of course widened them. upon our return to gubat, i caused a dry dock to be excavated in the bank; ran the bows of the steamer into it; closed it against the water with mud; and kept two black men baling out the water as hard as they could go for eight hours on end, while we cut and fitted a new stem and bolted the sides to it; a very difficult job, because the sides of the steamer were rotten. the other repairs having been effected, i took the _safieh_ (which was so decayed that the pumps must still be kept going) out { } daily for foraging expeditions, to get cattle, sheep and vegetables, and also to show there was fight in us yet. there were no fowls, because the mahdi had declared them to be unclean. captain gascoigne and khashm-el-mus used to accompany me upon these expeditions, gascoigne taking command of the raiding parties on shore: lieutenant robert a. j. montgomerie (afterwards rear-admiral montgomerie, c.b., c.m.g.) was of the greatest service. montgomerie was of extraordinary physical strength and prowess. he joined me on th february, with lieutenant g. w. tyler, at gubat. while helping to work the boats up the river, montgomerie saved a gun which sank when the boat in which it was capsized. the weight of muzzle or breach (whichever it was) was well over lb., and the water was shoulder-deep. montgomerie picked up the gun, hove it upon his shoulder and waded ashore with it. his exploits at ismailia are still remembered. he was sitting in a saloon, where three french natives determined to provoke the english officer. they chose the wrong man. one of the trio upset montgomerie's glass of beer, and although he did not apologise, montgomerie, supposing him to have done it by accident, took no notice. a second man did the same, with the same result. then the third hero deliberately threw down montgomerie's glass with his hand. montgomerie then acted instantly and with great rapidity. he knocked one man senseless, picked up another and threw him on the top of his friend, took the third and flung him up on the roof of the balcony. surgeon-general a. w. may reminds me that he and montgomerie discovered, at some distance from the river, a garden wherein grew onions and limes. montgomerie pulled the onions, while may collected the limes for the sick in hospital. but a lime-tree is armed with long and sharp thorns; and may, desiring to preserve his one and only uniform, stripped and climbed the tree in his birthday suit. suddenly arabs appeared; and may had but the { } time to descend, pick up his clothes and fly with montgomerie back to the steamer. surgeon-general may also reminds me that upon another foraging trip, we landed a party of gordon's soudanese troops to capture a flock of sheep. before the blacks had time to get away with the sheep, the arabs came down, and began to fire at them and also at the steamer. i sent a black sergeant-major and a bugler to hasten the retreat of the soudanese. two of them, each of whom was carrying a sheep, lagged somewhat; whereupon the sergeant-major lay down, took careful aim, and fired at them. neither he nor they seemed to consider the method unusual. it was on one of these foraging parties that quartermaster olden saved the entire raiding party. captain gascoigne, in command of a wild lot of bashi-bazouks and the most of the men from the _safieh_, had gone some little distance inland to a village. i was left in the _safieh_ with six men to serve the gardner gun. the steamer was lying alongside the bank, but not close in; for it was necessary to keep a certain depth of water under her keel in a falling river, and to be able to shove off quickly. i had poles ready rigged for this purpose. the bashi-bazouks, who began firing from the hip at random with loud cries so soon as they came on shore, had vanished into the distance with the rest of the party; when i perceived afar off a crowd of dervishes gathering at a place at right angles to the line upon which the raiding party must return, and nearer to the _safieh_ than the village where was the raiding party. the dervishes, therefore, evidently intended to cut off the british force. i sent for olden, gave him his instructions, and sent him on shore with two riflemen. the three ran like hares through the scrub towards the enemy. they ran at full speed for about yards to get within range. then they scattered, concealed themselves and fired; moved again swiftly, and fired again; and kept on repeating the manoeuvre, until the dervishes, believing that the scrub was { } swarming with english riflemen, drew off; and the raiding party returned in safety. for this service, olden was recommended by me for the conspicuous gallantry medal. the black soldiers, going barefoot, used to come in with their feet transfixed by long thorns; these i cut out with a horse-lancet fitted to my knife; and the operation was like cutting leather. i had gained experience in performing it while getting the boats through at wady halfa. at ismailia a more delicate operation fell to me. while fishing, my hook caught in a man's eyelid. the french surgeon who was summoned went to work with a lancet, and tried to pull the barb through the wound, causing the patient acute agony. i sent the doctor aside, and using one of a pair of breeches' bow-ties (for tying bows at the knees) drew the hook through to the shank, and severed it, much to the surgeon's indignation. the expeditions up and down the river in the _safieh_ were amusing enough; but we were only making the best of the interval before the next move. sir charles wilson had left gubat on th february for korti, where he arrived on the th bearing the news of the fall of khartoum, and a full account of the condition of the desert column. lord wolseley telegraphed the information to lord hartington (secretary of state for war), who telegraphed in reply: "express warm recognition of government of brilliant services of sir c. wilson and satisfaction at gallant rescue of his party." lord wolseley, upon receipt of sir c. wilson's dispatch containing the account of the action at abu kru, fought on the th january, when sir herbert stewart was wounded, had appointed major-general sir redvers buller to take command of the desert column, sir evelyn wood being appointed chief of staff in his place. buller had left korti on th january, and had arrived at jakdul on the nd february. lord wolseley had also dispatched the royal irish regiment to reinforce the desert column. the royal irish marched on foot the whole way across the { } bayuda desert, each man carrying rounds of ammunition, filled water bottles and rolled greatcoats. the first detachment left korti on the th january, the second on the th; both arriving at jakdul on the th february. they left jakdul on the th. buller left on the following day; and upon arriving at abu klea, he left there two companies of the royal irish, the rest of which accompanied him to gubat, for which place he started on the th. i saw the royal irish march in; a splendid body of fighting men, trained down to the last ounce, lean as hounds, and spoiling for a fight. it will be observed that buller was at jakdul, half-way across the desert, on the th february, on which date lord wolseley learned from sir charles wilson of the fall of khartoum. lord wolseley dispatched three sets of orders to sir redvers buller in quick succession, the last reaching him at abu klea on the th, before he had resumed his march to gubat. lord wolseley's dispatch instructed sir redvers buller to make every preparation for the evacuation of gubat and the withdrawal of the column. at the same time, its tenor left a certain discretion to buller; who, replying to it in a private letter carried by the returning messenger to lord wolseley, "spoke," says colonel colville, in his official _history of the sudan campaign_, "hopefully of the situation." i think the presence of the royal irish, in magnificent condition, suggested to buller that he could fight anybody anywhere. in fact, when sir redvers came in to gubat on th february, he wanted to remain and fight. at his request, i stated to him my view of the situation; which was, briefly, that unless we departed swiftly, we should be eaten up by the enemy, who were known to be advancing in immense force. i also reported officially that until the nile rose, the two steamers remaining to us were practically useless: a consideration which proved conclusive. sir redvers buller's dispatch, dated at gubat th february, and addressed to { } the chief of staff, describes the conclusions to which he came after having carefully reviewed the situation (_history of the sudan campaign_--part ii. p. ). the camels were greatly reduced in number and were nearly worn out; but if the column were to attempt any further enterprise, the camels must be sent to jakdul and back to bring supplies, a journey which would take at least ten days. this circumstance was virtually conclusive. sir redvers adds: "i regret to have to express now an opinion different to that which i expressed to lord wolseley in a letter dated the night of the th instant; but when i then wrote, i was not aware of the condition of the steamers and of the fact that the big one could not pass a sandbank miles below this. lord c. beresford considers it doubtful if the other one can either.... since writing this i am confirmed in my opinion by the news that mohammed ahmed (the mahdi) left khartoum _en route_ here on the th instant." [illustration: field-marshal the rt. hon. viscount wolseley, k.p., p.c., g.c.b., g.c.m.g., d.c.l., ll.d., o.m. - ] in the meantime, lord wolseley had ordered the river column to halt on its way. on the th, general earle, in command of the river column, had been killed at the action of kirbekan. lord wolseley, until he received sir redvers buller's account of the desperate condition of the river column--deprived of transport, encumbered with wounded, short of stores (owing to bad packing), and without boots--retained his intention of effecting a junction of the two columns at berber. at the end of the third week in february that scheme was necessarily abandoned. the river column was recalled; and buller, then on his way back with the desert column, was instructed to return direct to korti. on the morning of th february the sick and wounded were dispatched with a convoy under the command of colonel talbot. eight or nine miles out, the convoy was attacked, surrounded on three sides, and exposed to fire from the enemy concealed in the bush. among the wounded were the scalded engine-room artificers; one of whom, recalling the incident in conversation with me { } recently, said: "that was the first time my heart sank--when the bearers put down my litter, and the firing began." after about two hours' engagement, when the convoy had lost eight killed and wounded, the light camel regiment, under the command of colonel clarke, marching from jakdul, opportunely appeared, and the enemy drew off. colonel talbot (my cousin) very kindly sent me a copy of his diary, kept at the time. his account of the affair gives little indication of what was in fact a passage of very considerable danger. he was encumbered with a large number of sick and wounded; his force was small; the force of the enemy, though it was impossible to estimate the exact numbers, was formidable; and in spite of talbot's skilful and prompt dispositions of defence, the issue must have been very doubtful had not the light camel regiment arrived. colonel talbot's account runs as follows: "_february_ _th_.--received orders from sir r. buller to march for jakdul at dawn with sick and wounded, sir h. stewart and the worst cases carried in litters borne by egyptian soldiers from khartoum. escort of men joined from the camel regiments and about gordon's egyptians from khartoum. "_february_ .--marched at dawn miles, and halted for breakfast. outposts, just as we were about to resume march, sent in report of approach of large force of arabs--mounted men, riflemen, and spearmen. the column was formed up, the wounded in the centre surrounded by camels lying down, and outside them the egyptian soldiers. the camel corps troops were formed in two squares, one of the heavy and guards' camel regiments in front of the column, and the other of the mounted infantry in rear. skirmishers were sent into the bush to feel for the enemy. the enemy opened fire and worked all round our force, apparently trying to ascertain our weakest point. it was impossible to estimate the strength of the enemy owing to the thick bush, but a considerable number of riflemen, supported by a large { } force of spearmen, were seen, and about horsemen were counted. after the affair had lasted about two hours, and we had lost men killed and wounded, the light camel regiment on the march to gubat appeared unexpectedly, and narrowly escaped becoming engaged with us, owing to both forces being unaware of the proximity of the other, and through the bush it was difficult to distinguish the arabs from ourselves. no doubt the arrival of the light camel regiment accounted for the sudden disappearance of the enemy." it was colonel brabazon (now major-general sir j. p. brabazon, c.b., c.v.o.), second in command of the light camel corps, who, when the column had marched nearly half-way from abu klea to metemmeh, went to his commanding officer, colonel stanley clarke, and suggested that the column should be immediately diverted to the scene of action. colonel brabazon led the column in the direction of the firing, and his two or three hundred camels made so great a dust that the arabs thought a whole army was advancing upon their flank, and instantly fled away. the result was that, hidden in the bush, the light camel corps occupied the ground vacated by the enemy, unknown to the convoy, which continued to fire at the place they supposed the arabs to be. general brabazon's account of the affair, which he very kindly sent to me, is as follows: "i halted the column, and the bush being very thick, the trees stopped most of the bullets; nevertheless, they were knocking up the dust at the feet of our camels, and a bullet struck my mess-tin. i ordered our regimental call to be sounded, 'the camels (campbells) are coming,' 'lights out,' and finally 'dinners.' but it was not until two or three of us pushed our way through the bush into the open, whence i saw the convoy preparing to give us another volley, that they realised we were friends and not foes, and precious glad they were to see us. they had only a small escort and were of course hampered with the sick and wounded, and i think everyone who was there will agree { } that they were in a bad way.... i dined at the guards' mess afterwards, and douglas dawson said that he had just given his men the range preparatory to their firing another volley, when he put up his glasses and made out the helmets and red morocco coverings of the camel saddles, and shouted, 'come down! they are our fellows.' then, dawson said, his soldier servant, who was standing behind him, remarked: 'why, i could have told you they were our fellows ten minutes before!' i suppose he had recognised the 'dinners' call." so ended a comedy which had come very near to being a tragedy. gordon's egyptian soldiers, who were carrying the wounded, put the litters down when the firing began. among the wounded were poor sir herbert stewart, devotedly nursed by major frank rhodes, major poe, royal marines, sub-lieutenant e. l. munro and lieutenant charles crutchley. poe and crutchley each had a leg amputated. all the wounded were lying helpless on the sand, listening to the firing, and moment by moment expecting the terrible dervish rush. a violent death was very close to them, when brabazon and his men came in the nick of time. the convoy had one of the narrowest escapes in the history of the british army. it remains to add that colonel brabazon received no recognition of his action of any kind from the authorities. colonel talbot had been continuously employed upon the difficult and arduous convoy duty since the arrival of the desert column at gubat on the st. two days later talbot started to return to jakdul to fetch supplies. not he nor his men nor his camels had a day's rest from the th january, when the desert column left korti, till the th, when the convoy was back again at jakdul. the convoy reached gubat on the st january; next day came the news of the fall of khartoum; and the same evening the convoy marched again for jakdul with sick and wounded. from jakdul it returned with sir redvers buller; arrived at gubat on the th february; and started again on the th, { } as already related, with another party of sick and wounded. on the way back to korti, colonel talbot, without engineers or commissariat, constructed a camp and built forts at megaga wells, where the main body, including the naval brigade, joined his convoy on nd march. after colonel talbot's convoy had left gubat on th february, i disposed of the poor old _safieh_ and the _tewfikiyeh_, lest upon our departure they should be taken by the enemy. the six brass guns were spiked and thrown overboard, the ammunition was destroyed, the eccentric straps were removed from the machinery, and finally the valves were opened and the vessels sunk. then came the sad destruction of the stores for which we had no transport. the number of camels would only suffice to carry rations for three days, by the end of which the column would have arrived at abu klea, where were more stores. when colonel talbot's convoy of supplies reached gubat two days previously, the garrison had for ten days been living on short rations: nevertheless, more than half of what he brought must be destroyed. count gleichen (_with the camel corps up the nile_) says that " , lbs. of flour, lbs. of biscuit, , lbs. of beef, lbs. of bacon, lbs. of tea, oatmeal, preserved vegetables, coffee, and all sorts of stores were pierced and thrown into the river"--an example of waste in war resulting from deficient transport. some of the medical comforts, small bottles of champagne and port, were distributed. one among us--i think his name was snow--took a bottle of wine and swore he would keep it till he drank it in khartoum. _and he did_. he went into khartoum with kitchener thirteen years afterwards, and drank his libation in the conquered city. that incident reminds me that, when i went with the party of members of the house of commons to russia in , a russian farmer sent a note to the british admiral, of whom he said he had heard, together with a bottle containing mustard which he had grown, and which he sent { } as a token that the aforesaid british admiral would give his enemies mustard when he met them; for, said the farmer, the enemies of england would certainly be the enemies of russia. i have that bottle of mustard. what went to my heart when the stores were destroyed, was the dreadful waste of my drums of precious lubricating oil, carried so far with so great labour. my tears mingled with the oil as it was poured out upon the sand. on the th february, at . a.m., the desert column quitted gubat and started on the long return march to korti, officers and men alike on foot, excepting the hussars. there was hardly a pair of boots in the whole column. some of the men cut up old rifle-buckets and tied the pieces with string to the soles of their feet. as for my sailors, they marched barefoot, every man carrying his rifle, cutlass, and cartridges, and many of them towing reluctant camels. one camel to every four men was allotted to carry saddle-bags and blankets; and the camels kept dropping and dying all the way. by the time he had been three days out, count gleichen, in charge of the baggage, had lost camels. at first the weather was cool with a northerly breeze, and all started well. on the march, in default of water, i used to spread my clothes in the sun while i rubbed myself all over with sand; a dry bath that was highly cleansing and refreshing. on the th february we came to abu klea, somewhat weary. we were of course in constant expectation of attack. on the next day ( th) the naval brigade occupied a sand redoubt, on which the two gardner guns were mounted. sir redvers buller, finding that the water supply was insufficient and that there was not enough food for the camels, sent on the soudanese troops, baggage, stores and camp-followers under escort to jakdul, while he halted at abu klea to keep the enemy in check, until the unloaded camels returned from jakdul, and until further instructions arrived from headquarters. the remainder of the column, entrenched at abu klea, thus became the rearguard, in the { } air, as the phrase is; isolated for the time being and deprived of transport and reserve stores; a dangerous position forced upon the general by the lack of camels. in the evening began the customary desert performance, opened by the dervishes firing at long range from a hill-top commanding the camp, and continued during the long, cold, sleepless night with intermittent sniping to a tom-tom accompaniment. but our men were seasoned by this time; and although one among them was hit now and again, the situation no longer set a strain upon their nerves, but was accepted as part of the routine. that night two men were killed and thirteen wounded. it is true that the faithful josé salvatro, my maltese servant, who had done and suffered so much, lost patience on this occasion. he was heating cocoa over the fire, when a bullet struck the tin and splashed the hot cocoa all over him. "why they fire _me_, sare?" said josé. "always firing _me_. _i_ never did them any harm." in the morning (the th) the enemy opened fire with a gun; which, after three or four rounds, was knocked out by the naval brigade with a gardner. i had walked a little way from the redoubt, when i was knocked over by a stunning blow striking me at the base of the spine, and lay helpless. i thought i was done; and i thought what an unlucky dog i was to have come through so much, to die on the way back from a wound in a place so undignified. but it was only a ricochet; my men carried me in; and i speedily recovered. during the day major f. m. wardrop, d.a.a.g., and lieutenant r. j. tudway of the mounted infantry, with three men, employed the tactics i had used outside alexandria two years previously. riding swiftly from one point to another, and concealing themselves in the intervals, they impressed the dervishes with the delusion that a large force threatened them in rear, and so caused them to retreat. in the afternoon, lieutenant-colonel h. mccalmont arrived with the news of the action of the river column at kirbekan { } on the th, and of the death of general earle. the mail from korti contained a kind message of congratulation addressed by the khedive to myself, referring to the engagement at wad habeshi, as well as congratulations from home. the total number of killed and wounded during the th and th was three men killed, and four officers and men wounded. we heard on the st of the death of our beloved general, sir herbert stewart, who, in spite of all our hopes, had succumbed to his wound on the th, during the march of colonel talbot's convoy, seven miles north of geb-el-nus. he was buried with full military honours on the following day near the wells of jakdul. on the nd february a convoy under colonel brabazon arrived with camels. these were only just sufficient to move the stores and supplies. it may here be noted that it was only a day or two previously that lord wolseley had received at korti sir redvers buller's letters describing the complete collapse of the transport of the desert column; and it was this information, together with a minute from sir evelyn wood, who was at jakdul, that finally decided lord wolseley to abandon his intention of combining the desert and river columns to hold posts along the nile preparatory to an autumn campaign. at the same time, great anxiety with regard to the desert column prevailed at home. upon the morning of the next day (the rd) our picquets reported that the enemy had received a reinforcement of some men and six guns. perhaps the column had never been in more imminent danger than it was at that moment. sir redvers buller discussed the situation with me. i expressed the opinion that the large force of the enemy would cut off our advance, rush us, and then move upon jakdul and so on to korti itself; and remarked that the column was short of transport and of provisions, and would be short of water. { } "what would you do if you were in command?" said buller. i told him that in the evening i would light a larger number of camp-fires than usual, and, leaving them burning in order to deceive the enemy, i would then depart in silence and with speed. "for a sailor ashore," said buller, "you've a good head. i'll do it." and he did. at two o'clock the same afternoon, sir redvers buller sent on his sick and wounded-- of all ranks--with a convoy of men commanded by colonel stanley clarke; and that night, at . , the rest of the column stole forth into the desert, leaving a ring of camp-fires flaming in the dark behind us. we halted after four hours' march and bivouacked in peace. next day (the th) we were sniped by a few wandering scouts: and save for these, saw no enemy. then began the three days' hard marching, on short rations, and very little water, in great heat, to jakdul. many of the men fell out: but not one man of the naval brigade. we arrived at jakdul on the th february. i did not keep a diary: but lieutenant colin keppel's journal defines the situation in three eloquent words: "water, mails, cigarettes!" next day i found time to write home, the first opportunity for so doing during the past six weeks. "even now (i wrote), i am writing in a storm of sand and wind, my paper blowing one way and my helmet another, among my camels, who smell most poisonous. poor things, they were eight days without water, and had only what food they could get when foraging in the desert. and they have so many and so large holes in their backs, that i am obliged to put shot-plugs in, to keep the water in when they drink...." it was true that i put shot-plugs in the camels. my official report (and what can be truer than an official report?) { } contains under date th february the sole entry: "employed repairing camels' sides by plugging them with oakum!" lord wolseley laughed when he read it. but although the surgery may appear empirical, it was wonderfully successful. the admixture of tar acted as an antiseptic. on the following day ( th february) we resumed the march to korti; on nd march the naval brigade joined colonel talbot's convoy at megaga wells, with the heavy camel regiment and royal artillery. the guards' camel regiment had gone on to abu halfa. the remainder of the column under sir evelyn wood left jakdul on rd march. at megaga wells colonel talbot took command and we left for korti, officers and men continuing to march on foot, very few having soles to their boots. there was one camel allocated to carry the kits of five men; camels carried water; and carried the sick. the thermometer registered ° in the shade, and a hot wind blew. and so we came to korti on the th march, two months after we had left it. lord wolseley inspected the naval brigade on parade; and expressed his extreme satisfaction at the work they had done, and the manner in which it had been performed. the next day the brigade was broken up, and told off to different stations, under the command of captain boardman. i was ordered to rejoin the staff of lord wolseley. colonel talbot notes that the heavy camel regiment, of which he was in command, had marched about miles; that the strength of the regiment upon leaving korti was officers and men; and that its strength upon its return was officers and men. only four of his men arrived on camels. not one of my sailors fell out during the whole way from gubat to korti. here, perhaps, it is not inopportune to place on record how delighted i was to work with the army. we are really only one service, for the protection of one empire. nor, perhaps, to relate how that her majesty queen { } victoria, when she pinned the c.b. to my coat, said low, "i am very glad to give you this, lord charles. i am very pleased with you." her majesty's words were my reward; for i will own that decorations as such have never attracted me. i desire to record the excellent service of captain f. r. boardman (afterwards admiral frederick ross boardman, c.b.), who invariably did his utmost at the base to keep the naval brigade supplied. it was not captain boardman's fortune to be in the first fighting line, where is all the fun and where is often all the renown; yet the success of the fighting line depends entirely upon the energy, forethought and unselfish loyalty of those at the base of supply. i happened to be discussing this point with a certain highly distinguished personage. "we got all the credit," i said, "but not half enough was given to those at the base who sent forward the bullets and the grub." "grub? what is grub?" inquired the highly distinguished personage. "i beg your pardon, sir. it is a slang term for food and provisions." "so grub is food, is it? how very interesting!" said the highly distinguished personage. the sequel to our expedition was of course lord kitchener's masterly campaign. after the capture of omdurman, and the blowing up of the mahdi's tomb, it was publicly stated that a certain officer was bringing home the skull of the holy man, intending to make it into an inkpot. the house of commons (of which i was then a member) having nothing better to do, discussed the matter on th june, . lord kitchener sat in the distinguished strangers' gallery. mr. john morley (now lord morley) protested against the desecration of the tomb of the mahdi. i replied to mr. morley, protesting against his assumption of authority in the matter. i said: "now i wish to take, most respectfully, issue with the { } right honourable the member for montrose upon this point. i say this with great respect and with great earnestness that so far as i can judge from the right honourable gentleman's writings and by his teachings, he is no judge of religious fanaticism whatever. i say this with respect because, as i understand what he has written, he does not regard religious fanaticism as anything that can ever be powerful, because he says himself that he does not understand the question at all. that being so, i cannot accept the right honourable gentleman as a guide as to what should be done to check religious fanaticism.... the right honourable the member for montrose does not believe in the power of religious fanaticism...." mr. morley: "the noble lord cannot have read my writings, or else he would have seen that fanaticism was one of the things i have written most about" (hansard th june, ). a member said to me in the lobby afterwards: "you really ought not to say these things. why do you make these assertions?" "because," i said, "i have read mr. morley's works." "you know very well," said my friend, "that you have never read any of his books." "i beg your pardon," i replied. "i never go to sleep without reading one of mr. morley's books, and i never read one of mr. morley's books without going to sleep." { } chapter xxxiv the soudan war (_continued_) xii. sequel and conclusion for the first few weeks after the return of the desert column to korti, we all believed that there would be an autumn campaign, and we looked forward to the taking of khartoum. lord wolseley distributed his troops among various stations along the nile from the hannek cataract to abu dom, there to remain in summer quarters. in his dispatch of th march, (colville's _history of the soudan campaign_, part ii.), lord wolseley indicated the force he would require, and requested that the railway might be continued from halfa to ferkeh, a distance of miles. the railway was begun and was eventually completed. by st april the troops were occupying their allotted stations. one distinguished officer was so certain of remaining in his quarters, that he sowed vegetables in his garden. but upon th april lord wolseley was ordered to consider the measures requisite to effect a total withdrawal; and british faith was once more broken by a british government. by that time lord wolseley, to whose personal staff i was once more attached, had been to dongola and had come to cairo. the news from home consisted chiefly of rumours of war with russia; and i was gratified to learn that largely in consequence of my representations machine guns had been sent to india. machine guns were then upon { } their trial; and i had been consulted by the authorities as to their precise utility. we also heard of the hearty cordiality and enthusiasm with which the prince and princess of wales were being greeted in ireland upon the occasion of their visit to my country. there had been some misgivings upon the subject; and i had had the honour to suggest to the prince that if, as well as visiting towns and cities in state, he went into the country among my people and shot with them and hunted with them like the sportsman he was, he would find no more loyal or delightful people in the queen's dominions. as a matter of fact, neither in the towns nor anywhere else in ireland, did the prince and princess receive aught but a most hearty welcome. nor did the nationalist party even attempt to arouse a formal demonstration directed against their visitors. they might have suggested, but did not, that some such conventional protest was due to the doctrine representing ireland as a conquered country. at the end of april lord wolseley and his staff including myself, embarked in the s.s. _queen_ for souakim. the souakim expedition under the command of general sir g. graham was then in full progress. on the th february he had been directed to destroy the power of osman digna, and to guard the construction of the souakim-berber railway. on the th march, graham fought the successful action of hashin. on the nd was fought the bloody engagement of mcneill's zeriba. the british were surprised while at work upon the construction of the zeriba; the first shot was fired at . p.m., and the cease fire was sounded at . . during that twenty minutes of confused and desperate fighting, some arabs out of an attacking force of were killed. desultory firing continued for an hour, when the enemy retreated. according to the official history, the british losses were killed, missing, wounded, and camels killed and missing. the field of battle lay some six miles from souakim; i { } rode out with lord wolseley to see it. before we had ridden three miles in the dust and the glare of sunlight, the hot air carried a dreadful waft of corruption. the stench thickened as we drew near. a dusky cloud of kites and vultures hovered sluggishly and unafraid among a wilderness of discoloured mounds. the sand was heaped so scantily upon the dead, that lipless skulls, and mutilated shanks, and clenched hands, were dreadfully displayed. the bodies of the camels were mingled in a pile of corruption, clustered upon by the birds of prey. and wandering about that charnel-ground, raking in it with a hooked stick, was a strange man whom i had met years ago in japan, where he used to photograph the cruel executions of that country. he spoke no known tongue, but chattered in a jumble of languages; and here he was, equipped with a camera, and placidly exploring horrors with a hooked stick. whence he came, and whither he went, we stayed not to inquire. day after day, for many days, the convoys of the expedition must pass and repass this place, which lay in their direct route, at the slow march of laden camels, and walking warily, lest they stepped ankle-deep into a festering corpse. general graham, having occupied tamai, handub, and tambuk, dispersed the force of mohammed sardun on the th may; an operation which left him practically master of the district. but on the th may, lord wolseley, acting upon the instructions of the government, ordered the general withdrawal of all troops from the soudan. on the th, we left souakim for cairo. on the th june, lord wolseley turned over the command of the forces in egypt to general sir f. stephenson, and with his staff left cairo for alexandria, there to embark for england. seven days previously (on th june), though we knew not of it, the mahdi, who had given us so much trouble, had died in khartoum. there he lay, listening perhaps for the footsteps of the returning english; for he knew that, although the english are ruled by people having the appearance of { } men but the ways of a weathercock, they may go, but they always come back. thirteen years the false prophet slept in peace: and then the man who had sojourned in a cave at the wells of abu klea secretly collecting information, what time the desert column followed a forlorn hope, rode into the dervish city, and destiny was fulfilled. lord kitchener of khartoum fulfilled it, as strong men have a way of doing. a poet once said that the soul of gladstone is now probably perching on the telegraph wires that bridge the desert where we fought to save gordon, too late. i know nothing about that; but i know what the betrayal cost. we learned afterwards that ere the mahdi died, he had begun to concentrate his armies upon dongola, a movement that was continued after his death, until the dervishes were finally defeated by general stephenson, at ginnis, on th december, . general dormer had a way of his own with the mahdi's disciples. addressing a prisoner, he said: "i suppose you believe in the mahdi because he can work miracles. can your prophet pluck out his eye and put it back again? well, i am no prophet, but i can." and with that, dormer took his glass eye from its socket, tossed it in the air, caught it, and replaced it. the arab was dumbfounded. { } chapter xxxv organisation for war there is nothing quite so dead as dead politics; therefore i do not intend to dwell upon my political experiences, except in so far as they relate to the purpose for which i entered parliament. that purpose was to serve the interests of the royal navy. politics, as such, have never greatly interested me; the party system always appeared to me to involve a sacrifice of principle; and if i am associated with the party with which i am naturally most in sympathy, at least i may claim to have attacked them quite as often as i have attacked their political opponents. in return, they have often declined to support me in my proposals; which, however, have always been supported by the public, and which as a rule have ultimately been adopted by the authorities. in , the parliamentary tradition which i had known ten years previously, remained unchanged. during the succeeding generation it became gradually transformed. old members, like myself, will understand what i mean. new members can have little notion of the house of commons their fathers knew. in one respect, at least, the alteration is even startling. the public interest in politics and in parliament, once so general and so sincere, has now almost ceased to exist. what that contemptuous indifference may portend, is another question. in june, , the liberal government, having passed their franchise and redistribution bills, and having aroused general and deep indignation concerning their conduct of { } the soudan campaign, chose to resign upon an amendment to mr. childers's budget. lord salisbury accepted office, and wound up the session. the general election took place during the autumn. i stood for east marylebone, my opponents being the rev. j. r. diggle and mr. d. grant. mr. diggle apparently withdrew; for i find that my majority of votes was over mr. grant's poll. the main topic of my speeches was the necessity of increasing the fleet, and of maintaining the union. for rumours that mr. gladstone intended to bring forward a home rule policy were in the air. the result of the election was: liberals , conservatives , irish nationalists ; placing the conservatives at the mercy of the irish. lord salisbury's government were defeated upon an amendment to the address, brought forward by mr. jesse collings, in january, . lord salisbury resigned, and mr. gladstone returned to office. then came his conversion to home rule, and the secession of the liberal unionists. on th july, , the government were defeated on the home rule bill. at the general election which followed, the radicals and home rulers were returned in a minority of . i was again returned for east marylebone, my opponent being professor beesly, with an increased majority. in the new parliament, lord salisbury was prime minister and secretary of state for foreign affairs; lord randolph churchill, chancellor of the exchequer; mr. w. h. smith, leader of the house of commons; and lord george hamilton, first lord of the admiralty. it was during one of the marylebone elections that i was visited by a deputation of clergymen of various denominations, who solemnly assured me that, if i persisted in supporting the proposal to open museums and picture-galleries on sundays, they would not vote for me. "gentlemen, has it ever occurred to you that i have not asked you to vote for me?" said i. "or that i have never in my life asked a man for a vote?" { } they looked at one another. in the ensuing silence, i told them that if they did not approve of me, they ought, as honest men, to vote for my opponent. they sadly and silently departed, and i saw them no more: nor do i know for whom were cast the votes of those men of god; but i was returned to parliament. lord folkestone was standing for enfield; and when i went down to speak for him, i found bread upon the waters which returned to me after many days, in the shape and size of a royal marine. while i was speaking, there arose a tumult at the back of the hall. so far as i could make out from the platform, a man was insisting on being heard. i called to him to come up to the platform, where, if he had anything to say, he could say it. whereupon a large, resolute and aggressive person came swiftly up to me. i thought he wanted to fight, and was ready for him. but he seized my hands in his, shook them warmly, then turned to the audience and told them the whole story of how i had saved his life off the falkland islands, years before, when i was a lieutenant in the _galatea_. the ship was lying at anchor; it was a dark night; when the marine somehow fell overboard i had just come on board from a shooting expedition, and my pockets were full of cartridges. i dived after the man and seized him. catching the end of a coil of rope i went down and down, wondering if the other end of the rope i held was fast, until at last i felt myself and the marine being pulled upwards. as we came to the surface the ship's corporal, who had jumped overboard, got hold of us, and we were hauled in-board by the quartermaster. the story was received with great enthusiasm, and i cannot but suppose it contributed to win the election for my friend, none the less because there was no real connection whatever between its subject and politics. upon my return from egypt in , i was convinced of the superiority in guns and armour and general excellence of the french ships of war over our own, because i had utilised many opportunities of comparing the vessels of { } the two navies. observation and reasoning had also taught me that in many most essential respects the british navy was deficient. and above all, it was deficient in organisation for war. in these opinions i was confirmed by a large number of my brother officers, among whom i may mention lord alcester, admiral of the fleet sir henry keppel, admiral sir thomas m. c. symonds, admiral sir geoffrey t. phipps hornby, captain e. r. fremantle, admiral sir charles g. j. b. elliot, vice-admiral sir william montagu dowell, vice-admiral sir r. vesey hamilton. accordingly, i enforced the necessity of reform in these matters in my public speeches, which were numerous. at that time, in the summer of , i find that i was demanding a loan of twenty millions to be expended upon a shipbuilding programme. during the previous year, , there had appeared in the _pall mall gazette_, then edited by the late mr. w. t. stead, the famous series of articles over the signature of "one who knows the facts," dealing with the state of the navy, which did more than any other press representations before or since to awaken public opinion to the true condition of our defences. it was those articles, together with articles in _the times_ and other newspapers, and the excellent letters of naval officers--notably those of admiral of the fleet sir t. symonds--which prepared the way for me. international relations with both france and russia were uneasy; and war was always a possibility. i knew that we were unprepared for war. i knew that so long as there was no department charged with the duty of representing what was required, why it was required, and how much it would cost, that we should continue to be unprepared for war. i believed it to be my duty to awaken public opinion to the danger in which the country undoubtedly stood. nor was i alone in this respect. not only a number of brother officers, but many students of the subject, did { } their best to enlighten the nation. we were of course told that we were creating a scare; but a study of the press of those days shows that nearly every great newspaper, irrespective of its politics, demanded the strengthening and reorganisation of our defences. personally, i received great support from the press. writers on the subject of national defence were at least sure that i had, personally, nothing to gain by publishing the truth. indeed, i had thus early in my career, when i was a junior captain, to choose between the stormy enterprise of the reformer, and the safer course of official acquiescence and party obedience, leading to promotion and to office. in making the choice, i had to consider that as a naval officer advocating this and that in spite of the authorities, i laid myself open to the charge that such matters were none of my business, which was to obey orders. the argument is quite legitimate. on the other hand, knowing the facts of the case, clearly perceiving the danger, and (as i believed) knowing also how to remedy what was wrong, i might (and did) justly contend that my duty to sovereign and country came before all. i admit that these things were not necessarily my business; not, at least, until i made them my business. but i may also remark that the deplorable condition of the national defences in was the result of the united negligence of the people whose business it was to maintain them, and who had no department which could supply them with the necessary information; and that, in consequence, someone had to do something. the history of england was made by persons who did what it was not their business to do, until they made it their business. my difficulties were then, and have always been, inherent in the nature of the case. it is part of the character of the english people to trust in authority, as such; and they are quite right in principle; whose observance, however, induces them to be slow to act when authority has proved untrustworthy. again, in order that my case should be proved beyond cavil, the supreme demonstration of war was required. it is not { } enough that because my recommendations were carried into execution, war was prevented; for only the few who know the facts and who are acquainted with the complex shifts of international policy, understand the value of potential armed force in the exercise of diplomacy. i may claim, indeed, i do claim, that sooner or later my recommendations have been adopted by the authorities, who thereby proved the justice of my case. nor do i complain because they have gained the credit accruing to their action; for it must always be the man who does the thing who earns the laurel. and he who insists upon assuming the office of reformer, must make up his mind at the beginning to renounce without bitterness whatever delight he might discover in reward or fame or renown. moreover, the credit belongs to no one man, but to the many fearless officers who urged reform, and not less to the great body of those officers of the service who silently and loyally kept the routine going, and without whom no reforms could avail. the whole position is of course quite illogical; as illogical as that venerable anomaly, the british constitution, which exists entirely in the brains of the learned. a certain set of persons are selected to govern the nation by a majority of votes, those votes being allocated upon an accidental system which gives to a small number exactly the same representation as an immensely larger number. out of that set a few are selected to form a governing committee called the cabinet, which is virtually omnipotent so long as it continues to act more or less in accordance with the wishes of the majority which elected it. the cabinet is, therefore, in practice, constrained to act in accordance with the known opinions of its supporters; a course of action which is a totally different thing from the course which it is theoretically supposed to follow. theoretically, the cabinet shapes its policy to ensure the welfare of the whole nation. theoretically, the business of the government is to govern. theoretically, its members are the men in the country best fitted for the work. sometimes they are; and in proportion as they are, they will { } approximate to the conventional theory and will depart from the common practice, and will do what is right instead of what is expedient. thus every government oscillates between pure opportunism and honest patriotism. and in the result, the only method of obtaining reform in any direction is so to persuade the public of its necessity, that the party in power will perceive that it is more to their own profit to grant than to withhold it. and in justice to the politicians, it should be added that under the existing system, many concessions must be made by the most austere statesman, if the duke of wellington's ultimate principle is to be observed; the principle that the king's government must be carried on. in july, , lord northbrook, the first lord of the admiralty in mr. gladstone's administration, publicly declared that if he had £ , , to spend upon the navy, that force was so sufficient and so efficient that he would not know on what to spend the money. before the end of the year he was compelled to find out how to spend £ , , , and to spend them. from a liberal government the salisbury government of inherited the completing of the northbrook shipbuilding programme; whose provisions were based, not upon any intelligible scheme of preparation for war but, upon the russian war-scare. those who were acquainted with the real posture of affairs were not deluded by the mere haphazard expenditure of a few millions, voted in order to soothe public opinion. nor did ministers themselves deny the total inadequacy of their measures. in march, , when the liberal administration was still in power, i brought forward in the house of commons an amendment empowering the government to expend an additional sum of over £ , , upon the construction of cruisers, three armoured cruisers, and torpedo craft; pointing out at the same time that the expenditure would provide employment for a large number of unemployed workmen, both skilled and unskilled. of course the amendment was defeated; but it is significant that { } the necessity of such an increase was virtually admitted by the government spokesmen. i also urged the abolition of useless vessels of war, which i specified, and the expenditure of the money saved in their maintenance, upon new vessels. at that time, it was nearly impossible to obtain accurate official information with regard to naval affairs. i asked for a return of the relative strength of the fleets of this and other countries; which was granted; and which aroused considerable comment in the press. the return has since been issued every year; first in my name, then in the name of sir charles dilke, and at present in the name of mr. dickenson. but the first half of the year was consumed with the home rule bill. turn to the files of the time, and you shall see precisely the same arguments, declarations, denunciations, intrigues and rumours of intrigues, charges and counter-charges which were repeated in , and which are being reiterated all over again as if they had just been discovered, in this year of grace . we who stood to our guns in know them by heart. we have been denounced as traitors and rebels because we stand by ulster, for so long, that we are beginning to think we shall escape hanging at the latter end of it. i know my countrymen, both of north and south, for i am of both; and they know me. isaac butt once asked me to lead the home rule party; because, he said, my brother waterford was widely respected and popular, and was thoroughly acquainted with the irish question, of which i also had a sufficient knowledge. i might have accepted the invitation, had i believed that home rule was what my countrymen needed. but it was not. the settlement of the land question was and is the only cure for irish ills. mr. wyndham with his land act did more for ireland than any government that ever was; and i say it, who have lost a great part of my income under the operation of the act. not that the irish would have obtained the wyndham act, had they not been incorrigibly intractable. by { } demanding a great deal more than they wanted, which they called home rule, they got what they did want, which was the land. their avidity for the land never diminished; whereas the cry for home rule died down; until, by one of the inconsistencies of irish politics which so bewilder the englishman, it was revived by john finton lalor and michael davitt, who welded the two aspirations together. in order to rid themselves of the home rule spectre, the english government conceded the land. and then, owing to another unexpected twist, they found the spectre wasn't laid after all. for the english had not learned that so long as they permit ireland to be so superbly over-represented, so long will they have trouble. sure, they'll learn the lesson some day, if god will; for there's no lack of teaching, the way it is. in the meantime, it is hard for the english people to argue against what appears to be the demand of the majority of the irish people. but so far was the government in power in from understanding or attempting to understand irishmen, that the defence of the home rule bill was constantly relegated to two eminent descendants of an interesting asiatic race; who, however distinguished in their own walk of life, could never in any circumstances know or care anything whatsoever about ireland. the ulstermen, at least, resented the proceeding. one of the nationalists attacked me with great ferocity in the house. he accused my family for generations past of having committed atrocious crimes, and asserted that i myself had entered parliament for the sole purpose of escaping active service in case of war with a foreign power. "why did you say all those things?" said i to him in the lobby afterwards. "sure, lord char-less," says he, "ye're an irishman, and ye'll understand i didn't mean a word of it." mr. gladstone's home rule bill having been rejected in , lord salisbury returned to power with a majority that defied mr. parnell and his friends, and so there was no { } more home rule for a while. 'tis the pure morality of the home rule demand that moves the political conscience; and that the morality always acts upon that sensitive organ when there is a controlling irish vote, and not at any other time, is of course a mere coincidence. in august, , i was appointed junior lord at the admiralty, succeeding captain james e. erskine. "no doubt you'll try to do a number of things, but you'll run up against a dead wall. your sole business will be to sign papers," said captain erskine, and so departed. i speedily discovered that there was at the admiralty no such thing as organisation for war. it was not in the distribution of business. lest i should seem to exaggerate, i quote the testimony of the late sir john briggs, reader to the lords and chief clerk of the admiralty. referring to the period with which i am dealing, sir john briggs writes as follows (_naval administrations, to _. sampson low. ): "during my admiralty experience of forty-four years, i may safely affirm that no measures were devised, nor no practical arrangements thought out, to meet the numerous duties which devolve upon the admiralty, and which at once present themselves at the very beginning of a war with a first-class naval power; on the contrary, there had been unqualified apprehension on the mere rumour of war, especially among the naval members, arising from their consciousness of the inadequacy of the fleet to meet the various duties it would be required to discharge in such an eventuality." the fact was that after trafalgar this country had attained to so supreme a dominance upon all seas, with so high a degree of sea-training acquired in independent commands, that organisation for war was taken for granted. we were living on the nelson tradition. the change came with the advent of steam, which altered certain essential conditions of sea warfare. the use of steam involved a new organisation. other nations recognised its necessity. we { } did not. nor was it that the distinguished naval officers composing successive boards of admiralty neglected their duty, for organisation for war did not form part of their duty, as they conceived it. moreover, they were wholly occupied with the vast labour of routine business, which developed upon them when the old navy board was abolished. the navy board, in the old wars, was charged with the provision of all matters of supply, leaving the lords commissioners free to conduct war. that there existed no department charged with the duty of constantly representing what was required in ships, men, stores, docks, under peace conditions, or what would be required under war conditions, was obvious enough. but in the course of the execution of my duties as junior lord, it immediately became equally clear that the navy was deficient in those very matters and things concerning which it would have been the business of such a department to report. among them was coal, which was in my charge. not only was there an immense deficiency in the war reserve of coal, but there was no plan for supplying it. what my friends used to call my "craze," which they regarded as an amiable form of lunacy, for organisation for war, showed me that without it, all naval force, though it were twice as powerful, would be practically wasted in the event of emergency. i went to the first lord and asked him if it would be in order for me to draw up a memorandum on any subject to be laid before the board. lord george hamilton, with his invariable courtesy, replied that any such paper would be gladly considered. within six weeks of my appointment to the admiralty, i had drawn my memorandum on war organisation calling attention to the necessity of creating a naval intelligence department at the admiralty. in that document, it was represented: . that although recent events had revealed approximately our deficiencies in the event of war with a { } second-rate maritime power, no measures had been taken to prepare a plan showing how the requirements were to be met. . that other countries possessed departments charged with the duty of preparing plans of campaign and of organising their every detail so that they could be instantly carried into execution. . that the deficiencies in the numbers of the personnel known to be required, were such and such. . that the medical stores were deficient in such and such respects. (they were kept in bulk, so that in the event of war, the medical stores would have had to be selected and distributed: a system i was able to alter.) . that there existed no organisation of any kind with regard to the use of merchant shipping in war for the transport of coal, ammunition, and stores, and for hospital ships. . that there existed no organisation for rapidly mobilising the reserves. . that in order rightly to fulfil these requirements, there must be designed plans of campaign to meet all probable contingencies. . that in order to obtain such plans of campaign, there should be created a new department charged with the duty of drawing them up. there followed a detailed scheme for a new intelligence department, at an increased expense of no more than £ . the memorandum concluded as follows: " . can it be denied that the gravest and most certain danger exists to the country if the facts stated in this paper are true? " . can it be denied that these facts are true? " . if not, should not immediate steps be taken to minimise the danger?" the memorandum was laid before the board. my colleagues came to the unanimous conclusion that my statements were exaggerated; and also that, as a junior, i was { } meddling with high matters which were not my business; as indeed i was. having been thus defeated, i asked the permission of lord george hamilton to show the memorandum to lord salisbury, and received it. lord salisbury very kindly read the document then and there from beginning to end. he pointed out to me that, on the face of it, i lacked the experience required to give force to my representations, and that i had not even commanded a ship of war in a fleet. "you must have more experience, on the face of it," he repeated. and he observed that, practically, what i was asking him to do, was to set my opinion above the opinion of my senior officers at the admiralty, and their predecessors. i replied that, since he put the matter in that way, although it might sound egotistical, i did ask him to do that very thing; but i begged him, before deciding that i was in the wrong, to consult with three admirals, whom i named. a week later, i saw lord salisbury again. he told me that in my main contentions, i was right; that he was sure i should be glad to hear that the three admirals had agreed with them; and that the board of admiralty had decided to form a new department upon the lines i had suggested. the new naval intelligence department was then formed. the director was captain william h. hall. his assistants were captain r. n. custance (now admiral sir reginald n. custance, k.c.b., k.c.m.g.) and captain s. m. eardley-wilmot (now rear-admiral sir s. m. eardley-wilmot). there was already in existence a foreign intelligence committee, whose business it was to collect information concerning the activities of foreign naval powers. in my scheme the new department was an extension of the foreign intelligence committee, which was to form section , while { } the duties of section were "to organise war preparations, including naval mobilisation and the making out of plans for naval campaigns to meet all the contingencies considered probable in a war with different countries, corrected frequently and periodically." the whole of the department was to be placed under an officer of flag rank; a part of my recommendations which was not carried into effect until , when the war staff was instituted at the admiralty. it will be observed that, although i designated the new department the intelligence department, it was in fact planned to combine intelligence duties proper with the duties of a war staff. what i desired was a department which reported "frequently and periodically" upon requirements. but as it was impossible to know what those requirements would be without plans of campaign which specified them, the same department was charged with the duty of designing such plans. in the result, that particular and inestimably important office was gradually dropped. the department became an intelligence department alone. the first sea lord was charged with the duty of preparation and organisation for war. after various changes in the distribution of business, it was again discovered that there was no organisation for war; that the first sea lord, though (as i said in ) he had a head as big as a battleship, could not accomplish the work by himself; and a war staff, affiliated to the intelligence department, was constituted in . in other words, twenty-six years elapsed before my scheme was carried into full execution. on the th october, , the substance of my confidential memorandum on organisation for war was published in the _pall mall gazette_. it was stolen from the admiralty by an admiralty messenger, who was employed by both the first sea lord and myself. the contents of several other confidential documents having been published, suspicion fell upon the messenger, and a snare was laid for { } him. an electric contact was made with a certain drawer in the desk of the first sea lord, communicating with an alarm in another quarter of the building. upon leaving his room, the first sea lord told the messenger to admit no one during his absence, as he had left unlocked a drawer containing confidential documents. a little after, the alarm rang, and the messenger was discovered seated at the desk, making a copy of the documents in question. he was arrested, brought to trial, and sentenced. { } chapter xxxvi the twenty-one million in january, , my routine work at the admiralty was varied by a trip in the new submarine _nautilus_ to the bottom of tilbury dock, which was very nearly the last voyage of the party in this world. the owners of the boat, mr. edward wolseley and mr. c. e. lyon, had invited several guests, among whom was mr. william white (afterwards sir william henry white, k.c.b., f.r.s., etc.), together with some officials of the admiralty. the theory was that by pushing air cylinders to project from each side of the boat, her buoyancy would be so increased that she would rise to the surface. we sank gently to the bottom and stayed there. the cylinders were pushed out, and still we remained there. i was looking through the glass scuttle, and, although in a submarine the motion or rising or sinking is not felt by those within, i knew that we had not moved, because i could see that the muddy particles suspended in the water remained stationary. the thames mud had us fast. in this emergency, i suggested rolling her by moving the people quickly from side to side. the expedient succeeded, none too soon; for by the time she came to the surface, the air was very foul. during the same month, mr. william white, chief constructor to the admiralty, read a paper at the mansion house dealing with the design of modern men-of-war, which marked an era in shipbuilding. sir william white restored to the ship of war that symmetry and beauty of design which { } had been lost during the transition from sails to steam. the transition vessels were nightmares. sir william white designed ships. a man of genius, of a refined and beautiful nature, a loyal servant of the admiralty, to which he devoted talents which, applied outside the service, would have gained him wealth, his recent death was a great loss to his country. the later victorian navy is his splendid monument: and it may yet be that history will designate those noble ships as the finest type of steam vessels of war. about the same time, i brought forward another motion in the house of commons, to abolish obsolete vessels, of which i specified fifty-nine, and to utilise the money saved in their maintenance, in new construction. the scheme was carried into execution by degrees. in june of , i invited a large party of members of the house of commons to visit portsmouth, where they were shown something of the navy. in december of the same year, speaking in public, i affirmed the following principles: that in time of war our frontiers were the ports of the enemy; that our main fleets could be required to watch those ports; and that the strength of the fleet required should be calculated upon the basis of the work it would be required to perform. i also urged that the line of communications should be instituted, by means of establishing a system of signalling between the ships of the navy and the ships of the mercantile marine, and between all ships and the shore. at that time there was no such system. the press and the public received the exposition of these elementary principles of organisation for war as a complete novelty; by many they were welcomed like a revelation; circumstances which exemplify the general ignorance prevailing at the time. of even more significance were the official declarations on the subject. the first lord of the admiralty, lord george hamilton, had publicly stated in november, , that this country had more ships in commission than the { } three other european naval powers next in order of strength. the statement was correct; but among the ships in commission were included many vessels of no fighting value, such as the _indus_, _asia _and _duke of wellington_. as an estimate of comparative fighting strength, the statement, like many another official statement before and since, required qualification; as i remarked in the house of commons in the course of my reply to lord george hamilton. in december, , the chancellor of the exchequer, lord randolph churchill, suddenly resigned. he afterwards explained that his resignation was a protest against extravagance and waste in the administration of the services. there were extravagance and waste; but, in my view, which i represented to lord randolph, it would take several years to reform the administration, and it was far more important to set right our defences, even if their administration cost more in the meantime. i recall these things because they serve to illustrate the trend of events. on the one side were the government and their official advisers at the admiralty, convinced that all was very well as it was. on the other side, were the rapid development of the fighting ship in all countries, which owing to mr. w. h. white, was particularly marked in this country; the greatly increased public interest in naval affairs; and the constant representations of a number of naval officers, myself among them, to the effect that great reforms were urgently required. we believed that there existed at the board of admiralty no system of direct responsibility; that parliament and the nation had no means either of ascertaining upon what principle the money was expended upon our defences or of affixing responsibility whether it were expended ill or well; that there existed no plan of campaign at the admiralty; that the navy and the army had no arrangement for working together in the event of war; and that, in point of fact, the navy was dangerously inadequate. and in attempting to achieve reform, we were confronted { } by a solid breastwork, as though built of bales of wool, of official immovability. had it been a hard obstacle, we might have smashed it. towards the end of , the admiralty did a very foolish thing. they decided to cut down the salaries of the officers of the new intelligence department by £ . in my view, this proceeding both involved a breach of faith with the officers concerned, and would be highly injurious to the efficiency of the department for whose success i felt peculiarly responsible. my protests were, however, disregarded; the first lord asserted his supreme authority; and the thing was done. the efficiency of the whole service was, in my view, bound up with the efficiency of the intelligence department; because that department was created for the express purpose of estimating and reporting what was required to enable the navy to fulfil its duties. it was in view of the main question of the necessity of strengthening the fleet, that i decided to resign my position upon the board of admiralty, and to declare publicly my reasons for so doing. on the th january, , i sent my resignation to lord salisbury; who, courteously expressing his regret, accepted it on th january. in making my decision to take this extreme action, i was influenced by the conviction that nothing short of the resignation of a member of the board of admiralty would induce the authorities to reorganise and strengthen our defences. whether or not i was right in that belief, i do not know to this day; but, as the strengthening of the fleet was shortly afterwards carried into execution in precise accordance with my recommendations, there is some evidence in my favour. my constituents in east marylebone were strongly adverse to my course of action. many of my friends begged me not to resign. general buller, in particular, pointed out to me that no good was ever done by an officer resigning his post, because the officer who resigned ceased by his own act to occupy the position which entitled { } him to a hearing. i daresay he was right. at any rate, i was well aware that i was jeopardising my whole career. for an officer to resign his seat upon the board of admiralty in order to direct public attention to abuses, is to commit, officially speaking, the unpardonable sin. when, three or four years later, sir frederick richards, the first sea lord, threatened to resign if the government would not accept his shipbuilding programme, although i am certain he would have pursued exactly the same course had he stood alone, he had the support of the rest of the board. i had the rest of the sea lords against me. that is a different affair. a united board of admiralty can generally in the last resort prevail against the government. a single member of that board who attempts the same feat, knows, at least, that never again will he be employed at the admiralty. but when sir frederick richards and his colleagues threatened resignation, they were in fact risking the loss of employment and incurring the possibility of spending the rest of their lives in comparative penury. a later liberal administration has dismissed one naval lord after another, without a scruple. in my case, i had the advantage of possessing a private income, so that i was independent of the service as a means of livelihood. it is necessary to speak plainly upon this matter of resignation. it is most unfair to expect naval officers to resign in the hope of bringing about reform, when by so doing their income is greatly reduced. if the british public desire it to be understood that a sea lord is expected to resign should the government in power fail to make what he believes to be the necessary provision for the national security, then the public must insist that the sea lords be granted an ample retiring allowance. in the following february ( ) lord george hamilton made a speech at ealing, in which he dealt with my protests in the most courteous manner. he stated that i had resigned because i objected to the exercise of the supreme authority of the first lord over the board of admiralty. i had certainly objected to its exercise in a particular instance. { } and at that time i was constantly urging that parliament and the country had a right to know who was responsible for the actions of the admiralty. my theory was that there should be some means by which parliament and the public should be assured that any given course of action was founded upon professional advice. that no such means existed was notorious. it was within the legal right of a first lord to announce a policy contravening or modifying the views of the rest of the board. my view was, and is, the view tersely stated by admiral phipps hornby, who said that it was the right of the cabinet to formulate a policy, and that it was the duty of the sea lords to provide what was required in order to carry that policy into execution; but that the cabinet had no right whatever to dictate to the sea lords in what the provision should consist, for that was a matter of which the sea lords alone were competent to judge. but if the board of admiralty be placed under the supreme jurisdiction of the first lord, a civilian and a politician, the country has no means of knowing whether or no the recommendations of the sea lords are being carried into execution. i said at the time that some such means should be instituted; afterwards, perceiving that no such demand would be granted, i urged that the cabinet at least ought to be precisely informed what were the requirements stated by the sea lords to be necessary in order to carry into execution the policy of the government. in claiming supreme authority as first lord over the board of admiralty, lord george hamilton was legally and constitutionally in the right. the royal commission on the administration of the navy and army, over which lord hartington presided, reported in (when i was at sea) that the admiralty had long ceased to be administered in accordance with the terms of its original patent, and that "the present system of administration in the admiralty is the result of parliamentary action upon what was once in fact as well as name an executive and administrative { } board. the responsibility, and consequently the power of the first lord has continually increased, and he is at present practically the minister of marine." in other words, by slow degrees the politician had transferred the powers of the board to himself, where they remain; the other members of the board becoming merely his advisers. the result is that there is nothing, except the personal influence of the naval lords upon the first lord, to prevent the navy from being governed in accordance with party politics, without reference to national and imperial requirements; a system which produces intermittent insecurity and periodical panics involving extravagant expense. the commissioners also found that there was a difference of opinion among the naval lords themselves concerning their responsibility with regard to the strength and efficiency of the fleet. it was, in a word, nobody's business to state what were the requirements of the fleet. the first lord might ask for advice, if he chose, in which case he would get it. if he did not so choose, there was no one whose duty it was to make representations on the subject. admiral sir arthur hood stated that never in the whole course of his experience had he known a scheme comprehending the naval requirements of the empire to be laid before the board. he also stated that the method of preparing the navy estimates was that the first lord stated what sum the cabinet felt disposed to grant for the navy, and that the naval lords then proceeded to get as much value for their money as they could. no wonder the sea lords were expected to sign the estimates without looking at them. when i was junior lord, responsible for the provision of coal and stores among other trifles, a clerk came into my room with a sheaf of papers in one hand and a wet quill pen in the other. "will you sign the estimates?" says he. "what?" said i. "will you sign the estimates for the year?" he repeated. "my good man," i said, "i haven't seen them." { } the clerk looked mildly perturbed. he said: "the other lords have signed them, sir. it will be very inconvenient if you do not." "i am very sorry," said i. "i am afraid i am inconvenient in this office already. but i certainly shall not sign the estimates." the clerk's countenance betrayed consternation. "i must tell the first lord, sir," said he, as one who presents an ultimatum. "i don't care a fig whom you tell," said i. "i can't sign the estimates, because i have not read them." nor did i sign them. they were brought before the house of commons without my signature. the first lord said it did not really matter. my point was that i would not take responsibility for a document i had not seen. the fact was, that the custom of obtaining the signatures of the board is a survival of the time when the sea lords wielded the power and responsibility conferred upon them by the original patent. the commissioners also reported that the lack of "sufficient provision for the consideration by either service of the wants of the other" ... was an "unsatisfactory and dangerous condition of affairs." here, then, were all the points for which my brother officers and myself were contending, and in order to illuminate which i had resigned, explicitly admitted. but the proofs did not appear until a year after my resignation took effect, when the select committee on the navy estimates began to take evidence; nor were they published for another year. in the meantime, the naval reformers fought as best they might. freed from the restraint necessarily imposed upon me by my official position at the admiralty, i was able to devote my whole energies to making known the real state of affairs. upon the introduction of the navy estimates of - i challenged the votes for shipbuilding, the secretary's { } department, the intelligence department, the reserve of merchant cruisers, the royal naval reserve and naval armaments, in order to call attention to requirements. in the course of the debates, the official formula was: "at no time was the navy more ready or better organised for any work which it might be called upon to do than to-day." my reply was that these words "have rung in our ears as often as the tune '_britannia_ rules the waves,' and have been invariably falsified when war appeared imminent." and who would have to do the work? the officials who said that all was ready, or the admirals who said that all was unready? in may, a meeting to consider the needs of national defence was held in the city, at which i delivered an address. speaking at the lord mayor's banquet in november, the first lord admitted that there might be room for improvement in the navy. it was a dangerous, if a candid, admission. for if the navy were not strong enough, _how weak was it_? exactly how weak it was in june, , in the opinion of the first sea lord, admiral sir arthur hood, was explained by him before the select committee on navy estimates ( th june, ). "i should have preferred by the end of to have had six more fast cruisers. i do not consider it a point of vital importance," said admiral hood. but as, upon his own showing, within his recollection no one at the admiralty had ever produced a scheme comprehending the naval requirements of the empire, his view was hardly conclusive. i had the audacity to consider that if no one had ever attempted, or thought of attempting, to estimate the requirements of the naval defence of the queen's dominions, it was time that some one did attempt to do so, even if that some one were myself. accordingly, i made a careful calculation of the work the fleet might under probable contingencies be required to perform, and upon that calculation based an estimate of the classes and numbers of ships which would be needed. { } i showed my estimate to admiral hornby, who said that, although the ships were absolutely necessary, i was asking too much and i should in consequence get nothing. he also pointed out that i had made no provision for the increase of personnel required to man the proposed new ships. i replied that if the ships were laid down, the authorities would be obliged to find the men for them. the sequel showed that i was wrong and that admiral hornby was right. he knew his responsible authority better than i did. six years later, when what should have been the increased personnel would have been trained and available, the fleet was short of , men. my cousin, general sir reginald talbot, reminds me of a conversation which befell between mr. goschen, then chancellor of the exchequer, and myself, in november of the same year, , when we were staying at wilton, the house of my cousin, lady pembroke. mr. goschen began to talk about the navy, and he was so good as to express high disapproval of my course of action. he said i was doing a great deal of harm, that i was presuming to set my rash opinion above the considered judgment of old and distinguished officers who had commanded ships before i was born, and so forth. "do you know what i am shortly going to propose to parliament?" said i. "no? i'll tell you. i am going to ask for seventy ships to cost twenty million sterling." mr. goschen became really angry. he said the notion was preposterous. "you won't get them," he said. "you wouldn't get even three ships, if you asked for them. and for a very simple reason. they are not wanted." "mr. goschen," said i, "i shall bring in that programme, and it will cost twenty million; and you will all object to it and oppose it; and yet i'll venture to make a prophecy. before very long you will order seventy ships at the cost of twenty million. and for a very simple reason. because you must." { } on the th december, , speaking on vote (ship-building, repairs and maintenance), i expounded my ship-building programme to the house of commons. i based it upon the following principles: "the existence of the empire depends upon the strength of the fleet, the strength of the fleet depends upon the shipbuilding vote.... i maintain the shipbuilding vote is based on no policy, no theory, no business-like or definite idea whatever, to enable it to meet the requirements of the country, the primary object of its expenditure.... i hold that the government, which is and must be solely responsible, should first lay down a definite standard for the fleet, which standard should be a force capable of defending our shores and commerce, together with the punctual and certain delivery of our food supply, against the fleets of two powers combined, one of which should be france; and that the experts should then be called together and say what is necessary to get that standard, and give the reasons for their statement...." the programme included four first-class ironclads, second-class ironclads, cruisers of various classes, and torpedo craft: vessels in all, to be built at a cost of £ , , . i also affirmed the proposition made by admiral sir anthony hoskins, the secretary of the admiralty, and the civil lord, to the effect that "the british fleet should be more than a match for the combined fleets of any two european powers that were likely to be our foes, one of which must necessarily be france." here, so far as i am aware, was the first definite demand for the two-power standard; which was maintained until it was abandoned by the government which came into power in . [illustration: the author speaking in the house of commons on his twenty-one million shipbuilding programme, th december . from the drawing, by j. walter wilson, in the possession of the author] lord george hamilton received my proposals with caution. he was "far from saying it (the fleet) was strong enough." and he told the house that next year he hoped { } to lay before the house a larger and more comprehensive programme than was provided by the current estimates, "desiring that when they moved their movement should be genuine and prolonged." twelve weeks later, lord george hamilton brought in a shipbuilding programme consisting of vessels, to be built at a cost of £ , , . yet nothing had happened since the previous june, when sir arthur hood declared that he would have preferred six more cruisers, but that they were not of vital importance? nothing, that is to say, with regard to the international situation, and the increase of foreign navies, and the requirements of imperial defence. but several things had happened at home. of the most important of these, i knew nothing until many years afterwards. it was that captain w. h. hall, director of the new intelligence department, whose institution i had recommended for this very purpose, had worked out the problem of naval requirements independently, and, with all the sources of information available in the admiralty at his command, had arrived at precisely the same result (except for an increase of cost) as that to which i had arrived, without the information possessed by captain hall. i may mention here that captain hall was a most distinguished and patriotic officer, with whom no considerations of personal interest ever weighed for an instant against what he conceived to be his duty to his sovereign and to his country. what happened at the admiralty when his report was laid before the board, i do not know, as i never had any communication with captain hall on the subject. all i know is that his scheme, which was identical with the scheme which i had presented to the house, was accepted by the first lord. another circumstance which may have influenced the government was the very remarkable evidence, which i have already summarised, given before the select committee on the navy estimates. and another factor, of enduring import, was the famous report of the three admirals: { } admiral sir william dowell, k.c.b., admiral sir r. vesey hamilton, k.c.b., and vice-admiral sir frederick richards, k.c.b., on the naval manoeuvres of , presented to both houses of parliament in february, . sir frederick richards was mainly responsible for drawing up that masterly document, which, extending beyond its terms of reference, formulated the principles of british sea-power; and definitely affirmed the absolute necessity for establishing and maintaining the two-power standard. with reference to the condition of the navy at the time, the three admirals reported that the navy was "altogether inadequate to take the offensive in a war with only one great power"; and that "supposing a combination of even two powers to be allied as her enemies, the balance of maritime strength would be against england." how swiftly is the false coin of "official assurances" consumed by the acid of professional knowledge! the whole episode of the twenty-one million is so typical of the methods of british governance, that i have thought it worth while to relate it somewhat at length. those methods, in a word, consist in the politicians very nearly losing the empire, and the navy saving it just in time. the same thing happened all over again in . it occurred again , with a difference. both in and in i drew up shipbuilding proposals. in , the government eventually adopted the spencer programme, which was actually larger than mine. in , the opportunity of restoration was lost; and the failure cost, and will cost, the country many millions. one of these days we shall be hit, and hit hard, at the moment when the politicians have been found out, and before the navy has had time to recover. something to this effect was said to me by bismarck, when i visited him, in february, . in truth, i had a little wearied of the polite and stubborn opposition of my own people, and i went to berlin to see what was happening abroad. prince bismarck invited me to lunch. { } bismarck said that he could not understand why my own people did not listen to me (nor could i!); for (said he) the british fleet was the greatest factor for peace in europe. we had a most interesting conversation upon matters of defence and preparation for war; and his tone was most friendly towards the english. he very kindly presented me with his signed photograph. i stayed with him for two hours; and we drank much beer; and all the time his gigantic boar-hound, lying beside him, stared fixedly at me with a red and lurid eye. { } chapter xxxvii h.m.s. _undaunted_ i. with the mediterranean fleet "undaunteds be ready, undaunteds be steady, undaunteds stand by for a job!" bugle call of h.m.s. _undaunted_ it was invented by the first lieutenant, william stokes rees (now vice-admiral w. s. rees, c.b.), who was one of the best gunnery officers i have known. i was appointed to the command of the _undaunted_ in november, . the commander was robert s. lowry (now vice-admiral sir robert s. lowry, k.c.b.). it was the _undaunted's_ first commission. she was a twin-screw, first-class armoured cruiser of tons displacement and h.p., ordered to join the mediterranean fleet, under the command of vice-admiral sir anthony h. hoskins, k.c.b. he was succeeded in september, , by my old friend, admiral sir george tryon, k.c.b., whose tragic death was so great a loss to the service and to the country. the first essential of good discipline is to make officers and men as happy and as comfortable as the exigencies of the service permit. i believe that the _undaunted_ was a happy ship; i know that the loyalty, enthusiasm and hard work of the officers and men under my command earned her a good record. in every vessel there are improvements to be made which, perhaps trifling in themselves, greatly add to the { } welfare of the officers and ship's company. at that time, for instance, the arrangements for the stokers were so bad, that there was only one bath available for twenty men. my recommendation was that tubs of galvanised iron should be supplied, fitting one into another in nests, so that the extra baths occupied less space than the one regulation bath. i also had lockers of lattice-work supplied for the stokers' dirty clothing, instead of closed and insanitary lockers. it is true that at first the men objected to the open-work, because their pipes dropped through it. again, the hatchway ladders were made with sharp nosings, against which the men injured their legs; and i suggested that these should be formed with rounded nosings instead. a ship of war is naturally uncomfortable; but why make it unnecessarily disagreeable? at that time, too, the rate of second-class petty officer did not exist among the stokers. the result was that if a leading stoker was disrated he was reduced to stoker. for this reason, i urged the institution of the rate of second-class petty officer stoker, a reform which was eventually instituted. some years afterwards, the rate of second-class officer was abolished altogether, a retrograde measure which i believe to be injurious. when a petty officer loses his rate in consequence of a mistake or a lapse, he should be enabled to recover it by good behaviour. one of my countrymen on board, whom we will call patrick, an able seaman of long service, perpetually failed to attain to the rating of petty officer owing to his weakness for strong waters. in other respects he was admirably qualified to rise. i sent for him, told him i would give him a chance, and made him a second-class petty officer. i believe that he succumbed once or twice, and that the commander let him off. but one fine day patrick returned on board from leave ashore, fully attired--cap, coat, boots and socks--with the single exception of his trousers. the case having been officially reported to me, i had up the delinquent before the assembled petty officers. i made it a rule { } not to disrate a petty officer in the presence of the ship's company. the charge having been duly read, i asked patrick what he had to say on the subject. "do you moind now, sir," says pat, "that i was drunk the same day last year?" i told him i did not remember anything of the sort. "well, sir," continued patrick, unabashed, "to tell you the truth, 'tis my mother's birthday, and i had a drop of drink taken." i told him that it was impossible to allow petty officers to disgrace the ship by coming on board without their trousers; that i should take away his petty officer's rate, but that i would leave him his badges. he had three badges. had he lost them, he would have lost his badge pay during a period of six months for each badge, so that it would take him eighteen months of "very good" conduct to regain them. in addition, he would have lost the good conduct medal, a part of his pension and a part of his gratuity on leaving the service. the severity of the punishment in comparison with what is not perhaps a serious offence, is not always recognised by authority. "may i say a word to you, sir?" asked patrick, having received his sentence. "you can say what you like," said i, "but i am afraid it won't save your rate." "well, sir," says he, "'tis this way, sir. if you'll think over it the way it is, i was fourteen years getting th' rate, and you'll be takin' it away from me in one moment." pat used to delight his audiences at the ship's concerts. he sang among other beautiful legends, the irish ditty, "brannagan's pup." he led upon the stage my bull-dog, who came very sulkily. it never could be (as pat would have said) that the concertina accompaniment began when he began. when the concertina started ahead of him, pat shifted the bull-dog's leash to his other hand, put his hand to the side of his mouth, and staring straight upon the { } audience, uttered the following stage direction in a furious whisper which was heard all over the ship. "don't you shtart that ruddy pump till i hould up me hand!" some years after i had left the _undaunted_, arriving in a p. and o. steamer off a chinese port, i semaphored to a man-of-war asking the captain to send me a boat, as i wished to have the pleasure of calling upon him. the coxswain of the captain's boat was no other than my old friend. "i'm very glad to see you've kept the rate," said i. "i suppose you run straight now and keep clear of liquor?" "well, sir," says paddy, "to tell you the truth, i've taken an odd toss or two since i saw you, but i've got it back again!" he meant that he had been disrated again once or twice but had won back his rate again; indeed, he had won it back while under my command. i always told my men that if they were tried by court-martial--as the men now desire to be tried--it would go harder with them. had patrick been tried by court-martial, it is very unlikely that he would have got back his rate; and his deprivation, being endorsed upon his certificate, would have affected his chance of gaining employment in civil life upon leaving the service. i had a case of a man who, because he put his helm over the wrong way, ran into another boat, with the result that a man was drowned. the culprit was disrated; but i gave him his rate again before i left the ship. it is the personal knowledge of a man possessed by his captain which alone enables his captain to make distinctions. a court-martial must judge of the offence without personal knowledge of the character of the offender. i had a sergeant of marines, a man with an excellent record, a strict disciplinarian, popular among his men, who, within nine months of the expiration of his time, came aboard blind drunk and disorderly. the penalty was to be reduced to the ranks. but it is often forgotten what under { } such circumstances that penalty involves. the non-commissioned officer loses his n.c.o.'s time and pension, his badge pay for six months, and the gratuity of his rank. it is a tremendous penalty to pay, when, except for the one mistake, he has a clean sheet all through. i had the man up before the petty officers and non-commissioned officers, explained that there were only two courses of action: either to reduce him or to let him off altogether; and told them that i intended to count his long and excellent service and exemplary character as outweighing a single failure. here was an exceptional case; and because it was exceptional, it was wise to depart from the rule, and to give reasons for disciplinary action. had no explanation been given, the next man disrated or reduced might have considered that he had been unfairly treated; but he could have no such grievance, when the circumstances in which the non-commissioned officer had his punishment remitted had been made known at the time. ships, like men, have their weaknesses; and the weakness of our fine new steam navy consisted in the unprotected ends of our armoured vessels, in which respect they were inferior to the french ships. the section of a wooden man-of-war was, roughly speaking, v-shaped below the water-line; and when she was pierced in action, the water entering through the shot-holes ran down to the bottom of the vessel, where the extra weight, although it might sink her lower in the water, acted as additional ballast, resisting any tendency to capsize. but the section of a steel man-of-war is roughly a square, with the lower edges rounded. the protective steel deck, covering the engines, extends the whole length and width of the ship. above the water-line there are the immense weights of armour and guns. if the ship is pierced in her unprotected ends above the steel deck, the water, entering through the holes, is held high up in the section, giving her a list, and dragging her over, so that a badly wounded ship must capsize. such was my theory, which i set forth at length in a letter sent to the commander-in-chief, { } sir anthony hoskins. he considered the point of importance, but held that it was a matter rather for the constructor than the seaman, a view with which i did not agree. sir anthony hoskins, who was about to haul down his flag, turned the letter over to sir george tryon, who sent it to the admiralty. the admiralty, i believe, considered that, under certain conditions, the theory was correct. those conditions occurred on nd june, , when the _victoria_ was rammed by the _camperdown_ off beyrout. the _camperdown_ struck the flagship on the starboard bow, and in ten minutes she had capsized and sunk. as the _victoria_ was carrying her scuttles open, and received an injury equivalent to the damage which would be inflicted by a large shell, the conditions of an action, in which the hull would be pierced with many small holes and further wounded by heavy projectiles, were produced, with the result whose probability, if not certainty, i had indicated. in dealing with this subject, i also represented that the french ships of the period, having a powerful fore and aft fire, might choose in time of war to fight a retreating action, in which case they could so damage the unarmoured ends of our vessels, that our vessels could not be steered, and, being forced to ease speed, would be placed at a serious disadvantage. the _hecla_, torpedo school ship in the mediterranean, was commanded by my old friend, captain john durnford (now admiral sir john durnford, k.c.b., d.s.o.). together with the officers under my command, i attended the torpedo classes on board. captain durnford accompanied me in the _undaunted_ when we conducted experiments in the dropping of mines. the mines were the clever invention of lieutenant ottley (now rear-admiral sir charles c. ottley, k.c.m.g., c.b., m.v.o.). by means of an ingenious mechanical contrivance, they sank themselves to the required depth. we designed and constructed the dropping gear, rigging it abaft the propellers. the mines were dropped by hand, the ship { } steaming at knots. a certain area was fixed within which the mines were to be sown. we steamed across it at night, in thick darkness, along a narrow channel. unable to take bearings, as the position of the scattered lights on shore was unknown, we sent out two boats carrying lights. we touched the ground once, the shock throwing captain durnford and myself against the rail. in four minutes all the mines were dropped without a single mistake. the experiment was also carried into execution in daylight. in those days there were no mine-laying vessels, and the _undaunted_ was somewhat of a pioneer in the science of mining waters at full speed. my experience while in office at the admiralty had led me profoundly to suspect (among other things) the adequacy of the provision for reserve ammunition. and upon making inquiries at malta, i found that if the _undaunted_ in the event of war had expended the whole of her ammunition, the renewal of the supply for her main armament of -inch guns would (excluding practice ammunition) exhaust the whole reserve supply. there were no spare guns in reserve at all. my representations on the subject were by no means gratefully received by the admiralty, which considered that the supply of reserve ammunition and guns was not the business of a captain. i suggested that the ammunition papers should go to every captain; an arrangement which was afterwards carried into execution. at this time i also represented (but in other quarters) the urgent necessity of building a new mole at gibraltar, which was then not a naval but a military base, although in time of war it would be required to serve as one of the most important naval bases in the world, either for the blue water route or the narrow sea route. my representations were made with the object of inducing the government to transform gibraltar from a merely military fortress to a properly equipped naval base. i took soundings and drew out a scheme. the plan eventually adopted was an improvement upon mine. it is not of course implied that i was alone in urging { } these reforms and such as these; there were many patriotic men, both in the service and outside it, who were engaged in the same endeavour. what i did must be taken to represent the unrequited labours of others as well. sir george tryon, my commander-in-chief, that splendid seaman and admirable officer, was always most sympathetic and showed to me the greatest kindness. i am proud to say that i never served under a commander-in-chief with whom i was not upon the best of terms. sir george tryon having received letters from h.h. the khedive and from the british minister plenipotentiary in egypt, instructed me to proceed to alexandria with a small squadron. h.h. the khedive welcomed me with great cordiality, being so kind as to say that i had saved his father's life during the troubles of , when the _condor_ kept guard over the ramleh palace. i remained at alexandria for some time, being senior officer there. in order to relieve the monotony of sea-routine, the men were landed by companies in the mex lines, a place with which i had many interesting associations dating from , for rifle practice, sleeping under canvas. the water on shore being undrinkable, the men were ordered to use the distilled water supplied daily from the ship. visiting the hospital tent, i thought one of the patients had cholera. "it looks very like it," said the staff-surgeon. "have you been drinking the shore water?" i asked the patient. he confessed that he had. i asked him why he had done so. "please, sir," said he, "the distilled water had no taste in it." having arranged with my old friend, sir william butler, commanding the garrison at alexandria, to combine with the soldiers in field exercise, i took a landing-party ashore at ras-el-tin. we started early in the morning, embarking the field-guns. the seamen waded ashore with them, and { } attacked a position held by the soldiers on the top of the hill. it looked impregnable, the ground being a steep, sandy slope covered with scrub. but the bluejackets dragged the guns up through the sand and bushes. we battled all the morning with great enjoyment; returned on board, and shifted into dry clothes in time for dinner. the benefit of such exercises is that all learn something. in july, , was held at alexandria the great regatta, in which boats of all classes were entered, including a cutter from the portuguese sloop _fieja_ and arab boats. it was on this occasion that the galley of the _undaunted_ ran upon the breakwater, was knocked into smithereens, and sank. by an extraordinary coincidence, she was an old boat which the admiralty had persistently refused to replace. upon leaving alexandria, the _undaunted_ touched a rock. we had been helping the contractor to blow up the rocks in the borghiz channel (a proceeding for which i was subsequently reproved) and left the harbour steering by stern marks. the staff-commander knew exactly where he was going, but by a slip of the tongue he gave the order "port" instead of "starboard," adding that he wanted to close certain buoys marking the passage. the injury to the ship was very slight, but peculiar. her bottom was pierced, and a little fish swam into the ship. i have the fish with a small piece broken off the keel by the impact, in a bottle. in december, , the second annual regatta of the mediterranean fleet was held in marmorice bay. in the officers' race, i pulled stroke in the galley of the _undaunted_, in spite of sir george tryon's kindly warning that my heart would give way. we beat the _australia's_ boat by about two seconds. in the next race, held the following year, the _australia_ beat us. there were seventeen ships on the station, and men. the _undaunted_ won prizes ( of them, i think, first prizes) out of . all her ratings were regularly practised in all her boats, each boat racing against the other. in { } order to equalise chances, the boats started in rotation, the time allowance being given at the start, instead of being calculated at the end as in yacht racing, so that the boat first across the line at the end of the course won the race. the launch, being the heaviest boat, started last, manned with four men to the midship oars, three men to the after oars, and two men to the foremost oars. the boats would often all come in together. the enthusiasm of the men was immense. at that time the island of crete was in a state of chronic agitation, which culminated in the troubles of , and their suppression by the council of admirals, of which admiral sir robert h. harris, who represented great britain with so great ability and resource, gives an excellent account in his book, _from naval cadet to admiral_. in the meantime, christians and mohammedans were joyfully shooting one another, while the turkish garrison endeavoured to keep order by shooting both parties impartially. riding up from suda bay to call upon a certain distinguished turkish pasha, an old friend, i passed several corpses, both of christians and mohammedans, lying on the roadside. "cannot you stop these murders?" i said to the pasha. "it is really very distressing to see so many dead bodies." "yes, lord," said the pasha (he always called me lord). "very sad, lord. i am sure you must feel it very much, lord. it must make you think you are back in your own country." the retort was apposite enough, for moonlighting was then the joy of ireland. not that the turkish soldiers neglected musketry practice. riding up to canea, i was met by bullets whistling past my head. i pulled off the road, and was joined by an old turk, who was riding a donkey and carrying a large white umbrella. presently we perceived a pot placed in the middle of the highway, and then we came upon a party of turkish soldiers lying in a row and firing at it; whereupon the aged turk climbed from his donkey, rolled up his umbrella, and belaboured the soldiers with it. { } i once asked my friend the pasha why he had not ere then been promoted. "i do not know, lord. the government does not know. god almighty does not know. even his imperial majesty the sultan does not know!" quoth the pasha. the _undaunted_ visited sorrento in , when lord dufferin was staying there. none who had the privilege of his acquaintance will need to be reminded of the singular charm of a talented, witty and urbane personality. lord dufferin had the unconscious art of impressing upon those whom he met that he had been waiting all his life for that moment. the small sailing yacht, _lady hermione_, which he kept at sorrento, was a marvel of ingenious contrivance. she was a decked boat, with a well into which the ropes and gear were led and were attached to all sorts of levers, tackles and winches, to enable her to be sailed single-handed. lord dufferin, accompanied by lady dufferin, frequently sailed her in the bay of naples. on one such voyage, wishing to tauten up the peak halliards, he told lady dufferin to heave upon a certain lever. she seized the wrong handle, and away went the anchor with fathoms of chain, which ran out to the clinch. then the rest of the equipment became really useful, lord dufferin rigging up purchase on purchase with it, and so heaving up the anchor. after four hours' incessant toil he succeeded in getting it berthed, and returned in a state of exhaustion. the _lady hermione_ persuaded lord dufferin to learn morse and semaphore. she was moored at the foot of the cliff, beneath lord dufferin's hotel, from whose balcony he used to shout his orders for the day to the boy who was in charge of her, and who often misunderstood his instructions. i suggested that he should learn to communicate with his ship's company by signal, and drew up both the morse and semaphore codes for his benefit. in six weeks he sent letters to me written in both codes; an instance of determined application. during that time he insisted on practising for so many hours every day with his wife and daughter, so { } that at the end of it the whole family were proficient in signals. an interesting example of the manoeuvres of those days occurred at volo, when captain wilson, v.c., disguised his ship, the _sanspareil_, in olive trees. the _undaunted_ was told off to make a torpedo attack at night in the narrow channel where lay the _sanspareil_. captain wilson (now admiral of the fleet sir a. k. wilson, v.c., g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o.) had constructed a dummy ship on the side of the channel opposite to which lay the _sanspareil_, completely clothed in olive trees. i sent a midshipman to cut the cable of the searchlight playing upon the entrance to the channel. the _undaunted_ steamed into the channel, discovered first the wrong ship, and then the right one, at which i discharged two torpedoes, which were found next morning under the bottom of the _sanspareil_. at the conclusion of all manoeuvres, sir george tryon invariably gave a critical lecture upon them to his officers; a method which i adopted in later years. no practice can be more useful; for, while the events are fresh in mind, it demonstrates what was wrong, and why. often what looks wrong at first, turns out to have been a good idea. but for years all reports of manoeuvres remained locked in the admiralty. many of the manoeuvres were useless; but for lack of information admirals afloat continued to repeat them. during my time in the _undaunted_, my knowledge of signalling saved captain harry rawson (afterwards vice-admiral sir h. h. rawson, k.c.b.) and myself a deal of trouble on one occasion. we had been out shooting all day, had missed the way, and as darkness fell, found ourselves on the wrong side of the bay in which the fleet lay at anchor, with the prospect of a further tramp of twelve or fourteen miles. rawson used to chaff me for doing what he called "boatswain's work." "you always want," he used to say, "to go down to the store-room and cut off fathoms of rope yourself." to which i used to reply that i wanted to do nothing of { } the sort; but what i did want to do was to see that a piece of fathoms of rope _was_ cut off. on the same principle, rawson used to deride my acquaintance with signals. now that we either had to attract the attention of the fleet or walk for another three or four hours, i told rawson that if i could find a shepherd's hut i would get a boat over. he did not believe me. but we found a hut, and in the hut, an oil lamp and a bucket, out of which i constructed a signalling apparatus. i had hardly made the _undaunted_ pennant, when it was answered from the ship, and inside a quarter of an hour the boat waiting for us on the other side of the bay had been recalled, and another boat was rapidly approaching us. rawson left off chaffing me after that. it was at this time that my old friend, captain gerard noel (now admiral of the fleet sir g. h. u. noel, g.c.b., k.c.m.g.), one of the smartest seamen in the service, performed a brilliant feat of seamanship. captain noel commanded the twin-screw, rigged ironclad _téméraire_, of tons displacement, one of the types in which sail-power was employed as well as steam. she was brig-rigged, and i think her main-yard measured feet, or about four feet longer than the main-yards of the sailing line-of-battleships of, say, - . on the rd october, , captain noel beat her under sail alone against a head wind up suda bay, a long narrow arm of the sea, with shoal water in places, which added to the difficulty of handling the ship. if i am not mistaken, that occasion was the first and last time an ironclad beat her way under sail into an anchorage. the _téméraire_ made thirteen tacks and anchored within two cables ( yards) of her appointed berth with the fleet. by that time the wind had failed and it was useless to attempt to tack again. it was early in the commission of the _undaunted_ that i read captain (now admiral) a. t. mahan's admirable book, _the influence of sea power upon history_; of which it is not too much to say that it has changed the whole trend of { } modern thought in respect of the relation of sea warfare to land warfare. preparation for war now turns upon a new pivot. the result has been that extraordinary increase of foreign navies which necessarily imposes upon us a proportionate increase of our own navy. i was so greatly impressed with the work of captain mahan, that i wrote to him to express my admiration for it. i received in reply the interesting letter which follows, and which admiral mahan has kindly permitted me to quote: " , east th street, new york _th february_, "dear lord charles beresford,--i thank you very much for your letter, which was received a few days since. the reception my book has had on your side of the water has been very grateful to me. commendation is pleasant, but there has been a degree of thoughtful appreciation in england, both by the press and naval officers which has exceeded my expectations and, i fear, the deserts of the work. that it will produce any effect upon our people is unlikely; too many causes concur to prevent a recognition of the truth that even the most extensive countries need to make themselves outside. after our own, nothing will give me greater pleasure than that it should contribute in your country to a sense of your vital interest in this matter. your naval officers have an inducement to study those great questions which is almost wanting in ours; for if your fleet is not all that you could wish, you still have some instruments to work with, a force superior to any other if not adequate to all your needs, and the inadequacy can be greatly remedied by judicious and careful planning and preparation. "... the number and dissemination of your external interests throws england largely on the defensive, necessarily so. it was so in the great days of pitt and nelson, though the fact is obscured by the great naval preponderance you then had. you have now greater and more extensive interests to defend....--believe me to be, very truly yours, "a. t. mahan" { } chapter xxxviii h.m.s. undaunted (_continued_) ii. the salving of the seignelay the _undaunted_, lying at alexandria in , was being rigged up for a ball; when a telegram arrived ordering her to go to the rescue of the french cruiser _seignelay_, which had gone ashore near jaffa, on th april. the telegram arrived at one o'clock in the morning of the th april. before daylight, the ball-room was unrigged, the decorations were taken down, guests were put off by telegram, and we were steaming at full speed to the _seignelay_, distant miles. in a private letter printed in _the times_ of th october, , describing the affair, the anonymous writer says: "it was a good sample of the vicissitudes of naval life, and i think we all rather enjoyed it." (i do not know who wrote the letter, but it must have been one of my officers; who, without my knowledge, published it, or sanctioned its publication, more than a year after the _undaunted_ had paid off. the proprietors of _the times_ have kindly given me permission to quote from the document, which was written at the time of the occurrence of the events which it describes, and which contains details i had forgotten.) at daylight on th april, we found the _seignelay_ driven high up on a sandy beach, embedded in five and a half feet of sand in shallow water. she had parted her cable in a gale of wind, had driven on shore, and had scooped out a dock for herself. had she been built with a round stern { } each succeeding wave of the sea would have lifted and then dropped her, bumping her to pieces. but as she had a sharp stern, the breakers lifted her bodily and floated her farther on. the _seignelay_ was a single-screw wooden cruiser, of tons displacement and feet inches draught. when his ship struck, the captain telegraphed to his admiral saying that he feared she was hopelessly lost. the french admiral dispatched a squadron of three ships to take off the men and stores; but by the time they arrived the _seignelay_ was afloat again and lying at her anchor almost undamaged; and the senior french captain amiably remarked: "you english do not know the word impossible." the british sloop _melita_, commander george f. king-hall (now admiral sir g. f. king-hall, k.c.b, c.v.o.), was already endeavouring to help the _seignelay_ when the _undaunted_ arrived; but the water was so shallow that the _melita_ could not approach nearer than yards, and the _undaunted_ yards, to the _seignelay_. i went on board the _seignelay_, and found her captain seated in his cabin, profoundly dejected at the disaster. i cheered him as well as i could, telling him that of course i understood that he had only been waiting for more men to lighten his ship, and that i would send him men with an officer who understood french to act as interpreter. there was a heavy sea running; and the anchor i had brought in the launch was laid out astern of the _seignelay_ with considerable difficulty, and the end of the cable was brought on board the _seignelay_. besides the _melita_, the austrian steamer _diana_, the french steamer _poitou_ and the russian steamer _odessa_ had all been endeavouring to rescue the _seignelay_, but they had neither the men nor the gear required for the task. what was done subsequently was narrated in _the times_, more than three years afterwards, by the anonymous writer aforesaid. "our first lieutenant (lieutenant stokes rees) went as { } interpreter, and all our captain wanted done was suggested by him to the french. he gave the orders to junior officers over our men, and i believe worked the french crew also by his suggestions, a fine old sailor who was one of their chief petty officers giving what orders were necessary. he hardly left the deck for three days and nights, and did his work splendidly. "the ship was embedded ½ feet in the sand, and so had to be lightened that much before we could hope to move her. this we spent all wednesday afternoon in doing. "on thursday morning the _melita_ with a light draught turkish steamer (the _arcadia_) tried to pull her off but failed, while the _melita_ was very nearly wrecked herself. nothing but very smart seamanship in making sail and casting off hawsers with cool judgment on the part of ---- ... saved her from being dashed in a good sea upon a jagged reef of rocks close to leeward. her screw got fouled, and the willing but awkward turk towed her head round towards the reef and she only just managed to get sail on her and shave it by yards. she could not anchor or she would have swung on top of it. we were looking on powerless from our deep draught of water, though we hurried out hawsers, but it was one of the nearest shaves i have seen, and with the large number of men they had away in working parties, a thing to be very proud of and thankful for...." what happened was that the _melita_ fouled her screw with a hawser. i had warned her commander both orally and by signal to beware above all of fouling his screw. but circumstances defeated his efforts. when a man is doing his best in difficulties, there is no use in adding to his embarrassments by a reprimand. i signalled to commander king-hall to cheer up and to clear his screw as soon as he could; and i have reason to know that he deeply appreciated my motive in so doing. to continue the narrative, which i have interrupted to quote an instance of disciplinary action in an emergency: { } "all thursday we worked on at lightening her, getting out tons of coal, all her shot, shell, small guns, provisions and cables on board our ship, until every part of the ship was piled up with them, and all our nicely painted boats reduced to ragged cargo boats, besides being a good deal damaged owing to the exposed anchorage and seaway. we got out one strong, and two light, wire hawsers and with them the two ships tried to tow, but we parted the light hawsers at once. "then the captain let me try a plan i had all along been urging but which he ... and the french called a physical impossibility." (the fact was, that the lighters and native boats were so unseaworthy that, until the weather moderated, the scheme, with all deference to the writer, was impracticable.) "we hired native boats and large lighters, got out strong chain cables into them, and laid out yards of chain cable between the _melita_ and ourselves, floated on these lighters. thanks to the skill of our boatswain and a big quantity of men in the lighters this was done most successfully, though three lighters were sunk or destroyed in doing it. "that afternoon, friday the st, having got tons out of the ship in forty-four hours, we got a fair pull at her with all three ships, the little turk tugging manfully at his rotten hawser at one quarter and giving her a side pull occasionally. we gradually worked our mighty engines up to full speed, the chain cable tautened out as i have never seen chain do before and off she came. "we manned the rigging and gave her cheer on cheer, the band playing the _marseillaise_ as the _melita_ towed her past our stern, while the frenchmen hugged and kissed our men on their checks. it was a scene to be long remembered. the crowds of spectators lining the beach and walls, and our own men, 'spent but victorious' after their long forty-four hours of almost unceasing work, hardly anyone lying down for more than three or four hours either night.... "by noon on saturday we had replaced all their { } gear on board, picked up their anchors and cables, etc., so that when their squadron came in that evening they found nothing left to do. they were really grateful and showed much good feeling, coming to call on us and being most friendly. "on monday night, when we left, the whole squadron cheered us manfully...." the british admiral was afterwards asked by the french government to allow the _undaunted_ to proceed to the gulf of lions where the french fleet was lying, in order that the officers and men of the _undaunted_ might attend a reception in her honour. the _undaunted_ steamed down between the french lines, playing the _marseillaise_, the french manning ship and cheering. officers and men were most hospitably entertained with every mark of friendship and goodwill. the french government most courteously presented me with a beautiful sèvres vase, which is one of my most valued possessions. when the time came for the _undaunted_ to go home, the commander-in-chief paid her a high compliment. the whole fleet steamed out of malta harbour in line ahead, the _undaunted_ being the rear ship of the line. when we were to part company, every vessel, except the _undaunted_, turned points to port in succession (the line thus curving back upon itself) and steamed past the stern of the _undaunted_. the commander-in-chief gave orders to cheer ship as each vessel passed the _undaunted_: a stately farewell to the homeward bound. on the passage home, in order to test the actual working of communication by signal between the navy and the mercantile marine, a system whose reform had constantly urged, i signalled, between malta and plymouth, to merchantmen. of the whole number, only three answered my signal, and of the three, only one answered it correctly, although several vessels passed within yards of the _undaunted_. the signals i made were short, such as "where are you bound?" "where are you from?" { } "have you seen any men-of-war?" "what weather have you had?" and some of them required only one hoist in reply. the royal navy, a great part of whose duty in time of war would be the protection of commerce, was in fact at that time practically unable to communicate with the merchant navy, either for the purpose of giving or receiving information, except by means of sending a boat to the vessel in question, a proceeding which must often be impossible, and which would always involve a delay which might bring serious consequences. no condition of affairs could more powerfully exemplify the national neglect of preparation for war. for in war, the maintenance of the lines of communication from ship to ship and ship to shore, is of the first importance. the difficulty discovered by merchant vessels in signalling or replying to a signal consisted in their ignorance of signalling. they were seldom required to signal; the use of the commercial code involved a tedious process, impossible to accomplish quickly without constant practice; they were equipped with neither morse nor semaphore apparatus, nor had officers or men learned how to use it. when a man-of-war signalled to a merchantman, the merchant skipper or mate must first try to decipher the flags of the hoist, an exercise to which he was totally unaccustomed. when he had decided that the flags were, say, blue with a white stripe, and red with a yellow stripe, he had to turn them up in the signal-book to discover what they meant. all this time the distance between the two ships was rapidly increasing. having made out the signal, the merchant sailor must refer to his signal-book to find what flags made his reply; and having found them, he had to pick out the flag itself from a bundle. by the time he had finished these operations, if he ever finished them, the ships were nearly out of sight of each other. the reform was eventually achieved largely by the personal enterprise and energy of the mercantile marine officers { } themselves, who learned signalling, and who often paid for the necessary apparatus out of their own pockets. the _undaunted_ paid off early in . upon the evening of the day upon which i arrived in london, i went to the house of commons to listen to the debate upon the navy estimates. { } chapter xxxix the second shipbuilding programme it is easier to take the helm than to be on the con. i have always been on the con. to drop the metaphor, i have looked ahead in matters of naval defence and have pointed out what (in my view) ought to be done. in , i resigned my post at the board of admiralty in order to fasten public attention upon the instant necessity of strengthening the fleet by the addition of vessels at a cost of £ , , . in the same year, the naval defence act provided those vessels at a cost a little in excess of my estimate. that was my first shipbuilding programme. many other forces were of course exerted to the same end: the representations of distinguished brother officers; the many excellent articles in the press; and the steadily increasing pressure of public opinion, then much less warped by party politics than it has since become. apart from these influences, which were fortified by the irresistible logic of the truth, my own efforts must have availed little. but above all (to resume my metaphor), it was the helmsman at the admiralty who put the wheel over. captain w. h. hall, director of the intelligence department, worked out the requirements of the case, unknown to me, and arrived at the same conclusions as those at which i had arrived, and the board of admiralty adopted his scheme. by the irony of circumstance, the intelligence department had been instituted, in consequence of my representations, before i left the admiralty, for the precise purpose of reporting upon the requirements of defence; and the first report of its fearless { } and enlightened chief completely upset the comfortable theories both of the board and of the government. i have briefly recalled these matters, fully related in a previous chapter, because they present a curious parallel with the events of - . in july, , while still on half-pay, i addressed the london chamber of commerce on the subject of "the protection of the mercantile marine in war." since i had left the _undaunted_, early in the year, i had been occupied once more in drawing up a scheme of naval requirements, specifying what was required, why it was required, and how much it would cost, and giving a detailed list of the necessary vessels. the protection of the mercantile marine was the first part of it; the whole was not completed until just before i was appointed captain of the steam reserve at chatham; and it would have been improper for me to have published the paper while on active service. it was intended that i should read it before the london chamber of commerce, following upon and amplifying my address dealing with the protection of the mercantile marine in war. but as there was no time available for the purpose before i went on active service, i gave the scheme to mr. john jackson, for the london chamber of commerce. i may take this opportunity of paying a tribute to the disinterested and untiring patriotic zeal of the late mr. jackson, between whom and myself a warm friendship existed. in my address upon the protection of the mercantile marine in war, the abrogation of the declaration of paris of was urged as a primary condition of british naval supremacy: a condition unequivocally laid down in the report of the three admirals in . subsequent events have shown that successive british governments, far from recognising the essential elements of sea power, continued to yield point after point, until at the naval conferences of and , whose recommendations were embodied in the declaration of london, british ministers virtually conceded nearly every right gained by centuries of hard fighting { } in the past. fortunately, public indignation has hitherto prevented the ratification of that fatal instrument. it was also shown in my address that, at the time, the naval protection for the mercantile marine was in the ratio of one small cruiser to sailing vessels and one small cruiser to steamers; that there were dangerous deficiencies in the supplies of reserve coal and ammunition; that a reserve force of at least battleships was required; and that there was urgent need for the immediate construction of the mole and other works at gibraltar. the shipbuilding programme was designed to show how these and other requirements were to be met. mr. john jackson caused it to be published on his own responsibility. the execution of the requirements therein specified involved an expenditure of millions spread over three and a half years. their necessity was supported by vice-admiral p. h. colomb, writing in _the united service magazine_; by many letters in the press written by my brother officers; by further excellent articles in _the times_ and other papers; and by lord george hamilton, ex-first lord of the admiralty. in november, lord salisbury publicly stated that "men of different schools with respect to maritime and military defences, men of very different services and experiences and ability," were united in urging that steps should be at once taken to re-establish the maritime supremacy of this country. the fact was, of course, that the provision made by the naval defence act of was running out, and that in the revolution of the party political machine, the periodic neglect of the navy had occurred as usual. as one party attains a lease of power, it is forced to increase the strength of the fleet; the effort expends itself; then the other party comes in, and either reduces the fleet, or neglects it, or both, until public opinion is once more aroused by infinite shoutings and untiring labour, and the government are coerced into doing their plain duty. such was the situation in - ; such was it in - . { } in - , a conservative administration was in power; in - , mr. gladstone was prime minister. the difficulty of the situation in - was therefore more obstinate, inasmuch as mr. gladstone's ministry held that the reduction of expenditure upon defence was an act of moral virtue; whereas lord salisbury's government merely waited to be convinced of the necessity of increase, before doing their duty. nevertheless, what happened? the navy estimates of march, , provided for an expenditure of no less than ¼ millions upon new construction spread over five years; as compared with my proposal of millions spread over three and a half years. the government actually provided more than was contained in my programme. the spencer programme, as it is called, was a much bigger scheme than the programme of - . it not only provided the ships required, but included a scheme for manning them. it included a comprehensive programme of naval works in which, for the first time in history, the defence of the empire was treated as a whole. provision was made for deepening and improving the harbours of portsmouth, chatham, devonport, haulbowline, for the keyham extension, for naval barracks at chatham and walmer, for the new works at gibraltar, for the construction of harbours at portland, dover, and simon's bay, and for large extensions of the dockyards at malta, hong kong and simon's bay. the cost of the works was to be met by monies raised under a naval loan act. that act is still in force, but a later government declined to utilise it; with the inevitable result that the neglected and dismantled condition of the coaling stations and naval bases abroad, constitute a present danger to the empire, and will in the future require a vast expenditure, which need never have been incurred, to be devoted to their restoration. to what extraordinary influence, then, was the conversion of mr. gladstone and his colleagues to be attributed? there was, in fact, no conversion. it was a case of coercion; { } or, as mr. gladstone entertained a strong dislike to the word, let us call it moral suasion. the explanation is simple and sufficient. in august, , which was the time when the representations concerning naval deficiencies were becoming insistent, admiral sir frederick richards was appointed first sea lord. sir frederick richards, it will be remembered, was one of the three admirals who drew up the historic "report on the naval manoeuvres of ," and it was chiefly due to his genius and patriotism that from a technical disquisition the report became a masterly exposition of the true principles of british sea power. incidentally, it endorsed the whole of my representations set forth in my shipbuilding programme, which were embodied in the naval defence act of . sir frederick richards, too, had been a member of the hartington commission on naval and military administration, which reported in ; and which, although its recommendations were for many years neglected by successive governments, at least taught its members what was the real condition of affairs, and what were the requirements of organisation for war. sir frederick, therefore, came to his high office furnished not only with the sea experience of a flag officer afloat, but equipped with a detailed knowledge of administration and organisation; and endowed, in addition, with so remarkable a genius, that he was one of the greatest naval administrators known to the history of the royal navy. his devotion to duty was the master motive of his life; nor was there a man living who could turn him by the breadth of a hair from what he believed to be right. having planned, as the proper adviser of lord spencer, the first lord, the great shipbuilding and naval works scheme of - , he was confronted by the strong opposition of mr. gladstone and his cabinet. sir frederick richards and the whole of his naval colleagues on the board immediately informed the government that, unless their proposals for strengthening the { } fleet and for providing for the naval defence of the empire, were accepted, they would resign. it was enough. the government yielded. the naval lords were: admiral sir frederick richards, k.c.b.; rear-admiral the lord walter talbot kerr; rear-admiral sir john arbuthnot fisher, k.c.b.; and captain gerard henry uctred noel. it was in commemoration of the action of sir frederick richards that the navy caused his portrait to be painted, and presented it to the nation. inscribed with the legend "from the navy to the nation," it hangs in the painted hall at greenwich, where it was placed during the lifetime of the admiral, an unique distinction. as in , when many of my brother officers and myself were conning the ship, it was the helmsman at the admiralty who put the wheel over, and again i was wholly ignorant of his intentions. but this time the helmsman was none other than the first sea lord, and with him were his naval colleagues. with him, too, was the great body of public opinion in the country; and as in , those of us who had been toiling to educate it, may at least claim to have set in motion a force lacking which it is almost impossible, under a pseudo-democratic government, to accomplish any great reform whatever. it is not too much to say that to the shipbuilding and naval works programme initiated and planned by sir frederick richards in - , and carried by his courage and resolution, the empire owes its subsequent immunity from external attack, notably at the time of the fashoda incident and during the south african war. sir frederick richards was so great a man, that he could even nullify the injurious effect of the legal supremacy of the civilian first lord over the board, which technically deprives it of collective administrative authority. he served, however, with two high-minded gentlemen, lord spencer, and mr. goschen who succeeded lord spencer. { } i have had to do with three great shipbuilding programmes. the first was carried after the resignation of one member of the board, myself; the second, by the threatened resignation of all the naval lords! of the third anon. { } chapter xl steam reserve in the days of the sailing navy, when an accident occurred, the captain knew every method by which it could be repaired, and gave directions exactly how the work was to be done. he was not necessarily able to do the work with his own hands (although i know at least one captain who could); but (what was more important) he knew how it ought to be done. should a topsail-yard carry away, for instance, the captain would know whether to have it sawn in half longitudinally and the halves reversed; or to cut out the damaged piece and replace it with a new piece woolded on and wedged; or to fish the yard. there was once a captain on the china station who asked the admiralty for a baulk of timber, because his main-yard had carried away; whereupon the admiralty officially desired to be officially informed who had carried it away, where to, and why. in the steam navy, it is equally necessary that a captain should be acquainted with the various methods of handling material and machinery, in order that he may be able to direct the trained artificer. one case among many which fell under my own observation illustrates the point. a cylinder having cracked, the engineer officer proposed to drill the holes for the bolts securing strengthening pieces in a row; when it was shown to him that the result would be to make the cylinder, like a sheet of postage-stamps, liable to tear; but that if he set his holes in an in-and-out pattern he would avoid that weakness. as the captain, so the { } admiral. every admiral in command of a fleet should be competent to direct the execution of even the smallest repairs; for upon what seems a trifling detail may depend the safety of the ship. such, at least, were the considerations that induced me to apply for a dockyard appointment. and upon the th july, , i was appointed captain of the steam reserve at chatham dockyard, under the command of rear-admiral george d. morant, flying his flag in the _algiers_, guardship of reserve. rear-admiral morant (now admiral sir g. d. morant, k.c.b.) was a first-rate officer, of indefatigable energy, an excellent administrator, and a most charming chief. all vessels under construction and repair were under the admiral-superintendent; i was his executive officer; and the object of appointing a sea-going officer was that details of construction should be tested in accordance with the use to which they would be put at sea. let us say, for instance, that two ships were under construction, one which was feet in the beam, and the other feet. awning stanchions of the same size were fitted to both ships; and when the awning was rigged in the larger vessel, the stanchions came home. another advantage of sea-going knowledge was impressed upon me while i was in the _thunderer_. she had some forty or fifty deck-plates, covering valves and ventilating shafts. the deck-plates and shafts were of various sizes, involving the use of a large number of spanners to fit them. these took up space and added an unnecessary weight. a seaman would have made a standard pattern with one or two spanners to fit the whole number. it was my duty to take command in all steam trials of vessels, and tests of appliances and machinery, and to compare all work with its specification. during - , the _magnificent_ was being built by chatham in rivalry of portsmouth, which was building her sister battleship the _majestic_. it was becoming a close thing, when the _magnificent_ received from the manufacturers { } a lot of armour plates, which might have gone to the _majestic_, and which enabled us to gain a lead. the _magnificent_ was launched by the countess spencer, in december, . the ship was built in thirteen months from the date of laying the keel-plate; an achievement for which high credit was due to the chief constructor, mr. j. a. yates, and to the constructors, mr. h. cock and mr. w. h. card. when i took the _magnificent_ upon her trials, lord wolseley, colonel brabazon, and mr. baird, american ambassador, accompanied me as guests. we returned from the nore in a torpedo-boat, at full speed, in the dark. in those days there were no lights in the medway; and we jumped the spit. lord wolseley inquired if "we always took short cuts across the land." when a new ship was completed by the royal dockyards, the task of cleaning her and completing arrangements in detail was performed by working parties, which usually consisted of pensioners. the principle was that when she was taken over from the dockyard authorities to be commissioned, she should be ready for sea. in the case of the _magnificent_, for instance, when lord walter kerr hoisted his flag in her, in december, , she was absolutely complete in every detail: decks spotless, store-rooms labelled, hammock-hooks numbered: there was nothing for officers and men to do but to find their quarters. an instance of the necessity of testing appliances according to sea requirements occurred when i was testing capstans. the ships were taken into deep water, so that the whole length of the cable was run out by the time the anchor touched bottom; and it was then discovered that the capstan was too weak to lift the amount of vertical chain specified. when i was trying a torpedo-boat at full speed, the helm suddenly jammed, and the boat instantly went out of control in the neighbourhood of a number of trawlers. luckily, she went round and round in a circle until she was stopped. { } she did not hit a trawler; but it was a very lively minute or two. a party of us went to a ball at sheerness, going thither in a tug; and intending to return the same night, we left the house at about one o'clock. there was a thick fog, and the captain of the tug declined to start. as i made it a rule to sleep in my own quarters at chatham if i possibly could, i said i would take the tug back. as there were no lights, i found the channel by the simple method of hitting its banks; and cannoning off and on all the way, we made the passage. in november, , the _howe_ battleship had struck upon an uncharted rock in ferrol harbour; and rear-admiral edward seymour (now admiral of the fleet sir e. h. seymour, g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o.) was appointed to inspect the salvage operations. these occupied nearly five months. sir edward gives a brief but interesting account of the work in his book, _my naval career_. after the _howe_ had been floated, she was dry-docked at ferrol, where she remained for nearly two months, while temporary repairs were being effected. when she struck the rock, her port side forward was stove in for nearly half her length, and her after part remained resting on a "rocky shoal of hard granite." sir edward seymour says "that after the ship was got into dock at ferrol, i could stand on a temporary flooring where the bottom of the ship used to be, and holding one hand over my head could not touch where the ship's bottom plates had been driven up to." he adds that "the mud, slime and dirt covering everything as the water was cleared from below, and the bad smell were almost beyond belief." we at chatham could confirm the observation; for it was to chatham that the _howe_ returned to be repaired. when she arrived, she was still coated with stinking mud, and we did our best to clean her. but notwithstanding our utmost diligence, a minute quantity of this virulent slime was afterwards found under the rolling-plate of the turrets. { } the men who slung their hammocks near the turrets fell sick of fever; and its origin was traced to the mud. the salving of a vessel so badly injured was a fine achievement. sir edward seymour brought her to sheerness under her own steam at eight knots. we dealt with her for a few months, until she was all a-taunto again, when she was re-commissioned and went to the mediterranean. it is the duty of a captain of the dockyard reserve to make representations, through the admiral-superintendent, to the admiralty, with regard to improvements in construction and material. my suggestions concerning water-tight doors in ships were subsequently embodied in a paper read before the institution of naval architects. in the design of the first ironclads, the vessels were actually divided into water-tight compartments by bulkheads without doors or apertures. in later designs, numerous doors were cut in the bulkheads for the sake of convenience of access, which, together with the many ventilating shafts and valves, in effect nullified the system of dividing a vessel into water-tight sections. the doors themselves were hung on hinges and closed with hanks and wedges; an inefficient method. my suggestions, which were afterwards adopted, were that the number of doors should be greatly reduced; and that they should be vertical, and made to screw up and down; and that the ventilating shafts fitted with an automatic closing apparatus which did not work should be abolished. among other proposals were the substitution of ships' names, plainly lettered, for figure-heads and scroll-work, and the abolition of the ram. at that time, our men-of-war were built with unarmoured ends, only the protective steel deck extending the whole length and breadth of the ship. it followed that if the side of a hostile vessel were pierced by the long projecting ram of a british ship, the force of her impact would strip her bows of the light construction above the protective deck, and she would remain toggled in the enemy and helpless. far more effective, if ramming is to { } be done, would be the direct blow of a vertical bow. at the same time, i continued to represent the radical weakness of unarmoured ends. in , five years after the passing of the naval defence act, and the elate at which the great spencer shipbuilding programme, involving a large increase of officers and men, was begun, the serious deficiency in the personnel became manifest. the fact was, that the naval defence act of had not included proper provision for manning the new ships as they came into commission; and just when the boys who ought to have been entered in would have become available as able seamen, it was discovered that they did not exist. but by that time, of course, the government responsible for the deficiency was out of office, and, as usual, there was no one to be called to account. in september, , mr. spenser wilkinson, who has performed so much invaluable service in educating the public to logical ideas upon organisation for war and problems of national defence, began to publish his excellent articles dealing with "the command of the sea," in which the demand for the institution of a naval war staff was formulated. it was for the purpose of enforcing this necessity that the navy league was founded by "four average englishmen" in december, . among its original supporters were earl roberts, v.c., lord george hamilton, sir charles dilke, sir john puleston, the master of trinity house, sir charles lawson, mr. joseph cowen, mr. arnold-forster, and myself. it will be observed that the original aim of the navy league was to ensure the fulfilment of the idea upon which the intelligence department was founded upon my representations in . the navy league subsequently added to itself other objects, which perhaps obscured its first purpose. the war staff at the admiralty was constituted in , in accordance with the recommendations of the beresford inquiry of . in , the year before the navy league was founded, { } and just previous to my appointment to chatham, i publicly advocated the institution of a council of defence, under the presidency of a minister, composed of the best admirals and generals. the project was afterwards carried into execution by mr. balfour; but its utility was vitiated by being framed to suit the ends of party politics. in may, , the u.s. cruiser _chicago_ anchored off gravesend; and at a banquet given to the american admiral and officers, i had the pleasure of renewing my old acquaintance with the american navy, begun in at the bombardment of alexandria. admiral erben flew his flag in the _chicago_, and captain mahan was flag-captain. it was a great pleasure to meet captain mahan (now admiral mahan), whose classic work on _the influence of sea power upon history_ came to me while i was in command of the _undaunted_, and concerning which, as before related, some correspondence had passed between us. captain mahan and myself contributed articles to _the north american review_ of november, , on "the possibilities of an anglo-american reunion." captain mahan, preferring to postpone the advocacy of a formal alliance between the two nations, looked forward to the development of such relations as would make it feasible; while i urged the conclusion of a defensive alliance for the protection of those common interests upon which depends the prosperity of the two countries. that the english-speaking nations should combine to preserve the peace of the world, has always seemed to me a reasonable aspiration, and i have said so in both countries when opportunity served. in december, , desiring to represent the interests of the service in parliament as soon as might be, i applied once more to the admiralty to be permitted, according to precedent, to count my service in the soudan campaign as time spent in the command of a ship of war; but the application was again refused. from many constituencies invitations to stand were sent to me; among them were { } stockport, north kensington, birkenhead, liverpool, east toxteth, armagh, dublin, cardiff, chatham, devonport, pembroke and portsmouth. in those days mr. w. l. wyllie (now r.a.) used to haunt the medway and the nore, boat-sailing and painting. he can handle a boat as well as he handles his brush; that is, to perfection. mr. wyllie gave me a boat which he had built with his own hands, i think out of biscuit boxes. i tried it in a basin at chatham, accompanied by a warrant officer of the _pembroke_. we were becalmed; a sudden puff came; and over we went. in memory of the disaster, i gave the warrant officer a pipe, the bowl of which was appropriately carved to represent a death's-head. while i was at chatham, my home was park gate house, ham common. here i had a model farm, producing milk, eggs and poultry, which were readily sold in richmond, whose streets and thoroughfares were greatly enlivened by the daily procession of my large and shining brass milk-cans. i was not in the sad case of captain edward pellew (afterwards lord exmouth), who upon quitting the sea and taking a farm, in , complained that the crops grew so slowly that they made his eyes ache. during my absence a burglar entered the house. the butler, hearing a noise, rose from his bed, took a revolver, and sought for the intruder, who fled before him to the roof, whence he fell headlong through a skylight. he must have been a good deal cut, for he bled all over the place. the butler, following, also fell through the skylight; but, presumably falling through the same hole, was little damaged. continuing the chase, he was brought up short by a wire entanglement previously set by the burglar for the butler's confusion. so he sat where he was, and continued to fire steadily in the direction he supposed the burglar to have gone, until his ammunition was all expended. it may be interesting to recall that in september, , sir augustus harris was appointed manager of drury lane opera house by the committee which was then organising { } the opera in this country. i urged his selection on account of his great administrative ability; and prevailed over the objection that he was only skilled in pantomime. the committee had been formed to improve the opera, which was then performed at three different theatres: covent garden, drury lane, and her majesty's; so that the available talent was scattered. sir augustus harris combined the three into one at drury lane. in october, , occurred the death of my brother, lord waterford, at the age of fifty-one. he had been for long completely disabled by a bad accident in the hunting field; and although his sufferings were constant and acute, he continued staunchly to discharge his many duties to the end. he was succeeded in the marquisate by his son. my appointment at chatham terminated in march, ; and a few days later i delivered at birmingham an address dealing with the requirements of naval defence. { } chapter xli views and reviews the three years succeeding the termination of my appointment at chatham were mainly occupied with questions of naval reform. the task was of my own choosing; and if, in comparison with the life i led, the existence of the early martyrs was leisured, dignified and luxurious, it is not for me to draw the parallel. the chief difficulty encountered by any reformer is not an evil but a good. it is the native virtue of the english people, which leads them to place implicit confidence in constituted authority. the advocacy of a change implies that constituted authority is failing to fulfil its duty. you cannot at the same time both trust and distrust the men in charge of affairs. again, reform often involves expenditure; and the dislike to spend money upon an idea is natural to man. and it is the custom of constituted authority to tell the people that all is well, in fact never so well. they have all the weight of their high office behind them; and people will believe what they are told by authority in despite of the evidence of their senses. moreover, there are endless difficulties and disappointments inherent in the very nature of the task of the naval or military reformer. the problems of defence are highly intricate; and although the principles governing them remain unaltered, the application of those principles is constantly changing. the most skilled officers may differ one from another; and a man who is devoting his whole time and energy to benefit the service to which he belongs, { } will often be disheartened by the opposition of his brother officers. the influence of society, again, is often baneful. society is apt to admonish a public man, especially if he be popular, perpetually telling him that he must not do this, and he must not say that, or he will injure his reputation, ruin his career, and alienate his friends; until, perhaps, he becomes so habitually terrified at what may happen, that he ends by doing nothing, and spoiling his career at the latter end after all. public life to-day is permeated through and through with a selfish solicitude for personal immunity. but it remains the fact that he who intends to achieve a certain object, must first put aside all personal considerations. upon going into action, a fighting man is occupied, not with speculations as to whether or not he will be hit, and if so where, but in trying to find out where and how soon and how hard he can hit the enemy. even so, he may be beaten; but at least he will have nothing to regret; he will be able to say that if it were all to do again, he would do the same; for he will know that on any other terms his defeat would be assured. if, then, these pages record in brief the continual endeavours of those who made it their business to represent to the nation the requirements of imperial defence, it is for the purpose of once more exemplifying the defects in our system which periodically expose the country and the empire to dangers from without and panics from within, and involve them in a series of false economies alternating with spasms of wasteful expenditure. the remedy advocated was the constitution of a body whose duty it should be to represent requirements. such a body was not created until . in the meantime, more money was spent than would purchase security, which was not always obtained. nor have we yet produced what is the first essential of national security, the feeling of the officers and men of the fighting services that they are being justly treated by the nation in the matter of pay and pension and proper administrative treatment. { } in , the most pressing need of the navy was for more officers and men. as already explained, the failure to enter the number required to man the ships of the naval defence act of , had now become manifest. battleships are a showy asset; the absence of men is not noticed by the public; therefore the politician builds the ships and omits the men. in an address delivered before the liverpool chamber of commerce in july, , i stated that the deficiency in the personnel was , men, including a deficiency of in engine-room ratings. a resolution urging the necessity of an immediate increase in the personnel was passed by the liverpool chamber of commerce, and was sent to the first lord, mr. goschen. the first lord replied to the resolution, stating that the increase in the personnel since had been , . these figures, however, included the whole of the numbers borne, without distinction of the numbers available for sea service, and represented the numbers voted, irrespective of deaths or retirements. the true increase was estimated by me, upon the evidence of the navy estimates, at , ; and the total number required at , . a good deal of public interest having been aroused on the subject, mr. goschen stated in the house that it would be his duty next year "to propose such a number of men for the navy and reserves as we judge to be rendered necessary by the extension of the fleet." the increase of personnel was provided accordingly. here is one instance among many, of a responsible statesman declaring in all good faith that matters were perfectly satisfactory as they were; being obliged by the insistence of outside representations to examine requirements; and then discovering that these were in fact what had been represented. mr. goschen was necessarily dependent upon the advice of the sea lords; but the sea lords themselves were immersed in the mass of routine work involved in keeping the machine going. the business of supply and the business of { } organisation for war were confused together; with the inevitable result that organisation for war was neglected. the personnel was increased in - by (numbers voted). in the following year, - , my estimate of , men was passed, the numbers voted being , ; and, excepting intervals of false economy, continued to rise until they now ( ) stand at , . the proposals with regard to the personnel were supported by (among others) admiral sir r. vesey hamilton, who, in a letter to _the times_ of nd april, , stated that "an ex-controller of the navy said to me when i was at the admiralty, 'your building programme is ahead of the manning.' and he was right, more particularly in officers." sir r. vesey hamilton was a lord commissioner of the admiralty from january, , the year of the naval defence act, to september, . his testimony is therefore authoritative. it was, of course, no fault of sir vesey hamilton that the personnel was deficient. it is not too much to say that owing to the omission from that act of the requisite increase in the personnel, the navy has been short of men ever since. in december, , i suggested in a letter to the press that promotion to flag-rank should take place at an earlier age in order that officers might gain the necessary experience while still in the vigour of youth. officers who remain too long in a subordinate position are liable to have the faculty of initiative taken out of them, and to fall into the habit of thinking that things will last their time. the services of old and experienced officers are of course invaluable; but officers should acquire the knowledge of the duties of an admiral (upon whom in modern warfare all depends) as early in life as possible. progressive pay for all ranks from lieutenants upwards, was also advocated. the requirements of the time were set forth by me in an article contributed to _the nineteenth century_ of february, . briefly, these were as follows: { } . the necessity of obtaining the requisite number of personnel for active service, long service ratings, such number to be definitely specified by the board of admiralty as being necessary to fulfil stated requirements. . a thorough reorganisation of the royal naval reserve. a scheme of reorganisation, founded on the proposals of captain joseph honner, royal navy, captain crutchley, r.n.r., and others, was explained by me to the liverpool chamber of commerce. in order to meet the emergency, it was suggested that men should be annually joined for five years, after which they should pass into the first-class reserve; at the same time, men should be annually joined for two months' training, after which they should pass into the second-class reserve. such emergencies periodically occur, because the authorities neglect to look ahead. . seventeen old but useful ironclads to be re-armed with modern guns. a list of these was drawn up; the proposed alterations in each vessel were specified in detail, together with their cost; a task which took me some three months to accomplish. the principle of the suggestion was that the invention of the quick-firing gun was actually a far more important revolution than the change from muzzle-loading to breech-loading guns. it was calculated that the older vessels were strong enough to withstand the increased strain. the proposal was not made in order to avoid the necessity of building new vessels, but as an expedient to make up a deficiency in ships. building new vessels was the preferable course of action, which the admiralty rightly decided to adopt. . the advisability of eliminating altogether from the number of ships in commission or in reserve those vessels which could neither fight nor run away, and of replacing them by modern vessels. the scheme was carried into effect by degrees. such an elimination should take place periodically, upon the { } industrial principle of replacing obsolete plant with new machines. in later years, the elimination of old vessels which was carried into effect by the admiralty, was effected without replacing them by new ships, a course of action which contravened the very principle upon which it was ostensibly based. . the advisability of holding annual manoeuvres in combination with the army at all naval bases of operation. . the designing of a definite plan of imperial defence, or plan of campaign; and the provision and equipment of such naval bases and stations abroad as should enable such plan to be put into effective operation. it will be observed that all the aforesaid recommendations of my brother officers and myself were directed to the fulfilment of sir frederick richards' great scheme of - , as already described. in the result, the naval works bill, march , showed that work was in progress at gibraltar, portland, dover, keyham, portsmouth, hong kong, colombo, pembroke, haulbowline; on barracks at chatham, sheerness, portsmouth, keyham, walmer, the new college for engineers at keyham and new magazines, the money voted being just under a million. writing from cairo, in march, , to the secretary of the guildhall club (the letter being published at the time) i said that mr. brodrick's speech showed that the government had a definite plan of campaign, which was "proved by the proposal to fortify important strategic bases at present absolutely undefended; ... without such fortified bases it is palpable that no clear plan of campaign existed at headquarters; and a happy-go-lucky method must have prevailed in the event of war. the government appear to me to have really begun to put our defences into business-like trim and to have looked into and endeavoured to make complete all those auxiliaries, any one of which being imperfect would jeopardise the defences of the empire as a whole.... it is always very hard for authorities to make proposals involving large sums of money unless the public { } and the press combine to show that they wish such expenditure." there remained, and still remains, an essential reform to be accomplished. i have never ceased to advocate as a matter of elementary justice such an increase of the pay of officers and men as should bear some proportion to the responsibilities with which they are charged and the duties which they fulfil. in , the increase of the officers' pay, the rate of which had hardly been altered since the time of nelson, was an urgent necessity. as a result of the steady refusal of the government to grant anything except the most meagre concessions, officers are now leaving the service almost daily, and among those who remain there is considerable discontent. at that time, the pay of the men was, if not generous, still adequate. owing to a variety of causes, it has since become totally inadequate; the concessions wrung from the government in response to perfectly reasonable demands are ridiculously insufficient; and numbers of trained men are leaving the service as soon as they can. in view of the obstinacy of the government upon this matter, it is worth recalling that, speaking at newbury in may, , i put the whole case for the officers as plainly as possible. it was pointed out that every condition of life had improved during the queen's reign, except the pay and prospects of the officers and men of the royal navy, although their responsibilities had increased a hundred-fold. the lieutenant's pay was £ a month; after eight years he could get £ a month extra; and after twelve years another £ extra. except for specialist duty, such as gunnery, torpedo and navigation, he could not get another shilling. there were over lieutenants then on the list of over twelve years' service, who were only getting £ a month. they could get no more, although some among them had twenty-one years' service. half-pay, often compulsory, was a shameful scandal to the country. it was not even half-pay, but very often barely a third. rear-admirals of forty { } years' service were sent on shore with £ a year to live upon. captains were even worse off, often getting four years on compulsory half-pay at £ a year. that was sixteen years ago. the government have done nothing worth consideration in the interval. the case was again publicly represented by me in . by that time, owing to the increase in price of the necessities of life and other causes, the pay of the men had become grossly inadequate. in order that it should be commensurate with the pay obtained by an equivalent class of men in civil employment, it ought to have been doubled. all that the government did was to grant a trifling increase to men of a certain term of service. how long will the nation allow the navy to continue a sweated industry? another measure of reform which is still far from accomplishment, is the manning of british ships by british seamen. the principle, as i stated in may, , is that in dealing with the innumerable emergencies inseparable from the life of the sea, it is better to depend upon british seamen than upon foreigners. in may, , it was estimated that of the total number of men employed in the mercantile marine, the proportion of british seamen was no more than three-fourths. in the same year, , the question of the contribution of the colonies to imperial naval defence, which, for practical purposes, was first raised at the imperial conference of , was the subject of one of those discussions which have occupied the public mind at intervals ever since; and which have eventually resulted in the decision of australia and new zealand to establish navies of their own. in a letter written in reply to a correspondent and published in the press in june, , i expressed the opinion that: "it certainly would help in imperial defence if the colonies did subscribe some portion of the money necessary to secure adequate imperial defence, but i think that all such proposals should emanate from the colonies in the first instance." { } in another communication i observed that: "we can only be prepared for war thoroughly when the colonies offer to join us in a definite scheme of imperial defence, and the colonies and their trade are inseparable portions of the question of imperial defence. we must, however, offer them an inducing quid pro quo. we cannot expect that they will bear a share of the costs unless we are prepared to give them a voice in the administration of imperial affairs. imperial consolidation must be real, not one-sided, and we must devise a scheme for admitting the colonies to parliamentary representation on all questions affecting imperial policy." and in a letter to the secretary of the toronto branch of the navy league, i said: "the great necessity of the times is to have thoroughly equipped and efficient naval bases in all the colonies, so that no matter where a british man-of-war meets the enemy, she will practically be fighting in home waters with a good base within easy reach for repairs, stores, coal, etc." i still think that this was a practical suggestion. some years afterwards, canada took over certain naval bases; but the result has not been a success. but she took them over at a time when the british government were engaged in dismantling and abandoning naval bases all over the world. these have still to be restored. but as the danger is out of sight, the public do not perceive that the demolition of naval bases abroad may very likely, in the event of war, result in disaster to the british navy. in june, , was celebrated the diamond jubilee of her majesty queen victoria. some observations contained in an article contributed by me to _the navy league guide_ to the great naval review held at spithead, may perhaps be historically interesting. it was shown that the two great naval reviews, that of the jubilee in and the diamond jubilee of , mark important epochs in the history of the british navy. the fleet of was in no way adequate to our needs at that time, and many of the ships assembled for review could not have taken their places in the fighting line. { } (so it was represented at the time; luckily, the supreme test of war was escaped; the proof that the need existed, therefore, resides in its ultimate recognition by the authorities.) in , on the contrary, there was assembled a fleet of warships representing a large proportion of the navy we then possessed, which was rapidly becoming equal to our necessities both in numbers and efficiency. in , the battleship fleet was represented by only four vessels of less than ten years of age, _collingwood_, _edinburgh_, _conqueror_ and _ajax_. two out of the four were armed with muzzle-loading guns, although all foreign navies had mounted nothing but breech-loaders for several years previously. the contrast afforded by the review was remarkable. nothing could better have displayed the giant strides we had made both in construction and fighting efficiency, than the eleven splendid first-class battleships assembled on th june, . a suggestion was added which was not adopted; nor has the proposal yet been carried into execution upon a large scale, probably because the authorities are afraid of accidents. "to make the review a success and to test the capabilities of the captains, it would be well if the fleet could be got under way and ordered to pass the royal yacht which should be anchored as the saluting base. possibly a few accidents would occur, but it would be a capital display of seamanship and the art of handling ships; and no fleet in the world could execute so imposing a manoeuvre so well as our own." indeed, i have always held that a naval review should be conducted like a military review. the sovereign should first proceed between the lines; then the ships should get under way and should steam past the saluting base. the dean of saint paul's unexpectedly provided a diversion in naval affairs. in order to make room in the cathedral for the monument to be erected to the memory of the late lord leighton, _p_.r.a., the dean proposed to remove the monument to captain richard rundle burges, r.n., from the south aisle to the crypt; a proceeding to { } which i expressed strong objection on behalf of the service to which i had the honour to belong. the controversy was conducted in the columns of _the times_. the dean, writing on th july, , protested that the "monument is unsightly. captain burges making love to victory over a gun is not a very suitable monument for a church, and during the twenty-eight years i have been connected with the cathedral i have been most anxious to see this monument in a less conspicuous place." in my reply, i said that, in the first place, i was not prepared to accept his description of the sculptor's work; and secondly, that it was rather late in the day to criticise it. and i submitted to the dean and chapter, that as the cathedral did not appear to have suffered by the retention of that monument for the last hundred years, no harm could possibly result from allowing it to remain. and i submitted with great respect that the twenty-eight years' repugnance of the present dean had curiously enough only found vent in action at the time when it was found necessary to select a spot for the site of a monument to the late distinguished president of the academy. i added that "lord leighton was a personal friend of my own, but i have yet to learn that he was the sort of man who would have wished to usurp the place of any one, or that he would have even admitted that an artist, however distinguished, takes precedence in the nation's history of those heroes to whom the existence of our empire is due. i rather think from what i knew of lord leighton's character that had such a hypothesis been presented to him in his lifetime his answer would have been like that of her gracious majesty the queen, who, it is reported, when it was suggested to her that queen anne's statue should be moved to make room for one of herself, replied, 'certainly not; why, you would be proposing to move myself next.'" then, on th july, , mr. balfour stated in the house of commons that "the dean and chapter, after reviewing all the circumstances of the case, had decided not to carry out { } their intention of relegating the burges memorial to the crypt." _the times_ remarked that "the public will be interested to know that among the circumstances which have brought about this welcome change of purpose an important place must be assigned to an appeal by the prince of wales. his royal highness holds very strongly the opinion that if memorials are to be liable to removal in this summary manner whenever the taste of a later generation pronounces them unsightly, the door will be opened to grave abuses. he accordingly expressed to the dean and chapter his hope that they would see their way to retain the burges memorial in its present position, and it is largely in deference to his wishes that the monument remains where it was erected at the expense of the nation." so the good dean was fated still to be scandalised by the "unsuitable" spectacle of the gallant captain "making love to victory over a gun"; although, personally, i doubt if captain burges's statue is really doing anything of the kind. in january, , i had the honour of being appointed a.d.c. to the queen. in july, , when the intention of the duke and duchess of york to visit ireland was announced i seized the opportunity to advocate a project which i had long desired to see adopted, and for whose adoption, in fact, i am still hoping. that project is the building of a royal residence in ireland. it has hitherto been foiled by timid ministers. writing to _the times_ ( th july, ), i pointed out that the total sojourn of the royal family in ireland during the past sixty years had been fifty-nine days in all. the letter continues: "in my humble opinion it is impossible to overrate the harm that this apparent neglect has done to the cause of loyalty in ireland. i am convinced that many misfortunes and misunderstandings would never have taken place if the royal family had been permitted by governments and courtiers to make more frequent visits to ireland, and to render such visits possible by the establishment of a royal residence in that country. i know for a fact that her majesty has on one occasion, and i believe more, { } made strenuous efforts to obtain a royal residence in ireland. her majesty's generous wish was never fulfilled, owing to opposition on the part of her advisers, who have invariably entertained an ungenerous and unworthy doubt of the irish character.... vice-regal rule from the castle at dublin is hated with all the passion of resentment of a generous-minded but impulsive people, who possibly regard it as placing them on the same footing as the conquered and coloured races under british domination. it must not be inferred that i in any way intend to say a word against the present or preceding viceroys of ireland. i only wonder that men could ever have been found with patriotism enough to fill the office; but in common with patriotic irishmen of all parties, i object to the sham court of the rule of men who, so far from really representing the sovereign, represent merely the political party which has the upper hand in england at the time of their holding office--unlike the viceroy of india, who holds office for a term of years independent of the political party that appointed him.... i believe irishmen would like to have royalty permanently among them, and to see ireland put on an equal footing with the rest of the united kingdom in these matters." the project was received with the general approval of the public, in so far as their opinion was represented by the press. the truth was, the queen often wished to go to ireland; but her ministers prevented her from visiting my country; and their action was keenly resented by irishmen. personally, i protested against it; affirming what i believe to be the fact, that the irish are the most chivalrous people in the world. in her sentiment towards my country, and in all her dealings with the irish, her majesty was invariably most charming. it is very much to be regretted that the anomaly of castle government was not ended long ago: that it must be ended, is certain. the duke and duchess of york, visiting ireland in august, , were received with the greatest possible enthusiasm. the township of kingstown presented an { } address in which the hope was expressed that their visit might lead to the establishment of a royal residence in ireland; and thirteen other addresses presented on the same day expressed a like aspiration. in the same month (august, ) i was promoted to rear-admiral. among other occupations, i had been collaborating with mr. h. w. wilson in the preparation of a life of nelson. the work was published under the title of _nelson and his times_, by messrs. harmsworth, in october, . in the meantime the government had been making tentative efforts towards the constitution of a council of defence, upon which both services should be represented, and which should form a kind of advisory body. the president of the new body was the duke of devonshire, who, universally esteemed and respected for the high-minded, conscientious statesman that he was, had neither the training nor the aptitude required to fulfil such an office. at the same time, the duke was not only occupied with the affairs of his great estates, and in the discharge of many social duties, but he was also head of the education department. while expressing the utmost respect for the duke, i did not hesitate publicly to express my opinion, in the course of an address delivered at the cutlers' feast at sheffield in november, , that under the circumstances it was impossible to take the new council seriously. nor is it probable that anyone did take it seriously, least of all her majesty's ministers. it was in that i first saw mr. marconi's invention for wireless telegraphy. mr. marconi, to whom i recently wrote asking him for particulars of the occasion, very kindly replied as follows: "in july, , you first saw my original apparatus working at mark lane in the city of london, the corresponding instrument being placed in another office in the city. among others who witnessed the tests was the late { } mr. ritchie, then, i believe, president of the board of trade." but the time was shortly to arrive when i was once more to take part in doing what i could to represent the interests of the navy in parliament. since , i had been approached by forty constituencies as to whether i would become a candidate. one invitation came upon me unawares. it was in the garden of my house at ham common. i was seated at my sailmaker's bench, clad in my old canvas jumper and trousers, employed in fitting a dipping lug i used to have in the _undaunted_, for the roof of a summer-house; when to me entered a party of gentlemen, immaculately clad in frock coats and silk hats. i had not the least idea who they were; but they conversed with me very affably, fell to criticising my work, and presently inquired if i had seen lord charles, as they had been told that he was on the lawn. at that, i suddenly recollected that i had promised to receive a deputation. during , i had accepted the invitation to stand for a division of birmingham; but in consequence of a misunderstanding, the intention was abandoned. then, in december, owing to the death of my old friend sir frank lockwood, the seat of york became vacant. my opponent was sir christopher furness (afterwards lord furness). first in my election address was placed the necessity for improving the efficiency both of the navy and army by connecting the two services in a plan of combined defence. the advisability of altering the constitution of the house of lords was also urged, together with the necessity of constituting a strong second chamber. the election campaign was lively enough. sir christopher's main supporter was no other than mr. sam story, who afterwards became an enthusiastic tariff reformer. he and i interchanged ideas in a debate conducted for the edification of an audience of , people, turn and turn about for twenty minutes each. my brothers lord william and lord marcus were { } helping me. lord marcus accompanied me to a meeting, and i told him that he must make a speech. "i can't," he said. "i don't know what to say." i told him to begin, because he was sure to be interrupted, and then, being an irishman, he would certainly find something to say. lord marcus thereupon rose to his feet; and a voice immediately shouted: "who are ye?" it was enough. the fire kindled. "who are we?" cried lord marcus. "i'll tell you who we are. we are three brothers, and our names are shadrach, meshach, and abednego. and we have come here to put out the burning fiery furness!" there was a good deal of excitement during the election, and sometimes stones would be flying. a cousin of mine, a lady, was driving along the street, when a stone lodged in her bonnet. lord william caused it to be mounted in silver, upon which was inscribed the legend: "this proves that our opponents left no stone unturned to win the york election"; and presented it to the lady to use as a paper-weight. it was a close contest indeed. on the night of the poll, the mayor most unfortunately succumbed to the strain and died suddenly. in the result i won the seat by a majority of (after two counts), on a poll of over , votes. when i had taken my seat in the house, a political opponent whose opinions were as changeable as the wind, who had held high office, and who was distinguished by a handsome and majestic presence, said to me in the smoking-room: "well, my dear charlie, you have not much of the appearance of a statesman." "my dear old friend," i said, "you must not judge by appearances. you have not the appearance of a weather-cock--but you are one." at christmas, , mr. henniker heaton's indomitable { } perseverance had resulted in the establishment of imperial penny postage in every part of the british empire except australia and new zealand. lord randolph churchill and myself were hearty supporters of mr. henniker heaton, who gave to each of us a golden penny in commemoration of the event. { } chapter xlii coveted china note as the significance of lord charles beresford's doings in china cannot be appreciated save in the light of the knowledge of the international situation in , a brief analysis of it may here serve the convenience of the reader. the governing factor of the problem was the fear of russian ambition and of russian aggrandisement. both russia and great britain are great oriental powers. the asiatic possessions or dependencies of russia consisted of over six million square miles, containing a population of about thirteen millions. the asiatic possessions or dependencies of great britain consisted of something over one and a half million square miles, containing a population of some three hundred millions. a comparison between the two demonstrates this remarkable disparity: that whereas russia had four times as much asiatic territory as england, england ruled over thirteen times as many asiatic people. the russian pressure towards the seaboards, wealthy lands and vast populations of the east, extended along a line measuring miles, and verging all the way upon india, turkey, persia and china. in , russia was steadily advancing towards india, throwing forward railways through central asia, and at the same time inexorably thrusting the trans-siberian railway towards manchuria and the amur regions. that line, which to-day bands the entire continent { } from st. petersburg to vladivostock on the sea of japan, in had not reached within miles of irkutsk on lake baikal, which marks roughly two-thirds of the whole distance of miles from st. petersburg to vladivostock as the crow flies. the vast, inscrutable, dreaded giant russia, lying right across the top of europe and asia, was ever pushing downwards to the south upon turkey, persia, afghanistan and china, and reaching an arm sideways to the east and the sea across the upper corner of china. the shoulders of the british empire were taking some of the weight; and lest china should crack under it and fly asunder, many people were urging that england should prop up that passive and unwieldy bulk, lord salisbury standing back to back with the son of heaven. the common interest was of course commercial. great britain had per cent. of china's total foreign trade, with some £ , , a year; had invested some hundreds of millions in the far east; and was amiably and openly desirous to invest a great deal more in what was largely an unexplored and an immense field of profit. but she wanted security, first. it was lord charles beresford's business to discover what were the existing commercial conditions, how they might be improved and extended, and what was the security required for so much improvement and extension. this enterprise was known as the policy of the "open door"; for the british principle was that all nations should enjoy equal opportunities. the alternative policy was known as "spheres of influence," which virtually meant the partition of the chinese empire among the nations of europe. such was the russian policy, in which she was supported, or was believed to have been supported, by both france and germany. russian diplomacy was active at pekin; russian agents were numerous in the trading centres of china; and it was constantly alleged at the time by students of the subject, that the chinese government regarded russia as a more { } powerful friend than england. in the light of subsequent experience, it would perhaps be more accurate to say that whereas china hated and distrusted all foreigners, she hated and distrusted the english less than the russians, but that the vacillations and inconsistencies of british policy had inspired her rulers with a deep suspicion. a good deal of nonsense, inspired by a large and generous ignorance of chinese conditions and affairs, was talked and written in . china was represented as an eccentric barbarian of great size, of uncertain temper, but on the whole amenable to good advice, who was merely waiting pathetically for the english to teach him what to do and how to do it. in truth, china, in , that is, political china, while haunted by a dread of foreign aggression, was intensely occupied with her own affairs. these were indeed exigent enough. in the summer of , occurred the hundred days of reform, followed by the _coup d'état_, and the imprisonment of the emperor. the visit of lord charles beresford to china coincided with the triumph of the reactionary conservative party at court and the restoration to absolute power of the empress dowager, tsu hsi. the history of the affair is related in detail by messrs. j. o. p. bland and e. backhouse, in their work, _china under the empress dowager_ (heinemann, ); but its intricacies were not divulged at the time. a study of the correspondence contained in the blue books of the period reveals the singular innocence of the british diplomatic methods employed at this critical moment. the emperor, kuang-hsu, who had always been at variance with his astute and powerful aunt, the empress dowager, the real ruler of china for fifty years, had espoused the cause of the reform, or chinese, party of the south, as distinguished from the manchu, or conservative, party of the north. the enmity of the south towards the north, the latent inbred hostility of the chinese to the manchu, had been { } roused to violence by the defeat of china by japan in the war of - . it was very well known that the empress dowager had spent the money allocated to the navy and other departments of state upon the rebuilding of the summer palace at pekin and other æsthetic diversions. but the empress dowager, with her habitual skill, contrived to shift the responsibility for the disaster upon the puppet emperor, who in fact was guiltless of it. the injustice so exasperated the young man, that he joined the reform party, and issued decree after decree, all of which were tinctured with western ideas, and all of which were expressly repugnant to the empress dowager. tzu hsi, however, approved the decrees without remark, biding her time. it came. the emperor was induced to assent to a plot to seize the person of the empress dowager, and afterwards to sequester his terrible aunt for the rest of her life. now came the intromission of yuan shih kai, who had been imperial resident in corea. in , he was judicial commissioner of chihli, and exerted considerable influence at court. yuan shih kai, professing great interest in reform, won the confidence of the emperor; who, believing that in yuan he had gained an adherent at court, informed him of the details of the conspiracy. that design included the assassination of yung lu. now yung lu was governor-general of chihli, commander-in-chief of the foreign-drilled army, which was one of the efficient armies in china, an old friend and a loyal servant of the empress dowager, and altogether a most formidable person. the emperor's plan was to slay yung lu swiftly, to put himself at the head of yung lu's ten thousand soldiers, and then to march with them upon pekin and seize the empress dowager. all might have gone well, had not yuan shih kai (according to messrs. bland and backhouse) been blood-brother to yung lu, and also, presumably, loyal to the empress dowager. in any case, yuan went straightway to yung lu and divulged the plot. { } the next day, it was the emperor kuang hsu, and not his aunt, who was ceremoniously escorted to prison. six of the conspirators were subsequently executed. another, kang yu wei, escaped under british protection in october, . dr. sun yat-sen was another fugitive. it was in october, , that lord charles beresford arrived at pekin. the empress dowager resumed the regency and therewith the formal investiture of that supreme power which she had exercised since, as a girl of twenty-two, a lady in waiting at court in the time of the emperor hsien-feng, she had unofficially assumed the conduct of affairs, and which she continued to wield until the end. yung lu was appointed to be member of the grand council, and minister of war. when he was in pekin, lord charles beresford had an interesting conversation with yung lu. the emperor kuang hsu remained imprisoned in his palace in the ocean terrace at pekin; and it was rumoured throughout the south that he would presently die. whether or not the empress dowager desired his death, she considered it politic, having regard to the anger which his dethronement inspired in the south, to keep him alive. moreover, the british minister, referring to the reports that "the empress dowager was about to proceed to extreme steps in regard to the emperor," solemnly suggested that any such course of action would be highly repugnant to the susceptibilities of foreign powers. such, briefly indicated, was the posture of affairs in , when the british government was being urged to initiate a definite policy in china, and when lord charles beresford went to investigate commercial conditions in that puzzling empire. but the british government had the rest of the world to consider, as well. in the preceding year, , it was announced that russia would winter at port arthur; whereupon lord charles beresford remarked in the house of commons that the winter would probably be of long duration. germany { } was in occupation of kiao chao, originally demanded as compensation for the murder of a german missionary--a most profitable martyrdom. there were troubles on the indian frontier; there was fighting in crete, and consequently there was danger of a war breaking out between greece and turkey. it is sufficiently obvious that, under such conditions--at a time when the european nations were each waiting to take of china what it could get; when russia was more or less in agreement with france and germany; and when england stood alone;--any very definite move on her part might have led to bigger difficulties than she cared to encounter. at any rate, peace was maintained; the policy of the "open door" prevailed; and the influence exerted by lord charles beresford upon international affairs, although perhaps not to be defined, was considerable. for further information concerning this epoch, the student may be referred to _china under the empress dowager_, by messrs. j. o. p. bland and e. backhouse (heinemann, ); _china in transformation,_ by a. r. colquhoun (harper, ); and the blue-book _china. no. ( ) c.-- _. while one british admiral, rear-admiral noel, stopped the trouble in crete, which had defeated the united intellect of europe for generations; another, rear-admiral lord charles beresford, was employed in conducting a swifter, more thorough and more practical investigation into the commercial military and social conditions of china than had ever before been accomplished; so that its results, set forth at the time in the admiral's many speeches and afterwards in his book _the break-up of china_, struck the two great english-speaking peoples of the world, the british and the american nations, with something of the force of a revelation. { } chapter xliii the intromission of the admirals in august, , i received from the associated chambers of commerce of great britain, whose president was sir stafford northcote, an invitation to proceed on their behalf to china, "to obtain accurate information as to how security is to be ensured to commercial men who may be disposed to embark their capital in trade enterprise in china." sir stafford northcote added that he desired to obtain a report on these matters from a "non-official source," and that, further, it should be supplied by an officer of naval or military experience, by reason of the importance of the question of adequate protection for british commercial ventures. accompanied by mr. robin grey, who acted as an additional secretary, and by my secretary, mr. macdonald, i sailed for china towards the end of august. my commission, to report on the future prospects of british trade and commerce in china and especially to what extent the chinese government would guarantee the safe employment of british capital, was sufficiently wide in its scope. at that time, there was much public discussion concerning the rivalry manifesting itself among the european nations interested in china, particularly with regard to railway concessions and like privileges. the public in general were of opinion that the british government was very slow to assert british rights. in july, , sir claude macdonald, british plenipotentiary at the court of pekin, was "authorised to inform the chinese government that her majesty's government { } will support them in resisting any power which commits an act of aggression on china or on account of china having granted permission to make or support any railway or public work to a british subject." this was something, but it was not much; for china, comparing british assurances with russian actions, entertained her own opinion concerning their comparative value. nevertheless, the british policy was quite definitely the policy of the "open door"; which mr. balfour defined ( th august, ) as "the right of importing goods at the same rate that every nation imports goods, the same right of using railways that other nations possess. in other words, equal trade opportunities." the alternative policy of "spheres of influence," mr. balfour oracularly described as "a wholly different set of questions connected with concessions, and they cannot be treated in the same simple and obvious manner." but in what the treatment should consist, the public were not told. it was not, perhaps, understood by the public at the time, how delicate was the international situation, nor how serious might be the consequences, not only of hasty action but, of any decisive action; and although it did not necessarily follow that nothing should be done, the difficulties and complications, many of which were known only to the government, should be taken into consideration. russia was establishing herself in manchuria, and was arming port arthur and talienwan. germany had declined to pledge herself not to levy preferential duties at kiao chao, and claimed exclusive rights over railway construction through the shantung province. france was claiming preferential rights with regard to her leasehold in southern china. france and russia were interesting themselves in the sanctioned trunk line from pekin to hankow and from hankow to the south. nothing was settled with regard to the important question of the rights over the yangtse basin. lord salisbury had stated that he did not consider it to { } be the duty of her majesty's government to make railways in china, or to find the money to make them; and both lord salisbury and mr. curzon (afterwards viscount curzon of kedleston) affirmed that the failure of british syndicates to apply for concessions in china was due to their lack of initiative. on the other hand, it was argued in the press that the lack of initiative on the part of british enterprise was due to the lack of support and to the absence of a definite policy on the part of the government, a criticism which, among others, was formulated by sir edward grey, who was then of course in opposition. at the same time, underlying these controversies, there was the consciousness that detailed practical information concerning the real posture of affairs in china was lacking. under these conditions, considerable responsibility attached to the task upon which i had entered. its rapid and successful fulfilment clearly depended upon the method of its organisation. before starting, a letter was addressed by me to every chamber of commerce in china, requesting it to prepare a report giving details of: . the state of british trade now. . the state of british trade ten years ago. . the state of foreign trade. . increase and decrease of trade. by this means, the reports were ready for me upon my arrival; and i was immediately placed in possession of the material which served to guide my inquiries and upon which i could base my observations. as these are set forth in detail, in my book _the break-up of china_, published by messrs. harper and brothers in , and as the conditions have since changed, i do not propose to repeat them at length in these pages. i have here to acknowledge the courtesy of messrs. harper and brothers in granting me permission to quote from _the break-up of china_. i wrote that work in thirty-one days; a feat of which i was { } not unjustly proud; for it was a long book, crammed with facts and statistics, extracted from a pile of memoranda and documents three feet high. i used to ride before breakfast in richmond park; after breakfast, i worked all day until . ; and when i had finished the book, i said i would never write another. while i was on my way to china--while all the chambers of commerce in china were hard at it compiling reports for me--a brother officer, rear-admiral noel, was engaged in settling, in his own supreme way, a difficulty which had long exercised the chancelleries of europe in vain, and which might at any moment have given rise to what are called european complications. in january, , broke out the insurrection of the christians in crete; which, put shortly, was the result of two centuries of oppression under moslem rule. during the previous year (to go no farther back) the sultan of turkey, at the request of the powers of europe, had promised to introduce certain reforms. as these were not carried into execution, the cretan christians, encouraged thereto by greece and aided by greek soldiery, rose in rebellion. roughly speaking, the christians held the country districts, and the turkish garrison, reinforced by an irregular and undisciplined horde of bashi-bazouks, occupied the towns. no doubt but turkey could have put down the revolt by extensive bloodshed; but the powers of europe had forbidden the sultan either to reinforce his garrison in crete, or (at first) to make war upon the insurgents. the powers were therefore morally bound to restore order themselves. recognising this obligation, they dispatched men-of-war to crete. italy, france, russia, austria, great britain and germany were represented. vice-admiral count n. canevaro, the italian, being senior officer, was president of the council of admirals. great britain was represented by rear-admiral sir robert harris. the admirals arrived off canea in february, ; intercepted and sent away a greek squadron of reinforcements; { } established a blockade; and proceeded, as best they might, to enforce order. they succeeded for the time being; but it was not within their province to attempt a radical remedy. so long as the turks remained in crete, so long would the trouble continue. the christians dared not resume their occupations, for fear of a further outbreak of moslem aggression, when they could not rely upon the turkish garrison for protection; the moslems, dreading christian reprisals, clung to the turkish troops as their only salvation. in the face of this dilemma, germany and austria withdrew from the concert, and the island remained in charge of great britain, france, russia and italy, each power being assigned a district. great britain retained candia, where the british garrison was reduced to one regiment, the highland light infantry. the discontent, temporarily quelled, soon became acute. the decision of the council of admirals to collect a proportion of the export duties aroused intense indignation. when, on th september, , the british came to take over the custom house at candia, the mob rose, attacked the tiny force of british seamen and soldiers and the british camp and hospital, and massacred some christians in the town. the british fought like heroes and lost heavily; but for the moment they were helpless; the only man-of-war off candia being the gunboat _hazard_. then, on th september, rear-admiral gerard noel (now admiral of the fleet sir gerard h. u. noel, g.c.b., k.c.m.g.), who had relieved sir robert harris early in the year, arrived at candia in h.m.s. _revenge_. the next day, he landed, inspected the scenes of the recent fighting and ordered the turkish governor, edhem pasha, to repair on board the _revenge_. admiral noel required the governor to demolish all houses from which the insurgents had fired upon the british camp and hospital; to give up to british troops certain forts and positions; and to surrender the principal persons concerned in the rioting and attack. the admiral also { } informed the governor that the moslem population would be disarmed. the governor broke into a cold perspiration and accepted the admiral's demands. he was then suffering under the delusion that he could evade them. he never made a bigger mistake. when he tried to avoid the demolition of the houses, he was suddenly confronted with the spectacle of two hundred british seamen coming ashore to do the work, and hurriedly gave in. when he endeavoured to postpone the delivery of the prisoners, he was informed that if they were not delivered by the hour appointed, they would be taken. his every excuse and pretext were met by the same composed and invincible determination. at the last moment, when the scaffold awaiting the malefactors stood stark upon the highest point of the bastions, edhem pasha's frantic plea for delay was received by a terse intimation that if he did not hang the prisoners, he, edhem pasha, would himself be hanged. the disturbers of peace were hanged at the precise time appointed; and swung in a row until sundown, in sight of all the city. twice again the bodies of murderers darkened above the ramparts, to the abiding terror of evil-doers. the powers ordered the evacuation of the island by the turks within a month, which expired on th december. on the evening of the th, some troops had still to leave, together with their women, horses and baggage. admiral noel ordered the baggage to be embarked on board the british transport _ocampo_ and a small turkish transport that night. next day, the governor, shefket bey (who had succeeded edhem pasha), informed the admiral that he had received orders from the governor of crete to keep the remaining troops and to disembark the baggage. what followed is described in an account of the affair contributed by "a naval officer" to _the united service magazine_, february, . "an armed boat was sent to prevent interference with { } the turkish transport. the admiral signalled to the fleet: 'prepare to man and arm boats. i intend to compel the turkish troops to embark by force after noon'; and to the commandant of british troops, 'all turkish troops remaining in the town after noon are to be made prisoners and compelled to embark at the quay.'" it was a bold decision, worthy of the royal navy. for all the admiral knew, the turks might have fought, in which case they would have been reinforced by some thousands of bashi-bazouks. but they gave in, and were marched on board. their "furniture, beds, pianos, carpets and general loot and rubbish, making a pile as big as a frigate," says the eye-witness aforesaid, "which, together with nearly three hundred horses, was bundled into boats and lighters by the seamen of the _revenge_ and _empress of india_, and stowed away on board the transports, the work taking all night." thus did rear-admiral gerard noel cut the knot which all the diplomatists in europe had failed to unloose. the marquess of salisbury publicly complimented the admirals upon their diplomatic ability, saying that he wished the cabinets of europe could work together with equal unanimity and rapidity. in december, , h.r.h. prince george of greece took over the government of crete from the admirals. the settlement of the cretan difficulty undoubtedly exercised an appreciable effect upon the international situation, with which my own enterprise in china was necessarily connected. for admiral noel had removed what had been a chronic danger to the peace of europe; and in so doing had demonstrated that combined action on the part of the great powers (if entrusted to naval officers) could be both cordially conducted and successfully accomplished. i have recalled the affair, not only because it gives me pleasure to record the ability, courage and resolution of my old friend and brother officer, but because no account of the time, lacking the cretan episode, can be wholly intelligible. for, { } although it is consistently neglected by political historians, whose views are usually distorted by party, it remains, and will remain, a classic example of the consummate exercise of british sea-power for the inspiration and instruction of honest men. { } chapter xliv traffics and discoveries i. china the misfortunes of kang yu wei on my way up to pekin, i visited hong kong, arriving there on th september. the island of hong kong, being british territory, is a city of refuge; to which sanctuary, just before my arrival, had fled kang yu wei, the leader of the reform party. to the influence of kang yu wei may be ascribed the conversion of the young emperor, kuang hsu, to reform; and the issue by the son of heaven of the series of decrees, during the hundred days of reform of the preceding summer. the movement culminated in the plot to seize the person of the empress dowager, which was frustrated by the _coup d'état_. but before that decisive event occurred, kang yu wei receiving a broad hint from the emperor that his arrest had been ordered by the empress dowager, took the next train from pekin to tongku, and embarked on board the coasting steamer _chungking_ bound for shanghai. the taotai at shanghai informed acting-consul-general brenan that he had received orders to arrest kang yu wei upon his arrival, and that a reward of dollars was offered for his capture, and requested mr. brenan to search for the fugitive in all british ships arriving at shanghai. by this time the chinese detectives and policemen were wildly excited by the prospect of securing dollars that mr. brenan feared they would attempt forcibly to { } board british ships before they entered the harbour. he therefore determined to intercept the _chungking_ before the chinese officials could reach her; but desiring to avoid the open implication of the consulate in the matter, he accepted the services volunteered by mr. j. o. p. bland (joint author of _china under the empress dowager_). mr. bland, who spoke chinese, took a steam-launch, met the _chungking_ some miles out at sea, transhipped kang yu wei, and put him on board the p. and o. steamer _ballaarat_, then lying outside woosung. captain field, commanding the _ballaarat_, placed an armed sentry upon kang yu wei's cabin. the people in the _chungking_, knowing that h.m.s. _esk_ was at woosung, told the chinese officials at shanghai that kang yu wei had been put on board her. this information diverted attention from the _ballaarat_ for the moment. the chinese officials, however, eventually determined to follow the _ballaarat_ in a gunboat, when, two days later ( th september), the _ballaarat_ sailed for hong kong. the british authorities, learning also that two more chinese gunboats were ordered to lie in wait for the p. and o. boat, arranged that she should be escorted to hong kong by h.m. cruiser _bonaventure_, commanded by my old friend and brother-in-arms in the soudan campaign, captain r. a. j. montgomerie. being pursued by the chinese gunboat, montgomerie cleared for action; luckily for them, the chinese declined to risk an affair with one of the finest fighting officers in her majesty's service; and kang yu wei was landed in safety at hong kong. here, major-general black placed him under police protection. the procedure followed by captain montgomerie in accordance with the orders of vice-admiral sir edward seymour, then commander-in-chief on the china station, not only saved the life of the patriot kang yu wei, but prevented the occurrence of the difficulties which would have arisen had the chinese attempted to board the _ballaarat_. with the object of ascertaining the views of the reform party concerning the future of china and its relation to the { } extension of trade and commerce, i invited kang yu wei to visit me. he arrived surrounded by a bodyguard of policemen, for a price was set on his head. apparently the poor man felt it already loose, for, as he talked, he kept turning it over his shoulder; and little wonder; for it was only three or four days since his brother and five of his colleagues had been executed in pekin. "reforms in the east," said kang yu wei, "invariably demanded martyrs; and, if china did not go to pieces in the meantime, posterity would honour the six dead gentlemen." in reply to my question as to the present position of the reform party, he said it was "completely crushed, but not killed," and would ere long revive; a prophecy which has been fulfilled. kang yu wei affirmed that, contrary to the general opinion abroad, all educated chinamen believed that reform alone could prevent the dissolution of an empire years old; that by degrees the mass of the people were accepting the new doctrines; that the reformers relied upon great britain to help them to carry their schemes into execution; and that, were they to attain power, they would certainly open china to the trade and commerce of the world, because such a policy would increase the strength and riches of the empire. the impression left upon my mind by kang yu wei was that he was loyal, patriotic, and unselfishly devoted to his country, and undoubtedly he was in earnest. [illustration: from an original drawing by phil may in the possession of the author] in the course of many conversations held with the compradors (managers) of the great mercantile houses in china, i ascertained that, while several of them were frankly in favour of reform, all of them agreed that the reformers had acted in haste, neglecting to prepare their way by means of careful organisation. the chinese new model arriving at pekin on th october, , i was kindly invited by sir claude macdonald, british minister { } plenipotentiary, to stay at the legation. to all foreign ministers accredited to pekin i paid my respects and presented my credentials, which were given to me by the president of the associated chambers of commerce of great britain, sir stafford northcote, and which showed that i had been asked to make a report on british trade and commerce, its future development, and what security existed throughout the chinese empire for such trade and commerce. on th october, i visited the tsung-li yamen; a body created, in , for the purpose of conducting diplomatic negotiations with the representatives of foreign powers, and consisting of eight members, of whom three are manchus and five are chinese. i was presented to prince ching, the president, and was requested to address the members. in my speech, i dwelt upon the anxiety as to the future on the part of british traders on account of the want of security for capital, and the ignoring of treaties by the chinese; suggested that, unless china organised her military and police forces in order to give security for trade and commerce, foreign countries would adopt the policy embodied in the expression "spheres of influence"; affirmed that the british desired no addition to be made to the british empire, either in the nature of dominion, sphere of influence, or protectorate; explained that what the commercial communities desired was free and uninterrupted opportunities for trade, with equal rights and privileges for all the nations of the world, a policy expressed by the words "open door"; and stated that in order to establish such a policy, it was essential that china should maintain her integrity. prince ching asked me how i thought trade and commerce could be better protected that it was at present. i replied that the only effective method would be thoroughly to reorganise the chinese army, abolishing the system of maintaining provincial armies; that, as great britain had per cent. of the whole foreign trade of china, she was naturally anxious as to its adequate security; and that it was possible that the british government would allow { } a british officer to assist the chinese in putting their army in order; adding that i had no official authority whatever to make the statement, but merely put it forward as a suggestion. i also suggested that should the chinese government consider the proposal, it might be well for them to invite other nations which had large trading interests with china, to lend a few officers and non-commissioned officers to work with the british in the reorganisation of the army. prince ching observed that they already had german officers to drill some of their troops; and that captain lang, the british naval officer, was in the chinese service to help them to organise their fleet. he did not mention, however, what i afterwards discovered, that captain lang had found the admiral sitting on the quarter-deck playing fan-tan with his own sentry. captain lang subsequently resigned his appointment. when prince ching and some members of the tsung-li yamen returned my visit, prince ching informed me that the emperor and the empress dowager approved of my suggestions; and that his excellency chung chi tung, viceroy of hunan and hupeh, had been ordered to have of his troops ready to be placed under a british officer for drill and organisation, as an experiment, which might possibly lead to the reorganisation of the army as a whole. i replied that as i was in no way authorised to take any responsibility with regard to this matter, any action taken on the part of the tsung-ii yamen must go through the british minister to the british government. prince ching said that it was the intention of the tsung-li yamen formally to inform sir claude macdonald of the wishes of the chinese government. my interpreter on these occasions was mr. fulford of the british legation, and all that passed between myself and the high chinese officials in pekin was made known by mr. fulford to the british minister. the question of providing adequate security for british subjects and for british trade and commerce, was thus { } frankly raised at the beginning. indeed, all hinged upon its solution. the safety of life and property always depends ultimately upon disciplined force. the force at the disposal of the chinese government was scattered, ill-organised and largely inefficient. but, with the men, money and resources actually available, it would have been perfectly feasible to have formed an army of a million men. such was my view at the time, and i have seen no reason to change it since. at the request of the tsung-li yamen, i drew up the entire scheme complete in every detail for the organisation of the chinese army; and on several occasions it was discussed with me by the chinese ministers at great length. briefly described, my scheme was based upon the principle upon which the imperial maritime customs had been formed. the imperial maritime customs was charged with the duty of collecting custom house dues, which were hypothecated to secure the external indebtedness of china. all nations were represented upon it, and, because great britain possessed by far the larger share of chinese trade, a british officer was placed at its head. the business was impartially managed under the chinese government for the common welfare of china and of other nations; and in the result the arrangement worked admirably. the proposal was, then, to organise the army upon the same basis; appointing officers of those nations who owned interests in china; and, as great britain possessed the largest interests, placing a british officer in command under the chinese government. under these conditions, the army would be enabled to secure china both against foreign aggression and internal disturbance. in a word, it would ensure stable government. under existing conditions, stable government was impossible; for the methods of the empress dowager consisted in playing off one party against another, and one viceroy against another. tsu hsi succeeded in maintaining her personal ascendancy; but at the cost of so weakening the state, that it was liable to fall a prey to foreign ambition and foreign cupidity. { } the chinese high officials argued the whole subject with great acumen. they objected that the commander-in-chief might embark upon a career of personal aggrandisement. i replied that as he would be under the chinese government, and that as he would be further restricted by his dependence upon an international body of officers, there could be no such danger. and i asked the chinese whether they had any reason to be dissatisfied with sir robert hart's administration of the customs. they answered at once that his services were invaluable to china, and said that he worked so hard in chinese interests that "he might have been a chinaman." i then pointed out that a british officer at the head of the army would occupy the same position with regard to the army as sir robert hart occupied with regard to the customs; offered to select for them the best general i could find for the executive command; and informed them that i was myself prepared to undertake the administrative command. the objection that the creation of such an army might offend foreign susceptibilities, was also met by the argument that foreign officers would command it. in reply to a courteous question, i stated that my object in proposing the scheme was to benefit china; and that the reason why i desired to benefit china was that an improvement in chinese administration must necessarily profit british interests. i also discussed the subject with his excellency yung lu, he who had executed the _coup d'état_ which resulted in the defeat of the reformers and the imprisonment of the emperor kuang hsu. yung lu, who commanded one of the foreign-drilled armies, stated that the reorganisation of the chinese army under british and foreign officers would be carried into execution; and asked me whether, supposing that china put the whole of her armies under british officers, great britain would assist her in any quarrel that might arise between her and any other power. { } the direct question was highly significant. my reply, of course, was that i was unable to discuss political questions; but that great britain had no desire to involve herself in quarrels which might arise among other countries. yung lu courteously invited me to visit the military forces then quartered round pekin; a privilege of which i afterwards availed myself. having formulated my scheme for the reorganisation of the chinese army, founded upon a general knowledge of the requirements of the situation, i proceeded to fulfil in detail that part of my instructions received from the president of the associated chambers of commerce directing me to report "whether the organisation of the chinese civil and military administration is sufficiently complete to ensure adequate protection to commercial ventures." accordingly, i visited all the forts and arsenals forming the coast and river defences of the chinese empire, and utilised the opportunities, most courteously extended to me by the various viceroys, of inspecting the imperial military forces. for the sake of simplicity, the results of my investigations into military and naval conditions are here grouped together; although these investigations were necessarily conducted side by side with my inquiries into commercial affairs, the two elements being often present in the same locality. china's military forces were then sharply divided between manchu and chinese, or north and south. the manchu, or northern, forces were manned and officered entirely by manchus, and enjoyed privileges which were denied to the chinese army. nearly every southern army was commanded by two generals, a manchu and a chinese, the manchu being the real head. the provincial armies are maintained at the expense of the viceroys. in the province of chihli, general yuan shih kai's army, and the imperial armies at and around pekin, are maintained by the board of revenue out of { } imperial taxes; so that the imperial armies permanently quartered round pekin are state-paid. the generals in command of the provinces administer their armies entirely according to their own discretion. as these officers are responsible for the payment and maintenance of the forces under their command, much of the money which should go to the army is apt to stick with its general. when i mentioned these circumstances to the members of the tsung-li yamen, one of them blandly asked me if i included his army in my description. i replied that his excellency could not but be aware that he received supplies of pay, clothes and rice for an establishment of , , although the actual number was one half or less; and that when his army was inspected, he filled the ranks by hiring coolies for the occasion. my response evoked an irreverent outburst of applause from the interested audience of coolies. "the english mandarin," they cried, "knows all about our old mandarins! that is just what happens." yuan shih kai in october, , i went to hsiao chao to visit yuan shih kai, the high official who informed yung lu of the plot of the reformers to seize the empress dowager, and so brought about the _coup d'état_. i remained two days and a night with the general; witnessed the parade of all his troops, and their manoeuvres, and examined their equipment and victualling. i was permitted to examine the pay-sheets, and obtained every detail connected with the establishment and maintenance of the force. general yuan shih kai is a chinaman, and his army was composed of chinese. it numbered men. they appeared to be smart, of fine physique, well fed, and their uniforms were well kept. their parade and manoeuvres were smartly executed, their discipline was excellent. all their equipment was serviceable and efficient, with the exception of their artillery. { } it was on this occasion that i had a conversation with yuan shih kai, which, in the light of subsequent events in china, it may be not uninteresting to recall. yuan shih kai expressed his anxiety concerning the future of his country; which, he said, was in a lamentable state of weakness, and which the states of europe were desirous of dividing among themselves; and in this connection he was inclined favourably to regard the proposal to combine the various chinese armies into one great imperial force. upon that, i asked yuan if he were acquainted with the history of china. being one of the governing class, and therefore a scholar of the ancient meticulous pedantic class, he probably knew the whole of it by heart; and he replied in the affirmative. "then," i said, "have you not observed that every chinese dynasty has been founded by a successful general?" the man who is now ( ) president of the chinese republic looked at me impassive as a statue, and held his peace. yuan shih kai was well aware of the fact that throughout the east the ruler is always "he," never "they"; and for this reason he subsequently endeavoured, after the death of the empress dowager, to preserve the authority of the emperor. years afterwards, before leaving england for china, dr. sun yat-sen, who was accompanied by general homer lea of the united states, lunched with me. general homer lea was, i think, to conduct the reorganisation of the chinese army. arms and men the armies which i had the privilege of inspecting, or concerning which i obtained information, were: the army of general sung, distributed along the coast about kinchow, which apparently consisted of , men out of a paper strength of , ; the army of general soon ching at { } lutai, which was also at half strength, consisting of men out of , , distributed among camps, and having some russian officers; and the army of general tung fu chan, near pekin, which was a disorderly and an undisciplined rabble; the army of general nieh, which consisted of about , men, distributed among camps between hsiao chao and tientsin, with five russian instructors; the pekin field force, which was commanded from the palace, and which consisted of , picked men, well armed but badly drilled; the cavalry camp at kaiping, theoretically consisting of men, and having three russian officers; and the army of general yi ke tong, consisting of from to , men scattered about in manchuria. i also saw the armies, or some part of them, of the viceroys chung chai tung, liu kwen yi, hsu ying kwei, tau chung liu, and kwei. besides these, i was informed that there were in mongolia , cavalry. among the various armies were distributed different patterns of rifles, varying from the mauser to the gingal. some contingents were armed with bows and arrows; others carried bird-cages and fans, being distinguishable as soldiers only by their badge. the armies exhibited as many degrees of efficiency among themselves as their weapons. nevertheless, i came to the conclusion that here was all the material from which to evolve an excellent army. the chinese have all the qualities of a good soldier: they are sober, obedient, quick to learn and courageous. the requirements were proper food, pay, clothing, drill and competent officers. while i was at newchwang i obtained what information was available with regard to the numbers and location of the russian troops in eastern siberia and in manchuria the total number was then about , men. in the course of my inspection, at the viceroy's invitation, of the powerful forts on the yangtse river, i observed that one fort, which was intended to fire up the river, was so constructed that only one gun out of six could be trained in { } the required direction, so that if the other guns were brought to bear, the guns' crews would be killed. the face of the fort, instead of being at right angles to the course of the river, was parallel to it. at my suggestion, a dummy figure was placed in position; a gun was fired in the required direction; and sure enough the shot blew the effigy to pieces and went wandering among the junks crowding the river. the chinese said that the english mandarin was the cleverest mandarin they had ever seen; and explained that the fort had not been built in the right position because the ground was swampy. among my observations of forts elsewhere, i noted a battery of -ton muzzle-loading guns, which were loaded by depressing their muzzles into the magazine. i ventured to suggest that any carelessness in sponging out the guns might result in the explosion of the magazine. the general said that the english mandarin was extraordinarily clever; and explained that a year previously a magazine had been blown up for the very reason i had indicated, had killed forty-two men, and had then been rebuilt upon the same plan. at another fort i noted that the powder used for the heavy guns was unsuitable, and ventured to suggest that it might burst the gun. "yes, it does," said the general simply. "we have lately blown the breech off two -inch -ton krupp guns, killing and wounding thirty men." and he congratulated the english mandarin upon his extraordinary powers of divination. after the general's explanation i understood how it was that in another fort two -inch krupp guns were fitted with armstrong breech mechanism. the krupp breech having been blown off, the shanghai arsenal had neatly fitted them with armstrong breeches. observing that a powder-mill at canton had open gratings for windows, and stood in the midst of a sandy plain, i ventured to suggest that the sand might blow in, and that a spark from it might cause an explosion. "yes, it does," said the mandarin. "it blew up two { } years ago and killed and wounded twenty men." he added that although it had been rebuilt upon the same plan, it was not intended to use it again; and expressed his admiration for my remarkable penetration. at one of the arsenals, the workman boring a -pounder gun had his speed too fast and his feed too thick, so that his machine was taking out chips of metal and jumping under the strain. my guide observed placidly that the man didn't seem to know how to do it. the european instructor, he explained, had left. i offered to replace him for the occasion; took off my coat; and being an old hand at the lathe managed to set the machine right in about an hour's work. then there suddenly arose a great crying and calling among the coolies outside. i thought a riot was beginning; but the tumult was only the coolies in their innocent way screaming their delight that "the english mandarin could do what their own old mandarins couldn't." i drew up a report with regard to the forts and arsenals in china. the general conclusion was that enormous sums of money were being expended on war material which, in most cases, was totally useless, although the establishments were often capable, under european instructors, of turning out work which would compare with the best in europe. two or three of these arsenals, rightly managed, would serve to equip a million men for less money than was already being expended. h.i.m. navy i also visited the chinese navy, which was divided into two squadrons, the peyang squadron in the north and the nanyang squadron in the south. the peyang squadron consisted of three cruisers, one torpedo cruiser, and one torpedo gunboat. the nanyang squadron was composed of seven cruisers, four old gunboats, and four torpedo boats. the fleet as a whole was undermanned, but there were many men who had been well trained by english instructors. the only dockyard is at foochow. { } many chinese authorities having asked my advice as to the fleet, i recommended them to put their ships in order for police purposes, and to utilise them for the purpose of checking piracy; advised them not to spend any more money on their navy, because their army was of greater importance; and pointed out the waste involved in keeping about the coasts and in the river hundreds of man-of-war junks. throughout china, i found among the high officials at least an ostensible agreement with my views concerning the necessity of reorganising the army: agreement which was no doubt largely dictated by the very present fear of russian aggression. his excellency li hung chang, whom i visited, was an exception to the rule; for the great minister, one of the six grand secretaries, was growing old and infirm; and having offended the reform party, it was not improbable that he was looking to russia to protect him in case the empress dowager's support failed him. his case was typical of the chinese attitude, in which the regard for personal wealth and safety, threatened so subtly and from so many dark quarters, is naturally apt to override patriotism. at the same time, china is one of the most democratic countries in the world. i have seen the great li hung chang stepping into the yamen over the bodies of the coolies, who refused to move and who chaffed him as he passed. i have seen a whole council huddle up their fans and disperse like startled poultry, because a coolie put his head in at the door and exhorted the old gentlemen to be quick, because it was going to rain, and the coolies were going home. it is the rule of the road in china that all passengers must give way to carriers of burdens, and it was enforced without respect of persons. being carried in a sedan, with four bearers and four coolies running alongside, i was horrified to perceive the head coolie incontinently knock down an { } old mandarin who was in the way. the poor old gentleman rolled over and over, red button and all; and when he arose, his gorgeous silks all befouled with mud, the coolie spat in his face. china is full of the unexpected. highly commercial as already explained, the two aspects of my investigations, the military conditions and the commercial conditions, are here treated separately for the sake of simplicity, although at the time they were necessarily conducted together. the following brief account of the results of my inquiries into the state of trade and commerce contains those particulars which may still retain their interest. from pekin i went to tientsin, where i attended a meeting of the chamber of commerce, which vehemently protested against the "sphere of influence" policy, declaring that the future trade of tientsin would be entirely dependent on preserving the integrity of china, and upon the existence of a guarantee of the policy of the "open door." the british section of the chamber of commerce presented to me a memorandum, which they desired me to transmit to the associated chambers of commerce in england, protesting against the absence of any definite policy, and stating that considerable anxiety existed with regard to the safety of capital already invested in china. the fear of russian aggression had virtually paralysed the movement of capital in the northern part of china. the general opinion was that if the "open door" policy were established and secured, these apprehensions would disappear. i was most courteously received by the chinese authorities at tientsin, who expressed great friendliness towards great britain; and who, as usual, affirmed that china was helpless and that all the european countries were taking advantage of her weakness. in the case of russia, they stated that concessions were being demanded throughout the whole country which china was unable to refuse. { } from tientsin i went to tongshan, travelling upon the shanhaikwan railway, which had been built by scotch engineers under the direction of mr. kinder, a british subject of great talent and energy, who had married a japanese lady. of the two people whom i met who seemed to me really to possess an intimate knowledge of china and the chinese, mr. kinder was one. the other was dr. morrison, _the times_ correspondent. with mr. kinder's assistance, i collected the whole of the statistics regarding the working of the tongshan railway workshops, of the shanhaikwan railway, and of the coal mine, in which chinese miners were employed under european foremen. upon my arrival at newchang, i was received by the british residents. the british merchants here, like the others elsewhere, wished me to represent to the associated chambers of commerce of great britain that trade in the north of china must be secured against foreign aggression, and transmitted to me a number of resolutions to this effect. the russians had settled at newchang, taking the land without permission, and paying the native occupiers nominal prices. since the russians had been pouring troops into manchuria, and their number was steadily increasing. i prepared a detailed report upon the trade of newchang. chefoo i visited twice, first on th october and again on th november. the british merchants here complained of the extension of german interest, which began with the opening of kiao chao. i thought, however, that their alarm was not justified. kiao chao had been declared by germany to be an open port. upon visiting wei-hai-wei, i observed that with a comparatively small expenditure of money it could be made into a most efficient and powerful naval base. already, in the few months which had elapsed since the british flag was hoisted on th may, , commander { } e. f. a. gaunt (now commodore gaunt, c.m.g.), in command of a party of bluejackets and marines, had accomplished a most admirable piece of administrative work, in cleaning up the place and in enforcing law and order so tactfully and skilfully that the only punishments inflicted had consisted in docking the pigtails of two offenders. there were no guns mounted at wei-hai-wei; but at port arthur, miles distant northwards across korea bay, the russians had already mounted seventy guns. i also observed that the island of wei-hai-wei, which is two-thirds the size of gibraltar, was the best place on the china station for the establishment of a sanatorium for the fleet. my visit to kiao chao was made in response to a cordial invitation sent to me by rear-admiral h.r.h. prince henry of prussia. the harbour is a difficult place for vessels to make, particularly in foggy weather. the germans were as busy as bees, clearing the ground, building barracks, making parade grounds and preparing emplacements for guns. prince henry was most kind to me, and showed to me everything. his administration and organisation were admirable; and afforded another example of the achievements of naval officers. but the place was still under military rule, which discourages commerce. on my voyage out, three germans had come on board at singapore. they told me that, although they had been very happy under british rule, they preferred their own colony, and intended to start a hotel at kiao chao. some time afterwards i met those three patriotic germans again. they were on their way back to singapore; because, so they said, they could not make a living at kiao chao! they told me that they were obliged to pay a tax of five per cent. upon their investment, with the prospect of paying another five per cent. when, after a period of years, their property should again be surveyed. at shanghai, which, being situated at the entrance of { } the yangtse valley, is the most important treaty port in the far east, i framed an elaborate report upon its trade. the china association presented to me a memorandum containing the usual protest against the insecurity of british interests in china. while i was at shanghai i had three interviews with the marquess ito, lately prime minister of japan. the marquess, i believe, was unofficially employed in endeavouring to extend japanese interests in china. he expressed the greatest friendliness towards great britain. during the political disturbances in japan, the marquess ito had fled to england as a sailor before the mast in a british vessel. he told me that, landing at gravesend very hungry, he went into a shop and bought a loaf, putting down half a sovereign. the shopman, presumably taking advantage of the fact that he was a japanese, refused to give him the change. the marquess told me that he was sadly shocked; for, until that moment, he had believed the english to be the most honest people in the world. in shanghai, i learned that one of the leaders of the reform party, huang chin, a victim of the _coup d'état_, had been arrested and was about to be sent to nanking for execution. i urged his excellency kwei chun, viceroy of szechuan, to use his influence to save huang's life, pointing out to him that these political executions were exceedingly distasteful to the british people. i am glad to say that my intervention was effectual, in that huang chin, instead of being executed, was banished. his excellency liu-kwen-yi having most courteously placed h.i.m.s. _nanshin_ at my disposal, i took passage in her to nanking. i was much interested in the arrangement and armament of the chinese man-of-war; but as she was warmed by means of charcoal stoves, my investigations were conducted in a condition of partial suffocation from the fumes. upon arriving at nanking in the nanshin, i received a salute of fifteen guns; and proceeded to the yamen of his { } excellency the viceroy liu-kwen-yi between the lines of troops and banner-bearers, numbering some thousands, who were ranged along the whole route of four and a half miles in my honour. liu-kwen-yi, who received me with the greatest courtesy and kindness, said that he was anxious to show his friendship for great britain in every way. in the course of two long and interesting conversations with the viceroy, who expressed his fear of the present unstable posture of affairs, i suggested that there were two contingencies to fear: a rebellion against the government and an insurrection against foreigners; either of which would be fatal to commercial security. his excellency, however, assured me that there was no danger of disturbances inspired by dislike of the foreigner. herein he was mistaken; for within two years occurred the boxer outbreak, which had the approval, secret or overt, of the empress dowager. at the viceroy's request, i drew up a memorandum containing my scheme for the reorganisation of the army on the principle of the imperial maritime customs, which i had proposed at pekin. a translation of this document was sent by the viceroy to pekin. on my return journey, i inspected the army, the fleet, the arsenal and the imperial naval college. i arrived at hong kong for the second time on christmas day, . the views of the china association and of the british merchants here were of the same tenor as those, already described, expressed by the british communities at all the trading centres visited by me. to complete my itinerary in brief, other places visited by me were wuhu, kinkiang, chinkiang, kiangzin, hankow, foochow, swatow, amoy, canton, and wuchow. at each place i drew up a report describing the local conditions and embodying the representations of the british communities. their common complaint was that british trade was declining. but an examination of the detailed reports which in response to the letters sent by me beforehand, were ready for my inspection, showed that on the contrary the branches { } of trade already possessed by the british had increased; and that it was in new branches started by foreign nations that the british were not succeeding. their comparative failure in this respect i held to be partly due to the fact that foreign nations supplied what the people wanted, while the british insisted on trying to sell to them what the british thought they ought to want. conclusion the following reports were framed by me: report on the railways and waterways; report upon the british consulate; a general comprehensive report upon trade, treaties and tariffs; and a highly elaborate report upon the complicated question of finance and currency. all these are set forth in my book, _the break-up of china_, which also includes a summary of the reforms which appeared to me to be most requisite. these were:-- . an imperial coinage. . reform in the method of collecting the land-tax. . removal of restrictions on the export of grain. . modification of the laws governing the salt monopoly. . the right of foreigners to reside in the interior for purposes of trade. . the registration and protection of trade marks and copyright. . the removal of the remaining restrictions on inland water navigation. . the abolition of the likin, or a change of administration which would ensure that likin should be collected once only. . greater facilities to be given to respectable foreign syndicates to work minerals. . the establishment of reformed departments for the regulation of finance, railways, waterways, roads, posts and telegraphs, and a bureau to deal with all questions connected with trade. the existing { } telegraph service was so bad, that a letter sent from tientsin to shanghai has been known to arrive before a telegram sent at the same time. _the times_ correspondent at pekin told me that his telegrams very often cost as much to send from pekin to shanghai as from shanghai to london. . one other bureau was urgently needed, a trade intelligence department, to deal with scientific and practical questions relating to the natural products available in china for commercial purposes. what is an insignificant export to-day may become a valuable article of commerce to-morrow. there should be a scientific classification of the products of china on the same lines as the classification of products in india. i may here quote what, in relation to the whole matter, i wrote at the time: "if it be said that my policy for the reorganisation of the chinese army and police is a warlike policy, i reply that it is the only plan yet suggested which gives any guarantee of peace. great britain's strongest guarantee of peace has been the reorganisation of her fleet. without peace commerce must perish. to keep the peace, authority must be properly equipped. our choice with regard to the chinese empire is simple: we may choose to wreck or we may choose to restore." the resolutions passed by the british mercantile communities and the many letters i received from them subsequently, testify to their approval of my recommendations. the following documents express the sentiments of the chinese themselves, and of the foreign merchants: "at a meeting of chinese merchants and traders, and other chinese gentlemen resident in hong kong, held at the chinese chamber of commerce on nd january, , on { } the motion of mr. ho tung, seconded by mr. leung shiu kwong, it was resolved: "' . having closely followed with great and attentive interest, and carefully considered what lord charles beresford has said and done in china in connection with his recent mission on behalf of the associated chambers of commerce, we, the chinese community of hong kong here assembled, are in accord with and heartily support the policy the noble lord proposes in regard to the "open door" as regards commerce, and also with regard to the reorganisation of the chinese army. "' . that we recognise the combined proposals, if carried out, will benefit china quite as much as, if not more, than england, and other nations, in her trading interest, and we therefore hope that lord charles will be intrusted by the british government with the carrying out of the views he has so closely enunciated, as we, the chinese people of hong kong, observe that his efforts are directed to the benefit of both his country and our country, and to the benefit of the trade of china and the trade of england. "' . that we recognise and make our cordial acknowledgments for the sympathetic manner with which he has approached our country; and "' . that we desire emphatically to express our full confidence in lord charles beresford, whose ability, integrity and zeal we are sure peculiarly fit him successfully to carry out the proposals he has made for the furtherance of trade and the preservation of the chinese empire.' "(signed) lo chi tiu, chairman h. o. fook, secretary" the general foreign commercial community of shanghai, on th january, , passed the following resolution: "that our cordial thanks be tendered to lord charles beresford for the service he has rendered to the foreign communities in china by personal investigation into the conditions of the various interests we represent." { } upon my return, i represented what i believed to be the real posture of affairs in china, when the subject was discussed in the house of commons. in november, , i read a paper upon "engineering in china" before the institute of mechanical engineers. { } chapter xlv traffics and discoveries (_continued_) ii. japan having received invitations to visit japan from the chambers of commerce and from prominent persons interested in the china trade, i stayed for a short time in that country on my way home. thirty years previously, accompanying h.r.h. the duke of edinburgh in the _galatea_, i had seen the old japan. i was now to see, super-imposed upon the old, the new japan. that which china was groping after, japan had seized and made her own. what we call western civilisation: the civilisation of commerce, of science, of mechanical invention: japan had put on like a garment. both the army and the navy, whose supreme commander is the emperor, were organised, efficient, and in process of augmentation. china feared russia; but japan was even then preparing to fight russia. as in arms, so in manufactures, japan already rivalled the west. the foreigner, who, a generation previously, walked in peril of his life, was now welcomed, imitated, and loaded with civilities. during my brief sojourn, the swift and shining manifestations of the new spirit (which was the old spirit seeking a new avatar) surrounded me. at osaka, quick-firing field artillery and magazine rifles were being made to japanese patents, excellent in design and construction; and the humming factories were turning out sugar, cotton, matches, { } iron and steel; and, at a meeting of the chamber of commerce, the mayor declared that it was imperative in the interests of japanese trade that the policy of the "open door" should prevail in china. the chamber of commerce said the same at kioto. a generation since, the two-sworded samurai were guarding the door of japan, lest it should be opened. at kioto, electricity, generated by water power, lighted the streets and houses, worked the trams, pumped the water; the use of electric power was then more common, i believe in japan than in any other country; and there were telegraphs and telephones in nearly every town. in tokio, i had the honour of meeting several members of the ministry, who, stating that they regarded the "spheres of influence" policy to be fatal to japanese interests, expressed their desire to work together with other nations in favour of the policy of the "open door." having been invited by the chamber of commerce to address a public meeting, i spoke on the subject of the future development of trade with china. the meeting was attended by ministers, military and naval officers, the president and many members of both houses, and representatives of the mercantile community. the japanese interpreter sat beside me and equipped with inkpot, paper and brush, he painted down my words in the japanese character. when i sat down, the interpreter rose and repeated my speech in japanese, his delivery occupying the same time as mine. every now and then he was interrupted by applause, the audience tapping with their fans. the british minister told me that it was aroused by the mention of the identity of japanese and british interests, and especially by the comparison drawn between japan and great britain. the authorities kindly conducted me over the various schools of military training, in which the system was perfect; the arsenal, employing men, and turning out work second to none; and the barracks, a model of efficiency. the minister for war, general viscount katsura, courteously { } held a parade of troops for my benefit. all arms were admirable alike in organisation, appearance, and discipline. before leaving tokio, i had the opportunity of paying my respects to his majesty the emperor; who was so good as to say he remembered the visit of the duke of edinburgh of whose suite i had been a member, and invited me to an afternoon's sport in his private pleasaunce. every foot of the garden was wrought like a gem. diversified with miniature mountains, tiny grottoes, and brilliant foliage, it was intersected by narrow rivers which were haunted by wild duck. two or three days before the sport took place, the garden was left solitary, so that the ducks should come into it. the method was to catch the duck in a hand-net as it rose from the water. his majesty said that the development of trade with china must strengthen the friendship between the peoples of great britain and japan, the interests of both countries being the same; and expressed the hope that the endeavours of the associated chambers of commerce of great britain might be the beginning of a great extension of trade, in which japan would take a prominent part. at yokohama, admiral yamamoto, minister of marine, courteously invited me to visit the dockyard and fleet at yokohama, placing h.i.m. cruiser _takasago_ at my disposal. the vessel was throughout in as good condition as a man-of-war could be; and her ship's company were smart, well dressed and well disciplined. at yokosha is a large torpedo depot, at which everything connected with torpedo warfare is organised under its own administration; a system preferable to the british method, in which the torpedo departments are auxiliary to the dockyards. the impression disengaged by my sojourn of a fortnight in japan was that both the political and commercial classes were determined to enforce the "open door" in china, where their commercial interests were extensive. i observed that the nation was arming itself steadily and effectively; and that a spirit of patriotism was universal. four years later, the russo-japanese war broke out. { } chapter xlvi traffics and discoveries (_continued_) iii. the united states the many invitations sent to me while i was in china from the united states determined me to visit that country on the way home; in order to explain to the american nation the situation in china; to encourage if it might be, the growth of amity between the english and the american peoples; and incidentally to mark the contrast between the most ancient and static empire of the east and the restless dynamic forces of the latest experiment in western civilisation. i had arrived at nagasaki on the th january, ; traversed japan as a half-way house, in which west and east had married, and in which their offspring were presently to astonish the world; and came to san francisco on the th of february. immediately the wheels of life began to revolve with an extraordinary velocity. i was caught up in the sumptuous hospitality of that generous people--deluged with invitations; and haunted by interviewers. in looking back, great cities rise one upon another, like cities in a dream; i seem always to be speaking to a field of keen, upturned countenances; the only respite comes in the days and nights, all run into one to the long roll of the cars, as the train eats up the miles of that land of vast spaces; and everywhere there are welcome and cordiality and friendship. and everywhere there were irishmen, rushing to shake hands with a countryman; rushing any distance, often { } hundreds of miles, just to exchange greetings at the latter end. irishmen are so, the world over. one among my countrymen had travelled a thousand miles to see me, when he called at my hotel. i told him that i had twenty minutes before starting for chicago, and that i must retire to my room to bathe, shave and prepare a speech in that time. "i'll come wid ye," said he, cheerfully; and while i made my dispositions, he sat in the adjoining room and talked of the old country with that pride and affection which all irishmen feel for their native land. san francisco, denver, chicago, buffalo, washington, new york: these were the great towns strung among the lesser. at san francisco, i addressed the chamber of commerce. at chicago, i was entertained by mr. mccormick, president of the associated chambers and of the committee of the commercial club. all unknown to me, it had been arranged that i should address a large meeting at eleven o'clock on the morning of my arrival. when the train came in at ten o'clock, i was informed of the arrangement; went to the hotel, dictated notes to my secretary while i made my toilette, arrived at the meeting punctually, and spoke for half an hour. here, and throughout america, i kept strictly to my terms of reference: dwelling upon the opportunities for extending trade in china; the necessity for pursuing the policy of the "open door"; and the community of interest existing between america and great britain. the board of trade, which is the stock exchange of chicago, invited me to visit them; and when i was introduced as the representative of the associated chambers of commerce of great britain, the whole business of the great market was stopped in order that i might address the members; an event which, i was informed, was without precedent. the commercial club having kindly invited me to be the guest of their periodical banquet, the committee most courteously altered the date in order to suit my { } convenience. in this case, there was a precedent; for the date of the occasion had been altered when general grant had been a guest of the club. at washington, i was most hospitably entertained by mr. hay, secretary of state and late ambassador in great britain. i had the privilege of paying my respects to president mckinley, and of meeting many distinguished americans, senators and others, all of whom expressed great interest in the enterprise of the british associated chambers of commerce. at this time i first met colonel robert m. thompson, who became a great friend of mine; and admiral brownson, whose skill in handling a fleet i subsequently admired. upon my arrival at new york, i fulfilled an engagement to address the american asiatic association. mr. whitelaw reid, afterwards ambassador in great britain, in an eloquent speech, declared that the policy of the "open door" was that which was best suited for the development of american trade, and that the american government intended to institute it in the philippine islands. addressing the new york chamber of commerce, i found the members to express the same sympathy and interest with which my representations had been received throughout the united states. the american attitude was, in fact, that while they were desirous of strengthening their friendship with england, and approved the policy of the "open door," they did not feel justified in going beyond a moral support of it. upon visiting new york a second time, i was introduced into the stock exchange by mr. rudolph kepler, the president, who took me up the floor to the rostrum. the proceedings were stopped; and at the president's request, i addressed the members for two or three minutes. some one said that my speech was at the rate of , dollars a second. i hope he was exaggerating. { } chapter xlvii h.m.s. _ramillies_ when the men who had gone out to south africa to take part in the jameson raid were passing through the suez canal on their way back again, i saw and heard the people in the british ships cheering them as they went by; a popular effusion which (in my view) boded trouble in the future. soon after my return from the united states in , an instalment of the trouble arrived. the burghers of the transvaal and of the orange free state crossed the british frontiers on the th october. this country began as usual by underrating the strength of the enemy. many of us remember the talk about rolling them up, and all the rest of it; all very bright in its way; but not the way to begin a war, much less to end it. those of us who understood war, were by no means so confident; and i expressed their opinion, when, as i may perhaps here venture to recall, speaking at the cutlers' feast at sheffield on the nd november, and again at sunderland on the th november, , i most emphatically advocated the dispatch of a much larger force than the government had allocated for the purpose; on the principle that "in the fire brigade, if an officer thought a fire needed four engines to put it out, he would send eight." matters have changed so little since the south african war that, although our army and navy are relatively inferior to what they were in , the politicians are still alternately boasting of what will be done in an emergency, and declaring that war is no longer possible. { } in december, , i was appointed second in command of the mediterranean fleet under the command of vice-admiral sir j. a. fisher, k.c.b. (now admiral of the fleet lord fisher of kilverstone, g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o.), flying his flag in h.m.s. _renown_, and thereupon resigned my seat at york. the london chamber of commerce were so good as to invite me to a banquet prior to my departure. speaking upon that occasion, i pointed out that under our existing system of administration, while the cabinet must always bear the ultimate responsibility, there was not yet in existence a department whose duty it was to represent what were the requirements, present and future, of imperial defence. so far as the navy was concerned, the duty was charged upon the first sea lord; but it involved a task so vast and complex, that no one man could possibly fulfil it; nor had the intelligence department been developed, according to its original purpose, into a war staff. in the event of a disaster in war, resulting from lack of organisation and preparation, the government, being rightly held responsible, are perhaps turned out of office; when the nation may derive what consolation may accrue from losing both its government and the empire upon the same day. my first command as rear-admiral coincided with the final disappearance from the navy of the old masts and sails training which was the delight and pride of the sailors of my generation. before the decision of the admiralty had been finally made, i suggested (in _the times_, th december, ) that, as there were then only four training ships, so that no more than a proportion of boys could be passed through them, either the system should be abolished, or two squadrons of six ships should be provided, and all boys trained in them. the admiralty, however, considered that it would be inadvisable to send away so many young seamen; and they were right. i hoisted my flag in h.m.s. _ramillies_ on th january . she was a first-class battleship of the _royal sovereign_ { } class, of , tons. at that time she was six or seven years old; at the time of writing, although she is no more than twenty, she has been sold for old iron; and when they took her away to break her up, she got adrift in a seaway off the isle of wight. i saw the last of my old flagship as i was passing through the gut of gibraltar, on board the r.m.s. _orvieto_, on th november, . she was being towed by a small tug to her last home, the yard of an italian ship-knacker. i thought of the old happy days on board her, and all the sport, when she held the record in the fleet for most of the drills and all the boat-racing. the flag-captain was robert s. lowry (now vice-admiral sir r. s. lowry, k.c.b.), who had been with me in the _undaunted_ as commander. the commander was the hon. horace l. a. hood (now rear-admiral hood, c.b., m.v.o., d.s.o.). the flag-lieutenant was maurice j. g. cay, and the secretary, paymaster john a. keys (now fleet paymaster j. a. keys), who was with me afterwards in my flagships. at that time, apart from being charged with the duty of carrying into execution the orders of the commander-in-chief, an officer second in command had no individual responsibility. in other words, he had little opportunity of acquiring from his superior officer that knowledge which, in the event of war, he would require in an emergency. upon the adequacy of the mediterranean fleet depends the safety of the empire in time of war; but although war was then waging in south africa, although the other european powers regarded great britain with open or covert hostility, and although a combination of france and russia against this country was by no means improbable, the mediterranean fleet was barely sufficient to meet the french fleet alone with any reasonable certainty of success. in other words, so far as numbers and composition were concerned, the mediterranean fleet was incapable of carrying into execution the duties with which it must be charged in { } the event of war. under the command of sir john fisher, its efficiency was admirable. the bare statement of the requirements sufficiently indicates their necessity. an increase of the supply of reserve coal, then dangerously deficient; the provision of fleet colliers, fully equipped, of distilling ships, of telegraph ships, and of hospital ships, of which until quite recently there was only one in the navy, and that one a present from the united states; of store ships, reserve ammunition ships and parent ships for torpedo craft: thirty-four vessels in all, representing those auxiliaries without which no fleet is adequately fitted to fulfil its duties in war. these deficiencies fall to be recorded, because, although some of them have since been supplied, it is still the habit of the authorities to neglect the provision of fleet auxiliaries, and the public are taught to believe that a squadron of battleships is self-sufficient. the construction of submarines, which had long been the subject of experiment in france, having been begun by the united states, induced me to write to lord goschen, first lord, observing that whether or not the new arm might prove valuable in war, at least it ought to be tested, and suggesting that two experimental boats should be ordered. the admiralty shortly afterwards purchased five submarines of the holland torpedo boat company, u.s.a., of a similar design to the six hollands of the _adder_ class ordered by the united states in june, . the hollands were followed by the construction in this country of the "a" class; and as everyone knows, the type was rapidly developed until great britain now possesses a large fleet of these vessels. having investigated when i was in the _undaunted_ the french system of nucleus crews, under which the older men and pensioners were employed to form skeleton crews for the ships in reserve, upon the understanding that they were not to go to sea in full commission except in the event of war, i sent home a report upon the subject, indicating the advantage enjoyed by the french naval seaman, who, under { } the nucleus crew system, could look forward with certainty to spending the end of his career comfortably in a home port, and suggesting that a modification of the system might be introduced into our own service. under the british system, the ships in the steam reserve were then kept in order by working parties composed of men temporarily under training in the depots attached to the dockyards, an arrangement which had the disadvantage that the men who formed the crews in the event of war, would not be the men who were familiar with the ships. some years later, the admiralty introduced the nucleus crew system, which differed entirely from the principle upon which was based the french method, in that a proportion of active service ratings were placed on board the ships of the reserve, and that these crews were being constantly shifted from ship to ship. after a series of experiments, it was officially decided to man a number of ships in active commission with nucleus crews, which are officially stated to be as efficient as full crews; a state of things which is as dangerous to the national security as it is unfair to officers and men. the accident occurring on board the french man-of-war _admiral duperré_, leading to the conclusion that if cordite were exposed to heat above a certain temperature its ignition would cause an enormously increased pressure upon the gun, induced me officially to represent the necessity of keeping ammunition at an even temperature. several years afterwards, a large quantity of cordite distributed among the fleet was found to be in so dangerous a condition that it was destroyed, and the ammunition chambers were equipped with cooling apparatus. my interest in signalling inspired me to invent a new drill for the signalmen, in which the men themselves represented ships. linked together with a tack-line, in order to keep them in station, the men executed the evolutions of a fleet in obedience to signals. i also advocated that all captains and commanders should pass the signal school as { } a qualification for flag-command. every admiral ought to be familiar with manoeuvre signals at least; for in default of that knowledge, he does not know that a wrong signal has been hoisted in his flagship until he sees the ships making a wrong manoeuvre. an admiral who understands signals will seldom, if ever, be observed hoisting a negative. it was in the year that h.m.s. _terrible_, commanded by captain percy m. scott (now admiral sir p. m. scott, k.c.b., k.c.v.o.) on the china station, distinguished herself by making a gunnery record of a percentage of . hits, as compared with the mean percentage of all ships in commission, of which the highest was . ( -inch gun), and the lowest was . ( . inch and . inch). comparing the _renown_, flagship of the mediterranean, with the _terrible_, both really smart ships, it was clear that there must be something radically wrong with our gunnery training, when the _terrible_ made more than twice the number of hits with her -inch guns in the same number of rounds. i wrote home, suggesting that, as captain percy scott had solved the difficulties with which we were all struggling it would be advisable to send him to the various fleets and squadrons to teach us the right methods. i also wrote to captain percy scott, expressing my interest in his achievement, and received from him a courteous reply, enclosing much useful information: which enabled me to represent to the commander-in-chief that consideration should be given to the new arrangements for shooting instituted on the china station, owing to the inventions and the industry of captain percy scott. it was also urged that a gunnery training ship should be attached to each fleet. among the excellent practices introduced by the commander-in-chief, was the writing of essays by officers upon a given subject--the interchange of ideas being of much educational value; and perhaps of hardly less utility, was the exercise in composition. many naval officers evince marked literary ability; but there is always a proportion who find accurate expression a difficulty. few, however, so { } dismally succumb to it as the author of the following signal, made in response to a request from an admiral for the explanation of a mistake in manoeuvring. the reply was: "when signal a pendant was made ---- reduced to revolutions and as she gradually dropped astern to get astern of ---- observed her bearing she suddenly seemed to stop and turn towards us and we stopped and went astern on seeing flagship passing ahead of ---- altogether we had turned points by that time. my object was to get under her stern by dropping and watching her thinking that she was dropping gradually to get astern." at this time, the board of admiralty effected many improvements. the coal supply for the mediterranean was increased, the mediterranean fleet was strengthened, and provided with colliers and with a hospital ship; better ships were allocated for gunnery training at the home ports; the old coastguard ships were replaced with modern vessels; submarines were added to the fleet; the signalling was improved; the regulations for training gunnery and torpedo ratings were revised; obsolete ships were removed from the effective list; a naval tactical school was established; and combined manoeuvres of the channel and mediterranean fleets were instituted. while vice-admiral sir john fisher was commander-in-chief of the mediterranean fleet, he greatly improved its fighting efficiency. as the result of his representations, the stocks of coal at malta and gibraltar were increased, the torpedo flotillas were strengthened, and the new breakwaters at malta were begun. some of sir john fisher's reforms are confidential; but among his achievements which became common knowledge, the following are notable: from a -knot fleet with breakdowns, he made a -knot fleet without breakdowns; introduced long range target practice, and instituted the challenge cup for heavy gun shooting; instituted various war practices for officers and men; invited, with excellent results, officers to formulate their opinions upon cruising and battle formation; drew up complete { } instructions for torpedo flotillas; exercised cruisers in towing destroyers and battleships in towing one another, thereby proving the utility of the device for saving coal in an emergency; and generally carried into execution fleet exercises based, not on tradition but, on the probabilities of war. the _ramillies_ competing in rifle-shooting, hockey, pistol shooting and the squadron athletic sports, took the mediterranean jewel and £ ; was first in the sweepstakes; tied first for the pembroke plate; won the tug-of-war twice, and the greasy pig race twice; altogether, the ship took six firsts, nine seconds, and five thirds, out of events. in the early days of motor-cars, a motor-car race between captain george neville and myself was arranged, the course being from the bottom to the top of the rock of gibraltar. my car broke down, and neville won the race. another breakdown in the same car occurred miles distant from vigo. that night i was giving a dinner in vigo to the municipality and all the notabilities. i had not recovered from a bad fall i had had with the pytchley a few weeks previously, when i broke my pelvis. i was riding a first-class hireling hunter; a bullfinch had been cut, and the hedging was in the field towards us; my horse took off at the end of the hedging in the field, and (as they say in ireland) threw a magnificent lep, but failed to clear the top of the wattles, and came over on top of me. so, when the car broke down, i could not walk. there was no help near. the two friends who accompanied me, hedworth lambton and hwfa williams, volunteered to get assistance. finding none, they had to walk twenty-one miles into vigo. hwfa williams was wearing pumps. for several days previously, distrusting the car, he had equipped himself with stout boots in case of accident; now, of course, he had left them in the ship. when he had first arrived on board, he had declared that he was so ill that he could not be long for this world; but the walk into vigo cheered him up wonderfully. { } i was eventually towed in the car into vigo, arriving about two o'clock in the morning. in the meantime, the staff had entertained my guests. when i had been some six months in the mediterranean, i was approached as to whether i would accept the command of the australian squadron. considering that the appointment would not afford the opportunities i desired of learning how to handle a fleet, i intimated my preference for remaining in the mediterranean; where i remained for my full time accordingly. on th february, , a few days before i completed my fifty-sixth year, i hauled down my flag; and, in pursuance of a stately old custom often practised on such an occasion, i was rowed ashore by twelve officers in the cutter. landing at naples, i went home, arriving in london just in time to attend the debate upon the navy estimates in the house of commons. in the following june, admiral sir john fisher succeeded vice-admiral sir a. l. douglas upon the board of admiralty as second sea lord. { } chapter xlviii her majesty's midshipmen having adopted the practice of asking the officers in the fleet under my command to write essays upon subjects connected with the service, i once received a disquisition in which the author (a midshipman) dwelt sorrowfully upon the unaccountable indifference manifested by senior officers towards the opinions of midshipmen, who, said the writer, having young and vigorous minds, were naturally better fitted to grapple with problems which baffled the older and slower intellect. this particular young gentleman must i think have applied his vigorous mind to the problem of how to obtain a generous allowance of leave. i trust i did him no injustice; but whenever the fleet lay off the coasts of scotland, he was afflicted with a grievous toothache, requiring an immediate visit to the dentist. when he had gone ashore to have a tooth out in every port in scotland, i sent for him. "tell me," i said, "how many teeth you have left? for i make out that you have had forty-six teeth extracted in scotland alone." many a delightful day have i had with the midshipmen of the ships and fleets in which i have served. we fished together, rode, shot, hunted and raced together. memory does not always supply episodes in their chronological order; and i set these down as they occur to me. when i was lieutenant in the _bellerophon_, stationed at bermuda, i used to take the midshipmen out fishing. in { } those seas, the water is so clear that one can watch the fish taking the bait. once, deep down, i saw the head of a conger eel protruding from the cleft of the rocks in which he lay. i dropped the bait in front of his nose, and watched his head move back and forth, until he took the bait. then i shifted the midshipmen to the farther side of the boat to counterweigh the strain and to get a purchase on the line, and hauled out the great eel, piece by piece, and we dragged him into the boat. about that time, the midshipmen saved me from a highly disagreeable death. we were out fishing in my boat, and one of the midshipmen threw my housewife for snooded hooks at another, and missing him, it went overboard. now my fishing housewife was a most valuable possession; i had made it myself; and when i saw it sinking slowly down through the clear water, i dived for it and caught it. by the time i rose to the surface, the boat had drifted away from me. hailing the crew, i swam after the boat; and as i reached her, i was suddenly hoisted bodily inboard by the slack of my breeches. almost at the same moment, the fin of a shark shot up beside the gunwale. the midshipmen, my saviours, observed that "it was a sell for the shark." we sailed one day to north rock, which lies about twenty-two miles from bermuda, and there we fished. towards evening, it came on to blow. the ship was invisible from north rock, and it was impossible to return. we tried to secure the boat to the rocks, but failed. there was nothing to be done but to lay to and bale. as the dark fell, i found we had no light. by this time the midshipmen were utterly exhausted, and were lying helpless. i made a lantern out of the mustard-pot, using oil from a sardine tin, and fabricating a wick from a cotton fishing line, and slung it on the beam. it burned all night. and all night, one of the worst nights in my recollection, we tacked to and fro close-reefed. at dawn, we started on the return trip; and, so whimsical a thing is destiny, no sooner had we { } sighted the fleet, than a puff of wind carried away the mast which had stood so stoutly all the night of storm. my boat was what was called a "mugian" boat, built in bermuda. her crew consisted of one man. his name was esau, and he was a liberated slave of an incomparable obstinacy, a fault of which i cured him in one moment. when we took the boat for her first trip, i was persuaded that i could steer her among the reefs as well as esau. but esau was of another opinion. when argument failed, he tried to wrest the tiller from me, whereupon, unshipping it, i brought it down on esau's head. i was a powerful youth, and i struck hard; yet it was not the head of esau which was broken, but the tiller, though it was of oak. in trying to steer with a short piece of the tiller, we were nearly wrecked; but esau ventured no further remonstrance, neither then nor afterwards. there is a right way and there is a wrong way of dealing with midshipmen; and a little imagination may reveal the right way. when i was in command of the _undaunted_, stationed at malta, i noticed that the midshipmen, returning on board after taking violent exercise on shore, were often overheated, with the result that they caught a chill, and the chill brought on malta fever, the curse of that island in those days. i issued an order that overcoats were to be taken ashore and worn while coming off to the ship; and i caused a room in the custom house to be fitted with pegs, upon which the coats might be left until they were required. the next thing was that a boy who came on board without his overcoat, had his leave stopped by the commander. there was a boxing match on shore, which i wished all the midshipmen to see. i intended that he should see the match; and it was also necessary that, without severity on the one hand or indulgence on the other, the occasion should be stamped upon his memory. so when the rest of the midshipmen had gone, i sent for the solitary youth, and bade him explain his case. when he had finished, i told { } him that i intended to inflict upon him an additional punishment. he regarded me with a face of alarm. "you will go ashore," i said, "and you will write for me a full and an exact account of the boxing match." he saw the match; and after the pains of literary composition, he would not so easily forget his overcoat. in the _undaunted_, the midshipmen were taught to make their own canvas jumpers and trousers. i used to keep two or three extra guns for the use of the midshipmen, whom i took out shooting whenever an opportunity occurred. some of the boys had never handled a gun before. a midshipman once shot a hare when the animal was right at my feet. "wasn't that a good shot, sir!" said he joyously. it did not occur to his innocence that he might have brought me down instead of the hare. on saturdays, i took out shooting the torpedo classes of midshipmen, which were conducted by my old friend, captain durnford (now admiral sir john durnford, k.c.b., d.s.o.). we advanced in very open order, placing the midshipmen some yards apart from one another, for fear of accidents, and we fired at everything that came along, in every direction. upon one such occasion, i took out the warrant officers, among whom was the carpenter, who had never shot anything in his life. we were after snipe--i think at platea--a bird whose flight, as all sportsmen know, is peculiar. a snipe in mid-flight will dive suddenly, dropping to earth out of sight. the old carpenter raised his gun very slowly, and aimed with immense deliberation, the muzzle of his gun cautiously tracing the flight of the bird, thus expending cartridge after cartridge. suddenly his bird dropped. he shouted with delight and, holding his gun high over his head, ran as hard as he could pelt towards the spot upon which, as he believed, the bird had fallen dead. we saw it rise behind him; but nothing would persuade him that he had not slain his quarry. he searched and searched, in vain. going back in the boat, i noticed that { } he was sunk in a profound melancholy, and bade him cheer up. "it do seem 'ard, sir," he said sadly, "that the only bird i ever shot in my life, i shouldn't be able to find it." and sad he remained. after one of these excursions, a midshipman brought to me the gun i had lent to him, with the barrels bent. "i am very sorry, sir," he said. "the fact is, i slipped on the rocks, and fell with the barrels under me. but," he added eagerly, "it shoots just as well as it did before, sir." i turned to another midshipman who had been of the party. "did you see him shoot before the accident?" "yes, sir." "did he hit anything?" "no, sir." "did you see him shoot _after_ the accident?" "yes, sir." "did he hit anything?" "no, sir." "then," i said to the first midshipman, "your statement is correct. will you please take the gun to the armourer to be repaired?" i landed at gibraltar very early in the morning, about four o'clock, with the intention of cub-hunting. at the stables i found a midshipman, dressed in plain clothes, whom i did not know. i asked him what he was doing. he said that he wanted to go cub-hunting, but that he hadn't a horse. i gave him a mount and told him to stick to me. he did as he was told, literally. he was in my pocket all day; he jumped upon the top of me; i couldn't get rid of him. when i remonstrated, he said: "you told me to stick to you, sir. and i say, sir, _isn't it fun_!" he reminds me of the first time fred archer, the famous jockey, went out hunting. he stuck as close { } behind his host as my midshipman did to me; but his reply to all remonstrance was: "what are you grumbling at? i'm giving you half a length!" part of my scheme of training midshipmen in the mediterranean was to send them away, under the charge of a lieutenant, for two days at a time, to fend for themselves upon one of the islands. i sent them away in the pinnace, and they took guns and provided their own food, and enjoyed themselves to the full. at alexandria, the midshipmen of a united states warship challenged the midshipmen in the fleet to a pulling race. at that time i had a private galley, the _hippocampe_, which had never been beaten; while the americans had a boat of special construction, much lighter than our service boats. as the _hippocampe_ was not a regulation service boat, i asked the american captain whether he had any objection to her. he said he had none. i trained a crew selected from the midshipmen of the fleet. the american midshipmen were of course older and heavier than our boys, as they enter the navy at a later age. at one point in the race they were ten lengths ahead; but at the end they were astern. while i was in command of the _undaunted_, two of the midshipmen of the fleet performed the feat of climbing the great pyramid on the wrong side, where the stone is rotten. it was a most perilous proceeding; and as i was responsible for the party, when the boys, having nearly reached the top, crawled round to the safe side, i was greatly relieved, and so was the sheikh, who was imploring me on his knees to stop them. the fact was that the midshipmen had refused to take the arab guides, and had started before i knew what was happening. i used to take the midshipmen out for paperchases at malta. the flag-lieutenant and myself, being mounted, were the hares. crowds used to watch us, and we finished up with a big tea. races on horseback for the midshipmen { } were held at st. paul's bay, myself being the winning-post, at which they arrived hot and panting. there were only two accidents on record, a broken arm and a broken leg. we ascended vesuvius together, taking a heliograph, with which we signalled to the flagship, lying below in the bay of naples. upon the very day the last great eruption began, we looked down the crater and saw the lava heaving and bubbling like boiling coffee in a glass receiver, and smoke bursting from it. the guides hurried us away and down; and no sooner had we arrived at the station, than there sounded the first explosion, which blew up the spot upon which we had been standing. seldom have i been more anxious than upon the day i stood on the roof of the palace at malta, and watched a crew of midshipmen struggling to make the harbour in a whole gale of wind. i had sent them in the launch to gozo, and they had taken my bull-dog with them to give him some exercise. while they were on shore, the gale blew up; and rather than break their leave, the boys set sail. to my intense relief, i saw them make the harbour; and then as they hauled the sheet aft to round-to, over went the boat, and they were all swimming about in the harbour; but happily they all came safely to land, including my bull-dog. there was once a midshipman (an irishman) who, perceiving treacle exposed for sale upon the cart of an itinerant vender of miscellaneous commodities, was suddenly inspired (i do not know why) with a desire to buy that condiment. "what should the like of you be wanting with treacle?" said the man, who was a surly fellow. "why shouldn't i buy treacle?" said the boy. "how much do you want?" "as much as you've got." "i've got nothing to put it in," grumbled the man. "put it in my hat," insisted the midshipman, proffering that receptacle. it was a tall hat, for he was in mufti. { } the vender of treacle reluctantly filled the hat with treacle. "what are you going to do with it?" he asked again. "i'll show you," returned the midshipman; and he swiftly clapped the hat over the other's head, and jammed it down. { } chapter xlix the parliamentary anvil shortly after the expiration of my appointment as second in command in the mediterranean, i was back again in the house of commons, this time as member for woolwich, having been returned unopposed. many improvements in the navy had been accomplished under lord salisbury's administration; but the central defect in the system remained; and the name of it was the want of a war staff. there was no one in existence whose duty it was to discover and to represent what were the present and the future requirements of imperial defence. the purpose with which the intelligence department had been constituted at the admiralty, that it should be developed into a war staff, had not been fulfilled. the first sea lord was indeed charged with the duties of organisation for war and the preparation of plans of campaign; but no one man could by any possibility accomplish so vast and so complex a task. how, then, was it done? the answer is that it was not done. the extraordinary achievement of the late sir frederick richards may of course be cited to exemplify what one man can do; but sir frederick was the man of a century, alike in knowledge, ability and character; and that he was enabled, as first sea lord, temporarily to conquer the difficulties inherent in the system, merely proves that the system was so bad that a man of genius was required to overcome its defects, and (in a word) to achieve his purpose in spite of it. the supply of such men is extremely { } limited. when such an one appears, which (with luck) is once or twice in a generation, the system may be disregarded, for he will make his own system. but the need of a war staff is sufficiently proved by the fact that, ever since it was established in , its members have been working day and night. two flag officers, four captains, five commanders, one lieutenant; three majors, royal marines, six captains, royal marines; one engineer-commander, three paymasters, and a staff of clerks: officers and civilians; now ( ) constitute the three divisions of the admiralty war staff; more than double the number composing the intelligence department when in it became one of the divisions of the war staff. the balance of officers and clerks was added to the admiralty to discharge new duties. who performed these duties before the addition was made? no one. what was the result? the government were ignorant of all save obvious requirements, and often of those; and in the result, occurred periodical revelations of deficiencies (sometimes called panics), involving that excessive expenditure which is the price of neglect. i have wrought hard to reform the system all my life. my successive sojourns in parliament have been chiefly dedicated to that enterprise. so in i began again to hammer on the parliamentary anvil. in march, i addressed the london chamber of commerce upon the lack of administrative efficiency in national organisation for defence. in june, i moved the reduction of the first lord's salary in order to call attention to defects in admiralty administration. it was pointed out that the time of commanders-in-chief upon most naval stations was habitually expended in representing to the admiralty deficiencies which would never have occurred were there a department at the admiralty charged with the duty of providing against them; and that, in the lack of such a war staff, the budget for naval purposes was based upon financial and political considerations, leaving naval requirements out of the reckoning. mr. h. o. arnold-forster, parliamentary secretary to { } the admiralty, admitted that "there was need for reinforcement in the intellectual equipment which directed or ought to direct the enormous forces of the empire." that was one way of putting it; he was perfectly right in affirming that (in similar language) a thinking department was required in which the best sailors and soldiers should combine to formulate the requirements of imperial defence for the information of the cabinet. the government would then (at least) know what the requirements were. in default of that knowledge, ministers were open to the reproach expressed bluntly enough by _the saturday review_ at the time ( th june, ): "that the one essential qualification for commanding a great service such as our navy should be an utter and entire ignorance of it and of everything belonging to it, so that this commander may approach the consideration of all questions relating to its well-being with absolute impartiality and perfect freedom from prejudice, is surely one of the most monstrous propositions ever put before men who were not candidates for government departments at yarmouth" (lunatic asylum). in the following month (july) i asked mr. balfour (who succeeded lord salisbury as prime minister) in parliament a question based upon mr. arnold-forster's statement aforesaid, as it was the considered admission of a member of government. the question was: "whether the attention of the government had been given to the need for some reinforcement of the intellectual equipment for directing the forces of the empire and for better preparation in advance with regard to the defence of the empire." mr. balfour replied that he would be delighted to increase in any way the intellectual equipment in connection with this or any other subject. upon being further asked what steps he proposed to take, mr. balfour merely added that he would be glad to avail himself of such talent as may be available. the press thereupon accused the prime minister of { } frivolity. in december ( ), however, mr. balfour, in reply to another question asked by me in the house, said that the "whole subject is at this moment engaging the very earnest attention of the government." there was already in existence a committee of defence constituted by lord salisbury, as described in a previous chapter, but apparently it had only met on one occasion, nor could anyone discover that it had ever done anything. in , nearly twelve years had elapsed since the hartington commission had recommended the "formation of a naval and military council, which should probably be presided over by the prime minister, and consist of the parliamentary heads of the two services, and their principal professional advisers.... it would be essential to the usefulness of such a council and to the interests of the country that the proceedings and decisions should be duly recorded, instances having occurred in which cabinet decisions have been differently understood by the two departments and have become practically a dead letter." it may be hoped, indeed, that records are kept of the meetings of the committee of imperial defence. they should contain some singularly interesting information when the time comes for their publication, which will be when the nation insists, as it does insist now and then, upon finding a scapegoat. to mr. balfour belongs the credit of having constituted the committee of imperial defence. after the experiences of the south african war it could scarcely be argued that some such body was not needed. here, then, was a ripe opportunity, not only for co-ordinating the administration of the two services, not only for rightly estimating the requirements of imperial defence, but for lifting the services above party politics. that opportunity was lost. the committee of imperial defence immediately became, what it has remained, a sub-committee of the cabinet, wholly in subjection to party politics. but in , another and a highly important step was { } taken towards organisation for war, in the formation of the commercial branch of the intelligence department at the admiralty, charged with the duty of dealing with the relations of the navy and the mercantile marine in time of war and with the protection of commerce and food supply. a few years later, the department was abolished during a period of confusion; but it was restored as part of the war staff soon after the constitution of that body. it will be observed that the utility of the committee of imperial defence depended primarily upon the work of a war staff; for its naval and military members could only be placed in possession of the information with regard to requirements which it was (theoretically) their duty to impart to the political members, by means of a war staff. but for several years after the formation of the committee, there was no war staff in existence at the admiralty. in december, , occurred an opportunity for introducing physical and military instruction into the elementary schools. the education bill was then before parliament; in the elementary school system, the machinery required to provide physical and military training already existed and in my view, it should be utilised, "in order that our manhood should have had some previous training if called upon to fight in defence of the empire." with regard to physical education, its necessity was exemplified in the large number of recruits rejected for disabilities during the south african war; and as to military instruction, the proposal was based upon the necessity of teaching discipline and the rudiments of manly accomplishments to the young, by means of education in marching, giving orders, swimming, and shooting with a small-bore rifle. these considerations were placed by me before the duke of devonshire, who had charge of the education bill in the house of lords, at the same time asking him to exert his influence to obtain the insertion of a clause embodying the proposals. the duke replied that lord londonderry, who was then minister of education, was considering how far it was { } possible for the board of education to effect the objects desired. but he added the surprising information that "a considerable portion" of my suggestions "referred to matters which can only be dealt with by the war office." in the house of commons, i moved that "physical and military instruction shall be compulsory in all schools supported by public funds." then it was stated that the question of physical education could not be debated with reference to the bill, but that there would be no objection to such a clause being inserted in the education code. when i proposed accordingly that such a clause should be inserted in the code of education, lord londonderry said that he agreed with the duke of devonshire that such suggestions could only be dealt with by the war office. i had no idea then, nor have i any conception now, what that cryptic statement meant. i pointed out at the time that it was wholly incomprehensible, the war office having nothing whatever to do with elementary schools, but to no avail. the proposal was largely supported in the press, but without effect upon the government. the war office phantom, which was about as relevant to the discussion as the ghost of cæsar, proved irresistible. nothing was done; except that the government laid another brick in their favourite pathway of lost opportunities. the use of oil fuel in battleships began in february, ; when the _mars_ and _hannibal_ went to sea, each fitted to burn oil in two boilers out of eight. one ship emitted white smoke, the other yellow; and both gave forth a smell so dreadful that, when i was in command of the fleet, i told the captains of those vessels that i should place them to windward of the enemy as the two most formidable ships available. nothing is better than oil fuel, on one condition--that you have got it. the necessity of promoting officers to flag rank earlier, in order that they might gain the requisite experience while still young, was again urged by me, and to this end i advocated an increase of the rear-admirals' list. an { } improvement has since been made in this respect. in there were rear-admirals; in , the number had been increased to . early in , i visited america (for the third time), being most hospitably entertained by my old friend, colonel robert m. thompson. during my stay with colonel thompson, who has been connected with the united states navy, i saw much of the american fleet, and had the pleasure of becoming acquainted with many american naval officers. admiral brownson i knew already; i had met admiral bob evans in the mediterranean when he was a commander; and i had enjoyed a conversation with captain (now admiral) mahan upon his visit to england some years previously. admiral evans was kind enough to place a torpedo-boat at my disposal, the _worden_, in which i went from pensacola to pontagoorda. i astonished the signalman by reading a semaphore signal made to me by the flagship, before he did. the hospitality extended to me by the officers of the united states navy was almost embarrassing in its profusion; and i shall always retain the pleasantest memories of that service. at a dinner of the pilgrims' society held at the waldorf hotel, new york, on th february, in the course of my address i observed that "battleships are cheaper than battles"; accidentally inventing a maxim of five words which does in fact contain the essence of naval policy, and which, touching the practical american imagination, ran throughout the united states. in october, , i was promoted to the rank of vice-admiral. in february, , having been offered the command the channel fleet, i resigned my seat at woolwich; where i was succeeded by mr. will crooks, who was elected on th march by a majority of . { } chapter l the channel fleet h.m.s. _majestic_, first-class battleship, completed in , sister ship to the _magnificent_ (which was built at chatham during my time at that port as captain of the steam reserve), was one of nine ships of the same class; the rest being _magnificent_, _hannibal_, _prince george_, _victorious_, _jupiter_, _mars_, _cæsar_ and _illustrious_. these represented an improvement on the preceding royal sovereign class, the _renown_, a beautiful, somewhat smaller vessel, being a class by herself. the _majestic_ is of , tons displacement, carries four -inch and twelve -inch guns, was of . knots designed speed, and had a complement of . my flag was hoisted in the _majestic_ on th april, . the channel fleet, of which i was now in command, consisted of the _majestic_ (flag of vice-admiral), _magnificent_ (flag of rear-admiral the hon. a. g. curzon-howe, and afterwards of rear-admiral the hon. hedworth lambton), _jupiter_, _hannibal_, _mars_, and _prince george_, battleships; _hogue_ and _sutlej_, armoured cruisers; and _doris_, _pactolus_ and _prometheus_, small cruisers. vice-admiral sir a. k. wilson (now admiral of the fleet sir a. k. wilson, v.c., g.c.b., o.m., g.c.v.o.), whom i relieved, was a consummate master of the art of handling a fleet, a great tactician, a man inexorably devoted to the service, to which he gave unsparing labour. the staff in the _majestic_ consisted of the flag-captain, hugh evan-thomas; the flag-commander, michael culme-seymour; the flag-lieutenant, charles d. roper; and the { } secretary, john a. keys. the commander was henry b. pelly (now captain pelly, m.v.o.). as the efficiency of the fleet depends upon its admiral, so the admiral depends upon the officers of his staff and upon the captains under his command; because it is theirs to execute his policy. i have always said that they were the officers who did the work and who were entitled to the credit of it. in the conduct of a fleet, it is first of all necessary that the admiral and the officers of the fleet should work together in a common understanding. for this reason, the captains should have access to the admiral at all times of the day or night, and in all matters affecting the organisation and fighting efficiency of the fleet they should be in full possession of his views, and the admiral of their views. efficiency consists in the maintenance of the most rigid discipline, together with cheerfulness, contentment and smartness. to this end, definite and strict orders must be issued; no mistake or failure, however small, must be allowed to pass, and, conversely, merit should be commended; and as much leave should be given as the exigencies of the service permit. the admiral is responsible for the whole administration, smartness and efficiency of the fleet. the captains are responsible for the administration, smartness and discipline of the individual ships of the fleet. the officers and men of the royal navy are loyal to the core; and when a mistake occurs, it is usually due, not to a deficiency on their part but, to the failure of the senior officer of the fleet to give his orders clearly and to show beforehand what is to be done and how it is to be done. but for the adequate treatment of the subject of fleet administration, a volume would be needed; the principles only can be indicated in these pages, together with such instances of its practice as may serve a useful purpose or may possess intrinsic interest. the question of giving leave, for example, is of essential importance, because the comfort and contentment of officers and men so largely depend upon the system employed. in { } the channel fleet, the system was to give week-end leave, from after dinner on saturday, every week, the liberty men being due on board at seven o'clock on the following monday morning, so that, if the fleet were at portland, they had only one night at home. many of the men were therefore obliged to spend sunday night in travelling; often, if they were not to break their leave, arriving at the port hours before they could get a boat off to their ship, and spending the interval shelterless and miserable. in the result the number of leave-breakers was usually very large. by means of altering the system, the number was at once reduced to a fraction, such, for instance, as eight men, all of whom were accounted for. under the new arrangement weekend leave was allowed once a month, when the liberty men of one watch left their ships on friday after dinner instead of upon saturday, and returned on board at noon on monday, instead of at seven o'clock in the morning. thus they had three nights at home once a month, instead of one night at home twice a month; and had to pay only one fare for three nights, instead of two fares for two nights. in these matters the question of expense should always be considered. another advantage was that whereas heretofore one watch was always absent on sundays, under the new arrangement all officers and men were on board upon two sundays in every month. the navy, unlike the army, is always on active service, and is perpetually practising in peace what it will be required to do in war. in the navy, the only difference between peace and war is that in war the target fires back. hence it is that the record of a command afloat consists almost entirely of incessant routine work; such as the evolutions of: _clear ship for action, boats pull round fleet, collision and grounding stations, fire stations, out fire engine, moor ship, unmoor ship, out nets, in nets, taking in tow, casting off tow, let go sheet anchor, let go stern, kedge, bower anchors, weigh and cat sheet anchor by hand, in boom boats, let go and pick up both lifebuoys at sea, coaling, flag-signalling, man and arm boats, running { } torpedoes, field-gun and company landing, rifle practice_, etc. these are matters of course. the fleet is constantly exercised in manoeuvres and in tactics; there is gunnery practice; and there are the periodical combined manoeuvres. in the fleet under my command, the drills and exercises were particularly onerous; for it was a rule never to go to sea or to steam from port to port without practising some exercise or tactical problem. for every pound's worth of coal burnt, a pound's worth of training. officers and men delighted in these exercises; and all (including the commander-in-chief) learned something from them. in july, , the channel fleet assembled at spithead to welcome the united states squadron, consisting of the _kearsage_, flag of admiral cotton, _chicago_, _san francisco_ and _machias_. the american officers were entertained to lunch by the pilgrims' society, and it fell to me to propose the united states navy, admiral cotton responding. h.r.h. the prince of wales accepted an invitation to breakfast on board the american flagship. in august took place the combined manoeuvres of the channel, home and mediterranean fleets; at their conclusion, the fleets met in lagos bay for tactical exercises; battleships, cruisers, and gunboats and destroyers under the supreme command of admiral sir compton e. domville, g.c.v.o., k.c.b. colonel robert m. thompson was a welcome guest of mine at this time, and subsequently in all the ships in which i flew my flag. colonel thompson afterwards published some observations upon the manoeuvres in the _evening post_, u.s.a., from the point of view of an american officer who began his career in the united states navy. "when the three fleets participating in those manceuvres were combined, there were battleships and cruisers, with nearly , men, all under the command of one admiral; probably the strongest fleet ever brought together in the history of the world. this enormous assemblage of vessels was handled without a single break. when the entire { } ran to anchor in eight lines, had there been a straight-edge placed in front of them it would not have shown a ship, it seems to me, a foot out of position. they made a 'flying moor,' and when you consider that in point of time, at the speed the ships were going, they were only one minute apart, every seaman will appreciate how wonderfully they must have been handled." colonel thompson very kindly presented a challenge shield for the best gun in the flagship of the channel fleet (afterwards atlantic fleet), to be inscribed with the names of the crew of the best gun at the annual gunlayers' competition; and at the same time generously placed in trust a sum of money the interest of which, amounting to £ a year, was to be presented to the winning gun's crew. the record for the _cæsar_ while my flag was flown in that vessel was hits out of rounds in two minutes. in september, , the fleet visited scarborough; in pursuance of the principle that to afford the public opportunities for seeing the fleet and for making acquaintance with the ships, arouses and maintains a healthy interest in the service. upon this occasion, i invited my old constituents at york to visit the fleet. they came in thousands; but sad to say, the weather was so bad that they could not leave the shore. when the fleet was visiting ireland, a certain worthy character, very well known in kingstown, dublin, whose chosen occupation is--or was--selling newspapers, came to me, as his countryman, on board the _majestic_, to his intense excitement. "glory to god, lord char-less," he screamed, "is that yourself in the gold hat!" and he shrieked like a macaw, so that the men began to crowd on deck to see what was the matter. i had to tell him to pipe down, or they would turn the fire-engine on him. the story of the accident to the _prince george_ and its repair serves to illustrate the emergencies of sea life. the channel fleet was engaged in manoeuvres without lights off { } cape finisterre, on the night of th october, . two midshipmen of the _prince george_ were relaxing their minds after the strain of the day's work with a hand at cards, when the game was interrupted by the entrance into the gun-room of the stem of the _hannibal_, before which apparition the young gentlemen incontinently fled. the signal instantly made by the _hannibal_, "have collided with the _prince george_," was received on board the flagship at . p.m. during the next half-hour the masthead flashing lamps winked their messages back and forth; and at . the _prince george_ signalled that there was a large hole in her gun-room, and that the submerged flat, cockpit and steering compartment were full of water. the actual extent of the injury, as afterwards ascertained, caused by the impact upon the port quarter of a , ton battleship travelling at about nine knots, was an indentation in the form of an inverted pyramid, the apex at the level of the protective steel deck, the base level with the upper deck, measuring feet inches in height, and feet inches across at the upper deck, and diminishing to a crack at the apex, where the ship's side had been driven in to a depth of foot inches, by the impact of the _hannibal_. in the centre of the indentation was a triangular rift, starting from the crack at the bottom, measuring feet inches in height and foot inches in breadth at the top. at o'clock p.m. i went on board the _prince george_; examined into the damage; made a general signal to the fleet ordering all hand-pumps and foot planks and plenty of wedges to be sent on board the _prince george_. under captain f. l. campbell, perfect discipline had been maintained; the collision mat had been placed over the injury; and the men were working cheerily with hand-pumps and baling out with buckets the water from the gun-room. the rudder was out of action, the steam-pipes being full of water. the engineer-commander had wisely shut off steam when the helm was amidships, thus avoiding the jamming of the rudder. had the rudder jammed to { } starboard or to port, the difficulty of steering by the screws would have been greatly increased. the bulkheads closing in the compartments which were full of water, and all horizontal water-tight doors, were shored up with baulks of timber. but the water was still coming in, because, owing to the indentation in the side of the ship, the collision mat did not fit tightly to it. the fleet was ordered to proceed to ferrol. i sent on a boat to buoy the sunken rocks; a proceeding which aroused the suspicions of the spanish authorities; who, however, upon learning the circumstances, were most courteous and obliging. the boat, however, was only able to get down one buoy. the _howe_ had gone aground in the passage into ferrol in , and three vessels had gone aground subsequently. captain campbell took the _prince george_ into ferrol harbour, up the tortuous channel, which, owing to unbuoyed sunken rocks, is difficult and dangerous. under my directions captain campbell steered by the screws, both screws going slow, or going astern slow with one propeller, and stopping the other, according to which way it was necessary to turn her head, and thus reducing her way if she were nearing a rock, and by this method keeping her under perfect control. at this time the ship was heavily down by the stern, drawing feet inches forward and feet inches aft. her stern walk was flush with the water. immediately upon the arrival of the _prince george_ in ferrol harbour (on sunday, th october) divers and working parties were sent to her from all the other ships, and the spanish government courteously placed the resources of the dockyard at my disposal. the working parties worked day and night in three watches. on monday, the _hogue_, armoured cruiser, captain john l. marx, m.v.o., was placed alongside the _prince george_ and employed her salvage pumps. the first thing to do was to prevent more water from coming in and to get rid of the water already in the ship. { } mats were made of canvas, thrummed with blankets, and these, with collision mats cut up, and shot mats, were thrust horizontally through the holes in the ship's side and wedged up so that the ends of the mats projected inside and out; and the moisture, causing them to swell, closed up the holes. at the same time the water was being pumped out and coffer-dams were being constructed on the inside of the ship. the coffer-dam was a stout wooden partition built round the injury in the ship side, thoroughly buttressed from within the ship with stout baulks of timber. it thus formed a chamber, which was filled up with all sorts of absorbent and other material, such as seamen's beds, blankets, rope, hammocks, pieces of collision mats, gymnasium mattresses, cushions, biscuit tins, etc. thus the coffer-dam formed a block, part absorbent and part solid, wedged and shored over the site of the injury. in addition, the splintered wood sheathing was cut away and trimmed up, and the mouth of the submerged torpedo tube was stopped up with blankets and wedges, and sealed up with / -inch steel plate bolted to the ship's side. the extent of the injury may be exemplified by the amount of stuff used for filling up the coffer-dams and for stopping the leaks, which was: shot hole stopper mats; two collision mats feet by feet; seamen's hammocks, nine boats' covers, coat-shoot covers, eight steaming covers, coaling screens, yards of deckcloth, shot-hole stopper mats cut into pieces, blankets, one cwt. of oakum and cotton waste, and about wooden wedges, etc. etc. over tons of ammunition and stores were shifted in order to trim the ship. the divers and carpenters of the fleet worked continually in three watches from p.m. on sunday, th of october, till a.m. on friday, rd of october. there were employed: engine-room artificers, stokers, carpenter ratings, divers and attendants. the majority of the divers and carpenters were working in three watches { } for the whole time; that is, from to working hours each. from the time stated, a period of in hours, men were employed for various periods. the total "men-hours" amounted to , of which were done by divers and carpenters. two engineer sub-lieutenants from other vessels of the fleet assisted the engineer staff of the ship. at the completion of the repairs the _prince george_, leaving ferrol on th october, proceeded to portsmouth escorted by the _sutlej_. although the weather was rough, the total amount of water shipped by the prince george during the voyage was one gallon; a proof of the excellent work done by the artificers. the repairs were carried out in six days altogether; the carpenters of the fleet being under mr. lavers, chief carpenter of _majestic_, and the divers of the fleet under mr. manners, gunner of _majestic_. the total cost of the stores purchased at ferrol was £ , s. d. the whole incident is an example, but one of many, of the ability of the fleet to execute its own repairs. in the following year, the officers and men of the _majestic_ turned over to the _cæsar_, in which ship my flag was hoisted on nd february, , and in which it was flown during the remainder of the commission. his majesty the emperor of germany visited gibraltar in march, in the s.s. _könig albert_, escorted by h.i.m. cruiser _friedrich karl_. his majesty hoisted his flag as honorary admiral in the royal navy in the _cæsar_. on the th, his majesty honouring me with his presence at dinner in the _cæsar_, the boats of the fleet were lined on either side of the passage between the _könig albert_ and the _cæsar_; and when the emperor proceeded between the lines, every boat burned a blue light, all oars were tossed, blades fore and aft, in perfect silence, the midshipmen conveying their orders by signs. after dinner, when it fell to me to propose his majesty's health, and i stood up, glass in hand, as i { } said the words "emperor of germany," a rocket went up from the deck above, and at the signal every ship in the fleet fired a royal salute. as the emperor was leaving that night, the german flag and the union jack were hoisted on the rock, half the search-lights of the fleet being turned on the one flag, and half on the other. precisely as the _könig albert_ passed between the ends of the breakwaters, two stands of a thousand rockets, each stand placed upon the end of a breakwater, were ignited and rushing upwards, met in a triumphal arch of fire high over the mast-heads of the emperor's ship. in the following october ( ) occurred one of those sudden and unforeseen emergencies which test alike the readiness of the fleet and the temper of the nation. the fleet was ready, and the nation lost its temper. the russo-japanese war was then waging. the channel fleet, which had been coaling, left portland at midday on th october for gibraltar. on the st, the fleet left lagos. on the same day, just before midnight, the russian baltic fleet, commanded by admiral rojdesvenski, who believed that his fleet was about to be attacked by japanese torpedo-boats, fired upon the british gamecock trawling fleet in the vicinity of the dogger bank, in the north sea. the steam trawler _crane_ was sunk, her captain and third hand were killed, and the russian fleet proceeded upon its course. of these things we in the channel fleet were of course ignorant. the next day, the channel fleet was exercised in running torpedoes, and a torpedo attack for exercise upon gibraltar was arranged for the night of the rd- th. in the meantime, the news of the north sea incident had run about the world; democracy in england wanted war; and the occurrence of highly strained relations between great britain and russia coinciding with the arrival of the channel fleet at gibraltar, upon which the torpedo-boats were innocently making a night attack, might have resulted in their being mistaken for a real enemy. fortunately { } no such catastrophe occurred. at seven o'clock upon the morning of the th, the fleet was anchored in the harbour of gibraltar; i learned the news; received my instructions by telegram, and made my dispositions. on that day, peace and war hung in the balance. the home, channel and mediterranean fleets were instructed to act in concert, a detachment of the mediterranean fleet being ordered to reinforce the channel fleet at gibraltar. the russian baltic fleet was then proceeding to vigo, a detachment of it being already at tangier. on the following day ( th october) king edward received a message from the czar expressing the profound regret of his imperial majesty. it is a matter of history how the negotiations proceeded until an amicable settlement was arranged. the uncertainty, however, lasted until the th november. it is a subject for thankfulness that there was no engagement. the russian ships were so loaded with coal and stores that their upper-deck guns could not have been worked, and a fight would have been murder. nor would war have been justified. the popular indignation was due to a misunderstanding, and the misunderstanding arose because the russian admiral did not proceed to the nearest british port and explain the circumstances. if he believed that the fleet was about to be attacked by torpedo craft, he was right to fire upon what he thought was the enemy, nor could he risk the time required to exchange recognition signals. the result of the russian admiral's mistake was to kindle a sudden resentment in this country which as nearly as possible forced a war between the two nations. it is one of the dangers inherent in the nature of democracy in all countries, that while democracy dislikes and hinders organisation and preparation for war, the moment that its vanity or self-respect is injured, democracy wants to fight. it is the impulse of the mob. the north sea incident was one example of this disastrous tendency; the spanish-american war was another. { } but had war been most unfortunately declared by great britain in october, , the navy would have been quite ready. all it had to do was to proceed to the scene of operations. in this respect, it owns an advantage over the army, because the navy is always on active service, and does nothing in war which it is not doing every day in peace; if it is not fighting an enemy, it is fighting the elements; and whether in peace or in war, it goes to dinner at the same time. the army, on the other hand, must do in war what it cannot do in peace; it changes from one condition to quite another; and the transition stage involves immense organisation, expense and discomfort. in december, , owing to the redistribution of the fleet, the channel fleet became the atlantic fleet, which was under my command until the th march, , when i hauled down my flag. { } chapter li boat racing the enthusiasm which i have always felt for the noble sport of rowing induced me, while in command of the _undaunted_, to publish some notes on the subject of men-of-war pulling races, and how to win them, the substance of which is here reproduced, in the hope that they may still prove of use in the service. one of the results of steam and machinery having succeeded masts, yards and canvas in a man-of-war was the creation of greater interest in pulling races. the regattas held in different fleets and squadrons had become yearly events keenly looked forward to by both officers and men. this was very desirable, not only for the sake of the exercise which it encouraged (physical exercise of an arduous character being in a measure lost to the service since the necessity for masts and yards had been so diminished) but, for the well-being and good feeling which healthful exercise invariably produces. committees were formed, rules and regulations were laid down in a clear and business-like manner, and sums of money were given in prizes; which sums amounted on the mediterranean station to about £ --£ or £ being given by the malta canteen, and the remainder being raised by subscription among the officers of the fleet. man-of-war boats, being built for fighting and weight carrying are different from boats built for racing purposes on fresh water; but the prize will generally be gained by the crew of the man-of-war boat which has carefully and { } consistently followed the fundamental principles upon which races pulled in racing boats on fresh water are won. from the time the boat's crew is selected, until her stem has passed the winning-post, no detail which may add to the chance of a boat winning should be omitted, no matter how small it may appear. in selecting a boat's crew, endeavour should be made to have the men near about the same height, in order to enable them all to take the same length of stroke with ease to themselves and to make their effort at the same moment. there should be no great disparity in their weights. the men all round should be a fairly level lot, which will make it easier for them to train as a whole. a crew resembles a chain, in that a crew is no stronger than its weakest man, just as a chain is no stronger than its weakest link. if a weak or an untrained man be placed in a boat, he will, soon after the start, throw extra work on the others. an indifferent crew of twelve men trained alike as to condition, length of stroke, and pulling accurately together, provided the boats are equal, will surely win a long race against a crew composed of ten vastly superior and two indifferently trained men. similarly, a heavy boat with an indifferently sized crew, well trained, will undoubtedly beat a magnificent crew in a good boat, untrained. a rule should be strictly enforced that individual members of one crew are not to be trained or to pull with another crew. it is very much the habit at men-of-war regattas to encourage the best oars in a ship to pull in two or three (sometimes in four or five) races. this practice is much to be deprecated, not only in the interest of the man himself, but in the interest of boat racing. if a man who pulls in several boats be laid up, he probably jeopardises the chances of winning several races. the selection of a coxswain is a most important element in getting a crew together. he should be a man of a certain seniority, who commands attention, perfectly cool and collected, of good nerve and determination. coxswains { } defective in these qualities have lost many races, and coxswains possessing them have just pulled off many races. the training of the crew must as a rule depend entirely on the coxswain. for a -oared boat he should always, in order to provide for contingencies, train at least two more men than the number required in the race. for smaller boats he should always arrange to train more men than the actual crew; many races have been lost owing to this detail having been neglected, and one of the crew having broken down in his training just before the race. after the crew is selected, the coxswain with their help and assistance should draw up certain rules in order to ensure constant and regular practice, as well as to avoid those hindrances to training to be found after frequent visits to the canteen. one or two men taking a glass of beer too much during training has indirectly been the cause of many a race being lost, owing to the loss of practice to the crew as a whole, and to the disturbance of that harmony which must exist if a boat's crew is to be thoroughly trained. whether it is from his early training, or from the heavy and clumsy nature of his oars, or from the weight of the boats he has to pull, the british bluejacket, as a rule, pulls the worst oar possible to enable him to stay and pull through to the end a well-contested long race. if he be left to himself, he sits bolt upright on his thwart, beginning his stroke from that position, and apparently under the impression that the expression "bend your back" indicates that he should bend his back forward instead of bending it aft; and totally unconscious that when he falls back towards the bow he only pulls his weight, but that when he bends forward towards the stern he pulls his strength and his weight; and he usually holds the loom of his oar with bent arms, frequently giving one or two jerks during the stroke, the last one of which may bring his oar out of the water and feather it considerably above his shoulder. he sometimes adds to these movements a rocking motion from side to { } side, beginning by leaning towards the middle of the boat and then throwing himself towards the boat's side. he almost invariably has his head turned on his shoulder to see what his oar is doing, and he often wears a tight belt round his stomach. all these practices are entirely wrong and are totally opposed to a common-sense method of urging a boat at speed through the water. when the boat's crew has been selected, the first duty of the coxswain is to show them how to pull and to ensure their motions being as one. starting from their laying on their oars, he should make them stretch aft towards him as far as they can, with straight arms, sitting with their chests square to their oars, with their hands, not too far from and not too close to each other, firmly grasping the looms of the oars, with their arms at about right angles to the body and themselves looking the coxswain straight in the face (in river-pulling parlance "eyes in the boat"). it is impossible for a man to sit square to his oar if he is looking over his shoulder. the coxswain should begin practising his crew in the above position, without allowing them to catch the water until they are perfect. the oars should catch the water with a firm and vigorous grip, absolutely simultaneously, the great effort of the man being made as the oar catches the water and not as it leaves it. the oar should b pulled through with a strong, steady, powerful stroke, no jerks whatever being given. a jerk bends or breaks an oar, but it does not send the boat ahead; and a man who pulls a steady stroke will stay three miles to the two miles of the man who jerks. the oar should never be feathered higher than is necessary. the oars should be feathered as level as possible with each other in order to ensure, as far as may be, that the blades of the oars catch the water absolutely together. the coxswain should see that the crew wear no belts and that the waistbands of their trousers are loose about the waist. if a man's trousers are tight, they become irksome when he stretches aft as far as he can over his toes. { } each one of these details requires the earnest and constant attention of the coxswain, and he should see that each movement is carried out slowly, deliberately, quietly and perfectly, before he begins to get his crew into hard training. spurts should always be avoided until a crew is fit to pull a race. when the coxswain wishes to spurt he should warn the crew for a spurt, state loudly the number of strokes he wishes to spurt, and then count them distinctly as they are pulled. the crew will then all put forth their greatest effort together. a spurt of three strokes may win a race, in the event of one of the opposing boat's crew catching a crab, or their stroke becoming unequal, or one or more of them being for the moment jaded. the usual method for training adopted by coxswains is, however, of a different character. they order the men to pull hard from the moment they form their crew; they pay not the slightest regard to the important details which must be attended to in order that any crew may have a chance of winning a strongly contested race; they appear to think that a boat's crew cannot be trained unless the coxswain oscillates his body with an excitement which apparently borders on insanity; and they accompany these oscillations with weird and nervous cries such as "hup with her!" "lift her!" "hang on her!" "back on her!" "squeeze her!" "heave on her!" and similar noises. it is well to cheer up a crew with vocal accompaniments to their strokes, but that is by no means the most important factor in enabling them to win. as a crew proceeds in its training and becomes slowly and quietly fit, dumb-bells and running will be found useful auxiliaries to pulling, particularly if the regular practice is stopped while the ship is at sea, but on no account should a coxswain allow one of his boat's crew to be over-trained. he should inquire after the health of the crew every morning, and should be most careful that they do not get a chill or a cold after practice. some men require more work than others to get them in hard condition; a good coxswain will attend to this point, and will be careful that all his { } boat's crew reach the starting-point in the pink of condition. he will also see that the thwarts are smooth and comfortable, the looms of the oars smooth and capable of being easily grasped, that the stretchers are secured so that they can neither slip nor carry away, and that every small detail (whose failure at the critical moment might jeopardise the chances of a race) is attended to. the coxswain must also attend to the incidentals of training, such as chafed sterns and blistered hands, which if not treated may incapacitate a man from pulling in a race. chafing on the stern is best treated by fomenting with hot water and the application of zinc powder afterwards. blisters on hands are best treated by pricking them with a needle in the live flesh just outside the blister, pressing the water out of it, and wearing a rag over the injury until the two skins have set together again. a coxswain should also attend to the feeding of his crew during training, as no man can ever be produced fit at the starting-post who is too much addicted to pudding. there are two illustrations which exemplify the necessity for a man to lean well aft with straight arms when commencing his stroke: ( ) if a man were holding on to a ridge-rope or other rope for his life, he would never hold on with his arms bent, but would keep them quite straight for the simple reason that he could hold on longer and stronger. ( ) if a man, in a sitting position, wished to raise a weight, the pulley used being rove through a block at his feet, he would never dream of sitting upright prising with his feet and leaning back from the upright position, but he would bend forward well on his toes and pull with his strength _and_ his weight. tackles and weights were rigged in the _undaunted_ in order that the men might learn these truths by practice. another important matter for a coxswain is to see that the conditions on all points are clearly made out in writing before the race, and are signed by himself and the coxswain of the competing boat. the date, the time, the boats, the composition of the crew, the stakes, which should always { } be low (high stakes invariably lead to bad feeling) and which in no case should exceed s. per man and s. per coxswain; the precise course, _i.e._ the distance, and on which side, all marks, etc., are to be left, and also whether the oars are to be service or private: all these things should be clearly defined. there has been more bad feeling bred between vessels owing to the want of such details having been clearly defined than to any other contingency that arises in boat racing. this is notably the case as to oars. wherever it is possible a straight course should be selected, but if the length of the race does not admit of a straight course each boat should have its own separate buoy to round. coxswains should use every endeavour to get permission to have their boats hoisted for three or four days (with the exception of the time necessary for practice) before any forthcoming race in order to get the boat properly dry. they should get any ragged splinters planed off the keel, have all surplus paint scraped off and get the bottom of the boat as smooth as possible. they should also see the oars trimmed and exactly suited both by length and balance of weight to the small or great beam of the boat according to the thwart on which they are pulled. boat pulling is a healthy and a manly recreation, and if properly practised with friendly rivalry, can there be a doubt that it generates that activity of mind which is generally associated with activity of body? it also produces that courage, endurance, nerve and muscle which have so long been the distinctive features of the british race. it provokes a spirit of manliness, a generosity of mind and a love of fair play. if all conditions are made out clearly and fairly, a beaten crew invariably accepts the verdict in a gallant and a chivalrous manner. after a race, no such remarks should be heard from the beaten crew as an offer to double or treble the stakes and pull again or words of similar character, showing either that the beaten crew cannot accept their defeat in a spirit worthy of the name of british man-of-war { } men, or that owing to the conditions of the race not having been clearly defined, some misunderstanding has arisen which has naturally engendered a bitter feeling in the minds of those who have just suffered the poignancy of defeat. the training and practice which are necessary to put the boats' crews of men-of-war into that state of condition in which they may reasonably expect to win a race, must to a large extent cultivate those habits of discipline which are so essential for the comfort and efficiency of our great service. admiral sir george tryon, while he was commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, and while i was in command of the _undaunted_, caused a boat to be specially built to race my boat. we had six races, all of which the _undaunted_ won. the _undaunted's_ racing boat was built flatter in the floor than the ordinary pattern of service boats. one of the races with sir george tryon's boat was rowed in a whole gale of wind, over a course of four miles. the _undaunted's_ boat was half-full of water, and three of the knees of the thwarts were broken, when she crossed the line. this kind of racing is extremely heavy work, for the service boats are massively built in order to carry weight, such as guns, stores ammunition. the oars are so heavy that there is nearly as much labour involved in lifting the oar from the water and coming forward as in pulling it through the water. the admiral-superintendent's boat at malta was never beaten. she was a beautiful boat, built by maltese, and manned by a splendid maltese crew. i raced her with my crew twice, once when i was captain of the _undaunted_, and again when i was second in command in the mediterranean (with flag in _ramillies_), and lost the race on both occasions. in the second race, the maltese, having the inside place resorted to the well-known manoeuvre of steering us off all the way up to the buoy and then turning sharply to round it. while stationed at alexandria during the time of my command of the _undaunted_, we used to have a regatta open to all comers, any boat and any rig, every friday. the { } arab boats used to enter. their great sail area and flat bottoms gave them a great advantage in running, or on the wind; but they could not tack. they were obliged to wear in a beat to windward, because their sail dipped before all. i beat them twice with a copy of captain (now admiral) fitzgerald's racing rig, in the launch. a service launch is of course built for heavy work and for carrying loads, such as supplies and ammunition. the service rig has one mast, with mainsail and staysail, called the de horsey rig. captain fitzgerald stepped the single mast aft, and fitted a bigger spar forward, equipped it with a big dipping lug, abolished the staysail, and used ballast. the object of the de horsey rig was to give a sail equipment with as little gear as possible. captain fitzgerald's object was to race; and i may take this opportunity of saying that i consider admiral fitzgerald to have been the finest boat-sailer whom i have met in the service. when he was commander of the _agincourt_ in the channel squadron, he won the first admiral's cup presented in the navy, in . in that year, admiral sir geoffrey hornby gave a cup to be sailed for by the boats of the channel squadron, being the first admiral to present a cup. the conditions, as described by admiral fitzgerald in his _memories of the sea_, were: "any sails, any rig, any shaped false keel, but no sinking ballast; that is to say, the boat must float when full of water; and there is generally a handicap for size." while i was commander of the _thunderer_, i fitted the steam pinnace as a racing boat, taking out the engines and boilers and equipping her with a big cutter rig. the boat had a yacht section, but was without a heavy keel, so that i had to ballast her heavily. she went very fast in a light breeze, but when a puff came she would heel over and take in water. in case of accident, i ballasted her with a length of chain cable, shackled to ringbolts on her bottom, the other end made fast to a rope and a buoy. rear-admiral william dowell, who was then second in command of the channel { } squadron (afterwards admiral sir william montague dowell, g.c.b.), challenged me to a race in portland harbour. admiral dowell sailed in his six-oared galley, which carried a private rig of two dipping lugs. i was confident of beating him, but the admiral knew better. he knew i should have to ease my sheets when the breeze freshened. at first i went away from him, but when i was just inside the breakwater, a puff came, over went the boat, and it went down under me. dowell, seeing that i was swimming safely and that the boats of the fleet were coming to pick me up, went on and won the race. when i went to dine with him that night, he greeted me with: "last time i saw you, you were swimming about in the harbour." in the meantime, owing to the device of ballasting my boat with chain cable and buoying the end of it, we were able to pick her up. the _thunderer_ came over the place where she was sunk, hauled the cable up to the hawse pipe, and hove the boat to the surface. my old friend, admiral sir william montague dowell g.c.b., was a most distinguished officer. he served in the china war, - , served as gunnery lieutenant of the _albion_ in the black sea, and was promoted for services with the naval brigade at sevastopol; served again in china, in , being present at the capture of canton; commanded the _barrosa_ in the straits of simonoseki, , being specially mentioned; received the c.b. for services in japan. he was a.d.c. to the queen; commanded the west coast of africa and cape of good hope station, - ; after having been second in command of the channel squadron, senior officer on the coast of ireland, and vice-admiral in command of the channel squadron, he was temporarily attached to the mediterranean fleet and served in the egyptian war of , receiving the k.c.b., and the thanks of the house of commons. he was afterwards commander-in-chief in china, and subsequently commander-in-chief of devonport. { } he was one of the three admirals who framed the report upon the naval manoeuvres of , in which were formulated the principles of british naval supremacy. i won many races in a _una_ boat, the _weasel_, built at cowes, during the time of my command of the royal yacht _osborne_. the prince of wales built a similar boat. prince louis of battenberg, steering the prince's boat, beat me in a most exciting race, in which the betting was long odds on my boat. the fact was, that trying to be very clever, i put too much ballast in the boat, and so lost the race. { } chapter lii the mediterranean station forty-four years had elapsed since i was a midshipman in h.m.s. _marlborough_, flagship in the mediterranean, when i hoisted my flag in h.m.s. _bulwark_ as commander-in-chief upon that station, in june . those changeful years had seen the old navy out and the new navy in; their revolutions had transformed the whole material aspect of the navy; and the essential spirit of the navy, adapting itself to new conditions remained unaltered. one result, perhaps inevitable, of the swift progress of scientific invention, was that the public attention was concentrated upon purely material matters regarding the navy as a fighting machine automatically operated; and conceiving of officers and men as workers in a factory, who had nothing to do but to press buttons and to manipulate levers. this unfortunate delusion was fostered by the politicians, who were quick to use it for their own ends. the mediterranean fleet consisted of _bulwark_ (flag), _formidable_, _implacable_, _irresistible_, _london_, _prince of wales_, _queen_, _venerable_ (flag of second in command, vice-admiral sir harry t. grenfell, k.c.b., c.m.g., and afterwards of rear-admiral francis c. b. bridgeman, m.v.o.); three attached cruisers, three special service vessels; the third cruiser squadron, _leviathan_, (flag of rear-admiral the hon. hedworth lambton, c.v.o., c.b.), _carnarvon_, _lancaster_, _suffolk_, two attached ships, and destroyers. the staff consisted of: chief of staff, captain frederick { } c. d. sturdee, c.m.g, m.v.o.; flag-commander, fawcet wray; flag-lieutenant, charles d. roper (signal officer); flag-lieutenant, herbert t. c. gibbs; secretary, fleet paymaster john a. keys; engineer-captain, edwin little; intelligence officer, major john m. rose, r.m.a. the flag-captain was osmond de b. brock; the commander hugh p. e. t. williams. the mediterranean is the finest training station in the world; and it is the more to be regretted that the mediterranean fleet is always so deficient in numbers, that fleet training must be conducted at a disadvantage. eight battleships represent the smallest practicable unit for tactical purposes, nor does that number allow sufficient margin for the necessary deductions due to the absence of ships under repair or refitting. upon one occasion, six out of the eight were absent under repair at one time, and in all cases the absence was unavoidable. the eight battleships required twenty attached cruisers, as compared with the three allocated. although improvements had been effected, the fleet in was still deficient in auxiliaries, such as fleet colliers, repair ships, depot ships. the popular and political delusion that under modern conditions the duties of the naval officer have become mechanical is so far from the reality, that, in truth, they have never been more complex and onerous; nor is it possible that they should be rightly performed in war, in default of the most assiduous practice in peace. it is thus the business of an admiral constantly to exercise the fleet both collectively and individually; and as the discharge of that duty tasks his energies to the utmost, there is little to record during a sea command except the cruises, exercises and manoeuvres which constantly occupy a fleet. in june, , for instance, the mediterranean fleet left malta and proceeded upon a cruise; met the atlantic fleet at the end of july; exercised combined manoeuvres with the atlantic fleet; proceeded upon another cruise, and so { } on; never going to sea without practising some exercise or manoeuvre. all exercises and manoeuvres of importance were treated in a memorandum, in which was explained the lessons to be learned from them, and which was circulated to the officers of the fleet. every morning when the fleet was at sea, except on sundays and in very bad weather, small tactical and turning movements were executed from . to a.m., the movements of each individual ship being carried out by the officer of the watch, all lieutenants taking it in turn to relieve the deck, and being put in charge of the ship for this period of time. the captains did not interfere in the handling of the ship, unless the officer of the watch placed the ship, or a consort, in a position of danger. the lieutenants themselves made out the commander-in-chief's signals and their purport without the assistance of the captain or of the yeoman of signals. officers of the watch were informed that they need not be afraid of making a mistake; for, everyone was liable to make a mistake; and the rest of the fleet learned more when an error occurred than when all went smoothly and correctly. during the forenoons, there was usually practised some short manoeuvre in which an admiral or a captain took charge of the fleet, and manoeuvred it as he pleased, the commander-in-chief reserving to himself the right to negative any signal which he might consider dangerous or useless. after the admirals and captains had manoeuvred the fleet as a whole, it was divided into opposing fleets, officers, selected by the commander-in-chief, taking charge of these fleets. each squadron endeavoured to gain the initial position or advantage. once that position was obtained, the fleets were ordered to separate, and two other officers respectively took charge of the opposing squadrons. great care was observed that orders relative to speed, and to the distance within which opposing fleets were not to trespass, were rigidly observed. officers were informed that all peace manoeuvres must be regarded as a game, and that { } no game should be played unless the rules were implicitly obeyed. the principle was that no manoeuvre should last very long, being much more instructive if it were short, and were frequently practised. the practice of taking the soldiers for short voyages was instituted. about twenty men of the royal garrison artillery at malta, with an officer, a sergeant and a corporal, were embarked in each vessel, the non-commissioned officers and men messing and working with the royal marines. the periodical delivery of lectures by officers of all branches upon service subjects was instituted, the lectures taking place under the presidency of the commander-in-chief at the royal naval canteen, malta. discussions were encouraged, and a great deal of interest and enthusiasm was aroused. my old friend and distinguished countryman, sir george white, who was then governor of gibraltar, asked me to deliver a lecture to the soldiers of the garrison upon the advantages of temperance. in dealing with this subject, i always tell men to box, run, ride, row, and by all means to get physically fit, when they would be in a condition they would not forfeit for the sake of indulgence. on this occasion, i said that, although i was over sixty years of age, i could outlast a youngster in endurance, adding that "i never took any liquor now." the address must have been reported in the english papers; for i received a letter from a dear old lady (quite unknown to me) telling me how thankful she was that i, as a public man, had given up the dreadful vice of intoxication. after i had consulted the head of every department in every ship collectively, two detailed plans of war organisation were drawn up: one, a plan of preparation for war; two, a plan for immediate action. the first contained the procedure to be followed if war was expected; the second, the procedure to be followed on the eve of an engagement. both covered every detail of the internal organisation of every ship in the fleet, and specified the duties of every officer, man and { } boy. these plans were circulated to the officers of the fleet. another important element of preparation for war is the rapid and efficient repair of defects. under the old system, a defect which could not be repaired by the ship's artificers--as for instance, a piece of work involving a heavy casting or forging--was left until the ship visited the dockyard, when the dockyard officials came on board, took measurements, executed the work and fitted it to the ship. the result was that there were many complaints of defective fitting. under the new system, introduced in the mediterranean fleet, all repairs which could not be effected in the ship, were specified by the ship's artificers, who also made measured drawings of the new work required. the specifications and drawings were forwarded by the senior officer to the dockyard, with directions that the work should be executed as soon as possible, so that upon the arrival of the ship at the dockyard, the required fitting would be at once supplied to the ship. it would then be fixed by the ship's artificers who had furnished the working drawings to the dockyard, and who, provided that the work was rightly executed, would thus be responsible both for accuracy of manufacture and of fitting. by this means, delay was avoided and the work was efficiently and promptly executed. before i left england to take up my appointment, i resolved to do my best to eradicate that curse of the service, malta fever. the authorities were naturally sceptical of my success; for, although many attempts had been made to solve the problem, no one had hitherto succeeded in abating the scourge. certain obvious precautions were at once enforced. junior officers were not allowed to remain on shore after sunset, without overcoats; all milk received on board was boiled; the fleet was kept away from malta as much as possible during the dangerous months of june, july, august and september; and the officers and men of those ships which were at malta during the summer, were sent upon long { } route marches and were afforded plenty of exercise to keep them fit. these measures reduced the number of cases of malta fever from of the previous year ( ) to . but the main evil remained. a large number of cases contracted fever in the royal naval hospital, to which they had been sent to be treated for other maladies, often requiring surgical treatment only. great credit is due to deputy-inspector-general robert bentham for the improvements effected by his care and foresight. in order to prevent infection, every cot was furnished with mosquito curtains; the traps of all drains were kept clean and disinfected; and all milk supplied to the hospital was boiled. the patients disliked boiled milk; and as infected milk was smuggled in, the use of milk was forbidden altogether. an isolation ward for fever cases was provided. all openings were fitted with wire gauze and double doors. the result was that in may, june and july, , there were no cases of fever contracted in the hospital. finding that fever patients recovered so soon as they were to the westward of gibraltar, the practice of sending all such cases away in the _maine_ hospital ship was instituted with excellent results. for example, of sixty-two cases sent away, all but fourteen had recovered by the time the ship reached england. deputy-inspector-general bentham was recommended by me for his services to the admiralty; but his services did not meet with the recognition they deserved. shortly afterwards, the malta fever commission completed the work, by discovering the bacillus of the disease, and by abolishing the goats, whose milk was the chief source of infection. in october, , the prince and princess of wales, on their way to india in the _renown_, were met at the straits of messina by the mediterranean fleet. the centenary of the battle of trafalgar, st october, , was celebrated by the mediterranean fleet at malta. a naval review was held on shore in the forenoon, three { } thousand officers and men taking part in it. those captains of guns, including the royal marines, who had made five hits or more in the gunlayers' competition, in number, were formed into a company on the right of the line and marched past first. at four o'clock in the afternoon, flags were half-masted. at half-past four o'clock, guards and bands being paraded facing aft, officers and men fallen in on the quarter-deck facing aft and uncovered, the colours of his majesty's ships were dipped slowly and reverently; the bands played the dead march, and at its conclusion the colours were slowly rehoisted. his majesty king edward vii honoured the flagship with a visit on th april, . about an hour before the king came on board, the awning over the quarter-deck caught fire, owing to a short circuit of the electric light. lieutenant gibbs, with great pluck and presence of mind, instantly climbed upon the awning and extinguished the flames with his hands, which were severely burned. in march, , the historic international conference summoned to deal with moroccan affairs, was assembled at algeçiras. conversing with some of the delegates, it seemed to me that an informal and a convivial meeting might cheer them up and perhaps help to cement a friendly understanding; and i invited them all to dine on board the flagship. in order to avoid the bristling difficulties connected with arrangements of precedence, the delegates were all embarked at the same time in the s.s. _margherita_, lent to me for the occasion; and were all disembarked at the same time upon a platform erected at the level of the upper deck, being received by the full guard and saluted. for the same reason, no national anthems were performed. the president of the conference the duke of almodovar, was given the place of honour at the dinner, the rest of the delegates sitting in the order of their seniority. the single toast of the evening was to "all sovereignties and republics," which needed no reply. after dinner, during which the massed bands of the fleet played { } on the upper deck, the company adjourned to the quarterdeck. i was informed by one of the distinguished guests that the meeting had done much good, as the delegates had not hitherto had an opportunity of meeting informally together. upon the return of the delegates, magnesium lights arranged upon the ends of the breakwater were lighted as the _margherita_ passed between them, and a searchlight display of lights was given by the fleet. vice-admiral sir harry grenfell, second in command, was a most distinguished officer, a great sportsman, an accomplished athlete, and a charming friend. his premature death was a sad loss to the service. grenfell was so powerful a man that he could take a small pony under one arm and walk about with it. i saw him perform this feat at a luncheon party given by the governor of algeria, to whom the pony belonged. grenfell told me the story of his extraordinary adventure in albania. the country is infested with wild and savage dogs, which are apt to attack the traveller. the albanians do not resent the dogs being killed, if they are slain with a knife in self-defence; but to shoot them the albanians consider a mortal offence. being aware of their sentiments, i used to take with me a couple of marines armed with boarding pikes when i went shooting in albania. but when grenfell went, he was accompanied by another naval officer, named selby, who, upon being attacked by a native dog, shot it. a party of albanians thereupon closed in upon grenfell and selby and attacked them. there was a fierce struggle, in the course of which one of the guns went off, the charge killing an albanian. the accident so infuriated the rest that they beat selby, as they thought, to death. they smashed in his skull, so that the brains protruded, and left him for dead. then they took grenfell, lashed his hands behind his back, set him on a three-legged stool, put the bight of a rope round his neck, { } and secured the other end to the branch of a tree, hauling it taut. there they left him, in the hope that the stool would slip and that he would be strangled. he remained in that position for three hours. in the meantime the interpreter who had come with grenfell had run to fetch an official of the country. the official arriving, released grenfell. selby, dreadfully wounded as he was, actually walked back to the ship, and lived until the next day. but strong as grenfell was, his terrible experience left him with an extraordinary optical affliction. he was constantly haunted by the illusion of an enormous ape, which he plainly saw both by day and by night. he used to behold the phantom enter the room and sit on a chair; and if a visitor came to see him, he would ask the visitor to take the chair upon which the ape was sitting; whereupon the spectre would move to another place. i am glad to say that he was eventually cured of this distressing affection. an irish lieutenant of a regiment at malta told me the following pathetic story in a broad irish brogue, his natural way of speaking: "me little brother and meself were very fond of rhabitting. the loikely place was the family cemetery. there were lashings of holes within it. one day by-and-by the ferret himself laid up, and with that we dug him (bad cess to the work). we out wid a shkull. me little brother he says, 'that's profanation; it will be the shkull of an ancestor,' says he. 'niver moind that,' says i, 'we'll have a joke wid it.' i ensconced it in me pockut. on getting within, i passed through the kitcher and dhropped me ancestor's shkull (god forgive me!) into the stock-pot. all went very well till dinner and we through wid it, when the cook burst in in great qualms, and sheloodering at haste to me poor mother, says she, "'glory be to god and save us, milady, we are all desthroyed intirely, for there's a man in the soup,' she says." { } the same lieutenant went out shooting quail at malta with a revolver, and hit a maltese in the wrong place, for which error he was heavily fined. when children's picnic parties were given on board the _bulwark_, a quantity of sand was heaped in a well upon the quarter-deck; spades and buckets were provided; and the children dug in the sand to find presents. when that entertainment failed, the bluejackets, ensconced in barrels, performed aunt sally, bobbing up their heads, at which the children threw light sticks, and which they invariably missed. i noticed a small boy of about seven years old, a spaniard, who stood a little way off, contemplating this performance with his large dark eyes, his hands behind his back. presently, with air of abstraction, he strolled quietly to the back of a barrel, where the deck was littered with thrown sticks. suddenly he picked up a stick, dodged swiftly to the front of the barrel, and as the seaman's head shot up, hit the poor fellow right on the nose, making it bleed. then the little wretch roared with laughter and capered in his joy. on the th january, , i took leave of the fleet with very great regret, and left malta in the _bulwark_, homeward bound. { } chapter liii sporting memories i. riding and driving i rode my first race in corfu, as a midshipman. an old colonel of artillery, who knew my father, said to me: "you are a beresford, an irishman, and a sailor, and if you can't ride, who can? you shall ride my horse in the next race. he is a hard puller, and if only you stick on he will win." he _was_ a hard puller, and he did win. i rode in my midshipman's uniform, and lost my cap, and won the race. but the horse ran three times round the course before i could pull him up. i have always said that you can do anything with horses if you understand them. it was at a dinner party in my house in eaton square that i offered to put that statement to the proof. the table at which my guests were sitting was designed with a large tank in the centre, which was filled with running water, in which grew ferns and aquatic plants. gold fish swam in the water, and little new-born ducklings oared upon the surface. this miniature lake was diversified with spirals and fountains fashioned of brass which i had turned myself. among the company was an old friend, harry chaplin, than whom there is no finer sportsman in england and who was perhaps the best heavy-weight rider to hounds in england. i told my guests that i would bring in one of my horses { } (a bad-tempered thoroughbred), that i would lead him from the street, up the steps into the hall, round the dining-table and so back to the street without accident. straw was laid on the steps and passages; and i led in the horse. he lashed out at the fire with one leg, just to show his contempt for everything and everybody; but there was no casualty. the next day, i was driving the same horse in a buggy, when something annoyed the animal, and he kicked the buggy to pieces, upset us in the road, and broke my old coachman's leg. my uncle, henry lord waterford, once made a bet that he would ride one of his hunters over the dining-room table in his house at melton, and won his bet, the horse actually leaping the table towards the fire. horses are like irishmen: they are easily managed if you know how to handle them. the famous horse-fair of cahirmee is no more. but it was at cahirmee, according to tradition, that irishmen acquired their habit of breaking one another's heads. at cahirmee fair, the boys slept in tents, their heads outwards; and it was the custom of the wilder spirits to go round the tents at night, and playfully to rap the heads of the sleepers with shillelaghs. one of the sleepers was most unfortunately killed by a blow, and his slayer was brought before the magistrate, who condemned him. hereupon the policeman who had arrested the prisoner addressed the magistrate: "your honour," says he, "sure it is very well known that the deceased had a terrible thin skull upon him, and i would be wanting in my duty not to be telling your honour the way the poor man's skull was dangerous to him." "'tis the truth," broke in the prisoner eagerly. "sure your honour's honour will be letting me off, for everyone knows that no man having a thin skull does be having anny business to be at cahirmee fair." during the paper-chases which we got up at valparaiso, i met with a nasty accident. my horse rose at some posts and rails, and crashed through the top bar; after which i knew { } no more except a shower of stars and darkness. when i recovered consciousness, i found myself being borne home on horseback, lying face down on the chilian saddle, which is made of thick rugs. the horse was being led by a chilian farmer, who was, i thought, taking me to the mortuary. but he was really a good samaritan. he had bathed my wounded face with _aquadente_, and placed me on his horse. the scent and sting of the _aquadente_ revived the moribund, and by the evening i was all right again. in the _research_, in , we had a quartette of hunting men, cæsar hawkins, lascelles, forbes and myself. we used constantly to hunt together. lascelles was one of the best riders i have ever known. he could take a horse through or over anything. the _research_ was stationed at holyhead at that time, because it was believed that the fenians had planned to destroy the steamers running from holyhead to ireland and back. i used to go across to ireland from the _research_ to hunt with the ward union near the curragh, and return the same night. a long way to cover. "the three brothers'" race is still remembered in ireland it was ridden by lord william, lord marcus, and myself. each of us had his backers, but the crowd was at first firmly convinced that the result of the race had been arranged between us. i believe i had the best horse, but he was unfortunately taken with an attack of influenza while he was coming over from england in the boat. lord william won by a short head from lord marcus, and i was a length behind. lord marcus reminds me that each of us, while secretly fancying himself intensely, enthusiastically eulogised the other. i quote the enthusiastic account of the race written by an eye-witness, which appeared in _the waterford news_ at the time. (_the waterford news_, th january, . account by mr. harry sargant, from his _thoughts upon sport_, and description in _the waterford news_, the three brothers' race, th april, .) { } "lords charles, william, and marcus beresford had a sweepstake of sovs. each, p.p., three miles, over the williamstown course, twelve stone each, owners up. lord charles rode nightwalker, a black thoroughbred horse, and bred by billy power, the sporting tenant of the course; lord william rode woodlark, a grey mare; and lord marcus was on a bay gelding called the weasel. they each wore the beresford blue, lord charles with the ancestral black cap, while the others had white and blue caps as distinguishing emblems. "no racecourse in ireland, except punchestown and fairyhouse, ever had more people on it than williamstown had on that, the most memorable day in its annals. old men and women who had never before seen a race came miles to see 'the brothers' race.'" (many persons slept on the ground on the preceding night.) "not a person, except the too aged and incapacitated, was in a farmhouse within miles of the course, while the city was as deserted as if plague-stricken--all, all, flocked to williamstown. excitement rose to boiling pitch as the three brothers filed out of the enclosure and did the preliminary. i fancy now i see them jogging side by side to the starting-post, where poor tom waters awaited them, ready with ensign in hand to send them on their journey. the only delay was while he delivered a short but sporting speech to these three lads, when away they went, boot to boot. the pace was a cracker from the start, but none made the running more than another, for all three were girth to girth most of the journey, and at no time did two lengths divide the first and last till just before the finish. yes, every post they made a winning-post; and ding-dong did they go at each other, though, of course, riding like sportsmen. fence after fence was charged and cleared by them locked together, and it was not until nightwalker was beaten, just before the last fence, they separated. a determined struggle between woodlark and the weasel then ensued; and, after a desperate finish, old judge hunter gave the verdict to the former 'by a short head.' { } "never was seen a better race of its class, nor was any ever ridden more determinedly for victory. the scene of excitement on williamstown course before and after it beggars description. not a mouth was shut or a voice lower than its highest pitch." two irishmen who came from australia, used to ride with our hounds, the curraghmore, in county waterford. they were both very hard riders and both so short-sighted as to be nearly blind. for these reasons they used closely to follow my brother and myself; and we used to do our best to get out of their way, as they were always on the top of us, but in vain. for whenever they saw us sheering off they used to shout out, "go on, lord charles,"--or lord william, or lord marcus, as the case might be--"go on, i can't see but i can ride." my brother bill and i got a real good start one day with the curraghmore hounds. we led the field till we came to the river clodagh. the hounds swam the river, and we followed them, with the water over our horses' girths. in jumping out, bill got on the hard bank, but in the place where i went, the water had undermined it. i was on a little horse called eden, which was not hands, but which had won the jumping prize at the horse show in dublin. he was "a great lepped harse," as the irish say. he did his best, but the bank gave under him, and he came right back on me in the water. when i got up, both my stirrup leathers had slipped, and i saw the irons showing at the bottom of the river. i had to go down under water to recover them. i got out and rode to a public-house, the landlord of which was a tenant of my brother waterford. "for the love of god, lord char-less, how did ye get that way at all at all?" says he. i told him, and, "can you give me a suit of clothes, as they will draw ballydurn in the afternoon, and i must be there?" said i. "divil a suit have i got," says he. "but there, his { } riverence is just afther changing his clothes within, and i'm sure he'll be glad and proud if you esconced yourself in his clothes, and he big enough to cover two of yez." i went upstairs, and there i found his reverence's clericals on the bed, and with that i stripped and put on his vest, shirt, trousers and clerical coat. his great boots were elastic-sided, and i had to put two copies of the _cork examiner_ newspaper in each to make them fit me. he was a big man, over six feet high and weighing about twenty stone; and his trousers were so long that when i turned them up half-way to the knee, they still could go into the top of the boots, in which i stowed them, tying string round the boots to keep the trousers in. the trousers were so wide round the waist, that i had to button the top button round on the opposite side brace button behind. the coat was so long that it reached down half-way between my knees and ankles. thus ecclesiastically garbed, i rode to the cover, and waited under a bank for nearly an hour, hoping to hear the hounds. my teeth were chattering with cold, and all i had on of my own was my hat. at last i heard the horn, and at once a fine old fox broke. i waited till he got afield and then knocked a bawl out of myself that would terrify a neighbourhood. out came the hounds and me on top of them, with two fields' start, as i was wrong side of the cover down wind concealed under a big bank. then came over twenty minutes as hard as legs could lay on to ground, and all the field wondering who his reverence could be that was leading the field, and where in god's name did he come from--all except bill. he knew that i had fallen in the river, he knew eden, and he laughed so that he could hardly sit his horse. when the field came up, fox to ground, they nearly fell off their horses with laughing. one farmer said to me: "begob, your riverence, you will never be so near heaven again as on the top of that terror of a high bank ye lepped!" { } there was a lady, a very hard and jealous rider, who often hunted with our hounds, and who was told one day that she must hold her own with the curraghmores, as some ladies from the neighbouring packs were out. "show me a tipperary or a kilkenny woman till i lep on the shmall of her back," quoth she. every sportsman knows the delight of getting a good start and of keeping it. i was riding with the tipperaries, when eden jumped a tremendous big mearing (boundary); the others who faced it either fell or refused; and thus we got three fields ahead of the rest of the field, and ran the fox straight to ground in thirty-five minutes, eden keeping right on the tail of the hounds the whole way. two or three times i have got such a start and kept it, another occasion being in leicestershire, when i was riding a horse belonging to my sister-in-law. once with the meath i got a long start by seeing which way the wind was; and cutting a corner, i observed a man with a green collar doing the same, and we both kept our lead. a fortnight later, stag-hunting upon exmoor, i got well away, when i saw a man ahead of me on my left. at the end of the run, i observed that he had a green collar, and found it was the same man. a curious coincidence. riding another of my irish horses, sea queen, we were going down a by-road, the hounds being on the right, when we came to an iron gate, nearly feet high. i was bending down to pull back the bolt, when the mare suddenly jumped. she got her fore-part over, and it took me half an hour to clear her. i was obliged to break the gudgeon of the gate. hunting at home at curraghmore, i used to tell my brothers, all of whom were cavalry officers, that i would engage to pick a hundred seamen from the fleet, who had never been on a horse, and to make them in six weeks as fine a troop of cavalry as any in the kingdom. naturally they did not believe me, and chaffed the life out of me. but when my brother lord william went to south africa, { } to the zulu war of , he commanded three troops of irregular cavalry, the men of which had been recruited straight from the merchant service. his troop sergeant-major had been a mate. when my brother returned, he acknowledged that my boast was justified. the fact was that in the old sailing days, the sailor was so agile, athletic and resourceful a creature, so clever with his hands, and so accustomed to keeping his balance in every situation, that he could speedily acquire the seat and the skill which other men must as a rule learn in childhood or not at all. anyhow, the seamen could stick on. many men never become easy on horseback. my experience in the hunting field taught me that a man who is always fussily shouting, "where the devil are the hounds, sir?" and so forth, is always nervous. i have sometimes answered, "keep calm, sir, keep calm. it's not a general action." for a short time i was acting-master of the buckhounds, in place of my brother waterford, when he was laid up with an accident in the hunting field, from which, poor fellow, he never recovered. as he was galloping through an open swinging gate, the gate closed on his horse as the horse was level with it. the jerk injured the base of the spine. one day with the buckhounds we were hunting a very twisting, slow stag, when, observing a charming country-woman of mine, i asked her if she had another horse out. as she said she had not, i advised her to go to a certain spot, where the deer-cart held another stag, wait there for me, and we would have a good run, and with luck we could get back to the station and catch a train. sure enough, we had a splendid run, half an hour as hard as we could go; the stag ran into the lost property office in slough railway station, and a train bound for london came in at the same moment: a prophecy fulfilled. i was one of the original number that first played polo at lillie bridge, in the early days of polo in england. we played on little -hand ponies, with a bamboo root rounded { } off as a ball. i do not think that there are many of the original number now ( ) alive; but among them is lord valentia, who very kindly sent me the following account of the introduction of polo into england: "the first polo match ever played in europe was between the th lancers and th hussars at hounslow, july, , but the th had played polo for years then. the first game ever played was at aldershot, on cove common, in ; where colonel liddell says in his _memoirs of the th royal hussars_: 'the game was introduced into england by the officers of the th, from a description of the game as played by the manipuri tribe in india which appeared in _the field_ newspaper. lord valentia, mr. hartopp, and mr. george cheape of the th attached to the th, were the originators.' i believe the lillie bridge club was formed in . i well remember a day at lillie bridge when i think you, bill, and marcus were playing, and your mother was looking on. bill was knocked out by a crack on the head, and carried into the dressing room, where he lay unconscious for a short time. your mother was in the room with him, and heard tom fitzwilliam in the next room shouting out so that everyone in both rooms could hear, 'oh, it's only bill knocked out. no matter, you can't kill a beresford!'" i had entered to ride my horse nightwalker in the steeple-chase at totnes, which is the most difficult course in england, up hill and down dale, and along a narrow path beside and across the river. just before the race, i was warned that a plan had been formed for the jockeys to ride me out at a post on the river at the bottom of the hill. had i been ridden out, i could never have recovered the ground. i kept a vigilant look-out accordingly. riding along the tow-path, a jockey began to hustle me. i told him to pull back, warning him that unless he kept clear i would have him in the river. he returned no answer, but continued to hustle me: whereupon i pulled my horse on to him, cannoned into him, and over he went, horse and all, { } into the water. falling on a rock, he broke his thigh. i won the race. then i went to look after the injured jockey. nightwalker was one of the best horses i ever owned. i sold him to lord zetland, who told me that "the horse was one of the best he had ever had, and no price would buy him." in , while i was in command of the _condor_, a gymkhana was arranged which had the unfortunate and wholly unforeseen result of bringing me into serious disfavour with an agitated husband. we rode upon side-saddles, dressed in ladies' attire: habits, chignons, and tall hats complete. i had a capital pony, and had won the race, my chignon and hat blowing off on the way, when up comes an indignant gentleman, to accuse me of insulting his wife. i had, he said, dressed up to imitate the lady, on purpose to bring ridicule upon her. naturally, i assured him that he was mistaken, and that nothing would have induced me to commit so discourteous an action. but my gentlemen waxed hotter than before, and violently demanded an apology. he declined to accept my assurance; his language was highly irritating; and i became angry in my turn. "you don't appear to understand the situation," i told him. "how dare you come to me and tell me that i looked like your wife? either you apologise to me at once for that most improper suggestion, or..." he saw reason. he apologised. the biter was bit. while i was commanding the _condor_ in , a famous italian long-distance runner came to malta, and issued a challenge, of which the conditions were that he would run on foot any mounted man over a twenty-mile course, himself to go any pace he chose, but the horse to trot, canter, or gallop, not to stop or to walk. i accepted the challenge, and went into hard training. i trained on ponies, confiding the pony which i was to ride in the race to a midshipman of light weight, and reduced my weight to st. lb. the greater proportion of the { } maltese, whose dislike of the english was still strong in those days, were in favour of the italian. they assembled in vast crowds on the marsa upon the day of the race. we ran and rode round and round the great open space--afterwards the parade-ground--and although my adversary tried every trick of his trade, such as suddenly stopping, or lying down, i succeeded in winning the race. i had a famous horse called sudden death, which i bought from lord norris; and the first time i drove him tandem in the lead was on portsmouth hard, where he cut across the first cab on the cab rank, whereupon all the cabs backed out on the top of one another with kickings, cursings and squealings. i sold sudden death for £ , a case of infamous sherry, and a life insurance ticket. the greatest devil of a horse i ever owned i called the fiend. he would carry me brilliantly for a day or two, and then, for no earthly reason, he would turn it up in a run, kick, back, rear and bite at my foot; and if he could not get me off, he would rub my leg against a wall or rush at a gate. once, after carrying me beautifully in two runs on one day, he flew into one of his tantrums. we were crossing the bridge over the clodagh river at curraghmore, and he actually jumped upon the parapet of the bridge, balanced himself upon it for a moment, and then (thank god!) jumped into the road again. we had a pad groom in the curraghmore stables, paddy quin, called the whisperer, because he could control any dangerous horse by whispering to him. i told quin to sell the fiend without bringing my name into the transaction. he sold the horse accordingly; and when the business was completed, he told me that he had represented to the purchaser that the fiend "belonged to a lone widdy living by the say-side." i believe that i am the only man who has ever ridden a pig down park lane. as i was returning home from a dance in the calm of a summer morning, accompanied by a friend, a herd of swine came by, and among them a { } huge animal trotted pre-eminent. i wagered £ that i would ride that great pig into piccadilly; dashed into the herd, took a flying leap upon the pig's back, and galloped all down park lane, pursued with shouts by the swineherd. as i turned into piccadilly, the swineherd caught me a clout on the head, knocking me off my steed. but not before i won my wager. i was once prettily sold by a sportsman named doddy johnson. we were of a party at maidenhead, and we laid £ on the winner of a swimming race across the thames, both to swim in our frock coats and tall hats. my antagonist and i were to start from a line on the lawn at skindle's, and the first to get ashore on the opposite bank was to be the winner. i raced down the lawn and plunged in. about half-way across the river, i looked back, and there was doddy standing on the bank. he had his jest; presumably it was worth a fiver. one year, three out of four horses in my coach being hunters, i was obliged to start with the leaders, for if i started in the proper way with the wheelers, the off wheeler invariably jumped into her collar and kicked. being taken to task in the park one day by a famous four-in-hand driver, who told me i did not know how to start a team, i said to him that as he was an authority on the subject, i should be very grateful if he would be so good as to start my coach for me, and thus to show me how it ought to be done; adding that if the coach were damaged or the horses were injured, he must hold himself responsible. gladly accepting these conditions, my friend mounted to the box and settled himself with great nicety and pulled off the leaders. then he touched the off wheeler with his whip. the next moment she had kicked in the boot, and the leaders started kicking, and both fell--a regular tie-up. the mare capped her hocks and was laid up at a vet's for a week. i was driving a coach up from sandown races along a crowded road, when a most unfortunate accident suddenly exposed me to the fury of the populace. swinging the whip { } out in order to catch it up properly, the thong caught under a lady's chignon, and the whip was nearly pulled out of my hand. chignon and hat came away together and remained dangling. the poor lady must have been sadly hurt. instantly, of course, i tried to pull up in order to apologise, when the mob rushed to the very unjust conclusion that i had insulted the lady on purpose; there was a deal of shouting, and stones began to fly; the horses were hit and bolted, so that i never had the opportunity of making my apology. the duke of portland, lord londonderry and lord inniskillen were on the coach. we used each of us to horse one coach in stages for the race meetings near london. upon another occasion, when i was driving the prince of wales on my coach to a meet of the four-in-hand club at the magazine, hyde park, a man who was quite unknown to me shouted, "'ullo, chawley, 'ow are yer? i see you've got 'wiles' up alongside yer." "some of your friends seem very familiar," said the prince, who took the remark with perfect good-humour. i once laid a wager that i would drive round rotten row, an exercise forbidden by the regulations. a party assembled to watch the event; and while they were looking out for me, a man driving the park water-cart came by and turned the water on them. then the company, looking closer at the driver, perceived that i had won my bet. the first racehorse owned by the prince of wales was a horse named stonehenge, which i bought for him. we were partners in the horse. stonehenge had won one or two races, when i went away on leave for a few days. on my return i found that my groom, against orders, had been galloping him, and that one of his legs had filled. having heard that my uncle, lord waterford, once trained a horse which filled his leg, by swimming him in the sea after a boat tried the experiment with stonehenge. the admiral's coxswain, two hands, and myself swam stonehenge every { } day about plymouth harbour. the horse got fit to run for his life, and i rode him in a hurdle race at plymouth. he was winning easily, but, alas! he broke down at the last hurdle, and was just beaten. in - , the duke of portland and myself, as partners, bought rosy morn, as a yearling. he won several races as a two-year-old, and we fancied him for the derby. he was a better colt as a two-year-old than lord hastings' melton, which won the derby. both horses were trained in the same stable, at matt dawson's, heath house, newmarket. matt dawson declared that we had got a derby horse. i was getting the boats through the bab-el-kebir in the egyptian war, when i heard that rosy morn had gone a roarer; and i thought it a bad omen for the expedition. lord marcus and i organised a donkey race to enliven a south coast race-meeting. we hired two donkeys apiece, and each bestrode two steeds, standing on their backs, and rode them over the wooden groynes that descend the beach at regular intervals. the curse of race-meetings is the crowd of dubious characters which infests them. lord marcus, travelling by rail to newmarket, defeated three of such persons single-handed. a trio of three-card-trick men tried to bully him into venturing on the game; whereupon he set about them. two he knocked out, and the third piped down. they left that carriage of carnage at the next station, protesting amid blood and tears that it was occupied by the most furious devil allowed on earth. he was maligned: there never was a kinder-hearted man. lord marcus, who is singularly ready with his tongue, upon being asked whether he thought false tooth a good name for a horse, said: "the best, because you can't stop him." the same relative committed a worse crime at the club, where a very deaf member appealed to him to be told what another member was saying to him. { } "he's wishing you a happy new 'ear--and god knows you want one!" shouted markie. one of the most unexpected events in which i ever took part occurred at scarborough, where i was staying for the races with mr. robert vyner. in the same hotel were staying two well-known members of the racing world, mr. dudley milner and mr. johnny shafto. vyner and i happened to enter the large and long room, used for assemblies; when we perceived dudley milner and johnny shafto standing at the other end, and observed that they were arguing together, somewhat heatedly, in broad yorkshire. they were disputing, as racing men do at such times, about weights in an impending handicap. there was nothing at all in the great room, so far as i remember, except a sideboard and a dish filled with pats of butter which stood on the sideboard. i picked up a pat of butter on the end of the ash-plant i was carrying, and told vyner that if he would come outside, i would throw the pat of butter to a surprising distance. "why go outside?" said he. "why not take a shot at those two fellows who are arguing so busily over there?" "and so i will," said i. the pat of butter described a beautiful yellow parabola at high speed and lighted upon the eye of one of the disputants. the impact doubled him up, and he thought that the other man had hit him. drawing his right fist back very slowly and carefully, he struck his friend full on the point of the nose. the next moment they were both rolling on the floor, fighting like cats. my companion and i were laughing so much that we couldn't separate them; and they finally had to go to bed for a week to recover themselves of their wounds. butter produces various effects, according to its application. i was one of the guests among a large party at a luncheon, given by an old gentleman who had a fancy for breeding pugs, which were then the fashionable breed of dog. on the table opposite to me was a glass bowl { } containing a quantity of pats of butter; and as each of the many pugs in the room came to me, i gave him a pat of butter on the end of a fork. he gently snuggled it down. after about ten minutes first one pug and then another began to be audibly unwell. the old gentleman was so terrified at these alarming symptoms, that he incontinently dispatched a carriage at speed to fetch the nearest vet that expert, after a careful diagnosis, reported that "someone must have been feeding the pugs on butter." my brother marcus, travelling by rail with some friends, mr. dudley milner being of the party, markie very kindly relieved the tedium of the journey. dudley milner had fallen asleep. marcus took the ticket from milner's pocket. he then woke up milner, telling him that the tickets were about to be collected. milner, after feverishly searching for his ticket, was forced to the conclusion that he had lost it, and, finding that he had very little money, begged that someone would lend him the requisite sum. one and all, with profuse apologies, declared themselves to be almost penniless; and milner was nearing despair, when my brother sympathetically suggested that, as the train approached the station milner should hide under the seat, and all would be well. thereupon milner, assisted by several pairs of feet, struggled under the seat, and his friends screened him with their legs. the collector appeared, and marcus gave him all the tickets. "here's six tickets for five gentlemen," said the collector. "quite correct," said marcus. "the other gentleman is under the seat. he prefers travelling like that." an old friend of mine, lord suffield, has recently published his memoirs. he was an indomitable rider, with a beautiful seat, and one of the hardest men to hounds in his day. i well remember riding home with him across country after the hunt with his majesty's buckhounds, when, taking a turn to the right, while i took a turn to the left, he suddenly disappeared altogether from view. as { } suddenly he appeared again on his horse's neck. he speedily got back into the saddle and went away as if nothing had happened, looking neither to the right nor left. i turned to find out the cause of his disappearance, and found that he had come across a deep v-shaped ditch, at the bottom of which was a very high post and rails. how any man or horse could have got over it, it is impossible to say. when i spoke to him about his exploit in the evening, he treated it as a matter of course, and only said it was "a rather nasty place." when we were in india together, in the suite of the prince of wales, he always preferred riding to going on an elephant. he was a great yachtsman in his day, and knew as much about handling yachts as any seaman i have ever met. he was a very good shot, and one of the greatest friends i have ever had. { } chapter liv sporting memories (_continued_) ii. shooting there are few kinds of beasts which i have not shot; and among those few are lions and giraffes. when i was at vancouver as a midshipman, i went out after deer upon a pouring wet day. i fired at a deer; the gun, a muzzle-loader, missed fire; i set the stock on the ground in order to ram home the charge; and the gun went off. the bullet cut the button off the top of my cap: a narrow escape. i shall never forget the excitement of three of us midshipmen of the _clio_, when, being out after tree grouse in the bush, we put up a big spotted deer. it was close to us, and we killed it; we cut it up, and tramped the miles back to the ship, laden with the haunches, shoulders and head. arriving on board with our clothes soaked with blood, we were hailed as splendid sportsmen, and for days thereafter the gun-room feasted upon venison. when the _clio_ was off juan fernandez in february, , we sent a party of seamen across to the island to beat up the wild goats towards the shore. the cliffs are steep-to, and along the face of them winds a narrow path worn by the goats themselves. the pathway itself is inclined at a steep angle. i took the cutter and hung off and on, waiting for the goats. presently they came down, about thirty of them, in single file, slipping a good deal, but recovering their footing with marvellous agility. we fired { } at the line and knocked over three. they fell on the rocks below. there was so much seaway that we were unable to get the boat in. i therefore took a line and swam to shore, collected the goats, toggled their legs together, secured them with the line, and they were pulled off to the boat. but when i tried to swim off, the sea was so rough that the breakers beat me back. i was hurled against the rocks; all the wind was knocked out of me, and i was much bruised and cut. a bluejacket swam off with a line, and although he did not toggle my legs, he and i were hauled off to the boats, like the goats. we brought all three goats safely on board. one of them was a billy-goat, the other two nanny-goats, in which there was no sign of any bullet, so that they must have been carried down with the billy-goat. while i was serving in the _sutlej_ as sub-lieutenant, the chief engineer, james roffey, who was a splendid shot, and myself, went upon hunting expeditions in vancouver. we took two horses and a couple of dogs. at night we slept on waterproof sheets under a lean-to shelter made of branches. we shot many partridge--as these birds are called. having treed them, we shot the lower birds first, and so on to the top. the report of the guns did not disturb them, but if a bird fell from the upper branches, the rest would take flight. i have shot these birds in the same way, during recent visits to canada. during the visit of the duke of edinburgh to india in , i accompanied his royal highness upon the great elephant hunt in ceylon. for months beforehand the wild elephants had been gradually driven towards the kraal by an army of native beaters. the kraal is constructed of huge trunks of trees, lashed together and buttressed, making a strong stockade. in plan, covering about eight acres, it is shaped like a square bottle, the neck representing a narrow entrance, from which the stockade on either side runs at a wide angle, like jaws. the elephants are driven down the narrowing jaws and through the entrance, which { } is closed behind them with a gate made of logs. once inside the kraal, the wild animals are tackled by the tame elephants ridden by mahouts, and are secured with hide ropes to the trees of the stockade, which is formed of stout timber for the purpose. upon the occasion of the duke's visit, i was in the arena, mounted upon a tame elephant amid a wild heaving mob of animals. one huge beast defeated the tame elephants, throwing the whole lot into confusion. he suddenly charged, knocking over the tame elephant next to me, the mahout breaking his leg in the fall. things were looking very ugly, when someone--against orders--fired and killed the rebel elephant, the bullet entering his temple. if the day of the great elephant hunt in india, arranged in honour of the prince of wales, was the hardest run of my life, hanging on to the back of a swift pad elephant which went through the jungle for fourteen hours like a runaway locomotive, the hardest day i ever had on foot was in ceylon, during the visit of the duke of edinburgh to that superb country, in . i have found irishmen in most places under the sun; and i found one in ceylon. his name was varian, and he was a famous hunter of elephants. rogue elephants were his favourite game; he stalked them on foot; walked up to his quarry and shot it. he was i think, eventually killed by a rogue elephant. his gun, which had belonged to sir samuel baker, was a curiosity among hand-cannon. this formidable engine was so heavy that it was as much as a powerful man could do to heave it up to his shoulder. the recoil--but i will relate what kind of recoil it exercised. the gun was a single-bore muzzle-loader, having two grooves cut within the barrel, into which was fitted a spherical belted bullet. we started at three o'clock in the morning, taking with us two native bearers to carry the guns. the bearers were little men, fragile to all appearance as pipe-stems, and save for a loin-cloth, naked as they were born. for seven hours we travelled ere we found fresh spoor, following the elephant { } trails, paths which the huge animals had cloven through the dense jungle. the heat was intense, the walking an extraordinary exertion; for at every few yards the soft ground was trodden by the elephants into pools of water three or four feet deep, through which we must plunge. it was blazing noon when we struck fresh tracks; and varian halted to load the heavy rifle. i contemplated the operation with amazement. he poured the powder into his hand, and tilted three or four handfuls down the muzzle. then he wrapped a piece of waste round the projectile, and hammered the ramrod home with a hammer. it occurred to me that if ever a gun ought to burst in this world, that gun ought to burst. we tracked the elephant out of the jungle; and there he was in the open _maidan_, placidly pulling up great tufts of grass with his trunk, and swishing himself with them. "we must bend down," says varian in a whisper, "and he may take us for pigs." he held me by the arm; and bending down, we advanced directly upon the elephant, varian's bearer loaded to the earth with the great gun. "if he puts his ears forward and drops his trunk--fire! for he'll either charge or run away," whispered varian. and with the graceful courtesy of his race, he handed me the miniature cannon. we were within twelve yards or so of the huge beast when his ears jutted forward, and with his trunk he flicked the ground, producing a hollow sound. i braced a leg backwards, and with a strong effort, hove the gun to my shoulder, aimed at the wrinkles just above the trunk, and fired. the elephant and i toppled over at the same moment. i thought my shoulder was broken to pieces; but as i staggered to my feet, i saw the elephant lying over on its side, its legs feebly waving. varian ran up to it and fired several more shots into its head, and it lay motionless. in , i was appointed to the _bellerophon_, temporarily. { } she had sunk a steamer which had crossed her bows, and her senior officers had been ordered home to attend the inquiry into the matter. when i joined her, my old mess-mate in the _marlborough_, swinton c. holland (now admiral), was in sole command; although he was only second lieutenant of the ship; a curious illustration of the incidents of naval life. another example of the anomalies of those days was my own position: i was on full pay and on active service, and i was also a member of parliament. the dual capacity was not in itself conducive to discipline, because it gave naval officers on full pay the opportunity of criticising, as members of parliament, their superior officers. i do not think it was abused; in my own case, i think the solitary advantage i took was to obtain a pump, which was a sanitary necessity, for the _thunderer_, when i was her commander: a threat of publicity moving the admiralty to action which previous applications had failed to produce. in the old days, the sea lords used to serve in the dual capacity of members of the board of admiralty and of parliament. as no one had any precise idea where the _bellerophon_ was, i took passage to halifax and stayed in the receiving hulk _pyramus_, fifth-rate, stationed at halifax, in the hope that the _bellerophon_ would come north. in the meantime, i went for a shooting expedition with a trapper. we went up into the forests of nova scotia, camping out, and living upon what we could secure with our guns. we shot bear and deer and prairie chicken. in the depth of the forest i found an irishman dwelling in a clearing with his wife and family. he was a bitter orangeman, who (so he told me) had been expatriated for shooting at a priest. "i had a gun," said he, "but it was a rotten gun. i drew a bead on the priest, and, god forgive me, the gun missed fire!" i remember saying to him: "why the devil can't you leave another man's religious convictions alone? he has as much right to his convictions as you have to yours. if there were no religious wrangles { } in our country, it would be the happiest country in the world." his nearest neighbour, dwelling miles away, was a roman catholic; and although my friend cursed him for a papist, their relations with each other were quite friendly. the irishman told me how he had once fought to save the life of his child from a bear. he was working in the clearing; near by, his little girl was sitting on the trunk of a felled tree; when a bear suddenly emerged from the forest, and made towards her. the man had for his only weapon a huge handspike, as big as a paviour's rammer. he showed me the thing; it was so heavy that i could scarcely realise that he could have used it as he did use it. but with this formidable club he fought the bear for an hour. several times he beat the animal to the earth; but the beast returned to the attack; and the man thought his strength must surely fail him. at last, both man and beast were so exhausted that they stood and looked at each other with their tongues hanging out. then, with a growl, the bear turned tail and rolled back into the forest. the irishman never saw it again; and he cherished the belief that the brute died of its wounds. shooting black buck in the plains of central india, with the duke of portland's party, in , i had been out in a bullock-cart for hours. the method is to describe a wide circle round the black buck, and slowly driving round and round, gradually to diminish the circle. the sun was very hot; i was very tired of the business; and i determined to risk a shot. as i emerged from the cart into the open, a herd of black buck galloped past in the distance in single file, passing behind two tufts of high grass. sighting between the tufts, i fired right and left, and heard the bullets strike. the _shikari_ would not believe that i had hit anything at that range. but there were the bodies of two black buck; the distance from where i had fired to one of them was yards, and to the other, yards. the heads are in my collection of sporting trophies. { } i had been twice round the world before i ever saw a really wild man. at last i met one when i was shooting grouse on my own property in cavan. his voice was a squeaky, husky whisper, like the creaking of an old wooden frigate in a gale of wind. if i hit a bird hard and it passed on, the wild man would say: "well, that fellow got a terrible rap anyway!" if i killed the bird, he would say, "well well, he has the fatal stroke, with the help of god!" and if i missed a bird, he would say, "never moind, lord char-less! ye made him quit that, annyhow." the incident of the glenquoich stag occurred many years ago, when i was staying at glenquoich with the duke of marlborough. we had had a hard day, without sighting a warrantable stag, when the stalker spied, far on the skyline of the opposite hill, the grandest head he had ever seen. we stalked up to him until we came to the edge of a valley. there was the noble head scarce fifty yards away. we could see the stag's ears moving. but he did not rise. we lay on that hill-top for an hour and a half; the midges were eating me in platoons; and still the stag did not get up. i could stand it no longer; and i said to the stalker: "either you must get him up or i must shoot him through the heather." the stalker begged me not to shoot; he whistled; then turned upon me a face of utter bewilderment, for the stag lay where he was, moving his ears to keep off the midges. the stalker whistled again. still the stag lay quiet; and the man looked at me with a countenance of such amazement that i can see it before me as i write. it must have struck him that here was the supernatural; for never in his life had he seen a live stag which would stay to hearken to his whistling. then the stalker shouted; then he stood upright and shouted again; and still the stag lay where he was; and the man stared at me in silence with consternation in his eyes. { } i delayed no longer. i shot the stag through the heather, and he leaped up, and fell dead. we found that the poor beast had a hind fetlock cut nearly through by a bullet. the wound must have been inflicted some considerable time previously, for it had mortified and the haunch had withered. thus wounded, he must have strayed from another forest, for he was a german stag, marked with slits on both his ears; and there were no such stags in glenquoich forest. the late kiamil pasha, governor of salonika, was an old friend of mine. i first knew him when i was in command of the _undaunted_, in which ship he lunched with me several times. he was a grand specimen of a fine old turkish gentleman, one of the best among turkish statesmen, intensely interested in the welfare of his country. i often went out snipe-shooting with the turkish commander-in-chief round about salonika. on these occasions, the pasha invariably wore full uniform; and when we arrived at the shooting ground, we were always met by a squadron of cavalry. i imagined that the guard was furnished as a compliment to myself; and eventually i said to the pasha that while it was very good of him to pay me the courtesy of a guard, i should be quite as happy if we went out shooting without it. he replied that the guard was not intended as a compliment, but was ordered for my safety. "what is the danger?" "brigands," said the pasha. "but there are no brigands here now." "are there not?" said the pasha. "i killed fourteen yesterday." and afterwards he showed me where he had rounded them up. i have seen two whales killed. i saw a whale killed in the pacific by an old sailing whaler. she sent four boats out and they hunted the whale, after it was harpooned, for eight hours before they killed it. a boat rowed close to { } the whale, the harpooner flung his harpoon, the whale sounded, his tail swung up like a flail and struck the water with a report like the report of a gun, and out flew the line from the boat. the man who eventually killed the whale was armed with a long flexible knife, which he plunged into the whale behind the fin. the vast carcase was towed alongside the ship, than which it was longer; men wearing spiked boots and using sharp spades went upon the whale; and as they sliced into the blubber, making cuts across the carcase, the piece called the "blanket piece" was hoisted inboard by means of a tackle, the whale thus turning gradually over until its whole circumference was stripped. many years afterwards, i saw a whale killed off norway by a modern steam whaler. she steamed slowly after a school of whales, and fired a gun whose projectile was a shell attached to a harpoon. the shell burst inside the whale, killing it. the carcase was then towed alongside the steamer by boats, the operation taking about an hour and a half, and was then towed by the steamer to the whaleries. the whaling master told me that whales had been killed off norway during that year; and that among them was a whale with an american harpoon in it; wherefore he supposed that the whale must have voyaged round the horn, or else north about beneath the ice. { } chapter lv sporting memories (_continued_) iii. fishing when, as a youngster, i was sea-fishing at ascension, my boat made fast to a buoy, i had used all my bait without getting a fish, when a booby gull kindly came and sat on the buoy. i knocked him over with an oar, used his remains for bait, and caught lots of fish. in nearly every ship in which i have served, i had a trammel, a trawl and a trot. as a midshipman, i used them myself; when i became a senior officer, i lent them to the midshipmen. upon visiting the island of juan fernandez, while i was a midshipman in the _clio_, we found three men living in the home of robinson crusoe. they subsisted chiefly upon crayfish. we used to fish for these crustacea, using for bait a piece of a marine's scarlet tunic. the fish used to take the crayfish while we were hauling them up. in a few hours we caught enough to feed the whole ship's company. off the horn, and in the south pacific, i have killed many albatross in calm weather, or when the ship was proceeding very slowly under sail. i made a hook out of several hooks like a paternoster. if the bird touched the bait, he was always caught. the upper mandible of the albatross has a curve like the beak of a parrot, and that curve is all there is to hold the hook. when the bird is being hauled on board, the lower mandible catches the water and drives him underneath. when he comes on board he is { } full of water, and is immediately very sick. both the first and second pinion bones make beautiful pipe stems about fourteen inches long. i brought many home for my friends. the feet, dried, cleaned and manufactured into bags, make excellent tobacco pouches. many a shark have i caught in the old days. i have had two sharks on my hook at once. one had taken the hook, which, barb and all, had pierced right through his jaw; and another shark went for it and got the end of the hook into his mouth. they were both on the hook for some little time, and eventually i killed the first one hooked. i made a walking-stick out of his backbone. the biggest shark i ever killed measured feet inches long. i bought my shark hook from a man in an american whaling; schooner at the sandwich islands. i filed a little notch on the shaft of my hook whenever i killed a shark. to my great annoyance, someone stole my hook in after years. i was once towing a cod-line astern for dolphin, when a shark took the bait. i took the line round a cleat and played him, or he would have carried it away; got him close enough to get a bowline over his tail, and hauled him on board. this method is generally used for getting a shark on board. until his tail is cut off with an axe, a shark plays ballyhooly with all around him. a shark's heart is so muscular, and expands and contracts so violently after death that it is impossible to hold it in the hand. sharks are bad eating, but in those salt-horse days we relished them. my record in salmon fishing was made in norway, when together with lord wolseley, mr. bayard, and mr. abram hewett, i was a guest on board the yacht of my friend, mr. fred wynn. in one night's fly-fishing, i killed forty-one fish. i gave eight of them to the fishermen who worked the canoe for me, and brought thirty-three back to the yacht. tarpon fishing is the acme of sea-fishing. whereas a { } salmon is killed by a rod and delicate handling, a tarpon is killed by the line and herculean strength. the rod used is short and thick. the line is made of cotton, thinner and lighter than a salmon line, but extraordinarily strong. it is from to yards long, with four brakes, two on the reel, and two of thick leather placed on the thumbs. when the tarpon is struck, he invariably jumps into the air from six to ten feet, and shakes his head to shake the hook out, an effort in which he often succeeds. he has no teeth, but the upper part of his mouth is as hard as a cow's hoof, and it takes a tremendous strike to get a hook into it past the barb. the biggest tarpon i killed was lb. i think lord desborough holds the record with a tarpon of lb., feet inches long, inches girth. lord desborough killed tarpon in ten days. some years ago, i was most kindly invited by my old friend, colonel robert m. thompson, to stay with him in his houseboat _everglades_ on the coast of florida. the houseboat was driven by a motor and drew one foot of water. when it came on to blow, colonel thompson used to run her up on the beach. but upon one occasion, we went upon an adventurous voyage, right out into the atlantic, making a point from florida to the north; the wind freshened; and the houseboat had all the weather she cared for. colonel thompson tells me that while securing loose gear and generally battening down, i remarked that probably no british admiral had ever before found himself in a houseboat drawing one foot of water miles out on the atlantic in a seaway. i never had such wonderful sport as i had with colonel thompson in the _everglades_. we killed tons of fish all with the rod. one night, with a small tarpon rod i killed seven sergeant fish, average lb. this fish takes two long runs, and then turns up on his back, dead. upon another night i had on an enormous tarpon; the boatman declared it to be the biggest he had ever seen (it always is when one fails to land it). i had just got into the shore after over an { } hour's work at the tarpon, when it went off again slowly, with the appearance of a fish, but the methods of a steam roller. the boatman said: "try to check it from going into that current; it is full of sharks." but the tarpon steadily proceeded. on getting into the current, it suddenly took a run and jumped into the air. when it was half out of the water, a shark's head appeared and bit it in two. i hauled only the head and shoulders home. the shark was so large that we tried to catch him next day, and hooked either him or another. he was so heavy that we could make nothing of him. he took us where he liked, but never left the current. so we bent a line on to the one by which we held him, took it to the capstan of a yacht lying near by, hove him up to the side, and shot him with a rifle. he was then triced up by the tail by a tackle from the mast. he was a hammer-headed shark over feet long. he disgorged soap, bottles, sardine-tins, armour meat-tins, a number of large crab shells, some small turtle shells, pieces of fish, and the midship section of a large tarpon, which was supposed to have been the piece bitten out of my failure of the previous night. { } chapter lvi home waters: the last command before taking over the command of the channel fleet, to which i was appointed on th march, , on my return from the mediterranean, i proceeded on leave, family affairs calling me to mexico. my younger brother, lord delaval, had been killed in a railway accident in the united states, on th december of the preceding year ( ), while i was in the mediterranean. he left a large property in mexico, whither i went to settle his affairs as his executor. lord delaval had gone to mexico as a young man, intending to make his fortune, and so to fulfil the terms imposed by the parents of the lady to whom he was attached, as the condition upon which they would grant their sanction to his marriage with their daughter. at the time of his death, having bought out his partner, he possessed two magnificent ranches in mexico: ojitos ranch, , acres, and upper chug ranch, , acres; and a third ranch at medicine hat, alberta, canada. i stayed for some time at ojitos ranch; where i found that my brother was known as a dare-devil rider and an excellent rancher; managing his ranches himself, and taking his part in rounding up his stock and branding his cattle. upon ojitos there were about head of cattle and head of horses, donkeys and mules. ojitos means "little springs"; the house stood beside the springs; and brother, who was something of an engineer, had constructed three large reservoirs and nine miles of irrigation { } canals, intersecting the whole estate. these little canals, fed by the reservoirs, were two feet broad and three inches deep, so that they could be kept clear with the plough. as the water was perpetually running along them, the stock could drink anywhere, an invaluable advantage in the calving season. upon some ranches, where the water is scarce, cows and calves often perish for lack of ready access to it. the vast grassy plain is surrounded by mountains, and the estate itself is enclosed in a ring fence of barbed wire, miles in circumference. my brother's staff consisted of five mexican cowboys and three negroes. he left the two mexican ranches to my brother marcus and myself. i got rid of all off-colour stock; put on a lot of new durham bulls; poisoned the prairie dogs which ate the grass, leaving the ground bare as a high road; effected various other improvements, and organised the whole upon a business plan, down to the last detail. the drought of killed off many of the stock, for although the water supply was maintained, the grass perished. nevertheless, the ojitos ranch paid its way, and in it was sold for a good price. the other ranch, upper chug, is still unsold at the time of writing ( ), owing to the breaking out of the rebellion, the supersession of president diaz, and the consequent unsettled state of the country. it was not remarkable for peace during my sojourn at ojitos. el paso, the frontier town, was full of what are called "the bad men of the united states," who were wanted by the police; and who, if they were in danger of capture, slipped over the border. the revolver is commonly used in disputes, particularly at casas grandes, a mexican town about miles from el paso. during my brief visit to that place, three men were shot: one in a gambling hell, one in a chinese restaurant, and one in a lodging-house; their assailants escaping with impunity. riding on the ranch, i saw a man about two miles away galloping for dear life. the cowboy who was with me explained that the rider "had holed a man somewhere and { } was off up country." the fugitive headed away from us, and coming to the wire fence, he nipped the wire, and so rode away to the hills. the retainers of ojitos ranch, with whom i sat down to dinner every day, were each armed with a revolver, sometimes two revolvers, and a knife. i was the only unarmed man present. i had already made the acquaintance of president diaz some time previously, when i had been tarpon-fishing at tampico. on that occasion i was accompanied by my friend, mr. benjamin guinness, who had been sub-lieutenant in the _undaunted_ when i commanded that ship. his brother had been midshipman in the _undaunted_ at the same time. the two brothers left the service to engage in business, and both have been highly successful. upon my departure from ojitos, i went to see president diaz. he was most kind and helpful; both he and other prominent mexicans informed me that they desired to increase the number of british properties in mexico; and the president expressed the hope that i would retain possession of the ranches. at the same time, he gave me all the assistance in his power with regard to the settlement of the affairs of the estates; nor could they have been settled satisfactorily without his help. president diaz impressed me as a quiet, strong and determined ruler, who knew exactly how to govern mexico, and did it. under his rule, revolutions were summarily checked, and mexico flourished as never before. upon my return to england, i took over the command of the channel fleet, hoisting my flag in the _king edward vii_, at portland, on th april, . the second in command was vice-admiral sir reginald custance (now admiral sir r. n. custance, g.c.b., k.c.m.g., c.v.o.), a most distinguished strategist and tactician, one of the most learned officers in his profession. i have never been able to understand why sir reginald custance, instead of being placed { } upon half-pay until his retirement, was not appointed a lord commissioner of the admiralty. [illustration: h.m.s. "king edward vii" engaged in battle practice, ] the members of the staff were: chief of staff, captain frederick c. d. sturdee, succeeded by captain montague e. browning; flag-commander, fawcet wray; intelligence officer at the admiralty, commander godfrey tuke, succeeded by captain arthur r. hulbert; signal officer, lieutenant charles d. roper; flag-lieutenant, herbert t. g. gibbs; engineer-captain, edwin little: secretary, fleet paymaster john a. keys; flag-captain, henry b. pelly, m.v.o.; commander, g. h. baird. the navigating officer, commander e. l. booty, who had been with me in the _majestic_, was the best navigator i have known. of the two successive chiefs of staff, captain (now vice-admiral) sturdee, and captain (now rear-admiral) browning, to whom i owe so much, i desire to express my appreciation. their powers of organisation and their knowledge of what is required for organisation for war are of a very high degree. among other officers, all of whom did service so excellent, i may mention lieutenant (now commander) roper, who was one of the best signal officers in the service; lieutenant gibbs, a most charming and loyal companion, who met his death by falling overboard in the portland race, and the loss of whose affectionate friendship i still mourn; and fleet-paymaster keys, who was with me for more than six years, and to whose brilliant services i owe so much. the composition of the channel fleet, in april, , was battleships (eight _king edward vii_, two _swiftsure_, two _ocean_, two _majestic_), four armoured cruisers, two second-class cruisers, and one third-class cruiser attached. during this period, an extraordinary confusion prevailed at the admiralty. its character may be briefly indicated by a summary of the various changes in the organisation and distribution of the fleet, beginning in the previous year ( ). in october, the sea-going fleets were reduced in strength { } by about one-quarter, and a new home fleet was formed of nucleus crew ships. the channel fleet was reduced from sixty-two fighting vessels to twenty-one fighting vessels, the balance being transferred to the home fleet. an order was issued under which ships taken from the channel, atlantic and mediterranean fleets for purposes of refitting, were to be replaced during their absence by ships from the home fleet. in december, the nore division of the home fleet was given full crews instead of nucleus crews. in april, , an order was issued that no more than two battleships in each fleet were to be refitted at one time. in september, the channel fleet was increased from twenty-one vessels to sixty vessels. in august, , the orders substituting home fleet ships for ships from sea-going fleets under repair, and ordaining that no more than two battleships should be absent at one time, were cancelled; with the result that the channel fleet went to sea in the following december short of eight battleships, two armoured cruisers, one unarmoured cruiser, one scout, and destroyers, vessels in all. when the home fleet was finally constituted, in march, , there were no less than three commanders-in-chief in home waters; one commanding the home fleet, one the nore division, and one (myself) the channel fleet. in time of war the supreme command was to be exercised by me, over the whole number of fighting vessels, in all. but in time of peace they could not be trained or exercised together, nor had any one of the commanders-in-chief accurate information at any given moment of the state or disposition of the forces of any other commander-in-chief. such, briefly presented, was the situation with which i was confronted in this my last command. it was fraught with difficulties so complex, and potential dangers to the security of the country so palpable, that many of my friends urged me to resign my command in the public interest. i decided, however, that i should best serve his majesty the king, the navy and the country by remaining at my post. { } in the summer of , the channel fleet proceeded upon a united kingdom cruise, touching at various places round the coasts of these islands. when the fleet was at sea, individual ships were sent away upon short cruises, in order to give the captains opportunities of exercising independent command. when the fleet was at anchor, the ships were open to the public from half-past one to half-past six daily, in order to increase their knowledge and encourage their interest in the royal navy. it was during one of these cruises that the irishmen in the fleet displayed one of their national characteristics. the anniversary of saint patrick's day was drawing near when the fleet lay in bantry bay. on saint patrick's day itself the fleet was to proceed to sea. hitherto, as a rule, if the irishmen in the fleet happened to be on leave on saint patrick's day, many of them broke their leave. when i made a signal, giving the irishmen four days' leave, and ordering them to return on board on saint patrick's day, i added that the commander-in-chief, himself an irishman, expected every irishman to be back to his leave. there were irish liberty-men went on shore for four days; and were on board again ere the fleet sailed on the night of saint patrick's day. it might be that the saint could mention the thing in conversation with saint peter at the gate, for future reference. for there were some irishmen in the fleet, who, when the fleet lay at portland, could not, like the englishmen, visit their homes once a month. and when it is considered how hospitable and convivial they become on the anniversary of their patron saint, i shall be understood when i say that the behaviour on this occasion of the irishmen in the fleet affords a remarkable instance of the irish sense of honour. there are no other people so easily handled, if the right way be taken with them. the fleet assembled at spithead in november, , to receive his majesty the emperor of germany; and in the following may, the fleet assembled at dover to receive president fallières. { } in the summer of , the fleet proceeded upon a cruise in norwegian waters. their majesties the king and queen of norway, with the little crown prince olaf, honoured the flagship with a visit when the fleet lay at esbjerg. at skagen, on the evening of th july, when the fleet was lying at anchor, the _hohenzollern_, flying the flag of his majesty the emperor of germany, was suddenly sighted, together with the escorting cruiser _stettin_ and the destroyer _sleipner_. by the time his imperial majesty had reached the lines, the ships were manned and dressed over all. a salute of twenty-one guns was fired; and the _hohenzollern_ was cheered as she steamed down the lines. during my absence in norwegian waters, i was the subject of a violent attack in the press and elsewhere, due to a misapprehension. i recall the circumstance, because i am proud to remember that it was an irishman, and he a political opponent, who, alone among all the members of the house of commons, stood up and protested against an attack being made upon a brother irishman when he was absent and unable to reply. their majesties king edward and queen alexandra visited the channel fleet on th august, , in the _victoria and albert_, accompanied by the prince of wales in the _alexandra_. his majesty honoured the _king edward vii_ and the _hibernia_, second flag, with a visit. the flag-officers of the fleet had the honour of lunching with their majesties on board the _victoria and albert_. upon one of the fleet cruises in the north, the flagship was passing under the forth bridge, when a spar caught on a girder of the bridge and carried away. ere it could fall, flag-lieutenant gibbs, with his customary presence of mind and pluck, threw me upon the deck, and himself on the top of me, to save me from the falling spar. luckily, it touched neither of us. there being no provision against mines dropped in time of war, it was suggested by me that the north sea trawlers should be enlisted to sweep for mines; because they were { } accustomed to the difficult work of towing and handling a trawl. the proposal was afterwards adopted. in march, , the admiralty, in addition to other changes, having suddenly reduced the length of ships' commissions from three years to two years, i was ordered to haul down my flag and come on shore. accordingly, my flag was hauled down at portsmouth on wednesday, th march, , after fifty years' service. i cannot close this chronicle without expressing my profound appreciation of the loyalty and affection shown to me by my brother officers and by the men of the royal navy. few events in my life have touched me more deeply than the presence of so many of my old shipmates among the crowds which assembled upon portsmouth hard when i came on shore after hauling down my flag, and which filled waterloo station and its approaches when i arrived in london. nor can i omit to record my sense of the kind and generous reception given to me by my brother officers, who attended, in numbers that constituted a record, the dinner, over which i presided, given by the royal navy club of and , on the anniversary of the battle of trafalgar next ensuing after my coming on shore. it was a satisfaction to me when i came on shore, and it is a satisfaction to me now, to think that i pulled my pound in the navy. doubtless, like other men of action, i have made mistakes. but i may justly claim that i have always held one purpose with a single mind: to do my best for the good of the service and for the welfare of the officers and men of the royal navy; and in following that purpose, i have tried to disregard consequences which might affect my own fortunes, and which, in fact, have often proved injurious to them. and to the purpose which i have followed since i was a boy, i shall devote the rest of my life. { } postscript the making of an admiral one of our greatest naval administrators, the late admiral of the fleet sir frederick richards, was constantly preoccupied with a problem, of which he used often to speak. "how are we to make great admirals?" he would say. it is a question of the highest moment. a great admiral may be born, but he must also be made. the making of an admiral has been the study of the best minds in the navy for generations. and for this reason: _in time of war, all must depend on one man, and that man the admiral in command_. upon his knowledge, ability and resolution will rest the fate of the country and of the empire. that simple fact is not generally realised by the public. they do not understand that in time of war the statesman, the diplomatist, the politician must all give place to one man, the admiral in command at sea. every decade of naval officers has added something to the knowledge of what must go to the making of a great sea-officer. the establishment of the war college, the institution of the war staff at the admiralty, the private studies of individual naval officers, the practice of holding manoeuvres: all these things are valuable endeavours toward the same end. it remains, however (i believe), the fact that there exists no treatise on the ordinary administrative duties to be fulfilled by an admiral. during many years i had the habit of making notes concerning all matters connected with the administration of a fleet. these notes i hope to arrange and to publish. in { } the meantime, i have ventured to think that the contribution of some observations dealing with the administrative duties of an admiral in command, embodying the results of many years' experience at sea, might be of use. there is no position in the world requiring more tact than that of a commander-in-chief of a large fleet. it is only by the exercise of consummate tact that a fleet can be maintained in the most rigid state of discipline and, at the same time, cheery, happy and smart. therefore it is that a knowledge of human nature is essential to the admiral. two admirals may do the same thing or may give the same order; one is perfectly successful, the other is not. one knows how to give an order, the other does not. success depends not only on _what_ is done, but on _the way in which_ it is done. cheerful obedience to an order depends, not on the order but, on the way the order is given. in handling men, much depends on what is said, but much more depends upon the way in which it is said. the art of successful administration of men consists in the prevention of accident, misdemeanour, or regrettable incidents. it does not consist in putting things right _after_ the unpleasant event has occurred. nearly all slackness and untoward incidents are preventable by the exercise of forethought, common sense and good organisation. most of the matters that go wrong, causing irritation and fault-finding on the part of the admiral, are often due to the failure to look ahead of the admiral himself. when a fleet proceeds to sea, the cruisers are often to be observed sobbing and sighing at full speed, trying to get into the position ordered, after the fleet has left the harbour, when, by the use of a little judgment, they might have been sent out previously, and so have got on the correct line of bearing at slow speed, without any trouble. the usual method in life is to let a mistake occur, and then to put it right afterwards. it is upon this point that the world forms most unfair opinions. the man who _keeps_ { } things right seldom gets any credit. it is the man who puts things right who gets it. the history of war affords many examples of this tendency. a commander-in-chief who, by his organisation and by his appreciation of facts and positions, wins an action with small loss, often gets little credit. on the other hand, an officer who makes some blunder by which he loses a number of officers and men, but who eventually wins his action, is made a popular hero. in other words, the man with the blind pluck of a bulldog gets more credit than the man who, by his strategy and tactical ability, wins a more or less bloodless victory. an admiral should remember that in peace or war he can satisfactorily administer his fleet only through the loyalty and zeal of his captains. frequent personal interviews promote confidence; and such confidence must be of benefit to the admiral. he need not take his captains' views, but he will gain a great deal of useful information from officers who are just as keen to make the fleet as perfect as possible as he is himself. admirals should not publicly identify themselves with their own flagships in the same way as a captain may identify himself with his ship. to the admiral all ships should be the same, and private ships should feel that the admiral takes quite as much interest in their well-being and their whole life as he does in his own flagship. the admiral should therefore avoid, even in private conversation, speaking of "my commander," "our launch," etc. etc. a flagship, her officers and men, have many advantages. in return for these privileges, a flagship should make every effort to be a pattern of smartness and efficiency; and the admiral must be constantly on the alert lest he show partiality or favour to his flagship. nothing makes more jealousy in a fleet than a belief that the flagship is favoured at the expense of the rest of the fleet, either in routine duty or in any other respect. flagships must have many privileges, but they should not be increased. for instance, her boats should take precedence { } in drawing beef or stores; but in all matters connected with competitive drills, carrying out station orders, etc. etc., all ships must be equal in the admiral's eye and mind. an admiral should continually go on board the ships of the fleet, talk to the captains, and obtain their ideas and recommendations on various subjects. the best plan is to notify a ship a day or two beforehand that the commander-in-chief is coming on board on sunday at the time most convenient to the captain; and to follow the captain's usual routine for sunday inspection. this method gives the captain an opportunity of bringing to the admiral's notice any officer or man who has in any way distinguished himself. it strengthens the captain's hands, and has a good effect upon the fleet. it lets the men see their admiral; while the admiral can remark the state of the ship and run all his fleet up to the smartest ship. it is wiser to administer a fleet by _commendation_ than by _condemnation_. if commendation is given for good and smart actions, condemnation for bad, slackness becomes far more severely condemned, and no sympathy for it is aroused. any smart action performed by an officer or man should be appreciated publicly by signal. this is complimentary to the officer or man and to the ship in which he is serving at the time. every one is grateful for appreciation. the old style in the navy was never to commend anything that was well done; to do well was considered to be no more than a man's duty. on the other hand, anything that was badly done led to severe reprimands. when a good officer or man knows that the admiral appreciates his work, it cheers the fleet and raises its whole tone. it is right to be severe on those who do their work lazily or badly; but it is quite as necessary to appreciate those who do their work well. an admiral should continually inspect some of the various departments of the ships under his command. by personal observation he is certain to find out something { } which would not come to his notice in any other way, and he may therefore prevent things from going wrong in their initial stages. the admiral should invariably inspect anything that may have gone wrong in any of the ships under his command, owing to accident, carelessness, or misadventure: such as a derrick, cable, or capstan carrying away, or any defect in the engine or boiler rooms. he should then talk over the method of repair with the captain and the departmental officers. this procedure often saves time and trouble, as the admiral gives directions for the accident to be repaired in the way he desires from the first, thereby obviating the necessity of altering the plans afterwards. it also encourages those who are going to execute the work. the admiral should let the captains know that they can come on board the flagship and consult him at any time they like, day or night, and that he will always be glad to see them. captains should always come to see, or write to, the admiral on any matter which they wish to be settled, no matter how trivial it may appear. they should not go to the secretary; for, if they do, it puts the secretary in a false position, and may cause mistakes and wrong conceptions. captains may go to the chief of the staff upon minor questions; but it is, as a rule, better for them to go straight to the admiral. the consideration of captains, expressed by the words, "i don't think i will bother the admiral about this question," is understood, but should be regarded as mistaken. _it is the admiral's business to be bothered_. the admiral should be considerate and courteous to all those under his command, remembering that there are two sides to every question. when the admiral personally inquires into any case, with the object of fixing responsibility upon an individual, he should be suave in his manner, even if condemnation is { } given. he should endeavour to send a man away wearing a smile rather than a scowl. the admiral should remember this maxim particularly when he feels irritated at seeing something done which appears careless, or opposed to the orders laid down. he should always maintain an unruffled demeanour, and be perfectly calm and collected under all circumstances. to fail in this respect is to confuse both himself and those under his command: a condition which cannot add to that smartness and coolness so necessary when a difficulty or an accident occurs in the fleet. the management of a ship or a fleet is full of irritation and worries. these can only be decreased by officers remaining calm and collected. all men are liable to make mistakes. the best men often make the most glaring mistakes. a smart man acting under a mistake will move his ship to starboard or to port quicker than a slow man, and his mistake will therefore appear the greater. an admiral should never make a signal to one of the captains (unless he happens to have a very bad and slack captain), implying that the captain could have done much better than he did. captains, as a rule, wish to obey loyally and thoroughly. mistakes are not intentional. if a signal is executed in a manner contrary to the intention of the admiral, either it is an ambiguous signal, or it has been misunderstood. unforeseen contingencies of this kind are certain to happen in war. practices in peace illustrate what such contingencies may be, and develop the necessary measures to prevent them. a very common method of pointing out mistakes is to signal what was _ordered_ and what should have _happened_, omitting to state what was actually _done_. but _all_ these points should be inserted in the signal. officers or men should never be allowed to state what _might_, _could_, or _should_ have been done. the point at issue is what was or what is. much valuable time is lost in { } explaining the circumstances on the theory of what might, could, or should have been done. before finding fault by signal, the admiral should ask the captain in question how a mistake occurred. by so doing it can be seen whether it is necessary to find fault or not. if the explanation is satisfactory the captain should be so informed. much unnecessary irritation and bad feeling caused by sudden and drastic signals may thus be avoided. the admiral will often find that the mistake was a natural mistake, which he himself might have made had he been in the captain's place. when captains know that the admiral is scrupulously fair, they become devoted to him. an admiral should always be most careful that he is right himself before finding fault with those under him. if he should afterwards find that his contention was wrong, or that there was a misunderstanding, the admiral should invariably acknowledge his mistake. this action commands respect and is only chivalrous and seamanlike. when an admiral has satisfied himself that anything, no matter how small, is not carried out according to orders, he should call attention to it by signal (as a rule, by a general signal), and by thus pointing out the mistake to the fleet, he prevents the same error from occurring again. in such matters as clothes not properly stopped on, boats and booms not square, etc., an admiral should inquire who is responsible. if men are not standing to attention when the colours are hoisted, he should ask for the name of the officer of the watch. if a boat is improperly handled under sail or oars, he should ask for the name of the officer or coxswain of the boat. the admiral's staff should always inform him of such matters as boats pulling badly, or not being run up to the davit head, men not standing properly to attention, or not doubling to obey all orders of the pipe, etc. the effect of a signal calling attention to these matters is lost if it is made some time after the event. { } there should always be an officer responsible for every duty on board a man-of-war, and the admiral should always make on these occasions the signal, "indicate name of officer responsible." the admiral should always make sure, when finding fault with a ship, that his flagship is absolutely correct as regards the particular detail in question. if this is not the case he should call his flagship's attention to it at the same time. admirals and captains are often heard saying, "look at the way they are doing so and so," referring to boat pulling or to the way a rope is handled, or a boat hoisted, quite forgetting that it is the fault of the admiral or captain that the duties are done badly or are not carried out according to their satisfaction. the admiral is responsible for the whole administration, smartness and efficiency of his fleet; the captains are responsible for the whole administration, smartness and efficiency of their ships. in the royal navy, officers and men are loyal to the core, and everything that is done badly is due to the senior officer of the fleet or of the ship not giving his orders clearly, and not showing beforehand what he wants done, and how it is to be done. the admiral should never give an order relative to routine or administration without seeing that it is obeyed. many orders given in a memorandum or circular are forgotten after the first few weeks or months, and so they lapse. an officer should be told off to summarise and report that such orders have been carried out during the preceding week. it is of no use for the admiral to give orders and directions unless he sees that they are actually carried out in the manner he intended. if the admiral is not careful that all orders of his own and of the admiralty are punctually obeyed, he will find that some captains accurately carry out the order and some do not. this irregularity causes discontent in some ships { } and slackness in others, disturbing that harmony which should prevail in a fleet. a "happy-go-lucky" method breeds irritation. if papers are ordered to be sent in, or drills are ordered to be carried out, or if any matter connected with the fleet is ordered to be undertaken at some future date, the admiral should always make a signal or reminder some days before the date. the argument that a man "_ought_ to know and _ought_ not to forget" does not prevent irritation if he _does_ forget. if an officer or man is slack, he should always be found fault with; it distresses the good officers and men to see that a slack individual gets along as well as those that are smart. if the admiral observes anything incorrect relative to individuals in a ship's company, such as dress, etc., he should inquire whether the irregularity is common to the ship, and have this irregularity corrected right through the ship. failing this method, he may be often finding fault on the same point, instead of having the whole matter put right by one signal or memorandum. the admiral should often look over his own station orders to remind himself of the orders he has issued. an admiral should, if possible, always send written messages to officers, in order to avoid constantly sending for officers. he should always date the messages. this maxim applies to the admiral's flagship as well as to other ships. sending messages verbally may cause great irritation, and may be prejudicial to discipline, for two distinct reasons:-- (i) the messenger may give the message in terms which are very irritating. every one on the bridge hears the message delivered. (ii) human nature being what it is, the admiral, like other people, may be in a state of irritation, more particularly if he wants a thing done quickly or if he thinks that things are not being done well. he is not so likely to blurt out some rough and irritating expression if he writes the message or order. { } in addition, it is neither good for discipline nor congenial to that respect which is shown to officers, if the signalman or others hear a rough message delivered to the chief of the staff, captain, or other officers. the admiral should always let the fleet under his command know beforehand the time which he intends to carry out practices, or to anchor or to weigh the fleet. this rule particularly applies to the hours set apart for meals. disturbance in the middle of meals causes needless irritation, and work never goes well in a man-of-war or anywhere else under irritation. admirals should as far as is possible let the officers and men of the fleet know the dates of arrivals and departures from ports, so that all should be in a position to communicate with their friends and to arrange their private affairs conveniently. if the admiral intends to be afloat with his flag flying very near the dinner-hour, or at any time that station orders annul guards and bands, he should signal "annul guards and bands." without such signal some ships are certain to turn them up while others will not do so, causing confusion. _when the admiral is inspecting a division of men, all ratings should take off their caps_. the admiral should first inspect the chief petty officers and petty officers, and when he has done these ratings should be ordered to put on their caps. by so doing, the fact is emphasised that the petty officer's position in the ship is superior, and that the admiral recognises it to be so. the admiral should see the sick in hospital constantly. his visit cheers the men, and shows them that the admiral knows that they are sick, and that he sympathises with them. there have been many cases where the interest shown by the admiral in a man who is dangerously ill has so cheered the patient that he has taken a turn for the better and has ultimately recovered. if a serious accident occurs on board any ship, either at { } drill or in the execution of other duty whereby officers or men are killed or wounded, the admiral should inform the whole fleet with regret, giving the names of officers and men. this procedure is respectful to those under his command who are killed or wounded in the execution of their duty. they have suffered or died for their country just as much as though killed or wounded in action with the enemy. the admiral should personally go and see the wounded daily, if possible. an admiral should let his officers know that he expects everything on board the ships to be shipshape, that is to say, kept in such condition and order as befits one of his majesty's ships of war. the admiral should always give as much leave as possible, having regard to the exigencies of the service and of duty. a free gangway for special leave men should be kept at all possible places, so that one watch can always go ashore daily if they are so minded. trouble with regard to breaking leave and drunkenness is generally brought about by want of discretion on the part of the commanding officer in giving leave. keeping men on board for long periods, and then letting them go ashore with a great deal of money, involves the temptation to some to break leave, and to others to drink more than is good for them. a free gangway is thoroughly appreciated by the men. the fact that they can go ashore if they like often conduces to their health and comfort, and does not provoke that irritation caused by the knowledge that leave cannot be given. a man who breaks his leave, and so allows other men to do his work, should be placed in a "break leave party," and given any extra jobs of work that may require execution, in order to make up for the time he has lost. men in the "break leave party" should be mustered every two hours from a.m. to p.m. at the discretion of the captain, according to the number of hours they have allowed other men to do their work. this mustering should continue on a scale of two days for { } every hour of absence, but a total of fourteen days should not be exceeded. the foregoing arrangement should not be considered as punishment, but as making up the time lost to the state by the men's absence from their duties, which left other men to do their work, and should therefore not be entered in the daily record. a general leave man who persistently breaks his leave should be put in the limited leave list, and the time and place at which he should be allowed ashore should be entirely at the discretion of the captain, and if possible he should not be allowed ashore when the rest of the ship's company are on leave. when a notorious leave-breaker goes on leave, it is well to send ashore a description, upon which are noted the hour and the date upon which he should again be aboard his ship. by this means he is often recovered before he has broken his leave for any length of time. first-class petty officers should always be given leave when chief petty officers get leave. the former are generally far older men, and have had longer experience in the service than most chief petty officers. badge-men and "men who have never broken their leave in the ship" should be given leave whenever possible. plenty of liberty reduces break-leave to a minimum, and also reduces inebriety to a marked extent. attention to the points of administration enumerated above will go far to create in the fleet, not only comfort and happiness but, that constant readiness for emergency which is the result of a high state of discipline. { } index abd-el-al, abd-el-hamid, , abu klea, battle of, - a.d.c. to prince of wales, appointed, to queen victoria, appointed, adeane, commander, admiral, the making of, - admiralty affronted, confusion at, documents stolen, and lord charles' soudan service, lord charles appointed junior lord of, reprimanded by, resignation of lord charles, afterguard, aground, _tribune_, ahmed arabi, . see arabi pasha mahomet, albania, strange adventure in, alexandria, action at, attack on lord charles at, fortifications at, issue of proclamation, operations outside, - police work at, - refugees from, riot in, squadron at, troops assisting at, visit to, water supply failing, algeçiras conference, ali fehmi, alison, general sir a., american flag incident, ammunition, discoveries of, outside alexandria, reserve, inadequacy of, animals on board ship, arab courage, lad shot, arabi pasha, dismissed, condemned, armament, secondary, essential, arms, defective, army, inclined to join, _arrow_, the affair of the lorcha, assouan, lord charles at, atlantic fleet created, australia, voyage to, in _galatea_, australian squadron, suggested command of, bab-el-kebir, , bahadur, sir jung, balfour, mr., and need for war staff, bare feet, baring, sir evelyn, , bayford school, bear, fight with a, bell, mr. moberly, benbow, mr., , commended, benicia, bentham, deputy-inspector-general, beresford, admiral sir john poo, xxv commissioner john, xviii lord william, lord marcus and the sharpers, marshal, xix bimbashi (camel), , , bismarck, a talk with, _black prince_, blasphemy, boa constrictor killed, boar, encounter with, , boardman, captain, commands naval contingent in soudan, appreciation of work of, , boat-pulling. see also _gazelle_; , , - boat-race, women's, boat-races, , , , - boat-sailing, boiler of _safieh_ repaired, , boiler plates, _bombay_, burning of, _bordein_, s., , , , _bounty_ mutiny, bowles, admiral william, boxers, famous, boyd-carpenter's (dr.) remarkable story, brabazon's, colonel, account of attack on convoy, bradford, major, brandreth, commander thomas, "break-up of china," bright-work discouraged, _britannia_ training ship, , officers of, brothers, lord charles beresford's, vii browne, major-general sam, bull, incident of, bulldog, lord charles, buller, sir redvers, , , , , , , _bulwark_, flag hoisted in, burnaby, colonel, , death of, butt, isaac, , cable, hemp and chain, cadet, naval, appointed, cadets, training of, _cæsar_, flag hoisted in, calcutta, visit to, camel corps equipment, incident, race, camels. see bimbashi invented saddle for, repairing with oakum, shortage of, sufferings of, cameron, mr., , cannibal, talk with, canton, bombardment of, cape town, visit to, _captain_, disaster to, _carysfort_, casualties of desert column, cawnpore memorial, prince's visit to, certificate, signing of, ceylon, climate of, changes in channel, nore, and home fleets, in shipbuilding, proposed, channel fleet, in command of, , reductions and changes, royal visit to, channel squadron ( ), chaplain, influence of, chatham dockyard, appointment at, terminates, chefoo, _chicago_, chicago, lord charles at, china, inspection of armies in, - lord charles sails for, summary of reforms advocated, chinese army, scheme of reorganisation, commercial integrity, ching, prince, cholera at calcutta, churchill, lord randolph, resignation of, clifton, captain, _clio_, , clippers, famous opium, coal in vancouver, discovery of, cockfighting at manila, cockroaches, racing, coffer-dam, coincidence, , columns. see desert, and nile colvin, mr. auckland, command, first independent, commendations, special, , , , compensation to alexandrians, _condor_, action of, at alexandria, appointed to, , gives up command of, signal to, constituencies, invitations from, , convicts at perth, convoy, attack on, coode, captain trevenen p., cordite, danger of heat, corfu, correspondent, newspaper, troublesome, desire to act as, shot, council of defence, , courage of arabs, court-martial, trial by, crete, insurrection in, - cruisers, deficiency of, crutchley, general, curraghmore, description of, viii-xii custance, admiral sir r. n., dacres, rear-admiral sydney c., dal cataract, lord charles at, dawson, lieutenant douglas, daymen, decapitation in japan, _defence_, defence, council of. see council delaval, lord, death of, delavals, the, xvi democracy and war, , denman, rear-admiral the hon. j., desert column, , , , casualties, composition of, in disorder, march back to korti, sir r. buller's dispatch _re_, zeriba, desertions at san francisco, diaz, visit to president, discipline, , reform of, discomforts of the old navy, of nile steamer, of the nile, disgrace, in, disraeli, memories of, on the party system, dockyard appointment, dowell, rear-admiral wm., , doyle, sir hastings, dress, the sailor's, drunkenness, , dufferin, lord, dunsmuir, mr., duties, various, of a ship's crew, earle, general, killed, east marylebone, elected for, eden, captain charles, , edinburgh, duke of, attempt to assassinate, visit to japan of, edward, king. see king egyptian war, beginning of trouble, election incidents, , elephant hunting, , - in _galatea_, elephants, regiment of, el-teb, emma, queen, empress dowager, engine, repairing, essays by officers, , estimate of naval needs, estimates, signing the, . see navy etiquette, naval, _eurydice_ training frigate, capsizing of, remarkable story _re_, examination for navy, _excellent_, execution of murderer, experience in routine work, etc., necessity of, explosion of gun-cotton, of shell from _condor_, on _thunderer_, falkland islands, family history. see history home. see curraghmore memorials, ix farm, model, fayrer, surgeon-general, _fersaat_, fight at malta, over boat-race, fisher, captain john, sir john, improvements in mediterranean fleet, fishing incidents, - fit, keeping, fitzgerald, admiral penrose, , , flag rank, earlier promotion to, advocated, , flogging abolished, question of, forecastlemen, foretopmen, forging of cheques, , freemason, made a, french, sir john, _galatea_, diversion, in japan, gardner gun, , , , jamming of, gardner, miss, engagement to, gascoigne, captain, , , _gazelle_, gemai, germany's, emperor of, visit to gibraltar, visit to skagen, gibbs, flag-lieutenant, , gibraltar, emperor of germany visits, gillford, captain, gladstone, mr. w. e., and compensation to alexandrians, glanville, john, , gleichen, count, , , gordon, general, , urgent messages from, , , , , letters from, steamers sent by, death of, goschen, mr., conversation with, _goshawk_, graham, major-general sir g., , , sir james, grenfell, vice-admiral sir h., gubat, desert column at, gun-cotton, explosion of, gun explosion on _thunderer_, gunners, gunnery, british and american, in the _marlborough_, on china station, gun reserve, inadequacy of, hall's, captain w. h., recommendations, hamilton, lord george, on lord charles' resignation, sir r. vesey, hammill, commander, , _hannibal_ rams _prince george_, hara-kiri, harris, captain robert, , , sir augustus, hartington, lord, telegram from, haulage of boats on nile. see whaleboats, and steamers hawsers, wire, first used, heaton, mr. henniker, lieutenant w. h., _hecla_, torpedo school, _hercules_, _hibernia_, hicks pasha and staff, hildyard, general sir h., history of family, xii-xxii _hohenzollern_, home fleet, of family. see curraghmore hornby's, admiral phipps, views on, cabinet and sea lords, horse-racing and riding, - horses, runaway, saving, hot springs in new zealand, _howe_, salving of, humour, irish, hunting, , , - hurricane (pampero) at buenos aires, at port mercy, at vancouver, idlers, illumination of _marlborough_, _illustrious_ training ship, , imperial defence, committee of, naval defence, improvements, value of minor, incidents, amusing, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , india, visit of prince to, ingram, mr., instructions to admirals in egypt, intelligence department. see naval intervention, european, in egypt, ionian islands, ireland, rent question in, royal residence in, advocated, visit of duke and duchess of york, irish characteristics, irishman, a frenzied, irishmen in united states, irishmen's honour, irish politics ( ), , ismailia, journey to, ito, marquess, interviews with, jackson, mr. john, jakdul, arrival of desert column, japan, in, , old, jokes, practical, , , , , , jones, "ninepin," josé salvatro, , kang yu wei, flight of, kanwah island, keppel, hon. sir henry, lieutenant colin, , , kerry election ( ), khartoum, fall of, in danger, , , steamers start for, sir charles wilson's voyage to, khashm-el-mus, khedive, appointment to staff of, message of congratulation from, in danger, of egypt. see tewfik kiao-chao, , , kinder, mr., kingcome, admiral, king edward visits _bulwark_, _king edward_, h.m.s., hoists flag in, kitchener, major, , korti, lord charles' journey to, naval brigade arrives at, kuang hsu, emperor, , kukri, land question in ireland, leave, question of, , lesseps, m. de, protest of, lewis, mr. george, li hung chang, line, crossing the, loan, demand for, twenty-one million, london chamber of commerce, address before, banquet to lord charles, lytton, lord, machine guns, m'neill's zeriba engagement, magellan, straits of, first ironclads to pass through, _magnificent_, building of, mahan, admiral, , mahdi, death of, mahdi's skull, mahmoud sami pasha, maintopmen, _majestic_, malta, precautions against, incidents at, _malwa_ rammed, maniac, troubled by, manila, visit to, manning of ships, manoeuvres, lectures on, maoris, marabout fort, , , marconi wireless telegraphy, _marlborough_, outbreak of fire, marriage, martin, sir wm. fanshawe, and reform of discipline, massacre of foreigners in egypt, masts out of proportion, mate, rank of, abolished, mauritius, arrival at, may, surgeon-general a. w., , medals received, mediterranean, appointed second in command, appointed to command, fleet, improvements in, fleet deficiencies, , haul down flag, _melita_, memorandum on organisation for war, memorials, family, ix _memories of the sea_, , merchant ships and signalling, mercy, port, mernat, , metemmeh, attack on, mexico, visit to, mex lines, keeping the, middleton, captain r. w., midwife, acting as, mikado, visit to, military instruction in schools, mine-dropping experiments, mines, trawlers to sweep for, mizentopmen, montagu's, the hon. v., reminiscences of sir h. keppel, montgomerie, lieutenant r. a. j., morant, rear-admiral, morley, lord, and the mahdi's skull incident, motor-car race, mullet, a huge red, mustard, a bottle of, nanking, lord charles' visit to, nares, lieutenant george s., _nautilus_ submarine, naval brigade in soudan, casualties, endurance of, under lord charles, , naval defence act, , , intelligence department (commercial branch), formed, need for, salaries reduced, works bill, navigation in _marlborough_, navy estimates, signing the, of - challenged, navy, , numbers and description, league founded, lord charles enters the, the new, the old, _nelson and his times_, nepal, prince in, newchang, newspaper correspondent. see correspondent new york, lord charles at, nile column, , , _nineteenth century_, article in, noel, commander gerard (memorandum on training), noel's, captain, feat of seamanship, admiral, action in crete, northbrook's, lord, declaration _re_ navy, north sea incident, norwegian waters, cruise in, nucleus crew system, nuggar, wreck of captain gascoigne's, nuggars (native boats on nile), , officers' pay inadequate, oil fuel, olden, quartermaster, saves raiding party, omdurman, report of fall of, "open door" policy, operations, delicate, organisation for war, plans in mediterranean fleet, orhwalder, father, letter of, _orontes_, _osborne_, royal yacht, appointed to, boat-racing, osman digna, ottley's, lieutenant, invention of mines, pampero, parkes, sir harry, attack on, parliament ( ), parnell, mr., party system, views on, , pay of officers inadequate, pekin, arrival at, personnel, deficiency in, , petty officer rating, phillimore, captain augustus, physique, lord charles', viii pieter both mountain, ascent of, pig, riding a, piggott, captain c. r., , police, appointed chief of, political events ( - ), politics in ireland ( ), polo-playing, first, in england, portage of boats. see whaleboats portraits, family, x _prince george_, accident to, prisons, inspector of, probyn, major-general, proclamation, issue of, , promoted, , , , , , , promotion dinner, of officers, question of, to flag rank earlier advocated, , , provisions, sending, to officers at front, prussia, prince henry of, punishments, _raleigh_, wreck of, "ram," proposal to abolish the, _ramillies_, hoists flag in, ranches in mexico, rating, alteration in, rations, meagre, , rent question in ireland, reed, sir edward, rees, first lieutenant w. s., reform of discipline, of prison rules, party in china, views of, reforms advocated in house of commons, in china advocated, summary of, reis threatened, repairs, ability to execute, , new system in mediterranean, requirements of the time, _research_, resignation from board of admiralty, review of , richards, sir frederick, , riot in alexandria, river column. see nile roberts, lieutenant, rojdesvenski, admiral, ross, mr. john, great assistance given by, appreciation of lord charles beresford, routine of work on the nile, , royal commission on administration of the navy and army, family's interest in navy, irish regiment's fine march, marines, heroism of, royle, hon. charles, russell, dr. wm. howard, , russian baltic fleet incident, _safieh_, s., , , , , boiler injured, , raiding expeditions in, , sail-drill in _marlborough_, sailing feats, sail-making, , saint paul's cathedral, dean of, and leighton memorial, salisbury, lord, on policy in egypt, and lord charles' memorandum, sandwich islands, san francisco, , _sanspareil_, saving life, , scarborough, channel fleet visits, school, bayford, schoolfellows, schooner in distress, scott, captain percy, scrapes, getting into, , , , , , , , scurvy, , seamanship, feat of, , in the _tribune_, _seignelay_, salving of, _serapis_, servants, two faithful, service in soudan not credited to lord charles, seymour's, admiral sir e. h., book, , , shanghai, lord charles at, sharks, shendi, , shipbuilding programme required, , transition from wood to iron, ship's personality, ships, weakness of, shooting incidents, - shouting on deck, signalling incident at alexandria, value of knowledge of, with merchant ships, signalmen, new drill for, smart, rear-admiral r., souakim-berber route, expedition, soudan war of - , summary of, preparations, withdrawal of troops from, southwell, lord, spearing fish, spencer programme, sport in india, in japan, sporting incident, , springs, hot, in new zealand, squadron at alexandria, details of, stealing stores, steam, prejudice against, , steam reserve, appointed captain of, steamers on nile, haulage of, sent by general gordon, , stephenson, admiral sir h. f., stewart, captain w. h., colonel, murder of, sir h., arrives at korti, wounded, death of, "still" bugle-call, introduction of, sting-ray, a huge, stores, destruction of, stuart-wortley, lieutenant, brings news of disaster, voyage of, submarine, an early, _nautilus_, submarines purchased, suez canal, purchase of shares, suffield, lord, suite of prince of wales, , surf-playing, surgical operation, sutherland, duke of, _sutlej_, , tahiti, _talakawiyeh_, s., , , talbot, colonel the hon. r., march with wounded, tamaai, tarpon fishing, tattooing, telegram, delayed, tel-el-kebir, victory of, , telephone, early working model of, _téméraire_, ashore at alexandria, feat of seamanship, temperance, an address on, teneriffe, flags at, _terrible_, _tewfikiyeh_, s., tewfik pasha, , thompson, colonel r. m., , three admirals, the report of, "three brothers'" race, _thunderer_, appointed to, tientsin, lord charles at, treaty of. see treaty tokio, lord charles at, tombs, family, ix torpedo, the whitehead, trafalgar centenary celebration at malta, training, new system advocated, of cadets, , (sir james graham), training ship _britannia_, _illustrious_, treaty of tientsin, _tribune_, trincomalee, visit to, troopship service, tryon, captain, sir george, tsung-li yamen, visit to, turkish battleships, purchase of, turnpike incident, _turtle_, accident to, two-power standard, _undaunted_, appointed to command, as prize-winner, high compliments paid to, _undaunted_, salves _seignelay_, touches a rock, uniform, lack of rules regarding, united states, third visit to, squadron, visit of, unpreparedness for war, valparaiso, bombardment of, vancouver, vesuvius, ascent of, victoria, queen, and change of officers, commended by, congratulated by, _victoria and albert_, royal yacht, boat-racing, villiers, mr. frederic, voting in parliament, independent, voyageurs, , accidents to, wad habeshi, effect of fight at, wadi halfa, , , wales, prince of, appointed a.d.c. to, at dinner to lord charles, visit to portsmouth dockyard, visit to india, war plans in mediterranean fleet, warrant-officers, _warrior_, war staff, constituted, need of, washington, lord charles at, watch, keeping, watch-bills, waterfall, shooting the, waterford, elected for, lose seat, members of parliament, waterford, lord, death of, , watertight compartments, wauchope, major-general a. g., weakness in new steel ships, wei-hai-wei, whaleboats on the nile, , , , , , , , , portage, white, sir william, whitehead torpedo, wilkinson's, mr. spenser, "command of the sea" articles, wilson, captain, john crawford, wilson, vice-admiral sir a. k., wilson's, sir charles, book, report of abu idea fight, voyage lo khartoum, wingate's, sir f. r., letter to lord wolseley, wolseley, sir garnet, appreciation of his campaign in egypt, appointed commander-in-chief, soudan, appointed to staff of, arrival at ismailia, and staff at cairo, wolseley, sir g., at wadi halfa, woolwich, m.p. for, wyllie, mr. w. l., wyndham's land act, yokohama, arrival at, york election, resigns seat at, yuan shih kai, , yung lu, a talk with, zeriba of desert column, zohrab pasha, _printed by_ morrison & gibb limited _edinburgh_ http://www.archive.org/details/serviceafloatwar semmrich [illustration: adml. r. semmes. kelly piet & co. baltimore] memoirs of service afloat, during the war between the states. by admiral raphael semmes, of the late confederate states navy, author of "service afloat and ashore, during the mexican war." illustrated with steel engraved portraits and six engravings from original designs printed in chromo-tints. baltimore: kelly, piet & co., baltimore street. new york, l. p. levy; louisville, ky., f. i. dibble & co.; st. louis, mo., j. hart & co.; richmond, va., r. t. taylor; new orleans, la., c. w. jarratt; san francisco, cal., h. h. bancroft & co. london: richard bentley. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by kelly, piet & co. in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states for the district of maryland. press of kelly, piet & co. to the memory of those sailors and soldiers of the southern states, who lost their lives, in the war between the states in defence of the liberties which had been bequeathed to them by their fathers, this volume is respectfully and affectionately inscribed by the author. preface. a number of publications have appeared, first and last, concerning the author and his career, as was naturally to have been expected. the _alabama_ was the first steamship in the history of the world--the defective little _sumter_ excepted--that was let loose against the commerce of a great commercial people. the destruction which she caused was enormous. she not only alarmed the enemy, but she alarmed all the other nations of the earth which had commerce afloat, as they could not be sure that a similar scourge, at some future time, might not be let loose against themselves. the _alabama_, in consequence, became famous. it was the fame of steam. as a matter of course, she attracted the attention of the book-makers--those cormorants ever on the lookout for a "speculation." a number of ambitious _literateurs_ entered the seductive field. but it was easier, as they soon found, to enter the field than to explore it, and these penny-a-liners all made miserable failures,--not even excepting the london house of saunders, otley & co., to whom the author was induced to loan his journals, in the hope that something worthy of his career might be produced. to those who have chanced to see the "log of the _sumter_ and _alabama_," produced by that house, it will be unnecessary to say that the author had no hand in its preparation. he did not write a line for it, nor had he any interest whatever in the sale of it, as the loan of his journals had been entirely gratuitous. so far as his own career was concerned, the author would gladly have devolved the labor of the historian on other shoulders, if this had been possible. but it did not seem to be possible, after the experiments that had been made. with all the facilities afforded the london house referred to, a meagre and barren record was the result. the cause is sufficiently obvious. the cruise of a ship is a biography. the ship becomes a personification. she not only "walks the waters like a thing of life," but she speaks in moving accents to those capable of interpreting her. but her interpreter must be a seaman, and not a landsman. he must not only be a seaman, he must have made the identical cruise which he undertakes to describe. it will be seen, hence, that the career of the author was a sealed book to all but himself. a landsman could not even interpret his journals, written frequently in the hieroglyphics of the sea. a line, or a bare mark made by himself, which to other eyes would be meaningless would for him be fraught with the inspiration of whole pages. besides, the _alabama_ had an inside as well as an outside life. she was a microcosm. if it required a seaman to interpret her as to her outside life, much more did it require one to give an intelligible view of the little world that she carried in her bosom. no one but an eye-witness, and that witness himself a sailor, could unveil to an outside world the domestic mysteries of the every-day life of jack, and portray him in his natural colors, as he worked and as he played. the following pages may, therefore, be said to be the first attempt to give anything like a truthful picture of the career of the author upon the high seas, during the late war, to the public. in their preparation the writer has discarded the didactic style of the historian, and adopted that of memoir writing, as better suited to his subject. this style gave him more latitude in the description of persons and events, and relieved him from some of the fetters of a mere writer of history. there are portions of the work, however, purely historical, and these have been treated with the gravity and dignity which became them. in short, the author has aimed to produce what the title of his book imports--an historical memoir of his services afloat during the war. that his book will be generally read by the northern people he does not suppose. they are scarcely in a temper yet to read anything he might write. the wounds which he has inflicted upon them are too recent. besides, men do not willingly read unpalatable truths of themselves. the people of america being sovereign, they are like other sovereigns,--they like those best who fool them most, by pandering to their vices and flattering their foibles. the author, not being a flatterer, cannot expect to be much of a favorite at the court of the demos. a word now as to the feeling with which the author has written. it has sometimes been said that a writer of history should be as phlegmatic and unimpassioned as the judge upon the bench. if the reader desires a dead history, in other words, a history devoid of the true spirit of history, the author assents to the remark. but if he desires a living, moving, breathing picture of events--a _personam_ instead of a _subjectam_, the picture must not be undertaken by one who does not feel something of that which he writes. such a terrible war as that through which we have passed could not be comprehended by a stolid, phlegmatic writer, whose pulse did not beat quicker while he wrote. when all the higher and holier passions of the human heart are aroused in a struggle--when the barbarian is at your door with the torch of the incendiary in one hand, and the uplifted sword of diabolical revenge in the other,--_feeling_ is an important element in the real drama that is passing before the eyes of the beholder. to attempt to describe such a drama with the cold words of philosophy, is simply ridiculous. if the acts be not described in words suited to portray their infamy, you have a lie instead of history. nor does it follow that feeling necessarily overrides judgment. all passions blind us if we give free rein to them; but when they are held in check, they sharpen, instead of obscuring the intellect. in a well-balanced mind, feeling and judgment aid each other; and he will prove the most successful historian who has the two in a just equipoise. but though the author has given vent occasionally to a just indignation, he has not written in malice. he does not know the meaning of the word. he has simply written as a southern man might be supposed to think and feel, treading upon the toes of his enemies as tenderly as possible. if he has been occasionally plain-spoken, it is because he has used the english language, which calls a rogue a rogue, notwithstanding his disguises. when the author has spoken of the yankee and his "grand moral ideas," he has spoken rather of a well-known type than of individual men. if the reader will bear these remarks in mind as he goes along, he will find them a key to some of the passages in the book. in describing natural phenomena, the author has ventured upon some new suggestions. he submits these with great diffidence. meteorology is yet a new science, and many developments of principles remain to be made. anchorage, near mobile, ala., _december, _. contents. chapter i. page a brief historical retrospect chapter ii. the nature of the american compact chapter iii. from the foundation of the federal government down to , both the north and the south held the constitution to be a compact between the states chapter iv. was secession treason? chapter v. another brief historical retrospect chapter vi. the question of slavery as it affected secession chapter vii. the formation of the confederate government, and the resignation of officers of the federal army and navy chapter viii. author proceeds to montgomery, and reports to the new government, and is dispatched northward on a special mission chapter ix. the commissioning of the sumter, the first confederate states ship of war chapter x. the preparation of the sumter for sea--she drops down between the forts jackson and st. philip--receives her sailing orders-- list of her officers chapter xi. after long waiting and watching, the sumter runs the blockade of the mississippi, in open daylight, pursued by the brooklyn chapter xii. brief sketch of the officers of the sumter--her first prize, with other prizes in quick succession chapter xiii. rapid work--seven prizes in two days--the sumter makes her first port, and what occurred there chapter xiv. the sumter on the wing again--she is put wholly under sail for the first time--reaches the island of curaçoa, and is only able to enter after a diplomatic fight chapter xv. the sumter at curaçoa--her surroundings--preparations for sea-- her captain solicited to become a warwick--her departure--the capture of other prizes--puerto cabello, and what occurred there chapter xvi. steaming along the coast of venezuela--the coral insect, and the wonders of the deep--the andes and the rainy season--the sumter enters the port of spain in the british island of trinidad chapter xvii. on the way to maranham--the weather and the winds--the sumter runs short of coal, and is obliged to "bear up"--cayenne and paramaribo, in french and dutch guiana--sails again, and arrives at maranham, in brazil chapter xviii. the sumter at maranham--more diplomacy necessary--the hotel porto and its proprietor--a week on shore--ship coals and sails again chapter xix. the sumter at martinique--proceeds from fort de france to st. pierre--is an object of much curiosity with the islanders--news of the arrest of messrs. mason and slidell, on board the british mail steamer, the trent--mr. seward's extraordinary course on the occasion chapter xx. arrival at st. pierre of the enemy's steam-sloop iroquois--how she violates the neutrality of the port--arrival of the french steamer-of-war acheron--the iroquois blockades the sumter-- correspondence with the governor--escape of the sumter chapter xxi. the sumter pursues her voyage across the atlantic--capture and burning of the arcade, vigilant, and ebenezer dodge--a leaky ship and a gale--an alarm of fire! chapter xxii. voyage across the atlantic pursued--christmas-day on board the sumter--cape fly-away, and the curious illusion produced by it--the sumter passes from the desert parts of the sea into a tract of commerce once more--boards a large fleet of ships in one day, but finds no enemy among them--arrival at cadiz chapter xxiii. annoyance of the spanish officials--short correspondence with the u. s. consul--the telegraph put in operation by the officials between cadiz and madrid--the sumter is ordered to leave in twenty-four hours--declines obedience to the order-- prisoners land, and ship docked after much ado--deserters-- sumter leaves cadiz chapter xxiv. the sumter off cadiz--the pillars of hercules--gibraltar-- capture of the enemy's ships neapolitan and investigator--a conflagration between europe and africa--the sumter anchors in the harbor of gibraltar; the rock; the town; the military; the review, and the alameda chapter xxv. the sumter still at gibraltar--ship crowded with visitors--a ride over the rock with colonel freemantle--the galleries and other subterranean wonders--a dizzy height, and the queen of spain's chair--the monkeys and the neutral ground chapter xxvi. the sumter in trouble--finds it impossible to coal, by reason of a combination against her, headed by the federal consul-- applies to the british government for coal, but is refused-- sends her paymaster and ex-consul tunstall to cadiz--they are arrested and imprisoned in tangier--correspondence on the subject--the sumter laid up and sold chapter xxvii. author leaves gibraltar and arrives in london--mr. commissioner mason--confederate naval news--short sojourn in london--author embarks on board the steamer melita for nassau--receives new orders from the navy department--returns to liverpool chapter xxviii. a brief _resumé_ of the history of the war, from the date of the commissioning the sumter, to the commissioning of the alabama--secretary mallory and the difficulties by which he was surrounded--the reorganization of the confederate states navy chapter xxix. the legality of the equipment of the alabama, and a few precedents for her career, drawn from the history of the war of chapter xxx. the equipment of the alabama illustrated by that of sundry colonial cruisers during the war of --benjamin franklin and silas deane sent to paris as chiefs of a naval bureau--the surprise and the revenge--captains wickes and conyngham, and commodore john paul jones chapter xxxi. author leaves liverpool to join the alabama--arrives at terceira--description of the alabama--preparing her for sea-- the portuguese authorities--the commissioning of the ship--a picture of her birth and death--captain bullock returns to england--the alabama on the high seas chapter xxxii. the alabama a ship of war, and not a privateer--sketch of the personnel of the ship--putting the ship in order for service-- sail and steam--the character of the sailor--the first blow is struck at the whale fishery--the habitat and habits of the whale--capture of the ocmulgee chapter xxxiii. capture of the starlight; ocean rover; alert; weather gauge--a chase by moonlight--capture of the altamaha; virginia; elisha dunbar--a rough sea, toiling boats, and a picturesque conflagration in a gale chapter xxxiv. the yankee colony of the island of flores--what the captains of the virginia and elisha dunbar said of the alabama when they got back among their countrymen--the whaling season at the azores at an end--the alabama changes her cruising ground--what she saw and what she did chapter xxxv. capricious weather of the gulf stream--capture of the packet-ship tonawanda; of the manchester and lafayette--a cyclone, the alabama's first gale--how she behaved chapter xxxvi. the physiognomy of ships--capture of the lafayette--decree of the admiralty court on board the alabama in her case, and in that of the lauretta--the criticisms of the new york press-- further evidence of the rotary nature of the winds--the lauretta captured--the crenshaw captured--the new york chamber of commerce cries aloud in pain--capture of the baron de castine, and of the levi starbuck--capture of the t. b. wales--lady prisoners chapter xxxvii. the calm-belts and the trade-winds--the arrival of the alabama at the island of martinique--the curiosity of the islanders to see the ship--a quasi mutiny among the crew, and how it was quelled chapter xxxviii. the alabama at martinique--is blockaded by the enemy's steamer san jacinto--how she escaped the old wagon--the island of blanquilla, the alabama's new rendezvous--coaling ship--a yankee skipper and his alarm--how the officers and men amused themselves at this island--the alabama sails again--capture of the parker cooke, union, and steamer ariel chapter xxxix. the alabama is disabled by an accident, and stops to repair her machinery--proceeds to her new rendezvous at the arcas islands, and thence to galveston--engagement with the united states steamer hatteras, which she sinks chapter xl. the alabama proceeds to jamaica, where she lands her prisoners and refits--her commander visits the country--intercourse with the english naval officers--earl russell's letter--preparations for sea--a boat race by moonlight, in which strange tactics are practised--captain blake of the hatteras complains of "dixie" being played by the english bands--how the matter is settled chapter xli. departure from jamaica--capture of the golden rule--coasting the island of hayti--capture of the castelaine--the old city of st. domingo and its reminiscences--the dominican convent and the palace of diego columbus--capture of the palmetto, the olive jane, and the golden eagle--how the roads are blazed out upon the sea--captain maury chapter xlii. the crossing of the th parallel--the toll-gate upon the sea-- how the travellers pass along the highway--capture of the washington; john a. parks; the bethia taylor; the punjaub; the morning star; the kingfisher; the charles hill; and the nora-- alabama crosses the equator--capture of the louisa hatch-- arrival at fernando de noronha chapter xliii. fernando de noronha--its famous peak--is a penal settlement of brazil--a visit from the governor's ambassadors--a visit to the governor in return--the aristocracy of the island--capture of the lafayette and the kate cory--burning of these two ships with the louisa hatch--prisoners sent to pernambuco--the cloud ring and the rainy and dry seasons chapter xliv. the alabama leaves fernando de noronha for a cruise on the coast of brazil--enters the great highway, and begins to overhaul the travellers--capture of the whalers nye; dorcas prince; union jack; sea lark--a reverend consul taken prisoner--alabama goes into bahia--what occurred there--arrival of the georgia--alabama proceeds to sea again--capture of the gildersleeve; the justina; the jabez snow; the amazonian; and the talisman chapter xlv. the alabama continues her cruise on the coast of brazil-- american ships under english colors--the enemy's carrying-trade in neutral bottoms--the capture of the conrad--she is commissioned as a confederate states cruiser--the highways of the sea, and the tactics of the federal secretary of the navy-- the phenomena of the winds in the southern hemisphere--arrival at saldanha bay, on the coast of africa chapter xlvi. the connecting thread of the history of the war taken up--a brief review of the events of the last twelve months, during which the alabama has been commissioned--the alabama arrives at cape town--capture of the sea-bride--excitement thereupon-- correspondence between the u. s. consul and the governor on the subject of the capture chapter xlvii. a gale at cape town--the alabama gets under way for simon's town--capture of the martha wenzell--the tuscaloosa--her status as a ship of war considered--she proceeds to sea--the alabama follows her--they, with the sea-bride, rendezvous at angra pequeña chapter xlviii. the alabama on the indian ocean--the passengers questioned, and contracted with--the agulhas current--the brave west winds--a theory--the islands of st. peter and st. paul--the tropic of capricorn--the south-east trade-winds, and the monsoons--the alabama arrives off the strait of sunda--capture of the amanda--runs in and anchors under the coast of sumatra chapter xlix. the alabama passes through the strait of sunda, seeing nothing of the wyoming--burns the winged racer just inside of the strait--the malay boatmen, and their alarm--alabama makes for the gaspar strait, and burns the contest, after an exciting chase--she passes through the carimata passage--discharges her prisoners into an english ship--miniature sea-serpents--the currents--island of pulo condore--arrives at singapore chapter l. the alabama at singapore--panic among the enemy's shipping in the china seas--the multitude flock to see the alabama--curious rumor concerning a portion of her crew--the author rides to the country and spends a night--the chinese in possession of the business of singapore--alabama leaves singapore--capture of the martaban, alias texan star--alabama touches at malacca--capture of the highlander, and sonora--alabama once more in the indian ocean chapter li. the alabama crosses the bay of bengal--the pilgrims to mecca, and how they received her boarding-officer--the burning of the emma jane--the town of anjenga, and the hindoos--the great deserts of central asia, and the cotton crop of hindoston--the alabama crosses the arabian sea--the animalculæ of the sea--the comoro islands--johanna, and its arab population--the alabama passes through the mozambique channel--arrives at the cape of good hope chapter lii. the alabama again in cape town--the seizure of the tuscaloosa, and the discussion which grew out of it--correspondence between the author and admiral walker--action of the home government, and release of the tuscaloosa chapter liii. the alabama at the cape of good hope--leaves on her return to europe--capture of the rockingham, and of the tycoon--she crosses the equator into the northern hemisphere, and arrives at cherbourg on the th of june, --the engagement between the alabama and the kearsarge chapter liv. other incidents of the battle between the alabama and the kearsarge--the rescue of a portion of the crew of the alabama by the english steam-yacht deerhound--the united states government demands that they be given up--the british government refuses compliance--the rescued persons not prisoners--the inconsistency of the federal secretary of the navy chapter lv. the federal government and the english steam-yacht deerhound-- mr. seward's despatch--mr. lancaster's letter to the "daily news"--lord russell's reply to mr. adams, on the subject of his complaint against mr. lancaster--presentation of a sword to the author by the clubs of england; of a flag by a lady chapter lvi. author makes a short visit to the continent--returns to london, and embarks on his return to the confederate states--lands at bagdad, near the mouth of the rio grande--journey through texas--reaches louisiana; crosses the mississippi, and reaches his home after an absence of four years chapter lvii. author sets out for richmond--is two weeks in making the journey--interview with president davis; with general lee-- author is appointed a rear-admiral, and ordered to command the james river squadron--assumes command--condition of the fleet-- great demoralization--the enemy's armies gradually increasing in numbers--lee's lines broken chapter lviii. the evacuation of richmond by the army--the destruction of the james river fleet--the sailors of the fleet converted into soldiers--their helpless condition without any means of transportation--the conflagration of richmond, and the entry of the enemy into the confederate capital--the author improvises a railroad train, and escapes in it, with his command, to danville, va. chapter lix. interview with president davis and secretary mallory--author's command organized as a brigade of artillery--the brigade marches to greensboro', n. c.--capitulation between general joseph e. johnston and general sherman--dispersion of johnston's command in consequence--author returns home, and is arrested--conclusion memoirs of service afloat. chapter i. a brief historical retrospect. the disruption of the american union by the war of was not an unforeseen event. patrick henry, and other patriots who struggled against the adoption of the federal constitution by the southern states, foretold it in burning words of prophecy; and when that instrument was adopted, when the great name and great eloquence of james madison had borne down all opposition, henry and his compatriots seemed particularly anxious that posterity should be informed of the manly struggle which they had made. henry said, "the voice of tradition, i trust, will inform posterity of our struggles for freedom. if our descendants be worthy of the name of americans, they will preserve, and hand down to the latest posterity, the transactions of the present times; and though i confess my explanations are not worth the hearing, they will see i have done my utmost to preserve their liberty." the wish of these patriotic men has been gratified. the record of their noble deeds, and all but inspired eloquence, has come down to posterity, and some, at least, of their descendants, "worthy of the name of americans," will accord to them the foremost rank in the long list of patriots and sages who illustrated and adorned our early annals. but posterity, too, has a history to record and hand down. we, too, have struggled to preserve our liberties, and the liberties of those who are to come after us; and the history of that struggle must not perish. the one struggle is but the complement of the other, and history would be incomplete if either were omitted. events have vindicated the wisdom of henry, and those who struggled with him against the adoption of the federal constitution. events will equally vindicate the wisdom of jefferson davis, and other confederate patriots, who endeavored to preserve that constitution, and hand it down, unimpaired, to their posterity. the wisdom of a movement is not always to be judged by its success. principles are eternal, human events are transitory, and it sometimes takes more than one generation or one revolution to establish a principle. at first sight, it may appear that there is some discordance between patrick henry and jefferson davis, as the one struggled against the adoption of the constitution, and the other to preserve it. but they were, in fact, both engaged in a similar struggle; the object of both being to preserve the sovereignty of their respective states. henry did not object so much to the nature of the partnership, into which his state was about to enter, as to the nature of the partners with whom she was about to contract. he saw that the two sections were dissimilar, and that they had different and antagonistic interests, and he was unwilling to trust to the _bona fides_ of the other contracting party. "i am sure," said he, "that the dangers of this system are real, when those who have no similar interests with the people of this country are to legislate for us--when our dearest interests are to be left in the hands of those whose advantage it will be to infringe them." the north, even at that early day, was in a majority in both houses of congress; it would be for the advantage of that majority to infringe the rights of the south; and henry, with much more knowledge of human nature than most of the southern statesmen of his era, refused to trust that majority. this was substantially the case with jefferson davis and those of us who followed his lead. we had verified the distrust of henry. what had been prophecy with him, had become history with us. we had had experience of the fact, that our partner-states of the north, who were in a majority, had trampled upon the rights of the southern minority, and we desired, as the only remedy, to dissolve the partnership into which henry had objected to entering--not so much because of any defect in the articles of copartnership, as for want of faith in our copartners. this was the wisdom of jefferson davis and his compatriots, which, i say, will be vindicated by events. a final separation of these states must come, or the south will be permanently enslaved. we endeavored to bring about the separation, and we sacrificed our fortunes, and risked our lives to accomplish it. like patrick henry, we have done our "utmost to preserve our liberties;" like him, we have failed, and like him, we desire that our record shall go down to such of our posterity as may be "worthy of the name of americans." the following memoirs are designed to commemorate a few of the less important events of our late struggle; but before i enter upon them, i deem it appropriate to give some "reason for the faith" that was in us, of the south, who undertook the struggle. the judgment which posterity will form upon our actions will depend, mainly, upon the answers which we may be able to give to two questions: first, had the south the right to dissolve the compact of government under which it had lived with the north? and, secondly, was there sufficient reason for such dissolution? i do not speak here of the right of revolution--this is inherent in all peoples, whatever may be their form of government. the very term "revolution" implies a forcible disruption of government, war, and all the evils that follow in the train of war. the thirteen original colonies, the germ from which have sprung these states, exercised the right of revolution when they withdrew their allegiance from the parent country. not so with the southern states when they withdrew from their copartnership with the northern states. they exercised a higher right. they did not form a part of a consolidated government, as the colonies did of the british government. they were sovereign, equally with the northern states, from which they withdrew, and exercised, as they believed, a peaceful right, instead of a right of revolution. had, then, the southern states the peaceful right to dissolve the compact of government under which they had lived with the north? a volume might be written in reply to this question, but i shall merely glance at it in these memoirs, referring the student to the history of the formation of the old confederacy, prior to the adoption of the constitution of the united states; to the "journal and debates of the convention of ," that formed this latter instrument; to the debates of the several state conventions which adopted it, to the "madison papers," to the "federalist," and to the late very able work of dr. bledsoe, entitled "is davis a traitor?" it will be sufficient for the purpose which i have in view--that of giving the reader a general outline of the course of reasoning, by which southern men justify their conduct in the late war--to state the leading features of the compact of government which was dissolved, and a few of its historical surroundings, about which there can be no dispute. the close of the war of independence of found the thirteen original colonies, which had waged that war, sovereign and independent states. they had, for the purpose of carrying on that war, formed a league, or confederation, and the articles of this league were still obligatory upon them. under these articles, a federal government had been established, charged with a few specific powers, such as conducting the foreign affairs of the confederacy, the regulation of commerce, &c. at the formation of this government, it was intended that it should be perpetual, and was so declared. it lasted, notwithstanding, only a few years, for peace was declared in , and the _perpetual_ government ceased to exist in . how did it cease to exist? by the _secession_ of the states. soon after the war, a convention of delegates met at annapolis, in maryland, sent thither by the several states, for the purpose of devising some more perfect means of regulating commerce. this was all the duty with which they were charged. upon assembling, it was found that several of the states were not represented in this convention, in consequence of which, the convention adjourned without transacting any business, and recommended, in an address prepared by alexander hamilton, that a new convention should be called at philadelphia, with enlarged powers. "the convention," says hamilton, "are more naturally led to this conclusion, as in their reflections on the subject, they have been induced to think, that the power of regulating trade is of such comprehensive extent, and will enter so far into the great system of the federal government, that to give it efficacy, and to obviate questions and doubts concerning its precise nature and limits, may require a corresponding adjustment in other parts of the _federal_ system. that these are important defects in the system of the federal government is acknowledged by the acts of those states, which have concurred in the present meeting. that the defects, upon closer examination, may be found greater and more numerous than even these acts imply, is at least, so far probable, from the embarrassments which characterize the present state of our national affairs, foreign and domestic, as may reasonably be supposed to merit a deliberate and candid discussion, in some mode which will unite the sentiments and counsels of all the states." the reader will observe that the government of the states, under the articles of confederation, is called a "federal government," and that the object proposed to be accomplished by the meeting of the new convention at philadelphia, was to _amend_ the constitution of that _government_. northern writers have sought to draw a distinction between the government formed under the articles of confederation, and that formed by the constitution of the united states, calling the one a league, and the other a government. here we see alexander hamilton calling the confederation a government--a federal government. it was, indeed, both a league and a government, as it was formed by sovereign states; just as the government of the united states is both a league and a government, for the same reason. the fact that the laws of the confederation, passed in pursuance of its league, or constitution, were to operate upon the _states_; and the laws of the united states were to operate upon the _individual citizens_ of the states, without the intervention of state authority, could make no difference. this did not make the latter more a government than the former. the difference was a mere matter of detail, a mere matter of machinery--nothing more. it did not imply more or less absolute sovereignty in the one case, than in the other. whatever of sovereignty had been granted, had been granted _by the states_, in both instances. the new convention met in philadelphia, on the th of may, , with instructions to devise and discuss "all such _alterations_, and _further_ provisions as may be necessary to render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of the union." we see, thus, that the very convention which framed the constitution of the united states, equally called the articles of confederation a constitution. it was, then, from a constitutional, federal government, that the states seceded when they adopted the present constitution of the united states! a convention of the states assembled with powers only to amend the constitution; instead of doing which, it abolished the old form of government altogether, and recommended a new one, and no one complained. as each state formally and deliberately adopted the new government, it as formally and deliberately seceded from the old one; and yet no one heard any talk of a breach of faith, and still less of treason. the new government was to go into operation when nine states should adopt it. but there were thirteen states, and if nine states only acceded to the new government, the old one would be broken up, as to the other four states, whether these would or not, and they would be left to provide for themselves. it was by no means the voluntary breaking up of a compact, _by all the parties to it_. it was broken up piece-meal, each state acting for itself, without asking the consent of the others; precisely as the southern states acted, with a view to the formation of a new southern confederacy. so far from the movement being unanimous, it was a long time before all the states came into the new government. rhode island, one of the northern states, which hounded on the war against the southern states, retained her separate sovereignty for two years before she joined the new government, not uttering one word of complaint, during all that time, that the old government, of which she had been a member, had been unduly broken up, and that she had been left to shift for herself. why was this disruption of the old government regarded as a matter of course? simply because it was a league, or treaty, between sovereign states, from which any one of the states had the right to withdraw at any time, without consulting the interest or advantage of the others. but, say the northern states, the constitution of the united states is a very different thing from the articles of confederation. it was formed, not by the states, but by the people of the united states in the aggregate, and made all the states one people, one government. it is not a compact, or league between the states, but an instrument under which they have surrendered irrevocably their sovereignty. under it, the federal government has become the paramount authority, and the states are subordinate to it. we will examine this doctrine, briefly, in another chapter. chapter ii. the nature of the american compact. the two principal expounders of the constitution of the united states, in the north, have been daniel webster and joseph story, both from massachusetts. webster was, for a long time, a senator in congress, and story a justice of the supreme court of the united states. the latter has written an elaborate work on the constitution, full of sophistry, and not always very reliable as to its facts. the great effort of both these men has been to prove, that the constitution is not a compact between the states, but an instrument of government, formed by the _people_ of the united states, as contra-distinguished from the states. they both admit, that if the constitution were a compact between the states, the states would have a right to withdraw from the compact--all agreements between states, in their sovereign capacity, being, necessarily, of no more binding force than treaties. these gentlemen are not always very consistent, for they frequently fall into the error of calling the constitution a compact, when they are not arguing this particular question; in short, it is, and it is not a compact, by turns, according to the use they intend to make of the argument. mr. webster's doctrine of the constitution, chiefly relied on by northern men, is to be found in his speech of , in reply to mr. calhoun. it is in that speech that he makes the admission, that if the constitution of the united states is a compact between the states, the states have the right to withdraw from it at pleasure. he says, "if a league between sovereign powers have no limitation as to the time of duration, and contains nothing making it perpetual, it subsists only during the good pleasure of the parties, although no violation be complained of. if in the opinion of either party it be violated, such party may say he will no longer fulfil its obligations, on his part, but will consider the whole league or compact as at an end, although it might be one of its stipulations that it should be perpetual." in his "commentaries on the constitution," mr. justice story says, "the obvious deductions which may be, and indeed have been drawn, from considering the constitution a _compact between states_, are, that it operates as a mere treaty, or convention between them, and has an obligatory force no longer than suits their pleasure, or their consent continues." the plain principles of public law, thus announced by these distinguished jurists, cannot be controverted. if sovereign states make a compact, although the object of the compact be the formation of a new government for their common benefit, they have the right to withdraw from that compact at pleasure, even though, in the words of mr. webster, "it might be one of its stipulations that it should be perpetual." there might, undoubtedly, be such a thing as state merger; that is, that two states, for instance, might agree that the sovereign existence of one of them should be merged in the other. in which case, the state parting with its sovereignty could never reclaim it by peaceable means. but where a state shows no intention of parting with its sovereignty, and, in connection with other states, all equally jealous of their sovereignty with herself, only delegates a part of it--never so large a part, if you please--to a common agent, for the benefit of the whole, there can have been no merger. this was eminently the case with regard to these united states. no one can read the "journal and debates of the philadelphia convention," or those of the several state conventions to which the constitution was submitted for adoption, without being struck with the scrupulous care with which all the states guarded their sovereignty. the northern states were quite as jealous, in this respect, as the southern states. next to massachusetts, new hampshire has been, perhaps, the most fanatical and bitter of the former states, in the prosecution of the late war against the south. that state, in her constitution, adopted in , three years after the federal constitution went into operation, inserted the following provision, among others, in her declaration of principles: "the people of this commonwealth have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves as a free, sovereign, and independent state; and do, and forever hereafter shall exercise and enjoy every power, jurisdiction, and right which is not, or may not hereafter be, by them, expressly delegated to the united states." although it was quite clear that the states, when they adopted the constitution of the united states, reserved, by implication, all the sovereign power, rights, and privileges that had not been granted away--as a power not given is necessarily withheld--yet so jealous were they of the new government they were forming, that several of them insisted, in their acts of ratification, that the constitution should be so amended as explicitly to declare this truth, and thus put it beyond cavil in the future. massachusetts expressed herself as follows, in connection with her ratification of the constitution: "as it is the opinion of this convention, that certain amendments and alterations in said constitution would remove the fears, and quiet the apprehensions of the good people of the commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the federal government, the convention do, therefore, recommend that the following alteration and provisions be introduced in said constitution: first, that it be explicitly declared, that all powers not delegated by the aforesaid constitution are reserved to the several states, to be by them exercised." webster and story had not yet arisen in massachusetts, to teach the new doctrine that the constitution had been formed by the "_people of the united states_," in contra-distinction to the people of the states. massachusetts did not speak in the name of any such people, but in her own name. she was not jealous of the remaining people of the united states, as fractional parts of a whole, of which she was herself a fraction, but she was jealous of them as _states_; as so many foreign peoples, with whom she was contracting. the powers not delegated were to be reserved to those _delegating_ them, to wit: the "_several states_;" that is to say, to each and every one of the states. virginia fought long and sturdily against adopting the constitution at all. henry, mason, tyler, and a host of other giants raised their powerful voices against it, warning their people, in thunder tones, that they were rushing upon destruction. tyler even went so far as to say that "british tyranny would have been more tolerable." so distasteful to her was the foul embrace that was tendered her, that she not only recommended an amendment of the constitution, similar to that which was recommended by massachusetts, making explicit reservation of her sovereignty, but she annexed a condition to her ratification, to the effect that she retained the right to withdraw the powers which she had granted, "whenever the same shall be perverted to her injury or oppression." north carolina urged the following amendment--the same, substantially, as that urged by virginia and massachusetts: "that each state in the union shall respectively [not aggregately] retain every power, jurisdiction, and right which is not by this constitution delegated to the congress of the united states, or to the departments of the federal government." pennsylvania guarded her sovereignty by insisting upon the following amendment: "all the rights of sovereignty which are not, by the said constitution, expressly and plainly vested in the congress, shall be deemed to remain with, and shall be exercised by the several states in the union." the result of this jealousy on the part of the states was the adoption of the th amendment to the constitution of the united states as follows: "the powers not delegated to the united states, by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states, or to the people." it is thus clear beyond doubt, that the states not only had no intention of merging their sovereignty in the new government they were forming, but that they took special pains to notify each other, as well as their common agent, of the fact. the language which i have quoted, as used by the states, in urging the amendments to the constitution proposed by them, was the common language of that day. the new government was a federal or confederate government--in the "federalist," it is frequently called a "confederation"--which had been created by the states for their common use and benefit; each state taking special pains, as we have seen, to declare that it retained all the sovereignty which it had not expressly granted away. and yet, in face of these facts, the doctrine has been boldly declared, in our day, that the constitution was formed by the people of the united states in the aggregate, as one nation, and that it has a force and vitality independent of the states, which the states are incompetent to destroy! the perversion is one not so much of doctrine as of history. it is an issue of fact which we are to try. it is admitted, that if the fact be as stated by our northern brethren, the conclusion follows: it is, indeed, quite plain, that if the states did not create the federal constitution, they cannot destroy it. but it is admitted, on the other hand, by both webster and story, as we have seen, that if they did create it, they may destroy it; nay, that any one of them may destroy it as to herself; that is, may withdraw from the compact at pleasure, with or without reason. it is fortunate for us of the south that the issue is so plain, as that it may be tried by the record. sophistry will sometimes overlie reason and blind men's judgment for generations; but sophistry, with all its ingenuity, cannot hide a fact. the speeches of webster and the commentaries of story have been unable to hide the fact of which i speak; it stands emblazoned on every page of our constitutional history. every step that was taken toward the formation of the constitution of the united states, from its inception to its adoption, was taken by the states, and not by the people of the united states in the aggregate. there was no such people known as the people of the united states, in the aggregate, at the time of the formation of the constitution. if there is any such people now, it was formed by the constitution. but this is not the question. the question now is, who formed the constitution, not what was formed by it? if it was formed by the states, admit our adversaries, it may be broken by the states. the delegates who met at annapolis were sent thither by the states, and not by the people of the united states. the convention of , which formed the constitution, was equally composed of members sent to philadelphia by the states. james madison was chosen by the people of virginia, and not by the people of new york; and alexander hamilton was chosen by the people of new york, and not by the people of virginia. every article, section, and paragraph of the constitution was voted for, or against, by states; the little state of delaware, not much larger than a single county of new york, off-setting the vote of that great state. and when the constitution was formed, to whom was it submitted for ratification? was there any convention of the people of the united states in the aggregate, as one nation, called for the purpose of considering it? did not each state, on the contrary, call its own convention? and did not some of the states accept it, and some of them refuse to accept it? it was provided that when nine states should accept it, it should go into operation; was it pretended that the vote of these nine states was to bind the others? is it not a fact, on the contrary, that the vote of eleven states did _not_ bind the other two? where was that great constituency, composed of the people of the united states in the aggregate, as one nation, all this time? "but," say those who are opposed to us in this argument, "look at the instrument itself, and you will see that it was framed by the people of the united states, and not by the states. does not its preamble read thus: 'we, the people of the united states, in order to form a more perfect union, &c., do ordain and establish this constitution for the united states of america'?" perhaps there has never been a greater literary and historical fraud practised upon any people, than has been attempted in the use to which these words have been put. and, perhaps, no equal number of reading and intelligent men has ever before submitted so blindly and docilely to be imposed upon by literary quackery and the legerdemain of words, as our fellow-citizens of the north have in accepting webster's and story's version of the preamble of the constitution. a brief history of the manner, in which the words, "we, the people," &c., came to be adopted by the convention which framed the constitution, will sufficiently expose the baldness of the cheat. the only wonder is, that such men as webster and story should have risked their reputations with posterity, on a construction which may so easily be shown to be a falsification of the facts of history. mr. webster, in his celebrated speech in the senate, in , in reply to mr. calhoun, made this bold declaration: "the constitution itself, in its very front, declares, that it was ordained and established by the people of the united states in the aggregate!" from that day to this, this declaration of mr. webster has been the chief foundation on which all the constitutional lawyers of the north have built their arguments against the rights of the states as sovereign copartners. if the preamble of the constitution stood alone, without the lights of contemporaneous history to reveal its true character, there might be some force in mr. webster's position; but, unfortunately for him and his followers, he has _misstated a fact_. it is not true, as every reader of constitutional history must know, that the constitution of the united states was ordained by the people of the united states in the aggregate; nor did the preamble to the constitution _mean to assert_ that it was true. the great names of webster, and story have been lent to a palpable falsification of history, and as a result of that falsification, a great war has ensued, which has sacrificed its hecatomb of victims, and desolated, and nearly destroyed an entire people. the poet did not say, without reason, that "words are things." now let us strip off the disguises worn by these word-mongers, and see where the truth really lies. probably some of my readers will learn, for the first time, the reasons which induced the framers of the constitution to adopt the phraseology, "we, the people," &c., in the formation of their preamble to that instrument. in the original draft of the constitution, the states, by name, were mentioned, as had been done in the articles of confederation. the states had formed the old confederation, the states were equally forming the new confederation; hence the convention naturally followed in their preamble the form which had been set them in the old constitution, or articles. this preamble, purporting that the work of forming the new government was being done by the states, remained at the head of the instrument _during all the deliberations of the convention_, and no one member ever objected to it. it expressed a fact which no one thought of denying. it is thus a fact beyond question, not only that the constitution was framed by the states, but that the convention so proclaimed in "_front of the instrument_." having been framed by the states, was it afterward adopted, or "ordained and established," to use the words of mr. webster, by the people of the united states, in the aggregate, and was this the reason why the words were changed? there were in the convention several members in favor of submitting the instrument to the people of the united states in the aggregate, and thereby accomplishing their favorite object of establishing a consolidated government--alexander hamilton and gouverneur morris among the number. on the "journal of the convention," the following record is found: "gouverneur morris moved that the reference of the plan [i. e. of the constitution] be made to one general convention, chosen and authorized by the people, to consider, amend, and establish the same." thus the question, as to who should "ordain and establish" the constitution, whether it should be the people in the aggregate, or the people of the states, was clearly presented to the convention. how did the convention vote on this proposition? the reader will perhaps be surprised to learn, that the question was not even brought to a vote, for want of a second; and yet this is the fact recorded by the convention. the reader who has read mr. madison's articles in the "federalist," and his speeches before the virginia convention, in favor of the ratification of the constitution, will perhaps be surprised to learn that he, too, made a somewhat similar motion. he was not in favor, it is true, of referring the instrument for adoption to a general convention of the whole people, alone, but he was in favor of referring it to such a convention, in connection with conventions to be called by the states, thus securing a joint or double ratification, by the people of the united states in the aggregate, and by the states; the effect of which would have been to make the new government a still more complex affair, and to muddle still further the brains of mr. webster and mr. justice story. but this motion failed also, and the constitution was referred to the states for adoption. but now a new question arose, which was, whether the constitution was to be "ordained and established" by the legislatures of the states, or by the people of the states in convention. all were agreed, as we have seen, that the instrument should be referred to the states. this had been settled; but there were differences of opinion as to how the states should act upon it. some were in favor of permitting each of the states to choose, for itself, how it would ratify it; others were in favor of referring it to the legislatures, and others, again, to the people of the states in convention. it was finally decided that it should be referred to conventions of the people, in the different states. this being done, their work was completed, and it only remained to refer the rough draft of the instrument to the "committee on style," to prune and polish it a little--to lop off a word here, and change or add a word there, the better to conform the language to the sense, and to the proprieties of grammar and rhetoric. the preamble, as it stood, at once presented a difficulty. all the thirteen states were named in it as adopting the instrument, but it had been provided, in the course of its deliberations by the convention, that the new government should go into effect if nine states adopted it. who could tell which these nine states would be? it was plainly impossible to enumerate all the states--for all of them might not adopt it--or any particular number of them, as adopting the instrument. further, it having been determined, as we have seen, that the constitution should be adopted by the people of the several states, as contra-distinguished from the legislatures of the states, the phraseology of the preamble must be made to express this idea also. to meet these two new demands upon the phraseology of the instrument, the committee on style adopted the expression, "we, the people of the united states,"--meaning, as every one must see, "we, the people of the several states united by this instrument." and this is the foundation that the northern advocates of a consolidated government build upon, when they declare that the people of the united states in the aggregate, as one nation, adopted the constitution, and thus gave the fundamental law to the states, instead of the states giving it to the federal government. it is well known that this phrase, "we, the people," &c., became a subject of discussion in the virginia ratifying convention. patrick henry, with the prevision of a prophet, was, as we have seen, bitterly opposed to the adoption of the constitution. he was its enemy _a l'outrance_. not having been a member of the convention, of , that framed the instrument, and being unacquainted with the circumstances above detailed, relative to the change which had been made in the phraseology of its preamble, he attacked the constitution on the very ground since assumed by webster and story, to wit: that the instrument itself proclaimed that it had been "ordained and established" by the people of the united states in the aggregate, instead of the people of the states. mr. madison replied to henry on this occasion. madison had been in the convention, knew, of course, all about the change of phraseology in question, and this was his reply: "the parties to it [the constitution] were the people, but not the people as composing one great society, but the people as composing thirteen sovereignties. if it were a consolidated government," continued he, "the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient to establish it. but it was to be binding on the people of a state only by their own separate consent." there was, of course, nothing more to be said, and the virginia convention adopted the constitution. madison has been called the father of the constitution. next to him, alexander hamilton bore the most conspicuous part in procuring it to be adopted by the people. hamilton, as is well known, did not believe much in republics; and least of all did he believe in federal republics. his great object was to establish a consolidated republic, if we must have a republic at all. he labored zealously for this purpose, but failed. the states, without an exception, were in favor of the federal form; and no one knew better than hamilton the kind of government which had been established. now let us hear what hamilton, an unwilling, but an honest witness, says on this subject. of the eighty-five articles in the "federalist," hamilton wrote no less than fifty. having failed to procure the establishment of a consolidated government, his next great object was, to procure the adoption by the states of the present constitution, and to this task, accordingly, he now addressed his great intellect and powerful energies. in turning over the pages of the "federalist," we can scarcely go amiss in quoting hamilton, to the point that the constitution is a compact between the states, and not an emanation from the people of the united states in the aggregate. let us take up the final article, for instance, the th. in this article we find the following expressions: "the compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct states in a common bond of amity and union, must necessarily be compromises of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations." again: "the moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each state. to its complete establishment throughout the union, it will, therefore, require the concurrence of thirteen states." and again: "every constitution for the united states must, inevitably, consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen _independent states_ are to be accommodated in their interests, or opinions of interests. * * * hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole in such a manner as to satisfy all the _parties to the compact_." thus, we do not hear hamilton, any more than madison, talking of a "people of the united states in the aggregate" as having anything to do with the formation of the new charter of government. he speaks only of states, and of compacts made or to be made by states. in view of the great importance of the question, whether it was the people of the united states in the aggregate who "ordained and established" the constitution, or the states,--for this, indeed, is the whole _gist_ of the controversy between the north and south,--i have dwelt somewhat at length on the subject, and had recourse to contemporaneous history; but this was scarcely necessary. the constitution itself settles the whole controversy. the th article of that instrument reads as follows: "the ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of the constitution between the states so ratifying the same." how is it possible to reconcile this short, explicit, and unambiguous provision with the theory i am combating? the preamble, as explained by the northern consolidationists, and this article, cannot possibly stand together. it is not possible that the people of the united states in the aggregate, as one nation, "ordained and established" the constitution, and that the states ordained and established it at the same time; for there was but one set of conventions called, and these conventions were called by the states, and acted in the names of the states. mr. madison did, indeed, endeavor to have the ratification made in both modes, but his motion in the convention to this effect failed, as we have seen. further, how could the constitution be binding only between the states that ratified it, if it was not ratified--that is, not "ordained and established"--by them at all, but by the people of the united states in the aggregate? as remarked by mr. madison, in the virginia convention, a ratification by the people, in the sense in which this term is used by the northern consolidationists, would have bound all the people, and there would have been no option left the dissenting states. but the th article says that they shall have an option, and that the instrument is to be binding only _between such of them as ratify it_. with all due deference, then, to others who have written upon this vexed question, and who have differed from me in opinion, i must insist that the proof is conclusive that the constitution is a compact between the states; and this being so, we have the admission of both mr. webster and justice story that any one of the states may withdraw from it at pleasure. chapter iii. from the foundation of the federal government down to , both the north and the south held the constitution to be a compact between the states. one of the great difficulties in arguing the question of the relative power of the states and of the federal government, consists in the fact that the present generation has grown up under the shadow of the great federal monster, and has been blinded by its giant proportions. they see around them all the paraphernalia and power of a great government--its splendid capital, its armies, its fleets, its chief magistrate, its legislature, and its judiciary--and they find it difficult to realize the fact, that all this grandeur is not self-created, but the offspring of the states. when our late troubles were culminating, men were heard frequently to exclaim, with plaintive energy, "what! have we no government capable of preserving itself? is our government a mere rope of sand, that may be destroyed at the will of the states?" these men seemed to think that there was but one government to be preserved, and that that was the government of the united states. less than a century had elapsed since the adoption of the constitution, and the generation now on the theatre of events had seemingly forgotten, that the magnificent structure, which they contemplated with so much admiration, was but a creature of the states; that it had been made by them for their convenience, and necessarily held the tenure of its life at sufferance. they lost sight of the fact that the state governments, who were the creators of the federal government, were the governments to be preserved, if there should be any antagonism between them and the federal government; and that their services, as well as their sympathies, belonged to the former in preference to the latter. what with the teachings of webster and story, and a host of satellites, the dazzling splendor of the federal government, and the overshadowing and corrupting influences of its power, nearly a whole generation in the north had grown up in ignorance of the true nature of the institutions, under which they lived. this change in the education of the people had taken place since about the year ; for, up to that time, both of the great political parties of the country, the whigs as well as the democrats, had been state-rights in doctrine. a very common error has prevailed on this subject. it has been said, that the north and the south have always been widely separated in their views of the constitution; that the men of the north have always been consolidationists, whilst the men of the south have been secessionists. nothing can be farther from the truth. whilst the north and the south, from the very commencement of the government, have been at swords' points, on many questions of mere construction and policy,--the north claiming that more ample powers had been granted the federal government, than the south was willing to concede,--there never was any material difference between them down to the year , as to the true nature of their government. they all held it to be a federal compact, and the northern people were as jealous of the rights of their states under it, as the southern people. in proof of this, i have only to refer to a few of the well-known facts of our political history. thomas jefferson penned the famous kentucky resolutions of ' and ' . the first of those resolutions is in these words: "_resolved_, that the several states comprising the united states of america are not united on the principles of unlimited submission to their general government; but that by a compact, under the style and title of the constitution of the united states, and of amendments thereto, they constitute a general government for special purposes; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void and of no force; that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and is an integral party, its co-states forming, as to itself, the other party; that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion, not the constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all cases of compact among persons having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress." it is unnecessary to quote the other resolution, as the above contains all that is sufficient for my purpose, which is to show that mr. jefferson was a secessionist, and that _with this record_ he went before the american people as a candidate for the presidency, with the following results: in he beat his opponent, john adams, who represented the consolidationists of that day, by a majority of votes in the electoral college. in , being a candidate for re-election, he beat his opponent by the overwhelming majority of , to votes. in the northern states alone, mr. jefferson received votes, whilst in the same states his opponent received but . this was a pretty considerable indorsement of secession by the northern states. in , mr. madison, who penned the virginia resolutions of ' , similar in tenor to the kentucky resolutions, became a candidate for the presidency, and beat his opponent by a vote of to ; the northern majority, though somewhat diminished, being still to votes. mr. madison was re-elected in , and in , james monroe was elected president by a vote of to his opponent's ; and more than one half of these votes came from the northern states. in , mr. monroe was re-elected over john quincy adams, of massachusetts, by a majority of votes to . besides monroe and adams, crawford and jackson were also candidates, but these two latter received only votes between them. this last election is especially remarkable, as showing that there was no opposition to jefferson's doctrine of state-rights, since _all_ the candidates were of that creed. the opposition had been so often defeated, and routed in former elections, that they had not strength enough left to put a candidate in the field. john quincy adams succeeded mr. monroe, and his state-rights doctrines are well known. he expressed them as follows: "the indissoluble link of union between the people of the several states of this confederated nation, is, after all, not in the _right_, but in the _heart_. if the day should ever come (may heaven avert it) when the affections of the people of these states shall be alienated from each other; when the fraternal spirit shall give way to cold indifference, or _collision of interests shall fester into hatred_, the bands of political association will not long hold together parties, no longer attracted by the magnetism of conciliated interests, and kindly sympathies; and _far better will it be for the people of the dis-united states to part in friendship with each other, than to be held together by constraint_. then will be the time for reverting to the precedents, which occurred at the formation, and adoption of the constitution, to form again a more perfect union, by dissolving that which could no longer bind, and to leave the separated parts to be reunited _by the law of political gravitation to the centre_." general jackson succeeded mr. adams in , and was re-elected in . it was during his administration that the _heresy_ was first promulgated by mr. webster, that the constitution was not a compact between the states, but an instrument of government, "ordained, and established," by the people of the united states, in the aggregate, as one nation. with respect to the new england states in particular, there is other and more pointed evidence, that they agreed with mr. jefferson, and the south down to the year , on this question of state rights, than is implied in the presidential elections above quoted. massachusetts, the leader of these states in intellect, and in energy, impatient of control herself, has always sought to control others. this was, perhaps, but natural. all mankind are prone to consult their own interests. selfishness, unfortunately, is one of the vices of our nature, which few are found capable of struggling against effectually. the new england people were largely imbued with the puritan element. their religious doctrines gave them a gloomy asceticism of character, and an intolerance of other men's opinions quite remarkable. in their earlier history as colonists, there is much in the way of uncharitableness and persecution, which a liberal mind could wish to see blotted out. true to these characteristics, which i may almost call instincts, the new england states have always been the most refractory states of the union. as long as they were in a minority, and hopeless of the control of the government, they stood strictly on their state rights, in resisting such measures as were unpalatable to them, even to the extremity of threatening secession; and it was only when they saw that the tables were turned, and that it was possible for them to seize the reins of the government, that they abandoned their state-rights doctrines, and became consolidationists. one of the first causes of the dissatisfaction of the new england states with the general government was the purchase of louisiana, by mr. jefferson, in . it arose out of their jealousy of the balance of power between the states. the advantages to result to the united states from the purchase of this territory were patent to every one. it completed the continuity of our territory, from the head waters of the mississippi, to the sea, and unlocked the mouths of that great river. but massachusetts saw in the purchase, nothing more than the creation of additional southern states, to contest, with her, the future control of the government. she could see no authority for it in the constitution, and she threatened, that if it were consummated, she would secede from the union. her legislature passed the following resolution on the subject: "_resolved_, that the annexation of louisiana to the union, transcends the constitutional power of the government of the united states. it formed a new confederacy, to which the states [not the people of the united states, in the aggregate] united by the former compact, are not bound to adhere." this purchase of louisiana rankled, for a long time, in the breast of new england. it was made, as we have seen, in , and in the subject again came up for consideration; this time, in the shape of a bill before congress for the admission of louisiana as a state. one of the most able and influential members of congress of that day from massachusetts was mr. josiah quincy. in a speech on this bill, that gentlemen uttered the following declaration: "if this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of the union; that it will free the states from their moral obligation, and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some definitely to prepare for separation, amicably if they can, violently if they must." time passed on, and the difficulties which led to our war of , with great britain, began to rise above the political horizon. great britain began to impress seamen from new england merchant ships, and even went so far, at last, as to take some enlisted men from on board the united states ship of war chesapeake. massachusetts was furious; she insisted that war should be declared forthwith against great britain. the southern states, which had comparatively little interest in this matter, except so far as the federal honor was concerned, came generously to the rescue of the shipping states, and war was declared. but the first burst of her passion having spent itself, massachusetts found that she had been indiscreet; her shipping began to suffer more than she had anticipated, and she began now to cry aloud as one in pain. she denounced the war, and the administration which was carrying it on; and not content with this, in connection with other new england states, she organized a convention, at hartford, in connecticut, with a view to adopt some ulterior measures. we find the following among the records of that convention: "events may prove, that the causes of our calamities are deep, and permanent. they may be found to proceed not merely from blindness of prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the times; but they may be traced to implacable combinations, of individuals, _or of states_, to monopolize office, and to trample, without remorse, upon the rights and interests of the commercial sections of the union. whenever it shall appear, that these causes are radical, and permanent, _a separation by equitable arrangement, will be preferable to an alliance, by constraint, among nominal friends but real enemies, inflamed by mutual hatred, and jealousy, and inviting, by intestine divisions, contempt and aggressions from abroad_." having recorded this opinion of what should be the policy of the new england states, in the category mentioned, the "journal of the convention" goes on to declare what it considers the right of the states, in the premises. "that acts of congress, in violation of the constitution, are absolutely void, is an indisputable position. it does not, however, consist with the respect, from a _confederate state_ toward the general government, to fly to open resistance, upon every infraction of the constitution. the mode, and the energy of the opposition should always conform to the nature of the violation, the intention of the authors, the extent of the evil inflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it, and the danger of delay. but in case of deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the constitution, _affecting the sovereignty of the state_, and liberties of the people, it is not only the right, but the _duty_, of each state _to interpose its authority_ for their protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end. when emergencies occur, which are either beyond the reach of judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay incident to their forms, _states_, which have no common umpire, _must be their own judges_, and _execute their own decisions_." these proceedings took place in january, . a deputation was appointed to lay the complaints of new england before the federal government, and there is no predicting what might have occurred, if the delegates had not found, that peace had been declared, when they arrived at washington. it thus appears, that from - to , new england was constantly in the habit of speaking of the dissolution of the union--her leading men deducing this right from the nature of the compact between the states. it is curious and instructive, and will well repay the perusal, to read the "journal of the hartford convention," so replete is it with sound constitutional doctrine. it abounds in such expressions as these: "the constitutional compact;" "it must be the duty of the state to watch over the rights _reserved_, as of the united states to exercise the powers _which were delegated_;" the right of conscription is "not delegated to congress by the constitution, and the exercise of it would not be less dangerous to their liberties, than hostile to the _sovereignty of the states_." the odium which has justly fallen upon the hartford convention, has not been because of its doctrines, for these were as sound, as we have seen, as the virginia and kentucky resolutions of ' and ' , but because it was a secret conclave, gotten together, _in a time of war_, when the country was hard pressed by a foreign enemy; the war having, in fact, been undertaken for the benefit of the very shipping states which were threatening to dissolve the union on account of it. mr. john quincy adams, the sixth president of the united states, himself, as is well known, a massachusetts man, speaking of this dissatisfaction of the new england states with the federal government, says: "that their object was, and had been, for several years, a dissolution of the union and the establishment of a separate confederation, he knew from unequivocal evidence, although not provable in a court of law; and that in case of a civil war, the aid of great britain, to effect that purpose, would be assuredly resorted to, as it would be indispensably necessary to their design." see mr. adams' letter of dec. th, , in reply to harrison gray otis and others. we have thus seen, that for forty years, or from the foundation of the federal government, to , there was no material difference of opinion between the sections, as to the nature of the league or compact of government which they had formed. there was this difference between the sections, however. the south, during this entire period of forty years, had substantially controlled the government; not by force, it is true, of her own majorities, but with the aid of a few of the northern states. she was the dominant or ruling power in the government. during all this time, she conscientiously adhered to her convictions, and respected the rights of the minority, though she might have wielded her power, if she had been so inclined, to her own advantage. constitutions are made for the protection of minorities, and she scrupulously adhered to this idea. minorities naturally cling to the guarantees and defences provided for them in the fundamental law; it is only when they become strong, when they throw off their pupilage, and become majorities, that their principles and their virtues are really tested. it is in politics, as in religion--the weaker party is always the tolerant party. did the north follow this example set her by the south? no; the moment she became strong enough, she recanted all the doctrines under which she had sought shelter, tore the constitution into fragments, scattered it to the winds; and finally, when the south threw herself on the defensive, as massachusetts had threatened to do, in and , she subjugated her. what was the powerful motive which thus induced the north to overthrow the government which it had labored so assiduously with the south to establish, and which it had construed in common with the south, for the period of forty years? it was the motive which generally influences human conduct; it was the same motive which patrick henry had so clearly foreseen, when he warned the people of virginia against entering into the federal compact; telling them, that interested majorities never had, in the history of the world, and never would respect the rights of minorities. the great "american system," as it has been called, had in the meantime arisen, championed by no less a personage than henry clay of kentucky. in , and again in , oppressive tariffs had been enacted for the protection of new england manufacturers. the north was manufacturing, the south non-manufacturing. the effect of these tariffs was to shut out all foreign competition, and compel the southern consumer to pay two prices for all the textile fabrics he consumed, from the clothing of his negroes to his own broadcloth coats. so oppressive, unjust, and unconstitutional were these acts considered, that south carolina nullified them in . immediately all new england was arrayed against south carolina. an entire and rapid change took place in the political creed of that section. new england orators and jurists rose up to proclaim that the constitution was not a compact between the states. webster thundered in the senate, and story wrote his "commentaries on the constitution." these giants had a herculean task before them; nothing less than the falsifying of the whole political history of the country, for the previous forty years; but their barren and inhospitable section of the country had been touched by the enchanter's wand, and its rocky hills, and sterile fields, incapable of yielding even a scanty subsistence to its numerous population, were to become glad with the music of the spindle and the shuttle; and the giants undertook the task! how well they have accomplished it, the reader will see, in the course of these pages, when, toward the conclusion of my narrative, he will be called upon to view the fragments of the grand old constitution, which has been shattered, and which will lie in such mournful profusion around him; the monuments at once of the folly and crimes of a people, who have broken up a government--a free government--which might else have endured for centuries. chapter iv. was secession treason? a few more words, and we shall be in a condition to answer the question which stands at the head of this chapter. being a legal question, it will depend entirely upon the constitutional right the southern states may have had to withdraw from the union, without reference to considerations of expediency, or of moral right; these latter will be more appropriately considered, when we come to speak of the causes which impelled the southern states to the step. i have combated many of the arguments presented by the other side, but a few others remain to be noticed. it has been said, that, admitting that the constitution was a federal compact, yet the states did in fact cede away a part of their sovereignty, and from this the inference has been deduced, that they no longer remained sovereign for the purpose of recalling the part, which had been ceded away. this is a question which arises wholly under the laws of nations. it is admitted, that the states were independent sovereignties, before they formed the constitution. we have only, therefore, to consult the international code, to ascertain to what extent the granting away of a portion of their sovereignty affected the remainder. vattel, treating of this identical point, speaks as follows: "several sovereign and independent states may unite themselves together by a perpetual confederacy, without ceasing to be, each individually, a perfect state. they will, together, constitute a federal republic; their joint deliberations will not impair the sovereignty of each member, though they may, in certain respects, _put some restraint upon the exercise of it_, in virtue of _voluntary_ engagements." that was just what the american states did, when they formed the federal constitution; they put some voluntary restraint upon their sovereignty, for the furtherance of a common object. if they are restrained, by the constitution, from doing certain things, the restraint was self-imposed, for it was they who ordained, and established the instrument, and not a common superior. they, each, agreed that they would forbear to do certain things, if their copartners would forbear to do the same things. as plain as this seems, no less an authority than that of mr. webster has denied it; for, in his celebrated argument against mr. calhoun, already referred to, he triumphantly exclaimed, that the states were not sovereign, because _they were restrained of a portion of their liberty by the constitution_. see how he perverts the whole tenor of the instrument, in his endeavor to build up those manufactories of which we spoke in the last chapter. he says: "however men may think this ought to be, the fact is, that _the people of the united states_ have chosen to _impose control_ on state sovereignty. there are those, doubtless, who wish that they had been left without restraint; but the constitution has ordered the matter differently. to make war, for instance, is an exercise of sovereignty, but, the constitution declares that no state shall declare war. to coin money is another act of sovereign power; but no state is at liberty to coin money. again, the constitution says, that no sovereign state shall be so sovereign, as to make a treaty. these prohibitions, it must be confessed, are a control on the state sovereignty of south carolina, as well as of the other states, which does not arise from her feelings of honorable justice." here we see, plainly, the germ of the monstrous heresy that has riven the states asunder, in our day. the "people of the united states," a common superior, ordained and established the constitution, says mr. webster, and imposed restraints upon the states! however some might wish they had been left without restraint, the constitution has "_ordained it differently_!" and the ostrich stomach of the north received, and digested this monstrous perversion of the plainest historical truth, in order that the spindle might whirr on, and the shuttle dance from side to side of the loom. following the idea of mr. webster, that the people of the united states gave constitutional law to the states, instead of receiving it from them, northern writers frequently ask, in what part of the constitution, is the doctrine of secession found? in no part. it was not necessary to put it there. the states who formed the instrument, delegated certain powers to the federal government, retaining all others. did they part, with the right of secession? could they have parted with it, without consenting to a merger of their sovereignty? and so far from doing this, we have seen with what jealous care they protested against even the implication of such a merger, in the th amendment to the constitution. if the power was not parted with, by explicit grant, did it not remain to them, even before the th amendment was adopted, and still more, if possible, after it was adopted? to make it still more apparent, that the common understanding among the fathers of the constitution was, that this right of secession was reserved, it is only necessary to refer to what took place, during the transition from the old to the new government. the thirteen original states seceded, as we have seen, from the articles of confederation, not unanimously, or all together, but one by one, each state acting for itself, without consulting the interests, or inclinations of the others. one of the provisions of those articles was as follows: "every state shall abide by the determination of the united states, in congress assembled, in all questions, which, by this confederation, are submitted to them; and the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the union shall be _perpetual_; nor shall any alteration, at any time hereafter, be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to, in a congress of the united states, and be afterward confirmed _by the legislature of every state_." now, it is a pertinent, and instructive fact, that no similar provision of perpetuity was engrafted in the new constitution. there must have been a motive for this--it could not have been a mere accidental omission--and the motive probably was, that the convention of were ashamed to attempt, a second time, to bind sovereign states, by _a rope of sand_, which they, themselves, were in the act of pulling asunder. it was in accordance with this understanding, that both new york and virginia, in their ratifications of the new constitution, expressly reserved to themselves the right of secession; and no objection was made to such conditional ratifications. the reservations made by these states enure, as a matter of course, to the benefit of all the states, as they were all to go into the new union, on precisely the same footing. in the extract from mr. webster's speech, which has been given above, it is alleged among other things, that the states are not sovereign, because they cannot make treaties; and this disability also has been urged as an argument against secession. the disability, like others, was self-imposed, and, as any one may see, was intended to be binding on the states only so long as the contract which they were then forming should endure. the confederate states respected this obligation while they remained in the federal union. they scrupulously forbore from contracting with each other until they had resumed, each for itself, their original sovereignty; they were then not only free to contract with each other, but to do and perform all the other acts enumerated by mr. webster; the act of declaring war included, even though this war should be against their late confederates. the truth is, the more we sift these arguments of our late enemies, the less real merit there appears in them. the facts of history are too stubborn, and refuse to be bent to conform to the new doctrines. we see it emblazoned on every page of american history for forty years, that the constitution was a compact between the states; that the federal government was created, by, and for the benefit of the states, and possessed and could possess no other power than such as was conferred upon it by the states; that the states reserved to themselves all the powers not granted, and that they took especial pains to guard their sovereignty, in terms, by an amendment to the constitution, lest, by possibility, their intentions in the formation of the new government, should be misconstrued. in the course of time this government is perverted from its original design. instead of remaining the faithful and impartial agent of all the states, a faction obtains control of it, in the interests of some of them, and turns it, as an engine of oppression, against the others. these latter, after long and patient suffering, after having exhausted all their means of defence, within the union, withdraw from the agent the powers which they had conferred upon him, form a new confederacy, and desire "to be let alone." and what is the consequence? they are denounced as rebels and traitors, armies are equipped, and fleets provided, and a war of subjugation is waged against them. what says the reader? does he see rebellion and treason lurking in the conduct of these states? are they, indeed, in his opinion, in face of the record which he has inspected, so bereft of their sovereignty, as to be incapable of defending themselves, except with halters around the necks of their citizens? let us examine this latter question of halters for a moment. the states existed before the federal government; the citizens of the states owed allegiance to their respective states, and to none others. by what process was any portion of this allegiance transferred to the federal government, and to what extent was it transferred? it was transferred by the states, themselves, when they entered into the federal compact, and not by the individual citizens, for these had no power to make such a transfer. although it be admitted, that a citizen of any one of the states may have had the right to expatriate himself entirely--and this was not so clear a doctrine at that day--and transfer his allegiance to another government, yet it is quite certain, that he could not, _ex mero motu_, divide his allegiance. his allegiance then was transferred to the federal government, by his state, whether he would or not. take the case of patrick henry, for example. he resisted the adoption of the federal constitution, by the state of virginia, with all the energies of an ardent nature, solemnly believing that his state was committing suicide. and yet, when virginia did adopt that constitution, he became, by virtue of that act, a citizen of the united states, and owed allegiance to the federal government. he had been born in the hallowed old commonwealth. in the days of his boyhood he had played on the banks of the appomattox, and fished in its waters. as he grew to man's estate, all his cherished hopes and aspirations clustered around his beloved state. the bones of his ancestors were interred in her soil; his loves, his joys, his sorrows were all centred there. in short, he felt the inspiration of patriotism, that noble sentiment which nerves men to do, and dare, unto the death, for their native soil. will it be said, _can_ it be said, without revolting all the best feelings of the human heart, that if patrick henry had lived to see a war of subjugation waged against his native state, he would have been a traitor for striking in her defence? was this one of the results which our ancestors designed, when they framed the federal compact? it would be uncharitable to accuse them of such folly, and stupidity, nay of such cruelty. if this doctrine be true, that secession is treason, then our ancestors framed a government, which could not fail to make traitors of their descendants, in case of a conflict between the states, and that government, let them act as they would. it was frequently argued in the "federalist," and elsewhere, by those who were persuading the states to adopt the federal constitution, that the state would have a sufficient guarantee of protection, in the love, and affection of its citizens--that the citizen would naturally cling to his state, and side with her against the federal government--that, in fact, it was rather to be apprehended that the federal government would be too weak, and the states too strong, for this reason, instead of the converse of the proposition being true. it was not doubted, in that day, that the primary and paramount allegiance of the citizen was due to his state, and, that, in case of a conflict between her and the federal government, his state would have the right to withdraw his allegiance, from that government. if it was she who transferred it, and if she had the right to transfer it, it follows beyond question, that she would have the right to withdraw it. it was not a case for the voluntary action of the citizen, either way; he could not, of his own free will, either give his allegiance to the federal government, or take it away. if this be true, observe in what a dilemma he has been placed, on the hypothesis that secession is treason. if he adheres to the federal government, after his state has withdrawn his allegiance from that government, and takes up arms against his state, he becomes a traitor to his state. if he adheres to his state, and takes up arms against the federal government, he becomes a traitor to that government. he is thus a traitor either way, and there is no helping himself. is this consistent with the supposed wisdom of the political fathers, those practical, common sense men, who formed the federal constitution? the mutations of governments, like all human events, are constantly going on. no government stands still, any more than the individuals of which it is composed. the only difference is, that the changes are not quite so obvious to the generation which views them. the framers of the constitution did not dare to hope that they had formed a government, that was to last forever. nay, many of them had serious misgivings as to the result of the _experiment_ they were making. is it possible, then, that those men so legislated, as to render it morally certain, that if their experiment should fail, their descendants must become either slaves or traitors? if the doctrine that secession is treason be true, it matters not how grievously a state might be oppressed, by the federal government; she has been deprived of the power of lawful resistance, and must regain her liberty, if at all, like other enslaved states, at the hazard of war, and rebellion. was this the sort of experiment in government, that our forefathers supposed they were making? every reader of history knows that it was not. chapter v. another brief historical retrospect. in the previous chapters, i have given a brief outline of the history and formation of the federal constitution, proving, by abundant reference to the fathers, and to the instrument itself, that it was the intention of the former to draft, and that they did draft, a _federal compact_ of government, which compact was "ordained, and established," by the states, in their sovereign capacity, and not by the people of the united states, in the aggregate, as one nation. it resulted from this statement of the question, that the states had the legal, and constitutional right to withdraw from the compact, at pleasure, without reference to any cause of quarrel. accordingly, nothing has yet been said about the causes which impelled the southern states to a separation, except indeed incidentally, when the tariff system was alluded to, as the motive which had induced massachusetts and the other northern states, to change their state-rights doctrine. it was stated in the opening chapter, that the judgment which posterity will form, upon the great conflict between the sections, will depend, mainly, upon the answers which we may be able to give to two questions: first, had the south the right to dissolve the compact of government, under which it had lived with the north? and secondly, was there sufficient ground for this dissolution? having answered the first question--imperfectly, i fear, but yet as fully, as was consistent, with the design of these pages--i propose now to consider, very briefly, the second. i would gladly have left all this preliminary work to other, and abler pens, but i do not consider that the memoirs of any actor in the late war, who, like myself, was an officer in the old service, and who withdrew from that service, because of the breaking out of the war--or rather because of the secession of his state--would be complete without, at least, a brief reference to the reasons, which controlled his judgment. the american constitution died of a disease, that was inherent in it. it was framed on false principles, inasmuch as the attempt was made, through its means, of binding together, in a republican form of government, two dissimilar peoples, with widely dissimilar interests. monarchial governments may accomplish this, since they are founded on force, but republican governments never. austria, and russia, pin together, in our day, with their bayonets, many dissimilar peoples, but if a republic should make the attempt, that moment it must, of necessity, cease to be a republic, since the very foundation of such a government is the consent of the governed. the secession of the southern states was a mere corollary of the american proposition of government; and the northern states stultified themselves, the moment they attempted to resist it. the consent of the southern states being wanted, there should have been an end of the question. if the northern states were not satisfied to let them go, but entertained, on the contrary, a desire to restrain them by force, this was a proof, that those states had become tired of the republican form, and desired to change it. but they should have been honest about it; they should have avowed their intentions from the beginning, and not have waged the war, as so many republics, endeavoring to coerce other republics, into a forced union with them. to have been logical, they should have obliterated the state boundaries, and have declared all the states--as well the northern states, as the southern--so many counties of a consolidated government. but even then, they could not have made war upon any considerable number of those counties, without violating the fundamental american idea of a government--the consent of the governed. the right of self-government was vindicated in the declaration of independence, in favor of three millions of the subjects of great britain. in the states of the southern confederacy, there were eight millions. the american republic, as has been said, was a failure, because of the antagonism of the two peoples, attempted to be bound together, in the same government. if there is to be but a single government in these states, in the future, it cannot be a republic. de toqueville saw this, thirty years ago. in his "democracy in america" he described these states, as "more like hostile nations, than rival parties, under one government." this distinguished frenchman saw, as with the eye of intuition, the canker which lay at the heart of the federal compact. he saw looming up, in the dim distance, the ominous, and hideous form of that unbridled, and antagonistic majority, which has since rent the country in twain--a majority based on the views, and interests of one section, arrayed against the views, and interests of the other section. "the majority," said he, "in that country, exercises a prodigious, actual authority, and a moral influence which is scarcely less preponderant; no obstacles exist, which can impede, or so much as retard its progress, or which can induce it to heed the complaints of those whom it crushes upon its path. * * * this state of things is fatal, in itself, and dangerous for the future. * * * if the free institutions of america are ever destroyed, that event may be attributed to the unlimited authority of the majority. * * * anarchy will then be the result, but it will have been brought about by despotism." precisely so; liberty is always destroyed by the multitude, in the name of liberty. majorities within the limits of constitutional restraints are harmless, but the moment they lose sight of these restraints, the many-headed monster becomes more tyrannical, than the tyrant with a single head; numbers harden its conscience, and embolden it, in the perpetration of crime. and when this majority, in a free government, becomes a faction, or, in other words, represents certain classes and interests to the detriment of other classes, and interests, farewell to public liberty; the people must either become enslaved, or there must be a disruption of the government. this result would follow, even if the people lived under a consolidated government, and were homogenous: much more, then, must it follow, when the government is federal in form, and the states are, in the words of de toqueville, "more like hostile nations, than rival parties, under one government." these states are, and indeed always have been rival nations. the dissimilarity between the people of the northern, and the people of the southern states has always been remarked upon, by observant foreigners, and it has not escaped the attention of our own historians. indeed it could not be otherwise, for the origin of the two sections has been diverse. virginia and massachusetts were the two original germs, from which the great majority of the american populations has sprung; and no two peoples, speaking the same language, and coming from the same country, could have been more dissimilar, in education, taste, and habits, and even in natural instincts, than were the adventurers who settled these two colonies. those who sought a new field of adventure for themselves, and affluence for their posterity, in the more congenial climate of the chesapeake, were the gay, and dashing cavaliers, who, as a class, afterward adhered to the fortunes of the charleses, whilst the first settlers of massachusetts were composed of the same materials, that formed the "praise-god-barebones" parliament of cromwell. these two peoples, seem to have had an instinctive repugnance, the one to the other. to use a botanical phrase, the puritan was a seedling of the english race, which had been unknown to it before. it had few, or none of the characteristics of the original stock. gloomy, saturnine, and fanatical, in disposition, it seemed to repel all the more kindly, and generous impulses of our nature, and to take a pleasure in pulling down everything, that other men had built up; not so much, as its subsequent history would seem to show, because the work was faulty, as because it had been done by other hands than their own. they hated tyranny, for instance, but it was only because they were not, themselves, the tyrants; they hated religious intolerance, but it was only when not practised by themselves. natural affinities attracted like unto like. the cavalier sought refuge with the cavalier, and the puritan with the puritan, for a century, and more. when the fortunes of the charleses waned, the cavaliers fled to virginia; when the fortunes of cromwell waned, the puritans fled to massachusetts. trade occasionally drew the two peoples together, but they were repelled at all other points. thus these germs grew, step by step, into two distinct nations. a different civilization was naturally developed in each. the two countries were different in climate, and physical features--the climate of the one being cold and inhospitable, and its soil rugged, and sterile, whilst the climate of the other was soft, and genial, and its soil generous, and fruitful. as a result of these differences of climate, and soil, the pursuits of the two peoples became different, the one being driven to the ocean, and to the mechanic arts, for subsistence, and the other betaking itself to agriculture. another important element soon presented itself, to widen the social, and economical breach, which had taken place between the two peoples--african slavery. all the colonies, at first, became slaveholding, but it was soon found, that slave labor was unprofitable in the north, where the soil was so niggard, in its productions, and where, besides, the white man could labor. one, by one, the northern states got rid of their slaves, as soon as they made this discovery. in the south, the case was different. the superior fertility of the soil, and the greater geniality of the climate enabled the planter to employ the african to advantage; and thus slave labor was engrafted on our system of civilization, as one of its permanent features. the effect was, as before remarked, a still greater divergence between the two peoples. the wealth of the south soon began to outstrip that of the north. education and refinement followed wealth. whilst the civilization of the north was coarse, and practical, that of the south was more intellectual, and refined. this is said in no spirit of disparagement of our northern brethren; it was the natural, and inevitable result of the different situations of the two peoples. in the north, almost every young man was under the necessity, during our colonial existence, of laboring with his own hands, for the means of subsistence. there was neither the requisite leisure, nor the requisite wealth to bring about a very refined system of civilization. the life of a southern planter on the other hand with his large estates, and hundreds of vassals, with his profuse hospitality, and luxurious style of living, resembled more that of the feudatories of the middle ages, than that of any modern gentleman out of the southern states. it is not my object to express a preference for either of these modes of civilization--each, no doubt, had its advantages, and disadvantages--but to glance at them, merely, for the purpose of showing the dissimilarity of the two peoples; their uncongeniality, and want of adaptation, socially, the one to the other. with social institutions as wide asunder as the poles, and with their every material interest antagonistic, the separation of the two peoples, sooner or later, was a logical sequence. as had been anticipated by patrick henry, and others, the moment the new government went into operation, parties began to be formed, on sectional interests and sectional prejudices. the north wanted protection for her shipping, in the way of discriminating tonnage dues, and the south was opposed to such protection. the north wanted a bank, to facilitate their commercial operations; the south was opposed to it. the north wanted protection for their manufactures, the south was opposed to it. there was no warrant, of course, for any of these schemes of protection in the federal constitution; they were, on the contrary, subversive of the original design of that instrument. the south has been called aggressive. she was thrown on the defensive, in the first congress, and has remained so, from that day to this. she never had the means to be aggressive, having been always in a minority, in both branches of the legislature. it is not consistent with the scope of these memoirs, to enter, at large, into the political disputes which culminated in secession. they are many, and various, and would fill volumes. it will be sufficient to sketch the history of one or two of the more important of them. the "american system," of which mr. clay, of kentucky, became the champion, and to which allusion has already been made, became the chief instrument of oppression of the southern states, through a long series of years. i prefer to let a late distinguished senator, from the state of missouri, mr. benton, tell this tale of spoliation. on the slavery question, mr. benton was with the north, he cannot, therefore, be accused of being a witness unduly favorable to the south. in a speech in the senate, in , he declared himself, as follows: "i feel for the sad changes, which have taken place in the south, during the last fifty years. before the revolution, it was the seat of wealth, as well as hospitality. money, and all it commanded, abounded there. but how is it now? all this is reversed. wealth has fled from the south, and settled in regions north of the potomac; and this in the face of the fact, that the south, in four staples alone, has exported produce, since the revolution, to the value of eight hundred millions of dollars; and the north has exported comparatively nothing. such an export would indicate unparalleled wealth, but what is the fact? in the place of wealth, a universal pressure for money was felt--not enough for current expenses--the price of all property down--the country drooping, and languishing--towns and cities decaying--and the frugal habits of the people pushed to the verge of universal self-denial, for the preservation of their family estates. such a result is a strange, and wonderful phenomenon. it calls upon statesmen to inquire into the cause. under federal legislation, the exports of the south have been the basis of the federal revenue. * * * _virginia, the two carolinas, and georgia, may be said to defray three-fourths, of the annual expense of supporting the federal government_; and of this great sum, annually furnished by them, nothing, or next to nothing is returned to them, in the shape of government expenditures. that expenditure flows in an opposite direction--it flows northwardly, in one uniform, uninterrupted, and perennial stream. _this is the reason why wealth disappears from the south and rises up in the north. federal legislation does all this._ it does it by the simple process of eternally taking from the south, and returning nothing to it. if it returned to the south the whole, or even a good part, of what it exacted, the four states south of the potomac might stand the action of the system, but the south must be exhausted of its money, and its property, by a course of legislation, which is forever taking away, and never returning anything. every new tariff increases the force of this action. no tariff has ever yet included virginia, the two carolinas, and georgia, except to increase the burdens imposed upon them." this picture is not overdrawn; it is the literal truth. before the war the northern states, and especially the new england states, exported next to nothing, and yet they "blossomed as the rose." the picturesque hills of new england were dotted with costly mansions, erected with money, of which the southern planters had been despoiled, by means of the tariffs of which mr. benton spoke. her harbors frowned with fortifications, constructed by the same means. every cove and inlet had its lighthouse, for the benefit of new england shipping, three fourths of the expense of erecting which had been paid by the south, and even the cod, and mackerel fisheries of new england were _bountied_, on the bald pretext, that they were nurseries for manning the navy. the south resisted this wholesale robbery, to the best of her ability. some few of the more generous of the northern representatives in congress came to her aid, but still she was overborne; and the curious reader, who will take the pains to consult the "statutes at large," of the american congress, will find on an average, a tariff for every five years recorded on their pages; the cormorants increasing in rapacity, the more they devoured. no wonder that mr. lincoln when asked, "why not let the south go?" replied, "let the south go! _where then shall we get our revenue?_" this system of spoliation was commenced in . the doctrine of protection was not, at first, boldly avowed. a heavy debt had been contracted during the war of , with great britain, just then terminated. it became necessary to raise revenue to pay this debt, as well as to defray the current expenses of the government, and for these laudable purposes, the tariff of was enacted. the north had not yet become the overshadowing power, which it has become in our day. it was comparatively modest, and only asked, that, in adjusting the duties under the tariff, such _incidental_ protection, as might not be inconsistent with the main object of the bill, to wit, the raising of revenue, should be given to northern manufactures. it was claimed that these manufactures had sprung up, _sua sponte_, during the war, and had materially aided the country in prosecuting the war, and that they would languish, and die, unless protected, in this incidental manner. this seemed but just and reasonable, and some of the ablest of our southern men gave their assent to the proposition; among others, mr. calhoun of south carolina, and mr. clay of kentucky. the latter, in particular, then a young member of the house of representatives, espoused the northern side of the controversy, and subsequently became known, as we have seen, as the father of the system. much undeserved obloquy has been thrown upon mr. clay, for this supposed abandonment of his section. the most that he claimed, was that a temporary protection, of a few years' duration only, should be given to these infant manufactures, until they should become self-sustaining. in later life, when he saw the extent to which the measure was pushed, he did, indeed recoil from it, as mr. calhoun, with keener intellect, had done, years before. the wedge, being thus entered, was driven home by the insatiable north. in less than twenty years, or during the early part of general jackson's administration, the public debt was paid off, and it became necessary to reduce the tariffs, to prevent a plethora in the public treasury; but the north, by this time, had "waxed fat," and like the ox in the scriptures, began to kick. from incidental protection, it advanced, boldly, to the doctrine of "_protection, for the sake of protection_"--thus avowing the unjust doctrine, that it was right to rob one section, for the benefit of the other; the pretence being the general good--the "general welfare" clause of the constitution as well as the expression "we, the people," in the preamble, being invoked to cover the enormity. under the wholesale system of spoliation, which was now practised, the south was becoming poorer, and poorer. whilst her abundant cotton crops supplied all the exchanges of the country, and put in motion, throughout the north, every species of manufacturing industry, from the cut-nail, which the planter put in the weather-boarding of his house, to the coach in which his wife, and daughters took an airing, it was found, that, from year to year, mortgages were increasing on her plantations, and that the planter was fast becoming little better, than the overseer of the northern manufacturer, and the northern merchant. a statesman of england once declared, that "not so much as a hob-nail should be manufactured, in america." the colonial dependence, and vassalage meant to be proclaimed by this expression, was now strictly true, as between the north, and the south. the south was compelled to purchase her hob-nails, in the north, being excluded by the northern tariffs, from all other markets. south carolina, taking the alarm at this state of things, resorted as we have seen, to nullification, in . the quarrel was compromised in , by the passage of a more moderate tariff, but the north still growing, in strength, and wealth, disregarded the compromise, in , and enacted a more oppressive tariff than ever. from this time onward, no attempt was made to conciliate the south, by the practice of forbearance, and justice, and the latter sank, hopelessly, into the condition of a tributary province to her more powerful rival. all this was done under a federal compact, formed by sovereign states, for their common benefit! thus was the prophecy of patrick henry verified, when he said: "but i am sure, that the dangers of this system [the federal constitution] are real, when those who have no similar interest with the people of this country [the south] are to legislate for us--when our dearest rights are to be left, in the hands of those, whose advantage it will be to infringe them." and thus also, was verified the declaration of charles cotesworth pinkney, of south carolina: "if they [the southern states] are to form so considerable a minority, and the regulation of trade is to be given to the general government, they will be nothing more than overseers of the northern states." chapter vi. the question of slavery, as it affected secession. great pains have been taken, by the north, to make it appear to the world, that the war was a sort of moral, and religious crusade against slavery. such was not the fact. the people of the north were, indeed, opposed to slavery, but merely because they thought it stood in the way of their struggle for empire. i think it safe to affirm, that if the question had stood upon moral, and religious grounds alone, the institution would never have been interfered with. the republican party, which finally brought on the war, took its rise, as is well known, on the question of extending slavery to the territories--those inchoate states, which were finally to decide the vexed question of the balance of power, between the two sections. it did not propose to disturb the institution in the states; in fact, the institution could do no harm there, for the states, in which it existed, were already in a hopeless minority. the fat, southern goose could not resist being plucked, as things stood, but it was feared that if slavery was permitted to go into the territories, the goose might become strong enough to resist being plucked. if proof were wanted of this, we have it, in the resolution passed by the federal congress, after the first battle of manassas, in the first year of the war, as follows: "_resolved_, that the war is not waged on our part, in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest, or for interfering with the rights, or _established institutions of these states_, but to defend, and maintain the supremacy of the constitution, and to preserve the union, _with all the dignity and rights of the several states unimpaired_." in , in the admission of missouri into the union, the north and the south had entered into a compromise, which provided, that slavery should not be carried into any of the territories, north of a given geographical line. this compromise was clearly violative of the rights of the south, for the territories were common property, which had been acquired, by the blood, and treasure, of the north and the south alike, and no discrimination could justly be made between the sections, as to emigration to those territories; but discrimination would be made, if the northern man could emigrate to all of them, and the southern man to those of them only that lay south of the given line. by the passage of the kansas-nebraska bill, introduced into the house of representatives, in by mr. stephen a. douglas, this unjust compromise was repealed; the repealing clause declaring, that the missouri compromise "being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention, by congress, with slavery in the states, and territories, as recognized by the legislation of , commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative, and void; it being the true intent, and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory, or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form, and regulate their domestic institutions, subject only to the constitution of the united states." nothing would seem more just, than the passage of this act, which removed the restriction which had been put upon a portion of the states, threw open the territories to immigration from all the states, alike, and left the question of local government, the question of slavery included, to be decided by the inhabitants of the territories themselves. but this act of justice, which mr. douglas had had the address and ability to cause to be passed, was highly distasteful to the northern people. it was not consistent with their views of empire that there should be any more southern slave states admitted into the union. the republican party, which, up to that time, had made but little headway, now suddenly sprang into importance, and at the next elections in the north, swept every thing before it. the northern democratic members of congress who had voted for the hated measure, were beaten by overwhelming majorities, and republicans sent in their places; and the republican convention which assembled at chicago in , to nominate a candidate for the presidency, adopted as one of the "planks of its platform"--to use a slang political phrase of the day--the principle that slavery should thereafter be excluded from the territories; not only from the territories north of the geographical line, of the missouri compromise, but from all the territories! the gauntlet of defiance was thus boldly thrown at the feet of the southern states. from to , these states had been plundered by tariffs, which had enriched the north, and now they were told without any circumlocution, that they should no longer have any share in the territories. i have said that this controversy, on the subject of slavery, did not rest, in the north, on any question of morals or religion. the end aimed at, in restricting slavery to the states, was purely political; but this end was to be accomplished by means, and the northern leaders had the sagacity to see, that it was all-important to mix up the controversy, _as a means_, with moral, and religious questions. hence they enlisted the clergy in their crusade against the south; the pulpit becoming a rostrum, from which to inflame the northern mind against the un-godly slave-holder; religious papers were established, which fulminated their weekly diatribes against the institution; magazine literature, fiction, lectures, by paid itinerants, were all employed, with powerful effect, in a community where every man sets himself up as a teacher, and considers himself responsible for the morals of his neighbor. the contumely and insult thus heaped upon the south were, of themselves, almost past endurance, to say nothing of the wrongs, under which she suffered. the sectional animosity which was engendered by these means, in the north, soon became intense, and hurried on the catastrophe with railroad speed. whilst the dispute about slavery in the territories was drawing to a focus, another, and if possible, a still more exciting question, had been occupying the public mind--the rendition of fugitive slaves to their owners. our ancestors, in the convention of , foreseeing the difficulty that was likely to arise on this subject, insisted that the following positive provision, for their protection, should be inserted in the constitution: "no person held to service, or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law, or regulation therein, be discharged from such service, or labor; but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service, or labor may be due." in , a law, called the fugitive slave law, had been passed, for the purpose of carrying out this provision of the constitution. this law was re-enacted, with some alterations, the better to secure the object in question, in . neither of those laws was ever properly executed in the north. it soon became unsafe, indeed, for a southern man to venture into the north, in pursuit of his fugitive slave. mr. webster sought, in vain, in the latter part of his life, when he seemed to be actuated by a sense of returning justice to the south, to induce his countrymen to execute those laws, and he lost much of his popularity, in consequence. the laws were not only positively disobeyed, but they were formally nullified by the legislatures of fourteen of the northern states; and penalties were annexed to any attempt to execute them. mr. webster, in speaking on this subject, says: "these states passed acts defeating the law of congress, as far as it was in their power to defeat it. those of them to whom i refer, not all, but several, nullified the law of . they said in effect, 'we will not execute it. no runaway slave shall be restored.' thus the law became a dead letter. but here was the constitution, and compact still binding; here was the stipulation, as solemn as words could form it, and which every member of congress, every officer of the general government, every officer of the state government, from governors down to constables, is sworn to support. it has been said in the states of new york, massachusetts, and ohio, over and over again, that the law shall not be executed. that was the language in conventions, in worcester, massachusetts; in syracuse, new york, and elsewhere. and for this they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors. now, gentlemen, these proceedings, i say it upon my professional reputation, are distinctly treasonable. and the act of taking shadrick [a fugitive slave] from the public authorities, in boston, and sending him off, was an act of clear treason." great outcry was raised against south carolina when she nullified the tariff law of , passed in clear violation of the spirit of the constitution; here we see fourteen states nullifying an act, passed to carry out an express provision of the same instrument, about which there was not, and could not be any dispute. let us again put mr. webster on the witness stand, and hear what he says, was the effect of this wholesale nullification by the northern states of this provision of the constitution. "i do not hesitate," says he, "to say, and repeat, that if the northern states refuse wilfully, and deliberately to carry into effect that part of the constitution, which respects the restoration of fugitive slaves, the south would be no longer bound to keep the compact. _a bargain broken on one side is broken on all sides._" that was spoken like daniel webster, the able jurist, and just man, and not like the daniel webster, whom i have before quoted, in these pages, as the casuist, and the sophist. the reader cannot fail to see what a full recantation we have here, of mr. webster's heresy, of , when he contended that the constitution had been "ordained and established," by the people of the united states, in the aggregate, as one nation. mr. webster now calls the states, the parties to the instrument, and claims that the infraction of it, by some of the states, releases the others from their obligations under it. it is then, after all, it seems, a _federal compact_; and if it be such, we have the authority of mr. webster, himself, for saying that the states may withdraw from it, at pleasure, without waiting for an infringement of it, by their co-states. but the southern states did not desire to withdraw from it, without reason. they were sincerely attached to the union, and were willing to suffer, and endure much rather than that it should be destroyed. they had stood, shoulder to shoulder, with the north in two wars against the mother country, and had freely spent their wealth, and shed their blood in defence of the common rights. they had rushed to the defence of new england, in the war of the revolution, and had equally responded to her call in , in defence of her shipping interest. mr. madison relied much upon these ties, as a common bond of union. when patrick henry and other southern patriots were warning their people against the new alliance, proposed to them in the federal constitution, he spoke the following fervid language in reply to them, in one of the numbers of the "federalist." "hearken not to the unnatural voice, which tells you, that the people of america, knit together, as they are, by so many natural cords of affection, can no longer live together as members of the same family; can no longer continue mutual guardians of their mutual happiness. * * * no, my countrymen, shut your ears against this unhallowed language. shut your hearts against the poison which it conveys. the kindred blood which flows in the veins of american citizens, the mingled blood which they have shed in defence of their sacred rights, consecrate their union, and excite horror at the idea of their becoming aliens, rivals, enemies." much of this feeling still lingered in the bosoms of southern men. they were slow to awaken from this dream of delusion. a rude and rough hand had been necessary to disenchant them. but they were compelled, in spite of themselves, to realize the fact at last, that they had been deceived, and betrayed into the federal compact, that they might be made slaves. like an unhappy bride, upon whose brow the orange-wreath had been placed, by hands that promised tenderness, and protection, the south had been rudely scorned, and repelled, and forced, in tears, and bitter lamentation, to retract the faith which she had plighted. to carry still further our simile; like the deceived, and betrayed bride, the least show of relenting, and tenderness was sufficient to induce the south to forgive, and to endeavor to forget. the history of our unhappy connection with the north is full of compromises, and apparent reconciliations--prominent among which was the compromise of , growing out of the nullification of south carolina, on the tariff question; and the compromise of , in which it was promised, that congress should not interfere with the question of slavery, either in the states, or territories. the south, like the too credulous bride, accepted these evidences of returning tenderness, in good faith; the north, like the coarse and brutal husband, whose selfishness was superior to his sense of justice, withdrew them, almost as soon as made. the obnoxious laws which had been modified, or repealed, under these compromises, were re-enacted with additional provocations, and restrictions. so loth was the south to abandon the union, that she made strenuous efforts to remain in it, even after mr. lincoln had been elected president, in . in this election, that dreaded sectional line against which president washington had warned his countrymen, in his farewell address, had at last been drawn; in it,--"the fire-bell of the night,"--which had so disturbed the last days of jefferson, had been sounded. there had, at last, arisen a united north, against a united south. mr. lincoln had been placed by the chicago convention on a platform so purely sectional, that no southern state voted, or could vote for him. his election was purely geographical; it was tantamount to a denial of the co-equality of the southern states, with the northern states, in the union, since it drove the former out of the common territories. this had not been a mere party squabble--the questions involved had been _federal_, and _fundamental_. notwithstanding which, some of the southern states were not without hope, that the north might be induced to revoke its verdict. mr. crittenden, of kentucky, introduced into the senate, a series of resolutions, which he hoped would have the effect of restoring harmony; the chief feature of which was, the restoration of the missouri compromise, giving the southern states access to the territories south of a geographical line. although this compromise was a partial abandonment of the rights of the south, many of the ablest, and most influential statesmen of that section, gave in their adhesion to it; among others, mr. jefferson davis. the measure failed. various other resolutions, looking to pacification, were introduced into both houses of congress; but they failed, in like manner. the border slave states aroused to a sense of their danger--for by this time, several of the gulf states had seceded--called a convention in the city of washington, to endeavor to allay the storm. a full representation attended, composed of men, venerable for their years, and renowned for their patriotic services, but their labors ended also in failure; congress scarcely deigned to notice them. in both houses of congress the northern faction, which had so recently triumphed in the election of their president, was arrayed in a solid phalanx of hostility to the south, and could not be moved an inch. the puritan leaven had at last "leavened the whole loaf," and the descendants of those immigrants who had come over to america, in the _may flower_, feeling that they had the power to crush a race of men, who had dared to differ with them in opinion, and to have interests separate and apart from them, were resolved to use that power in a way to do no discredit to their ancestry. rebels, when in a minority, they had become tyrants, now that they were in a majority. nothing remained to the south, but to raise the gantlet which had been thrown at her feet. the federal government which had been established by our ancestors had failed of its object. instead of binding the states together, in peace, and amity, it had, in the hands of one portion of the states, become an engine of oppression of the other portion. it so happened, that the slavery question was the issue which finally tore them asunder, but, as the reader has seen, this question was a mere means, to an end. the end was empire, and we were about to repeat, in this hemisphere, the drama which had so often been enacted in the other, of a more powerful nation crushing out a weaker. the war of the american sections was but the prototype of many other wars, which had occurred among the human race. it had its origin in the unregenerated nature of man, who is only an intellectual wild beast, whose rapacity has never yet been restrained, by a sense of justice. the american people thought, when they framed the constitution, that they were to be an exception to mankind, in general. history had instructed them that all other peoples, who had gone before them, had torn up paper governments, when paper was the only bulwark that protected such governments, but then they were the _american_ people, and no such fate could await them. the events which i have recorded, and am about to record, have taught them, that they are no better--and perhaps they are no worse--than other people. it is to be hoped that they will profit by their dear-bought experience, and that when they shall have come to their senses, and undertake to lay the foundation of a new government, they will, if they design to essay another republic, eliminate all discordant materials. the experiment of trusting to human honesty having failed, they must next trust to human interests--the great regulator, as all philosophy teaches, of human nature. they must listen rather to the philosophy of patrick henry, than to that of james madison, and never attempt again to bind up in one sheaf, with a withe of straw, materials so discordant as were the people of the north, and the people of the south. chapter vii. the formation of the confederate government, and the resignation of officers of the federal army and navy. as i am not writing a history of the war, but only of a very small portion of the war, it cannot be expected that i will follow events in a connected train. i have detained the reader, so far, as to give him a continuous, though hasty glance, of the causes of the war, but having brought him down to the final rupture of the sections, i must leave him to supply for himself many a link, here and there, in the broken chain, as we proceed. let him imagine then that the southern states have seceded--the gallant little state of south carolina setting her larger, and more powerful sisters, the example, on the th december, --and that they have met at montgomery, in alabama, by their delegates in congress, to form a new confederacy; that a provisional government has been formed and that mr. jefferson davis has been elected president, and mr. alexander h. stephens vice-president. the time had now come for the officers of the old army, and navy to make their election, as to which of the two governments they would give their adhesion. there were no such questions then, as rebellion, and treason in the public mind. this was a federal after-thought, when that government began to get the better of us in the war. the puritan, if he had been whipped, would have been a capital secessionist, and as meek, and humble as we could have desired. he would have been the first to make a "perpetual" alliance with us, and to offer us inducements to give him the benefits of our trade. after the first drubbing we gave him, at manassas, he was disposed to be quite reasonable, and the federal congress passed the conciliatory resolution i have quoted in a previous chapter, intimating to us, that if we would come back, slavery should be secure in the states, and our "rights and dignity" remain unimpaired. but as he gained strength, he gained courage, and as the war progressed, and it became evident that we should be beaten, he began to talk of traitors, and treason. as a general rule, the officers both of the army, and the navy sided with their respective states; especially those of them who were cultivated, and knew something of the form of government, under which they had been living. but even the profession of arms is not free from sordid natures, and many of these had found their way into both branches of the public service. men were found capable of drawing their swords against their own firesides, as it were, and surrendering their neighbors, and friends to the vengeance of a government, which paid them for their fealty. some, with cunning duplicity, even encouraged their former messmates, and companions who occupied places above them, to resign, and afterward held back themselves. some were mere soldiers, and sailors of fortune, and seemed devoid of all sensibility on the subject, looking only to rank and pay. they were open to the highest bidder, and the federal government was in a condition to make the highest bids. some of the southern men of this latter class remained with the north, because they could not obtain the positions they desired in the south; and afterward, as is the fashion with renegades, became more bitter against their own people than even the northern men. civil war is a terrible crucible through which to pass character; the dross drops away from the pure metal at the first touch of the fire. it must be admitted, indeed, that there was some little nerve required, on the part of an officer of the regular army, or navy, to elect to go with his state. his profession was his only fortune; he depended upon it, for the means of subsisting himself and family. if he remained where he was, a competency for life, and promotion, and honors probably awaited him; if he went with the south, a dark, and uncertain future was before him; he could not possibly better his condition, and if the south failed, he would have thrown away the labor of a life-time. the struggle was hard in other respects. all professions are clannish. men naturally cling together, who have been bred to a common pursuit; and this remark is particularly applicable to the army, and the navy. west point, and annapolis were powerful bonds to knit together the hearts of young men. friendships were there formed, which it was difficult to sever, especially when strengthened by years of after-association, in common toils, common pleasures, and common dangers. naval officers, in particular, who had been rocked together in the same storm, and had escaped perhaps from the same shipwreck, found it very difficult to draw their swords against each other. the flag, too, had a charm which it was difficult to resist. it had long been the emblem of the principle that all just governments are founded on the consent of the governed, vindicated against our british ancestors, in the war of the revolution, and it was difficult to realize the fact that it no longer represented this principle, but had become the emblem of its opposite; that of coercing unwilling states, to remain under a government, which they deemed unjust and oppressive. sentiment had almost as much to do with the matter, as principle, for there clustered around the "old flag," a great many hallowed memories, of sacrifices made, and victories won. the cadet at west point had marched and countermarched under its folds, dreaming of future battle-fields, and future honors to be gained in upholding and defending it; and the midshipman, as he gazed upon it, in some foreign port, flying proudly from the gaff-end of his ship, had drunk in new inspiration to do and to dare, for his country. many bearded men were affected almost to tears, as they saw this once hallowed emblem hauled down from the flag-staves, of southern forts, and arsenals. they were in the condition of one who had been forced, in spite of himself, to realize the perfidy of a friend, and to be obliged to give him up, as no longer worthy of his confidence or affection. general robert e. lee has so happily expressed all these various emotions, in a couple of letters, which he wrote, contemporaneously, with his resignation from the federal army, that i give them to the reader. one of these letters is addressed to general winfield scott, and the other to general lee's sister. arlington, va., april , . general:--since my interview with you on the th instant, i have felt that i ought not longer to retain my commission in the army. i therefore tender my resignation, which i request you will recommend for acceptance. it would have been presented at once, but for the struggle which it has cost me to separate myself from a service, to which i have devoted all the best years of my life, and all the ability i possessed. during the whole of that time--more than a quarter of a century--i have experienced nothing but kindness from my superiors, and the most cordial friendship from my comrades. to no one, general, have i been as much indebted as yourself, for uniform kindness and consideration, and it has always been my ardent desire to merit your approbation. i shall carry to the grave the most grateful recollection of your kind consideration, and your name and fame will always be dear to me. save in defence of my native state, i never desire to draw my sword. be pleased to accept my most earnest wishes for the continuance of your happiness and prosperity, and believe me most truly yours, r. e. lee. _lieutenant-general_ winfield scott, _commanding united states army_. arlington, va., april , . my dear sister:--i am grieved at my inability to see you * * * i have been waiting "for a more convenient season," which has brought to many before me deep and lasting regrets. now we are in a state of war which will yield to nothing. the whole south is in a state of revolution, into which virginia after a long struggle, has been drawn, and _though i recognize no necessity for this state of things_, and would have forborne and pleaded to the end, for redress of grievances, real or supposed, yet in my own person i had to meet the question, _whether i should take part against my native state_. with all my devotion to the union, and the feeling of loyalty, and duty of an american citizen, i have not been able to make up my mind to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home. i have therefore resigned my commission in the army, and save in defence of my native state, with the sincere hope that my services may never be needed, i hope i may never be called on to draw my sword. i know you will blame me, but you must think as kindly of me as you can, and believe that i have endeavored to do what i thought right. to show you the feeling and struggle it has cost me, i send a copy of my letter to general scott, which accompanied my letter of resignation. i have no time for more. * * * may god guard and protect you, and yours, and shower upon you every blessing is the prayer of your devoted brother. r. e. lee. in the winter of , i was stationed in the city of washington, as the secretary of the lighthouse board, being then a commander in the united states navy, and was an observer of many of the events i have described. i had long abandoned all hope of reconciliation between the sections. the public mind, north and south, was in an angry mood, and the day of compromises was evidently at an end. i had made up my mind to retire from the federal service, at the proper moment, and was only waiting for that moment to arrive. although i had been born in the state of maryland, and was reared on the banks of the potomac, i had been, for many years, a resident citizen of alabama, having removed to this state, in the year , and settled with my family, on the west bank of the perdido; removing thence, in a few years, to mobile. my intention of retiring from the federal navy, and taking service with the south, in the coming struggle, had been made known to the delegation in the federal congress from alabama, early in the session of - . i did not doubt that maryland would follow the lead of her more southern sisters, as the cause of quarrel was common with all the southern states, but whether she did or not, could make no difference with me now, since my allegiance, and my services had become due to another state. the month of february, , found me still at the city of washington. the following extract from a letter written by me to a southern member of the federal congress, temporarily absent from his post, will show the state of mind in which i was looking upon passing events. "i am still at my post at the light-house board, performing my routine duties, but listening with an aching ear and beating heart, for the first sounds of the great disruption which is at hand." on the th of that month, whilst sitting quietly with my family, after the labors of the day, a messenger brought me the following telegram:-- montgomery, feb. , . sir:--on behalf of the committee on naval affairs, i beg leave to request that you will repair to this place, at your earliest convenience. _your obedient servant_, c. m. conrad, _chairman_. _commander_ raphael semmes, _washington, d. c._ here was the sound for which i had been so anxiously listening. secession was now indeed a reality, and the time had come for me to arouse myself to action. the telegram threw my small family-circle into great commotion. my wife, with the instincts of a woman, a wife, and a mother, seemed to realize, as by intuition, all the dangers and difficulties that lay before me. she had been hoping without hope, that i would not be subjected to the bitter ordeal, but the die was now cast, and with a few tears, and many prayers she nerved herself for the sacrifices, and trials that she knew were before her. her children were to be withdrawn from school, her comfortable home broken up, and she was to return, penniless, to her people, to abide with them the fortunes of a bloody, and a doubtful war. the heroism of woman! how infinitely it surpasses that of man. with all her gentleness, and tenderness, and natural timidity, in nine cases in ten, she has more nerve than the other sex, in times of great emergency. with a bleeding and bursting heart, she is capable of putting on the composure, and lovely serenity of an angel, binding up the wounds of a husband or son, and when he is restored to health and vigor, buckling on his sword anew, and returning him to the battle-field. glorious women of the south! what an ordeal you have passed through, and how heroically you have stood the trying test. you lost the liberty which your husbands, sires, and sons struggled for, but only for a period. the blood which you will have infused into the veins of future generations will yet rise up to vindicate you, and "call you blessed." the telegram reached me about four o'clock, p. m., and i responded to it, on the same evening as follows: washington, feb. , . hon. c. m. conrad, chairman of the committee on naval affairs, congress of the confederate states:--despatch received; i will be with you immediately. respectfully, &c., r. semmes. the next morning, i repaired, as usual, to the office of the light house board, in the treasury building, general john a. dix being then the secretary of the treasury, and _ex officio_ president of the board, and wrote the following resignation of my commission, as a commander in the united states navy: washington, d. c., feb. , . sir:--i respectfully tender through you, to the president of the united states, this, the resignation of the commission which i have the honor to hold as a commander in the navy of the united states. in severing my connection with the government of the united states, and with the department over which you preside, i pray you to accept my thanks for the kindness which has characterized your official deportment towards me. i have the honor to be very respectfully your obedient servant, raphael semmes, _commander u. s. navy_. _hon._ isaac toucey, _secretary of the navy_, _washington, d. c._ on the same day, i received the following acceptance of my resignation:-- navy department, feb. , . sir:--your resignation as a commander in the navy of the united states, tendered in your letter of this date, is hereby accepted. i am respectfully your obedient servant, i. toucey. raphael semmes, esq., _late commander_ _u. s. navy, washington_. a few days previously to my resignation, by the death of a lamented member of the light-house board, i had been promoted from the secretaryship, to a membership of that board, and it now became necessary for me to inform the board officially, of my being no longer a member of it, which i did in the following communication:-- washington, d. c., feb. , . sir:--i have the honor to inform you, that i have resigned my commission, as a commander in the navy of the united states, and that, as a consequence, i am no longer a member of the light-house board. in severing thus my connection with the board, at which i have had the honor to hold a seat, since the th of november, , i desire to say to the members, individually, and collectively, that i shall carry with me to my home in the south, a grateful recollection of the amenities, and courtesies which have characterized, on their part, our official intercourse. i am very respectfully your obedient servant, raphael semmes. _commander_ t. a. jenkins, _u. s. n._, _secretary light-house board, washington_. i left in the light-house board, a south carolinian, and a virginian, both of whom were too loyal to their places, to follow the lead of their states. the south carolinian has been rewarded with the commission of a rear-admiral, and the virginian with that of a commodore. the presence of these gentlemen in the board may account for the fact, that my letter was not even honored with an acknowledgment of its receipt. i have said that there was no talk at this time, about traitors, and treason. the reader will observe how openly, and as a matter of course, all these transactions were conducted. the seceded states had been several months in getting their conventions together, and repealing, with all due form, and ceremony, the ordinances by which the federal constitution had been accepted. senators, and members of the house of representatives of the federal congress had withdrawn from their seats, under circumstances unusually solemn, and impressive, which had attracted the attention of the whole country. mr. jefferson davis, in particular, had taken leave of a full senate, with crowded galleries, in a speech of great dignity and power, in the course of which he said: "we will invoke the god of our fathers, who delivered them from the power of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the bear; and thus putting our trust in god, and in our own firm hearts, and strong arms, we will vindicate the right as best we may." as the resignation of each officer of the army, and navy went in, it was well understood what his object was, and yet we have seen, that up to this period, the government accepted them all, and permitted the officers to depart to their respective states. it was not known, as yet, to what extent the disintegration might go, and it was not safe therefore to talk of treason. "the wayward sisters" might decide to go in a body, in which event it would not have been _policy_ to attempt to prevent them, or to discuss questions of treason with them. the secretary of the navy did not think of arresting me, for telegraphing to the congress of the confederate states, that i would be with it, immediately; nor did he, though he knew my purpose of drawing my sword against the federal government, if necessary, refuse to accept my resignation. nay, president buchanan had decided that he had no power under the federal constitution, to coerce a state; though, like a weak old man as he had now become, he involved himself afterward in the inconsistency of attempting to hold possession of the ceded places within the limits of the states which had withdrawn from the union. it could not but follow, logically, from the premise, that there was no power in the federal constitution to coerce a state, that the state had the right to secede; for clearly any one may do that which no one has the right to prevent him from doing. it was under such circumstances as these, that i dissolved my connection with the federal government, and returned to the condition of a private citizen, with no more obligation resting upon me, than upon any other citizen. the federal government, itself, had formally released me from the contract of service i had entered into with it, and, as a matter of course, from the binding obligation of any oath i had taken in connection with that contract. all this was done, as the reader has seen, before i moved a step from the city of washington; and yet a subsequent secretary of the navy, mr. gideon welles, has had the hardihood and indecency of accusing me of having been a "deserter from the service." he has deliberately put this false accusation on record, in a public document, in face of the facts i have stated--all of which were recorded upon the rolls of his office. i do not speak here of the clap-trap he has used about "treason to the flag," and the other stale nonsense which he has uttered in connection with my name, for this was common enough among his countrymen, and was perhaps to have been expected from men smarting under the castigation i had given them, but of the more definite and explicit charge, of "_deserting from the service_," when the service, itself, as he well knew, had released me from all my obligations to it. another charge, with as little foundation, has been made against myself, and other officers of the army and navy, who resigned their commissions, and came south. it has been said that we were in the condition of _élèves_ of the federal government, inasmuch as we had received our education at the military schools, and that we were guilty of ingratitude to that government, when we withdrew from its service. this slander has no doubt had its effect, with the ignorant masses, but it can scarcely have been entertained by any one who has a just conception of the nature of our federal system of government. it loses sight of the fact, that the states are the creators, and the federal government the creature; that not only the military schools, but the federal government itself belongs to the states. whence came the fund for the establishment of these schools? from the states. in what proportion did the states contribute it? mr. benton has answered this question, as the reader has seen, when he was discussing the effect of the tariffs under which the south had so long been depleted. he has told us, that four states alone, virginia, the two carolinas and georgia, defrayed three fourths of the expenses of the general government; and taking the whole south into view, this proportion had even increased since his day, up to the breaking out of the war. of every appropriation, then, that was made by congress for the support of the military schools, three fourths of the money belonged to the southern states. did these states send three fourths of the students to those schools? of course not--this would have been something like justice to them; but justice to the southern states was no part of the scheme of the federal government. with the exception of a few cadets, and midshipmen "at large," whom the president was authorized to appoint--the intention being that he should appoint the sons of deceased officers of the army and navy, but the fact being that he generally gave the appointment to his political friends--the appointments to these schools were made from the several states, in proportion to population, and as a matter of course, the north got the lion's share. but supposing the states to have been equally represented in those schools, what would have been the result? why, simply that the south not only educated her own boys, but educated three fourths of the northern boys, to boot. virginia, for instance, at the same time that she sent young robert e. lee to west point, to be educated, put in the public treasury not only money enough to pay for his education, and maintenance, but for the education and maintenance of three massachusetts boys! how ungrateful of lee, afterward, being thus a charity scholar of the north, to draw his sword against her. chapter viii. author proceeds to montgomery, and reports to the new government, and is dispatched northward, on a special mission. on the evening of the th of february, the day after i had resigned my commission, i took a sorrowful leave of my family, and departed for montgomery, by the way of fredericksburg and richmond. virginia and north carolina had not yet seceded, and anxious debates were going on, on the all-absorbing question, in each town and village in these two states, through which i passed. it was easy to see, that the great majority of the people were with the extreme south, in this her hour of need, but there were some time-servers and trimmers, who still talked of conciliation, and of guarantees. they inquired eagerly after news from washington, at all the stations at which the train stopped, and seemed disappointed when they found we had nothing more to tell them, than they had already learned through the telegraph. on the evening of the th, i entered the level tract of pine lands between west point, and montgomery. the air had become soft, and balmy, though i had left a region of frosts, and snow, only two days before. the pine woods were on fire as we passed through them, the flames now and then running up a lightwood tree, and throwing a weird and fitful glare upon the passing train. the scene was peculiarly southern, and reminded me that i was drawing near my home, and my people, and i mechanically repeated to myself the words of the poet: "breathes there a man with soul so dead, who never to himself hath said, this is my own, my native land!" and my heart, which up to that moment, had felt as though a heavy weight were pressing upon it, began to give more vigorous beats, and send a more inspiring current through my veins. under this happy influence i sank, as the night advanced, and the train thundered on, into the first sound sleep which had visited my weary eyelids, since i had resigned my commission, and read at the foot of the letter accepting my resignation, my name inscribed as plain "esq." this night-ride, through the burning pine woods of alabama, afterward stood as a great gulf in my memory, forming an impassable barrier, as it were, between my past, and my future life. it had cost me pain to cross the gulf, but once crossed, i never turned to look back. when i washed and dressed for breakfast, in montgomery, the next morning, i had put off the old man, and put on the new. the labors, and associations of a lifetime had been inscribed in a volume, which had been closed, and a new book, whose pages were as yet all blank, had been opened. my first duty was to put myself in communication with mr. conrad, the chairman of the committee of naval affairs. several naval officers had preceded me to the seat of the new government, and others were arriving. it was agreed that there should be a special meeting on the next day, in joint session, of the two committees--on military and naval affairs. the confederate congress was in session in the state capitol, and about noon, i repaired thither to witness the spectacle. they did me the honor to admit me to the floor, and upon casting my eyes over the august assembly, i recognized a number of familiar faces. general howell cobb of georgia was the president; toombs, crawford, and other distinguished men were there from the same state. curry, mcrae, robert h. smith and other able men were there from alabama. in short the congress was full of the best talent of the south. it was by far the best congress that ever assembled under the new government. it was a convention as well as a congress, since it was charged with the establishment of a provisional government. every one realized the greatness of the crisis that was upon us, and hence the very best men in the community had been selected to meet the emergency. the harmony of the body was equal to its ability, for, in the course of a few weeks, it had put the complicated machinery of a government in motion, and was already taking active measures for defence, in case the federal power should decide upon making war upon us. mr. davis, the provisional president, had preceded me to the capital, only a few days, and my next step was to call upon him. i had known him in the city of washington. he received me kindly, and almost the first question which he asked me, was whether i had disembarrassed myself of my federal commission. i replied to him that i had done so, as a matter of course, before leaving washington, and that my allegiance henceforth belonged to the new government, and to the southern people. he seemed gratified at this declaration, and entered into a free, and frank conversation with me, on the subject of the want of preparation for defence, in which he found our states, and the great labor that lay before us, to prepare for emergencies. congress, he said, has not yet had time to organize a navy, but he designed to make immediate use of me, if i had no objection. i told him that my services were at his command, in any capacity he thought fit to employ them. he then explained to me his plan of sending me back to the city of washington, and thence into the northern states, to gather together, with as much haste as possible, such persons, and materials of war as might be of most pressing necessity. the persons alluded to, were to be mechanics skilled in the manufacture, and use of ordnance, and rifle machinery, the preparation of fixed ammunition, percussion caps, &c. so exclusively had the manufacture of all these articles for the use of the united states, been confined to the north, under "the best government the world ever saw," that we had not even percussion caps enough to enable us to fight a battle, or the machines with which to make them, although we had captured all the forts, and arsenals within our limits, except fort sumter and fort mcrae. the president was as calm and unmoved as i had ever seen him, and was living in a very simple, and unpretending style at the exchange hotel. he had not yet selected all his cabinet; nor indeed had he so much as a private secretary at his command, as the letter of instructions which he afterward presented me, for my guidance, was written with his own hand. this letter was very full, and precise, frequently descending into detail, and manifesting an acquaintance with bureau duties, scarcely to have been expected from one who had occupied his exalted positions. on the next day, i attended the joint-session of the two committees above named. these committees were composed, as was to have been expected, of some of the best men of the congress. conrad, crawford, curry, and the brilliant young bartow of georgia were present, among others whose names i do not now recall. but few naval officers of any rank had as yet withdrawn from the old service; rousseau, tattnall, ingraham, and randolph were all the captains; and farrand, brent, semmes, and hartstone were all the commanders. of these there were present before the committees, besides myself, rousseau, ingraham, and randolph; major wm. h. chase, late of the engineers of the federal army, was also present. randolph commanded the navy yard at pensacola, and chase the military defences. we discussed the military and naval resources of the country, and devised such means of defence as were within our reach--which were not many--to enable us to meet the most pressing exigences of our situation, and separated after a session of several hours. i can do no more, of course, than briefly glance at these things, as i am not writing, as before remarked, the history of the war. the next morning i called again on the president, received my instructions, and departed northward on the mission which had been assigned me. i will be brief in the description of this mission also. i stopped a day at richmond, and examined the state arsenal, in charge of capt. dimmock, and the tredegar iron works; having been especially enjoined to report upon the present, and future capacity of these works for the casting of cannon, shot, shells, &c. the establishment had already turned its attention in this direction, and i was gratified to find that it was capable of almost indefinite enlargement, and that it could be made a most valuable auxiliary to us. the reader will see how confidently we already reckoned upon the support of virginia. reaching washington again, i visited the arsenal, and inspected such of its machinery as i thought worth my notice, particularly an improved percussion-cap machine which i found in operation. i also held conferences with some mechanics, whom i desired to induce to go south. whilst i was in washington mr. abraham lincoln, the newly elected president of the united states, arrived, for the purpose of being inaugurated. being purely a sectional president, and feeling probably that he had no just right to rule over the south, he had come into the city by night, and in disguise, afraid to trust himself among a people of whom he claimed to be chief magistrate. poor old general winfield scott was then verging toward senility, and second childhood, and had contributed no little, perhaps, to mr. lincoln's alarm. he had been gathering together troops for some days, in the federal capital, for the purpose of inaugurating, amid bayonets, a president of the united states. it had been the boast of the american people, heretofore, that their presidents did not need guards, but trusted wholly for their security, to the love, and confidence of their constituents, but the reign of peace, and good will was at an end, and the reign of the bayonet was to ensue. the rumbling of artillery through the streets of washington, and the ring of grounded arms on the pavements, had sounded the death-knell of liberty in these states for generations. swarms of visitors from far and near, in the north and west, had flocked to washington, to see _their_ president inaugurated, and were proud of this spectacle of arms; too stupid to see its fearful significance. the auspicious day, the th of march, at length arrived, and whilst the glorious pageant is being prepared; whilst the windows and the house-tops along pennsylvania avenue are being thronged with a motley population of men and women, come to see the show; whilst the president elect, in a hollow square of bayonets, is marching toward the capitol, the writer of these pages, having again taken leave of his family, was hurrying away from the desecration of a capital, which had been ceded by a too credulous maryland, and virginia, and which had been laid out by washington. as i left the baltimore depot, extra trains were still pouring their thousands into the streets of washington. i arrived in new york, the next day, and during the next three weeks, visited the west point academy, whither i went to see a son, who was a cadet at the institution, and who afterward became a major of light artillery, in the confederate service; and made a tour through the principal work-shops of new york, connecticut, and massachusetts. i found the people everywhere, not only willing, but anxious to contract with me. i purchased large quantities of percussion caps in the city of new york, and sent them by express without any disguise, to montgomery. i made contracts for batteries of light artillery, powder, and other munitions, and succeeded in getting large quantities of the powder shipped. it was agreed between the contractors and myself, that when i should have occasion to use the telegraph, certain other words were to be substituted, for those of military import, to avoid suspicion. i made a contract, conditioned upon the approval of my government, for the removal to the southern states, of a complete set of machinery for rifling cannon, with the requisite skilled workmen to put it in operation. some of these men, who would thus have sold body, and soul to me, for a sufficient consideration, occupied high social positions, and were men of wealth. i dined with them, at their comfortable residences near their factories, where the music of boring out cannon, accompanied the clatter of the dishes, and the popping of champagne-corks; and i had more than one business interview with gentlemen, who occupied the most costly suites of apartments at the astor house in new york city. many of these gentlemen, being unable to carry out their contracts with the confederate states because of the prompt breaking out of the war, afterward obtained lucrative contracts from the federal government, and became, in consequence, intensely _loyal_. it would be a _quasi_ breach of honor to disclose their names, as they dealt with me, pretty much as conspirators against their government are wont to deal with the enemies of their government, secretly, and with an implied confidence that i would keep their secret. it is accordingly safe. in the mean time, the great revolution was progressing. abraham lincoln had delivered his inaugural address, with triple rows of bayonets between him, and the people to whom he was speaking, in which address he had puzzled his hearers, and was no doubt puzzled himself, as to what he really meant. he was like president buchanan; now he saw it, and now he didn't. he would not coerce the states, but he would hold on to the ceded places within their limits, and collect the public revenue. texas, and arkansas went out whilst i was in new york. the bulletin-boards at the different newspaper offices were daily thronged by an unwashed multitude, in search of some new excitement. the northern public was evidently puzzled. it had at first rather treated secession as a joke. they did not think it possible that the southern people could be in earnest, in dissolving their connection with a people, so eminently proper as themselves; but they now began to waver in this opinion. still they forbore any decided demonstration. like sensible men they preferred waiting until they could see how large a bull they were required to take by the horns. toward the latter part of my stay in new york i received the following letter from the hon. stephen r. mallory, who had been appointed secretary of the navy, which branch of the public service had been organized since i had left montgomery: confederate states of america, navy dept., montgomery, ala., march , . commander raphael semmes. sir:--with the sanction of the president, i am constrained to impose upon you duties connected with this department, in addition to the important trusts with which you are charged; but i do so, upon the express understanding, that they are not to interfere with the performance of your special duties. i have received reliable information, that two, or more steamers, of a class desired for immediate service, may be purchased at, or near new york; steamers of speed, light draught, and strength sufficient for at least one heavy gun. when i say to you, that they are designed to navigate the waters, and enter the bays, and inlets of the coast, from charleston to the st. mary's, and from key west, to the rio grande, for coast defence; that their speed should be sufficient to give them, at all times, the ability to engage, or evade an engagement; and that eight or ten-inch guns, with perhaps two thirty-twos, or if not, two of smaller calibre should constitute their battery, your judgment will need no further guide. be pleased, should your other important engagements permit, to make inquiries, in such manner as may not excite special attention, and give me such details as to cost, character, &c., as you may deem important. under these instructions i made diligent search in the waters of new york, for such steamers as were wanted, but none could be found. the river, and long island sound boats were mere shells, entirely unfit for the purposes of war, and it was difficult to find any of the sea-going steamers, which combined the requisite lightness of draught, with the other qualities desired. march was now drawing to a close, the war-cloud was assuming darker, and more portentous hues, and it soon became evident that my usefulness in the north was about to end. men were becoming more shy of making engagements with me, and the federal government was becoming more watchful. the new york, and savannah steamers were still running, curiously enough carrying the federal flag at the peak, and the confederate flag at the fore; and in the last days of march, i embarked on board one of them, arriving in montgomery on the th of april, just eight days before fire was opened upon fort sumter. during the short interval that elapsed between my arrival, and my going afloat, i was put in charge of the light-house bureau; the confederate congress having, upon my recommendation, established a bureau, with a single naval officer at its head, instead of the complicated machinery of a board, which existed in the old government. i had barely time to appoint the necessary clerks, and open a set of books, before fort sumter was fired upon, and the tocsin of war was sounded. chapter ix. the commissioning of the sumter, the first confederate states' ship of war. fort sumter surrendered on the th of april. the next day was a gala day in montgomery. we had driven an insolent enemy from one of the strongest positions in the south, and the people were all agog to hear the news. a large confederate flag was displayed from a balcony of the war office, and the hon. l. p. walker, the secretary of war, announced in a brief speech, to the assembled multitude below, amid repeated cheering, and the waving of hats, and handkerchiefs, the welcome tidings. the union men, who have become so numerous since the war, had, if any of them were in the city, slunk to their holes, and corners, and the air was redolent, alone, of southern patriotism, and southern enthusiasm. the driving of the enemy from charleston harbor, decided the fate of virginia, which had been trembling in the balance for some days. the grand old state could no longer resist her generous impulses. under a proclamation of president lincoln the martial hosts of an enraged and vindictive north were assembling, to make war upon her sisters, and this was enough--her ordinance of secession was passed, by a very gratifying majority. patrick henry had become a prophet, and the beautiful, and touching apostrophe of james madison to the "kindred blood," and the "mingled blood" of the american people, which was given to the reader a few pages back, had proved to be the mere chimera of an excited imagination. the effect of the surrender of sumter in the north was beyond conception. a prominent leader of the public press of that section had said of the american flag:-- "tear down that flaunting lie, half-mast the starry flag, insult no sunny sky with hate's polluted rag." instantly, and as if by the touch of a magician's wand, the polluted rag became the rallying cry of the whole northern people, and of none more so, than of the very men who had thus denounced it. but there was method in this madness; the rag had only been polluted whilst it was the emblem of good faith between the north, and the south; whilst, in other words, it prevented the mad fanatics of the north from violating that slave property, which _their_ ancestors had promised _our_ ancestors, in the solemn league and covenant of the constitution, should forever remain inviolate. but now that the rag, instead of being an obstacle, might be made the means of accomplishing their designs, it was no longer necessary to pull it down. the moment it was fired upon, it became, in their eyes, a new flag, and the symbol of a new faith. it was no longer to represent the federative principle, or to protect the rights of states; it was henceforth to wave over yelling, and maddened majorities, whose will was to be both constitution, and law. strange that the thinking portion of the northern people did not see this; strange that the hitherto conservative democratic party did not see it. or was it that the whole north had been wearing a mask, and that the mask was now no longer available, or desirable, to hide their treachery? perhaps the future historian, in calmer moments, when the waves of passion engendered by the late storm shall have sunk to rest, will be better able to answer this question. for the present it is sufficient to record the fact, mortifying, it must be confessed, to poor human nature, that all our quondam friends, without so many as half a dozen exceptions in a whole nation--i speak, of course, of prominent men--went over to the common enemy. the very men who had stood, shoulder to shoulder, with us, in resisting northern aggression, who had encouraged us with pen, and voice, to resist, if need be, unto the death, who promised in case of secession, to stand between us, and the march of northern armies of invasion, instantly, and without even the salvo to their consciences of circumlocution, changed their political faith of a life-time, and became, if not straight-out republicans, at least blatant war democrats. the reader cannot be at a loss to account for this change. it was caused by the purest, and most refined selfishness. next to the love of wealth, the love of office may be said to be the distinguishing passion of the american people. in the hands of a skilful office-seeker, patriotism is a mere word with which to delude the ignorant masses, and not a sentiment, or a creed, to be really entertained. our allies in the north were very patriotic, whilst there were still hopes of preserving the union, and along with it the prospect of office, by the aid of the southern people, but the moment the southern states went out, and it became evident that they would be politically dead, unless they recanted their political faith, it was seen that they had no intention of becoming martyrs. their motto, on the contrary, became _sauve qui peut_, and the d----l take the hindmost; and the banks of the new political jordan were at once crowded with a multitude anxious to be dipped in its regenerating waters! as the tidings of these doings in the north were flashed to us, over the wires, in montgomery, it became evident to me, that the light-house bureau was no longer to be thought of. it had become necessary for every man, who could wield a sword, to draw it in defence of his country, thus threatened by the swarming hordes of the north, and to leave the things of peace to the future. i had already passed the prime of life, and was going gently down that declivity, at whose base we all arrive, sooner or later, but _i thanked god_, that i had still a few years before me, and vigor enough of constitution left, to strike in defence of the right. i at once sought an interview with the secretary of the navy, and explained to him my desire to go afloat. we had, as yet, nothing that could be called a navy; not a ship indeed, if we except a few river steamers, that had been hastily armed by some of the states, and turned over, by them, to the navy department. the naval officers, who had come south, had brought with them nothing but their poverty, and their swords; all of them who had been in command of ships, at the secession of their respective states, having, from a sense of honor, delivered them back to the federal government. if a sense of justice had presided at the separation of the states, a large portion of the ships of the navy would have been turned over to the south; and this failing to be done, it may be questionable whether the southern naval officers, in command, would not have been justified in bringing their ships with them, which it would have been easy for them to do. but, on the other hand, they had been personally intrusted with their commands, by the federal government, and it would have been treason to a military principle, if not to those great principles which guide revolutions, to deliver those commands to a different government. perhaps they decided correctly--at all events, a military, or naval man, cannot go very far astray, who abides by the point of honor. shortly before the war-cloud had arisen so ominously above the political horizon, i had written a letter to a distinguished member of the federal congress from the south, in reply to one from himself, giving him my views as to the naval policy of our section, in case things should come to a crisis. i make no apology to the reader for presenting him with the following extract from that letter, bearing upon the subject, which we have now in hand. "you ask me to explain what i mean, by an irregular naval force. i mean a well-organized system of private armed ships, called privateers. if you are warred upon at all, it will be by a commercial people, whose ability to do you harm will consist chiefly in ships, and shipping. it is at ships and shipping, therefore, that you must strike; and the most effectual way to do this, is, by means of the irregular force of which i speak. private cupidity will always furnish the means for this description of warfare, and all that will be required of you will be to put it under sufficient legal restraints, to prevent it from degenerating into piracy, and becoming an abuse. even new england ships, and new england capital would be at your service, in abundance. the system of privateering would be analogous to the militia system on the land. you could have a large irregular sea force, to act in aid of the regular naval force, so long as the war lasted, and which could be disbanded, without further care or expense, at the end of the war." wealth is necessary to the conduct of all modern wars, and i naturally turned my eyes, as indicated in the above letter, to the enemy's chief source of wealth. the ingenuity, enterprise, and natural adaptation of the northern people to the sea, and seafaring pursuits, had enabled them, aided by the vast resources, which they had filched, under pretence of legislation, from the south, to build up, in the course of a very few years, a commercial marine that was second only to that of great britain, in magnitude and importance. the first decked vessel that had been built in the united states, was built by one adrian block, a dutch skipper, on the banks of the hudson, in , and in , or in less than two centuries and a half, the great republic was competing with england, the history of whose maritime enterprise extended back a thousand years, for the carrying trade of the world! this trade, if permitted to continue, would be a powerful means of sustaining the credit of the enemy, and enabling him to carry on the war. hence it became an object of the first necessity with the confederate states, to strike at his commerce. i enlarged upon this necessity, in the interview i was now holding with mr. mallory, and i was gratified to find that that able officer agreed with me fully in opinion. a board of naval officers was already in session at new orleans, charged with the duty of procuring, as speedily as possible, some light and fast steamers to be let loose against the enemy's commercial marine, but their reports up to this time, had been but little satisfactory. they had examined a number of vessels, and found some defects in all of them. the secretary, speaking of the discouragement presented by these reports, handed me one of them, which he had received that morning, from the board. i read it, and found that it described a small propeller steamer, of five hundred tons burden, sea-going, with a low-pressure engine, sound, and capable of being so strengthened as to be enabled to carry an ordinary battery of four, or five guns. her speed was reported to be between nine, and ten knots, but unfortunately, said the board, she carries but five days' fuel, and has no accommodations for the crew of a ship of war. she was, accordingly, condemned. when i had finished reading the report, i turned to the secretary, and said, "give me that ship; i think i can make her answer the purpose." my request was at once acceded to, the secretary telegraphed to the board, to receive the ship, and the clerks of the department were set at work, to hunt up the necessary officers, to accompany me, and make out the proper orders. and this is the way in which the confederate states' steamer _sumter_, which was to have the honor of being the first ship of war to throw the new confederate flag to the breeze, was commissioned. i had accepted a stone which had been rejected of the builders, and which, though, it did not afterward become the "chief corner-stone of the temple," i endeavored to work into the building which the confederates were then rearing, to remind their posterity that they had struggled, as patrick henry and his contemporaries had struggled before them, "in defence of their liberties." the next day, the chief clerk of the navy department handed me the following order: confederate states of america, navy department, montgomery, april , . sir:--you are hereby detached from duty as chief of the light-house bureau, and will proceed to new orleans, and take command of the steamer _sumter_ (named in honor of our recent victory over fort sumter). the following officers have been ordered to report to you, for duty: lieutenants john m. kell, r. t. chapman, john m. stribling, and wm. e. evans; paymaster henry myers; surgeon francis l. galt; midshipmen, wm. a. hicks, richard f. armstrong, albert g. hudgins, john f. holden, and jos. d. wilson. i am respectfully your obedient servant, s. r. mallory, _secretary of the navy_. _commander_ raphael semmes. the reader will observe that i am addressed as a "commander," the rank which i held in the old service. the navy department, in consultation with the president, had adopted the rule of accepting all the officers who chose to come to us from the old navy--as the federal navy began now to be called--without increase of rank; and in arranging them on the navy-list, their old _relative_ rank was also preserved. this rule had two good effects; it did not tempt any officer to come to us, moved by the hope of immediate promotion, and it put us all on an equal footing, in the future race for honors. i had been living in montgomery as a bachelor, at the house of mr. wm. knox, an old friend--my family having gone to spend some time with a beloved brother, in maryland, until i could see, by the light of events, what final disposition to make of it. it did not occupy me long, therefore, to make my preparations for departure, in obedience to my orders. i took a respectful, and affectionate leave of the officers of the government, with whom i had been associated, and embarked on the afternoon of the same day on which i had received my orders, on board the steamer _southern republic_ for mobile. at mobile i fell in with lieutenant chapman, one of the officers who had been detailed to report to me, and he, being a minute-man like myself, took a hasty leave of a young wife, and we continued our journey together. i found mobile, like the rest of the confederacy, in a great state of excitement. always one of the truest of southern cities, it was boiling over with enthusiasm; the young merchants had dropped their daybooks and ledgers, and were forming, and drilling companies, by night and by day, whilst the older ones were discussing questions of finance, and anxiously casting about them, to see how the confederate treasury could be supported. the battle house, at which i stopped for a few hours, previous to taking the steamer for new orleans, was thronged with young men in military costume, and all seemed going "as merrily as a marriage-bell." alas! my poor young countrymen, how many of you had disappeared from the scene, when i next returned among you, near the close of the war, and how many poor mothers there were, weeping for the sons that were not. but your gallant and glorious record!--that, at least, remains, and must remain forever; for you have inscribed your names so high on the scroll of fame, that the slanderous breath of an ungenerous foe can never reach them. i arrived in new orleans, on monday, the d of april, and at once put myself in communication with the commanding naval officer, the venerable lawrence rousseau, since gone to his long home, full of years, and full of honors. like a true son of the south he had obeyed the first call of his fatherland, the state of louisiana, and torn off the seal from the commission of a federal captain, which he had honored for forty years. i will not say, "peace to his ashes," for the spirit of a christian gentleman, which animated his frame during life, has doubtless received its appropriate reward; nor will i say aught of his name, or fame, for these are embalmed in the memories of his countrymen. he was my friend, and in that name "friend" i pronounce his eulogy. on the same day of my arrival, in company with lieutenant chapman, i inspected, and took possession of my new ship. i found her only a dismantled packet-ship, full of upper cabins, and other top-hamper, furniture, and crockery, but as unlike a ship of war as possible. still, i was pleased with her general appearance. her lines were easy, and graceful, and she had a sort of saucy air about her, which seemed to say, that she was not averse to the service on which she was about to be employed. chapter x. the preparation of the sumter for sea--she drops down between the forts jackson, and st. philip--receives her sailing orders--list of officers. a great change was apparent in new orleans since i had last visited it. the levée in front of the city was no longer a great mart of commerce, piled with cotton bales, and supplies going back to the planter; densely packed with steamers, and thronged with a busy multitude. the long lines of shipping above the city had been greatly thinned, and a general air of desolation hung over the river front. it seemed as though a pestilence brooded over the doomed city, and that its inhabitants had fled before the fell destroyer. the _sumter_ lay on the opposite side of the river, at algiers, and i crossed over every morning to superintend her refitment. i was sometimes detained at the ferry-house, waiting for the ferry-boat, and on these occasions, casting my eyes up and down the late busy river, it was not unfrequent to see it without so much as a skiff in motion on its bosom. but this first simoon of the desert which had swept over the city, as a foretaste of what was to come, had by no means discouraged its patriotic inhabitants. the activity of commerce had ceased, it is true, but another description of activity had taken its place. war now occupied the thoughts of the multitude, and the sound of the drum, and the tramp of armed men were heard in the streets. the balconies were crowded with lovely women in gay attire, to witness the military processions, and the confederate flag in miniature was pinned on almost every bosom. the enthusiasm of the frenchman had been most easily and gracefully blended with the stern determination of the southern man of english descent; the consequence of which was, that there was more demonstrative patriotism in new orleans, than in any other of our southern cities. nor was this patriotism demonstrative only, it was deep and real, and was afterward sealed with some of the best creole blood of the land, poured out, freely, on many a desperate battle-field. alas! poor louisiana. once the seat of wealth, and of a gay and refined hospitality, thy manorial residences are deserted, and in decay, or have been levelled by the torch of the incendiary; thy fruitful fields, that were cultivated by the contented laborer, who whistled his merriment to his lazy plow, have been given to the jungle; thy fair daughters have been insulted, by the coarse, and rude vandal; and even thy liberties have been given in charge of thy freedmen; and all this, because thou wouldst thyself be free! i now took my ship actively in hand, and set gangs of mechanics at work to remove her upper cabins, and other top-hamper, preparatory to making the necessary alterations. these latter were considerable, and i soon found that i had a tedious job on my hands. it was no longer the case, as it had been in former years, when i had had occasion to fit out a ship, that i could go into a navy-yard, with well-provided workshops, and skilled workmen ready with all the requisite materials at hand to execute my orders. everything had to be improvised, from the manufacture of a water-tank, to the "kids, and cans" of the berth-deck messes, and from a gun-carriage to a friction-primer. i had not only to devise all the alterations but to make plans, and drawings of them, before they could be comprehended. the main deck was strengthened, by the addition of heavy beams to enable it to support the battery; a berth-deck was laid for the accommodation of the crew; the engine, which was partly above the water-line, was protected by a system of wood-work, and iron bars; the ship's rig was altered so as to convert her into a barkentine, with square-sails on her fore and main-masts; the officers' quarters, including my own cabin, were re-arranged; new suits of sails were made, and new boats constructed; hammocks and bedding were procured for the crew, and guns, gun-carriages, and ammunition ordered. two long, tedious months were consumed in making these various alterations, and additions. my battery was to consist of an eight-inch shell gun, to be pivoted amidships, and of four light thirty-two pounders, of thirteen cwt. each, in broadside. the secretary of the navy, who was as anxious as myself that i should get to sea immediately, had given me all the assistance in his power, readily acceding to my requests, and promptly filling, or causing to be filled, all my requisitions. with the secession of virginia we had become possessed of a valuable depot of naval supplies, in the norfolk navy yard. it was filled with guns, shot, shell, cordage, and everything that was useful in the equipment of a ship, but it was far away from new orleans, and such was the confusion along the different lines of railroad, that it was difficult to procure transportation. commander terry sinclair, the active ordnance officer of the yard, had early dispatched my guns, by railroad, but weeks elapsed without my being able to hear anything of them. i was finally obliged to send a lieutenant in search of them, who picked them up, one by one, as they had been thrown out on the road-side, to make room for other freight. my gun-carriages i was obliged to have constructed myself, and i was fortunate enough to obtain the services of a very ingenious mechanic to assist me in this part of my duties--mr. roy, a former employee of the custom-house, within whose ample walls he had established his work-shop. he contrived most ingeniously, and constructed out of railroad iron, one of the best carriages (or rather, slide and circle) for a pivot-gun, which i have ever seen. the large foundry of leeds & co. took the contract for casting my shot, and shells, and executed it to my satisfaction. whilst all these various operations are going on, we may conveniently look around us upon passing events, or at least upon such of them as have a bearing upon naval operations. president davis, a few days after the secession of virginia, and when war had become imminent, issued a proclamation for the purpose of raising that irregular naval force, of which i have spoken in a previous page. parties were invited to apply for letters-of-marque and reprisal, with a view to the fitting out of privateers, to prey upon the enemy's commerce. under this proclamation several privateers--generally light-draught river-steamers, with one or two small guns each--were hastily prepared, in new orleans, and had already brought in some prizes captured off the mouths of the mississippi. even this small demonstration seemed to surprise, as well as alarm the northern government, for president lincoln now issued a proclamation declaring the molestation of federal vessels, on the high seas, by confederate cruisers, _piracy_. he had also issued a proclamation declaring the ports of the confederacy in a state of blockade. the mouths of the mississippi were to be sealed on the th of may. the european governments, as soon as it became evident, that the two sections were really at war, took measures accordingly. great britain took the lead, and declared a strict neutrality between the combatants. it was of the essence of such a declaration, that it should put both belligerents on the same footing. this was apparently done, and the cruisers of both sections were prohibited, alike, from taking their prizes into british ports. i shall have something to say of the unequal operation of this declaration of neutrality, in a future part of these memoirs; for the present it is only necessary to state, that it acknowledged us to be in possession of belligerent rights. this was a point gained certainly, but it was no more than was to have been expected. indeed, great britain could do nothing less. in recognizing the war which had broken out between the sections, as a war, and not as a mere insurrection, she had only followed the lead of mr. lincoln himself. efforts had been made it is true, both by mr. lincoln, and his secretary of state, to convince the european governments that the job which they had on their hands was a small affair; a mere family quarrel, of no great significance. but the truth would not be suppressed, and when, at last, it became necessary to declare the confederate ports in a state of blockade, and to send ships of war thither, to enforce the declaration, the sly little game which they had been playing was all up with them. a blockade was an act of war, which came under the cognizance of the laws of nations. it concerned neutrals, as well as belligerents, and foreign nations were bound to take notice of it. it followed that there could not be a blockade without a war; and it equally followed, that there could not be a war without at least two belligerent parties to it. it will thus be seen, that the declaration of neutrality of great britain was a logical sequence of mr. lincoln's, and mr. seward's own act. and yet with sullen, and singular inconsistency, the northern government has objected, from that day to this, to this mere routine act of great britain. so much was this act considered, as a matter of course, at the time, that all the other powers of the earth, of sufficient dignity to act in the premises, at all, followed the example set them by great britain, and issued similar declarations; and the four years of bloody war that followed justified the wisdom of their acts. we may now return to the equipment of the _sumter_. a rendezvouz had been opened, and a crew had been shipped for her, which was temporarily berthed on board the receiving ship, _star of the west_, a transport-steamer of the enemy, which had been gallantly captured by some texans, and turned over to the navy. new orleans was full of seamen, discharged from ships that had been laid up, and more men were offering themselves for service, than i could receive. i had the advantage, therefore, of picking my crew, an advantage which no one but a seaman can fully appreciate. my lieutenants, surgeon, paymaster, and marine officer had all arrived, and, with the consent of the navy department, i had appointed my engineers--one chief, and three assistants--boatswain, carpenter, and sailmaker. my provisions had been purchased, and were ready to be put on board, and my funds had already arrived, but we were still waiting on the mechanics, who, though doing their best, had not yet been able to turn the ship over to us. from the following letter to the secretary of the navy, inclosing a requisition for funds, it will be seen that my demands upon the department were quite moderate, and that i expected to make the _sumter pay her own expenses_, as soon as she should get to sea. new orleans, may , . sir:--i have the honor to inclose, herewith, a requisition for the sum of $ , , which i request may be remitted to the paymaster of the _sumter_, in specie, for use during my contemplated cruise. i may find it necessary to coal several times, and to supply my crew with fresh provisions, &c., before i have the opportunity of replenishing my military chest from the enemy. the ammunition remained to be provided, and on the th of may, i dispatched lieutenant chapman to the baton rouge arsenal, which had been captured a short time before, for the purpose of procuring it, under the following letter of instructions: new orleans, may , . sir:--you will proceed to baton rouge, and put yourself in communication with the commander of the c. s. arsenal, at that point, for the purpose of receiving the ammunition, arms, shot, shell, &c., that may be required for the supply of the c. s. steamer _sumter_, now fitting for sea at this port. it is presumed that the proper orders [which had been requested] have been, or will be dispatched from montgomery, authorizing the issue of all such articles, as we may need. should this not be the case, with regard to any of the articles, it is hoped that the ordnance officer in charge will not hesitate to deliver them, as it is highly important that the _sumter_ should not be detained, because of any oversight, or informality, in the orders of the war department. be pleased to present the accompanying requisition to captain booth, the superintendent, and ask that it may be filled. the gunner will be directed to report to you, to accompany you to baton rouge, on this service. the reader will thus perceive that many difficulties lay in the way of equipping the _sumter_; that i was obliged to pick up one material here, and another there, as i could best find it, and that i was not altogether free from the routine of the "circumlocution office," as my requisitions had frequently to pass through many hands, before they could be complied with. about this time, we met with a sad accident in the loss of one of our midshipmen, by drowning. he, with other young officers of the _sumter_, had been stationed, temporarily, on board the receiving ship, in charge of the _sumter's_ crew, whilst the latter ship was still in the hands of the mechanics. the following letter of condolence to the father of the young gentleman will sufficiently explain the circumstances of the disaster: new orleans, may , . sir:--it becomes my melancholy duty to inform you, of the death, by drowning, yesterday, of your son, midshipman john f. holden, of the c. s. steamer _sumter_. your son was temporarily attached to the receiving ship (late _star of the west_) at this place, whilst the _sumter_ was being prepared for sea, and whilst engaged in carrying out an anchor, in a boat belonging to that ship, met his melancholy fate, along with three of the crew, by the swamping of the boat, in which he was embarked. i offer you, my dear sir, my heartfelt condolence on this sad bereavement. you have lost a cherished son, and the government a valuable and promising young officer. w. b. holden, esq., _louisburg, tenn._ war had begun, thus early, to demand of us our sacrifices. tennessee had not yet seceded, and yet this ardent southern youth had withdrawn from the naval academy, and cast his lot with his section. a few extracts from my journal will now, perhaps, give the reader a better idea of the progress of my preparations for sea, and of passing events, than any other form of narrative. _may th._--news received this morning of the appearance, at pass à l'outre, yesterday, of the u. s. steamer _brooklyn_, and of the establishment of the blockade. work is progressing satisfactorily, and i expect to be ready for sea, by sunday next. news of skirmishing in virginia, and of fresh arrivals of northern troops, at washington, _en route_ for that state. the federal government has crossed the potomac, in force, and thus inaugurated a bloody, and a bitter war, by the invasion of our territory. so be it--we but accept the gantlet, which has been flung in our faces. the future will tell a tale not unworthy of the south, and her glorious cause. _monday, may th._ my patience is sorely tried by the mechanics. the water-tanks for the _sumter_ are not yet completed. the carriage for the -inch gun was finished, to-day, and we are busy laying down the circles for it, and cutting the holes for the fighting-bolts. the carriages for the -pounders are promised us, by saturday next, and also the copper tanks for the magazine. our ammunition, and small arms arrived, yesterday, from baton rouge. besides the _brooklyn_, at the passes, we learn, to-day, that the _niagara_, and _minnesota_, two of the enemy's fastest, and heaviest steamships have arrived, to assist in enforcing the blockade, and to lie in wait for some ships expected to arrive, laden with arms and ammunition, for the confederacy. _may st._--the tanks are at last finished, and they have all been delivered, to-day. leeds & co. have done an excellent job, and i shall be enabled to carry three months' water for my crew. we shall now get on, rapidly, with our preparations. _saturday, june st_, finds us not yet ready for sea! the tanks have all been taken on board, and stowed; the gun carriages for the s will be finished on monday. the circles for the -inch gun have been laid down, and the fighting-bolts are ready for placing. on monday i shall throw the crew on board, and by thursday next, i shall, _without doubt_ be ready for sea. we are losing a great deal of precious time. the enemy's flag is being flaunted in our faces, at all our ports by his ships of war, and his vessels of commerce are passing, and repassing, on the ocean, in defiance, or in contempt of our power, and, as yet, we have not struck a blow. at length on the d of june, i was enabled to put the _sumter_, formally, in commission. on that day her colors were hoisted, for the first time--the ensign having been presented to me, by some patriotic ladies of new orleans--the crew was transferred to her, from the receiving ship, and the officers were ordered to mess on board. the ship was now hauled off and anchored in the stream, but we were delayed two long and tedious weeks yet, before we were finally ready. during these two weeks we made a trial trip up the river, some ten or twelve miles. some of the principal citizens were invited on board, and a bright, and beautiful afternoon was pleasantly spent, in testing the qualities of the ship, the range of her guns, and the working of the gun-carriages; the whole ending by a collation, in partaking of which my guests were kind enough to wish me a career full of "_blazing_ honors." i was somewhat disappointed in the speed of my ship, as we did not succeed in getting more than nine knots out of her. there was another great disadvantage. with all the space i could allot to my coal-bunkers, she could be made to carry no more than about eight days' fuel. we had masts, and sails, it is true, but these could be of but little use, when the coal was exhausted, as the propeller would remain a drag in the water, there being no means of hoisting it. it was with such drawbacks, that i was to take the sea, alone, against a vindictive and relentless enemy, whose navy already swarmed on our coasts, and whose means of increasing it were inexhaustible. but the sailor has a saying, that "luck is a lord," and we trusted to luck. on the th of june, after all the vexatious delays that have been described, i got up my anchor, and dropped down to the barracks, below the city a short distance, to receive my powder on board, which, for safety, had been placed in the state magazine. at . p. m. of the same day, we got up steam, and by the soft and brilliant light of a moon near her full, threw ourselves into the broad, and swift current of the father of waters, and ran rapidly down to the anchorage, between fort jackson, and fort st. philip, where we came to at a. m. in the course of the day, captain brand, an ex-officer of the old navy, and now second in command of the forts, came on board to make us the ceremonial visit; and i subsequently paid my respects to major duncan, the officer in chief command, an ex-officer of the old army. these gentlemen were both busy, as i found upon inspecting the forts, in perfecting their batteries, and drilling their men, for the hot work that was evidently before them. as was unfortunately the case with our people, generally, at this period, they were over-confident. they kindly supplied some few deficiencies, that still remained in our gunner's department, and i received from them a howitzer, which i mounted on my taffarel, to guard against boat attacks, by night. i remained three days at my anchors between the forts, for the purpose of stationing, and drilling my crew, before venturing into the presence of the enemy; and i will take advantage of this lull to bring up some matters connected with the ship, which we have hitherto overlooked. on the th of june, the secretary of the navy--the government having, in the mean time, removed to richmond--sent me my sailing orders, and in my letter of the th of the same month, acknowledging their receipt, i had said to him: "i have an excellent set of men on board, though they are nearly all green, and will require some little practice, and drilling, at the guns, to enable them to handle them creditably. should i be fortunate enough to reach the high seas, you may rely upon my implicit obedience of your instructions, 'to do the enemy's commerce the greatest injury, in the shortest time.'" here was a model of a letter of instruction--it meant "burn, sink, and destroy," always, of course, within the limits prescribed by the laws of nations, and with due attention to the laws of humanity, in the treatment of prisoners. the reader will see, as we progress, that i gave the "implicit obedience" which had been promised, to these instructions, and that if greater results were not accomplished, it was the fault of the _sumter_, and not of her commander. in the same letter that brought me my sailing orders, the secretary had suggested to me the propriety of adopting some means of communicating with him, by cipher, so that, my despatches, if captured by the enemy, would be unintelligible to him. the following letter in reply to this suggestion, will explain how this was arranged: "i have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of 'reid's english dictionary,' a duplicate of which i retain, for the purpose mentioned in your letter of instructions, of the th instant. i have not been able to find in the city of new orleans, 'cobb's miniature lexicon,' suggested by you, or any other suitable dictionary, with but a single column on a page. this need make no difference, however. in my communications to the department, should i have occasion to refer to a word in the copy sent, i will designate the first column on the page, a, and the second column, b. thus, if i wish to use the word 'prisoner,' my reference to it would be as follows: , b, ; the first number referring to the page, the letter to the column, and the second number to the number of the word from the top of the column." by means of this simple, and cheap device, i was enabled, at all times, to keep my dispatches out of the hands of the enemy, or, in other words, prevent him from interpreting them, when i had anything of importance to communicate. before leaving new orleans, i had, in obedience to a general order of the service, transmitted to the navy department, a muster roll of the officers, and men, serving on board the _sumter_. her crew, as reported by this roll, consisted of ninety-two persons, exclusive of officers. twenty of these ninety-two persons were marines--a larger guard than was usual for so small a ship. the officers were as follows: _commander._--raphael semmes. _lieutenants._--john m. kell; robert t. chapman; john m. stribling; william e. evans. _paymaster._--henry myers. _surgeon._--francis l. galt. _ st lieutenant of marines._--b. howell. _midshipmen._--william a. hicks; albert g. hudgins; richard f. armstrong; joseph d. wilson. _engineers._--miles j. freeman; william p. brooks; matthew o'brien; simeon w. cummings. _boatswain._--benjamin p. mecasky. _gunner._--thomas c. cuddy. _sailmaker._--w. p. beaufort. _carpenter._--william robinson. _captain's clerk._--w. breedlove smith. commissions had been forwarded to all the officers entitled to receive them, and acting appointments had been given by me to the warrant officers. it will thus be seen, how formally all these details had been attended to. these commissions were to be our warrants for what we were to do, on the high seas. and now the poor boon will be permitted to human nature, that before we launch our frail bark, on the wild sea of adventure, before us, we should turn our thoughts, homeward, for a moment. "'and is he gone?'--on sudden solitude how oft that fearful question will intrude! 'twas but an instant past--and here he stood! and now!--without the portal's porch she rushed, and then at length her tears in freedom gushed; big, bright, and fast, unknown to her they fell; but still her lips refused to send 'farewell!' for in that word--that fatal word--howe'er we promise--hope--believe--there breathes despair." such was the agony of many a fair bosom, as the officers of the _sumter_ had torn themselves from the embraces of their families, in those scenes of leave-taking, which more than any other, try the sailor's heart. several of them were married men, and it was long years before they returned to the homes which they had made sad by their absence. chapter xi. after long waiting and watching, the sumter runs the blockade of the mississippi, in open daylight, pursued by the brooklyn. whilst we were lying at our anchors between the forts, as described in the last chapter, governor moore of louisiana, who had done good service to the confederacy, by seizing the forts, and arsenals in his state, in advance of secession, and the hon. john slidell, lately returned from his seat in the federal senate, and other distinguished gentlemen came down, on a visit of inspection to the forts. i went on shore to call on them, and brought them on board the _sumter_ to lunch with me. my ship was, by this time, in excellent order, and my crew well accustomed to their stations, under the judicious management of my first lieutenant, and i took pleasure in showing these gentlemen how much a little discipline could accomplish, in the course of a few weeks. discipline!--what a power it is everywhere, and under all circumstances; and how much the want of it lost us, as the war progressed. what a pity the officers of our army did not have their respective commands, encircled by wooden walls, with but a "single monarch to walk the peopled deck." just at nightfall, on the evening of the st of june, i received the following despatch from the commanding officer of the forts: captain:--i am desired by the commanding officer to state, that the _ivy_--this was a small tender of the forts, and letter-of-marque--reports that the _powhatan_ has left, in pursuit of two ships, and that he has a telegram from pass à l'outre, to the effect, that a boat from the _brooklyn_ had put into the river and was making for the telegraph station, where she was expected to arrive within a few minutes. the _powhatan_ was blockading the southwest pass, and it was barely possible that i might get to sea, through this pass, if a pilot could be at once procured; and so i immediately ordered steam to be raised, and getting up my anchor, steamed down to the head of the passes, where the river branches into its three principal outlets. arriving here, at half-past ten p. m. i dispatched a boat to the light-house, for a pilot; but the keeper _knew nothing_ of the pilots, and was unwilling to come on board, himself, though requested. the night wore away, and nothing could be done. the telescope revealed to us, the next morning, that the _powhatan_ had returned to her station. from the sullen, and unsatisfactory message, which had been returned to me, by the keeper of the light-house, i began to suspect that there was something wrong, about the pilots; and it being quite necessary that i should have one constantly, on board, to enable me to take advantage of any temporary absence of the enemy's cruisers, without having to hunt up one for the emergency, i dispatched the _ivy_, to the pilots' station, at the southwest pass, in search of one. this active little cruiser returned in the course of a few hours, and reported that none of the pilots were willing to come on board of me! i received, about the same time, a telegraphic despatch from the southwest pass, forwarded to me through major duncan, which read as follows: "applied to the captain of the pilots' association for a pilot for the _sumter_. he requested me to state, that there are no pilots on duty now!" "so ho! sits the wind in that quarter," thought i--i will soon set this matter right. i, at once, sent lieutenant stribling on board the _ivy_, and directed him to proceed to the pilots' association, and deliver, and see executed the following written order: c. s. steamer sumter, head of the passes, june , . sir:--this is to command you to repair on board this ship, with three or four of the most experienced pilots of the bar. i am surprised to learn, that an unwillingness has been expressed, by some of the pilots of your association, to come on board the _sumter_; and my purpose is to test the fact of such disloyalty to the confederate states. if any man disobeys this summons i will not only have his branch taken from him, but i will send an armed force, and arrest, and bring him on board. this order had the desired effect, and in the course of the afternoon, lieutenant stribling returned, bringing with him, the captain of the association, and several of the pilots. i directed them to be brought into my cabin, and when they were assembled, demanded to know the reason of their late behavior. some stammering excuses were offered, which i cut short, by informing them that one of them must remain on board constantly, and that they might determine for themselves, who should take the first week's service; to be relieved at the end of the week, by another, and so on, as long as i should find it necessary. one of their number being designated, i dismissed the rest. the reader will see how many faithful auxiliaries, admiral farragut afterward found, in the pilots' association of the mouths of the mississippi, when he made his famous ascent of the river, and captured its great seaport. nor was this defection confined to new orleans. the pilots along our whole southern coast were, with few exceptions, northern men, and as a rule they went over to the enemy, though pretending, in the beginning of our troubles, to be good secessionists. the same remark may be applied to our steamboat men, of northern birth, as a class. many of them had become domiciled in the south, and were supposed to be good southern men, until the crucial test of self-interest was applied to them, when they, too, deserted us, and took service with the enemy. the object of the _brooklyn's_ boat, which, as we have seen, pulled into the telegraph station at pass à l'outre, just before we got under way from between the forts, was to cut the wires, and break up the station, to prevent intelligence being given me of the movements of the blockading fleet. i now resorted to a little retaliation. i dispatched an officer to the different light-houses, to stave the oil-casks, and bring away the lighting apparatus, to prevent the enemy's shipping from using the lights. they were of great convenience, not only to the ships employed on the blockade, but to the enemy's transports, and other ships, bound to and from the coast of texas. they could be of no use to our own blockade-runners, as the passes of the mississippi, by reason of their long, and tortuous, and frequently shifting channels, were absolutely closed to them. the last letter addressed by me to the secretary of the navy, before escaping through the blockade, as hereinafter described, was the following: c. s. steamer sumter, head of the passes, june , . sir:--i have the honor to inform the department that i am still at my anchors at the "head of the passes"--the enemy closely investing both of the practical outlets. at pass à l'outre there are three ships, the _brooklyn_, and another propeller, and a large side-wheel steamer; and at the southwest pass, there is the _powhatan_, lying within half a mile of the bar, and not stirring an inch from her anchors, night or day. i am only surprised that the _brooklyn_ does not come up to this anchorage, which she might easily do--as there is water enough, and no military precautions, whatever, have been taken to hold the position--and thus effectually seal all the passes of the river, by her presence alone; which would enable the enemy to withdraw the remainder of his blockading force, for use elsewhere. with the assistance of the _jackson_, lieutenant gwathmey, and the _mcrae_, lieutenant huger--neither of which has, as yet, however, dropped down--i could probably hold my position here, until an opportunity offers of my getting to sea. i shall watch, diligently, for such an opportunity, and have no doubt, that sooner or later, it will present itself. i found, upon dropping down to this point, that the lights at pass à l'outre, and south pass had been strangely overlooked, and that they were still being nightly exhibited. i caused them both to be extinguished, so that if bad weather should set in--a gale from the south-east, for instance--the blockading ships, having nothing to "hold on to," will be obliged to make an offing. at present the worst feature of the blockade of pass à l'outre is, that the _brooklyn_ has the speed of me; so that even if i should run the bar, i could not hope to escape her, unless i surprised her, which with her close watch of the bar, at anchor near by, both night and day, it will be exceedingly difficult to do. i should be quite willing to try speed with the _powhatan_, if i could hope to run the gantlet of her guns, without being crippled; but here again, unfortunately, with all the buoys, and other marks removed, the bar which she is watching is a perfectly blind bar, except by daylight. in the meantime, i am drilling my green crew, to a proper use of the great guns, and small arms. with the exception of a diarrhoea, which is prevailing, to some extent, brought on by too free use of the river water, in the excessive heats which prevail, the crew continues healthy. nothing in fact surprised me more, during the nine days i lay at the head of the passes, than that the enemy did not attack me with some of his light-draught, but heavily armed steamers, or by his boats, by night. here was the _sumter_, a small ship, with a crew, all told, of a little over a hundred men, anchored only ten, or twelve miles from the enemy, without a gun, or an obstruction between her and him; and yet no offensive movement was made against her. the enemy watched me closely, day by day, and bent all his energies toward preventing my escape, but did not seem to think of the simple expedient of endeavoring to capture me, with a superior force. in nightly expectation of an assault, i directed the engineer to keep the water in his boilers, as near the steam-point as possible, without actually generating the vapor, and sent a patrol of boats some distance down the southwest pass; the boats being relieved every four hours, and returning to the ship, at the first streaks of dawn. after i went to sea, the enemy did come in, and take possession of my anchorage, until he was driven away by commodore hollins, in a little nondescript ram; which, by the way, was the first ram experiment of the war. the reader may imagine the tedium, and discomforts of our position, if he will reflect that it is the month of june, and that at this season of the year, the sun comes down upon the broad, and frequently calm surface of the father of waters, with an african glow, and that clouds of that troublesome little insect the mosquito tormented us, by night and by day. there was no sleeping at all without the mosquito bar, and i had accordingly had a supply sent down for all the crew. rather than stand the assaults of these little _picadores_, much longer, i believe my crew would have run the gantlet of the whole federal navy. my diary will now perhaps give the reader, his clearest conception of the condition of things on board the _sumter_, for the remaining few days that she is to continue at her anchors. _tuesday, june th._--a sharp thunder-storm at half-past three a. m., jarring and shaking the ship with its crashes. the very flood-gates of the heavens seem open, and the rain is descending on our decks like a cataract. clearing toward ten o'clock. both blockading ships still at their anchors. the british steam sloop _jason_ touched at the southwest pass, yesterday, and communicated with the _powhatan_. we learn by the newspapers, to-day, that the enemy has taken possession of ship island, and established a blockade of the sound. the anaconda is drawing his folds around us. we are filling some shell, and cartridges to-day, and drilling the crew at the battery. _wednesday, june th._--cloudy, with occasional rain squalls, which have tempered the excessive heats. the _ivy_ returned from the city to-day, and brought me eighty barrels of coal. sent the pilot, in the light-house keeper's boat, to sound the s. e. bar, an unused and unwatched outlet to the eastward of the south pass--in the hope that we may find sufficient water over it, to permit the egress of the ship. the federal ships are keeping close watch, as usual, at both the passes, neither of them having stirred from her anchor, since we have been at the "head of the passes." _thursday, june th._--weather sultry, and atmosphere charged with moisture. pilot returned this afternoon, and reports ten and a half feet water on the s. e. bar. unfortunately the _sumter_ draws twelve feet; so we must abandon this hope. _saturday, june th._--a mistake induced us to expend a little coal, to-day, uselessly. the pilot having gone aloft, to take his usual morning's survey of the "situation," reported that the _brooklyn_ was nowhere to be seen! great excitement immediately ensued, on the decks, and the officer of the watch hurried into my cabin with the information. i ordered steam to be gotten up with all dispatch, and when, in the course of a very few minutes, it was reported ready--for we always kept our fires banked--the anchor was tripped, and the ship was under way, ploughing her way through the turbid waters, toward pass à l'outre. when we had steamed about four miles down the pass, the _brooklyn_ was seen riding very quietly at her anchors, _in her usual berth near the bar_. explanation: the _sumter_ had dragged her anchor during the night, and the alteration in her position had brought a clump of trees between her, and the enemy's ship, which had prevented the pilot from seeing the latter! with disappointed hopes we had nothing to do, but to return to our anchors, and watch and wait. in half an hour more, the sailors were lounging idly about the decks, under well-spread awnings; the jest, and banter went round, as usual, and save the low hissing and singing of the steam, which was still escaping, there was nothing to remind the beholder of our recent disappointment. such is the school of philosophy in which the seaman is reared. our patience, however, was soon to be rewarded. early on the next morning, which was the th of june, the steamer, _empire parish_, came down from the city, and coming alongside of us, put on board some fresh provisions for the crew, and about one hundred barrels of coal, which my thoughtful, and attentive friend, commodore rousseau, had sent down to me. having done this, the steamer shoved off, and proceeded on her trip, down pass à l'outre, to the pilots' station, and lighthouse. it was a bright sunday morning, and we were thinking of nothing but the usual muster, and how we should get through another idle day. in the course of two or three hours, the steamer returned, and when she had come near us, she was seen to cast off a boat, which she had been towing, containing a single boatman--one of the fishermen, or oyster-men so common in these waters. the boatman pulled rapidly under our stern, and hailing the officer of the deck, told him, that the _brooklyn_ had gone off in chase of a sail, and was no longer in sight. the crew, who had been "cleaning themselves," for sunday muster, at once stowed away their bags; the swinging-booms were gotten alongside, the boats run up, and, in ten minutes, the steam was again hissing, as if impatient of control. the men ran round the capstan, in "double-quick," in their eagerness to get up the anchor, and in a few minutes more, the ship's head swung off gracefully with the current, and, the propeller being started, she bounded off like a thing of life, on this new race, which was to decide whether we should continue to stagnate in midsummer, in the marshes of the mississippi, or reach those "glad waters of the dark blue sea," which form as delightful a picture in the imagination of the sailor, as in that of the poet. whilst we were heaving up our anchor, i had noticed the pilot, standing near me, pale, and apparently nervous, and agitated, but, as yet, he had said not a word. when we were fairly under way, however, and it seemed probable, at last, that we should attempt the blockade, the fellow's courage fairly broke down, and he protested to me that he knew nothing of the bar of pass à l'outre, and durst not attempt to run me over. "i am," said he, "a s. w. bar pilot, and know nothing of the other passes." "what," said i, "did you not know that i was lying at the head of the passes, for the very purpose of taking any one of the outlets through which an opportunity of escape might present itself, and yet you dare tell me, that you know but one of them, and have been deceiving me." the fellow stammered out something in excuse, but i was too impatient to listen to him, and, turning to the first lieutenant, ordered him to hoist the "jack" at the fore, as a signal for a pilot. i had, in fact, resolved to attempt the passage of the bar, from my own slight acquaintance with it, when i had been a light-house inspector, rather than forego the opportunity of escape, and caused the jack to be hoisted, rather as a matter of course, than because i hoped for any good result from it. the _brooklyn_ had not "chased out of sight," as reported--she had only chased to the westward, some seven or eight miles, and had been hidden from the boatman, by one of the spurs of the delta. she had probably, all the while, had her telescopes on the _sumter_, and as soon as she saw the black smoke issuing from her chimney, and the ship moving rapidly toward the pass, she abandoned her chase, and commenced to retrace her steps. we had nearly equal distances to run to the bar, but i had the advantage of a four-knot current. several of my officers now collected around me, and we were discussing the chances of escape. "what think you of our prospect," said i, turning to one of my lieutenants, who had served a short time before, on board the _brooklyn_, and knew well her qualities. "prospect, sir! not the least in the world--there is no possible chance of our escaping that ship. even if we get over the bar ahead of her, she must overhaul us, in a very short time. the _brooklyn_ is good for fourteen knots an hour, sir." "that was the report," said i, "on her trial trip, but you know how all such reports are exaggerated; ten to one, she has no better speed, if so good, as the _sumter_." "you will see, sir," replied my lieutenant; "we made a passage in her, only a few months ago, from tampico to pensacola, and averaged about thirteen knots the whole distance." here the conversation dropped, for an officer now came to report to me that a boat had just shoved off from the pilots' station, evidently with a pilot in her. casting my eyes in the given direction, i saw a whale-boat approaching us, pulled by four stout blacks, who were bending like good fellows to their long ashen oars, and in the stern sheets was seated, sure enough, the welcome pilot, swaying his body to, and fro, as his boat leaped under the oft-repeated strokes of the oars, as though he would hasten her already great speed. but more beautiful still was another object which presented itself. in the balcony of the pilot's house, which had been built in the very marsh, on the margin of the river, there stood a beautiful woman, the pilot's young wife, waving him on to his duty, with her handkerchief. we could have tossed a biscuit from the _sumter_ to the shore, and i uncovered my head gallantly to my fair countrywoman. a few moments more, and a tow-line had been thrown to the boat, and the gallant young fellow stood on the horse-block beside me. as we swept past the light-house wharf, almost close enough to touch it, there were other petticoats fluttering in the breeze, the owners of which were also waving handkerchiefs of encouragement to the _sumter_. i could see my sailors' eyes brighten at these spectacles, for the sailor's heart is capacious enough to love the whole sex, and i now felt sure of their nerves, in case it should become necessary to tax them. half a mile or so, from the light-house, and the bar is reached. there was a bremen ship lying aground on the bar, and there was just room, and no more, for us to pass her. she had run out a kedge, and had a warp attached to it that was lying across the passage-way. the crew considerately slackened the line, as we approached, and in another bound the _sumter_ was outside the bar, and the confederate flag was upon the high seas! we now slackened our speed, for an instant--only an instant, for my officers and men all had their wits about them, and worked like good fellows--to haul the pilot's boat alongside, that he might return to the shore. as the gallant young fellow grasped my hand, and shook it warmly, as he descended from the horse-block, he said, "now, captain, you are all clear; give her h--ll, and let her go!" we had now nothing to do, but turn our attention to the enemy. the _brooklyn_, as we cleared the bar, was about three and a half, or four miles distant; we were therefore just out of reach of her guns, with nothing to spare. thick volumes of smoke could be seen pouring from the chimneys of both ships; the firemen, and engineers of each evidently doing their best. i called a lieutenant, and directed him to heave the log. he reported our speed to be nine, and a half knots. loth to believe that we could be making so little way, through the yet turbid waters, which were rushing past us with great apparent velocity, i directed the officer to repeat the experiment; but the same result followed, though he had paid out the line with a free hand. i now sent for the engineer, and, upon inquiry, found that he was doing his very best--"though," said he, "there is a little drawback, just now, in the 'foaming' of our boilers, arising from the suddenness with which we got up steam; when this subsides, we may be able to add half a knot more." the _brooklyn_ soon loosed, and set her sails, bracing them sharp up on the starboard tack. i loosed and set mine, also. the enemy's ship was a little on my weather quarter, say a couple of points, and had thus slightly the weather-gauge of me. as i knew i could lay nearer the wind than she, being able to brace my yards sharper, and had besides, the advantage of larger fore-and-aft sails, comparatively, stay-sails, try-sails, and a very large spanker, i resolved at once to hold my wind, so closely, as to compel her to furl her sails, though this would carry me a little athwart her bows, and bring me perhaps a little nearer to her, for the next half hour, or so. a rain squall now came up, and enveloped the two ships, hiding each from the other. as the rain blew off to leeward, and the _brooklyn_ reappeared, she seemed fearfully near to us, and i began to fear i should realize the foreboding of my lieutenant. i could not but admire the majesty of her appearance, with her broad flaring bows, and clean, and beautiful run, and her masts, and yards, as taunt and square, as those of an old time sailing frigate. the stars and stripes of a large ensign flew out from time to time, from under the lee of her spanker, and we could see an apparently anxious crowd of officers on her quarter-deck, many of them with telescopes directed toward us. she had, evidently, i thought, gained upon us, and i expected every moment to hear the whiz of a shot; but still she did not fire. i now ordered my paymaster to get his public chest, and papers ready for throwing overboard, if it should become necessary. at this crisis the engineer came up from below, bringing the welcome intelligence that the "foaming" of his boilers had ceased, and that his engine was "working beautifully," giving the propeller several additional turns per minute. the breeze, too, favored me, for it had freshened considerably; and what was still more to the purpose, i began to perceive that i was "eating" the _brooklyn_ "out of the wind"; in other words, that she was falling more and more to leeward. i knew, of course, that as soon as she fell into my wake, she would be compelled to furl her sails. this she did in half an hour or so afterward, and i at once began to breathe more freely, for i could still hold on to my own canvas. i have witnessed many beautiful sights at sea, but the most beautiful of them all was when the _brooklyn_ let fly all her sheets, and halliards, at once, and clewed up, and furled, in man-of-war style, all her sails, from courses to royals. we now began to gain quite perceptibly on our pursuer, and at half-past three, the chase was abandoned, the baffled _brooklyn_ retracing her steps to pass à l'outre, and the _sumter_ bounding away on her course seaward. we fired no gun of triumph in the face of the enemy--my powder was too precious for that--but i sent the crew aloft, to man the rigging, and three such cheers were given for the confederate flag, "that little bit of striped bunting," that had waved from the _sumter's_ peak during the exciting chase, as could proceed only from the throats of american seamen, in the act of defying a tyrant--those cheers were but a repetition of many such cheers that had been given, by our ancestors, to that other bit of "striped bunting" which had defied the power of england in that olden war, of which our war was but the logical sequence. the reader must not suppose that our anxiety was wholly allayed, as soon as we saw the _brooklyn_ turn away from us. [illustration: the sumter running the blockade of pass à l'outre by the enemy's ship brooklyn, on the th june, . lith. by a. hoen & co. balto.] we were, as yet, only a few miles from the land, and our coast was swarming with the enemy's cruisers. ship island was not a great way off, and there was a constant passing to and fro, of ships-of-war between that island and the passes of the mississippi, and we might stumble upon one of these at any moment. "sail ho!" was now shouted from the mast-head. "where away!" cried the officer of the deck. "right ahead," said the look-out. a few minutes only elapsed, and a second sail was descried, "broad on the starboard bow." but nothing came of these spectres; we passed on, seaward, without so much as raising either of them from the deck, and finally, the friendly robes of night enveloped us. when we at length realized that we had gained an offing; when we began to feel the welcome heave of the sea; when we looked upon the changing aspect of its waters, now darkening into the deepest blue, and breathed the pure air, fresh from the gulf, untainted of malaria, and untouched of mosquito's wing, we felt like so many prisoners who had been turned loose from a long and painful confinement; and when i reflected upon my mission, to strike for the right! to endeavor to sweep from the seas the commerce of a treacherous friend, who had become a cruel and relentless foe, i felt, in full force, the inspiration of the poet:-- "ours the wild life in tumult still to range, from toil to rest, and joy in every change. oh, who can tell? not thou, luxurious slave, whose soul would sicken o'er the heaving wave; not thou, vain lord of wantonness and ease, whom slumber soothes not--pleasures cannot please; oh, who can tell, save he whose heart hath tried, and danced in triumph o'er the waters wide, the exulting sense--the pulse's maddening play, that thrills the wanderer of that trackless way? * * * * * * * * * death! come when it will--we snatch the life of life; when lost--what recks it--by disease or strife? let him who crawls, enamored of decay, cling to his couch, and sicken years away; heave his thick breath, and shake his palsied head; ours! the fresh turf, and not the feverish bed; while gasp by gasp he falters forth his soul, ours, with one pang--one bound--escapes control. his corpse may boast its wan and narrow cave, and they who loathed his life, may gild his grave: ours are the tears, though few, sincerely shed, when ocean shrouds and sepulchres our dead." chapter xii. brief sketch of the officers of the sumter--her first prize, with other prizes, in quick succession--her first port. captain poor, the commander of the _brooklyn_, was greatly censured by his government, for permitting the escape of the _sumter_. it was even hinted that there had been treason, in the engine-room of the _brooklyn_, as one or more of the engineers had been heard to express sentiments favorable to the south. there was no truth, of course, in this report. it had its origin in the brain of a people, who, having become traitors, themselves, to their former principles, were ready to suspect, and to impute treason to every one else. the greatest offence which had been committed by captain poor was that he had probably permitted his cupidity to draw him away from his station. he had chased a prize, in his eagerness to clutch the prize-money, a little too far--that was all. but in this, he sinned only in common with his countrymen. the thirst of gain, as well as the malignity of hate, seemed, from the very first days of the war, to have seized upon a majority of the northern people. the army, and the navy, professions hitherto held honorable, did not escape the contamination. they were soon found, first plundering, and then maliciously burning private houses. the spectacle of cotton-thieving was more than once presented by the highest dignitaries of the two services--the admiral quarrelling with the general, as ignoble rogues are wont to quarrel, as to which rightly pertained the booty. the evening of the escape of the _sumter_ was one of those gulf evenings, which can only be _felt_, and not described. the wind died gently away, as the sun declined, leaving a calm, and sleeping sea, to reflect a myriad of stars. the sun had gone down behind a screen of purple, and gold, and to add to the beauty of the scene, as night set in, a blazing comet, whose tail spanned nearly a quarter of the heavens, mirrored itself within a hundred feet of our little bark, as she ploughed her noiseless way through the waters. as i leaned on the carriage of a howitzer on the poop of my ship, and cast a glance toward the quarter of the horizon whence the land had disappeared, memory was busy with the events of the last few months. how hurried, and confused they had been! it seemed as though i had dreamed a dream, and found it difficult, upon waking, to unite the discordant parts. a great government had been broken up, family ties had been severed, and war--grim, ghastly war--was arraying a household against itself. a little while back, and i had served under the very flag which i had that day defied. strange revolution of feeling, how i now hated that flag! it had been to me as a mistress to a lover; i had looked upon it with admiring eyes, had dallied with it in hours of ease, and had had recourse to it, in hours of trouble, and now i found it false! what wonder that i felt a lover's resentment? my first lieutenant now approached me, and touching my elbow, said, "captain, had we not better throw this howitzer overboard? it can be of no further service to us, and is very much in the way." my waking dream was dissolved, on the instant, and i returned at once to the duties of the ship. i assented to the lieutenant's proposition, and in a few minutes more, the poop was cleared of the incumbrance. it was the howitzer--a heavy, awkward, iron field-piece with huge wheels--which we had received on board, when we lay between the forts, as a protection against the enemy's boats. the rest of the night, to a late hour, was devoted to lashing, and otherwise securing such heavy articles, as were likely to be thrown from their places, by the rolling of the ship; getting the anchors in-board and stowing them, and, generally, in making the ship snug. i turned in after a day of excitement, and slept too soundly to continue the day-dream from which i had been aroused by my first lieutenant. the sun rose in an unclouded sky, the next morning, with a gentle breeze from the south-west, or about abeam; our course being about south-east. the look-out at the mast-head, after having carefully scanned the horizon in every direction, informed the officer of the deck, that there was nothing in sight. the awnings were soon spread, and the usual routine of a man-of-war, at sea, commenced. the crew was mustered, in clean apparel, at quarters, at nine o'clock, and a division of guns was exercised, the rest of the crew being dispersed in idle groups about the deck; the old salts overhauling their bags, and seeing that their tobacco, and soap, and needles, and thread were all right for the cruise, and the youngsters discussing their recent escape. at noon, we found ourselves in latitude ° ', and longitude ° '. i had provided myself with two excellent chronometers, before leaving new orleans, and having had much experience as a master, i was always enabled, when the sun was visible, at the proper hours, to fix my position within from a quarter, to half a mile, or, what is the same thing, within from one to two seconds of time. i appointed my junior lieutenant, navigating officer, _pro forma_, but always navigated my ship, myself. i had every confidence in the ability of my young lieutenant, but i always found, that i slept better, when surrounded by danger, after i had fixed the position of my ship, by my own observations. we held on our course, during the rest of this day, without the least incident to break in upon the monotony--not so much as a sail having been descried in any direction; not that we were in want of excitement, for we had scarcely regained our equilibrium from the excitement of the previous day. an occasional swash of the sea against the ship's sides, the monotonous beating of time by her propeller, an occasional order from the officer of the deck, and the routine "calls" of the boatswain's whistle, as dinner, or grog was piped, were the only sounds audible, beyond the usual hum of conversation among the crew. if the reader will permit me, i will avail myself of this interval of calm before the storm, to introduce to him some of my officers. this is indeed but a courtesy due him, as he is to be a passenger in our midst. on the afternoon of our escape from the _brooklyn_, the officers of the ward-room were kind enough to invite me to drink a glass of wine with them, in honor of our success, and i will avail myself of this occasion, to make the presentations. i am seated at one end of the long mess-table, and my first lieutenant at the other. the first lieutenant, as the reader has already been informed, by an inspection of the _sumter's_ muster-roll, is from georgia. john mcintosh kell is a descendant from one of the oldest families in that state, having the blood of the mcintoshes in his veins, through one branch of his ancestors. he was bred in the old navy, and my acquaintance with him commenced when he was in trouble. he was serving as a passed midshipman, on board the old sailing sloop _albany_, and being ordered, on one occasion, to perform what he considered a menial duty, he resisted the order. some of his brother passed midshipmen were in the same category. a court-martial resulted, and, at the request of the young gentlemen, i defended them. the relation of counsel, and client, as a matter of course, brought us close together, and i discovered that young kell had in him, the making of a man. so far from being a mutineer, he had a high respect for discipline, and had only resisted obedience to the order in question, from a refined sense of gentlemanly propriety. the reader will see these qualities in him, now, as he sits opposite me. he has developed since the time i speak of, into the tall, well-proportioned gentleman, of middle age, with brown, wavy hair, and a magnificent beard, inclining to red. see how scrupulously neat he is dressed, and how suave, and affable he is, with his associates. his eye is now beaming gentleness, and kindness. you will scarcely recognize him, as the same man, when you see him again on deck, arraigning some culprit, "at the mast," for a breach of discipline. when georgia seceded, lieutenant kell was well on his way to the commander's list, in the old navy, but he would have scorned the commission of an admiral, if it had been tendered him as the price of treason to his state. to have brought a federal ship into the waters of georgia, and ravaged her coasts, and fired upon her people, would have been, in his eyes, little less than matricide. he forthwith resigned his commission, and joined his fortunes with those of his people. when it was decided, at montgomery, that i was to have the _sumter_, i at once thought of kell, and, at my request, he was ordered to the ship--commodore tattnall, with whom he had been serving on the georgia coast, giving him up very reluctantly. seated next to myself, on my right hand, is lieutenant robert t. chapman. this gentleman is from alabama; he is several years younger than kell, not so tall, but stouter, in proportion. his complexion, as you see, is dark, and he has jet-black hair, and eyes--the latter remarkable for their brilliancy, and for a twinkle of fun, and good humor. chapman is the life of the mess-table; always in a pleasant mood, and running over with wit and anecdote. though he has a fashion, as you see, of wearing his hair closely cropped, he is the very reverse of a round-head, being a _preux chevalier_, as ready for the fight as the dance, and having a decided preference for the music of the band, over that of "old hundred." he is the second lieutenant, and has, consequently, the easiest berth among the sea lieutenants, being relieved from the drudgery of the first lieutenant, and exempt from the calls for extra duty, that are sometimes made upon the junior lieutenant. when his watch is over, and his division drilled, he is a gentleman at large, for the rest of the day. you see by his build--a slight inclination to corpulency--that he is fond of his ease, and that he has fallen as naturally into the place of second lieutenant, as if it had been cut out for him on purpose. he also was bred in the old navy, and was found to be of the pure metal, instead of the dross, when the touchstone of secession came to be applied to separate the one from the other. at lieutenant kell's right hand, sits lieutenant john m. stribling, the third lieutenant, and a native of the glorious little state of south carolina. he is of medium height, somewhat spare in build, with brown hair, and whiskers, and mild and expressive blue eyes; the mildness of the eye only dwelling in it, however, in moments of repose. when excited at the thought of wrong, or oppression, it has a peculiar stare of firmness, as much as to say, "this rock shall fly, from its firm base as soon as i." stribling was also an _élève_ of the old navy, and, though tied to it, by cords that were hard to sever, he put honor above place, in the hour of trial, and came south. [illustration: kelly, piet & co. baltimore.] next to stribling, sits lieutenant william e. evans, the fourth and junior lieutenant of the ship. he is not more than twenty-four years of age, slim in person, of medium height, and rather delicate-looking, though not from ill health. his complexion is dark, and he has black hair, and eyes. he has a very agreeable, _riante_ expression about his face, and is somewhat given to casuistry, being fond of an argument, when occasion presents itself. he is but recently out of the naval academy, at annapolis, and like all new graduates, feels the freshness of academic honors. he is a native of south carolina, and a brother of general evans of that state, who so greatly distinguished himself, afterward, at the battle of manassas, and on other bloody fields. if the reader will now cast his eye toward the centre of the table, on my right hand, he will see two gentlemen, both with black hair and eyes, and both somewhat under middle size, conversing together. these are dr. francis l. galt, the surgeon, and mr. henry myers, the paymaster, both from the old service; the former a native of virginia, and the latter a native of south carolina; and opposite these, are the chief engineer, and marine officer,--mr. miles j. freeman, and lieutenant b. howell, the latter a brother-in-law of mr. jefferson davis, our honored president. i have thus gone the circuit of the ward-room. all these officers, courteous reader, will make the cruise with us, and if you will inspect the adjoining engraving, and are a judge of character, after the rules of lavater and spurzheim, you will perceive in advance, how much reason i shall have to be proud of them. we may now take up our narrative, from the point at which it was interrupted, for the purpose of these introductions. day passed into night, and with the night came the brilliant comet again, lighting us on our way over the waste of waters. the morning of the second of july, our second day out, dawned clear, and beautiful, the _sumter_ still steaming in an almost calm sea, with nothing to impede her progress. at eight a. m. we struck the north-east trade-wind, and made sail in aid of steam, giving orders to the engineer, to make the most of his fuel, by carrying only a moderate head of steam. toward noon, a few trade squalls passed over us, with light and refreshing showers of rain; just enough to cause me to take shelter, for a few moments, under the lee of the spanker. at noon, we observed in latitude ° ' showing that we had crossed the tropic--the longitude being ° '. the reader has seen that we have been steering to the s. e., diminishing both latitude, and longitude, and if he will look upon the chart of the caribbean sea, he will perceive, that we are approaching cape san antonio, the south end of the island of cuba; but he can scarcely conjecture what sort of a cruise i had marked out for myself. the secretary of the navy, in those curt sailing orders which we have already seen, had considerately left me _carte blanche_ as to cruising-ground, but as i was "to do the greatest injury to the enemy's commerce, in the shortest time," the implication was, that i should, at once, throw myself into some one of the chief thoroughfares of his trade. i accordingly set my eye on cape st. roque, in brazil, which may be said to be the great turning-point of the commerce of the world. my intention was to make a dash, of a few days, at the enemy's ships on the south side of cuba, coal at some convenient point, stretch over to barbadoes, coal again, and then strike for the brazilian coast. it is with this view, that the _sumter_ is now running for the narrow outlet, that issues from the gulf of mexico, between cape antonio, and the opposite coast of yucatan. i shaped my course for the middle of this passage, but about midnight, made the light of cape antonio right ahead, showing that i had been drifted, northward, by a current setting, at the rate of from three fourths of a mile, to a mile per hour. we drew off a little to the southward, doubled the cape, with the light still in view, and at nine o'clock, the next morning, we found ourselves off cape corrientes. the weather had now become cloudy, and we had a fresh trade-wind, veering from e. to e. s. e., with some sea on. at meridian, we observed in latitude ° ', the longitude being ° '. running along the cuban coast, between it and the isle of pines, of piratical memory, at about three in the afternoon, the cry of "sail ho!" was heard from the mast-head, for the first time since we had left the mouths of the mississippi. the look-out, upon being questioned, said that he saw two sail, and that they were both right ahead. we came up with them, very rapidly, for they were standing in our direction, and when we had approached within signal distance, we showed them the english colors. the nearest sail, which proved to be a brig, hoisted the spanish colors, and, upon being boarded, was found to be from cadiz, bound for vera cruz. she was at once permitted to proceed. resuming our course, we now stood for the other sail, which, by this time, there was no mistaking; she being plainly american, although she had not yet shown her colors. a gun soon brought these to the peak, when, as i had expected, the stars and stripes unfolded themselves, gracefully, to the breeze. here was our first prize, and a most welcome sight it was. the capture, i find, upon looking over my notes, was recorded in a few lines, barren of all incident, or remark, except only that the doomed ship was from the "black republican state of maine;" but i well recollect the mingled impressions of joy, and sadness, that were made upon me by the event. the "old flag," which i had been accustomed to worship, in my youth, had a criminal look, in my eyes, as it ascended to the peak of that ship. how strangely we sometimes invest mere inanimate things with the attributes of life! when i had fired the gun, as a command to the stranger to heave to, and show his colors, i had hauled down the english, and hoisted my own flag. the stars and stripes seemed now to look abashed in the presence of the new banner of the south; pretty much as a burglar might be supposed to look, who had been caught in the act of breaking into a gentleman's house; but then the burglar was my relative, and had erst been my friend--how could i fail to feel some pity for him, along with the indignation, which his crime had excited? the boarding officer soon returned from the captured ship, bringing with him the master, with his papers. there were no knotty points of fact or law to embarrass my decision. there were the american register, and clearance, and the american character impressed upon every plank and spar of the ship. nothing could exceed the astonishment of the master, who was rather a mild, amiable-looking gentleman, not at all disposed to go either into hysterics, or the heroics. "a clap of thunder in a cloudless sky could not have surprised me more," said he to me as i overhauled his papers, "than the appearance of the confederate flag in these seas." "my duty is a painful one," said i, "to destroy so noble a ship as yours, but i must discharge it without vain regrets; and as for yourself, you will only have to do, as so many thousands have done before you, submit to the fortunes of war--yourself and your crew will be well treated on board my ship." the prize bore the name of _the golden rocket_, was a fine bark, nearly new, of about seven hundred tons, and was seeking, in ballast, a cargo of sugar in some one of the cuban ports. boats were dispatched to bring off the crew, and such provisions, cordage, sails, and paints as the different departments of my ship stood in need of, and at about ten o'clock at night, the order was given to apply the torch to her. the wind, by this time, had become very light, and the night was pitch-dark--the darkness being of that kind, graphically described by old sailors, when they say, you may cut it with a knife. i regret that i cannot give to the reader the picture of the burning ship, as it presented itself to the silent, and solemn watchers on board the _sumter_ as they leaned over her hammock rails to witness it. the boat, which had been sent on this errand of destruction, had pulled out of sight, and her oars ceasing to resound, we knew that she had reached the doomed ship, but so impenetrable was the darkness, that no trace of either boat, or ship could be seen, although the _sumter_ was distant only a few hundred yards. not a sound could be heard on board the _sumter_, although her deck was crowded with men. every one seemed busy with his own thoughts, and gazing eagerly in the direction of the doomed ship, endeavoring, in vain, to penetrate the thick darkness. suddenly, one of the crew exclaimed, "there is the flame! she is on fire!" the decks of this maine-built ship were of pine, calked with old-fashioned oakum, and paid with pitch; the wood-work of the cabin was like so much tinder, having been seasoned by many voyages to the tropics, and the forecastle was stowed with paints, and oils. the consequence was, that the flame was not long in kindling, but leaped, full-grown, into the air, in a very few minutes after its first faint glimmer had been seen. the boarding officer, to do his work more effectually, had applied the torch simultaneously in three places, the cabin, the mainhold, and the forecastle; and now the devouring flames rushed up these three apertures, with a fury which nothing could resist. the burning ship, with the _sumter's_ boat in the act of shoving off from her side; the _sumter_ herself, with her grim, black sides, lying in repose like some great sea-monster, gloating upon the spectacle, and the sleeping sea, for there was scarce a ripple upon the water, were all brilliantly lighted. the indraught into the burning ship's holds, and cabins, added every moment new fury to the flames, and now they could be heard roaring like the fires of a hundred furnaces, in full blast. the prize ship had been laid to, with her main-topsail to the mast, and all her light sails, though clewed up, were flying loose about the yards. the forked tongues of the devouring element, leaping into the rigging, newly tarred, ran rapidly up the shrouds, first into the tops, then to the topmast-heads, thence to the top-gallant, and royal mast-heads, and in a moment more to the trucks; and whilst this rapid ascent of the main current of fire was going on, other currents had run out upon the yards, and ignited all the sails. a top-gallant sail, all on fire, would now fly off from the yard, and sailing leisurely in the direction of the light breeze that was fanning, rather than blowing, break into bright, and sparkling patches of flame, and settle, or rather silt into the sea. the yard would then follow, and not being wholly submerged by its descent into the sea, would retain a portion of its flame, and continue to burn, as a floating brand, for some minutes. at one time, the intricate net-work of the cordage of the burning ship was traced, as with a pencil of fire, upon the black sky beyond, the many threads of flame twisting, and writhing, like so many serpents that had received their death wounds. the mizzen-mast now went by the board, then the fore-mast, and in a few minutes afterward, the great main-mast tottered, reeled, and fell over the ship's side into the sea, making a noise like that of the sturdy oak of the forests when it falls by the stroke of the axeman. by the light of this flambeau, upon the lonely and silent sea, lighted of the passions of bad men who should have been our brothers, the _sumter_, having aroused herself from her dream of vengeance, and run up her boats, moved forward on her course. the captain of the _golden rocket_ watched the destruction of his ship from the quarter-deck of the _sumter_, apparently with the calm eye of a philosopher, though, doubtless, he felt the emotions which the true sailor always feels, when he looks upon the dying agonies of his beloved ship, whether she be broken up by the storm, or perish in any other way. the flag! what was done with the "old flag"? it was marked with the day, and the latitude and longitude of the capture, and consigned to the keeping of the signal quartermaster, who prepared a bag for its reception; and when this bag was full, he prepared another, and another, as the cruise progressed, and occasion required. it was the especial pride of this veteran american seaman to count over his trophies, and when the weather was fine, he invariably asked permission of the officer of the deck, under pretence of damage from moths, to "air" his flags; and as he would bend on his signal-halliards, and throw them out to the breeze, one by one, his old eye would glisten, and a grim smile of satisfaction would settle upon his sun-burned, and weather-beaten features. this was our practice also on board the _alabama_, and when that ship was sunk in the british channel, in her engagement with the enemy's ship _kearsarge_, as the reader will learn in due time, if he has the patience to follow me in these memoirs, we committed to the keeping of the guardian spirits of that famous old battle-ground, a great many bags-full of "old flags," to be stored away in the caves of the sea, as mementos that a nation once lived whose naval officers prized liberty more than the false memorial of it, under which they had once served, and who were capable, when it became "hate's polluted rag," of tearing it down. the prisoners--what did we do with them? the captain was invited to mess in the ward-room, and when he was afterward landed, the officers generously made him up a purse to supply his immediate necessities. the crew was put into a mess by themselves, with their own cook, and was put on a footing, with regard to rations, with the _sumter's_ own men. we were making war upon the enemy's commerce, but not upon his unarmed seamen. it gave me as much pleasure to treat these with humanity, as it did to destroy his ships, and one of the most cherished recollections which i have brought out of a war, which, in some sense, may be said to have been a civil war, is, that the "pirate," whom the enemy denounced, with a pen dipped in gall, and with a vocabulary of which decent people should be ashamed, set that same enemy the example, which he has failed to follow, _of treating prisoners of war, according to the laws of war_. chapter xiii. rapid work--seven prizes in two days--the sumter makes her first port, and what occurred there. we burned the _golden rocket_, as has been seen, on the d of july. the next day was the "glorious fourth"--once glorious, indeed, as the day on which a people broke the chains of a government which had bound them against their will, and vindicated the principle of self-government as an _inalienable_ right; but since desecrated by the same people, who have scorned, and spat upon the record made by their fathers, and repudiated, as a heresy fraught with the penalties of treason, the inalienable right for which their fathers struggled. the grand old day belonged, of right, to us of the south, for we still venerated it, as hallowed by our fathers, and were engaged in a _second_ revolution, to uphold, and defend the doctrines which had been proclaimed in the _first_, but we failed to celebrate it on board the _sumter_. we could not help associating it with the "old flag," which had now become a sham and a deceit; with the wholesale robberies which had been committed upon our property, and with the villification and abuse which had been heaped upon our persons by our late co-partners, for a generation and more. the declaration of independence had proved to be a specious mask, under which our loving brethren of the north had contrived to draw us into a co-partnership with them, that they might be the better enabled, in the end, to devour us. how could we respect it, in such a connection? accordingly, the captain of the _sumter_ was not invited to dine in the ward-room, on the time-honored day, nor was there any extra glass of grog served to the crew, as had been the custom in the old service. the weather still continued cloudy, with a few rain squalls passing with the trade wind, during the morning. i had turned into my cot, late on the previous night, and was still sleeping soundly, when, at daylight, an officer came below to inform me, that there were two sails in sight from the mast-head. we were steaming, as before, up the south side of cuba, with the land plainly in sight, and soon came close enough to distinguish that the vessels ahead were both brigantines, and probably americans. there being no occasion to resort to _ruse_, or stratagem, as the wind was light, and there was no possibility of the ships running away from us, we showed them at once the confederate colors, and at the same time fired a blank cartridge to heave them to. they obeyed our signal, promptly, and came to the wind, with their foretop-sails aback, and the united states colors at their peaks. when within a few hundred yards, we stopped our engine, and lowered, and sent a boat on board of them--the boarding officer remaining only a few minutes on board of each, and bringing back with him, their respective masters, with their ships' papers. upon examination of these, it appeared that one of the brigantines was called the _cuba_, and the other the _machias_; that they were both laden with sugar and molasses, for english ports, and that they had recently come out of the port of trinidad-de-cuba. indeed the recency of their sailing was tested, by the way in which their stern-boats were garlanded, with festoons of luscious bananas, and pine-apples, and by sundry nets filled with golden-hued oranges--all of which was very tempting to the eyes and olfactories of men, who had recently issued from a blockaded port, in which such luxuries were tabooed. the cargoes of these small vessels being neutral, as certified by the papers--and indeed of this there could be little doubt, as they were going from one neutral port to another--i could not burn the vessels as i had done the _golden rocket_, and so after transferring prize crews to them, which occupied us an hour or two, we took them both in tow, and steamed away for cienfuegos--it being my intention to test the disposition of spain toward us, in this matter of taking in prizes. england and france had issued proclamations, prohibiting both belligerents, alike, from bringing prizes into their ports, but spain had not yet spoken, and i had hopes that she might be induced to pursue a different course. nothing worthy of note occurred during the rest of this day; we steamed leisurely along the coast, making about five knots an hour. finding our speed too much diminished, by the towage of two heavily laden vessels, we cast off one of them--the _cuba_--during the night and directed the prize-master to make sail, and follow us into port. the _cuba_ did not rejoin us, and we afterward learned through the medium of the enemy's papers, that she had been recaptured by her crew. i had only sent a midshipman and four men on board of her as a prize crew; and the midshipman incautiously going aloft, to look out for the land, as he was approaching his port, and a portion of his prize crew proving treacherous--they were not native americans i am glad to say--he was fired upon by the master, and crew of the brig, who had gotten possession of the revolvers of the prize crew, and compelled to surrender, after defending himself the best he could, and being wounded in one or two places. the vessel then changed her course and made haste to get out of the caribbean sea. the morning of the fifth dawned cloudy, with the usual moderate trade-wind. it cleared toward noon, and at two p. m. we crossed the shoal off the east end of the _jardinillos_ reef, in from seven to five fathoms of water. the sea, by this time, had become quite smooth, and the rays of a bright sun penetrated the clear waters to the very bottom of the shoal, revealing everything to us, as clearly as though the medium through which we were viewing it were atmosphere instead of water. every rock, sea-shell, and pebble lying at the bottom of the sea were distinctly visible to us, and we could see the little fish darting into their holes, and hiding-places, as the steamer ploughed her way through their usually quiet domain. it was quite startling to look over the side, so shallow did the waters appear. the chart showed that there was no danger, and the faithful lead line, in the hands of a skilful seaman, gave us several fathoms of water to spare, and yet one could hardly divest himself of the belief, that at the next moment the steamer would run aground. crossing this shoal, we now hauled up n. e. by n., for the cienfuegos lighthouse. as we approached the lights, we descried two more sail in the south-east, making an offing with all diligence, to which we immediately gave chase. they were eight or nine miles distant from the land, and to facilitate our pursuit, we cast off our remaining tow, directing the prize-master to heave to, off the lighthouse, and await our return. we had already captured three prizes, in twenty-four hours, and, as here were probably two more, i could perceive that my crew were becoming enamoured of their business, pretty much as the veteran fox-hunter does in view of the chase. they moved about with great alacrity, in obedience to orders; the seamen springing aloft to furl the sails like so many squirrels, and the firemen below sending up thick volumes of black smoke, from their furnaces. the _sumter_, feeling the renewed impulse of her engines, sprang forward in pursuit of the doomed craft ahead, as if she too knew what was going on. we had just daylight enough left to enable us to accomplish our purpose; an hour or two later, and at least one of the vessels might have escaped. coming up, first with one, and then the other, we hove them to, successively, by "hail," and brought the masters on board. they both proved to be brigantines, and were american, as we had supposed:--one, the _ben. dunning_, of maine, and the other, the _albert adams_, of massachusetts. they had come out of the port of cienfuegos, only a few hours before, were both sugar laden, and their cargoes were documented as spanish property. we hastily threw prize crews on board of them, and directed the prize masters to stand in for the light, still in sight, distant about twelve miles, and hold on to it until daylight. it was now about ten p. m. some appeal was made to me by the master of one of the brigantines, in behalf of his wife and a lady companion of hers, who were both invalids from the effects of yellow fever, which they had taken in cienfuegos, and from which they were just convalescing. i desired him to assure the ladies, that they should be treated with every tenderness, and respect, and that if they desired it, i would send my surgeon to visit them; but i declined to release the captured vessel on this account. we now stood in for the light ourselves, and letting our steam go down, to the lowest point consistent with locomotion, lay off, and on, until daylight. the next morning dawned beautiful, and bright, as a tropic morning only can dawn. we were close in under the land, and our prizes were lying around us, moving to and fro, gracefully, to preserve their positions. the most profuse, and luxuriant vegetation, of that peculiarly dark green known only to the tropics, ran down to the very water's edge; the beautiful little stream, on which cienfuegos lies, disembogued itself at the foot of the lighthouse perched on a base of blackened limestone rock; and the neat, white fort, that sat a mile or two up the river, was now glistening in the rays of the sun, just lifting himself above the central range of mountains. the sea breeze had died away during the night, and been replaced by the land breeze, in obedience to certain laws which prevail in all countries swept by the trade-winds; and this land breeze, blowing so gently, as scarce to disturb a tress on the brow of beauty, came laden with the most delicious perfume of shrub and flower. but, "what smoke is that we perceive, coming down the river?" said i, to the officer of the deck. "i will see in a moment," said this active young officer, and springing several ratlines up the rigging, to enable him to obtain a view over the intervening foliage, he said, "there is a small steam-tug coming down, with three vessels in tow, two barks and a brig." "can you make out the nationality of the ships in tow?" i inquired. "plainly," he replied, "they all have the american colors set." here was a piece of unlooked-for good fortune. i had not reckoned upon carrying more than three, or four prizes into port, but here were three others. but to secure these latter, a little management would be necessary. i could not molest them, within neutral jurisdiction, and the neutral jurisdiction extended to a marine league, or three geographical miles from the land. i immediately hoisted a spanish jack at the fore, as a signal for a pilot, and directed the officer of the deck, to disarrange his yards, a little, cock-billing this one, slightly, in one direction, and that one, in another, and to send all but about a dozen men below, to give the strangers the idea that we were a common merchant steamer, instead of a ship of war. to carry still further the illusion, we hoisted the spanish merchant flag. but the real trouble was with the prizes--two of these must surely be recognized by their companions of only the day before! luckily my prize masters took the hint i had given them, and hoisted their respective flags, at the fore, for a pilot also. this mystified the new-comers, and they concluded that the two brigantines, though very like, could not be the same. besides, there was a third brigantine in company, and she evidently was a new arrival. and so they came on, quite unsuspiciously, and when the little steamer had towed them clear of the mouth of the harbor, she let them go, and they made sail. the fellows worked very industriously, and soon had their ships under clouds of canvas, pressing them out to get an offing, before the sea breeze should come in. the steam-tug, as soon as she had let go her tows, came alongside the _sumter_, and a spanish pilot jumped on board of me, asking me in his native tongue, if i desired to go up to town; showing that my ruse of the spanish flag had even deceived him. i replied in the affirmative, and said to him, pleasantly, "but i am waiting a little, to take back those ships you have just towed down." "diablo!" said he, "how can that be; they are _americanos del norte_, bound to boston, and _la nueva york_!" "that is just what i want," said i, "we are _confederados_, and we have _la guerra_ with the _americanos del norte_!" "_caramba!_" said he, "that is good; give her the steam quick, captain!" "no, no," replied i, "wait a while. i must pay due respect to your queen, and the captain-general; they command in these waters, within the league, and i must wait until the ships have passed beyond that." i accordingly waited until the ships had proceeded some five miles from the coast, as estimated both by the pilot, and myself, when we turned the _sumter's_ head seaward, and again removed the leash. she was not long in pouncing upon the astonished prey. a booming gun, and the simultaneous descent of the spanish, and ascent of the confederate flag to the _sumter's_ peak, when we had approached within about a mile of them, cleared up the mystery of the chase, and brought the fugitives to the wind. in half an hour more, their papers had been examined, prize crews had been thrown on board of them, and they were standing back in company with the _sumter_, to rejoin the other prizes. i had now a fleet of six sail, and when the sea breeze set in next morning, which it did between nine and ten o'clock, i led into the harbor, the fleet following. the three newly captured vessels were the bark _west wind_, of rhode island; the bark _louisa kilham_, of massachusetts, and the brigantine _naiad_, of new york. they had all cargoes of sugar, which were covered by certificates of neutral property. when the _sumter_ came abreast of the small fort, which has already been noticed, we were surprised to see the sentinels on post fire a couple of loaded muskets, the balls of which whistled over our heads, and to observe them making gestures, indicating that we must come to anchor. this we immediately did; but the prizes, all of which had the united states colors flying, were permitted to pass, and they sped on their way to the town, some miles above, as they had been ordered. when we had let go our anchor, i dispatched lieutenant evans to the fort, to call on the commandant, and ask for an explanation of his conduct, in bringing us to. the explanation was simple enough. he did not know what to make of the new-born confederate flag. he had never seen it before. it did not belong to any of the nations of the earth, of which he had any knowledge, and we might be a buccaneer for aught he knew. in the afternoon, the commandant himself came on board to visit me, and inform me, on the part of the governor of cienfuegos, with whom he had communicated, that i might proceed to the town, in the _sumter_, if i desired. we drank a glass of wine together, and i satisfied him, that i had not come in to carry his fort by storm--which would have been an easy operation enough, as he had only about a corporal's guard under his command--or to sack the town of cienfuegos, after the fashion of the drakes, and other english sea-robbers, who have left so vivid an impression upon spanish memory, as to make spanish commandants of small forts, cautious of all strange craft. it had only been a week since the _sumter_ had run the blockade of new orleans, and already she was out of fuel! having only coal enough left for about twenty-four hours steaming. here was food for reflection. active operations which would require the constant use of steam, would never do; for, by-and-by, when the enemy should get on my track, it would be easy for him to trace me from port to port, if i went into port once a week. i must endeavor to reach some cruising-ground, where i could lie in wait for ships, under sail, and dispense with the use of steam, except for a few hours, at a time, for the purpose of picking up such prizes, as i could not decoy within reach of my guns. i was glad to learn from the pilot, that there was plenty of coal to be had in cienfuegos, and i dispatched lieutenant chapman to town, in one of the ship's cutters, for the double purpose of arranging for a supply, and communicating with the governor, on the subject of my prizes, and the position which spain was likely to occupy, during the war. the following letter addressed by me to his excellency will explain the object i had in view in coming into cienfuegos, and the hopes i entertained of the conduct of spain, whose important island of cuba lay, as it were, athwart our main gateway to the sea--the gulf of mexico. confederate states steamer sumter, island of cuba, july , . sir:--i have the honor to inform you, of my arrival at the port of cienfuegos, with seven prizes of war. these vessels are the brigantines _cuba_,[ ] _machias_, _ben. dunning_, _albert adams_, and _naiad_; and barks _west wind_, and _louisa kilham_, property of citizens of the united states, which states, as your excellency is aware, are waging an aggressive and unjust war upon the confederate states, which i have the honor, with this ship under my command, to represent. i have sought a port of cuba, with these prizes, with the expectation that spain will extend to the cruisers of the confederate states, the same friendly reception that, in similar circumstances, she would extend to the cruisers of the enemy; in other words, that she will permit me to leave the captured vessels within her jurisdiction, until they can be adjudicated by a court of admiralty of the confederate states. as a people maintaining a government _de facto_, and not only holding the enemy in check, but gaining advantages over him, we are entitled to all the rights of belligerents, and i confidently rely upon the friendly disposition of spain, who is our near neighbor, in the most important of her colonial possessions, to receive us with equal and even-handed justice, if not with the sympathy which our identity of interests and policy, with regard to an important social and industrial institution, are so well calculated to inspire. a rule which would exclude our prizes from her ports, during the war, although it should be applied, in terms, equally to the enemy, would not, i respectfully suggest, be an equitable, or just rule. the basis of such a rule, as indeed, of all the conduct of a neutral during war, is equal and impartial justice to all the belligerents, without inclining to the side of either; and this should be a substantial and practical justice, and not exist in terms merely, which may be deceptive. now, a little reflection will, i think, show your excellency that the rule in question--the exclusion of the prizes of both belligerents from neutral ports--cannot be applied in the present war, without operating with great injustice to the confederate states. it is well known to your excellency, that the united states are a manufacturing and commercial people, whilst the confederate states are an agricultural people. the consequence of this dissimilarity of pursuits was, that at the breaking out of the war, the former had within their limits, and control, almost all the naval force of the old government. this naval force they have dishonestly seized, and turned against the confederate states, regardless of the just claims of the latter to a large proportion of it, as tax-payers, out of whose contributions to the common treasury it was created. the united states, by this disseizin of the property of the confederate states, are enabled, in the first months of the war, to blockade all the ports of the latter states. in this condition of things, observe the _practical_ working of the rule i am discussing, whatever may be the seeming fairness of its terms. it will be admitted that we have equal belligerent rights with the enemy. one of the most important of these rights, in a war against a commercial people, is that which i have just exercised, of capturing his property, on the high seas. but how are the confederate states to enjoy, to its full extent, the benefit of this right, if their cruisers are not permitted to enter neutral ports, with their prizes, and retain them there, in safe custody, until they can be condemned, and disposed of? they cannot send them into their own ports, for the reason already mentioned, viz.: that those ports are hermetically sealed by the agency of their own ships, forcibly wrested from them. if they cannot send them into neutral ports, where are they to send them? nowhere. except for the purpose of destruction, therefore, their right of capture would be entirely defeated by the adoption of the rule in question, whilst the opposite belligerent would not be inconvenienced by it, at all, as all his own ports are open to him. i take it for granted, that spain will not think of acting upon so unjust, and unequal a rule. but another question arises, indeed has already arisen, in the cases of some of the very captures which i have brought into port. the cargoes of several of the vessels are claimed, as appears by certificates found among the papers, as spanish property. this fact cannot, of course, be verified, except by a judicial proceeding, in the prize courts of the confederate states. but if the prizes cannot be sent either into the ports of the confederate states, or into neutral ports, how can this verification be made? further--supposing there to be no dispute about the title to the cargo, how is it to be unladen, and delivered to the neutral claimant, unless the captured ship can make a port? indeed, one of the motives which influenced me in making a spanish colonial port, was the fact that these cargoes were claimed by spanish subjects, whom i was desirous of putting to as little inconvenience as possible, in the unlading and reception of their property, should it be restored to them, by a decree of the confederate courts. it will be for your excellency to consider, and act upon these grave questions, touching alike the interests of both our governments. i have the honor to be, &c., &c., raphael semmes. i did not expect much to grow immediately out of the above communication. indeed, as the reader will probably surmise, i had written it more for the eye of the spanish premier, than for that of the governor of a small provincial town, who had no diplomatic power, and whom i knew to be timid, as are all the subordinate officers of absolute governments. i presumed that the governor would telegraph it to the captain-general, at havana, and that the latter would hold the subject in abeyance, until he could hear from the home government. nor was i disappointed in this expectation, for lieutenant chapman returned from cienfuegos, the next morning, and brought me intelligence to this effect. to dispose of the questions raised, without the necessity of again returning to them, the reader is informed, that spain, in due time, followed the lead of england and france, in the matter of excluding prizes from her ports; and that my prizes were delivered--to whom, do you think, reader? you will naturally say, to myself, or my duly appointed agent, with instructions to take them out of the spanish port. this was the result to be logically expected. the captain-general had received them, in trust, as it were, to abide the decision of his government. if that decision should be in favor of receiving the prizes of both belligerents, well; if not, i expected to be notified to take them away. but nothing was further, it seems, from the intention of the captain-general, than this simple and just proceeding; for as soon as the queen's proclamation was received, he deliberately handed back all my prizes to their original owners! this was so barefaced a proceeding, that it was necessary to allege some excuse for it, and the excuse given was, that i had violated the neutral waters of cuba, and captured my three last prizes within the marine league--my sympathizing friend, the spanish pilot, and an english sailor, on board the tug, being vouched as the respectable witnesses to the fact! such was the power of spanish gold, and yankee unscrupulousness in the use of it. when i heard of these transactions a few months afterward, i planned a very pretty little quarrel between the confederate states and spain, in case the former should be successful in establishing their independence. cuba, i thought, would make us a couple of very respectable states, with her staples of sugar and tobacco, and with her similar system of labor; and if spain refused to foot our bill for the robbery of these vessels, we would foot it ourselves, at her expense. but poor old spain! i ought perhaps to forgive thee, for thou wast afterward kicked, and cuffed by the very power to which thou didst truckle--the federal steamers of war making a free use of thy coast of the "ever faithful island of cuba," chasing vessels on shore, and burning them, in contempt of thy jurisdiction, and in spite of thy remonstrances. and the day is not far distant, when the school-ma'am and the carpet-bag missionary will encamp on thy plantations, and hold joint conventicles with thy freedmen, in the interests of godliness, and the said ma'am and missionary. great excitement was produced, as may be supposed, by the arrival of the _sumter_, with her six prizes, at the quiet little town of cienfuegos. lieutenant chapman was met by a host of sympathizers, and carried to their club, and afterward to the house of one of the principal citizens, who would not hear of his spending the night at a hotel, and installed as his honored guest. neighbors were called in, and the night was made merry, to a late hour, by the popping of champagne-corks and the story, and the song; and when the festivities had ceased, my tempest-tossed lieutenant was laid away in the sweetest and whitest of sheets, to dream of the eyes of the houries of the household, that had beamed upon him so kindly, that he was in danger of forgetting that he was a married man. for weeks afterward, his messmates could get nothing out of him, but something about don this, and doña that. there was a hurrying to and fro, too, of the stewards, and mess boys, as the cutter in which he returned, came alongside of the ship, for there were sundry boxes, marked bordeaux, and cette, and sundry baskets branded with anchors; and there were fruits, and flowers, and squalling chickens to be passed up. the principal coffee-house of the place had been agog with wonders; the billiard-players had rested idly on their cues, to listen to madam rumor with her thousand tongues--how the fort had fired into the _sumter_, and how the _sumter_ had fired back at the fort, and how the matter had finally been settled by the _pirata_ and the _commandante_, over a bottle of champagne. yankee captains, and consignees, supercargoes, and consuls passed in, and out, in consultation, like so many ants whose nest had been trodden upon, and nothing could be talked of but freights, and insurance, with, and without the war risk; bills of lading, invoices, consul's certificates to cover cargoes, and last, though not least, where the d----l all the federal gunboats were, that this confederate hawk should be permitted to make such a flutter in the yankee dove-cot. chapter xiv. the sumter on the wing again--is put under sail for the time--reaches the island of curaÇoa, and is only able to enter after a diplomatic fight. from what has been said in the last chapter, the reader will have observed how anxious i was to conform my conduct, in all respects, to the laws of war. my hope was, that _some_ of the nations of the earth, at least, would give me an asylum for my prizes, so that i might have them formally condemned by the confederate states prize courts, instead of being obliged to destroy them. it was with this hope, that i had entered the port of cienfuegos, as the reader has seen; and it was in furtherance of this object, that i now drew up the following appointment of a prize agent, who had come well recommended to me, as a gentleman of integrity and capacity. c. s. steamer sumter, cienfuegos, july , . sir:--you are hereby appointed prize agent, for, and in behalf of the confederate states of america, of the following prizes, to wit: the _cuba_, _machias_, _ben. dunning_, _albert adams_, _naiad_, _west wind_, and _louisa kilham_, and their cargoes, until the same can be adjudicated, by the prize courts of the confederate states, and disposed of by the proper authorities. you will take the necessary steps for the safe custody of these prizes, and you will not permit anything to be removed from, or disturbed on board of them. you will be pleased, also, to take the examinations of the master, and mate of each of these vessels, before a notary, touching the property of the vessels, and cargoes; and making a copy thereof, to be retained in your own possession, you will send, by some safe conveyance, the originals, addressed to "the judge of the confederate states district court, new orleans, la." i have the honor to be, &c., raphael semmes. _señor don_ mariano dias. during the day, the steam-tug towed down from the town, for me, a couple of lighters, containing about one hundred tons of coal, five thousand gallons of water, and some fresh provisions for the crew. it was necessary that we should prepare for sea, with some dispatch, as there was a line of telegraph, from cienfuegos to havana, where there were always a number of the enemy's ships of war stationed. as a matter of course, the u. s. consul at cienfuegos had telegraphed to his brother consul, in havana, the arrival of the _sumter_, in the first ten minutes after she had let go her anchor; and as another matter of course, there must already be several fast steamers on their way, to capture this piratical craft, which had thus so unceremoniously broken in upon the quiet of the cuban waters, and the yankee sugar, and rum trade. i had recourse to the chart, and having ascertained at what hour these steamers would be enabled to arrive, i fixed my own departure, a few hours ahead, so as to give them the satisfaction of finding that the bird, which they were in pursuit of, had flown. my excellent first lieutenant came up to time, and the ship was reported ready for sea before sunset, or in a little more than twenty-four hours, after our arrival. to avoid the coal dust, which is one of the pests of a steamer, and the confusion, and noise which necessarily accompany the exceedingly poetic operation of coaling, i landed, as the sun was approaching the western horizon, in company with my junior lieutenant and sailing-master, for a stroll, and to obtain sights for testing my chronometers, as well. having disposed of the business part of the operation first, in obedience to the old maxim; that is to say, having made our observations upon the sun, for time, we wandered about, for an hour, and more, amid the rich tropical vegetation of this queen of islands, now passing under the flowering acacia, and now under the deep-foliaged orange-tree, which charmed two senses at once--that of smell, by the fragrance of its young flowers, and that of sight, by the golden hue of its luscious and tempting fruit. we had landed abreast of our ship, and a few steps sufficed to put us in the midst of a dense wilderness, of floral beauty, with nothing to commune with but nature. what a contrast there was between this peaceful, and lovely scene, and the life we had led for the last week! we almost loathed to go back to the dingy walls, and close quarters of our little craft, where everything told us of war, and admonished us that a life of toil, vexation, and danger lay before us, and that we must bid a long farewell to rural scenes, and rural pleasures. as we still wandered, absorbed in such speculations as these, unconscious of the flight of time, the sound of the evening gun came booming on the ear, to recall us to our senses, and retracing our steps, we hurriedly re-embarked. that evening's stroll lingered long in my memory, and was often recalled, amid the whistling, and surging of the gale, and the tumbling, and discomforts of the ship. i had been looking anxiously, for the last few hours, for the arrival of our prize brigantine, the _cuba_, but she failed to make her appearance, and i was forced to abandon the hope of getting back my prize crew from her. i left with my prize agent, the following letter of instructions for the midshipman in command of the _cuba_. confederate states steamer sumter, cienfuegos, july , . sir:--upon your arrival at this place, you will put the master, mate, and crew of the _cuba_ on _parole_, not to serve against the confederate states, during the present war, unless exchanged, and release them. you will then deliver the brigantine to the governor, for safe custody, until the orders of the captain-general can be known in regard to her. i regret much that you are not able to arrive in time, to rejoin the ship, and you must exercise your judgment, as to the mode in which you shall regain your country. you will, no doubt, be able to raise sufficient funds for transporting yourself, and the four seamen who are with you, to some point in the confederate states, upon a bill of exchange, which you are hereby authorized to draw, upon the secretary of the navy. upon your arrival within our territory, you will report yourself to that officer. your baggage has been sent you by the pilot. _midshipman_ a. g. hudgins. i did not meet mr. hudgins, afterward, until as a rear admiral, i was ordered to the command of the james river fleet, in the winter of . he was then attached to one of my ships, as a lieutenant. on the retreat from richmond, i made him a captain of light artillery, and he was paroled with me, at greensboro', north carolina, in may . how he has settled with my friend, the spanish pilot, who agreed with _me_ that the prizes which i captured, off cienfuegos, were _five_ miles from the land, and with the northern claimants, and the captain-general of cuba, that they were less than _three_ miles from it, about his baggage, i have never learned. everything being in readiness for sea, on board the _sumter_, and the officers having all returned from their visits to the town, at eleven p. m., we got under way, and as the bell struck the midnight hour, we steamed out of the harbor, the lamps from the light-house throwing a bright glare upon our deck, as we passed under its shadow, close enough to "have tossed a biscuit" to the keeper; so bold is the entrance of the little river. the sea was nearly calm, and the usual land breeze was gently breathing, rather than blowing. having given the course to the officer of the deck, i was glad to go below, and turn in, after the excitement, and confusion of the last forty-eight hours. when some seven or eight miles from the land, we lost the land breeze, and were struck by the sea breeze, nearly ahead, with some force. we steamed on, all the next day, without any incident to break in upon the monotony, except a short chase which we gave to a brigantine, which proved, upon our coming up with her, to be spanish. between nine, and ten o'clock in the evening, we passed the small islands of the _caymans_, which we found to be laid down in the charts we were using, some fifteen or sixteen miles too far to the westward. as there is a current setting in the vicinity of these islands, and as the islands themselves are so low, as to be seen with difficulty, in a dark night,--and the night on which we were passing them was dark,--i make this observation, to put navigators on their guard. the morning of the ninth of july dawned clear, and beautifully, but as the sun gained power, the trade-wind increased, until it blew half a gale, raising considerable sea, and impeding the progress of the ship. indeed, so little speed did we make, that the island of jamaica, which we had descried with the first streaks of dawn, remained in sight all day; its blue mountains softened but not obliterated by the distance as the evening set in. the sea was as blue as the mountains, and the waves seemed almost as large, to our eyes, as the little steamer plunged into, and struggled with them, in her vain attempt to make headway. all the force of her engine was incapable of driving her at a greater speed than five knots. the next day, and the day after were equally unpropitious. indeed the weather went from bad, to worse, for now the sky became densely overcast, with black, and angry-looking clouds, and the wind began to whistle through the rigging, with all the symptoms of a gale. we were approaching the hurricane season, and there was no telling at what moment, one of those terrible cyclones of the caribbean sea might sweep over us. to add to the gloominess of the prospect, we were comparatively out of the track of commerce, and had seen no sail, since we had overhauled the spanish brigantine. as explained to the reader, in one of the opening chapters, it was my intention to proceed from cuba, to barbadoes, there recoal, and thence make the best of my way to cape st. roque, in brazil, where i expected to reap a rich harvest from the enemy's commerce. i was now obliged to abandon, or at least to modify this design. it would not be possible for me to reach barbadoes, with my present supply of coal, in the teeth of such trade-winds, as i had been encountering for the last few days. i therefore determined to bend down toward the spanish main; converting the present head-wind, into a fair wind, for at least a part of the way, and hoping to find the weather more propitious, on that coast. it was now the thirteenth of july, and as we had sailed from cienfuegos, on the seventh, we had consumed six out of our eight days' supply of fuel. steaming was no longer to be thought of, and we must make some port under sail. the dutch island of curaçoa lay under our lee, and we accordingly made sail for that island. the engineer was ordered to let his fires go down, and uncouple his propeller that it might not retard the speed of the ship, and the sailors were sent aloft to loose the topsails. this was the first time that we were to make use of our sails, unaided by steam, and the old sailors of the ship, who had not bestridden a yard for some months, leaped aloft, with a will, to obey the welcome order. the race of sailors has not yet entirely died out, though the steamship is fast making sad havoc with it. there is the same difference between the old-time sailor, who has been bred in the sailing-ship, and the modern sailor of the steamship, that there is between the well-trained fox-hound, who chases reynard all day, and the cur that dodges a rabbit about, for half an hour or so. the sailing-ship has a romance, and a poetry about her, which is thoroughly killed by steam. the sailor of the former loves, for its own sake, the howling of the gale, and there is no music so sweet to his ear, as the shouting of orders through the trumpet of the officer of the deck, when he is poised upon the topsail-yard, of the rolling and tumbling ship, hauling out the "weather ear-ring." it is the _ranz de vache_, which recalls the memory of his boyhood, and youth, when under the tutelage of some foster-father of an old salt, he was taking his first lessons in seamanship. it used to be beautiful to witness the rivalry of these children of the deep, when the pitiless hurricane was scourging their beloved ship, and threatening her with destruction. the greater the danger, the more eager the contest for the post of honor. was there a sail to be secured, which appeared about to be torn into ribbons, by the gale, and the loose gear of which threatened to whip the sailor from the yard; or was there a topmast to be climbed, which was bending like a willow wand under the fury of the blast, threatening to part at every moment, and throw the climber into the raging, and seething caldron of waters beneath, from which it would be impossible to rescue him, jack, noble jack was ever ready for the service. i have seen an old naval captain, who had been some years retired from the sea, almost melt into tears, as he listened to the musical "heaving of the lead" by an old sailor, in the "chains" of a passing ship of war. but steam, practical, commonplace, hard-working steam, has well-nigh changed all this, and cut away the webbing from the foot of the old-time sailor. seamanship, evolutions, invention, skill, and ready resource in times of difficulty, and danger, have nearly all gone out of fashion, and instead of reefing the topsails, and club-hauling, and box-hauling the ship, some order is now sent to the engineer, about regulating his fires, and paying attention to his steam-gauges. alas! alas! there will be no more nelsons, and collingwoods, and no more such venerable "bulwarks upon the deep," as the _victory_, and the _royal sovereign_. in future wars upon the ocean, all combatants will be on the dead level of impenetrable iron walls, with regard to dash, and courage, and with regard to seamanship, and evolutions, all the knowledge that will be required of them, will be to know how to steer a nondescript box toward their enemy. our first night under canvas, i find thus described, in my journal: "heavy sea all night, and ship rolling, and tumbling about, though doing pretty well. the propeller revolves freely, and we are making about five knots." the next day was sunday, and the weather was somewhat ameliorated. the wind continued nearly as fresh as before, but as we were now running a point free, this was no objection, and the black, angry clouds had disappeared, leaving a bright, and cheerful sky. a sail was seen on the distant horizon, but it was too rough to chase. this was our usual muster-day, but the decks were wet, and uncomfortable, and i permitted my crew to rest, they having scarcely yet recovered from the fatigue of the last few days. there is, perhaps, no part of the world where the weather is so uniformly fine, as on the spanish main. the cyclones never bend in that direction, and even the ordinary gales are unknown. we were already beginning to feel the influence of this meteorological change; for on monday, the th of july, the weather was thus described in my journal: "weather moderating, and the sea going down, though still rough. nothing seen. in the afternoon, pleasant, with a moderate breeze, and the clouds assuming their usual soft, fleecy, trade-wind appearance." the next day was still clear, though the wind had freshened, and the ship was making good speed. at nine a. m. we made the land, on the starboard bow, which proved to be the island of oruba, to leeward, a few miles, of curaçoa. for some hours past, we had been within the influence of the equatorial current, which sets westward, along this coast, with considerable velocity, and it had carried us a little out of our course, though we had made some allowance for it. we hauled up, a point, or two, and at eleven a. m. we made the island of curaçoa, on the port bow. we doubled the north-west end of the island, at about four p. m. and hauling up on the south side of it we soon brought the wind ahead, when it became necessary to put the ship under steam again, and to furl the sails. the afternoon proved beautifully bright, and clear; the sea was of a deep indigo-blue, and we were all charmed, even with this barren little island, as we steamed along its bold, and blackened shores, of limestone rock, alongside of which the heaviest ship might have run, and throwing out her bow and stern lines, made herself fast with impunity, so perpendicularly deep were the waters. our average distance from the land, as we steamed along, was not greater than a quarter of a mile. there were a few stunted trees, only, to be seen, in the little ravines, and some wild shrubbery, and sickly looking grass, struggling for existence on the hills' sides. a few goats were browsing about here, and there, and the only evidence of commerce, or thrift, that we saw, were some piles of salt, that had been raked up from the lagoons, ready for shipment. and yet the dutch live, and thrive here, and have built up quite a pretty little town--that of st. anne's, to which we were bound. the explanation of which is, that the island lies contiguous to the venezuelan coast, and is a free port, for the introduction of european, and american goods, in which a considerable trade is carried on, with the main land. we arrived off the town, with its imposing battlements frowning on either side of the harbor, about dusk, and immediately hoisted a jack, and fired a gun, for a pilot. in the course of half an hour, or so, this indispensable individual appeared, but it was too late, he said, for us to attempt the entrance, that night. he would come off, the first thing in the morning, and take us in. with this assurance we rested satisfied, and lay off, and on, during the night, under easy steam. but we were not to gain entrance to this quaint little dutch town, so easily, as had been supposed. we were to have here a foretaste of the trouble, that the federal consuls were to give us in the future. we have already commented on the love of office of the american people. there is no hole, or corner of the earth, into which a ship can enter, and where there is a dollar to be made, that has not its american consul, small or large. the smallest of salaries are eagerly accepted, and, as a consequence, the smallest of men are sometimes sent to fill these places. but the smaller the place, the bigger were the cocked hats and epaulettes the officials wore, and the more brim-full were they of patriotism. at the time of which i am writing, they called one wm. h. seward, master, and they had taken billy's measure to a fraction. they knew his tastes, and pandered to them, accordingly. his circular letters had admonished them, that, in their intercourse with foreign nations, they must speak of our great civil war, as a mere _rebellion_, that would be suppressed, in from sixty, to ninety days; insist that we were not entitled to belligerent rights, and call our cruisers, "corsairs," or "pirates." accordingly, soon after the pilot had landed, from the _sumter_, carrying with him to the shore, the intelligence that she was a confederate states cruiser, the federal consul made his appearance at the government-house, and claimed that the "pirate" should not be permitted to enter the harbor; informing his excellency, the governor, that mr. seward would be irate, if such a thing were permitted, and that he might expect to have the stone, and mortar of his two forts knocked about his ears, in double quick, by the ships of war of the great republic. this bold, and defiant tone, of the doughty little consul, seemed to stagger his excellency; it would not be so pleasant to have st. anne's demolished, merely because a steamer with a flag that nobody had seen before, wanted some coal; and so, the next morning, bright and early, he sent the pilot off, to say to me, that "the governor could not permit the _sumter_ to enter, having received recent orders from holland to that effect." here was a pretty kettle of fish! the _sumter_ had only one day's fuel left, and it was some distance from curaçoa, to any other place, where coal was to be had. i immediately sent for lieutenant chapman, and directed him to prepare himself for a visit to the shore; and calling my clerk, caused him to write, after my dictation, the following despatch to his excellency:-- confederate states steamer sumter, off st. anne's, curaÇoa, july , . his excellency governor crol:-- i was surprised to receive, by the pilot, this morning, a message from your excellency, to the effect that this ship would not be permitted to enter the harbor, unless she was in distress, as your excellency had received orders from his government not to admit vessels of war of the confederate states of america, to the hospitality of the ports, under your excellency's command. i most respectfully suggest that there must be some mistake here; and i have sent to you the bearer, lieutenant chapman, of the confederate states navy, for the purpose of an explanation. your excellency must be under some misapprehension as to the character of this vessel. she is a ship of war, duly commissioned by the government of the confederate states, which states have been recognized, as belligerents, in the present war, by all the leading powers of europe, viz:--great britain, france, spain, &c., as your excellency must be aware. it is true, that these powers have prohibited both belligerents, alike, from bringing prizes into their several jurisdictions; but no one of them has made a distinction, either between the respective prizes, or the cruisers, themselves, of the two belligerents--the cruisers of both governments, unaccompanied by prizes, being admitted to the hospitalities of the ports of all these great powers, on terms of perfect equality. in the face of these facts, am i to understand from your excellency, that holland has adopted a different rule, and that she not only excludes the prizes, but the ships of war, themselves, of the confederate states? and this, at the same time, that she admits the cruisers of the united states; thus departing from her neutrality, in this war, ignoring the confederate states, as belligerents, and aiding and abetting their enemy? if this be the position which holland has assumed, in this contest, i pray your excellency to be kind enough to say as much to me in writing. when this epistle was ready, chapman shoved off for the shore, and a long conference ensued. the governor called around him, as i afterward learned, all the dignitaries of the island, civil and military, and a grand council of state was held. these dutchmen have a ponderous way of doing things, and i have no doubt, the gravity of this council was equal to that held in new amsterdam in colonial days, as described by the renowned historian diederick knickerbocker, at which woutter van twiller, the doubter, was present. judging by the time that chapman was waiting for his answer, during which he had nothing to do but sip the most delightful mint juleps--for these islanders seemed to have robbed old virginia of some of her famous mint patches--in company with an admiring crowd of friends, the councillors must have "smoked and talked, and smoked again;" pondered with true dutch gravity, all the arguments, _pro_ and _con_, that were offered, and weighed my despatch, along with the "recent order from holland," in a torsion balance, to see which was heaviest. after the lapse of an hour, or two, becoming impatient, i told my first lieutenant, that as our men had not been practised at the guns, for some time, i thought it would be as well to let them burst a few of our eight-inch shells, at a target. accordingly the drum beat to quarters, a great stir was made about the deck, as the guns were cast loose, and pretty soon, whiz! went a shell, across the windows of the council-chamber, which overlooked the sea; the shell bursting like a clap of rather sharp, ragged thunder, a little beyond, in close proximity, to the target. sundry heads were seen immediately to pop out of the windows of the chamber, and then to be withdrawn very suddenly, as though the owners of them feared that another shell was coming, and that my gunners might make some mistake in their aim. by the time we had fired three or four shells, all of which bursted with beautiful precision, chapman's boat was seen returning, and thinking that our men had had exercise enough, we ran out and secured the guns. my lieutenant came on board, smiling, and looking pleasantly, as men will do, when they are bearers of good news, and said that the governor had given us permission to enter. we were lying close in with the entrance, and in a few minutes more, the _sumter_ was gliding gracefully past the houses, on either side of her, as she ran up the little canal, or river, that split the town in two. the quays were crowded with a motley gathering of the townspeople, men, women, and children, to see us pass, and sailors waved their hats to us, from the shipping in the port. running through the town into a land-locked basin, in its rear, the _sumter_ let go her anchor, hoisted out her boats, and spread her awnings,--and we were once more in port. chapter xv. the sumter at curaÇoa--her surroundings--preparations for sea, and departure--the capture of other prizes--puerto cabello, and what occurred there. the _sumter_ had scarcely swung to her anchors, in the small land-locked harbor described, before she was surrounded by a fleet of bum-boats, laden with a profusion of tropical fruits, and filled with men, and women, indifferently--the women rather preponderating. these bum-boat women are an institution in curaçoa; the profession descends from mother to daughter and time seems to operate no change among them. it had been nearly a generation since i was last at curaçoa. i was then a gay, rollicking young midshipman, in the "old" navy, and it seemed as though i were looking upon the same faces, and listening to the same confusion of voices as before. the individual women had passed away, of course, but the bum-boat women remained. they wore the same parti-colored handkerchiefs wound gracefully around their heads, the same gingham or muslin dresses, and exposed similar, if not the same, bare arms, and unstockinged legs. they were admitted freely on board, with their stocks in trade, and pretty soon jack was on capital terms with them, converting his small change into fragrant bananas, and blood-red oranges, and replenishing his tobacco-pouch for the next cruise. as jack is a gallant fellow, a little flirtation was going on too with the purchasing, and i was occasionally highly amused at these joint efforts at trade and love-making. no one but a bum-boat woman is ever a sailor's _blanchiseuse, et par consequence_ a number of well-filled clothes'-bags soon made their appearance, on deck, from the different apartments of the ship, and were passed into the boats alongside. these people all speak excellent english, though with a drawl, which is not unmusical, when the speaker is a sprightly young woman. jack has a great fondness for pets, and no wonder, poor fellow, debarred, as he is, from all family ties, and with no place he can call his home, but his ship; and pretty soon my good-natured first lieutenant had been seduced into giving him leave to bring sundry monkeys, and parrots on board, the former of which were now gambolling about the rigging, and the latter waking the echoes of the harbor with their squalling. such was the crowd upon our decks, and so serious was the interruption to business, that we were soon obliged to lay restrictions upon the bum-boat fleet, by prohibiting it from coming alongside, except at meal-hours, which we always designated by hoisting a red pennant, at the mizzen. it was curious to watch the movements of the fleet, as these hours approached. some twenty or thirty boats would be lying upon their oars, a few yards from the ship, each with from two to half a dozen inmates, eagerly watching the old quartermaster, whose duty it was to hoist the pennant; the women chattering, and the parrots squalling, whilst the oarsmen were poising their oars, that they might get the first stroke over their competitors in the race. at length, away goes the flag! and then what a rushing and clattering, and bespattering until the boats are alongside. in an hour after our anchor had been let go, the business of the ship, for the next few days, had all been arranged. the first lieutenant had visited a neighboring ship-yard, and contracted for a new foretop-mast, to supply the place of the old one which had been sprung; the paymaster had contracted for a supply of coal, and fresh provisions, daily, for the crew, and for having the ship watered; the latter no unimportant matter, in this rainless region, and i had sent an officer to call on the governor, _with my card_, being too unwell to make the visit, in person. upon visiting the shore the next day, i found that we were in a _quasi_ enemy's territory, for besides the federal consul before spoken of, a boston man had intrenched himself in the best hotel in the place, as proprietor, and was doing a thriving business, far away from "war's alarms," and a new yorker had the monopoly of taking all the phizes of the staid old dutchmen--"john smith, of new york, photographer," hanging high above the artist's windows, on a sign-board that evidently had not been painted by a curaçoan. mr. smith had already taken an excellent photograph of the _sumter_, which he naively enough told me, was intended for the new york illustrated papers. if i had had ever so much objection, to having the likeness of my ship hung up in such a "rogues' gallery," i had no means of preventing it. besides, it could do us but little damage, in the way of identification, as we had the art of disguising the _sumter_ so that we would not know her, ourselves, at half a dozen miles distance. i was surprised, one morning, during our stay here, whilst i was lounging, listlessly, in my cabin, making a vain attempt to read, under the infliction of the caulkers overhead, who were striking their caulking-irons with a vigor, and rapidity, that made the tympanum of my ears ring again, at the announcement that don somebody or other, the private secretary of president castro, desired to see me. the caulkers were sent away, and his excellency's private secretary brought below. president castro was one of those unfortunate south american chiefs, who had been beaten in a battle of ragamuffins, and compelled to fly his country. he was president of venezuela, and had been deprived of his office, before the expiration of his term, by some military aspirant, who had seated himself in the presidential chair, instead, and was now in exile in curaçoa, with four of the members of his cabinet. the object of the visit of his secretary was to propose to me to reinstate the exiled president, in his lost position, by engaging in a military expedition, with him, to the mainland. here was a chance, now, for an ambitious man! i might become the warwick of venezuela, and put the crown on another's head, if i might not wear it myself. i might hoist my admiral's flag, on board the _sumter_, and take charge of all the piraguas, and canoes, that composed the venezuelan navy, whilst my colleague mustered those men in buckram, so graphically described by sir john falstaff, and made an onslaught upon his despoiler. but unfortunately for friend castro, i was like one of those damsels who had already plighted her faith to another, before the new wooer appeared--i was not in the market. i listened courteously, however, to what the secretary had to say; told him, that i felt flattered by the offer of his chief, but that i was unable to accept it. "i cannot," i continued, "consistently with my obligations to my own country, engage in any of the revolutionary movements of other countries." "but," said he, "señor castro is the _de jure_ president of venezuela, and you would be upholding the right in assisting him;--can you not, at least, land us, with some arms and ammunition, on the main land?" i replied that, "as a confederate states officer, i could not look into _de jure_ claims. these questions were for the venezuelans, themselves, to decide. the only government i could know in venezuela was the _de facto_ government, for the time being, and _that_, by his own showing, was in the hands of his antagonists." here the conversation closed, and my visitor, who had the bearing and speech of a cultivated gentleman, departed. the jottings of my diary for the next few days, will perhaps now inform the reader, of our movements, better than any other form of narrative. _july th._--wind unusually blustering this morning, with partial obscuration of the heavens. the engineers are busy, overhauling and repairing damages to their engine and boilers; the gunner is at work, polishing up his battery and ventilating his magazine, and the sailors are busy renewing ratlines and tarring down their rigging. an english bark entered the harbor to-day from liverpool. _july th._--painting and refitting ship; got off the new fore-topmast from the shore. it is a good pine stick, evidently from our southern states, and has been well fashioned. the monthly packet from the island of st. thomas arrived, to-day, bringing newspapers from the enemy's country as late as the th of june. we get nothing new from these papers, except that the northern bee-hive is all agog, with the marching and countermarching of troops. _july st._--fresh trade-winds, with flying clouds--atmosphere highly charged with moisture, but no rain. this being sunday, we mustered and inspected the crew. the washer-women have decidedly improved the appearance of the young officers, the glistening of white shirt-bosoms and collars having been somewhat unusual on board of the _sumter_, of late. the crew look improved too, by their change of diet, and the use of antiscorbutics, which have been supplied to them, at the request of the surgeon; though some of them, having been on shore, "on liberty," have brought off a blackened eye. no matter--the more frequently jack settles his accounts, on shore, the fewer he will have to settle on board ship, in breach of discipline. we read, at the muster, to-day, the finding and sentence of the first court-martial, that has sat on board the _sumter_, since she reached the high seas. _july d._--warped alongside a wharf, in the edge of the town, and commenced receiving coal on board. refitting, and repainting ship. in the afternoon, i took a lonely stroll through the town, mainly in the suburbs. it is a quaint, picturesque old place, with some few modern houses, but the general air is that of dilapidation, and a decay of trade. the lower classes are simple, and primitive in their habits, and but little suffices to supply their wants. the st. thomas packet sailed, to-day, and, as a consequence, the federal cruisers, in and about that island, will have intelligence of our whereabouts, in four or five days. to mislead them, i have told the pilot, and several gentlemen from the shore, _in great confidence_, that i am going back to cruise on the coast of cuba. the packet will of course take that intelligence to st. thomas. _july d._--still coaling, refitting and painting. weather more cloudy, and wind not so constantly fresh, within the last few days. having taken sights for our chronometers, on the morning after our arrival, and again to-day, i have been enabled to verify their rates. they are running very well. the chronometer of the _golden rocket_ proves to be a good instrument. we fix the longitude of curaçoa to be ° ' ", west of greenwich. _july th._--sky occasionally obscured, with a moderate trade-wind. our men have all returned from their visits to the shore, except one, a simple lad named orr, who, as i learn, has been seduced away, by a yankee skipper, in port, aided by the boston hotel-keeper, and our particular friend, the consul. as these persons have tampered with my whole crew, i am gratified to know, that there has been but one traitor found among them. we had now been a week in curaçoa, during which time, besides recruiting, and refreshing my crew, i had made all the necessary preparations for another cruise. the ship had been thoroughly overhauled, inside and out, and her coal-bunkers were full of good english coal. it only remained for us to put to sea. accordingly, at twelve o'clock precisely, on the day last above mentioned, as had been previously appointed, the _sumter_, bidding farewell to her new-made friends, moved gracefully out of the harbor--this time, amid the waving of handkerchiefs, in female hands, as well as of hats in the hands of the males; the quay being lined, as before, to see us depart. the photographer took a last shot at the ship, as she glided past his sanctum, and we looked with some little interest to the future numbers of that "journal of civilization," vulgarly yclept "harper's weekly," for the interesting portrait; which came along in due time, accompanied by a lengthy description, veracious, of course, of the "pirate." curaçoa lies a short distance off the coast of venezuela, between laguayra, and puerto cabello, and as both of these places had some commerce with the united states, i resolved to look into them. the morning after our departure found us on a smooth sea, with a light breeze off the land. the mountains, back of laguayra, loomed up blue, mystic, and majestic, at a distance of about thirty miles, and the lookout, at the mast-head, was on the _qui vive_ for strange sails. he had not to wait long. in the tropics, there is very little of that bewitching portion of the twenty-four hours, which, in other parts of the world, is called twilight. day passes into night, and night into day, almost at a single bound. the rapidly approaching dawn had scarcely revealed to us the bold outline of the coast, above mentioned, when sail ho! resounded from the mast-head. the sail bore on our port-bow, and was standing obliquely toward us. we at once gave chase, and at half-past six a. m., came up with, and captured the schooner _abby bradford_, from new york, bound for _puerto cabello_. we knew our prize to be american, long before she showed us her colors. she was a "down-east," fore-and-aft schooner, and there are no other such vessels in the world. they are as thoroughly marked, as the puritans who build them, and there is no more mistaking the "cut of their jib." the little schooner was provision laden, and there was no attempt to cover her cargo. the news of the escape of the _sumter_ had not reached new york, at the date of her sailing, and the few privateers that we had put afloat, at the beginning of the war, had confined their operations to our own, and the enemy's coasts. hence the neglect of the owners of the _bradford_, in not providing her with some good english, or spanish certificates, protesting that her cargo was neutral. the "old flag" was treated very tenderly on the present occasion. the "flaunting lie," which mr. horace greeley had told us, should "insult no sunny sky," was hauled down, and stowed away in the quartermaster's bag described a few pages back. the _bradford_ being bound for puerto cabello, and that port being but a short distance, under my lee, i resolved to run down, with the prize, and try my hand with my friend castro's opponent, the _de facto_ president of venezuela, to see whether i could not prevail upon him, to admit my prizes into his ports. i thought, surely, an arrangement could be made with some of these beggarly south american republics, the revenue of which did not amount to a cargo of provisions, annually, and which were too weak, besides, to be worth kicking by the stronger powers. what right had _they_, thought i, to be putting on the airs of nations, and talking about acknowledging other people, when they had lived a whole generation, themselves, without the acknowledgment of spain. but, as the reader will see, i reckoned without my host. i found that they had a wholesome fear of the federal gun-boats, and that even their cupidity could not tempt them to be just, or generous. if they had admitted my prizes into their ports, i could, in the course of a few months, have made those same ports more busy with the hum and thrift of commerce, than they had ever been before; i could have given a new impulse to their revolutions, and made them rich enough to indulge in the luxury of a _pronunciamiento_, once a week. the bait was tempting, but there stood the great lion in their path--the model republic. the fact is, i must do this model republic the justice to say, that it not only bullied the little south american republics, but all the world besides. even old john bull, grown rich, and plethoric, and asthmatic and gouty, trembled when he thought of his rich argosies, and of the possibility of yankee privateers chasing them. taking the _bradford_ in tow, then, we squared away for puerto cabello, but darkness came on before we could reach the entrance of the harbor, and we were compelled to stand off and on, during the night--the schooner being cast off, and taking care of herself, under sail. the _sumter_ lay on the still waters, all night, like a huge monster asleep, with the light from the light-house, on the battlements of the fort, glaring full upon her, and in plain hearing of the shrill cry of "_alerta!_" from the sentinels. so quietly did she repose, with banked fires, being fanned, but not moved, by the gentle land-breeze that was blowing, that she scarcely needed to turn over her propeller during the night, to preserve her relative position with the light. there was no occasion to be in a hurry to run in, the next morning, as no business could be transacted before ten, or eleven o'clock, and so i waited until the sun, with his broad disk glaring upon us, like an angry furnace, had rolled away the mists of the morning, and the first lieutenant had holy-stoned his decks, and arranged his hammock-nettings, with his neat, white hammocks stowed in them, before we put the ship in motion. we had, some time before, hoisted the confederate states flag, and the venezuelan colors were flying from the fort in response. the prize accompanied us in, and we both anchored, within a stone's throw of the town, the latter looking like some old moorish city, that had been transported by magic to the new world, _gallinazos_, and all. whilst my clerk was copying my despatch to the governor, and the lieutenant was preparing himself, and his boat's crew, to take it on shore, i made a hasty _reconnoissance_ of the fort, which had a few iron pieces, of small calibre mounted on it, well eaten by rust, and whose carriages had rotted from under them. the following is a copy of my letter to his excellency. confederate states steamer sumter, puerto cabello, july , . his excellency, the governor:-- i have the honor to inform your excellency of my arrival at this place, in this ship, under my command, with the prize schooner, _abby bradford_, in company, captured by me about seventy miles to the northward and eastward. the _abby bradford_ is the property of citizens of the united states, with which states, as your excellency is aware, the confederate states, which i have the honor to represent, are at war, and the cargo would appear to belong, also, to citizens of the united states, who have shipped it, on consignment, to a house in _puerto cabello_. should any claim, however, be given for the cargo, or any part of it, the question of ownership can only be decided by the prize courts of the confederate states. in the meantime, i have the honor to request, that your excellency will permit me to leave this prize vessel, with her cargo, in the port of puerto cabello, until the question of prize can be adjudicated by the proper tribunals of my country. this will be a convenience to all parties; as well to any citizens of venezuela, who may have an interest in the cargo, as to the captors, who have also valuable interests to protect. in making this request, i do not propose that the venezuelan government shall depart from a strict neutrality between the belligerents, as the same rule it applies to us, it can give the other party the benefit of, also. in other words, with the most scrupulous regard for her neutrality, she may permit both belligerents to bring their prizes into her waters; and, of this, neither belligerent could complain, since whatever justice is extended to its enemy, is extended also to itself. * * * [here follows a repetition of the facts with regard to the seizure of the navy by the federal authorities, and the establishment of the blockade of the southern ports, already stated in my letter to the governor of cienfuegos.] * * * thus, your excellency sees, that under the rule of exclusion, the enemy could enjoy his right of capture, to its full extent--all his own ports being open to him--whilst the cruisers of the confederate states could enjoy it, _sub modo_, only; that is, for the purpose of destroying their prizes. a rule which would produce such unequal results as this, is not a just rule (although it might, in terms, be extended to both parties), and as equality and justice, are of the essence of neutrality, i take it for granted, that venezuela will not adopt it. on the other hand, the rule admitting both parties, alike, with their prizes into your ports, until the prize courts of the respective countries could have time to adjudicate the cases, would work equal and exact justice to both; and this is all that the confederate states demand. with reference to the present case, as the cargo consists chiefly of provisions, which are perishable, i would ask leave to sell them, at public auction, for the benefit of "whom it may concern," depositing the proceeds with a suitable prize agent, until the decision of the court can be known. with regard to the vessel, i request that she may remain in the custody of the same agent, until condemned and sold. when the _sumter_ entered _puerto cabello_, with her prize, she found an empty harbor, there being only two or three coasting schooners anchored along the coast; there was a general dearth of business, and the quiet little city was panting for an excitement. a bomb-shell, thrown into the midst of the stagnant commercial community, could not have startled them more, than the rattling of the chain cable of the _sumter_ through her hawse-hole, as she let go her anchor; and when my missive was handed to the governor, there was a racing, and chasing of bare-footed orderlies, that indicated a prospective gathering of the clans, similar to the one which had occurred at curaçoa. a grand council was held, at which the confederate states had not the honor to be represented. that the reader may understand the odds against which we now had to struggle, he must recollect, that all these small south american towns are, more or less, dependent upon american trade. the new england states, and new york supply them with their domestic cottons, flour, bacon, and notions; sell them all their worthless old muskets, and damaged ammunition, and now and then, smuggle out a small craft to them, for naval purposes. the american consul, who is also a merchant, represents not only those "grand moral ideas," that characterize our northern people, but sand's sarsaparilla, and smith's wooden clocks. he is, _par excellence_, the big dog of the village. the big dog was present on the present occasion, looking portentous, and savage, and when he ope'd his mouth, all the little dogs were silent. of course, the poor _sumter_, anchored away off in the bay, could have no chance before so august an assemblage, and, pretty soon, an orderly came down to the boat, where my patient lieutenant was waiting, bearing a most ominous-looking letter, put up in true south american style, about a foot square, and bearing on it, "_dios y libertad_." when i came to break the seal of this letter, i found it to purport, that the governor had not the necessary _funciones_, to reply to me, diplomatically, but that he would _elevate_ my despatch, to the _supreme_ government; and that, in the mean time, i had better take the _abby bradford_ and get out of _puerto cabello_, as soon as possible! this was all said, very politely, for your petty south american chieftain is "as mild a mannered man, as ever cut a throat," but it was none the less strong for all that. the missive of the governor reached me early, in the afternoon, but i paid not the least attention to it. i sent the paymaster on shore, to purchase some fresh provisions, and fruits, for the crew, and gave such of the officers "liberty," as desired it. the next morning i sent a prize crew on board the _bradford_, and determined to send her to new orleans. being loth to part with any more of my officers, after the experience i had had, with the prize brig _cuba_, i selected an intelligent quartermaster, who had been mate of a merchantman, as prize-master. my men i could replace--my officers i could not. the following letter of instructions was prepared for the guidance of the prize-master: confederate states steamer sumter, off puerto cabello, july , . quartermaster and prize-master, eugene ruhl: you will take charge of the prize schooner, _abby bradford_, and proceed with her, to new orleans--making the land to the westward of the passes of the mississippi, and endeavoring to run into barrataria bay, berwick's bay, or some of the other small inlets. upon your arrival, you will proceed to the city of new orleans, in person, and report yourself to commodore rousseau, for orders. you will take especial care of the accompanying package of papers, as they are the papers of the captured schooner, and you will deliver them, with the seals unbroken, to the judge of the prize court, judge moise. you will batten down your hatches, and see that no part of the cargo is touched, during the voyage, and you will deliver both vessel, and cargo, to the proper law officers, in the condition in which you find them, as nearly as possible. i availed myself of this opportunity, to address the following letter to mr. mallory, the secretary of the navy; having nothing very important to communicate, i did not resort to the use of the cipher, that had been established between us. confederate states steamer sumter, puerto cabello, july , . sir:--having captured a schooner of light draught, which, with her cargo, i estimate to be worth some twenty-five thousand dollars, and being denied the privilege of leaving her at this port, until she could be adjudicated, i have resolved to dispatch her for new orleans, in charge of a prize crew, with the hope that she may be able to elude the vigilance of the blockading squadron, of the enemy, and run into some one of the shoal passes, to the westward of the mouth of the mississippi, as barrataria, or berwick's bay. in great haste, i avail myself of this opportunity to send you my first despatch, since leaving new orleans. i can do no more, for want of time, than barely enumerate, without describing events. we ran the blockade of pass à l'outre, by the _brooklyn_, on the th of june, that ship giving us chase. on the morning of the d of july, i doubled cape antonio, the western extremity of cuba, and, on the same day, captured, off the isle of pines, the american ship, _golden rocket_, belonging to parties in bangor, in maine. she was a fine ship of tons, and worth between thirty and forty thousand dollars. i burned her. on the next day, the th, i captured the brigantines _cuba_ and _machias_, both of maine, also. they were laden with sugars. i sent them to cienfuegos, cuba. on the th of july, i captured the brigs _ben. dunning_, and _albert adams_, owned in new york, and massachusetts. they were laden, also, with sugars. i sent them to cienfuegos. on the next day, the th, i captured the barks _west wind_, and _louisa kilham_, and the brig _naiad_, all owned in new york, rhode island, and massachusetts. i sent them, also, to cienfuegos. on the same day, i ran into that port, myself, reported my captures to the authorities, and asked leave for them to remain, until they could be adjudicated. the government took them in charge, until the home government should give directions concerning them. i coaled ship, and sailed, again, on the th. on the th i arrived at the island of curaçoa, without having fallen in with any of the enemy's ships. i coaled again, here--having had some little difficulty with the governor, about entering--and sailed on the th. on the morning of the th, i captured, off laguayra, the schooner _abby bradford_, which is the vessel, by which i send this despatch. i do not deem it prudent to speak, here, of my future movements, lest my despatch should fall into the hands of the enemy. we are all well, and "doing a pretty fair business," in mercantile parlance, having made nine captures in twenty-six days. the _bradford_ reached the coast of louisiana, in due time, but approaching too near to the principal passes of the mississippi, against which i had warned her, she was re-captured, by one of the enemy's steamers, and my prize crew were made prisoners, but soon afterward released, though they did not rejoin me. i am thus particular, in giving the reader an account of these, my first transactions, for the purpose of showing him, that i made every effort to avoid the necessity of destroying my prizes, at sea; and that i only resorted to this practice, when it became evident that there was nothing else to be done. not that i had not the right to burn them, under the laws of war, when there was no dispute about the property--as was the case with the _golden rocket_, she having had no cargo on board--but because i desired to avoid all possible complication with neutrals. having dispatched the _bradford_, we got under way, in the _sumter_, to continue our cruise. we had scarcely gotten clear of the harbor, before a sail was discovered, in plain sight, from the deck. the breeze was light, and she was running down the coast, with all her studding sails set. her taunt and graceful spars, and her whitest of cotton sails, glistening in the morning's sun, revealed at once the secret of her nationality. we chased, and, at the distance of full seven miles from the land, came up with, and captured her. she proved to be the bark _joseph maxwell_, of philadelphia, last from laguayra, where she had touched, to land a part of her cargo. the remainder she was bringing to puerto cabello. upon inspection of her papers, i ascertained that one-half of the cargo, remaining on board of her, belonged to a neutral owner, doing business in puerto cabello. heaving the bark to, in charge of a prize crew, beyond the marine league, i took her master on board the _sumter_, and steaming back into the harbor, sent paymaster myers on shore with him, to see if some arrangement could not be made, by which the interests of the neutral half-owner of the cargo could be protected; to see, in other words, whether _this_ prize, in which a venezuelan citizen was interested, would not be permitted to enter, and remain until she could be adjudicated. much to my surprise, upon the return of my boat, the paymaster handed me a written _command_ from the governor, to bring the _maxwell_ in, and deliver her to him, until the _venezuelan courts_ could determine whether she had been captured within the marine league, or not! this insolence was refreshing. i scarcely knew whether to laugh, or be angry at it. i believe i indulged in both emotions. the _sumter_ had not let go her anchor, but had been waiting for the return of her boat, under steam. she was lying close under the guns of the fort, and we could see that the tompions had been taken out of the guns, and that they were manned by some half-naked soldiers. not knowing but the foolish governor might order his commandant to fire upon me, in case i should attempt to proceed to sea, in my ship, before i had sent a boat out to bring in the _maxwell_, i beat to quarters, and with my crew standing by my guns, steamed out to rejoin my prize. when i had a little leisure to converse with my paymaster, he told me, that the federal consul had been consulted, on the occasion, and that the nice little _ruse_ of the governor's order had been resorted to in the hope of intimidating me. i would have burned the _maxwell_, on the spot, but, unfortunately, as the reader has seen, she had some neutral cargo on board, and this i had no right to destroy. i resolved, therefore, to send her in; not to the confederate states, for she drew too much water to enter any, except the principal ports, and these being all blockaded, by steamers, it was useless for her to make the attempt. the following letter of instructions to her prize-master, will show what disposition was made of her. confederate states steamer sumter, at sea, july , . midshipman and prize-master wm. a. hicks:-- you will take charge of the prize bark, _joseph maxwell_, and proceed, with her, to some port on the south side of the island of cuba, say st. jago, trinidad, or cienfuegos. i think it would be safest for you to go into cienfuegos, as the enemy, from the very fact of our having been there, recently, will scarcely be on the look for us a second time. the steamers which were probably sent thither from havana in pursuit of the _sumter_ must, long since, have departed, to hunt her in some other quarter. upon your arrival, you will inform the governor, or commandant of the port, of the fact, state to him that your vessel is the prize of a ship of war, and not of a privateer, and ask leave for her to remain in port, in charge of a prize agent, until she can be adjudicated by a prize court of the confederate states. should he grant you this request, you will, if you go into cienfuegos, put the vessel in charge of _don mariano dias_, our agent for the other prizes; but should you go into either of the other ports, you will appoint some reliable person to take charge of the prize, but without power to sell, until further orders--taking from him a bond, with sufficient sureties for the faithful performance of his duties. should the governor decline to permit the prize to remain, you will store the cargo, with some responsible person, if permitted to land it, taking his receipt therefor, and then take the ship outside the port, beyond the marine league, and burn her. should you need funds for the unlading and storage of the cargo, you are authorized to sell so much of it as may be necessary for this purpose. you will then make the best of your way to the confederate states, and report yourself to the secretary of the navy. you will keep in close custody the accompanying sealed package of papers, being the papers of the captured vessel, and deliver it, in person, to the judge of the admiralty court, in new orleans. the paymaster will hand you the sum of one hundred dollars, and you are authorized to draw on the secretary of the navy for such further sum as you may need, to defray the expenses of yourself, and crew, to the confederate states. i had not yet seen the proclamation of neutrality by spain, and the reader will perceive, from the above letter, that i still clung to the hope that that power would dare to be just, even in the face of the truckling of england and france. the master of the _maxwell_ had his wife on board, and the sea being smooth, i made him a present of one of the best of his boats, and sent him and his wife on shore in her. he repaid my kindness by stealing the ship's chronometer, which he falsely told the midshipman in charge of the prize i had given him leave to take with him. at three p. m., taking a final leave of _puerto cabello_, there being neither waving of hats or handkerchiefs, or regrets on either side, we shaped our course to the eastward, and put our ship under a full head of steam. chapter xvi. steaming along the coast of venezuela--the coral insect, and the wonders of the deep--the andes and the rainy season--the sumter enters the port of spain, in the british island of trinidad, and coals, and sails again. there was a fresh trade-wind blowing, and some sea on, as the _sumter_ brought her head around to the eastward, and commenced buffeting her way, again, to windward. she had, in addition, a current to contend with, which sets along this coast in the direction of the trade-wind, at the rate of about a knot an hour. we were steaming at a distance of seven or eight miles from the land, and, as the shades of evening closed in, we descried a federal brigantine, running down the coast--probably for the port we had just left--hugging the bold shore very affectionately, to keep within the charmed marine league, within which she knew she was safe from capture. we did not, of course, molest her, as i made it a point always to respect the jurisdiction of neutrals, though never so weak. i might have offended against the sovereignty of venezuela, by capturing this vessel, with impunity, so far as venezuela was herself concerned, but then i should have committed an offence against the laws of nations, and it was these laws that i was, myself, looking to, for protection. besides, the secretary of the navy, in preparing my instructions, had been particular to enjoin upon me, not only to respect the rights of neutrals, but to conciliate their good will. as we were running along the land, sufficiently near for its influence to be felt upon the trade-winds, it became nearly calm during the night, the land and sea breezes, each struggling for the mastery, and thus neutralizing each other's forces. the steamer sprang forward with renewed speed, and when the day dawned the next morning, we were far to windward of laguayra. the sun rose in a sky, without a cloud, and the wind did not freshen, as the day advanced, so much as it had done the day before. the mountains of venezuela lay sleeping in the distance, robed in a mantle of heavenly blue, numerous sea-birds were on the wing, and the sail of a fishing-boat, here and there, added picturesqueness to the scene. at half-past nine, we gave chase to a fore-and-aft schooner, which proved to be a venezuela coaster. in the afternoon, we passed sufficiently near the island of tortuga, to run over some of its coral banks. the sun was declining behind the yet visible mountains, and the sea breeze had died away to nearly a calm, leaving the bright, and sparkling waters, with a mirrored surface. we now entered upon a scene of transcendent beauty, but the beauty was that of the deep, and not of the surface landscape. the reader is familiar with the history of the coral insect, that patient little stone-mason of the deep, which, though scarcely visible through the microscope, lays the foundations of islands, and of continents. the little coralline sometimes commences its work, hundreds of fathoms down in the deep sea, and working patiently, and laboriously, day and night, night and day, week after week, month after month, year after year, and century after century, finally brings its structure to the surface. when its tiny blocks of lime-stone, which it has secreted from the salts of the sea, have been piled so high, that the tides now cover the structure, and now leave it dry, the little toiler of the sea, having performed the functions prescribed to it by its creator, dies, and is entombed in a mausoleum more proud than any that could be reared by human hands. the winds, and the clouds now take charge of the new island, or continent, and begin to prepare it for vegetation, and the habitation of man, and animals. the pacific ocean, within the tropics is, _par excellence_, the coral sea, and the navigator of that ocean is familiar with the phenomenon, which i am about to describe. in the midst of a clear sky, the mariner sometimes discovers on the verge of the horizon, a light, fleecy cloud, and as he sails toward it, he is surprised to find that it scarcely alters its position. it rises a little, and a little higher, as he approaches it, pretty much as the land would appear to rise, if he were sailing toward it, but that is all. he sails on, and on, and when he has come near the cloud, he is surprised to see under it, a white line of foam, or, maybe a breaker, if there is any undulation in the sea, in a spot where all is represented as deep water on his chart. examining with his telescope, he now discovers, in the intervals of the foam, caused by the rising and falling of the long, lazy swell, a coral bank, so white as scarcely to be distinguished from the seething and boiling foam. he has discovered the germ of a new island, which in the course of time, and the decrees of providence, will be covered with forests, and inhabited by men, and animals. the cloud, as a sort of "pillar by day," has conducted him to the spot, whilst it has, at the same time, warned him of his danger. but the cloud--how came it there, why does it remain so faithfully at its post, and what are its functions? one of the most beautiful of the phenomena of tropical countries is the alternation, with the regularity of clock-work, of the land and sea breezes; by day, the sea breeze blowing toward the land, and by night the land breeze blowing toward the sea. the reason of this is as follows. the land absorbs heat, and radiates it, more rapidly than the sea. the consequence is, that when the sun has risen, an hour or two, the land becomes warmer than the surrounding sea, and there is an in-draught toward it; in other words, the sea breeze begins to blow. when, on the contrary, the sun has set, and withdrawn his rays from both land and sea, and radiation begins, the land, parting with its absorbed heat, more rapidly than the sea, soon becomes cooler than the sea. as a consequence, there is an out-draught from the land; in other words, the land breeze has commenced to blow. the reader now sees how it is, that the "pillar by day" hangs over the little coral island; the bank of coral absorbing heat by day more rapidly than the surrounding sea, there is an in-draught setting toward it, and as the lazy trade-winds approach it, they themselves become heated, and ascend into the upper air. there is thus a constantly ascending column of heated atmosphere over these banks. this ascending column of atmosphere, when it reaches a certain point, is condensed into cumuli of beautiful, fleecy clouds, often piled up in the most fantastic and gorgeous shapes. it is thus that the cloud becomes stationary. it is ever forming, and ever passing off; retaining, it may be, its original form, but its nebulæ constantly changing. when a cooler blast of trade-wind than usual comes along, the condensation is more rapid, and perfect, and showers of rain fall. the sea-birds are already hovering, in clouds, over the inchoate little island, fishing, and wading in its shallow waters, and roosting on it, when they can get a sufficient foothold. vegetation soon ensues, and, in the course of a few more ages, nature completes her work. but to return from this digression, into which we were led by a view of the coral bank over which we were passing. the little insect, which is at work under our feet, has not yet brought its structure sufficiently near the surface, to obstruct our passage over it. we are in five or six fathoms of water, but this water is so clear, that we are enabled to see the most minute object, quite distinctly. we have "slowed" the engine the better to enjoy the beautiful sub-marine landscape; and look! we are passing over a miniature forest, instinct with life. there are beautifully branching trees of madrepores, whose prongs are from one to two feet in length, and sometimes curiously interlaced. each one of the branches, as well as the trunk, has a number of little notches in it. these are the cells in which the little stone-mason is at work. adhering to the branches of these miniature trees, like mosses, and lichens, you see sundry formations that you might mistake for leaves. these are also cellular, and are the workshops of the little masons. scattered around, among the trees, are waving the most gorgeous of fans, and, what we might call sea-ferns, and palms. these are of a variety of brilliant colors, purple predominating. lying on the smooth, white sand, are boulders of coral in a variety of shapes--some, like the domes of miniature cathedrals; some, perfectly spherical; some, cylindrical. these, and the trees, are mostly of a creamy white, though occasionally, pink, violet, and green are discovered. as the passage of the steamer gives motion to the otherwise smooth sea, the fans, ferns, and palms wave, gracefully, changing their tints as the light flashes upon them, through the pellucid waters. the beholder looks entranced, as though he were gazing upon a fairy scene, by moonlight; and to add to the illusion, there is a movement of life, all new to the eye, in every direction. the beautiful star-fish, with its five points, as equally, and regularly arranged, as though it had been done by the rule of the mathematician, with great worm-like molluscs, lie torpid on the white sand. jelly-fish, polypi, and other nondescript shapes, float about in the miniature forest; and darting hither and thither, among the many-tinted ferns, some apparently in sport, and some in pursuit of their prey, are hundreds of little fishes, sparkling, and gleaming in silver, and gold, and green, and scarlet. the most curious of these is the parrot-fish, whose head is shaped like the beak of the parrot, and whose color is light green. how wonderfully full is the sea of animal life! all this picture is animal life; for what appears to be the vegetable portion of this sub-marine landscape, is scarcely vegetable at all. the waving ferns, fans, and palms are all instinct with animal life. the patient little toiler of the sea, the coralline insect, is busy with them, as he is with his limestone trees. he is helping on their formation by his secretions, and it is difficult to say what portion of them is vegetable, what, mineral, and what, animal. i had been an hour, and more, entranced by the fairy sub-marine forest, and its denizens, which i have so imperfectly described, when the sun sank behind the andes, and night threw her mantle upon the waters, changing all the sparkling colors of forest, and fish, to sombre gray, and admonishing me, that it was time to return to every-day life, and the duties of the ship. "let her have the steam," said i to the officer of the deck, as i arose from my bent posture over the ship's rail; and, in a moment more, the propeller was thundering us along at our usual speed. at eleven p. m., we were up with the island of margarita, and as i designed to run the passage between it, and the main land, i preferred daylight for the operation; and so, sounding in thirty-two fathoms of water, i hove the ship to, under her trysails for the night, permitting her steam to go down. the next day, the weather still continued clear and pleasant, the trade-wind being sufficiently light not to impede our headway, for we were steaming, as the reader will recollect, nearly head to wind. we had experienced but little adverse current during the last twenty-four hours, and were making very satisfactory progress. i was now making a passage, rather than cruising, as a sail is a rare sight, in the part of the ocean i was traversing. at meridian we passed that singular group of islands called the frayles--_anglice_, friars--jutting up from the sea in cones of different shapes, and looking, at a distance, not unlike so many hooded monks. with the exception of a transient fisherman, who now and then hauls up his boat out of the reach of the surf, on these harborless islands, and pitches his tent, made of his boat's sail, for a few days of rest and refreshment, they have no inhabitants. _july th._--"thick, cloudy weather, with incessant, and heavy rains; hauling in for the coast of venezuela, near the entrance to the gulf of paria. so thick is the weather, that to 'hold on to the land,' i am obliged to run the coast within a mile, and this is close running on a coast not minutely surveyed." so said my journal. indeed the day in question was a memorable one, from its scenery, and surroundings. few landscapes present so bold, and imposing a picture as this part of the south american coast. the andes here rise abruptly out of the sea, to a great height. our little craft running along their base, in the bluest and deepest of water, looked like a mere cockle-shell, or nautilus. besides the torrents of rain, that were coming down upon our decks, and through which, at times, we could barely catch a glimpse of the majestic, and sombre-looking mountains, we were blinded by the most vivid flashes of lightning, simultaneously with which, the rolling and crashing of the thunder deafened our ears. i had stood on the banks of the lake of geneva, and witnessed a storm in the alps, during which byron's celebrated lines occurred to me. they occurred to me more forcibly here, for literally-- "far along from peak to peak, the rattling crags among, leaps the live thunder! not from one cloud, but every mountain now had found a tongue, and jura answers, through her misty shroud, back to the joyous alps, who call to her aloud!" that word "joyous" was well chosen by the poet, for the mountains did indeed seem to rejoice in this grand display of nature. of wind there was scarcely any--what little there was, was frequently off the land, and even blew in the direction opposite to that of the trade-wind. we were in the rainy season, along this coast, and all the vegetable kingdom was in full luxuriance. the cocoanut, and other palms, giving an eastern aspect to the scenery, waved the greenest of feathery branches, and every shrub, and almost every tree rejoiced in its flower. it was delightful to inhale the fragrance, as the whirling aërial current brought us an occasional puff from the land. on board the ship, we looked like so many half-drowned rats. the officer of the deck, trumpet in hand, was ensconced, to his ears, in his india-rubber pea-jacket, his long beard looking like a wet mop, and little rills of rain trickling down his neck, and shoulders, from his slouched "sou'wester." the midshipman of the watch had taken off his shoes, and rolled up his trousers, and was paddling about in the pools on deck, as well pleased as a young duck. and as for the old salt, he was in his element. there was plenty of fresh water to wash his clothes in, and accordingly the decks were filled with industrious washers, or rather scrubbers, each with his scrubbing-brush, and bit of soap, and a little pile of soiled duck frocks and trousers by his side. the reader has been informed, that we were running along the coast, within a mile of it, to enable us to keep sight of the land. the object of this was to make the proper landfall for running into the gulf of paria, on which is situated the port of spain, in the island of trinidad, to which we were bound. we opened the gulf as early as nine a. m., and soon afterward identified the three islands that form the _bocas del drago_, or dragon's mouth. the scenery is remarkably bold and striking at the entrance of this gulf or bay. the islands rise to the height of mountains, in abrupt and sheer precipices, out of the now muddy waters--for the great orinoco, traversing its thousands of miles of alluvial soil, disembogues near by. indeed, we may be said to have been already within the delta of that great stream. memory was busy with me, as the _sumter_ passed through the dragon's mouth. i had made my first cruise to this identical island of trinidad, when a green midshipman in the federal navy. a few years before, the elder commodore perry--he of lake erie memory--had died of yellow fever, when on a visit, in one of the small schooners of his squadron, up the orinoco. the old sloop-of-war _lexington_, under the command of commander, now rear-admiral shubrick, was sent to the port of spain to bring home his remains. i was one of the midshipmen of that ship. a generation had since elapsed. an infant people had, in that short space of time, grown old and decrepid, and its government had broken in twain. but there stood the everlasting mountains, as i remembered them, unchanged! i could not help again recurring to the poet:-- "man has another day to swell the past, and lead him near to little but his last; but mighty nature bounds as from her birth. the sun is in the heavens, and life on earth; flowers in the valley, splendor in the beam, health on the gale, and freshness in the stream. immortal man! behold her glories shine, and cry, exulting inly, 'they are thine!' gaze on, while yet thy gladdened eye may see; a morrow comes when they are not for thee: and grieve what may above thy senseless bier, nor earth, nor sky shall yield a single tear; nor cloud shall gather more, nor leaf shall fall, nor gale breathe forth one sigh for thee, for all; but creeping things shall revel in their spoil, and fit thy clay to fertilize the soil." we entered through the huevo passage--named from its egg-shaped island--and striking soundings, pretty soon afterward, ran up by our chart and lead-line, there being no pilot-boat in sight. we anchored off the port of spain a little after mid-day--an english merchant brig paying us the compliment of a salute. i dispatched a lieutenant to call on the governor. the orders of neutrality of the english government had already been received, and his excellency informed me that, in accordance therewith, he would extend to me the same hospitality that he would show, in similar circumstances, to the enemy; which was nothing more, of course, than i had a right to expect. the paymaster was dispatched to the shore, to see about getting a supply of coal, and send off some fresh provisions and fruit for the crew; and such of the officers as desired went on liberty. the first thing to be thought of was the discharge of our prisoners, for, with the exception of the captain, whom i had permitted to land in _puerto cabello_, with his wife, i had the crew of the _joseph maxwell_, prize-ship, still on board. i had given these men, eight in number, to understand that they were hostages, and that their discharge, their close confinement, or their execution, as the case might be, depended upon the action of their own government, in the case of the _savannah_ prisoners. the reader will probably recollect the case to which i allude. president lincoln, of the federal states, in issuing his proclamation of the th of april, , calling out , troops to revenge the disaster of fort sumter, inserted the following paragraph:-- "and i hereby proclaim, and declare, that, if any person, under the pretended authority of said states, or under any other pretence, shall molest a vessel of the united states, or the persons, or cargo on board of her, such persons will be held amenable to the laws of the united states, for the prevention, and punishment of piracy." on the th of may following, the congress of the confederate states, passed the following act, in reply, as it were, to this manifesto of mr. lincoln:-- "_whereas_, the earnest efforts made by this government, to establish friendly relations between the government of the united states, and the confederate states, and to settle all questions of disagreement between the two governments, upon principles of right, equity, justice, and good faith, have proved unavailing, by reason of the refusal of the government of the united states to hold any intercourse with the commissioners appointed by this government, for the purposes aforesaid, or to listen to any proposal they had to make, for the peaceful solution of all causes of difficulty between the two governments; and _whereas_, the president of the united states of america has issued his proclamation, making requisition upon the states of the american union, for , men, for the purpose, as therein indicated, of capturing forts, and other strongholds within the jurisdiction of, and belonging to the confederate states of america, and raised, organized, and equipped a large military force, to execute the purpose aforesaid, and has issued his other proclamation, announcing his purpose to set on foot a blockade of the ports of the confederate states; and _whereas_, the state of virginia has seceded from the federal union, and entered into a convention of alliance, offensive and defensive, with the confederate states, and has adopted the provisional constitution of said states, and the states of maryland, north carolina, tennessee, kentucky, arkansas and missouri have refused, and it is believed, that the state of delaware, and the inhabitants of the territories of arizona, and new mexico, and the indian territory, south of kansas will refuse to co-operate with the government of the united states, in these acts of hostility, and wanton aggression, which are plainly intended to overawe, oppress, and finally subjugate the people of the confederate states; and _whereas_, by the acts, and means aforesaid, war exists between the confederate states, and the government of the united states, and the states and territories thereof, excepting the states of maryland, north carolina, tennessee, kentucky, arkansas, missouri, and delaware, and the territories of arizona, and new mexico, and the indian territory south of kansas: therefore, "sec. . _the congress of the confederate states of america do enact_, that the president of the confederate states is hereby authorized to use the whole land, and naval force of the confederate states, to meet the war thus commenced, and to issue to private armed vessels, commissions, or letters-of-marque, and general reprisal, in such form, as he shall think proper, under the seal of the confederate states, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government of the united states, and of the citizens, or inhabitants of the states, and territories thereof, except the states and territories hereinbefore named. _provided_, however, that the property of the enemy, (unless it be contraband of war,) laden on board a neutral vessel, shall not be subject to seizure, under this act; and _provided further_, that the vessels of the citizens, or inhabitants of the united states, now in the ports of the confederate states, except such as have been since the th of april last, or may hereafter be, in the service of the government of the united states, shall be allowed thirty days, after the publication of this act, to leave said ports, and reach their destination; and such vessels, and their cargoes, excepting articles contraband of war, shall not be subject to capture, under this act, during said period, unless they shall previously have reached the destination for which they were bound, on leaving said ports." among the private armed vessels which took out commissions under this act, was the schooner _savannah_, formerly a pilot-boat out of charleston. she carried one small gun, and about twenty men. during the month of june, this adventurous little cruiser was captured by the u. s. brig _bainbridge_, and her crew were hurried off to new york, confined in cells, like convicted felons, and afterward brought to trial, and _convicted of piracy_, under mr. lincoln's proclamation. i had informed myself of these proceedings from newspapers captured on board the enemy's ships, and hence the announcement i had made to the prisoners of the _joseph maxwell_. the reader may imagine the delight of those men, and my own satisfaction, as well, when my lieutenant brought back with him, from the shore, after his visit to the governor, an american newspaper, of late date, stating that the _savannah_ prisoners had been released from close confinement, and were to be treated as _prisoners of war_. i was stretching a point, in undertaking retaliation of this serious character without instructions from my government, but the case was pressing, and we of the _sumter_ were _vitally_ interested in the issue. the commission of the _savannah_, though she was only a privateer, was as lawful as our own, and, judging by the abuse that had already been heaped upon us, by the northern newspapers, we had no reason to expect any better treatment, at the hands of well-paid new york district-attorneys, and well-packed new york juries. i was gratified to learn, as i did soon afterward, that my government had taken a proper stand on this question. president davis, as soon as he heard of the treatment to which the _savannah_ prisoners had been subjected, wrote a letter of remonstrance to president lincoln, threatening retaliation, if he dared execute his threat of treating them as pirates. in that letter so worthy of the christian statesman, and so opposite to the coarse fulminations of the enemy, mr. davis used the following expressions: "it is the desire of this government so to conduct the war, now existing, as to mitigate its horrors, as far as may be possible; and with this intent, its treatment of the prisoners captured by its forces has been marked, by the greatest humanity, and leniency, consistent with public obligation. some have been permitted to return home, on _parole_, others to remain at large, under similar conditions, within the confederacy, and all have been furnished with rations for their subsistence, such as are allowed to our own troops. it is only since the news has been received, of the treatment of the prisoners taken on the _savannah_, that i have been compelled to withdraw those indulgences, and to hold the prisoners taken by us, in strict confinement. a just regard to humanity, and to the honor of this government, now requires me to state, explicitly, that, painful as will be the necessity, this government will deal out to the prisoners held by it, the same treatment, and the same fate, as shall be experienced by those captured on the _savannah_; and if driven to the terrible necessity of retaliation, by your execution of any of the officers, or crew of the _savannah_, that retaliation will be extended so far, as shall be requisite to secure the abandonment of a practice, unknown to the warfare of civilized men, and so barbarous, as to disgrace the nation which shall be guilty of inaugurating it." shortly before the conviction of the _savannah_ prisoners, a seaman named smith, captured on board the privateer _jefferson davis_, was tried, and convicted of piracy, in philadelphia. there were fourteen of these men, in all, and the following order from mr. benjamin, the acting secretary of war of the confederate states, to general winder, in charge of federal prisoners, in richmond, will show how much in earnest president davis was, when he wrote the above letter to president lincoln:-- "sir:--you are hereby instructed to choose, by lot, from among the prisoners of war, of highest rank, one who is to be confined in a cell appropriated to convicted felons, and who is to be treated, in all respects, as if such convict, and to be held for execution, in the same manner as may be adopted by the enemy for the execution of the prisoner of war, smith, recently condemned to death in philadelphia. "you will, also, select thirteen other prisoners of war, the highest in rank of those captured by our forces, to be confined in cells, reserved for prisoners accused of infamous crimes, and will treat them as such, so long as the enemy shall continue so to treat the like number of prisoners of war, captured by them at sea, and now held for trial in new york as pirates. "as these measures are intended to repress the infamous attempt now made by the enemy, to commit judicial murder on prisoners of war, you will execute them, strictly, as the mode best calculated to prevent the commission of so heinous a crime." the list of hostages, as returned by general winder, was as follows: colonels corcoran, lee, cogswell, wilcox, woodruff, and wood; lieutenant-colonels bowman, and neff; majors potter, revere, and vogdes, and captains ricketts, mcquade, and rockwood. these measures had the desired effect; the necessity, that the federal government was under of conciliating the irish interest, contributing powerfully thereto--colonel corcoran, the first hostage named, being an irishman of some note and influence, in new york. president lincoln was accordingly obliged to take back his proclamation, and the savannah prisoners, and smith, were put on the footing of prisoners of war. but this recantation of an attempted barbarism had not been honestly made. it was not the generous taking back of a wrong principle, by a high-minded people. the tiger, which had come out of his jungle, in quest of blood, had only been driven back by fear; his feline, and bloodthirsty disposition would, of course, crop out again, as soon as he ceased to dread the huntsman's rifle. whilst we were strong, but little more was heard of "pirates," and "piracy," except through mr. seward's long-winded and frantic despatches to the british government, on the subject of the _alabama_, but when we became weak, the slogan was taken up again, and rung, in all its changes, by an infuriated people. to return now to the _sumter_. our decks were crowded with visitors, on the afternoon of our arrival; some of these coming off to shake us warmly by the hand, out of genuine sympathy, whilst others had no higher motive than that of mere curiosity. the officers of the garrison were very civil to us, but we were amused at their diplomatic precaution, in coming to visit us in _citizens' dress_. there are no people in the world, perhaps, who attach so much importance to matters of mere form and ceremony, bluff and hearty as john bull is, as the english people. lord russell had dubbed us a "so-called" government, and this expression had become a law to all his subordinates; no official visits could be exchanged, no salutes reciprocated, and none other of the thousand and one courtesies of red-tapedom observed toward us; and, strange to say, whilst all this nonsense of form was being practised, the substance of nationality, that is to say, the acknowledgment that we possessed belligerent rights, had been frankly and freely accorded to us. it was like saying to a man, "i should like, above all things, to have you come and dine with me, but as you havn't got the right sort of a dining-dress, you can't come, you know!" some ridiculous consequences resulted from this etiquette of nations. important matters of business frequently remained unattended to, because the parties could not address each other officially. an _informal_ note would take the place of an official despatch. the advent of the _sumter_ invariably caused more, or less commotion, in official circles; the small colonial officials fearing lest she might complicate them with their governments. there was now another important council to be held. the opinion of the "law-officers of the crown" was to be taken by his excellency, upon the question, whether the _sumter_ was entitled to be coaled in her majesty's dominions. the paymaster had found a lot of indifferent coal, on shore, which could be purchased at about double its value, but nothing could be done until the "council" moved; and it is proverbial that large bodies like provincial councils, move slowly. the attorney-general of the colony, and other big wigs got together, however, after due ceremony, and, thanks to the fact, that the steamer is an infernal machine of modern invention, they were not very long in coming to a decision. if there had been anything about a steamer, in coke upon littleton, bacon, or bracton, or any other of those old fellows who deal in black letter, i am afraid the _sumter_ would have been blockaded by the enemy, before she could have gotten to sea. the _pros_ and _cons_ being discussed--i had too much respect for the calibre of certain guns on shore, to throw any shells across the windows of the council-chamber--it was decided that coal was not contraband of war, and that the _sumter_ might purchase the necessary article in the market. but though she might purchase it, it was not so easy to get it on board. it was hard to move the good people on shore. the climate was relaxing, the rainy season had set in, and there was only negro labor to be had, about the wharves and quays. we were four tedious days in filling our coal-bunkers. it had rained, off and on, the whole time. i did not visit the shore, but i amused myself frequently by inspecting the magnificent scenery by which i was surrounded, through an excellent telescope. the vegetation of trinidad is varied, and luxuriant beyond description. as the clouds would break away, and the sun light up the wilderness of waving palms, and other tropical trees and plants of strange and rich foliage, amid which the little town lay embowered, the imagination was enchanted with the picture. the emancipation of the slave ruined this, as it did the other west india islands. as a predial laborer, the freedman was nearly worthless, and the sugar crop, which is the staple, went down to zero. in despair, the planters resorted to the introduction of the coolie; large numbers of them have been imported, and under their skilful and industrious cultivation, the island is regaining a share of its lost prosperity. a day or two after my arrival, i had a visit from the master of a baltimore brig, lying in the port. he was ready for sea, he said, and had come on board, to learn whether i would capture him. i told him to make himself easy, that i should not molest him, and referred him to the act of the confederate congress, declaring that a state of war existed, to show him that, as yet, we regarded maryland as a friend. he went away rejoicing, and sailed the next day. we had, as usual, some little refitting of the ship to do. off _puerto cabello_, we had carried away our main yard, by coming in contact with the _abby bradford_ and the first lieutenant having ordered another on our arrival, it was now towed off, and gotten on board, fitted, and sent aloft. _sunday, august th._--morning calm and clear. the chimes of the church-bells fall pleasantly and suggestively on the ear. an american schooner came in from some point, up the bay, and anchored well in shore, some distance from us, as though distrustful of our good faith, and of our respect for british neutrality. being all ready for sea, at half-past ten a. m., i gave the order to get up steam; but the paymaster reporting to me that his vouchers were not all complete, the order was countermanded, and we remained another day. her majesty's steam-frigate _cadmus_ having come in, from one of the neighboring islands, i sent a lieutenant on board to call on her captain. this was the first foreign ship of war to which i had extended the courtesy of a visit, and, in a few hours afterward, my visit was returned. i had, from this time onward, much agreeable intercourse with the naval officers of the several nations, with whom i came in contact. i found them much more independent, than the civil, and military officers. they did not seem to care a straw, about _de factos_, or _de jures_, and had a sailor's contempt for red tape and unmeaning forms. they invariably received my officers, and myself, when we visited their ships, with the honors of the side, appropriate to our rank, without stopping to ask, in the jargon of lord russell, whether we were "so-called," or simon pure. after the usual courtesies had passed between the lieutenant of the _cadmus_ and myself, i invited him into my cabin, when, upon being seated, he said his captain had desired him to say to me, that, as the _sumter_ was the first ship of the confederate states he had fallen in with, he would take it, as a favor, if i would show him my commission. i replied, "certainly, but there is a little ceremony to be complied with, on your part, first." "what is that?" said he. "how do i know," i rejoined, "that you have any _authority_ to demand a sight of my commission--the flag at your peak may be a cheat, and you may be no better than you take me for, a ship of war of some hitherto unknown government--you must show me _your_ commission first." this was said, pleasantly, on my part, for the idea was quite ludicrous, that a large, and stately steam-frigate, bearing the proud cross of st. george, could be such as i had hypothetically described her. but i was right as to the point i had made, to wit, that one ship of war has no right to demand a sight of the commission of another, without first showing her own. indeed, this principle is so well known among naval men, that the lieutenant had come prepared for my demand, having brought his commission with him. smiling, himself, now, in return, he said: "certainly, your request is but reasonable; here is her majesty's commission," unrolling, at the same time, a large square parchment, beautifully engraved with nautical devices, and with sundry seals, pendent therefrom. in return, i handed him a small piece of coarse, and rather dingy confederate paper, at the bottom of which was inscribed the name of jefferson davis. he read the commission carefully, and when he had done, remarked, as he handed it back to me, "mr. davis's is a smooth, bold signature." i replied "you are an observer of signatures, and you have hit it exactly, in the present instance. i could not describe his character to you more correctly, if i were to try--our president has all the smoothness, and polish of the ripe scholar and refined gentleman, with the boldness of a man, who dares strike for the right, against odds." _monday, august th._--weather clear, and fine. flocks of parrots are flying overhead, and all nature is rejoicing in the sunshine, after the long, drenching rains. far as the eye can reach, there is but one sea of verdure, giving evidence, at once, of the fruitfulness of the soil, and the ardor of the sun. at eleven a. m., captain hillyar, of the _cadmus_, came on board, to visit me, and we had a long and pleasant conversation on american affairs. he considerately brought me a new york newspaper, of as late a date, as the th of july. "i must confess," said he, as he handed me this paper, "that your american war puzzles me--it cannot possibly last long." "you are probably mistaken, as to its duration," i replied; "i fear it will be long and bloody. as to its being a puzzle, it should puzzle every honest man. if our late co-partners had practised toward us the most common rules of honesty, we should not have quarrelled with them; but we are only defending ourselves against robbers, with knives at our throats." "you surprise me," rejoined the captain; "how is that?" "simply, that the machinery of the federal government, under which we have lived, and which was designed for the common benefit, has been made the means of despoiling the south, to enrich the north;" and i explained to him the workings of the iniquitous tariffs, under the operation of which the south had, in effect, been reduced to a dependent colonial condition, almost as abject, as that of the roman provinces, under their proconsuls; the only difference being, that smooth-faced hypocrisy had been added to robbery, inasmuch as we had been plundered under the forms of law. "all this is new to me, i assure you," replied the captain; "i thought that your war had arisen out of the slavery question." "that is a common mistake of foreigners. the enemy has taken pains to impress foreign nations with this false view of the case. with the exception of a few honest zealots, the canting, hypocritical yankee cares as little for our slaves, as he does for our draught animals. the war which he has been making upon slavery, for the last forty years, is only an interlude, or by-play, to help on the main action of the drama, which is empire; and it is a curious coincidence, that it was commenced about the time the north began to rob the south, by means of its tariffs. when a burglar designs to enter a dwelling, for the purpose of robbery, he provides himself with the necessary implements. the slavery question was one of the implements employed, to help on the robbery of the south. it strengthened the northern party, and enabled them to get their tariffs through congress; and when, at length, the south, driven to the wall, turned, as even the crushed worm will turn, it was cunningly perceived by the northern men, that 'no slavery' would be a popular war-cry, and hence they used it. it is true, we are defending our slave property, but we are defending it no more than any other species of our property--it is all endangered, under a general system of robbery. we are, in fact, fighting for independence. our forefathers made a great mistake, when they warmed the puritan serpent in their bosom; and we, their descendants, are endeavoring to remedy it." the captain now rose to depart. i accompanied him on deck, and when he had shoved off, i ordered the ship to be gotten under way--the fires having been started some time before, the steam was already up. the _sumter_, as she moved out of the harbor of the port of spain, looked more like a comfortable passenger steamer, bound on a voyage, than a ship of war, her stern nettings, and stern and quarter boats being filled with oranges, and bananas, and all the other luscious fruits that are produced so abundantly in this rich tropical island. other luxuries were added, for jack had brought, on board, one or two more sad-looking old monkeys, and a score more of squalling parrots. chapter xvii. on the way to maranham--the weather and the winds--the sumter runs short of coal, and is obliged to "bear up"--cayenne and paramaribo, in french and dutch guiana--sails again, and arrives in maranham, brazil. we passed out of the gulf of paria, through the eastern, or mona passage, a deep strait, not more than a third of a mile in width, with the land rising, on both sides, to a great height, almost perpendicularly. the water of the orinoco here begins to mix with the sea-water, and the two waters, as they come into unwilling contact, carry on a perpetual struggle, whirling about in small circles, and writhing and twisting like a serpent in pain. we met the first heave of the sea at about two o'clock in the afternoon, and turning our head again to the eastward, we continued to run along the mountainous and picturesque coast of trinidad, until an hour or two after nightfall. the coast is quite precipitous, but, steep as it is, a number of negro cabins had climbed the hill-sides, and now revealed their presence to us by the twinkle of their lights, as the shades of evening fell over the scene. these cabins were quite invisible, by daylight, so dense was the foliage of the trees amid which they nestled. this must, indeed, be the very paradise of the negro. the climate is so genial, that he requires little or no clothing, and bountiful nature supplies him with food, all the year round, almost unasked. in this land of the sun, a constant succession of fruits is pendent from the trees, and the dwellers in the huts beneath their sheltering arms, have only to reach out their hands when hunger presses. i was reminded, by this scene, of a visit i had once made to the island of st. domingo, and of the indolence in which the negro lives in that soft and voluptuous climate. i landed at the bay of samana, from the ship of war to which i was attached, and taking a stroll, one evening, i came upon the hut of an american negress. some years before, boyer, the president of the island, had invited the immigration of free negroes, from the united states. a colony from the city of baltimore had accepted his invitation, and settled at samana. in the course of a very few years, all the men of the colony had run off, and found their way back, in various capacities, on board of trading vessels, to the land of their birth; leaving their wives and daughters behind to shift for themselves. the negro woman, whose hut i had stumbled upon, was one of these grass widows. she had become quite old, but was living without apparent effort. the cocoanut waved its feathery branches over her humble domicil, and the juicy mango and fragrant banana hung within tempting reach. a little plot of ground had been picketed in with crooked sticks, and in this primitive garden were growing some squashes and watermelons, barely visible under the rank weeds. i said to her, "my good woman, you don't seem to have much use for the plough or the hoe in your garden." "la! master," said she, "no need of much work in this country--we have only to put in the seed, and the lord, _he_ gives the increase." in time, no doubt, all the west india islands will lapse into just such luxuriant wildernesses, as we were now coasting along, in the _sumter_. amalgamation, by slow, but sure processes, will corrupt what little of european blood remains in them, until every trace of the white man shall disappear. the first process will be the mulatto; but the mulatto, as the name imports, is a mule, and must finally die out; and the mass of the population will become pure african. this is the fate which england has prepared, for some of her own blood, in her colonies. i will not stop here to moralize on it. if we are beaten in this war, what will be our fate in the southern states? shall we, too, become mongrelized, and disappear from the face of the earth? can this be the ultimate design of the yankee? the night was quite light, and taking a fresh departure, at about ten p. m., from the east end of trinidad, we passed through the strait between it and the island of tobago, and soon afterward emerged from the caribbean sea, upon the broad bosom of the south atlantic. judging by the tide rips, that were quite visible in the moonlight there must have been considerable current setting through this strait, to the westward. the next day the weather was still fine, and the wind light from about e. n. e., and the _sumter_ made good speed through the smooth sea. at about ten a. m. a sail was descried, some twelve or fourteen miles distant. she was away off on our port beam, running before the trade-wind, and i forbore to chase. as before remarked, i was not now cruising, but anxious to make a passage, and could not afford the fuel to chase, away from the track i was pursuing, the few straggling sail i might discover in this lonely sea. once in the track of commerce, where the sails would come fast and thick, i could make up for lost time. at noon, we observed in latitude ° '; the longitude, by chronometer, being ° '. _wednesday, august th._--weather clear, and delightful, and the sea smooth. nothing but the broad expanse of the ocean visible, except, indeed, numerous flocks of flying-fish, which we are flushing, now and then like so many flocks of partridges, as we disturb the still waters. these little creatures have about the flight of the partridge, and it is a pretty sight to see them skim away over the billows with their transparent finny wings glistening in the sun, until they drop again into their "cover," as suddenly as they rose. our crew having been somewhat broken in upon, by the sending away of so many prize crews, the first lieutenant is re-arranging his watch and quarter-bills, and the men are being exercised at the guns, to accustom them to the changes which have become necessary, in their stations. officers and men are enjoying, alike, the fine weather. with the fore-castle, and quarter-deck awnings spread, we do not feel the heat, though the sun is nearly perpendicular at noon. jack is "overhauling" his clothes'-bag, and busy with his needle and thread, stopping, now and then, to have a "lark" with his monkey, or to listen to the prattle of his parrot. the boys of the ship are taking lessons, in knotting, and splicing, and listening to the "yarn" of some old salt, as he indoctrinates them in these mysteries. the midshipmen have their books of navigation spread out before them, and slate in hand, are discussing sine and tangent, base, and hypothenuse. the only place in which a lounger is not seen is the quarter-deck. this precinct is always sacred to duty, and etiquette. no one ever presumes to seat himself upon it, not even the commander. here the officer of the deck is pacing to and fro, swinging his trumpet idly about, for the want of something to do. but hold a moment! he has at last found a job. it is seven bells (half-past eleven) and the ship's cook has come to the mast, to report dinner. the cook is a darkey, and see how he grins, as the officer of the deck, having tasted of the fat pork, in his tin pan, and mashed some of his beans, with a spoon, to see if they are done, tells him, "that will do." the commander now comes on deck, with his sextant, having been informed that it is time to "look out for the sun." see, he gathers the midshipmen around him, each also with his instrument, and, from time to time, asks them what "altitude they have on," and compares the altitude which they give him with his own, to see if they are making satisfactory progress as observers. the latitude being obtained, and reported to the officer of the deck, that officer now comes up to the commander, and touching his hat, reports twelve o'clock, as though the commander didn't know it already. the commander says to him, sententiously, "make it so," as though the sun could not make it so, without the commander's leave. see, now what a stir there is about the hitherto silent decks. since we last cast a glance at them, jack has put up his clothes'-bag, and the sweepers have "swept down," fore and aft, and the boatswain having piped to dinner, the cooks of the different messes are spreading their "mess-cloths" on the deck, and arranging their viands. the drum has rolled, "to grog," and the master's mate of the spirit-room, muster-book in hand, is calling over the names of the crew, each man as his name is called, waddling up to the tub, and taking the "tot" that is handed to him, by the "jack-of-the-dust," who is the master-mate's assistant. dinner now proceeds with somewhat noisy jest and joke, and the hands are not "turned to," that is, set to work again, until one o'clock. we have averaged, in the last twenty-four hours, eight knots and a half, and have not, as yet, experienced any adverse current, though we are daily on the lookout for this enemy; latitude ° '; longitude ° '. in the course of the afternoon, a brigantine passing near us, we hove her to, with a blank cartridge, when she showed us the dutch colors. she was from dutch surinam, bound for europe. toward nightfall, it became quite calm, and naught was heard but the thumping of the ship's propeller, as she urged her ceaseless way through the vast expanse of waters. _august th._--weather still beautifully clear, with an occasional rain squall enclosing us as in a gauze veil, and shutting out from view for a few minutes, at a time, the distant horizon. the wind is light, and variable, but always from the eastern board; following the sun as the chariot follows the steed. we are making good speed through the water, but we have at length encountered our dreaded enemy, the great equatorial current, which sets, with such regularity, along this coast. its set is about w. n. w., and its drift about one knot per hour. nothing has been seen to-day. the water has changed its deep blue color, to green, indicating that we are on soundings. we are about ninety miles from the coast of guiana. the sun went down behind banks, or rather cumuli of pink and lilac clouds. we are fast sinking the north polar star, and new constellations arise, nightly, above the southern horizon. amid other starry wonders, we had a fine view this evening, of the southern cross; latitude ° '; longitude ° '. the next day was cloudy, and the direction of the current was somewhat changed, for its set was now n. w., half n. this current is proving a serious drawback, and i begin to fear, that i shall not be able to make the run to maranham, as i had hoped. not only are the elements adverse, but my engineer tells me, that we were badly cheated, in our coal measure, at trinidad, the sharp coal-dealer having failed to put on board of us as many tons as he had been paid for; for which the said engineer got a rowing. we observed, to-day, in latitude ° ' and longitude ° '. _august th._--weather clear, with a deep blue sea, and a fresh breeze, from the south-east. the south-east trade-winds have thus crossed the equator, and reached us in latitude ° north, which is our latitude to-day. i was apprehensive of this, for we are in the middle of august, and in this month these winds frequently drive back the north-east trades, and usurp their place, to a considerable extent, until the sun crosses back into the southern hemisphere. we thus have both wind, and current ahead; the current alone has retarded us fifty miles, or a fraction over two knots an hour; which is about equal to the drift of the gulf stream off cape hatteras. things were beginning now to look decidedly serious. i had but three days of fuel on board, and, upon consulting my chart, i found that i was still miles from my port, current taken into account. it was not possible for the dull little _sumter_ to make this distance, in the given time, if the wind, and current should continue of the same strength. i resolved to try her, however, another night, hoping that some change for the better might take place. my journal tells the tale of that night as follows:-- _august th._--"the morning has dawned with a fresh breeze, and rather rough sea, into which we have been plunging all night, making but little headway. the genius of the east wind refuses to permit even steam to invade his domain, and drives us back, with disdain. his ally, the current, has retarded us sixty miles in the last twenty-four hours!" i now no longer hesitated, but directing the engineer to let his fires go down, turned my ship's head, to the westward, and made sail; it being my intention to run down the coast to cayenne in french guiana, with the hope of obtaining a fresh supply of fuel at that place. we soon had the studding sails on the ship, and were rolling along to the northward and westward, with more grace than speed, our rate of sailing being only four knots. the afternoon proved to be remarkably fine, and we should have enjoyed this _far niente_ change, but for our disappointment. our chief regret was that we were losing so much valuable time, in the midst of the stirring events of the war. hauling in for the coast, in the vicinity of cape orange, we struck soundings about nightfall. the sea now became quite smooth, and the wind fell very light during the night--the current, however, is hurrying us on, though its set is not exactly in the right direction. its tendency is to drive us too far from the coast. the next day, it became perfectly calm, and so continued all day. we were in twenty-three fathoms of water, and could see by the lead line that we were drifting over the bottom at the rate of about two knots an hour. we got out our fishing-lines, and caught some deep sea-fish, of the grouper species. the sea was alive with the nautilus, and the curious sea-nettle, with its warps and hawsers thrown out, and its semi-transparent, gelatinous disc contracting and expanding, as the little animal extracted its food from the water. schools of fish, large and small, were playing about in every direction, and flocks of sea-gulls, and other marine birds of prey, were hovering over them, and making occasional forays in their midst. during the day, a sail was descried, far in shore, but we were unable to make it out; indeed sails were of the least importance to us now, as we were unable to chase. just before sunset, we had a fine view of the silver mountains, some forty or fifty miles distant, in the south-west. _august th._--during the past night, we made the "great constable," a small island, off the coast, and one of the landmarks for cayenne. the night was fine, and moonlit, and we ran in, and anchored about midnight, in fourteen fathoms of water. at daylight, the next morning, after waiting for the passage of a rain-squall, we got under way, and proceeding along the coast, came up with the remize islands, in the course of the afternoon, where we found a french pilot-lugger lying to, waiting for us. we were off cayenne, and the lugger had come out to show us the way into the anchorage. a pilot jumping on board, we ran in, and anchored to the north-west of the "child"--a small island--in three and a quarter fathoms of water. i could scarcely realize, that this was the famous penal settlement of cayenne, painted in french history, as the very abode of death, and fraught with all other human horrors, so beautiful, and picturesque did it appear. the outlying islands are high, rising, generally, in a conical form, and are densely wooded, to their very summits. sweet little nooks and coves, overhung by the waving foliage of strange-looking tropical trees, indent their shores, and invite the fisherman, or pleasure-seeker to explore their recesses. the main land is equally rich in vegetation, and though the sea-coast is low, distant ranges of mountains, inland, break in, agreeably, upon the monotony. a perennial summer prevails, and storms, and hurricanes are unknown. it was here that some of the most desperate and bloodthirsty of the french revolutionists of , were banished. many of them died of yellow fever; others escaped, and wandered off to find inhospitable graves, in other countries; few of them ever returned to france. shortly after we came to anchor, the batteries of the town, and some small french steamers of war, that lay in the harbor, fired salutes in honor of the birthday of louis napoleon--this being the th of august. the next morning, at daylight, i dispatched lieutenant evans, and paymaster myers, to the town--the former to call on the governor, and the latter to see if any coal could be had. their errand was fruitless. not only was there no coal to be purchased, but my officers thought that they had been received rather ungraciously. the fact is, we found here, as in curaçoa, that the enemy was in possession of the neutral territory. there was a federal consul resident in the place, who was the principal contractor, for supplying the french garrison with fresh beef! and there were three, or four yankee schooners in the harbor, whose skippers had a monopoly of the trade in flour and notions. what could the _sumter_ effect against such odds? in the course of an hour after my boat returned, we were again under way, running down the coast, in the direction of surinam, to see if the dutchmen would prove more propitious, than the frenchmen had done. about six p. m., we passed the "salut" islands, three in number, on the summit of one of which shone the white walls of a french military hospital, contrasting prettily with the deep-green foliage of the shade-trees around it. it was surrounded by low walls, on which were mounted some small guns _en barbette_. hither are sent all the sick sailors, and soldiers from cayenne. _august th._--morning clear, and beautiful, as usual, in this delightful climate, with a fresh breeze from the south-east. we are now in latitude ° north, and still the south-east trade-wind is following us--the calm belt having been pushed farther and farther to the northward. we are running along in ten fathoms of water, at an average distance of seven, or eight miles, from the land, with the soundings surprisingly regular. passed the mouth of the small river maroni, at noon. at four p. m., ran across a bank, in very muddy water, some fifteen miles to the northward and eastward, of the entrance of this river, with only three fathoms of water on it; rather close shaving on a strange coast, having but six feet of water under our keel. becoming a little nervous, we "hauled out," and soon deepened into five fathoms. there is little danger of shipwreck, on this coast, however, owing to the regularity of the soundings, and the almost perpetual smoothness of the sea. the bars off the mouths of the rivers, too, are, for the most part, of mud, where a ship _sticks_, rather than _thumps_. hence, the temerity with which we ran into shallow waters. _sunday, august th._--the south-east wind came to us, as softly, and almost as sweetly, this morning, as if it were "breathing o'er a bed of violets;" but it freshened as the day advanced, in obedience to the mandate of its master, the sun, and we had a fresh breeze, toward nightfall. after passing post orange, we ran over another three-fathom bank, the water deepening beyond, and enabling us to haul in toward the coast, as we approached bram's point, at the mouth of the surinam river, off which we anchored, (near the buoy on the bar,) at twenty minutes past five p. m., in four fathoms of water. this being sunday, as we were running along the coast, we had mustered and inspected the crew, and caused the clerk to read the articles "for the better government of the navy" to them--the same old articles, though not read under the same old flag, as formerly. this was my invariable practice on the sabbath. it broke in, pleasantly, and agreeably, upon the routine duties of the week, pretty much as church-going does, on shore, and had a capital effect, besides, upon discipline, reminding the sailor of his responsibility to the laws, and that there were such merciless tribunals, as courts-martial, for their enforcement. the very shaving, and washing, and dressing, of a sunday morning, contributed to the sailor's self-respect. the "muster" gratified, too, one of his passions, as it gave him the opportunity of displaying all those anchors, and stars, which he had so industriously embroidered, in floss silk, on his ample shirt-collar, and on the sleeve of his jacket. we had some dandies on board the _sumter_, and it was amusing to witness the self-complacent air, with which these gentlemen would move around the capstan, with the blackest, and most carefully polished of pumps, and the whitest, and finest of sinnott hats, from which would be streaming yards enough of ribbon, to make the ship a pennant. i had had considerable difficulty in identifying the mouth of the surinam river, so low and uniform in appearance was the coast, as seen from the distance at which we had been compelled to run along it, by the shallowness of the water. there is great similarity between these shelving banks, running off to a great distance, at sea, and the banks on the coast of west florida. the rule of soundings, on some parts of the latter coast, is a foot to the mile, so that, when the navigator is in ten feet of water, he is ten miles from the land. this is not quite the case, on the coast of guiana, but on some parts of it, a large ship can scarcely come within sight of the land. a small craft, drawing but a few feet of water, has no need of making a harbor, on either coast, for the whole coast is a harbor--the sea, in bad weather, breaking in from three to five fathoms of water, miles outside of her, leaving all smooth and calm within. there is a difference, however, between the two coasts--the florida coast is scourged by the hurricane, whilst the guiana coast is entirely free from storms. soon after we came to anchor, as related, we descried a steamer in the west, steering for the mouth of the river. nothing was more likely than that, by this time, the enemy should have sent some of his fast gun-boats in pursuit of us, and the smoke of a steamer on the horizon, therefore, caused me some uneasiness. i knew that i had not a chivalrous enemy to deal with, who would be likely to give me a fair fight. the captures made by the _sumter_ had not only touched the yankee in a very tender spot--his pocket--they had administered, also, a well-merited rebuke to his ridiculous self-conceit. it was monstrous, indeed, in his estimation, that any one should have the audacity, in the face of mr. lincoln's proclamation of prompt vengeance, to molest one of his ships. a malignant press, from maine to maryland, had denounced the _sumter_ as a pirate, and no quarter was to be shown her. the steamer, now approaching, having been descried, at a great distance, by the curling of her black smoke high into the still air, night set in before she was near enough to be made out. we could see her form indistinctly, in the darkness, but no certain conclusion could be arrived at as to her size or nationality. i, at once, caused my fires to be lighted, and, beating to quarters, prepared my ship for action. we stood at our guns for some time, but seeing, about ten p. m., that the strange steamer came to anchor, some three or four miles outside of us, i permitted the men to leave their quarters, cautioning the officer of the watch, however, to keep a bright lookout, during the night, for the approach of boats, and to call me if there should be any cause for alarm. as i turned in, i thought things looked a little squally. if the strange vessel were a mail-steamer, she would, of course, be familiar with the waters in which she plied, and, instead of anchoring outside, would have run boldly into the river without waiting for daylight. besides, she had no lights about her, as she approached, and packet steamers always go well lighted up. that she was a steamer of war, therefore, appeared quite certain; but, of course, it was of no use to speculate upon the chances of her being an enemy; daylight only could reveal that. in the meantime, the best thing we could do would be to get a good night's rest, so as to rise refreshed for the morning's work, if work there should be. at daylight, all hands were again summoned to their quarters; and pretty soon the strange steamer was observed to be under way, and standing toward us. we got up our own anchor in a trice--the men running around the capstan in "double-quick,"--and putting the ship under steam, started to meet her. neither of us had, as yet, any colors hoisted. we soon perceived that the stranger was no heavier than ourselves. this greatly encouraged me, and i could see a corresponding lighting up of the faces of my crew, all standing silently at their guns. desiring to make the stranger reveal her nationality to me first, i now hoisted the french colors--a fine new flag, that i had had made in new orleans. to my astonishment, and no little perplexity, up went the same colors, on board the stranger! i was alongside of a french ship of war, pretending to be a frenchman myself! of course, there was but one thing to be done, and that was, to haul down the french flag and hoist my own, which was done in an instant, when we mutually hailed. a colloquy ensued, when the names of the two ships were interchanged, and we ascertained that the stranger was bound into the surinam, like ourselves. we now both ran in for the light-ship, and the frenchman receiving a pilot on board from her, i permitted him to take the lead, and we followed him up the long and narrow channel, having sometimes scarcely a foot of water to spare under our keel. after we had passed inside of bram's point, the tide being out, both ships anchored to wait for the returning flood. i took advantage of the opportunity, and sent a lieutenant to visit the french ship. the _vulture_, for such was her name, was one of the old-fashioned, side-wheel steamers, mounting only carronades, and was last from martinique, with convicts on board, for cayenne. running short of coal, she was putting into paramaribo, for a supply. getting under way again, soon after mid-day, we continued our course up the river. we were much reminded, by the scenery of the surinam, of that of some of our southern rivers--the mississippi, for instance, after the voyager from the gulf has left the marshes behind him, and is approaching new orleans. the bottom lands, near the river, are cleared, and occupied by sugar, and other plantations, the back-ground of the picture presenting a dense, and unbroken forest. as we passed the well-known sugar-house, with its tall chimney, emitting volumes of black smoke, and saw gangs of slaves, cutting, and hauling in the cane, the illusion was quite perfect. nothing can exceed the fertility of these alluvial lands. they are absolutely inexhaustible, yielding crop after crop, in continual succession, without rest or interval; there being no frosts to interfere with vegetation, in this genial climate. some of the planters' dwellings were tasteful, and even elegant, surrounded by galleries whose green venetian blinds gave promise of coolness within, and sheltered besides by the umbrageous arms of giant forest-trees. cattle wandered over the pasture lands, the negroes were well clothed, and there was a general air of abundance, and contentment. slavery is held by a very precarious tenure, here, and will doubtless soon disappear, there being a strong party, in holland, in favor of its abolition. our consort, the _vulture_, and ourselves anchored almost at the same moment, off the town of paramaribo, in the middle of the afternoon. there were two, or three american brigantines in the harbor, and a couple of dutch ships of war. i sent a lieutenant to call on the governor, and to request permission to coal, and refit; both of which requests were granted, with the usual conditions, viz.: that i should not increase my crew or armament, or receive ammunition on board. the captain of the _vulture_ now came on board, to return the visit i had made him, through my lieutenant, and the commanding dutch naval officer also called. but, what was more important, several coal merchants came off to negotiate with my paymaster, about supplying the ship with the very necessary article in which they dealt. the successful bidder for our contract was a "_gentleman of color_," that is to say, a quadroon, who talked freely about whites, and blacks, always putting himself, of course, in the former category, by the use of the pronoun "we," and seemed to have no sort of objection to our flag, or the cause it was supposed to represent. i wined this "gentleman," along with my other visitors, and though i paid him a remunerative price for his coal, i am under many obligations to him, for his kindness, and assistance to us, during our stay. i take great pleasure in contrasting the conduct and bearing of this person, with those of the federal consul, at paramaribo. this latter gentleman was a connecticut man, who had probably worn white cravats, and delivered quarter-dollar lectures, in his native village, against slavery, as a means of obtaining an "honest living." coming to paramaribo, he had married a mulatto wife, and through her, become a slave-holder. this virtuous representative of "great moral ideas," at once threw himself into the breach, between the _sumter_, and the coal-market, and did all he could to prevent her from coaling. he was one of mr. seward's men, and taking up the refrain about "piracy," went first to the governor, to see what could be effected, in that quarter. being told that holland had followed the lead of the great powers, and recognized the confederates as belligerents, he next went to our quadroon contractor, and endeavored to bluff him off, by threatening him with the loss of any yankee trade, that he might possess. being equally unsuccessful here, he next tried to seduce the lightermen, to prevent them from delivering the coal to us. all would not do, however, the _sumter_, or what is more likely, the _sumter's_ gold--that talisman that works so many miracles in this virtuous world of ours--was too strong for him, and, pretty soon, the black diamonds--the most precious of jewels to men in our condition--came tumbling into our coal-bunkers. failing to prevent us from coaling, the little connecticut official next tampered with the pilot, and endeavored to prevail on him, to refuse to take us to sea. but the pilot was a sailor, with all the generous instincts that belong to his class, and he not only refused to be seduced, but presented me with some local charts of the coast, which i found very useful. the consul had his triumph at last, however. when i was fitting out the _sumter_ in new orleans, a friend, and relative resident in that city, had kindly permitted me to take with me, as my steward, a valuable slave of his who had been brought up as a dining-room servant. ned was as black as the ace of spades, and being a good-tempered, docile lad, had become my right-hand man, taking the best of care of my cabin, and keeping my table supplied with all the delicacies of the different markets, to which we had had access. he was as happy as the days were long, a great favorite with the crew, and when there was any fun going on, on the forecastle, he was sure to be in the midst of it. but the tempter came along. the connecticut miscegenist (and slave-holder, at the same time) had seen ned's shining and happy face going to market, of mornings, and, like the serpent of old, whispered in his ear. one morning ned was missing, but the market-basket came off, piled up as usual with luxuries for dinner. the lad had been bred in an honest household, and though his poor brain had been bewildered, he was still above theft. his market-basket fully balanced his account. poor ned! his after-fate was a sad one. he was taken to the country, by his mephistophiles, and set at work, with the slaves of that pious puritan, on a small plantation that belonged to his negro wife. ned's head was rather too woolly, to enable him to understand much about the abstractions of freedom and slavery, but he had sense enough to see, ere long, that he had been beguiled, and cheated, by the smooth yankee; and when, in course of time, he saw himself reduced to yam diet, and ragged clothing, he began, like the prodigal child, to remember the abundance of his master's house, and to long to return to it. accordingly, he was missing, again, one fine morning, and was heard of no more in paramaribo. he had embarked on board a vessel bound to europe, and next turned up in southampton. the poor negro had wandered off at a hazard in quest of the _sumter_, but hearing nothing of her, and learning that the confederate states steamer _nashville_, commander pegram, was at southampton, he made his way on board of that ship, and told his tale to the officers. he afterward found his way to the united states, and died miserably, of cholera, in some of the negro suburbs of washington city. _august d._--weather clear, during the day, but we had some heavy showers of rain, with thunder, and lightning during the night. we are receiving coal rather slowly--a small lighter-load at a time. we are making some changes in the internal arrangements of the ship. finding, by experience, that we have more tank-room, for water, than is requisite, we are landing a couple of our larger tanks, and extending the bulkheads of the coal-bunkers. by this means, we shall be enabled to increase our coal-carrying capacity by at least a third, carrying twelve days of fuel, instead of eight. still the _sumter_ remains fundamentally defective, as a cruiser, in her inability to lift her screw. _august th._--weather clear, and pleasant, with some passing clouds, and light showers of rain. the dutch mail-steamer, from demerara, arrived, to-day. we are looking anxiously for news from home, as, at last accounts--july th from new york--a battle near manassas junction, seemed imminent. demerara papers of the th of august contain nothing, except that some skirmishing had taken place, between the two armies. the french steamer-of-war _abeille_ arrived, and anchored near us. _sunday, august th._--morning cloudy. at half-past eight i went on shore to church. the good old mother has her churches, and clergymen, even in this remote dutch colony. the music of her choirs is like the "drum-beat" of england; it encircles the earth, with its never-ending melody. as the sun, "keeping company with the hours," lights up, with his newly risen beams, one degree of longitude after another, he awakens the priest to the performance of the never-ending mass. the church was a neat, well-arranged wooden building, of large dimensions, and filled to overflowing with devout worshippers. all the shades of color, from "snowy white to sooty" were there, and there did not seem to be any order in the seating of the congregation, the shades being promiscuously mixed. the preacher was fluent, and earnest in action, but his sermon, which seemed to impress the congregation, being in that beautiful and harmonious language, which we call "low dutch," was entirely unintelligible to me. the latin mass, and ceremonies--which are the same all over the world--were, of course, quite familiar, and awoke many tender reminiscences. i had heard, and seen them, in my own country, under the domes of grand cathedrals, and in the quiet retreat of the country house, where the good wife herself had improvised the altar. a detachment of the government troops was present. some dutch naval lieutenants visited the ship to-day. we learn, by late papers from barbadoes, politely brought us by these gentlemen, that the enemy's steamer, _keystone state_, was in that island, in search of us, on the st of july. she probably heard, there, of my intention to go back to cruise off the island of cuba, which, as the reader has seen, i _confidentially_ communicated to my friends at curaçoa, and has turned back herself. if she were on the right track she should be here before this. there was great commotion, too, as we learn by these papers, at key west, on the th of july, when the news reached there of our being at cienfuegos. consul shufeldt, at havana, had been prompt, as i had foreseen. we entered cienfuegos on the th, and on the th, he had two heavy and fast steamers, the _niagara_ and the _crusader_, in pursuit of us. they, too, seem to have lost the trail. _august th._--bright, elastic morning, with a gentle breeze from the south-east. there was a grand fandango, on shore, last night, at which some of my officers were present. the fun grew "fast and furious," as the night waned, and what with the popping of champagne-corks, and the flashing of the bright eyes of the waltzers, as they were whirled in the giddy dance, my young fellows have come off looking a little red about the eyes, and inclined to be poetical. rumors have been rife, for some days past, of a confederate victory at manassas. there seems now to be no longer any doubt about the fact. private letters have been received, from demerara, which state that the enemy was not only beaten, but shamefully routed, flying in confusion and dismay from the battle-field, and seeking refuge, pell-mell, in the federal capital. with the exception of the federal consul, and yankee skippers in the port, and a small knot of shop-keepers, interested in the american trade, all countenances are beaming with joy at this intelligence. this splendid victory was won by general beauregard. mcdowell was the commander of the enemy's forces, assisted, as it would seem, by the poor old superannuated winfield scott--this renegade soldier lending his now feeble intellect to the northern vandal, to assist in stabbing to the heart his mother state--virginia! alas! what an ignoble end of a once proud and honored soldier. _august th._--we have, at length, finished coaling, after a tedious delay of ten days. a rumor prevailed in the town, yesterday, that there were two enemy's ships of war off the bar--keeping themselves cunningly out of sight, to waylay the _sumter_. the rumor comes with circumstance, for it is said that the fisherman, who brought the news, supplied one of the ships with fish, and said that the other ship was getting water on board from one of the coast plantations. to-day, the rumor dwindles; but one ship, it seems, has been seen, and she a merchant ship. the story is probably like that of the three white crows. _august th._--the pilot having come on board, we got under way, at two p. m., and steamed down to the mouth of the river, where we came to anchor. a ship, going to sea, is like a woman going on a journey--many last things remaining to be attended to, at the moment of departure. i have always found it best, to shove off shore-boats, expel all visitors, "drop down" out of the influences of the port, and send an officer or two back, to arrange these last things. a boat was now accordingly dispatched back to the town, for this purpose, and as she would not return until late in the night, inviting the surgeon and paymaster, and my clerk to accompany me, i pulled on shore, in my gig, to make a visit to an adjoining sugar plantation, that lay close by, tempting us to a stroll under its fine avenues of cocoanut and acacia trees. we were received very hospitably at the planter's mansion, where we found some agreeable ladies, and with whom we stayed late enough, to take tea, at their pressing solicitation. it was a hollandese household, but all the inmates spoke excellent english. whilst tea was being prepared, we wandered over the premises, the sugar-house included, where we witnessed all the processes of sugar making, from the expression of the juice from the cane, to the crystallization of the syrup. there were crowds of negroes on the place, old and young, male and female--some at work, and some at play; the players being rather the more numerous of the two classes. the grounds around the dwelling were tastefully laid out, in serpentine walks, winding through a wilderness of rare tropical shrubbery, redolent of the most exquisite of perfumes. true to the dutch instinct for the water, the river, or rather the bay, for the river has now disembogued into an arm of the sea, washed the very walls of the flower-garden, and the plash, or rather the monotonous fretting of the tiny waves, at their base, formed no unmusical accompaniment to the hum of conversation, as the evening wore away. among other plants, we noticed the giant maguey, and a great variety of the cactus, that favorite child of the sun. our visit being over, we took a warm leave of our hospitable entertainers, and pulled on board the _sumter_, by moonlight, deeply impressed, and softened as well by the harmonies of nature, and feeling as little like "pirates," as possible. the next morning, having run up our boats, and taken a final leave of the waters of the surinam, we steamed out to sea, crossing the bar about meridian; the weather being fine, and the wind fresh from the north-east. having given it out that we were bound to barbadoes, to look for the _keystone state_, we stood north, until we had run the land out of sight, to give color to this idea, when we changed our course to e., half s. we ran along, for the next two or three days, on soundings, with a view to break the force of the current, doubling cape orange, on the d of september, and hauling more to the southward, with the trending of the coast. on the next day, we had regained the position from which we had been compelled to bear up, and my journal remarks:--"we have thus lost three days and a half of steaming, or about fifty tons of coal, but what is worse, we have lost twenty-three days of valuable time,--but this time can scarcely be said to have been wholly lost, either, since the display of the flag of our young republic, in cayenne and paramaribo, has had a most excellent effect." _sept. th._--weather fine, with a fresh breeze, from about e. by s. during most of the day, we have carried fore and aft sails, and have made an excellent run, for a dull ship-- miles. we have experienced no current. we passed the mouths of the great amazon, to-day, bearing on its bosom the waters of a continent. we were running along in the deepest and bluest of sea-water, whilst at no great distance from us, we could plainly perceive, through our telescopes, the turbid waters of the great stream, mixing and mingling, by slow degrees, with the ocean. numerous tide rips marked the uncongenial meeting of the waters, and the sea gull and penguin were busy diving in them, as though this neutral ground, or rather i should say, battle-ground, was a favorite resort for the small fish, on which they prey. a drift log with sedate water-fowl seated upon it, would now and then come along, and schools of porpoises were disporting themselves, now in the blue, now in the muddy waters. unlike the mouths of the mississippi, there were no white sails of commerce dotting the waters, in the offing, and no giant tow-boats throwing their volumes of black smoke into the air, and, with their huge side-wheels, beating time to the pulsations of the steam-engine. all was nature. the giant stream ran through a wilderness, scarcely yet opened to civilization. it disembogues a little south of the equator, and runs from west to east, nearly entirely across the continent. we crossed the equator in the _sumter_, on the meridian of ° ', and sounded in twenty fathoms of water, bringing up from the bottom of the sea, for the first time, some of the sand, and shells of the southern hemisphere. we hoisted the confederate flag, though there were no eyes to look upon it outside of our ship, to vindicate, symbolically, our right to enter this new domain of neptune, in spite of abraham lincoln, and the federal gun-boats. _september th._--wind fresh from e. s. e. doubled cape _garupi_, during the early morning, and sounded, at meridian, in eight fathoms of water, _without any land in sight_, though the day was clear. hauled out from the coast a little. at half-past three, p. m., made the island of _san joao_, for which we had been running, a little on the starboard bow. we now hauled in close with this island, and running along its white sand beach, which reminded us much of the florida coast, about pensacola, we doubled its north-eastern end, in six, and seven fathoms of water. night now set in, and, shaping our course s. e. by s., we ran into some very broken ground--the soundings frequently changing, in a single cast of the lead, from seven to four fathoms. four fathoms being rather uncomfortably shoal, on an open coast, we again hauled out, until we deepened our water to eight fathoms, in which we ran along, still in very equal soundings, until we made the light on mount _itacolomi_, nearly ahead. in half an hour afterward, we anchored in six and a half fathoms of water, to wait for daylight. when i afterward told some brazilian officers, who came on board, to visit me, in maranham, of this eventful night's run, they held up their hands in astonishment, telling me that the chances were a hundred to one, that i had been wrecked, for, many parts of the broken ground over which i had run, were _almost dry_, at low water. their steamers never attempt it, they said, with the best pilots on board. it is a pity this coast is not better surveyed, for the charts by which i was running, represented it free from danger. the brazilian is a coral coast, and, as before remarked, all coral coasts are dangerous. the inequality of soundings was due to the greater industry of the little stone-mason, of which we read some pages back, in some spots than in others. this little worker of the sea will sometimes pierce a ship's bottom, with a cone, which it has brought near the surface, from surrounding deep waters. as it is constantly at work, the bottom of the sea is constantly changing, and hence, on coral coasts, surveying steamers should be almost always at work. having anchored in the open sea, and the sea being a little rough, we found, when we came to heave up our anchor, the next morning, that we brought up only the ring, and a small piece of the shank. it had probably been caught in the rocky bottom, and broken by the force of the windlass, aided by the pitching of the ship. there was, much to my regret, no pilot-boat in sight. the entrance to maranham is quite difficult, but difficult as it was, i was forced to attempt it. we rounded safely, the shoals of mount itacolomi, and passed the middle ground of the meio, and i was already congratulating myself that the danger was past, when the ship ran plump upon a sand-bank, and stopped! she went on, at full speed, and the shock, to those standing on deck, was almost sufficient to throw them off their feet. we had a skilful leadsman in the chains, and at his last cast, he had found no bottom, with eight fathoms of line--all that the speed of the ship would allow him to sink. here was a catastrophe! were the bones of the _sumter_ to be laid to rest, on the coast of brazil, and her commander, and crew to return to the confederate states, and report to the government, that they had lost its only ship of war! this idea flashed through my mind for an instant, but only for an instant, for the work of the moment pressed. the engineer on duty had stopped his engine, without waiting for orders, as soon as he felt the ship strike, and i now ordered it reversed. in a moment more the screw was revolving in the opposite direction, and the strong tide, which was running out, catching the ship, on the port bow, at the same time, she swung round to starboard, and slid off the almost perpendicular edge of the bank into deep water, pretty much as a turtle will drop off a log. the first thing i did was to draw a long breath, and the second was to put on an air of indifference, as if nothing had happened, and tell the officer of the deck, in the coolest manner possible, to "let her go ahead." we now proceeded more cautiously, under low steam, giving the leadsman plenty of time to get his soundings, accurately. these soon proving very irregular, and there being some fishermen on the coast, half a mile distant, throwing up their arms, and gesticulating to us, as though to warn us of danger, we anchored, and sending a boat on shore, brought one of them off, who volunteered to pilot us up to the town. upon sounding the pumps, we found that the ship had suffered no damage from the concussion. we anchored in the port of maranham, in three or four hours afterward, and the confederate states flag waved in the empire of brazil. the port admiral sent a lieutenant to call on us, soon after anchoring, and i dispatched one of my own lieutenants, to call on the governor; returning the admiral's visit, myself, in the course of the afternoon, at his place of business on shore. chapter xviii. the sumter at maranham--more diplomacy necessary--the hotel porto and its proprietor--a week on shore--ship coals and sails again. the day after our arrival in maranham, was a day of feasting and rejoicing by the townspeople--all business being suspended. it was the th of september, the anniversary of the day on which brazil had severed her political connection with portugal--in other words, it was her independence-day. the forts and ships of war fired salutes, and the latter were gayly draped in flags and signals, presenting a very pretty appearance. it is customary, on such occasions, for the ships of war of other nations, in the port, to participate in the ceremonies and merry-making. we abstained from all participation, on board the _sumter_, our flag being, as yet, unrecognized, for the purposes of form and ceremony. in the evening, a grand ball was given, at the government house, by the president of the province, to which all the world, except the _sumter_, was invited--the etiquette of nations, before referred to, requiring that she should be ruled out. the only feeling excited in us, by this official slight, was one of contempt for the silliness of the proceeding--a contempt heightened by the reflection that we were a race of anglo-saxons, proud of our lineage, and proud of our strength, frowned upon by a set of half-breeds. the government house being situated on the river bank, near our anchorage, the lights of the brilliantly illuminated halls and chambers, shone full upon our decks, and the music of the bands, and even the confused hum of the voices of the merry-makers, and the muffled shuffling of the dancers' feet, came to us, very distinctly, to a late hour. the _sumter_ lay dark, and motionless, and silent, amid this scene of merriment; the only answer which she sent back to the revellers, being the sonorous and startling cry, every half hour, of her marine sentinels on post, of "all's well!" having suffered, somewhat, in health, from the fatigue and excitement of the last few weeks, i removed on shore the next day, and took up my quarters at the hotel _porto_, kept by one of those nondescripts one sometimes meets with in the larger south american cities, whose nationality it is impossible to guess at, except that he belongs to the latin race. my landlord had followed the sea, among his thousand and one occupations, spoke half a dozen languages, and was "running"--to use a slang americanism--a theatre and one or two fashionable restaurants, in beautifully laid out pleasure-grounds in the suburbs, in addition to his hotel. he drove a pair of fast horses, was on capital terms with all the pretty women in the town, smashed champagne-bottles, right and left, and smoked the best of havana cigars. the reader will thus see, that being an invalid, and requiring a little nursing, i had fallen into capital hands. whether it was that _senhor porto_--for he had given his own name to his hotel--had chased and captured merchant-ships, in former days, himself, or from some other motive, i could never tell, but he took quite a fancy to me at once, and i rode with him daily, during my stay, behind his fast ponies, and visited all the places of amusement, of which he was the _padron_. the consequence was, that i visibly improved in health, and at the end of the week which i spent with him, returned on board the _sumter_, quite set up again; in requital whereof, i have permitted the gallant captain to sit for his portrait in these pages. my first duty, after being installed in my new apartments on shore, was, of course, to call on the president of the department--the town of maranham being the seat of government of the province of the same name. the president declined to see me then, but appointed noon, the next day, to receive me. soon after i had returned to my hotel, _senhor porto_ entered my room, to inform me that captain _pinto_, of the brazilian navy, the commanding naval officer on the station, accompanied by the chief of police, had called to see me. "what does this mean?" said i, "the chief of police, in our cities, is a very questionable sort of gentleman, and is usually supposed to be on the scent of malefactors." "oh! he is a very respectable gentleman, i assure you," replied _porto_, "and, as you see, he has called with the port admiral, so that he is in good company, at least. indeed he is reputed to be the confidential friend of the president." thus reassured, and making a virtue of necessity, i desired _porto_, very complacently, to admit the visitors. the port admiral had done me the honor to visit me, immediately upon my arrival, and i had returned his visit, so that we were not strangers. he introduced the chief of police to me, who proved to be, as _porto_ had represented him, an agreeable gentleman, holding military rank, and, after the two had been seated, they opened their business to me. they had come, they said, on behalf of the president, to present me with a copy of a paper, which had been handed him, by the united states consul, protesting against my being permitted to coal, or receive any other supplies in the port of maranham. oh ho! thought i, here is another of mr. seward's small fry turned up. i read the paper, and found it full of ignorance and falsehoods--ignorance of the most common principles of international law, and barefaced misrepresentations with regard to my ship; the whole composed in such execrable english, as to be highly creditable to mr. seward's department. i characterized the paper, as it deserved, and said to the gentlemen, that as i had made an appointment to call on the president, on the morrow, i would take that opportunity of replying to the slanderous document. the conversation then turned on general topics, and my visitors soon after withdrew. as i rode out, that afternoon, with porto, he said, "never mind! i know all that is going on, at the palace, and you will get all the coal, and everything else you want." the pay of the federal consul at maranham, was, i believe, at the time i visited the town, about twelve hundred dollars, per annum. as was to be expected, a small man filled the small place. he was quite young, and with commendable yankee thrift, was exercising, in the consular dwelling, the occupation of a dentist; the "old flag" flying over his files, false teeth, and spittoons. he probably wrote the despatch, a copy of which had been handed me, in the intervals between the entrance, and exit of his customers. it was not wonderful, therefore, that this semi-diplomat, charged with the affairs of the great republic, and with the decayed teeth of the young ladies of maranham, at one and the same time, should be a little confused, as to points of international law, and the rules of lindley murray. that he should misrepresent me was both natural, and federal. at the appointed hour, the next day, i called to see his excellency, the president, and being ushered, by an orderly in waiting, into a suite of spacious, and elegantly furnished apartments, i found captain pinto, and his excellency, both prepared to receive me. we proceeded, at once, to business. i exhibited to his excellency the same little piece of brownish paper, with mr. jefferson davis's signature at the bottom of it, that i had shown to captain hillyer of the _cadmus_--unasked, however, as no doubts had been raised as to the verity of the character of my ship. i then read to his excellency an extract or two from the letter of instructions, which had been sent me by the secretary of the navy, directing me to pay all proper respect to the territory, and property of neutrals. i next read the proclamations of england and france, acknowledging us to be in the possession of belligerent rights, and said to his excellency, that although i had not seen the proclamation of brazil, i presumed she had followed the lead of the european powers--to which he assented. i then "rested my case," as the lawyers say, seeing, by the expression of his excellency's countenance, that every lick had told, and that i had nothing now to fear. "but, what about coal being contraband of war," said his excellency, at this stage of the proceeding. "the united states consul, in the protest addressed to me, a copy of which i sent you, yesterday, by captain pinto, and the chief of police, states that you had not been permitted to coal, in any of the ports, which you have hitherto visited." the reader will recollect, that, at the british island of trinidad, the question of my being permitted to coal had been submitted to the "law officers of the crown." the newspaper, at that place, had published a copy of the opinion of these officers, and also a copy of the decision of the governor, thereupon. having brought a copy of this paper, in my pocket, for the occasion, i now rejoined to his excellency: "the united states consul has made you a false statement. i have coaled, already, in the colonies of no less than three powers--spain, holland, and england"--and drawing from my pocket the newspaper, and handing it to him, i continued, "and your excellency will find, in this paper, the decision of the english authorities, upon the point in question--that is to say, that coal is not contraband of war, and may be supplied by neutrals to belligerents." captain pinto, to whom his excellency handed the paper, read aloud the decision, putting it into very good portuguese, as he went along, and when he had finished the reading, his excellency turned again to me, and said: "i have no longer any doubts on the question. you can have free access to the markets, and purchase whatsoever you may desire--munitions of war alone excepted." i have been thus particular in describing these proceedings to the reader, to show him with what sleuth-hound perseverance i was followed up, by these small consuls, taken from the political kennel in the northern states, who never hesitated to use the most unblushing falsehoods, if they thought these would serve their purposes better than the truth. the official portion of my interview with the president being ended, i ventured upon some general remarks with regard to the unnatural, and wicked war which was being waged upon us, and soon afterward took my leave. in an hour after i had left the president's quarters, my paymaster had contracted for a supply of coal, and lighters were being prepared to take it on board. the sailors were now permitted to visit the shore, in detachments, "on liberty," and the officers wandered about, in twos and threes, wherever inclination prompted. we soon found that wherever we moved, we were objects of much curiosity, the people frequently turning to stare at us; but we were always treated with respect. nothing was thought, or talked of, during our stay, but the american war. the provincial congress was in session, and several of its members boarded at the hotel _porto_. i found them intelligent, well-informed men. there were political parties here, as elsewhere, of course; among others as might be expected, in a slave-holding country, there was an abolition party, and this party sympathized with the north. it was very small, however, for it was quite evident, from the popular demonstrations, that the great mass of the people were with us. this state of the public feeling not only rendered our stay, very pleasant, but facilitated us in getting off our supplies. invitations to the houses of the citizens were frequent, and we had free access to all the clubs, and other places of public resort. i must not omit to mention here, a very agreeable fellow-countryman, whom we met in maranham--mr. j. wetson, from texas. he had been several years in brazil. his profession was that of a steam-engineer, and mill-wright. this worthy young mechanic, full of love, and enthusiasm for his section, loaned the paymaster two thousand dollars, on a bill against the secretary of the navy; and during the whole of our stay, his rooms were the head-quarters of my younger officers, where he dispensed to them true southern hospitality. we were gratified to find him a great favorite with the townspeople, and we took leave of him with regret. maranham lies in latitude ° s. and we visited it, during the dry season; the sun having carried the equatorial cloud-ring, which gives it rain, farther north. we had perpetual sunshine, during our stay, but the heat was tempered by the trade-wind, which blew sometimes half a gale, so that we did not feel it oppressive. toward night the sea-breeze would moderate, and the most heavenly of bright skies, and most balmy of atmospheres would envelop the landscape. at this witching hour, the beauties of maranham made their appearance, at the street-doors, and at open windows, and the tinkle of the guitar and the gentle hum of conversation would be heard. later in the night, there would arise from different parts of the town--somewhat removed from the haunts of the upper-tendom--the rumbling, and jingling of the tambourine, and the merry notes of the violin, as the national fandango was danced, with a vigor, and at the same time with a poetry of motion unknown to colder climes. the wine flowed freely on these occasions, and not unfrequently the red knife of the assassin found the heart's blood of a rival in love; for there are other climes besides those of which the poet sang, where "the rage of the vulture, the love of the turtle now melt into sorrow, now madden to crime." the trade of maranham is mostly monopolized by portugal, france, and spain, though there is some little carried on with the united states--an occasional ship from new york, or boston, bringing a cargo of flour, cheap but gaudy furniture, clocks, and domestic cottons, and other yankee staples, and notions. the shop-keepers are mostly french and germans. an excellent staple of cotton is produced in the province of maranham. on the th of september, the _sumter_ was ready for sea, having been refitted, and repainted, besides being coaled, and provisioned; and there being, as usual, according to rumor, a couple of enemy's ships waiting for her outside, we received a pilot on board, and getting up steam, took leave of maranham, carrying with us many kindly recollections of the hospitality of the people. we swept the sea horizon, with our glasses, as we approached the bar, but the enemy's cruisers were nowhere to be seen, and at three p. m., we were again in blue water; our little craft rising, and falling gently, to the undulations of the sea, as she ploughed her way through it. the question now was, in what direction should we steer? i was within striking distance of the cruising-ground, for which i had set out--cape st. roque; but we had been so long delayed, that we should reach it, if we proceeded thither at all, at a most unpropitious season--the sailing, and steaming qualities of the _sumter_ considered. the trade-winds were sweeping round the cape, blowing half a gale, on the wings of which the dullest ship would be able to run away from us, if we trusted to sail, alone; and steam, in the present state of my exchequer, was out of the question. i had paid $ . per ton for the coal i had taken in, at maranham, and but for the timely loan of mr. wetson, should have exhausted my treasury entirely. the trade-winds would continue to blow, with equal force, until some time in december; they would then moderate, and from that time, onward, until march, we might expect more gentle weather. this, then, was the only season, in which the _sumter_ could operate off the cape, to advantage. on the other hand, the calm belt of the equator lay before me--its southern edge, at this season of the year, being in latitude of about ° n. all the homeward-bound trade of the enemy passed through this calm belt, or used to pass through it before the war, at a well-known crossing. at that crossing, there would be a calm sea, light, and variable winds, and rain. in such weather, i could lie in wait for my prey, under sail, and, if surprise, and stratagem did not effect my purpose, i could, when a sail appeared, get up steam and chase and capture, without the expenditure of much fuel. in this way, with the coal i had on board, i could prolong my cruise, probably, for a couple of months. i did not hesitate long, therefore, between the two schemes. i turned my ship's head to the northward, and eastward, for the calm belt, and before sunset, we had run the coast of brazil out of sight. we recrossed the equator, the next day. in five days more, the sun would have reached the equator, when we should have had the grand spectacle, at noon, of being able to sweep him, with our instruments, entirely around the horizon, with his lower limb just touching it, at all points. we could nearly do this, as it was, and so rapidly did he dip, at noon, that we were obliged to watch him, with constant vigilance, to ascertain the precise moment of twelve o'clock. _september th._--the sea is of a deep, indigo blue, and we have a bright, and exceedingly transparent atmosphere, with a fresh breeze from the south-east. at half-past eleven a. m., we let the steam go down, uncoupled the propeller, and put the ship under sail. observed at noon, in latitude ° ' n.; longitude, ° '. for the next few days, we encountered a remarkable easterly current--the current, in this part of the ocean, being almost constantly to the westward. this current--which we were now stemming, for we were sailing toward the north-west--retarded us, as much as fifty miles, in a single day! so remarkable did the phenomenon appear, that if i had noticed it, for but a single day, i should have been inclined to think that i had made some mistake in my observations, or that there was some error in my instrument, but we noticed it, day after day, for four or five days. contemporaneously with this phenomenon, another, and even more wonderful one appeared. this was a succession of tide-rips, so remarkable, that they deserve special description. the _sumter_ lay nearly stationary, during the whole of these phenomena--the easterly current setting her back, nearly as much as she gained under sail. she was in the average latitude of ° n., and average longitude of ° w. for the first three days, the rips appeared with wonderful regularity--there being an interval of just twelve hours between them. they approached us from the south, and travelled toward the north. at first, only a line of foam would be seen, on the distant horizon, approaching the ship very rapidly. as it came nearer, an almost perpendicular wall of water, extending east and west, as far as the eye could reach, would be seen, the top of the wall boiling and foaming, like a breaker rolling over a rocky bottom. as the ridge approached nearer and nearer, it assumed the form of a series of rough billows, jostling against, and struggling with each other, producing a scene of the utmost confusion, the noise resembling that of a distant cataract. reaching the ship, these billows would strike her with such force, as to send their spray to the deck, and cause her to roll and pitch, as though she were amid breakers. the phenomenon was, indeed, that of breakers, only the cause was not apparent--there being no shoal water to account for it. the _sumter_ sometimes rolled so violently in these breakers, when broadside to, that we were obliged to keep her off her course, several points, to bring the sea on her quarter, and thus mitigate the effect. the belt of rips would not be broad, and as it travelled very rapidly--fifteen or twenty miles the hour--the ship would not be long within its influence. in the course of three quarters of an hour, it would disappear, entirely, on the distant northern horizon. so curious was the whole phenomenon, that the sailors, as well as the officers, assembled, as if by common consent, to witness it. "there come the tide rips!" some would exclaim, and, in a moment there would be a demand for the telescopes, and a rush to the ship's side, to witness the curious spectacle. these rips have frequently been noticed by navigators, and discussed by philosophers, but, hitherto, no satisfactory explanation has been given of them. they are like the bores, at the mouths of great rivers; as at the mouth of the amazon, in the western hemisphere, and of the ganges, in the eastern; great breathings, or convulsions of the sea, the causes of which elude our research. these bores sometimes come in, in great perpendicular walls, sweeping everything before them, and causing immense destruction of life, and property. i was, at first, inclined to attribute these tide rips to the lunar influence, as they appeared twice in twenty-four hours, like the tides, and each time near the passing of the meridian, by the moon; but, in a few days, they varied their times of appearance, and came on quite irregularly, sometimes with an interval of five or six hours, only. and then the tidal wave, for it is evidently this, and not a current, should be from east to west, if it were due to lunar influence; and we have seen that it travelled from south to north. nor could i connect it with the easterly current that was prevailing--for it travelled at right angles to the current, and not with, or against it. it was, evidently, due to some pretty uniform law, as it always travelled in the same direction. we reached the calm belt, on the th of september, for, on this day, having lost the south-east trade, we had light and baffling winds from the south-west, and rain-clouds began to muster overhead. on the next day, the weather being in its normal condition of cloud, the welcome cry of "sail ho!" came resounding from the mast-head, with a more prolonged, and musical cadence than usual--the look-out, with the rest of the crew, having become tired of the inactivity of the last few days. all was bustle, immediately, about the decks; and in half an hour, with the sails snugly furled, and the ship under steam, we were in hot pursuit. the stranger was a brigantine, and was standing to the north-west, pursuing the usual crossing of the calm belt, as best he might, in the light winds, that were blowing, sometimes this way, sometimes that. we came up with him quite rapidly, there being scarcely a ripple on the surface of the smooth sea, to impede our progress, and when we had come sufficiently near to enable him to make it out, distinctly, we showed him the enemy's flag. he was evidently prepared with his own flag, for, in less than a minute, the lazy breeze was toying and playing with it, and presently blew it out sufficiently, to enable us to make out the well-known and welcome stars and stripes. we hove him to, by "hail," and hauling down the false colors, and hoisting our own, we sent a boat on board of him, and captured him. he proved to be the _joseph parke_, of boston, last from pernambuco, and six days out, _in ballast_. the _parke_ had been unable to procure a return cargo; the merchants of pernambuco having heard of the arrival of the _sumter_, at maranham, in rather uncomfortable proximity. we transferred the crew of the captured vessel to the _sumter_, replacing it with a prize crew, and got on board from her such articles of provisions, cordage, and sails as we required; but instead of burning her, we transformed her, for the present, into a scout vessel, to assist us in discovering other prizes. i sent lieutenant evans on board to command her, and gave him a couple of midshipmen, as watch officers. the following was his commission:-- "sir:--you will take charge of the prize-brig _joseph parke_, and cruise in company with this vessel, until further orders. during the day, you will keep from seven to eight miles, to the westward, and to windward, and keep a bright look-out, from your top-gallant yard, for sails--signalling to us, such as you may descry. toward evening, every day, you will draw in toward this vessel, so as to be within three, or four miles of her, at dark; and, during the night you will keep close company with her, to guard against the possibility of separation. should you, however, be separated from her, by any accident, you will make the best of your way to latitude ° n., and longitude ° w., where you will await her a reasonable time. should you not join her again, you will make the best of your way to some port in the confederate states." in obedience to these instructions, the _parke_ drew off to her station, and letting our fires go down on board the _sumter_, we put her under sail, again. long before night, the excitement of the chase and capture had died away, and things had resumed their wonted course. the two ships hovered about the "crossing," for several days, keeping a bright look-out, but nothing more appeared; and on the th of september, the _parke_ having been called alongside, by signal, her prize crew was taken out, and the ship burned, after having been made a target, for a few hours, for the practice of the crew. it was evidently no longer of any use to bother ourselves about the crossing of the calm-belt, for, instead of falling in with a constant stream of the enemy's ships, returning home, from different parts of the world, we had been cruising in it, some ten days, and had sighted but a single sail! we had kept ourselves between the parallels of ° ' n., and ° ' n., and between the meridians of ° ' w., and ° ' w.; and if the reader have any curiosity on the subject, by referring to the map, he will perceive, that the north-western diagonal of the quadrilateral figure, formed by these parallels, and meridians, is the direct course between cape st. roque, and new york. but the wary sea-birds had, evidently, all taken the alarm, and winged their way, home, by other routes. i was the more convinced of this, by an intercepted letter which i captured in the letter-bag of the _parke_, which was written by the master of the ship, _asteroid_, to his owner, and which ran as follows:-- "the _asteroid_ arrived off this port [pernambuco], last evening, seventy-five days from baker's island, and came to anchor in the outer roads, this morning. i found yours of august th, and noted the contents, which, i must say, have made me rather _blue_. i think you had better _insure_, even at the extra premium, as the _asteroid_ is not a _clipper_, and will be a _bon_ prize for the southerners. i shall sail this evening [september th, three days before the _joseph parke_] and take a _new_ route, for hampton roads." the _asteroid_ escaped us, as no doubt many more had done, by avoiding the "beaten track," and taking a new road home; thus verifying, in a very pointed manner, the old adage, that "the longest way round is the shortest way home." we now made sail for the west india islands, designing, after a short cruise among them, to run into the french island of martinique, and coal. we still kept along on the beaten track of homeward-bound ships, but with little expectation of making any prizes, and for some days overhauled none but neutral ships. many of these had cargoes for the united states, but not having the same motive to avoid me, that the enemy's ships had, they were content to travel the usual highway. although many of them had enemy's property, on board, they were perfectly safe from molestation--the confederate states' government having adopted, as the reader has seen, in its act declaring, that, by the conduct of the enemy, a state of war existed, the liberal principle, that "free ships make free goods." among the neutrals overhauled by us, was an english brig called the _spartan_, from rio janeiro, for st. thomas, in the west indies. we had an exciting chase after this fellow. we pursued him, under united states colors, and as the wind was blowing fresh, and the chase was a "stern-chase," it proved, as usual, to be a long one, although the _sumter_ was doing her best, under both steam and sail. john bull evidently mistook us for the yankee we pretended to be, and seemed determined to prevent us from overhauling him, if possible. his brig, as we soon discovered, had light heels, and he made the best possible use of them, by giving her every inch of canvas he could spread. still, we gained on him, and as we came sufficiently near, we gave him a blank cartridge, to make him show his colors, and heave to. he showed his colors--the english red--but refused to heave to. the unprofessional reader may be informed, that when a merchant-ship is under full sail, and especially when she is running before a fresh breeze, as the _spartan_ was, it puts her to no little inconvenience, to come to the wind. she has to take in her sails, one by one, owing to her being short-handed, and "the clewing up," and "hauling down" occupy some minutes. the captain of the spartan was loth to subject himself to this inconvenience, especially at the command of the hated yankee. coming up a little nearer, we now fired a shotted gun at him, taking care not to strike him, but throwing the shot so near as to give him the benefit of its rather ominous music, as it whistled past. as soon as the smoke from the gun, which obscured him for a moment, rolled away before the breeze, we could see him starting his "sheets," and "halliards," and pretty soon the saucy little _spartan_ rounded to, with her main top-sail to the mast. the reader may be curious to know, why i had been so persistent in heaving to a neutral. the answer is, that i was not sure she was neutral. the jaunty little brig looked rather more american, than english, in all but the flag that was flying at her peak. she had not only the grace and beauty of hull that characterize our american-built ships, but the long, tapering spars on which american ship-masters especially pride themselves. she did, indeed, prove to be american, in a certain sense, as we found her to hail from halifax, in nova scotia. the master of the _spartan_ was in an ill-humor when my boarding-officer jumped on board of him. it was difficult to extract a civil answer from him. "what is the news?" said the boarding-officer. "capital news!" replied the master; "you yankees are getting whipped like h--ll; you beat the derby boys at the manassas races." "but what's the news from rio?" now inquired the supposed yankee boarding-officer. "well, there's good news from that quarter too--all the yankee ships are laid up, for want of freights." "you are rather hard upon us, my friend," now rejoined the boarding-officer; "why should you take such an interest in the confederate cause?" "simply, because there is a little man fighting against an overgrown bully, and i like pluck." the _spartan_ being bound to st. thomas, and we ourselves intending to go, soon, into the west indies, it was highly important that we should preserve our _incognito_, to which end, i had charged the boarding-officer, to represent his ship as a federal cruiser, in search of the _sumter_. the boarding-officer having done this, found the master of the _spartan_ complimentary to the last; for as he was stepping over the brig's side, into his boat, the master said, "i hope you will find the _sumter_, but i rather think you will hunt for her, as the man did for the tax-collector, hoping all the time he mightn't find him." the weather now, again, became calm, and we had "cat's-paws" from all the points of the compass. the breeze, with which we had chased the _spartan_, was a mere spasmodic effort of nature, for we were still in the calm-belt, or, as the sailors expressively call it, the "doldrums." for the next few days, it rained almost incessantly, the heavily charged clouds sometimes settling so low, as scarcely to sweep clear of our mast-heads. it did not simply rain; the water fell in torrents, and the lightning flashed, and the thunder rolled, with a magnificence and grandeur that were truly wonderful to witness. in the intervals of these drenching rains, the clouds, like so many half-wrung sponges, would lift themselves, and move about with great rapidity, in every direction--now toward, and now from, each other--convolving, in the most curious disorder, as though they were so many huge, black serpents, writhing and twisting in the powerful grasp of some invisible hand. anon, a water-spout would appear upon the scene, with its inverted cone, sometimes travelling rapidly, but more frequently at rest. at times, so ominous, and threatening would be the aspect of the heavens, with its armies of black clouds in battle-array, its forked lightning, and crashing thunder, the perfect stillness of the atmosphere, and the rapid flight of scared water-fowl, that a hurricane would seem imminent, until we would cast our eyes upon the barometer, standing unmoved, at near the marking of thirty inches, amid all the signs, and portents around it. in half an hour, sometimes, all this paraphernalia of clouds would break in twain, and retreat, in opposite directions, to the horizon, and the sun would throw down a flood of golden light, and scalding heat upon our decks; on which would be paddling about the half-drowned sailors. the first lieutenant took advantage of these rains, to fill, anew, his water-tanks, "tenting" his awnings, during the heaviest of the showers, and catching more water than he needed; and the sailors had another such jubilee of washing, as they had had, when we were running along the venezuelan coast. _sunday, september th._--beautiful, clear morning, with a gentle breeze from the south-east, and a smooth sea. at eleven a. m., mustered the crew, and inspected the ship. latitude, ° ' n.; longitude, ° ' w. evening set in, squally, and rainy. running along to the north-west, under topsails. _october d._--this morning, when i took my seat, at the breakfast-table, i was surprised to find a very tempting-looking dish of fried fish set out before me, and upon inquiring of my faithful steward, john, (a malayan, who had taken the place of ned,) to what good fortune he was indebted, for the prize, his little black eyes twinkled, as he said, "him jump aboard, last night!" upon further inquiry, i found that it was a small sword-fish, that had honored us with a visit; the active little creature having leaped no less than fifteen feet, to reach the deck of the _sumter_. it was lucky that its keen spear did not come in contact with any of the crew during the leap--a loss of life might have been the consequence. the full-grown sword-fish has been known to pierce a ship's bottom, floor-timber and all, with its most formidable weapon. _october th._--weather clear, and beautiful, with trade-clouds, white and fleecy, and a light breeze from the eastward. the bosom of the gently heaving sea is scarcely ruffled. schools of fish are playing around us, and the sailors have just hauled, on board, a large shark, which they have caught with hook and line. the sailor has a great antipathy to the shark, regarding him as his hereditary enemy. accordingly, the monster receives no mercy when he falls into jack's hands. see how jack is tormenting him now! and how fiercely the monster is snapping, and grinding his teeth together, and beating the deck with his powerful tail, as though he would crush in the planks. he is tenacious of life, and will be a long time in dying, and, during all this time, jack will be cutting, and slashing him, without mercy, with his long sheath-knife. the comparatively calm sea is covered, in every direction, for miles, with a golden or straw-colored dust. whence comes it? we are four hundred miles from any land! it has, doubtless, been dropped by the trade-winds, as they have been neutralized over our heads, in this calm belt of the equator, and, in a future page, we shall have further occasion to refer to it. we have observed, to-day, in latitude °; the longitude being ° '. _october th._--morning clear and calm, after a couple of days of tempestuous weather, during which the barometer settled a little. toward noon it clouded up again, and there were squally appearances in the south-east. the phenomenon of the tide-rips has reappeared. malay john was in luck, again, this morning, a covey of flying-fish having fallen on the deck, last night, during the storm. he has served me a plate full of them for breakfast. the largest of them are about the size of a half-grown potomac herring, and they are somewhat similar in taste--being a delicate, but not highly flavored fish. _october th._--at noon, to-day, we plotted precisely upon the diagonal between st. roque and new york; our latitude being ° ', and longitude ° '. we now made more sail, and on the th of october we had reached the latitude of ° '. from this time, until the d, we had a constant series of bad weather, the barometer settling to . , and the wind blowing half a gale, most of the time. sometimes the wind would go all around the compass, and the weather would change half a dozen times, in twenty-four hours. on the last-mentioned day, the weather became again settled, and being now in latitude °, we had passed out of the calm belt, and began to receive the first breathings of the north-east trade-wind. on the th, we chased and hove to a french brig, called _la mouche noire_, from nantes, bound for martinique. she had been out forty-two days, had no newspapers on board, and had no news to communicate. we boarded her under the united states flag, and when the boarding-officer apologized to the master for the trouble we had given him, in heaving him to, in the exercise of our belligerent right of search, he said, with an admirable _naiveté_, he had _heard_ the united states were at war, but he did not recollect with whom! admirable frenchman! wonderful simplicity, to care nothing about newspapers, and to know nothing about wars! on the th, we overhauled that _rara avis in mare_, a prussian ship. the th was sunday; we had a gentle breeze from the north-east, with a smooth sea, and were enjoying the fine morning, with our awnings spread, scarcely expecting to be disturbed, when the cry of "sail ho!" again rang from the mast-head. we had been making preparations for sunday muster; jack having already taken down from its hiding-place his sunday hat, and adjusted its ribbons, and now being in the act of "overhauling" his bag, for the "mustering-shirt and trousers." all these preparations were at once suspended, the firemen were ordered below, there was a passing to and fro of engineers, and in a few minutes more the welcome black smoke came pouring out of the _sumter's_ chimney. bounding away over the sea, we soon began to raise the strange sail from the deck. she was a fore-and-aft schooner of that peculiar model and rig already described as belonging to the new englander, and nobody else, and we felt certain, at once, that we had flushed the enemy. the little craft was "close-hauled," or, may be, she had the wind a point free, which was her best point of sailing, had the whitest kind of cotton canvas, and carried very taunt gaff-topsails. we found her exceedingly fast, and came up with her very slowly. the chase commenced at nine a. m., and it was three p. m. before we were near enough to heave her to with the accustomed blank cartridge. at the report of our gun--the confederate states flag being at our peak--the little craft, which had probably been in an agony of apprehension, for some hours past, saw that her fate was sealed, and without further ado, put her helm down, lowered her foresail, hauled down her flying-jib, drew her jib-sheet over to windward--and was hove to; the stars and stripes streaming out from her main-topmast head. upon being boarded, she proved to be the _daniel trowbridge_, of new haven, connecticut, last from new york, and bound to demerara, in british guiana. this was a most opportune capture for us, for the little craft was laden with an assorted cargo of provisions, and our own provisions had been nearly exhausted. with true yankee thrift, she had economized even the available space on her deck, and had a number of sheep, geese, and pigs, on board, for the demerara market. another sail being discovered, almost at the moment of this capture, we hastily threw a prize crew on board the _trowbridge_, and directing her to follow us, sped off in pursuit of the newly discovered sail. it was dark before we came up with this second chase. she proved to be an english brigantine, from nova scotia, for demerara. we now stood back to rejoin our prize, and banking our fires, and hoisting a light at the peak, the better to enable the prize to keep sight of us, during the night, we lay to, until daylight. the next day, and the day after, were busy days, on board the _sumter_, for we devoted both of them, to getting on board provisions, from the prize. the weather proved propitious, the breeze being gentle, and the sea smooth. we hoisted out the _tallapoosa_--our launch--and employed her, and the quarter-boats--the gig included, for war admits of little ceremony--in transporting barrels, bales, boxes, and every other conceivable kind of package, to the _sumter_. the paymaster was in ecstasy, for, upon examination, he found the _trowbridge's_ cargo to be all that he could desire--the beef, pork, canvased hams, ship-bread, fancy crackers, cheese, flour, everything being of the very best quality. we were, indeed, under many obligations to our connecticut friends. to get at the cargo, we were obliged to throw overboard many articles, that we had no use for, and treated old ocean to a gayly painted fleet of connecticut woodenware, buckets, foot-tubs, bath-tubs, wash-tubs, churns. we found the sheep, pigs, and poultry in excellent condition; and sending the butcher on board each evening, we caused those innocents to be slaughtered, in sufficient numbers to supply all hands. jack was in his glory. he had passed suddenly, from mouldy and worm-eaten bread, and the toughest and leanest of "old horse," to the enjoyment of all these luxuries. my malayan steward's eyes fairly danced, as he stowed away in the cabin lockers, sundry cans of preserved meats, lobster, milk, and fruits. john was a real artist, in his line, and knew the value of such things; and as he busied himself, arranging his luxuries, on the different shelves, i could hear him muttering to himself, "dem connecticut mans, bery good mans--me wish we find him often." we laid in, from the _trowbridge_, full five months' provisions, and getting on board, from her, besides, as much of the live stock, as we could manage to take care of, we delivered her to the flames, on the morning of the th of october. on the same day, we chased, and boarded the danish brig, _una_, from copenhagen, bound to santa cruz. being sixty-six days out, she had no news to communicate. we showed her the united states colors, and when she arrived, at santa cruz, she reported that she had fallen in with a federal cruiser. the brig _spartan_, which we boarded, a few pages back, made the same report, at st. thomas; so that the enemy's cruisers, that were in pursuit of us, had not, as yet, the least idea that we had returned to the west indies. for the next few days, we chased and overhauled a number of ships, but they were all neutral. the enemy's west india trade seemed to have disappeared almost entirely. many of his ships had been laid up, in alarm, in his own ports, and a number of others had found it more to their advantage, to enter the public service, as transports. the federal government had already entered upon that career of corrupt, and reckless expenditure which has resulted in the most gigantic national debt of modern times. the entire value of a ship was often paid to her owners, for a charter-party, of a few months only; the quartermasters, commissaries, and other public swindlers frequently dividing the spoils, with the lucky ship-owners. many indifferent vessels were sold to the federal navy department, at double, and treble their value, and agencies to purchase such ships were conferred, by the secretary, upon relatives, and other inexperienced favorites. the corruptions of the war, soon made the war popular, with the great mass of the people. as has been remarked, in a former page, many of these _nouveau-riche_ men, whose love of country, and hatred of "rebels" boiled over, in proportion as their pockets became filled, had offered to sell themselves, and all they possessed, to the writer, when he was in the new england states, as a confederate states agent. powder-mills, manufactories of arms and accoutrements, foundries for the casting and boring of cannon, machines for rifling cannon--all were put at his disposal, by patriotic yankees, on the very eve of the war--for a consideration. _november d._--morning, heavy clouds, with rain, breaking away partially, toward noon, and giving us some fitful sunshine. sail ho! at early dawn. got up steam, and chased, and at a. m. came up with, and sent a boat on board of the english brigantine, _falcon_, from halifax, for barbadoes. banked fires. latitude ° '; longitude ° '. wore ship to the northward, at meridian. received some newspapers, by the _falcon_, from which we learn, that the enemy's cruiser _keystone state_, which, when last heard from, was at barbadoes, had gone to trinidad, in pursuit of us. at trinidad, she lost the trail, and, instead of pursuing us to paramaribo, and maranham, turned back to the westward. we learn from the same papers, that the enemy's steam-frigate, _powhatan_, lieutenant porter, with more sagacity, pursued us to maranham, arriving just one week after our departure. at a subsequent date, lieutenant--now admiral--porter's official report fell into my hands, and, plotting his track, i found that, on one occasion, we had been within forty miles of each other; almost near enough, on a still day, to see each other's smoke. _november d._--weather fine, with a smooth sea, and a light breeze from the north-east. a sail being reported from the mast-head, we got up steam, and chased, and upon coming near enough to make out the chase, found her to be a large steamer. we approached her, very warily, of course, until it was discovered that she was english, when we altered our course, and banked fires. our live-stock still gives us fresh provisions, and the abundant supply of irish potatoes, that we received on board, at the same time, is beginning to have a very beneficial effect, upon the health of the crew--some scorbutic symptoms having previously appeared. _nov. th._--weather fine, with the wind light from the eastward, and a smooth sea. at daylight, a sail was descried in the north-east, to which we immediately gave chase. coming up with her, about nine a. m., we sent a boat on board of her. she proved to be the english brigantine, _rothsay_, from berbice, on the coast of guiana, bound for liverpool. whilst we had been pursuing the _rothsay_, a second sail had been reported. we now pursued this second sail, and, coming up with her, found her to be a french brigantine, called _le pauvre orphelin_, from st. pierre (in france) bound for martinique. we had scarcely turned away from the _orphelin_, before a third sail was announced. this latter sail was a large ship, standing, close-hauled, to the n. n. w., and we chased her rather reluctantly, as she led us away from our intended course. she, too, proved to be neutral, being the _plover_, from barbadoes, for london. the _sumter_ being, by this time out of breath, and no more sails being reported, we let the steam go down, and gave her a little rest. we observed, to-day, in latitude ° ' n.; the longitude being ° ' w. we had shown the united states colors to all these ships to preserve our _incognito_, as long as possible. we found them all impatient, at being "hove to," and no doubt many curses escaped, _sotto voce_, against the d----d yankee, as our boats shoved off, from their sides. we observed that none of them saluted the venerable "old flag," which was flying at our peak, whereas, whenever we had shown the confederate flag to neutrals, down went, at once, the neutral flag, in compliment--showing the estimate, which generous seamen, the world over, put upon this ruthless war, which the strong were waging against the weak. the th of november passed without incident. on the th, we overhauled three more neutral ships--the english schooner _weymouth_, from weymouth, in nova scotia, for martinique; an english barque, which we refrained from boarding, as there was no mistaking her bluff english bows, and stump top-gallant masts; and a french brig, called the _fleur de bois_, last from martinique, and bound for bordeaux. in the afternoon of the same day, we made the islands, first of marie galante, and then of guadeloupe, and the saints. at ten p. m., we doubled the north end of the island of dominica, and, banking our fires, ran off some thirty or forty miles to the south-west, to throw ourselves in the track of the enemy's vessels, homeward bound from the windward islands. the next day, after overhauling an english brigantine, from demerara, for yarmouth, we got up steam, and ran for the island of martinique approaching the town of st. pierre near enough, by eight p. m., to hear the evening gun-fire. a number of small schooners and sail-boats were plying along the coast, and as night threw her mantle over the scene, the twinkling lights of the town appeared, one by one, until there was quite an illumination, relieved by the sombre back-ground of the mountain. the _sumter_, as was usual with her, when she had no work in hand, lay off, and on, under sail, all night. the next morning at daylight, we again got up steam, and drawing in with the coast, ran along down it, near enough to enjoy its beautiful scenery, with its waving palms, fields of sugar-cane, and picturesque country houses, until we reached the quiet little town of fort de france, where we anchored. chapter xix. the sumter at martinique--proceeds from fort de france to st. pierre--is an object of much curiosity with the islanders--news of the arrest of messrs. mason and slidell, on board the british mail steamer, the trent--mr. seward's extraordinary course on the occasion. the _sumter_ having sailed from maranham, on the th of september, and arrived at martinique, on the th of november, had been nearly two months at sea, during all of which time, she had been actively cruising in the track of the enemy's commerce. she had overhauled a great many vessels, but, for reasons already explained, most of these were neutral. but the damage which she did the enemy's commerce, must not be estimated by the amount of property actually destroyed. she had caused consternation, and alarm among the enemy's ship-masters, and they were making, as we have seen, long and circuitous voyages, to avoid her. insurance had risen to a high rate, and, for want of freights, the enemy's ships--such of them, at least, as could not purchase those lucrative contracts from the government, of which i have spoken in a former page--were beginning to be tied up, at his wharves, where they must rot, unless they could be sold, at a sacrifice, to neutrals. as a consequence, the little _sumter_ was denounced, without stint, by the yankee press. she was called a "pirate," and other hard names, and the most summary vengeance was denounced against her commander, and all who served under him. venal scribblers asserted all kinds of falsehoods concerning him, and the elegant pages of "journals of civilization" pandered to the taste of the "b'hoys," in the work-shops, by publishing malicious caricatures of him. even the federal government denounced him, in grave state papers; mr. welles, the federal secretary of the navy, forgetting his international law, if he ever knew any, and the courtesies, and proprieties of official speech, and taking up in his "annual reports," the refrain of "pirate." this was all very natural, however. men will cry aloud, when they are in pain, and, on such occasions, above all others, they will be very apt to use the language that is most natural to them--be it gentle, or ungentle. unfortunately for the great republic, political power has descended so low, that the public officer, however high his station, must, of necessity, be little better than the b'hoy, from whom he receives his power of attorney. when mobs rule, gentlemen must retire to private life. accordingly, the commander of the _sumter_, who had witnessed the _facile descensus_ of which he has spoken, was not at all surprised, when he received a batch of late northern newspapers, at seeing himself called hard names--whether by the mob or officials. knowing his late fellow-citizens well, he knew that it was of no use for them to "strive to expel strong nature, 'tis in vain; with redoubled force, she will return again." immediately after anchoring, in fort de france, i sent a lieutenant on shore, to call on the governor, report our arrival, and ask for the usual hospitalities of the port,--these hospitalities being, as the reader is aware, such as goldsmith described as welcoming him at his inn, the more cheerfully rendered, for being paid for. i directed my lieutenant to use rather the language of demand--courteously, of course--than of petition, for i had seen the french proclamation of neutrality, and knew that i was entitled, under the orders of the emperor, to the same treatment, that a federal cruiser might receive. i called, the next day, on the governor myself. i found him a very affable, and agreeable gentleman. he was a rear admiral, in the french navy, and bore the aristocratic name of condé. having observed a large supply of excellent coal in the government dock-yard, as i pulled in to the landing, i proposed to his excellency that he should supply me from that source, upon my paying cost, and expenses. he declined doing this, but said that i might have free access to the market, for this and other supplies. mentioning that i had a number of prisoners on board, he at once gave me permission to land them, provided the united states consul, who lived at st. pierre, the commercial metropolis of the island, would consent to become responsible for their maintenance during their stay in the island. there being no difference of opinion between the governor and myself, as to our respective rights and duties, our business-matters were soon arranged, and an agreeable chat of half an hour ensued, on general topics, when i withdrew, much pleased with my visit. returning on board the _sumter_, i dispatched the paymaster to st. pierre--there was a small passenger-steamer plying between the two ports--to contract for coal and some articles of clothing for the crew. of provisions we had plenty, as the reader has seen. lieutenant chapman accompanied him, and i sent up, also, the masters of the two captured ships, that were on board, that they might see their consul and arrange for their release. the next day was sunday, and i went on shore, with mr. guerin, a french gentleman, who had been educated in the united states, and who had called on board to see me, to the governor's mass. in this burning climate the church-hours are early, and we found ourselves comfortably seated in our pews as early as eight o'clock. the building was spacious and well ventilated. the governor and his staff entered punctually at the hour, as did, also, a detachment of troops--the latter taking their stations, in double lines, in the main aisle. a military band gave us excellent sacred music from the choir. the whole service was concluded in three-quarters of an hour. the whites and blacks occupied pews promiscuously, as at paramaribo, though there was no social admixture of races visible. i mean to say that the pews were mixed, though the people were not--each pew was all white or all black; the mulattoes, and others of mixed blood, being counted as blacks. i returned on board for "muster," which took place at the usual hour of eleven o'clock. already the ship was full of visitors, and i was struck with the absorbed attention with which they witnessed the calling of the names of the crew, and the reading of the articles of war by the clerk. they were evidently not prepared for so interesting a spectacle. the officers were all dressed in bright and new uniforms of navy blue--we had not yet been put in gray along with the army--the gorgeous epaulettes of the lieutenants flashing in the sun, and the midshipmen rejoicing in their gold-embroidered anchors and stars. the men attracted no less attention than the officers, with their lithe and active forms and bronzed countenances, heavy, well-kept beards, and whitest of duck frocks and trousers. one of my visitors, turning to me, after the muster was over, said, pleasantly, in allusion to the denunciations of us by the yankee newspapers, which he had been reading, "_ces hommes sont des pirates bien polis, monsieur capitaine_." in the afternoon, one watch of the crew was permitted to visit the shore, on liberty. to each seaman was given a sovereign, for pocket-money. they waked up the echoes of the quaint old town, drank dry all the grog-shops, fagged out the fiddlers, with the constant music that was demanded of them, and "turned up jack" generally; coming off, the next morning, looking rather solemn and seedy, and not quite so polis as when the frenchman had seen them the day before. the united states consul having come down from st. pierre to receive his imprisoned countrymen, himself, i caused them all--except three of them, who had signed articles for service on board the _sumter_--to be parolled and sent on shore to him. before landing them, i caused them to be mustered on the quarter-deck, and questioned them, in person, as to the treatment they had received on board--addressing myself, especially, to the two masters. they replied, without exception, that they had been well treated, and thanked me for my kindness. from the next batch of northern newspapers i captured, i learned that some of these fellows had been telling wonderful stories, about the hardships they had endured on board the "pirate" _sumter_. it will not be very difficult for the reader, if he have any knowledge of the sailor-character, to imagine how these falsehoods had been wheedled out of them. the whole country of the enemy was on the _qui vive_ for excitement. the yankee was more greedy for news than the old athenian. the war had been a god-send for newspaperdom. the more extraordinary were the stories that were told by the venal and corrupt newspapers, the more greedily were they devoured by the craving and prurient multitude. the consequence was, a race between the newspaper reporters after the sensational, without the least regard to the truth. the moment a sailor landed, who had been a prisoner on board the _sumter_, he was surrounded by these vampires of the press, who drank him and greenbacked him until parturition was comparatively easy. the next morning, the cry of "news from the pirate sumter" rang sharp and clear upon the streets, from the throats of the newsboys, and jack found himself a hero and in print! he had actually been on board the "pirate," and escaped to tell the tale! more drinks, and more greenbacks now followed from his admiring countrymen. your old salt has an eye to fun, as well as drinks, and when it was noised about, among the sailors, that some cock-and-a-bull story or other, about the _sumter_, was as good as "fractional" for drinks, the thing ran like wildfire, and every sailor who landed, thereafter, from that famous craft, made his way straight to a newspaper office, in quest of a reporter, drinks, and greenbacks. such is the stuff out of which a good deal of the yankee histories of the late war will be made. my paymaster, and lieutenant returned, in good time, from st. pierre, and reported that they had found an abundance of excellent coal, at reasonable rates, in the market, but that the collector of the customs had interposed, to prevent it from being sold to them. knowing that this officer had acted without authority, i addressed a note to the governor, reminding him of the conversation we had had the day before, and asking him for the necessary order to overrule the action of his subordinate. my messenger brought back with him the following reply:-- fort de france, november , . to the captain:-- i have the honor to send you the enclosed letter, which i ask you to hand to the collector of customs, at st. pierre, in which i request him to permit you to embark freely, as much coal as you wish to purchase, in the market. * * * with the expression of my highest regard for the captain, maussion de condÉ. i remained a few days longer, at fort de france, for the convenience of watering ship, from the public reservoir, and to enable the rest of my crew to have their run on shore. unless jack has his periodical frolic, he is very apt to become moody, and discontented; and my sailors had now been cooped up, in their ship, a couple of months. this giving of "liberty" to them is a little troublesome, to be sure, as some of them will come off drunk, and noisy, and others, overstaying their time, have to be hunted up, in the grog-shops, and other sailor haunts, and brought off by force. my men behaved tolerably well, on the present occasion. no complaint came to me from the shore, though a good many "bills," for "nights' lodgings," and "drinks," followed them on board. poor jack! how strong upon him is the thirst for drink! we had an illustration of this, whilst we were lying at fort de france. it was about nine p. m., and i was below in my cabin, making preparations to retire. presently, i heard a plunge into the water, a hail, and almost simultaneously, a shot fired from one of the sentinels' rifles. the boatswain's-mate's whistle now sounded, as a boat "was called away," and a rapid shuffling of feet was heard overhead, as the boat was being lowered. upon reaching the deck, i found that one of the firemen, who had come off from "liberty," a little tight, had jumped overboard, and, in defiance of the hail, and shot of the sentinel, struck out, lustily, for the shore. the moon was shining brightly, and an amusing scene now occurred. the boat was in hot pursuit, and soon came upon the swimmer; but the latter, who dived like a duck, had no notion of being taken. as the boat would come up with him, and "back all," for the purpose of picking him up, he would dive under her bottom, and presently would be seen, either abeam, or astern, "striking out," like a good fellow, again. by the time the boat could turn, and get headway once more, the swimmer would have some yards the start of her, and when she again came up with him, the same tactics would follow. the crew, hearing what was going on, had all turned out of their hammocks, and come on deck to witness the fun; and fun it really was for some minutes, as the doubling, and diving, and twisting, and turning went on--the boat now being sure she had him, and now sure she hadn't. the fellow finally escaped, and probably a more chop-fallen boat's crew never returned alongside of a ship, than was the _sumter's_ that night. an officer was now sent on shore in pursuit of the fugitive. he had no difficulty in finding him. in half an hour after the performance of his clever feat, the fireman was lying--dead drunk--in one of the _cabarets_, in the sailor quarter of the town. he had had no intention of deserting, but had braved the sentinel's bullet, the shark--which abounds in these waters--and discipline--all for the sake of a glass of grog! our time was made remarkably pleasant, during our stay; the inhabitants showing us every mark of respect and politeness, and the officers of the garrison, and of a couple of small french vessels of war, in the port, extending to us the courtesies of their clubs, and mess-rooms. i declined all invitations, myself, but my officers frequently dined on shore; and on the evening before our departure, they returned the hospitalities of their friends, by an elegant supper in the ward-room, at which the festivities were kept up to a late hour. riding, and breakfast-parties, in the country, were frequent, and bright eyes, peeping out of pretty french bonnets, shone benignantly upon my young "pirates." the war was frequently the topic of conversation, when such expressions as "_les barbares du nord!_" would escape, not unmusically, from the prettiest of pouting lips. i passed several agreeable evenings, at the hospitable mansion of my friend, mr. guerin, the ladies of whose family were accomplished musicians. the sailor is, above all others of his sex, susceptible of female influences. the difference arises, naturally, out of his mode of life, which removes him so often, and so long, from the affections, and refinements of home. after roughing it, for months, upon the deep, in contact only with coarse male creatures, how delightful i found it to sink into a luxurious seat, by the side of a pretty woman, and listen to the sweet notes of her guitar, accompanied by the sweeter notes, still, of her voice, as she warbled, rather than sang some lay of the sea. in these delightful tropical climates, night is turned into day. the sun, beating down his fierce rays upon heated walls and streets, drives all but the busy merchant and the laborer in-doors during the day. windows are raised, blinds closed and all the members of the household, not compelled to exertion, betake themselves to their _fauteuils_, and luxurious hammocks. dinner is partaken of at five or six o'clock, in the afternoon. when the sun goes down, and the shades of evening begin to fall, and the first gentle stirring of the trees and shrubbery, by the land breeze begins to awaken the katydid, and the myriads of other insects, which have been dozing in the heat, the human world is also awakened. the lazy beauty now arises from her couch, and seeking her bath-room, and tire-woman, begins to prepare for the _duties of the day_. she is coiffed, and arranged for conquest, and sallies forth to the _place d'armes_, to listen to the music of the military bands, if there be no other special entertainment on hand. the _place d'armes_ of fort de france is charmingly situated, on the very margin of the bay, where, in the intervals of the music, or of the hum of conversation, the ripple of the tide beats time, as it breaks upon the smooth, pebbly beach. ships are anchored in front, and far away to the left, rises a range of blue, and misty hills, which are pointed out to the stranger, as the birth-place of the empress josephine. the statue of the empress also adorns the grounds, and the inhabitants are fond of referring to her history. i was quite surprised at the throng that the quiet little town of fort de france was capable of turning out, upon the _place d'armes_; and even more at the quality, than the quantity of the throng. what with military and naval officers, in their gay uniforms, the multitudes of well-dressed men and women, the ecclesiastics in the habits of their several orders, the flower-girls, the venders of fruits, sherbets, and ice-creams--for the universal yankee has invaded the colony with his ice-ships--and the delightful music of the bands, it would be difficult to find a more delightful place, in which to while away an hour. whilst we were still at fort de france, a rather startling piece of intelligence reached us. a vessel came in, from st. thomas, and brought the news, that the english mail-steamer, _trent_, had arrived there from havana, and reported that messrs. mason and slidell had been forcibly taken out of her, by the united states steamer, _san jacinto_, captain wilkes. a few days afterward, i received a french newspaper, giving a detailed account of the affair. it was indeed a very extraordinary proceeding, and could not fail to attract much attention. i had known friend wilkes, in former years, and gave him credit for more sagacity, than this act of his seemed to indicate. "a little learning is a dangerous thing," and the federal captain had read, it would seem, just enough of international law to get himself into trouble, instead of keeping himself out of it. he had read of "contraband persons," and of "enemy's despatches," and how it was prohibited to neutrals, to carry either; but he had failed to take notice of a very important distinction, to wit, that the neutral vessel, on the present occasion, was bound from one neutral port to another; and that, as between neutral ports, there is no such thing as contraband of war; for the simple reason that contraband of war is a person, or thing, going to, or from an enemy's country. i was glad to hear this news, of course. the great republic would have to stand up to its work, and great britain would be no less bound to demand a retraxit. if things came to a deadlock, we might have an ally, in the war, sooner than we expected. it would be a curious revolution of the wheel of fortune i thought, to have john bull helping us to beat the yankee, on a point--to wit, the right of self-government--on which we had helped the yankee to beat bull, less than a century before. i will ask the reader's permission, to dispose of this little quarrel between bull and the yankee, to avoid the necessity of again recurring to it; although at the expense of a slight anachronism. when the news of wilkes' exploit reached the united states, the b'hoys went into ecstasies. such a shouting, and throwing up of caps had never been heard of before. the multitude, who were, of course, incapable of reasoning upon the act, only knew that england had been bearded and insulted; but that was enough. their national antipathies, and their ridiculous self-conceit had both been pandered to. the newspapers were filled with laudatory editorials, and "plate," and "resolutions," were showered upon unfortunate friend wilkes, without mercy. if he had been an american nelson, returning from an american nile, or trafalgar, he could not have been received with more honor. state legislatures bowed down before him, and even the american congress--the house of representatives; the senate had not quite lost its wits--gave him a vote of thanks. it was not, perhaps, so much to be wondered at, that the multitude should go mad, with joy, for multitudes, everywhere, are composed of unreasoning animals, but men, who should have known better, permitted themselves to be carried away by the popular hallucination. the executive government approved of captain wilkes' conduct--the secretary of the navy, whose insane hatred of england was quite remarkable, making haste to write the captain a congratulatory letter. but an awful collapse was at hand. mr. seward, as though he already heard the ominous rumbling of the distant english thunder, which was, anon, to break over his head, in tones that would startle him, on the th of november--the outrage had been committed on the th,--wrote, as follows, to his faithful sentinel, at the court of london, mr. charles francis adams. "we have done nothing, on the subject, to anticipate the discussion, and we have not furnished you with any explanation. we adhere to that course now, because we think it more prudent, that the ground taken by the british government should be first made known to us, here. it is proper, however, that you should know one fact, in the case, without indicating that we attach much importance to it, namely, that in the capture of messrs. mason and slidell, on board a british vessel, captain wilkes having acted without any instructions from the government, the subject is therefore free from the embarrassment, which might have resulted, if the act had been especially directed by us." if no "explanation" had been thought of by mr. seward, up to this time, it was high time that he was getting one ready, for, on the same day, on which the above despatch was written, lord john russell, then charged with the duties of the foreign office, in england, under the administration of lord palmerston, wrote as follows, to lord lyons, his minister at washington: "her majesty's government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which have long subsisted between great britain, and the united states, are willing to believe, that the united states naval officer who committed the aggression, was not acting in compliance with any authority from his government, or that, if he conceived himself to be so authorized, he greatly misunderstood the instructions, which he had received. for the government of the united states must be fully aware, that the british government could not allow such an affront to the national honor, to pass without _full reparation_, and her majesty's government are unwilling to believe that it could be the deliberate intention of the government of the united states, unnecessarily to force into discussion, between the two governments, a question of so grave a character, and with regard to which, the whole british nation would be sure to entertain such unanimity of feeling. her majesty's government, therefore, trust that, when this matter shall have been brought under the consideration of the government of the united states, that government will, of its own accord, offer to the british government such redress as alone, could satisfy the british nation, namely, the liberation, of the four gentlemen [the two secretaries of legation were also captured], and their delivery to your lordship, in order that they may again be placed under british protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression, which has been committed. should these terms not be offered, by mr. seward, you will propose them to him." mr. seward had no notion of proposing any terms to lord lyons. the shouts of the b'hoys had scarcely yet ceased to ring in his ears, and it would be an awkward step to take. besides, he could have no terms to offer, for the government had, in fact, approved of captain wilkes' act, through its secretary of the navy. the back door, which mr. seward intimated to mr. adams was open for retreat, when he told him, that captain wilkes' act had not been _authorized_ by the government, was not _honorably_ open, for the act had afterward been _approved_ by the government, and this amounted to the same thing. later on the same day on which earl russell wrote his despatch to lord lyons he added a postscript to it, as follows:-- "in my previous despatch of this date, i have instructed you, by command of her majesty, to make certain demands of the government of the united states. should mr. seward ask for delay, in order that this grave and painful matter should be deliberately considered, you will consent to a delay, _not exceeding seven days_. if, at the end of that time, no answer is given, or if any other answer is given, except that of a compliance with the demands of her majesty's government, your lordship is instructed to leave washington, with all the members of your legation, bringing with you the archives of the legation, and to repair immediately to london. if, however, you should be of opinion that the requirements of her majesty's government are substantially complied with, you may report the facts to her majesty's government, for their consideration, and remain at your post, until you receive further orders." this was indeed bringing matters to a focus. mr. seward was required to liberate the prisoners, and make an apology, and that _within seven days_. this was putting it rather offensively. it is bad enough to make a man apologize, especially, if he has been "blowing" a short while before, but to tell him that he must do it _at once_, that was, indeed, rubbing the humiliation in. and then, where was the congress, and the massachusetts legislature, and mr. secretary welles, and all the "plate," and all the "resolutions"? posterity will wonder, when it comes to read the elaborate, and lengthy despatch, which mr. seward prepared on this occasion, how it was possible for him to prepare it in _seven days_. but it will wonder still more, after having patiently waded through it, to find how little it contains. i cannot deny myself the pleasure of giving a few of its choicest paragraphs to the reader. do not start! gentle reader, the paragraphs will be short; but short as they are, you shall have the _gist_ of this seven days' labor, of the american diplomatist. david wrote seven penitential psalms. i wonder if lord john russell had a little fun in his eye, when he gave mr. seward just _seven_ days for _his_ penitential performance. but to the paragraphs. mr. seward is addressing himself, the reader will observe, to lord lyons. after stating the case, he proceeds:-- "your lordship will now perceive, that the case before us, instead of presenting a merely flagrant act of violence, on the part of captain wilkes, as might well be inferred, from the incomplete statement of it, that went up to the british government, was undertaken as a simple, legal, and customary belligerent proceeding, by captain wilkes, to arrest and capture a neutral vessel, engaged in carrying contraband of war, for the uses and benefit of the insurgents." this point was so utterly untenable, that it is astonishing that mr. seward should have thought of defending it. if it were defensible, he ought not to have given up the prisoners, or made an apology; for the law is clear, that contraband of war may be seized, and _taken out of a neutral vessel_, on the high seas. it was not because contraband of war had been taken out of one of their vessels, that great britain demanded an apology, but because persons, and things, _not contraband of war_, under the circumstances under which they were found, had been taken out. if the _trent_ had been overhauled in the act of sailing from one of the confederate ports, blockaded or not blockaded, with messrs. mason and slidell, and their despatches on board, and the _san jancinto_ had taken them out of her, permitting the ship to proceed on her voyage, great britain would never have thought of complaining--waiving, for the sake of the present argument, the diplomatic character of the passengers. and why would she not have complained? simply, because one of her ships had been found with contraband of war, on board, and the least penalty, namely, the seizure of the contraband, that the laws of war imposed upon her, had been exacted. but her ship the _trent_, neither having sailed from, or being bound for a confederate port, it matters not whom, or what she might have on board, the question of contraband could not arise, at all; for, as we have seen, it is of the essence of contraband, that the person, or thing should be going to, or from an enemy's port. wilkes' act being utterly and entirely indefensible, the federal government should have saved its honor, the moment the affair came to its notice, by a frank disavowal of it. but, as we have seen, the b'hoys had shouted; mr. welles had spoken approvingly; congress had resolved that their officer was deserving of thanks, and even mr. seward, himself, had gloried over the capture of "rebels," and "traitors;" the said "rebels," and "traitors" having frequently, in former years, snubbed, and humbled him in the senate of the united states. hence the indecent language, in which he now spoke of them. the reader, having seen that mr. seward justified captain wilkes' conduct, as a "simple, legal, and customary belligerent proceeding, to arrest and capture a neutral vessel engaged in carrying contraband of war, for the use and benefit of the insurgents," he will be curious to know, on what ground it was, that mr. seward based his apology. this ground was curious enough. it was, not that captain wilkes had gone too far, but that he had not gone far enough. if, said he, captain wilkes had taken the _trent_ into port, for adjudication, instead of letting her go, his justification would be complete, and there would be no apology to make. adjudication presupposes something to adjudicate; but if there was no contraband of war, on board the _trent_, what was there to adjudicate? the british government did not complain, that the question had not been presented for adjudication to the proper prize tribunals, but that their vessel had been boarded, and outraged, without there being any grounds for adjudication, at all. if the _trent_ had been taken into port, a prize-court must have liberated the prisoners. it would then, if not before, have been apparent, that there was no ground for the seizure. the act still remaining to be atoned for, what was there to be gained, by sending the vessel in? it is not denied that, as a rule, neutrals are entitled to have their vessels, when captured, sent in for adjudication, but mr. seward knew, very well, that no question of this nature had arisen, between the british government and himself, and he was only trifling with the common sense of mankind, when he endeavored to turn the issue in this direction. one cannot help sympathizing with a diplomatist, who being required to eat a certain amount of dirt, gags at it, so painfully, and yet pretends, all the while, that he really likes it, as mr. seward does in the following paragraph:-- "i have not been unaware that, in examining this question, i have fallen into an argument, for what seems to be the british side of it, against my own country [what a deal of humiliation it would have saved his country, if he had fallen into this train of argument, before the dirt-pie had been presented to him]. but i am relieved from all embarrassment, on that subject. i had hardly fallen into that line of argument, when i discovered, that i was really defending and maintaining, not an exclusively british interest, but an old, honored, and cherished american cause, not upon british authorities, but upon principles that constitute a large portion of the distinctive policy, by which the united states have developed the resources of a continent, and thus becoming a considerable maritime power, have won the respect and confidence of many nations." like an adroit circus-man, the venerable federal secretary of state has now gotten upon the backs of two ponies. he continues:-- "these principles were laid down, for us, by james madison, in ; when secretary of state, in the administration of thomas jefferson, in instructions given to james monroe, our minister to england." these instructions had relation to the old dispute, between the two governments, about the impressment of seamen from american ships, and were as follows:-- "whenever property found in a neutral vessel is supposed to be liable, on any ground, to capture and condemnation, the rule in all cases, is, that the question shall not be decided by the captor, but be carried before a legal tribunal, where a regular trial may be had, and where the captor himself is liable for damages, for an abuse of his power. can it be reasonable then, or just, that a belligerent commander, who is thus restricted, and thus responsible, in a case of mere property, of trivial amount, should be permitted, without recurring to any tribunal, whatever, to examine the crew of a neutral vessel, to decide the important question of their respective allegiances, and to carry that decision into execution, by forcing every individual, he may choose, into a service abhorrent to his feelings, cutting him off from his most tender connections, exposing his mind and person to the most humiliating discipline, and his life, itself, to the greatest danger. reason, justice, and humanity unite in protesting against so extravagant a proceeding." mr. seward after thus quoting, continues:-- "if i decide this case in favor of my own government, i must disavow its most cherished principles, and reverse, and forever abandon its essential policy. the country cannot afford the sacrifice. if i maintain these principles, and adhere to that policy, i must surrender the case itself. it will be seen, therefore, that this government could not deny the justice of the claim presented to us, in this respect, upon its merits. we are asked to do to the british nation, just what we have always insisted, all nations ought to do to us." that is "coming down with the corn," now, handsomely, but in view of the antecedents of the question, and of the "seven days'" pressure under which mr. seward's despatch was written, one cannot help pitying mr. seward. we not only pity him, but he absolutely surprises us by the fertility of his imagination, in discovering any resemblance between the madison precedent, and the case he had in hand. the british government was not insisting that mr. seward should send the _trent_ in for adjudication. it did not mean that there should be any adjudication about the matter, except such as it had itself already passed upon the case. had it not said to its minister, at washington, "if, at the end of that time, no answer is given, or, _if any other answer_ is given, _except that of a compliance with the demands of her majesty's government_, your lordship is instructed to leave washington, &c."? to be logical, mr. seward should have said, "our officer having made a mistake, by doing a right thing, in a wrong way, namely, by seizing contraband of war, on board a neutral ship, without sending the ship in, for adjudication, we will send the prisoners back to the _trent_, if you will send the _trent_ into one of our ports for adjudication." but mr. seward knew better than to say any such thing, for the simple reason, that this was not the thing which was demanded of him, although he had written a lengthy despatch to prove that it was. i was in europe when mr. seward's despatch arrived there. every one was astonished, both at the paper, and the act of humiliation performed by it. the act needed not to be humiliating. a great wrong had been done a neutral. it could be neither justified, nor palliated. a _statesman_, at the head of the federal state department, would have made haste to atone for it, before any demand for reparation could be made. to pander to a vitiated public taste, and gain a little temporary _eclat_, by appearing to beard the british lion, hoping that the lion would submit, in silence to the indignity, mr. seward committed one of those blunders which was equivalent to a great crime, since it humiliated an entire people, and put on record against them one of those damaging pages that historians cannot, if they would, forget. the following were the closing lines of this famous despatch:-- "the four persons in question are now held in military custody, at fort warren, in the state of massachusetts. they will be cheerfully liberated. your lordship will please indicate a time, and place, for receiving them." when i read this paragraph, i experienced two sensations--one, of disappointment at the loss of an ally, with whose aid we would be sure to gain the independence for which we were struggling, and one, of mortification, that an american nation had been so greatly humbled, before an european power; for though the federal states were my enemies, as between them and foreign nations, i could not but feel something like family attachment. whilst i would humble them, and whip them into a sense of justice and decent behavior, myself, i was loth to see strangers kick them, and themselves submit to the kicking. so very one-sided was the question, which mr. seward had permitted himself to argue, with so much zeal, and so little discrimination, that all the principal nations of europe rallied, as if by common consent, to the side of great britain. russia, france, spain, and other powers, all took the same view of the case that earl russell had done, and made haste, through their respective ministers at washington, so to express themselves. i will let france speak for them all. the reasons which influenced the action of the french government are thus assigned:-- "the desire to contribute to prevent a conflict, perhaps imminent, between two powers, for which the french government is animated with sentiments equally friendly, and the duty to uphold, for the purpose of placing the right of its own flag under shelter from any attack, certain principles essential to the security of neutrals, have, after mature reflection, convinced it, that it could not, under the circumstances, remain entirely silent." the french minister for foreign affairs then goes on to examine the arguments which could be set up in defence of the federal captain, concluding as follows:-- "there remains, therefore, to invoke, in explanation of their capture, only the pretext that they were the bearers of official despatches from the enemy; but this is the moment to recall a circumstance, that governs all this affair, and which renders the conduct of the american cruiser unjustifiable. the _trent_ was not destined to a point belonging to one of the belligerents. she was carrying to a neutral country her cargo and her passengers; and moreover, it was in a neutral port that they were taken. the cabinet at washington could not, without striking a blow at principles, which all neutral nations are alike interested in holding in respect, nor without taking the attitude of contradiction to its own course, up to this time, give its approbation to the proceedings of the commander of the _san jacinto_. in this state of things, it evidently should not, according to our views, hesitate about the determination to be taken." the excuse which i have to offer to the reader, for permitting so much of my space to be occupied with this "affair," is, that it deeply interested every confederate states naval officer, afloat at the time. i, myself, made several passages, in neutral vessels, between neutral ports, and might have been captured with as much propriety, even when passing from dover to calais, as messrs. mason and slidell had been. on the th of november, my water-tanks being full, and my crew having all returned from "liberty"--none of them having shown any disposition to desert--we got up steam, and proceeded to the town of st. pierre, for the purpose of coaling; arriving at the early hour of a. m., and anchoring at the man-of-war anchorage, south of the town. i immediately dispatched a lieutenant to call on the military commandant, accompanied by the paymaster, to make the necessary arrangements for coaling. st. pierre was quite a different place, from the quiet old town we had left. a number of merchant-ships were anchored in the harbor, and there was quite an air of stir, and thrift, about the quays. busy commerce was carrying on her exchanges, and with commerce there is always life. there were not so many idle people here, to be awakened from their noon-tide slumbers, by the katydid, as in fort de france. a number of visitors came off, at once, to see us; rumor having preceded us, and blown the trumpet of our fame, much more than we deserved. among the rest, there were several custom-house officers, but if these had any office of espionage to perform, they performed it, so delicately, as not to give offence. indeed they took pains to explain to us, that they had only come on board out of civility, and as a mere matter of curiosity. i never permit myself to be out-done in politeness, and treated them with all consideration. the collector of the customs gave prompt obedience to the governor's despatch--commanding him not to throw any obstacle in the way of our coaling--by withdrawing the interdict of sale which he had put upon the coal-merchants; and the paymaster returning, after a short absence, with news that he had made satisfactory arrangements with the said merchants, the ship was warped up to the coal-depot, and some thirty tons of coal received, on board, the same afternoon. this was very satisfactory progress. we sent down the fore-yard, for repairs, and the engineer finding some good machinists on shore, with more facilities in the way of shop, and tools, than he had expected, took some of his own jobs, of which there are always more or less, in a steamer, on shore. as the sun dipped his broad red disk into the sea, i landed with my clerk, and we took a delightful evening stroll, along one of the country roads, leading to the northern end of the island, and winding, occasionally, within a stone's throw of the beach. the air was soft, and filled with perfume, and we were much interested in inspecting the low-roofed and red-tiled country houses, and their half-naked inmates, of all colors, that presented themselves, from time to time, as we strolled on. we were here, as we had been in maranham, objects of much curiosity, and the curiosity was evinced in the same way, respectfully. wherever we stopped for water--for walking in this sultry climate produces constant thirst--the coolest "monkeys"--a sort of porous jug, or jar--and calabashes, were handed us, often accompanied by fruits and an invitation to be seated. fields of sugar-cane stretched away on either hand, and an elaborate cultivation seemed everywhere to prevail. the island of martinique is mountainous, and all mountainous countries are beautiful, where vegetation abounds. within the tropics, when the soil is good, vegetation runs riot in very wantonness; and so it did here. the eye was constantly charmed with a great variety of shade and forest trees, of new and beautiful foliage, and with shrubs, and flowers, without number, ever forming new combinations, and new groups, as the road meandered now through a plane, and now through a rocky ravine, up whose precipitous sides a goat could scarcely clamber. "as the shades of eve came slowly down, the hills were clothed with deeper brown," and the twinkle of the lantern at the _sumter's_ peak denoting that her captain was out of the ship, caught my eye, at one of the turnings of the road, and reminded me, that we had wandered far enough. we retraced our steps just in time to escape a shower, and sat down, upon our arrival on board, to the evening's repast, which john had prepared for us, with appetites much invigorated by the exercise. we found the market-place, situated near the ship, both upon landing and returning, filled with a curious throng, gazing eagerly upon the _sumter_. this throng seemed never to abate during our stay--it was the first thing seen in the morning, and the last thing at night. the next morning, john brought me off a french newspaper; for st. pierre is sufficiently large, and prosperous, to indulge in a tri-weekly. with true island marvel, a column was devoted to the _sumter_, predicating of her, many curious exploits, and cunning devices by means of which she had escaped from the enemy, of which the little craft had never heard, and affirming, as a fact beyond dispute, that her commander was a frenchman, he having served, in former years, as a lieutenant on board of the french brig-of-war _mercure_! i felt duly grateful for the compliment, for a compliment indeed it was, to be claimed as a frenchman, _by_ a frenchman--the little foible of gallic vanity considered. chapter xx. arrival at st. pierre of the enemy's steam-sloop iroquois--how she violates the neutrality of the port--arrival of the french steamer-of-war acheron--the iroquois blockades the sumter--correspondence with the governor--escape of the sumter. many rumors were now afloat as to the prospective presence, at martinique, of the enemy's ships of war. it was known that the enemy's steam-sloop, _iroquois_, captain james s. palmer, had been at the island of trinidad, on the second of the then current month of november, whence she had returned to st. thomas--this neutral island being unscrupulously used by the enemy, as a regular naval station, at which there was always at anchor one or more of his ships of war, and where he had a coal-depot. st. thomas was a free port, and an important centre of trade, both for the west india islands and the spanish main, and had the advantage, besides, of being a general rendezvous of the mail-steamers that plied in those seas. one of these steamers, bound to st. thomas, had touched at martinique, soon after the _sumter's_ arrival there, and, as a matter of course, we might expect the presence of the enemy very soon. i used every possible diligence to avoid being blockaded by the enemy, and twenty-four hours more would have enabled me to accomplish my purpose, but the fates would have it otherwise; for at about two p. m., on the very next day after the delightful evening's stroll described in the last chapter, the _iroquois_ appeared off the north end of the island. she had purposely approached the island on the side opposite to that on which the town of st. pierre lies, the better to keep herself out of sight, until the last moment; and when she did come in sight, it was ludicrous to witness her appearance. her commander's idea seemingly was, that the moment the _sumter_ caught sight of him, she would, if he were recognized, immediately attempt to escape. hence it was necessary to surprise her; and to this end, he had made some most ludicrous attempts to disguise his ship. the danish colors were flying from his peak, his yards were hanging, some this way, some that, and his guns had all been run in, and his ports closed. but the finely proportioned, taunt, saucy-looking _iroquois_, looked no more like a merchant-ship, for this disguise, than a gay lothario would look like a saint, by donning a cassock. the very disguise only made the cheat more apparent. we caught sight of the enemy first. he was crawling slowly from behind the land, which had hidden him from view, and we could see a number of curious human forms, above his rail, bending eagerly in our direction. the quarter-deck, in particular, was filled with officers, and we were near enough to see that some of these had telescopes in their hands, with which they were scanning the shipping in the harbor. we had a small confederate states flag flying, and it was amusing to witness the movements on board the _iroquois_, the moment this was discovered. a rapid passing to and fro of officers was observable, as if orders were being carried, in a great hurry, and the steamer, which had been hitherto cautiously creeping along, as a stealthy tiger might be supposed to skirt a jungle, in which he had scented, but not yet seen a human victim, sprang forward under a full head of steam. at the same moment, down came the danish and up went the united states flag. "there she comes, with a bone in her mouth!" said the old quartermaster on the look-out; and, no doubt, captain palmer thought to see, every moment, the little _sumter_ flying from her anchors. but the _sumter_ went on coaling, and receiving on board some rum and sugar, as though no enemy were in sight, and at nine p. m. was ready for sea. the men were given their hammocks, as usual, and i turned in, myself, at my usual hour, not dreaming that the _iroquois_ would cut up such antics during the night as she did. during the afternoon, she had run into the harbor,--without anchoring, however,--and sent a boat on shore to communicate, probably, with her consul, and receive any intelligence he might have to communicate. she then steamed off, seaward, a mile, or two, and moved to and fro, in front of the port until dark. at half-past one o'clock, the officer of the deck came down in great haste, to say, that the _iroquois_ had again entered the harbor, and was steaming directly for us. i ordered him to get the men immediately to their quarters, and followed him on deck, as soon as i could throw on a necessary garment or two. in a very few minutes, the battery had been cast loose, the decks lighted, and the other preparations usual for battle made. it was moonlight, and the movements of the enemy could be distinctly seen. he came along, under low steam, but, so steadily, and aiming so directly for us, that i could not doubt it was his intention to board us. the men were called to "repel boarders;" and for a moment or two, a pin might have been heard to drop, on the _sumter's_ deck, so silent was the harbor, and so still was the scene on board both ships. presently, however, a couple of strokes on the enemy's steam gong were heard, and, in a moment more, he sheered a little, and lay off our quarter, motionless. it was as though a great sea-monster had crawled in under cover of the night, and was eying its prey, and licking its chops, in anticipation of a delicious repast. after a few minutes of apparent hesitation, and doubt, the gong was again struck, and the leviathan--for such the _iroquois_ appeared alongside the little _sumter_--moving in a slow, and graceful curve, turned, and went back whence it came. this operation, much to my astonishment, was repeated several times during the night. captain palmer was evidently in great tribulation. he had found the hated "pirate" at last--so called by his own secretary of the navy, and by his own secretary of state. captain wilkes had just set him a glorious example of a disregard of neutral rights; and the seven days' penitential psalms had not yet been ordered to be written. if a ship might be violated, why not territory? besides, the press, the press! a rabid, and infuriate press was thundering in the ears of the luckless federal captain. honors were before him, terrors behind him! but there loomed up, high above the _sumter_, the mountains of the _french_ island of martinique. nations, like individuals, sometimes know whom to kick--though they have occasionally to take the kicking back, as we have just seen. it might do, doubtless thought captain palmer, to kick some small power, but france! there was the rub. if the _sumter_ were only in bahia, where the _florida_ afterward was, how easily and securely the kicking might be done? a gallant captain, with a heavy ship, might run into her, cut her down to the water's edge, fire into her crew, struggling in the water, killing, and wounding, and drowning a great many of them, and bear off his prize in triumph! and then, mr. seward, if he should be called upon, not by brazil alone, but by the sentiment of all mankind, to make restitution of the ship, could he not have her run into, by _accident_, in hampton roads, and sunk; and would not this be another feather in his diplomatic cap--yankee feather though it might be? what is a diplomat fit for, unless he can be a little cunning, upon occasion? the b'hoys will shout for him, if history does not. the reader need no longer wonder at the "backing and filling" of the _iroquois_, around the little _sumter_; or at the sleepless night passed by captain palmer. the next morning, the governor having heard of what had been done; how the neutral waters of france had been violated by manoeuvre and by menace, though the actual attack had been withheld, sent up from fort de france the steamer-of-war _acheron_, captain duchatel, with orders to captain palmer, either to anchor, if he desired to enter the harbor, or to withdraw beyond the marine league, if it was his object to blockade the _sumter_; annexing to his anchoring, if he should choose this alternative, the condition imposed by the laws of nations, of giving the _sumter_ twenty-four hours the start, in case she should desire to proceed to sea. soon after the _acheron_ came to anchor, the _iroquois_ herself ran in and anchored. the french boat then communicated with her, when she immediately hove up her anchor again! she had committed herself to the twenty-four hours' rule the moment she dropped her anchor; but being ignorant of the rule, she had not hesitated to get her anchor again, the moment that she was informed of it, and to claim that she was not bound by her mistake. i did not insist upon the point. the _iroquois_ now withdrew beyond the marine league, by day, but, by night, invariably crept in, a mile or two nearer, fearing that she might lose sight of me, and that i might thus be enabled to escape. she kept up a constant communication, too, with the shore, both by means of her own boats, and those from the shore, in violation of the restraints imposed upon her by the laws of nations--these laws requiring, that if she would communicate, she must anchor; when, of course, the twenty-four hours' rule would attach. i had written a letter to the governor, informing him of the conduct of captain palmer, on the first night after his arrival, and claiming the neutral protection to which i was entitled. his excellency having replied to this letter, through captain duchatel, in a manner but little satisfactory to me. i addressed him, through that officer, the following, in rejoinder:-- confederate states steamer sumter, st. pierre, november , . sir:--i have had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday, in which you communicate to me the views of the governor of martinique, relative to the protection of my right of asylum, in the waters of this island; and i regret to say, that those views do not appear to me to come up to the requirements of the international code. the governor says, that "it does not enter into his intentions, to exercise toward the _iroquois_, either by night, or by day, so active a _surveillance_ as you [i] desire"; and you tell me, that i ought to have "confidence in the strict execution of a promise, made by a commander in the military marine of the american union, so long as he has not shown to me the evidence that this engagement has not been scrupulously fulfilled." it would appear from these expressions, that the only protection i am to receive against the blockade of the enemy, is a simple promise exacted by you, from that enemy, that he will keep himself without the marine league, the governor, in the meantime, exercising no watch, by night or by day, to see whether this promise is complied with. in addition to the violations of neutrality reported by me, yesterday, i have, this morning, to report, that one of my officers being on shore, in the northern environs of the town, last night, between eight and nine o'clock, saw two boats, each pulling eight oars, the men dressed in dark blue clothing, with the caps usually worn by the sailors of the federal navy, pulling quietly in toward the beach; and that he distinctly heard a conversation, in english, between them--one of them saying to the other, "look harry! there she is, i see her,"--in allusion, doubtless, to this ship. these boats are neither more nor less than scout, or sentinel boats, sent to watch the movements, within neutral waters, of their enemy. now, with all due deference to his excellency, i cannot see the difference between the violation of the neutrality of these waters, by the enemy's boats, and by his ship; and if no surveillance is to be exercised, either by night or by day, i am receiving very much such protection as the wolf would accord to the lamb. it is an act of war for the enemy to approach me, with his boats, for the purpose of reconnoissance, or watch, and especially during the night, and i have the same right to demand that he keep his boats beyond the marine league, as that he keep his ship, at that distance. nor am i willing to rely upon his promise, that he will not infringe my rights, in this particular. if france owes me protection, it is her duty to accord it to me, herself, and not remit me to the good faith, or bad faith, of my enemy; in other words, i respectfully suggest, that it is her _duty_, to exercise _surveillance_ over her own waters, both "by night, and by day," when one belligerent is blockading another, in those waters. i have, therefore, respectfully to request, that you will keep a watch, by means of guard boats, at both points of the harbor, to prevent a repetition of the hostile act, which was committed against me last night; or if you will not do this, that you will permit me to arm boats, and capture the enemy, when so approaching me. it would seem quite plain, either that i should be protected, or be permitted to protect myself. further: it is in plain violation of neutrality for the enemy to be in daily communication with the shore, whether by means of his own boats, or boats from the shore. if he needs supplies, it is his duty to come in for them; and if he comes in, he must anchor; and if he anchors, he must accept the condition of remaining twenty-four hours after my departure. it is a mere subterfuge for him to remain in the offing, and supply himself with all he needs, besides reconnoitring, me closely, by means of his boats, and i protest against this act also. i trust you will excuse me, for having occupied so much of your time, by so lengthy a communication, but i deem it my duty to place myself right, upon the record, in this matter. i shall seize an early opportunity to sail from these waters, and if i shall be brought to a bloody conflict, with an enemy, of twice my force, by means of signals given to him, in the waters of france, either by his own boats, or others, i wish my government to know, that i protested against the unfriendly ground assumed by the governor of martinique, that 'it does not enter into his intentions, to exercise toward the _iroquois_, either by night, or by day, so active a surveillance as you [i] desire.' mr. duchatel, _commanding h. i. f. m.'s steamer acheron_. as the lawyers say, "i took nothing by my motion," with governor condé. the united states were strong at sea, and the confederate states weak, and this difference was sufficient to insure the ruling against me of all but the plainest points, about which there could be no dispute, either of principle, or of fact. whilst the governor would probably have protected me, by force, if necessary, against an actual assault, by the _iroquois_, he had not the moral courage to risk the ire of his master, by offending the great republic, on a point about which there could be any question. the _iroquois_ was very much in earnest in endeavoring to capture me, and captain palmer spent many sleepless nights, and labored very zealously to accomplish his object; notwithstanding which, when my escape became known to his countrymen, he had all yankeeland down on him. it was charged, among other things, by one indignant yankee captain, that palmer and myself had been school-mates, and that treachery had done the work. i must do my late opponent the justice to say, that he did all that vigilance and skill could do, and a great deal more, than the laws of war authorized him to do. he made a free use of the neutral territory, and of his own merchant-ships that were within its waters. he had left st. thomas in a great hurry, upon getting news of the _sumter_, without waiting to coal. in a day or two after his arrival at st. pierre, he chartered a yankee schooner, and sent her to st. thomas, for a supply of coal; and taking virtual possession of another--a small lumber schooner, from maine, that lay discharging her cargo, a short distance from the _sumter_--he used her as a signal, and look-out ship. sending his pilot on shore, he arranged with the yankee master--one of your long, lean, slab-sided fellows, that looked like the planks he handled--a set of signals, by which the _sumter_ was to be circumvented. the anchorage of st. pierre is a wide, open bay, with an exit around half the points of the compass. the _iroquois_, as she kept watch and ward over the _sumter_, generally lay off the centre of this sheet of water. as the _sumter_ might run out either north of her, or south of her, it was highly important that the _iroquois_ should know, as promptly as possible, which of the passages the little craft intended to take. to this end, the signals were arranged. certain lights were to be exhibited, in certain positions, on board the yankee schooner, to indicate to her consort, that the _sumter_ was under way, and the course she was running. i knew nothing, positively, of this arrangement. i only knew that the pilot of the _iroquois_ had frequently been seen on board the yankee. to the mind of a seaman, the rest followed, as a matter of course. i could not know what the precise signals were, but i knew what signals i should require to be made to me, if i were in captain palmer's place. as the sequel will prove, i judged correctly. i now communicated my suspicions to the governor, and requested him to have a guard stationed near the schooner, to prevent this contemplated breach of neutrality. but the governor paid no more attention to this complaint, than to the others i had made. it was quite evident that i must expect to take care of myself, without the exercise of any _surveillance_, "by night or by day," by monsieur condé. this being the case, i bethought myself of turning the enemy's signals to my own account, and the reader will see, by and by, how this was accomplished. in the meantime, the plot was thickening, and becoming very interesting, as well to the islanders, as to ourselves. not only was the town agog, but the simple country people, having heard what was going on, and that a naval combat was expected, came in, in great numbers, to see the show. the crowd increased, daily, in the market-place, and it was wonderful to witness the patience of these people. they would come down to the beach, and gaze at us for hours, together, seeming never to grow weary of the sight. two parties were formed, the _sumter_ party, and the _iroquois_ party; the former composed of the whites, with a small sprinkling of blacks; the latter of the blacks, with a small sprinkling of whites. the governor, himself, came up from fort de france, in a little sail-schooner of war, which he used as a yacht. the mayor, and sundry councilmen, came off to see me, and talk over the crisis. the young men boarded me in scores, and volunteered to help me whip the _barbare_. i had no thought of fighting, but of running; but of course i did not tell _them_ so--i should have lost the french nationality, they had conferred upon me. the _iroquois_ had arrived, on the th of november. it was now the d, and i had waited all this time, for a dark night; the moon not only persisting in shining, but the stars looking, we thought, unusually bright. venus was still three hours high, at sunset, and looked provokingly beautiful, and brilliant, shedding as much light as a miniature moon. to-night--the d--the moon would not rise until seven minutes past eleven, and this would be ample time, in which to escape, or be captured. i had some anxiety about the weather, however, independently of the phase of the moon, as in this climate of the gods, there is no such thing as a dark night, if the sky be clear. the morning of the d of november dawned provokingly clear. it clouded a little toward noon, but, long before sunset, the clouds had blown off, and the afternoon became as bright, and beautiful, as the most ardent lover of nature in her smiling moods, could desire. but time pressed, and it was absolutely necessary to be moving. messengers had been sent hither, and thither, by the enemy, to hunt up a reinforcement of gun-boats, and if several of these should arrive, escape would be almost out of the question. fortune had favored us, thus far, but we must now help ourselves. the _iroquois_ was not only twice as heavy as the _sumter_, in men, and metal, as the reader has seen, but she had as much as two or three knots, the hour, the speed of her. we must escape, if at all, unseen of the enemy, and as the latter drew close in with the harbor, every night, in fraud of the promise he had made, and in violation of the laws of war, this would be difficult to do. running all these reasons rapidly through my mind, i resolved to make the attempt, without further delay. i gave orders to the first lieutenant, to see that every person belonging to the ship was on board, at sundown, and directed him to make all the necessary preparations for getting his anchor, and putting the ship under steam, at eight p. m.--the hour of gun-fire; the gun at the garrison to be the signal for moving. the ship was put in her best sailing trim, by removing some barrels of wet provisions aft, on the quarter-deck; useless spars were sent down from aloft, and the sails all "mended," that is, snugly furled. every man was assigned his station, and the crew were all to be at quarters, a few minutes before the appointed hour of moving. i well recollect the _tout ensemble_ of that scene. the waters of the bay were of glassy smoothness. the sun had gone down in a sky so clear, that there was not a cloud to make a bank of violets, or a golden pyramid of. twilight had come and gone; the insects were in full chorus--we were lying within a hundred yards of the shore--and night, friendly, and at the same time unfriendly, had thrown no more than a semi-transparent mantle over the face of nature. the market-place, as though it had some secret sympathy with what was to happen, was more densely thronged than ever, the hum of voices being quite audible. the muffled windlass on board the _sumter_ was quietly heaving up her anchor. it is already up, and the "cat hooked," and the men "walking away with the cat." the engineer is standing, lever in hand, ready to start the engine, and a seaman, with an uplifted axe, is standing near the taffarel, to cut the sternfast. one minute more and the gun will fire! every one is listening eagerly for the sound. the _iroquois_ is quite visible, through our glasses, watching for the _sumter_, like the spider for the fly. a flash! and the almost simultaneous boom of the eight o'clock gun, and, without one word being uttered on board the _sumter_, the axe descends upon the fast, the engineer's lever is turned, and the ship bounds forward, under a full head of steam. a prolonged, and deafening cheer at once arose from the assembled multitude, in the market-place. skilful and trusty helmsmen, under the direction of the "master," bring the _sumter's_ head around to the south, where they hold it, so steadily, that she does not swerve a hair's breadth. there is not a light visible on board. the lantern in the captain's cabin has a jacket on it, and even the binnacle is screened, so that no one but the old quartermaster at the "con" can see the light, or the compass. the french steamer-of-war, _acheron_, lay almost directly in our course, and, as we bounded past her, nearly grazing her guns, officers and men rushed to the side, and in momentary forgetfulness of their neutrality, waved hats and hands at us. as the reader may suppose, i had stationed a quick-sighted and active young officer, to look out for the signals, which i knew the yankee schooner was to make. this young officer now came running aft to me, and said, "i see them, sir! i see them!--look, sir, there are two red lights, one above the other, at the yankee schooner's mast-head." sure enough, there were the lights; and i knew as well as the exhibitor of them, what they meant to say to the _iroquois_, viz.: "look out for the _sumter_, she is under way, standing south!" i ran a few hundred yards farther, on my present course, and then stopped. the island of martinique is mountainous, and near the south end of the town, where i now was, the mountains run abruptly into the sea, and cast quite a shadow upon the waters, for some distance out. i had the advantage of operating within this shadow. i now directed my glass toward the _iroquois_. i have said that captain palmer was anxious to catch me, and judging by the speed which the _iroquois_ was now making, toward the south, in obedience to her signals, his anxiety had not been at all abated by his patient watching of nine days. i now did, what poor reynard sometimes does, when he is hard pressed by the hounds--i doubled. whilst the _iroquois_ was driving, like mad, under all steam, for the south, wondering, no doubt, at every step, what the d----l had become of the _sumter_, this little craft was doing her level-best, for the north end of the island. it is safe to say, that, the next morning, the two vessels were one hundred and fifty miles apart! poor palmer! he, no doubt, looked haggard and careworn, when his steward handed him his dressing-gown, and called him for breakfast on the th of november; the yell of actæon's hounds must have sounded awfully distinct in his ears. i was duly thankful to the slab-sided lumberman, and to governor condé--the one for violating, and the other for permitting the violation of the neutral waters of france--the signals were of vast service to me. various little _contre-temps_ occurred on board the _sumter_, on this night's run. we were obliged to stop some fifteen or twenty precious minutes, opposite the very town, as we were retracing our steps to the northward, to permit the engineer to cool the bearings of his shaft, which had become heated by a little eccentricity of movement. and poor d., a hitherto-favorite quartermaster, lost his _prestige_, entirely, with the crew, on this night. d. had been famous for his sharp sight. it was, indeed, wonderful. when nobody else in the ship could "make out" a distant sail, d. was always sent aloft, glass in hand, to tell us all about her. as a matter of course, when the question came to be discussed, as to who the look-out should be, on the occasion of running by the enemy, i thought of d. he was, accordingly, stationed on the forecastle, with the best night-glass in the ship. poor d.! if he saw one _iroquois_, that night, he must have seen fifty. once, he reported her lying right "athwart our fore-foot," and i even stopped the engine, on his report, and went forward, myself, to look for her. she was nowhere to be seen. now she was bearing down upon our bow, and now upon our quarter. i was obliged to degrade him, in the first ten minutes of the run; and, from that time, onward, he never heard the last of the _iroquois_. the young foretop-men, in particular, whose duty it was to take the regular look-out aloft, and who had become jealous of his being sent up to their stations, so often, to make out sails, which they could give no account of, were never tired of poking fun at him, and asking him about the _iroquois_. [illustration: the sumter running the blockade of st. pierre, martinique, by the enemy's ship, "iroquois" on the d nov. . kelly, piet & co. publishers.----lith. by a. hoen & co. balto.] the first half hour's run was a very anxious one for us, as the reader may suppose. we could not know, of course, at what moment the _iroquois_, becoming sensible of her error, might retrace her steps. it was a marvel, indeed, that she had not seen us. our chimney was vomiting forth dense volumes of black smoke, that ought to have betrayed us, even if our hull had been invisible. i was quite relieved, therefore, as i saw the lights of the town fading, gradually, in the distance, and no pursuer near; and when a friendly rain squall overtook us, and enveloping us in its folds, travelled along with us, for some distance, i felt assured that our run had been a success. coming up with the south end of the island of dominica, we hauled in for the coast, and ran along it, at a distance of four or five miles. it was now half-past eleven, and the moon had risen. the sea continued smooth, and nothing could exceed the beauty of that night-scene, as we ran along this picturesque coast. the chief feature of the landscape was its weird-like expression, and aspect of most profound repose. mountain, hill, and valley lay slumbering in the moonlight; no living thing, except ourselves, and now and then, a coasting vessel close in with the land, that seemed also to be asleep, being seen. even the town of rousseau, whose white walls we could see shimmering in the moonlight, seemed more like a city of the dead, than of the living. not a solitary light twinkled from a window. to add to the illusion, wreaths of mist lay upon the mountain-sides, and overhung the valleys, almost as white, and solemn looking as winding-sheets. we came up with the north end of dominica, at about two a. m., and a notable change now took place, in the weather. dense, black clouds rolled up, from every direction, and amid the crashing, and rattling of thunder, and rapid, and blinding lightning, the rain began to fall in torrents. i desired to double the north end of the island, and to enable me to do this, i endeavored, in sea phrase, to "hold on to the land." the weather was so thick, and dark, at times, that we could scarcely see the length of the ship, and we were obliged often to slow down, and even stop the engine. for an hour or two, we literally groped our way, like a blind man; an occasional flash of lightning being our only guide. presently the water began to whiten, and we were startled to find that we were running on shore, in prince rupert's bay, instead of having doubled the end of the island, as we had supposed. we hauled out in a hurry. it was broad daylight, before we were through the passage, when we were struck by a strong northeaster, blowing almost a gale. i now drew aft the try-sail sheets, and heading the ship to the n. n. w., went below and turned in, after, as the reader has seen, an eventful night. the sailor has one advantage over the soldier. he has always a dry hammock, and a comfortable roof over his head; and the reader may imagine how i enjoyed both of these luxuries, as stripping off my wet clothing, i consigned my weary head to my pillow, and permitted myself to be sung to sleep by the lullaby chanted by the storm. we learned from the yankee papers, subsequently captured, that the _dacotah_, one of the enemy's fast steam-sloops, of the class of the _iroquois_, arrived at st. pierre, the day after we "left"--time enough to condole with her consort, on the untoward event. in due time, captain palmer was deprived of his command--the naval department of the federal government obeying the insane clamors of the "unwashed," as often as heads were called for. the day after our escape from martinique was sunday, and we made it, emphatically, a day of rest--even the sunday muster being omitted, in consideration of the crew having been kept up nearly all the preceding night. i slept late, nothing having been seen to render it necessary to call me. when i came on deck, the weather still looked angry, with a dense bank of rain-clouds hanging over the islands we had left, and the stiff northeaster blowing as freshly as before. we were now running by the island of deseada, distant about ten miles. at noon we observed in latitude ° ', and, during the day, we showed the french colors to a french bark, running for guadeloupe, and to a swedish brig standing in for the islands. being in the track of commerce, and the night being dark, we carried, for the first time, our side-lights, to guard against collision. it was a delightful sensation to breathe the free air of heaven, and to feel the roll of the sea once more; and as i sat that evening, in the midst of my officers, and smoked my accustomed cigar, i realized the sense of freedom, expressed by the poet, in the couplet,-- "far as the breeze can bear, the billow foam, survey our empire, and behold our home!" we had no occasion, here, to discuss jurisdictions, or talk about marine leagues; or be bothered by _iroquois_, or bamboozled by french governors. _monday, november th._--morning clear, with trade-clouds and a fresh breeze. we are still holding on to our steam, and are pushing our way to the eastward; my intention being to cross the atlantic, and see what can be accomplished in european waters. we may be able to exchange the _sumter_ for a better ship. at seven, this morning, we gave chase to a yankee-looking hermaphrodite brig. we showed her the united states colors, and were disappointed to see her hoist the english red in reply. in the afternoon, a large ship was descried running down in our direction. when she approached sufficiently near, we hoisted again the united states colors, and hove her to with a gun. as she rounded to the wind, in obedience to the signal, the stars and stripes were run up to her peak. the wind was blowing quite fresh, but the master and his papers were soon brought on board, when it appeared that our prize was the ship _montmorency_, of bath, maine, from newport, in wales, and bound to st. thomas, with a cargo of coal, for the english mail-steamers rendezvousing at that island. her cargo being properly documented, as english property, we could not destroy her, but put her under a ransom bond, for her supposed value, and released her. we received on board from her, however, some cordage and paints; and captain brown was civil enough to send me on board, with his compliments, some bottles of port wine and a box of excellent cigars. the master and crew were parolled, not to serve against the confederate states during the war, unless exchanged. i began, now, to find that the yankee masters, mates, and sailors rather liked being parolled; they would sometimes remind us of it, if they thought we were in danger of forgetting it. it saved them from being conscripted, unless the enemy was willing first to exchange them; and nothing went so hard with the enemy as to exchange a prisoner. with cold-blooded cruelty, the enemy had already counted his chances of success, as based upon the relative numbers of the two combatants, and found that, by killing a given number of our prisoners by long confinement--the same number of his being killed by us, by the same process--he could beat us! in pursuance of this diabolical policy, he threw every possible difficulty in the way of exchanges, and toward the latter part of the war put a stop to them nearly entirely. our prisons were crowded with his captured soldiers. we were hard pressed for provisions, and found it difficult to feed them, and we were even destitute of medicines and hospital stores, owing to the barbarous nature of the war that was being made upon us. not even a bottle of quinine or an ounce of calomel was allowed to cross the border, if the enemy could prevent it. with a full knowledge of these facts, he permitted his soldiers to sigh and weep away their lives in a hopeless captivity--coolly "calculating," that one confederate life was worth, when weighed in the balance of final success, from three to four of the lives of his own men! the enemy, since the war, has become alarmed at the atrocity of his conduct, and at the judgment which posterity will be likely to pass upon it, and has set himself at work, to falsify history, with his usual disregard of truth. committees have been raised, in the federal congress, composed of unscrupulous partisans, whose sole object it was, to prepare the false material, with which to mislead the future historian. perjured witnesses have been brought before these committees, and their testimony recorded as truth. to show the partisan nature of these committees, when it was moved by some member--northern member, of course, for there are no southern members, at this present writing, in the rump parliament--to extend the inquiry, so as to embrace the treatment of southern prisoners, in northern prisons, the amendment was rejected! it was not the truth, but falsehood that was wanted. fortunately for the southern people, there is one little record which it is impossible to obliterate. _more men perished in northern prisons, where food and medicines were abundant, than in southern prisons, where they were deficient--and this, too, though the south held the greater number of prisoners. see report of secretary stanton._ chapter xxi. the sumter pursues her voyage across the atlantic--capture and burning of the arcade, vigilant, and ebenezer dodge--a leaky ship, and a gale--an alarm of fire. the morning of the th of november dawned clear, with the wind more moderate, and a smoother sea. a ship of war being seen to windward, running down in our direction, we beat to quarters, and hoisted the u. s. colors. she was a heavy ship, but being a sailing vessel, we had nothing to fear, even if she should prove to be an enemy. indeed, it would have been only sport for us, to fall in with one of the enemy's old time sailing-frigates. our agile little steamer, with her single long-range gun, could have knocked her into pie, as the printers say, before the majestic old thing could turn round. it was in the morning watch, when holystones and sand, and scrubbing-brushes and soap were the order of the hour, and we surprised the stranger, consequently, in her morning dishabille, for her rigging was filled with scrubbed hammocks, and a number of well-filled clothes-lines were stretched between her main and mizzen shrouds. she proved to be spanish; and was steering apparently for the island of cuba. we observed to-day in latitude ° '; the longitude, as told by our faithful chronometer, being ° '. by the way, one of my amusements, now, was to wind and compare a number of chronometers, daily. the nautical instruments were almost the only things, except provisions, and clothing for the crew, that we could remove from our prizes. i never permitted any other species of property to be brought on board. we had no room for it, and could not have disposed of it, except by violating the laws of neutral nations, and converting our ship into a trader; neither one of which comported with the duties which i had in hand, viz., the rapid destruction of the enemy's commerce. i should have had no objection to receiving, on deposit, for safe keeping, any funds that i might have found on board the said prizes, but the beggarly yankee masters never carried any. a few hundred dollars for ship's expenses was all that was ever found, and sometimes not even this--the master having, generally, an order on his consignee, for what moneys he might need. i sometimes captured these orders, and a stray bill of exchange for a small amount, but of course i could make no use of them. the steamship has not only revolutionized commerce, and war, but exchanges. long before the arrival of the tardy sailing-ship, at her destined port, with her ponderous cargo, the nimble mail-steamer deposits a duplicate of her invoice, and bill of lading, with the merchant to whom she is consigned; and when the ship has landed her cargo, the same, or another steamer, takes back a bill of exchange, for the payment of the freight. the masters of my prizes frequently remonstrated against my capturing their chronometers; in some instances claiming them as their own individual property. when they would talk to me about private property, i would ask to whom their ships belonged--whether to a private person, or the government? they at once saw the drift of the question, and there was an end of the argument. i was making war upon the enemy's commerce--and especially upon the ship, the vehicle of commerce, and the means and appliances by which she was navigated. if her chronometers, sextants, telescopes, and charts were left in possession of the master, they would be transferred to, and used in the navigation of some other ship. the fact that these instruments belonged to other parties, than the ship-owners, could not make the least difference--ship and instruments were all private property, alike, and alike subject to capture. silly newspaper editors have published a good deal of nonsense, mixed with a good deal of malice, on this subject. it is only their nonsense that i propose to correct--their abuse was something to be expected under the circumstances. being dependent upon the patronage of ship-owners and ship-masters, for the prosperity of their papers, abuse of the _sumter_, during the war, came as naturally to them, as whittling a stick. no prisoner of mine was ever disturbed in the possession of his strictly personal effects. under this head were included his watch, and his jewelry, as well as his wardrobe. every boarding-officer had orders to respect these, nor do i believe that the orders were ever violated. i will not detain the reader to contrast this conduct, with the shameful house-burnings, robberies, and pilferings, by both officers and men, that accompanied the march of the enemy's armies, through the southern states. it would be well for human nature, if the record made by these men, lost to every sense of manliness and shame, could be obliterated; but as the wicked deeds of men live after them, our common history, and our common race will long have to bear the disgrace of their acts. soon after passing the spanish ship, sail ho! was cried from the mast-head, in a sharp, energetic voice, as though the look-out had, this time, scented real game. the chase was one of those well-known schooners, twice before described in these pages, as being unmistakable--hence the energy that had been thrown into the voice of the look-out. she soon came in sight from the deck, when we gave chase. in a couple of hours we had come up with, and hove her to, with a gun. she proved to be the _arcade_, from portland, me., with a load of staves, bound to guadeloupe, where she intended to exchange her staves for rum and sugar. the owner of the staves had not thought it worth while to certify, that his property was neutral, and so we had no difficulty with the papers. we had not made much of a prize. the little craft was sailed too economically to afford us even a spare barrel of provisions. the number of mouths on board were few, and the rations had been carefully adjusted to the mouths. and so, having nothing to transfer to the _sumter_, except the master and crew, we applied the torch to her, in a very few minutes. the staves being well seasoned, she made a beautiful bonfire, and lighted us over the seas, some hours after dark. during the night, the wind lulled, and became variable, and we hauled down the fore and aft sails, and brought the ship's head to the north-east. the prize had no newspapers on board, but we learned from the master, that the great naval expedition, which the enemy had been sometime in preparing, and about which there had been no little mystery, had at last struck at port royal, in south carolina. an immense fleet of ships of war, with thirty-three transports, and an army of , men, had been sent to capture a couple of mud forts, armed with and -pounders, and garrisoned with three or four hundred raw troops. our next batch of newspapers from new york, brought us the despatches of commodore dupont, the commander of this expedition, exceeding in volume anything that nelson or collingwood had ever written. plates, and diagrams showed how the approaches had been buoyed, and the order of battle was described, with minute prolixity. i cannot forbear giving to the reader, the names of the ships, that participated in this great naval victory, with their loss in killed and wounded, after an engagement that lasted four mortal hours. the ships were the _wabash_, the _susquehanna_, the _mohican_, the _seminole_, the _pawnee_, the _unadilla_, the _ottawa_, the _pembina_, the _isaac smith_, the _bienville_, the _seneca_, the _curlew_, the _penguin_, the _augusta_, the _r. b. forbes_, the _pocahontas_, the _mercury_, the _vandalia_, and the _vixen_--total . the killed were --not quite half a man apiece; and the seriously wounded ! _november th._--morning thick, with heavy clouds and rain, clearing as the day advanced. afternoon clear, bright weather, with a deep blue sea, and the trade-wind blowing half a gale from the north-east. at six p. m., put all sail on the ship, and let the steam go down. we had already consumed half our fuel, and it became necessary to make the rest of our way to europe under sail. our boilers had been leaking for several days, and the engineer availed himself of the opportunity to repair them. the weather is sensibly changing in temperature. we are in latitude ° ', and the thermometer has gone down to °--for the first time, in five months. we have crossed, to-day, the track of the homeward-bound ships, both from the cape of good hope, and cape horn, but have seen no sail. we cannot delay to cruise in this track, as we have barely water enough, on board, to last us across the atlantic. _november th._--weather changeable, and squally--wind frequently shifting during the day, giving indications of our approach to the northern limit of the trade-wind, crossing which we shall pass into the variables. _november th._--thick, ugly weather--this term ugly being very expressive in the seaman's vocabulary. the wind is veering, as before, blowing half a gale, all the time, and a cold rain is pouring down, at intervals, causing the sailors to haul on their woollen jackets, and hunt up their long-neglected sou'westers. we observed in latitude ° ' to-day; the longitude being ° '. _november th._--the morning has dawned bright, and beautiful, with a perfectly clear sky. the boisterous wind of yesterday has disappeared, and we have nearly a calm--the sea wearing its darkest tint of azure. we are, in fact, in the calm-belt of cancer, and having no fuel to spare, we must be content to creep through it under sail, as best we may. a sail has been reported from aloft. it is a long way off, and we forbear to chase. _december st._--another beautiful, bright, morning, with a glassy sea, and a calm. this being the first of the month, the sailors are drawing their clothing, and "small stores" from the paymaster, under the supervision of the officers of the different divisions. the paymaster's steward is the shopman, on the occasion, and he is "serving" a jacket to one, a shirt to another, and a pair of shoes to a third. his assortment is quite varied, for besides the requisite clothing, he has tobacco, and pepper, and mustard; needles, thimbles, tape, thread, and spool-cotton; ribbons, buttons, jack-knives, &c. jack is not allowed to indulge in all these luxuries, _ad lib._ he is like a school-boy, under the care of his preceptor; he must have his wants approved by the officer of the division to which he belongs. to enable this officer to act understandingly, jack spreads out his wardrobe before him, every month. if he is deficient a shirt, or a pair of trousers, he is permitted to draw them; if he has plenty, and still desires more, his extravagance is checked. these articles are all charged to him, at cost, with the addition of a small percentage, to save the government from loss. when the monthly requisitions are all complete, they are taken to the captain, for his approval, who occasionally runs his pencil through a _third_, or a _fourth_ pound of tobacco, when an inveterate old chewer, or smoker is using the weed to excess; he rarely interferes in other respects. on the present occasion, woollen garments are in demand; jack, with a prudent forethought, preparing himself for the approaching change in the climate. much of the clothing, which the sailor wears, is made up with his own hands. he is entirely independent of the other sex, in this respect, and soon becomes very expert with the needle. the d of december brought us another prize. the wind was light from the south-east, and the stranger was standing in our direction. this was fortunate, as we might hope to capture him by stratagem, without the use of steam. the _sumter_, when not under steam, and with her smoke-stack lowered, might be taken for a clumsy-looking bark. throwing a spare sail over the lowered smoke-stack, to prevent it from betraying us, we hoisted the french flag, and stood on our course, apparently unconscious of the approaching stranger. we were running free, with the starboard studding-sails set, and when the stranger, who, by this time, had hoisted the united states colors, crossed our bows, we suddenly took in all the studding-sails, braced sharp up, tacked, and fired a gun, at the same moment. the stranger at once hauled up his courses, and backed his main-topsail. he was already under our guns. the clumsy appearance of the _sumter_, and the french flag had deceived him. the prize proved to be the _vigilant_, a fine new ship, from bath, maine, bound to the guano island of sombrero, in the west indies; some new yorkers having made a lodgment on this barren little island, and being then engaged in working it for certain phosphates of lime, which they called mineral guano. we captured a rifled -pounder gun, with a supply of fixed ammunition, on board the _vigilant_, and some small arms. we fired the ship at three p. m., and made sail on our course. the most welcome part of this capture was a large batch of new york newspapers, as late as the st of november. the yankees of that ilk had heard of the blockade of the "pirate _sumter_," by the _iroquois_, but they hadn't heard of captain palmer's rueful breakfast on the morning of the th of november. these papers brought us a graphic description of the gallant ram exploit, of commodore hollins, of the confederate navy, at the mouth of the mississippi, on the th of october. this exploit is remarkable as being the first practical application of the iron-clad ram to the purposes of war. some ingenious steamboat-men, in new orleans, with the consent of the navy department, had converted the hull of a steam-tug into an iron-clad, by means of bars of railroad iron fastened to the hull of the boat, and to a frame-work above the deck fitted to receive them; a stout iron prow being secured to the bow of the boat, several feet below the water-line. in this curious nondescript, which the enemy likened to a smoking mud-turtle, the gallant commodore assaulted the enemy's fleet, lying at the old anchorage of the _sumter_, at the "head of the passes," consisting of the _richmond_, _vincennes_, _preble_, and _water witch_. the assault was made at four o'clock in the morning, and caused great consternation and alarm among the enemy. the _richmond_, lying higher up the pass than the other ships, was first assaulted--some of her planks being started, below the water-line, by the concussion of the ram, though the blow was broken by a coal-schooner, which, fortunately for her, was lying alongside. as the ram drew off, a broadside of the _richmond's_ guns was fired into her, without effect. after this harmless broadside, the ships all got under way, in great haste, and fled down the pass, the ram pursuing them, but hollins was unable, from the effect of the current, and the speed of the fleeing ships, to get another blow at them. the _richmond_ and the _vincennes_ grounded, for a short time, on the bar, in their hurry to get out, but the former was soon got afloat again. in the confusion and panic of the moment, the _vincennes_ was abandoned by her captain, who left a slow match burning. commodore hollins, finding that nothing more could be accomplished, threw a few shells at the alarmed fleet, and withdrew. the _vincennes_, not blowing up, and the enemy recovering from his panic, her captain was ordered to return to her, and she was finally saved with the rest of the fleet. this little experiment was the _avant courier_ of a great change, in naval warfare--especially for harbor and coast defence. the enemy, with his abundant resources, greatly improved upon it, and his "monitor" system was the result. _december th._--weather clear, and becoming cool--thermometer, °. we have run some miles to the eastward, during the last twenty-four hours, under sail, and as we are dragging our propeller through the water, i need not tell the reader what a smacking breeze we have had. it is delightful to be making so much easting, under sail, after having been buffeted so spitefully, by the east wind, for the last five months, whenever we have turned our head in that direction. ten of the crew of the _vigilant_ are blacks, and as our ship is leaking so badly that the constant pumping is fagging to the crew, i have set the blacks at the pumps, with their own consent. the fact is, some of these fellows, who are runaway slaves, have already recognized "master," and whenever i pass them, grin pleasantly, and show the whites of their eyes. they are agreeably disappointed, that they are not "drawn, hung, and quartered," and rather enjoy the change to the _sumter_, where they have plenty of time to bask in the sun, and the greasiest of pork and beans without stint. in arranging the _vigilant's_ crew into messes, a white bean and a black bean have been placed, side by side, at the mess-cloth, my first lieutenant naturally concluding, that the white sailors of the yankee ship would like to be near their colored brethren. cæsar and pompey, having an eye to fun, enjoy this arrangement hugely, and my own crew are not a little amused, as the boatswain pipes to dinner, to see the gravity with which the darkies take their seats by the side of their white comrades. this was the only mark of "citizenship," however, which i bestowed upon these sons of ham. i never regarded them as prisoners of war--always discharging them, when the other prisoners were discharged, without putting them under parole. _december th._--weather thick and ugly--the wind hauling to the north, and blowing very fresh for a while. reefed the topsails. at noon, the weather was so thick, that no observations could be had for fixing the position of the ship--latitude, by dead reckoning, ° '; longitude ° '. during the afternoon and night, it blew a gale from n. e. to e. n. e. furled the mainsail, and set the reefed trysail instead; and the wind still increasing, before morning we hauled up and furled the foresail. for the next two or three days, we had a series of easterly gales, compelling me to run somewhat farther north than i had intended. we carried very short sail, and most of the time we were shut down below--that is, such of the crew as were not on watch--with tarpaulin-covered hatches, and a cold, driving rain falling almost incessantly. what with the howling of the gale, as it tears through the rigging, the rolling and pitching of the ship, in the confused, irregular sea, and the jog, jog, jog of the pumps, through half the night, i have had but little rest. _december th._--this is an anniversary with me. on this day, fifteen years ago, the united states brig-of-war _somers_, of which i was the commander, was capsized and sunk, off vera cruz, having half her crew, of officers and men, drowned. it occurred during the mexican war. i was left alone to blockade the port of vera cruz--commodore connor, the commander of the squadron, having gone with his other ships on an expedition to tampico. there being every appearance of a norther on that eventful morning, i was still at my anchors, under _isla verde_, or green island, where i had sought refuge the preceding night. suddenly a sail was reported, running down the northern coast, as though she would force the blockade. it would never do to permit this; and so the little _somers_--these ten-gun brigs were called coffins in that day--was gotten under way, and under her topsails and courses, commenced beating up the coast, to intercept the stranger. i had gone below, for a moment, when the officer of the deck, coming to the companion-way, called to me, and said that "the water looked black and roughened ahead, as though more wind than usual was coming." i sprang upon deck, and saw, at the first glance, that a norther was upon us. i immediately ordered everything clewed down and brailed up, but before the order could be executed, the gale came sweeping on with the fury of a whirlwind, and in less time than i have been describing the event, the little craft was thrown on her beam-ends, her masts and sails lying flat upon the surface of the sea, and the water pouring in at every hatchway and scuttle. i clambered to the weather side of the ship, and seeing that she must go down in a few minutes, set my first lieutenant at work to extricate the only boat that was available--the weather-quarter boat, all the others being submerged--from her fastenings, to save as much life as possible. this was fortunately done, and the boat being put in charge of a midshipman, the non-combatant officers, as the surgeon and paymaster; the midshipmen, and such of the boys of the ship as could not swim, were permitted to get into her. so perfect was the discipline, though death, within the next ten minutes, stared every man in the face, that there was no rush for this boat. a large man was even ordered out of her, to make room for two lads, who could not swim, and he obeyed the order as a matter of course! this boat having shoved off from the sinking ship, the order was given, "every man save himself, who can!" whereupon there was a simultaneous plunge into the now raging sea, of a hundred men and more, each struggling for his life. the ship sank out of sight in a moment afterward. we were in twenty fathoms of water. divesting myself of all my clothing, except my shirt and drawers, i plunged into the sea with the rest, and, being a good swimmer, struck out for and reached a piece of grating, which had floated away from the ship as she went down. swimming along, with one arm resting on this grating, i felt one of my feet touch something, and, at the same moment, heard a voice exclaiming, "it is i, captain; it is parker, the second lieutenant--give me a part of your grating, i am a good swimmer, and we shall get along the better together." i, accordingly, shared my grating with parker, and we both struck out, manfully, for the shore, distant no more than about a mile; but, unfortunately, the now raging gale was sweeping down parallel with the coast, and we were compelled to swim at right angles with the waves and the wind, if we would save ourselves; for once swept past the coast of the island, and the open sea lay before us, whence there was no rescue! as we would rise upon the top of a wave, and get a view of the "promised land," the reader may imagine how anxious our consultations were, as to whether we were gaining, or losing ground! in the meantime, the boat, which had shoved off from the ship, as described, had reached the island, half-swamped, and discharging her passengers, and freeing herself from water as soon as possible, pushed out again into the raging caldron of waters, under the gallant midshipman, who had charge of her, in the endeavor to rescue some of the drowning crew. she came, by the merest accident, upon parker and myself! we were hauled into her more dead than alive, and after she had picked up two, or three others--all that could now be seen--she again returned to the shore. my first lieutenant, mr. g. l. claiborne, was saved, as by a miracle, being dashed on shore--he having struck out, in the opposite direction, for the mainland--between two ledges of rock, separated only by a span of sand beach. if he had been driven upon the rocks, instead of the beach, he must have been instantly dashed in pieces. the reader will, perhaps, pardon me, for having remembered these eventful scenes of my life, as i wrote in my journal, on board the leaky little _sumter_, amid the howling of another gale, _the_ "_eighth day of december_." on _this_ eighth day of december, , however, the record is very different, it being as follows: "at ten a. m. descried a sail from the deck, startlingly close to; so thick has been the weather. the stranger being a bark, taunt-rigged, with sky-sail poles, and under top-sails, we mistook him at first for a cruiser, and raised our smoke-stack, and started the fires in the furnaces. having done this, we approached him somewhat cautiously, keeping the weather-gauge of him, and showed him the united states colors. he soon hoisted the same. getting a nearer view of him, we now discovered him to be a whaler. the engineer at once discontinued his "firing up," and the smoke-stack was again lowered, to its accustomed place. upon being boarded, the bark proved to be the _eben. dodge_, twelve days out, from new bedford, and bound on a whaling voyage to the pacific ocean. she had experienced a heavy gale, had sprung some of her spars, and was leaking badly--hence the easy sail she had been under. although the sea was still very rough, and the weather lowering, we got on board from the prize, some water, and provisions, clothing, and small stores. the supply of pea-jackets, whalers' boots, and flannel over-shirts, which our paymaster had been unable to procure in the west indies, was particularly acceptable to us, battling, as we now were, with the gales of the north atlantic, in the month of december. we brought away from her, also, two of her fine whale-boats, so valuable in rough weather; making room for them on deck, by the side of the _sumter's_ launch. the crew of the _dodge_, consisting of twenty-two persons, made a considerable addition to our small community. we fired the prize at half-past six, p. m., as the shades of evening were closing in, and made sail on our course. the flames burned red and lurid in the murky atmosphere, like some jack-o'-lantern; now appearing, and now disappearing, as the doomed ship rose upon the top, or descended into the abyss of the waves. having now forty-three prisoners on board, and there never being, at one time, so many of the _sumter's_ crew on watch, it became necessary for me to think of precautions. it would be easy for forty-three courageous men, to rise upon a smaller number, sleeping carelessly about the decks, and wrest from them the command of the ship. hitherto i had given the prisoners the run of the ship, putting no more restrictions upon them, than upon my own men, but this could no longer be. i therefore directed my first lieutenant to put one-half of the prisoners in single irons--that is, with manacles on the wrists only--alternately, for twenty-four hours at a time. the prisoners, themselves, seeing the necessity of this precaution, submitted cheerfully to the restraint--for as such only they viewed it--and not as an indignity. we received another supply of late newspapers, by the _dodge_. they were still filled with jubilations over dupont's great naval victory. we learned, too, that new england had been keeping, with more than usual piety and pomp, the great national festival of "thanksgiving," which the puritan has substituted for the christian christmas. the pulpit thundered war and glory, the press dilated upon the wealth and resources of the universal yankee _nation_, and hecatombs of fat pigs and turkeys fed the hungry multitudes--pulpit, press, pig, and turkey, all thanking god, that the puritan is "not like unto other men." _december th._--the weather remains still unsettled. the wind, during the last five or six days, has gone twice around the compass, never stopping in the west, but lingering in the east. the barometer has been in a constant state of fluctuation, and there will, doubtless, be a grand climax before the atmosphere regains its equilibrium. these easterly winds are retarding our passage very much, and taxing our patience. observed, to-day, in latitude ° '; the longitude being ° '. the next day, the weather culminated, sure enough, in a gale. the barometer began to settle, in the morning watch, and dense black clouds, looking ragged and windy, soon obscured the sun, and spread an ominous pall over the entire heavens. i at once put the ship under easy sail; that is to say, clewed up everything but the topsails and trysails, and awaited the further progress of the storm. the wind was as yet light, but the barometer, which had stood at ° ' at eight o'clock, had fallen to ° ' by two p. m. the dense canopy of clouds now settled lower and lower, circumscribing more and more our horizon, and presently fitful gusts of wind would strike the sails, pressing the ship over a little. it was time to reef. all hands were turned up, and the close reefs were taken, both in topsails and trysails; the jib hauled down and stowed, and the top-gallant yards sent down from aloft. the squalls increasing in frequency and force, the gale became fully developed by three p. m. the wind, which we first took from about e. s. e., backed to the n. e., but did not remain long in that quarter, returning to east. it now began to blow furiously from this latter quarter, the squalls being accompanied by a driving, blinding rain; the barometer going down, ominously down, all the while. as the night closed in, an awful scene presented itself. the aspect of the heavens was terrific. the black clouds overhead were advancing and retreating like squadrons of opposing armies, whilst loud peals of thunder, and blinding flashes of lightning that would now and then run down the conductor, and hiss as they leaped into the sea, added to the elemental strife. a streaming scud, which you could almost touch with your hand, was meanwhile hurrying past, screeching and screaming, like so many demons, as it rushed through the rigging. the sea was mountainous, and would now and then strike the little _sumter_ with such force as to make her tremble in every fibre of her frame. i had remained on deck during most of the first watch, looking anxiously on, to see what sort of weather we were going to make. the ship behaved nobly, but i had no confidence in her strength. her upper works, in particular, were very defective. her bends, above the main deck, were composed of light pine stanchions and inch plank, somewhat strengthened in the bows. seeing the fury of the gale, and that the barometer was still settling, i went below about midnight, and turned in to get a little rest, with many misgivings. i had scarcely fallen into an uneasy slumber, when an old quartermaster, looking himself like the demon of the storm, with his dishevelled hair and beard dripping water, and his eyes blinking in the light of his lantern, shook my cot, and said, "we've stove in the starboard bow-port, sir, and the gun-deck is all afloat with water!" here was what i had feared; unless we could keep the water out of the between-decks, all the upper works, and the masts along with them, would be gone in a trice. i hurried at once to the scene of disaster, but before i could reach it, my energetic and skilful first lieutenant had already, by the aid of some planks and spare spars, erected a barricade that would be likely to answer our purpose. the gale lulled somewhat in an hour or two afterward, and i now got some sleep. i was on deck again, however, at daylight. the same thick gloom overspread the heavens, the scud was flying as furiously, and as low as before, and the gale was raging as fiercely as ever. but we had one great comfort, and that was _daylight_. we could see the ship and the heavens--there was nothing else visible--and this alone divested the gale of half its terrors. at last, at six a. m., the barometer reached its lowest point, . , which, in the latitude we were in, was a very low barometer. any one who has watched a barometer under similar circumstances, will understand the satisfaction with which i saw the little tell-tale begin to rise. it whispered to me as intelligibly as if it had been a living thing, "the gale is broken!" we had been lying to, all this time, under a close-reefed main-topsail. we now bore up under a reefed foresail, and kept the ship on her course, east by south. she scudded as beautifully as she had lain to, darting ahead like an arrow, on the tops of the huge waves that followed her like so many hungry wolves, and shaking the foam and spray from her bows, as if in disdain and contempt of the lately howling storm. _december th._--weather clear, with passing clouds. wind fresh from the south-west, but abating, with a rapidly rising barometer. the cyclone, for such evidently the late gale was, had a diameter of from three hundred and fifty to four hundred miles. we took it in its northern hemisphere--the gale travelling north. hence it passed over us in nearly its entire diameter--the vortex at no great distance from us. observed in latitude ° '; the longitude being ° '. repairing damages. the ship leaks so badly as to require to be pumped out twice in each watch. during the heaviest of the gale, the masters and mates of the captured ships offered their services, like gallant men, to assist in taking care of the ship. we thanked them, but were sufficiently strong-handed ourselves. _december th._--we had an alarm of fire on the berth deck last night. the fire-bell, sounded suddenly in a sleeping city, has a startling effect upon the aroused sleepers, but he who has not heard it, can have no conception of the knell-like sound of the cry of fire! shouted from the lungs of an alarmed sailor on board a ship, hundreds of miles away from any land. it is the suddenness with which the idea of danger presents itself, quite as much as the extent of the danger, which intimidates. hence the panics which often ensue, when a ship is discovered to be on fire. ships of war, as a rule, are not the subjects of panics. discipline keeps all the passions and emotions under control, as well those which arise from fear, as from lawlessness. we had no panic on board the _sumter_, although appearances were sufficiently alarming for a few moments. a smoke was suddenly seen arising through one of the ventilators forward, in the dead hour of the night, when except the sentry's lantern and the lamp in the binnacle, there should be no other fire in the ship. the midshipman of the watch, upon rushing below, found one of the prisoners' mattresses on fire. the flames were soon smothered, and the whole danger was over before the ship's crew were fairly aroused. some prisoner, in violation of orders, had lighted his pipe for a smoke, after hours, and probably gone to sleep with it in his mouth. the prisoner could not be identified, but there were two sentinels on post, and these in due time paid the penalty of their neglect. chapter xxii. voyage across the atlantic pursued--christmas-day on board the sumter--cape fly-away, and the curious illusion produced by it--the sumter passes from the desert parts of the sea, into a tract of commerce once more--boards a large fleet of ships in one day, but finds no enemy among them--arrival at cadiz. the punishment administered to the two delinquent sentinels mentioned in the last chapter, had the most salutary effect. seamen are very much like children, requiring the reins to be tightened upon them from time to time. i made it a rule on board the _sumter_, that punishment should follow the offence, with _promptitude_, and _certainty_, rather than severity; and this excellent rule had already performed marvels, in the matter of disciplining my ship. _sunday, december th._--a fine bright morning, with a moderate breeze from the north-west, and the weather just cool enough to be delightfully bracing. we mustered the crew this morning, and read the articles of war for the first time in three weeks, owing to the bad weather. i did not inspect the ship below, according to custom, the sea being still rough, and the water ankle-deep on the gun-deck in consequence. our new prisoners always looked upon the muster ceremonies on board the _sumter_, with curiosity, as though they were surprised to find so much order and discipline, and so much attention to dress and ceremony, on board the "pirate" of which they had read, and whose "cut" they had so often admired, in their truth-loving and truth-telling newspapers. the latitude, to-day, is °, and the longitude ° '. we were quite surprised to find so much bad weather in the parallel, on which we were crossing the atlantic. i had purposely chosen this parallel, that my little cock-boat of a ship might not be knocked in pieces, by the storms of the north atlantic, and yet the reader has seen how roughly we have been handled. nor were the fates more propitious for the next few days. gale followed gale, with angry skies, and cloud and rain; there sometimes being lightning around the entire horizon, with now rolling, now crashing thunder. i had intended when i left the west indies to touch at fayal, in the azores, for coal and water, but i found these islands so guarded and defended, by the genius of the storm, that it would require several days of patience and toil, to enable me to reach an anchorage in one of them. i therefore determined to pass them, and haul up for the southern coast of spain, running finally into cadiz. christmas day was passed by us on the lonely sea, in as doleful a manner as can well be conceived. the weather is thus described in my journal. "thermometer °; barometer . . heavy rain squalls--weather dirty, with lightning all around the horizon, indicating a change of wind at any moment. under short sail during the night." the only other record of the day was that we "spliced the main brace;" that is, gave jack an extra glass of grog. groups of idle sailors lay about the decks, "overhauling a range of their memories;" how they had spent the last christmas-day, in some "wapping," or "wide water street," with the brimming goblet in hand, and the merry music of the dance sounding in their ears. nor were the memories of the officers idle. they clasped in fancy their loved ones, now sad and lonely, to their bosoms once more, and listened to the prattle of the little ones they had left behind. not the least curious of the changes that had taken place since the last christmas day, was the change in their own official positions. they were, most of them, on that day, afloat under the "old flag." that flag now looked to them strange and foreign. they had some of their own countrymen on board; not, as of yore, as welcome visitors, but as prisoners. these, too, wore a changed aspect--enemy, instead of friend, being written upon their faces. the two "rival nations," spoken of by de tocqueville, stood face to face. nature is stronger than man. she will not permit her laws to be violated with impunity, and if this war does not separate these _two nations_, other wars will. if we succeed in preserving the principle of state sovereignty--the only principle which can save this whole country, north and south, from utter wreck and ruin--all will be well, whatever combinations of particular states may be made, from time to time. the states being free, liberty will be saved, and they will gravitate naturally, like unto like--the puritan clinging to the puritan, and the cavalier to the cavalier. but if this principle be overthrown, if the mad idea be carried out, that all the american people must be moulded into a common mass, and form one consolidated government, under the rule of a _majority_--for no constitution will then restrain them--constitutional liberty will disappear, and no man can predict the future--except in so far, that it is impossible for the puritan, and the cavalier to live together in peace. on the next day, we witnessed a curious natural illusion. the look-out called land ho! from the mast-head. the officer of the watch saw the land at the same time from the deck, and sent a midshipman below to inform me that we had made "high land, right ahead." i came at once upon deck, and there, sure enough, was the land--a beautiful island, with its blue mountains, its plains, its wood-lands, its coast, all perfect. it was afternoon. the weather had been stormy, but had partially cleared. the sun was near his setting, and threw his departing rays full upon the newly discovered island, hanging over it, as a symbol that, for a time, there was to be a truce with the storm, a magnificent rainbow. so beautiful was the scene, and so perfect the illusion--there being no land within a couple of hundred miles of us--that all the crew had come on deck to witness it; and there was not one of them who would not have bet a month's pay that what he looked upon was a reality. the chief engineer was standing by me looking upon the supposed landscape, with perfect rapture. lowering the telescope through which i had been viewing it, i said to him, "you see, now, mr. f., how often men are deceived. you would no doubt swear that that is land." "why should i not, sir?" said he. "simply," rejoined i, "because it is cape fly-away." he turned and looked at me with astonishment, as though i were quizzing him, and said, "you surely do not mean to say, captain, that that is not land; it is not possible that one's senses can be so much deceived." "like yourself, i should have sworn it was land, if i did not know, from the position of the ship, that there is no land within a couple of hundred miles of us." reaching out his hand for my glass, i gave it to him, and as he viewed the island through it, i was much amused at his ejaculations of admiration, now at this beauty, and now at that. "why," said he, "there is the very coast, sand beach and all, with beautiful bays and indentations, as though inviting the _sumter_ to run in and anchor." as the sun sank lower and lower, withdrawing now one ray, and now another, first the rainbow began to disappear, and then the lower strata of the island to grow a little gray, and then the upper, until, as the sun dipped, the whole gorgeous fabric, of mountain, woodland, plain, and coast, was converted into a leaden-colored cloud-bank. the engineer handing me my glass, said, "captain, i will be a cautious witness hereafter, in a court of justice, when i am questioned as to a fact, which has only been revealed to me through a single sense." "i see," i replied, "that you are becoming a philosopher. many metaphysicians have maintained that all nature is a mere phantasmagoria, so far as our senses are capable of informing us." for the last two weeks, we had been crossing a desert tract of the ocean, where a sail is seldom seen. we now began to approach one of the beaten highways, over which a constant stream of travel is passing--the road leading from the various ports of europe to the equator and the coast of brazil, and thence east and west, as may be the destination of the wayfarer. _december th._--a fine, bright day, with the wind light from the south-west. at daylight, "sail ho!" came ringing from the mast-head. the sail crossing our bows, we took in our studding-sails, hauled up south-east, to intercept her, and got up steam. our latitude being ° ', and longitude ° ', we were within striking distance of cadiz or gibraltar, and could afford now to use a little steam. the chase did not reward us, however, as she proved to be english--being the ship _richibucto_, from liverpool, for vera cruz, laden with salt. we received from her some english newspapers, which gave us several items of interesting intelligence. all england was in mourning for the death of prince albert. the _trent_ affair was causing great excitement, and the confederate states steamer _nashville_, captain pegram, had arrived at southampton, having burned a large yankee ship, the _harvey birch_. this ship having been burned in the english channel, much attention was attracted to the act; especially as the ship was tea-laden, and supposed to be worth near half a million of dollars. the next day was rainy, with a light wind from the south-east. only two sails were seen, and to neither of them did we give chase; but on the morning of the th of december, we fell in with a perfect stream of ships. "sail ho!" was shouted at daylight from the mast-head, and repeated at short intervals, until as many as twenty-five were reported. we at once got up steam, and commenced chasing; but though we chased diligently, one ship after another, from eight o'clock in the morning until four in the afternoon, we did not overhaul a single ship of the enemy! we actually boarded sixteen sail, a number of others showing us their colors. the ships boarded were of the following nationalities:--four dutch, seven english, two french, one swedish, one prussian, one hamburg. here was quite a representation of the nations of europe, and i amused myself taking the vote of these ships, according to our american fashion, upon the war. their sentiments were elicited as follows:--i would first show them the united states colors, pretending to be a federal cruiser; i would then haul down these colors, and show them the confederate flag. the result was that but one ship--the prussian--saluted the united states flag, and that all the other ships, with one or two exceptions, saluted the confederate states flag. we were then beating the enemy, and the nations of the earth were worshipping success. so large a fleet of ships--not being a convoy--so far out at sea, was quite a curiosity, and may serve to show the landsman how accurately we have mapped out, upon the ocean, the principal highways of commerce. there were no mile-posts on the road these ships were travelling, it is true, but the road was none the less "blazed" out, for all that--the blazes being on the wind and current charts. the night succeeding this busy day set in cloudy and ugly, with a fresh breeze blowing from the eastward; and so continuous was the stream of ships, all sailing in the contrary direction from ourselves, that we had serious apprehensions of being run over. to guard against this, we set our side-lights, and stationed extra look-outs. several ships passed us during the night, hurrying forward on the wings of the wind, at a rapid rate, and sometimes coming so close, in the darkness, as almost to make one's hair stand on end. the next morning the weather became clear and beautiful, and the stream of ships had ceased. the reader may be curious to know the explanation of this current of ships. it is simple enough. they were all mediterranean ships. at the strait of gibraltar there is a constant current setting into the mediterranean. this current is of considerable strength, and the consequence is, that when the wind also sets into the strait--that is to say, when it is from the westward--it is impossible for a sailing-ship to get out of the strait into the atlantic. she is obliged to come to anchor in the bay of gibraltar, and wait for a change of wind. this is sometimes a long time in coming--the westerly winds continuing here, not unfrequently, two and three weeks at a time. as a matter of course, a large number of ships collect in the bay, waiting for an opportunity of exit. i have seen as many as a hundred sail at one time. in a few hours after a change of wind takes place, this immense fleet will all be under way, and such of them as are bound to the equator and the coast of brazil, the united states, west indies, and south america, will be found travelling the blazed road of which i have spoken; some taking the forks of the road, at their respective branching-off places, and others keeping the main track to the equator. hence the exodus the reader has witnessed. perhaps the reader needs another explanation--how it was, that amid all that fleet of ships, there was not one yankee. this explanation is almost as easy as the other. commerce is a sensitive plant, and at the rude touch of war it had contracted its branches. the enemy was fast losing his mediterranean trade, under the operation of high premiums for war risks. we began now to observe a notable change in the weather, as affected by the winds. along the entire length of the american coast, the clear winds are the west winds, the rain-winds being the east winds. here the rule is reversed; the west winds bringing us rains, and the east winds clear weather. the reason is quite obvious. the east winds, sweeping over the continent of europe, have nearly all of their moisture wrung out of them before they reach the sea; hence the dryness of these winds, when they salute the mariner cruising along the european coasts. starting now from the european seas as dry winds, they traverse a large extent of water before they reach the coasts of the united states. during the whole of this travel, these thirsty winds are drinking their fill from the sea, and by the time they reach portland or boston, they are heavily laden with moisture, which they now begin to let down again upon the land. hence, those long, gloomy, rainy, rheumatic, easterly storms, that prevail along our coast in the fall and winter months. the reader has now only to take up the west wind, as it leaves the pacific ocean, as a wet wind, and follow it across the american continent, and see how dry the mountains wring it before it reaches the atlantic, to see why it should bring us fair weather. the change was very curious to us at first, until we became a little used to it. another change was quite remarkable, and that was the great difference in temperature which we experienced with reference to latitude. here we were, in midwinter, or near it, off the south coast of spain, in latitude °, nearly that of cape henry at the entrance of the chesapeake bay, and unless the weather was wet, we had not felt the necessity of a pea-jacket. whence this difference? the cause, or causes, whatever they are, must, of course, be local; for other things being equal, the heat should be the same, on the same parallel of latitude, all around the globe which we inhabit. captain matthew f. maury, of the late confederate states' navy, to whom all nations accord, as by common consent, the title of philosopher of the seas, accounts for this difference of temperature in the following manner: "modern ingenuity has suggested a beautiful mode of warming houses in winter. it is done by means of hot water. the furnace and the caldron are sometimes placed at a distance from the apartment to be warmed. it is so at the observatory. in this case, pipes are used to conduct the heated water from the caldron under the superintendent's dwelling, over into one of the basement rooms of the observatory, a distance of one hundred feet. these pipes are then flared out, so as to present a large cooling surface; after which they are united into one again, through which the water, being now cooled, returns of its own accord to the caldron. thus, cool water is returning all the time, and flowing in at the bottom of the caldron, while hot water is continually flowing out at the top. the ventilation of the observatory is so arranged that the circulation of the atmosphere through it is led from this basement room, where the pipes are, to all parts of the building; and in the process of this circulation, the warmth conveyed by the water to the basement, is taken thence by the air; and distributed all over the rooms. "now, to compare small things with great, we have, in the warm waters which are confined in the gulf of mexico, just such a heating apparatus for great britain, the north atlantic, and western europe. the furnace is the torrid zone; the mexican gulf and caribbean sea are the caldrons; the gulf stream is the conducting-pipe. from the grand banks of new foundland to the shores of europe is the basement--the hot-air chambers--in which this pipe is flared out so as to present a large cooling surface. here the circulation of the atmosphere is arranged by nature, and it is such that the warmth conveyed into this warm-air chamber of mid-ocean is taken up by the genial west winds, and dispensed in the most benign manner, throughout great britain and the west of europe. the maximum temperature of the water-heated air-chamber of the observatory, is about °. the maximum temperature of the gulf stream is °, or about ° in excess of the ocean temperature due the latitude. increasing its latitude, °, it loses but ° of temperature; and after having run three thousand miles toward the north, it still preserves, even in winter, the heat of summer. "with this temperature it crosses the th degree of north latitude, and there, overflowing its liquid banks, it spreads itself out for thousands of square leagues over the cold waters around, and covers the ocean with a mantle of warmth that serves so much to mitigate in europe, the rigors of winter. moving now slowly, but dispensing its genial influences more freely, it finally meets the british islands. by these it is divided, one part going into the polar basin of spitzbergen, the other entering the bay of biscay, but each with a warmth considerably above the ocean temperature. such an immense volume of heated water cannot fail to carry with it beyond the seas a mild and moist atmosphere. and this it is which so much softens climates there. we know not, except approximately in one or two places, what the depth or the under temperature of the gulf stream may be; but assuming the temperature and velocity, at the depth of two hundred fathoms to be those of the surface, and taking the well-known difference between the capacity of air, and of water for specific heat as the argument, a simple calculation will show that the quantity of heat discharged over the atlantic from the waters of the gulf stream in a winter's day would be sufficient to raise the whole column of atmosphere that rests upon france, and the british islands from the freezing-point to summer heat. every west wind that blows, crosses the stream on its way to europe, and carries with it a portion of this heat to temper there the northern winds of winter. it is the influence of this stream upon climates, that makes erin the 'emerald isle of the sea,' and that clothes the shores of albion in evergreen robes; while in the same latitude on this side, the coasts of labrador are fast bound in fetters of ice." to pursue captain maury's theory a little farther: the flow of tepid waters does not cease at the bay of biscay, but continues along the coasts of spain and portugal, thence along the coast of africa, past madeira and the canaries, to the cape de verdes; where it joins the great equatorial current flowing westward, with which it returns again into the gulf of mexico. the _sumter_, being between madeira and the coast of spain, was within its influence. one word before i part with my friend maury. in common with thousands of mariners all over the world, i owe him a debt of gratitude, for his gigantic labors in the scientific fields of our profession; for the sailor may claim the philosophy of the seas as a part of his profession. a knowledge of the winds and the waves, and the laws which govern their motions is as necessary to the seaman as is the art of handling his ship, and to no man so much as to maury is he indebted for a knowledge of these laws. other distinguished co-laborers, as reid, redfield, espy, have contributed to the science, but none in so eminent a degree. they dealt in specialties--as, for instance, the storm--but he has grasped the whole science of meteorology--dealing as well in the meteorology of the water, if i may use the expression, as in that of the atmosphere. a tennesseean by birth, he did not hesitate when the hour came, "that tried men's souls." poor, and with a large family, he gave up the comfortable position of superintendent of the national observatory, which he held under the federal government, and cast his fortunes with the people of his state. he had not the courage to be a traitor, and sell himself for gold. the state of tennessee gave him birth; she carried him into the federal union, and she brought him out of it. scarcely any man who withdrew from the old service has been so vindictively, and furiously assailed as maury. the nationalists of the north,--and i mean by nationalists, the whole body of the northern people, who ignored the rights of the states, and claimed that the federal government was paramount,--had taken especial pride in maury and his labors. he, as well as the country at large, belonged to them. they petted and caressed him, and pitted him against the philosophers of the world, with true yankee conceit. they had the biggest country, and the cleverest men in the world, and maury was one of these. but maury, resisting all these blandishments, showed, to their horror, when the hour of trial came, that he was a southern gentleman, and not a puritan. the change of sentiment was instantaneous and ludicrous. their self-conceit had received an awful blow, and there is no wound so damaging as that which has been given to self-conceit. almost everything else may be forgiven, but this never can. maury became at once a "rebel" and a "traitor," and everything else that was vile. he was not even a philosopher any longer, but a humbug and a cheat. in science, as in other pursuits, there are rivalries and jealousies. the writer of these pages, having been stationed at the seat of the federal government for a year or two preceding the war, was witness of some of the rivalries and jealousies of maury, on the part of certain small philosophers, who thought the world had not done justice to themselves. these now opened upon the dethroned monarch of the seas, as live asses will kick at dead lions, and there was no end to the partisan abuse that was heaped upon the late chief of the national observatory. maury had been a federal naval officer, as well as philosopher, and some of his late _confrères_ of the federal service, who, in former years, had picked up intellectual crumbs from the table of the philosopher, and were content to move in orbits at a very respectful distance from him; now, raised by capricious fortune to _place_, joined in the malignant outcry against him. philosopher of the seas! thou mayest afford to smile at these vain attempts to humble thee. science, which can never be appreciated by small natures, has no nationality. thou art a citizen of the world, and thy historic fame does not depend upon the vile traducers of whom i have spoken. these creatures, in the course of a few short years, will rot in unknown graves; thy fame will be immortal! thou hast revealed to us the secrets of the depths of the ocean, traced its currents, discoursed to us of its storms and its calms, and taught us which of its roads to travel, and which to avoid. every mariner, for countless ages to come, as he takes down his chart, to shape his course across the seas, will think of thee! he will think of thee as he casts his lead into the deep sea; he will think of thee, as he draws a bucket of water from it, to examine its animalculæ; he will think of thee as he sees the storm gathering thick and ominous; he will think of thee as he approaches the calm-belts, and especially the calm-belt of the equator, with its mysterious cloud-ring; he will think of thee as he is scudding before the "brave west winds" of the southern hemisphere; in short, there is no phenomenon of the sea that will not recall to him thine image. this is the living monument which thou hast constructed for thyself; and which all the rage of the puritan cannot shake. _december st._--the last day of the year, as though it would atone to us for some of the bad weather its previous days had given us, is charming. there is not a cloud, as big as a man's hat, anywhere to be seen, and the air is so elastic that it is a positive pleasure to breathe it. the temperature is just cool enough to be comfortable, though the wind is from the north. at daylight, a couple of sail were reported from aloft, but, as they were at a great distance, and out of our course, we did not chase. indeed, we have become quite discouraged since our experience of yesterday. a third sail was seen at noon, also at a great distance. these are probably the laggards of the great mediterranean wind-bound fleet. we observed, to-day, in latitude ° '; the longitude being ° '. it becoming quite calm at eight p. m., i put the ship under steam; being about miles from cadiz. _january st_, .--nearly calm; wind light from the south-west, and sky partially overcast. the sea is smooth, and we are making nine knots, the hour. we made an excellent run during the past night, and are approaching the spanish coast very rapidly. nothing seen during the day. at nine p. m. a sail passed us, a gleam of whose light we caught for a moment in the darkness. the light being lost almost as soon as seen, we did not attempt to chase. latitude ° '; longitude ° '. on the next day we overhauled a french, and a spanish ship. it had been my intention, when leaving martinique, to cruise a few days off cadiz, before entering the port, and for this purpose i had reserved a three days' supply of fuel; but, unfortunately, the day before our arrival we took another gale of wind, which shook us so severely, that the ship's leak increased very rapidly; the engineer reporting that it was as much as he could do to keep her free, with the bilge pumps, under short steam. the leak was evidently through the sleeve of the propeller, and was becoming alarming. i therefore abandoned the idea of cruising, and ran directly for the land. night set in before anything could be seen, but having every confidence in my chronometers, i ran without any hesitation for the light, although we had been forty-one days at sea, without testing our instruments by a sight of land. we made the light--a fine fresnel, with a red flash--during the mid-watch, and soon afterward got soundings. we now slowed down the engine, and ran in by the lead, until we judged ourselves four or five miles distant from the light, when we hove to. the next morning revealed cadiz, fraught with so many ancient, and modern memories, in all its glory, though the weather was gloomy and the clouds dripping rain. "fair cadiz, rising o'er the dark blue sea!" as byron calls thee, thou art indeed lovely! with thy white moresque-looking houses, and gayly curtained balconies, thy church-domes which carry us back in architecture a thousand years, and thy harbor thronged with shipping. once the gades of the phoenician, now the cadiz of the nineteenth century, thou art perhaps the only living city that can run thy record back so far into the past. we fired a gun, and hoisted a jack for a pilot, and one boarding us soon afterward, we steamed into the harbor. the confederate states' flag was flying from our peak, and we could see that there were many curious telescopes turned upon us, as we passed successively the forts and the different quays lined with shipping. as the harbor opened upon us, a magnificent spectacle presented itself. on our left was the somewhat distant coast of andalusia, whose name is synonymous with all that is lovely in scenery, or beautiful in woman. one almost fancies as he looks upon it, that he hears the amorous tinkle of the guitar, and inhales the fragrance of the orange grove. seville is its chief city, and who has not read the couplet, "_quien no ha visto sevilla no ha visto maravilla_," which may be rendered into the vernacular thus: "he who hath not seville seen, hath not seen wonders, i ween." the landscape, still green in mid-winter, was dotted with villas and villages, all white, contrasting prettily with the groves in which they were embowered. casting the eye forward, it rested upon the picturesque hills of the far-famed wine district of xeres, with its vineyards, wine-presses, and pack-mules. some famous old wine estates were pointed out to us by the pilot. we ran through a fleet of shipping before reaching our anchorage off the main quay, the latter lined on both sides with market-boats; and as much more shipping lay beyond us. i was, indeed, quite surprised to find the harbor, which is spacious, so thronged. it spoke well for the reviving industry of spain. with a little fancy one might imagine her still the mistress of the "indies," and that these were her galleons come to pour the mineral treasures of half a world in her lap. all nations were represented, though the spanish flag predominated. wearing this flag there were many fine specimens of naval architecture--especially lines of steamships plying between cadiz, the west indies, and south america. a number of the merchant-ships of different nations hoisted their flags in honor of the _sumter_ as she passed; and one yankee ship--there being three or four of them in the harbor--hoisted hers, as much as to say, "you see we are not afraid to show it." chapter xxiii annoyance of the spanish officials--short correspondence with the united states consul--the telegraph put in operation by the officials between cadiz and madrid--the sumter is ordered to leave in twenty-four hours--declines obedience to the order--prisoners landed, and ship docked after much ado--deserters--sumter leaves cadiz. the spanish officials began to annoy us even before we let go our anchor--a health officer boarding us, and telling us that he should have to quarantine us for three days, unless we could show him a clean bill of health. we told him that our health was clean enough, but that we had no bill to establish the fact, whereupon he went on shore to consult his superiors. i sent by him, the following communication to the united states consul, whose name was eggleston:-- confederate states steamer sumter, cadiz, january , . sir:--i have the honor to inform you, that i have on board this ship forty-three prisoners of war--late the crews of a ship, a bark, and a schooner, property of citizens of the united states, burned by me on the high seas. these men having elected to be discharged on _parole_, i am ready to deliver them to you. mr. eggleston, proving to be quite a diplomat, refused to give me my official title, in replying to my note; and of course, i could have no further communication with him. in the afternoon, the health officer again came off to inform us that the important questions, of the cleanness of our health, and the discharge of our prisoners, had been telegraphed to madrid, and that we might soon expect a reply from her majesty, the queen. the next morning i received, by the hands of the same officer, a peremptory order, from the military governor, to proceed to sea, within twenty-four hours! i sat down and wrote him the following reply:-- confederate states steamer sumter, cadiz, january , . sir:--i have had the honor to receive through the health officer of the port, an order purporting to come from the government of spain, directing me to proceed to sea within twenty-four hours. i am greatly surprised at this unfriendly order. although my government has not yet been formally recognized by spain, as a _de jure_ government, it has been declared to be possessed of the rights of a belligerent, in the war in which it is engaged, and it is the duty of spain to extend to my ship the same hospitality that she would extend to a ship of war of the opposite belligerent. it can make no difference that one of the belligerents is a _de jure_ nation, and the other a _de facto_ nation, since it is only war rights, or such as pertain to belligerents, which we are discussing. i am aware of the rule adopted by spain, in common with the other great powers, prohibiting belligerents from bringing their prizes into her ports, but this rule i have not violated. i have entered the harbor of cadiz, with my single ship, and i demand only the hospitality to which i am entitled by the laws of nations--the confederate states being one of the _de facto_ nations of the earth, by spain's own acknowledgment, as before stated. i am sorry to be obliged to add, that my ship is in a crippled condition. she is damaged in her hull, is leaking badly, is unseaworthy, and will require to be docked and repaired before it will be possible for her to proceed to sea. i am therefore constrained, by the force of circumstances, most respectfully to decline obedience to the order which i have received, until the necessary repairs can be made. further:--i have on board forty-three prisoners, confined within a small space greatly to their discomfort, and simple humanity would seem to dictate, that i should be permitted to hand them over to the care of their consul on shore, without unnecessary delay. again, the telegraphic wires were put in operation, and my reply to the military commandant went up to madrid. in a few hours a reply came down, giving me permission to land my prisoners, and to remain a sufficient time to put the necessary repairs upon my ship. in the meantime the most offensive espionage was exercised toward me. a guard-boat was anchored near by, which overhauled all shore-boats which passed between the _sumter_ and the shore; and on the evening of my arrival, a spanish frigate came down from the dock-yard, and anchored near my ship. there are no private docks in cadiz, and i was obliged, therefore, to go into one of the government docks for repairs. charles dickens has given us an amusing account of an english circumlocution office, but english red tape dwindles into insignificance by the side of spanish red tape. getting into the hands of the spanish officials was like getting into a chancery suit. i thought i should never get out. the military commandant referred me to the captain of the port, and the captain of the port referred me back to the military commandant; until finally they both together referred me to the admiral of the dock-yard; to whom i should have been referred at first. in the meantime, engineers and sub-engineers, and other officials whose titles it were tedious to enumerate, came on board, to measure the length of the ship and the breadth of the ship, calculate her tonnage, inspect her boilers, examine into the quantity of water she made during the twenty-four hours, and to determine generally whether we were really in the condition we had represented ourselves to be in, or whether we were deceiving her majesty and the minister of the universal yankee nation at madrid, for some sinister purpose. the permission came for me, at length, to go into dock, and landing our prisoners, we got up steam and proceeded to carraca, where the docks lie, distant some eight miles east of the city. the navy yard at carraca is an important building-yard; it lies at the head of the bay of cadiz, and is approached by a long, narrow, and somewhat tortuous channel, well buoyed. the waters are deep and still, and the yard is, in every other respect, admirably situated. it reminded us much, in its general aspect and surroundings, of the norfolk navy yard, in virginia. we were not long delayed in entering the dock. a ship which had occupied the basin assigned to us--there were several of them--was just being let out as we approached, and in the course of an hour afterward, the _sumter_ was high and dry; so rapidly had the operation been performed. we examined her bottom with much curiosity, after the thumping she had had on the bar at maranham, and were gratified to find that she had received no material damage. a small portion of her copper had been rubbed off, and one of her planks indented, rather than fractured. she was as sound and tight as a bottle, in every part of her, except in her propeller sleeve. it was here where the leak had been, as we had conjectured. to the delight both of the spanish officials, who were exceedingly anxious to get rid of us, lest we should compromise them in some way with the great republic, of whom they seemed to be exceedingly afraid, and ourselves, we found that the needed repairs would be slight. the boilers were a good deal out of condition, it is true, but as they were capable of bearing a low pressure of steam, sufficient to take us to sea, the officials would not listen to my proposals to repair them. i had one or two interviews, whilst i lay here, with the dock-admiral, whom i found to be a very different man from the military commandant. he was a polite and refined gentleman, expressed much sympathy for our people, and regretted that his orders were such that he could not make my repairs more thorough. he expressed some surprise at the backdown of the federal government, in the _trent_ affair, the news of which had just arrived, and said that he had fully reckoned upon our having great britain as an ally in the war. "great britain seems, herself, to have been of this opinion," said he, "as she has withdrawn all her ships of war from the mediterranean station, for service on the american coast, and sent ten thousand troops to canada." from the moment my ship entered within the precinct of the spanish navy yard, the very d----l seemed to have broken loose among my crew. with rare exceptions, a common sailor has no sense of nationality. he commences his sea-going career at so tender an age, is so constantly at sea, and sails under so many different flags, that he becomes eminently a citizen of the world. although i had sailed out of a southern port, i had not half a dozen southern-born men among the rank and file of my crew. they were mostly foreigners--english and irish preponderating. i had two or three yankees on board, who had pretended to be very good southern men, but who, having failed to reap the rich harvest of prize-money, which they had proposed to themselves, were now about to develop their true characters. some of my boats' crews had visited the shore on duty, and whilst their boats were lying at the pier waiting for the officers to transact their business, the tempter had come along. sundry jack-tars, emissaries of the _diplomatic_ mr. eggleston, the federal consul, had rolled along down the pier, hitching up their trousers, and replenishing their tobacco quids as they came along. "cadiz is a nice place," said they to my boats' crews, "with plenty of grog, and lots of fun. we have gotten tired of our ships, and are living at free quarters at the consul's. come with us, and let us have a jolly good time together." and they did come, or rather go, for, on one single night, nine of my rascals deserted. this was whilst we were still in dock. being let out of dock, we dropped down to the city, and being afloat again, we were enabled to prevent a general stampede, by the exercise of firmness and vigilance. i directed an officer to be sent in each boat, whenever one should have occasion to communicate with the shore, armed with a revolver, and with orders to shoot down any one who should attempt to desert. two or three other sailors slipped away, notwithstanding these precautions, but there the matter ended. hearing that my deserters were harbored by the united states consul, i addressed the following letter on the subject to the governor of the city:-- confederate states steamer sumter, cadiz, january , . sir:--i have the honor to inform you, that whilst my ship was in dock at carraca, nine of my seamen deserted, and i am informed that they are sheltered and protected by the united states consul. i respectfully request that you will cause these men to be delivered up to me; and to disembarrass this demand of any difficulty that may seem to attend it, permit me to make the following observations. _ st._ in the first place, my government has been acknowledged as a _de facto_ government by spain, and as such it is entitled to all the rights of a belligerent, in its war with the government of the united states. _ d._ all the rights and privileges, therefore, which would attach to the flag of the united states, should one of the ships of that country enter this harbor, equally attach to the flag of the confederate states, mere ceremonial excepted. _ d._ it has been and is the uniform custom of all nations to arrest, upon request, and to hand over to their proper officers, deserters from ships of war, and this without stopping to inquire into the nationality of the deserter. _ th._ if this be the practice in peace, much more necessary does such a practice become in war, since otherwise the operations of war might be tolerated in a neutral territory, as will be seen from my next position. _ th._ without a violation of neutrality, an enemy's consul in a neutral territory cannot be permitted to entice away seamen, from a ship of the opposite belligerent, or to shelter or protect the same: for if he be permitted to do this, then his domicil becomes an enemy's camp in a neutral territory. _ th._ with reference to the question in hand, i respectfully submit that the only facts, which your excellency can take cognizance of, are that these deserters entered the waters of spain under my flag, and that they formed a part of my crew. the inquiry cannot pass a step beyond, and spain cannot undertake to decide, as between the united states consul and myself, to which of us the deserters in question more properly belong. in other words, she has no right to look into any plea set up by a deserter, that he is a citizen of the united states, and not of the confederate states. _ th._ i might, perhaps, admit, that if a spanish subject, serving under my flag, should escape to the shore, and should satisfy the authorities that he was held by force, either without contract, or in violation of contract, he might be set at liberty, but such is not the present case. the nationality of the deserters not being spanish, spain cannot, as i said before, inquire into it. to recapitulate: the case which i present is simply this. several of the crew serving on board this ship, under voluntary contracts, have deserted, and taken refuge in the consulate of the united states. to deprive me of the power, with the assistance of the police, to recapture them, would in effect convert the consulate into a camp, and enable the consul to exercise the rights of a belligerent in neutral territory. he might cripple me as effectually by this indirect means, as if he were to assault me by means of an armed expedition. i took precisely what i expected by this remonstrance, that is to say, nothing. i was fighting here, as i had been in so many other places, against odds--the odds being the stationed agents, spies, and pimps of a recognized government. our southern movement, in the eyes of spain, was a mere political revolution, and like all absolute governments, she had no sympathy with revolutionists. it was on this principle that the czar of russia had fraternized so warmly with the federal president. another difficulty now awaited the _sumter_. i had run the blockade of new orleans, as the reader has seen, with a very slim exchequer; that exchequer was now exhausted, and we had no means with which to purchase coal. i had telegraphed to mr. yancey, in london, immediately upon my arrival, for funds, but none, as yet, had reached me, although i had been here two weeks. in the meantime, the authorities, under the perpetual goading of the united states chargé in madrid, mr. perry, and of mr. consul eggleston, were becoming very restive, and were constantly sending me invitations to go to sea. before i had turned out on the morning of the th of january, an aide-de-camp of the governor came on board, to bring me a peremptory order from his chief, to depart _within six hours_. i went on shore, for the first time, to have an official interview with the blockhead. i found him, contrary to all spanish rule, a large, thick-set, bull-necked fellow, with whom, i saw at the first glance, it would be of but little use to reason. i endeavored to make him understand the nature of the case; how it was that a steamer could no more go to sea without fuel, than a sailing-ship without a mast; but he was inexorable. he was, in short, one of those dunder-headed military men, who never look, or care to look, beyond the orders of their superiors. the most that he would undertake to do, was to telegraph to madrid my statement, that i was out of fuel, but expected momentarily to be supplied with funds to purchase it. he added, however, "but if no reply comes _within the six hours_, you must go to sea." i had retained enough coal on board from my last cruise, to run me around to gibraltar--a run of a few hours only--and i now resolved to have nothing more to do with spain, or her surly officials. i returned on board, without further delay, and gave orders to get up steam, and make all the other necessary preparations for sea. as we were weighing our anchor, an aide-de-camp of the governor came off in great haste to say, that his excellency had heard from madrid in reply to his telegram, and that her majesty had graciously given me permission to remain another twenty-four hours; but that at the end of that time i must depart without fail. the aide-de-camp added that his excellency, seeing that we were getting up steam, had sent him off to communicate the intelligence to me verbally, in advance of the official communication of it by letter, which he was preparing. i directed the aide to say to his chief that he needn't bother himself with the preparation of any letter, as i should not avail myself of her majesty's gracious permission--she having been a little too ungracious in meting out the hours to me. he departed, and we got under way. as we passed abreast of the government house, a boat shoved off in a great hurry, and came pulling out to us, with a man standing up in the bow, shaking a letter at us with great vehemence. it was the letter the aide-de-camp had spoken of. we paid no attention whatever to the signal, and the boat finding, after some vigorous pulling, that she could not overtake us, turned back. in half an hour afterward, we were outside the cadiz bar, and had discharged the pilot. this was the second spanish experiment we had made in the _sumter_. i never afterward troubled her majesty, either in her home ports, or those of any of her colonies. i had learned by experience that all the weak powers were timid, and henceforth, i rarely entered any but an english or a french port. we should have had, during all this controversy, a commissioner at the court of madrid, one having been dispatched thither at the same time that mr. yancey was sent to london, and mr. mann to brussels, but if there was one there, i did not receive a line from him. the federal chargé seemed to have had it all his own way. there is no proposition of international law clearer, than that a disabled belligerent cruiser--and a steamer without coal is disabled--cannot be expelled from a neutral port, and yet the _sumter_ was, in fact, expelled from cadiz. as remarked some pages back, the demos, and the carpet-bagger will revenge us in good time. we did enjoy some good things in the harbor of cadiz, however. one was a superb dinner, given us at the principal hotel by an english admirer, and another was the market. the latter is unexcelled in any part of the world. fine beef and mutton from andalusia, fish from the sea, and fruits and wines from all parts of spain, were present in profusion. although we were in midwinter, there were a variety of vegetables, and luscious oranges and bananas that had ripened in the open air--all produced by the agency of that mexican gulf heating-apparatus, of which we spoke through the lips of professor maury, a few pages back. before leaving cadiz i saw the first annual report of the federal secretary of the navy since the breaking out of the war. old gentleman welles was eloquent, and denunciatory when he came to speak of the _sumter_. the vessel was a "pirate," and her commander everything that was odious. the latter "was courageously capturing unarmed merchant-ships, and cowardly fleeing from the federal steamers sent in pursuit of him." there were six of these ships in full hue and cry after the little _sumter_, any one of which could have hoisted her in upon deck. at the same time that these denunciations were hurled against the captain of the _sumter_, gallant naval officers, wearing mr. welles' shoulder-straps, and commanding mr. welles' ships, were capturing little coasting-schooners laden with firewood, plundering the houses and hen-roosts of non-combatant citizens along the southern coast, destroying salt-works, and intercepting medicines going in to our hospitals. but i must be charitable. mr. welles was but rehearsing the lesson which he had learned from mr. seward. what could _he_ know about "pirates" and the laws of nations, who had been one half of his life editing a small newspaper, in a small town in connecticut, and the other half "serving out" to jack his frocks and trousers, and weighing out to him his sugar and tea, as chief of the bureau of provisions and clothing? it was late in life before the old gentleman, on the rising tide of the demos, had been promoted, and allowance must be made for the defects of his early training. chapter xxiv. the sumter off cadiz--the pillars of hercules--gibraltar--capture of the enemy's ships neapolitan and investigator--a conflagration between europe and africa--the sumter anchors in the harbor of gibraltar--the rock; the town; the military; the review and the alameda. the afternoon was bright and beautiful as the _sumter_, emerging from the harbor of cadiz, felt once more the familiar heave of the sea. there was no sail in sight over the vast expanse of waters, except a few small coasting-craft, and yet what fleets had floated on the bosom of these romantic waters! the names of nelson, collingwood, jervis, and others, came thronging upon the memory. cape st. vincent and trafalgar were both in the vicinity. the sun, as he approached his setting, was lighting up a scene of beauty, peace, and tranquillity, and it was difficult to conjure those other scenes of the storm, and the flying ships, and the belching cannon, so inseparably connected with those great names. it was too late to attempt the run to gibraltar that night, with the hope of arriving at a seasonable hour, and so we "held on," in nautical phrase, to the light--that beautiful red flash which i have before described--until midnight, when we gave the ship her steam, and turned her head in the direction of the famous strait, or gut, as the sailors sometimes less euphoniously call it. the weather, in the meantime, had changed, the wind had died entirely away, and the sea was calm, but rifts of cloud were passing over the moon, indicating an upper current in the higher atmosphere, that might portend storm or rain on the morrow. we steamed along the bold spanish coast, at a distance of only a few miles, and entered the strait before daylight, passing the tarifa light at about five a. m. the pillars of hercules, that for so many centuries bounded the voyages of the ancient mariners, rose abruptly and majestically on either hand of us, softened and beautified by the moonlight. we had the strait all to ourselves, there being no sail visible. the genius of the ancient time seemed to hover over the scene, so solemn and mysterious did everything appear. but no! the genius of the ancient time could not be there, for the quiet waters were broken by the prow of the _steamship_, from a hemisphere of which the genius had not conceived. and that steamship, what flag did she bear? a flag that neither phoenician, nor carthaginian, nor roman had dreamed of. it had arisen amid the wreck and ruin of a new empire, that had decayed before its time, was floating above a thousand dead nationalities, and was struggling, as the polished greek had struggled, long centuries before, against the "long-haired" barbarian of the north, who was repeating history by overrunning the fair lands of the south. we made the light at gibraltar just as the day was dawning, and, hurried on by the current, moved rapidly up the strait. several sail that were coming down the mediterranean became plainly visible from the deck as the twilight developed into day. we could not think of running into gibraltar before overhauling these sails; we might, perchance, find an enemy among them, and so we altered our course and gave chase; as so many barks, ancient and modern, heathen, christian, and moor had done before us, in this famous old strait. the telescope soon revealed the secret of the nationality of two of the sails; they being, as plainly as symmetry and beauty of outline, the taper and grace of spars, and whiteness of canvas--produced upon our own cotton-fields--could speak, american. to these, therefore, we directed our attention. it was a couple of hours before we came up with the first of these ships. she was standing over toward the african side of the strait, though still distant from the land, some six or seven miles. we hoisted our own colors, and fired the usual gun. she hauled up her courses, and backed her maintopsail at once, and in a moment more, we could see the brightest of stars and stripes fluttering in the breeze, and glittering, in very joyousness, as it were, in the rays of the morning's sun; for the captain of the prize had evidently treated himself to a new ensign. the cat ran close enough to parley with the mouse, before she put her paw upon it. the bark, for such the prize was, proved to be the _neapolitan_, of kingston, mass., from messina, in the island of sicily, bound for boston, with a cargo of fruit, dried and fresh, and _fifty tons of sulphur_. she had been freshly painted, with that old robber, the bald eagle, surrounded by stars, gilded on her stern; her decks looked white and sweet after the morning's ablution which she had just undergone; her sails were well hoisted, and her sheets well home; in short, she was a picture to look at, and the cat looked at her, as a cat only can look at a sleek mouse. and then only to think, that the sly little mouse, looking so pretty and so innocent, should have so much of that villanous material called sulphur in its little pouch! the master stated in his deposition, that the entire cargo belonged to the british house of baring bros., it being consigned to an agent of theirs in boston. the object of so wording the deposition was, of course, to save the cargo as neutral property, but as i happened to know that the boston house of the barings, instead of being an agent merely, was a partner of the london house, the master took nothing by his deposition. besides, if there had been no doubt as to the british ownership, sulphur going to an enemy's country is contraband of war; and in this case the contraband of war was not only condemnable of itself, but it tainted all the rest of the cargo, which belonged to the same owner. the master, who was as strongly marked in his puritan nationality, as the israelite is in the seed of abraham, feeling himself securely intrenched behind the baring bros., was a little surprised when i told him that i should burn his ship, and began to expostulate. but i had no time for parley, for there was another ship demanding my attention; and so, transferring the prisoners from the doomed ship to the _sumter_, as speedily as possible, the _neapolitan_ was burned; burned in the sight of europe and africa, with the turbaned moor looking upon the conflagration, on one hand, and the garrison of gibraltar and the spaniard on the other. previously to applying the torch, we took a small liberty with some of the excellent fruit of the barings, transferring a number of drums of figs, boxes of raisins and oranges, to the cooks and stewards of the different messes. we now steamed off in pursuit of the other sail. this second sail proved also to be american, as we had supposed. she was the bark _investigator_, of searsport, maine, from one of the small ports of spain, bound for newport, in wales, with a cargo of iron ore. the cargo being properly documented as british property, we could not destroy her, but were compelled to release her under ransom bond. the capturing and disposing of these two ships had occupied us several hours, during which the in-draught of the strait had set us some miles to the eastward of the rock. we now, at half-past two p. m., turned our head in the direction of gibraltar, and gave the ship all steam. by this time the portent of last night had been verified, and we had an overcast sky, with a strong northwester blowing in our teeth. with the wind and current both ahead, we had quite a struggle to gain the anchorage. it was half-past seven p. m., or some time after dark, that we finally passed under the shadow of the historical rock, with the brilliant light on europa point throwing its beams upon our deck; and it was a few minutes past eight o'clock, or evening gun-fire, when we ran up to the man-of-war anchorage, and came to. we had no occasion to tell the people of gibraltar who we were. they were familiar with our cadiz troubles, and had been expecting us for some days; and accordingly, when the signal-man on the top of the rock announced the appearance of a confederate states' steamer in the strait, every one knew that it was the _sumter_. and when, a short time afterward, it was announced that the little steamer was in chase of a yankee, the excitement became intense. half the town rushed to europa point and the signal-station, to watch the chase and the capture; and when the flames were seen ascending from the doomed _neapolitan_, sketch-books and pencils were produced, and all the artists in the crowd went busily to work to sketch the extraordinary spectacle; extraordinary in any age, but still more extraordinary in this. here were two civilized nations at war, at the door of a third, and that third nation, instead of mitigating and softening, as much as possible, the barbarities of war, had, by her timidity, caution, or unfriendliness, whichever to the reader may seem more probable, ordered, directed, and decreed that one of the parties should burn all the ships of the other that it should capture! the spectacle of the burning ship which the inhabitants of gibraltar had witnessed from the top of their renowned rock, was indirectly the work of their own government. why might not this federal ship, when captured, have been taken into gibraltar, there to await the disposition which a prize-court should make of her, instead of being burned? because great britain would not permit it. why might she not have been taken into some other neutral port, for this purpose? because all the world had followed the lead of great britain, the chief maritime power of the earth. great britain knew when she issued her orders in council, prohibiting both the belligerents in the american war, from bringing their prizes into her ports, precisely what would be the effect of those orders. she knew that the stronger belligerent would shut out the weaker belligerent from his own ports, by means of a blockade. she knew that if she denied this weaker belligerent access to her ports, with his prizes, all the other nations of the earth would follow her lead. and she knew that if this same weaker belligerent should have no ports whatever into which to carry his prizes, he must burn them. hence the spectacle her people had witnessed from the top of her rock of gibraltar. in a few minutes after anchoring, we were boarded by a boat from the english frigate, which had the guard for the day. the officer made us the usual "tender of service" from the port admiral. we sent a boat ourselves to report our arrival on board the health ship, and to inquire if there would be any quarantine; and after a _long_ day of excitement and fatigue,--for i had not turned in since i left the cadiz light, the night before--i sought my berth, and slept soundly, neither dreaming of moor or christian, yankee or confederate. john spread me the next morning a sumptuous breakfast, and brought me off glowing accounts of the gibraltar market, filled with all the delicacies both of spain and morocco. the prize which we had liberated on ransom-bond, followed us in, and was anchored not far from us. there was another large american ship at anchor. at an early hour a number of english officers, of the garrison and navy, and citizens called on board to see us; and at ten o'clock i went on board the frigate whose boat had boarded us the previous night, to return the commanding naval officer's visit. he was not living on board, but at his quarters on shore, whither i proceeded at two p. m. landing at the navy yard, an orderly conducted me thence to his neat little cottage, perched half way up the rock, and embowered by shade trees, in the most charming little nook possible. i found captain--now rear-admiral--sir frederic warden a very clever specimen of an english naval officer; and we had a pleasant conversation of half an hour together. having lost one of my anchors, i asked the loan of one from him until i could supply myself in the market. he replied that he had every disposition to oblige me, but that he must first submit the question to the "law officers of the crown." i said to him playfully, "these 'law officers of the crown' of yours must be sturdy fellows, for they have some heavy burdens to carry; when i was at trinidad the governor put a whole cargo of coal on their shoulders, and now you propose to saddle them with an anchor!" he said pleasantly, in return, "i have not the least doubt of the propriety of your request, but we must walk according to rule, you know." the next morning, bright and early, a boat came alongside, bringing me an anchor. from captain warden's, i proceeded to the residence of the governor and military commander of the rock, sir william j. codrington, k. c. b. his house was in the centre of the town, and i had a very pleasant walk through shaded avenues and streets, thronged with a gayly dressed population, every third man of which was a soldier, to reach it. the same orderly still accompanied me. i was in uniform, and all the sentinels saluted me as i passed; and i may as well mention here, that during the whole of my stay at this military and naval station, my officers and myself received all the honors and courtesies due to our rank. no distinction whatever was drawn, that i am aware of, between the _sumter_, and any of the enemy's ships of war that visited the station, except in the matter of the national salute. our flag not being yet recognized, except for belligerent purposes, this honor was withheld. we dined at the officers' messes, and they dined on board our ship; the club and reading rooms were thrown open to us, and both military and citizens were particular in inviting us to partake of all the festivities that took place during our stay. my conductor, the orderly, stopped before a large stone mansion on the principal street, where there was a sentinel walking in front of the door, and in a few minutes i was led to a suite of large, airy, well-furnished rooms on the second floor, to await his excellency. it was sunday, and he had just returned from church. he entered, however, almost immediately. i had seen him a hundred times, in the portraits of half the english generals i had ever looked upon, so peculiarly was he _english_ and _military_. he was a polite gentleman of the old school, though not a very old man, his age being not more than about fifty-five. governor codrington was a son of the admiral of the same name, who, as the commander-in-chief of the combined english, french, and russian fleets, had gained so signal a victory over the turkish fleet, in the mediterranean, in , which resulted in the independence of greece, and the transfer of prince otho of bavaria to the throne of that country. his rank was that of a lieutenant-general in the british army. i reported my arrival to his excellency, and stated that my object in visiting gibraltar was to repair, and coal my ship, and that i should expect to have the same facilities extended to me, that he would extend to an enemy's cruiser under similar circumstances. he assented at once to my proposition, saying that her majesty was exceedingly anxious to preserve a strict neutrality in our unhappy war, without leaning to the one side or the other. "there is one thing, however," continued he, "that i must exact of you during your stay, and that is, that you will not make gibraltar, a station, from which to watch for the approach of your enemy, and sally out in pursuit of him." i replied, "certainly not; no belligerent has the right to make this use of the territory of a neutral. your own distinguished admiralty judge, sir william scott, settled this point half a century and more ago, and his decisions are implicitly followed in the american states." the governor gave me permission to land my prisoners, and they were paroled and sent on shore the same afternoon. we could do nothing in the way of preparing the _sumter_ for another cruise, until our funds should arrive, and these did not reach us until the d of february, when mr. mason, who had by this time relieved mr. yancey, as our commissioner at the court of london, telegraphed me that i could draw on the house of frazer, trenholm & co., of liverpool, for the sum i needed. in the mean time, we had made ourselves very much at home at gibraltar, quite an intimacy springing up between the naval and military officers and ourselves; whereas, as far as we could learn, the yankee officers of the several federal ships of war, which by this time had arrived, were kept at arm's-length, no other than the customary official courtesies being extended to them. we certainly did not meet any of them at the "club," or other public places. i had visited gibraltar when a young officer in the "old service," and i had often read, and laughed over marryatt's humorous description of the "mess" of the garrison in his day; how, after one of their roistering dinners, the naval officers who had been present, would be wheeled down to the "sally-port," where their boats were waiting to take them on board their ships, on wheel-barrows--the following colloquy taking place between the sally-port sentinel (it being now some hours after dark), and the wheeler of the wheel-barrow. sentinel:--"who comes there?" wheeler of wheel-barrow:--"officer drunk on a wheel-barrow!" sentinel:--"pass officer drunk on a wheel-barrow." the wheel-barrow days had passed, in the general improvement which had taken place in military and naval habits, but in other respects, i did not find the "mess" much changed. the military "mess" of a regiment is like the king; it never dies. there is a constant change of persons, but the "mess" is ever the same, with its history of this "field," and of that; its traditions, and its anecdotes. every person who has been in england knows how emphatically dinner is an institution with the english people; with its orthodox hour, the punctual attendance of the guests, the scrupulous attention they pay to dress, and the quantity of wine which they are capable of putting under their vests, without losing sight of the gentlemanly proprieties. it is still more an institution, if possible, with the garrisons of the colonies. there they do the thing in a business-like way, and the reader will perhaps be curious to know how the young fellows stand such constant wear and tear upon their constitutions. it is done in the simplest manner possible. after a late carouse over night, during which these fellows would drink two bottles to my young men's one, the latter would get up next morning on board the _sumter_ feeling seedy, and dry, and go on shore in quest of "hock and soda-water." meeting their late companions, they would be surprised to see them looking so fresh and rosy, with an air so jaunty, and a step so elastic. the secret, upon explanation, would prove to be, that the debauchee of the night was the early bird of the morning. whilst my officers were still lying in uneasy slumbers, with queen mab playing pranks with their imaginations, the officer of the "mess" would be up, have taken his cold shower-bath, have mounted his "hunter," sometimes with, and sometimes without dogs, and would be off scouring the country, and drinking in the fresh morning air, miles away. not a fume of the liquor of the overnight's debauch would be left by the time the rider got back to breakfast. on the day after my visit to the governor, colonel freemantle, of the coldstream guards, the governor's aide-de-camp and military secretary, came off to call on me on behalf of the governor, and to read to me a memorandum, which the latter had made of my conversation with him. there were but two points in this memorandum:--"first: it is agreed that the _sumter_ shall have free access to the work-shops and markets, to make necessary repairs and supply herself with necessary articles, contraband of war excepted. secondly: the _sumter_ shall not make gibraltar a _station_, from which to sally out from the strait, for the purposes of war." i assented to the correctness of the conversation as recorded, and there the official portion of the interview ended. i could not but be amused here, as i had been at other places, at the exceeding scrupulousness of the authorities, lest they should compromise themselves in some way with the belligerents. i found colonel freemantle to be an ardent confederate, expressing himself without any reserve, and lauding in the highest terms our people and cause. he had many questions to ask me, which i took great pleasure in answering, and our interview ended by a very cordial invitation from him to visit, in his company, the curiosities of the rock. this is the same colonel freemantle, who afterward visited our southern states during the war, and made the acquaintance of some of our principal military men; writing and publishing a very interesting account of his tour. i met him afterward in london, more of a confederate than ever. freemantle was not an exception. the army and navy of great britain were with us, almost to a man, and many a hearty denunciation have i heard from british military and naval lips, of the coldness and selfishness of the palmerston-russell government. gibraltar, being a station for several steam-lines, was quite a thoroughfare of travel. the mixed character of its resident population, too, was quite curious. all the nations of the earth seemed to have assembled upon the rock, for the purposes of traffic, and as each nationality preserved its costume and its language, the quay, market-place, streets and shops presented a picture witnessed in few, if in any other towns of the globe. the attractions for traffic were twofold: first, gibraltar was a free port, and, secondly, there were seven thousand troops stationed there. the consequence was, that christian, moor, and turk, jew and gentile, had assembled here from all the four quarters of the earth, bringing with them their respective commodities. the london tailor had his shop alongside that of the moor or turk, and if, after having been measured for a coat, to be made of cloth a few days only from a manchester loom, you desired moorish slippers, or otto of roses, or turkish embroidery, you had only to step into the next door. even the shopmen and products of the far east were there; a few days of travel only sufficing to bring from india, china, and japan, the turbaned and sandalled hindoo, the close-shaved and long-queued chinaman, and the small-statured, deep-brown japanese, with their curious stuffs and wares, wrought with as much ingenuity as taste. the market was indeed a curiosity. its beef and mutton, both of which are very fine, are brought from the opposite morocco coast, to and from which small steamers ply regularly. but it is the fruits and vegetables that more especially astonish the beholder. here the horn of plenty seems literally to have been emptied. the south of spain, and morocco, both fine agricultural countries, have one of those genial climates which enables them to produce all the known fruits and vegetables of the earth. whatever you desire, that you can have, whether it be the apple, the pear, or the cherry of the north, or the orange, the banana, or the date of the south. the spaniards and moors are the chief market people. nor must we forget the fishermen, with their picturesque boats, rigged with their long, graceful latteen yards and pointed sails, that come in laden with the contributions of the sea from the shores of half a dozen kingdoms. fleets of these little craft crowd the quay day and night, and there is a perfect babel of voices in their vicinity, as the chaffering goes on for the disposal of their precious freight, much of it still "alive and kicking." by the way, one of the curiosities of this quay, whilst the _sumter_ lay in gibraltar, was the frequent proximity of the confederate and the federal flag. when landing i often ran my boat into the quay-steps, alongside of a boat from a federal ship of war; the _kearsarge_ and the _tuscarora_ taking turns in watching my movements--one of them being generally anchored in the bay of gibraltar, and the other in the bay of algeziras, a spanish anchorage opposite. no breach of the peace ever occurred; the sailors of the two services seemed rather inclined to fraternize. they would have fought each other like devils outside of the marine league, but the neutral port was a powerful sedative, and made them temporarily friends. they talked, and laughed and smoked, and peeled oranges together, as though there was no war going on. but the sailor is a cosmopolite, as remarked a few pages back, and these boats' crews could probably have been exchanged, without much detriment to each other's flag. _sunday, january th._--a charming, balmy day, after the several days of storm and rain that we have had. at ten a. m., i went on shore to the catholic church. the military attendance, especially of the rank and file, was very large. i should judge that, at least, two thirds of the troops stationed here are irish, and there is no distinction, that i can discover, made between creeds. each soldier attends whatever church he pleases. it is but a few years back, that no officer could serve in the british army without subscribing to the thirty-nine articles--the creed of the "established church." after church, i took a stroll "up the rock," and was astonished to find so much arable soil on its surface. the rock runs north and south. its western face is an inclined plane, lying at an angle of about thirty degrees with the sea-level. ascending gradually from the water, it rises to the height of fifteen hundred feet. from this height, a plummet-line let down from its eastern face would reach the sea without obstruction, so perpendicular is the rock in this direction. this face is of solid rock. on the western face, up which i was now walking, is situated near the base, and extending up about half a mile, the town. the town is walled, and after you have passed through a massive gateway in the southern wall, you are in the country. as you approach the rock from the sea, it matters not from what direction, you get the idea that it is nothing but a barren rock. i now found it diversified with fields, full of clover and fragrant grasses, long, well-shaded avenues, of sufficiently gentle ascent for carriage-drives, beautifully laid-out pleasure-grounds, and well-cultivated gardens. the parade-ground is a level space just outside the southern wall, of sufficient capacity for the manoeuvre and review of five thousand men; and rising just south of this is the alameda, consisting of a series of parterres of flowers, with shade-trees and shrubbery, among which wind a number of serpentine walks. here seats are arranged for visitors, from which the exercise of the troops in the parade-ground below may be conveniently witnessed. a colossal statue of general elliot, who defended the rock in the famous siege that was laid to it in the middle of the last century by the spaniards, is here erected. the review of the troops, which takes place, i believe, monthly, is _par excellence_, the grand spectacle of gibraltar. i had the good fortune to witness one of these reviews, and the spectacle dwells vividly, still, in my imagination. drill of the soldiers, singly, and in squads, is the chief labor of the garrison. skilful drill-sergeants, for the most part young, active, intelligent men, having the port and bearing of gentlemen, are constantly at work, morning and afternoon, breaking in the raw material as it arrives, and rendering it fit to be moulded into the common mass. company officers move their companies, to and fro, unceasingly, lest the men should forget what the drill-sergeant has taught them. battalion and regimental drills occur less frequently. these are the labors of the garrison; now comes the pastime, viz., the monthly drill, when the governor turns out, and inspects the troops. all is agog, on the rock of gibraltar, on review days. there is no end to the pipe-claying, and brushing, and burnishing, in the different barracks, on the morning of this day. the officers get out their new uniforms, and horses are groomed with more than ordinary care. the citizens turn out, as well as the military, and all the beauty and fashion of the town are collected on the alameda. on the occasion of the review which i witnessed, the troops--nearly all young, fine-looking men--presented, indeed, a splendid appearance. all the corps of the british army were there, represented save only the cavalry; and they were moved hither and thither, at will; long lines of them now being tied into what seemed the most inextricable knots, and now untied again, with an ease, grace, and skill, which called forth my constant admiration. but it was not so much the movements of the military that attracted my attention, as the _tout ensemble_ of the crowd. the eye wandered over almost all the nationalities of the earth, in their holiday costumes. the red fez cap of the greek, the white turban of the moor and turk, and the hat of the christian, all waved in a common sea of male humanity, and, when the eye turned to the female portion of the crowd, there was confusion worse confounded, for the fashions of paris and london, athens and constantinople, the isles and the continents, all were there! what with the waving plumes of the generals, the galloping hither and thither of aides and orderlies, the flashing of the polished barrel of the rifle in the sun, the music of the splendid bands, and the swaying and surging of the civic multitude which i have attempted to describe, the scene was fairly beyond description. a man might dream of it, but could not describe it. chapter xxv. the sumter still at gibraltar--ship crowded with visitors--a ride over the rock with colonel freemantle--the "galleries" and other subterranean wonders--a dizzy height, and the queen of spain's chair--the monkeys and the "neutral ground." the stream of visitors to the _sumter_ continued for some days after our arrival. almost every steamer from england brought more or less tourists and curiosity-hunters, and these did us the honor to visit us, and frequently to say kind words of sympathy and encouragement. among others, the duke of beaufort and sir john inglis visited us, and examined our ship with much curiosity. the latter, who had earned for himself the title of the "hero of lucknow," in that most memorable and barbarous of all sieges, was on his way to the ionian islands, of which he had recently been appointed governor. _january d._--weather clear and pleasant. we received a visit from captain warden to-day, in return for the visit i had made him upon my arrival. he came off in full uniform, to show us that his visit was meant to be official, as well as personal. nothing would have pleased the gallant captain better, than to have been able to salute the confederate states' flag, and welcome our new republic among the family of nations. we discussed a point of international law while he was on board. he desired, he said, to call my attention to the well-known rule that, in case of the meeting of two opposite belligerents in the same neutral port, twenty-four hours must intervene between their departure. i assented readily to this rule. it had been acted upon, i told him, by the governor of martinique, when i was in that island--the enemy's sloop _iroquois_ having been compelled to cruise in the offing for fear of its application to her. i remarked, however, that it was useless for us to discuss the rule here, as the enemy's ships had adroitly taken measures to evade it. "how is that?" he inquired. "why, simply," i replied, "by stationing one of his ships in gibraltar, and another in algeziras. if i go to sea from gibraltar, the algeziras ship follows me, and if i go to sea from algeziras, the gibraltar ship follows me." "true," rejoined the captain, "i did not think of that." "i cannot say," continued i, "that i complain of this. it is one of those chances in war which perhaps nine men in ten would take advantage of; and then these federal captains cannot afford to be over-scrupulous; they have an angry mob at their heels, shouting, in their fury and ignorance, 'pirate! pirate!'" the southampton steamer brought us late news, to-day, from london. we are becoming somewhat apprehensive for the safety of messrs. mason and slidell, who, having embarked on board the british steam-sloop _rinaldo_, at provincetown, mass., on the d inst., bound to halifax, distant only a few hundred miles, had not been heard from as late as the th inst. a heavy gale followed their embarcation. i received a letter, to-day, too, from mr. yancey. he writes despondently as to the action of the european powers. they are cold, distrustful, and cautious, and he has no hope of an early recognition. i am pained to remark here, that this distinguished statesman died soon after his return to the united states. he was one of the able men of the south, who, like patrick henry, and john c. calhoun, seemed to be gifted with the spirit of prophecy; or, rather, to speak more correctly, his superior mental powers, and knowledge of men and of governments, enabled him, like his great predecessors, to arrive at conclusions, natural and easy enough to himself, but which, viewed in the light of subsequent events, seemed like prophecy to his less gifted countrymen. mr. yancey much resembled patrick henry in the simplicity and honesty of his character, and in the fervidness and power of his eloquence. _january th._--a fine, clear day, with the wind from the eastward. having received a note last evening, from colonel freemantle, informing me that horses would be in readiness for us, this morning, at the government house, to visit the fortifications, i went on shore the first thing after breakfast, and finding the colonel in readiness, we mounted, and accompanied by an orderly to take care of our horses, rode at a brisk pace out of the western gate, and commenced our tour of inspection. arriving at the entrance of the famous "galleries" situated about half-way up the rock, we dismounted, and dived into the bowels of mother earth. the spaniards have been celebrated above all other people for fortifications. they have left monuments of their patience, diligence, and skill all over the world, wherever they have obtained a foothold. the only other people who have ever equalled them, in this particular, though in a somewhat different way, are the people of these northern states, during the late war. no spaniard was ever half so diligent in his handling of stone, and mortar, as was the yankee soldier in throwing up his "earth-work." his industry in this regard was truly wonderful. if the confederate soldier ever gave him half an hour's breathing-time, he was safe. with pick and spade he would burrow in the ground like a rabbit. when the time comes for that new-zealander, foretold by macaulay, to sit on the ruins of london bridge, and wonder what people had passed away, leaving such gigantic ruins behind them, we would recommend him to come over to these states, and view the miles of hillocks that the industrious yankee moles threw up during our late war; and speculate upon the genus of the animal gifted with such wonderful instincts. but to return to our tour of inspection. the famous underground "galleries" of the rock of gibraltar, are huge tunnels, blasted and bored, foot by foot, in the living rock, sufficiently wide and deep to admit of the placing, and working of heavy artillery. they are from one third of a mile, to half a mile in length, and there are three tiers of them, rising one above the other; the embrasures or port-holes of which resemble, when viewed from a distance, those of an old-time two-decker. besides these galleries for the artillery, there have also been excavated in the solid rock, ample magazines, and store and provision rooms, and tanks for the reception of water. these receptacles are kept constantly well supplied with munitions, both _de guerre_, and _de bouche_, so that if the garrison should be driven from the fortifications below, it could retreat to this citadel, close the massive doors behind them, and withstand a siege. we passed through all the galleries, ascending from one to the other, through a long, rough-hewn stairway--the colonel frequently stopping, and explaining to me the history of some particular nook or battlement--until we finally emerged into the open air through a port-hole, or doorway at the very top of the rock, and stood upon a narrow footway or platform, looking down a sheer precipice of fifteen hundred feet, upon the sea breaking in miniature waves at the base of the rock. there was no rail to guard one from the precipice below, and i could but wonder at the _nonchalance_ with which the colonel stepped out upon this narrow ledge, and walked some yards to get a view of the distant coast of spain, expecting me to follow him. i did follow him, but i planted my feet very firmly and carefully, feeling all the while some such emptiness in the region of the "bread-basket," as marryatt describes peter simple to have experienced when the first shot whistled past that young gentleman in his first naval engagement. the object of the colonel, in this flank movement, was to show me a famous height some distance inland, called the "queen of spain's chair," and to relate to me the legend in connection with it. the rock of gibraltar has always been the darling of spain. it has been twice wrested from her, once by the moors, and once by the english. she regained it from the moors, when she drove them out of her southern provinces, after an occupation of eight hundred years! some of the remains of the old moorish castles are still visible. afterward, an english naval captain, returning from some expedition up the mediterranean, in which he had been unsuccessful, stormed and captured the rock with a handful of sailors. spain, mortified beyond measure, at the result, made strenuous efforts to recover it. in she bent all her energies in this direction, and fitted out large expeditions, by land and by sea, for the purpose. the queen came down from madrid to witness the siege, and causing her tent to be pitched near the "chair," vowed she would never leave it, until she saw the flag of spain floating once more from the coveted battlements. but general elliot, with only a small garrison, beat back the immense armaments, and the spaniards were compelled to raise the siege. but the poor queen of spain! what was to become of her, and her vow? english gallantry came to her relief. the spanish flag was raised for a single day from the rock, to enable the queen to descend from her chair! the reader will judge whether this legend was worth the emptiness in the "bread-basket" which i had experienced, in order to get at it. descending back through the galleries, to where we had left our horses, we remounted, and following a zigzag path, filled with loose stones, and running occasionally along the edges of precipices, down which we should have been instantly dashed in pieces, if our sure-footed animals had stumbled, we reached the signal-station. on the very apex of the rock, nature seemed to have prepared a little _plateau_, of a few yards square, as if for the very purpose for which it was occupied--that of over-looking the approaches from every direction, to the famous rock. a neat little box of a house, with a signal-mast and yard, and a small plot of ground, about as large as a pocket-handkerchief, used as a garden, occupied the whole space. europe, and africa, the mediterranean, and the atlantic were all visible from this eyry. the day was clear, and we could see to great distances. there were ships in the east coming down the mediterranean, and ships in the west coming through the famous strait; they all looked like mere specks. fleets that might shake nations with their thunder, would be here mere cock-boats. the country is mountainous on both sides of the strait, and these mountains now lay sleeping in the sunshine, covered with a thin, gauzy veil, blue and mysterious, and wearing that air of enchantment which distance always lends to bold scenery. "we had a fine view of your ship, the other day," said the signal-man to me, "when you were chasing the yankee. the latter was hereaway, when you set fire to her"--pointing in the direction. "are there many yankee ships passing the rock now?" i inquired. "no. very few since the war commenced." "it would not pay me, then, to cruise in these seas?" "scarcely." as we turned to go to our horses, we were attracted by the appearance of three large apes, that had come out of their lodging-place in the rock, to sun themselves. these apes are one of the curiosities of the rock, and many journeys have been made in vain to the signal-station, to see them. the colonel had never seen them before, himself, and the signal-man congratulated us both on our good fortune. "those are three old widows," said he, "the only near neighbors i have, and we are very friendly; but as you are strangers, you must not move if you would have a good look at them, or they will run away." he then gave us the history of his neighbors. years ago there was quite a colony of these counterfeit presentments of human nature on the rock, but the whole colony has disappeared except these three. "when i first came to the signal-station," continued our informant, "these three old widows were gay, and dashing young damsels, with plenty of sweethearts, but unfortunately for them, there were more males than females, and a war ensued in the colony in consequence. first one of the young males would disappear, and then another, until i at last noticed that there were only four of the whole colony left: one very large old male, and these three females. peace now ensued, and the old fellow lived apparently very happily with his wives, but no children were born to him, and finally he died, leaving these three disconsolate widows, who have since grown old--you can see that they are quite gray--to mourn his loss." and they did indeed look sad and disconsolate enough. they eyed us very curiously, and when we moved toward our horses, they scampered off. they subsist upon wild dates, and a few other wild fruits that grow upon the rock. we passed down the mountain-side to the south end of the rock, where we exchanged salutations with the general and mrs. codrington, who had come out to superintend some repairs upon a country house which they had at this end; and reaching the town, i began to congratulate myself that my long and fatiguing visit of inspection was drawing to a close. not so, however. these englishmen are a sort of cross between the centaur and the north american indian. they can ride you, or walk you to death, whichever you please; and so freemantle said to me, "now, captain, we will just take a little gallop out past the 'neutral ground,' and then i think i will have shown you all the curiosities." the "neutral ground" was about three miles distant, and "a gallop" out and back, would be six miles! imagine a sailor who had not been on horseback before, for six months; who had been riding for half a day one of those accursed english horses, with their long stride, and swinging trot, throwing a man up, and catching him again, as if he were a trap-ball; who was galled, and sore, and jaded, having such a proposition made to him! it was worse than taking me out on that narrow ledge of rock fifteen hundred feet above the sea, to look at the queen of spain's chair. but i could not retreat. how could an american, who had been talking of his big country, its long rivers, the immense distances traversed by its railroads and steam-boats, and the capacity for endurance of its people in the present war, knock under to an englishman, and a coldstream guardsman at that, on this very question of endurance? and so we rode to the "neutral ground." this is a narrow strip of territory, accurately set off by metes and bounds, on the isthmus that separates the rock from the spanish territory. as its name implies, neither party claims jurisdiction over it. on one side are posted the english sentinels, and on the other, the spanish; and the _all's-well!_ of the one mingles strangely, at night, with the _alerta!_ of the other. we frequently heard them both on board the _sumter_, when the night was still. i got back to my ship just in time for a six o'clock dinner, astonished john by drinking an extra glass of sherry, and could hardly walk for a week afterward. a day or two after my visit to the rock, i received a visit from a spanish naval lieutenant, sent over, as he stated, by the admiral from algeziras, to remonstrate with me against the burning of the ship _neapolitan within spanish jurisdiction_. the reader who has read the description of the burning of that ship, will be as much astonished as i was at this visit. the spanish government owns the fortress of ceuta, on the african shore opposite gibraltar, and by virtue of this ownership claims, as it would appear, jurisdiction for a marine league at sea, in the neighborhood of the fortress. it was claimed that the _neapolitan_ had been captured within this league. the lieutenant having thus stated his case, i demanded to know on what testimony the admiral relied, to establish the fact of the burning within the league. he replied that the united states consul at gibraltar had made the statement to the admiral. here was the "cat out of the bag" again; another united states consul had turned up, with his intrigues and false statements. the nice little piece of diplomacy had probably been helped on, too, by the commanders of the federal ships of war, that had made algeziras a rendezvous, since i had been anchored in the bay of gibraltar. when the spanish officer had done stating his case, i said to him:--"i do not recognize the right of your admiral to raise any question with me, as to my capture of the _neapolitan_. the capture of that ship is an accomplished fact, and if any injury has been done thereby to spain, the spanish government can complain of it to the government of the confederate states. it has passed beyond the stage, when the admiral and i could manage it, and has become an affair entirely between our two governments." this was all the official answer i had to make, and the lieutenant, whose bearing was that of an intelligent gentleman, assented to the correctness of my position. i then said to him:--"but aside from the official aspect of the case, i desire to show you, that your admiral has had his credulity played upon by his informant, the consul, and whatever other parties may have approached him on this subject. they have made false statements to him. it is not only well known to hundreds of citizens of the rock, who were eye-witnesses of the burning of the _neapolitan_, that that vessel was burned at a distance of from six to seven miles from the african coast, but i have the testimony of the master of the captured vessel himself, to the same effect." i then sent for my clerk, whom i directed to produce and read the deposition of the master, which, according to custom, we had taken immediately upon effecting the capture. in that deposition, after having been duly sworn, the master had stated that the capture was made about five miles from europa point, the southern extremity of the rock of gibraltar. the strait is about fourteen miles wide at this point, which would put the ship, when captured, nine miles from ceuta! the lieutenant, at the conclusion of the reading, raised both hands, and with an expressive smile, ejaculated, "_es possible?_" "yes," i replied, "all things are possible to federal consuls, and other federal pimps and spies, when the _sumter_ and yankee ships are concerned." chapter xxvi. the sumter in trouble--finds it impossible to coal, by reason of a combination against her, headed by the federal consul--applies to the british government for coal, but is refused--sends her paymaster and ex-consul tunstall to cadiz--they are arrested and imprisoned at tangier--correspondence on the subject--the sumter laid up and sold. the _sumter's_ boilers were very much out of condition when she arrived at gibraltar, and we had hoped, from the fact that gibraltar was a touching-point for several lines of steamers, that we should find here, machine and boiler shops sufficiently extensive to enable us to have a new set of boilers made. we were disappointed in this; and so were compelled to patch up the old boilers as best we could, hoping that when our funds should arrive, we might be enabled to coal, and run around to london or liverpool, where we would find all the facilities we could desire. my funds arrived, as before stated, on the d of february, and i at once set about supplying myself with coal. i sent my first lieutenant and paymaster on shore, and afterward my engineer, to purchase it, authorizing them to pay more than the market-price, if it should be necessary. the reader will judge of my surprise when these officers returned, and informed me that they found the market closed against them, and that it was impossible to purchase a pound of coal in any direction! it has been seen, in the course of these pages, how often i have had occasion to complain of the conduct of the federal consuls, and one can scarcely conceive the trouble and annoyance which these well-drilled officials of mr. seward gave me. i could not, of course, have complained, if their bearing toward me had been simply that of open enemies. this was to be expected. but they descended to bribery, trickery, and fraud, and to all the other arts of petty intrigue, so unworthy of an honorable enemy. our southern people can scarcely conceive how little our non-commercial southern states were known, in the marts of traffic and trade of the world. beyond a few of our principal ports, whence our staple of cotton was shipped to europe, our nomenclature even was unknown to the mass of mere traders. the yankee consul and the yankee shipmaster were everywhere. yankee ships carried out cargoes of cotton, and yankee ships brought back the goods which were purchased with the proceeds. all the american trade with europe was yankee trade--a ship here and there excepted. commercial men, everywhere, were thus more or less connected with the enemy; and trade being the breath of their nostrils, it is not wonderful that i found them inimical to me. with rare exceptions, they had no trade to lose with the south, and much to lose with the north; and this was the string played upon by the federal consuls. if a neutral merchant showed any inclination to supply the _sumter_ with anything she needed, a runner was forthwith sent round to him by the federal consul, to threaten him with the loss of his american--_i. e._ yankee--trade, unless he desisted. such was the game now being played in gibraltar, to prevent the _sumter_ from coaling. the same federal consul, who, as the reader has seen a few pages back, stated in an official letter to the spanish admiral, that the _neapolitan_ had been captured within the marine league of the spanish-african coast, whilst the captain of the same ship had sworn positively that she was distant from it, nine miles, was now bribing and threatening the coal-dealers of gibraltar, to prevent them from supplying me with coal. whilst i was pondering my dilemma, i was agreeably surprised, one morning, to receive a visit from an english shipmaster, whose ship had just arrived with some coal on board. he was willing, he said, to supply me, naming his price, which i at once agreed to give him. i congratulated myself that i had at last found an independent englishman, who had no fear of the loss of yankee trade, and expressed as much to him. "if there is anything," said he, "of which i am proud, it is just _that thing_, that i am an independent man." it was arranged that i should get up steam, and go alongside of him the next day. in the meantime, however, "a change came o'er the spirit" of the englishman's dream. he visited the shore. what took place there, we do not know; but the next morning, whilst i was weighing my anchor to go alongside of him, according to agreement, a boat came from the ship of my "independent" friend to say, that i could not have the coal, unless i would pay him double the price agreed upon! he, too, had fallen into the hands of the enemy. the steam was blown off, and the anchor not weighed. finding that i could do nothing with the merchants, i had recourse to the government. there was some coal in the dock-yard, and i addressed the following note to my friend, captain warden, to see if he would not supply me:-- confederate states steamer sumter, february , . sir:--i have the honor to inform you, that i have made every effort to procure a supply of coal, without success. the british and other merchants of gibraltar, instigated i learn by the united states consul, have entered into the unneutral combination of declining to supply the _sumter_ with coal on any terms. under these circumstances i trust the government of her majesty will find no difficulty in supplying me. by the recent letter of earl russell-- st of january, --it is not inconsistent with neutrality, for a belligerent to supply himself with coal in a british port. in other words, this article has been pronounced, like provisions, innoxious; and this being the case, it can make no difference whether it be supplied by the government or an individual (the government being reimbursed the expense), and this even though the market were open to me. much more then may the government supply me with an innocent article, the market not being open to me. suppose i had come into port destitute of provisions, and the same illegal combination had shut me out from the market, would the british government permit my crew to starve? or suppose i had been a sailing-ship, and had come in dismasted from the effects of a recent gale, and the dock-yard of her majesty was the only place where i could be refitted, would you deny me a mast? the laws of nations are positive on this last point, and it would be your duty to allow me to refit in the public dock. and if you would not, under the circumstances stated, deny me a mast, on what principle will you deny me coal--the latter being as necessary to a steamer as a mast to a sailing-ship, and both being alike innoxious? the true criterion is, not whether the government or an individual may supply the article, but whether the article itself be noxious or innoxious. the government may not supply me with powder--why? not because i may have recourse to the market, but because the article itself is interdicted. a case in point occurred when i was in cadiz recently. my ship was admitted into a government dock, and there repaired. the reasons were, first, the repairs, themselves, were such as were authorized by the laws of nations; and secondly, there were no private docks in cadiz. so here, the article is innocent, and there is none in the market--or rather none accessible to me, which is the same thing. why, then, may not the government supply me? in conclusion, i respectfully request that you will supply me with tons of coal, for which i will pay the cash; or, if you prefer it, i will deposit the money with an agent, who can have no difficulty, i suppose, in purchasing the same quantity of the material from some of the coal-hulks, and returning it to her majesty's dock-yard. this application was telegraphed to the secretary for foreign affairs, in london, and after the lapse of a week--for it took the "law-officers of the crown" a week, it seems, to decide the question--was denied. on the same day on which i wrote the above letter, i performed the very pleasant duty of paying to the spanish consul at gibraltar, on account of the authorities at cadiz, the amount of the bill which the dock-yard officers at caracca had rendered me, for docking my ship. the dock-yard admiral had behaved very handsomely about it. i was entirely destitute of funds. he docked my ship, with a knowledge of this fact, and was kind enough to say that i might pay at my convenience. i take pleasure in recording this conduct on the part of a spanish gentleman, who held a high position in the spanish navy, as a set-off to the coarse and unfriendly conduct of the military governor of cadiz, of whom i have before spoken. failing with the british government, as i had done with the merchants of gibraltar, to obtain a supply of coal, i next dispatched my paymaster for cadiz, with instructions to purchase in that port, and ship the article around to me. a mr. tunstall, who had been the united states consul at cadiz, before the war, was then in gibraltar, and at his request, i sent him along with the paymaster. they embarked on board a small french steamer plying between some of the mediterranean ports, and cadiz. tangier, a small moorish town on the opposite side of the strait of gibraltar, lies in the route, and the steamer stopped there for a few hours to land and receive passengers, and to put off, and take on freight. messrs. myers and tunstall, during this delay, went up into the town, to take a walk, and as they were returning, were set upon by a guard of moorish soldiers, and made prisoners! upon demanding an explanation, they were informed that they had been arrested upon a requisition of the united states consul, resident in that town. by special treaties between the christian powers, and the moorish and other non-christian powers on the borders of the mediterranean, it is provided that the consuls of the different christian powers shall have jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, over their respective citizens. it was under such a treaty between the united states and morocco, that the united states consul had demanded the arrest of messrs. myers and tunstall, as citizens of the united states, alleging that they had committed high crimes against the said states, on the high seas! the ignorant moorish officials knew nothing, and cared nothing, about the laws of nations; nor did they puzzle their small brains with what was going on, on the american continent. all they knew was, that one "christian dog," had demanded other "christian dogs," as his prisoners, and troops were sent to the consul, to enable him to make the arrest as a matter of course. the consul, hoping to recommend himself to the mad populace of the united states, who were just then denouncing the _sumter_ as a "pirate," and howling for the blood of all embarked on board of her,--with as little brains as their moorish allies,--acted like the brute he was, took the prisoners to his consular residence, ironed them heavily, and kept them in close confinement! he guarded them as he would the apple of his eye, for had he not a prize which might make him consul for life at tangier? alas for human hopes! i have since learned that he was kicked out of his place, to make room for another _sans culotte_, even more hungry, and more "truly loil" than himself. intelligence of the rich prizes which he had made, having been conveyed by the consul, to the commanding united states naval officer, in the bay of algeziras, which bay had by this time become a regular naval station of the enemy, that officer, instead of releasing the prisoners at once, as he should have done, on every principle of honor, if not out of regard for the laws of nations, which he was bound to respect and obey, sent the sailing bark _ino_, one of his armed vessels, to tangier, which received the prisoners on board, and brought them over to algeziras--the doughty consul accompanying them. there was great rejoicing on board the yankee ships of war, in that spanish port, when the consul and his prisoners arrived. they had blockaded the _sumter_ in the mississippi, they had blockaded her in martinique, they had chased her hither and thither; wilkes, porter, and palmer, had all been in pursuit of her, but they had all been baffled. at last, the little tangier consul appears upon the scene, and waylaying, not the _sumter_, but her paymaster, unarmed, and unsuspicious of yankee fraud, and yankee trickery, captures him in the streets of a moorish town, and hurries him over to algeziras, ironed like a felon, and delivers him to captain craven, of the united states navy, who receives the prisoner, irons and all, and applauds the act! in a day or two, after the consul's trophies had been duly exhibited in the bay of algeziras; after the rejoicings were over, and lengthy despatches had been written, announcing the capture to the washington government, the _ino_ sets sail for cadiz, and there transfers her prisoners to a merchant-ship, called the _harvest home_, bound for the goodly port of boston. the prisoners were gentlemen,--one of them had been an officer of the federal navy, and the other a consul,--but this did not deter the master of the yankee merchant-ship from practising upon them the cruelty and malignity of a cowardly nature. his first act was to shave the heads of his prisoners, and his second, to put them in close confinement, still ironed, though there was no possibility of their escape. the captain of the _ino_, or of the _harvest home_, i am not sure which,--they may settle it between them,--robbed my paymaster of his watch, so as not to be behindhand with their countrymen on the land, who were just then beginning to practise the art of watch and spoon stealing, in which, under the lead of illustrious chiefs, they soon afterward became adepts. i blush, as an american, to be called upon to record such transactions. it were well for the american name, if they could be buried a thousand fathoms deep, and along with them the perpetrators. at first, a rumor only of the capture and imprisonment of my paymaster, and his companion, reached me. it appeared so extraordinary, that i could not credit it. and even if it were true, i took it for granted, that the silly act of the federal consul would be set aside by the commander of the federal naval forces, in the mediterranean. the rumor soon ripened, however, into a fact, and the illusion which i had labored under as to the course of the federal naval officer, was almost as speedily dispelled. i had judged him by the old standard, the standard which had prevailed when i myself knew something of the _personnel_ of the united states navy. but old things had passed away, and new things had come to take their places. a violent, revolutionary faction had possessed itself of the once honored government of the united states, and, as is the case in all revolutions, coarse and vulgar men had risen to the surface, thrusting the more gentle classes into the background. the army and the navy were soon brought under the influence of these coarser and ruder men, and the necessary consequence ensued--the army and the navy themselves became coarser and ruder. some few fine natures resisted the unholy influences, but the mass of them went, as masses will always go, with the current. as soon as the misfortunes of my agents were known to me, i resorted to all the means within my reach, to endeavor to effect their release, but in vain, as they were carried to boston, and there imprisoned. i first addressed a note to general codrington, the governor of gibraltar, requesting him to intercede with her britannic majesty's chargé, at the court of morocco, for their release. this latter gentleman, whose name was hay, resided at tangier, where the court of morocco then was, and was said to have great influence with it; indeed, to be all-powerful. i then wrote to the morocco government direct, and also to mr. hay. i give so much of this correspondence below as is necessary to inform the reader of the facts and circumstances of the case, and of the conduct of the several functionaries to whom i addressed myself. confederate states steamer sumter, bay of gibraltar, february , . sir:--i have the honor to ask the good offices of his excellency, the governor of gibraltar [this letter was addressed to the colonial secretary, who conducted all the governor's official correspondence], in a matter purely my own. on wednesday last, i dispatched from this port, in a french passenger-steamer for cadiz, on business connected with this ship, my paymaster, mr. henry myers, and mr. t. t. tunstall, a citizen of the confederate states, and ex-united states consul at cadiz. the steamer having stopped on her way, at tangier, and these gentlemen having gone on shore for a walk during her temporary delay there, they were seized by the authorities, at the instigation of the united states consul, and imprisoned. a note from paymaster myers informs me that they are both heavily ironed, and otherwise treated in a barbarous manner. * * * an occurrence of this kind could not have happened, of course, in a civilized community. the political ignorance of the moorish government has been shamefully practised upon by the unscrupulous consul. i understand that the british government has a diplomatic agent resident at tangier, and a word from that gentleman would, no doubt, set the matter right, and insure the release of the unfortunate prisoners. and it is to interest this gentleman in this humane task, that i address myself to his excellency. may i not ask the favor of his excellency, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, to address mr. hay a note on the subject, explaining to him the facts, and asking his interposition? if any official scruples present themselves, the thing might be done in his character of a private gentleman. the moorish government could not hesitate a moment, if it understood correctly the facts, and principles of the case; to wit: that the principal powers of europe have recognized the confederate states, as belligerents, in their war against the united states, and consequently that the act of making war against these states, by the citizens of the confederate states, is not an offence, political, or otherwise, of which a neutral can take cognizance, &c. governor codrington did kindly and humanely interest himself, and write to mr. hay, but his letter produced no effect. in reply to my own note to mr. hay, that gentleman wrote me as follows:-- "you must be aware, that her majesty's government have decided on observing a strict neutrality, in the present conflict between the northern and southern states; it is therefore incumbent on her majesty's officers, to avoid anything like undue interference in any questions affecting the interests of either party, which do not concern the british government; and though i do not refuse to accede to your request, to deliver the letter to the moorish authorities, i think it my duty to signify, distinctly, to the latter, my intention to abstain from expressing an opinion regarding the course to be pursued by morocco, on the subject of your letter." in reply to this letter of mr. hay, i addressed him the following:-- confederate states steamer sumter, gibraltar, february , . sir:--i have had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday's date, in reply to mine of the d inst., informing me that "you [i] must be aware that her britannic majesty's government have decided on observing a strict neutrality, in the present conflict between the northern and southern states; it is therefore incumbent on her majesty's officers to avoid anything like undue interference in any questions affecting the interests of either party, which do not concern the british government; and though i do not refuse to accede to your request, to deliver the letter to the moorish authorities, i think it my duty to signify distinctly to the latter my intention to refrain from expressing an opinion regarding the course to be pursued by morocco on the subject-matter of your letter." whilst i thank you for the courtesy of delivering my letter, as requested, i must be permitted to express to you my disappointment at the course which you have prescribed to yourself, of refraining from expressing any opinion to the moorish government, of the legality or illegality of its act, lest you should be charged with undue interference. i had supposed that the "_trent_ affair," of so recent occurrence, had settled, not only the right, but the duty of the civilized nations of the earth to "interfere," in a friendly manner, to prevent wars between nations. it cannot have escaped your observation, that the course pursued by europe in that affair, is precisely analogous to that which i have requested of you. in that affair a quarrel arose between the united states, one of the belligerents in the existing war, and great britain, a neutral in that war; and instead of "refraining" from offering advice, all europe made haste to volunteer it to both parties. the united states were told by france, by russia, by spain, and other powers, that their act was illegal, and that they could, without a sacrifice of honor, grant the reparation demanded by great britain. neither the nation giving the advice nor the nation advised, supposed for a moment that there was a breach of neutrality in this proceeding; on the contrary, it was the general verdict of mankind, that the course pursued was not only legal, but eminently humane and proper, as tending to allay excitement, and prevent the effusion of blood. if you will run a parallel between the _trent_ case, and the case in hand, you will find it difficult, i think, to sustain the reason you have assigned for your forbearance. in that case, the quarrel was between a neutral, and a belligerent, as in this case. in that case, citizens of a belligerent state were unlawfully arrested on the high seas, in a neutral ship, by the opposite belligerent, and imprisoned. in this case, citizens of a belligerent state have been unlawfully arrested by a neutral, in neutral territory, and imprisoned. does the fact that the offence was committed in the former case, by a belligerent against a neutral, and in the latter case, by a neutral against a belligerent, make any difference in the application of the principle we are discussing? and if so, in what does the difference consist? if a strikes b, is it lawful to interfere to preserve the peace, and if b strikes a, is it unlawful to interfere for the same purpose? can the circumstance, that the prisoners seized by the one belligerent, in the _trent_ affair, were citizens of the other belligerent, alter the application of the principle? the difference, if any, is in favor of the present case, for whilst the belligerent in the former case was compelled to release its enemies, whom, under proper conditions it would have had the right to capture, in the latter case i requested you to advise a neutral to release prisoners, who were not the enemies of the neutral, and whom the neutral could have no right to capture under any circumstances whatever. upon further inquiry, i learn that my first impression, that the two gentlemen in question had been arrested under some claim of extradition, was not exactly correct. it seems that they were arrested by moorish soldiery, upon the requisition of the united states consul, who claimed to exercise jurisdiction over them, _as citizens of the united states_, under a provision of a treaty common between what are called the non-civilized and the civilized nations. this state of facts does not alter, in any degree, the reasoning applicable to the case. if morocco adopts the _status_ given to the confederate states by europe, she must remain neutral between the two belligerents, not undertaking to judge of the nationality of the citizens of either of them, or to decide any other question growing out of the war, which does not concern her own interests. she has no right, therefore, to adjudge a citizen of the confederate states, to be a citizen of the united states; and not having this right, herself, she cannot convey it by treaty to the united states, to be exercised by their consul in tangier. i trust that you will not understand, that i have written in a tone of remonstrance, or complaint. i have no ground on which to _demand_ anything of you. the friendly offices of nations, like those of individuals, must be spontaneous; and if in the present instance, you have not deemed yourself at liberty to offer a word of friendly advice, to a barbarian government which has evidently erred through ignorance of its rights and duties, in favor of unfortunate citizens of a government, in amity with your own, and whose people are connected with your people by so many ties of consanguinity and interest, i have no word of remonstrance to offer. you are the best judge of your own actions. i never received any reply to this letter from mr. hay. the fact that the prisoners were permitted to be delivered up to the enemy, as before stated, is conclusive that he was as good as his word, and "signified distinctly" to the moorish government, that he should refrain from giving it any advice on the subject--which, of course, under the circumstances, was tantamount to advising it to do what it did. if he had contented himself with handing in my protest to the moorish authorities, without any remark whatever, his conduct would not have been so objectionable, but when he made it a point to inform them, as he took pains to tell me he would, that he had no advice to offer them, this was saying to them in effect, "i have no objection to offer to your course;" for it must be borne in mind, that mr. hay was a great favorite with the government to which he was accredited, and was in the constant habit of giving it advice on every and all occasions. the consuls of the different powers resident in tangier behaved no better than mr. hay. a serious commotion among the christian residents took place, upon the arrest and imprisonment of messrs. myers and tunstall, which would probably have resulted in their release by the government, but for the interference of these consuls, headed by mr. hay. they advised their respective countrymen to disperse, and "refraining distinctly," each and all of them, from giving a word of advice to the perplexed authorities, though implored by the moors themselves to do so, the latter construed the whole course of hay and the consuls to mean, that they must comply with the federal consul's demand, and hand over the prisoners to him. the news of this arrest and imprisonment created great excitement in most of the christian capitals, particularly in london. a formal call was made in the british parliament, upon the under secretary for foreign affairs, for an official statement of the facts; but it being rumored and believed, soon afterward, in london, that the prisoners had been released, no steps were taken by the british government, if any were contemplated, until it was too late. mr. mason, our commissioner in london, interested himself at once in the matter, but was deceived like the rest, by the rumor. the following extract from a letter written by me to him on the th of march will show how the british government had been bamboozled by some one, although there was a continuous line of telegraph between london and gibraltar:-- "i have had the honor to receive your letter of the th inst. informing me that, as late as the th of march, the english government was under the impression that paymaster myers and mr. tunstall, had been released from imprisonment; and requesting me to telegraph you, if the contrary should be the fact. this lack of information on the part of the under secretary of state is somewhat remarkable, as no rumor has prevailed here, at any time, that these gentlemen had been liberated. on the contrary, the sloop-of-war _ino_, of the enemy, came into this bay--spanish side--on the th of february, with the prisoners on board, and sailed with them the next day. on the th of march, the _ino_ transferred the prisoners to the enemy's merchant-ship, _harvest home_, off cadiz, which sailed immediately for boston. you will perceive, from the narration of these facts, that it was unnecessary to telegraph to you, as the prisoners, though they had not been released, had been placed beyond the reach of the british government through its chargé at tangier--even if you could have induced that government to interfere, which i very much doubt. "you have, of course, been informed through the press, that the moorish government was anxious to liberate the prisoners, but that it was bullied into acquiescence, by the truculent federal consul, who was backed by a force of forty armed men, landed from the _ino_, and who threatened to haul down his flag, and quit the country, if his demand was not complied with. a word of advice given, unofficially even, by mr. hay, or some one of the consuls present, would have been an act of kindness to the ignorant moors, in keeping them out of a scrape, as well as to ourselves. as the case now stands, we shall be obliged, as soon as we shall have gotten rid of this yankee war, to settle accounts with his majesty of morocco." one more letter, and the reader will have full information of this tangier difficulty. myers and tunstall had embarked, as has been stated, under the french flag, and i wrote to mr. slidell in paris, requesting him to call the attention of the french government to this fact. having received from him in reply a note informing me that he had done so, i wrote him again as follows:-- "i have had the honor to receive your note of the th of march, informing me that you had referred the subject of the capture of messrs. myers and tunstall to mons. thouvenal, the french secretary of state for foreign affairs, but that the impression prevailed in paris that those gentlemen had been liberated. with regard to the latter fact, you will, of course, have been undeceived before this. the prisoners will probably be in fort warren, before this reaches you. the french consul-general at tangier must have kept his government badly informed on the subject, since the latter supposed, as late as the th inst., that the prisoners had been liberated. "i trust that you will be able to make something out of the case. it is one in which all the christian powers are interested. if this precedent is to stand, a french or an english subject may be seized, to-morrow, upon the simple requisition of a consul, and handed over to his enemy. and then, as i stated to you, in my first letter, is not the honor of the french flag involved? it is admitted that, as between civilized states, this question of the flag would not arise, the parties having disembarked. but a different set of rules has been applied to the dealings of the christian powers, with the non-christian, as is shown by this very arrest, under a claim of jurisdiction by a consul. a frenchman in morocco is, by treaty, under the protection of the french consular flag. if he commits an offence, he is tried and punished by his consul, regardless of the fact that he is literally within the jurisdiction of morocco. and these concessions have been demanded by the christian nations, for the security of their subjects. "a french citizen, on board a french merchant-ship, lying in the waters of morocco, would be subject to the same rule. should, now, a french traveller, landing in morocco, _in itinere_, only, from a french ship, be subject to a different rule? and if so, on what principle? and if a frenchman would be protected under these circumstances--protected because of the flag which has brought him hither, and not because he is a frenchman, simply, why may not messrs. myers and tunstall claim french protection? though they were on the soil of morocco, when arrested, they were there, _in itinere_, under the french flag, which not only exterritorialized the ship, over which it floated, but every one who belonged to the ship, whether on ship-board or on shore, for the time being. "but what appears to me most extraordinary in this case, is the apathy, or rather the fear of their own governments, which was manifested by the representatives of the christian powers, on the occasion of the arrest. a friend of mine, the captain of an english steam-frigate, on this station, visited tangier, with his ship, a day or two only after the occurrence, and he informs me that the moorish authorities were sorely perplexed, during the pendency of the affair, and that they implored the counsel and assistance of the representatives of the christian powers, to enable them to solve the difficulty, but that not one word of advice was tendered." * * * i was sorry to lose my very efficient paymaster, but there was no remedy. he was incarcerated for a while, after his arrival in boston, but was treated as a prisoner of war, and was finally released on parole. the secretary of the federal navy directed his stolen watch to be returned to him which is worthy of record, as being something exceptional, but i have never learned whether any punishment was inflicted upon the party committing the theft. probably not, as by this time, entire federal armies had become demoralized and taken to plundering. the _sumter_ was now blockaded by three ships of the enemy, and it being impossible for me to coal, i resolved to lay her up, and proceed to london, and consult with my government as to my future course. i might possibly have had coal shipped to me from london, or some other english port, but this would have involved expense and delay, and it was exceedingly doubtful besides, whether i could elude the vigilance of so many blockading ships, in a slow ship, with crippled boilers. in her best days, the _sumter_ had been a very inefficient ship, being always anchored, as it were, in the deep sea, by her propeller, whenever she was out of coal. a fast ship, propelled entirely by sail-power, would have been better. when i look back now, i am astonished to find what a struggle it cost me to get my own consent to lay up this old ship. as inexplicable as the feeling is, i had really become attached to her, and felt as if i would be parting forever with a valued friend. she had run me safely through two vigilant blockades, had weathered many storms, and rolled me to sleep in many calms. her cabin was my bed-room and my study, both in one, her quarter-deck was my promenade, and her masts, spars, and sails, my playthings. i had handled her in all kinds of weather, watching her every motion in difficult situations, as a man watches the yielding and cracking ice over which he is making a perilous passage. she had fine qualities as a sea-boat, being as buoyant, active, and dry as a duck, in the heaviest gales, and these are the qualities which a seaman most admires. and then, there are other chords of feeling touched in the sailor's heart, at the end of a cruise, besides the parting with his ship. the commander of a ship is more or less in the position of a father of a family. he necessarily forms an attachment for those who have served under him, and especially for such as have developed honorable qualities, and high abilities, and i had a number on board the _sumter_ who had developed both. i only regretted that they had not a wider field for the exercise of their abilities. i had officers serving with me, as lieutenants, who were equal to any naval command, whatever. but, unfortunately for them, our poor, hard-pressed confederate states had no navy worth speaking of; and owing to the timidity, caution, and fear of neutrals, found it impossible to improvise one. and then, when men have been drenched, and wind-beaten in the same storm, have stood on the deck of the same frail little ship, with only a plank between them and eternity, and watched her battling with the elements, which threaten every moment to overwhelm her, there is a feeling of brotherhood that springs up between them, that it is difficult for a landsman to conceive. there was another, and if possible, stronger chord which bound us together. in the olden time, when the christian warrior went forth to battle with the saracen, for the cross, each knight was the sworn brother of the other. they not only slept in the same tents, endured the same hardships, and encountered the same risks, but their faith bound them together with hooks of steel. without irreverence be it spoken, we of the southern states had, too, our faith. the saracen had invaded our beloved land, and was laying it waste with fire and sword. we were battling for our honor, our homes, and our property; in short, for everything that was dear to the human heart. yea, we were battling for our blood and our race, for it had been developed, even at this early stage of the war, that it was the design of the northern hordes that were swarming down upon us, not only to liberate the slave, but to enable him to put his foot upon the neck of his late master, and thus bastardize, if possible, his posterity. the blood of the white man in our veins could not but curdle at the contemplation of an atrocity which nothing but the brain of a demon could have engendered. besides my officers, i had many worthy men among my crew, who had stood by me in every emergency, and who looked forward with sorrowful countenances, to the approaching separation. the reader has been introduced to my malayan steward, john, on several occasions. john's black, lustrous eyes filled with ill-concealed tears, more than once, during the last days of the _sumter_, as he smoothed the pillow of my cot with a hand as tender as that of a woman, or handed me the choicest dishes at meals. i had governed my crew with a rigid hand, never overlooking an offence, but i had, at the same time, always been mindful of justice, and i was gratified to find, both on the part of officers and men, an apparent forgetfulness of the little jars and discords which always grow out of the effort to enforce discipline, it matters not how suavely and justly the effort may be made. being more or less cut off from communication with the navy department, i deemed it but respectful and proper to consult with our commissioner in london, mr. mason, and to obtain his consent before finally laying up the _sumter_. mr. mason agreed with me entirely in my views, and telegraphed me to this effect on the th of april. the next few days were busy days on board the _sumter_. upon the capture of paymaster myers, i had appointed lieutenant j. m. stribling acting paymaster, and i now set this officer at work, closing the accounts of the ship and paying off the officers and men. the officers were formally detached from the command, as fast as paid off, and they embarked for london, on their way to another ship, or to the confederate states, as circumstances might determine; and the men, with snug little sums in their pockets, were landed, and as is usually the case with sailors, soon dispersed to the four quarters of the globe; each carrying with him the material for yarn-spinning for the balance of his life. by the th of april we had completed all our preparations for turning over the ship to the midshipman who was to have charge of her, and in two or three days afterward, accompanied by mr. kell, my first lieutenant, and several other of my officers, i embarked on board the mail-steamer for southampton. the following is an extract from the last letter that was written to the secretary of the navy from on board the _sumter_:-- "i now have the honor to report to you, that i have discharged and paid off, in full, all the crew, numbering fifty, with the exception of the ten men detailed to remain by the ship, as servants, and to form a boat's crew for the officer left in charge. i have placed midshipman r. f. armstrong, assisted by acting master's mate i. t. hester, in charge of the ship, with provisions and funds for ten or twelve months, and i have directed all the other officers to return to the confederate states, and report themselves to the department. i will myself proceed to london, and after conferring with mr. mason, make the best of my way home. i trust the department will see, in what i have done, an anxious desire to advance the best interests of our country, and that it will justify the responsibility, which, in the best exercise of my judgment, i felt it my duty to assume, in the difficult circumstances by which i was surrounded and embarrassed. enclosed is a copy of my order to midshipman armstrong, and a list of the officers and men left on board the ship." a brief summary of the services of the _sumter_, and of what became of her, may not be uninteresting to the reader, who has followed her thus far, in her wanderings. she cruised six months, leaving out the time during which she was blockaded in gibraltar. she captured seventeen ships, as follows: the _golden rocket_, _cuba_, _machias_, _ben. dunning_, _albert adams_, _naiad_, _louisa kilham_, _west wind_, _abby bradford_, _joseph maxwell_, _joseph parke_, _d. trowbridge_, _montmorency_, _arcade_, _vigilant_, _eben dodge_, _neapolitan_, and _investigator_. it is impossible to estimate the damage done to the enemy's commerce. the property actually destroyed formed a very small proportion of it. the fact alone of the _sumter_ being upon the seas, during these six months, gave such an alarm to neutral and belligerent shippers, that the enemy's carrying-trade began to be paralyzed, and already his ships were being laid up, or sold under neutral flags--some of these sales being _bona fide_, and others fraudulent. in addition to this, the enemy kept five or six of his best ships of war constantly in pursuit of her, which necessarily weakened his blockade, for which, at this time, he was much pressed for ships. the expense to my government of running the ship was next to nothing, being only $ , , or about the price of one of the least valuable of her prizes. the _sumter_ was sold in the course of a month or two after being laid up, and being put under the english flag as a merchant-ship, made one voyage to the coast of the confederate states, as a blockade-runner, entering the port of charleston. her new owner changed her name to that of _gibraltar_. she was lost afterward in the north sea, and her bones lie interred not far from those of the _alabama_. chapter xxvii. author leaves gibraltar, and arrives in london--mr. mason--confederate naval news--sojourn in london--author embarks on board the steamer melita, for nassau--sojourn in nassau--new orders from the navy department--author returns to liverpool--the alabama gone. we had been long enough in gibraltar to make many warm friends, and some of these came on board the mail-steamer in which we had taken passage to take leave of us; among others, captain lambert, r. n., in command of her majesty's steam frigate, the _scylla_, to whom i am much indebted, for warm sympathy, and many acts of kindness. the captain was the son of vice-admiral sir charles lambert, whose hospitality i had enjoyed, for a single night, many years before, under peculiar circumstances. when the united states brig _somers_ was capsized and sunk, off vera cruz, and half her crew drowned, as briefly described some pages back, sir charles lambert, then a captain, was in command of the sailing frigate _endymion_, and it was on board that ship that i was carried, more dead than alive, on the evening of the fatal disaster. i recollect distinctly the plight in which i ascended the side of this english frigate. like a waif which had been picked up from the sea, i had nothing on me but shirt and trousers, and these, as well as my hair, were dripping water. i had lost my ship only an hour or two before, and had witnessed the drowning of many helpless men, who had struggled in vain for their lives. my heart was oppressed with the weight of my misfortune, and my strength nearly exhausted. sir charles received me at the foot of the ladder, as i descended to the deck of his ship, as tenderly, and with as much genuine sympathy and compassion, as if i had been his own son, and taking me into his cabin, had my wants duly cared for. there are said to be secret chords of sympathy binding men together in spite of themselves. i know not how this may be, but i felt drawn toward the son of my benefactor, even before i knew him to be his son. i take this public mode of expressing to both father and son my thanks for the many obligations under which they have placed me. as the swift and powerful steamer on which we were embarked, moved silently, but rapidly out of the harbor, in the evening twilight, i took a last, lingering look at the little _sumter_. her once peopled decks were now almost deserted, only a disconsolate old sailor or two being seen moving about on them, and the little ship herself, with her black hull, and black mast-heads and yards, the latter of which had been stripped of their sails, looked as if she had clad herself in mourning for our departure. a pleasant passage of a few days carried us rapidly past the coasts of spain, portugal, and a portion of france, into the british channel, and on the sixth day, we found ourselves in southampton, which i was afterward destined to revisit, under such different circumstances. on the same night i slept in that great babel, london. i remained in this city during the month of may, enjoying in a high degree, as the reader may suppose, the relaxation and ease consequent upon so great a change in my mode of life. there were no more enemies or gales of wind to disturb my slumbers; no intrusive officers to come into my bed-room at unseasonable hours, to report sails or land discovered, and no half drowned old quartermasters to poke their midnight lanterns into my face, and tell me, that the bow-ports were stove in, and the ship half full of water! if the storm raged without and the windows rattled, i took no notice of it, unless it was to turn over in my bed, and feel all the more comfortable, for my sense of security. kell and myself took rooms together, in euston square; our windows looking out, even at this early season, upon well-grown and fragrant grasses, trees in leaf, and flowers in bloom, all in the latitude of ° n.--thanks, as formerly remarked, to our american gulf stream. i called at once upon mr. mason, whom i had often seen in his seat in the senate of the united states, as a senator from the grand old state of virginia, but whom i had never known personally. i found him a genial virginia gentleman, with much _bon hommie_, and a great favorite with everybody. in his company i saw much of the society of the english capital, and soon became satisfied that mr. davis could not have intrusted the affairs of the confederacy, to better hands. english hearts had warmed toward him, and his name was the sesame to open all english doors. i soon learned from him the _status_ of confederate states' naval affairs, on the european side of the atlantic. the gun-boat _oreto_, afterward the _florida_, had sailed for nassau, in the bahamas, and the new ship being built by the messrs. laird at birkenhead, was well on her way to completion. other contracts were in hand, but nothing tangible had as yet been accomplished under them. i had also interviews with commander north, and commander bullock, agents of the confederate states navy department, for the building and equipping of ships, in these waters. it being evident that there was nothing available for me, i determined to lose no time in returning to the confederacy, and it was soon arranged that i should depart in the steamer _melita_, an english steamer preparing to take a cargo of arms, ammunition, and clothing to nassau. this ship belonged to the messrs. isaac, brothers, large blockade runners, who kindly tendered free passages to myself, and to my first lieutenant, and surgeon, who were to accompany me. i trust the reader will pardon me--as i hope the family itself will if i intrude upon its privacy--if i mention before leaving london, one of those old english households, immortalized by the inimitable pen of washington irving. one day whilst i was sitting quietly, after breakfast, in my rooms at euston square, running over the column of american news, in the "times," commander north entered, and in company with him came a somewhat portly gentleman, with an unmistakable english face, and dressed in clerical garb--not over clerical either, for, but for his white cravat, and the cut of the collar of his coat, you would not have taken him for a clergyman at all. upon being presented, this gentleman said to me, pleasantly, "i have come to take the captain of the _sumter_ prisoner, and carry him off to my house, to spend a few days with me." i looked into the genial face of the speaker, and surrendered myself to him a captive at once. there was no mistaking the old-time english gentleman--though the gentleman himself was not past middle age--in the open countenance, and kindly expression of my new friend. making some remarks to him about quiet, he said, "that is the very thing i propose to give you; you shall come to my house, stay as long as you please, go away when you please, and see nobody at all unless you please." i dined with him, the next day, in company with a few confederate and english friends, and spent several days at his house--the ladies president of which were his mother and maiden sister. i shall return hereafter to this house, as the reader will see. it became, in fact, my english home, and was but little less dear to me than my own home in america. the name of the rev. francis w. tremlett, of the "parsonage, in belsize park, near hampstead, london," dwells in my memory, and in that of every other confederate who ever came in contact with him--and they are not few--like a household word. we embarked on board the _melita_ in the latter part of may. the vessel had already dropped some distance down the thames, and we went thither to join her by rail; one of the messrs. isaac accompanying us, to see us comfortably installed. the _melita_ was to make a _bona fide_ voyage to nassau, having no intention of running the blockade. i was particular to have this point settled beyond the possibility of dispute, so as to bring our capture, if the enemy should undertake it, within the precedent set by the _trent_ case. the _sumter_ having dared to capture and destroy yankee ships upon the high seas, in defiance of president lincoln's proclamation, denouncing her as a "pirate," had wounded the ridiculous vanity of the enemy past forgiveness, to say nothing of that other and sorer wound which resulted from the destruction of his property, and he was exceedingly anxious, in consequence, to get hold of me. i was resolved, therefore, that, if another zealous, but indiscreet captain wilkes should turn up, that another seven days of penance and tribulation should be imposed upon mr. secretary of state seward. we were not molested, however, and after a pleasant run of about twenty days we entered the harbor of nassau, about p. m. on the th of june, . on the same evening of our arrival, i was quartered, with my small staff, in the victoria hotel, then thronged with guests, federal and confederate; for the yankee, in obedience to his instincts of traffic, had scented the prey from afar, and was here to turn an honest penny, by assisting the confederates to run the blockade! "it's an ill wind that blows nobody good," and nassau was a living witness of this old adage. the island of new providence, of which nassau is the only town, is a barren limestone rock, producing only some coarse grass, a few stunted trees, a few pine-apples and oranges, and a great many sand-crabs and "fiddlers." before the war, it was the rendezvous of a few wreckers and fishermen. commerce it had none, except such as might grow out of the sponge-trade, and the shipment of green turtle and conch-shells. the american war which has brought woe and wretchedness to so many of our states, was the wind which blew prosperity to nassau. it had already put on the air of a commercial city; its fine harbor being thronged with shipping, and its warehouses, wharves, and quays filled to repletion with merchandise. all was life, bustle, and activity. ships were constantly arriving and depositing their cargoes, and light-draught steamers, confederate and english, were as constantly reloading these cargoes, and running them into the ports of the confederate states. the success which attended many of these little vessels is surprising. some of them made their voyages, as regularly as mail packets, running, with impunity, through a whole fleet of the enemy's steamers. notwithstanding this success, however, the enemy was reaping a rich harvest, for many valuable prizes fell into his hands. it soon became a bone of contention among the federal naval officers, which of them should be assigned to the lucrative commands of the blockading squadrons. the admiral of one of these squadrons would frequently awake, in the morning, and find himself richer, by ten, twenty, or thirty thousand dollars, by reason of a capture made by some one of his subordinates, the night before. this was the "mess of pottage" for which so many unprincipled southern men, in the federal navy, sold their "birthright." some of these men are enjoying princely fortunes, but they have purchased these fortunes at the price of treason, and of blood, and by selling into bondage to the stranger, the people of their native states. whilst poor old virginia, for example, the "mother of states and statesmen," is wearing the chains of a captive, and groaning under the tortures inflicted upon her, by her hereditary enemy, the puritan, some of her sons are counting the "thirty pieces of silver" for which they sold her! "pity 'tis, but pity 'tis, 'tis true." these gentlemen may wrap themselves in as many folds of the "old flag" as they please, and talk as glibly as any yankee, of the great federal "nation" which has swallowed up the states, but future generations, if their ignoble names should descend so far down the stream of time, will unwind these folds from about them, as we have unwound from the mummy, its folds of fine linen, and expose the corruption and deformity beneath. i found several confederate naval officers at nassau--among others commander j. n. maffitt, who had been assigned to the command of the _oreto_, afterward to become famous as the _florida_; and commander g. t. sinclair, who had been kind enough, as the reader may recollect, to send me my guns for the _sumter_, from the norfolk navy yard. captain sinclair was recently from the confederate states, and had brought me a letter from mr. mallory, the secretary of the navy, which put a material change upon the face of affairs, so far as i was personally concerned. i was directed by this letter, to return to europe, and assume command of the new ship which was being built on the mersey, to be called the _alabama_. my reply to this letter, dated at nassau, on the th of june, will put the reader in possession of this new programme. it is as follows:-- nassau, new providence, june , . sir:--i have the honor to inform you of my arrival here, on the th inst., in twenty days from london. i found here lieutenants maffitt and sinclair, and have received your letter of may th, enclosing a copy of your despatch to me, of may d. as you may conclude, from the fact of my being here, the original of the latter communication [assigning me to the command of the _alabama_] has not reached me; nor indeed has any other communication from the department, since i left the mouths of the mississippi, in june, . as you anticipated, it became necessary for me to lay the _sumter_ up, in consequence of my being hemmed in, by the enemy, in a place where it was impossible to put the necessary repairs upon my boilers, to enable me to take the sea again; and where, moreover, it was impossible, without long delay and expense, to obtain a supply of coal. * * * [here follows a description of the laying up of the ship, which the reader has already seen.] upon my arrival in london, i found that the _oreto_ had been dispatched, some weeks before, to this place; and commander bullock having informed me that he had your order assigning him to the command of the second ship he was building [the _alabama_], i had no alternative but to return to the confederate states for orders. it is due to commander bullock to say, however, that he offered to place himself entirely under my instructions, and even to relinquish to me the command of the new ship; but i did not feel at liberty to interfere with your orders. while in london, i ascertained that a number of steamers were being prepared to run the blockade, with arms and other supplies for the confederate states, and, instead of dispatching my officers at once for these states, i left them to take charge of the ships mentioned, as they should be gotten ready for sea, and run them in to their several destinations--deeming this the best service they could render the government, under the circumstances. i came hither, myself, accompanied by my first lieutenant and surgeon--kell and galt--a passenger in the british steamer _melita_, whose cargo of arms and supplies is also destined for the confederate states. it is fortunate that i made this arrangement, as many of my officers still remain in london, and i shall return thither in time to take most of them with me to the _alabama_. in obedience to your order, assigning me to the command of this ship, i will return by the first conveyance to england, where the joint energies of commander bullock and myself will be directed to the preparation of the ship for sea. i will take with me lieutenant kell, surgeon galt, and first lieutenant of marines howell--mr. howell and lieutenant stribling having reached nassau a few days before me, in the british steamer _bahama_, laden with arms, clothing, and stores for the confederacy. at the earnest entreaty of lieutenant-commanding maffitt, i have consented to permit lieutenant stribling to remain with him, as his first lieutenant on board the _oreto_ (_florida_)--the officers detailed for that vessel not yet having arrived. mr. stribling's place on board the _alabama_ will be supplied by midshipman armstrong, promoted, whom i will recall from gibraltar, where i left him in charge of the _sumter_. it will, doubtless, be a matter of some delicacy, and tact, to get the _alabama_ safely out of british waters, without suspicion, as mr. adams, the northern envoy, and his numerous satellites in the shape of consuls and paid agents, are exceedingly vigilant in their espionage. we cannot, of course, think of arming her in a british port; this must be done at some concerted rendezvous, to which her battery, and a large portion of her crew must be sent, in a neutral merchant-vessel. the _alabama_ will be a fine ship, quite equal to encounter any of the enemy's steam-sloops, of the class of the _iroquois_, _tuscarora_, and _dacotah_, and i shall feel much more independent in her, upon the high seas, than i did in the little _sumter_. i think well of your suggestion of the east indies, as a cruising ground, and i hope to be in the track of the enemy's commerce, in those seas, as early as october or november next; when i shall, doubtless, be able to lay other rich "burnt offerings" upon the altar of our country's liberties. lieutenant sinclair having informed me that you said, in a conversation with him, that i might dispose of the _sumter_, either by laying her up, or selling her, as my judgment might approve, i will, unless i receive contrary orders from you, dispose of her by sale, upon my arrival in europe. as the war is likely to continue for two or three years yet, it would be a useless expense to keep a vessel so comparatively worthless, so long at her anchors. i will cause to be sent to the _alabama_, the _sumter's_ chronometers, and other nautical instruments and charts, and the remainder of her officers and crew. in conclusion, permit me to thank you for this new proof of your confidence, and for your kind intention to nominate me as one of the "captains," under the new navy bill. i trust i shall prove myself worthy of these marks of your approbation. i was delayed several very anxious weeks in nassau, waiting for an opportunity to return to europe. the _alabama_, i knew, was nearly ready for sea, and it was all-important that she should be gotten out of british waters, as speedily as possible, because of the espionage to which i have referred. but there was no european-bound vessel in nassau, and i was forced to wait. lieutenant sinclair having had a passage offered him, in an english steamer of war, as far as halifax, availed himself of the invitation, intending to take the mail-steamer from halifax for england. as he would probably arrive a week or two in advance of myself, i wrote to captain bullock by him, informing him of my having been appointed to the command of the _alabama_, and requesting him to hurry that ship off to her rendezvous, without waiting for me. i could join her at her rendezvous. as the reader will hereafter see, this was done. i passed the time of my enforced delay at nassau, as comfortably as possible. the hotel was spacious and airy, and the sea-breeze being pretty constant, we did not suffer much from the heat. i amused myself, watching from my windows, with the aid of an excellent glass, the movements of the blockade-runners. one of these vessels went out, and another returned, every two or three days; the returning vessel always bringing us late newspapers from the confederacy. the fare of the hotel was excellent, particularly the fish and fruits, and the landlord was accommodating and obliging. with maffitt, kell, galt, stribling, and other confederate officers, and some very pretty and musical confederate ladies, whose husbands and brothers were engaged in the business of running the blockade, the time would have passed pleasantly enough, but for the anxiety which i felt about my future movements. maffitt, in particular, was the life of our household. he knew everybody, and everybody knew him, and he passed in and out of all the rooms, _sans ceremonie_, at all hours. being a jaunty, handsome fellow, young enough, in appearance, to pass for the elder brother of his son, a midshipman who was to go with me to the _alabama_, he was a great favorite with the ladies. he was equally at home, with men or women, it being all the same to him, whether he was wanted to play a game of billiards, take a hand at whist, or join in a duet with a young lady--except that he had the good taste always to prefer the lady. social, gay, and convivial, he was much courted and flattered, and there was scarcely ever a dining or an evening party, at which he was not present. but this was the mere outside glitter of the metal. beneath all this _bagatelle_ and _dolce far niente_, maffitt was a remarkable man. at the first blast of war, like a true southerner--he was a north carolinian by birth--he relinquished a fine property in the city of washington, which was afterward confiscated by the enemy, resigned his commission in the federal navy, and came south, to tender his services to his native state. unlike many other naval men, he had the capacity to understand the nature of the government under which he lived, and the honesty to give his allegiance, in a cross-fire of allegiances, where his judgment told him it was due. he was a perfect master of his profession, not only in its practical, but in its more scientific branches, and could handle his ship like a toy. brave, cool, and full of resource, he was equal to any and every emergency that could present itself in a sailor's life. he made a brilliant cruise in the _florida_, and became more famous as a skilful blockade-runner than any other man in the war. this man, whose character i have not at all overdrawn, was pursued by the yankee, after his resignation, with a vindictiveness and malignity peculiarly puritan--to his honor be it said. with maury, buchanan, and other men of that stamp, who have been denounced with equal bitterness, his fame will survive the filth thrown upon it by a people who seem to be incapable of understanding or appreciating noble qualities in an enemy, and devoid of any other standard by which to try men's characters, than their own sectional prejudices. we should rather pity than contemn men who have shown, both during and since the war, so little magnanimity as our late enemies have done. the savage is full of prejudices, because he is full of ignorance. his intellectual horizon is necessarily limited; he sees but little, and judges only by what he sees. his own little world is _the_ world, and he tries all the rest of mankind by that standard. cruel in war, he is revengeful and implacable in peace. better things are ordinarily expected of civilized men. education and civilization generally dispel these savage traits. they refine and soften men, and implant in their bosoms the noble virtues of generosity and magnanimity. the new england puritan seems to have been, so far as we may judge him by the traits which have been developed in him during and since the war, an exception to this rule. with all his pretensions to learning, and amid all the appliances of civilization by which he has surrounded himself, he is still the same old plymouth rock man, that his ancestor was, three centuries ago. he is the same gloomy, saturnine fanatic; he has the same impatience of other men's opinions, and is the same vindictive tyrant that he was when he expelled roger williams from his dominions. the cockatrice's egg has hatched a savage, in short, that refuses to be civilized. the _oreto_ was in court whilst i was in nassau; the attorney-general of the colony having libelled her for a breach of the british foreign enlistment act. after a long and tedious trial, during which it was proved that she had left england unarmed, and unprovided with a warlike crew, she was released, very much to the gratification of my friend, maffitt, who had been anxiously awaiting the result of the trial. this energetic officer throwing himself and stribling on board of her, with such other officers and men as he could gather on short notice, ran the blockade of the enemy's cruisers, the following night, and the next morning found himself on the high seas, with just five firemen, and fourteen deck hands! his hope was to get his armament on board, and after otherwise preparing his ship for sea, to recruit his crew from the neutral sailors always to be found on board the enemy's merchant-ships. arriving at green key, the rendezvous, which had been concerted between himself, and our agent at nassau, mr. j. b. lafitte, he was joined by a schooner, on board which his battery and stores had been shipped, and forthwith set himself at work to arm and equip his ship. so short-handed was he, that he was obliged to strip off his own coat, and in company with his officers and men, assist at the stay-tackles, in hoisting in his heavy guns. the work was especially laborious, under the ardent rays of an august sun, but they toiled on, and at the end of five days of incessant labor, which well-nigh exhausted all their energies, they were enabled to dismiss their tender, and steam out upon the ocean, and put their ship in commission. the english flag, which the _oreto_ had worn, was hauled down, and amid the cheers of the crews of the two vessels, the confederate states flag was hoisted to the peak of the _florida_. a number of the men by this time, were unwell. their sickness was attributed to the severity of the labor they had undergone, in the excessive heats that were prevailing. the captain's steward died, and was buried on the afternoon on which the ship was commissioned. at sunset of that day, captain maffitt called lieutenant stribling into his cabin, and imparted to him the startling intelligence that the yellow fever was on board! the sick, now constantly increasing in number, were separated from the well, and the quarter-deck became a hospital. there being no surgeon on board, maffitt was compelled to assume the duties of this officer, in addition to his own, already onerous. he devoted himself with untiring zeal to the welfare of his stricken crew, without intermission, by night or by day. on the fifth day after leaving green key, the _florida_ found herself off the little island of anguila. by this time the epidemic had reduced her working crew to one fireman, and four deck hands. it was now no longer possible to keep the sea, and maffitt evading the blockade of the enemy--a happy chance having drawn them off in chase--ran his ship into the port of cardenas, in the island of cuba. here he was received kindly by the authorities and citizens, but as the yellow fever was epidemic on shore, no medical aid could be obtained. stribling was now dispatched to havana for a surgeon, and to ship a few men, if possible. helpless and sad, the suffering little crew awaited his return. one by one, the officers were attacked by the disease, until maffitt was left almost alone, to nurse, and administer remedies to the patients. but things were not yet at their worst. on the th of august, maffitt was himself attacked. on the afternoon of that day he sent for his clerk, and when the young gentleman had entered his cabin, said to him: "i've written directions in regard to the sick, and certain orders in relation to the vessel; also some private letters, which you will please take charge of." upon the clerk's asking him why this was done, he informed him that "he had all the symptoms of yellow fever, and as he was already much broken down, he might not survive the attack." he had made all the necessary preparations for his own treatment, giving minute written directions to those around him how to proceed, and immediately betook himself to his bed--the fever already flushing his cheeks, and parching his veins. there was now, indeed, nothing but wailing and woe on board the little _florida_. in two or three days stribling returned from havana, bringing with him twelve men; and on the day after his return, dr. barrett, of georgia, hearing of their helpless condition, volunteered his services, and became surgeon of the ship. on the d, young laurens, the captain's son--whilst his father was unconscious--breathed his last; black vomit having assailed him, in twenty-four hours after he had been taken down with the fever; so virulent had the disease now become. he was a fine, brave, promising lad, greatly beloved, and deeply regretted by all. on the d, the third assistant engineer died. the sick were now sent to the hospital on shore, and nearly all of them died. dr. gilliard, surgeon of a spanish gun-boat in the harbor, now visited the captain, and was exceedingly kind to him. on the th, a consultation of physicians was held, and it was decided that maffitt's case was hopeless. but it so happened that the disease just then had reached its crisis, and a favorable change had taken place. the patient had not spoken for three days, and greatly to the surprise of all present, after one of the physicians had given his opinion, he opened his eyes, now beaming with intelligence, and said in a languid voice: "you are all mistaken--i have got too much to do, and have no time to die." he convalesced from that moment. on the th, major helm, our agent in havana, telegraphed that, for certain reasons, the captain-general desired that the _florida_ would come round to havana, and remain until the health of her crew should be restored. the captain-general probably feared that in an undefended port like cardenas, some violence might be committed upon the _florida_ by the federal cruisers, in violation of spanish neutrality. accordingly, on the th the _florida_ got under way, and proceeded for havana, where she arrived the next day. the reader naturally wonders, no doubt, where the federal cruisers were, all this time. maffitt remained here only a day, finding it impossible, owing to the stringent orders of neutrality that were being enforced, to do anything in the way of increasing his crew, or refitting his ship. getting his ship under way, again on the st of september, he now resolved to run into mobile. at two p. m. on the th of that month fort morgan was made, when it was found that three of the enemy's cruisers lay between the _florida_ and the bar. maffitt was assisted on deck, being too weak yet to move without assistance. having determined that his ship should not fall into the hands of the enemy, he had made suitable preparations for blowing her up, if it should become necessary. he now hoisted the english ensign and pennant, and stood boldly on. his very boldness staggered the enemy. he must certainly be, they thought, an english gunboat. the _oneida_, the flag-ship of commander preble, the commanding officer of the blockading squadron, attempted to throw herself in the _florida's_ path, first having hailed her and commanded her to stop. but the latter held on her course so determinedly, that the former, to prevent being run down, was obliged to stop, herself, and reverse her engine. preble, now undeceived as to the possibility of the _florida's_ being an englishman, opened fire upon her, as did the other two ships. the _oneida's_ broadside, delivered from a distance of a few yards only, cut away the _florida's_ hammocks, smashed her boats, and shattered some of her spars. the three enemy's vessels now grouped themselves around the daring little craft, and fired broadside after broadside at her, during the chase which ensued. one eleven-inch shell entering the _florida's_ side, only a few inches above the water-line, passed entirely through her, before the fuse had time to explode it. if the enemy had been a little farther off, the _florida_ must have been torn in pieces by the explosion. another shell entered the cabin. the fore-topmast and fore-gaff were shot away. in short, when it is recollected that she was nearly two hours under this tremendous fire, the wonder is that she escaped with a whole spar, or a whole timber. maffitt, meantime, had not cast loose a gun. he had no crew with which to man his battery. what few sailors he had, he had sent below, except only the man at the wheel, that they might be less exposed. but they were not safe, even here, for the shell which we have described as passing through the ship, took off one man's head, and seven others were wounded by splinters. my ex-lieutenant of the _sumter_, stribling, merited, on this occasion, the praise i have bestowed on him, in drawing his portrait. he is described by an eye-witness to have been as cool and self-possessed, as if there had been no enemy within a hundred miles of him. to make a long story short, the gallant little _florida_ finally escaped her pursuers, and, in a shattered condition, ran in and anchored near fort morgan. as the reader may suppose, her english flag was exchanged for her own stars and bars, as soon as the enemy opened upon her. this was the most daring and gallant running of a blockade that occurred during a war so fruitful of daring and gallant acts. after repairing and refitting his vessel, my gallant friend dashed again through the enemy's fleet, now much increased in numbers, and commenced that career on the high seas, which has rendered his name one of the notable ones of the war. he lighted the seas with a track of fire, wherever he passed, and sent consternation and alarm among the enemy's shipping. a correspondent of a northern paper, writing from havana, thus speaks of maffitt and his craft:-- "the rebel man-of-war, privateer or pirate _florida_, otherwise known as the _oreto_, has safely arrived in this port, although she was chased up to the very walls of the moro castle by the mobile blockading squadron, nine in number. the chase was a most exciting one, but, unfortunately, without the result so much to be desired. "it appears that the pirate maffitt came out of the port of mobile with as much impudence as he entered it. the steamer seems to have been well punished with shot and shell from the federal ships, and it is reported that she lost her first lieutenant, and sixteen men killed by a shell from one of the men-of-war. * * * * * "from reliable information, i am enabled to state, or, rather, i am convinced, that this vessel will sail for the east indies in a few days. our government had better look out for her advent in those waters. captain maffitt is no ordinary character. he is vigorous, energetic, bold, quick, and dashing, and the sooner he is caught and hung, the better will it be for the interests of our commercial community. he is decidedly popular here, and you can scarcely imagine the anxiety evinced to get a glance at him." we may return now to the movements of the writer. after long waiting at nassau, the _bahama_, the steamer in which stribling and howell had come over from hamburg, was ready to return, and i embarked on board of her, with my staff, and after a passage of some three weeks, landed in liverpool, just in time to find that the bird had flown. the _alabama_ had steamed a few days before, for her rendezvous, where, in due time, we will follow her. chapter xxviii. a brief resume of the history of the war, between the commissioning of the sumter and the commissioning of the alabama--secretary mallory, and the difficulties by which he was surrounded--the reorganization of the confederate states navy. although, as before remarked, i design only to write a history of my own proceedings, during the late war, yet it will be necessary, to enable the reader to understand these proceedings correctly, to run a mere thread of the general history of the war along parallel with them. i have done this up to the date of commissioning the _sumter_. it will now be necessary to take up the thread again, and bring it down to the commissioning of the _alabama_. i shall do this very briefly, barely enumerating the principal military events, without attempting to describe them, and glancing very cursorily at the naval events. we ran the blockade of the mississippi, in the _sumter_, as has been seen, on the th of june, . in july of that year, the first great battle of manassas was fought, to which allusion has already been made. this battle gave us great prestige in europe, and contributed very much to the respect with which the little _sumter_ had been received by foreign powers. a long military pause now ensued. the enemy had been so astonished and staggered by this blow, that it took him some time to recover from its effects. he, however, turned it to useful account, and set himself at work with great patience, and diligence, at the same time, to collect and thoroughly drill new troops. the victory, on the other hand, had an unfavorable effect upon our own people, in giving them an undue impression of their superiority over their enemy, and lulling them into supineness. during the summer of , two naval expeditions were fitted out, by the enemy, and sent to operate against our coast. the first of these expeditions, under command of commodore stringham, captured two hastily constructed, and imperfect earth-works at hatteras inlet on the coast of north carolina, and made a lodgement on pamlico sound. the capture of these works, is no otherwise remarkable, in a naval point of view, than for the circumstance that a confederate states naval officer fell into the hands of the enemy, for the first time during the war. commodore samuel barron, of the confederate states navy, commanded the forts, and surrendered, after a gallant resistance, to the overwhelming force which assaulted him, on condition that he should be treated _as a prisoner of war_. the battle of manassas had occurred to humble the pride, and appeal to the fears of the enemy, and the condition named by barron was readily assented to. the other naval expedition, under command of commodore dupont, captured port royal, in south carolina as mentioned in a former page. the "_trent_ affair," already described, came off in november, , and commodore hollins' attack upon the enemy's fleet at the mouths of the mississippi, in which he gave him such a scare, occurred, as already related, in october of the same year. this brings us to the close of the first year of the war. the year was big with events, which we will, for the most part, merely string on our thread. the confederates, in the beginning of the year, occupied a position at bowling green, in kentucky, which was seemingly a strong position, with railroad communication, in their rear, with all parts of the south, but they could not hold it, for the simple reason, that the enemy, having command of the western rivers by means of his superior naval force, penetrated into their rear, and thus compelled a retreat. when the enemy, by means of his gun-boats, could send armies up the cumberland and tennessee rivers, to the heart of tennessee and alabama, it was folly to think of holding bowling green, with our limited forces. our army fell back to nashville, and even abandoned that city, after the fall of forts henry and donelson, which were captured by the federal forces, in february, . the evacuation of all these points, one after another, and afterward the loss of island no. , on the mississippi, and new madrid, were serious blows for us. but our disasters did not end here. the battle of shiloh followed, in which we were defeated, and compelled to retreat, after we had, to all appearance, gained a victory almost complete on the first day of the fight. naval disasters accompanied, or followed our disasters upon the land. early in , a naval expedition of the enemy, under the command of commodore goldsborough, entered pamlico sound, and captured roanoke island. commodore lynch, of the confederate states navy, with six or seven small, ill-armed gunboats, which had been improvised from light and frail river steamers, assisted in the defence of the island, but was obliged to withdraw before the superior forces of the enemy. the enemy, pursuing his advantages, followed lynch's retreating fleet to elizabeth city, in north carolina, where he captured or destroyed it. the enemy was now not only in possession of the western waters--vicksburg and port hudson alone obstructing his free navigation of the mississippi as far down as new orleans--but pamlico and albemarle sounds, in north carolina, and the bay of port royal in south carolina and georgia, were open to him. to complete the circle of our disasters, new orleans was captured by farragut and porter, in april--the small confederate fleet under commodore john k. mitchell, making a gallant but disastrous defence, in which it was totally destroyed, with great loss of life of both officers and men. let us turn now to a more pleasing picture; for all was not disaster for the confederates, during the year . in march of that year, the memorable naval engagement occurred in hampton roads, between the confederate states iron-clad steamer _virginia_, and the enemy's fleet, resulting in the destruction, by the _virginia_, of two of the enemy's wooden frigates. great consternation and alarm were produced in the enemy's fleet, and at fortress monroe, by admiral buchanan and his armored ship, as well there might be, for the ship was perfectly invulnerable, and but for her great draught of water, might have destroyed or driven off the whole federal fleet. our people were greatly elated by this victory, coming as it did, in the midst of so many disasters. it attracted great attention in europe, also, as being decisive of the fate of all the old-time wooden ships, which had, up to that period, composed the navies of the world. it so happened, that the federals had completed the first of their monitors, at this very time, and this little iron ship, arriving opportunely, engaged the _virginia_ on the second day of the fight. like her great antagonist, she, too, was invulnerable, and the result was a drawn battle. from this time onward, the enemy multiplied his armored ships very rapidly, and it is scarcely too much to say, that he is almost wholly indebted to them, for his success in the war. another very creditable affair for the confederates came off on the th of may. in the interval between the fight of the _virginia_, with the enemy's fleet in hampton roads, and the day last named, norfolk had been evacuated, and the _virginia_, which had passed under the command of commodore tatnall, was blown up. the consequence was that the james river was open to the navigation of the enemy. taking advantage of this state of things, five of the enemy's gunboats, two of which were iron-clad, ascended the river, with intent to reach, and shell richmond, if practicable. they met with no serious obstruction, or any opposition, until they reached drury's bluff. here the river had been obstructed, and a confederate earth-work erected. the earth-work was commanded by captain eben farrand, of the confederate states navy, who had some sailors and marines under him. the federal fleet having approached within yards, opened fire upon the fort, which it kept up for the space of three hours. it was so roughly handled, however, by farrand and his sailors, that at the end of that time, it was obliged to retire, with several of its vessels seriously damaged. no further attempt was made during the war, to reach richmond by means of iron-clads; the dose which farrand had given them was quite sufficient. but the greatest of all the triumphs which crowned the confederate arms during this year of , were the celebrated campaigns of stonewall jackson, in the shenandoah valley, and the seven days' fighting before richmond. i will barely string these events, as i pass along. banks, fremont, and shields, of the enemy, were all operating in this valley, with forces greatly outnumbering those of jackson. the latter, by a series of rapid and masterly movements, fell upon his enemies, one after the other, and defeated them all; banks, in particular, who having been bred to civil life, was devoid of all military training, and apparently wanting, even, in that first and most common requisite of a soldier, courage, flying in disorder, and abandoning to his pursuer all the supplies and _materiel_ of a large and well-appointed army. such frantic efforts did he make to escape from jackson, that he marched thirty-five miles in a single day; passing through the good old town of winchester, which he had formerly occupied, with so many signs of trepidation and alarm, that the citizens received him and his troops, with shouts of derisive laughter! the enemy, after his defeat at manassas, put general mcclellan in command of the army of the potomac, and the balance of the year was devoted, by this officer, to the collecting and drilling of troops. in the spring of , he landed at fortress monroe, with a splendidly appointed army of , men, provided with batteries of artillery, consisting of field pieces. magruder held him in check, for some time, with , men, which enabled the confederate commanders to gather together their forces, for the defence of richmond. he moved at length, was checked a while at williamsburg, by longstreet, but finally deployed his immense forces on the banks of the chickahominy. a series of battles now took place, commencing on the th of may, and extending through the month of june, which resulted in the raising of the siege, and the total rout and precipitate retreat of the federal commander. i will barely enumerate these battles, as follows: seven pines; mechanicsville and beaver dam; gaines' mills; savage station; frazer's farm; and malvern hill;--names sufficient alone to cover the confederate cause with immortal glory, in the minds of all true men, as the highest qualities of courage, endurance, patriotism, and self-sacrifice, that any men could be capable of, were exhibited on those fields, destined to become classic in american annals. following up the defeat of mcclellan, by johnston and lee, stonewall jackson gained his splendid victory of the second manassas over pope; defeating him with great loss, and driving him before him to the gates of washington. thus, notwithstanding our disasters in the west and south, an entirely new face had been put upon the war in virginia. the enemy's capital, instead of richmond, was in danger, and mcclellan was hastily withdrawn from fortress monroe, for its defence. we must now pause, for we have brought the thread of the war down to the commissioning of the _alabama_, and the reader will see with what forebodings, as well as hopes, we took the sea, in that ship. the war may be said now to have been at its height. both the belligerents were thoroughly aroused, and a few blows, well struck, on the water, might be of great assistance. i resolved to attempt to strike these blows. a few words, now, as to the _status_ of the confederate states navy. as remarked in the opening of these memoirs, the confederate states had no navy at the beginning of the war, and the south being almost entirely agricultural, with few or no ships, and but little external commerce, except such as was conducted in northern bottoms, had but very indifferent means of creating one. whilst the north was one busy hive of manufacturing industry, with its ship-yards and work-shops, resounding, by night and by day, with the busy strokes of the hammer, the adze, and the caulking-iron; whilst its steam-mills and foundries were vomiting forth their thick smoke from their furnaces, and deafening the ears of their workmen by the din of the trip-hammer and the whirr of the lathe; and whilst foreign material of every description was flowing into open ports, the south had neither ship-yards nor work-shops, steam-mills nor foundries, except on the most limited scale, and all her ports were as good as hermetically sealed, so far as the introduction of the heavy materials of which she stood in need was concerned. it will be seen what a difficult task the secretary of the navy had before him, and how unjust are many of the censures that were cast upon him, by persons unconversant with naval affairs. indeed, it is rather a matter of surprise, that so much was accomplished with our limited means. work-shops and foundries were improvised, wherever it was possible to establish them; but the great difficulty was the want of the requisite heavy machinery. we had not the means, in the entire confederacy, of turning out a complete steam-engine, of any size, and many of our naval disasters are attributable to this deficiency. well-constructed steamers, that did credit to the navy department and its agents, were forced to put to sea, and to move about upon our sounds and harbors, with engines disproportioned to their size, and incapable of driving them at a speed greater than five miles the hour. the casting of cannon, and the manufacture of small arms, were also undertaken by the secretary, under the direction of skilful officers, and prosecuted to considerable efficiency. but it took time to accomplish all these things. before a ship could be constructed, it was necessary to hunt up the requisite timber, and transport it considerable distances. her armor, if she was to be armored, was to be rolled also at a distance, and transported over long lines of railroad, piecemeal; her cordage was to be picked up at one place, and her sails and hammocks at another. i speak knowingly on this subject, as i had had experience of many of the difficulties i mention, in fitting out the _sumter_ in new orleans. i was two months in preparing this small ship for sea, practising, all the while, every possible diligence and contrivance. the secretary had other difficulties to contend with. by the time he had gotten many of his ship-yards well established, and ships well on their way to completion, the enemy would threaten the _locus in quo_, by land, and either compel him to attempt to remove everything movable, in great haste, and at great loss, or destroy it, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the enemy. many fine ships were, in this way, burned on the very eve of completion. it must be recollected, too, that in the early days of the war, we had no finances. these were to be improvised along with other things. i travelled to the north, on the mission which has been described in these pages, on money borrowed from a private banker. if we had had plenty of funds in the beginning of the war, it is possible that we might have accomplished more than we did, in europe, in the matter of getting out ships to prey upon the enemy's commerce--that is, in the way of purchase, for it soon became evident, from the experience we had had, in building the _alabama_, and other ships contracted for by the navy department, that we could not rely upon constructing them. the neutral powers became too watchful, and were too much afraid of the federal power. when the government did put the secretary in funds, several months had elapsed, the war had begun, the coast was blockaded, and all the nations of europe were on the alert. with reference to the _personnel_ of the navy, a few words will describe the changes which had taken place in its organization, since i last referred to the subject. it will be recollected that it then consisted of but four captains, four commanders, and about thirty lieutenants, and that the writer was the junior, but one, of the four commanders. a considerable accession was made to the navy-list, as virginia, north carolina, and other states seceded, and joined their fortunes with those of their more impulsive sisters, the cotton states. a number of old officers, past service, disdaining to eat the bread of ignoble pensioners upon the bounty of the northern states, which were seeking to subjugate the states of their birth or adoption, came south, bringing with them nothing but their patriotism and their gray hairs. these all took rank, as has been remarked, according to the positions they had held in the old service. these old gentlemen, whilst they would have commanded, with great credit, fleets and squadrons of well-appointed and well-officered ships, were entirely unsuited for such service as the confederacy could offer them. it became necessary, in consequence, to re-organize the navy; and although this was not done until may, , some months after the _alabama_ was commissioned, i will anticipate the subject here, to avoid the necessity of again referring to it. i had been promoted to the rank of captain in the regular navy, in the summer of . the act of may, , established what was called the provisional navy; the object being, without interfering with the rank of the officers in the regular navy, to cull out from that navy-list, younger and more active men, and put them in the provisional navy, with increased rank. the regular navy became, thus, a kind of retired list, and the secretary of the navy was enabled to accomplish his object of bringing forward younger officers for active service, without wounding the feelings of the older officers, by promoting their juniors over their heads, _on the same list_. as late as december, , we had had no admirals in our navy. on the th of that month, the act organizing the navy was so amended, as to authorize the appointment of four officers of this grade. there was but one of these admirals appointed, up to the time of which i am writing--buchanan, who was promoted for his gallant fight in the _virginia_, with the enemy's fleet in hampton roads. buchanan, being already an admiral in the regular navy, was now transferred to the provisional navy, with the same rank; and the captains' list of this latter navy was so arranged that barron stood first on it, and myself second. i was thus, the third in rank in the provisional navy, soon after i hoisted my pennant on board the _alabama_. in reviewing these matters, my only regret now is, that the older officers of whom i have spoken, and who made so many sacrifices for principle--sacrifices that have hastened several of them to the tomb, were not made admirals on the regular or retired list. the honors would have been barren, it is true, as no commands, commensurate with the rank, could have been given them, but the bestowal of the simple title would have been a compliment, no more than due to veterans, who had commanded squadrons in the old service, and who had abandoned all for the sake of their states. the reader is now in a condition to accompany me, whilst i describe to him the commissioning of the _alabama_. chapter xxix. the legality of the equipment of the alabama, and a few precedents for her career, drawn from the history of the war of . before i read my commission on the quarter-deck of the _alabama_, i desire to say a word or two as to the legality of her equipment, and to recall to the recollection of the reader a few of the incidents of the war of the revolution of , to show how inconsistent our northern brethren have been, in the denunciations they have hurled against that ship. mr. seward, the federal secretary of state, and mr. charles francis adams, who was the united states minister at the court of st. james, during the late war between the states, have frequently lost their temper, when they have spoken of the _alabama_, and denounced her as a "pirate." in cooler moments, when they come to read over the intemperate despatches they have been betrayed into writing, they will probably be ashamed of them themselves; since these despatches not only contradict the truth of history, and set at defiance the laws of nations, but stultify themselves in important particulars. great stress has been laid, by both of these gentlemen, on the foreign origin of the _alabama_, forgetting entirely, not only what was done by their ancestors in the war of , but what was attempted to be done by mr. gideon welles, their own secretary of the navy, in the year of grace . i will refresh their memories on both these points, and first, as to the latter. mr. welles attempted to do, nothing more nor less than the confederate states secretary of the navy, mr. mallory, did in the matter of building the _alabama_--that is to say, he endeavored to build some _alabamas_ in england himself, but failed! this little episode in the history of the federal navy department is curious, and worthy of being preserved as a practical commentary on so much of the despatches of messrs. seward and adams, as relates to the foreign origin of my ship. the facts were published soon after their occurrence, and have not been, and cannot be denied. they were given to the public by mr. laird, the gentleman who built the _alabama_, and who was the party with whom the federal navy department endeavored to treat. mr. laird was a member of the british parliament, and having been abused, without stint, as an aider and abettor of "pirates," by the northern newspapers, as soon as it became known that he was the builder of the _alabama_, he made a speech in the house of commons, in defence of himself, in the course of which he stated the fact i have charged, to wit: that mr. welles endeavored to make a contract with him, for building some _federal alabamas_. here is so much of his speech as is necessary to establish the charge:--"in ," said he, "just after the war broke out, a friend of mine, whom i have known for many years, was over here, and came to me with a view of getting vessels built in this country, for the american government--the northern government. its agent in this country made inquiries; plans and estimates were given to my friend, and transmitted to the secretary of the american navy. i will read an abstract from this gentleman's letter, dated the th of july, . it is written from washington, and states:--'since my arrival here, i have had frequent interviews with our department of naval affairs, and am happy to say that the minister of the navy is inclined to have an iron-plated ship built out of the country. this ship is designed for a specific purpose, to accomplish a definite object. i send you, herewith, a memorandum handed me last evening from the department, with the request that i would send it to you, by steamer's mail of to-morrow, and ask your immediate reply, stating if you will agree to build such a ship as desired, how soon, and for how much, with such plans and specifications as you may deem it best to send me.' the extract from the memorandum states, that the ship is to be finished complete, with guns and everything appertaining. on the th of august, i received another letter from the same gentleman, from which the following is an extract:--'i have this morning a note from the assistant secretary of the navy, in which he says, "i hope your friends will tender for the two iron-plated steamers."' after this, the firm with which i was lately connected, having made contracts to a large extent with other persons, stated that they were not in a condition to undertake any orders to be done in so short a time. this was the reply:--'i sent your last letter, received yesterday, to the secretary of the navy, who was very desirous to have you build the iron-plated or bomb-proof batteries, and i trust that he will yet decide to have you build one or more of the gun-boats.' "i think, perhaps, in the present state of the law in america, i shall not be asked to give the name of my correspondent, but he is a gentleman of the highest respectability. if any honorable member wishes, i shall have no objection in handing the whole correspondence, with the original letters, into the hands of you, sir, [the speaker of the house,] or of the first minister of the crown, in strict confidence, because there are communications in these letters, respecting the views of the american government, which i certainly should not divulge, and which i have not mentioned or alluded to before. but, seeing the american government are making so much work about other parties, whom they charge with violating or evading the law, when, in reality, they have not done so, i think it only fair to state these facts." it thus appears that the government of the united states preceded us in the english market, having endeavored, a whole year before the _alabama_ was built, to contract with mr. laird for the building of iron-plated, and other ships, and that the only reason why the contract was not made, was, that mr. laird had taken already so much work in hand, that he could not take "any new orders, to be done in so short a time"--as that prescribed by mr. welles, for it seems that he was in a hurry. the explanation probably is, that we had offered mr. laird better terms than mr. welles, and this is the only reason why the _alabama_ was a confederate, instead of a federal ship! this speech of mr. laird caused no little merriment in the house of commons, for, as before remarked, the federal press, knowing nothing of these secret transactions between mr. welles and mr. laird, had been denouncing the latter for building the _alabama_, in the coarse and offensive language to which, by this time, it had become accustomed. the disclosures could not but be ludicrous. to dispose, now, of mr. seward's objection, that the _alabama_ was foreign-built. the reader will see, in a moment, that there is nothing in this objection, when he reflects that a ship of war, in the light in which we are considering her, is a _personification_, and not a mere material thing. if her personification be true, and unobjectionable, it matters not of what materials she may be composed, whence those materials may have been drawn, or where they may have been fashioned. it is the commission which a sovereign puts on board a ship, that causes her to personify the sovereign power, and it is obviously of no importance how the sovereign becomes possessed of the ship. it can make no difference to other nations, so far as her character of ship of war is concerned, whether she is fashioned out of the pines of norway, or of florida, or whether the copper on her bottom comes from lake superior or peru; or, finally, whether englishmen, or frenchmen, or americans shall have put her frame together, in either of their respective countries. even if she be built, armed, and equipped in neutral territory, in plain violation of the neutral duty of that territory, she is purged of this offence, so far as her character of ship of war is concerned, the moment she reaches the high seas, and is commissioned. to apply this reasoning to the alabama. if it be true, as stated by mr. seward, that she was built in england, in violation of the neutrality of that country, this might have subjected her to detention by england, or it might have raised a question between the united states and england; but the ship, having once escaped, and been commissioned, her origin is necessarily lost sight of, and neither england nor any other country can afterward inquire into it. indeed, there can be no principle of the laws of nations plainer than this, that when a ship is once commissioned by a sovereign power, no other power can look into the antecedents of the ship. from the moment that her commission is read on her quarter-deck, she becomes the personification of the sovereign power, and the sovereign avows himself responsible for all her acts. no one of these acts can be impeached on the ground, that antecedently to her becoming a ship of war, she committed some offence against the laws of nations, or against the municipal law of some particular nation. this point was settled years before our war, by the supreme court of the united states, in the case of the _santissima trinidad_. it was alleged that that ship had been fitted out in the united states, in violation of the neutrality laws--during a war between spain and her colonies--and the question arose whether this invalidated her commission, as a ship of war. mr. justice story delivered the opinion of the court, in the course of which he said:-- "in general, the commission of a public ship, signed by the proper authorities of the nation to which she belongs [the nation to which the _santissima trinidad_ belonged, was the _de facto_ nation of buenos ayres] is complete proof of her national character. a bill of sale is not necessary to be produced, nor will the courts of a foreign country inquire into the means by which the title to the property has been acquired. it would be to exert the right of examining into the validity of the acts of the foreign sovereign, and to sit in judgment upon them in cases where he has not conceded the jurisdiction, and where it would be inconsistent with his own supremacy. the commission, therefore, of a public ship, when duly authenticated, so far at least as foreign courts are concerned, imports absolute verity, and the title is not examinable. the property must be taken to be duly acquired, and cannot be controverted. this has been the settled practice between nations, and it is a rule founded in public convenience and policy, and cannot be broken in upon, without endangering the peace and repose, as well of neutral as of belligerent sovereigns. "the commission in the present case is not expressed in the most unequivocal terms, but its fair import and interpretation must be deemed to apply to a public ship of the government. if we add to this, the corroborative testimony of our own, and the british consul at buenos ayres, as well as that of private citizens, to the notoriety of her claim of a public character, and her admission into our own ports as a public ship, with the immunities and privileges belonging to such a ship, with the express approbation of our own government, it does not seem too much to assert, whatever may be the private suspicion of a _lurking american interest_, that she must be judicially held to be a public ship of the country, whose commission she bears." this was a very strong case. the ship had not only been fitted out in violation of the neutrality laws of the united states, but the court intimates that she might also be american owned; but whether she was or not, was a fact into which the court could not inquire, the commission, in the language of the court, importing "absolute verity." but it is not true, as we shall see hereafter, that the _alabama_ violated either the laws of nations, or the municipal law of england. the next question which presents itself for our consideration is, was the _alabama_ properly commissioned by a sovereign power? no question has ever been raised as to the _bona fides_, or form of her commission. mr. seward even has not attacked these. our question, then, will be reduced to this, was she commissioned by a sovereign power? the answer to this question is, that a _de facto_ government is sovereign, for all the purposes of war, and that the confederate states were a _de facto_ government; so acknowledged by the united states themselves, as well as by the other nations of the earth. the united states made this acknowledgment, the moment president lincoln issued his proclamation declaring a blockade of the southern ports; and they acted upon the doctrine that we were belligerents during the whole war, by treating with us for the exchange of _prisoners of war_. this was no concession on their part. we had become strong enough to compel them to this course, in spite of themselves. in other words, we had become strong enough to make _war_, and when this is the case, let us see what vattel says is the duty of the other party: "the sovereign indeed, never fails to bestow the appellation of 'rebels' on all such of his subjects as openly resist him; but when the latter have acquired sufficient strength to give him effectual opposition, and to oblige him to carry on the war against them, according to the established rules, he must necessarily submit to the use of the term 'civil war.' it is foreign to our purpose in this place, to weigh the reasons which may authorize and justify a civil war. we have elsewhere treated of cases in which subjects may resist their sovereign. setting, therefore, the justice of the case wholly out of the question, it only remains for us to consider the maxims which ought to be observed in a civil war and to explain whether the sovereign is, on such occasions, bound to conform to the established laws of war. a civil war breaks the bands of society and government, or at least suspends their force and effect; it produces in the nation two independent parties, which consider each other as enemies, and acknowledge no common judge. these two parties, therefore, must necessarily be considered as constituting, at least for a time, two separate bodies, two distinct societies. though one of the parties may have been to blame in breaking the unity of the state, and resisting the lawful authority, they are not the less divided in fact. besides, who shall judge them? who shall pronounce on which side the right or wrong lies? on earth they have no common superior. they stand, therefore, in precisely the same predicament as two nations, who engage in a contest, and being unable to come to an agreement, have recourse to arms." this was the law of nations as expounded by vattel more than a century ago. he tells us that when even a revolt or rebellion has acquired sufficient magnitude and strength, to make "effectual opposition to the sovereign," it is the duty of that sovereign to talk of "civil war," and not of "rebellion," and to cease to call his former subjects "rebels." how much more was it the duty of the northern states, in a war which was a war from the beginning, waged by states against states, with all the forms and solemnities of war, and with none of the characteristics of a secret revolt or rebellion, to treat us as belligerents, even if they denied the _de jures_ of our movement? but even according to the law laid down by vattel, the united states, and the confederate states stood "precisely in the same predicament," with regard to all the rights, duties, and obligations growing out of the war. that is to say, they were, _quoad_ the war, the equals, one of the other, and whatever one of them might do, the other might do. hence it follows, that if the united states could build _alabamas_, and capture the ships of her enemy, so could the confederate states. and if mr. welles, the federal secretary of the navy, could go into the ship-yards on the mersey, and endeavor to contract for the delivery to him of a ship or ships of war, "to be finished complete," in the words of mr. laird's correspondent, "with guns, and everything appertaining," it is difficult to perceive, why mr. mallory, the secretary of the confederate states navy, might not go into the same ship-yards, and contract for the delivery to him, of an incomplete ship, without any guns at all! but further, with reference to the right of the confederate states to be regarded as a _de facto_ government, invested with all the rights of war. the supreme court of the enemy himself affirmed this right, early in the war. when the federal naval officers--the southern renegades, who have been before alluded to, among the rest--began to grow rich by the capture of blockade runners, it became necessary, of course, to condemn the prizes before they could get hold of their prize-money. some of these cases went up to the supreme court, on writ of error, and i shall quote from a case, known as the "prize case," reported in d black, . this case was decided as early as the december term, , and mr. justice greer delivered the opinion of the court. the question arose upon the capture of some english ships which had attempted to run the blockade. these ships could not be condemned, unless there was a lawful blockade, which they had attempted to break; and there could not be a lawful blockade, unless there was a war, and not a mere insurrection, as mr. seward, with puerile obstinacy, had so long maintained; and there could not be a war without, at least, two parties to it, both of whom must be belligerents; and it is of the essence of belligerency, as has been seen, that the parties belligerent should be equal, with reference to all the objects of the war. the vessels were claimed by the neutral owners, on mr. seward's own ground, to wit: that the war, not being a war, but an insurrection, there could be no such thing as a blockade predicated of it. mr. justice greer, in delivering the opinion of the court, among other things said: "it [the war] is not the less a civil war, with belligerent parties in hostile array, because it may be called an 'insurrection' by one side, and the insurgents be considered as rebels and traitors. it is not necessary that the independence of the revolted province or state be acknowledged, in order to constitute it a party belligerent in a war, according to the laws of nations. foreign nations acknowledge it as a war, by a declaration of neutrality. the condition of neutrality cannot exist, unless there be two belligerent parties. in the case of the _santissima trinidad_ ( wheaton, ) this court says: 'the government of the united states has recognized the existence of a civil war between spain and her colonies, and has avowed her determination to remain neutral between the parties. each party is, therefore, deemed by us a belligerent, having, so far as concerns us, the sovereign rights of war.'" the belligerent character of the confederate states was thus acknowledged by the highest judicial tribunal of the united states, and the prizes were condemned to the captors; and a precedent is cited by the court, in which the united states recognized the right of the revolted spanish colonies, such as columbia, buenos ayres, and mexico, who were then in _consimili casu_ with the confederate states, to build and equip _alabamas_ to prey upon spanish commerce, not as a mere matter of power simply, but in the exercise of the "sovereign rights of war," under the laws of nations. with regard to the new american republics, thus acknowledged by the united states as belligerents, it will be recollected that one of the first acts of mr. john quincy adams, when he became president of the united states, was to recommend the passage of a law authorizing him to send members to a congress of all the american states, to be assembled at panama. under this law, members of that congress were actually appointed--though they never proceeded to their destination--and mr. clay, then secretary of state, and who had been among the foremost to advocate the recognition of the independence of the south american republics, prepared an elaborate and eloquent letter of instructions for their guidance, in which he dwelt upon the very principles i am now invoking. the republics, whose ambassadors it was thus proposed to meet, in an _international congress_, were nothing more than _de facto_ governments, like the confederate states, the independence of neither one of them having been acknowledged, as yet, by spain. i may further mention, as a matter of historical notoriety, that it was a common practice for the cruisers of those young republics, to carry their prizes into the ports of the united states, and there have them condemned and sold. the _santissima trinidad_ referred to in the case from the supreme court above quoted, was one of these cruisers, with nothing more behind her than a _de facto_ government, and she was held to be a belligerent, and to be possessed, as such, of all the "sovereign rights of war," under the laws of nations. what renders these transactions the more remarkable, in the light of recent events, and in the face of the denunciations which have been hurled against the _alabama_ by the federal government, because of her foreign origin, is, that most of these cruisers were, in fact, _american_ ships, not only built and equipped in the united states, but officered and manned by citizens of the northern states, who had gone southward in quest of plunder! many of these ships were fitted out on speculation, in the united states, and sailed from boston, new york, philadelphia, and baltimore, _fully armed_ and _equipped for war_, with enlisted crews on board. a case of this kind came under my own actual observation. i was serving as a midshipman on board the old sailing sloop-of-war _erie_. we happened in at the swedish island of st. bartholomew, in the west indies, during the war between buenos ayres and spain. we were on our way from new york to one of the south american ports, to land general william h. harrison, afterward president of the united states, who had been appointed, by president john quincy adams, minister to colombia. in st. bartholomew we found at anchor a buenos ayrean cruiser called the _federal_. this was a baltimore-built schooner--baltimore in those days being famous above all the other american ports, for building fast vessels of this class. her captain, and all her officers, and a large proportion of her crew, were americans. this vessel, we ascertained, had boarded an american ship a few days before, and taken from on board of her a portion of her cargo, under the pretence that it was spanish property. this being in our view a violation of the laws of nations (as whether the property was spanish or not, we held that "free ships made free goods"), we resolved to commit one of those outrages against neutral rights which have become so common in our day, by seizing the cruiser. admitting the act of the cruiser to have been wrongful, the argument, so far as her seizure by us was concerned, was all against us, and might have been contained in a "nutshell;" but our captain, if he had ever read any international law, which was exceedingly doubtful, had read it, like wilkes, wrong end foremost, and "went it blind," being quite sure of popular applause from the b'hoys at home, and standing in no fear of consequences so far as buenos ayres was concerned, as she was so weak that the great republic might kick her with impunity. we first demanded her of the governor of the island, as a "pirate." the governor replied, that she was a commissioned ship, with a _de facto_ government behind her, and that she could not, so long as she retained this character, be guilty of piracy. further, that if she were a pirate, she was _hostis humani generis_, and sweden, within whose waters she was, was as competent to deal with her, as the united states. he ended by informing us, that in whatever category the vessel might be placed, being in neutral jurisdiction, she could not be dealt with forcibly by the captain of the _erie_, and notified us, that if we attempted it, he would fire upon us. the _federal_ was moored under the guns of the fortification which protected the harbor, and the following night, we fitted out a boat expedition, pulled in under cover of the darkness--the night being black and squally--and boarded her, and brought her out; the governor being as good as his word, and firing upon us, though without effect, as soon as he discovered the movement. this was my first indoctrination in the laws of the sea! and the first occasion on which i ever heard a shot fired in anger. sweden remonstrated, and the united states apologized, and there the matter ended. i have mentioned the incident to show, that the very cruisers which the supreme court of the united states was protecting by its decisions, were nothing more than american vessels, under belligerent flags, holding commissions under _de facto_ governments. but i have another precedent or two, to which to call the attention of the reader. it is a very useful practice for nations to pause occasionally, and look back upon their own history. it teaches them many lessons, which they would not otherwise learn. it shows them how to avoid inconsistencies, and prevents them from becoming dishonest as circumstances change. but, above all, it teaches them that man is a poor, weak creature, selfish and corrupt, guided by the instincts and inspirations of the moment; and that his reason--that god-like attribute, which distinguishes him from the brute--is so fallible, that he rarely sees a truth, if that truth militate against his supposed interests. it makes all the difference in the world, whether a man's bull gores his neighbor's ox, or his neighbor's bull gores his ox. the yankee ship-owners and ship-masters cried out, in pain, as the _sumter_ and _alabama_ were capturing and destroying their ships, and called both of these cruisers "pirates." i design now to show how the yankee ship-owners and ship-masters, of a generation or two back, captured and burned english ships, and took great credit to themselves for their exploits, not dreaming that they were pirates. the precedents which i design to cite will be drawn from the history of the war of ; it will be necessary, therefore to run a brief parallel between that war and the war of , to show that the precedents established in the former are applicable to the circumstances of the latter. to lay aside, entirely, the question of the right of the southern states to secede, and to put the war between the states on no higher ground than that between the colonies and great britain, which was a mere rebellion, the following parallel appears:--the original thirteen colonies, when they formed a part of the british government, declared their independence of that government. the confederate states did the same against the united states. great britain made war upon the colonies in consequence of this declaration; so did the united states against the confederate states. the colonies claimed and exercised the rights of war. so did the confederate states. the colonies, in the exercise of these rights, destroyed much of the commerce of great britain. so did the confederate states, with regard to the united states. both the colonies and the confederate states were _de facto_ governments, when this property was destroyed. now, it can obviously make no difference that the colonies achieved their independence, and that the confederate states failed to achieve theirs. if what the colonies did _was right, when they did it_--that is to say, when they were still a _de facto_ government--what the confederate states did must have been right for the same reason. the acknowledgment of the independence of the colonies by the parent country, whilst it had the effect to make them so many nations of the earth, could add nothing to any rights they before possessed, as belligerents, for they did not derive these rights from their status _de jure_, but from their status _de facto_; nor did they derive them from great britain, but from the laws of nations. it follows, that if nothing could be added to these rights by the successful termination of the war, so nothing could be taken away from them, by its unsuccessful termination. the parallel thus appears perfect, in every particular, so far as belligerent rights are concerned, and, of course, it is only of these rights that we are now speaking. with this introduction i proceed to produce the precedents. mr. james fenimore cooper, the naval historian of the united states, is the author whom i shall quote, and his authority will certainly not be disputed north of the potomac. one of the earliest cruises of the war of , was made by captain, afterward commodore, john paul jones. this gentleman, in command of a vessel called the _providence_, in the summer of , made a foray among the british fishermen, on the banks of newfoundland, taking no less than twelve sail, and returning to newport, in rhode island, at the end of his cruise, having made sixteen prizes in all. the _alabama_ never flew at such small game as this. although she cruised, as the reader will see a little further on, for some time off these same banks of newfoundland, she never deprived a yankee fisherman of his "catch of cod." jones commanded a regular ship of war, but it was the privateers that were the most numerous and destructive. with reference to this class of vessels, the historian tells us that "most of the colonies had their respective cruisers at sea or on their own coasts, and the ocean literally began to swarm with privateers from all parts of the country, though new england took the lead in that species of warfare. robert morris, in one of his official letters, of a date later than that precise time, remarks that the passion for privateering was so strong in this particular part of the country, that even agriculture was abandoned in order to pursue it." in another place, the historian tells us, that "as soon as the struggle commenced in earnest, the habits of the people, their aptitude for sea-service, and the advantages of both a public and _private_ nature, that were to be obtained from successful cruising, induced thousands to turn their longing eyes to an element that promised so many flattering results. nothing but the caution of congress, which body was indisposed at first to act as if general warfare, instead of a redress of grievances, was its object, prevented a rushing toward the _private cruisers_, that would probably have given the commerce of england a heavier and more sudden blow than it had ever yet received. but a different policy was pursued, and the orders to capture, first issued, were confined to vessels bringing stores and supplies to the british forces in america. it was as late as november, , before massachusetts, the colony which was the seat of war, and which may be said to have taken the lead in the revolt, established courts of admiralty, and enacted laws for the encouragement of nautical enterprise." the reader observes, from the above passage, from the historian, how "circumstances alter cases." the "nautical enterprise" here spoken of, is the same kind of nautical enterprise which has been charged, by virtuous massachusetts, whose people were in such haste to grow rich by privateering, against the _alabama_, as "piracy." the rush was not, it seems, to the ships of war of the regular navy, to fight the battles of the country, but to the privateers, which promised so many "flattering results." it took a little time to warm the congress and the people up to their work, but when they were once fairly warmed, they took their jackets off and went at it with a will, as is the wont of us americans. let us dip a little further into mr. cooper, and see what more, these staid new englanders, who now have such a horror of "piracy," did. "the proceedings in congress," he continues, "in reference to assailing british commerce, as has been seen, were reserved and cautious. war not being regularly declared, and accommodation far from hopeless, the year was suffered to pass away, without granting letters of marque and reprisal, for it was the interest of the nation to preserve as many friends in england as possible. as the breach widened, this forbearing policy was abandoned, and the summer of let loose the nautical enterprise of the country upon british commerce. the effect was at first astounding. never before had england found an enemy so destructive to her trade, and during the first two years of privateering that followed, something like eight hundred sail of merchantmen were captured. after this period, the efforts of the americans necessarily lessened, while the precautions of the enemy increased. still these enterprises proved destructive to the end of the war; and it is a proof of the efficiency of this class of cruisers to the last, that small privateers constantly sailed out of the english ports, with a view to make money by recapturing their own vessels; the trade of america at this time, offering but few inducements to such undertakings. "among the vessels employed [the historian tells us there were several hundred of them], the _halker_, the _black prince_, the _pickering_, the _wild cat_, the _vengeance_, the _marlborough_, in addition to those elsewhere named, were very conspicuous. the _marlborough_ is said to have made twenty-eight prizes in one cruise. other vessels were scarcely less fortunate. many sharp actions occurred, and quite as often to the advantage of the cruisers, as to that of the enemy. in repeated instances they escaped from british ships of war, under favorable circumstances, and there is no question that in a few cases they captured them. * * * the english west india trade, in particular, suffered largely by the private warfare of the day. two and fifty sail, engaged in this branch of the commerce, are stated to have been captured as early as february, . the whole number of captures made by the americans in this contest, is not probably known, but six hundred and fifty prizes are said to have been gotten into port. many others were ransomed, and _some were destroyed at sea_. there can be no minute accuracy in these statements, but the injury done to the commerce of great britain was enormous, and there can be no doubt, that the constant hazards it ran, had a direct influence in obtaining the acknowledgment of the independence of the united states of america, which great event took place on the th of january, ." we thus see how history repeats itself, and how prone men are to forget history. the "rebel pirates" of the colonies--for such they were, if we apply to them the polite nomenclature which became fashionable during our late war--less than a century ago, were capturing, burning, and otherwise destroying the commerce of great britain. the historian dwells upon the record with pleasure, as an evidence of the patriotism, and "nautical enterprise" of his countrymen; and this was but natural in the historian of a commercial people. but when the commerce of the same people becomes the object of capture, in a war far more justifiable, than the war of , since it was waged by sovereign states, in defence of their very existence, and not a mere rebellion, the cry is changed. it is the wrong bull now which is goring the ox, and the _alabama_ and her consorts are committing unheard-of crimes and atrocities. i call the reader's particular attention to the fact, that some of the prizes of the colonial cruisers were "_destroyed at sea_." this same act when committed by the _sumter_ and _alabama_ was barbarous, atrocious! now let me run a brief parallel between the times of paul jones, by whom some of this burning of british ships was done, and my own, to show how much less excuse jones had for such conduct, than i. in jones' day, all the commerce of the world was conducted in sailing ships, and all the navies of the world were also composed of sailing ships. the consequence was, that there was no such thing known, as a stringent blockade; for the simple reason, that every gale of wind which arose, blew off the blockading ships from before the blockaded ports, and it was, sometimes, days before they could regain their stations. besides, it is well known to readers of american history, that great britain did not, at any time during the colonial war, attempt to blockade all the ports of the colonies. with a coast-line--from the st. croix to st. mary's in georgia--of fifteen hundred miles, this would have been impossible, even with her great navy. the colonial cruisers had, therefore, at all times during the entire war, some of their ports open into which to send their prizes. still they "_destroyed some of them at sea_." some ninety years now pass away, and a second, and a greater war ensues for american principles--this time between the states themselves. in the meantime, the great and powerful steamship has made her appearance upon the scene, revolutionizing not only the commerce of the world, but the navies of the world. during the first months of the war, all the principal ports of the confederacy were blockaded, and it was not long before every little nook and inlet was either in possession of the enemy, or had one or more ships watching it. these ships were not the old-time sailing ships, dependent upon the winds and the weather for efficiency--they were steamers, independent of both, having the ability "to hold on" to the blockaded port, both by day and by night, with a tenacity little less than that of fate. though it was possible for fast steam blockade-runners, taking advantage of the darkness, sometimes to elude the vigilance of these patient watchers, it was utterly impossible for a sailing vessel to do so--and with a rare exception, here and there, all my prizes would be sailing ships. not only were all the confederate ports thus hermetically sealed to me, but the ports of neutrals had also been closed against me, as the reader has seen, by unfriendly proclamations and orders in council. in short, during my whole career upon the sea, _i had not so much as a single port open to me, into which i could send a prize_. what was expected of me under these circumstances? i had shown every disposition, as the reader has seen, to avoid the necessity of burning my prizes. i had sent prizes, both into cuba and venezuela, with the hope that at least some of the nations of the earth would relent, and let me in; but the prizes were either handed over to the enemy, on some fraudulent pretext, or expelled. unlike jones, i had no alternative. there was nothing left for me but to destroy my prizes, and this course had been forced upon me, by the nations of the earth. how senseless and unjust, then, was the clamor raised against me on this subject; especially in the light of the precedents which the enemy himself had set me? some senseless prints even went so far as to declare that it was in violation of the laws of war; but what is it that newspapers will not say, during such a contest as that through which we have passed, when reason is dethroned by the passions, and no longer sits in the judgment-seat? the right to destroy is as perfect, as the right to sell, or make any other disposition of the captured ship. but has a captor the right to destroy before adjudication? the reader may ask. certainly. the enemy has no right to adjudication at all. courts of admiralty are not established for him. he has, and can have no standing in such court. he cannot even enter an appearance there, either in person, or by attorney; and if he could, he would have nothing to show, for his very _status_ as an enemy would be sufficient ground for condemning all the property he might claim. it is only neutrals who can claim adjudication, and it is for the benefit of these alone that courts of admiralty have been established. and if any neutrals have suffered in the late war, for want of adjudication, the fault is with their own government, and not with the confederate cruisers, as the reader has just seen. to instance the cienfuegos cases: what detriment could have arisen to spain, if she had permitted my prizes to remain within her jurisdiction, in the custody of my own prize agent, until a prize court in new orleans, or mobile could have adjudicated them? chapter xxx. the equipment of the alabama illustrated by that of sundry colonial cruisers, during the war of --benjamin franklin and silas deane, as chiefs of a naval bureau in paris--the surprise, and the revenge--wickes and conyngham, and paul jones. "_mutato nomine de te fabula narratur._" in the last chapter, i gave some account of the operations against british commerce, of certain ships of war and privateers, fitted out in the home ports of the enemy; but as stress has been laid, as we have already seen, upon the foreign origin of the _alabama_, and it has been objected against her, that her captures were illegal, and piratical, on that account, it will be incumbent on me to show some cases on this point. the naval history of the enemy abounds in them, but i will content myself with adducing only a few, as specimens of the rest. i design to show that the united states have produced ships, the very counterparts of the _alabama_, in every particular, foreign origin and all, and used them with destructive effect, against the commerce of their enemy. all readers of american history are familiar with the names of benjamin franklin, silas deane, and john adams, for these distinguished gentlemen played a very important part on the theatre of the american revolution. as they had much to do with the naval affairs of the colonies abroad, it is of them and their doings that i would now speak. they were all northern men, were leaders, in their day, of northern public opinion, and their memories are justly held in high estimation, both north and south. i shall vouch them for the legality of the origin of the _alabama_, as a ship of war, and justify by their acts, and out of their mouths, all the doings of that ship upon the high seas. i again have recourse to fenimore cooper. "the _reprisal_ was the first american man-of-war, that ever showed herself in the other hemisphere. she sailed from home not long after the declaration of independence, and appeared in france, in the autumn of , bringing in with her several prizes, and having dr. franklin on board as a passenger." it is well known that silas deane followed dr. franklin soon afterward, and it was not long before these two commissioners, who were sent to europe, to look after the interests of the colonies, just as messrs. mason and slidell were sent, in our day, to look after the welfare of the confederate states, went to work. dr. franklin, in particular, was a great favorite with the french people. he wore short breeches, with knee-buckles, and silk stockings, and had the portly air, and bearing of a philosopher. having learned to fly kites when a boy, he had turned the thing to some account when he had gotten to be a man, and was also well known as the author of "poor richard's almanac," a book full of axiomatic wisdom, and wise saws. he had a much better field before him, therefore, than mr. john slidell had. "_tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis_;" and slidell found that the "philosophers" who had petted franklin, and the fair women who had played with the tassels of his three-cornered hat, showered bouquets upon him, and talked prettily of the new doctrines of liberty that were just then coming in vogue, had all passed away. neither philosophy, liberty, or knee-buckles were at all fashionable at the french court when slidell arrived there. in short, the people of france had found out that this thing of getting up a revolution for popular rights, however well it might suit other people, did not suit frenchmen, and they were tired of the matter. they had, since franklin's day, cut off the head of louis xvi., played at republics a while, pretty much as children play at card-houses, now setting them up, and now knocking them down again, and having gotten tired of the game, like good children had gone back quietly to their old form of despotism, under napoleon iii., and were content! the sympathy which they had bestowed upon franklin, and which was productive of so many good results, in our first revolution, had dried up in the second and greater revolution. having thus briefly introduced the commissioners of the colonies to the reader, let us again look into cooper, to see what their business was in france, and how they performed it. "in order," says this writer, "to complete the account of the proceedings of the american commissioners in paris, so far as they were connected with naval movements during the years and , it is necessary to come next to the affair of captain conyngham, which, owing to some marked circumstances, made more noise than the cruises of the _reprisal_ and _lexington_, though the first exploits of the latter were anterior as to time, and not of less consequence in their effects. while the commissioners were directing the movements of captain wickes [we will come to these presently] in the manner that has been mentioned, they were not idle in other quarters. a small frigate was building at nantes, on their account, and there will be occasion to speak of her hereafter, under the name of the _queen of france_. "some time in the spring of , an agent was sent to dover by the american commissioners, where he purchased a fine, fast-sailing, english-built cutter, and had her carried across to dunkirk. here she was privately equipped as a cruiser, and named the _surprise_. to the command of this vessel, captain gustavus conyngham was appointed, _by filling up a blank commission_ from john hancock, the president of congress. this commission bore date, march st, , and, it would seem, as fully entitled mr. conyngham to the rank of captain in the navy, as any other that was ever issued by the same authority. having obtained his officers and crew at dunkirk, captain conyngham sailed on a cruise about the st of may, and on the th he took a brig called the _joseph_," &c. now, it is to be remarked, with reference to this passage, that the _alabama_, though built in england, was not armed or equipped there, nor was her crew enlisted there; whilst the _surprise_ was not only "privately equipped as a cruiser," at dunkirk, a port of france, then at peace with england--for france had not yet joined the colonies in the war--but she got all her officers and crew there, many of whom were frenchmen. and when she got up her anchor for a cruise, still lying in the waters of france, she was a perfectly armed and equipped ship of war. she could have engaged an enemy, immediately upon passing beyond the marine league, whereas the _alabama_, when she left the mersey, was entirely unarmed, and without an enlisted crew, and could have been taken possession of by an enemy's cruiser as easily as any other merchant-ship. mr. seward insisted, with much vehemence, with the english government, that the _alabama_ was not entitled to be regarded as a ship of war, but rather a "british pirate," because she had never been in a confederate port. his latest form of protest is found in a letter to lord stanley, the british secretary for foreign affairs, of the date of january th, , as follows:-- "lord stanley excuses the reception of the vessels complained of in british ports, subsequently to their fraudulent escapes and armament, on the ground that when the vessels appeared in these ports, they did so in the character of properly commissioned cruisers of the government of the so-styled confederate states, and that they received no more shelter, provisions, or facilities, than was due to them in that character. this position is taken by his lordship in full view of the facts that--with the exception of the _sumter_ and the _florida_--none of the vessels named were ever found in any place where a lawful belligerent commission could either be conferred or received. it would appear, therefore, that, in the opinion of her majesty's government, a british vessel, in order to acquire a belligerent character against the united states, had only to leave the british port where she was built, clandestinely, and to be fraudulently armed, equipped, and manned anywhere in great britain, or in any foreign country, or on the high seas; and in some foreign country, or upon the high seas, to set up and assume the title and privileges of a belligerent, without even entering the so-called confederacy, or ever coming within any port of the united states. i must confess that, if a lawful belligerent character can be acquired in such a manner, then i am unable to determine by what different course of proceeding a vessel can become a pirate and an enemy to the peace of nations." had mr. seward forgotten, when he wrote the above, the case of dr. franklin's ship, the _surprise_? it will be recollected, too, that mr. adams, the united states minister at the court of london, frequently protested, in his correspondence with the english foreign office, against the confederates being permitted to have "stationed agents," at liverpool, and elsewhere in the british dominions, conducting a "naval bureau." had he forgotten the "naval bureau" which was conducted in france, by dr. franklin and silas deane, who were "stationed agents" of the colonies? how they built, and purchased, and equipped, and commissioned ships, all in neutral territory; even filling up blank commissions sent out to them by the congress for the purpose? but to continue with our precedents. the career of the _surprise_ was not a very long one. having carried some prizes into a french port, in violation of a treaty then existing between france and great britain, providing that neither should permit the enemies of the other to bring their prizes into her ports, she was seized by the french authorities, and we hear no more of her. but we do hear more, and that immediately, from the naval bureau in paris, under the guidance of dr. franklin and silas deane. as soon as the seizure of the _surprise_ became known to the commissioners, they dispatched one of their agents, a mr. hodge, to dunkirk, where he purchased another cutter, which was fitted with all dispatch, as a cruiser, as the _surprise_ had been. this second vessel was called the _revenge_, and "captain conyngham and his people," to use the words of the historian, were transferred to her. a new commission was given to conyngham, dated on the d of may, , filled up, as before, by the commissioners, and he soon afterward proceeded to sea under it. it will be seen with what indulgence, and even connivance the commissioners were treated by the french authorities. the seizure of the _surprise_ was a mere blind, intended to satisfy england. the ship herself was suffered to pass out of view, but another ship was permitted to be equipped in her stead, and the officers and crew of the old ship were transferred to the new one, with little or no disguise, and the latter was suffered to depart on a cruise without molestation. here was another ship, which had never been in any port of the colonies, and which, according to mr. seward's vocabulary, was a "pirate." let us see what she did. "the _revenge_," continues the historian, "proved exceedingly successful, making prizes daily, and _generally destroying them_. some of the more valuable, however, were ordered into spain, where many arrived; their arrival proving of great moment to the agents of the american government in europe. it is even affirmed, that the money advanced to mr. adams [the mr. adams, here spoken of, was john adams, afterward second president of the united states, the grandfather of mr. charles francis adams, federal minister to england during the war; and the antagonism in which the grandfather, and grandson are placed, in reference to the principles i am discussing, is one of the curious revolutions of history] for travelling expenses, when he arrived in spain, a year or two later, was derived from this source." the _revenge_ now disappears from view, as the _surprise_ had done before her, and the historian takes up the _reprisal_, the ship, as we have seen, which carried dr. franklin over to france. "the _reprisal_, having refitted, soon sailed toward the bay of biscay, on another cruise. here she captured several more vessels, and among the rest a king's packet, that plied between falmouth and lisbon. when the cruise was up, captain wickes went into nantes, taking his prizes with him. the complaints of the english now became louder, and the american ministers were _secretly_ admonished of the necessity of using greater reserve. the prizes were directed to quit france, though the _reprisal_, being leaky, was suffered to remain in port, in order to refit. the former were taken into the offing, and sold, _the state of the times rendering these informal proceedings necessary_. enormous losses to the captors were the consequences, while it is not improbable, that the gains of the purchasers had their influence _in blinding the local authorities_ to the character of the transaction." here we see not only a violation of neutrality, but a little bribery going on, these "rebel pirates" having an eye to the "flattering results," spoken of by mr. cooper, some pages back. the historian proceeds. "the business appears to have been managed with dexterity, and the proceeds of the sales, such as they were, proved of great service to the agents of the government, by enabling them to _purchase other vessels_." we see how capitally those "stational agents," franklin and deane, were conducting that "naval bureau," against the like of which, in our case, mr. adams had so warmly protested. i again quote: "in april, the _lexington_ arrived in france, and the old difficulties were renewed. but the commissioners at paris, who had been authorized to equip vessels, appoint officers, and do other matters to annoy the enemy, now planned a cruise that surpassed anything of the sort that had yet been attempted in europe, under the american flag. captain wickes was directed to proceed to sea, with his own vessel and the _lexington_, and to go directly off ireland, in order to intercept a convoy of linen ships, that was expected to sail about that time. a cutter of ten guns called the _dolphin_, that had been detained by the commissioners, to carry despatches to america, was diverted from her original destination, and placed under the orders of captain wickes. the _dolphin_ was commanded by lieutenant nicholson, a brother of the senior captain, and a gentleman who subsequently died at the head of the service. captain wickes, in command of this light squadron, sailed from nantes, about the commencement of june, going first into the bay of biscay, and afterward entirely around ireland, sweeping the sea before him, of everything that was not of a force to render an attack hopeless. the linen ships were missed, but many vessels were taken _or destroyed_. "the sensation produced among the british merchants, by the different cruises in the european sea, that have been recorded in this chapter, is stated in the diplomatic correspondence of the day to have been greater than that produced in the previous war by the squadron of the celebrated thurot. insurance rose to an enormous height, and in speaking of the cruise of captain wickes, in particular, mr. deane observes in one of his letters to robert morris, that it 'effectually alarmed england, prevented the great fair at chester, occasioned insurance to rise, and even deterred the english merchants from shipping in english bottoms, at any rate, so that, in a few weeks, forty sail of french ships were loading in the thames, on freight, an instance never known before.' in the same letter the commissioner adds: 'in a word, conyngham, by his first and second bold expeditions, is become the terror of all the eastern coasts of england and scotland, and is more dreaded than thurot was in the late war.'" this same captain conyngham, afterward, while cruising on the american coast, fell into the hands of the enemy. he had, of course, become odious to the english people, and they had denounced him as a "pirate," as our northern people have denounced the writer of these pages. conyngham was closely confined, and the english admiral, whose fleet was then stationed in the waters of new york, threatened to send him to england for trial. let us see what steps the american congress took in behalf of this "rebel pirate," as soon as it heard of these proceedings. the subject having been brought to its notice, it directed its secretary, charles thompson, to address a letter of remonstrance to the british admiral, threatening retaliation, if he dared to execute his threats. i quote from the journals of congress:-- "in congress assembled, july .--a letter of the th instant, from ann conyngham, and a petition from a number of inhabitants of philadelphia were read, representing that captain gustavus conyngham, now a prisoner with the enemy, is closely confined, and ordered to be sent to england, and praying that measures may be taken for the security of his person: _ordered_, that the same be referred to a committee of three. the members chosen, mr. morris, mr. dickinson, and mr. whipple. the committee to whom were referred the petition, and letter respecting gustavus conyngham, brought in a report; whereupon, _resolved_, that the following letter from the secretary of congress, be written to the admiral, or other commanding officer of the fleet, or ships of his britannic majesty, lying in the harbor of new york, viz.: "'sir, i am directed by the congress of the united states of america to inform you, that they have received evidence that gustavus conyngham, a citizen of america, late commander of an armed vessel in the service of the said states, and taken on board of a private armed cutter, hath been treated in a manner contrary to the dictates of humanity, and the practice of _christian, civilized nations_. i am ordered, in the name of congress, to demand that good and sufficient reason be given for this conduct, or that the said gustavus conyngham be immediately released from his present rigorous, and _ignominious_ confinement. "'with all due respect, i have the honor to be, sir, "'your most obedient and humble servant.' "_resolved_, that, unless a satisfactory answer be received to the foregoing letter, on or before the st day of august next, the marine committee do immediately order to be confined, in close and safe custody, so many persons as they may think proper, in order to abide the fate of the said gustavus conyngham. _ordered_, that the above letter be immediately transmitted to new york, by the board of war, and that copies of said letter and resolution be delivered to the wife of conyngham, and the petitioners. "_monday, dec. th, ._--a memorial of christopher hale was read, praying to be exchanged, and to have leave to go to new york, upon his parole, for a few days, to procure a person in his room. _resolved_, that mr. hale be informed, that the prayer of his memorial cannot be granted, until captain conyngham is released, as it has been determined that he must abide the fate of that officer." conyngham was afterward released. this is the way in which the ancestors of mr. seward, and mr. charles francis adams, took care of their "rebel pirates." there is one other point in the legal history of the _alabama_, which it is necessary to notice, and to which i propose to adduce another of those awkward precedents, which i have exhumed from those musty old records, which our northern brethren seem so thoroughly to have forgotten. it has been charged against the _alabama_, that her crew was composed mostly of foreigners, and that this was another reason why she was not entitled to be considered as a confederate states ship of war. let us look a little into this charge. a sovereign is not only not obliged to account to other nations, for the manner in which he becomes possessed of his ships of war, as we have seen, but he cannot be questioned as to the nativity or naturalization of the persons serving on board of them. it could have been of no sort of consequence to any foreign officer, demanding to see my commission, whether i was a native of england, germany, or france, or of any other foreign power. all that he could demand of me, in order to satisfy himself that i was entitled to exercise belligerent rights, was a sight of my commission as a _confederate states naval officer_. nationality is presumed in all such commissions, and the presumption cannot be inquired into. mr. justice story, in the decision quoted a few pages back, says, as the reader will recollect, that the commission of a ship of war imports such "absolute verity," that it cannot be inquired into, or contradicted. it is like proving a fact by a record. no other proof than the production of the record is required, or indeed permitted. the commission of the commander is the commission of his ship. neither the _sumter_ nor the _alabama_ had any other commission than my own, and the orders assigning me to them. if this be the law with regard to the commander of a ship, _a fortiori_, must it be the law with reference to the subordinate officers and crew. the writers on international law, without exception, lay down the rule, that a sovereign may enlist foreigners to assist him in his wars; and that the men thus enlisted are entitled to all the protection of belligerents, equally with native citizens. the swiss foreign legions, so well known in history, are notable illustrations of this doctrine; and no one has ever heard of a swiss being hung because he served under a foreign flag. vattel, who has the rare merit of having so thoroughly exhausted all these subjects, that he has left scarcely anything for those who have followed him to say, lays down the doctrine as follows: "much has been said on the question whether the profession of a mercenary soldier be lawful or not,--whether individuals may, for money, or any other reward, engage to serve a foreign prince in his wars? this question does not appear to me to be very difficult to be solved. those who enter into such engagements, without the express or tacit consent of their sovereign, offend against their duty as citizens. but if their sovereign leaves them at liberty to follow their inclination for a military life, they are perfectly free in that respect. [modern nations, and especially the united states, have left their citizens free to expatriate themselves at pleasure.] now, every free man may join whatever society he pleases, according as he finds it most to his advantage. he may make its cause his own, and espouse its quarrels. he becomes, in some measure, at least for a time, a member of the state in whose service he engages." again: "the sovereign has no right to compel foreigners; he must not even employ stratagem or artifice, in order to induce them to engage in a contract, which, like all others, should be founded on candor and good faith." but it was scarcely necessary to quote other authority, on that point, than the authority of the enemy himself. mr. secretary seward knew, at the very time he was denouncing the _alabama_ as a "pirate," because of her having, as he alleged, a british crew on board, that his own government was filling up its armies, and its navy, too, with hundreds of thousands of raw recruits from belgium, germany, and ireland, and other countries. nay, more, that by an act of the federal congress, these debased and ignorant men, drawn, for the most part, from the idle and thieving classes of their respective countries, were invested, _ipso facto_, upon enlistment, with all the functions and attributes of american citizens--the function of robbery more especially included! with reference to the conduct of the enemy in this particular, i deem it not amiss to introduce a short extract or two, from a speech made by sir hugh cairnes, her britannic majesty's attorney-general, in the house of commons, on the th of may, . the discussion grew out of the case of the confederate states steamer _georgia_, which had recently returned to liverpool, after a cruise. among other questions discussed was whether the _georgia_ should be excluded from british ports, because of some alleged infraction on her part, of the british foreign enlistment act. in speaking to this question, the attorney-general, alluding to the insufficiency of the proof in the case, said:-- "the case of the _kearsarge_ was a case of this character. beyond all question, a considerable amount of recruiting was carried on, at cork, for the purposes of that ship, she being employed at the time, in our own waters, or very near them, in looking out for the enemy; and she was furnished with a large addition to her crew from ireland. upon that being represented to mr. adams, he said, as might have been expected, that it was entirely contrary to the wishes of his government, and that there must be some mistake. the men were afterward relanded, and there can be no doubt that there had been a violation of our neutrality. nevertheless, we admitted the _kearsarge_ afterward into english waters. we have not excluded her from our ports, and if we had, i think the government of the united states would have considered that they had some cause of offence. "but it does not rest here. i see from the paper, that the honorable member for horsham, wants information respecting the enlistment of british subjects for the federal army. now, from all quarters reports reach us, which we cannot doubt to be substantially true, that agents for recruiting for the federal army, with, or without the concurrence of the government, are in ireland, and engage men under the pretext of employing them on railways and public works, but really with the intention of enlisting them, and that many of these men are so enlisted. in canada and new brunswick the same practices prevail. representations have been made to the united states government respecting the cases of particular persons, who have been kidnapped into the service, and i feel bound to say that those representations have not met with that prompt and satisfactory attention we might have expected," &c. the reader thus perceives, that if the _alabama_ enlisted some foreigners to complete her crew, she was only following the example set her, by mr. seward himself; but there was this difference between the honorable secretary of state and the writer. the former resorted to deceit, trickery, and fraud, whilst no man can say of the latter, that he inveigled him on board the _alabama_. i will now produce the precedent i spoke of, from those musty old records. it is drawn from the career of that remarkable sea-captain, to whom i have before referred, and with whose history every american is acquainted--i mean, john paul jones. the naval engagement, which conferred most honor upon jones, was that between the _bon homme richard_, (named after dr. franklin's "poor richard," in the almanac, of which this chief of the naval bureau in paris was the author,) and the british ships _serapis_ and _countess of scarborough_. mr. cooper thus describes the crew of jones' ship, picked up at dunkirk, or nantes, or some of the other french ports:-- "to manage a vessel of this singular armament and doubtful construction, commodore jones was compelled to receive on board a crew of still more equivocal composition. a few americans were found to fill the stations of sea officers, on the quarter deck, and forward, but the remainder of the people were a mixture of english, irish, scotch, portuguese, norwegians, germans, spaniards, swedes, italians, and malays, with occasionally a man from one of the islands [meaning sandwich islands]. to keep this motley crew in order, soldiers were put on board, under the command of some officers of inferior rank. these soldiers, or marines, were recruited at random, and were not much less singularly mixed as to countries, than the regular crew." i had something of a mixture on board the _alabama_, but i think jones decidedly beat me, in the number of nationalities he had the honor to command. chapter xxxi. the author leaves liverpool to join the alabama--arrival at terceira--description of the alabama--preparing her for sea--the portuguese authorities--the commissioning of the ship--a picture of her birth and death--captain bullock returns to england--author alone on the high seas. having cleared the way, in the last two chapters, for the cruise of the _alabama_, by removing some of the legal rubbish with which mr. seward and mr. adams had sought to encumber her, we are in a condition to put the ship in commission. i was at last accounts in liverpool, as the reader will recollect, having just arrived there in the steamer _bahama_, from nassau. the _alabama_, then known as the " ," had proceeded, a few days before, to her rendezvous, the island of terceira, one of the group of the azores. the name " " may need a word of explanation. the newspapers of the enemy have falsely charged that the _alabama_ was built by englishmen, of "rebel" proclivities, and hence, they say, the name. one parson boynton has written a book, which he calls the "history of the navy," but which is rather a biography of mr. secretary welles, his assistant secretary fox, and several ingenious mechanics. judging by this attempt, parsons are rather bad hands to write histories. speaking of the _alabama_, this gentleman remarks: "insultingly, this vessel was named ' ,' to show, by the large number that contributed to fit her out, how widespread was the english sympathy for the rebel cause. the _alabama_ was not regarded as a rebel vessel of war, but as a british pirate, or rather, perhaps, as an english man-of-war, sent forth under the veil of the rebel flag, to sink and destroy our merchantmen." it is thus seen, that this _history_ repeats the stale newspaper slander. of such stuff the yankee histories of the war, generally, are made, especially such of them as are written by amateur parsons. the _fact_ is, as the reader has seen, that the _alabama_ was built by the messrs. laird of birkenhead, under a contract with the confederate states, and was paid for out of the confederate treasury. she happened to be the th ship built by those gentlemen, and _hence_ the name. the _alabama_ had been built in perfect good faith by the lairds. when she was contracted for, no question had been raised as to the right of a neutral to build, and sell to a belligerent such a ship. the reader has seen that the federal secretary of the navy himself had endeavored, not only to build an _alabama_, but iron-clads in england. but as the war progressed, the united states, foreseeing the damage which a few fast steamers might inflict on their commerce, took the alarm, and began to insist that neutrals should not supply us, even with unarmed ships. the laws of nations were clearly against them. their own practice, in all former wars, in which they had been neutrals, was against them. and yet they maintained their ground so stoutly and defiantly, threatening war, if they were not listened to, that the neutral powers, and especially great britain, became very cautious. they were indeed bullied--for that is the word--into timidity. to show the good faith which the lairds had practised throughout, i quote again from the speech made by the senior partner, in the house of commons:-- "i can only say from all i know, and from all i have heard, that from the day the vessel was laid down, to her completion everything was open and above board, in this country. i also further say, that the officers of the government had every facility afforded them for inspecting the ship, during the progress of building. when the officers came to the builders, they were shown the ship, and day after day, the customs officers were on board, _as they were when she finally left_, and they declared that there was nothing wrong. _they only left her when the tug left_, and they were obliged to declare, that she left liverpool _a perfectly legitimate transaction_." notwithstanding this practice of good faith, on our part, and our entire innocence of any breach of the laws of nations, or of the british foreign enlistment act, lord john russell had been intimidated to such an extent, that the ship came within an ace of being detained. but for the little _ruse_ which we practised, of going on a trial-trip, with a party of ladies, and the customs officers, mentioned by mr. laird, on board, and not returning, but sending our guests back in a tug, there is no doubt that the _alabama_ would have been tied up, as the _oreto_ or _florida_ had been, in court. she must have been finally released, it is true, but the delay itself would have been of serious detriment to us. after a few busy days in liverpool, during which i was gathering my old officers of the _sumter_ around me, and making my financial arrangements for my cruise, with the house of frazer, trenholm & co., i departed on the th of august, , in the steamer _bahama_, to join the _alabama_. captain james d. bullock, of the confederate states navy, a georgian, who had been bred in the old service, but who had retired from it some years before the war, to engage in the steam-packet service, accompanied me. bullock had contracted for, and superintended the building of the _alabama_, and was now going with me, to be present at the christening of his bantling. i am indebted to him, as well the messrs. laird, for a very perfect ship of her class. she was of about tons burden, feet in length, feet in breadth, feet in depth, and drew, when provisioned and coaled for a cruise, feet of water. her model was of the most perfect symmetry, and she sat upon the water with the lightness and grace of a swan. she was barkentine rigged, with long lower masts, which enabled her to carry large fore-and-aft sails, as jibs and try-sails, which are of so much importance to a steamer, in so many emergencies. her sticks were of the best yellow pine, that would bend in a gale, like a willow wand, without breaking, and her rigging was of the best of swedish iron wire. the scantling of the vessel was light, compared with vessels of her class in the federal navy, but this was scarcely a disadvantage, as she was designed as a scourge of the enemy's commerce, rather than for battle. she was to defend herself, simply, if defence should become necessary. her engine was of three hundred horse-power, and she had attached an apparatus for condensing, from the vapor of sea-water, all the fresh water that her crew might require. she was a perfect steamer and a perfect sailing-ship, at the same time, neither of her two modes of locomotion being at all dependent upon the other. the reader has seen that the _sumter_, when her fuel was exhausted, was little better than a log on the water, because of her inability to hoist her propeller, which she was, in consequence, compelled to drag after her. the _alabama_ was so constructed, that in fifteen minutes, her propeller could be detached from the shaft, and lifted in a well contrived for the purpose, sufficiently high out of the water, not to be an impediment to her speed. when this was done, and her sails spread, she was, to all intents and purposes, a sailing-ship. on the other hand, when i desired to use her as a steamer, i had only to start the fires, lower the propeller, and if the wind was adverse, brace her yards to the wind, and the conversion was complete. the speed of the _alabama_ was always greatly over-rated by the enemy. she was ordinarily about a ten-knot ship. she was said to have made eleven knots and a half, on her trial trip, but we never afterward got it out of her. under steam and sail both, we logged on one occasion, thirteen knots and a quarter, which was her utmost speed. her armament consisted of eight guns; six -pounders, in broadside, and two pivot-guns amidships; one on the forecastle, and the other abaft the main-mast--the former a -pounder rifled blakeley, and the latter, a smooth-bore eight-inch. the blakeley gun was so deficient in metal, compared with the weight of shot it threw, that, after the first few discharges, when it became a little heated, it was of comparatively small use to us, to such an extent were we obliged to reduce the charge of powder, on account of the recoil. the average crew of the _alabama_, before the mast, was about men; and she carried twenty-four officers, as follows: a captain, four lieutenants, surgeon, paymaster, master, marine officer, four engineers, two midshipmen, and four master's mates, a captain's clerk, boatswain, gunner, sailmaker, and carpenter. the cost of the ship, with everything complete, was two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. on the morning of our departure from liverpool, the _bahama_ had dropped some distance down the mersey, and we joined her by tug. she had her steam up, and was ready to trip her anchor, the moment we arrived, and in a few minutes after getting on board, we were under way. the tug cheered us, as she turned to steam back to the city, and the cheer was answered lustily by our crew. we were a week on the passage from liverpool to terceira; our old friend, captain tessier, of the _bahama_, with whom i had made the passage from nassau to liverpool, rendering our time very comfortable. on the morning of the th of august, we were on the look-out, at an early hour, for the land, and it was not long before we discovered the island, looking, at first, hazy and indistinct in the distance, but gradually assuming more form and consistency. after another hour's steaming, porto praya, our place of rendezvous, became visible, with its white houses dotting the mountain side, and we now began to turn our glasses upon the harbor, with no little anxiety, to see if our ships--for a sailing-ship, with the _alabama's_ battery and stores, had preceded her some days, and should now be with her--were all right. we first caught sight of their spars, and pretty soon, raising their hulls sufficiently for identification, we felt much relieved. our secret had been well kept, and the enemy, notwithstanding his fine "smelling qualities," had not scented the prey. in the meantime, our own approach was watched with equal anxiety from the deck of the _alabama_. we might be, for aught she knew, an enemy's steamer coming in pursuit of her; and as the enemy was in the habit of kicking all the small powers, that had not the means of kicking back, a neutral port, belonging to _effete_ old portugal, would not afford her the least protection. at half-past eleven a. m., we steamed into the harbor, and let go our anchor. i had surveyed my new ship, as we approached, with no little interest, as she was to be not only my home, but my bride, as it were, for the next few years, and i was quite satisfied with her external appearance. she was, indeed, a beautiful thing to look upon. the store-ship was already alongside of her, and we could see that the busy work of transferring her cargo was going on. captain butcher, an intelligent young english seaman, who had been bred in the mail-packet service, and who had taken the _alabama_ out from liverpool, on that trial trip of hers, which has since become historical through the protests of messrs. seward and adams, now came on board of us. he had had a rough and stormy passage from liverpool, during which he had suffered some little damage, and consumed most of his coal. considerable progress had been made, in receiving on board from the transport, the battery and stores, and a few days more would suffice to put the ship in a condition for defence. the harbor of porto praya lies open to the eastward, and as the wind was now from that quarter, and blowing rather freshly, a considerable sea had been raised, which rendered it inconvenient, if not unsafe, for the transport and the _alabama_ to continue to lie alongside of each other; which was nevertheless necessary for the transfer of the remainder of the heavy guns. i therefore directed captain butcher to get up his anchors immediately, and follow me around to angra bay, on the west side of the island, where we should find a lee, and smooth water. this was done, and we arrived at angra at four o'clock, on the same afternoon. here the transshipment of the guns and stores was renewed, and here, for the first time, i visited the _alabama_. i was as much pleased with her internal appearance, and arrangements, as i had been with her externally, but everything was in a very uninviting state of confusion, guns, gun-carriages, shot, and shell, barrels of beef and pork, and boxes and bales of paymaster's, gunner's, and boatswain's stores lying promiscuously about the decks; sufficient time not having elapsed to have them stowed in their proper places. the crew, comprising about sixty persons, who had been picked up, promiscuously, about the streets of liverpool, were as unpromising in appearance, as things about the decks. what with faces begrimed with coal dust, red shirts, and blue shirts, scotch caps, and hats, brawny chests exposed, and stalwart arms naked to the elbows, they looked as little like the crew of a man-of-war, as one can well conceive. still there was some _physique_ among these fellows, and soap, and water, and clean shirts would make a wonderful difference in their appearance. as night approached, i relieved captain butcher of his command, and removing my baggage on board, took possession of the cabin, in which i was to spend so many weary days, and watchful nights. i am a good sleeper, and slept soundly. this quality of sleeping well in the intervals of harassing business is a valuable one to the sailor, and i owe to it much of that physical ability, which enabled me to withstand the four years of excitement and toil, to which i was subjected during the war. there are two harbors called angra, in terceira--east angra, and west angra. we were anchored in the latter, and the authorities notified us, the next morning, that we must move round to east angra, that being the port of entry, and the proper place for the anchorage of merchant-ships. we were _playing_ merchant-ship as yet, but had nothing to do, of course, with ports of entry or custom-houses; and as the day was fine, and there was a prospect of smooth water under the lee of the island, i got under way, and went to sea, the _bahama_ and the transport accompanying me. steaming beyond the marine league, i hauled the transport alongside, and we got on board from her the remainder of our armament, and stores. the sea was not so smooth, as we had expected, and there was some little chafing between the ships, but we accomplished our object, without serious inconvenience. this occupied us all day, and after nightfall, we ran into east angra, and anchored. as we passed the fort, we were hailed vociferously, in very bad english, or portuguese, we could not distinguish which. but though the words were unintelligible to us, the manner and tone of the hail were evidently meant to warn us off. continuing our course, and paying no attention to the hail, the fort presently fired a shot over us; but we paid no attention to this either, and ran in and anchored--the bark accompanying us, but the _bahama_ hauling off, seaward, and lying off and on during the night. there was a small portuguese schooner of war at anchor in the harbor, and about midnight, i was aroused from a deep sleep, into which i had fallen, after a long day of work and excitement, by an officer coming below, and informing me, very coolly, that the portuguese man-of-war was firing into us! "the d----l she is," said i; "how many shots has she fired at us?" "three, sir," replied the officer. "have any of them struck us?" "no, sir, none of them have struck us--they seem to be firing rather wild." i knew very well, that the little craft would not dare to fire _into_ us, though i thought it probable, that, after the fashion of the chinese, who sound their gongs to scare away their enemies, she might be firing _at_ us, to alarm us into going out of the harbor. i said therefore to the officer, "let him fire away, i expect he won't hurt you," and turned over and went to sleep. in the morning, it was ascertained, that it was not the schooner at all, that had been firing, but a passing mail steamer which had run into the anchorage, and fired three signal guns, to awaken her sleeping passengers on shore--with whom she departed before daylight. we were not further molested, from this time onward, but were permitted to remain and coal from the bark; though the custom-house officers, accompanied by the british consul, paid us a visit, and insisted that we should suspend our operation of coaling, until we had entered the two ships at the custom-house. this i readily consented to do. i now called the _bahama_ in, by signal, and she ran in and anchored near us. whilst the coaling was going forward, the carpenter, and gunner, with the assistance of the chief engineer, were busy putting down the circles or traverses for the pivot guns; and the boatswain and his gang were at work, fitting side and train tackles for the broadside guns. the reader can understand how anxious i was to complete all these arrangements. i was perfectly defenceless without them, and did not know at what moment an enemy's ship might look in upon me. the harbor of east angra, where we were now anchored, was quite open, but fortunately for us, the wind was light, and from the s. w., which gave us smooth water, and our work went on quite rapidly. to cast an eye, for a moment, now, from the ship to the shore, i was charmed with the appearance of terceira. every square foot of the island seemed to be under the most elaborate cultivation, and snug farm-houses were dotted so thickly over the hill-sides, as to give the whole the appearance of a rambling village. the markets were most bountifully supplied with excellent beef and mutton, and the various domestic fowls, fish, vegetables, and fruits. my steward brought off every morning in his basket, a most tempting assortment of the latter; for there were apples, plums, pears, figs, dates, oranges, and melons all in full bearing at terceira. the little town of angra, abreast of which we were anchored, was a perfect picture of a portuguese-moorish town, with its red-tiled roofs, sharp gables, and parti-colored verandas, and veranda curtains. and then the quiet, and love-in-a-cottage air which hovered over the whole scene, so far removed from the highways of the world's commerce, and the world's alarms, was charming to contemplate. i had arrived on wednesday, and on saturday night, we had, by the dint of great labor and perseverance, drawn order out of chaos. the _alabama's_ battery was on board, and in place, her stores had all been unpacked, and distributed to the different departments, and her coal-bunkers were again full. we only awaited the following morning to steam out upon the high seas, and formally put the ship in commission. saturday had been dark and rainy, but we had still labored on through the rain. sunday morning dawned bright and beautiful, which we hailed as a harbinger of future success. all hands were turned out at early daylight, and the first lieutenant, and the officer of the deck took the ship in hand, to prepare her for the coming ceremony. she was covered with coal dust and dirt and rubbish in every direction, for we had hitherto had no time to attend to appearances. but by dint of a few hours of scrubbing, inside and out, and of the use of that well-known domestic implement, the holy-stone, that works so many wonders with a dirty ship, she became sweet and clean, and when her awnings were snugly spread, her yards squared, and her rigging hauled taut, she looked like a bride, with the orange-wreath about her brows, ready to be led to the altar. i had as yet no enlisted crew, and this thought gave me some anxiety. all the men on board the _alabama_, as well as those who had come out with me, on board the _bahama_, had been brought thus far, under articles of agreement that were to be no longer obligatory. some of them had been shipped for one voyage, and some for another, but none of them for service on board a confederate cruiser. this was done to avoid a breach of the british foreign enlistment act. they had, of course, been undeceived from the day of our departure from liverpool. _they_ knew that they were to be released from the contracts they had made, but _i_ could not know how many of them would engage with me for the _alabama_. it is true i had had a talk with some of the leaders of the crew, who had promised to go with me, and to influence others, but no creature can be more whimsical than a sailor, until you have bound him past recall, unless indeed it be a woman. the ship having been properly prepared, we steamed out, on this bright sunday morning, under a cloudless sky, with a gentle breeze from the southeast, scarcely ruffling the surface of the placid sea, and under the shadow of the smiling and picturesque island of terceira, which nature seemed to have decked specially for the occasion, so charming did it appear, in its checkered dress of a lighter and darker green, composed of corn-fields and orange-groves, the flag of the new-born confederate states was unfurled, for the first time, from the peak of the _alabama_. the _bahama_ accompanied us. the ceremony was short but impressive. the officers were all in full uniform, and the crew neatly dressed, and i caused "all hands" to be summoned aft on the quarter-deck, and mounting a gun-carriage, i read the commission of mr. jefferson davis, appointing me a captain in the confederate states navy, and the order of mr. stephen r. mallory, the secretary of the navy, directing me to assume command of the _alabama_. following my example, the officers and crew had all uncovered their heads, in deference to the sovereign authority, as is customary on such occasions; and as they stood in respectful silence and listened with rapt attention to the reading, and to the short explanation of my object and purposes, in putting the ship in commission which followed, i was deeply impressed with the spectacle. virginia, the grand old mother of many of the states, who afterward died so nobly; south carolina, georgia, alabama, and louisiana, were all represented in the persons of my officers, and i had some of as fine specimens of the daring and adventurous seaman, as any ship of war could boast. while the reading was going on, two small balls might have been seen ascending slowly, one to the peak, and the other to the main-royal mast-head. these were the ensign and pennant of the future man-of-war. these balls were so arranged, that by a sudden jerk of the halliards by which they had been sent aloft, the flag and pennant would unfold themselves to the breeze. a curious observer would also have seen a quartermaster standing by the english colors, which we were still wearing, in readiness to strike them, a band of music on the quarter-deck, and a gunner (lock-string in hand) standing by the weather-bow gun. all these men had their eyes upon the reader; and when he had concluded, at a wave of his hand, the gun was fired, the change of flags took place, and the air was rent by a deafening cheer from officers and men; the band, at the same time, playing "dixie,"--that soul-stirring national anthem of the new-born government. the _bahama_ also fired a gun and cheered the new flag. thus, amid this peaceful scene of beauty, with all nature smiling upon the ceremony, was the _alabama_ christened; the name " " disappearing with the english flag. this had all been done upon the high seas, more than a marine league from the land, where mr. jefferson davis had as much jurisdiction as mr. abraham lincoln. who could look into the horoscope of this ship--who anticipate her career? many of these brave fellows followed me unto the close. from the cradle to the grave there is but a step; and that i may group in a single picture, the christening and the burial of the ship, let the reader imagine, now, some two years to have rolled over--and such a two years of carnage and blood, as the world had never before seen--and, strangely enough, another sunday morning, equally bright and beautiful, to have dawned upon the _alabama_. this is her funeral morning! at the hour when the church-goers in paris and london were sending up their orisons to the most high, the sound of cannon was heard in the british channel, and the _alabama_ was engaged in her death-struggle. cherbourg, where the _alabama_ had lain for some days previously, is connected with paris by rail, and a large number of curious spectators had flocked down from the latter city to witness, as it proved, her interment. the sun rose, as before, in a cloudless sky, and the sea-breeze has come in over the dancing waters, mild and balmy. it is the nineteenth day of june, . the _alabama_ steams out to meet the _kearsarge_ in mortal combat, and before the sun has set, she has gone down beneath the green waters, and lies entombed by the side of many a gallant craft that had gone down before her in that famous old british channel; where, from the time of the norseman and the danish sea-king, to our own day, so many naval combats have been fought, and so many of the laurel crowns of victory have been entwined around the brows of our naval ancestors. many of the manly figures who had stood with uncovered heads, and listened with respectful silence to the christening, went down in the ship, and now lie buried with her, many fathoms deep, with no other funeral dirge than the roar of cannon, and the howling winds of the north sea. such were the birth and death of the ship, whose adventures i propose to sketch in the following pages. my speech, i was glad to find, had produced considerable effect with the crew. i informed them, in the opening, that they were all released from the contracts under which they had come thus far, and that such of them as preferred to return to england could do so in the _bahama_, without prejudice to their interests, as they would have a free passage back, and their pay would go on until they were discharged in liverpool. i then gave them a brief account of the war, and told them how the southern states, being sovereign and independent, had dissolved the league which had bound them to the northern states, and how they were threatened with subjugation by their late confederates, who were the stronger. they would be fighting, i told them, the battles of the oppressed against the oppressor, and this consideration alone should be enough to nerve the arm of every generous sailor. coming nearer home, for it could not be supposed that english, dutch, irish, french, italian, and spanish sailors could understand much about the rights or wrongs of nations, i explained to them the individual advantages which they might expect to reap from an enlistment with me. the cruise would be one of excitement and adventure. we had a fine ship under us; one that they might fall in love with, as they would with their sweethearts about wapping. we should visit many parts of the world, where they would have "liberty" given them on proper occasions; and we should, no doubt, destroy a great many of the enemy's ships, in spite of the enemy's cruisers. with regard to these last, though fighting was not to be our principal object, yet, if a favorable opportunity should offer of our laying ourselves alongside of a ship that was not too heavy for us, they would find me disposed to indulge them. finally i came to the finances, and like a skilful secretary of the treasury, i put the budget to them, in its very best aspect. as i spoke of good pay, and payment in gold, "hear! hear!" came up from several voices. i would give them, i said, about double the ordinary wages, to compensate them for the risks they would have to run, and i promised them, in case we should be successful, "lots of prize-money," to be voted to them by the confederate congress, for the ships of the enemy that they would be obliged to destroy. when we "piped down," that is to say, when the boatswain and his mates wound their "calls" three times, as a signal that the meeting was over, and the crew might disperse, i caused the word to be passed for all those who desired to sign the articles, to repair at once to the paymaster and sign. i was anxious to strike whilst the iron was hot. the _alabama_ had brought out from the mersey about sixty men, and the _bahama_ had brought about thirty more. i got eighty of these ninety men, and felt very much relieved in consequence. the _democratic_ part of the proceedings closed, as soon as the articles were signed. the "public meeting" just described, was the first, and last ever held on board the _alabama_, and no other stump speech was ever made to the crew. when i wanted a man to do anything after this, i did not talk to him about "nationalities," or "liberties," or "double wages," but i gave him a rather sharp order, and if the order was not obeyed in "double-quick," the delinquent found himself in limbo. democracies may do very well for the land, but monarchies and pretty absolute monarchies at that, are the only successful governments for the sea. there was a great state of confusion on board the ship, of course, during the remainder of this day, and well into the night. bullock and butcher were both on board assisting me, and we were all busy, as well as the paymaster and clerk, making out half-pay tickets for the sailors' wives and sweethearts, drawing drafts for small amounts payable to relatives and dependants, in different parts of england, for such of the sailors as wanted them, and paying advance-wages to those who had no pay-tickets to leave, or remittances to make. i was gratified to find, that a large proportion of my men left half their pay behind them. "a man, who has children, hath given hostages to fortune," and you are quite as sure of a sailor, who sends half his pay to his wife or sweetheart. it was eleven p. m. before my friend bullock was ready to return to the _bahama_, on his way back to england. i took an affectionate leave of him. i had spent some days with him, at his quiet retreat, in the little village of waterloo, near liverpool, where i met his excellent wife, a charming southern woman, with whom hospitality was a part of her religious faith. he was living in a very plain, simple style, though large sums of public money were passing through his hands, and he has had the honor to come out of the war poor. he paid out moneys in good faith, to the last, even when it was quite evident that the cause had gone under, and there would be no accounts to settle with an auditor of the treasury. i had not only had the pleasure of his society during a number of anxious days, but he had greatly assisted me, by his counsel and advice, given with that modesty and reserve which always mark true ability. as soon as the _bahama_ had steamed away, and left me alone, i turned my ship's head to the north-east, set the fore-and-aft sails, and directed the engineer to let his fires go down. the wind had freshened considerably, and there was some sea on. i now turned into an unquiet cot, perfectly exhausted, after the labors of the day, and slept as comfortably as the rolling of the ship, and a strong smell of bilge-water would permit. chapter xxxii. the alabama a ship of war, and not a privateer--sketch of the personnel of the ship--putting the ship in order for service--sail and steam--the character of the sailor--the first blow struck at the whale fishery--the habitat and habits of the whale--the first capture. the reader has seen in the last chapter, that the _alabama_ is at length upon the high seas, as a commissioned ship of war of the confederate states, her commission having been signed by mr. jefferson davis, who had all the _de facto_ right, and much more of the _de jure_ right, to sign such a commission than john hancock, who signed paul jones' commission. the _alabama_ having been built by the government of the confederate states, and commissioned by these states, as a _ship of war_, was, in no sense of the word, a _privateer_, which is a private armed ship belonging to individuals, and fitted out for purposes of gain. and yet, throughout the whole war, and long after the war, when she was not called a "pirate" by the northern press, she was called a _privateer_. even high government officials of the enemy so characterized her. many of the newspapers erred through ignorance, but this misnomer was sheer malice, and very petty malice, too, on the part of those of them who were better informed, and on the part of the government officials, all of whom, of course, knew better. long after they had acknowledged the war, _as a war_, which carried with it an acknowledgment of the right of the confederate states to fit out cruisers, they stultified themselves by calling her "pirate," and "privateer." they were afraid to speak the truth, in conformity with the facts, lest the destruction of their property, for which they hoped ultimately to be paid, should seem to be admitted to have been done under the sanction of the laws of nations. they could as logically have called general robert e. lee _a bandit_, as myself a _pirate_; but logic was not the _forte_ of the enemy, either during or since the late war. before we commence operations, a glance at the _personnel_ of the ship may not be uninteresting. if the reader is to embark on the cruise with us, he will very naturally desire to know something of his future shipmates. having made the cruise in the _sumter_, he is, of course, acquainted with the officers of that ship, and if, after the fashion of the sailor, he has formed a liking for any of them, he will naturally be inclined to know what became of such of them as did not follow me to the _alabama_. of the lieutenants, only one of my old set followed me. accident separated the rest from me, very much to my regret, and we afterward played different _roles_ in the war. the reader has not forgotten chapman, the second officer of the _sumter_, who made such a sensation in cienfuegos, among the fair sex, and who slept in such a sweet pair of sheets at the house of his friend, that he dreamed of them for weeks afterward. chapman finished the cruise in the _sumter_, serving everybody else pretty much as he served the cienfuegos people, whenever he chanced to get ashore. he was always as ready "to tread one measure--take one cup of wine," with a friend, as to hurl defiance at an enemy. he carried the garrison mess at gibraltar by storm. there was no dinner-party without him. he talked war and strategy with the colonel, fox-hunted with the major, and thrumbed the light guitar, and sang delightful songs, in company with the young captains, and lieutenants, beneath the latticed windows of their lady-loves. it is astonishing, too, the progress he made in learning spanish, which was attributable entirely to the lessons he took from some bright eyes, and musical tongues, in the neighboring village of san roque, only a pleasant canter over into spain, from gibraltar. chapman was, unfortunately, going from london to nassau, in a blockade runner, while i was returning from the latter place to liverpool, preparatory to joining the _alabama_. it was thus we missed each other; and the _alabama_ was on the wing so soon afterward, that it was impossible for him to catch her. he served in the _georgia_, a while, under captain william lewis maury, and, when that ship was laid up and sold, he returned to the confederate states, and rendered gallant and efficient service, in the last days of the war, in doing what was possible for the defence of wilmington, against the overwhelming fleet of porter. stribling, the third of the _sumter_, was assigned by me to maffitt's command, as already related. he died of yellow fever in mobile, deeply regretted by the whole service. evans, the fourth of the _sumter_, missed me as chapman had done, and like chapman, he took service on board the _georgia_, and afterward returned to the confederate states. he served in the naval batteries on the james river, until the evacuation of richmond. i took with me to the _alabama_, as the reader has seen, my old and well-tried first lieutenant, kell. he became the first lieutenant of the new ship. lieutenant richard f. armstrong, of georgia, whom, as the reader will recollect, i had left at gibraltar, in charge of the _sumter_, took chapman's place, and became second lieutenant. armstrong was a young gentleman of intelligence and character, and had made good progress in his profession. he was a midshipman at the naval school, at annapolis, when the war broke out. though still a mere boy, he resigned his appointment without hesitation, and came south. he had made the cruise with me in the _sumter_, and been since promoted. midshipman joseph d. wilson, of florida, also an _élève_ of annapolis, and who, like armstrong, had made the cruise with me in the _sumter_, and been promoted, took stribling's place, and became third lieutenant. my fourth lieutenant in place of evans was mr. arthur sinclair, who, though not bred in the old service, belonged to one of the old naval families of virginia, both his father and grandfather having been captains in the united states navy. these two young gentlemen were also intelligent, and for the short time they had been at sea, well informed in their profession. [illustration: eng'd by h. b. hall, jr. n. y. kelly, piet & co. baltimore] my fifth lieutenant was mr. john low, of georgia, a capital seaman, and excellent officer. galt, my old surgeon, had accompanied me, as the reader has seen, as did also first lieutenant howell, of the marines. myers, the paymaster of the _sumter_, was, unfortunately for me, in prison, in fort warren, when the _alabama_ was commissioned--the federal authorities still gloating over the prize they had made, through the trickery of the consul at tangier, of one of the "pirate's" officers. in his place i was forced to content myself with a man, as paymaster, who shall be nameless in these pages, since he afterward, upon being discharged by me, for his worthlessness, went over to the enemy, and became one of mr. adams' hangers-on, and paid witnesses and spies about liverpool, and the legation in london. as a preparatory step to embracing the yankee cause, he married a mulatto woman, in kingston, jamaica, (though he had a wife living,) whom he swindled out of what little property she had, and then abandoned. i was quite amused, when i saw afterward, in the liverpool and london papers, that this man, who was devoid of every virtue, and steeped to the lips in every vice, was giving testimony in the english courts, in the interest of the nation of "grand moral ideas." this was the only recruit the enemy ever got from the ranks of my officers. to complete the circle of the ward-room, i have only to mention mr. miles j. freeman, the chief engineer of the _sumter_, who was now filling the same place on board the _alabama_, and with whom the reader is already acquainted; dr. llewellyn, an englishman from wiltshire, who having come out in the _alabama_ as surgeon when she was yet a merchant-ship, had been retained as assistant surgeon; and acting master bullock, brother of the captain already named in these pages. my "steerage officers," who are too numerous to be named individually, were a capital set of young men, as were the "forward officers." indeed, with the exception of the black sheep in the ward-room, with federal propensities, to whom i have alluded, i had reason to be satisfied with my officers of all grades. i must not forget to introduce to the reader one humble individual of the _alabama's_ crew. he was my steward, and my household would not be complete without him. when i was making the passage from nassau to liverpool, in the _bahama_, i noticed a pale, rather delicate, and soft-mannered young man, who was acting as steward on board. he was an obedient, respectful, and attentive major-domo, but, unfortunately, was rather too much addicted to the use of the wine which he set on the table, every day, for the guests. poor bartelli--i thus designate him, because of his subsequent sad fate, which the reader will learn in due time--did not seem to have the power of self-restraint, especially under the treatment he received, which was not gentle. the captain was rough toward him, and the poor fellow seemed very much cowed and humbled, trembling when spoken to harshly. his very forlornness drew me toward him. he was an italian, evidently of gentle blood, and as, with the italians, drinking to intoxication is not an ineradicable vice, i felt confident that he could be reformed under proper treatment. and so, when we arrived at terceira, i asked bartelli how he would like to go with me, as steward, on board the _alabama_. he seemed to be delighted with the proposal. "there is one understanding, however," i said to him, "which you and i must have: you must never touch a drop of liquor, on board the ship, on duty. when you go on shore, 'on liberty,' if you choose to have a little frolic, that is your affair, provided, always, you come off sober. is it a bargain?" "it is, captain," said he; "i promise you i will behave myself like a man, if you will take me with you." the captain of the _bahama_ had no objection, and bartelli was duly installed as my steward. i found him, as i had expected, a capital servant. he was faithful, and became attached to me, and kept his promise, under strong temptation; for there was always in the cabin-lockers of the _alabama_ the best of wines and other liquors. he took care of my linen like a woman, washing it himself when we were at sea, and sending it to some careful laundress when in port. i shall, perhaps, astonish a great many husbands and heads of families, when i tell them, that every shirt-button was always in its place, and that i never had to call for needle and thread under difficulties! my mess affairs never gave me the least trouble. my table was always well supplied, and when guests were expected, i could safely leave the arrangements to bartelli; and then it was a pleasure to observe the air, and grace of manner and speech, with which he would receive my visitors and conduct them into the cabin. poor bartelli! the day after the _bahama_ left us was cloudy, and cheerless in aspect, with a fresh wind and a rough sea. the ship was rolling and tumbling about, to the discomfort of every one, and confusion still reigned on board. below decks everything was dirt and disorder. nobody had as yet been berthed or messed, nor had any one been stationed at a gun or a rope. spare shot-boxes and other heavy articles were fetching way, and the ship was leaking considerably through her upper works. she had been put together with rather green timber, and, having been caulked in england, in winter, her seams were beginning to gape beneath the ardent heats of a semi-tropical climate. i needed several days yet, to put things "to rights," and mould the crew into a little shape. i withdrew, therefore, under easy sail, from the beaten tracks of commerce; and my first lieutenant went to work berthing, and messing, and quartering, and stationing his men. the gun-equipments were completed, and such little alterations made as were found necessary for the easy and efficient working of the battery, and the guns were sealed with blank cartridges, and put in a proper condition for being loaded promptly. we now devoted several days to the exercise of the crew, as well at general, as division, quarters. some few of the guns' crews had served in ships of war before, and proved capital drill-sergeants for the rest. the consequence was, that rapid progress was made, and the _alabama_ was soon in a condition to plume her wings for her flight. it only remained to caulk our upper works, and this occupied us but a day or two longer. i was much gratified to find that my new ship proved to be a fine sailer, under canvas. this quality was of inestimable advantage to me, as it enabled me to do most of my work under sail. she carried but an eighteen days' supply of fuel, and if i had been obliged, because of her dull sailing qualities, to chase every thing under steam, the reader can see how i should have been hampered in my movements. i should have been half my time running into port for fuel. this would have disclosed my whereabouts so frequently to the enemy, that i should have been constantly in danger of capture, whereas i could now stretch into the most distant seas, and chase, capture, and destroy, perfectly independent of steam. i adopted the plan, therefore, of working under sail, in the very beginning of my cruise, and practised it unto the end. with the exception of half a dozen prizes, all my captures were made with my screw hoisted, and my ship under sail; and with but one exception, as the reader will see hereafter, i never had occasion to use steam to escape from an enemy. this keeping of the sea, for three, and four months at a time, had another great advantage--it enabled me to keep my crew under better drill, and discipline, and, in every way, better in hand. nothing demoralizes a crew so much as frequent visits to port. the sailor is as improvident, and incapable of self-government as a child. indeed he is regarded by most nations as a ward of the state, and that sort of legislation is thrown around him, which is thrown around a ward in chancery. the moment a ship drops her anchor in a port, like the imprisoned bird, he begins to beat the bars of his cage, if he is not permitted to go on shore, and have his frolic; and when on shore, to carry our simile still further, he is like the bird let out of the cage. he gives a loose rein to his passions, and sometimes plunges so deeply into debauchery, that he renders himself unfit for duty, for days, and sometimes weeks, after he is hunted up and brought on board by the police, which is most frequently the manner in which his captain again gets possession of him. such is the reckless intemperance into which some of the regular old salts plunge, that i have known them to go on shore, make their way straight to a sailor-boarding-house, which is frequently a dance-house, and always a grog-shop, give what money they have about them to the "landlord," and tell him to keep them drunk as long as it will last, and when they have had the worth of it in a _good, long, big_ drunk, to pick them up, and send them off to their ship! the very d----l is to pay, too, when a lot of drunken sailors is brought on board, as every first lieutenant knows. frequently they have to be knocked down, disarmed of the dangerous sheath-knives which they wear, and confined in irons until they are sober. when that takes place, jack comes out of the "brig," his place of confinement, very much ashamed of himself; generally with a blackened eye or two, if not with a broken nose, and looking very seedy in the way of apparel, as the chances are that he has sold or exchanged the tidy suit in which he went on shore, for some 'long-shore toggery, the better to enable him to prolong that delightful drunk of his. it was quite enough to have such scenes as these repeated once in three or four months. when i had put my ship in a tolerable state of defence, and given a little practice at the guns, to my crew, i turned her head toward her cruising ground. it so happened that this was not very far off. following porter's example in the pacific,--i mean the first porter, the father of the present admiral in the federal navy,--i resolved to strike a blow at the enemy's whale-fishery, off the azores. there is a curious and beautiful problem--that of providence feeding the whale--connected with this fishery, which i doubt not will interest the reader, as it did the writer of these pages, when it first came under his notice. it is because of that problem, that the azores are a whaling station. the food which attracts the whale to these islands is not produced in their vicinity, but is carried thither by the currents--the currents of the ocean performing the same functions for the finny tribe, that the atmosphere does for the plants. the fishes of the sea, in their kingdom beneath the waters, have thus their highways and byways, as well as the animals upon the land, and are always to be found congregated where their great food-bearers, the currents, make their deposits. animalculæ, infusoria, small fishes, minute crustacea, and shell-fish found on the algæ, or floating sea-weed, sea-nettles, and other food, are produced in the more calm latitudes, where the waters are comparatively still, taken up by the currents, and transported to the more congenial feeding-grounds of the whales, and other fishes. much of this food is produced in the tepid waters of the sea, into which, it is well known, some descriptions of whales cannot enter. the equatorial belt of waters surrounding the earth, between the tropics, whose temperature is generally ° of fahrenheit, is as a sea of fire to the "right" whale. it would be as certain death for this species of whale to attempt to cross these waters, as for a human being to plunge into a burning lake. the proof of this is that the "right" whale of the northern hemisphere is never found in the southern hemisphere, or _e converso_. it is a separate and distinct species of fish. see how beneficent, therefore, the arrangement is, by which the food for these monsters of the deep is transported from the tepid waters, into which they cannot enter in pursuit of it, to the cooler waters in which they delight to gambol. the gulf stream is the great food-carrier for the extra-tropical whales of the northern hemisphere. an intelligent sea-captain, writing to superintendent maury of the national observatory, some years before the war, informed him, that in the gulf stream, off the coast of florida, he fell in with "such a school of young sea-nettles, as had never before been heard of." the sea was literally covered with them for many square leagues. he likened them, in appearance, to acorns floating on the water, but they were so thick as completely to cover the sea. he was bound to england, and was five or six days in sailing through them. in about sixty days afterward, on his return voyage, he fell in with the same school off the azores, and here he was three or four days in passing them again. he recognized them as the same, for he had never before seen any quite like them; and on both occasions he frequently hauled up buckets full, and examined them. in their adventurous voyage of sixty days, during which they must have been tossed about in several gales of wind, these little marine animals had grown considerably, and already the whales had begun to devour them; for the school was now so much diminished in size, that the captain was enabled to sail through it, in three or four days, instead of the five or six which it had formerly taken him. we see, thus, that the fishes of the sea have their seed-time and harvest; that the same beneficent hand that decks the lilies of the field in garments more superb than those of solomon, and feeds the young raven, seeds down the great equatorial belt of waters for the fishes; and that when the harvest-time has come, he sends in his reapers and gleaners, the currents, which bind up the sheaves, and bear them off three thousand miles, to those denizens of the great deep, which, perhaps, but for this beautiful and beneficent arrangement, would die of inanition. the whaling season ends at the azores about the first of october, when the first winter gales begin to blow, and the food becomes scarce. the whales then migrate to other feeding-grounds, and the adventurous whaler follows them. as we were now, in the first days of september, on board the _alabama_, the reader will see, that we had but a few weeks left, in which to accomplish our purpose of striking a blow at the enemy's whale fishery. in the afternoon of september th, the weather being fine and clear, we made pico and fayal, and reducing sail to topsails, lay off and on during the night. the next day, the weather being cloudy, and the wind light from the eastward, we made our first prize, without the excitement of a chase. a ship having been discovered, lying to, with her foretopsail to the mast, we made sail for her, hoisting the united states colors, and approached her within boarding distance, that is to say, within a few hundred yards, without her moving tack or sheet. she had shown the united states colors in return, as we approached, and proved to be a whaler, with a huge whale, which she had recently struck, made fast alongside, and partially hoisted out of the water by her yard tackles. the surprise was perfect and complete, although eleven days had elapsed since the _alabama_ had been commissioned at a neighboring island, less than a hundred miles off. the captured ship proved to be the _ocmulgee_, of edgartown, massachusetts, whose master was a genuine specimen of the yankee whaling skipper; long and lean, and as elastic, apparently, as the whalebone he dealt in. nothing could exceed the blank stare of astonishment, that sat on his face, as the change of flags took place on board the _alabama_. he had been engaged, up to the last moment, with his men, securing the rich spoil alongside. the whale was a fine "sperm," and was a "big strike," and had already been denuded of much of its blubber when we got alongside. he naturally concluded, he said, when he saw the united states colors at our peak, that we were one of the new gunboats sent out by mr. welles to protect the whale fishery. it was indeed remarkable, that no protection should have been given to these men, by their government. unlike the ships of commerce, the whalers are obliged to congregate within small well-known spaces of ocean and remain there for weeks at a time, whilst the whaling season lasts. it was the most obvious thing in the world, that these vessels, thus clustered together, should attract the attention of the confederate cruisers, and be struck at. there are not more than half a dozen principal whaling stations on the entire globe, and a ship, of size and force, at each, would have been sufficient protection. but the whalers, like the commerce of the united states generally, were abandoned to their fate. mr. welles did not seem capable of learning by experience even; for the _shenandoah_ repeated the successes of the _alabama_, in the north pacific, toward the close of the war. there were federal steam gunboats, and an old sailing hulk cruising about in the china seas, but no one seemed to think of the whalers, until waddel carried dismay and consternation among them. it took us some time to remove the crew of the _ocmulgee_, consisting of thirty-seven persons, to the _alabama_. we also got on board from her some beef and pork, and small stores, and by the time we had done this, it was nine o'clock at night; too late to think of burning her, as a bonfire, by night, would flush the remainder of the game, which i knew to be in the vicinity; and i had now become too old a hunter to commit such an indiscretion. with a little management and caution, i might hope to uncover the birds, no faster than i could bag them. and so, hoisting a light at the peak of the prize, i permitted her to remain anchored to the whale, and we lay by her until the next morning, when we burned her; the smoke of the conflagration being, no doubt, mistaken by vessels at a distance, for that of some passing steamer. to those curious in such matters, i may state that a large sperm whale will yield twenty-five barrels of oil from the head alone. the oil is found in its liquid state, and is baled out with buckets, from a hole cut in the top of the head. what can be the uses in the animal economy to which this immense quantity of oil in the head of the fish is applied? they are probably twofold. first, it may have some connection with the sustenance of the animal, in seasons of scarcity of food, and secondly, and more obviously, it appears to be a provision of nature, designed on the same principle on which birds are supplied with air-cells in their bones. the whale, though a very intelligent fish, and with an affection for its "calf," almost human, has but a small brain, the great cavity of its skull being filled as described. as the specific gravity of oil is considerably less than that of water, we can be at no loss to conjecture why the monster has so bountiful a supply, nor why it is that it carries the supply in its head. as is well known, the whale is a warm-blooded mammal, as much so as the cow that roams our pastures, and cannot live by breathing the water alone. instead of the gill arrangement of other fishes, which enables them to extract from the water sufficient air to vitalize the blood, it has the lungs of the mammal, and needs to breathe the atmosphere. the oil in the head, acting on the principle of the cork, enables it to ascend very rapidly, from great depths in the ocean, when it requires to breathe, or "blow." see how beautiful this oil arrangement is, too, in another aspect. it enables the monster, when it requires rest, to lay its head on the softest kind of a pillow, an ocean wave, and sleep as unconcernedly as the child does upon the bosom of its mother. on the day after the capture of the _ocmulgee_, we chased and overhauled a french ship, bound to marseilles. after speaking this ship, and telling her that we were a united states cruiser, we bore away north, half west, and in a couple of hours made the island of flores, the westernmost of the azores, and a favorite island to be sighted by the whalers, for the correction of their chronometers. approaching it just at nightfall, we shortened sail, and lay off and on during the night. this island is an exceedingly picturesque object. it rises like a huge mountain from the depths of the sea, with the bluest and deepest of water all around it. it is rock-bound, and there is scarcely any part of it, where a ship might not haul alongside of the rocks, and make fast to the shore. it rises to the height of a thousand feet and more, and is covered with a luxuriant vegetation, the substratum of rock being overlaid with a generous soil. the climate is genial for three-fourths of the year, but almost a perpetual gale howls over it in winter. at a distance, the island appeared like an unbroken mountain, but as we approached it, many beautiful valleys, and gaps in the mountain presented themselves, with the neat white farm-houses of the lonely dwellers peeping out from beneath the dense foliage. it was indeed a beautiful scene to look upon, and such was the air of perfect repose and peace that pervaded it, that a ship of war seemed out of place, approaching its quiet shores. the next day, sunday, dawned beautiful and bright, and the _alabama_ having approached this semi-tropical island, sufficiently near to inhale the fragrance of its shrubs and flowers, mustered her crew for the first time. the reader has now been sufficiently long with us to know, that when we speak of "muster" on board a ship of war, we do not mean simply the calling of the roll, but a ceremony of dress and inspection. with clean, white decks, with the brass and iron work glittering like so many mirrors in the sun, and with the sails neatly trimmed, and the confederate states flag at our peak, we spread our awnings and read the articles of war to the crew. a great change had taken place in the appearance of the men, since i made that stump speech to them which has been described. their parti-colored garments had been cast aside, and they were all neatly arrayed in duck frocks and trousers, well-polished shoes, and straw hats. there was a visible improvement in their health, too. they had been long enough out of liverpool to recover from the effects of their debauches, and regain their accustomed stamina. this was the first reading of the articles of war to them, and it was curious to observe the attention with which they listened to the reading, occasionally eying each other, as they were struck by particular portions of them. these articles, which were copied from similar articles, for the "better government of the navy of the united states," were quite severe in their denunciations of crime. the penalty of death frequently occurred in them, and they placed the power of executing this penalty in the hands of the captain and a court-martial. jack had already had a little foretaste of discipline, in the two weeks he had been on board; the first lieutenant having brought several of them to the "mast," whence they had been sent into confinement by me, for longer or shorter intervals, according to the grade of their offences; and he now began more distinctly to perceive that he had gotten on board a _ship of war_, instead of the privateer he had supposed the _alabama_ to be, and that he would have to toe a pretty straight mark. it is with a disorderly crew, as with other things, the first blows are the most effective. i had around me a large staff of excellent officers, who always wore their side arms, and pistols, when on duty, and from this time onward we never had any trouble about keeping the most desperate and turbulent characters in subjection. my code was like that of the medes and persians--it was never relaxed. the moment a man offended, he was seized and confined in irons, and, if the offence was a grave one, a court-martial was sitting on his case in less than twenty-four hours. the willing and obedient were treated with humanity and kindness; the turbulent were jerked down, with a strong hand, and made submissive to discipline. i was as rigid with the officers as with the crew, though, of course, in a different way, and, both officers and men soon learning what was required of them, everything went on, on board the _alabama_, after the first few weeks, as smoothly, and with as little jarring as if she had been a well-constructed and well-oiled machine. chapter xxxiii. capture of the starlight, ocean rover, alert, weather-gauge--a race by night--capture of the altamaha, virginia, and elija dunbar--a rough sea, toiling boats, and a picturesque burning of a ship in a gale. we were running in, while the muster described in the last chapter was going on, for the little town, or, rather, sea-side village of lagens, on the south side of the island of flores, and, having approached the beach quite near, we hove the ship to, and hauling alongside, from the stern, where they had been towing, the whale-boats of the captured ship, which we had brought away from the prize for this purpose, we paroled our prisoners, and, putting them in possession of their boats, shoved them off for the shore. i had two motives in thus landing my prisoners in their own boats, or, to speak more properly, in the boats which had once belonged to them. it saved me the trouble of landing them myself; and, as the boats were valuable, and i permitted the prisoners to put in them as many provisions as they desired, and as much other plunder as they could pick up about the decks of their ships--excepting always such articles as we needed on board the _alabama_--the sale of their boats and cargoes to the islanders gave them the means of subsistence, until they could communicate with their consul in the neighboring island of fayal. we had scarcely gotten through with the operation of landing our prisoners, before the cry of "sail ho!" came to us from the mast-head; and we made sail in chase of a schooner which was approaching the island, hoisting the english colors to throw the stranger off his guard. as the two vessels were sailing toward each other, they approached very rapidly, and in the course of an hour we were within a mile of each other. still the schooner did not show any colors. the reason was quite plain; she was american in every feature, and could show us no other colors than such as would subject her to capture, in case we should prove to be her enemy, of which she seemed to be suspicious. indeed, the gallant little craft, with every stitch of canvas set, sails well hoisted, and sheets a little eased, was now edging off a little from us, and endeavoring to gain the shelter of the well-known marine league, the land being distant only about five miles. perceiving her object, and seeing that i had only a couple of miles to spare, i kept my own ship off, the better to throw myself across the stranger's path, changed my colors, and fired a blank cartridge to heave her to. but she neither hove to, nor showed colors, being evidently intent upon giving me a race. although i already had the little craft under my guns, i humored her for a few minutes, just to show her that i could beat her in a fair trial of speed, and when i had proved this, by gaining rapidly upon her, i sent a round shot from one of the bow guns between her masts, a few feet only over the heads of her people. if the reader has heard a -pounder whistle, in such close proximity, he knows very well what it says, to wit, that there must be no more trifling. and so the captain of the schooner understood it, for in a moment afterward we could see the graceful little craft luffing up in the wind, brailing up her foresail, and hauling her jib sheet to windward. the welcome stars and stripes fluttered soon afterward from her peak. the master being brought on board with his papers, the prize proved to be the schooner _starlight_, of boston, from fayal, bound to boston by the way of flores, for which island she had some passengers, several ladies among the number. the crew consisted of seven persons--all good yankee sailors. having heard, by this time, full accounts of the shameful treatment of my paymaster of the _sumter_, which has been described, in a former chapter, i resolved to practise a little retaliation upon the enemy, and ordered the crew of the _starlight_ put in irons. i pursued this practice, painful as it was, for the next seven or eight captures, putting the masters and mates of the ships, as well as the crews, in irons. the masters would frequently remonstrate with me, claiming that it was an indignity put upon them; and so it was, but i replied to them, that their countrymen had put a similar indignity upon an officer and a gentleman, who had worn the uniform of the navies of both our countries. by the time that the capture of the _starlight_ had been completed, the sun was near his setting, and it was too late to land the passengers. i therefore sent a prize crew on board the captured ship, directing the prize-master to lie by me during the night, and giving him especial charge to inform the passengers that they should be safely landed in the morning, and, in the meantime, to quiet the fears of the ladies, who had been much alarmed by the chase and the firing, we hoisted a light at the peak of the _alabama_, and lay to, all night, in nearly a calm sea. there were some dark clouds hanging over the island, but they had apparently gone there to roost, as no wind came from them. among the papers captured on board the _starlight_ were a couple of despatches from the federal consul at fayal, to the sewards--father and son--in which there was the usual amount of stale nonsense about "rebel privateers," and "pirates." the weather proved fine, the next morning, and standing in, within a stone's throw of the little town of santa cruz, we landed both passengers and prisoners, putting the latter, as usual, under _parole_. in the meantime, the governor of the island, and a number of the dignitaries came off to visit us. they were a robust, farmer-looking people, giving evidence, in their persons, of the healthfulness of the island, and were very polite, franking to us the ports of the island, and informing us that supplies were cheap, and abundant. their visit was evidently one of curiosity, and we treated his excellency with all due ceremony, notwithstanding the smallness of his dominions. we talked to him, however, of bullocks, and sheep, fish and turtles, yams and oranges, rather than of the war between the states, and the laws of nations. bartelli made the eyes of the party dance with flowing goblets of champagne, and when i thought they had remained long enough, i bowed them out of the cabin, with a cigar all round, and sent them on shore, with rather favorable impressions, i do not doubt, of the "pirate." hauling off, now, from the island, and running seaward for a space, we chased and overhauled a portuguese whaling brig. seeing by her boats and other indications that she was a whaler, i thought, at first, that i had a prize, and was quite disappointed when she showed me the portuguese colors. not being willing to trust to the verity of the flag, i sent a boat on board of her, and invited the master to visit me with his papers, which he did. the master was himself a portuguese, and i found his papers to be genuine. thanking him for his visit, i dismissed him in a very few minutes. i had no right to command him to come on board of me--he being a neutral, it was my business to go on board of him, if i desired to examine his papers, but he waived ceremony, and it was for this that i had thanked him. i may as well remark here, in passing, that this was the only foreign whaling-ship that i ever overhauled; the business of whaling having become almost exclusively an american monopoly--the monopoly not being derived from any sovereign grant, but resulting from the superior skill, energy, industry, courage, and perseverance of the yankee whaler, who is, perhaps, the best specimen of a sailor, the world over. later in the same afternoon, we chased a large ship, looming up almost like a frigate, in the northwest, with which we came up about sunset. we had showed her the american colors, and she approached us without the least suspicion that she was running into the arms of an enemy; the master crediting good old mr. welles, as the master of the _ocmulgee_ had done, with sending a flashy-looking yankee gunboat, to look out for his whalebone and oil. this large ship proved to be, upon the master being brought on board with his papers, the _ocean rover_, of new bedford, massachusetts. she had been out three years and four months, cruising in various parts of the world, had sent home one or two cargoes of oil, and was now returning, herself, with another cargo, of eleven hundred barrels. the master, though anxious to see his wife, and dandle on his knee the babies that were no longer babies, with true yankee thrift thought he would just take the azores in his way home, and make another "strike," or two, to fill up his empty casks. the consequence was, as the reader has seen, a little disappointment. i really felt for the honest fellow, but when i came to reflect, for a moment, upon the diabolical acts of his countrymen of new england, who were out-heroding herod, in carrying on against us a vindictive war, filled with hate and vengeance, the milk of human kindness which had begun to well up in my heart disappeared, and i had no longer any spare sympathies to dispose of. it being near night when the capture was made, i directed the prize to be hove to, in charge of a prize crew until morning. in the meantime, however, the master, who had heard from some of my men, that i had permitted the master of the _ocmulgee_, and his crew, to land in their own boats, came to me, and requested permission to land in the same manner. we were four or five miles from the land, and i suggested to him, that it was some distance to pull. "oh! that is nothing," said he, "we whalers sometimes chase a whale, on the broad sea, until our ships are hull-down, and think nothing of it. it will relieve you of us the sooner, and be of some service to us besides." seeing that the sea was smooth, and that there was really no risk to be run, for a yankee whale-boat might be made, with a little management, to ride out an ordinary gale of wind, i consented, and the delighted master returned to his ship, to make the necessary preparations. i gave him the usual permission to take what provisions he needed, the whaling gear belonging to his boats, and the personal effects of himself and men. he worked like a beaver, for not more than a couple of hours had elapsed, before he was again alongside of the _alabama_, with all his six boats, with six men in each, ready to start for the shore. i could not but be amused when i looked over the side into these boats, at the amount of plunder that the rapacious fellow had packed in them. they were literally loaded down, with all sorts of traps, from the seamen's chests and bedding, to the tabby cat and parrot. nor had the "main chance" been overlooked, for all the "cabin stores" had been secured, and sundry barrels of beef and pork, besides. i said to him, "captain, your boats appear to me, to be rather deeply laden; are you not afraid to trust them?" "oh! no," he replied; "they are as buoyant as ducks, and we shall not ship a drop of water." after a detention of a few minutes, during which my clerk was putting the crew under _parole_, i gave the master leave to depart. the boats, shoving off from the side, one by one, and falling into line, struck out for the shore. that night-landing of this whaler's crew was a beautiful spectacle. i stood on the horse-block, watching it, my mind busy with many thoughts. the moon was shining brightly, though there were some passing clouds sailing lazily in the upper air, that fleckered the sea. flores, which was sending off to us, even at this distance, her perfumes of shrub and flower, lay sleeping in the moonlight, with a few fleecy, white clouds wound around the mountain-top, like a turban. the rocky islets that rise like so many shafts out of the sea, devoid of all vegetation, and at different distances from the shore, looked weird and unearthly, like sheeted ghosts. the boats moving swiftly and mysteriously toward the shore, might have been mistaken, when they had gotten a little distance from us, for venetian gondolas, with their peaked bows and sterns, especially when we heard coming over the sea, a song, sung by a powerful and musical voice, and chorussed by all the boats. those merry fellows were thus making light of misfortune, and proving that the sailor, after all, is the true philosopher. the echo of that night-song lingered long in my memory, but i little dreamed, as i stood on the deck of the _alabama_, and witnessed the scene i have described, that four years afterward, it would be quoted against me as a violation of the laws of war! and yet so it was. it was alleged by the malice of my defamers, who never have, and never can forgive me for the destruction of their property, that miles away at sea, in rough and inclement weather, i _compelled_ my prisoners to depart for the shore, in leaky and unsound boats, at the hazard of their lives, designing and desiring to drown them! and this was all the thanks i received for setting some of these fellows up as nabobs, among the islanders. why, the master of the _ocean rover_, with his six boats, and their cargoes, was richer than the governor, when he landed in flores; where the simple islanders are content with a few head of cattle, a cast-net, and a canoe. the _alabama_ had now two prizes in company, with which she lay off and on the island during the night, and she was destined to secure another before morning. i had turned in, and was sleeping soundly, when about midnight, an officer came below to inform me that there was another large ship close on board of us. i was dressed and on deck in a few minutes. the stranger was plainly visible, being not more than a mile distant. she was heading for the island. i wore ship, as quietly as possible, and followed her, but she had, in the meantime, drawn some distance ahead, and an exciting chase now ensued. we were both close-hauled, on the starboard tack, and the stranger, seeing that he was pursued, put every rag of sail on his ship that he could spread. i could but admire her, with her square yards and white canvas, every sheet home, and every leach taut. for the first half hour, it was hard to tell which ship had the heels of the other, but at the end of that time, we began to head-reach the chase very perceptibly, though the latter rather "eat us out of the wind," or, to speak more conformably with the vocabulary of the land, went to windward of us. this did not matter much, however, as when we should be abreast of her, we would be near enough to reach her with a shot. after a chase of about four hours, day broke, when we hoisted the english ensign. this was a polite invitation to the chase, to show her colors, but she declined to do so. we now felt sure that she was an enemy, and a prize, and as we were still gaining on her, it was only a matter of an hour or two, when she would fall into our hands. our polite invitation to the chase, to show her colors, not succeeding, we became a little more emphatic, and fired a blank cartridge. still she was obstinate. she was steering for flores, and probably, like the _starlight_, had her eye on the marine league. having approached her, in another half hour, within good round-shot range, i resolved to treat her as i had treated the _starlight_, and threw a -pounder near enough to her stern to give the captain a shower-bath. shower-baths are very efficacious, in many cases, and we found it so in this, for in a moment more, we could see the stars and stripes ascending to the stranger's peak, and that he had started his tacks and sheets, and was in the act of hauling up his courses. this done, the main-yard was swung aback, and the prize had surrendered herself a prisoner. bartelli now came to tell me, that my bath was ready, and descending to the cabin, i bathed, and dressed for breakfast, whilst the boarding-officer was boarding the prize. she proved to be the _alert_, of, and from new london, and bound, by the way of the azores, and cape de verde islands, to the indian ocean. she was only sixteen days from port, with files of late newspapers; and besides her own ample outfit for a large crew, and a long voyage, she had on board supplies for the group known as the navigators' islands, in the south indian ocean, where among icebergs and storms, the yankees had a whaling and sealing station. this capture proved to be a very opportune one, as we were in want of just such a lot of clothing, for the men, as we found on board the prize; and the choice beef, and pork, nicely put up ship-bread, boxes of soap, and tobacco, and numerous other articles of seaman's supplies did not come amiss. we had been particularly short of a supply of tobacco, this being a costly article in england, and i could see jack's eye brighten, as he rolled aft, and piled up on the quarter-deck, sundry heavy oaken boxes of good "virginia twist." that night the pipes seemed to have wonderfully increased in number, on board the _alabama_, and the song and the jest derived new inspiration from the fragrance of the weed. we paroled the officers and crew of the _alert_, and sent them ashore, in their own boats, as we had done the others. i had now three prizes on my hands, viz.: the _starlight_, the _ocean rover_, and the _alert_, with a prize crew on board of each, and as i could make no better use of them than to destroy them, thanks to the unfriendly conduct of neutrals, so often referred to, it became necessary to think of burning them. they were lying at distances, ranging from half a mile to three miles from the _alabama_, and were fired within a short time of each other, so that we had three funeral pyres burning around us at the same moment. the other whalers at a distance must have thought that there were a good many steamers passing flores, that day. it was still early in the afternoon, and there was more work before us ere night set in. i had scarcely gotten my prize crews on board, and my boats run up, before another sail was discovered standing in for the island. we immediately gave chase, or rather, to speak more correctly, proceeded to meet the stranger, who was standing in our direction. the ships approached each other very rapidly, and we soon discovered the new sail to be a large schooner, of unmistakable yankee build and rig. we hoisted the united states colors, and she responded soon afterward with the stars and stripes. she came on quite unsuspiciously, as the two last prizes had done, until she arrived near enough to see that the three mysterious cones of smoke, at which she had probably been wondering for some time past, proceeded from three ships on fire. coupling this unusual spectacle with the approach toward her of a rakish-looking barkentine, she at once smelt rather a large rat, and wheeled suddenly in flight. but it was too late. we were already within three miles of her, and a pursuit of half an hour brought her within effective range of our bow-chaser. we now changed colors, and fired a blank cartridge. this was sufficient. she saved us the expenditure of a shot, and hove to, without further ado. upon being boarded, she proved to be the _weathergauge_, a whaler of provincetown, massachusetts, six weeks from the land of the puritan, with other files of newspapers, though not so late as those captured on board the _alert_. in running over these files, it was wonderful to observe the glibness with which these massachusetts brethren of ours now talked of treason, and of rebels, and traitors, at no greater distance, in point of time, than forty-five years, from the hartford convention; to say nothing of certain little idiosyncrasies of theirs, that were developed during the annexation of texas. there were some "sunday" papers among the rest, and all the pious parsons and deacons in the land were overflowing with patriotism, and hurling death and damnation from their pulpits, against those who had dared to strike at the "lord's anointed," the sainted abraham lincoln. but as the papers contained little or no war news, we had no time to bestow upon the crotchets of the yankee brain, and they were promptly consigned to the waste-paper basket. another sail being discovered, whilst we were receiving the surrender of the _weathergauge_, we hastily threw a prize crew on board this latter vessel, directing the prize-master to "hold on to the island of corvo," during the ensuing night, which was now falling, until we should return, and started off in pursuit of the newly discovered sail. chasing a sail is very much like pursuing a coy maiden, the very coyness sharpening the pursuit. the chase, in the present instance, seemed determined to run away from us; and as she was fast, and we were as determined to overhaul her as she was to run away, she led us a beautiful night-dance over the merry waters. the moon rose bright, soon after the chase commenced, and, striking upon the canvas of the fleeing vessel, lighted it up as though it had been a snow-bank. the american vessels are distinguished, above all others, for the whiteness of their canvas; being clothed, for the most part, in the fibre of our cotton-fields. the cut of the sails, and the taper of the spars of the chase looked american, and then the ship was cracking on every stitch of canvas that would draw, in the effort to escape--she must surely be american, we thought. and so we "looked on her, to lust after her," and gave our little ship the benefit of all our skill in seamanship. the speed of the two ships was so nearly matched, that, for the first hour or two, it was impossible to say whether we had gained on her an inch. we were both running dead before the wind, and this was not the _alabama's_ most favorable sailing-point. with her tall lower masts, and large fore-and-aft sails, she was better on a wind, or with the wind abeam. the chase was leading us away from our cruising-ground, and i should have abandoned it, if i had not had my pride of ship a little interested. it would never do for the _alabama_ to be beaten in the beginning of her cruise, and that, too, by a merchantman; and so we threw out all our "light kites" to the wind, and gave her the studding-sails "alow and aloft." to make a long story short, we chased this ship nearly all night, and only came up with her a little before dawn; and when we did come up with her, she proved to be a dane! she was the bark _overman_, from bankok, in siam, bound to hamburg. there had been no occasion, whatever, for this neutral ship to flee, and the long chase which she had given me was evidently the result of a little spleen; and so, to revenge myself in a good-natured way, i insisted upon all my belligerent rights. though satisfied from her reply to my hail, that she was what she proclaimed herself to be, i compelled her to heave to, which involved the necessity of taking in all that beautiful white canvas, with which she had decoyed me so many miles away from my cruising-ground, and sent a boat on board of her to examine her papers. she thus lost more time than if she had shortened sail earlier in the chase, to permit me to come up with her. it was late next day before i rejoined the _weathergauge_ off corvo, and i felt, as i was retracing my steps, pretty much as music or rover may be supposed to feel, as he is limping back to his kennel, after a run in pursuit of a fox that has escaped him. bartelli failed to call me at the usual hour, that morning, and i need not say that i made a late breakfast. we now landed the crew of the _weathergauge_, in their own boats, with the usual store of provisions, and traps, and burned her. two days elapsed now without a capture, during which we overhauled but one ship, a portuguese bark homeward bound. having beaten the "cover" of which flores was the centre, pretty effectually, i now stretched away to the north-west, and ran the island out of sight, intending to skirt it, at the distance of forty or fifty miles. on the third day, the welcome cry of "sail ho!" again rang from the masthead, and making sail in the direction indicated by the look-out, we soon discovered that the chase was a whaler. resorting to the usual _ruse_ of the enemy's flag, the stranger did not attempt to escape, and in an hour or two more, we were alongside of the american whaling brig _altamaha_, from new bedford, five months out. the _altamaha_ had had but little success, and was comparatively empty. she did not make so beautiful a bonfire, therefore, as the other whalers had done. in the afternoon, we overhauled a spanish ship. our position, to-day, was latitude ° ' n., and longitude ° ' " w. the barometer stood at . inches, and the thermometer at °; from which the reader will see that the weather was fine and pleasant. it was now the middle of september, however, and a change might be looked for at any moment. on the night after capturing the _altamaha_, we had another night-chase, with more success, however, than the last. it was my habit, when there was no "game up," to turn in early, usually at nine o'clock, to enable my _physique_ to withstand the frequent drafts upon its energies. i was already in a sound sleep, when about half-past eleven, an old quartermaster came below, and giving my cot a gentle shake, said: "there has a large ship just passed to windward of us, on the opposite tack, sir." i sprang out of bed at once, and throwing on a few clothes, was on deck almost as soon as the quartermaster. i immediately wore ship, and gave chase. my ship was under topsails, and it took us some little time to make sail. by this time the chase was from two and a half to three miles distant, but quite visible to the naked eye, in the bright moonlight. we were both close-hauled on the starboard tack, the chase about three points on the weather bow. the stranger, who was probably keeping a better look-out than is usual with merchant-ships, in consequence of the war, had discovered our movement, and knew he was pursued, as we could see him setting his royals and flying jib, which had been furled. the _alabama_ was now at her best point of sailing. the sailors used to say, when we drew aft the sheets of those immense trysails of hers, and got the fore-tack close aboard, that she was putting on her seven-league boots. she did, indeed, then seem "to walk the waters like a thing of life," and there were few sailing ships that could run away from her. we gained from the start upon the chase, and in a couple of hours, were on his weather-quarter, having both head-reached, and gone to windward of him. he was now no more than about a mile distant, and i fired the accustomed blank cartridge to heave him to. the sound of the gun broke upon the stillness of the night, with startling effect, but the chase did not stir tack or sheet in obedience to it. she was evidently resolved to try conclusions with me a little farther. finding that i had the advantage of him, on a wind, he kept off a little, and eased his sheets, and we could see, with our night-glasses, that he was rigging out his studding-sail booms preparatory to setting the sails upon them. we kept off in turn, bringing the wind a little forward of the beam, and such good use did the _alabama_ make of her seven-league boots, that before the stranger could get even his foretopmast studding-sail set, we had him within good point-blank range of a -pounder. the moon was shining very poetically, and the chase was very pretty, but it was rather "after hours," and so i resolved to shift the scenes, cut short the drama an act or two, and bring it to a close. i now fired a second gun, though still unshotted, and the smoke had hardly blown away before we could see the stranger hauling up his courses, and bringing his ship to the wind, as much as to say, "i see you have the heels of me, and there is no use in trying any longer." i gave the boarding-officer orders, in case the ship should prove to be a prize, of which i had but little doubt, to show me a light as soon as he should get on board of her. the oars of his boat had scarcely ceased to resound, before i saw the welcome light ascending to the stranger's peak, and knew that another of the enemy's ships had fallen into my power. it was now nearly daylight, and i went below and finished the nap which had been so unceremoniously broken in upon. i may as well observe here, that i scarcely ever disturbed the regular repose of the officers and crew during these night operations. everything was done by the watch on deck, and "all hands" were never called except on emergencies. when i came on deck the next morning, there was a fine large ship lying under my lee, awaiting my orders. she proved to be the _benjamin tucker_, of new bedford, eight months out, with three hundred and forty barrels of oil. we received from her an additional supply of tobacco, and other small stores. as early as ten o'clock, the crew of the _tucker_, numbering thirty persons, were on board the _alabama_, and the ship was on fire. the remainder of this day, and the next, passed without incident, except the incidents of wind, and weather, which have so often been recorded. we improved the leisure, by exercising the men at the guns, and caulking the decks, which were again beginning to let water enough through them, to inconvenience the men in their hammocks below. just as the sun was setting, on the evening of the second day, we caught a glimpse from the mast-head of the island of flores, distant about forty miles. the next morning dawned bright and clear, with a smooth sea, and summer clouds sailing lazily overhead, giving us just breeze enough to save us from the _ennui_ of a calm. as soon as the morning mists lifted themselves from the surface of the waters, a schooner appeared in sight, at no great distance. we had approached each other unwittingly during the night. we immediately gave chase, hoisting the united states colors, for the schooner was evidently yankee. she did not attempt to escape, and when, as early as half-past seven a. m., we came near enough to fire a gun, and change colors, she hove to, and surrendered. she was the whaling-schooner _courser_, of provincetown, massachusetts. her master was a gallant young fellow, and a fine specimen of a seaman, and if i could have separated him, in any way, from the "universal yankee nation," i should have been pleased to spare his pretty little craft from the flames; but the thing was impossible. there were too many white-cravatted, long-haired fellows, bawling from the new-england pulpits, and too many house-burners and pilferers inundating our southern land, to permit me to be generous, and so i steeled my heart, as i had done on a former occasion, and executed the laws of war. having now the crews of the three last ships captured, on board, amounting to about seventy, who were not only beginning, on account of their number, and the limited accommodations of the _alabama_, to be uncomfortable themselves, but were inconveniencing my own people, and hindering more or less the routine of the ship, i resolved to run back to flores, and land them. i had eight whale-boats in tow, which i had brought away from the burning ships, for the purpose of landing these prisoners, and, no doubt, the islanders, as they saw my well-known ship returning, with such a string of boats, congratulated themselves upon the prospect of other good bargains with the yankees. the traffic must now have been considerable in this little island; such was the avalanche of boats, harpoons, cordage, whales' teeth, whalebones, beef, pork, tobacco, soap, and jack-knives that i had thrown on shore. when we had reached sufficiently near, i shoved all the boats off at once, laden with my seventy prisoners, and there was quite a regatta under the lee of flores that afternoon, the boats of each ship striving to beat the others to the shore. the fellows seemed to be so well pleased, that i believe, with a little coaxing, they would have been willing to give three cheers for the _alabama_. we had some sport ourselves, after the prisoners had departed; for we converted the _courser_ into a target, before setting fire to her, and gave the crew a little practice at her, with the battery. they did pretty well for green hands, but nothing to boast of. they were now becoming somewhat familiar with the gun exercise, and in the evolutions that are usually taught sailors at general quarters. not only my excellent first lieutenant, but all the officers of the divisions, took great pains with them, and their progress was quite satisfactory. we again stood away to the northward and westward, under easy sail, during the night, and the next day, the weather being still fine, and the breeze moderate from the south-west, in latitude about °, and longitude °, we chased a large ship which tried her heels with us--to no purpose, however--as we overhauled her in about three hours and a half. it was another american whaling ship, the _virginia_, only twenty days out, from new bedford. she brought us another batch of late newspapers, and being fitted out, like the _alert_, for a long cruise, we got on board some more supplies from her. the master of this ship expressed great surprise at the speed of the _alabama_, under sail. his own ship, he said, was fast, but he had stood "no chance" with the _alabama_. it was like a rabbit attempting to run away from a greyhound. we burned the _virginia_, when we had gotten our supplies on board, and despoiled her of such cordage, and spare sails as we needed, and stood away to the north-west again. the torch having been applied to her rather late in the afternoon, the burning wreck was still visible some time after nightfall. the next morning the weather had changed considerably. it was cloudy, and rather angry-looking, and the wind was fresh and increasing. we overhauled a french brig, during the day, and after detaining her no longer than was necessary to examine her papers, permitted her to depart. we had barely turned away from the frenchman, when a bark was announced from the mast-head. we immediately gave chase. we had to wear ship for this purpose, and the bark, which seemed to have descried us, quite as soon as we had descried her, observing the evolution, made all sail at once, in flight. here was another chase, and under different circumstances from any of those that had preceded it. it was blowing half a gale of wind, and it remained to be proved whether the _alabama_ was as much to be dreaded in rough weather as in smooth. many smooth-water sailers lose their quality of speed entirely, when the seas begin to buffet them. i had the wind of the chase, and was thus enabled to run down upon her, with a flowing sheet. i held on to my topgallant sails, though the masts buckled, and bent as though the sticks would go over the side. the chase did the same. it was soon quite evident that my gallant little ship was entirely at home in the roughest weather. she seemed, like a trained racer, to enjoy the sport, and though she would tremble, now and then, as she leaped from sea to sea, it was the tremor of excitement, not of weakness. we gained so rapidly upon the chase, that in three hours from the time the race commenced, we had her within the range of our guns. by way of a change, i had chased this ship under english colors, but she obstinately refused to show any colors herself, until she was compelled, by the loud-mouthed command of a gun. she then ran up that "flaunting lie," the "old flag," and clewed up her topgallant sails, and hauled up her courses, and submitted to her fate, with such resignation as she might. i now not only took in my topgallant sails, and hauled up my courses, but furled the latter, and took a single reef in my topsails, so fresh was the wind blowing. indeed it was so rough, that i hesitated a moment about launching my boats; but there was evidently a gale brewing, and if i did not take possession of my prize, she would in all probability escape during the darkness and tempest of the ensuing night. i had a set of gallant, and skilful young officers around me, who would dare anything i told them to dare, and some capital seamen, and with the assistance i could give them, by manoeuvring the ship, i thought the thing could be managed; and so i ordered two of the best boats to be launched, and manned. we were lying to, to windward of the prize, and the boats had nothing to do, of course, but to pull before the wind and sea to reach her. i directed the boarding-officers to bring off nothing whatever, from the prize, in the way of property, except her chronometer, and her flag, and told them when they should have gotten the prisoners on board and were ready to return, that i would run down to leeward of the prize to receive them. they would thus, still, only have to pull before the wind, and the sea, to regain their ship. the prize was to be fired just before leaving her. this was all accomplished successfully; but the reader may well conceive my anxiety, as i watched those frail, tempest-tossed boats, as they were returning to me, with their human freight; now thrown high on the top of some angry wave, that dashed its foam and spray over them, as though it would swamp them, for daring thus to beard it, and now settling entirely out of sight in the trough of the sea. when they pulled under the lee of the _alabama_, and we threw them a rope, i was greatly relieved. this was the only ship i ever burned, before examining her papers. but as she was a whaler, and so could have no neutral cargo on board, the risk to be run was not very great. she proved to be the _elisha dunbar_ of new bedford, twenty-four days out. this burning ship was a beautiful spectacle, the scene being wild and picturesque beyond description. the black clouds were mustering their forces in fearful array. already the entire heavens had been overcast. the thunder began to roll, and crash, and the lightning to leap from cloud to cloud in a thousand eccentric lines. the sea was in a tumult of rage; the winds howled, and floods of rain descended. amid this turmoil of the elements, the _dunbar_, all in flames, and with disordered gear and unfurled canvas, lay rolling and tossing upon the sea. now an ignited sail would fly away from a yard, and scud off before the gale; and now the yard itself, released from the control of its braces, would swing about wildly, as in the madness of despair, and then drop into the sea. finally the masts went by the board, and then the hull rocked to and fro for a while, until it was filled with water, and the fire nearly quenched, when it settled to the bottom of the great deep, a victim to the passions of man, and the fury of the elements. chapter xxxiv. the yankee colony in the island of flores--what the captains of the virginia and elisha dunbar said of the alabama, when they got back to the land of the "saints"--the whaling season at the azores at an end--the alabama changes her cruising ground--what she saw and did. the reader has seen how rapidly we had been peopling the little island of flores. i had thrown ashore there, nearly as many yankee sailors as there were original inhabitants. i should now have gone back with the crews of two more ships, but for the bad weather. jack, suddenly released from the labors and confinement of his ship, must have run riot in this verdant little paradise, where the law was too weak to restrain him. with his swagger, devil-may-care air, and propensity for fun and frolic, when he has a drop in his eye, the simple inhabitants must have been a good deal puzzled to fix the _genus_ of the bird that had so suddenly dropped down upon them. the history of my colony would, no doubt, be highly interesting; and i trust that some future traveller will disinter it from the archives of the island, for the benefit of mankind. the police reports would be of especial interest. in due time the federal consul at fayal chartered a vessel, and removed the colony back to the new england states. the gale which was described in the last chapter, did not prove to be very violent, though it blew sufficiently fresh to reduce the _alabama_ to close-reefed topsails, with the bonnets off her trysails. it was but the forerunner of a series of gales, occurring about the period of the equinox. the bad weather had the effect to put an end to the whaling season, a little in advance of the regular time. from the th to the d of september, we were constantly under reefed sails, and the wind being from the northward, we drifted as far south as the th degree of latitude. we were now in a comparatively unfrequented part of the ocean, and had not seen a sail since the capture of the _elisha dunbar_. during the prevalence of this bad weather, our prisoners necessarily suffered some inconvenience, and were obliged to submit to some discomforts. i need not say that these were greatly magnified by the northern press. the masters of the captured ships took this mode of revenging themselves upon me. the captains of the last two ships captured, made long complaints against the _alabama_, when they got back to new england, and i will here give them the benefit of their own stories, that the reader may see what they amount to. it is the master of the _virginia_ who speaks first--a captain tilton. he says:-- "i went on the quarter-deck, with my son, when they ordered me into the lee waist, with my crew, and all of us were put in irons, with the exception of the two boys, and the cook and steward. i asked if i was to be put in irons? the reply of captain semmes was, that his purser had been put in irons, and had his head shaved by us, and that he meant to retaliate. we were put in the lee waist, with an old sail over us, and a few planks to lie upon. the steamer was cruising to the west, and the next day, they took the _elisha dunbar_, her crew receiving the same treatment as ourselves. the steamer's guns being kept run out, the side ports could not be shut, and when the sea was a little rough, or the vessel rolled, the water was continually coming in on both sides, and washing across the deck where we were, so that our feet and clothing were wet all the time, either from the water below, or the rain above. we were obliged to sleep in the place where we were, and often waked up in the night nearly under water. our fare consisted of beef and pork, rice, beans, tea, and coffee, and bread. only one of my irons was allowed to be taken off at a time, and we had to wash in salt water. we kept on deck all the time, night and day, and a guard was placed over us." the above statement is substantially correct, with the exception that the prisoners were not drenched with sea-water, or with the rain, all the time, as is pretended. it is quite true that they were compelled to live, and sleep on deck. we had nowhere else to put them. my berth-deck was filled with my own crew, and it was not possible to berth prisoners there, without turning my own men out of their hammocks. to remedy this difficulty, we spread a tent, made of spare sails, and which was quite tight, in the lee waist, and laid gratings upon the deck, to keep the men and their bedding as dry as possible. ordinarily they were very comfortable, but sometimes, during the prevalence of gales, they were, no doubt, a little disturbed in their slumbers by the water, as captain tilton says. but i discharged them all in good physical condition, and this is the best evidence i could give, that they were well cared for. it was certainly a hardship that captain tilton should have nothing better to eat than my own crew, and should be obliged, like them, to wash in salt water, but he was waited upon by his own cook and steward, and the reader can see from his own bill of fare, that he was in no danger of starving. he was, as he says, ordered off the quarter-deck. that is a place sacred to the officers of the ship, where even their own crew are not permitted to come, except on duty, and much less a prisoner. he explains, himself, as i had previously explained to the reader, how he came to be put in irons. the "good book" says that we must have "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth." the enemy had put one of my officers in irons, and i had followed the rule of the "good book." now let us hear from captain gifford, of the _dunbar_. this witness says:-- "on the morning of the th of september, in latitude ° ', longitude ° ', with the wind from the south-west, and the bark heading south-east, saw a steamer on our port-quarter, standing to the north-west. soon after, found she had altered her course, and was steering for the bark. we soon made all sail to get out of her reach, and were going ten knots at the time; but the steamer, gaining on us, under canvas alone, soon came up with us, and fired a gun under our stern, with the st. george's cross flying at the time. our colors were set, when she displayed the confederate flag. being near us, we hove to, and a boat, with armed officers and crew, came alongside, and upon coming on board, stated to me that my vessel was a prize to the confederate steamer _alabama_, captain semmes. i was then ordered on board the steamer with my papers, and the crew to follow me with a bag of clothing each. on getting on board, the captain claimed me as a prize, and said that my vessel would be burned. not having any clothes with me, he allowed me to return for a small trunk of clothes;--the officer on board asked me what i was coming back for, and tried to prevent me from coming on board. i told him i came after a few clothes, which i took, and returned to the steamer. it blowing very hard at the time, and very squally, nothing but the chronometer, sextant, charts, &c., were taken, when the vessel was set fire to, and burnt; there were sixty-five barrels of sperm oil on deck, taken on the passage, which were consumed. we were all put in irons, and received the same treatment that captain tilton's officers and crew did, who had been taken the day before. while on board, we understood that the steamer would cruise off the grand banks, for a few weeks, to destroy the large american ships, to and from the channel ports. they had knowledge of two ships being loaded with arms for the united states, and were in hopes to capture them. they were particularly anxious to fall in with the clipper-ship _dreadnought_, and destroy her, as she was celebrated for speed; and they were confident of their ability to capture, or run away from any vessel in the united states. the steamer being in the track of outward and homeward-bound vessels, and more or less being in sight, every day, she will make great havoc among them." captain gifford does not seem to have anything to complain of, in particular, except that the sailors had to put their clothes in bags, and that his trunk was "small;" but both he and his sailors got their clothing, which was more than some of our women and children, in the south, did, when the gallant sherman, and the gallant wilson, and the gallant stoneman, and a host of other gallant fellows, were making their "grand marches," and "raids" in the south, merely for the love of "grand moral ideas." the terrible drenchings, that captain tilton got, did not seem to have made the same impression upon captain gifford. few of the masters, whose ships i burned, ever told the whole truth, when they got back among their countrymen. some of them forgot, entirely, to mention how they had implored me to save their ships from destruction, professing to be the best of _democrats_, and deprecating the war which their countrymen were making upon us! how they had come to sea, bringing their new england cousins with them, to get rid of the draft, and how abhorrent to them the sainted abraham was. "why, captain," they would say, "it is hard that i should have my ship burned; i have voted the _democratic_ ticket all my life; i was a _breckinridge_ man in the last presidential contest; and as for the 'nigger,' if we except a few ancient spinsters, who pet the darkey, on the same principle that they pet a lap-dog, having nothing else to pet, and a few of our deacons and 'church-members,' who have never been out of new england--all of whom are honest people enough in their way--and some cunning political rascals, who expect to rise into fame and fortune on the negro's back, we, new england people, care nothing about him." "that may be all very true," i would reply; "but, unfortunately, the 'political rascals,' of whom you speak, have been strong enough to get up this war, and you are in the same boat with the 'political rascals,' whatever may be your individual opinions. every whale you strike will put money into the federal treasury, and strengthen the hands of your people to carry on the war. i am afraid i must burn your ship." "but, captain, can't we arrange the matter in some way? i will give you a ransom-bond, which my owners and myself will regard as a debt of honor." (by the way, i have some of these debts of honor in my possession, now, which i will sell cheap.) and so they would continue to remonstrate with me, until i cut short the conversation, by ordering the torch applied to their ships. they would then revenge themselves in the manner i have mentioned; and historians of the boynton class would record their testimony as truth, and thus yankee history would be made. the whaling season at the azores being at an end, as remarked, i resolved to change my cruising-ground, and stretch over to the banks of newfoundland, and the coast of the united states, in quest (as some of my young officers, who had served in the china seas, playfully remarked) of the great american junk-fleet. in china, the expression "junk-fleet" means, more particularly, the grain-ships, that swarm all the seas and rivers in that populous empire, in the autumn, carrying their rich cargoes of grain to market. it was now the beginning of october. there was no cotton crop available, with which to freight the ships of our loving northern brethren, and conduct their exchanges. they were forced to rely upon the grain crop of the great northwest; the "political rascals" having been cunning enough to wheedle these natural allies of ours into this new england war. they needed gold abroad, with which to pay for arms, and military supplies of various kinds, shiploads of which were, every day, passing into new york and boston, in violation of those english neutrality laws, which, as we have seen, mr. seward and mr. adams had been so persistently contending should be enforced against ourselves. western new york, ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, minnesota, and iowa had gathered in the rich harvests from their teeming grain-fields; and it was this grain, laden in yankee ships, which it was my object now to strike at. the change from one cruising-ground to another, during which no vessels were sighted, afforded my crew a much-needed relaxation of a few days, for they had been much fagged and worn during the last month, by a succession of captures. that which had been but a pleasurable excitement, in the beginning, soon became a wearing and exhausting labor, and they were glad to be relieved, for a time, from the chasing and burning of ships, hard service in boats during all kinds of weather, and the wet jackets and sleepless nights, which had sometimes been the consequences of these. i will avail myself of this comparative calm, in the moral atmosphere on board the _alabama_, to introduce the reader, more particularly, to our interior life. thus far, he has only seen the ship of war, in her outward garb, engaged in her vocation. i propose to give him a sight of my military family, and show him how my children played as well as worked; how i governed them, and with what toys i amused them. from the very beginning of our captures, an order had been issued, that no sailor should lay his hand on any article of property, to appropriate it to his own use, unless by permission of an officer; and especially that no spirituous liquors should be brought on board the _alabama_. it was made the duty of every boarding-officer, upon getting on board a prize, to demand possession of the keys of the liquor-lockers, and either to cause the liquor to be destroyed, or thrown overboard. to the rigid enforcement of this rule, i attribute much of the good order which prevailed on board my ship. it was enforced against the officers, as well the men, and no officer's mess was allowed to supply itself with liquor, by purchase, or otherwise, unless by my consent; and i never gave this consent to the midshipmen's mess. we burned, on one occasion, a ship, whose entire cargo consisted of french brandies, and champagne, and other wines, without allowing a bottle of it to be brought on board. but whilst i used these precautions, i caused a regular allowance of "grog" to be served out to the crew, twice in each day. i was quite willing that jack should drink, but i undertook to be the judge of how much he should drink. such articles of clothing and supplies as were captured, were turned over to the paymaster, to be credited to the government, and duly issued and charged to the crew, as if they had been purchased in the market. in spite of all these precautions, however, a sailor would now and then be brought on board from a prize, drunk, would manage to smuggle liquor to his comrades, and would be found arrayed in all sorts of strange garbs, from whaler's boots, and red flannel shirts and comforters, to long-tailed coats and beaver hats. notwithstanding the discipline of the ship, the gravity of the crew would sometimes give way to merriment, as one of these fellows, thus ludicrously apparelled, would have to be hoisted or lifted on board, being too comfortably drunk to attend to his own locomotion. each offender knew that he would have to walk straight into the "brig," upon being thus detected in the violation of these orders, and that punishment would speedily follow the offence; and yet i found it one of the most difficult parts of my duty, to convince some of these free-and-easy fellows, who had mistaken the _alabama_, when they signed the articles off terceira, (after that stump speech before referred to,) for what mr. seward and mr. adams insisted she was, a "privateer," that everything was captured in the name of the confederate states, and that nothing belonged to them personally. the california-bound ships frequently had on board boxes and bales of fine clothing, boots, shoes, and hats, but not a garment was allowed to be brought on board except such as the paymaster might need for issue. it seemed hard to consign all these tempting articles to the flames, without permitting the sailors to help themselves, but if such license had been permitted, disorder and demoralization would have been the consequence. i had no chaplain on board, but sunday was always kept as a day of abstinence from labor, when the exigencies of war and weather would permit, and it was my uniform practice on this day, to have the ship thoroughly cleansed, in every part, for inspection--particularly the sleeping apartments, and the engine-room--and to require the officers and seamen to appear on the quarter-deck for muster; the former in their appropriate uniforms, and the latter in clean duck frocks and trousers, or other clothing adapted to the latitude and climate. the reader has already been present at several of these musters. the boys of the ship, of whom i had quite a number on board, were placed under the special charge of the master-at-arms--a subordinate officer, with police-powers, in charge of the berth-deck--whose duty it was to inspect them, in every morning watch, with reference to personal cleanliness; turning down the collars, and rolling up the trousers of the youngsters, to see that they had duly performed their ablutions. these boys had been taken from the stews, and haunts of vice about liverpool, and were as great a set of scamps as any disciplinarian could desire to "lick into shape," but it is astonishing what a reformation soap and water and the master-at-arms effected in them, in a short time. many of them became very respectable young fellows, for which they were indebted almost entirely to the free use of soap and water. as a hygienic precaution, when we were cruising in warm latitudes, where the dews were heavy, the whole crew was required to appear, every evening, at sunset muster, in blue flannel shirts and trousers. they could then sleep in the dews, without the fear of colds or rheumatisms. we were always supplied with the best of provisions, for, being at war with a provision-producing people, almost every ship we captured afforded us a greater or less supply; and all the water that was drank on board the _alabama_ was condensed by the engine from the vapor of sea-water. the consequence of all this care was highly gratifying to me, as, in the three years i was afloat, i did not lose a man by disease, in either of my ships! when it is recollected that i cruised in all parts of the world, now fencing out the cold, and battling with the storms of the north atlantic and south indian oceans, and now being fried, and baked, and stewed within the tropics, and on the equator, and that, besides my own crews, some two thousand of the enemy's sailors passed through my hands, first and last, as prisoners, this is a remarkable statement to be able to make. my excellent surgeon, dr. galt, and, after him, dr. llewellyn, ably seconded me by their skill and experience. on week days we mustered the crew at their quarters twice a day--at nine a. m., and at sunset, and when the weather was suitable, one division, or about one fourth of the crew, was exercised, either at the battery, or with small arms. this not only gave them efficiency in the use of their weapons, but kept them employed--the constant employment of my men being a fundamental article of my philosophy. i found the old adage, that "idleness is the parent of vice," as true upon the sea as upon the land. my crew were never so happy as when they had plenty to do, and but little to think about. indeed, as to the thinking, i allowed them to do very little of that. whenever i found i had a sea-lawyer among them, i got rid of him as soon as possible--giving him a chance to desert. i reserved the _quids_, and _quos_, and _pros_ and _cons_, exclusively for myself. but though i took good care to see that my men had plenty of employment, it was not all work with them. they had their pastimes and pleasures, as well as labors. after the duties of the day were over, they would generally assemble on the forecastle, and, with violin, and tambourine--and i always kept them supplied with these and other musical instruments--they would extemporize a ball-room, by moving the shot-racks, coils of rope, and other impediments, out of the way, and, with handkerchiefs tied around the waists of some of them, to indicate who were to be the ladies of the party, they would get up a dance with all due form and ceremony; the ladies, in particular, endeavoring to imitate all the airs and graces of the sex--the only drawback being a little hoarseness of the voice, and now and then the use of an expletive, which would escape them when something went wrong in the dance, and they forgot they had the aprons on. the favorite dancing-tunes were those of wapping and wide water street, and when i speak of the airs and graces, i must be understood to mean those rather demonstrative airs and graces, of which poll and peggy would be likely to be mistresses of. on these occasions, the discipline of the ship was wont to be purposely relaxed, and roars of laughter, and other evidences of the rapid flight of the jocund hours, at other times entirely inadmissible, would come resounding aft on the quarter-deck. sometimes the recreation of the dance would be varied, and songs and story-telling would be the amusements of the evening. the sea is a wide net, which catches all kinds of fish, and in a man-of-war's crew a great many odd characters are always to be found. broken-down gentlemen, who have spent all the money they have been able to raise, upon their own credit, or that of their friends; defaulting clerks and cashiers; actors who have been playing to empty houses; third-class musicians and poets, are all not unfrequently found in the same ship's company. these gentlemen play a very unimportant _role_ in seamanship, but they take a high rank among the crew, when fun and frolic, and not seamanship, are the order of the day--or rather night. in the _alabama_, we had a capital falstaff, though jack's capacious pouch was not often with "fat capon lined;" and as for "sherry-sack," if he now and then got a good glass of "red-eye" instead, he was quite content. we had several hals, who had defied their harsh old papas, and given them the slip, to keep falstaff company; and as for _raconteurs_, we had them by the score. some of these latter were equal to the italian _lazzaroni_, and could extemporize yarns by the hour; and there is nothing of which a sailor is half so fond as a yarn. it was my custom, on these occasions, to go forward on the bridge--a light structure spanning the deck, near amidships--which, in the twilight hours, was a sort of lounging-place for the officers, and smoke my single cigar, and listen to whatever might be going on, almost as much amused as the sailors themselves. so rigid is the discipline of a ship of war, that the captain is necessarily much isolated from his officers. he messes alone, walks the quarter-deck alone, and rarely, during the hours of duty, exchanges, even with his first lieutenant, or officer of the deck, other conversation than such as relates to the ship, or the service she is upon. i felt exceedingly the irksomeness of my position, and was always glad of an opportunity to escape from it. on the "bridge," i could lay aside the "captain," gather my young officers around me, and indulge in some of the pleasures of social intercourse; taking care to tighten the reins, gently, again, the next morning. when song was the order of the evening, after the more ambitious of the _amateurs_ had delivered themselves of their _solos_ and _cantatas_, the entertainment generally wound up with _dixie_, when the whole ship would be in an uproar of enthusiasm, sometimes as many as a hundred voices joining in the chorus; the unenthusiastic englishman, the stolid dutchman, the mercurial frenchman, the grave spaniard, and even the serious malayan, all joining in the inspiring refrain,-- "_we'll live and die in dixie!_" and astonishing old neptune by the fervor and novelty of their music. eight o'clock was the hour at which the night-watches were set, when, of course, all merriment came to an end. when the officer of the deck reported this hour to the captain, and was told by the latter, to "make it so," he put the trumpet to his mouth, and sang out in a loud voice, "strike the bell eight--call the watch!" in an instant, the most profound silence fell upon the late uproarious scene. the witches did not disappear more magically, in that famous revel of tam o'shanter, when tam sang out, "weel dune, cutty sark!" than the sailors dispersed at this ominous voice of authority. the violinist was arrested with half-drawn bow; the _raconteur_ suddenly ceased his yarn in the most interesting part of his story, and even the inspiring chorus of "dixie" died a premature death, upon the lips of the singers. the shrill call of the boatswain's whistle, followed by his hoarse voice, calling "all the starboard watch!" or "all the port watch!" as the case might be, would now be heard, and pretty soon, the watch, which was off duty, would "tumble" below to their hammocks, and the midshipman would be seen coming forward from the quarter-deck, with lantern and watch-bill in hand, to muster the watch whose turn it was to be on deck. the most profound stillness now reigned on board during the remainder of the night, only broken by the necessary orders and movements, in making or taking in sail, or it may be, by the whistling of the gale, and the surging of the sea, or the cry of the look-outs at their posts, every half hour. to return now to our cruise. we are passing, the reader will recollect, from the azores to the banks of newfoundland. on the st of october, the following record is found upon my journal: "the gale moderated during the last night, but the weather, to-day, has been thick and rainy, with the wind from the north-west, and a confused, rough sea. no observation for latitude. the barometer, which had gone down to . is rising, and stands at nine p. m. at . . the ship being about two hundred miles only, from the banks of newfoundland, we are trying the temperature of the air and water every hour. at nine p. m. we found the temperature of the former to be °, and of the latter °, indicating that we have passed into the gulf stream." the thick, rainy weather is almost as unerring a sign of the presence of this stream as the thermometer. the stream into which we have now passed is, literally, an immense salt-water river in the sea. coming out of the gulf of mexico, it has brought the temperature of the tropics, all the way to the banks of newfoundland, in the latitude of ° north, and it has run this distance between banks, or walls of cold water, on either side, parting with very little of its warmth, by the way. when it is recollected that this salt-water river in the sea is about three thousand times larger than the mississippi river, that is to say, that it brings out of the gulf of mexico, three thousand times as much water, as that river empties into it, and that all this great body of water is carried up into the hyperborean regions of newfoundland, at a temperature, even in mid-winter, ranging from to degrees, it will be seen at once what a powerful weather-breeder it must be. accordingly, no port of the world is more stormy than the gulf stream, off the north-eastern coast of the united states, and the banks of newfoundland. such is the quantity of heat brought daily by this stream, and placed in juxtaposition with the rigors of a northern winter, that it is estimated, that if it were suddenly stricken from it, it would be sufficient to make the column of superincumbent atmosphere hotter than melted iron! with such an element of atmospheric disturbance, it is not wonderful that the most terrific gales, that rage on the ocean, are wont to sweep over the surface of this stream. indeed, this stream not only generates hurricanes of its own, it seems to attract to it such as are engendered in the most distant parts of our hemisphere; for hurricanes known to have originated near cape st. roque, in brazil, have made their way straight for the gulf stream, and followed it, in its course, for a thousand miles and more, spreading shipwreck and disaster, broadcast, in their track. the violence of these gales is inconceivable by those who have not witnessed them. the great hurricane of originated to the eastward of the island of barbadoes, and made straight for the gulf stream. as it passed over the west india islands, trees were uprooted, and the bark literally blown from them. the very bottom and depths of the sea, in the vicinity of some of the islands, were uncovered, and rocks torn up, and new channels formed. the waves rose to such a height, that forts, and castles, removed, as it was thought, far out of the reach of the water, were washed away, and the storm, taking hold of their heavy artillery, played with it, as with so many straws, throwing it to considerable distances. houses were razed, and ships wrecked, and the bodies of men and beasts were lifted up into the air and dashed to pieces in the storm. still, the european-bound ships defy all the bad weather, so prevalent in this stream, on account of the easterly current which accelerates their passage, at the rate of from two, to three miles, per hour. the stream, therefore, has been literally bearded by commerce, and has become one of its principal highways. it is because it is a highway of commerce that the _alabama_ now finds herself in it. nor was she long in it, before the travellers on the highway began to come along. early on the morning of the d of october, two sail were simultaneously reported by the look-out at the mast-head--one right ahead, and the other on the lee-bow. as both the ships were standing in our direction, there was no necessity for a chase. we had nothing to do but await their approach. as their hulls were lifted above the horizon, we could see that they were fine, large ships, with a profusion of tapering spars and white canvas. we at once pronounced them american; and so, after a little, they proved to be. they were, in fact, the _avant courriers_ of the "junk fleet," for which we had come to look. the wind was light, and they came on, with all their sails set, from truck to rail. we, on our part, put on an air of perfect indifference. we made no change in our sail, and it was not necessary to alter our course, as the strangers would pass sufficiently near us, unless they altered their own courses, which they did not seem inclined to do. they apparently had no suspicion of our real character. we did not hoist any colors, until the vessels were nearly abreast of us, and only a few hundred yards distant, when, suddenly wheeling, we fired a gun, and hoisted the confederate flag. the capture of these two ships must have been a perfect surprise to them, judging by the confusion that was visible on board. there was a running about the decks, and an evident indecision for a few moments, as to what was best to be done; but it did not take the masters long to take an intelligent view of the "situation." there was nothing to be done, but surrender; and this they did, by hoisting their colors, and heaving to their ships. we now shortened sail, and laying the maintopsail to the mast, lowered a couple of quarter boats, and boarded the prizes. one of them proved to be the _brilliant_, from new york, for london, laden with flour and grain; and the other, the _emily farnum_, from new york, for liverpool, with a similar cargo. the cargo of the _farnum_ being properly documented as neutral property, i released her on ransom-bond, and converting her into a cartel, sent on board of her all my prisoners, of whom i had fifty or sixty on board the _alabama_, besides those just captured in the _brilliant_. the latter ship was burned, and her destruction must have disappointed a good many holders of bills of exchange, drawn against her cargo, as this was large and valuable. the owners of the ship have since put in a claim, in that little bill, which mr. seward has pressed with so little effect hitherto against the british government, for indemnity for the "depredations of the _alabama_," for the ship alone, and the freight-moneys which they lost by her destruction, to the amount of $ , . the cargo was probably even more valuable than the ship. i made a positive stipulation with the _farnum_, upon releasing her, that she should continue her voyage to liverpool, and not put back into any american port; the master pledging me his word that he would comply with it. my object was, of course, to prevent him from giving news of me to the enemy. he had no sooner passed out of sight, however, steering his course for liverpool, than he dodged and put into boston, and reported me. this being nothing more than a clever "yankee trick," of course there was no harm done the master's honor. i was much moved by the entreaties of the master of the _brilliant_ to spare his ship. he was a hard-working seaman, who owned a one third interest in her. he had built her, and was attached to her, and she represented all his worldly goods. but i was forced again to steel my heart. he was, like the other masters who had remonstrated with me, in the same boat with the "political rascals," who had egged on the war; and i told him he must look to those rascals for redress. the ship made a brilliant bonfire, lighting up the gulf stream, for many miles around. having been set on fire near night, and the wind falling to nearly a calm, we remained in sight of the burning wreck nearly all night. among the many slanders against me, to which the northern press gave currency during the war, it was stated, that i decoyed ships into my power, by setting fire to my prizes at night, and remaining by them in ambuscade. of course, when seamen discover a ship on fire at sea they rush, with all their manly sympathies aroused, to the rescue of their comrades, who are supposed to be in danger; but if they should find, it was said, that they were waylaid, and captured, none would go to the rescue in future, and thus many seamen would perish. it can scarcely be necessary for me to say, that i never purposely lay by a burning ship, by night, or by day, longer than _to see her well on fire_. the substantial answer to the slander is, that i never captured a ship, under the circumstances stated. for the next few days we had fine, clear weather, and chased and overhauled a number of neutral ships, most of them out of new york, and bound for europe, laden with grain. the english, french, prussian, hamburg, oldenham, and other flags were fast monopolizing the enemy's carrying trade, and enjoying a rich harvest. these were not the sort of "junks" that we were in quest of, but they compensated us, somewhat, for the time and labor lost in chasing and boarding them, by supplying us with late newspapers of the enemy, and giving us valuable information concerning the progress of the war. on the afternoon of the th of october, the weather being fine, and the breeze light, we chased and captured the american bark, _wave crest_, from new york, bound for cardiff, in wales, with flour and grain. in the language of the enemy, we "plundered her," that is, we received on board from her, such articles as we needed, and after having made use of her for a while, as a target, at which to practise the men at the battery, we burned her. filing away, we again made sail to the north-west. we were now, in about latitude °, and longitude °, and were working our way, under easy sail, toward the coasts of the united states. just before nightfall, on the same afternoon, another sail was cried from aloft, and we made all sail in pursuit, immediately, anxious to draw sufficiently near the chase before dark, to prevent losing sight of her. by this time, the wind, which had been very light all day, had freshened to a stiff breeze, and the chase, soon perceiving our object, spread a cloud of canvas, with studding-sails "alow and aloft," in the effort to escape. she had seen the fire of the burning _wave crest_, and knew full well the doom that awaited her, if she were overtaken. as night threw her mantle over the scene, the moon, nearly at the full, rose with unusual splendor and lighted up the sea for the chase; and a beautiful, picturesque chase it was. although it lasted several hours, our anxiety as to the result was relieved, in a very short time, for we could see, from the first, that we gained upon the fleeing ship, although her master practised every stratagem known to the skilful seaman. as soon as we approached sufficiently near to get a good view of her through our excellent night-glasses, which, in the bright moonlight, brought out all her features almost as distinctly as if we had been viewing them by the rays of the sun, we discovered that she was one of those light, and graceful hermaphrodite brigs, that is, a rig between the brig and the schooner, so peculiarly american. her sails were beautifully cut, well hoisted, and the clews well spread; her masts were long and tapering, and her yards more square than usual. there was just sea enough on, to give her, now and then, a gentle motion, as she rose upon a wave, and scudded forward with renewed impulse. her sails looked not unlike so many silver wings, in the weird moonlight, and with a little effort of the imagination, it would not have been difficult to think of her as some immense water-fowl, which had been scared from its roost and flown seaward for safety. i sat astride of the hammock-cloth on the weather-quarter, and watched the beautiful apparition during the whole chase, only taking off my eye, now and then, to give some order to the officer of the deck, or to cast it admiringly upon the buckling and bending masts and spars of my own beautiful ship, as she sped forward, with all the animation of a living thing, in pursuit. the poor little, affrighted fawn ahead of us, how its heart must have gone pit-a-pat, as it cast its timid eyes behind it, and saw its terrible pursuer looming up larger, and larger, and coming nearer and nearer! still there might be some hope. the pursuing vessel might be some peaceful merchant-ship, bound on the same errand of commerce with herself, and only trying heels with her, in sport, over these dancing waves, and by this bright moonlight. alas! the hope was short-lived; for presently, in the stillness of near midnight, a flash was seen, followed by the sound of a booming gun, and there could no longer be any doubt, that the pursuer was a ship of war, and most likely a confederate. halliards and tacks, and sheets were let fly on board the brigantine, and as soon as her seamen could gather in the folds of the flapping sails, and haul up clew-garnets, her helm was put down, and she rounded gracefully to the now whistling wind, with fore-topsail aback. so rapidly had this been done, and so close was the _alabama_ upon the chase, that we had just time to sheer clear of her by a little trick of the helm. our own sail was now shortened, and the boarding-officer dispatched on board the prize. she proved to be the _dunkirk_, from new york, with a cargo of grain for lisbon. there being no evidence of neutral ownership of the cargo, among the papers, she was burned, as soon as her crew could be transferred to the _alabama_. we made two novel captures on board this ship--one was a deserter from the _sumter_, a worthless sailor out of one of the northern states, whom we afterward discharged from the confederate naval service, in disgrace, instead of hanging him, as we might have done under our articles of war; and the other a number of very neatly put up _tracts_ in the portuguese language; our northern brethren dealing in a little piety as well as trade. these tracts had been issued by that pious corporation, the "american tract society," of new york, whose fine fat offices are filled with sleek, well-fed parsons, of the boynton stripe, whose business it is to prey upon the credulity of kind-hearted american women, and make a pretence of converting the heathen! on the cover of these tracts was printed the following directions, as to how the doses were to be taken. "portuguese tracts, from the 'american tract society,' for distribution among portuguese passengers, and to give, upon the coast, to visitors from the shore, &c. when in port, please keep conspicuously on the cabin-table, for all comers to read: but be very careful not to take any ashore, as the laws do not allow it." a pen had been run through the last injunction, as though the propagandists of "grand moral ideas" had become a little bolder since the war, and were determined to thrust their piety down the throats of the portuguese, whether they would or not. if there should be any attempt now, on the part of poor old portugal, to seize the unlawful distributor of the tracts, a gunboat or two would set the matter right. a little farther on, on the same cover, was the following instruction: "as may be convenient, please report, (by letter if necessary,) anything of interest which may occur, in connection with the distribution; also take any orders for bibles, and forward to john s. pierson, marine agent, new york bible society, no. beekman street." chapter xxxv. capricious weather of the gulf stream--capture of the packet-ship tonawanda, the manchester, and the lamplighter--a cyclone. though the month of october is remarkable for its fine weather, along the american coast, yet here in the gulf stream, we had a constant succession of changes, the wind going regularly around the compass every two or three days, and thick, rainy weather predominating. we were now, besides, experiencing a south-easterly current of about two knots per hour, and as we were bound to the north-west, and frequently had the wind, as well as the current ahead, we made but slow progress. on the second day after capturing the _dunkirk_, the familiar cry of "sail ho!" again came ringing from the mast-head, and pretty soon a large ship loomed up above the horizon. we gave chase, and, just before sunset, came up with a fine packet-ship, whose deck, we could see, was crowded with passengers. this was a somewhat unusual spectacle--a sailing ship filled with passengers for europe, during the month of october. since the introduction of the steam-packet, but few passengers, except emigrants, take passage in a sailing ship, and the current of emigration sets the other way. upon being boarded, the ship proved to be the _tonawanda_, of, and from philadelphia, bound to liverpool. some of the passengers were foreigners, fleeing from the tyranny, and outrages of person and property, which had overtaken them, under the reign of the puritan, in the "land of the free, and the home of the brave," and others were patriotic puritans themselves running away from the "city of brotherly love," to escape the draft. we captured the _tonawanda_, and the question immediately presented itself what should we do with her? there being no claim, by any neutral, for the cargo, both ship and cargo were good prize of war, but unfortunately we could not burn the ship, without encumbering ourselves with the passengers; and thirty of the sixty of these were women and children! the men we might have disposed of, without much inconvenience, but it was not possible to convert the _alabama_ into a nursery, and set the stewards to serving pap to the babies. although i made it a rule never to bond a ship if i could burn her, i released the _tonawanda_ on bond, though there was no legal impediment to her being burned. i kept her cruising in company with me, however, for a day or two, hoping that i might fall in with some other ship of the enemy, that might be less valuable, or might have a neutral cargo on board, to which i could transfer the passengers, and thus be enabled to burn her. but here, again, her owners were in luck, for the finest, and most valuable ships, with cargoes entirely uncovered, would persist in crossing my path. on the second day after the capture of the _tonawanda_--that ship being still in our company, with a prize crew on board--the weather inclining to be overcast, and the breeze light--a ship was reported, at early daylight, on our weather-quarter. it was another heavy ship of the "junk fleet," and as we were lying right across her path, we had nothing to do but await her approach. she came along under a cloud of canvas, though, as the wind was light, it took her some three or four hours to come up with us. to disarm her of suspicion, i hoisted the american colors, and caused my prize to do the same. she naturally concluded that the two ships were "visiting," which ships sometimes do at sea, when the wind is light, and there is not much time lost by the operation, and came on without so much as shifting her helm, or stirring tack or sheet. when she had approached sufficiently near, i invited her, too, to visit me; my card of invitation being a blank cartridge, and a change of flags. she hove to at once, and, upon being boarded, proved to be the ship _manchester_ from new york, bound to liverpool. i now threw the _manchester's_ crew, together with the crews of the _wave crest_, and _dunkirk_, on board the _tonawanda_, as being the less valuable ship of the two, and permitted the latter to depart; but before doing so, i took from on board of her, one of her passengers. this was a likely negro lad of about seventeen years of age--a slave until he was twenty-one, under the laws of delaware. this little state, all of whose sympathies were with us, had been ridden over, rough-shod, by the vandals north of her, as maryland afterward was, and was arrayed on the side of the enemy. i was obliged, therefore, to treat her as such. the slave was on his way to europe, in company with his master. he came necessarily under the laws of war, and i brought him on board the _alabama_, where we were in want of good servants, and sent him to wait on the ward-room mess. the boy was a little alarmed at first, but, when he saw kindly faces beaming upon him, and heard from his new masters, and the servants of the mess, some words of encouragement, he became reassured, and, in the course of a few days, was not only at home, but congratulated himself on the exchange he had made. he became, more especially, the servant of dr. galt, and there at once arose, between the virginia gentleman and the slave boy, that sympathy of master and servant, which our ruder people of the north find it so impossible to comprehend. faithful service, respect, and attachment followed protection and kind treatment, and the slave was as happy as the day was long. david soon became to galt what bartelli was to me--indispensable--and the former was really as free as the latter, except only in the circumstance that he could not change masters. i caused his name to be entered on the books of the ship, as one of the crew, and allowed him the pay of his grade. in short, no difference was made between him and the white waiters of the mess. his condition was in every respect bettered; though, i doubt not, a howl went up over his capture, as soon as it became known to the pseudo-philanthropists of the north, who know as little about the negro and his nature, as they do about the people of the south. it was pleasant to regard the affection which this boy conceived for galt, and the pride he took in serving him. as he brought the doctor's camp-stool for him to the "bridge," placed it in the cosiest corner he could find, and ran off to bring him a light for his cigar, his eyes would dilate, and his "ivories" shine. dave served us during the whole cruise. he went on shore in all parts of the world, knew that the moment he touched the shore he was at liberty to depart, if he pleased, and was tampered with by sundry yankee consuls, but always came back to us. he seemed to have the instinct of deciding between his friends and his enemies. the following correspondence took place between the liverpool chamber of commerce, and earl russell, the british foreign secretary, on the occasion of the two last captures:-- to the rt. hon. earl russell, etc., etc.:-- my lord:--i have been requested by the council of this chamber to inform you that they have had brought before them the facts of the destruction at sea, in one case, and of seizure and release under ransom-bond in another case, of british property on board federal vessels, (the _manchester_ and the _tonawanda_,) by an armed cruiser sailing under the confederate flag, the particulars of which have been already laid before your lordship. as the question is one of serious importance to the commerce of this country, the council wish me most respectfully to solicit the favor of your lordship's acquainting them, for the information of the mercantile community, what, in the opinion of her majesty's government, is the position of the owners of such property, in these and other similar cases. submitting this question with every respect to your lordship, i have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient humble servant, thomas chilton, _president chamber of commerce_. liverpool, th nov., . to thomas chilton, esq., chamber of commerce, liverpool. sir:--i am directed by earl russell to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the th inst., calling attention to the recent proceedings of the armed vessel _alabama_, with regard to british property on board the federal vessels _manchester_ and _tonawanda_, and requesting the opinion of her majesty's government with regard to the position of the owners of such property in those and other similar cases which may arise; and i am to request that you will inform the council of the chamber of commerce that the matter is under the consideration of her majesty's government. i am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, e. hammond. foreign office, nov. th, . after the usual period of gestation, earl russell informed his questioners, that british owners of property, on board of federal ships, alleged to have been wrongfully captured by confederate cruisers, were in the same position as any other neutral owners shipping in enemy's bottoms during a war; they must look for redress to the country of the captor. but these british owners did what was more sensible--they withdrew, in due time, their freights from the enemy's ships; and british and other neutral ships soon became the carriers of the american trade. it is claimed in the above correspondence, that there was british property destroyed on board the _manchester_. if so, it was the fault of the british owner, in failing to document his property properly, for there was no certificate or other paper found on board that ship, claiming that any part of the cargo belonged to neutrals. the _manchester_ brought us a batch of late new york papers, and i was much obliged to the editors of the new york "herald," for valuable information. i learned from them where all the enemy's gunboats were, and what they were doing; which, of course, enabled me to take better care of the _alabama_, than i should otherwise have been enabled to do. the americans effected many reforms in the art of war during our late struggle. perhaps this was the only war in which the newspapers ever explained, beforehand, all the movements of armies, and fleets, to the enemy. the reader will observe, that i received my mails quite regularly, now, from the united states. they were sometimes daily, and rarely less frequent than tri-weekly. i appointed my excellent clerk, mr. breedlove smith, whom i am glad to have this opportunity of introducing to the reader, postmaster, and he delivered the mail regularly to the officers and crew--that is to say, the newspaper and periodical mail--the letters i considered as addressed to myself personally. they might give valuable information of the objects and designs of the enemy, and throw some light upon the true ownership of cargoes, falsely documented. i therefore took the liberty, which the laws of war gave me, of breaking the seals. there were some curious developments made in some of these letters, nor were they all written on business. sometimes, as i would break a seal, a photograph would tumble out, and the first few lines of the letter would inform me of a tender passion that was raging in the heart of the writer. these epistles, photographs, and all, were always pitched, with a pshaw! into the waste-paper basket, and were soon afterward consigned by bartelli to the sea. so that the fair writers--and some of the writers were fair if i might judge by their portraits--may rest satisfied that their secrets are safe. my young officers became so accustomed to their morning's newspaper, as they sat down to the breakfast-table, that if it was not forthcoming, they would wonder "what the d----l _alabama_ had been about, the past night, that she had not gotten hold of a mail?" for two or three days after capturing the _manchester_, we fell in with nothing but neutral vessels. when the nationality of these was distinctly marked, as generally it was, we forbore to chase them. the weather began now to give unmistakable signs, of a general disturbance of the atmospheric machine. on the th of october, we captured our next ship. it was blowing half a gale of wind, with a thick atmosphere, and rain-squalls. we were lying to, under topsails, when she was reported. as in the case of the _manchester_, we had only to await her approach, for we were still in the beaten track of these lone travellers upon the sea. she came along quite fast, before the gale, and when within reach, we hove her to, with the accustomed gun. she proved, upon being boarded, to be the bark _lamplighter_, of boston, from new york, for gibraltar, with a cargo of tobacco. there was no attempt to cover the cargo, and when we had removed the crew to the _alabama_, we burned her. from the frequent mention which has been made of "uncovered cargoes," the reader will see how careless the enemy's merchants were, and how little they dreamed of disaster. they had not yet heard of the _alabama_, except only that she had escaped from liverpool, as the " ." they looked upon her, yet, as a mere myth, which it was not necessary to take any precautions against. but the reader will see how soon their course will change, and in what demand british consular certificates, vouching for the neutrality of good american cargoes, will be, in the good city of gotham, toward which, the _alabama_ is slowly working her way. we captured the _lamplighter_ early in the day, and it was well for us she came along when she did. if she had delayed her arrival a few hours, we should probably not have been able to board her, so much had the gale increased, and the sea risen. for the next few days, as the reader will speedily see, we had as much as we could do to take care of ourselves, without thinking of the enemy, or his ships. we had a fearful gale to encounter. as this gale was a cyclone, and the first really severe gale that the _alabama_ had met with, it is worthy of a brief description. we begin, in our generation, to have some definite knowledge of the atmospheric laws. to our ancestors, of only a generation or two back, these laws were almost a sealed book. it is now well ascertained, that all the great hurricanes which sweep over the seas, are cyclones; that is, circular gales, revolving around an axis, or vortex, at the same time that they are travelling in a given direction. these gales all have their origin in warm latitudes, or, as has been prettily said, by an officer of the dutch navy writing on the subject, they "prefer to place their feet in warm water." they do not, however, confine themselves to the places of their origin, but, passing out of the tropics, sweep over large tracts of extra-tropical seas. these circular gales are the great regulators, or balance-wheels, as it were, of the atmospheric machine. they arise in seasons of atmospheric disturbance, and seem necessary to the restoration of the atmospheric equilibrium. in the east indian and china seas, the cyclone is called a typhoon. it prevails there with even more destructive effect than in the western hemisphere. it takes its origin during the change of the monsoons. monsoons are periodical winds, which blow one half of the year from one direction--the north-east for example--and then change, and blow the other half of the year, from the opposite direction, the south-west. when these monsoons are changing, there is great disturbance in the atmospheric equilibrium. a battle of the winds, as it were, takes place; the out-going wind struggling for existence, and the in-coming wind endeavoring to throttle it, and take its place. calms, whirlwinds, water-spouts, and heavy and drenching rains set in; the black, wild-looking clouds, sometimes rent and torn, sweeping with their heavy burdens of vapor over the very surface of the sea. now, the out-going, or dying monsoon will recede, for days together, its enemy, the in-coming monsoon, greedily advancing to occupy the space left vacant. the retreating wind will then rally, regain its courage, and drive back, at least for a part of the way, the pursuing wind. in this way, the two will alternate for weeks, each watching the other as warily, as if they were opposing armies. it is during these struggles, when the atmosphere is unhinged, as it were, that the typhoon makes its awful appearance. every reader is familiar with the phenomenon of the miniature whirlwind, which he has so often seen sweep along a street or road, for a short distance, and then disappear; the want of local equilibrium in the atmosphere, which gave rise to it, having been restored. these little whirlwinds generally occur at street-corners, or at cross-roads, and are produced by the meeting of two winds. when these winds meet, the stronger will bend the weaker, and a whirl will ensue. the two winds still coming on, the whirl will be increased, and thus a whirlwind is formed, which immediately begins to travel--not at random, of course, but in the direction of least pressure. the meeting of two currents of water, which form a whirlpool, may be used as another illustration. it is just so, that the typhoon is formed. it steps in as a great conservator of the peace, to put an end to the atmospherical strife which has been going on, and to restore harmony to nature. it is a terrible scourge whilst it lasts; the whole heavens seem to be in disorder, and that which was only a partial battle between outposts of the aërial armies, has now become a general engagement. the great whirl sweeps over a thousand miles or more, and when it has ceased, nature smiles again; the old monsoon has given up the ghost, and the new monsoon has taken its place. all will be peace now until the next change--the storms that will occur in the interval, being more or less local. we have monsoons in the western hemisphere, as well as in the eastern, though they are much more partial, both in space and duration. the cyclones which sweep over the north atlantic are generated, as has been remarked, to the eastward of the west india islands--somewhere between them and the coast of brazil. they occur in august, september, and october--sometimes, indeed, as early as the latter part of july. in these months, the sun has drawn after him, into the northern hemisphere, the south-east trade-winds of the south atlantic. these trade-winds are now struggling with the north-east trade-winds, which prevail in these seas, for three fourths of the year, for the mastery. we have, thus, another monsoon struggle going on; and the consequence of this struggle is the cyclone. the reader may recollect the appearances of the weather, noted by me, some chapters back, when we were in these seas, in the _sumter_, in july and august, of ; to wit, the calms, light, baffling winds, water-spouts, and heavy rains. if the reader will pay a little attention to the diagram on page , it will assist him, materially, in comprehending the nature of the storm into which the _alabama_ had now entered. the outer circle represents the extent of the storm; the inner circle, the centre or vortex; the arrows along the inner edge of the outer circle represent the direction, or gyration of the wind, and the dotted line represents the course travelled by the storm. the figures marked, , , and , represent the position of the _alabama_, in the different stages of the storm, as it passed over her; the arrow-heads on the figures representing the head of the ship. if the reader, being in the northern hemisphere, will turn his face toward the sun, at his rising, and watch his course for a short time, he will observe that this course is from left to right. as the course of the arrows in the figure is from right to left, the reader observes that the gyration of the wind, in the storm, is _against the course of the sun_. this is an invariable law in both hemispheres; but, in the southern hemisphere, the reader will not fail to remark, that the gyration of the wind is in the opposite direction from its gyration in the northern hemisphere, for the reason, that, to an observer in the southern hemisphere the sun appears to be moving, not from left to right, but from right to left. whilst, therefore, the storm, in the northern hemisphere, gyrates from right to left, in the southern hemisphere, it gyrates from left to right; both gyrations being _against the course of the sun_. this is a curious phenomenon, which has, thus far, puzzled all the philosophers. it is a double puzzle; first, why the storm should gyrate always in the same direction, and secondly, why this gyration should be different in the two hemispheres. the law seems to be so subtle, as utterly to elude investigation. there is a curious phenomenon, in the vegetable world, which seems to obey this law of storms, and which i do not recollect ever to have seen alluded to by any writer. it may be well known to horticulturists, for aught that i know, but it attracted my attention, in my own garden, for the first time, since the war. it is, that all creeping vines, and tendrils, when they wind themselves around a pole, invariably wind themselves from right to left, or _against the course of the sun_! i was first struck with the fact, by watching, from day to day, the tender unfolding of the lima bean--each little creeper, as it came forth, feeling, as with the instinct of animal life, for the pole, and then _invariably_ bending around it, in the direction mentioned. i have a long avenue of these plants, numbering several hundred poles, and upon examining them all, i invariably found the same result. i tried the experiment with some of these little creepers, of endeavoring to compel them to embrace the pole from left to right, or _with the course of the sun_, but in vain. in the afternoon i would gather blades of grass, and tie some of the tendrils to the poles, in a way to force them to disobey the law, but when i went to inspect them, the following morning, i would invariably find, that the obedient little plants _had turned back_, and taken the accustomed track! what is the subtle influence which produces this wonderful result? may it not be the same law which rides on the whirlwind, and directs the storm? the cyclone, of which i am writing, must have travelled a couple of thousand miles, before it reached the _alabama_. its approach had been heralded, as the reader has seen, by several days of bad weather; and, on the morning of the gale, which was on the th of october, the barometer--that faithful sentinel of the seaman--began to settle very rapidly. we had been under short sail before, but we now took the close reefs in the topsails, which tied them down to about one third of their original size, got up, and bent the main storm-staysail, which was made of the stoutest no. canvas, and scarcely larger than a pocket-handkerchief, swung in the quarter-boats, and passed additional lashings around them; and, in short, made all the requisite preparations for the battle with the elements which awaited us. if the reader will cast his eye upon the diagram, at _alabama_, no. , he will see that the ship has her head to the eastward, that her yards are braced up on the starboard tack, and that she took the wind, as indicated by the arrows, from s. to s. s. e. [illustration: diagram of the cyclone experienced by the _alabama_ on the th of october, .] the ship is lying still, and the storm, which the reader sees, by the dotted line, is travelling to the north-east, is approaching her. she was soon enveloped in its folds; and the winds, running around the circle, in that mad career represented by the arrows, howled, and whistled, and screeched around her like a thousand demons. she was thrown over, several streaks, and the waves began to assault her with sledge-hammer blows, and occasionally to leap on board of her, flooding her decks, and compelling us to stand knee-deep in water. by this time, we had furled the fore-topsail; the fore-staysail had been split into ribbons; and whilst i was anxiously debating with myself, whether i should hold on to the main-topsail, a little longer, or start its sheets, and let it blow to pieces--for it would have been folly to think of sending men aloft in such a gale, to furl it--the iron bolt on the weather-quarter, to which the standing part of the main-brace was made fast, gave way; away went the main-yard, parted at the slings, and, in a trice, the main-topsail was whipped into fragments, and tied into a hundred curious knots. we were now under nothing but the small storm-staysail, described; the topgallant yards had been sent down from aloft, there was very little top-hamper exposed to the wind, and yet the ship was pressed over and over, until i feared she would be thrown upon her beam-ends, or her masts swept by the board. the lee-quarter-boat was wrenched from the davits, and dashed in pieces; and, as the sea would strike the ship, forward or aft, she would tremble in every fibre, as if she had been a living thing, in fear of momentary dissolution. but she behaved nobly, and i breathed easier after the first half hour of the storm. all hands were, of course, on deck, with the hatches battened down, and there was but little left for us to do, but to watch the course of the storm, and to ease the ship, all it was possible to ease her, with the helm. life-lines had been rove, fore and aft the decks, by my careful first lieutenant, to prevent the crew from being washed overboard, and it was almost as much as each man could do, to look out for his own personal safety. the storm raged thus violently for two hours, the barometer settling all the while, until it reached . . it then fell suddenly calm. landsmen have heard of an "ominous" calm, but this calm seemed to us almost like the fiat of death. we knew, at once, that we were in the terrible vortex of a cyclone, from which so few mariners have ever escaped to tell the tale! nothing else could account for the suddenness of the calm, coupled with the lowness of the barometer. we knew that when the vortex should pass, the gale would be renewed, as suddenly as it had ceased, and with increased fury, and that the frail little _alabama_--for indeed she looked frail and small, now, amid the giant seas that were rising in a confused mass around her, and threatening, every moment, to topple on board of her, with an avalanche of water that would bury her a hundred fathoms deep--might be dashed in a thousand pieces in an instant. i pulled out my watch, and noted the time of the occurrence of the calm, and causing one of the cabin-doors to be unclosed, i sent an officer below to look at the barometer. he reported the height already mentioned-- . . if the reader will cast his eye upon the diagram again--at figure no. --he will see where we were at this moment. the _alabama's_ head now lies to the south-east--she having "come up" gradually to the wind, as it hauled--and she is in the south-eastern hemisphere of the vortex. the scene was the most remarkable i had ever witnessed. the ship, which had been pressed over, only a moment before, by the fury of the gale as described, had now righted, and the heavy storm staysail, which, notwithstanding its diminutive size, had required two stout tackles to confine it to the deck, was now, for want of wind to keep it steady, jerking these tackles about as though it would snap them in pieces, as the ship rolled to and fro! the aspect of the heavens was appalling. the clouds were writhing and twisting, like so many huge serpents engaged in combat, and hung so low, in the thin air of the vortex, as almost to touch our mast-heads. the best description i can give of the sea, is that of a number of huge watery cones--for the waves seemed now in the diminished pressure of the atmosphere in the vortex to _jut up into the sky_, and assume a conical shape--that were dancing an infernal reel, played by some necromancer. they were not running in any given direction, there being no longer any wind to drive them, but were jostling each other, like drunken men in a crowd, and threatening, every moment, to topple, one upon the other. with watch in hand i noticed the passage of the vortex. it was just thirty minutes in passing. the gale had left us, with the wind from the south-west; the ship, the moment she emerged from the vortex, took the wind from the north-west. we could see it coming upon the waters. the disorderly seas were now no longer jostling each other; the infernal reel had ended; the cones had lowered their late rebellious heads, as they felt the renewed pressure of the atmosphere, and were being driven, like so many obedient slaves, before the raging blast. the tops of the waves were literally cut off by the force of the wind, and dashed hundreds of yards, in blinding spray. the wind now struck us "butt and foremost," throwing the ship over in an instant, as before, and threatening to jerk the little storm-sail from its bolt-ropes. it was impossible to raise one's head above the rail, and difficult to breathe for a few seconds. we could do nothing but cower under the weather bulwarks, and hold on to the belaying pins, or whatever other objects presented themselves, to prevent being dashed to leeward, or swept overboard. the gale raged, now, precisely as long as it had done before we entered the vortex--two hours--showing how accurately nature had drawn her circle. [illustration: the alabama in a cyclone, in the gulf stream, on the th october, . kelly, piet & co. publishers.----lith. by a. hoen & co. balto.] at the end of this time, the _alabama_ found herself in position no. . the reader will observe that she is still on the starboard tack, and that from east, she has brought her head around to nearly west. the storm is upon the point of passing away from her. i now again sent an officer below, to inspect the barometer, and he reported . ; the instrument having risen a little more than an inch in two hours! this, alone, is evidence of the violence of the storm. during the whole course of the storm, a good deal of rain had fallen. it is the rain which adds such fury to the wind. these storms come to us, as has been said, from the tropics, and the winds, by which they are engendered, are highly charged with vapor. in the course of taking up this vapor from the sea, the winds take up, along with it, a large quantity of latent heat, or heat whose presence is not indicated by the thermometer. as the raging cyclone is moving onward in its path, the winds begin to part with their burden--it begins to rain. the moment the vapor is condensed into rain, the latent heat, which was taken up with the vapor, is liberated, and the consequence is, the formation of a furnace in the sky, as it were, overhanging the raging storm, and travelling along with it. the more rain there falls, the more latent heat there escapes; the more latent heat there escapes, the hotter the furnace becomes; and the hotter the furnace, the more furiously the wind races around the circle, and rushes into the upper air to fill the vacuum, and restore the equilibrium. in four hours and a half, from the commencement of the gale, the _alabama_ was left rolling, and tumbling about in the confused sea, which the gale had left behind it, with scarcely wind enough to fill the sails, which, by this time, we had gotten upon her, to keep her steady. little more remains to be said of the cyclone. if the reader will take a last look at the diagram, he will see how it is, that the wind, which appears to him to change, has not changed in reality. the wind, from first to the last, is travelling around the circle, changing not at all. it is the passage of the circle over the ship--or over the observer upon the land--which causes it apparently to change. the _alabama_ lay still during the whole gale, not changing her position, perhaps, half a mile. as the circle touched her, she took the wind from s. to s. s. e., and when it had passed over her, she had the wind at north-west. in the intermediate time, the wind had _apparently_ hauled first to one, and then to the other, of all the intermediate points of the compass, and yet it had not changed a hair's breadth. the weather did not become fine, for several days after the gale. on the following night, it again became thick and cloudy, and the wind blew very fresh from the south-west. the sea, though it had somewhat subsided, was still very rough, and the night was so dark, that the officer of the deck could not see half the length of the ship in any direction. the south-west wind was a fair wind from the enemy's ports, to europe, and we kept a very bright look-out, to prevent ourselves from being run over, by some heavy ship of commerce, hurrying, with lightning speed, before wind and sea. chapter xxxvi. the physiognomy of ships--capture of the lafayette--decree of the admiralty court on board the alabama in her case, and in that of the lauretta--the criticisms of the new york press--farther proof of the rotary nature of the wind--the lauretta captured--the crenshaw captured--the new york chamber of commerce cries aloud in pain--capture of the baron de castine, and the levi starbuck--capture of the t. b. wales--lady prisoners. the day after the gale recorded in the last chapter, we set all hands at work repairing damages--the carpenters fishing, and the boatswain and his gang refitting the broken main-yard; the gunners putting their battery in order, the sailmaker repairing sails, and the old signal-quartermaster "breaking out" his signal-lockers, which had been invaded by the sea-water, and airing his flags. the latter was enabled, by this time, to make quite a display of yankee flags, from his signal-halliards--the _alabama_ having captured seventeen ships in six weeks. as the yankee ships now began to wear, out of pure patriotism, (though they were out of the war, and profitably chasing the honest penny,) the biggest sort of "flaunting lies," there were several bagsful of these flags. we began now to overhaul sails again. from the th to the th of october, we chased and boarded nine, all of which were neutral! we were, in fact, in an american sea--the gulf stream being the thoroughfare of american and west indian commerce to europe--and yet the american flag was beginning to disappear from it. such of the federal ships as could not obtain employment from the government, as transports, or be sold under neutral flags, were beginning to rot at the wharves of the once thrifty sea-ports of the great republic. our "nautical enterprise" was beginning to tell on the enemy, and if we had had the ability to imitate massachusetts, in the war of the first revolution, in the way of putting forth armed cruisers, to prey upon the enemy's commerce, the said enemy would not have had so much as a rope-yarn upon the sea, in the course of twelve months. but at the time of which i am writing, the _alabama_ and the _florida_ were the only two confederate ocean cruisers afloat. on the st of october, we observed in latitude ° ', and longitude ° ', and on that day, we made our first capture since the gale. we were lying to, as usual, when a large ship was descried, in the north-west, running in our direction. though the wind was very fresh, she had her royals and fore-topmast studding-sails set, and was, in consequence, running before the wind, with great speed. i shook the reefs out of my own topsails, and prepared to set the topgallant-sails if it should be necessary, and filled away, and moved toward the path of the stranger as she approached, with the english colors at my peak. the fine, large ship, as she ran down to us, presented a beautiful picture--all the more beautiful because we knew her to be yankee, although she had not yet shown her colors. we had become now very expert in detecting the nationalities of ships. i had with me a master's mate--evans--who had a peculiar talent in this respect. he had been a pilot out of savannah, and had sailed in the _savannah_, privateer, at the beginning of the war. he escaped the harsh treatment, and trial for piracy, which, as the reader may recollect, were the fate of the prisoners captured in that little vessel, by being absent in a prize at the time of her capture. he afterward joined me at liverpool. whenever i had any doubt about the nationality of a ship, i always sent for mr. evans, and putting my telescope in his hand, i would say to him, "look at that ship," pointing in the given direction, "and tell me to what nation she belongs." a glance of a minute or two was all he required. lowering his glass at the end of this time, he would say to me, "she is a yankee, sir," or, "she is not a yankee," as the case might be; and if she was not a yankee, he would say, "i think she is english," or french, or dutch, or whatever other nation to which he supposed her to belong. he sometimes failed, of course, in assigning their proper nationality to neutrals, but his judgment seemed to amount to an instinct, with regard to the question, yankee, or no yankee. when he pronounced a ship a yankee, i was always certain of her. i never knew him to fail, in this particular, but once, and that can scarcely be said to have been a failure. he once mistook a st. john's, new brunswick-built ship, for an enemy; and the ships built in the british colonies, on the yankee border, are such counterparts of american ships, that it is very difficult to distinguish one from the other. the ship which was now running down for us was, as i have said, a picture, with her masts yielding and swaying to a cloud of sail, her tapering poles shooting skyward, even above her royals, and her well-turned, _flaring_ bows--the latter a distinctive feature of new york-built ships. she came on, rolling gracefully to the sea, and with the largest kind of a "bone in her mouth." she must have suspected something, from our very equivocal attitude in such weather, and in such a place; but she made no change in her course, and was soon under our guns. a blank cartridge brought her to the wind. if the scene was beautiful before, it was still more so now. if she had been a ship of war, full of men, and with hands stationed at sheets, halliards, and braces, she could not have shortened sail much more rapidly, or have rounded more promptly and gracefully to the wind, with her main topsail aback. her cloud of canvas seemed to shrivel and disappear, as though it had been a scroll rolled up by an invisible hand. it is true, nothing had been furled, and her light sails were all flying in the wind, confined to the yards only by their clew-lines, but the ship lay as snugly and conveniently for boarding, as i could desire. i frequently had occasion, during my cruises, to admire the seamanship of my enemies. the yankee is certainly a remarkable specimen of the _genus homo_. he is at once a duck, and a chicken, and takes to the water, or the land, with equal facility. providence has certainly designed him for some useful purpose. he is ambitious, restless, scheming, energetic, and has no inconvenient moral nature to restrain him from the pursuit of his interests, be the path to these never so crooked. in the development of material wealth he is unsurpassed, and perhaps this is his mission on this new continent of ours. but he is like the beaver, he works from instinct, and is so avid of gain, that he has _no time to enjoy the wealth he produces_. some malicious demon seems to be goading him on, in spite of himself, to continuous and exhausting exertion, which consigns him to the tomb before his time, leaving a "pile" of untouched wealth behind him. the prize, upon being boarded, proved to be the _lafayette_, from new york, laden with grain, chiefly for irish ports. we learned from newspapers captured on board of her, that news of our capture of the _brilliant_ and _emily farnum_ off the banks of newfoundland, had reached the united states, and, as was to be expected, i found, when i came to examine the papers of the _lafayette_, plenty of certificates to cover her cargo. in fact, from this time onward, i rarely got hold of an enemy's ship, whose cargo was not certificated all over--oaths for this purpose being apparently as cheap, as the much-derided custom-house oaths, that every ship-master is expected to take, without the least regard to the state of the facts. upon examination of these certificates, i pronounced them fraudulent, and burned the ship. as the burning of this vessel, with her cargo nicely "covered," as the shippers had hoped, with british consular seals and certificates, seemed to warm up the northern press, and cause it to hurl fresh denunciations of "piracy" against me, i will detain the reader, a moment, from the thread of my narrative, to look a little into the facts. the reader has already been told that i held a regular prize-court on board the _sumter_. i did the same thing on board the _alabama_, never condemning a ship or cargo, when there was any claim of neutral property, without the most careful, and thorough examination of her papers, and giving to the testimony the best efforts of my judgment. i had every motive not to offend neutrals. we were hoping for an early recognition of our independence, by the principal powers of the earth, and were covetous of the good-will of them all. i had, besides, the most positive instructions from mr. mallory, our secretary of the navy, to pay the utmost attention and respect to neutral rights. referring to the records of "the confederate states admiralty court, held on board the confederate states steamer _alabama_, on the high seas," i find the following decree entered, in the case of the _lafayette_. "_in re_ lafayette. "the ship being under the enemy's flag and register, is condemned. with reference to the cargo, there are certificates, prepared in due form, and sworn to before the british consul, that it was purchased, and shipped, on neutral account. these _ex parte_ statements are precisely such as every unscrupulous merchant would prepare, to deceive his enemy, and save his property from capture. there are two shipping-houses in the case; that of craig & nicoll, and that of montgomery bros. messrs. craig & nicoll say, that the grain shipped by them, belongs to messrs. shaw & finlay, and to messrs. hamilton, megault & thompson, all of belfast, in ireland, to which port the ship is bound, but the grain is not consigned to them, and they could not demand possession of it, under the bill of lading. it is, on the contrary, consigned _to the order_ of the shippers; thus leaving the possession, and control of the property, in the hands of the shippers. farther: the shippers, instead of sending this grain to the pretended owners, in a _general_ ship, on freight, consigned to them, they paying freight, as usual, have chartered the whole ship, and stipulated, themselves, for the payment of all the freights. if this property had been, _bona fide_, the property of the parties in belfast, named in the depositions, it would undoubtedly have gone consigned to them, in a bill of lading, authorizing them to demand possession of it, and the agreement with the ship would have been, that the consignees and owners of the property should pay the freight, upon delivery. but even if this property were purchased, as pretended, by messrs. craig & nicoll, for the parties named, still, their not consigning it to them, and delivering them the proper bill of lading, passing the possession, left the property in the possession, and under the dominion of craig & nicoll, and as such liable to capture. see _phillimore on international law_, , , to the effect, that if the goods are going on account of the shipper, _or subject to his order or control_, they are good prize. they cannot even be sold, and transferred to a neutral, _in transitu_. they must abide by their condition, _at the time of the sailing of the ship_. "the property attempted to be covered by the messrs. montgomery bros., is shipped by montgomery bros., of new york, and consigned to montgomery bros., in belfast. here the consignment is all right. the possession of the property has legally passed to the belfast house. but when there are two houses of trade doing business as partners, and one of them resides in the enemy's country, the other house, though resident in a neutral country, becomes also enemy, _quoad_ the trade of the house in the enemy's country, and its share in any property belonging to the joint concern is subject to capture, equally with the share of the house in the enemy's country. to this point, see _phillimore_, . cargo condemned." this is the whole case of the _lafayette_. as this case was coupled, in the criticisms in the yankee papers to which i have alluded, and which the reader will see presently, with the case of the _lauretta_, not yet captured, i will anticipate the capture of this ship by a few days, that the reader may have the facts also in her case. "_in re_ lauretta. "the ship being under the enemy's colors and register, is condemned. there are two shippers of the cargo, the house of chamberlain, phelps & co., and mr. h. j. burden--all the shippers resident, and doing business in the city of new york. chamberlain, phelps & co., ship barrels of flour, and a lot of pipe staves, to be delivered at gibraltar, _or_ messina, _to their own order_, and kegs of nails to be delivered at messina, to mariano costarelli. the bill of lading for the flour and staves has the following indorsement, sworn to before a notary: 'state, city, and county of new york: louis contencin, being duly sworn, says, that he is clerk with chamberlain, phelps & co., and that part of the merchandise in the within bill of lading is the property of the subjects of the king of italy.' this certificate is void for uncertainty. it does not separate the property in the bill of lading, and say which of it belongs to the 'subjects of the king of italy,' and which to the enemy. for aught that appears, 'the subjects' alluded to may own no more than a single pipe-staff apiece. indeed, they can own nothing, as it does not appear _what_ they own. further: if the property was identified in the certificate, the 'subjects of the king of italy' are not. no man--for there is none named--could claim the property under this certificate. it is, therefore, void, for this reason. see _phillimore_, . but the flour and staves are consigned _to the order of the shippers_, and this, alone, would be sufficient to condemn them, even if the articles had been identified, and the proper owners pointed out in the certificate. the _possession of the property at the time of the sailing of the ship, must be divested out of the enemy-shipper_. see _phillimore_, , , cited in the case of the _lafayette_. the contingent destination of this property, is another pregnant circumstance. it shows that it was intended _for a market_, and not for any particular neutral owner. it was to be delivered at gibraltar _or_ messina, as the shippers might determine, after the sailing of the ship--probably upon advices received by steamer. so much for the claim of chamberlain, phelps & co. "the property shipped by h. j. burden, consists of barrels of flour, and boxes of herring, and is consigned to charles r. blandy, esq., at funchal, madeira. the shipper makes the following affidavit before the british consul, in new york: 'that all and singular, the goods specified in the annexed bill of lading, were shipped by h. j. burden, in the bark _lauretta_, for, and on account of, h. j. burden, subject of her britannic majesty.' mr. burden may be a very good subject of her britannic majesty, but he describes himself as of beaver street, new york city, and seems to lose sight of the fact, that his domicile in an enemy's country, for the purposes of trade, makes him, _quoad_ that trade, an enemy. cargo condemned." the reader is now in a condition to understand the following criticism, from that very elegant sheet, the new york "commercial advertiser," and to appreciate the justice and courtesy with which i was treated by the press of new york, generally. "the alabama. "british and italian property destroyed--portugal also involved. "_the english authorities acting.--important facts._--some important facts have just been developed in relation to the operations of the rebel privateer _alabama_, and the present and prospective action of the british and other foreign governments, whose citizens have lost property by the piracies of her commander. the depredations of the vessel involve the rights of no less than three european governments--england, italy, and portugal--and are likely to become a subject of special interest to all maritime nations. "already the capture and burning of the ship _lafayette_, which contained an english cargo, has been the occasion of a correspondence between the british consul at this port, mr. archibald, and rear-admiral milne, commanding the british squadron on the american coast; and it is stated (but we cannot vouch for the truth of the statement) that the admiral has dispatched three war-vessels in pursuit of the pirate. the consul has also, we understand, communicated the facts of the case to the british government and her majesty's minister at washington. what action will be taken by the british government, remains to be seen. "the _lafayette_ sailed from this port with a cargo of grain for belfast, ireland. the grain was owned _by two english firms of this city_, and the facts were properly certified on the bills of lading under the british national seal. the _lafayette_ was, however, a boston vessel, and was commanded by captain saunders. the facts of the burning have been published. "but another case (that of the bark _lauretta_) is about to be submitted for the consideration of the british authorities, as well as those of italy and portugal. the facts establish a clear case of piracy. the _lauretta_, which had on board a cargo consisting principally of flour and staves, was burned by semmes on the th of october. she was bound from this port for the island of madeira and the port of messina, in italy. nearly a thousand barrels of flour and also a large number of staves were shipped by mr. h. j. burden, a british subject residing in this city, to a relative in funchal, madeira. the bill of lading bore the british seal affixed by the consul, to whom the shipper was personally known. the other part of the cargo was shipped by chamberlain, phelps & co., to the order of parties in messina, and this property was also covered by the italian consular certificates. "the portuguese consul at this port also sent a package under seal, to the authorities at madeira, besides giving a right to enter the port and sending an open bill of lading. "captain wells' account of the manner in which semmes disposed of these documents, and which he has verified under oath, is not only interesting, but gives an excellent idea of the piratical intentions of the commander of the _alabama_. "the papers of the bark were, at the command of semmes, taken by captain wells on board the _alabama_. there was no american cargo, and therefore no american papers, except those of the vessel. these, of course, were not inquired into. semmes took first the packet which bore the portuguese seal, and with an air which showed that he did not regard it as of the slightest consequence, ripped it open, and threw it upon the floor, with the remark that 'he did not care a d----n for the portuguese.' the italian bill of lading was treated in a similar manner, except that he considered it unworthy even of a remark. "taking up the british bill of lading and looking at the seal, semmes called upon captain wells, with an oath, to explain. it was evidently the only one of the three he thought it worth his while to respect. "'who is this burden?' he inquired sneeringly. 'have you ever seen him?' "'i am not acquainted with him; but i have seen him once, when he came on board my vessel,' replied captain wells. "'is he an englishman--does he look like an englishman?' "'yes,' rejoined the captain. "'i'll tell you what,' exclaimed the pirate, 'this is a d----d pretty business--it's a d----d yankee hash, and i'll settle it,'--whereupon he proceeded to rob the vessel of whatever he wanted, including captain wells' property to a considerable amount; put the crew in irons; removed them to the _alabama_; and concluded by burning the vessel. "these facts will at once be brought before the british consul. the preliminary steps have been taken. the facts will also be furnished the portuguese consul, who announces his intention of placing them before his government; and besides whatever action the italian consul here may choose to take, the parties in messina, to whom the property lost on the _lauretta_ was consigned, will of course do what they can to maintain their own rights. the case is likely to attract more attention than all the previous outrages of the _alabama_, inasmuch as property rights of the subjects of other nations are involved, and the real character of semmes and his crew becomes manifest. "some interesting facts are given by captain wells in regard to the _alabama_, to which, however, we can only make a brief allusion. the officers of the privateer are principally southern men, but the crew are nearly all english and irish. they claim that they were shipped by stratagem; that they were told the vessel was going to nassau, and now they are promised shares in captured property--not only the property taken, but that which is burned, of which semmes says he keeps an accurate account. the bills are to be paid by the 'confederate government,' which semmes, who enforces discipline only by terrorism, declares will soon achieve its independence. the men suppose they are gaining fortunes--though some of them protest against the cheat which has been practised upon them." the above is a fair specimen of the average intelligence of yankee newspapers, on any subject outside of the dirty pool of politics, in which they habitually dabble. i was not _quite_ sure when i burned the _lafayette_, that her cargo belonged to the shippers, british merchants resident in new york. the shippers swore that it did not belong to them, but to other parties resident in ireland, on whose account they had shipped it. i _thought_ they swore falsely, but, as i have said, i was not quite certain. the "advertiser" sets the matter at rest. it says that i was right. and it claims, with the most charming simplicity, that i was guilty of an act of piracy, in capturing and destroying the property of neutral merchants, _domiciled in the enemy's country, and assisting him to conduct his trade_! the reader now sees what estimate to put upon all the other balderdash of the article. i presume, the only thing admiral milne, and the british minister at washington did, was to wonder at the stupidity of the new york "commercial advertiser." it is scarcely necessary to say, that captain wells of the _lauretta_, took a "custom-house" oath, when he swore to the account which the "advertiser" gives of his interview with me, when i burned his ship. it was a business operation with these yankees to abuse me, and they performed it in a _business-like manner_--with oaths and affidavits. having captured the _lafayette_ at nightfall, it was as late as ten p. m. before we got through with the business of "robbing" her--robbing her, in spite of all those nicely contrived certificates, and british consular seals--when we set her on fire. in a few hours, she was a mere beacon-light, upon the sea, marking, as so many other fine ships had marked, the track of the "pirate." though i have given the reader already a pretty large dose of the meteorology of the gulf stream, in which we are still cruising, i cannot forbear to call his attention to other proofs of the rotary character of the winds which prevail along this hot-water river in the sea. from the d to the d of october, a period of twenty days, the wind had gone _nine_ times entirely around the compass, with the regularity of clock-work. with the exception of the cyclone of the th, we had had no regular gale of wind; though the wind frequently blew very fresh, with the barometer sometimes as low as . . these rotary winds were circles of greater or less diameter, obeying the laws of storms, and travelling along in the direction of the current, or about north-east. there was an interval of only a few hours between them, the barometer rising regularly as one circle or whirl departed, and falling as the next approached. i was much struck with the exceeding regularity of the recurrence of this phenomenon. the received impression is, that it is only the great gales, which we call cyclones, or hurricanes, that gyrate. from my observations in the gulf stream--and i lay in it, continuously, for something like a month, changing place, in all this time, but a few hundred miles--gyration is the normal condition of the winds in this stream--that even the most gentle winds, when undisturbed by local causes--the proximity of the land, for instance--are gyrating winds, winding around, and around their respective vortices, _against the motion of the sun_, as we have seen the tendril of the vine to wind around the pole to which it clings. on the third day after capturing the _lafayette_, having chased and overhauled, in the meantime, a number of neutrals, we descried a large schooner, evidently american, bound to the southward, and eastward. we gave chase at once, but as the schooner was to windward of us, a considerable distance, the chase promised to be long, without the aid of steam, and this, for reasons already explained, i was averse to using, though we kept, at all times, banked fires in the furnaces, and warm water in the boilers. the stranger hugged his wind very closely, this being always the best point of sailing with schooners; but this was also the best point of sailing with the _alabama_. the reader has seen, that she always put on her seven-league boots, when she had a chance of drawing aft the sheets of those immense trysails of hers. we gained perceptibly, but the wind was falling light, and it was to be feared night would overtake us, before we could bring the chase within reach of our guns. she was still good four miles to windward of us, when i resolved to try the effect of a solid shot from my rifled pivot, on the forecastle. elevating the gun some ten degrees, we let fly the bolt. it threw up the water in a beautiful jet, within less than half a mile of her! it was enough. the schooner came to the wind, with the federal colors at her mast-head, and awaited our approach. upon being boarded, she proved to be the _crenshaw_, three days out from new york, and bound for glasgow, in scotland. the _crenshaw_ was grain-laden, though rather small for a member of the "junk fleet," and there was the usual number of certificates, and british consular seals on board of her, vouching, upon good yankee oaths, that her cargo was neutral. it was amusing to see how these merchants clung to the british seal, and appealed to the british power, when their grain sacks were in danger. but it was all to no purpose. i would have respected scrupulously any _bona fide_ neutral ownership of property, but i knew all these certificates to be fraudulent. fraudulent as the transactions were, however, some of the shippers might have imposed upon me, if they had only known how to prepare their vouchers. but they were such bunglers, that they committed the most glaring mistakes. the new york merchant is a pretty sharp fellow, in the matter of shaving paper, getting up false invoices, and "doing" the custom-house; but the laws of nations, which had had little connection, heretofore, with the debit and credit side of his ledger, rather muddled his brain. the _crenshaw's_ certificates were precisely like so many others i had, by this time, overhauled. they simply stated, that the cargo belonged to "subjects of her britannic majesty," without naming them. to quote the certificates literally, they were in these terms: "the goods specified, in the annexed bills of lading, were shipped on board the schooner _crenshaw_, for, and on account of subjects of her britannic majesty, and the said goods are wholly, and _bona fide_, the property of british subjects." and when i came to look at the bills of lading, i found that the property was consigned _to the order of the shippers_. here was evidently another of those "yankee hashes," spoken of by the new york "commercial advertiser;" or, if it was not a yankee hash, it was an english hash, gotten up by some "subjects of her britannic majesty," who were _resident merchants in the enemy's country_--whose property the aforesaid "advertiser" so innocently thought was not subject to capture. for aught that appeared from the certificates, the "subjects" were all resident in new york. and so we did the usual amount of "plundering" on board the _crenshaw_, and then consigned her to the flames. from papers captured on board this vessel, we learned that the new york chamber of commerce--whose leading spirit seemed to be a mr. low, one or two of whose ships, if i mistake not, i had burned--was in a glow of indignation. its resolutions were exceedingly eloquent. this chamber of commerce was a sort of debating society, which by no means confined itself to mere commerce, as its name would seem to imply, but undertook to regulate the affairs of the yankee nation, generally, and its members had consequently become orators. the words "privateer," "pirate," "robbery," and "plunder," and other blood-and-thunder expressions, ran through their resolutions in beautiful profusion. these resolutions were sent to mr. seward, and that renowned statesman sat down, forthwith, and wrote a volume of despatches to mr. adams, in london, about the naughty things that the "british pirate" was doing in american waters. the _alabama_, said he, was burning everything, right and left, even _british_ property; would the lion stand it? another set of resolutions was sent to mr. welles, the federal secretary of the navy, and that old gentleman put all the telegraph wires in motion, leading to the different sea-port towns; and the wires put in motion a number of gunboats which were to hurry off to the banks of newfoundland and capture the _alabama_. whilst these gunboats were going from new york to cruise among the cod-fishermen and icebergs, the _alabama_ was jogging along, under easy sail, toward new york. _we_ kept ourselves, all the time, in the track of commerce; what track the gunboats,--some of which only mounted a couple of guns, and would have been very shy of falling in with the _alabama_,--took, to look for us, we never knew, as we did not see any of them. on the day after capturing the _crenshaw_, we observed in latitude ° ', and longitude ° '. being near the edge of st. george's bank, off the coast of new england, we sounded with eighty-five fathoms of line, but got no bottom. here another gale of wind overtook us; the barometer descending as low as . , at the height of the gale. on the next day, the th of october, the weather being still rough, we captured the bark _lauretta_, of which the veracious captain wells was master, and of which the reader has already had some account. the _lauretta_ was skirting st. george's bank, on her way to madeira and the mediterranean, and literally ran into our arms. we had no other trouble than to heave her to, with a gun, as she approached, and send a boat on board, and take possession of her; transferring her crew to the _alabama_, with as much dispatch as possible, and "robbing" captain wells, as he states--by which he means, probably, that we deprived him of his chronometer and nautical instruments; for the mere personal effects of a prisoner, as the reader has already been informed, were never disturbed. we burned the ship. on the next day, the weather being thick and rainy, and the _alabama_ being about two hundred miles from new york, we chased and captured the brig _baron de castine_, from bangor, in maine, and bound, with a load of lumber, to cardenas, in the island of cuba. this vessel being old, and of little value, i released her on ransom-bond, and sent her into new york, with my prisoners, of whom i had now a large number on board. i charged the master of this ship, to give my special thanks to mr. low, of the new york chamber of commerce, for the complimentary resolutions he had had passed, in regard to the _alabama_. the more the enemy abused me, the more i felt complimented, for it is "the galled jade only that winces." there must have been a merry mess in the cabin of the _baron_ that night, as there were the masters and mates of three burned ships. new york was "all agog" when the _baron_ arrived, and there was other racing and chasing after the "pirate," as i afterward learned. the engineer having now reported to me, that we had no more than about four days of fuel on board, i resolved to withdraw from the american coast, run down into the west indies, to meet my coal ship, and renew my supply. being uncertain, in the commencement of my career, as to the reception i should meet with, in neutral ports, and fearing that i might have difficulty in procuring coal in the market, i had arranged, with my ever-attentive co-laborer, captain bullock, when we parted off terceira, to have a supply-ship sent out to me, from time to time, as i should indicate to him the rendezvous. the island of martinique was to be the first rendezvous, and it was thither accordingly that we were now bound. this resolution was taken on the th of october, and shaping our course, and making sail accordingly, we soon crossed the southern edge of the gulf stream, and were in a comparatively desert track of the ocean. our sinews were once more relaxed, and we had a few days of the _dolce far niente_. the weather became fine, as we proceeded southward, and the sailors, throwing aside their woollen garments, were arrayed again in their duck frocks and trousers. our mornings were spent in putting the ship in order, preparatory to going into port, and in exercising the crew at the battery, and the evenings were given up to amusement. great inroads had been made, by the continuous bad weather of the gulf stream, on both duty and pleasure. sometimes a week or ten days would elapse, during which it would not be possible to cast loose a heavy gun, for exercise; and evening after evening passed in drenching rain and storm, when not so much as a note on the violin was heard or even a song. the men were, however, cheerful and obedient, were as much excited as ever by the chase and the capture, and were fast becoming a well-disciplined crew. if there was any of that discontent, spoken of by captain wells, it was not visible to the eyes of the officers. our numbers had been considerably increased, by recruits from the enemy's ships, and we now had men enough to man all our guns, which added considerably to our sense of security. the young officers had gained much experience in the handling of their ship, and i began in consequence to sleep more soundly in my cot, at night, when the weather was dark and stormy. on the d of november, when we were scarcely expecting it, we captured another of the enemy's ships. she was descried from the mast-head, about half-past eight in the morning, and we immediately gave chase. it was sunday, and the muster-hour coming on, we mustered the crew, and read the articles of war in the midst of the chase. we came up with the stranger about noon, with the united states colors at our peak, and upon firing a gun, the fugitive hoisted the same colors, and hove to. she proved to be the _levi starbuck_, a whaler, out of new bedford, and bound on a voyage of thirty months, to the pacific ocean. here was another store-ship for us, with plenty of provisions, slops, and small stores. getting on board from her such articles as we stood in need of, and removing the crew, we burned her about nightfall. her new bedford papers were only four days old, with the latest news from the "seat of war." the two armies were watching each other on the potomac, and additional gun-boats had been sent "in pursuit of the _alabama_." in the meantime, the _alabama_ was approaching another track of commerce, across which she intended to run, on her way to martinique--the track of the homeward-bound east india ships of the enemy. toward midnight of the th of november, we descried a schooner, standing to the southward, to which we gave chase. she had heels, as well as the _alabama_, and when day dawned she was still some distance from us, though we had gained on her considerably. but fortune came to her rescue, for very soon, a large ship, looming up on the horizon like a frigate, came in sight, steering to the north-west. she was under all sail, with studding-sails, and sky-scrapers set, and evans, having been sent for, pronounced her "yankee." the small craft was probably yankee, too, but we were like a maiden choosing between lovers--we could not have both--and so we took the biggest prize, as maidens often do in a similar conjuncture. the large ship was standing in our direction, and we had nothing to do, but await her approach. when she came sufficiently near to distinguish our colors, we showed her the stars and stripes, which she was apparently very glad to see, for she began, of her own accord, to shorten sail, as she neared us, evidently with the intention of speaking us, and getting, it might be, a welcome newspaper from "home." the stars and stripes were, by this time, flying from her own peak. she was terribly astonished, as her master afterward confessed, when the jaunty little gun-boat, which he had eyed with so much pleasure, believing her to be as good a yankee as himself, fired a gun, and hauling down "hate's polluted rag," hoisted, in its stead, the banner of the southern republic. the stranger had not much more to do, in order to surrender himself a prisoner. his studding-sails had already been hauled down, and he now hauled up his courses, and backed his main-yard. we were once more in gentle airs, and a smooth sea; and in a few minutes, the boarding-officer was alongside of him. she proved to be as we had expected, an east india trader. she was the _t. b. wales_, of boston, from calcutta, for boston, with a cargo consisting chiefly of jute, linseed, and saltpetre. of the latter, she had bags, sufficient to supply our pious boston brethren, who were fighting for nothing but "grand moral ideas," with a considerable quantity of powder. but for the _wales_ meeting with the _alabama_, it would, probably, have gone into some of the same yankee mills, which, just before the war broke out, had supplied the confederate states under the contracts which, as the reader has seen, i had made with them. the jute, which she had on board, was intended as a substitute for cotton, in some of the coarser fabrics; the boston people being somewhat pressed, at the period, for the southern staple. the captain of the _wales_, though a northern man, had very few of the ear-marks of the yankee skipper about him. he was devoid of the raw-bone angularity which characterizes most of them, and spoke very good english, through his mouth, instead of his nose. his pronunciation and grammar were both good--quite an unusual circumstance among his class. he had been five months on his voyage, and, of course, had not heard of any such craft as the _alabama_. he had quite a domestic establishment on board his ship, as, besides his own wife, who had accompanied him on the voyage, there was an ex-united states consul, with his wife and three small daughters, returning with him, as passengers, to the new england states. there was no attempt to cover the cargo of the _wales_, and i was glad to find, that it was consigned to, and probably owned by, the obnoxious house of the barings, in boston, whose ship, the _neapolitan_, i had burned, in the strait of gibraltar. this british house had rendered itself exceedingly active, during the war, in the federal interest, importing large quantities of arms, and otherwise aiding the enemy; and i took especial pleasure, therefore, in applying the torch to its property. it was one of the new york "commercial advertiser's" pets--being a _neutral house, domiciled in an enemy's country, for the purposes of trade_. i have not heard what admiral milne and the british minister at washington did, when they heard of the burning of the _wales_, or whether the "advertiser" invoked, anew, the protection of the british lion. a few hours sufficed to transfer the crew and passengers of the east-indiaman to the _alabama_, and to get on board from her, some spars of which we were in want. it was found, upon measurement, that her main-yard was almost of the precise dimensions of that of the _alabama_, and as ours had been carried away in the cyclone of the th of october, and had only been fished for temporary use, we got down the yard from the _wales_, and brought it on board. we treated the ladies--our first prisoners of the sex--with all due consideration, of course; but i was forced to restrict them in the matter of baggage and furniture, for the want of room. i permitted them to bring on board their entire wardrobes, of course, without permitting it to be examined, but was forced to consign to the flames some fancy chairs and other articles of east india workmanship, which they seemed to prize very highly. i dare say they thought hard of it, at the time, though, i doubt not, they have long since forgiven me. both ladies were gentle. the consul's wife was an englishwoman, the daughter of a general in the british army, serving in the _mauritius_, where her husband had met and married her. she was refined and educated, of course, and her three little daughters were very beautiful children. mr. george h. fairchild--for such was her husband's name--though a new-englander, was, apparently, an unbigoted gentleman, and observed all the gentlemanly proprieties, during his stay on board my ship. when i was arrested, after the war, by the administration of president johnson, in violation of the contract which the government had made with me, at my surrender, and threatened with a trial, by one of those military commissions which have disgraced american civilization, on the trumped-up charge, among others, of cruelty to prisoners, mr. fairchild was kind enough to write to me, in prison, and tender himself as a witness in my behalf. in the then state of new england feeling, with all the passions, and especially those of malignity, and hate, running riot through the land, it required moral courage to do this; and i take this opportunity of thanking a new england man, for obeying the instincts of a christian and a gentleman. it took us some time to despoil the _wales_ of such of her spars and rigging as we wanted, and it was near nightfall when we applied the torch to her. we had scarcely turned away from the burning prize, when another sail was discovered, in the fading twilight, but the darkness soon shutting her out from view, it was useless to attempt to chase. the _wales_ was one of the most useful of my captures. she not only served as a sort of ship-yard, in enabling me to repair the damages i had suffered in the gulf stream, but i received eight recruits from her, all of whom were fine, able-bodied seamen. my crew now numbered men-- being my full complement. i bestowed the ladies, with their husbands, upon the ward-room mess, consigning them to the care of my gallant friend, kell. some of the lieutenants were turned out of their state-rooms, for their accommodation, but being carpet knights, as well as knights of the lance, they submitted to the discomfort with becoming grace. my _ménage_ began now to assume quite a domestic air. i had previously captured another interesting prisoner, who was still on board--not having been released on parole. this prisoner was a charming little canary-bird, which had been brought on board from a whaler, in its neat gilded cage. bartelli had the wonderful art, too, of supplying me with flowers--brought from the shore when this was practicable, and when not practicable, raised in his own tiny pots. when i would turn over in my cot, in the morning, for another nap, in that dim consciousness which precedes awakening, i would listen, in dreamy mood, to the sweet notes of the canary, the pattering of the tiny feet of the children and their gleeful voices over my head; inhaling, the while, the scent of the geranium, or the jessamine, and forget all about war's alarms. "home, sweet home," with all its charms, would cluster around my imagination, and as my slumber deepened, putting reason to rest, and giving free wing to fancy, i would be clasping again the long-absent dear ones to my heart. bartelli's shake of my cot, and his announcement that it was "seven bells"--half-past seven, which was my hour for rising--would often be a rude dispeller of such fancies, whilst the fairchilds were on board. chapter xxxvii. the calm-belts, and the trade-winds--the arrival of the alabama at the island of martinique--the curiosity of the islanders to see the ship--a quasi mutiny among the crew, and how it was quelled. we captured the _wales_, as described in the last chapter, on the th of november. on the th of the same month, we observed in latitude °. we were approaching the calm-belt of cancer. there are three of these calm-belts on the surface of the earth, and the phenomena which they present to the eye of the seaman are very beautiful. a ship coming out of new york, for instance, and bound south, will first encounter the calm-belt which the _alabama_ is now approaching--that of cancer. she will lose the wind which has brought her to the "belt," and meet with light airs, and calms, accompanied, frequently, by showers of rain. she will probably be several days in passing through this region of the "doldrums," as the sailors expressively call it, continually bracing her yards, to catch the "cats-paws" that come, now from one, and now from another point of the compass; and making no more than twenty, or thirty miles per day. as she draws near the southern edge of the belt, she will receive the first light breathings of the north-east trade-wind. these will increase, as she proceeds farther and farther south, and she will, ere long, find herself with bellying canvas, in a settled "trade." she will now run with this wind, blowing with wonderful steadiness and regularity, until she begins to near the equator. the wind will now die away again, and the ship will enter the second of these belts--that of equatorial calms. wending her way slowly and toilsomely through these, as she did through those of cancer, she will emerge next into the south-east trade-wind, which she will probably find somewhat stronger than the north-east trade. this wind will hurry her forward to the tropic of capricorn, in the vicinity of which she will find her third and last calm-belt. these three calm-belts enclose, the reader will have observed, two systems of trade-winds. to understand something of these winds, and the calms which enclose them, a brief reference to the atmospheric machine in which we "live, and breathe, and have our being" will be necessary. a philosopher of the east has thus glowingly described some of the beauties of this machine: "it is," says he, "a spherical shell, which surrounds our planet, to a depth which is unknown to us, by reason of its growing tenuity, as it is released from the pressure of its own superincumbent mass. its surface cannot be nearer to us than fifty, and can scarcely be more remote than five hundred miles. it surrounds us on all sides, yet we see it not; it presses on us with a load of fifteen pounds on every square inch of surface of our bodies, or from seventy to one hundred tons on us, in all, and yet we do not so much as feel its weight. softer than the softest down--more impalpable than the finest gossamer--it leaves the cobweb undisturbed, and scarcely stirs the lightest flower that feeds on the dew it supplies; yet it bears the fleets of nations on its wings around the world, and crushes the most refractory substances with its weight. when in motion, its force is sufficient to level the most stately forests, and stable buildings with the earth--to raise the waters of the ocean into ridges like mountains, and dash the strongest ship to pieces like toys. "it warms and cools, by turns, the earth, and the living creatures that inhabit it. it draws up vapors from the sea and land, retains them dissolved in itself, or suspended in cisterns of clouds, and throws them down again, as rain or dew when they are required. it bends the rays of the sun from their path, to give us the twilight of evening, and of dawn; it disperses, and refracts their various tints, to beautify the approach and the retreat of the orb of day. but for the atmosphere, sunshine would burst on us, and fail us at once, and at once remove us from midnight darkness to the blaze of noon. we should have no twilight to soften, and beautify the landscape; no clouds to shade us from the scorching heat, but the bald earth, as it revolved on its axis, would turn its tanned and weakened front to the full and unmitigated rays of the lord of day. "it affords the gas which vivifies, and warms our frames, and receives into itself that which has been polluted by use, and thrown off as noxious. it feeds the flame of life, exactly as it does that of the fire. it is in both cases consumed, and affords the food of consumption,--in both cases it becomes combined with charcoal, which requires it for combustion, and is removed by it, when this is over." the first law of nature may be said to be _vis inertiæ_, and the atmosphere thus beautifully described, following this law, would be motionless, if there were not causes, outside of itself, to put it in motion. the atmosphere in motion is _wind_, with which the sailor has so much to do, and it behooves him to understand, not only the causes which produce it, but the laws which control it. "whence cometh the wind, and whither goeth it?" it comes from heat, and as the sun is the father of heat, he is the father of the winds. let us suppose the earth, and atmosphere both to be created, but not yet the sun. the atmosphere, being of equal temperature throughout the earth, would be in equilibrium. it could not move in any direction, and there would not be the slightest breeze to fan the brow. now let us suppose the sun to be called into existence, and to begin to dart forth his rays. if he heated the earth, and the atmosphere in all parts alike, whilst there would be a swelling of the atmosphere into greater bulk, there would still be no motion which we could call wind. but the earth being placed in an elliptical orbit, and made to revolve around the sun, with its axis inclined to the plane in which it revolves, now approaching, and now receding from the sun, and now having the sun in one hemisphere, and now in another, the atmosphere is not only heated differently, in different parts of the earth, but at different seasons of the year; and thus the winds are engendered. let us imagine this heating process to be going on for the first time. how we should be astonished? the atmosphere having hitherto had no motion, in our experience, we should have conceived it as immovable as the hills, and would be quite as much astonished to see it putting itself in motion, as to see the hills running away from us. but in what direction is the atmosphere now moving? evidently from the north, and south poles toward the equator, because we know that the intertropical portions of the earth are more heated, than the extratropical portions. thus far, we have not given the earth any diurnal motion around its axis. let us give it this motion. it is revolving now from west to east, at the rate of fifteen miles in a minute. if the atmosphere had been perfectly still when this motion was given to the earth, as we have supposed it to have been before the creation of the sun, the consequence would be a breeze directly from the east, blowing with different degrees of strength, as it was nearer to, or further from the equator. for it is obviously the same thing whether the atmosphere stands still, and the earth revolves, or whether the earth stands still, and the atmosphere moves. in either case we have a wind. [illustration] but the atmosphere was not still, when we gave the diurnal motion to the earth. there was already a breeze blowing, as we have seen, from the north, and south poles toward the equator. we have thus generated two winds--a north wind and an east wind. but these two winds cannot blow in the same place at the same time; and the result will be a wind compounded of the two. thus in the northern hemisphere we shall have a north-east wind, and in the southern hemisphere we shall have a south east-wind. these are the two trade-winds, enclosed by the three calm-belts which have been described to the reader. the three arrows on the preceding page will illustrate the manner in which the north-east trade-wind is formed by the north wind and the east wind, which our theory puts in motion. why it is that the trade-winds do not extend all the way from the poles to the equator, but take their rise in about the thirtieth parallel of latitude, north and south, we do not know. the theory would seem to demand that they should spring up at the poles, and blow continuously to the equator; in which case we should have but two systems of winds covering the entire surface of the earth. this non-conformity of the winds of the extra-tropical regions to our theory, does not destroy it, however, but brings into the meteorological problem other and beautiful features. having put the winds in motion, our next business is to follow them, and see what "circuits" they travel. the quantity of atmosphere carried to the equator by the north-east and south-east trade-winds, must find its way back whence it came, in some mode or other; otherwise, we should soon have all the atmosphere drawn away from the poles, and piled up at the equator. we can easily conceive this, if we liken the atmosphere to fleeces of wool, and suppose an invisible hand to be constantly drawing away the fleeces from the poles, and piling them up at the equator. but how to get it back is the difficulty. it cannot go back on the surface of the earth, within the tropics, for there is a constant surface current here toward the equator. there is but one other way, of course, in which it can go back, and that is, as an upper current, running counter to the surface current. we may assume, indeed, we _must_ assume, that there are two upper currents of air, setting out from the equator, and travelling, one of them to the th degree of north latitude, and the other to the th degree of south latitude. what becomes of these two upper currents, when they reach these parallels of latitude, is not quite so certain; but there is good reason for believing that they now descend, become surface currents, and continue their journey on to the poles. it is further supposed that, when they reach the poles, they "whirl about" them, ascend, become upper currents again, and start back to the th parallel; and that, when they have returned to this parallel, they descend, become a surface current again--in other words, the trade-wind--and proceed to the equator as before. [illustration] but there is another, and more beautiful problem still, connected with these winds. it is their crossing each other at the equator, of which the proofs are so abundant, that there can be but little doubt concerning it. and yet the proposition, looked at apart from the proofs, is a very startling one. one would think that when the two winds met at the equator, there would be a general intermingling, and confounding of particles, and that when they ascended to form the upper currents, of which i have spoken, the northern particle would be as likely to turn back to the north, as to cross the equator and go south. the preceding figure will illustrate the crossing. let a represent the equator, the arrows near the surface of the circle the two trade-winds, and the two cross arrows, two particles of wind in the act of crossing. the difficulty is to conceive how these particles should cross, without mixing with each other, and losing their identity; or why they should not turn back, as well as continue their course. what law of nature is it, that makes the particles of atmosphere which have come from the north pole, so separate and distinct from those which have come from the south pole, as to prevent the two from fusing, and becoming one? is it because the two particles, as they have gyrated around their respective poles, have received a repulsive polarity? whatever may be the reason, there can be no doubt, as remarked, that they do actually cross. one strong proof of their crossing is, that we cannot conceive, otherwise, how the great atmospheric machine could perform its office of distributing rain over the earth in due proportions. the reader will recollect that there is from a fourth, to a third, more land than water, in the northern hemisphere, and that there is from a fourth to a third more water than land in the southern hemisphere. the consequence of this unequal distribution of land and water in the two hemispheres is, that the northern hemisphere requires more rain than the southern, in the proportion in which it has more land to be rained upon. now it is these mysterious trade-winds, of which we have been speaking, that are the water-carriers of the two hemispheres. these winds, on their way to the equator, generally reach the th parallel as dry winds. these dry winds, sweeping over the tropical seas, take up, in the shape of vapor, the water with which, in due time, they are to fertilize the fields of the farmer, and make the rose blossom. the quantity which they take up is in proportion to the sea-surface, or evaporating surface, they have respectively passed over. now, if we will examine the jars of these water-carriers, when they reach the equator, we shall find that the northern jars are not nearly so full as the southern jars; the reason being, that the northern winds have passed over less evaporating surface. now, if the two systems of winds, with their jars thus filled, were to turn back to their respective hemispheres, and pour down upon them their water, in the shape of rain, the consequence would be, as the reader sees, that we should have less rain in the northern hemisphere, than they would have in the southern hemisphere; whereas, we require more, having more land to be watered. the atmospheric machine would thus be at fault. but the all-wise and beneficent ruler of the universe, makes nothing faulty. we know from the evidence of that silent witness, the rain-gauge, that more water falls in the northern hemisphere, than in the southern; in other words, that the more heavily laden of those jars which we examined, a moment ago, at the equator, have come to us, instead of returning to the south; the less heavily laden jars going south. the crossing of the winds thus satisfies our theory, and nothing else can; which is, of course, the most conclusive of all proofs. but we have other proofs. for a number of years past, as the east india ships would be returning home from their voyages, they would report a curious phenomenon to have befallen them, as they passed the parallel of the cape de verde. this was the falling, or rather silting down upon their decks and rigging, of a brick-dust or cinnamon-colored powder. this dust, which when rubbed between the thumb and forefinger would be impalpable, would sometimes nearly cover the entire deck and rigging. the ships would be hundreds of miles away from the land, and where could this dust come from? the fact puzzled the philosophers, but having been reported so often, it ceased to attract attention. still it was a fact, and was laid away carefully in the archives of philosophy for future use. years passed away, and the great traveller and philosopher, humboldt, arose to instruct and delight mankind. he travelled extensively in south america; and, among other places, visited the lower valley of the orinoco. he happened there in the dry season, and gives a graphic account of the wild and weird spectacle of desolation which met his eye in that season of universal drought. all annual vegetation lay dead and desiccated on the immense pampas or plains. the earth was cracked open, gaping, as it were, for rain. the wild cattle were roaming about in herds, bellowing for their accustomed food and water; many of them perishing. even the insect world, so numerous and vivacious in all southern climates, had perished. their tiny little organisms lay in heaps, fast disintegrating, and being reduced to powder, by the scorching and baking rays of a perpendicular sun, between which and the parched earth, not so much as a speck of cloud appeared. the philosopher examined a number of these little organisms with his microscope. they were peculiar to the region in which he found them, and he was struck with the fact. there was another phenomenon which he observed. a number of little whirlwinds were playing their pranks about the arid waste, sporting, as it were, with dead nature. these little whirlwinds, as they travelled hither and thither, would draw up into their vortices, and toss high into the upper air, the impalpable dust that lay everywhere, and which was composed, in great measure, of the decomposed and decomposing organisms of which i have spoken. the atmosphere, at times, when filled with this dust, would assume a yellowish, or pale straw-colored hue. the reader probably, by this time, sees my design of connecting the dusty remains, described by humboldt, with the rain dust reported by the mariners to have fallen on the decks and rigging of their ships, in the neighborhood of the cape de verde islands. but the "rain-dust" was of brick-dust, or cinnamon color, when collected by the masters of the ships, as specimens, and the heavens, when filled with the dust thrown up by the whirlwinds, as described by humboldt, appeared to him to be of a straw color. here is a discrepancy to be reconciled, and we must call in the aid of another philosopher, captain m. f. maury, late superintendent of the national observatory, at washington, before alluded to in these pages, and to whom i am indebted for many of the facts here quoted. captain maury was struck with this discrepancy, and in reconciling it with the theory here discussed, makes the following statement: "in the search for spider lines, for the diaphragms of my telescopes, i procured the finest, and best threads from a cocoon of a mud-red color; but the threads of this cocoon, as seen singly in the diaphragm, were of a golden color; there would seem, therefore, no difficulty in reconciling the difference between the colors of the rain-dust, when viewed in little piles by the microscopist, and when seen attenuated and floating in the wind by the regular traveller." there remains but another link in the chain of evidence, to render it complete. it remains to be shown how the whirlwind dust, of the valley of the lower orinoco, can be identified with the rain-dust of the cape de verde. ehrenberg, a german philosopher, has done this, in our day. some specimens of the rain-dust having been sent him by ship-captains, he brought them under his microscope, as humboldt had done the whirlwind-dust, and to his great astonishment, and delight, he found it to be the same. these facts correspond entirely with our theory of the crossing of the trade-winds at the equator. the reader has been with us near the mouth of the orinoco. this great river disembogues near the island of trinidad, which we visited in the _sumter_, in about the latitude of ° n. the vernal equinox is the dry season here, and at this season, the north-east trade-wind is quite fresh. running counter to this wind, in the upper atmosphere, there is, according to our theory, a strong south-west wind blowing. now, if the reader will inspect a map, he will find that a south-west wind, starting from the mouth of the orinoco, will blow over the cape de verde islands. the rest is plain. the whirlwind-dust is tossed high enough into the upper atmosphere, to be taken in charge by the counter south-west wind, is carried to the cape de verde, and there silted down upon the decks and rigging of the passing ships, as gently as so many snow-flakes, becoming the rain-dust which so long puzzled the philosophers! we have reasoned, hitherto, on the supposition, that the three calm-belts, one of which the _alabama_ is now passing, and the two systems of trade-winds which they enclose, are stationary within certain limits. but this is not so; the whole system of belts and winds is moved north and south, as the sun passes now into one hemisphere, and now into another. the calm-belt of cancer is not always in the latitude of ° n.; nor is the calm-belt of the equator always at the equator. the reader will recollect that we observed, on board the _alabama_, on the th of november, in latitude ° n., and that we were only just then entering the calm-belt of cancer. the reason is, that the sun, on that day, was in the southern hemisphere, well advanced toward his extreme limit in that hemisphere, and that he had dragged, as it were, the whole system of belts and winds after him. the figures below will make this idea plain. let the broad, dark lines in the circles represent the system of belts and winds, all in one; and in circle a let the sun be in the northern hemisphere, and in circle b let him be in the southern. [illustration] the reader will see, how the sun, having hitched this system of belts and winds to his chariot wheels, as it were, has drawn it after him. the distances north and south, to which they have been drawn, are exaggerated in the figures, but this is only for the purpose of better illustration. the reader will see, from this diagram, how much farther south the _alabama_ will have to run, in november, to catch the north-east trade-wind, than she would have had to run in may. we may now return to our ship, and our cruise, and when i shall mention the trade-winds and the calm-belts, hereafter, the reader will not, i hope, regret the time i have consumed in refreshing his memory on so interesting a subject. we spoke several english vessels after burning the _wales_, and a couple of them, bound to demerara, kept company with us through the calm-belt. we sent a boat on board one of them, from new york, but she had neither news nor newspapers. at length, when we had reached the parallel of about °, we began to receive the first gentle breathings of the trade-wind. our light sails aloft began first to "belly out," and then a topsail would fill for a moment, until the ship rising on the gentle undulations of the sea, and falling again, would flap the wind out of it. the zephyr--for, as yet, it was nothing more--visibly gained strength, however, from hour to hour, and on the th of november, i find the following record in my journal: "beautiful, clear weather, with a moderate trade-wind, from about east by south, and the well-known fleecy trade-clouds sailing leisurely over our heads." it is sunday, and muster-day, and the _alabama_ has once more been put in perfect order. she has had a coat of paint, inside and out, her masts have been freshly scraped, and her rigging re-rattled, and tarred down. her guns are glistening in the new coat of "composition" which the gunner and his mates have put upon them; her engine-room is all aglow with burnished brass and steel; her decks are white and sweet, and her awnings are spread. the muster is over, the men are lying listlessly about the decks, and our lady passengers are comfortably seated on the quarter-deck, with several of the young officers around them, and with the children playing at their feet. such was the contrast which the _alabama_ presented, on that quiet sabbath day, with her former self only a few weeks back, when we had been rolling and tumbling in the gulf stream, with crippled yards, torn sails, and her now bright sides seamed and defaced with iron-rust from her corroding chains. we were soon ready to go into port--our first port since leaving terceira. men and officers were all desirous of a little relaxation, and were pretty soon on the look-out for land. on the next day, at two p. m., we made the island of dominica--the same dominica that lay so fast asleep in the gentle moonlight, on the night that the little _sumter_ ran so close along it, like a startled deer, after her escape from the _iroquois_. we were returning to our old cruising-ground, after an interval of just one year, in a finer and faster ship, and we cared very little now about the _iroquois_, and vessels of her class. having doubled the north-east end of dominica, during the night, at four o'clock, the next morning, we lowered the propeller, put the ship under steam, and ran down for the island of martinique. we passed close enough to the harbor of st. pierre, where we had been so long blockaded, to look into it, and see that there were no men-of-war of the enemy anchored there, and, continuing our course, ran into the anchorage of fort de france, and dropped our anchor at about ten a. m. rear-admiral condé was still governor, and i sent a lieutenant, immediately, to call on him, and report our arrival. he received me kindly, notwithstanding the little sharp-shooting that had passed between us, in the way of official correspondence--and franked the ports of the island to me as before. i had long since forgiven him, for the want of independence and energy he had displayed, in not preventing the yankee skipper from making signals to the _iroquois_ on the night of my escape, as the said signals, as the reader has seen, had redounded to my benefit, instead of palmer's. in an hour or two, we had landed our prisoners; the ladies and their husbands taking a very civil leave of us. in the course of the afternoon, our decks were crowded with curious frenchmen, come off to look at the "pirate" ship, of which they had heard so much, through mr. seward's interesting volumes of "english composition," called "state papers," and the villification and abuse of the northern press. they were evidently a little puzzled at finding in the _alabama_ a rather stylish-looking ship of war, with polite young officers to receive them, at the gangway, and show them round the ship, instead of the disorderly privateer, or pirate, they had expected to find. i could see some of these gentlemen eying me with curiosity, and with evident disappointment depicted in their countenances, as my young officers would point me out to them. they had come on board to see a captain kidd, or blue beard, at the least, and had found only a common mortal, in no wise distinguished from the officers by whom he was surrounded, except, perhaps, that his gray coat was a little more faded, and his moustache a little more the color of his coat. the ship was surrounded with bum-boats, laden with fruits, and other supplies for the sailors, and a brisk traffic was going on, alongside, and in the port gangway, in pipes, and tobacco, orchata, and orange-water; and, as we found as night began to set in, in something a little stronger. we had no marine guard on board the _alabama_, and there was, consequently, no sentinel at the gangway in the daytime. we were necessarily obliged to rely upon the master-at-arms, and the quartermasters, for examining all boats that came alongside, to see that no liquor was smuggled into the ship. these petty officers were old sailors like the rest, and i have rarely seen a sailor who could be relied upon, for any purpose of police, where his brother sailor was concerned. whilst i was below, a little after sunset, taking a cup of tea, and enjoying some of the delicious fruit which bartelli had provided for me, i heard some confusion of voices, and a tramping of feet on the deck over my head, and soon afterward, the first lieutenant came into my cabin to tell me, that there was considerable disorder in the ship. i repaired on deck immediately, and saw at a glance that the crew was almost in a state of mutiny. it was evidently a drunken mutiny, however, and not very alarming. an officer had gone forward to quell some disturbance on the forecastle, when one of the sailors had thrown a belaying-pin at him, and others had abused him, and threatened him with personal violence. some of the men, when directed to assist in seizing and confining their more disorderly comrades, had refused; and as i reached the deck, there was a surly, and sulky crowd of half-drunken sailors gathered near the foremast, using mutinous language, and defying the authorities of the ship. i immediately ordered the first lieutenant to "beat to quarters." the drum and fife were gotten up, and such was the effect of previous discipline upon the crew, that the moment they heard the well-known beat, and the shrill tones of the fife, they "fell in," mechanically, at their guns--some of them so drunk, that their efforts to appear sober were quite ludicrous. this was what i had reckoned upon. at quarters, the officers always appeared armed, as if they were going into battle. there were very few arms about the deck, upon which the sailors could lay their hands--the cutlasses and pistols being kept locked up, in the arms-chests. of course, i now had it all my own way--thirty armed officers being more than a match for men armed with nothing but sheath-knifes and belaying-pins. i began now to quell the mutiny; or rather it was already quelled, and i began to bring jack back to his senses. in company with my first lieutenant and aide-de-camp, i passed along the platoons of men as they stood at their guns, and stopping wherever i observed a drunken man, i ordered his comrades to arrest him. this was immediately done, without demur in any instance, and the culprit was ironed. in this way i got as many as twenty disorderly fellows. these drunken men, the moment the attempt was made to arrest them, began to show fight, and to be abusive in their language. they were, however, soon overpowered, and rendered harmless. in this way i passed forward and aft, two or three times, eying the men as i passed, to be certain that i had gotten hold of all the rioters. when i had done this, i directed the mutineers to be taken to the gangway, and calling two or three of the most active of the quartermasters, i made them provide themselves with draw-buckets, and commencing with the most noisy and drunken of the culprits, i ordered them to dash buckets of water over them in quick succession. the punishment was so evidently novel to the recipients, that they were at first disposed to deride it. with drunken gravity they would laugh and swear by turns, and tell the "bloody quartermasters" to "come on with their water, _they_ were not afraid of it." but i was quite sure of my remedy, for i had tried it before; and as the drunken fellows would call for more water, in contempt and derision, i gratified them, and caused bucketsful to be dashed on them with such rapidity, that pretty soon they found it difficult to catch their breath, in the intervals between the showers. the more they would struggle and gasp for breath, the more rapidly the buckets would be emptied upon them. the effect was almost electric. the maudlin fellows, somewhat sobered by the repeated shocks of the cold water, began now to swear less vociferously. in fact, they had no voice to swear with, for it was as much as they could do, to breathe. they no longer "bloodied" the quartermasters, or called for more water. being reduced thus to silence, and still the water descending upon them as rapidly as ever, with half-sobered brain, and frames shivering with the cold, they would now become seriously alarmed. did the captain mean to drown them? was this the way he designed to punish them for mutiny, instead of hanging them at the yard-arm? they now turned to me, and begged me, for god's sake, to spare them. if i would only let them go this time, i should never have cause to complain of them again. i held off a little while, as if inexorable to their prayers and entreaties, the better to impress upon them the lesson i was teaching them, and then ordered them to be released. when their irons were taken off, they were sober enough to go below to their hammocks, without another word, and "turn in" like good boys! it took me some time to get through with this operation, for i had the delinquents--about a dozen of the most noisy--soused one at a time. the officers and crew were all this while--some two hours--standing at their guns, at quarters, and i could, now and then, overhear quite an audible titter from some of the sober men, as the drunken ones who were undergoing the shower-bath would now defy my authority, and now beg for mercy. when, at last, i had finished, i turned to my first lieutenant, and told him to "beat the retreat." and this was the way, reader, in which i quelled my first, and only mutiny on board the _alabama_. it became a saying afterward, among the sailors, that "old beeswax was h--ll upon watering a fellow's grog." chapter xxxviii. the alabama at martinique--is blockaded by the enemy's steamer, san jacinto--how she escaped the "old wagon"--the island of blanquilla, the new rendezvous--coaling ship--a yankee skipper--how the officers and men amused themselves--the capture of the parker cooke, union, and steamer ariel. i found here at her anchors, as i had expected, my coal-ship, the _agrippina_. she had been lying here eight days. her master, an old scotchman, who, like most old sailors, was fond of his grog, had been quite indiscreet, as i soon learned, in talking about his ship, and her movements. instead of pretending to have come in for water or repairs, or to hunt a market, or for something of the kind, he had frequently, when "half seas-over," in the coffee-houses on shore, boasted of his connection with the _alabama_, and told his brother tars that that ship might be daily looked for. eight days were a sufficient space of time for these conversations to be repeated, in the neighboring islands; and as i knew that the enemy had several cruisers in the west indies, i was only surprised that some one of them had not looked in upon the _agrippina_ before. it would not do for me to think of coaling in martinique under the circumstances, and so i ordered my coal-ship to get under way forthwith, and proceed to a new rendezvous--a small island on the spanish main, where, in due time, we will rejoin her. i had the satisfaction of seeing her get a good offing before nightfall, and knew that she was safe. it was well that i took this precaution, for on the very next morning, before i had turned out, an officer came below to inform me that an enemy's ship-of-war had appeared off the harbor! dressing myself, and going on deck, sure enough, there was one of the enemy's large steamships, lying close within the mouth of the harbor, with one of the brightest and largest of "old flags" flying from her peak. she did not anchor, lest she should come under the twenty-four hours' rule; but pretty soon lowered a boat, and communicated with the authorities on shore. it soon transpired that she was the famous _san jacinto_, a name which has become inseparably connected in the american memory, with one of the greatest humiliations ever put upon the great republic. wilkes, and seward, and the _san jacinto_ have achieved fame. they began by attempting to make a little war-capital out of john bull, and ended by singing, as we have seen, the "seven penitential psalms;" or, at least, as many of these psalms as could be sung in "_seven days_," _short metre being used_. i could not help thinking, as i looked at the old ship, of mr. seward's elaborate despatch to lord russell, set to the tune of "old hundred," and of the screams of miss slidell, as she had been gallantly charged by the american marines, commanded, for the occasion, by an officer bearing the proud old name of fairfax, and born in the state of virginia! we paid no sort of attention to the arrival of this old wagon of a ship. she was too heavy for me to think of engaging, as she threw more than two pounds of metal to my one--her battery consisting of fourteen eleven-inch guns--and her crew was more than twice as numerous as my own; but we had the speed of her, and could, of course, go to sea whenever we pleased. i was glad, however, that i had gotten the _agrippina_ safely out of her way, as she might otherwise have been indefinitely blockaded. we remained quietly at our anchors during the day; such of the officers visiting the shore as desired, and the stewards of the messes being all busy in laying in a supply of fruits and other refreshments. we were, in the meantime, quite amused at the warlike preparations that were going on on board the _san jacinto_. the captain of that ship, whose name, i believe, was ronckendorff, made the most elaborate preparations for battle. we could see his men aloft, busily engaged in slinging yards, stoppering topsail sheets, getting up preventer braces, and making such other preparations, as the _victory_ or _royal sovereign_ might have made on the eve of trafalgar. poor ronckendorff, what a disappointment awaited him! the _alabama_ was going to sea that very night. there was a yankee merchant-ship in the harbor, and just at nightfall, a boat pulled out from her to the _san jacinto_, to post her, probably, as to the channels and outlets, and to put her in possession of the rumors afloat. the fates were much more propitious as to weather, than they had been to the little _sumter_, when she eluded the _iroquois_. the night set in dark and rainy. we ran up our boats, lighted our fires, and when the steam was ready, got under way, as we would have done on any ordinary occasion, except only that there were no lights permitted to be seen about the ship, and that the guns were loaded and cast loose, and the crew at quarters. in the afternoon, a french naval officer had come on board, kindly bringing me a chart of the harbor, from which it appeared that i could run out in almost any direction i might choose. i chose the most southern route, and giving my ship a full head of steam, we passed out, without so much as getting a glimpse of the _san jacinto_! the next news that we received from the "states," informed us that the _san jacinto_ was perfectly innocent of our escape until the next morning revealed to her our vacant place in the harbor. her commander was even then incredulous, and remained cruising off the harbor for a day or two longer, until he could satisfy himself that i had not hauled my ship up into some cunning nook, or inlet, and hid her away out of sight! the next afternoon i had joined my coal-ship, and we ran in to our anchorage, together, in the little, barren island of blanquilla, off the coast of venezuela, where we came to about nightfall. this was one of those little coral islands that skirt the south american coast, not yet fully adapted to the habitation of man. it was occasionally visited by a passing fisherman, or turtler, and a few goat-herds, from the main-land, had come over to pasture some goats on the coarse grass. as we ran in to this anchorage, which i remembered well from having visited it once in a ship of war of the old service, i was surprised to see a yankee whaling schooner at anchor. she was lying very close in with the beach, on which she had a tent pitched, and some boilers in operation, trying out the oil from a whale which she had recently struck. the master of this little vessel, seeing us running down the island, under the united states colors, came off, in one of his boats, to pilot us in, and was apparently quite pleased to find himself on board one of his own gun-boats. he told us all he had heard about the _alabama_, and went into ecstasies over our fine battery, and the marvellous accounts of our speed, which some of the young men gave him, and declared that we were the very ship to "give the pirate semmes fits." a terrible collapse awaited him. when i had let go my anchor, i sent for him, and told him who we were. that we were no less than the terrible _alabama_ herself. he stood aghast for a moment. an awful vision seemed to confront him. his little schooner, and his oil, and the various little 'ventures which he had on board, with which to trade with the natives along the coast, and turn that "honest penny," which has so many charms in the eyes of his countrymen, were all gone up the spout! and then he stood in the presence of the man whose ship he had characterized as a "pirate," and whom he had told to his face, he was no better than a freebooter. but i played the magnanimous. i told the skipper not to be alarmed; that he was perfectly safe on board the _alabama_, and that out of respect for venezuela, within whose maritime jurisdiction we were, i should not even burn his ship. i should detain him, however, as a prisoner, for a few days, i added, to prevent his carrying news of me to the enemy, until i was ready myself to depart. he gladly assented to these terms, and was frequently afterward on board the ship during our stay. we lay five days at the little island of blanquilla, coaling ship, and getting ready for another cruise. we broke out our hold for the first time, and cleansed and whitewashed it. we hoisted out our boats, and rigged them for sailing; and in the afternoons, after the excessive heats had moderated a little, sailing and fishing parties were formed, and the officers had some very pleasant little picnics on shore. fish were abundant, and on occasion of these picnics, a fine red-fish, weighing twenty pounds and more, would sometimes be found cut up, and in the frying-pan, almost before it had ceased floundering. the crew were sent on shore, "on liberty," in quarter watches, taking their rifles and ammunition, and fish-spears, and fishing-lines along with them. the water was as clear as crystal, and there being some beautiful bathing-places along the beach, bathing became a favorite amusement. although this coast abounds in sharks of large size, they are not found to be dangerous, when there is a number of bathers enjoying the sport together. the shark is a great coward, and rarely attacks a man, unless it can surprise him. my gig was a fine boat, fitted with a lug sail, and i used frequently to stretch off long distances from the land in her, enjoying her fine sailing qualities, in the fresh sea-breeze that would be blowing, the greater part of the day. at other times i would coast the island along for miles, now putting into one little cove, and now into another, sometimes fishing, and at others hunting sea-shells, and exploring the wonders of the coral banks. pelican, gulls, plover, and sand-snipe were abundant, and my boat's crew, when we would land, and haul our boat up for a stroll, would sometimes make capital shots. indeed, we generally returned on board laden with fish, game, and marine curiosities, of various kinds,--prominent among which would be specimens of the little coral insect, and its curious manufactures. miniature limestone-trees, with their pointed branches, shrubs, fans, and a hundred other imitations of the flora of the upper world would be fished up from beneath the sparkling waters, live their day of wonder, and when they had faded and lost their beauty, be thrown overboard again. we found here flocks of the flamingo--a large bird of the crane species, with long legs and bill, for wading and feeding in the shallow lagoons which surround the island. its plumage is of the most delicate pink, inclining to scarlet, and when the tall birds are drawn up in line, upon a sand beach, where there is some mirage, or refraction, they look not unlike a regiment of red-coated soldiers. they are quite shy, but we carried some of them on board, out of the rich plumage of which bartelli made me some fans. officers and men, both of whom had been long confined on board ship--it being now three months since the _alabama_ was commissioned--visibly improved in health whilst we lay at blanquilla. the reader may recollect that we captured in the brig _dunkirk_, a deserter from the _sumter_. we had tried him by court-martial before reaching martinique, and sentenced him to serve out his term, under certain penalties. at martinique, we found him a chief spirit among the mutineers, whose grog i had "watered" as described in the last chapter. another court now sat upon his case, and in obedience to its sentence, the fellow was turned upon the beach at blanquilla, with "bag and hammock." this worthy citizen of the great republic joined the yankee whaling schooner, and went into more congenial company and pursuits. having finished our coaling, and made the other preparations necessary for sea, i dispatched my coal-ship, which had still another supply of coal left, to another rendezvous--the arcas islands, in the gulf of mexico, and gave the yankee schooner leave to depart, telling the master to make a free sheet of it, and not let me catch him on the high seas, as it might not be so well for him a second time. he took me at my word, had all the sail on his little craft in the twinkling of an eye, and i question whether he stopped this side of nantucket. my object, in running into the gulf of mexico, was to strike a blow at banks' expedition, which was then fitting out for the invasion of texas. this gentleman, who had been a prominent massachusetts politician, but who had no sort of military talent, had risen to the surface with other scum, amid the bubbling and boiling of the yankee caldron, and was appointed by "honest abe" to subjugate texas. banks had mounted a stud-horse, on boston common, on militia-review days, before the war, and had had himself lithographed, stud-horse, cocked-hat, feathers, and all, and these were credentials not to be despised. i had learned from captured northern papers, that he was fitting out at boston and new york, a large expedition, to consist of not less than , men. a large proportion of this army was to consist of cavalry and light artillery. to transport such an army, a large number of transport-ships would be required. the expedition was to rendezvous at galveston, which the enemy had captured from us, not a great while before. as there were but twelve feet of water on the galveston bar, very few of these transport-ships would be able to enter the harbor; the great mass of them, numbering, perhaps, a hundred and more, would be obliged to anchor, pell-mell, in the open sea. much disorder, and confusion would necessarily attend the landing of so many troops, encumbered by horses, artillery, baggage-wagons, and stores. my design was to surprise this fleet by a night-attack, and if possible destroy it, or at least greatly cripple it. the northern press, in accordance with its usual habit, of blabbing everything, had informed me of the probable time of the sailing of the expedition, and i designed so to time my own movements, as to arrive simultaneously with the stud-horse and the major-general, or at least a day or two afterward. it was to be presumed, of course, that some of the enemy's gun-boats would accompany the expedition, but i hoped to be able to fall so unexpectedly upon their convoy, as to find them off their guard. there was no confederate cruiser in the gulf, and i learned from the enemy's own papers, that the _alabama_ was _well on her way to the coast of brazil and the east indies_. the surprise would probably be complete, in the dead of night, and when the said gun-boats of the enemy would be sleeping in comparative security, with but little, if any steam in their boilers. half an hour would suffice for my purpose of setting fire to the fleet, and it would take the gun-boats half an hour to get up steam, and their anchors, and pursue me. it was with this object in view, that we were now getting under way from the island of blanquilla. but the banks' expedition would not arrive off galveston, probably, before about the th of january, and as we were now only in the latter days of november, i had several weeks on my hands, before it would become necessary for me to proceed to my new rendezvous. i resolved to devote this interval to the waylaying of a california treasure-steamer, as a million or so of dollars in gold, deposited in europe, would materially aid me, in my operations upon the sea. i could purchase several more _alabamas_, to develop the "nautical enterprise" of our people, and assist me to scourge the enemy's commerce. there were two routes by which the california steamers returned from aspinwall--one by the east end of cuba, and the other by the west end. i chose the former for my ambuscade, as being probably the most used. to reach my new cruising-ground, i put my ship under sail, and made a detour by the way of the islands of porto rico and st. domingo, passing through the mona passage, through which much of the west india commerce of the enemy passed, with the hope of picking up something by the way. we left our anchorage at blanquilla on the th of november, and made the island of porto rico on the morning of the th. we coasted along the south side of this island, with a gentle breeze and smooth sea, sufficiently near to enjoy its fine, bold scenery, passing only a couple of sail during the day--one a large french steamer, bound to the eastward, and the other an english bark. we showed them the united states colors. the bark saluted the "old flag," by striking her colors to it, but the "old flag" did not return the salute, as it was hoisted at the wrong peak. the englishman must have thought his yankee friend rather discourteous. we entered the mona passage, lying between st. domingo and porto rico, after nightfall, but the moon was shining sufficiently bright to enable us to get hold of the small islands of mona and desecho, and thus grope our way in safety. the currents in this strait being somewhat uncertain, the navigation is treacherous when the weather is dark. early on the next morning, we were off the bay of samana, and were running with a flowing sheet along the coast of st. domingo. i had approached the mona passage with much caution, fully expecting to find so important a thoroughfare guarded by the enemy, but there was nothing in the shape of a ship of war to be seen. the enemy was too busy blockading the southern coasts to pay much attention to his commerce. in the course of the morning, we boarded a spanish schooner, from boston, bound for the old city of st. domingo, from which we received a batch of late newspapers, giving us still further accounts, among other things, of the preparation of the banks' expedition, about which all new england seemed, just then, to be agog. the great massachusetts leader had been given _carte blanche_, and he was making the best possible use of it. he was fitting himself out very splendidly, but his great expedition resembled rather one of cyrus' or xerxes', than one of xenophon's. the boston papers dilated upon the splendid bands of music, the superb tents, the school-marms, and the relays of stud-horses that were to accompany the hero of boston common. but the best feature of the expedition was the activity and thrift which had suddenly sprung up in all the markets of new england, in consequence. the looms, the spindles and the shoemakers' awls were in awful activity. in short, every man or boy who could whittle a stick, whittled it, and sold it to the government. the whalemen in new bedford, nantucket, and martha's vineyard were in especial glee. they were selling all their whaling ships, which were too old, or too rotten for further service, to the government, for transports, at enormous prices. many a bluff old whaler that had rode out a gale under the lee of an iceberg at the navigators' islands, or "scraped her keel on coromandel's coast," forty years before, was patched and caulked and covered over with pitch and paint, and sold to an ignorant, if not corrupt, army quartermaster, for as good as "bran new." no wonder that the war was popular in new england. there was not only negro in it, but there was money in it also. filling away from the spanish schooner, which we requested to report us, in st. domingo, as the united states steamer _iroquois_, we continued our course down the island. it was sunday, and the day was fine. the crew was dressed, as usual, for muster, and what with the ship in her gala-dress of awnings, and glitter of "bright-work," the island, the sea, and the weather, a more beautiful picture could not well have been presented to the beholder. in the distance were the blue, and hazy hills, so fraught with the memories of columbus, and the earlier spanish explorers. nearer to, was the old town of isabella, the first ever built in the new world by civilized men, and nearer still was the bluff, steep, rock-bound coast, against which the most indigo of seas was breaking in the purest and whitest of foam. the sailors had thrown themselves upon the deck in groups, each group having its reader, who was reading aloud to attentive listeners the latest war-news, as gleaned from the papers we had received from the spanish schooner; and the officers, through whose hands the said newspapers had already passed, were smoking and chatting, now of columbus, and now of the war. presently the shrill cry of "sail ho!" came ringing from aloft; and the scene on board the _alabama_ shifted almost as magically as it does in a theatre. every man sprang to his feet, without waiting for an order; the newspapers were stuck away in cracks and crannies; the helm was shifted, to bring the ship's head around to the proper point for chasing, and studding-sails, and kites were given simultaneously to the wind. when we began to raise the spars and sails of the chase above the sea, from the deck, there was a general exclamation of "yankee!" the tapering royal and sky-sail masts, with the snowiest of canvas, told the tale, as they had told it so often before. a run of a few hours more brought us up with the american bark _parker cooke_, of, and from boston, bound to aux cayes, on the south side of the island of st. domingo. if the _cooke_ had been chartered, and sent out for our especial benefit, the capture could not have been more opportune. the _alabama's_ commissariat was beginning to run a little low, and here was the _cooke_ provision-laden. we had found, by experience in the _sumter_, that our boston friends put up the very best of crackers, and ship-bread, and sent excellent butter, and cheese, salted beef and pork, and dried fruits to the west india markets; nor were we disappointed on the present occasion. both ships were now hove to, under short sail, within convenient boating distance, and the rest of the day was consumed in transporting provisions from the prize. it was sunset before we concluded our labors, and at the twilight hour, when the sea-breeze was dying away, and all nature was sinking to repose, we applied the torch to the _cooke_. as we filled away, and made sail, i could not but moralize on the spectacle. sixty years before, the negro had cut the throat of the white man, ravished his wife and daughters, and burned his dwelling in the island of st. domingo, now in sight. the white man, in another country, was now inciting the negro to the perpetration of the same crimes against another white man, whom he had called brother. the white man who was thus inciting the negro, was the puritan of new england, whose burning ship was lighting up the shores of st domingo! that puritan, only a generation before, had entered into a solemn league and covenant, to restore to the southern man his fugitive slave, if he should escape into his territory. this was the way in which he was keeping his plighted faith! does any one wonder that the _alabama_ burned new england ships? we began now to receive some "returns" of the effect of our late captures upon northern commerce. the papers captured on board the _cooke_ were full of lamentations. our pious brethren did not confine themselves to the forms set down by jeremiah, however, but hissed their execrations through teeth grinding with rage. i will not treat my readers to any of these specimens of the art philippic, but will confine myself to a few business excerpts instead, taken indiscriminately from the new york and boston papers. _boston crieth aloud._ "advances on marine insurance.--in consequence of the destruction caused at sea by the privateer steamer _alabama_, the officers of the insurance companies of boston have fixed the present war rates on different voyages as follows:--to the north of europe, @ per cent.; mediterranean, @ ; india, - / ; gulf ports, ; california gold steamers, ; west india risks, ; coastwise, / @ - / . these rates are liable to be altered according to the necessary requirements of the times, consequent upon the unusual hazards to which commerce is now exposed." _new york responds to the cry of boston._ "the damaging effect of the _alabama's_ raid on our shipping upon the maritime interests of this port were as conspicuous to-day as yesterday. it was next to impossible for the owner of an american ship to procure freight unless he consented to make a bogus sale of his ship." "freights to great britain are rather more active, under favorable foreign advices for breadstuffs, but rates by american vessels depressed; foreign bottoms most in favor, but even these now find it difficult to employ themselves profitably. to liverpool, flour is d@ s." i heard again from the new york chamber of commerce, by the _cooke_. my friend, low, was still lamenting over his lost ships. like rachael weeping for her children, he refused to be comforted because they were not. another grand _pow-wow_ had been called, and another set of resolutions passed. scene: _a luxuriously furnished suite of apartments, with well-padded arm-chairs, and big ink stands; a table; on the walls, several pictures of burning ships, with the "pirate ship" in the distance; of john bull running off with the "carrying-trade," and jonathan screaming after him; and of mr. low tearing his hair._ enter the _dramatis personæ_. low loquitur:-- "mr. a. low read a very long preamble and resolution expressive of the feelings of the american public in regard to the shelter afforded to the _alabama_ by british authorities. he also read a letter from our consul at liverpool, mr. dudley, in which that functionary sets forth the efforts he made to direct the attention of the british authorities to the _alabama_, and concludes by asserting that there are now four large vessels fitting out at liverpool to follow the piratical example of the _alabama_--three of iron and one of wood. nine vessels are preparing to run the blockade. "mr. low explained at some length the object and scope of his proposed resolution. he declared that american ships could no longer get cargoes, in consequence of the depredations of the _alabama_. "hon. f. a. conkling spoke in behalf of granting letters-of-marque. he saw no other alternative between this and a complete paralyzation of our commerce. he read extracts from cogswell's 'maritime history,' showing the effectiveness of privateers in our previous wars. "c. h. marshall spoke in favor of the adoption of mr. low's preamble and resolution. "mr. maury stated that he had received a letter from liverpool, saying that the new pirate ships building for the confederates are vastly more formidable than the _alabama_. "the preamble and resolutions set forth at length the evil consequences likely to ensue from a repetition of such piratical acts as the fitting out of more vessels like the _alabama_, in the ports of great britain; that information has been received of other vessels having sailed to prey upon the commerce of the united states; that the english government does not interfere to put a stop to the aggressions of the pirate, though british goods have been destroyed; that the _alabama_ is continually supplied from great britain with coal and ammunition, by which she is enabled to pursue her piratical courses against american commerce, the consequence being to raise the premium upon american vessels and their cargoes, and to depress the rates of freight upon american ships, and to transfer our carrying-trade to the ships of other nations. therefore the chamber is led to the following conclusions: "_ st._ that through the active instrumentality of the subjects of great britain, the so-called confederate states are furnished with ships, men, arms, and ammunition, with which to war upon the commerce of the united states; "_ d._ that without such foreign aid the states in revolt against the government of the united states would be powerless to effect any injury to our commerce on the high seas. "_ d._ that this war upon american commerce carried on by ships built and manned in great britain, is not rebuked by the british press generally; is not discouraged by the public sentiment of a once friendly nation claiming to be governed by high and honorable principles, and is not effectively and thoroughly arrested by the stronger arm of the british government. "_ th._ that as a result of the foregoing acts and conclusions, the merchants of the united states are subject in a certain degree to the evils that would attend a state of war with great britain, and are compelled to witness the carrying-trade of their country transferred from their own vessels to british bottoms, under all the sanctions and advantages of peace and neutrality to the latter--while the source of this great peril, threatening to drive american commerce from the ocean, is of british origin. "now, therefore, resolved, that a committee of ten be appointed to take into consideration the foregoing, and to report, at a special meeting to be called for the purpose, what action it becomes this chamber to take in the premises." how astonishing it is, that these gentlemen when they were denouncing great britain for supplying the confederates with men and munitions of war, did not think of the supplies they were themselves drawing from the same source. i have before referred to a speech of mr. laird, the builder of the _alabama_, in the british house of commons. i now refer to another passage of the same speech, as a sufficient answer to mr. low's complaints:-- "if a ship without guns and without arms, [he is alluding to the _alabama_ when she left the mersey,] is a dangerous article, surely rifled guns and ammunition of all sorts are equally--(cheers)--and even more dangerous. (cheers.) i have referred to the bills of entry in the custom-houses of london and liverpool, and i find there have been vast shipments of implements of war to the northern states, through the celebrated houses of baring & co.--(loud cheers and laughter),--brown, shipley & co., of liverpool, and a variety of other names, which i need not more particularly mention, but whose northern tendencies are well known to this house. (hear! hear!) if the member for rochdale, or the honorable member for branchford wishes to ascertain the extent to which the northern states of america have had supplies of arms from this country, they have only to go to a gentleman who, i am sure, will be ready to afford them every information, and much more readily than he would to me, or to any one else calling upon him--the american consul in liverpool. before that gentleman, the manifest of every ship is laid, he has to give an american pass to each vessel; he is, consequently, able to tell the exact number of rifles which have been shipped from this country for the united states--information, i doubt not, which would be very generally desired by this house. (loud cries of 'hear!') i have obtained from the official custom-house returns, some details of the sundries exported from the united kingdom to the northern states of america, from the st of may, , to the st of december, . there were--muskets, , --(hear! hear!)--rifles, , --(cheers)--gun-flints, , --percussion-caps, , , --(cheers and laughter)--and swords, . the best information i could obtain, leads me to believe that from one third to a half may be added to these numbers for items which have been shipped to the northern states as hardware. (hear! hear!) i have very good reason for saying that a vessel of tons was chartered six weeks ago, for the express purpose of taking out a cargo of "hardware" to the united states. (cheers.) the exportation has not ceased yet. from the st of january to the th of march, , the customs bills of entry show that , gun-barrels, , rifles, and , , percussion-caps were shipped to the united states. (hear! hear!) so that if the southern states have got two ships unarmed, unfit for any purpose of warfare--for they procured their armaments somewhere else--the northern states have been well supplied from this country, through the agency of some most influential persons. (hear! hear!)" "the american consul in liverpool," alluded to in the above extract, is the same gentleman--dudley--who was assisting mr. low to denounce great britain for supplying the confederate states! the _parker cooke_ made a beautiful bonfire, lighting up the sea and land for leagues; and as the wind continued light, it was near midnight before we had run it below the horizon. before morning we gave chase to another sail, but at daylight, by which time we were within a couple of miles of her, she showed us the spanish colors. we chased, and overhauled soon afterward a dutch galliot, and later in the day, a spanish bark. the land was still in sight on our port beam, and toward nightfall, we passed cape françois. between midnight and dawn, on this same night, we had quite an alarm. a large ship-of-war came suddenly upon us, in the darkness! like ourselves, she was running down the coast, but she was under both steam and sail, having her studding-sails set on both sides, whereas the _alabama_ was entirely without steam, with her propeller triced up. if the stranger had been an enemy, we should have been almost entirely at her mercy. the reader may imagine, therefore, how anxious i was for the next few minutes. she soon dispelled my fears, however, for she passed rapidly on, at no greater distance from us, than a hundred yards, her lights lighting up the countenances of my men, as they stood at their guns--for by this time i had gotten them to their quarters--quite distinctly. she did not take the least notice of us, or swerve a hair's-breadth from her course. i knew, from this, she could not be an enemy, and told my first lieutenant, even before she had well passed us, that he might let his men leave their guns. she was, probably, a spanish steam-frigate, on her way to the island of cuba. on the evening of the d of december, we passed the little island of tortuga, so famous in the history of the buccaneers and pirates who once infested these waters, and on the next day, found ourselves in the passage between st. domingo and cuba. there were many sails passing in different directions, all of which we overhauled, but they proved to be neutral. here was another important thoroughfare of the enemy's commerce entirely unguarded. there was not only no ship-of-war of the enemy to be seen, but none of the neutrals that i had spoken, had fallen in with any. we had, therefore, a clear sea before us, for carrying out our design of waylaying a california steamer. in the afternoon, we stretched over to the east end of cuba, and took our station in "watch and wait." on the same night, we chased and overhauled a french bark. the sea was smooth, and a bright moon shining. the chase paid no attention to our blank cartridge, though we were close on board of her, and stood a shot before she would come to the wind. as we threw this purposely between her masts, and pretty close over the heads of her people, she came to the conclusion that it would not be safe to trifle longer, and rounded to and backed her main yard. when asked by the boarding-officer, why he did not heave to, at the first signal, the master replied naively that he was a frenchman, and at war with nobody! philosophical frenchman! we had accurate time-tables of the arrivals and departures of the california steamers, in the files of the new york papers, that we had captured, and by these tables, the homeward-bound steamer would not be due for a few days yet. we spent this interval in lying off and on the east end of cuba, under easy sail, chasing more or less during the day, but without success, all the vessels overhauled being neutrals, and closing in with cape maize during the night, and holding on to its very brilliant light until morning. the weather was clear, and the moon near her full, so that i had almost as good a view of the passage by night as by day. on the th of december, a prize ran into our arms, without the necessity of a chase. it was a baltimore schooner called the _union_, old, and of little value. she had, besides, a neutral cargo, properly documented, for a small town called port maria, on the north side of jamaica. i transferred the prisoners of the _cooke_ to her, and released her on ransom-bond. my original orders were not to capture maryland vessels, but that good old state had long since ceased to occupy the category in which our congress, and the executive had placed her. she was now ranged under the enemy's flag, and i could make no discrimination in her favor. on the next day the california steamer was due, and a very bright lookout was kept; a number of the young officers volunteering their services for the occasion. in the transparent atmosphere of this delightful climate, we could see to great distances. the west end of st. domingo, about cape tiburon, was visible, though distant ninety miles. but not so much as a smoke was seen during the entire day, and the sun went down upon disappointed hopes. the next day was sunday, and the holy-stones had been busy over my head during all the morning watch, putting the decks in order for muster. i had turned out, and dressed, and swept the entire horizon with my telescope, without seeing anything to encourage me. the crew had breakfasted, and the word, "all hands clean yourselves, in white frocks and trousers, for muster!" had been growled out by the boatswain, and echoed by his mates. the decks were encumbered with clothes-bags, and jack was arraying himself as directed. i had gone down to my own breakfast, and was enjoying one of bartelli's cups of good coffee, hopeless for that day of my california steamer, and my million of dollars in gold. suddenly the prolonged cry of "s-a-i-l h-o!" came ringing, in a clear musical voice, from aloft; the look-out having at length descried a steamer, and being anxious to impart the intelligence in as emphatic a manner as possible, to the startled listeners on the deck below. the "where-away?" of the officer of the deck, shouted through his trumpet, followed, and in a moment more came the rejoinder, "broad on the port bow, sir!" "what does she look like?" again inquired the officer of the deck. "she is a large steamer, brig-rigged, sir!" was the reply. an officer now came below to announce to me what i had already heard. here was a steamer at last, but unfortunately she was not in the right direction, being in the north-west instead of the south-east--the latter being the direction in which the california steamer should appear. all was excitement now on deck. the engineers and firemen were set at work, in great haste, to get up their steam. the sailors were hurried with their "cleaning," and the bags stowed away. "all hands work ship!" being called, the first lieutenant took the trumpet, and furled the sails, making a "snug roll-up of it," so that they might hold as little wind as possible, and lowered the propeller. in twenty minutes we were ready for the chase, with every thing snug "alow and aloft," and with the steam hissing from the gauge-cocks. the strange steamer came up very rapidly, and we scrutinized her anxiously to see whether she was a ship of war, or a packet-ship. she showed too much hull out of the water to be a ship of war, and yet we could not be sure, as the enemy had commissioned a great many packet-steamers, and put heavy armaments on board of them. when she was within three or four miles of us, we showed her the united states colors, and she responded in a few minutes, by hoisting the same. like ourselves, she had her sails furled, and was carrying a very large "bone in her mouth" under steam alone. we could now see that she was fast, and from the absence of guns at her sides, a packet-ship. i now put my ship in motion, with a view to lay her across the stranger's path, as though i would speak her. but i missed doing this by about a couple of ship's lengths, the stranger passing just ahead of me. a beautiful spectacle presented itself as i passed under the stern of that monster steamship. the weather was charming, there being a bright, clear sky, with only a few fleecy trade-clouds passing. there was just enough of the balmiest and gentlest of winds, to ruffle, without roughening the surface of the sea. the islands of cuba, st. domingo, and jamaica--the two latter, in the blue and hazy distance, and the former robed in the gorgeous green known only to the tropics--were in sight. the great packet-steamer had all her awnings set, and under these awnings, on the upper deck, was a crowd of passengers, male and female. mixed with the male passengers were several officers in uniform, and on the forward deck, there were groups of soldiers to be seen. this crowd presented a charming picture, especially the ladies, most of whom were gayly dressed, with the streamers from their bonnets, their veils, and their waste ribbons flirting with the morning breeze. we were sufficiently close to see the expression of their countenances. many of them were viewing us with opera glasses, evidently admiring the beautiful proportions, fine trim, and general comeliness of one of their own gun-boats--for the reader will recollect, we were wearing still the united states flag. as i passed the wake of the steamer, i wheeled in pursuit, fired a blank cartridge, and hauling down the federal, threw the confederate flag to the breeze. it was amusing to witness the panic which ensued. if that old buccaneer, blue beard, himself, had appeared, the consternation could not have been greater. the ladies screamed--one of those delightful, dramatic screams, half fear, half acting, which can only ascend from female voices--and scampered off the deck in a trice; the men running after them, and making quite as good, if not better time. the effect of my gun, and change of flags on the steamer herself, seemed to be scarcely less electric. she had no intention, whatever, of obeying my command to halt. on the contrary, i could see from the increased impetus with which she sprang forward, and the dense volumes of black smoke that now came rushing, and whirling from her smoke-stack, that she was making every possible effort to escape. she had gotten a little the start of me, as i was wheeling to pursue her, and might be now, some three or four hundred yards distant. the reader has been on the race-course, and seen two fleet horses, with necks and tails straightened, and running about "neck and neck." this will give him a pretty good idea of the race which is now going on. we had not stretched a mile, when it became quite evident that the stranger had the heels of me, and that, if i would capture her, i must resort to force. i ordered my "persuader," as the sailors called my rifled bow-gun, to be cleared away, and sent orders to the officer, to take aim at the fugitive's foremast, being careful to throw his shot high enough above the deck not to take life. when the gun was ready to be fired, i yawed the ship a little, though the effect of this was to lose ground, to enable the officer the better, to take his aim. a flash, a curl of white smoke, and a flying off of large pieces of timber from the steamer's mast, were simultaneous occurrences. it was sufficient. the mast had not been cut quite away, but enough had been done to satisfy the master of the steamer that he was entirely within our power, and that prudence would be the better part of valor. in a moment after, we could see a perceptible diminution in the motion of the "walking-beam," and pretty soon the great wheels of the steamer ceased to revolve, and she lay motionless on the water. we "slowed down" our own engine, and began to blow off steam at once, and ranging up alongside of the prize, sent a boat on board of her. it was thus we captured the steamer _ariel_, instead of going to muster, on sunday, the th of december, . but fortune, after all, had played us a scurvy trick. the _ariel_ was indeed a california steamer, but instead of being a homeward-bound steamer, with a million of dollars in gold, in her safe, i had captured an outward-bound steamer, with five hundred women and children on board! this was an elephant i had not bargained for, and i was seriously embarrassed to know what to do with it. i could not take her into any neutral port, even for landing the passengers, as this was forbidden, by those unfriendly orders in council i have more than once spoken of, and i had no room for the passengers on board the _alabama_. the most that i could hope to do, was to capture some less valuable prize, within the next few days, turn the passengers of the _ariel_ on board of her, and destroy the steamer. our capture, however, was not without useful results. the officers and soldiers mentioned as being on board of her, were a battalion of marines, going out to the pacific, to supply the enemy's ships of war on that station. there were also some naval officers on board, for the same purpose. these were all _paroled_, and deprived of their arms. the rank and file numbered . when my boarding-officer returned, he reported to me that there was a great state of alarm among the passengers on board. they had been reading the accounts which a malicious, and mendacious northern press had been giving of us, and took us to be no better than the "plunderers," and "robbers" we had been represented to be. the women, in particular, he said, were, many of them, in hysterics, and apprehensive of the worst consequences. i had very little sympathy for the terrors of the males, but the tear of a woman has always unmanned me. and as i knew something of the weakness of the sex, as well as its fears, i resorted to the following stratagem to calm the dear creatures. i sent for my handsomest young lieutenant--and i had some very handsome young fellows on board the _alabama_--and when he had come to me, i told him to go below, and array himself in his newest and handsomest uniform, buckle on the best sword there was in the ward-room, ask of bartelli the loan of my brightest sword-knot, and come up to me for his orders. sailors are rapid dressers, and in a few minutes my lieutenant was again by my side, looking as bewitching as i could possibly desire. i gave him my own boat, a beautiful gig, that had been newly painted, and which my coxswain, who was a bit of a sea-dandy, had furnished with scarlet cushions, and fancy yoke and steering ropes, and directed him to go on board the _ariel_, and coax the ladies out of their hysterics. "oh! i'll be sure to do that, sir," said he, with a charming air of coxcombry, "i never knew a fair creature who could resist me more than fifteen minutes." as he shoved off from the side, in my beautiful little cockle-shell of a boat, with its fine-looking, lithe and active oarsmen, bending with the strength of athletes to their ashen blades, i could but pause a moment, myself, in admiration of the picture. a few strokes of his oars put him alongside of the steamer, and asking to be shown to the ladies' cabin, he entered the scene of dismay and confusion. so many were the signs of distress, and so numerous the wailers, that he was abashed, for a moment, as he afterward told me, with all his assurance. but summoning courage, he spoke to them about as follows:--"ladies! the captain of the _alabama_ has heard of your distress, and sent me on board to calm your fears, by assuring you, that you have fallen into the hands of southern gentlemen, under whose protection you are entirely safe. we are by no means the ruffians and outlaws, that we have been represented by your people, and you have nothing whatever to fear." the sobs ceased as he proceeded, but they eyed him askance for the first few minutes. as he advanced in their midst, however, they took a second, and more favorable glance at him. a second glance begat a third, more favorable still, and when he entered into conversation with some of the ladies nearest him--picking out the youngest and prettiest, as the rogue admitted--he found no reluctance on their part to answer him. in short, he was fast becoming a favorite. the ice being once broken, a perfect avalanche of loveliness soon surrounded him, the eyes of the fair creatures looking all the brighter for the tears that had recently dimmed them. presently a young lady, stepping up to him, took hold of one of the bright buttons that were glittering on the breast of his coat, and asked him if he would not permit her to cut it off, as a memento of her adventure with the _alabama_. he assented. a pair of scissors was produced, and away went the button! this emboldened another lady to make the same request, and away went another button; and so the process went on, until when i got my handsome lieutenant back, he was like a plucked peacock--he had scarcely a button to his coat! there were no more hebes drowned in tears, on board the _ariel_. but what struck my young officer as very singular was the deportment of the male passengers. some of these seemed to be overhauling their trunks in a great hurry, as though there were valuables in them, which they were anxious to secrete. their watches, too, had disappeared from some of their vest-pockets. "i verily believe," said he, as he was giving me an account of the manner in which he performed his mission, "that these fellows think we are no better than the northern thieves, who are burning dwelling-houses, and robbing our women and children in the south!" i take pleasure in contrasting, in these memoirs, the conduct of my officers and crew, during the late war, in the uniform respect which they paid to the laws of war, and the dictates of humanity, with that of some of the generals and colonels of the federal army, who debased our common nature, and disgraced the uniforms they wore by the brutality and pilferings i have described. there were passengers on board the _ariel_. it is fair to presume, that each passenger had with him a purse, of from three to five hundred dollars. under the laws of war, all this money would have been good prize. but not one dollar of it was touched, or indeed so much as a passenger's baggage examined. i carried out my intention, already expressed, of keeping the _ariel_ in company with me, for two or three days, hoping that i might capture some less valuable ship, into which to turn her passengers, that i might destroy her. i was very anxious to destroy this ship, as she belonged to a mr. vanderbilt, of new york, an old steamboat captain, who had amassed a large fortune, in trade, and was a bitter enemy of the south. lucrative contracts during the war had greatly enhanced his gains, and he had ambitiously made a present of one of his steamers to the federal government, to be called after him, to pursue "rebel pirates." failing to overhaul another ship of the enemy in the few days that i had at my disposal, i released the _ariel_, on ransom-bond, and sent her, and her large number of passengers, on their way rejoicing. i found captain jones of the _ariel_ a clever and well-informed gentleman, and i believe he gave a very fair account of the capture of his ship when he reached new york. he pledged me that vanderbilt's ransom-bond, which he signed as his agent, would be regarded as a debt of honor. the bond is for sale, cheap, to any one desiring to redeem mr. vanderbilt's honor. chapter xxxix. the alabama is disabled, and stops to repair her machinery--proceeds to her new rendezvous, the arcas islands, and thence to galveston--combat with the united states steamer hatteras. the _alabama_ was disabled for two or three days, soon after the events recorded in the last chapter, by an accident which occurred to her engine--the giving way of one of the valve castings. i was, in consequence, obliged to withdraw from the tracks of commerce, and lie as _perdue_ as possible, until the damage could be repaired. for this purpose, i ran close in with the land, on the north side of the island of jamaica, where, with the exception of an occasional fishing-boat, and a passing coasting sloop, nothing was to be seen. mr. freeman, my chief engineer, was a capital machinist, and a man of great fertility of resource, and he went to work at once to remedy the mishap. nothing but the puffing of the bellows, the clinking of the hammer on the anvil, and the rasping of files was heard now for forty-eight hours. at the end of this time, the engine was again in order for service. but we should have no occasion to use it for some days yet. it was now the th of december, and it was time for us to begin to think of running into the gulf of mexico, in pursuit of general banks. accordingly we put the ship under sail, and ran along down the island of jamaica to the west end. hence we stretched over into that other track of the california steamers, returning to the united states by the west end of cuba; intending to follow this track as far as cape san antonio, hoping that we might stumble upon something by the way. the california steamer was not now my principal object, however, but only an incident to my mexican gulf scheme. i did not design to waste time upon her. whilst pursuing our way leisurely along this track, we experienced a most singular series of bad weather. we took an old-fashioned norther, which lasted us three days, and blew us well down into the gulf of honduras. here we became the sport of a variety of currents--setting generally to the westward, but sometimes in a contrary direction. we sighted some of the islands lying parallel with the coast, but being anxious to get forward, did not touch at any of them. as we drew out of the gulf of honduras, we again crossed the track of the california steamers, but fortune continued adverse, and none came along. a delay of a week or two here might enable me to pick up one of these treasure steamers, but this would interfere with my designs against banks, as before remarked, and i forbore. on the th of december we made the mexican province of yucatan, and, just before nightfall, got hold of cape catoche. my land-fall was a very happy one, though, owing to the bad weather, i had had no "observation" for thirty-six hours. i sounded soon after dark, in twenty-eight fathoms of water, and being quite sure of my position, ran into the yucatan passage, by the lead, the night being too dark to permit us to discern anything. the coast is clean, and the soundings regular, and i felt my way around the cape without the least difficulty, finding myself, the next morning, in the gulf of mexico, running off to the westward with a free wind. the water was of a chalky whiteness, a little tinged with green, resembling the water on the bahama banks, and we ran along in a depth of twenty fathoms, the entire day, scarcely varying a foot. i had accomplished my object, thus far, with perfect success. i had not sighted a sail since leaving the west end of jamaica, which could report me, and had entered the gulf of mexico, by night, unseen of any human eye, on the land or the sea. on the day after entering the gulf, we did pass a solitary sail--a large steamer--steering in the direction of havana, but she was hull down, and could make nothing of us. she may have been an enemy, but was probably a french ship of war, or transport, from vera cruz; the french expedition that culminated in the death of the unfortunate maximilian having landed in mexico about a year before, and there being much passing of steamships between france and vera cruz. on the d of december, night overtaking us, within about twenty miles of the arcas, we anchored in twenty fathoms of water, in the open sea. the yucatan coast is like that of west florida, and the guianas, before described. it is a continuous harbor, a ship being able to hold on to her anchors in the heaviest gale. getting under way the next morning, we continued on our course, and pretty soon made a bark standing in the same direction with ourselves. it was our old friend, the _agrippina_, with her bluff bows, and stump top-gallant masts. she had been all this time making her way hither from blanquilla--a period of nearly four weeks; the incorrigible old scotch captain having stopped, on his way, to refresh his crew, and do a little private trading. however, he was in good time, and so, letting him off with a gentle reprimand, we ran in to the arcas together, and anchored at about five o'clock in the afternoon. we remained at these little islands a week, coaling ship, and refitting and repainting. we could not have been more thoroughly out of the world if we had been in the midst of the great african desert. a robinson crusoe here might have had it all to himself; and to give color to the illusion, we found on one of the islands a deserted hut, built of old boards and pieces of wreck, with an iron pot or two, and some pieces of sail-cloth lying about. an old dug-out, warped and cracked by the sun, lay hauled up near the hut, and a turtle-net, in pretty good repair, was found, stowed away in one corner of crusoe's abode. but what had become of the hermit who once inhabited these desolate little coral islands, over which the wild sea-bird now flew, and screamed, in undivided dominion? an humble grave, on the head-board of which had been rudely carved with a knife, a name, and a date, told the brief and mournful story. a companion had probably laid the hermit away and departed. a more fitting burial-place for a sailor could not well be conceived; for here the elements with which he was wont to battle had full sweep, and his requiem was sung, without ceasing, by the booming wave, that shook and rocked him in his winding-sheet of sand, when the storm raged. the islands are three in number, lying in a triangle. they are surrounded by deep water, and it is probably not a great many years since the little stone-mason of the sea, the coralline insect, first brought them to the surface, for the only vegetation as yet on any of them is a carpet of sea-kale, on the largest of them, and a stunted bush or two. in the basin, in the centre of the triangle, the _alabama_ is anchored, and so pellucid is the water, that not only her anchor, which lies in seven fathoms, is visible, from stock to fluke, but all the wonders of the coral world, before described, lie open to inspection; with the turtle groping about amid the sea-fern, the little fishes feeding, or sporting, and madrepore and sponges lying about in profusion. bartelli drew up from this submarine forest, one of the largest of the latter, and having cured it in the sun, and rendered it sweet by frequent ablution, transferred it to my bath-room. the naturalist would have revelled at the arcas, in viewing the debris of sea-shells, and coral, and the remains of stranded fish, that lay strewn along the beach; and in watching the habits of the gannet, man-of-war bird, and a great variety of the sea-gull, all of which were laying, and incubating. as the keel of one of our boats would grate upon the sand, clouds of these birds would fly up, and circle around our heads, screaming in their various and discordant notes at our intrusion. beneath our feet, the whole surface of the islands was covered with eggs, or with young birds, in various stages of growth. here, as at blanquilla, all our boats were hoisted out, and rigged for sailing; and fishing, and turtling parties were sent out to supply the crew, and in the evening sailing and swimming matches, and target-shooting took place. this was only the by-play, however, whilst the main work of the drama was going forward, viz., the coaling, and preparation of the _alabama_ for her dash at the enemy. our upper deck had again become open, and required recaulking; and some patching and refitting was necessary to be done to the sails. as we wanted our heels to be as clean as possible, we careened the ship, and gave her copper a good scrubbing below the water-line, where it had become a little foul. having taken all the coal out of the _agrippina_, we ballasted her with the coral rock, which we found lying abundantly at our hands, watered her from the _alabama_, and gave her her sailing orders for liverpool. she was to report to captain bullock, for another cargo of coal, to be delivered at another rendezvous, of the locality of which the reader will be informed in due time. during the week that we lay at the arcas, there had evidently been several gales of wind at work around us, though none of them had touched us. on two or three occasions, when the wind was quite light, and the sky clear overhead, a heavy sea was observed to be breaking on the northern shores of the islands. there is no doubt that on these occasions there were "northers" prevailing along the mexican coast. i was led hence to infer, that these terrible gales do not extend, as a general rule, a great distance seaward from that coast. we were very little more than a hundred miles from vera cruz, which is in the track of these terrible storms, and yet we had only felt the pulsations of them, as it were; the huge breakers on the arcas beating time, in a still atmosphere, to the storm which was raging at vera cruz. it was seventeen days from the time we doubled cape catoche, until we left the arcas. during all this time, we were off the coast of yucatan, the season was near mid-winter, and yet we had not had a norther. along the mexican coast from tampico to vera cruz, at this season of the year, the usual interval between these gales, is from three to five days. as has been mentioned to the reader, the banks' expedition was expected to rendezvous at galveston, on the th of january. on the th of that month we got under way from the arcas, giving ourselves five days in which to make the distance, under sail. our secret was still perfectly safe, as only a single sail had passed us, whilst we lay at anchor, and she at too great a distance to be able to report us. we had an abundant supply of coal on board, the ship was in excellent trim, and as the sailors used to say of her, at this period, could be made to do everything but "talk." my crew were well drilled, my powder was in good condition, and as to the rest, i trusted to luck, and to the "creek's not being too high." the weather continued fine throughout our run, and on the th at noon--having been delayed a day by a calm--we observed in latitude ° ' ", and longitude ° ', being just thirty miles from galveston. i now laid my ship's head for the galveston light-house, and stood in, intending to get a distant sight of the banks' fleet before nightfall, and then haul off, and await the approach of night, before i ran in, and made the assault. i instructed the man at the mast-head, to keep a very bright look-out, and told him what to look out for, viz., an immense fleet anchored off a light-house. the wind was light, and the afternoon was pretty well spent before there was any sign from the mast-head. the look-out at length cried, "land ho! sail ho!" in quick succession, and i already began to make sure of my game. but the look-out, upon being questioned, said he did not see any fleet of transports, but only five steamers which looked like ships of war. here was a damper! what could have become of banks, and his great expedition, and what was this squadron of steam ships-of-war doing here? presently a shell, thrown by one of the steamers, was seen to burst over the city. "ah, ha!" exclaimed i, to the officer of the deck who was standing by me, "there has been a change of programme here. the enemy would not be firing into his own people, and we must have recaptured galveston, since our last advices." "so it would seem," replied the officer. and so it turned out. in the interval between our leaving the west indies, and arriving off galveston, this city had been retaken by general magruder, assisted by a gallant seaman of the merchant service, captain leon smith. smith, with a couple of small river steamers, protected by cotton bags, and having a number of sharp-shooters on board, assaulted and captured, or drove to sea the enemy's entire fleet, consisting of several heavily armed steamships. the recapture of this place from the enemy changed the destination of the banks' expedition. it rendezvoused at new orleans, whence general banks, afterward, attempted the invasion of texas by the valley of the red river. he was here met by general dick taylor, who, with a much inferior force, demolished him, giving him such a scare, that it was with difficulty porter could stop him at alexandria, to assist him in the defence of his fleet, until he could extricate it from the shallows of the river where it was aground. the hero of boston common had not had such a scare since stonewall jackson had chased him through winchester, virginia. what was best to be done in this changed condition of affairs? i certainly had not come all the way into the gulf of mexico, to fight five ships of war, the least of which was probably my equal. and yet, how could i very well run away, in the face of the promises i had given my crew? for i had told them at the arcas islands, that they were, if the fates proved propitious, to have some sport off galveston. whilst i was pondering the difficulty, the enemy himself, happily, came to my relief; for pretty soon the look-out again called from aloft, and said, "one of the steamers, sir, is coming out in chase of us." the _alabama_ had given chase pretty often, but this was the first time she had been chased. it was just the thing i wanted, however, for i at once conceived the design of drawing this single ship of the enemy far enough away from the remainder of her fleet, to enable me to decide a battle with her before her consorts could come to her relief. the _alabama_ was still under sail, though, of course, being so near the enemy, the water was warm in her boilers, and in a condition to give us steam in ten minutes. to carry out my design of decoying the enemy, i now wore ship, as though i were fleeing from his pursuit. this, no doubt, encouraged him, though, as it would seem, the captain of the pursuing ship pretty soon began to smell a rat, as the reader will see presently by his report of the engagement. i now lowered my propeller, still holding on to my sails, however, and gave the ship a small head of steam, to prevent the stranger from overhauling me too rapidly. we were still too close to the fleet, to think of engaging him. i thus decoyed him on, little by little, now turning my propeller over slowly, and now stopping it altogether. in the meantime night set in, before we could get a distinct view of our pursuer. she was evidently a large steamer, but we knew from her build and rig, that she belonged neither to the class of old steam frigates, or that of the new sloops, and we were quite willing to try our strength with any of the other classes. at length, when i judged that i had drawn the stranger out about twenty miles from his fleet, i furled my sails, beat to quarters, prepared my ship for action, and wheeled to meet him. the two ships now approached each other, very rapidly. as we came within speaking distance, we simultaneously stopped our engines, the ships being about one hundred yards apart. the enemy was the first to hail. "what ship is that?" cried he. "this is her britannic majesty's steamer _petrel_," we replied. we now hailed in turn, and demanded to know who he was. the reply not coming to us very distinctly, we repeated our question, when we heard the words, "this is the united states ship ----" the name of the ship being lost to us. but we had heard enough. all we wanted to know was, that the stranger was a united states ship, and therefore our enemy. a pause now ensued--a rather awkward pause, as the reader may suppose. presently, the stranger hailed again, and said, "if you please, i will send a boat on board of you." his object was, of course, to verify or discredit the answer we had given him, that we were one of her britannic majesty's cruisers. we replied, "certainly, we shall be happy to receive your boat;" and we heard a boatswain's mate call away a boat, and could hear the creaking of the tackles, as she was lowered into the water. things were now come to a crisis, and it being useless to delay our engagement with the enemy any longer, i turned to my first lieutenant, and said, "i suppose you are all ready for action?" "we are," he replied; "the men are eager to begin, and are only waiting for the word." i then said to him, "tell the enemy who we are, for we must not strike him in disguise, and when you have done so, give him the broadside." kell now sang out, in his powerful, clarion voice, through his trumpet, "this is the confederate states steamer _alabama_!" and turning to the crew, who were all standing at their guns--the gunners with their sights on the enemy, and lock-strings in hand--gave the order, fire! away went the broadside in an instant, our little ship feeling, perceptibly, the recoil of her guns. the night was clear. there was no moon, but sufficient star-light to enable the two ships to see each other quite distinctly, at the distance of half a mile, or more, and a state of the atmosphere highly favorable to the conduct of sound. the wind, besides, was blowing in the direction of the enemy's fleet. as a matter of course, our guns awakened the echoes of the coast, far and near, announcing very distinctly to the federal admiral--bell, a southern man, who had gone over to the enemy--that the ship which he had sent out to chase the strange sail, had a fight on her hands. he immediately, as we afterward learned, got under way, with the _brooklyn_, his flag-ship, and two others of his steamers, and came out to the rescue. [illustration: the combat between the alabama and the hatteras, off galveston, on the th of january, . kelly, piet & co. publishers.----lith. by a. hoen & co. balto.] our broadside was returned instantly; the enemy, like ourselves, having been on his guard, with his men standing at their guns. the two ships, when the action commenced, had swerved in such a way, that they were now heading in the same direction--the _alabama_ fighting her starboard-broadside, and her antagonist her port-broadside. each ship, as she delivered her broadside, put herself under steam, and the action became a running fight, in parallel lines, or nearly so, the ships now nearing, and now separating a little from each other. my men handled their pieces with great spirit and commendable coolness, and the action was sharp and exciting while it lasted; which, however, was not very long, for in just _thirteen minutes_ after firing the first gun, the enemy hoisted a light, and fired an off-gun, as a signal that he had been beaten. we at once withheld our fire, and such a cheer went up from the brazen throats of my fellows, as must have astonished even a texan, if he had heard it. we now steamed up quite close to the beaten steamer, and asked her captain, formally, if he had surrendered. he replied that he had. i then inquired if he was in want of assistance, to which he responded promptly that he was, that his ship was sinking rapidly, and that he needed all our boats. there appeared to be much confusion on board the enemy's ship; officers and crew seemed to be apprehensive that we would permit them to drown, and several voices cried aloud to us for assistance, at the same time. when the captain of the beaten ship came on board to surrender his sword to me, i learned that i had been engaged with the united states steamer _hatteras_, captain blake. i will now let captain blake tell his own story. the following is his official report to the secretary of the federal navy:-- united states' consulate, kingston, jamaica, jan. , . sir:--it is my painful duty to inform the department of the destruction of the united states steamer _hatteras_, recently under my command, by the rebel steamer _alabama_, on the night of the th inst., off the coast of texas. the circumstances of the disaster are as follows:-- upon the afternoon of the th inst., at half-past two o'clock, while at anchor in company with the fleet under commodore bell, off galveston, texas, i was ordered by signal from the united states flag-ship _brooklyn_, to chase a sail to the southward and eastward. i got under way immediately, and steamed with all speed in the direction indicated. after some time the strange sail could be seen from the _hatteras_, and was ascertained to be a steamer, which fact i communicated to the flag-ship by signal. i continued the chase and rapidly gained upon the suspicious vessel. knowing the slow rate of speed of the _hatteras_, i at once suspected that deception was being practised, and hence ordered the ship to be cleared for action, with everything in readiness for a determined attack and a vigorous defence. when within about four miles of the vessel, i observed that she had ceased to steam, and was lying broadside and awaiting us. it was nearly seven o'clock, and quite dark; but, notwithstanding the obscurity of the night, i felt assured, from the general character of the vessel and her manoeuvres, that i should soon encounter the rebel steamer _alabama_. being able to work but four guns on the side of the _hatteras_--two short -pounders, one -pounder rifled parrott gun, and one -pounder rifled gun--i concluded to close with her, that my guns might be effective, if necessary. i came within easy speaking range--about seventy-five yards--and upon asking, "what steamer is that?" received the answer, "her britannic majesty's ship _vixen_." i replied that i would send a boat aboard, and immediately gave the order. in the meantime, the vessels were changing positions, the stranger endeavoring to gain a desirable position for a raking fire. almost simultaneously with the piping away of the boat, the strange craft again replied, "we are the confederate steamer _alabama_," which was accompanied with a broadside. i, at the same moment, returned the fire. being well aware of the many vulnerable points of the _hatteras_, i hoped, by closing with the _alabama_, to be able to board her, and thus rid the seas of the piratical craft. i steamed directly for the _alabama_, but she was enabled by her great speed, and the foulness of the bottom of the _hatteras_, and, consequently, her diminished speed, to thwart my attempt when i had gained a distance of but thirty yards from her. at this range, musket and pistol shots were exchanged. the firing continued with great vigor on both sides. at length a shell entered amidships in the hold, setting fire to it, and, at the same instant--as i can hardly divide the time--a shell passed through the sick bay, exploding in an adjoining compartment, also producing fire. another entered the cylinder, filling the engine-room and deck with steam, and depriving me of my power to manoeuvre the vessel, or to work the pumps, upon which the reduction of the fire depended. with the vessel on fire in two places, and beyond human power, a hopeless wreck upon the waters, with her walking-beam shot away, and her engine rendered useless, i still maintained an active fire, with the double hope of disabling the _alabama_ and attracting the attention of the fleet off galveston, which was only twenty-eight miles distant. it was soon reported to me that the shells had entered the _hatteras_ at the water-line, tearing off entire sheets of iron, and that the water was rushing in, utterly defying every attempt to remedy the evil, and that she was rapidly sinking. learning the melancholy truth, and observing that the _alabama_ was on my port bow, entirely beyond the range of my guns, doubtless preparing for a raking fire of the deck, i felt i had no right to sacrifice uselessly, and without any desirable result, the lives of all under my command. to prevent the blowing up of the _hatteras_ from the fire, which was making much progress, i ordered the magazine to be flooded, and afterward a lee gun was fired. the _alabama_ then asked if assistance was desired, to which an affirmative answer was given. the _hatteras_ was then going down, and in order to save the lives of my officers and men, i caused the armament on the port side to be thrown overboard. had i not done so, i am confident the vessel would have gone down with many brave hearts and valuable lives. after considerable delay, caused by the report that a steamer was seen coming from galveston, the _alabama_ sent us assistance, and i have the pleasure of informing the department that every living being was conveyed safely from the _hatteras_ to the _alabama_. two minutes after leaving the _hatteras_ she went down, bow first, with her pennant at the mast-head, with all her muskets and stores of every description, the enemy not being able, owing to her rapid sinking, to obtain a single weapon. the battery upon the _alabama_ brought into action against the _hatteras_ numbered seven guns, consisting of four long -pounders, one -pounder, one -pounder, and one -pounder rifled gun. the great superiority of the _alabama_, with her powerful battery and her machinery under the water-line, must be at once recognized by the department, who are familiar with the construction of the _hatteras_, and her total unfitness for a conflict with a regular built vessel of war. the distance between the _hatteras_ and the _alabama_ during the action varied from twenty-five to one hundred yards. nearly fifty shots were fired from the _hatteras_, and i presume a greater number from the _alabama_. i desire to refer to the efficient and active manner in which acting master porter, executive officer, performed his duty. the conduct of assistant surgeon edward s. matthews, both during the action and afterward, in attending to the wounded, demands my unqualified commendation. i would also bring to the favorable notice of the department acting master's mate mcgrath, temporarily performing duty as gunner. owing to the darkness of the night, and the peculiar construction of the _hatteras_, i am only able to refer to the conduct of those officers who came under my especial attention; but from the character of the contest, and the amount of damage done to the _alabama_, i have personally no reason to believe that any officer failed in his duty. to the men of the _hatteras_ i cannot give too much praise. their enthusiasm and bravery was of the highest order. i enclose the report of assistant surgeon e. s. matthews, by which you will observe that five men were wounded and two killed. the missing, it is hoped, reached the fleet at galveston. i shall communicate to the department, in a separate report, the movements of myself and my command, from the time of our transfer to the _alabama_ until the departure of the earliest mail from this place to the united states. i am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, h. c. blake, _lieutenant commanding_. _hon._ gideon welles, _secretary of the navy, washington_. setting aside all the discourteous stuff and nonsense about "a _rebel_ steamer," and a "piratical craft," of which captain blake, who had been bred in the old service, should have been ashamed, especially after enjoying the hospitalities of my cabin for a couple of weeks, the above is a pretty fair report of the engagement. i am a little puzzled, however, by the captain's statement, that he could use but four guns on a side. we certainly understood from all the officers and men of the _hatteras_, at the time, that she carried eight guns; six in broadside, and two pivots, just like the _alabama_,--the only difference between the two ships being, that the _alabama's_ pivot guns were the heaviest. there is another remark in the report that is quite new to me. i am informed, for the first time, that captain blake desired to board me. i cannot, of course, know what his intentions were, but i saw no evidence of such an intention, in the handling of his ship; and captain blake must himself have known that, in the terribly demoralized condition of his crew, when they found that they had really fallen in with the _alabama_, he could not have depended upon a single boarder. what captain blake means by saying that his ship went down, with her pennant flying, i am at a loss, as every seaman must be, to understand. did he not surrender his ship to me? and if so, what business had his pennant, any more than his ensign, to be flying? but this, i suppose, was a little clap-trap, like his expressions, "rebel," and "pirate," thrown in to suit the yankee taste of the day. indeed, nothing was more lamentable to me, during the whole war, than to observe how readily the officers of the old navy, many of whom belonged to the gentle families of the land, and all of whom had been bred in a school of honor, took to the slang expressions of the day, and fell, pell-mell, into the ranks of the vulgar and fanatical rabble that was hounding on the war. the officers of the confederate states navy, to say the least, were as much entitled to be regarded as fighting for a principle as themselves, and one would have thought that there would have been a chivalrous rivalry between the two services, as to which should show the other the most courtesy. this was the case, a thousand years ago, between the christian and the saracen. did it result from their forms of government, and must democrats necessarily be vulgarians? must the howling demos devour everything gentle in the land, and reduce us all to the common level of the pot-house politician, and compel us to use his slang? radicalism seemed to be now, just what it had been in the great french revolution, a sort of mad-dog virus; every one who was inoculated with it, becoming rabid. the bitten dog howled incessantly with rage, and underwent a total transformation of nature. but our figure does not fit the case exactly. there was more method in this madness, than in that of the canine animal, for the human dog howled as much to please his master, as from rage. the size of the sop which he was to receive depended, in a great measure, upon the vigor of his howling. but to return to the _alabama_ and the _hatteras_. as soon as the action was over, and i had seen the latter sink, i caused all lights to be extinguished on board my ship, and shaped my course again for the passage of yucatan. in the meantime, the enemy's boat, which had been lowered for the purpose of boarding me, pulled in vigorously for the shore, as soon as it saw the action commence, and landed safely; and admiral bell, with his three steamers, passed on either side of the scene of action--the steamers having been scattered in the pursuit, to cover as much space as possible, and thus increase their chances of falling in with me. they did not find the _alabama_, or indeed anything else during the night, but as one of the steamers was returning to her anchorage off galveston, the next morning, in the dejected mood of a baffled scout, she fell in with the sunken _hatteras_, the tops of whose royal masts were just above water, and from the main of which, the pennant--the _night_ pennant, for the action was fought at night--spoken of by captain blake, was observed to be flying. it told the only tale of the sunken ship which her consort had to take back to the admiral. the missing boat turned up soon afterward, however, and the mystery was then solved. there was now as hurried a saddling of steeds for the pursuit as there had been in the chase of the young lochinvar, and with as little effect, for by the time the steeds were given the spur, the _alabama_ was distant a hundred miles or more. there was very little said by the enemy, about this engagement, between the _alabama_ and the _hatteras_, as was usual with him when he met with a disaster; and what was said was all false. my own ship was represented to be a monster of speed and strength, and the _hatteras_, on the other hand, to be a tug, or river steamer, or some such craft, with two or three small guns at the most. the facts are as follows: the _hatteras_ was a larger ship than the _alabama_, by one hundred tons. her armament, as reported to us by her own people, was as follows: four -pounders; two parrot -pounder rifles; one -pounder rifle; and one -pounder howitzer--making a total of eight guns. the armament of the _alabama_ was as follows: six -pounders; one -inch shell gun; one blakeley rifle of pounds--total, eight guns. there was, besides, a little toy-rifle--a -pounder--on the quarter-deck of the _alabama_, which had been captured from a merchant-ship, and which, i believe, was fired once during the action. the crew of the _hatteras_ was strong; that of the _alabama_ . there was thus, as the reader sees, a considerable disparity between the two ships, in the weight of their pivot-guns, and the _alabama_ ought to have won the fight; and she did win it, in _thirteen minutes_--taking care, too, though she sank her enemy at night, to see that none of his men were drowned--a fact which i shall have occasion to contrast, by-and-by, with another sinking. the only casualty we had on board the _alabama_ was one man wounded. the damages to our hull were so slight, that there was not a shot-hole which it was necessary to plug, to enable us to continue our cruise; nor was there a rope to be spliced. blake behaved like a man of courage, and made the best fight he could, ill supported as he was by the "volunteer" officers by whom he was surrounded, but he fell into disgrace with the demos, and had but little opportunity shown him during the remainder of the war, to retrieve his disaster. chapter xl. the alabama proceeds to jamaica, and lands her prisoners--the captain visits the country--intercourse with the english naval officers--earl russell's letter--preparations for sea--a boat-race by moonlight--captain blake complains of "dixie"--how the matter is settled. the little by-play, in the gulf of mexico, related in the last chapter, being over, i determined to make the best of my way to the island of jamaica, there land my prisoners, on _parole_, patch up the two or three shot-holes the enemy had made above the water-line, re-coal, and proceed on my eastern cruise, against the enemy's commerce, as originally contemplated. we had a long passage to jamaica, as we took a succession of southerly gales, that greatly retarded our speed. my first intention was to make the whole run under steam, but after struggling against these gales for three or four days, i found my fuel diminishing so rapidly, that it became prudent to let the fires go down, and put the ship under sail. this delay was very vexatious, as our little ship was greatly inconvenienced by the number of prisoners we had on board. _friday, the th of january_, is noted on my journal as follows:--the gale continued all day, moderating toward night. the sky is overcast with a dull canopy of leaden clouds, the sun barely showing himself to us, for a moment at a time, through an occasional rift, during the entire day. observing the water to be discolored, at one p. m. we sounded on the yucatan bank. the soundings on this bank being an excellent guide, i continued to run along the edge of it until eleven p. m., when we passed off it, into the deep waters of the yucatan passage. we now put the ship under steam again, and aiding the steam by reefed trysails, we battled with an adverse sea and current during the rest of the night. we found the current setting into the passage, to be as much as two and a half knots per hour, which was greater than i had ever known it before. i may take this occasion to remind the reader, that the old theory of dr. franklin and others, was, that the gulf stream, which flows out of the gulf of mexico, between the north coast of cuba, and the florida reefs and keys, flows _into_ the gulf, through the channel between the west end of cuba, and the coast of yucatan, in which the _alabama_ now was. but the effectual disproof of this theory is, that we know positively, from the strength of the current, and its volume, or cross section, in the two passages, that more than twice the quantity of water flows out of the gulf of mexico, than flows into it through this passage. upon dr. franklin's theory, the gulf of mexico in a very short time would become dry ground. nor can the mississippi river, which is the only stream worth noticing, in this connection, that flows into the gulf of mexico, come to his relief, as we have seen that that river only empties into the gulf of mexico, about _one three thousandth_ part as much water, as the gulf stream takes out. we must resort, of necessity, to an under-current from the north, passing into the gulf of mexico, under the gulf stream, rising to the surface when heated, and thus swelling the volume of the outflowing water. i refer my readers, curious in this matter, to the work of captain maury, entitled the "physical geography of the sea." it is full of profound philosophy, on the subjects of which it treats, and is written in so pleasing a style, and is so strewn with flowers, as to make the reader forget that he is travelling the thorny paths of science. the th of january was sunday, and we were obliged to intermit the usual sunday muster, on account of the bad weather, which continued without intermission--the wind still blowing a gale, and the passing clouds deluging us with rain. two days afterward, viz., on the th, we made the west end of the island of jamaica, a little after midnight, and as we crawled under the lee of the coast, we broke, for the first time, the force of the wind with which we had been so long struggling. we had been thus nine days making the passage from galveston to the west end of jamaica, and were the greater part of another day, in coasting the island up to port royal. we had shown first one, and then another neutral flag to several neutral ships that we had passed, but the enemy's flag was nowhere to be seen. giving chase to a bark, whilst we were still in the gulf of mexico, we were quite amazed, as we came up with her, to find that she was our old consort, the _agrippina_! this bluff-bowed old scotch ship had been all the time since she left us at the arcas islands--eight days--battling with adverse winds, and was still only a couple of hundred miles or so advanced on her voyage. we made the plum point lighthouse, at half-past four p. m., and were off the mouth of the harbor of port royal just as the evening began to deepen into twilight. we hoisted the french flag, and firing a gun, and making the usual signal for a pilot, one came promptly on board of us. day was fading into night so fast, that we had scarcely light enough left to enable us to grope our way through the tortuous and narrow channel, and it was quite dark when our anchor was let go. of course, we did not permit the pilot to anchor us as a _frenchman_, and when we told him that it was the _alabama_ he was taking in, he did not appear at all surprised, but remarked very coolly, "i knew all the while that you were no frenchman." i felt much relieved, when at length i heard the plunge of the anchor into the water, followed by the rattling of the chain-cable through the hawse-hole. on the high seas, with the enemy all the time in full chase of me, constant vigilance was required to guard against surprise; and my battle with the elements was almost as constant, as that with the enemy. when i reached the friendly shelter, therefore, of a neutral port, belonging to such of the powers of the earth as were strong enough to prevent themselves from being kicked by the enemy, my over-taxed nervous system relaxed in a moment, and i enjoyed the luxury of a little gentlemanly idleness. kell was of wonderful assistance to me, in this respect. i always left the ship in his hands, with the utmost confidence, and my confidence was never misplaced. he was, as the reader has seen, an excellent disciplinarian, and being, besides, a thorough master of his profession, i had in him all that i could desire. we were boarded by a lieutenant from the english flag-ship, immediately upon anchoring, and the news spread like wildfire through all port royal, that the _alabama_ had arrived, with the officers and crew of a federal gunboat which she had sunk in battle, on board as prisoners. night as it was, we were soon swarmed with visitors, come off to welcome us to the port, and tender their congratulations. the next morning i called on commodore dunlap, who commanded a squadron of admiral milne's fleet, and was the commanding naval officer present. this was the first english port i had entered, since the _alabama_ had been commissioned, and no question, whatever, as to the antecedents of my ship was raised. i had, in fact, brought in pretty substantial credentials, that i was a ship of war-- of the officers and men of one of the enemy's sunken ships. great britain had had the good sense not to listen to the frantic appeals, either of mr. seward or minister adams, both of whom claimed, as the reader has seen, that it was her duty to stultify herself, and ignore the commission of my ship. nor did commodore dunlap say anything to me of my destruction of british property, or of the three ships of war, which that adept in international law, the "commercial advertiser," of new york, had asserted admiral milne had sent after me. these questions, indeed, had all been authoritatively settled, i found, by earl russell, the british foreign secretary, by the following letter to the liverpool chamber of commerce, which had applied to him for information. it is copied from the new york "world": "sir: i am directed by earl russell to reply to your letters of the th inst., respecting the destruction by the confederate steamer _alabama_ of british property embarked in american vessels and burned by that steamer. earl russell desires me to state to you that british property on board a vessel belonging to one of the belligerents must be subject to all the risks and contingencies of war, so far as the capture of the vessel is concerned. the owners of any british property, not being contraband of war, on board a federal vessel captured and destroyed by a confederate vessel of war, may claim in a confederate prize court compensation for the destruction of such property." the "world" said lachrymosely of the above, that "it was but one of a crowd of eloquent indications which constantly multiply upon us to prove that earl russell, like mr. gladstone, whatever his sympathies may be, really regards the 'nation of jefferson davis' as substantially created, and looks upon recognition as simply a question of time." i forwarded, through commodore dunlap, an official report of my arrival to the governor of the island, with a request to be permitted to land my prisoners, and put some slight repairs upon my ship; both of which requests were promptly granted. governor eyre was then in authority. he behaved with great spirit and firmness, afterward, in nipping in the bud a widespread negro insurrection, which had for its object, the massacre of the whites and the plunder of their property. a few negroes were killed by the troops, and i have been sorry to learn since, that his excellency has been much harassed, in consequence, by both english and american fanatics. the english squadron at anchor consisted of the _jason_, the _challenger_, and _greyhound_. the most cordial relations were at once established between the officers of all these ships, and those of the _alabama_. indeed, many of them were our old acquaintances. an english friend having come on board, to invite me to pass a few days with him, in the mountains, while my ship was being prepared for sea, i accepted his invitation, and turning over all the unfinished business of the ship to kell, we pulled up to kingston in my gig. here i found my friend's carriage in waiting, and entering it, we were soon whirled out of the limits of the dusty city, into the most charming of tropical scenery. except landing, occasionally, for a few hours at a time, at the desert little islands i had visited in the caribbean sea, and the gulf of mexico, i had not had a holiday on shore, since leaving the _mersey_, on my way to commission the _alabama_, five months before. i needed a little rest, and recreation, to restore my wasted energies, and i found both with my excellent friend, mr. fyfe. for the first ten miles, we rode over a beautiful macadamized road, or rather avenue, lined with the gigantic cactus, growing frequently to the height of twenty and thirty feet, and several specimens of the palm; chief among which was the cocoanut-tree, shooting its trunk with the straightness of an arrow to a great height, and waving gracefully in the breeze, its superb, feather-like foliage. the way was lined with many picturesque country houses, each surrounded by its extensive and well-kept grounds, on which were growing crops, chiefly of fruits and vegetables, but interspersed occasionally with a field of indian corn, or sugar-cane. hedgerows and shade-trees adorned the front yards, and protected the residences from the sun, giving them an air of seclusion, coolness, and quiet that was very inviting. we occasionally obtained glimpses of beautiful valleys, on the right hand, and on the left, in which fairy cottages were nestled. the scenery was continually changing, as the road wound along, now skirting the base of abrupt hills, now running over a stream, and now plunging into the recesses of a wood, with the trees arching overhead, like the groined work of a cathedral. at the end of our ten miles of carriage-drive, we found ourselves at the foot of the mountains. here we alighted at a large hostelry, which was a sort of combination of the inn, caravansary, and country store, and after some refreshment, mounted saddle-horses which we found in waiting. the roads soon became mere bridle-paths. as we ascended the slopes of the mountains, we changed rapidly the character of the vegetation; every hundred feet of elevation being equivalent to a change of a degree or more of latitude, and bringing us in the presence of new forest-trees and new plants, until we dismounted on the lawn of my friend, the immediate surroundings of which were all english; the cedar, and other well-known trees and shrubs of the temperate latitudes, supplanting the tropical vegetation we had left in the _tierra caliente_ below us. the air, too, was so delightfully changed, from the sultry heats of the coast, that we found a fire lighted of the dry and fragrant branches of the cedar-tree, quite pleasant as the night set in. the reader may imagine how magical the change was, from the cramped quarters, and other _desagremens_ of a small ship, to the ample halls, and elegant leisure of an english home, perched on the mountain-side, and overlooking a perfect wilderness of tropical vegetation. the sea was in plain sight to the eastward of us, and kingston and port royal lay, as it were, at our feet. with the aid of a fine telescope which my friend had mounted in his piazza, i could distinguish my own ship from the other vessels in the harbor, though they all appeared as diminutive as so many sea-gulls, nestling upon the water. i need not say how soundly i slept that night, far away from war's alarms, fanned by the gentlest of sea-breezes, in the sweetest of sheets, and lullabied by the distant breaker, as it stranded itself at regular intervals upon the beach. i was awakened the next morning by the merry songs of a hundred birds, that came appropriately blended with the perfume of the flowers that clustered around my windows; and i have seldom looked upon a more beautiful picture, than when i threw back the blinds, and caught a view of the landscape, rejoicing in the morning's sun, with all its wealth of tropical fruits and flowers, and the sea--the glorious sea--glittering like a mirror in the distance. nothing can be more charming than the interior of an english household, when the ice has been broken and you have fairly gained admission into the interior of the temple. the successful entertainment of a guest is one of those _artless_ arts, of which the english gentleman, above all others, is master; and the art consists in putting the guest so entirely at ease, as to make him feel at home in the first half-hour. with a library, servants, and horses at your command, you are literally left to take care of yourself--meeting the family in the parlors and sitting-rooms, as much, or as little as you please. from flamstead, which was the name of the country-seat of my friend, we rode over to bloxburg, the country-seat of his brother, where some ladies from the neighborhood did me the honor to make me a visit; and from bloxburg we made several other agreeable visits to neighboring plantations. i was in an entirely new world--those mountains of jamaica--and was charmed with everything i saw. all was nature; and nature presented herself in her most lovely aspect, whether we viewed the sky overhead, the sea at our feet, or the broken and picturesque country around us. time flew rapidly, and what with delightful rides, and lunches, and evening parties, where music, and the bright eyes of fair women beguiled the senses, i should have been in danger of forgetting the war, and the _alabama_, if kell had not sent me a courier, on the third or fourth day, informing me that he was nearly ready for sea. i descended at once from the empyrean in which i had been wandering, took a hasty leave of my friends, and in company with mr. fyfe, rode back to the coast. we took a new route back, and re-entered kingston through a different suburb--stopping to lunch with one of mr. fyfe's friends, an english merchant, at his magnificent country-house. but, alas! much of the magnificence of the kingston of former years is passing away. i had known it in its palmiest days, having visited it when a midshipman in the old service, before the happy slave had been converted into the wretched freedman. it was then a busy mart of commerce, and the placid waters of its unrivalled harbor were alive with shipping bearing the flags of all nations, come in quest of her great staples, sugar, coffee, cocoa, gensing, &c. now, a general air of dilapidation and poverty hangs over the scene. a straggling ship or two only are seen in the harbor; the merchants have become shop-keepers, and the sleek, well-fed negro has become an idler and a vagrant, with scarce rags enough to hide his nakedness. my host, in the few days i remained with him, gave me much valuable information concerning the negro, since his emancipation, which i will not detain the reader to repeat. i may say in a few words, however, that the substance of this information was, that there has been no increase, either in numbers, intelligence, or morals among them; and that, too, under circumstances, all of which were favorable to the negro. he was the pet of the government for years after his emancipation, and english fanatics have devoted their lives to his regeneration, but all without success. he is, to-day, with a few exceptions about the towns, the same savage that he is in his native dahomey. an english parliament had declared that he was the political equal of the white man--that is, of the colonial white man, for england takes the best of care, that the imperial legislature is never tainted by his presence--and i found him a generation afterward, far below his former level of slave. i found my gig in waiting for me at the wharf in kingston, and taking leave of my friend, with many thanks for his hospitality, i pulled on board of my ship about sunset. and here, what a scene of confusion met me, and what reports kell had to make of how my fellows had been "cutting up!" the paymaster had been drunk ever since he landed, neglecting his duty, and behaving in a most disreputable manner. he was "hail fellow, well met" with all the common sailors, and seemed to have an especial fancy for the sailors of the enemy. kell had suspended his functions; and had sent on shore, and had him brought off under arrest. he had become partially sobered, and i at once ordered him to pack up his clothing, and be off. he was landed, bag and baggage, in half an hour, and in due time, as the reader has already seen, he married a negro wife, went over to england with her, swindled her out of all her property, and turned yankee, going over to minister adams, and becoming one of his right-hand men, when there was any hard swearing wanted in the british courts against the confederates. this little matter disposed of, we turned our attention to the crew. they had had a run on shore, and kell was just gathering them together again. the ship's cutters, as well as the shore-boats, were constantly coming alongside with small squads, all of them drunk, some in one stage of drunkenness, and some in another. liquor was acting upon them like the laughing gas; some were singing jolly, good-humored songs, whilst others were giving the war-whoop, and insisting on a fight. they were seized, ironed and passed below to the care of the master-at-arms, as fast as they came on board. a couple of them, not liking the appearance of things on board, jumped into a dug-out alongside, and seizing the paddles from the negroes, shoved off in great haste, and put out for the shore. it was night, and there was a bright moon lighting up the bay. a cutter was manned as speedily as possible, and sent in pursuit of the fugitives. jack had grog and moll ahead of him, and irons and a court-martial behind him, and he paddled like a good fellow. he had gotten a good start before the cutter was well under way, but still, the cutter, with her long sweeping oars, was rather too much for the dug-out, especially as there were five oars to two paddles. she gained, and gained, coming nearer and nearer, when presently the officer of the cutter heard one of the sailors in the dug-out say to the other, "i'll tell you what it is, bill, there's too much cargo in this here d----d craft, and i'm going to lighten ship a little," and at the same instant, he saw the two men lay in their paddles, seize one of the negroes, and pitch him head foremost overboard! they then seized their paddles again, and away darted the dug-out with renewed speed. port royal bay is a large sheet of water, and is, besides, as every reader of marryatt's incomparable tales knows, full of ravenous sharks. it would not do, of course, for the cutter to permit the negro either to drown or to be eaten by the sharks, and so, as she came up with him, sputtering and floundering for his life, she was obliged to "back of all," and take him in. the sailor who grabbed at him first, missed him, and the boat shot ahead of him, which rendered it necessary for her to turn and pull back a short distance before she could rescue him. this done, he was flung into the bottom of the cutter, and the pursuit renewed. by this time the dug-out had gotten even a better start than she had had at first, and the two fugitive sailors, encouraged by the prospect of escape, were paddling more vigorously than ever. fast flew the dug-out, but faster flew the cutter. both parties now had their blood up, and a more beautiful and exciting moonlight race has not often been seen. we had watched it from the _alabama_, until in the gloaming of the night, it had passed out of sight. we had seen the first manoeuvre of the halting, and pulling back of the cutter, but did not know what to make of it. the cutter began now to come up again with the chase. she had no musket on board, or in imitation of the _alabama_, she might have "hove the chase to," with a blank cartridge, or a ball. when she had gotten within a few yards of her, a second time, in went the paddles again, and overboard went the other negro! and away went the dug-out! a similar delay on the part of the cutter ensued as before, and a similar advantage was gained by the dug-out. but all things come to an end, and so did this race. the cutter finally captured the dug-out, and brought back tom bowse and bill bower to their admiring shipmates on board the _alabama_. this was the only violation of neutrality i was guilty of, in port royal--chasing, and capturing a neutral craft, in neutral waters. my excuse was, the same that wilkes made--she had contraband on board. i do not know whether commodore dunlap ever heard of it; but if he had complained, i should have set-off the rescuing of two of her majesty's colored subjects from drowning, against the recapture of my own men. the fact is, the towns-people, themselves, were responsible for all these disorders. they had made heroes of all my fellows, and plied them with an unconscionable number of drinks. every sea-port town has its sailor quarter, and this in the good old town of kingston was a constant scene of revelry, by day as well as by night, during the stay of the _alabama's_ liberty men on shore. there was no end to the "break-downs," and "double-shuffles," which had been given in their honor, by the beaux and belles of water street. besides my own crew, there were always more or less english man-of-war sailors on shore, on liberty from the different ships, and upwards of a hundred had been landed from the _hatteras_. it was quite remarkable that in these merry-makings, and debaucheries, the confederate sailors and the yankee sailors harmonized capitally together. they might frequently be seen arm and arm in the streets, or hob-nobbing together--the confederate sailor generally paying the score, as the yankee sailor's strong box had gone down with his ship, and his paymaster was rather short of cash. they sailed as amicably together, up and down the contradance, and hailed each other to "heave to," when it was time to "freshen the nip," as though the _alabama_ and _hatteras_ had never been yard-arm and yard-arm, throwing broadsides into each other. in short, my men behaved capitally toward their late enemies. there was no unmanly exultation over their victory. the most that could be seen was an air of patronage very delicately put on, as though they would say, "well, you know we whipped you, but then you did the best you could, and there's an end of it." among the amusing things that had occurred during my absence in the jamaica mountains, was a flare-up, which captain blake, my prisoner, had had with the british commodore. the steamer _greyhound_ had a band of music on board, and as one of the young lieutenants was an old acquaintance of several of my officers, whom he had met at nassau, he ordered the band on the evening after our arrival, and whilst captain blake was still on board the _alabama_, to play "dixie;" which, i may remark, by the way, had become a very popular air everywhere, as much on account of the air itself, perhaps, as because of its association with a weak and gallant people struggling for the right of self-government. captain blake chose to construe this little compliment to the _alabama_, as an insult to yankeedom, and made a formal protest to the british commodore, in behalf of himself, and the "old flag." commodore dunlap must have smiled, when he read blake's epistle. he was certainly a man of humor, for he hit upon the following mode of settling the grave international dispute. he ordered the offending _greyhound_, when she should get up her band, on the following evening, first to play "dixie," and then "yankee doodle." when the evening, which was to salve the yankee honor, arrived, great was the expectation of every one in the squadron. the band on board the _jason_, flag-ship, led off by playing "god save the queen," that glorious national anthem, which electrifies the englishman, as the marseilles' hymn does the frenchman, the world over. the _challenger's_ band followed and played a fine opera air. the evening was still and fine, and the poops of all the ships were filled with officers. it then came the _greyhound's_ turn. she first played something unusually solemn, then "dixie," with slowness, sweetness, and pathos, and when the chorus "in dixie's land, i'll take my stand, i'll live, and die in dixie!" had died away on the soft evening air, such an infernal din, of drums, and fifes, and cymbals, and wind instruments, each after its fashion, going it strong upon "yankee doodle dandy!" arose, as to defy all description! the effect was electric; the officers had to hold their sides to preserve their dignity, and--captain blake was avenged. there could be no protest made against this time-honored rogue's march. it was the favorite tune of the b'hoys, and there the matter had to end. i have never learned whether mr. seward ever called lord palmerston to an account about it, in any one of his "essays on english composition." chapter xli. departure from jamaica--capture of the golden rule--coasting the island of hayti--capture of the chastelaine--the old city of st. domingo, and its reminiscences--the dominican convent, and the palace of diego columbus--the capture of the palmetto, the olive jane, and the golden eagle--how the roads are blazed out upon the sea--captain maury. on the th of january, , or just five days after our arrival at jamaica, we had completed all our preparations for sea, and at half-past eight p. m. steamed out of the harbor of port royal, bound to the coast of brazil, and thence to the cape of good hope. we had made many friends during our short stay, and mutual regrets were expressed at departure. my gallant young officers had not been idle, whilst i had been visiting the mountains. many little missives, put up in the tiniest and prettiest of envelopes, were discovered among the mail, as our last mail-bag was prepared for the shore, and as a good deal of damage may be done in five days, there were probably some heart-beatings among the fair islanders, as those p. p. cs. were perused. there is no lover so susceptible, or so devoted, or whose heart is so capacious, as that of the young seaman. his very life upon the sea is a poem, and his habitual absence from the sex prepares him to see loveliness in every female form. though it was night when we emerged from the harbor, and when we ought to have met with the blandest and gentlest of land breezes, laden with the perfume of shrub and flower, we passed at once into a heavy head sea, with a stiff north-easter blowing. with yards pointed to the wind, and a laboring engine, we steamed along past point mayrant light, off which, the reader may recollect, we discharged the _ariel_, some weeks before, and the morning's light found us in the passage between jamaica and st. domingo. the sun rose brightly, the wind moderated, and the day proved to be very fine. my first duty, after the usual morning's muster at quarters, was to hold a court of general sessions, for the discharge of my vagabonds, many of whom, the reader will recollect, were still in irons; and a beautiful-looking set of fellows they were, when their irons were removed, and they were brought on deck for this purpose. they were now all sober, but the effects of their late debauches were visible upon the persons of all of them. soiled clothing, blackened eyes, and broken noses, frowsy, uncombed hair, and matted and disordered beard, with reddened eyes that looked as if sleep had long been a stranger to them--these were the principal features. poor jack! how much he is to be pitied! cut loose early from the gentle restraints of home, and brought into contact with every description of social vice, at an age when it is so difficult to resist temptation, what wonder is it, that we find him a grown-up child of nature, subject to no other restraint than such as the discipline of his ship imposes upon him? "when wine is in, wit is out," was the proverb i always acted upon, on occasions similar to the present; that is to say, when the "wine" had any business to be "in." i expected, as a matter of course, when i sent my sailors on shore, "on liberty," that the result was to be a frolic, and i was always lenient to the mere concomitants of a frolic; but i never permitted them to abuse or maltreat the inhabitants, or perpetrate any malicious mischief. but if they got drunk on board, in violation of the discipline of the ship, or, in other words, if the wine had no business to be "in," i considered that the wit had no business to be "out." and so i listened to their penitential excuses, one by one, and restored them to duty, retaining one or two of the greatest culprits for trial by court-martial, as an example to the rest. having disposed of the other cases, i turned to tom bowse and bill bower, the heroes of the moonlight-chase, and said to them, "and so you are a pretty set of fellows; you not only tried to desert your ship and flag, but you endeavored to commit murder, in your attempt to escape!" "murder!" replied bowse, with a start of horror, that i could see was entirely honest, "we never thought of such a thing, sir; them jamaica niggers, they take to the water as natural as south-sea islanders, and there's no such thing as drowning them, sir." "that was it, your honor," now put in bowse; "it was only a bit of a joke, you see, sir, played upon the officer of the cutter. we knew he'd stop to pick 'em up, and so give us the weathergauge of him." "that may do very well for the murder," i now rejoined, "but what about the desertion?" "nary-a-bit of it, your honor," again replied bowse; "we only meant to have another bit of a frolic, and come back all in good time, before the ship sailed." "just so," added bower; "the fact is, your honor, we were hardly responsible for what we did that night; for we had a small drop aboard, and then the moon was so bright, and moll riggs she had sent us such a kind message!" the moonlight and moll clinched the argument, and turning to the master-at-arms, with an ill-suppressed smile, i directed him to turn the prisoners loose. i had scarcely gotten through with this jail-delivery, before the cry of "sail ho!" rang out upon the clear morning air, from the mast-head. there was no necessity to alter our course, for the sail was nearly ahead. in an hour more, a very pretty, newly-painted bark, with her sails flapping idly in the calm which was now prevailing, arose to view from the deck. she had the usual yankee ear-marks, tapering masts and cotton sails, and we felt sure of another prize. we showed her the united states colors as we approached, and a very bright "old flag" soon afterward ascended to her peak, drooping despondently for want of wind to blow it out. the cat did not torture the mouse long, for we soon changed flags, and gave the master of the doomed ship the same satisfaction that jacob faithful received, when he found his missing son's shirt in the maw of the shark--the satisfaction of being put out of doubt, and knowing that his ship would be burned. the prize proved, upon being boarded, to be the _golden rule_, from new york, for aspinwall. she belonged to the atlantic and pacific steamship company, and was filled with an assorted cargo--having on board, among other things, masts, and a complete set of rigging for the united states brig _bainbridge_, which had recently had everything swept by the board, in a gale at aspinwall. judging from the bills of lading found on board, some small portions of the cargo appeared to be neutral, but there being no sworn evidence to vouch for the fact, in the way of consular, or other certificates, i applied the well-known rule of prize law to the case, viz., that everything found on board an enemy's ship is presumed to belong to the enemy, until the contrary is shown by proper evidence; and at about six p. m. applied the torch. the islands of st. domingo and jamaica were both sufficiently near for their inhabitants to witness the splendid bonfire, which lighted up the heavens far and near, soon after dark. a looker-on upon that conflagration would have seen a beautiful picture, for besides the burning ship, there were the two islands mentioned, sleeping in the dreamy moonlight, on the calm bosom of a tropical sea, and the rakish-looking "british pirate" steaming in for the land, with every spar, and line of cordage brought out in bold relief, by the bright flame--nay, with the very "pirates" themselves visible, handling the boxes, and bales of merchandise, which they had "robbed" from this innocent yankee, whose countrymen at home were engaged in the christian occupation of burning our houses and desolating our fields. one of the pleasant recollections connected with the picture, was that i had tied up for a while longer, one of the enemy's gun-brigs, for want of an outfit. it must have been some months before the _bainbridge_ put to sea. there was another good act performed. lots of patent medicines, with which the enemy was about inundating the south american coast, for the benefit of the livers of their fellow-democrats, were consigned to the flames. the reader had an opportunity to observe, when we captured the _dunkirk_, how zealously our pious brethren of the north were looking out for the religion, and morals of the portuguese, _in a sly way_. he now sees what a regard they have for the health of the atrabilious south americans. both operations _paid_, of course, and whether it was a tract, or a pill that was sold, could make but little difference to the manufacturers of the merchandise. we steamed along the coast, at a distance of seven or eight miles, the remainder of that night without further adventure; and the next morning dawned clear, with a slight change of programme as to weather. there were clouds hurrying past us, wetting our jackets, now, and then, without interrupting the sunshine, and a stiff northeaster blowing. this was a head-wind, and we labored against it all day, with diminished speed. at three p. m. we made the remarkable island, or rather, mountain of rock, called in the beautiful spanish, alta vela, or tall sail, from its resemblance to a ship under sail, at a distance. it rises, at a distance of ten or twelve miles from the main island of st. domingo, with almost perpendicular sides, to the height of several hundred feet, and affords a foothold for no living creature, but the sea-gull, the gannet, and other water-fowl. soon after nightfall, we boarded a spanish brig from montevideo, bound for havana; and at eleven p. m., alta vela bearing north, and being distant from us, about five miles, we hove to, with a shot, another sail, that was running down the coast. she was a rakish-looking hermaphrodite brig, and in the bright moonlight looked yankee. the report of our heavy gun, reverberated by a hundred echoes from alta vela, had a magical effect upon the little craft. flying like a sea-gull before a gale only a moment before, she became, in an instant, like the same sea-gull with its wings folded, and riding upon the wave, without other motion than such as the wave gave it. ranging within a convenient distance, we lowered, and sent a boat on board of her. she proved to be american, as we had suspected. she was the _chastelaine_ of boston, last from the island of guadeloupe, whither she had been to deliver a cargo of staves, and was now on her way to cienfuegos, in the island of cuba, in quest of sugar and rum for the boston folks. we applied the torch to her, lighting up the sea-girt walls of alta vela with the unusual spectacle of a burning ship, and disturbing the slumber of the sea-gulls and gannets for the balance of the night. the next morning found us still steaming to the eastward, along the haytian coast. having now the crews of two ships on board, as prisoners, i hauled in closer to the coast, with the intention of running into the old town of st. domingo, and landing them. we got sight of this old city early in the afternoon, and at about four p. m. ran in and anchored. the anchorage is an open roadstead, formed by the _debouchement_ of the picturesque little river ozama, which seems to have burst through the rocky barrier of the coast, to find its way to the sea. we found but two vessels anchored here--one of them being a new york brig, recently put under english colors. she had a "bran-new" english ensign flying. admiral milne having failed to respond to the frantic cries of the new york "commercial advertiser," to protect the yankee flag, the yankee ship-owners, with many loathings and contortions, were at last forced to gulp the english flag. there was no other way of coaxing england to protect them. being in a neutral port, i had no opportunity, of course, of testing the verity of this "cross of st. george," as the yankees were fond of calling the hated emblem of england--hated, but hugged at the same time, for the protection which it gave ship and cargo. it will be recollected that, at the time of my visit, spain had repossessed herself of the eastern, or dominican end of the island of st. domingo; and a spanish naval commander now came on board to visit me. i had no difficulty in arranging with him for the landing of my prisoners. i sent them to the guard-ship, and he sent them thence to the shore. this done, and arrangements being made for some fresh provisions and other refreshments, to be sent off to the crew in the morning, i landed for a stroll, on this most classical of all american soil. the old city of st. domingo! how many recollections does it not call up! it was a large and flourishing city a hundred years before that pestiferous little craft, called the _mayflower_, brought over the cockatrice's egg that hatched out the puritan. it was mentioned, incidentally, as the reader may remember, whilst we were running down the north side of the island, on our way to catch mr. vanderbilt's california steamer, that the little town of isabella, on that side of the island, was the first city founded in the new world; and that the new settlement was soon broken up, and transferred to the city of st. domingo. the latter city grew apace, and flourished, and was, for many years, the chief seat of the spanish empire in the new world. it is, to-day, in its ruins, the most interesting city in all the americas. columbus himself lived here, and hither his remains were brought from spain, and reposed for many years, until they were transferred to cuba, with great pomp and ceremony. the names of las casas, diego columbus, the son and successor of the admiral, oviedo, hernando cortez, and a host of others, are bound up in its history. the latter, the renowned conqueror of mexico, was for several years a notary in an adjoining province. we have not much time to spare, reader, as the _alabama_ will be on the wing, again, with the morning's light, but i cannot forbear pointing out to you two of the principal ruins of this famous old city. one of them is the dominican convent, and the other the _palacio_, or residence of diego columbus. the old city being named in honor of st. dominic, great pains were evidently bestowed upon the church and convent that were to bear his name; and so substantially was the former built, that it stands entire, and is still used as a place of worship, after the lapse of three hundred and fifty years. the altars are all standing, though faded and worm-eaten, and see! there is a lamp still burning before the altar of the holy eucharist. that lamp was lighted in the days of columbus, and has been burning continuously ever since! observe these marble slabs over which we are walking. the entire floor is paved with them. they are the tombstones of the dead, that were distinguished in their day, but who have long since been forgotten. here is a date of , on one of them. it is much defaced and worn by the footsteps of the generations that have passed over it, but we can see by the mitre and crozier, that have been sculptured on it, in _bas-relief_, that the remains of a bishop lie beneath. his name? we cannot make it out. the record of a bishop, carved upon the enduring marble, and placed upon the floor of his own cathedral, has been lost. what a sermon is here in this stone! raise your eyes now from the floor, and cast them on the wall opposite. in that niche, in the great cathedral wall, sang the choir of ancient days. these vaulted roofs have resounded with music from the lips of many generations of beauties, that have faded like the butterfly of the field, leaving no more trace of their names and lineage than that little wanderer of an hour. there stands the silent organ, whose last note was sounded a century or more ago, with its gilding all tarnished, its stately carving tumbled down and lying in debris at its feet, and the bat and the spider building their nests in the cylinders that once mimicked the thunder, and sent thrills of devotion through the hearts of the multitude. there are remains of frescoes on the walls, but the damp and the mildew, in this humid climate, have so effectually performed their office, that the bright colors have disappeared, and only a dim outline of their design is visible. let us step over from the cathedral, to the conventual portion of the massive block. the walls, as you see, are extensive, and are standing, in a sufficient state of preservation, to enable us to trace out the ground-plan, and reconstruct, in imagination, the ancient edifice. its design is that of a hollow square, after the fashion prevalent in spain. on all four sides of the square are arrayed the cells of the monks, the colonnades in front of which are still standing. in the centre of the square, occupying the space, which, in a private house, would have been appropriated to a _jet d'eau_, and flowers in vases, is an oblong hall, connected at either end with the main building. this was the refectory of the ancient establishment. what scenes does not the very sight of this refectory present to the imagination? we see the table spread, with its naked board, humble service, and still more humble food; we hear the dinner-signal sound; and we see long lines of bearded and hooded monks, with crosses and beads pendent from their girdles, enter, and seat themselves to partake of the wonted refreshment. we hear the subdued hum of many voices--the quiet joke, and half-suppressed merriment. there, at the head of the board, sits the venerable abbot, whilst the chaplain reads his latin text, from his stand, during the repast. let now the years begin to roll by. we shall miss, first one familiar face from the humble board, and then another, until finally they all disappear, being carried away, one by one, to their silent tombs! the abbots repose beneath those marble slabs in the cathedral that we so lately wandered over, with lightened footfall, and subdued breath; but the brothers are carried to the common burial-ground of the order, in the outskirts of the town. new generations enter, occupy the same seats, go through the same routine of convent life, and in turn disappear, to give place to newer comers still; and thus is ever swollen the holocaust of the mighty dead! "what is man, o lord! that thou shouldst be mindful of him?" "the dead--the honored dead are here-- for whom, behind the sable bier, through many a long-forgotten year, forgotten crowds have come, with solemn step and falling tear, bearing their brethren home. "beneath these boughs, athwart this grass, i see a dark and moving mass, like banquo's shades across the glass, by wizard hands displayed; stand back, and let these hearses pass, along the trampled glade." the convent of st. dominic being situated in the southern part of the old city, in the angle formed by the river ozama, and the sea, observe what a delightful sea-breeze meets us, as we emerge from the ruined refectory. let us pause a while, to lift our hats, from our heated brows, and refresh ourselves, while we listen to the unceasing roar of the surf, as it beats against the rocky cliff below, and throws its spray half-way to our feet. what a charming view we have of the sea, as it lies in its blue expanse, dotted here and there with a sail; and of the coasts of the island east and west of us--those blackened, rock-bound shores that seem hoary with age, and so much in unison with the train of thought we have been pursuing. there are but three crafts anchored in the roadstead, where formerly fleets used to lie. of two of these, we have already spoken. the third is the _alabama_. there is a little current setting out of the river, and she lies, in consequence, broadside to the sea, which is setting in to the beach. she is rolling gently to this sea, displaying every now and then, bright streaks of the copper on her bottom. she is full of men, and a strange flag is flying from her peak--not only strange to the dead generations of whom we have been speaking, but new even to our own times and history. it is the flag of a nation which has just risen above the horizon, and is but repeating the history of the world. the oppressed has struggled against the oppressor since time began. the struggle is going on still. it will go on forever, for the nature of man will always be the same. the cockatrice's egg has been hatched, and swarms of the puritan have come forth to overrun the fair fields of the south that they may possess them; just as the wild germans overran the plains of italy centuries before. but away with such thoughts for the present. we came on shore to get rid of them. they madden the brain, and quicken the pulse. the little craft, with the strange flag, has borne her captain hither, on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the great discoverer, whose history may be written in a single couplet. "a castilla, y leon nuevo mundo, dio colon." on her way hither, her keel has crossed the very track of the three little vessels from palos--two of them mere open caravels--that first ventured across the vast atlantic; and now her commander is standing where the great admiral himself once stood--on the very theatre of his early glory. and alas! for spain, on the theatre of his shame, or rather of her shame, too; for there stands the fortress still, in which are exhibited to the curious spectator the rings in the solid masonry of the wall, to which columbus was chained! a short walk will take us to the ruins of the palace of diego columbus. we must ascend the river a few hundred yards. here it is, a little below the port of the present day. when built it stood alone, and we may remember that the townspeople complained of it, on this account--saying that it was intended as a fortress, to keep them in subjection. it is now surrounded, as you see, by the ruins of many houses. if you have read oviedo's description of it, you are disappointed in its appearance; for that historian tells us, that "no man in spain had a house to compare with it." its form is that of two quadrangles connected by a colonnade, but it, by no means, comes up to the modern idea of a palace. the roof has entirely disappeared, and the quadrangles are mere shells filled with the accumulating debris of centuries, amid which large forest-trees have taken root and are flourishing. it was built of solid and substantial blocks of stone, and in any other country but the tropics, would have scarcely shown signs of age in three centuries. but here the fierce rays of a perpendicular sun, the torrents of rain in the wet season, and the occasional hurricanes and earthquakes, that desolate and destroy everything in their path, soon beat down the stanchest buildings--the very blocks of granite being disintegrated, by the alternate rain and sunshine, and crumbling away beneath their influence. it is situated on a rising ground, commanding a fine view of the sea, and the surrounding country. it is surrounded by walls and battlements, but the most imposing feature about it, must have been the approach to it from the city--the visitor passing through a wide avenue of shade-trees, and gaining admission to it by a majestic flight of stone steps. the shade-trees have disappeared, and the stone steps have been removed to be worked up into other buildings. we have called this house, the palace of diego columbus, but it must have been constructed either by his father, the admiral, or his uncle bartholomew, the _adelantado_, as we read that when diego came out, after his father's death, to assume the viceroyalty, he found it ready built at his hand. its blackened walls and dirt-filled saloons, now in the midst of a squalid purlieu of the modern city, must have witnessed many a scene of revelry in its day, as oviedo tells us, that when the young admiral was restored to the honors and command of his father, he brought out to his new government, with him, some of the most elegant young women of spain, as a sort of maids of honor to his own beautiful young wife--the marriage portions of all of whom he undertook to provide. and that in due time these young women were all happily bestowed upon gallant knights and wealthy planters. there, now, reader, we have taken a stroll through the classical old city of st. domingo--a piece of good fortune, which falls to the lot of very few. its romantic history seems to have been forgotten; it has fallen into the hands of a mongrel race of blacks and whites, and is rarely visited for any other purpose than that of trade. the negro and the mulatto in this oldest of american cities are thought rather more of than the white man, and the yankee skipper finds in it, a congenial mart, in which to vend his cheese and his codfish, and distribute his tracts--political and moral--and put forth his patent medicines! we did not get under way, the next morning, until eight o'clock, as the supplies from the butchers and fruiterers could not be gotten on board at an earlier hour. bartelli came off from the market, loaded as usual, bringing with him a bunch of wild pigeons, very similar to those found in our forests, and some excellent cigars. the flavor of the latter is not quite equal to those of the havana, but they are mild and pleasant smokers. he brought off, also, a specimen of the haytian paper money, worth five cents on the dollar. like the american greenback, it is the offshoot of revolution and political corruption. as eight o'clock struck, turning out of the ship the motley crowd of negroes and mulattoes who had come off to trade with the sailors, we tripped our anchor, and turning the ship's head again to the eastward, gave her the steam. the day was fine, and the sea smooth, and we had a picturesque run along the haytian coast, for the rest of the day. the coast is generally clean, what few dangers there are being all visible. the only sails sighted were fishing-boats and small coasters laden with farm produce, running down to st. domingo for a market. at times a number of these were in sight, and the effect was very pleasing. the coasts of hayti abound in fish, and as there is a succession of fruits all the year round, it is the paradise of the negro. a canoe and a fishing-line, or cast-net, and a few plantain and mango-trees supply his table; and two or three times a year, he cuts a mahogany log, and floats it down the little mountain streams, to the coast, where he sells it for paper money enough to buy him a few yards of cotton cloth, or calico. _voila tout!_ we entered the mona passage at half-past eight p. m. it was unguarded as before. during the night, we let our steam go down, to give the engineer an opportunity of screwing up the cylinder-head. under way again before daylight. the weather continued fine, and we began again to fall in with sails. they were all neutral, however. we spoke a spanish schooner, among the rest, and gave her the longitude. as soon as we had well cleared the passage, we banked fires, and lowering the propeller, put the ship under sail. on sunday, february st, we had our first muster since leaving jamaica. we had been out now a week, and in that time i had gotten my crew straightened up again. the rum had been pretty well worked out of them; most of the black rings around the eyes had disappeared, and beards had been trimmed, and heads combed. the court-martial which had been trying the few culprits, that had been retained for trial, had gotten through its labors, and been dissolved, and jack, as he answered to his name, and walked around the capstan, was "himself again," in all the glory of white "ducks," polished shoes, straw hats, and streaming ribbons. no more than two or three desertions had occurred, out of the whole crew, and this was very gratifying. the next day, we had an alarm of fire on board. it was near twelve o'clock. i happened to be standing on the horse-block, at the time, observing the sun for latitude, when suddenly i heard a confusion of voices below, and simultaneously the officer of the deck, with evident alarm depicted in his countenance, came running to me, and said, "the ship is on fire, sir!" this is an alarm that always startles the seaman. the "fire-bell in the night" is sufficiently alarming to the landsman, but the cry of fire at sea imports a matter of life and death--especially in a ship of war, whose boats are always insufficient to carry off her crew, and whose magazine and shell-rooms are filled with powder, and the loaded missiles of death. the fire-bell on board a ship of war, whose crew is always organized as a fire company, points out the duty of every officer and man in such an emergency. the first thing to be done is to "beat to quarters," and accordingly i gave this order to the officer; but before the drummer could brace his drum for the operation, it was announced that all danger had disappeared. when we had a little leisure to look into the facts, it appeared, that the alarm had arisen from the carelessness of the "captain of the hold," who, in violation of the orders of the ship, had taken a naked light below with him, into the spirit-room, to pump off the grog by. the candle had ignited some of the escaping gas, but the flame was suppressed almost immediately. the captain of the hold, who is a petty officer, paid the penalty of his disobedience, by being dismissed from his office; and in half an hour, the thing was forgotten. since leaving the mona passage, we had been steering about n. n. w., or as near north as the trade-wind would permit us. we expected, as a matter of course, to meet with the usual calms, as we came up with the tropic of cancer, but the north-east trade, instead of dying away, as we had expected, hauled to the south-east, and shot us across the calm-belt, with a fine breeze all the way. we carried this wind to the twenty-seventh parallel, when we took, with scarcely any intermission, a fresh north-wester. this does not often happen in the experience of the navigator, as the reader has seen, when he has before been crossing the calm-belts with us. on the d of february, we made our first capture since leaving st. domingo. it was the schooner _palmetto_, bound from new york to st. john's, in the island of porto rico. we gave chase to her, soon after breakfast, and came up with her about half-past one p. m. it was a fair trial of heels, with a fine breeze and a smooth sea; both vessels being on a wind; and it was beautiful to see how the _alabama_ performed her task, working up into the wind's eye, and overhauling her enemy, with the ease of a trained courser coming up with a saddle-nag. there was no attempt to cover the cargo of the _palmetto_. the enemy merchants seemed to have come to the conclusion, that it was no longer of any use to prepare bogus certificates, and that they might as well let their cargoes run the chances of war, without them. upon examination of the papers of the schooner, it appeared that the cargo was shipped by the spanish house of harques & maseras, domiciled, and doing business in new york, to vincent brothers, in san juan, porto rico, on joint account; the shippers owning one third, and the consignee two thirds. the case came, therefore, under the rule applied in a former case, viz., that when partners reside, some in a belligerent, and some in a neutral country, the property of all of them, which has any connection with the house in the belligerent country, is liable to confiscation. ( _phillimore_, , and _robinson_, , , . also, _the susa_, _ib._ .) getting on board from the _palmetto_, such articles of provisions--and she was chiefly provision-laden--as we needed, we applied the torch to her about sunset, and filled away, and made sail. the next afternoon we sighted a sail on our weather-bow, close hauled, like ourselves, and continued to gain upon her, until night shut her out from view, when we discontinued the chase. we were satisfied from her appearance, that she was neutral, or we should, probably, have expended a little steam upon her. at night the weather set in thick, and the wind blew so fresh from the north-east, that we took a single reef in the topsails. this bad weather continued for the next two or three days, reducing us, a part of the time, to close reefs. the reader is probably aware, that a ship bound from the west indies to the coast of brazil, is compelled to run up into the "variables," and make sufficient easting, to enable her to weather cape st. roque. this is what the _alabama_ is now doing--working her way to the eastward, on the parallel of about °. we observed on the th of february, in latitude ° '; the longitude being ° '. the next day, the weather being very fine, with the wind light from the southward and eastward, a sail was descried from aloft, and soon afterward another, and another, until four were seen. we gave chase to the first sail announced; standing to the eastward, in pursuit of her, for an hour or two, but she being a long distance ahead, and to windward, and the chase being likely, in consequence, to be long, and to draw us away from the other three sail, besides, we abandoned it, and gave chase to two of the latter. these were fine, tall ships, under a cloud of canvas, steering, one to the eastward, and the other to the westward. being quite sure that they were americans, and the wind falling light, we got up steam for the chase. coming up with the eastward-bound ship, we hove her to, but not until we had thrown a couple of shot at her, in succession--the latter whizzing over the master's head on the quarter-deck. she was evidently endeavoring to draw us after her, as far to the eastward as possible, to give her consort, with whom she had spoken, and who was running, as the reader has seen, to the westward, an opportunity to escape. throwing a boat's crew hastily on board of her, and directing the prize-master to follow us, we now wheeled in pursuit of the other fugitive. the latter was, by this time, fifteen miles distant--being hull down--and was running before the wind with studding sails, "alow and aloft." fortunately for the _alabama_, as before remarked, the wind was light, or the chase might have put darkness between us, before we came up with her. as it was, it was three p. m. before we overhauled her, and we had run our other prize nearly out of sight. she was less obstinate than her consort, and shortened sail, and hove to, at the first gun, hoisting the united states colors at her peak. she proved to be the bark _olive jane_, of new york, from bordeaux, bound to new york, with an assorted cargo of french wines, and brandies, canned meats, fruits, and other delicacies. there was no attempt to cover the cargo. there were a great many shippers. some few of these had consigned their goods to their own order, but most of the consignments were to new york houses. it is possible that some of the consignments, "to order," really belonged to french owners, but if so, i was relieved from the necessity of making the investigation, by the carelessness of the owners themselves, who had taken no pains to protect their property, by proper documentary evidence of its neutral character. in the absence of sworn proof, as before remarked, the rule of law is imperative, that all property found on board of an enemy's ship, is presumed to belong to the enemy. i acted upon this presumption, and set fire to the _olive jane_. what a splendid libation was here to old neptune! i did not permit so much as a bottle of brandy, or a basket of champagne to be brought on board the _alabama_, though, i doubt not, the throats of some of my vagabonds, who had so recently cooled off, from the big frolic they had had in jamaica, were as dry as powder-horns. there were the richest of olives, and _patés de fois gras_, going to tickle the palates of the new york shoddyites, and other _nouveau-riche_ plebeians, destroyed in that terrible conflagration. i should have permitted bartelli, and the other stewards to have a short run among these delicacies, but for the wine and the brandy. a fouché could not have prevented the boats' crews from smuggling some of it on board, and then i might have had another martinique grog-watering on my hands. amid the crackling of flames, the bursting of brandy casks, the shrivelling of sails, as they were touched by the fire, and the tumbling of the lighter spars of the _olive jane_ from aloft, we turned our head to the eastward again, and rejoined our first prize, coming up with her just as the shades of evening were closing in. i had now a little leisure to look into _her_ character. she, like the _olive jane_, had shown me the "old flag," and that, of course, had set at rest all doubts as to the nationality of the ship. there was as little doubt, as soon appeared, about the cargo. the ship was the _golden eagle_, and i had overhauled her near the termination of a long voyage. she had sailed from san francisco, in ballast, for howland's island, in the pacific; a guano island of which some adventurous yankees had taken possession. there she had taken in a cargo of guano, for cork and a market; the guano being owned by, and consigned to the order of the american guano company. this ship had buffeted the gales of the frozen latitudes of cape horn, threaded her pathway among its icebergs, been parched with the heats of the tropic, and drenched with the rains of the equator, to fall into the hands of her enemy, only a few hundred miles from her port. but such is the fortune of war. it seemed a pity, too, to destroy so large a cargo of a fertilizer, that would else have made fields stagger under a wealth of grain. but those fields would be the fields of the enemy; or if it did not fertilize his fields, its sale would pour a stream of gold into his coffers; and it was my business upon the high seas, to cut off, or dry up this stream of gold. the torch followed the examination of the papers. the reader may, perhaps, by this time have remarked, how fond the yankees had become of the qualifying adjective, "golden," as a prefix to the names of their ships. i had burned the _golden rocket_, the _golden rule_, and the _golden eagle_. we were now in latitude °, and longitude °, and if the curious reader will refer to a map, or chart of the north atlantic ocean, he will see that we are on the charmed "crossing," leading to the coast of brazil. by "crossing" is meant the point at which the ship's course crosses a given parallel of latitude. we must not, for instance, cross the thirtieth parallel, going southward, until we have reached a certain meridian--say that of ° w. if we do, the north-east trade-wind will pinch us, and perhaps prevent us from weathering cape st. roque. and when we reach the equator, there is another crossing recommended to the mariner, as being most appropriate to his purpose. thus it is, that the roads upon the sea have been blazed out, as it were--the blazes not being exactly cut upon the forest-trees, but upon parallels and meridians. the chief blazer of these roads, is an american, of whom all americans should be proud--captain maury, before mentioned in these pages. he has so effectually performed his task, in his "wind and current charts," that there is little left to be desired. the most unscientific and practical navigator, may, by the aid of these charts, find the road he is in quest of. maury has been, in an eminent degree, the benefactor of the very men who became most abusive of him, when they found that he, like other southern statesmen--for he is a statesman as well as sailor--was obliged to preserve his self-respect, by spitting upon the "old flag." he has saved every yankee ship, by shortening her route, on every distant voyage she makes, thousands of dollars. the greedy ship-owners pocket the dollars, and abuse the philosopher.[ ] chapter xlii. the "crossing" of the thirtieth parallel--the toll-gate upon the sea--how the travellers pass along the highway--capture of the washington; the john a. parks; the bathiah thayer; the punjaub; the morning star; the kingfisher; the charles hill; and the nora--crosses the equator--capture of the louisa hatch--arrival at fernando de noronha. reaching the blazed road, of which i spoke in the last chapter, i shortened sail, at the crossing mentioned, that i might waylay such of the passengers as chanced to be enemies. there were a great many ships passing, both ways, on this road, some going to the pacific, or the far east, and others returning from those distant points; but they were nearly all neutral. the american ships, having, by this time, become thoroughly alarmed, especially since they learned that neither english sealing-wax, nor admiral milne could save them, had dodged the highways, as skulkers and thieves are wont to do, and taken to the open fields and by-ways for safety. on the day after the capture of the _olive jane_ and _golden eagle_, the weather being cloudy and rainy, and the wind light, four more sail were seen--all european bound. at eight a. m. we showed the united states colors to one of them, which proved to be a french bark. it now became calm, and we were compelled to get up steam, to overhaul the rest. they lay long distances apart, and we were several hours in passing from one to the other. they were all englishmen, with various histories and destinations, one of them--a fine frigate-built ship--being a melbourne and liverpool packet. we received a paper from her, printed at the antipodes, but there was not much in it, besides the proceedings of the australian parliament, news from the gold-diggings, and the price of wool; in neither of which subjects were we much interested. on the next day but a solitary passenger came over the road. it was late at night when she made her appearance--there being a bright moon and a brisk breeze. we made sail in chase, and the chase, taking the alarm, gave us a very pretty run for a few hours. we overhauled her, however, at length, and fired the usual blank cartridge, to heave her to. she was an hermaphrodite brig, and might be, for aught we could see, in the uncertain light, american. the gun had no effect. we waited a few minutes for a response, but none coming, we fired again--sending a shot whizzing, this time, over the little craft. still no response. we were now only a few hundred yards distant. what could the fellow mean? all was as silent on board the chase as death, and not a tack or sheet had been started. we ran now almost on board of her, and hailing her, commanded her to heave to. great confusion followed. we could hear voices speaking in a foreign tongue, and presently a disorderly array of sails whipping and flapping in the wind, and of yards swinging to and fro, presented itself. at last the little craft managed to come to the wind, and make a halt. she proved to be a portuguese brig, and the crew had been so alarmed, at being chased and fired at, by night, as to lose all presence of mind, and become incapable of any action whatever, until they were somewhat reassured, by the near presence of our ship and the sound of our voices. she was bound from pernambuco to lisbon, with a cargo of hides and sugar. it was, indeed, something like a ghost-chase, to see the _alabama_ coming, in the dead of night after the little craft, with her seven-league boots on, and those awful trysails of hers spread out in the moonlight like so many winding-sheets. on the day after this adventure, a dutch bark and an english brig came along; and on the same night, we boarded the english four-master, the _sarah sands_, from the east indies for falmouth. at daylight, the next morning, the look-out at the mast-head began to cry sails, until he reported as many as seven in sight at one time. they were all european bound, and were jogging along, in company, following maury's blazes, like so many passengers on a highway. the _alabama_ stood like a toll-gate before them, and though we could not take toll of them, as they were all neutral, we made each traveller show us his passport, as he came up. one obstinate fellow--a hamburger--refused to show us his colors, until he was commanded to do so by a gun. i made it a practice to punish these unmannerly fellows, for their want of civility. on the present occasion, the hamburger was detained a considerable time, whilst i exercised, at my leisure, my belligerent right of _viséing_ his papers. when his travelling companions were some miles ahead of him, i told the surly fellow to pick up his hat and be off. on the next day, being still in latitude °, and longitude °, or at the "crossing," an english and an american ship came along. the englishman saluted us civilly as he passed. he was from the east indies, laden with silks and wines. but the american, seeing that we were under short sail--though the weather was fine--resting by the wayside, as it were, and remembering that there was a little unpleasantness between the north and south, fought rather shy of us, and endeavored to get out of the way of possible harm. she was a fine, large ship, and the moment she showed an intention not to pass through the toll-gate, we made sail in pursuit. she had heels, but they were not quite as clean as the _alabama's_, and we came up with her, in the course of two or three hours; she having approached pretty close, before she smelt the rat. she was obstinate, and compelled me to wet the people on her poop, by the spray of a shot, before she would acknowledge that she was beaten. the shower-bath made a stir among the bystanders; there was a running hither and thither, a letting go of sheets and halliards, and pretty soon the main-yard swung aback, and the stars and stripes were seen ascending to the stranger's peak. when the boarding-officer brought the master of the captured ship on board, with his papers, she proved to be the ship _washington_, of new york, from the chincha islands, bound to antwerp, with a cargo of guano, laden on account of the peruvian government, and consigned to its agent at antwerp, for sale. being unable to destroy the ship, because of the neutral ownership of her cargo, i released her on ransom-bond, sent my prisoners on board of her to be landed, and permitted her to depart. this capture was made on the th of february. on the th we overhauled two english ships, from the east indies, homeward bound, and a french ship, from batavia, for nantes. the weather continued very fine, and we had had a uniformly high barometer, ever since we had reached the "crossing." the morning of the st of march dawned charmingly, with a very light breeze. the night had been rather dark, and we had been lying-to under topsails. in the darkness of the night, an enemy's ship had approached us unawares. she had been following the blazes, without seeing the toll-gate, and the revelations made by the morning's light, must have startled her; for she found herself within half a mile of an exceedingly saucy-looking gunboat, lying in wait for somebody, or something. it was nearly calm, and she could not help herself if she would. on the other hand, the gunboat was delighted to see a tall ship, whose masts tapered like a lady's fingers, arrayed in the whitest of petticoats--to carry out our figure--and which, from the course she was steering, was evidently just out from yankee-land, with that mail on board, which we had been anxiously looking for, for several days past. we were in the midst of the scrubbing and cleaning of the morning watch, and to effect the capture, it was not even necessary to lay aside a holy-stone, or a scrubbing-brush. a gun and a confederate flag, were all that was required to bring the tall ship to a halt, and remove her doubts, if she had had any. she was the _john a. parks_, of hallowell, maine. the cargo of the _parks_ consisted of white pine lumber which she had taken on board at new york, and she was bound to montevideo, or buenos ayres, as the consignee might elect. there was an affidavit found among her papers, made by one snyder, before a mr. edwards pierrepont, who appears to have been acting as british consul, claiming that the cargo was shipped on account of a london house. the real facts of the case, however, as gathered from the correspondence, and the testimony of the master, were, that one davidson, a lumber dealer in new york had chartered the ship, and shipped the lumber, in the usual course of his business, to the parties in montevideo; that he had paid most of the freight, in advance, and insured himself against the _war risk_, both upon the cargo and the freight. the manner in which this case was "put up," in the papers, was an improvement upon some others i had examined. the new york merchants were evidently becoming expert in the preparation of bogus certificates. it was no longer merely stated that the property belonged to "neutral owners," but the owners themselves were named. in short, the certificate found on board the _parks_ was in due form, but unfortunately for the parties who contrived the clever little plot, the master forgot to throw overboard his letter-bag, and among the letters found in that bag, was one written by davidson, giving instructions to the consignees, in which the following expressions occur: "the cargo of the _john a. parks_, i shall have certified to, by the british consul, as the property of british subjects. you will find it a very good cargo, and should command the highest prices." by the time that i had finished the examination of the case, bartelli announced breakfast, and i invited my hallowell friend to take a cup of coffee with me, telling him, at the same time, that i should burn his ship. as well as i recollect, he declined the coffee, but i am quite certain that the ship was burned. the carpenter of the _alabama_ was thrown into ecstasies by this capture. all the other departments of the ship had been kept well supplied, except his own. the paymaster, who was also commissary, the boatswain, the sailmaker, had all been "plundering" the enemy quite extensively, but no "boards" had come along, until now, for the poor carpenter. here they were at last, however, and if i had not put some restraint upon my zealous officer of the adze and chisel, i believe he would have converted the _alabama_ into a lumberman. we received from the _parks_, sure enough, the mail we had been waiting for. there must have been a barrel-full, and more of newspapers and periodicals, going to the _montevideans_ and _buenos ayreans_--many of them in the best of spanish, and all explaining the "great moral ideas," on which the southern people were being robbed of their property, and having their throats cut. we gleaned one gratifying piece of intelligence, however, from these papers. "the pirate _florida_" had put to sea from mobile, to assist the "british pirate," in plundering, and burning the "innocent merchant-ships of the united states, pursuing their peaceful commerce," as mr. charles francis adams, so often, and so _naively_ expressed it to earl russell. whilst the _parks_ was still burning, an english bark passed through the toll-gate, the captain of which was prevailed upon, to take the master of the burning ship, his wife, and two nephews, to london. we were glad, on the poor lady's account, that she was so soon relieved from the discomforts of a small and crowded ship. the next traveller that came along was the _bethiah thayer_, of rockland, maine, last from the chincha islands, with a cargo of guano for the peruvian government. the cargo being properly documented, i put the ship under ransom-bond, and permitted her to pass. it was sunday; the _bethiah_ was dressed in a new suit of cotton canvas, and looked quite demure and saint-like, while her papers were being examined. i have no doubt if i had questioned her master, that he would have been found to have voted for breckinridge. i now resolved to fill away, stand down toward the equator, and hold myself stationary, for a few days, at the "crossing" of that famous great circle. i was far enough to the eastward, to make a free wind of the north-east trade, and we jogged along under topsails, making sail only when it became necessary to chase. we lost our fine weather almost immediately upon leaving the "crossing," and took a series of moderate gales--sometimes, however, reducing us to close reefs--which lasted us for a week or ten days, or until we began to approach the rains and calms of the equator. we met a number of sails on the road, and now and then chased one, but they all proved to be neutral. on the night of the th of march, at a few minutes before midnight, the weather being thick and murky, the look-out at the cat-head suddenly cried "sail ho! close aboard;" and in a few minutes a large ship passed us on the opposite tack, within speaking distance. we hailed, but she passed on like a goblin ship, without giving us any reply. she had all sails set, there was no one stirring on board of her, and the only light that was visible, was the one which twinkled in the binnacle. we wore ship with all expedition, shook the reefs out of the topsails, and made sail in pursuit. it took us some minutes to accomplish this, and by the time we were well under way, the stranger was nearly out of sight. both ships were on a wind, however, and this, as the reader has seen, was the _alabama's_ best point of sailing. our night-glasses soon began to tell the usual tale. we were overhauling the chase; and at a quarter past three, or a little before dawn, we were near enough to heave her to, with a gun. she proved to be the _punjaub_, of boston, from calcutta for london. her cargo consisted chiefly of jute and linseed, and was properly certificated as english property. the goods were, besides, of foreign growth, and were going from one english port to another. i released her on ransom-bond, and sent on board of her the prisoners from the last ship burned. soon after daylight, we gave chase to another sail in the e. s. e., with which we came up about eight a. m. she was an english ship, from the mauritius, for cork. she confirmed our suspicion, that the yankee ships were avoiding, as a general rule, the beaten tracks, having spoken one of them on the "line," bound to the coast of brazil, which had travelled as far east as the twenty-third meridian; or about four hundred miles out of her way. we were still standing to the southward, and on the st of march we were very near the sun, for while he was crossing the equator, we were in latitude ° ' n.; our longitude being ° w. on that day, the weather is thus recorded in my journal: "cloudy, with squalls of rain, and the wind shifting, indicating that we have lost the 'trades.' it is pleasant to hear the thunder roll, for the first time in several months, sounding like the voice of an old friend; and the crew seem to enjoy a ducking from the heavy showers--rain having been a rare visitor of late." and on the next day, the following is the record: "rains, and calms all day; the officers and crew alike, are paddling about the deck in bare feet, and enjoying the pelting of the rain, like young ducks. three neutrals, in company, bound like ourselves, across the 'line.' they look, at a distance, with their drooping sails flapping idly in the calm, as disconsolate as wet barn-yard fowls at home, on a rainy day." on the d of march, the weather being still as described, and very little change having taken place in our position, we made two more captures; the first, the _morning star_ of boston, from calcutta for london, and the second the whaling schooner _kingfisher_, of fairhaven, massachusetts. the cargo of the _morning star_ being in the same category as that of the _punjaub_, we released her also, on ransom-bond. the _kingfisher_ we burned. this adventurous little whaler had a crew of twenty-three persons, all of whom were portuguese, except the master, and mate, and one or two boat-steerers. we set fire to her just at nightfall, and the conflagration presented a weird-like spectacle on the "line," amid the rumbling of thunder, the shifting, but ever black scenery, of the nimbi, or rain clouds, and the pouring and dashing of torrents of rain. sometimes the flames would cower beneath a drenching shower, as though they had been subdued, but in a moment afterward, they would shoot up, mast-head high, as brightly and ravenously as before. the oil in her hold kept her burning on the surface of the still sea, until a late hour at night. on the next day, we boarded, as usual, a number of neutral ships, of different nationalities, some going south, and some going north. we were at the "crossing" of the equator, "blazed" by maury, and with the main topsail at the mast, were reviewing, as it were, the commerce of the world. we were never out of sight of ships. they were passing, by ones, and twos, and threes, in constant succession, wreathed in rain and mist, and presenting frequently the idea of a funeral procession. the honest traders were all there, except the most honest of them all--the yankees--and they were a little afraid of the police. still we managed to catch a rogue now and then. on the second day after burning the _kingfisher_, we made two more captures. late in the afternoon of that day, we descried two large ships approaching us, in company. they came along lovingly, arm-in-arm, as it were, as though in the light airs and calms that were prevailing, they had been having a friendly chat, or one of the masters had been dining on board of the other. they were evidently american ships, and had most likely been having a cosy talk about the war. the "sainted" abraham's emancipation proclamation was the favorite topic of the day, as we had learned from the mail-bags of the _parks_, and perchance they had been discussing that; or perhaps the skippers were congratulating themselves upon having escaped the _alabama_; they probably supposing her to be at the other toll-gate still. whatever may have been the subject of their discourse, they evidently pricked up their ears, as soon as they saw the _alabama_, stripped like a gentleman who was taking it coolly, with nothing but her topsails set, and lying across their path. they separated gradually; and quietly, and by stealth, a few more studding-sails were sent up aloft. it was time now for the _alabama_ to move. her main yard was swung to the full, sailors might have been seen running up aloft, like so many squirrels, who thought they saw "nuts" ahead, and pretty soon, upon a given signal the top-gallant sails and royals might have been seen fluttering in the breeze, for a moment, and then extending themselves to their respective yard-arms. a whistle or two from the boatswain and his mates, and the trysail sheets are drawn aft, and the _alabama_ has on those seven-league boots which the reader has seen her draw on so often before. a stride or two, and the thing is done. first, the _charles hill_, of boston, shortens sail, and runs up the "old flag," and then the _nora_, of the same pious city, follows her example. they were both laden with salt, and both from liverpool. the _hill_ was bound to montevideo, or buenos ayres, and there was no attempt to cover her cargo. the _nora_ was bound to calcutta, under a charter-party with one w. n. de mattos. in the bill of lading, the cargo was consigned to order, and on the back of the instrument was the following indorsement: "i hereby certify, that the salt shipped on board the _nora_, is the property of w. n. de mattos, of london, and that the said w. n. de mattos is a british subject, and was so at the time of the shipment." this certificate was signed by one h. e. folk, and at the bottom of the certificate were the words, "r. c. gardner, mayor"--presumed to mean the mayor of liverpool. here was a more awkward attempt to cover a cargo than any of my yankee friends of new york or boston had ever made. there was very little doubt that the salt was english-owned, but the certificate, i have recited, did not amount even to an _ex parte_ affidavit, it not being sworn to. as a matter of course, i was bound to presume the property to be enemy, it being found, unprotected by any legal evidence, in an enemy's ship. the _hill_ and the _nora_ were, therefore, both consigned to the flames, after we had gotten on board from them such articles as we stood in need of. we received from the two ships between thirty and forty tons of coal, or about two days' steaming. it took us nearly all the following day to transport it in our small boats, and we did not set fire to the ships until five in the afternoon. we received, also, half a dozen recruits from them. i had now quite as many men as i wanted. among the papers of the _hill_ was found the following brief letter of instructions from her owner to her master. it is dated from the good city of boston, and was written while the ship was lying at that other good city, philadelphia. it is addressed to captain f. percival, and goes on to say:-- "dear sir:--i have received your several letters from philadelphia. as a rebel privateer has burned several american ships, it may be as well if you can have your bills of lading indorsed as english property, and have your cargo certified to by the british consul." such nice little missives as these, written from one city of "grand moral ideas," to another city, whose ideas were no less grand or moral, quietly instructing ship-masters to commit perjury, were of great assistance to me, when, in the classical words of the new york "commercial advertiser," i had a "yankee hash" to deal with. on the th of march we crossed the equator. the event is thus recorded in my journal: "crossed the equator at five p. m. in the midst of a dense rain-squall, with lowering, black clouds, and the wind from the south-west. we were in chase of a sail at the time, but lost her in the gloom. it rained all night, with light airs and calms. we have experienced a south-easterly current, setting at the rate of a knot and a half the hour, for the last twenty-four-hours." we made our crossing a little farther to the eastward than usual-- °--on purpose to counteract the yankee dodge spoken of a little while back. we now encountered a variety of currents, some setting to the south-east as just mentioned, others to the east, others to the south, until finally we fell in with the great equatorial current setting to the westward. the study of the phenomena of the currents, is one of the most interesting that can engage the attention of the marine philosopher. we have already had occasion to explain the circulation of the atmosphere--how the wind "cometh and goeth," not at random, but in obedience to certain well-defined natural laws. the circulation of the sea is no less regular than that of the atmosphere, and has equally important offices to perform. if the sea were a stagnant mass of waters, some portions of the earth which now enjoy temperate climates, and teem with millions of population in the enjoyment of an abundant fauna and flora, would be almost uninhabitable because of the extreme cold. some portions of the sea would dry up, and become beds of salt, and others again would, from the superabundance of precipitation, become fresh, or nearly so. in short, there would be a general disturbance of the harmonies of creation. to obviate this, and to put the sea in motion, various agencies have been set at work by the great architect; chief among which is the unequal distribution of heat over the earth's surface. we have already called the sun the father of the winds; he is equally the father of the currents. the warm water of the equator is constantly flowing off to the poles, and the cold water of the poles flowing back, as undercurrents, to the equator. this flow is not directly north, or directly south, but by a variety of tortuous channels. the different depths of the ocean, the obstructions of islands, and continents, clouds and sunshine, and a great many other agencies, combine to give this tortuosity and seeming irregularity to the currents. let us take an example. the _alabama_ has just experienced a south-east current in a locality where the current sets, as a general rule, to the westward. how are we to account for this? it may be due to a variety of causes, all working in harmony, however, with the general design. in the first place, it may be a counter-current going to fill the place left vacant by some other current; for, as a matter of course, when a given quantity of water flows away from a place, the same quantity must flow back to it. or it may be a principal, and not an accessory current, set in motion, say by heat. let us see how easily this may be accomplished. suppose a dense canopy of clouds to overshadow some considerable space of the sea, for a day, or it may be, for a few hours only. whilst the rays of the sun are shut out from this space, they are pouring down their heat with tropical fervor, say to the south of this cloud-bank. under the cloud-bank the water is cooling, beyond the bank it is being heated. under the bank evaporation has ceased almost altogether, beyond the bank it is going on at the rate of about an inch in twenty-four hours. here are powerful agencies at work, changing both the temperature, and specific gravity of the waters. waters to be at rest must have the same temperature and specific gravity. these waters therefore cannot remain at rest, and a current is the consequence. to-morrow, perhaps, the process will be reversed, the cloud and the sunshine changing places, and the current flowing in a contrary direction. these are local disturbances of the system of oceanic circulation--little venous derangements, as it were, the great arterial system not being materially affected by them. there are other exceedingly beautiful agencies at work, on a smaller scale, to disturb the oceanic equilibrium, and set the waters in motion. it has puzzled philosophers to account for the saltness of the sea. whatever may be its cause, it plays a very important part in giving vitality to its circulation. if sea-water were fresh, evaporation would not produce any change in its specific gravity. one element of motion, therefore, would be wanted. but being salt, and the salts not being taken up by the thirsty air, in the process of evaporation, every rain-drop that is withdrawn from it, helps to put the currents in motion. but these are surface operations; let us dive beneath the surface, and witness some of the wonders that are going on in the depths below. we have before shown the reader, the coralline insect, that wonderful little stone-mason of the sea, which, in the hands of providence, is the architect of islands and continents. the sea-water is the quarry from which this little toiler extracts his tiny blocks of masonry. if the water were fresh, it would not hold the materials in solution, which he needs for his work. but being salt, it has just the materials which he needs. but how does he affect the currents? the reader will ask. as follows: every particle of solid matter that he extracts from the sea-water--and he must have limestone to build those islands and continents of which he is the architect--alters its specific gravity. the little globule of water, from which he has just taken the block of stone that would be scarcely visible under a powerful microscope, has become lighter than the surrounding globules, and ascends to the surface. in obedience to the law which we have mentioned, that as much water must flow back to a place, as flows away from it, a globule of water from the surface now descends to take the place of that which has arisen; descends to the little stone-mason, that he may rob it, in turn, of the block of stone that it contains. the globules of water thus become the hod-carriers for these little stone-masons, working away, in countless myriads, at the bottom of the sea. but what becomes of this lighter globule of water, which has arisen to the surface, because it has been deprived of its solid matter? it must flow away somewhere in search of the salts it has lost, for if it remain stationary, in course of time, the sea in its neighborhood will all be deprived of its salts, and there will be no more globules to descend to the little stone-mason. but when the globule starts to flow off, a current is established. the reader may recollect that when we were at the azores, breaking up that yankee whaling station, we spoke of the currents, in connection with the whales, and other fishes; how, like "reapers and gleaners," they bore to them the food which was prepared for them in other latitudes. the reader sees, now, how the currents build the coral bank. every sea-shell, as it secretes the solid matter for its edifice, helps on the movement set on foot by the coral insect. on the d of april, we observed in latitude ° ' s.; our longitude being ° '. the weather was still thick and rainy, and we had fitful gusts of wind, and calms by turns. during the morning watch, the dense clouds lifted for a while, and showed us a fine, tall ship, steering, like ourselves, to the southward. we immediately made sail in chase. the wind was blowing quite fresh from the south-west, at the time, and we gained very rapidly upon the stranger. at twelve o'clock the wind died away, and the heavy rains being renewed, she was entirely shut out from view. we continued the chase all day; now being sure of her, and now being baffled by the ever-shifting clouds, and changing wind and weather. at length, at five p. m., it being no longer safe to trust to contingencies, as night would set in, in another hour, i sent a whale-boat to board, and halt her, although she was still two miles distant. the boarding was successfully accomplished, and just before dark, we could see the stranger's head turned in our direction. we knew from this circumstance that she was a prize, and hoisting a light, as night set in, to guide the boarding-officer, in an hour or two more she was alongside of us. the prize proved to be the _louisa hatch_, of rockland, maine, from cardiff, with a cargo of the best welsh coal, for point-de-galle, in the island of ceylon. the bill of lading required the cargo to be delivered to the "_messageries imperiales_," steamship company, and there was a certificate on the back of the bill of lading to the effect that the coal belonged to that company, but the certificate was not sworn to by the subscriber. this was tantamount to no evidence at all, and i condemned both ship and cargo as prize of war. here was quite a windfall--a thousand tons of coal, near the coast of brazil, where it was worth $ per ton. but what was i to do with the prize? it would be an interminable job to attempt to supply myself from her, by means of my boats, and hauling the two ships alongside of each other, at sea, was not to be thought of. i was bound to the island of fernando de noronha, that being the second rendezvous which i had assigned to my old scotch collier, the _agrippina_, and i resolved to take the _hatch_ in, with me, to abide contingencies. if the _agrippina_ should arrive in due time, i could burn the _hatch_; if not, the _hatch_ would supply her place. this being determined upon, i sent a prize crew on board the captured ship, and directed the prize-master to keep company with me. we overhauled an english bark, the next day, bound from lisbon to rio janeiro, from which we received some late portuguese newspapers, of no particular interest; and on the day afterward, we chased what we took certainly to be a yankee whaling schooner, but which we found, upon coming up with her, to be a portuguese. the schooner was a capital imitation of the "down east" fore-and-after, but upon being boarded, she not only proved to be foreign built, but her master and crew were all portuguese, nearly as black as negroes, with a regular set of portuguese papers. what added considerably to the cheat was, that the little craft had heels, and i was some two or three hours in coming up with her. the weather was so thick for the next two or three days, that it was necessary to keep the prize very close to me, to prevent losing sight of her. at night i showed her a light from my peak, and we jogged along within speaking distance of each other. having had no observation for fixing the position of my ship, during the prevalence of this thick weather, and the direction and velocity of the currents being somewhat uncertain, i was quite anxious lest i should drift past the island i was in quest of, and fall upon some of the foul ground lying between it and the coast of brazil. on the th of april, the sun showed himself for an hour or two, near noon, and i got latitude and longitude, and found that we were in the great equatorial current, as i had supposed, setting us about s. w. by w. at the rate of a knot and a half per hour. i now got up steam, and taking the prize in tow, for it was nearly calm, with but a few cats'-paws playing upon the water, made the best of my way toward fernando de noronha. at daylight, the next morning, we made the famous peak, some forty miles distant, and at half-past two p. m. we came to anchor in thirteen fathoms water. the prize, having been cast off as we ran in, anchored near us. the _agrippina_ had not arrived; nor did i ever see her afterward. captain bullock had duly dispatched her, but the worthless old scotch master made it a point not to find me, and having sold his coal in some port or other, i have forgotten where, returned to england with a cock-and-a-bull story, to account for his failure. the fact is, the old fellow had become alarmed lest he should fall into the hands of the yankees. it was fortunate that i had not burned the _louisa hatch_. chapter xliii. fernando de noronha--its famous peak--is a penal settlement of brazil--a visit from the governor's ambassadors--a visit to the governor in return--the aristocracy of the island--capture of the lafayette and the kate cory--burning of the two last ships, with the louisa hatch--prisoners sent to pernambuco--the cloud ring, and the rainy and dry seasons. fernando de noronha lies not a great way from cape st. roque in brazil. it forms the western end of a chain of volcanic islands and deep-sea soundings that extend some distance along the equator. earthquakes have been frequently experienced by ships when passing along this chain, and the charts point out a number of supposed dangers hereabout. many of these dangers have no real existence, but still the prudent mariner gives them a wide berth, when sailing past the localities assigned them. the island of fernando de noronha is evidently of volcanic origin. its whole appearance indicates that it was thrown from the depths of the sea, by nature, when in one of her most fearful paroxysms. its abrupt and rugged sides of solid rock, rent and torn, and blackened by the torrents, rise almost perpendicularly from the waters to the height of several hundred feet. the famous peak before spoken of, and which the mariner at sea descries long before the body of the island becomes visible, is a queer freak of nature. it looks as though the giants had been playing at church-steeples, and had upraised this immense shaft of granite to mark one of nature's cathedrals. the illusion is almost perfect. when "land ho!" is first cried by the look-out at the mast-head, and the glass is applied in the given direction, the observer is startled at the resemblance. nor is his surprise diminished, as his ship approaches nearer, and the body of the island begins to make its appearance above the water; for there is the roof of the massive cathedral, to which the steeple belongs! the peak is a mass of solid granite, shot by the earthquake through the solid crust of the mountain, and is almost symmetrical enough to have been shaped by human hands. we lay nearly two weeks at fernando de noronha, and i was never tired of gazing upon this wonderful evidence of the power of volcanic forces. the winds, the rains, and the sunshine have, in the course of ages, disintegrated enough of the surface of this rocky island, to form a rich soil, which is covered with a profusion of tropical vegetation, including forest-trees of considerable size; and a number of small farms, with neat farm-houses, add to the picturesqueness of the scene. fruits and vegetables, the indian corn, and the sugar-cane, flourish in great perfection, and a few ponies and horned cattle have been introduced from the main land. swine, goats, and domestic fowls abound. fernando de noronha stands as a great sign-board, as it were, on the principal commercial thoroughfare of the world. almost all the ships that cross the line, from europe and america, to the east indies and pacific ocean, and _vice versa_, sight it, for the purpose of taking a new departure from it. the dwellers on its lonely hills look out upon a constant stream of commerce, but they are like prisoners looking out from their prison-windows upon a scene of which they are not a part. a ship rarely ever touches at the island. there is nothing to invite communication. it is too insignificant for traffic, and has no good harbor where a ship could repair damages or refit. it is, besides, a penal colony of brazil, to which it belongs. it is under the government of an officer of the brazilian army, who has a battalion of troops under him, and hither are sent from rio janeiro, and the other cities of the empire, all the noted criminals who are condemned to long terms of imprisonment. very few of the prisoners are kept in close confinement. the island itself is prison enough, and there are no possible means of escape from it. the prisoners are, therefore, permitted to run at large, and mitigate the horrors of their lot by manual labor on the farms, or engage in the mechanic arts. our arrival was announced in due form to the governor, and the paymaster had, besides, at my suggestion, addressed him a letter on the subject of supplies. in the meantime, we hauled the _louisa hatch_ alongside, and commenced coaling. the next morning a couple of gentlemen visited me, on the part of the governor, to arrange personally with the paymaster, the matter of supplies, and to welcome me to the island. no objection was made to our bringing in the _hatch_, or to our receiving coal from her. the state of my diplomatic relations with the governor was thus so satisfactory, that i invited his ambassadors into the cabin, and summoned bartelli to provide champagne. a popping of corks, and a mutual clinking of glasses ensued, and when we had resumed conversation and lighted cigars, one of the gentlemen diplomats informed me, in the most easy and _san souciant_ manner possible, that he was one of the convicts of the island! he had been sentenced for six years, he said, but had nearly served his term out. he was a german, and spoke very good english. several of my officers were present, and there was, of course, a casting of glances from one to the other. but bartelli, who was still standing a few paces in the rear, with a fresh bottle of uncorked champagne in his hand, seemed to be most shocked. my faithful steward felt the honors and dignity of my station much more than i did myself, and it was amusing to see the smile of derision and contempt, with which he wheeled round, and replaced the uncorked bottle in the champagne basket. the next day, accompanied by my paymaster--by the way, i have forgotten to mention that i had appointed dr. galt, my esteemed surgeon, paymaster, at the time i made a present of my former paymaster to mr. adams, as related; and that i had promoted dr. llewellyn to be surgeon--i made a visit to the governor at his palace. he had kindly sent horses for us to the beach, and we had a pleasant ride of about a mile, before we reached his headquarters. it was about eleven a. m., when we alighted, and were escorted by an aide-de-camp to his presence. the governor was a thin, spare man, rather under the medium height, and of sprightly manners and conversation. his complexion, like that of most brazilians, was about that of a side of tanned sole-leather. his rank was that of a major in the brazilian army. he received us very cordially. we found him at breakfast with his family and some guests, and he insisted that we should be seated at the breakfast-table, and partake of a second breakfast, though we endeavored to decline. the meal was quite substantial, consisting of a variety of roast meats, as well as fruits and vegetables. as soon as i could find a little time to look around me, i discovered that her ladyship, the governess, was a very sprightly and not uncomely mulatto, and that her two little children, who were brought to me with all due ceremony, to be praised, and have their heads patted, had rather kinky, or, perhaps, i should say curly, hair. but i was a man of the world, and was not at all dismayed by this discovery; especially when i observed that my _vis-a-vis_--one of the guests--was a beautiful blonde, of sweet seventeen, with a complexion like a lily, tinted with the least bit of rose, and with eyes so melting and lovely, that they looked as though they might have belonged to one of the houris, of whom that old reprobate mahomet used to dream. to set off her charms still further, she was arrayed in a robe of the purest white, with a wreath of flowers in her flaxen hair. she was a german, and was seated next to her father, a man of about sixty, who, as the governor afterward informed me, was one of his chief criminals. the governor seeing me start a little as he gave me this information, made haste to explain, that his guest was not of the _canaille_, or common class of rogues, but a gentleman, who, in a moment of weakness, had signed another gentleman's name to a check for a considerable amount, which he had been clever enough to have cashed. "he is only a forger, then!" said i to the governor. "that is all," replied he; "he is a very clever old gentleman, and, as you see, he has a very pretty daughter." there was certainly no gainsaying the latter proposition. the chaplain of the penal colony--which numbered about one thousand convicts, the entire population of the island being about two thousand--a portly and dignified priest, was also at the breakfast-table, and my paymaster and myself spent a very pleasant half-hour around this social board, at which were represented so many of the types of mankind, and so different moral elements. from the breakfast-table, we retired to a withdrawing-room, which was pretty well filled when we entered, showing that his excellency had done me the honor to get some guests together to greet me. the paymaster and myself were personally presented to most of these distinguished gentlemen--some military men, some civilians. among others, was present the ambassador of the day previous, who had given such a shock to bartelli's nerves, as to render him incapable of doing that which he loved above all other things to do--draw a champagne cork for the captain's guests, whom he regarded, after a certain fashion, as his own. the governor had evidently been select in his society, for most of these gentlemen were not only well dressed, but well-mannered, and some of them were even distinguished in appearance. they were mostly homicides and forgers, and seemed rather to pride themselves upon the distinction which they had attained in their _professions_. there was one young fellow present, upon whom all seemed to look with admiration. he was a dashing young german, who had evidently driven fast horses, and kept the best of company. he wore an elaborately embroidered shirt-bosom, on which glittered a diamond brooch of great brilliancy, and there were chains hung about his neck, and signet and other rings on his fingers. this fellow was such a master of the pen, that he could cheat any man out of his signature, after having seen him write but once. to give us an example of his skill, he sketched, whilst we were talking to him, the _alabama_, and her surroundings, as they appeared from the window of the saloon in which we were sitting, so perfectly, with pen and ink, as to create a murmur of applause among the bystanders. this charming young gentleman had "done" the bank of rio janeiro out of a very large sum, which was the cause of his being the guest of the governor. wine and cigars were brought in, and as we chatted, and smoked with these fellows, the paymaster, and i were highly amused--amused at our own situation, and by the variety of characters by whom we were surrounded. the levée being at an end, the governor ordered horses, and, accompanied by an orderly, we rode over his dominions. it was in the midst of the rainy season, and the island was almost constantly wreathed in mists and rain, but as these rains continue for months, no one thinks of housing himself on account of them. we passed within a stone's throw of the peak, and were more struck than ever, with the grandeur of its proportions and the symmetry of its form. the island is broken and picturesque, as all volcanic countries are, and in the midst of the rains, it was one mass of rank vegetation, it being as much as the farmers could do to keep a few patches of cultivation free from the encroaching weeds and jungle. we had not been in the saddle more than twenty minutes, when a heavily laden, vaporous cloud swept over us, and drenched us to the skin. but i found that this was not to interfere, in the least, with our ride. its only effect was, to induce the governor to call a temporary halt, at a manioc factory, in which he was interested, and whistle up a boy, who brought each of us a very small glass filled with the villanous _aguadiente_ of the country. the governor tossed his off at a single gulp, and not to be discourteous, we made wry faces, and disposed of as much of ours as we could. we passed through tangled forests, the trees of which were all new to us, and through dells and ravines, in which the living, and the decaying vegetation seemed to be struggling for the mastery, and emerged in a beautiful cocoanut plantation, on the south end of the island, which lay only a few feet above the sea-level. i was now at the end of the governor's dominions--an hour's ride had brought me from the sea, on one side of them, to the sea, on the other, and there was nothing more to be seen. other showers coming on, we entered a tiny country house of the governor's, and had some grapes, figs, and melons brought in to us by the major domo. the green cocoanut was brought to us among other delicacies, to be eaten with spoons. we were quite amused at the manner in which these nuts were gathered. the major domo called a boy, and tying his legs together, just above the ankles, so that the ankles were about six inches apart, set him down at the foot of a tree. these trees, as the reader knows, grow to a great height, are perfectly cylindrical, and have not an excrescence of any kind from root to top; and yet the boy, by the aid of the bandage described, wriggled himself to the top of one of the tallest, with the agility of a squirrel. there being at length a pause in the rains, the sun even peeping through an occasional rift in the ragged and watery clouds, we remounted, and rode back. the tiny mountain paths had, many of them, by this time become rills and torrents, and our horses were frequently knee-deep in water. the paymaster and i pulled on board at five p. m., without having suffered any inconvenience, either from the rains, or the governor's _aguadiente_; nor did our morals suffer materially by what we had seen and heard in the island of fernando de noronha. the next morning the governor's wife sent me a fat turkey for dinner, accompanied by the most charming of bouquets. this was evidently my reward for patting the little curly heads of her children. my diplomacy from this time onward was all right. i did not hear a word from the governor, or any one in authority, about neutral rights, or the violation of neutral jurisdictions. brazil had, i knew, followed the lead of the european powers, in excluding prizes from her ports, and i had fully expected to receive some remonstrance against my bringing in the _louisa hatch_, but madame was too strong for the governor, and, as the reader has seen, i received fat turkeys, and bouquets, instead of remonstrances. the anchorage being nothing but an open roadstead, we soon found it too rough to permit a ship to lie alongside of us, and so were obliged to haul the _hatch_ off to her anchors, and continue our coaling with boats. this was rather a tedious process, and it was not until the th of april, or five days after our arrival, that we were coaled. we had not once thought of a prize, since we came in. our whole attention had been given to coaling ship, and refitting for another cruise, refreshing the crew, and attending to the ladies at the government house. but the ubiquitous yankee would turn up in spite of us. just as we had gotten our last boat-load of coal on board, two ships appeared off the harbor, and were seen to heave to, and lower boats. we soon made them out to be whalers, and knew them to be american, though they had not as yet hoisted any colors. the boats pulled in apace, and soon entered the harbor. they contained the masters of the two whalers, who had come in to barter a little whale oil for supplies. the _alabama_ was lying, without any colors hoisted, as was her wont while she remained at this island, and, of course, the _louisa hatch_, her prize, had none set. the boats pulled in quite unsuspiciously, and observing that the _hatch_ was an american-built ship, went alongside of her. the prize-master, who was taking it easily, in his shirt-sleeves, and so had no uniform on which could betray him, went to the gangway and threw them a rope. the two masters declined to come on board, as they were in a hurry, they said, but remained some time in conversation--the prize-master, who was an englishman, endeavoring to play yankee, the best he could. he repeatedly invited them to come on board, but they declined. they wanted to know what steamer "that was," pointing to the _alabama_. they were told that it was a brazilian packet-steamer, come over to the colony to bring some convicts. "what are _you_ doing here," they now inquired. "we sprang a pretty bad leak, in a late gale, and have come in to see if we can repair damages." presently there was a simultaneous start, on the part of both the boat's crews, and the words "starn, all!" being bawled, rather than spoken, both boats backed out, in "double quick," and put off, with the most vigorous strokes of their oars, for the shore, like men who were pulling for their lives. the prize-master, a little astonished at this sudden movement, looked around him to see what could have caused it. the cause was soon apparent. a small confederate flag--a boat's ensign--had been thrown by the coxswain of one of the boats on the spanker-boom to dry, and while the conversation was going on, a puff of wind had blown out the folds, and disclosed the little tell-tale to the gaze of the astonished whalers. it was not precisely a gorgon's head; they did not turn to stone, but perhaps there was some of the tallest pulling done, that day, at fernando de noronha, that was ever done by a yankee boat's crew. in the meantime, the "brazilian packet-steamer" having gotten up steam, was moving quietly out of the harbor, to look after the ships outside. they were still lying to, and fortunately for me, they were four or five miles off; outside of the charmed marine league. there was an outlying shoal or two, in the direction in which they were, and this was the reason, probably, why they had not ventured nearer. it did not take us long to come up with them. we fired the usual gun as we approached, and as there was no occasion for _ruse_, we showed them our own flag. they saw in a moment that their fate was sealed, and did not attempt to stir, but hoisted the united states colors, and patiently waited to be taken possession of. the first we came up with, was the bark _lafayette_, of new bedford. there were no papers to be examined--the mate, in the absence of the captain, having thrown them overboard, as we approached--and we gave her a short shrift. she was burning brightly, in less than an hour. we now ranged up alongside of the other, which proved to be the hermaphrodite brig, _kate cory_, of westport. instead of burning the _cory_, i took her in tow, and stood back to the anchorage with her, it being my intention to convert her into a cartel, and dispatch her to the united states, with my prisoners, who were now quite as numerous as my crew, there being of them. by seven p. m., we had again anchored in our old berth; the burning ship outside lighting us into the roadstead, and throwing a bright glare over much of the island. a number of ships that passed fernando de noronha that night, must have been astonished at this illumination of the lonely mile-post. the sea was smooth, and the ship was still burning, the next morning, though by this time she had drifted so far, that there was nothing visible except a column of smoke. i afterward changed my determination of converting the _cory_ into a cartel. a small brazilian schooner having come into the anchorage, offered to take all my prisoners to pernambuco, if i would provision them, and give her, besides, a few barrels of pork and flour for her trouble. this i at once consented to do, and the governor having no objection, the arrangement was forthwith made. i was thus enabled to burn the _cory_, and to put the enemy, to the expense of sending his released prisoners to the united states. i burned the _louisa hatch_ along with the _cory_, having no farther use for her; taking the pains to send them both beyond the marine league, that i might pay due respect to the jurisdiction of brazil. and now we were ready for sea again, though i remained a few days longer at my anchors, hoping that the _agrippina_ might arrive. she was past due, but i had not yet given up all hope of her. we were now getting well along into the latter part of april, and a great change was taking place in the weather. it had been raining, as the reader has observed, ever since we reached the vicinity of the equator. the rains were now becoming less frequent, from day to day, and we had the showers agreeably alternated with sunshine. the rainy season was passing away, and the dry season was about to set in. i watched this phenomenon with great interest--all the more narrowly, because i had nothing to do, but look out for the weather, and the _agrippina_; except, indeed, to attend to the refreshment, and recreation of my crew, and send bartelli on shore, occasionally, with messages to the ladies at the government house. the reader, who has now been a passenger with us for some time, has watched the trade-winds, as he has crossed the tropics, and has fanned himself and panted for breath, when we have been working our tedious way through the calm-belts. he has seen how this system of trade-winds and calm-belts wanders up and down the earth, from north to south, and south to north, drawn hither and thither by the sun. but we have had no conversation, as yet, about the equatorial cloud ring. he has been, for the last three weeks, under this very cloud ring, but has probably failed to remark it. he has only seen that the flood-gates of the heavens have been raised, and witnessed the descending torrents, and the roll of the thunder, and the play of the lightning, without stopping to ask himself the reason. let us pause a moment, and look into this beautiful phenomenon of the equatorial cloud ring, before we flit away to other seas, and are absorbed by new phenomena. the north-east and south-east trade-winds, meeting near the equator, produce the cloud ring. let us suppose the _alabama_ back at the crossing of the th parallel, where, as the reader will recollect, we established the toll-gate. she had, whilst there, a high barometer. starting thence on her way to the equator, as soon as she enters the north-east trade, she finds that her barometer settles a little--perhaps a tenth of an inch on an average. the reader has seen, that we had, whilst passing through this region, a series of half gales, and bad weather; but this was an exceptional state of the atmospheric phenomena. the normal condition of the weather is that of a clear sky, with passing trade-clouds, white and fleecy, and with moderate breezes. if the reader has watched his barometer narrowly, he has observed a very remarkable phenomenon, which is not known to prevail outside of the trade-wind belts--an atmospheric tide. the atmosphere ebbs and flows as regularly as the sea. this atmospheric tide is due, no doubt, to the same cause that produces the aqueous tides--the attraction of the moon. it occurs twice in twenty-four hours, just like the aqueous tides, and there is no other cause to which we can attribute it. the needle has a like semi-diurnal--indeed, hourly variation--showing the normal, electrical condition of the atmosphere. the atmospherical, tidal wave, as it ebbs and flows, seems to carry the needle backward and forward with it. the average barometer being but a very little under thirty, there is an agreeable elasticity in the atmosphere, and officers, and crew are generally in fine spirits. the sailors enjoy their evening dances, and story-tellings, and when the night-watches are set, sleep with impunity about the decks--guarded, however, by those woollen garments, of which i spoke, when describing our routine life. but observe, now, what a change will take place, as we approach the equator. we are approaching not only the calm-belt, which has been before described, but the cloud ring, for the latter is the concomitant of the former. the winds die away, the muttering of thunder is heard, and a pall of black clouds, along which dart frequent streaks of lightning, is seen hanging on the verge of the horizon, ahead of the ship. as she advances, fanned along by puffs of wind from various quarters, she loses sight of the sun altogether, and enters beneath the belt of clouds, where she is at once deluged with rain. she is at once in the equatorial calm-belt, and under the equatorial cloud ring. the north-east and south-east trade-winds, as they came sweeping along, charged to saturation with the vapors which they have licked up from a torrid sea, have ascended as they met, and when they have reached the proper dew-point, or point of the wet-bulb of the thermometer, precipitation has commenced. the barometer falls another tenth of an inch, or so, all elasticity departs from the atmosphere, and officers and crew lose their cheerfulness. they feel all the lassitude and weariness of men in a perpetual vapor-bath. the sailor no longer mounts the ratlines, as if he had cork in his heels, but climbs up sluggishly and slothfully, devoid of his usual pride to be foremost. in other words, though not absolutely sick, he is "under the weather." the rays of the sun being perpetually excluded, the thermometer stands lower under the cloud ring, than on either side of it. at least this is the normal condition. sometimes, however, the most oppressive heats occur. they are local, and of short duration. these local heats are occasioned as follows: when a cooler stratum of the upper air sweeps down nearer the earth than usual, bringing with it the dew-point, condensation takes place so near the surface, that the rain-drops have not time to cool, at the same time that an immense quantity of latent heat has been liberated in the act of condensation. at other times, when the dew-point is far removed from the earth, the latent heat is not only thrown off at a greater distance from us, but the rain-drops cool in their descent, and greatly reduce the temperature. the cloud ring is being perpetually formed, and is perpetually passing away. fresh volumes of air, charged as described, are constantly rushing in from the north and from the south, and as constantly ascending, parting with a portion of their water, and continuing their journey to the poles, in obedience to the laws providing for the equal distribution of rain to the two hemispheres, before explained. the cloud ring encircles the entire earth, and if it could be viewed by an eye at a distance from our planet, would appear like a well-defined black mark drawn around an artificial globe. its width is considerable, being from three to six degrees. it remains to speak of the offices which this remarkable ring performs. it is an important cog-wheel in the great atmospherical machine, for the distribution of water over the earth; but, besides its functions in the general system, it has local duties to perform. these are the hovering by turns over certain portions of the earth, giving them an alternation of rain and sunshine. in short, it causes the rainy, and dry seasons, in certain parallels, north and south, within the limits assigned to it. the ancients were of the opinion that the equatorial regions of the earth were a continuous, burning desert, devoid of vegetation, and of course uninhabitable; and perhaps this opinion would not be very far wrong, but for the arrangement of which i am about to speak. the cloud ring is a part of the system of calm-belts, and trade-winds. it overhangs the equatorial calm-belt, as has been stated, and it travels north and south with it. it travels over as much as twenty degrees of latitude--from about ° s. to ° n., carrying, as before remarked, rain to the regions over which it hovers, and letting in the sunshine upon those regions it has left. if the reader will inspect a map, he will find that it extends as far into our hemisphere, as the island of martinique, in the west indies. fernando de noronha, where we are now lying in the _alabama_, is near its southern limit, being in the latitude of about ° s. the reader has seen that the rainy season was still prevailing, when we arrived at this island, on the th of april; and that it had begun to pass away, while we still lay there--the rain and the sunshine playing at "april showers." the preceding diagram will explain how the cloud ring travels:-- [illustration] figure represents the island of fernando de noronha still under the cloud ring. it is early in april, and only about three weeks have elapsed since the sun crossed the equator on his way back to the northern hemisphere. when he was in the southern hemisphere, he had drawn the ring so far south, as to cover the island. his rays had been shut out from it, and it was constantly raining. the little island would have been drowned out, if this state of things had continued; but it was not so ordered by the great architect. suppose now a month to elapse. it is early in may, and behold! the sun has travelled sufficiently far north, to draw the cloud ring from over the island, and leave it in sunshine, as represented in figure . thus the island is neither parched by perpetual heat, nor drowned by perpetual rains, but its climate is delightfully tempered by an alternation of each, and it has become a fit abode for men and animals. as we have seen in a former chapter, a benign providence has set the trade-winds in motion, that they might become the water-carriers of the earth, ordering them, for this purpose, to cross the equator, each into the hemisphere of the other. we now see that he has woven, with those same winds, a shield, impenetrable to the sun's rays, which he holds in his hand, as it were, first over one parched region of the earth, and then over another--the shield dropping "fatness" all the while! chapter xliv. the alabama leaves fernando de noronha for a cruise on the coast of brazil--enters the great highway and begins to overhaul the travellers--capture of the whaler nye; of the dorcas prince; of the union jack; of the sea lark--a reverend consul taken prisoner--alabama goes into bahia--what occurred there--arrival of the georgia--alabama proceeds to sea again--captures the following ships: the gilderslieve; the justina; the jabez snow; the amazonian, and the talisman. the d of april having arrived, we gave up all further hopes of the _agrippina_, and went to sea. as we passed out of the roadstead, we cut adrift the four whale-boats which we had brought in from the captured whalers, rather than destroy them. they would be valuable to the islanders, who had treated us kindly, and it was amusing to see the struggle which took place for the possession of them. the good people seemed to have some anticipation of what was to take place, and all the boatmen of the island had assembled to contest the prizes, in every description of craft that would float, from the dug-out to the tidy cutter. the boatmen stripped themselves like athletes for the fray, and as whale-boat after boat was cut adrift, there was a pulling and splashing, a paddling and a screaming that defy all description; the victors waving their hats, and shouting their victory and their good-bye to us, in the same breath. we steamed due east from the island some forty miles, when we let our steam go down, raised the propeller, and put the ship under sail. the _alabama_, with full coal-bunkers and a refreshed crew, was again in pursuit of the enemy's commerce. i had at last accomplished my cherished design--which had been frustrated in the _sumter_--of a cruise on the coast of brazil. in my stanch and fleet little ship, i was in a condition to defy both winds and currents. on the day after leaving fernando de noronha, i observed in latitude ° ' s., and had thus run entirely from under the cloud ring. we were met by a bright sky, and the first gentle breathings of the south-east trade. this change in the weather had an electric effect upon my people. cheerfulness returned to their countenances, and elasticity to their step. it took us some time to dry and ventilate the ship, the rigging being filled, for a day or two, with wet pea-jackets and mattresses, and the decks strewed with mouldy boots and shoes. before we had been twenty-four hours at sea, the usual bugle-note was sounded from the mast-head, and the _alabama_ had pricked up her ears in chase. it was another unfortunate whaler. the fates seemed to have a grudge against these new england fishermen, and would persist in throwing them in my way, although i was not on a whaling-ground. this was the sixteenth i had captured--a greater number than had been captured from the english by commodore david porter, in his famous cruise in the pacific, in the frigate _essex_, during the war of . the prize proved to be the bark _nye_, of new bedford. this bluff old whaler was returning home from a cruise of thirty-one months in the far-off pacific, during which her crew had become almost as much sandwich islanders, as americans in appearance, with their garments so saturated with oil that they would have been quite valuable to the soap-boiler. she had sent "home" one or two cargoes of oil, and had now on board barrels more. it seemed a pity to break in upon the _menage_ of these old salts, who had weathered so many gales, and chased the whale through so many latitudes, but there was no alternative. the new england wolf was still howling for southern blood, and the least return we could make for the howl, was to spill a little "_ile_." everything about the _nye_ being greased to saturation, she made a splendid conflagration. the next day the wind freshened, and we might now be said to be in the well-pronounced south-east trades. indeed, it blew so fresh at nightfall, that we took the single reefs in the topsails. we were jogging along leisurely on the great brazilian highway, waiting for the passengers, rather than hunting them up. presently another came along--a fine, taunt ship, that represented the boxes and bales of merchandise, rather than harpoons and whale-oil. we gave chase under the enemy's colors, but the chase was coy and shy, and refused to show colors in return, until she was commanded to do so by a gun. the stars and stripes, which now fluttered to the breeze, sufficiently explained her reluctance. upon being boarded she proved to be the _dorcas prince_, of new york, bound for shanghai. her cargo consisted chiefly of coal. she had been fourty-four days out, an unusually long passage, and what was quite wonderful for an american ship, she had no documents on board from the college, either of the political or religious propaganda, and only three or four old newspapers. when we learned she was from new york, we had been in hopes of capturing a mail. we burned her as soon as we could transfer her crew, there being no claim of neutral cargo found among her papers. her master had his wife on board, which resulted, as usual, in sending one of my young lieutenants into the "country." reducing sail again, we jogged along as before, but for the next few days we overhauled nothing but neutrals. a st. john's, new brunswick, ship, brought us the mail we had expected to receive by the _dorcas prince_, but it contained nothing of interest. on the d of may, the weather being fine, though interrupted occasionally by a rain-squall, we gave chase, about eleven a. m., to a clipper-ship, with square yards, white canvas, and long mast-heads--and the reader must be enough of an expert, by this time, to know what these mean. in an hour and a half of fine sailing, we came near enough to the chase, to make her show the federal colors, and heave to. she proved to be the _union jack_, of boston, bound for shanghai. whilst we had been pursuing the _union jack_, another "suspicious" sail hove in sight, and as soon as we could throw a prize-crew on board of the former, we started off in pursuit of the latter. this second sail proved also to be a prize, being the _sea lark_, of new york, bound for san francisco. here were two prizes, in as many hours. there was no attempt to cover the cargo of the _sea lark_, and the only attempt that was made in the case of the _union jack_, was made by one allen hay, who was anxious to save five cases of crackers, and ten barrels of butter from capture. in this case, a mr. thomas w. lillie, made oath before the british consul in new york, that the said articles were shipped "for and on account of subjects of her britannic majesty." the reader has seen me burn several other ships, with similar certificates, the reasons for which burnings were assigned at the time. i will not stop, therefore, to discus this. in due time both ships were consigned to the flames. i was sorry to find three more women, and two small children on board of the _union jack_. that ship was, in fact, about to expatriate herself for several years, after the fashion of many of the yankee ships in the chinese coasting-trade, and the master was taking his family out to domicile it somewhere in china. there were several male passengers also on board this ship, among them an ex-new-england parson, the rev. franklin wright, who was going out as consul to foo chow. the rev. mr. wright had been editor of a religious paper for some years, in one of the new england villages, and probably owed his promotion to the good services he had rendered in hurrying on the war. he had puritan written all over his lugubrious countenance, and looked so solemn, that one wondered how he came to exchange the clergyman's garb for the garb of belial. but so it was; franklin was actually going out to india, in quest of the dollars. we deprived him of his consular seal and commission, though we did not molest his private papers, and of sundry very pretty consular flags, that had been carefully prepared for him by mr. seward, _fils_, at the state department, in washington. i am pained to see, by that "little bill" of mr. seward, _père_, against the british government, for "depredations of the _alabama_," before referred to, that the rev. mr. wright puts his damages down at $ , . i had no idea that a new england parson carried so much plunder about with him. we received large mails from these two last ships, and had our "moral ideas" considerably expanded, for the next few days, by the perusal of yankee newspapers. we found among other interesting items, a vivid synopsis of the war news, in a speech of governor wright, of indiana, who, if i mistake not, had been chargé to berlin, where he had been in the habit of holding conventicles and prayer-meetings. the governor is addressing a meeting of the "truly loil" at philadelphia, and among other things, said:-- "the stars and stripes now wave over half the slave grounds. i believe in less than thirty days we will open the mississippi and take charleston. [loud applause.] leave virginia alone, that can't sprout a black-eyed pea [laughter.] scripture teaches us that no people can live long where there is no grass. the question then is only, whether they can live thirty or sixty days." thus, amid the laughter and jeers of an unwashed rabble, did an ex-governor, and ex-u. s. minister, gloat over the prospect of _starving_ an entire people, women and children included. did we need other incitement on board the _alabama_, to apply a well-lighted torch to the enemy's ships? there were copious extracts from the english papers found in this mail, and i trust the reader will excuse me, while i give a portion of a speech made to his constituents, by a member of the british parliament, who was also a member of the cabinet. the speaker is mr. milner gibson, president of the board of trade. a great war, which covered a continent with the fire and smoke of battle, was raging between a people, who were the near kinsmen of the speaker. battles were being fought daily, that dwarfed all the battles that had gone before them. feats of brilliant courage were being performed, on both sides, that should have made the blood of the speaker course more rapidly through his veins, and stir to their depths the feelings of humanity and brotherhood. under such circumstances, what think you, reader, was the subject of mr. gibson's discourse? it was bacon and eggs! listen:-- "now," continues mr. gibson, "these large importations of foreign wheat and flour, and other provisions, into this country, must, to some extent, have tended to mitigate the distress, and have enabled many to provide for the wants of others out of their own surplus means. but supposing that the government of this country had been induced, as they were urged frequently, to involve themselves in interference in the affairs of the united states; supposing, by some rash and precipitate recognition of those who are conducting hostilities against the united states--called the confederate states of america--we had brought ourselves into collision with the united states, where would have been this flour, and ham, and bacon, and eggs? i suppose, if we had been compelled to take up arms against the united states, by any unfortunate policy, blockading would have been resorted to, and we should have been obliged to establish a blockade of the coast of america, for the very purpose of keeping out of this country all this wheat, flour, and eggs which have gone to mitigate the distress of the cotton industry in the present alarming state of affairs. we have from the commencement carried out the doctrine of non-intervention. we have endeavored to preserve a strict neutrality between the two contending parties. it was impossible to avoid recognizing the belligerent rights of the south at the outset of the contest, because it was a contest of such magnitude, and the insurgents, as they were called, were so numerous and so powerful, that it would have been impossible to recognize them in any other capacity but as persons entitled to bear arms; and if we had not done so, and if their armed vessels found on the seas were treated as pirates, it must be obvious to every one that this would have been an unparalleled course of action. we were compelled to recognize the belligerent rights of the south, but there has been no desire on the part of the government to favor either the one side or the other. my earnest desire is to preserve strict neutrality; and, whatever may be my individual feelings--for we must have our sympathies on the one side or the other--whatever may be my feelings as a member of parliament and the executive administration, i believe it to be for the interest of england that this neutrality should be observed." poor old john bull! what a descent have we here, from the plantagenets to mr. milner gibson? from coeur de leon, "striking for the right," to mr. milner gibson, of the _board of trade_, advising his countrymen to smother all their more noble and generous impulses, that they might continue to fry cheap bacon and eggs! we had been working our way, for the last few days, toward bahia, in brazil, and being now pretty well crowded with prisoners, having no less than the crews of four captured ships on board, i resolved to run in and land them. we anchored about five p. m., on the th of may. bahia is the second city, in size and commercial importance, in the brazilian empire. we found a large number of ships at anchor in the harbor, but no yankees among them. the only man-of-war present was a portuguese. we were struck with the spaciousness of the bay, and the beauty of the city as we approached. the latter crowns a crescent-shaped eminence, and its white houses peep cosily from beneath forest-trees, of the richest and greenest foliage. the business part of the city lies at the foot of the crescent, near the water's edge. it, too, looks picturesque, with its quays, and shipping, and tugs, and wherries. but, as is the case with most portuguese towns--for the brazilians are only a better class of portuguese--the illusion of beauty is dispelled, as soon as you enter its narrow and crooked streets, and get sight of its swarthy population, the chief features of which are _sombreros_ and garlic. we were boarded by the health-officer just at dark, and admitted to _pratique_. the next morning, the weather set in gloomy and rainy. the requisite permission having been obtained, we landed our prisoners, there being upward of a hundred of them. parson wright here took the back track, i believe. whether, after stating his grievances at the state department in washington, he renewed his commission, and proceeded, in some more fortunate yankee ship to foo chow, or went back to his religious paper, and his exhortations against the southern heathen, i have never learned. the reverend gentleman forgot his christian charity, and did not come to say "good-bye," when he landed, though we had treated him with all due consideration. i had now another little diplomatic matter on my hands. i had scarcely risen from the breakfast-table, on the morning after my arrival, when an aide-de-camp of the governor, or rather president of the department, came off to see me on official business. he brought on board with him a copy of the "diario de bahia," a newspaper very respectable for its size and typography, containing an article, which i was requested to read, and answer in writing. this i promised to do, and the messenger departed. i found, upon glancing over the article, which filled a couple of columns, that it was a yankee production done into very good portuguese--the joint work, probably, of the yankee consul at pernambuco, where the article had originated--for it had been copied into the bahia paper--and the president of that province. it was written after the style of a proclamation, was signed by the president, and strangely enough addressed to myself--supposed to be still at fernando de noronha, with the _alabama_. after charging me with sundry violations of the neutrality of brazil, it ordered me to depart the island, within twenty-four hours. instead of sending a ship of war, to examine into the facts, and enforce his order, if necessary, the president had been satisfied to send this paper bullet after me. it reminded me very much of the "stink-pots," which the chinese are in the habit of throwing at their enemies, and i could not restrain a smile, as i called upon bartelli to produce my writing materials. the aide-de-camp who had brought me the paper, had brought off a message, along with it, from the president, to the effect that he desired i would hold no communication with the shore, until i had answered the article; which was tantamount to informing me, that he was somewhat in doubt whether he would permit me to communicate at all or not. i really wanted nothing--though i afterward took in a few boat-loads of coal, merely to show the president that i was disposed to be civil--and this consideration, along with the fact, that i had the heaviest guns in the harbor, induced me to be rather careless, i am afraid, in the choice of phraseology, as i penned my despatch. i simply charged that the whole proclamation was a budget of lies, and claimed that i had been insulted by the government of brazil, by the lies having been put into an official shape by it, without first communicating with me. the brazilians are a very polite people, and my reply was "perfectly satisfactory." jack went on shore, and had his frolic, and the _alabama_ remained a week in the port, enjoying the hospitalities of the numerous english, and other foreign residents. among other entertainments, we had a splendid ball given us by mr. ogilvie, a british merchant, at which much of the foreign and native beauty was present. mr. ogilvie's tasteful residence overlooked the bay from the top of the crescent i have described; his grounds, redolent of the perfumes of tropical flowers, were brilliantly illuminated, and a fine band of music charmed not only the revellers, but the numerous ships in the bay. several brazilian dignitaries and foreign consuls were present. i took all my young gentlemen on shore with me, who could be spared from the ship, and they did their "devoirs" as only gallant knights can, and carried on board with them, in the "wee sma'" hours of the morning, several tiny kid gloves and scarfs, as mementos to accompany them on their cruises--every villain of them swearing to return at some future day. so it is always with the sailor. as before remarked, his very life is a poem, and his heart is capacious enough to take in the whole sex. on the morning after this brilliant entertainment, an officer came below to inform me that a strange steamer of war had entered during the night, which, as yet, had shown no colors. i directed our own colors to be shown to the stranger--for the regular hour of hoisting them had not yet arrived--and the reader may judge of our delight, when we saw the confederate states flag thrown to the breeze in reply, by the newcomer. it was the _georgia_, commander lewis f. maury, on a cruise, like ourselves, against the enemy's commerce. she had come in to meet her coal-ship, the _castor_, which had been ordered to rendezvous here. we had now other troubles with the authorities. the president, seeing another confederate steamer arrive, became nervous, lest he should be compromised in some way, and be called to account by the emperor. the little gad-fly of a yankee consul was, besides, constantly buzzing around him. he declined to permit the _georgia_ to receive coal from her transport, though he was forced to admit that the transport had the right to land it, and that, when landed, the _georgia_ might receive it on board, like any other coal. still it must be landed. the gad-fly had buzzed in his ear, that there was a "cat in the meal tub;" the _castor_ having, as he alleged, some guns and ammunition covered up in her coal! his excellency then wanted to see my commission--the gad-fly having buzzed "pirate! pirate!" to add to the complication, news now came in that the _florida_ also had arrived at pernambuco! diablo! what was to be done? an aide-de-camp now came off with a letter from his excellency, telling me, that i had already tarried too long in the port of bahia, and that he desired me to be off. i wrote him word that i was not ready, and sent another batch of liberty men on shore. presently another missive came. his excellency had learned from the gad-fly, that i had enlisted one of my late prisoners, after setting him on shore, which, as he said, was a grave breach of the laws of nations. i replied that i had not only not enlisted one of my late prisoners, after setting him on shore, but that, my crew being full, i had _refused to enlist a good many of my late prisoners_, who had applied to me before being set on shore, which was the literal fact. i mention these occurrences to show what a troublesome little insect i found the gad-fly in brazil. we had a few days of very pleasant intercourse with the _georgia_. maury had been my shipmate in the old service, and two of my old _sumter_ lieutenants, chapman and evans, were serving on board of her. in company with her officers, we made a railroad excursion into the interior, upon the invitation of the english company which owned the road. a splendid collation was prepared in one of the cars, decorated and furnished for the occasion, and a variety of choice wines broke down the barrier between strangers, and drew men of the same blood closer together. at length, when i was entirely ready for sea, i delighted the president one evening, by sending him word that i should go to sea the next morning. the _georgia_ was nearly through coaling, and would follow me in a day or two. the poor president of the province of bahia! the yankees treated him, afterward, as they do everybody else with whom they have to do. they first endeavored to use him, and then kicked him. the _florida_ coming into bahia, a few months afterward, as related in a former page, a federal ship of war violated the neutrality of the port, by seizing her, and carrying her off; and the yankee nation, rather than make the amends which all the world decided it was bound to make, by delivering back the captured ship to brazil, ordered her to be sunk by _accident_ in hampton roads! the "_trick_" was eminently yankee, and i presume could not possibly have been practised in any other civilized nation of the earth. whilst the _alabama_ is heaving up her anchor, i deem it proper to say a word or two, about emigration to brazil; a subject which has been a good deal canvassed by our people. brazil is an immense empire, and has almost all the known climates and soils of the world. nature has bestowed upon her her choicest gifts, and there is perhaps no more delightful country to reside in than brazil. but men live for society, as well as for climate and soil. the effete portuguese race has been ingrafted upon a stupid, stolid, indian stock, in that country. the freed negro is, besides, the equal of the white man, and as there seems to be no repugnance, on the part of the white race--so called--to mix with the black race, and with the indian, amalgamation will go on in that country, until a mongrel set of curs will cover the whole land. this might be a suitable field enough for the new england school-ma'am, and carpet-bagger, but no southern gentleman should think of mixing his blood or casting his lot with such a race of people. sail ho! was shouted from the mast-head of the _alabama_, on the afternoon of the th of may, a few days after she had put to sea from bahia. we had regained the track of commerce, and were again looking out for our friends. we immediately gave chase, and had scarcely gotten the canvas on the ship, before the look-out announced a second sail, in the same direction. the wind was fresh, there was a heavy sea on, and the _alabama_ darted forward, making her eleven, and twelve knots. as we began to raise the fugitives above the horizon from the deck, it was plain to see, that they were both american. we overhauled them rapidly, making them show their colors, and heaving them to, with the accustomed guns. by the time we had gotten up with them, the sun had set, and it was blowing half a gale of wind. our boats had a rough job before them, but they undertook it with a will. the first ship boarded was the _gilderslieve_, and the second, the _justina_. the former was a new york ship, last from london, with a cargo of coal, purporting to be shipped for the service of the "peninsular, and oriental steam navigation company," but there was no certificate of neutral ownership on board. ship and cargo were therefore condemned. the _justina_ was a baltimore ship, with some neutral property, not amounting to a full cargo, on board. i converted her into a cartel, and throwing the prisoners from the _gilderslieve_ on board of her, released her on ransom-bond. i then burned the _gilderslieve_. the sea was so rough, and the boating so difficult, that it was eleven p. m. before the torch could be applied to the doomed ship. we lay to during the remainder of the night, under reefed topsails. the next day the weather moderated somewhat, though the wind still continued fresh from about s. s. e. at about half-past eight p. m., the night being quite light, we gave chase to an exceedingly rakish-looking ship, whose canvas showed white under the rays of the moon, and which was carrying a press of sail. we, too, crowded sail, and for a long time it was doubtful which ship was the faster. the _alabama_ seemed to have found her match at last. our pride was aroused, and we put our best foot foremost. we saw all the sheets snugly home, the sails well hoisted, and properly trimmed, and put the most skilful seamen at the wheel. little by little we began to crawl upon the chase, but hour after hour passed, and still we were almost as far astern as ever. midnight came, and the watch was relieved, and still the fugitive was beyond our grasp. four a. m. arrived, and the old watch came back on deck again, only to wonder that the chase still continued. at last the day dawned and still the ship, with the square yards, and white canvas, was four or five miles ahead of us. we had been all night in chase of a single ship--a thing which had never happened to us before. when daylight appeared, i went below, and turned in, handing the chase over to the first lieutenant. at half-past seven--my usual time for rising--i heard the report of a gun, and pretty soon afterward an officer came below to say, that the chase proved to be a dutchman! i must have looked a little sour at the breakfast-table, that morning, as bartelli was evidently a little nervous and fidgety. forty-eight hours after this night-chase, we had another, though with better success, as a prize rewarded me for my loss of rest. the chase commenced about two a. m., and it was half-past seven a. m., before we were near enough to heave the fugitive to, with a gun. she proved to be the _jabez snow_, of buckport, maine, last from cardiff, with a cargo of coal, for montevideo. on the back of the bill of lading was the following certificate: "we certify that the cargo of coals per _jabez snow_, for which this is the bill of lading, is the _bona fide_ property of messrs. wilson, helt, lane & co., and that the same are british subjects, and merchants, and also that the coals are for their own use." this certificate was signed by "john powell & sons," but unfortunately for the owners of the "coals" was not sworn to, and was therefore of no more validity as evidence, than the bill of lading itself. having gotten on board from the prize, a quantity of provisions, and cordage, of both of which we were in need, we consigned her to the flames. we found on board this ship, from the sober "state of maine," a woman who passed under the _sobriquet_ of "chamber-maid." these shameless yankee skippers make a common practice of converting their ships into brothels, and taking their mistresses to sea with them. for decency's sake, i was obliged to turn the junior lieutenant out of his state-room for her accommodation. there were some letters found on board the _snow_ not intended for our eyes, inasmuch as they informed us of the damage we were doing the yankee commerce. here is one of them from the owner to the master. it is dated boston, november th, . "we hope you may arrive safely, and in good season, but we think you will find business rather flat at liverpool, as american ships especially are under a cloud, owing to dangers from pirates, more politely styled privateers, which our kind friends in england are so willing should slip out of their ports, to prey on our commerce." our torches always grew brighter as we read such effusions of joint stupidity and malice. here is another wail from buckport, maine, under date of january th, . it instructs the master as to the best mode of employing his ship. "in the first place, it will not do to come this way with the ship; as new york business for ships is flat enough--a large fleet in that port, and nothing for them to do, that will pay expenses, and more arriving daily." and another from the same place. "i hope you will be as prudent and economical as possible in managing your ship matters, as your owners want all the money they can get hold of, to aid in putting down this terrible rebellion of ours. the progress our war is making, i shall leave for you to gather from the papers, for it makes me sick to think of it, much more to talk about it." no doubt--the ships were being laid up, and no freights were coming in. we knew very well, on board the _alabama_, the use to which all the "money the ship-owners could get hold of" was being put. it was to purchase "gold bonds" at half price, and push on the war. hence our diligence in scouring the seas, and applying the torch. whenever we heard a yankee howl go up over a burned ship, we knew that there were fewer dollars left, with which to hire the _canaille_ of europe to throttle liberty on the american continent. we captured the _jabez snow_, on the th of may. on the d of june, being in latitude ° ', and longitude ° ' at half-past three a. m., or just before daylight, we passed a large ship on the opposite tack. we were under topsails only, standing leisurely across the great highway. we immediately wore ship, and gave chase, crowding all sail. when day dawned, the fugitive was some six or seven miles ahead of us, and as the chase was likely to be long, i fired a gun, and hoisted the confederate colors, to intimate to the stranger, that i would like him to be polite, and save me the trouble of catching him, by heaving to. pretty soon, i fired a second gun--blank cartridge--with the same intent. but the stranger had faith in his heels, and instead of heaving to, threw out a few more kites to the balmy morning breeze. but it was of no use. both ships were on a wind, and the _alabama_ could, in consequence, use her monster trysails. my large double glasses--themselves captured from a yankee ship, the captain of which had probably bought them to look out for the "pirate"--soon told the tale. we were gaining, but not very rapidly. still anxious to save time, when we had approached within about four miles of the stranger, we cleared away our pivot rifle, and let him have a bolt. we did not quite reach him, but these rifle-bolts make such an ugly whizzing, and hissing, and humming as they pass along, that their commands are not often disobeyed. the stranger clewed up, and backed his main yard, and hoisted the federal colors. we were alongside of him about half-past eleven a. m.--the chase having lasted eight hours. the prize proved to be the bark _amazonian_ of boston, from new york, with an assorted cargo, for montevideo. there was an attempt to cover two of the consignments of this ship, in favor of french citizens, but the "hash" being evidently yankee, the certificates were disregarded. the prisoners, and such "plunder" as we desired, being brought on board the _alabama_, the ship was consigned to the flames. the following letter from a merchant in new york, to his correspondent in buenos ayres, was found among a very large commercial and literary mail--the literature being from the college of the republican propaganda--on board the _amazonian_. "when you ship in american vessels, it would be well to have the british consul's certificate of english property attached to bill of lading and invoice, as in the event of falling in with the numerous privateers, it would save both cargo and vessel in all probability. an american ship recently fallen in with, was released by the _alabama_, on account of british consul's certificate, showing greater part of cargo to be english property. if you ship in a neutral vessel, we save five per cent. war insurance." on the day after capturing the _amazonian_, we boarded an english brig, and i made an arrangement with the master to take my prisoners--forty-one in number--to rio janeiro, whither he was bound. the consideration was, twice as many provisions as the prisoners could consume, and a chronometer. the master had been afraid of offending earl russell, until the chronometer was named to him, when his scruples were at once removed. virtuous briton! thou wert near akin to the yankee. on the following night, a little before daylight, whilst we were lying to, with the main-topsail to the mast, a large, tall ship suddenly loomed up in close proximity to us, and as suddenly passed away into the gloom, gliding past us like a ghost. we filled away and made chase on the instant, and being still within gun-shot, fired a blank cartridge. the chase at once hove to, and we ranged up, just as day was breaking, alongside of the clipper-ship _talisman_, from new york, with an assorted cargo, for shanghai. there was no claim of neutral cargo among her papers, and as soon as we could remove the crew, and some necessary articles, we consigned her also, to that torch which yankee malice had kept burning so brightly in our hands. the rebellion of the taepings was still going on in china, and we found a nice little "speculation" in connection with it, embarked on board the _talisman_. the speculators had put on board four very pretty rifled -pounder brass guns, and steam boilers and machinery for a gun-boat; the design being to build, and equip one of this class of vessels in the east, and take part in the chinese war. i am afraid i spoiled a "good thing." with a yankee mandarin on board, and a good supply of opium, and tracts, what a smashing business this little cruiser might have done? we took a couple of these brass pieces on board the _alabama_, and in due time, sent them afloat after the yankee commerce, as the reader will see. the next vessel that we overhauled was a "converted" ship--that is, a yankee turned into an englishman. i desired very much to burn her, but was prevented by the regularity of her papers and the circumstances surrounding her. she was a maine-built ship, but had evidently been _bona fide_ transferred, as her master and crew were all englishmen, and she was then on a voyage from london to calcutta. she received on board from us, a couple of the passengers--an irishman and his wife--captured on board of the _talisman_, who were anxious to go to calcutta. for the next two or three days, we had a series of blows, amounting almost to gales of wind. we had arrived off the abrolhos shoals--a sort of brazilian cape hatteras, for bad weather. on the th and th of june, we were reduced to close reefs; and, which was remarkable, we had a high barometer all the time. we had, for some days, experienced a northerly current. the whole coast of brazil is coral-bound, and it is, for this reason, very dangerous. the coral shoals rise abruptly, from great depths, and are sometimes found in very small patches, with deep water all around them. many of these patches have been missed by the surveyor, and are not laid down on any charts, in consequence. hence it behooves the prudent mariner, to give the banks that fringe the coasts of brazil, a pretty wide berth. chapter xlv. the alabama continues her cruise on the coast of brazil--american ships under english colors--the enemy's carrying-trade in neutral bottoms--the capture of the conrad--she is commissioned as a confederate states cruiser--the highways of the sea, and the tactics of the federal secretary of the navy--the phenomenon of the winds in the southern hemisphere--arrival at saldanha bay, on the coast of africa. we captured our last ship off the abrolhos, as related in the last chapter. we have since worked our way as far south, as latitude ° ', and it is the middle of june--equivalent in the southern hemisphere, to the middle of december, in the northern. hence the blows, and other bad weather we are beginning to meet with. on the th of june, we overhauled two more american ships, under english colors. one of these was the _azzapadi_ of port louis, in the mauritius. she was formerly the _joseph hale_, and was built at portland, maine. having put into port louis, in distress, she had been sold for the benefit of "whom it might concern," and purchased by english parties, two years before. the other was the _queen of beauty_, formerly the _challenger_. under her new colors and nationality, she was now running as a packet between london, and melbourne in australia. these were both _bona fide_ transfers, and were evidence of the straits to which yankee commerce was being put. many more ships disappeared from under the "flaunting lie" by sale, than by capture, their owners not being able to employ them. the day after we overhauled these ships, we boarded a bremen bark, from buenos ayres, for new york, with hides and tallow, on yankee account. the correspondents of the new york merchants were taking the advice of the latter, and shipping in neutral bottoms to avoid paying the premium on the war risk. on the th of june, we observed in latitude ° ', and found the weather so cool, as to compel us to put on our thick coats. on that day we made another capture. it was the _conrad_, of philadelphia, from buenos ayres, for new york, with part of a cargo of wool. there were certificates found on board claiming the property as british, but as there were abundant circumstances in the _res gestæ_, pointing to american ownership, i disregarded the certificates, and condemned both ship and cargo as good prize. the _conrad_ being a tidy little bark, of about three hundred and fifty tons, with good sailing qualities, i resolved to commission her as a cruiser. three or four officers, and ten or a dozen men would be a sufficient crew for her, and this small number i could spare from the _alabama_, without putting myself to material inconvenience. never, perhaps, was a ship of war fitted out so promptly before. the _conrad_ was a commissioned ship, with armament, crew, and provisions on board, flying her pennant, and with sailing orders signed, sealed, and delivered, before sunset on the day of her capture. i sent acting-lieutenant low on board to command her, and gave him midshipman george t. sinclair, as his first lieutenant; and promoted a couple of active and intelligent young seamen, as master's mates, to serve with mr. sinclair, as watch officers. her armament consisted of the two -pounder brass rifled guns, which we had captured from the yankee mandarin, who was going out, as the reader has seen, on board of the _talisman_, to join the taepings; twenty rifles, and half a dozen revolvers. i called the new cruiser, the _tuscaloosa_, after the pretty little town of that name, on the black warrior river in the state of alabama. it was meet that a child of the _alabama_ should be named after one of the towns of the state. the baptismal ceremony was not very elaborate. when all was ready--it being now about five p. m.--at a concerted signal, the _tuscaloosa_ ran up the confederate colors, and the crew of the _alabama_ leaped into the rigging, and taking off their hats, gave three hearty cheers! the cheers were answered by the small crew of the newly commissioned ship, and the ceremony was over. captain low had now only to fill away, and make sail, on his cruise. our first meeting was to be at the cape of good hope. my bantling was thus born upon the high seas, in the south atlantic ocean, and no power could gainsay the legitimacy of its birth. as the reader will see, england was afterward compelled to acknowledge it, though an ill-informed cabinet minister--the duke of newcastle--at first objected to it. on the same evening that we parted with the _tuscaloosa_, we boarded the english bark, _mary kendall_, from cardiff for point de galle, but which having met with heavy weather, and sprung a leak, was putting back to rio janeiro for repairs. at the request of her master i sent my surgeon on board to visit a seaman who had been badly injured by a fall. as we were within a few days' sail of rio, i prevailed upon the master of this ship to receive my prisoners on board, to be landed. there were thirty-one of them, and among the rest, a woman from the _conrad_, who claimed to be a passenger. the time had now arrived for me to stretch over to the cape of good hope. i had been three months near the equator, and on the coast of brazil, and it was about time that some of mr. welles' ships of war, in pursuance of the tactics of that slow old gentleman, should be making their appearance on the coast in pursuit of me. i was more than ever astonished at the culpable neglect or want of sagacity of the head of the federal navy department, when i arrived on the coast of brazil, and found no federal ship of war there. ever since i had left the island of jamaica, early in january, i had been working my way, gradually, to my present cruising ground. my ship had been constantly reported, and any one of his clerks could have plotted my track, from these reports, so as to show him, past all peradventure, where i was bound. but even independently of any positive evidence, he might have been sure, that sooner or later i would make my way to that great thoroughfare. as has been frequently remarked in the course of these pages, the sea has its highways and byways, as well as the land. every seaman, now, knows where these highways are, and when he is about to make a voyage, can plot his track in advance. none of these highways are better defined, or perhaps so well defined, as the great public road that leads along the coast of brazil. all the commerce of europe and america, bound to the far east or the far west, takes this road. the reader has seen a constant stream of ships passing the toll-gate we established at the crossing of the thirtieth parallel, north, all bound in this direction. and he has seen how this stream sweeps along by the island of fernando de noronha, on its way to the great highway on the coast of brazil. the road thus far is wide--the ships having a large discretion. but when the road has crossed the equator, and struck into the region of the south-east trades, its limits become much circumscribed. it is as much as a ship can do now, to stretch by the coast of brazil without tacking. the south-east trades push her so close down upon the coast, that it is touch and go with her. the road, in consequence, becomes very narrow. the more narrow the road, the more the stream of ships is condensed. a cruiser, under easy sail, stretching backward and forward _across_ this road, must necessarily get sight of nearly everything that passes. if mr. welles had stationed a heavier and faster ship than the _alabama_--and he had a number of both heavier and faster ships--at the crossing of the th parallel; another at or near the equator, a little to the eastward of fernando de noronha, and a third off bahia, he must have driven me off, or greatly crippled me in my movements. a few more ships in the other chief highways, and his commerce would have been pretty well protected. but the old gentleman does not seem once to have thought of so simple a policy as _stationing_ a ship anywhere. the reader who has followed the _alabama_ in her career thus far, has seen how many vital points he left unguarded. his plan seemed to be, first to wait until he heard of the _alabama_ being somewhere, and then to send off a number of cruisers, post-haste, in pursuit of her, as though he expected her to stand still, and wait for her pursuers! this method of his left the game entirely in my own hands. my safety depended upon a simple calculation of times and distances. for instance, when i arrived off the coast of brazil, i would take up my pencil, and make some such an estimate as this: i discharged my prisoners from the first ship captured, on such a day. it will take these prisoners a certain number of days to reach a given port. it will take a certain other number of days, for the news of the capture to travel thence to washington. and it will take a certain other number still, for a ship of war of the enemy to reach the coast of brazil. just before this aggregate of days elapses, i haul aft my trysail sheets, and stretch over to the cape of good hope. i find no enemy's ship of war awaiting me here. i go to work on the stream of commerce doubling the cape. and by the time, i think, that the ships which have arrived on the coast of brazil in pursuit of me, have heard of my being at the cape, and started in fresh chase; i quietly stretch back to the coast of brazil, and go to work as before. _voila tout!_ the reader will have occasion to remark, by the time we get through with our cruises, how well this system worked for me; as he will have observed, that i did not fall in with a single enemy's cruiser at sea, at any time during my whole career! we had, some days since, crossed the tropic of capricorn, and entered the "variables" of the southern hemisphere; and having reached the forks of the great brazilian highway, that is to say, the point at which the stream of commerce separates into two principal branches, one passing around cape horn, and the other around the cape of good hope, we had taken the left-hand fork. we had not proceeded far on this road, however, before we found upon examination of our bread-room, that the weevil, that pestilent little destroyer of bread-stuffs in southern climates, had rendered almost our entire supply of bread useless! it was impossible to proceed on a voyage of such length, as that to the cape of good hope, in such a dilemma, and i put back for rio janeiro, to obtain a fresh supply; _unless i could capture it by the way_. we were now in latitude ° ', and longitude ° ', or about miles from rio; some little distance to travel to a baker's shop. we were saved this journey, however, as the reader will presently see, by a yankee ship which came very considerately to our relief. for the next few days, the weather was boisterous and unpleasant--wind generally from the north-west, with a south-easterly current. ships were frequently in sight, but they all proved to be neutral. on the th of june, the weather moderated, and became fine for a few days. on the st of july, after overhauling as many as eleven neutral ships, we gave chase, at eleven p. m., to a twelfth sail looming up on the horizon. she looked american, and had heels, and the chase continued all night. as the day dawned, a fine, tall ship, with taper spars, and white canvas, was only a few miles ahead of us. a blank cartridge brought the united states colors to her peak, but still she kept on. she was as yet three miles distant, and probably had some hope of escape. at all events, her captain had pluck, and held on to his canvas until the last moment. it was not until we had approached him near enough to send a shot whizzing across his bow, that he consented to clew up, and heave to. she proved to be the _anna f. schmidt_, of maine, from boston, for san francisco, with a valuable cargo of assorted merchandise; much of it consisting of ready-made clothing, hats, boots, and shoes. here was a haul for the paymaster! but unfortunately for jack, the coats were too fine, and the tails too long. the trousers and undergarments were all right, however, and of these we got a large supply on board. the _schmidt_ had on board, too, the very article of bread, and in the proper quantity, that we were in want of. we received on board from her thirty days' supply, put up in the nicest kind of air-tight casks. crockery, china-ware, glass, lamps, clocks, sewing-machines, patent medicines, clothes-pins, and the latest invention for killing bed-bugs, completed her cargo. no englishman or frenchman could possibly own such a cargo, and there was, consequently, no attempt among the papers to protect it. it took us nearly the entire day to do the requisite amount of "robbing" on board the _schmidt_, and the torch was not applied to her until near nightfall. we then wheeled about, and took the fork of the road again, for the cape of good hope. whilst we were yet busy with the prize, another american ship passed us, but she proved, upon being boarded, to have been sold, by her patriotic yankee owners, to an englishman, and was now profitably engaged in assisting the other ships of john bull in taking away from the enemy his carrying-trade. i examined the papers and surroundings of all these ships, with great care, being anxious, if possible, to find a peg on which i might hang a doubt large enough to enable me to burn them. but, thus far, all the transfers had been _bona fide_. in the present instance, the papers were evidently genuine, and there was a scotch master and english crew on board. at about nine p. m., on the same evening, the _schmidt_ being in flames, and the _alabama_ in the act of making sail from her, a large, taunt ship, with exceedingly square yards, passed us at rapid speed, under a cloud of canvas, from rail to truck, and from her course seemed to be bound either to europe or the united states. she had paid no attention to the burning ship, but flew past it as though she were anxious to get out of harm's way as soon as possible. i conceived thence the idea, that she must be one of the enemy's large clipper-ships, from "round the horn," and immediately gave chase, adding, in my eagerness to seize so valuable a prize, steam to sail. it was blowing half a gale of wind, but the phantom ship, for such she looked by moonlight, was carrying her royals and top-gallant studding-sails. this confirmed my suspicion, for surely, i thought, no ship would risk carrying away her spars, under such a press of sail, unless she were endeavoring to escape from an enemy. by the time we were well under way in pursuit, the stranger was about three miles ahead of us. i fired a gun to command him to halt. in a moment or two, to my astonishment, the sound of a gun from the stranger came booming back over the waters in response. i now felt quite sure that i had gotten hold of a new york and california clipper-ship. she had fired a gun to make me believe, probably, that she was a ship of war, and thus induce me to desist from the pursuit. but a ship of war would not carry such a press of sail, or appear to be in such a hurry to get out of the way--unless, indeed, she were an enemy's ship of inferior force; and the size of the fugitive, in the present instance, forbade such a supposition. so i sent orders below to the engineer, to stir up his fires, and put the _alabama_ at the top of her speed. my crew had all become so much excited by the chase, some of the sailors thinking we had scared up the flying dutchman, who was known to cruise in these seas, and others expecting a fight, that the watch had forgotten to go below to their hammocks. about midnight we overhauled the stranger near enough to speak her. she loomed up terribly large as we approached. she was painted black, with a white streak around her waist, man-of-war fashion, and we could count, with the aid of our night-glasses, five guns of a side frowning through her ports. "what ship is that?" now thundered my first lieutenant through his trumpet. "this is her britannic majesty's ship, _diomede_!" came back in reply very quietly. "what ship is that?" now asked the _diomede_. "this is the confederate states steamer _alabama_." "i suspected as much," said the officer, "when i saw you making sail, by the light of the burning ship." a little friendly chat now ensued, when we sheared off, and permitted her britannic majesty's frigate to proceed, without insisting upon an examination of "_her papers_;" and the sailors slunk below, one by one, to their hammocks, disappointed that they had neither caught the flying dutchman, a california clipper, or a fight. the next day, and for several days, the weather proved fine. we were running to the eastward on the average parallel of about °, with the wind from n. n. e. to the n. w. saturday, _july th_, , is thus recorded in my journal:--"this is 'independence day' in the 'old concern;' a holiday, which i feel half inclined to throw overboard, because it was established in such bad company, and because we have to fight the battle of independence over again, against a greater tyranny than before. still, old feelings are strong, and it will not hurt jack to give him an extra glass of grog." the morning of the th proved cloudy and squally, and we had some showers of rain, though the barometer kept steadily up. at thirty minutes past midnight, an officer came below to inform me, that there was a large sail in sight, not a great way off. i sent word to the officer of the deck to chase, and repaired on deck pretty soon myself. in about three hours, we had approached the chase sufficiently near, to heave her to, with a shot, she having previously disregarded two blank cartridges. she proved to be another prize, the ship _express_, of boston, from callao, for antwerp, with a cargo of guano from the chincha islands. this cargo probably belonged to the peruvian government, for the guano of the chincha islands is a government monopoly, but our peruvian friends had been unfortunate in their attempts to cover it. it had been shipped by messrs. sescau, valdeavellano & co., and consigned to j. sescau & co., at antwerp. on the back of the bill of lading was the following indorsement:--"nous soussigné, chargé d'affairs, et consul general de france, a lima, certifions que la chargement de mille soixante deuze tonneaux, de register, de huano, specifié au presént connaissement, est propriéte neutre. fait a lima, le janvier, ." this certificate was no better than so much waste paper, for two reasons. first, it was not sworn to, and secondly, it simply averred the property to be neutral, without stating who the owners were. i was sorry to burn so much property belonging, in all probability, to peru, but i could make no distinction between that government and an individual. i had the right to burn the enemy's ship, and if a neutral government chose to put its property on board of her, it was its duty to document it according to the laws of war, or abide the consequences of the neglect. the certificate would not have secured individual property, and i could not permit it to screen that of a government, which was presumed to know the law better than an individual. as the case stood, i was bound to presume that the property, being in an enemy's bottom, was enemy's. the torch followed this decision. the _express_ had had a long and boisterous passage around cape horn, and gave signs of being much weather-beaten--some of her spars and sails were gone, and her sides were defaced with iron rust. the master had his wife on board, a gentle english woman, with her servant-maid, or rather humble companion, and it seemed quite hard that these two females, after having braved the dangers of cape horn, should be carried off to brave other dangers at the cape of good hope. we were now in mid-winter, july th, when the storms run riot over these two prominent head-lands of our globe. we were fast changing our skies as we proceeded southward. many of the northern constellations had been buried beneath the horizon, to rise no more, until we should recross the equator, and other new and brilliant ones had risen in their places. we had not seen the familiar "north star" for months. the southern cross had arisen to attract our gaze to the opposite pole instead. the mysterious magellan clouds hovered over the same pole, by day, and caused the mariner to dream of far-off worlds. they were even visible on very bright nights. the reader will perhaps remember the meteorological phenomena which we met with in the gulf stream--how regularly the winds went around the compass, from left to right, or with the course of the sun, obeying the laws of storms. similar phenomena are occurring to us now. the winds are still going round with the sun, but they no longer go from left to right, but from right to left; for this is now the motion of the sun. instead of watching the winds haul from north-east to east; from east to south-east; from south-east to south, as we were wont to do in the northern hemisphere, we now watch them haul from north-east to north; from north to north-west; and from north-west to west. and when we get on shore, in the gardens, and vineyards, at the cape of good hope, we shall see the tendrils of the vine, and the creeping plants, twining around their respective supports, in the opposite direction, from left to right, instead of from right to left, as the reader has seen them do in the writer's garden in alabama. after capturing the _express_, we passed into one of the by-ways of the sea. the fork of the road which we had been hitherto pursuing, now bore off to the south-east--the india-bound ships running well to the southward of the cape. we turned out of the road to the left, and drew in nearer to the coast of africa. with the exception of an occasional african trader, or a chance whaler, we were entirely out of the track of commerce. in the space of seven or eight hundred miles, we sighted but a single ship. as we drew down toward the cape, that singular bird, the cape pigeon came to visit us. it is of about the size of a small sea-gull, and not unlike it in appearance. like the petrel, it is a storm-bird, and seems to delight in the commotion of the elements. it is quite gentle, wheeling around the ship, and uttering, from time to time, its cheerful scream, or rather whistle. a peculiarity of this bird is, that it is entirely unknown in the northern hemisphere; from which it would appear, that, like the "right" whale, it is incapable of enduring the tropical heats. it would probably be death to it, to attempt to cross the equator. on the th of july, we observed in latitude ° ', and longitude ° ', and the next day, at about nine a. m., we made daffen island, with its remarkable breaker, lying a short distance to the northward of the cape of good hope. instead of running into cape town, i deemed it more prudent to go first to saldanha bay, and reconnoitre. there might be enemy's ships of war off the cape, and if so, i desired to get news of them, before they should hear of my being in these seas. as we were running in for the bay, we overhauled a small coasting schooner, the master of which volunteered to take us in to the anchorage; and early in the afternoon, we came to, in five and three quarter fathoms of water, in a cosy little nook of the bay, sheltered from all winds. there was no yankee man-of-war at the cape, nor had there been any there for some months! mr. welles was asleep, the coast was all clear, and i could renew my "depredations" upon the enemy's commerce whenever i pleased. there is no finer sheet of land-locked water in the world than saldanha bay. its anchorage is bold, and clean, and spacious enough to accommodate the largest fleets. it is within a few hours' sail of the cape, which is the halfway mile-post, as it were, between the extreme east, and the extreme west, and yet commerce, with a strange caprice, has established its relay-house at cape town, whose anchorage is open to all the winter gales, from which a ship is in constant danger of being wrecked. we did not find so much as a coaster at anchor, in this splendid harbor. the country around was wild and picturesque in appearance; the substratum being of solid rock, and nature having played some strange freaks, when chaos was being reduced to order. rocky precipices and palisades meet the beholder at every turn, and immense boulders of granite lie scattered on the coast and over the hills, as if giants had been amusing themselves at a game of marbles. a few farm-houses are in sight from the ship, surrounded by patches of cultivation, but all the rest of the landscape is a semi-barren waste of straggling rocks, and coarse grass. the country improves, however, a short distance back from the coast, and the grazing becomes fine. beef cattle are numerous, and of fair size, and the sheep flourishes in great perfection--wool being one of the staple products of the colony. the cereals are also produced, and, as every one knows, the cape has long been famous for its delicate wines. my first care was to send the paymaster on shore, to contract for supplying the crew with fresh provisions, during our stay, and my next to inform the governor at the cape of my arrival. as i turned into my cot that night, with a still ship, in a land-locked harbor, with no strange sails, or storms to disturb my repose, i felt like a weary traveller, who had laid down, for the time, a heavy burden. the morning after our arrival--the th of july--was bright and beautiful, and i landed early to get sights for my chronometers. it was the first time i had ever set foot on the continent of africa, and i looked forth, from the eminence on which i stood, upon a wild, desolate, and yet picturesque scene. the ocean was slumbering in the distance, huge rocky precipices were around me, the newly risen sun was scattering the mists from the hills, and the only signs of life save the _alabama_ at my feet, and the ox-team of a boer which was creeping along the beach, were the screams of the sea-fowl, as they whirled around me, and, from time to time, made plunges into the still waters in quest of their prey. a profusion of wild flowers bloomed in little parterres among the rocks, and among others, i plucked the geranium, in several varieties. this was evidently its native home. returning on board at the usual breakfast hour, i found that bartelli had made excellent use of his time. there was a hut or two on the beach, to which a market-boat had been sent from the ship, to bring off the fresh beef and vegetables for the crew, which the paymaster had contracted for on the previous evening. bartelli had accompanied it, and the result was a venison steak, cut fresh from a spring-bok that a hunter had just brought in, simmering in his chafing dish. there were some fine pan-fish on the table, too; for my first lieutenant, ever mindful of the comfort of his people, had sent a party on shore with the seine, which had had fine success, and reported the bay full of fish. jack, after having been nearly three months on a diet of salted beef and pork, was once more in clover, and my young officers were greatly excited by the reports that came off to them from the shore, of the variety and abundance of game, in the neighborhood. besides the curlew, snipe, and plover, that were to be found on the beach, and in the salt marshes adjacent, the quail, pheasant, deer in several varieties, and even the ostrich, the lion, and the tiger, awaited them, if they should think proper to go a little distance inland. the small islands in the bay abounded in rabbits, which might be chased and knocked on the head with sticks. hunting-parties were soon organized, and there was a great cleaning and burnishing of fowling-pieces, and adjusting and filling of powder-flasks and shot-pouches going on. but all was not to be pleasure; there was duty to be thought of as well. the _alabama_ required considerable overhauling after her late cruise, both in her machinery, and hull, and rigging. among other things, it was quite necessary that she should be re-caulked, inside and out, and re-painted. there were working-parties organized, therefore, as well as hunting and fishing-parties. we soon found, too, that we had the duties of hospitality to attend to. the fame of the "british pirate" had preceded her. every ship which had touched at the cape, had had more or less to say of the _alabama_. mr. seward and mr. adams, lord russell and the "london times" had made her famous, and the people manifested great curiosity to see her. we were, in a measure, too, among our own kinsmen. the cape of good hope, as all the world knows, had been a dutch colony, and was now inhabited by a mixed population of dutch and english. the african had met the usual fate of the savage, when he comes in contact with civilized man. he had been thrust aside, and was only to be seen as a straggler and stranger in his native land. from far and near, the country-people flocked in to see us, in every description of vehicle, from the tidy spring-wagon, with its pair of sleek ponies, to the ox-cart. the vehicles, containing mostly women and children, were preceded or followed by men on horseback, by twos and threes, and sometimes by the dozen. the men brought along with them their shot-guns and rifles, thus converting their journey into a hunting-party, as well as one of curiosity. those from a distance came provided with tents and camp-equipage. almost every one had some present of game or curiosity to offer, as he came on board. one would bring me a wild-peacock for dinner, which he had shot on the wayside; another a brace of pheasants; others ostrich-eggs fresh from the nest, plumes of ostrich-feathers, spikes from the head of the spring-bok three and four feet in length, &c. we showed them around the ship--the young boers lifting our hundred-pound rifle-shot, and looking over the sights of our guns, and the young women looking at the moustaches of my young officers. the saldanha settlement is almost exclusively dutch, notwithstanding it has been fifty years and more in possession of the english. dutch is the language universally spoken; all the newspapers are published in that melodious tongue, and the "young idea" is being taught to "shoot" in it. one young man among our visitors, though he was twenty-three years of age, and lived within twenty miles of the sea, told me he had never been on board of a ship before. he became very much excited, and went into ecstasies at everything he saw, particularly at the size and weight of the guns, which seemed to transcend all his philosophy--the largest gun which he had hitherto seen, being his own rifle, with which he was in the habit of bringing down the ostrich or the tiger. the climate seemed to be well suited to these descendants of the hollanders. the men were athletic and well-proportioned, and the young women chubby, and blooming with the blended tints of the lily and the rose--the rose rather preponderating. the beauty of these lasses--and some of them were quite pretty--was due entirely to mother nature, as their large and somewhat rough hands, and awkward courtesies showed that they were rather more familiar with milking the cows and churning the butter, than with the airs and graces of the saloon. we remained a week in saldanha bay, during the whole of which, we had exceedingly fine weather; the wind generally prevailing from the south-east, and the sky being clear, with now and then a film of gray clouds. this was quite remarkable for the first days of august--this month being equivalent, at the "stormy cape," to the month of february, in the northern hemisphere. the natives told us that so gentle a winter had not been known for years before. the temperature was delightful. although we were in the latitude of about °--say the equivalent latitude to that of south-western virginia--we did not feel the want of fires. indeed, the grasses were green, and vegetation seemed to have been scarcely suspended. the graziers had no need to feed their cattle. a schooner came in while we lay here, bringing us some letters from merchants at cape town, welcoming us to the colony, and offering to supply us with coal, or whatever else we might need. i had left orders both at fernando de noronha, and bahia, for the _agrippina_, if she should arrive at either of those places, after my departure, to make the best of her way to saldanha bay, and await me there. she should have preceded me several weeks. she was not here--the old scotchman, as before remarked, having played me false. when kell had put his ship in order, he took a little recreation himself, and in company with one or two of his messmates went off into the interior, on an ostrich hunt. horses and dogs, and hunters awaited them, at the country-seat of the gentleman who had invited them to partake of this peculiarly african sport. they had a grand hunt, and put up several fine birds, at which some of the party--kell among the number, got shots--but they did not bring any "plumes" on board; at least of their own capturing. the devilish birds, as big as horses, and running twice as fast, as some of the young officers described them, refused to "heave to," they said, though they had sent sundry whistlers around their heads, in the shape of buck-shot. a sad accident occurred to one of our young hunters before we left the bay. one afternoon, just at sunset, i was shocked to receive the intelligence that one of the cutters had returned alongside, with a dead officer in it. third assistant engineer cummings was the unfortunate officer. he had been hunting with a party of his messmates. they had all returned with well-filled game-bags to the boat, at sunset, and cummings was in the act of stepping into her, when the cock of his gun striking against the gunwale, a whole load of buck-shot passed through his chest in the region of the heart, and he fell dead, in an instant, upon the sands. the body was lifted tenderly into the boat, and taken on board, and prepared by careful and affectionate hands for interment on the morrow. this young gentleman had been very popular, with both officers and crew, and his sudden death cast a gloom over the ship. all amusements were suspended, and men walked about with softened foot-fall, as though fearing to disturb the slumbers of the dead. arrangements were made for interring him in the grave-yard of a neighboring farmer, and the next morning, the colors of the ship were half-masted, and all the boats--each with its colors also at half-mast--formed in line, and as many of the officers and crew as could be spared from duty, followed the deceased to his last resting-place. there were six boats in the procession, and as they pulled in for the shore, with the well-known funeral stroke and drooping flags, the spectacle was one to sadden the heart. a young life had been suddenly cut short in a far distant land. a subscription was taken up to place a proper tomb over his remains, and the curious visitor to saldanha bay may read on a simple, but enduring marble slab, this mournful little episode in the history of the cruise of the _alabama_. chapter xlvi. the connecting thread of the history of the war taken up--a brief review of the events of the twelve months during which the alabama had been commissioned--alabama arrives at cape town--capture of the sea bride--excitement thereupon--correspondence between the american consul and the governor on the subject of the capture. the _alabama_ has been commissioned, now, one year. in accordance with my plan of connecting my cruises with a thread--a mere thread--of the history of the war, it will be necessary to retrace our steps, and take up that thread at the point at which it was broken--august, . at that date, as the reader will recollect, the splendid army of mcclellan had been overwhelmed with defeat, and driven in disorder, from before richmond, and the fortunes of the confederacy had greatly brightened in consequence. lee followed up this movement with the invasion of maryland; not for the purpose of fighting battles, but to free the people of that southern state from the military despotism which had been fastened upon them by the enemy, and enable them, if they thought proper, to join their fortunes with those of the confederacy. but he penetrated only that portion of the state in which the people had always been but lukewarm southerners, and an indifferent, if not cold, reception awaited him. the result might have been different if he could have made his way into the city of baltimore, and the more southern parts of the state. there the enemy was as cordially detested, as in any part of the confederacy. the federal government had, by this time, gotten firm military possession of the state, through the treason of governor bradford, mayor swann, and others, and nothing short of driving out the enemy from the city of baltimore, and occupying it by our troops, could enable the people of that true and patriotic city to move in defence of their liberties, and save their state from the desecration that awaited her. harper's ferry was captured by a portion of lee's forces; the battle of sharpsburg was fought ( th september, ) without decisive results, and lee recrossed his army into virginia. in the west, corinth was evacuated by general beauregard, who was threatened with being flanked, by an enemy of superior force. memphis was captured soon afterward, by a federal fleet, which dispersed the few confederate gunboats that offered it a feeble resistance. the fall of fort pillow and memphis opened the way for the enemy, as far down the mississippi as vicksburg. here farragut's and porter's fleets--the former from below, the latter from above--united in a joint attack upon the place, but van dorn beat them off. the confederates made an attempt to dislodge the enemy from baton rouge, the capital of louisiana, about forty miles below the mouth of the red river, but failed. the expedition was to be a joint naval and military one, but the naval portion of it failed by an unfortunate accident. breckinridge, with less than men, fought a gallant action against a superior force, and drove the enemy into the town, but for want of the naval assistance promised could not dislodge him. we now occupied port hudson below baton rouge, and the enemy evacuated baton rouge in consequence. we thus held the mississippi river between port hudson and vicksburg, a distance of more than miles. general bragg now made a campaign into kentucky, which state he occupied for several weeks, but was obliged finally to evacuate, by overwhelming forces of the enemy. during this campaign, the battles of richmond and perryville were fought. bragg gathered immense supplies during his march, killed, wounded, or captured , of the enemy's troops, and returned with a well-clothed, well-equipped, more numerous, and better disciplined army than he had at the beginning of the campaign. the effect of this campaign was to relieve north alabama and middle tennessee of the presence of the enemy for some months. in september, , van dorn attacked rosencrans at corinth, but was obliged to withdraw after a gallant and bloody fight. he retreated in good order. after lee's retreat into virginia, from his march into maryland, which has been alluded to, mcclellan remained inactive for some time, and the northern people becoming dissatisfied, clamored for a change of commanders. burnside was appointed to supersede him--a man, in every way unfit for the command of a large army. with an army of , men, this man of straw crossed the rappahannock, and attacked lee at fredericksburg, in obedience to the howl of the northern demos, of "on to richmond!" a perfect slaughter of his troops ensued. as far as can be learned, this man did not cross the river at all himself, but sent his troops to assault works in front which none but a madman would have thought of attempting--especially with a river in his rear. it is only necessary to state the result. federal loss in killed, ; wounded, . confederate loss in killed and wounded, . during a storm of wind and rain, the beaten army regained the shelter of its camps on the opposite side of the river. burnside was now thrown overboard by the northern demos, as mcclellan had been before him. as the old year died, and the new year came in, the battle of murfreesborough, in middle tennessee, was fought between bragg and rosencrans, which was bloody on both sides, and indecisive. bragg retired from murfreesborough, but was not molested by the enemy during his retreat. the year may be said, upon the whole, to have resulted brilliantly for the confederate arms. we had fought drawn battles, and had made some retrograde movements, but, on the other hand, we had gained splendid victories, made triumphant marches into the enemy's territory, and even threatened his capital. the nations of the earth were looking upon us with admiration, and we had every reason to feel encouraged. one of the first events of the year , was the dispersion of the enemy's blockading fleet, off charleston, by commodore ingraham, with two small iron-clads, the _chicora_ and the _palmetto state_. this gallant south carolinian, in his flag-ship, the _chicora_, first attacked the _mercedita_, captain stellwagen. having run into this vessel, and fired one or two shots at her, she cried for quarter, and surrendered, believing herself to be in a sinking condition. in a few minutes, the _mercedita_ sent a boat alongside the _chicora_, with her first lieutenant, who, by authority of his captain, surrendered the ship, and assented to the _paroling_ of the officers and crew. the two little iron-clads then went in pursuit of the enemy's other ships, and succeeded in getting a shot at one or two of them, but they were all too fast for them, and betaking themselves to their heels, soon put themselves out of harm's way. in a short time there was not a blockader to be seen! judge of the surprise of commodore ingraham, when, upon his return, he found that his prize, the _mercedita_, which he had left at anchor, under _parole_, had cleared out. captain stellwagen, and every officer and man on board the _mercedita_, had solemnly promised _on honor_--for this is the nature of a parole--that they would do no act of war until exchanged. from the moment they made that promise, they were _hors du combat_. they were prisoners at large, on board the ship which they had surrendered to the enemy. and yet, when that enemy turned his back--relying upon the _parole_ which they had given him--they got up their anchor, and steamed off to port royal, and reported to their admiral--dupont! did dupont send her back to ingraham? no. he reported the facts to mr. secretary welles. and what did mr. secretary welles do? he kept possession of the ship at the sacrifice of the honor of the department over which he presided. and what think you, reader, was the excuse? it is a curiosity. admiral dupont reported the case thus to mr. welles:--"* * * unable to use his [stellwagen's] guns, and being at the mercy of the enemy, which was lying alongside, on his starboard quarter, all further resistance was deemed hopeless by captain stellwagen, and he surrendered. the crew and officers were paroled, _though nothing was said about the ship_; the executive officer, lieutenant-commander abbot, having gone on board the enemy's ship, and made the arrangements." mr. welles, thus prompted by admiral dupont, adopted the exceedingly brilliant idea, that as _nothing had been said about the ship_--that is, as the _ship_ had not been paroled, she might, like every other unparoled prisoner, walk off with herself, and make her escape! but to say nothing of the odd idea of paroling a ship, these honorable casuists overlooked the small circumstance that the ship could not make her escape without the assistance of the paroled officers; and it was an act of war for paroled officers to get under way, and carry off from her anchors, a prize-ship of the enemy. it was a theft, and breach of honor besides. a few days after ingraham's raid, galveston was recaptured by the confederates, as already described when speaking of the victory of the _alabama_ over the _hatteras_. sherman made an attempt upon vicksburg, and failed. admiral dupont, with a large and well appointed fleet of iron-clads, attacked charleston, and was beaten back--one of his ships being sunk, and others seriously damaged. on the potomac, hooker had been sent by the many-headed monster to relieve burnside, which was but the substitution of one dunderhead for another. but hooker had the _sobriquet_ of "fighting joe," and this tickled the monster. "with the most splendid army on the planet," as characterized by the hyperbolous joe himself, he crossed the rappahannock, _on his way to richmond_. lee had no more than about one third of hooker's force, with which to oppose him. three battles ensued--at the wilderness, chancellorsville, and salem church, which resulted in the defeat and rout of "fighting joe," and his rapid retreat to the north bank of the rappahannock. but these victories cost us the life of stonewall jackson, the coeur de leon of the southern confederacy. his body has been given to the worms, but his exploits equal, if they do not excel, those of napoleon in his first italian campaign, and will fire the youth of america as long as our language lives, and history continues to be read. a third attempt was made upon vicksburg; this time by general grant, with a large army that insured success. with this army, and a fleet of gunboats, he laid siege to pemberton. on the th of july pemberton surrendered. this was a terrible blow to us. it not only lost us an army, but cut the confederacy in two, by giving the enemy the command of the mississippi river. port hudson followed. as a partial set-off to these disasters, general dick taylor captured brasher city, a very important base which the enemy had established for operations in louisiana and texas. nearly five million dollars' worth of stores fell into taylor's hands. after the defeat of hooker, lee determined upon another move across the enemy's border. hooker followed, keeping himself between lee and washington, supposing the latter to be the object of lee's movement. but lee moved by the shenandoah valley, upon gettysburg in pennsylvania. hooker now resigned the command, for which he found himself unfitted, and meade was sent to relieve him. the latter marched forthwith upon gettysburg, cautiously disposing his troops, meanwhile, so as to cover both baltimore and washington. the greatest battle of the war was fought here during the first three days of july. both parties were whipped, and on the th of july, when pemberton was surrendering vicksburg to grant, lee was preparing to withdraw from gettysburg for the purpose of recrossing the potomac. if the battle had been fought in virginia, meade would have been preparing, in like manner, to cross the same river, but to a different side. lee withdrew without serious molestation, meade being too badly crippled, to do more than follow him at a limping gait. the disproportion of numbers in this battle was greatly in favor of meade, and he had, besides, the advantage of acting on the defensive, in an intrenched position. vicksburg and gettysburg mark an era in the war. the confederates, from this time, began to show signs of weakness. in consequence of the great disparity of numbers, we had been compelled, at an early day in the war, to draw upon our whole fighting population. the northern hive was still swarming, and apparently as numerous as ever. all europe was, besides, open to the north as a recruiting station, and we have seen, in the course of these pages, how unscrupulously and fraudulently the federal agents availed themselves of this advantage. we were being hard pressed, too, for _material_, for the enemy was maintaining a rigid blockade of our ports, and was, besides, with a barbarity unknown in civilized war, laying waste our plantations and corn-fields. we need no better evidence of the shock which had been given to public confidence in the south, by those two disasters, than the simple fact, that our currency depreciated almost immediately a thousand per cent.! later in the summer, another attempt was made upon charleston, which was repulsed as the others had been. dupont, after his failure, had been thrown overboard, and admiral foote ordered to succeed him; but foote dying before he could assume command, dahlgren was substituted. this gentleman had, from a very early period in his career, directed his attention to ordnance, and turned to account the experiments of colonel paixan with shell-guns and shell-firing. he had much improved upon the old-fashioned naval ordnance, in vogue before the advent of steamships, and for these labors of his in the foundries and work-shops, he had been made an admiral. he was now sent to aid general gilmore, an engineer of some reputation, to carry out the favorite boston idea of razing charleston to the ground, as the original hot-bed of secession. they made a lodgment on morris island, but failed, as dupont had done, against the other works. we have thus strung, as it were, upon our thread of the war, the more important military events that occurred during the first year of the cruise of the _alabama_. we will now return to that ship. we left her at saldanha bay, near the cape of good hope. on the morning of the th of august, the weather being fine, and the wind light from the south, we got under way for table bay. as we were steaming along the coast, we fell in with our consort, the _tuscaloosa_, on her way to join us, at saldanha bay, in accordance with her instructions. she had been delayed by light winds and calms. she reported the capture of the enemy's ship _santee_, from the east indies, laden with rice, on british account, and bound for falmouth, in england. she had released her on ransom-bond. the _tuscaloosa_ being in want of supplies, i directed her to proceed to simon town, in simon's bay, to the eastward of the cape, and there refit, and provide herself with whatever might be necessary. a little after mid-day, as we were hauling in for cape town, "sail ho!" was cried from aloft; and when we had raised the sail from the deck, we could see quite distinctly that the jaunty, newly painted craft, with the taper spars, and white canvas, was an american bark, bound, like ourselves, into table bay. as before remarked, the wind was light, and the bark was not making much headway. this was fortunate, for if there had been a brisk breeze blowing, she must have run within the charmed marine league, before we could have overhauled her. hoisting the english colors, we gave the _alabama_ all steam in chase, and came near enough to heave the stranger to, when she was still five or six miles from the land. she proved to be the _sea-bride_, of boston, from new york, and bound, with an assorted cargo of provisions and notions, on a trading voyage along the eastern coast of africa. i threw a prize crew on board of her, and as i could not take her into port with me, i directed the officer to stand off and on until further orders--repairing to saldanha bay, by the th of the month, in case he should be blown off by a gale. the capture of this ship caused great excitement at cape town, it having been made within full view of the whole population. the editor of a daily newspaper published at the cape--the "argus"--witnessed it, and we will let him describe it. the following is an extract from that paper, of the date of the th of august, :-- "yesterday, at almost noon, a steamer from the northward was made down from the signal-post, on lion's hill. the governor had, on the previous day, received a letter from captain semmes, informing his excellency that the gallant captain had put his ship into saldanha bay for repairs. this letter had been made public in the morning, and had caused no little excitement. cape town, that has been more than dull--that has been dismal for months, thinking and talking of nothing but bankruptcies--bankruptcies fraudulent, and bankruptcies unavoidable--was now all astir, full of life and motion. the stoop of the commercial exchange was crowded with merchants, knots of citizens were collected at the corner of every street; business was almost, if not entirely suspended. "all that could be gleaned, in addition to the information of captain semmes' letter to the governor, a copy of which was sent to the united states consul, immediately it was received, was that the schooner _atlas_ had just returned from malagas island, where she had been with water and vegetables for men collecting guano there. captain boyce, the master of the _atlas_, reported that he had himself actually seen the _alabama_; a boat from the steamer had boarded his vessel, and he had been on board of her. his report of captain semmes corroborated that given by every one else. he said the captain was most courteous and gentlemanly. he asked captain boyce to land thirty prisoners for him, in table bay, with which request captain boyce was unable to comply. captain semmes said that the _florida_ was also a short distance off the cape, and that the _alabama_, when she had completed her repairs, and was cleaned and painted, would pay table bay a visit. he expected to be there, he said, very nearly as soon as the _atlas_. shortly after the _atlas_ arrived, a boat brought up some of the prisoners from saldanha bay, and among them one of the crew of the _alabama_, who said he had left the ship. all these waited on the united states consul, but were unable to give much information, beyond what we had already received. "the news that the _alabama_ was coming into table bay, and would probably arrive about four o'clock this afternoon, added to the excitement. about noon, a steamer from the north-west was made down by the signal-man on the hill. could this be the _alabama_? or was it the _hydaspes_, from india, or the _lady jocelyn_ from england? all three were now hourly expected, and the city was in doubt. just after one, it was made down '_confederate steamer alabama from the north-west, and federal bark from the south-east_.' here was to be a capture by the celebrated confederate craft, close to the entrance of table bay. the inhabitants rushed off to get a sight. crowds of people ran up the lion's hill, and to the kloof road. all the cabs were chartered--every one of them; there was no cavilling about fares; the cabs were taken, and no questions asked, but orders were given to drive as hard as possible. "the bark coming in from the south-east, and, as the signal-man made down, five miles off; the steamer coming in from the north-west, eight miles off, led us to think that the kloof road was the best place for a full view. to that place we directed our jehu to drive furiously. we did the first mile in a short time; but the kloof-hill for the next two and a half miles is up-hill work. the horse jibbed, so we pushed on, on foot, as fast as possible, and left the cab to come on. when we reached the summit, we could only make out a steamer on the horizon, from eighteen to twenty miles off. this could not be the _alabama_, unless she was making off to sea again. there was no bark. as soon as our cab reached the crown of the hill, we set off at a break-neck pace, down the hill, on past the round-house, till we came near brighton, and as we reached the corner, there lay the _alabama_ within fifty yards of the unfortunate yankee. as the yankee came around from the south-east, and about five miles from the bay, the steamer came down upon her. the yankee was evidently taken by surprise. the _alabama_ fired a gun, and brought her to. "when first we got sight of the _alabama_, it was difficult to make out what she was doing; the bark's head had been put about, and the _alabama_ lay off quite immovable, as if she were taking a sight of the 'varmint.' the weather was beautifully calm and clear, and the sea was as smooth and transparent as a sheet of glass. the bark was making her way slowly from the steamer, with every bit of her canvas spread. the _alabama_, with her steam off, appeared to be letting the bark get clear off. what could this mean? no one understood. it must be the _alabama_. 'there,' said the spectators, 'is the confederate flag at her peak; it must be a federal bark, too, for there are the stars and stripes of the states flying at her main.' what could the _alabama_ mean lying there-- 'as idly as a painted ship upon a painted ocean.' what it meant was soon seen. like a cat, watching and playing with a victimized mouse, captain semmes permitted his prize to draw off a few yards, and then he up steam again, and pounced upon her. she first sailed round the yankee from stem to stern, and stern to stem again. the way that fine, saucy, rakish craft was handled was worth riding a hundred miles to see. she went round the bark like a toy, making a complete circle, and leaving an even margin of water between herself and her prize, of not more than twenty yards. from the hill it appeared as if there was no water at all between the two vessels. this done, she sent a boat with a prize crew off, took possession in the name of the confederate states, and sent the bark off to sea. "the _alabama_ then made for the port. we came round the kloof to visit captain semmes on board. as we came, we found the heights overlooking table bay covered with people; the road to green point lined with cabs. the windows of the villas at the bottom of the hill were all thrown up, and ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and one and all joined in the general enthusiasm; over the quarries, along the malay burying-ground, the gallows hill, and the beach, there were masses of people--nothing but a sea of heads as far as the eye could reach. along strand street, and alderley street, the roofs of all the houses, from which table bay is overlooked, were made available as standing-places for the people who could not get boats to go off to her. the central, the north, the south, and the coaling jetties were all crowded. at the central jetty it was almost impossible to force one's way through to get a boat. however, all in good time, we did get a boat, and went off, in the midst of dingies, cargo-boats, gigs, and wherries, all as full as they could hold. nearly all the city was upon the bay; the rowing clubs in uniform, with favored members of their respective clubs on board. the crews feathered their oars in double-quick time, and their pulling, our 'stroke' declared, was a 'caution, and no mistake.' * * * on getting alongside the _alabama_, we found about a dozen boats before us, and we had not been on board five minutes before she was surrounded by nearly every boat in table bay, and as boat after boat arrived, three hearty cheers were given for captain semmes and his gallant privateer. this, upon the part of a neutral people, is, perchance, wrong; but we are not arguing a case--we are recording facts. they did cheer, and cheer with a will, too. it was not, perhaps, taking the view of either side, federal or confederate, but in admiration of the skill, pluck, and daring of the _alabama_, her captain, and her crew, who afford a general theme of admiration for the world all over. "visitors were received by the officers of the ship most courteously, and without distinction, and the officers conversed freely and unreservedly of their exploits. there was nothing like brag in their manner of answering questions put to them. they are as fine and gentlemanly a set of fellows as ever we saw; most of them young men. the ship has been so frequently described, that most people know what she is like, as we do who have seen her. we should have known her to be the _alabama_, if we had boarded her in the midst of the ocean, with no one to introduce us to each other. her guns alone are worth going off to see, and everything about her speaks highly of the seamanship and discipline of her commander and his officers. she had a very large crew, fine, lithe-looking fellows, the very picture of english man-of-war's men." the editor of the "argus" has not overdrawn the picture when he says, that nearly all cape town was afloat, on the evening of the arrival of the _alabama_. the deck of the ship was so crowded, that it was almost impossible to stir in any direction. nor was this simply a vulgar crowd, come off to satisfy mere curiosity. it seemed to be a generous outpouring of the better classes. gentlemen and ladies of distinction pressed into my cabin, to tender me a cordial greeting. whatever may have been the cause, their imaginations and their hearts seemed both to have been touched. i could not but be gratified at such a demonstration on the part of an entire people. the inhabitants of the cape colony seemed to resemble our own people in their excitability, and in the warmth with which they expressed their feelings, more than the phlegmatic english people, of whom they are a part. this resemblance became still more apparent, when i had the leisure to notice the tone, and temper of their press, the marshalling of political parties, and the speeches of their public men. the colony, with its own legislature, charged with the care of its own local concerns, was almost a republic. it enjoyed all the freedom of a republic, without its evils. the check upon the franchise, and the appointment of the executive by the crown, so tempered the republican elements, that license was checked, without liberty being restrained. bartelli, my faithful steward, was in his element during the continuance of this great levée on board the _alabama_. he had dressed himself with scrupulous care, and posting himself at my cabin-door, with the air of a chamberlain to a king, he refused admission to all comers, until they had first presented him with a card, and been duly announced. pressing some of the ward-room boys into his service, he served refreshments to his numerous guests, in a style that did my _menage_ infinite credit. fair women brought off bouquets with them, which they presented with a charming grace, and my cabin was soon garlanded with flowers. some of these were _immortelles_ peculiar to the cape of good hope, and for months afterward, they retained their places around the large mirror that adorned the after-part of my cabin, with their colors almost as bright as ever. during my entire stay, my table was loaded with flowers, and the most luscious grapes, and other fruits, sent off to me every morning, by the ladies of the cape, sometimes with, and sometimes without, a name. something has been said before about the capacity of the heart of a sailor. my own was carried by storm on the present occasion. i simply surrendered at discretion, and whilst kell was explaining the virtues of his guns to his male visitors, and answering the many questions that were put to him about our cruises and captures, i found it as much as i could do, to write autographs, and answer the pretty little perfumed billets that came off to me. dear ladies of the cape of good hope! these scenes are still fresh in my memory, and i make you but a feeble return for all your kindness, in endeavoring to impress them upon these pages, that they may endure "yet a little while." i have always found the instincts of women to be right, and i felt more gratified at this spontaneous outpouring of the sympathies of the sex, for our cause, than if all the male creatures of the earth had approved it, in cold and formal words. i found, at the cape of good hope, the stereotyped american consul; half diplomat, half demagogue. here is a letter which the ignorant fellow wrote to the governor, whilst i was still at saldanha bay:-- "sir: from reliable information received by me, and which you are also doubtless in possession of, a war-steamer called the _alabama_, is now in saldanha bay, being painted, discharging prisoners of war, &c. the vessel in question was built in england, to prey upon the commerce of the united states, and escaped therefrom while on her trial-trip, forfeiting bonds of £ , (!) which the british government exacted under the foreign enlistment act. now, as your government has a treaty of amity and commerce with the united states, and has not recognized the persons in revolt against the united states as a government at all, the vessel alluded to should be at once seized, and sent to england, whence she clandestinely escaped. assuming that the british government was sincere in exacting the bonds, you have, doubtless, been instructed to send her home to england, where she belongs. but if, from some oversight, you have not received such instructions, and you decline the responsibility of making the seizure, i would most respectfully protest against the vessel remaining in any port of the colony, another day. she has been at saldanha bay four days already, and a week previously on the coast, and has forfeited all right to remain an hour longer, by this breach of neutrality. painting a ship [especially with yankee paint] does not come under the head of "necessary repairs," and is no proof that she is unseaworthy; and to allow her to visit other ports, after she has set the queen's proclamation of neutrality at defiance, would not be regarded as in accordance with the spirit and purpose of that document." this letter, in its loose statement of facts, and in its lucid exposition of the laws of nations, would have done credit to mr. seward himself, the head of the department to which this ambitious little consul belonged. instead of a week, the _alabama_ had been less than a day on the coast, before she ran into saldanha bay; and, if she had chosen, she might have cruised on the coast during the rest of the war, in entire conformity with the queen's proclamation, and the laws of nations. but the richest part of the letter is that wherein the consul tells the governor, that inasmuch as the confederate states had not been acknowledged as a nation, they had no right to commission a ship of war! it is astonishing how dull the federal officials, generally, were on this point. the consul knew that great britain had acknowledged us to be in possession of belligerent rights, and that the only rights i was pretending to exercise, in the _alabama_, were those of a belligerent. but the consul was not to blame. he was only a consul, and could not be supposed to know better. mr. seward's despatches on the subject of the _alabama_ had so muddled the brains of his subordinates, that they could never make head or tail of the subject. the following was the reply of the governor, through the colonial secretary:-- "i am directed by the governor, to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, relative to the _alabama_. his excellency has no instructions, neither has he any authority, to seize, or detain that vessel; and he desires me to acquaint you, that he has received a letter from the commander, dated the st instant, stating that repairs were in progress, and as soon as they were completed he intended to go to sea. he further announces his intention of respecting the neutrality of the british government. the course which captain semmes here proposes to take, is, in the governor's opinion, in conformity with the instructions he has himself received, relative to ships of war and privateers, belonging to the united states, and the states calling themselves the confederate states of america, visiting british ports. the reports received from saldanha bay induce the governor to believe, that the vessel will leave that harbor, as soon as her repairs are completed; but he will immediately, on receiving intelligence to the contrary, take the necessary steps for enforcing the observance of the rules laid down by her majesty's government." another correspondence now sprang up between the consul and the governor in relation to the capture of the _sea-bride_. the consul wrote to the governor, as follows:-- "the confederate steamer _alabama_ has just captured an american bark off green point, or about four miles from the nearest land--robben island. i witnessed the capture with my own eyes, as did hundreds of others at the same time. this occurrence at the entrance of table bay, and clearly in british waters, is an insult to england, and a grievous injury to a friendly power, the united states." this remark about the honor of england will remind the reader of the article i quoted some pages back, from the new york "commercial advertiser," to the same effect. how wonderfully alive these fellows were to english honor, when yankee ships were in danger! but as the consul admits, upon the testimony of his "own eyes," that the capture was made _four_ miles from the nearest land, the reader will, perhaps, be curious to see how he brings it within british waters. the marine league is the limit of jurisdiction, and the writers on international law say that that limit was probably adopted, because a cannon-shot could not be thrown farther than three miles from the shore. it may have been the cannon-shot which suggested the league, but it was the league, and not the cannon-shot, which was the limit. now the consul argued that the yankees had invented some "big guns," which would throw a shot a long way beyond the league--ergo, the yankee guns had changed the laws of nations. but the consul wrote his letter in too great a hurry. he had not yet seen the master of the captured ship. this clever yankee, backed by several of his crew equally clever, made a much better case for him; for they swore, in a batch of affidavits before the consul himself, and in spite of the consul's "own eyes," that the ship had been captured within _two miles and a half_ of robben island! imprudent consul, to have thus gone off half cocked! this discovery of new testimony was communicated to the governor, as follows: "i beg now to enclose for your excellency's perusal, the affidavit of captain charles f. white, of the _sea-bride_, protesting against the capture of the said bark in british waters. the bearings taken by him at the time of capture, conclusively show that she was in neutral waters, being about two and a half miles from robben island. this statement is doubtless more satisfactory than the testimony of persons, who measured the distance by the eye." doubtless, if the bearings had been correct; but unfortunately for captain white, there were too many other witnesses, who were under no temptation to falsify the truth. a fine ship, and a lucrative trading voyage along the eastern coast of africa were to be the reward of his testimony; the simple telling of the truth the reward of the other witnesses. the usual consequences followed. the interested witness perjured himself, and was disbelieved. i remained entirely neutral in the matter, volunteered no testimony, and only responded to such questions as were asked me--not under oath--by the authorities. the following was the case made in rebuttal of this "yankee hash":-- statement of joseph hopson. joseph hopson, keeper of the green point light-house, states:-- "i was on the lookout on wednesday afternoon, when the _alabama_ and _sea-bride_ were coming in. when i first saw them, the steamer was coming round the north-west of robben island, and the bark bore from her about five miles w. n. w. the bark was coming in under all sail, with a good breeze, and she took nothing in, when the gun was fired. i believe two guns were fired, but the gun i mean was the last, and the steamer then crossed the stern of the bark, and hauled up to her on the starboard side. he steamed ahead gently, and shortly afterward i saw the bark put round, with her head to the westward, and a boat put off from the steamer and boarded her. both vessels were then good five miles off the mainland, and quite five, if not six, from the north-west point of robben island." statement of w. s. field, collector of the customs. "i was present at the old light-house, on green point, on wednesday afternoon at two p. m., and saw the _alabama_ capture the american bark _sea-bride_, and i agree with the above statement, as far as the position of the vessels, and their distance from shore are concerned. i may also remark that i called the attention of colonel bisset and the lighthouse keeper, hopson, to the distance of the vessels at the time of the capture, as it was probable we should be called upon to give our evidence respecting the affair, and we took a note of the time it occurred." statement of john roe. "i was, yesterday, the th day of august, , returning from a whale chase in hunt's bay, when i first saw the bark _sea-bride_ standing from the westward, on to the land. i came on to table bay, and when off camp's bay, i saw the smoke of the _alabama_, some distance from the westward of robben island. when i reached the green point lighthouse, the steamer was standing up toward the bark, which was about five miles and a half to the westward of green point, and about four and a half from the western point of robben island. this was their position--being near each other--when the gun was fired." statement of the signal-man at the lion's rump telegraph station. "on wednesday last, the th day of august, , i sighted the bark _sea-bride_, about seven o'clock in the morning, about fifteen or twenty miles off the land, standing into table bay from the south-west. there was a light breeze blowing from the north-west, which continued until mid-day. about mid-day i sighted the _alabama_, screw-steamer, standing from due north, toward table bay, intending, as it appeared to me, to take the passage between robben island, and the blueberg beach. she was then between fifteen and eighteen miles off the land. after sighting the steamer, i hoisted the demand for the bark, when she hoisted the american flag, which i reported to the port-office, the bark being then about eight miles off the land, from irville point. no sooner had the bark hoisted the american flag, than the steamer turned sharp round in the direction of, and toward the bark. the steamer appeared at that time to be about twelve miles off the land, from irville point, and about four or five miles outside of robben island, and about seven miles from the bark. the steamer then came up to, and alongside of the bark, when the latter was good four miles off the land, at or near the old lighthouse, and five miles off the island. the steamer, after firing a gun, stopped the farther progress of the bark, several boats were sent to her, and after that the bark stood out to sea again, and the _alabama_ steamed into table bay." at the time of the capture, her majesty's steamship _valorous_ was lying in table bay, and the governor, in addition to the above testimony, charged captain forsyth, her commander, also, to investigate the subject, and report to him. the following is captain forsyth's report:-- her majesty's ship valorous, august , . in compliance with the request conveyed to me by your excellency, i have the honor to report that i have obtained from captain semmes, a statement of the position of the confederate states steamer _alabama_, and the american bark _sea-bride_, when the latter was captured, yesterday afternoon. captain semmes asserts, that at the time of his capturing the _sea-bride_, green point lighthouse bore from the _alabama_, south-east, about six or six and a half miles. [the yankee master said that it bore south, by east.] this statement is borne out by the evidence of captain wilson, port-captain of table bay, who has assured me, that at the time of the _sea-bride_ being captured, he was off green point, in the port-boat, and that only the top of the _alabama's_ hull was visible. i am of opinion, if captain wilson could only see that portion of the hull of the _alabama_, she must have been about the distance from shore, which is stated by captain semmes, and i have, therefore, come to the conclusion, that the bark _sea-bride_ was beyond the limits assigned, when she was captured by the _alabama_. the governor, after having thus patiently investigated the case, directed his secretary to inform the consul of the result in the following letter:-- "with reference to the correspondence that has passed, relative to the capture, by the confederate states steamer _alabama_, of the bark _sea-bride_, i am directed by the governor to acquaint you, that, on the best information he has been enabled to procure, he has come to the conclusion, that the capture cannot be held to be illegal, or in violation of the neutrality of the british government, by reason of the distance from the land at which it took place." the consul was foiled; but he was a man of courage, and resolved to strike another blow for the _sea-bride_. he next charged that the prize-master had brought her within the marine league _after her capture_. he made this charge upon the strength of another affidavit--that ready resource of the enemy when in difficulty. enclosing this affidavit to the governor, he wrote as follows:-- "from the affidavit of the first officer, it appears that the alleged prize was brought within one mile and a half of green point lighthouse, yesterday, at one o'clock a. m. now, as the vessel was, at the time, in charge of a prize-crew, it was a violation of neutrality, as much as if the capture had been made at the same distance from the land." and he required that the ship should be seized. without stopping to inquire into the truth of the fact stated, the governor directed his secretary to reply, that-- "his excellency is not prepared to admit that the fact of a vessel having been brought, by the prize-crew, within one and a half mile of the green point lighthouse 'was a violation of the neutrality, as much as if the capture had taken place at the same distance from the land,' although both the belligerents are prohibited from bringing their prizes into british ports. the governor does not feel warranted in taking steps for the removal of the prize-crew from the _sea-bride_." chapter xlvii. a gale at cape town--alabama gets under way for simon's town--capture of the martha wenzell--the tuscaloosa; her status as ship of war considered--the tuscaloosa proceeds to sea--the alabama follows her--they, with the sea-bride, rendezvous at angra pequena. having brushed away mr. seward's gadfly, as described in the last chapter, we may turn our attention again to the _alabama_. on the th of august, we took one of the gales so common at the cape, in the winter season. dense banks of black clouds hove up in the north-west, soon overspreading the whole heavens, and the wind came out whistling from that quarter. the reader must bear in mind, that when he crossed into the southern hemisphere he reversed the points of the compass, so far as wind and weather are concerned, and that the north-wester, at the cape of good hope, answers to our south-easter, on the american coast--bringing with it thick, rainy weather. there was a number of ships in the harbor, and the gale drove in upon them without the least protection. these ships, forewarned by the usual signs, had all struck their upper masts, sent down their yards, and let go second anchors, and veered to long scopes. we did the same in the _alabama_. it was a sublime spectacle to look abroad upon the bay in the height of the gale. the elements seemed to be literally at war, a low scud rushing to the shore, and climbing, as if pursued by demons, up and over the lion's rump and table mountain. huge waves were rolling in upon the struggling shipping, trying its ground-tackle to its utmost tension; the jetties and landings were covered with spray; and cape town, though only a mile off, looked like a spectre town, as viewed through the spray and driving scud. and what added much to the interest of the scene, was the daring and skill of the watermen. these men, in substantial launches, under close-reefed sails, and with spare anchors and cables on board, for the use of any ships that might be in distress for want of sufficient ground-tackle, were darting hither and thither, like so many spirits of the storm. they seemed to be sporting with the dashing and blinding waves and the fury of the gale, in very wantonness, as though they would defy the elements. the ships at anchor were all fortunate enough to hold on; but a luckless bremen brig, outside, which had ventured too near the land, was wrecked, during the night, on green point. fortunately, no lives were lost. the gale lasted about twenty-four hours; and when it had sufficiently abated, we communicated with the shore, and got off such supplies as we needed; it being my intention to run round to simon's town, on the opposite side of the cape, where there is shelter from these gales, for the purpose of completing my repairs. on the th, the weather had again become fine. the wind had gone round to south-east, the fair-weather quarter, and the devil had spread his table-cloth on table mountain. every one has heard of this famous table-cloth at the cape of good hope. it is a fleecy, white cloud, which hangs perpetually over table mountain during fine weather. the south-east winds, as they climb the steep ascent, bring with them more or less moisture. this moisture is sufficiently cooled as it passes over the "table"--a level space on the top of the mountain--to become condensed into a white vapor, very similar to that which escapes from a steam-pipe. when the wind shifts, and the storm begins to gather, the table-cloth disappears. at nine o'clock, on this morning, we got under way, and steamed out of the harbor, on our way to simon's town. the day was charmingly fine. the atmosphere was soft and transparent, and the sun bright, bringing out all the beauties of the bold promontories and the deep-water bays that indent the coast. we were now really doubling the cape of good hope. as we approached the famous headland, with its lighthouse perched several hundred feet above the bold and blackened rocks, our imaginations busy with the past, endeavoring to depict the frail portuguese bark, which had first dared its stormy waters, the cry of "sail ho!" resounded most musically from the mast-head. imagination took flight at once, at the sound of this practical cry. it recalled us from our dream of john of portugal, to one abraham lincoln and his surroundings. here was not the poetical bark, of four centuries ago, that had at last found its way to those "indies," which columbus so long sought for in vain, but a yankee ship laden with rice; for an hour's steaming brought us alongside of the _martha wenzell_, of boston, from akyab for falmouth in england. the _wenzell_ had better luck than the _sea-bride_, for she had clearly entered the mouth of false bay, and though seven or eight miles yet from the land, was within a line drawn from point to point of the bay. being thus within british jurisdiction, i astonished the master by releasing, instead of burning his ship. he looked so dumfounded when i announced to him this decision, that if i had been a yankee, he would, no doubt, have suspected me of some yankee trick. he gathered his slow ideas together, by degrees, however, and was profuse in his thanks. i told him he had none to give me, for i was only too sorry not to be able to burn him. we now hauled in for the coast, and taking a pilot, as we approached the harbor, anchored at two p. m. in simon's bay. this is the naval station of the colony, and we found here the frigate _narcissus_, wearing the flag of rear admiral sir baldwin walker, the commander-in-chief of the british naval forces at the cape. we were visited immediately upon anchoring by a lieutenant from the flag-ship. the _tuscaloosa_ had preceded me, as the reader has seen, a few days, and we found her still here, not having quite completed her preparations for sea. the gadfly, i found, had been buzzing around her, too, but her difficulties were all ended. as the correspondence is short, i will give it to the reader. the federal consul wrote to the governor, as follows:-- "an armed vessel named the _tuscaloosa_, claiming to act under the authority of the so-called confederate states, entered simon's bay, on saturday, the th instant. that vessel was formerly owned by citizens of the united states, and while engaged in lawful commerce [as if lawful commerce was not a subject of capture, during war] was captured as a prize by the _alabama_. she was subsequently fitted out with arms, by the _alabama_, to prey upon the commerce of the united states, and now, without having been condemned as a prize, by any admiralty court of any recognized government, she is permitted to enter a neutral port, in violation of the queen's proclamation, with her original cargo on board. against this proceeding, i, hereby, most emphatically protest, and i claim that the vessel ought to be given up to her lawful owners." it is quite true that the _tuscaloosa_ had not been condemned by a prize court of the confederacy, but it was equally true that the sovereign power of the confederacy, acting through its authorized agent, had commissioned her as a ship of war, which was the most solemn condemnation of the prize, that the sovereign could give. it was equally true, that no nation has the right to inquire into the _antecedents_ of the ships of war of another nation. but these were points beyond the comprehension of the gadfly. the following was the answer of the governor. the colonial secretary writes:-- "i am directed by the governor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date, and to acquaint you, that it was not until late last evening, that his excellency received from the naval commander-in-chief, information, that the condition of the _tuscaloosa_ was such as, as his excellency is advised, to entitle her to be regarded as a vessel of war. the governor is not aware, nor do you refer him to the provisions of the international law, by which captured vessels, as soon as they enter our neutral ports, revert to their original owners, and are forfeited by their captors. but his excellency believes, that the claims of contending parties to vessels captured can only be determined, in the first instance, by the courts of the captor's country." we remained five days at simon's town. we did not need coal, but we had some caulking of the bends, and replacing of copper about the water-line to do, and some slight repairs to put upon our engine. whilst these preparations for sea were going on, we had some very pleasant intercourse with the officers of the station and the citizens on shore. besides the _narcissus_, flag-ship, there were one or two other british ships of war at anchor. there were some officers stationed at the navy-yard, and there was a chinese gunboat, the _kwan-tung_, with an english commander and crew, which had put into the harbor, on her way to the east. simon's town was thus quite gay. the governor, sir philip wodehouse, also came over from cape town during our stay. lunches on board the different ships, excursions on board the _kwan-tung_, and dinner-parties were the order of the day. as i have before remarked, the english naval officers discarded all the ridiculous nonsense about our not being "recognized," and extended to us official, as well as private civilities. the admiral was kind enough to give me a dinner-party, at which the governor, and his lady, and the principal officers of his squadron were present. i found the ladies of the admiral's family exceedingly agreeable. they were living in a picturesque cottage, near the sea-shore, and solaced themselves for their temporary banishment from "dear old england," by making their home as english as possible. they had surrounded themselves by fine lawns and shrubbery and flowers, and mrs. walker, and one of the bewitching young ladies were kind enough to show me over their extensive and well-cultivated garden, in which they took much interest. horseback riding, picnics to the country, and balls on board the ships were the principal amusements of the young people. whilst my officers and myself were thus relaxing ourselves, my sailors were also making the most of their time. kell had told them off, by quarter watches, and sent them on "liberty." each batch was mustered, and inspected as it was sent on shore, and pretty soon we had the old jamaica scenes over again. most of them went over to cape town, in the stage-coach that was running between the two places, and put that lively commercial town "in stays." the sailor quarter was a continuous scene of revelry for several days. the townspeople humored and spoiled them. they all overstayed their time, and we only got them back by twos and threes. it was of no use to muster, and inspect them now. the tidy, new suits, in which they had gone on shore, were torn and draggled, and old-drunks were upon nearly all of them. the _tuscaloosa_ went to sea at daylight on the th, and we followed her in the _alabama_ the next day. the former was to proceed to saldanha bay, and thence take the _sea-bride_ with her to one of the uninhabited harbors, some distance to the northward, and the _alabama_ was to follow her thither, after a cruise of a few days off the cape. the object of these movements will be explained in due time. i now threw myself into that perpetual stream of commerce, that comes setting around the cape of good hope from the east indies. from daylight until dark, ships are constantly in sight from the lighthouse on the cape. the road is about twenty miles wide--no more. we kept our station in this road, day in and day out for ten days, during which we chased and overhauled a great number of ships, but there was not a yankee among them! it was winter-time, we were off the "stormy cape," and we had the weather suited to the season and the locality. storms and fogs and calms followed in succession--the storm being the normal meteorological condition. as we would be lying to, in this track, under reefed sails, in a dark and stormy night, our very hair would sometimes be made to stand on end, by the apparition of a huge ship rushing past us at lightning speed, before the howling gale, at no more than a few ships' lengths from us. a collision would have crushed us as if we had been an egg-shell. at length, when i supposed the _tuscaloosa_ and the _sea-bride_ had reached their destination, i filled away and followed them. as we were making this passage, it was reported to me that our fresh-water condenser had given out. here was a predicament! the water was condensed once a week, and we had no more than about one week's supply on hand. the joints of the piping had worked loose, and the machine had become nearly useless. it was now still more necessary to make a harbor, where we might get access to water, and see what could be done in the way of repairs. we worked our way along the african coast somewhat tediously, frequently encountering head-winds and adverse currents. on the morning of the th of august, we sighted the land, after having been delayed by a dense fog for twenty-four hours, and in the course of the afternoon we ran into the bay of angra pequeña, and anchored. this was our point of rendezvous. i found the _tuscaloosa_ and the _sea-bride_ both at anchor. i had at last found a port into which i could take a prize! i was now, in short, among the hottentots; no civilized nation claiming jurisdiction over the waters in which i was anchored. when at cape town, an english merchant had visited me, and made overtures for the purchase of the _sea-bride_ and her cargo. he was willing to run the risk of non-condemnation by a prize-court, and i could put him in possession of the prize, he said, at some inlet on the coast of africa, without the jurisdiction of any civilized power. i made the sale to him. he was to repair to the given rendezvous in his own vessel, and i found him here, according to his agreement, with the stipulated price--about one third the value of the ship and cargo--in good english sovereigns, which, upon being counted, were turned over to the paymaster, for the military chest. the purchaser was then put in possession of the prize. i had made an arrangement with other parties for the sale of the wool still remaining on board the _tuscaloosa_. this wool was to be landed at angra pequeña, also, the purchaser agreeing to ship it to europe, and credit the confederate states with two thirds of the proceeds. the reader will see how easy it would have been for me, to make available many of my prizes in this way, but the great objection to the scheme, was the loss of time which it involved, and the risks i ran of not getting back my prize crews. if i had undertaken, whenever i captured a prize, to follow her to some out-of-the-way port, and spend some days there, in negotiating for her sale, and getting back my prize crew, i should not have accomplished half the work i did. the great object now was to destroy, as speedily as possible, the enemy's commerce, and to this i devoted all my energies. i did not, therefore, repeat the experiment of the _sea-bride_. i could not have chosen a better spot for my present purpose. at angra pequeña i was entirely out of the world. it was not visited at all, except by some straggling coaster in quest of shelter in bad weather. there was, indeed, no other inducement to visit it. it was in a desert part of africa. the region was rainless, and there was not so much as a shrub, or even a blade of grass to be seen. the harbor was rock-bound, and for miles inland the country was a waste of burning sand. the harbor did not even afford fresh water, and we were obliged to supply ourselves from the vessel of my english friend, until our condenser could be repaired. the whole country was a waste, in which there was no life visible away from the coast. on the coast itself; there were the usual sea-birds--the gannet and the sea-gull--and fish in abundance. we hauled the seine, and caught a fine mess for the crews of all the ships. three or four naked, emaciated hottentots, having seen the ships from a distance, had made their way to the harbor, and came begging us for food. they remained during our stay, and had their emptiness filled. some thirty or forty miles from the coast, they said, vegetation began to appear, and there were villages and cattle. i ordered lieutenant low, the commander of the _tuscaloosa_, as soon as he should land his cargo, to ballast his ship with the rock which abounded on every hand, and proceed on a cruise to the coast of brazil. sufficient time had now elapsed, i thought, for the ships of war of the enemy, which had been sent to that coast, in pursuit of me, to be coming in the direction of the cape of good hope. lieutenant low would, therefore, in all probability, have a clear field before him. having nothing further to detain me in the _alabama_, i got under way, on my return to simon's town, intending to fill up with coal, and proceed thence to the east indies, in compliance with the suggestion of mr. secretary mallory. the _tuscaloosa_, after cruising the requisite time on the coast of brazil, was to return to the cape to meet me, on my own return from the east indies. when i reached the highway off the cape again, i held myself there for several days, cruising off and on, and sighting the land occasionally, to see if perchance i could pick up an american ship. but we had no better success than before. the wary masters of these ships, if there were any passing, gave the cape a wide berth, and sought their way home, by the most unfrequented paths, illustrating the old adage, that "the farthest way round is the shortest way home." impatient of further delay, without results, on wednesday, the th of september, i got up steam, and ran into simon's bay. i learned, upon anchoring, that the united states steamer _vanderbilt_, late the flag-ship of admiral wilkes, and now under the command of captain baldwin, had left the anchorage, only the friday before, and gone herself to cruise off the cape, in the hope of falling in with the _alabama_. she had taken her station, as it would appear, a little to the eastward of me, off cape agulhas and point danger. on the day the _vanderbilt_ went to sea, viz., friday, the th of september, it happened that the _alabama_ was a little further off the land than usual, which accounts for the two ships missing each other. the following is the record on my journal, for that day: "weather very fine, wind light from the south-west. at half-past six, showed the english colors to an english bark, after a short chase." on the following sunday, we were in plain sight of table mountain. the two ships were thus cruising almost in sight of each other's smoke. the _vanderbilt_ visited both cape town, and simon's town, and lay several days at each. i did not object that she had been "painting ship," and should have been sent to sea earlier. the more time baldwin spent in port, the better i liked it. indeed, it always puzzled me, that the gadflies should insist upon my being sent to sea so promptly, when nearly every day that the _alabama_ was at sea, cost them a ship. i had scarcely come to anchor, before captain bickford, of the _narcissus_, came on board of me, on the part of the admiral, to have an "explanation." the gadfly had continued its buzzing, i found, during my late absence from the cape. a short distance to the northward of the cape of good hope, in the direction of angra pequeña, there is an island called ichaboe, a dependency of the cape colony. it had been represented to the admiral, by the consul, that the transactions which have been related as taking place at angra pequeña, had taken place at this island, in violation of british neutrality. in what the evidence consisted i did not learn, but the consul, in his distress and extremity, had probably had recourse to some more yankee affidavits. it was this charge which captain bickford had come on board to ask an explanation of. the following letter from sir baldwin walker, to the secretary of the admiralty in london, will show how easily i brushed off the gadfly, for the second time:-- "with reference to my letters, dated respectively the th and st ult., relative to the confederate states ship-of-war _alabama_, and the prizes captured by her, i beg to enclose, for their lordships information, the copy of a statement forwarded to me by the collector of customs at cape town, wherein it is represented, that the _tuscaloosa_ and _sea-bride_ had visited ichaboe, which is a dependency of this colony. since the receipt of the above-mentioned document, the _alabama_ arrived at this anchorage, (the th instant,) and when captain semmes waited on me, i acquainted him with the report, requesting he would inform me if it was true. i was glad to learn from him that it was not so. he frankly explained that the prize _sea-bride_, in the first place, had put into saldanha bay, through stress of weather, and on being joined there, by the _tuscaloosa_, both vessels proceeded to angra pequeña, on the west coast of africa, where he subsequently joined them in the _alabama_, and there sold the _sea-bride_ and her cargo, to an english subject who resides at cape town. the _tuscaloosa_ had landed some wool at angra pequeña, and received ballast, but he states, is still in commission as a tender. it will, therefore, be seen, how erroneous is the accompanying report. i have no reason to doubt captain semmes' explanation; and he seems to be fully alive to the instructions of her majesty's government, and appears to be most anxious not to commit any breach of neutrality. the _alabama_ has returned to this port for coal, some provisions, and to repair her condensing apparatus. from conversation with captain semmes, i find he has been off this cape for the last five days, and as the _vanderbilt_ left this, on the night of the th inst., it is surprising they did not meet each other." the _vanderbilt_, i found, had exhausted the supply of coal at simon's town, having taken in as much as eight or nine hundred tons. commodore vanderbilt, as he is called, had certainly presented a mammoth coal-consumer to the federal government, if nothing else. i was obliged, in consequence, to order coal for the _alabama_, around from cape town. and as the operation of coaling and making the necessary repairs would detain me several days, and as i was, besides, bound on a long voyage, i yielded to the petitions of my crew, and permitted them to go on liberty again. the officers of the station were as courteous to us as before, and i renewed my very pleasant intercourse with the admiral's family. the owner of the famous constantia vineyard, lying between simon's town and cape town, sent me a pressing invitation to come and spend a few days with him, but i was too busy to accept his hospitality. he afterward sent me a cask of his world-renowned wine. this cask of wine, after making the voyage to india, was offered as a libation to the god of war. it went down in the _alabama_ off cherbourg. we had another very pleasant dinner at the admiral's--the guests being composed, this time, exclusively of naval officers. after our return to the drawing-room, the ladies made their appearance, and gave us some delightful music. these were some of the oases in the desert of my life upon the ocean. in the course of five or six days, by the exercise of great diligence, we were again ready for sea. but unfortunately all my crew were not yet on board. my rascals had behaved worse than usual, on this last visit to cape town. some of them had been jugged by the authorities for offences against the peace, and others had yielded to the seductions of the ever vigilant federal consul, and been quartered upon his bounty. the consul had made a haul. they would be capital fellows for "affidavits" against the _alabama_. i need not say that they were of the cosmopolitan sailor class, none of them being citizens of the southern states. i offered large rewards for the apprehension and delivery to me of these fellows; but the police were afraid to act--probably forbidden by their superiors, in deference to their supposed duty under the neutrality laws. that was a very one-sided neutrality, however, which permitted the federal consul to convert his quarters into a hostile camp, for the seduction of my sailors, and denied me access to the police for redress. my agent at cape town, having made every exertion in his power to secure the return of as many of my men as possible, finally telegraphed me, on the evening of the th of september, that it was useless to wait any longer. as many as fourteen had deserted; enough to cripple my crew, and that, too, with an enemy's ship of superior force on the coast. what was to be done? luckily there was a remedy at hand. a sailor-landlord, one of those shylocks who coin jack's flesh and blood into gold, hearing of the distress of the _alabama_, came off to tell me that all his boarders, eleven in number, had volunteered to supply the place of my deserters. this seemed like a fair exchange. it was but "swapping horses," as the "sainted abraham" would have said, if he had been in my place--only i was giving a little "boot"--fourteen well-fed, well-clothed fellows, for eleven ragged, whiskey-filled vagabonds. it was a "swap" in another sense, too, as, ten to one, all these eleven fellows were deserters from other ships that had touched at this "relay house" of the sea. there was only one little difficulty in the way of my shipping these men. there was my good friend, her majesty, the queen--i must not be ungallant to her, and violate her neutrality laws. what monstrous sophists we are, when interest prompts us? i reasoned out this case to my entire satisfaction. i said to myself, my sailors have gone on shore in her majesty's dominions, and refuse to come back to me. when i apply to her majesty's police, they tell me that so sacred is the soil of england, no man must be coerced to do what he doesn't want to do. good! i reply that a ship of war is a part of the territory to which she belongs, and that if some of the subjects of the queen should think proper to come into my territory, and refuse to go back, i may surely apply the same principle, and refuse to compel them. when i had come to this conclusion, i turned to the landlord, and said: "and so you have some _gentlemen_ boarding at your house, who desire to take passage with me?" the landlord smiled, and nodded assent. i continued: "you know i cannot ship any seamen in her majesty's ports, but i see no reason why i should not take passengers to sea with me, if they desire to go." "certainly, your honor--they can work their passage, you know." "i suppose you'll charge something for bringing these gentlemen on board?" "some'at, your honor." here the landlord pulled out a greasy memorandum, and began to read. "bill bunting, board and lodging, ten shillings--drinks, one pound ten. tom bowline, board and lodging, six shillings--tom only _landed_ yesterday from a dutch ship--drinks, twelve shillings." "hold!" said i; "never mind the board and lodging and drinks--go to the paymaster,"--and turning to kell, i told him to give the paymaster the necessary instructions,--"and he will pay you your _fares_ for bringing the passengers on board." the "passengers" were already alongside, and being sent down to the surgeon, were examined, and passed as sound and able-bodied men. it was now nine o'clock at night. it had been blowing a gale of wind, all day, from the south-east; but it was a fair-weather gale, if i may use the solecism; the sky being clear, and the barometer high. these are notable peculiarities of the south-east gales at the cape of good hope. the sky is always clear, and the gale begins and ends with a high barometer. i was very anxious to get to sea. a report had come in, only a day or two before, that the _vanderbilt_ was still cruising off cape agulhas, and i was apprehensive that she might get news of me, and blockade me. this might detain me several days, or until i could get a dark night--and the moon was now near her full--in which to run the blockade. i need not remark that the _vanderbilt_ had greatly the speed of me, and threw twice my weight of metal. the wind having partially lulled, we got up steam, and at about half-past eleven, we moved out from our anchors. the lull had only been temporary, for we had scarcely cleared the little islands that give a partial protection to the harbor from these south-east winds, when the gale came whistling and howling as before. the wind and sea were both nearly ahead, and the _alabama_ was now put upon her metal, under steam, as she had been so often before, under sail. false bay is an immense sheet of water, of a horse-shoe shape, and we had to steam some twenty miles before we could weather the cape of good hope, under our lee. we drove her against this heavy gale at the rate of five knots per hour. this struggle of the little ship with the elements was a thing to be remembered. the moon, as before remarked, was near her full, shedding a flood of light upon the scene. the bay was whitened with foam, as the waters were lashed into fury by the storm. around the curve of the "horse-shoe" arose broken, bald, rocky mountains, on the crests of which were piled fleecy, white clouds, blinking in the moonlight, like banks of snow. these clouds were perfectly motionless. it appeared as if the d----l had spread a great many "table-cloths" around false bay, that night; or, rather, a more appropriate figure would be, that he had touched the mountains with the stillness of death, and wreathed them with winding-sheets. the scene was wild and weird beyond description. it was a picture for the eye of a poet or painter to dwell upon. nor was the imagination less touched, when, from time to time, the revolving light upon the grim old cape--that cape which had so long divided the eastern from the western world--threw its full blaze upon the deck of the struggling ship. overhead, the sky was perfectly clear, there being not so much as a speck of a cloud to be seen--and this in the midst of a howling gale of wind! at three a. m. we cleared the cape, and keeping the ship off a few points, gave her the trysails, with the bonnets off. she bounded over the seas like a stag-hound unleashed. i had been up all night, and now went below to snatch some brief repose before the toils of another day should begin. chapter xlviii. the alabama on the indian ocean--the passengers questioned, and contracted with--the agulhas current--the "brave west winds"--a theory--the islands of st. peter and st. paul--the tropic of capricorn--the south-east trades and the monsoons--the alabama arrives off the strait of sunda, and burns one of the ships of the enemy--runs in and anchors under the island of sumatra. when bartelli awakened me, at the usual hour of "seven bells"--half-past seven a. m.,--on the morning after the events described in the last chapter, the _alabama_ was well launched upon the indian ocean. she had run the cape of good hope out of sight, and was still hieing off before the gale, though this had moderated considerably as she had run off the coast. we were now about to make a long voyage, tedious to the unphilosophical mariner, but full of interest to one who has an eye open to the wonders and beauties of nature. my first duty, upon going on deck, was to put the ship under sail, and let the steam go down; and my second, to have an interview with the "passengers," who had come on board, overnight. we were now on the high seas, and might, with all due respect to queen victoria, put them under contract. if the reader recollects falstaff's description of his ragged battalion, he will have a pretty good idea of the _personnel_ i had before me. these subjects of the queen stood in all they possessed. none of them had brought any baggage on board with them. ragged blue and red flannel shirts, tarred trousers, and a mixture of felt hats and scotch caps, composed their wardrobe. their persons had passed muster of the surgeon, it is true, but it was plain that it would require a deal of washing and scrubbing and wholesome feeding, and a long abstinence from "drinks," to render them fit for use. upon questioning them, i found that each had his cock-and-a-bull story to tell, of how he was "left" by this ship, or by that, without any fault of his own, and how he had been tricked by his landlord. i turned them over to the first lieutenant, and paymaster, and they were soon incorporated with the crew. i hold that her majesty owes me some "boot," for the "swap" i made with her, on that remarkable moonlight night when i left the cape. at all events, i never heard that she complained of it. i was grieved to find that our most serious loss among the deserters, was our irish fiddler. this fellow had been remarkably diligent, in his vocation, and had fiddled the crew over half the world. it was a pity to lose him, now that we were going over the other half. when the evening's amusements began, michael mahoney's vacant camp-stool cast a gloom over the ship. there was no one who could make his violin "talk" like himself, and it was a long time before his place was supplied. poor michael! we felt convinced he had not been untrue to us--it was only a "dhrop" too much of the "crayture" he had taken. for the first few days after leaving the cape, we ran off due south, it being my intention to seek the fortieth parallel of south latitude, and run my easting down on that parallel. as icebergs have been known to make their appearance near the cape in the spring of the year, i ordered the temperature of the air and water to be taken every hour during the night, to aid me in detecting their presence. we did not discover any icebergs, but the thermometer helped to reveal to me some of the secrets of the deep, in this part of the ocean. much to my surprise, i found myself in a sort of gulf stream; the temperature of the water being from three to five degrees higher, than that of the air. my celestial observations for fixing the position of the ship, informed me at the same time that i was experiencing a south-easterly current; the current bending more and more toward the east, as i proceeded south, until in the parallel of °, it ran due east. the rate of this current was from thirty to fifty miles per day. this was undoubtedly a branch of the great agulhas current. if the reader will inspect a map, he will find that the north indian ocean is bounded wholly by tropical countries--hindostan, beloochistan, and arabia to the red sea, and across that sea, by azan and zanguebar. the waters in this great bight of the ocean are intensely heated by the fervor of an indian and african sun, and flow off in quest of cooler regions through the mozambique channel. passing thence over the agulhas bank, which lies a short distance to the eastward of the cape of good hope, they reach that cape, as the agulhas current. here it divides into two main prongs or branches; one prong pursuing a westerly course, and joining in with the great equatorial current, which, the reader recollects, we encountered off fernando de noronha, and the other bending sharply to the south-east, and forming the gulf stream of the south indian ocean, in which the _alabama_ is at present. what it is, that gives this latter prong its sudden deflection to the southward is not well understood. probably it is influenced, to some extent, by the southerly current, running at the rate of about a knot an hour along the west coast of africa, and debouching at the cape of good hope. here it strikes the agulhas current at right angles, and hence possibly the deflection of a part of that current. but if there be a current constantly setting from the cape of good-hope to the south-east, how is it that the iceberg finds its way to the neighborhood of that cape, from the south polar regions? there is but one way to account for it. there must be a counter undercurrent. these bergs, setting deep in the water, are forced by this counter-current against the surface current. this phenomenon has frequently been witnessed in the arctic seas. captain duncan, of the english whaler _dundee_, in describing one of his voyages to davis' strait, thus speaks of a similar drift of icebergs:--"it was awful to behold the immense icebergs working their way to the north-east from us, and not one drop of water to be seen; they were working themselves right through the middle of the ice." here was an undercurrent of such force as to carry a mountain of ice, ripping and crashing through a field of solid ice. lieutenant de haven, who made a voyage in search of sir john franklin, describes a similar phenomenon as follows:--"the iceberg, as before observed, came up very near to the stern of our ship; the intermediate space, between the berg and the vessel, was filled with heavy masses of ice, which, though they had been previously broken by the immense weight of the berg, were again formed into a compact body by its pressure. the berg was drifting at the rate of about four knots, and by its force on the mass of ice, was pushing the ship before it, as it appeared, to inevitable destruction." and again, on the next day, he writes:--"the iceberg still in sight, but drifting away fast to the north-east." here was another undercurrent, driving a monster iceberg through a field of broken ice at the rate of four knots per hour! when we had travelled in the _alabama_ some distance to the eastward, on the th and th parallels, the current made another curve--this time to the north-east. if the reader will again refer to a map, he will find that the agulhas current, as it came along through the mozambique channel and by the cape of good hope, was a south-westerly current. it being now a north-easterly current, he observes that it is running back whence it came, in an ellipse! we have seen, in a former part of this work, that the gulf stream of the north atlantic performs a circuit around the coasts of the united states, newfoundland, the british islands, the coasts of spain and portugal, the african coast, and so on, into the equatorial current, and thence back again to the gulf of mexico. from my observation of currents in various parts of the world, my impression is, that the circle or ellipse is their normal law. there are, of course, offshoots from one circle, or ellipse, to another, and thus a general intermingling of the waters of the earth is going on--but the normal rule for the guidance of the water, as of the wind, is the curve. as we approached the th parallel of latitude, my attention was again forcibly drawn to the phenomena of the winds. the "brave west winds"--as the sailors call them--those remarkable polar trade-winds, now began to prevail with wonderful regularity. on the th of september, we observed in latitude ° ', and longitude ° '. the following is the entry on my journal for that day:--"rough weather, with the wind fresh from the n. n. w. with passing rain-squalls. sea turbulent. barometer . ; thermometer, air °, water ; distance run in the last twenty-four hours, miles. weather looking better at noon. the water has resumed its usual deep-sea hue. [we had been running over an extensive tract of soundings, the water being of that pea-green tint indicating a depth of from sixty to seventy-five fathoms.] in high southern latitudes, in the indian ocean, the storm-fiend seems to hold high carnival all the year round. he is constantly racing round the globe, from west to east, howling over the waste of waters in his mad career. like sisyphus, his labors are never ended. he not only does not rest himself, but he allows old ocean none, constantly lashing him into rage. he scatters the icebergs hither and thither to the great terror of the mariner, and converts the moisture of the clouds into the blinding snow-flake or the pelting hail. as we are driven, on dark nights, before these furious winds, we have only to imitate the cape horn navigator--'tie all fast, and let her rip,' iceberg or no iceberg. when a ship is running at a speed of twelve or fourteen knots, in such thick weather that the look-out at the cat-head can scarcely see his own nose, neither sharp eyes, nor water thermometers are of much use." these winds continued to blow from day to day, hurrying us forward with great speed. there being a clear sweep of the sea for several thousand miles, unobstructed by continent or island, the waves rose into long, sweeping swells, much more huge and majestic than one meets with in any other ocean. as our little craft, scudding before a gale, would be overtaken by one of these monster billows, she would be caught up by its crest, like a cock-boat, and darted half-way down the declivity that lay before her, at a speed that would cause the sailor to hold his breath. any swerve to the right, or the left, that would cause the ship to "broach to," or come broadside to the wind and sea, would have been fatal. these "brave west winds," though thus fraught with danger, are a great boon to commerce. the reader has seen how the currents in this part of the ocean travel in an ellipse. we have here an ellipse of the winds. the _alabama_ is hurrying to the far east, before a continuous, or almost continuous north-west gale. if she were a few hundred miles to the northward of her present position, she might be hurrying, though not quite with equal speed, before the south-east trades, to the far west. we have thus two parallel winds blowing all the year round in opposite directions, and only a few hundred miles apart. storms are now admitted by all seamen to be gyratory, as we have seen. when i was cruising in the gulf stream, i ventured to enlarge this theory, as the reader may recollect, and suggested that rotation was the normal condition of all extra-tropical winds on the ocean, where there was nothing to obstruct them--of the moderate wind, as well as of the gale. i had a striking confirmation of this theory in the "brave west winds." these winds went regularly around the compass, in uniform periods; the periods occupying about three days. we would take them at about n. n. w., and in the course of the "period" they would go entirely around the compass, and come back to the same point; there being an interval of calm of a few hours. the following diagram will illustrate this rotary motion. let figure , on the opposite page, represent a circular wind--the wind gyrating in the direction of the arrows, and the circle travelling at the same time, along the dotted lines from west to east. if the northern segment of this circular wind passes over the ship, the upper dotted line from a to a , will represent her position during its passage. at a, where the ship first takes the wind, she will have it from about north-west; and at a , where she is about to lose it, she will have it from about south-west. the ship is supposed to remain stationary, whilst the circle is passing over her. now, this is precisely the manner in which we found all these winds to haul in the _alabama_. we would have the wind from the north-west to the south-west, hauling gradually from one point to the other, and blowing freshly for the greater part of three days. it would then become light, and, in the course of a few hours, go round to the south, to the south-east, to the east, and then settle in the north-west, as before. [illustration] figure represents two of these circular winds--and the reader must recollect that there is a constant series of them--one following the other so closely as to overlap it. now, if the reader will cast his eye upon the letter c, near the upper dotted line, in the overlapped space, he will observe why it is, that there is always a short interval of calm before the north-west wind sets in, the second time. the wind within that space is blowing, or rather should blow, according to the theory, two opposite ways at once--from the n. n. w., and the s. s. e. the consequence is, necessarily, a calm. it is thus seen that the theory, that these "brave west winds" are a series of circular winds, harmonizes entirely with the facts observed by us. the lower dotted line is merely intended to show in what direction the wind would haul, if the southern segment, instead of the northern, passed over the ship. in that case, the ship would take the wind, from about n. n. e., as at b, and lose it at south-east, as at b . in the region of the "brave west winds," it would seem that the northern segment always passes over that belt of the ocean. the received theory of these south polar-winds, is not such as i have assumed. former writers have not supposed them to be circular winds at all. they suppose them to pass over the south-east trade-winds, as an upper current, and when they have reached the proper parallel, to descend, become surface-winds, and blow home, as straight winds, to the pole. but i found a difficulty in reconciling this theory with the periodical veering of the wind entirely around the compass, as above described. if these were straight winds, blowing contrary to the trades, why should they not blow steadily like the trades? but if we drop the straight-wind theory, and take up the circular hypothesis, all the phenomena observed by us will be in conformity with the latter. the periodical hauling of the wind will be accounted for, and if we suppose that the northern half of the circle invariably passes over the ship, in the passage-parallels, we shall see how it is that the wind is blowing nearly all the time from the westward. to account for the fact that the northern half of the circle invariably passes over these parallels, we have only to suppose the circle to be of sufficient diameter to extend to, or near the pole. [illustration] here is the figure. it extends from the parallel of °, to the pole; it is therefore fifty degrees, or three thousand miles, in diameter. half-way from its northern to its southern edge, would be the th parallel. along this parallel, represented by the dotted line, which passes through the centre of the circle, the vortex, v, or calm spot, would travel. there should be calms, therefore, about the th parallel. in the southern half of the circle, or that portion of it between the vortex and the pole, easterly winds should prevail. navigators between the parallels of ° and °, speak of calms as the normal meteorological condition. all nature seems frozen to death, the winds included. unfortunately, we have no reliable data for the parallels beyond, and do not know, therefore, whether easterly winds are the prevalent winds or not. it is probable, as we approached the pole, that we should find another calm. the winds, [see the arrows,] as they come hurrying along the circle, from its northern segment, bring with them an impetus _toward_ the east, derived from the diurnal motion of the earth, on its axis. as these winds approach the pole, this velocity increases, in consequence of the diminishing diameter of the parallels. to illustrate. if a particle of air on the equator, having a velocity eastward of fifteen miles per minute--and this is the rate of the revolution of the earth on its axis--should be suddenly transported to a point, distant five miles from the pole, it would have sufficient velocity to carry it entirely around the pole in one minute. here we have two forces acting in opposition to each other--the impetus of the wind _toward_ the east, given to it by the diurnal motion of the earth, and an impetus _from_ the east, given to it by whatever causes are hurrying it around the circle. these two forces necessarily neutralize each other, and a calm is the consequence. it is in this calm region near the poles, that the winds probably ascend, to take their flight back to the equator, in obedience to that beautiful arrangement for watering the earth, which i described some pages back. there remains but one other fact to be reconciled with our theory. it has been seen that consecutive circles of wind passed over the _alabama_, in periods of three days each. did this time correspond with the known rate of travel of the circles? almost precisely. referring again to the last diagram, it will be remembered that the _alabama_ was near the northern edge of the circle. let a a represent her position at the beginning and end of each wind. the chord of the segment, represented by the dotted line, is about miles in length. the circles travel at the rate of about miles per hour. multiply the number of hours-- --in three days, by , and we shall have miles. it is not pretended, of course, that these figures are strictly accurate, but they are sufficiently so to show, at least, that there is no discordance between the fact and the theory. soon after leaving the cape of good hope, the storm-birds began to gather around us in considerable numbers--the cape pigeon, the albatross, and occasionally the tiny petrel, so abundant in the north atlantic. these birds seemed to be quite companionable, falling in company with the ship, and travelling with her for miles at a time. on the occasion of one of the short calms described, we caught an albatross, with hook and line, which measured ten feet across the wings. the monster bird was very fat, and it was quite a lift to get it inboard. though very active on the wing, and rising with great facility from the water, in which it sometimes alights, it lay quite helpless when placed upon the deck. it did not seem to be much alarmed at the strangeness of its position, but looked at us with the quiet dignity and wisdom of an owl, as though it would interrogate us as to what we were doing in its dominions. these birds live in the midst of the great indian ocean, thousands of miles away from any land--only making periodical visits to some of the desert islands; or, it may be, to the antarctic continent, to incubate and rear their young. i have described at some length the nature of the great circles of wind which form the normal meteorological condition of the region of ocean through which we were passing. this normal condition was sometimes interfered with by the passage of cyclones of smaller diameter--a circle within a circle; both circles, however, obeying the same laws. we took one of these cyclones on the th of october. i do not design to repeat, here, the description of a cyclone, and only refer to that which we now encountered, for the purpose of showing that the _alabama ran a race with it, and was not very badly beaten_. this race is thus described in my journal: "morning dull, cloudy, and cool. the wind hauled, last night, to north, and is blowing a fresh breeze at noon. barometer, . . thermometer, air °, water °. current during the last twenty-four hours, thirty miles east. the weather continued to thicken in the afternoon, and the wind to increase, with a falling barometer, indicating the approach of a gale. at nine p. m., the squalls becoming heavy, we furled the top-gallant sails and foresail, close-reefed the topsails, and took the bonnets off the trysails. under this reduced sail we continued to scud the ship all night--the barometer still falling, the wind increasing, and a heavy sea getting up. we had entered the north-eastern edge of a cyclone. the next morning the wind was still north by west, having hauled only a single point in twelve hours; showing that we had been running, neck and neck, with the gale. if the reader will recollect that, in these circular gales, the change of the wind is due to the passage of the circle over the ship, he will have no difficulty in conceiving that, if the ship travels as fast as the circle, and in the same direction, the wind will not change at all. now, as the wind had changed but a single point in twelve hours, it is evident that the _alabama_ had been travelling nearly as fast as the circular gale. the race continued all the next day--the wind not varying half a point, and the barometer settling by scarcely perceptible degrees. toward night, however, the barometer began to settle quite rapidly, and the wind increased, and began to haul to the westward. the gale had acquired accelerated speed, and was now evidently passing ahead of us quite rapidly; for by half-past four a. m. the wind was at west, having hauled nearly a quadrant in twelve hours. at this point we had the lowest barometer, . . the centre of the storm was then just abreast of us, bearing about south, and distant perhaps a hundred miles. at five a. m., or in half an hour afterward, the wind shifted suddenly from w. to w. s. w., showing that the vortex had passed us, and that the _alabama_ was at last beaten! the wind being still somewhat fresher than i desired, i hove the ship to, on the port tack, to allow the gale to draw farther ahead of me. after lying to three hours, the barometer continuing to rise, and the wind to moderate, we filled away, and shaking out some of the reefs, continued on our course. on the th of october, we passed the remarkable islets of st. peter and st. paul, a sort of half-way mile-posts between the cape of good hope and the strait of sunda. these islets are the tops of rocky mountains, shooting up from great depths in the sea. they are in the midst of a dreary waste of waters, having no other land within a thousand miles and more, of them. they are composed of solid granite, without vegetation, and inhabited only by the wild birds of the ocean. i cannot imagine a more fitting station for a meteorologist. he would be in the midst of constant tempests, and might study the laws of his science, without interruption from neighboring isle or continent. there being an indifferent anchorage under the lee of st. paul, we scanned the island narrowly with our glasses, as we passed, not knowing but we might find some adventurous yankee whaler, or seal-catcher, trying out blubber, or knocking a seal on the head. these islands are frequently sighted by india-bound ships, and it was my intention to cruise a few days in their vicinity, but the bad weather hurried me on. we took another gale, on the night after leaving them, and had some damage done to our head-rail and one of our quarter-boats. the scene was a sublime one to look upon. the seas--those long swells before described--were literally running mountains high, the wind was howling with more than usual fury, and a dense snow-storm was pelting us from the blackest and most angry-looking of clouds. i was now in longitude ° e., and bore away more to the northward. although the thermometer had not settled below °, we felt the cold quite piercingly--our clothing being constantly saturated with moisture. on the th of october, we had the first tolerably fine day we had experienced for the last two weeks, and we availed ourselves of it, to uncover the hatches and ventilate the ship, getting up from below, and airing the damp bedding and mildewed clothing. the constant straining of the ship, in the numerous gales she had encountered, had opened the seams in her bends, and all our state-rooms were leaking more or less, keeping our beds and clothing damp. on the next day, another gale overtook us, in which we lay to ten hours, to permit it, as we had done the gale we ran the race with, to pass ahead of us. and thus it was, that we ran down our easting, in the region of the "brave west winds," with every variety of bad weather, of the description of which, the reader must, by this time, be pretty well tired. on the th of october, i was nearly _antipodal_ with my home in alabama. by the way, has the reader ever remarked that land is scarcely ever antipodal with land? let him take a globe, and he will be struck with the fact, that land and water have been almost invariably arranged opposite to each other. may not this arrangement have something to do with the currents, and the water-carriers, the winds? on the morning of the st of october, at about five o'clock, we crossed the tropic of capricorn, on the th meridian of east longitude. we still held on to our west winds, though they had now become light. we took the trade-wind from about s. s. e. almost immediately after crossing the tropic. we thus had the good fortune, a second time, to cross the tropic without finding a calm-belt; the two counter-winds blowing almost side by side with each other. we had been twenty-four days and three quarters from the cape of good hope, and in that time had run, under sail alone--occasionally lying to, in bad weather-- miles; the average run, per day, being miles. we had brought the easterly current with us, too, all the way. it had set us twenty miles to the north-east, on the day we reached the tropic. in all this lengthened run, we had sighted only two or three sails. one of these was a steamer, which we overhauled, and boarded, but which proved to be english. for nineteen days we did not see a sail; and still we were on the great highway to india. there must have been numerous travellers on this highway, before and behind us, but each was bowling along at a rapid, and nearly equal pace, before the "brave west winds," enveloped in his own circle, and shut out from the view of his neighbor by the mantle of black rain-clouds in which he was wrapped. our mysterious friends, the cape-pigeons, disappeared, as we approached the tropics. we now ran rapidly through the south-east trades, with fine weather, until we reached the th parallel of south latitude, when we passed suddenly into the monsoon region. the monsoons were undergoing a change. the east monsoon was dying out, and the west monsoon was about to take its place. the struggle between the outgoing, and the incoming wind would occupy several weeks, and during all this time i might expect sudden shifts and squalls of wind and rain, with densely overcast skies, and much thunder and lightning. my intention was to make for the strait of sunda, that well-known passage into, and out of the china seas, between the islands of java and sumatra, cruise off it some days, and then run into the china seas. on the evening of the th we spoke an english bark, just out of the strait, which informed us that the united states steamer _wyoming_ was cruising in the strait, in company with a three-masted schooner, which she had fitted up as a tender, and that she anchored nearly every evening under the island of krakatoa. two days afterward, we boarded a dutch ship, from batavia to amsterdam, which informed us, that a boat from the _wyoming_ had boarded her, off the town of anger in the strait. there seemed, therefore, to be little doubt, that if we attempted the strait, we should find an enemy barring our passage. as we drew near the strait, we began to fall in with ships in considerable numbers. on the st of october, no less than six were cried from aloft, at the same time, all standing to the south-west, showing that they were just out of the famous passage. the wind being light and baffling, we got up steam, and chased and boarded four of them--three english, and one dutch. by this time, the others were out of sight--reported, by those we had overhauled, to be neutral--and the night was setting in dark and rainy. the dutch ship, like the last one we had boarded, was from batavia, and corroborated the report of the presence of the _wyoming_ in these waters. she had left her at batavia, which is a short distance only from the strait of sunda. the weather had now become exceedingly oppressive. notwithstanding the almost constant rains, the heat was intense. on the morning of the th of november, we boarded an english ship, from foo chow for london, which informed us, that an american ship, called the _winged racer_, had come out of the strait, in company with her. in the afternoon, two ships having been cried from aloft, we got up steam, and chased, hoping that one of them might prove to be the american ship reported. they were both english; but whilst we were chasing these two english ships, a third ship hove in sight, farther to windward, to which we gave chase in turn. this last ship was to be our first prize in east-indian waters. a gun brought the welcome stars and stripes to her peak, and upon being boarded, she proved to be the bark _amanda_, of boston, from manilla bound to queenstown for orders. the _amanda_ was a fine, rakish-looking ship, and had a cargo of hemp, and sugar. she was under charter-party to proceed first to queenstown, and thence to the united states, for a market, if it should be deemed advisable. on the face of each of the three bills of lading found among her papers, was the following certificate from the british consul at manilla:--"i hereby certify that messrs. ker & co., the shippers of the merchandise specified in this bill of lading, are british subjects established in manilla, and that according to invoices produced, the said merchandise is shipped by order, and for account of messrs. holliday, fox & co., british subjects, of london, in great britain." as nobody swore to anything, before the consul, his certificate was valueless to protect the property, and the ship and cargo were both condemned. the night set in very dark and squally, whilst we were yet alongside of this ship. we got on board from her some articles of provisions, and some sails and cordage to replace the wear and tear of the late gales we had passed through, and made a brilliant bonfire of her at about ten p. m. the conflagration lighted up the sea for many miles around, and threw its grim and ominous glare to the very mouth of the strait. the next day we ran in and anchored under flat point, on the north side of the strait, in seventeen fathoms water, about a mile from the coast of sumatra. my object was to procure some fruits and vegetables for my crew, who had been now a long time on salt diet. chapter xlix. the alabama passes through the strait of sunda, seeing nothing of the wyoming--burns the winged racer just inside the strait--the malay boatmen and their alarm--alabama makes for the gaspar strait, and burns the contest, after an exciting chase--passes through the carimata passage--discharges her prisoners into an english ship--miniature sea-serpents--the currents--pulo condore--arrival at singapore. soon after anchoring as described in the last chapter, we had a false alarm. it was reported that a bark some distance off had suddenly taken in all sail, and turned her head in our direction, as though she were a steamer coming in chase. orders were given to get up steam, to be ready for any emergency, but countermanded in a few minutes, when upon a partial lifting of the rain-clouds, it was ascertained that the strange sail was a merchant-ship and had only taken in her top-gallant sails to a squall, and clewed down her topsails, to reef. she was indeed coming in our direction, but it was only to take shelter for the night. she was a dutch bark from batavia, for the west coast of sumatra. the next morning, we got under way, at an early hour, to pass through the strait of sunda into the china sea. we hove up our anchor in the midst of a heavy rain-squall, but the weather cleared as the day advanced, and a fresh and favorable wind soon sprang up. we ran along by keyser island, and at half-past ten lowered the propeller and put the ship under steam. under both steam and sail we made rapid headway. we passed between the high and picturesque islands of beezee and soubooko, the channel being only about a mile in width. groves of cocoanut-trees grew near the beach on the former island, among which were some straw-thatched huts. from these huts, the natives, entirely naked, except a breech-cloth around the loins, flocked out in great numbers to see the ship pass. ships do not often take this narrow channel, and the spectacle was, no doubt, novel to them. they made no demonstration, but gazed at us in silence as we flew rapidly past them. we ran through the strait proper of sunda, between one and two o'clock in the afternoon, passing to the westward of the island called thwart-the-way, and close to the stroom rock, lying with its blackened and jagged surface but a few feet above the water. this course carried us in full view of the little town and garrison of anjer, but we saw nothing of the _wyoming_. we found the strait of sunda as unguarded by the enemy, as we had found the other highways of commerce along which we had passed. just where the strait debouches into the china sea, we descried, in the midst of a rain-squall, to which we were both obliged to clew up our top-gallant sails, a tall clipper ship, evidently american. she loomed up through the passing shower like a frigate. we at once gave chase, and in a very few minutes hove the stranger to with a gun. it was the _winged racer_, which our english friend told us had passed out of the strait some days before in his company. she had lingered behind for some reason, and as a consequence had fallen into the power of her enemy, with no friendly gun from the _wyoming_ to protect her. the _winged racer_ was a perfect beauty--one of those new york ships of superb model, with taunt, graceful masts, and square yards, known as "clippers." she was from manilla, bound for new york, with a cargo consisting chiefly of sugar, hides, and jute. there was no claim of neutral property, and condemnation followed the capture as a matter of course. we anchored her near north island, and came to, ourselves, for the convenience of "robbing" her. she had sundry provisions on board--particularly sugar and coffee--of which we stood in need. she had, besides, a large supply of manilla tobacco, and my sailors' pipes were beginning to want replenishing. it took us a greater part of the night--for night had set in by the time the two ships were well anchored--to transport to the _alabama_ such things as were needed. in the meantime, the master of the captured ship, who had his family on board, requested me to permit him and his crew to depart in his own boats. the portion of the javan sea in which we were anchored was a mere lake, the waters being shallow, and studded every few miles with islands. he proposed to make his way to batavia, and report to his consul for further assistance. i granted his request, made him a present of all his boats, and told him to pack into them as much plunder as he chose. about one o'clock he was ready, and his little fleet of boats departed. the prisoners from the _amanda_ took passage with him. whilst these things were going on, a number of malay bum-boatmen had collected around us, with their stores of fruits, and vegetables, and live stock. these boatmen, like the chinese, live on the water, and make a business of supplying ships that pass through the strait. the stewards of the different messes had all been busy trading with them, and there was a great squalling of chickens, and squealing of pigs going on. an amusing scene was now to occur. the boatmen had no suspicion that the _alabama_ had captured the _winged racer_, and was about to destroy her. they were lying on their oars, or holding on to lines from the two ships, with the most perfect _insouciance_. presently a flame leaped up on board the _winged racer_, and in a few minutes enveloped her. terror at once took possession of the malay boatmen, and such a cutting of lines, and shouting, and vigorous pulling were perhaps never before witnessed in the strait of sunda. these boats had informed us that the _wyoming_ was at anger only two days before, when they left. it was now about two o'clock a. m., and the _alabama_ getting up her anchor, steamed out into the china sea, by the light of the burning ship. we had thus lighted a bonfire at either end of the renowned old strait of sunda. after having thus advertised our presence in this passage, it was useless to remain in it longer. ships approaching it would take the alarm, and seek some other outlet into the indian ocean. most of the ships coming down the china sea, with a view of passing out at the strait of sunda, come through the gaspar strait. i resolved now to steam in the direction of this latter strait, and forestall such as might happen to be on their way. by daylight we had steamed the coast of sumatra and java out of sight, and soon afterward we made the little island called the north watcher, looking, indeed, as its name implied, like a lone sentinel posted on the wayside. we had lost the beautiful blue waters of the indian ocean, with its almost unfathomable depths, and entered upon a sea whose waters were of a whitish green, with an average depth of no more than about twenty fathoms. finding that i should be up with gaspar strait, sometime during the night, if i continued under steam, and preferring to delay my arrival until daylight the next morning, i let my steam go down, and put my ship under sail, to take it more leisurely. we were about to lift the propeller out of the water, when the cry of "sail ho!" came from the vigilant look-out at the mast-head. we at once discontinued the operation, not knowing but we might have occasion to use steam. as the stranger was standing in our direction, we soon raised her from the deck, and as my glass developed, first one, and then another of her features, it was evident that here was another clipper-ship at hand. she had the well-known tall, raking masts, square yards, and white canvas. she was on a wind, with everything set, from courses to skysails, and was ploughing her way through the gently ruffled sea, with the rapidity, and at the same time, the grace of the swan. we made her a point or two on our lee bow, and not to excite her suspicion we kept away for her, so gradually, that she could scarcely perceive the alteration in our course. we hoisted at the same time the united states colors. when we were within about four miles of the chase, she responded by showing us the same colors. feeling now quite sure of her, we fired a gun, hauled down the enemy's flag, and threw our own to the breeze. (we were now wearing that splendid white flag, with its cross and stars, which was so great an improvement upon the old one.) so far from obeying the command of our gun, the gallant ship kept off a point or two--probably her best point of sailing--gave herself top-gallant and topmast studding-sails, and away she went! i had been a little premature in my eagerness to clutch so beautiful a prize. she was not as yet under my guns, and it was soon evident that she would give me trouble before i could overhaul her. the breeze was tolerably fresh, but not stiff. we made sail at once in chase. our steam had been permitted to go down, as the reader has seen; and as yet we had not much more than enough to turn over the propeller. the chase was evidently gaining on us. it was some fifteen or twenty minutes before the engineer had a head of steam on. we now gave the ship all steam, and trimmed the sails to the best possible advantage. still the fugitive ship retained her distance from us, if she did not increase it. it was the first time the _alabama_ had appeared dull. she was under both sail and steam, and yet here was a ship threatening to run away from her. she must surely be out of trim. i tried, therefore, the effect of getting my crew aft on the quarter-deck, and shifting aft some of the forward guns. this helped us visibly, and the ship sprang forward with increased speed. we were now at least holding our own, but it was impossible to say, as yet, whether we were gaining an inch. if the breeze had freshened, the chase would have run away from us beyond all question. i watched the signs of the weather anxiously. it was between nine and ten o'clock a. m. fortunately, as the sun gained power, and drove away the mists of the morning, the breeze began to decline! now came the triumph of steam. when we had come within long range, i threw the spray over the quarter-deck of the chase, with a rifle-shot from my bow-chaser. still she kept on, and it was not until all hope was evidently lost, that the proud clipper-ship, which had been beaten rather by the failure of the wind, than the speed of the _alabama_, shortened sail and hove to. when the captain was brought on board, i congratulated him on the skilful handling of his ship, and expressed my admiration of her fine qualities. he told me that she was one of the most famous clipper-ships out of new york. she was the _contest_, from yokohama, in japan, bound to new york. she was light, and in fine sailing trim, having only a partial cargo on board. there being no attempt to cover the cargo, consisting mostly of light japanese goods, lacker-ware, and curiosities, i condemned both ship and cargo. i was sorry to be obliged to burn this beautiful ship, and regretted much that i had not an armament for her, that i might commission her as a cruiser. both ships now anchored in the open sea, with no land visible, in fourteen fathoms of water, whilst the crew was being removed from the prize, and the necessary preparations made for burning her. it was after nightfall before these were all completed, and the torch applied. we hove up our anchor, and made sail by the light of the burning ship. having now burned a ship off gaspar strait, i turned my ship's head to the eastward, with the intention of taking the carimata strait. my coal was running so short, by this time, that i was obliged to dispense with the use of steam, except on emergencies, and work my way from point to point wholly under sail. fortune favored me however, for i passed through the carimata strait in the short space of five days against the north-west monsoon, which was a head-wind. ships have been known to be thirty days making this passage. i generally anchored at night, on account of the currents, and the exceeding difficulty of the navigation--shoals besetting the navigator on every hand in this shallow sea. we began now to fall in with some of the curiosities of the china sea. salt-water serpents made their appearance, playing around the ship, and cutting up their antics. these snakes are from three to five feet long, and when ships anchor at night, have been known to crawl up the cables, and make their way on deck through the hawse-holes, greatly to the annoyance of the sailors who chance to be sleeping on deck. they are not known to be poisonous. never having been in the china seas before, i was quite amused at the gambols of these miniature sea-serpents. seeing an old sailor stopping up the hawse-holes, with swabs, one evening after we had anchored, i asked him what he was about. "i'm stopping out the snakes, y'r honor," he replied. "what," said i, "do they come on deck?" "oh! yes, y'r honor; when i was in the ship _flying cloud_, we killed forty of them on deck in one morning watch." naked malays frequently paddled off to us, when we anchored near their villages, with fowls, and eggs, and fruits, and vegetables, which they desired to exchange for rice and ship-bread. in frail piraguas, these amphibious bipeds will make long voyages from island to island. they seem to be a sort of wandering arabs of the sea, and, as a rule, are a great set of villains, not hesitating to take a hand at piracy when opportunity offers. so intricate are some of the archipelagos which they inhabit, that it is next to impossible to track them to their hiding-places. these nomads, upon whom no civilization seems to make any impression, will probably long remain the pests of the china seas, in spite of the steamship. emerging from the carimata passage, we stood over to the west end of the island of souriton, where we anchored at four p. m., on the th of november. here we lay several days, and for the convenience of overhauling passing ships, without the necessity of getting under way, we hoisted out, and rigged our launch, a fine cutter-built boat, and provisioning and watering her for a couple of days at a time, sent her out cruising; directing her, however, to keep herself within sight of the ship. a number of sails were overhauled, but they all proved to be neutral--mostly english and dutch. i was much struck with the progress the dutch were making in these seas. holland, having sunk to a fourth or fifth rate power in europe, is building up quite an empire in the east. the island of java is a little kingdom in itself, and the boers, with the aid of the natives, whom they seem to govern with great success are fast bringing its fertile lands into cultivation. batavia, sourabia, and other towns are rising rapidly into importance. the dutch are overrunning the fine island of sumatra, too. they have established military stations over the greater part of it, and are gradually bringing the native chiefs under subjection. they occupy the spice islands, and are extending their dominion thence to the northward. in short, great britain must look to her laurels in the china seas, if she would not divide them with holland. in the meantime, the inquiry naturally presents itself, where is the yankee? that he is permitting all this rich harvest of colonization and trade in the east to pass away from him. it was at one time thought that he would contest the palm of enterprise with england herself, but this dream has long since been dispelled. even before the war, his trade began to dwindle. during the war it went down to zero, and since the war it has not revived. is he too busy with his internal dissensions and politics? is the miserable faction which has ruled the country for the last seven years determined to destroy all its prosperity, foreign as well as domestic? while lying at souriton, we boarded the british ship _avalanche_, two days from singapore, with newspapers from america just forty days old! here was a proof of the british enterprise of which we have just been speaking. the atlantic, the mediterranean, the red sea, the indian ocean, and a part of the china sea, are traversed by british steam and sail, and the _alabama_ shakes out the folds of a newspaper from the land of her enemy, at an out-of-the-way island in the china sea, just forty days old! the _avalanche_ kindly consenting, we sent by her our prisoners to batavia. we now got under way, and stood over to the west coast of borneo, where we cruised for a few days, working our way gradually to the northward; it being my intention as soon as i should take the north-east monsoon, which prevails at this season in the china sea, to the northward of the equator, to stretch over to the coast of cochin china, and hold myself for a short time in the track of the ships coming down from canton and shanghai. i was greatly tempted as i passed sarawak, in the island of borneo, to run in and visit my friend rajah brooke, whose career in the east has been so remarkable a one. cruising in these seas, years ago, when he was a young man, in his own yacht, a jaunty little armed schooner of about tons, he happened in at sarawak. the natives, taking a fancy to him and his tiny man-of-war, insisted upon electing him their rajah, or governor. he assented, got a foothold in the island, grew in favor, increased his dominions, and was, at the period of our visit to the coast, one of the most powerful rajahs in borneo. since my return from the china seas, the rajah has died, full of years and full of honors, bequeathing his government to a blood relation. it would be difficult for even a yankee to beat that! upon reaching this coast, we struck a remarkable northerly current. it ran at the rate of two knots per hour, its general set being about north-east. the weather falling calm, we were several days within its influence. when it had drifted us as far to the northward as i desired to go, i was obliged to let go a kedge in fifty fathoms water to prevent further drift. the current now swept by us at so rapid a rate, that we were compelled to lash two deep sea leads together, each weighing forty-five pounds, to keep our drift-lead on the bottom. here was another of those elliptical currents spoken of a few pages back. if the reader will look at a map of the china sea, he will observe that the north-east monsoon, as it comes sweeping down that sea, in the winter months, blows parallel with the coasts of china and cochin china. this wind drives a current before it to the south-west. this current, as it strikes the peninsula of malacca, is deflected to the eastward toward the coast of sumatra. impinging upon this coast, it is again deflected and driven off in the direction of the island of borneo. this island in turn gives it a northern direction, and the consequence is, that the south-westerly current which came sweeping down the western side of the china sea, is now going up on the eastern side of the same sea, as a north-easterly current. we lay five days at our kedge, during a calm that lasted all that time. the monsoons were changing; the west monsoon was setting in in the east indian archipelago, and the north-eastern monsoon in the china sea. hence the calms, and rains, and sudden gusts of wind, now from one quarter, and now from another, which we had experienced. at the end of these five days of calm, we took the north-east monsoon, from about n. n. e., and, getting up our kedge, we made our way over to the coast of cochin china, in accordance with the intention already expressed. there is no navigation, perhaps, in the world, so trying to the vigilance and nerves of the mariner as that of the china seas. it is a coral sea, and filled with dangers in almost every direction, especially in its eastern portion, from the philippine islands down to the strait of sunda. the industrious little stone-mason, which we have before so often referred to, has laid the foundation of a new empire, at the bottom of the china sea, and is fast making his way to the surface. he has already dotted the sea with ten thousand islands, in its eastern portion, and is silently and mysteriously piling up his tiny blocks of stone, one upon another, in the central and western portions. he is working very irregularly, having large gangs of hands employed here, and very few there, and is running up his structures in very fantastic shapes, some in solid blocks, with even surfaces, some as pyramids, and some as cones. the tops of the pyramids and cones are sometimes as sharp as needles, and pierce a ship's bottom as readily as a needle would a lady's finger. it is impossible to survey such a sea with accuracy. a surveying vessel might drop a lead on almost every square foot of bottom, and yet miss some of these mere needle-points. a ship, with the best of modern charts, may be threading this labyrinth, as she thinks, quite securely, and suddenly find herself impaled upon one of these dangers. to add to the perplexity of the navigator, days sometimes elapse, especially when the monsoons are changing, during which it is impossible to get an observation for fixing the position of his ship; and during these days of incessant darkness, and drenching rains, he is hurried about by currents, he knows not whither. and then, perhaps, the typhoon comes along--that terrible cyclone of the china seas--at the very moment, it may be, when he is, by reason of the causes mentioned, uncertain of his position, and compels him to scud his ship at hazard, among shoals and breakers! i lost many nights of rest when in these seas, and felt much relieved when the time came for me to turn my back upon them. the wind freshened as we drew out from the coast of borneo, and by the time we had reached the track of the westward-bound ships, we found the monsoon blowing a whole topsail-breeze. we struck, at the same time, the south-westerly current described, and what with the wind and the current, we found it as much as we could do to hold our own, and prevent ourselves from being drifted to leeward. it soon became apparent that it would be useless to attempt operations here, unless assisted by steam. every chase would probably carry us miles to leeward, whence it would be impossible, under sail alone, to regain our position. still, we held ourselves a day or two in the track, in accordance with my previous determination, overhauling several ships, none of which, however, proved to be enemy. at the end of this short cruise, we made sail for the island of condore, or, as it is called on the charts of the china sea, pulo condore, the word "pulo" being the chinese term for island. my intention was to run into this small island, which has a snug harbor, sheltered from the monsoon, do some necessary repairs with my own mechanics, refit and repaint, and then run down to singapore, and fill up with coal. my future course would be guided by contingencies. we made pulo condore early in the afternoon of the second of december, and passing to the northward of the "white rock," bore up, and ran along the western side of the island until nightfall, when we anchored under the lee of a small, rocky island, near the mouth of the harbor. the scenery was bold, picturesque, and impressive. all was novelty; the shallow sea, the whistling monsoon, and the little islands rising so abruptly from the sea, that a goat could scarcely clamber up their sides. the richest vegetation covered these islands from the sea-level to their summits. occasionally a break or gap in the mountain--for pulo condore rises to the height of a mountain--disclosed charming ravines, opening out into luxuriant plains, where were grazing the wild cattle of the country--the bison, or small-humped buffalo of the east. at daylight the next morning, upon looking into the harbor with our glasses, we were surprised to see a small vessel at anchor, wearing the french flag; and pretty soon afterward we were boarded by a french boat; pulo condore--lying off the coast of cochin china--having recently become a french colony. the island had been taken possession of by france two years before. the vessel was a ship of war, keeping watch and ward over the lonely waters. this was a surprise. i had expected to find the island in the hands of the malay nomads who infest these seas, and to have converted it into confederate territory, as i had done angra pequeña, on the west coast of africa--at least during my stay. and so when i had invited the french officer, who was himself the commander of the little craft, into my cabin, i remarked to him, "you have spoiled a pet project of mine." "how so?" said he. i then explained to him how, in imitation of my friend brooke, i had intended to play rajah for a few weeks, in pulo condore. he laughed heartily, and said, "_será tout le même chose, monsieur. vous portez plus de cannons que moi, et vous serez rajah, pendant votre séjour_." i did carry a few more guns than my french friend, for his little man-of-war was only a craft of the country, of less than a hundred tons burden, armed with one small carronade. his crew consisted of about twenty men. i found him as good as his word, with reference to my playing rajah, for he did not so much as mention to me, once, any rule limiting the stay of belligerents in french waters. we now got under way, and stood in to the anchorage, the french officer kindly consenting to show me the way in; though there was but little need, as the harbor was quite free from obstructions, except such as were plainly visible. the water in this cosy little harbor was as smooth as a mill-pond, notwithstanding occasional gusts of the monsoon swept down the mountain sides. there were mountains on two sides of us, both to the north and south. the harbor was, in fact, formed by two mountainous islands, both passing under the name of condore; there being only a boat-passage separating them on the east. this was our first real resting-place, since leaving the cape of good hope, and both officers and men enjoyed the relaxation. the island was full of game, the bay full of fish, and the bathing very fine. we felt quite secure, too, against the approach of an enemy. the only enemy's steamer in these seas was the _wyoming_, for which we regarded ourselves as quite a match. we had, besides, taken the precaution, upon anchoring, to lay out a spring, by which we could, in the course of a few minutes, present our broadside to the narrow entrance of the harbor, and thus rake anything that might attempt the passage. the governor of the island now came on board to visit us. he had his headquarters at a small malay village on the east coast, where, by the aid of a sergeant's guard, he ruled his subjects with despotic sway. he brought me on board a present of a pig, and generously offered to share with me a potato-patch near the ship. what more could a monarch do? this was an exceedingly clever young frenchman--monsieur bizot--he was an ensign in the french navy, about twenty-two years of age, and a graduate of the french naval school. the commander of his flag-ship--the small country craft already described--was a midshipman. these two young men had entire control of the government of the island, civil and military. kell having set his mechanics at work in the various departments, to effect the necessary repairs on the ship, i relaxed the reins of discipline, as much as possible, that, by boat-sailing, fishing, and hunting excursions, my people might recruit from the ill effects of their long confinement on ship-board, and the storms and bad weather they had experienced. the north-east monsoon having now fairly set in, the weather had become fine. the heat was very great, it is true, but it was much tempered by the winds. during the two weeks that we remained in the island, almost every part of it was explored by my adventurous hunters--even the very mountain tops--and marvellous were the reports of their adventures which they brought on board. some small specimens of deer were found; the bison--the bull of which is very savage, not hesitating to assault the hunter, under favorable circumstances--abounded on the small savannas; monkeys travelled about in troops; parrots, and other birds of beautiful plumage, wheeled over our heads in flocks--in short, the whole island seemed teeming with life. the natives told us that there were many large, and some poisonous serpents in the jungles, but fortunately none of my people were injured by them. we found here the famous vampyre of the east. several specimens were shot, and brought on board. some of these monster bats measure from five to six feet from tip to tip of wing. the head resembles that of a wolf. it has long and sharp incisor-teeth and tusks, and would be a dangerous animal to attack an unarmed man. the reptile tribe flourishes in perfection. a lizard, measuring five feet ten inches in length, was brought on board by one of the hunters. nature runs riot in every direction, and the vegetable world is as curious as the animal. the engineer coming on board, one day, from one of his excursions, pulled out his cigar case, and offered me a very tempting havana cigar. imagine my surprise when i found it a piece of wood! it had been plucked fresh from the tree. the size, shape, and color--a rich brown--were all perfect. it was not a capsule or a seed-pod, but a solid piece of wood, with the ordinary woody fibre, and full of sap. i put it away carefully among my curiosities, but after a few days it shrivelled, and lost its beauty. the apes did not appear to be afraid of the gun--probably because they were not accustomed to be shot at. they would cluster around a hunting-party, and grin and chatter like so many old negroes, one sometimes sees on the coast of africa. one of the midshipmen having shot one, described the death of the old gentleman to me, and said that he felt almost as if he had killed his old "uncle" on his father's plantation. the wounded creature--whatever it may be, man or animal--threw its arms over the wound, and moaned as plaintively and intelligibly as if it had been gifted with the power of speech, and were upbraiding its slayer. during our stay i made the acquaintance--through my opera-glass--of several of these lampoons upon human nature. a gang of apes, old and young, came down to the beach regularly every morning, to look at the ship. the old men and women would seat themselves in rows, and gaze at us, sometimes for an hour, without changing their places or attitudes--seeming to be absorbed in wonder. i became quite familiar with some of their countenances. the young people did not appear to be so strongly impressed. they would walk about the beach in twos and threes--making love, most likely, and settling future family arrangements. the children, meanwhile, would be romping around the old people, screaming and barking in very delight. if a boat approached them, the old people would give a peculiar whistle, when the younger members of the tribe would betake themselves at once to the cover of the adjoining jungle. a hunting party, landing here one morning, shot one of these old apes. the rest scampered off, and were seen no more that day. the next morning, upon turning my opera-glass upon the beach, i saw the monkeys as usual, but they were broken into squads, and moving about in some disorder, instead of being seated as usual. i could plainly see some of them at work. some appeared to be digging in the sand, and others to be bringing twigs and leaves of trees, and such of the debris of the forest as they could gather conveniently. it was my usual hour for landing, to get sights for my chronometers. as the boat approached, the whole party disappeared. i had the curiosity to walk to the spot, to see what these semi-human beings had been doing. they had been burying their dead comrade, and had not quite finished covering up the body, when they had been disturbed! the deceased seemed to have been popular, for a large concourse had come to attend his funeral. the natives told us, that this burial of the monkeys was a common practice. they believe in monkey doctors, too, for they told us that when they have come upon sick monkeys in the woods, they have frequently found some demure old fellows looking very wise, with their fingers on their noses sitting at their bed-sides. the ladies may be curious to know, from the same good authority, how the monkeys of pulo condore treat their women. as among the salt lake saints, polygamy prevails, and there are sometimes as many as a dozen females "sealed" to one old patriarch--especially if he be broad across the shoulders, and have sharp teeth. the young lady monkeys are required to form matrimonial connections during the third or fourth season of their belledom; that is to say, the parent monkeys will permit their daughters to sally out and return home as often as they please, after they have "come out," until three or four moons have elapsed. after that time they are expected to betake themselves to their own separate trees for lodging. i was frequently startled, whilst we lay at pulo condore, at hearing what appeared to be the whistle of a locomotive--rather shrill, it may be, but very much resembling it. it proceeded from an enormous locust. pulo condore lies in the route of the french mail-steamer, between singapore and saigon, the latter the capital of the french possessions in cochin china, and the governor receiving a large mail while we were here, was kind enough to send us some late papers from paris and havre. every two or three days, too, he sent us fresh beef, fowls, and fruits. on the sunday evening after our arrival, he, and his paymaster repeated their visit to us, and brought in the same boat with themselves, a bullock--a fine fat bison! in a country comparatively wild, and where supplies were so difficult to be obtained, these presents were greatly enhanced in value. poor monsieur bizot! we all regretted to learn, upon our return to europe, that this promising young officer, so full of talent, life, energy, hope, had fallen a victim to a malarial fever. kell performed quite a feat at pulo condore in the way of ship-carpentry. our copper having fallen off, some distance below the water-line, he constructed a coffer or caisson, that fitted the side of the ship so nicely, when sunk to the required depth, that he had only to pump it out, with our fire-engine and suction-hose, to enable his mechanics to descend into a dry box and effect the necessary repairs. we found our ship so much out of order, that it required two weeks to get her ready for sea. at the end of this time, we took an affectionate leave of our french friends, and getting under way, under sail, we again threw ourselves into the monsoon, and south-west current, and turned our head in the direction of singapore. we crossed the gulf of siam under easy sail, that we might have the benefit of any chance capture, that might present itself. there was a number of vessels hurrying on before the brisk monsoon, but no yankee among them. the yankee flag had already become a stranger in the china sea. on the evening of the th of december, we ran in, and anchored under pulo aor, in twenty fathoms water, within half a mile of the village, on the south-west end of the island. the island is high, and broken--its forests being composed almost entirely of the cocoanut--and is inhabited by the same class of malay nomads already described. their houses were picturesquely scattered among the trees, and several large boats were hauled up near them, on the beach, ready for any enterprise that might offer, in their line. the head man came off to visit me, and some piraguas with fowls and fruits came alongside, to trade with the sailors. these islanders appeared to be a merry set of fellows, for during nearly the whole night, we could hear the sound of tom-toms, and other musical instruments, as though they were engaged in the mysteries of the dance. some very pretty specimens of young women, naked to the middle, came off in their light piraguas, handling the paddle equally with the men, and appearing quite as much at home on the water. the next day being sunday, and the weather not being very propitious for our run to singapore, it being thick and murky, we remained over at our anchors, at this island, mustering the crew, and inspecting the ship as usual. after muster, some of the officers visited the shore, and were hospitably received by the natives. they saw no evidences of the cultivation of the soil, or of any other kind of labor. nature supplied the inhabitants, spontaneously, with a regular succession of fruits all the year round, and as for clothing, they needed none, so near the equator. the sea gave them fish; and the domestic fowl, which seemed to take care of itself, and the goat which browsed without care also on the mountain-side, secured them against the caprice of the elements. their _physique_ was well developed, and life seemed to be with them a continual holiday. who shall say that the civilized man is a greater philosopher, than the savage of the china seas? on the next morning, at a very early hour--just as the cocks on shore were crowing for early daylight--we hove up our anchor, and giving the ship both steam and sail, shaped our course for singapore. soon after getting under way, we fell in company with an english steamer running also in our direction. the navigation, as one approaches the strait of malacca, on which singapore is situated, is very difficult, there being some ugly shoals by the wayside; and the weather coming on thick, and heavy rains setting in, we were obliged to anchor in the mouth of the strait for several hours. the weather now lifting, and the clouds breaking away, we got under way, again, and taking a malay pilot soon afterward, we ran into singapore, and anchored, at about five p. m. the harbor was filled with shipping, but there was no united states ship of war among the number. the reader has seen that the _wyoming_ was at anger in the strait of sunda, only two days before we burned the _winged racer_. she must have heard of that event soon after its occurrence, and also of our burning the _contest_ near gaspar strait. the english ship _avalanche_ had, besides, carried news to batavia, that we were off sorouton, still higher up the china sea. the _wyoming_, if she had any intention of seeking a fight with us, was thus entirely deceived by our movements. these indicated that we were bound to canton and shanghai, and thither, probably, she had gone. she must have passed within sight of pulo condore, while we were scraping down our masts, tarring our rigging, and watching the funeral of the dead monkey described; and about the time she was ready to run into hongkong, in the upper part of the china sea, we had run into singapore, and anchored in the lower part. chapter l. the alabama at singapore--panic among the enemy's shipping in the china sea--the multitude flock to see the alabama--curious rumor concerning her--author rides to the country, and spends a night--the chinese in possession of all the business of the place--alabama leaves singapore--capture of the martaban, alias texan star--alabama touches at malacca--capture of the highlander and sonora--alabama once more in the indian ocean. it turned out as i had conjectured in the last chapter. the _wyoming_ had been at singapore on the st of december. she had gone thence to the rhio strait, where a dutch settlement had given her a ball, which she had reciprocated. whilst these yankee and dutch rejoicings were going on, the _alabama_ was crossing the china sea, from borneo to pulo condore. all traces of the _wyoming_ had since been lost. she had doubtless filled with coal at rhio, and gone northward. we had thus a clear sea before us. a very gratifying spectacle met our eyes at singapore. there were twenty-two american ships there--large india-men--almost all of which were dismantled and laid up! the burning of our first ship in these seas, the _amanda_, off the strait of sunda, had sent a thrill of terror through all the yankee shipping, far and near, and it had hastened to port, to get out of harm's way. we had recent news here from all parts of the china seas, by vessels passing constantly through the strait of malacca, and touching at singapore for orders or refreshments. there were two american ships laid up in bankok, in siam; one or two at canton; two or three at shanghai; one at the phillippine islands; and one or two more in japanese waters. these, besides the twenty-two ships laid up in singapore, comprised all of the enemy's once numerous chinese fleet! no ship could get a freight, and the commerce of the enemy was as dead, for the time being, as if every ship belonging to him had been destroyed. we had here the key to the mystery, that the _alabama_ had encountered no american ship, in the china sea, since she had burned the _contest_. the birds had all taken to cover, and there was no such thing as flushing them. this state of things decided my future course. i had, at first, thought of running up the china sea, as far as shanghai, but if there were no more than half a dozen of the enemy's ships to be found in that part of the sea, and these had all fled to neutral ports for protection, _cui bono_? it would be far better to return to the western hemisphere, where the enemy still had some commerce left. indeed, my best chance of picking up these very ships, that were now anchored under my guns in singapore, and disconsolate for want of something to do, would be to waylay them on their homeward voyages. they would not venture out in a close sea like that of china, so long as i remained in it. after i should have departed, and they had recovered somewhat from their panic, they might pick up partial cargoes, at reduced rates, and once more spread their wings for flight. i had another powerful motive influencing me. my ship was getting very much out of repair. the hard usage to which she had been subjected since she had been commissioned had very much impaired her strength, and so constantly had she been under way, that the attrition of the water had worn the copper on her bottom so thin that it was daily loosening and dropping off in sheets. her speed had, in consequence, been much diminished. the fire in her furnaces, like that of the fire-worshipping persian, had never been permitted to go out, except for a few hours at rare intervals, to enable the engineer to clink his bars, and remove the incrustations of salt from the bottoms of his boilers. this constant action of fire and salt had nearly destroyed them. i resolved, therefore, to turn my ship's head westward from singapore, run up into the bay of bengal, along the coast of hindostan to bombay, through the seychelle islands to the mouth of the red sea, thence to the comoro islands; from these latter to the strait of madagascar, and from the latter strait to the cape of good hope--thus varying my route back to the cape. we were received with great cordiality by the people of singapore, and, as at the cape of good hope, much curiosity was manifested to see the ship. after she had hauled alongside of the coaling wharf, crowds gathered to look curiously upon her, and compare her appearance with what they had read of her. these crowds were themselves a curiosity to look upon, formed, as they were, of all the nations of the earth, from the remote east and the remote west. singapore being a free port, and a great centre of trade, there is always a large fleet of shipping anchored in its waters, and its streets and other marts of commerce are constantly thronged with a promiscuous multitude. the canal--there being one leading to the rear of the town--is filled with country boats from the surrounding coasts, laden with the products of the different countries from which they come. there is the pepper-boat from sumatra, and the coaster of larger size laden with tin-ore; the spice-boats from the spice islands; boats with tin-ore, hides, and mats from borneo; boats from siam, with gums, hides, and cotton; boats from different parts of the malay peninsula, with canes, gutta-percha, and india-rubber. in the bay are ships from all parts of the east--from china, with silks and teas; from japan, with lacker-ware, raw silk, and curious manufactures of iron, steel, and paper; from the phillippine islands, with sugar, hides, tobacco, and spices. intermixed with these are the european and american ships, with the products of their various countries. as a consequence, all the races and all the religions of the world were represented in the throngs that crowded the coaling jetty, to look upon the _alabama_, wearing the new flag of a new nation, mysterious for its very distance from them. we were to their eastern eyes a curious people of the antipodes. the physical aspect of the throng was no less curious than its moral. there was the malay, the chinese, the japanese, the siamese, the hindoo, the persian, the wild tartar, the bornese, the sumatran, the javanese, and even the new zealander--all dressed, or undressed, as the case might be, in the garb of their respective tribes and countries. some of the most notable objects among the crowd, were jet-black africans, with the amplest of petticoat trousers gathered at the knee, sandalled feet, and turbaned heads--the more shining the jet of the complexion, the whiter the turban. the crowd, so far from diminishing, increased daily, so that it was at times difficult to pass into and out of the ship; and it was some time before we could learn what had excited all this curiosity among those simple inhabitants of the isles and continents. some of these wonder-mongers actually believed, that we kept chained in the hold of the _alabama_, several negro giants--they had heard something about the negro and slavery having something to do with the war--whom we armed with immense weapons and let loose, in time of battle, as they were wont to do their elephants! they waited patiently for hours, under their paper umbrellas, hoping to catch a sight of these monsters. singapore, which was a fishing village half a century ago, contains a hundred thousand inhabitants, and under the free-port system has become, as before remarked, a great centre of trade. it concentrates nearly all the trade of the southern portion of the china sea. there are no duties on exports or imports; and the only tonnage due paid by the shipping, is three cents per ton, register, as a lighthouse tax. the currency is dollars and cents; spanish, mexican, peruvian, and bolivian dollars are current. great britain, with an infinite forecaste, not only girdles the seas with her ships, but the land with her trading stations. in her colonization and commerce consists her power. lop off these, and she would become as insignificant as holland. and so beneficent is her rule, that she binds her colonies to her with hooks of steel. a senseless party in that country has advocated the liberation of all her colonies. no policy could be more suicidal. colonization is as much of a necessity for great britain as it was for the grecian states and for rome, when they became overcrowded with population. probably, in the order of nature, colonies, as they reach maturity, may be expected to go off to themselves, but for each colony which thus puts on the _toga virilis_, great britain should establish another, if she would preserve her empire, and her importance with the nations of the earth. the most notable feature about singapore is its chinese population. i consider these people, in many respects, the most wonderful people of the earth. they are essentially a people of the arts, and of trade, and in the changing aspect of the world must become much more important than they have hitherto been. it is little more than half a century since napoleon twitted the english people with being a nation of "shop-keepers." so rapid have been the changes since, that other nations besides great britain are beginning to covet the designation as one of honor. even military france, the very country which bestowed the epithet in scorn, is herself becoming a nation of mechanics and shop-keepers. industrial congresses, and palaces of industry attract more attention, in that once martial country, than military reviews, and the marching and countermarching of troops on the campus martius. an emperor of france has bestowed the cordon of the legion of honor on a yankee piano-maker! these are some of the signs of the times in which we live. and they are signs which the wise statesman will not ignore. a nation chooses wisely and well, which prefers the pursuits of peace to those of war; and that nation is to be envied, which is better constituted by the nature of its people for peaceful, than for warlike pursuits. this is eminently the case with the chinese. nature has kindly cast them in a mould, gentle and pacific. they are human, and have, therefore, had their wars, but compared with the western nations, their wars have been few. the taeping rebellion of our day, which has lasted so long, had its origin in the brigandage of an idle and leprous soldiery, who sought to live at ease, at the expense of the honest producer. it is only lately that we have been able to obtain an interior view of these people. a few years back, and china was a sealed book to us. our merchants were confined to certain "factories" outside of the walls of canton, and we were permitted to trade at no other points. but since we have gotten a glimpse of these wonderful people, we have been astonished at the extraordinary productiveness and vitality of chinese commerce. we have been amazed whilst we have looked upon the wonderful stir and hum and bustle of so immense a hive of human beings, all living and prospering by the mechanic arts and commerce. the chinaman is born to industry, as naturally as the negro is to sloth. he is the cheapest producer on the face of the earth, because his habits are simple and frugal. the proof of this is, that no western nation can sell its goods in the chinese market. we are all compelled to purchase whatever we want from them, for cash. when we can work cheaper than the chinese, we may hope to exchange our manufactured goods with them, but not until then. singapore is a miniature canton, and the visitor, as he passes through its streets, has an excellent opportunity of comparing the industry of the chinese with that of other nations. as a free port, singapore is open to immigration from all parts of the earth, on equal terms. there are no jealous laws, guilds, or monopolies, to shackle the limbs, or dampen the energy or enterprise of any one. free competition is the presiding genius of the place. the climate is healthy--the english call it the madeira of the east--and the european artisan can labor in it as well as the east indian or the chinese. all nations flock hither to trade, as has already been remarked. now what is the result? almost all the business of every description is in the hands of the chinese. large chinese houses monopolize the trade, and the chinese artisan and day-laborer have driven out all others. ninety thousand of the one hundred thousand of the population are chinese. now that the exclusiveness of china has been broken in upon, and emigration permitted, what a destiny awaits such a people in the workshops and fields of the western world! already they are filling up the states on the pacific coast, and silently, but surely, possessing themselves of all the avenues of industry in those states, thrusting aside the more expensive european and american laborers. they will cross the rocky mountains, and effect, in course of time, a similar revolution in the western and southern states. in the latter states their success will be most triumphant; for in these states, where the negro is the chief laborer, the competition will be between frugality, forecast, and industry on the one hand, and wastefulness, indifference to the future, and laziness on the other. the negro must, of necessity, disappear in such a conflict. cheap labor must and will drive out dear labor. this law is as inexorable as any other of nature's laws. this is the probable fate, which the puritan has prepared for his friend the negro, on the american continent. our system of slavery might have saved his race from destruction--nothing else can. the governor of singapore was a colonel in the british army. he had a small garrison of troops--no more, i believe, than a couple of companies--to police this large population. i sent an officer, as usual, to call on him and acquaint him with my wants and intention as to time of stay. mr. beaver, of the firm of cumming, beaver & co., a clever english merchant, came on board, and offered to facilitate us all in his power, in the way of procuring supplies. i accepted his kind offer, and put him in communication with the paymaster, and the next day rode out, and dined, and spent a night with him at his country-seat. he lived in luxurious style, as do most european merchants in the east. the drive out took us through the principal streets of the city, which i found to be laid out and built with great taste--the edifices having a semi-english, semi-oriental air. the houses of the better classes were surrounded by lawns and flower-gardens, and cool verandahs invited to repose. mr. beaver's grounds were extensive, and well kept, scarcely so much as a stray leaf being visible on his well-mown lawns. his household--the lady was absent in england--was a pattern of neatness and comfort. his bath-rooms, bed-rooms, library, and billiard-room--all showed signs of superintendence and care, there being an air of cleanliness and neatness throughout, which one rarely ever sees in a bachelor establishment. his servants were all chinese, and males. chi-hi, and hu-chin, and the rest of them, ploughed his fields, mowed his hay, stabled his horses, cooked his dinners, waited on his guests, washed his linen, made his beds, and marked his game of billiards; and all at a ridiculously low rate of hire. if there had been a baby to be nursed, it would have been all the same. on my return to the city, next day, i lunched, by invitation, at the officers' mess. english porter, ale, and cheese, cold meats, and a variety of wines were on the table. an english officer carries his habits all over the world with him, without stopping to consider climates. no wonder that so many of them return from the east with disordered hepatic arrangements. when i returned to the ship, in the evening, i found that kell and galt had made such good use of their time, that everything was on board, and we should be ready for sea on the morrow. our coaling had occupied us but ten hours--so admirable are the arrangements of the p. and o. steamship company, at whose wharf we had coaled. a pilot was engaged, and all the preparations made for an early start. there was nothing more to be done except to arrange a little settlement between the queen and myself, similar to the one which had taken place at the cape of good hope. as we were obliged to lie alongside of the wharf, for the convenience of coaling, it had been found impossible, in the great press and throng of the people who were still anxious to get a sight of my black giants, to prevent the sailors from having grog smuggled to them. when an old salt once gets a taste of the forbidden nectar, he is gone--he has no more power of resistance than a child. the consequence on the present occasion was, that a number of my fellows "left" on a frolic. we tracked most of them up, during the night, and arrested them--without asking any aid of the police, this time--and brought them on board. one of the boozy fellows dived under the wharf, and played mud-turtle for some time, but we finally fished him out. when we came to call the roll, there were half a dozen still missing. a number of applications had been made to us by sailors who wanted to enlist, but we had hitherto resisted them all. we were full, and desired no more. now, however, the case was altered, and the applications being renewed after the deserters had run off--for sailors are a sort of freemasons, and soon learn what is going on among their craft--we permitted half a dozen picked fellows to come on board, to be shipped as soon as we should get out into the strait. the next morning, bright and early, the _alabama_ was under way, steaming through the strait of malacca. at half-past eleven a. m., "sail ho!" was cried from the mast, and about one p. m., we came up with an exceedingly american-looking ship, which, upon being hove to by a gun, hoisted the english colors. lowering a boat, i sent master's mate fullam, one of the most intelligent of my boarding-officers, and who was himself an englishman, on board to examine her papers. these were all in due form--were undoubtedly genuine, and had been signed by the proper custom-house officers. the register purported that the stranger was the british ship _martaban_, belonging to parties in maulmain, a rice port in india. manifest and clearance corresponded with the register; the ship being laden with rice, and having cleared for singapore--of which port, as the reader sees, she was within a few hours' sail. thus far, all seemed regular and honest enough, but the ship was american--having been formerly known as the _texan star_--and her transfer to british owners, if made at all, had been made within the last ten days, after the arrival of the _alabama_ in these seas had become known at maulmain. mr. fullam, regarding these circumstances as at least suspicious, requested the master of the ship to go on board the _alabama_ with him, that i might have an opportunity of inspecting his papers in person. this the master declined to do. i could not, of course, compel an english master to come on board of me, and so i was obliged to go on board of him--and i may state, by the way, that this was the only ship i ever boarded personally during all my cruises. i could not but admire the beautiful, "_bran new_" english flag, as i pulled on board, but, as before remarked, every line of the ship was american--her long, graceful hull, with flaring bow, and rounded stern, taunt masts with sky-sail poles, and square yards for spreading the largest possible quantity of canvas. passing up the side, i stepped upon deck. here everything was, if possible, still more american, even to the black, greasy cook, who, with his uncovered woolly head, naked breast, and uprolled sleeves in the broiling sun, was peeling his irish potatoes for his codfish. i have before remarked upon the national features of ships. these features are as well marked in the interior organism, as in the exterior. the master received me at the gangway, and, after i had paused to take a glance at things on deck, i proceeded with him into his cabin, where his papers were to be examined. his mates were standing about the companion-way, anxious, of course, to know the fate of their ship. if i had had any doubts before, the unmistakable persons of these men would have removed them. in the person of the master, the long, lean, angular-featured, hide-bound, weather-tanned yankee skipper stood before me. puritan, _may-flower_, plymouth rock, were all written upon the well-known features. no amount of english custom-house paper, or sealing-wax could, by any possibility, convert him into that rotund, florid, jocund briton who personates the english shipmaster. his speech was even more national--taking new england to be the yankee _nation_--than his person; and when he opened his mouth, a mere novice might have sworn that he was from the "state of maine"--there, or thereabouts. when he told me that i "hadn't-ought-to" burn his ship, he pronounced the shibboleth which condemned her to the flames. the shrift was a short one. when the papers were produced, i found among them no bill of sale or other evidence of the transfer of the property--the register of an english ship, as every seaman knows, not being such evidence. his crew list, which had been very neatly prepared, was a mute but powerful witness against him. it was written, throughout, signatures and all, in the same hand--the signatures all being as like as two peas. after glancing at the papers, and making these mental observations as i went along, i asked the master a few questions. as well as i recollect, he was from hallowell, maine. his ship had been two years in the east indies, trading from port to port; and, as before remarked, had only been transferred within a few days. the freshly painted assumed name on her stern was scarcely dry. the master had sat with comparative composure during this examination, and questioning, evidently relying with great confidence upon his english flag and papers; but when i turned to him, and told him that i should burn his ship, he sprang from his chair, and said with excited manner and voice--"you dare not do it, sir; that flag--suiting the action to the word, and pointing with his long, bony finger up the companion-way to the flag flying from his peak--won't stand it!" "keep cool, captain," i replied, "the weather is warm, and as for the flag, i shall not ask it whether it will stand it or not--the flag that _ought_ to be at your peak, will have to stand it, though." in half an hour, or as soon as the crew could pack their duds, and be transferred to the _alabama_, the _texan star_--_alias_ the _martaban_--was in flames; the beautiful, new english ensign being marked with the day, and latitude and longitude of the capture, and stowed away carefully by the old signal-quartermaster, in the bag containing his yankee flags. the cargo was _bona fide_ english property, and if the owner of it, instead of combining with the master of the ship to perpetrate a fraud upon my belligerent rights, had contented himself with putting it on board under the american flag, properly documented as british property, he might have saved it, and along with it, the ship; as, in that case, i should have been obliged to bond her. but when i had stripped off the disguise, and the ship stood forth as american, unfortunately for the owner of the cargo, no document could be presented to show that it was english; for the very attempt to document it would have exposed the fraud. unfortunate englishman! he had lost sight of the "copy" he had been used to transcribe at school--"honesty is the best policy." it was still early in the afternoon when we resumed our course, and gave the ship steam. after a few hours had elapsed, and captain pike--for this was the name of the master of the captured ship--had realized that his ship was no more, i sent for him, into my cabin, and directing my clerk to produce writing materials, we proceeded to take his formal deposition; preliminary to which, my clerk administered to him the usual oath. i felt pretty sure now of getting at the truth, for i had resorted to a little arrangement for this purpose quite common in the courts of law--i had _released_ the interest of the witness. as soon, therefore, as the witness was put upon the stand, i said to him:--"now, captain, when you and i had that little conversation in your cabin, you had hopes of saving your ship, and, moreover, what you said to me was not under oath. you were, perhaps, only practising a pardonable _ruse de guerre_. but now the case is altered. your ship being destroyed, you have no longer any possible interest in misstating the truth. you are, besides, under oath. be frank; was, or was not, the transfer of your ship a _bona fide_ transaction?" after a moment's reflection he replied:--"i will be frank with you, captain. it was not a _bona fide_ transaction. i was alarmed when i heard of your arrival in the east indies, and i resorted to a sham sale in the hope of saving my ship." upon this answer being recorded, the court adjourned. at a late hour in the night, the moon shining quite brightly, we ran in past some islands, and anchored off the little town of malacca--formerly a portuguese settlement, but now, like singapore, in the possession of the english. my object was to land my prisoners, and at early dawn we dispatched them for the shore, with a note to the military commander asking the requisite permission. it was christmas-day, and as the sun rose, we could see many signs of festive preparation on shore. the little town, with its white houses peeping out of a wilderness of green, was a pretty picture as it was lighted up by the rays of the rising sun. back of the town, on an isolated hill, stood the lighthouse, whose friendly beacon had guided us into our anchorage over night, and near by was the barrack, from whose flag-staff floated, besides the proud old flag of our fatherland, a number of gay streamers. our ship in the offing, and our boats in the harbor, created quite a stir in this quiet malay-english town; and forthwith a couple of boats filled with officers and citizens--ladies included--came off to visit us. it was still very early, and the excitement of the morning's row, and the novelty of the presence of the _alabama_ seemed greatly to excite our new friends. the males grasped our hands as though they had been our brothers, and the ladies smiled their sweetest smiles--and no one knows how sweet these can be, better than the sailor who has been a long time upon salt water, looking upon nothing but whiskers and mustachios. they were very pressing that we should remain a day, and partake of their christmas dinner with them. but we excused ourselves, telling them that war knows no holidays. they left us after a short visit, and at half-past nine a. m., our boats having returned, we were again under steam. bartelli was seen lugging a basketfull of fine malacca oranges into the cabin, soon after the return of our boats--a gift from some of our lady friends who had visited us. i have observed by mr. seward's "little bill," before referred to, that pike, having been foiled in that game of flags which he had attempted to play with me, has put in his claim, along with other disconsolate yankees, for the destruction of his ship. when _will_ naughty england pay that little bill? after a good day's run--during which we overhauled an english bark, from singapore, for madras--we anchored at night-fall near parceelar hill, in twenty-five fathoms of water. the only christmas kept by the _alabama_ was the usual "splicing of the main-brace" by the crew. we were under way again, the next morning at six o'clock; the weather was clear, with a few passing clouds, and the look-out had not been long at the mast-head before he cried "sail ho!" twice, in quick suggestion. upon being questioned, he reported two large ships at anchor, that looked "sort o' yankee." we soon began to raise these ships from the deck, and when we got a good view of them through our powerful glasses, we were of the same opinion with the look-out. they were evidently yankee. as they were at anchor, and helpless--waiting for a fair wind with which to run out of the strait--we had nothing to gain by a concealment of our character, and showed them at once the confederate flag. that flag--beautiful though it was--must have been a terrible wet blanket upon the schemes of these two yankee skippers. it struck them dumb, for they refused to show me any bunting in return. i captured them both, with the "flaunting lie" stowed away snugly in their cabins. they were monster ships, both of them, being eleven or twelve hundred tons burden. in their innocence--supposing the _alabama_ had gone up the china sea--they had ventured, whilst lying at singapore, to take charter-parties for cargoes of rice to be laden at akyab, for europe; and were now on their way to akyab in ballast. they had left singapore several days before our arrival there, and had been delayed by head-winds. both were massachusetts ships--one the _sonora_ of newburyport, and the other, the _highlander_ of boston. the master of one of these ships, when he was brought on board, came up to me good-humoredly on the quarter-deck, and offering me his hand, which i accepted, said: "well, captain semmes, i have been expecting every day for the last three years, to fall in with you, and here i am at last!" i told him i was glad he had found me after so long a search. "search!" said he; "it is some such search as the devil may be supposed to make after holy water. the fact is," continued he, "i have had constant visions of the _alabama_, by night and by day; she has been chasing me in my sleep, and riding me like a night-mare, and now that it is all over, i feel quite relieved." i permitted the masters and crews of both these ships to hoist out, and provision their own boats, and depart in them for singapore. the ships when overhauled were lying just inside of the light-ship, at the western entrance of the strait of malacca, and it was only pleasant lake or river sailing to singapore. having fired the ships, we steamed out past the light-ship, and were once more in the indian ocean. we found on board one of the prizes a copy of the singapore "times," of the th of december, , from which i give the following extract. at the date of the paper, we were at pulo condore, and the yankee ships were still flocking into singapore:-- "from our to-day's shipping-list it will be seen that there are no fewer than seventeen american merchantmen at present in our harbor, and that they include some of the largest ships at present riding there. their gross tonnage may be roughly set down at , tons. some of these have been lying here now for upward of three months, and most of them for at least half that period. and all this, at a time when there is no dulness in the freight market; but, on the contrary, an active demand for tonnage to all parts of the world. it is, indeed, to us, a home picture--the only one we trust to have for many years to come--of the wide-spread evils of war in these modern days. but it is a picture quite unique in its nature; for the nation to which these seventeen fine ships belong has a navy perhaps second only to that of great britain, and the enemy with which she has to cope, is but a schism from herself, possessed of no port that is not blockaded, and owning not more than five or six vessels on the high seas; and yet there is no apathy and nothing to blame on the part of the united states navy. the tactics with which the federals have to combat are without precedent, and the means to enable them successfully to do so have not yet been devised." chapter li. alabama crosses the bay of bengal--the pilgrims to mecca and the black giants--burning of the emma jane--the town of aujenga, and the hindoos--the great deserts of central asia, and the cotton crop of hindostan--alabama crosses the arabian sea--the animalculÆ of the sea--the comoro islands--johanna and its arab population--the yankee whalers at johanna--alabama passes through the mozambique channel, and arrives at the cape of good hope. on the afternoon after leaving the strait of malacca, we overhauled another american ship under neutral colors--the bremen ship _ottone_. the transfer had been made at bremen, in the previous may; the papers were genuine, and the master and crew all dutchmen, there being no yankee on board. the change of property, in this case, having every appearance of being _bona fide_, i permitted the ship to pass on her voyage, which was to rangoon for rice. for the next few days we coasted the island of sumatra--taking a final leave of the north end of that island on the last day of the year . a court-martial had been in session several days, settling accounts with the runaways at singapore, whom we had arrested and brought back. having sentenced the prisoners, and gotten through with its labors, it was dissolved on this last day of the old year, that we might turn over a new leaf. clearing the sumatra coast, we stretched across to the bay of bengal, toward ceylon, overhauling a number of neutral ships by the way. among others, we boarded a large english ship, which had a novel lot of passengers on board. she was from singapore, bound for jiddah on the red sea, and was filled with the faithful followers of mohammed, on a pilgrimage to mecca--jiddah being the nearest seaport to that renowned shrine. my boarding-officer was greeted with great cordiality by these devotees, who exchanged salaams with him, in the most reverential manner, and entered into conversation with him. they wanted to know, they said, about those black giants we had on board the _alabama_, and whether we fed them on live yankees, as they had heard. the boarding-officer, who was a bit of a wag, told them that we had made the experiment, but that the yankee skippers were so lean and tough, that the giants refused to eat them. whereupon there was a general grunt, and as near an approach to a smile as a mohammedan ever makes. they then said that they "had heard that we were in favor of a plurality of wives." they had heard of brigham young and salt lake. the officer said, "yes, we had a few; three or four dozen a piece." they now insisted upon his smoking with them, and plied him with other questions, to which they received equally satisfactory answers; and when he got up to depart, they crowded around him at the gangway, and salaamed him over the side, more reverentially than ever. i have no doubt that when these passengers arrived at mecca, and discussed learnedly the american war, half the pilgrims at that revered shrine became good confederates. having doubled the island of ceylon, and hauled up on the coast of malabar, we captured on the th of january, the _emma jane_, of bath, maine, from bombay, bound to amherst. having removed from her such articles of provisions as we required, and transferred her crew to the _alabama_, we burned her. she was in ballast, seeking a cargo, and there was, therefore, no claim of neutral property. the master had his wife on board. being not a great distance from the land, we ran in for the purpose of discharging our prisoners; and descried the ghaut mountains the next day. coasting along a short distance to the eastward, we made the small hindoo-portuguese town of anjenga, where we came to anchor at about four p. m. the town lies on the open coast, having a roadstead, but no harbor. we ran in and anchored without a pilot. we were soon surrounded by native boats--large canoes capable of carrying considerable burdens--filled with portuguese and hindoos, and a mixture of both. though the dominion of portugal, on the malabar coast, has long since departed, there are many mementos of that once enterprising people still to be found. her churches and fortifications are still standing, the blood of her people is still left--in most cases mixed--and her language, somewhat corrupted, is still spoken. there was no englishman at anjenga--the resident magistrate being a portuguese. he sent his son off to visit us, and make arrangements for landing our prisoners. later in the afternoon, i sent a lieutenant to call on him. the boat being delayed until some time in the night, and a firing of musketry being heard, i feared that my lieutenant had gotten into some difficulty with the natives, and dispatched kell, with an armed boat to his assistance. it proved to be a false alarm. it was a feast day, the magistrate had gone to church,--which caused the delay of the officer--and the firing was a _feu de joie_. the next morning we sent the prisoners on shore. they were to proceed by inland navigation--parallel with the coast, through a series of lagoons and canals--to cochin, a sea-port town about sixty miles distant, where they would find englishmen and english shipping. i was to provision them, and the resident magistrate would send them forward free of expense. the prisoners landed in presence of half the town, who had flocked down to the beach to see the sight. as our boats approached the shore, on which there was quite a surf breaking, a number of native boats came out to receive and land the prisoners. these boats were managed with great dexterity, and passed in and out through the roaring surf, without the least accident. this matter of business accomplished, the natives came off to visit us, in considerable numbers, both men and women. they were a fine, well-formed, rather athletic people, nearly as black as the negro, but with straight hair and prominent features. very few of them wore any other dress than a cloth about the loins. they were sprightly and chatty, and ran about the decks as pleased as children, inspecting the guns, and other novelties. some of the young women had very regular and pleasing features. the best description i can give of them is to request the reader to imagine some belle of his acquaintance to be divested of those garments which would be useless to her in anjenga--latitude °--and instead of charming him with the lily and the rose, to be shining in lustrous jet. having received on board some fresh provisions for the crew, and gotten rid of our lady and gentlemen visitors, we got under way and stood out to sea, and were still in sight of the ghaut mountains when the sun went down. these mountains will be lost to our view to-morrow; but before they disappear, i have a word to say concerning them, and the fertile country of hindostan, in which they are situated; for nature elaborates here one of her most beautiful and useful of meteorological problems. british india is the most formidable competitor of the confederate states for the production of cotton, for the supply of the spindles and looms of the world. the problem to which i wish to call the reader's attention may be stated thus:--_the great deserts of central africa produce the cotton crop of hindostan._ i have before had frequent occasion to speak of the monsoons of the east--those periodical winds that blow for one half of the year from one point of the compass, and then change, and blow the other half of the year from the opposite point. it is these monsoons that work out the problem we have in hand; and it is the great deserts alluded to that produce the monsoons. on the succeeding page will be found a diagram, which will assist us in the conception of this beautiful operation of nature. it consists of an outline sketch of so much of asia and the indian ocean as are material to our purpose. the great deserts, the himalayas and the ghauts, are marked on the sketch. let the dotted line at the bottom of the sketch represent the equator, and the arrows the direction of the winds. hindostan being in the northern tropic, the north-east monsoon or trade-wind, represented by the arrow a, would prevail there all the year round, but for the local causes of which i am about to speak. the reader will observe that this wind, coming from a high northern latitude, passes almost entirely over _land_ before it reaches hindostan. it is, therefore, a dry wind. it is rendered even more dry, by its passage over the himalaya range of mountains which wring from it what little moisture it may have evaporated from the lakes and rivers over which it has passed. when it reaches the extensive plains between the himalayas and ghauts, which are the great cotton region of hindostan, it has not a drop of water with which to nourish vegetation; and if it were to prevail all the year round, those plains would speedily become parched and waste deserts. [illustration] let us see, now, how this catastrophe is avoided. when the sun is in the southern hemisphere, that is, during the winter season, the north-east monsoon prevails in hindostan. when he is in the northern hemisphere, the south-west monsoon, which is the rainy monsoon, or crop monsoon, prevails. this change of monsoons is produced as follows: soon after the sun crosses the equator into the northern hemisphere, he begins to pour down his fierce rays upon hindostan, and, passing farther and farther to the north, in the latter part of april, or the beginning of may, he is nearly perpendicularly over the great deserts marked in the sketch. these deserts are interminable wastes of sand, in which there is not so much as a blade of grass to be found. they absorb heat very rapidly, and in a short time become like so many fiery furnaces. the air above them rarefies and ascends, a comparative vacuum of great extent is formed, and a great change begins now to take place in the atmospheric phenomena. this vacuum being in the rear of the arrow a, or the north-east monsoon blowing over hindostan, first slackens the force of this wind--drawing it back, as it were. it becomes weaker and weaker, as the furnaces become hotter and hotter. calms ensue, and after a long struggle, the wind is finally turned back, and the south-west monsoon has set in. if the reader will cast his eye on the series of arrows, b, c, d, e, and f, he will see how this gradual change is effected. i say gradual, for it is not effected _per saltum_, but occupies several weeks. the arrow f represents the south-east trade-wind, blowing toward the equator. as this wind nears the equator, it begins to feel the influence of the deserts spoken of. the calm which i have described as beginning at the arrow a, is gradually extended to the equator. as the south-east wind approaches that great circle, it finds nothing to oppose its passage. pretty soon, it not only finds nothing to oppose its passage, but something to invite it over; for the calm begins now to give place to an indraught toward the great deserts. the south-east wind, thus encouraged, changes its course, first to the north, and then to the north-east, and blows stronger and stronger as the season advances, and the heat accumulates over the deserts; until at last the south-east trade-wind of the southern hemisphere has become the south-west monsoon of the northern hemisphere! this monsoon prevails from about the st of may to the st of november, when the sun has again passed into the southern hemisphere, and withdrawn his heat from the great deserts. the normal condition of things being thus restored, the vanquished north-east trade-wind regains its courage, and, chasing back the south-west monsoon, resumes its sway. if the reader will again cast his eye upon the sketch, he will see that the south-west winds which are now blowing over hindostan, instead of being dry winds, must be heavily laden with moisture. they have had a clean sweep from the tropic of capricorn, with no land intervening between them and the coast of hindostan. they have followed the sun in his course, and under the influence of his perpendicular rays have lapped up the waters like a thirsty wolf. the evaporation in these seas is enormous. it has been stated, on the authority of the secretary of the geographical society of bombay, that it has been found in the bay of bengal to exceed an inch daily. from having too little water during the winter months in hindostan, we are now, in the summer months, in danger of having too much. the young cotton crop will be drowned out. what is to prevent it? here we have another beautiful provision at hand. the reader has observed the ghaut mountains stretching along parallel with the west coast of hindostan. these mountains protect the plains from inundation. they have, therefore, equally important functions to perform with the deserts. the south-west monsoon blows square across these mountains. as the heavily laden wind begins to ascend the first slopes, it commences to deposit its moisture. incessant rains set in, and immense quantities of water fall before the winds have passed the mountains. the precipitation has been known to be as great as twelve or thirteen inches in a single day! the winds, thus deprived of their excess of water are now in a proper condition to fertilize, without drowning the immense plains that lie between the ghauts and the himalayas--which, as before remarked, is the cotton region of india. it is thus that the _great deserts of central asia produce the cotton crop of hindostan_. to the ignorant tartar who ventures across the margins of these deserts, all seems dreary, desolate, and death-like, and he is at a loss to conceive for what purpose they were created. clothe these deserts with verdure, and intersperse them with rivers and mountains, and forthwith the fertile plains of hindostan would become a great desert, and its two hundred millions of inhabitants perish. we captured on board the last prize a batch of bombay newspapers--large "dailies," edited with ability, and filled with news from all parts of the world. it is the press, more than anything else, that indicates the growth and prosperity of a country. one only needed to look at the long columns of these immense dailies, filled with advertisements, to realize the fact that bombay was a bee-hive, containing its three hundred thousand inhabitants. we were, indeed, in the midst of a great empire, of which, in the western world, we read, it is true, but of which we have no just conception until we visit it. the british empire in india, stretching from the persian gulf to the strait of malacca, is a creation which does honor to our race and language. i had coasted nearly its whole extent, and everywhere i found evidences of contentment, thrift, and prosperity. a constant stream of british shipping was passing to and fro, developing its immense commerce, and pouring its untold millions into the british exchequer. powerful and swift steamships bring the home mails to three or four prominent points along the coast, as aden, ceylon, singapore, hong kong, and from these points other steamers spread it broadcast over the empire. railroads are pushed in every direction, there being as many as three thousand miles in operation, and the navigation of the coast districts of hindostan has been carried, by means of a series of lagoons and canals, from cape comorin, hundreds of miles to the northward. these railroads and canals have opened up new fields of industry, and have been of especial service in developing that pet idea of england, the production of cotton. up to the breaking out of our war, the cultivation of this valuable staple in india was a mere experiment. it is now an assured success. those great fields lying between the ghauts and the himalayas of which we have been speaking, are being brought into connection with the sea-board, by lines of easy and cheap transportation. they have been found equal to our southern plantations in the production of the article, and labor is a hundred per cent. cheaper, at least, than with us. here are all the elements of cheap production. our yankee brethren have talked a good deal of what they "conquered" in the war, and have been quarrelling ever since over the fruits of their victory. here is one of their conquests which no one can doubt--the transfer of the cotton supply of the world, from these southern states to british india. the time is not far distant when yankee spindles and looms will be spinning and weaving india cotton for the supply of their own people. the moral conquest of india, by the british people, is even more remarkable and more admirable than its physical conquest. since their last indian war, the whole country, from one end of it to the other, has settled down in the most profound peace. nor is this the peace of despotism, for in comparison with the extent of territory, and the two hundred millions of people to be governed, the number of troops is ridiculously small. the conquest is one of arts and civilization, and not of arms. the railroad, the canal, the ship, the printing press, and above all, a paternal and beneficent government, have worked out the wonderful problem of the submission of teeming millions to the few. it is the conquest of race and of intellect. the docile hindoo, not devoid of letters himself, has realized the fact that a superior people has come to settle in his country, to still domestic broils, strip former despots of their ill-gotten and much-abused power, and to rule him with humanity and justice. the torch of civilization has shone in dark places, dispelled many prejudices, and brought to light and broken up many hideous practices. schools and colleges have sprung up everywhere, and the natural taste of the native population for letters has been cultivated. in the very newspapers which we are reviewing are to be found long dissertations and criticisms, by hindoo scholars, on various matters of morals, science, and literature. a government whose foundations are thus laid will be durable. in australia, new zealand, and other colonies, where the white population, in the course of a few years, will greatly preponderate over the native, mere adolescence will bring about independence. but india will never become adolescent in this sense. she will remain indefinitely a prosperous ward in chancery--the guardian and the ward living amicably together, and each sharing the prosperity of the other. on the day after leaving the malabar coast, we spoke a portuguese bark, from rio janeiro bound to goa, a short distance to the northward of us. this was the only portuguese we met in these seas, of which they were, at one period of their history, entire masters. vasco de gama had made the seas classic by his adventures, and his countrymen, following in his track, had studded the coast with towns, of which goa was one of the most ancient and important. as between the hindoo and the portuguese, the latter would probably long have maintained his ascendency, but there came along that superior race--that white race which has never submitted to any admixture of its blood--of which we have just been speaking, and nature, with her unvarying laws, had done the rest. the portuguese gave place to the englishman, as naturally as the african, and afterward the hindoo, had given place to the portuguese. passing through the chain of islands which extends parallel with the malabar coast for some distance, we stretched across the arabian sea in the direction of the east coast of africa. we were now in the height of the season of the north-east monsoon, which was a fair wind for us, and the weather was as delightful as i have ever experienced it in any part of the globe--not even excepting our own gulf of mexico, and coasts of alabama, and florida, in the summer season. for twelve successive days, we did not have occasion to lower a studding sail, day or night! we had a constant series of clear skies, and gentle breezes. the nights were serene, and transparent, and the sunsets were magnificent beyond description. the trade wind is, _par excellence_, the wind of beautiful sunsets. bright, gauzy clouds, float along lazily before it, and sometimes the most charming cumuli are piled up on the western horizon while the sun is going down. stately cathedrals, with their domes and spires complete, may be traced by the eye of fancy, and the most gorgeous of golden, violet, orange, purple, green, and other hues, light up now a colonnade, now a dome, and now a spire of the aërial edifice. and then came on the twilight, with its gray and purple blended, and with the twilight, the sounds of merriment on board the _alabama_--for we had found a successor for michael mahoney, the irish fiddler, and the usual evening dances were being held. we had been now some time at sea, since leaving singapore; the "jail had been delivered," the proper punishments administered, and jack, having forgotten both his offences, and their punishment, had again become a "good boy," and was as full of fun as ever. we had some fine fishing while passing through the arabian sea. the dolphin came around us in schools, and a number of them were struck with the "grains," and caught with lines--the bait being a piece of red flannel rag. and some of the seamen resorted to an ingenious device for entrapping the flying fish by night. a net being spread, with out-riggers, under the bow of the ship, and a light being held just above it, the fish, as they would rise in coveys--being flushed from time to time by the noise of the ship through the water--would rush at the light, and striking against the bow of the ship, tumble into the net beneath. bartelli, on several mornings, spread my breakfast-table with them. on the th of january, we observed in latitude ° ' north, and longitude ° east; and on the following evening passed through a remarkable patch of the sea. at about eight p. m., there being no moon, but the sky being clear, and the stars shining brightly, we suddenly passed from the deep blue water in which we had been sailing, into a patch of water so white that it startled me; so much did it appear like a shoal. to look over the ship's side, one would have sworn that she was in no more than five or six fathoms of water. the officer of the deck became evidently alarmed, and reported the fact to me, though i myself had observed it. there was no shoal laid down, within several hundred miles of our position, on the chart, and yet here was so manifestly one, that i shortened sail--we were running seven or eight knots per hour at the time, with a fresh breeze--hove the ship to, and got a cast of the deep-sea lead. the line ran out, and out, until a hundred fathoms had been taken by the lead, and still we found no bottom. we now checked the line, and hauling in the lead, made sail again. my fears thus quieted, i observed the phenomenon more at leisure. the patch was extensive. we were several hours in running through it. around the horizon there was a subdued glare, or flush, as though there were a distant illumination going on, whilst overhead there was a lurid, dark sky, in which the stars paled. the whole face of nature seemed changed, and with but little stretch of the imagination, the _alabama_ might have been conceived to be a phantom ship, lighted up by the sickly and unearthly glare of a phantom sea, and gliding on under the pale stars one knew not whither. upon drawing a bucket of this water, it appeared to be full of minute luminous particles; the particles being instinct with life, and darting, and playing about in every direction; but upon a deck-lantern being brought, and held over the bucket, the little animals would all disappear, and nothing but a bucket full of _grayish_ water would be left. here was an area of twenty miles square, in which nature, who delights in life, was holding one of her starlight revels, with her myriads upon myriads of living creatures, each rejoicing in the life given it by its creator, and dying almost as soon as born. the sun would rise on the morrow, over a sea as blue as usual, with only some motes in the pelluced waters glinting back his rays; and this twenty miles square of life would be no longer distinguishable from the surrounding waters. we crossed the equator on the th of january. the winds had now become light, and frequent calms ensued, though the bright weather continued. on the th of february we made the comoro islands, that lie not a great way from the coast of africa, and, getting up steam, ran in, and anchored at johanna. this island is the most frequented of the group; ships bound to and from the east indies, by the way of the mozambique channel, frequently stopping here for refreshments. all these islands are volcanic in origin. they are of small extent, rise abruptly out of the sea, with deep water around them, and are mountainous. they are not claimed by any european nation; nor do any of the chiefs on the neighboring coast of africa attempt to exercise jurisdiction over them. they are inhabited by a mixed race of arabs, africans, and east indians, and each has its separate government, which is always a government of force, and is frequently overthrown by revolutions. johanna, at the time we visited it, was under the rule of an arab, who styled himself, the "sultan abdallah." from the circumstance that english ships frequently stop here, most of the inhabitants who live on the sea-coast speak a little english, and we were surprised, when we anchored, to find ourselves quite well known. the name of our ship was familiar to the dusky inhabitants, and they were evidently much delighted at our arrival. the "sultan" did not come on board--he was busy, he said, putting up a sugar-mill--but he sent his minister of foreign affairs, and commander-in-chief of his army to see me; and with these, galt, my paymaster, had no difficulty in contracting for the regular supply of bullocks and vegetables, to be sent off to us during our stay. i had come in solely for the purpose of refreshing my crew, and for this purpose we remained a week. during this time we became quite friendly with the johannese--receiving frequent visits from them, and visiting them at their houses in return. we were quite surprised at the intelligence and civilization which characterized them. they nearly all read and write, and the better classes set up some pretensions to literature. they are mohammedans in faith, and i found some of their priests, who were fond of visiting me, sprightly, well informed, and liberal men, acknowledging both moses and christ to have been prophets, and entertaining a respect for the christian religion; doubtless the result of their intercourse with the english. i visited the houses of some of my friends with the hope of getting a glimpse at their domestic life, but was disappointed. they received me with all cordiality and respect, but the females of their families were carefully kept out of sight. a female slave would fan me, and hand me my coffee and sherbet, but that was all. their slavery appeared to be of a mitigated form, the slaves being on easy and even familiar terms with their masters. the houries who fanned me could have been bought for twenty dollars each. the price of a slave fresh from the coast, is not more than half that sum. i gave my sailors a run on shore, but this sort of "liberty" was awful hard work for jack. there was no such thing as a glass of grog to be found in the whole town, and as for a fiddle, and sal for a partner--all of which would have been a matter of course in _civilized_ countries--there were no such luxuries to be thought of. they found it a difficult matter to get through with the day, and were all down at the beach long before sunset--the hour appointed for their coming off--waiting for the approach of the welcome boat. i told kell to let them go on shore as often as they pleased, but no one made a second application. on the th of february, having received on board a supply of half a dozen live bullocks, and some fruits and vegetables, we got under way, and again turned our head to the south-west. the winds were light, but we were much assisted by the currents; for we were now approaching the mozambique channel, and the south-west current, of which i spoke when we left the cape of good hope for our run before the "brave west winds," to the eastward, was hurrying us forward, sometimes at the rate of forty or fifty miles a day. as we progressed, the wind freshened, and by the time we had entered the narrowest part of the channel between madagascar and the african coast, which lies in about ° south latitude, we lost the fine weather and clear skies, which we had brought all the way across the arabian sea. we now took several gales of wind. rain-squalls were of frequent occurrence. as we approached the south-west end of madagascar, which lies just without the tropic of capricorn, we encountered one of the most sublime storms of thunder and lightning i ever witnessed. it occurred at night. black rain-clouds mustered from every quarter of the compass, and the heavens were soon so densely and darkly overcast, that it was impossible to see across the ship's deck. sometimes the most terrific squalls of wind accompany these storms, and we furled most of the sails, and awaited in silence the _denouement_. the thunder rolled and crashed, as if the skies were falling in pieces; and the lightning--sheet lightning, streaked lightning, forked lightning--kept the firmament almost constantly ablaze. and the rain! i thought i had seen it rain before, but for an hour, madagascar beat the ghaut mountains. it came down almost literally by the bucketfull. almost a continual stream of lightning ran down our conductors, and hissed as it leaped into the sea. there was not much wind, but all the other meteorological elements were there in perfection. madagascar is, perhaps, above all other countries, the bantling and the plaything of the storm, and thunder and lightning. its plains, heated to nearly furnace-heat, by a tropical sun, its ranges of lofty mountains, the currents that sweep along its coasts, and its proximity to equatorial africa, all point it out as being in a region fertile of meteorological phenomena. cyclones of small diameter are of frequent occurrence in the mozambique channel. they travel usually from south-east to north-west, or straight across the channel. we took one of these short gales, which lasted us the greater part of a day. leaving the channel, and pursuing our way toward the cape of good hope, we sounded on the agulhas bank on the th of march--our latitude being ° ', and longitude ° '. this bank is sometimes the scene of terrible conflicts of the elements in the winter season. stout ships are literally swamped here, by the huge, wall-like seas; and the frames of others so much shaken and loosened in every knee and joint, as to render them unseaworthy. the cause of these terrible, short, racking seas, is the meeting of the winds and currents. whilst the awful, wintry gale is howling from the west and north-west, the mozambique, or agulhas current, as it is now called, is setting in its teeth, sometimes at the rate of two or three knots per hour. a struggle ensues between the billows lashed into fury by the winds, and the angry current which is opposing them. the ground-swell contributes to the turmoil of the elements, and the stoutest mariner sometimes stands appalled at the spectacle of seas with nearly perpendicular walls, battering his ship like so many battering-rams, and threatening her with instant destruction. hence the name of the "stormy cape," applied to the cape of good hope. arriving on our old cruising ground off the pitch of the cape, we held ourselves here a few days, overhauling the various ships that passed. but american commerce, which, as the reader has seen, had fled this beaten track before we left for the east indies, had not returned to it. the few ships of the enemy that passed, still gave the cape a wide berth, and winged their flight homeward over the by-ways, instead of the highways of the ocean. we found the coast clear again of the enemy's cruisers. that huge old coal-box, the _vanderbilt_, having thought it useless to pursue us farther, had turned back, and was now probably doing a more profitable business, by picking up blockade-runners on the american coast. this operation _paid_--the captain might grow rich upon it. chasing the _alabama_ did not. finding that it was useless for us to cruise longer off the cape, we ran into cape town, and came to anchor at half-past four, on the afternoon of the th of march. we had gone to sea from simon's town, on our way to the east indies, on the th of the preceding september,--our cruise had thus lasted within a day or two of six months. chapter lii. alabama again in cape town--the seizure of the tuscaloosa, and the discussion which grew out of it--correspondence between the author and admiral walker--final action of the home government, and release of the tuscaloosa. after our long absence in the east indies, we felt like returning home when we ran into table bay. familiar faces greeted us, and the same welcome was extended to us as upon our first visit. an unpleasant surprise awaited me, however, in the course the british government had recently pursued in regard to my tender, the _tuscaloosa_. the reader will recollect, that i had dispatched this vessel from angra pequeña, back to the coast of brazil, to make a cruise on that coast. having made her cruise, she returned to simon's town, in the latter part of december, in want of repairs and supplies. much to the astonishment of her commander, she was seized, a few days afterward, by admiral sir baldwin walker, under orders from the home government. since i had left the cape, a correspondence had ensued between the governor, sir philip wodehouse, and the secretary for the colonies, the duke of newcastle; the latter disapproving of the conduct of the former, in the matter of the reception of the _tuscaloosa_. it was insisted by the duke, that inasmuch as the _tuscaloosa_ was an uncondemned prize, she was not entitled to be regarded as a ship of war; but that, on the contrary, having been brought into british waters, in violation of the queen's orders of neutrality, she should have been detained, and handed over to her original owners. under these instructions, the _tuscaloosa_ was seized upon her return to the cape. this correspondence between the governor and the duke had not yet been made public, and it was supposed that the seizure had been made by order of lord john russell. under this impression i sat down, and addressed the following letter to sir baldwin walker, the admiral, on the subject:-- confederate states steamer alabama, table bay, march , . sir:--i was surprised to learn, upon my arrival at this port, of the detention, by your order, of the confederate states bark _tuscaloosa_, a tender to this ship. i take it for granted that you detained her by order of the home government, as no other supposition is consistent with my knowledge of the candor of your character--the _tuscaloosa_ having been formerly received by you as a regularly commissioned tender, and no new facts appearing in the case to change your decision. under these circumstances, i shall not demand of you the restoration of that vessel, with which demand you would not have the power to comply, but will content myself with putting this, my protest, on record, for the future consideration of our respective governments. earl russell, in reaching the decision which he has communicated to you, must surely have misapprehended the facts; for if he had correctly understood them, he could not have been capable of so grossly misapplying the law. the facts are briefly these: _first_, the _tuscaloosa_ was formerly the enemy's ship _conrad_, lawfully captured by me on the high seas, in my recognized character of a belligerent. _ dly_, she was duly commissioned by me, as a tender to the confederate states steamer _alabama_, then, as now, under my command. _ dly_, in this character she entered british waters, was received with the courtesy and hospitality due to a ship of war of a friendly power, and was permitted to repair and refit, and depart on a cruise. these were the facts up to the time of earl russell's issuing to you the order in the premises. let us consider them for a moment, and see if they afford his lordship any ground for the extraordinary conclusion at which he has arrived. my right to capture, and the legality of the capture, will not be denied. nor will you deny, in your experience as a naval officer, my right to commission this, or any other ship lawfully in my possession, as a tender to my principal ship. british admirals do this every day, on distant stations; and the tender, from the time of her being put in commission, wears a pennant, and is entitled to all the immunities and privileges of a ship of war, the right of capturing enemy's ships included. numerous decisions are to be found in your own prize law to this effect. in other words, this is one of the recognized modes of commissioning a ship of war, which has grown out of the convenience of the thing, and become a sort of naval common law of the sea, as indisputable as the written law itself. the only difference between the commission of such a ship, and that of a ship commissioned by the sovereign authority at home is, that the word "tender" appears in the former commission, and not in the latter. the _tuscaloosa_ having, then, been commissioned by me, in accordance with the recognized practice of all civilized nations that have a marine, can any other government than my own look into her antecedents? clearly not. the only thing which can be looked at, upon her entering a foreign port, is her commission. if this be issued by competent authority, you cannot proceed a step further. the ship then becomes a part of the territory of the country to which she belongs, and you can exercise no more jurisdiction over her, than over that territory. the self-respect, and the independence of nations require this; for it would be a monstrous doctrine, to admit, that one nation may inquire into the title by which another nation holds her ships of war. and there can be no difference, in this respect, between tenders, and ships originally commissioned. the flag and the pennant fly over them both, and they are both withdrawn from the local jurisdiction by competent commissions. on principle you might as well have undertaken to inquire into the antecedents of the _alabama_ as of the _tuscaloosa_. indeed, you had a better reason for inquiring into the antecedents of the former, than of the latter; it having been alleged that the former escaped from england in violation of your foreign enlistment act. mr. adams, the united states minister at london, did, in fact, set up this pretension, and demand that the _alabama_ should be seized in the first british port into which she should enter; but earl russell, in pointed contradiction of his recent conduct in the case of the _tuscaloosa_, gave him the proper legal reply, viz.: that the _alabama_ being now a ship of war, he was estopped from looking into her antecedents. a simple illustration will suffice to show you how untenable your position is in this matter. if the _tuscaloosa's_ commission be admitted to have been issued by competent authority, and in due form--and i do not understand this to be denied--she is as much a ship of war as the _narcissus_, your flag-ship. suppose you should visit a french port, under circumstances similar to those under which the _tuscaloosa_ visited simon's town, and the french government should threaten you with seizure, unless you satisfied it as to the antecedents of your ship, what would you think of the pretension? suppose your late war with russia was still progressing--france being neutral--and your ship had been captured from the russians, and commissioned by your government, without having first been condemned by a prize court, would this make any difference? you see that it would not. the pretension would be an insult to your government. and in what does the supposed proceeding differ from the one in hand? in both it is a pretension on the part of a foreign power, to look into the antecedents of a ship of war--neither more nor less in the one case than in the other. i will even put the case stronger. if i had seized a ship belonging to a power with which my government was at peace, and commissioned her, you could not undertake to inquire into the fact. you would have no right to know, but that i had the orders of my government for the seizure. in short, you would have no right to inquire into the matter at all. my ship being regularly commissioned, i am responsible to my government for my acts, and that government, in the case supposed, would be responsible to the friendly power whose ship had been seized, and not to you. nay, the case may be put stronger still. the federal states have captured a number of british vessels, in the act of attempting to run the blockade of the ports of the confederate states. suppose the federal states had commissioned one of these ships, without her having been first condemned by a prize-court, and she had afterward come into british waters, could you have seized her, even though you might know her capture to have been wrongful? certainly not. it would be a matter which you could inquire into in another form, but not in this. the ship would have become a ship of war, exempt from your jurisdiction, and you could not touch her. if this reasoning be correct--and with all due submission to his lordship, i think it is sustained by the plainest principles of the international code--it follows that the condemnation of a prize in a prize-court, is not the only mode of changing the character of a captured ship. when the sovereign of the captor puts his commission on board such a ship, this is a condemnation in its most solemn form; and is notice to all the world. further, as to this question of adjudication. your letter to lieutenant low, the late commander of the _tuscaloosa_, assumes that as that ship was not condemned, she was the property of the enemy from whom she had been taken. on what ground can you undertake to make this decision? condemnation is intended for the benefit of neutrals, and to quiet the titles of purchasers, but is never necessary as against the enemy. he has, and can have no rights in a prize-court at all. he cannot appear there, either in person or by attorney. he is divested of his property by _force_, and not by any legal process. the _possession_ of his property by his enemy, is all that is required as against him. what right, then, has the british government to step in between me and my right of possession--waiving, for the present, the question of the commission, and supposing the _tuscaloosa_ to be nothing more than a prize-ship? does the fact of my prize being in british waters, in violation of the queen's proclamation, give it this right? clearly not; for we are speaking now of rights under the laws of nations, and a mere municipal order cannot abrogate these. the prize may be ordered out of the port, but my possession is as firm in port, as out. there is but a single class of cases that i am aware of, in which a neutral power can undertake to adjudicate a prize-case, and that is, where it is alleged that the capture has been made in neutral waters, in violation of the neutral jurisdiction. in that case a neutral court of admiralty may, in case the prize be afterward brought _infra presidia_ of the neutral country, inquire into the facts, and may even restore the prize to the enemy, if it should appear that the neutral jurisdiction has been violated. but this restoration of the property to the enemy depends upon an entirely different principle. the right of capture does not exist within the marine league. there was, therefore, no capture; and there having been no capture, as a matter of course, the property belongs to the enemy, and must be restored to him. to show the irrefragable nature of my possession, permit me to quote to your excellency, one of your own authorities. on page forty-two of the first volume of "phillimore on international law," you will find the following passage:--"in a treaty was entered into between england and portugal, by which, among other things, both countries mutually bound themselves not to suffer the ships and goods of the other, taken by enemies and carried into the ports of the other, to be conveyed away from the original owners or proprietors." here two powers bound themselves, by treaty, to do what the british government is now attempting to do; that is, to interpose between the captor and his prize, undo his possession, and hand the prize back to its original owners. great britain said to portugal, "i will not permit your enemies to bring any ships they may capture from you, into my ports, and if they do, i will restore them to you." in , in a case before lord stowell, that great admiralty judge had occasion to comment on this treaty, and used the following language in relation to it:--"now i have no scruple in saying, that this is an article incapable of being carried into literal execution, according to the modern understanding of the laws of nations; for no neutral country can intervene to wrest from a belligerent prizes _lawfully taken_. this is, perhaps, the strongest instance that could be cited of what civilians call the _consuetudo obrogatoria_." the _custom_, in the law of nations, _abrogated_ even a treaty, in that case. the prize being once _lawfully made_, an english court of admiralty could not intervene to wrest it from the captor, even though commanded so to do by a treaty. will lord russell undertake, in face of this decision, and of his own mere motion, without even the formality of process from an admiralty court, to wrest my prize from me, and hand it over to the enemy? my government cannot fail, i think, to view this matter in the light in which i have placed it; and it is deeply to be regretted, that a weaker people, struggling against a stronger for very existence, should have so much cause to complain of the unfriendly disposition of a government, from which, if it represents truly the generous instincts of englishmen, we had the right to expect, at least, a manly disposition to do us justice. governor wodehouse was, from the first, very clearly of the opinion that the _tuscaloosa_ was entitled to be considered and treated as a ship of war, and in his correspondence with the duke of newcastle, before referred to, he maintained this opinion with great force and clearness. he was, besides, fortified by the opinion of the attorney-general of the colony. the seizure of the _tuscaloosa_ made some stir among the politicians in england. the subject was brought to the notice of the house of commons, and information asked for. the cabinet took it up, and were obliged to reverse the decision of the duke of newcastle. on the th of march, , the duke wrote to governor wodehouse as follows: "i have received your despatches of the th and th of january, reporting the circumstances connected with the seizure of the confederate prize-vessel _tuscaloosa_, under the joint authority of the naval commander-in-chief and yourself. i have to instruct you to restore the _tuscaloosa_ to the lieutenant of the confederate states, who lately commanded her, or if he should have left the cape, then to retain her until she can be handed over to some person who may have authority from captain semmes, of the _alabama_, or from the government of the confederate states, to receive her." the london "times," of the th of march, , in reporting the proceedings of the house of commons for the preceding day, contained the following paragraph:-- "_the tuscaloosa._--mr. peacocke asked on what grounds the _tuscaloosa_ had been seized at the cape of good hope. lord palmerston said, that it was in conformity with the instructions received, that the authorities at the cape of good hope had seized this vessel, but on representations that had been made to the government, and on full consideration of the case, it had been determined that there had been no proper ground for the seizure of the vessel, and its release had been ordered." the order to restore the _tuscaloosa_ did not reach the cape until after both lieutenant low and myself had left, and the war drew so speedily to a close, that possession of her was never resumed. at the close of the war, she fell, along with other confederate property, into the hands of the federals. besides embalming the beautiful name "_tuscaloosa_" in history, this prize-ship settled the law point i had been so long contesting with mr. seward and mr. adams, to wit: that "one nation cannot inquire into the antecedents of the ships of war of another nation;" and consequently that when the _alabama_ escaped from british waters and was commissioned, neither the united states nor great britain could object to her _status_ as a ship of war. chapter liii. the alabama at the cape of good hope--leaves on her return to europe--capture of the rockingham and of the tycoon--crosses the equator into the northern hemisphere, and arrives and anchors at cherbourg on the th of june, --the combat between the alabama and the kearsarge. we entered table bay on the th of march, and on the next day we had the usual equinoctial gale. the wind was from the south-east, and blew very heavily for twenty-four hours. we let go a second anchor, and veered to ninety fathoms on the riding-chain. the usual phenomena accompanied this south-east gale, viz., a clear sky and a high barometer. the d----l kept his table-cloth spread on the top of the mountain during the whole of the gale, and it was wonderful to watch the unvarying size and shape of this fleecy cloud, every particle of which was being changed from moment to moment. some boats visited us, notwithstanding the gale, and brought us off some of the delightful grapes and figs of the cape. we were in the midst of the fruit season. our old friend, mr. william anderson, of the firm of anderson, saxon & co., who had acted as our agent, on the occasion of our former visit, so much to our satisfaction, also came off to arrange for further supplies. there was no occasion any longer for him to draw upon our public chest, the proceeds of the merchandise shipped by him to europe, on our account, being sufficient to pay all bills. the gale having moderated the next day, lighters came alongside, and we began coaling, and receiving such supplies of provisions as we needed. visitors again thronged on board, and the energies and address of bartelli were freshly taxed. for a phlegmatic, impassible people, the english are, perhaps, the greatest sight-seekers in the world; and the cape of good hope, being, as before remarked, a relay station on the principal highway of travel, is always filled with new-comers. military and naval officers, governors, judges, superintendents of boards of trade, attorney-generals, all on their way to their missions in the far east, came to see the _alabama_. though we were sometimes incommoded by the crowd, in the midst of our coaling and provisioning ship, scraping masts and tarring down rigging, we received everybody politely, and answered patiently their curious questions. when we were here last, we had had occasion to notice an american bark called the _urania_, a trader between boston and the cape, which took every opportunity to display a very large and very bright "old flag," during our stay. the _urania_ had made a voyage to boston and back, during our absence, and now came in, tricked out so finely in her "bran-new" english flag that we hardly knew her! in three days we were ready for sea. on the morning of the th, we got up steam, and moved out of table bay for the last time, amidst lusty cheers, and the waving of handkerchiefs from the fleet of boats by which we were surrounded. as we were going out, it so happened that a yankee steamer was coming in. the _quang tung_, a fast steamer, recently built for the china trade, and now on her way to the flowery land, not dreaming that the _alabama_ was at the cape, had made table mountain that morning, and now came steaming into the harbor. both ships being within the marine league, we could not touch her, which was a sore trial, for the _quang tung_ was a beauty, and passed so close under our guns, that the confederate and united states flags nearly touched each other; the crews of the two ships looking on in silence. half an hour more, and the capture of the _sea-bride_ would have been repeated, to the gratification of our many friends at the cape. reaching the offing, we permitted our fires to go down, and put the ship, as usual, under sail. my intention now was, to make the best of my way to england or france, for the purpose of docking, and thoroughly overhauling and repairing my ship, in accordance with my previously expressed design. i had been so much occupied with business and visitors, at the cape, that i had not even had time to read the newspapers. but my friends had brought me off a bountiful supply for sea, and i now had a little leisure to look at them. the news was not encouraging. our people were being harder and harder pressed by the enemy, and post after post within our territory was being occupied by him. the signs of weakness, on our part, which i mentioned as becoming, for the first time, painfully apparent, after the battle of gettysburg, and the surrender of vicksburg, were multiplying. the blockade of the coast, by reason of the constantly increasing fleets of the enemy, was becoming more and more stringent. our finances were rapidly deteriorating, and a general demoralization, in consequence, seemed to be spreading among our people. from the whole review of the "situation," i was very apprehensive that the cruises of the _alabama_ were drawing to a close. as for ourselves, we were doing the best we could, with our limited means, to harass and cripple the enemy's commerce, that important sinew of war; but the enemy seemed resolved to let his commerce go, rather than forego his purpose of subjugating us; rendering it up a willing sacrifice on the profane altar of his fanaticism, and the devilish passions which had been engendered by the war. probably, if the alternative had been presented to him, in the beginning of the war, "will you lose your commerce, or permit the southern states to go free?" he would have chosen the latter. but he seemed, in the earlier stages of the war, to have had no thought of losing his commerce; and when it became apparent that this misfortune would befall him, he was, as before remarked, too deeply engaged in the contest to heed it. among the speeches that met my eye, in the english papers, was another from my friend, mr. milner gibson, president of the board of trade--him of the "ham and eggs," whom i quoted some chapters back. mr. gibson had risen above ham and eggs, this time, and was talking about english and american shipping. as president of the board of trade, he was good authority, and i was glad to learn from him, the extent to which, in conjunction with other confederate cruisers, i had damaged the enemy's commerce. his speech was delivered at ashton-under-lyne, on the th of january, , and among other things he said:-- "the number of british ships entering in, and clearing out with cargoes in the united kingdom, has increased in the present year to an amount of something like fourteen million of tons and upward, against seven million tons of foreign shipping; thus showing, that with a great increase altogether, british shipping has kept gradually in advance of foreign shipping in the trade with the united kingdom. but it would not be fair to take credit for this improvement in shipping, as due to any policy in this country. i am afraid that some of it is due to the transference of the carrying-trade from american ships to british ships. and why this transference from american ships to british ships? no doubt, partially in consequence of the war that prevails in america, there may not be the same power in manning and fitting out merchant vessels. but i am afraid there is something more than that. there is the fear among the american merchant shipping of attacks by certain armed vessels that are careering over the ocean, and that are burning and destroying all united states merchant ships that they find upon the high seas. the fear, therefore, of destruction by these cruisers, has caused a large transfer of american carrying to british ships. now the decrease in the employment of american shipping is very great in the trade between england and the united states. it is something like or per cent. i mention these facts to show you that it is right that the attention of this great commercial nation should be seriously turned to those laws which govern the action of belligerents upon the high seas--(hear! hear!)--for if some two or three armed steamers, which a country with no pretensions to a navy, can easily send upon the ocean, armed with one or two guns, can almost clear the seas of the merchant shipping of a particular nation, what might happen to this country, with her extensive commerce over the seas, if she went to war with some nation that availed herself of the use of similar descriptions of vessels. (hear! hear!)" though the subject was done up in a new form, it was still "ham and eggs"--british interests--as the reader sees. mr. milner gibson was not over-stating the damage we had done the enemy. he was unfriendly to us, and therefore inclined to under-state it. according to his statistics, we had destroyed, or driven for protection under the english flag, in round numbers, one half of the enemy's ships engaged in the english trade. we did even greater damage to the enemy's trade with other powers. we broke up almost entirely his trade with brazil, and the other south american states, greatly crippled his pacific trade, and as for his east india trade, it is only necessary to refer the reader to the spectacle presented at singapore, to show him what had become of that. i threw my ship, now, into the "fair way," leading from the cape of good hope, to the equatorial crossing, east of our old trysting-place, fernando de noronha; shortening sail, from time to time, and see-sawing across the highway, to give any yankee ships that might be travelling it, the opportunity to come up with me. i held myself in check, a day or two, in the vicinity of st. helena, experiencing all the vicissitudes of weather, so feelingly complained of by the "great captive" on that barren rock. leaving st. helena, we jogged along leisurely under topsails, the stream of commerce flowing past us, but there being no yankee ships in the stream. "howl, ye ships of tarshish, for your strength is laid waste." on the d of april, having reached the track of the homeward-bound pacific ships of the enemy, we descried an unlucky yankee, to whom we immediately gave chase. the chase continued the whole night, the moon shining brightly, the breeze being gentle, and the sea smooth. the yankee worked like a good fellow to get away, piling clouds of canvas upon his ship, and handling her with the usual skill, but it was of no use. when the day dawned we were within a couple of miles of him. it was the old spectacle of the panting, breathless fawn, and the inexorable stag-hound. a gun brought his colors to the peak, and his main-yard to the mast. the prize proved to be the ship _rockingham_, from callao, bound to cork for orders. her cargo consisted of guano from the chincha islands, and there was an attempt to protect it. it was shipped by the "guano consignment company of great britain." among the papers was a certificate, of which the following is the purport: one joseph a. danino, who signs for danino & moscosa, certifies that the guano belongs to the peruvian government; and her britannic majesty's consul at lima, certifies that the said joseph a. danino appeared before him, and "voluntarily declared, that the foregoing signature is of his own handwriting, and also, that the cargo above mentioned is truly and verily the property of the peruvian government." this was about equal to some of the yankee attempts, that have been noticed, to cover cargoes. with the most perfect unconcern for the laws of nations, no one swore to anything. mr. danino certified, and the consul certified that mr. danino had certified. _voila tout!_ we transferred to the _alabama_ such stores and provisions as we could make room for, and the weather being fine, we made a target of the prize, firing some shot and shell into her with good effect; and at five p. m. we burned her, and filled away on our course. a few days afterward--on the th of april--being in latitude ° ' s. and longitude ° ' w., the weather being fine, and the wind light from the south-east, we descried, at three p. m., a large ship standing directly for us. neither ship changed tack or sheet until we were within speaking distance. nor had we shown the stranger any colors. we now hailed, and ordered him to heave to, whilst we should send aboard of him, hoisting our colors at the same time. we had previously seen the yankee colors in the hands of one of his seamen, ready to be hoisted. the whole thing was done so quietly, that one would have thought it was two friends meeting. the prize proved to be the _tycoon_, from new york, for san francisco. she had the usual valuable and assorted cargo. there was no claim of neutral property among the papers. the ship being only thirty-six days from new york, we received from her a batch of late newspapers; and a portion of her cargo consisting of clothing, the paymaster was enabled to replenish his store-rooms with every variety of wearing apparel. we applied the torch to her soon after nightfall. on the d of may, we recrossed the equator into the northern hemisphere, took the north-east trade-wind, after the usual interval of calm, and the usual amount of thunder, lightning, and rain, and with it, ran up to our old toll-gate, at the crossing of the th parallel, where, as the reader will recollect, we halted, on our outward passage, and _viséd_ the passports of so many travellers. the poor old _alabama_ was not now what she had been then. she was like the wearied fox-hound, limping back after a long chase, foot-sore, and longing for quiet and repose. her commander, like herself, was well-nigh worn down. vigils by night and by day, the storm and the drenching rain, the frequent and rapid change of climate, now freezing, now melting or broiling, and the constant excitement of the chase and capture, had laid, in the three years of war he had been afloat, a load of a dozen years on his shoulders. the shadows of a sorrowful future, too, began to rest upon his spirit. the last batch of newspapers captured were full of disasters. might it not be, that, after all our trials and sacrifices, the cause for which we were struggling would be lost? might not our federal system of government be destroyed, and state independence become a phrase of the past; the glorious fabric of our american liberty sinking, as so many others had done before it, under a new invasion of brennuses and attilas? the thought was hard to bear. we passed through our old cruising-ground, the azores, sighting several of the islands which called up reminiscences of the christening of our ship, and of the sturdy blows she had struck at the enemy's whaling fleet, in the first days of her career. thence we stretched over to the coasts of spain and portugal, and thence to the british channel, making the lizard on the th of june, and being fortunate enough to get a channel pilot on board, just as night was setting in, with a thick south-wester brewing. by eleven p. m., we were up with the "start" light, and at ten the next morning, we made cape la hague, on the coast of france. we were now boarded by a french pilot, and at thirty minutes past noon, we let go our anchor in the port of cherbourg. this was to be the _alabama's_ last port. she had run her career, her record had been made up, and in a few days more, she would lay her bones beneath the waters of the british channel, and be a thing of the past. i had brought back with me all my officers, except the paymaster, whom i had discharged at the island of jamaica, as related in a former chapter, and the young engineer, who had been accidentally killed at saldanha bay. many changes had taken place, of course, among my crew, as is always the case with sailors, but still a large proportion of my old men had come back with me. these were faithful and true, and took more than an ordinary interest in their ship and their flag. there were harmony and mutual confidence between officers and men. our discipline had been rigid, but mercy had always tempered justice, and the sailors understood and appreciated this. i had been successful with the health of my men beyond precedent. in my two ships, the _sumter_ and _alabama_, i had had, first and last, say five hundred men under my command. the ships were small and crowded. as many as two thousand prisoners were confined, for longer or shorter periods, on board the two ships; and yet, out of the total of twenty-five hundred men, _i had not lost a single man by disease_. i had skilful and attentive surgeons, i gave them _carte blanche_ with regard to medicines and diet, and my first lieutenant understood it to be an important part of his duty to husband the strength of his men. the means which were resorted to by all these officers, for preserving the health of the crew, have been detailed. the reader has seen, not only how their clothing was changed as we changed our latitude, but how it was changed every evening, when we were in warm climates. he has seen how sedulously we guarded against intemperance, at the same time that we gave the sailor his regular allowance of grog. and last, though by no means least, he has seen how we endeavored to promote a cheerful and hilarious spirit among them, being present at, and encouraging them in their diversions. immediately upon anchoring, i sent an officer to call on the port admiral, and ask leave to land my prisoners from the two last ships captured. this was readily granted, and the next day i went on shore to see him myself, in relation to docking and repairing my ship. my arrival had, of course, been telegraphed to paris, and indeed, by this time, had been spread all over europe. the admiral regretted that i had not gone into havre, or some other commercial port, where i would have found private docks. cherbourg being exclusively a naval station, the docks all belonged to the government, and the government would have preferred not to dock and repair a belligerent ship. no positive objection was made, however, and the matter was laid over, until the emperor could be communicated with. the emperor was then at biarritz, a small watering-place on the south coast, and would not be back in paris for several days. it was my intention, if i had been admitted promptly into dock, to give my crew a leave of absence for a couple of months. they would have been discharged, and dispersed, in the first twenty-four hours after my arrival, but for this temporary absence of the emperor. the combat, therefore, which ensued, may be said to be due to the emperor's accidental absence from paris. when the _alabama_ arrived in cherbourg, the enemy's steamer _kearsarge_ was lying at flushing. on the th of june, or three days after our arrival, she steamed into the harbor of cherbourg, sent a boat on shore to communicate with the authorities, and, without anchoring, steamed out again, and took her station off the breakwater. we had heard, a day or two before, of the expected arrival of this ship, and it was generally understood among my crew that i intended to engage her. her appearance, therefore, produced no little excitement on board. the object which the _kearsarge_ had in view, in communicating with the authorities, was to request that the prisoners i had sent on shore might be delivered up to her. to this i objected, on the ground, that it would augment her crew, which she had no right to do, in neutral waters, and especially in the face of her enemy. captain winslow's request was refused, and the prisoners were not permitted to go on board of him. i now addressed a note to mr. bonfils, our agent, requesting him to inform captain winslow, through the united states consul, that if he would wait until i could receive some coal on board--my supply having been nearly exhausted, by my late cruising--i would come out and give him battle. this message was duly conveyed, and the defiance was understood to have been accepted. we commenced coaling ship immediately, and making other preparations for battle; as sending down all useless yards and top-hamper, examining the gun equipments, and overhauling the magazine and shell-rooms. my crew seemed not only willing, but anxious for the combat, and i had every confidence in their steadiness and drill; but they labored under one serious disadvantage. they had had but very limited opportunities of actual practice at target-firing, with shot and shell. the reason is obvious. i had no means of replenishing either shot or shell, and was obliged, therefore, to husband the store i had on hand, for actual conflict. the stories that ran the round of the federal papers at the time, that my crew was composed mainly of trained gunners from the british practice-ship _excellent_, were entirely without foundation. i had on board some half dozen british seamen, who had served in ships of war in former years, but they were in no respect superior to the rest of the crew. as for the two ships, though the enemy was superior to me, both in size, stanchness of construction, and armament, they were of force so nearly equal, that i cannot be charged with rashness in having offered battle. the _kearsarge_ mounted seven guns:--two eleven-inch dahlgrens, four -pounders, and a rifled -pounder. the _alabama_ mounted eight:--one eight-inch, one rifled -pounder, and six -pounders. though the _alabama_ carried one gun more than her antagonist, it is seen that the battery of the latter enabled her to throw more metal at a broadside--there being a difference of three inches in the bore of the shell-guns of the two ships. still the disparity was not so great, but that i might hope to beat my enemy in a fair fight. but he did not show me a fair fight, for, as it afterward turned out, his ship was iron-clad. it was the same thing, as if two men were to go out to fight a duel, and one of them, unknown to the other, were to put a shirt of mail under his outer garment. the days of chivalry being past, perhaps it would be unfair to charge captain winslow with deceit in withholding from me the fact that he meant to wear armor in the fight. he may have reasoned that it was my duty to find it out for myself. besides, if he had disclosed this fact to me, and so prevented the engagement, the federal secretary of the navy would have cut his head off to a certainty. a man who could permit a ship of war, which had surrendered, to be run off with, by her crew, _after they had been paroled_--see the case of the _mercedita_ described in a former chapter--and who could contrive, or connive at the sinking of the _florida_, to prevent the making of a reparation of honor to brazil, would not be likely to be very complacent toward an officer who showed any signs of _weakness_ on the score of _honor_ or _honesty_. judging from the tone of the yankee press, too, when it came afterward to describe the engagement, winslow seemed to have gauged his countrymen correctly, when he came to the conclusion that it would not do to reveal his secret to me. so far from having any condemnation to offer, the press, that chivalrous exponent of the opinions of a chivalrous people, was rather pleased at the "yankee trick." it was characteristic, "cute," "smart." "appleton's encyclopedia of the war," much more liberal and fair than some of its congeners, thus speaks of winslow's device:--"availing himself of an ingenious expedient for the protection of his machinery, first adopted by admiral farragut, in running past the rebel forts on the mississippi in , captain winslow had hung all his spare anchor cable over the midship section of the _kearsarge_, on either side; and in order to make the addition less unsightly, the chains were boxed over with inch deal boards, forming a sort of case, which stood out at right-angles to the side of the vessel." one sees a twinge of honesty in this paragraph. the boxing stood out at right-angles to the side of the ship, and therefore the _alabama ought to have seen it_. but unfortunately for the _alabama_, the right-angles were not there. the forward and after ends of the "boxing," went off at so fine a point, in accordance with the lines of the ship, that the telescope failed to detect the cheat. besides, when a ship is preparing for a fight, she does not care much about _show_. it is a fight, and not a review that she has on hand. hence, we have another twinge, when the paragraphist remarks that the boxing was resorted to, to make the armor appear "_less unsightly_!" and, then, what about the necessity for _protecting the machinery at all_? the machinery of all the enemy's new sloops was below the water-line. was the _kearsarge_ an exception? the plain fact is, without any varnish, the _kearsarge_, though as effectually protected as if she had been armored with the best of iron plates, was to all appearance a wooden ship of war. but, to admit this, would spoil the _éclat_ of the victory, and hence the effort to explain away the cheat, as far as possible. in the way of crew, the _kearsarge_ had , all told--the _alabama_, . i had communicated my intention to fight this battle to flag-officer barron, my senior officer in paris, a few days before, and that officer had generously left the matter to my own discretion. i completed my preparations on saturday evening, the th of june, and notified the port-admiral of my intention to go out on the following morning. the next day dawned beautiful and bright. the cloudy, murky weather of some days past had cleared off, and a bright sun, a gentle breeze, and a smooth sea, were to be the concomitants of the battle. whilst i was still in my cot, the admiral sent an officer off to say to me that the iron-clad frigate _couronne_ would accompany me a part of the way out, to see that the neutrality of french waters was not violated. my crew had turned in early, and gotten a good night's rest, and i permitted them to get their breakfasts comfortably--not turning them to until nine o'clock--before any movement was made toward getting under way, beyond lighting the fires in the furnaces. i ought to mention that midshipman sinclair, the son of captain terry sinclair, of the confederate navy, whom i had sent with low, as his first lieutenant in the _tuscaloosa_, being in paris when we arrived, had come down on the eve of the engagement--accompanied by his father--and endeavored to rejoin me, but was prevented by the french authorities. it is opportune also to state, that in view of possible contingencies, i had directed galt, my acting paymaster, to send on shore for safe-keeping, the funds of the ship, and complete pay-rolls of the crew, showing the state of the account of each officer and man. the day being sunday, and the weather fine, a large concourse of people--many having come all the way from paris--collected on the heights above the town, in the upper stories of such of the houses as commanded a view of the sea, and on the walls and fortifications of the harbor. several french luggers employed as pilot-boats went out, and also an english steam-yacht, called the _deerhound_. everything being in readiness between nine and ten o'clock, we got under way, and proceeded to sea, through the western entrance of the harbor; the _couronne_ following us. as we emerged from behind the mole, we discovered the _kearsarge_ at a distance of between six and seven miles from the land. she had been apprised of our intention of coming out that morning, and was awaiting us. the _couronne_ anchored a short distance outside of the harbor. we were three quarters of an hour in running out to the _kearsarge_, during which time we had gotten our people to quarters, cast loose the battery, and made all the other necessary preparations for battle. the yards had been previously slung in chains, stoppers prepared for the rigging, and preventer braces rove. it only remained to open the magazine and shell-rooms, sand down the decks, and fill the requisite number of tubs with water. the crew had been particularly neat in their dress on that morning, and the officers were all in the uniforms appropriate to their rank. as we were approaching the enemy's ship, i caused the crew to be sent aft, within convenient reach of my voice, and mounting a gun-carriage, delivered them the following brief address. i had not spoken to them in this formal way since i had addressed them on the memorable occasion of commissioning the ship. "officers and seamen of the alabama!--you have, at length, another opportunity of meeting the enemy--the first that has been presented to you, since you sank the _hatteras_! in the meantime, you have been all over the world, and it is not too much to say, that you have destroyed, and driven for protection under neutral flags, one half of the enemy's commerce, which, at the beginning of the war, covered every sea. this is an achievement of which you may well be proud; and a grateful country will not be unmindful of it. the name of your ship has become a household word wherever civilization extends. shall that name be tarnished by defeat? the thing is impossible! remember that you are in the english channel, the theatre of so much of the naval glory of our race, and that the eyes of all europe are at this moment, upon you. the flag that floats over you is that of a young republic, who bids defiance to her enemies, whenever, and wherever found. show the world that you know how to uphold it! go to your quarters." the utmost silence prevailed during the delivery of this address, broken only once, in an enthusiastic outburst of _never! never!_ when i asked my sailors if they would permit the name of their ship to be tarnished by defeat. my official report of the engagement, addressed to flag-officer barron, in paris, will describe what now took place. it was written at southampton, england, two days after the battle. southampton, june , . sir:--i have the honor to inform you, that, in accordance with my intention as previously announced to you, i steamed out of the harbor of cherbourg between nine and ten o'clock on the morning of the th of june, for the purpose of engaging the enemy's steamer _kearsarge_, which had been lying off, and on the port, for several days previously. after clearing the harbor, we descried the enemy, with his head off shore, at the distance of about seven miles. we were three quarters of an hour in coming up with him. i had previously pivotted my guns to starboard, and made all preparations for engaging the enemy on that side. when within about a mile and a quarter of the enemy, he suddenly wheeled, and, bringing his head in shore, presented his starboard battery to me. by this time, we were distant about one mile from each other, when i opened on him with solid shot, to which he replied in a few minutes, and the action became active on both sides. the enemy now pressed his ship under a full head of steam, and to prevent our passing each other too speedily, and to keep our respective broadsides bearing, it became necessary to fight in a circle; the two ships steaming around a common centre, and preserving a distance from each other of from three quarters to half a mile. when we got within good shell range, we opened upon him with shell. some ten or fifteen minutes after the commencement of the action, our spanker-gaff was shot away, and our ensign came down by the run. this was immediately replaced by another at the mizzen-masthead. the firing now became very hot, and the enemy's shot, and shell soon began to tell upon our hull, knocking down, killing, and disabling a number of men, at the same time, in different parts of the ship. perceiving that our shell, though apparently exploding against the enemy's sides, were doing him but little damage, i returned to solid-shot firing, and from this time onward alternated with shot, and shell. after the lapse of about one hour and ten minutes, our ship was ascertained to be in a sinking condition, the enemy's shell having exploded in our side, and between decks, opening large apertures through which the water rushed with great rapidity. for some few minutes i had hopes of being able to reach the french coast, for which purpose i gave the ship all steam, and set such of the fore-and-aft sails as were available. the ship filled so rapidly, however, that before we had made much progress, the fires were extinguished in the furnaces, and we were evidently on the point of sinking. i now hauled down my colors, to prevent the further destruction of life, and dispatched a boat to inform the enemy of our condition. although we were now but yards from each other, the enemy fired upon me five times after my colors had been struck. it is charitable to suppose that a ship of war of a christian nation could not have done this, intentionally. we now directed all our exertions toward saving the wounded, and such of the boys of the ship as were unable to swim. these were dispatched in my quarter-boats, the only boats remaining to me; the waist-boats having been torn to pieces. some twenty minutes after my furnace-fires had been extinguished, and when the ship was on the point of settling, every man, in obedience to a previous order which had been given the crew, jumped overboard, and endeavored to save himself. there was no appearance of any boat coming to me from the enemy, until after my ship went down. fortunately, however, the steam-yacht _deerhound_, owned by a gentleman of lancashire, england--mr. john lancaster--who was himself on board, steamed up in the midst of my drowning men, and rescued a number of both officers and men from the water. i was fortunate enough myself thus to escape to the shelter of the neutral flag, together with about forty others, all told. about this time, the _kearsarge_ sent one, and then, tardily, another boat. accompanying, you will find lists of the killed and wounded, and of those who were picked up by the _deerhound_; the remainder, there is reason to hope, were picked up by the enemy, and by a couple of french pilot boats, which were also fortunately near the scene of action. at the end of the engagement, it was discovered by those of our officers who went alongside of the enemy's ship, with the wounded, that her mid-ship section, on both sides, was thoroughly iron-coated; this having been done with chains, constructed for the purpose, placed perpendicularly, from the rail to the water's edge, the whole covered over by a thin outer planking, which gave no indication of the armor beneath. this planking had been ripped off, in every direction, by our shot and shell, the chain broken, and indented in many places, and forced partly into the ship's side. she was effectually guarded, however, in this section, from penetration. the enemy was much damaged, in other parts, but to what extent it is now impossible to say. it is believed he is badly crippled. my officers and men behaved steadily and gallantly, and though they have lost their ship, they have not lost honor. where all behaved so well, it would be invidious to particularize, but i cannot deny myself the pleasure of saying that mr. kell, my first lieutenant, deserves great credit for the fine condition in which the ship went into action, with regard to her battery, magazine and shell-rooms, and that he rendered me great assistance, by his coolness, and judgment, as the fight proceeded. the enemy was heavier than myself, both in ship, battery, and crew; but i did not know until the action was over, that she was also iron-clad. our total loss in killed and wounded, is , to wit: killed, and wounded. it was afterward ascertained, that as many as ten were drowned. as stated in the above despatch, i had the satisfaction of saving all my wounded men. every one of them was passed carefully into a boat, and sent off to the enemy's ship, before the final plunge into the sea was made by the unhurt portion of the crew. here is the proper place to drop a tear over the fate of a brave officer. my surgeon, d. h. llewellyn, of wiltshire, england, a grandson of lord herbert, lost his life by drowning. it was his privilege to accompany the wounded men, in the boats, to the _kearsarge_, but he did not do so. he remained and took his chance of escape, with the rest of his brethren in arms, and perished almost in sight of his home, after an absence of two years from the dear ones who were to mourn his loss. with reference to the drowning of my men, i desire to present a contrast to the reader. i sank the _hatteras_ off galveston, in a _night_ engagement. when the enemy appealed to me for assistance, telling me that his ship was sinking, i sent him all my boats, and saved every officer and man, numbering more than a hundred persons. the _alabama_ was sunk in _open daylight_--the enemy's ship being only yards distant--and ten of my men were permitted to drown. indeed, but for the friendly interposition of the _deerhound_, there is no doubt that a great many more would have perished. captain winslow has stated, in his despatch to his government, that he desired to board the _alabama_. he preserved a most respectful distance from her, even after he saw that she was crippled. he had greatly the speed of me, and could have laid me alongside, at any moment, but, so far from doing so, he was shy of me even after the engagement had ended. in a letter to the secretary of the federal navy, published by mr. adams, in london, a few days after the engagement, he says:--"i have the honor to report that, toward the close of the action between the _alabama_ and this vessel, all available sail was made on the former, for the purpose of regaining cherbourg. when the object was apparent, the _kearsarge_ was steered across the bow of the _alabama_, for a raking fire, but before reaching this point, the _alabama_ struck. uncertain whether captain semmes was not making some _ruse_, the _kearsarge_ was stopped." this is probably the explanation of the whole of captain winslow's strange conduct at the time. he was afraid to approach us because of some _ruse_ that we might be practising upon him. before he could recover from his bewilderment, and make up his mind that we were really beaten, my ship went down. i acquit him, therefore, entirely, of any intention of permitting my men to drown, or even of gross negligence, which would be almost as criminal. it was his _judgment_ which was entirely at fault. i had known, and sailed with him, in the old service, and knew him _then_ to be a humane and christian gentleman. what the war may have made of him, it is impossible to say. it has turned a great deal of the milk of human kindness to gall and wormwood. [illustration] chapter liv. other incidents of the battle between the alabama and the kearsarge--the rescue of officers and seamen by the english steam-yacht deerhound--the united states government demands that they be given up--british government refuses compliance--the rescued persons not prisoners--the inconsistency of the federal secretary of the navy. notwithstanding my enemy went out chivalrously armored, to encounter a ship whose wooden sides were entirely without protection, i should have beaten him in the first thirty minutes of the engagement, but for the defect of my ammunition, which had been two years on board, and become much deteriorated by cruising in a variety of climates. i had directed my men to fire low, telling them that it was better to fire too low than too high, as the _ricochet_ in the former case--the water being smooth--would remedy the defect of their aim, whereas it was of no importance to cripple the masts and spars of a steamer. by captain winslow's own account, the _kearsarge_ was struck twenty-eight times; but his ship being armored, of course, my shot and shell, except in so far as fragments of the latter may have damaged his spars and rigging, fell harmless into the sea. the _alabama_ was not mortally wounded, as the reader has seen, until after the _kearsarge_ had been firing at her _an hour and ten minutes_. in the mean time, in spite of the armor of the _kearsarge_, i had _mortally wounded_ that ship in the first thirty minutes of the engagement. i say, "mortally wounded her," because the wound would have proved mortal, but for the defect of my ammunition above spoken of. i lodged a rifled percussion shell near her stern post--_where there were no chains_--which failed to explode because of the defect of the cap. if the cap had performed its duty, and exploded the shell, i should have been called upon to save captain winslow's crew from drowning, instead of his being called upon to save mine. on so slight an incident--the defect of a percussion-cap--did the battle hinge. the enemy were very proud of this shell. _it was the only trophy they ever got of the alabama!_ we fought her until she would no longer swim, and then we gave her to the waves. this shell, thus imbedded in the hull of the ship, was carefully cut out, along with some of the timber, and sent to the navy department in washington, to be exhibited to admiring yankees. it should call up the blush of shame to the cheek of every northern man who looks upon it. it should remind him of his ship going into action with _concealed_ armor; it should remind him that his ship fired into a beaten antagonist _five_ times, after her colors had been struck and when she was sinking; and it should remind him of the drowning of helpless men, struggling in the water for their lives! perhaps this latter spectacle was something for a yankee to gloat upon. the _alabama_ had been a scourge and a terror to them for two years. she had destroyed their _property_! _yankee_ property! curse upon the "pirates," let them drown! at least this was the sentiment uttered by that humane and christian gentleman, to whom i have before had occasion to allude in these pages--mr. william h. seward--one of the chief vandals, who found themselves in the possession and control of the once glorious "government of the states," during the war. this gentleman, in one of his despatches to mr. adams, prompting him as to what he should say to the english government, on the subject of the rescue of my men by the _deerhound_, remarks: "i have to observe, upon these remarks of earl russell, that it was the right of the _kearsarge that the pirates should drown_, unless saved by humane exertions of the officers and crew of that vessel, or by their own efforts, _without the aid of the deerhound_. the men were either already actually prisoners, or they were desperately pursued by the _kearsarge_. if they had _perished_ [by being permitted to be drowned, in cold blood after the action], the _kearsarge would have had the advantage of a lawful destruction of so many enemies_; if they had been recovered by the _kearsarge_, with or without the aid of the _deerhound_, then the voluntary surrender of those persons would have been perfected, and they would have been prisoners. in neither case would they have remained hostile confederates." no one who is not a seaman can realize the blow which falls upon the heart of a commander, upon the sinking of his ship. it is not merely the loss of a battle--it is the overwhelming of his household, as it were, in a great catastrophe. the _alabama_ had not only been my battle-field, but my home, in which i had lived two long years, and in which i had experienced many vicissitudes of pain and pleasure, sickness and health. my officers and crew formed a great military family, every face of which was familiar to me; and when i looked upon my gory deck, toward the close of the action, and saw so many manly forms stretched upon it, with the glazed eye of death, or agonizing with terrible wounds, i felt as a father feels who has lost his children--his children who had followed him to the uttermost ends of the earth, in sunshine and storm, and been always true to him. a remarkable spectacle presented itself on the deck of the sinking ship, after the firing had ceased, and the boats containing the wounded had been shoved off. under the order, which had been given, "every man save himself who can!" all occupations had been suspended, and all discipline relaxed. one man was then as good as another. the _kearsarge_ stood sullenly at a distance, making no motion, that we could see, to send us a boat. the _deerhound_ and the french pilot-boats were also at a considerable distance. meantime, the water was rushing and roaring into the ship's side, through her ghastly death-wound, and she was visibly settling--lower and lower. there was no panic, no confusion, among the men. each stood, waiting his doom, with the most perfect calmness. the respect and affection manifested for their officers was touching in the extreme. several gathered around me, and seemed anxious for my safety. one tendered me this little office of kindness, and another, that. kell was near me, and my faithful steward, bartelli, also, was at my side. poor bartelli! he could not swim a stroke--which i did not know at the time, or i should have saved him in the boats--and yet he was calm and cheerful; seeming to think that no harm could befall him, so long as he was at my side. he asked me if there were not some papers i wanted, in the cabin. i told him there were, and sent him to bring them. he had to wade to my state-room to get them. he brought me the two small packages i had indicated; and, with tears in his eyes, told me how the cabin had been shattered by the enemy's shot--our fine painting of the _alabama_, in particular, being destroyed. poor fellow! he was drowned in ten minutes afterward. two of the members of my boat's crew being around me, when the papers were brought, insisted that i should give them to them to take care of. they were good swimmers, they said, and would be sure to preserve them for me. i gave each a package--put up tightly between small slats--and they thrust them in the bosoms of their shirts. one of them then helped me off with my coat, which was too well laden with buttons, to think of retaining, and i sat down whilst the other pulled off my boots. kell stripped himself in like manner. the men with the papers were both saved. one swam to a french pilot-boat, and the other to the _deerhound_. i got both packages of papers. the seaman who landed on the french coast sought out captain sinclair, who was still at cherbourg, and delivered them to him. a writer in the london "times" thus describes how i got the other package: "when the men came on board the _deerhound_, they had nothing on but their drawers and shirts, having been stripped to fight; and one of them, with a sailor's devotedness, insisted on seeing his captain, who was then lying in mr. lancaster's cabin, in a very exhausted state, as he had been intrusted by captain semmes with the ship's papers, and to no one else would he give them up. the men were all very anxious about their captain, and were rejoiced to find that he had been saved. they appeared to be a set of first-rate fellows, and to act well together, in perfect union, under the most trying circumstances." [illustration: the combat between the alabama and the kearsarge, off cherbourg, on the th of june, . kelly, piet & co. publishers.----lith. by a. hoen & co. balto.] the ship settled by the stern, and as the taffarel was about to be submerged, kell and myself threw ourselves into the sea, and swam out far enough from the sinking ship to avoid being drawn down into the vortex of waters. we then turned to get a last look at her, and see her go down. just before she disappeared, her main-topmast, which had been wounded, went by the board; and, like a living thing in agony, she threw her bow high out of the water, and then descended rapidly, stern foremost, to her last resting-place. a noble roman once stabbed his daughter, rather than she should be polluted by the foul embrace of a tyrant. it was with a similar feeling that kell and i saw the _alabama_ go down. we had buried her as we had christened her, and she was safe from the polluting touch of the hated yankee! great rejoicing was had in yankeedom, when it was known that the _alabama_ had been beaten. shouts of triumph rent the air, and bonfires lighted every hill. but along with the rejoicing there went up a howl of disappointed rage, that i had escaped being made a prisoner. the splendid victory of their iron-clad over a wooden ship was shorn of half its brilliancy. mr. seward was in a furor of excitement; and as for poor mr. adams, he lost his head entirely. he even conceived the brilliant idea of demanding that i should be delivered up to him by the british government. two days after the action, he wrote to his chief from london as follows:-- "the popular excitement attending the action between the _alabama_ and the _kearsarge_ has been considerable. i transmit a copy of the "times," of this morning, containing a report made to mr. mason, by captain semmes. it is evidently intended for this meridian. the more i reflect upon the conduct of the _deerhound_, the more grave do the questions to be raised with this government appear to be. i do not feel it my duty to assume the responsibility of demanding, without instructions, the surrender of the prisoners. neither have i yet obtained directly from captain winslow, any authentic evidence of the facts attending the conflict. i have some reason to suspect, that the subject has already been under the consideration of the authorities here." mr. seward and mr. adams were both eminently civilians. the heads of both of them were muddled, the moment they stepped from the forum to the campus martius. mr. adams was now busy preparing another humiliation for the great american statesman. some men learn wisdom by experience, and others do not. mr. adams seems to have been of the latter class. he had made a great many _demands_ about the _alabama_, which had been refused, and was now about to make another which was more absurd even than those that had gone before. the "instructions" coming from mr. seward in due time, the demand was made, and here is the reply of lord russell:-- "secondly,"--[his lordship had been considering another point, which mr. adams had introduced into his despatch, not material to the present question,]--"i have to state, that it appears to her majesty's government, that the commander of the private british yacht, the _deerhound_, in saving from drowning some of the officers and crew of the _alabama_, after that vessel had sunk, performed a praiseworthy act of humanity, to which, moreover, he had been exhorted by the officer commanding the _kearsarge_, to which vessel the _deerhound_ had, in the first instance, gone, in order to offer to the _kearsarge_ any assistance which, after her action with the _alabama_, she might stand in need of; and it appears further, to her majesty's government, that, under all the circumstances of the case, mr. lancaster was not under any obligation to deliver to the captain of the _kearsarge_ the officers and men whom he had rescued from the waves. but however that may be, with regard to the demand made by you, by instructions from your government, that those officers and men should now be delivered up to the government of the united states, as being escaped prisoners of war, her majesty's government would beg to observe, that there is no obligation by international law, which can bind the government of a neutral state, to deliver up to a belligerent prisoners of war, who may have escaped from the power of such belligerent, and may have taken refuge within the territory of such neutral. therefore, even if her majesty's government had any power, by law, to comply with the above-mentioned demand, her majesty's government could not do so, without being guilty of a violation of the duties of hospitality. in point of fact, however, her majesty's government have no lawful power to arrest, and deliver up the persons in question. they have been guilty of no offence against the laws of england, and they have committed no act, which would bring them within the provisions of a treaty between great britain and the united states, for the mutual surrender of offenders, and her majesty's government are, therefore, entirely without any legal means by which, even if they wished to do so, they could comply with your above-mentioned demand." this reasoning is unanswerable, and adds to the many humiliations the federal government received from england during the war in connection with the _alabama_, through the bungling of its diplomatists. the _deerhound_, a neutral vessel, was not only under no obligation, in fact, to deliver up the prisoners she had rescued from the water, but she could not, lawfully, have put herself under such obligation. the prisoners had rights in the premises as well as the _deerhound_. the moment they reached the deck of the neutral ship, _by whatever means_, they were entitled to the protection of the neutral flag, and any attempt on the part of the neutral master, whether by agreement with the opposite belligerent or not, to hand them over to the latter, would have been an exercise of force by him, and tantamount to an act of hostility against the prisoners. it would have been our right and our duty to resist any such attempt; and we would assuredly have done so if it had been made. it will be observed that lord russell does not discuss the question whether we were prisoners. it was not necessary to his argument; for even admitting that we were prisoners, hospitality forbade him to deliver us up. but we were not prisoners. a person, to become a prisoner, must be brought within the power of his captor. there must be a manucaption, a possession, if even for a moment. i never was at any time, during the engagement, or after, in the power of the enemy. i had struck my flag, it is true, but that did not make me a prisoner. it was merely an _offer_ of surrender. it was equivalent to saying to my enemy, "i am beaten, if you will take possession of me, i will not resist." suppose my ship had not been fatally injured, and a sudden gale had sprung up, and prevented the enemy from completing his capture, by taking possession of her, and i had escaped with her, will it be pretended that she was his prize? there have been numerous instances of this kind in naval history, and no one has ever supposed that a ship under such circumstances would be a prize, or that any person on board of her would be a prisoner. nor can the _cause_ which prevents the captor from taking possession of his prize, make any difference. if from _any_ cause, he is unable to take possession, he loses her. if she takes fire, and burns up, or sinks, she is equally lost to him, and if any one escapes from the burning or sinking ship to the shore, can it be pretended that he is a prisoner? and is there any difference between escaping to the shore, and to a neutral flag? the folly of the thing is too apparent for argument, and yet the question was pressed seriously upon the british government; and the head of mr. gideon welles, the secretary of the federal navy, was, for a long time, addled on the subject. i question, indeed, whether the head of the old gentleman has recovered from the shock it received, to this day. he afterward had me arrested, as the reader will see in due time, and conveyed to washington a prisoner, and did all in his power to have me tried by a military commission, _in time of peace_, because i did not insist upon mr. lancaster's delivering me up to captain winslow! will any one believe that this is the same mr. welles who approved of captain stellwagen's running off with the _mercedita_, after he had been _paroled_? but here is another little incident in point, which, perhaps, mr. welles had forgotten when he ordered my arrest. it arose out of buchanan's gallant fight with the enemy's fleet in hampton roads, before alluded to in these pages. i will let the admiral relate it, in his own words. he is writing to mr. mallory, the secretary of the navy, and after having described the ramming and sinking of the _cumberland_, proceeds:-- "having sunk the _cumberland_, i turned our attention to the _congress_. we were some time in getting our proper position, in consequence of the shoalness of the water, and the great difficulty of manoeuvring the ship, when in or near the mud. to succeed in my object, i was obliged to run the ship a short distance above the batteries on james river, in order to wind her. during all this time her keel was in the mud; of course she moved but slowly. thus we were subjected twice to the heavy guns of all the batteries, in passing up and down the river, but it could not be avoided. we silenced several of the batteries, and did much injury on the shore. a large transport steamer, alongside of the wharf, was blown up, one schooner sunk, and another captured and sent to norfolk. the loss of life on shore we have no means of ascertaining. while the _virginia_ was thus engaged in getting her position for attacking the _congress_, the prisoners state it was believed on board that ship, we had hauled off; the men left their guns, and gave three cheers. they were sadly undeceived, for, a few minutes after, we opened upon her again, she having run on shore, in shoal water. the carnage, havoc, and dismay, caused by our fire, compelled them to haul down their colors, and hoist a white flag at their gaff, and half-mast another at the main. the crew instantly _took to their boats and landed_. our fire immediately ceased, and a signal was made for the _beaufort_ to come within hail. i then ordered lieutenant-commanding parker to take possession of the _congress_, secure the officers as prisoners, allow the men to land, and burn the ship. he ran alongside, received her flag and surrender from commander william smith, and lieutenant pendergrast, with the side-arms of these officers. they delivered themselves as prisoners of war, on board the _beaufort_, and afterward were permitted, _at their own request_, to return to the _congress_, to assist in removing the wounded to the _beaufort_. _they never returned_, and i submit to the decision of the department, whether they are not our prisoners?" aye, these _paroled_ gentlemen escaped, and mr. welles _forgot_ to send them back. there was some excuse for mr. seward and mr. adams making the blunder they did, of supposing that the rescued officers and men of the _alabama_ were prisoners to the _kearsarge_, but there was none whatever for mr. welles. he was the head of the enemy's navy department, and it was his business to know better; and if he did not know better, himself, he should have called to his assistance some of the clever naval men around him. nay, if he had taken down from its shelf almost any naval history in the library of his department, he could have set himself right in half an hour. james' "english naval history" is full of precedents, where ships which have struck their flags, have afterward escaped--the enemy failing to take possession of them--and no question has been raised as to the propriety of their conduct. so many contingencies occur in naval battles, that it has become a sort of common law of the sea, that a ship is never a prize, or the persons on board of her prisoners, _until she has actually been taken possession of by the enemy_. a few of these cases will doubtless interest the reader, especially as they have an interest of their own, independently of their application. the revolutionnaire and the audacious. lord hood fought his famous action with the french fleet in . in that action, the french ship _revolutionnaire_ struck her colors to the english ship _audacious_, but the latter failing to take possession of her, she escaped. the following is the historian's relation of the facts:-- "the _audacious_, having placed herself on the _revolutionnaire's_ lee quarter, poured in a heavy fire, and, until recalled by signal, the _russell_, who was at some distance to leeward, also fired on her. the _audacious_ and _revolutionnaire_ now became so closely engaged, and the latter so disabled in her masts and rigging, that it was with difficulty the former could prevent her huge opponent from falling on board of her. toward ten p. m., the _revolutionnaire_, having, besides the loss of her mizzen-mast, had her fore and main yards, and main-topsail yard shot away, dropped across the hawse of the _audacious_; but the latter quickly extricating herself, and the french ship, with her fore-topsail full, but owing to the sheets being shot away, still flying, directed her course to leeward. the men forward, in the _audacious_, declared that the _revolutionnaire_ struck her colors, just as she got clear of them, and the ship's company cheered in consequence. the people of the _russell_ declared, also, that the _revolutionnaire_, as she passed under their stern, had no colors hoisted. that the latter was a beaten ship, may be inferred from her having returned but three shots to the last broadside of the _audacious_; moreover, her loss in killed and wounded, if the french accounts are to be believed, amounted to nearly men. still _the revolutionnaire became no prize to the british_; owing partly to the disabled state of the _audacious_, but chiefly because the _thunderer_, on approaching the latter, and being hailed to take possession of the french ship, made sail after her own fleet." _james_, , . it is observable in the above extract, that the historian does not complain that the french ship escaped; does not deny her right to do so, but remarks, as a matter of course, that she did not become a prize, _because she was not taken possession of_. the achille and the brunswick. in the same action, the french ship _achille_, struck to the british ship _brunswick_, and _not being taken possession of_, endeavored to escape. the relation of this engagement is as follows:-- "at eleven a. m., a ship was discovered through the smoke, bearing down on the _brunswick's_ larboard quarter, having her gangways and rigging crowded with men, as if with the intention of releasing the _vengeur_, [a prize made by the _brunswick_,] by boarding the _brunswick_. instantly the men stationed at the five aftermost lower-deck guns, on the starboard side, were turned over on the larboard side; and to each of the latter guns, already loaded with a single -pounder, was added a double-headed shot. presently, the _achille_, for that was the ship, advanced to within musket-shot; when five or six rounds from the _brunswick's_ after-guns, on each deck, brought down by the board the former's only remaining mast, the foremast. the wreck of this mast, falling where the wreck of the main and mizzen-masts already lay, on the starboard side, prevented the _achille_ from making the slightest resistance; and, after a few unreturned broadsides from the _brunswick_, the french ship struck her colors. it was, however, wholly out of the _brunswick's_ power _to take possession_, and the _achille_ very soon rehoisted her colors, and setting her sprit-sail endeavored to escape." the escape, however, was prevented by the appearance of a new ship upon the scene, the _ramilles_. this ship, after dispatching an antagonist with which she had been engaged, perceiving the attempt of the _achille_, made sail in pursuit, and coming up with her, took possession of her, and thus, for the first time, made her a _prize_. _james_, - . the bellona and the millbrook. in the year , the french ship _bellona_ struck to the british ship _millbrook_, and afterward escaped. the following is the account of the engagement. the battle having continued some little time, the historian proceeds:-- "the carronades of the _millbrook_ were seemingly fired with as much precision, as quickness; for the _bellona_, from broadsides, fell to single guns, and showed by her sails and rigging, how much she had been cut up by the schooner's shot. at about ten a. m., the ship's colors came down, and lieutenant smith used immediate endeavors to take possession of her. not having a rope wherewith to hoist out a boat, he launched one over the gunwale, but having been pierced with shot in various directions, the boat soon filled with water. about this time, the _millbrook_, having had two of her guns disabled, her masts, yards, sails, and rigging shot through, and all her sweeps shot to pieces, lay quite unmanageable, with her broadside to the _bellona's_ stern. in a little while, a light breeze sprung up, and the _bellona_ hoisted all the canvas she could, and sought safety in flight." _james_, . the san josÉ and the grasshopper. in , off the coast of spain, the spanish brig _san josé_ struck to the british brig _grasshopper_--having first run on shore--when the greater part of her crew escaped _before she could be taken possession of_. the affair is thus related:-- "at about half an hour after noon, having got within range, the _grasshopper_ opened a heavy fire of round and grape upon the brig. a running fight was maintained--about fifteen minutes of its close--until two p. m., when the latter, which was the spanish brig-of-war _san josé_, of ten -pounder carronades, and two long sixes, commanded by lieutenant don antonio de torres, ran on shore under cape negrete, and struck her colors. the greater part of her crew, which, upon leaving carthagena, on the preceding evening, numbered men, then swam on shore, and effected their escape." _james_, . the var and the belle poule. in , in the gulf of velona, the french ship-of-war _var_, struck to the british frigate _belle poule_, but _before she could be taken possession of_, the officers, and a greater part of the crew escaped. the action is described as follows:-- "on the th, at daybreak, the _var_ was discovered moored with cables to the fortress of velona, mounting fourteen long and -pounders, and upon an eminence above the ship, and apparently commanding the whole anchorage, was another strong fort. a breeze at length favoring, the _belle poule_, at one p. m., anchored in a position to take, or destroy the _var_, and, at the same time, to keep in check the formidable force, prepared, apparently, to defend the french ship. the _belle poule_ immediately opened upon the latter an animated and well-directed fire, and, as the forts made no efforts to protect her, the _var_ discharged a few random shots, that hurt no one, and then hauled down her colors. _before she could be taken possession of_, her officers, and a greater part of her crew escaped to the shore." _james_, . the virginia and the congress. in the year , one gideon welles being secretary of the federal navy, admiral buchanan, of the confederate states navy, in the engagement in hampton roads, already referred to, for another purpose, sunk the frigate _congress_, and, _before she could be taken possession of, the crew took to their boats and escaped_. buchanan did not claim that the crew of the _congress_, that had thus escaped, were his prisoners; he only claimed that commander smith, and lieutenant pendergrast were his prisoners, _he having taken possession of them_, and they having escaped, in violation of the _special parole_, under which he had permitted them to return to their ship. it thus appears, that, so far from its being the exception, it is the rule, in naval combats, for both ship and officers, and crew, to escape, after surrender, if possible. the enemy may prevent it by force, if he can, but if the escape be successful, it is a valid escape. i have thus far been considering the case, as though it were an escape with, or from a ship, which had not been fatally injured, and on board which the officers and crew might have remained, if they had thought proper. if the escape be proper in such a case as this, how much more must it be proper when, as was the case with the _alabama_, the officers and crew of the ship are compelled to throw themselves into the sea, and struggle for their lives? take my own individual case. the federal government complained of me because i threw my sword into the sea, which, as the federal secretary of the navy said, no longer belonged to me. but what was i to do with it? where was mr. welles' officer, that he did not come to demand it? it had been tendered to him, and _would_ have belonged to him, if he had had the ability, or the inclination to come and take it. but he did not come. i did not betake myself to a boat, and seek refuge in flight. i waited for him, or _his_ boat, on the deck of my sinking ship, until the sea was ready to engulf me. i was ready and willing to complete the surrender which had been tendered, but as far as was then apparent, the enemy intended to permit me to drown. was i, under these circumstances, to plunge into the water with my sword in my hand and endeavor to swim to the _kearsarge_? was it not more natural, that i should hurl it into the depths of the ocean in defiance, and in hatred of the yankee and his accursed flag? when my ship went down, i was a waif upon the waters. battles and swords, and all other things, except the attempt to save life, were at an end. i ceased from that moment to be the enemy of any brave man. a true sailor, and above all, one who had been bred to arms, when he found that he could not himself save me, as his prisoner, should have been glad to have me escape from him, with life, whether by my own exertions, or those of a neutral. i believe this was the feeling, which, at that moment, was in the heart of captain winslow. it was reserved for william h. seward to utter the atrocious sentiment which has been recorded against him, in these pages. mr. seward is now an old man, and he has the satisfaction of reflecting that he is responsible for more of the woes which have fallen upon the american people, than any other citizen of the once proud republic. he has worked, from first to last, for self, and he has met with the usual reward of the selfish--the contempt and neglect of all parties. he has need to utter the prayer of cardinal wolsey, and to add thereto, "forgive, o lord! him who never did forgive." with the permission of the reader, i will make another brief reference to naval history, to show how gallant men regard the saving of life, from such disasters during battle, as befell the _alabama_; how, in other words, they cease to be the enemies of disarmed men, struggling against the elements for their lives. destruction of l'orient at the battle of the nile. at the battle of the nile, fought by lord nelson, in , with admiral brueyes, the flag-ship of the french fleet, _l'orient_, took fire and blew up, after having surrendered. admiral ganteaume, the third in command of the fleet, was on board the ill-fated ship, and being blown into the water by the explosion of the magazine, was picked up by one of his boats and conveyed to a french brig of war, in which he escaped to alexandria. this escape, after surrender, was regarded as valid by lord nelson. the disaster is thus described by the historian. after giving the position of the french fleet, at anchor in the bay of aboukir, and describing the mode of attack by the english fleet, the narrator proceeds:-- "it was at nine p. m., or a few minutes after, that the _swiftsure's_ people discovered a fire on board of the _orient_, and which, as it increased, presently bore the appearance of being in the ship's mizzen chains. it was, in fact, on the poop-deck, and in the admiral's cabin, and its cause we shall hereafter endeavor to explain. as many of the _swiftsure's_ guns as could be brought to bear were quickly directed to the inflamed spot, with, as was soon evident, dreadful precision. after spreading along the decks, and ascending the rigging with terrific and uncontrollable rapidity, the flames reached the fatal spot, and at about ten p. m., the _orient_ blew up with a most tremendous explosion." the historian then describes the terrible night-scene that followed; how it put an end, for the time, to the action, and the efforts which were made by the english boats to save life. we have only to do, however, with admiral ganteaume. this gentleman describes his escape as follows:-- "it was by an accident, [he is writing to the minister of marine,] which i cannot yet comprehend, that i escaped from the midst of the flames of the _orient_, and was taken into a yawl, lying under the ship's counter. not being able to reach the vessel of general villeneuve, [the second in command,] i made for alexandria. at the beginning of the action, admiral brueyes, all the superior officers, the first commissary, and about twenty pilots, and masters of transports, were on the poop of the _orient_, employed in serving musketry. after the action had lasted about an hour, the admiral was wounded in the body, and in the hand; he then came down from the poop, and a short time after was killed on the quarter-deck. the english having utterly destroyed our van, suffered their ships to drift forward, still ranging along our line, and taking their different stations around us. one, however, which attacked, and nearly touched us, on the starboard side, being totally dismasted, ceased her fire, and cut her cable to get out of reach of our guns; but obliged to defend ourselves against two others, who were furiously thundering upon us on the larboard quarter, and on the starboard bow, we were again compelled to heave in our cable. the and -pounders were still firing briskly, when some flames, accompanied with an explosion, appeared on the after-part of the quarter-deck," &c. admiral ganteaume does not mention the striking of the colors of this ship, and the fact has been disputed. but lord nelson believed that she had struck, and that is all we need for our purpose, which is to show that, with the belief of this fact, he did not pretend to regard admiral ganteaume as a prisoner. in clarke's "life of lord nelson," p. , occurs the following passage:-- "in a letter to his excellency, hon. w. wyndham, at florence, dated the st of august, , sir horatio had said, that on account of his indifferent health and his wound, he thought of going down the mediterranean as soon as he arrived at naples, unless he should find anything very extraordinary to detain him; and this determination had been strongly impressed on his mind by some of his friends, who doubted the effect of his going into winter-quarters at naples [where the modern anthony would find his cleopatra, in the person of the then charming lady hamilton] might have on a mind by no means adapted to cope with the flattery of the sicilian court. he also informed mr. wyndham, that _l'orient certainly struck her colors_, and had not fired a shot for a quarter of an hour before she took fire." admiral ganteaume resumed his duties as a naval officer immediately after his escape, repairing to cairo, where napoleon then was, to put himself under the orders of the great captain. he returned with his distinguished chief to france, in the frigate _le muiron_. the british government did not demand him of the french government as a prisoner of war. this case was almost precisely similar with my own. both ships struck their colors; both ships were destroyed before the enemy could take possession of them, and both commanders escaped; the only difference being that admiral ganteaume escaped in one of his own boats, to one of his own brigs of war, and thence to alexandria, and i escaped by swimming to a neutral ship, and to the cover of a neutral flag; which, as before remarked, was the same thing as if i had swum to neutral territory. mr. lancaster could no more have thrust me back into the sea, or handed me over to the _kearsarge_, than could the keeper of the needles light, if i had landed on the isle of wight. i have presented several contrasts in these pages; i desire to present another. the reader has seen how mr. seward, a civilian, insisted that beaten enemies, who were struggling for their lives in the water, should be permitted to drown, rather than be rescued from the grasp of his naval commander by a neutral. i desire to show how a christian admiral forbade his enemies to be fired upon, when they were engaged in rescuing their people from drowning; even though the consequence of such rescue should be the escape of the prisoners. i allude to lord collingwood, a name almost as well known to american as to english readers; the same lord collingwood, who was second in command to nelson at the famous battle of trafalgar. this admiral, from his flag-ship, the _ocean_, issued the following general order to the commanders of his ships:-- "ocean, september , . "in the event of an action with the enemy, in which it shall happen that any of their ships shall be in distress, by taking fire, or otherwise, and the brigs and tenders, or boats which are attached to their fleet, shall be employed in saving the lives of the crews of such distressed ships, they shall not be fired on, or interrupted in such duty. but as long as the battle shall continue, his majesty's ships are not to give up the pursuit of such, as have not surrendered, to attend to any other occasion, except it be to give their aid to his majesty's ships which may want it."--_collingwood's letters_, . but the american war developed "grand moral ideas," and mr. seward's, about the drowning of prisoners, was one of them. chapter lv. the federal government and the british steam-yacht deerhound--mr. seward's despatch, and mr. lancaster's letter to the "daily news"--lord russell's reply to mr. adams on the subject of his complaint against mr. lancaster--presentation of a sword to the author, by the clubs in england--presentation of a flag by a lady. the howl that went up against mr. lancaster, the owner of the _deerhound_, for his humane exertions in saving my crew and myself from drowning, was almost as rabid as that which had been raised against myself. statesmen, or those who should have been such, descended into the arena of coarse and vulgar abuse of a private english citizen, who had no connection with them or their war, and no sympathies that i know of, on the one side or the other. mr. welles, in one of those patriotic effusions, by which he sought to recommend himself to the extreme party of the north, declared among other things, that he was "not a gentleman!" poor mr. lancaster, to have thy gentility questioned by so competent a judge, as mr. gideon welles! if these gentlemen had confined themselves to mere abuse, the thing would not have been so bad, but they gave currency to malicious falsehoods concerning mr. lancaster, as truths. paid spies in england reported these falsehoods at washington, and the too eager secretary of state embodied them in his despatches. mr. adams and mr. seward have, both, since ascertained that they were imposed upon, and yet no honorable retraxit has ever been made. the following is a portion of one of mr. seward's characteristic despatches on this subject. it is addressed to mr. adams:-- "i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the st of june, no. , which relates to the destruction of the pirate-ship _alabama_, by the _kearsarge_, off cherbourg. this event has given great satisfaction to the government, and it appreciates and commends the bravery and skill displayed by captain winslow, and the officers and crew under his command. several incidents of the transaction seem to demand immediate attention. the first is, that this government disapproves the proceedings of captain winslow, in paroling and discharging the pirates who fell into his hands, in that brilliant naval engagement, and in order to guard against injurious inferences which might result from that error, if it were overlooked, you are instructed to make the fact of this disapprobation and censure known to her majesty's government, and to state, at the same time, that this government, adhering to declarations heretofore made, does not recognize the _alabama_ as a ship of war of a lawful belligerent power." mr. seward, when this despatch was penned, had hopes that the "pirates" would be given up to him, and the _caveat_, which he enters, may give some indication of the course the yankee government intended to pursue toward the said "pirates," when they should come into its possession. it did not occur to the wily secretary, that, if we were "pirates," it was as competent for great britain to deal with us as the united states; and that, on this very ground, his claim for extradition might be denied,--a pirate being _hostis humani generis_, and punishable by the first nation into whose power he falls. but these _mistakes_ were common with mr. seward. laying aside, therefore, all his trash and nonsense about piracy, let us proceed with that part of his despatch which relates to mr. lancaster:-- "secondly, the presence and the proceedings of a british yacht, the _deerhound_, at the battle, require explanation. on reading the statements which have reached this government, it seems impossible to doubt that the _deerhound_ went out to the place of conflict, by concert and arrangement with the commander of the _alabama_, and with, at least, a conditional purpose of rendering her aid and assistance. she did effectually render such aid, by rescuing the commander and part of the crew of the _alabama_ from the pursuit of the _kearsarge_, and by furtively and clandestinely conveying them to southampton, within british jurisdiction. we learn from paris that the intervention of the _deerhound_ occurred after the _alabama_ had actually surrendered. the proceeding of the _deerhound_, therefore, seems to have been directly hostile to the united states. statements of the owner of the _deerhound_ are reported here, to the effect that he was requested by captain winslow to rescue the drowning survivors of the battle, but no official confirmation of this statement is found in the reports of captain winslow. even if he had made such a request, the owner of the _deerhound_ subsequently abused the right of interference, by secreting the rescued pirates, and carrying them away beyond the pursuit of the _kearsarge_. moreover, we are informed from paris, that the _deerhound_, before going out, received from semmes, and that she subsequently conveyed away to england, a deposit of money, and other valuables, of which semmes, in his long piratical career, had despoiled numerous american merchantmen." there was not one word of truth in this cock-and-a-bull story, of concert between mr. lancaster and myself, as to his going out to witness the combat, as to his receiving money or anything else from the _alabama_, or as to any other subject whatever. we had never seen each other, or held the least communication together, until i was drawn out of the water by his boat's crew, and taken on board his yacht, after the battle. it was quite natural that mr. seward's yankee correspondents in london and paris, and mr. seward himself, should suppose that money and stealings had had something to do with mr. lancaster's generous conduct. the whole american war, on the yankee side, had been conducted on this principle of giving and receiving a "_consideration_" and on "_stealings_." armies of hired vagabonds had roamed through the southern states, plundering and stealing--aye, as the reader has seen, stealing not only gold and silver, but libraries, pianos, pictures, and even the jewelry and clothing of women and children! the reader has seen into what a mortal fright the lady-passengers, on board the captured steamship _ariel_, were thrown, lest the officers and crew of the _alabama_ should prove to be the peers of yankee rogues, epauletted and unepauletted. these men even laid their profane hands on the sacred word of god, _if it would pay_. here is a _morceau_, taken from the "journal of commerce" of new york, a yankee paper, quite moderate in its tone, and a little given, withal, to religious sniffling. it shows how a family bible was stolen from a southern household, and sold for a "consideration" in the north, without exciting so much as a word of condemnation from press or people:-- "_an old bible captured from a rebel._--h. jallonack, of syracuse, new york, has exhibited to the editor of the 'journal' of that city a valuable relic--a protestant bible, printed in german text, years ago, the imprint bearing date . the book is in an excellent state of preservation, the printing perfectly legible, the binding sound and substantial, and the fastening a brass clasp. the following receipt shows how the volume came in mr. jallonack's possession:-- "'new york, aug. , . "'received of mr. h. jallonack $ for a copy of one of the first protestant bibles published in the netherlands, , with the proclamation of the king of the netherlands. this was taken from a descendant hollander at the battle before richmond, in the rebel service, by a private of the irish brigade. "'joseph heime, m. d., houston street.'" "semmes, in his long piratical career," scarcely equalled these doings of mr. seward's countrymen. he certainly did not send any stolen bibles, published in the netherlands or elsewhere, to the _deerhound_, to be sold to pious jallonacks for $ apiece. but to return to mr. lancaster, and the gross assault that was made upon him, by the secretary of state. mr. lancaster, being a gentleman of ease and fortune, spent a portion of his summers in yachting, as is the case with a large number of the better classes in england. being in france with his family, he ordered his yacht, the _deerhound_, to meet him, at the port of cherbourg, where it was his intention to embark for a cruise of a few weeks in the german ocean. a day or two before the engagement between the _alabama_ and the _kearsarge_, a steam yacht, under british colors, was reported to me, as having anchored in the harbor. beyond admiring the beautiful proportions of the little craft, we paid no further attention to her; and when she steamed out of cherbourg, on the morning of the engagement, we had not the least conception of what her object was. with this preface, i will let mr. lancaster tell his own story. he had been assaulted by a couple of yankee correspondents, in the london "daily news," a paper in the interests, and reported to be in the pay of the federal government. he is replying to those assaults, which, as the reader will see, were the same that were afterward _rehashed_ by mr. seward, in the despatch already quoted. "the deerhound, the alabama, and the kearsarge. "to the editor of the 'daily news.' sir:--as two correspondents of your journal, in giving their versions of the fight between the _alabama_ and the _kearsarge_, have designated my share in the escape of captain semmes, and a portion of the crew of the sunken ship as 'dishonorable,' and have moreover affirmed that my yacht, the _deerhound_, was in the harbor of cherbourg before the engagement, and proceeded thence, on the morning of the engagement in order to assist the _alabama_, i presume i may trespass upon your kindness so far as to ask an opportunity to repudiate the imputation, and deny the assertion. they admit that when the _alabama_ went down, the yacht, being near the _kearsarge_, was hailed by captain winslow, and requested to aid in picking up the men who were in the water; but they intimate that my services were expected to be merely ministerial; or, in other words, that i was to put myself under the command of captain winslow, and place my yacht at his disposal for the capture of the poor fellows who were struggling in the water for their lives. "the fact is, that when we passed the _kearsarge_, the captain cried out, 'for god's sake, do what you can to save them,' and that was my warrant for interfering, in any way, for the aid and succor of his enemies. it may be a question with some, whether, without that warrant, i should have been justified in endeavoring to rescue any of the crew of the _alabama_; but my own opinion is, that a man drowning in the open sea cannot be regarded as an enemy, at the time, to anybody, and is, therefore, entitled to the assistance of any passer-by. be this as it may, i had the earnest request of captain winslow, to rescue as many of the men who were in the water, as i could lay hold of, but that request was not coupled with any stipulation to the effect that i should deliver up the rescued men to him, as his prisoners. if it had been, i should have declined the task, because i should have deemed it dishonorable--that is, inconsistent with my notions of honor--to lend my yacht and crew, for the purpose of rescuing those brave men from drowning, only to hand them over to their enemies, for imprisonment, ill-treatment, and perhaps execution. "one of your correspondents opens his letter, by expressing a desire, to bring to the notice of the yacht clubs of england, the conduct of the commander of the _deerhound_, which followed the engagement of the _alabama_ and _kearsarge_. now that my conduct has been impugned, i am equally wishful that it should come under the notice of the yacht clubs of england, and i am quite willing to leave the point of honor to be decided by my brother yachtsmen, and, indeed, by any tribunal of gentlemen. as to my legal right to take away captain semmes and his friends, i have been educated in the belief that an english ship is english territory, and i am, therefore, unable, even now, to discover why i was more bound to surrender the people of the _alabama_ whom i had on board my yacht, than the owner of a garden on the south coast of england would have been, if they had swum to such a place, and landed there, or than the mayor of southampton was, when they were lodged in that city; or than the british government is, now that it is known that they are somewhere in england. "your other correspondent says that captain winslow declares that 'the reason he did not pursue the _deerhound_, or fire into her was, that he could not believe, at the time, that any one carrying the flag of the royal yacht squadron, could act so dishonorable a part, as to carry off the prisoners whom he had requested him to save, from feelings of humanity.' i was not aware then, and i am not aware now, that the men whom i saved _were, or ever had been his prisoners_. whether any of the circumstances which had preceded the sinking of the _alabama_ constituted them prisoners was a question that never came under my consideration, and one which i am not disposed to discuss even now. i can only say, that it is a new doctrine to me, that _when one ship sinks another, in warfare, the crew of the sunken ship are debarred from swimming for their lives, and seeking refuge wherever they can find it_; and it is a doctrine which i shall not accept, unless backed by better authority than that of the master of the _kearsarge_. what captain winslow's notion of humanity may be is a point beyond my knowledge, but i have good reason for believing that not many members of the royal yacht squadron would, from 'motives of humanity' have taken captain semmes from the water in order to give him up to the tender mercies of captain winslow, and his compatriots. another reason assigned by your correspondent for that hero's forbearance may be imagined in the reflection that such a performance as that of captain wilkes, who dragged two 'enemies' or 'rebels' from an english ship, would not bear repetition. [we have here the secret of the vindictiveness with which mr. seward pursued mr. lancaster. it was cruel of lancaster to remind him of the 'seven days' of tribulation, through which lord john russell had put him.] "your anonymous correspondent further says, that 'captain winslow would now have all the officers and men of the _alabama_, as prisoners, had he not placed too much confidence in the honor of an englishman, who carried the flag of the royal yacht squadron.' this is a very questionable assertion; for why did captain winslow confide in that englishman? why did he implore his interference, calling out, 'for god's sake, do what you can to save them?' i presume it was because he would not, or could not save them, himself. the fact is, that if the captain and crew of the _alabama_ had depended for safety altogether upon captain winslow, _not one half of them would have been saved_. he got quite as many of them as he could lay hold of, time enough to deliver them from drowning. "i come now to the more definite charges advanced by your correspondents, and these i will soon dispose of. they maintain that my yacht was in the harbor of cherbourg, for the purpose of assisting the _alabama_, and that her movements before the action prove that she attended her for the same object. my impression is, that the yacht was in cherbourg, to suit my convenience, and pleasure, and i am quite sure, that when there, i neither did, nor intended to do anything to serve the _alabama_. we steamed out on sunday morning to see the engagement, and the resolution to do so was the result of a family council, whereat the question 'to go out,' or 'not to go out,' was duly discussed, and the decision in the affirmative was carried by the juveniles, rather against the wish of both myself, and my wife. had i contemplated taking any part in the movements of the _alabama_, i do not think i should have been accompanied with my wife, and several young children. "one of your correspondents, however, says that he knows that the _deerhound_ did assist the _alabama_, and if he does know this, he knows more than i do. as to the movements of the _deerhound_, before the action, all the movements with which i was acquainted, were for the objects of enjoying the summer morning, and getting a good and safe place from which to watch the engagement. another of your correspondents declares, that since the affair, it has been discovered, that the _deerhound_ was a consort of the _alabama_, and on the night before had received many valuable articles, for safe-keeping, from that vessel. this is simply untrue. before the engagement, neither i nor any member of my family had any knowledge of, or communication with captain semmes, or any of his officers or any of his crew. since the fight i have inquired from my captain whether he, or any of my crew, had had any communication with the captain or crew of the _alabama_, prior to meeting them on the _deerhound_ after the engagement, and his answer, given in the most emphatic manner, has been, 'none whatever.' as to the deposit of chronometers, and other valuable articles, the whole story is a myth. nothing was brought from the _alabama_ to the _deerhound_, and i never heard of the tale, until i saw it, in an extract from your own columns. "after the fight was over, the drowning men picked up, and the _deerhound_ steaming away to southampton, some of the officers who had been saved began to express their acknowledgments for my services, and my reply to them, which was addressed, also, to all who stood around, was 'gentlemen, you have no need to give me any special thanks. i should have done exactly the same for the other people, if they had needed it.' this speech would have been a needless, and, indeed, an absurd piece of hypocrisy, if there had been any league or alliance between the _alabama_ and the _deerhound_. both your correspondents agree in maintaining that captain semmes, and such of his crew as were taken away by the _deerhound_, are bound in honor to consider themselves still as prisoners, and to render themselves to their lawful captors as soon as practicable. this is a point which i have nothing to do with, and therefore i shall not discuss it. my object, in this letter, is merely to vindicate my conduct from misrepresentation; and i trust that in aiming at this, i have not transgressed any of your rules of correspondence, and shall therefore be entitled to a place in your columns. john lancaster." "mark how a plain tale shall put him down." there could not be a better illustration of this remark, than the above reply, proceeding from the pen of a gentleman, to mr. seward's charges against both mr. lancaster and myself. mr. adams having complained to lord russell, of the conduct of mr. lancaster, the latter gentleman addressed a letter to his lordship, containing substantially the defence of himself which he had prepared for the "daily news." in a day or two afterward, lord russell replied to mr. adams as follows:-- foreign office, july , . sir:--with reference to my letter of the th inst., i have the honor to transmit to you, a copy of a letter which i have received from mr. lancaster, containing his answer to the representations contained in your letter of the th ult., with regard to the course pursued by him, in rescuing captain semmes and others, on the occasion of the sinking of the _alabama_; and i have the honor to inform you, that i do not think it necessary to take any further steps in the matter. i have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, your most obedient, humble servant. russell. the royal yacht squadron, as well as the government, sustained their comrade in what he had done, and a number of officers of the royal navy and army, approving of my course, throughout the trying circumstances in which i had been placed--not even excepting the hurling of my sword into the sea, under the circumstances related--set on foot a subscription for another sword, to replace the one which i had lost, publishing the following announcement of their intention in the london "daily telegraph":-- junior united service club, s. w. june , . sir:--it will doubtless gratify the admirers of the gallantry displayed by the officers and crew of the renowned _alabama_, in the late action off cherbourg, if you will allow me to inform them, through your influential journal, that it has been determined to present captain semmes with a handsome sword, to replace that which he buried with his sinking ship. gentlemen wishing to participate in this testimony to unflinching patriotism and naval daring, will be good enough to communicate with the chairman, admiral anson, united service club, pall-mall, or, sir, yours, &c. bedford pim, _commander r. n., hon. secretary_. this design on the part of the officers of the british navy and army was afterward carried out, by the presentation to me of a magnificent sword, which was manufactured to their order in the city of london, with suitable naval and southern devices. i could not but appreciate very highly this delicate mode, on the part of my professional brethren, of rebutting the slanders of the northern press and people. i might safely rely upon the judgment of two of the principal naval clubs in england,--the united service, and the junior united service, on whose rolls were some of the most renowned naval and military names of great britain. the shouts of the multitude are frequently deceptive; the idol of an hour may be pulled down in the succeeding hour; but the approbation of my brethren in arms, who coolly surveyed my career, and measured it by the rules which had guided the conduct of so many of their own soldiers by sea and by land, in whose presence my own poor name was unworthy to be mentioned, was indeed beyond all price to me. to keep company with this sword, a noble english lady presented me with a mammoth confederate flag, wrought with her own hands from the richest silk. there is not a spot on its pure white field, and the battle-cross and the stars, when unfolded, flash as brightly as ever. these two gifts shall be precious heirlooms in my family, to remind my descendants, that, in the words of patrick henry, "i have done my utmost to preserve their liberty." "furl that banner, for 'tis _weary_; round its staff 'tis drooping dreary; furl it, fold it, it is best: for there's not a man to wave it, and there's not a sword to save it, and there's not one left to lave it in the blood which heroes gave it; and its foes now scorn and brave it; _furl_ it, _hide_ it--let it _rest_. * * * * "furl it! for the hands that grasped it, and the hearts that fondly clasped it, cold and dead are lying low; and that banner--it is trailing! while around it sounds the wailing of its people in their woe. * * * * "furl that banner! true 'tis gory. yet 'tis wreathed around with glory, and 'twill live in song and story, though its folds are in the dust; for its fame on brightest pages, penned by poets and by sages, shall go sounding down the ages-- furl its folds though now we must." mr. mason, our commissioner at the court of london, thanked mr. lancaster for his humane and generous conduct in the following terms:-- upper seymour street, portman square, london, june , . dear sir:--i received from captain semmes, at southampton, where i had the pleasure to see you, yesterday, a full report of the efficient service rendered, under your orders, by the officers and crew of your yacht, the _deerhound_, in rescuing him, with thirteen of his officers and twenty-seven of his crew, from their impending fate, after the loss of his ship. captain semmes reports that, finding the _alabama_ actually sinking, he had barely time to dispatch his wounded in his own boats, to the enemy's ship, when the _alabama_ went down, and nothing was left to those who remained on board, but to throw themselves into the sea. their own boats absent, there seemed no prospect of relief, when your yacht arrived in their midst, and your boats were launched; and he impressively told me, that to this timely and generous succor, he, with most of his officers and a portion of his crew, were indebted for their safety. he further told me, that on their arrival on board of the yacht, every care and kindness were extended to them which their exhausted condition required, even to supplying all with dry clothing. i am fully aware of the noble and disinterested spirit which prompted you to go to the rescue of the gallant crew of the _alabama_, and that i can add nothing to the recompense already received by you and those acting under you, in the consciousness of having done as you would be done by; yet you will permit me to thank you, and through you, the captain, officers, and crew of the _deerhound_, for this signal service, and to say that in doing so, i but anticipate the grateful sentiment of my country, and of the government of the confederate states. i have the honor to be, dear sir, most respectfully and truly, your obedient servant, j. m. mason. john lancaster, _esq., hindley hall, wigan_. subsequently, upon my arrival in richmond, in the winter of the same year, the confederate congress passed a joint resolution of thanks to mr. lancaster, a copy of which it requested the secretary of the navy to transmit to him. in the confusion incident to the downfall of the confederacy, which speedily followed, mr. lancaster probably never received a copy of this resolution. thus, with the indorsement of his own government, and with that of the yacht-clubs of england, and of the congress of the confederate states, he may safely despise the malicious diatribes that were launched against him by a fanatical and infuriated people, who were thirsting for an opportunity to wreak their vengeance upon the persons of the men whom he had saved. upon my landing in southampton, i was received with great kindness by the english people, ever ready to sympathize with the unfortunate, and administer to the wants of the distressed. though my officers and myself were not to be classed in this latter category, as my drafts on the house of frazer, trenholm & co., of liverpool, would have been accepted to any extent, and were as good as cash in the market, there were many generous offers of pecuniary assistance made me. i cannot forbear to speak of one of these, as it came from a lady, and if, in doing so, i trespass upon the bounds of propriety, i trust the noble lady will forgive me. this is the only means left me of making her any suitable acknowledgment. this lady was miss gladstone, a sister of the chancellor of the exchequer, who wrote me a long letter, full of sympathy, and of those noble impulses which swell the heart of the true woman on such occasions. she generously offered me any aid of which my sailors or myself might be in need. letters of condolence for my loss, and congratulation upon my escape from the power of a ruthless enemy, came in upon me in great profusion; and, as for volunteers, half the adventurous young spirits of england claimed the privilege of serving under me, in my _new_ ship. the career of the _alabama_ seemed to have fired the imagination of all the schools and colleges in england, if i might judge by the number of ardent missives i received from the young gentlemen who attended them. mr. mason, captain bullock, and the rev. f. w. tremlett came post-haste to southampton, to offer us sympathy and services. the reader will recollect the circumstances under which i became acquainted with the latter gentleman, when i laid up the _sumter_ at gibraltar, and retired to london. he now came to insist that i should go again to my "english home," at his house, to recruit and have my wound cared for. as i had already engaged quarters at millbrook, where i should be in excellent hands, and as duties connected with the welfare of my crew would require my detention in the neighborhood of southampton for a week or two, i was forced to forego the pleasure for the present. in connection with the gratitude due other friends, i desire to mention the obligations i am under to dr. j. wiblin, a distinguished surgeon and physician of southampton, who attended my crew and officers whilst we remained there, without fee or reward. the reader may recollect, that previous to my engagement with the _kearsarge_, i had sent on shore, through my paymaster, the ship's funds, and the books and papers necessary to a final settlement with my crew. the paymaster now recovered back these funds, from the bankers with whom they had been deposited, paid off such of the officers and men as were with us at southampton, and proceeded to liverpool, where he was to pay off the rest of the survivors as fast as they should present themselves. some of the crew were wounded, and in french hospitals, where they were treated with marked kindness and consideration; some had been made prisoners, and paroled by captain winslow, _with the approbation of mr. adams_, under _the mistaken idea_, as mr. seward afterward insisted, that they were _prisoners of war_, and some weeks elapsed, consequently, before they could all present themselves at the paymaster's table. this was finally accomplished, however, and every officer and seaman, received, in full, all the pay that was due him. the amounts due to those killed and drowned, were paid, in due time, to their legal representatives; and thus were the affairs of the _alabama_ wound up. chapter lvi. author makes a short visit to the continent--returns to london, and embarks on his return to the confederate states--lands at bagdad, near the mouth of the rio grande--journey through texas--reaches louisiana, and crosses the mississippi; and in a few days more is at home, after an absence of four years. i considered my career upon the high seas closed by the loss of my ship, and had so informed commodore barron, who was our chief of bureau in paris. we had a number of gallant confederate naval officers, both in england and france, eager and anxious to go afloat--more than could be provided with ships--and it would have been ungenerous in me to accept another command. besides, my health was broken down to that degree, that i required absolute quiet, for some months, before i should again be fit for duty. i, therefore, threw off all care and responsibility, as soon as i had wound up the affairs of the _alabama_, and went up to enjoy the hospitality of my friend tremlett, at belsize park, in london. here we arranged for a visit, of a few weeks, to the continent, and especially to the swiss mountains, which was carried out in due time. one other gentleman, an amiable and accomplished sister of my friend tremlett, and two other ladies, connections or friends of the family, accompanied us. we were absent six weeks; landing at ostend, passing hurriedly through belgium--not forgetting, however, to visit the battle-field of waterloo--stopping a few days at spa, for the benefit of the waters, and then passing on to the rhine; up that beautiful and historic river to mayence, and thence to the swiss lakes--drawing the first long breath at geneva, where we rested a few days. there, reader! i have given you my european tour in a single paragraph; and as i am writing of the sea, and of war, and not of the land, or of peace, this is all the space i can appropriate to it. i must be permitted, however, to say of my friend tremlett, that i found him a veteran traveller, who knew how to smooth all the difficulties of a journey; and of the ladies of our party, that their cheerfulness, good-humor, and kind attention to me, did quite as much as the swiss mountain air toward the restoration of my health. i must be permitted to make another remark in connection with this journey. i found a number of exceedingly patriotic, young, able-bodied male confederates, of a suitable age for bearing arms, travelling, with or without their papas and mammas, and boasting of the confederacy! most of these carpet-knights had been in europe during the whole war. returning to london, in the latter days of september, a few days in advance of my travelling party, i made my preparations for returning to the confederate states; and on the d of october, , embarked on board the steamer _tasmanian_, for havana _via_ st. thomas. my intention was to pass into texas, through the mexican port of matamoras. my journey, by this route, would occupy a little longer time, and be attended, perhaps, with some discomfort, but i should avoid the risk of the blockade, which was considerable. the enemy having resorted, literally, to the starving process, as being the only one which was likely to put an end to the war, had begun to burn our towns, lay waste our corn-fields, run off our negroes and cattle, and was now endeavoring to seal, hermetically, our ports. he had purchased all kinds of steamers--captured blockade-runners and others--which he had fitted out as ships of war, and he now had a fleet little short of five hundred sail. acting, as before stated, on the principle of abandoning his commerce, he had concentrated all these before the blockaded ports, in such swarms, that it was next to impossible for a ship to run in or out, without his permission. i preferred not to fall into the enemy's hands, without the benefit of a capitulation. the very mention of my name had, as yet, some such effect upon the yankee government as the shaking of a red flag has before the blood-shot eyes of an infuriated bull. mr. seward gored, and pawed, and threw up the dust; and, above all, bellowed, whenever the vision of the _alabama_ flitted across his brain; and the "sainted abe" was, in foreign affairs, but his man "friday." at st. thomas we changed steamers, going on board the _solent_--the transfer of passengers occupying only a few hours. the _solent_ ran down for the coast of porto rico, where she landed some passengers; passed thence to the north side of st. domingo, thence into the old bahama channel, and landed us at havana, in the last days of october. here we were compelled to wait, a few days, for a chance vessel to matamoras, there being no regular packets. this enforced delay was tedious enough, though much alleviated by the companionship of a couple of agreeable fellow-passengers, who had embarked with me at southampton, and who, like myself, were bound to matamoras. one of these was father fischer, and the other, mr. h. n. caldwell, a southern merchant. father fischer was a german by birth, but had emigrated in early youth to mexico, where he had become a priest. he was a remarkable man, of commanding personal appearance, and a well-cultivated and vigorous intellect. he spoke half a dozen modern languages,--the english among the rest, with great precision and purity,--and both caldwell and myself became much attached to him. he afterward played a very important _role_ in the affairs of mexico, becoming maximilian's confessor, and one of his most trusted counsellors. he was imprisoned for a time, after the fall of the empire, but was finally released, and has since made his way to europe, with important papers belonging to the late unfortunate monarch, and will no doubt give us a history of the important episode in mexican affairs in which he took part. no other vessel offering, we were compelled to embark in a small yankee schooner, still redolent of codfish, though wearing the english flag, to which she had recently been transferred. this little craft carried us safely across the gulf of mexico, after a passage of a week, and landed us at a sea-shore village, at the mouth of the rio grande, rejoicing in the dreamy eastern name of bagdad. so unique was this little village, that i might have fancied it, as its name imported, really under the rule of caliphs, but for certain signs of the yankee which met my eye. the ubiquity of this people is marvellous. they scent their prey with the unerring instinct of the carrion-bird. i had encountered them all over the world, chasing the omnipotent dollar, notwithstanding the gigantic war they were carrying on at home; and here was this little village of bagdad, on the texan border, as full of them as an ant-hill is of ants; and the human ants were quite as busy as their insect prototypes. numerous shanties had been constructed on the sands, out of unplaned boards. some of these shanties were hotels, some billiard-saloons, and others grog-shops. the beach was piled with cotton bales going out, and goods coming in. the stores were numerous, and crowded with wares. teamsters cracked their whips in the streets, and horsemen, booted and spurred, galloped hither and thither. the whole panorama looked like some magic scene, which might have been improvised in a night. the population was as heterogeneous as the dwellings. whites, blacks, mulattos, and indians were all mixed. but prominent above all stood the yankee. the shanties were his, and the goods were his. he kept the hotels, marked the billiards, and sold the grog. pretty soon a coach drove up to the door of the _hotel_ at which we were stopping, to take us to matamoras, a distance of thirty miles. here was the yankee again. the coach had been built in troy, new york. the horses were all northern horses--tall, strong, and gaunt, none of your mexican mustangs. the jehu was yankee, a tall fellow, with fisherman's boots, and fancy top-hamper. the dried-up little mexicans who attended to the horses, harnessing and unharnessing them, on the road, at the different relay stations, evidently stood in great awe of him. he took us into matamoras "_on time_," and at the end of his journey, cracked his whip, and drew up his team at the hotel-door, with a flourish that would have done honor to mr. samuel weller, senior, himself. as great a revolution had taken place in matamoras as at bagdad. the heretofore quaint old spanish town presented the very picture of a busy commercial mart. house-rent was at an enormous figure; the streets, as well as the stores, were piled with bales and boxes of merchandise, and every one you met seemed to be running somewhere, intent on business. ox and mule teams from the texan side of the river, were busy hauling the precious staple of the southern states, which put all this commerce in motion, to bagdad, for shipment; and anchored off that mushroom village, i had counted, as i landed, no less than sixty sail of ships--nearly all of them foreign. fortunately for all this busy throng, maximilian reigned supreme in mexico, and his lieutenant in matamoras, general mejia, gave security and protection to person and property, at the same time that he raised considerable revenue by the imposition of moderate taxes. colonel ford, the commandant at brownsville, on the opposite side of the river, came over to see me, and toward nightfall i returned with him to that place. we crossed the river in a skiff managed by a mexican, and as my foot touched, for the first time in four years, the soil of my native south, i experienced, in their full force, the lines of the poet:-- "where shall that _land_, that _spot of earth_ be found? art thou a man?--a patriot?--look around; oh! thou shalt find, howe'er thy footsteps roam, that land _thy_ country, and that spot _thy_ home!" there were no hotels at brownsville, but i was comfortably lodged for the night, with colonel beldon, the collector of the port. the next morning i breakfasted with a large party at a neighboring restaurant, who had assembled thither to welcome me back to my native land; and when the breakfast was over, a coach and four, which was to take me on my way to shreveport, in louisiana, drew up at the door. an escort of cavalry had been provided, to accompany me as far as king's ranch, a point at which the road approaches the coast, and where it was supposed that some of the enemy's gunboats might attempt to ambuscade me. i found, upon entering the coach, in which i was to be the only traveller, that my friends had provided for my journey in true texan style; my outfit being a stout pair of gray blankets, which were to form my bed on the prairies for the next hundred miles, as we should have to travel that distance before we reached the shelter of a roof; a box containing a dozen bottles of excellent brandy, and cigars at discretion! as the driver cracked his whip, to put his mustangs in motion, and my escort clattered on ahead of me, the crowd who had gathered in the street to see me depart, launched me upon the prairie, with three hearty cheers, such as only texan throats can give. it so happened, that my _major-domo_ for the journey, sergeant ----, was the same who had conducted my friend, colonel freemantle, over this route, some two years before. i found him the same invaluable travelling companion. his lunch-baskets were always well filled, he knew everybody along the road, was unsurpassed at roasting a venison steak before a camp-fire on a forked stick, and made a capital cup of coffee. i missed the judge, whom freemantle so humorously describes, but i found a good many judges on the road, who might sit for his portrait. and now, for want of space, i must treat this journey as i did my european tour, give it to the reader in a paragraph. we were fourteen days on the road; passing through san patricio on the nueces, gonzales on the guadalupe, houston, hempstead, navasota, huntsville, rusk, henderson, and marshall, arriving on the th of november at shreveport. i was received, everywhere, with enthusiasm by the warm-hearted, brave texans, the hotels being all thrown open to me, free of expense, and salutes of artillery greeting my entrance into the towns. i was frequently compelled to make short speeches to the people, merely that they might hear, as they said, "how the pirate talked;" and, i fear, i drank a good many more mint-juleps than were good for me. at table i was always seated on the right hand of the "landlady," and i was frequently importuned by a bevy of blooming lasses, to tell them "how i did the yankees." glorious texas! what if thou art a little too much given to the bowie-knife and revolver, and what if grass-widows are somewhat frequent in some of thy localities, thou art all right at heart! liberty burns with a pure flame on thy prairies, and the day will yet come when thou wilt be free. thy fate, thus far, has been a hard one. in a single generation thou hast changed thy political condition four times. when i first knew thee, thou wast a mexican province. you then became an independent state. in an evil hour you were beguiled into accepting the fatal embrace of the yankee. learning your mistake, ere long, you united your fortunes with those of the confederate states, in the hope again to be free. you did what it was in the power of mortals to do, but the fates were adverse, and you have again been dragged down into worse than mexican bondage. bide thy time! thou art rapidly filling up with population. thou wilt soon become an empire in thyself, and the day is not far distant, when thou mayest again strike for freedom! at shreveport, i was hospitably entertained at the mansion of colonel williamson, serving on the staff of the commanding general of the trans-mississippi department, kirby smith. the mayor and a deputation of the councils waited on me, and tendered me a public dinner, but i declined. i remained with colonel williamson a couple of days, and the reader may imagine how agreeable this relaxation, in comfortable quarters, was to me, after a journey of fourteen consecutive days and nights, in a stage-coach, through a rough, and comparatively wild country. governor allen was making shreveport the temporary seat of government of louisiana, and i had the pleasure of making his acquaintance, and dining with him, in company with general smith and his staff. the governor was not only a genial, delightful companion, but a gallant soldier, who had rendered good service to the confederacy at the head of his regiment. he had been terribly wounded, and was still hobbling about on crutches. he seemed to be the idol of the people of his state. he was as charitable and kind-hearted as brave, and the needy soldier, or soldier's wife, never left his presence without the aid they came to seek. my object in taking shreveport in my route, instead of striking for the red river, some distance below, was to meet my son, major o. j. semmes, who, i had been informed at brownsville, was serving in this part of louisiana. in the beginning of the war he withdrew from west point, where he was within a year of graduating, and offered his sword to his state--alabama. i had not seen him since. he was now a major of artillery, commanding a battalion in general buckner's army, stationed at alexandria. thither i now directed my course. the river being too low for boating, i was forced to make another land journey. the general kindly put an ambulance at my disposal, and my host, with the forethought of a soldier, packed me a basket of provisions. my friend and travelling companion, viz., the jehu, who was to drive me, was an original. he was from ohio, and had served throughout the war as a private soldier in the confederate army. he had been in a good many fights and skirmishes, and was full of anecdote. if he had an antipathy in the world, it was against the yankee, and nothing gave him half so much pleasure, as to "fight his battles o'er again." as i had a journey of four or five days before me--the distance being miles over execrable roads--the fellow was invaluable to me. we passed through several of the localities where general banks had been so shamefully beaten by general dick taylor,--at mansfield, pleasant hill, and monett's ferry. the fields were still strewn with the carcasses of animals; a few, unmarked hillocks, here and there, showed where soldiers had been buried; and the rent and torn timber marked the course of the cannon-balls that had carried death to either side. the vandals, in their retreat, had revenged themselves on the peaceful inhabitants, and every few miles the charred remains of a dwelling told where some family had been unhoused, and turned into the fields by the torch. at alexandria, i was kindly invited by general buckner to become his guest during my stay, and he sent a courier at once to inform my son, who was encamped a few miles below the town, of my arrival. the latter came to see me the same afternoon. i remained in the hospitable quarters of the general a week before the necessary arrangements could be made for my crossing the mississippi. the enemy being in full possession of this river by means of his gunboats, it was a matter of some little management to cross in safety. the trans-mississippi mails to richmond had been sent over, however, quite regularly, under the personal superintendence of a young officer, detailed for the purpose, and the general was kind enough to arrange for my crossing with this gentleman. the news of my passing through texas had reached the enemy at new orleans, as we learned by his newspapers, and great vigilance had been enjoined on his gunboats to intercept me, if possible. our arrangements being completed, i left alexandria on the th of december, accompanied by my son, who had obtained a short leave of absence for the purpose of visiting his home, and reached the little village of evergreen the next day. arrived at this point, we were joined by our companions of the mail service, and on the th we crossed both the red and mississippi rivers in safety. the journey through the swamps, leading to these rivers, was unique. we performed it on horseback, pursuing mere bridle-paths and cattle-tracks, in single file, like so many indians. our way sometimes led us through a forest of gigantic trees, almost entirely devoid of under-growth, and resembling very much, though after a wild fashion, the park scenery of england. at other times we would plunge into a dense, tangled brake, where the interlaced grape and other vines threatened every moment, to drag us from our saddles. the whole was a drowned country, and impassable during the season of rains. it was now low water, and as we rode along, the high-water marks on the trees were visible, many feet above our heads. from this description of the country, the reader will see how impossible it was for artillery or cavalry, or even infantry, to operate on the banks of these rivers, during a greater part of the year. except at a few points, the enemy's gunboats were almost as secure from attack as they would have been, on the high seas. occasionally, we had to swim a deep bayou, whose waters looked as black as those of the stygian lake; but if the bayou was wide, as well as deep, we more frequently dismounted, stripped our horses, and surrounding them, and shouting at them, made them take the water in a drove, and swim over by themselves. we then crossed in skiffs, which the mail-men had provided for the purpose, and caught and resaddled our horses for a fresh mount. we reached the bank of the mississippi just before dark. there were two of the enemy's gunboats anchored in the river, at a distance of about three miles apart. as remarked in another place, the enemy had converted every sort of a water craft, into a ship of war, and now had them in such number, that he was enabled to police the river in its entire length, without the necessity of his boats being out of sight of each other's smoke. the officers of these river craft were mostly volunteers from the merchant service, whose commissions would expire with the war, and a greater set of predatory rascals was, perhaps, never before collected in the history of any government. they robbed the plantations, and demoralized them by trade, at the same time. our people were hard pressed for the necessaries of life, and a constant traffic was being carried on with them, by these armed river steamers, miscalled ships of war. it would not do, of course, for us to attempt the passage of the river, until after dark; and so we held ourselves under cover of the forest, until the proper moment, and then embarked in a small skiff, sending back the greater part of our escort. our boat was scarcely able to float the numbers that were packed into her. her gunwales were no more than six inches above the water's edge. fortunately for us, however, the night was still, and the river smooth, and we pulled over without accident. as we shot within the shadows of the opposite bank, our conductor, before landing, gave a shrill whistle to ascertain whether all was right. the proper response came directly, from those who were to meet us, and in a moment more, we leaped on shore among friends. we found spare horses awaiting us, and my son and myself slept that night under the hospitable roof of colonel rose. the next morning the colonel sent us to woodville, in his carriage, and in four or five days more, we were in mobile, and i was at home again, after an absence of four years! chapter lvii. author sets out for richmond--is two weeks in making the journey--interview with president davis; with general lee--author is appointed a rear-admiral, and ordered to command the james river squadron--assumes command; condition of the fleet--great demoralization--the enemy's armies gradually increasing--lee's lines broken. i telegraphed my arrival, immediately, to the secretary of the navy at richmond, informing him of my intention to proceed to that capital after resting for a few days. the following reply came over the wires, in the course of a few hours. "congratulate you, on your safe arrival. when ready to come on, regard this as an order to report to the department." i did not, of course, dally long at home. the enemy was pressing us too hard for me to think of sitting down in inglorious ease, so long as it was possible that i might be of service. at all events, it was my duty to present myself to the government, and see if it had any commands for me. accordingly, on the d of january, , i put myself _en route_ for richmond. i was two weeks making my way to the capital of the confederacy, owing the many breaks which had been made in the roads by raiding parties of the enemy, and by sherman's march through georgia. poor georgia! she had suffered terribly during this vandal march of conflagration and pillage, and i found her people terribly demoralized. i stopped a day in columbia, the beautiful capital of south carolina, afterward so barbarously burned by a drunken and disorderly soldierly, with no officer to raise his hand to stay the conflagration. passing on, as soon as some temporary repairs could be made on a break in the road, ahead of me, i reached richmond, without further stoppages, and was welcomed at his house, by my friend and relative, the hon. thomas j. semmes, a senator in the confederate congress from the state of louisiana. i had thus travelled all the way from the eastern boundary of mexico, to richmond, by land, a journey, which, perhaps, has seldom been performed. in this long and tedious journey, through the entire length of the confederacy, i had been painfully struck with the changed aspect of things, since i had left the country in the spring of . plantations were ravaged, slaves were scattered, and the country was suffering terribly for the want of the most common necessaries of life. whole districts of country had been literally laid waste by the barbarians who had invaded us. the magnificent valley of the red river, down which, as the reader has seen, i had recently travelled, had been burned and pillaged for the distance of a hundred and fifty miles. neither alaric, nor attila ever left such a scene of havoc and desolation in his rear. demoniac yankee hate had been added to the thirst for plunder. sugar-mills, saw-mills, salt-works, and even the grist-mills which ground the daily bread for families, had been laid in ashes--their naked chimneys adding ghastliness to the picture. reeling, drunken soldiers passed in and out of dwellings, plundering and insulting their inmates; and if disappointed in the amount of their plunder, or resisted, applied the torch in revenge. many of these miscreants were foreigners, incapable of speaking the english language. the few dwellings that were left standing, looked like so many houses of mourning. once the seats of hospitality and refinement, and the centres of thrifty plantations, with a contented and happy laboring population around them, they were now shut up and abandoned. there was neither human voice in the hall, nor neigh of steed in the pasture. the tenantless negro cabins told the story of the war. the yankee had liberated the slave, and armed him to make war upon his former master. the slaves who had not been enlisted in the federal armies, were wandering, purposeless, about the country, in squads, thieving, famishing, and dying. this was the character of the war our _brethren_ of the north--god save the mark--were making upon us. to add to the heart-sickening features of the picture, our own people had become demoralized! men, generally, seemed to have given up the cause as lost, and to have set themselves at work, like wreckers, to save as much as possible from the sinking ship. the civilians had betaken themselves to speculation and money-getting, and the soldiers to drinking and debauchery. such, in brief, was the picture which presented itself to my eyes as i passed through the confederacy. the _alabama_ had gone to her grave none too soon. if she had not been buried with the honors of war, with the howling winds of the british channel to sing her requiem, she might soon have been handed over to the exultant yankee, to be exhibited at boston, as a trophy of the war. my first official visit in richmond was, of course, to the president. i found him but little changed, in personal appearance, since i had parted with him in montgomery, the then seat of government, in april, . but he was evidently deeply impressed with the critical state of the country, though maintaining an outward air of cheerfulness and serenity. i explained to him briefly, what, indeed, he already knew too well, the loss of my ship. he was kind enough to say that, though he deeply regretted her loss, he knew that i had acted for the best, and that he had nothing with which to reproach me. i dined with him on a subsequent day. there was only one other guest present. mrs. davis was more impressed with events than the president. with her womanly instinct, she already saw the handwriting on the wall. but though the coming calamity would involve her household in ruin, she maintained her self-possession and cheerfulness. the congress, which was in session, received me with a distinction which i had little merited. both houses honored me by a vote of thanks for my services, and invited me to a privileged seat on the floor. the legislature of virginia, also in session, extended to me the same honors. as soon as i could command a leisure moment, i paid general lee a visit, at his headquarters near petersburg, and spent a night with him. i had served with him in the mexican war. we discussed together the critical state of the country, and of his army,--we were now near the end of january, ,--and i thought the grand old chieftain and christian gentleman seemed to foreshadow, in his conversation--more by manner than by words--the approaching downfall of the cause for which we were both struggling. i had come to him, i told him, to speak of what i had seen of the people, and of the army, in my transit across the country, and to say to him, that unless prompt measures could be devised to put an end to the desertions that were going on among our troops, our cause must inevitably be lost. he did not seem to be at all surprised at the revelations i made. he knew all about the condition of the country, civil and military, but seemed to feel himself powerless to prevent the downward tendency of things. and he was right. it was no longer in the power of any one man to save the country. the body-politic was already dead. the people themselves had given up the contest, and this being the case, no army could do more than retard the catastrophe for a few months. besides, his army was, itself, melting away. that very night--as i learned the next morning, at the breakfast table-- men deserted in a body! it was useless to attempt to shoot deserters, when demoralization had gone to this extent. after i had been in richmond a few weeks, the president was pleased to nominate me to the senate as a rear-admiral. my nomination was unanimously confirmed, and, in a few days afterward, i was appointed to the command of the james river fleet. my commission ran as follows:-- confederate states of america, navy department, richmond, february , . rear-admiral raphael semmes. sir:--you are hereby informed that the president has appointed you, by and with the advice of the senate, a _rear-admiral_, in the provisional navy of the confederate states, "_for gallant and meritorious conduct, in command of the steam-sloop alabama_." you are requested to signify your acceptance, or non-acceptance of this appointment. s. r. mallory, _secretary of the navy_. an old and valued friend, commodore j. k. mitchell, had been in command of the james river fleet, and i displaced him very reluctantly. he had organized and disciplined the fleet, and had accomplished with it all that was possible, viz., the protection of richmond by water. i assumed my command on the th of february, . my fleet consisted of three iron-clads and five wooden gunboats. i found my old first lieutenant, kell, who had preceded me to richmond, and been made a commander, in command of one of the iron-clads, but he was soon obliged to relinquish his command, on account of failing health. as reorganized, the fleet stood as follows:-- _virginia_, iron-clad, flag-ship, four guns, captain dunnington. _richmond_, iron-clad, four guns, captain johnson. _fredericksburg_, iron-clad, four guns, captain glassel. _hampton_, wooden, two guns, captain wilson, late of the _alabama_. _nansemond_, wooden, two guns, captain butt. _roanoke_, wooden, two guns, captain pollock. _beaufort_, wooden, two guns, captain wyatt. _torpedo_, wooden, one gun, captain roberts. the fleet was assisted, in the defence of the river, by several shore batteries, in command of naval officers; as drury's bluff; battery brooke; battery wood, and battery semmes--the whole under the command of my old friend, commodore john r. tucker. i soon had the mortification to find that the fleet was as much demoralized as the army. indeed, with the exception of its principal officers, and about half a dozen sailors in each ship, its _personnel_ was drawn almost entirely from the army. the movements of the ships being confined to the head-waters of a narrow river, they were but little better than prison-ships. both men and officers were crowded into close and uncomfortable quarters, without the requisite space for exercise. i remedied this, as much as possible, by sending squads on shore, to drill and march on the river-bank. they were on half rations, and with but a scanty supply of clothing. great discontent and restlessness prevailed. constant applications were coming to me for leaves of absence--almost every one having some story to tell of a sick or destitute family. i was obliged, of course, to resist all these appeals. "the enemy was thundering at the gates," and not a man could be spared. desertion was the consequence. sometimes an entire boat's crew would run off, leaving the officer to find his way on board the best he might. the strain upon them had been too great. it was scarcely to be expected of men, of the class of those who usually form the rank and file of ships' companies, that they would rise above their natures, and sacrifice themselves by slow but sure degrees, in any cause, however holy. the visions of home and fireside, and freedom from restraint were too tempting to be resisted. the general understanding, that the collapse of the confederacy was at hand, had its influence with some of the more honorable of them. they reasoned that their desertion would be but an anticipation of the event by a few weeks. to add to the disorder, the "union element," as it was called, began to grow bolder. this element was composed mainly of northern-born men, who had settled among us before the war. in the height of the war, when the southern states were still strong, and when independence was not only possible, but probable, these men pretended to be good southerners. the puritan leaven, which was in their natures, was kept carefully concealed. hypocrisy was now no longer necessary. many of these men were preachers of the various denominations, and schoolmasters. these white-cravatted gentlemen now sprang into unusual activity. every mail brought long and artfully written letters from some of these scoundrels, tempting my men to desert. some of these letters came under my notice, and if i could have gotten hold of the writers, i should have been glad to give them the benefit of a short shrift, and one of my yard-arms. if i had had my fleet upon the sea, it would have been an easy matter to restore its discipline, but my ships were, in fact, only so many tents, into which entered freely all the bad influences of which i speak. i was obliged to perform guard-boat duty on the river, and picket duty on shore, and these duties gave my men all the opportunities of escape that they desired. with regard to the defence of richmond by water, i felt quite secure. no fleet of the enemy could have passed my three iron-clads, moored across the stream, in the only available channel, with obstructions below me, which would hold it under my fire, and that of the naval batteries on shore by which i was flanked. indeed, the enemy, seeing the hopelessness of approach by water, had long since given up the idea. the remainder of the winter passed slowly and tediously enough. a few months earlier, and i might have had something to occupy me. for a long time, there was no more than a single iron-clad in the lower james, the enemy being busy with charleston and wilmington. an attack on city point, grant's base of operations, and whence he drew all his supplies, would have been quite practicable. if the store-houses at that place could have been burned, there is no telling what might have been the consequences. but now, charleston and wilmington having fallen, and the enemy having no further use for his iron-clad fleet, on the coasts of north and south carolina, he had concentrated the whole of it on the lower james, under the command of admiral porter, who, as the reader has seen, had chased me, so quixotically, in the old frigate _powhattan_, in the commencement of the war. at first, this concentration looked like a preparation for an attempted ascent of the river, but if any attempt of the kind was ever entertained by porter, he had the good sense, when he came to view the "situation," to abandon it. i usually visited the navy department, during this anxious period, once a week, to confer with the secretary on the state of my fleet, and the attitude of the enemy, and to receive any orders or suggestions that the government might have to make. mr. mallory was kind enough, on these occasions, to give me _carte blanche_, and leave me pretty much to myself. at length the winter passed, and spring set in. the winds and the sun of march began to dry the roads, and put them in good order for military operations, and every one anticipated stirring events. as i sat in my twilight cabin, on board the _virginia_, and pored over the map of north carolina, and plotted upon it, from day to day, the approaches of sherman, the prospect seemed gloomy enough. as before remarked, charleston and wilmington had fallen. with the latter, we had lost our last blockade-running port. our ports were now all hermetically sealed. the anaconda had, at last, wound his fatal folds around us. with fields desolated at home, and all supplies from abroad cut off, starvation began to stare us in the face. charleston was evacuated on the th of february--general hardee having no more than time to get his troops out of the city, and push on ahead of sherman, and join general joseph e. johnson, who had again been restored to command. fort anderson, the last defence of wilmington, fell on the th of the same month. sherman was, about this time, at columbia, south carolina, where he forever disgraced himself by burning, or _permitting to be burned_, it matters not which, that beautiful city, which had already surrendered to his arms. the opportunity was too good to be lost. the puritan was at last in the city of the cavalier. the man of ruder habits and coarser civilization, was in the presence of the more refined gentleman whom he had envied and hated for generations. the ignoble passions of race-hatred and revenge were gratified, and massachusetts, through the agency of a brutal and debauched soldiery, had put her foot upon the neck of prostrate south carolina! this was humiliation indeed! the coarse man of mills and manufactures had at last found entrance as a master into the halls of the south carolina planter! it was generally expected that sherman would move upon charlotte, north carolina, one of the most extensive depots of the south, and thence to danville, and so on to richmond, to unite his forces with those of grant. there was nothing to oppose him. in ten days at the farthest, after burning columbia, he could have effected a junction with grant before petersburg. but the "great commander" seemed suddenly to have lost his courage, and to the astonishment of every one, soon after passing winsboro', north carolina, which lies on the road to charlotte, he swung his army off to the right, and marched in the direction of fayetteville! his old antagonist, johnston, was endeavoring to gather together the broken remains of the army of the tennessee, and he was afraid of him. his object now was to put himself in communication with schofield, who had landed at wilmington and at newbern with a large force, and establish a new base of operations at these points. he would be safe here, as his troops could be fed, and in case of disaster, he could fall back upon the sea, and upon porter's gunboats. he effected the contemplated junction with schofield, at goldsboro', north carolina, on the st of march. he had not touched any of lee's communications with his depots since leaving winsboro'; the destruction of which communications grant had so much at heart, and which had been the chief object of his--sherman's--"great march." at goldsboro' he was still miles from grant's lines, and he took no further part in the campaign. his junction with schofield had not been effected without disaster. at kinston, bragg gained a victory over schofield, utterly routing him, and taking prisoners; and at bentonsville, johnston checked, and gained some advantage over sherman. as the reader is supposed to be looking over the map with me, we will now stick a pin in the point representing goldsboro', and throw sherman and schofield out of view. in the latter part of march, sheridan, having overrun early's small force, in the valley of the shenandoah, found himself at liberty to join general grant. he brought with him from , to , excellent cavalry. grant's army was thus swollen to , men. adding sherman's and schofield's forces of , , we have , . in the meantime, lee's half-starved, ragged army, had dwindled to , . with this small number of men he was compelled to guard an intrenched line of forty miles in length, extending from the north side of the james river, below richmond, to hatcher's run, south of petersburg. as a mere general, he would have abandoned the hopeless task long ago, extricating his army, and throwing it into the field, but _cui bono_? with virginia in the enemy's possession, with a _beaten people_, and an army fast melting away by desertion, could the war be continued with any hope of success? if we could not defend ourselves before richmond, could we defend ourselves anywhere? that was the question. grant's object was to force lee's right in the vicinity of hatcher's run; but he masked this intention, as much as possible, by occasionally threatening the whole line. i had frequent opportunity, from the deck of my flag-ship, to witness terrible artillery conflicts where nobody was killed. suddenly, on a still night, all the enemy's batteries would be ablaze, and the heavens aroar with his firing. the expenditure of powder was enormous, and must have gladdened the hearts of the yankee contractors. i would sometimes be aroused from slumber, and informed that a great battle was going on. on one or two occasions, i made some slight preparations for defence, myself, not knowing but porter might be fool enough to come up the river, under the inspiration of this powder-burning, and booming of cannon. but it all amounted to nothing more than chinese grimaces, and "stink-pots," resorted to to throw lee off his guard, and prevent him from withdrawing men from his left, to reinforce his right. the final and successful assault of grant was not long delayed. the lines in the vicinity of petersburg having been weakened, by the necessity of withdrawing troops to defend lee's extreme right, resting now on a point called the five forks, grant, on the morning of sunday, the d of april, made a vigorous assault upon them, and broke them. lee's army was uncovered, and richmond was no longer tenable! chapter lviii. the evacuation of richmond by the army--the destruction of the james river fleet--the sailors of the fleet converted into soldiers--their helpless condition without any means of transportation--the conflagration of richmond and the entry of the enemy into the confederate capital--the author improvises a railroad train, and escapes in it with his command, to danville, va. as i was sitting down to dinner, about four o'clock, on the afternoon of the disastrous day mentioned in the last chapter, on board my flag-ship, the _virginia_, one of the small steamers of my fleet came down from richmond, having on board a special messenger from the navy department. upon being introduced into my cabin, the messenger presented me with a sealed package. up to this time, i was ignorant, of course, of what had occurred at petersburg. i broke the seal and read as follows:-- confederate states of america, executive office, richmond, va., april , . rear admiral raphael semmes, _commanding james river squadron_. sir:--general lee advises the government to withdraw from this city, and the officers will leave this evening, accordingly. i presume that general lee has advised you of this, and of his movements, and made suggestions as to the disposition to be made of your squadron. he withdraws upon his lines toward danville, this night; and unless otherwise directed by general lee, upon you is devolved the duty of destroying your ships, this night, and with all the forces under your command, joining general lee. confer with him, if practicable, before destroying them. let your people be rationed, as far as possible, for the march, and armed and equipped for duty in the field. very respectfully, your obedient servant, s. r. mallory, _secretary of the navy_. this was rather short notice. richmond was to be evacuated during the night, during which i was to burn my ships, accoutre and provision my men, and join general lee! but i had become used to emergencies, and was not dismayed. i signalled all my captains to come on board, and communicated to them the intelligence i had received, and concerted with them the programme of the night's work. it was not possible to attempt anything before dark, without exciting the suspicions of the enemy, as we were no more than four or five miles from his lines; and i enjoined upon my commanders the necessity of keeping their secret, until the proper moment for action should arrive. the sun was shining brightly, the afternoon was calm, and nature was just beginning to put on her spring attire. the fields were green with early grass, the birds were beginning to twitter, and the ploughman had already broken up his fields for planting his corn. i looked abroad upon the landscape, and contrasted the peace and quiet of nature, so heedless of man's woes, with the disruption of a great government, and the ruin of an entire people which were at hand! so unsuspicious were the government subordinates, of what was going on, that the flag-of-truce boats were still plying between richmond, and the enemy's head-quarters, a few miles below us, on the river, carrying backward and forward exchanged prisoners. as those boats would pass us, coming up the river, filled to overflowing with our poor fellows just released from yankee prisons, looking wan and hollow-eyed, the prisoners would break into the most enthusiastic cheering as they passed my flag. it seemed to welcome them home. they little dreamed, that it would be struck that night, forever, and the fleet blown into the air; that their own fetters had been knocked off in vain, and that they were to pass, henceforth, under the rule of the hated yankee. i was sick at heart as i listened to those cheers, and reflected upon the morrow. general lee had failed to give me any notice of his disaster, or of what his intentions were. as mine was an entirely independent command, he, perhaps, rightly considered, that it was the duty of the executive government to do this. still, in accordance with the expressed wishes of mr. mallory, i endeavored to communicate with him; sending an officer on shore to the signal station, at drury's bluff, for the purpose. no response came, however, to our telegrams, and night having set in, i paid no further attention to the movements of the army. i plainly saw that it was a case of _sauve qui peut_, and that i must take care of myself. i was to make another _alabama_-plunge into the sea, and try my luck. accordingly, when night drew her friendly curtain between the enemy and myself, i got all my ships under way, and ran up to drury's bluff. it was here i designed to blow up the iron-clads, throw their crews on board the wooden gunboats, and proceed in the latter to manchester, opposite richmond, on my way to join general lee. deeming secrecy of great importance to the army, in its attempted escape from its lines, my first intention was to _sink_ my fleet quietly, instead of blowing it up, as the explosions would give the enemy notice of what was going on. the reader may judge of my surprise, when, in the course of an hour or two after dark, i saw the whole horizon, on the north side of the james, glowing with fires of burning quarters, _materiel_, &c., lighted by our own troops, as they successively left their intrenchments! concealment on my part was no longer necessary or indeed practicable. i now changed my determination and decided upon burning my fleet. my officers and men worked like beavers. there were a thousand things to be done. the sailor was leaving the homestead which he had inhabited for several months. arms had to be served out, provisions gotten up out of the hold, and broken into such packages, as the sailors could carry. hammocks had to be unlashed, and the blankets taken out, and rolled up as compactly as possible. haversacks and canteens had to be improvised. these various operations occupied us until a late hour. it was between two and three o'clock in the morning, before the crews of the iron-clads were all safely embarked on board the wooden gunboats, and the iron-clads were well on fire. my little squadron of wooden boats now moved off up the river, by the glare of the burning iron-clads. they had not proceeded far, before an explosion, like the shock of an earthquake, took place, and the air was filled with missiles. it was the blowing up of the _virginia_, my late flag-ship. the spectacle was grand beyond description. her shell-rooms had been full of loaded shells. the explosion of the magazine threw all these shells, with their fuses lighted, into the air. the fuses were of different lengths, and as the shells exploded by twos and threes, and by the dozen, the pyrotechnic effect was very fine. the explosion shook the houses in richmond, and must have waked the echoes of the night for forty miles around. there are several bridges spanning the james between drury's bluff and the city, and at one of these we were detained an hour, the draw being down to permit the passage of some of the troops from the north side of the river, who had lighted the bonfires of which i have spoken. owing to this delay, the sun--a glorious, unclouded sun, as if to mock our misfortunes--was now rising over richmond. some windows, which fronted to the east, were all aglow with his rays, mimicking the real fires that were already breaking out in various parts of the city. in the lower part of the city, the school-ship _patrick henry_ was burning, and some of the houses near the navy yard were on fire. but higher up was the principal scene of the conflagration. entire blocks were on fire here, and a dense canopy of smoke, rising high in the still morning air, was covering the city as with a pall. the rear-guard of our army had just crossed, as i landed my fleet at manchester, and the bridges were burning in their rear. the tredegar iron works were on fire, and continual explosions of loaded shell stored there were taking place. in short, the scene cannot be described by mere words, but the reader may conceive a tolerable idea of it, if he will imagine himself to be looking on pandemonium broken loose. [illustration: the blowing up of the james river fleet, on the night of the evacuation of richmond. kelly, piet & co. publishers.----lith. by a. hoen & co. balto.] the population was in a great state of alarm. hundreds of men and women had sought refuge on the manchester side, in the hope of getting away, by some means or other, they knew not how. i was, myself, about the most helpless man in the whole crowd. i had just tumbled on shore, with their bags and baggage, sailors, incapable of marching a dozen miles without becoming foot-sore, and without any means, whatever, of transportation being provided for them. i had not so much as a pack-mule to carry a load of provisions. i was on foot, myself, in the midst of my men. a current of horsemen, belonging to our retreating column, was sweeping past me, but there was no horse for me to mount. it was every man for himself, and d----l take the hindmost. some of the young cavalry rascals--lads of eighteen or twenty--as they passed, jibed and joked with my old salts, asking them how they liked navigating the land, and whether they did not expect to anchor in fort warren pretty soon? the spectacle presented by my men was, indeed, rather a ludicrous one; loaded down, as they were, with pots, and pans, and mess-kettles, bags of bread, and chunks of salted pork, sugar, tea, tobacco, and pipes. it was as much as they could do to stagger under their loads--marching any distance seemed out of the question. as i reviewed my "troops," after they had been drawn up by my captains, who were now all become colonels, i could not but repeat to myself mr. mallory's last words--"you will join general lee, in the field, with all your forces." yes; here were my "forces," but where, the d----l, was general lee, and how was i to join him? if i had had the secretary of the navy, on foot, by the side of me, i rather think this latter question would have puzzled him. but there was no time to be lost,--i must do something. the first thing, of course, after landing my men, was to burn my wooden gunboats. this was done. they were fired, and shoved off from the landing, and permitted to float down the stream. i then "put my column in motion," and we "marched" a distance of several squares, blinded by the dust kicked up by those vagabonds on horseback, before mentioned. when we came in sight of the railroad depot, i halted, and inquired of some of the fugitives who were rushing by, about the trains. "the trains!" said they, in astonishment at my question; "the last train left at daylight this morning--it was filled with the civil officers of the government." notwithstanding this answer, i moved my command up to the station and workshops, to satisfy myself by a personal inspection. it was well that i did so, as it saved my command from the capture that impended over it. i found it quite true, that the "last train" had departed; and, also, that all the railroad-men had either run off in the train, or hidden themselves out of view. there was no one in charge of anything, and no one who knew anything. but there was some material lying around me; and, with this, i resolved to set up railroading on my own account. having a dozen and more steam-engineers along with me, from my late fleet, i was perfectly independent of the assistance of the alarmed railroad-men, who had taken to flight. a pitiable scene presented itself, upon our arrival at the station. great numbers had flocked thither, in the hope of escape; frightened men, despairing women, and crying children. military patients had hobbled thither from the hospitals; civil employees of the government, who had missed the "last train," by being a little too late, had come to remedy their negligence; and a great number of other citizens, who were anxious to get out of the presence of the hated yankee, had rushed to the station, they scarcely knew why. these people had crowded into, and on the top of, a few straggling passenger-cars, that lay uncoupled along the track, in seeming expectation that some one was to come, in due time, and take them off. there was a small engine lying also on the track, but there was no fire in its furnace, no fuel with which to make a fire, and no one to manage it. such was the condition of affairs when i "deployed" my "forces" upon the open square, and "grounded arms,"--the butts of my rifles not ringing on the ground quite as harmoniously as i could have desired. soldiering was new to jack; however, he would do better by-and-by. my first move was to turn all these wretched people i have described out of the cars. many plaintive appeals were made to me by the displaced individuals, but my reply to them all was, that it was better for an unarmed citizen to fall into the hands of the enemy, than a soldier with arms in his hands. the cars were then drawn together and coupled, and my own people placed in them. we next took the engine in hand. a body of my marine "sappers and miners" were set at work to pull down a picket fence, in front of one of the dwellings, and chop it into firewood. an engineer and firemen were detailed for the locomotive, and in a very few minutes, we had the steam hissing from its boiler. i now permitted as many of the frightened citizens as could find places to clamber upon the cars. all being in readiness, with the triumphant air of a man who had overcome a great difficulty, and who felt as if he might snap his fingers at the yankees once more, i gave the order to "go ahead." but this was easier said than done. the little locomotive started at a snail's pace, and drew us creepingly along, until we reached a slightly ascending grade, which occurs almost immediately after leaving the station. here it came to a dead halt. the firemen stirred their fires, the engineer turned on all his steam, the engine panted and struggled and screamed, but all to no purpose. we were effectually stalled. our little iron horse was incompetent to do the work which had been required of it. here was a predicament! we were still directly opposite the city of richmond, and in full view of it, for the track of the road runs some distance up the river-bank, before it bends away westward. amid flames and smoke and tumult and disorder, the enemy's hosts were pouring into the streets of the proud old capital. long lines of cavalry and artillery and infantry could be seen, moving like a huge serpent through the streets, and winding their way to state-house square. as a crowning insult, a regiment of negro cavalry, wild with savage delight at the thought of triumphing over their late masters, formed a prominent feature in the grand procession. alongside of the black savage marched the white savage--worthy compeers! nay, scarcely; the black savage, under the circumstances, was the more worthy of respect of the two. the prophecy of patrick henry was fulfilled; the very halls, in which he had thundered forth the prophecy, were in possession of the "stranger," against whom he had warned his countrymen! my temporary safety lay in two circumstances: first, the enemy was so drunk with his success, that he had no eyes for any one but himself and the population of the proud city of richmond which he was seeking to abase; and secondly, the bridges leading across the river were all on fire. whilst i was pondering what was best to be done, whether i should uncouple a portion of the train, and permit the rest to escape, an engineer came running to me to say that he had discovered another engine, which the absconding railroad people had hidden away in the recesses of their work-shops. the new engine was rolled out immediately, steam raised on it in a few minutes, and by the aid of the two engines, we gave our train, with the indifferent fuel we had, a speed of five or six miles per hour, until we reached the first wood-pile. here getting hold of some better fuel, we fired up with better effect, and went thundering, with the usual speed, on our course. it was thus, after i had, in fact, been abandoned by the government and the army, that i saved my command from capture. i make no charges--utter no complaints. perhaps neither the government, nor the army was to blame. the great disaster fell upon them both so suddenly, that, perhaps, neither could do any better; but the naked fact is, that the fleet was abandoned to shift for itself, there being, as before remarked, not only no transportation provided for carrying a pound of provisions, or a cooking-utensil, but not even a horse for its admiral to mount. as a matter of course, great disorder prevailed, in all the villages, and at all the way-stations, by which we passed. we had a continual accession of passengers, until not another man could be packed upon the train. so great was the demoralization, that we picked up "unattached" generals and colonels on the road, in considerable numbers. the most amusing part of our journey, however, was an attempt made by some of the railroad officials to take charge of our train, after we had gotten some distance from richmond. conductors and engineers now came forward, and insisted upon regulating our affairs for us. we declined the good offices of these gentlemen, and navigated to suit ourselves. the president, or superintendent of the road, i forget which, even had the assurance to complain, afterward, to president davis, at danville, of my usurping his authority! simple civilian! discreet railroad officer! to scamper off in the manner related, and then to complain of my usurping his authority! my railroad cruise ended the next day--april th--about midnight, when we reached the city of danville, and blew off our steam, encamping in the cars for the remainder of the night. our escape had been narrow, in more respects than one. after turning lee's flank, at the five forks, the enemy made a dash at the southside railroad; sheridan with his cavalry tearing up the rails at the burksville junction, just _one hour and a half_ after we had passed it. chapter lix. interview with president davis and secretary mallory--my command organized as a brigade of artillery--brigade marches to greensboro', north carolina--capitulation between general joseph e. johnston and sherman--dispersion of johnston's troops--author returns home, and is arrested--conclusion. my memoirs are drawing to a close, for the career of the confederacy, as well as my own, is nearly ended. i found, at danville, president davis, and a portion of his cabinet--the secretary of the navy among the rest. here was temporarily established the seat of government. i called on the president and secretary, who were staying at the same house, at an early hour on the morning after my arrival, and reported for duty. they were both calm in the presence of the great disaster which had befallen them and the country. mr. mallory could scarcely be said now to have a portfolio, though he still had the officers and clerks of his department around him. it was at once arranged between him, and the president, that my command should be organized as a brigade of artillery, and assigned to the defences around danville. the question of my rank being discussed, it was settled by mr. davis, that i should act in the capacity of a brigadier-general. my grade being that of a rear-admiral, i was entitled to rank, relatively, with the officers of the army, as a major-general, but it was folly, of course, to talk of rank, in the circumstances in which we were placed, and so i contented myself by saying pleasantly to the president, that i would waive the matter of rank, to be discussed hereafter, if there should ever be occasion to discuss it. "that is the right spirit," said he, with a smile playing over his usually grave features. i did not see him afterward. he moved soon to charlotte, in north carolina, and in a few weeks afterward, he fell into the hands of the enemy. the reader knows the rest of his history; how the enemy gloated over his captivity; how he was reviled, and insulted, by the coarse and brutal men into whose power he had fallen; how lies were invented as to the circumstances of his capture, to please and amuse the northern multitudes, eager for his blood; and finally, how he was degraded by imprisonment, and the manacles of a felon! his captors and he were of different races--of different blood. they had nothing in common. he was the "cavalier," endowed by nature with the instincts and refinement of the gentleman. they were of the race of the roundheads, to whom all such instincts and refinements were offensive. god has created men in different moulds, as he has created the animals. it was as natural that the yankee should hate jefferson davis, as that the cat should arch its back, and roughen its fur, upon the approach of the dog. i have said that the american war had its origin in money, and that it was carried on throughout, "for a consideration." it ended in the same way. the "long-haired barbarian"--see gibbon's "decline and fall of the roman empire"--who laid his huge paw upon jefferson davis, to make him prisoner, was paid in _money_ for the gallant deed. a president of the united states had degraded his high office, by falsely charging mr. davis with being an accomplice in the murder of president lincoln, and offered a reward for his apprehension; thus gratifying his malignant nature, by holding him up to the world as a common felon. all men now know this charge to be false, the libeller among the rest. gentlemen retract false charges, when they know them to be such. the charge made by andrew johnson against jefferson davis has not been retracted. upon leaving the presence of the president, and secretary of the navy, i sought out my old friend, captain sydney smith lee, of the navy, the assistant secretary, who had accompanied mr. mallory, and arranged with him, and afterward with general cooper, the adjutant-general of the army, the transformation of my sailors into soldiers. there were a great many other naval officers, besides those under my command, fugitives in danville, and the president and secretary had been kind enough to authorize me to employ such of them in my new organization, as i might desire. but the difficulty was not in the want of officers; it was the want of men. already my command of five hundred had dwindled down to about four hundred on my retreat from richmond, and since my arrival in danville. i broke these into skeleton regiments so as to conform to the brigade organization, and appointed dunnington, late captain of my flag-ship, the colonel of one of them, and johnston, late captain of the _richmond_, colonel of the other. my youngest son, who had been a midshipman on board the school-ship at richmond, and who had retreated thence with the school, on the night before the surrender, was ordered by captain lee to report to me, and i assigned him to a position on my staff, with the rank of a second lieutenant. mr. daniel, my secretary, became my other aide-de-camp, and captain butt, late commander of the _nansemond_, was appointed assistant adjutant-general. we remained in the trenches before danville ten days; and anxious, and weary days they were. raiding parties were careering around us in various directions, robbing and maltreating the inhabitants, but none of the thieves ventured within reach of our guns. lee abandoned his lines, on the d of april, and surrendered his army, or the small remnant that was left of it, to grant, on the th, at appomattox court-house. the first news we received of his surrender, came to us from the stream of fugitives which now came pressing into our lines at danville. it was heart-rending to look upon these men, some on foot, some on horseback, some nearly famished for want of food, and others barely able to totter along from disease. it was, indeed, a rabble rout. hopes had been entertained that lee might escape to lynchburg, or to danville, and save his army. the president had entertained this hope, and had issued a proclamation of encouragement to the people, before he left danville. but the fatal tidings came at last, and when they did come, we all felt that the fate of the confederacy was sealed. a new impetus was given to desertions, and before i reached greensboro', north carolina, to which point i was now removed by the orders of general joseph e. johnston, my command had dwindled to about men. commissioned officers slunk away from me one by one, and became deserters! i was ashamed of my countrymen. johnston, by reason of his great, personal popularity, and of the confidence which the troops had in his ability, was enabled to gather around him the fragments of several armies, whilst grant had been pressing lee; and but for lee's disaster would soon have been able to hold sherman in check very effectually. but the moment the news of lee's surrender reached him, there was a stampede from his army. it melted away like a hillock of snow before the sunshine. whole companies deserted at a time. still, many true men remained with him, and with these he stood so defiantly before sherman, that the latter was glad to enter into negotiations with him for the _dispersion_ of his troops. the reader will be pleased to pay attention to this expression. johnston dispersed his troops, under the capitulation which will presently be spoken of. he never surrendered them _as prisoners_ to the enemy. the country is familiar with what occurred at greensboro', between johnston and sherman, and i do not propose to rehearse it here. sherman, yielding to the impulses of johnston's master-mind, entered into an agreement with the latter, which would have achieved more fame for him in the future than all his victories, if he had had the courage and ability to stand up to his work. this agreement was that the southern states should be regarded as _ipso facto_, on the cessation of the war, restored to their rights in the union. the stroke was one of a statesman. it is in times of great revolutions that genius shows itself. the federal government, at the time that this convention was made, was prostrate beneath the foot of the soldier, and a military man of genius might have governed it with the crook of his finger. if such a one had arisen, he might have applied the scourge to the back of the northern people, and they would have yelped under it as submissively as any hound. they _had_ yelped under the scourging of abraham lincoln. but sherman was not the man to conceive the emergency, or to avail himself of it. he, on the contrary, permitted himself to be scourged by a creature like stanton, the federal secretary of war, and if he did not yelp under the scourging, he at least submitted to it with most admirable docility. stanton insolently rejected the convention which had been entered into between the two generals, and, reminding sherman that he was nothing but a soldier, told him to attend to his own business. stanton knew his man, and sherman did, afterward, attend to his own business; for he now entered into a purely military convention with johnston. the main features of that convention were, that johnston should disperse his army, and sherman should, in consideration thereof, guarantee it against molestation by the federal authorities. it was in the interval between these two conventions, that my camp was astounded one morning, by the report that abraham lincoln, president of the united states, was dead. he had gone to a small theatre in the city of washington, on the evening of good friday, and had been shot by a madman! it seemed like a just retribution that he should be cut off in the midst of the hosannas that were being shouted in his ears, for all the destruction and ruin he had wrought upon twelve millions of people. without any warrant for his conduct, he had made a war of rapine and lust against eleven sovereign states, whose only provocation had been that they had made an effort to preserve the liberties which had been handed down to them by their fathers. these states had not sought war, but peace, and they had found, at the hands of abraham lincoln, destruction. as a christian, it was my duty to say, "lord, have mercy upon his soul!" but the d----l will surely take care of his memory. the last days of april, and the first days of may, were employed, by general johnston, in dispersing his army according to agreement. commissioners, appointed by the two generals to arrange the dispersion, and provide the dispersed troops with the guaranties that had been agreed upon, met in the village of greensboro', on the st of may, . on the previous evening, i had called at the headquarters of general johnston, where i had met beauregard, wade hampton, wheeler, d. h. hill, and a host of other gallant spirits, who formed the galaxy by which he was surrounded. he was kind enough to give me precedence, in the matter of arranging for my departure with the federal commissioner. accordingly, on the morning of the st of may, accompanied by my staff, i rode into greensboro', and alighted at the britannia hotel, where the commissioners were already assembled. they were brevet brigadier general hartsuff, on the part of the federals, and colonel mason, on the part of the confederates. each guaranty of non-molestation had been prepared, beforehand, in a printed form, and signed by hartsuff, and only required to be filled up with the name and rank of the party entitled to receive it, and signed by myself to be complete. upon being introduced to general hartsuff, we proceeded at once to business. i produced the muster-roll of my command, duly signed by my assistant adjutant-general; and general hartsuff and myself ran our eyes over the names together, and when we had ascertained the number, the general counted out an equal number of blank guaranties, and, handing them to me, said: "you have only to fill up one of these for each officer and soldier of your command, with his name and rank, and sign it and hand it to him. i have already signed them myself. you can fill up the one intended for yourself in like manner." "with regard to the latter," i replied, "i prefer, if you have no objection, to have it filled up and completed here in your presence." "oh! that makes no difference," he replied. "very well," said i, "if it makes no difference, then you can have no objection to complying with my request." he now called an aide-de-camp, and desiring him to be seated at the table where we were, told him to fill up my guaranty after my dictation. i gave him my titles separately, making him write me down a "rear-admiral in the confederate states navy, and a brigadier-general in the confederate states army, commanding a brigade." when he had done this, he handed me the paper; i signed it, and put it in my pocket, and, turning to the general, said, "i am now satisfied." the following is a copy of the paper:-- greensboro', north carolina, may , . in accordance with the terms of the military convention, entered into on the th day of april, , between general joseph e. johnston, commanding the confederate army, and major-general w. t. sherman, commanding the united states army, in north carolina, _r. semmes, rear-admiral, and brigadier-general, c. s. navy, and c. s. army, commanding brigade_, has given his solemn obligation, not to take up arms against the government of the united states, until properly released from this obligation; and is permitted to return to his home, not to be disturbed by the united states authorities, so long as he observes this obligation, and obeys the laws in force where he may reside. r. semmes, _rear-admiral c. s. navy, and brigadier-general c. s. army_. wm. hartsuff, _brevet brigadier-general u. s. army, special commissioner_. it was well i took the precautions above described, in dealing with the enemy, for, when i was afterward arrested, as the reader will presently see, the yankee press, howling for my blood, claimed that i had not been paroled at all! that i had deceived the paroling officer, and obtained my parole under false pretences; the said paroling officer not dreaming, when he was paroling one brigadier-general semmes, that he had the veritable "pirate" before him. i dispersed my command, on the same afternoon, and with my son, and half a dozen of my officers, a baggage-wagon, and the necessary servants, made my way to montgomery, in alabama, and, at that point, took steamer for my home, in mobile, which i reached in the latter days of may. andrew johnson, the vice-president of the united states, had succeeded mr. lincoln as president. he was a southern man, born in the state of north carolina, and a citizen of tennessee. he had been elected to the senate of the united states, a short time before the breaking out of the war. he had belonged to the democratic party, and had arisen from a very low origin--his father having belonged to the common class of laborers, and he having learned the trade of a tailor, which he practised after he had grown to man's estate. gifted by nature with a strong intellect, he studied the law, and afterward embarked in politics. the word "embark" expresses my idea precisely, for, from this time onward, he became a mere politician. as a rule, it requires an unscrupulous and unprincipled man to succeed in politics in america. honorable men do, sometimes, of course, make their way to high places; but these form the exceptions, not the rule. andrew johnson succeeded in politics. in the earlier stages of our troubles, he spoke and wrote like a southern man, demanding, in behalf of the south, some security for the future, in the way of additional guaranties. but when these were all denied, and it became evident that his state would secede, and that he would be stripped of his senatorial honors so recently won, if he abided by his former record, and went with his state, he abjured his record, and abandoned his state. like all renegades, he became zealous in the new faith which he had adopted, and proved himself so good a radical, that president lincoln sent him back to tennessee as a satrap, to govern, with a rod of iron, under military rule, the sovereign state for which he had so recently demanded additional securities. still growing in favor with his new party, he was elected vice-president, upon the re-election of mr. lincoln, in the fall of . the presidential mantle having fallen upon him, by the tragical death of mr. lincoln, he retained the cabinet of his predecessor, and made his zeal still more manifest to his party, by insisting on the necessity of making "treason odious"--the same sort of treason enjoined upon the states by jefferson in his kentucky resolutions of ' and ' , which formed the basis of the creed of the democratic party, to which mr. johnson had belonged--and punishing "traitors." a grand jury in norfolk, va., found an indictment for treason against general lee, and but for the interposition of general grant, he would have been tried, under mr. johnson's administration; and probably tried by a packed jury that would have hung him. mr. davis was already in close and ignominious confinement, as has been related. captain wurz, of the late confederate states army, who had been, for a short time, in charge of the prison at andersonville, was tried by a military commission, in the city of washington, under the shadow of the president's chair, convicted, and executed, notwithstanding he was a paroled _prisoner of war_. another military commission, _in time of peace_, had convicted and executed a woman--mrs. surratt--on the false charge, as is now admitted by the whole country, that she was an accomplice in mr. lincoln's assassination. mr. johnson signed her death-warrant. it was under these circumstances, that on the night of the th of december, , or seven months and a half after i had received the guaranty of general sherman, at greensboro', north carolina, that i should not be molested by the united states authorities, that a lieutenant of the marine corps, with a guard of soldiers, surrounded my house and arrested me, on an order signed by mr. gideon welles, without the process of any court. i was torn from my family, under guard--the thieving soldiery committing some petty thefts about my premises--and hurried off to washington. arrived here, i was imprisoned, first, in the navy yard, and then in the marine barracks. i was kept a close prisoner, with a sentinel at my door, for nearly four months; the gentlemen about the barracks, however, doing everything in their power to render my confinement more endurable. it was the intention of the government to throw me, as it had thrown wurz, as a sop to the extreme radicals of the new england states, whose commerce i had destroyed; and i was only saved by the circumstances which will be presently related. but before i relate these circumstances, i deem it pertinent to give to the reader the following letter addressed by me to president johnson, from my place of confinement, charging his government with a breach of faith in arresting me. to his excellency andrew johnson, _president of the united states_. sir:--being satisfied that you are anxious to arrive at a correct decision in my case,--one that shall accord, at the same time, with the honor and dignity of the united states, and with justice to myself,--i venture to address you the following brief exposition of the law and the facts of the case. on the th day of april, , the following military convention was entered into at greensboro', n. c., between general joseph e. johnston, commanding the confederate states armies in north carolina, and major-general w. t. sherman, commanding the united states army in the same state, viz:-- " . all acts of war on the part of the troops under general johnston's command to cease from this date. " . all arms and public property to be deposited at greensboro', and delivered to an ordnance officer of the united states army. " . rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be retained by the commander of the troops, and the other to be given to an officer to be designated by general sherman. each officer and man to give his individual obligation, in writing, not to take up arms against the government of the united states until properly released from this obligation. " . the side-arms of officers, and their private horses and baggage, to be retained by them. " . this being done, all the officers and men will be permitted to return to their homes, not to be disturbed by the united states authorities so long as they observe their obligation and the laws in force where they may reside. [signed] "w. t. sherman, _major-general_, "_commanding u. s. forces in north carolina_. [signed] "joseph e. johnston, _general_, "_commanding c. s. forces in north carolina_." here, mr. president, was a solemn military convention, entered into by two generals, who had opposing armies in the field, in which convention the one and the other general stipulated for certain terms,--general johnston agreeing to lay down his arms and disband his forces, and general sherman agreeing, _in consideration thereof_, that the forces thus disbanded shall proceed to their homes, and there remain undisturbed by the united states authorities. i beg you to observe the use of the word "undisturbed," one of the most comprehensive words in our language. i pray you also to remark the formalities with which this convention was drawn. we were treated as officers commanding armies, representing, of course, if not a _de jure_, at least a _de facto_ government. our proper military titles were acknowledged. i was myself styled and treated in the muster-rolls, and other papers drawn up by both parties, a brigadier-general and a rear-admiral. the honors of war usual upon surrenders, upon terms, were accorded to us, in our being permitted to retain our side-arms, private horses, and baggage. in short, the future historian, upon reading this convention, will be unable to distinguish it in any particular from other similar papers, agreed upon by armies of recognized governments. at the date of, and some weeks prior to the ratification of this convention, i commanded a brigade of artillery, forming a part of the army of general johnston. i was, of course, included in the terms of the convention. i complied with those terms, under orders received from general johnston, by turning over my arms to the proper officer, and disbanding my forces. the convention was approved by the government of the united states. your excellency may recollect that the first convention entered into between general johnston and general sherman, which provided, among other things, for the return of the southern states to their functions under the constitution of the united states, was disapproved by the government, on the ground that general sherman, in undertaking to treat of political matters, had transcended his authority. the armistice which had been declared between the two armies was dissolved, and hostilities were renewed. a few days afterward, however, new negotiations were commenced, and the convention with which we have to do was the second convention entered into by those generals, and which was a substantial readoption of the military portion of the first convention. it was this latter convention which was formally approved, both by general grant, the commander-in-chief, under whose orders general sherman acted, and by the executive at washington. confiding in the good faith of the government, pledged in a solemn treaty as above stated, i returned to my home in alabama, and remained there for the space of seven months, engaging in civil pursuits as a means of livelihood for my dependent family, and yielding a ready obedience to the laws. i had, in fact, become an officer of the law, having established myself as an attorney. it would have been easy for me, at any time within these seven months, to pass out of the country, if i had had any doubt about the binding obligation of the greensboro' convention, or of the good faith of the government. but i had no doubt on either point, nor have i any doubt yet, as i feel quite sure that when you shall have informed yourself of all the facts of the case, you will come to the conclusion that my arrest was entirely without warrant, and order my discharge. while thus remaining quietly at my home, in the belief that i was "not to be disturbed by the united states authorities," i was, on the th of december, , in the night-time, arrested by a lieutenant and two sergeants of the marine corps, under an order signed by the secretary of the navy, and placed under guard; a file of soldiers in the meantime surrounding my house. i was informed by the officer making the arrest that i was to proceed to washington in his custody, there to answer to a charge, a copy of which he handed me. this charge, and the protest which i filed the next day with the commanding general of the department of alabama, against my arrest, your excellency has already seen. the question for you then to decide, mr. president, is the legality of this arrest. can i, in violation of the terms of the military convention already referred to, and under which i laid down my arms, be held to answer for any act of war committed anterior to the date of that convention? i respectfully submit that i cannot be so held, either during the continuance of the war, (and the political power has not yet proclaimed the war ended,) or after the war shall have been brought to a close by proclamation, and the restoration of the writ of _habeas corpus_, without a flagrant violation of faith on the part of the united states. if it be admitted that i might be tried for any act _dehors_ the war, and having no connection with it--as, for instance, for a forgery--it is quite clear that i cannot be arrested or arraigned for any act manifestly of war, and acknowledged as such, (as the act, for instance, for which i was arrested,) whether such act be in consonance with the laws of war or in violation thereof; and this for the simple reason that the military convention was a _condonation_ and an _oblivion_ of all precedent acts of war, of what nature soever those acts might be. i am "not to be disturbed," says the military convention. disturbed for what? why, manifestly, for any act of war theretofore committed against the united states. this is the only commonsense view of the case; and if the convention did not mean this, it could mean nothing; and i laid down my arms, not upon terms, as i had supposed, but without terms. if i was still at the mercy of the conqueror, and my arrest asserts as much, i was in the condition of one who had surrendered _unconditionally_; but it has been seen that i did not surrender unconditionally, but upon terms--terms engrafted upon a treaty ratified and approved by the conqueror's government. nor is it consistent with good faith to qualify or restrain those terms, so as to make them inapplicable to acts of war that may be claimed to have been in violation of the laws of war; for this would be to refine away all the protection which has been thrown around me by treaty, and put me in the power of the opposite contracting party, who might put his own construction upon the laws of war. this very attempt, mr. president, has been made in the case before you. i claim to have escaped, after my ship had sunk from under me in the engagement off cherbourg, and i had been precipitated into the water, the enemy not having taken possession of me, according to the laws and usages of war, as your excellency may read in almost every page of naval history; the secretary of the navy claiming the contrary. the true, and the only just and fair criterion, is, was the act for which the arrest was made an act of war? if so, there is an end of the question, and i must be discharged, for, as before remarked, the convention, if it is anything, is an oblivion of all acts of war of whatever nature. but it may be said that, although i cannot be tried by a military tribunal during the war, i may yet be tried by a civil tribunal after the war. let us look at this question also. i was, undoubtedly, amenable to the civil tribunals of the country, as well after as before the convention, for any offence of a purely civil nature, not founded upon an act of war--to instance, as before, the crime of forgery. if i had committed a forgery in north carolina, i could not, upon arraignment, plead the military convention in bar of trial. why not? because that convention had reference only to acts of war. i was treated with, in my capacity of a soldier and a seaman. but, does it follow that i may be tried for treason? and if not, why not? the attorney-general tells you that treason is a civil offence, and in his opinion triable exclusively by the civil courts, and he hopes you will give him plenty of occupation in trying "many whom the sword has spared." (see his letter to you of the th of january, .) but does not that officer forget that treason is made up of acts of war; and is it not apparent that you cannot try me for an act of war? the constitution of the united states, which the attorney-general says he loves even better than blood, declares, in words, that treason against the united states shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort--all of which adherence, giving of aid and comfort, &c., are equally acts of war. there is no constructive treason in this country. thus i can neither be tried by a military tribunal during the war, nor a civil tribunal after the war, for any act of war, or for treason which consists only of acts of war. but it may further be said that this convention, of which i am claiming the protection, is not a _continuing_ convention, and will expire with the war, when, as mr. speed thinks, you may hand me over to the civil tribunals. whence can such a conclusion be drawn? not from the terms of the convention, for these contradict the conclusion; not by implication merely, but in _totidem verbis_. the terms are, "not to be disturbed, _so long as they shall observe their obligation and the laws in force where they may reside_." a misuse of terms, mr. president, sometimes misleads very clever minds. and i presume it is by a misuse of terms that the attorney-general has fallen into this error. (see his letter to your excellency, before referred to.) that officer, while he admits that parole protects the party paroled from trial during the war, yet contends that it does not protect him from trial by a civil tribunal, for treason, after the war. as i have shown that treason can only consist of acts of war, and that the military convention is an oblivion of all acts of war, the attorney-general, when he says that a paroled party may be tried for treason at the end of the war, (the parole being no longer a protection to him,) must mean that the parole will have died with the war. this is entirely true of a _mere parole_, for a parole is only a promise, on the part of a prisoner of war, that if released from imprisonment, he will not take up arms again unless he is exchanged. this parole is as frequently given by prisoners of war, who have surrendered unconditionally, as by those who have surrendered upon terms. there cannot be any parole, then, without a prisoner of war, and the status of prisoner of war ceasing, the parole ceases--_cessante ratione cessat et ipso lex_. thus far the attorney-general is quite logical, but by confounding in his mind the certificates given to the officers and men of general johnston's army, stating the terms of the greensboro' convention, and guaranteeing those officers and men against molestation, in accordance with those terms, with paroles, it is easy to see how the mistake i am exposing can have been made. but the convention made between general johnston and general sherman was not a mere release of prisoners on parole; nor, indeed, had it anything to do with prisoners, for none of the officers and men of general johnston's army _ever were prisoners_, as may be seen at a glance by an inspection of the terms of the convention. it was a treaty between commanding generals in the field, in which the word _parole_ is not once used, or could be used with propriety; a treaty in which mutual stipulations are made, one in consideration of another, and there is no limit as to time set to this treaty. on the contrary, it was expressly stated that the guaranties contained in it were to continue and be in force, so long as the parties to whom the guaranties were given, should perform their part of the treaty stipulations. it was made, not in contemplation of a continuation of the war, but with a view to put an end to the war, and the guaranties were demanded by us as _peace guaranties_. it did, in effect, put an end to the war and pacify the whole country; general taylor in alabama and mississippi, and general buckner and others in texas, following the lead of general johnston. are we to be told now by an attorney-general of the united states, that the moment the object of the convention, to wit, the restoration of peace, was accomplished, the convention itself became a nullity, its terms powerless to protect us, and that general johnston's army surrendered, in fact, without any terms whatever? you cannot sustain such an opinion, mr. president. it will shock the common sense and love of fair play of the american people. but to show still further that it was the intention of the parties that this should be a _continuing_ convention, the words used were, "not to be disturbed by the _united states authorities_," these words being co-extensive with the whole power of the government. we were not only "not to be disturbed" by general sherman, or any other military commander or authority, but by _any authority whatever_, civil or military. nor will it do to say that general sherman, being merely a military man, had no authority to speak for the civil branch of the government, for his action, as we have seen, was approved by the administration at washington. one more remark, mr. president, and i will forbear to trespass further on your time and patience. the act of war for which i was arrested, was well known to the department of the government making the arrest, ten months before the convention was entered into at greensboro'. it was also well known to the same department, that about the middle of february, , i was assigned to the command of the james river squadron, near richmond, with the rank of a rear-admiral; being thus promoted and employed by my government, after the alleged illegal escape off cherbourg. if the federal government then entertained the design, which it has since developed, of arresting and trying me for this alleged breach of the laws of war, was it not its duty, both to itself and to me, to have made me an exception to any military terms it might have been disposed to grant to our armies? i put it to you, mr. president, as a man and a magistrate to say, and i will rest my case on your answer, whether it was consistent with honor and fair dealing, for this government first to entrap me, by means of a military convention, and then, having me in its power, to arrest me and declare that convention null and void, for the course recommended to you by mr. speed comes to this--nothing more, nothing less. i have thus laid before you, tediously i fear, and yet as concisely as was consistent with clearness, the grounds upon which i claim at your hands, who are the guardian of the honor of a great nation, my discharge from arrest and imprisonment. i have spoken freely and frankly, as it became an american citizen to speak to the chief magistrate of the american republic. we live in times of high party excitement, when men, unfortunately, are but too prone to take counsel of their passions; but passions die, and men die with them, and after death comes history. in the future, mr. president, _when america shall have a history_, my record and that of the gallant southern people will be engrafted upon, and become a part of your history, the pages of which you are now acting; and the prayer of this petition is, that you will not permit the honor of the american name to be tarnished by a perfidy on those pages. in this paper i have stood strictly upon legal defences; but should those barriers be beaten down, conscious of the rectitude of my conduct, throughout a checkered and eventful career, when the commerce of half a world was at my mercy, and when the passions of men, north and south, were tossed into a whirlwind, by the current events of the most bloody and terrific war that the human race had ever seen, i shall hope to justify and defend myself against any and all charges affecting the honor and reputation of a man and a soldier. whatever else may be said of me, i have, at least, brought no discredit upon the american name and character. i am, very respectfully, &c., raphael semmes. washington city, january , . at the time of my arrest, there was a newspaper called the "republican," published in the city of washington, in the interests of president johnson. there had been some little struggle between congress and the president, as to who should take the initiative in the wholesale hanging of "traitors" which had been resolved upon. the "republican," speaking for president johnson, declares, in the article which will be found below, _his_ readiness to act. he is only waiting, it says, for congress to move in the matter. here is the article:-- "why don't congress act? "as long ago as last october, the president of the united states commenced an earnest effort to initiate the trials of prominent traitors, beginning with the arch-traitor jefferson davis. it is now a historical record, and officially in the possession of the congress of the united states, that, upon application to the chief justice of the supreme court to know at what time, if any, the united states court for the district of virginia would be ready to try certain high crimes against the national government, the president received an answer from chief-justice chase, that the court would not sit in that district, while that territory was under military control, and suggested the propriety of delaying action in the matter, until congress acted. congress assembled. the president referred the whole subject, respectfully, to the consideration of congress in his annual message, and subsequently, in answer to a resolution of inquiry, he sent, by special message, the correspondence alluded to above, between himself and chief-justice chase. "all the facts were thus legitimately laid before the legislative branch of the government _three and a half months ago_! the president, some time in november last, stopped the work of pardoning, except in a few cases where the applications were accompanied by the most positive evidence of good intentions toward the government. from among those who have applied for pardon, the president has reserved for trial about _five hundred_ of the military and political leaders of the rebel government--a sufficient number to begin with at least. this number, as classified by the president, we published, by permission, some time since. "now, in view of the above statement of facts, what has congress done? has congress passed any law directing how the rebels shall be tried? no. has congress passed any resolution requesting the president to order a military court for the trial of davis & co.? no. has congress agitated the subject at any time, in any manner, looking to a trial of the cases referred to? no. "but what have congressmen done in their individual capacity? many of them, from day to day, have spoken sneeringly of the president, because he has not done what he began to do, but which the chief justice of the supreme court prevented, by refusing to hold the court, and which the congress of the united states has wholly neglected, or _purposely ignored_. the people, through the press of the country, and in private communication, are beginning to inquire why congress don't act. governors of states, ignorant of the facts, are haranguing the people about the _indisposition_ or _neglect_ of the _president_ to try traitors. why don't congress act? the president is ready, and has been ready from the beginning, to co-operate with congress in any constitutional measure by which traitors can be tried, to the end, that treason may thereby be made odious. we repeat the question with which we commenced, and which is echoed by the people everywhere, 'why don't congress act?'" there is an old adage which says, "when rogues fall out, honest men get their rights." fortunately for the "traitors" of the south, andrew johnson, and the congress quarrelled. johnson undertook to reconstruct the southern states, in _his_ interests, and congress claimed the right to reconstruct them in _its_ interests. the constitution of the united states was equally disregarded by them both. johnson had no more respect for it than congress. his mode of reconstruction equally violated it, with that of congress. it was a struggle between usurpers, which should be master--that was all. johnson, with a single stroke of the pen, struck down all the state governments, called conventions of the people, and told the conventions what they should do. congress might go a little further, but its violation of the constitution could not, well, be more flagrant. the breach widened from day to day, and the quarrel at last became bitter. neither party, opposed by the other, could afford to become the hangman of the southern people, and the very pretty little programme, which, according to the "republican" newspaper, had been arranged between the rogues, naturally fell to the ground. johnson finding that his quarrel with congress had ruined him with his party, now set about constructing a new one--a johnson party. his scheme was to ignore both the democratic, and the republican parties. if he could succeed in reconstructing the southern states, to the exclusion of congress, he might hope to get the votes of those states in the next presidential election. but to conciliate these states, it would not do to hang "_five hundred_ of the military and political leaders of the rebel government," as a mere "beginning." he must pursue a different policy. he now issued first one amnesty proclamation, and then another--doling out amnesty, grudgingly, in broken doses--until he had issued three of them. by the last of these proclamations, the writer of these pages, who was true to his state, was "graciously pardoned" by andrew johnson, who had not only been a traitor to his state, but had betrayed, besides, two political parties. a glorious opportunity presented itself for him to show himself a statesman. he has proved a charlatan instead. he cowered in his struggle with congress, and that body has shorn him of his prerogatives, and reduced him to the mere position of a clerk. this is the second act of the drama, the first act of which was the secession of the southern states. the form of government having been changed by the revolution, there are still other acts of the drama to be performed. the end. footnotes: [ ] the _cuba_ was hourly expected to arrive, but, as the reader has seen, was recaptured, and did not make her appearance. [ ] "now let us make a calculation of the annual saving to the commerce of the united states, effected by these charts, and sailing directions. according to mr. maury, the average freight from the united states to rio janeiro, is . cents per ton, per day; to australia, cents; to california, cents. the mean of this is a little over cents per ton, per day; but to be within the mark, we will take it at cents, and include all the ports of south america, china, and the east indies. the 'sailing directions' have shortened the passage to california, thirty days; to australia, twenty days; and to rio janeiro, ten days. the mean of this is twenty, but we will take it at fifteen, and also include the above-named ports of south america, china, and the east indies. we estimate the tonnage of the united states, engaged in trade with these places, at , , tons per annum. with these data, we see that there has been effected, a saving for each one of those tons, of cents per day, for a period of fifteen days, which will give an aggregate of $ , , saved per annum. this is on the outward voyage alone, and the tonnage trading with all other parts of the world is also left out of the calculation. take these into consideration, and also the fact that there is a vast amount of foreign tonnage, trading between those places and the united states, and it will be seen that the annual sum saved will swell to an enormous amount."--_hunt's merchants' magazine, may, ._ * * * * * transcriber's note: text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). some quotes are opened with marks but are not closed. obvious errors have been silently closed while those requiring interpretation have been left open. punctuation has been corrected without note. the following misprints have been corrected: "the the" corrected to "the" (page ) "goverment" corrected to "government" (page ) "emniently" corrected to "eminently" (page ) "requsite" corrected to "requisite" (page ) "lieutentant" corrected to "lieutenant" (page ) "marauham" corrected to "maranham" (page ) "longtitude" corrected to "longitude" (page ) "ludicruously" corrected to "ludicrously" (page ) "wlth" corrected to "with" (page ) "the of" corrected to "of the" (page ) "christain" corrected to "christian" (page ) "cannot-shot" corrected to "cannon-shot" (page ) "minature" corrected to "miniature" (page ) "no" corrected to "on" (page ) "bockade-runners" corrected to "blockade-runners" (page ) "balwin" corrected to "baldwin" (page ) "kearsage" corrected to "kearsarge" (illustration between pages and ) other than the corrections listed above, inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been retained from the original. transcriber's note: some obvious typographical errors have been corrected. the use of double quotation marks for quotations within quotations has been retained as in the original, and the reader's attention is called to the author's failure to close some quotations. the narrative of a blockade-runner. by j. wilkinson, captain in the late confederate states navy. new york: sheldon & company, murray street. copyright, sheldon & company, . preface. in deference to the judgment of two or three literary friends, i have entitled this, my first attempt at authorship, "the narrative of a blockade-runner." they do not agree with shakspeare that "a rose by any other name would smell as sweet," to the reading public; nor that it is always advisable to call a thing by its proper name. it will be seen, however, by any reader who has the patience to peruse the work, that it embraces a wider scope than its title would imply. i have endeavored to give a full account of the passage by the u. s. fleet of the forts below new orleans; and to contribute some facts that will probably settle the controversy, in the judgment of the reader, as to the real captors of that city. "honor to whom honor is due." it will be seen that i have been favored with access to commodore mitchell's official report of that conflict, a document never published. the information derived from it, added to facts and circumstances coming under my personal observation, furnishes the means of laying before the public an account of that action from a new point of view. in bearing testimony to the kind and humane treatment of the prisoners of war at fort warren, i perform a most grateful duty. it was my good fortune to be captured and held a prisoner, before the "retaliatory" measures were adopted by the united states government. i have contributed some new, and, i hope, interesting facts about the manner in which blockade running was conducted. i cannot do better than furnish the following extract from a literary friend's letter to me in reference to this effort of mine. "i am particularly glad, believing as i do, that such a volume will help to the production of that state of mind, north and south, which every good man wishes to see grow. it is only necessary that we shall all fall into the habit of talking and writing about war matters without feeling; that we shall forget the bitterness of the conflict in our interest in its history; and if you or i can amuse northern readers, or entertain them with our recollections, we shall certainly leave them in a pleasanter and better state of mind than we found them in." i should be happy to believe that i had contributed, in ever so small a degree, to this consummation so devoutly to be wished for. but i would make no sacrifice of principle nor of interest to achieve this end. while accepting the situation consequent upon the unsuccessful appeal to arms, the southern people do not stultify themselves by professing to renounce their conviction of their right and duty in having responded to the call to defend their respective states from invasion. but they believe that the war was conducted by the confederate government in a spirit of humanity. conceiving it to be the duty of every southern man to submit any testimony in his possession relating to this subject, and especially to the treatment of prisoners of war, i have quoted some passages from a "vindication of the confederacy against the charge of cruelty to prisoners." this work was recently published by the southern historical society, and was compiled by the rev. j. wm. jones, d.d., author of "personal reminiscences of gen. r. e. lee." the candid and dispassionate student of history, in seeking after the truth, should read this work before forming a judgment upon this point, which has, perhaps, caused more bitter resentments among the northern people than all the other deplorable events of our civil strife combined. woodside, amelia co., va., oct. th, . contents. chapter i. page secession of virginia.--service at fort powhatan.--volunteers at the big guns.--"wide awake" clubs.--want of preparation in virginia.--fort powhatan abandoned.--service at acquia creek.--the "tigers."--coal mining on the potomac. chapter ii. ordered to new orleans.--the naval fleet there.--the "river defence" squadron.--the iron-clad "louisiana."--difficulty in managing the fleet.--going down the river.--want of concert.--admiral farragut.--our crew. chapter iii. the th april.--passage of the united states fleet.--after the storm.--the "river defence" boats.--the refuge in the bayou.--surrender of the forts.--extracts from commodore mitchell's official report.--council of war.--destruction of the "louisiana."--our surrender.--general b. f. butler.--transferred to the united states frigate "colorado." chapter iv. transferred to the "rhode island."--meeting with an old friend.--arrival at fort warren.--treatment there.--correspondence, and its result.--prison life.--exchanged.--the crew at quarters.--burial of the "unknown." chapter v. a brief stay at home.--report to the war department.--instructions to go abroad.--the blockade-runner "kate."--voyage to nassau.--yellow fever.--the undertaker.--our skipper "captain dick."--the major sick.--a story for the marines.--arrival at cardenas.--the coolies.--arrival at havana.--the american consul and i.--the pirate marti.--the spanish steamer.--pretty harbors.--captain fry. chapter vi. san domingo.--the island of hayti and its inhabitants.--st. thomas.--general santa anna.--the mail steamer atrato.--arrival at southampton.--english scenery.--the major fails.--the giraffe purchased.--a claim against the confederate government.--the hon j. m. mason.--credit of the confederate government abroad.--an improper agent.--captain bullock.--the giraffe ready for sea.--glasgow.--our last dinner.--our scotch landlady and head waiter.--we part with the major.--hot punch and scotch babies.--a reminiscence. chapter vii. voyage to madeira.--a capital sea-boat.--the island ponies.--mr. b. and his daughters.--voyage to st. john's, porto rico.--run across the bahama banks.--nassau during the war.--high wages and low characters.--crew re-shipped.--failure to enter charleston.--the "lump."--a narrow escape.--the scotch lithographers and their work.--crossing the bar.--transfer of the giraffe to the confederate government.--she becomes the "r. e. lee."--the major fulfills his promise, but fails in his object. chapter viii. dyer and the sailing captain.--first voyage to nassau.--major ficklen and the two young lieutenants.--our old skipper "captain dick."--bermuda.--the races there and elsewhere.--description of bermuda.--moore, the poet, and his rival mr. tucker.--tame fish.--the naval station.--col. b.'s accident. chapter ix. we sail for wilmington.--thick weather on the coast.--anchored among the blockading fleet.--the "mound."--running the blockade by moonlight.--a device to mislead the enemy.--the man hester. chapter x. the confederate states steamer "florida."--short supply of coal.--the "florida's" decks.--tea and costly china.--narrow escape from capture.--miss lucy g.--arrival at bermuda.--our uneventful trip inward.--the johnson's island expedition.--another narrow escape.--"pretty shooting."--arrival at halifax, n.s. chapter xi. the lee captured at last.--sandy keith alias thomassen.--recruiting in the british provinces for the united states army.--failure of the expedition.--return to bermuda. chapter xii. take command of the "whisper."--high rates of freight.--confederate money and sterling exchange.--an investment in cotton.--the ill-fated ironclad.--the point lookout expedition and its failure.--a faithful servant and a narrow escape.--futile projects.--wilmington during the war.--light houses reëstablished.--gloomy prospects of the south. chapter xiii. cruise of the chickamauga.--mr. mallory's inefficiency.--troubles in bermuda.--the three wrecks.--end of the cruise. chapter xiv. last summons to richmond.--demoralization.--the chameleon.--more trouble in bermuda.--another narrow escape.--fall of fort fisher.--maffitt's escape, and captain s.'s capture.--another hard chase.--failure to enter charleston.--return to nassau. chapter xv. sad news via new york.--consternation among speculators in nassau.--departure from nassau via bermuda.--arrival at liverpool.--the end. narrative of a blockade-runner. chapter i. secession of virginia.--service at fort powhatan.--volunteers at the big guns.--"wide awake" clubs.--want of preparation in virginia.--fort powhatan abandoned.--service at acquia creek.--the "tigers."--coal mining on the potomac. when the state of virginia seceded from the union, on the th day of april, , most of her citizens, belonging to the united states navy, resigned their commissions, and offered their services to the state of their birth. many of them had meddled so little with politics as never even to have cast a vote; but having been educated in the belief that their allegiance was due to their state, they did not hesitate to act as honor and patriotism seemed to demand. they were compelled to choose whether they would aid in subjugating their state, or in defending it against invasion; for it was already evident that coercion would be used by the general government, and that war was inevitable. in reply to the accusation of perjury in breaking their oath of allegiance, since brought against the officers of the army and navy who resigned their commissions to render aid to the south, it need only be stated that, in their belief, the resignation of their commissions absolved them from any special obligation. they then occupied the same position towards the government as other classes of citizens. but this charge was never brought against them till the war was ended. the resignation of their commissions was accepted when their purpose was well known. as to the charge of ingratitude, they reply, their respective states had contributed their full share towards the expenses of the general government, acting as their disbursing agent; and when these states withdrew from the union, their citizens belonging to the two branches of the public service did not, and do not, consider themselves amenable to this charge for abandoning their official positions to cast their lot with their kindred and friends. but yielding as they did to necessity, it was nevertheless a painful act to separate themselves from companions with whom they had been long and intimately associated, and from the flag under which they had been proud to serve. during the brief interval which elapsed between the act of secession and the admission of the state into the confederacy, the virginia army and navy were organized; and all of the naval officers who had tendered their services received commissions in the virginia, and afterward in the confederate navy; but as there were very few vessels in commission, the greater portion of these officers were ordered to shore batteries. my first experience was at fort powhatan, an earthwork situated on james river a short distance below city point, and carrying six or eight guns mounted on ships' carriages, which had been transported from the norfolk navy-yard. "grim visaged war" had not shown his "wrinkled front" in those fair portions of the land; and our time was chiefly spent in drilling the volunteers at the big guns, and visiting the hospitable families in the neighborhood; but all of us were soon to be transferred to more active scenes. the young gentlemen-privates of the gallant volunteer company, who so daintily handled the side and train-tackles of the -pounders in the battery, considered themselves fortunate, not long afterwards, if they obtained full rations of lean beef, or "nassau" pork, and "hard tack;" and bore the brunt of many a severely contested battle as part of stonewall jackson's "foot cavalry." but at this period there were only a few so called croakers who at all realized the magnitude of the struggle about to ensue. the camps resounded with song and merriment; and many of the young warriors were attended, like the knights-errant of old, by a faithful squire, who polished the boots, cleaned the musket, and performed other menial service for his "young master." my own "fidus achates," was old "uncle billy," whose occupation was gone by the stoppage of a tobacco factory in richmond, where he had been used to take a prominent part in the peculiar songs of the "profession." he would sometimes give us a specimen of his vocal powers, and would nearly bring the house down, literally and metaphorically, while executing the mysteries of a "virginny breakdown" in thick soled brogans sixteen inches long. but to return from this digression, it was believed by many persons that a large party at the north would oppose the prosecution of a war of invasion. it will be remembered by those at all conversant with the history of events at that time, how strong had been the party opposed to secession in the convention then in session at richmond, (at least two-thirds of its members having been elected as union men,) and what strenuous efforts towards peace and compromise had been made by the border states commissioners. the call upon virginia, by president lincoln, for her quota of troops to aid in subjugating the south, had settled the question, however, in the convention; and in a few hours after governor letcher's reply to that call, virginia had virtually cast her lot with the gulf states, although two weeks elapsed before she became a member of the confederacy. i had visited, some months previous to the secession of the state, many of the little villages in new england, where i saw that the population were in terrible earnest. "wide awake," and other secret societies were organized; and inflammatory harangues aroused the populace. the favorite theme of the orators was the "martyrdom" of john brown; the piratical and murderous raid of that fanatic into the state of virginia being exalted into a praiseworthy act of heroism. when i returned to virginia and contrasted the apparent apathy and want of preparation there with the state of affairs at the north, i trembled for the result. but when the state severed her relations with the union, the governor acted with great vigor and ability, and the most was made of the limited resources at his command. volunteers responded with alacrity to the call to defend the state from invasion; and none responded more readily, or served more bravely, than those who had opposed secession in the convention. it seems invidious to cite particular examples; but the "noblest trojan of them all" will point a moral, and serve as an exemplar for generations to come. wise in council, eloquent in debate, bravest and coolest among the brave in battle, and faithful to his convictions in adversity, he still lives to denounce falsehood and wrong. truly the old hero, in all he says and does, "gives the world assurance of a man."--i allude to gen. j. a. early. when fort powhatan was abandoned, i was ordered to the command of a battery at acquia creek on the potomac. although situated upon the frontier, few incidents occurred there to vary the monotony of our lives. occasionally some of the gunboats guarding the river would steam in, and exchange a few shots with us; and we witnessed frequent skirmishes between them and walker's afterwards famous battery of flying artillery; but ammunition being extremely scarce at that period in the confederacy, the orders to us were peremptory to be very sparing in the use of it.[ ] the battery at acquia creek was constructed at the terminus of the railroad from fredericksburg, and was manned by an infantry company acting as artillerists. besides this force, permanently stationed at the battery, and quartered near it, a company of infantry from military headquarters was sent every evening to guard against a night attack. a company called the "tigers," took their turn at this service, and we would gladly have dispensed with their "protection." utterly undisciplined, they were more dangerous to friends than to foes. mutinous and insubordinate, they were engaged in constant collisions with each other and with the companies so unfortunate as to be quartered near them; and their camp was a pandemonium. in addition to other sources of quarrel and contention, several women (_vivandiéres_, they called themselves) followed the company. the patience of gen. m.[ ] who commanded the division, was finally exhausted. he summoned the captain of the "tigers" into his presence; and after severely reprimanding him for the misconduct of his men, insisted that the "_vivandiéres_" should be sent away. the captain urged many reasons for keeping them; the chief one being the good _moral effect_ of their presence! but the general was inflexible. even gallantry to the sex must be sacrificed to the truth; and a proper regard for the latter demands the statement that a reformation commenced with the departure of the women; and our friends the "tigers" eventually became well-behaved soldiers. we passed many months of inglorious inactivity here until the spring of , when the line of the potomac was abandoned. while the federal forces had remained comparatively quiet in this part of the confederacy, they had achieved many important successes elsewhere. fort donelson, on the cumberland river, and roanoke island in north carolina had been captured, with large garrisons; and new orleans and savannah were threatened. general joseph e. johnston, who at the time commanded the army of northern virginia, determined to fall back to the line of the rappahannock; and all the batteries on the potomac were abandoned between the th and th of march, ; the guns being removed to other quarters. the monotonous service at the batteries had tried the patience of all who were attached to them; and we rejoiced at the prospect of more active duty. the reverses sustained by the confederate arms were not to be disguised, nor were our convictions of great danger to the country to be removed by the politic proclamation issued by the confederate government, to the effect that a contraction of the lines could exercise no material influence upon the issue of the war. but as it was deemed necessary by the military authorities to abandon the situation, we were not at all sorry to depart; for although we had seen no active service, insatiate war had claimed many victims, who had perished ingloriously by the malarial fevers of that marshy district. the naval officers were especially elated at the change. their duties and their authority being alike undefined, there resulted a deplorable want of harmony between them and the military. this was, indeed, the inevitable consequence of the anomalous position held by the former; and this want of concert of action subsequently contributed, in some measure at least, to the disastrous issue of the conflict below new orleans. we having been trained in the strict discipline of a man of war, wanted "savoir faire" in dealing with the fastidious young captains, and the equally sensitive "high privates"; while they no doubt looked upon us as a domineering, tyrannical set of exclusives and wished that we were on board the federal gunboats in the river, or farther. my personal intercourse, however, was always very pleasant with them. capt. brown, commanding the company of north carolinians at the battery, had graduated at the u. s. naval school a year or two previous to the war, and was a strict disciplinarian. two years after our separation, i fell in with him accidentally; and he then gave me a sad account of the changes wrought by death and disease in his fine company. he had risen to the rank of colonel, and was then on his return to duty in the army of northern virginia after recovery from wounds received in battle. the graphic account given by him of the manner in which he was wounded and his narrow escape from death, may interest others as much as it did me. his regiment formed part of gen. ed. johnson's division, which held the salient angle in gen. lee's line at spottsylvania c. h. when it was forced by the federal troops. the attack was made at early dawn and in the additional obscurity of a scotch mist; and so complete was the surprise according to b.'s account, that he was only made aware of the close proximity of the enemy by dimly discerning, a few paces distant, a federal soldier with his musket levelled at him. the soldier fired, and b. fell insensible, shot through one of the lungs. upon recovering consciousness, he found himself on a litter borne by federal soldiers. an officer leaned over him, and offered him some liquor from his canteen, which revived him so far that he was able to speak. his humane captor then volunteered to transmit any message to b.'s friends and relatives. while b. was rallying his failing senses to deliver what he believed to be his dying messages to the loved ones at home, a rattling fire of musketry opened upon them, the litter bearers and the officer were shot down; the latter falling across brown, who relapsed into insensibility. when he again recovered consciousness, he found himself borne in the same litter, now carried by confederate soldiers. the position had been retaken. his good friend had been shot dead. our mess at acquia creek was abundantly supplied with food from land and water. every member of it, no doubt, frequently longed afterwards for the "flesh pots of egypt." we discovered, by chance, a large bulk of coal, which had been stored on the long wharf where the acquia creek steam-boats used to make their landings. when the point was shelled about the commencement of the war by the gunboats, the wharf was destroyed, the coal falling uninjured ten or twelve feet to the bottom of the river. we fished up our supplies with oyster tongs as they were needed, and our snug quarters were kept warm during the winter. towards the end of the season, one of the mess servants lately arrived from the rural districts, was sent in the boat for a supply from the _coal mine_. he had made many a fire of soft coal in the drawing room at home; but although an accomplished servant, his education had been so far neglected that he was ignorant of all the "'ologies." he was very much astonished at our process of coal mining, and asked me with great gravity, on his return with the load, "if coal grew like that all over the potomac." of course i replied in the affirmative. it was anthracite hard coal, a specimen of which he had never seen; so he was further informed that it was hard or soft according to the season when it was fished up, being soft in the summer and hard in the winter. he was much pleased to have acquired all this information, and probably took the earliest opportunity, on his return home, to enlighten his circle of friends and acquaintances upon the subject of coal mining on the potomac. footnotes: [ ] the belief still prevails, probably, at the north, that extensive preparations had been made by the south for the war. but general joseph e. johnston who was assigned to the service of organizing and instructing the virginia volunteers called out by governor letcher states the contrary. he asserts that all the arms to be depended upon at that time, were those found in the southern arsenals, u. s. muskets, and rifles of discarded patterns to the number of about , ; , flint muskets belonging to the state of virginia, and , procured for the state of georgia by governor brown. it was charged that mr. floyd of virginia while secretary of war under president buchanan had caused the removal of public arms to the southern arsenals; but a committee of the house of representatives, in , exonerated mr. floyd from the charge, and the chairman of that committee was the hon. mr. stanton, a prominent and zealous member of the republican party. general johnston, who was in a position to know the facts, states in his "narrative, etc.," that the "confederate states began the war with one hundred and twenty thousand arms of obsolete models, and seven hundred of the recently adopted weapons rifled-muskets, and the united states with about four hundred and fifty thousand of the old, and all of the modern arms that had been made since the adoption of the new models." when in august, , it was in contemplation to send the army of northern virginia into maryland, want of ammunition, according to the distinguished authority just quoted, was one of the chief obstacles to the project. [ ] the allusion is made to genl. mears, who commanded at acquia creek and to the baltimore "tigers", at the time commanded by captain thomas. chapter ii. ordered to new orleans.--the naval fleet there.--the "river defence" squadron.--the iron clad "louisiana."--difficulty in managing the fleet.--going down the river.--want of concert.--admiral farragut.--our crew. i was ordered to report to commodore whittle, commanding the naval station at new orleans, for duty afloat. a powerful fleet of ships of war and bomb vessels, under the command of commodore (afterwards admiral) farragut, was then assembling at the mouth of the mississippi, for an attack upon new orleans, in which a large land force under gen. butler (afterwards called the beast) was to coöperate. the citizens were under the impression that the place was impregnable. gen. duncan, commanding forts jackson and st. philip, below the city, was considered one of the best artillerists in the service; and the land defence was intrusted to gen. lovell, with a well appointed force under his command. the people of that gay city were occupied as usual in business and pleasure, and continued unconscious of their peril up to the very time when the federal fleet passed the forts. but the condition of affairs, so far as naval defence was concerned, was lamentable. the regular c. s. naval fleet consisted of the louisiana (captain mcintosh) and carrying the flag of commodore mitchell; the steamer mcrae (captain huger), carrying six light -pounders and nine-inch pivot gun; the steamer jackson (captain renshaw), with two pivoted smooth bore -pounders; the small ironplated "ram" manassas (captain warley), carrying one -pounder carronade in the bow; and two launches, each carrying a howitzer and a crew of twenty men. there were also present, at the time the passage was forced by the u. s. fleet, two louisiana state gunboats, viz., the "governor moore," captain kennon, carrying two -pounder rifled guns, and the "general quitman," with a similar battery. _these_ were converted sea steamers, with pine and cotton barricades to protect the more vulnerable part of their machinery. all of the above vessels, with the exception of the louisiana and manassas, were too slightly built for war purposes. the unarmed steamboats, "mozier," placed under commodore mitchell's command. in addition to the above force, there were six steamers carrying from one to two guns each, constituting what was called the "river defence squadron," under the command of captain stevenson. these vessels' boilers and machinery were protected by heavy timber barricades, filled in with compressed cotton; and they were prepared with bar-iron casing around their bows to act as "rams." the louisiana was pierced for twelve guns rifled six-inch; and eight-inch shell guns, three in the bow, three in each broadside, and three in the stern. her armor consisted of railroad-iron bars securely bolted upon the sides and ends of the long covered box built upon her nearly submerged hull. these sides and ends sloped at an angle of about forty-five degrees; around the upper deck was a stout bulwark about five feet high, and iron plated inside, to resist grape shot, and afford a protection to the sharp-shooters stationed there in action. the propelling power consisted of huge wheels, boxed up in the centre of the vessel; and a propeller on each quarter. a more powerful and efficient iron-clad called the mississippi had just been launched from the stocks, but the passage of the forts was effected before her battery could be put on board. after a few days' service on board the jackson, i was ordered on board the louisiana (as executive officer) then lying alongside the "levee" at new orleans. her battery was not mounted; and the mechanics were at work upon her unfinished armor and machinery. much was to be done, and with the most limited facilities; but many obstacles had been surmounted and affairs were progressing favorably, when we received orders from commodore whittle to proceed down the river as far as the forts. our wheels were in working order; but a great deal was to be done to the propellers, and the crew were still engaged in mounting the guns. but commodore whittle, though cognizant of our condition, was compelled against his judgment, to yield to the urgent telegrams of general duncan to send the louisiana down the river. we had been unable to man the ship with sailors; for although many of this class belonged to the various volunteer companies around new orleans, their commanding officers were not disposed to part with them; nor were the "jack tars" themselves willing to exchange camp life for the discipline and subordination of the naval service. our regular crew being too small to man the battery, we gladly accepted the services of the "crescent artillery," a fine volunteer company raised in new orleans. two river steamboats were assigned to the louisiana for the purpose of towage, if necessary, and for the accommodation of the mechanics who were still at work on board. we cast off from the "levee" on sunday, april the th. it was a bright day, and a large concourse was assembled to witness our departure. steam had been got up, and as our big wheels were set in motion in the rapid current of the mississippi, torrents of water rushed through the crevices in the bulkheads and deluged the gun deck, while the louisiana drifted helplessly down the river, feeling the effect of the wheels no more sensibly than if they were a pair of sculling oars. "facilis descensus averno; sed revocare gradum, hoc opus, hic labor est." the aptness of the quotation will be appreciated by the reader who is in at the death of the louisiana. we accomplished our object of getting down to the forts about seventy miles below the city, thanks to the current and our two transports; but our artillerists were in a shabby plight while trying to work the guns knee-deep in water. securing the louisiana by hawsers to the left bank of the river near fort st. philip, on the morning of the st, we continued our labors upon the machinery and on the battery. the bombardment of the forts had been in progress for several days and nights, and the shells from the fleet were thrown with beautiful and destructive precision (some of them occasionally falling in close proximity to the louisiana,) while the bomb vessels themselves were beyond the range of the fort's guns. the naval officers were quite sure that an attempt would soon be made by admiral farragut to force the passage, and that so far as the naval strength was concerned, it was apparent our means were inadequate to prevent it. commodore mitchell, on our arrival below, had delivered to captain stevenson written orders from general lovell requiring him to place all the "river defence squadron" under the commodore's orders. captain s., on receiving these instructions, addressed a written communication to commodore mitchell, to the effect that all of the officers and crew under his command had entered the service with the distinct understanding that they were not to be placed under the command of naval officers; and that, while willing to coöperate with our forces, he would receive no orders from the commodore nor allow any vessel under his command to do so; reserving to himself the right of obeying or disobeying any orders the commodore might issue. with this assumption of absolute independence, commodore mitchell's position was extremely embarrassing, but he did all that was then in his power. not knowing at what moment an attack would be made, he endeavored to agree with captain stevenson upon a plan of coöperation; and he states in his official report made after the action that captain stevenson "seemed disposed zealously to second these objects in many respects." a few days previous to the action, i had been sent down the river to communicate, under a flag of truce, with one of the ships of the squadron; and in the course of conversation with my old friend captain decamp, the officer in command of a division of the fleet had been informed by him that they could force the obstructions across the river whenever they pleased, and intended doing so when they were ready. the interview took place in his cabin; and although i indignantly repudiated the idea, i could not help feeling how confidently i would stake life and reputation upon the issue if our situations were reversed. i had noticed many familiar faces among the officers and crew as i passed along the deck a few moments before. every one was at his station; the guns cast loose for action; and it was in the nature of things, that i should contrast this gallant man of war and all this efficiency and discipline with the iron bound box and crew of "horse marines" which i had just left. but it was in no spirit of depreciation of the gallantry of my comrades, for i was quite sure that they would stand to their guns. the wretched "bowl of gotham" which had no efficient motive power, and which could not even be got under way, when anchored, without slipping the chain cable, caused the misgivings. it is no disparagement to the prowess of the u. s. fleet which passed the forts, to assert, that they never could have successfully opposed our forces; but the battle was won quite as effectually when they succeeded in passing beyond the range of the guns of the forts and the "louisiana." after our official business was closed, dec. and i began to talk of the war; and he expressed the opinions then entertained, beyond a doubt, by a majority of u. s. army and naval officers. they believed it to be the intention of the government to bring the seceding states back into the union, with their rights and institutions unimpaired. since then a little leaven has leavened the whole lump, and the former doctrine of the extreme abolitionists has long become the creed of the dominant party. but some facts should be borne in mind by those who denounce slavery as the sum of all villanies; for instance, that the slave code of massachusetts was the earliest in america; the cruelest in its provisions and has never been formally repealed; that the plymouth settlers, according to history, maintained "that the white man might own and sell the negro and his offspring forever;" that mr. quincy, a representative from massachusetts during the war of , threatened the house of congress that the north would secede "peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must" unless their demands for peace were acceded to; and lastly that the abolitionists of a later age denounced the constitution and canonized john brown for committing a number of murders and endeavoring to incite servile insurrection in time of peace. truly "tempora mutantur," etc. the river obstructions, above alluded to, consisted of a line of sunken vessels, and of heavy pieces of timber chained together, and extending from bank to bank. a few days before the attack was made, general duncan was speaking rather confidently of his barricade, when warley remarked, "general, if i commanded a fleet below, and my commission lay above your obstructions, i would _come up and get it_." most of us belonging to that little naval fleet, knew that admiral farragut would dare to attempt what any man would; and for my own part, i had not forgotten that while i was under his command during the mexican war, he had proposed to commodore perry, then commanding the gulf squadron, and urged upon him, the enterprise of capturing the strong fort of san juan de ulloa at vera cruz _by boarding_. ladders were to be constructed and triced up along the attacking ships' masts; and the ships to be towed along side the walls by the steamers of the squadron. here was a much grander prize to be fought for; and every day of delay was strengthening his adversaries. it was the general belief, indeed, at the time, that the admiral was in daily communication with the city by means of spies; and the public indignation was so deeply roused against mr. t----t, the constructor of the mississippi, ("a northern man with southern principles") who failed from time to time in launching that vessel as he had appointed to do, that he was in danger of "_lynch law_"; and it is at least a singular coincidence that the naval attack was made immediately after that powerful vessel was launched, and before the guns could be put on board. but the idea of any collusion between mr. t----t and the enemy, or of treachery on the part of the former, was never entertained, i believe, except by a few bigoted zealots, blinded by hate and passion against every one born north of the potomac. this class, which ought to have acted more fairly, found many followers among the multitude; from which little charity or justice can ever be expected. nearly years ago the "plebes," influenced by their leaders, demanded the release of a robber and murderer and crucified the saviour of mankind; and history further informs us that years before that era, a greek citizen could be banished without special trial, accusation, or defence; and that aristides was sent into exile because people were tired of hearing him always called "the just." social ostracism will continue to exist till the millennium. the gentlemen of northern birth who were so unfortunate as to occupy prominent positions during the war, were mercilessly held up to scorn and distrust, if they failed to come up to the public expectation. in truth, they occupied trying positions; being regarded by many as aliens and mercenaries. "mens conscia recti" will support us under many trials; but it does not furnish armor of proof against the "poor man's scorn, the proud man's contumely." the interval between the st and th of april was occupied by commodore mitchell in organizing the force under his command, and in endeavoring to arrange some concert of action with the "river defence" gunboats. on board the louisiana every effort was made to complete the works upon the propellers, and in mounting the battery, on which the mechanics worked night and day. our "crescent artillery;" a detachment of artillery from the forts under lieutenant dixon; and captain ryan's company of sharp-shooters supplied the deficiencies in our crew. the commodore was unsuccessful in his efforts to induce captain stevenson to employ one of his gunboats below the obstructions at night, to watch the u. s. fleet; and we had no vessel suitable for that purpose; the only one which would have answered (the jackson) having been sent, with one of the launches, to watch the u. s. land forces near the quarantine station, five miles above us. the only launch which remained to us was sent, by the commodore's orders, below the obstructions every night, but the officer in command afterwards proved either a traitor or a coward, failing to make the concerted signal upon the approach of the fleet, and never reporting himself on board the louisiana afterwards. general duncan urged upon the commodore, the first or second day after our arrival below, to take a new position with the louisiana at the river bank just below fort st. philip, and under cover of its guns, from whence she might open fire with effect upon the mortar fleet. the commodore declined the proposition, and his action was sustained in a consultation with all the commanding officers of the c. s. naval forces present, on the grounds, "first, that the battery of the louisiana was not in a condition for service;" "second, that the completion of the propeller and other mechanical work in progress, was indispensable to the efficiency of the vessel, and that it would be interrupted if she were placed under fire;" and third, "that placing the louisiana in a position to receive the fire of the enemy, before her own battery could be served with effect, would be improperly hazarding, not only her own safety, but the security of the passage between the forts on which rested the possession of new orleans."[ ] but on the afternoon of the d the work had so far progressed as to encourage the belief that the vessel might be moved to the point proposed, and the commodore, after making a reconnoissance, had decided to do so, and notified general duncan of this intention. captain stevenson was to assist with two of his gunboats which were especially well adapted to this purpose. commodore mitchell, in his official report to the c. s. secretary of the navy, intimates that "he fully appreciated and admitted the importance of the proposed change of position for the louisiana," but contends that "the state of the battery, independent of other weighty reasons, was sufficient to prevent its being made previous to the engagement of the th." one of these consists in the fact, that owing to the peculiar construction of the louisiana's port-holes, her guns could not be elevated more than five degrees. the mortar fleet would have been beyond their range. footnote: [ ] from commodore mitchell's official report to the secretary of the c. s. navy, dated august th, . chapter iii. the th april.--passage of the united states fleet.--after the storm.--the "river defence" boats.--the refuge in the bayou.--surrender of the forts.--extracts from commodore mitchell's official reports.--council of war.--destruction of the "louisiana."--our commander general b. f. butler.--transferred to the united states frigate "colorado." on the night of april d, the bursting of the shells was as incessant as usual. toward daylight of the th, an ominous calm of brief duration was broken by the first broadside of the advancing fleet, which had approached so rapidly as to remove and pass the obstructions undiscovered, and before the launch on picket duty could get back to our fleet. for a few minutes the roar of the guns was deafening; but objects were so obscured by the darkness and the dense smoke, that we could only fire, with effect, at the flashes of the ship's guns. the louisiana's three bow guns (one rifled seven-inch and two seven-inch shell guns) and her three starboard broadside guns (a rifled six-inch and two eight-inch shell guns) were all that could be brought to bear during the engagement; for being moored to the river bank, the stern and port broadside guns were useless. the u. s. fleet came up in two divisions, delivering their broadsides in rapid succession. one of the ships was set on fire by one of the fireboats (a number of which had been prepared) but the flames were speedily extinguished. it is said that the unarmed tug mozier, under her heroic commander, sherman, while towing a fireboat alongside a heavy ship, was sunk by a broadside delivered at short range, all on board perishing. one of the largest ships, believed to be the hartford, came in contact with our stern, and received the fire of our three bow guns while in this position, returning a broadside, but she soon swung clear of us and continued on her way up the river. when day fairly broke, the storm had passed away, leaving wreck and ruin in its wake. the river banks were dotted, here and there, with burning steamers, and a large portion of the u. s. fleet had succeeded in getting beyond the forts. a few vessels of the attacking force had failed to pass the obstructions before daylight, and were driven back by the guns from the forts. the louisiana and the mcrae were the only vessels left to the confederates; but the former was almost intact, her armor proving a sufficient defence against the broadsides, even when delivered at close range. the eight-inch shells of the hartford buried themselves about half their diameter in our armor, and crumbled into fragments. all of our casualties occurred on the spar deck; our gallant commander being mortally wounded there; and many of the mechanics, who were quartered on board the tenders alongside of us, were killed or wounded. the mcrae and the manassas were in the stream in time to take an active part in the conflict; the former being considerably cut up. the manassas struck two vessels with her prow, but did not succeed in sinking either. having followed the fleet some distance up the river, and being hard pressed and seriously damaged, she was run ashore and abandoned. she shortly afterwards floated off and drifting down the river, sank between the forts. the louisiana state gunboat "governor moore" made a gallant fight, sinking the u. s. gunboat "verona." kennon, in his official report, states his loss at fifty-seven killed and thirteen wounded out of a crew of ninety-three. he ran his vessel ashore when she was in a sinking condition, and set fire to her with his own hand. the "river defence" gunboats, with the exception of the "resolute," were either destroyed by fire of the enemy's fleet, or by their own crews. the "resolute" was discovered ashore, after the action, about a mile above fort jackson and abandoned by her crew. lieut. alden, with a party from the "mcrae," took possession of her, and endeavored to get her afloat as she was very little injured, but being attacked by one of the gunboats from above, which succeeded in putting several shots through her hull at the water line, alden was compelled to abandon her after setting her on fire. among the mortally wounded on board the "mcrae" was her commander t. b. huger. the "defiance," one of the "river defence" gunboats, escaped without material injury. she was turned over to the command of commodore mitchell by captain stevenson on the th, without any of her officers and crew, who refused to remain in her, and went ashore.[ ] after landing the wounded, we continued the work upon the machinery of the louisiana, buoyed up by the hope of soon being able to retrieve our disasters. our number was increased by officers and men who had escaped from some of the abandoned vessels. many of them, to obtain shelter from the shells and canister shot of the federal fleet, had taken refuge in the "bayous" which lie not far from the river in many places; and they looked like half drowned rats as they came on board the louisiana. one of the officers gave a ludicrous account of a poor girl, who had fled from her home on the river bank as the fleet was passing, with no clothing except her night dress, and no earthly possession but a lap-dog which she held in her clasped arms. she had sought the same place of refuge and as the shells and shot would whistle over her head she would dive like a duck under the water; and every time she rose above the surface, the lap-dog would sneeze and whimper a protest against the frequent submersions. the officer at last persuaded her to let him take charge of her draggled pet; and finally had the pleasure of seeing her safe back to her home before leaving her. during the night of the th after unremitting labor, our machinery was at last completed, and we prepared to make the attempt to go up the river in pursuit of the fleet. commodore mitchell notified general duncan of his purpose, and the latter seemed sanguine of a successful issue, assuring the commodore of his ability to hold the forts for weeks. orders were issued on board the louisiana for the crew to have an early breakfast, and every thing to be in readiness to cast off from the river bank a little after sunrise. the situation justified the hopes entertained by us of at least partially retrieving our fortunes, when, shortly after daylight, an officer came across the river to us from fort jackson, with general duncan's compliments, and to say that general d. was about to surrender the forts to commodore porter.[ ] in nautical parlance, we were "struck flat aback" by this astounding intelligence. with the forts as a base of operations, we might repeat the effort, if the first were unsuccessful; and would be able to repair damages, if necessary, under shelter of their guns; but with their surrender we were helpless. the capture of the louisiana would then become, indeed, a mere question of time, without the firing of a gun; for we would have been unable to replenish our supplies either of provisions or coal when exhausted. the most sanguine spirits on board, in the light of their experience of the motive power of the louisiana, did not believe that we could accomplish more than the control of that portion of the river within the range of our guns; nor that the vessel could ever do much more than stem the rapid current of the mississippi. the surrender of new orleans was, indeed, inevitable; but even that catastrophe would not involve complete possession of the river by the enemy while we held the forts near its mouth. the gigantic efforts afterwards made by the federal forces for the capture of vicksburg showed the vital importance attached by the united states government to the possession of the fortified positions on the mississippi, while the equally desperate exertions made by the confederacy to hold it, demonstrated our consciousness of its value to us. commodore mitchell ordered his boat and proceeded with all haste to remonstrate with general duncan; but all was unavailing; the general informing the commodore that he had already dispatched a boat to the united states fleet, offering to surrender his command under certain conditions; disclaiming, in the offer, all control over the forces afloat. the commodore's boat had scarcely got back to the louisiana, when the quartermaster on duty reported one of the ships of the fleet below steaming up the river towards us, with a white flag flying at the mast-head. general duncan, it is said, stated to the citizens of new orleans a few days afterward, that a large number of his guns had been spiked by the mutineers of the garrison; and that he had no alternative but to surrender. a hasty council of war was held on board the louisiana, during which it was decided to transfer the officers and crew to our two tenders and to burn the ship. this was speedily carried into effect, and the two transports steamed across the river as the flames burst through the louisiana's hatchway.[ ] those who wished to make the attempt to escape through the bayous, received permission to do so; and a few of the number, familiar with the locality, succeeded in evading the federal pickets, and getting within the confederate lines. the rest of us were entrapped; passing several hours of very unpleasant suspense, while the forts were being surrendered. it was a grand spectacle when the flames reached the louisiana's magazine. the hawsers, securing her to the river-bank, having been burnt in two, she floated out into the stream a few minutes before the explosion; and at the moment of its occurrence, a column of pure white smoke shot rapidly high into the air from the blazing hull, wreathing itself at the top into the shape of a snow-white "cumulus" cloud; and in a few seconds afterwards, huge fragments of the wreck showered down, far and wide, upon the river and the adjacent shore. the louisiana had disappeared before the deafening report attending the catastrophe reached our ears. immediately after the united states flag was hoisted upon the forts, the steamer "harriet lane" steamed slowly toward us, and sent a shot over our heads as a summons to haul down the confederate flag which was then flying at our peak. the demand was promptly complied with, and we were prisoners of war. upon the pretext that we had violated the usages of war by burning the louisiana while a flag of truce was flying, we were for a time subjected to unusual humiliations; learning afterwards, indeed, that commodore porter had recommended to the secretary of the navy a continuance of harsh treatment toward us upon our arrival at fort warren, where we were destined. the reply to the charge brought against us is obvious, viz., we were no parties to the flag of truce; nor were we included in the terms of the surrender; general duncan treating only for the garrisons under his command, and expressly disclaiming any connection with us. we were kept for a few days in close confinement on board the united states gunboat "clifton,"[ ] and were transferred from her on the th of may to the frigate colorado, lying off the mouth of the mississippi. here we found kennon, who had been consigned to a "lower deep" than ourselves. he was placed under a sentry's charge behind a canvas screen on the opposite side of the gun deck from us; and strict orders were given that no one should hold any communication with him. the charge against him was, that he had caused the death of some of his wounded crew by setting fire to his ship before their removal, a charge denied by him; but even if it were true, or admitted, that some of his crew were unable to escape, he was only responsible to his own government. in a few days, however, he was released from solitary confinement, and many restrictions were removed from all of us. but humiliations or physical discomforts weighed as a feather upon our spirits compared with our reflections upon the consequences of the disaster which we had witnessed; and our consciousness that this sad fate had been brought upon the country chiefly by treachery and want of concert. and, indeed, the extent of the disaster could scarcely be exaggerated. it gave the united states government possession of the state of louisiana, the almost complete control of the mississippi river, and separated texas and arkansas from the rest of the confederacy for the remainder of the war. footnotes: [ ] extract from commodore mitchell's official report dated august th, . "the following is believed to be a correct list of the vessels that passed up by forts jackson and st. philip during the engagement of the th april; mounting in the aggregate one hundred and eighty-four guns, viz., hartford steamer, guns st class sloop. richmond, " " " brooklyn, " " " pensacola, " " " mississippi, " " " iroquois, " " d class sloop. oneida, " " " verona, " " " cayuga, " " " penola, " " " wissahickon, " " " winona, " " " how any controversy could arise as to which branch of the u. s. service deserves the credit of the capture of new orleans is a matter of wonder to those who were present at the time. the following article from the richmond enquirer of september th, , written by an eye-witness of many of the scenes in the city which he describes, would seem conclusively to establish the fact that the navy alone achieved the capture. "the question has again been raised as to whether the army or the navy is entitled to the credit of having captured new orleans from the confederates in april or may, . it has been a mooted point in history ever since the event happened, and its discussion has caused no little angry feeling between the two branches of the service. ben butler, of course, laid claim to the honors of the capture, and proclaimed himself "the hero" of new orleans, completely overshadowing farragut and his fleet, and the lying histories of the day, written in the radical interest on the other side of the line, have perpetuated the fraud. no citizen of new orleans who personally knows anything of the circumstances of the fall of the city into the hands of the federals has ever had any doubts as to who was or is entitled to the credit; but the persistent efforts of butler and his friends to claim the lion's share in that exploit, have at last called out the hon. gideon welles, secretary of the navy in mr. lincoln's cabinet, as the champion of admiral farragut and his gallant tars. in the course of an article in the hartford _times_, mr. welles shows that "in january, , the plan for the reduction of the forts below new orleans and the capture of the city was fully matured in the navy department, farragut receiving orders in detail for the work on the th of that month; that the memorable passage of the forts was made, and the surly submission of the mayor of new orleans received by farragut on the th of april, formal possession being immediately taken and the united states flag displayed on the public buildings; that the army was not only absent alike from the plan and the execution of this great movement, but did not appear until may , when general butler's troops arrived, and on the day following entered upon the occupation of the city captured by farragut." quite correct, mr. ex-secretary. farragut passed the forts as stated, with the hartford and one or two other vessels, destroyed the ram manassas, and the other confederate vessels of war, after a most desperate battle, in which at least one of his best ships was sunk, and then made his way in his flag-ship unmolested up the river. he arrived alone in front of new orleans on the th of april, and at noon brought his guns to bear on the city at the head of girod street. he immediately dispatched lieutenant bailey with a flag of truce to the authorities demanding the surrender, and giving them thirty-six hours in which to reply,--at the expiration of which time he should open fire and bombard the place, if an answer favorable to his demand were not received. the city at this time had been partially evacuated by general lovell and his troops, and all authority had been surrendered by the military to the mayor. the terms submitted by farragut were discussed for fully twenty-four hours by the council, assembled at the mayor's office, and all this time the city was in the hands of a wild, reckless and excited mob of citizens, while people everywhere were flying or preparing for flight, many even in such haste as to leave their houses open and valuables exposed to the depredations of servants or the mob. perhaps no more fearful scene of confusion was ever witnessed outside of paris when in the throes of a periodic revolution. it was a novelty then for an american city to be captured or to fall into the hands of an enemy, and the people had some very queer notions about defending it to the last, and fighting the enemy with all sorts of weapons amid its ruins. it was with the utmost difficulty the police could protect bailey and his middies with their flag of truce. but on the following day, and before the time of grace expired, the council determined that as they had no means of defence against the enemy's ships, which held the city at the mercy of their guns, it was best to enter into negotiations for the surrender. farragut then demanded that as a sign of submission the confederate flag should be hauled down from all points where displayed in the city and replaced by the stars and stripes, and in the meantime he would send a battery with his sailors and marines ashore to maintain order. but no one was found in the city to take the confederate flags down, and hoist the starry banner in their place; so a battery of ships' guns was landed and hauled through the streets till it reached the city hall, and there it was placed in position to cover every point of approach. a young middy, apparently about fifteen years of age, then made his appearance at the entrance of the city hall, bearing a united states flag. he was admitted without opposition, and was shown the way to the top of the building. the lad ascended to the roof, and in full view of an assembled multitude of thousands in the streets and on the housetops, deliberately undid the halyards and hauled down the confederate, or rather louisiana state flag; then replacing it with the one he carried, hoisted it to the peak of the staff in its place, and the capture of new orleans by the navy was complete. many who witnessed the act of this daring boy trembled for his life, as a rifle shot from any of the houses surrounding, or even from the street, would have proved fatal and put an end to his young life at any moment. so excited was the crowd in the street, when the middy came down, and so fierce the thirst for vengeance upon any object that might present itself, that it was found necessary to hurry him into a close carriage and drive with all speed through back streets, to keep clear of the pressing mob, who, in the blindness of their passion, would perhaps have sacrificed the youngster, had they caught him, to appease their rage. after this the city began to quiet down. the foreign residents formed themselves into a police and took charge of the streets; and had succeeded pretty well in restoring order, when, on the d of may, butler landed at the levee from his transports, and marched to the st. charles, where he established his headquarters and took formal possession of the city. still he found it no easy matter to subdue the spirit of a people who did not hesitate to jeer at his soldiers or jostle them from the sidewalks as they marched through the streets. but he soon enough became master of the situation, and made the most for himself out of what farragut had so readily placed in his hands. the navy was certainly entitled to all the credit of the capture; one ship in front of the city with open ports was enough, it did what the entire army of butler, had it been ten times as numerous, could never have accomplished. new orleans never would have been taken by the army alone; but the guns of a sloop-of-war in front of an open city are conclusive and irresistible arguments. if it was heroism to capture that city the confederacy will always be as free to admit that farragut was the hero of new orleans, as that butler was the tyrant, robber, and oppressor of its conquered people. [ ] extract from commodore mitchell's official report, dated aug. th, . "during the night of sunday the th we had so far succeeded in operating the propellers that we expected early the next day to make a fair trial of them in connection with the paddle wheels, when at daylight an officer sent by gen. duncan came on board to inform us that many of the garrison at fort jackson had deserted during the night; that serious disturbances had occurred; and that the disaffection of the men was believed to be general on account of what appeared to them to have become the desperate character of the "defence," etc." [ ] extract from commodore mitchell's official report: "i at once returned on board and called a council of war composed of lieutenants wilkinson, (commanding) w. h. ward, a. f. warley, wm. c. whittle, jr., r. j. bowen, arnold, f. m. harris, and george n. shryock, by whom--in consequence of the enemy's having the entire command of the river above and below us, with an overwhelming force, and who was in the act of obtaining quiet and undisturbed possession of forts jackson and st. philip, with all their material defences intact, with ordnance, military stores and provisions, thus cutting the louisiana off from all succor or support; and her having on board not more than ten days' provisions, her surrender would be rendered certain in a brief period by the simple method of blockade; and that, in the condition of her motive power and defective steering apparatus, and the immediate danger of attack, she was very liable to capture--it was unanimously recommended that the louisiana be destroyed, forthwith, to prevent her falling into the hands of the enemy, while it remained in our power to prevent it; first retiring to our tenders." [ ] the first and only time that i ever saw the notorious general b. f. butler, who subsequently claimed for himself and the troops under his command, the honor of capturing new orleans, was on board the "clifton." he took passage in her to the city. no one who has ever looked upon that unique countenance can ever forget it; and as his glance rested for a moment upon us, each one conceived himself to be the special object of the general's regard; for owing to his peculiar visual organs, that distinguished individual seems to possess the argus like faculty of looking steadily at several persons at one and the same time. with the pride that apes humility, or perhaps with the eccentricity of genius, he affected, upon the occasion, a rough costume; wearing a slouch hat, and having his trowsers tucked inside of his soiled boots; and he carried in his hand a long stick like a pilgrim's staff. he _preceded_ his troops to the city, however, and might therefore, with equal propriety and regard for truth, claim the _sole_ glory of its capture. chapter iv. transferred to the "rhode island."--meeting with an old friend.--arrival at fort warren.--treatment there.--correspondence, and its result.--prison life.--exchanged.--the crew at quarters.--burial of the "unknown." on the th of may we were transferred from the colorado to the steamer rhode island, bound to fort warren. on board of this vessel we were "tabooed" even more completely by the officers, than on board the colorado; for the rhode island was officered, with the single exception, i believe, of her captain, by volunteers, who were not connected with us by any associations of friendship or congeniality of taste. the harsh order to hold no intercourse with us, had been evaded or violated, "sub rosa," on board the colorado by old friends and shipmates. on board the rhode island, much to our satisfaction, it was strictly obeyed; for we would have lost our patience to be "interviewed" by fledgling naval heroes, many of whom had reached the quarter deck through the hawseholes. upon one occasion, many years ago, when the question of increasing the united states navy was under discussion by congress, a rough western member, opposed to the measure, stated that his section of the country could supply droves of young officers whenever they were needed. the united states government must have "corralled" lots of youngsters, without regard to their fitness or capacity, to send on board the ships of war during our civil conflict. the "noble commander" of the rhode island most of us had known of old as a prim little precisian, and a great stickler for etiquette, and by no means a bad fellow; but so strict a constructionist that he would probably have refused to recognize his grandfather, if it were against orders. but he had a humane disposition under his frigid exterior; and allowed us all the comfort and privileges compatible with discipline and safety. we touched at fortress monroe; and while the vessel was at anchor there i received a gratifying evidence that this fratricidal war had not destroyed all kindly feelings between former friends and messmates. the executive officer of the rhode island called me aside to say that a friend wished to see me in his state-room; and as he did not mention the name, i was surprised to find myself warmly greeted by albert smith. we had served together during the mexican war, and our cruise had not been an uneventful one; for the vessel to which we were attached ("the perry") after considerable service in the mexican gulf, was dismasted and wrecked, during one of the most terrific hurricanes that ever desolated the west india islands. thirty-nine vessels, out of forty-two, which lay in the harbor of havana, foundered at their anchors, or were driven ashore; all of the light-houses along the florida reef were destroyed, and hundreds of persons perished. the perry lost all of her boats, her guns, except two, were thrown overboard, and she escaped complete destruction almost by a miracle. she encountered the hurricane off havana, and after scudding for many hours under bare poles, describing a circle as the wind continued to veer in the cyclone, she passed over the florida reef with one tremendous shock as she hung for a moment upon its rocky crest. her masts went by the board, but we had passed in a moment from a raging sea into smooth water. captain blake, who commanded her, achieved the feat of rigging jury masts with his crew, and carrying the vessel to the philadelphia navy yard for repairs. albert smith and i had not met for many years. he offered me any service in his power, and pressed me to accept at least a pecuniary loan. the kind offer, although declined, was gratefully remembered; and i was glad, too, to find that he, in common with many others, who remained to fight under the old flag, could appreciate the sacrifices made by those who felt equally bound, by all the truest and best feelings of our nature, to defend their homes and firesides. on our arrival at fort warren we were assigned quarters in one of the casemates. little more than a year had passed away since i had planted a signal staff upon its parapet to _angle_ upon; being then engaged, as chief of a hydrographic surveying party, in surveying the approaches to boston harbor. _then_ its garrison consisted of a superannuated sergeant whose office was a sinecure; _now_ it held an armed garrison, who drilled and paraded every day, with all the "pomp and circumstance" of war, to the patriotic tune of "john brown's body lies a-moulding in the grave, but his spirit is marching on;" and it was crowded with southern prisoners of war. for a few days, in pursuance of commodore porter's policy, we were closely confined; but all exceptional restrictions were then removed and we fell into the monotonous routine of prison life. the following correspondence took place previous to the removal of the restrictions, and explains the reason of their withdrawal. fort warren, boston harbor, may , . sir,--i was much surprised last evening on being informed by colonel dimmick that lieutenants wilkinson, warly, ward, whittle and harris, together with myself, have been, by your order, denied the "privileges and courtesies that are extended to other prisoners," on the ground that the act of burning the confederate states battery "louisiana," late under my command, was held by the united states navy department as "infamous." in my letter to the department, dated on board of the united states steamer rhode island, key west, may th, , and forwarded through commander trenchard on the arrival of that vessel in hampton roads, together with a copy of my letter to flag officer farragut, and his reply thereto, i felt assured that all the facts connected with the destruction of the louisiana were placed in such a light as not to be mistaken, nor my motives misconstrued. to render the affair still more clear i enclose herewith a memorandum of w. c. whittle jr., confederate states navy, who was the bearer of my message to commodore porter respecting my fears that the magazine of the louisiana had not been effectually drowned. with all these statements forwarded by me to the united states navy department i am perfectly willing to rest the case with impartial and unprejudiced minds, as well as with my own government, satisfied that nothing has been done by the foregoing officers, nor myself, militating at all against the strictest rules of military honor and usage. though i will not affect an indifference to the personal annoyance to us by the action of the united states navy department in our case as prisoners of war, yet my chief solicitude is to have placed on file in that office such a statement of facts as will, on a fair investigation, vindicate all the officers of the confederate states navy concerned from the odium of infamous conduct unjustly attempted to be fixed upon them by those of the united states navy; against which and the infliction of punishment as directed by the navy department i enter my solemn protest. i most emphatically assert that the louisiana, when abandoned and fired by my order, was not only not "turned adrift" or intended to injure the united states forces as charged by commander porter; but that she was actually left secured to the opposite bank of the river and distant quite three-fourths of a mile from the said forces, for the very reason that they were flying a flag of truce, and for that reason i dispatched the warning message to commander porter respecting the magazine. that it is not only the right, but the duty, of an officer to destroy public property to prevent its falling into the hands of an enemy does not admit of question; and in addition to all which, it must not be overlooked that the forces under my command flew no flag of truce, and that i was not in any way a party to the surrender of forts jackson and st. philip. i have the honor to be very respectfully your obedient servant, (signed) jno. k. mitchell, _commander c. s. navy._ hon. gideon welles, secretary of the navy, washington, d. c. _copy in substance._ navy department, washington, may , sir,--the explanations of commodore j. k. mitchell are satisfactory, and the restrictions imposed on him and his associates by the department's order of the d instant will be removed, and they will be treated as prisoners of war. this does not relieve beverly kennon from the restrictions imposed on him. (signed) gideon welles. colonel justin dimmick, commanding fort warren, boston. (_copy._) navy department, june , . sir,--the letter of john k. mitchell of the th inst., concerning the restrictions imposed on you, by order of this department, at fort warren, has been received. will you please furnish the department with the particulars of the destruction of the gunboat of which you had command in the engagement below new orleans, with _wounded_ men on board. i am respectfully your obedient servant, (signed) gideon welles. beverly kennon, fort warren, boston. (_copy_) fort warren, boston, june , . hon. gideon welles, _secretary u. s. navy_. sir,--colonel dimmick, the commander of this post, delivered to me yesterday a letter signed by you under date of june th directed to me as "beverly kennon" and referring to a communication addressed to you on the th inst. by my superior officer, commander j. k. mitchell, of the confederate states navy, whom you are pleased to designate as "john k. mitchell." the purport of your letter is a request that i will furnish your department of the united states government with the "particulars of the destruction of the gunboat of which i had command in the engagement below new orleans with _wounded_ men on board." when i destroyed and left the vessel which i had commanded on the occasion referred to, all the wounded men had been removed, the most of them lowered into boats by my own hands. i was, myself, the last person to leave the vessel. _any_ statements which you may have received to the contrary are wholly without foundation. it would not be proper, under any circumstances, that i should report to you the "particulars" of her destruction; that being a matter which concerns my own government exclusively, and with which yours can have nothing to do. should any charges be made against me, however, of which you have a right to take cognizance under the laws of war, i will with pleasure, respond to any respectful communication which you may address me on the subject. indeed i shall be glad of the opportunity to vindicate my character as an officer from the unjust and unfounded imputations which have been cast upon it in the connection to which you allude, and upon the faith of which i have already been disparaged by unusual restrictions and confinements, here and elsewhere, since i have been a prisoner of war, without having been furnished an opportunity for such vindication. but your letter of the th inst. so studiously denies, both to commander mitchell and myself, not only our official designations, but those of common courtesy, that while i am unwilling to believe you would intentionally offer an indignity to prisoners of war in your power, i can not now make further reply without failing in respect to myself as well as to my superior officer and government. i am sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, (signed) beverly kennon, commander in provisional navy of the state of louisiana in the confederate service. the restrictions were removed from kennon in a few days after the close of this correspondence. many distinguished political prisoners were at that time confined at fort warren; and all of the officers captured at fort donelson. among the former class, were those members of the maryland legislature, and of the baltimore city council, who had been arrested and imprisoned by the united states government for alleged treason. it was my good fortune to be invited into this mess. it is not my purpose to inflict upon the reader a detailed account of prison life during the war, which has been described by far abler pens than mine. all the members of our mess took their turns, either at carving or waiting upon the table, and guests were never better served. the graceful and accomplished old commodore b. and general t. shone conspicuous as carvers; while colonels, majors and captains, with spotless napkins on their arms, anticipated every wish of the guests at the table. colonel dimmick was honored and beloved by the prisoners for his humanity, and he and his family will ever be held in affectionate remembrance by them; many of us having received special acts of kindness, while suffering from sickness. when his son was ordered to active service in the field i believe there was an unanimous prayer by the prisoners that his life would be spared through the perils he was about to encounter. the prisoners, first giving their parole not to attempt to escape, were allowed the range of nearly the whole island during the day; and not unfrequently suffered to see relatives and friends who had received permission from the proper authorities to visit them. in happier "ante bellum" times, i had known some of the good people of boston, and had spent a portion of a summer with several families at that pleasant watering place, nahant. one of my most esteemed friends--mrs. l.--with the charity of a noble and christian heart, wrote to me as soon as she learned that i was a prisoner; but she was too loyal to the flag not to express regret and distress at what she believed to be a mistaken sense of duty. the reader may remember the definition once given of "orthodoxy" by a dignitary of the church of england to an inquiring nobleman. "orthodoxy, my lord, is _my_ doxy, heterodoxy is _your_ doxy if you differ from me." the same authority, it has always appeared to me, was assumed by a large portion of the northern people. they demanded a government to suit their ideas, and disloyalty consisted in opposing them. we were permitted to write once a month to our friends in the confederacy; the letters being left open for inspection. there were a few northerners among us, but i know of only a single case where the individual concerned so far yielded to the persuasion of his friends outside, as to renounce the cause which he had sworn to defend. aside from the confinement, and the earnest desire to be doing our part in the war, there could be no cause to repine at our lot. we were allowed, at our own expense, to supply our tables from the boston market, not only abundantly, but luxuriously; the government furnishing the usual rations; and the prisoners grew robust upon the good fare and the bracing climate. a tug plied daily between boston and the island on which fort warren is situated. we were permitted to receive the daily papers and to purchase clothing and other necessaries, either from the sutler, or from outside; and many of the prisoners were indebted to a noble charity for the means of supplying many of these needs; of clothing especially, which was chiefly furnished by the firm of noah walker & co. of baltimore. the firm itself was said to be most liberal, not merely dispensing the donations received in baltimore and elsewhere, but supplying a large amount of clothing gratuitously. the policy of retaliation had not then been adopted. it is conceded that the united states government, towards the close of the war, subjected the confederate prisoners in their hands to harsh treatment in pursuance of this policy; but in justice to the confederate authorities it should be borne in mind that they repeatedly proposed an exchange of prisoners upon the ground of humanity, seeing that neither provisions nor medicine were procurable; and, i believe, it is also a conceded fact that general grant opposed exchanges. the testimony of general lee given before the "reconstruction" committee, clearly establishes the fact that _he_ did all in his power to effect this object. in answer to a question he says: "i offered to general grant around richmond that we should ourselves exchange all the prisoners in our hands, and to show that i would do whatever was in my power, i offered them to send to city point all the prisoners in virginia and north carolina, over which my command extended, providing they returned an equal number of mine, man for man. i reported this to the war department, and received for answer, that they would place at my command all the prisoners at the south, if the proposition was accepted." the rev. j. wm. jones, d.d., author of "personal reminiscences of general r. e. lee," writes as follows upon this subject (page , et seq.) viz: " st--the confederate authorities gave to prisoners in their hands the same rations which they issued to their own soldiers, and gave them the very best accommodations which their scant means afforded. " d. they were always anxious to exchange prisoners, man for man, and when this was rejected by the federal authorities, they offered to send home the prisoners in their hands without any equivalent. " d. by refusing all propositions to exchange prisoners, and declining even to receive their own men without equivalent the federal authorities made themselves responsible for all the suffering, of both federal and confederate prisoners, that ensued. " th. and yet notwithstanding these facts, it is susceptible of proof, from the official records of the federal department, that the suffering of confederate prisoners in federal prisons was much greater than that of federal prisoners in confederate prisons. without going more fully into the question, the following figures, from the report of mr. stanton, secretary of war, in response to a resolution of the house of representatives, calling for the number of prisoners on both sides and their mortality, are triumphantly submitted. in prison. died. u. s. soldiers , , confederates , , that is, the confederate states held as prisoners nearly , more men than the federals; and yet the death of federal prisoners fell below those of the confederates four thousand." lastly, the southern historical society, richmond, va., has recently published a "vindication of the confederacy against the charge of cruelty to prisoners," which is conclusive on the whole question. it was compiled by the secretary of the society, the rev. j. wm. jones, just quoted, who concludes with the following summing up of his argument. "we think that we have established the following points: " st. the laws of the confederate congress, the orders of the war department, the regulations of the surgeon general, the action of our generals in the field, and the orders of those who had the immediate charge of the prisoners, all provided that prisoners in the hands of the confederates should be kindly treated, supplied with the same rations which our soldiers had, and cared for, when sick, in hospitals placed on _precisely the same footing as the hospitals for confederate soldiers_. " d. if these regulations were violated in individual instances, and if subordinates were sometimes cruel to prisoners, it was without the knowledge or consent of the confederate government, which always took prompt action on any case reported to them. " d. if the prisoners failed to get their full rations, and had those of inferior quality, the confederate soldiers suffered in precisely the same way and to the same extent; and it resulted from that system of warfare adopted by the federal authorities, which carried desolation and ruin to every part of the south they could reach, and which in starving the confederates into submission, brought the same evils upon their own men in southern prisons. " th. the mortality in southern prisons (fearfully large, although over three per cent less than the mortality in northern prisons) resulted from causes beyond the control of our authorities, from epidemics, etc., which might have been avoided or greatly mitigated had not the federal government declared medicines "contraband of war," refused the proposition of judge ould, that each government should send its own surgeons with medicines, hospital stores, etc., to minister to soldiers in prison, declined his proposition to send medicines to its own men in southern prisons, without being required to allow the confederates the same privileges--refused to allow the confederate government to buy medicines for gold, tobacco, or cotton, which it offered to pledge its honor should be used only for federal prisoners in its hands, refused to exchange sick and wounded, and neglected from august to december, , to accede to judge ould's proposition to send transportation to savannah and receive _without equivalent_ from ten to fifteen thousand federal prisoners, notwithstanding the fact that this offer was accompanied with a statement of the utter inability of the confederacy to provide for these prisoners, and a detailed report of the monthly mortality at andersonville, and that judge ould, again and again, urged compliance with his humane proposal. " th. we have proven by the most unimpeachable testimony, that the sufferings of confederate prisoners in northern "prison pens," were terrible beyond description; that they were starved in a land of plenty, that they were frozen where fuel and clothing were abundant; that they suffered untold horrors for want of medicines, hospital stores and proper medical attention; that they were shot by sentinels, beaten by officers, and subjected to the most cruel punishments upon the slightest pretexts; that friends at the north were refused the privilege of clothing their nakedness or feeding them when starving; and that these outrages were perpetrated not only with the full knowledge of, but under the orders of e. m. stanton, united states secretary of war. we have proven these things by federal as well as confederate testimony. " th. we have shown that all the suffering of prisoners on both sides could have been avoided by simply carrying out the terms of the cartel, and that for the failure to do this, the _federal authorities alone_ were responsible; that the confederate government originally proposed the cartel, and were always ready to carry it out both in letter and spirit; that the federal authorities observed its terms only so long as it was to their interest to do so, and then repudiated their plighted faith and proposed other terms which were greatly to the disadvantage of the confederates; that when the government at richmond agreed to accept the hard terms of exchange offered them, these were at once repudiated by the federal authorities; that when judge ould agreed upon a new cartel with general butler, lieutenant-general grant refused to approve it, and mr. stanton repudiated it; and that the policy of the federal government was to refuse all exchanges while they "fired the northern heart" by placing the whole blame upon the "rebels," and by circulating the most heartrending stories of "rebel barbarity" to prisoners. if either of the above points has not been made clear to any sincere seeker after the truth, we would be most happy to produce further testimony. and we hold ourselves prepared to maintain against all comers, the _truth of every proposition we have laid down in this discussion_. let the calm verdict of history decide between the confederate government and its calumniators." these extracts are inserted with the hope that the fair minded reader may be induced to read the evidence upon the confederate side. "truth crushed to earth will rise again; the eternal years of god are hers; but error, wounded, writhes in pain; and dies amid her worshipers." it is not to be denied that the sufferings in confederate prisons were fearful; but they were caused by the destitute condition of the country ravaged by war, and the scarcity of medicines which were not to be obtained. we were growing very tired of the monotony of prison life, scarcely varied except by the daily game of football and the semi-weekly reports of the capture of richmond, when a rumor began to circulate of a speedy exchange of prisoners. it was about the time when general mcclellan "changed his base" from the lines around richmond to harrison's landing, on james river. early in august a large number of us, military and naval officers, were sent on board a transport bound to james river, where we arrived in due time, and thence, after taking on board a number of confederates forwarded from other prisons, we proceeded up the river to aiken's landing. there was fighting near malvern hill as we passed by there, and the united states gunboats had been shelling the confederate troops. the crew of one of them was at quarters, the men in their snow white "frocks" and trowsers, the beautifully polished eight inch guns cast loose and ready for action. the captain of one of the guns, a handsome man-of-war's man, looked at our party with a smile of bravado as we passed by, at the same time tapping his gun with his hand. garrick or kean could not have conveyed more meaning by a gesture. that handsome fellow's confidence in his pet was not misplaced; for history records how frequently during the war the tide of battle was turned by that gallant navy to which it is an honor ever to have belonged. we, who so reluctantly severed our connection with it, still feel a pride in its achievements; and in our dreams are frequently pacing the deck, or sitting at the mess table with dear friends of "auld lang syne," from whom we are probably severed forever on this side of eternity. we were put ashore at aiken's landing on the th of august. it was a hot, sultry day. three or four poor fellows had died on board our transport while on our way up the river, and their bodies were landed at the same time with ourselves. while we were waiting for the preliminaries for the exchange of prisoners to be settled between the commissioners, a large grave was dug in the sand with such implements as could be procured, and the "unknown" were consigned to their last resting place between high and low water mark. chapter v. a brief stay at home.--report to the war department.--instructions to go abroad.--the blockade-runner "kate."--voyage to nassau.--yellow fever.--the undertaker.--our skipper "captain dick."--the major sick.--a story for the marines.--arrival at cardenas.--the coolies.--arrival at havana.--the american consul and i.--the pirate marti.--the spanish steamer.--pretty harbors.--captain fry. after reporting at the navy department, i proceeded to my home. the day after my arrival there i was summoned by telegram to richmond, to report in person to the secretary of war. i had been detailed for special duty, and from this date commenced my connection with blockade running. upon reaching the office, i found written instructions from the secretary of war to proceed to england and purchase a steamer suitable for running the blockade, to load her with arms, munitions of war, and other supplies, and to bring her into a confederate port with all dispatch. ample funds in sterling exchange were provided and a large amount of confederate bonds was entrusted to me for deposit with an agent of the government in england. accompanied by my small staff of assistants, and by major ben. ficklin, who went abroad under special instructions from the war and treasury departments, i left richmond about the th of august, and after some difficulty and delay, secured passage for the whole party on board the little steamer kate, about to sail from wilmington for nassau. under her skilful commander, lockwood, this little side-wheel steamer had already acquired fame as a successful blockade-runner, and was destined to continue successful to the end of her career. but her appearance was by no means prepossessing, and she was very slow, her maximum speed being about nine knots. i forget by what accident she was at last disabled; perhaps by sheer old age and infirmity; but her ribs were to be seen for many a day before the war ended, bleaching in the sun on one of the mud flats in cape fear river. the night of our crossing the bar was dark and stormy and we felt under great obligations to the blockading fleet outside, for showing lights at their peaks--thus enabling us to avoid them with much ease. at this period, indeed, blockade running had not assumed such enormous proportions as it afterwards attained, when hundreds of thousands of dollars were invested in a single venture and the profits were so immense that the game was well worth the candle. subsequent to the period of which i now write, wilmington became the chief place of import and export. large quantities of cotton were stored there, both on government and private account; and steam cotton presses were erected, but at this period charleston possessed greater facilities and was perhaps quite as accessible. our voyage to nassau was safely accomplished; the vigilant look-out at the mast-head giving prompt notice of a speck on the horizon no larger than a gull's wing, when the course would be so changed as to lose sight of it. two cases of yellow fever, both ending fatally, occurred among the passengers during the brief voyage, and we were quarantined on our arrival at nassau. one of the sick men had been brought on deck and placed on a couch under the deck awning. as he had taken no nourishment for two or three days, our good captain directed that a bowl of soup should be prepared for him. the sick man sat up when the steaming bowl was presented to him; seized it with both hands, drained it to the bottom, and fell back dead. we had not been at anchor more than an hour when an outward-bound passing schooner hailed us and announced to our captain the death of his wife and child, whom he had left in good health only a few days before. as the epidemic on board the kate had been contracted at nassau, and still prevailed on shore, we were at a loss to understand why we should be refused "pratique"; but it gave our little party no concern, as the town did not present an attractive or inviting appearance from the quarantine ground; nor were our unfavorable impressions removed upon a nearer acquaintance with it two or three months afterwards. but it was evident, that in spite of the epidemic, there was a vast deal of activity ashore and afloat. cotton, cotton, everywhere! blockade-runners discharging it into lighters, tier upon tier of it, piled high upon the wharves, and merchant vessels, chiefly under the british flag, loading with it. here and there in the crowded harbor might be seen a long, low, rakish-looking lead-colored steamer with short masts, and a convex forecastle deck extending nearly as far aft as the waist, and placed there to enable the steamer to be forced _through_ and not _over_ a heavy head sea. these were the genuine blockade-runners, built for speed; and some of them survived all the desperate hazards of the war. the mulatto undertaker, who came on board to take the measure for coffins for the two passengers who had died, did not leave us in a very cheerful state of mind, although _he_ was in fine spirits, in the anticipation of a brisk demand for his stock in trade. presenting each one of us with his card, he politely expressed the hope that we would give him our custom, if we needed anything in his line. fortunately we had no occasion for his services. just before leaving the ship he was invited to take a glass of brandy and water. holding the glass in his hands which were yet stained with the coffin paint, he drank to our death, a toast to which dyer, my wilmington pilot, responded, "you shouldn't bury me, you d----d rascal, if i _did_ die." with the assistance of the confederate agent on shore, we succeeded in promptly chartering a schooner for cardenas and in provisioning her for the voyage; and in a day or two, were making our way across the bahama banks for cuba. the agent had supplied us liberally with flesh, fowls, and ice; and the banks gave us an abundance of fish, as the light winds fanned us slowly along, sometimes freshening into a moderate breeze, and occasionally dying away to a calm. the "_chef d'oeuvre_" of our mulatto skipper who was also cook, was conch soup, and he was not only an adept at cooking but also at catching the conch. in those almost transparent waters, the smallest object can be distinctly seen at the depth of three or four fathoms. when soup was to be prepared captain dick would take his station at the bow "in puris naturalibus," watching intently for his prize. overboard he would go like an arrow, and rising again to the surface, would pitch the conch (and sometimes one in each hand) on board. his son napoleon bonaparte, (who was first mate, steward and half the starboard watch) would throw him a rope, and the old fellow would climb on board as the little craft sailed by, without an alteration in her course. major ben. ficklin was attacked with yellow fever just after we left nassau; but as we had no medicines on board he recovered. the medical fraternity might perhaps take a hint from the treatment of his case. small lumps of ice were kept in a saucer beside him as he lay on a mattress under a deck awning, and by the constant use of it he allayed the raging thirst attending high fever. the "vis medicatrix naturæ" accomplished the rest. having no books on board, we beguiled the time occasionally by telling stories as we lay under the shelter of the deck awning. one of my contributions was the following: many officers of the navy will remember it, and there are some who, like myself, will recollect the solemn earnestness with which the hero of it would narrate the facts, for he firmly believed it to the day of his death. at the time of its occurrence he was enjoying a day's shooting at his home in vermont. becoming tired toward midday he took a seat on an old log in the woods. a few minutes afterwards, he saw an old bareheaded man, meanly clad, approaching, who seated himself in silence at the other end of the log. the head of the stranger was bound with a white cloth and his eyes were fixed with a glassy stare upon major b., who felt his blood run cold at the singular apparition. at last the major mustered up courage to ask the stranger what he wanted. the spectre replied "i am a dead man, and was buried in the graveyard yonder" (pointing as he spoke to a dilapidated enclosure a few yards distant). "the dogs," he continued, "have found their way into my shallow grave, and are gnawing my flesh. i can not rest until i am laid deeper in the ground." the major used to assert that his tongue clove to the roof of his mouth; but he managed to promise the dead man that his wishes should be complied with, when the apparition dissolved into the air. the major went straight to some of the neighbors, and when he accompanied them to the grave, it was found in the condition described by its occupant. n. b. the major was in the habit of carrying a "pocket pistol," which may have been overcharged upon this occasion; he _also_ belonged to the _marines_. we arrived at cardenas after a week's voyage, and stopped there a day to recruit. during our stay we witnessed a curious scene. while we were enjoying our cigars in the cool of the evening upon the "azotea" of our hotel, we saw a file of soldiers march up to a house directly opposite, and after repeated efforts to enter, they finally burst open the door; reappearing in a few moments with seven or eight "coolies," who were apparently dead drunk, but in reality were stupefied with opium; having met, by appointment, to "shuffle off this mortal coil" after this characteristic fashion. one or two of them were quite beyond resuscitation, and the others were only prevented from sinking into fatal insensibility by severe flogging with bamboo canes, and being forced to keep upon their feet. we were informed that suicide is very common among them in cuba; it being their last resort against misery and oppression. colonel totten, the able civil engineer who constructed the railroad across the isthmus of panama, once gave a party of us a graphic account of the mortality among a number of them, who had been employed by him in that pestilential climate. having no access to opium, and being deprived of knives, they resorted to the most ingenious modes of self destruction. sometimes they would wade out in the bay at low water, with a pole, which they would stick firmly into the mud, and securely tying themselves to it, would wait for the rising tide to drown them. others would point a stake by charring it in the fire and impale themselves upon it. the evils of this system of labor cannot be truthfully denied. ignorant even of the nature of the contract which binds them to servitude, the coolies are driven in crowds to the ship which is to transport them to another hemisphere; and they endure all the horrors of the "middle passage" during their long voyage. when they arrive at their port of destination in the west indies they are apprenticed for a term of years to the planters who need their services, and many of them succumb to the tropical climate and the severe labor in the cane field. many more seek a ready means of escape in death. the philanthropy of the civilized governments, which has been concentrated for many years upon efforts to liberate the "black man and brother," has never been exerted to rescue "john china-man" from a crueler thraldom and a harder lot. taking the train for havana, we passed through a very beautiful country, luxuriant with tropical verdure; the most conspicuous natural feature in the landscape being the graceful palm tree in its many varieties. we passed, too, many sugar plantations, the growing cane not at all unlike our own cornfields at home, while the long lines of negroes, at work with their hoes, in the crop, made the fields appear even more familiar and home-like. our friends, the "darkies," evidently did not contemplate suicide. sleek and well-fed, they were chattering like so many flocks of blackbirds. arriving at havana we took up our quarters at mrs. b.'s hotel, and as my first object was to find colonel helm, the agent of the confederate government, i started for that purpose immediately after our arrival. the colonel had held the position of united states consul before the war; and the residence then occupied by him was now tenanted by his successor. being directed to this house by mistake, i was ushered in by the servant, and found myself face to face with captain s., the american consul. we were not totally unacquainted, having met occasionally in bygone days, when both of us were in the united states navy. the surprise was mutual, and the awkward silence was interrupted by my saying "apparently i am in the wrong pew." "evidently," he replied, and we parted without another word. with the assistance of colonel helm our business in havana was speedily transacted; and passage was engaged for the whole party on board a spanish steamer bound for st. thomas, thence to take passage by the british mail steamer for southampton. the few days spent in havana were pleasantly passed in sight-seeing; the afternoons being devoted to a ride upon the "paseo," and the evenings closed by a visit to the noted "dominica" the principal café of the city. there are many beautiful rides and drives in the environs, and the summer heats are tempered by the cool refreshing sea breeze which blows daily. that scourge of the tropics, yellow fever, is chiefly confined to the cities of cuba, the country being salubrious; and it appears strange that this beautiful island has never been a favorite place of resort, during the winter, for invalids from the northern states in search of an equable climate. it must be confessed that havana itself possesses few attractions for the stranger and that its sanitary arrangements are execrable. in addition to the imperfect municipal regulations in this respect, all the sewage of the city empties itself into the harbor, in which there is no current to sweep the decomposing matter into the gulf stream outside. the water in the harbor is sometimes so phosphorescent at night that showers of liquid fire appear to drop from a boat's oars passing through it; and the boat leaves a long lane of light in her wake. no stranger visiting havana fails to see the spot in the cathedral held sacred as the tomb of columbus. his remains were transferred here with great pomp, after resting many years in the city of san domingo, whither they had been carried from spain. the fish market and the "tacon" theatre too, are well worth a visit. both of them once belonged to the same individual, the noted pirate "marti," whom i have seen many a time, in the streets of havana, after his reformation. he was then a venerable looking old gentleman "as mild a mannered man as ever scuttled ship or cut a throat." for a long time he had been chief of all the piratical bands that then infested the shores of cuba. they plied their fearful trade with comparative impunity; the numerous lagoons on the coast, only accessible through tortuous and shallow channels, and hidden by mangrove bushes, affording safe shelter; while they could easily intercept many vessels passing through the narrow strait separating cuba from florida. they gave no quarter to man, woman, or child, and scuttled their prizes after taking from them what was most valuable. a ready sale was found for their plunder in havana through accomplices there; and their depredations upon commerce finally became so extensive that the united states government fitted out an expedition against them. general tacon, at that time governor-general of cuba, also prepared an expedition to operate against them. this fleet was on the eve of sailing. the night was dark and rainy. a stranger, wrapped in a cloak for disguise, watched the sentry on duty before the door of the palace from a hiding place near by; and as the sentry turned his back for a moment or two from the door, the stranger slipped by him, undiscovered, and proceeded rapidly to the apartments of the captain-general. his excellency was writing at a table; and the stranger had opened the door and entered the room without being discovered. when the governor-general raised his eyes and saw the cloaked figure standing silently before him, he stretched his hand toward a bell near him, but the stranger interposed. "stop, your excellency," he said, "i am here upon a desperate enterprise. i have come to deliver into your hands every pirate on the cuban coast upon one condition; a pardon for myself." "you shall have it," replied his excellency, "but who are you?" "i am marti, and i rely upon the promise you have given to me." the governor-general repeated his assurances of immunity upon the prescribed conditions. marti had laid his plans well, having appointed a place of rendezvous for the different bands before venturing upon his perilous expedition. he acted as a guide to the force sent in pursuit, and every pirate was captured and afterwards "garroted." a large price had been set upon the head of marti. this is the story as told by his contemporaries. for these distinguished services to the state the vile old reprobate was offered the promised reward. in lieu of it he asked for the monopoly of the sale of fish in havana, which was granted to him; and the structure erected by him for a fish market is perhaps the finest of the sort in the world. he afterwards built the noble "tacon" theatre, named after his benefactor,--and died in the odor of sanctity. we were not sorry when the day of our departure came. there was a motley crowd of passengers on board the little steamer. "paisanos" wearing broad brimmed sombreroes and in picturesque costume; "padres" in their long gowns and shovel hats; pretty "senoritas" with hair plaited down their backs, and officers on their way to join the army in the field in san domingo. but every one was amiable and disposed to be companionable. most of them were aware of the fact that there was a state of war between the north and the south; and their sympathies were altogether with our side; for no earthly reason, probably, except that they entertained the blind hatred against the "norte americanos" so prevalent among the latin race on this continent, and supposed the people of the south to be of different origin.[ ] we were half poisoned, and wholly saturated with garlic, while on board the little steamer; and men, women and children smoked incessantly. our clever artist, johnny t., drew a capital sketch of a portly old lady whose habit it was, after every meal, to take from her side pocket an oil skin bundle of huge cigars--evidently "plantations," and made to order. selecting one, she would strike a light with her "matchero" and begin to puff away like a furnace. when fairly alight, she would dispose of the smoke in some mysterious inner receptacle, whence it would issue in a minute or more, from nose, eyes, ears, and even through the pores of her mahogany-colored skin, as it appeared to us. we touched at many little ports, all of them very pretty and picturesque; little quiet basins of blue water, with the houses scattered about along the hill sides, and half hidden by foliage; the white surf thundering outside, and the surface, inside, glassy smooth. our last port in cuba was santiago, since made memorable as the scene of the murder of the gallant and unfortunate fry, and his companions in misfortune. should these lines ever meet the eye of any of his old friends and comrades in the united states navy, they will bear witness, that a brave and noble gentleman was there cruelly done to death. he had lost everything by our war, and dire poverty, with the responsibility of a family to support, forced him to the desperate venture of running the blockade in cuba. _morally_ he was not more criminal than the british naval officers, who engaged in the same hazardous pursuit during our struggle. footnote: [ ] the educated cubans must be exonerated from this charge. many of this class have been at the schools and colleges in the united states; and admire our republican institutions. they are even now, and have been for years, maintaining a desperate struggle for the establishment of these institutions among themselves. chapter vi. san domingo.--the island of hayti and its inhabitants.--st. thomas.--general santa anna.--the mail steamer atrato.--arrival at southampton.--english scenery.--the major fails.--the giraffe purchased.--a claim against the confederate government.--the hon. j. m. mason.--credit of the confederate government abroad.--an improper agent.--captain bullock.--the giraffe ready for sea.--glasgow.--our last dinner.--our scotch landlady and head waiter.--we part with the major.--hot punch and scotch babies.--a reminiscence. we touched at the little port of san domingo in the island of dominica on our way to st. thomas; and lay at anchor there long enough to allow the passengers to visit the shore for a few hours. it was once a prosperous town, but is now in ruins, and hovels stand upon the very sites where once arose magnificent palaces; for it was at one time the chief seat of the spanish empire in the new world, and the place of residence of columbus himself. cortez, the conqueror of mexico, once lived in its vicinity. the cathedral still stands entire and is still used as a place of worship, but the walls of the convent attached to the cathedral have yielded to the corroding influences of time and the climate, and are crumbling into ruins. the palace of diego columbus, the son of the immortal admiral, who to castile and leon gave a new world, is still pointed out, but that, too, is a mere shell, the roof having entirely disappeared. the population is a wretched mongrel indolent race, and there is little to do there. the whole island, indeed, long ago fell from its high estate, and everywhere thorns and brambles grow where once there were well cultivated plantations. i had previously visited many portions of the island, and saw wherever i went, the same evidences of misrule and indolence; but, the negroes, who hold the western portion of it or hayti, are physically, at least, a finer race of people than the degenerate, puny hybrids of the eastern part, who have "miscegenated" to an extent that would satisfy the most enthusiastic admirer of our sable "friends and fellow-citizens." i have never seen finer specimens of stalwart manhood than in "solouque's" army years ago, although the "tout ensemble" of it was sufficiently ludicrous; the officers being mounted on ponies a little bigger than goats; and some of them wearing no apparel, except a coat and cocked hat; with spurs on their naked heels; and the ragged half-naked privates chewing one end of a big stick of sugar cane (their only rations) as they marched. upon one occasion, an officer of the ship to which i was attached, had died at sea, and was buried at gonaives, with military honors. the drummer and fifer of our guard of marines were little fellows of twelve or thirteen years of age. the black military commandant of the district was so captivated with their appearance, as they marched at the head of the funeral procession, that he "corralled" all the little "niggers" within his district the next day, to select from them a few drummers and fifers; and i believe there would have been a "casus belli" if our little musicians had been sent ashore, for i doubt if he could have resisted the temptation to kidnap them. we arrived at st. thomas two days before the mail-steamer was due and took up our quarters at the only hotel of which the town boasted, but it was an excellent one. the black steward, who superintended the staff of waiters, was a noticeable personage, speaking several languages with correctness and fluency. we appreciated the "cuisine" of the hotel, after so long a diet upon garlic and rancid sweet oil; and were content to pass the greater part of the time at the "ice house," a refreshment saloon conducted by a vermont "yankee," but who had been so long abroad as to have become cosmopolitan in his ideas and opinions. the residence of general santa anna, the old mexican hero, then in exile, was pointed out to us; a handsome building crowning a hill overlooking the town; and we were informed that the old gentleman was still passionately fond of his favorite amusement, cock-fighting. "e'en in our ashes live their wonted fires." we sailed for southampton in the british mail steamer "atrato," the best appointed and most comfortable ship on board which i have ever taken passage. she was a paddle-wheel steamer of the first class, belonging to the cunards, who boast that not a life or a mail has ever been lost in their line. there was a very good band of musicians on board, and the weather during the whole voyage was so pleasant that dancing could be enjoyed. the screw steamers, now so rapidly superseding the old "side wheelers," possess many advantages, it is true, but the superior comfort of the passengers is not to be reckoned among them. arriving at southampton, we took the first train for london. what specially attracted the admiration of our little party as the train sped along, was the exquisite beauty of the country. almost every view would have furnished a subject for a landscape painter. we saw vast lawns green as emeralds, with clumps of fine trees here and there, and dotted with cattle and sheep; and would frequently catch a glimpse of castles and country seats beautifully ornamented with parks and gardens. it was a series of pictures of rural repose and quiet, embellished with perfect taste. even the thatched cottages, with their trim hedges, their little flower gardens, and the vines covering the outside, were most picturesque. what a striking contrast with the log cabins and "snake" fences in our own loved "dixie!" the secretary of war, in his instructions to me, had stated that major ficklin, who had lately returned from europe, had been struck by the qualities of a steamer which, in the major's opinion, was admirably adapted for blockade-running. she was called the giraffe, a clyde built iron steamer, and plied as a packet between glasgow and belfast. she was a side-wheel of light draft, very strongly built and reputed to be of great speed. she possessed the last quality, it is true, but not to such a degree as represented, for her best rate of speed while under my command never exceeded thirteen and a half knots. under the same instructions i was to examine the ship and if the inspection proved favorable, the major was to negotiate for the purchase. i have always believed that some informal arrangement had been made between the parties concerned during the major's late visit to england. however that may have been, we found, on our arrival in london that the giraffe had been sold within a day or two, to a company about to engage in blockade-running. the manager of this company was mr. alexander collie, who subsequently made such immense ventures, and became so well known in connection with blockade-running. the major did not lose heart upon learning that the giraffe had changed hands, but all his efforts to get possession of the vessel were unsuccessful, mr. c. refusing to part with her upon any terms. as a last resort the major, whose resources were almost inexhaustible, suggested that i should make an effort. all difficulties instantly vanished, when i informed mr. collie that i held a commission in the confederate states navy, and had been sent abroad to buy a ship for the confederate government. he instantly agreed to transfer possession for the amount paid by him, £ , , stipulating, however, that the steamer should not be sold, during the war, to private parties without the consent of the company represented by him, who were to have the refusal of her. although these conditions conflicted with certain arrangements made between the confederate secretary of war and major ficklin, the latter assented to them; and the giraffe became the property of the confederate states government. the necessary alterations to fit her for a blockade-runner were at once commenced. her beautiful saloon and cabins were dismantled and bulkheads constructed to separate the quarters for officers and men from the space to be used for stowage of a cargo. purchases of arms, clothing, etc., were to be made; and after much disgust and vexation of spirit, i employed mr. collie, who was a shrewd and practical man of business, to make the purchases on commission, while i found more congenial employment. long afterwards, when i got a friend in richmond to prepare my accounts for the auditor, he proved conclusively from the vouchers (which i was careful to preserve) that the confederate government owed me £ , ; but i never applied for the "little balance" and now it is buried with the "lost cause." the hon. j. m. mason, representing the confederate government, was living very quietly and unostentatiously in london; and although not officially recognized, he was the frequent guest of the nobility and gentry of the kingdom. he looked, so i thought, the equal of any peer in the land, for he was of a noble presence; and he possessed that rare tact of adapting himself to almost any company in which he might be thrown. we always met with a cordial welcome from him; and it was very interesting to hear his comments upon the government and the social life of england. i am sure the contrast between the conservatism, stability and respect for precedents and laws, so manifest everywhere in that favored land, and the rapidly growing disregard of all these obligations in our own country, struck him most forcibly. he closed a long eulogy of england upon one occasion by remarking, "this is the best government upon the earth--_except of course our own_." he, in common with others, who had access to private sources of information, believed, at that time, that the confederacy would soon be recognized by england and france; and it appears from evidence made public since the close of the war, that their hopes were by no means groundless; the emperor of the french having proposed joint recognition to the british government; but all efforts in that direction were thwarted by the "exeter hall" influence. we saw of course many of the sights and curiosities of london. one pleasant day of leisure, after a walk to see that magnificent pile, the houses of parliament, i was sauntering along, without thought of where i was going, until i found myself in a perfect labyrinth of filthy streets and tumble down buildings and presenting all the other evidences of vice and poverty; the very neighborhood in short of "tom allalone's" lair. fortunately i met a policeman who guided me into a respectable part of the city. he told me that i was about to invade the worst section of london, almost within a stone's throw of the houses of parliament. it is astonishing how frequently dickens' characters and descriptions come into the memory of a stranger visiting london. no one, who has ever seen them, will forget the houses in chancery. situated as some of them are, in the busiest and most crowded parts of the city, and mouldering away from disuse and neglect, the idea constantly presented itself to me as i passed one of them, "there is more of the jarndyce property," and i never saw an "old clo'" man that the rascally fagin and his hopeful protegés did not rise to my recollection. how wonderful is the power of genius which can not only "give to airy nothings a local habitation and a name," but fix them as realities in our memory forever! at that period the credit of the confederate government abroad was excellent; and either from love of "filthy lucre" or of the cause, some of the best firms in england were ready and eager to furnish supplies. it appeared quite practicable to send in machinery, iron plates, etc., for building small vessels of war; and several firms offered to engage in the enterprise, receiving confederate bonds in payment. these parties went to the trouble of preparing models with plans and specifications; all of which were afterwards duly submitted to the incompetent secretary of the confederate states navy; but it resulted in nothing. a considerable amount of the government funds was lavished abroad upon the building of vessels which could by no possibility be got to sea under the confederate flag while the war lasted; and to make matters worse, the secretary had sent to england, as special agent for building or buying vessels, a man well known throughout the kingdom to be bankrupt in fame and fortune, who was hawking our government securities about the country at a ruinous rate of discount; and who inflicted much loss and injury upon the confederate government in various ways during his connection with it. the management of naval affairs abroad should have been left in the hands of captain bullock, the efficient agent of the navy department in england, who showed admirable tact in the conduct of affairs entrusted to him. we stopped at the burlington hotel during our stay in london. there was none of the glare and glitter of an american hotel about this highly respectable establishment, no crowded "table d'hote" where the guests scrambled for food, and the waiters must be bribed to wait upon them; no gorgeous bar-room where the clinking of glasses resounds day and night, and no hotel clerk, with hair parted in the middle, who deems it a condescension to be civil. everything was staid, quiet, orderly, and it must be added, rather slow and expensive. as an illustration of the isolation of the boarders in an english hotel, it may be mentioned that two southern ladies, acquaintances of a member of our party, were staying at the burlington at the same time with ourselves, without our knowledge of the fact. meals were usually served in the coffee room, the regular dinner consisting of a "joint," and one or two dishes of vegetables, any dish not included in this very plain bill of fare being furnished at an extra charge. including fees to servants, etc., which are regularly entered in the bill, one may live very comfortably in an english hotel for five dollars a day, but not for less. in thirty days from our arrival in england, the giraffe was reported laden and ready for sea. besides the purchases made through my agency, a large quantity of lithographic material had been bought by major ficklin for the treasury department; and twenty-six lithographers were engaged for the confederate government. we took the train for glasgow as soon as we were notified that the giraffe was ready for sea; parting from our london friends with mutual good wishes and regrets. there is a striking contrast between the scenery in the south of england, and that in the northern portion. as we approached the "iron country" even the fresh green woods disappeared, and for many miles on our way we could see tall chimneys pouring forth huge volumes of smoke, and we passed numerous coal pits, while the whole busy population seemed to be begrimed with coal dust and iron filings. as we approached glasgow the scenery again changed to broad and well cultivated plains in the immediate vicinity of the city. its trade with virginia and the west indies laid the foundation of its present prosperity. to this day there are many descendants in richmond of the old scotch merchants who formerly traded in tobacco between that port and glasgow, but of late years it has become chiefly noted for its iron ships and steamers, which are unsurpassed; and it is now, i believe, the second city in the united kingdom in point of wealth and population. the clyde, naturally an insignificant stream, has been deepened by art until it is now navigable for the largest vessels. we were so busily occupied, during our brief stay, as to be able to see very little of the city or its environs. the city itself was enveloped in a fog during the whole time; its normal atmospheric condition, i presume; for once when we made a visit to the romantic "brigg of allan," we passed beyond the suburbs into a clear bright atmosphere; and on our return in the afternoon, we found the pall hanging over the city as usual. we would have been delighted to take the advice of our hostess to see more of the land immortalized by scott and burns. "ech, sirs," she said, "but ye suld gae doon to the heelands to see scotland"; from which remark it may be reasonably inferred that she was a "heeland" woman. we were painfully struck by the number of paupers and intoxicated females in the streets; and some of our party saw, for the first time in their lives, white women shoeless, and shivering in scanty rags, which scarcely concealed their nakedness, with the thermometer at the freezing point. whitaker's british almanac publishes, statistically, the _drinking_ propensities of the population of the three kingdoms, from which it appears that there were consumed per head in -- malt , bushels in england. spirits gallons " malt bushels in ireland. spirits gallons " malt bushels in scotland. spirits , gallons " the inventory taken on board the giraffe, after she was turned over to the confederate government, showed over _two hundred_ pitchers and ladles for hot punch! we came to the conclusion that scotch babies were weaned upon this beverage, for the law forbade the carrying of that number of grown passengers by the giraffe. having secured the services of a sailing captain, british laws not allowing the clearance of a vessel under the british flag, except under the command of one who holds a certificate of competence, we sent our luggage on board one evening, and sat down to our last meal on british soil. there were many guests at the table; several of our friends having come on from london to see us take our departure, and toasts were duly and enthusiastically drank to the success of "the cause." the privileged old head-waiter, dressed in professional black, (and ridiculously like an old magpie as he hopped about the room with his head on one side,) "whose custom it was of an afternoon" to get drunk, but always with scotch decorum, nodded approval of the festivities, until, overcome by his feelings (or usquebaugh) he was obliged to withdraw. we bade adieu to our friends late at night, and went on board early next morning. in addition to the scotch artisans already mentioned, there were several young gentlemen who were about to return home in the giraffe. these youths had been prosecuting their studies in germany. they were now about to return home to enter the army. two of them, messrs. price and blair, are now professors in virginia colleges, after doing their duty as brave and faithful soldiers during the war. it is well known that many thousands of young men, the flower of the south, served as privates during the whole of our struggle for independence; and it is equally well known that they never flinched from dangers or privations. many years ago an expedition under the command of lieutenant strain, of the united states navy, was sent to make a reconnoissance across the isthmus of darien. the party lost their way among the morasses and almost impenetrable forests, and endured frightful hardships. but the officers survived, while many of the men succumbed to fatigue and famine. during our war, the youths of gentle blood and tender nurture displayed equally wonderful endurance. we parted from the major on the wharf before going on board. he promised to meet us in richmond; preferring himself to return via. new york; and we did not doubt his ability to keep his promise; for he seemed to experience no difficulty in passing and repassing through the lines at his pleasure during the war. he was in washington, indeed, at the time when president lincoln was assassinated, and was arrested as an accomplice in that great crime. his numerous friends who had so often suffered from his practical jokes, would have been pleased no doubt, to see how he appreciated the jest, when his head was tied up in a feather pillow to prevent him from defrauding the law by committing suicide in the murderer's cell. the shrill sound of a whistle was heard in the theatre just before booth committed the act; and when the major was arrested in his bed at the hotel a few hours afterwards, a whistle was found in his pocket. it was damaging evidence, but he escaped prosecution as an accomplice by adopting the advice once given by mr. toney weller, and proving an alibi. chapter vii. voyage to madeira.--a capital sea-boat.--the island ponies.--mr. b. and his daughters.--voyage to st. john's, porto rico.--run across the bahama banks.--nassau during the war.--high wages and low characters.--crew re-shipped.--failure to enter charleston.--the "lump."--a narrow escape.--the scotch lithographers and their work.--crossing the bar.--transfer of the giraffe to the confederate government.--she becomes the "r. e. lee."--the major fulfills his promise, but fails in his object. our voyage to madeira was uneventful with the exception of a heavy gale of wind, during which the giraffe showed her superb qualities as a sea boat. we were hospitably entertained during our three days' stay at funchal. the process of coaling ship there is a tedious one, the port being an open roadstead, and there are no wharves. with a moderate breeze blowing on or along shore, all communication is interrupted. loading and unloading ships is accomplished by lighters; and passengers are carried to and fro in surf boats which are expertly managed by their crews. the vines had failed for several years previous to our visit; but the inhabitants had substituted the cultivation of vegetables for which they found a market on the continent and in england; and the numerous cultivated patches along the mountain sides presented a very pretty appearance from the anchorage--laid out as they were with seemingly geometrical precision. the hardy little horses could be hired very cheaply, and the justly extolled natural beauties of the island in the vicinity of funchal were fully explored. the greater portion of it is quite inaccessible except on foot, but the tough little native ponies which are as sure footed as goats perform wonderful feats in the way of climbing, and are quite equal to the double duty of carrying their riders, and dragging along their owner who holds by one hand to the pony's tail while he occasionally "progs" him with a sharp stick held in the other hand. this island is, as every one knows, of volcanic origin; although its volcanoes are now either dormant or extinct; and its lofty vertical cliffs rise abruptly from the ocean. the highest peak in the island is more than six thousand feet above the level of the sea. the disintegrated lava forms the best soil in the world for the grape; and the south side of the island, from its more favorable exposure to the sun, is supposed to produce the more delicately flavored wine. wonderful stories are told of the exquisite sense of taste possessed by the professional "tasters" who never swallow the wine. so soon as they indulge in this luxury they lose the faculty of nice discrimination. we slept securely under the "stars and stripes," our hotel being kept by a "yankee" who hoisted the flag upon his house-top every day, and was not so cosmopolitan, perhaps i should say not so politic, as our st. thomas friend. he soothed his conscience for associating with "rebels," and avenged himself by charging us heavily, and, no doubt, congratulated himself after our departure, upon having "spoiled the egyptians." we received many courtesies from mr. b., an english gentleman, and his family. our susceptible young men lost their hearts with his _seven_ beautiful daughters, all of them fair, tall, and stately. as soon as the giraffe was coaled we took our departure for st. john's, porto rico. a sea-voyage has elsewhere been described in two lines. "sometimes we ship a sea, sometimes we see a ship." the monotony of our voyage was rarely disturbed by either of these incidents. after two days' detention at st. john's for the purpose of coaling we got under way for that haven of blockade-runners, el dorado of adventurers, and paradise of wreckers and darkies--filthy nassau. in making our way to this port we had a foretaste of some of the risks and dangers to be subsequently encountered. in order to economize coal and to lessen the risk of capture i determined to approach nassau by the "tongue of ocean," a deep indentation in the sea bounded on the south by the bahama banks; and to reach the "tongue" it was necessary to cross the whole extent of the "banks" from elbow key light-house. on arriving off the light-house we were disappointed in our hope of finding a pilot, and no alternative was left but to attempt the transit without one, as we had not a sufficient supply of coal to enable us to pursue any other course. our charts showed twelve feet water all over that portion of the banks and the giraffe was drawing eleven feet; but the innumerable black dots on the chart showed where the dangerous coral heads were nearly "awash." on the other hand, we knew there could be no "swell" in such an expanse of shallow water; so waving adieu to the keeper of the light-house we pointed the giraffe's bow for the banks, which showed ahead of us smooth as a lake, and almost milk white. it was early in the morning when we started, and the distance to be run to the "tongue" was only sixty or seventy miles. taking my station in the fore-rigging i could easily direct the helmsman bow to avoid those treacherous black spots. it was the florida reef over again, and my experience in surveying that coast stood us in good stead here. we were so fortunate, indeed, as never once to touch the bottom although the lead frequently showed less than twelve feet; and about o'clock in the afternoon the welcome blue water showed itself ahead. it would have been impossible to make the transit in cloudy weather; but the day was fortunately clear. occasionally when a "trade" cloud would approach the sun, we would slow down or stop until it had passed by, when the black patches would again be visible. the iron plates of the giraffe would have been pierced as completely as if made of pasteboard, if she had come into contact even at low speed with those jagged coral heads. before dark we were out of danger, and next morning came to anchor in the harbor of nassau. nassau was a busy place during the war; the chief depot of supplies for the confederacy, and the port to which most of the cotton was shipped. its proximity to the ports of charleston and wilmington gave it superior advantages, while it was easily accessible to the swift, light draft blockade-runners; all of which carried bahama bank pilots who knew every channel, while the united states cruisers having no bank pilots and drawing more water were compelled to keep the open sea. occasionally one of the latter would heave to outside the harbor and send in a boat to communicate with the american consul; but their usual cruising ground was off abaco light. nassau is situated upon the island of new providence, one of the bahamas, and is the chief town and capital of the group. all of the islands are surrounded by coral reefs and shoals, through which are channels more or less intricate. that wonderful "river in the sea"--the gulf stream--which flows between the florida coast and the bahama banks is only forty miles broad between the nearest opposite points; but there is no harbor on that part of the florida coast. the distance from charleston to nassau is about five hundred miles, and from wilmington about five hundred and fifty. practically, however, they were equi-distant because blockade-runners bound from either port, in order to evade the cruisers lying in wait off abaco, were compelled to give that head-land a wide berth, by keeping well to the eastward of it. but in avoiding scylla they ran the risk of striking upon charybdis; for the dangerous reefs of eleuthera were fatal to many vessels. the chief industries of the islands before the war were the collection and exportation of sponges, corals, etc., and wrecking, to which was added, during the war, the lucrative trade of picking and stealing. the inhabitants may be classed as "amphibious," and are known among sailors by the generic name of "conchs." the wharves of nassau, during the war, were always piled high with cotton, and huge warehouses were stored full of supplies for the confederacy. the harbor was crowded at times, with lead-colored, short masted, rakish looking steamers; the streets alive with bustle and activity during day time and swarming with drunken revellers by night. every nationality on earth, nearly, was represented there; the high wages ashore and afloat, tempting adventurers of the baser sort; and the prospect of enormous profits offering equally strong inducements to capitalists of a speculative turn. the monthly wages of a sailor on board a blockade-runner was one hundred dollars in gold, and fifty dollars bounty at the end of a successful trip; and this could be accomplished under favorable circumstances in seven days. the captains and pilots sometimes received as much as five thousand dollars besides perquisites. all of the cotton shipped on account of the confederate government was landed and transferred to a mercantile firm in nassau, who received a commission for assuming ownership. it was then shipped under the british or other neutral flag to europe. the firm is reputed to have made many thousands of dollars by these commissions. but, besides the cotton shipped by the confederate government, many private companies and individuals were engaged in the trade; and it was computed (so large were the gains) that the owner could afford to lose a vessel and cargo after two successful voyages. three or four steamers were wholly owned by the confederate government; a few more were owned by it in part, and the balance were private property; but these last were compelled to carry out, as portion of their cargo, cotton on government account, and to bring in supplies. on board the government steamers, the crew which was shipped abroad, and under the articles regulating the "merchant marine," received the same wages as were paid on board the other blockade-runners; but the captains and subordinate officers of the government steamers who belonged to the confederate states navy, and the pilots, who were detailed from the army for this service, received the pay in gold of their respective grades. as the giraffe's crew was shipped only for the voyage to nassau "and a market," it was necessary to cancel the engagement of those who did not wish to follow her fortunes further. a few of them preferring their discharge were paid off, and provided with a passage to england; and the balance signed articles for havana "and a market." everything being in readiness, we sailed on december th, . having on board a charleston pilot, as well as one for wilmington, i had not determined, on sailing, which port to attempt; but having made the land near charleston bar during thick weather on the night of the th, our pilot was afraid to venture further. we made an offing, therefore, before daylight; and circumstances favoring wilmington, we approached the western bar on the night of december th. we had been biding our time since twelve o'clock that day close in to the shore about forty miles southwest of the bar and in the deep bay formed by the coast between wilmington and charleston. the weather had been so clear and the sea so smooth that we had communicated with the confederate pickets at several points along the coast; and no sail was visible even from aloft until about three o'clock in the afternoon, when a cruiser hove in sight to the north and east. as she was coasting along the land and approaching us we turned the giraffe's bow away from her, and got up more steam, easily preserving our distance, as the stranger was steaming at a low rate of speed. a little while before sunset the strange steamer wore round, and we immediately followed her example, gradually lessening the distance between us, and an hour or more after dark we had the pleasure of passing inside of her at anchor off new river inlet. she was evidently blockading that harbor, and had run down the coast to reconnoitre. before approaching the bar i had adopted certain precautions against disaster which i ever afterwards followed. any one who showed an open light when we were near the fleet was liable to the penalty of death upon the spot; a cool, steady leadsman was stationed on each quarter to give the soundings; a staunch old quartermaster took the wheel and a kedge, bent to a stout hawser, was slung at each quarter. all lights were extinguished; the fire-room hatch covered over with a tarpaulin; and a hood fitted over the binnacle, with a small circular opening for the helmsman to see the compass through the aperture. about ten o'clock we passed inside the first ship of the blockading fleet, about five miles outside the bar; and four or five others appeared in quick succession as the giraffe was cutting rapidly through the smooth water. we were going at full speed when, with a shock that threw nearly every one on board off his feet, the steamer was brought up "all standing" and hard and fast aground! the nearest blockader was fearfully close to us, and all seemed lost. we had struck upon "the lump," a small sandy knoll two or three miles outside the bar with deep water on both sides of it. that knoll was the "rock ahead" during the whole war, of the blockade-runners, for it was impossible in the obscurity of night to judge accurately of the distance to the coast, and there were no landmarks or bearings which would enable them to steer clear of it. many a ton of valuable freight has been launched overboard there; and, indeed, all the approaches to wilmington are paved as thickly with valuables as a certain place is said to be with good intentions. the first order was to lower the two quarter boats: in one of them were packed the scotch lithographers who were safely landed; and a kedge was lowered into the other with orders to the officer in charge to pull off shore and drop the kedge. the risk, though imminent, was much reduced after our panic stricken passengers had got fairly away from the ship; and the spirits of officers and crew rose to meet the emergency. the glimmer of a light, or an incautiously loud order would bring a broadside from that frowning battery crashing through our bulwarks. so near the goal (i thought) and now to fail! but i did not despair. to execute the order to drop the kedge, it was necessary to directly approach one of the blockaders, and so near to her did they let it go, that the officer of the boat was afraid to call out that it had been dropped; and muffled the oars as he returned to make his report. fortunately, the tide was rising. after twenty or thirty minutes of trying suspense, the order was given "to set taut on the hawser," and our pulses beat high as the stern of the giraffe slowly and steadily turned seaward. in fact, she swung round upon her stem as upon a pivot. as soon as the hawser "trended" right astern, the engineer was ordered to "back hard," and in a very few revolutions of the wheels the ship slid rapidly off into deep water. the hawser was instantly cut, and we headed directly for the bar channel. we were soon out of danger from the blockading fleet; but as we drew in toward fort caswell, one of the look-outs on the wheel-house (who, like the thief in shakespeare, "feared each bush an officer") would every now and then say to the pilot, "that looks like a boat on the star-board bow, mr. d." "there are breakers on the port-bow, mr. d." and at last "there is a rock right ahead, mr. d;" at which last remark, d., losing all patience, exclaimed, "g----d a----y, man, there isn't a rock as big as my hat in the whole d----d state of north carolina." a too sweeping assertion, but quite true as applied to the coast. we passed safely over the bar; and steaming up the river, anchored off smithville a little before midnight of the th of december, . the scotch lithographers found abundant employment in richmond, as the government "paper mills" were running busily during the whole war; but the style of their work was not altogether faultless, for it was said that the counterfeit notes, made at the north, and extensively circulated through the south, could be easily detected by the superior execution of the engraving upon them! the natural advantages of wilmington for blockade-running were very great, chiefly owing to the fact, that there are two separate and distinct approaches to cape fear river, i. e., either by "new inlet" to the north of smith's island, or by the "western bar" to the south of it. this island is ten or eleven miles in length; but the frying pan shoals extend ten or twelve miles further south, making the distance by sea between the two bars thirty miles or more, although the direct distance between them is only six or seven miles. from smithville, a little village nearly equi-distant from either bar, both blockading fleets could be distinctly seen, and the outward bound blockade-runners could take their choice through which of them to run the gauntlet. the inward bound blockade-runners, too, were guided by circumstances of wind and weather; selecting that bar over which they would cross, after they had passed the gulf stream; and shaping their course accordingly. the approaches to both bars were clear of danger, with the single exception of the "lump" before mentioned; and so regular are the soundings that the shore can be coasted for miles within a stone's throw of the breakers. these facts explain why the united states fleet were unable wholly to stop blockade-running. it was, indeed, impossible to do so; the result to the very close of the war proves this assertion; for in spite of the vigilance of the fleet, many blockade-runners were afloat when fort fisher was captured. in truth the passage through the fleet was little dreaded; for although the blockade-runner might receive a shot or two, she was rarely disabled; and in proportion to the increase of the fleet, the greater would be the danger (we knew,) of their firing into each other. as the boys before the deluge used to say, they would be very apt "to miss the cow and kill the calf." the chief danger was upon the open sea; many of the light cruisers having great speed. as soon as one of them discovered a blockade-runner during daylight she would attract other cruisers in the vicinity by sending up a dense column of smoke, visible for many miles in clear weather. a "cordon" of fast steamers stationed ten or fifteen miles apart _inside the gulf stream_, and in the course from nassau and bermuda to wilmington and charleston, would have been more effectual in stopping blockade-running than the whole united states navy concentrated off those ports; and it was unaccountable to us why such a plan did not occur to good mr. welles; but it was not our place to suggest it. i have no doubt, however, that the fraternity to which i then belonged would have unanimously voted thanks and a service of plate to the hon. secretary of the united states navy for this oversight. i say _inside the gulf stream_, because every experienced captain of a blockade-runner made a point to cross "the stream" early enough in the afternoon, if possible, to establish the ship's position by chronometer so as to escape the influence of that current upon his dead reckoning. the lead always gave indication of our distance from the land, but not, of course, of our position; and the numerous salt works along the coast, where evaporation was produced by fire, and which were at work night and day were visible long before the low coast could be seen. occasionally the whole inward voyage would be made under adverse conditions. cloudy, thick weather and heavy gales would prevail so as to prevent any solar or lunar observations, and reduce the dead reckoning to mere guess work. in these cases the nautical knowledge and judgment of the captain would be taxed to the utmost. the current of the gulf stream varies in velocity and (within certain limits) in direction; and the stream, itself almost as well defined as a river within its banks under ordinary circumstances, is impelled by a strong gale toward the direction in which the wind is blowing, overflowing its banks as it were. the counter current, too, inside of the gulf stream is much influenced by the prevailing winds. upon one occasion, while in command of the r. e. lee, we had experienced very heavy and thick weather; and had crossed the stream and struck soundings about midday. the weather then clearing so that we could obtain an altitude near meridian we found ourselves at least forty miles north of our supposed position and near the shoals which extend in a southerly direction off cape lookout. it would be more perilous to run out to sea than to continue on our course, for we had passed through the off shore line of blockaders, and the sky had become perfectly clear. i determined to personate a transport bound to beaufort, which was in the possession of the united states forces, and the coaling station of the fleet blockading wilmington. the risk of detection was not very great, for many of the captured blockade-runners were used as transports and dispatch vessels. shaping our course for beaufort, and slowing down, as we were in no haste to get there, we passed several vessels, showing united states colors to them all. just as we were crossing through the ripple of shallow water off the "tail" of the shoals, we dipped our colors to a sloop of war which passed three or four miles to the south of us. the courtesy was promptly responded to; but i have no doubt her captain thought me a lubberly and careless seaman to shave the shoals so closely. we stopped the engines when no vessel was in sight; and i was relieved from a heavy burden of anxiety as the sun sank below the horizon; and the course was shaped at full speed for masonboro' inlet. a few days after our arrival at wilmington the giraffe was transferred to the confederate government, and named the r. e. lee; and thenceforward carried the confederate flag. our friend the major fulfilled his promise of meeting me in richmond, having made his way across the potomac. he made a gallant effort to get possession of the ship; but mr. seddon, who had succeeded mr. randolph as secretary of war during our absence, contended that the government had a juster claim; and the facts of the case were too stubborn even for the major's determined persistence. "the best laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley." the secretary of war having carried his point, the major directed his efforts towards another quarter, and more successfully. indeed he rarely failed in any enterprise requiring nerve, perseverance, tact, and ability; and it may well be added that he seemed to accumulate wealth to enjoy the pleasure of spending it worthily. his unostentatious charities during the war were almost boundless; and hundreds of widows and orphans blessed him for the relief which he extended to them in those dark days, when even medicines were contraband of war, and the simplest necessaries of life were beyond the reach of nearly every one in the confederacy. chapter viii. dyer and the sailing captain.--first voyage to nassau.--major ficklen and the two young lieutenants.--our old skipper "captain dick."--bermuda.--the races there and elsewhere.--description of bermuda.--moore, the poet, and his rival mr. tucker.--tame fish.--the naval station.--col. b.'s accident. before sailing with our cargo of cotton for nassau, a signal officer was detailed for the ship, (signal stations having been established along the coast for the benefit of the blockade-runners;) and i was compelled to discharge my pilot dyer. he and the sailing captain, who was to take passage with us, his engagement having terminated with the transfer of the vessel to the confederate flag, had been quarreling incessantly during my absence from wilmington, and had finally become mortal foes. an hour or more after my return to the ship, while sitting in the cabin, i heard loud and angry altercation overhead; and going on deck, i saw dyer pacing up and down the wharf, along side which the "lee" was lying; while the sailing captain was bidding him defiance from the steamer's deck; dyer with a drawn knife in his hand, and the captain armed with a handspike. they had exhausted their vocabulary of abuse, but neither was disposed to invade the enemy's territory. at last dyer cried out "come ashore you d----d english hog, and i'll make mince meat of you!" i shall never forget the expression of the captain's face at this cruel taunt. he was literally struck speechless for a moment; then turning to me and drawing himself up with a thumb in his arm-hole, and the handspike over his shoulder, he exclaimed, "now, sir, isn't that _too_ bad! do i _look_ like a henglish og?" to this pathetic appeal, i could but answer "no," but the fact was they bore a ludicrous resemblance to two boars about to engage in mortal combat; the captain, with his jolly, rosy face and portly figure, not at all unlike a sleek, well fed "white chester," and dyer quite as much resembling a lean, lank, wiry "razor-back" native of his own pine woods. i discharged dyer. the poor fellow's subsequent fate was a sad one. while acting as pilot of a blockade-runner, inward bound, he committed the folly one day of saying that he would put a steamer under his charge ashore, before he would be captured. the remark was overheard and treasured up by some of the crew; and a night or two afterwards the steamer ran aground on the bar in the attempt to enter cape fear river, and was deserted. as she was under the shelter of the guns of fort caswell, a boat from shore was sent off to her next morning, and poor dyer was found in a dying condition on the deck with his skull fractured. he had paid for his folly with his life. our first voyage to nassau was made without any unusual incident. the major took passage with us by permission of the secretary of war, and his practical jokes amused every one except the butt of them; even the aggrieved party, himself, being frequently obliged to laugh at his own expense. there were two very young lieutenants of the confederate navy then in nassau, on their way to europe; the senior of whom _ranking_ the other by one or two days, assumed much authority over him. one day the major with the help of an accomplice, who was supposed to be able to imitate my handwriting, addressed an official letter to the senior in my name, informing him that both of them had been reported to me for unofficer-like and unbecoming conduct, and requiring them to repair immediately on board the lee with their luggage, as i felt it to be an imperative duty to take them back to the confederacy for trial by court-martial. the junior demurred, believing it to be a hoax, but the senior peremptorily ordered him to accompany him on board. they were caught in a drenching shower on their way to the lee; and they made their appearance in the cabin in a sorry plight, reporting themselves "in obedience to orders," handing me the written document. as i pronounced it a forgery, the junior turned to the senior and exclaimed, "what did i tell you? didn't i say it was a hoax of that d----d major ficklen?" they started to the shore, vowing vengeance; but the major had posted his sentinels at every street corner near the landing, and successfully eluded them. they were to sail that afternoon at four o'clock; and after a fruitless chase, went to the hotel to get dinner. while sitting at the table, and some time after soup was served, a waiter came to them "with major ficklen's compliments and the pleasure of a glass of champagne with them." after a hurried consultation, they decided to bury the hatchet; and bowed over their wine to the major, who had just slipped into a seat reserved for him at the other end of the long and crowded table, and was smiling graciously in their direction. as ficklen bade them "good-bye," he said "don't forget me, my sons!" "no, indeed," they replied, "you may swear we never will!" seeing the necessity, while at nassau, of carrying a bahama banks pilot, i engaged our worthy old skipper, captain dick watkins, who served under my command for many months, maintaining and deserving the respect of all on board. his son, and only heir to his name and fortune, napoleon bonaparte, gave him much anxiety. "ah, sir," he said on one occasion, "dat b----y's heddication has cost me a sight of money, as much as ten dollars a year for two or three years, and he don't know nothing hardly." during one of our voyages he had left his wife quite sick at home. my young friend johnny t---- was endeavoring to console him. "but the ole 'oman is _mighty_ sick, master johnny," said the old fellow, "and i don't spect to see her no more." johnny's heart was touched. the silence was broken by captain dick after a long pause, "dere are some mighty pretty yaller gals in _nassau_, master johnny!" he had the profoundest respect for the head of the firm of a----y and co. in nassau, the "king conch" as he was irreverently styled by us outside barbarians. speaking of the firm upon one occasion he assured me the members were as wealthy as the "_roths children_." my good purser and the old captain were fast friends, the former fighting the old fellow's battles in rebeldom; and once, when the latter was unjustly treated in wilmington, the purser "took the daggers," and bore him triumphantly through the difficulty. we made two or three trips between wilmington and nassau during the winter of - encountering no extraordinary hazards. during one of them we arrived within ten or twelve miles of the western bar too early in the night to cross it, as the ebb tide was still running; and it was always my custom to cross the bar on a rising tide, if possible. all the usual preparations had been made on board for running through the fleet, and as no sail was in sight we steamed cautiously in toward the land until we arrived within a cable's length of the shore, and in the dense shadow of a comparatively high bluff. here we dropped a kedge and rode by the hawser. although there was no moon, the stars were shining brightly; and the air was so calm and still, that the silence was oppressive. while we were lying in the friendly shadow of the bluff, one of the blockading fleet could be occasionally seen from our deck, steaming slowly along upon her "beat" a short distance outside of us. when the time arrived for making the dash at the bar, the kedge was run up to the bows by willing hands, and the "lee" started at full speed. when the land was once fairly got hold of, and our exact position known, the chances were ten to one in our favor. no blockader could get inshore of us to cut us off from the bar, and we believed that we could either go by or go over anything in our course; and in extremity we could beach the vessel with the probability of being able to save most, if not the whole of the cargo. during the month of march, , the lee's port of destination was st. george's, bermuda. this island is easily accessible on the southern side, and was much resorted to by blockade-runners. surrounded on all other sides by dangerous coral reefs, which extend for many miles into deep water, a vessel of heavy draft can approach from the south within a cable's length of the shore. a light of the first class at the west end of the group composing the "bermudas," is visible for many miles in clear weather. it may as well be mentioned here, that the blockade-runners rarely approached _any_ head land during daylight; "preferring darkness rather than light." the agent of the confederate government, major walker, with his staff of assistants, lived at st. george's; and he and his accomplished wife always welcomed their compatriots with genuine hospitality. the house of mr. black (an assistant of the major) was also open to us, and no sick exile from home will ever forget the tender nursing of mrs. black and the kindness of that whole family. the little graveyard attached to the episcopal church at st. george's, contains all that is mortal of several gallant youths from the south, who died of yellow fever; but they were soothed in the hours of their last illness by christian counsel, and by tender hands. the white natives of the island, too, extended many attentions and civilities to confederates, so that st. george's became not only a harbor of refuge, but a pleasant resting place after the excitement and fatigue of an outward voyage. the same antagonism which prevails between the white and the black races, wherever they live together upon equal terms, exists in bermuda. people are classed there as "colored and _plain_" and a fine of one pound sterling is imposed for calling the former "negroes." there must be a natural antipathy between the two races; or at least it seems to exist in the heart of the negro, for wherever he has the power, he shows his dislike and jealousy of the white man. in hayti, since the french inhabitants were murdered, the jealousy and hatred of the negroes have been directed against the mulattoes, who have been nearly exterminated; and the whites in jamaica would have shared the same fate at the hands of a brutal horde of black savages a few years ago, but for the premature exposure of the plot, and the vigorous action of the governor of the island. in the model republic of liberia no white man can obtain the right of citizenship, own real estate, nor sit upon a jury. nowhere in the world did there exist the same kindly relation between the two races, as in the south before the war; and even now, the older negroes seek aid and advice, when in difficulties, from their former owners, although they have been misled by unprincipled adventurers, by whom they have been taught to distrust them in politics. a short time ago dr. b----, a virginia gentleman, was asked by a northerner his opinion of the negroes' feelings toward the southern people. "i will tell you," replied dr. b. "if you and i were candidates for the same office, you would get every negro's vote; but, if one of them wanted advice or assistance he would come to me or some other southerner." the group composing the "bermudas" still justifies the reputation given to it by one of the british admirals of the "olden time." the "bermoothees," he records in his quaintly written journal, "is a hellish place for thunder, lightning, and storms." shakspeare, too, sends "ariel" to "fetch dew" from the "still vexed bermoothes" for his exacting master prospero. but although gales of wind during the winter, and thunder storms in the summer, are so prevalent, the climate is delightful. there are upward of three hundred islands in the group, most of them mere barren coral rocks; and the largest, st. george's, is not more than three miles long, and about a mile in width. the roads are cut out of the soft coral, which hardens by exposure to the atmosphere, and are perfect. there are several very curious natural caves about five miles distant from st. george's; and near one of them is still pointed out the calabash tree under which the irish poet, tom moore, is said to have composed one of his sonnets to _nea_, who afterwards became the wife of mr. tucker, and left many descendants on the island. the venerable old gentleman was living, in his ninetieth year, when i was last in st. george's; and although the bride of his youth, and his rival the poet, had been long mouldering in their graves, he was still so jealous of the latter that he would not allow his great-grandchildren to keep a copy of the poet's works in the house. the only indigenous tree upon the islands, i believe, is the cedar; the oleander, which now grows everywhere, having been introduced by mr. tucker. nearly all of the tropical fruits grow there, and many indigenous to the temperate zone; but the staple products are potatoes and onions, chiefly for the new york market, and arrow root. the waters teem with fish of the most brilliantly beautiful colors. an ingenious individual has succeeded in taming a number, by availing himself of a natural cavity in the coral situated close to the shore and a few miles distant from st. george's. the sea water, percolating through the coral, supplies the basin. at a whistle the tame fish swim close to the edge and feed from one's hand. there is a naval station at "ireland island," and a floating dock (which was built in england and towed out,) capable of taking in the largest-sized man of war. the naval officers attached to the dock-yard, and to the men of war, were always friendly and more than civil to confederates; being sometimes, indeed, too profuse in their hospitality. upon one occasion, col. ---- a personal friend of mine, had obtained a furlough, and permission to make a trip in the lee, for the sake of his health, broken by the hardships of a campaign in northern virginia. the purser, who was always ready for a "lark," and the colonel, who was of an inquiring turn of mind, paid a visit to the dock-yard. after an inspection of it, they went on board several of the men of war in harbor, receiving on board each of them refreshments, solid and liquid. they had crossed over to ireland island in a sail-boat, and when about to return, were escorted to the wharf by a party of officers. their boat was lying outside of another, containing a fat old washerwoman; and col.----, who had had no experience in boating in his life, except "paddling his own canoe" upon a mill pond in amelia county, va., stopped to exchange farewell salutations with the party of officers on the wharf, while he stood with one foot in the "stern sheets" of the washerwoman's boat, and the other in his own. the boatman forward, ignorant of the critical state of affairs, hoisted the jib, and the boat, under the influence of a stiff breeze, began to "pay off" before the wind. before col. ---- could "realize the situation," he was in the attitude of the colossus of rhodes. the purser promptly seized one of his legs, and the fat washerwoman with equal presence of mind, laid hold of the other. each was determined not to let go, and the strain upon the colonel must have been terrific; but he was equal to the emergency. taking in the whole situation, he deliberately drew his watch out of his pocket, and holding it high above his head with both hands, he said, with his usually imperturbable calmness, "well i reckon you had better let go!" his endeavors to protect his watch proved to have been fruitless; the purser indeed always insists that he touched bottom in three fathoms of water. he returned on board the lee to be wrung out and dried. chapter ix. we sail for wilmington.--thick weather on the coast.--anchored among the blockading fleet.--the "mound."--running the blockade by moonlight.--a device to mislead the enemy.--the man hester. after discharging our cargo of cotton and loading with supplies for the confederate government, chiefly for the army of northern virginia, we sailed for wilmington in the latter part of the month of march. our return voyage was uneventful, until we reached the coast near masonborough inlet, distant about nine miles north of the "new inlet" bar. the weather had been pleasant during the voyage, and we had sighted the _fires_ from the salt works along the coast, but before we could get hold of the land, a little before midnight, a densely black cloud made its appearance to the north and east; and the rapidity with which it rose and enlarged, indicated too surely that a heavy gale was coming from that quarter. we had been unable to distinguish any landmark before the storm burst in all its fury upon us, and the rain poured in torrents. our supply of coals was too limited to enable us, with prudence, to put to sea again; and of course, the marks or ranges for crossing the bar would not be visible fifty yards in such thick weather. being quite confident of our position, however, i determined to run down the coast, and anchor off the bar till daylight. knowing the "trend" of the land north of new inlet bar, the engine was slowed down and the lead kept going on both sides. the sounding continued quite regular three and three and a quarter fathoms, with the surf thundering within a stone's throw on our starboard beam, and nothing visible in the blinding torrents of rain. i knew that if my calculated position was correct, the water would shoal very suddenly just before reaching the bar; but a trying hour or more of suspense had passed before the welcome fact was announced by the leadsmen. the course and distance run, and the soundings up to this point proved, beyond doubt, that we had now reached the "horse shoe" north of new inlet bar. at the moment when both of the leadsmen almost simultaneously called out "and a quarter less three," the helm was put hard a-starboard, and the lee's bow was pointed seaward. we could not prudently anchor in less than five fathoms water, as the sea was rising rapidly; and that depth would carry us into the midst of the blockading fleet at anchor outside. it seemed an age before the cry came from the leadsmen "by the mark five." the lee was instantly stopped, and one of the bower anchors let go, veering to thirty fathoms on the chain. the cable was then well stoppered at the "bitts," and unshackled; and two men stationed at the stopper, with axes, and the order to cut the lashings, instantly, when so ordered; the fore-staysail was loosed, and hands stationed at the halliards; and the chief engineer directed to keep up a full head of steam. the night wore slowly away; and once or twice we caught a glimpse, by a flash of lightning, of the blockading fleet around us, rolling and pitching in the heavy sea. the watch having been set, the rest of the officers and crew were permitted to go below, except the chief engineer and the pilot. we paced the bridge, anxiously waiting for daylight. it came at last, and there, right astern of us, looming up through the mist and rain, was the "mound." we had only to steer for it, to be on our right course for crossing the bar. the stoppers were cut, the engine started ahead, and the fore stay-sail hoisted. as the chain rattled through the hawse-hole, the lee wore rapidly around, and the confederate flag was run up to the peak as she dashed toward the bar with the speed of a greyhound slipped from the leash. the bar was a sheet of foam and surf, breaking sheer across the channel; but the great length of the lee enabled her to ride over three or four of the short chopping seas at once, and she never touched the bottom. in less than half an hour from the time when we slipped our chain under the guns of the fleet, we had passed beyond fort fisher, and were on our way up the river to wilmington. the "mound" was an artificial one, erected by colonel lamb, who commanded fort fisher. two heavy guns were mounted upon it, and it eventually became a site for a light, and very serviceable to blockade-runners; but even at this period, it was an excellent landmark. joined by a long low isthmus of sand with the higher main land, its regular conical shape enabled the blockade-runners easily to identify it from the offing; and in clear weather, it showed plain and distinct against the sky at night. i believe the military men used to laugh slyly at the colonel for undertaking its erection, predicting that it would not stand; but the result showed the contrary; and whatever difference of opinion may have existed with regard to its value as a military position, there can be but one as to its utility to the blockade-runners, for it was not a landmark, alone, along this monotonous coast; but one of the range lights for crossing new inlet bar was placed on it. seamen will appreciate at its full value, this advantage; but it may be stated, for the benefit of the unprofessional reader, that while the compass bearing of an object does not enable a pilot to steer a vessel with sufficient accuracy through a narrow channel, _range lights_ answer the purpose completely. these lights were only set after signals had been exchanged between the blockade-runner and the shore station, and were removed immediately after the vessel had entered the river. the range lights were changed as circumstances required; for the new inlet channel, itself, was and is constantly changing, being materially affected both in depth of water, and in its course, by a heavy gale of wind or a severe freshet in cape fear river. the "lee" continued to make her regular trips either to nassau or bermuda, as circumstances required, during the summer of ; carrying abroad cotton and naval stores, and bringing in "hardware," as munitions of war were then invoiced. usually the time selected for sailing was during the "dark of the moon," but upon one occasion, a new pilot had been detailed for duty on board, who failed in many efforts to get the ship over the "rip," a shifting sand bar a mile or more inside the true bar. more than a week of valuable time had thus been lost, but the exigencies of the army being at that time more than usually urgent, i determined to run what appeared to be a very great risk. the tide serving at ten o'clock, we succeeded in crossing the rip at that hour, and as we passed over new inlet bar, the moon rose in a cloudless sky. it was a calm night too, and the regular beat of our paddles through the smooth water sounded to our ears ominously loud. as we closely skirted the shore, the blockading vessels were plainly visible to us, some at anchor, some under way; and some of them so near to us that we saw, or fancied we saw, with our night glasses, the men on watch on their forecastles; but as we were inside of them all, and invisible against the background of the land, we passed beyond them undiscovered. the roar of the surf breaking upon the beach, prevented the noise of our paddles from being heard. the lee's head was not pointed seaward, however, until we had run ten or twelve miles along the land so close to the breakers that we could almost have tossed a biscuit into them, and no vessel was to be seen in any direction. discovery of us by the fleet would probably have been fatal to us, but the risk was really not so great as it appeared; for, as i had been informed by a blockade-runner who had been once captured and released, being a british subject, the vigilance on board the blockading fleet was much relaxed during the moonlit nights. the vessels were sent to beaufort to coal at these times. my informant was an officer of the british navy, and was the guest, for a few days after his capture, of captain patterson then commanding the blockading fleet off the cape fear. speaking of the arduous service, p. remarked to him, that he never undressed nor retired to bed, during the dark nights; but could enjoy those luxuries when the moon was shining. on this hint i acted. it was about this time that i adopted an expedient which proved of great service on several occasions. a blockade-runner did not often pass through the fleet without receiving one or more shots, but these were always preceded by the flash of a calcium light, or by a blue light; and immediately followed by two rockets thrown in the direction of the blockade-runner. the signals were probably concerted each day for the ensuing night, as they appeared to be constantly changed; but the rockets were invariably sent up. i ordered a lot of rockets from new york. whenever all hands were called to run through the fleet, an officer was stationed alongside of me on the bridge with the rockets. one or two minutes after our immediate pursuer had sent up his rockets i would direct ours to be discharged at a right angle to our course. the whole fleet would be misled, for even if the vessel which had discovered us were not deceived, the rest of the fleet would be baffled. while we were lying at anchor in the harbor of st. george's, during one of our trips, i was notified by the governor of the island, that an officer of the confederate navy, then held as a prisoner on board one of h. b. m.'s ships of war at the naval anchorage, would be delivered up to me for transportation to the confederacy, if i would assume the charge. this officer was charged with the murder of a messmate on board the confederate states steamer sumter, while lying at gibraltar. the demand for his extradition, made by the confederate government, had been complied with by the british government after much delay; and he was turned over to me for transportation to the confederacy. although the crime appeared to have been committed under circumstances of peculiar atrocity--it being alleged that the victim was asleep at the time he was shot--i so far respected the commission which the criminal bore, as to place him upon parole. upon reporting his arrival at wilmington to the secretary of the navy, the latter directed me to release him, upon the ground that it would be impossible to convict him by court-martial, all of the witnesses to the transaction being abroad. the man, hester, was therefore released, and was never heard of again, i believe, during the war; but he has added to his evil reputation since its close, by plying the infamous trade (under the guise of united states secret service agent) of false informer and persecutor in several of the southern states. the general government failed to exercise its usual careful discrimination in making this appointment! the base renegades are many degrees worse even than the unprincipled adventurers from the north who have so long preyed upon the south. the latter are only thieves and robbers; the former are, in addition, unnatural monsters, who hate their own people and are guilty of the crime of judas, who betrayed his lord for thirty pieces of silver. chapter x. the confederate states steamer "florida."--short supply of coal.--the "florida's" decks.--tea and costly china.--narrow escape from capture.--miss lucy g.--arrival at bermuda.--our uneventful trip inward.--the johnson's island expedition.--another narrow escape.--"pretty shooting."--arrival at halifax, n. s. during the latter part of july, , the "lee" was lying in the harbor of st. george's, when the confederate states steamer "florida" arrived there in want of coal, of which there happened to be a very limited supply on hand. the most suitable coal was procured with difficulty throughout the war, all of the british coals, although excellent for raising steam, making more or less smoke, and objectionable on that account exportation of the american anthracite, which would have been almost invaluable, was prohibited by the government. this is, i believe, the only accessible, or at least available nonbituminous coal in the world; but the best substitute for it is the welsh semi-bituminous coal, and this was chiefly used by the blockade-runners. the florida was in greater need of coal than ourselves, for the united states steamer wachusett came into port a day or two after the former, and maffitt, in command of the florida, wished to get to sea first. when belligerent rights were accorded to the confederate government by foreign powers, the confederate cruisers were admitted into their ports upon equal terms with the united states men of war, except that there was no interchange of _official_ courtesies. in order to preserve strict neutrality toward the contending powers, a man of war under either flag was not permitted to follow out of a neutral port a ship under the enemy's colors within twenty-four hours of the sailing of the latter; and it was an equal violation of neutrality for a ship of war under either flag to cruise within a marine league of neutral territory. when occasion required no one could be more resolute than maffitt, as he had repeatedly shown in the management of the florida; and especially when he ran the gauntlet in broad daylight through the whole federal fleet blockading mobile, and for which affair preble, then commanding the fleet, was so harshly dealt with; but the chief object of the confederate cruisers being to destroy the american commerce, an engagement with a united states ship of war was to be avoided, if possible. the florida's deck, when the crew were at their meals, was a curious scene; the plain fare of the sailors being served in costly china, captured from homeward bound "indiamen," and the scamps had become fastidious in their taste about tea. i had the pleasure to carry into wilmington ten or twelve chests of the finest hyson, which were distributed among the hospitals; and a lot of silver ingots made a narrow escape from confiscation. but the law officers in bermuda, whom maffitt consulted, assuring him that they would be adjudged legal prize of war in the british courts, they were shipped to england, instead of the confederacy, and there returned to the claimants. although there was no exchange of civilities between the officers of the two ships, the sailors harmonized amiably and got drunk together ashore with mutual good will. a jack tar is probably the only representative left of the old "free lance," who served under any flag where he was sure of pay and booty. the blue jackets will fight under any colors, where there is a fair prospect of adventure and prize money. after the florida had been coaled, there was scarcely a sufficient supply left to carry the lee into wilmington under the most favorable circumstances; but it was necessary either to sail at once, or to wait two weeks for the next moon. our chief engineer had noticed a large pile of coal on one of the wharves rented by the confederate agent; but the heap had been so long exposed to the weather, and trampled upon for so many months, that it appeared to be a mere pile of dirt. "necessity having no law," however, we shoveled off the surface; and were surprised to find that it was of very fair quality. it made an abundance of steam, indeed, but burned with great rapidity; and although we took on board an extra supply, we were able to retain barely enough english coal in the bunkers to use in running through the fleet on our next outward voyage. the consequence was the narrowest escape from capture ever made by the lee while under my command. we were ready to sail for nassau on the th of august, , and had on board, as usual, several passengers. indeed we rarely made a trip either way without as many as could be accommodated, and many ladies among them. my observation of the conduct of the fair sex, under trying and novel circumstances, has convinced me that they face inevitable dangers more bravely and with more composure than men. i have frequently seen a frail, delicate woman standing erect and unflinching upon the deck, as the shells were whistling and bursting over us, while her lawful protector would be cowering "under the lee" of a cotton bale. i pay this humble tribute of admiration to the sex, but a cynical old bachelor, to whom i once made the observation, replied that in his opinion their insatiable curiosity prevailed even over their natural fears! on our outward voyage we had among our passengers ex-senator gwin and his daughter, and dr. and mrs. p. we passed safely through the blockading fleet off the new inlet bar, receiving no damage from the few shots fired at us, and gained an offing from the coast of thirty miles by daylight. by this time our supply of english coal had been exhausted, and we were obliged to commence upon north carolina coal of very inferior quality, and which smoked terribly. we commenced on this fuel a little after daylight. very soon afterwards the vigilant look-out at the mast-head called out "sail ho!" and in reply to the "where away" from the deck, sang out "right astern, sir, and in chase." the morning was very clear. going to the mast-head i could just discern the royal of the chaser; and before i left there, say in half an hour, her top-gallant sail showed above the horizon. by this time the sun had risen in a cloudless sky. it was evident our pursuer would be alongside of us by mid-day at the rate we were then going. the first orders given were to throw overboard the deck-load of cotton and to make more steam. the latter proved to be more easily given than executed; the chief engineer reporting that it was impossible to make steam with the wretched stuff filled with slate and dirt. a moderate breeze from the north and east had been blowing ever since daylight and every stitch of canvas on board the square-rigged steamer in our wake was drawing. we were steering east by south, and it was clear that the chaser's advantages could only be neutralized either by bringing the "lee" gradually head to wind or edging away to bring the wind aft. the former course would be running toward the land, besides incurring the additional risk of being intercepted and captured by some of the inshore cruisers. i began to edge away therefore, and in two or three hours enjoyed the satisfaction of seeing our pursuer clew up and furl his sails. the breeze was still blowing as fresh as in the morning, but we were now running directly away from it, and the cruiser was going literally as fast as the wind, causing the sails to be rather a hindrance than a help. but she was still gaining on us. a happy inspiration occurred to me when the case seemed hopeless. sending for the chief engineer i said "mr. s., let us try cotton, saturated with spirits of turpentine." there were on board, as part of the deck load, thirty or forty barrels of "spirits." in a very few moments, a bale of cotton was ripped open, a barrel tapped, and buckets full of the saturated material passed down into the fire-room. the result exceeded our expectations. the chief engineer, an excitable little frenchman from charleston, very soon made his appearance on the bridge, his eyes sparkling with triumph, and reported a full head of steam. curious to see the effect upon our speed, i directed him to wait a moment until the log was hove. i threw it myself, nine and a half knots. "let her go now sir!" i said. five minutes afterwards, i hove the log again, _thirteen and a quarter_. we now began to hold our own, and even to gain a little upon the chaser; but she was fearfully near, and i began to have visions of another residence at fort warren, as i saw the "big bone in the mouth" of our pertinacious friend, for she was near enough to us at one time for us to see distinctly the white curl of foam under her bows, called by that name among seamen. i wonder if they could have screwed another turn of speed out of her if they had known that the lee had on board, in addition to her cargo of cotton, a large amount of gold shipped by the confederate government? there continued to be a very slight change in our relative positions till about six o'clock in the afternoon, when the chief engineer again made his appearance, with a very ominous expression of countenance. he came to report that the burnt cotton had choked the flues, and that the steam was running down. "only keep her going till dark, sir," i replied, "and we will give our pursuer the slip yet." a heavy bank was lying along the horizon to the south and east; and i saw a possible means of escape. at sunset the chaser was about four miles astern and gaining upon us. calling two of my most reliable officers, i stationed one of them on each wheel-house, with glasses, directing them to let me know the instant they lost sight of the chaser in the growing darkness. at the same time, i ordered the chief engineer to make as black a smoke as possible, and to be in readiness to cut off the smoke, by closing the dampers instantly, when ordered. the twilight was soon succeeded by darkness. both of the officers on the wheel house called out at the same moment, "we have lost sight of her," while a dense volume of smoke was streaming far in our wake. "close the dampers," i called out through the speaking tube, and at the same moment ordered the helm "hard a starboard." our course was altered eight points, at a right angle to the previous one. i remained on deck an hour, and then retired to my state-room with a comfortable sense of security. we had fired so hard that the very planks on the bridge were almost scorching hot, and my feet were nearly blistered. i put them out of the window to cool, after taking off slippers and socks. while in this position, miss lucy g. came on the bridge in company with her father. tapping my foot with her hand, she said, "ah, captain, i see we are all safe, and i congratulate you!" at one time during the chase, when capture seemed inevitable, the kegs containing the gold had been brought on deck, and one of them opened by my orders, it being my intention to distribute its contents among the officers and crew. miss lucy, who preserved her presence of mind throughout the trying scenes of the day, called me aside, and suggested that she should fill a purse for me, and keep it about her person, until the prize crew had taken possession, and all danger of personal search was over, when she would make an opportunity to give it to me; and i have no doubt she would have accomplished her intentions if occasion had required. the chaser proved afterwards to be the "iroquois." feeling confident that she would continue on the course toward abaco, and perhaps have another and more successful chase, i changed the destination of the lee to bermuda, where we arrived safely two days afterward. upon the arrival of the lee at wilmington, after one more trip to nassau, i was summoned by telegraph to richmond. an attempt was to be made for the release of the prisoners at johnson's island. this island, situated in the harbor of sandusky, on lake erie, was supposed to be easily accessible from canada, and the canadian shore; but it was left to the judgment of the officer in command how the details were to be arranged, his sole explicit instructions being not to violate the neutrality of british territory. how this was to be avoided has ever seemed impossible to me, but having been selected to command the expedition, i resolved to disregard all personal consequences, and to leave the responsibility to be borne by the confederate government. a party of twenty-six officers of the different grades was detailed for the service. the lee, laden with a cargo of cotton, was to carry us to halifax, n. s.; the cotton to be consigned to a firm there, who were to purchase, with a part of the proceeds, blankets, shoes, etc., for the army; the balance to be retained for the benefit of the prisoners, if released. my successor in command of the lee took passage with us. we sailed for halifax on the night of october th, . the season was so far advanced, that we could not afford to lose even a day; we therefore dropped down the cape fear river to smithville as soon as the preparations were completed, and although the night was very clear, i determined to attempt the passage through the fleet soon after dark, so as to get as far north along the coast as possible before daylight. we crossed the western bar about nine o'clock at night, and instead of "hugging" the shore, which would have carried us too far to the southward and westward, the course was shaped so as to clear the frying pan shoals. we had been running at full speed for nearly an hour, when a shot came whizzing a few feet over our bulwarks, and struck the water just beyond us; it was followed immediately by another, which striking a little short "ricocheted" over us; and then a third, which crashing through the starboard bulwarks, burst in a cotton bale on the port side, and set fire to it; several men being wounded by splinters and fragments of the shells. the flames leaped high into the air, and there was a momentary confusion on board, but the order to throw the burning bale overboard was promptly executed, and for some time afterwards we could see it blazing far astern. we never saw the cruiser which fired at us, as she was inshore, and although several more shots were fired, each succeeding one flew wider from the mark. we promptly sent up our two rockets abeam, and experienced no further trouble, easily avoiding a sloop of war cruising off the end of the frying pan shoals. the fact is, a blockade-runner was almost as invisible at night as harlequin in the pantomime. nothing showed above the deck but the two short masts, and the smoke-stack; and the lead colored hull could scarcely be seen at the distance of one hundred yards. even in a clear day, they were not easily discovered. upon one occasion, when bound to wilmington, we had crossed the gulf stream and struck soundings, when the look-out aloft reported a cruiser in sight ahead, and lying "_a-hull_" with her broadside exposed to us. it was evident, of course, that we were undiscovered so long as she lay in this position, and we continued to steam towards her, until we could plainly see her broadside guns. it was time for us to stop, but we preserved the same distance, undiscovered, for at least two hours. the engineer then reporting that the steam was running down, i directed him to fire up cautiously. the second shovel-full had scarcely been tossed into the furnace when a slight puff of smoke passed out of our smoke-stack, and at the same instant, the cruiser ahead wore round, and commenced a pursuit. there was clearly no want of vigilance on board of her. but to return from this digression. by next morning we had got beyond dangerous waters. some amusement was occasioned at the breakfast table by johnny t., who had overheard the soliloquy of colonel b. the night before. the colonel, who was a member of the expedition, had seen service in the army of northern virginia. he was sitting upon the wheel house when the first shot was fired, and calmly remarked (to no one in particular,) "that is pretty firing," at the second "that is _very_ pretty firing," and when the third shell burst upon the deck, he jumped upon his feet and exclaimed, with much emphasis, "if that isn't the prettiest firing i ever saw, i wish i may be d----d!" chapter xi. the lee captured at last.--sandy keith alias thomassen. recruiting in the british provinces for the united states army.--failure of the expedition.--return to bermuda. on our voyage to halifax, we passed many vessels, and exciting no suspicion, for at that period many of the captured blockade-runners were afloat in the united states service. we showed american colors to those which passed near us and once, in thick weather off new york, we passed within hailing distance of a man of war bound south. we arrived at halifax the th of october. the cargo of cotton was consigned to the firm of b. wier & co. with instructions to purchase shoes, etc., with a part of the proceeds, and to hold the balance to my credit. there was then no agent of the confederate government in halifax, but i had taken letters of introduction from a mercantile house in london to this firm to be used in case of touching there on the way back from glasgow the year before. when i received my instructions from the secretary of the navy before leaving richmond, i wished to ascertain to whom the cargo was to be consigned on our arrival at halifax; and then learned from the secretary of state, to whom i was referred, that there was no accredited agent of the government there. in this dilemma i sought counsel of my good friend mr. seddon, secretary of war, who advised me to act according to my own judgment. i therefore directed the bills of lading, invoices, etc., to be made out with b. wier & co. as consignees. in no case, i believe, did the confederate government appear as the shipper or consignor. every cargo was supposed to be owned by private individuals; and the blockade-runners were regularly entered and cleared at the confederate custom house. upon this occasion the lee's papers were closely scrutinized by the collector of the customs at halifax, who did me the honor of personal attention; but he could find no flaw in them, and the vessel was regularly entered, with little more than the customary delay. the lee had made her last voyage under the confederate flag. sailing for wilmington with a full cargo, she was captured off the coast of north carolina. the land had been made the night before under quite favorable circumstances, but neither the captain, nor the pilot, being willing to assume the responsibility of taking charge of the vessel, the lee was put to sea again, and by further culpable mismanagement, she fell an easy prey next morning to one of the united states cruisers. she had run the blockade twenty-one times while under my command, and had carried abroad between six thousand and seven thousand bales of cotton, worth at that time about two millions of dollars in gold, and had carried into the confederacy equally valuable cargoes. my staunch old helmsman, who had been released in new york by claiming british protection, and who started at once in search of me, met me in halifax on our return from the johnson's island expedition. he actually shed tears as he narrated the train of circumstances which led to the capture. "she would have gone in by herself," he said, "if they had only let her alone;" for indeed it was evident to all on board the morning of her capture, that she had been close in to the shore within a few miles of the new inlet bar. she had not reached the bar, however, so that the pilot's course in refusing to take charge was justifiable; but the fatal error was committed by not making a good offing before daylight. at the time of her capture, she was not more than twenty miles from the land, and in the deep bay formed by the coast between masonborough inlet and the cape lookout shoals. the arrival of so large a party of confederates in halifax attracted attention, and it was essential to the successful execution of the project, that all suspicion should be allayed. the party, therefore, was divided into groups of three or four individuals, who were directed to report, in person, at montreal, each one being strictly enjoined to secrecy and discretion; for although the precise object of the expedition was only known to three of its members, lieutenants r. minor, ben. loyall and myself, every one belonging to it was quite well aware that it was hostile to the united states government. they were a set of gallant young fellows, with a single exception. who he was and where he came from, none of us knew; but he had been ordered by the secretary of the navy to report to me for duty. we believed him to be a traitor and a spy; and succeeded in ridding ourselves of him the day after our arrival at halifax, by advancing him a month's wages. no member of the expedition ever saw him again. the most officiously zealous friend and partisan whom we all encountered in halifax was mr. "sandy" keith, who was facetiously called the confederate consul. by dint of a brazen assurance, a most obliging manner, and the lavish expenditure of money, "profusus sui alieni appetens"--he ingratiated himself with nearly every southerner who visited halifax although he was a coarse, ill-bred vulgarian, of no social standing in the community. it is true that a worthy member of the same family had risen from obscurity to high honors, but sandy was a black sheep of the flock. he was employed at first by many of our people to purchase for them on commission, and afterwards by the confederate government. he profited by so good an opportunity for swindling, eventually forging invoices of articles, and drawing bills of exchange upon the confederate government, which were duly honored. this villainy was perpetrated towards the end of the war, and at its close, sandy keith absconded with his ill-gotten gains, a considerable proportion consisting of money in his hands, belonging to private individuals. among his victims was colonel s. of baltimore, who determined to make an effort to recover his money. his first step was a visit to halifax. his endeavors there to find keith's whereabouts were for some time fruitless. but at last a clue was found. a girl, who had accompanied keith in his flight, had written a letter to a relative in halifax, and colonel s. by some means obtained a sight of the envelope. the post-mark, plainly legible, indicated that the letter had been written at an obscure little village in missouri. s. hastened back to baltimore, and secured the coöperation of a detective, not for the purpose of arresting keith, because he doubted whether he could recover possession of his property by the slippery and uncertain process of law, but for the sake of the detective's strong arm and presence of mind in the event of resistance. the reward to the detective being made contingent upon the recovery of the money, the pair left baltimore, and in due time reached the village in the backwoods, where they learned that two persons, as man and wife, were boarding at the house of a widow, a mile or two distant. they waited until night, and then, arming themselves with revolvers, started for the house of the widow. knocking at the door, it was opened to them, and as they passed in, keith's voice was heard, inquiring who had entered. guided by the sound, they rushed to the room occupied by him. he had retired for the night. his loaded pistol was lying on a table near his bedside; but he had neglected to lock the door of his chamber, and s. and the detective had secured his arms and held him a prisoner before he was fairly awake. there was little parleying between them, the detective merely assuring him that if he did not come to terms speedily, his trunk would be broken open and all of its contents seized. the whole affair was amicably settled in ten minutes, by a check upon the bank in which keith had deposited some of his money, for the amount due to s., and the detective's reward. keith demurred a little to the latter demand, but finally yielded to moral suasion; and next day s. presented the check, which was paid. sandy keith was supposed by those who had known him, to have been lost among the common herd of low swindlers and rogues, for none of them would have given him credit for enterprise or sagacity. he emerged, however, from obscurity, to perpetrate the most horrible and devilishly ingenious crime of the century; for it was he who under the name of thomassen blew up the "city of bremen" with his infernal machine. those who have read the account of that dreadful tragedy will remember that the explosion was precipitated by the fall of the box containing dynamite from a cart, or wheelbarrow, conveying it to the steamer. the hammer was set, by clockwork apparatus, to explode the dynamite after the departure of the steamer from england and when near mid-ocean, and keith, confiding in the efficacy of the arrangement, was actually about to take passage in the steamer from bremerhaven as far as england. many persons believe that the "city of boston" was destroyed some years ago by this incarnate fiend, and by the same means. that calamity carried mourning into many households in keith's native city, for a large number of its most respectable citizens were on board. it will be remembered that she was supposed at the time to have foundered at sea in a gale of wind. i had been furnished, before leaving richmond, with letters to parties in canada, who, it was believed, could give valuable aid to the expedition. to expedite matters, a trustworthy agent, a canny scotchman, who had long served under my command, was dispatched to montreal, via portland, to notify these parties that we were on our way there. our emissary, taking passage in a steamer bound to portland, passed safely through united states territory, while the rest of us commenced our long and devious route through the british provinces. wherever we travelled, even through the remotest settlements, recruiting agents for the united states army were at work, scarcely affecting to disguise their occupation; and the walls of the obscurest country taverns bristled with advertisements like the following: "wanted for a tannery in maine one thousand tanners to whom a large bonus will be paid, etc." many could not resist such allurements, but it was from this class and similar ones, no doubt, that the "bounty jumpers" sprang. it has been asserted, by those who were in a position to form a correct estimate, that the british provinces, alone, contributed one hundred thousand men to the federal army. it is scarcely an exaggeration to add, that the population of the civilized world was subsidized. we were seven days in making the journey to montreal, where my faithful agent met me by appointment, and carried me to the residence of captain m., a zealous and self-sacrificing friend to the cause, and to whom i had been accredited. he looked steadily at me for a moment after our introduction, and then said "i have met you once before." he recalled to my memory the fact, that while i commanded the battery at acquia creek in the early part of the war, he had brought a schooner loaded with arms, etc., up the potomac, and succeeded in placing her under the protection of our batteries; having profited by a cold, dark, and inclement night, to evade the vigilance of the gunboats. subsequently he and his family were compelled to leave baltimore, and were now refugees in canada. colonel k., also a refugee and an inmate of captain m.'s house, and to whom, likewise, i carried letters, enlisted enthusiastically in the expedition, and devoted his whole time and energies to its success. we might, indeed, have obtained a large number of recruits from among refugees and escaped prisoners in canada, but it was not considered prudent to increase the size of the party to any extent, our number being quite sufficient, under the plan as devised. but we picked up two or three escaped prisoners from johnson's island; among them an individual who was well known to colonel finney (a member of the expedition); having been in the colonel's employment on the plains previous to the war. the colonel was the right hand of major ficklin in organizing and putting into operation the "pony express," which used to traverse the continent from st. louis to san francisco, and our recruit, thompson, was one of his trusted subordinates. this man had led a very adventurous life. he informed us that after making his escape from johnson's island on the ice one dark winter night, he walked into sandusky, and there laid in wait at the entrance of a dark alley for a victim with whom to exchange clothing. his patience being rewarded after a while, he laid violent hands upon his prize, and directed him to divest himself of his suit. the stranger replied, that he would not only supply him with clothing, but with money to make his way into canada; adding that he had a son in the confederate army. he gave thompson the contents of his purse, and requesting him to wait till he could go home, soon returned with a full suit of clothes. we had reliable information to the effect that the garrison at johnson's island was small, and that the united states sloop of war michigan was anchored off the island as an additional guard. if the sloop of war could be carried by boarding, and her guns turned upon the garrison, the rest would be easy of accomplishment; and there appeared to be no obstacle to the seizure of as many vessels in sandusky harbor, as might be required for purposes of transportation. they were to be towed over to the canada shore, about twenty-five miles distant. there were several difficulties to be overcome; the chief one being how to notify the prisoners of the attempt about to be made. this was accomplished after several visits to baltimore and washington, by the brave and devoted mrs. m. and her daughter; and finally the wife of general ---- obtained permission from the authorities at washington, to visit her husband, then a prisoner on johnson's island. although the interview between them was brief, and in the presence of witnesses, she contrived to place in his hand a slip of paper, which informed him that our progress would appear in the new york herald's "personals" over certain initials, and so disguised as to be intelligible only to those who were initiated. next, it was important to know the exact condition of affairs in sandusky, up to the time of our departure from canada; and this was effected through the agency of a gallant gentleman, a retired british army officer, who went over to sandusky upon the pretext of duck shooting, and who by a pre-arranged vocabulary, conveyed daily intelligence to us up to the time of our departure from montreal. everything progressed favorably, until we began to make final preparations for departure. colonel k., who knew personally the manager of an english line of steamers upon the lakes, and confided in the integrity of the man, recommended him as most competent to give valuable information; and to him, under the seal of confidence, i applied. the only interview between us, (and in the presence of colonel k.) was brief, and the object of the expedition was not divulged to him; nor was it intimated to him that any hostile act was contemplated; but he probably drew the inference. his replies to my questions were so unsatisfactory that i never saw him again, having recourse to other sources of information. it was arranged that our party should take passage on board one of the american lake steamers at a little port on the welland canal. we were disguised as immigrants to the west; our arms being shipped as mining tools; and when clear of the canal, we were to rise upon the crew, and make our way to sandusky. as the michigan was anchored close to the main channel of the harbor, and we had provided ourselves with grapnels, it was believed that she could be carried by surprise. we had sent off our last "personal" to the new york herald, informing our friends at johnson's island "that the carriage would be at the door on or about the tenth;" our party had collected at the little port on the canal waiting for the steamer then nearly due, when a proclamation was issued by the governor general, which fell among us like a thunderbolt. it was announced in this proclamation, that it had come to the knowledge of the government that a hostile expedition was about to embark from the canada shores, and the infliction of divers pains and penalties was threatened against all concerned in the violation of the neutrality laws. what was even more fatal to our hopes, we learned that his excellency had notified the united states government of our contemplated expedition. our good friend sojourning at sandusky abandoned his duck shooting in haste, (for the news sped across the frontier,) bringing intelligence that the garrison at johnson's island had been increased, and such other measures adopted as to render our success impossible. i called a council of the senior officers, who unanimously recommended that the attempt be abandoned; and so ended all our hopes. we learned, from what was believed by some to be a reliable source, that the informant against us was the manager, alluded to above, who betrayed us at the last moment. there was a possibility of a successful issue to this enterprise, but not a probability. the american consul at halifax possessed intelligence and zeal; and he could easily have traced our course, by means of a detective, up to the very point of our departure on the welland canal. it is quite probable, indeed, that we were closely watched through the whole route, for immediately after the proclamation was issued, two or three detectives, no longer affecting disguise, dogged my footsteps for several days, with the intention i suspected of carrying me "vi et armis" across the frontier. but they were, in turn, subjected to as close an espionage by several members of the expedition, who were prepared for any emergency. "the engineer would have been hoisted with his own petard" probably, if they had attempted the arrest. that dare-devil thompson, in fact, proposed one night that i should take a walk alone along the canal, and see what would come of it, but i declined the invitation. one plan of releasing the johnson's island prisoners was to purchase a steamer in england, through the agency of captain bullock, load her with a cargo, and clear from the custom house "for a market" on the lakes.--the chief obstacle to this plan would have been the passage, unsuspected, through the welland canal, but it was believed that, by proper discretion and management, this might have been accomplished, and the rest would have been easy; for all that was expected of any expedition was to carry the michigan by surprise; the prisoners upon the island coöperating by attacking and overpowering the garrison. as there was no farther necessity for keeping our movements secret, the whole party started together on the return to halifax. we followed the route from "riviere du loup" overland by stage, or rather in sleighs, for the ground was already covered with snow, and the steamers had stopped running for the season, upon the beautiful picturesque st. john's river; and our way lay through a cheerless and sparsely populated country for nearly the whole distance. we were able too, without indiscretion, to accept the hospitalities of our friends in halifax, during our brief stay there. but duty called us back to the confederacy, and passage was engaged for the whole party by the first steamer (the alpha,) to sail for bermuda. chapter xii. take command of the "whisper."--high rates of freight.--confederate money and sterling exchange.--an investment in cotton.--the ill-fated ironclad.--the point lookout expedition and its failure.--a faithful servant and a narrow escape.--futile projects.--wilmington during the war.--light houses reëstablished.--gloomy prospects of the south. arriving there, after a five or six day's voyage, we found many blockade-runners at anchor in st. george's harbor; and application was made to me to take command of one of them, called the "whisper," just out from england. she was a fair specimen of her class. built expressly for speed and light draft, her frame was very slight, but she was a capital sea boat, and made several successful trips. there was a striking contrast, however, between her and the solidly built, magnificent "lee." after all arrangements had been completed for the transportation to the confederacy of our party, i assumed command of the little "whisper," with six or eight of the party as passengers. i remember my astonishment at learning the rates for freight at this period. the "whisper" was loaded and ready for sea, and i was dining with mr. campbell, the agent of the company, when a person asked to see him upon pressing business. the purpose of the visitor was, to ship by the whisper a small lot of medicines. as the vessel was already heavily laden, mr. campbell referred him to me, and i consented to take the box in the cabin. the freight upon it was £ sterling![ ] six blockade-runners, including the whisper, sailed for wilmington within twenty-four hours of each other. the voyage across was stormy, and the sky so overcast as to compel us to run by dead-reckoning, until we had crossed the gulf stream, early on the third day. we had been steaming against a strong gale the whole time. these cold north-westers brought disaster upon many blockade-runners; for blowing over the tepid water of the gulf stream, clouds of vapor would rise like steam, and be condensed by the cold wind into a fog so dense as to obscure every object. at such times, the skill and perseverance of the navigator would be taxed to the utmost. a glimpse of the sun, moon, or north star, caught through the sextant wet with spray, and brought down to a most uncertain horizon, would furnish the only means of guidance, where an error of a few miles in the calculation would probably prove fatal. upon reaching soundings on the western edge of the "stream," about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, we succeeded in catching a glimpse of the sun, and thus ascertaining our position. the sea was still running very high, but the weather had moderated considerably, and we found ourselves not more than forty miles south-east of the western bar. the whisper had fared badly, while running in the teeth of the gale; all of our boats, except one, had been swept from the davits, and the wheel houses had been stove in. as there was no further necessity to strain the hull and engines, the little craft was brought near the wind under low steam, and close-reefed mainsail; riding the long rolling seas like a sea-gull. to windward the sky-soon became clear, but we took care not to get far away from the dense fog to leeward of us. we did not see a cruiser, while we lay for many hours anxiously waiting for night. as the sun set, the order was given to go at full speed, and before midnight we had passed safely through the blockading fleet, and had come to anchor off smithville. out of the six steamers which sailed from st. george's, the whisper alone succeeded in getting in. most of them were run ashore, and their cargoes partially saved; but some fell, intact, into the hands of the vigilant cruisers. after a few weeks' service on board the ill-fated ironclad, built in wilmington, i was summoned by telegram to richmond. the confederate authorities were then projecting an attempt to release the point lookout prisoners. there appeared to be no insuperable obstacle in the way; and it was believed that the prisoners, if released, and furnished with arms, would be able to join the forces under the command of general early, then in the vicinity. two steamers of light draft were to be loaded with arms, etc., and were to carry, in addition to their crews, an infantry force under the command of general custis lee. in the event of success, the steamers were to be burned. on my way to richmond, my life was saved by the presence of mind of my faithful servant (essex,) who accompanied me on a visit to his home in virginia. general wilson had just made a very destructive raid along the line of the richmond and danville railroad, striking the road at burkeville, and effectually damaging it as far as meherrin bridge, a distance of thirty miles or more, where his progress was stopped. he did not return within general grant's lines without heavy loss; and when i arrived at ream's station, on the petersburg and weldon road, i found there a strong force of confederate cavalry, under general chambliss, waiting to intercept the retreat. as i was bearer of dispatches from general whiting to general lee, a hand car, with two men to work it, was detailed for me, and with my servant on board we started to run the gauntlet between the lines. the distance to be accomplished was about seven miles, and we had passed over more than half of it, when one of our "videttes" suddenly made his appearance, and we halted to inquire about the state of affairs ahead. his report was satisfactory, and we started again, but had only gone a short distance when we saw a squad of cavalry, which we supposed to be part of general wilson's force, charging rapidly after us. the highway lay close alongside the railroad, and our pursuers were enveloped in a cloud of dust. the car was stopped, or rather the men who were working the crank incontinently took to their heels, and we followed their example. there was a fence a few rods from the road, which i succeeded in reaching, and over which i jumped, just before our pursuers overtook us. as they forced their horses over it, i discovered my friend, the "vidette" among them, who cried out as he saw me "_that_ is general wilson, kill him?" and i have not the least doubt his advice would have been followed, but for essex, who cried out from a snug corner, where he was ensconced, "for god's sake, don't shoot! he is one of your best friends!" they lowered their pistols, and i had an opportunity to explain matters. my gold watch and chain had probably excited the cupidity of my friend above mentioned. i admit that i felt uncharitable towards him, and when i hinted my suspicions of his motives to the officer in command of the squad, he did not deny the probability of a cause for them, but seemed to consider me unreasonable in expecting to find _all_ the virtues in a "high private," who was receiving scanty fare, and $ a month in confederate money! the party escorted us within the lines. after all the details of the expedition had been arranged in richmond, the naval portion of it was ordered to wilmington under my command. on our journey, we followed the route previously pursued by the raiders from burkeville to meherrin bridge. nearly every foot of the way was marked by evidences of the havoc of war; and the air was tainted with the stench from the dead horses and mules, whose throats had been cut when they could travel no farther. there were sufficient reasons why i took no subsequent part in the expedition, the naval portion of it being placed under the command of captain j. t. wood, of the confederate states navy and also one of the president's aids. it failed, however, owing to the fact that secretly as all the preparations had been made, information of it was speedily conveyed to the authorities at washington, and prompt measures taken to prevent its success. the steamers had dropped down the cape fear river, and were on the very point of putting to sea when countermanding orders were telegraphed from richmond; for the confederate government, through their secret sources of information, had been promptly notified of the fact that the plot had been betrayed to the united states authorities. how the federal government obtained its intelligence will, perhaps, forever remain a mystery to the public; but there was a very general belief in the confederacy, that an individual near the president was a paid traitor to the cause. these futile projects for the release of prisoners, serve to show the desperate straits to which the confederacy was reduced, for want of soldiers. it was deemed expedient, at this period, to reëstablish the light on smith's island, which had been discontinued ever since the commencement of hostilities; and to erect a structure for a light on the mound. at the beginning of the war, nearly all of the lights along the southern coast had been discontinued; the apparatus being removed to places of safety. under special instructions, i was charged with the duties of relighting the approaches to the cape fear river, and of detailing pilots, and signal officers to the blockade-runners. to provide the means of light, every blockade-runner was required to bring in a barrel of sperm oil. in addition to these aids to navigation, the signal stations were extended farther along the coast, and compulsory service was required of the pilots. owing to the constantly increasing vigilance of the blockading fleet, and the accession to the navy of fast cruisers, many prizes had been captured of late. their pilots were, of course, held as prisoners of war; and the demand for those available for service, increasing in proportion to their diminished number, there was much competition between the rival companies, to the great detriment of the public service.[ ] it was considered necessary, therefore, to establish an office of "orders and detail" at wilmington, whence should proceed all orders and assignments in relation to pilots and signal officers. in a short time, the benefit of these arrangements was very perceptible. the blockade-runners were never delayed for want of a pilot, and the casualties were much diminished. the staid old town of wilmington was turned "topsy turvy" during the war. here resorted the speculators from all parts of the south, to attend the weekly auctions of imported cargoes; and the town was infested with rogues and desperadoes, who made a livelihood by robbery and murder. it was unsafe to venture into the suburbs at night, and even in daylight, there were frequent conflicts in the public streets, between the crews of the steamers in port and the soldiers stationed in the town, in which knives and pistols would be freely used; and not unfrequently a dead body would rise to the surface of the water in one of the docks with marks of violence upon it. the civil authorities were powerless to prevent crime. "inter arma silent leges!" the agents and employès of the different blockade-running companies, lived in magnificent style, paying a king's ransom (in confederate money) for their household expenses, and nearly monopolizing the supplies in the country market. towards the end of the war, indeed, fresh provisions were almost beyond the reach of every one. our family servant, newly arrived from the country in virginia, would sometimes return from market with an empty basket, having flatly refused to pay what he called "such nonsense prices" for a bit of fresh beef, or a handful of vegetables. a quarter of lamb, at the time of which i now write, sold for $ , a pound of tea for $ . confederate money which in september, , was nearly equal to specie in value, had declined in september to ; in the same month, in , to , and before september, , to ! many of the permanent residents of the town had gone into the country, letting their houses at enormous prices; those who were compelled to remain kept themselves much secluded; the ladies rarely being seen upon the more public streets. many of the fast young officers belonging to the army would get an occasional leave to come to wilmington; and would live at free quarters on board the blockade-runners, or at one of the numerous bachelor halls ashore. the convalescent soldiers from the virginia hospitals were sent by the route through wilmington to their homes in the south. the ladies of the town were organized by mrs. de r. into a society for the purpose of ministering to the wants of these poor sufferers; the trains which carried them stopping an hour or two at the depot, that their wounds might be dressed, and food and medicine supplied to them. these self-sacrificing, heroic women patiently and faithfully performed the offices of hospital nurses. "o! there are angels in this world unheeded, who, when their earthly labor is laid down, will soar aloft, with pinions unimpeded, and wear their starry glory like a crown!" liberal contributions were made by companies and individuals to this society, and the long tables at the depot were spread with delicacies for the sick, to be found nowhere else in the confederacy. the remains of the meals were carried by the ladies to a camp of mere boys--homeguards outside of the town. some of these children were scarcely able to carry a musket, and were altogether unable to endure the exposure and fatigues of field service; and they suffered fearfully from measles, and typhoid fever. general grant used a strong figure of speech, when he asserted, that "the cradle and the grave were robbed, to recruit the confederate armies." the fact of a fearful drain upon the population was scarcely exaggerated, but with this difference in the metaphor, that those who were verging upon both the cradle and the grave, shared the hardships and dangers of war, with equal self-devotion to the cause. it is true that a class of heartless speculators infested the country, who profited by the scarcity of all sorts of supplies, but it makes the self-sacrifice of the mass of the southern people more conspicuous, and no state made more liberal voluntary contributions to the armies, or furnished better soldiers, than north carolina. when general a. p. hill asked for the promotion of some of his officers in june, , the president laid down the rule of selection for the guidance of the secretary of war, viz: "the state which had the greatest number of regiments should be entitled to the choice of positions; to be taken from the candidates of its citizens, according to qualifications," etc. it appeared that north carolina stood first on the list, virginia second, georgia third, etc. on the opposite side of the river from wilmington, on a low marshy flat, were erected the steam cotton presses, and there the blockade-runners took in their cargoes. sentries were posted on the wharves, day and night, to prevent deserters from getting on board, and stowing themselves away; and the additional precaution of fumigating the outward bound steamers at smithville, was adopted; but in spite of this vigilance, many persons succeeded in getting a free passage abroad. these deserters, or "stowaways," were in most instances sheltered by one or more of the crew; in which event they kept their places of concealment until the steamer had arrived at her port of destination, when they would profit by the first opportunity to leave the vessel undiscovered. a small bribe would tempt the average blockade-running sailor to connive at this means of escape. the "impecunious" deserter fared more hardly; and would, usually, be forced by hunger and thirst to emerge from his hiding place, while the steamer was on the outward voyage. a cruel device, employed by one of the captains, effectually put a stop, i believe, certainly a check to the escape of this class of "stowaways." he turned three or four of them adrift in the gulf stream, in an open boat, with a pair of oars, and a few days' allowance of bread and water. the ironclad, to which i had been attached for a short time, made her first and last essay while i was on special duty at wilmington. having crossed new inlet bar early one morning, she steamed at her best speed towards the blockading-fleet, which kept beyond the range of her guns with much ease. after "raising the blockade" for an hour or two, she steamed back across the bar, grounded upon the "rip," broke her back, and doubtless remains there to this day, buried fathoms deep in the quicksands. the prospects of the south were growing more and more gloomy with each succeeding day; and the last hopes of the country now rested upon that gallant army of northern virginia, which, under its great captain, still confronted general grant's forces around petersburg. it is easy now by the light of subsequent events to censure mr. davis for the removal of general johnston from the command of the army in georgia; but who does not remember how, previous to that unfortunate measure, the whole southern press, almost without an exception, were urging it? it may be that the president was not indisposed to gratify his inclination, and at the same time appease the public. i do not presume to express an opinion on this point; being no partisan of either, but a sincere admirer of both these distinguished individuals, and crediting both with strict veracity and unselfish honesty of purpose. but the fact remains that the press teemed with articles denouncing general johnston's retrograde movements. a spurious telegram, concocted by some facetious editor, to the effect that general johnston had ordered means of transportation for his army to nassau, was circulated through all the newspapers for the public amusement. but the old army officers were shocked at the intelligence of his removal from command. when the fact was officially announced, all of them, whom i had an opportunity of hearing speak upon the subject, expressed the gravest fears of the consequences; general whiting, especially, declaring his conviction that it was a fatal measure; and it is certain that general johnston's army was enthusiastically devoted to him; officers and men, with few exceptions, reposing unbounded confidence in him. concurrent testimony has since conclusively proven how grave a mistake was committed. general hooker, who served in that campaign under general sherman, writes "this retreat was so masterly, that i regard it as a useful lesson for study for all persons who may hereafter elect for their calling the profession of arms." "the news that general johnston had been removed from the command of the army opposed to us, was received by our officers with universal rejoicing." "one of the prominent historians of the confederacy ascribes the misfortunes of the 'lost cause' to the relief of general johnston. i do not think this, but it certainly contributed materially to hasten its collapse." indeed the confederate government seems subsequently to have admitted its mistake, and the injustice inflicted upon general johnston, by reinstating him in the command of the "army of the south," and with orders "to concentrate all available forces, and drive back sherman." this, however, was not till february, , when the "available forces" amounted to about , men, and general sherman's army of , , had reached the state of north carolina unopposed. when general johnston turned over the command to general hood, the army consisted of , infantry , artillery, and , cavalry, a total of , well equipped troops. "in returning from its disastrous expedition against nashville, the army of tennessee had halted in north-eastern mississippi. a large proportion of these troops were then furloughed by general hood, and went to their homes. when general sherman's army invaded south carolina, general beauregard ordered those remaining on duty to repair to that state * * * the remaining troops of that army were coming through georgia in little parties * * * at least two-thirds of the arms of these troops had been lost in tennessee."[ ] in general johnston's narrative, page , he says "the troops themselves, who had been seventy-four days in the immediate presence of the enemy, laboring and fighting daily; enduring trial and encountering dangers with equal cheerfulness; more confident and high-spirited even than when the federal army presented itself before them at dalton; and though i say it, full of devotion to him who had commanded them, and belief of ultimate success in the campaign, were then inferior to none who ever served the confederacy, or fought on the continent," and on page : "i believed then, as firmly as i do now, that the system pursued was the only one at my command, that promised success, and that, if adhered to, would have given us success." many among those most competent to judge entertained the same conviction. his removal from the command was, indeed, a mortal blow to the cause. footnotes: [ ] mr. campbell had given me a bill of exchange for just this amount to take command of the steamer during the inward trip. as the whisper belonged to a private company, i accepted the bonus without scruple. what became of it, and the value of confederate currency at that time may be seen by the following-- "invoice of bales cotton purchased and stored at columbus, georgia, for account of captain john wilkinson. feb. , . by w. w. garrard. bales weighing , lbs. " " , " " , " " , " " , ------ , at - / $ , charges. state tax on investment, $ commission for purchasing. c. s. war tax ------- e. & o. e. $ , signed, power, low & co. wilmington, march , . captain j. wilkinson in acc. with power, low & co. march , . to invoice bales cotton at columbus, georgia, , cr. feb. . by proceeds w. l. campbell's exchange on london £ at , --------- wilmington, balance due us, $ , march , . signed, power, low & co. "the cotton was destroyed at the very close of the war by a party of raiders commanded, i believe, by general wilson. if he were the same individual for whom i was once mistaken (as will be seen in the sequel) he served me two very ill turns." [ ] one or two agents of the blockade-running companies were opposed to any project for increasing the facilities of entrance to or exit from wilmington. the profits were of course proportionate to the risks, and these heartless worshipers of mammon, having secured the services of the best captains and pilots, would have rejoiced to see every blockade-runner, but their own, captured. they protested vehemently, but unavailingly, against interference with their pilots. [ ] general johnston's narrative page . it appears from the same distinguished authority that of all that gallant array not more than , were ever reassembled; and a large portion of these continued without arms to the end of the war. chapter xiii. cruise of the chickamauga.--mr. mallory's inefficiency.--troubles in bermuda.--the three weeks.--end of the cruise. in the latter part of september, , i was ordered to the command of the "chickamauga," a double screw steamer converted into a so-called man of war. she was one of those vessels before alluded to in this narrative, as partly owned by the confederate government, and was taken possession of by the government authorities with scant regard for the rights of the other owners, who had no alternative but to accept inadequate compensation for their share of the vessel. her battery consisted of a twelve-pounder rifled gun forward, a sixty-four pounder amidships, and a thirty-two pounder rifle aft, all on pivots. she was more substantially built than most of the blockade-runners, and was very swift, but altogether unfit for a cruiser, as she could only keep the sea while her supply of coal lasted. she was schooner rigged, with very short masts, and her sails were chiefly serviceable to steady her in a sea-way. under all sail and _off_ the wind, without steam, she could not make more than three knots with a stiff breeze; _by_ the wind under the same circumstances, she had not even steerage way. captain j. t. wood, of the confederate navy, had just returned from a "raid" along the northern coast, and the incompetent secretary of the navy conceived, no doubt, that he had hit upon a happy idea when it occurred to his muddled brain, to send these vessels out to harass the coasting trade and fisheries of the north.[ ] as a mere question of policy, it would have been far better to have kept them employed carrying out cotton and bringing in the supplies of which the army was so sorely in need. the attack upon fort fisher was probably precipitated by these expeditions, which could in no wise affect the real issues of the war. but mr. mallory was from first to last an incubus upon the country. i do not impugn his patriotism, nor his private character, but his official imbecility, which wrought much damage to the cause, is a legitimate object for censure. at this period atlanta had been captured, and a large portion of georgia was practically severed from the confederacy. it was becoming more and more difficult to provision the troops. the subsistence department of the confederate government has been often censured for its alleged mismanagement. i have personal knowledge of an instance where it resented the interference of a subordinate. major magruder, general whiting's chief commissary, had effected what he believed to be a mutually beneficial arrangement with the farmers of western north carolina. he was to furnish salt and transportation, (the former a very rare and costly commodity at that time, and the latter difficult to be obtained); and in return, they were to supply his department with the cured bacon. the arrangement, when reported to the department at richmond, was cancelled, and the major, a very zealous and competent officer, was ordered elsewhere. surely there must have been grave mismanagement somewhere; for, several months after the period of which i now write, and when the army of northern virginia was almost reduced to starvation in february, , there were stored "in the principal railroad depots between charlotte, danville and weldon inclusive, rations for , men for more than four months," and these provisions were for the exclusive use of the army in virginia. the fact was ascertained by taking account of those stores, which was done by order of general johnston, "and the very zealous and efficient officer, major charles carrington, who was at the head of the service of collecting provisions in north carolina for the army, was increasing the quantity rapidly." "the officers of the commissariat in north carolina, upon whom the army in virginia depended for subsistence, were instructed by the commissary general just then, to permit none of the provisions they collected to be used by the troops serving in it."[ ] we sailed in the chickamauga on the night of october th, with a motley crew, and passed through the blockading fleet without receiving any damage from numerous shots. we had a fine view of several of our pursuers for a few moments, as they burned their signal blue light; and had not crossed the bar two hours before the commanding officer of the fleet received information of the fact. our rockets had diverted the pursuit to the misfortune of the blockade-runner "lady stirling," which was captured; and from some of her crew, as we subsequently learned, the fact of our departure was ascertained. if we could have foreseen such an event, we might have tried the range of our after pivot gun with very good effect upon the blockader following in our wake; but although our crew was at quarters, and we were prepared to fight our way to sea, we wished to avoid an encounter by which nothing was to be gained; our chief object being to injure the enemy's commerce. nearly all of the officers of the chickamauga had resigned from the united states navy, and i have no doubt they contrasted (as i could not help doing) next morning, our spar deck encumbered with coal bags, and begrimed with dirt, and the ragged tatterdemalions leaning over the bulwarks, or stretched along the decks in the agonies of sea-sickness, with the cleanliness, order and discipline, to which we had been accustomed under the "stars and stripes." the condition below decks was even worse; the crew sleeping upon the coal which was stowed in the hold; and the officers upon the softest plank they could find in the contracted cabin. in addition to a complement of officers for a frigate, the secretary of the navy had ordered _six_ pilots to the vessel. as three of them held their "branches" for the approaches to norfolk, mr. mallory must have expected to hear that we had passed under the guns of fortress monroe, laid norfolk under contribution, and captured the gosport navy-yard. the scene upon our decks, when the sun rose the morning after our passage through the fleet, was demoralizing; and i am sure some of us felt as if we were indeed "pirates," although we were bound to deny the "soft impeachment," when brought against us by the northern press. the exertions of the executive officer, dozier, seconded by his zealous subordinates, brought some degree of order out of this "chaotic" mass after a while. our first prize was the "mark l. potter," from bangor for key west, with a cargo of lumber. as there was no alternative but to destroy her, the officers and crew were transferred to the chickamauga, and she was set on fire. this capture was made on sunday the th. the next morning at . a. m., when about one hundred and fifty miles off the capes of delaware, we sighted a square-rigged vessel, which changed her course in the effort to escape, as soon as she discovered that we were steering for her. at . we overhauled her and brought her to. it proved to be the barque "emma l. hall," loaded with a cargo of sugar and molasses. she was set on fire at . a. m. hasty work was made of this prize, as a full rigged ship hove in sight while we were transferring the crew, and such stores as we needed, from the emma l. hall. the stranger bore north by west when discovered, and was standing almost directly toward us, with studding-sails and royals set to the favorable breeze, a cloud of snowy canvas from her graceful hull to the trucks of her tapering royalmasts. she approached within five or six miles, when her studding-sails were suddenly hauled down, and she was brought close to the wind in an effort to escape from us. we soon overhauled her, and at . were near enough to throw a shot across her bow, and to show the confederate flag at our peak. the summons was replied to by their hoisting the stars and stripes, and heaving to. our prize was the clipper ship "shooting star," bound from new york to panama, with a cargo of coal for the u. s. pacific squadron. while we were making preparations for burning her, another square rigged vessel hove in sight, steering toward us. it proved to be the barque "albion lincoln," bound for havana, partly in ballast; and as her cargo consisted only of a small lot of potatoes and onions, i determined to bond her, and to put the prisoners, now numbering sixty (the wife of the captain of the shooting star among them) on board of her. in truth, i was relieved from an awkward dilemma by the opportune capture of the albion lincoln; for there was absolutely no place for a female on board the chickamauga. i do not doubt, however, that the redoubtable mrs. drinkwater would have accommodated herself to the circumstances by turning me out of my own cabin. heavens! what a tongue she wielded! the young officers of the chickamauga relieved each other in boat duty to and fro; and she routed every one of them ignominiously. after the albion lincoln had been bonded for $ , , we were kept very busy for several hours paroling prisoners, etc., and in the meanwhile a gale of wind was brewing, and the sea growing very rough. by six o'clock in the afternoon, the lincoln was under way with the paroled prisoners; her master having been put under oath to shape the vessel's course for fortress monroe; and we applied the torch to the "shooting star." the burning ship was visible for many miles after we left her; and it was a strange, wild spectacle, that flaming beacon in the rough sea. the master of the "albion lincoln" shaped his course straight for new york. i hope his conscience has since reproached him for violating his oath, though given to a "rebel." the gale increased during the night. next day our course was shaped for montauk point; the scene of the previous day's operations having been in about latitude ° and longitude °, or about fifty miles southeast of sandy hook. montauk point was sighted from aloft about mid-day, and the engines were slowed down, so as not to approach too near the land before night. we spoke several vessels during the day, all of them under the british flag. toward night we steamed towards the land, with the expectation of finding smoother water, for the wind continued to blow from the southwest. at . p. m., we overhauled two schooners close in to the shore; one of them was the "good-speed," from boston to philadelphia, in ballast; and the other, the "otter rock," from bangor for washington with a load of potatoes. both were scuttled. our boats did not get alongside the chickamauga again till eight o'clock. the wind had been gradually veering round to the northeast, and the night was growing so dark and stormy, that i was reluctantly compelled to abandon the purpose previously entertained of entering long island sound. the crew of the good-speed profited by the darkness to escape in their boat to the land, a few miles distant. we made an offing of thirty or forty miles during the night, and next morning captured the bark "speedwell," in ballast from boston to philadelphia. the captain's sister and his child were on board his vessel, and represented to be sick. i could not reconcile it to my sense of humanity to subject the weaker sex to the probable dangers and certain hardships of confinement on board the chickamauga. the speedwell was therefore bonded for $ , , and the captain--a very decent fellow by the way--sent on his voyage rejoicing; but the "recording angels" of the northern press never placed this act to my credit. the northeast gale, which had been brewing for some days, commenced in earnest toward the evening. after buffeting against it for two days, the necessity for making a port became apparent, our supply of coal beginning to get low. the course was, therefore, shaped for bermuda, and we anchored off the bar at st. george's on monday morning, november th. the governor of the island gave us a vast deal of trouble and annoyance, from this time until we finally left port. lending apparently a willing ear to the representation of the american consul, he would not permit us to enter the harbor until after a correspondence, in which i stated the fact that our engines needed repairs; but we lay outside twenty-four hours before even this permission was granted. he next forbade me to coal the ship. after a protest from me he relented so far, only, as to authorize a supply of coal, sufficient to carry the chickamauga to the nearest confederate port, although he had been officially informed that the vessel was regularly commissioned, and was then on a cruise. although i was never favored with a sight of the correspondence, which must have been carried on between the american consul and his excellency on the subject, i am satisfied that the former presented a favorable case; but the governor had no right to inquire into the antecedents of the chickamauga, or to question the title by which she was held by the confederate government. she was, to all intents and purposes, as "bona fide" a man-of-war as the florida, which had entered that same port, and been supplied with coal, and other necessaries, without question or molestation. but the fortunes of the confederacy were now waning; and his excellency wished perhaps--and may have received instructions--to keep on good terms with the winning side, and in disregard of the obligations of justice to the weaker party.[ ] the result of his partial, and unfriendly course, was to bring the cruise of the chickamauga to a speedy end; for it was impossible for her to keep the sea without a supply of fuel--steam, which is merely an auxiliary in a properly constituted man of war, being the chickamauga's sole motive power. many of our crew, too, were enticed to desert; but the efficiency of the vessel was rather increased than diminished by our getting rid of the vagabonds. they were for the most part "waifs and strays," of wilmington, and "skulkers" from the army, who had been drafted from the receiving ship. they profited by liberty on shore to secrete themselves, and many of them perished with the yellow fever, then prevailing in bermuda. we sailed from st. george's for wilmington november th, showing our colors to several vessels on the way, all of which carried a foreign flag. american colors had for a long time become a rare sight upon the ocean, except when flying from the peak of a man-of-war. all of the vessels captured by the chickamauga were either coasters, or traders to west india ports, and were scarcely off soundings on the american coast.[ ] the alabama and florida had demonstrated what a vast amount of injury might be inflicted upon an enemy's commerce by a few swift cruisers; and there is no doubt that this number might have been increased to any reasonable extent, by proper management. no sensible individual, i presume, really attaches any importance to the ravings of a portion of the northern press, during the war, against the "rebel pirates," and their depredations upon commerce. to destroy merchant vessels was not a pleasure, but it was a duty, and a matter of necessity, seeing that the confederate ports were so closely blockaded as to render it absolutely impossible to send the prizes in for adjudication, and that all of the foreign powers prohibited the sending of captured vessels into their ports. the officers and crews attached to these "piratical vessels" would very gladly have carried or sent their prizes into a confederate port; for in that case they would have been equally fortunate with their confreres of the united states navy, whose pockets were filled to repletion with the proceeds of captured property belonging to confederates, on land and sea. we approached the coast in very thick weather on the night of the th. we could dimly discern the breakers ahead, and close aboard; but it was impossible to distinguish any landmark in so dense a fog. a boat was lowered therefore, and one of the bar pilots sent to examine nearer, but he returned on board in the course of an hour, with the report that he had pulled close in to the surf, but could recognize no object on the shore, although he had rowed some distance parallel to it, and as closely as he could venture. "did you see no wrecks on the beach?" i inquired. "yes, sir," he replied, "i saw three." "and how were they lying?" i asked. he stated that two of them were "broadside on" to the beach, and close together; and the third "bows on" to the beach, about a cable's length to the north of them. i was satisfied about our exact position at once, for while i was on the special service before alluded to, i had made a visit to masonborough inlet, on duty connected with the signal stations, and had noticed three wrecks in the positions described. the chickamauga was put under low steam, with one watch at quarters, and we waited for daylight to cross the bar. as the fog lifted, shortly after sunrise, two of the blockading fleet were discovered on our port quarter, steaming towards us, as we were running down the coast towards fort fisher. when within long range they opened fire, which was returned by us. they were soon joined by a third blockader, and as we drew nearer to the bar, fort fisher took part in the engagement, and the blockaders hauled off. shortly afterwards we crossed the bar, and anchored inside of the "rip." footnotes: [ ] it is very far from my intention, by these remarks, to condemn the depredations of the confederate cruisers upon the federal commerce, or the policy which dictated the fitting of them out. but there appears to me to be a wide difference between the destruction of ships and cargoes belonging to capitalists, who contributed by their means and influence to the support of the federal government, and the burning of fishing craft manned by poor men, who relied upon the "catch" of the trip for the means of feeding and clothing their families. but i will not expatiate upon the "sentiment" involved in the subject, for fear of incurring the reproach cast by sir peter teazle upon that very humane and sentimental character, joseph surface, whose actions differed so widely from his words. [ ] from general johnston's narrative, pages , . [ ] but there was a striking contrast during the war, between the conduct of the british officials, acting in their official capacity, towards the confederate officers, and that of individuals belonging to both branches of her majesty's service; the latter, almost without an exception, expressed their cordial sympathy with the south, and extended many acts of courtesy and good feeling towards us, but the former scrupulously abstained from every semblance of recognition or of sympathy. [ ] the shooting star was an exception, she being chartered by the government. chapter xiv last summons to richmond.--demoralization.--the "chameleon."--more trouble in bermuda.--another narrow escape.--fall of fort fisher.--maffitt's escape, and capt. s.'s capture.--another hard chase.--failure to enter charleston.--return to nassau. another, and a longer cruise, was then contemplated, and there was some prospect of prevailing with the secretary of the navy to fit out the ship for a cruiser, by giving her proper spars, providing the means of disconnecting the screws, and furnishing quarters for officers and men. but disasters to our arms were then following fast upon each other. general sherman, after marching unopposed from atlanta to the sea, and capturing savannah, was preparing to continue his progress. wilmington was threatened by a powerful sea and land force. the half starved and ill clad army of northern virginia was in the trenches around petersburg, and the now contracting area of country available for supplies, had been so thoroughly drained, that it became a vital question how to provision the troops. i was summoned again, and for the last time during the war, to richmond. it was in the early part of december. there now remained to the confederacy only the single line of rail communication from wilmington, via greensborough, and danville, to richmond. the progress of demoralization was too evident at every step of my journey, and nowhere were the poverty, and the straits to which the country was reduced, more palpably visible, than in the rickety, windowless, filthy cars, traveling six or eight miles an hour, over the worn out rails and decaying road-bed. we were eighteen hours in making the distance (about one hundred and twenty miles) from danville to richmond. as we passed in the rear of general lee's lines, and i saw the scare-crow cattle there being slaughtered for the troops, the game seemed to be at last growing desperate. we were detained for perhaps an hour at the station where the cattle were being slaughtered. several soldiers who were on the train, left us there; and as soon as they alighted from the cars, they seized portions of the offal, kindled a fire, charred the scraps upon the points of their ramrods, and devoured the unclean food with the avidity of famished tigers. it was arranged in richmond, that i should take command of the "tallahassee," and proceed with all dispatch to bermuda for a cargo of provisions; my late experience with the governor of the island rendering it quite probable that he would prevent the chickamauga from even discharging her cargo as a merchant vessel. that steamer (the tallahassee,) of so many aliases, had just returned from a short cruise under captain ward of the confederate states navy. she was now christened again, and bore, thenceforward, the appropriate name of the "chameleon." her battery was dismounted, the officers and crew detached, and she was ostensibly sold to the navy agent at wilmington. a register, and bill of sale, were prepared in legal form, the crew shipped according to the laws relating to the merchant service, and regular invoices and bills of lading made out of her cargo of cotton. the vessel, indeed, was so thoroughly whitewashed, that she subsequently passed a searching examination in bermuda; but my recent experience there had convinced me of the necessity of adopting every precaution, and i was left to my own discretion with regard to all the details; the instructions under which i was acting requiring me only to bring in a cargo of provisions with all dispatch. the "chameleon" was in nearly all respects like the chickamauga, only a few feet longer, and drawing a few inches more water. on the afternoon of december th, the united states fleet opened fire upon fort fisher, the heavy cannonading continuing during the two following days. the booming of the heavy guns could be distinctly heard in wilmington. there was a complete panic there; the non-combatants moving away, and fright and confusion prevailing everywhere. the co-operating land forces, under general butler, had almost completely invested the fort, and the communication between it and wilmington was at one time interrupted, so that it was impossible to ascertain the condition of affairs below. in the midst of the turmoil, we cast off from the wharf, about two o'clock in the afternoon of december th, and anchored off smithville after dark, the tide not serving for crossing the bar that night. next morning the "agnes fry," an inward bound blockade-runner, was discovered aground on the western bar. towards evening two or three of the blockading fleet stationed off that bar steamed in, and opened fire upon her. the bombardment of the fort was still in progress. a little after dark, just as we were weighing our anchor, general whiting, who was then in fort fisher, telegraphed to us that the united states land forces were embarking, the attack upon the fort having been abandoned. we were under way in a few moments, closely followed by the hansa, captain murray, and parting from her just as we crossed the bar. i had known the captain for many months, under his assumed name, and it was quite generally known that he held a commission in the british navy. while i was living in nova scotia, some years afterwards, the card of captain a. commanding h. b. m. ship j----n was brought to me, and i was surprised to find in the owner of it, my old friend murray. several british naval officers of rank and high character, were engaged in the same exciting and lucrative occupation of blockade-running; among them the gallant captain burgoyne, who commanded afterwards the unfortunate ship "captain" of h. b. m.'s navy, and who perished together with nearly the whole crew when she foundered at sea. we crossed the bar under such favorable circumstances, that we were not discovered; nor did we see any of the fleet until we had cleared the frying pan shoals, when we easily avoided several vessels which had participated, no doubt, in the attack upon fort fisher, and were now about to take their stations off the western bar. we made a rapid, though a very rough voyage to bermuda, a stormy northwest gale following us nearly the whole distance. the prussian major von borcke, who had served on general jeb stewart's staff, and who afterwards published (in blackwood's) his experience of the war, was a passenger. the major was no sailor, and his sufferings from sea sickness were much aggravated by a gunshot wound in his throat. as the engines of the "chameleon" would "race" in the heavy sea following us, and her whole frame would vibrate, he declared in military phraseology ("our army swore terribly in flanders!") that he would rather encounter the dangers of a "stricken field" than voluntarily endure an hour of such torture. we arrived at st. george's on the th of december; and our troubles immediately commenced. it was the th of january before permission was received to land our cargo of cotton; his excellency, the governor having called upon the law officers of the crown for aid in the dire dilemma. when the vessel's papers were at last pronounced correct, we discharged our cargo, and then arose the perplexing question of loading. i haven't the least doubt that the american consul was sadly bothering his excellency all this time; but permission was finally granted to us to take in provisions but no munitions of war. as we did not want "hardware," as munitions of war were then invoiced, we proceeded to load. but a great deal of time had been lost, and we did not take our departure for wilmington till january the th; having on board as passengers general preston and staff, returning from europe. our voyage across was very rough, and the night of our approach to new inlet bar was dark and rainy. between one and two o'clock in the morning, as we were feeling our way with the lead, a light was discovered nearly ahead and a short distance from us. as we drew closer in and "sheered" the chameleon, so as to bring the light abeam, i directed our signal officer to make the regular signal. no reply was made to it, although many lights now began to appear looming up through the drizzling rain. these were undoubtedly camp fires of the united states troops outside of fort fisher; but it never occurred to me as possible, that a second attack could have been made, and successfully in the brief period of time which had elapsed since our departure from wilmington. believing that i had made some error in my day's observations, the chameleon was put to sea again, as the most prudent course in the emergency. the night was too far spent to allow of any delay. orders were therefore given to go at full speed, and by daylight we had made an offing of forty or fifty miles from the coast. clear and pleasant weather enabled me to establish our position accurately--it was my invariable custom, at sea, during the war, to take my own observations--and early in the night we made the mound light ahead, for which i had shaped our course. the range lights were showing, and we crossed the bar without interference, but without a suspicion of anything wrong, as it would occasionally happen, under particularly favorable circumstances, that we would cross the bar without even seeing a blockader. we were under the guns of fort fisher in fact, and close to the fleet of united states vessels, which had crossed the bar after the fall of the fort, when i directed my signal officer to communicate with the shore station. his signal was promptly answered, but turning to me, he said, "no confederate signal officer there, sir; he cannot reply to me." the order to wear round was instantly obeyed; not a moment too soon, for the bow of the chameleon was scarcely pointed for the bar before two of the light cruisers were plainly visible in pursuit, steaming with all speed to intercept us. nothing saved us from capture but the twin screws, which enabled our steamer to turn as upon a pivot in the narrow channel between the bar and the "rip." we reached the bar before our pursuers, and were soon lost to their sight in the darkness outside. our supply of coal being limited, the course was shaped for nassau as the nearer port, where we arrived without accident. a day or two after our arrival the news came of the fall of fort fisher. several narrow escapes, besides our own, were made. maffitt, in command of the "owl" crossed the western bar a night or two after the fall of fort fisher, and while our troops were evacuating fort caswell and other military stations along the river. crossing the bar, and suspecting no danger, he continued on his way up to smithville, where he anchored. he was boarded a few moments afterwards by a boat from our military post there. the officer in command of the boat informed him of the capture of fort fisher, and that our troops were then evacuating fort caswell; adding that several vessels of the federal fleet had crossed the new inlet bar, and were at anchor in the river almost within hail of him. maffitt was about to give the order to slip the chain, "not standing upon the order of his going," when his pilot begged for permission to go ashore, if only for ten minutes. he represented the situation of his wife, whom he had left ill and without means of support, in such moving terms, that maffitt granted permission, upon condition that he would return speedily. the pilot was faithful to his promise, returning in fifteen or twenty minutes. during his absence, steam was raised, and the chain unshackled. as the pilot's foot touched the deck of the "owl" again, the boat was hooked on and run up to the davits, the chain slipped, and the "owl" on her way to sea again. another blockade-runner is said to have been not so fortunate. she had run the gauntlet safely, and come to anchor off smithville. the tarpaulins had been removed from the hatches, the lamps lighted, and a cold supper spread upon the table, at which the passengers were seated, two or three officers of the british army among them. a toast to the captain had been proposed, and they had just tossed off a bumper in champagne to his health and continued successes, and he was about to reply to the compliment, when the officer of the deck reported that a boat was coming alongside. the captain received the officer at the gangway. the mail bag, according to the usual routine, was given to the latter for transportation to the shore; and the customary inquiries made after the name of the vessel, cargo, number of passengers, etc. the astounded captain was then informed that his vessel was a prize to the united states ship--then at anchor near him! charleston was now the only harbor on the atlantic coast at all accessible, and that must evidently soon fall; but a cargo might be landed there before that inevitable catastrophe, and fully appreciating the exigency, i determined to make the effort. even after the occupation of wilmington by the united states troops, there would remain an interior line of communication between charleston and virginia. the facts of history prove that the importance of carrying in a cargo of provisions was not exaggerated, for the army of northern virginia was shortly afterwards literally starving; and during their retreat from the position around petersburg the country adjacent to their line of march was swarming with soldiers who had left the ranks in search of food. but it was the part of prudence to ascertain, positively, before sailing, that charleston was still in our possession. this intelligence was brought by the "chicora" which arrived at nassau on the th of january; and on february st, the "owl," "carolina," "dream," "chicora" and "chameleon" sailed within a few hours of each other for charleston. the condition of affairs throughout the confederacy was far more desperate than we, who were abroad, had any idea of. despondency and demoralization had advanced with gigantic strides within the past two or three eventful months. admiral semmes, in his "memoirs of service afloat, etc," gives the following account of an interview with general lee: "as soon as i could command a leisure moment, i paid general lee a visit at his head-quarters near petersburg, and spent a night with him. i had served with him in the mexican war. we discussed together the critical state of the country and of his army--we were now near the end of january, , and i thought the grand old chieftain and christian gentleman seemed to foreshadow in his conversation, more by manner than by words, the approaching downfall of the cause for which we were both struggling. i had come to him, i told him, to speak of what i had seen of the people, and of the army, in my transit across the country, and to say to him that unless prompt measures could be devised to put an end to the desertions that were going on among our troops, our cause must inevitably be lost. he did not seem to be at all surprised at the revelations i made. he knew all about the condition of the country, civil and military, but seemed to feel himself powerless to prevent the downward tendency of things, and he was right. it was no longer in the power of any one man to save the country. the body politic was already dead. the people themselves had given up the contest, and this being the case, no army could do more than retard the catastrophe for a few months. besides, his army itself was melting away. that very night, as i learned at the breakfast table, one hundred and sixty men deserted in a body. it was useless to attempt to shoot deserters when demoralization had gone to this extent." a few weeks subsequent to the date referred to in the above extract, general johnston was ordered to "drive back sherman." he states in his "narrative" in reference to accepting the command: "this was done with a full consciousness on my part, however, that we could have no other object in continuing the war than to obtain fair terms of peace; for the southern cause must have appeared hopeless then to all intelligent and dispassionate southern men." we passed abaco light soon after dark, and shaped our course direct for charleston. at early dawn the next morning, while i was lying awake in my room on the bridge, i heard the officer of the deck give the quick sharp order to the helmsman "hard a-port!" the steering wheel in all of the blockade-runners was upon the bridge and immediately forward of the captain's state-room, and the officer of the deck kept his watch upon the bridge. as i never undressed at night, while at sea in command during the war, i was out upon the deck in a moment; and then i saw distant two or three miles and directly in our former course, a large side-wheel steamer. from her size and rig, i guessed her to be the "vanderbilt;" and i was afraid that the chameleon had at last found more than her match, for the vanderbilt enjoyed the reputation of great speed. we wore round before we were discovered, but as the strange steamer's bow was pointed in our direction a few moments afterwards, it was plain that we would have to make good use of our heels, and that the race would be a trying one. the chameleon was in fine condition for the ordeal, and the usual precaution of cleaning fires, and raising the steam had been taken before daylight. my staunch old quartermaster, mclean, who had been with me in nearly all the chances and changes of blockade-running, always took his place at the wheel on trying occasions. he had nerves of steel, and would have steered the vessel without flinching against a line of battle ship, if so ordered. upon one occasion, after we had crossed the western bar, and were steaming at full speed along the coast, we suddenly discovered a long low blockader on our starboard bow, and at the same instant, distinctly heard the order from the stranger's deck, to "pass along the shell!" i called out to my old helmsman, "port and run her down!" and if the strange vessel had not moved out of our way with alacrity, she would have been assuredly cut in two. we grazed her stern by a hair's breadth as we shot by her at the rate of thirteen knots. before they had recovered from the confusion on board of her, we had passed into the darkness beyond, and the shell which they sent after us flew wide of its mark. mclean was now placed at the wheel. it was a close race for hours, neither apparently gaining or losing a foot; but providence again befriended us. as the day advanced, the breeze, which was very light from the northward at daylight, continued to freshen from that quarter. we soon set all of our canvas, and so did the chaser, but as the latter was square rigged, and we carried fore and aft sails, our sheets were hauled flat aft, and the chameleon kept close to the wind by the steady old helmsman. i do not doubt that we would have been overhauled but for this favorable contingency. head to wind our pursuer would certainly have overtaken us, and off the wind her chances would have been almost equally good. but she began to drop gradually to leeward as the wind continued steady, and by two o'clock in the afternoon, she was five or six miles distant on our lee quarter. although we had not increased the distance between us much, if any, since the commencement of the chase, we had weathered upon the chaser until her sails had become useless about twelve o'clock when she furled them. as the snowy cloud of canvas was rolled up like magic, and the tall tapering spars were seen in its place, i supposed the cruiser was about to retire from the contest; but she still followed with the tenacity of a bloodhound. but apparently to no purpose till about two o'clock, when the chief engineer, mr. schroeder, appeared on the bridge with the report that the journals were heated, and it was absolutely necessary to stop to ease the bearings! this was a predicament, indeed; but when i looked down into the hold, and saw the clouds of vapor rising from the overheated journals, as a stream of water was being pumped upon them, i saw that schroeder was right in the assertion, that unless the bearings were instantly eased, the machinery would give way. i had implicit confidence in schroeder, and it had been justly earned, for he had served long under my command, and had always displayed, under trying circumstances, great coolness, presence of mind, and ability. he made every preparation for the work before him, taking off his own coat, and when everything was in readiness, the order to stop the engines was given. in a few moments, we lay like a log upon the water, and the chaser was rapidly lessening the distance between as, and the suspense became almost intolerable. our fate was hanging by a thread; but in ten minutes the journals had been cooled off, the bearings eased, and the chameleon again sprang ahead with renewed speed. the steamer in chase had approached nearly within cannon shot--probably within long range--but in the course of the next hour, we had gained so rapidly in the race that the pursuit was abandoned as hopeless; and as the stranger wore around, to resume her station under easy steam, we followed in her wake till dark, when we evaded her without difficulty, and continued on our course toward charleston. but another precious day had been lost, and subsequent unfavorable weather still further retarding our progress, we did not reach the coast near charleston bar till the fifth night after our departure from nassau. the blockading fleet had been reinforced by all the light cruisers from the approaches to the cape fear river; and as we drew in to the land, we were so frequently compelled to alter the course of the chameleon, in order to evade the blockaders, that we did not reach the bar till long after midnight, and after the tide had commenced to fall. i was tempted to force the pilot to make the attempt, but finally yielded to his assurances that access was impossible under the circumstances. as this was the last night during that moon, when the bar could be crossed during the dark hours, the course of the chameleon was again, and for the last time, shaped for nassau. as we turned away from the land, our hearts sank within us, while the conviction forced itself upon us, that the cause for which so much blood had been shed, so many miseries bravely endured, and so many sacrifices cheerfully made, was about to perish at last! chapter xv. sad news via new york.--consternation among speculators in nassau.--departure from nassau via bermuda.--arrival at liverpool.--the end. arriving at nassau on the th, we found many blockade-runners in port, waiting for news from charleston; and on the th, the owl returned, after an unsuccessful attempt to enter charleston, during which she received a shot through her bows; and intelligence came also of the capture of the "stag" and "charlotte." on the d, the "chicora," which had succeeded in getting into charleston, arrived with the fatal news of its evacuation, and the progress of general sherman through georgia and south carolina. this sad intelligence put an end to all our hopes, and we were now cut off from all communication with the confederate government authorities. in this dilemma, maffitt and i consulted with mr. heyliger, the confederate agent at nassau; and it was decided that the chameleon should be taken over to england. whatever might be the course of events, our duty appeared to be to turn our vessels over, either to the agent of the navy department in liverpool, or to the firm of messrs. fraser, trenholm & co. there. we learned afterwards, indeed, that captain pembroke jones, of the confederate navy, was at that time on his way to us via galveston or mexico, with orders from the navy department. all of us were directed to take in cargoes of provisions to a specified point on the rappahannock river, under the protection of confederate artillery to be stationed there in readiness. the steamers were to be burned after landing their cargoes, but jones could not reach us in time. the bottom of the chameleon being quite foul, divers were employed to scrub it preparatory to her long sea voyage. these people are wonderfully expert, remaining under the surface nearly two minutes; and the water in the harbor of nassau is so clear that they can be distinctly seen even at the keel of a vessel. our cargo of provisions was landed, and an extra supply of coal taken on board. the vessel being under confederate colors and liable to capture wherever found, except in neutral waters, it behooved us to be prepared at all times to show our heels to a stranger some of our crew who wished their discharge, for the purpose of rejoining their families at the south, were paid off; the rest of them shipped for the voyage to liverpool via bermuda. we still lingered for later intelligence which was brought by the mail steamer corsica from new york. charleston was evacuated on the th of february, and fort anderson, the last of the defences at wilmington, fell on the th. general johnston had assumed command of the broken remnant of the army of the tennessee in north carolina, and subsequently offered some resistance to the hitherto unimpeded march of general sherman; but the latter was now about to effect a junction with general schofield, who commanded a large force which had landed at wilmington. it was too evident that the end was near. the speculators in nassau saw that "the bottom had fallen out," and all of them were in the depths of despair. some of them, it is true, had risen from the desperately hazardous game with large gains, but the majority had staked their all and lost it; and even the fortunate ones had contracted a thirst for rash ventures, which eventually led to the pecuniary and social ruin of some of them. even the negro stevedores and laborers bewailed our misfortunes, for they knew that the glory of nassau had departed forever. my old friend captain dick watkins probably more unselfishly regretted the disasters to our arms than the speculators or even the refugees in nassau, who had succeeded in evading service in the army by skulking abroad. a recruiting officer might have "conscripted" nearly a brigade of the swaggering blusterers. captain dick and i parted with mutual regret; and i sincerely hope, if providence has been pleased to remove the old fellow's helpmeet to a better sphere, that he has found consolation in a virtuous union with one of those "mighty pretty yaller gals" he so much admired; and that napoleon bonaparte may rise to the highest dignities in that particolored community of spongers and "wrackers." we sailed from nassau on the d of march and arrived at st. george's, bermuda on the th. the harbor was deserted, and the town, in its listless inactivity, presented a striking contrast with its late stir and bustle. "'twas greece, but living greece no more." after coaling, we took our departure for liverpool on the th of march, and arrived there on the th of april. it was palm sunday, and the chimes were ringing sweetly from the church bells, as we came to anchor. the contrast between this happy, peaceful, prosperous country and our own desolated, war-distracted land, struck a chill to our saddened hearts. the last act in the bloody drama was about to close on that very day at appomattox court house, and before that sun had set, the confederate government had become a thing of the past. we, who were abroad, were not unprepared for the final catastrophe; for we had learned on our arrival at liverpool of general early's defeat in the valley of the shenandoah, and the accession to general grant's already overwhelmingly large forces of general sheridan's cavalry; and of the junction of general sherman with general schofield. to oppose these mighty armies, there were , half starved, ragged heroes in the trenches around petersburg, and about , under general johnston in north carolina. this may not be a proper place to allude to the fearful penalties inflicted upon a people who fought and suffered for what they deemed a holy cause. but it should be proclaimed, in the interest of truth and justice, that the south since the close of the war, has been preyed upon by unprincipled adventurers and renegades who are determined to rule or ruin. but a brighter day will come. calumny and injustice cannot triumph forever. that distinguished officer colonel c. c. chesney of the british army in a volume of "military biography" lately published by him, in allusion to general lee, writes thus: "but though america has learned to pardon, she has yet to attain the full reconciliation for which the dead hero would have sacrificed a hundred lives. time can only bring this to a land, which in her agony, bled at every pore. time, the healer of all wounds will bring it yet. the day will come, when the evil passions of the great civil strife will sleep in oblivion, and north and south do justice to each other's motives, and forget each other's wrongs. then history will speak with clear voice of the deeds done on either side, and the citizens of the whole union do justice to the memories of the dead." surely all honest men and true patriots will rejoice to see that day. the firm of fraser, trenholm & co. was represented in liverpool by a mr. prioleau who was by no means anxious for the consignment of the chameleon in ballast; with a cargo on board the case would have been different. he evidently considered her a very big and unsalable elephant, and repudiated the part of showman. the vessel was therefore turned over to captain bullock, who acted with his usual tact and discretion in the subsequent transactions connected with her. there was a sharp struggle between rival claimants for the possession of the ship, but the gordian knot was cut by the british government which placed the "broad arrow" upon her. the public funds were also transferred to captain bullock and his receipt taken for them. here i beg leave to affirm that i neither appropriated nor desired to appropriate any of the spoils of the perishing ship of state.[ ] but as memory recalls the many opportunities placed in my way of making a fortune during the war, without detriment to the cause, and consistent with every obligation due to the confederate government, there are times when i cannot decide whether i acted the part of a fool, or that of a patriot. we are told that when lord clive was arraigned before the british parliament for profiting by his high position in india to enrich himself, he exclaimed at the close of his defence against the charge, "by g----d, mr. chairman, at this moment i stand astonished at my own moderation!" his idea of "moderation" was £ , . a "dead broke" confederate would have considered himself fortunate to possess , cents! some of the crew of the chameleon, who had served for years in the confederate navy, brought a claim against me for pay due them while in the public service, and it was with some difficulty that their counsel, a pettifogging lawyer, could be induced to consent to arbitration; but the matter was finally settled through bullock's agency, although it appeared probable at one time that i would be obliged to take a hasty departure from england. the end was close at hand. news of the capture of richmond arrived on the th, and a few days afterwards, intelligence of the surrender of general lee's army. the chameleon was soon afterwards given up to the united states government which claimed the assets, but repudiated the liabilities of the confederate government. her officers and crew were turned adrift with "the wide world before them where to choose." footnote: [ ] the proofs, which i hold in my possession, of this affirmation can have no interest for the general reader. shortly after the close of the war, i learned through a friend in washington that i was charged with appropriating many thousands of dollars belonging to the late confederate government. although i was then living in halifax, nova scotia, and beyond the jurisdiction of the united states government, i forwarded to the hon. secretary of the united states navy, copies of the receipts taken by me from captain bullock, in liverpool, for all confederate property in my possession. i may be permitted indeed, to claim eminent disinterestedness, for i might have accumulated a fortune; and at the end, my faithful and efficient paymaster, e. courtenay jenkins, a gentleman of the purest integrity, made the transfer by my direction; both of us washing our hands of the "filthy lucre," and retaining a clear conscience. the life of admiral viscount exmouth by edward osler, esq. for every virtue, every worth renowned, sincere, plain hearted, hospitable, kind; yet like the mustering thunder when provoked, the dread of tyrants, and the true resource of those who under grim oppression groaned. thomson. a new and revised edition. london: geo. routledge & co., farringdon-street and , beekman-street, new york. london: printed by stewart and murray, old bailey. to the navy, the bulwark of their country, and whose triumphs are the pride of her history, this work is most respectfully inscribed. preface. at the commencement of hostilities, whose extent and duration none can foresee, it is the wisdom of those to whom england will hereafter commit the honour of her flag to study well the example of the great sea-officers whose services illustrate the annals of their country. among these bright examples, none is more worthy of careful study than admiral lord exmouth. entering the service a friendless orphan, the success which he achieved by merit alone is most encouraging to all who must rise by their own deserts. in his perfect seamanship, his mastery of all that relates to his profession, his zeal and energy, his considerate forethought, his care to make his crews thorough seamen, and the example by which he spurred and encouraged them, the secret may be found, not less available to others, of his many brilliant successes, and of the little loss with which he obtained them. his truly parental care for his young officers to train them to their duties and to advance their interests, as conspicuous when commander-in-chief as in his first frigate, is a lesson for all in authority. nor will his personal qualities be less admired: the honourable independence which he maintained as an officer and a peer, and the moral excellence which marked his life, and was finally proved on his death-bed. and here i may relate an anecdote, as the praise it gives is only for the subject of the biography, and for which i am indebted to vice-admiral sir fleetwood pellew. soon after the first appearance of this work, one of the first officers in the french navy, vice-admiral bergeret, whose name appears more than once in the following pages, presented a copy to a young relative he was sending to sea, and bade him to learn from the example it afforded to become all that his friends and his country could desire. lord exmouth's attack on algiers, the most memorable occasion on which men-of-war have attacked fortifications, is peculiarly instructive now. the immediate destruction of the enemy's works opposed to the _queen charlotte_, and the comparative impunity she thus obtained, shows the wisdom of laying the ships as close as possible, where the concentrated fire of her batteries may overwhelm the enemy, and destroy the few guns which alone can be opposed to her; whereas, by anchoring at a distance, the enemy's guns from a great extent of the works may be trained to bear on her, while her own shot strike with uncertain aim and diminished effect. the results of this latter course may be learnt from the fate of the floating batteries at the siege of gibraltar, and from the _impregnable_ at algiers; the ships having anchored at too great a distance, were exposed to a destructive fire, while their own attack was comparatively harmless. this biography of lord exmouth was written at the desire and under the eye of his eldest brother; in youth his second father, and through life his confidential friend. every incident relating to points of service was supplied or corrected by officers personally engaged; and the whole was finally revised by four officers who were the most constantly and intimately acquainted with the admiral--mr. gaze, master of the fleet in the mediterranean and at algiers, and who sailed with him in every ship from to the last day of his command; sir christopher cole and captain crease, his intimate friends; and his only surviving sailor son, captain, now vice-admiral sir fleetwood pellew. contents. chapter i. family history. birth and education--anecdote of early daring--enters the navy--leaves his ship, with one of his companions, at marseilles--joins the _blonde_, captain pownoll--his activity--anecdote of general burgoyne--instance of extraordinary boldness--campaign on the lakes of canada--distinguishes himself in the actions, of october th and th, --complimented by sir c. douglas, lord howe, and earl sandwich--appointed to command the _carleton_--nearly takes general arnold--narrowly escapes being made prisoner--commands a brigade of seamen in burgoyne's campaign--in danger of killing his brother--events of the campaign--constructs a bridge, by which the army crosses to saratoga--his brother killed in action--recaptures a provision vessel from the enemy--admitted to the council of war, and pleads that the sailors may be exempted from the capitulation--sent home with despatches in a transport--defends her against a privateer--promoted to be a lieutenant. page chapter ii. his services from to . influence of the late campaigns on his character--his extraordinary strength and activity--narrow escapes from drowning--appointed to a guard-ship--presses for active employment, and proposes to resign his commission--appointed to the _licorne_--becomes first lieutenant of the _apollo_, captain pownoll--action with the _stanislaus_, french frigate; captain pownoll killed, enemy driven on shore--his letter on the occasion to earl sandwich--promoted to be a commander--anecdote in relation to his promotion--appointed to the _hazard_--appointed to the _pelican_--gallant action--promoted to be a post-captain--appointed to the temporary command of the _artois_--captures an enemy's cruiser--anecdote of captain macbride--marriage--appointed to the _winchelsea_ frigate--conduct in her--appointed to the _salisbury_, vice-admiral milbanke--anecdote of lord thurlow. page chapter iii. the nymphe and cleopatra. becomes a farmer--remarks on naval officers' farming--his ill success--omen of his future fortune--offered a command in the russian navy--remarks on serving foreign states--war of the french revolution--appointed to the _nymphe_ -gun frigate--enters a number of cornish miners for her--cornish miners--equipment and movements of the _nymphe_--captain israel pellew joins her as a volunteer--sails from falmouth--remarkable dream of one of the officers--falls in with the _cleopatra_; her high state of equipment--gallantry of both ships--cap of liberty--action--death of the french captain, mullon; his heroism--captain pellew's letter to his brother. page chapter iv. the western squadrons. presented to the king and knighted--his liberality to the widow of captain mullon--use of carronades--he suggests the employment of independent squadrons in the western part of the channel, to check the enemy's cruising frigates--value of these squadrons--appointed to the _arethusa_, and joins sir j.b. warren's squadron--action of april rd, --engages and captures _la pomone_--action of august rd, a second squadron fitted out, and placed under his orders--_artois_ and _revolutionaire_; chivalrous conduct of sir sidney smith--conveys important intelligence to the admiralty--appointed to the _indefatigable_, --his dispute with the navy board--allowed to fit her according to his own plans--success of them--accuracy of his judgment on a ship's qualities--_indefatigable_ strikes on a rock--sir edward nearly lost in attempting to save two of his people--his success on different occasions in saving lives--wreck of the _dutton_ at plymouth--he boards her, and saves all the people--his report of the service--honours and rewards; created a baronet--captain cole, and _l'unité_ french frigate--sir edward's letters on the occasion to earls chatham and spencer--notice of captain cole--his death, and sir edward's feeling--action of _indefatigable_ and _la virginie_--conduct and gallantry of her captain, bergeret. page chapter v. expedition against ireland. state of parties--enemy's preparations for invasion--reflections on ireland--lord exmouth's opinion on the roman catholic question--sir e. pellew watches brest with his frigates--his perseverance and hardihood--sailing of the expedition--he embarrasses its movements--arrives in england--misfortunes of the british fleet--enemy arrive at bantry bay--prevented from landing, and driven off the coast by gales--reflections on the failure of the expedition--sir edward puts to sea with the _indefatigable_ and _amazon_--meets and engages the _droits de l'homme_, --finds himself on a lee-shore, hauls off, and saves the _indefatigable_ with difficulty--_amazon_ wrecked--admirable conduct of her officers and crew--_droits de l'homme_ wrecked--horrible circumstance of her fate--anecdote of the french commodore--eventual fate of the captain of the _amazon_. page chapter vi. the mutiny. remarks on sir edward's character as a seaman and an officer--his conduct when his ship was on fire--his consideration for his officers and men--the duke of northumberland--mutiny at spithead--preparations for a second invasion of ireland--general daendels--proposed expedition baffled--sir edward off brest--proposes to burn the french fleet--success in capturing the enemy's cruisers--_la vaillante_--royalist priests and madame rovère--his liberality--appointed to _l'impetueux_, --her mutinous state--observations on the mutinies in the navy, from --sir edward's opinions on the subject--his precautions--attempted mutiny in the _indefatigable_--conspiracy in the channel fleet--mutiny on board the _impetueux_--his firmness and promptitude in suppressing it--court-martial--earl st. vincent's opinion of his conduct--his conduct at the execution--his decision on the court-martial on a mutineer--illustrative anecdote--he commands an expedition to quiberon--proposes to attack belleisle--cruises off port louis--mr. coghlan cuts out _la cerbère_--he directs the landing of the army at ferrol. page chapter vii. blockade of ferrol.--parliamentary history. peace--made colonel of marines--his popularity--envy in consequence--anecdote--elected m.p. for barnstaple--state of parties--renewal of hostilities--appointed to the _tonnant_, --pursues a dutch squadron--blockades a french squadron in ferrol--his seamanship and exertions in maintaining the blockade--difficulty of supplying the ships--his recall--earl st. vincent's naval reforms--mr. pitt's opposition--naval inquiry, march , --sir edward's speech--its effect--promoted to be a rear-admiral, and appointed to be commander-in-chief in india. page chapter viii. sir edward's command in india. character required for a commander-in-chief--hostility of the new ministry--sir t. troubridge sent to take the more valuable part of the command--oversight of the admiralty--dispute between the two admirals--sir edward confirmed in his command--melancholy fate of the _blenheim_, sir t. troubridge--sir edward sends captain troubridge in search of his father--actions in the indian seas--_san fiorenzo_ and _psyché_--_piedmontaise_ and _warren hastings_--ferocity of the french first lieutenant, and sir edward's general order in consequence--_san fiorenzo_ and _piedmontaise_--french privateers--murderous contest between the _victor_ and malay pirates--attack on batavia roads, and destruction of the shipping--captain fleetwood pellew at samarang--attack on griessée, and destruction of the line-of battle ships--sir edward's protection of commerce--convoy system--resolutions of the bombay merchants--his care of the fleet--establishes a naval hospital at madras--punishment: sir edward's regulations--encounters a hurricane on his homeward voyage. page chapter ix. north sea and first mediterranean commands. declines an offer to be second in command in the mediterranean--commander-in-chief in the north sea; his activity and energy--receives the mediterranean command--affair off toulon--his expectations of a battle--disposition of his force--system of the fleet--his attention to discipline; to economy--frigate affairs off toulon--care of his officers--nature of the service in the mediterranean--daring of the crews--effect of their successes--diplomatic responsibility--sir edward's anxiety for a battle--anecdote of napoleon--affair of november th, --of february th, --capture of genoa--peace. page chapter x. second mediterranean command. sir edward created baron exmouth--his letter on the occasion--made knight of the bath--renewal of hostilities--resumes the command in the mediterranean--services at naples--services at marseilles--instructed to negotiate with the barbary powers--anecdote of the pope--causes the city and defences of algiers to be surveyed--previous ignorance of the place--general order to the fleet--peace made with algiers--abolition of slavery at tunis and tripoli--second visit to algiers--violent discussions, negotiation broken off, danger of the party, hostile proceedings--negotiation renewed--arrangement--lord exmouth's anxiety at having exceeded his instructions--debate in the house of commons--massacre at bona--determination of the government to enforce the abolition of christian slavery. page chapter xi. the battle of algiers. description of the defences--force demanded by lord exmouth--surprise of the admiralty at the small force he required--lord exmouth's confidence--his entire satisfaction with the arrangements of the admiralty--he refuses to allow his relations to accompany him--his promptitude--sails--preparations for the battle--a dutch squadron joins at gibraltar--preparations made by the algerines--particulars of the battle--fleet hauls off--lord exmouth's conduct after the battle--his very narrow escapes--submission of the enemy--lord exmouth's account of the battle, in a private letter--closing remarks. page chapter xii. lord exmouth's retirement and death. honours paid him--his exertions for his officers--thanks of parliament--activity of his mind--command at plymouth--trial of the queen--his unpopularity, and remarks on it--his independence in politics--catholic question--his religious principles and conduct--peace of his declining years--anxiety for the safety of the country--death of his daughter--death of his grandchild; his reflection on the occasion--made vice-admiral of england--death of sir israel pellew--lord exmouth's attachment to the church, and confidence in god's protection of it--his last illness and death. page the life of admiral viscount exmouth chapter i. family history. the life and services of lord exmouth are of no common interest; not more because he has advanced the reputation of his country, and connected his name with her history, than that he began his career an almost unfriended orphan, and rose to the highest honours of his profession without having been indebted to fortune or to patronage. one of the most interesting spectacles is that of rising merit struggling from its difficulties. the most encouraging, is the honour which rewards its exertions. the young officer, who, like him, has devoted himself to an arduous service, with nothing to rely on but his sword, may derive instruction from his example, and encouragement from his success. edward pellew, viscount exmouth, descended from a family which was settled in the west of cornwall for many centuries, but came originally from normandy, where the name is still met with. after the close of the war he received a letter from a family there, claiming kindred, and offering the name and armorial bearings in proof. the original orthography, "pelleu," was retained until a comparatively recent period. they are said to have landed at pengersick castle, near st. michael's mount, and appear to have remained in that part of the county until the beginning of the th century. they had a family tomb in breage, a parish on the eastern side of the mount's bay, in which they had acquired property, and they still possess a small estate in that neighbourhood. part of this early history, it will be seen, can rest only upon tradition; and indeed, it is of very little importance. the weakness of seeking credit from remote ancestors, for one whose personal honours require no further illustration, may well be exploded. but there is one kind of ancestry where an inquiry will always be interesting--that where the traits which distinguished the founder of a family may be traced in the character of his forefathers. the earliest of the family of whom anything is certainly known lived during the great rebellion at plymouth, where his loyalty made him so obnoxious to the republicans, that the mob on one occasion assaulted him on the hoe, and plundered his house. a small piece of antique plate, still preserved, and bearing the date , was the only article of value saved from them. his son, captain pellew, lord exmouth's great-grandfather, served in the navy during the war of the succession. a very fine portrait of him remains. humphry pellew, the grandfather, was an extensive merchant. he held a large property in shipping, and traded chiefly to america, where he had purchased a valuable tobacco plantation of , acres, in kent island, maryland. of this estate, upon which the town of annapolis royal is partly built, the writings remain, but the property was lost at the revolt of the colonies. no portion of the compensation fund voted by parliament was in this instance ever received; and general washington afterwards declared to a friend of the family, that the fact of three of the brothers having borne arms against the states would prevent the success of any application to the american government. mr. pellew built part of flushing, a large village on the shores of falmouth harbour, including the present manor-house, in which he resided; but this, being leasehold property, has long ago reverted to the lord. in , he married judith sparnon, of sparnon and pengelly, in breage, by whom he had six sons and five daughters. mr. pellew maintained a high character through life, and his memory was long preserved among the older inhabitants of the village. he died in . his son israel married miss trefusis, upon whom the estate of trefusis, which includes flushing, was entailed, in default of more direct heirs from the then possessor; thomas married miss whittaker, who was grand-daughter of viscount fauconberg by a daughter of cromwell; three died unmarried; and the children of the youngest son were at length the only male survivors of the family. samuel, youngest son of humphry pellew, commanded a post-office packet on the dover station, to which he had been appointed through the interest of the spencer family. he was a man of great determination, and became in consequence the subject of a characteristic song, which was long remembered by the watermen and others at calais. the recollections of his family, and documents which have been preserved, show him to have been most exemplary in the duties of private life. in , he married constance langford, daughter of edward langford, esq., a gentleman descended from a considerable family in wiltshire. the co-heiress of edward langford, esq., of trowbridge; married henry hyde, of hinton, father of the great earl of clarendon, and by the marriage of her grand-daughter with james ii. became the ancestor of queen mary and queen anne. thus connected by blood, as well as attached by principle to the exiled family, mr. langford joined the standard of the pretender in , and distinguished himself at the battle of preston. after the rebellion was suppressed, he escaped to the west of cornwall, and settled at penzance. the pretender took an opportunity to acknowledge his services by a present of costly china. his daughter, mrs. pellew, was a woman of extraordinary spirit. mr. pellew's political feelings differed widely from those of his father-in-law. it was his practice to make his children drink the king's health on their knees every sunday. he died in , leaving six children, four of them boys, of whom the eldest was at that time eleven years old, and lord exmouth, the second, only eight. three years after, an imprudent marriage of the widow deprived the children of their remaining parent, and threw them upon the world with scanty resources, and almost without a friend. it has been well observed, that a general condition of distinguished eminence is to be required to force a way to it through difficulties. desertion at an early age indeed subjects the individual to a most severe trial; but where there is strength to bear the discipline, it exalts the principle which it fails to subdue, and adds force to the energies which it cannot tame. the pellews were probably indebted for much of their success, as well as for the fearless independence which distinguished them, to the circumstances which thus compelled them from childhood to rely only upon themselves. samuel humphry, the eldest brother, was intended for the navy, and was borne on the books of h.m.s. _seaford_, captain macbride. but afterwards devoting himself to medicine, he became one of the earliest pupils of john hunter, with home, pitcairn, and baillie, for his class-fellows. after serving for some time as a surgeon of marines, and assistant surgeon to the dockyard at plymouth, he relinquished a partnership with dr. geach, of the royal hospital, and settled at truro, where he obtained a considerable and lucrative practice. he finally became collector of the customs at falmouth. gifted with a clear and active mind, he did not confine himself to the routine of his official duties, and his suggestions on several important subjects were adopted by the government. the quarantine law of was first proposed by him, and framed chiefly on his suggestions; as well as a tonnage duty by which the charges of the quarantine establishment were covered. the convoy duty was also imposed on his recommendation; and he first proposed the plan of warehousing goods in bond, and was much consulted during the perfecting of the measure, by which so great facilities have been afforded to the trade of the country--to the merchant, relief from the necessity of locking up large amounts of capital; to the consumer, cheapness, and a security against adulteration. mr. pellew served at his post till he was fourscore years old, and for years beyond that, he retained the freshness of feeling and enthusiasm of youth. he died in his th year. israel, the third brother, born august th, , was sent to sea at an early age. he served with distinction in the american war, and was one of the officers entrusted with the defence of posts, when the comte d'estaign appeared off new york. promoted to be a lieutenant, he cut out a vessel so well protected by batteries, that his brother officers thought it a service too desperate to be attempted. in command of the armed cutter _resolution_, he engaged and captured in the north sea, the dutch privateer _flushinger_, of fourteen guns, which had proved so destructive a cruizer, that the merchants of hull memorialized the admiralty in his favour; and keppell, the first lord, continued him for three years in command of the cutter, notwithstanding the signature of peace the day before the action, expressly to reward his gallantry and success. he was made a commander in . he was passenger in his brother's frigate the _nymphe_, when she gave the first earnest of the naval successes of the war, by the capture of the _cleopatra_; and he contributed much to the brilliant result of the action, by taking charge of the after quarter-deck gun, with which he disabled the enemy's wheel. for this service he was at once promoted and appointed to a ship, and he continued to be so actively employed, that he never once saw his family, till after the peace. in september, , his ship, the _amphion_, -gun frigate, blew up while alongside the hulk in hamoaze, and nearly all on board, about , perished. captain pellew was at the moment at dinner in his cabin, with captain swafneld, of the _overyssel_, , and the first lieutenant. at the shock of the explosion, which took place in the fore magazine, captain pellew, and the lieutenant sprang into the quarter gallery, and were thrown into the water and saved; captain swaffield perished. soon after the renewal of hostilities, he was appointed by earl st. vincent to the _conqueror_, one of the largest and most powerful seventy-four's in the navy. she carried twenty-four pounders on her upper deck, there being only fourteen ships, out of of the same nominal force, which were so heavily armed. in her he shared with nelson the chase of the combined fleet to the west indies and back, and took a very distinguished part in the battle of trafalgar. following, abreast of the _leviathan_, the three leading ships of nelson's column, she engaged, captured, and took possession of the _bucentaure_, flagship of the commander-in-chief of the enemy, villeneuve; and she afterwards assisted in the capture of the _santissima trinidada_, and _intrepide_. in , still in command of the _conqueror_, captain pellew joined in saving the fleet and royal family of portugal, when the french, under junot, entered lisbon; and afterwards in blockading a russian squadron of nine sail of the line in the tagus, till the victory of vimiera placed them in the hands of the british. he became rear-admiral in july , and on his brother being appointed commander-in-chief in the mediterranean in the following may, he sailed with him as captain of the fleet, to the close of the war. on the return of napoleon from elba, he rejoined his brother in the same capacity, having, on the extension of the order of the bath, been appointed a knight-commander. his last service was to take a chief part in the negotiations with the barbary powers, for the abandonment of christian slavery, in . lord exmouth would not allow him, or any of his family, to accompany him to the attack on algiers, in the autumn of that year. he died at plymouth, june th, , only seven months before his brother lord exmouth. john, the youngest brother, entered the army. while still a youth, he became aide-de-camp to general phillips in burgoyne's campaign, and was killed in the battle of saratoga. edward, the second son of samuel and constance pellew, was born at dover, april , . he was named after his maternal grandfather, and as there appeared at first but little probability that he would live, he was baptized on the same day. before he was quite eight years old, he lost his father. the widow then removed with her family to penzance, where he was placed at school with the rev. james parkins, the clergyman of the parish. here he gave a remarkable proof of a daring spirit. a house, in which was a considerable quantity of gunpowder, took fire; and while every one else was afraid to approach, he went alone into the burning house and brought out all the powder. he was afterwards sent to the grammar school at truro, of which the rev. mr. conon was head master, under whom he made a satisfactory progress, and before he left could readily construe virgil. as it was then the general practice in schools to allow the boys to settle their own disputes, the fearlessness of his character, and a strength beyond his years, enabled him to maintain a very respectable position among his school-fellows. at length, having inflicted upon some opponent a more severe punishment than was usual in juvenile combats, the fact came under the cognizance of the master, and to escape a threatened flogging, he ran away he told his elder brother, who had now to act as head of the family, that he would not return to school to be flogged for fighting, but would go to sea directly. happily, his inclinations were indulged, though his grandfather, who wished him to be placed in a merchant's office, strongly opposed the step. "so, sir," said the old gentleman, when the boy came with his brothers to take a farewell dinner with him, "they are going to send you to sea. do you know that you may be answerable for every enemy you kill? and, if i can read your character, you will kill a great many!" "well, grandpapa," replied young pellew, "and if i do not kill them, they'll kill me!" he entered the navy towards the end of , in the _juno_, captain stott, which was sent to the falkland islands, in consequence of the forcible seizure of them by the spanish squadron. it is remarkable that this paltry dispute, which might be almost forgotten but for the virulent invective of "junius," and the masterly defence of the government by dr. johnson, should have given to the navy two such officers as nelson and pellew; neither of whom might otherwise have found an opportunity to join the service until they were too old, in the five years of peace which followed. after the _juno_ had been paid off, captain stott was appointed to the _alarm_, in which mr. pellew followed him to the mediterranean, where an unpleasant difference with his commander made him leave the ship. captain stott, who had been a boatswain with boscawen, was an excellent seaman, but unfortunately retained some habits not suited to his present rank. he kept a mistress on board. among the midshipmen was a boy named frank cole, who was three years younger than mr. pellew, but had entered on board the _juno_ at the same time. mr. pellew was warmly attached to him. the woman had some pet fowls, which were allowed to fly about; and one day, when the ship was at marseilles, and the captain absent, one of them was driven off the quarter-deck by young cole, which led to great abuse from the woman, and a sharp reply from the boy. when the captain returned, he became so much enraged by her representations, that he not only reprimanded the youngster severely for what he termed his insolence, but so far forgot himself as to give him a blow. this was not to be borne, and having consulted his friend pellew, he applied for his discharge. captain stott ordered a boat immediately, for the purpose, as he said, of turning him on shore. pellew instantly went to the captain, and said, "if frank cole is to be turned out of the ship, i hope, sir, you will turn me out too." their spirited conduct attracted the notice of the two lieutenants, keppel and lord hugh seymour, and laid the foundation of a friendship which continued through life: and lord hugh seymour, finding that the boys had no money, very kindly gave them an order on his agent at marseilles. captain stott afterwards tried to induce them to return, but not succeeding, he gave them the highest testimonials of their ability and desert, saying that he believed that they would become an honour to the service. mr. pellew found a master of a merchant vessel on shore, who had known his family at dover, and now offered to take him to lisbon, but declined to accommodate a second passenger. mr. pellew pleaded so earnestly for his young friend, and so positively refused to leave him, that the other at length consented to give them both a passage. from lisbon they reached falmouth in one of the packets. little could he then suppose that he was next to see marseilles as a commander-in-chief, and one day to save it from destruction. twelve years after, when he had become a post captain, and was in command of the _winchelsea_, he took under his protection a son of captain stott, who was then dead, and did every thing in his power to promote the young man's interests. it was now his happiness to sail in the _blonde_, with captain pownoll, an officer who had been trained and brought forward by admiral boscawen, and whose character was among the highest in the service. captain pownoll soon appreciated the merit and promise of his midshipman, who returned his kindness with almost the affection of a son. such mutual confidence and attachment between a captain and his midshipman has very rarely been met with; and it was peculiarly fortunate for mr. pellew, that his quick and determined character, which, with a judgment not yet matured by experience, might have carried him into mistakes, found a guide so kind and judicious as captain pownoll. and here it will not be uninteresting to observe how far the influence of a great commander may extend. st. vincent and pownoll, who were brought up under boscawen, and received their lieutenant's commissions from him, contributed materially to form a nelson and an exmouth; each the founder of a school of officers, whose model is the character of their chief, and their example his successes. active beyond his companions, and devoted to his profession, he soon became a thorough seaman; while the buoyancy of youth, and his playful, fearless spirit, prompted him continually to feats of extraordinary daring. in the spring of , general burgoyne took his passage to america in the _blonde_, and when he came alongside, the yards were manned to receive him. looking up, he was surprised and alarmed to see a midshipman on the yard-arm standing on his head. captain pownoll, who was at his side, soon quieted his apprehensions, by assuring him that it was only one of the frolics of young pellew, and that the general might make himself quite at ease for his safety, for if he should fall, he would only go under the ship's bottom, and come up on the other side. what on this occasion was probably spoken but in jest, was afterwards more than realized; for he actually sprang from the fore-yard of the _blonde_, while she was going fast through the water, and saved a man who had fallen overboard. captain pownoll reproached him for his rashness, but he shed tears when he spoke of it to the officers, and declared that pellew was a noble fellow. the revolt of the american colonies, which rose in this year to the importance of a national war, was soon to furnish him with objects worthy of his skill and courage. on the th of may the americans surprised ticonderoga, and, having secured the command of lake champlain by a strong squadron, were enabled to prosecute offensive operations against canada. sir guy carleton, the governor and commander-in-chief of that province, had very inadequate means to defend it. the enemy took montreal, and in the beginning of december laid siege to quebec, expecting an easy conquest; but their commander, general montgomery, who had summoned sir guy carleton in the most arrogant and threatening style, was killed on the st, in attempting to storm the place, and his troops were repulsed. the siege, however, was continued by arnold, till commodore sir charles douglas, in the _isis_, with two other ships under his orders, forced his way through the ice, much before the season at which the river is usually open. his appearance drove the besiegers to a hasty flight, in which they suffered such extreme privations, especially their sick and wounded, that general carleton most humanely issued a proclamation, in which he ordered them to be treated as fellow-creatures in distress; and encouraged them to claim the offered hospitality, by assuring them that they should be unconditionally liberated as soon as they were able to return home. at the same time, with energy equal to his humanity, he hastened to complete the deliverance of the province. additional reinforcements which reached him in the spring enabled him to give the enemy a final defeat at trois rivières in june, and then to take measures for wresting from them the command of lake champlain; an object essential to the security of canada, as well as to prosecuting offensive operations against the new england states. lake champlain is a long narrow lake to the n.e. of ontario, communicating with the st. lawrence a few miles below montreal by the river chamblee, or sorel. it is nowhere more than eighteen miles across, and its average breadth does not exceed five. below crown point it is a mere channel for ten or twelve miles to its southern extremity at ticonderoga. here it receives the waters from a small lake to the southward, lake george, but the communication, as well as that with the st. lawrence, is interrupted by shoals and rapids. from lake george to the hudson is only six or eight miles, the sole interruption to a water frontier from the st. lawrence to new york, navigable for vessels of burden for four-fifths of its length, and for bateaux nearly all the way. the command of this line would enable the northern and southern armies to co-operate effectually; to press on the new england states along their whole border; to cut off all communication between them and the rest of the union, and to prevent any hostile attempt on canada. measures were promptly taken to secure this important object. detachments from the king's ships at quebec, with volunteers from the transports, and a corps of artillery, in all, nearly men, were sent across to the lake, there to construct, with timber felled by themselves, and in the presence of a superior enemy, the vessels in which they were to meet him. a party joined from the _blonde_, under lieutenant dacres, with mr. brown, one of the midshipmen. mr. pellew was to have remained with the ship; but he appeared so much disappointed at the arrangement, that captain pownoll allowed him also to go. the season was already so far advanced, that it would have been a creditable service only to complete the preparations for the next campaign; but the zeal and exertions of the officers and men surpassed all calculation. they got across to the lake thirty long-boats, many large flat-bottomed boats, a vast number of bateaux, and a gondola of thirty tons, carrying them over land, or dragging them up the rapids. the keel and floor-timbers of the _inflexible_, a ship of three hundred tons, which had been laid at quebec, were taken to pieces, and carried over to st. john's, on the lake, where a dockyard was established, under the superintendence of lieutenant schanck, an officer of extraordinary mechanical ingenuity. here, on the morning of the nd september, the _inflexible_ was again laid down, and by sunset, all her former parts were put together, and a considerable quantity of additional timbers prepared. the progress of the work was like magic. trees growing in the forest in the morning, would form part of the ship before night. she was launched in twenty-eight days from laying her keel, and sailed next evening, armed with eighteen twelve-pounders, and fully equipped for service. two schooners, the _maria_, and the _carleton_; the _loyal convert_, gondola; the _thunder_, a kind of flat-bottomed raft, carrying twelve heavy guns and two howitzers; and twenty-four boats, armed each with a field piece, or carriage-gun, formed, with the _inflexible_, a force equal to the service, where but a few days before, the british had scarcely a boat upon the waters. no time was now lost in seeking the enemy, and sir guy carleton himself embarked with the squadron. captain pringle, as commodore, sailed with lieutenant schanck in the _inflexible_. lieutenant dacres, with mr. brown and mr. pellew, were appointed to the _carleton_. on the th of october, the enemy was discovered drawn up in a strong line across the passage between valicour, one of the numerous islands on the lake, and the western land; and so well concealed by the island, that the squadron had nearly passed without observing them. they had fifteen vessels, carrying ninety-six guns, fourteen of which were eighteen-pounders, (eight of them traversing), and twenty-three twelves. general arnold commanded. the _carleton_, being nearest to the enemy, attacked at once, though her force was only twelve six-pounders. unfortunately, from the state of the wind, no other vessel could come to her assistance, and she was obliged to engage the whole force of the enemy single-handed. sir guy carleton saw her desperate position with extreme anxiety, but it was impossible to bring up the squadron, and he could only send in the artillery-boats to support her. meantime she was suffering most severely. very early in the action, mr. brown lost an arm; and soon after, lieutenant dacres fell, severely wounded and senseless. he would have been thrown overboard as dead, but for the interference of mr. pellew, who now succeeded to the command. he maintained the unequal contest, till captain pringle, baffled in all his efforts to bring up the squadron, made the signal of recall, which the _carleton_, with two feet water in her hold, and half her crew killed and wounded, was not in a condition to obey. in attempting to go about, being at the time near the shore, which was covered with the enemy's marksmen, she hung in stays, and mr. pellew, not regarding the danger of making himself so conspicuous, sprang out on the bowsprit to push the jib over. the artillery-boats now towed her out of action, under a very heavy fire from the enemy, who were enabled to bear their guns upon her with more effect, as she increased her distance. a shot cut the towrope, and mr. pellew ordered some one to go and secure it; but seeing all hesitate, for indeed it appeared a death-service, he ran forward and did it himself. the result of the action was far beyond anything that could have been expected from the excessive disparity of the force engaged; for the _carleton_, with the assistance of the artillery-boats, had sunk the _boston_ gondola, carrying an eighteen pounder and two twelves; and burnt the _royal savage_, of twelve guns, the largest of the enemy's schooners. arnold escaped in the night. the squadron pursued, and on the morning of the th overtook him, within a few leagues of crown point. after a running fight of two hours the four headmost vessels of the enemy succeeded in reaching crown point, and sheltering themselves in the narrow part of the lake beyond it. two others, the _washington_ and _jersey_, were taken; and the rest were run on shore and burnt by their own crews. the enemy then set fire to their works on crown point, and abandoned it. the _carleton's_ action on the th, which certainly was never surpassed for gallantry and conduct, obtained for her crew the credit they so well deserved. lieutenant dacres, who recovered sufficiently to go home with the despatches, received promotion as soon as he arrived in england, and was honoured with a personal interview with the king. he rose to be a vice-admiral. how mr. pellew's services in this, his first action, were appreciated by his superior officers is best told in their own words. in a few days, sir charles douglas, the senior officer at quebec, to whose command all the lake service was subordinate, sent him the following letter:-- "isis, quebec, oct. th, . "sir,--the account i have received of your behaviour on board the _carleton_, in the different actions on the lakes, gives me the warmest satisfaction, and i shall not fail to represent it in the strongest terms to the earl of sandwich and my lord howe, and recommend you as deserving a commission for your gallantry; and as lieutenant dacres, your late commander, will no doubt obtain rank for his conduct, when he reaches england, i am desired by general sir guy carleton to give you the command of the schooner in which you have so bravely done your duty. "charles douglas." the report of sir charles douglas, obtained for mr. pellew the following letter from the commander-in-chief:-- "eagle, new york, dec. th, . "sir,--the account i have heard of your gallant behaviour from captain charles douglas, of h.m.s. _isis_, in the different actions on lake champlain, gives me much satisfaction, and i shall receive pleasure in giving you a lieutenant's commission, whenever you may reach new york. "howe." it is, perhaps, a singular occurrence for a midshipman to be honoured with a letter of thanks from the first lord of the admiralty, but the service itself was important, and captain pownoll strengthened sir charles douglas' report of his young officer's conduct, by a communication of his own. their joint eulogy obtained for mr. pellew the following letter from lord sandwich:-- "admiralty office, london, jan. th, . "sir,--you have been spoken of to me by sir charles douglas and captain philemon pownoll, for your good conduct in the various services upon lake champlain, in so handsome a manner, that i shall receive pleasure in promoting you to the rank of a lieutenant, whenever you come to england; but it is impossible to send you a commission where you now are, it being out of the jurisdiction of the admiralty. "sandwich." sir guy carleton remained at crown point as long as the season would permit. he employed mr. pellew on the narrow inlet, which extends from crown point to ticonderoga, along which his proposed operations were to be conducted; and mr. pellew attended to his charge with unceasing vigilance and activity. on one occasion, the american commander-in chief, arnold, most narrowly escaped becoming his prisoner. having ventured upon the lake in a boat, he was observed, and chased so closely by mr. pellew, that when he reached the shore and ran off, he left his stock and buckle in the boat behind him. this was preserved as long as he lived by mr. pellew's elder brother, to whom arnold's son, not many years ago, confirmed the particulars of his father's escape. the general, seeing that his men were panic-struck when they found themselves chased, encouraged them to exertion by the assurance that the pursuers were not enemies, but only a boat endeavouring to outrow them. pulling off his stock, and seizing an oar, he promised them a bottle of rum each, if they gained the shore first. well had it been for arnold; happy for the gallant young officer, who was the victim of his conduct; and perhaps, on so small a contingency may the fate of a campaign depend, happy for the british army, to whose misfortunes in the following year his skill and courage so materially contributed, had the fortune of the chase been different. mr. pellew had a scarcely less narrow escape. he was invited with a party of officers to spend an afternoon with some young ladies in the neighbourhood, and they were on the way to keep their engagement, when mr. pellew stopped, and said to his companions, "we are doing a very foolish thing: i shall turn back, and i advise you all to do the same." they hesitated, but at length returned with him; and afterwards learnt that their delilahs had posted a party of soldiers to make them prisoners. at length sir guy carleton, having satisfied himself that ticonderoga was too strong to be attacked with his present force at that advanced season, re-embarked the troops, and returned to canada. he there exerted himself through the winter, in making preparations for the ensuing campaign, and had almost completed them, when the command of the army was taken from him, and given to officers who had been serving under his orders. though his success had surpassed the utmost hopes of his country, and his great local knowledge and experience claimed the confidence of the british government, he was not even consulted on the expedition they had planned, and of which the very details were so far settled in the cabinet, that little was left to the unfortunate general who was to conduct it. he felt like an officer on the occasion, and resigned the government of canada; but he acted like an englishman, and though he disapproved materially of some parts of the plan, he omitted no exertion which might contribute to its success. the army devoted to an expedition thus inauspiciously commenced, was composed of , regular troops, of whom , were germans; a corps of artillery, , canadians, and , savages. sir guy carleton knew too well the ferocious and uncertain character of the indians to trust them; but the government at home entertained a very different opinion; and it was, perhaps, the chief motive for their conduct towards him, that he had only amused and kept them quiet, instead of calling them into active service. lieutenant-general burgoyne was selected for the command, assisted by major-generals phillips and reidesel, and brigadiers frazer, powell, hamilton, and specht. mr. pellew was attached to the army, with the command of a party of seamen, and during its advance, was again actively employed on the lake. while on this service, he narrowly escaped a calamity, which would have clouded all his future life. his youngest brother had come out from england to join the army; and being appointed aide-de-camp to general phillips, though only seventeen years of age, he was sent down the lake in charge of the general's baggage. he was told that he had nothing to fear from the enemy, but that he would probably meet his brother; and, with the unthinking sportiveness of youth, as he knew that he was not expected, he determined to surprise him. accordingly, he fell in with him in the night, and when hailed, answered, "a friend!" "what friend?" exclaimed his brother; "tell who you are, or i'll shoot you." "what! do not you know me?" "no!" said the other, presenting a pistol. "your brother john!" on the st of june, the army being encamped on the western side of the lake, and a little to the north of crown point, general burgoyne made a war-feast for the savages, and addressed them in a speech which enforced every motive calculated to restrain their ferocity. but, unfortunately, he hoped to terrify the inhabitants to submission by threatening them with all the horrors of indian warfare; and a proclamation which he published to this effect, was remembered to his serious prejudice. after a short stay at crown point, the troops advanced along both sides of the lake, accompanied by the squadron under lieutenant schanck; and on the nd of july, arrived before ticonderoga, then garrisoned by general st. clair, with nearly , men. ticonderoga possessed great natural advantages. it was protected on three sides by the water, with very rocky shores; and on the fourth, partly by a morass, and where that failed, by a strong breast-work. it was, indeed, commanded by a neighbouring height, sugar hill, which the americans had neglected to secure, presuming upon its almost inaccessible character. opposite ticonderoga, they had fortified a high conical hill, mount independence, and connected it with the fort by a very strong bridge, which was itself protected by a massy boom. the americans had been employed for ten months, in giving to these works the utmost possible strength and solidity. on the th, the british had nearly completed their preparations, and general phillips had carried a road almost to the top of sugar hill, when general st. clair determined to evacuate the fort. that night he sent away his stores and baggage in more than two hundred bateaux, under convoy of five armed gallies, to skenesborough, a town about eight miles distant, at the head of a small inlet, south bay, which branches off from the lake at ticonderoga. the troops marched to the same place, leaving more than a hundred guns behind. daylight showed the flight of the enemy. reidesel and frazer immediately followed in pursuit, while burgoyne embarked the rest of the army on board the squadron. the boom and bridge, which had cost so many months of labour to complete, were presently cut through by the sailors and artificers. the squadron were enabled to pass at nine o'clock, and at three came up with the enemy near skenesborough falls. after a short resistance, two of the gallies surrendered, and the enemy set fire to the others, and to all their bateaux and stores. early next morning, reidesel and frazer overtook a strong body of the enemy, and defeated them, with the loss of their commander, and nearly , men killed, wounded, and taken. another division was encountered and routed by colonel hill. the fugitives escaped to fort edward, on the hudson. general burgoyne might now have returned to ticonderoga, and thence crossed to the head of lake george, from which there was a waggon-road to fort edward, only eighteen miles distant. but fearing that a retrograde movement might check the enthusiasm of the army, now elated with their rapid career of victory, underrating the difficulties of the country, and too much despising an enemy who had been so easily dispersed, he determined to ascend wood creek as far as fort anne, whence the direct distance to the hudson is shorter. he waited, therefore, a few days near skenesborough for his tents, baggage, and provisions; employing himself, in the mean time, in clearing the navigation of wood creek, while his people at ticonderoga were transporting the stores and artillery over the portages to lake george. the enemy offered little resistance in the advance to fort edward, but the difficulties of the country were almost insurmountable. so broken was it by creeks and morasses, that it became necessary to construct more than forty bridges and causeways, one of them over a morass two miles long. the enemy had created every possible obstruction by felling trees across the paths, and destroying the communications. scarcely could the army advance a mile in a day, and it was the end of july before it arrived on the hudson. on the approach of the british, the enemy quitted fort edward, and retreated to saratoga. all kinds of provisions and stores had already reached fort george; but the means of transport were lamentably deficient, and the impossibility of bringing up supplies compelled the army to a fatal inaction. on the th of august, after a fortnight's incessant exertion, there were only four days' provisions in store. meantime, the enemy was daily becoming stronger. the conduct of the savages had roused the whole country; and the british bore the odium of excesses which the general could not prevent, and dared not punish. the loyalists could not remain near the army, for they were almost equally exposed to the cruelties of the savages, who spared neither age nor sex. others, who would have gladly staid at home, found that their only safety was to take arms, and join the camp. thus the british were left without a friend in the country, while the american commanders, who took every advantage of these atrocities, were soon at the head of an army more numerous and formidable than that which had been dispersed. general arnold was sent to command the force at saratoga. he drew it back to stillwater, a township about twelve miles down the hudson, that he might check colonel st. leger, who, with or men, was besieging fort stanwix, on the mohawk, and had given a severe defeat to a party sent to relieve it. general burgoyne, desiring to effect a junction with st. leger, moved down the east bank of the hudson to saratoga, where he threw a bridge of rafts over the river, and crossed an advanced corps. being almost destitute of supplies, and too weak to maintain his communications with fort george, he detached a force to surprise the enemy's magazines at bennington; but on the th of august it was overpowered and defeated, with considerable loss. a week after, st. leger was obliged to retire from before fort stanwix. general gates, who was now the enemy's commander-in-chief, detached arnold against him with , men, and the savages, hearing of his approach, threatened to desert st. leger if he remained, and even murdered the british stragglers on the retreat. provisions for thirty days were at length collected; but nearly three months had been consumed in forcing a way through almost impassable woods and morasses in the worst of weather, and in vexatious inaction from deficiency of means to advance; service far more destructive than severe fighting. a heavy swell caused by the rains had carried away the bridge, but mr. pellew constructed another by which the army crossed to saratoga. the general would afterwards rally him as the cause of their subsequent misfortunes, by affording the means for their advance in the construction of this bridge. general gates remained in the neighbourhood of stillwater; and the army, advancing through a difficult country, found itself on the th of september very near the enemy. general burgoyne marched at the head of the right wing, which was covered by the light infantry and grenadiers, under frazer and breyman, who moved along some high ground commanding its flank; while the left wing and artillery, under phillips and reidesel, kept along the road and meadows by the river side. while thus advancing, the enemy marched out of his camp, and attempted to turn the right wing, and take the british in flank. foiled in this by the position of general frazer, they countermarched under cover of the woods, and threw all their strength upon the left. arnold led them on to repeated, and most determined attacks; nor were they finally repulsed till dusk, after four hours' severe fighting. victory remained with the british; but the fact that the enemy could so long withstand regular troops in the open field, was decisive of the fate of the campaign. next morning the army took a position almost within cannon shot of the enemy, fortifying the right wing, and covering the bateaux and hospital with the left. the position of the enemy was unassailable. the savages, whose atrocities had mainly contributed to create the present difficulties of the army, now deserted altogether; and great part of the provincials and canadians followed their example. hoping that he might be relieved by a diversion from new york, burgoyne sent advices to sir harry clinton, acquainting him with his present situation, and his intention to remain till the th of october. meantime, he took every precaution to secure his camp. while his army was melting away by sickness, battle, and desertion, the enemy were daily becoming stronger. they had even been enabled to detach a force to the northward, which, on the th of september, surprised the posts on lake george, and took an armed sloop, some gun-boats, and a great number of bateaux. they afterwards ventured to attack ticonderoga and mount independence, and cannonaded them four days before they were repulsed. at the beginning of october it became necessary to reduce the allowance of provisions. this and every other hardship was submitted to without a murmur; and never did an army better maintain its character than did this gallant force in its hour of hopeless danger. on the th, as there had been no intelligence from new york, general burgoyne, accompanied by phillips, reidesel, and frazer, made a movement to reconnoitre towards the enemy's left, with , men, and ten guns. they had advanced within three quarters of a mile of the enemy, when a sudden and determined attack was made upon their left, while a strong body moved to flank their right. the light infantry and part of the th regiment were quickly disposed to prevent the success of this latter movement, and cover a retreat; but the enemy, throwing an additional force upon the left, already hard pressed, it gave way, and the light infantry and th were obliged to hasten and support it. in this movement general frazer fell. the troops retreated in good order, but with the loss of six guns. scarcely had they regained the camp, when the enemy rushed to storm it; arnold, as usual, distinguishing himself by the impetuous courage with which he led on his men. the battle was maintained where he fought with the utmost desperation, till he fell, severely wounded, and his followers were driven back. in another part, the enemy were more successful. colonel breyman was killed, and the entrenchments, defended by the german reserve which he commanded, were carried. night ended the battle, and left to the army the melancholy task of summing up its loss, which included several officers of distinction. the brother of mr pellew was among the dead. but there is little grief for the slain when every one feels that he may lie with them to-morrow. that night the army moved to a new position, and next morning offered battle; but the enemy were securing their object by safer means. they pushed forward a strong body to turn the right of the british and surround them. to prevent this, the army retreated in the night through torrents of rain, to saratoga. the sick and wounded were necessarily left behind. next morning, a party was seen throwing up entrenchments on the heights beyond the army; but a demonstration being made against them, they crossed the river, and joined a force on the other side. a retreat to fort george was attempted, and the artificers were sent forward to repair the bridges, and open the road; but the appearance of the enemy made it necessary to recall them. the opposite bank of the river was covered with parties of the enemy, and the bateaux could no longer be effectually protected. some were taken; and among others, the vessel which contained the small remaining store of provisions. this loss would have deprived the army of its last hope; but mr. pellew, with his sailors, attacked and recaptured the vessel. to guard against such a calamity for the future, the provisions were landed. general burgoyne acknowledged this service in the following letter:-- "dear sir,--it was with infinite pleasure that general phillips and myself observed the gallantry and address with which you conducted your attack upon the provision-vessel in the hands of the enemy. the gallantry of your little party was deserving of the success which attended it; and i send you my sincere thanks, together with those of the army, for the important service you have rendered them upon this occasion. "john burgoyne. "n.b.--the vessel contained barrels of provisions, of which article the army was in great want." a retreat to fort edward by a night march, the troops carrying their provisions on their backs, now offered the only hope of safety; but while preparations were being made for this, it was found that the enemy had effectually provided against it, by throwing up entrenchments opposite the fords, and securing the heights between fort edward and fort george. secrecy was impossible, for the parties of the enemy were everywhere so numerous, that not a movement could be concealed. still hoping to be relieved from new york, the army, now reduced to , effective men, of whom not , were british, lingered in their camp, where they lay always under arms, with the grape and rifle shot of the enemy falling continually around them. on the th they had only three days' provision remaining. a council of war was therefore held, to which general burgoyne summoned all the principal officers. mr. pellew attended, as commander of the brigade of seamen; and a more decisive testimony to his merits and services could not be afforded, than the unprecedented compliment of calling a midshipman, only twenty years of age, to sit in council with generals. mr. pellew, as the youngest officer present, was required to offer his opinion the first. he pleaded earnestly that his own little party might not be included in the proposed capitulation, but permitted to make the best of their way back. he had never heard, he said, of sailors capitulating, and was confident he could bring them off. it is very possible that they might have escaped. soldiers are accustomed to act only in orderly masses; but sailors combine with discipline the energy of individual enterprise. mr. pellew's party had acted as pioneers and artificers to the army during its advance; and their knowledge, and readiness at resources, would have given them great facilities in making their way through a hostile country. but their escape would have cast a very undeserved discredit upon the army, and the proposal was discountenanced. burgoyne said, what sailors could do, soldiers might do; and if the attempt were sanctioned for the one, the others must throw away their knapsacks and take their firelocks. as mr. pellew still clung to his proposal, the general took him aside, and having represented the impossibility of drawing off the army, convinced him of the impropriety of permitting the attempt by a small part of it. the result of the council was a communication to general gates, who, knowing the desperate condition of the british army, and his own irresistible superiority, must have been surprised at the gallant spirit manifested in its hopeless extremity. when he observed that the retreat of the british was cut off, he was told that the british could never admit that their retreat was cut off while they had arms in their hands; and to his proposal that the troops should pile arms within their camp, it was replied, that sooner than submit to such an indignity, they would rush on the enemy determined to take no quarter. terms proposed by general burgoyne were finally acquiesced in; and the american commander, as far as _he_ was concerned, faithfully observed and enforced them with the most considerate delicacy. mr. pellew, after having shared in the hospitality of general gates, was sent to england by general burgoyne with despatches, a distinction to which his services in the campaign were considered to have entitled him. at quebec he met his former commander, sir guy carleton, whose successor had not yet arrived, and who charged him with additional despatches, and the following letter to lord sandwich:-- "quebec, november , . "my lord,--this will be presented to your lordship by mr. edward pellew, a young man to whose gallantry and merit during two severe campaigns in this country, i cannot do justice. he is just now returned to me from saratoga, having shared the fate of that unfortunate army, and is on his way to england. i beg leave to recommend him to your lordship, as worthy of a commission in his majesty's service, for his good conduct. "guy carleton." he came home in a transport, in which major foy was also a passenger. an enemy's cruiser chased them, and the major, as the superior officer, was proceeding to assume the command; but mr. pellew told him that he was the only naval officer on board, and must himself fight the ship. the major acquiesced; and under mr. pellew's command, the transport engaged, and beat off the privateer. it is scarcely necessary to state that immediately on his arrival he received the promotion which his services had so well deserved. chapter ii. his services from to . there are circumstances which in a few weeks or months may give the experience of years; and when these occur in early life, they make a permanent impression on the character. in the honours and misfortunes of the late campaign, its toils, and its anxieties, mr. pellew had very largely shared; and if rashness would have been the natural fault of a mind like his, a more effectual corrective could not have been desired. the quick conception, and the forethought, which enabled him in after life so well to combine caution with daring, must have greatly depended upon natural character, but he certainly owed much of it to the severe discipline of his early service. he had now completed his twenty-first year. tall, and with a frame of strength and symmetry, nerved by the hardships of two severe campaigns, his personal activity and power were almost unrivalled. the spot was shown for many years at truro, where he sprang over the high gate of an inn-yard at the back of one of the hotels, when, hastening across the court to assist on the sudden alarm of a fire, he found the gate fast. the consciousness of superior strength, while it made him slow to offend, enabled him to inflict suitable punishment on offenders, and some incidents of a ludicrous character are still remembered. the water was as a natural element to him, and he often amused himself in a manner which, to one less expert, would have been attended with the utmost danger. he would sometimes go out in a boat, and overset her by carrying a press of sail. acts of daring like these must find their excuse in the spirit of a fearless youth. but he often found the advantage of that power and self-possession in the water which he derived from his early habits, in saving men who had fallen overboard, and especially in the happiest of all his services, his conduct at the dutton. more than once, however, he nearly perished. in portsmouth harbour, where he had upset himself in a boat, he was saved with difficulty, after remaining for a considerable time in the water. on another occasion, he was going by himself from falmouth to plymouth in a small punt, fourteen feet long, when his hat was blown overboard, and he immediately threw off his clothes and swam after it, having first secured the tiller a-lee. as he was returning with his hat, the boat got way on her, and sailed some distance before she came up in the wind. he had almost reached her when she filled again, and he was thus baffled three or four times. at length, by a desperate effort, he caught the rudder, but he was so much exhausted that it was a considerable time before he had strength to get into the boat. the gratification felt at receiving his commission was soon forgotten, when he found himself appointed to a guard-ship. he repeatedly solicited more active employment, and at length took an opportunity to accost lord sandwich in the street at portsmouth. the first lord asked him if he were the young man who had been writing him so many letters; and after a reproof for accosting him in the street, appointed an audience at the hotel. he there told him that he could not be employed as he wished, because he was included in the convention of saratoga; and when mr. pellew pleaded that the enemy had broken the convention, lord sandwich replied, that was no reason why england should do so too. at length, after every other plea had been urged in vain. mr. pellew took out his commission, and begged that he might be allowed to return it, declaring that he would rather command a privateer, than remain inactive while the war was going on. lord sandwich, smiling at his ardour, desired him to put up his commission, and promised that he should not be forgotten. soon after, he was appointed to the _licorne_. in the spring of , the _licorne_ sailed for the newfoundland station, under the orders of captain cadogan, who had lately superseded captain bellew, her former commander. on her passage out, she engaged two of the enemy's cruisers, and lieutenant pellew's conduct in the action received the praise of his captain. she returned to england in december, when he left her to join the _apollo_, commanded by his excellent friend and patron captain pownoll, who was so delighted to obtain once more the services of a follower whom he regarded with equal pride and affection, that he removed for his sake an officer of high connexions, whose seniority would have prevented mr. pellew from being the first lieutenant. mr. pellew was too soon deprived of this inestimable friend. on the morning of the th of june , the _apollo_, cruising in the north sea, in company with some other ships, was ordered away by the senior captain in pursuit of a cutter. she had almost come up with the chase, when the _stanislaus_ french frigate hove in sight, and the _apollo_ left the cutter for a more equal opponent. she overtook and brought her to action at half-past twelve, engaging under a press of sail, for the enemy made every effort to escape to the neutral port of ostend, which was not far distant. in an hour after the action commenced, captain pownoll was shot through the body. he said to his young friend, "pellew, i know you won't give his majesty's ship away;" and immediately died in his arms. mr. pellew continued the action for more than an hour longer, and drove the enemy, beaten and dismasted, on shore; but he was disappointed of his prize, which claimed protection from the neutral port. the _apollo_ had five killed, besides the captain, and twenty wounded. a musket ball, which had struck captain pownoll in a former action, was found after his death, lodged among the muscles of the chest. the _stanislaus_ was got off, and carried into ostend, where, being brought to sale, she was purchased by the british government, and added to the navy. none despond so readily as talented and sanguine young men, who are too apt to regard as irreparable the loss of anything they had relied on for the attainment of a favourite object. only time can show that a strong mind is not dependent upon accidental circumstances, but creates facilities for itself, as a river will make if it do not find a channel for its waters. but lieutenant pellew was too young to have learned this lesson; and depressed as he was with grief for his patron, and disappointment at the escape of the french frigate, his prospects seemed altogether clouded. a letter which he wrote to the earl of sandwich on this occasion, displays all the struggle of his feelings. circumstantial proof that everything was done to prevent the enemy from escaping; a modest allusion to his former services; expressions of the keenest sorrow for his loss; a bitter sense of his desolate condition; with earnest appeals to every feeling of justice and sympathy, which might induce the first lord to extend to him the patronage not always given to an unfriended claimant; yet still with anxiety to do full justice to his officers and men, are blended in this very characteristic letter. it is not certain that it was ever sent; for the copy preserved is too carefully written for a rough draft, yet contains many corrections and erasures. he was, perhaps, dissatisfied with it, and before he had determined what to send, his promotion spared him the necessity of an application. still it is an interesting document, affording, as it does, a detailed account of the action, a sketch of his former services, and a transcript of his feelings at the time. "my lord,--your lordship will receive herewith, from admiral drake, an account of an action fought by h.m.s. _apollo_, at sea, june , which lasted for two hours and twenty minutes. i trust your lordship will excuse my troubling you with a private account of the engagement, to inform you of many occurrences during the action which my public letter would not admit of. when the action began, both ships had all their sails set upon a wind, with as much wind as we could bear. the ever-to-be-lamented captain pownoll received a wound through his body about an hour after the action commenced, when standing at the gangway. the enemy had then suffered much, having lost the yard-arms of both his lower yards, and had no sails drawing but his foresail, main-top-gallant-sail, and mizen-topsail, the others flying about. we had engaged her to leeward, which, from the heel his ship had, prevented him from making our rigging and sails the objects of his fire; though i am well convinced he had laid his guns down as much as possible. when i assumed the command, we had shot upon his bow. i endeavoured to get the courses hauled up, and the top-gallant-sails clewed up, neither of which we could do, as we had neither clue-garnets, bunt-lines, or leach-lines left. however, we got the top-gallant-sails down, with most of the stay-sails, and the mizen-topsail aback; but finding we still outsailed him, i had no other method left but that of sheering across his hawse, first on one bow, then on the other, raking him as we crossed, always having in view the retarding his way, by obliging him either to receive us athwart his bowsprit, in which case we should have turned his head off shore, or to sheer as we did. he, foreseeing our intention, did so; but never lost sight of gaining the shore. in this situation we had continued for a considerable time. his bowsprit had been at two different times over our quarter-deck, but never so far forward as to enable us to secure him. all this time we were approaching the shore, and we were then, i am certain, within two miles of it. i had been cautioned by the master, whose abilities and great assistance i must ever gratefully remember, more than once, of the shoal water, and i had repeatedly called for and sent after the pilot; and i am sorry to inform your lordship he did not appear. thus situated, in three and a half fathoms water, and steering towards danger, there was no time to hesitate; and, with the advice of the master, i wore, and brought to under the mizen, with her head off shore, until we could get the courses and other sails taken in, not having then a brace or bowline left, and being fully determined to renew the action in a few minutes. we had scarcely wore, when his foremast, main-top-mast, main-yard, and main-top fell, leaving his mainmast without rigging; and the ship at the same time took a large heel, which made us all conclude she had struck the ground. it was then half-ebb, and i firmly believe, had we pursued him, in less than ten minutes we must have run aground. she had fired a gun to leeward, seemingly to claim the protection of the port, which was answered by three from the garrison. i was at this time preparing to wear again, to anchor alongside him; but mr. unwin, the purser, bringing me some orders found in captain pownoll's pocket, among which was one relative to the observance of neutrality, i did not think myself justified in renewing the attack. i therefore continued lying to, to repair our damages. our masts are much wounded, the rigging very much torn, and several shot under water, by which we made two feet water an hour. "your lordship will, i hope, pardon me, for troubling you with the relation of private feelings. the loss of captain pownoll will be severely felt. the ship's company have lost a father. i have lost much more, a father and a friend united; and that friend my only one on earth. never, my lord, was grief more poignant than that we all feel for our adored commander. mine is inexpressible. the friend who brought me up, and pushed me through the service, is now no more! it was ever my study, and will always be so, to pursue his glorious footsteps. how far i may succeed i know not; but while he lived, i enjoyed the greatest blessing, that of being patronized by him. that happiness i am now deprived of, and unassisted by friends, unconnected with the great, and unsupported by the world, i must throw myself totally on your lordship's generosity. if i have erred, it was not from the heart; for i will be bold to say, the love and honour of his country makes no heart more warm than mine. "and if, after a constant service, never unemployed for thirteen years,[ ] and the character i bear with every officer with whom i have had the honour to serve; having been three years in america, and in every action on lake champlain, for one of which, in the _carleton_, lieutenant dacres, our commander, received promotion; afterwards in a continued series of hard service, in that unfortunate expedition under general burgoyne, whose thanks for my conduct i received in the course of the campaign, and whose misfortunes i shared at saratoga, not in common with others, but increased by the melancholy sight of a dead brother, fallen in the service of his king; having then returned to england in a transport to fulfil the convention, with generals carleton's and burgoyne's despatches, as well as general carleton's letter, recommending me to your lordship; and permit me to mention, my lord, without being thought partial to my own story, my having received the thanks of sir charles douglas, by letter, for my behaviour in the different actions in canada; and having acquitted myself much to captain cadogan's satisfaction in action with two ships, when on our voyage to newfoundland; and if on the present occasion, conscious of the rectitude of my conduct, i can be entitled to your lordship's approbation, permit me to hope from your lordship's well-known generosity, which i have already experienced, that you will extend to me that protection which i have lost in my dear departed benefactor. i have now no friend to solicit your lordship in my favour. i stand alone to sue for your protection, in some confidence that you will not suffer the dejected and unsupported to fall. i presume to hope forgiveness for thus intruding on your time, particularly by a memorial that comes unbacked by any other name; but believe me, my lord, there never was an officer with whom i have sailed, who would not do much more than back this, were his ability equal to his good wishes for my promotion. "i cannot, in justice to the officers, close this without assuring your lordship of the great and unremitting assistance i received from mr. milburn, the master, on every occasion; and from mr. mansfield, the marine officer, who was particularly active to assist on the quarter-deck. to mr. bunce, second lieutenant, i am much indebted for his exertions on the main-deck, and his diligence was unremitting in distributing men where most wanted. mr. ritchie, master's mate, was particularly distinguished for his gallantry and activity; and the behaviour of the whole, my lord, was such as entitles them to my warmest gratitude, and general commendation. most of the wounded are dangerously so, being all by cannon balls. we had three guns dismounted. "edward pellew." lord sandwich's communication to him was equally kind and prompt. on the th of june, only three days after the action, he wrote to him:--"after most sincerely condoling with you on the loss of your much-lamented patron and friend, captain pownoll, whose bravery and services have done so much honour to himself and his country, i will not delay informing you that i mean to give you immediate promotion, as a reward for your gallant and officer-like conduct." he was made commander into an old and worn-out sloop, the _hazard_, in which he was stationed on the eastern coast of scotland. having nothing but the emoluments of his profession, he found it difficult to meet the expenses required by his promotion and appointment. a tradesman in london, mr. vigurs, equally known and respected by the young men from cornwall, who were generally referred to him for the advice and assistance they required on their first coming to town, not only supplied him with uniforms, though candidly told that it was uncertain when he would be able to pay for them, but offered a pecuniary loan; and captain pellew accepted a small sum which made the debt £. in a few weeks he received £. prize-money, and immediately sent £. to his creditor, desiring that the balance might be given in presents to the children, or, as he expressed it, "to buy ribbons for the girls." he never afterwards employed another tradesman. when he had become a commander-in-chief, it was his practice to prevent a deserving, but necessitous young officer from suffering similar embarrassments, by advancing him a sum equal to his immediate wants when he gave him a commission. he took command of the _hazard_ on the th of july, , and paid her off in the following january, having been employed between shields and leith. he held his next ship for a still shorter time. on the th of march, , he commissioned the _pelican_, a french prize, and a mere shell of a vessel; so low, that he would say his servant could dress his hair from the deck while he sat in the cabin. he sailed from plymouth, on his first cruise, april th; and next day took a french privateer, with which he returned to port. on the th he sailed again, and stood over to the french coast. on the th, observing several vessels at anchor in bass roads, he made sail towards them; upon which a brig and a lugger, of ten or twelve guns each, laid their broadsides to the entrance of the harbour. he attacked them immediately, and compelled them to run themselves on shore under a battery, which opened on the sloop. the _pelican_ tacked, and stood out of the harbour, returning the fire, and the same night arrived at plymouth. her loss was only two men wounded. a heavy shot which struck her was begged by a friend, who, in a recent letter, makes a jocular allusion to it, and says that it is still doing service in the kitchen as a jack-weight. the action was most important in its results, for it obtained for him that rank in which he would rise by seniority to a flag. had he remained a commander through the peace, which, but for this action, in all probability he would have done, he could not have become a flag-officer till near the close of the revolutionary war. the country would then have lost his most valuable services; and he would have been remembered only as a distinguished captain. his promotion was announced to him by the first lord in the following terms:-- admiralty office. may , . "sir,--i am so well pleased with the account i have received of your gallant and seaman-like conduct in the sloop you command, in your spirited attack on three privateers inside the isle of bass, and your success in driving them all on shore, that i am induced to bestow on you the rank of a post-captain, in the service to which your universal good character and conduct do credit: and for this purpose, i have named you to the _suffolk_, and hope soon to find a frigate for you, as she is promised to a captain of long standing. "keppel." captain pellew thus obtained every step of rank expressly as a reward of a brilliant action in which he personally commanded; and in this respect, and in the number and extent of his services while he remained in the lower grades of his profession, he was singular, not only among his contemporaries, but perhaps in the annals of the navy. on the th of june, in the absence of captain macbride, of the forty-gun frigate _artois_, captain pellew assumed the temporary command of that ship, and sailed two days after to cruize on the coast of ireland. her master was mr. james bowen, so highly distinguished in the battle of the st of june, when he was master of the fleet, and who afterwards became a retired commissioner, and rear admiral. on the st of july, the _artois_ fell in with a french frigate-built ship, the _prince of robego_, of twenty-two guns, and men; and after a four hours' pursuit, and a running fight of half an hour with the chase guns, ran alongside, and took her. captain pellew gladly availed himself of this opportunity to show his grateful respect to the memory of his benefactor, captain pownoll, by giving the agency to his brother-in-law, mr. justice, one of the officers of plymouth-yard: and the plea of gratitude which he offered to his own brother, was felt to be quite conclusive. captain macbride wished to appoint an agent of his own; but captain pellew asserted his right, as the actual captor, with so much temper and firmness, that the other at length gave way. he had known captain pellew from early childhood, having been his father's intimate friend, and quite understood his character, of which he now expressed an opinion in language less refined than emphatic. "confound the fellow," said he, "if he had been bred a cobbler, he would have been first in the village." peace left him without employment for the next four years. in , he married susan, daughter of j. frowd, esq., of wiltshire; who survived him nearly four years. for a short time after his marriage, he lived at truro; but when his elder brother became collector of the customs at falmouth, he removed to the village of flushing, which is separated from falmouth only by a narrow creek, and which had peculiar attractions for him from family associations. during this period he went out in command of his brother's armed lugger, the _hawk_, in search of a notorious outlaw, wellard, who commanded an armed smuggler in the channel, and who was at length killed in action with the _hawk_, and her consort, which captured his vessel. active occupation, indeed, was essential to his comfort, and he found a life on shore most irksome. at length, in , he commissioned the _winchelsea_, for the newfoundland station. among her midshipmen was the late gallant sir christopher cole,[ ] to whose pen the reader is indebted for the following animated sketch of his service in that frigate:-- "i joined the _winchelsea_ under captain edward pellew's command in , recommended to him by my brother. captain frank cole, who told me, 'you are going to serve under a gallant and active officer, and one of the best seamen in the navy, who, if he live, must one day be at the head of his profession. make a friend of him by your good conduct, and you will do well.' the _winchelsea_ was manned with good seamen, with scarcely a landsman on board; and the first lieutenant, senior master's mate, and boatswain, were all excellent practical seamen; so that the midshipmen and youngsters, to the number of nearly thirty, could not be in a better situation for obtaining a knowledge of practical seamanship. we soon found that the activity of our captain would not allow us an idle hour, and there was so much kindness of heart, and cheerfulness of manner, blended with daring exertion in the performance of his duties, that we were all happy to imitate his example to the best of our abilities. in the course of our passage to newfoundland we encountered much blowing weather, and at all hours of the day or night, whenever there was exertion required aloft, to preserve a sail, or a mast, the captain was foremost at the work, apparently as a mere matter of amusement; and there was not a man in the ship who could equal him in personal activity. he appeared to play amongst the elements in the hardest storms, and the confidence this gave to those under his command, on many occasions, is not to be described. "the reduced peace complement of the crew made it necessary that they should work watch-and-watch, and one part of his system was, that the watch on deck, assisted by the idlers, should be in the habit of making themselves equal to every call of duty, without trespassing on the rest of those whose turn it was to be below. i remember relieving the deck one night after eight o'clock, when the captain was carrying on the duty, and shortening sail upon the quick approach of a severe gale, and being an old sailor for my age, being then sixteen, he ordered me to the mizentop, to close reef and furl the mizen-topsail; and this being done, from the increase of the gale, we had before twelve o'clock to take in successively every reef, furl most of the sails, and strike the topgallant-masts and other spars, to make the ship snug; the midshipmen being on the yards as well as the men, and the captain, when the gale became severe, at their elbow. in close reefing the main-topsail, there was much difficulty in clewing up the sail for the purpose of making it quiet, and the captain issued his orders accordingly from the quarter-deck, and sent us aloft. on gaining the topsail-yard, the most active and daring of our party hesitated to go upon it, as the sail was flapping about violently, making it a service of great danger. a voice was heard amidst the roaring of the gale from the extreme end of the yard-arm, calling upon us to exert ourselves to save the sail, which would otherwise beat to pieces. a man said, 'why, that's the captain--how the ---- did he get there!' the fact was, that the instant he had given us orders to go aloft, he laid down his speaking trumpet, and clambered like a cat by the rigging over the backs of the seamen, and before they reached the maintop, he was at the topmast-head, and from thence by the topsail-lift, a single rope, he reached the situation he was in. i could mention numberless instances of this kind, but will proceed to relate a few others fresh in my recollection. on our arrival at st. john's newfoundland, we anchored in the narrow entrance in the evening; and many officers would have been satisfied to have remained there until the morning, as we could reach our anchorage only by the tedious and laborious operation of laying out anchors, and warping; but we saw that the captain was bent upon exertion, and we went heartily to work. in the course of our progress against a strong wind, the ship had been warped up to the chain rock, and it became necessary to cast off the hawser attached to it, but all the boats were employed in laying out an anchor and warps elsewhere. the captain called to the men on the forecastle, and desired 'some active fellow to go down by the hawser, and cast it off,' at the same time saying that a boat would soon be there to bring him on board again. the smartest seaman in the ship declined the attempt. in an instant the captain was seen clinging to the hawser, and proceeding to the rock; the hawser was cast off, and to the astonishment of every one, he swang himself to the side of the ship by the same means, mounted the ship's side, and was again directing the duty going on. after nine hours laborious and incessant exertion, the ship was anchored near the _commodore_ in st. john's harbour, before daylight; and as a salute had been prepared in the hope of seeing the _commodore's_ pennant before sunset on the evening before, the captain remained on deck with the gunner only to assist him. the rest of the officers and men, being excessively fatigued, had been sent below to rest; and i was not singular in being unconscious of the firing, although my hammock hung close to the open hatchway, and immediately under the deck that the guns were fired from. "the strong mind and fertile genius of our commander kept the young mids., in particular, in constant employment. besides that some of the number were stationed on every yard in the ship, the mizen-mast from the deck to the truck was entirely managed in the sails and rigging by the midshipmen, who were not such dandies as to despise the tar-bucket, or even volunteering the laborious task of working the oars of one of the boats in harbour. they were all emulous to leave nothing undone to make themselves practical seamen, and they all found the advantage of such examples as they had then before them, many years afterwards, at the breaking out of the revolutionary war. "in the course of this year we visited every harbour, nook, and corner, on the east coast of newfoundland, that the ship could be squeezed into; and the seamanship displayed by the captain, in working the ship in some most difficult cases, was not lost upon the officers and crew. with respect to his personal activity, i have often heard the most active seamen, when doubting the possibility of doing what he ordered to be done, finish by saying, 'well, he never orders us to do what he won't do himself;' and they often remarked, 'blow high, blow low, he knows to an inch what the ship can do, and he can almost make her speak. on our return from newfoundland, he applied to cruise after smugglers in the winter months, instead of being kept idle in harbour until the season opened for visiting newfoundland again; but this did not come within the scope of the management of that day. in , we returned to our station at newfoundland. the summers there are very hot, and on the birthday of the good old king, george iii., the th of june, the ship's company obtained permission to bathe. the ship was at anchor in st. john's harbour, and the captain prepared himself for the public dinner at the governor's by dressing in his full uniform, and mounted the deck to step into his barge, which was ready to take him ashore. the gambols and antics of the men in the water caught his attention, and he stepped on one of the guns to look at them; when a lad, a servant to one of the officers, who was standing on the ship's side near to him, said, 'i'll have a good swim by-and-by, too.' 'the sooner the better,' said the captain, and tipped him into the water. he saw in an instant that the lad could not swim, and quick as thought he dashed overboard in his full dress uniform, with a rope in one hand, which he made fast to the lad, who was soon on board again, without injury, though a little frightened, but which did not prevent his soon enjoying the ludicrous finish of the captain's frolic. the lad's boasting expression gave an idea that he was a good swimmer, and i believe if ever the captain was frightened, it was when he saw the struggles in the water: but his self-possession and activity did not forsake him, and no one enjoyed the laugh against himself more than he did when the danger was over. "this season at newfoundland was passed in the same course of active exertion as the former one. we sailed for cadiz and lisbon in october, for the purpose of receiving any remittances in bullion to england, which the british merchants might have ready on our arrival. we had light winds and fine weather after making the coast of portugal. on one remarkably fine day, when the ship was stealing through the water under the influence of a gentle breeze, the people were all below at their dinners, and scarcely a person left on deck but officers, of whom the captain was one. two little ship-boys had been induced, by the fineness of the weather, to run up from below the moment they had dined, and were at play on the spare anchor to leeward, which overhangs the side of the ship. one of them fell overboard, which was seen from the quarter-deck, and the order was given to luff the ship into the wind. in an instant the officers were over the side; but it was the captain who, grasping a rope firmly with one hand, let himself down to the water's edge, and catching hold of the poor boy's jacket as he floated past, he saved his life in as little time as i have taken to mention it. there was not a rope touched, or a sail altered in doing this, and the people below knew not of the accident until they came on deck when their dinner was over. "in every instance when a life was in danger, he was instant to peril his own for its preservation; and i could fill pages, if it were necessary to notice any but those which i was so fortunate as to witness." after the _winchelsea_ had been paid off in , captain pellew was appointed to the _salisbury_, , bearing the flag of vice-admiral milbanke, on the newfoundland station; in which he served till . his brother israel became the first lieutenant, and was promoted from her. while in this ship, he was one day required to decide on the case of a seaman belonging to a merchant vessel in the harbour, who came on board to complain that his captain had punished him for a theft. finding that the captain had acted illegally, though the man had really deserved a far more severe punishment, he said to the complainant, "you have done quite right in coming here: your captain had no business to punish you as he has done, and that he may learn to be more cautious in future, we order him to be fined--a shilling!" the man turned to leave the cabin, much disappointed at the award; but how was his surprise increased, when captain pellew said, "stop, sir; we must now try you for the theft." the fact, which had been already admitted, allowed of no defence; and before the man left the ship, he was deservedly brought to the gangway. the admiral's secretary, mr. graham, afterwards the well-known police magistrate, related this circumstance to lord thurlow. the chancellor relaxed his iron features, and throwing himself back in his chair in a burst of laughter, exclaimed, "well, if that is not law, it is at least justice. captain pellew ought to have been a judge." footnotes: [ ] this seems to require explanation, for mr. pellew entered the navy in , only ten years before. it was the allowed practice at that time, and for many years after, for young men intended for the navy to serve by proxy. a ship's boy would be borne on the books in the name of the future midshipman, who was allowed the credit of his substitute's service, and whose time in the navy was thus running on while he was still at school. not only so, but, by permission of the admiralty, the time served by one boy, personally, or even thus by proxy, might, if he left the service, be transferred to the account of another! it has been stated that mr. pellew's eldest brother was borne on the books of the _seaford_, till he gave up the profession of the sea for that of medicine; and while mr. pellew was serving in america, he wrote to his brother a letter which still exists, requesting him to procure the transfer to himself, of his nominal service. it would therefore appear that lord exmouth, when a midshipman, had the three years of his elder brother's nominal service added to his own time, though his brother was never at sea. [ ] the coles were through life intimately connected with the pellews, to whom they were neighbours in childhood, when both families lived on the shores of the mount's bay; and their fortunes were very similar. left when very young, to the care of a widowed mother, and in narrow circumstances, they all rose high by their own deserts. two entered the church, and became, one vice-chancellor of the university of oxford, the other chaplain to greenwich hospital, and chaplain-general of the navy. two entered the navy, of whom frank, the eldest, was selected to take charge of the late king william iv., when he was sent to sea as prince william henry. christopher went to sea at ten years old, and became one of the first officers in the service, and not less distinguished for business habits and talents, in every post of duty. his capture of the strongly fortified island of banda neira, garrisoned with , soldiers, with a mere boat party of men, was an exploit, perhaps, unequalled. he was in charge of two frigates and a sloop of war, and having obtained the admiral's permission to attempt the capture, nor without a strong caution, he proposed to come upon the place unexpectedly at day-break, and, like sir charles brisbane at curaçoa, lay the ships as close as possible, and storm the works under their fire. this plan was baffled by the premature discovery of the ships by the enemy. he then resolved upon a night attack with the boats, and left the ships soon after midnight with men: but the wind rose and dispersed the party, and at day-break he found himself with only at hand. undismayed, he pushed ashore with his little handful of heroes, rushed up the hill to fort belgica, which crowned and commanded the island, mounted the walls, swept the ramparts like a whirlwind, followed with the panic stricken enemy through the gate of an inner fortification, and carried the fortress, and with it the island, without the loss of a man, and even without a wound. he was second in command of the naval force at the capture of java, and directed the landing of the troops, which, by his promptitude, and wise arrangements, was effected without loss. he twice received the thanks of the supreme government of india for important, political services. from his sovereign he received the rank of k.c.b.; from the admiralty, a naval medal; from oxford, the honorary degree of d.c.l., and from the east india company, a service of plate. he represented glamorganshire in parliament for twelve years; was captain of the _royal sovereign_ yacht, and colonel of marines. he died suddenly, august th, . it may encourage young officers whose promotion is slow, to learn that the brilliant successes of sir christopher cole were preceded by thirteen years active service as midshipman and mate, and seven years as lieutenant. chapter iii. the nymphe and cleopatra. rich only in reputation, and with an increasing family, captain pellew felt the pressure of narrow circumstances; and with the mistake so often made by naval officers, he thought to improve them by farming. there was a moderately large farm, treverry, within a few miles of falmouth, which had descended in the family to his elder brother, and he proposed to cultivate this upon the principle of sharing the profits. his brother, though not very sanguine on the result, readily agreed to the experiment; and when in no long time captain pellew complained that he found it impossible to keep the accounts so as to make a fair division, he was allowed to rent it on his own terms. it will not occasion surprise that the undertaking was anything but profitable. indeed, farming is almost always a very losing employment to a gentleman, and especially to a sailor. nothing can be more incorrect than the conclusion that education ought to excel, because ignorance succeeds; for success depends upon attention to a multiplicity of petty details, which inexperience will be likely to overlook, and talent may find it irksome to attend to. if the small farmer, who cultivates his little ground by the labour of his own family, and the more considerable one, who devotes to his estate skill, capital, and undivided attention, so often fail, what can he hope for, who depends upon labourers whose mistakes he cannot correct, and whose indolence, and even dishonesty, he is scarcely able to check? the failure of crops which depend for their success upon the knowledge and activity of the principal; and the necessary and constant outlay, which is great beyond the conception of a novice, may ruin even him who farms his own land, when the care of it is only a secondary object; and this it will generally be to a professional man. the expected pleasures of fanning will be likely to disappoint, even more than its profits. when the fields are waving with abundance, nothing appears more delightful than to direct the labours they require; but the enjoyments of the harvest month, when all the weary toil of preparation is forgotten, will be found a poor compensation for the daily annoyances of the year. to be excelled in management by the uneducated, and over-reached by the cunning: to study systems of agriculture, to be thwarted in carrying them into effect, and when they fail, to become an object of contemptuous pity to the ignorant but successful followers of the old routine: to find that all around take advantage of his ignorance: that servants, the best with other masters, become careless and unfaithful with him: to become involved in petty disputes with low neighbours, and to be unable to avoid them except by a forbearance which encourages aggression: to find, that with all his attention and trouble, the income lags far behind the outgoings--those are among the pleasures of a gentleman farmer. to captain pellew, the employment was peculiarly unsuitable. his mind, happy only while it was active, could ill accommodate itself to pursuits which almost forbade exertion; and a business within the comprehension of a peasant was not for a character which could fill, and animate, with its own energy an extended sphere of action. even now, when agriculture has become an eminently scientific profession, it requires to make it interesting that it shall be thoroughly understood, and conducted upon a proper scale; but at that time it was commonly a mere routine of dull drudgery, and nowhere more so than in the west of cornwall. to have an object in view, yet be unable to advance it by any exertions of his own, was to him a source of constant irritation. he was wearied with the imperceptible growth of his crops, and complained that he made his eyes ache by watching their daily progress. he was not likely to excel in occupations so entirely uncongenial. the old people in the neighbourhood of treverry speak with wonder of the fearlessness he displayed on different occasions, but shake their heads at his management as a farmer. they have no difficulty in accounting for his fortune. while he lived at treverry, a swarm of bees found an entrance over the porch, of the house, and made a comb there for many successive years; and to this happy omen they attribute all his after success. the apartment is still called the "bee-room." the offer of a command in the russian navy gave him an opportunity to escape from his difficulties. it was recommended to him by an officer of high character, with whom he had served, and who possessed so many claims upon his confidence that he thought it right to strengthen his own decision by the opinion of his elder brother, before he finally refused it. his brother, who had always encouraged his every ambitious, and every honourable feeling, and who, even at this time, confidently anticipated for him a career of high distinction, of which, indeed, his past life afforded ample promise, would not for a moment listen to his entering a foreign service. he said, that every man owes his services, blood, and life, so exclusively to his own country that he has no right to give them to another; and he desired captain pellew to reflect how he would answer for it to his god, if he lost his life in a cause which had no claim upon him. these high considerations of patriotism and religion are the true ground upon which the question should rest. deeply is it to be regretted that men of high character should have unthinkingly sanctioned by their example what their own closer reflection might have led them to condemn. still more is it to be deplored that deserving officers, hopeless, in the present state of the navy, ( ) of promotion, or employment, should be driven by their necessities to sacrifice their proudest and most cherished feelings, and to quit for a foreign flag the service of which they might become the strength and ornament. war is too dreadful a calamity to be lightly incurred. only patriotism, with all its elevating and endearing associations of country, homes, and altars, can throw a veil over its horrors, and a glory around its achievements: patriotism, which gives to victory all its splendour; sheds lustre even on defeat; and hallows the tomb of the hero, fallen amidst the regrets and admiration of his country. but he who goes forth to fight the battles of another state, what honour can victory itself afford to him? or how shall he be excused, if he attack the allies of his own country, whom, as such, he is bound on his allegiance to respect? the decision of captain pellew on this occasion proved as fortunate as it was honourable. at the beginning of , there was no appearance of hostilities; and when the french republicans put to death their king, on the st of january, and declared war against england twelve days after, the government, which had made no preparation for such an event, was taken by surprise almost as much as the country. the navy was on the peace establishment, with only sixteen thousand seamen and marines; and it became necessary in the course of the year to raise for it sixty thousand men. mr. pellew, whose situation at falmouth enabled him to obtain the earliest information, hastened to treverry as soon as he saw that war was likely to break out, and advised his brother immediately to offer his services to the admiralty in person. captain pellew, too happy in the prospect of exchanging the ploughshare for the sword, returned with him to falmouth; and the same night was on the road to london. he was immediately appointed to the _nymphe_, of thirty-six guns, formerly a french frigate, which, by a striking coincidence, had been taken by boarding in the former war, after having been disabled by the loss of her wheel. he fitted her with extraordinary dispatch; but from the number of ships commissioned at the same time, there was great difficulty in manning her. anticipating this, captain pellew wrote to falmouth as soon as he had received his appointment, and adverting to the importance of getting his ship to sea quickly, he requested his brother to assist him in procuring a crew--of sailors, if possible; but if not, then of cornish miners. the choice may appear extraordinary, but cornish miners are better calculated to make seamen than any other class of landsmen; not so much because they are always accustomed to difficult climbing, and familiar with the use of ropes, and gunpowder, as that the cornish system of mining, with an order and discipline scarcely surpassed in a ship of war, compels the lowest workman to act continually upon his own judgment. thus it creates that combination of ready obedience, with intelligence, and promptitude at resource, which is the perfection of a sailor's character. familiarity with danger gives the miner a cool and reflective intrepidity; and the old county sport of wrestling, so peculiarly a game of strength and skill, now falling into disuse, but then the daily amusement of every boy, was admirably calculated to promote the activity and self-possession necessary in personal conflicts. captain pellew's quick discrimination is remarkably shown in thus discovering the capabilities of a class of men, who had never before been similarly tried, and with whom he could have had comparatively but little acquaintance there were no mines in the immediate neighbourhood of anyplace where he had lived; and as his professional habits were not likely to give him an interest in the subject, he had probably never held much intercourse with miners, except when he might have met them as rioters. for at that period, the attention of the west countrymen was devoted almost exclusively to their mines and fisheries, to the neglect of agriculture; and the county being thus dependent upon importations, famine was not uncommon. at such times, the poor tinners would come into the towns, or wherever they had reason to believe that corn was stored, with their bags, and their money, asking only barley-bread, and offering the utmost they could give for it, but insisting that food should be found for them at a price they could afford to pay. if the law must condemn such risings, humanity would pity them for the cause, and justice must admire the forbearance displayed in them. at one of these seasons of distress, when there was a great quantity of corn in the customhouse cellars at falmouth, a strong body of miners came in to insist that it should be sold. mr. pellew, the collector, met them in the street, and explained to them the circumstances under which he was entrusted with it, and which left him no power to sell. they were famishing men, and the corn was in their power; but they had come to buy, and famine itself, with the almost certainty of impunity, could not tempt them to steal. they received his explanation, and left the town peaceably. about eighty miners entered for the _nymphe_ and joined her at spithead. she sailed on her passage from spithead to falmouth very badly manned, having not more than a dozen seamen on board, exclusive of the officers, who were obliged to go aloft to reef and furl the sails, the captain setting the example wherever anything was to be done, and often steering the ship. a corporal of marines was captain of the forecastle. arriving at falmouth, after a rough passage, she soon picked up a few good men. she took a convoy from thence to the nore, another from the nore to hamburgh, and a third from cuxhaven to the nore again; never letting slip an opportunity to press as many men as could be spared from the merchant-ships. the captain would remain in a boat all night, and think himself amply repaid if he obtained only one good man. from the nore, she returned to spithead, and thence sailed on a cruize, in company with the _venus_, captain jonathan faulknor, having now a full proportion of good seamen, though she was still short of her complement, and none of the crew had ever seen a shot fired. she parted company with the _venus_ in chase, but rejoined her on the th of may. on the th, the _venus_ had engaged the french frigate _semillante_, one of a squadron then cruizing in the channel under the orders of captain mullon, of the _cleopatra_. the action had continued two hours, much to the disadvantage of the enemy, when the _cleopatra_ was seen coming up, and the _venus_ was obliged to fly. on the _nymphe_ rejoining her, the two frigates went in pursuit of the enemy as far as cherbourg. thence captain pellew proceeded to the north channel, where some french cruisers were reported to have gone; but having swept the channel without seeing anything of them, and taken on board his brother israel, then living, a commander on half-pay, at larne, he returned to falmouth. here, on the th of june, the _nymphe_ pressed the crew of a south-seaman, which full manned the ship. she sailed from falmouth on the evening of the th. that afternoon, captain pellew was informed that two french frigates had again been seen in the channel, and he discussed with his brother israel, at their elder brother's table, the course most likely to intercept them. after they had talked over the advantages of sailing along the english or the french coast, they at length determined to keep mid-channel. an active and most anxious pursuit of the enemy for the last three weeks had made the crew not less eager than their commander; and the subject of the expected battle engrossed their sleeping and waking thoughts. a dream of captain israel pellew had perhaps some influence on the result. his brother would not allow him to be called till they were just closing the french frigate, and meeting him as he ran on deck half dressed, he said to him, with much emotion,--"israel, you have no business here! we are too many eggs from one nest. i am sorry i brought you from your wife." but israel, whose whole attention was occupied with the enemy, exclaimed, "that's the very frigate i've been dreaming of all night! i dreamt that we shot away her wheel. we shall have her in a quarter of an hour!" his brother, who had already inferred her high state of discipline from her manoeuvres, replied, "we shall not take her so easily. see how she is handled." he was a perfect artillerist, and, prompted by the suggestions of his sleep, he took charge of a gun, made the wheel his object, and ultimately shot it away. not less extraordinary was the dream of a master's mate, mr. pearse, who had served in the _winchelsea_. he dreamt that the _nymphe_ fell in with a french frigate the day after leaving port, that they killed her captain, and took her; and so vivid was the impression, that he firmly believed it to be a supernatural intimation, and spoke of it accordingly to his messmates. they rallied him immoderately on his superstition, but his confidence remained unshaken; and when his papers were examined after his death, for he was killed in the action, it was found that he had written the dream in his pocket-book. at day break on the th, as they were proceeding up channel, being still some miles to the westward of the start, a sail was observed in the south-east, winch was soon made out to be a french frigate. before six o'clock they had approached very near, the enemy making no attempt to escape; and, indeed, if both nations had wished at this early period of the war to try the merit of their respective navies by a battle, no ship could have been better calculated than the _cleopatra_ to maintain the honour of her flag. her commander, captain mullon, was deservedly considered one of the most able officers of the french marine. as suffren's captain, he had taken a prominent part in the actions with sir edward hughes in the east indies; and the code of signals then used along the french coast was his own invention. the _cleopatra_ had been more than a year in commission, and, with such a commander, it may be supposed that her crew had been well trained to all their duties. indeed, it was known that the enemy had taken great pains in the equipment of their cruizers; and the generally inferior description of the english crews, inevitable from the circumstance that a navy was to be commissioned at once, had led to great apprehensions for the result of the first action. the seaman-like style in which the _cleopatra_ was handled did not escape the eye of captain pellew; who, conscious of his own disadvantage, from the inexperience of his ship's company, determined to avail himself of the power which the enemy's gallantry afforded him, to bring the ships at once to close action, and let courage alone decide it. in the courage of his men he placed the firmest reliance; and when he addressed a few words to them, before they closed with the enemy, he knew how to suggest the most effectual encouragement in a situation so new to them all. to the miners, he appealed by their honour and spirit as cornishmen; a motive which the feelings of his own bosom told him would, above all things, animate theirs. probably there is no place where local pride prevails so strongly as in the west of cornwall. the lower classes, employed for the most part in pursuits which require the constant exercise of observation and judgment, and familiarized to danger in their mines and fisheries, are peculiarly thoughtful and intrepid; while the distinctness of name and character which they derive from the almost insular position of their county, and the general ignorance of strangers in the interesting pursuits with which they are so familiar, have taught the lower classes to regard it less as an integral part of england, than a distinct and superior country. they have a nobler motive for this feeling, in the successes of their forefathers against the arms of the rebel parliament, when their loyalty, unwavering amidst prosperous treason, and their victories over superior discipline and numbers, obtained for them the grateful eulogy of their unfortunate sovereign. his letter remains painted, as he directed, in a conspicuous part of their older churches, a most honourable monument of their virtues and his gratitude. no man could be prouder of his county than captain pellew himself; and, as it was an object much coveted by the most promising of its young men to serve in his ship, and he continued steadily to patronize those who showed themselves deserving, there is scarcely a town in it from which he has not made officers. thus his feelings were in perfect unison with theirs; and never was an appeal made with greater confidence, or answered with higher spirit, than when he reminded them of their home. at six o'clock the ships were so near, that the captains mutually hailed. not a shot had yet been fired. the crew of the _nymphe_ now shouted "long live king george!" and gave three hearty cheers. captain mullon was then seen to address his crew briefly, holding a cap of liberty, which he waved before them. they answered with acclamations, shouting, "vive la republique!" as if in reply to the loyal watchword of the british crew, and to mark the opposite principles for which the battle was to be fought. the cap of liberty was then given to a sailor, who ran up the main rigging, and screwed it on the mast-head. at a quarter past six, the _nymphe_ reached the starboard quarter of the _cleopatra_, when captain pellew, whose hat was still in his hand, raised it to his head, the preconcerted signal for the _nymphe_ to open her fire. both frigates immediately commenced a furious cannonade, which they maintained without intermission for three quarters of an hour, running before the wind under top-gallant-sails, and very near each other. at a little before seven, the mizen-mast of the _cleopatra_ fell, and presently after her wheel was shot away. thus rendered unmanageable, she came round with her bow to the _nymphe's_ broadside, her jib-boom pressing hard against the mainmast. captain pellew, supposing that the enemy were going to board, ordered the boarders to be called, to repel them; but the disabled state of the _cleopatra_ was soon evident, and he at once gave orders to board her. immediately the boarders rushed on the forecastle, a division of them, headed by mr., afterwards capt. george bell, boarding through the main-deck ports, and fought their way along the gangways to the quarter-deck. the republicans, though much superior in numbers, could not resist the impetuosity of the attack. at ten minutes past seven they had all fled below, or submitted, and the pennant of the _cleopatra_ was hauled down. while the boarders were pouring in upon the enemy's forecastle, the mainmast of the _nymphe_, having been much wounded, and with the main and spring-stays shot away, was most seriously endangered by the pressure of the _cleopatra's_ jib-boom. fortunately, the jib-boom broke, and the _cleopatra_ fell alongside the _nymphe_, head and stern. the mainmast was again in danger, from the _cleopatra's_ larboard maintopmast-studding-sail boom-iron hooking in the larboard leech-rope of the main-topsail, and dragging the sail. captain pellew ordered some active seaman to go out upon the yard, and free the sail, promising ten guineas, if he succeeded; and a main-top-man, named burgess, immediately sprang out, and cut the leech-rope. lieutenant pellowe had been already directed to drop the best bower-anchor, as a means of getting the ships apart; and by the time half the prisoners had been removed, the prize separated, and fell astern. the crew fought with a steadiness and gallantry above all praise. a lad, who had served in the _winchelsea_ as barber's boy, was made second captain of one of the main-deck guns. the captain being killed, he succeeded to command the gun; and through the rest of the action, captain pellew heard him from the gangway give the word for all the successive steps of loading and pointing, as if they had been only in exercise. in the heat of action, one of the men came from the main deck to ask the captain what he must do, for that all the men at his gun were killed or wounded but himself, and he had been trying to fight it alone, but could not. another, who had joined but the day before, was found seated on a gun-carriage, complaining that he had been very well as long as he was fighting, but that his sea sickness returned as soon as the battle was over, and that he did not know what was the matter with his leg, it smarted so much. it was found that the poor fellow had received a musket ball in it. the loss was severe on both sides, and, in proportion to the respective crews, nearly equal. the _nymphe_, out of a crew of , had killed, including her boatswain, a master's mate (pearse), and three midshipmen; and wounded, among whom were her second lieutenant, the lieutenant of marines, and two midshipmen. the _cleopatra_ lost killed and wounded, out of a crew of . she came out of action, therefore, with effective men more than her conqueror. it is highly creditable to the _nymphe's_ crew, that they beat a ship like the _cleopatra_ by gunnery, notwithstanding their inexperience; and carried her by a hand-to-hand conflict, notwithstanding their inferior numbers. captain mullon was killed. a cannon-shot struck him on the back, and carried away great part of his left hip. even at that dreadful moment he felt the importance of destroying the signals which he carried in his pocket; but in his dying agony, he took out his commission in mistake, and expired in the act of devouring it;--a trait of devoted heroism never surpassed by any officer of any nation. these signals, so valuable as long as the enemy did not know them to be in possession of the british, thus fell into the hands of captain pellew, who delivered them to the admiralty. captain pellew arrived at portsmouth with his prize on the following day. he sent the flag under which she fought, and the cap of liberty, to his brother. this, the first trophy of the kind taken in the revolutionary war, is about seven inches long, made of wood, and painted red; with a round, tapering spear of brass, about three feet and a half long, the lower half being blackened, with a screw at the end to fix it on the mast. the following letter accompanied these trophies:-- "dear sam,--here we are--thank god! safe--after a glorious action with _la cleopâtre_, the crack ship of france; guns, on her main-deck, and on her quarter-deck, some of pounds, and men. we dished her up in fifty minutes, boarded, and struck her colours. we have suffered much, but i was long determined to make a short affair of it. we conversed before we fired a shot, and then, god knows, hot enough it was, as you will see by the enclosed.[ ] i might have wrote for a month, had i entered on the description of every gallant action, but we were all in it, heart and soul. i owe much to israel, who undertook with the after-gun to cut off her rudder and wheel. the tiller was shot away, and four men were killed at her wheel, which i verily believe was owing to him. i will write again in a day or two, and do all i can for everybody. we must go into harbour. _cleopatra_ is fifteen feet longer, and three feet wider than _nymphe_--much larger, poor dear pearse is numbered with the slain[ ]--plane and norway slightly wounded--old nicholls safe. god be praised for his mercy to myself, and israel, and all of us! "yours, ever, e.p." "be kind to susan--go over, and comfort her; i cannot write to poor pearse's mother for my life--do send her a note; i really cannot. i loved him, poor fellow, and he deserved it. "_june , ._" footnotes: [ ] a list of the killed and wounded. [ ] after the action, mr. norway requested permission to keep the body of mr. pearse for interment by his friends. captain pellew for answer desired mr. n. to read the contents of a paper which he drew from his pocket. it was a direction that if he, capt. p., should foil, his body should at once be thrown overboard. of course mr. n. immediately withdrew his request. chapter iv. the western squadrons. the capture of the first frigate in a war is always an object of much interest; and the circumstances of the late action, the merit of which was enhanced by the skill and gallantry of the enemy, gave additional importance to captain pellew's success. "i never doubted," said lord howe, "that you would take a french frigate; but the manner in which you have done it, will establish an example for the war." the brothers were introduced to the king on the th of june, by the earl of chatham, first lord of the admiralty; when captain pellew received the honour of knighthood, and his brother was made a post-captain. besides the usual promotions, the master, mr. thomson, received a lieutenant's commission. as mr. thomson was a master of considerable standing, the captain supposed that he would decline the change to be a junior lieutenant; but the master preferred to get into the line for promotion, and as the result showed, he decided wisely, for he followed sir edward to the _arethusa_ and _indefatigable_; and as he had the singular fortune to fight four brilliant actions in three years and a-half, each of which obtained promotion for his first lieutenant, mr. thomson thus rose rapidly to seniority, and was made a commander for the action with the _droits de l'homme_. captain mullon was buried at portsmouth, with all the honours due to his gallantry. one of sir edward's first acts was to write a letter of condolence to the widow; and as he learnt that she was left in narrow circumstances, he sent, with her husband's property, what assistance his then very limited means enabled him to offer. madame mullon acknowledged his attention and kindness in a most grateful letter. he received also the warm acknowledgments of the _cleopatra's_ surviving officers, the senior of whom requested and received from him testimonials of the skill and gallantry with which they had defended their ship, without which their defeat, in the bloody councils which then prevailed, would probably have brought them to the scaffold. what was scarcely to be expected at such a time, and after a first defeat, it was admitted in the _moniteur_ that the "superb frigate" the _cleopatra_ had been taken by a frigate of equal force. the action between the _nymphe_ and _cleopatra_ is interesting as the first in which a ship had substituted carronades for her quarter-deck guns of small calibre, making them a material part of her force. this gun had been invented about three years before the close of the former war, and the admiralty had allowed it to be introduced generally into the navy; but except in one ship, the _rainbow_, , which was armed entirely with heavy carronades, it was considered as supplementary to the regular armament, being mounted only where long guns could not be placed, and not affecting the ship's rating. the _flora_, when she took the _nymphe_, in , thus carried six -pounder carronades, in addition to her proper number of long guns; and the _artois_, when sir edward commanded her, was armed in the same manner. the carronade was at first very unpopular with the sailors, generally prejudiced as they are against innovations, and who, not understanding how to use it, attributed failures which arose from their own mismanagement to defects in the invention. sir edward, who had no prejudices to contend with in training his crew, obtained permission, when he fitted the _nymphe_, to exchange the six-pounders on her quarter-deck for -pounder carronades; and the result of the battle confirmed his favourable opinion of them. his next ship, the _arethusa_, was armed precisely as the forty-four gun frigates at a later period of the war, with eighteen-pounders on the main-deck, and -pounder carronades on the quarter-deck and forecastle. he joined her in january . towards the end of , the enemy fitted out a number of frigates, which cruised at the entrance of the channel, chiefly in small squadrons, and committed the most serious depredations. sir edward formed the idea of checking them by an independent cruising squadron; but, expecting that a measure so unusual as to create a distinct command within the limits of an admiral's station would be very strongly opposed, he would not, as an officer without influence, venture to recommend it himself; but he explained his views to sir j. borlase warren, whose interest was great, and urged him to apply for such a command. the admiralty, whose attention had already been anxiously directed to the successes of the enemy, approved of the proposal, and gave sir john a small squadron of frigates, of which the _arethusa_ was one, and which were to rendezvous at falmouth. such was the origin of the western squadrons, which, from the number of their successes, and their character of dashing enterprise, became the most popular service in the navy. as a school for officers and seamen, they were never surpassed. almost all their captains rose to high distinction, and a list of well-known flag-officers may be traced in connection with them, such as, perhaps, was never formed by any other service of the same extent. it may suffice to mention such names as sir richard strachan, sir israel pellew, sir edmund nagle, sir sidney smith, sir richard keats, sir james saumarez, sir philip durham, sir charles v. penrose, admirals barlow, and reynolds. nothing equals the animating duties of a cruizing frigate squadron. the vigilance in hovering on the enemy's coast, or sweeping over the seas around it; the chase, by a single ship detached to observe a suspicious stranger, or by the whole squadron to overtake an enemy; the occasional action; the boat-attack;--service like this gives constant life to a sailor. in a line-of-battle ship, with the perfection of discipline, there is less demand for individual enterprise, and fewer of the opportunities which fit crews for exploits where all depends on rapidity and daring. on the other hand, a single cruizer wants the stimulus supplied by constant emulation. but in a squadron, all the ships vie with one another; and the smartest of them, herself always improving, gives an example, and a character to the whole. in the middle of april , sir j.b. warren sailed from portsmouth in the _flora_, with the _arethusa_, _concorde_, _melampus_, and _nymphe_. at daylight on the rd, he fell in with a french squadron off the isle of bass; the _engageante_, _pomone_, and _resolue_, frigates; and the _babet_, -gun corvette. the enemy, who were standing to the north-west, made sail on perceiving the british squadron; the commodore in _l'engageante_ being a-head, then _resolue_, _pomone_, and _babet_. soon after, the wind shifted two points, from s.s.w. to south, giving the british the weather-gage, and preventing the enemy from making their escape to the land. outsailing her consorts, the _flora_ came up with the enemy at half-past six; and giving the _babet_ a passing broadside, stood on and attacked the _pomone_. the _pomone_ was at that time by much the largest frigate ever built, being only one hundred tons smaller than a -gun ship, and carrying long -pounders on her main deck. the _flora_, being only a , with -pounders, was a very unequal match for this powerful ship, which soon cut her sails and rigging to pieces, shot away her fore-topmast, and left her astern. the _melampus_, which, notwithstanding her endeavours to close, was still far to windward on the _pomone's_ quarter; now fired on her, but unavoidably at too great a distance to produce any material effect, though the heavy guns of the enemy inflicted on her a greater loss than was sustained by any other ship in the squadron. the _arethusa_, which had previously cannonaded the _babet_, while she was pressing on to overtake the frigates, soon came up with the _pomone_, closed her to windward, and engaged her single-handed, and within pistol-shot, till she struck. the _flora_, in the mean time, took possession of the corvette. a short time before the close of the action, the _pomone_ took fire, but her crew succeeded in extinguishing the flames. at half-past nine, the _arethusa_ shot away her main and mizen masts, and compelled her to surrender. as soon as the enemy struck, the commodore, in the full warmth of his feelings, wrote to sir edward a short and expressive note:-- "my dear pellew,--i shall ever hold myself indebted, and under infinite obligations to you, for the noble and gallant support you gave me to-day. "god bless you and all yours! "your most sincere, "and affectionate friend, "j.b. warren." he then made signal for a general chase. both the _flora_ and _arethusa_ were too much crippled to follow immediately, though the latter in a very short time repaired her damages sufficiently to enable her to make sail; and the _nymphe_, to the great mortification of all on board, was so far astern from the first, that she was never able, with all their exertions, to take any part in the action. but the _concorde_, commanded by sir richard strachan, by superior sailing, came up with the _resolue_; when the french commodore, in _l'engageante_, coming to assist his consort, sir richard brought his new opponent to close action, and took her. the _resolue_ escaped. it is remarkable that this frigate had been attacked and compelled to submit by sir r. strachan, in november, , for resisting the search of some vessels which were carrying stores to tippoo saib; and that she was afterwards taken by the _melampus_. the squadron carried their prizes into portsmouth. the commodore was honoured with a red ribbon, a most unusual distinction for a service of this extent, and which he often said sir edward pellew had mainly contributed to place on his shoulder. sir j. warren's acknowledgments were not the only flattering notice which sir edward received. the first lord of the admiralty sent him a letter, dated on the third day after the action. "dear sir,--i have but a moment to acknowledge your letter, which i have received this morning with infinite pleasure; and to say, that i am extremely happy the same success and honour attend you in the _arethusa_ as in the _nymphe_. i shall be very glad to see you while you are refitting, as soon as your leg will permit it, and which, i am happy to hear, is only a sprain. "i am, dear sir, "your very faithful, humble servant, "chatham." from lord howe, the commander-in-chief on the station, then just about to sail on the cruise which proved so honourable to himself and to his country, he received the following letter:-- "the _charlotte_, st. helen's, th april, . "sir,--i had already desired sir john warren, before the receipt of your favour of this day's date, to present my congratulations on the very distinguished success which has attended your late undertaking. the superiority of the _pomone_ adds much to the credit of it; although the event has not surpassed the confidence i should have entertained of it, if i could have been apprized of the opportunity before the action commenced. "i am much obliged by the communications which have accompanied your letter; and remain, with sentiments of particular esteem and regard, "sir, "your most obedient, humble servant, "howe." on the rd of august following, the squadron, now consisting of six frigates, which had sailed from falmouth on the th, chased the french frigate _volontaire_, and the corvettes _alerte_ and _espion_, into the bay of audierne, a large bay immediately to the southward of brest, having the promontory at the south entrance of that harbour, the bec du raz, for its northern, and penmarck point for its southern extremity. four of the squadron chased the frigate on shore near the penmarcks, where she was totally wrecked. the corvettes took shelter under the batteries, where they were driven on shore and cannonaded by the _flora_ and _arethusa_, until their masts fell, and great part of their crews escaped to the land. the boats of the _arethusa_ were now ordered to set them on fire; but when it was found, on boarding them, that many of their wounded could not be removed with safety, sir edward contented himself with taking out the rest of the prisoners, leaving the wounded to the care of their friends on shore, and the stranded corvettes, which were already bilged, to their fate. _l'espion_ was afterwards got off by the enemy. the state of the channel was at this time very different from what it had been a few months before. the enemy's cruisers, which then were almost in possession of it, could now scarcely leave their ports without being taken. while the frigates swept the channel, spreading themselves to command a very extensive range of view, it was difficult for an enemy to elude their vigilance. chasing in different directions, to take advantage of every change of wind, and to circumvent him in every manoeuvre, it was impossible for him, once seen, to escape their pursuit. the services of the western squadron led the admiralty to increase the force, and divide the command; and the second squadron was given to sir edward pellew. on the st of october, at daybreak, the _arethusa_, with the _artois_, captain nagle; _diamond_, sir sidney smith; and _galatea_, captain keats, fell in with the french frigate _revolutionaire_, eight or ten miles to the westward of ushant, the wind being off the land. the squadron gave chase, and the commodore took the most weatherly course, observing, that if the french captain were a seaman, the prize would fall to himself, for his only chance of escape was to carry a press of sail to windward. instead of this, the enemy kept away; and the _artois_ overtook, and brought her to action. after they had been closely engaged for forty minutes, the _diamond_ came up; but sir sidney smith, with that chivalrous feeling which marked his character, would not allow a shot to be fired, saying, that nagle had fought his ship well, and he would not diminish the credit of his trophy. but when the enemy did not immediately surrender, he said, that she must not be allowed to do mischief, and ordered a broadside to be ready. then, taking out his watch, he continued, "we'll allow her five minutes: if she do not then strike, we'll fire into her." he stood with the watch in his hand, and just before the time expired, the french colours came down. captain nagle was deservedly knighted for his gallantry. the prize, which had been launched only six months, was tons larger than any british-built frigate, and superior to any captured one, except the _pomone_. she had a furnace for heating shot, which the enemy had used in the action. she was commissioned by the commodore's early friend. captain frank cole, and attached to the squadron. it would have added to the interest sir edward felt when he took possession of this very beautiful ship, could he have known that she was to close her career in the navy under his second son, at that time a child. she was taken to pieces in , at plymouth, after having been paid off by the hon. captain fleetwood pellew, who had commanded her for the preceding four years. on the d of december, when sir edward's squadron was at anchor in falmouth, the channel fleet being at spithead, and a large outward-bound convoy waiting for a fair wind at torbay, an english gentleman, who had just escaped from l'orient, arrived at falmouth in a neutral vessel, and reported to mr. pellew, the collector of the customs, the important fact that the brest fleet had just been ordered to sea. he had received the information from the naval commandant at l'orient, and a line-of-battle ship in that port, _le caton_, was to join the force. sir edward was immediately sent for by his brother, and the very important information they received appearing certain, it was deemed necessary that sir edward should communicate it in person to the admiralty, and send advices from the nearest post towns on the road to the admirals at plymouth and portsmouth, as well as to the senior officer at torbay. he went off express the same afternoon, accompanied by the marine officer of the _arethusa_, afterwards colonel sir richard williams, k.c.b., late commandant of the division of marines at portsmouth; and arrived in london on the th, at that time an almost unexampled despatch.[ ] the object of the french fleet in putting to sea at so unusual a season was most probably to strike a severe blow at british commerce, by intercepting the convoy from torbay; and in this there is every reason to believe they would have succeeded, but for the timely information of their intended cruise, and the prompt measures which were taken in consequence, for the wind became fair that night. it was one of those events which so frequently occur in history, and as often in private life, where important consequences depend upon some accidental, or, to speak more properly, providential circumstance, which yet is unavailing, unless improved by judgment and energy. when sir edward made his communication to the admiralty, earl spencer observed, that the first step was to send advices without delay to the admirals at plymouth and portsmouth. "that," replied sir edward, "has been already attended to. i sent despatches from exeter and salisbury." "then, sir," said a junior lord, apparently with displeasure, "you have left nothing for the admiralty to do."--"except," interposed lord spencer, "to get the british fleet to sea with as little delay as possible." the board directed sir edward to return to falmouth, and proceed without delay to reconnoitre brest. during his absence, sir j.b. warren had arrived with his frigates; and a squadron, consisting of the _pomone_, _arethusa_, _diamond_, _galatea_, and _concorde_, sailed from falmouth on the nd of january, and arrived off ushant on the following morning. the _diamond_, commanded by sir sidney smith, was sent a-head to reconnoitre, and the squadron followed. a line-of-battle ship was seen at anchor in bertheaume bay on the evening of the th. the _diamond_ persevered in working up through the night, and at eight next morning was seen returning to the squadron. sir sidney reported that he had completely reconnoitred brest at daylight, and ascertained that the enemy's fleet was at sea. on his return, he was under the necessity of passing very near the french seventy-four, but having disguised his ship with french colours, and a _bonnet rouge_ at her head, he went boldly under the enemy's stern, and hailed her in french. she was the ship from l'orient, _le caton_, which had been obliged to return to port disabled, and her pumps were going as she lay at anchor. sir sidney gave the name of his own ship as _la surveillante_; and having offered assistance, which was declined, he took leave, and made sail for the squadron. the enemy's fleet, thirty-five sail of the line, thirteen frigates, and sixteen smaller vessels, had put to sea towards the end of december. some of them were driven back by a gale, but the fleet continued to cruise until the end of january, when they were obliged to return to port, with the loss of five ships.[ ] the squadron, having effected their principal object, arrived off falmouth, and landed despatches on the th. they afterwards continued their cruise until the d, when they returned to port. sir edward now left the _arethusa_, and joined the _indefatigable_, one of three -gun ships which had lately been cut down to heavy frigates. one part of the plan was to reduce their masts and rigging in proportion to the diminished size of their hulls. all of them proved slow and unmanageable ships; and sir edward, who had satisfied himself of the cause of the failure, applied to the navy board for permission to alter the _indefatigable_. the comptroller of the navy was much offended at the request, denying that the plan of the navy board had failed; and when sir edward alluded to the notorious inefficiency of the ships, he said that it arose entirely from faulty stowage of the ballast and hold. they parted, mutually dissatisfied; and sir edward appealed immediately to lord spencer, who, a short time before, had been placed at the head of the admiralty. this nobleman showed every desire to meet sir edward's wishes, but expressed very great reluctance to involve himself in a difference with the navy board; and requested him to arrange the affair, if possible, himself. he accordingly attempted it; but finding no disposition to meet his views, he at length declined the appointment, saying that he would not risk his credit by commanding a worthless ship. this brought the question to a point; and he was allowed to alter the _indefatigable_ according to his own plans. they were entirely successful, for she became an excellent sailer and a most efficient ship. sir edward was remarkably accurate in judging of a ship's qualities. for this he was probably indebted in the first place to the practical knowledge of ship-building which he acquired, when he assisted to construct the squadron on lake champlain, and to his very close intimacy with lieutenant (afterwards rear-admiral) schanck, an enthusiast on the subject, and who always regarded him with peculiar pride and attachment, as a pupil of his own. the general knowledge which he thus obtained, could not fail to be improved in the course of his own service. many illustrations may be given of the correctness of his opinion in this respect. the _bordelais_, a french cruiser taken by the _revolutionaire_, carrying guns on a flush deck, feet long, was bought into the service, and commissioned by captain manby. she was one of the fastest and most beautiful vessels ever seen, but so dangerous, that she was called, in the navy, "the coffin." sir edward saw her alongside the jetty at plymouth, and pointing out to her commander the cause of her dangerous character, recommended the means of guarding against it. his advice was always acted upon, and the _bordelais_ survived; while two other captured sloops of war, the _railleur_ and _trompeuse_, built after her model, but on a reduced scale, foundered with their crews on the same day. when the -gun brigs were introduced into the service, he condemned them in the strongest terms; and being asked what should be done with those already built, he replied, "put them all together, and burn them, for they will drown their crews." his prediction has been too correctly fulfilled in the fate of these vessels, of which six were lost in the packet-service in six years and a half, with two hundred and fifty people. at a much later period, when the beautiful _caledonia_, the most perfect ship of her class, was about to be made the victim of an experiment, he implored, but unfortunately in vain, that she might be spared. the _indefatigable_ sailed from falmouth on her first cruise on the nd of march; and in the following week, the squadron captured fifteen out of a convoy of twenty-five vessels, which had taken shelter among the rocks of the penmarcks. on the th of may, she had a most narrow escape from shipwreck. the extraordinary circumstances connected with the accident, are related in the words of the late capt. george bell, at that time one of the officers. "in the summer of , the _indefatigable_, when cruising off cape finisterre, fell in with admiral waldegrave's squadron of line-of-battle ships, and the _concorde_ frigate. the admiral made signal for the _indefatigable_ and _concorde_ to chase a small strange sail running along shore. all sail was soon set, royals, top-gallant studding-sails, &c., the wind being northerly, and the water as smooth as glass. at noon, mr. george bell, acting master, was in the act of crossing from the starboard gangway to the quarter-deck, to report twelve o'clock to the captain, who was looking over the larboard quarter-deck hammocks at the land, and strange sail, when he suddenly heard a rumbling noise, as if a top-sail-tie had given way, and the yard was coming down. he looked aloft, but saw nothing amiss, and then perceived that the ship was aground. mr. bell instantly sprang into the main-chains, and dropped the hand lead over. only eighteen feet water was on the rock, the ship drawing nineteen and a half feet abaft. there were twelve and fourteen fathoms under the how and stern, consequently she hung completely in the centre. sir edward, whose judgment in moments of danger was always so correct and decisive as never to have occasion to give a second order, immediately directed some of the main-deck guns to be moved, and the ship's company to sally her off the rock. this fortunately succeeded. the ship fell over heavily, and started into deep water, with five feet water in her hold. signals of distress were now made to the flag-ship, and the admiral ordered the _indefatigable_ to proceed to lisbon to repair, and the _concorde_ to accompany us to the mouth of the tagus. we arrived on the third day after the accident. so serious was the leak, that the men could not quit the pumps for a moment, and only a good ship's company, such as we had, could have kept the ship afloat. "on the evening of our arrival, the english consul sent on board a number of portuguese, to relieve the crew. early next morning (having the morning watch) i observed all these people leave the pumps. it was a saint's day, and they would not work. i ran into the captain's cabin to state the circumstance; he in a moment came out in his dressing-gown, with a drawn sword, chased the portuguese round the gangways and forecastle, made them to a man lay in at the pumps, and kept them at it till the pumps sucked. "in order to ascertain whether both sides of the ship had been injured. sir edward resolved to examine the bottom himself; and to the astonishment and admiration of everybody who witnessed this heroic act, he plunged into the water, thoroughly examined both sides, and satisfied himself that the starboard side only had been damaged. this saved much time and expense; for had not sir edward hazarded the experiment, the apparatus for heaving down must have been shifted over. the _indefatigable_ was docked on her arrival at plymouth, early in august, and it then appeared how accurately he had described the injury. she had twenty-seven of her floors and first futtocks broke, and the portuguese, in repairing her, had put in seventeen feet of main-keel. the frame of a regular-built frigate could not have stood the shock. "a few days after the submarine inspection, the gun-room officers invited sir edward to dinner, to commemorate the th of june, the _nymphe's_ action, on board the _principe real_, a portuguese -gun ship, used as a hulk by the _indefatigable's_ crew, while their ship was repairing. in the evening, some of the crew took sir edward on their shoulders, carried him all over the hulk, and swore they would make him an admiral." in her next cruise, the _indefatigable_ nearly lost her gallant captain. on the st of august she had strong gales and squally weather, the wind flying round from w. by s. to n.e., s.e., and s.w. in the afternoon the weather moderated. the ship had been hove to under a close-reefed main-topsail, with the top-gallant yards down, the sea running very high, and the ship pitching much. it was sunday, and the captain was at dinner with the officers, when a bustle was heard on deck. he ran instantly to the poop, and saw two men in the water, amidst the wreck of a six-oared cutter. one of the tackles had unhooked, through a heavy sea lifting the boat, and the men had jumped into her to secure it, when another sea dashed her to pieces. the captain stepped into the gig, which was carried over the stern above the cutter, and ordered it to be lowered; and though his officers urgently dissuaded him from so dangerous an attempt, he determined to hazard it. at this moment the ship made a deep plunge aft, the boat was stove, and the captain left in the water. he was much hurt, and bled profusely, for he was dashed violently against the rudder, and his nostril was torn up by the hook of one of the tackles. but his coolness and self-possession did not forsake him, and calling for a rope, he slung himself with one of the many that were thrown to him, and cheerfully ordered those on board to haul away. as soon as possible, the jolly-boat, with an officer and crew, was hoisted out from the booms, and fortunately saved the men. this was the third time within the present year that sir edward had risked his life to save others. while the ship was being fitted out, he had been instrumental in saving two lives at point beach. again, a short time before she sailed, and while she was lying at spithead, the coxswain of one of the cutters fell overboard. the captain ran aft, and was instantly in the water, where he caught the man just as he was sinking. life was apparently extinct, but happily was restored by the usual means. perhaps no man has oftener distinguished himself in this manner; but the splendour of one act of heroism and humanity leaves all the others in the shade. on the th of january, , when the _indefatigable_ was lying in hamoaze, after having been docked, the _dutton_, a large east indiaman, employed in the transport service, on her way to the west indies with part of the nd, or queen's regiment, was driven into plymouth by stress of weather. she had been out seven weeks, and had many sick on board. the gale increasing in the afternoon, it was determined to run for greater safety to catwater; but the buoy at the extremity of the reef off mount batten having broke adrift, of which the pilots were not aware, she touched on the shoal, and carried away her rudder. thus rendered unmanageable, she fell off, and grounded under the citadel, where, beating round, she lay rolling heavily with her broadside to the waves. at the second roll she threw all her masts over board together. sir edward and lady pellew were on their way to dine with dr. hawker, vicar of charles,--who had become acquainted with mr. pellew when they were serving together at plymouth as surgeons to the marines, and continued through life the intimate and valued friend of all the brothers. sir edward noticed the crowds running to the hoe, and having learned the cause, he sprang out of the carriage, and ran off with the rest. arrived at the beach, he saw at once that the loss of nearly all on board, between five and six hundred, was almost inevitable. the captain had been landed on account of indisposition on the preceding day, and his absence could not fail to increase the confusion of a large and crowded transport under such appalling circumstances. the officers had succeeded in getting a hawser to the shore, by which several of the people landed; but this was a slow operation; and none but a bold and active person could avail himself of this means of escape, for the rolling of the vessel would now jerk him high in the air, and then plunge him among the breakers. every minute was of consequence, for night was approaching, and the wreck was fast breaking up. sir edward was anxious to send a message to the officers, and offered rewards to pilots, and others on the beach, to board the wreck; but when every one shrank from a service which they deemed too hazardous to be attempted, he exclaimed, "then i will go myself." availing himself of the hawser which communicated with the ship, he was hauled on board through the surf. the danger was greatly increased by the wreck of the masts, which had fallen towards the shore; and he received an injury on the back, which confined him to his bed for a week, in consequence of being dragged under the mainmast. but disregarding this at the time, he reached the deck, declared himself, and assumed the command. he assured the people that every one would be saved, if they attended quietly to his directions; that he would himself be the last to quit the wreck, but that he would run any one through who disobeyed him. his well-known name, with the calmness and energy he displayed, gave confidence to the despairing multitude. he was received with three hearty cheers, which were echoed by the thousands on shore; and his promptitude at resource soon enabled him to find and apply the means by which all might be safely landed. his officers in the mean time, though not knowing that he was on board, were exerting themselves to bring assistance from the _indefatigable_. mr. pellowe, first lieutenant, left the ship in the barge, and mr. thompson, acting master (son of mr. thompson, who had been master of the _nymphe_), in the launch; but the boats could not be brought alongside the wreck, and were obliged to run for the barbican. a small boat belonging to a merchant vessel was more fortunate. mr. edsell, signal midshipman to the port admiral, and mr. coghlan, mate of the vessel, succeeded, at the risk of their lives, in bringing her alongside. the ends of two additional hawsers were got on shore, and sir edward contrived cradles to be slung upon them, with travelling ropes to pass forward and backward between the ship and the beach. each hawser was held on shore by a number of men, who watched the rolling of the wreck, and kept the ropes tight and steady. meantime, a cutter had with great difficulty worked out of plymouth pool, and two large boats arrived from the dockyard, under the directions of mr. hemmings, the master-attendant, by whose caution and judgment they were enabled to approach the wreck, and receive the more helpless of the passengers, who were carried to the cutter. sir edward, with his sword drawn, directed the proceedings, and preserved order--a task the more difficult, as the soldiers had got at the spirits before he came on board, and many were drunk. the children, the women, and the sick, were the first landed. one of them was only three weeks old; and nothing in the whole transaction impressed sir edward more strongly than the struggle of the mother's feelings before she would entrust her infant to his care, or afforded him more pleasure than the success of his attempt to save it. next the soldiers were got on shore; then the ship's company; and finally. sir edward himself, who was one of the last to leave her. every one was saved, and presently after the wreck went to pieces. nothing could equal the lustre of such an action, except the modesty of him who was the hero of it. indeed, upon all occasions, forward as he was to eulogize the merits of his followers, sir edward was reserved almost to a fault upon everything connected with his own services. the only notice taken of the _dutton_, in the journal of the _indefatigable_, is the short sentence:--"sent two boats to the assistance of a ship on shore in the sound;" and in his letter to vice-admiral onslow, who had hoisted his flag at plymouth a day or two before, he throws himself almost out of sight, and ascribes the chief merit to the officer who directed the boats:-- "dear sir,--i hope it happened to me this afternoon to be serviceable to the unhappy sufferers on board the _dutton;_ and i have much satisfaction in saying, that every soul in her was taken out before i left her, except the first mate, boatswain, and third mate, who attended the hauling ropes to the shore, and they eased me on shore by the hawser. it is not possible to refrain speaking in raptures of the handsome conduct of mr. hemmings, the master-attendant, who, at the imminent risk of his life, saved hundreds. if i had not hurt my leg, and been otherwise much bruised, i would have waited on you; but hope this will be a passable excuse. i am, with respect, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, ed. pellew." "thursday evening." the merit of services performed in the sight of thousands could not thus be disclaimed. praise was lavished upon him from every quarter. the corporation of plymouth voted him the freedom of the town. the merchants of liverpool presented him with a valuable service of plate. on the th of march following, he was created a baronet, as sir edward pellew, of treverry, and received for an honourable augmentation of his arms, a civic wreath, a stranded ship for a crest, and the motto, "deo adjuvante fortuna sequatur." this motto, so modest, and not less expressive of his own habitual feelings, was chosen by himself, in preference to one proposed, which was more personally complimentary. appreciating mr. coghlan's services, and delighted with the judgment and gallantry he had displayed, sir edward offered to place him on his own quarter-deck. it is unnecessary to add that the career of this distinguished officer has been worthy his introduction to the navy. on the th of march the _indefatigable_ sailed from falmouth, with the _revolutionaire_, _argo_, _amazon_, and _concorde_. on the st, the _indefatigable_ gave chase to three corvettes, one of which she drove on shore, and destroyed. on the th of april, she fell in with the french frigate _l'unité_, on her way from l'orient to rochefort, having on board, as passengers, the governor's lady, madame la large, and her family. the _revolutionaire_, which was ordered to chase in shore to cut off the enemy from the land, came up with her a little before midnight. captain cole hailed the french captain, and urged him repeatedly to submit to a superior force; but the enemy refusing to strike, he poured in two destructive broadsides. he was preparing to board, the frigates at the time running ten knots, when the french ship surrendered. she had suffered very severely from the fire of the _revolutionaire_, without having been able to make any effectual return. sir edward sent the passengers to brest in a neutral vessel, and finding that one of the junior officers of the prize was a son of mme. la large, he took the young man's parole, and allowed him to accompany his mother. with his official communication to the admiralty, which accompanied captain cole's account of the action, he wrote a private letter to the first lord, and another to the earl of chatham. it was his practice through life thus to strengthen an interest for his officers in every possible quarter, and it was one, though not the only, cause of his remarkable success in obtaining promotion for so many of them. his letters on this occasion, though they display the warmth of private friendship, are not stronger than he was accustomed to write for others, whose only claim upon him was that which every deserving officer has to the patronage of his commander. the following is the letter to lord spencer:-- "my lord,--i have much pleasure in informing your lordship of the capture of the french frigate, _l'unité_, of thirty-eight guns, and two hundred and fifty-five men; and i have more in conveying to your lordship my sense of captain cole's merit upon the occasion. nothing could be more decided than his conduct; and his attack was made with so much vigour and judgment, that a ship of very superior force to _l'unité_ must have rewarded his gallantry. to his extreme vigilance and zeal, the squadron are indebted for this prize. it is not improper for me to say, that on all occasions i have found much reason to respect captain cole as a skilful and brave officer, and i rejoice in the opportunity of bearing testimony to his merit." to the earl of chatham, with whom he was intimate, he wrote in a more familiar strain:-- "my dear lord,--much as i dislike breaking in upon your time, i cannot resist the pleasure of repeating to you the good fortune of my friend, frank cole, who was the fortunate man among us in taking _l'unité_, alias _la variante_. there are few things, my lord, that could raise my friend either in your opinion or mine; but one cannot but rejoice on finding our expectations realized. "i am satisfied that nothing could be better conducted than frank's ship upon this occasion, or courage more coolly displayed; a proof of which was strongly exhibited in his conversation with a vaunting frenchman, boasting of his own strength, and threatening the vengeance of his partner. it will not be advancing too much when i say, that a ship of far superior force must have shared the same fate. the french commander complains bitterly of cole's taking such advantages as his superior skill afforded him. the _revolutionaire_ is much improved since her mainmast was moved, and you will believe her, my lord, always in good order. i have with infinite pleasure given my testimony of frank to lord spencer, and i doubt not but your lordship will give him a lift in the same quarter." captain cole, though his career had been less brilliant than that of his friend since they parted, had gained most flattering distinction. his high character as an officer, and his reputation for peculiar correctness of conduct, added perhaps to his more than common advantages in person and manners, had obtained for him the honour of being selected, conjointly with the late sir richard keats, to have the particular charge of his late majesty, when he first entered the navy, being made lieutenants of the watch in which the prince was placed. he was introduced by his royal pupil to the prince of wales, who said of him, "they may talk of a cockpit education, and cockpit manners; but a court could not have produced more finished manners than those of your friend captain cole." the friendship between sir edward and himself had continued from their boyhood, and they had cherished for each other the affection and confidence of brothers. he died at plymouth in . a little before his death, sir edward, who had just returned from a cruise, came to see him for the last time. "now," said the expiring officer, "i shall die more happy, since i have been permitted to see once again the dearest of my friends:" and when sir edward at length tore himself from the room, unable to control his feelings any longer, a burst of grief, on returning to the mother and sisters of captain cole, prevented him for a considerable time from regaining sufficient composure to quit the affecting scene. on the morning of the th of april, the frigates were lying-to off the lizard, when a large ship was seen coming in from seaward, which tacked as soon as she perceived them, and stood off without answering the private signal. the _revolutionaire_ and _argo_ were ordered by signal to proceed to port with the prize, and the others to make all sail in chase, the wind being off the land. towards evening the _concorde_ and _amazon_ had been run out of sight, but the _indefatigable_ gained upon the chase, which made the most strenuous efforts to escape, and was manoeuvred with no common ability. she was the -gun frigate _virginie_, one of the finest and fastest vessels in the french marine, and commanded by captain jaques bergeret, a young-officer of the highest character and promise. the _virginie_ was one of the fleet of villaret joyeuse, when, ten months before, cornwallis, with five sail of the line and two frigates, effected his justly celebrated retreat from thirty french men-of-war, of which twelve were of the line. on this occasion, bergeret attacked the _mars_, with a spirit and judgment which gave full earnest of his future conduct. finding that the british frigate outsailed her on a wind, the _virginie_ bore away; but the _indefatigable_ continued to gain on her, and at a little before midnight came up within gun-shot, and took in royals and studding-sails, having run one hundred and sixty-eight miles in fifteen hours. the _virginie_ fired her stern-chasers, occasionally yawing to bring some of her broadside guns to bear, but without material effect; and the two ships, still running under a press of canvass, came to action. the _indefatigable_ had only one broadside-gun more than her opponent; but her size and very heavy metal gave her an irresistible superiority. seven of the _virginie's_ people were killed at one of the quarter-deck guns, which struck such a panic in those around them, that it was with difficulty they could be induced to return to their quarters. yet bergeret fought his ship with admirable skill and gallantry, and maintained a very protracted action, constantly endeavouring to cripple the _indefatigable's_ rigging. sir edward had a very narrow escape. the main-top-mast was shot away, and falling forward, it disabled the main yard, and came down on the splinter-netting directly over his head. happily, the netting was strong enough to bear the wreck. it was an hour and three-quarters from the commencement of the action, when, the _virginie's_ mizen-mast and main-top-mast being shot away, the _indefatigable_ unavoidably went a-head. in addition to her former damage, she had lost her foreyard and gaff, and her rigging was so much cut that she was unable immediately to shorten sail. the _virginie_ was completely riddled. some of the _indefatigable's_ shot had even gone through the sail-room and out at the opposite side of the ship. she had four feet water in her hold, and more than forty of her crew were killed and wounded. yet she attempted to rake her opponent as she was shooting a-head, and had nearly succeeded in doing so. while the _indefatigable_ was reeving fresh braces, the other frigates came up, having been enabled to make a shorter distance by the altered course of the combatants during the chase. on their approach, the _virginie_ fired a lee-gun, and hauled down her light; and being hailed by the _concorde_, replied, "we must surrender, there are so many of you: we strike to the frigate a-head." a more brave and skilful resistance is scarcely afforded by the annals of the war; and the officer who thus defends his ship against a very superior force may challenge more honour than would be claimed by the victor. a boat was sent from the _indefatigable_ for the gallant prisoner, who was deeply affected at his misfortune, and wept bitterly. he inquired to whom he had struck; and being told sir edward pellew, "oh!" he exclaimed, "that is the most fortunate man that ever lived! he takes everything, and now he has taken the finest frigate in france." bergeret was for some time the honoured guest of sir edward and his family, and the british government considered him an officer of sufficient character to be offered in exchange for sir sidney smith, who had been made prisoner at havre just before. they sent him to france on his parole, to effect this object; but his application not being successful, he returned to england. two years after, sir sidney smith escaped, and the british government, with a feeling most honourable to themselves, set bergeret unconditionally at liberty. thus do the brave and good, in challenging the respect of their enemies, contribute to soften the rigours of war, and to create a better feeling between hostile nations. footnotes: [ ] a trifling incident occurred in this journey, which may, perhaps, deserve to be mentioned. in going down a hill, two or three miles beyond axminster, both leaders fell, and the night being very cold, for the wind had set in strong from the eastward, a ring, on which he set particular value, dropped from sir edward's finger, as he was getting into the carriage again. he was vexed at the loss; but the road being very dirty, and the night dark, it was useless then to seek it. he therefore tore a bush from the hedge, and left it where the carriage had stopped: and ordering the post-boys to draw up at the next cottage, he knocked up the inmates, and promised them a reward if they found it. to his great pleasure, the expedient proved successful, and the ring was delivered to him on his return. [ ] the _revolutionaire_, , wrecked dec. , on the mingan rock, near brest; the _neuf thermidor_, . _scipion_, , and _superbe_, , foundered in a heavy gale on the th of january; and the _neptune_, , wrecked in audierne bay. chapter v. expedition against ireland. france, having at length obtained internal quiet, and a settled government under the directory, and secured the alliance of spain and holland, prepared for a decisive blow against great britain. the condition of the british empire was at that time peculiarly critical. of her allies, some had joined the enemy, and the others had proved unequal to resist him. in the east, the most powerful of the native princes were preparing to subvert her authority. at home, ireland was organized for rebellion; and england herself contained a strong revolutionary party, checked, indeed, by the energy of the government, and still more by the excellent disposition of the people, but prepared to rise in formidable activity, whenever the successes of the enemy should enable them to declare themselves. well acquainted with all her difficulties, the french government hastened to take advantage of them. through the summer and autumn of , a powerful fleet was equipped at brest, to land an army on the shores of ireland; after accomplishing which, a squadron of eight sail of the line was to be detached to india, where its support would probably encourage the hostile states to an immediate and general war. its prospects were the more promising, as the armies of two of the native princes were officered by frenchmen. as for ireland, that was regarded as a country of which they had only to take possession; and the well-known feeling of a considerable part of the inhabitants warranted the most sanguine hopes of the invader. the history of ireland affords a melancholy, but most instructive lesson, pre-eminent as that unhappy country has been, at once for natural and political advantages, and for misery, turbulence, and crime. a government, to command the obedience of the people by its firmness, and their confidence by a marked consideration for their feelings and welfare; a gentry, united with them as their leaders, protectors, and friends; and a church, winning them to a purer faith by the unobtrusive display of benefits and excellences: all these blessings might have been its own. but by fatal mismanagement, the gentry, those of them who remained, were viewed as the garrison of a conquered country by the multitude, who were taught to feel themselves a degraded caste. the church became identified in their minds with all that they most complained of; and the faith for which they suffered was doubly endeared to them. thus the instruments for their deliverance confirmed their thraldom, and what should have won affection aggravated their enmity. if there were a mistake beyond all this, it was that of expecting peace from concessions extorted by violence, and calculated only to give increased power to the enemies of existing institutions. lord exmouth held a very decided opinion upon this point, and foresaw that strong coercive measures would become necessary in consequence. he well knew how feeble would be the restraint imposed by any conditions contemplated by the advocates of change; and in allusion to the remark of the duke of northumberland, who had expressed a belief that he would think differently, when he saw the securities which would accompany the concessions--"securities!" he said, "it is all nonsense! i never yet could see them, and i never shall." he justly anticipated, that as long as anything remained to be extorted, new demands would be founded upon every new concession. "how would you like," he said to one of his officers, "to see roman catholic chaplains on board our ships of war?" while the question was in progress, he wrote with prophetic truth--"the times are awful, when the choice of two evils only is left, a threatened rebellion, or the surrender of our constitution, by the admission of catholics into parliament and all offices. i think even this will not satisfy ireland. ascendancy is their object. you may postpone, and by loss of character parry the evil for a short space; but not long, depend upon it. you and i may not see it, but our children will, and be obliged to meet the struggle man to man, which we may now shirk. by god alone can we be saved from such consequences; may he shed his power and grace upon us as a nation!" the political being everywhere dependent on the religious creed, a country where popish superstitions prevail will always contain two parties hostile upon principle to a free and constitutional government. the multitude, who have surrendered the right of private judgment upon the most engrossing subject, lose the disposition to exercise it upon matters of inferior importance; and become dangerous instruments in the hands of designing characters. a party will be found among them, whose penetration can detect the mummeries of imposture, but not perceive the claims of religion; and who, as they throw off allegiance to god, revolt at any exercise of human authority. political privileges, the strength of a nation, where the intelligence and morals of the people support the law, will in such a country give power to rebellion, and impunity to crime. a government paternal in vigour as in kindness; the control of a firm authority, supreme over all influence, to maintain order, to leave no excuse for party, to protect the peaceable, promptly to suppress all resistance to the law, and to give to the demagogue only the alternative between obedience and rebellion, will be required not more for the safety of the state, than for the welfare of the misguided people. when the progress of the french revolution engaged the attention of europe, there was no country where it was regarded with greater interest than in ireland. the papists hoped from it the opportunity to overthrow protestant supremacy: the liberals hailed the triumph of their own principles. emissaries were sent to france, who represented that nothing was wanting to secure the independence of ireland but a regular army for a rallying point; and france, hoping to give a fatal blow to her most formidable enemy, and to gain a valuable province for herself, readily promised the aid required, and as soon as her own distracted condition would allow, hastened to fulfil her engagement. the auxiliary force which the rebel delegates deemed sufficient, was fifteen thousand men; but an army of at least eighteen thousand was provided, commanded by that determined republican and distinguished officer, general hoche, who had very recently succeeded in suppressing the revolt in la vendee. vice admiral villaret joyeuse, defeated by lord howe on the st of june, was selected to command the fleet; but, a misunderstanding having arisen between him and the general, he was superseded by vice-admiral morard de galles. the minister of marine, m. truguet, whose able arrangements seemed to have anticipated and provided for every difficulty, had intended that the descent should be made in october, or at latest by the beginning of november; but the general having preferred to embark the whole army at once, it was delayed for the arrival of rear-admirals pachery and villeneuve; of whom the first, with seven sail of the line and three frigates, was waiting for an opportunity to come up from rochefort, and the other was expected with five sail of the line from toulon. the secret of the enemy's intentions was so well kept, that england had to conjecture the destination of the armament, and it was doubted to the last whether its object was ireland, portugal, or gibraltar. in this uncertainty, a principal division of the channel fleet, under lord bridport, remained at spithead: sir roger curtis, with a smaller force, cruised to the westward; and vice-admiral sir john colpoys was stationed off brest, at first with ten, but afterwards with thirteen sail of the line. sir edward pellew, with a small force of frigates, latterly watched the harbour. about the middle of november, sir r. curtis returned to port, and soon after, m. richery sailed from rochefort, and entered brest on the th of december. sir e. pellew, who had necessarily retired on his approach, immediately sent off two frigates with despatches, the _amazon_ to england, and the _phoebe_ to sir j. colpoys. on the th, he stood in with the _indefatigable_, and though chased by a seventy-four and five frigates, stationed in bertheaume bay, he persisted in watching the port as usual. in the afternoon, he saw the french fleet leave the road of brest, and immediately sent back the _phoebe_ to report the fact to the admiral. the enemy anchored between camaret and bertheaume bays, in front of the goulet, or entrance into brest road. knowing how much depended on his vigilance, sir edward had watched brest with the most anxious attention. the wind blew generally from the eastward, at times so strong, that the line-of-battle-ships would be under a close-reefed maintop-sail and reefed foresail; and the weather was intensely cold: yet he went every morning to the mast-head, where he would remain making his observations for a considerable part of the day, one of the older midshipmen being usually with him. "well i remember," writes one of his officers, "that on being one day relieved to go down to my dinner, i was obliged to have some of the main-top-men to help me down the rigging, i was so benumbed with the intense cold: yet the captain was there six or seven hours at a time, without complaining, or taking any refreshment." on the th, the wind being from the eastward, the french fleet, forty-four ships, of which seventeen were of the line and thirteen frigates, got finally under way, not waiting the arrival of villeneuve. the admiral purposed leaving brest by the southern entrance, the passage du raz, between the bec du raz and the saintes. by taking this course, and by so timing his departure as to clear the land just at nightfall, he hoped to elude the vigilance of the british fleet off ushant, whose usual cruising ground was not more than six or seven leagues to leeward. but through the delays inseparable from getting a large and encumbered fleet to sea, it was four o'clock before all the ships were under sail; and as night was fast closing in, and the wind becoming variable, the admiral determined not to attempt the narrow and dangerous passage he had fixed on, but to steer for the open entrance in front of the harbour, the passage d'iroise. accordingly, he altered his own course, and made signal for the fleet to follow; but neither was generally observed, and the greater part of the ships, as previously directed, entered the passage du raz. the admiral, therefore, sent a corvette into the midst of them, to call their attention to his own ship, which continued to fire guns, and display lights to mark the change in her course. by this time, it was quite dark, and many circumstances increased the enemy's confusion. the _seduisant_, seventy-four, ran on the grand stevenet, a rock at the entrance of the passage du raz, where she was totally lost that night, with nearly seven hundred of her people. her guns, and other signals, prevented those of the corvette from being attended to; and the _indefatigable_, which kept close to the french admiral, made his signals unintelligible to the fleet. sir e. pellew had stood in that morning with the _indefatigable_ and _revolutionaire_, and at noon came in sight of the enemy. at a quarter before five, when they had all got underway, he sent off captain cole to the admiral, and remained with his own ship to observe and embarrass their movements. with a boldness which must have astonished them, accustomed though they had been to the daring manner in which he had watched their port; under easy sail, but with studding-sails ready for a start, if necessary, he kept as close as possible to the french admiral, often within half-gun-shot; and as that officer made signals to his fleet, he falsified them by additional guns, lights, and rockets. at half-past eight, when the french ships were observed coming round the saintes, he made sail to the north-west, with a light at each mast-head, constantly making signals for sir j. colpoys, by firing a gun every quarter of an hour, throwing up rockets, and burning blue lights. at midnight, having received no answer, he tacked, and stood to the southward until six o'clock. still seeing nothing of the admiral, though he had sailed over all his cruising ground, he sent off the _duke of york_, hired armed lugger, to england, with despatches, intending to remain with the _indefatigable_, and take part in the expected battle. but reflecting on the importance of conveying the information quickly to england, with the uncertainty of its being carried safely by so small a vessel; and assured that the _revolutionaire_, which he had again spoke that morning, would not fail to meet sir j. colpoys, he gave up the hope of distinction to a sense of duty, and made sail for falmouth. he arrived late in the evening of the th. if lord bridport had been waiting at falmouth, with discretional powers, sir edward having been instructed to communicate directly with him, he might have sailed early on the st, and found the enemy in bantry bay, where, perhaps, not a ship would have escaped him. it is, however, to be remembered, that as the destination of the french armament was unknown to the last, the admiralty might very properly determine that he should receive his final instructions from themselves, and therefore would keep the fleet at spithead for the convenience of ready communication. on the th, lord bridport attempted to sail. the enemy had arrived four days before, and if the weather had allowed the troops to land, the most complete naval victory would have been too late to save the country. the fleet was prevented from putting to sea on that day by a succession of accidents, by which five of the heaviest ships were disabled before they could leave the harbour. the _prime_ missed stays, and fell on board the _sans pareil_. the _formidable_ ran foul of the _ville de paris_; and the _atlas_ grounded. four of these were three-deckers, and the other was one of the finest -gun ships in the service. when at length part of the fleet reached st. helen's, a shift of wind kept the rest at spithead; and the admiral could not put to sea till january rd. the baffled enemy was then returning, and seven of his ships had actually arrived in brest two days before the british sailed from portsmouth to pursue them. how sir j. colpoys missed the enemy may appear extraordinary. the explanation, which every circumstance tends to confirm, is, that he was restrained from attacking them by his instructions, his force being intended only for a squadron of observation: for though the enemy's fleet, as it actually sailed, would have given him an easy victory, there was always reason to believe that it was much too strong for his force. exclusive of the five sail which were hourly expected from toulon, there were twenty-four line-of-battle ships in brest, and there was no reason to conclude but that the greater part, if not the whole of them, were to sail with the expedition. as the british would be so much outnumbered, sir e. pellew offered, in the event of a battle, to take a place in the line with the _indefatigable_. the admiral thanked him, but declined the offer, believing that the enemy's superiority was too great to hope for victory. when the enemy put to sea, the british fleet was eight or nine leagues to the westward of their usual cruising ground, and thus was missed, not only by the _indefatigable_, but also by the _revolutionaire_, which did not join with the information till the th. next day, the toulon ships were seen, and chased into port; and the admiral, having no means of learning the course of the brest fleet, and some of his own ships being obliged to part company, in consequence of injuries they had sustained in a gale, bore away with the remainder for spithead. meantime, almost everything favoured the enemy. the two divisions of his fleet, which were separated on the evening of the th, by putting to sea through different passages, rejoined on the th, and reached their destination early on the st, without having met a single british cruiser. when they appeared off the bay, a number of pilot-boats came out, supposing them to be a british fleet; and thus the french admiral obtained pilots for his ships, and gained all the information he wanted of the british men-of-war on the coast. a line-of-battle ship and three frigates were still missing. their absence would not have materially weakened the enemy, whose force still exceeded what the rebel delegates had required; but the two commanders had embarked in one of the missing frigates, the _fraternité_; and rear-admiral bouvet and general grouchy, the seconds in command, could scarcely act with decision while their chiefs were hourly expected. the _fraternité_, with the other three ships in company, was very near the fleet on the th, but it was concealed from her by a fog; and a gale which dispersed the fog, separated her from her consorts. proceeding alone to the bay, she had nearly reached it on the st, when she fell in with a british frigate, which she mistook for one of her own fleet till she was almost within gun-shot. night saved her from capture, but the chase had carried her far to the westward, and it was eight days before she obtained a fair wind to return. the ships continued beating up to bearhaven against a fresh easterly breeze until the evening of the nd, when the rear-admiral anchored off the eastern extremity of great bear island, with eight sail of the line, two frigates, and some smaller vessels. seven sail of the line, and eight frigates, kept under sail; and the wind rising in the night blew them all off to sea. it blew hard, with a heavy sea, through the next day and night. on the th, the weather having moderated, it was determined in a council of war to land the remaining troops immediately, and general grouchy made a formal requisition for that purpose. a suitable landing-place was found, and the necessary preparations were completed; but it was now late in the afternoon, and the landing was necessarily deferred until morning. that night, the gale rose from the eastward, and increased through the next day to a tempest. at length the ships began to drive from their anchors. the _indomptable_, , ran foul of the _resolve_ frigate, and totally dismasted her. the other frigate, the _immortalité_, in which rear-admiral bouvet had embarked, though his proper flag-ship was the _droits de l'homme,_ parted one of her cables in the evening, and was obliged to cut the other, and run out to sea. the weather would not allow her to return until the th, and then the rear-admiral, hopeless of re-assembling the fleet, decided to proceed to brest. others were less fortunate. the _tortue_ frigate, two corvettes, and four transports, were taken. the _surveillante_ frigate was wrecked, and a transport foundered in the bay; and a third frigate, _l'impatiente_, was driven on shore near crookhaven. the sailors determined to secure for themselves alone the means of escape, leaving the troops to their fate. where such a feeling could exist, the discipline required for their own safety was not likely to be found: and all perished but seven, who were saved chiefly by the exertions of the people on shore. part of the fleet, after having been blown out of the bay, steered for the _shannon_, which had been fixed on as a rendezvous in the event of separation; but they were too few to attempt a landing, and after waiting for a short time in hope of reinforcements, they found it necessary to return. the _fraternité_, with the two commanders-in-chief, continued to beat against an easterly gale till the th, when the wind became fair for the bay. standing towards it, she fell in with the _scerola_, rasé, in a sinking state, with the _revolution_, , engaged in taking out the people. she assisted to save them, and the two ships continued their course towards ireland, hoping to fall in with so many of the fleet as might still enable them to make a descent. but next day, not having seen any of them, and their provisions becoming short, they steered for france. on the th of january, they were very near eleven of their ships, which they would presently have joined, but that they altered their course to avoid two british frigates, the _unicorn_ and _doris_, which at the time were actually being chased by the french. next day they again fell in with the frigates, and on the morning of the th they were chased by lord bridport's fleet, from which they narrowly escaped. on the th they entered rochefort, the last of the returning ships. such was the fate of an expedition, in which nothing was neglected which foresight could suggest, and nothing wanting which ability could supply; whose fortune attended it until success might be deemed secure, and whose defeat was attended with circumstances too extraordinary to be referred to common causes. history records no event, not attended by direct miracle, in which god's providence is more strikingly displayed. the forces of atheism and popery had joined to overthrow a nation, the stronghold of christian truth, and the bulwark of protestant europe. in this, so emphatically a holy war, no earthly arm was allowed to achieve the triumph. human agency was put aside, and all human defences prostrated; and then, when the unresisted invader touched the object of his hope, the elements were commissioned against him. that the vigilance of a blockading force should be so eluded, and that unusual misfortunes should prevent a fleet from sailing till nothing remained for it to do; that the enemy's two commanders should be separated from their force when it sailed, and afterwards prevented, by so many well-timed casualties, from rejoining it; that when the fleet had actually arrived in the destined port, half should be blown out to sea again before they could anchor, and the rest driven from their anchors before they could land the troops; that the returning ships should be prevented from meeting their commanders; and that every disappointment should just anticipate the moment of success;--such a combination of circumstances it were folly and impiety to ascribe to anything less than the hand of god. a victory would have saved the country, but it would not have afforded such ground for assured confidence in her future trials. this deliverance was a pledge of protection through the terrible struggle of the next twenty years; when, long disappointed in her hopes, and at length deserted by her last ally, england still maintained her good cause with a firmness more honourable to her character than even the unrivalled triumph she achieved. it remains a pledge, that amidst all dangers she may perform her duty as a christian country, in full reliance upon god's blessing: or, should the greatness of her trials confound all human resources, that she may wait, in quietness and confidence, for god's deliverance. it was sir edward pellew's fortune, as he had been prominent in the services connected with the sailing of this armament, to mark the return of it by a battle, the only one fought, and equally singular in its circumstances, and appalling in its result. he put to sea with the _indefatigable_ and _amazon_ on the nd, and supposing the enemy to have gone to the southward, cruised off capes ortugal and finisterre until the th of january. on the nd, the _amazon_ carried away her main-topmast, and on the th, the _indefatigable_ sprung her main-topmast and topsail-yard in a squall, and was obliged to shift them. returning towards the channel, on the th of january, at a little past noon, the ships being about fifty leagues south-west of ushant, and the wind blowing hard from the westward, with thick weather, a sail was discovered in the north-west. sail was made in chase, and by four o'clock the stranger, at first supposed to be a frigate, as she had no poop, was clearly made out to be a french two-decker. the enemy's ship, the _droits de l'homme_, commanded by commodore, _ci-devant_ baron lacrosse, was one of those which had proceeded to the shannon, after having been blown out of bantry bay. she was the flag-ship of rear-admiral bouvet, but this officer, according to a frequent practice of french admirals, had embarked in a frigate. general humbert, who commanded one of the expeditions to ireland in , had taken his passage in her. that morning she had arrived within twenty-five leagues of belleisle, and as the weather appeared threatening, she stood to the southward, fearing to approach nearer to the shore. early in the afternoon she saw two large ships at a short distance to windward, probably the _revolution_ and _fraternité_, but not waiting to ascertain their character, she made sail from them to the south-east. at half-past three she first discovered on her lee-bow the two frigates, which had observed her three hours before, and were steering a course nearly parallel to her own, to cut her off from the land. the wind had now increased to a gale, and the sea was fast rising. at half-past four the enemy carried away her fore and main-topmasts in a heavy squall. at three-quarters past five the _indefatigable_ came up with her, and having shortened sail to close-reefed topsails, poured in a broadside as she crossed her stern. the enemy returned it from some of the upper-deck guns, and by showers of musketry from the troops, of whom there were nearly a thousand on board. so close were the ships, that some of the _indefatigable's_ people tore away the enemy's ensign, which became entangled in the mizen rigging. the _indefatigable_ then tried to pass ahead and gain a position on the enemy's bow, but the line-of-battle ship avoided this, and attempted, but without success, to lay the frigate on board, actually grazing the _indefatigable's_ spanker-boom. the british frigate engaged the line-of-battle ship single-handed for more than an hour, before her consort, which was several miles astern when the action commenced, could get up to assist her. at length, reaching the enemy, the _amazon_ poured a broadside into her quarter, and then, with the commodore, maintained the engagement until about half-past seven, when the _indefatigable_ found it necessary to repair her rigging, and both frigates shot ahead. at a little past eight, the frigates renewed the action, and placing themselves one on either bow of the _droits de l'homme_, raked her alternately. the seventy-four brought her guns to bear upon one or the other of her antagonists as well as she could, and occasionally attempted, but without success, to close. at half-past ten, her mizenmast was shot away, when the frigates changed their position, and attacked her on either quarter. soon after she began to fire shells. the gale continued all night, with a very heavy sea, and the violent motion of the ships made the labour of the crews most excessive. on the main-deck of the _indefatigable_, the men were often to the middle in water. some of her guns broke their breechings four times; others drew the ring-bolts, and from some, the charge was obliged to be drawn after loading, in consequence of the water beating into them. but under these most trying circumstances, the crew did their duty nobly. the _amazon_, being a smaller ship, experienced still greater difficulties than the _indefatigable_. she emulated her consort most gallantly, and suffered a greater loss. her masts and rigging were very much damaged; her mizen-top-mast, gaff, spanker-boom, and main-topsail-yard being entirely shot away; the main and foremast, and the fore and main yards wounded in several places by large shot; many of her shrouds, stays, and back-stays shot away, besides those which had been knotted and stoppered in the action; all her spare cordage was expended in reeving running rigging, and she had three feet water in the hold. the loss of men in both ships was remarkably small. the _amazon_ had three killed, and fifteen badly wounded; and the _indefatigable_, though she had so long fought the seventy-four single-handed, had only her first lieutenant and eighteen men wounded; twelve of them slightly, and the two worst cases from accidents. the lower-deck guns of the enemy were nearer the water than is usual in line of-battle ships, and in consequence of the heavy sea, she could use them only occasionally. from this cause, as well as from the excellent positions maintained by the frigates, and her crippled state through the latter part of the action, she could make but a very unequal return to their fire. she suffered very much. more than a hundred of her people were killed--a severe loss, yet small compared to what it must have been, from the crowded state of her decks, and the unprecedented length of the action, if the darkness, the heavy gale, and the consequent motion of the ships, had not made the firing slow, and the aim uncertain. it was nearly eleven hours from the commencement of the action, when lieutenant bell, who was quartered on the forecastle, and who had kept the ship's reckoning through the night, satisfied himself that they were near the french coast, and ordered one or two sailors to keep a good look-out. one of these men thought he saw land, and reported it to his officer; who, perceiving it distinctly, went aft, and told the captain. immediately the tacks were hauled on board, and the _indefatigable_ stood to the southward, after making the night-signal of danger to the _amazon_, which, with equal promptitude, wore to the northward. the enemy, who did not yet see the danger, thought they had beaten off the frigates, and poured a broadside into the _indefatigable_, the most destructive she had yet received. seven shot struck her hull, the three lower-masts were wounded, and the larboard main-topmast shrouds were all cut away close to the seizings of the eyes at the mast head. it required extraordinary activity and coolness to save the topmast, the loss of which, at that time, would have made that of the ship inevitable. under the direction of mr. gaze, who immediately sprang aloft, the captain of the main-top cut away the top gallant-yard; while mr. thompson, acting master, got up the end of a hawser, which he clinched around the mast-head. thus they saved the main-topmast, and probably prevented the mainmast itself from being sprung. mr. gaze, who received a master's warrant a few weeks after, continued with lord exmouth to the last day of his command. he was master of the fleet in the mediterranean, and it was he who carried the _queen charlotte_ in such admirable style to her position at algiers. none at this time knew how desperate was their situation. the ships were in the bay of audierne, close in with the surf, with the wind blowing a heavy gale dead on the shore, and a tremendous sea rolling in. to beat off the land would have been a difficult and doubtful undertaking for the best and most perfect ship. the _indefatigable_ had four feet water in the hold, and her safety depended on her wounded spars and damaged rigging bearing the press of sail she was obliged to carry; while the crew, thus summoned to renewed exertion, were already quite worn out with fatigue. the fate of the other ships was certain; for the _amazon_ had all her principal sails disabled, and the _droits de l'homme_ was unmanageable. the _indefatigable_ continued standing to the southward, until the captain of the mizen-top gave the alarm of breakers on the lee-bow. the ship was immediately wore in eighteen fathoms, and she stood to the northward till half-past six, when land was again seen close a-head on the weather-bow, with breakers under the lee. running again to the southward, she passed the _droits de l'homme_ lying on her broadside in the surf, at the distance of about a mile, but without the possibility of giving the smallest assistance. her own situation, indeed, was almost hopeless; and sir edward pellew himself was deeply affected, when, having done all that seamanship could accomplish, he could only commit to a merciful providence the lives of his gallant crew, all now depending upon one of the many accidents to the masts and rigging which there was so much reason to apprehend. happily, the sails stood well; the _indefatigable_ continued to gain by every tack; and at eleven o'clock, with six feet water in her hold, she passed about three-quarters of a mile to windward of the penmarcks; enabling her officers and men, after a day and night of incessant exertion, at length to rest from their toil, and to bless god for their deliverance. she had scarcely bent new topsails and foresail, the others having been shot to pieces, when two large ships were seen at some distance a-head, crossing her course, and standing in a direction for l'orient. one of them was at first supposed to be the _amazon_, of which nothing had been seen since the close of the action, and the extent of whose damages was not at all suspected. the other was considered to be a french frigate, and sir edward gave orders to make sail in chase. but the officers represented to him, that the crew, entirely exhausted by the unparalleled length of the action, and by their subsequent labours, were quite incapable of further exertion; that their ammunition was very short, scarcely a cartridge filled, and every wad expended. had the french frigate been alone, this would have been a subject of much regret; for she was the _fraternité,_ with the two commanders-in-chief and all the treasure of the expedition on board; but her consort was the -gun ship _revolution_. the _amazon_ struck the ground about ten minutes after she ceased firing. her crew displayed the admirable discipline which british seamen are accustomed to maintain under such circumstances; more creditable to them, if possible, than the seamanship which saved the _indefatigable_. from half past five until nine o'clock, they were employed in making rafts, and not a man was lost, or attempted to leave the ship, except six, who stole away the cutter from the stern, and were drowned. captain reynolds and his officers remained by the ship until they had safely landed, first the wounded, and afterwards every man of the crew. of course they were made prisoners, but they were treated well, and exchanged not many months after. conduct like that of the _amazon's_ people in their hour of extreme danger--and it is nothing more than british seamen commonly display in the same situation--makes an englishman proud of his country. nor should it be forgotten, for it exalts the feeling of patriotism and honest pride, that a man-of-war's crew at that time was made up, in part, of the lowest characters in society. what, then, must be the strength and excellence of that moral feeling in england, which can display itself thus nobly where it would be the least expected! the fact conveys an impressive lesson; for if the intelligence, decision, and kindness, which, with few exceptions, characterize our sea-officers, can effect such happy results where they operate on the most unpromising materials, it is clear, that whatever faults the lower classes in england display must be attributed, in a great degree, to the neglect or misconduct of those, whose station in society, as it gives the power, imposes the duty to guide them. the fate of the _droits de l'homme_ presents an awful contrast indeed to that of the _amazon_. she saw the land soon after the frigates hauled off, and after hopeless attempts, first to avoid it, and afterwards to anchor, she struck the ground almost at the same moment as the british frigate. the main-mast went overboard at the second shock: the fore-mast and bowsprit had fallen a few minutes before, in her attempt to keep off the land. when danger was first seen, the crew gave an alarm to the english prisoners below, of whom there were fifty-five, the crew and passengers of a letter-of-marque, which the _droits de l'homme_ had taken a few days before: "poor english, come up quickly; we are all lost!" presently, the ship struck on a bank of sand, nearly opposite the town of plouzenec. cries of dismay were now heard from every part. signals of distress were fired, and several of the guns hove overboard. many of the people were soon washed away by the waves, which broke incessantly over her. at daylight the shore was seen covered with spectators, but they could afford no assistance. in the meantime, the stern was beaten in by the sea, and no provisions or water could afterwards be obtained. at low water an attempt was made to reach the shore, but two boats which were brought alongside drifted away and were dashed to pieces on the rocks. a small raft was constructed to carry a hawser to the shore, by the aid of which it was hoped that preparations might be completed for safely landing the people. a few sailors having embarked on it, the rope was gradually slackened to allow it to drift to land; but some of these people being washed away, the rest became alarmed, cast off the hawser, and saved themselves. after a second unsuccessful attempt with a raft, a petty officer attached a cord to his body and tried to swim on shore; but he was soon exhausted, and would have perished, but that he was hauled back to the ship. on the second day, at low water, an english captain and eight other prisoners launched a small boat, and landed safely. their success restored confidence to the multitude, proving, as it did, how easily all might be saved, if proper means were quietly adopted. but discipline and order were wanting; and attempts made without judgment, and without concert, ended in the loss of all who made them. perishing with cold, and thirst, and hunger--for the ship, her stern now broken away, no longer afforded shelter from the waves, and they had tasted nothing since she struck--the unhappy crew saw a third day arise upon their miseries. still the gale continued, and there was no prospect of relief from the shore. it was now determined to construct a large raft, and first to send away the surviving wounded, with the women and children, in a boat which remained. but as soon as she was brought alongside, there was a general rush, and about a hundred and twenty threw themselves into her. their weight carried down the boat; next moment an enormous wave broke upon them, and when the sea became smoother, their corpses were seen floating all around. an officer, adjutant general renier, attempted to swim on shore, hoping that a knowledge of their condition might enable the spectators to devise some means for their deliverance. he plunged into the sea and was lost. "already nearly nine hundred had perished," says lieutenant pipon, an officer of the rd regiment, who was on board a prisoner, and who afterwards published the dreadful story.[ ] "when the fourth night came with renewed terrors. weak, distracted, and wanting everything, we envied the fate of those whose lifeless corpses no longer needed sustenance. the sense of hunger was already lost, but a parching thirst consumed our vitals. recourse was had to wine and salt water, which only increased the want. half a hogshead of vinegar floated up, and each had half a wine-glassful. this gave a momentary relief, yet soon left us again in the same state of dreadful thirst. almost at the last gasp, every one was dying with misery: the ship, which was now one third shattered away from the stern, scarcely afforded a grasp to hold by, to the exhausted and helpless survivors. the fourth day brought with it a more serene sky, and the sea seemed to subside; but to behold, from fore and aft, the dying in all directions, was a sight too shocking for the feeling mind to endure. almost lost to a sense of humanity, we no longer looked with pity on those who were the speedy fore-runners of our own fate, and a consultation took place to sacrifice some one to be food for the remainder. the die was going to be cast, when the welcome sight of a man-of-war brig renewed our hopes. a cutter speedily followed, and both anchored at a short distance from the wreck. they then sent their boats to us, and by means of large rafts, about a hundred and fifty of near four hundred who attempted it, were saved by the brig that evening. three hundred and eighty were left to endure another night's misery, when, dreadful to relate, above one-half were found dead next morning." commodore lacrosse, general humbert, and three british infantry officers, prisoners, remained in the wreck till the fifth morning; and all survived: so great is the influence of moral power to sustain through extreme hardships. the prisoners were treated with the utmost kindness, and in consideration of their sufferings, and the help they had afforded in saving many lives, a cartel was fitted out by order of the french government to send them home, without ransom or exchange. they arrived at plymouth on the th of march following. the admiralty awarded head-money to the frigates for the destruction of the _droits de l'homme_. as there were no means of knowing her complement with certainty, sir edward wrote to commodore lacrosse to request the information, telling him it was the practice of his government to award a certain sum for every man belonging to an enemy's armed vessel taken, or destroyed. the commodore answered, that the _droits de l'homme_ had been neither taken nor destroyed, but that the ships had fought like three dogs till they all fell over the cliff together. her crew, with the troops, he said, was sixteen hundred men. the gallant captain of the _amazon_, one of the earliest and closest friends of sir edward pellew, perished at length by a not less distressing shipwreck. at the end of , being then a rear-admiral, he was returning from the baltic in the _st. george_, a ship not calculated to remain so late on such a station. after having received much damage in a former gale, she was wrecked on christmas-day, as well as the _defence_, which attended her to afford assistance; and only eighteen men were saved from the two line-of-battle ships. rear-admiral reynolds and his captain remained at their post till they sunk under the inclemency of a northern winter; when, stretched on the quarter-deck, and hand in hand, they were frozen to death together. footnote: [ ] naval chronicle, vol. viii. p. . chapter vi. the mutiny. in less than four years sir edward had fought as many severe actions, and the number of his successes is even less remarkable than the very small loss with which he generally obtained them. against the _cleopatra_, indeed, where he engaged a superior and skilful opponent with an inexperienced crew, he suffered much; but he lost only three men in taking the _pomone_, and none in his actions with the _virginie_ and the _droits de l'homme_. the same impunity continued to attend him; for not a dozen were killed on board his own ships through all the rest of his life.[ ] results so uniform, and applying to so long a service, cannot be ascribed to accidental causes. by his seamanship, his example, a strictness which suffered no duty to be neglected, and a kindness which allowed every safe indulgence, he would quickly bring a ship's company to a high state of discipline. in the language of an officer who served with him for almost thirty years--"no man ever knew better how to manage seamen. he was very attentive to their wants and habits. when he was a captain he personally directed them, and when the duty was over, he was a great promoter of dancing and other sports, such as running aloft, heaving the lead, &c., in which he was himself a great proficient. he was steady in his discipline, and knew well the proper time to tighten or relax. he studied much the character of his men, and could soon ascertain whether a man was likely to appreciate forgiveness, or whether he could not be reclaimed without punishment. during the whole time he commanded frigates, his men had leave in port, one-third at a time, and very rarely a desertion took place." his quick and correct judgment, which at once saw how an object could be attained, was seconded in the hour of trial by a decision which secured every advantage. nothing like hesitation was seen in him. "his first order," said an officer who long served with him, "was always his last;" and he has often declared of himself that he never had a second thought worth sixpence. this would be an absurd boast from a common character, but it is an important declaration from one whose life was a career of enterprise without a failure. always equal to the occasion, his power displayed itself the more, as danger and difficulty increased; when, rising with the emergency, his calmness, the animation of his voice and look, and the precision of his orders, would impart to the men that cool and determined energy which disarms danger, and commands success. not less striking was his influence in those more appalling dangers which try the firmness of a sailor more severely than the battle. the wreck of the _dutton_ is a memorable example. at a later period, during his command in india, the ship twice caught fire, and was saved chiefly by his conduct. on one of these occasions, the _culloden_ was under easy sail off the coast of coromandel, and preparations had been made for partially caulking the ship, when a pitch-kettle, which had been heated, contrary to orders, on the fore part of the main deck, caught fire, and the people, instead of damping it out, most imprudently attempted to extinguish it with buckets of water. the steam blew the flaming pitch all around; the oakum caught fire, and the ship was immediately in a blaze. many of the crew jumped overboard, and others were preparing to hurry out of her, when the presence and authority of the admiral allayed the panic. he ordered to beat to quarters; the marines to fire upon any one who should attempt to leave the ship; the yard-tackles to be cut, to prevent the boats from being hoisted out; and the firemen only to take the necessary measures for extinguishing the fire. the captain, who was undressed in his cabin at the time of the disaster, received an immediate report of it from an officer, and hastened to the quarter-deck. the flames were rising in volumes from the main hatchway, but the admiral was calmly giving his orders from the gangway, the firemen exerting themselves, and the rest of the crew at their quarters, all as quiet and orderly as if nothing had been going on but the common ship's duty. his patronage was exerted to the utmost. the manner in which the navy was chiefly manned through the war made this one of the most delicate and responsible parts of a captain's care. the impress brought into it many whom nothing but the strictest discipline of a man-of-war would control; but many also who had entered the merchant service with the view and the prospect of rising in it, some of whom were not inferior in connections and education to the young gentlemen on the quarter-deck. nothing could be more gratifying to a commander than to promote these, as opportunity offered, to higher stations. some thousands of them became petty and warrant officers in the course of the war, and not a few were placed on the quarter-deck, and are found among the best officers in the service. sir edward brought forward many of them, and his favour has been more than justified by their conduct. he was particularly attentive to the junior part of his crew. a steady person was employed to teach the ship's boys, and he always had the best schoolmaster who could be obtained for the young gentlemen. it was an object much desired to be placed with him, and could he have stooped to make his reputation subservient to his interest in this respect, he might have secured many useful political connections; but this consideration never seems to have influenced him. many of his midshipmen had no friend but himself, and rank obtained no immunities, but rather a more strict control. he once removed from his ship a young nobleman of high connections, and who afterwards became a very distinguished officer, for indulging in what many would consider the excusable frolics of youth; but to which he attached importance, because the rank of the party increased the influence of the example; nor could he be induced by the young man's friends to reconsider his determination. the duke of northumberland, who had himself known all the duties and hardships of service, could appreciate the impartial strictness of sir edward; and when he determined to send into the navy, first a young man whom he patronized, and afterwards his own son, the present duke, he was happy to avail himself of the services of captain schanck, to place them with such an officer. acting upon the same principle, he would allow neither of them more than the usual expenses of the other midshipmen. all who entered a public service, he said, whatever their rank, should have no indulgences beyond their companions. his sense of sir edward's conduct was shown by a warm friendship, which terminated only with his life. in a few weeks after the action with the _droits de l'homme_, the mutiny broke out at spithead, which deprived the country for a short time of the services of the channel fleet. the western squadrons were now of peculiar importance, for they became, in fact, the protectors of the channel. the _cleopatra_, commanded by the late excellent sir charles v. penrose, was at spithead when the mutiny took place; but the good disposition of his crew enabled him with admirable address to escape, and she joined sir edward's squadron at falmouth. thence she sailed with the _indefatigable_ and _revolutionaire_ on a cruise, in which all displayed extraordinary exertion, as, under such circumstances, all felt the necessity for it. one incident will mark their zeal and activity. the _cleopatra_ carried away her fore-topmast in chase, but replaced it so quickly, that she never lost sight of the privateer, which she overtook and captured. several armed vessels were taken; and sir edward was careful often to run in with the squadron upon different parts of the french coast, that he might impress the belief that a considerable british force was at sea. undismayed by the failure of their attempt on ireland, the enemy were now preparing for a more formidable descent. they equipped a larger fleet than before, with a far more numerous army, over which they appointed the same able commander: and by an agreement with holland, the dutch fleet in the texel, under admiral de winter, was to carry over a second army. this was to be commanded by general daendels, an officer of great ability and decision. napoleon thought very highly of him, and it was a material part of his own plan of invasion to send him with thirty thousand chosen troops to ireland. he afterwards became governor of java, where he acted with an independence which awakened the jealousy of his master. discovering this, he wrote to declare that he could hold the island against any force which france, or even england, could bring against him; but that to mark his devotedness to his emperor, he was ready to resign his command, and serve in the french army as a corporal. he was governor of mons during the invasion of france by the allied armies; and he boasted to mr. pellew, who spent a few days with him after the peace, that an advancing army made a considerable circuit to avoid him, and that he held the fortress unmolested until napoleon had abdicated; when he wrote to the allied sovereigns, asking to whom he should resign it. an invasion of ireland, directed by generals such as hoche and daendels, and at a time when the british navy was in a state of mutiny, was an event justly to be dreaded; but all these mighty preparations were overturned more easily and quietly than the former. everything was ready; and general hoche had gone to holland to make the final arrangements with his brother commanders, when the legislative assembly of france quarrelled with the directory, and gained a temporary ascendancy. on the th of july, the new government displaced vice-admiral truguet, the able minister of marine, and appointed m. pléville le peley his successor. with the usual madness of party, the new minister and his employer hastened to overturn all that had been done by their predecessors. they discharged the sailors, dismantled the fleet, and even sold some of the frigates and corvettes by public auction. when the directory regained their power, september th, after an interval of only six weeks, they found that the preparations which had cost them so much time and treasure to complete, were utterly destroyed. in the following month, admiral duncan annihilated the dutch fleet, and thus the proposed expedition was baffled at every point. were a history of england written, with due regard to the operations of divine providence, in deliverances and successes effected not by human wisdom, or human strength, what cause would it afford for unbounded gratitude, and for unbounded confidence! while the enemy were fitting out this armament, sir edward was again employed to watch the harbour of brest; a service which he performed so much to the annoyance of the french commander, that he sent a squadron to ride at single anchor in bertheaume bay, to prevent the frigates from reconnoitring the port. this squadron chased the _indefatigable_ and her consorts repeatedly, but without being able to bring them to action, or to drive them from their station. once, however, a frigate narrowly escaped capture. the _cleopatra_ was becalmed close inshore, with the _indefatigable_ about two miles to seaward, and another frigate between them, when a light air rose, and freshened off the land. the french ships slipped, and bringing the breeze with them, neared the _cleopatra_; and a frigate actually succeeded in cutting off her retreat, while a seventy-four was fast coming up. just then, when the capture of the _cleopatra_ seemed inevitable, the _indefatigable_ made the well-known signal for a fleet, by letting fly the sheets, and firing two guns in quick succession. ushant being on her weather-bow, the enemy naturally supposed, as was intended, that the british fleet was coming up from behind the island; and putting about immediately, hastened back to their anchorage. a similar deception is understood to have been practised successfully by _the phaëton_, during the celebrated retreat of cornwallis; nor is it in either case an imputation upon the enemy, that they should readily take alarm, when they knew that a british fleet was cruising near them. early in august, the _indefatigable_, after a short stay in england, was again at her station off brest; and sir edward, having carefully observed the port, and fully satisfied himself of the state of the french fleet, returned to falmouth on the th, and, on the th, joined lord bridport at torbay. at this time he offered to conduct an attack, which, had it been made, and with success, would have transcended the most brilliant results of naval enterprise. the weakness of the french government, arising out of the struggle of parties for the ascendancy, seemed to offer a favourable opportunity to the royalists, with whose chiefs sir edward was on terms of confidential intercourse; and to assist them in their objects by an exploit which should strike terror into the republicans, he proposed to go into brest with his frigates, and destroy the dismantled fleet. he thought it probable that he should succeed, and urged that the greatness of the object might warrant an attempt in which nothing was to be risked but a few frigates. the conception was in the highest degree daring, but there is a faith in naval affairs which works impossibilities, and it has been generally found, that the officer who can plan a bold action, has shown himself equal to accomplish it. relative strength is almost thrown out of calculation by a well concerted and unexpected attack, conducted with that impetuosity which effects its object before the enemy can avail himself of his superior force. thus, sir charles brisbane, with four frigates, at curaçoa, and sir christopher cole, with a few boats' crews at banda, achieved, with little or no loss, what would have been justly deemed proud triumphs for a fleet of line-of-battle ships. sir e. pellew was never a man to commit himself rashly to what he had not well considered. "there is always uncertainty," he would say, "in naval actions, for a chance shot may place the best managed ship in the power of an inferior opponent." hence he would leave nothing to chance, which foresight could possibly provide for. with such a character, and with his intimate knowledge of brest and its defences, which were almost as familiar to him as falmouth harbour, his own confidence affords strong presumption that he would have succeeded. the first lord took an opportunity to submit this proposal to lord bridport at torbay, and sir edward was in consequence called on board the flag-ship by signal. the admiral received him on the quarter-deck with a very low and formal bow, and referred him to earl spencer, in the cabin, whom he soon found not to be influenced by any arguments he could employ. lord bridport was never pleased that independent frigate squadrons were appointed to cruise within his station. it was, indeed, an irregularity which nothing but the emergency could have justified, when it was desirable to relieve the commander-in-chief from lesser responsibilities, and enable him to devote all his attention to the fleet which threatened the safety of the country. their successes had made the squadrons so popular, that the system was continued when they might, perhaps, have been placed, with equal advantage, under the orders of the admiral; and it would naturally give pain to that officer to find himself denied the privilege of recognizing and rewarding the most brilliant services performed within his own command. lord bridport would occasionally evince such a feeling when speaking of the "western commodores," and it may have influenced his manner upon this occasion; but his approval of sir edward's plan was not to be expected, for he would scarcely sanction the proposal to effect with a few frigates what it would not be thought prudent to attempt with a fleet. the _indefatigable_ sailed from torbay with a convoy, from which she parted company on the th of october, off the isle of palma. on the th, near teneriffe, a large corvette chased her, supposing her to be an indiaman, and approached very near before she discovered the mistake. she had formerly been the frigate-built sloop _hyæna_, which the enemy had taken very early in the war, and cut down to a flush ship; a change which improved her sailing qualities so much, that she might perhaps have escaped from the _indefatigable_, if she had not lost her fore-topmast in carrying a press of sail. it is remarkable, that in this war sir edward took the first ship from the enemy, and after nearly five years, recaptured the first they had taken from the british. it was a part of sir edward's system, while he commanded cruising ships, to have the reefs shaken out, the studding sail-booms rigged out, and everything ready, before daylight; that if an enemy should be near there might be no delay in making sail. in the course of his squadron took fifteen cruisers. the circumstances connected with one of these, _la vaillante_ national corvette, taken on the th of august by the _indefatigable_, after a chase of twenty-four hours, were of much interest. she was bound to cayenne, with prisoners; among whom were twenty-five priests, who had been condemned for their principles to perish in that unhealthy colony. it may well be supposed that they were at once restored to liberty and comfort; nor would sir edward show to the commander of his prize the attentions which an officer in his situation expects, until he had first satisfied himself that the severe and unnecessary restraint to which they had been subjected, for he found them chained together, was the consequence of express orders from the french government. his officers and men vied with him in attentions to the unfortunate exiles, and when he set them on shore in england he gave them a supply for their immediate wants. among the passengers on board _la vaillante_ were the wife and family of a banished deputy. m. rovère, who had obtained permission to join him, and were going out with all they possessed, amounting to , _l_. sir edward restored to her the whole of it, and paid from his own purse the proportion which was the prize of his crew. early in the following year the admiralty determined to limit the period of command in frigates. in obedience to this regulation, on the st of march, sir edward, with much regret, left the ship and crew he had so long commanded, and exchanged the activity of a cruising frigate for a service which offered little prospect of distinction. he was complimented with the _impétueux_, formerly _l'amérique_, one of the prizes taken by lord howe on the st of june, a most beautiful ship, and so much superior to the largest , that she was made a class by herself, and rated as a . he was allowed to select twenty men to follow him from the _indefatigable_. going on board the _impétueux_ for the first time, he was accosted at the gangway by the boatswain: "i am very glad, sir, that you are come to us, for you are just the captain we want. you have the finest ship in the navy, and a crew of smart sailors, but a set of the greatest scoundrels that ever went to sea." he checked him on the spot, and afterwards, sending for him to the cabin, demanded what he meant by addressing him in that manner. the boatswain, who had served with him in the _carleton_ on lake champlain, pleaded former recollections in excuse; and after submitting to the reproof with which sir edward thought it necessary to mark his breach of discipline, informed him that the crew were all but in a state of mutiny, and that for months past he had slept with pistols under his head. mutinies were the natural fruit of the system which had prevailed in the navy, and it is only wonderful that obedience had been preserved so long. all the stores were supplied by contract, and the check upon the contractor being generally inadequate, gross abuses prevailed. officers who recollect the state of the navy during the first american war can furnish a history which may now appear incredible. the provisions were sometimes unfit for human food. casks of meat, after having been long on board, would be found actually offensive. the biscuit, from inferior quality and a bad system of stowage, was devoured by insects,[ ] until it would fall to pieces at the slightest blow; and the provisions of a more perishable nature, the cheese, butter, raisins, &c., would be in a still worse condition. among crews thus fed, the scurvy made dreadful ravages. the _princessa_, when she formed part of rodney's fleet in the west indies, sent two hundred men to the hospital at one time. the purser received certain authorized perquisites instead of pay, and one-eighth of the seamen's allowance was his right, so that their pound was only fourteen ounces. prize-money melted away as it passed through the courts and offices. not even public charities could escape; and the noble establishment of greenwich was defrauded by placing in it superannuated servants, and other landsmen, as worn-out sailors, and conferring the superior appointments, intended for deserving naval officers, upon political friends. the well-known case of captain baillie,[ ] who was removed and prosecuted for resisting some of these abuses, is a memorable, illustration. a gradual improvement in all the departments of the public service commenced from the time of mr. pitt's accession to power; and the worst of these abuses had been corrected long before . still so much remained, that the demands of the seamen, when they mutinied at spithead, were not less due to themselves than desirable for the general interests of the service. a moderate increase in their pay, and greenwich pensions; provisions of a better quality; the substitution of trader's for purser's weight and measure; and an allowance of vegetables, instead of flour, with their fresh meat, when in port, were their chief claims. they did not resort to violent measures till petitions, irregular ones it is true, had been tried in vain. they urged their demands firmly, but most respectfully; and they declared their intention to suspend the prosecution of them if their country should require their services to meet the enemy at sea. but though their claims were most just, and their conduct in many respects was worthy to be much commended, _that_ was a mistaken conclusion, and most deeply to be regretted, which made any concession to violence. hard as the principle may appear, no grievance can be held to justify a breach of discipline; and when the sailors at spithead had placed themselves in the position of offenders, the question of redress ought to have been preceded by unconditional, and, if necessary, enforced submission. it was humbling the majesty of the law to negotiate with criminals, and destroying its authority to submit to them. if the sailors had first been compelled to return to their duty, and their grievances had afterwards been properly investigated and redressed, the whole fleet would have respected the authority which enforced obedience, and received every favour with gratitude. nor is there reason to believe that it would have been difficult to bring men to their duty, whose hearts were still sound. it is most honourable to the character of the country, that respect for the law, and obedience to the constituted authorities, are so much the habit and the principle of englishmen, that invincible as they are in a good cause, they have always shown themselves cowards in crime. a few soldiers are sufficient to disperse the largest mob. the timely decision of an officer has seldom failed to quell the most formidable mutiny. timorous as the men are from conscious guilt, uncertain in their plans, and doubtful of the firmness of their companions, the respect involuntarily felt for the noble bearing of a man whom they have always been accustomed to obey, and who in a good cause is standing as it were alone against a multitude, gives a commander all the power he could desire. but if he would take advantage of this feeling, he must be prompt to assert his authority. if he waver--if he allow the men once to feel their strength, and to stand committed to one another--his influence is gone. and if government should stoop to parley with them, it sanctions their proceedings, strengthens their hands by the confession of its own weakness, and raises them from being offenders against the law, to the dignity of injured men, honourably asserting their rights. thus, when the lords of the admiralty, and the first admiral of the british navy, received on terms of courtesy criminals whose lives were forfeited, and negotiated with them as with equals--when the government submitted to demands which it evidently feared to resist--and the parliament hastened to legislate at the bidding of triumphant mutineers, the navy was taught a fatal lesson. the fleet at the nore mutinied almost immediately after, without the shadow of a pretext; and the idea of mutiny once become familiar, the crews of the best ordered ships thought little of seeking redress for any real or fancied grievance by resisting the authority of their officers. almost every ship on the home station mutinied in the course of the year; and considering bow naturally the first fault leads to more guilty excesses, and how many worthless characters were swept into the navy, disgracing the service by making it the avowed punishment of crime, and corrupting it by their example, nothing can appear more natural than that mutiny should at length display itself in a darker character, and proceed in some unhappy instances to murder and treason. sir edward pellew deeply lamented the submission of the government. he was satisfied that a proper firmness would have quelled the present, and prevented the future evil; and he was strengthened in his opinion by the circumstances of the mutiny on board one of the ships at spithead, in which one of his own officers was a principal actor. captain williams, of the marines, formerly lieutenant in the _arethusa_, applied to his captain for authority to act, assuring him of the good disposition of his own men, and pledging himself by their means to save the ship. but his captain, though one of the bravest and best men in the service, shrank from committing the marines to a possible conflict with the sailors, and recommended a little delay. in a few minutes the marine officer returned: it was not yet too late, but not another moment could be spared. the humane feelings of the commander impelled him still to temporize, and when the marine officer returned, it was to say that his men must now save themselves, and the ship was lost. the more desperate mutiny at the nore was not quelled by submission. afterwards, when mutinies were continually occurring among the ships at plymouth. sir edward proposed a very decisive measure to stop the mischief. he recommended that a ship, manned with officers, and with volunteers who could be fully trusted, should attack the next that mutinied, and, if necessary, sink her in the face of the fleet. the officer who takes the first step in any measure must feel himself committed decisively to all possible consequences; but the mere display of such a resolution, with the knowledge that an officer of unflinching determination commanded the attacking ship, would most probably spare the necessity of firing a shot. lives are commonly sacrificed only when a mistaken humanity shrinks from duty till the proper time for action has gone by. the disposition of the crews was not generally bad, but they were misled by example, and encouraged by impunity. when the _greyhound_ mutinied, and captain israel pellew demanded if he had ever given them cause for dissatisfaction, if he had not always been their friend, they admitted that they had nothing to complain of, but said they must do like their friends around them. they would have landed him with every mark of respect; but he declared that, after such conduct, not one of them should ever row him again, and he hailed a waterman to put him on shore. still, though he had reproached them in no measured terms, they manned the side, and gave him three cheers when he left the ship. even sir edward pellew, popular as he was, and though he might well expect that a crew which had fought with him two successful actions within the past year would be too proud of their ship and commander ever to fail in their duty, yet felt it necessary to take precautions, when mutinies were occurring around him without the smallest reasonable cause. determined to maintain his authority at all hazards, he prepared for the worst, and provided himself with weapons such as he deemed would be the most effectual, if he should be compelled to the dreadful necessity of a personal conflict with his crew. a pointed and two-edged blade, four inches long, was fixed in a rough buckhorn handle, with a groove for the thumb across the top. a pair of these were carried in sheaths, secured in each waistcoat-pocket. with these, a strong and active person, in the midst of a crowd where he could not use a sword, could strike right and left with terrible effect. once a mutiny was planned in the _indefatigable_, but he checked it before it broke out. she was lying with the _phoebe_ in falmouth harbour, and the frigates were to sail next morning, when the crews were determined not to proceed to their station until they had received their pay. a sailor who had overstayed his leave came in the dead of the night to inform his commander of the plot; and assured him, that though all the crew were privy to it, more than half of them would support their officers. sir edward professed to discredit the information, and, apparently, took no steps in consequence. but when the ship was to be got under weigh, the lieutenant complained to him that the men were sulky, and would not go round with the capstan. he then came forward, and declaring his knowledge of their intentions, drew his sword, and ordered the officers to follow his example. "you can never die so well," he said, "as on your own deck quelling a mutiny; and now, if a man hesitate to obey you, cut him down without a word." the crew, accustomed to prompt obedience, and attached to their officers, at once returned to their duty, and the _indefatigable_ was soon under sail. the _phoebe_ was earned by her crew to cawsand bay, and in justice to them it should be added, that although she anchored in the midst of several ships which had lately mutinied, no further irregularity took place: and after having been paid, she hastened to join the _indefatigable_ off brest. the crew of the _impétueux_ supposed, and probably with truth, that sir edward was selected to command them in consequence of their known disaffected state, his frigate having been almost the only ship on the home station which had not actually mutinied. under this impression, a mistaken pride would not allow them to be controlled, and their secret spirit of revolt became more determined. the feeling might have worn itself out in a short time if the ship had remained at sea, for the men soon learned to respect their new commander. but when, on the th of april, the french fleet escaped from brest, and sailed for the mediterranean, the british admiral, lord bridport, supposing it to have gone to ireland, cruised for a few days off cape clear, and then anchored with twenty-six sail of the line in bantry bay. here the bad spirits of the fleet had leisure for mischief, and facilities to communicate with one another. a general mutiny was planned, and the disgraceful distinction of setting the example was assigned to the _impetueux_. on thursday, the th of may, at noon, sir edward, being engaged to dine with sir alan gardner, had gone to dress in his cabin, leaving orders with the officer of the watch to call all hands at the usual time, one watch to clear hawse, and the other two to wash decks. when the order was given, it was obeyed by all the marines, but by scarce any of the sailors. very shortly after, signal was made to unmoor, upon which a noise of "no--no--no!" was heard from the main hatchway, and the seamen came pressing forward in great numbers; those in the rear crying, "go on--go on!" the first lieutenant, ross, and lieutenant stokes, the officer of the watch, demanded what was the matter; and after some murmuring, were told that there was a letter. the officers asked for it, that it might be given to the captain, but the cry of "no--no--no!" was immediately renewed. lieutenant ross then desired lieutenant stokes to inform the captain, upon which the mutineers shouted, "one and all--one and all!" sir edward instantly ran out in his dressing-gown, and found between two and three hundred on the quarter-deck. on his appearance, the clamour was increased, mingled with cries of "a boat--a boat!" he asked what was the matter, and was told they had a letter to send to lord bridport, complaining of tyranny, and hard usage. he demanded the letter, declaring that he would immediately carry it himself, or send an officer with it, to the admiral; but all cried out, "no, no,--a boat of our own!" he persisted in his endeavours to pacify them as long as a hope remained of bringing them to reason, intreating them not to forfeit their character by such shameful conduct. but when some of the ringleaders declared with oaths that they _would_ have a boat, and would take one, he quietly said, "you will, will you?"--gave a brief order to captain boys, of the marines, and sprang to the cabin for his sword. the marines, who had previously withstood every attempt of the conspirators to seduce them from their duty, now displayed that unwavering loyalty, and prompt obedience, for which, in the most trying circumstances, this valuable force has always been distinguished. sir edward returned instantly, determined to put to death one or more of the ringleaders on the spot, but the evident irresolution of the mutineers spared him the necessity. he immediately ordered the quarter-deck to be cleared, the marines to be posted on the after-part of the fore-castle, and the fore-part of the quarter-deck and poop, and the sentries to be doubled. the carpenter in the mean time ran to sir edwards cabin, and brought swords for the officers, who, at the first alarm, had hastened to place themselves by their captain's side. the mutineers, after a moment's hesitation, ran off the quarter-deck, and threw themselves down the hatchways, exclaiming to put out all lights, and remove the ladders. the officers followed them closely, and soon secured the ringleaders. sir edward himself seized one of the most violent, and threatening him with instant death if he resisted, dragged him up from below to the quarter-deck. the letter, an unsigned one, was now given up, and the ship's company returned quietly to their duty. the plot was thus entirely disconcerted; for the crews of the other ships, who knew nothing of the attempt and its failure, but waited for the example of the _impetueux_, followed her when she obeyed the admiral's signal. on the st of june, lord bridport, who had now learned the course taken by the french fleet, sent off sir alan gardner with sixteen sail, of which the _impetueux_ was one, as a reinforcement for earl st. vincent in the mediterranean. his orders on this occasion were promptly attended to; and no other attempt was made by any of the crews to resist the authority of their officers. the _impetueux_ being now for a short time under earl st. vincent's command, sir edward took the earliest opportunity to enforce the application for a court-martial, which he had previously made to sir charles cotton. the earl, upon inquiry, was so startled at the magnitude of the plot, that he thought it better, as the mutiny had been so promptly suppressed, to conceal it altogether. sir edward differed from him entirely. he considered that the worst effects would follow, if the men were allowed to think that their officers feared to punish the ringleaders in such a conspiracy; and as the earl, who was on the point of resigning the command from ill-health, appeared still reluctant, he decided the question by declaring that if the court-martial were not granted, he should immediately go on shore. accordingly, it was held on board the _prince_, in port mahon, on the th and th of june, when three of the ringleaders received sentence of death. one of them, after his condemnation, disclosed all the history and circumstances of the plot; and this, added to the consideration of his previous good character, to which sir edward had borne a strong testimony on the court-martial, made his captain think him a proper subject for mercy. but upon this point, earl st. vincent was inflexible. "i am glad of it," he said, when sir edward spoke favourably of the prisoner's former conduct; "those who have hitherto suffered had been so worthless before, that their fate was of little use as an example. i shall now convince the fleet that no character will save the man who is guilty of mutiny." may there never be a recurrance of such unhappy times as shall make it the duty of an officer to act upon this stern principle! the circumstances were concealed from the country, and the rest of the fleet, as effectually as if the court-martial had never been held. the distant and retired harbour where the mutiny occurred; the quietness with which it was suppressed; the holding of the court-martial abroad; the frequency of aggravated mutinies within the preceding two years; the magnitude of the political occurrences at that period; and the anxiety felt at the movements of the enemy's fleet, probably the largest they ever had at sea, for it numbered, with the spaniards, forty sail of the line, all concurred to prevent it from becoming an object of public attention. but earl st. vincent appreciated sir edward's conduct very highly. "your brother," he once said to mr. pellew, "is an excellent and valuable officer, but the most important service he ever rendered to his country was saving the british fleet in bantry bay. we know that it was the intention to burn the ships, and join the rebels on shore." when the time arrived for executing the mutineers, it was found that preparations had been made to give to their fate the appearance of a triumph. for it strongly marks the general feeling in the navy during this unhappy period, that the individuals who thus suffered were regarded rather as martyrs than criminals. encouraged to hardihood by his mistaken shipmates, generally excited by spirits, and some times even decorated with knots of ribbon, the mutineer went boldly to execution, leaving the spectators less appalled at his fate, than admiring his fearless bearing. sir edward quickly changed this feeling when the prisoners came up to the forecastle. addressing a few words, first to the men who had followed him from the _indefatigable_, and afterwards to the rest of the crew, "_indefatigables_" he said, "stand aside! not one of you shall touch the rope. but _you_, who have encouraged your shipmates to the crime by which they have forfeited their lives, it shall be your punishment to hang them!" quailing before their commander, their false feeling was destroyed in a moment; and as there is no medium between the hardihood and the cowardice of guilt, they felt as he intended, and many of them wept aloud. afterwards, there was not in the service a more orderly ship than the _impetueux_, or a crew more pleasant to command. considerate as he was upon all occasions where human life was concerned, and unwilling to resort to punishment, he was always anxious to make it as impressive as possible, whenever it became necessary to inflict it. he assisted to try one of the mutineers of the _hermione_, whose crew had murdered their officers, and carried the ship into a spanish port. this man's crime was attended with circumstances of peculiar aggravation. he was coxswain to captain pigott, who, savage tyrant as he was in general, and richly deserving of the fate he provoked, had brought him up from a boy, and treated him with much kindness and confidence. yet he headed the murderers; and when they broke into the captain's cabin, and that officer, perceiving their intention, called for his coxswain to protect him, he replied with an opprobrious epithet, "here i am to despatch you!" he had been entrusted with the captain's keys; and when the work of blood was over, the officers, even to unoffending midshipmen, being slaughtered, and the murderers were regaling themselves with wine, he told them that he knew where to get them better than what they were drinking. his crime was fully proved; and the court being cleared, sir edward proposed that sentence should be executed immediately. the circumstances of the case demanded, in his opinion, unusual severity, which might be expected to have a good effect upon the fleet; while there was every reason to conclude, from the prisoner's demeanour before them, that if delay were allowed, he would meet his fate with a hardihood which would destroy the value of the example. the court at first questioned their power to execute without the warrant of the admiralty; but this was quickly settled by reference to the act of parliament. the president then declared that he could not make the order. "look here!" said he, giving to sir edward his hand, trembling violently, and bathed in a cold perspiration. "i see it, and i respect your feelings," replied sir edward, "but i am sure that such an example is wanted, and i must press the point." "well," he replied, "if it be the _unanimous_ opinion of the court, it shall be done." it was agreed to, and the prisoner was called. though, sure that he must be condemned, he entered with a bold front; but when informed that he would be executed in one hour, he rolled on the cabin-deck in an agony. "what! gentlemen," he exclaimed, "hang me directly? will you not allow me a few days--a little time, to make my peace with god?" the whole fleet was appalled when the close of the court-martial was announced to them by the signal for execution; and at the end of the allotted hour, the wretched criminal was brought up to undergo his sentence. a similar stern decision quelled in a few hours the spirit of resistance during the special commission for trying the luddites at york, when the county was almost in a state of rebellion; and it was found necessary to protect the court with cannon. six of the ringleaders having been convicted on the first day, the intrepid judge, le blanc, ordered them all to be hung at six o'clock next morning. while the multitudes, stunned by this unexpected vigour, waited in trembling anxiety for what was next to follow, eight more were convicted on the second day, and as promptly executed. the whole county was struck with terror; and the judge, having thus effected the great object of punishment, by compelling them to respect and fear the law, could now venture to show mercy. it is the hardest effort of human resolution for a judge to consign to certain and ignominious death the helpless being who stands trembling before him, imploring the mercy or the delay which it rests but with him to grant; but whenever justice demands life, duty requires that so great a sacrifice shall be made most useful; and to effort this, execution must take place before abhorrence for the crime is lost in pity for the offender. _his_ proper time for repentance is the interval before conviction. little dependence can be placed on the contrition which never shows itself till every hope of life is gone. the _impetueux_ formed part of the force which pursued the combined fleets from the mediterranean to brest, and from which they escaped so narrowly. she afterwards remained with the channel fleet, under lord bridport and sir alan gardner. on the st of june, , earl st. vincent, who had assumed the command a short time before, detached sir edward pellew, with seven sail of the line, and some smaller vessels, to quiberon bay, whore they were to land five thousand troops under general maitland to assist the royalists. next day, the squadron arrived and anchored; and on the th, the forts on the peninsula were attacked and silenced by the _thames_, , with some of the small craft; and destroyed by a party of troops. several vessels, taken at the same time, were brought off or scuttled. very early on the morning of the th, the armed launches, and a division of small craft, were sent away under lieutenant pilford, of the _impetueux_, which completed the destruction of the shipping in the morbihan, bringing off six prizes, and destroying several others, among which was the _insolente_, -gun brig. they landed at the same time about three hundred troops, who carried and dismantled a fort. the whole service was effected with the loss of two men killed on board the _thames_, and one in the boats. by this time, it was placed beyond doubt that the invalids were not strong enough to warrant a descent. sir edward, therefore, proposed an immediate attack on belleisle, which had long been a favourite object with him, from a conviction that nothing would enable the british to harass the enemy more effectually than the possession of that island. he earnestly combated the doubts of the general, and pressed the point with all the energy of his character. filled with the ardour so naturally inspired by the opportunity to attempt a long-cherished enterprise, he exclaimed, "i will be everywhere at your side, only let us attack the place without delay." but the general, who could not feel that confidence founded on a knowledge of the place, which sir edward had gained from having long cruised in the neighbourhood; and who well knew the difficulty and loss which a much larger force had formerly experienced in taking it, objected to the attempt, and the enemy in a few days decided the question by strongly reinforcing the garrison. the troops were then landed upon the small island of houat, about two leagues to the south-east of quiberon point, where they remained encamped, while sir edward cruised with his squadron off port louis. towards the end of july, mr. coghlan, who had assisted sir edward in saving the people from the _dutton_, and was now commanding the _viper_ cutter, tender to the _impetueux_, with the rank of acting lieutenant, proposed and obtained permission to cut out a brig of war, which lay moored within the port. accordingly, with twelve volunteers from the _impetueux_, and a midshipman and six men from the _viper_, in the line-of-battle ship's ten-oared cutter, a boat from the _viper_, and another from the _amethyst_ frigate, he went away on the night of the th to attack a national brig of seven guns, three of them long twenty-four pounders, and with eighty-seven men on board. the object of his attack, _la cerbère_, was moored with springs on her cable, within pistol-shot of three batteries, surrounded with armed vessels, and not a mile from a seventy-four and a frigate. notwithstanding her formidable position, and though her crew were prepared, while the boats of the _amethyst_ and _viper_ had not been able to keep up with the cutter, he pushed on with the single boat, and made a dash at the brig's quarter. in the act of springing on board, he became entangled in a trawl-net, and before he could disengage himself, he was pierced through the thigh with a pike, and knocked back into the boat. still undismayed, they boarded the brig further ahead, and after a desperate struggle on her deck, carried her. of the boat's crew, one man was killed, and eight wounded; the brig had six killed, and twenty wounded. the other boats now came up, and the prize was towed out under a heavy, but ineffectual fire from the batteries. this very brilliant action was rewarded with peculiar notice. the squadron gave up the prize to the captors; earl st. vincent presented mr. coghlan with a sword; and a most unusual distinction, he was immediately made a lieutenant by an order in council, though, by the regulations of the service, he had still to serve a year and a half before he would be entitled to promotion. a few days after, sir j.b. warren arrived, with a small squadron and a fleet of transports; and having re-embarked the troops from houat, and taken the _impetueux_ under his orders, proceeded to attack ferrol. the fleet arrived in the bay of playa de dominos on the th of august, and sir james pulteney, the military commander-in-chief, desired that the troops might be landed immediately. the direction of this service was committed to sir edward pellew, who first silenced a fort of eight twenty-four pounders by the fire of the _impetueux_, assisted by the _brilliant_, -gun frigate, _cynthia_, sloop of war, and _st. vincent_ gun-boat; and landed the whole army the same evening, without losing a man. sixteen field-pieces were landed at the same time, and the sailors got them, with the scaling ladders, to the heights above ferrol. a slight skirmish took place on the first advance of the troops, and a sharper one next morning; but the enemy were effectually driven back, and the heights which command the harbour of ferrol gained, with the loss in all of sixteen men killed, and five officers and sixty-three men wounded. six sail of the line, two of them large first-rates, were in the harbour. sir james now resolved to abandon the enterprise. sir edward entreated that he might be allowed to lead on with his sailors, for he was confident that the town must yield. but sir james--to the intense disappointment and indignation of sir edward, who refused afterwards and in consequence even to meet him at dinner--declined to advance, and the troops and guns were all re-embarked without loss the same night. it was afterwards ascertained, that the garrison, despairing of effectual resistance, were prepared to surrender the keys. the squadron escorted the transports to gibraltar, to join a force already assembled there; with which, under the command of abercromby, and protected by the fleet of lord keith, they proceeded to egypt. footnotes: [ ] quiberon bay, one killed in the boats; landing at ferrol, none; batavia roads, one killed in the boats; griessee, none; skirmishes off toulon, one killed by accident; algiers, eight. [ ] the sailors gave professional names to the various specimens of entomology which infested their stores. thus, a large maggot found in the biscuit they called "boscawen's bargemen." [ ] the case of captain baillie is remarkable as the first in which erskine pleaded. when this brilliant advocate, then a junior, unknown even to his brethren at the bar, was assailing lord sandwich as the prosecutor of his client with equal eloquence and courage, and even in defiance of a rebuff from the judge, the latter, lord chief justice mansfield, leant over the bench and inquired in a whisper, "who is that young man?" "his name is erskine, my lord," replied the clerk. "_his_ fortune is made," observed the judge as he resumed his seat. chapter vii. blockade of ferrol.--parliamentary history. the _impetueux_ remained with the channel fleet until she was paid off at the end of the war, when sir edward was allowed a short repose. he passed it chiefly in the quiet of domestic retirement at trefusis, a seat belonging to lord clinton, which occupies the promontory between the two principal branches of falmouth harbour, and adjoins the little town of flushing, where his grandfather had lived. here, in the bosom of his family, and with many of his companions and friends in the service around him, he enjoyed his first period of relaxation from the beginning of the revolutionary war. early in , there was a naval promotion, which left him nearly at the head of the post list; and he was shortly after made a colonel of marines. his popularity was now very great, for the credit gained by his first action was increased by every future success, until there was no officer of his rank whose name was more known and honoured through the country. that this should create jealousy was only to be expected; for it is always the hardest trial of liberality to be just to the superior fortunes of a competitor. some, contending that he enjoyed a reputation beyond his deserts, would under-rate his services, which, they said, any other officer with the same chances could have performed as well. but chance, though it may afford an occasional instance of unexpected fortune, never gives a long and uniform career of distinction. sir edward displayed the same character through all his grades of rank, and, except in the _hazard_, which was employed on a station and a service which could afford no opportunity for distinction, obtained the same success in every ship he commanded. it is encouraging to unassisted merit to observe, that he had no influential friends until he had made himself independent of their support, and was attached to the fortunes of no leading commander. all his promotions, and every honour he received, were given expressly to reward some recent and distinguished service. many years after he had retired from active employment, he made a modest allusion to this subject at a naval dinner, at which his late majesty, then lord high admiral, presided. in rising to return thanks, when his health was drunk with compliments which demanded acknowledgment, he referred to his own history as a proof that no officer, however unsupported by influence, need despair of receiving his due reward from the justice and gratitude of his country. "i have never known," he said, "what fortune meant. i never chose my station, and never had a friend but the king's pennant; but i have always gone where i was sent, and done what i was ordered; and he who will act upon the same principles, may do as i have done." at the general election in , he was solicited to stand for barnstaple; for which, after a severe contest, he was returned on the th of july, by a very large majority. his correspondence at this period shows he was very early wearied with his situation. nor was he better satisfied when he had gained an insight into the nature of a parliamentary life. indeed, a naval officer of reputation will seldom promote his comfort by going into parliament; where his inactivity may present an unfavourable contrast to his professional character, or his prominence expose him to the virulence of party. yet the experience thus obtained was not without value to a man who was henceforth to be employed as a commander-in-chief, with a greater share of political responsibility than usually attaches to a naval command. if he had wished to estimate the value of political friendships, and the spirit of party intrigue, a lesson which professional employment at sea is little calculated to teach, he could not have entered parliament at a better season. the high character and truly english politics of mr. pitt had united very different parties to support him in carrying on a just and necessary war; but when the bond which he had afforded to his party was removed by his going out of office, and peace had deprived them of their common object, former principles of repulsion regained their influence; and the uncertainty whether the premier was the rival or the _locum tenens_ of pitt increased the confusion. it was still more embarrassing when, at a later period, mr. pitt threw himself into avowed opposition to a government, of which the premier was his friend and pupil, and the other ministers, one of whom was his own brother, might all be regarded as his nominees. indeed, six remained in office when he returned to power, and the ex-premier himself joined the administration in a few mouths after. sir edward had not long been in parliament, before he expressed a confident opinion that mr. pitt would soon come in. succeeding events strengthened this conviction; and when the peace, or rather armed truce, of amiens was evidently drawing to a close, he said in one of his letters, "pitt _must_ now be the minister." he gave a general support to the government in the very small part which he took in the business of the house, but he availed himself of the earliest opportunity to escape from it; and on the very day when the king's message was delivered, which indicated the renewal of hostilities, he solicited and obtained employment. on the th of march, , he was appointed to the eighty-gun ship _tonnant_, in which, after some delay, occasioned by the general difficulty of procuring men, he joined the channel fleet. anxious to take part in the important naval operations to be expected, he wished to sail with nelson, whose reputation gave a just presage that the most decisive blow would be struck where he commanded; but after he had been appointed to a station, his sense of naval obedience forbade any attempt to change it. with that care for the improvement of his young officers which was always a prominent feature of his conduct, he advertised for a superior schoolmaster for the _tonnant_, to whom he offered _l._ per annum, in addition to his pay, that he might obtain for them better instructions than the regulations of the service would afford. early in the summer, he was detached from the channel fleet, with the _mars_ and _spartiate_ under his orders, to intercept or blockade a dutch squadron, which had put into the neutral port of ferrol, on their passage to india. the enemy had proceeded on their voyage the day before he arrived, and he followed under a press of sail as far as madeira. they were the ships which he afterwards destroyed at griessee. in his absence, a french squadron of five sail of the line arrived at corunna from st. domingo, and took advantage of the first westerly gale to cross the bay to ferrol. here they were blockaded by sir edward, whose force was soon increased to six, and afterwards to eight sail of the line. on the nd of september, during a strong easterly gale, with thick weather, two other french ships from st. domingo, the _duguay tronin_ , and _guerrière_ frigate, were chased by sir robert calder, who was coming out to relieve the commodore. the _culloden_ had a running fight with the enemy for two hours and a half, but could not prevent them from getting into corunna. in autumn, the _tonnant_ having been refitted at plymouth, sir edward resumed the command, and maintained a very close blockade, at considerable risk, by night and day. he constantly expected a french force from brest, and often remarked to his officers, that they would have to fight both squadrons at once. under such circumstances, every precaution was required, and though unwilling to interfere with the men's rest, yet, to prevent surprise, he thought it necessary to keep them at quarters all night, and pipe down the hammocks in the morning. as the season advanced, the weather became so tempestuous that the squadron was often driven off the land for many days together, and only occasionally fetched near ferrol. sir edward became anxious therefore to find an anchorage in the neighbourhood, where the fleet could ride out a gale, and obtain necessary supplies. he first examined a bay near cape ortugal, but this was too distant. he then went in a cutter into the bay of bentanços, between ferrol and corunna, on the eastern side of which, in a bay called ares, he considered, contrary to the opinion of the celebrated spanish hydrographer tofino, that the anchorage was safe, and the ground good. the correctness of his judgment was proved by the number of heavy gales which the squadron rode out through the winter. the place much resembles cawsand bay, and a windmill stood on the adjacent height, from which the harbour of ferrol could be seen as distinctly as hamoaze from maker tower. in this mill, the english and french officers on the look-out often met. as long as the wind was westerly, the squadron remained here; but when it shifted to the eastward, which was fair to leave ferrol, sir edward anchored his ships across the entrance of the harbour. owing to the prevalence of the westerly gales, the supplies from england were totally inadequate to the wants of the squadron: and it became indispensable to procure them on the spot. occasionally a few live cattle were received, but the vessels bringing them were driven back, or detained, until the beasts were almost dead. water was soon found: but it was not easy to obtain provisions in the depth of winter from so poor a country. the spaniards were very lukewarm, and the french admiral naturally created every obstacle in his power. this important charge was entrusted to mr. fitzgerald, purser of the _tonnant_, and acting secretary to the commodore, a gentleman of great resources, and unbounded courage and enterprise. by his exertions a small supply of fresh meat was obtained, with some wine and biscuit; and as confidence became established, cattle and other necessaries were purchased forty miles in the interior. in the performance of his arduous service, mr. fitzgerald was twice attempted to be assassinated; and he escaped only by killing the assailant upon one occasion, and by wounding some of the party on the other. sir edward was thus enabled to maintain an effectual blockade all the winter. he always expected an attack from brest, which perhaps might have been attempted if the enemy had known his real strength; but his frequent exchanges with the channel fleet deceived the french admiral into a belief that a force was cruising in the neighbourhood, of which the ships he saw were only the in-shore division. early in the year ships arrived from england with supplies, and every difficulty had been removed, when political events at home led to his recall. while the general wishes and confidence of the country were directed to mr. pitt, as the only minister to carry on the war with energy, the chief support of the government was the reputation and decisive character of earl st. vincent, first lord of the admiralty, whose ability as a great commander was even surpassed by his consummate skill as a politician. but the earl was now suffering the common fate of a practical reformer, to be opposed by the retainers of a former system, and distrusted by all who could not appreciate his innovations. thoroughly acquainted with his own service, he had introduced everywhere, and especially into the dockyards, a bold and unsparing reform, which no ingenuity could evade, and which was felt the more from being coincident with the reductions of peace. all who were thus cut off, and others whose emoluments he curtailed, naturally became hostile; and the inconvenience always created by a change, and which it was the direct interest of so many to aggravate, afforded too favourable opportunities for the prejudiced to misrepresent, and the candid to misunderstand him. in abolishing the practice of building line-of-battle ships in private yards, he took a step of which all subsequent experience has proved the wisdom; but it united against him an extensive and most powerful interest. it was contended that his measures displayed great and unnecessary harshness, and were calculated to break down the effectiveness of the navy. very many persons of the highest integrity, too little acquainted with the facts, were thus deceived; and even mr. pitt, though he had recommended earl st. vincent for the admiralty, believed that he was weakening the most important arm of the country. under such circumstances, sir edward pellew was recalled, ostensibly, that the admiralty might confer with him upon these disputed questions. nothing could be more flattering to him, or indeed more honourable to both parties, than this confidence; for there had never been much cordiality between earl st. vincent and sir edward, who was both politically and personally an admirer of mr. pitt; and it was clear to every one that the ministry was about to fall. but the earl was too conscious of the wisdom of his measures to fear the judgment of a candid opponent; and he too well appreciated sir edward's character not to feel assured that he would allow no private motive, or political predilection, to interfere with the discharge of his duty. thus, when mr. pitt gave notice of a motion for inquiry into the state of the navy, of which the avowed object was to censure the naval administration, a mutual friend was employed by the admiralty to learn sir edward's opinion of the subjects it embraced, and on finding that his judgment condemned them, to induce him to express his sentiments in the house. to this proposal he readily assented. they had all engaged his attention previously, particularly that relating to the gun-boats, which he had frequently discussed with the late sir sidney smith, who contended that they might be made effective against a line-of-battle ship. sir edward would always say, "i should choose to be in the line-of-battle ship." on the day he went to the house, he observed in a letter to his brother that he now quite understood why he had been recalled from ferrol. on the th of march, mr. pitt brought forward his threatened motions. he contended, that although the enemy had made the most formidable preparations for an invasion, which would probably be attempted within a few weeks, the effective force of the navy, from line-of-battle ships down to hired armed vessels, was at that moment inferior, and less adequate to the exigency of the danger, than at any former period. notwithstanding it was so evidently necessary to oppose to the enemy's flotilla a force of a similar description, capable of acting in shallow water, the admiralty had ordered only twenty-three gun-vessels to be built, of which five were to be completed in three, and the remainder in six months, though the necessity for them was immediate and urgent. he condemned the admiralty for giving up the former approved plan of building line-of-battle ships by contract in private yards. two-thirds of the navy, he said, had been thus built; for during a war all the strength of the king's yards was required for repairing ships, and building was necessarily suspended in them almost entirely. through the last war, of twenty-nine line-of-battle ships, twenty-seven had been built in merchants' yards; while in the present only two had been contracted for, although fourteen or fifteen slips fit for building them were then unoccupied in the river. he contended, finally, that the admiralty had been very remiss and unsuccessful in raising men for the navy. in the war of we began with , seamen and marines, and had , or , at the end of the year. in the present war we began with , men, and had raised them only to , . thus, in the former war there had been an increase of , men in the year; but in the present only of , , though our mercantile marine was so much greater. upon these arguments he founded motions for an account of all ships, from line-of-battle ships down to hired armed vessels inclusive, in commission on the st of december , th of september , and st of december , specifying the service on which they were respectively employed; for a copy of the contracts made, and the orders given by the admiralty in , , and , with respect to the number of gun-vessels to be built; for a list of ships built in the king's yards for and ; but if it should be thought that any intelligence on this head might be a channel of improper information to the enemy, he would abstain from pressing it, for he was aware that there would still be grounds sufficiently strong to convince the house that it was the preferable plan to construct vessels in the merchants' yards; and, finally, for a similar list of vessels built by contract in private yards. mr. tierney, who led the defence for ministers, would agree only to the first and second motions; and he moved, as an amendment to the first, that it should include all other armed ships and vessels employed in the public service. he denied mr. pitt's assertions, and combated his arguments. it was an extraordinary proceeding, he said, that an inquiry should be proposed, having for its object the censure of the admiralty, when every port of the enemy was sealed up, our commerce protected in every direction, and our trade prosperous in an unexampled degree. our naval force was immense, and admirably calculated for a great variety of service. we had , vessels employed, of which included the force from line-of-battle ships to hired armed vessels; and were a flotilla completely equipped and ready for immediate service; besides block-ships supplied by the trinity-house, ships furnished by the east india company, and lighters, and small craft, fitted in the king's yards. of , seamen and marines voted by parliament, , had been raised, besides , sea-fencibles; and this, although the volunteer force of the country was , . he strongly condemned the practice of building ships in merchants' yards. he alluded to the _ajax_, which had been thus built. she had cost , _l_., and the bargain was thought a good one, yet in three years she required a further sum of , _l._ to fit her for service. two parties in the house supported the motions; admiral berkeley, mr. wilberforce, and others, because they agreed with mr. pitt in condemning the measures of the admiralty; mr. fox and his friends, because they considered that an inquiry would redound most highly to the credit of earl st. vincent. they contended that ministers opposed it only to screen their notorious incapacity under the shelter of his great name. on the other hand, admiral sir charles pole, mr. sheridan, mr. addington, captain markham, and others, supported mr. tierney, and confirmed all his statements. nothing, it was said, could afford a stronger proof how enormous were the abuses which earl st. vincent had corrected, than the argument of mr. pitt and his friends, that men-of-war could not be built in the king's yards, although , men were employed in them; and it was known that forty-five shipwrights could build a seventy-four in a year. four hundred of the men discharged had been receiving six shillings a day for doing nothing. blockmakers' and coopers' work, for which , _l._ had been paid, was proved upon a survey to be worth only _l._ as to the gun-boats alluded to, which were built by contract in the last war, they were so bad, that eighty-seven out of a hundred-and-twenty had been sold by public advertisement for almost nothing. the men-of-war launched from private yards had been the ruin of the navy. three of them went to portugal, and were found so defective that it was necessary to send them home, with a frigate for convoy. the arrangements for the naval defence of the country were most admirable and complete, and if there were any delay in building the twenty-three gun-vessels ordered by the admiralty, it was because no dependence was placed upon that description of force. it would be folly to meet the enemy with the inferior weapons which necessity obliged him to employ, when we possessed a more powerful arm in our heavy men-of-war and frigates. the depth of water would allow these to act close to our very shores; and if the enemy's flotilla should venture out, captain markham, sir edward pellew, sir thomas troubridge, or any officer known in our naval records, would, with a single seventy-four, shoot through and sink a crowd of their contemptible craft. ministers obtained a majority of against ; a most triumphant result for earl st. vincent, considering the character of his accuser, and the grounds upon which mr. fox and his friends voted for the motions. sir edward pellew met the charges against the admiralty with the plain and straightforward declarations of a seaman. nothing could be more disinterested than his conduct upon this occasion; for there was little to hope from the gratitude of a ministry just tottering to their overthrow, and everything to fear from the resentment of their successors. but he justly considered that upon a vital question, and at such a crisis, no personal or party feeling should intrude; and he felt himself called upon to support the admiralty with more than a silent vote, because he quite approved their measures, which no man could better understand. he rose fifth in the debate, and spoke as follows:-- "sir,--as i very seldom trouble the house, i hope i may be permitted to make a few observations on a subject of which, from the professional experience i have had, i may be presumed to have some knowledge. from the debate of this night, there is one piece of information i have acquired, that the french have got upwards of a thousand vessels in boulogne. i am glad to find they are shut up there; we have one advantage in it--we know where they are. i wish we had any means of knowing when they intend to come out. i know this much, however, that they cannot all get out in one day, or in one night either; and when they do come out, i trust that our cockleshells alone, as an honourable admiral has called a very manageable and very active part of our force, will be able to give a good account of them. "sir, i do not really see in the arrangement of our naval defence anything to excite the apprehensions of even the most timid among us. on the contrary, i see everything that may be expected from activity and perseverance to inspire us with confidence. i see a triple naval bulwark, composed of one fleet acting on the enemy's coast; of another, consisting of heavier ships, stationed in the downs, and ready to act at a moment's notice; and a third, close to the beach, capable of destroying any part of the enemy's flotilla that should escape the vigilance of the other two branches of our defence. "in respect to what has been said of building ships by contract, i must confess that i do not much admire that mode of keeping up our navy. i have seen some of them--i particularly allude to the _ajax_ and _achilles_--that i took for frenchmen. "as to these gun-boats, which have been so strongly recommended, this musquito fleet, they are the most contemptible force that can be employed. gun-brigs, indeed, are of some use; but between a gun-brig and a gun-boat there is almost as much difference as between a line-of-battle ship and a frigate. i have lately seen half a dozen of them lying wrecked on the rocks. "as to the probability of the enemy being able, in a narrow sea, to pass through our blockading and protecting squadrons, with all that secresy and dexterity, and by those hidden means that some worthy people expect, i really, from anything that i have seen in the course of my professional career, am not disposed to concur in it. "i know, sir, and can assert with confidence, that our navy was never better found; that it was never better supplied; and that the men were never better fed and better clothed. have we not all the enemy's ports blockaded from toulon to flushing? are we not able to cope anywhere with any force the enemy dares to send out against us? and do we not even outnumber them at every one of the ports we have blockaded? it would smack a little of egotism, i fear, were i to speak of myself; but as a person lately having the command of six ships, i hope i may be allowed to state to the house how i have been supported in that command. sir, during the time that i was stationed off ferrol, i had ships passing from the fleet to me every three weeks or a month; and so much was the french commander in that port deceived by these appearances, that he was persuaded, and i believe is to this very hour, that i had twelve ships under my command, and that i had two squadrons to relieve each other, one of six inside, and the other of six outside." he was highly complimented by several who followed him in the debate, particularly by mr. addington, mr. sheridan, and mr. courtenay, as well as by other members out of the house. twenty, who had come down intending to vote for mr. pitt's motions, were induced to support the admiralty, confessedly by sir edward's statements. but it is, perhaps, the most decisive proof of the effect of his speech, that mr. pitt himself referred to it in a debate on the defence of the country six weeks after. at the same time he disavowed the gun-boats, and contended for "good stout gun-brigs," declaring that he had observed with much satisfaction the efforts which had lately been made to increase that description of force. mr. addington resigned on the th of may, with earl st. vincent; mr. yorke, the home secretary; and lord hobart, secretary at war. they were succeeded by mr. pitt, and lords melville, harrowby, and camden. on the rd of april, there was a naval promotion, in which some of the senior captains, including sir edward pellew, were advanced to be rear-admirals of the white, passing over the intermediate step. this favour was probably considered due to them, for they had served considerably beyond the time which had hitherto given an officer his flag, the former promotion having been a small one, and the interval much longer than usual. sir edward received with his promotion the appointment to be commander-in-chief in india. he hoisted his flag in the _culloden_, and gratified captain christopher cole, the youngest brother of his deceased friend, and who had served with him as a midshipman in the _winchelsea_, by naming him for his captain. chapter viii. sir edward's command in india. the arduous charge of a commander-in-chief requires more than great decision, and a judgment matured by experience. it claims also a mind naturally comprehensive, that it may be equal to great and complicated responsibilities. he has other, and not less important duties than to harass the enemy. he is to protect the commerce of his country; to make his influence so felt over every part of his station, that merit may be encouraged, and negligence effectually controlled; to provide in all respects for the efficiency of his fleet; and to act with the full powers of an ambassador, whenever there is no accredited minister. in addition to these more obvious duties, occasions will continually arise which demand the utmost temper and discretion. if the secret history of the greatest, and most popular commanders were fully made known--what difficulties they encountered, and what anxieties they endured--not many would be found to envy them their distinctions. the change in the ministry, which took place within three weeks after sir edward's promotion and appointment, subjected him, in its consequences, to many and great inconveniences; for the new board of admiralty manifested a decidedly hostile feeling. such was the temper displayed, that he thought it necessary to caution his brother israel to observe the utmost circumspection in all his conduct, and never even to sleep out of his ship. the evident desire to deprive him of his command left him very little expectation that he would be allowed to keep it, and in his first letter from india he observed, "probably my successor is already on his way to supersede me." he was not far mistaken. the most valuable, indeed the only valuable part of his command was that to the eastward of ceylon, which included the two chief presidencies, and all the rich colonies of the enemy. it was resolved to deprive him of this, by creating it a separate station, leaving to him only the western seas. the more desirable portion was conferred upon rear-admiral sir thomas troubridge, an officer whose reputation must endure as long as the name and services of nelson are remembered; and whose unquestioned merit affords every cause to regret that he was innocently made the instrument of such a proceeding. he hoisted his flag in the _blenheim_, an old three-decker which had been cut down to a seventy-four, and sailed from england in the spring of , with a fleet of indiamen under his convoy; and after beating off rear-admiral linois, who attacked him with the _marengo_ and _belle poule_, reached india in august. when sir thomas went on board the _culloden_, on his unwelcome, but not unexpected errand, sir edward inquired if he had brought his own letters of recall. finding that the admiralty had overlooked the essential step of sending them, he declared, that until they arrived he could not resign any part of his command. he was charged with it by the king, and was required by the regulations of the service to hold it until recalled by the same authority. sir thomas thought that a commission was cancelled by a posterior one, without a direct recall; but sir edward, who was equalled by very few in his knowledge of naval law, found it easy to convince him to the contrary, or at least to refute his arguments. he told sir thomas that if he remained in india, it must be under his own orders, for his commission comprehended all the station, and it was impossible for a junior to command in the presence of his superior officer. when sir thomas, indignant at the proposal, refused to act under the other's authority, sir edward brought the question very promptly to an issue, by writing, and handing to sir thomas, an order on service. both officers were naturally warm, and sir thomas, disappointed as well as irritated, and who was taken so entirely by surprise, had by this time quite lost his temper. indeed, the altercation had gone so far, that nothing but a sense of their public responsibility prevented a more unpleasant meeting. sir edward had hitherto maintained his self-command; but as sir thomas continued warm, and he was conscious of the infirmity of his own temper, he went himself to the cabin-door, and calling for captain cole, desired him to remain as a witness of all that passed. the two admirals quickly came, not perhaps to a more friendly feeling, but at least to a better understanding. sir thomas could not but see that the other was acting in strict conformity to his duty, and he had the assurance that the admiralty would correct their oversight as soon as a reference could be made to them. sir edward must have felt it most painful thus to meet an officer whose character stood deservedly among the highest in the service; the trusted friend, and almost the other self of nelson. acting with the utmost disinterestedness, though he could only expect to be superseded, for a public board will seldom confess itself to have been in error, he did not hesitate, as soon as his own authority had been properly admitted, to give sir thomas a separate squadron in the best part of the station. it proved a most lucrative command, for in addition to its general advantages, some prizes of immense value were taken. on the th of july, , the _greyhound_ frigate and _harrier_ sloop of war fell in with two large armed indiamen, richly laden with spices, and protected by a frigate and a corvette. the british gallantly attacked them, and captured, with little loss, the frigate, and both the indiamen. to add to the gratification of the admiral, it was his son, captain troubridge, who commanded the _harrier_. sir edward, as far as he was himself concerned, had eventually little reason for regret. the position of true dignity, to be always ready to sacrifice to public duty personal feelings, and to surrender, when necessary, personal interests, but never to compromise any point of principle or character, is generally the course not less of prudence than of honour. he obtained on this occasion all he could desire, and more than he had hoped for, a candid inquiry. before his letter reached england, there had been a change in the ministry, and mr. grey was at the head of the admiralty. nothing could be more honourable than all his conduct. it was at first believed that sir edward had committed an illegal and unprecedented act of resistance to that authority which, as an officer, he was bound implicitly to obey. yet, believing that he had acted hastily, mr. grey himself went to the duke of northumberland, as sir edward's friend, to say, that the board would allow him to write a letter on service, recalling his ill-advised communication. the duke sent to sir edward's brother, who was then in town, that he might write to india without delay; but mr. pellew at first thought the step unnecessary. his brother, he said, was not in the habit of acting without due consideration, and he did not think it would be found that he had done so now. but next day. earl st. vincent called upon the duke, and insisted more strongly on the necessity for the step. sir edward's letter, he said, was not a question of this or the other administration, but an act of insubordination which no ministry could overlook: that his professional prospects would be entirely destroyed if the board took cognizance of it; and that extraordinary lenity was shown in allowing him to recall it. a letter was accordingly written; but before a ship sailed, mr. grey came a second time to the duke, and told him he had found, upon inquiry, that sir edward was right. he did more; for he wrote to sir edward himself a very kind and handsome letter; and though opposed to him in political opinions, while sir thomas troubridge was connected with his own friends, he recalled this officer, whom he appointed to the cape, and continued to sir edward, as at first, the entire command in india. sir thomas had with great reason assured himself of a different result. he prepared immediately to cross the indian ocean to the cape in the _blenheim_, though she was utterly unseaworthy, and required constant pumping even in harbour. she had grounded on a shoal in the straits of malacca, and was obliged to throw her guns overboard, and cut away her masts, before she could be got off. her back was broken, her frame shaken to pieces, and she hogged excessively. in fact, her head and stern fell so much, that she rose like a hill amidships, and a person at the door of the poop-cabin could not see the sentry on the forecastle below his middle. sir edward pellew entreated the admiral to select any other ship on the station for his flag. the captain of the _blenheim_ formally reported her condition, but was told, that if he were afraid, he might go on shore, a taunt that compelled the unfortunate officer to sacrifice himself with the ship's company. the admiral thought to force back the broken keel to its place by putting in a very heavy mainmast, and could not be convinced that he thus increased the danger. the distinguished officer who supplied these particulars went on board the _blenheim_ the day she sailed, to take leave of the captain, and found that he had just written a last farewell to his wife, from a conviction that the ship must inevitably founder. on the th of january, , she sailed from madras, in company with the _java_ frigate, and the _harrier_ sloop of war. on the th of february, the _harrier_ parted company off the island of rodrigues, in a very heavy gale, in which the unfortunate _blenheim_ and _java_ were seen to make repeated signals of distress. they were never again heard of! the possibility that the ships might have run on shore induced sir edward to send the admiral's son with the _greyhound_ frigate in search of his lamented parent. captain troubridge explored the coasts with all the anxiety that filial affection could inspire, receiving every assistance from the french authorities at the isles of france and bourbon; but he could discover no certain traces of the ships, and no doubt remained that they had both foundered. sir edward had been in india but a very short time, when his friend and former opponent, bergeret, was brought to him a prisoner. this gallant officer had employed himself through the peace in the merchant service, with the _psyché_, formerly a small national frigate. when hostilities were renewed, he armed her with thirty-six guns, and sent her out in charge of another officer, captain trogoff, not choosing to command a privateer. in her first cruise, on the th of april, , she attacked, and was beaten off by the _wilhelmina_ store-ship, captain henry lambert, and returning to the isle of france, disabled, general decaen, the governor, bought her into the national marine, and appointed bergeret to command her. he cruised in the bay of bengal for a short time with much success, while his very liberal conduct obtained for him the highest respect of the british residents. fortune was again unjust to him. on the th of february, , the _san fiorenzo_, commanded by captain lambert, late of the _wilhelmina_, and which had been sent expressly in pursuit of him, fell in with the _psyché_ off vizagapatam, and after a chase of two days brought her to action. bergeret defended his ship against a very superior force for three hours and a half, when the _san fiorenzo_ hauled off to repair her rigging, leaving him with his ship entirely disabled, and more than half his crew killed and wounded. on the approach of the british frigate to renew the action, he surrendered. sir edward was a warm admirer of the brave prisoner, whose character so much resembled his own, and who returned his friendship with equal warmth and sincerity. there is not often such a scene on board a man-of-war as occurred when the two officers first met on the quarter-deck of the _culloden_. both were deeply affected, and the struggle of their feelings, from meeting under such circumstances, drew tears from many who witnessed the interview.[ ] sir edward was not always so happy as to meet with enemies thus deserving of his sympathy. a french frigate, the _piedmontaise_, was guilty of conduct which would have-disgraced a pirate. cruising off the cape, on the th of february, , she fell in with the _warren hastings_, one of the china fleet which on a former voyage so gallantly bent off the squadron of admiral linois; and after a very long and severe action, in which the indiaman was dismasted, and otherwise completely disabled, took her. her brave defence appears to have excited the fury of the enemy, probably because her very crippled state increased the probability of recapture. before taking possession of the prize, the frigate, by her own mismanagement, fell on board. immediately, the first lieutenant, with a party of ruffians, many of whom, like their leader, were intoxicated, rushed on the deck of the indiaman with horrid imprecations and drawn daggers, accusing the prisoners of having run foul of the frigate intentionally. the lieutenant himself wounded captain larkins dangerously, and stabbed a young midshipman in several places; and the second officer, the surgeon, and a boatswain's mate, were wounded by his followers. sir edward did not become acquainted with these facts for two years, as captain larkins and his crew could not depose to them until they reached st. helena, after they had been liberated from the isle of france. the _piedmontaise_ was then cruising in the indian seas, and sir edward transmitted copies of the depositions to every ship on the station, with a general order, in which "the attention of the respective captains and commanders of h.m.'s squadron is especially called to the statement, in order that the ferocious conduct of the first lieutenant, and part of the crew of the _piedmontaise_, may receive the general reprobation of h.m.'s service." the _san fiorenzo_ was again the fortunate frigate which stopped the career of the enemy. commanded by captain george nicholas hardinge, brother of lord hardinge, the present commander-in-chief--a young officer of great promise and distinguished courage--she fell in with the _piedmontaise_ on the evening of the th of march, ; and after an exchange of broadsides that night, and a severe but still undecided engagement next morning, brought her to close action on the afternoon of the third day, and took her. the _san fiorenzo_ commenced action with only effective men; the _piedmontaise_, a larger and heavier frigate, had more than , including lascars. captain hardinge was unfortunately killed on the third day. for some time before the enemy struck, the first lieutenant was seen exposing himself to the hottest of the fire; till, disappointed of the death he sought, and dreading to fall into the hands of the british, he discharged his pistols into his own body. it is said, that as he did not die immediately, he ordered some of his people to throw him overboard alive. the french naval force in the indian seas was at no time considerable, for whenever a cruiser was known to be committing depredations, her career was generally cut short by some of the squadron. it consisted chiefly of privateers, for which the isle of france afforded a convenient rendezvous; and of which some were large enough to capture a regular indiaman. the _emiline_, taken after a two days' chase by the _culloden_, had been a british sloop of war: and the _bellone_, taken by the _powerful_ and _rattlesnake_, was added to the navy as a small-class frigate, and actually maintained a running fight with the seventy-four. the resemblance between ships of war and the larger indiamen more than once deceived the enemy. the _union_, a small privateer, mounting only eight guns, thus ventured to chase, and was taken by the _culloden_; and the _jena_, national corvette, was taken in the same manner by the _modeste_ frigate. the _jena_ was a remarkably fine and fast vessel, and, as the _revenant_ privateer, had formerly cruised long and very successfully. she was commissioned as the _victor_, to replace a sloop of war of that name, which in the preceding year had been the scene of one of the most extraordinary and tragical events on record. the _victor_, commanded by captain george bell, whose name has been already mentioned in connection with the _nymphe_ and _indefatigable_, had taken four brigs in batavia road, and was returning to prince of wales' island. on the th of april , off cheribon, she met three malay prows under dutch colours, which, on its falling calm, she detained with the armed boats, and brought alongside. the crews of two of them, a hundred and twenty men, were taken on board the _victor_, and placed under a guard, while the prows were being examined; but the people in the third being refractory, a carronade was fired into her, and some small arms, which they returned by throwing spears and firing pistols. a second gun was therefore fired, some sparks from which reached a quantity of powder which had been taken out of the prows, and blew up the after-part of the ship. the guard ran to extinguish the flames, leaving the prisoners, who instantly seized their arms, with the spears and knives which had been thrown on board, and attacked the crew with all the desperation of their character. the prows were immediately cut adrift, and the crew, under the direction of their officers, proceeded with admirable order and coolness, one part to extinguish the fire, and the rest to defend themselves against the murderous attack. after half an hour's dreadful struggle for life, for the malays would take no quarter, eighty of them lay dead on the deck, and the rest were driven overboard. the _victor_ had her first lieutenant and five men killed, and her captain and twenty-five wounded; nine of whom died shortly after. holland, which in reality, though not yet in name, was now a french province, had a moderately strong squadron in india. two frigates had been taken since sir edward's arrival, the _maria riggersbergen_, by the _caroline_; and the _pallas_, by the _greyhound_ and _harrier_. the first was the unfortunate ship which, under the name of the _java_, shared the fate of the _blenheim_; the other was the convoy of the spice ships. two line-of-battle ships, the _pluto_ and _revolutié_ with a frigate and several corvettes and gun-boats, were at anchor in batavia road; and information had been received by the _powerful_, , captain plamplin, that rear-admiral willaumez, with six sail of the line, one of them commanded by jerome bonaparte, might be expected in the indian seas. to destroy the ships already at batavia, and to intercept the french squadron, sir edward sailed on the nd of october , from madras to trincomalee. here a fleet of indiamen under his convoy was joined by other ships, and went on to europe in charge of the _woolwich_ and _duncan_; while the admiral, with the _culloden_, _powerful_, _russell_, and _belliqueux_ line-of-battle ships, and _terpsichore_ frigate, proceeded to the straits of sunda, where the _albion_ and others were to join him. lieutenant owen, commanding the _seaflower_ brig, was instructed to disguise her as one of the expected french squadron, and to hasten on before. on the rd of november, they were joined by the frigate _sir francis drake_, captain pownoll pellew; and on the same day they learnt that willaumez had gone to america. on the th they arrived in the straits of sunda, where they found the _seaflower_, which had already communicated with the dutch authorities at bantam as one of the expected french force, and information was sent accordingly to the governor at batavia. so completely were the enemy deceived by this step, that the squadron sailed along the coast of java, and anchored on the th in batavia road, before its character was suspected. as soon as it was known to be british, the _phoenix_, -gun frigate; the _aventure_ and _zee-ploeg_, national corvettes; the _patriot_, and another ship of guns, and three brigs of , company's cruisers; with more than twenty merchant vessels, ran themselves on shore under the extensive batteries of batavia. another corvette, the _william_, struck to the _terpsichore_ as she was entering the road; but the line-of-battle ships had sailed a few days before to griessee, a fortified harbour on the sourabaya river, at the eastern extremity of the island. the boats of the whole squadron, with five hundred picked men, commanded by the admiral's second son, captain fleetwood pellew, of the _terpsichore_, and covered by the fire from the frigates, were sent without delay to destroy the enemy's ships. the decision of captain pellew, which scarcely allowed them time to man their guns, made their fire almost harmless. he boarded the _phoenix_, whose crew quitted her on his approach; turned her guns on the other armed vessels; burnt all the shipping except three merchant vessels, which were brought away; and in less than two hours returned with the boats, having effected the whole service with no greater loss than one man killed and four wounded. one of the ships lay at the little island of onroost, which is piled and jettied all around, and contained a small and compact repairing yard for merchant vessels of all nations. two boats were sent to destroy her, with strict orders to injure nothing on shore; but unfortunately she drove alongside the jetty, and, to the great regret of the admiral, the flames communicated to the buildings, and occasioned much damage. the squadron sailed on the st of december, the _culloden_ and _belliqueux_ to return to india, the others for their respective stations. thus easily was completed an enterprise, as admirably planned as it was gallantly executed. general daendels, when he became captain-general of java and the moluccas, some time after, sent a message to sir edward, that he hoped he would not pay him a visit without an invitation. in the following june, the admiral sent captain fleetwood pellew in the _psyché_, with the _caroline_ under his orders, to ascertain the condition of the dutch line-of-battle ships at griessee. captain pellew displayed on this occasion the same spirit which had marked his former service. the frigates reached their destination august th, and on the following day learned that the men-of-war were lying in the port dismantled, and very much out of repair. they now proceeded to samarang, where the _psyché_ arrived, and anchored off the port at midnight, the _caroline_ having parted company in chase. at daylight she weighed, and stood into the road, where an armed schooner and a merchant brig were anchored near the batteries. these were brought out by the boats, under a heavy but ineffectual fire. two large ships and a brig had been seen early in the morning at anchor outside, afterwards found to be the _resolutié_, armed merchant vessel, of tons, with a valuable cargo, and having the colours and staff of a dutch european regiment on board; the _scipio_, national corvette, of guns and men; and the _ceres_, company's brig of war. that he might be ready to take advantage of the sea-breeze, captain pellew destroyed the prizes, and before noon the _psyché_ was clear of the harbour in chase, the enemy having weighed and stood to sea. the frigate gaining fast upon them, they all ran themselves on shore at half-past three, and opened their fire. the _psyché_ anchored as near as the depth of water would allow, and presently compelled the merchant ship to surrender. at half-past four, just as the frigate was lowering her boats to board, the _scipio_ struck: and the brig soon after fired a broadside, and hauled down her colours. they were all got off safely the same night, and captain pellew, after arranging with the governor of samarang for sending on shore the prisoners, who far outnumbered his own crew, returned to port with his prizes. on the arrival of the _psyché_, sir edward sailed from madras, with the _culloden_ and _powerful_, seventy-fours; _caroline_ and _fox_, frigates; _victor_, _samarang_, _seaflower_, and _jaseur_, sloops of war; and _wexford_, a large indiaman, fitted as a troop-ship: with five companies of the th regiment, and a company of artillery, under lieutenant-colonel lockhart. the squadron proceeded first to prince of wales' island, where it embarked the royals, and the th; and on the th of november sailed finally for its destination. on the morning of the th of december it arrived off point panka, the eastern extremity of java; and sir edward sent a summons to m. cowell, commander of the gallo-batavian force, to surrender the ships of war under his orders. "the british," he wrote, "are the natural friends of the dutch. we are impressed with correspondent sentiments. it is become our duty to prevent the dutch ships of war from acting under the control of france in hostility to the british." he then proposed that the ships of war, and all vessels under french colours, be given up, promising in that case security for the inhabitants and garrison; and threatening, in the event of a refusal, those hostile operations which the naval and military forces were jointly prepared to accomplish. captain fleetwood pellew, with a military officer, and the admiral's secretary, delivered this proposal to the french commodore; but that officer, in violation of the flag of truce, detained them all as prisoners, and returned an answer of defiance. the force assembled for the attack was such as might deter the enemy from attempting resistance, with a sufficient force of small vessels to be equal to the service, if the line-of-battle ships should be unable to get up. at the entrance of the river, about ten miles up the harbour, the _culloden_ and _powerful_, though they had been previously lightened, and trimmed to an even keel, to equalize their draught of water fore-and-aft, grounded on what was called the bar, and which proved to be a flat, several miles in extent. part of their water was started, and their guns, shot, provisions, and whatever would materially lighten them, were removed into three coasting-vessels detained for that purpose; but still they remained fast. the rest of the squadron, except the troop-ship, which was also aground, crossed the bar, and passing a stockade of large trees, anchored in deep water below the island of madura. on the evening of the th, sir edward, seeing no probability of carrying up the large ships, determined to force the passage, and attack the place without them, and accordingly shifted his flag to the _caroline_. fortunately, at nine o'clock that night the water began to rise; and by ten, the _culloden_ was afloat and under sail. following a boat with a light, which was directed by mr. gaze, the master, she passed the stockade, and by eleven o'clock was anchored above the bar in deep water. before daylight, the admiral returned to her, and all the squadron, except the _powerful_ and the troop-ship, which had not yet floated, weighed with the sea-breeze, and stood for the narrow passage between madura and java. at half-past eleven, they were engaged with the batteries on the island; but they passed them by half-past twelve, without having received material damage. at a little past four, the squadron anchored abreast of the fort of griessee, but no farther resistance was offered, except a few ineffectual shots fired from that fort at the _culloden_; m. cowell having previously determined to defend the place to the last against the frigates and sloops, but to surrender if the line-of-battle ships got up. the _powerful_ joined next day. in coming up, she was struck from the batteries on madura with hot shot, but her people extinguished the fire. the troops took possession of the fort, leaving the town in the hands of the civil authorities: and on the th, the governor and council of somabaya, having thankfully acquiesced in the liberal terms dictated by sir edward, all hostilities ceased. they had promptly released the gentlemen whom the commodore had so unjustifiably detained; and a deputation of three members of their own body accompanied them to the admiral, to disavow the act of m. cowell, and to treat for a capitulation. having burnt the _pluto_, _revolutié_, and _kortenaar_, line-of-battle ships, and a large indiaman, fitted as a frigate, and destroyed the military stores and batteries at griessee and madura, the squadron weighed on the th, and stood down the river in charge of the dutch pilots. on the th, they crossed the bar, and two days after, having completed their provisions and water, left the coast. not a man was lost in all the service. when java was taken, in , a squadron was sent to sourabaya; but none of the large ships could get over the bar; and their officers would scarcely credit the fact that the _culloden_ and _powerful_ had reached griessee. the _culloden_ arrived at madras on the th of february, and found there the _russell_ and _duncan_, with troops embarked to attack tranquebar. they sailed next day, and the place surrendered on being summoned. but all these operations, complete as they were in their success, were of far less importance than the effectual protection which sir edward afforded to commerce. his position, with reference to this point, had been peculiarly fortunate: for the confidential intercourse which existed between him and his brothers, and the warm interest which they took in one another's pursuits, had induced him to give much attention to the commercial system of the country. particularly, he had become familiar with the important subject of insurance and convoys, upon which his brother had been much in communication with the government. at an early period of his command in india, he submitted to the merchants and underwriters a proposal to establish a regular system of convoys; and invited them to suggest from their own local experience the regulations likely to be the most convenient and effectual. the merchants entered readily into his plans and the results were satisfactory. some loss was, indeed, still experienced through a frequent practice of masters of vessels to sail without convoy, or to separate from it on the passage. the commanders of the enemy's cruisers generally treated their prisoners well, and released them at the earliest opportunity; so that sailing without protection became a mere commercial calculation between a higher premium of insurance, and the profits from an early arrival, for little personal inconvenience was to be apprehended from capture. to check this practice, the bengal government, in december, , issued a proclamation, declaring that all masters of vessels who separated from their convoy without sufficient cause, should be removed from india; and in , the court of directors ordered, that the master of every country ship should enter into a bond of , rupees, at the custom-house from which he cleared, as a penalty for any separation. not that the danger was often great, for the vigilance of the squadron seldom allowed an enemy's cruiser a long career; but it sometimes happened, as was particularly the case while the force was assembled for the expedition to sourabaya, that an enemy would unexpectedly show himself, and commit serious depredations. during the debate in the house of commons, on the vote of thanks for the victory at algiers, mr. money, an east india director, who had been in india during sir edward's command, bore a strong testimony to the merit and success of his system. "such," he said, "was the vigilance with which sir edward had chased the enemy from our extensive shores, and so powerful the protection which he gave to our commerce in those seas, that property to the amount of millions had been saved, which otherwise would have fallen into the hands of the enemy." making all the allowance which a loose and general estimate usually requires, the assertion at least shows the estimation in which sir edward's services were held. a series of resolutions entered into by the merchants and underwriters of bombay, in december, , when he was on the point of returning to europe, affords more precise evidence. from the data furnished by the trade of this port, may be inferred the greatness of the benefits which the commerce of india received from his protection. "resolved--that it appears to this meeting of merchants, shipowners, and underwriters, of bombay, to be an indispensable act of justice, more especially under existing circumstances, publicly to declare, on the approaching departure of his excellency vice-admiral sir edward pellew for europe, the extent of the protection which the commerce of bombay has received, since the assumption by his excellency of the command-in-chief of his majesty's ships in the indian seas. "--that it appears by a document framed in the insurance-office of bombay, that the rate of premium from bombay to china, and from china to bombay, from the year to , fluctuated between twelve, ten, nine, and eight per cent.; while, during the period of sir edward pellew's command, from to inclusive, it has stood at eight per cent., with a return of three per cent., if sailing with convoy, and at five per cent., if warranted with convoy: the rate of insurance has, therefore, been fifty per cent, lower on the commerce of the port of bombay during sir edward pellew's command than at any former period. "--that since the arrival of sir edward pellew, a period of only three years, one hundred and ten ships have exported and imported, to and from china, under convoy during the whole voyage; while only twenty-eight have run the passage unprotected, in consequence of their sailing out of the seasons fixed for the regular convoys; at the same time that those which have departed unprotected on the eve of appointed convoys, or have separated in the course of the voyage, have not failed to attract the notice and remonstrance of his excellency. "--that the operation of the system of convoys had afforded complete security to the trading capital of bombay, of which the amount insured at this settlement, from may st, , to october st, , has been , , _l._; that the premium paid by the trade on that sum amounts to , _l._; that the losses by captures amount to , _l._; that the losses by sea risks extended to , _l._; and that the profits to the underwriters amount to the sum of , _l._; the losses by captures being under one per cent, on the principal insured, and exceeded by those arising from sea-risks; while the former have occurred beyond the influence, or have been a consequence of a departure from that regular system of convoy, by which the commerce of the western division of the peninsula of india has been so extensively benefited. "--that the advantage resulting from protection by convoys, which the trade of this port has thus experienced, has originated in that system which was established, and has prevailed, since the succession to the command of h.m.'s ships in india by sir edward pellew; a system proposed at his express invitation, in the letter addressed to his excellency by the three leading firms in behalf of the merchants of bombay, on the th of february, , and adopted in the reply of his excellency's secretary of the following day. "--that at a time when the enemy has sacrificed his maritime reputation, and every feeling of naval ambition, to a degrading system of privateering, in the prosecution of which national ships of superior force and construction are employed, for the purpose of committing depredations on our trade, it is indispensable to the successful prosecution of our commercial interests, essential to our national credit, and justly due to the character of those to whom the protection of these valuable and important trusts is committed, that a steady adherence to that system should be observed, of the solid advantages of which, the experience of three years has afforded so decided a proof. "--that independently of the ample protection afforded to the commerce of the port, his excellency sir edward pellew has manifested a degree of personal anxiety for the security of its trade, characteristic of that zeal and vigilance which have ever distinguished his professional career; that the interference of his excellency led to the advertisements issued at his suggestion by the insurance society of bombay in the year , promotive of encouragement to sail and continue under convoy; and subsequently, to the salutary provisions contained in the proclamations published by the governments of bengal and bombay in the year , restrictive of the practice of ships separating from convoy; and, moreover, that his excellency's solicitude in this respect has succeeded in establishing a degree of control over our shipping, hitherto unknown in the indian seas. "--that these important facts, as established by the most minute investigation, do eminently entitle his excellency sir edward pellew, to a more formal declaration of those grateful acknowledgments which he has already received from a great and decided majority of the merchants, shipowners, and underwriters of bombay. "--that these resolutions be communicated to his excellency sir edward pellew, with a suitable address, and published in the _bombay courier_. "charles forbes, chairman." the great extent of the indian command, and the comparatively small force with which it was held, called forth the utmost exertions of every officer; and the attention of the commander-in-chief was unceasingly directed to everything which was calculated to maintain his squadron in the highest state of efficiency. lord torrington, who was at that time serving under his orders, bore testimony in the house of lords to the care and judgment by which, while he prevented any waste of naval stores, he kept the ships always well supplied, and in a state always ready for action. overlooking nothing connected with the interest of his crews, he established a naval hospital at madras, a measure fraught with economy to the country, and advantage to the service. as an admiral, not less than as a captain, sir edward interested himself in the welfare and comfort of every man under his command; but the clamour of that false humanity which is one of the most prominent vices of the present day would never influence him. he knew that, even in the best ordered ships, punishment may be sometimes necessary as an extreme alternative, though the exercise of it demands great discretion. too many will be found, especially during a war, when it is impossible to inquire into the character of those who come into the service, who are callous to every better motive; and with reference to such, we must respect the humanity more than the judgment of those who would substitute privations injurious to health, for the pain of the lash, and studied indignities for the shame of it. little consideration can be claimed for that pretended sense of honour, which is sensitive to the shame of punishment, but callous to the degradation of crime. the experience of every good officer will bear out the assertions, that a strict commander is always the most popular; that the orderly system of a well regulated ship, in which every man knows his duty, and performs it without being teasingly interfered with, affords the best security against offences; and that when an offence has been committed, the ship's company, and even the culprit himself, will respect the captain who patiently investigates the fault, and dispassionately orders the deserved punishment. but on the other hand, except in particular cases, as where a ship has been manned by drafts from the fleet; in other words, by receiving the skulkers and incorrigibles, whom every captain desires to get rid of, frequency of punishment is the most certain proof of unsatisfactory discipline. either there will be a laxity which encourages by the prospect of impunity, or else a want of system, in which the caprice of the officer is the rule for the moment, and the men can never fall into regular habits. sir edward's observation had taught him, that while the power to punish can be entrusted only to the discretion of the commander, it is right, on every ground, that it should be exercised under some check. accordingly, soon after he went to india, he required a monthly return of punishment from every ship in his fleet; and the admiralty, struck with the simplicity of the plan, and not less with the excellent effects, adopted it for all the navy. this was the first step in the milder and more effectual system of discipline which has since prevailed; and if he had no other claim than to have originated this, it would be sufficient to entitle him to the gratitude of every officer and man in the service. he sailed from india in february, , with a fleet of indiamen under his convoy. off the isle of france they encountered a violent hurricane, in which the _culloden_ was in the greatest danger. for three days no provisions could be cooked, and the crew subsisted chiefly on dry rice, with a dram every four hours. so violent was the motion of the ship, as she rolled from broadside to broadside, that the chain-pumps were almost useless. all the quarter-boats were lost, the quarter-galleries washed away, and three of the dead lights stove. fortunately her bottom was sound, but she broke much in the upper works; the bolts working themselves loose, and many of the knees giving way. even the cabin bulkheads were thrown down. it was suggested to the admiral, who was almost constantly on deck, encouraging the men at the pumps, that the ship would be materially eased if the upper deck guns were thrown overboard. he replied, "i do not think it necessary; she will do very well, and what would become of the convoy if we meet an enemy?" it was his intention, if the gale had continued, to cut away the mainmast, which, being very heavy--for it weighed twenty-one tons--strained the ship exceedingly. the mizen-mast had given way in the top. four of the convoy foundered, and the rest were scattered; but all which escaped the gale re-assembled at st. helena, and, with the _culloden_, arrived safely in england. footnote: [ ] bergeret rose to be an admiral, and was not long since commander-in-chief at brest. chapter ix. north sea and first mediterranean command. the expedition to the scheldt was being fitted out when sir edward arrived from india; and had he reached england but a few days sooner, it was understood that he would have received the naval command. the military commander-in-chief, whose friendship he had long enjoyed, wished him to be appointed; but the final arrangements of the admiralty had been already completed. lord mulgrave afterwards proposed to him to be second in command in the mediterranean; and suggested that lord collingwood would probably be glad to surrender his charge to an officer who possessed the confidence of the admiralty; for that of late he had repeatedly expressed a desire to be relieved from it on account of his declining health. but sir edward, who was not aware of the actual condition of that distinguished admiral, declined the offer, for he could not be persuaded that lord collingwood would resign a command which he filled so usefully and honourably, as long as he could possibly hold it with advantage to his country. he did not remain long unemployed, though he never attempted to create an interest in his favour by any indirect means. political intrigue, he has said, does not sit well on a sea-officer; and he would not attach himself to the fortunes of any administration, or party. this, as it is the most honourable, is also in the end the most successful path; but the man who travels thus alone and unsupported, must be prepared for the many attacks to which such a position will expose him. some such annoyance or interference may have prompted the following blunt avowal of independence in a letter, of the th of july, . "i have no right to the favour of mr. percival, or any minister.--i have never intrigued, nor ever will--and as to sneaking after such people, i will not--and as to the command of the channel fleet, be it pole, or be it calder, i care not one straw--and whether i am on the shelf by any new set, is equally indifferent--and for me, who am fifty-three, except the heart-felt satisfaction of serving my country in such times, i will never be at the trouble to write a letter to ask a favour of any minister alive. i care not who comes in, or who goes out, and if they send me on shore, well; and if not, it is the same." in the spring of he hoisted his flag on board the _christian vii_. as commander in-chief in the north sea. he rode at anchor with his fleet all the summer, off the mouth of the scheldt, just in sight of land; while his smaller vessels were actively employed along the whole line of coast. he frequently stood into the scheldt in a cutter, that he might reconnoitre the enemy's fleet in person. a gale from the eastward having blown the fleet off the coast, it was at anchor in the downs, when a gun-brig arrived with intelligence that the enemy had dropped down to the western scheldt, apparently ready to sail. he ordered the fleet to sea immediately; but many of them having made signal of inability, for the pilots refused to get them under weigh, he sent for the chief pilot of the flag ship, and questioned him if it were practicable to take out a ship in such weather. the pilot having reported that it was quite safe, even for the _christian vii._, which from her great length was the least manageable ship in the fleet, much more so for the others, some of which worked like cutters, the admiral made signal for all captains and pilots to come on board. he then repeated his order to sail, and enforced obedience. the fleet sailed, and beat across the north sea to their station, without an accident; and the enemy returned to their former anchorage as soon as the blockading force appeared. as the autumn advanced, the pilots gave up the charge of the fleet; but sir edward kept his station, until the increasing severity of the gales compelled him to take shelter in the downs. in the spring of , he succeeded sir charles cotton as commander-in-chief in the mediterranean. he proceeded to his station in the _caledonia_, with his brother israel, lately promoted to be a rear admiral, as captain of the fleet; and arrived off toulon on the th of july. next morning, two french frigates returning from genoa with conscripts for the fleet were chased by the _conqueror_ and _sultan_, the inshore squadron; and the french commander, vice-admiral comte emeriau, sailed out with thirteen line-of-battle ships and a frigate, to protect them. the _conqueror_ approached near enough to fire upon the frigates, and afterwards, with her consort, exchanged a few distant broadsides with the advanced ships of the enemy: but these, whose only object was to secure the frigates, did not wait for the main body of the british force, now fast coming up, but hastened back to their anchorage. this affair, with the evident high state of equipment of the french fleet, led all to expect that there would soon be a general action; a hope in which the admiral fully participated. he writes thus on the th of december, , when the fleet was on its way to mahon:-- "my dear brother,--i would not permit a ship to sail direct for england without carrying you a few lines to say we are all well, on our way to replenish our provisions and water for the winter's cruise: when this is done, we return to our old ground; or it is possible we may attempt to lay in hyères bay, should we find the ground good for winter gales, of which at present we are not quite assured. we lay there a month in full expectation it would force the enemy to give us battle, and it will probably at last compel them to do so next spring. they are actively fortifying the islands and bay all around, in order to guard against attack, and have at least ten thousand men at work: they suspect our army will move this way. as far as we can judge from appearances, i have never yet seen a french fleet in half the order the toulon one is. they have, i am sorry to say, adopted but too many of our arrangements, and in point of clothing, they exceed us. they also keep everybody on board, so that the french officers are now of necessity obliged to find amusement in their duty; and become acquainted with their people. the ships are magnificent; four of guns, larger than _caledonia_, and twelve fine two-deckers, are all ready and manned. two of , and two of are building, and may launch by march or april; so that i think we shall have twenty to fight, without any from genoa, naples, or venice; and i trust a glorious day we shall have. keats is a host of strength to me; and we are all well together, eager for the day, which i trust will help to put an end to the miseries of war, and the irksome eighteen years' confinement between wooden walls we have all experienced. "god be with you ever, "my dear sam, "your truly affectionate brother, "e. pellew." the hopes of the fleet were disappointed: for the enemy came out only when the wind was fair to return; and thus, though they often allowed the advanced ships to approach nearly within gunshot, nothing was, or could be done, on those occasions. in the following week, prompted perhaps by the recollections of the new year, he again writes:-- "i never expect to live the war through, and am not at all anxious about it. if i can only have the happiness of doing service to the country, i would give a great deal to be ten years younger; but as that cannot be, i must content myself with the reflection that my children are good, and provided for; and that i leave them attached to their mother, and to each other. we have all reason to be thankful, and to praise god for his great and manifold mercies. we are ready to start at a moment's notice, and have a strict look-out. the enemy are also ready, sixteen sail, a three-decker of guns launched christmas day. "god bless you, and yours; and may he enable me to do honour to my country and my family--for myself, i care not." the number of points which required to be constantly watched (for more than two thousand miles of coast, from the ionian islands to gibraltar, was in the hands of the enemy), made a considerable force necessary; and the mediterranean fleet was at this time one of the largest ever entrusted to an admiral. the commander-in-chief, with a principal part of the line-of-battle ships, blockaded the french fleet in toulon, cruising off that port from the beginning of march to the end of november, and sheltering in mahon through the three winter months. a rear-admiral was kept at malta, with a sufficient force under his direction to guard the different points of the station at the upper part of the mediterranean. another rear-admiral was stationed on the south coast of spain, to watch the movements of the enemy, and to assist the spaniards whenever they could assemble in numbers to make a stand. a third remained at gibraltar; and a commodore, with a ship of the line, and frigates, watched the gulf of genoa, and the western coast of italy. frigates and small vessels were detached wherever their services became necessary. knowing from his own experience what could be done by the flag-officers and captains of his fleet, he was enabled to assign to all of them their respective duties in the full confidence that they would not disappoint him. he associated much with them, and was in the habit of freely communicating his ideas, as well on general subjects connected with the movements of the fleet, as on their own personal charge. by his prompt measures, and personal attention to the repairs, victualling, and storing of the fleet, and his care to obtain ample supplies of stores and provisions from england in such good time as never to be deficient in any necessary article, he kept all the ships in a high state of equipment, and afforded at the same time an example of activity and forethought which was not lost upon his officers. he was attentive to everything which affected the discipline of the crews, and was particularly strict in enforcing regulations for constant exercise at the great guns and small arms. how perfect was the discipline of the fleet may be inferred from the fact, that with so many ships, and on a station where the enemy had the chief part of his naval force, he lost, in three years that he held the command, not a single vessel by capture: and only one, a small gun-brig, by shipwreck. it may be added, that through almost twenty years of command in war, as commodore and admiral, no vessel under his orders was ever taken. something of this may be ascribed to fortune; but more must be referred to the excellence of the officers and crews; which, when the results are so uniform, is in fact also the praise of the commander. indeed, the superiority of the mediterranean fleet under his command was well known, and james, in his naval history, complaining of the dearth of good seamen on other stations, laments that "so many thousands of the very best of seamen, who, under the wise regulations of sir edward pellew, were daily improving themselves in the neglected art of gunnery, should be denied the power of showing their proficiency where it was the most wanted." he was particularly anxious to keep down the expense of the fleet, and indefatigable in his exertions to economize stores of every description, which at this time were procured from home with much difficulty. when it was found that fresh water could be obtained at the mouths of the rhone, the fleet went there, and usually completed in forty-eight hours. he was thus enabled to discharge several transports. from the size and force of that river, the fresh water floats for a considerable distance over the sea; and at first, some of the cruisers completed their water by dipping it carefully from the surface. but on the fleet anchoring in the bay, the launches, with the armed boats to protect them, were sent up the river, where the water was not at all brackish. an arrangement was eventually made with the french general, who agreed not to molest the boats, the admiral on his part promising that none of his people should be suffered to land on the marshes, or in any way to disturb the cattle grazing there, of which there were many thousands. in the strong north-west gales, so common in the gulf of lyons, the ships were in the practice of furling sails every night, and driving off from toulon, standing in-shore again under easy sail when the gale moderated. during the winter months, when he sheltered in mahon harbour, the ships had their repairs made good, and their stores and provisions completed; the admiral being as active in the dockyard, where he would often be found at the earliest dawn of the morning, as he showed himself when afloat. care was taken that while the fleet thus lay in harbour, it should always be ready for an immediate start if the enemy should put to sea; and two frigates, occasionally with a line-of-battle ship, were kept off toulon to make a daily observation of the state and movements of their force. on two occasions, the in-shore frigates particularly distinguished themselves. on the nd of september, , the _volontaire_ and _perlen_ retreated from a division of three line-of-battle ships, and two frigates, with which they were repeatedly engaged during six hours; and saved themselves through their admirable seamanship without loss: and in the following may, the _menelaus_ alone, when close in-shore, was chased by several line-of-battle ships; and though her fore-topmast was nearly cut in two by a shot from the batteries, she secured it, and escaped. competent masters were provided for the young gentlemen of the _caledonia_, who were assembled every day in the admiral's fore-cabin, and kept closely at their studies; the admiral himself often visiting them, and interesting himself in their progress. the french and spanish interpreters instructed them in these languages: the flag-lieutenant superintended their navigation, and that they might perfect themselves in seamanship, a frigate-built yacht of eight or ten tons was provided, upon which they were exercised in sailing, rigging and unrigging, and every part of a practical seaman's duty. all the arrangements of the ship, with regard both to officers and men, displayed consideration for their comfort and advantage. when the admiral thoroughly knew his officers, he confided in them in their respective situations, never teasing them with interference, or disturbing himself by unnecessary watching or anxiety, after his orders had been given. the influence which he exerted on their behalf, and his great success in obtaining promotion for them, gave every one the strongest inducement to excel. he had known the anxieties of a young man forcing his way through the service without friends; and his own recollections taught him how best to assist and encourage others. no man could be more careful of the reputation and feelings of his officers, or more ready to suggest a plea in excuse for their errors. he had an extreme dislike to bring any of them to a court-martial, and would never resort to this painful extremity where it could with any propriety be avoided. very few cases occurred under his command; so few, indeed, that it has even been asserted that not one took place. this it would be too much to affirm. it may be quite true that he was in no case the accuser: it certainly was his practice to prevent extreme measures wherever he could support the authority of the superior without subjecting the accused to the consequences of a public trial; and the recommendation of the commander-in chief would generally be conclusive. still, a serious case would sometimes occur, in which it was impossible to prevent the law from taking its course. at a particular period of his command, and on a very important and critical occasion, one of his captains placed him in a position of much embarrassment, by entering without authority into a treaty with the queen and court of murat. the commander-in-chief arrived very soon after, and annulled the treaty; but he spared the officer the pain of his position by charging him with the most prominent and honourable service connected with his own arrangements. in his despatches to the admiralty on the occasion, he touches very lightly on the error, but enforces every exculpatory plea. of the unauthorized arrangement with the enemy, he merely writes, "which i should have been glad he had never entered upon;" yet he adds, "from my conviction that he had been actuated by the purest motives, and placed in a peculiar situation. i thought it right, in acknowledging his letter, to express my approbation of his general proceedings; and in consideration of all the circumstances connected with his engagements. i gave him my sanction to," &c. he then proceeds to describe the flattering trust he had committed to this officer. but kind as he was, he endured no relaxation of discipline, and never forgot what was due to his rank and station. his manners were formed by his character; and whenever an individual with commanding talents directs them to worthy objects, combining a proper sense of what he owes to himself with a just consideration for others, he will always, and without an effort, appear dignified and amiable: far more so in his unaffected simplicity, than the man who only assumes the character of the chief and patron, because his position requires it. his temper was warm, the common failing of quick and active minds. no one was more conscious of it than himself; and where he feared it had given pain, he would labour to remove the impression by marked and continued attentions. in the multiplicity of cares and duties which surround a commander-in-chief, there are so many sources of irritation and disappointment, that it is no wonder the mind should sometimes be brought to that extreme point of endurance, when a small additional annoyance destroys its equanimity. the service in the mediterranean was one of multiplied details, individually too unimportant for history, yet calculated to influence materially the progress and result of the war. along the eastern coast of spain, the support and co-operation of the ships afforded that encouragement to the inhabitants which in the western provinces they derived from the presence of the british army. even when the fortresses had fallen, and spain had no longer a force for a rallying point in that part of the country, the guerillas, acting in concert with the fleet, were enabled to perform exploits which alarmed and distressed the invader, and kept alive the spirit of hope and resolution. along the shores of italy and france, the most daring and brilliant enterprises were continually achieved. batteries and forts were stormed in open day, and prizes, sometimes in whole convoys, carried off from anchorages where they seemed to be unassailable. looking at the evident danger of such attempts, one is astonished at the constant success which attended them, and at the generally inconsiderable loss sustained. it would be unjust to the courage of the enemy, and still more to that of the gallant officers and men who performed such services, not to state the cause of this impunity and success. it was not that the defences on shore were feebly maintained, or that their defenders were surprised and overpowered by the reckless desperation of the assailants; but that the different boat attacks were planned with a judgment, and supported by a force, which prevented effectual resistance. officers such as hoste, gordon, rowley, maxwell, duncan, ussher, and indeed all, for no commander ever placed more general and deserved confidence in his officers than sir edward pellew, were not men to send away their people on doubtful and desperate services. the admiral himself, much as he admired enterprise, strongly discouraged all acts of useless daring. he was always most unwilling to risk men's lives in boat attacks, when they could not be supported by the fire from the ships; and when his own boats were necessarily detached on service, his anxiety for their safety was very great. but the men, who saw in these successes only the daring courage which obtained, but not the considerate judgment which planned them, learned to fancy themselves invincible, and would go to what might appear a death service, as if it were an excursion of pleasure. the crew of the _imperieuse_, who had often distinguished themselves in these attacks, petitioned their captain to remain with them, when he had been appointed to a finer ship, and offered to prove their attachment to him by taking any two french frigates they could meet. it is right to add, that their captain, a son of the great and good lord duncan, submitted their petition to sir edward pellew, who continued him with his faithful followers. "you are a brave nation," said napoleon at elba to an english captain, one of sir edward's officers, "so are the french; but the english are individually brave." services like these create the individual bravery which napoleon admired. still more important was the moral influence which these attacks impressed on the enemy. when the inhabitants along the southern coasts of europe could scarcely look upon the waters without seeing an english cruiser; when they saw the apparent ease with which their strongest defences were carried; when they felt themselves at the mercy of the assailants, yet always experienced their forbearance and protection; the respect felt for an enemy so powerful and generous, taught them to desire the more earnestly their own day of deliverance from the common tyrant. and when the tremendous judgment which visited him in the russian campaign offered the prospect of his speedy and final overthrow, every facility existed for acquainting them with the full extent of his reverses, and preparing them to avail themselves of the earliest opportunity to assert their freedom. "affairs in these countries," says sir edward, in one of his letters, "look well, and promise much next summer, all over the east. detestation, amounting to horror, is the general expression against this tyrant of the earth." the ordinary cares and duties of his command, and his very extensive correspondence, for the number of letters he was in the habit of writing on service was almost incredible, were by no means sir edward's heaviest charge. perhaps there was no ambassador on whom a greater diplomatic responsibility was imposed than on the commander in the mediterranean. it formed by much the largest and most anxious portion of collingwood's duties, and the greatness of the trust, the impossibility of confiding it to another than the commander on the station, and the uncommon ability with which collingwood sustained it, gave the british government much uneasiness when the state of that officer's health threatened to deprive them of his services. it increased materially in extent and importance after sir edward had succeeded to the command, when the reverses of the french in russia opened a prospect of deliverance to all the states along the shores of the mediterranean, including the southern provinces of france itself. sir edward exerted himself unceasingly to prepare them for this consummation, and to encourage them to seize the first opportunity to effect it; and the judgment he displayed in these services obtained from a british cabinet minister the declaration, that "great as he may be as a sea-officer, he is still greater as a statesman." one professional distinction was yet wanting, and this he anxiously desired, as a means of hastening an honourable peace, and on personal grounds, perhaps, to connect his name with the history of his country--to command in a general action. though the enemy had shrunk from meeting him, as he expected when he first assumed the command, yet, while they continued to build ships of the largest class, and to keep their fleet always ready for sea, he could not but hope that they only waited for a favourable opportunity to try the fortune of their flag. at the end of there were sixteen sail of the line in toulon. two others were launched next year, and by the close of there were twenty-two, of which six were three-deckers of the largest size. sir edward gave them every opportunity, and every prudent advantage, but he never could induce them to attack him. they had been forbidden to engage, and the emperor had hitherto seen nothing to induce him to recall the order. thus, though they were kept in a state of high equipment through the whole period of sir edward's command, they never ventured far beyond the protection of the batteries; and came out only when they had a leading wind to return. the restoration of his fleet was a favourite ulterior object with napoleon; and if a different result of the russian campaign had placed the resources of europe at his command, there is no doubt but that the days of st. vincent and trafalgar would have been renewed. there was an english officer who was much in his presence and confidence at elba, and to whom he proposed the most flattering inducements to enter his service. "i am honoured by your majesty's offer," was the reply, "but i was born an englishman." conversing with him on naval affairs, he one day said, "i would have had two hundred sail of the line, and when i brought against you such a force, you must have been crushed." but the officer soon convinced him that the tactics which he had made so effectual on land, by concentrating an overwhelming force upon his enemy, were not applicable to naval operations. sailors are made but slowly. it requires an able commander to direct twenty ships, and the most skilful could scarcely manoeuvre forty. dark nights and gales would disperse the unwieldy armada, and a small, but well managed force, would hang upon it and destroy it in detail. the emperor saw the force of the objections, and closed the conversation with the compliment already related. once, towards the end of the war, an opportunity seemed to be offered by which the enemy might be compelled to sacrifice part of his fleet, or to risk a general battle. on the morning of november th. , the french fleet had sailed out of toulon with the wind at e.s.e., and advanced to a greater distance than usual, when the wind suddenly shifted to south-west. immediately the enemy made every exertion to work back to their harbour. the main body of the british fleet was just in sight to the southward, and an advanced squadron of four sail, with a fifth at no great distance, was about half-way between the two fleets. this squadron lay up for the enemy under all sail, with every appearance of being able to cut off the rear ships, the _wagram_ of guns, with four two-deckers and four frigates. on the approach of the british, the enemy tacked, and stood in so close, that many thought they intended to run themselves on shore; but they again tacked off to the southward, and the advanced squadrons stood on with every prospect of passing to windward of them. unfortunately, as the british ships approached, the wind headed them, and threw them off so much, that they only fetched just within gun-shot of the _wagram_, the enemy's rear ship. the fleet was at this time bringing up the original wind, and the _caledonia, san josef_, and _boyne_, actually fetched within gun-shot of the french admiral, before the wind headed them. the _wagram_, which had reserved her fire for the _caledonia_, exchanged broadsides with her, but at too great a distance to produce material effect; and the enemy being so far to windward, succeeded in reaching toulon. eleven shots from the _wagram_ and the batteries struck the _caledonia_, wounding the mainmast, cutting some of the shrouds, and destroying a small boat upon the booms. much disappointment was felt by all the fleet, and the conduct of the advanced squadron was strongly censured by many in the ships astern, who supposed that they had intentionally bore away, when in fact they had come up within influence of the head wind. a more serious, though very partial affair occurred in the following february. on the evening of the th, rear-admiral kosmao kerjulien sailed from toulon, with three sail of the line, and three frigates, to escort a seventy-four which was expected from genoa. on the following morning, the fleet returning from mahon, discovered the enemy to the eastward of hyères islands. they were at first supposed to be british ships, but the admiral himself going aloft, clearly made out their character. the _boyne_, captain burlton, a small three-decker, sister ship to the _victory_, was considerably in advance of the fleet. it was on sunday, and the ships were preparing for the morning service, which had already commenced on board the _boyne_, when the signal for a general chase was thrown out. the wind blew strong from e.s.e., and the _boyne_, perceiving the enemy's intention to come through the little pass of hyères bay, stood for that pass to intercept them. sir edward, who was leaning on the foreyard, watched her with admiration, but extreme anxiety. "hold on, my brave burlton!" he exclaimed, as the _boyne_ dashed at their whole force. then, as he feared they would all close, and overpower her before he could arrive to her assistance, he turned to an officer at his side, and declared with energy, "if they take her they sha'nt keep her, for i'll go in with the fleet!" passing through the enemy immediately astern of a frigate, to which she gave a broadside, the _boyne_ separated the rear-ship from the others, and brought her to action. this ship, the _romulus_, a two-decker, immediately hauled in for the north shore, and kept so close, going round all the bays, that the _boyne_ could neither run her on board, nor get inside her. they ran side by side with studding sails set, and at the rate of ten knots, before the wind, which blew directly into toulon. once it was thought that the _romulus_ was aground, as she luffed up to the wind, which brought all her sails aback, and her starboard lower studding-sail in upon the gangway. the _boyne_ also backed her sails, and continued close to the enemy; but the _romulus_ paying off, and filling again, continued to run alongshore, and when she reached cape brun, at the entrance of the harbour, had gained on the _boyne_. the _caledonia_ had by this time come up, and the admiral waved to captain burlton to haul his wind to the southward. the _boyne_ tacked accordingly, being then within pistol shot of cape brun battery; and the _caledonia_ fired a broadside at the _romulus_, as she ran in to join her consorts in the harbour. the _caledonia_ then gave the _boyne_ three hearty cheers, and captain burlton received the thanks of the commander-in-chief by signal. napoleon was now contending for existence on the soil of france, and the remains of his former conquests were rapidly melting from him. in the course of january and february, every place in the adriatic had surrendered. in the following month, lord william bentinck left palermo with an army, supported by a squadron under commodore j. rowley, to reduce genoa. the advanced guard was landed considerably to the eastward, and moved forward, supported by the squadron, carrying and dismantling the batteries as they advanced. on the th, the defences round the gulf of spezzia capitulated. on the th of april, the army was landed at recce, in the gulf of genoa; and at day-break on the th, a joint attack was made by the land and sea forces on the defences around the place. these were carried in the course of the day; and preparations were in progress to attack the town, when sir edward pellew arrived with several line-of battle ships. the governor, already alarmed at the rapid progress of the assailants, capitulated, and the town was taken possession of next morning. four gun-brigs, and a number of merchant vessels were found in the mole; and the _brilliant_, a fine seventy-four on the stocks, was launched, and still remains in the navy under the appropriate name of the _genoa_. paris had already capitulated; and on the th of this month, napoleon left france in a british frigate for elba. he landed on the rd of may on the little island which had been assigned to him for a sovereignty, and a prison: and thus ended a war, one of the longest, the most dreadful, but in all respects the most glorious, which england had ever waged. chapter x. second mediterranean command. the contest for naval supremacy was so entirely decided by the battle of trafalgar, that no opportunity was afterwards afforded for great successes. but at the end of the war, when the leading peninsular generals were raised to the peerage, it was thought due to the service to confer a similar distinction upon a naval officer. sir edward pellew received this mark of his sovereign's favour. he was created baron exmouth, of canonteign, a mansion and estate in the south of devon which he had purchased for a family property; and the pension was settled on him which is usually granted when a peerage is conferred for eminent public services. he was still in the mediterranean when the news of his elevation reached him, and he received the first account of it from a newspaper. in allusion to it, he writes:--"i was never more surprised than at this event. never was man more ignorant of its being thought of; much less reason had i to expect it; and it has happened only by a combination of events quite unconnected with influence or power. i had some reason to believe a red ribbon was intended, and ---- wrote that it had been granted; but if so, it was changed next day to what it is, which, for the sake of our family, i hope will be useful and respectable. for myself i am indifferent, and know it will only tend to multiply my enemies, and increase my difficulties." ... in the course of this year, he received a handsome compliment from the officers of the mediterranean fleet. it is a beautiful model of the warwick vase, executed by messrs. rundel and bridge, at a cost of guineas, and bears the following inscription:--"presented to the right honourable admiral lord exmouth, &c., &c., &c., as a mark of their respect and esteem, by the officers who served under his lordship's command in the mediterranean." at the beginning of the next year, when the order of the bath was extended, he was included among the knights commanders; and was afterwards advanced on an early vacancy to be a grand cross. the former was entirely unexpected, as he knew nothing of the intention to extend the order. he thus begins a letter to his brother on the th of january:--"i seize this moment, when the arrival of the post has brought me the enclosed without one single line from any friend i have on earth: possibly, it was owing to the lateness of the nomination. i had not the most distant idea of this event, and i can only account for its coming to me by the squabbling of parties ... to end which, it was probably decided on giving it to the commander-in-chief. on this ground only can i account for it, as it was by no means necessary to add this, which was once considered due to me as a reward of sufficient magnitude, without any other. " th january, .--i had written the above before any gazette reached me, which explains the whole. but as it shows my heart and mind to you without reserve, and as i can call god to witness, that i never in my life kept anything from you. i send it.--may god bless you." he had remained but a few months in england, when, on the renewal of hostilities consequent on the return of napoleon from elba, he was sent back to the mediterranean. hoisting his flag in the _boyne_, and again with his brother, sir israel, as captain of the fleet, he hastened to his station. his services were first required at naples, which he was so happy as to save from all the horrors of anarchy. murat, that he might create a diversion in favour of napoleon, had rashly attacked austria, and thus violated the compact by which he was allowed to hold his usurped throne. what followed scarcely deserves the name of war. his army, not waiting for the enemy to approach, fled like sheep, and left the austrian commander an unresisted march to naples. lord exmouth, after having arranged with lord w. bentinek for the co-operation of the forces from sicily with the allies, had arrived on the evening of the th of may, at civita vecchia, whence, on learning the rapid advance of the austrians, he proceeded without delay for naples, where he anchored on the evening of the th. madame murat embarked the same night on board a british seventy-four, and immediately wrote to lord exmouth, requesting that he would take measures for the security and peace of the city. no capital in europe contains within itself more formidable elements for popular tumult; and upon this occasion, the mob, excited by the general confusion, and not restrained by any adequate authority, were proceeding to the last excesses of rapine and violence. lord exmouth was not slow to take the steps which such an emergency required. on the morning after his arrival, he landed the marines, who took possession of the forts, and the castle of st. elmo, and conjointly with the civic guard, restored, and maintained order. on the rd, the austrian army entered the city, and next day the forts were delivered up, and the marines embarked. the king, ferdinand, was unbounded in his expressions of gratitude, and invested him on the spot with his highest order. after having concluded some very difficult and delicate negociations respecting the queen and court of murat, who were eventually sent to trieste, lord exmouth proposed to general bianci, to embark a few thousand men, and make a dash at toulon. unfortunately, the instructions of the austrian commander would not allow him to join in such an expedition. the squadron therefore sailed for leghorn, where it landed the first division of the austrian army, and thence proceeded to genoa. accounts received on the rd of july of the situation of affairs on the coast of provence determined lord exmouth, in concert with sir hudson lowe, to embark , men, part of the garrison of genoa, consisting of the th, and two italian regiments, and including artillery and cavalry, with which he sailed direct for marseilles. here the troops were landed, with a body of seamen, and the marines of the squadron, and stopped the advance of the rebel marshal brune, who was marching from toulon upon marseilles avowedly to destroy it. the inhabitants, grateful to their preservers, were unceasing in their attentions, both to the fleet and army, as long as they remained in the place. their sense of the important services which the two commanders had rendered, as well to their city, as to the cause of their rightful sovereign, was marked by the present to each of a large and beautiful piece of plate, which was executed at paris. on the base of that presented to lord exmouth is a medallion of the noble admiral; and a view of the port of marseilles, with the _boyne_, his flagship, entering in full sail. it bears the simple and expressive inscription,--"_a l'amiral mi lord exmouth, la ville de marseilles reconnoissante_." the squadron wintered in leghorn roads, being detained in the mediterranean for instructions, which were delayed for some time, through the magnitude of the negotiations then in progress. at the beginning of , lord exmouth was ordered to proceed to the different barbary powers, to claim the release of all the ionian slaves, who, by the late political arrangements, had become british subjects: and to make peace for sardinia. these were to be matters of compulsion; but he was also to make peace for any of the other states in the mediterranean who would authorize him to do so. naples readily availed herself of his offer. unable to protect herself, it was to her an inestimable blessing to gain security from such a dreadful scourge on the easiest terms which the influence of the first maritime power could obtain for her. nothing can be conceived more horrible than the condition of the christian slaves, subjected as they were, in countries where no law gave protection, to all the caprice and cruelty of masters, who hated and despised them for their faith. nor was it a small aggravation of their misery, that as roman catholics, they were cut off from the observance of rites which they deemed essential. to the fear and danger of being reduced to this miserable condition was the maritime population of the states around the mediterranean continually exposed: while the great naval powers, deterred from exterminating these pirates, either by more pressing concerns, or by the failure of the different expeditions which had attempted it, purchased a discreditable security by presents. lord exmouth afterwards visited rome; but the pope declined the offer of his services, perhaps from difficulties arising out of religious scruples at confiding a formal trust to a protestant. he received the admiral, however, with the utmost courtesy, and even attended to his request upon a subject where it was scarcely to have been expected that the interference of a protestant would be allowed. a young spanish lady, who was confined in a convent at minorca, under circumstances of an oppressive and distressing nature, had contrived to bring her case to the knowledge of lord exmouth, and to place in his hands a memorial, which he took an opportunity to deliver personally to the pope. a british admiral interceding with the pope for a spanish nun was a novel occurrence; but pius vii. received the memorial very graciously, and placed it in the hands of gonsalvi that proper inquiries might be made. it is satisfactory to add, that lord exmouth received a letter a few months after, informing him that the poor girl's prayer to be set at liberty had been complied with. before he took any steps in fulfilment of his instructions he made the arrangements necessary for an attack, which was to be the alternative if negotiations failed; a result much to be expected at algiers, which had hitherto withstood so many formidable armaments. he ordered captain warde, of the _banterer_, to proceed to algiers, where he was carefully to observe the town and the nature of its defences. lord exmouth's instructions on this occasion, and which were written with his own hand, afford an admirable illustration of the forethought with which he provided for every contingency, and which was the chief secret of his constant success. it were injustice to captain warde to state how he performed this difficult and important service in any language but that of the admiral. in his despatch which accompanied the treaty made with tripoli, and which he sent to the admiralty when proceeding on his second visit to algiers, he writes:--"previous to my leaving leghorn, i despatched captain warde in the _banterer_ to algiers, to make his observations on the anchorage and sea-defences, which service he performed with entire secresy and judgment, and highly to my satisfaction. the accompanying plan of the works, with his remarks after visiting all the forts and arsenal, i found correct in every respect; and when it is considered that he had not the means of taking angles, but was compelled to pace the distances, and trust much to his recollection, to avoid being suspected, i think him deserving of the highest commendation. the soundings round the mole, and the bay to the n.w. of the lighthouse, were all made by him personally in the night without discovery; nor did even the consul suspect the purport of his visit." indeed, captain warde played the careless idler to perfection. he escorted the ladies of the consul's family everywhere by day, and danced with them in the evenings, covering a keen and constant observation with the appearance of frivolity; while at night he was silently moving outside the port in a boat, taking the soundings with a pole. it adds to the merit of this officer, that all the previous plans of algiers were so incorrect, that he was obliged to begin his own from the outlines, as if the place were a new discovery. lord exmouth afterwards declared that if he had proceeded to hostilities at his first visit, without having been furnished with captain warde's plan and observations, he should have assigned to the ships stations which they could not have occupied. the plan in the admiralty book of charts, among other inaccuracies, laid down the sea-face of the city as four miles long, instead of one; omitted the bay to the north-west of the lighthouse; represented the pier on which the strong fortifications are built as quite straight from the lighthouse in a southerly direction, whereas it forms a quarter of the compass, bending round to the south-west, or towards the city; and laid the distance between the piers at the entrance of the mole, a mile, instead of sixty, or sixty-five fathoms. notwithstanding this, and his great disadvantages arising out of the secresy he was compelled to observe, captain warde's observations were so accurate and complete, that lord exmouth afterwards sent to the admiralty his original plan, to illustrate the despatches of the battle. thus prepared for every alternative, lord exmouth, on the st of march, made known to the squadron the service upon which they were proceeding in the following general order:-- "the commander-in-chief embraces the earliest moment in which he could inform the fleet of his destination, without inconvenience to the public service. "he has been instructed and directed by his royal highness the prince regent, to proceed with the fleet to algiers, and there make certain arrangements for diminishing at least the piratical excursions of the barbary states by which thousands of our fellow-creatures, innocently following their commercial pursuits, have been dragged into the most wretched and revolting state of slavery. "the commander-in-chief is confident that this outrageous system of piracy and slavery rouses in common the same spirit of indignation which he himself feels; and should the government of algiers refuse the reasonable demands he bears from the prince regent, he doubts not but the flag will be honourably and zealously supported by every officer and man under his command, in his endeavours to procure the acceptation of them by force; and if force must be resorted to, we have the consolation of knowing that we fight in the sacred cause of humanity, and cannot fail of success. "these arrangements being made at algiers and tunis, the commander-in-chief announces with pleasure that he is ordered to proceed with all the ships not on the peace establishment to spithead without delay, except the _bombay_, bearing the flag of rear-admiral sir charles penrose, which ship is to be relieved by the _albion_, daily expected. (signed) "exmouth. "n.b. this general memorandum to be entered in the public order-book, and communicated to the respective officers, seamen, and marines of the fleet." the squadron went in the first place to algiers, where lord exmouth obtained the objects of his mission without difficulty. the ionian slaves were freely released as british subjects; and peace was made for naples and sardinia, the former paying a ransom of five hundred, the latter of three hundred dollars a head. the fleet then sailed for tunis, where accident gave an entirely new character to the subsequent proceedings. lord exmouth had directed the interpreter to tell the bey, that it would be very agreeable to the prince regent if slavery were abolished; but the interpreter, by mistake, said that the prince regent had determinded to abolish it. upon this the negotiation was suspended, and the divan assembled. lord exmouth soon became aware of the mistake, and availing himself of the important advantage which it gave him, he allowed them two hours for deliberation, and retired to the consul's house to await the result. before the time expired he was sent for, and informed that the divan had deliberated on his proposal, and would comply with it. proceeding to tripoli, he made a similar demand, and it was there submitted to without hesitation. in the mean time, he had received instructions to claim from algiers the privilege of selling prizes, and refitting privateers in that port, which had lately been granted by treaty to america. returning on this errand, he took the opportunity to press, as at the other regencies, the abolition of christian slavery; but here he had a more formidable power to deal with. his demand was refused; and when he hinted at the alternative of force, the dey answered as a man confident in his strength to resist it. lord exmouth assured him that he formed a very inadequate idea of a british man of-war, and declared, that if hostilities should become necessary, he would engage with five line-of-battle ships to destroy the place. a very sharp altercation ensued; and lord exmouth left the divan, giving them two hours to consider his proposal. when the time expired, he took mr. m'donell, the consul, and walked with him towards the boat; but they were stopped at the gate. after a communication had been made to the dey, lord exmouth was allowed to pass on, but the consul was detained, on the pretext that money was due from portugal, for which, as well as for england, mr. m'donell was accredited. the whole party had been in the greatest danger. the crowd who surrounded them discussed aloud the question of putting them all to death; and the conduct of the captain of the port was extremely suspicious. he was observed to cock his pistol, and sir israel pellew exclaiming, "at least we'll die with arms in our hands!" attempted to draw his sword. happily, the pressure of the throng prevented him; for in the temper which then prevailed, the appearance of a hostile movement would probably have been fatal. lord exmouth was much irritated at this outrage; and when one of the principal officers of state followed, and asked him, as he was just stepping into the boat, to allow them two days to consider his proposal, he replied with warmth "no, not two hours!" hastening on board, he got the fleet under weigh to attack the place immediately; but the wind was too strong to allow the ships to take their stations, and they were obliged to anchor again. two british officers, captains pechell and warde, had gone on shore, not anticipating a hostile movement. they were seized by the people, who dragged them off their horses, rifled their pockets, tied their hands behind them, and in this state marched them through the town to the dey. but when they reached the palace they were immediately released; and except some trifling articles, which could not be found, all their property was restored. after two or three interviews with the dey, the object of which appeared to be to investigate the cause of a cut which captain pechell had received in the hand, when he was taken off the horse, they were allowed to go to their ships. such conduct, at a moment when lord exmouth was evidently preparing to attack the place, indicated an irresolution which might enable him to gain his object without a battle; and next morning, as a calm, with a heavy swell, prevented the fleet from moving, he sent captain dundas, of the _tagus_, with renewed proposals. the result was, that sir israel pellew, with captains brisbane, pechell, dundas, warde, and others, went on shore; and the dey agreed to appoint an ambassador, who should proceed first to constantinople for the sanction of the porte, and thence to england to treat on lord exmouth's proposal. it may be supposed that the admiral would not have endured this evasion, had he been authorised to act; but he had pressed the demand without instructions, and felt that he would not be justified in resorting to force, if it could be creditably avoided. he was not even certain that his conduct in thus pressing the abolition of slavery would be favourably received; for it was a common remark, that the obstructions to the navigation of the mediterranean, created by the barbary corsairs, were advantageous to british commerce. he expressed this doubt in a letter which he sent on shore on the rd of june, when the fleet had arrived in the channel:--"it is with great delight i again bring myself nearer to you and the rest of my family, after a longer absence than i had any reason to expect when i left england, and which has at last ended without realizing that for which it was said we were kept so long abroad after peace was signed. i had anxiously hoped i should have been directed to enforce the abandonment of their cruel system of retaining christians who fell into their hands (in what they term war) in slavery. i hope i have made the path easy for the government, having obtained by my own exertions the relinquishment from two states, and a promise to treat on that point from the most violent, algiers, after discussions which did not promise sometimes amicable terminations. but i intreat you to observe the utmost silence on this point, as it may lead me into an awkward situation; for i have acted solely on my own responsibility, and without orders; the causes and reasoning on which, upon general principles, may be defensible, but as applying to our own country, may not be borne out, the old mercantile interest being against it." four days previous to the date of this letter, mr. brougham had moved in the house of commons for copies of lord exmouth's treaties with algiers for naples and sardinia, and for all the correspondence connected with them. he condemned the principle upon which the treaties had been conducted, because, by ransoming the slaves, we had virtually acknowledged the right of these parties to commit their depredations. he understood that the algerines, dissatisfied with the dey for having limited their sphere of plunder, had been pacified only by the assurance, that though restrained from cruising against neapolitan subjects, there still remained a wide field for their enterprise. the roman states had already felt the effect of the new direction given to their piracies. he then described the wretched condition of the slaves. in one case, out of three hundred prisoners, fifty had died of ill-treatment on the first day of their arrival, and seventy during the first fortnight. the rest were kept in the most miserable condition, being allowed only a pound of bread a day, and subject to the lash from morning to night. no age, no sex was spared. a neapolitan lady of distinction, carried off with eight children, six of whom survived, had lately been seen by a british officer in the thirteenth year of her captivity. that it might be seen we did not countenance such proceedings, it was necessary to ascertain what use we had made of our influence in the late negotiations. the minister objected to the motion, only however on the ground that all the documents necessary to afford complete information had not yet arrived; and he assured the house, that the cause of humanity had been very materially served by the proceedings of the squadron. an animated debate followed, in which every one expressed the utmost anxiety that the barbarians should be compelled, and by force, if necessary, to relinquish their piracies. this unanimous display of feeling in the house of commons, ensured to lord exmouth full approval of all that he had done, and enabled the government to take the decisive step which immediately after became necessary. it is, indeed, a subject for just pride, that upon every national question, the feelings of the people have never hesitated to throw themselves upon the side of humanity and justice, however seemingly opposed to their own interest. lord exmouth had not yet reached england, when accounts arrived which determined the government not to await the issue of the proposed negotiations with algiers, but at once to exact the most ample satisfaction and security. on the rd of may, the crews of the coral fishing-vessels at bona had landed to attend mass, it being ascension-day, when they were attacked by a large body of turkish troops, and most barbarously massacred. lord exmouth was at algiers when this took place; but as bona is two hundred miles to the eastward, and he sailed as soon as he had agreed with the dey, he did not hear of it until he arrived in england; and thus it devolved upon the british government to direct the measures which such an atrocity demanded. justly concluding that these barbarians, so long the common enemies of the civilized world, and whose very existence was a reproach to it, had filled the measure of their crimes by this last bloody outrage, they determined to exact complete submission, or to inflict the most signal vengeance. they appointed lord exmouth to complete his work, and placed at his disposal whatever force he thought necessary to effect it. chapter xi. the battle of algiers. the town of algiers is built on the declivity of a hill fronting to the eastward. it is of a triangular form, having for its base the sea-front, which is about a mile in length, and rises directly from the water. it is strongly fortified on the land side, and the sea defences are most formidable, as well from the great thickness of the walls, as the number of heavy guns. the harbour is artificial. a broad straight pier, three hundred yards in length, and upon which the storehouses were built, projects from a point about a quarter of a mile from the north extremity of the town. a mole is carried from the end of this pier, which bends in a south-westerly direction towards the town, forming nearly a quarter of a circle. opposite the mole-head is a small insulated pier, which leaves the entrance to the harbour about a hundred and twenty yards wide. the rock upon which the mole is built extends about two hundred yards to the n.e. beyond the angle at which the pier joins it. the shores recede considerably from the base of the pier, forming a small bay on either side of it. all the works around the harbour were covered with the strongest fortifications. immediately beyond the pier-head stood the lighthouse battery, a large circular fort, mounting between sixty and seventy guns, in three tiers. at the extremity of the point of rock beyond the lighthouse was a very heavy battery, of two tiers, mounting thirty guns and seven mortars in the upper. the mole itself was filled with cannon, like the side of a line-of-battle ship, mostly disposed in a double tier, with ports below, and embrasures above; but the eastern batteries, next the light-house, had an inner fortification, with a third tier of guns, making sixty-six in these batteries alone. all these batteries had together above two hundred and twenty guns--eighteen, twenty-four, and thirty-two pounders; besides two, at least sixty-eight pounders, and upwards of twenty feet long. on the sea wall of the town were nine batteries; two at the southern extremity; then the fish-market battery in three tiers, bearing three hundred yards west of the molehead; three between the fish-market and the gate leading to the mole; one over this gate; and two on the wall beyond it. along the shore, within twelve hundred yards south of the town, were three batteries, and a very heavy fort. another large fort, and six batteries, commanded the bay to the n.w. many guns in other parts of the fortifications of the town, and in forts and batteries on the hills around it, were in situations which enabled them to fire upon ships. altogether, the approaches by sea were defended by scarcely less than five hundred guns. the admiralty were greatly surprised when lord exmouth proposed to attack these works with five sail of the line. many naval officers who were consulted by the board considered them unassailable. nelson, in a conversation with captain brisbane, had named twenty-five line-of-battle ships as the force which would be required to attack them. the opinion was not founded upon his own observation, and he was evidently misled by the errors in the received plans; for that number of ships could not have been placed before the town; but it marks his sense of the great danger in attacking powerful batteries with ships, and of the tremendous strength of algiers. lord exmouth was offered any force he required, but he adhered to his first demand; for he had satisfied himself that five ships could destroy the fortifications on the mole as effectually as a greater number, and with far more safety to themselves. after he had fully explained his plans, and marked the position which every ship was to occupy, the admiralty allowed him to act upon his own judgment; though they found it not easy to believe that the force was equal to the service; nor were persons wanting to remark that he had at length involved himself in a difficulty, from which he would not escape with credit. his own confidence never wavered. "all will go well," he wrote, "as far at least as it depends on me." as he was going down channel, he said to his brother, who accompanied him as far as falmouth, "if they open their fire when the ships are coming up, and cripple them in the masts, the difficulty and loss will be greater; but if they allow us to take our stations, i am sure of them; for i know that nothing can resist a line-of-battle ship's fire." he wrote to the admiralty before he left england, declaring himself fully satisfied with all the arrangements, and taking on himself the responsibility of the result. he was scarcely appointed, when officers came forward in crowds to offer their services. on the th of june, only six days after he arrived in the channel, he writes--"government has taken a very proper view of the subject, and has determined to send out a proper force. i immediately said, it was my duty to finish that which i had begun, and that i should cheerfully go. my offer is accepted, and i embark in the _queen charlotte_, with _impregnable_, and others. the only delay will be want of men; but i hope they will be induced by the offers made, to volunteer for the service, to be rewarded after it." on the th of july, he says, "i have refused israel, pownoll, fleetwood, harward, and both admiral and captain halsted,[ ] volunteers. even lord spencer brought his son, and a hundred others." with very few exceptions, the officers were selected by the admiralty. it was understood that sir charles penrose would be the second in command, his appointment at that time as commander-in-chief in the mediterranean entitling him to the preference. he was very highly valued by lord exmouth, under whom he had served with the _cleopatra_ in the western squadron. it was intended that despatches should be sent in time to enable him to join the expedition; but greatly to the disappointment of both officers, the information was received too late. lord exmouth persisted in refusing all his relations. the motive of duty, which was imperative on himself, applied to none of them; and all were anxious to go. for himself, he might well trust that the providence which had shielded him forty years, for so long was it since he had fought the _carleton_ on lake champlain, would guard him in the approaching battle; or, if he were doomed to fall in what might truly be deemed a holy war, he had a better confidence than the pride of a hero, or even the self-devotedness of a patriot. before he sailed, he made every arrangement which his death would render necessary; and among others, wrote a letter for his eldest son, chiefly on the subject of the duties which would devolve upon him as a british nobleman, and which he designed for his last injunctions. the existence of this letter was not known until some time after his death, when it was found among his papers. the admiralty would not send back the squadron which had just returned from the mediterranean, probably thinking it right that ships going expressly to fight a severe battle should be manned with volunteers. this decision greatly increased his difficulties. naval officers seldom think a ship effective until she has been some time in commission. within two months, lord exmouth commissioned, fitted, and manned a fleet, and fought the battle. as soon as he had completed his first arrangements at the admiralty, he hastened to portsmouth, where the _boyne_, his flag-ship, was lying with her consorts. he went on board as soon as he arrived, and there was not a little excitement when the admiral was seen coming alongside at a very early hour in the morning. he mustered the ship's company on deck, and having read to them the admiralty letter, invited them to join him; but at that time scarcely a man came forward. they were unwilling to enter for a new service until they had enjoyed some liberty on shore; but after they had been paid off, and spent their money, numbers of them volunteered, and many more would probably have done so, but for the very short time in which the crews were completed. no difficulty was experienced in manning the fleet. the whole ship's company of the _leander_, then on the point of sailing as the flag-ship on the north american station, volunteered to go, and accordingly her destination was changed for the time. rear-admiral milne, for whom she had been fitted, obtained permission to go out with her; and as sir charles penrose did not join at gibraltar, he hoisted his flag in the _impregnable_, as second in command. among other volunteers were a number of smugglers, who had been taken on the western coast, and sentenced to five years' service in the navy. they were sent to the eastward as prisoners in a cutter in which mr. pellew had taken a passage to make a parting visit to his brother, and they implored his intercession on their behalf. he advised them to enter for the _queen charlotte_, and gain a title to the indulgence they sought by their good conduct in the battle. they all did so: no serious casualty occurred among them, and they behaved so well that lord exmouth applied to the admiralty, and obtained their discharge. lord exmouth's marine officer in the _arethusa_, the late sir richard williams, then commanded the marine artillery, and lord exmouth wrote to request that he would aid him to the best of his abilities, by selecting officers and men from his corps. sir richard displayed on this occasion all the activity and judgment to be expected from his character, and lord exmouth acknowledged his services after the glorious result of the expedition, in the following words:--"i should be very ungrateful, my dear friend, if i neglected to thank you for the care and pains you took in selecting, for the service i was ordered upon, the best officers and men i ever saw during my service. i assure you that all the officers did you full justice: they not only knew their duty well, but they performed it well." in addition to the five line-of-battle ships, two of which were three-deckers, the force included three heavy frigates, and two smaller ones; four bomb vessels, and five gun-brigs. four of the line-of-battle ships were to destroy the fortifications on the mole; while the fifth covered them from the batteries south of the town, and the heavy frigates, from those on the town wall. the bomb-vessels were to fire on the arsenal and town, assisted by a flotilla of the ships' launches, &c., fitted as gun, rocket, and mortar-boats. the smaller frigates and the brigs were to assist as circumstances might require. the fleet left portsmouth on the th of july. on the th it sailed from plymouth sound, and the same afternoon was off falmouth. twenty three years before, lord exmouth had gone from the house of his brother, who now took leave of him, and sailed to fight the first battle of the war from the port whence he was proceeding on the service which was to close and crown it. from this place the _minded_, , was sent on to gibraltar, that the necessary supplies might be ready when the fleet arrived. through all the passage the utmost care was taken to train the crews. every day, sunday excepted, they were exercised at the guns; and on tuesdays and fridays the fleet cleared for action, when each ship fired six broadsides. on board the _queen charlotte_ a twelve-pounder was secured at the after part of the quarter-deck, with which the first and second captains of the guns practised daily at a small target, hung at the fore topmast studding-sail boom. the target was a frame of laths, three feet square, crossed with rope-yarns so close that a twelve-pound shot could not go through without cutting one, and with a piece of wood, the size and shape of a bottle, for a bull's-eye. after a few days' practice, the target was never missed, and on an average ten or twelve bottles were hit every day. thus kept in constant preparation for the battle, and daily gaining new confidence in themselves, the crews were in the highest degree elated. officers and men felt they were going to an assured victory, and that to obtain complete success the plans of their chief required only the exertions which every one resolved to make. as a consequence of this enthusiasm, which never had a check, for the excitement of preparation was followed by the flush of victory, their health and vigour were beyond all parallel. scarcely a man came on the sick-list; and when the _queen charlotte_ was paid off on her return, only one had died, except from the casualties of battle, out of nearly a thousand who had joined her more than three months before. on the th of august, the fleet reached gibraltar, where the _minden_ had arrived only the preceding night. here they found a dutch squadron of five frigates and a corvette, commanded by vice-admiral the baron von de capellan, who, on learning the object of the expedition, solicited and obtained leave to co-operate. the ships, having completed their ordnance stores and provisions, were ready to sail on the th; but the strong easterly wind prevented them from moving for two days. on the th, every ship received a plan of the fortifications, with full instructions respecting the position she was to occupy. a general order to this effect had been issued on the th, but the co-operation of the dutch squadron had made some change in the arrangements necessary. to this squadron was assigned the duty of attacking the fort and batteries south of the town, a service previously intended for the _minden_ and _hebrus_, which were now to take a position among their consorts in front of the mole. the fleet sailed next day, and on the th was within two hundred miles of its destination, when the wind again shifted to the eastward. that evening the ship-sloop _prometheus_, captain dashwood, joined direct from algiers, with information that the algerines were making every preparation to meet the attack. all the former defences had been made completely effective, and new works had been added; forty thousand troops had been assembled; all the janizaries called in from distant garrisons; and the whole naval force of the regency, four frigates, five large corvettes, and thirty-seven gun-boats, were collected in the harbour. the _prometheus_ brought the wife, daughter, and infant child of mr. m'donell, the british consul. the two former had succeeded in getting off, disguised as midshipmen; but the infant, which had been carefully concealed in a basket, after a composing medicine had been given to it by the surgeon of the _prometheus_, awoke, and cried as it was passing the gateway, and thus led to the arrest of all the party then on shore. the child was sent off next morning by the dey, and, "as a solitary instance of his humanity," said lord exmouth, "it ought to be recorded by me;" but the consul was confined in irons at his house, and the surgeon, three midshipmen, and fourteen seamen of the _prometheus_, were detained as prisoners; nor could the most urgent remonstrances of captain dashwood induce the dey to release them. the fleet continued beating against a head wind until midnight on the th, when the wind shifted to south-west. on monday the th, at noon, they made cape cazzina, the northern point of the bay of algiers, and about twenty miles from the town. next morning at daybreak, algiers itself was in sight as the ships lay nearly becalmed, lord exmouth sent away lieutenant burgess in one of the _queen charlotte's_ boats, under a flag of truce, with the terms dictated by the prince regent, and a demand for the immediate liberation of the consul, and the people of the _prometheus_. the _severn_ was directed to tow the boat, but as she made very little way, the boat was ordered by signal to cast off, and proceed alone to the shore. at eleven o'clock, she was met outside the mole by the captain of the port, who received the communication, and promised an answer in two hours. in the mean time, a breeze springing up from the sea, the fleet stood into the bay, and lay to about a mile from the town. at two o'clock the boat was seen returning, with the signal that no answer had been given. the _queen charlotte_ immediately telegraphed to the fleet, "are you ready?" immediately the affirmative was displayed from every ship, and all bore up to their appointed stations. the _queen charlotte_ led to the attack. it was lord exmouth's intention not to reply to the enemy's fire in bearing down, unless it should become galling. in that case, the middle and main-deck guns, thirty long -pounders, were to have opened; keeping the upper deck for shortening sail, and the lower for working the cables. the guns on these decks were not primed until the ship had anchored. but the algerines reserved their fire, confident in the strength of their defences, and expecting to carry the flagship by boarding her from the gun-boats, which were all filled with men. steered by the master of the fleet, mr. gaze, who had sailed with lord exmouth in every ship he commanded from the beginning of the war, the _queen charlotte_ proceeded silently to her position. at half-past two, she anchored by the stern, just half a cable's length from the mole-head, and was lashed by a hawser to the mainmast of an algerine brig, which lay at the entrance of the harbour. her starboard broadside flanked all the batteries from the mole-head to the light-house. the mole was crowded with troops, many of whom got upon the parapet to look at the ship; and lord exmouth, observing them as he stood upon the poop, waved to them to move away. as soon as the ship was fairly placed, and her cables stoppered, the crew gave three hearty cheers, such as englishmen only can give. scarcely had the sound of the last died away, when a gun was fired from the upper tier of the eastern battery; and a second, and a third followed in quick succession. one of the shots struck the _superb_. at the first flash, lord exmouth gave the order, "stand by!" at the second. "fire!" the report of the third gun was drowned in the thunder of _queen charlotte's_ broadside. the enemy now opened from all their batteries, the _queen charlotte_ and _leander_ being the only ships which had yet reached their stations. preparations had been previously made in all, to avoid the necessity of exposing the men aloft when shortening sail. following the flag-ship, the _superb_ anchored about two hundred and fifty yards astern of her, and the _minden_ at about her own length from the _superb_. the _albion_ came to astern of the _minded_, which passed her stream cable out of the larboard gun-room port to the _albion's_ bow, and brought the two ships together. the _impregnable_ was anchored astern of the _albion_. the large frigates, and the dutch squadron, particularly the _melampus_, their flag-ship, went into action under a very heavy fire, and with a gallantry that never was surpassed. the _leander_ had placed herself on the _queen charlotte's_ larboard bow, at the entrance of the harbour; her starboard broadside bearing upon the algerine gun-boats with the after guns, and upon the fishmarket battery with the others. the _severn_ lay ahead of the _leander_, with all her starboard broadside bearing upon the fishmarket battery. beyond her the _glasgow_ fired upon the town batteries with her larboard guns. the dutch squadron took the assigned position, before the works to the southward of the town. it was their admiral's intention to place the _melampus_ in the centre; but his second ahead, the _diana_, having anchored too far to the southward to allow this, he pushed the _melampus_ past her, and anchored close astern of the _glasgow_. the two smaller frigates, the _hebrus_ and _granicus_, were left to take part in the battle wherever they might find an opening. eager to gain a position, in the line, the _hebrus_ pressed forward to place herself next the flag-ship, till, becalmed by the cannonade, she was obliged to anchor on the _queen charlotte's_ larboard quarter. captain wise, of the _granicus_, waited until all the ships had taken their stations. then, setting topgallant-sails and courses, he steered for where lord exmouth's flag was seen towering above the smoke; and with a seamanship equalled only by his intrepidity, anchored in the open space between the _queen charlotte_ and _superb_; thus, with a small-class frigate, taking a position, of which, said lord exmouth, a three-decker might be justly proud. eastward of the lighthouse, at the distance of two thousand yards, were placed the bomb-vessels; whose shells were thrown with admirable precision by the marine artillery. the smaller vessels, except the _mutine_, which anchored, continued under sail, firing occasionally wherever they saw opportunity. the flotilla of gun, rocket, and mortar boats, directed, by captain michell, were distributed at the openings between the line-of-battle ships, and at the entrance to the mole. thus the ships commanded the strongest of the enemy's defences, while they were exposed to the weakest part of his fire. the officers and men felt new confidence when they saw the power derived from the admirable disposition of their force. all behaved most nobly; and it was not long before the state of the algerine batteries gave proof that their courage was fully equalled by their skill. in a few minutes, indeed before the battle had become general, the _queen charlotte_ had ruined the fortifications on the mole-head. she then sprang her broadside towards the northward, to bear upon the batteries over the gate which leads to the mole, and upon the upper works of the lighthouse. her shot struck with the most fatal accuracy, crumbling the tower of the lighthouse to ruins, and bringing down gun after gun from the batteries. the last of these guns was dismounted just as the artillerymen were in the act of discharging it; when an algerine chief was seen to spring upon the ruins of the parapet, and with impotent rage, to shake his scimitar against the ship. her men proved themselves as expert amidst the realities of war, as they had before shown themselves in exercise; and some of them were detected amusing themselves, in the wantonness of their skill, by firing at the algerine flag-staffs. soon after the battle began, the enemy's flotilla of gun-boats advanced, with a daring which deserved a better fate, to board the _queen charlotte_ and _leander_. the smoke covered them at first, but as soon as they were seen, a few guns, chiefly from the _leander_, sent thirty-three out of thirty-seven to the bottom. at four o'clock, when a general and heavy fire had been maintained for more than an hour without producing any appearance of submission, lord exmouth determined to destroy the algerine ships. accordingly, the _leander_ having first been ordered to cease firing, the flag-ship's barge, directed by lieutenant peter richards, with major gossett, of the miners, lieutenant wolrige, of the marines, and mr. m'clintock, a midshipman, boarded the nearest frigate, and fired her so effectually with the laboratory torches, and a carcass-shell placed on the main deck, that she was completely in flames almost before the barge's crew were over her side. the crew of a rocket-boat belonging to the _hebrus_ were prompted by a natural, but unfortunate ardour, to follow the barge, though forbidden; but the boat pulling heavily, she became exposed to a fire of musketry, which killed an officer and three men, and wounded several others. lord exmouth stood watching the barge from the gangway, delighted with the gallantry and promptitude with which his orders were executed. when the frigate burst into a flame, he telegraphed to the fleet the animating signal, "infallible!" and as the barge was returning, he ordered those around him to welcome her alongside with three cheers. it was hoped that the flames would communicate from this frigate to the rest of the algerine shipping; but she burnt from her moorings, and passing clear of her consorts, drifted along the broadsides of the _queen charlotte_ and _leander_, and grounded a-head of the latter, under the wall of the town. the gun-boats, and the _queen charlotte's_ launch, then opened with carcass-shells upon the largest frigate, which was moored in the centre of the other ships, too far within the mole to be attempted safely by boarding. they soon set her on fire, and notwithstanding the exertions of the algerines, she was completely in flames by six o'clock. from her the fire communicated, first to all the other vessels in the port, except a brig and a schooner, moored in the upper part of it, and afterwards to the storehouses and arsenal. at a little past seven, she came drifting out of the harbour, and passed so close to the flag-ship as nearly to involve her in the same destruction. about sunset, a message was received from rear-admiral milne, requesting that a frigate might be sent to divert from the _impregnable_ some of the fire under which she was suffering. she had anchored more to the northward than was intended, and consequently became exposed to the heavy battery on the point of rock beyond the lighthouse, and which was covered from the fire of the rest of the fleet. the _glasgow_ weighed immediately, but the wind had been driven away by the cannonade, and she was only able, after three-quarters of an hour's exertion, to reach a new position between the _severn_ and _leander_; a better for annoying the enemy, but where she was herself more exposed, and suffered in proportion. as it was found impossible to assist the _impregnable_, lord exmouth sent on board mr. triscott, one of his aides-de-camp, with permission to haul off. the _impregnable_ was then dreadfully cut up; men had been already killed and wounded, a full third of them by an explosion, and the shot were still coming in fast; but her brave crew, guided and encouraged by the rear-admiral and captain brace, two of the most distinguished and successful officers in the service, would not allow her to go thus out of battle; and she kept her station, maintaining an animated fire to the last. to relieve her in some degree, an ordnance sloop, which had been fitted at gibraltar as an explosion-vessel, with barrels of powder, was placed at the disposal of the rear-admiral. she had been intended for the destruction of the algerine fleet, but this service had already been effected by other means. conducted by lieutenant fleming, who had been commanding a gun-boat near the _queen charlotte_, with major reed, of the engineers, and captain herbert powell, a volunteer on board the _impregnable_, the explosion-vessel was run on shore under the battery which had annoyed her, where, at nine o'clock, she blew up. the fleet slackened their fire towards night, as the guns of the enemy became silenced, and the ships began to feel the necessity for husbanding their ammunition. their expenditure had been beyond all parallel. they fired nearly tons of powder, and , shot, weighing more than tons of iron; besides thirteen and ten-inch shells thrown by the bomb-vessels, and the shells and rockets from the flotilla. such a fire, close, concentrated, and well-directed as it was, nothing could resist; and the sea-defences of algiers, with great part of the town itself, were shattered and crumbled to ruins. at a little before ten, the objects of the attack having been effected, the _queen charlotte's_ bower-cable was cut, and her head hauled round to seaward. she continued, however, to engage with all the guns abaft the mainmast, sometimes on both sides. warps were run out to gain an offing, but many of them were cut by shot from the batteries southward of the town, which had been very partially engaged, and also from forts on the hills out of reach of the ships' guns. a very light air was felt about half-past ten, and sail was made; but the ship, after cutting from her remaining warps and anchors, was manageable only by the aid of her boats towing, and then the only point gained was keeping her head from the land. at eleven she began to draw out from the batteries, and at twenty-five minutes past she ceased to fire. the breeze freshened, and a tremendous storm of thunder and lightning came on, with torrents of rain; while the flaming ships and storehouses illuminated all the ruins, and increased the grandeur of the scene. in about three hours the storm subsided, and as soon as the ship was made snug, lord exmouth assembled in his cabin all the wounded who could be moved with safety, that they might unite with him and his officers in offering thanksgiving to god for their victory and preservation. the two admirals came on board the _queen charlotte_ as soon as they could leave their ships, and spoke their feelings of admiration and gratitude to lord exmouth with all the warmth of language and expression. the dutch admiral, who, with his squadron, had most nobly emulated the conduct of his british allies, declared himself in terms of the highest eulogy of the _queen charlotte_, which, he said, by her commanding position and the effect of her fire, had saved five hundred men to the fleet. perhaps there was no exaggeration in the praise; for the destruction occasioned by her first broadside, as she lay flanking the mole, must have contributed much to protect the ships which had not yet reached their stations; and the havoc she inflicted by a cannonade of nine hours must have been great indeed, since her fire could destroy the fortifications on the mole-head in a few minutes. in no former general action had the casualties been so great in proportion to the force employed. one hundred and twenty-eight were killed, and six hundred and ninety wounded, in the british ships, and thirteen killed and fifty-two wounded in the dutch squadron. yet, except the _impregnable_, which had fifty men killed, no ship suffered so much as is usual in a severe engagement. generally, in fleet actions, the brunt of the battle, and the chief amount of losses, fall upon a few; but here every ship had her allotted duty, and was closely engaged throughout. after the _impregnable_, the frigates suffered the most, particularly the _granicus_, which took a line-of-battle ship's station; and the _leander_, which was much cut up by the fish-market and other batteries, and as late as seven o'clock was obliged to carry out a hawser to _the severn_, to enable her to bear her broadside upon one which annoyed her. the loss in the other line-of-battle ships was remarkably small. they had together but twenty-six killed, including the casualties in their respective boats. lord exmouth escaped most narrowly. he was struck in three places; and a cannon-shot tore away the skirts of his coat. a button was afterwards found in the signal locker; and the shot broke one of the glasses and bulged the rim of the spectacles in his pocket. he gave the spectacles to his valued friend, the late gallant sir richard keats, who caused their history to be engraven on them, and directed, that when he died, they should be restored to lord exmouth's family, to be kept as a memorial of his extraordinary preservation. on the th, at daylight, lieutenant burgess was sent on shore with a flag of truce, and the demands of the preceding morning; the bomb-vessels at the same time resuming their positions. the captain of one of the destroyed frigates met the boat, and declared that an answer had been sent on the day before, but that no boat was at hand to receive it. shortly after, the captain of the port came off, accompanied by the swedish consul, and informed lord exmouth that all his demands would be submitted to. on the morning of the th, the captain of the port came off again, being now accompanied by the british consul; upon which captain brisbane, of the flag-ship, went on shore, and had a conference with the dey. sir charles penrose, whom the admiral had expected to the last, arrived this day in the _ister_ frigate, from malta, where he had waited for his expected orders, until he heard that lord exmouth was in the mediterranean. lord exmouth committed to him the management of the negotiations, the only compliment he could now offer. where nothing remained but submission for the vanquished, the arrangements were soon concluded, and next day the final result was officially communicated to the fleet. "_queen charlotte_, algiers bay, august , . "general memorandum. "the commander-in-chief is happy to inform the fleet of the final termination of their strenuous exertions, by the signature of peace, confirmed under a salute of twenty-one guns, on the following conditions, dictated by his royal highness the prince regent of england. "i. the abolition of christian slavery for ever. "ii. the delivery to my flag of all slaves in the dominions of the dey, to whatever nation they may belong, at noon to-morrow. "iii. to deliver also to my flag all money received by him for the redemption of slaves since the commencement of this year--at noon also to-morrow. "iv. reparation has been made to the british consul for all losses he has sustained in consequence of his confinement. "v. the dey has made a public apology, in presence of his ministers and officers, and begged pardon of the consul in terms dictated by the captain of the _queen charlotte_. "the commander-in-chief takes this opportunity of again returning his public thanks to the admirals, captains, officers, seamen, marines, royal sappers and miners, royal marine artillery, and the royal rocket corps, for the noble support he has received from them throughout the whole of this arduous service; and he is pleased to direct that on sunday next a public thanksgiving shall be offered up to almighty god, for the signal interposition of his divine providence during the conflict which took place on the th, between his majesty's fleet and the ferocious enemies of mankind. it is requested that this memorandum may be read to the ship's company. "to the admirals, captains, officers, seamen, marines, royal sappers and miners, royal marine artillery, and the royal rocket corps." above twelve hundred slaves were embarked on the st, making, with those liberated a few weeks before, more than three thousand, whom, by address or force, lord exmouth had delivered from slavery.[ ] having sent them to their respective countries, and leaving a ship to receive a few who had yet to come up from the interior, he sailed on the rd of september for england. on the th, when on his way to gibraltar, he wrote an account of the battle to his brother, to whom he had previously sent a very laconic communication, stating merely the result. "it has pleased god to give me again the opportunity of writing you, and it has also pleased him to give success to our efforts against these hordes of barbarians. i never, however, saw any set of men more obstinate at their guns, and it was superior fire only that could keep them back. to be sure, nothing could stand before the _queen charlotte's_ broadside. everything fell before it; and the swedish consul assures me we killed above five hundred at the very first fire, from the crowded way in which troops were drawn up, four deep above the gun boats, which were also full of men. i had myself beckoned to many around the guns close to us to move away, previous to giving the order to fire; and i believe they are within bounds, when they state their loss at seven thousand men. our old friend john gaze was as steady as a rock; and it was a glorious sight to see the _charlotte_ take her anchorage, and to see her flag towering on high, when she appeared to be in the flames of the mole itself; and never was a ship nearer burnt; it almost scorched me off the poop; we were obliged to haul in the ensign, or it would have caught fire. everybody behaved uncommonly well. admiral milne came on board at two o'clock in the morning, and kissed my hand fifty times before the people, as did the dutch admiral, von capellan. i was but slightly touched in the thigh, face, and fingers--my glass cut in my hand, and the skirts of my coat torn off by a large shot; but as i bled a good deal, it looked as if i was badly hurt, and it was gratifying to see and hear how it was received even in the cockpit, which was then pretty full. my thigh is not quite skinned over, but i am perfectly well, and hope to reach portsmouth by the th of october. ferdinand has sent me a diamond star. wise behaved most nobly, and took up a line-of-battle ship's station; but all behaved nobly. i never saw such enthusiasm in all my service. not a wretch shrunk any where; and i assure you it was a very arduous task, but i had formed a very correct judgment of all i saw, and was confident, if supported, i should succeed. i could not wait for an offshore wind to attack; the season was too far advanced, and the land-winds become light and calmy. i was forced to attack at once with a lee-shore, or perhaps wait a week for a precarious wind along shore; and i was quite sure i should have a breeze off the land about one or two in the morning, and equally sure we could hold out to that time. blessed be god! it came, and a dreadful night with it, of thunder, lightning, and rain, as heavy as i ever saw. several ships had expended all their powder, and been supplied from the brigs. i had latterly husbanded, and only fired when they fired on us; and we expended barrels, and , shot, weighing above tons of iron. such a state of ruin of fortifications and houses was never seen, and it is the opinion of all the consuls, that two hours more fire would have levelled the town; the walls are all so cracked. even the aqueducts were broken up, and the people famishing for water. the sea-defences, to be made effective, must be rebuilt from the foundation. the fire all round the mole looked like pandemonium. i never saw anything so grand and so terrific, for i was not on velvet, for fear they would drive on board us. the copper-bottoms floated full of fiery hot charcoal, and were red hot above the surface, so that we could not hook on our fire-grapnels to put the boats on, and could do nothing but push fire-booms, and spring the ship off by our warps, as occasion required." the battle of algiers forms a class by itself among naval victories. it was a new thing to place a fleet in a position surrounded by such formidable batteries. bold and original in the conception, it was most brilliant and complete in execution. nor was it more splendid for the honour, than happy in the fruits. it broke the chains of thousands; it gave security to millions;--it delivered christendom from a scourge and a disgrace. to complete the happiness of the achievement, a nation co-operated, the natural ally of england, and the truest of her friends; bound to her by the proudest recollections of patriotism, and the dearest ties of religion; and which, if it should be required once more to strike down the power of whatever evil principle may desolate europe, will again be found at her side, strong in virtue as in courage, to emulate her prowess, and to share the triumph. footnotes: [ ] sir israel, his brother; captains pownoll and fleetwood, his sons; captain harward, and sir lawrence halsted, his sons-in-law. [ ] slaves liberated by admiral lord exmouth:-- at algiers. neapolitans and sicilians , sardinians and genoese piedmontaise romans tuscans spaniards portuguese greeks dutch english french austrians -- , at tunis. neapolitans and sicilians sardinians and genoese ---- at tripoli. neapolitans and sicilians sardinians and genoese romans hamburghers ---- _______ , chapter xii. lord exmouth's retirement and death. lord exmouth's services were acknowledged as became such a victory. he was advanced to the dignity of a viscount, and received an honourable augmentation of his arms. in the centre of the shield a triumphal crown was placed by the civic wreath; below was a lion rampant, and above them a ship, lying at the mole-head of algiers, and surmounted with the star of victory. the former supporters were exchanged for a lion on the one side, and a christian slave, holding aloft the cross, and dropping his broken fetters, on the other. the name "algiers" was given for an additional motto. the kings of holland, spain, and sardinia, conferred upon him orders of knighthood. the pope sent him a valuable cameo. the city of london voted him its freedom, and a sword, ornamented with diamonds, which was presented by the lord mayor at a banquet, appropriately given by the ironmongers' company, as trustees of a considerable estate left for ransoming christian slaves in barbary by mr. betton, a member of the company, who had himself endured the miseries of slavery. he received the freedom of the city of oxford, and the honorary degree of d.c.l. from the university. a society for promoting the liberation of christian slaves, lately formed at paris, chiefly by the exertions of sir sidney smith, caused a medal to be struck to commemorate the victory. it presents a well-executed profile of the admiral, with a suitable inscription on the reverse. in general, every disposition was shown in france to do justice to lord exmouth's merit on this occasion. yet it was to be expected that the feelings so natural under the circumstances of their recent defeat, and the present occupation of their territory, would lead many to detract from the honours of the nation which had so severely humbled them. some illiberal reflections which appeared in the french journals, prompted the following lines by the late lord grenville:-- "these hands toil-worn, these limbs by fetters galled, these bodies, scarred by many a servile blow, these spirits, wasted by disease and woe, these christian souls, by miscreant rage enthralled, what band of heroes now recalls to life?-- gives us again to hail our native shores, and to each fond, despairing heart, restores the long-lost parent, the long-widowed wife? o britain! still to lawless power a foe, 'gainst faithless pirate armed, or blood-stained gaul! vain is the taunt which mocks thy lavish cost, thy thankless toil, thy blood poured out for all, thy laurels, gained in fight, in treaty lost-- heaven still shall bless the hand which lays the oppressor low!" a medal, most appropriate in the devices, and of the most exquisite workmanship, was executed by command of his late majesty george iv., then prince regent. the medals are of gold. only four were struck, one of which was presented to lord exmouth, and remains in the possession of his eldest surviving son. the officers of the squadron presented to their commander a magnificent piece of plate, of , guineas value, representing the mole of algiers, with its fortifications. the subscription exceeded the cost; and the surplus was paid to the naval charitable society, of which lord exmouth was a vice-president.[ ] his venerable and excellent friend, admiral schank, under whose command he had fought his first action, went to teignmouth to receive him, when he came home from this, the last of his triumphs. the day of his return was made a general festival, and the inhabitants went out to meet him with all the arrangement and display which could manifest admiration and attachment. the promotion which followed the victory was to have been on the usual scale, but lord exmouth succeeded in obtaining some extension of it; for he considered it inadequate to the merits of the junior officers, who had enjoyed unusual opportunities for distinguishing themselves. the flotilla of armed boats, which had behaved most gallantly, and afforded essential service, was commanded chiefly by mates and midshipmen, and he pressed their claims upon the admiralty with much perseverance. he urged that commissions should be given to all who had passed their examinations; and submitted a list of the officers whom he thought entitled to promotion, drawn up in such a form as to be readily examined and referred to, and in which their respective services and claims were enforced in a manner which marked at once his discrimination of their merits, and the warm interest he took in their welfare. the victory was prominently noticed in the royal speech, and on the rd of february received the thanks of parliament. the first lord of the admiralty, who introduced the motion to the house of lords, expatiated at length on the circumstances which enhanced the merit of the commander:--"when the expedition against algiers was determined on, it became necessary to collect men from different guard-ships, and to call for the services of volunteers for this particular enterprise. he mentioned this circumstance, because those who knew the value which naval officers attach to a crew long accustomed to act together, would be the better enabled to appreciate the skill and exertions of lord exmouth, and the difficulties he had to contend with, in rendering crews, collected as he had stated, efficient for his purpose. to that object lord exmouth devoted his daily, his hourly attention, and accomplished it in a manner which reflected the highest credit on his judgment and ability. he then proceeded with his squadron on the appointed service. he proposed certain terms to the dey of algiers, according to his instructions, and no satisfactory reply being given, the ships took their positions. it was due to lord exmouth here to state a circumstance not generally known. an opinion had prevailed in many quarters that accident and the elements had been very favourable to lord exmouth in the execution of the enterprise: but the fact was, that when government had determined on the undertaking, many persons, and among them several naval officers, were of opinion that the defences were so strong that the attack could not succeed. not so lord exmouth, though he was perfectly aware of the difficulties with which he had to contend. he had himself formed the plan of his operations, and gave it as his opinion that the object might be accomplished, not from any idle confidence, but founded on the reasons which he stated and the plan which he had formed. he had in this plan settled the position which every ship was to take, and when the despatches came, he (lord melville) had noticed that the positions actually taken were exactly those which had been before settled. the whole scheme of attack was before prepared by him, and exactly followed; and the whole transaction reflected the highest credit upon lord exmouth as a naval officer, as well as upon his perseverance and gallantry." after describing the battle and its result, and descanting upon the enthusiasm which animated every officer and man, and the gallantry they displayed, lord melville alluded to the co-operation and effectual assistance afforded by the dutch squadron, to which also he moved the thanks of the house. "the flag of the netherlands had long been distinguished in europe, and the officers and seamen had acquired a high renown for skill and valour. in this enterprise that flag had again appeared, and a noble emulation prevailed between the two squadrons as to which of them should most strenuously exert itself to accomplish the common object." similar motions were brought forward in the house of commons by lord castlereagh, who dwelt on the splendid character of the transaction, upon which, he said, there could be but one opinion either in that house or throughout europe. alluding to the very conflicting opinions which had prevailed on the subject of attacking algiers, he eulogized the great ability and judgment of lord exmouth, whose perfect accuracy had been so fully proved by the result. "he should not attempt," he said, "to add any thing more to an action so glorious both as to the principles upon which it was undertaken, and the mode of carrying it into execution, but only observe that he intended to extend the thanks to the officers and seamen of their brave ally, the king of the netherlands, whose co-operation had been so beneficial. he was sure the house would feel a peculiar gratification in seeing the navy of holland united with ours for the general liberties of mankind, and be anxious to mark their sense of the services performed by the dutch admiral, his brave officers, and sailors." "so great were lord exmouth's professional abilities," said mr. law, who seconded the motion, "that whatever he undertook he was sure to succeed in. from the commencement of that series of great operations which arose out of the revolutionary war, success had uniformly marked his long career. with respect to the late brilliant enterprise, too much could not be said of it; and it was gratifying to know that the feelings of the house and the country were the same." "no one," said lord cochrane, "was better acquainted than himself with the power possessed by batteries over a fleet; and he would say that the conduct of lord exmouth and the fleet deserved all the praise which that house could bestow. the attack was nobly achieved, in a way that a british fleet always performed such services; and the vote had his most cordial concurrence, for he never knew, or had heard, of anything more gallant than the manner in which lord exmouth had laid his ships alongside the algerine batteries." lord exmouth had now gained everything he could hope for. he was still in the full vigour of life, with the prospect of many years of health. his children had all been spared to him; and he was accustomed to dwell on their conduct with a father's pride and satisfaction. with a liberality not often displayed, he gave them their full portions as they successively left him; and he had the gratification of entrusting to each of his sons one of the many honourable tributes to his worth and services which he had received from different public bodies. his eldest son, who had served many years under his orders, was living near teignmouth, at the family mansion of canonteign. he represented launceston in parliament, and when he first entered the house had exerted himself, though without success, to obtain for seamen serving on foreign stations the privilege, since granted, of receiving part of their pay abroad. he had been much impressed with the evils of the former system, which his liberality had obviated for his own crews. lord exmouth maintained a most unreserved intercourse with him, and often expressed a confidence in the strongest terms, that he would do honour to the rank he was to inherit: hopes never to be realized, for he survived his father only a few months. it is a memorable illustration of a truth, which all admit, but none entirely feel, till their own experience has taught them the vanity of worldly success, that when the attainment of every object had left him without a wish ungratified, lord exmouth would sometimes confess that he had been happier amidst his early difficulties. indeed, his natural character, and all his habits, were very unfavourable to repose. the command at plymouth was given him in , on the death of sir john duckworth; but this, though it prevented a too abrupt transition to complete retirement, was a life of inactivity, when contrasted with his general pursuits for almost fifty years. while he held this command he was required to attend in his place in the house of lords on the trial of the queen, one of the most lamentable events in modern english history. he had received her then royal highness on board his flag-ship in the mediterranean with all the attentions due to her exalted rank, and his principal officers were assembled to pay their respects to her. but when he was desired to furnish a royal standard, which, it was said, the vessel was entitled to carry, though a foreigner, he replied that the standard of england could be carried only by a british man of war. he shared the temporary unpopularity of the noblemen who supported the bill, and the mob at plymouth and its neighbourhood expressed their feelings towards him with much violence; but this, as far as he was concerned, gave him no disquiet. he had not then to learn how little this kind of hostility is to be regarded, when it is provoked by the faithful discharge of duty. when the storm was at the highest he wrote the following letter:-- "admiralty house, plymouth dock, nov. , . "my dear brother,--i am much obliged by your kind letter, and wish i could give you in return anything good, or worth detailing. the fact is, the people are mad, and the world is mad; and where it will end, the lord only knows; but as sure as we live, the days of trouble are very fast approaching, when there will be much contention and much bloodshed, and changes out of all measure and human calculation. you and i have no choice. loyalty is all our duty, and we shall, no doubt, stick to it. as for myself, you may well think me d.d.,[ ] for i am burnt, and kicked, and torn in pieces for many nights; but here i am, quite whole, sound, and merry, in spite of them all, poor fools! in a fortnight they will fain know how to make amends. they have a particular dislike to me, and i am glad of it. we shall live to see it changed." with the command at plymouth, lord exmouth's public life may be considered to have ended; for though he shrunk from no duty which his rank and character imposed upon him, he would not submit to become a political partizan. this decision, so happy for his peace, was the result of his habitual judgment and feeling. in a letter before alluded to, which he wrote for his eldest son before he went to algiers, he observed, that though not rich, he would be independent, and enjoined him never to entangle himself with party politics. while none more firmly supported the great principles upon which the security and welfare of the country rest, he chose always to keep the high position of an independent british nobleman. the splendid rewards which his services had obtained for him, he received, not as from any particular administration, but from his country; and he felt himself entitled to assert the same independence in the house of lords, which he had always displayed as a commander. thus, by a conduct equally prudent and honourable, he secured, through periods of great political excitement, an exemption almost singular, for a man in his position, from the attacks of party. at the same time, his best services were always at the command of the government, who frequently availed themselves of his judgment and experience. few important questions occurred in connection with his own profession, upon which he was not consulted. most of these were necessarily confidential; but the following may with propriety be noticed. in , when the extreme difficulties of the country demanded the utmost possible retrenchment, it was proposed, among other measures of economy, to destroy pendennis castle. two commissioners, sent to survey and report upon this step, were instructed to communicate first with lord exmouth. his opinion decided the preservation of this noble fortress; which is at once so important from its position, and so interesting for its heroic defence, when, in the great rebellion, it obtained the honourable distinction of being the last stronghold of loyalty. on the question of concessions to the roman catholics in , his opinions and conduct were most decided. his eldest son resigned his seat for a borough, which he held unconditionally, under the influence of the duke of northumberland, as soon as that nobleman declared his intention to support the claims. the ground of lord exmouth's opposition to the measure has been already given in his words. that moral elevation, not always associated with powerful talent and splendid success, which forms the most admirable part of lord exmouth's character, was derived from religion. young as he was when he first entered the service, and though such principles and feelings could not be supposed then to be very strongly fixed, yet he was guarded in his conduct, and always prompt to check any irreverent allusion to serious subjects. his youth was passed in camps and ships, at a time when a coarse and profane conduct too much prevailed, now happily almost unknown; but he was never deterred by a false shame from setting a proper example. on board his first frigate, the _winchelsea_, the duties of the sundays were regularly observed. he always dressed in full uniform on that day, and, having no chaplain, read the morning service to his crew, whenever the weather permitted them to be assembled. advancing in his brilliant career, the same feelings were more and more strikingly displayed. it was his practice to have a special and general service of thanksgiving after every signal deliverance, or success. too often is it found, that with the accession of worldly honours, the man becomes more forgetful of the good providence from which he received them. from this evil, lord exmouth was most happily kept; and additional distinctions only confirmed the unaffected simplicity and benevolence of his character. when he was fitting out his fleet for algiers, amidst all the anxiety of hurried preparations, he took care that every ship should be properly supplied with the sacred volume. for this purpose, he obtained from the naval and military bible society, of which he was a vice president, every copy which could be procured at so short a notice. finally, after this, the last and greatest of his services, a battle of almost unexampled severity and duration, and fought less for his country than for the world, his gratitude to the giver of victory was expressed in a manner the most edifying and delightful. with such principles, he might well have hoped for happiness when he retired from public life. religion alone can fill and satisfy the most active and capacious mind; but that its power may be felt to calm, strengthen, and support, under whatever circumstances of endurance, or of action, it must govern the character always, and be the supreme controlling principle. for this, the position of a naval officer is not favourable. war has much, in addition to the miseries and evils it directly creates, which only necessity can excuse; and there is too little leisure for reflection amidst the anxiety of early struggles, the full career of success, or the pressure of exciting and important duties. but when external responsibilities had ceased to divert his attention from himself, his religious principles acquired new strength and exerted a more powerful influence. they guided him to peace; they added dignity to his character: and blessed his declining years with a serenity, at once the best evidence of their truth, and the happiest illustration of their power. the quiet of domestic life offers little to be recorded; and except when public or private claims might call him for a short time from home, lord exmouth passed the remainder of his life at teignmouth. he had nobly done his duty; and now enjoyed in honourable repose all that the gratitude of his country and the affection of his family could bestow. though he knew himself liable to an attack which might be almost suddenly fatal, he dwelt on the prospect without alarm, for he rested upon that faith whose privilege it is to rise above present suffering, and to regard death itself as the gate of immortal life. no man was more free from selfish feeling. his honours and success were valued for the sake of his family. his services and life were for his country. he had a truly english heart, and served her with entire devotedness. nothing, indeed, could be a finer commentary than his own career upon her free and equal institutions, which, by the force of those qualities they so powerfully tend to create, had enabled him to rise from the condition of an unfriended orphan, to the dignity of the british peerage. most painful, therefore, were his feelings, when revolt and anarchy in neighbouring countries were held up to be admired and imitated at home, until a praiseworthy desire of improvement had become a rage for destructive innovation. in a letter written at this time, nov. th, , after alluding to his own declining strength, he thus proceeds:--"i am fast approaching that end which we must all come to. my own term i feel is expiring, and happy is the man who does not live to see the destruction of his country, which discontent has brought to the verge of ruin. hitherto thrice happy england, how art thou torn to pieces by thine own children! strangers, who a year ago looked up to you as a happy exception in the world, with admiration, at this moment know thee not! fire, riot, and bloodshed, are roving through the land, and god in his displeasure visits us also with pestilence; and, in fact, in one short year, we seem almost to have reached the climax of misery. one cannot sit down to put one's thoughts to paper, without feeling oppressed by public events, and with vain thought of how and when will the evils terminate. _that_ must be left to god's mercy, for i believe man is at this moment unequal to the task." he then passes to another subject. it was a trait in his character, that, through all his success, he never forgot his early friends. "when i sat down, i intended to commence by letting you know that i have heard from ---- of the last week's illness and decease of our early, and i believe almost our oldest friend, ----. he states, that he died, by god's mercy, free from pain; that his suffering was not much, and he bore it patiently, with a calm mind, keeping his senses to the last few hours. that you had paid your old friend a last visit, from which, he says, he appeared to be quite revivified; that his eyes sparkled with inward joy, and that he had asked kindly after me; that he went off at last in a kind of sleep, without a struggle, and had felt all the comfort which could be given him by a sincere old friend. i was very glad to hear that you had given him the comfort of taking leave of him, for i readily believe he ever felt for you unabated friendship, and for myself also. i think we must have known him above three-score years. i am sure you will derive pleasure from having shown him that your friendship could only end by his death." in the last week of december, , after an extraordinary exemption from such trials in his own family, he lost his youngest daughter. little more than two months elapsed, when on the nd of march the warning was repeated in the almost sudden death of a grandchild, daughter of his eldest son. he communicated this event with the reflection--"we have long been mercifully spared. death has at length entered our family, and it behoves us all to be watchful."[ ] in the spring of this year he was made vice-admiral of england, and was honoured at the same time with a very flattering letter from his sovereign. this he immediately enclosed to his elder brother, to whom he knew it would give pleasure. of the appointment itself, he remarked, "i shall have it only for one year." he held it but for a few months. in may, sir israel pellew was on his death-bed; and lord exmouth, though he now travelled with much difficulty and pain, could not refuse himself the melancholy satisfaction of a parting visit to one with whom he had been so closely and affectionately united. their brother came up from falmouth on the same errand, and on this painful occasion they all met for the last time. he then returned to his home, which he never left again. he cherished a very strong attachment to the church; and for more than thirty years had been a member of the society for promoting christian knowledge, which he joined when the claims of the society were so little appreciated, that only principle could have prompted the step. it might therefore be expected that he would feel deep anxiety when the safety of that church was threatened. but upon this subject his mind was firm; and in one of the last letters he ever wrote, dated august th, he declares his confidence in the most emphatic language. after some personal observations to the friend he was addressing, one of his old officers, he alludes to the cholera, then raging in his neighbourhood; "which," he says, "i am much inclined to consider an infliction of providence, to show his power to the discontented of the world, who have long been striving against the government of man, and are commencing their attacks on our church. but they will fail! god will never suffer his church to fall; and the world will see that his mighty arm is not shortened, nor his power diminished. i put my trust in him, and not in man; and i bless him, that he has enabled me to see the difference between improvement and destruction." not many days after, he suffered a most violent attack of the illness he had long anticipated. the immediate danger was soon averted; but the extent of the disease left not the smallest hope of recovery. he lingered until the rd of january, calmly waiting the event which his gradually increasing weakness convinced him was inevitable. sustained by the principle which had guided him so long, his death-bed became the scene of his best and noblest triumph. "every hour of his life is a sermon," said an officer who was often with him; "i have seen him great in battle, but never so great as on his death-bed." full of hope and peace, he advanced with the confidence of a christian to his last conflict, and when nature was at length exhausted, he closed a life of brilliant and important service, with a death more happy, and not less glorious, than if he had fallen in the hour of victory. lord exmouth was buried at christow, the parish in which are the family mansion and estate of canonteign. the flag under which he fought at algiers was used for a pall, and a young oak, to bear his name, was planted near the grave; a suitable memorial for a british seaman. two noble line-of-battle ships, the _algiers_ and the _exmouth_, of -guns each, and fitted with screw propellers, of which one is just now commissioned and the other just launched, preserve in the navy the memory of his name and victory, and may yet be commanded by officers trained by his care, and formed by his example. footnotes: [ ] the plate bore the following most flattering inscription:-- to the right honourable edward, viscount and baron exmouth, and a baronet, knight grand cross of the most honourable military order of the bath, of the royal and distinguished order of charles the third of spain, of the royal sicilian order of st. ferdinand, and of merit, knight of the royal sardinian supreme order of the annunciation. knt. gd. cross of the royal sardinian order of st. lazarus & st. maurice, and of the royal military order of william of the netherlands, this tribute of admiration and esteem is most respectfully presented by the rear-admiral, captains, and commanders, who had the honour to serve under him _at the memorable victory gained at algiers_ on the th of august, , where, by the judgment, valour, & decision of their distinguished chief, aided by his brilliant example, the great cause of christian freedom was bravely fought, and _nobly accomplished_. [ ] "discharged, dead." the mark by which a man is reported dead on the ship's books. [ ] it is a remarkable fact, that after the death of his daughter, seven members of the family died within three years. the end. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) types of naval officers drawn from the history of the british navy with some account of the conditions of naval warfare at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and of its subsequent development during the sail period by a. t. mahan, d.c.l., ll.d. captain, united states navy author of the "influence of sea power upon history, - ," and "upon the french revolution and empire;" of "the life of nelson," and a "life of farragut" london sampson low, marston & company limited copyright, by houghton, mifflin and company. copyright, _ by a. t. mahan. all rights reserved november, university press · john wilson and son · cambridge, u.s.a. preface although the distinguished seamen, whose lives and professional characteristics it is the object of this work to present in brief summary, belonged to a service now foreign to that of the united states, they have numerous and varied points of contact with america; most of them very close, and in some instances of marked historical interest. the older men, indeed, were during much of their careers our fellow countrymen in the colonial period, and fought, some side by side with our own people in this new world, others in distant scenes of the widespread strife that characterized the middle of the eighteenth century, the beginnings of "world politics;" when, in a quarrel purely european in its origin, "black men," to use macaulay's words, "fought on the coast of coromandel, and red men scalped each other by the great lakes of north america." all, without exception, were actors in the prolonged conflict that began in concerning the right of the ships of great britain and her colonies to frequent the seas bordering the american dominions of spain; a conflict which, by gradual expansion, drew in the continent of europe, from russia to france, spread thence to the french possessions in india and north america, involved spanish havana in the western hemisphere and manila in the eastern, and finally entailed the expulsion of france from our continent. thence, by inevitable sequence, issued the independence of the united states. the contest, thus completed, covered forty-three years. the four seniors of our series, hawke, rodney, howe, and jervis, witnessed the whole of this momentous period, and served conspicuously, some more, some less, according to their age and rank, during its various stages. hawke, indeed, was at the time of the american revolution too old to go to sea, but he did not die until october , , three days before the surrender of cornwallis at yorktown, which is commonly accepted as the closing incident of our struggle for independence. on the other hand, the two younger men, saumarez and pellew, though they had entered the navy before the american revolution, saw in it the beginnings of an active service which lasted to the end of the napoleonic wars, the most continuous and gigantic strife of modern times. it was as the enemies of our cause that they first saw gunpowder burned in anger. nor was it only amid the commonplaces of naval warfare that they then gained their early experiences in america. pellew in , on lake champlain, bore a brilliant part in one of the most decisive--though among the least noted--campaigns of the revolutionary contest; and a year later, as leader of a small contingent of seamen, he shared the fate of burgoyne's army at saratoga. in also, saumarez had his part in an engagement which ranks among the bloodiest recorded between ships and forts, being on board the british flag-ship bristol at the attack upon fort moultrie, the naval analogue of bunker hill; for, in the one of these actions as in the other, the great military lesson was the resistant power against frontal attack of resolute marksmen, though untrained to war, when fighting behind entrenchments,--a teaching renewed at new orleans, and emphasized in the recent south african war. the well-earned honors of the comparatively raw colonials received generous recognition at the time from their opponents, even in the midst of the bitterness proverbially attendant upon family quarrels; but it is only just to allow that their endurance found its counterpart in the resolute and persistent valor of the assailants. in these two battles, with which the war of independence may be said fairly to have begun, by land and by water, in the far north and in the far south, the men of the same stock, whose ancestors there met face to face as foes, have now in peace a common heritage of glory. if little of bitterness remains in the recollections which those who are now fellow-citizens retain of the struggle between the north and the south, within the american republic, we of two different nations, who yet share a common tongue and a common tradition of liberty and law, may well forget the wrongs of the earlier strife, and look only to the common steadfast courage with which each side then bore its share in a civil conflict. the professional lives of these men, therefore, touch history in many points; not merely history generally, but american history specifically. nor is this contact professional only, devoid of personal tinge. hawke was closely connected by blood with the maryland family of bladen; that having been his mother's maiden name, and governor bladen of the then colony being his first cousin. very much of his early life was spent upon the american station, largely in boston. but those were the days of walpole's peace policy; and when the maritime war, which the national outcry at last compelled, attained large dimensions, hawke's already demonstrated eminence as a naval leader naturally led to his employment in european waters, where the more immediate dangers, if not the greatest interests, of great britain were then felt to be. the universal character, as well as the decisive issues of the opening struggle were as yet but dimly foreseen. rodney also had family ties with america, though somewhat more remote. cæsar rodney, a signer of the declaration of independence from delaware, was of the same stock; their great-grandfathers were brothers. it was from the marriage of his ancestor with the daughter of a sir thomas cæsar that the american rodney derived his otherwise singular name. howe, as far as known, had no relations on this side of the water; but his elder brother, whom he succeeded in the title, was of all british officers the one who most won from the colonial troops with whom he was associated a personal affection, the memory of which has been transmitted to us; while the admiral's own kindly attitude towards the colonists, and his intimacy with franklin, no less than his professional ability, led to his being selected for the north american command at the time when the home country had not yet lost all hope of a peaceable solution of difficulties. to this the howe tradition was doubtless expected to contribute. jervis, a man considerably younger than the other three, by the accidents of his career came little into touch with either the colonies or the colonists, whether before or during the revolutionary epoch; yet even he, by his intimate friendship with wolfe, and intercourse with his last days, is brought into close relation with an event and a name indelibly associated with one of the great landmarks--crises--in the history of the american continent. although the issue of the strife depended, doubtless, upon deeper and more far-reaching considerations, it is not too much to say that in the heights of quebec, and in the name of wolfe, is signalized the downfall of the french power in america. there was prefigured the ultimate predominance of the traditions of the english-speaking races throughout this continent, which in our own momentous period stands mediator between the two ancient and contrasted civilizations of europe and asia, that so long moved apart, but are now brought into close, if not threatening, contact. interesting, however, as are the historical and social environments in which their personalities played their part, it is as individual men, and as conspicuous exemplars--types--of the varied characteristics which go to the completeness of an adequate naval organization, that they are here brought forward. like other professions,--and especially like its sister service, the army,--the navy tends to, and for efficiency requires, specialization. specialization, in turn, results most satisfactorily from the free play of natural aptitudes; for aptitudes, when strongly developed, find expression in inclination, and readily seek their proper function in the body organic to which they belong. each of these distinguished officers, from this point of view, does not stand for himself alone, but is an eminent exponent of a class; while the class itself forms a member of a body which has many organs, no one of which is independent of the other, but all contributive to the body's welfare. hence, while the effort has been made to present each in his full individuality, with copious recourse to anecdote and illustrative incident as far as available, both as a matter of general interest and for accurate portrayal, special care has been added to bring out occurrences and actions which convey the impression of that natural character which led the man to take the place he did in the naval body, to develop the professional function with which he is more particularly identified; for personality underlies official character. in this sense of the word, types are permanent; for such are not the exclusive possession of any age or of any service, but are found and are essential in every period and to every nation. their functions are part of the bed-rock of naval organization and of naval strategy, throughout all time; and the particular instances here selected owe their special cogency mainly to the fact that they are drawn from a naval era, - , of exceptional activity and brilliancy. there is, however, another sense in which an officer, or a man, may be accurately called a type; a sense no less significant, but of more limited and transient application. the tendency of a period,--especially when one of marked transition,--its activities and its results, not infrequently find expression in one or more historical characters. such types may perhaps more accurately be called personifications; the man or men embodying, and in action realizing, ideas and processes of thought, the progress of which is at the time united, but is afterwards recognized as a general characteristic of the period. between the beginning and the end a great change is found to have been effected, which naturally and conveniently is associated with the names of the most conspicuous actors; although they are not the sole agents, but simply the most eminent. it is in this sense more particularly that hawke and rodney are presented as types. it might even be said that they complement each other and constitute together a single type; for, while both were men of unusually strong personality, private as well as professional, and with very marked traits of character, their great relation to naval advance is that of men who by natural faculty detect and seize upon incipient ideas, for which the time is ripe, and upon the practical realization of which the healthful development of the profession depends. with these two, and with them not so much contemporaneously as in close historical sequence, is associated the distinctive evolution of naval warfare in the eighteenth century; in their combined names is summed up the improvement of system to which nelson and his contemporaries fell heirs, and to which nelson, under the peculiar and exceptional circumstances which made his opportunity, gave an extension that immortalized him. of hawke and rodney, therefore, it may be said that they are in their profession types of that element of change, in virtue of which the profession grows; whereas the other four, eminent as they were, exemplify rather the conservative forces, the permanent features, in the strength of which it exists, and in the absence of any one of which it droops or succumbs. it does not, however, follow that the one of these great men is the simple continuator of the other's work; rather it is true that each contributed, in due succession of orderly development, the factor of progress which his day demanded, and his personality embodied. it was not in the forecast of the writer, but in the process of treatment he came to recognize that, like hawke and rodney, the four others also by natural characteristics range themselves in pairs,--presenting points of contrast, in deficiencies and in excellencies, which group them together, not by similarity chiefly, but as complementary. howe and jervis were both admirable general officers; but the strength of the one lay in his tactical acquirements, that of the other in strategic insight and breadth of outlook. the one was easy-going and indulgent as a superior; the other conspicuous for severity, and for the searchingness with which he carried the exactions of discipline into the minute details of daily naval life. saumarez and pellew, less fortunate, did not reach high command until the great days of naval warfare in their period had yielded to the comparatively uneventful occupation of girdling the enemy's coast with a system of blockades, aimed primarily at the restriction of his commerce, and incidentally at the repression of his navy, which made no effort to take the sea on a large scale. under these circumstances the functions of an admiral were mainly administrative; and if saumarez and pellew possessed eminent capacity as general officers on the battle-field, they had not opportunity to prove it. the distinction of their careers coincides with their tenure of subordinate positions in the organisms of great fleets. with this in common, and differentiating them from howe and jervis, the points of contrast are marked. saumarez preferred the ship-of-the-line, pellew the frigate. the choice of the one led to the duties of a division commander, that of the other to the comparative independence of detached service, of the partisan officer. in the one, love of the military side of his calling predominated; the other was, before all, the seaman. the union of the two perfects professional character. the question may naturally be asked,--why, among types of naval officers, is there no mention, other than casual, of the name of nelson? the answer is simple. among general officers, land and sea, the group to which nelson belongs defies exposition by a type, both because it is small in aggregate numbers, and because the peculiar eminence of the several members,--the eminence of genius,--so differentiates each from his fellows that no one among them can be said to represent the others. each, in the supremacy of his achievement, stands alone,--alone, not only regarded as towering above a brilliant surrounding of distinguished followers, but alone even as contrasted with the other great ones who in their own day had a like supremacy. such do not in fact form a class, because, though a certain community of ideas and principles may be traced in their actions, their personalities and methods bear each the stamp of originality in performance; and where originality is found, classification ceases to apply. there is a company, it may be, but not a class. the last four biographies first appeared as contributions to the "atlantic monthly," in and . i desire to return to the proprietors my thanks for their permission to republish. the original treatment has been here considerably modified, as well as enlarged. i am also under special obligation to mr. fleetwood hugo pellew, who gave me the photograph of lord exmouth, with permission also to reproduce it. it represents that great officer at the age most characteristic of his particular professional distinction, as by me understood. a t. mahan. october, . contents page i introductory.--conditions of naval warfare at the beginning of the eighteenth century ii progress of naval warfare during the eighteenth century hawke: the spirit iii progress of naval warfare during the eighteenth century (_continued_) rodney: the form iv howe: the general officer, as tactician v jervis: the general officer, as disciplinarian and strategist vi saumarez: the fleet officer and division commander vii pellew: the frigate captain and partisan officer * * * * * index illustrations edward, lord hawke _frontispiece_ from an engraving by w. holl, after the painting by francis cotes in the naval gallery at greenwich hospital. page plan of byng's action off minorca, may , george brydges, lord rodney from an engraving by edward finden, after the painting by w. grimaldi. richard, earl howe from a mezzotint engraving by r. dunkarton, after the painting by john singleton copley. john jervis, earl st. vincent from an engraving by j. cook, after the painting by sir william beechey. james, lord de saumarez from an engraving by w. greatbatch, after a miniature in possession of the family. edward pellew, lord exmouth from the original painting in the possession of orr ewing, esq. types of naval officers introductory naval warfare at the beginning of the eighteenth century the recent close of the nineteenth century has familiarized us with the thought that such an epoch tends naturally to provoke an estimate of the advance made in the various spheres of human activity during the period which it terminates. such a reckoning, however, is not a mere matter of more and less, of comparison between the beginning and the end, regardless of intermediate circumstances. the question involved is one of an historical process, of cause and effect; of an evolution, probably marked, as such series of events commonly are, by certain salient incidents, the way-marks of progress which show the road traversed and the succession of stages through which the past has become the present. frequently, also, such development associates itself not only with conspicuous events, but with the names of great men, to whom, either by originality of genius or by favoring opportunity, it has fallen to illustrate in action the changes which have a more silent antecedent history in the experience and reflection of mankind. the development of naval warfare in the eighteenth century, its advance in spirit and methods, is thus exemplified in certain striking events, and yet more impressively is identified with the great names of hawke and rodney. the period of nearly half a generation intervened between their births, but they were contemporaries and actors, though to no large extent associates, during the extensive wars that occupied the middle of the century--the war of the austrian succession, - , and the seven years war, - . these two conflicts are practically one; the same characteristic jealousies and motives being common to both, as they were also to the period of nominal peace, but scarcely veiled contention, by which they were separated. the difference of age between the two admirals contributed not only to obviate rivalry, by throwing their distinctive activities into different generations, but had, as it were, the effect of prolonging their influence beyond that possible to a single lifetime, thus constituting it into a continuous and fruitful development. they were both successful men, in the ordinary acceptation of the word success. they were great, not only in professional character, but in the results which do not always attend professional desert; they were great in achievement. each name is indissolubly linked with a brilliant victory, as well as with other less known but equally meritorious actions; in all of which the personal factor of the principal agent, the distinctive qualities of the commander-in-chief, powerfully contributed and were conspicuously illustrated. these were, so to say, the examples, that enforced upon the men of their day the professional ideas by which the two admirals were themselves dominated, and upon which was forming a school, with professional standards of action and achievement destined to produce great effects. yet, while this is so, and while such emphatic demonstrations by deeds undoubtedly does more than any other teaching to influence contemporaries, and so to promote professional development, it is probably true that, as a matter of historical illustration, the advance of the eighteenth century in naval warfare is more clearly shown by two great failures, for neither of which were these officers responsible, and in one only of which in fact did either appear, even in a subordinate capacity. the now nearly forgotten miscarriage of admiral mathews off toulon, in , and the miserable incompetency of byng, at minorca, in , remembered chiefly because of the consequent execution of the admiral, serve at least, historically, to mark the low extreme to which had then sunk professional theory and practice--for both were there involved. it is, however, not only as a point of departure from which to estimate progress that these battles--if they deserve the name--are historically useful. considered as the plane to which exertion, once well directed and virile, had gradually declined through the prevalence of false ideals, they link the seventeenth century to the eighteenth, even as the thought and action--the theory and practice--of hawke and rodney uplifted the navy from the inefficiency of mathews and byng to the crowning glories of the nile and trafalgar, with which the nineteenth century opened. it is thus, as the very bottom of the wave, that those singular and signal failures have their own distinctive significance in the undulations of the onward movement. on the one hand they are not unaccountable, as though they, any more than the nile and trafalgar, were without antecedent of cause; and on the other they serve, as a background at least, to bring out the figures of the two admirals now before us, and to define their true historical import, as agents and as exponents, in the changes of their day. it is, therefore, important to the comprehension of the changes effected in that period of transition, for which hawke and rodney stand, to recognize the distinctive lesson of each of these two abortive actions, which together may be said to fix the zero of the scale by which the progress of the eighteenth century is denoted. they have a relation to the past as well as to the future, standing far below the level of the one and of the other, through causes that can be assigned. naval warfare in the past, in its origin and through long ages, had been waged with vessels moved by oars, which consequently, when conditions permitted engaging at all, could be handled with a scope and freedom not securable with the uncertain factor of the wind. the motive power of the sea, therefore, then resembled essentially that of the land,--being human muscle and staying power, in the legs on shore and in the arms at sea. hence, movements by masses, by squadrons, and in any desired direction corresponding to a fixed plan, in order to concentrate, or to outflank,--all these could be attempted with a probability of success not predicable of the sailing ship. nelson's remarkable order at trafalgar, which may almost be said to have closed and sealed the record of the sail era, began by assuming the extreme improbability of being able at any given moment to move forty ships of his day in a fixed order upon an assigned plan. the galley admiral therefore wielded a weapon far more flexible and reliable, within the much narrower range of its activities, than his successor in the days of sail; and engagements between fleets of galleys accordingly reflected this condition, being marked not only by greater carnage, but by tactical combinations and audacity of execution, to which the sailing ship did not so readily lend itself. when the field of naval warfare became extended beyond the mediterranean,--for long centuries its principal scene,--the galley no longer met the more exacting nautical conditions; and the introduction of cannon, involving new problems of tactics and ship-building, accelerated its disappearance. the traditions of galley-fighting, however, remained, and were reinforced by the habits of land fighting,--the same men in fact commanding armies on shore and fleets at sea. in short, a period of transition ensued, marked, as such in their beginnings are apt to be, by an evident lack of clearness in men's appreciation of conditions, and of the path of development, with a consequent confusion of outline in their practice. it is not always easy to understand either what was done, or what was meant to be done, during that early sail era; but two things appear quite certainly. there is still shown the vehemence and determination of action which characterized galley fighting, visible constantly in the fierce effort to grapple the enemy, to break his ranks, to confuse and crush him; and further there is clear indication of tactical plan on the grand scale, broad in outline and combination, involving different--but not independent--action by the various great divisions of the fleet, each of which, in plan at least, has its own part, subordinate but contributory to the general whole. the results, though not unimportant, were not satisfactory, for men were compelled to see that from various causes the huge numbers brought upon the field lapsed into confusion, and that battle, however well planned in large outline, resolved itself into a mere mass of warring units incoherently struggling one with another. there was lack of proportion between effort exerted and effect achieved. a period of systematization and organization set in. unwieldy numbers were reduced to more manageable dimensions by excluding ships whose size and strength did not add to the efficiency of the order of battle; the powers and limitations of those which remained were studied, and certain simple tactical dispositions, fitted to particular emergencies, were recognized and adopted,--all tending to impart unity of movement and action, and to keep the whole in regulated order under the hand of the commander-in-chief, free from confusion. to this point there was improvement; but reaction, as often, went too far. the change in accepted ideas is emphatically shown by a comparison of the fighting instructions of and , when the crystallization of the system was complete but disintegration had not yet begun, with those issued in by the duke of york, afterwards james ii., at the beginning of the second of the three anglo-dutch wars. his in turn are directly deducible from others framed shortly after the first war, in - , when sail tactics had not passed the stage of infancy, and were still strongly affected by the galley tradition. there is here found, on the one hand, the prescription of the line of battle,--a single column of ships formed in each other's wake,--with the provision that if the enemy is to leeward, and awaits attack, the headmost squadron of the british shall steer for the headmost of the enemy's ships. this accords with the general tenor of the later instructions; but there occurs elsewhere, and previously, the direction that, when the enemy is to windward, if the leading british squadron finds it can weather any considerable part of them, it is to "tack and stand in, and strive to divide the enemy's body," and that, "being got to windward, is to bear down on those ships to leeward of them," which have thus been cut off. the thing to be observed here is the separate, but positive, initiative prescribed for a portion of the fleet, with a view to divide the enemy, and then concentrate the whole fleet upon the fraction thus isolated. the british van takes a particular, but not an independent, action; for the other divisions contribute their part to the common purpose. "the middle squadron is to keep her wind, and to observe the motion of the enemy's van, which" [that is, "which" action of the middle squadron] "the last squadron--the rear--is to second; and both of these squadrons are to do their utmost to assist or relieve the first squadron, that divided the enemy's fleet." evidently here we have tactical combination in order to decisive action; clearly contemplated also beforehand, not merely by a capable individual general, but by the consensus of professional opinion which such a paper as the fighting instructions necessarily reflects. the stamp of the galley period is upon this: strenuous and close battle, the piercing of the enemy's order, the movement of the squadrons differentiated, in order that they may in a real and effective sense _combine_, instead of being merely _distributed_, as they afterwards were by both the letter of the later instructions and the tradition by which these became encrusted. nor should there be overlooked, in this connection, the discretion allowed the centre and rear. they are to "keep their wind;" an expression which leaves optional whether to tack, or stand as they are, whether to engage the separated enemies to windward or to leeward, as occasion may offer, in support of the van. the provisions of afterwards disappear. in , and even as late as , they are traceable only in certain colorless articles, suggestive of the atrophied organs of a body concerning whose past use physiologists may speculate. as in the restoration of sounder methods, with which we shall be concerned, this degeneration of ideals was a work of time. in june, , the british met with a severe check in the four days battle, in which monk, a soldier, commanded in chief. this reverse is chiefly to be attributed to antecedent strategic errors, which made a portion only of the available british force bear the brunt of the first three days; but, among the inevitable criticisms, we find stress laid upon fighting in line as essential to success. this insistence upon the line as an effective instrument proceeded, among others, from sir william penn, a seaman, and was at that time in the direction of professional advance. the line had not yet obtained the general professional acceptance needed to establish and utilize its indisputable value. this process was gradual, but when effected it followed the usual laws of human development; from a valuable means, it became in men's estimation an exaggerated necessity. it came to pass in time that the line no longer existed for tactics, but tactics for the line, in which they found their consummation and end. there intervened, however, a happier period,--one of transition,--and in the third anglo-dutch war, - , we seem to find a close approach to just proportion between regularity of formation and decisive tactical purpose; in which the principle of the line is recognized and observed, but is utilized by professional audacity for definite and efficient tactical action, aiming at conclusive results. the finest exponent of this, the culminating epoch of naval warfare in the seventeenth century, is the dutchman ruyter, who, taken altogether, was the greatest naval seaman of that era, which may be roughly identified with the reign of charles ii. after that, naval warfare was virtually suspended for fifteen years, and when resumed in the last decade of the century, the traces of incipient degeneracy can already be noted amid much brilliant performance. from that time completeness of military achievement became in men's minds less of an object than accurate observance of rule, and in practice the defensive consideration of avoiding disaster began to preponderate over offensive effort for the destruction of the enemy. in the development of tactical science, the french had played a leading part, as they usually have where reflective mental processes and formal evolution of ideas are concerned. among admirals, the greatest name of this later period is the french tourville, a master of the science of his profession, and gifted with a personal courage of the heroic type; while the leading exponent of tourville's ideas, as well as historian of his achievements, was the french priest paul hoste,--chaplain to his fleet, and the father of the systematic treatment of naval evolutions. but with tourville's name is associated not only a high level of professional management, but a caution in professional action not far removed from timidity, so that an impatient minister of marine of his day and nation styled him "poltroon in head, though not in heart." his powers were displayed in the preservation and orderly movement of his fleet; in baffling, by sheer skill, and during long periods, the efforts of the enemy to bring him to action; in skilful disposition, when he purposely accepted battle under disadvantage; but under most favorable opportunities he failed in measures of energy, and, after achieving partial success, superfluous care of his own command prevented his blows from being driven home. tourville, though a brilliant seaman, thus not only typified an era of transition, with which he was contemporary, but foreshadowed the period of merely formal naval warfare, precise, methodical, and unenterprising, emasculated of military virility, although not of mere animal courage. he left to his successors the legacy of a great name, but also unfortunately that of a defective professional tradition. the splendid days of the french navy under louis xiv. passed away with him,--he died in ; but during the long period of naval lethargy on the part of the state, which followed, the french naval officers, as a class, never wholly lost sight of professional ideals. they proved themselves, on the rare occasions that offered, before and during the wars of hawke and rodney, not only gallant seamen after the pattern of tourville, but also exceedingly capable tacticians, upon a system good as far as it went, but defective on tourville's express lines, in aiming rather at exact dispositions and defensive security than at the thorough-going initiative and persistence which confounds and destroys the enemy. "war," to use napoleon's phrase, "was to be waged without running risks." the sword was drawn, but the scabbard was kept ever open for its retreat. the english, in the period of reaction which succeeded the dutch wars, produced their own caricature of systematized tactics. even under its influence, up to , it is only just to say they did not construe naval skill to mean anxious care to keep one's own ships intact. rooke, off malaga, in , illustrated professional fearlessness of consequences as conspicuously as he had shown personal daring in the boat attack at la hougue; but his plans of battle exemplified the particularly british form of inefficient naval action. there was no great difference in aggregate force between the french fleet and that of the combined anglo-dutch under his orders. the former, drawing up in the accustomed line of battle, ship following ship in a single column, awaited attack. rooke, having the advantage of the wind, and therefore the power of engaging at will, formed his command in a similar and parallel line a few miles off, and thus all stood down together, the ships maintaining their line parallel to that of the enemy, and coming into action at practically the same moment, van to van, centre to centre, rear to rear. this ignored wholly the essential maxim of all intelligent warfare, which is so to engage as markedly to outnumber the enemy at a point of main collision. if he be broken there, before the remainder of his force come up, the chances all are that a decisive superiority will be established by this alone, not to mention the moral effect of partial defeat and disorder. instead of this, the impact at malaga was so distributed as to produce a substantial equality from one end to the other of the opposing fronts. the french, indeed, by strengthening their centre relatively to the van and rear, to some extent modified this condition in the particular instance; but the fact does not seem to have induced any alteration in rooke's dispositions. barring mere accident, nothing conclusive can issue from such arrangements. the result accordingly was a drawn battle, although rooke says that the fight, which was maintained on both sides "with great fury for three hours, ... was the sharpest day's service that i ever saw;" and he had seen much,--beachy head, la hougue, vigo bay, not to mention his own great achievement in the capture of gibraltar. this method of attack remained the ideal--if such a word is not a misnomer in such a case--of the british navy, not merely as a matter of irreflective professional acceptance, but laid down in the official "fighting instructions." it cannot be said that these err on the side of lucidity; but their meaning to contemporaries in this particular respect is ascertained, not only by fair inference from their contents, but by the practical commentary of numerous actions under commonplace commanders-in-chief. it further received authoritative formulation in the specific finding of the court-martial upon admiral byng, which was signed by thirteen experienced officers. "admiral byng should have caused his ships to tack together, and should immediately have borne down upon the enemy; his van steering for the enemy's van, his rear for its rear, each ship making for the one opposite to her in the enemy's line, under such sail as would have enabled the worst sailer to preserve her station in the line of battle." each phrase of this opinion is a reflection of an article in the instructions. the line of battle was the naval fetich of the day; and, be it remarked, it was the more dangerous because in itself an admirable and necessary instrument, constructed on principles essentially accurate. a standard wholly false may have its error demonstrated with comparative ease; but no servitude is more hopeless than that of unintelligent submission to an idea formally correct, yet incomplete. it has all the vicious misleading of a half-truth unqualified by appreciation of modifying conditions; and so seamen who disdained theories, and hugged the belief in themselves as "practical," became _doctrinaires_ in the worst sense. it would seem, however, that a necessary antecedent to deliverance from a false conception,--as from any injurious condition,--is a practical illustration of its fallacy. working consequences must receive demonstration, concrete in some striking disastrous event, before improvement is undertaken. such experience is painful to undergo; but with most men, even in their private capacity, and in nearly all governmental action where mere public interests are at stake, remedy is rarely sought until suffering is not only felt, but signalized in a conspicuous incident. it is needless to say that the military professions in peace times are peculiarly liable to this apathy; like some sleepers, they can be awakened only by shaking. for them, war alone can subject accepted ideas to the extreme test of practice. it is doubtless perfectly true that acquaintance with military and naval history, mastery of their teachings, will go far to anticipate the penalty attaching to truth's last argument--chastisement; but imagination is fondly impatient of warning by the past, and easily avails itself of fancied or superficial differences in contemporary conditions, to justify measures which ignore, or even directly contravene, ascertained and fundamental principles of universal application. even immediate practical experience is misinterpreted when incidents are thus viewed through the medium of a precedent bias. the transvaal war, for instance, has afforded some striking lessons of needed modifications, consequent upon particular local factors, or upon developments in the material of war; but does any thoughtful military man doubt that imagination has been actively at work, exaggerating or distorting, hastily waiving aside permanent truth in favor of temporary prepossessions or accidental circumstance? it is at least equally likely that the naval world at the present time is hugging some fond delusions in the excessive size and speed to which battle-ships are tending, and in the disproportionate weight assigned to the defensive as compared to the offensive factors in a given aggregate tonnage. imagination, theory, _a priori_ reasoning, is here at variance with rational historical precedent, which has established the necessity of numbers as well as of individual power in battle-ships, and demonstrated the superiority of offensive over defensive strength in military systems. these--and other--counterbalancing considerations have in past wars enforced the adoption of a medium homogeneous type, as conducive both to adequate numbers,--which permit the division of the fleet when required for strategic or tactical purposes,--and also directly to offensive fleet strength by the greater facility of manoeuvring possessed by such vessels; for the strength of a fleet lies not chiefly in the single units, but in their mutual support in elastic and rapid movement. well tested precedent--experience--has here gone to the wall in favor of an untried forecast of supposed fundamental change in conditions. but experience is uncommonly disagreeable when she revenges herself after her own fashion. the british navy of the eighteenth century in this way received an unpleasant proof of the faultiness of its then accepted conclusions, in the miscarriages of mathews off toulon, in , and of byng off minorca, in . so fixed were men's habits of thought that the lessons were not at once understood. as evidenced by the distribution of censure, the results were attributed by contemporary judges to particular incidents of each battle, not to the erroneous underlying general plans, contravening all sound military precedent, which from the first made success improbable, indeed impossible, except by an inefficiency of the enemy which was not to be presumed. these battles therefore are important, militarily, in a sense not at all dependent upon their consequences, which were ephemeral. they are significant as extreme illustrations of incompetent action, deriving from faulty traditions; and they have the further value of showing the starting point, the zero of the scale, from which the progress of the century is to be measured. in describing them, therefore, attention will be given chiefly to those circumstances which exhibit the shackles under which fleet movements then labored, not only from the difficulties inherent to the sea and sailing ships, but from the ideas and methods of the times. those incidents also will be selected which show how false standards affected particular individuals, according to their personal characteristics. in admiral mathews' action, in february, , an allied fleet composed of sixteen french ships-of-the-line and twelve spanish lay in toulon, waiting to sail for a spanish port. the british, in force numerically equal, were at anchor under the hyères islands, a few miles to the eastward. they got underway when the allied movement began on february th; but anchored again for the night, because the enemy that day came no farther than the outer road of toulon. the next morning the french and spaniards put to sea with a wind at first westerly, and stretched to the southward in long, single column, the sixteen french leading. at a.m. the british followed, vice-admiral lestock's division taking the van; but the wind, shifting to east, threw the fleet on the port tack, on which the rear under rear-admiral rowley had to lead. it became necessary, therefore, for this division and the centre to pass lestock, which took some time with the light airs prevailing. two or three manoeuvres succeeded, with the object of forming the fighting order, a column similar and parallel to that of the enemy, and to get closer to him. when night fell a signal was still flying for the line abreast, by which, if completed, the ships would be ranged on a line parallel to the allies, and heading towards them; consequently abreast of each other. it would then need only a change of course to place them in column, sides to the enemy; which, as before said, was the fighting order--the "line of battle." the line abreast, however, was not fully formed at dark. therefore the admiral, in order to hasten its completion, soon afterwards made a night signal, with lanterns, for the fleet to bring-to,--that is, bring their sides to the wind, and stop. he intended thereby that the ships already in station should stand still, while the others were gaining their places, all which is a case of simple evolution, by land as by sea. it was contended by the admiral that vice-admiral lestock's division was then too far to the right and rear, and hence too distant from the enemy, and that it was his duty first to get into his station and then to bring-to. to this the vice-admiral on his trial replied, first, that he was not out of his station; and, second, that if he were, the later signal, to bring-to, suspended the earlier, to form line abreast, and that it was therefore his business, without any discretion, to stop where he was. concerning the first plea, a number of witnesses, very respectable in point of rank and opportunity for seeing, testified that the vice-admiral did bring-to three or four miles to the right and rear of his place in the line abreast, reckoning his station from the admiral's ship; yet, as the court peremptorily rejected their evidence, it is probably proper to accept the contemporary decision as to this matter of fact. but as regards the second plea, being a matter of military correctness, a difference of opinion is allowable. the court adopted as its own the argument of the vice-admiral. without entering here into a technical discussion, the court's ruling, briefly stated, was that the second signal superseded the first, so that, if the vice-admiral was in the wrong place, it was not his duty to get into the right before stopping; and that this was doubly the case because an article of the night signals ( ) prescribed that, under the conditions of the alleged offence, "a fleet sailing before the wind, or nearly so, if the admiral made the signal for the fleet to bring-to, the windward ships should bring-to first." therefore, if lestock was to windward, as the charge read, it was his duty to bring-to first and at once. it is evident, however, that even the sailing instructions, cast-iron as they were, contemplated a fleet in order, not one in process of forming order; and that to bring-to helter-skelter, regardless of order, was to obey the letter rather than the spirit. muddle-headed as mathews seems to have been, what he was trying to do was clear enough; and the duty of a subordinate was to carry out his evident aim. an order does not necessarily supersede its predecessor, unless the two are incompatible. the whole incident, from lestock's act to the court's finding, is instructive as showing the slavish submission to the letter of the instructions; a submission traceable not to the law merely, but to the added tradition that had then fast hold of men's minds. it is most interesting to note that the unfortunate byng was one of the signers of this opinion, as he was also one of the judges that sentenced mathews to be dismissed from the navy, as responsible for the general failure. during the night of the st the allies, who had stopped after dark, appear again to have made sail. consequently, when day broke, the british found themselves some distance astern and to windward-- northeast; the wind continuing easterly. their line, indifferently well formed in van and centre, stretched over a length of nine miles through the straggling of the rear. lestock's ship was six miles from that of mathews, whereas it should not have been more than two and a half, at most, in ordinary sailing; for battle, the instructions allowed little over a half-mile. accepting the court's finding that he was in position at dark, this distance can only be attributed, as lestock argued and the court admitted, to a current--that most convenient of scape-goats in navigation. the allies, too, had a lagging rear body, five spanish ships being quite a distance astern; but from van to rear they extended but six miles, against the british nine. it was the distance of the british rear, not straggling in van or centre, that constituted this disadvantage. mathews wished to wait till lestock reached his place, but the allies were receding all the time; and, though their pace was slackened to enable the five sternmost spaniards to come up, the space between the fleets was increasing. it was the duty of the british admiral to force an action, on general principles; but in addition he believed that the french intended to push for gibraltar, enter the atlantic, and join their brest fleet, in order to cover an invasion of england by an army reported to be assembling at dunkirk. clearly, therefore, something must be done; yet to enter into a general engagement with near a third of his command out of immediate supporting distance was contrary to the accepted principles of the day. the fleet was not extended with that of the enemy, by which is meant that the respective vans, centres, and rears were not opposed; the british van being only abreast of the allied centre, their centre of the allied rear, lestock tailing away astern and to windward, while the dozen leading french were some distance ahead of both bodies. now the fighting instructions required that, "if the admiral and his fleet have the wind of the enemy, and they have stretched themselves in a line of battle, the van of the admiral's fleet is to steer with the van of the enemies, and _there_ to engage them." there was no alternative course laid down; just as there was no punishment alternative to death in the article of war under which byng was shot. yet the indications all were that to wait for this most formal and pedantic disposition, which ignored every principle of warfare, would be to throw away the chance of battle. the french, fresh from port and clean-bottomed, out-sailed the bulk of the british, as did the spaniards, though to a less degree; and it was part of lestock's defence, admitted by the court, that, doing his utmost, his division, as a whole, certainly could not get abreast the allied rear. lestock, indeed, directly submitted to the court that the commander-in-chief was at fault in not waiting till his line was thus extended and formed, and then all bearing down together, in line abreast; although by his own contention no such issue could have been reached that day, unless the allies were obliging enough to wait. "i aver, and i shall die in this opinion, that no man that is an officer, who knows his duty, will make the signal for line abreast to steer down upon an enemy, until the fleet has been stretched and extended in a line of battle, according to the th article of the fighting instructions. can it be service," he adds, "to bear down so much unformed and in confusion, that the van cannot possibly join battle with, or engage the van of the enemy, the centre with the centre, and the rear with the rear?" mathews not being then on trial, the court in its finding did not reply directly to this question; but indirectly it left no doubt as to its opinion. "the admiral, by bearing down as he did upon the rear division of the combined fleet, excluded the vice-admiral from any part of the engagement, if he could have come up; for if both lines had been closed, when the admiral engaged the _real_, there would have been no more than one ship of the enemy's fleet for the vice-admiral and his whole division to have engaged." again, "it does not appear that the vice-admiral was in any part the cause of the miscarriage of his majesty's fleet in the mediterranean; the _bringing on of the general engagement according to the th article_ of the fighting instructions ... not depending upon him." sixteen officers of the rank of captain and above signed these opinions, and there is no denying the words of the th article; yet one wonders to see no recognition of the necessity of using your opportunity as you find it, of the moral effect of an approaching reserve, which lestock's division would have constituted, of the part it may take in improving or repairing the results of an action--taking the place of injured friends, preventing injured foes escaping, turning doubtful battle into victory. but no; these commonplaces of to-day and of all time were swamped by the fighting instructions. it will be seen in the sequel what a disastrous moral influence lestock's aloofness exercised upon a few timid captains, and not improbably upon the entire subsequent course and worst errors of his unfortunate superior. one of the witnesses in the ensuing courts-martial testified that the commander-in-chief, under these perplexing circumstances, went into the stern gallery of the flag-ship _namur_, and called to captain cornwall of the _marlborough_, next astern, asking what he thought. cornwall replied he "believed they would lose the glory of the day, if they did not attack the spaniards,"--_i.e._, the allied rear-centre and rear,--"the vice-admiral--lestock--being so far astern." to which the admiral said, "if you'll bear down and attack the _real_,"--the _real felipe_, spanish flag-ship,--"i'll be your second." this was about one o'clock, and the signal to engage had been made two hours earlier, probably with the double object of indicating the ultimate intention of the movements in hand, and the immediate urgency of forming the line. the admiral's words betray the indecision of an irresolute nature and of professional rustiness, but not of timidity, and cornwall's words turned the scale. the course of the flag-ship _namur_ had hitherto been but a little off the wind, "lasking" down, to use the contemporary but long obsolete expression, in such manner as to show the admiral's desire to engage himself with the enemy's centre, according to the fighting instructions; but now, in hopelessness of that result, she kept broad off, directly for the nearest enemy, accompanied closely by the _norfolk_, her next ahead, and by the _marlborough_. rear-admiral rowley, commanding the van, imitated the admiral's example, bringing the french ship abreast him to close action. he also was thoroughly supported by the two captains next astern of him, the second of whom was edward hawke,--afterwards the brilliant admiral,--in the _berwick_. two british groups, each of three ships, were thus hotly engaged; but with an interval between them of over half a mile, corresponding to the places open for six or seven other vessels. the conduct of the ships named, under the immediate influence of the example set by the two admirals, suggests how much the average man is sustained by professional tone; for a visible good example is simply a good standard, a high ideal, realized in action. unfortunately, however, just as hawke's later doings showed the man able to rise above the level of prescribed routine duty, there was found in the second astern of the _namur_ a captain capable of exceptional backwardness, of reasoning himself into dereliction of clear duty, and thus effecting a demonstration that the example of timidity is full as contagious and more masterful than that of audacity. the flag-ships and their supporters ranged themselves along the hostile line to windward, within point-blank range; according to the th article of the fighting instructions, which read, "every commander is to take care that his guns are not fired till he is sure he can reach the enemy upon a point-blank; and by no means to suffer his guns to be fired over any of our own ships." the point-blank is the range of a cannon laid level, and the requirement was necessary to efficient action in those days of crude devices for pointing, with ordnance material of inferior power. even sixty years later nelson expressed his indifference to improvements in pointing, on the ground that the true way of fighting was to get so close that you could not miss your aim. thus mathews' captain placed the _namur_, of ninety guns, within four hundred yards--less than quarter of a mile--of the spanish flag-ship, the _real felipe_, of one hundred and ten guns; and cornwall brought the _marlborough_ immediately in the wake of the _namur_, engaging the spanish _hercules_. but the _dorsetshire_, which should have followed the _marlborough_, was stopped by her commander, captain george burrish, at a distance which was estimated by several witnesses to be from half a mile to nearly a mile from the enemy, or, to use a very expressive phrase then current, "at random shot." the court-martial, however, in pronouncing upon this point, decided that inasmuch as a bar-shot came on board the _dorsetshire_ in this early part of the engagement, she must be construed to have brought to within extreme point-blank. in view of the mass of testimony to the greater distance, this seems to have been simply giving the benefit of a doubt. thus situated, the action between the _namur_ and _marlborough_ on the one side, and the _real felipe_ and _hercules_ on the other, was for some time very hot; but the _marlborough_, moving faster than the _namur_, closed upon her, so that she had to get out of the way, which she did by moving ahead and at the same time hauling to windward, till she reached as far from the spanish line as the _dorsetshire_ had remained. the court in this matter decided that, after the admiral had thus hauled off, the _dorsetshire_ was in a line, or as far to leeward--towards the enemy--as the admiral. the _marlborough_ was thus left alone, exposed to the fire of a ship heavier than herself, and also to that of the _hercules_, which was able to train upon her a considerable part of her battery. under these circumstances, it was the duty of the _dorsetshire_, as it was the opportunity of her commander, by attacking the _hercules_, to second, and support, the engaged ship; but she continued aloof. after two hours--by p.m.--the main and mizzen masts were cut out of the _marlborough_, and she lost her captain with forty-two men killed, and one hundred and twenty wounded, out of a crew of seven hundred and fifty. thus disabled, the sails on the foremast turned her head towards the enemy, and she lay moving sluggishly, between the fleets, but not under control. the admiral now sent an officer to burrish--the second that morning--to order him into his station and to support the _marlborough_; while to the latter, in response to an urgent representation by boat of her condition, and that she was threatened by the approach of the hitherto separated ships of the spanish rear, he replied that the _namur_ was wearing and would come to her assistance. when burrish received his message, he sent for his lieutenants on the quarter-deck, and spoke to them words which doubtless reflect the reasoning upon which he was justifying to himself his most culpable inaction. "gentlemen, i sent for you to show you the position of our ships to windward," (_i.e._ the ships of the centre division behind him, and lestock's division), "likewise those five sail [spanish] of the enemy that are astern of us. i have my orders to engage the _real_, and you see i am bearing down for that purpose." the lieutenants remarked that he could do so with safety. to this he rejoined, with a curtness that testifies to the uneasiness of his mind, "i did not send for you to ask your opinions, but only to observe that not one of our ships is coming down to my assistance, in order to cut those five sail off, and in case those five sail should oblige me to haul my wind again, and leave the _marlborough_, that you may be able to indemnify my conduct, if called in question." one witness also testified that he "was angry that admiral lestock's division did not bear down,"--which was just enough,--and that "he thought it most advisable to keep his station;" meaning by this, apparently, to remain where he was. his cross-examination of the evidence was directed to prove the danger to his ship from these remaining spaniards. this anxiety was wholly misplaced, and professionally unworthy. quite independent of orders by signal and message, he was bound, in view of the condition of the _marlborough_, to go to her relief, and to assume that the three english ships of the centre division, in his rear, would surely sustain him. to base contrary action upon a doubt of their faithfulness was to condemn himself. four ships to five under such conditions should be rather a spur than a deterrent to an officer of spirit, who understands the obligation of his calling. till this, the _dorsetshire_ had been under her three topsails only. she appears then to have stood down under more sail, but very slowly, and here occurred another disaster which was largely chargeable to her being out of her station. seeing the desperate state of the _marlborough_, mathews, who throughout managed blunderingly, with the single exception of the original attack, had thought to aid her and divert the fire of the _real_ by sending against the latter a fire-ship. it was elementary that vessels of this class needed energetic support and cover in their desperate work. small in size, of no battery-force except against boat attacks, loaded with combustibles and powder, success in the use of them under an enemy's guns required not only imperturbable coolness and nerve, but the utmost attainable immunity from the attention of the enemy. this could be secured only by a heavy and sustained fire from their own fleet. with the _norfolk_, _namur_, _marlborough_, and _dorsetshire_ in close line, as they should have been, and heavily engaged, a fire-ship might have passed between them, and, though at imminent hazard even so, have crossed the four hundred yards of intervening water to grapple the hostile flag-ship; but with the _marlborough_ lying disabled and alone, the admiral himself acting with indecision, and the _dorsetshire_ hanging aloof, the attempt was little short of hopeless. still it was made, and the _anne galley_--such was her odd name--bore down, passing close by the _dorsetshire_. it became doubly the duty of burrish to act, to push home whatever demonstration was in his power to make; the fire-ship, however, went by him and was permitted to pursue her desperate mission without his support. the _real_, seeing the _anne_ approach, bore up out of her line, and at the same time sent a strongly-manned launch to grapple and tow her out of the way. this was precisely one of the measures that it was the business of supporting ships to repel. the captain of the fire-ship, thrown upon his own resources, opened fire, a most hazardous measure, as much of his priming was with loose powder; but the launch readily avoided injury by taking position directly ahead, where the guns would not bear. the crew of the _anne_ were now ordered into the boat, except the captain and five others, who were to remain to the last moment, and light the train; but from some cause not certainly demonstrated she exploded prematurely, being then within a hundred yards of the _real_. it is necessary to say that the court-martial acquitted burrish of blame, because he "had no orders to cover the fire-ship, either by signal or otherwise." technically, the effect of this finding was to shift an obvious and gross blunder from the captain to some one else; but it is evident that if the _dorsetshire_ had occupied her station astern of the _marlborough_, the fire-ship's attempt would have been much facilitated. the court decided unanimously that burrish "ought to have borne down as far to leeward as where the admiral first began to engage, notwithstanding that the admiral might be hauled off before the _dorsetshire_ got so far to leeward." the point upon which the line should have been formed was thus established by the court's finding. the subsequent proceedings of this ship need not be related. she now came slowly into close action, but that part of the enemy's order was already broken, and their rear vessels, the fear of which had controlled her captain, passed by as they came up without serious action. how far burrish's example influenced the captains immediately behind him cannot certainly be affirmed. such shyness as he displayed is not only infectious, but saps that indispensable basis upon which military effectiveness reposes, namely, the certainty of co-operation and support, derived from mutual confidence, inspired by military discipline, obedience, and honor. it is well to note here that the remoteness of lestock's division thus affected burrish, who evidently could not understand either its distance or its failure to approach, and who, being what he was, saw himself threatened with want of that backing which he himself was refusing to the _marlborough_. while he was blaming lestock, hard things were being said about him in lestock's division; but the lesson of lestock's influence upon burrish is not less noteworthy because the latter forfeited both duty and honor by his hesitation. it is to be feared that the captain of the _essex_, following the _dorsetshire_, was a coward; even so burrish, an old captain, certainly did not cheer his heart by good example, but rather gave him the pretext for keeping still farther off. the rearmost two ships of the division but confirm the evidences of demoralization, and the more so that their captains seem from the evidence to have been well-disposed average men; but the five spanish vessels approaching, with the _dorsetshire_ and the _essex_ holding aloof, was too much for their resolution--and not unnaturally. the broad result, however, was lamentable; for four british ships feared to come to the aid of an heroic and desperately injured consort, in deadly peril, because five enemies were drawing nigh. upon these four therefore fell, and not unjustly, the weight of national anger. burrish was cashiered, and declared forever incapable of being an officer in the navy. norris, of the _essex_, absconded to avoid trial. the two others were pronounced unfit to command, but, although never again employed, mitigating circumstances in their behavior caused them to be retained on the lists of the navy. it is not too much to say that they were men just of the stamp to have escaped this shame and ruin of reputation, under more favorable conditions of professional tone. concerning the vice-admiral's action at this time, which had its share in the ruin of these captains, another curious instance of men's bondage to the order of battle transpires. the three rear ships of his squadron were clean, that is, relatively fast; and they were rearmost for this very reason of speed, because, when the division led on the other tack, they, as headmost ships of the fleet, would be ready to chase. nevertheless, when the admiral sent to lestock in the forenoon to hurry him into line, no order was given to these ships to press ahead. why? lestock answers that to send those ships ahead, out of the place in the line prescribed to them by the commander-in-chief, was breaking the line, which should expose him to condign punishment; and this opinion the court also adopts: "the [only] messages sent to the vice-admiral by the admiral's two lieutenants were to make what sail he possibly could, and to close the line with his division; no signal was made for him to chase with his division, or send ships of his division to chase; without which, _while the signal for the line of battle was flying_, and more especially after the messages brought him, he could not, _without breach of duty_, either have chased or sent ships to chase out of the line." it is to be noted that the word "chase" is here used in the strictest technical sense, not merely to exclude lestock from diverting a ship to some other purpose than that of the engagement, but even from shifting her place in the general order in the view of furthering the engagement; for the court says again: "the vice-admiral could not send any ships of his division to the relief of the _namur_ and _marlborough without breaking the order of battle_, there being four ships of the admiral's division" (to wit, the _dorsetshire_ and that crowd) "stationed between the vice-admiral's division and the _marlborough_, which four ships might have gone to the assistance of the _marlborough_." the second in command thus had no liberty to repair either the oversights of his superior, or the results of obvious bad conduct in juniors; for burrish's backwardness was observed throughout the rear. there was a long road yet to travel to nelson's personal action at st. vincent and copenhagen, or to his judicious order at trafalgar, "the second in command will, after my intentions are made known to him, have the entire direction of his line." even that great officer hood, off the chesapeake in , felt himself tied hand and foot by the union flag at the mizzen peak,--the signal for the line. only the commander-in-chief could loose the bonds; either by his personal initiative alone, and vigilant supervision, as did hawke and rodney, or by adding to this the broad view of discretion in subordinates which nelson took. before leaving this subject, note may be taken of a pettifogging argument advanced by lestock and adopted by the court, that orders to these three ships to press ahead would have resulted in nothing, because of the lightness of the wind then and afterwards. true, doubtless, and known after the fact; but who before the event could predict the uncertain mediterranean breeze, or how much each foot gained might contribute to the five minutes which measure the interval between victory and defeat. it is not by such lagging hesitations that battles are won. it is a trivial coincidence, though it may be noted in passing, that as it was the second astern of the commander-in-chief on whom fell the weight of the disgrace, so it was the second astern of the commander of the van who alone scored a distinct success, and achieved substantial gain of professional reputation. hawke, at first bearing down, had come to close action with the spanish _neptuno_, a vessel nominally of less force than his own ship, the _berwick_. the _neptuno_ was at length driven out of her line, with a loss of some two hundred killed and wounded. thus left without an immediate antagonist, hawke's attention was attracted by another spanish vessel, the _poder_, of the same nominal force as the _neptuno_, and following her in the order; with which four or five of the seven british ships, that should have closed the interval between mathews and rowley, were carrying on a distant and circumspect engagement, resembling in caution that of the _dorsetshire_ and her followers. he carried the _berwick_ close alongside the new enemy, dismasted her, and after two hours compelled her to strike her flag; the only vessel in either fleet that day to surrender, and then only after a resistance as honorable to spain as that of the _marlborough_ had been to great britain. her commander refused to yield his sword to any but hawke, who also took possession of the prize with a party from his own ship; thus establishing beyond dispute, by all customary formalities, his claim to the one trophy of the day. the occurrences through which she was afterwards lost to the british, so that only the honor of the capture remained, and that to hawke alone, must be briefly told; for they, too, are a part of the mismanagement that has given to this battle its particular significance in naval history. as the unlucky fire-ship bore down, mathews began wearing the _namur_,--turning her round, that is, from the wind, and therefore towards the _marlborough_ and her opponents. in this he seems to have had first in view supporting the fire-ship and covering the _marlborough_. boats were ahead of the latter towing her from the enemy. as she was thus being dragged off, but after the fire-ship blew up, the _namur_ passed between her and the hostile line; then, hauling to the wind on the starboard tack, she stood north towards lestock's division. this movement to the rear was imitated by the british ships of the centre,--the _dorsetshire_ and others,--and, beyond a brush with the rear five spanish vessels as they came up, the action in the centre here ceased. this retrograde movement of mathews and his division drew the centre away from the van. at about the same time the allied van, composed wholly of french ships, seeing the straits of the _poder_ and the _real_, tacked--turned round--to come down to their assistance. this imposed a like movement upon the british van, lest it should be engaged apart from the rest of the fleet, and perhaps doubled on, by a number of perfectly fresh ships. the _poder_, having lost her chief spars, could not be carried off, nor was hawke able even to remove the men he had thrown on board. she was therefore retaken by the french. lieutenant lloyd, the officer in charge, escaped with a part of the prize crew, taking with him also a number of spanish prisoners; but a junior lieutenant and some seamen were left behind and captured. the _berwick_ being compelled to follow her division, lloyd could not rejoin her till the following day, and sought refuge for that night on board another ship. the next day, february d, mathews had another chance. as he did not pursue during the night, while the allies continued to retire, he was a long way off at daylight; but his fleet was now united, and the enemy retreating. he need therefore have no anxiety about the crippled _marlborough_, but could follow freely; whereas, the enemy being pursued, their injured ships both retarded the movement and were endangered. in the course of the day, the _poder_ had lagged so far behind that admiral rowley, who had recognized hawke's enterprise the day before, directed him to move down upon her. as he approached, the french ship in company abandoned her, but in taking possession hawke was anticipated by the _essex_, which mathews himself had ordered to do so. the captain of the _essex_ got hold of the spanish flag, with some other small trophies, which he afterwards refused to give up unless compelled; and, as mathews would not give an order, hawke never got them. thus curiously it came to pass that the one man who above several misdemeanants distinguished himself by bad conduct, amounting to cowardice, and who ran away to escape trial, kept the tokens of the single achievement of the day from him whose valor had won them. the _poder_ herself was set on fire, and destroyed. the british fleet continued to follow during the d, and at nightfall was within three or four miles of the enemy, when mathews again stopped. the allies, continuing to withdraw, were next morning nearly out of sight, and further pursuit was abandoned. thus ended this almost forgotten affair, which in its day occasioned to an unusual degree the popular excitement and discussion which always follow marked disaster, and but rarely attend success. besides the particular missteps of lestock and the individual captains, which have been mentioned, mathews's conduct was marked by serious failures in professional competency. the charge preferred against him which seems most to have attracted attention, and to have been considered most damaging, was taking his fleet into action in a confused and disorderly manner. it is significant of professional standards that this should have assumed such prominence; for, however faulty may have been his previous management, the most creditable part of his conduct was the manner of his attack. he did not wait for a pedantically accurate line, but by a straightforward onslaught, at a favorable moment, upon a part of the enemy,--and that the rear,--set an example which, had it been followed by all who could do so, would probably have resulted in a distinct and brilliant success. he was justified--if he reasoned at all--in expecting that lestock could get into action as soon as the french van; or, at the least, before it could reverse the conditions which would have ensued from a vigorous encounter upon the lines of mathews's attack. it is most doubtful, indeed, whether the french van would have ventured to engage, in the case supposed; for the french admiral, writing to the french ambassador in spain, used these words: "it is clear, in the situation i was in, it could not be expected that a french admiral should go to the assistance of the spaniards; neither could the vanguard of the fleet do it without running the hazard of being surrounded by the vanguard of the english, which had the wind of them; but _as soon as the english left me_ i drew together all the ships of both squadrons, and sailed immediately to the assistance of the _real felipe_, in doing which i was exposed to the fire of the whole english line; but happily the english did not punish my _rashness_ as it deserved." evidently de court shared to the full the professional caution which marked the french naval officers, with all their personal courage; for if it was rash to pass the hostile line after it wore, it would be reckless to do so before. considered simply as a tactical situation, or problem, quite independent of any tactical forethought or insight on the part of the commander-in-chief,--of which there is little indication,--the conditions resulting from his attack were well summed up in a contemporary publication, wholly adverse to mathews in tone, and saturated with the professional prepossessions embodied in the fighting instructions. this writer, who claims to be a naval officer, says: "the whole amount of this fight is that the centre, consisting of eleven ships-of-the-line, together with two of-the-line and two fifty-gun ships of the rear-admiral's division [the van], _were able to destroy_ the whole spanish squadron, much more so as three of those ships went on with the french [the allied van], and four of the sternmost did not get up with their admiral before it was darkish, long after the fire-ship's misfortune, so that the whole afternoon there were only five, out of which the _constante_ was beat away in less than an hour; what then fifteen ships could be doing from half an hour past one till past five, no less than four hours, and these ships not taken, burnt, and destroyed, is the question which behooves them to answer." in brief, then, mathews's attack was so delivered that the weight of thirteen of-the-line fell upon five spanish of the same class, the discomfiture of which, actually accomplished even under the misbehavior of several british ships, separated the extreme rear, five other spanish vessels, from the rest of the allies. whatever the personal merit or lack of merit on the part of the commander-in-chief, such an opportunity, pushed home by a "band of brothers," would at the least have wiped out these rear ten ships of the allies; nor could the remainder in the van have redeemed the situation. as for the method of attack, it is worthy of note that, although adopted by mathews accidentally, it anticipated, not only the best general practice of a later date, but specifically the purpose of rodney in the action which he himself considered the most meritorious of his whole career,--that of april , . the decisive signal given by him on that occasion, as explained by himself, meant that each ship should steer, not for the ship corresponding numerically to her in the enemy's order, but for the one immediately opposite at the time the signal was made. this is what mathews and his seconds did, and others should have imitated. singularly enough, not only was the opportunity thus created lost, but there is no trace of its existence, even, being appreciated in such wise as to affect professional opinion. as far as mathews himself was concerned, the accounts show that his conduct, instead of indicating tactical sagacity, was a mere counsel of desperation. but after engaging he committed palpable and even discreditable mistakes. hauling to windward--away--when the _marlborough_ forced him ahead, abandoned that ship to overwhelming numbers, and countenanced the irresolution of the _dorsetshire_ and others. continuing to stand north, after wearing on the evening of the battle, was virtually a retreat, unjustified by the conditions; and it would seem that the same false step gravely imperilled the _berwick_, hawke holding on, most properly, to the very last moment of safety, in order to get back his prize-crew. bringing-to on the night of the d was an error of the same character as standing north during that of the d. it was the act of a doubtful, irresolute man,--irresolute, not because a coward, but because wanting in the self-confidence that springs from conscious professional competency. in short, the commander-in-chief's unfitness was graphically portrayed in the conversation with cornwall from the quarter gallery of the flag-ship. "if you approve and will go down with me, i will go down." like so many men, he needed a backer, to settle his doubts and to stiffen his backbone. the instance is far from unique. in the case of byng, as of mathews, we are not concerned with the general considerations of the campaign to which the battle was incidental. it is sufficient to note that in minorca, then a british possession, the french had landed an army of , men, with siege artillery sufficient to reduce the principal port and fortress, port mahon; upon which the whole island must fall. their communications with france depended upon the french fleet cruising in the neighborhood. serious injury inflicted upon it would therefore go far to relieve the invested garrison. [illustration: plan of byng's action off minorca, may , ] [transcriber's note: this illustration shows on a map the positions of the fleets and their ships at various times in the action. critical positions on the map are marked with codes such as "b " and "f ", which will be referred to below in the text. this illustration is available in the html version of the e-book.] under these circumstances the british fleet sighted minorca on the th of may, , and was attempting to exchange information with the besieged, when the french fleet was seen in the southeast. byng stood towards it, abandoning for the time the effort to communicate. that night both fleets manoeuvred for advantage of position with regard to the wind. the next day, between and a.m., they came again in view of each other, and at were about six miles apart, the french still to the southeast, with a breeze at south-southwest to southwest. the british once more advanced towards them, close hauled on the starboard tack, heading southeasterly, the enemy standing on the opposite tack, heading westerly, both carrying sail to secure the weather gage (b , f ). it appeared at first that the french would pass ahead of the british, retaining the windward position; but towards noon the wind changed, enabling the latter to lie up a point or two higher (b ). this also forced the bows of the several french vessels off their course, and put them out of a regular line of battle; that is, they could no longer sail in each other's wake (f ). being thus disordered, they reformed on the same tack, heading northwest, with the wind very little forward of the beam. this not only took time, but lost ground to leeward, because the quickest way to re-establish the order was for the mass of the fleet to take their new positions from the leewardmost vessel. when formed (f ), as they could not now prevent the british line from passing ahead, they hove-to with their main-topsails aback,--stopped,--awaiting the attack, which was thenceforth inevitable and close at hand. in consequence of what has been stated, the british line (b -b )--more properly, column--was passing ahead of the french (f -f ), steering towards their rear, in a direction in a general sense opposite to theirs, but not parallel; that is, the british course made an angle, of between thirty and forty-five degrees, with the line on which their enemy was ranged. hence, barring orders to the contrary,--which were not given,--each british ship was at its nearest to the enemy as she passed their van, and became more and more distant as she drew to the rear. it would have been impossible to realize more exactly the postulate of the th article of the fighting instructions, which in itself voiced the ideal conditions of an advantageous naval position for attack, as conceived by the average officer of the day; and, as though most effectually to demonstrate once for all how that sort of thing would work, the adjunct circumstances approached perfection. the admiral was thoroughly wedded to the old system, without an idea of departing from it, and there was a fair working breeze with which to give it effect, for the ships under topsails and foresail would go about three knots; with top-gallant sails, perhaps over four. a fifty-gun ship, about the middle of the engagement, had to close her lower deck ports when she set her top-gallant sails on the wind, which had then freshened a little. the th article read thus: "if the admiral see the enemy standing towards him, and he has the wind of them, the van of the fleet is to make sail till they come the length of the enemy's rear, and our rear abreast of the enemy's van; then he that is in the rear of our fleet is to tack first, and every ship one after another as fast as they can throughout the whole line; and if the admiral will have the whole fleet to tack together, the sooner to put them in a posture of engaging the enemy, he will hoist" a prescribed signal, "and fire a gun; and whilst they are in fight with the enemy the ships will keep at half a cable's length--one hundred yards--one of the other." all this byng aimed to do. the conditions exactly fitted, and he exactly followed the rules, with one or two slight exceptions, which will appear, and for which the court duly censured him. when thus much had been done, the th article in turn found its postulate realized, and laid down its corresponding instruction: "if the admiral and his fleet have the wind of the enemy, and they have stretched themselves in a line of battle, the van of the admiral's fleet is to _steer with_ the van of the enemy's, and there to engage with them." the precise force of "steer with" is not immediately apparent to us to-day, nor does it seem to have been perfectly clear then; for the question was put to the captain of the flag-ship,--the heroic gardiner, --"you have been asked if the admiral did not express some uneasiness at captain andrews"--of the van ship in the action--"not seeming to understand the th article of the fighting instructions; do not you understand that article to relate to our van particularly when the two fleets are [already] in a parallel line of battle to each other?" (as tt, f ). _answer_: "i apprehended it in the situation" [not parallel] "we were in[ ] if the word _for_ were instead of the word _with_, he would, i apprehend, have steered directly _for_ the van ship of the enemy." _question_. "as the th article expresses to steer with the van of the enemy, if the leading ship had done so, in the oblique line we were in with the enemy, and every ship had observed it the same, would it not have prevented our rear coming to action at all, at least within a proper distance?" _answer_: "rear, and van too." "steer with" therefore meant, to the court and to gardiner, to steer parallel to the enemy,--possibly likewise abreast,--and if the fleets were already parallel the instruction would work; but neither the articles themselves, nor byng by his signals, did anything to effect parallelism before making the signal to engage. the captain of the ship sternmost in passing, which became the van when the fleet tacked together according to the instructions and signals, evidently shared gardiner's impression; when about, he steered parallel to--"with"--the french, who had the wind nearly abeam. the mischief was that the ships ahead of him in passing were successively more and more distant from the enemy, and if they too, after tacking, steered with the latter, they would never get any nearer. the _impasse_ is clear. other measures doubtless would enable an admiral to range his fleet parallel to the enemy at any chosen distance, by taking a position himself and forming the fleet on his ship; or, in this particular instance, byng being with the van as it, on the starboard tack, was passing the enemy (b b ), could at any moment have brought his fleet parallel to the french by signalling the then van ship to keep away a certain amount, the rest following in her wake. nothing to that effect being in the instructions, it seems not to have occurred to him. his one idea was to conform to them, and he apprehended that after tacking, as they prescribed, the new van ship would bear down and engage without further orders, keeping parallel to the french when within point-blank, the others following her as they could; a process which, from the varying distances, would expose each to a concentrated fire as they successively approached. byng's action is only explicable to the writer by supposing that he thus by "steer with" understood "steer for;" for when, after the fleet tacked together, the new van ship (formerly the rear) did not of her own motion head for the leading enemy, he signalled her to steer one point, and then two points, in that direction. this, he explained in his defence, was "to put the leading captain in mind of his instructions, who i perceived did not steer away with the enemy's leading ship agreeable to the th article of the fighting instructions." the results of these orders not answering his expectations, he then made the signal to engage, as the only remaining way perceptible to him for carrying out the instructions. to summarize the foregoing, up to the moment the signal for battle was made: while the fleets were striving for the weather gage, the wind had shifted to the southwest. the french, momentarily disordered by the change, had formed in line ahead about noon, heading northwest, westerly, so as just to keep their main topsails aback and the ships with bare steerage way, but under command (f ). the british standing south-southeast, by the wind, were passing (b -b ) across the head of the enemy's fleet at a distance of from three to two miles--the latter being the estimate by their ships then in the rear. the french having twelve vessels in line and the british thirteen, the gradual progress of the latter should bring their then van "the length of the enemy's rear," about the time the rear came abreast of his van. when this happened, the instructions required that the fleet tack together, and then stand for the enemy, ship to ship, number one to number one, and so along the line till the number twelves met[ ]. this byng purposed to do, but, unluckily for himself, ventured on a refinement. considering that, if his vessels bore down when abreast their respective antagonists, they would go bows-on, perpendicularly, subject to a raking--enfilading--fire, he deferred the signal to tack till his van had passed some distance beyond the french rear, because thus they would have to approach in a slanting direction. he left out of his account here the fact that all long columns tend to straggle in the rear; hence, although he waited till his three or four leading ships had passed the enemy before making signal to tack, the rear had got no farther than abreast the hostile van. two of the clearest witnesses, baird of the _portland_, next to the then rear ship, and cornwall of the _revenge_, seventh from it, testified that, after tacking together, to the port tack, when they kept away for the enemy in obedience to the signal for battle, it was necessary, in order to reach their particular opponents, to bring the wind not only as far as astern, but on the starboard quarter, showing that they had been in rear of their station before tacking, and so too far ahead after it; while durell of the _trident_, ninth from rear and therefore fifth from van, asserted that at the same moment the british van, which after tacking became the rear, had overpassed the enemy by five or six ships. this may be an exaggeration, but that three or four vessels had gone beyond is proved by evidence from the ships at that end of the line. the court therefore distinctly censured the admiral for this novelty: "unanimously, the court are of opinion that when the british fleet on the starboard tack were stretched abreast, _or about the beam_ of the enemy's line, the admiral should have tacked the fleet all together, and immediately have conducted it on a direct course for the enemy, the van steering for the enemy's van," etc. the instructive point, however, is not byng's variation, nor the court's censure, but the idea, common to both, that the one and only way to use your dozen ships under the conditions was to send each against a separate antagonist. the highest and authoritative conception of a fleet action was thus a dozen naval duels, occurring simultaneously, under initial conditions unfavorable to the assailant. it is almost needless to remark that this is as contrary to universal military teaching as it was to the practice of rodney, howe, jervis, and nelson, a generation or two later. this is, in fact, the chief significance of this action, which ratified and in a measure closed the effete system to which the middle eighteenth century had degraded the erroneous, but comparatively hearty, tradition received by it from the seventeenth. it is true, the same blundering method was illustrated in the war of . arbuthnot and graves, captains when byng was tried, followed his plan in , with like demonstration of practical disaster attending false theory; but, while the tactical inefficiency was little less, the evidence of faint-hearted professional incompetency, of utter personal inadequacy, was at least not so glaring. it is the combination of the two in the person of the same commander that has given to this action its pitiful pre-eminence in the naval annals of the century. it is, therefore, not so much to point out the lesson, as to reinforce its teaching by the exemplification of the practical results, that there is advantage in tracing the sequel of events in this battle. the signal to tack was made when the british van had reached beyond the enemy's rear, at a very little after p.m. (b ). this reversed the line of battle, the rear becoming the van, on the port tack. when done, the new van was about two miles from that of the french (f ); the new rear, in which byng was fourth from sternmost, was three and a half or four from their rear. between this and p.m. came the signals for the ship then leading to keep two points, twenty-five degrees, more to starboard, --towards the enemy; a measure which could only have the bad effect of increasing the angle which the british line already made with that of the french, and the consequent inequality of distance to be traversed by their vessels in reaching their opponents. at . the signal for battle was made, and was repeated by the second in command, rear-admiral temple west, who was in the fourth ship from the van. his division of six bore up at once and ran straight down before the wind, under topsails only, for their several antagonists; the sole exception being the van-most vessel, which took the slanting direction desired by byng, with the consequence that she got ahead of her position, had to back and to wear to regain it, and was worse punished than any of her comrades. the others engaged in line, within point-blank, the rear-admiral hoisting the flag for close action (b ). fifteen minutes later, the sixth ship, and rearmost of the van, the _intrepid_, lost her foretopmast, which crippled her. the seventh ship, which was the leader of the rear, byng's own division, got out of his hands before he could hold her. her captain, frederick cornwall, was nephew to the gallant fellow who fell backing mathews so nobly off toulon, and had then succeeded to the command of the _marlborough_, fighting her till himself disabled. he had to bring the wind on the starboard quarter of his little sixty-four, in order to reach the seventh in the enemy's line, which was an eighty-gun ship, carrying the flag of the french admiral. this post, by professional etiquette, as by evident military considerations, byng owed to his own flag-ship, of equal force. the rest of the rear division the commander-in-chief attempted to carry with himself, slanting down; or, as the naval term then had it, "lasking" towards the enemy. the flag-ship kept away four points--forty-five degrees; but hardly had she started, under the very moderate canvas of topsails and foresail, to cover the much greater distance to be travelled, in order to support the van by engaging the enemy's rear, when byng observed that the two ships on his left--towards the van--were not keeping pace with him. he ordered the main and mizzen topsails to be backed to wait for them. gardiner, the captain, "took the liberty of offering the opinion" that, if sail were increased instead of reduced, the ships concerned would take the hint, that they would all be sooner alongside the enemy, and probably receive less damage in going down. it was a question of example. the admiral replied, "you see that the signal for the line is out, and i am ahead of those two ships; and you would not have me, as admiral of the fleet, run down as if i was going to engage a single ship. it was mr. mathews's misfortune to be prejudiced by not carrying his force down together, which i shall endeavor to avoid." gardiner again "took the liberty" of saying he would answer for one of the two captains doing his duty. the incident, up to the ship gathering way again, occupied less than ten minutes; but with the van going down headlong--as it ought--one ceases to wonder at the impression on the public produced by one who preferred lagging for laggards to hastening to support the forward, and that the populace suspected something worse than pedantry in such reasoning at such a moment. when way was resumed, it was again under the very leisurely canvas of topsails and foresail. by this had occurred the incident of the _intrepid_ losing her foretopmast. it was an ordinary casualty of battle, and one to be expected; but to such a temper as byng's, and under the cast-iron regulations of the instructions, it entailed consequences fatal to success in the action,--if success were ever attainable under such a method,--and was ultimately fatal to the admiral himself. the wreck of the fallen mast was cleared, and the foresail set to maintain speed, but, despite all, the _intrepid_ dropped astern in the line. cornwall in the _revenge_ was taking his place at the moment, and fearing that the _intrepid_ would come back upon him, if in her wake, he brought up first a little to windward, on her quarter; then, thinking that she was holding her way, he bore up again. at this particular instant he looked behind, and saw the admiral and other ships a considerable distance astern and to windward; much lestock's position in mathews's action. this was the stoppage already mentioned, to wait for the two other ships. had cornwall been burrish, he might in this have seen occasion for waiting himself; but he saw rather the need of the crippled ship. the _revenge_ took position on the _intrepid's_ lee quarter, to support her against the enemy's fire, concentrated on her when her mast was seen to fall. as her way slackened, the _revenge_ approached her, and about fifteen minutes later the ship following, the _princess louisa_,--one of those for which byng had waited,--loomed up close behind cornwall, who expected her to run him on board, her braces being shot away. she managed, however, with the helm to back her sails, and dropped clear; but in so doing got in the way of the vessel next after her, the _trident_, which immediately preceded byng. the captain of the _trident_, slanting down with the rest of the division, saw the situation, put his helm up, ran under the stern of the _louisa_, passed on her lee side,--nearest the enemy,--and ranged up behind the _revenge_; but in doing this he not only crossed the stern of the _louisa_, but the bow of the admiral's ship--the _ramillies_. under proper management the _ramillies_ doubtless could have done just what the _trident_ did,--keep away with the helm, till the ships ahead of her were cleared; she would be at least hasting towards the enemy. but the noise of battle was in the air, and the crew of the _ramillies_ began to fire without orders, at an improper distance. the admiral permitted them to continue, and the smoke enveloping the ship prevented fully noting the incidents just narrated. it was, however, seen before the firing that the _louisa_ was come up into the wind with her topsails shaking, and the _trident_ passing her to leeward. there should, therefore, have been some preparation of mind for the fact suddenly reported to the admiral, by a military passenger on the quarter deck, that a british ship was close aboard, on the lee bow. it was the _trident_ that had crossed from windward to leeward for the reasons given, and an instant later the _louisa_ was seen on the weather bow. instead of keeping off, as the _trident_ had done, the admiral ordered the foresail hauled up, the helm down, luffed the ship to the wind, and braced the fore-topsail sharp aback; the effect of which was first to stop her way, and then to pay her head off to leeward, clear of the two vessels. about quarter of an hour elapsed, by captain gardiner's evidence, from the time that the _ramillies's_ head pointed clear of the _trident_ and _louisa_ before sail was again made to go forward to aid the van. the battle was already lost, and in fact had passed out of byng's control, owing to his previous action; nevertheless this further delay, though probably due only to the importance attached by the admiral to regularity of movement, had a discreditable appearance. the court held that the admiral was justified in not trying to go to leeward of the two ships, under the circumstances when they were seen; but blamed him for permitting the useless cannonade which prevented seeing them sooner. the results at this moment in other parts of the field should be summarized, as they show both the cause and the character of the failures due to faulty management. the five ships of the british van had already seen their adversaries withdraw after a sharp engagement. this seems to have been due to the fact that two were individually overmatched and driven off; whereupon the other three retired because unable to contend with five. but no support reached the british van at this important moment; on the contrary, the british rear was now two or three miles distant, astern and to windward. the lagging of the crippled _intrepid_ held back the _revenge_. cornwall was detained some time by the old idea that he needed a signal to pass her, because to do so was breaking the order established by the admiral; but concluding at last that byng was unaware of the conditions, and seeing that his immediate opponent--the french admiral--was drawing ahead, he sent word to the _intrepid_ to hold her fire for a few moments till he could go by. he then made sail. the french rear with its commander-in-chief had been watching the incidents narrated: the crippling of the _intrepid_, the consequent disorder in the british rear, and the increasing distance between it and the van. when the _revenge_, however, passed ahead, and byng disentangled his flag-ship, the moment for a decisive step arrived. the french rear vessels were nearer the british van than byng's division was. they now filled their topsails, made more sail, stood for the british leading ships, already partially unrigged, passed by, and in so doing gave them the fire of a number of substantially fresh vessels, which had undergone only a distant and ineffective cannonade. byng saw what was about to happen, and also set more canvas; but it was no longer possible to retrieve the preceding errors. the french admiral had it in his power very seriously to damage, if not to destroy the hostile van; but in accordance with the tradition of his nation he played an over-prudent game, strictly defensive, and kept too far off. after exchanging distant broadsides, he steered northwest towards mahon, satisfied that he had for the time disabled his opponent. the british that evening tacked off-shore and stood to the southeast. four days later they abandoned the field, returning to gibraltar. the fall of minorca followed. nothing could have been much worse than the deplorable management of this action on the part of the commander-in-chief. it is a conspicuous instance of weak and halting execution, superimposed upon a professional conception radically erroneous; and it reflected throughout the timid hesitancy of spirit which dictated the return to gibraltar, under the always doubtful sanction of a council of war. but the historical value of the lesson is diminished if attention is confined to the shortcomings of the admiral, neglectful of the fact that his views as to the necessity to observe the routine of the fighting instructions are reproduced in the evidence of the captains; and that the finding of the court censures, not the general idea, but certain details, important yet secondary. durell, being asked whether the admiral could not have passed under the stern of the _trident_, as the _trident_ had under that of the _louisa_, replies, "yes, but she would have been to leeward of those ships ahead;" that is, to leeward of the line. gardiner "knows no other method than what the admiral took, for preserving the line regular." cornwall cannot pass the _intrepid_ without a signal, because it would be breaking the order. these were all good men. the court, composed of four admirals and nine captains, the junior of whom had over ten years seniority, give in their finding no shadow of disapproval to the broad outlines of the action. there can be, therefore, no doubt about service standards. the questions put to the witnesses reveal indeed a distinct preference for forming the line of battle _parallel_ to that of the enemy before bearing down, so that all the ships may have the same distance to go, have a clear field ahead of each, and the comparatively simple mutual bearing of "abeam" to observe; but it refrains from censuring the admiral for forming on a line very oblique to that of the enemy, which entailed the burden of changing the relative positions during standing down, so as to arrive all together, on a line parallel to his; while the course itself being oblique alike to their own front and the enemy's, each preceding ship was liable to get in the way, "to prove an impediment," to its follower,--as actually happened. it was indeed impossible to fault the commander-in-chief in this particular, because his action was conformable to the letter of the instructions, with which he was evidently and subserviently eager to comply. the decision of the court therefore was, in substance, that in bearing down upon the enemy byng did not do wrong in starting upon a line oblique to them; but that he should have steered such a course, and maintained such spread of sail, graduated to the speed of the slowest ship in the fleet, that all should reach point-blank range at the same time, and be then ranged on a line parallel to that of the enemy. "when on the starboard tack, the admiral should have tacked the fleet all together and immediately conducted it on a direct course for the enemy; ... each ship steering for her opposite ship in the enemy's line, and under such sail as might have enabled the worst sailing ship, under all her plain sail, to preserve her station." it is needless to insist with any naval man, or to any soldier, that such an advance, in orderly fashion, oblique to the front, is unattainable except by long drill, while this fleet had been but a few weeks assembled; and the difficulty is enhanced when each ship has not only to keep its station in line, but to reach a particular enemy, who may not be just where he ought, having respect to the british order. the manoeuvre favored by the court for the fleet as a whole was in fact just that which byng attempted for his own division, with the results that have been narrated. these were aggravated by his mismanagement, but did not originate from it. the invariable result of an attack thus attempted, however vigorously made, was that the van of the assailant got into action first, receiving the brunt of the enemy's fire without proper support. not infrequently, it also underwent a second hammering from the enemy's rear, precisely in the same way as occurred in byng's action; and whether this happened or not depended more upon the enemy than upon the british rear. in ignoring, therefore, the idea of combining an attack in superior numbers upon a part of the enemy, and adopting instead that of an onslaught upon his whole, all along the line, the british practice of the eighteenth century not only surrendered the advantage which the initiative has, of effecting a concentration, but subjected their own fleets to being beaten in detail, subject only to the skill of the opponent in using the opportunity extended to him. the results, at best, were indecisive, tactically considered. the one apparent exception was in june, , when lord howe, after long vainly endeavoring a better combination with a yet raw fleet, found himself forced to the old method; but although then several ships were captured, this issue seems attributable chiefly to the condition of the french navy, greatly fallen through circumstances foreign to the present subject. it was with this system that rodney was about to break, the first of his century formally to do so. a false tactical standard, however, was not the only drawback under which the british navy labored in . the prolonged series of wars, which began when the establishment of civil order under cromwell permitted the nation to turn from internal strife to external interests, had been for england chiefly maritime. they had recurred at brief intervals, and had been of such duration as to insure a continuity of experience and development. usage received modification under the influence of constant warlike practice, and the consequent changes in methods, if not always thoroughly reasoned, at the least reflected a similar process of professional advance in the officers of the service. this was consecutively transmitted, and by the movement of actual war was prevented from stagnating and hardening into an accepted finality. thus the service and its officers, in the full performance of their functions, were alive and growing. nor was this all. the same surroundings that promoted this healthful evolution applied also a continual test of fitness to persons. as each war began, there were still to be found in the prime of vigor and usefulness men whose efficiency had been proved in its predecessor, and thus the line of sustained ability in leadership was carried on from one naval generation to another, through the sixty-odd years, - , over which these conditions extended. the peace of utrecht in put an end to this period. a disputed succession after the death of queen anne, in , renewed the condition of internal disquietude which had paralyzed the external action of england under charles i.; and this co-operated with the mere weariness of war, occasioned by prolonged strife, to give both the country and the navy a temporary distaste to further military activity. the man of the occasion, who became the exponent and maintainer of this national inclination, was sir robert walpole; to whom, during his ministry of over twenty years, can fairly be applied jefferson's phrase concerning himself, that his "passion was peace." but, whatever the necessity to the country of such a policy, it too often results, as it did in both these cases, in neglect of the military services, allowing the equipment to decay, and tending to sap the professional interest and competency of the officers. from this last evil the united states navy in jefferson's day was saved by the simple fact that the officers were young men, or at the most in the early prime of life,--the navy itself, in , being less than twenty years old as a corporate organization. the british navy of was in very different case. for a quarter of a century the only important military occurrence had been the battle of cape passaro, in , where the british fleet in a running fight destroyed a much inferior spanish force; and the occasion then was not one of existent war, but of casual hostilities, which, precipitated by political conditions, began and ended with the particular incident, as far as the sea was concerned. back of this lay only malaga, in ; for the remaining years of war, up to , had been unmarked by fleet battles. the tendency of this want of experience, followed by the long period--not of peace only, but--of professional depression resultant upon inactivity and national neglect, was to stagnation, to obviate which no provision existed or was attempted. self-improvement was not a note of the service, nor of the times. the stimulus of occupation and the corrective of experience being removed, average men stuck where they were, and grew old in a routine of service, or, what was perhaps worse, out of the service in all but name. in naval warfare, the battle of malaga, the last point of performance, remained the example, and the fighting instructions the passively accepted authority. the men at the head of the navy, to whom the country naturally looked, either had no record--no proof of fitness--because but youths in the last war, or else, in simple consequence of having then had a chance to show themselves, were now superannuated. this very fact, however, had the singular and unfortunate result that, because the officers of reputation were old, men argued, by a curious perversion of thought, that none but the old should be trusted. of this two significant cases will tell more than many words. mathews, who commanded at toulon in , was then sixty-seven years old, and had not been at sea between and . hawke, in , when he had already established an excellent reputation as a captain, and for enterprise in recent battle, was thought young to be entrusted with a squadron of a dozen ships-of-the-line, although he was forty-two,--two years older than nelson at the nile, but four years younger than napoleon and wellington at waterloo, and one year less in age than grant at the close of the american civil war. such instances are not of merely curious interest; they are symptoms of professional states of mind, of a perplexity and perversion of standards which work disastrously whenever war succeeds to a prolonged period of peace, until experience has done its work by sorting out the unsound from among the fair-seeming, and has shown also that men may be too old as well as too young for unaccustomed responsibility. the later prevalence of juster views was exemplified in the choice of wolfe, who was but thirty-two when he fell before quebec in , charged with one of the most difficult enterprises that had then been entrusted to a british general. it is these two factors, therefore, an erroneous standard and a lethargic peace, which principally caused the weakness of the british official staff for battle service at the period of lowest descent, which was reached in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, but was prolonged and intensified by a protracted interval of professional apathy. other grievous evils doubtless existed, serious defects in administration, involving indifferent equipment, bad and scanty provisions, inferior physique in the ships' companies, and wretched sanitary arrangements; but while all these unquestionably gravely affected general efficiency for war, they belonged rather to the civil than the military side of the profession. in the hour of battle it was not these, but the tone and efficiency of the officers, that chiefly told. a false pattern of action had been accepted at a moment favorable to its perpetuation, when naval warfare on the grand scale had ceased, owing to the decline of the principal enemy, the navy of france; while the average competency of naval officers had been much lowered through want of professional incentive, and the absence of any sifting process by which the unfit could be surely eliminated. that plenty of good material existed, was sufficiently shown by the number of names, afterwards distinguished, which soon began to appear. weeding went on apace; but before its work was done, there had to be traversed a painful period, fruitful of evidences of unfitness, of personal weakness, of low or false professional ideas. it is with this period that we have first had to do as our point of departure, by which not only to estimate the nature and degree of the subsequent advance, but to illustrate also the part specifically contributed to it by hawke and rodney, through their personal and professional characteristics. while types, they are more than mere exponents of the change as a whole, and will be found to bear to it particular relations,--its leaders in fact, as well as in name. it is not merely fanciful to say that hawke stands for and embodies the spirit of the new age, while rodney rather exemplifies and develops the form in which that spirit needed ultimately to cloth itself in order to perfect its working. the one is a protest in act against the professional faintheartedness, exaggerated into the semblance of personal timidity, shown by the captains off toulon in ; the other, in the simple but skilful methods and combinations adopted by him, both represents and gives effect to a reaction against the extravagant pedantry, which it fell to byng, in all the honesty of a thoroughly commonplace man, to exhibit in unintentional caricature. in thus ascribing to these great men complementary parts in leading and shaping the general movement, it is not meant that either is deficient on the side attributed to the other. hawke showed by his actions that he was by no means indifferent to tactical combinations, which is another way of saying that he appreciated the advantage of form in warfare; while rodney, though a careful organizer and driller of fleets, and patient in effort to obtain advantage before attacking, exhibited on occasion headlong, though not inconsiderate, audacity, and also tenacious endurance in fight. still, it will probably be admitted by the student of naval biography that to him hawke suggests primarily the unhesitating sudden rush--the swoop--upon the prey, while rodney resembles rather the patient astute watcher, carefully keeping his own powers in hand, and waiting for the unguarded moment when the adversary may be taken suddenly at unawares. certain it is that, with opportunities much more numerous than were permitted to hawke, his successes would have been far greater but for an excess of methodical caution. there was a third, who combined in due proportion, and possessed to an extraordinary degree, the special qualities here assigned to each. it is one of the ironies of history that the first sir samuel hood should have had just opportunity enough to show how great were his powers, and yet have been denied the chance to exhibit them under conditions to arrest the attention of the world; nay, have been more than once compelled to stand by hopelessly, and see occasions lost which he would unquestionably have converted into signal triumphs. in him, as far as the record goes, was consummated the advance of the eighteenth century. he was the greatest of the sowers. it fell to nelson, his pupil,--in part at least,--to reap the harvest. before closing this part of our subject, the necessary preliminary to understanding the progress of naval warfare in the eighteenth century, it is pertinent to note the respect in which advance there differs from that of the nineteenth, and in some degree, though less, from that of the seventeenth centuries. the period was not one of marked material development. improvements there were, but they were slow, small in ultimate extent, and in no sense revolutionary. ships and guns, masts and sails, grew better, as did also administrative processes; it may indeed be asserted, as an axiom of professional experience, that as the military tone of the sea-officers rises, the effect will be transmitted to those civil functions upon which efficiency for war antecedently depends. still, substantially, the weapons of war were in principle, and consequently in general methods of handling, the same at the end of the period as at the beginning. they were intrinsically more efficient; but the great gain was not in them, but in the spirit and intellectual grasp of the men who wielded them. there was no change in the least analogous to that from oars to sails, or from sails to steam. under such conditions of continued similarity in means, advance in the practice of any profession is effected rather in the realm of ideas, in intellectual processes; and even their expert application involves mind rather than matter. in the nineteenth century such intellectual processes have been largely devoted to the purposes of material development, and have found their realization, in the navy as elsewhere, in revolutionizing instruments, in providing means never before attainable. the railroad, the steamer, the electric telegraph, find their counterpart in the heavily armored steamship of war. but in utilizing these new means the navy must still be governed by the ideas, which are, indeed, in many ways as old as military history, but which in the beginning of the eighteenth century had passed out of the minds of naval men. it was the task of the officers of that period to recall them, to formulate them anew, to give them a living hold upon the theory and practice of the profession. this they did, and they were undoubtedly helped in so doing by the fact that their attention was not diverted and absorbed, as that of our day very largely has been, by decisive changes in the instruments with which their ideas were to be given effect. thus they were able to make a substantial and distinctive contribution to the art of naval warfare, and that on its highest side. for the artist is greater than his materials, the warrior than his arms; and it was in the man rather than in his weapons that the navy of the eighteenth century wrought its final conspicuous triumph. footnotes: [ ] this wording and punctuation is exact from the text. [ ] so far was literalism carried, that, before the signal for battle, byng evened numbers with his opponent by directing his weakest ship to leave the line, with no other orders than to be ready to take the place of a disabled vessel. hawke - the first great name in british naval annals belonging distinctively to the eighteenth century rather than to the seventeenth, is that of edward hawke. he was born in , of a family of no marked social distinction, his father being a barrister, and his grandfather a london merchant. his mother's maiden name was bladen. one of her brothers held an important civil office as commissioner of trade and plantations, and was for many years a member of parliament. under the conditions which prevailed then, and for some generations longer, the influence attaching to such positions enabled the holder to advance substantially the professional interests of a naval officer. promotion in rank, and occupation both in peace and war, were largely a matter of favor. martin bladen naturally helped his nephew in this way, a service especially valuable in the earlier part of a career, lifting a man out of a host of competitors and giving him a chance to show what was in him. it may readily be believed that hawke's marked professional capacity speedily justified the advantage thus obtained, and he seems to have owed his promotion to post-captain to a superior officer when serving abroad; though it is never possible to affirm that even such apparent official recognition was not due either to an intimation from home, or to the give and take of those who recognized bismarck's motto, "do ut des." however this may have been, the service did not suffer by the favors extended to hawke. nor was his promotion unduly rapid, to the injury of professional character, as often happened when rank was prematurely reached. it was not till march , , that he was "made post," as the expression went, by sir chaloner ogle into the frigate _flamborough_, on the west india station. being then twenty-nine years old, in the prime of life for naval efficiency, he had reached the position in which a fair opportunity for all the honors of the profession lay open to him, provided he could secure occupation until he was proved to be indispensable. here also his uncle's influence stood good. although the party with which the experienced politician was identified had gone out of power with sir robert walpole, in , his position on the board dealing with colonial affairs left him not without friends. "my colleague, mr. cavendish," he writes, "has already laid in his claim for another ship for you. but after so long a voyage" (he had been away over three years) "i think you should be allowed a little time to spend with your friends on shore. it is some consolation, however, that i have some friends on the new board of admiralty." "there has been a clean sweep," he says again, "but i hope i may have some friends amongst the new lords that will upon my account afford you their protection." this was in the beginning of , when hawke had just returned from a protracted cruise on the west india and north american stations, where by far the greater part of his early service was passed. he never again returned there, and very shortly after his uncle's letter, just quoted, he was appointed to the _berwick_, a ship-of-the-line of seventy guns. in command of her he sailed in september, , for the mediterranean; and a few months after, by his decided and seamanlike course in mathews's action, he established his professional reputation and fortunes, the firm foundations of which had been laid during the previous years of arduous but inconspicuous service. two years later, in , martin bladen died, and with him political influence, in the ordinary acceptation, departed from hawke. thenceforth professional merit, forced upon men's recognition, stood him in stead. he was thirty-nine when he thus first made his mark, in . prior to this there is not found, in the very scanty records that remain of his career, as in that of all officers of his period while in subordinate positions, any certain proof that he had ever been seriously engaged with an enemy. war against spain had been declared, october , . he had then recently commissioned a fifty-gun ship, the _portland_, and in her sailed for the west indies, where he remained until the autumn of ; but the inert manner in which spain maintained the naval contest, notwithstanding that her transmarine policy was the occasion of the quarrel, and her west indian possessions obviously endangered, removed all chance of active service on the large scale, except in attacking her colonies; and in none of those enterprises had the _portland_ been called upon to share. meantime, a general european war had begun in , concerning the succession to the austrian throne; and, in the political combinations which followed, france and great britain had as usual ranged themselves on opposite sides, though without declaring war upon each other. further, there had existed for some time a secret defensive alliance between france and spain, binding each party to support the other, under certain conditions, with an effective armed force, to be used not for aggressive purposes, but in defence only. it was claimed, indeed, that by so doing the supporting country was not to be considered as going to war, or even as engaged in hostilities, except as regarded the contingent furnished. this view received some countenance from international law, in the stage of development it had then reached; yet it is evident that if a british admiral met a spanish fleet, of strength fairly matching his own, but found it accompanied by a french division, the commander of which notified him that he had orders to fight if an attack were made, friendly relations between the two nations would be strained near to the breaking point. this had actually occurred to the british admiral haddock, in the mediterranean, in ; and conditions essentially similar, but more exasperated, constituted the situation under which hawke for the first time was brought into an action between two great fleets. on the th of january, , when the _berwick_ joined the british fleet, it had rendezvoused at the hyères islands, a little east of toulon, watching the movements of twelve spanish ships-of-the-line, which had taken refuge in the port. as these were unwilling to put to sea trusting to their own strength, the french admiral de court was ordered to accompany and protect them when they sailed. this becoming known, admiral mathews had concentrated his fleet, which by successive reinforcements--the _berwick_ among others--numbered twenty-eight of-the-line when the allies, in about equal force, began to come out on the th of february. the action which ensued owes its historical significance wholly to the fact that it illustrated conspicuously, and in more than one detail, the degenerate condition of the official staff of the british navy; the demoralization of ideals, and the low average of professional competency.[ ] that there was plenty of good metal was also shown, but the proportion of alloy was dangerously great. that the machinery of the organization was likewise bad, the administrative system culpably negligent as well as inefficient, had been painfully manifested in the equipment of the ships, in the quality of the food, and in the indifferent character of the ships' crews; but in this respect hawke had not less to complain of than others, having represented forcibly to the admiralty the miserable unfitness of the men sent him. nevertheless, despite all drawbacks, including therein a signalling system so rudimentary and imperfect as to furnish a ready excuse to the unwilling, as well as a recurrent perplexity to those honestly wishing to obey their orders, he showed that good will and high purpose could not only lead a man to do his full duty as directed, but guide him to independent initiative action when opportunity offered. under all external conditions of difficulty and doubt, or even of cast-iron rule, the principle was as true then as when nelson formulated it, that no captain when in doubt could do very wrong if he placed his ship alongside an enemy. that hawke so realized it brought out into more glaring relief the failure of so many of his colleagues on this occasion. but the lesson would be in great part lost, if there were to be seen in this lapse only the personal element of the delinquents, and not the widespread decline of professional tone. undoubtedly, of course, it is true that the personal equation, as always, made itself felt, but here as intensifying an evil which had its principal source elsewhere. hawke carried nelson's maxim into effect. upon the signal for battle he took his own ship into close action with the antagonist allotted to him by the order of the fleet; but after beating her out of the line he looked round for more work to do. seeing then that several of the british vessels had not come within point-blank, but, through professional timidity, or over-cautious reverence for the line of battle, were engaging at long range a single spaniard, he quitted his own position, brought her also to close quarters, and after an obstinate contest, creditable to both parties, forced her to surrender. she was the only ship to haul down her flag that day, and her captain refused to surrender his sword to any but hawke, whom alone he accepted as his vanquisher. a generation or two later hawke's conduct in this matter would have drawn little attention; it would not have been exceptional in the days of st. vincent and nelson, nor even in that of howe. at the time of its occurrence, it was not only in sharp contrast with much that happened on the same field of battle, but it was somewhat contrary to rule. it possessed so far the merit of originality; and that on the right side,--the side of fighting. as in all active life, so in war a man is more readily pardoned for effecting too much than too little; and it was doubly so here, because it was evident from the behavior of his peers that he must expect no backing in the extra work he took upon himself. their aloofness emphasized his forwardness; and the fact that through the withdrawal of his admiral for the night, the prize was ultimately retaken, together with an officer and seamen he had placed on board, fixed still further attention upon the incident, in which hawke's action was the one wholly creditable feature. the effect of the battle upon his fortunes was summed up in a phrase. when his first lieutenant was sent to report the loss of the prize-crew to rear-admiral rowley, the commander of the division, the latter replied, among other things, that "he had not been well acquainted with captain hawke before, but he should now be well acquainted with him from his behavior." like nelson at st. vincent, hawke was now revealed, not to the navy only but to the nation,--"through his behavior." somewhat exceptionally, the king personally took knowledge of him, and stood by him. george ii. paid most interested attention to the particulars elicited by the courts-martial,--a fact which doubtless contributed to make him so sternly unyielding in the case of byng, twelve years later. to the king hawke became "my captain;" and his influence was directly used when, in a flag promotion in , some in the admiralty proposed to include hawke in the retirement of senior captains, which was a common incident in such cases. "i will not have hawke 'yellowed,'" was the royal fiat; a yellow admiral being the current phrase for one set aside from further active employment. such were the circumstances under which hawke first received experience of the fighting conditions of the navy. whatever his previous attitude towards accepted traditions of professional practice, this no doubt loosened the fetters; for they certainly never constrained him in his subsequent career. he remained in the mediterranean fleet, generally upon detached services in command of divisions of ships, until the end of . returning then to england, he saw no further active service until he became a rear-admiral--of the white--on july , . the promotions being numerous, hawke's seniority as captain carried him well up the list of rear-admirals, and he was immediately employed; hoisting his flag july d. he then became second to sir peter warren, commander-in-chief of the "western squadron." this cruised in the bay of biscay, from ushant to finisterre, to intercept the naval divisions, and the accompanying convoys of merchant and transport ships, with which the french were then seeking to maintain their colonial empire in north america and in india: an empire already sorely shaken, and destined to fall finally in the next great war. hawke was now in the road of good luck, pure and unadulterated. his happy action in capturing the _poder_ illustrates indeed opportunity improved; but it was opportunity of the every day sort, and it is the merit that seized it, rather than the opportunity itself, that strikes the attention. the present case was different. a young rear-admiral had little reason to hope for independent command; but warren, a well-tried officer, possessing the full confidence of the first lord, anson, himself a master in the profession, was in poor health, and for that reason had applied for hawke to be "joined with him in the command," apparently because he was the one flag-officer immediately available. he proposed that hawke should for the present occasion take his place, sail with a few ships named, and with them join the squadron, then at sea in charge of a captain. anson demurred at first, on the ground of hawke's juniority,--he was forty-two,--and warren, while persisting in his request, shares the doubt; for he writes, "i observe what you say about the ships abroad being under so young an officer. i am, and have been uneasy about it, though i hope he will do well, _and it could not then be avoided_." anson, however, was not fixed in his opposition; for warren continued, "from your letter i have so little reason to doubt his being put under my command, that i have his instructions all ready; and he is prepared to go at a moment's notice." the instructions were issued the following day, august th, and on the th hawke sailed. but while there was in this so much of luck, he was again to show that he was not one to let occasion slip. admiral farragut is reported to have said, "every man has _one_ chance." it depends upon himself whether he is by it made or marred. burrish and hawke toed the same line on the morning of february d, and they had had that day at least equal opportunity. hawke's adequacy to his present fortune betrayed itself again in a phrase to warren, "i have nothing so much at heart as the faithful discharge of my duty, and in such manner as will give satisfaction both to the lords of the admiralty and yourself. this shall ever be my utmost ambition, and _no lucre of profit, or other views_, shall induce me to act otherwise." not prize-money; but honor, through service. and this in fact not only ruled his thought but in the moment of decision inspired his act. curiously enough, however, he was here at odds with the spirit of anson and of warren. the latter, in asking hawke's employment, said the present cruise was less important than the one to succeed it, "for the galleons"--the spanish treasure-ships--"make it a general rule to come home late in the fall or winter." warren by prize-money and an american marriage was the richest commoner in england, and anson it was that had captured the great galleon five years before, to his own great increase; but it was hawke who, acknowledging a letter from warren, as this cruise was drawing to its triumphant close, wrote, "with respect to the galleons, as it is uncertain when they will come home and _likewise impossible for me to divide my force in the_ present necessitous condition of the ships under my command, i must lay aside all thoughts of them during this cruise." in this unhesitating subordination of pecuniary to military considerations we see again the temper of nelson, between whom and hawke there was much community of spirit, especially in their independence of ordinary motives and standards. "not that i despise money," wrote nelson near the end of a career in which he had never known ease of circumstances; "quite the contrary, i wish i had a hundred thousand pounds this moment;" but "i keep the frigates about me, for i know their value in the day of battle, and compared with that day, what signifies any prizes they might take?" yet he had his legal share in every such prize. the opening of october th, the eighth day after hawke's letter to warren just quoted, brought him the sight of his reward. at seven that morning, the fleet being then some four hundred miles west of la rochelle in france, a number of sails were seen in the southeast. chase was given at once, and within an hour it was evident, from the great crowd of vessels, that it was a large convoy outward-bound which could only be enemies. it was in fact a fleet of three hundred french merchantmen, under the protection of eight ships-of-the-line and one of fifty guns, commanded by commodore l'etenduère. the force then with hawke were twelve of-the-line and two of fifty guns. frigates and lighter vessels of course accompanied both fleets. the average size and armament of the french vessels were considerably greater than those of the british; so that, although the latter had an undoubted superiority, it was far from as great as the relative numbers would indicate. prominent british officers of that day claimed that a french sixty-gun ship was practically the equal of a british seventy-four. in this there may have been exaggeration; but they had good opportunity for judging, as many french ships were captured. when l'etenduère saw that he was in the presence of a superior enemy, he very manfully drew out his ships of war from the mass, and formed them in order of battle, covering the convoy, which he directed to make its escape accompanied by one of the smaller ships-of-the-line with the light cruisers. he contrived also to keep to windward of the approaching british. with so strong a force interposed, hawke saw that no prize-money was easily to be had, but for that fortune his mind was already prepared. he first ordered his fleet to form order of battle; but finding time was thereby lost he changed the signal to that for a general chase, which freed the faster sailers to use their utmost speed and join action with the enemy, secure of support in due time by their consorts as they successively came up. half an hour before noon the leading british reached the french rear, already under short canvas. the admiral then made signal to engage, and the battle began. as the ships under fire reduced sail, the others overtook them, passed by the unengaged side and successively attacked from rear to van. as hawke himself drew near, rodney's ship, the _eagle_, having her wheel and much of her rigging shot away, was for the time unmanageable and fell twice on board the flag-ship, the _devonshire_, driving her to leeward, and so preventing her from close action with the french flag-ship _tonnant_, of eighty guns, a force far exceeding that of the _devonshire_, which had but sixty-six. "this prevented our attacking _le monarque_, , and the _tonnant_, within any distance to do execution. however we attempted both, especially the latter. while we were engaged with her, the breechings of all our lower-deck guns broke, and the guns flew fore and aft, which obliged us to shoot ahead, for our upper guns could not reach her." the breaking of the breechings--the heavy ropes which take the strain of the guns' recoil--was doubtless accelerated by the undue elevation necessitated by the extreme range. the collision with the _eagle_ was one of the incidents common to battle, but it doubtless marred the completeness of the victory. of the eight french ships engaged, six were taken; two, the _tonnant_ and her next astern, escaped, though the former was badly mauled. despite the hindrance mentioned, hawke's personal share in the affair was considerable, through the conspicuous activity of the flag-ship. besides the skirmish at random shot with the _tonnant_, she engaged successively the _trident_, , and the _terrible_, , both which were among the prizes. he was entirely satisfied also with the conduct of all his captains,--save one. the freedom of action permitted to them by the general chase, with the inspiring example of the admiral himself, was nobly used. "captain harland of the _tilbury_, , observing that the _tonnant_ fired single guns at us in order to dismast us, stood on the other tack, _between her and the devonshire_, and gave her a very smart fire." it was no small gallantry for a thus to pass close under the undiverted broadside of an ,--nearly double her force,--and that without orders; and hawke recognized the fact by this particular notice in the despatch. with similar initiative, as the _tonnant_ and _intrépide_ were seen to be escaping, captain saunders of the yarmouth, , pursued them on his own motion, and was accompanied, at his suggestion, by the sixty-gun ships of rodney and of saumarez. a detached action of an hour followed, in which saumarez fell. the enemy escaped, it is true; but that does not impeach the judgment, nor lessen the merits, of the officers concerned, for their ships were both much smaller and more injured than those they attacked. harland and saunders became distinguished admirals; of rodney it is needless to say the same. in his report of the business, hawke used a quaint but very expressive phrase, "as the enemy's ships were large, _they took a great deal of drubbing_, and (consequently) lost all their masts, except two, who had their foremasts left. this has obliged me to lay-to for these two days past, in order to put them into condition to be brought into port, as well as our own, which have suffered greatly." ships large in tonnage were necessarily also ships large in scantling, heavy ribbed, thick-planked, in order to bear their artillery; hence also with sides not easy to be pierced by the weak ordnance of that time. they were in a degree armored ships, though from a cause differing from that of to-day; hence much "drubbing" was needed, and the prolongation of the drubbing entailed increase of incidental injury to spars and rigging, both their own and those of the enemy. nor was the armor idea, directly, at all unrecognized even then; for we are told of the _real felipe_ in mathews's action, that, being so weakly built that she could carry only twenty-four-pounders on her lower deck, she had been "fortified in the most extraordinary surprising manner; her sides being lined four or five foot thick everywhere with junk or old cables to hinder the shot from piercing." it has been said that the conduct of one captain fell under hawke's displeasure. at a council of war called by him after the battle, to establish the fitness of the fleet to pursue the convoy, the other captains objected to sitting with captain fox of the _kent_, until he had cleared himself from the imputation of misbehavior in incidents they had noticed. hawke was himself dissatisfied with fox's failure to obey a signal, and concurred in the objection. on the subsequent trial, the court expressly cleared the accused of cowardice, but found him guilty of certain errors of judgment, and specifically of leaving the _tonnant_ while the signal for close action was flying. as the _tonnant_ escaped, the implication of accountability for that result naturally follows. for so serious a consequence the sentence only was that he be dismissed his ship, and, although never again employed, he was retired two years after as a rear-admiral. it was becoming increasingly evident that error of judgment is an elastic phrase which can be made to cover all degrees of faulty action, from the mistakes to which every man is liable and the most faithful cannot always escape, to conduct wholly incompatible with professional efficiency or even manly honor. the case of fox was one of many occurring at about this period, which, however differing in detail between themselves, showed that throughout the navy, both in active service before the enemy, and in the more deliberate criteria of opinion which influence courts-martial, there was a pronounced tendency to lowness of standard in measuring officer-like conduct and official responsibility for personal action; a misplaced leniency, which regarded failure to do the utmost with indulgence, if without approval. in the stringent and awful emergencies of war too much is at stake for such easy tolerance. error of judgment is one thing; error of conduct is something very different, and with a difference usually recognizable. to style errors of conduct "errors of judgment" denies, practically, that there are standards of action external to the individual, and condones official misbehavior on the ground of personal incompetency. military standards rest on demonstrable facts of experience, and should find their sanction in clear professional opinion. so known, and so upheld, the unfortunate man who falls below them, in a rank where failure may work serious harm, has only himself to blame; for it is his business to reckon his own capacity before he accepts the dignity and honors of a position in which the interests of the nation are intrusted to his charge. an uneasy consciousness of these truths, forced upon the navy and the government by widespread shortcomings in many quarters--of which mathews's battle was only the most conspicuous instance--resulted in a very serious modification of the articles of war, after the peace. up to the articles dealing with misconduct before the enemy, which had been in force since the first half of the reign of charles ii., assigned upon conviction the punishment of "death, or other punishment, as the circumstances of the offence shall deserve and the court-martial shall judge fit." after the experiences of this war, the last clause was omitted. discretion was taken away. men were dissatisfied, whether justly or not, with the use of their discretion made by courts-martial, and deprived them of it. in the united states navy, similarly, at the beginning of the civil war, the government was in constant struggle with courts-martial to impose sentences of severity adequate to the offence; leaving the question of remission, or of indulgence, to the executive. these facts are worthy of notice, for there is a facile popular impression that courts-martial err on the side of stringency. the writer, from a large experience of naval courts, upon offenders of many ranks, is able to affirm that it is not so. marryat, in his day, midway between the two periods here specified, makes the same statement, in "peter simple." "there is an evident inclination towards the prisoner; every allowance and every favor granted him, and no legal quibbles attended to." it may be added that the inconvenience and expense of assembling courts make the executive chary of this resort, which is rarely used except when the case against an accused is pretty clear,--a fact that easily gives rise to a not uncommon assertion, that courts-martial are organized to convict. this is the antecedent history of byng's trial and execution. there had been many examples of weak and inefficient action--of distinct errors of conduct--such as byng was destined to illustrate in the highest rank and upon a large scale, entailing an unusual and conspicuous national disaster; and the offenders had escaped, with consequences to themselves more or less serious, but without any assurance to the nation that the punishment inflicted was raising professional standards, and so giving reasonable certainty that the like derelictions would not recur. hence it came to pass, in , not amid the agitations of war and defeats, but in profound peace, that the article was framed under which byng suffered: "every person in the fleet, who through cowardice, negligence, or disaffection, shall in time of action, ... not do his utmost to take or destroy every ship which it shall be his duty to engage; and to assist all and every of his majesty's ships, or those of his allies, which it shall be his duty to assist and relieve, ... being convicted thereof by sentence of a court-martial, shall suffer death." let it therefore be observed, as historically certain, that the execution of byng in is directly traceable to the war of - . it was not determined, as is perhaps generally imagined, by an obsolete statute revived for the purpose of a judicial murder; but by a recent act, occasioned, if not justified, by circumstances of marked national humiliation and injury. the offences specified are those of which repeated instances had been recently given; and negligence is ranked with more positive faults, because in practice equally harmful and equally culpable. every man in active life, whatever his business, knows this to be so. at the time his battle with l'etenduère was fought, hawke was actually a commander-in-chief; for warren, through his disorder increasing upon him, had resigned the command, and hawke had been notified of the fact. hence there did not obtain in his case the consideration, so absurdly advanced for limiting nelson's reward after the nile, that he was acting under the orders of a superior several hundred miles away. nevertheless, hawke, like nelson later, was then a new man,--"a young officer;" and the honor he received, though certainly adequate for a victory over a force somewhat inferior, was not adequate when measured by that given to anson, the first lord of the admiralty, for a much less notable achievement six months before. anson was raised to the peerage; hawke was only given the order of the bath, the ribbon which nelson coveted, because a public token, visible to all, that the wearer had done distinguished service. it was at that period a much greater distinction than it afterwards became, through the great extension in numbers and the division into classes. he was henceforth sir edward hawke; and shortly after the peace of aix-la-chapelle, signed april , , another flag-promotion raised him to the rank of vice-admiral, of the blue squadron. such rank, accompanied by such recognized merit, insured that he should thenceforth always command in chief; and so it was, with a single brief interval due to a very special and exceptional cause to be hereafter related. during the years of peace, from to , his employment was mainly on shore, in dockyard command, which carried with it incidentally a good deal of presiding over courts-martial. this duty, in his hands, could hardly fail to raise professional standards, with all the effect that precedents, established by the rulings and decisions of courts, civil and military, exert upon practice. such a period, however, affords but little for narration, either professional or personal, except when the particular occupations mentioned are the subject of special study. general interest they cannot be said to possess. but while thus unmarked on the biographical side, historically these years were pregnant with momentous events, which not only affected the future of great nations then existing, but were to determine for all time the extension or restriction of their social systems and political tendencies in vast distant regions yet unoccupied by civilized man, or still in unstable political tenure. the balance of world power, in short, was in question, and that not merely as every occurrence, large or small, contributes its something to a general result, but on a grand and decisive scale. the phrase "world politics," if not yet invented, characterizes the issues then eminently at stake, though they probably were not recognized by contemporaries, still blinded by the traditions which saw in europe alone the centre of political interests. to realize the conditions, and their bearing upon a future which has become our present, we should recall that in the british empire, as we understand the term, did not exist; that canada and louisiana-- meaning by the latter the whole undefined region west of the mississippi--were politically and socially french; that between them the wide territory from the alleghanies to the mississippi was claimed by france, and the claim vigorously contested not only by great britain herself, but by the thirteen british colonies which became the united states of america; that in india the representatives of both mother countries were striving for mastery, not merely through influence in the councils of native rulers, but by actual territorial sway, and that the chances seemed on the whole to favor france. in the great struggle for anglo-saxon predominance, which had begun under william iii., but was now approaching its crisis and final decision in the seven years war, the determining factor was to be the maritime strength of great britain. it is, therefore, the distinctive and distinguished significance of hawke's career that during so critical a period he not only was the most illustrious and able officer of her navy--the exponent of her sea-power--but that by the force of his personality he chiefly shaped the naval outcome. he carried on the development of naval warfare, revolutionized ideas, raised professional standards, and thereby both affected the result in his own time, and perpetuated an influence, the effect of which was to be felt in the gigantic contests of later days. in this eminent particular, which involves real originality, no sea officer of the eighteenth century stands with him; in this respect only he and nelson, who belongs rather to the nineteenth, are to be named together. in the years of nominal peace, - , the navy of great britain was permitted by a politically cautious government to decline much in power; but there was compensation in the fact that that of france drooped equally. in both countries there was then, as there has been ever since, a party opposed to over-sea enterprise. "the partisans of the ministry," wrote walpole in , "d----n the plantations [colonies], and ask if we are to involve ourselves in a war for them." the french government underwent a like revulsion of feeling as regarded india, and in recalled dupleix in mid-career, in order to quiet the remonstrances of great britain. it would be irrelevant, were it not signally instructive, to remark that both nations passed under the influence of the same ideas a hundred years later. in the middle of the nineteenth century, the preponderant expression in england was that the colonies were unprofitable incumbrances, and, if occasion arose, should be encouraged to separate rather than urged to remain; while france, through whatever motive, at a critical moment abandoned the field in egypt, by refusing joint action. it is, therefore, probably the result of a true national genius, asserting itself above temporary aberrations, that the close of the nineteenth century saw france wholly excluded, politically, from egypt, as she had before been from india, and great britain involved in an expensive war, the aim of which was the preservation of the imperial system, in the interest not only of the mother country, but of the colonies as well. and that it was in the interest of her colonies was precisely the all important part which differentiated the seven years war in its day, and the south african war in our day, from the struggle, so disastrous to the empire, that is known as the american revolution. "there is no repose for our thirteen colonies," wrote franklin a hundred and fifty years ago, "so long as the french are masters of canada." "there is no repose for british colonists in south africa," was the virtual assertion of natal and the cape colony, "so long as the boer political methods are maintained in the transvaal with the pledged support of the orange free state." irreconcilable differences of political and social systems, when brought into close contact, involve irrepressible conflict, and admit of no lasting solution except the subjugation and consequent submersion of one or the other. such a final settlement was attained in north america and in india by the seven years war. the full results thereof even we of this day have not yet seen; for who can yet predict the effect upon the question of the pacific and of china, that by this war was assured the dominance of the anglo-saxon political and legal tradition over the whole american continent north of the tropics, and that the same tradition shall, for a future yet indeterminate, decisively shape the course of india and the philippines? the preceding war, - , had been substantially inconclusive on the chief points at issue, because european questions intervening had diverted the attention of both france and great britain from america and from india; and the exhaustion of both had led to a perfunctory compact, in which the underlying contention was substantially ignored in order to reach formal agreement. that the french conquest of madras, in india, was yielded in exchange for louisburg and cape breton island, which the american colonists had won for england, typifies concisely the _status quo_ to which both parties were willing momentarily to revert, while they took breath before the inevitable renewal of the strife, with added fury, a few years later; but then upon its proper scene, the sea and the over-sea regions in dispute. in this great arbitrament hawke was at once called forth to play his part. in diplomatic contention had become acrimonious, and various events showed that the moment of open conflict was approaching. the squadron in india was then considerably increased. in the beginning of hawke was again afloat to command the channel fleet, the operations of which extended ordinarily from the channel, over the bay of biscay, to cape finisterre. a naval force was collecting at the same time at portsmouth, under boscawen, to counteract the preparations the french were known to be making in north america. it sailed soon afterwards, with orders to intercept a squadron convoying reinforcements for canada; and on the th of june two of these ships were captured off the mouth of the st. lawrence, the remainder escaping under cover of a fog. in july hawke went out, with instructions to take any french ships-of-the-line that he might meet; and in august he was further directed to send into port french ships of every kind, merchant and other, that he might encounter. before the end of the year three hundred trading vessels, valued at $ , , , had been thus seized. war had not yet been declared, but the captured vessels were held, as on other occasions before and after, as hostages to await the settlement of existing difficulties. the french government protested of course, and recalled its ambassador, but it did not proceed to formal hostilities. a great stroke was in preparation at toulon, which could be covered for a while by diplomatic correspondence, coupled with angry demonstrations on the atlantic and channel coasts. on the th of april, , twelve french ships-of-the-line and fifteen thousand troops sailed for minorca, then a british possession, and in the absence of a hostile fleet effected a landing without opposition. the british cabinet having taken alarm too late, admiral byng had sailed from portsmouth, with ten ships, only three days before the french left toulon; when he arrived off port mahon, six weeks later, a practicable breach in the works had already been made. the french fleet was cruising outside in support of the siege, and byng, whose force had been increased to thirteen ships, engaged it on may . the action was in itself indecisive; but, upon the opinion of a council of war that nothing more could be done, byng retired to gibraltar. the result to him personally is well known. port mahon surrendered on june . war had by this been declared; by great britain on the th of may, and by france june , . when the news of byng's retreat was received in england, hawke was sent out to supersede him. he went only personally, accompanied by a second in command, but with no fleet, and with sealed instructions. opening these when he reached gibraltar, he found orders to send home byng and his second in command, and to institute an inquiry into the conduct of the captains, suspending any one found "not to have acted with due spirit and vigor." an investigation of this kind would enable him to form an opinion of byng's own conduct even more exact and authentic than his other official opportunities for personal intercourse with the chief actors, but he must have refrained with much discretion from expressing his judgment on the affair in such way as to reach the public ear. it was stated in the "gentleman's magazine," in , that an inquiry was provoked in the house of commons, shortly after these events, by pitt, who took byng's side; but that hawke, being a member of the house, denied some of pitt's allegations as to the inadequacy of byng's fleet, on the strength of his own personal observation after taking over the command. thereupon, so the account says, the categorical test question, the _argumentum ad hominem_, was put to him whether with byng's means he could have beat the enemy; and the manner of the first pitt, in thus dealing with an opponent in debate, can be imagined from what we know of him otherwise. whether the story be true or not, hawke was not a man to be so overborne, and the reply related is eminently characteristic, "by the grace of god, he would have given a good account of them." whatever the reason, there seems little doubt that pitt did not like hawke; but the latter was at once too independent to care, and too necessary to be discarded. he remained in the mediterranean only six months, returning to england in january, . his tenure of this command was marked by an incident which exemplifies the vigorous exercise of power frequent in naval commanders, in the days when neither steam nor telegraph existed to facilitate reference home for instructions; when men with their strong right arms redressed on the spot what they thought a wrong. a british ship carrying supplies to gibraltar, where hawke was then lying, was captured by a french privateer and taken into the spanish port of algeciras, on the opposite side of the bay. her surrender was demanded from the governor of the port, spain being then neutral; but, being refused, the admiral sent the boats of the squadron and cut her out. this being resisted by the spanish forts, a hundred british seamen were killed or wounded. on the admiral's return home, pitt is reported to have told him that he thought he would himself have acted in the same way, but would have made some concession afterwards. hawke replied that his duty, having the country's force in his hands, was to act as he had,--not to make concessions; but that the ministry could deal with the case subsequently as it thought fit. in other words, as in joint operations with the army, later in the year, he took the ground that the land officers were the judges of their own business, but that he would see them put safe on shore, as a first step; so in a matter affecting national honor, as he conceived it, he would do the seaman's part and redress the injury, after which the civil authority could arrange with the other party. the known details of this transaction are not full enough to permit a decided opinion as to how far the admiral was justified in his action, judged even by the international law of the day. it was not necessarily a breach of neutrality to admit a belligerent with her prize; but it would have been, had the french ship gone out from algeciras, seized her prey, and returned with it. whatever the facts, however, the episode illustrates interestingly the spirit of hawke himself, and of the service of that day, as well as his characteristic independence towards superiors when he felt himself right. from this time forward hawke's service was confined to the channel fleet. this was, during that war, the post for the most capable of british officers; for, while the matter at stake was over-sea predominance and conquest, yet both these depended upon the communications of the french colonies and distant possessions with the mother country. the source of all their strength, the one base indispensable to their operations, was the coast of france; to close exit from this was therefore to strike at the root. this was much less true for the colonies of great britain, at least in america; their numbers, and resources in every way, were so far superior to those of canada that they needed only to be preserved from interference by the navy of france,--an end also furthered by the close watch of the french ports. this blockade, as it is often, but erroneously, styled, hawke was the first to maintain thoroughly and into the winter months; and in so doing he gave an extension to the practice of naval warfare, which amounted to a veritable revolution in naval strategy. the conception was one possible only to a thorough seaman, who knew exactly and practically what ships could do; one also in whom professional knowledge received the moral support of strong natural self-confidence,--power to initiate changes, to assume novel responsibility, through the inner assurance of full adequacy to bear it. all this hawke had. the method, therefore, the holding the sea, and the exposure of heavy ships to weather before thought impossible, was well within the range of his ability,--of his native and acquired faculties; but it is due to him to recognize the intellectual force, the originality, which lifted him above the accepted tradition of his predecessors, and by example transmitted to the future a system of warfare that then, as well as in his own hands, was to exercise a decisive effect upon the course of history. it is also to be remembered that he took this weighty step with instruments relatively imperfect, and greatly so. the bottoms of ships were not yet coppered; in consequence they fouled very rapidly, the result of which was loss of speed. this meant that much greater power, press of canvas, was needed to force them through the water, and that they had to be sent frequently into port to be cleaned. thus they were less able than ships of later days to overtake an enemy, or to keep off a lee shore, while more intricate administration and more ships were required to maintain the efficiency of the squadron by a system of reliefs. hawke noted also another difficulty,--the fatigue of the crews in cleaning their ships' bottoms. it was even more important to success, he said, to restore the seaman, worn by cruising, by a few days quiet and sleep in port, than to clean thoroughly at the expense of exhausting them. "if the enemy should slip out and run," he writes, "we must follow as fast as we can." details such as these, as well as the main idea, must be borne in mind, if due credit is to be given to hawke for one of the most decisive advances ever made in the practice of naval campaigning. some time, however, was to elapse before the close watch of the french ports became a leading feature in the naval policy of the government. the early disasters of the war had forced the king, after much resistance, finally to accept the first pitt as the leading minister of the crown, in june, . pitt's military purpose embraced two principal objects: , the establishment of the british colonial system by the destruction of that of france, which involved as a necessary precedent the control of the sea by a preponderant navy; and, , the support of frederic of prussia, then engaged in his deadly contest with the combined armies of france, austria, and russia. frederic's activity made a heavy drain upon the troops and the treasure of france, preventing her by just so much from supporting her colonies and maintaining her fleet; but, heavily outnumbered as he was, it was desirable to work all possible diversion in his favor by attacks elsewhere. this pitt proposed to do by a series of descents upon the french coast, compelling the enemy to detach a large force from before the prussian king to protect their own shores. as far as the home naval force was concerned, the years and were dominated by this idea of diversion in favor of frederic the great. from the general object of these enterprises, the army was necessarily the principal agent; but the navy was the indispensable auxiliary. hawke's association with them is interesting chiefly as illustrative of professional character; for there was little or no room for achievement of naval results. the first expedition in which he was concerned was that against rochefort in . this, though now long forgotten, occasioned by its failure a storm of contemporary controversy. whatever chances of success it may under any circumstances have had were lost beforehand, owing to the lateness of the season--june--in which pitt took office. preparation began at the moment when execution was due. the troops which should have sailed in early summer could not, from delays apparently unavoidable under the conditions, get away before september . hawke himself hoisted his flag--assumed active command--only on august . the previous administration was responsible for whatever defect in general readiness increased this delay; as regards the particular purpose, pitt's government was at fault in attempting at all an undertaking which, begun so late in the year, could not expect success under the notorious inadequacy of organization bequeathed to him by his predecessors. but there will always be found at the beginning of a war, or upon a change of commanders, a restless impatience to do something, to make a showing of results, which misleads the judgment of those in authority, and commonly ends, if not in failure, at least in barren waste of powder and shot. not the least of the drawbacks under which the enterprise labored was extremely defective information--especially hydrographic. the character of the coast, the places suited for landing, the depths of water, and the channels, were practically unknown. hence a necessity for reconnoissances, pregnant of indefinite delay, as might have been foreseen. among hawke's memoranda occur the words, "not to undertake anything without good pilots." the phrase is doubly significant, for he was not a man to worry needlessly about pilots, knowing that pilots look not to military results, but merely to their own responsibility not to take the ground; and it shows the total ignorance under which labored all who were charged with an undertaking that could only succeed as a surprise, executed with unhesitating rapidity. hawke himself was astounded at finding in basque roads, before rochefort, "a safe spacious road in which all the navy of england, merchant ships included, may ride without the least annoyance. before i came here, the place was represented as very difficult of access, and so narrow that ships could not lie in safety from the forts--nay, _the pilots made many baulks before we came in_." in fact, want of good pilotage summed up the fault of the expedition, from its inception in the cabinet throughout all the antecedent steps of consultation and preparation. pitt's impetuosity doubtless acted as a spur to laggards, but it was accompanied by a tendency to overbearing insolence that not infrequently browbeats cautious wisdom. when applied to a man like hawke, strong in natural temper and in conscious mastery of his profession, the tone characteristic of pitt provokes an equally resolute self-assertion, as far removed from subjection as it is from insubordination; but friendship becomes impossible, and even co-operation difficult. throughout all hawke kept his head, and made no serious mistake; but he accepts no unmerited censures. seeing that the transports are not enough for the healthful carriage of the troops, he so represents it. the government, already impatient at any report of defects, hopes that things are now arranged to his _satisfaction_. "i am astonished at this expression," he says, "it is my duty to represent defects, but i am _satisfied_ with any decision _you_ make." again, "i have received your letter signifying his majesty's directions to use the utmost diligence in embarking the troops and getting to sea. as i cannot doubt my letter of sunday being immediately communicated to you, i should have expected that _before yours was sent_ his majesty would have been fully satisfied that i needed no spur in executing his orders." as hawke and anson--the first lord--were friends, there can be little doubt that we see here a firm protest against the much lauded tone to which the efficiency of the british army and navy under pitt has been too exclusively attributed. it was in the civil administration, the preparation that underlies military success, which being at home was under his own eye, that pitt's energy was beneficially felt, and also in his prompt recognition of fit instruments; but he had no need to discover hawke or boscawen. he might as well be thought to have discovered the sun. in discharging his part of the expedition hawke's course is consistent and clear. it must in the first place be recognized that such enterprises are of secondary importance, and do not warrant the risks which are not only justifiable but imperative when a decisive issue is at stake. hawke's heroic disregard of pilotage difficulties at quiberon, in , would have been culpable temerity at basque roads, in . but, save delays on this account, no time is lost by him. when the decision to land is reached, he is clear as to the possibility of landing; but when the generals think it impossible to effect certain results, he replies that is their business, on which he does not pretend to judge. in his evidence before the court afterwards, he said, "whether they should land or not, he constantly thought it the part of the generals to determine. he could not but suppose they were infinitely better judges of their own business than he could be." their conduct was marked by vacillations strange to him, and which apparently displeased him; the troops being, on one occasion, embarked in the boats for some hours, and yet returning to the ships without proceeding. he then addressed a formal letter to the commanding general, saying that if he had no further operation to propose the fleet would return at once to england, and he declined to attend a council of war to decide either of these points. the army should decide, alone, whether it could effect anything by landing; if not, he, without asking counsel, would stay no longer. on october th he reached spithead. pitt, who had espoused byng's cause against the previous administration, followed its precedent in throwing the blame on the military and naval leaders. in parliament, he "declared solemnly his belief that there was a determined resolution, both in the naval and military commanders, against any vigorous exertion of the national power." for far less than this accusation byng had been condemned; but in fact the fault at rochefort lay clearly on those who issued the orders,--upon the cabinet; upon the character of the expedition itself,--a great risk for a secondary and doubtful object; upon the inconsiderate haste which disregarded alike the season and the inadequate knowledge; upon defective preparation in the broadest sense of the words. diversions, in truth, are feints, in which the utmost smoke with the least fire is the object. carried farther, they entail disaster; for they rest on no solid basis of adequate force, but upon successful deception. pitt's angry injustice met with its due rebuke the next year at st. cas. it can scarcely be doubted that words such as those quoted were responsible, in part at least, for the disastrous issue of that diversion, the story of which belongs, if to the navy at all, to the life of howe. that hawke resented this language can scarcely be doubted, and none the less that he evidently himself felt that something might have been attempted by the troops. he was clear of fault in his own consciousness; but in the general censure he was involved with his associates--known, so to say, by his friends, implicated in the meshes of a half-truth, where effort to clear one's self results in worse entanglement. he had the manly cast of character which will not struggle for self-vindication; but his suppressed wrath gathered force, until a year later it resulted, upon occasion of official provocation, in an explosion that has not a close parallel in naval history. he had hoisted his flag again on february , . his first service was directed against a french squadron of five ships-of-the-line, fitting at rochefort to convoy troops for the relief of louisburg, in cape breton island, then about to be besieged by british and colonial forces. hawke's observations of the previous year had ascertained the hitherto unknown facilities of basque roads for occupation by a fleet and consequent effectual interception of such an expedition. upon making the land the french vessels were found already in the roads, therefore soon to sail; but before this superior force of seven ships they cut their cables, and fled across the shoals up the river charente, on which rochefort lies. hawke, instructed by his previous experience, had earnestly but fruitlessly demanded fire-ships and bomb-vessels to destroy the enemy in case they grounded on the flats; which they did, and for some hours lay exposed to such an attack. not having these means, he had to watch helplessly the process of lightening and towing by which they at last made their escape. he then returned to england, having frustrated the relief expedition but, through defective equipment, not destroyed the vessels. the admiralty, upon receiving his report of the transaction, made no acknowledgments to him. pitt had profited by hawke's ineffectual request for small vessels and his suffering from the want of them; but he utilized the suggestions in a manner that robbed their author of any share in the results. a squadron of that sort was to be constituted, to operate on the french coast in diversions like that of ; but it was to be an independent command, under an officer chosen by the government without consulting the admiral. to the main fleet was assigned the necessary, but in credit very secondary, office of cruising off brest, to prevent interruption by the french ships there; to play, in short, the inconspicuous rôle of a covering force, while the light squadron had the brilliant part of fighting. the officer selected for the latter was howe, deservedly a favorite of hawke's, but not therefore acceptable to him as a supplanter in his honors. the admiral had been for some time superintending the equipment of the vessels for the light division, when, on may , , howe reported to him, bringing his orders. hawke boiled over at once; and, in a heat evidently beyond his will to control, despatched the following letter, three hours after howe's arrival. portsmouth, o'clock p.m. th may, . sir,--about o'clock arrived here captain howe, and delivered me their lordships' order of the th. in last september i was sent out to command an expedition under all the disadvantages one could possibly labor under, arising chiefly from my being under the influence of land-officers in councils of war at sea.[ ] last cruise (march-april, ) i went out on a particular service, almost without the least means of performing it. now every means to ensure success is provided; another is to reap the credit; while it is probable that i, with the capital ships, might be ordered to cruise in such a manner as to prevent his failing in this attempt. to fit out his ships for this service i have been kept here,[ ] and even now have their lordships' directions, at least in terms, to obey him. he is to judge of what he wants for his expedition; he is to make his demands, and i am to comply with them. i have therefore directed my flag immediately to be struck, and left their lordships' orders with vice-admiral holburne. for no consequence that can attend my striking it without orders shall ever outbalance with me the wearing it one moment with discredit. i am, etc. e. hawke. it is impossible to justify so extreme a step as abandoning one's command without permission, and especially under circumstances that permitted the orderly course of asking for detachment. nevertheless, hawke did well to be angry; and, as is sometimes the case, an injudicious and, in point of occasion, unseemly loss of temper, doubtless contributed to insure for him in the future, to a degree which forbearance or mere remonstrance would not have assured, the consideration essential to his duties. many will remember the effect produced by plimsoll's unparliamentary outbreak. the erroneous impression, that admirals and generals fit to be employed at all were to be ridden booted and spurred, needed correction. hawke had misapprehended the intention of the government, in so far as believing that the light squadron was to be employed in basque roads, the scene of last year's failure; but he was right in thinking that intrusting the enterprise to another, on that occasion his junior, would be a reflection upon himself, intensified by making the command practically independent, while he was limited to the covering duty. under these circumstances, erroneously imagined by him, the squadron should have been attached to his command, and the particular direction left to him; the government giving to him, instead of to howe, the general orders which it issued, and arranging with him beforehand as to the command of the detached squadron. but even under the actual conditions, of an intention to operate on the western channel coast of france, it would have been graceful and appropriate to recognize hawke's eminent past, and recent experience, by keeping under his command the ships he had himself fitted for the service, and directing him to despatch howe with the necessary instructions. it was as in the nile campaign, where the general directions were sent to st. vincent, with a clear expression of the government's preference for nelson as the officer to take charge. the intended scene of howe's operations, if not formally within hawke's district, was far less distant from brest than toulon and italy were from cadiz, where st. vincent covered nelson's detachment. in the wish for secrecy, perhaps, or perhaps through mere indifference to the effect produced upon hawke, as a man assumed to need curb and spur, he was left in ignorance, to imagine what he pleased; and this action, succeeding previous neglects and pitt's imputations of the previous year, elicited an outburst which, while it cannot be justified in its particular manifestation, was in spirit inevitable. a man submissive to such treatment as he had good cause to suspect, would be deficient in the independence of character, and sensitive regard to official reputation, without which he was unfit to command the channel fleet. hawke was summoned at once to the admiralty, and in the interview which ensued, as shown by the minutes endorsed on his own letter, his misconception as to the quarter in which howe was to act afforded standing ground for a compromise. hawke having committed himself officially, and upon a mistaken premise, the admiralty had him technically at their mercy; but such a triumph as they could win by disciplining him would be more disastrous than a defeat. he disclaimed resentment towards any person, and reiterated that his action was intended merely to defend his character and honor, which he said--to quote the minute exactly--"were not _so much_ touched as he apprehended when the suspicion he had of mr. howe's going to basque roads arose--from the lords asking him some days since for a draft of the roads." the italics are the present writer's; but the words as they stand would indicate that he did not yield his view of the matter in general, nor leave hearers under any doubt as to how far he could safely be treated with contumely or slight. there can be little doubt that the substantial result was to strengthen his position in the exacting duty that lay before him in the following year. the whole business was then salved over by the first lord, anson, taking command of the channel fleet for the particular occasion. hawke accompanied him as second in command, while howe went his way with the light squadron and the troops. both divisions sailed on the st of june. on the th our admiral was so unwell with a severe fever and cold--a complaint to which he was much subject--that he had to ask to be sent into port. he went ashore before the end of the month, and remained unemployed till the following may. the year is the culminating epoch of hawke's career. in it occurred the signal triumph of quiberon bay, the seal of his genius, significant above all as demonstrating that the ardor of the leader had found fulfilment in his followers, that the spirit of hawke had become the spirit of the navy. this year also yielded proof of his great capacity as a seaman and administrator, in the efficient blocking of brest, prolonged through six months of closest watching into the period of the winter gales, in face of which it had hitherto been thought impossible to keep the sea with heavy ships massed in fleets; for, as he most justly said, in explaining the necessity of maintaining the rendezvous fixed by him, "a single ship may struggle with a hard gale of wind when a squadron cannot. in working against a strong westerly gale in the channel, where it cannot make very long stretches,"--because it finds shores and shoals on either side,--"it must always by wearing lose ground, but more especially if it should so blow as to put it past carrying sail." the method used by hawke was not only an innovation on all past practice, but, as has before been said, constituted the pattern whereon were framed the great blockades of the napoleonic period, which strangled both the naval efficiency and the commercial and financial resources of the empire. these were but developments of hawke's fine achievement of ; the prestige of originality belongs to him. even their success, with better ships and the improvement of detail always accompanying habit, is foreshadowed by his. "i may safely affirm that, except the few ships that took refuge in conquet, hardly a vessel of any kind has been able to enter or come out of brest for four months,"--ending october th. "they have been obliged to unload near forty victuallers at quimperley and carry their cargoes by land to brest. it must be the fault of the weather, not ours, if any of them escape." it was suitable indeed that so strenuous and admirable an exhibition of professional ability,--of naval generalship,--alike in strategic combination, tactical disposition, and administrative superintendence, should terminate in a brilliant triumph, at once its fruit and its crown; wherein sedulous and unremittent readiness for instant action, comprehended by few, received a startling demonstration which none could fail to understand. as nelson was pursued by ignorant sneers before the nile, so hawke was burned in effigy by the populace, at the very moment when laborious effort was about to issue in supreme achievement. the victory in either case is less than the antecedent labor, as the crown, after all, is less than the work, the symbol than the fact symbolized. a brief account of preceding conditions, and of the dispositions maintained to meet them, is therefore necessary to due appreciation of the victory of quiberon bay. although the diversions of had not very materially aided frederic of prussia, they had inflicted distinct humiliation and harassment upon france. this, added to defeat upon the continent and in north america, had convinced the french government, as it convinced napoleon a half-century later, that a determined blow must be struck at england herself as the operative centre upon which rested, and from which proceeded, the most serious detriment to their cause and that of their allies. it was resolved, therefore, to attempt an invasion of england; to the threat of which the english people were always extremely sensitive. from local conditions the french preparations had to be made in several separate places; it was the task of the british navy to prevent the concentration of these different detachments in a joint effort. the troops must embark, of course, from some place near to england; their principal points of assembly were on the channel, whence they were to cross in flat-boats, and in the biscay ports, from brest to the mouth of the loire. the bay of quiberon, from which hawke's action takes its name, lies between the two latter points. it is sheltered from the full force of the atlantic gales by a peninsula of the same name, and by some shoals which prolong the barrier to the southward of the promontory. to cross safely, it was necessary to provide naval protection. to this end squadrons were equipped in toulon and in brest. combined at the latter point, and further strengthened by divisions expected to return from north america, they would constitute a force of very serious consideration in point of numbers. rochefort also was an element in the problem, though a minor one; for either the small force already there might join the concentration, or, if the port were unwatched, the american or other divisions might get in there, and be at least so much nearer to brest, or to a neighboring point of assembly, as quiberon bay. as the french navy was essential to the french crossing, as its junction was essential to action, as the point of junction was at or near brest--for there was the district near which the troops were assembling--and as by far the largest detachment was already in brest, that port became the important centre upon blocking which depended primarily the thwarting of the invasion. if the french navy succeeded in concentrating at brest, the first move in the game would be lost. hawke therefore had the double duty of not allowing the squadron there to get out without fighting, and of closing the entrance to reinforcements. the latter was far the more difficult, and could not be assured beyond the chance of failure, because an on-shore gale, which would carry his fleet into the channel to avoid being driven on the french coast, would be fair for an outside enemy to run into the port, friendly to him. this actually occurred at a most critical moment, but it could only happen by a combination of circumstances; that is, by the hostile squadron chancing to arrive at a moment when the british had been blown off. if it approached under ordinary conditions of weather it would run into the midst of foes. the great names of the british navy were then all afloat in active command. rodney was before havre, which he bombarded in the course of the summer, doing a certain amount of damage, harassing the local preparations for invasion, and intercepting vessels carrying supplies to the brest fleet and coastwise. boscawen, second only to hawke, was before toulon, to hold there the dozen ships-of-the-line under de la clue, as hawke was charged to stop the score under conflans. in broad conception, hawke's method was simple and can be easily stated; the difficulty lay in carrying it out. the main body of his force had a rendezvous, so chosen that in violent weather from the westward it could at worst drift up channel, but usually would have a fair wind for torbay, a roadstead on the british coast about a hundred miles distant. to the rendezvous the fleet was not tied under ordinary circumstances; it was merely a headquarters which admitted of cruising, but where despatches from home would always find the admiral in person, or news of his whereabouts. near brest itself was kept an inshore squadron of three or four ships, which under ordinary circumstances could see the enemy inside, noting his forwardness; for the cannon of the day could not molest a vessel more than a mile from the entrance, while the conditions within of spars and sails indicated to a seaman the readiness or intention to move, to a degree not ascertainable with ships dependent on steam only. with these dispositions, if a westerly gale came on, the fleet held its ground while it could, but when expedient to go put into torbay. owing to the nearness of the two places, the weather, when of a pronounced character, was the same at both. while the wind held to the westward of south, or even at south-southeast, a ship-of-the-line could not beat out from brest; much less a fleet. the instant the wind went east, fair for exit, the british left torbay, with certainty of not being too late; for, though the enemy might get out before their return, the east wind would not suffer them to close with the french coast at another point soon enough to avoid a meeting. while in torbay the time was improved by taking on board stores and provisions; nor was the night's rest at anchor a small consideration for seamen worn with continual cruising. the practical merits displayed by hawke in maintaining this simple but arduous service were, first and supremely, the recognition of its possibility, contrary to a tradition heretofore as commonly and as blindly accepted as those of the line-of-battle, and of the proper methods for fleet attack before described. it must be remembered also that in these wars, - , for the first time the british navy found the scene of action, in european waters, to be the biscay coast of france. in the former great wars of the seventeenth century, french fleets entered the channel, and pitched battles were fought there and in the north sea. thence the contest shifted to the mediterranean, where the great fleets operated in the later days of william iii., and the reign of anne. then, too, the heavy ships, like land armies, went into winter quarters. it was by distinguished admirals considered professionally criminal to expose those huge yet cumbrous engines of the nation's power to the buffetings of winter gales, which might unfit them next year to meet the enemy, snugly nursed and restored to vigor in home ports during the same time. the need of periodical refitting and cleaning the bottoms clinched the argument in favor of this seasonable withdrawal from the sea. with this presumed necessity, attention had not been paid to developing a system of maintenance and refit adapted to the need of a fleet performing what hawke undertook. in this, of course, there cannot be assigned to him the individuality of merit that may belong to a conception, and does belong to the man who initiates and assumes, as he did, the responsibility for a novel and hazardous course of action. many agents had to contribute to the forwarding of supplies and repairs; but, while singleness of credit cannot be assumed, priority is justly due to him upon whose shoulders fell not only all blame, in case his enterprise failed, but the fundamental difficulty of so timing the reliefs of the vessels under his command, so arranging the order of rotation in their going and coming as to keep each, as well as the whole body, in a constant condition of highest attainable efficiency--in numbers, in speed, and in health--for meeting the enemy, whose time of exit could not be foreknown. naturally, too, the man on whom all this fell, and who to the nation would personify success or failure, as the event might be,--terms which to him would mean honor or ruin,--that man, when professionally so competent as hawke, would be most fruitful in orders and in suggestions to attain the desired end. in this sense there can be no doubt that he was foremost, and his correspondence bears evidence of his preoccupation with the subject. into particulars it is scarcely necessary to go. administrative details are interesting only to specialists. but one quality absolutely essential, and in which most men fail, he manifested in high degree. he feared no responsibility, either towards the enemy, or towards the home authorities. superior and inferior alike heard plainly from him in case of defects; still more plainly in case of neglect. "it is a matter of indifference to me whether i fight the enemy, should they come out, with an equal number, one ship more, or one ship less." "i depend not on intelligence from the french ports; what i see i believe, and regulate my conduct accordingly;" a saying which recalls one of farragut's,--"the officers say i don't believe anything. i certainly believe very little that comes in the shape of reports. they keep everybody stirred up. i mean to be whipped or to whip my enemy, and not to be scared to death." agitation, to a very considerable degree, was the condition of hawke's superiors; to say the least, anxiety strained to the point of approaching panic. but hawke could have adopted truly as his own farragut's other words, "i have full confidence in myself and in my judgment,"--that is, of course, in professional matters; and he spoke reassuringly out of the firmness of his self-reliance. "their lordships will pardon me for observing that from the present disposition of the squadron i think there is little room for alarm while the weather continues tolerable." again, a few days later, "their lordships may rest assured there is little foundation for the present alarms. while the wind is fair for the enemy's coming out, it is also favorable for our keeping them in; and while we are obliged to keep off they cannot stir." this was in october, when the weather was already wild and the days shortening. with equally little hesitancy, though without breach of subordination, he overbears the admiralty when they wish to pay what he considers exaggerated care to cleaning the bottoms, traceable, no doubt, to the prejudices of the sea lords. "if the ships take up a month by cleaning, from the time they leave me to their return, it will be impossible for me to keep up the squadron. the only practicable way is to heel, etc., and confine them to ten days in port for the refreshment of their companies in case they should miss the spring tide." "their lordships will give me leave to observe that the relief of the squadron depends more on the refreshment of the ships' companies than on cleaning the ships. by the hurry the latter must be performed in, unless the ship continues a month or five weeks in port, which the present exigency will by no means admit of, the men would be so harassed and fatigued that they would return to me in a worse condition than when they left me.... however, i shall endeavor to comply with all their lordships' directions in such manner as, _to the best of my judgment, will answer their intentions in employing me here_." the words italicized strike the true note of subordination duly tempered with discretion. to the navy board, a civil adjunct to the admiralty, but possessed of considerable independent power to annoy officers in active military service, he took a more peremptory tone. he had discharged on his own authority, and for reasons of emergency, a mutinous surgical officer. for this he was taken to task, as nelson a generation later was rebuked by the same body. "i have to acquaint you," he replied, "that there was no mistake in his being ordered by me to be discharged." he then gives his reasons, and continues, "for the real good of the service i ordered him to be discharged, and his crime noted on his list of pay, for your information. i shall not enter into any dispute with you about my authority as a commanding officer, neither do i ever think of inconveniences or prejudices to myself, as a party, according to your insinuations, where the good of the service is concerned." it must be added that to subordinates he was as liberal with praise as he was with censure, where either was merited; nor did he fail in kindly personal intervention upon due occasion for deserving or unfortunate men. more reserved, apparently, than nelson, he seems to have been like him sympathetic; and hence it was that, as before observed, it was his spirit that he communicated to the navy rather than a system, admirable as was the strategic system embodied in his methods of blockade. it was by personal influence rather than by formulated precept that hawke inspired his service, and earned a just claim to be reckoned the greatest force of his century in naval development. the general conditions being as described, the fighting in the naval campaign of began in the mediterranean. on june th boscawen, having driven two french frigates into a fortified bay near toulon, attacked them with three ships-of-the-line. the attack failed, and the british ships were badly injured; a timely lesson on the general inexpediency of attacking shore batteries with vessels, unless for special and adequate reasons of probable advantage. in july he returned to gibraltar, to refit and for provisions. in the absence of details, positive criticism is unwarranted; but it is impossible not to note the difference between this step, during summer weather, and the toulon blockades of lord st. vincent, who, when before brest, modelled his course upon that of hawke. the port being thus left open, de la clue sailed on the th of august for brest. on the th he was near the straits of gibraltar, hugging the african coast, and falling night gave promise of passing unseen, when a british lookout frigate caught sight of his squadron. she hauled in for gibraltar at once, firing signal guns. boscawen's ships were in the midst of repairs, mostly dismantled; but, the emergency not being unforeseen, spars and sails were sent rapidly aloft, and within three hours they were underway in pursuit. the french division separated during the night. five ships put into cadiz. the british next morning caught sight of the remaining seven, among which was the admiral, and a sharp chase resulted in the destruction of five. from august th the toulon fleet was eliminated from the campaign; though the vessels in cadiz remained to the end a charge upon hawke's watchfulness, similar to that caused by the enemy's divisions expected from america. that one of the latter was already on its way home, under the command of commodore bompart, was notified to our admiral on september st by a despatch from england. he immediately sent a division of heavy ships to reinforce the light squadron to the southward. "if the alarm is great now," he said, "it will be much greater if he get into rochefort." further information from the west indies contradicted the first report, and on october th hawke recalled the ships-of-the-line, apparently at the wish of the admiralty; for he expresses his regret at doing so, and asks for more of the "many ships" then in england, that rochefort may be blocked as well as brest. the incident has now little importance, except as indicating the general national nervousness, and the difficulty under which he labored through force inadequate to the numerous and exacting duties entailed by constant holding the sea in war. from this point of view it bears upon his conduct. that bompart was coming proved to be true. on november th hawke anchored with the fleet in torbay, after three days of struggle against a very heavy westerly storm. "bompart, if near, may get in," he wrote the admiralty, "but no ship can get out from any port in the bay." the weather had then moderated, but was still too rough for boating, even in the sheltered roadstead; hence he could get no reports of the state of the ships, which shows incidentally the then defective system of signalling. on the th he sailed, on the th was again forced into torbay by a south-wester, but on the th got away finally. on the afternoon of the th the fleet was twenty-five miles from the island of ushant, near brest, and there learned from transports, returning from the light division off quiberon, that the french fleet had been seen the day before, seventy-five miles northwest of belleisle; therefore some fifty or sixty miles southeast of the point where this news was received. conflans had sailed the same day that the british last left torbay, but before his departure bompart had opportunely arrived, as hawke had feared. his ships were not able to go at once to sea on so important a mission, but their seasoned crews were a welcome reinforcement and were distributed through the main fleet, which numbered twenty-one ships-of-the-line. hawke had twenty-three. concluding that the enemy were bound for quiberon, hawke carried a press of sail for that place. he knew they must be within a hundred miles of him and aimed to cut them off from their port. during the th the wind, hanging to the south and east, was adverse to both fleets, but on the th and th it became more favorable. at half-past eight on the morning of the th, one of the lookout frigates ahead of the british made the signal for sighting a fleet. it was then blowing strong from the west-northwest, and belleisle, which is ten miles west of quiberon bay, and south of which the fleets must pass, was by the english reckoning forty miles distant. a course of some fifty or sixty miles was therefore to be run before the enemy could close the land, and there remained about eight hours of sun. hawke's day had come. towards ten o'clock he had the enemy sufficiently in view to see that they were intent upon securing their arrival, rather than fighting. he therefore made signal for the seven ships nearest them "to chase and draw into a line-of-battle ahead of me, and endeavour to stop them till the rest of the squadron should come up, who also were _to form as they chased that no time might be lost_ in the pursuit." the french "kept going off under such sail as all their squadron could carry and _yet keep together_, while we crowded after him _with every sail our ships could bear_." the words italicized sum up the whole philosophy of a general chase. the pursued are limited to the speed of the slowest, otherwise he who cannot but lag is separated and lost; the pursuer need slacken no whit, for his friends are ever coming up to his aid. overtaking is inevitable, unless the distance is too short. at half-past two firing began between the french rear and the leading british. of the two foremost in the chase, who thus opened the fight, one was the same _dorsetshire_ which in mathews's battle had played the laggard. her captain, who thus rose to his opportunity, was one of the two to whom hawke addressed the enthusiastic compliment that they had "behaved like angels." hawke himself was at this moment south of belleisle, with several ships ahead of him; while the french admiral was leading his fleet, in order better to pilot them over dangerous ground, and by his own action show more surely than was possible by signal what he wished done from moment to moment. at the southern extreme of the shoals which act as a breakwater to quiberon bay are some formidable rocks, known as the cardinals. around these m. de conflans passed soon after the firing began, his rear being then in hot action. hawke himself was without a pilot, as were most of his captains. the sailing master of the flag-ship was charged with that duty for the fleet, but had of the ground before him no exact personal knowledge; nor could reliance be placed upon the imperfect surveys of a locality, which it was not the interest of an almost constant enemy to disclose. enough, however, was known to leave no doubt of the greatness of the risks, and it was the master's part to represent them. the occasion, however, was not one of a mere diversion, of a secondary operation, but of one vital to the nation's cause; and hawke's reply, stamped with the firmness of a great officer, showed how little professional timidity had to do with his laudable care of his fleet in basque roads two years before. "you have done your duty in warning me," he replied; "now lay us alongside the french commander-in-chief." so amid the falling hours of the day the british fleet, under the unswerving impulse of its leader, moved steadfastly forward, to meet a combination of perils that embraced all most justly dreaded by seamen,--darkness, an intricate navigation, a lee shore fringed with outlying and imperfectly known reefs and shoals, towards which they were hurried by a fast-rising wind and sea, that forbade all hope of retracing their steps during the long hours of the night. "had we but two hours more daylight," wrote hawke in his official report, "the whole had been totally destroyed or taken; for we were almost up with their van when night overtook us." his success would have been greater, though not more decisive of issues than the event proved it; but nothing could have added to the merit or brilliancy of his action, to which no element of grandeur was wanting. this was one of the most dramatic of sea fights. forty-odd tall ships, pursuers and pursued, under reefed canvas, in fierce career drove furiously on; now rushing headlong down the forward slope of a great sea, now rising on its crest as it swept beyond them; now seen, now hidden; the helmsmen straining at the wheels, upon which the huge hulls, tossing their prows from side to side, tugged like a maddened horse, as though themselves feeling the wild "rapture of the strife" that animated their masters, rejoicing in their strength and defying the accustomed rein. the french admiral had flattered himself that the enemy, ignorant of the ground, would not dare to follow him round the cardinals. he was soon undeceived. hawke's comment on the situation was that he was "for the old way of fighting, to make downright work with them." it was an old way, true; but he had more than once seen it lost to mind, and had himself done most to restore it to its place,--a new way as well as an old. the signals for the general chase and for battle were kept aloft, and no british ship slacked her way. without ranged order, save that of speed, the leaders mingled with the french rear; the roar and flashes of the guns, the falling spars and drifting clouds of smoke, now adding their part to the wild magnificence of the scene. though tactically perfect in the sole true sense of tactics, that the means adopted exactly suited the situation, this was a battle of incidents, often untold,--not one of manoeuvres. as the ships, rolling heavily, buried their flanks deeply in the following seas, no captain dared to open his lower tier of ports, where the most powerful artillery was arrayed--none save one, the french _thésée_, whose rashness was rebuked by the inpouring waters, which quickly engulfed both ship and crew. the _superbe_ met a like fate, though not certainly from the same cause. she sank under the broadside of the _royal george_, hawke's flag-ship. "the _royal george's_ people gave a cheer," wrote an eye witness, "but it was a faint one; the honest sailors were touched at the miserable state of so many hundreds of poor creatures." americans and english can couple this story of long ago with philip's ejaculation off santiago de cuba, but three years since: "don't cheer, boys, those poor devils are dying." by five o'clock two french ships had struck, and two had been sunk. "night was now come," wrote hawke, "and being on a part of the coast, among islands and shoals of which we were totally ignorant, without a pilot, as was the greatest part of the squadron, and blowing hard on a lee shore, i made the signal to anchor." the day's work was over, and doubtless looked to him incomplete, but it was effectually and finally done. the french navy did not again lift up its head during the three years of war that remained. balked in their expectation that the foe's fear of the beach would give them refuge, harried and worried by the chase, harnessed to no fixed plan of action, conflans's fleet broke apart and fled. seven went north, and ran ashore at the mouth of the little river vilaine which empties into quiberon bay. eight stood south, and succeeded in reaching rochefort. the fate of four has been told. conflans's flag-ship anchored after night among the british, but at daybreak next morning cut her cables, ran ashore, and was burned by the french. one other, wrecked on a shoal in the bay, makes up the tale of twenty-one. six were wholly lost to their navy; the seven that got into vilaine only escaped to brest by twos, two years later, while the rochefort division was effectually blocked by occupying basque roads, the islands of which and of quiberon were cultivated as kitchen gardens for the refreshment of british crews. of the british, one ship went on a shoal during the action, and on the following day another coming to her assistance also grounded. both were lost, but most of their people were saved. beyond this hawke's fleet suffered little. "as to the loss we have sustained," wrote he, "let it be placed to the account of the necessity i was under of running all risks to break this strong force of the enemy." a contemporary witness assigns to hawke's own ship a large individual share in the fighting. of this he does not himself speak, nor is it of much matter. that all was done with her that could be done, to aid in achieving success, is sufficiently assured by his previous record. hawke's transcendent merit in this affair was that of the general officer, not of the private captain. the utmost courage shown by the commander of a single ship before the enemy's fire cannot equal the heroism which assumes the immense responsibility of a doubtful issue, on which may hang a nation's fate; nor would the admiral's glory be shorn of a ray, if neither then nor at any other time had a hostile shot traversed his decks. the night of the th passed in anxieties inseparable from a situation dangerous at best, but still more trying to an admiral upon whom, after such a day, night had closed without enabling him to see in what case most of his ships were. "in the night," he reports, "we heard many guns of distress fired, but, blowing hard, want of knowledge of the coast, and whether they were fired by a friend or an enemy, prevented all means of relief." in the morning he resumed his activity. little, however, could be done. the continuing violence of the wind, and ignorance of the ground, prevented approach within gun-shot to the ships at the mouth of the vilaine, while they, by lightening and favor of the next flood tide, warped their way inside through the mud flats. hawke remained nearly two months longer, returning to england january , . he had then been thirty-five weeks on board, without setting foot on shore. at the age of fifty-four, and amid such manifold cares, it is not to be wondered at that he should need relief. rather must he be considered fortunate that his health, never robust in middle life, held firm till his great triumph was achieved. boscawen succeeded him temporarily in the command. he was received in england with acclamations and with honors; yet the most conspicuous mark of approval conferred on admirals before and after, the grant of the peerage, was not given to him, who had wrought one of the very greatest services ever done for the country. recent precedent--that of anson--demanded such recognition; and popular enthusiasm would have applauded, although the full military merit of the man could scarcely be appreciated by the standards of his generation. that no such reward was bestowed is most probably attributable to hawke's own indifference to self-advancement. if demanded by him, it could scarcely have been refused; but he never pushed his own interests. his masculine independence in professional conduct, towards superiors and inferiors, found its root and its reflection in personal unconcern--as well antecedent as subsequent--about the results from his actions to his fortunes. to do his own part to the utmost, within the lines of the profession he knew, was his conception of duty. as he would not meddle with the land officers' decision as to what they should or should not do, so he left to the politicians, in whose hands the gifts lay, to decide what they would, or should, accord to a successful admiral. pitt, the great commoner, left hawke a commoner. possibly he recognized that only by stretch of imagination could hawke be reckoned one of the creations of a great minister's genius. little remains to tell. on september , , the admiral's flag was hauled down for the last time. he never went to sea again. in , when pitt came back to power as lord chatham, hawke became first lord of the admiralty, and so remained till . it was a time of unbroken peace, succeeding a period of continuous wars extending over a quarter of a century; consequently there was in naval and military matters the lassitude usual to such a period. hawke is credited with formulating the principle that "the british fleet could only be termed considerable in the proportion it bore to that of the house of bourbon;" that is, to the combined navies of france and spain, over which that house then reigned. the maxim proves that he had some claim to statesmanship in his view of affairs outside his service; and his manifested freedom from self-seeking is the warrant that no secondary political motives would divert his efforts from this aim. that he succeeded in the main, that he was not responsible for the fallen condition of the fleet when war again arose in , is evidenced by a statement, uncontradicted, in the house of lords in , that when he left office the navy had ships-of-the-line, of which were ready for sea. in hawke, who was then already a full admiral, wearing his flag at the mainmast head, was made vice-admiral of great britain; an honorary position, but the highest in point of naval distinction that the nation had to give. as one who held it three-quarters of a century later wrote, "it has ever been regarded as the most distinguished compliment belonging to our profession." the coincidence is significant that upon hawke's death rodney succeeded him in it; affirming, as it were, the consecutiveness of paramount influence exercised by the two on the development of the navy. in the peerage was at last conferred; seventeen years after his great victory, and when, having passed three score and ten, a man who had ever disdained to ask must have felt the honor barren to himself, though acceptable for his son. his last recorded professional utterances are in private letters addressed in the summer of to the commander-in-chief of the channel fleet--francis geary--who had served with him in the bay of biscay, though he missed quiberon. he recommends the maintenance of his old station off brest, and says, "for god's sake, if you should be so lucky as to get sight of the enemy, get as close to them as possible. do not let them shuffle with you by engaging at a distance, but get within musket shot if you can. this will be the means to make the action decisive." in these words we find an unbroken chain of tradition between hawke and nelson. one of hawke's pupils was william locker; and locker in turn, just before hawke's death, had nelson for a lieutenant. to him nelson in after years, in the height of his glory, wrote, "to you, my dear friend, i owe much of my success. it was you who taught me,--'lay a frenchman close and you will beat him.'" hawke died october , . on his tomb appear these words, "wherever he sailed, victory attended him." it is much to say, but it is not all. victory does not always follow desert. "it is not in mortals to command success,"--a favorite quotation with the successful admirals st. vincent and nelson. hawke's great and distinctive glory is this,--that he, more than any one man, was the source and origin of the new life, the new spirit, of his service. there were many brave men before him, as there were after; but it fell to him in a time of great professional prostration not only to lift up and hand on a fallen torch, but in himself to embody an ideal and an inspiration from which others drew, thus rekindling a light which it is scarcely an exaggeration to say had been momentarily extinguished. footnotes: [ ] for the account of mathews's action, including hawke's personal share in it, see _ante_, pp. - . [ ] by express orders from the ministry councils of war had to be held. [ ] an application for four days' leave for private business had been refused. rodney - unlike hawke, rodney drew his descent from the landed gentry of england, and had relatives among the aristocracy. the name was originally rodeney. we are told by his son-in-law and biographer that the duke of chandos, a connection by marriage, obtained the command of the royal yacht for the admiral's father, henry rodney. in one of the trips which george i. frequently made between england and hanover, he asked his captain if there were anything he could do for him. the reply was a request that he would stand sponsor for his son, who accordingly received the name of george; his second name brydges coming from the family through which chandos and the rodneys were brought into relationship. the social position and surroundings resulting from such antecedents contributed of course to hasten the young officer's advancement, irrespective of the unquestionable professional merit shown by him, even in early years; but to them also, combined with narrow personal fortune, inadequate to the tastes thus engendered, was probably due the pecuniary embarrassment which dogged him through life, and was perhaps the moving incentive to doubtful procedures that cast a cloud upon his personal and official reputation. rodney was born in february, , and went to sea at the age of thirteen; serving for seven years in the channel fleet. thence he was transferred to the mediterranean, where he was made lieutenant in . in he went again to the mediterranean with admiral mathews, who there gave him command of a "post" ship, with which he brought home the trade,--three hundred merchant vessels,--from lisbon. upon arriving in england his appointment by mathews was "confirmed" by the admiralty. being then only twenty-four, he anticipated by five years the age at which hawke reached the same rank of post-captain, the attainment of which fixed a man's standing in the navy. beyond that, advancement went by seniority; a post-captain might be "yellowed,"--retired as a rear admiral,--but while in active service he kept the advantage of his early promotion. when rodney was in later years commander-in-chief in the west indies, he made his son a post-captain at fifteen; an exercise of official powers which, though not singular to him, is too characteristic of the man and the times to be wholly unmentioned. his own promotion, though rapid, was not too much so for his professional good; but it is likely that neither that consideration, nor the good of the service, counted for much alongside of the influence he possessed. he appears, however, to have justified from the first the favor of his superiors. his employment was continuous, and in a military point of view he was more fortunate than hawke was at the same period of his career. within two years, when in command of a forty-gun ship, he fought and took a french privateer of the same nominal force, and with a crew larger by one hundred than his own. thence he was advanced into the _eagle_, sixty, in which, after some commerce-destroying more lucrative than glorious, he bore an extremely honorable part in hawke's battle with l'etenduère, already related. the _eagle_ was heavily engaged, and was one of the three small ships that on their own initiative pursued and fought, though unsuccessfully, the two escaping french vessels. rodney shared hawke's general encomium, that "as far as fell within my notice, the commanders, their officers, and ships' companies, behaved with the greatest spirit and resolution." rodney came under his close observation, for, the _eagle's_ "wheel being shot to pieces and all the men at it killed, and all her braces and bowlines gone," she drove twice on board the flag-ship. this was before her pursuit of the two fliers. in the subsequent trial of captain fox,--the minutes of which the present writer has not seen,--it appears, according to the biographer of lord hawke,[ ] that it was captain saunders's and captain rodney's "sense of being deserted by fox, and of the two french ships having escaped through his failure of duty, which forms the chief feature of the court-martial. rodney especially describes his being exposed to the fire of four of the enemy's ships, when, as he asserted, fox's ship might well have taken off some of it." the incident is very noteworthy, for it bears the impress of personal character. intolerance of dereliction of duty, and uncompromising condemnation of the delinquent, were ever leading traits in rodney's course as a commander-in-chief. he stood over his officers with a rod, dealt out criticism unsparingly, and avowed it as his purpose and principle of action so to rule. it is not meant that his censures were undeserved, or even excessive; but there entered into them no ingredient of pity. his despatches are full of complaints, both general and specific. when he spared, it was from a sense of expediency,--or of justice, a trait in which he was by no means deficient; but for human weakness he had no bowels. hawke complains of but this one captain, fox, and towards him he seems not to have evinced the strong feeling that animated his juniors. each man has his special gift, and to succeed must needs act in accordance with it. there are those who lead and those who drive; hawke belonged to the one class, rodney to the other. in direct consequence of this difference of temperament, it will be found, in contrasting the schools of which hawke and rodney are the conspicuous illustrations, that the first represents the spirit, and the second the form, which were the two efficient elements of the progress made during the eighteenth century. the one introduces into a service arrested in development, petrified almost, by blindly accepted rules and unintelligent traditions, a new impulse, which transforms men from within, breaking through the letter of the law in order to realize its forgotten intent; the other gives to the spirit, thus freed from old limitations, a fresh and sagacious direction, but needs nevertheless to impose its own methods by constraint from without. it is the old struggle, ever renewed, between liberty and law; in the due, but difficult, combination of which consist both conservation and progress. and so in the personality of the two great admirals who respectively represent these contrasting schools of practice; while we find in both these two elements, as they must exist in every efficient officer, yet it is to be said that the one inspires and leads, the other moulds and compels. the one, though seemingly reserved, is in character sympathetic, and influences by example chiefly; the other, austerely courteous, is towards associates distant and ungenial, working by fear rather than by love. for these broad reasons of distinction it is mathews's battle that best measures the reaction of which hawke is the type, for there was especially illustrated defect of spirit, to cover which the letter of the law was invoked; whereas in byng's action, extremely bad form, in the attempt to conform to the letter of the instructions, emphasizes the contrast with rodney's methods, precise and formal unquestionably, but in which form ceases to be an end in itself and is reduced to its proper function as the means to carry into effect a sound military conception. of these two factors in the century's progress, it needs hardly to be said that the one contributed by hawke is the greater. in spirit and in achievement he, rather than rodney, is the harbinger of nelson. a short time after the action with l'etenduère the cruise of the _eagle_ came to an end. when she was paid off rodney was presented at court by anson, the first lord of the admiralty; a merited and not unusual honor after distinguished service in battle. the king was struck by his youthful appearance, and said he had not known there was so young a captain in the navy. as he was then nearly thirty, and had seen much and continuous service, it is singular that his face should not have borne clear traces of the facts. anson replied that he had been a captain for six years, and it was to be wished that his majesty had a hundred more as good as he. making allowance for courtly manners and fair-speaking, the incident may be accepted as showing, not only that aptitude for the service which takes its hardships without undue wear and tear, but also an official reputation already well established and recognized. professional standing, therefore, as well as family influence, probably contributed to obtain for him in the appointment of commodore and commander-in-chief on the newfoundland station; for he was still junior on the list of captains, and had ten years more to run before obtaining his admiral's flag. he remained in this post from to . they were years of peace, but of peace charged full with the elements of discord which led to the following war. canada was still french, and the territorial limits between the north american possessions of the two nations remained a subject of dispute and intrigue. the uncertain state of political relations around the gulf of st. lawrence added to the responsibility of rodney's duty, and emphasized the confidence shown in assigning him a position involving cautious political action. explicit confirmation of this indirect testimony is found in a private letter to him from the earl of sandwich, who had succeeded anson as first lord in . "i think it necessary to inform you that, if the governor of nova scotia should have occasion to apply to you for succor, and send to you for that purpose to newfoundland, it would be approved by government if you should comply with his request. it is judged improper, as yet, to send any public order upon a business of so delicate a nature, which is the reason of my writing to you in this manner; and i am satisfied that your prudence is such as will not suffer you to make any injudicious use of the information you now receive. there are some people that cannot be trusted with any but public orders, but i shall think this important affair entirely safe under your management and secrecy." language such as this undoubtedly often covers a hint, as well as expresses a compliment, and may have done so in this instance; nevertheless, in after life it is certain that rodney gave proof of a very high order of professional discretion and of independent initiative. it is therefore perfectly reasonable to suppose that he had thus early convinced the government that he was a man competent and trustworthy under critical conditions, such as then characterized the intercolonial relations of the two states. the particular incident is farther noteworthy in connection with the backwardness, and even reluctance, of the government to employ him in the war of the american revolution, though sandwich was again first lord, and rodney a strong political supporter of the party in power. the precise cause for this is probably not ascertainable; but it is a matter of perfectly reasonable inference that the early promise of the young officer had meanwhile become overclouded, that distrust had succeeded to confidence, for reasons professional, but not strictly military. rodney's war record continued excellent from first to last; one not good only, but of exceptional and singular efficiency. in october, , rodney returned to england, having been elected to parliament. the seven years war, which, after two years of irregular hostilities, began formally in , found him still a captain. with its most conspicuous opening incident, the attempted relief of minorca, and the subsequent trial and execution of the unsuccessful commander, admiral byng, he had no connection, personal or official; nor was he a member of the court-martial, although he seems to have been in england at the time, and was senior to at least one of the sitting captains. the abortive naval engagement off port mahon, however, stands in a directly significant relation to his career, for it exemplifies to the most exaggerated degree, alike in the purpose of the admiral and the finding of the court, the formal and pedantic conception of a correctly fought fleet action, according to the rules and regulations "in such cases prescribed" by the fighting instructions.[ ] it was rodney's lot to break with this tradition, and to be the first to illustrate juster ideas in a fairly ranged battle, where the enemy awaited attack, as he had done at malaga in , and at minorca in . precisely such an opportunity never came to hawke; for, although l'etenduère waited, he did so under conditions and dispositions which gave the ensuing affair a nearer analogy to a general chase than to a pitched battle. though the british approach then was in a general sense parallel to the enemy's line, it was from the rear, not from the beam; and through this circumstance of overtaking, and from the method adopted, their vessels came under fire in succession, not together. this was perfectly correct, the course pre-eminently suited to the emergency, and therefore tactically most sound; but the conditions were not those contemplated by the fighting instructions, as they were in the case of byng, and also in the battle most thoroughly characteristic of rodney--that of april , . the contrast in conduct between the two commanders is strikingly significant of progress, because of the close approach to identity in circumstances. rodney accompanied the rochefort expedition of , under hawke, some account of which is given in the life of that admiral; and he commanded also a ship-of-the-line in boscawen's fleet in , when the reduction of louisburg and cape breton island was effected by the combined british and colonial forces. after this important service, the necessary and effectual antecedent of the capture of quebec and the fall of canada in the following year, he returned to england, where on the th of may, , he was promoted to rear admiral; being then forty. he was next, and without interval of rest, given command of a squadron to operate against havre, where were gathering boats and munitions of war for the threatened invasion of england; with the charge also of suppressing the french coastwise sailings, upon which depended the assembling of the various bodies of transports, and the carriage of supplies to the fleet in brest, that hawke at the same time was holding in check. the service was important, but of secondary interest, and calls for no particular mention beyond that of its general efficiency as maintained by him. in , rodney was again elected to parliament, and, with a certain political inconsequence, was immediately afterwards sent out of the country, being appointed to the leeward islands station, which embraced the smaller antilles, on the eastern side of the caribbean sea, with headquarters at barbados; jamaica, to the westward, forming a distinct command under an admiral of its own. he sailed for his new post october , , taking with him instructions to begin operations against martinique upon the arrival of troops ordered from new york. these reached barbados december th, a month after himself, and on the th of january, , the combined forces were before martinique, which after a month of regular operations passed into the possession of the british on the th of february. its fall was followed shortly by that of the other french lesser antilles,--grenada, santa lucia, and st. vincent. guadaloupe had been taken in , and dominica in june, . up to this time the contest on the seas had been between great britain and france only; but on march th a frigate reached rodney with instructions, then already nine weeks old, to begin hostilities against spain, whose clearly inimical purpose had induced the british government to anticipate her action, by declaring war. the same day another vessel came in with like orders from the admiral at gibraltar, while a third from before brest brought word that a french squadron of seven ships-of-the-line, with frigates and two thousand troops, had escaped from that port at the end of the year. with these circumstances before him rodney's conduct was like himself; prompt and officer-like. lookout ships were stationed along the length of the caribbees, to windward, to bring timely intelligence of the approach of the enemy's squadron; and as its first destination was probably martinique, the fall of which was not yet known in europe, he concentrated his fleet there, calling in outlying detachments. so far there was nothing in his course markedly different from that of any capable officer, dealing with well ascertained conditions within the limits of his own command. occasion soon arose, however, to require more exceptional action, and thus to illustrate at once the breadth of view, and the readiness to assume responsibility, which already raised rodney conspicuously above the average level. on the th of march two lookout vessels came in with news that they had sighted a fleet, corresponding in numbers to the brest division, fifteen miles to windward of martinique and standing to the southward; the trade wind making it generally expedient to round the south point of the island in order to reach the principal port on the west side,--fort royal. the british squadron at once weighed anchor in pursuit; but the enemy, having ascertained that the surrender was accomplished, had turned back north, and were soon after reported from guadaloupe as having passed there, standing to the westward. rodney at once inferred that they must be gone to santo domingo. to follow with the object of intercepting them was hopeless, in view of the start they had; but the direction taken threatened jamaica, the exposed condition of which, owing to inadequate force, had been communicated to him by the military and naval authorities there. his measures to meet the case were thorough and deliberate, as well as rapid; no time was lost either by hesitancy or delay, nor by the yet more facile error of too precipitate movement. orders for concentration were already out, but the point on which to effect it was shifted to antigua, where, although inferior in natural resources to martinique, the established british naval station with its accumulated equipment was fixed; and the work of provisioning and watering, so as to permit long continuance at sea unhampered by necessity of replenishing, there went on apace. it was the admiral's intention to leave his own command to look out for itself, while he took away the mass of his fleet to protect national interests elsewhere threatened. such a decision may seem superficially a commonplace matter of course; that it was much more is a commonplace historical certainty. the merit of rodney's action appears not only in the details of execution, but in its being undertaken at all; and in this case, as in a later instance in his career, his resolution received the concrete emphasis that a sharp and immediate contrast best affords. prior to the enemy's arrival he had laid the conditions before his colleague in service, general moncton, commanding the forces on shore, and asked a reinforcement of troops for destitute jamaica, if necessity arose. the result is best told in his own words; for they convey, simply and without egotistic enlargement, that settled personal characteristic, the want of which jervis and nelson in their day noted in many, and which rodney markedly possessed. this was the capacity, which sandwich eighteen years later styled "taking the great line of considering the king's whole dominions under your care;" an attribute far from common, as moncton's reply showed. "i acquainted him that i should certainly assist them with all the naval force that could possibly be spared from the immediate protection of his majesty's caribbee islands. i have again solicited the general for a body of troops, since the enemy left these seas, and must do him the justice to say, that he seems much concerned at the present distress of jamaica, but does not think himself sufficiently _authorized_ to detach a body of troops without orders from england. i flatter myself their lordships will not be displeased with me if i take the liberty to construe my instructions in such a manner as to think myself _authorized and obliged_ to succor any of his majesty's colonies that may be in danger; and shall, therefore, without a moment's loss of time, hasten to the succor of jamaica, with ten sail-of-the-line, three frigates and three bombs."[ ] it was not because, in so doing this, the obligation was absolute, and the authority indisputable, that rodney's course was professionally meritorious. in such case his action would have risen little above that obedience to orders, in which, as nelson said, the generality find "all perfection." the risk was real, not only to his station, but to the possible plans of his superiors at home; the authority was his own only, read by himself into his orders--at most their spirit, not their letter. consequently, he took grave chance of the penalty--loss of reputation, if not positive punishment,--which, as military experience shows, almost invariably follows independent action, unless results are kind enough to justify it. it is, however, only the positive characters capable of rising to such measures that achieve reputations enduring beyond their own day. the incident needs to be coupled with sandwich's compliment just quoted, as well as with the one paid him when on the newfoundland command. taken together, they avouch a personality that needs only opportunity to insure itself lasting fame. as it happened, rodney not only took the responsibility of stripping his own station to the verge of bareness in favor of the general interest, but in so doing he came very near traversing, unwittingly, the plans of the general government by his local action, laudable and proper as that certainly was. he was, however, professionally lucky to a proverb, and escaped this mischance by a hair's breadth. the purposed detachment had already started for jamaica, and he was accompanying it in person, when there joined him on march th, off the island of st. kitt's, not far from antigua, a frigate bearing admiralty despatches of february th. these required him to desist from any enterprises he might have in hand, in order to give his undivided attention to the local preparations for an expedition, as yet secret, which was shortly to arrive on his station, under the command of admiral pocock, with ultimate destination against havana. to be thus arrested at the very outset of a movement from which he naturally expected distinction was a bitter disappointment to rodney. several years later, in , he wrote to sandwich, who was not the first lord when pocock was sent out, "i had the misfortune of being superseded in the command of a successful fleet, entrusted to my care in the west indies, at the very time i had sailed on another expedition against the enemy's squadron at santo domingo, and was thereby deprived of pursuing those conquests which so honorably attended upon another, and which secured him such great emoluments,"--for havana proved a wealthy prize. his steps, however, upon this unexpected reversal of his plans, were again characterized by an immediateness, most honorable to his professional character, which showed how thoroughly familiar he was with the whole subject and its possible contingencies, and the consequent readiness of his mind to meet each occasion as it arose; marks, all, of the thoroughly equipped general officer. the order as to his personal movements being not discretional, was of course absolutely accepted; but his other measures were apparently his own, and were instantaneous. a vessel was at once sent off to barbados to notify admiral pocock that the best place in the west indies for his rendezvous was fort royal bay, in the newly acquired martinique. the ten sail-of-the-line, accompanied by two large transports from st. kitt's, were then sent on to jamaica to move troops from there to join pocock; the command of the detachment being now entrusted to sir james douglas, who received the further instruction to send back his fastest frigate, with all the intelligence he could gather, directing her to keep in the track pocock would follow, in order to meet him betimes. the frigate thus sent, having first made a running survey of the unfrequented passage north of cuba, by which the expedition was to proceed, joined pocock, and, by the latter's report, acted as pilot for the fleet. "having taken sketches of the land and cayos on both sides, captain elphinstone kept ahead of the fleet, and led us through very well." this service is claimed to the credit of rodney's foresight by his biographer. this may very well be, though more particular inquiry and demonstration by his letters would be necessary to establish specific orders beyond the general instructions given by him. it is, however, safe to say that such particularity and minuteness of detail would be entirely in keeping with the tenor of his course at this period. his correspondence bears the stamp of a mind comprehensive as well as exact; grasping all matters with breadth of view in their mutual relations, yet with the details at his fingers' ends. the certainty of his touch is as obvious as the activity of his thought. in accordance with the spirit of his instructions, rodney went in person to martinique, the spot named by him as best for the rendezvous, there to superintend the preparations; to sow the seed for a harvest in which he was to have no share. incidental mention reveals that the sending of the ships-of-the-line with douglas had reduced him to three for his own command; and also that moncton, having now superior authority to do so, found himself able to spare troops for jamaica, which were afloat in transports by the time pocock came. in the same letter the admiral frankly admits his anxiety for his station, under the circumstances of the big detachment he had made; a significant avowal, which enhances the merit of his spontaneous action by all the credit due to one who endures a well-weighed danger for an adequate end. the despatch of pocock's expedition, which resulted in the fall of havana, august , , practically terminated rodney's active service in the seven years war. in a career marked by unusual professional good fortune in many ways, the one singular mischance was that he reached a foremost position too late in life. when he returned to england in august, , he was in his full prime, and his conduct of affairs entrusted to him had given clear assurance of capacity for great things. the same evidence is to be found in his letters, which, as studies of official character and competency, repay a close perusal. but now fifteen years of peace were to elapse before a maritime war again broke out, and the fifteen years between forty-five and sixty tell sorely upon the physical stamina which need to underlie the mental and moral forces of a great commander. st. vincent himself staggered under the load, and rodney was not a st. vincent in the stern self-discipline that had braced the latter for old age. he had not borne the yoke in his youth, and from this time forward he fought a losing fight with money troubles, which his self-controlled contemporary, after one bitter experience, had shaken off his shoulders forever. the externals of rodney's career during the period now in question are sufficiently known; of his strictly private life we are left largely to infer from indications, not wholly happy. he returned to england a vice-admiral of the blue, and had advanced by the successive grades of that rank to vice-admiral of the red, when, in january, , he was appointed commander-in-chief at jamaica. at this time he had been for five years governor of greenwich hospital, and he took it hard that he was not allowed to retain the appointment in connection with his new command, alleging precedents for such a favor; the latest of which, however, was then twenty-five years old. the application was denied by sandwich. from the earnest tone in which it was couched, as well as the comparatively weak grounds upon which rodney bases his claims to such a recognition, it can scarcely be doubted that pecuniary embarrassment as well as mortification entered into his sense of disappointment. it is the first recorded of a series of jars between the two, in which, although the external forms of courtesy were diligently observed, an underlying estrangement is evident. the jamaica station at that day required, in an even greater degree than newfoundland before the conquest of canada, a high order of political tact and circumspection on the part of the naval commander-in-chief. the island lies in the centre of what was then a vast semi-circular sweep of spanish colonies--porto rico, santo domingo, cuba, mexico, central america, and the mainland of south america from the isthmus to the orinoco. over this subject empire the mother country maintained commercial regulations of the most mediæval and exclusive type; outraging impartially the british spirit of commercial enterprise, and the daily needs of her own colonists, by the restrictions placed upon intercourse between these and foreigners. smuggling on a large scale, consecrated in the practice of both parties by a century of tradition, was met by a coast-guard system, employing numerous small vessels called guarda-costas, which girt the spanish coasts, but, being powerless to repress effectually over so extensive a shore line, served rather to increase causes of vexation. the british government, on the other hand, not satisfied to leave the illicit trade on which jamaica throve to take care of itself, sought to increase the scope of transactions by the institution of three free ports on the island,--free in the sense of being open as depots, not for the entrance of goods, but where they could be freely brought, and transshipped to other parts of the world by vessels of all nations; broker ports, in short, for the facilitation of general external trade. to this open and ingenuous bid for fuller advantage by spanish resort, spain replied by doubling her custom-house forces and introducing renewed stringency into her commercial orders. the two nations, with france in hayti for a third, stood on ceaseless guard one against the other; all imbued with the spirit of exclusive trade, and differing only in the method of application, according to their respective day-to-day views of policy. the british by the free-port system, instituted in their central geographical position, hoped to make the profits of the middleman. rodney reported that the effect had been notably to discourage the direct spanish intercourse, and to destroy carriage by british colonial vessels in favor of those of france, which now flocked to jamaica, smuggled goods into the island, and apparently cut under their rivals by the greater benevolence shown them in spanish ports. "commerce by british bottoms has totally ceased." herewith, he added, disappeared the opportunities of british seamen to become familiar with the spanish and french waters, while their rivals were invited to frequent those of jamaica; so that in case of war--which in those days was periodical--the advantage of pilotage would be heavily on the side of great britain's enemies. he also stated that the diminution of employment to british merchant vessels had greatly impaired his means of obtaining information from within spanish ports; for british ships of war were never allowed inside them, even when sent with a message from him. the french permitted them indeed to enter, but surrounded them throughout their visits with flattering attentions which wholly prevented the making of observations. under these conditions of mutual jealousy between the governments and officials, with the subjects on either side straining continually at the leashes which withheld them from traffic mutually beneficial, causes of offence were quick to arise. rodney, like sandwich, was a pronounced tory, in full sympathy with traditional british policy, as well as an officer naturally of haughty temper and sharing all the prepossessions of his service; but he found himself almost at once involved in a difference with his superiors in his political party, which throws a good deal of side light on personal as well as political relations. the british man-of-war schooner _hawke_ was overhauled off the venezuelan coast by two spanish guarda-costas and compelled to enter the harbor of cartagena, under alleged orders from the governor of the colony. after a brief detention, she was let go with the admonition that, if any british ships of war were found again within twelve leagues of the coast, they would be taken and their crews imprisoned. rodney's course was unimpeachable, as far as appears. he wrote a civil letter to the governor, and sent it by a ship of war, the captain of which was directed to deliver it in person. he was confident, he wrote, that the governor would disavow the action by calling to strict account the officers concerned, and would also confirm his own belief that it was impossible such a menace could have proceeded from any adequate authority. a sufficient intimation of what would follow an attempt to carry out the threat was conveyed by the words: "the british officer who has dishonoured his king's colours by a tame submission to this insult has been already dismissed the service." it is difficult to see what less could have been done; but the british government was at the moment extremely reluctant to war, and sensitive to any step that seemed to make towards it. spain was thought to be seeking a quarrel. she had entered the seven years war so near its termination as not to feel exhaustive effects; and the capture of havana and manila, with the pecuniary losses involved, had left her merely embittered by humiliation, prone rather to renew hostilities than to profit by experience. at the same time the foreign policy of great britain was enfeebled by a succession of short ministries, and by internal commotions; while the discontent of the american continental colonies over the stamp act emphasized the weakness of her general position. barely a year before the _hawke_ incident the insult by spain at the falkland islands had brought the two nations to the verge of rupture, which was believed to have been averted only by the refusal of louis xv., then advanced in years, to support the spanish bourbons at the cost of another war. under these circumstances rodney's report of the occurrences at cartagena filled the ministry with apprehensions, and brought him from sandwich an expression of dissatisfaction little removed from a reprimand. the communication is remarkable rather for what it intimates, and from the inferences naturally deducible, than for its direct utterances. "i cannot help cautioning you, as a friend, to be upon your guard, to avoid by every justifiable means the drawing this country into a war, which, if it comes on too speedily, i fear we shall have cause to lament." the warning is renewed in a later part of the letter, but in itself has little significance compared with other hints, rather personal than official. "i cannot conceal from you, that many people have industriously spread stories here, that, among the foreign ministers and others, you have expressed your wishes for a spanish war." such expressions--if used--were asserted of the time succeeding his appointment to jamaica, and near his departure for it; for sandwich adds, "this sort of declaration is too little founded on your instructions, and too indiscreet, to allow me to give them the least credit." it is clear, however, that he thought them not improbable,--a spanish war was popular with seamen for the prize-money it brought, and rodney was poor,--for he adds, "i shall discredit the idea till i have received your answer to this letter." he concludes with a warning, not to be misunderstood, that a war, so far from helping rodney, would probably cause his supersession. "i will add one word more: upon a declaration of war larger squadrons must be sent out, and, very probably, senior officers to most of our stations in foreign parts." in face of an intimation thus thinly veiled, one scarcely needs to be told what was being said round the table of the cabinet. that rodney would have welcomed war for reasons personal as well as professional, for money and for glory, can readily be believed; but his measures in this case give no ground for such an innuendo as sandwich conveyed. therefore, after making full allowance for the panic of ministers ready to fear the worst, and to throw blame on anybody, it is the more significant that he should have been suspected of an unworthy personal motive underlying a worthy official act. it is an indication of reputation already compromised by damaging association with pecuniary embarrassments; an evidence of latent distrust easily quickened into active suspicion. an officer of his rank and service, so far from home, and with the precedents of his day, could scarcely be faulted for what he had done to uphold the honor of the country; and his manner of doing it was dignified and self-restrained, as well as forcible. there was no violence like that of hawke at gibraltar, less than twenty years before, which that admiral had boldly vindicated to pitt himself; but there were no weak joints in hawke's armor. in the particular instance, time and cooler judgment set rodney right in men's opinion; but subsequent events showed that his general reputation did not recover, either then, or through his jamaica career. after immediate apprehension had subsided, rodney's action was justified by the government. sandwich wrote him, a little later, that no commander-in-chief stood upon a better footing, and assured him that his private interests were safe in his hands. sandwich, however, was an extremely practical politician, who had much personal use for his own patronage; and rodney's necessities were great. fulfilment therefore fell far short of promise. employment was necessary to the admiral, and his hopes fixed upon a colonial governorship when his present appointment should expire; jamaica being his first choice. sandwich renewed assurances, but advised a personal application also to the prime minister and other cabinet officers. new york was mentioned, but nothing came of it all. after three years rodney was superseded, with permission to remain in the island instead of returning to england. this he declined. "i cannot bear to think of remaining here in a private station, after commanding in chief with the approbation of the whole island." how far this approbation was universal, or unqualified, is perhaps doubtful; but the letters quoted by his biographer from his correspondence bear continuous evidence, in this peace employment, of the activity and perspicacity of mind characteristic of his more strictly military proceedings. in september, , rodney landed again in england, a disappointed man and in embarrassed circumstances. professional occupation was almost hopeless, for in peace times there were few positions for an officer of his rank; and, although recognized for able, he had not then the distinction by which he is known to us. it is also evident, from subsequent events, that he just now lacked the influence necessary to obtain a preference over rivals in quest of employment. under the circumstances, his debts determined his action, and to escape harassments he before long passed over into france and settled in paris. in that capital, as in london, he mixed with the best society; and there, as before, the mode of life among his associates led him beyond his means and involved him in further distresses. consequently, when war between france and great britain became imminent, in , the vigilance of his creditors prevented his going home in person to offer his services. in february of that year, however, he made formal application to the admiralty to be sent at a moment's warning on any enterprise. to this sandwich, who was still first lord, despite his previous assurances of friendship, paid no attention beyond the formal customary acknowledgment given to all such letters when they came from officers of rodney's standing. no indication was shown of intention, or even of wish, to employ him. rodney was therefore compelled to look on idly while others, of well-earned reputation indeed but as yet of less experience than himself in high command, were preferred before him. howe had already been sent to north america in , on a mission at once diplomatic and military; and there he still was when war began. as it became imminent, keppel was appointed to the channel fleet, and byron to the north american command, from which howe had asked to be relieved. all these were junior to rodney; and, as though to emphasize the neglect of him, rear-admirals were sent to the two west india stations, jamaica and the leeward islands, which he had formerly commanded, and to which it would seem, from one of his letters, that he desired to return. he had, too, now reached the rank, the want of which had formed the burden of sandwich's warning that he was in danger of supersession at jamaica; for in a general flag promotion in january, , he had become admiral of the white squadron, than which no higher then obtained, commissions as admirals of the red not being issued. for this persistent ignoring of an officer of his unquestionable ability there were necessarily reasons more controlling than appears on the surface; for the naval conditions and the national emergency called for men of demonstrated high capacity. such rodney was professionally; and although his age--he was now in his sixtieth year--was against him, this consideration did not in those days weigh; nor should it, unless accompanied by probable indication of powers sapped. the conclusion is inevitable that the objection lay in personal record as bearing upon military efficiency. the administration, responsible for results, knew rodney's capacity, though its full extent was yet to be revealed; the question in their minds clearly must have been, "can we depend upon its exertion, full, sustained, and disinterested?" sandwich, despite the coldness with which he had received rodney's application,--going so far as to refuse to support it actively,--was apparently in a minority among his colleagues in believing that they could. he declared in the house of lords that, "when it was first proposed in the council to employ sir george, i, who knew him from a very young man, declared that rodney _once afloat_ would do his duty." naval officers will recognize a familiar ring in these words, and will recall instances where high professional ability has been betrayed by personal foible. nor does sandwich stand alone in offering a clue to the hesitation of the government. rodney's biographer and son-in-law quotes without reprobation the account of mr. richard cumberland, who professed to have interested himself warmly for rodney's employment and to have secured the support of the secretary for war, lord george germaine. "the west india merchants had been alarmed, and clamoured against the appointment so generally and so decidedly as to occasion no small uneasiness in my friend and patron, lord george, and drew from him something that resembled a remonstrance for the risk i had exposed him to. but in the brilliancy of the capture of langara's squadron all was done away, and past alarms were only recollected to contrast the joy which this success diffused." the opposition of the commercial class in the west indies might arise from an officer's over-faithfulness to duty, as nelson found to his cost; but it seems clear that in this case distrust rested upon personal observation, which raised doubts as to the singlemindedness of rodney's administration of a command. of the particulars of observation or experience from which the feeling sprang, we have no information; but st. eustatius was destined to show that apprehension was not wholly unfounded. a summons to active employment would at once have silenced rodney's creditors by the assurance of increase of means, both through regular income and probable prize-money; admiralty neglect left him in fetters. lady rodney returned to england to negotiate the means for his liberation; but the matter dragged, and in the end he owed his release to the friendly intervention of a french nobleman, the maréchal biron, who volunteered in warm terms to make him an advance to the amount of £ , . this chivalrous offer was for some time declined; but finally conditions became so threatening, and his position so intolerable, that he accepted a loan of about a thousand louis. "nothing but a total inattention to the distressed state i was in," he wrote to his wife, "could have prevailed upon me to have availed myself of his voluntary proposal; but not having had, for a month past, a letter from any person but mr. hotham and yourself, and my passport being expired, it was impossible for me to remain in this city at the risk of being sued by my creditors, who grew so clamorous it was impossible to bear it; and had they not been overawed by the lieutenant of police, would have carried their prosecutions to the greatest length. their demands were all satisfied this day,"--may th, . friends in england enabled him to repay biron immediately after his return. this benevolent interference on behalf of a national enemy, although in its spirit quite characteristic, at once of the country and of the class to which the individual extending it belonged, has retained a certain unique flavor of its own among military anecdotes; due undoubtedly to the distinction subsequently acquired by rodney at the expense of the people to which his liberator belonged, rather than to anything exceptional in its nature. as it is, it has acquired a clear pre-eminence among the recorded courtesies of warfare. it is pleasant to add that great britain had the opportunity in after times to requite biron's daughters an act from which she had so greatly benefited. they having sought refuge, though with loss of fortune, from the early excesses of the french revolution, received for some time pensions from the british government. rodney came back to england feeling anything but cordial towards sandwich, whose decided support he had found wanting throughout a very critical period of his career. more than any one else the first lord had had both the opportunity and the insight to see his professional value. tory though rodney was, he hoped that "lord chatham (pitt) would be minister, and another first lord of the admiralty be appointed." "we hear of a change of administration. i hope it is true, and that i may have a chance of being employed, should another be at the admiralty." "the refusal of lord sandwich does not surprise me. he cannot say but i have offered my services, and some friend will let the king know i have so done." apparently he was to be ignored as well as overlooked. circumstances, however, soon compelled his employment. sandwich was an able man, but his personal character inspired mistrust. not only was he controlled by political considerations in administration; he was suspected of corruptly using the navy for party advantage. whatever might be thought of byng's conduct, his execution, but twenty years before, was commonly ascribed to political exigency, making him a vicarious sacrifice to cover the neglects of a government. as in byng's case, the material of the service was believed to be now inadequate to the emergency come upon it; and it was known to have deteriorated gravely during the seven years of sandwich's tenure of office. he was a tory, as were his colleagues of the cabinet; the leaders of the navy in professional estimation, hawke and keppel, with other distinguished officers, were pronounced whigs, whom it was thought the administration would be willing to destroy. keppel evidently feared an intention to ruin him by the command of the channel fleet, and the public discussion of the courts-martial which followed his indecisive action with d'orvilliers, in july, , assumed a decided and rancorous party tone. his accuser then was his third-in-command, vice-admiral palliser, who had left his place on the admiralty board to take this position in the fleet; and popular outcry charged him with having betrayed his chief in the battle. so far was professional feeling moved that twelve prominent admirals,--not all of whom were whigs,--with hawke at their head, presented to the king a memorial, deprecating "particularly the mischief and scandal of permitting men, _who are at once in high office and subordinate military command_, previous to their making recriminating accusations against their commander-in-chief, to attempt to corrupt the public judgment by the publication of libels on their officers in a common newspaper, thereby exciting mutiny in your majesty's navy," etc. the words italicized show that this was aimed at palliser; and at sandwich, who inferentially had "permitted" his action, and ultimately rewarded him with the governorship of greenwich hospital. in this demoralized condition of professional sentiment the admiralty could no longer command the services of the best men. howe came home in disgust from america. keppel threw up the command of the channel fleet, and barrington subsequently refused it on the expressed ground of self-distrust, underlying which was real distrust of the ministry. he would serve as second, but not as first. byron, after relieving howe in new york, went to the west indies, there made a failure, and so came home in the summer of . the channel squadron fell into the hands of men respectable, indeed, but in no way eminent, and advanced in years, whose tenures of office were comparatively short. hardy was sixty-three, geary seventy; and on both hawke, who was friendly to them, passed the comment that they were "too easy." the first had allowed "the discipline of the fleet to come to nothing," and he feared the same for the other. not until the fall of the ministry, consequent upon cornwallis's surrender, was the post filled by a distinguished name, when howe took the command in . the administration was thus forced back upon rodney; fortunately for itself, for, as far as history has since revealed, there was no other man then in the service, and of suitable rank, exactly fitted to do the work he did. samuel hood alone, then an unproved captain, and practically in voluntary retirement, could have equalled and surpassed him. howe, like rodney, was an accomplished tactician, and in conception far in advance of the standards of the day. in his place he did admirable service, which has been too little appreciated, and he was fortunate in that the work which fell to him, at the first, and again at the last of this war, was peculiarly suited to his professional characteristics; but he was not interchangeable with rodney. in the latter there was a briskness of temper, a vivacity, very distinguishable from howe's solidity of persistence; and he was in no sense one to permit "discipline to come to nought," the direction in which howe's easy though reserved disposition tended. the west indies were to be the great scene of battles, and, while the tactical ideas of the two appear to have been essentially alike, in the common recognition of combination as imperative to success, the severity of rodney was needed to jerk the west india fleet sharply out of sleepy tradition; to compel promptness of manoeuvre and intelligent attention to the underlying ideas which signals communicate. flexibility of movement, earnestness and rapidity of attack, mutual support by the essential coherence of the battle order without too formal precision,--these were the qualities which rodney was to illustrate in practice, and to enforce by personal impression upon his officers. the official staff of the fleet had to pass under the rod of the schoolmaster, to receive new ideas, and to learn novel principles of obedience,--to a living chief, not to a dead letter crusted over by an unintelligent tradition. not till this step had been made, till discipline had full hold of men's affections and understanding, was there room for the glorious liberty of action which nelson extended to his officers; preaching it in word, and practising it in act. hawke re-begat the british navy in the spirit he imparted to it; rodney, first of several, trained its approaching maturity in habits which, once acquired, stand by men as principles; nelson reaped the fulness of the harvest. on october , , rodney was again appointed to the command of the leeward islands station. the year had been one of maritime misfortune and discouragement. the french declaration of war in had been followed by that of spain in june, ; and a huge allied fleet--sixty-six ships-of-the-line, to which the british could oppose only thirty-five--had that summer entered and dominated the english channel. nothing was effected by it, true; but the impression produced was profound. in the west indies grenada had been lost, and byron badly worsted in an attempt to relieve it. on assuming his command, rodney could not but feel that he had more to do than to establish a reputation; he had a reputation to redeem, and that under a burden of national depression which doubly endangered the reputation of every officer in responsible position. he must have known that, however undeservedly, he had not the full confidence of the government, although party and personal ties would naturally have predisposed it in his favor. he therefore entered upon his career under the necessity to do and to dare greatly; he had not a strong hand, and needed the more to play a game not only strong, but to some extent adventurous. to the radical difference between his personal standing at this opening of his command, and that which he had at its close, in , may reasonably be attributed the clear difference in his action at the two periods. the first was audacious and brilliant, exhibiting qualities of which he was capable on occasion, but which did not form the groundwork of his professional character. the display was therefore exceptional, elicited by exceptional personal emergency. it was vitally necessary at the outset, if opportunity offered, to vindicate his selection by the government; to strike the imagination of the country, and obtain a hold upon its confidence which could not easily be shaken. this prestige once established, he could safely rest upon it to bear him through doubtful periods of suspense and protracted issues. it would have been well had he felt the same spur after his great battle in . a necessity like this doubtless lies upon every opening career, and comparatively few there be that rise to it; but there is an evident distinction to be drawn between one in the early prime of life, who may afford to wait, who has at least no errors to atone, and him who is about to make his last cast, when upon the turning of a die depends a fair opportunity to show what is in him. rodney was near sixty-one, when he took up the command which has given him his well earned place in history. he experienced at once indications of the attitude towards him; and in two directions, from the admiralty and from his subordinates. a month before he was ready, sandwich urges him, with evident impatience, to get off. "for god's sake, go to sea without delay. you cannot conceive of what importance it is to yourself, to me, and to the public" (this very order of importance is suggestive), "that you should not lose this fair wind; if you do, i shall not only hear of it in parliament, but in places to which i pay more attention.... i must once more repeat to you that any delay in your sailing will have the most disagreeable consequences." on the other hand, he had to complain not only of inattention on the part of the dockyard officials, but of want of zeal and activity in the officers of the fleet, many of whom behaved with a disrespect and want of cordiality which are too often the precursor of worse faults. rodney was not the man to put up with such treatment. that it was offered, and that he for the moment bore with it, are both significant; and are to be remembered in connection with the fast approaching future. gibraltar was then at the beginning of the three years siege, and his intended departure was utilized to give him command of the first of the three great expeditions for its relief, which were among the characteristic operations of this war. he sailed from plymouth on the th of december, , having under him twenty-two sail-of-the-line, of which only four were to continue with him to the west indies. with this great fleet, and its attendant frigates, went also a huge collection of storeships, victuallers, ordnance vessels, troop ships, and merchantmen; the last comprising the "trade" for portugal and the west indies, as the other classes carried the reinforcements for the rock. on january th, the west india trade parted company off cape finisterre, and the next day began the wonderful good fortune for which rodney's last command was distinguished. it is no disparagement to his merit to say that in this he was, to use ball's phrase about nelson, "a heaven-born admiral." a spanish convoy of twenty-two sail, seven of which were ships of war, the rest laden with supplies for cadiz, were sighted at daylight of the th, and all taken; not one escaped. twelve loaded with provisions were turned into the british convoy, and went on with it to feed the gibraltar garrison. a prince of the blood-royal, afterwards king william iv., was with the fleet as a midshipman. one of the prizes being a line-of-battle ship, rodney had an opportunity to show appositely his courtliness of breeding. "i have named her the _prince william_, in respect to his royal highness, in whose presence _she had the honor to be taken_." repeated intelligence had reached the admiral that a spanish division was cruising off cape st. vincent. therefore, when it was sighted at p.m. of january th, a week after the capture of the convoy, he was prepared for the event. a brief attempt to form line was quickly succeeded by the signal for a general chase, the ships to engage to leeward as they came up with the enemy, who, by taking flight to the southeast, showed the intention to escape into cadiz. the wind was blowing strong from the westward, giving a lee shore and shoals to the british fleet in the approaching long hours of a wintry night; but opportunity was winging by, with which neither rodney nor the navy could afford to trifle. he was already laid up with an attack of the gout that continued to harass him throughout this command, and the decision to continue the chase was only reached after a discussion between him and his captain, the mention of which is transmitted by sir gilbert blane, the surgeon of the ship, who was present professionally. the merit of the resolution must remain with the man who bore the responsibility of the event; but that he reached it at such a moment only after consultation with another, to whom current gossip attributed the chief desert, must be coupled with the plausible claim afterwards advanced for sir charles douglas, that he suggested the breaking of the enemy's line on april th. taken together, they indicate at least a common contemporary professional estimate of rodney's temperament. no such anecdote is transmitted of hawke. the battle of cape st. vincent, therefore, is not that most characteristic of rodney's genius. judged by his career at large, it is exceptional; yet of all his actions it is the one in which merit and success most conspicuously met. nor does it at all detract from his credit that the enemy was much inferior in numbers; eleven to twenty-one. as in hawke's pursuit of conflans, with which this engagement is worthy to be classed, what was that night dared, rightly and brilliantly dared, was the dangers of the deep, not of the foe. the prey was seized out of the jaws of disaster. the results were commensurate to the risk. the action, which began at p.m., lasted till two the following morning, the weather becoming tempestuous with a great sea, so that it was difficult to take possession of the captured vessels. many of the heavy british ships continued also in danger during the th, and had to carry a press of sail to clear the shoals, on which two of their prizes were actually wrecked. one spanish ship-of-the-line was blown up and six struck, among them the flag-ship of admiral langara, who was taken into gibraltar. only four escaped. two such strokes of mingled good fortune and good management, within ten days, formed a rare concurrence, and the aggregate results were as exceptional as the combination of events. sandwich congratulated rodney that he had already "taken more line-of-battle ships than had been captured in any one action in either of the two last preceding wars." militarily regarded, it had a further high element of praise, for the enemy's detachment, though in itself inferior, was part of a much superior force; twenty-four allied ships-of-the-line besides it being at the moment in cadiz bay. it is the essence of military art thus to overwhelm in detail. a technical circumstance like this was doubtless overlooked in the general satisfaction with the event, the most evident feature in which was the relief of the government, who just then stood badly in need of credit. "the ministerial people feel it very sensibly," lady rodney wrote him. "it is a lucky stroke for them at this juncture." salutes were fired, and the city illuminated; the press teemed with poetical effusion. sandwich, somewhat impudently when the past is considered, but not uncharacteristically regarded as an officeholder, took to himself a large slice of the credit. "the worst of my enemies now allow that i have pitched upon a man who knows his duty, and is a brave, honest, and able officer.... i have obtained you the thanks of both houses of parliament." the letter does not end without a further caution against indiscreet talking about the condition of his ships. it all comes back on the government, he laments. what rodney may have said to others may be uncertain; to his wife, soon after reaching his station, he wrote, "what are the ministers about? are they determined to undo their country? is it fair that the british fleet should be so inferior to the french, and that the british officers and men are always to be exposed to superior numbers? what right had the administration to expect anything but defeat?" then he passes on to remark himself, what has been alluded to above, the change in his personal position effected by his successes. "thank god, i now fear no frowns of ministers, and hope never again to stand in need of their assistance. i know them well. all are alike, and no dependence is to be placed on their promises." it is to be feared his sense of obligation to sandwich did not coincide with the latter's estimate. in his official report rodney gave much credit to his officers for the st. vincent affair. "the gallant behaviour of the admirals, captains, officers and men, i had the honour to command, was conspicuous; they seemed animated with the same spirit, and were eager to exert themselves with the utmost zeal." here also, however, he was biding his time for obvious reasons; for to his wife he writes, "i have done them all like honour, but it is because i would not have the world believe that there were officers slack in their duty. without a thorough change in naval affairs, the discipline of our navy will be lost. i could say much, but will not. you will hear of it from _themselves_;" that is, probably, by their mutual recriminations. such indulgent envelopment of good and bad alike in a common mantle of commendation is far from unexampled; but it rarely fails to return to plague its authors, as has been seen in instances more recent than that of rodney. he clearly had told sandwich the same in private letters, for the first lord writes him, "i fear the picture you give of the faction in your fleet is too well drawn. time and moderation will by degrees get the better of this bane of discipline. i exceedingly applaud your resolution to shut your ears against the illiberal language of your officers, who are inclined to arraign each other's conduct." in this two things are to be remarked: first, the evident and undeniable existence of serious cause of complaint, which was preparing rodney for the stern self-assertion soon to be shown; and, second, that such imputations are frequent with him, while he seems in turn to have had a capacity for eliciting insubordination of feeling, though he can repress the act. it is a question of personal temperament, which explains more than his relations with other men. hawke and nelson find rare fault with those beneath them; for their own spirit takes possession of their subordinates. such difference of spirit reveals itself in more ways than one in the active life of a military community. if there was joy in england over rodney's achievement, still more and more sympathetic was the exultation of those who in the isolation of gibraltar's rock, rarely seeing their country's flag save on their own flagstaff, witnessed and shared the triumph of his entrance there with his train of prizes. the ships of war and transports forming the convoy did not indeed appear in one body, but in groups, being dispersed by the light airs, and swept eastward by the in-drag of the current from the atlantic to the mediterranean; but the presence of the great fleet, and the prestige of its recent victory, secured the practical immunity of merchant vessels during its stay. of the first to come in, on january th, an eye-witness wrote, "a ship with the british flag entering the bay was so uncommon a sight that almost the whole garrison were assembled at the southward to welcome her in; but words are insufficient to describe their transports on being informed that she was one of a large convoy which had sailed the latter end of the preceding month for our relief." the admiral himself had been carried beyond and gone into tetuan, in morocco, whence he finally arrived on january th, having sent on a supply fleet to minorca, the garrison of which was undergoing a severance from the outer world more extreme even than that of gibraltar. upon the return thence of the convoying ships he again put to sea, february th, with the entire fleet, which accompanied him three days sail to the westward, when it parted company for england; he with only four ships-of-the-line pursuing his way to his station. on march th he reached santa lucia, where he found seventeen of-the-line, composing his command. three weeks later he met the enemy; barely three months, almost to a day, after the affair at st. vincent. the antecedent circumstances of the war, and the recent history of the french navy, gave a singular opportuneness of occasion, and of personal fitness, to rodney's arrival at this moment. the humiliations of the seven years war, with the loss of so much of the french colonial empire, traceable in chief measure to naval decadence, had impressed the french government with the need of reviving their navy, which had consequently received a material development in quality, as well as in quantity, unparalleled since the days of colbert and seignelay, near a century before. concomitant with this had been a singular progress in the theory of naval evolutions, and of their handmaid, naval signalling, among french officers; an advance to which the lucid, speculative, character of the national genius greatly contributed. although they as yet lacked practice, and were numerically too few, the french officers were well equipped by mental resources, by instruction and reflection, to handle large fleets; and they now had large fleets to handle. no such conjunction had occurred since tourville; none such recurred during the revolution. the condition was unique in naval history of the sail period. to meet it, assuming an approach to equality in contending fleets, was required, first, a commander-in-chief, and then a competent body of officers. the latter the british had only in the sense of fine seamen and gallant men. in courage there is no occasion to institute comparisons between the two nations; in kind there may have been a difference, but certainly not in degree. the practical superiority of seamanship in the british may be taken as a set-off to the more highly trained understanding of military principles and methods on the part of their enemy. for commander-in-chief, there were at this time but two, howe and rodney, whose professional equipment, as shown in practice, fitted them to oppose the french methods. of these rodney was the better, because possessed of a quicker power of initiative, and also of that personal severity required to enforce strict conformity of action among indifferent or sullen subordinates. rodney has therefore a singularly well defined place among british naval chiefs. he was to oppose form to form, theory to theory, evolution to evolution, upon the battle ground of the sea; with purpose throughout tactically offensive, not defensive, and facing an adversary his equal in professional equipment. had he arrived a year before he would have met no fair match in d'estaing, a soldier, not a sailor, whose deficiencies as a seaman would have caused a very different result from that which actually followed his encounter with byron, who in conduct showed an utter absence of ideas and of method inconceivable in rodney. the french were now commanded by de guichen, considered the most capable of their officers by rodney, whose recent abode in paris had probably familiarized him with professional reputations among the enemy. everything therefore conspired to make the occasion one eminently fitted to his capacities. such are the conditions--the man _and_ the hour--that make reputations; though they do not form characters, which are growths of radically different origin. de guichen put to sea from martinique on april th, with a convoy for santo domingo which he intended to see clear of british interference. rodney, whose anchorage was but thirty miles away, learned instantly the french sailing and followed without delay. on the evening of april th, the two fleets were in sight of each other to leeward of martinique, the british to windward; an advantage that was diligently maintained during the night. at daylight of the th the two enemies were twelve to fifteen miles apart, ranged on nearly parallel lines, the british twenty heading northwest, the french twenty-three southeast. the numerical difference represents sufficiently nearly the actual difference of force, although french vessels averaged more powerful than british of the same rates. at . a.m. rodney signalled that it was his intention to attack the enemy's rear with his whole force. this was never annulled, and the purpose governed his action throughout the day. this combination--on the rear--is the one generally preferable to be attempted when underway, and the relative situations of the fleets at this moment made it particularly opportune; for the british, in good order, two cables interval between the ships, were abreast the rear centre and rear of the enemy, whose line was in comparison greatly extended,--the result probably of inferior practical seamanship. to increase his advantage, rodney at ordered his vessels to close to one cable, and at . , when the antagonists were still heading as at daybreak, undertook to lead the fleet down by a series of signals directive of its successive movements. in this he was foiled by de guichen, who by wearing brought what was previously his van into position to support the extreme threatened. "the different movements of the enemy," wrote rodney, "obliged me to be very attentive and watch every opportunity of attacking them at advantage;" a sentence that concisely sums up his special excellencies, of which the present occasion offers the most complete illustration. it may be fully conceded also that it would have vindicated his high title to fame by conspicuous results, had the intelligence of his officers seconded his dispositions. the forenoon passed in manoeuvres, skilfully timed, to insure a definite issue. at . rodney considered that his opportunity had arrived. both fleets were then heading in the same direction, on the starboard tack, and he had again succeeded in so placing his own that, by the words of his report, he expected to bring "the whole force of his majesty's fleet against the enemy's rear, and of course part of their centre, by which means the twenty sail of british ships would have been opposed to only fifteen sail of the enemy's, and must in all probability have totally disabled them before their van could have given them any assistance." it would be difficult to cite a clearer renouncement of the outworn "van to van," ship to ship, dogma; but rodney is said to have expressed himself in more emphatic terms subsequently, as follows: "during all the commands lord rodney has been entrusted with, he made it a rule to bring his whole force against a part of the enemy's, and never was so absurd as to bring ship against ship, when the enemy gave him an opportunity of acting otherwise." though not distinctly so stated, it would seem that his first movement on the present occasion had failed because of the long distance between the fleets permitting the enemy to succor the part threatened, before he could close. he was now nearer, for at this second attempt only an hour proved to be needed for the first british ship to open fire at long range. it may be for this reason, also, that he at this stage threw himself upon his captains, no longer prescribing the successive movements, but issuing the general signal to bear down, each vessel to "steer," according to the st article of the _additional_ fighting instructions, "for the ship of the enemy which from the disposition of the two squadrons it must be her lot to engage, notwithstanding the signal for the line ahead will be kept flying: making or shortening sail in such proportion as _to preserve the distance assigned by the signal for the line_, in order that the whole squadron may, as near as possible, come into action at the same time." unfortunately for his manoeuvre, the admiral here ran up against the stolid idea of the old--and still existing--fighting instructions concerning the line-of-battle in action, embodied in a typical representative in the senior captain of his fleet. this gentleman, robert carkett, had risen from before the mast, and after a lieutenancy of thirteen years had become post in , by succeeding to the command when his captain was killed, in one of the most heroic single-ship fights of the british navy. unluckily, his seniority gave him the lead of the fleet as it was now formed on the starboard tack, and he considered that the signal for attacking the enemy's rear was annulled by the present situation. "both fleets," he stated in a letter to the admiralty, "were at . parallel to and abreast of each other. as i was then the leading ship, it became my duty to engage the leading ship of the french fleet, as this signal disannulled all former ones relative to the mode of attack." the word "abreast," critically used, would imply that the fleets were abreast, ship to ship, van to van; but there appears no reason to question rodney's statement of the facts made to carkett himself: "forgetting that the signal for the line was only at two cables length distance from each other, the van division was by you led to more than two leagues distance from the centre division, which was thereby exposed to the greatest strength of the enemy, and not properly supported." rodney, in short, meant by opposite the enemy's ship opposite at the moment the signal was made; and he also expected that the movements of his ships would be further controlled by the words of the st article, "preserve the distance assigned by the signal for the line," which distance was to be taken from the centre; or, as sometimes worded in the instructions, "the distance shall be that between the admiral and the ships next ahead and astern of him." carkett conceived that he was to attack the ship opposite him in numerical order, that is, the leader of the enemy, and that the remaining british would take distance from him. why the rest of the van should also have been led thus astray can be explained only on the ground that carkett's general views were shared by the divisional commander, a rear-admiral, who, as was proved a year later, possessed high courage of the pure game-cock order, but was wholly thoughtless of gaining an unfair advantage, two against one, by tactical ingenuity. the result was that the van as a body left the centre to itself, and thereby not only wrecked the concentration at which rodney aimed, but was out of hand to support his flag and his division, when badly battered by the enemy's fire. this was the great tactical blunder which brought to nought rodney's patient, wary manoeuvres of the past six hours. to it especially, but not to it alone, he referred in the stinging words of his despatch: "'t is with concern inexpressible, mixt with indignation, that the duty i owe my sovereign and country obliges me to acquaint their lordships that, during the action with the french fleet on the th instant [and] his majesty's, the british flag was not properly supported." to the specific error of the van was added a widespread disregard of the order for close action, despite the example of the commander-in-chief, who pressed the enemy so hard that towards the end his flag-ship was to leeward of de guichen's wake. "perceiving several of our ships engaging at a distance, i repeated the signal for close action. with truth, but sorrow, i must say it was little attended to." it is noticeable that one of the ships thus censured, the _cornwall_, next ahead of rodney, lost as heavily in killed and wounded as did the flag-ship herself; one of many instances showing that distance lessened efficiency without increasing safety. the forwardness of rodney's flag on this occasion proves clearly enough his consciousness that tactics, to succeed, must be more than a veil for timidity; that hard hitting is as essential as skilful leading. this combination of steady, patient, wary, skilful guidance, with resolute and tenacious personal leadership, constituted the firm tissue of rodney's professional character, and at no time received such clear illustration as in the case before us; for no like opportunity recurred. one experience was enough for de guichen; he did not choose again to yield the advantage of the weather gage, and he had the tactical skill necessary to retain it in his future contacts with this adversary. the battle of april , , upon which rodney's fame has rested, was rather an accident than an achievement, and as a revelation of character its most conspicuous feature is wariness exaggerated into professional timidity. he himself has weighed the relative professional value of the two affairs. a letter published in , anonymous, but bearing strong internal evidence of being written by sir gilbert blane, long on a trusted physician's terms of intimacy with rodney, states that he "thought little of his victory on the th of april." he would have preferred to rest his reputation upon this action with de guichen, and "looked upon that opportunity of beating, with an inferior fleet, such an officer, whom he considered the best in the french service, as one by which, but for the disobedience of his captains, he might have gained an immortal renown." the misconduct of his officers brought out in full vigor the severity which was a salient feature of rodney's professional character. in the st. vincent business he may have been partly actuated to spare, by the reflection that the offenders were not his own captains; that they were about to quit him finally. moreover, there had been then a very considerable tangible success; results cover a multitude of sins. no such extenuations applied here. the wreck of his reasonable hopes of personal distinction coincided with failure towards the nation itself. rodney's hand came down heavy upon the offenders; but so far as seen it was the hand always of a gentleman. in private letters his full feelings betrayed themselves in vehemence; but in public they were measured to austerity. to carkett, when questioned concerning the rumored expressions in his despatch, he is withering in the pointed enumeration of varied shortcomings; but he never lapses into a breach of professional decorum of utterance. the unfortunate man represented to the admiralty his view of the matter,--already cited; but it bears no indorsement to show that it had passed under rodney's eye. captain, ship, and ship's company, were swept away a few months later in the memorable hurricane of october, . the despatch specified no other delinquent by name; but the selection of five captains to receive personal commendation, and the persistent refusal of the same to all other subordinates, including the junior flag-officers, made censure sufficiently individual; and the admiral's subsequent line of conduct emphasized rebuke bitterly. the cruise was not yet finished; for the french having taken refuge at guadaloupe, it was important to prevent them from regaining martinique, their chief depot and place of repairs. to intercept them there, rodney at first took station off fort royal, and when compelled for a moment to return to santa lucia, kept lookouts to warn him betimes of the enemy's appearance. so, when de guichen approached from the windward side of the islands, on may th, he found the british getting underway to meet him. from that time until the th--eleven days--the fleets were manoeuvring in sight of one another, beating to windward; the british endeavoring to force action, the french to avoid it. de guichen's orders from home were "to keep the sea, so far as the force maintained by england in the windward islands would permit, _without too far compromising_ the fleet entrusted to him." such instructions compelled him to defensive tactics; as rodney's views, and those traditional in his service, impelled him to attack. hence ensued a struggle of sustained vigilance, activity, and skill, profoundly interesting professionally, but which does not lend itself to other than technical narrative. "for fourteen days and nights," wrote rodney, "the fleets were so near each other that neither officers nor men could be said to sleep. nothing but the goodness of the weather and climate could have enabled us to endure so continual a fatigue. had it been in europe, half the people must have sunk under it. for my part, it did me good." no evidence of professional aptness could be given clearer than the last words. a man is easy under such circumstances only when they fit him. de guichen asked to be superseded; "my health cannot endure such continual fatigue and anxiety." twice the wary frenchman was nearly caught, but the wind did not favor rodney long enough to give him the weather position, the only sure one for offence. but, while thus unable to compass results, he gave conclusive evidence of the quickness of his eye, the alertness of his action, and the flexibility which he was enabled to impress upon his fleet by sheer force of personal character. the contest resembled that of two expert swordsmen; more intermittent doubtless, but also much more prolonged. there can be no trifling with such conditions. a moment's relaxation, or inaptness, may forfeit opportunity, offered only by chance and not to be regained by effort. rodney was fixed that no such slip should occur through the neglect of others, and his stern supervision, as represented by himself to his wife, was that of a slave driver, lash in hand. "as i had given public notice to all my captains, etc. that i should hoist my flag on board one of my frigates, and that i expected implicit obedience to every signal made, under the certain penalty of being instantly superseded, it had an admirable effect, as they were all convinced, after their late gross behaviour, that they had nothing to expect at my hands but instant punishment to those who neglected their duty. my eye on them had more dread than the enemy's fire, and they knew it would be fatal. no regard was paid to rank,--admirals as well as captains, if out of their station, were instantly reprimanded by signals, or messages sent by frigates: and, in spite of themselves, i taught them to be what they had never been before--_officers_: and showed them that an inferior fleet, properly conducted, was more than a match for one far superior." making allowance for exaggeration in the irresponsible utterances of family life, the above is eminently characteristic of temperament. it must be added, as equally characteristic of an underlying justice which rodney possessed, that in his official account of these last manoeuvres he gave credit to his subordinates as a whole. "i must inform their lordships, in justice to the commanders and officers of the fleet under my command, that since the action of the th of april, and during the pursuit of the enemy's fleet, and in the two rencontres with them, all my officers, of every rank and denomination, were obedient and attentive to orders and signals, and, i am convinced, if the enemy had given them an opportunity, they would have done their duty to their king and country." the claims of justice against its own strict requirements he also recognized to carkett. "nothing but the former service you had done your king and country, and my firm belief of your being a brave man, could have induced me, as commander of a great fleet, to overlook." it will not escape attention that this exact observance of credit, where due, lends increased weight to censure, when inflicted. to the pursuit of the french fleet, relinquished forty leagues eastward of martinique after the brush of may th, succeeded a period marked only by the routine administrative cares attendant upon an admiral charged with the defence of a lengthy, exposed chain of islands, and an extensive trade, against enemies numerically much superior. the details serve to show the breadth of intelligence, the sound judgment, and clear professional conceptions that characterized rodney in small things as well as great; but it would be wearisome to elaborate demonstration of this, and these qualities he had in common with many men otherwise inferior to himself. reaction from the opening strain of the campaign, with the relaxation of vigor from the approach of the hot rainy season, now began to tell on his health; and to this contributed the harassment of mind due to the arrival of a large spanish fleet, while reinforcements promised him unaccountably failed to appear. nevertheless, his personal efficiency was not impaired, and towards the end of july he resolved to execute a project which he had long entertained, of carrying the mass of his fleet from the islands to the continental waters of north america. during the year between his return from paris and his present appointment, he had laid before the admiralty two papers, containing an admirable summary of the leading strategic conditions of the whole scene of war in the western hemisphere, with suggestions for action amounting to a plan of campaign. one feature of this was based upon the weather differences, which rendered cruising dangerous in the west indies when most favorable to the northward, and unsure in north america when most certain among the islands. he proposed to utilize this alternation of seasons, by shifting a mobile reinforcement suddenly and secretly from one end to the other of the long front of operations. this is a common enough expedient in military art, but had rarely received the convincing formulation which he gave it; while that such a conception was a novelty to the average naval mind of the day, may be inferred from the startled wrath of the admiral in north america at rodney's unexpected intrusion upon his bailiwick. sandwich, however, had entertained the project, and in october, , just as rodney's appointment issued, a vessel sailed from england with letters to admiral arbuthnot in new york, directing him to send several ships-of-the-line to the west indies for the winter campaign. the vessel lost a mast, kept off to nassau in the bahamas, and after arrival there her captain, while spending some months in repairs, did not think to send on the despatches. arbuthnot, therefore, received them only on march , ; too late, doubtless, to collect and equip a force in time to reach rodney before the affair of april th. at the end of july, , the conditions in the west indies were that the allied french and spanish fleets had gone to leeward from martinique; to havana, and to cap françois, in hayti. at the latter port was assembling a large trade convoy--three hundred ships, according to rodney's information. he reasoned that this must go to europe, but would not require the full strength of the french fleet; therefore, transferring his own insight to the enemy's mind, he convinced himself that a part of their vessels would seek narragansett bay, to reinforce the seven ships-of-the-line that had reached there on july th, under de ternay, of whose arrival rodney now knew. great possibilities might be open to such a combination, skilfully handled against the inferior numbers of arbuthnot. "as it plainly appeared to me that his majesty's territory, fleet, and army, in america were in imminent danger of being overpowered by the superior force of the public enemy, i deemed it a duty incumbent upon me to forego any emoluments that might have accrued by the enterprise intended by general vaughan and myself during the hurricane months, and without a moment's hesitation flew with all despatch possible to prevent the enemy's making any impression upon the continent before my arrival there." the protestation of disinterestedness here is somewhat intrusive, and being wholly unnecessary excites rather criticism than confidence. although reasonable precautions had been taken for the security of his own station, and all circumstances carefully weighed, there was in this step of rodney's an assumption of responsibility,--of risk,--as in his similar action of , before noted. this, as well as the military correctness of the general conception, deserves to be noted to the credit of his professional capacity. making the land about charleston, south carolina, he swept along the coast to the northward, until he anchored off sandy hook, september th. the following day he issued an order to admiral arbuthnot, directing him to put himself under his command and to obey his instructions. rodney's coming was a grievous blow to washington, who instead had hoped, as rodney had feared, the arrival of de guichen, or at the least of a strong french naval division. the enemy's disappointment is perhaps the best proof of sagacity in a military movement, but sandwich's clear approval was also forthcoming. "it is impossible for us to have a superior fleet in every part; and unless our commanders-in-chief will take the great line, as you do, and consider the king's whole dominions as under their care, our enemies must find us unprepared somewhere, and carry their point against us." arbuthnot, nevertheless, saw only personal injury to himself; a natural feeling, but one which should not be allowed display. rodney had given various particular orders, and had suggested that it would be better that the commander-in-chief on the station should keep headquarters at new york, leaving the blockade of ternay, a hundred and thirty miles distant, to a junior admiral; also, he intimated the opinion that such a blockade would be better conducted underway than anchored in gardiner's bay, fifty miles from the enemy's port. though suggestion did not override discretion, arbuthnot resented it in all its forms. after explaining his reasons, he added, "how far, sir, your conduct (similarly circumstanced as you are) is praiseworthy and proper, consequences must determine. your partial interference in the conduct of the american war is certainly incompatible with principles of reason, and precedents of service. the frigates attending on a cruising squadron you have taken upon you to counter-order, (a due representation of which and other circumstances i shall make where it will have every possible effect), and thus i have been for some time without even a repeater of signals." though rodney's step was unusual, his position as arbuthnot's superior officer, locally present, was impregnable. he nevertheless kept his temper under provocation, and the dignified restraint of his reply is notable; indeed, the only significant feature of this incident, from the biographical point of view. "no offence to you was intended on my part. every respect due to you, as an officer and a gentleman, my inclination as well as my duty led me to pay you in the strictest sense." he leaves no doubt, however, that he does not intend to allow his functions to lapse into a mere official primacy,--that he will rule, as well as reign. "duty, not inclination, brought me to north america. i came to interfere in the american war, to command by sea in it, and to do my best endeavours towards the putting an end thereto. i knew the dignity of my own rank entitled me to take the supreme command, which i ever shall do on every station where his majesty's and the public service may make it necessary for me to go, unless i meet a superior officer, in which case it will be my duty to obey his orders." he then proceeds to exercise his authority, by explicit directions and some criticism of existing arrangements. afterwards, in submitting the papers to the admiralty, rodney wrote, "i am ashamed to mention what appears to me the real cause, and from whence mr. arbuthnot's chagrin proceeds, but the proofs are so plain that prize-money is the occasion that i am under the necessity of transmitting them. i can solemnly assure their lordships that i had not the least conception of any other prize-money on the coast of america but that which would be most honourably obtained by the destruction of the enemy's ships of war and privateers--but when prize-money appeared predominant in the mind of my brother officer, i was determined to have my share of that bounty so graciously bestowed by his majesty and the public." nelson's retort to arbuthnot's successor, two years later, may be recalled. "you have come to a good station for prize-money." "yes, but the west indies is the station for honour." the visit to continental waters was on this occasion productive of little result. contrary alike to rodney's anticipations and those of washington, de guichen's whole fleet had returned to europe. some slight redistribution of cruisers, the more frequent capture of privateers, with increased security to the trade of new york and incidental support to some rather predatory land operations, were all that rodney could show of tangible consequence from his presence. arbuthnot alone was superior to ternay if neither received reinforcements. rodney's health felt the keener atmosphere, so that he had to go ashore in new york, and he accepted the views of arbuthnot as to the strength of the french fleet's position in newport, without examining it himself. had he done so, however, it is unlikely that he would have formed more strenuous purposes. the disposition of the enemy's squadron there was so imposing that only the genius of a nelson, mindful as at revel of the moral influence of a great blow at a critical period of the war, could have risen to the necessity of daring such a hazard. his phrase was there applicable, "desperate affairs require desperate remedies." there is no indication of this supreme element in rodney's composition. it is interesting to note, however, that personal observation had given conviction of success at newport to the officer who was afterwards nelson's gallant second at copenhagen,--sir thomas graves. this paucity of results in no way lessens the merit of the movement from the west indies to the continent. it was indubitably correct in idea, and, as has been pointed out, the conception was rodney's own, the possibilities were great, the risk in many ways undeniable; when these can be affirmed of a military action, failure to obtain results, because conditions take an improbable direction, does not detract from credit. nor should the obviousness of this measure hide the fact that the suggestion appears to have been original with him, occurring fully developed in his memorandum of may, , to the admiralty; whether written in paris or england does not appear. the transfer of hotham's squadron to the southward in the following december, , enabling barrington to conquer santa lucia,--a place insisted upon in the same memorandum as of the first importance,--may not improbably be attributed to this fruitful paper. in the next year, , a detachment was again sent to new york, and had rodney been able to accompany it in person there is no room to doubt that he would have saved cornwallis; reversing issues, at least momentarily, certainly prolonging the war, possibly deciding the contest otherwise than as befell. rodney's return to the west indies in december, , concluded the most eventful and illustriously characteristic year of his life. the destruction of langara's fleet in january, the brilliant tactical displays of april th, and of the chase manoeuvres in may, the strategic transference in august of a large division, unawares to the enemy, from one point of the field of action to another, are all feats that testify to his great ability as a general officer. nor should there be left out of the account the stern dignity of conduct which assured his personal control of the fleet, his certainty of touch in the face of an enemy. thus considered, it was a year full of events, successful throughout as regards personal desert, and singularly significant of ability and temperament. the year was far less happy, nor does the great victory, which in crowned his career with glory, contribute to the enhancement of his professional distinction; rather the contrary. upon reaching barbados, december th, he found the island shorn to the ground by the noted hurricane, which in the previous october had swept the caribbean, from the lesser antilles to jamaica. eight of the division left by him in the west indies had been wrecked,--two being ships-of-the-line; and the efficiency of the whole fleet was grievously impaired by the widespread injury to vessels. an event charged with more serious consequences to himself soon followed. on the th of january, , at barbados, despatches from the admiralty notified him that great britain had declared war against holland, and directed him to proceed at once against the dutch shipping and west indies. first among the enumerated objects of attack was the small island of st. eustatius. this, having enjoyed the advantages of neutrality at a time when almost the whole caribbean was in hostilities, had become a depot for the accumulation and distribution of stores, commercial and warlike. ostensibly, it served all parties, giving to and receiving from europe, america, and the caribbean alike. the political sympathies of holland, however, and it may be added those of the west indies in general, even of the british islands themselves, were rather adverse to great britain in the current struggle; and this, combined with the greater self-sufficingness of the british naval and commercial administration, had made the neutral support of st. eustatius more benevolent, and much more useful, to the enemies of great britain, including the revolted colonists, than it was to the mother country. rodney asserted that help from there was readily forthcoming to supply french and spanish requirements, while professions of inability abounded whenever his fleet made a demand in occasional emergencies. he was therefore full of gall against the island and its merchants, the more so because he suspected that british subjects, unpatriotically ardent for gain, were largely concerned in maintaining conditions thus hurtful to their country; and, when the orders to act came, it needed but three days for himself and general vaughan to sail on an errand of which they probably had previous intimations. on the d of february they arrived off st. eustatius, which in the face of their imposing force submitted at once. they took possession of the island, with goods stored to the estimated value of £ , , ,--an immense spoil in those days. a dutch ship-of-war, with a hundred and fifty sail of traders of various nationalities, were also seized; while a convoy of thirty merchant ships, which had sailed thirty-six hours before, was pursued and captured by a british detachment,--the dutch admiral commanding the ships-of-war being killed in the attendant action. from one point of view this was an enormous success, though unproductive of glory. it destroyed at a blow a centre of commerce and supply powerfully contributive to the maintenance of the enemies of great britain; both to their hostile operations, and to the indirect but no less vital financial support that trade gives to national endurance,--to the sinews of war. besides this, however, there was the unprecedented immediate booty, transferable as so much asset to the conquerors. it was upon this present tangible result that rodney's imagination fastened, with an engrossment and tenacity that constitute a revelation of character. it perverted his understanding of conditions, and paralyzed his proper action as commander-in-chief. it is needless in this connection to consider whether it was the matter of personal profit, through legitimate prize-money, that thus influenced him,--an effect to some extent pardonable in a man who had long suffered, and still was suffering, from pecuniary straitness,--or whether, as he loudly protested, it was the interest to the nation that made his personal superintendence of the proceeds imperative. in either case the point to be noted is not a palpable trait of covetousness,--if such it were, --but the limitation to activity occasioned by preoccupation with a realized, but imperfect, success. the comparatively crude impression of greediness, produced by apparent absorption in a mere money gain, has prevented the perception of this more important and decisive element in rodney's official character, revealed at st. eustatius and confirmed on the evening of the th of april. what he had won, he had won; what more he might and should do, he would not see, nor would he risk. his discontent with his junior flag-officers in the west indies, and the peculiar demoralization of professional tone at the moment, had made it difficult for the admiralty to provide him a satisfactory second in command. in order to do this, they had "to make a promotion," as the phrase went; that is, in order to get the man wanted, the seniors on the captains' list were promoted down to and including him. the choice had fallen on sir samuel hood,--in later days nelson's honored lord hood,--than which none could have been happier in respect of capacity. it has been truly said that he was as able as rodney, and more energetic; but even this falls short of his merit. he had an element of professional--as distinguished from personal--daring, and an imaginative faculty that penetrated the extreme possibilities of a situation, quickened by the resolve, in which rodney was deficient, to have all or nothing; and these invaluable traits were balanced by the sound and accurate judgment of a thorough seaman, without which imagination lures to disaster. the man who as a junior formed the idea of seizing de grasse's anchorage in the chesapeake in , to effect the relief of cornwallis, and who in , when momentarily in chief command, illustrated the idea by actual performance under similar conditions in the west indies, rose to heights of conception and of achievement for which we have no equivalent in rodney's career. unfortunately for him, though thus mighty in act, opportunity for great results never came to him. the hour never met the man. hood with eight ships-of-the-line and a large convoy arrived on the station in january, , and was at st. eustatius with the commander-in-chief when rodney received a report, which proved to be false, that eight to ten french ships-of-the-line, with a numerous supply-fleet, had been sighted in european waters evidently bound for the west indies. he thereupon detached hood, on february th, and directed him with seventeen of-the-line to await the enemy to windward of martinique, their probable destination. a month later he ordered the position to be shifted to leeward of the island, in front of the french arsenal port, fort royal. hood dissented from this, remonstrating vigorously, and the event proved him right; but rodney insisted, the more injudiciously in that he was throwing the tactical burden upon his junior while fettering thus his tactical discretion. meantime, twenty french ships-of-the-line did sail on march d for martinique, under count de grasse: beginning then the campaign which ended in the great disaster of april , , but not until it had been signalized by the surrender of cornwallis, due to this fleet, as washington said. on the th of april it came in sight of hood; but, owing to the leewardly position insisted upon by rodney, the english commander could not prevent the junction to it of four french ships then in the port. a battle followed next day, of eighteen british--one having just joined--against twenty-four enemies; odds which, combined with the weather gage held by the french, should have insured them a decisive victory. this result was prevented by the tentative action of de grasse, encountering the tactical capacity and imperturbable self-possession of hood. rodney could not have bettered hood's management, though he of course attributed to him the blame for results. it is evident, however, that for various reasons the commander-in-chief should have been with the body of his fleet. even barring certain and timely information of the french coming, which hood at least did not have, there was every reasonable probability that such an expedition would arrive at about the season it did. hood's insight, which was adequate to divining possibilities as well as to dealing with ascertained conditions, had taught him that the latter half of april--and not sooner--was the time by which the british should be refitted, provisioned and watered full, and in all respects ready for prolonged operations against a powerful enemy; as well as concentrated to windward. he reasoned thus from the fact that the french navy, to the number of forty odd,--being the combined fleets of d'estaing from brest and de guichen from the west indies,--had been assembled in cadiz towards the end of , and did not return to brest until january, . to refit, sail, and reach martinique again, would in his judgment postpone arrival to the middle of april, and this respite should be improved by getting the british ships into the best campaigning condition, so as not to be hampered in subsequent movements by necessities of repair and supply. with this persuasion he became eager, by the first of the month, for the admiral's presence; the more so because confident that, if he were on the spot, he would see the necessity of changing position from leeward to windward. "i begin to be extremely impatient for the honour of being and acting immediately under your flag, as i do not find myself pleasant in being to leeward; for should an enemy's fleet attempt to get into martinique, and the commander of it inclines to avoid battle, nothing but a skirmish will probably happen, which in its consequences may operate as a defeat to the british squadron, though not a ship is lost and the enemy suffer most." this is a clear case in which events that actually befell were foreseen; not by supernatural illumination, but by the clear light of unbiassed reason acting upon evident considerations. there _was_ but a skirmish, the british _did_ suffer badly, and the consequences _were_ equivalent to defeat; for, had the whole british force of the line been present to windward, it would have prevented the junction of the french, and therefore have been so nearly equal to the main body as to have assured an action inflicting very serious injury, incapacitating the enemy for the attacks upon santa lucia and tobago, before which the latter fell, and not improbably deterring de grasse from the expedition to the chesapeake which forced the capitulation of cornwallis. such deductions are of course dependent upon the contingencies inseparable from warfare. they are not certainties, indeed; but they are inferences of very great probability. so much hinged upon the presence of an officer with the full discretion denied to hood; of the officer primarily responsible for the fleet, which was intrusted to him and not to another. probable also is hood's solution of rodney's persistence in remaining at st. eustatius, and keeping the squadron under the command of his second to leeward of martinique. he was possessed with the fancied paramount necessity of protecting st. eustatius against a sudden attack by the enemy, which he imagined might be supported by the small division in fort royal; and the value of the booty shut his eyes to every other consideration. as on the evening of the th of april, the great day of glory in his career, the captures already made assumed sufficiency in his eyes, and co-operating with surmisings as to what the beaten and scattered french might do deterred him from further action; so now the prize already secured at st. eustatius combined with the imaginative "picture he made for himself"--to use napoleon's phrase--of its possible dangers, to blind him to the really decisive needs of the situation. it is clear, however, that local naval provision for the safety of a petty island was in point of difficulty, as of consequence, a secondary matter, within the competence of many of his captains; and that the primary factor, on which all depended, was the control of the sea, by the british fleet predominating over the enemy's. consequently the commander-in-chief should have been where his second was, at the centre of decisive action, where an enemy's fleet was to be expected. this was the more incumbent because rodney himself, writing to admiral parker in jamaica on april th, said, "as the enemy hourly expect a great fleet in these seas, i have scarcely a sufficient number of line-of-battle-ships to blockade the island of martinique, or to engage the enemy's fleet should they appear, if their number should be so large as reported,"--twenty-four. this report came from french sources, and it will be noted, from the date of his letter, was in his possession twelve days before the enemy arrived. it was both specific and antecedently probable, and should have determined the admiral's action. whether he had similar news from home does not appear. sandwich writing him on march st, the day before the french left brest, professed ignorance of their destination, but added, "the most prevailing and most probable opinion is that they are to go to the west india islands, and afterwards to north america." their number he estimated at twenty-five, which tallied with rodney's intelligence of twenty-four. the latter was exact, save that four were armed _en flûte_; that is, as transports, with their guns below, to be subsequently mounted. despite everything, the admiral remained at st. eustatius until may th, when the arrival of a crippled ship from hood brought him the news of the skirmish. he was attending, doubtless, to details pertaining to his command, but he was chiefly occupied with the disposition of the property seized on the island; a matter which he afterwards found to his cost would have been much better committed to administrators skilled in the law. "had they abided by the first plan settled before i left them," wrote hood, "and not have interfered, but have left the management to the land and sea folk appointed for that purpose, all would have gone smooth and easy." however this might have proved, the immediate supervision of the island and its spoils was no business for a commander-in-chief in active war time; particularly when it entailed leaving the charge of his main fleet, at a critical moment, to a junior admiral of very recent appointment, and still unproved. it was not the separate importance of the position intrusted to hood that made it peculiarly the station for the commander-in-chief. it might have been intrinsically as important, yet relatively secondary; but actually it was the centre and key upon which, and upon which alone, the campaign could turn and did turn. neither was the question one of the relative merits, as yet unknown, of rodney and hood. a commander-in-chief cannot devolve his own proper functions upon a subordinate, however able, without graver cause than can be shown in this instance. the infatuation which detained rodney at a side issue can only be excused--not justified--by a temporary inability to see things in their true proportion, induced on more than one occasion by a temperamental defect,--the lack of the single eye to military considerations,--which could find contentment in partial success, and be indifferent to further results to be secured by sustained action. there is a saying, apt to prove true, that war does not forgive. for his initial error rodney himself, and the british campaign in general, paid heavily throughout the year . the french fleet in undiminished vigor lay a dead weight upon all his subsequent action, which, like the dispositions prior to its arrival, underwent the continued censure of hood; acrid, yet not undiscriminating nor misplaced. as already observed, the surrender of cornwallis can with probability be ascribed to this loss of an opportunity afforded to strike a blow at the outset, when the enemy was as yet divided, embarrassed with convoy, raw in organization and drill, in all which it could not but improve as the months passed. the results began at once to be apparent, and embarrassments accumulated with time. hood's ships, though no one was wholly disabled, had suffered very considerably; and, while indispensable repairs could temporarily be made, efficiency was affected. they needed, besides, immediate water and supplies, as rodney himself stated--a want which hood would have anticipated. to increase difficulty, the french mounted the batteries of the vessels _en flûte_, and so raised their total nominal force to twenty-eight. hood was unable to regain santa lucia, because his crippled ships could not beat against the current. he therefore left it to itself, and bore away to the northward, where he joined rodney on may th, between st. kitts and antigua. the campaign of , destined to be wholly defensive for the british, opened under these odds, the responsibility for which lies in considerable measure on rodney. after the junction, the british fleet went to barbados, where it arrived may th. meantime, the french had proceeded in force against santa lucia, landing a considerable body of troops, and investing the island with twenty-five sail-of-the-line, two of which with soldiers went on to attempt the british tobago. the attack on santa lucia failed, and the french returned to martinique; but learning there that rodney was at sea, heading southward, de grasse became alarmed for his detachment at tobago, and moved to its support with his entire fleet. rodney, knowing of the detachment only, sent against it six ships under rear admiral drake; a half-measure severely censured by hood, whose comments throughout indicate either a much superior natural sagacity, or else the clearer insight of a man whose eye dwells steadfastly on the military situation, untroubled by conflicting claims. "what a wonderful happy turn would have been given to the king's affairs in this country had sir george rodney gone with his whole force to tobago as soon as he might, and in my humble opinion ought to have done. nay, had he even gone when mr. drake did, the island would have been saved. i laboured much to effect it, but all in vain, and fully stated my reasons in writing as soon as the intelligence came. every ship there with all the troops must have fallen into our hands two days before de grasse got there with his twenty-one sail;" to which rodney, in full strength, would again have opposed twenty. "_now_ the enemy may do as they will;" for they were united in martinique, twenty-eight to twenty. in short, rodney saw at tobago only the one french detachment; hood saw therein the definition of the enemy's purpose, the necessity laid on them to fly to the aid of their exposed division, and the chance to anticipate them,--to gain an advantage first, and to beat them afterwards. rodney's tentative and inadequate action was not improbably induced partly by the "extreme want of water," which he reported in his despatches; and this again was due to failure to prepare adequately during the period of respite foreseen by hood, but unnoted by his own preoccupied mind. the result is instructive. drake fell in with the main body of the french, and of course had to retire,--fortunate in regaining his commander-in-chief unmolested. de grasse's movement had become known in barbados, and as soon as drake appeared rodney sailed with the fleet, but upon arriving off tobago, on june th, learned that it had surrendered on the d. its fall he duly attributed to local neglect and cowardice; but evidently the presence of the british fleet might have had some effect. he then returned to barbados, and during the passage the hostile fleets sighted each other on the th,--twenty british to twenty-three french; but rodney was unwilling to engage lest he might be entangled with the foul ground about grenada. as that island was then in the enemy's hands, he could get no anchorage there, and so might be driven to leeward of his opponent, exposing barbados. it is perhaps needless to point out that had he been to windward of martinique when de grasse first arrived, as hood wished, he would have been twenty to twenty, with clear ground, and the antagonist embarrassed with convoy. his present perplexities, in their successive phases, can be seen throughout to be the result of sticking to st. eustatius, not only physically, but mentally. and so it was with what followed. on reaching barbados again, he had to report that the french were back in martinique, and now twenty-eight through the arming of the ships _en flûte_. despite their superiority, "they do not venture to move," he said somewhat sneeringly, and doubtless his "fleet in being" had an effect on them; but they were also intent on a really great operation. on july th, de grasse sailed for cap françois in hayti, there to organize a visit to the continent in support of washington's operations. rodney, pursuant to his sagacious plan of the previous years, sent also a detachment of fourteen ships under hood, which he endeavored, but unsuccessfully, to have increased by some from jamaica. that de grasse would take his whole fleet to north america, leaving none in the west indies, nor sending any to europe, was a step that neither rodney nor hood foresaw. the miscalculation cannot be imputed to either as an error at this time. it was simply one of the deceptions to which the defensive is ever liable; but it is fairly chargeable to the original fault whereby the french admiral was enabled to enter fort royal uninjured in the previous april. from the time his fleet was concentrated, the british had to accept the defensive with its embarrassments. rodney had contemplated going in person with his ships, which sandwich also had urged upon him; but his health was seriously impaired, and the necessity for a surgical operation combined to induce his return to england. the final decision on this point he postponed to the last moment of the homeward voyage, keeping a frigate in company in which to go to new york, if able; but ultimately he felt compelled to give up. this conclusion settled cornwallis's fate, antecedently but finally. that year great britain fell between two stools. in view of de grasse's known expressions, it may be affirmed with great confidence that he would have seen reason to abandon the chesapeake, leaving open the sea road for cornwallis to escape, had either rodney or hood commanded the british fleet there in the battle of september th; but rodney was away, and hood second only to an incompetent superior. rodney landed in england, september th, and was again afloat by december th, although he did not finally sail for his station until the middle of january, . this brief period was one of the deepest military depression; for during it occurred cornwallis's surrender, october th, under conditions of evident british inferiority, on sea and shore alike, which enforced the conviction that the colonies must be granted their independence. not only so, but the known extensive preparations of the bourbon courts pointed to grave danger also for the caribbean colonies, the sugar and import trade of which counted largely in the financial resources of the empire. amid the general gloom rodney had his own special vexation; for, before he left, news was received of the recapture of st. eustatius by a small french expedition, prior to the return of hood to the west indies from the unfortunate operations on the continent. as in the case of tobago, rodney severely blamed the local defence, and very possibly justly; but attention should not wander from the effect that must have been produced upon all subsequent conditions by preparation and action on the part of the british fleet, in the spring of , on the lines then favored by hood. shortly before he had sailed for home, rodney had written his wife, "in all probability, the enemy, when they leave these seas, will go to america. wherever they go, i will watch their motions, and certainly attack them if they give me a proper opportunity. the fate of england may depend upon the event." the last sentence was in measure a prophecy, so far, that is, as decisive of the original issue at stake,--the subjugation or independence of the united colonies; but, without further laboring the point unduly, it may be permitted here to sum up what has been said, with the remark that in the summer of control of events had passed out of rodney's hands. from the time of the original fault, in suffering the french to meet hood to leeward of martinique, with an inferior force, more and more did it become impossible to him to assure conditions sufficiently favorable. with the highest personal courage, he did not have eminent professional daring; nor, with considerable tactical acquirement, was he gifted with that illuminative originality which characterized hood and nelson. he therefore needed either a reasonable probability of success, or the spur of imminent emergency, to elicit the kind of action needed to save the british cause. the chances to windward of martinique would have been ninety out of a hundred; from that time forward they diminished with continually increasing rapidity. with such a situation he was not the man to cope. on reaching barbados, february , , rodney learned that the garrison of st. kitts was besieged in brimstone hill, and the island itself beleaguered by the french fleet, thirty-three of-the-line, which sir samuel hood, with two thirds their number, had so far held in check by a series of manoeuvres unusually acute in conception and brilliant in execution. proceeding immediately to antigua, he there heard on the d that st. kitts had capitulated on the th. two days later he was joined by hood, and then took the united fleet to santa lucia, where he was on march th. the knowledge of a large supply fleet expected for the french, and essential to the known project of the allies against jamaica, carried the british fleet again to sea; but it failed to intercept the convoy, and returned once more to santa lucia, where it anchored in gros ilet bay, thirty miles from fort royal, where the french were lying. various changes made the respective numbers, when operations opened, british thirty-six of-the-line, french thirty-five, with two fifty-gun ships; a near approach to equality. rodney's faculties were now all alert. he had had some needed repose, and he was again under the stimulus of reputation to restore; for it would have been vain to assert, even to himself, that he was entirely clear, not merely of error, to which the most careful is liable, but of serious fault in the previous year. moreover, he had been sharply assailed in parliament for the transactions at st. eustatius on the civil side, distinct from his military conduct. to such ills there is no plaster so healing as a victory; and the occasion about to arise proved, in its successive stages,--until the last,--admirably adapted to his natural and acquired qualifications. first, a series of manoeuvres protracted over three or four days; and afterwards a hard fought battle, converted by a happy yet by no means unusual accident into a decided and showy success. decided, but not decisive; for, like the soldier desperate in deed before rewarded, but who, when summoned again, advised that the chance be given to a man who had not a purse of gold, rodney preferred to pause on that personally safe side of moderation in achievement which is rarely conducive to finality, and is nowhere so ill-placed as in the aims of a commander-in-chief. the true prudence of war,--as it is also its mercy, to friend and to foe,--is to strike without cessation or slackness till power of future action is crushed. de grasse's immediate task was to protect a large convoy from martinique to cap françois (now cap haytien), in hayti, a distance of about a thousand miles. cumbered with merchant vessels, and aware that rodney would be at once on his track, he could not go straight across the caribbean; the british fleet, not so hampered, would be sure to overtake and destroy. he purposed, therefore, to skirt the antilles, keeping continually in reach of a port of refuge. rodney, knowing the aim to be jamaica, had little doubt of overtaking in any case, if started promptly. he therefore kept himself in signal touch of fort royal by a chain of frigates, extending from its offing to his own anchorage. on the th of april the french sailed. the british followed instantly, and before sundown had them in sight, not only by lookout vessels, but from the mastheads of the main fleet. at daybreak next morning they were visible from the decks of the british van; a very marked gain. de grasse saw that at that rate, unless he got rid of the convoy, he would certainly be overtaken, which it was his aim to elude in pursuance of the usual french policy of ulterior purposes; so, being then north of dominica, he sent the merchant vessels into guadaloupe, and undertook to carry the ships-of-war through the passage between the two islands, beating to windward. this would draw the british away from the convoy, unless they were content to let the fleet go, which was not to be expected. between a.m. and p.m. of april th, several sharp skirmishes took place between the french and the british van, under hood.[ ] de grasse had here an opportunity of crushing a fraction of the enemy, but failed to use it, thus insuring his own final discomfiture. rodney, who was becalmed with the centre and rear of his command, could do nothing but push forward reinforcements to hood as the wind served; and this he did. pursuit was maintained tenaciously during the following night and the next two days,--april th and th; but in sustained chases of bodies of ships, the chased continually drops units, which must be forsaken or else the retreat of the whole must be retarded. so in this case, certain of de grasse's ships were either so leewardly or so ill handled that the bulk of the fleet, which had gained considerably to windward, had to bear down to them, thus losing the ground won. under such circumstances the chapter of accidents--or of incidents--frequently introduces great results; and so it proved here. at a.m. of april th, de grasse's flag-ship, the _ville de paris_, and the seventy-four-gun ship _zélé_, crossing on opposite tacks, came into collision. the former received little damage, but the _zélé_ lost her foremast and bowsprit. de grasse then ordered her into guadaloupe, in tow of a frigate. when day broke, about five o'clock, these two were only about six miles from the british rear, under hood, whose division had been shifted from the van in consequence of injuries received on the th. the british column was then standing east-northeast, closehauled on the starboard tack, the crippled vessel under its lee, but the french of the main body well to windward. to draw them within reach, rodney signalled hood to send chasers after the _zélé_. de grasse took the bait and ran down to her support, ordering his ships to form line-of-battle on the port tack, which was done hastily and tumultuously. the two lines on which the antagonists were respectively advancing now pointed to a common and not distant point of intersection, which the french, despite the loss of ground already undergone, reached first, passing in front and to windward of the head of the british column. eight ships thus went by clear, but the ninth arrived at the same moment with the leading british vessel, which put her helm up and ran along close to leeward of the french line towards its rear, followed in so doing by the rest of her fleet. the battle thus assumed the phase of two fleets passing each other in opposite directions, on parallel lines; a condition usually unproductive of results, and amounting to little more than a brush, as had been the case in two rencounters between rodney and de guichen in the prolonged chase of may, . chance permitted a different issue on this occasion. the wind at the moment of first collision, shortly before a.m., was east, and so continued till five minutes past nine, when it shifted suddenly to the southeastward, ahead for the french, abaft for the british. the former, being already close to the wind, could keep their sails full only by bearing away, which broke up their line ahead, the order of battle as ranged for mutual support; while the british being able to luff could stand into the enemy's line. rodney's flag-ship, the _formidable_, , was just drawing up with the _glorieux_, , nineteenth from the van in the french order and fourth astern of the _ville de paris_, de grasse's flag-ship. luffing to the new wind, she passed through the french line at this point, followed by the five ships astern of her; while the sixth astern, the _bedford_, , luffing on her own account, broke also through the french astern of the _césar_ and the _hector_, 's, eleventh and twelfth in their order. the twelve british vessels in rear of the _bedford_ followed in her wake. hood was in one of these, the _barfleur_, . of the ships ahead of rodney the nearest one imitated his example instantly and went through the line; the remainder, sixteen in all, continued northward for a space. these sudden and unexpected movements overpowered the _césar_, _hector_, and _glorieux_ under a weight of successive broadsides that completely crushed them, separated de grasse with six companion vessels from his van and his rear, and placed the british main body to windward of the french. both sides were disordered, but the french were not only disordered but severed, into three formless groups, not to be united except by a good breeze and exceeding good management, neither of which was forthcoming. even to frame a plan operative under such conditions requires in an admiral accuracy of judgment and readiness rarely bestowed; but to communicate his designs and enforce execution upon captains under such a staggering shock of disaster is even more uncommon of accomplishment. during the remainder of the day light airs from the eastward prevailed, interspersed with frequent calms; conditions unfavorable to movement of any kind, but far more to the french, deprived of concert of purpose, than to the british, whose general course was sufficiently defined by the confusion of the enemy, and the accident of a small group surrounding their commander-in-chief, to capture whom was always a recognized principal object. the very feebleness of the breeze favored them by comparison; for they had but to go before it with all their light sails, while their opponents, in order to join, were constrained to lateral movement, which did not allow the same canvas. there was, in short, during the rest of the day an unusual opportunity for success, on such a scale as should be not only brilliant, but really decisive of the future course of the war; opportunity to inflict a maritime blow from which the enemy could not recover. does it need to say clearly that here the choice was between a personal triumph, already secured for the successful admiral, and the general security of the nation by the "annihilation"--the word is nelson's--of the enemy? that rodney thus phrased the alternative to himself is indeed most unlikely; but that he failed to act efficiently, to rise to an emergency, for the possible occurrence of which he had had ample time as well as warning to prepare, is but too certain. even after the british had got to windward of the enemy and seen their disorder, although the signal for the line was hauled down, none was made for a general chase. that for close action, hoisted at p.m., was discontinued thirty minutes later, when five full hours of daylight remained. even in example the admiral was slack, by hood's account. "he pursued only under topsails (sometimes his foresail set, and at other times his mizzen topsail aback) the greatest part of the afternoon, though the flying enemy had all the sail set their very shattered state would allow." hood, curbed by his superior's immediate presence, did what he could by putting all sail on the _barfleur_, and signalling the various ships of his personal command to do the same; "not one but chased in the afternoon with studding sails below and aloft." it was bare poetic justice, therefore, that the _ville de paris_, the great prize of the day, though surrounded by numerous foes, struck formally to him. the _hector_, _césar_, and _glorieux_, already paralyzed ere the chase began, were the only results of this languid movement, except the french flag-ship and the _ardent_, . the latter was taken because, notwithstanding her being an indifferent sailer, she gallantly tried to pass from her own division, the van, to support her commander-in-chief in his extremity. it was . p.m. when the _ville de paris_ struck; sixteen minutes later, . , rodney made signal to bring-to for the night--to give over pursuit. only the _ville de paris_ and the _ardent_ can be considered to have been secured by following, after the battle proper closed. nor was any other attempt made to profit by the victory. on the th the fleet began to move very slowly towards jamaica, the local protection of which had become imperative through the failure to annihilate the enemy, who must now go to leeward--to hayti; but after four hours rodney brought-to again, and on the th, according to hood, was in "the exact same spot off guadaloupe. it has indeed been calm some part of the time, but we might have been more than twenty leagues farther to the westward." the _césar_ having been accidentally burned on the night of the battle, the prizes _hector_ and _glorieux_ were sent ahead in charge of three ships-of-the-line. this was a questionable disposition, as they were advancing in the direction of the enemy, without being covered by the interposition of the main fleet. the _ville de paris_ rodney kept close by his own side, unable to tear himself from her; so at least said hood, who "would to god she had sunk the moment she had yielded to the arms of his majesty," for "we would then have had a dozen better ships in lieu of her." rodney was so tickled with her that he "can talk of nothing else, and says he will hoist his flag on board of her." on april th hood, having vainly urged his commander to improve the situation by more energetic action, represented to him that the small detachment convoying the _hector_ and _glorieux_ might fall in with a superior enemy, if not supported. rodney then directed him to go ahead with ten ships until as far as altavela, midway on the south side of santo domingo, where he was to await the main body. hood gave a wide construction to these orders, and pushed for the mona passage, between santo domingo and porto rico, where on the th he intercepted two sixty-four gun ships, and two smaller cruisers. in reporting this incident to rodney, he added, "it is a very mortifying circumstance to relate to you, sir, that the french fleet which you put to flight on the th went through the mona channel on the th, only the day before i was in it." that sustained vigorous chase could not have been fruitless is further shown by the fact that rodney himself, deliberately as he moved, apparently lying-to each night of the first half-dozen succeeding the battle, reached jamaica three days only after the main body of the defeated french gained cap françois, though they had every motive to speed. of the reasons for such lethargic action, wholly inconsistent with true military principle, and bitterly criticised by hood,--who affirmed that twenty ships might have been taken,--rodney drew up an express account, which cannot be considered as adequate to his justification. in this he argued that, if he had pursued, the enemy, who "went off in a close connected body, might have defeated by rotation the ships that had come up with them, and thereby exposed the british fleet, after a victory, to a defeat." "they went off in a body of twenty-six ships-of-the-line, and might, by ordering two or three of their best-sailing ships or frigates to have shown lights at times, and by changing their course, have induced the british fleet to have followed them, while the main of their fleet, by hiding their lights, might have hauled their wind, have been far to windward before daylight, and intercepted the captured ships, and the most crippled ships of the english;" and he even conceived that, as the main body of the british would at the same time have gone far to leeward, the french, regaining their own ports in guadaloupe and martinique, might have taken antigua, barbados, and santa lucia. the principal impression produced by this formal summary of reasons is that of unwisdom after the event, and that it was elicited by the remonstrances of hood to himself, which are known to have voiced discontent prevalent in the fleet, and rendered some ready reply expedient. the substance of them, when analyzed, is that war must be rendered effective by not running risks, and that calculation to that effect is to be made by attributing every chance and advantage to the enemy, and none to one's self. further, no account is to be taken of that most notable factor, ultimate risk,--as distinguished from present risk. this phantasm, of the sudden assumption of the offensive by a beaten and disordered fleet, which, through the capture of its chief, had changed commanders at nightfall, is as purely and mischievously imaginative as the fiction, upon which it rests, of the close connected body. instead of being close-connected, the french were scattered hopelessly, utterly disabled for immediate, or even proximate, resistance to a well sustained chase and attack. during the next twenty-four hours their new admiral had with him but ten ships; and only five joined in the following twelve days, to april th, when he reached cap françois, where four more were found. six others had strayed to curaçao, six hundred miles distant, whence they did not rejoin the flag until may. neither in rodney's surmises, nor in the actual facts of the case, is to be found any reasonable excuse for failure to observe the evident military duty of keeping touch with the enemy during the dark hours,--"pursue under easy sail," to use hood's words, "so as never to have lost sight of the enemy in the night,"--with a view to resume the engagement next day, at farthest. this, and to regain to windward, were as feasible to the victor as to the vanquished. a truer explanation of this grave negligence is to be found in rodney's more casual words recorded by hood. "i lamented to sir george on the twelfth that the signal for a general chase was not made when that for the line was hauled down, and that he did not continue to pursue so as to keep sight of the enemy all night; to which he only answered, 'come, we have done very handsomely as it is.' i could therefore say no more upon the subject." he did, however, resume the subject with sir charles douglas, the chief of staff. douglas was of the same opinion as hood, and for making the suggestion at the proper moment had been snubbed by rodney, who had established over him a domination of manner which precluded proper insistence, or even due representation, such as became his office. "his answer was, 'sir george chose to pursue in a body;'" that is, in regular order, not by general chase. "'why, sir charles,' i replied, 'if that was sir george's wish, could it have been more effectually complied with than by the signal for a general chase, with _proper attention_? because, if a ship is too wide on the starboard wing, you have a signal to make her steer more to port. if a ship is too wide on the larboard wing, you have a signal to make her steer more to starboard. if a ship is too far ahead, you can by signal make her shorten sail,'" etc. this by daylight; while, "'if sir george was unwilling his ships should engage in the night, there is a signal to call every ship in, and, that followed by the one for the form of sailing, the fleet might have gone on in sight of the enemy all night in the most compact and safe order for completing the business most gloriously the next day.' sir charles walked off without saying another word." there was in fact nothing to say. hood's methods were not only correct, but in no respect novel. every capable officer was familiar with them before, as well as after the battle. the trouble was that rodney was content with a present clear success, and averse from further risk. he had reached his limitations. it is known now that douglas agreed with hood, but he was too loyal to his chief to say so publicly, then or afterwards; and especially, doubtless, to so irritable a talker. as illustrative of rodney's professional character the events of april th to th are therefore unfavorable rather than the reverse. concerning his stronger qualities their evidence is simply cumulative; the new light thrown reveals defects, not unsuspected excellencies. the readiness in which his fleet was held at santa lucia, the promptness with which he followed, the general conduct of the chase as far as appears, though doubtless open to criticism in detail as in the ever censorious remarks of hood,--all these show the same alert, accomplished, and diligent officer, resolute to the utmost of his natural and acquired faculties. it is the same after the battle joins, so long as its progress does not transcend his accepted ideas,--which were much in advance of the great mass of his contemporaries,--though under the conditions he saw no chance to apply the particular methods familiar to his thought. but when sudden opportunity offered, of a kind he had not anticipated, he is found unequal to it. neither natural temper, nor acquired habit of mind, respond to the call. to pass through the french line, when the wind shifted, was an instigation too sudden and a risk too great for his own initiative. the balance of evidence shows that it was due to the suggestion, and even more to the pressure, of sir charles douglas. carried beyond his habitual submission by the impulse of a great thought, and unburdened by the ultimate responsibility which must remain with the admiral, the captain of the fleet not only urged luffing through the enemy's line, but--so the story runs--in the excitement of the moment, and seeing the chance slipping past, even under the then sluggish breeze, he ordered the helm down. the admiral, thus faced, countermanded the order. a moment of silence followed, during which the two men stepped apart, the admiral even entering the cabin, which would be but a few paces from the wheel. returning, he permitted douglas to have his way; an act which, whether done courteously or grudgingly, does not bespeak professional conviction, but the simple acceptance of another's will in place of one's own indecision. the incident is in entire keeping with the picture of rodney's irresolution, and consequent uncertain course, drawn in successive touches by hood in the hours and days succeeding the victory. events had called him to deeds beyond his limitations. age of course counted for much; fatigue, after three days of doubtful chase and one of prolonged battle, for more; but it may here be recalled that an older man, after a more wearisome and doubtful exposure, willed of his own motion to do what rodney left undone. sir byam martin has recorded,[ ] "after the battle of the st of june, lord howe was quite exhausted, as well indeed he might, considering that they had been manoeuvring and fighting for three days. although feeble in body, and so exhausted as to be obliged to sit down in a chair on deck, he expressed a wish to pursue the flying enemy; but sir roger curtis, the captain of the fleet (chief of staff, as douglas to rodney) said, 'i vow to god, my lord, if you do they will turn the tables upon us.' this anecdote i had from the late admiral bowen, who was master of the _queen charlotte_ and a party to the conversation." under circumstances approaching similarity,--so far as north atlantic fogs and weather resemble west india climate,--howe was sixty-eight, rodney sixty-three, at the moment of testing. the one lost the support of the man--curtis--upon whom he must chiefly rely for observation and execution; the other was urged in vain by the officer who held the same relation to him. nelson once spoke slightingly of "a lord howe's victory, take a part, and retire into port;" as a trait of official character, however, howe's purpose was far in advance of rodney's, as this was viewed by nelson's ideal admiral, hood. it is now known, by a letter of nelson's very recently published, that he held the same opinion of rodney's remissness in this instance, although he cordially recognized the general obligation of the country and the navy to that eminent seaman. writing in to his intimate friend cornwallis, one of rodney's captains, he used these words: "on the score of fighting, i believe, my dear friend, that you have had your full share, and in obtaining the greatest victory, _if it had been followed up_, that our country ever saw."[ ] it was a clear case of spirit being brought into subjection to form. rodney's professional career may be reckoned to have ended with his arrival at jamaica on the th of april. the change of ministry consequent upon cornwallis's surrender brought into power his political opponents, and in may the new admiralty superseded him. news of the victory reached england just too late to permit them to revoke the order; his successor, admiral pigot, having already sailed. on the d of july rodney left jamaica, and on the th of september landed at bristol. although not so intended, his recall may be considered in line with his proverbial good fortune. he left his successor to grapple with difficulties, and with numbers, the continued existence of which was due chiefly to his own neglect after april th, and by the burden of which the conditions of peace were influenced adversely to great britain. to quote again hood's apt comment, "had sir george rodney's judgment, after the enemy had been so totally put to flight, bore any proportion to the high courage, zeal and exertion, shown by every captain, officer, and man under his command in battle, _all_ difficulty would now have been at an end. we might have done just as we pleased, instead of being at this hour (april th) upon the defensive." this is ultimate risk, which is entailed by exaggerated concern for immediate apparent security, and ends in sapping endurance. the auspicious moment at which the news of the battle reached england, and the surface brilliancy of the achievement,--especially the capture of the enemy's commander-in-chief,--diverted attention from any examination of possible shortcomings. rodney received a vote of thanks from parliament, and was advanced to the peerage by the king. a pension of £ , per annum was also voted, additional doubtless to a similar sum granted after his destruction of langara's squadron and relief of gibraltar. other rewards and recognition had already attended his naval career. he had been made a baronet in , at the expiration of his first tenure of the leeward islands station; in the order of the bath was bestowed upon him,--the distinction being enhanced by not awaiting a vacancy, but making him a supernumerary member,--and in , upon the death of lord hawke, he became vice-admiral of great britain, the highest professional honor in the service. after his return to england rodney lived generally in retirement. his latter years were harassed by law suits, growing chiefly out of his proceedings at st. eustatius, and the attendant expenses kept him poor. he died in may, , at the age of seventy-three. footnotes: [ ] life of lord hawke, by captain montagu burrows, royal navy, p. . [ ] for account and analysis of byng's action, see _ante_, pp. - . [ ] the italics are the author's. [ ] the writer does not purpose to give an account of these actions, except so far as rodney himself is concerned. they can be found in mahan's "influence of sea power upon history," pp. - , or in the "history of the royal navy," (sampson low, marston & co.), edited by mr. w. laird clowes, vol. iii. pp. - . [ ] journals of sir t. byam martin, navy records society, vol. iii. p. . [ ] the blockade of brest, navy records society. introduction, p. xvi. author's italics. howe - the name of howe, albeit that of a stranger to the land, has a special claim upon the esteem and cordial remembrance of americans. the elder brother of the subject of this sketch, during the few short months in which he was brought into close contact with the colonists of , before the unlucky campaign of ticonderoga, won from them not merely the trust inspired by his soldierly qualities and his genius for war,--the genius of sound common sense and solidity of character,--but got a deep hold upon their affections by the consideration and respect shown to them by him, traits to which they had been too little accustomed in the british officers of that day. nor was this attitude on his part only a superficial disguise assumed by policy to secure a needed support. the shrewd, suspicious provincials would soon have penetrated a veil so thin, that covered only the usual supercilious arrogance which they had heretofore encountered. lord howe, almost alone among his military contemporaries, warmly greeted them as fellow-countrymen, men of no alien or degenerate blood. he admitted at once the value of their experience, sought their advice, and profited by both; thus gaining, besides the material advantage of methods adapted to the difficulties before him, the adhesion of willing hearts that followed enthusiastically, confident in their leader's wisdom, and glowing with the unaccustomed sense of being appreciated, of receiving recognition long withheld, but now at last ungrudgingly accorded. "the army felt him, from general to drummer boy. he was its soul; and while breathing into it his own energy and ardor, he broke through the traditions of the service, and gave it new shapes to suit the time and place.... he made himself greatly beloved by the provincial officers, and he did what he could to break down the barriers between the colonial soldiers and the british regulars."[ ] in campaign, lord howe adopted the tried expedients of forest warfare, associating with himself its most practised exponents; and on the morning of his death, in one of those petty skirmishes which have cut short the career of so many promising soldiers, he discussed the question of ticonderoga and its approaches, lying on a bearskin beside the colonial ranger, john stark, to whose energy, nineteen years later, was due the serious check that precipitated the ruin of burgoyne's expedition. endeared as he was to american soldiers by the ties of mutual labors and mutual perils gladly shared, and to all classes by genial bearing and social accomplishments, his untimely end was followed throughout the northern colonies by a spontaneous outburst of sorrow, elicited not only by the anticipated failure of the enterprise that hung upon his life, but also by a sense of personal regret and loss. massachusetts perpetuated the memory of her grief by a tablet in westminster abbey, which hands down to our day "the affection her officers and soldiers bore to his command." captain richard howe of the royal navy, afterwards admiral and earl, succeeded him in the irish viscounty which had been bestowed upon their grandfather by william iii. of a temperament colder, at least in external manifestation, than that of his brother, the new lord howe was distinguished by the same fairness of mind, and by an equanimity to which perturbation and impulsive injustice were alike unknown. there seems to have been in his bearing something of that stern, impassive gravity that marked washington, and imposed a constraint upon bystanders; but whatever apparent harshness there was in the face only concealed a genuine warmth of heart, which at times broke with an illumining smile through the mask that covered it, and was always ready to respond to the appeals of benevolence. if, as an officer, he had a fault conspicuously characteristic, it was a reluctance to severity, a tendency to push indulgence to undue extremes, into which may perhaps have entered not merely leniency of disposition, but the weakness of loving popularity. to be called by the seamen, as howe was, the "sailor's friend," is in the experience of navies a suspicious encomium, involving more of flattery to a man's foibles than of credit to his discretion and his judgment. but at the time when the quarrel between great britain and her colonies was fast becoming imbittered, the same kindliness, coupled with a calm reasonableness of temper, ruled his feelings and guided his action. although by political creed a moderate tory, he had none of the wrong-headedness of the party zealot; and the growing alienation between those whom he, like his brother, regarded as of one family, caused only distress and an earnest desire to avert coming evils. influenced by these sentiments, he sought the acquaintance of franklin, then in london as a commissioner from the colonies; and the interviews between them, while resultless by reason of the irreconcilable differences of opinion severing the two parties to the dispute, convinced the wary american of the good will and open-mindedness of the already distinguished british seaman. the same qualities doubtless suggested the selection of howe for the mission of conciliation to america, in , where his associate was his younger brother, sir william, in whom the family virtues had, by exaggeration, degenerated into an indolent good humor fatal to his military efficiency. the admiral, on the contrary, was not more remarkable for amiability and resolute personal courage than he was for sustained energy and untiring attention to duty,--traits which assured adequate naval direction, in case conciliation should give place, as it did, to coercive measures. it is to be regretted that the methods, or the opportunities, of naval biographers and historians of the past century have preserved to us little, in personal detail and anecdote, of a period the peculiarities of which, if not exactly picturesque, were at least grotesque and amusing. the humor of smollett has indeed drawn in broad caricature some of the salient features of the seaman of his day, which was that of howe's entrance into the navy; and those who are familiar with the naval light literature based upon the times of nelson can recognize in it characteristics so similar, though evidently softened by advancing civilization and increased contact with the world, as to vouch for the accuracy of the general impression conveyed by the earlier novelist. it is, however, correct only as a _general_ impression, in which, too, allowance must be made for the animus of an author who had grievances to exploit, and whose great aim was to amuse, even if exact truthfulness were sacrificed at the shrine of exaggerated portrayal. though not wholly without occasional gleams of light, shed here and there by recorded incident and anecdote upon the strange life of the seamen of that period, the early personal experiences of individuals have had scant commemoration; and with the exception of st. vincent, who fortunately had a garrulous biographer, we learn little of men like hawke, howe, hood, and keppel, until, already possessors of naval rank, they stand forth as actors in events rather historical than biographical. of howe's first services, therefore, not much record remains except a bare summary of dates,--of promotions, and of ships to which he was attached,--until , the beginning of the seven years war, when he was already a post-captain. born in , he entered the navy in , at the outbreak of the war with spain which initiated a forty years' struggle over colonies and colonial trade. with short intervals of peace, this contest was the prominent characteristic of the middle of the eighteenth century, and terminated in the conquest of canada, the independence of the united states, and the establishment of british predominance in india and upon the ocean. this rupture of a quiet that had then endured a quarter of a century was so popular with the awakened intelligence of england, aroused at last to the imminent importance of her call to expansion by sea, that it was greeted by a general pealing of the bells, which drew from the reluctant prime minister, walpole, that bitter gibe, "ay, to-day they are ringing their bells, and to-morrow they will be wringing their hands." howe embarked with anson's squadron, celebrated for its sufferings, its persistence, and its achievements, to waste the spanish colonies of the pacific; but the ship in which he had started was so racked in the attempt to double cape horn that she was forced to return to england. the young officer afterwards served actively in the west indies and in home waters. on the st of may, , being then in command of a small sloop of war, he was severely wounded in action with a superior enemy's force off the coast of scotland. a few days before that, on the th of april, he had been promoted post-captain, being barely turned twenty. thus early he was securely placed on the road to the highest honors of his profession, which, however, were not to prove beyond the just claim of his already established personal merit. during the first thirty months of the seven years war, howe was closely engaged with, and at times in command of, the naval part of combined expeditions of the army and navy, fitted out to harass the french coasts. the chief, though not the sole aim in these undertakings was to effect diversions in favor of frederick the great, then plunged in his desperate struggle with the allied forces of russia, austria, and france. it was believed that the last would be compelled, for the defence of her own shores against those raids,--desultory, it is true but yet uncertain as to the time and place where the attack would fall,--to withdraw a number of troops that would sensibly reduce the great odds then overbearing the prussian king. it is more than doubtful whether this direction of british power, in partial, eccentric efforts, produced results adequate to the means employed. in immediate injury to france they certainly failed, and it is questionable whether they materially helped frederick; but they made a brisk stir in the channel ports, their operations were within easy reach of england in a day when news travelled slowly, and they drew the attention of the public and of london society in a degree wholly disproportionate to their importance relatively to the great issues of the war. their failures, which exceeded their achievements, caused general scandal; and their occasional triumphs aroused exaggerated satisfaction at this earlier period, before the round of unbroken successes under the first pitt had accustomed men, to use walpole's lively phrase, to come to breakfast with the question, "what new victory is there this morning?" the brilliant letter-writer's correspondence is full of the gossip arising from these usually paltry affairs; and throughout, whether in success or disaster, the name of howe appears frequently, and always as the subject of praise. "howe, brother of the lord of that name, was the third on the naval list. he was undaunted as a rock, and as silent, the characteristics of his whole race. he and wolfe soon contracted a friendship like the union of cannon and gunpowder." "howe," he says in another place, "never made a friendship except at the mouth of a cannon." of his professional merits, however, professional opinions will be more convincing. a frenchman, who had acted as pilot of his ship, the _magnanime_, when going into action, was asked if it were possible to take a lighter vessel, the _burford_, close to the walls of another fort farther in. "yes," he replied, "but i should prefer to take the _magnanime_." "but why?" it was rejoined; "for the _burford_ draws less water." "true," he said, "_mais le capitaine howe est jeune et brave_." sir edward hawke, the most distinguished admiral of that generation, gave a yet higher commendation to the "young and brave" captain, who at this time served under his orders,--one that must cause a sigh of regretful desire to many a troubled superior. several years later, when first lord of the admiralty, he nominated howe, in october, , to command a squadron destined to the mediterranean, when hostilities with spain were expected. the appointment was criticised on the ground that he was a junior admiral in the fleet, having been very recently promoted; but hawke, doubtless mindful that the same objection had been made to him at a similar period of his career, answered, in the spirit of st. vincent defending his choice of nelson, "i have tried lord howe on most important occasions. he never asked me _how_ he was to execute any service entrusted to his charge, but always went straight forward and _did it_." some quaint instances are recorded of the taciturnity for which he was also noted. amid the recriminations that followed the failure at rochefort, howe neither wrote nor said anything. at last the admiralty asked why he had not expressed an opinion. in the somewhat ponderous style that marked his utterances, he replied, "with regard to the operations of the troops i was silent, as not being at that time well enough informed thereof, and to avoid the mention of any particulars that might prove not exactly agreeable to the truth." the next year, an army officer of rank, putting questions to him and receiving no answer, said, "mr. howe, don't you hear me? i have asked you several questions." howe answered curtly, "i don't like questions,"--in which he was perhaps not peculiar. it was during the continuance of these petty descents upon the french coast, in , that howe was directed to receive on board, as midshipman, and for service in the fleet, the duke of york, a grandson of the reigning monarch; in connection with whom arose a saying that was long current, perhaps is still current, in the british navy. the young lad of nineteen, before beginning his routine duties, held a reception on board commodore howe's ship, at which the captains of the squadron were presented to him. the seamen, unpractised in ceremonial distinctions other than naval, saw with wonder that the midshipman kept on his hat, while the rest uncovered. "the young gentleman," whispered one, "isn't over civil, as i thinks. look if he don't keep his hat on before all the captains!" "why," another was heard to reply, "where should he learn manners, seeing as how he was never at sea before?" it is likewise from this period of howe's career that two of the rare personal anecdotes have been transmitted, illustrative of his coolness and self-possession under all circumstances of danger, as well as when under the enemy's fire; one of them also touched with a bit of humor,--not a usual characteristic of his self-contained reticence. the service involved considerable danger, being close in with the enemy's coast, which was indifferently well known and subject to heavy gales of wind blowing dead on shore. on one such occasion his ship had anchored with two anchors ahead, and he had retired to his cabin, when the officer of the watch hurriedly entered, saying, "my lord, the anchors are coming home,"--the common sea expression for their failure to grip the bottom, whereupon the ship of course drags toward the beach. "coming home, are they?" rejoined howe. "i am sure they are very right. i don't know who would stay abroad on such a night, if he could help it." yet another time he was roused from sleep by a lieutenant in evident perturbation: "my lord, the ship is on fire close to the magazine; but don't be frightened; we shall get it under shortly." "frightened, sir!" said howe. "what do you mean? i never was frightened in my life." then, looking the unlucky officer in the face, he continued, "pray, mr. ----, how does a man _feel_ when he is frightened? i need not ask how he _looks_." the even, unaffected self-possession indicated by these anecdotes of the early prime of life remained with him to the end, as is shown by another incident collected by a biographer who knew many of his contemporaries. "when howe was in command of the channel fleet, after a dark and boisterous night, in which the ships had been in some danger of running foul of each other, lord gardner, then the third in command, the next day went on board the _queen charlotte_ and inquired of lord howe how he had slept, for that he himself had not been able to get any rest from anxiety of mind. lord howe said he had slept perfectly well, for as he had taken every possible precaution he could before dark, he laid himself down with a conscious feeling that everything had been done, which it was in his power to do, for the safety of the ships, and the lives of those intrusted to his care, and this conviction set his mind at ease." the apprehensiveness with which gardner was afflicted "is further exemplified by an anecdote told by admiral sir james whitshed, who commanded the _alligator_, next him in the line. such was his anxiety, even in ordinary weather, that, though each ship carried three poop lanterns, he always kept one burning in his cabin, and when he thought the _alligator_ was approaching too near he used to run out into the stern gallery with the lantern in his hand, waving it so as to be noticed." from gardner's rank at the time, the conversation narrated must have occurred during the early years of the french revolution, when howe was over sixty-seven. as illustrative of character it is particularly interesting, for gardner was not only a much younger man, but one whose gallantry and competence had been eminently proved as a captain in several hard fought battles, while as an admiral in chief command he later acquired considerable reputation as a tactician. composure under suspense is chiefly a matter of temperament; of the constitutional outfit with which nature favors some, and does not others. it may be cultivated by its happy possessor; but when wanting, the sufferer can supply its place only by laborious self-control, the tension of which by itself expends the energies it seeks to maintain, and so imposes limitations of strength that are often insuperable obstacles to achievement, especially if prolonged. the strain of this endurance is prominent among those borne by commanders-in-chief, who can at no moment afford to be lax, nor yet precipitate; and it increases with time at compound interest. howe's native imperturbability was therefore one of the chief factors in his great professional powers, making possible the full exercise of all the others. by dint of it principally he reached the eminence which must be attributed to him as a general officer; for it underlay the full, continuous, and sustained play of the very marked faculties, personal and professional, natural and acquired, which he had. it insured that they should be fully developed, and should not flag; for it preserved his full command over them by delivering him from the factitious burdens of the imagination. this quality not only entered into his external professional life, but characterized the habitual temper of his mind. "he divested himself in a remarkable manner," says his biographer, "of every approach to a state of anger or resentment"--instancing herein, it may be noted, the improvement of a natural gift; "and he carefully abstained from all irritating language, whether in speaking or writing. in the perusal of the four hundred letters and upwards that have been mentioned, embracing opinions of, and unreserved discussions upon, the merits or otherwise of many and various characters, of all classes of individuals, it did not fail forcibly to strike the reader of them, how invariably, with one single exception, he takes the good natured and favorable side of every question. in the whole series, the harshest word employed is 'blockhead,' bestowed on his steward for not taking care of his _own_ interests." this equable frame of mind was thus a fundamental trait in howe, private as well as public, personal as well as professional; not assumed for the moment, but constant in operation. he had none of the irritability attributed to genius, as also he gives no sign of its inspiration,--of originality. he is seen at his strongest in dealing stage by stage with difficult situations created for him, following step by step, and step by step checking, the lead of another; his action being elicited by successive circumstances, not deriving from some creative, far-reaching conception of his own. the temperament is one eminently practical, capable on due opportunity of very great deeds, as howe showed; for, having improved much native capacity by the constant cultivation of professional knowledge, and with the self-confidence which naturally springs from such acquisition, he rose readily to the level of exertion demanded by any emergency not in excess of his abilities, and so long as the need lasted maintained himself there easily, without consciousness of exhaustive effort, or apprehension of improbable contingencies. "never hasting, never resting," might be safely affirmed of him. he is seen therefore at his best in a defensive campaign, such as that against d'estaing in the summer of , which in the writer's opinion was his greatest achievement; or again in a great deliberate operation like the relief of gibraltar,--the one of his deeds most esteemed, it is said, by himself,--protracted over a month in its performance, and essentially defensive in character, not only because of the much superior fleet of the enemies, but because the adverse forces of nature and the obstinate incapacity of the captains of supply ships had to be counteracted by unremitting watchfulness, foresight, and skill, dealing however with conditions determined for him, not imposed by his own initiative; or, finally, in the chase and partial actions of may and , , in which persistence, endurance, and aptitude are alike and equally displayed, assuring to him beyond dispute the credit of a great tactician. accordingly, in direct consequence of what has been noted, it is as a tactician, and not as a strategist, that he can claim rank; for whatever may be the fundamental identity of principles in the military art, whether applied to strategy or to tactics, it in the end remains true that the tactician deals with circumstances immediately before him and essentially transient, while the strategist has to take wider views of more lasting conditions, and into them to introduce his own conceptions to be modifying factors. creative thought and faculty of initiation are therefore more characteristic of the natural endowments of the born strategist. there is also more room for them in his work, because in the larger and more complicated field there is greater elasticity and opportunity to effect new combinations, to contrive which makes a greater call upon originative power. in the chain of eminent typical names which leads up to that of nelson, there will be found between howe and his next conspicuous successor,--conspicuous, that is, not only by merit, as was hood, but by achievement, which was denied to hood,--between howe and jervis, just that difference which essentially separates the tactician from the strategist: the lifting of the eye from the moves of the game immediately before one, to glance over the whole board, to view the wider field, and from its possibilities to form conceptions directive of immediate action for distant ends. in both these distinguished general officers,--for such both were,--there is seen a similar close attention to details, based upon and guided by an acquaintance with their profession profound as well as extensive, minute as well as general; in both the same diligence and iron equanimity in difficult situations, although in jervis the impression received is rather that of a burden borne with resolute fortitude, whereas in howe the burden is thrown off by a placid, unforeboding temper; but in the adoption of measures, those of howe will be found generally not to extend beyond the situation immediately before him, by which they are dictated, whereas jervis seeks to bend circumstances to his will, according to a conception he has formed of what the situation ought to be, and can be forced to become. the idiosyncrasy of either officer is emphasized in their respective plans of campaign, while commanding the channel fleet during the french revolution. howe will maintain a certain station in port, keeping his fleet there in hand, well conditioned, and as far as may be well drilled; then, when the french do something, he also will do something to counteract them. jervis, on the contrary, confronting substantially the same conditions, frames his measures with a view to prevent the enemy from doing anything, and all the details of his plan rest upon this one idea, to the fulfilment of which they contribute. he puts the fleet at once into the position of action, instead of that of awaiting, as howe does. both are charged with the same duty,--the defence of great britain,--and by the same government, which evidently in each case frames its instructions upon the ascertained views of the eminent officer intrusted with the work. to carry out this defensive campaign, howe of his own choice narrows his strategic plan to the sheer defensive, which follows the initiative of the enemy; jervis of set purpose seeks the same object by offensive dispositions, by which the enemy is to be forced to regulate his movements. howe sees the defence of the empire in the preservation of his own fleet; jervis in the destruction of the enemy. the one view is local, narrow, and negative; the other general, broad, and positive. as often happens--and very naturally--jervis's preoccupation with considerations wider than his own command found expression, twice at least, in phrases which pithily summed up his steadfast enduring habit of mind. on the morning of st. vincent he was overheard to mutter, "a victory is very necessary to england at this time." the present odds to his own fleet, twenty-seven against fifteen, disappeared in the larger needs of the country. again, when wrestling with the perplexities and exigencies of the wild brest blockade in midwinter, in january, , he wrote concerning repairs to his own vessels, "under the present impending storm from the north of europe, and the necessity there is of equipping every ship in the royal ports that can swim, no ship under my command must have anything done to her at plymouth or portsmouth that can be done at this anchorage,"--at torbay, an open though partially sheltered roadstead. here again is seen the subordination of the particular and personal care to the broad considerations of a great strategic emergency. the series of diversions upon the french coast in which howe was employed during , terminated with that season, and he returned to his own ship, the _magnanime_, rejoining with her the main fleet under hawke in the great brest blockade of . the french government, after four years of disaster upon the continent, of naval humiliation, and of loss of maritime and colonial power, had now realized that its worst evils and chief danger sprang from the sea power of great britain, and, like napoleon a half-century later, determined to attempt an invasion. its preparations and hawke's dispositions to counteract them, have been described in the life of that admiral, as have rodney's bombardment of havre and interception of coastwise communications; all directed to the same general end of confounding designs against england, but no longer as mere diversions in favor of frederick. howe was still a private captain, but he bore a characteristically conspicuous part in the stormy final scene at quiberon, when hawke drove conflans before him to utter confusion. when the french fleet was sighted, the _magnanime_ had been sent ahead to make the land. she was thus in the lead in the headlong chase which ensued, and was among the first in action; at p.m., by howe's journal, the firing having begun at . , according to hawke's despatch. the foreyard being soon shot away, the consequent loss of manoeuvring power impeded her captain's designs in placing her, but she remained closely engaged throughout, compelling one french vessel to strike and anchor alongside her. the bad weather prevented taking possession that night of the prize, which, in consequence, availed herself of her liberty by running ashore, and so was lost to her captors. the _magnanime_ was reported as having thirteen killed and sixty-six wounded, out of a total of hurt not much exceeding three hundred in the entire fleet. the casualty list proves exposure to fire, doubtless; but is no sure test of the effectiveness of a vessel's action. the certainty of howe's conduct in this affair, otherwise imperfectly described, rests on a broader and firmer basis of reputation, won by unvarying efficiency in many differing capacities and circumstances. he continued to serve, but without further noteworthy incident, up to the peace made in the winter of - . from that time until the difficulties with the american colonies came to a head in , he was not actively employed afloat, although continuously engaged upon professional matters, especially as a close student of naval tactics and its kindred subjects, to which he always gave sympathetic attention. during this period, also, he became a member of the house of commons, and so continued until transferred from the irish peerage to that of great britain, in . in , at the age of forty-five, he became a rear-admiral, and, as has been already stated, received at once a proof of hawke's high confidence, by being appointed to the command of the squadron destined for the mediterranean, when hostilities concerning the falkland islands threatened with spain; a dispute chiefly memorable as the means of bringing into the navy both nelson and exmouth. in he was promoted to vice-admiral, and in february of the following year was appointed commander-in-chief of the north american station. together with his military duties, he was, as has before been said, given powers, conjointly with his brother, to treat for the settlement of existing troubles. although his habitual reticence restrained his sentiments from finding expression in positive words, there can be little doubt that the necessity of raising his hand against the americans caused howe keener regret than it did to many of his brother officers. he took instant occasion to address to franklin a personal note, recalling their former association, and expressing an earnest hope that their friendship might contribute something to insure the success of his official mission. in the five years that had elapsed, however, franklin had been in the heat of the political struggle, and, philosopher though he was, he had not howe's natural phlegm. hence, his reply, while marked by respect and even formal cordiality toward the admiral himself, displayed a vivacity of resentment and a bitterness for which the latter had scarcely looked. still, his habitual equanimity was not ruffled, and he read the letter with the simple comment, "my old friend expresses himself very warmly." howe's arrival antedated the signature of the declaration of independence by less than a week. during the period of attempted negotiation, while scrupulously faithful to his instructions, he showed to his late fellow-countrymen all the courtesy and consideration that the most cordial esteem could extend. the incident of the official communication addressed by the howes to washington, in which they sought to evade giving him the title of "general," is sufficiently familiar; but it is more rarely recalled that, in verbal intercourse with american officers, the admiral habitually styled him "general washington," and sent complimentary messages to him as such. he even spoke of the colonies as "states," and at the same time dwelt with evident emotion upon the testimonials of respect and affection which had been shown to his brother's memory by the colonists. to narrate howe's share in the operations by which new york in , and philadelphia in , fell into the hands of the british, would be only to repeat well-known historical episodes, enlivened by few or no incidents personal to himself. in them the navy played a part at once subordinate and indispensable, as is the office of a foundation to its superstructure. the cause of the americans was hopeless as long as their waters remained in the undisputed control of the enemy's ships; and it was the attempt of great britain to cast aside this essential support, and to rely upon the army alone in a wild and intricate country, that led to her first great disaster,--burgoyne's surrender at saratoga. upon this, france at once recognized the independence of the colonies, and their alliance with that kingdom followed. a french fleet of twelve ships-of-the-line under the count d'estaing, left toulon april , , for the american coast. this force far exceeded howe's; and it was no thanks to the british government, but only to the admiral's sleepless vigilance and activity, seconded, as such qualities are apt to be, by at least an average degree of supineness on the part of his antagonist, that his scanty squadron was not surprised and overpowered in delaware bay, when sir henry clinton evacuated philadelphia to retreat upon new york. howe, who had the defects of his qualities, whose deliberate and almost stolid exterior evinced a phlegmatic composure of spirit which required the spur of imminent emergency to rouse it into vehement action, never in his long career appeared to greater advantage, nor achieved military results more truly brilliant, than at this time, and up to the abandonment of the attack on rhode island by the americans under sullivan, three months later. then only, if ever, did he rise above the level of an accomplished and resolute general officer, and establish a claim to genius, of that order, however, which is not originative in character, but signalized by an infinite capacity for taking pains; and that not for a short time merely, but through a long, protracted period of strain. the display, nevertheless, does not assure him a place in the front rank of great commanders, whose actions find their source in the living impulse of their own creative energy; for it is elicited by extreme circumstances alone, by obvious pressure, to which he must adapt himself. this he does with unfailing adequacy, indeed; resolutely checkmating, but never initiating. steady as a rock, like a rock, also, howe only gave forth sparks under blows that would have broken weaker men. d'estaing was twelve weeks in coming from toulon to cape may, but howe knew nothing of his sailing until three weeks after he had started. then orders were received to abandon philadelphia and concentrate upon new york. the naval forces were scattered, and had to be collected; the supplies of the army, except those needed for the march across jersey, were to be embarked at philadelphia, and the great train of transports and ships of war moved over a hundred miles down a difficult river, and thence to new york. despite every effort, a loss of ten days was incurred, through calms, in the mere transit from philadelphia to the sea; but during this momentous crisis d'estaing did not appear. two days more sufficed to bring the fleet into new york bay on june th; but yet the grave admiral, roused to the full tension of his great abilities, rested not. with a force little more than half that coming against him, he knew that all depended upon the rapidity with which his squadron took the imposing position he had in mind. still d'estaing tarried, giving to his untiring enemy twelve more precious days, during which the army of sir henry clinton, reaching navesink beach the day after the fleet, was snatched by it from the hot pursuit of the disappointed washington, and carried safely to new york. in the expected french squadron were eight ships of seventy-four guns or over, with three sixty-fours. to confront these, for the defence of the port, howe disposed of six, none heavier than a sixty-four; but they were ranged to command the entrance of the harbor upon a tactical plan that evinced both a careful study of the ground and the resources of a thorough seaman. this instance alone, had howe never done anything else, would have established his reputation as a tactician. the ships, placed in échelon, and enabled to turn their batteries in any direction, by the provision of springs and adaptation to the tide conditions at the moment when alone attack would be possible, could concentrate their entire force of guns upon the enemy, raking them as they advanced up channel; while, if they succeeded in coming abreast, then also the broadsides would be turned upon them. when d'estaing at last came, all was ready; the energy that had improved every fleeting moment then gave place to the imperturbable resolution which was howe's greatest attribute, and against which, seconded by his careful preparation, success could be won only by a desperate and sanguinary struggle. the attempt was not made. ten days after arriving, the french admiral again put to sea, heading to the southward. by combined energy and skill howe had won the first move in the game. clinton's army and new york were saved. "the arrival of the french fleet," wrote washington a little later, "is a great and striking event; but the operations of it have been injured by a number of unforeseen and unfavorable circumstances, which have lessened the importance of its services to a great degree. the length of the passage, in the first instance, was a capital misfortune; for, had even one of common length taken place, lord howe, with the british ships of war and all the transports in the river delaware, must inevitably have fallen; and sir henry clinton must have had better luck than is commonly dispensed to men of his profession under such circumstances, if he and his troops had not shared at least the fate of burgoyne." if this narration of events is so carefully worded as not to imply a censure upon d'estaing, it none the less, however unintentionally, measures the great military merit of lord howe. nor did this end his achievements. two or three days after the french departed a small reinforcement from england reached new york, and in the course of a week howe, who had not failed to keep touch with the enemy's fleet till it was ninety miles at sea, heard that it had been seen again, heading for narragansett bay, then controlled by a british garrison on rhode island. this was in pursuance of a prearranged plan to support the american forces under general sullivan, which had already advanced against the place. adapting anew his action to the circumstances of the enemy's movements, howe, though still much inferior, hurried to the spot, arriving and anchoring off point judith, at the entrance to newport, on august th, the day after d'estaing had run the fire of the british works and entered the harbor. with correct strategic judgment, with a flash of insight which did not usually distinguish him when an enemy was not in view, and contrary to his avowed policy when commander of the channel fleet, he saw that the true position for his squadron was in face of the hostile port, ready to act as circumstances might dictate. his mere presence blocked this operation also. d'estaing, either fearing that the british admiral might take the offensive and gain some unexpected advantage, or tempted by the apparent opportunity of crushing a small hostile division, put to sea the next day. howe, far superior as a seaman to his antagonist, manoeuvred to avoid a battle with a force superior by a half to his own; and this purpose was effected by his skilful management of his fleet, aided by his adversary's irresolution, notwithstanding that the unusual action of the wind thwarted his effort to control the situation by gaining the weather gage. both the general manoeuvres, and the special dispositions made of his ships to meet the successive intentions of the enemy, as they became apparent, showed a mind fortified by previous preparation as well as by the natural self-possession for which he was conspicuous. it was eminently a tactical triumph. a tremendous gale followed, scattered both fleets, and dismasted several of the french. d'estaing appeared again off rhode island only to notify sullivan that he could no longer aid him; and the latter, deprived of an indispensable support, withdrew in confusion. the disappointment of the americans showed itself by mobbing some french seamen in boston, whither their fleet retired. "after the enterprise upon rhode island had been planned," continues washington, in the letter above quoted, "and was in the moment of execution, that lord howe with the british ships should interpose merely to create a diversion, and draw the french fleet from the island, was again unlucky, as the count had not returned on the th to the island, though drawn from it on the th; by which the whole was subjected to a miscarriage." what washington politicly calls bad luck was french bad management, provoked and baffled by howe's accurate strategy, untiring energy, consummate seamanship, and tactical proficiency. clinton's army delivered, the forcing of new york frustrated, rhode island and its garrison saved, by a squadron never more than two thirds of that opposed to it, were achievements to illustrate any career; and the more so that they were effected by sheer scientific fencing, like some of bonaparte's greatest feats, with little loss of blood. they form howe's highest title to fame, and his only claim as a strategist. it will be observed, however, that the characteristic of his course throughout is untiring and adequate adaption to the exigencies of the situation, as momentarily determined by the opponent's movements. there is in it no single original step. such, indeed, is commonly the case with a strictly defensive campaign by a decisively inferior force. it is only the rare men who solve such difficulties by unexpected exceptional action. it is indicative of howe's personal feelings about the colonial quarrel, during the two years in which he thus ably discharged his official duties, that both he and his brother determined to ask relief from their commands as soon as it appeared that all hopes of conciliation were over. the appointment of other commissioners hastened their decision, and the permission to return was already in the admiral's hands when the news of d'estaing's coming was received. fighting a traditional foreign foe was a different thing from shedding the blood of men between whom and himself there was so much in common; nor was howe the man to dodge responsibility by turning over an inferior force, threatened by such heavy odds, to a junior officer before the new commander-in-chief came. his resolution to remain was as happy for his renown as it was creditable to his character. after the brief campaign just sketched, true to his steady previous policy, he followed the french fleet to newport when he heard of its reappearance there, and thence to boston, coming off that port only three days after it; but finding it now sheltered under shore batteries, impregnable to his still inferior numbers, and learning that it was in need of extensive repairs, he resigned the command in new york to a rear-admiral, and departed to newport to meet his successor, vice-admiral byron. upon the latter's arrival he sailed for england, towards the end of september, . general howe had preceded him by four months. the two brothers went home with feelings of great resentment against the ministry. the course of the war had so far been unfortunate. the loss of boston, the surrender of burgoyne, the evacuation of philadelphia, and finally the entrance of france into the contest, constituted a combination of mishaps which certainly implied fault somewhere. as usual, no one was willing to accept blame, and hot disputes, with injurious imputations, raged in parliament. there is here, happily, no necessity for apportioning the responsibility, except in the case of lord howe; and as to him, it is reasonably clear that all was done that could be up to the coming of the french, while it is incontestable that afterwards, with a force utterly inadequate, for which the government was answerable, he had averted imminent disaster by most masterly management. his words in the house of commons were bitter. "he had been deceived into his command, and he was deceived while he retained it. tired and disgusted, he had desired permission to resign it; and he would have returned as soon as he obtained leave, but he could not think of doing so while a superior enemy remained in american seas; that, as soon as that impediment was removed, he gladly embraced the first opportunity of returning to europe. such, and the recollection of what he had suffered, were his motives for resigning the command, and such for declining any future service so long as the present ministry remained in office." in terms like these could officers holding seats in parliament speak concerning the government of the day. it was a period in which not only did party feeling run high, but corruption was an almost avowed method of political management. the navy itself was split into factions by political bias and personal jealousies, and there was a saying that "if a naval officer were to be roasted, another officer could always be found to turn the spit." the head of the admiralty, lord sandwich, was a man of much ability, but also of profligate character, as well public as private. he doubtless wished the success of his department,--under the terrible chances of war no chief can do otherwise, for the responsibility of failure must fall upon his own head; but through corrupt administration the strength of the navy, upon the outbreak of war, had been unequal to the work it had to do. some one must suffer for this remissness, and who more naturally than the commander of a distant station, who confessed himself "no politician"? hence, howe certainly thought, the neglect with which he had been treated. "it would not be prudent to trust the little reputation he had earned by forty years' service, his personal honor and everything else he held dear, in the hands of men who have neither the ability to act on their own judgment, nor the integrity and good sense to follow the advice of others who might know more of the matter." a year later, it was roundly charged that the channel fleet had been brought home at a most critical moment, losing an exceptional opportunity for striking the enemy, in order to affect the elections in a dockyard town. admiral keppel considered that he had been sacrificed to party feeling; and a very distinguished officer, barrington, refused to take a fleet, although willing to serve as second, even under a junior. "who," he wrote, "would trust himself in chief command with such a set of scoundrels as are now in office?" even a quarter of a century later, earl st. vincent gave to george iii. himself the same reason for declining employment. after eliciting from him an unfavorable opinion as to the discipline and efficiency of the channel fleet, the king asked, "where such evils exist, does lord st. vincent feel justified in refusing his conspicuous ability to remedy them?" "my life," replied the old seaman, "is at your majesty's disposal, and at that of my country; but my honour is in my own keeping, and i will not expose myself to the risk of losing it by the machinations of this ministry, under which i should hold command." to such feelings it was due that howe, keppel, and barrington did not go to sea during the anxious three years that followed the return of the first. the illustrious rodney, their only rival, but in himself a host, was the one distinguished naval chief who belonged heart and soul to the party with which sandwich was identified. thus it happened that rodney's period of activity during the war of the american revolution coincided substantially with that of howe's retirement. the same change of administration, in the spring of , that led to the recall of the older man, brought howe again into service, to replace the mediocrities who for three campaigns had commanded the channel fleet, the mainstay of great britain's safety. upon it depended not only the protection of the british islands and of the trade routes converging upon them, but also the occasional revictualling of gibraltar, now undergoing the third year of the famous siege. its operations extended to the north sea, where the dutch, now hostile, flanked the road to the baltic, whence came the naval stores essential to the efficiency of the british fleet; to the bay of biscay, intercepting the convoys despatched from france to her navies abroad; and to the chops of the channel, where focussed the trade routes from east and west, and where more than once heavy losses had been inflicted upon british commerce by the allies. all these services received conspicuous and successful illustration during howe's brief command, at the hands either of the commander-in-chief or of his subordinates, among whom were the very distinguished barrington and kempenfelt. howe himself, with twenty-five sail-of-the-line, in july encountered an allied fleet of forty off scilly. by an adroit tactical movement, very characteristic of his resolute and adequate presence of mind, he carried his ships between scilly and land's end by night, disappearing before morning from the enemy's view. he thus succeeded in meeting to the westward a valuable jamaica convoy, homeward bound, and taking it under his protection. the allies being afterwards driven south by a heavy gale, the vessels of war and trade slipped by and reached england safely. thus does good luck often give its blessing to good management. to relieve gibraltar, however, was the one really great task, commensurate to his abilities, that devolved upon howe during this short command. in the summer of , the spaniards were completing ten heavy floating batteries, expected to be impervious to shot and to combustion, and from an attack by which upon the sea front of the works decisive results were anticipated. at the same time prolonged blockade by land and sea, supported by forty-nine allied ships-of-the-line anchored at algeciras, the spanish port on the opposite side of the bay, was producing its inevitable results, and the place was now in the last extremity for provisions and munitions of war. to oppose the hostile fleets and introduce the essential succors, to carry which required thirty-one sail of supply ships, great britain could muster only thirty-four of-the-line, but to them were adjoined the superb professional abilities of lord howe, never fully evoked except when in sight of an enemy, as he here must act, with barrington and kempenfelt as seconds; the one the pattern of the practical, experienced, division commander, tested on many occasions, the other an officer much of howe's own stamp, and like him a diligent student and promoter of naval manoeuvres and naval signals, to the development of which both had greatly contributed. to the train of supply ships were added for convoy a number of merchant vessels destined to different parts of the world, so that the grand total which finally sailed on september th was . while this great body was gathering at spithead, there occurred the celebrated incident of the oversetting of the _royal george_ at her anchors, on august th, "when kempenfelt went down with twice four hundred men." howe thus lost the man upon whom principally he must have relied for the more purely tactical development of the fleet, opportunity for which he anticipated in the necessarily slow and graduated progress of so large an assemblage. the occasion was indeed one that called for deliberation as well as for calculated audacity, both controlled by a composure and ability rarely conjoined to the same great extent as in howe. circumstances were more imminent than in the two previous reliefs by rodney and darby; for the greatly superior numbers of the allies were now not in cadiz, as before, but lying only four miles from the anchorage which the supply vessels must gain. true, certainly, that for these a certain portion of their path would be shielded by the guns of the fortress, but a much greater part would be wholly out of their range; and the mere question of reaching his berth, a navigational problem complicated by uncertain winds, and by a very certain current sweeping in from the atlantic, was extremely difficult for the merchant skipper of the day, a seaman rough and ready, but not always either skilful or heedful. the problem before howe demanded therefore the utmost of his seamanlike qualities and of his tactical capacity. the length of the passage speaks for the deliberate caution of howe's management, as his conduct at the critical moment of approach, and during the yet more critical interval of accomplishing the entrance of the supply ships, evinces the cool and masterful self-control which always assured the complete and sustained exertion of his great professional powers at a required instant. thirty days were consumed in the voyage from spithead to gibraltar, but no transport was dropped. of the huge convoy even, it is narrated that after a heavy gale, just before reaching cape finisterre, the full tally of was counted. after passing that cape, the traders probably parted for their several destinations, each body under a suitable escort. the stoppages for the rounding-up of straying or laggard vessels, or for re-establishing the observance of order which ever contributes to regulated movement, and through it to success, were not in this case time lost. the admiral made of them opportunities for exercising his ships-of-the-line in the new system of signals, and in the simple evolutions depending upon them, which underlie flexibility of action, and in the day of battle enable the fleet to respond to the purposes of its commander with reasonable precision, and in mutual support. such drill was doubly necessary, for it not only familiarized the intelligence of the captains with ideas too generally neglected by seamen until called upon to put them into practice, and revealed to them difficulties not realized until encountered, but also enforced recognition of the particular qualities of each vessel, upon the due observance of which substantial accuracy of manoeuvre depends. the experience gained during this cruise, going and returning, probably opened the eyes of many officers to unsuspected deficiencies in themselves, in handling a ship under the exigencies of fleet tactics. howe certainly was in this respect disappointed in his followers, but probably not greatly surprised. at the same time it is but fair to note that the service was performed throughout without any marked hitch traceable to want of general professional ability. a french writer has commented upon this. "there occurred none of those events, so frequent in the experiences of a squadron, which often oblige admirals to take a course wholly contrary to the end they have in view. it is impossible not to recall the unhappy incidents which, from the th to the th of april, of this same year, befell the squadron of the count de grasse. if it is just to admit that lord howe displayed the highest talent, it should be added that he had in his hands excellent instruments." on the th of october the fleet and storeships drew nigh the straits of gibraltar. on that day it was rejoined by a frigate, which forty-eight hours before had been sent ahead to communicate the approach of the relief, and to concert action. she brought the cheering news of the victorious repulse by the british of the grand attack by sea and land upon september th, with the entire destruction of the trusted floating batteries. under this flush of national triumph, and with a fair westerly wind, the great expedition entered the straits on october th, in ranged order for action. the convoy went first, because, sailing before the wind, it was thus to leeward of the ships of war, in position to be immediately defended, if attacked. two squadrons of the fleet succeeded them, in line-of-battle ahead, formed thus for instant engagement, howe leading in the _victory_; while the third of the squadrons followed in reserve, in an order not stated, but probably in a line abreast, sweeping a broader belt of sea, and more nearly under the eye of the commander-in-chief, who, for the purposes of the present operation, had left his traditional post in the centre. howe's reasons for this change of position, if ever stated, have not come under the eyes of the writer; but analysis shows that he was there close to the storeships, whose safe entrance to the port was at once the main object of the enterprise and the one most critically uncertain of achievement, because of the general bad behavior of convoys. there he could control them more surely, and at the same time by his own conduct indicate his general purposes to subordinates, who, however deficient in distinctly tactical proficiency, had the seamanship and the willingness adequately to support him. at p.m. the supply ships were off the mouth of the bay, with the wind fair for their anchorage; but, although full and particular instructions had been issued to them concerning currents and other local conditions, all save four missed the entrance and were swept to the eastward of the rock. the fleet of course had to follow its charge, and by their failure a new task confronted howe's professional abilities and endurance. fortunately he had an able adviser in the captain of the fleet, who had had long experience of the locality, invaluable during the trying week that ensued. the allies had not yet stirred. to move near fifty sail-of-the-line in pursuit of an enemy, inferior indeed, but ranged for battle, and the precise moment of whose appearance could not have been foreseen, was no slight undertaking, as nelson afterwards said. it may be recalled that before trafalgar over twenty-four hours were needed for the allied thirty-three to get out of cadiz bay. on the th, however, the combined french and spaniards sailed, intent primarily, it would seem, not on the true and vital offensive purpose of frustrating the relief, but upon the very secondary defensive object of preserving two of their own numbers, which in a recent gale had been swept to the eastward. thus trivially preoccupied, they practically neglected howe, who on his part stripped for action by sending the supply vessels to the zaffarine islands, where the vagarious instincts of their captains would be controlled by an anchor on the bottom. on the th the allies bore north from the british, close under the spanish coast, and visible only from the mastheads. on the th the wind came east, and the convoy and fleet began cautiously to move towards gibraltar, the enemy apparently out of sight, and certainly to the eastward. on the evening of the th eighteen supply ships were at the mole, and on the th all had arrived. gibraltar was equipped for another year's endurance. we have less than could be wished of particulars touching this performance of howe's, from the day of leaving england to that of fulfilment, five full weeks later. inference and comment has to be built up upon incidents transmitted disconnectedly, interpreted in connection with the usual known conditions and the relative strength of the two opposing parties. to professional understanding, thus far supplemented, much is clear; quite enough, at the least, to avouch the deliberation, the steadiness, the professional aptitude, the unremitting exertion that so well supplies the place of celerity,--never resting, if never hasting,--the calculated daring at fit moments, and above all the unfailing self-possession and self-reliance which at every instant up to the last secured to the british enterprise the full value of the other qualities possessed by the commander-in-chief. a biographical notice of howe cannot be complete without quoting the tribute of an accomplished officer belonging to one of the navies then arrayed against him. "the qualities displayed by lord howe during this short campaign," says captain chevalier of the french service, "rose to the full height of the mission which he had to fulfil. this operation, one of the finest in the war of american independence, merits a praise equal to that of a victory. if the english fleet was favored by circumstances,--and it is rare that in such enterprises one can succeed without the aid of fortune,--it was above all the commander-in-chief's quickness of perception, the accuracy of his judgment, and the rapidity of his decisions that assured success." having accomplished his main object and landed besides fifteen hundred barrels of powder from his own ships, howe tarried no longer. like nelson, at gibraltar on his way to st. vincent, he would not trifle with an easterly wind, without which he could not leave the straits against the constant inset; neither would he adventure action, against a force superior by a third, amid the currents that had caused him so trying an experience. there was, moreover, the important strategic consideration that if the allied fleets, which were again in sight, followed him out, they would thereby be drawn from any possible molestation of the unloading of the supply ships, which had been attempted, though with no great success, on the occasion of the relief by darby, in . howe therefore at once headed for the atlantic. the allies pursued, and engaged partially on the afternoon and evening of october th; but the attack was not pushed home, although they had the advantage of the wind and of numbers. on the th of november the british fleet regained spithead. it may be remarked that admirals barrington and millbank both praised their captains very highly, for the maintenance of the order in their respective divisions during this action; the former saying it "was the finest close connected line i ever saw during my service at sea." howe, who held higher ideals, conceived through earnest and prolonged study and reflection, was less well satisfied. it seems, however, reasonable to infer that the assiduity of his efforts to promote tactical precision had realized at least a partial measure of success. another long term of shore life now intervened, carrying the gallant admiral over the change-fraught years of failing powers from fifty-six to sixty-seven, at which age he was again called into service, in the course of which he was to perform the most celebrated, but, it may confidently be affirmed, not the most substantial, nor even the most brilliant, action of his career. during much of this intermediate period, between and , howe occupied the cabinet position of first lord of the admiralty, the civil head and administrator of the navy. into the discharge of this office he carried the same qualities of assiduous attention to duty, and of close devotion to details of professional progress, which characterized him when afloat; but, while far from devoid of importance, there is but little in this part of his story that needs mention as distinctive. perhaps the most interesting incidents, seen in the light of afterwards, are that one of his earliest appointments to a ship was given to nelson; and that the cordiality of his reception at the end of the cruise is said to have removed from the hero an incipient but very strong disgust for the service. "you ask me," wrote the future admiral to his brother, "by what interest did i get a ship? i answer, having served with credit was my recommendation to lord howe. anything in reason that i can ask, i am sure of obtaining from his justice." at the outbreak of the french revolution, howe stood conspicuously at the head of the navy, distinguished at once for well-known professional accomplishments and for tried capacity in chief command. his rivals in renown among his contemporaries--keppel, barrington, and rodney--had gone to their rest. jervis, duncan, nelson, collingwood, and their compeers, had yet to show what was in them as general officers. lord hood alone remained; and he, although he had done deeds of great promise, had come to the front too late in the previous war for his reputation to rest upon sustained achievement as well as upon hopeful indication. the great commands were given to these two: hood, the junior, going to the mediterranean with twenty ships-of-the-line, howe taking the channel fleet of somewhat superior numbers. the solid, deliberate, methodical qualities of the veteran admiral were better adapted to the more purely defensive rôle, forced upon great britain by the allied superiority in , than to the continuous, vigilant, aggressive action demanded by the new conditions with which he now had to deal, when the great conflagration of the revolution was to be hemmed in and stamped out by the unyielding pressure and massive blows of the british sea power. the days of regulated, routine hostilities between rulers had passed away with the uprising of a people; the time foretold, when nation should rise against nation, was suddenly come with the crash of an ancient kingdom and of its social order. an admirable organizer and indefatigable driller of ships, though apparently a poor disciplinarian, howe lacked the breadth of view, the clear intuitions, the alacrity of mind, brought to bear upon the problem by jervis and nelson, who, thus inspired, framed the sagacious plan to which, more than to any other one cause, was due the exhaustion alike of the revolutionary fury and of napoleon's imperial power. keenly interested in the material efficiency of his ships, as well as in the precision with which they could perform necessary evolutions and maintain prescribed formations, he sought to attain these ends by long stays in port, varied by formal cruises devoted to secondary objects and to fleet tactics. for these reasons also he steadfastly refused to countenance the system of close-watching the enemy's ports, by the presence before each of a british force adequate to check each movement at its beginning. thus nursing ships and men, howe flattered himself he should insure the perfection of the instrument which should be his stay in the hour of battle. herein he ignored the fundamental truth, plainly perceived by his successor, st. vincent, that the effectiveness of a military instrument consists more in the method of its use, and in the practised skill of the human element that wields it, than in the material perfection of the weapon itself. it may justly be urged on his behalf that the preparation he sought should have been made, but was not, by the government in the long years of peace. this is true; but yet the fact remains that he pursued his system by choice and conviction repeatedly affirmed; that continuous instead of occasional cruising in the proper positions would better have reached the ends of drill; and that to the material well being of his ships he sacrificed those correct military dispositions before the enemy's ports, instituted and maintained by hawke, and further developed and extended by jervis, who at the same time preserved the efficiency of the vessels by increased energy and careful prevision of their wants. the brilliant victory of the st of june has obscured the accompanying fact, that lamentable failure characterized the general strategic use of the channel fleet under howe and his immediate successor. once in sight of the enemy, however, the old man regained the fire of youth, and showed the attainments which long study and careful thought had added to his natural talent for war, enabling him to introduce distinct advances upon the tactical conceptions of his predecessors. the battle of june , , was brought about in the following manner. political anarchy and a bad season had combined to ruin the french harvests in , and actual famine threatened the land. to obviate this, at least partially, the government had bought in the united states a large quantity of breadstuffs, which were expected to arrive in may or june, borne by one hundred and eighty merchant vessels. to insure the safety of this valuable convoy, the brest fleet was sent to meet it at a designated point; five ships going first, and twenty-five following a few days later. robespierre's orders to the admiral, villaret-joyeuse, were to avoid battle, if possible, but at all hazards to secure the merchant fleet, or his head would answer for it. about the same time, howe, who had kept his vessels in port during the winter, sailed from the channel with thirty-two ships-of-the-line. these he soon divided into two squadrons; one of which, numbering six, after performing a specific service, was not ordered to rejoin the main body, but to cruise in a different spot. these ships were sadly missed on the day of battle, when they could have changed a brilliant into a crushing victory. howe himself went to seek the french, instead of taking a position where they must pass; and after some running to and fro, in which the british actually got to the westward of their foes, and might well have missed them altogether, he was lucky enough, on the th of may, some four hundred miles west of the island of ushant, to find the larger of their two detachments. this having been meanwhile joined by one ship from the smaller, both opponents now numbered twenty-six heavy vessels. the french were to windward, a position which gives the power of refusing or delaying decisive action. the average speed of any fleet, however, must fall below the best of some of the force opposed to it; and howe, wishing to compel battle, sent out six of his fastest and handiest ships. these were directed to concentrate their fire upon the enemy's rear, which, from the point of view of naval tactics, was the weakest part of a line-of-battle of sailing ships; because, to aid it, vessels ahead must turn round and change their formation, performing a regular evolution, whereas, if the van be assailed, the rear naturally advances to its help. if this partial attack crippled one or more of the french, the disabled ships would drift towards the british, where either they would be captured, or their comrades would be obliged to come to their rescue, hazarding the general engagement that howe wanted. as it happened, the french had in the rear an immense ship of one hundred and ten guns, which beat off in detail the successive attacks of her smaller antagonists; but in so doing she received so much injury that she left the fleet after nightfall, passing the british unmolested, and went back to brest. one of her assailants, also, had to return to england; but, as the relative force of the units thus clipped from the respective opponents was as three to two, the general result was a distinct material gain for howe. it is to be scored to his credit as a tactician that he let this single enemy go, rather than scatter his fleet and lose ground in trying to take her. he had a more important object. the next morning, may th, the french by poor seamanship had lost to leeward, and were consequently somewhat nearer. both fleets were heading southeasterly, with the wind at south-southwest; both, consequently, on the starboard tack. howe saw that, by tacking in succession, his column would so head that several of his vessels in passing could bring the hostile rear under their guns, and that it was even possible that three or four might be cut off, unless reinforced; to attempt which by the enemy would involve also tactical possibilities favorable to the british. the necessary movement was ordered; and the french admiral, seeing things in the same light, was justly so alarmed for the result that he turned his head ships, and after them his whole column in succession, to run down to help the rear. judicious, and indeed necessary, as this was, it played right into howe's hands, and was a tribute to his tactical skill, by which it was compelled; for in doing this the french necessarily gave up much of their distance to windward, and so hastened the collision they wished to avoid. although the attack upon their rear was limited to a few desultory broadsides, the two fleets were at last nearly within cannon shot, whereas the day before they had been eight or ten miles apart. both were now on the port tack, running west in parallel lines. towards noon, howe saw that the morning's opportunity of directing his whole column upon the enemy's rear again offered, but with a far better chance; that if his ships manoeuvred well half a dozen of the french must be cut off, unless their admiral, to save them, repeated his previous manoeuvre of running down to their assistance, which would infallibly entail the general engagement sought by the british. the signal to tack in succession was again made, and to pass through the enemy's line; but here howe's purpose was foiled, as rodney's on april th, by the failure of his leading vessel. her captain, like carkett, was of considerable seniority, having commanded a ship-of-the-line under howe at new york, in . his conduct during this brief campaign was so unfavorably noticed by his admiral that he asked a court-martial, which dismissed him from his ship, though clearing him of cowardice. upon the present occasion he for some time delayed obedience; and, when he did go about, wore instead of tacking, which lost ground and caused confusion by going to leeward. the second ship acted well, and struck the french column some distance from its rear, proving howe right in judging that the enemy's order could there be pierced. as this vessel was not closely supported, she received such injuries from successive fires, that, when she at last found an opening through which to pass, she was unable to manoeuvre. seeing that the van was failing him, howe, whose flag-ship, the _queen charlotte_, was tenth from the head of his column, now took the lead himself, tacked his own vessel, though her turn was not yet come, and, accompanied by his next ahead and astern,--another striking instance of the inspiring influence of a high example,--stood straight for the hostile order. the three broke through astern of the sixth ship from the french rear, and cut off two of the enemy, which were speedily surrounded by others of the british. villaret-joyeuse then repeated his former evolution, and nothing could have saved a general engagement except the disorder into which the british had fallen, and howe's methodical abhorrence of attacks made in such confusion as prevailed. moreover, the decisive result of this last brush was that the french entirely lost the windward position, and the british admiral knew that he now had them where they could not escape; he could afford to postpone the issue. accordingly, fighting ceased for the day; but the french had been so mauled that three more ships had to go into port, leaving them but twenty-two to the enemy's twenty-five. to appreciate howe's personal merit as a tactician, reflection should be bestowed upon the particulars of his conduct on these two days, with which the first of june is not to be compared; for in them culminated, so to speak, a long course of preparation in the study of tactical possibilities, and of the system of signals needed to insure necessary evolutions. his officers, as a body, do not appear to have deserved by their manoeuvring the encomium passed by rodney upon his, during the long chase to windward in may, ; and, as howe had now held command for a year, this failure may probably be assigned to lack of that punctilious severity to which rodney attributed his own success. but in the matter of personal acquirement howe shows a distinct advance upon rodney's ideas and methods. there is not to be noted in rodney's actions any foreshadowing of the judicious attack upon the enemy's rear, on may th, by a smart flying squadron. this doubtless presents some analogy to a general chase, but there is in it more of system and of regulated action; in short, there is development. again, although rodney doubtless tacked in succession repeatedly, between may th and may th, in his efforts to reach the enemy to windward, there does not then appear, nor did there appear on either of the two occasions when he succeeded in striking their column from to leeward, any intention, such as howe on the th communicated by signal and enforced by action, of breaking through the enemy's line even at the cost of breaking his own. not even on april th had rodney, as far as appears, any such formulated plan. there is here, therefore, distinct progress, in the nature of reflective and reasoned development; for it is scarcely to be supposed that howe's assiduity and close contact with the navy had failed to note, for future application, the incidents of rodney's battles, which had been the subject of animated discussion and censure by eye-witnesses. it will be recognized that the conception in howe's mind, maintained unchangeably and carried consistently into effect during these two days, was to attack continually, as opportunity offered, the rear end of the enemy's column, which corresponds precisely with the attack upon the flank of a line of battle on shore. merit does not depend upon result, but fortunate result should be noted for the encouragement and guidance of the future. in consequence of these sustained and judiciously directed movements, and of the steps found necessary by the french admiral because of injuries received, the enemy had lost from their line four ships, of which one was of one hundred and twenty guns, another of eighty; while of those retained one had lost all her spars save the lower masts, and had thenceforth to be towed in action. against this was to be set only one british seventy-four, disabled on the th and returned to port; their other damaged vessels refitted at sea and stayed with the fleet. on the other hand, howe's separated division of six remained separated, whereas four fresh french ships joined their main fleet on the th. admirable tactics were thus neutralized by defective strategy; and therefore it may with substantial accuracy be said that howe's professional qualities and defects were both signally illustrated in this, his last conspicuous service. the french admiral on the evening of the th saw that he now must fight, and at a disadvantage; consequently, he could not hope to protect the convoy. as to save this was his prime object, the next best thing was to entice the british out of its path. with this view he stood away to the northwest; while a dense fog coming on both favored his design and prevented further encounter during the two ensuing days, throughout which howe continued to pursue. in the evening of may st the weather cleared, and at daybreak the next morning the enemies were in position, ready for battle, two long columns of ships, heading west, the british twenty-five, the french again twenty-six through the junction of the four vessels mentioned. howe now had cause to regret his absent six, and to ponder nelson's wise saying, "only numbers can annihilate." the time for manoeuvring was past. able tactician as he personally was, and admirable as had been the direction of his efforts in the two days' fighting, howe had been forced in them to realize two things, namely, that his captains were, singly, superior in seamanship, and their crews in gunnery, to the french; and again, that in the ability to work together as a fleet the british were so deficient as to promise very imperfect results, if he attempted any but the simplest formation. to such, therefore, he resorted; falling back upon the old, unskilful, sledge-hammer fashion of the british navy. arranging his ships in one long line, three miles from the enemy, he made them all go down together, each to attack a specified opponent, coming into action as nearly as might be at the same instant. thus the french, from the individual inferiority of the units of their fleet, would be at all points overpowered. the issue justified the forecast; but the manner of performance was curiously and happily marked by howe's own peculiar phlegm. there was a long summer day ahead for fighting, and no need for hurry. the order was first accurately formed, and canvas reduced to proper proportions. then the crews went to breakfast. after breakfast, the ships all headed for the hostile line, under short sail, the admiral keeping them in hand during the approach, as an infantry officer dresses his company. hence the shock from end to end was so nearly simultaneous as to induce success unequalled in any engagement conducted on the same primitive plan. picturesque as well as sublime, animating as well as solemn, on that bright sunday morning, was this prelude to the stern game of war about to be played: the quiet summer sea stirred only by a breeze sufficient to cap with white the little waves that ruffled its surface; the dark hulls gently rippling the water aside in their slow advance, a ridge of foam curling on either side of the furrow ploughed by them in their onward way; their massive sides broken by two, or at times three, rows of ports, whence, the tompions drawn, yawned the sullen lines of guns, behind which, unseen, but easily realized by the instructed eye, clustered the groups of ready seamen who served each piece. aloft swung leisurely to and fro the tall spars, which ordinarily, in so light a wind, would be clad in canvas from deck to truck, but whose naked trimness now proclaimed the deadly purpose of that still approach. upon the high poops, where floated the standard of either nation, gathered round each chief the little knot of officers through whom commands were issued and reports received, the nerves along which thrilled the impulses of the great organism, from its head, the admiral, through every member to the dark lowest decks, nearly awash, where, as farthest from the captain's own oversight, the senior lieutenants controlled the action of the ships' heaviest batteries. on board the _queen charlotte_, lord howe, whose burden of sixty-eight years had for four days found no rest save what he could snatch in an arm-chair, now, at the prospect of battle, "displayed an animation," writes an eye-witness, "of which, at his age, and after such fatigue of body and mind, i had not thought him capable. he seemed to contemplate the result as one of unbounded satisfaction." by his side stood his fleet-captain, curtis, of whose service among the floating batteries, and during the siege of gibraltar, the governor of the fortress had said, "he is the man to whom the king is chiefly indebted for its security;" and codrington, then a lieutenant, who afterwards commanded the allied fleets at navarino. five ships to the left, collingwood, in the _barfleur_, was making to the admiral whose flag she bore the remark that stirred thackeray: "our wives are now about going to church, but we will ring about these frenchmen's ears a peal which will drown their bells." the french officers, both admirals and captains, were mainly unknown men, alike then and thereafter. the fierce flames of the revolution had swept away the men of the old school, mostly aristocrats, and time had not yet brought forward the very few who during the napoleonic period showed marked capacity. the commander-in-chief, villaret-joyeuse, had three years before been a lieutenant. he had a high record for gallantry, but was without antecedents as a general officer. with him, on the poop of the _montagne_, which took her name from robespierre's political supporters, stood that anomalous companion of the generals and admirals of the day, the revolutionary commissioner, jean bon saint-andré, about to learn by experience the practical working of the system he had advocated, to disregard all tests of ability save patriotism and courage, depreciating practice and skill as unnecessary to the valor of the true frenchman. as the british line drew near the french, howe said to curtis, "prepare the signal for close action." "there is no such signal," replied curtis. "no," said the admiral, "but there is one for closer action, and i only want that to be made in case of captains not doing their duty." then closing a little signal book he always carried, he continued to those around him, "now, gentlemen, no more book, no more signals. i look to you to do the duty of the _queen charlotte_ in engaging the flag-ship. i don't want the ships to be bilge to bilge, but if you can lock the yardarms, so much the better; the battle will be the quicker decided." his purpose was to go through the french line, and fight the _montagne_ on the far side. some doubted their succeeding, but howe overbore them. "that's right, my lord!" cried bowen, the sailing-master, who looked to the ship's steering. "the _charlotte_ will make room for herself." she pushed close under the french ship's stern, grazing her ensign, and raking her from stern to stem with a withering fire, beneath which fell three hundred men. a length or two beyond lay the french _jacobin_. howe ordered the _charlotte_ to luff, and place herself between the two. "if we do," said bowen, "we shall be on board one of them." "what is that to you, sir?" asked howe quickly. "oh!" muttered the master, not inaudibly. "d----n my eyes if i care, if you don't. i'll go near enough to singe some of our whiskers." and then, seeing by the _jacobins_ rudder that she was going off, he brought the _charlotte_ sharp round, her jib boom grazing the second frenchman as her side had grazed the flag of the first. from this moment the battle raged furiously from end to end of the field for nearly an hour,--a wild scene of smoke and confusion, under cover of which many a fierce ship duel was fought, while here and there men wandered, lost, in a maze of bewilderment that neutralized their better judgment. an english naval captain tells a service tradition of one who was so busy watching the compass, to keep his position in the ranks, that he lost sight of his antagonist, and never again found him. many a quaint incident passed, recorded or unrecorded, under that sulphurous canopy. a british ship, wholly dismasted, lay between two enemies, her captain desperately wounded. a murmur of surrender was somewhere heard; but as the first lieutenant checked it with firm authority, a cock flew upon the stump of a mast and crowed lustily. the exultant note found quick response in hearts not given to despair, and a burst of merriment, accompanied with three cheers, replied to the bird's triumphant scream. on board the _brunswick_, in her struggle with the _vengeur_, one of the longest and fiercest fights the sea has ever seen, the cocked hat was shot off the effigy of the duke of brunswick, which she bore as a figure-head. a deputation from the crew gravely requested the captain to allow the use of his spare chapeau, which was securely nailed on, and protected his grace's wig during the rest of the action. after this battle with the ships of the new republic, the partisans of monarchy noted with satisfaction that, among the many royal figures that surmounted the stems of the british fleet, not one lost his crown. of a harum-scarum irish captain are told two droll stories. after being hotly engaged for some time with a french ship, the fire of the latter slackened, and then ceased. he called to know if she had surrendered. the reply was, "no." "then," shouted he, "d----n you, why don't you fire?" having disposed of his special antagonist without losing his own spars, the same man kept along in search of new adventures, until he came to a british ship totally dismasted and otherwise badly damaged. she was commanded by a captain of rigidly devout piety. "well, jemmy," hailed the irishman, "you are pretty well mauled; but never mind, jemmy, whom the lord loveth he chasteneth." the french have transmitted to us less of anecdote, nor is it easy to connect the thought of humor with those grimly earnest republicans and the days of the terror. there is, indeed, something unintentionally funny in the remark of the commander of one of the captured ships to his captors. they had, it was true, dismasted half the french fleet, and had taken over a fourth; yet he assured them it could not be considered a victory, "but merely a butchery, in which the british had shown neither science nor tactics." the one story, noble and enduring, that will ever be associated with the french on the st of june is in full keeping with the temper of the times and the enthusiasm of the nation. the seventy-four-gun ship _vengeur_, after a three hours' fight, yardarm to yardarm, with the british _brunswick_, was left in a sinking state by her antagonist, who was herself in no condition to help. in the confusion, the _vengeur's_ peril was for some time not observed; and when it was, the british ships that came to her aid had time only to remove part of her survivors. in their report of the event the latter said: "scarcely had the boats pulled clear of the sides, when the most frightful spectacle was offered to our gaze. those of our comrades who remained on board the _vengeur du peuple_, with hands raised to heaven, implored, with lamentable cries, the help for which they could no longer hope. soon disappeared the ship and the unhappy victims it contained. in the midst of the horror with which this scene inspired us all, we could not avoid a feeling of admiration mingled with our grief. as we drew away, we heard some of our comrades still offering prayers for the welfare of their country. the last cries of these unfortunates were, 'vive la république!' they died uttering them." over a hundred frenchmen thus went down. seven french ships were captured, including the sunk _vengeur_. five more were wholly dismasted, but escaped,--a good fortune mainly to be attributed to howe's utter physical prostration, due to his advanced years and the continuous strain of the past five days. he now went to bed, completely worn out. "we all got round him," wrote an officer, lieutenant codrington, who was present; "indeed, i saved him from a tumble, he was so weak that from a roll of the ship he was nearly falling into the waist. 'why, you hold me up as if i were a child,' he said good-humoredly." had he been younger, there can be little doubt that the fruits of victory would have been gathered with an ardor which his assistant, curtis, failed to show. the fullest proof of this is the anecdote, already quoted in the sketch of rodney,[ ] which has been transmitted by admiral sir byam martin direct from the sailing-master of the _queen charlotte_, afterwards admiral bowen; but his account is abundantly confirmed by other officers, eye and ear witnesses. taken in connection with these, codrington's story of his physical weakness bears the note, not of pathos only, but of encouragement; for the whole testifies assuredly to the persistence, through great bodily debility, of a strong quality diligently cultivated in the days of health and vigor. in truth, it was impossible for howe to purpose otherwise. having been continuously what he was in his prime, it could not be that he would not intend, with all the force of his will, to persevere to the utmost in the duty before him. the faithfulness of a lifetime does not so forsake a man in his end. what he lacked in that critical hour was not the willing mind, but the instrument by which to communicate to the fleet the impulse which his own failing powers were no longer able directly to impart. lord howe's career practically ended with this battle and the honors that followed it. infirmities then gained rapidly upon him, and it would have been well had his own wish to retire been granted by the government. he remained in nominal command of the channel fleet, though not going to sea, until the occurrence of the great mutinies of . the suppression--or, more properly, the composing--of this ominous outbreak was devolved upon him by the ministry. he very wisely observed that "preventive measures rather than corrective are to be preferred for preserving discipline in fleets and armies;" but it was in truth his own failure to use such timely remedies, owing to the lethargy of increasing years, acting upon a temperament naturally indulgent and unapprehensive, that was largely responsible for disorders of whose imminence he had warning. from the military standpoint, the process of settlement had much the air of opéra bouffe,--a consummation probably inevitable when just grievances and undeniable hardships get no attention until the sufferers break through all rules, and seek redress by force. the mutinous seamen protested to howe the bitterness of their sorrow at the sense of wrong doing, but in the same breath insisted that their demands must be conceded, and that certain obnoxious officers must be removed from their ships. the demands were yielded, howe gently explaining to the men how naughty they had been; and that, as to the unpopular officers, they themselves asked relief from so unpleasant a situation. in his curiously involved style, he wrote: "this request has been complied with, under the pretext of an equal desire on the part of the officers not to be employed in ships where exception, without specification of facts, has been taken to their conduct. however ineligible the concession, it was become indispensably necessary." under this thin veil, men persuaded themselves that appearances were saved, as a woman hides a smile behind her fan. admiral codrington, a firm admirer of howe, justly said: "it was want of discipline which led to the discontent and mutiny in the channel fleet. lord howe got rid of the mutiny by granting the men all they asked; but discipline was not restored until the ships most remarkable for misconduct had been, one after the other, placed under the command of lord st. vincent." with the settlement of this mutiny lord howe's long career of active service closed. immediately afterwards he retired formally, as he sometime before had actually, from the command of the channel fleet, and on the th of august, , he died full of years and honors; having lived just long enough to welcome the rising star of nelson's glory as it burst upon men's sight at cape st. vincent and the nile. footnotes: [ ] parkman's "montcalm and wolfe," vol. ii. p. . [ ] _ante_, p. . jervis - the renown of nelson is part of the heritage of the world. his deeds, although their full scope and real significance have been but little understood, stand out conspicuous among a host of lesser achievements, and are become to mankind the symbol of great britain's maritime power in that tremendous era when it drove the french revolution back upon itself, stifling its excesses, and so insuring the survival of the beneficent tendencies which for a time seemed well nigh lost in the madness of the nation. the appearance of a prodigy like nelson, however, is not an isolated event, independent of antecedents. it is the result of a happy meeting of genius and opportunity. the hour has come, and the man. other men have labored, and the hero enters into their labors; not unjustly, for thereto he also has been appointed by those special gifts which fit him to reap as theirs fitted them to sow. in relation to nelson and his career, the illustrious officer whose most distinguishing characteristics we have now to trace stood pre-eminent among many forerunners. it was he, above all others, who made the preparation indispensable to the approaching triumphal progress of the first of british naval heroes, so that his own work underlies that of his successor, as foundation supports superstructure. there is not between them the vital connection of root to branch, of plant to fruit. in the matter of professional kinship nelson has far more in common with hood. between these there is an identity of kind, an orderly sequence of development, an organic bond, such as knits together the series of a progressive evolution. it is not so with jervis. closely conjoined as the two men long were in a common service, and in mutual admiration and sympathy, it would be an error to think of the elder as in any sense the professional progenitor of the younger; yet he was, as it were, an adoptive father, who from the first fostered, and to the last gloried in, the genius which he confessed unparalleled. "it does not become me to make comparisons," he wrote after copenhagen; "all agree that there is but one nelson." and when the great admiral had been ten years in his grave, he said of an officer's gallant conduct at the battle of algiers, "he seems to have felt lord nelson's eye upon him;" as though no stronger motive could be felt nor higher praise given. john jervis was born on the th of january, , at meaford, in staffordshire. he was intended for his father's profession, the law; but, by his own account, a disinclination which was probably natural became invincible through the advice of the family coachman. "don't be a lawyer, master jacky," said the old man; "all lawyers are rogues." sometime later, his father receiving the appointment of auditor to greenwich hospital, the family removed to the neighborhood of london; and there young jervis, being thrown in contact with ships and seamen, and particularly with a midshipman of his own age, became confirmed in his wish to go to sea. failing to get his parents' consent, he ran away towards the close of the year . from this escapade he was brought back; but his father, seeing the uselessness of forcing the lad's inclinations, finally acquiesced, though it seems likely, from his after conduct, that it was long before he became thoroughly reconciled to the disappointment. in january, , the future admiral and peer first went afloat in a ship bound to the west indies. the time was inauspicious for one making the navy his profession. the war of the austrian succession had just been brought to an end by the peace of aix-la-chapelle, and the monotonous discomfort of hard cruising, unrelieved by the excitements of battle or the flush of prize-taking, was the sole prospect of one whose narrow means debarred him from such pleasures as the station afforded and youth naturally prompted him to seek. his pay was little over twenty pounds a year, and his father had not felt able to give more than that sum towards his original outfit. after being three years on board, practising a rigid economy scarcely to be expected in one of his years, the lad of sixteen drew a bill upon home for twenty pounds more. it came back dishonored. the latent force of his character was at once aroused. to discharge the debt, he disposed of his pay tickets at a heavy discount; sold his bed, and for three years slept on the deck; left the mess to which he belonged, living forward on the allowance of a seaman, and making, mending, and washing his own clothes, to save expense. doubt has been expressed as to the reality of these early privations, on the ground that his father's office at greenwich, and the subsequent promotions of the young officer, show the existence of a family influence, which would have counteracted such extreme restriction in money matters. the particulars, however, have been so transmitted as to entitle them to acceptance, unless contradicted by something more positive than circumstantial inference from other conditions, not necessarily contradictory. this sharp experience was singularly adapted to develop and exaggerate his natural characteristics, self-reliance, self-control, stern determination, and, it must be added, the exacting harshness which demanded of others all that he had himself accepted. his experience of suffering and deprivation served, not to enlarge his indulgence, but to intensify his severity. yet it may be remarked that jervis was at all periods in thorough touch with distinctively naval feeling, sympathizing with and respecting its sensibilities, sharing its prejudices, as well as comprehending its weaknesses. herein he differed from rodney, who in the matter of community of sentiment stood habitually external to his profession; in it, but in heart not of it; belonging consciously and willingly to a social class which cherished other ideals of life and action. his familiarity with the service quickened him to criticise more keenly and accurately than a stranger, to recognize failings with harsher condemnation; but there appears no disposition to identify himself with it further than as an instrument of personal advancement and distinction. upon jervis's naval future, the results of his early ordeal were wholly good. unable to pursue pleasure ashore, he stuck to sea-going ships; and the energies of a singularly resolute mind were devoted to mastering all the details of his profession. after six years in the caribbean, he returned to england in the autumn of . the troubles between france and great britain which issued in the seven years war had already begun, and jervis, whose merit commanded immediate recognition from those under whom he served, found family influence to insure his speedy promotion and employment. being made lieutenant early in , he was with boscawen off the gulf of st. lawrence when that admiral, although peace yet reigned, was ordered to seize the french fleet bearing reinforcements to quebec. at the same time, braddock's unfortunate expedition was miscarrying in the forests of pittsburg. a year later, in , jervis went to the mediterranean with admiral hawke, sent to relieve byng after the fiasco at minorca which brought that unhappy commander to trial and to death. before and during this mediterranean cruise jervis had been closely associated with sir charles saunders, one of the most distinguished admirals of that generation, upon whom he made so favorable an impression that he was chosen for first lieutenant of the flag-ship, when saunders, in , was named to command the fleet to act against quebec. the gallant and romantic general wolfe, whose death in the hour of victory saddened the triumph of the conquerors, embarked in the same ship; and the long passage favored the growth of a close personal intimacy between the two young men, who had been at school together as boys, although the soldier was several years older than the sailor. the relations thus formed and the confidences exchanged are shown by a touching incident recorded by jervis's biographer. on the night before the battle on the heights of abraham, wolfe went on board the _porcupine_, a small sloop of war to whose command jervis had meanwhile been promoted, and asked to see him in private. he then said that he was strongly impressed with the feeling that he should fall on the morrow, and therefore wished to entrust to his friend the miniature of the lady, miss lowther, to whom he was engaged, and to have from him the promise that, if the foreboding proved true, he would in person deliver to her both the portrait and wolfe's own last messages. from the interview the young general departed to achieve his enterprise, to which daring action, brilliant success, and heroic death have given a lustre that time itself has not been able to dim, whose laurels remain green to our own day; while jervis, to whose old age was reserved the glory that his comrade reaped in youth, remained behind to discharge his last request,--a painful duty which, upon returning to england, was scrupulously fulfilled. although the operations against quebec depended wholly upon the control of the water by the navy, its influence, as often happens, was so quietly exerted as to draw no attention from the general eye, dazzled by the conspicuous splendor of wolfe's conduct. to jervis had been assigned the distinguished honor of leading the fleet with his little ship, in the advance up river against the fortifications of the place; and it is interesting to note that in this duty he was joined with the afterwards celebrated explorer, james cook, who, as master of the fleet, had special charge of the pilotage in those untried waters. wolfe, cook, and jervis form a striking trio of names, then unknown, yet closely associated, afterwards to be widely though diversely renowned. when the city fell, commander jervis was sent to england, probably with despatches. there he was at once given a ship, and ordered to return with her to north america. upon her proving leaky, he put in to plymouth, where, as his mission was urgent, he was directed to take charge of a sloop named the _albany_, then lying at anchor near by, and to proceed in her. to this moment has been attributed an incident which, as regards time and place, has been more successfully impeached than the story of his early privations, in that no mention of it is found in the ship's log; and there are other discrepancies which need reconcilement. nevertheless it is, as told, so entirely characteristic, that the present writer has no doubt it occurred, at some time, substantially as given by his biographer, who was son to a secretary long in close relations with him when admiral. it would be entirely in keeping with all experience of testimony that the old man's recollections, or those of his secretary, may have gone astray on minor circumstances, while preserving accurately the fundamental and only really important facts, which are perfectly consistent with, and illustrative of, the stern decision afterwards shown in meeting and suppressing mutiny of the most threatening description. the crew of the _albany_, it is said, from some motives of discontent refused to sail. jervis had brought with him a few seamen from his late command. these he ordered to cut the cables which held the ship to her anchors, and to loose the foresail. daunted more, perhaps, by the bearing of the man than by the mere acts, the mutineers submitted, and in twenty-four days, an extraordinarily short passage for that time, the _albany_ was at new york. here jervis was unfortunately delayed, and thus, being prevented from rejoining sir charles saunders, lost the promotion which a british commander-in-chief could then give to an officer in his own command who had merited his professional approval. it was not until october, , when he was twenty-six, that jervis obtained "post" rank,--the rank, that is, of full, or post, captain. by the rule of the british navy, an officer up to that rank could be advanced by selection; thenceforth he waited, through the long succession of seniority, for his admiral's commission. this jervis did not receive until , when he was fifty-two. it was as a general officer, as an admiral commanding great fleets and bearing responsibilities unusually grave through a most critical period of his country's history, that jervis made his high and deserved reputation. for this reason, the intervening years, though pregnant with the finished character and distinguished capacity which fitted him for his onerous work, and though by no means devoid of incident, must be hastily sketched. the treaty of paris, which in closed the seven years war, was followed by twelve years of peace. then came the american revolution, bringing in its train hostilities with france and spain. during the peace, jervis for nearly four years commanded a frigate in the mediterranean. it is told that while his ship was at genoa two turkish slaves escaped from a genoese galley, and took refuge in a british boat lying at the mole, wrapping its flag round their persons. genoese officers took them forcibly from the boat and restored them to their chains. jervis resented this, as being not only an insult to the british flag, but also an enforcement of slavery against men under its protection; and so peremptory was his tone that an apology was made, the two captives were given up on the frigate's quarter-deck, and the offending officers punished. the captain's action, however, was not sustained by his own government. it is curious to note that, notwithstanding his course in this case, and although he was not merely nominally, but strenuously, a whig, or liberal, in political faith, connected by party ties with fox and his coterie of friends, jervis was always opposed to the abolition of the slave trade and to the education of the lower orders. liberty was to him an inherited worship, associated with certain stock beliefs and phrases, but subordination was the true idol of his soul. in captain jervis commissioned the _foudroyant_, of eighty-four guns, a ship captured in from the french, and thereafter thought to be the finest vessel in the british fleet. to this, her natural superiority, jervis added a degree of order, discipline, and drill which made her the pride and admiration of the navy. he was forty when his pennant first flew from her masthead, and he held the command for eight years, a period covering the full prime of his own maturity, as well as the entire course of the american revolution. it was also a period marked for him, professionally, less by distinguished service than by that perfection of military organization, that combination of dignified yet not empty pomp with thorough and constant readiness, which was so eminently characteristic of all the phases of jervis's career, and which, when the rare moments came, was promptly transformed into unhesitating, decisive, and efficient action. the _foudroyant_, in her state and discipline, was the type in miniature of jervis's mediterranean fleet, declared by nelson to be the finest body of ships he had ever known; nay, she was the precursor of that regenerate british navy in which nelson found the instruments of his triumphs. sixty years later, old officers recalled the feelings of mingled curiosity and awe with which, when sent to her on duty from their own ships, they climbed on board the _foudroyant_, and from the larboard side of her quarter-deck gazed upon the stern captain, whose qualities were embodied in his vessel and constituted her chief excellences. during jervis's command, the _foudroyant_ was continuously attached to the channel fleet, whose duty, as the name implies, was to protect the english channel and its approaches; a function which often carried the ships far into the bay of biscay. thus he took a prominent part in keppel's battle off ushant in , in the movements occasioned by the entrance into the channel of an overpowering franco-spanish fleet in and , and in the brilliant relief of gibraltar by admiral howe towards the end of . his most distinguished service, however, was taking, single-handed, the french seventy-four _pégase_, in the spring of the latter year. the capture was effected after an action of fifty minutes, preceded by a chase of twelve hours, running before a half-gale of wind. the _foudroyant_ was unquestionably superior in battery to her enemy, who, moreover, had but recently been commissioned; but, as has justly been remarked of some of the victories of our own ships over those of the british in the war of , although there was disparity of forces, the precision and rapidity with which the work was done bore incontrovertible testimony to the skill and training of the captain and crew. single combats, such as this, were rare between vessels of the size of the _foudroyant_ and _pégase_, built to sail and fight in fleets. that one occurred here was due to the fact that the speed of the two opponents left the british squadron far astern. the exploit obtained for jervis a baronetcy and the ribbon of the order of the bath. sir john jervis did not serve afloat during the ten years of peace following , although, from his high repute, he was one of those summoned upon each of the alarms of war that from time to time arose. throughout this period he sat in parliament, voting steadily with his party, the whigs, and supporting fox in his opposition to measures which seemed to tend towards hostilities with france. when war came, however, he left his seat, ready to aid his country with his sword in the quarrel from which he had sought to keep her. having in the mean time risen from the rank of captain to that of rear-and of vice-admiral, jervis's first service, in , was in the caribbean sea, as commander of the naval part of a joint expedition of army and navy to subdue the french west india islands. the operation, although most important and full of exciting and picturesque incident, bears but a small share in his career, and therefore may not be dwelt upon in so short a sketch as the present aims to be. attended at first by marked and general success, it ended with some severe reverses, occasioned by the force given him being less than he demanded, and than the extent of the work to be done required. a quaintly characteristic story is told of the admiral's treatment of a lieutenant who at this period sought employment on board his ship. knowing that he stood high in the old seaman's favor, the applicant confidently expected his appointment, but, upon opening the "letter on service," was stunned to read:-- sir,--you, having thought fit to take to yourself a wife, are to look for no further attentions from your humble servant, j. jervis. the supposed culprit, guiltless even in thought of this novel misdemeanor, hastened on board, and explained that he abhorred such an offence as much as could the admiral. it then appeared that the letter had been sent to the wrong person. jervis was himself married at this time; but his well-regulated affections had run steadily in harness until the mature age of forty-eight, and he saw no reason why other men should depart from so sound a precedent. "when an officer marries," he tersely said, "he is d----d for the service." returning to england in february, , jervis was in august nominated to command the mediterranean station, and in november sailed to take up his new duties. at the end of the month, in san fiorenzo bay, an anchorage in the north of corsica, he joined the fleet, which continued under his flag until june, . he had now reached the highest rank in his profession, though not the highest grade of that rank as it was then subdivided; being a full admiral of the blue. the crowning period of his career here began. admirable and striking as had been his previous services, dignified and weighty as were the responsibilities borne by him in the later part of a life prolonged far beyond the span of man, the four years of jervis's mediterranean command stand conspicuous as the time when preparation flowered into achievement, solid, durable, and brilliant. it may be interesting to americans to recall that his age was nearly the same as that of farragut when the latter assumed the charge in which, after long years of obscure preparation, he also reaped his harvest of glory. it is likewise worthy of note that this happy selection was made wholly independent of the political bias, which till then had so often and unworthily controlled naval appointments. jervis belonged to the small remnant of whigs who still followed fox and inveighed against the current war, as unnecessary and impolitic. it was a pure service choice, as such creditable alike to the government and the officer. though distinguished success now awaited him, a period of patient effort, endurance, and disappointment had first to be passed, reproducing in miniature the longer years of faithful service preceding his professional triumphs. jervis came to the mediterranean too late for the best interests of england. the year , just ending, was one in which the energies of france, after the fierce rush of the terror, had flagged almost to collapse. not only so, but in its course the republic, discouraged by frequent failure, had decided to abandon the control of the sea to its enemy, to keep its great fleets in port, and to confine its efforts to the harassment of british commerce. to this change of policy in france is chiefly to be ascribed the failure of naval achievement with which macaulay has reproached pitt's earlier ministry. battles cannot be fought if the foe keeps behind his walls. prior to this decision, two fleet battles had been fought in the mediterranean in the spring and summer of , in which the british had missed great successes only through the sluggishness of their admiral. "to say how much we wanted lord hood" (the last commander-in-chief), wrote nelson, "is to ask, 'will you have all the french fleet or no battle?'" could he have foreseen all that jervis was to be to the mediterranean, his distress must have been doubled to know that the fortunes of the nation thus fell between two stools. his predecessor's slackness in pushing military opportunities, due partly to ill health, was mainly constitutional, and therefore could not but show itself by tangible evidences in the more purely administrative and disciplinary work. jervis found himself at once under the necessity of bringing his fleet--in equipment, in discipline, and in drill--sharply up to that level of efficiency which is essential to the full development of power when occasion offers. this his perfect achievement, of organization and administration, in its many intricate details, needs at least to be clearly noted, even though space do not admit many particulars; because his capacity as administrator at the head of the admiralty a few years later has been seriously impugned, by a criticism both partial and excessive, if not wholly unjust. nelson, a witness of his mediterranean service from beginning to end, lauded to the utmost the excellence there reached, and attributed most of the short-coming noted in the later office to the yielding of a man then advanced in years, to advisers, in trusting whom fully he might well believe himself warranted by experience. although, when taking command, his fleet reached the seemingly large proportions of twenty-five ships-of-the-line and some fifty cruisers, heavy allowance must be made for the variety of services extending over the two thousand miles of the mediterranean, from east to west. seven of-the-line had to be kept before cadiz, though still a neutral port, to check a french division within. one of the same class was on the riviera with nelson; and other demands, with the necessities of occasional absences for refit, prevented the admiral from ever assembling before toulon, his great strategic care, much more than a round dozen to watch equal french numbers there. the protection of corsica, then in british hands; the convoy of commerce, dispersed throughout the station; the assurance of communications to the fortress and straits of gibraltar, by which all transit to and from the mediterranean passes; diplomatic exigencies with the various littoral states of the inland sea; these divergent calls, with the coincident necessity of maintaining every ship in fit condition for action, show the extent of the administrative work and of the attendant correspondence. the evidence of many eye-witnesses attests the successful results. similar attention, broad yet minute, was demanded for the more onerous and invidious task of enforcing relaxed discipline and drill. concerning these, the most pregnant testimony, alike to the stringency and the persistence of his measures, may be found in the imbittered expressions of enemies. five years later, when the rumor spread that he was to have the channel fleet, the toast was drunk at the table of the man then in command, "may the discipline of the mediterranean never be introduced into the channel." "may his next glass of wine choke the wretch," is a speech attributed to a captain's wife, wrathful that her husband was kept from her side by the admiral's regulations. for jervis's discipline began at the top, with the division and ship commanders. one of the senior admirals under him persisting in a remonstrance, beyond the point which he considered consistent with discipline, was sent home. "the very disorderly state of his majesty's ship under your command," he writes to a captain, "obliges me to require that neither yourself nor any of your officers are to go on shore on what is called pleasure." "the commander-in-chief finds himself under the painful necessity of publicly reprimanding captains ---- and ---- for neglect of duty, in not maintaining the stations assigned to their ships during the last night." in a letter to a lieutenant he says, "if you do not immediately make a suitable apology to commissioner inglefield for the abominable neglect and disrespect you have treated him with, i will represent your behaviour to the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and recommend your name to be struck off the list of lieutenants." captains of vessels were not only subject to strict regulation as to their personal proceedings, compelled to sleep on board, for instance, even in home ports; but duties customarily left to subordinates, with results to discipline that might not now obtain but which were in those days deplorable, were also assigned to them. "the commander-in-chief has too exalted an opinion of the respective captains of the squadron to doubt their being upon deck when the signal is made to tack or wear _in the night_, and he requires all lieutenants then to be at their stations, except those who had the watch immediately preceding." nor did he leave this delicately worded, but pointed, admonition, issued in the mediterranean, to take care of itself. in after years, when he was nigh seventy, his secretary tells that on a cold and rainy november night off brest, the signal to tack being made, he hurried to the cabin to persuade the old man not to go on deck, as was his custom. he was not, however, in his cot, nor could he for a long time be found; but at last a look into the stern gallery discovered him, in flannel dressing-gown and cocked hat, watching the movements of the fleet. to remonstrance he replied, "hush, i want to see how the evolution is performed on such a night, and to know whether jemmy vashon (commanding the ship next astern) is on deck;" but soon hearing the captain's well-known shrill voice, crying, "are you all ready forward?" he consented then to retire. post-captains and commanders were required to attend at points on shore where the boats and crews of ships congregated on service; at landing places and watering places,--scenes fruitful in demoralization,--to maintain order and suppress disturbance. "the masters and commanders are to take it in turn, according to rank, to attend the duty on shore at the ragged staff [at gibraltar], from gun-fire in the morning to sunset, to keep order and prevent disputes, and to see that boats take their regular turns. they are never to be absent from the spot except at regular meal times." "when the squadron is at anchor in torbay [in the english channel], a captain of a ship-of-the-line is to command at the watering place at brixham, taking to his assistance his commanding officer of marines with a party of his men. he also may take with him a lieutenant of the ship and as many midshipmen as he thinks fit; _but he himself_ is not to quit his command until regularly relieved." a greater stringency is observable at this later date, in the channel fleet, than in the mediterranean; for at the earlier period the spirit of mutiny had not openly broken out, and he had besides on the distant station better captains than those who had clung to the home fleet under its lax discipline. "old women in the guise of young men," he affirmed many of them to be. there was in fact an imminent necessity that naval rank should be made to feel its responsibilities, and to exert its predominance; to be restored to prestige, not by holding aloof in its privileges, but by asserting itself in act. the preponderance of political and family influence in determining promotion of officers, unbalanced by valid tests of fitness such as later days imposed, had not only lowered the competency of the official body as a whole, but impaired the respect which personal merit alone can in the long run maintain. on the other hand, the scarcity of seamen in proportion to the heavy demands of the war, and the irregular methods of impressment and recruiting then prevailing, swept into the service a vast number of men not merely unfit, but of extremely bad character,--"miscreants," to use collingwood's word,--to be ruled only by fear of the law and of their officers, supported by the better element among the crews. but these better men also were becoming alienated by the harsh restrictions of the times, and by the procrastination of superiors--howe, the sailor's friend, among others--to heed their just complaints. the stern jervis, whom none suspected of fatherly tenderness, if less indulgent to culprits, was far more attentive to meet the reasonable demands of those under him. while quelling insubordination mercilessly, he ever sought to anticipate grievance; exhibiting thus the two sides of the same spirit of careful, even-handed justice. jervis's work during the first eighteen months of his command was therefore not only necessary, but most timely. by improving that period of comparative internal quiet, he educated his officers and men to pass steadfastly, though not unmoved, through the awful crisis of the mutinies in - . professional self-respect, a most powerful moral force, was more than restored; it was intensified by the added dignity and power manifest in the surroundings of daily life, as well as in the military results obtained. seamen, like others, deal more conservatively with that of which they are proud because it reflects honor upon themselves; and they obey more certainly men who share their labors and lead them capably in danger, as did jervis's mediterranean captains. with himself, severity was far from being the only instrument. thoroughly capable professionally, and thereby commandful of respect, he appealed also to men's regard by intelligent and constant thought for the wants and comfort of those under him; by evidence of strong service feeling on his own part; by clear and clearly expressed recognition of merit, wherever found; by avoidance of misunderstandings through explanation volunteered when possible,--not apologetically, but as it were casually, yet appealing to men's reason. watchfulness and sympathetic foresight were with him as constant as sternness, though less in evidence. of this prevalence of kindly naval feeling amid the harshness which seemed superficially the chief characteristic of his rule, many instances could be cited. passing by the frequent incidental praise of distinguished captains, nelson, troubridge, and others, he thus advocates the claims of one of the humble, hopeless class of sailing-masters, out of the line of promotion. after an act of brilliant merit in the west indies, "mr. white was ambitious to become a lieutenant; but not having served six years in the navy, and being a master, i could not then comply with his wishes. he is now master of the _defence_, and his captain speaks in the highest terms of him; and it is a tribute _due to the memory_ of captain faulknor,--whose certificate of that matchless service is enclosed,--and _to the gallantry of his officers and crew_, to state the claims of mr. white to your lordship, who is the protector of us all." the present and the past, the merits of the living, the memory of the glorious dead, the claims of the navy to see well-doers rewarded, are all pressed into service to support a just request, and with a manifest heartiness which in virtue of its reality approaches eloquence. "i have given an order to mr. ellis to command as a lieutenant, he being the son of a very old officer whom i knew many years; and coming very strongly recommended from his last ship, i place him under your lordship's protection as _a child of the service_." when a man thus bears others' deserts and the profession on his heart, he can retain the affections of his subordinates even though he show all the unbending severity of jervis, and despite the numerous hangings, which, for that matter, rarely fell except on the hopelessly bad. a most significant feature of his rule as a disciplinarian was his peculiar care of health, by instructed sanitary measures, by provision of suitable diet, and by well-ordered hospital service. this was not merely a prudential consideration for the efficiency of the fleet; he regarded also the welfare of the sufferers. he made it a rule to inspect the hospitals himself, and he directed a daily visit by a captain and by the surgeons of the ships from which patients were sent, thus keeping the sick in touch with those they knew, and who had in them a personal interest. an odd provision, amusingly illustrative of the obverse side of the admiral's character, was that the visiting captain should be accompanied by a boatswain's mate, the functionary charged with administering floggings, and, "if they find the patients do not conduct themselves properly and orderly, they are to punish them agreeably to the rules of the navy." it was, however, on his care of health, in its various exposures, that the admiral specially valued himself; it was, he said, his proudest boast among the services to which he laid claim. but while he labored thus for the welfare of the seamen, it was naturally upon the professional tone of his officers that his chief reliance must be placed; and the leaders among them he grappled to his soul with hooks of steel, as they recognized the wisdom and force of his measures, and the appreciation given to them and others. whatever beneficent influence might issue from him as a fountain-head must through them be distributed, and by them reinforced and sustained. "the discipline of the fleet," he said, "is in the ward-room;" and greatly did he lament the loose insubordinate talk, the spirit of irresponsible criticism that found voice at mess-tables, within the hearing of servants, by whom it was disseminated throughout the body of the ship. not only he, but many, attributed to this hot-bed the fomenting of discontent into organized mutiny. this could not be stopped by direct measures, but only by imposing a feeling of fear, and nurturing that of officer-like propriety, by stringent prescription of forms of respect and rigid exaction of their observance. to stand uncovered before a superior, instead of lightly touching the hat, to pay outward reverence to the national flag, to salute the quarter-deck as the seat of authority, were no vain show under him. "discipline," he was fond of quoting, "is summed up in the one word, 'obedience;'" and these customs were charged with the observance which is obedience in spirit. they conduced to discipline as conventional good manners, by rendering the due of each to each, knit together the social fabric and maintain the regularity and efficiency of common life; removing friction, suppressing jars, and ministering constantly to the smooth and even working of the social machinery. by measures such as these, extending to all ranks and every detail, exemplifying, in spirit and in form, the extremes of cordial reward, iron restraint, and weighty punishment, jervis patiently fashioned the fleet which was to be both a pattern for coming days, and the highly tempered instrument to achieve his own victory of cape st. vincent and the earlier triumphs of nelson; as well as to sustain and to crush the onset of mutiny which soon afterwards shook the navy to its centre. for purely military action of an aggressive character no opportunity was afforded him. his coming to the mediterranean coincided with that of napoleon bonaparte to the army of italy. during , wrote nelson, if the british fleet had done its duty, the french army could not have moved along the riviera of genoa. it failed, and the austrian general, its ally, also failed to act with vigor. so the year had ended, for the austrians, with a disastrous defeat and a retreat behind the apennines. to the riviera they never returned to receive the co-operation which jervis stood eager to give. at their first move to cross the mountains, bonaparte struck, and followed up his blows with such lightning-like rapidity that in thirty days they were driven back over a hundred miles, behind the adige; their chief fortress, mantua, was blockaded; all northwest italy with its seaboard, including leghorn, was in the power of france; and naples also had submitted. jervis, powerless to strike a blow when no enemy was within reach, found his fleet without a friendly port nearer than gibraltar, while corsica, where alone he could expect anchorage and water, was seething with revolt against the british crown, to which, by its own vote, it had been annexed but two years before. amid these adverse circumstances, the only large operation possible to him was the close watching of the port of toulon, conducted on the same general plan that was afterwards more illustriously exhibited before brest, between and , under conditions of surpassing difficulty. all contemplated movements of the french fleet were thus dammed at the source, for it must first fight the british, after which there was little hope of being in a state to fulfil any further mission. for six months, from april to october, jervis held his fleet close up to the port, the advanced body two miles from the entrance. the effort was admirable as a pattern, and for disciplinary purposes. the ships, forced to self-dependence, became organically self-reliant. their routine life of seamanship and military exercise perfected habit and efficiency, and difficulties to others insuperable were as the light burdens which a giant carries unwittingly. further than this, achievement could not then go. during the summer bonaparte held mantua by the throat, and overthrew one after another the austrian forces approaching to its relief. two french armies, under jourdan and moreau, penetrated to the heart of germany; while spain, lately the confederate of great britain, made an offensive and defensive alliance with france, and sent a fleet of over twenty ships-of-the-line into the mediterranean. staggered by these reverses, the british ministry ordered corsica evacuated and the mediterranean abandoned. jervis was cruelly embarrassed. a trusted subordinate of high reputation had been before cadiz with seven ships-of-the-line, watching a french division in that port. summoned, in view of the threatening attitude of spain, to reinforce the main fleet in san fiorenzo bay, he lost his head altogether, hurried past gibraltar without getting supplies, and brought his ships destitute to the admiral, already pressed to maintain the vessels then with him. although there were thirty-five hostile ships in toulon and the british had only twenty-two, counting this division, there was nothing to do but to send it back to gibraltar, under urgent orders to return with all speed. with true military insight and a correct appreciation of the forces opposed to him, jervis saw the need of fighting the combined enemies then and there. unfortunately, the division commander, admiral mann, on reaching gibraltar, became infected with the spirit of discouragement then prevailing in the garrison, called a council of naval captains, and upon their advice, which could in no wise lessen his own responsibility, decided to return to england. this culpably unwarrantable act aptly illustrates the distinction, rarely appreciated, between an error of judgment and an error of conduct. upon arrival, he was at once deprived of his command, a step of unquestionable justice, but which could not help jervis. "we were all eyes, looking westward from the mountain tops," wrote collingwood, then a captain in the fleet, "but we looked in vain. the spanish fleet, nearly double our number, was cruising almost in view, and our reconnoitring frigates sometimes got among them, while we expected them hourly to be joined by the french fleet." "i cannot describe to your lordship," wrote jervis himself, "the disappointment my ambition and zeal to serve my country have suffered by this diminution of my force; for had admiral mann sailed from gibraltar on the th of october, the day he received my orders, and fulfilled them, i have every reason to believe the spanish fleet would have been cut to pieces. the extreme disorder and confusion they were observed to be in, by the judicious officers who fell in with them, leave no doubt upon my mind that a fleet so trained and generally well commanded as this is would have made its way through them in every direction." nelson shared this opinion, the accuracy of which was soon to be tested and proved. "they at home," wrote he to his wife, "do not know what this fleet is capable of performing; anything and everything. the fleets of england are equal to meet the world in arms; and of all the fleets i ever saw, i never beheld one, in point of officers and men, equal to sir john jervis's, who is a commander-in-chief able to lead them to glory." to a friend he wrote: "mann is ordered to come up; we shall then be twenty-two sail-of-the-line such as england hardly ever produced, commanded by an admiral who will not fail to look the enemy in the face, be their force what it may. i suppose it will not be more than thirty-four of-the-line." "the admiral is firm as a rock," wrote at the same moment the british viceroy of corsica. through all doubts and uncertainties he held on steadily, refusing to leave the rendezvous till dire necessity forced him, lest mann, arriving, should be exposed alone and lost. at last, with starvation staring him in the face if delaying longer, he sailed for gibraltar, three men living on the rations of one during the passage down. mann's defection had reduced the fleet from twenty-two vessels to fifteen. a series of single accidents still further diminished it. in a violent gale at gibraltar three ships-of-the-line drove from their anchors. one, the _courageux_, stretching over toward the barbary coast, ran ashore there and was totally wrecked, nearly all her crew perishing. her captain, a singularly capable seaman named hallowell, was out of her upon a courtmartial, and it was thought she would not have been lost had he been on board. another, the _gibraltar_, struck so heavily on a reef that she had to be sent to england. upon being docked, a large piece of rock was found to have penetrated the bottom and stuck fast in the hole. had it worked out, the ship would have foundered. the third vessel, the _zealous_, was less badly hurt, but she had to be left behind in gibraltar when jervis, by orders from home, took his fleet to lisbon. there, in entering the tagus, a fourth ship was lost on a shoal, so that but eleven remained out of twenty-two. despite these trials of his constancy, the old man's temper still continued "steady as a rock." "whether you send me a reinforcement or not," he wrote to the admiralty, "i shall sleep perfectly sound,--not in the tagus, but at sea; for as soon as the _st. george_ has shifted her topmast, the _captain_ her bowsprit, and the _blenheim_ repaired her mainmast, i will go out." "inactivity in the tagus," he wrote again, "will make cowards of us all." this last expression summed up much of his naval philosophy. keep men at sea, he used to say, and they cannot help being seamen, though attention will be needed to assure exercise at the guns. and it may be believed he would thus contemn the arguments which supported howe's idea of preserving the ships by retaining them in port. keep them at sea, he would doubtless have replied, and they will learn to take care of themselves. in quitting the river another vessel took the ground, and had to be left behind. this, however, was the last of the admiral's trials for that time. a few days later, on the th of february, , there joined him a body of five ships-of-the line, detached from england as soon as the government had been freed from the fear of the invasion of ireland, which the french had attempted on a large scale in december. on the th, nelson, a host in himself, returned from an adventurous mission up the mediterranean. the next day, february th, jervis with his fifteen ships met a spanish fleet of twenty-seven some thirty miles from cape st. vincent, which has given its name to the battle. the spaniards were running for cadiz, to the east-southeast,--say, across the page from left to right, inclining a little downward,--while jervis's fleet was approaching nearly at right angles from the north, or top of the page. it was in two close, compact columns, of seven and eight ships respectively. the spaniards, on the contrary, were in disorder and dispersed. six of their ships were far ahead of the others, an interval of nearly eight miles separating the two groups. the weather, which was foggy, cleared gradually. jervis was walking back and forth on the poop with hallowell, lately captain of the wrecked _courageux_, and he was heard to say, "a victory is very essential to england at this moment." as ship after ship of the enemy loomed up through the haze, successive reports were made to him. "there are eight sail-of-the-line, sir john." "there are twenty sail-of-the-line, sir john." "there are twenty-five of-the-line, sir john." finally, when the full tale of twenty-seven was made out, the captain of the fleet remarked on the greatness of the odds. "enough of that, sir," retorted the admiral, intent on that victory which was so essential to england; "if there are fifty sail, i will go through them." this reply so delighted hallowell, an eccentric man, who a year later gave nelson the coffin made from the mainmast of the _orient_, that he patted his august superior on the back. "that's right, sir john," said he, "and, by g----, we'll give them a d----d good licking!" when the weather finally cleared, toward a.m., the british were near to the enemy and heading direct for the gap, which the spaniards, too late, were trying to close. almost at the moment of meeting, jervis formed his two columns into one--the order of battle--"with the utmost celerity;" thus doubling the length of the line interposed between the two divisions of the enemy. soon opened the guns of the leading ship, the _culloden_, captain troubridge; the reports following one another in regular succession, as though firing a salute by watch. the _culloden's_ course led so direct upon a spanish three-decker, that the first lieutenant reported a collision imminent. "can't help it, griffiths," replied troubridge; "hardest fend off." but the spaniard, in confusion, put his helm up and went clear. by this time the spanish division on the right, or west, of the british had changed its course and was steering north, parallel but opposite to its foes. as the _culloden_ went through, the admiral signalled her to put about and follow it. troubridge, fully expecting this order, obeyed at once; and jervis's signal was scarce unfurled when, by the flapping of the _culloden's_ sails, he saw it was receiving execution. "look at troubridge!" he shouted. "doesn't he handle his ship as though the eyes of all england were on him? i would to god they were, that she might know him as i know him!" but here a graver matter drew the admiral's care. the spanish division from the left, steering across his path of advance, approached, purposing in appearance to break through the line. the _victory_ stopped, or, as seamen say, hove-to; and as the spanish admiral came near within a hundred yards, her broadside rang out, sweeping through the crowded decks and lofty spars a storm of shot, to which, in the relative positions, the foe could not reply. staggered and crippled he went about, and the _victory_ stood on. meanwhile, the ships which troubridge and his followers were pursuing drew toward the tail of the british column, and as they did so made a movement to pass round it, and so join their friends who had just been so severely handled in making the attempt to pass through. but nelson was in this part of the order, there being but two ships behind him. now, as far as signals went, he should continue on, and, like the others, follow in due succession behind the _culloden_. he saw that if this were done the spaniards would effect their junction, so he instantly turned his ship toward the rear, out of her place, and threw her alone across the enemy's advance. it is said that the captain of the fleet drew jervis's attention to this breach of discipline. "ay," replied the old seaman, "and if ever you offend in the same way, i promise you my forgiveness beforehand." for a while nelson took the brunt of the hostile fire from half a dozen ships, but not for long. soon troubridge, his dearest friend, came up with a couple of others; and collingwood, the close associate of early days, who had the rear ship, was signalled to imitate nelson's act. in doing this, he silenced the fire of two enemies; but, wrote nelson, "disdaining the parade of taking possession of beaten ships, captain collingwood most gallantly pushed on to save his old friend and messmate, who appeared to be in a critical state, being then fired upon by three first-rates, and the _san nicolas_, eighty." to get between nelson's ship and the _san nicolas_, collingwood had to steer close, passing within ten feet of the latter; so that, to use his own expression, "though we did not touch sides, you could not put a bodkin between us." his fire drove the _san nicolas_ upon one of the first-rates, the _san josef_; and when, continuing on to seek other unbeaten foes, he left the field again clear for nelson, the latter, by a movement of the helm, grappled the _san nicolas_. incredible as it may appear, the crew of this one british seventy-four carried, sword in hand, both the enemy's ships, though of far superior force. "extravagant as the story may seem," wrote nelson, "on the quarter-deck of a spanish first-rate i received the swords of the vanquished spaniards, which, as i received, i gave to william fearney, one of my bargemen, who placed them with the greatest _sang-froid_ under his arm." four spanish ships, two of them of the largest size, were the trophies of this victory; but its moral effect in demonstrating the relative values of the two navies, and the confidence england could put in men like jervis, nelson, and the leading captains, was far greater. the spirit of the nation, depressed by a long series of reverses, revived like a giant refreshed with wine. jervis had spoken truth when he said a victory was essential to england at that time. the gratitude of the state was shown in the profusion of rewards showered upon the victors. promotions and honors were liberally distributed. the government had already purposed to recognize jervis's previous services by raising him to the lower ranks of the peerage; but this timely triumph procured him at one step a higher elevation. he was created earl of st. vincent, with a pension of three thousand pounds per annum. the tactical decisions made by jervis on this momentous occasion were correct as far as they went; but, except the initial determination to attack the larger body of the enemy, because to windward, there is no evidence of tactical originality in him, no innovation comparable to howe's manoeuvres on may and ,--and there was undoubted oversight in not providing by signal against that move of the weather spanish division which it became nelson's opportunity and glory to counteract. it is also possible that the signal to tack in succession, a wholly routine proceeding, might have been made earlier to advantage; but the writer does not think that the body of the fleet should then have tacked together, as some criticism would have it. until the british van approached on the new tack, the broadsides of the centre were better ranged on the original line to counteract the efforts, actually made, by the lee spanish division to break through. as regards the decision not to follow the victory further, which has been censured in the instances of rodney and howe, the conditions here differed in much. the disparity of numbers was very great; if many of the enemy had suffered greatly, many also had not suffered at all; they were now reunited; above all jervis's strategic and political insight--far superior to his tactical equipment--had rightly read the situation when he said that what england needed was a victory,--moral effect. the victory was there, undeniable and brilliant, it was better not risked. the rest of the spaniards, many of them badly crippled, took refuge in cadiz, and there jervis, after repairing damages, held them blockaded for two years, from april, , to may, . for the greater part of this time the operation was conducted by anchoring the british fleet, a resource which the character of the ground permitted, and which, though not everywhere possible, st. vincent declared the only way of assuring the desired end of holding a position in all weathers. during this period was rendered the other most signal service done by him to the state, in suppressing the mutinous action of the seamen, which there, as everywhere else in the british navy at that time, sought to overthrow the authority of the officers. the cause of the mutinies of is not here in question. suffice it to say that, in their origin, they alleged certain tangible material grievances which were clearly stated, and, being undeniable, were redressed. the men returned to their duty; but, like a horse that has once taken the bit between his teeth, the restive feeling remained, fermenting in a lot of vicious material which the exigencies of the day had forced the navy to accept. coinciding in time with the risings in ireland, - , there arose between the two movements a certain sympathy, which was fostered by the many irish in the fleets, where agents were in communication with the leaders of the united irishmen on shore. in the channel and the north sea, the seamen took the ships, with few exceptions, out of the hands of their officers. in the former, they dictated their terms; in the latter, after a month of awful national suspense, they failed: the difference being that in the one case the demands, being reasonable, carried conviction, while in the other, becoming extravagant, the government's resistance was supported by public opinion. it remained to be seen how the crisis would be met in a fleet so far from home that the issue must depend upon the firmness and judgment of a man of adamant. it was no more than prudent to expect that the attempt would be made there also; and the watchfulness of the superior officers of the fleet soon obtained certain information of its approach, though as yet without proof adequate to the arrest of individuals. the policy of the admiral, broadly stated, was that of isolating ship from ship--_divide et impera_--to prevent concerted action; a measure effected to all practical purpose by his unremitting vigilance, and by the general devotion to his policy among his leading officers. on the other hand, evidence was not wanting that in the ships long under his orders his own character was now fairly understood, and obtained for him a backing among the seamen themselves, without which his severity alone might have failed. the first overt sign of trouble was the appearance of letters addressed to the leading petty officers of the different ships of the mediterranean fleet. these were detected by a captain, who held on to them, and sent to st. vincent to ask if they should be delivered. careful to betray no sign of anxiety, the admiral's reply was a general signal for a lieutenant from each ship to come to him; and by them word was sent that all letters should be delivered as addressed, unopened. "should any disturbance arise," he added, "the commander-in-chief will know how to repress it." disturbance soon did arise, and it is significant to note that it appeared in a ship which, by taking the ground when leaving lisbon, had not shared in the battle of st. vincent. in july, , two seamen of the _st. george_ had been condemned to death for an infamous crime. their shipmates presented a petition, framed in somewhat peremptory terms, for their liberation, on the ground that execution for such an offence would bring disgrace upon all. the admiral refusing to pardon, the occasion was seized to bring mutiny to a head. a plot to take possession of the ship was formed, but was betrayed to the captain. the outburst began with a tumultuous assembling of the crew, evidently, however, mistrustful of their cause. after vainly trying to restore order, the captain and first lieutenant rushed among them, each collaring a ringleader. the rest fell back, weakened, as men of anglo-saxon traditions are apt to be, by the sense of law-breaking. the culprits were secured, and at once taken to the flag-ship. a courtmartial was ordered for the next day, saturday; and as the prisoners were being taken to the court, st. vincent, with a hard bluntness of speech which characterized him,--a survival of the frank brutality of the past century,--said, "my friends, i hope you are innocent, but if you are guilty make your peace with god; for, if you are condemned, and there is daylight to hang you, you will die this day." they were condemned; but the trial ended late, and the president of the court told them they should have sunday to prepare. "sir," said the earl, "when you passed sentence, your duty was done; you had no right to say that execution should be delayed;" and he fixed it for eight the next morning. one of the junior admirals saw fit to address him a remonstrance upon what he termed a desecration of the sabbath. nelson, on the contrary, approved. "had it been christmas instead of sunday," wrote he, "i would have hanged them. who can tell what mischief would have been brewed over a sunday's grog?" contrary to previous custom, their own shipmates, the partners and followers in their crime, were compelled to hang them, manning the rope by which the condemned were swayed to the yardarm. the admiral, careful to produce impression, ordered that all the ships should hold divine service immediately upon the execution. accordingly, when the bell struck eight, the fatal gun was fired, the bodies swung with a jerk aloft, the church flags were hoisted throughout the fleet, and all went to prayers. ere yet the ceremony was over, the spanish gunboats came out from cadiz and opened fire; but st. vincent would not mar the solemnity of the occasion by shortening the service. gravely it was carried to its end; but when the flags came down, all boats were ordered manned. the seamen, with nerves tense from the morning's excitement, gladly hurried into action, and the enemy were forced back into port. one such incident was far from ending the ordeal through which the admiral had to pass, and which was prolonged throughout the period of the cadiz blockade. in may, , when nelson was sent into the mediterranean to win the battle of the nile, the detachment committed to him was replaced by a dozen ships-of-the-line from the channel, seething with the mutinous temper which at home had been humored rather than scotched. immediately on their joining, request was made for a court martial on some men of the _marlborough_, on board which two violent mutinies had occurred,--one on the passage out. st. vincent, having known beforehand that this ship had been pre-eminent for insubordination, had ordered her anchored in the centre of the fleet, between the two lines in which it was ranged; and the court met without delay. the remainder of the incident is quoted substantially from one of st. vincent's biographers, for it illustrates most forcibly the sternness of his action, as well when dealing with weakness in officers as with mutiny in crews. the written order to the commander of the division of launches appears among the earl's papers, as does also a similar one in the case of a mutiny on board the _defence_ some months earlier. the ulterior object of parading these boats was kept profoundly secret. they appeared to be only part of the pageantry, of the solemn ceremonial, with which the wisdom of the great commander-in-chief providently sought to invest all exhibitions of authority, in order to deepen impression. the object of the last mutiny on board the _marlborough_ had been to protect the life of a seaman forfeited by a capital crime. no sooner was one sentenced to die than the commander-in-chief ordered him to be executed on the following morning, "and by the crew of the _marlborough_ alone, no part of the boats' crews from the other ships, as had been used on similar occasions, to assist in the punishment,--his lordship's invariable order on the execution of mutineers. on the receipt of the necessary commands for this execution, captain ellison of the _marlborough_ waited upon the commander-in-chief, and reminding his lordship that a determination that their shipmates should not suffer capital punishment had been the very cause of the ship's company's mutiny, expressed his conviction that the _marlborough's_ crew would never permit the man to be hanged on board that ship. "receiving the captain on the _ville de paris's_ quarter-deck, before the officers and ship's company hearkening in breathless silence to what passed, and standing with his hat in his hand over his head, as was his lordship's invariable custom during the whole time that any person, whatever were his rank, even a common seaman, addressed him on service, lord st. vincent listened very attentively till the captain ceased to speak; and then after a pause replied,-- "'do you mean to tell me, captain ellison, that you cannot _command_ his majesty's ship, the _marlborough_? for if that is the case, sir, i will immediately send on board an officer who can.' "the captain then requested that, at all events, the boats' crews from the rest of the fleet might, as always had been customary in the service, on executions, attend at this also, to haul the man up; for he really did not expect the _marlborough's_ would do it. "lord st. vincent sternly answered: 'captain ellison, you are an old officer, sir, have served long, suffered severely in the service, and have lost an arm in action, and i should be very sorry that any advantage should be now taken of your advanced years. that man shall be hanged, at eight o'clock to-morrow morning, _and by his own ship's company_: for not a hand from any other ship in the fleet shall touch the rope. you will now return on board, sir; and, lest you should not prove able to command your ship, an officer will be at hand who can.' "without another word captain ellison instantly retired. after he had reached his ship, he received orders to cause her guns to be housed and secured, and that at daybreak in the morning her ports should be lowered. a general order was then issued to the fleet for all launches to rendezvous under the _prince_ at seven o'clock on the following morning, armed with carronades and twelve rounds of ammunition for service; each launch to be commanded by a lieutenant, having an expert and trusty gunner's-mate and four quarter gunners, exclusive of the launch's crew. the whole were to be under the command of captain campbell, of the _blenheim_, to whom, on presenting to him the written orders under which he was to act, lord st. vincent further said, 'he was to attend the execution, and if any symptoms of mutiny appeared in the _marlborough_, any attempt to open her ports, or any resistance to the hanging of the prisoner, he was to proceed close touching the ship, and to fire into her, and to continue to fire until all mutiny or resistance should cease; and that, should it become absolutely necessary, he should even sink the ship in face of the fleet.' "accordingly, at seven the next morning, all the launches, thus armed, proceeded, from the _prince_ to the _blenheim_, and thence, captain campbell having assumed the command, to the _marlborough_. "having lain on his oars a short time alongside, the captain then formed his force in a line athwart her bows, at rather less than pistol shot distance off, and then he ordered the tompions to be taken out of the carronades, and to load. "at half-past seven, the hands throughout the fleet having been turned up to witness punishment, the eyes of all bent upon a powerfully armed boat as it quitted the flag-ship; every one knowing that there went the provost-marshal conducting his prisoner to the _marlborough_ for execution. the crisis was come; now was to be seen whether the _marlborough's_ crew would hang one of their own men. "the ship being in the centre between the two lines of the fleet, the boat was soon alongside, and the man was speedily placed on the cathead and haltered. a few awful minutes of universal silence followed, which was at last broken by the watch bells of the fleet striking eight o'clock. instantly the flag-ship's gun fired, and at the sound the man was lifted well off; but then, and visibly to all, he dropped back again; and the sensation throughout the fleet was intense. for, at this dreadful moment, when the eyes of every man in every ship was straining upon this execution, as the decisive struggle between authority and mutiny, as if it were destined that the whole fleet should see the hesitating unwillingness of the _marlborough's_ crew to hang their rebel, and the efficacy of the means taken to enforce obedience, by an accident on board the ship the men at the yard-rope unintentionally let it slip, and the turn of the balance seemed calamitously lost; but then they hauled him up to the yard arm with a run. the law was satisfied, and, said lord st. vincent at the moment, perhaps one of the greatest of his life, 'discipline is preserved, sir!'" again a year later, in may, , when twenty-five french ships-of-the-line broke through the wretchedly inefficient guard at that time kept before brest, and entered the mediterranean, a reinforcement of over a dozen was sent from the channel to lord st. vincent, who was found then in port mahon, minorca. sir edward pellew, captain of one of the new-comers, asked a court-martial upon a mutiny that had occurred just before leaving the home port. st. vincent at first demurred, startled, according to pellew's biographer, by the extent of the plot then revealed, and thinking it politic to suppress the facts; but it is alleged with equal probability that he was indignant at being continually called upon to remedy evils due to the general indiscipline of the channel fleet. "what do they mean by invariably sending the mutinous ships to me? do they think that i will be hangman to the fleet?" both versions are likely enough to be correct. there is a limit to all human endurance, and the earl was now broken in health; he was sixty-four, had borne his load for three years, and was on the point of resigning his command to lord keith. the court, however, was ordered, and three men were sentenced to be hanged. pellew then interceded for one, on the ground of previous good character. "no," replied st. vincent. "those who have suffered hitherto have been so worthless before that their fate was of little use as an example. i shall now convince the seamen that no character, however good, shall save a man who is guilty of mutiny." but st. vincent was not content with mere repression. outwardly, and indeed inwardly, unshaken, he yet unwearyingly so ordered the fleet as to avoid occasions of outbreak. with the imposing moral control exerted by his unflinching steadiness, little trouble was to be apprehended from single ships; ignorant of what might be hoped from sympathizers elsewhere, but sure of the extreme penalty in case of failure, the movements lacked cohesion and were easily nipped. concerted action only was to be feared, and careful measures were taken to remove opportunities. captains were forbidden to entertain one another at dinner,--the reason, necessarily unavowed, being that the boats from various ships thus assembling gave facilities for transmitting messages and forming plans; and when ships arrived from england they underwent a moral quarantine, no intercourse with them being permitted until sanctioned by the admiral. when the captain reported to him, his boat, while waiting, was shoved off out of earshot. it is said that on one occasion a seaman in such a boat managed to call to one looking out of a port of the flag-ship, "i say, there, what have you fellows been doing out here, while we have been fighting for your beef and pork?" to which the other replied, "you'd best say nothing at all about that out here, for if old jarvie hears ye he'll have ye dingle-dangle at the yardarm at eight o'clock to-morrow morning." the severe strain of this prolonged watchfulness told on even his iron hardihood, and it would almost appear that some of the rough practical jokes told of this period must represent reaction from the tension under which he necessarily was through the grave anxieties pressing upon him. humor he certainly had, but at this time it often showed itself in horse-play, so fantastic as to suggest some unusual exciting cause. thus, for one such prank he seemed to draw his inspiration from the sunday celebration of divine service. upon its conclusion, he framed and published a new signal, for "all chaplains," the employment of which, however, was postponed to an occasion suited to his lordship's fun. "a few days after it blew great guns from west-southwest, which is directly into the bay of cadiz. the inshore squadron lay six miles from the flag-ship, directly to leeward, and up went the signal for all chaplains. it was a hard pull for the rowers, and no luxury for the sitters. when they reached the quarter-deck of the _ville de paris_, literally drenched with salt-water, the admiral presented them to 'bishop morgan,' as he called the chaplain of the flag-ship, and desired that they would go down into the ward-room and hold a conclave." one who has had a pull of that kind, as most officers have in their day, can understand that the humor was less appreciable to the victims than to the author. "he sometimes amused himself by paying a visit to the quarter-deck at what most people would deem very unseasonable hours. coming up one morning at half-past two, in the middle watch, he sent for colonel flight, the commanding officer of marines. up came the colonel, armed at all points, supposing that some enterprise was in hand. 'i have sent for you,' said the chief, in the quiet and gentlemanly style which he could always command, 'i have sent for you, colonel, that you might smell, for the first time in your life, the delicious odors brought off by the land wind from the shores of andalusia. take a good sniff, and then you may go and turn in again.'" "a lieutenant one day came on board to answer a signal. lord st. vincent thought there was about him too much _embonpoint_ for an officer of that rank. 'calder,' said he to the captain of the fleet, 'all the lieutenants are running to belly; they have been too long at anchor (for the fleet was still off cadiz); block up the entering port, except for admirals and captains, and make them climb over the hammocks.' the entering port in a three-decked ship being on the middle deck, the difference between going into that and climbing over the hammocks may be compared to entering the drawing-room by the balcony window, or mounting to the parapet and taking the attics by storm. there was also great inconvenience, and even expense, attending this painful operation, since in those days all officers wore white knee-breeches, or shorts, as they were called, and many useful garments which could not readily be replaced, were torn and spoiled in this attempt at juvenile activity, and many oaths probably sworn, which but for this needless exertion would not have been elicited." a more pleasing, and it may well be believed much more characteristic, instance of his playfulness has also been transmitted; one illustrative too of his deep fund of kindliness which was shown in many acts, often of large pecuniary liberality, and tinged especially with a certain distinct service coloring, with sympathy for the naval officer and the naval seaman, which must have gone far to obtain for him the obedience of the will as well as submission of conduct. he wisely believed in the value of forms, and was careful to employ them, in this crisis of the mutinies, to enforce the habit of reverence for the insignia of the state and the emblems of military authority. young lieutenants--for there were _young_ lieutenants in those days--were directed to stand cap in hand before their superiors, and not merely to touch their hats in a careless manner. "the discipline of the cabin and ward-room officers is the discipline of the fleet," said the admiral; and savage, almost, were the punishments that fell upon officers who disgraced their cloth. the hoisting of the colors, the symbol of the power of the nation, from which depended his own and that of all the naval hierarchy, was made an august and imposing ceremony. the marine guard, of near a hundred men, was paraded on board every ship-of-the-line. the national anthem was played, the scarlet-clad guard presented, and all officers and crews stood bareheaded, as the flag with measured dignity rose slowly to the staff-head. lord st. vincent himself made a point of attending always, and in full uniform; a detail he did not require of other officers. thus the divinity that hedges kings was, by due observance, associated with those to whom their authority was delegated, and the very atmosphere the seaman breathed was saturated with reverence. the presence of lord st. vincent on these occasions, and in full uniform, gave rise to an amusing skit by one of the lieutenants of the fleet, attributing the homage exacted, not to the flag, but to the great man himself; and this, becoming known to the admiral, elicited from him in turn the exhibition of practical humor to which allusion has just been made. parodying the scriptural story of nebuchadnezzar's golden image, the squib began:-- "i. the earl of st. vincent, the commander-in-chief, made an image of blue and gold, whose height was about five feet seven inches, and the breadth thereof was about twenty inches" (which we may infer were the proportions of his lordship). "he set it up every ten o'clock a.m. on the quarter-deck of the _ville de paris_, before cadiz." passing from hand to hand, it can be understood that this effusion, which was characterized throughout by a certain sprightliness, gave more amusement to men familiar with the local surroundings, and welcoming any trifle of fun in the dulness of a blockade, than it does to us. at last it reached the admiral, who knew the author well. sending for him on some pretext, an hour before the time fixed for a formal dinner to the captains of the fleet, he detained him until the meal was served, and then asked him to share it. all passed off quietly until the cloth was removed, and then the host asked aloud, "what shall be done to the man whom the commander-in-chief delights to honour?" "promote him," said one of the company. "not so," replied st. vincent, "but set him on high among the people. so, cumby," addressing the lieutenant, "do you sit there,"--on a chair previously arranged at some height above the deck,--"and read this paper to the captains assembled." mystified, but not yet guessing what was before him, cumby took his seat, and, opening the paper, saw his own parody. his imploring looks were lost upon the admiral, who sat with his stern quarter-deck gravity unshaken, while the abashed lieutenant, amid the suppressed mirth of his audience, stumbled through his task, until the words were reached, "then the earl of st. vincent was full of fury, and the form of his visage was changed against the poor captain of the main-top," who had not taken off his hat before the image of blue and gold. here a roar of laughter from the head of the table unloosed all tongues, and cumby's penance ended in a burst of general merriment. "lieutenant cumby," said the admiral, when quiet was restored, "you have been found guilty of parodying holy writ to bring your commander-in-chief into disrespect; and the sentence is that you proceed to england at once on three months' leave of absence, and upon your return report to me to take dinner here again." compelled by general break-down of health to seek rest at home, st. vincent returned to england in august, . he was not left long in repose. the condition of the channel fleet as regards discipline has already appeared, and the very recent incident of the escape of the great french fleet from brest, coupled with the equally humiliating and even more threatening experience of the same character in , when the invasion of ireland was attempted,--both which occurred under the same british commander-in-chief,--showed the urgent necessity of placing in control the only man of suitable rank, whose complete adequacy to such a post had been demonstrated. st. vincent accordingly hoisted his flag in april, . in the effort to restore discipline, he here encountered not only opposition, intensified by the greater desire for shore privileges that always attends a home station and the proximity of wives and children, but something very like an attempt at combination against his orders--a very grave military offence--on the part of the captains. all this he trampled down with severity amounting to ruthlessness. the insubordinate toast--"may the discipline of the mediterranean never be introduced into the channel fleet"--was met face to face by republishing every order and restriction upon which the discipline of the mediterranean had rested. in the more distinctly military part of his task, the closing of the port of brest to evasions by the enemy, such as those just mentioned, he achieved a noteworthy success. modelling his scheme upon that of hawke, forty years before, he gave to it a development, a solidity, and an extension which his distinguished forerunner had not been able to impart. hawke had not the advantage, which st. vincent had, of following a period of inefficiency, the remembrance of which compelled the admiralty vigorously to support all measures of the commander-in-chief, if they desired to replace the interminable uncertainties and anxieties of the last administration of the fleet by a sense of security, and consequent popular content. st. vincent's institution and maintenance of the brest blockade must be regarded under two principal heads. there is, first, the usefulness of the blockade as an instrument to the general ends of the current war, which is the strategic point of view, involving a conception permanent in character; and there are again the local dispositions, arising from the local conditions, that may rightly be styled tactical, and vary from port to port thus watched. the former, the strategic, was more directly in line with his natural gifts; and in the possession which the idea took of him is to be found the germ of the system that thenceforward began to throttle the power of the french revolution, whether under the republic or the empire. the essence of the scheme was to cut loose from the beach, and keep to the sea; ever watchful, with the same watchfulness that had not only crushed mutiny, but by diligent care forestalled occasions of revolt. "our great reliance," he said,--not directly in reference to the blockade, but to the general thought of which the blockade, as instituted by him, was the most illustrious exemplification,--"is on the vigilance and activity of our cruisers at sea, any reduction in the number of which, by applying them to guard our ports, inlets, and beaches, would in my judgment tend to our destruction." amplified as the idea was by him, when head of the admiralty, to cover not only brest but all ports where hostile divisions lay, it became a strategic plan of wide sweep, which crushed the vitality of the hostile navies, isolated france from all support by commerce, and fatally sapped her strength. to st. vincent, more than to any one man, is due the effective enforcement and maintenance of this system; and in this sense, as practically the originator of a decisive method, he is fairly and fully entitled to be considered the organizer of ultimate victory. the local dispositions before brest will not here be analyzed.[ ] suffice it to say that, as revealed in jervis's correspondence, they show that equipment of general professional knowledge, that careful study of conditions,--of what corresponds to "the ground" of a shore battle-field,--and the thoughtful prevision of possibilities, which constitute so far the skilful tactician. the defence and the attack of seaports, embracing as they do both occupation of permanent positions and the action of mobile bodies, are tactical questions; differing much, yet not radically, from field operations, where positions are taken incidentally, but where movement of armed men is the principal factor. in the one sense st. vincent displayed a high degree of aptitude for ordered permanent dispositions, which is the side of tactics most akin to strategy. on the more distinctively tactical side, in the movements of a fleet in action, he had little opportunity. as far as shown by his one battle, cape st. vincent, it would not appear that either by nature or cultivation he possessed to any great extent the keen insight and quick appreciation that constitute high tactical ability. earl st. vincent rendered three great services to england. the first was the forming and disciplining the mediterranean fleet into the perfection that has been mentioned. into it, thus organized, he breathed a spirit which, taking its rise from the stern commander himself, rested upon a conviction of power, amply justified in the sequel by cape st. vincent and the nile, its two greatest achievements. the second was the winning of the battle of st. vincent at a most critical political moment. the third was the suppression of mutiny in and . but, in estimating the man, these great works are not to be considered as isolated from his past and his future. they were the outcome and fruitage of a character naturally strong, developed through long years of patient sustained devotion to the ideals of discipline and professional tone, which in them received realization. faithful in the least, jervis, when the time came, was found faithful also in the greatest. nor was the future confined to his own personal career. though he must yield to nelson the rare palm of genius, which he himself cannot claim, yet was the glory of nelson, from the nile to trafalgar, the fair flower that could only have bloomed upon the rugged stalk of jervis's navy. upon him, therefore, nelson showered expressions of esteem and reverence, amounting at times almost to tenderness, in his early and better days. in later years their mutual regard suffered an estrangement which, whatever its origin, appears as a matter of feeling to have been chiefly on the part of the younger man, whose temper, under the malign influence of an unworthy passion, became increasingly imbittered, at strife within itself and at variance with others. the affectionate admiration of st. vincent for his brilliant successor seems to have remained proof against external differences. it was poetic justice, then, that allotted to st. vincent the arrangement of the responsible expedition which, in , led to the celebrated battle of the nile; in its lustre and thorough workmanship the gem of all naval exploits. to him it fell to choose for its command his brilliant younger brother, and to winnow for him the flower of his fleet, to form what nelson after the victory called "his band of brothers." "the battle of the nile," said the veteran admiral, lord howe, "stands singular in this, that every captain distinguished himself." the achievement of the battle was nelson's own, and nelson's only; but it was fought on st. vincent's station, by a detachment from st. vincent's fleet. he it was who composed the force, and chose for its leader the youngest flag-officer in his command. bitter reclamations were made by the admirals senior to nelson, but st. vincent had one simple sufficient reply,--"those who are responsible for measures must have the choice of the men to execute them." when st. vincent, in , quitted the mediterranean, he had yet nearly a quarter of a century to live. his later years were distinguished by important services, but they embody the same spirit and exemplify the same methods that marked his mediterranean command, which was the culminating period of his career. in , when pitt's long term of office came to an end, he became first lord of the admiralty,--the head of naval affairs for the united kingdom,--and so continued during the addington administration, till . in , at the age of seventy-two, he was again for a short time called to command the channel fleet; but in he retired from active service, and the square flag that had so long flown with honor was hauled down forever. the rest of his life was spent chiefly at his country-seat, rochetts, in essex, sixteen miles from london. having a handsome income, though not wealthy, he entertained freely; and his retreat was cheered by frequent visits from his old naval subordinates and political friends. generous in the use of money, and without children for whom to save, the neighborhood learned to love him as a benefactor. in cases of necessity, his liberality rose to profusion, and he carried into the management of his estate a carelessness he never showed in administering a fleet. it is told that he once undertook to raise a sum by mortgage, in entire forgetfulness of a much larger amount in bank. far into old age he retained the active habits of his prime. to say that he rose at four, asserts a biographer, would be to understate the case; he was frequently in the fields at half-past two in the early summer dawn of england,--always before his laborers,--and he was not pleased if his male guests did not appear by six. to ladies he was more tolerant. with mind unclouded and unweakened to the last, he retained his interest in public affairs and in the navy, contributing to the conversation which animated his home the judgment of an acute intellect, though one deeply tinged by prejudices inseparable from so strong a character. thus honored and solaced by the companionship of his friends, he awaited in calm dignity the summons, which came on the th of march, . he was two months over eighty-eight when he passed away, the senior admiral of great britain. footnote: [ ] this has been done by the author elsewhere (influence of sea power upon the french revolution and empire, vol. i. pp. - ). saumarez - "these were honourable among the thirty," says the ancient hebrew chronicler, "yet they attained not unto the first three." since that far-away day, when the three mighty men broke through the host of the philistines that they might bring their chieftain water from the well of bethlehem, to how many fighters, land and sea, have these words been applicable!--men valiant in deed, wise in council, patient in endurance, yet lacking that divine somewhat which, for want of a better name, we call genius. of such an one now, and, in contrasted sequence, of another of his peers, we are about to give an account; men who in their respective careers illustrated more conspicuously, the one the distinctively military, the other the more purely nautical, aspects, in the due blending of which the excellence of the profession is realized; foremost, both, among the ocean warriors whose pennants flew through the wild scenes where england's flag was called to brave the battle and the breeze, "till danger's troubled night depart, and the star of peace return." james saumarez was born on the th of march, , in guernsey, one of the channel group of islands that still remain attached to the english crown,--the sole remaining fragment of the norman duchy to which the kingdom itself was for a while but an appendage. in saumarez's childhood, french was still so generally spoken there that, despite the very early age at which he went to sea, he always retained a perfect mastery of that language; and it is recorded that one of his uncles, being intended for the sea service, was sent to school in england when ten years old, in order to acquire the use of english. from such a stock, whose lineage among the gentry of the island can be traced to the fourteenth century, sprang three distinguished officers of this name, destined to illustrate the british flag by their deeds in several wars, in which their chief opponent was the french navy. among these, the subject of this article attained the most brilliant renown. eighteen months older than nelson, not even nelson saw more or harder fighting than did james saumarez, nor bore himself more nobly throughout their day and generation. having early shown a taste for the navy, his father, who had six sons and a restricted income, obtained of a naval captain to have his name borne on the books of a ship of war at the early age of ten; a curious custom of that day allowing such constructive service to be counted in the time prescribed for attaining a lieutenant's commission. the boy did not actually go afloat until , when a little over thirteen. this first employment kept him from home continuously for five years, a period spent wholly in the mediterranean, and for the most part in the levant; the active naval war then existing between turkey and russia, in the waters of asia minor, necessitating a special protection to british interests. it is a singular circumstance that this sea, esteemed so important to great britain, was never again visited by him, with the exception of the few brief months from may to october, , when, as second in command, he followed nelson's flag during the pursuit of bonaparte's fleet which ended in its destruction at the battle of the nile. returning to england in , his actual and constructive service permitted saumarez to appear for examination for a lieutenancy. this he passed, but was not at once promoted. the troubles with the american colonies had now become open hostilities, and he was appointed, as master's mate or passed midshipman, to the _bristol_ of fifty guns, selected as flag-ship for the expedition against charleston. this duty, which, by bringing him immediately under the eyes of the naval commander-in-chief, placed him also on the highway to advancement, he owed to admiral keppel, then one of the leading flag officers of the british navy. his uncle, philip saumarez, and keppel had shared the perils and sufferings of anson's well-known expedition to the south seas in . together they had buffeted the wild weather off cape horn, with ships' companies more than decimated by scurvy; together they had spread terror among the spanish colonies of the pacific; together they had captured the great galleon off manila; and keppel still retained an affectionate interest in the kinsman of his old shipmate, who had long since fallen gloriously on the deck of his ship, in close action with a french vessel of far superior force. the squadron, which was commanded by commodore sir peter parker, assembled at cork, whence it sailed in january, . embarked on board the _bristol_ was lord cornwallis, afterwards so closely, and for himself disastrously, associated with the course of the american revolution. struck by saumarez's activity and efficiency, he offered him a commission in his own regiment, with the position of aide-de-camp to himself. the young seaman, having a naturally strong military bent, which at that moment seemed more likely to receive satisfaction on shore than at sea, and swayed doubtless also by the prospect of a powerful patron, in the days when patronage had so much to do with men's careers, was on the point of accepting; but his messmates chaffed him so mercilessly upon adopting a profession which habitually supplied them with derisive illustrations and comparisons, that he finally declined. many years later, when saumarez was among the senior captains of the navy, the two gentlemen met as guests at the table of the head of the admiralty, who upon hearing the incident from cornwallis remarked that he would have deprived the navy of one of its best officers. owing partly to delays inseparable from sailing vessels, and partly to the dilatoriness with which war was most often waged before the days of the french revolution, the british expedition did not appear off charleston until the beginning of june, . to americans who know their own history, the stirring story of fort moultrie and its repulse of the british fleet has been familiar from childhood. few are the american boys to whom the names of jasper, of marion, and of their brave commander, moultrie himself, are unknown. but while all honor is due to the band of raw provincials who at this critical moment--one week before the declaration of independence was signed--withstood the enemy, and for the moment saved the province, the steady, obstinate valor shown by the seamen of kindred race, who contended with them, was no less brilliant, and was even more severely tested. the loss of the fort was thirty-seven killed and wounded; that of the _bristol_ alone was one hundred and eleven out of a crew of three hundred and fifty; and during much of the action, which lasted thirteen hours, she was powerless to return the raking fire of the enemy, in consequence of shot severing the ropes that kept her broadside in position. saumarez was here for the first time engaged, and had two narrow escapes. once, when pointing a gun, a cannon-ball entering the port swept away seven of the eight men who served the piece; and somewhat later another ball struck off the head of a messmate by whom he was standing, covering him with blood. in this, his maiden action, saumarez gave full proof of the steady courage which ever distinguished him; and it is worthy of passing remark that, in the doggedness of the fighting and the severity of the slaughter, the battle was typical of a great part of his after experience. several death vacancies resulting among the officers, he was promoted to be lieutenant a fortnight later; and when the _bristol_ went north he was again actively engaged in the operations on long island, and along the east and hudson rivers, up to the evacuation of new york by the americans. his conspicuous activity at length obtained for him the command of a galley, with which he was sent to rhode island in february, . the judgment of the illustrious rodney, as well as the repeated efforts of the americans to regain control of narragansett bay, may be cited against the opinion expressed by bancroft, that the seizure of this important naval centre by the british was a mistake. the tenure of the island, however, depended upon the control of the surrounding waters, and upon the active destruction of the american means of transport. saumarez's galley was one of the force stationed in the eastern, or seakonnet, passage; and in the five months thus employed it is recorded that he was forty-seven times under fire. sullivan was at this time preparing for his attack upon the british lines, expecting co-operation by the french fleet. this arrived on the th of july, and six days later seakonnet channel was entered by a detachment superior in force to the british there. the latter burned their ships and retreated to rhode island, where the officers and seamen, saumarez among them, continued actively engaged in the defence of the works. on august th, the main french fleet, under the count d'estaing, ran the batteries of the principal channel, and anchored off the north end of the island, seriously increasing the perils of the defenders; but next day the appearance of lord howe with an inferior squadron lured the french admiral out of the bay, his vessels were crippled by a storm, and he abandoned the coast. sullivan, deprived of an essential factor in his scheme, had then to fall back; and the british captains, with their crews, being no longer needed, returned to england to seek other ships. both by fortune and by choice, saumarez's lot throughout life was thrown with the line-of-battle force of the navy, that body of heavy fighting ships which constitute the true backbone of a sea service, because their essential function is to fight, not singly, but in masses, co-operating with others like themselves. in that respect they correspond to the solid masses of infantry, which, however disposed tactically, form the strength of armies. the aptitudes of brilliant officers differ. some are born frigate-captains, partisan warriors, ever actively on the wing, and rejoicing in the comparative freedom and independence of their movements, like the cavalry raider and outpost officer. of this type was pellew, lord exmouth, a seaman inbred, if ever there was one, who in this sphere won the renown most distinctively associated with his name, while giving proof throughout a long career of high professional capacity in many directions. but while saumarez, in his turn, was occasionally employed in frigate and light cruiser service, and always with great credit, his heart was with the ship-of-the-line, whose high organization, steady discipline, and decisive influence upon the issues of war appealed to a temperament naturally calm, methodical, and enduring. "he always preferred the command of a ship-of-the-line to a frigate," says his biographer, who knew him well,--"notwithstanding the chances of prize-money are in favor of the latter;" and he himself confirmed the statement, not only by casual utterance,--"my station as repeating frigate is certainly more desirable than a less conspicuous one, at the same time i would rather command a seventy-four,"--but by repeated formal applications. in variety and interest of operations, as well as in prize-money, did a cruising frigate have advantages; for much of the time of ships-of-the-line passed necessarily in methodical routine and combined movements, unfavorable to individual initiative. nevertheless, their functions are more important and more military in character. in accordance with this preference saumarez is found, whether by his own asking or not, serving the remaining three years of his lieutenant's time upon vessels of that class; and in one of them he passed through his next general action, a scene of carnage little inferior to the charleston fight, illustrated by the most dogged courage on the part of the combatants, but also, it must be said, unrelieved by any display of that skill which distinguishes scientific warfare from aimless butchery. this, however, was not saumarez's fault. towards the end of , great britain, having already france, spain, and america upon her hands, found herself also confronted by a league between the baltic states to enforce by arms certain neutral claims which she contested. to this league, called the armed neutrality, holland acceded, whereupon england at once declared war. both nations had extensive commercial interests in the baltic, and it was in protecting vessels engaged in this trade, by a large body of ships of war, that the only general action between the two navies occurred. this was on the th of august, , in the north sea, off the dogger-bank, from which it has taken its name. at the time of meeting, the british, numbering six ships-of-the-line, were returning from the baltic; the dutch, with seven ships, were bound thither. despite the numerical difference, no great error is made in saying that the two squadrons were substantially of equal force. each at once ordered the merchant vessels under its protection to make the best of their way towards port, while the ships of war on either side began to form in order of battle between the enemy and their own convoy. the lists being thus cleared and the lines ranged, the british vessels, which were to windward, stood down together, after what was then the time-honored and unintelligent practice of their service, each to attack one of the dutch; disdaining to attempt doubling upon any part of the hostile line. their ideal appears to have been that of the tournament, where every advantage of numbers and combination was rejected in order to insure that the test should be that of individual courage and skill. so strong was this tradition in the british navy that its ablest contemporary chronicler, james, has sought to explain away, half apologetically, the advantage gained by nelson in doubling on the french van at the nile. the dutch, equally quixotic, refrained from taking advantage of the enemy's inability to use his broadsides while thus approaching nearly head-on. arrayed in a close column, the ships about six hundred feet apart, the crews at the guns, and the marines drawn up on the poops, they waited in silence until the english, at a.m., were in position at half musket shot. then the battle-flag was hoisted by each admiral, and all opened together, the conflict raging with fury for nearly four hours. it was the first time since the days of the great de ruyter, more than a century before, that these kindred people had thus met in fair fight upon the sea. equal in courage and in seamanship, and each neglecting to seek a tactical advantage, the usual result followed. many men were killed and wounded, no ship was taken, and the combatants separated after a drawn battle; but as one dutch ship sank the next day, and their convoy could not proceed, the british claimed a victory. their own merchant vessels, being on the return voyage, were able to complete it. saumarez had shown his usual gallantry, and was again promoted. on the d of august, eighteen days after the action, he was made commander into the _tisiphone_, a small but fast cruiser, technically called a fire-ship, and attached to the channel fleet. in december, the british government learned that a large number of transports and supply ships were about to sail from brest for the west indies. these were to carry troops and stores to the fleet of count de grasse, who had returned to martinique after the surrender at yorktown, and was now about to undertake the conquest of jamaica. it was imperative to intercept an expedition so essential to the success of the french plan, and admiral kempenfelt--the same who afterwards, in the _royal george_, "went down with twice four hundred men"--was sent in pursuit with twelve ships-of-the-line. the _tisiphone_ accompanied them as lookout vessel, and on the th of december, , being then well ahead of the fleet, she was able to signal the admiral that the enemy was in sight to leeward with seventeen of-the-line; but that the latter, instead of being between the british and the transports, were on the far side. kempenfelt, an able tactician as well as seaman, seized his advantage, pushed between the men-of-war and the convoy, and carried off fifteen sail laden with military and naval stores, of great money value and greater military importance. more could not be done without risking a battle with a too superior force. it was essential, therefore, to apprise the british commander in the west indies of the approach of the french reinforcements as well as of kempenfelt's successes, and the _tisiphone_ was the same day despatched on this errand. although he knew it not, saumarez was now being borne by the tide which leads on to fortune. the next step in promotion then fixed, and still fixes, the seniority of a british officer, and the _tisiphone's_ mission led him straight to it. easily outsailing the unwieldy mass of enemies, he reached barbados, and there learned that the british fleet, under sir samuel hood, was anchored off the island of st. christopher, then invaded by a french army supported by de grasse's fleet. the tenure of the island depended upon a fort on brimstone hill, still held by the british; and hood, though much inferior in force, had by a brilliant tactical move succeeded in dislodging de grasse from his anchorage ground, taking it himself, and establishing there his fleet in such order that its position remained impregnable. the french, however, continued cruising to the southward, off the adjoining island of nevis, where they interposed between hood and saumarez; and the latter could reach his commander only by threading the reefs lining the passage between the two islands,--a feat considered hazardous, if not impracticable. nevertheless, the _tisiphone_ effected it by diligent care and seamanship, joining the fleet on january st, . saumarez now found himself in the midst of the most active operations, at the opening of a campaign which promised to be of singular and critical importance. but in the midst of his rejoicing at the good fortune which had transferred him from the comparative inactivity of the channel fleet, a momentary reverse befell. called by signal on board the flag-ship, he received a bag of despatches, with orders to sail that night for england. as he went dejectedly down the ship's side to his boat and was shoving off, the gig of a post-captain pulled alongside. "hallo, saumarez," said its occupant, "where are you going?" "to england, i grieve to say." "grieve!" rejoined the other. "i wish i were in your place. i have been wanting this long time to go home for my health. hold on a moment; perhaps it can be arranged." the new-comer, named stanhope, went at once to the admiral, who a few minutes later sent for saumarez. hood had learned to value the active young officer who had taken a forward part in the guerilla enterprises of the fleet. "captain saumarez," he said, "you know not how much i wish to serve you. captain stanhope shall go home, as he desires, and you shall have command of the _russell_." the same night the _tisiphone_ sailed; saumarez remaining as an acting post-captain, with a ship of seventy-four guns under him. thus it happened that two months later, at the age of twenty-five, saumarez commanded a ship-of-the-line in rodney's renowned battle of the th of april; with one exception the most brilliant and decisive action fought by the british navy in a century. this circumstance alone would have insured the confirmation of his rank by the admiralty, even had he not also eminently distinguished himself; but it was for him one of those periods when inconstant fortune seems bent upon lavishing her favors. he was near the head of the british column, as the hostile fleets passed in opposite directions, exchanging broadsides. as his ship cleared the french rear, a neighboring british vessel, commanded by one of the senior captains, turned to pursue the enemy. saumarez gladly imitated him; but when the other resumed his former course, because the admiral of the van, his immediate superior, had not turned, the _russell_ kept on after the french. at this moment, rodney in the centre, and hood in the rear, favored by a change of wind, were breaking through the french line. the _russell's_ course carried her toward them, and consequently, in the _mêlée_ which followed, she had the distinguished honor of engaging de grasse's flag-ship, and of being in action with her when she surrendered. indeed, although saumarez with characteristic modesty refrained from pressing his claim, he always, when questioned on the subject, maintained that although the enemy's vessel certainly struck to hood's flag-ship, she did so immediately upon the latter joining the _russell_. however regarded, this was a brilliant achievement for so young a captain, less than a twelvemonth having elapsed since he was but a lieutenant. rodney, who had meanwhile signalled his van to go about, was somewhat perplexed at finding a single ship thus opportunely in the direction whence the _russell_ appeared; and, upon being informed that she belonged to the van squadron, declared that her commander had distinguished himself above all others in the fleet. it proved, in fact, the keen military sense of the demands of an occasion which constitutes the born corps or division commander. this was saumarez's third general action, at a time when nelson, although three years a post-captain, had commanded only frigates, and had never seen a battle between fleets. but, if saumarez used well the singular opportunities with which fortune favored him, it was characteristic of nelson that his value transpired through the simplest intercourse and amid the most commonplace incidents of service. men felt, rather than realized, that under the slight, quaint, boyish exterior there lay the elements of a great man, who would one day fulfil his own boast of climbing to the top of the tree; and he had been made a full captain in , when not quite twenty-one. according to the rule of the british service, already mentioned, this assured for life his precedence over saumarez, promoted in . the latter, however, if outstripped by a younger competitor, who was to become the greatest of british admirals, had secured a position of vantage for that great war which then lay in the womb of the future. returning to england in , he passed in retirement the ten years that preceded the outbreak of hostilities with the french republic. during this period he was twice called out for service upon occasions of war threatening,--in with france, and in with spain; but though in each case appointed to a ship, the employment went no farther, as hostilities were timely averted. this protracted withdrawal from active pursuit of his profession, viewed in connection with his prolonged and efficient service of the twenty following years, may be taken as indicating two things: first, that to professional excellence once attained such a break is not as fatal as is commonly argued; and second, considered with his favorable entertainment of cornwallis's proposal to exchange into the army, this contentment with shore life during the peace confirms the remark already made, that, although a thorough seaman, saumarez was so incidentally. his quickening interest was in the military rather than the nautical side of his calling. pellew, on the contrary, now eagerly sought duty at sea, impelled thereto by clear restless predilection as well as, possibly, by need of increased income. it was during this interval of repose, in , that saumarez married; a step which did not in his case entail the professional deterioration charged against it by the cynical criticisms of st. vincent. at this time, also, he made a trip to france, upon the occasion of sinking the first cone of the great cherbourg breakwater, designed to give the french navy a first-class arsenal upon the channel,--a purpose which it now fulfils. louis xvi. was present at this ceremony, and treated saumarez with much attention. this was the only time that he ever set foot upon french soil, although his home was in sight of the coast and he spoke the language fluently. when war with france again began, in , saumarez was appointed to the frigate _crescent_, of thirty-six guns, with which he served actively in the channel. in her, on the th of october, , he succeeded in intercepting the french frigate _réunion_, of substantially equal force, which he had learned was in the habit of quitting cherbourg in pursuit of british merchant vessels every night, returning in the morning. the ensuing action called for an exhibition of seamanship which showed he had not lost aptitude during his retirement. in the beginning he placed the _crescent_ on the weather quarter of the french ship,--that is, on the windward side, but a little to the rear. this was well judged, because ( ) the all-important rudder is thus less exposed, ( ) in case of an unfavorable accident the adversary tends to leave rather than to approach, and ( ) the vessel, moving ahead, is at once under command to stop short of the opponent. after being placed, speed was regulated by backing or filling the mizzen-topsail, thus maintaining the relative positions, and directing fire upon the enemy's rudder. in this situation the fore-topsail yard and foretopmast of the _crescent_ were shot away in quick succession, and the ship flew up head to wind, bringing all her sails aback. for a moment she was in an awkward plight, but the _réunion_, drawing away, could not rake; and saumarez, by adroit management of the rudder and sails, _backed_ his ship round,--always a nice operation and especially when near an enemy,--till the wind came again abaft, restoring the normal conditions of moving ahead under control of the helm. the contest was then renewed, and ended in the surrender of the french vessel. the disparity of loss-- british to french--proved the discipline of the _crescent_ and the consummate seamanship of her commander. for this exploit saumarez was knighted. faithful to his constant preference, he as soon as possible exchanged into a ship-of-the-line, the _orion_, of seventy-four guns. in her he again bore a foremost part, in , in a fleet-battle off the biscay coast of france, where three enemy's ships were taken; and two years later he was in the action with the spaniards off cape st. vincent, of which an account has been given in the sketch of earl st. vincent. after this saumarez remained on the same station, blockading cadiz. in the following year, , it became necessary to send a small detachment into the mediterranean, and off the chief arsenal of the enemy, toulon, to ascertain the facts concerning a great armament, since known as bonaparte's egyptian expedition, which rumor said was there in preparation. the hazardous nature of the duty, which advanced three ships of medium size, unsupported, in the very teeth of over a dozen enemies, many of superior strength, demanded the utmost efficiency in each member of the little body so exposed; a consideration which doubtless led lord st. vincent to choose saumarez, though one of the senior captains, for this service, of which nelson, the junior flag officer of the fleet, was given charge. it seems scarcely credible that, when it was afterwards decided to raise this detachment to fourteen ships-of-the-line, sufficient to cope with the enemy, both st. vincent and nelson wished to remove saumarez, with his antecedents of brilliant service, so as to allow troubridge, his junior, to be second in command. the fact, however, is certain. nelson had orders which would have allowed him to send the _orion_ back, when thus proceeding on a service pregnant with danger and distinction, to the immeasurable humiliation of her brave commander. after making every deduction for the known partiality for troubridge of both st. vincent and nelson, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that saumarez, with all his undoubted merit, was in their eyes inferior to troubridge in the qualities necessary to chief command, in case of nelson's death, at a juncture which called for the highest abilities of a general officer. the moment was too critical to permit mere favoritism to sway two such men against their judgment. as it was, however, nelson felt he could not part with so efficient a ship; and he therefore contented himself with giving troubridge and saumarez each a subdivision of four vessels, keeping six under his own immediate direction. as all know, the french, when found, were at anchor. thus surprised, the british fleet was hurled at them in a single mass; nor was there any subordinate command exercised, by saumarez or any other, except that of each captain over his particular ship. nelson's first expectation was to overtake the unwieldy numbers of the enemy, amounting to over four hundred sail, at sea, and there to destroy both convoy and escort. in such an encounter there would be inestimable tactical advantage in those compact subdivisions, which could be thrown as units, under a single head, in a required direction. for such a charge saumarez possessed most eminent capacity. the warm family affection that was among the many winning traits of saumarez's symmetrical and attractive character impelled him to copious letter-writing. hence we have a record of this pursuit of the french fleet, with almost daily entries; an inside picture, reflecting the hopes, fears, and perplexities of the squadron. bonaparte's enterprise has been freely condemned in later days as chimerical; but it did not so appear at the time to the gallant seamen who frustrated it. the preparations had been so shrouded in mystery that neither nelson nor his government had any certainty as to its destination,--an ignorance shared by most of the prominent french officials. when, after many surmises, the truth gradually transpired, the british officers realized that much time must yet elapse before the english ministry could know it. two months, for instance, passed before news of the battle of the nile reached london. then, if india were the ultimate object, to which egypt was but the stepping-stone, four months more, at least, would be needed to get a naval reinforcement to the threatened point. what if, meanwhile, the ally of france in the peninsula, tippoo saib, had been assembling transports with the secrecy observed at toulon and the other ports whence the divisions had sailed? "i dined with sir horatio to-day," writes saumarez on june th, nearly four weeks after bonaparte's starting, "and find that his intelligence extends only to the enemy's fleet having been seen off sicily; but we have reason to suppose them gone for alexandria, the distance from which to the red sea is only three days' journey. they may soon be transported thence by water to the east indies, with the assistance of tippoo saib; and with their numerous army they expect to drive us out of our possessions in india. this profound scheme, _which is thought very feasible_, we hope to frustrate by coming up with them before they reach the place of their destination." a week later, nelson received off sicily news of the surrender of malta to the french. in accordance with the views above expressed, sir james now--june d--gave nelson his written opinion, favoring the course adopted of seeking the enemy off the coast of egypt; one of the most responsible decisions ever taken by an admiral in chief command, especially at the beginning of a career, as nelson then was. "we are now crowding sail for alexandria; but it is very doubtful if we fall in with them at all, as we are proceeding on the merest conjecture, and not on any positive information. if, at the end of our journey, we find we are upon the wrong scent, our embarrassment will be great indeed. fortunately, i only act here _en second_; but did the chief responsibility rest with me, i fear it would be more than my too irritable nerves would bear." nelson, in truth, was passing these hours in a fever of anxiety, scarce able to eat or drink. yet at that very moment the british were crossing the enemy's wake, unseeing and unseen, and barely fifty miles separated the two fleets. the perplexity foreshadowed by saumarez actually fell upon the english admiral, through his reaching alexandria three days before the french. harassed out of his better judgment, he hurried back to the westward, touched at sicily, and thence once more to egypt. meantime, the french had landed successfully. on the st of august the british fleet again sighted alexandria; saw the french flag on the walls, but no ships of war. "when the reconnoitring squadron made the signal that the enemy was not there," wrote saumarez, "despondency nearly took possession of my mind, and i do not remember ever to have felt so utterly hopeless or out of spirits as when we sat down to dinner. judge, then, what a change took place when, as the cloth was being removed, the officer of the watch hastily came in, saying, 'sir, a signal is just now made that the enemy is in aboukir bay, and moored in a line of battle.' all sprang from their seats, and, only staying to drink a bumper to our success, we were in a moment on deck." as the captain appeared, the crew hailed him with three hearty cheers, a significant token of the gloom which had wrapped the entire squadron through the recent ordeal of suspense and disappointment. it is only with saumarez's share in this renowned battle that we are here concerned. as is generally known, nelson's tactics consisted in doubling upon the van and centre of the enemy, who lay at anchor in a column head to wind, or nearly so. their rear, being to leeward, was thus thrown out of action. the french had thirteen ships-of-the-line, of which one was of one hundred and twenty guns, and two eighties. the british also had thirteen, all seventy-fours, and one of fifty guns; but one of the former going aground left them equal in numbers and inferior in force. there were two successive acts in the drama. in the first, ten british ships engaged the eight leading french; in the second, the fifty and two of the seventy-fours, which had been belated, came upon the field and strengthened the attack upon the enemy's centre. the _orion_, being third in the order, was one of the five vessels which passed within the french, and fought on that side. in so doing, she described a wide sweep around her two predecessors. while thus standing down to her station, an enemy's frigate, the _sérieuse_, opened fire upon her, wounding two men. it was then part of the chivalrous comity of fleet-actions that frigates should not be molested by the ships-of-the-line, so long as they minded their own business,--an immunity which of course ceased if they became aggressive. saumarez was urged to return her fire. "no," he replied, "let her alone; she will get bolder and come nearer. shorten sail." she did draw nearer, and then the _orion_, swinging sharply towards her, let drive her broadside of double-shotted guns. all the masts of the unlucky frigate went overboard, and she shortly sank, nothing but her poop being visible the next day. the helm of the british vessel was then shifted, but so much ground had been lost that she could anchor only abreast the fifth french ship; the interval left being filled by those who followed. in this position the _orion_ silenced her immediate opponent, the _peuple souverain_, which, being in an hour and a half totally dismasted, cut her cables and dropped out of the line; the contest being then continued with the sixth in the french order, the _franklin_, next ahead of the flag-ship, _orient_. the _orion_ was thus near by the latter when she blew up, but the few burning fragments which fell on board were quickly extinguished. twenty-four hours after the battle, saumarez, who had been delayed till then by a severe wound from a splinter, went on board the flag-ship to call on the admiral; and to this visit we owe the knowledge of two closely related incidents, recorded by his biographer and friend, which are significant at once of his individual ideas on tactical combination, and of the lack of personal sympathy apparent between him and nelson. he "found several of his brother officers on the quarter-deck, discussing the merits of the action. some regret having been expressed at the escape of the two sternmost ships of the french line, sir james said to the admiral, 'it was unfortunate we did not--' and was proceeding to say 'all anchor on the same side.' but, before he could finish the sentence, nelson hastily interrupted him, exclaiming, 'thank god there was no order!' then turning the conversation, he entered his cabin and sent for captain ball.... we may relate the circumstances which induced saumarez, without the least intention to offend, to make the observation at which offence was taken. it was nelson's custom, when in communication or company with the captains under his command, to converse with them on the various modes of attacking the enemy under different circumstances; and, on one of these occasions, sir james saumarez, who had seen the evil consequences of _doubling_ on the enemy, especially in a night action, had differed with the admiral in that plan of attack, saying that 'it never required two english ships to capture one french, and that the damage which they must necessarily do each other might render them both unable to fight an enemy's ship that had not been engaged; and, as in this case two ships could be spared to the three-decker, everyone might have his opponent.'" inasmuch as nelson, in pursuance of his previously announced idea, had himself in the flag-ship--the sixth to enter action--set the example of _doubling_, by anchoring on the side of the enemy's line opposite to that of his first five ships, and in doing so had deliberately taken position on one side of a french vessel already engaged on the other, saumarez's remark was substantially a censure, inopportune to a degree singular in a man of his kindly and generous temper; and its reception by nelson is not a cause for surprise. on the other hand, as a matter of tactical criticism, based upon tactical conceptions previously adopted, if we assume it to be true that two british ships were not needed to capture one french, it may yet be confidently affirmed that to attack with decisively superior force a part of the enemy's order--to combine in short--is shown by experience to attain the same degree of success more certainly and at less cost than the simple distribution of effort advocated by saumarez. to double, and to beat in detail, remained the ideal of nelson, as it had been of howe. it was by him applied then and afterwards to all cases, small or great, actual or supposed. to it he chiefly owed his dazzling successes, and this divergence of ideals marks the difference in professional insight which mainly determines the relative positions of nelson and saumarez in naval biography. it indicates the distinction between the great general officer and the accomplished and resolute division or corps commander. at the battle of the nile saumarez received the only wound that ever fell to him throughout his numerous meetings with the enemy, being struck on the thigh and side by a heavy splinter, which had killed two officers before reaching him. the total loss of his ship was forty-two killed and wounded, out of a crew of six hundred. ten days after the action he was ordered to take charge of six of the prizes, which had been partly repaired, and with seven of the fleet to convoy them to gibraltar. at the same time he was notified that the _orion_ was to go home as soon as this duty was performed. a more charming prospect can scarcely be imagined than this returning to his family after a long absence, fresh from the completest achievement ever wrought by the british navy; but even his tranquil temper, whose expressions never lapse into the complaints of nelson or the querulousness of collingwood, was tried by the slow progress of his battered and crippled squadron. "the prizes get on very slowly," he writes; "but i am endowed with unparalleled patience, having scarcely uttered a murmur at their tardiness, so perfectly satisfied am i with the prospect before me." some time later he notes: "we have been three weeks effecting what might be accomplished in two days. this extraordinary delay makes me more fractious than can be imagined, and i begin to lose the character for patience which i had given myself, by so tiresome a situation." it was still the season of westerly winds, and the voyage from alexandria to gibraltar occupied sixty-nine days. the _orion_ was now completely worn out, having been continuously in commission since the war began in . besides the three general actions in which saumarez commanded her, she had borne a valiant part in howe's great battle of the st of june. "this last business has so shattered the poor _orion_" wrote saumarez, "that she will not, without considerable repairs, be in a state for more service." on reaching england she was paid off; and in february, , he was appointed to the _cæsar_, of eighty-four guns, one of the finest ships in the navy, which was to bear his flag in the last and most brilliant episode of his hard-fighting career. a year later, lord st. vincent, having returned from the mediterranean, took command of the channel fleet, and at once instituted in its methods, and particularly in the blockade of brest, changes which gradually revolutionized the character of the general naval war; baffling beyond any other single cause the aims of napoleon, and insuring the fall of his empire. one of the new requirements was the maintenance of a powerful advanced division of six or eight ships-of-the-line, within ten miles of the harbor's mouth. it was a duty singularly arduous, demanding neither dash nor genius, but calmness, steadiness, method, and seamanship of a high order, for all which saumarez was conspicuous. from either side of the bay of brest a long line of reefs projects for fifteen miles to the westward. far inside their outer limits, and therefore embayed by the westerly winds which blow at times with hurricane violence, was the station of the advanced squadron, off some well-marked rocks of the northern reef, known as the black rocks. on this spot, called siberia by the seamen, during fifteen weeks, from august to december, sir james saumarez kept so close a watch that not a vessel of any force entered or left brest. "with you there," wrote earl st. vincent, "i sleep as sound as if i had the key of brest in my pocket." no work ever done by him was more meritorious or more useful. near its expiration st. vincent wrote to him, "the employment you have conducted is the most important of this war." he there demonstrated that what before had apparently been thought impossible could be done, though involving a degree of anxiety and peril far exceeding that of battle, while accompanied by none of the distinction, nor even recognition, which battle bestows. "none but professional men who have been on that service," says his biographer with simple truth, "can have any idea of its difficulties,--surrounded by dangers of every kind, exposed to the violence of storms, sailing amidst a multitude of rocks and variable currents in the longest and darkest nights, and often on a lee shore on the enemy's coast, while the whole of their fleet is near, ready to take advantage of any disaster." collingwood, who in the next war succeeded to the same unenviable duty, wrote home that, even in the summer month of august, "i bid adieu to comfortable naps at night, never lying down but in my clothes. an anxious time i have of it, what with tides and rocks, which have more of danger in them than a battle once a week." in this laborious task saumarez was the patient, unobserved pioneer. there was one man, however, who could and did recognize to the full the quality of the work done by saumarez, and its value to those sagacious plans which he himself had framed, and which in the future were to sap the foundations of the french power. that man was st. vincent. "the merit of sir james saumarez," he said, "cannot be surpassed;" and again, to saumarez himself, "the manner in which you have conducted the advanced squadron calls upon me to repeat my admiration of it." succeeding soon after to the post of first lord of the admiralty, he gave him an opportunity for distinction, which resulted in an action of singular lustre and striking success. bonaparte, long before returned from egypt, and now, as first consul, practically the absolute ruler of france, had overthrown all enemies on the continent. peace with austria, after her disasters of marengo and hohenlinden, had been signed in february, . the great objects of the french ruler now were to compass a maritime peace and withal to retain egypt, associated from far back with the traditional policies of france, and moreover a conquest in which his own reputation was peculiarly interested. to compel great britain to peace, he sought, by diplomacy or force, to exclude her commerce from the continent, as well as to raise up maritime enemies against her. thus he had fostered, if not actually engendered, the baltic league of , shattered by nelson at copenhagen; and for this purpose he intended to occupy both portugal and the kingdom of naples. a powerful british expedition against egypt had entered the mediterranean. it was essential either to attack this directly, or to cripple its communications. unable to do the former, and persistently thwarted in his attempts to reinforce his own troops in that distant dependency by the close watch of the british navy, of which saumarez gave so conspicuous an illustration before brest, napoleon resorted to the common and sound military expedient of collecting a threatening force upon the flank of his enemy's line of communications. he directed a concentration of the spanish and french navies at cadiz, which, by its nearness to the straits, met the desired requirement. among others, three french ships were ordered thither from toulon. the british ministry was informed that at cadiz were collecting spanish vessels, said by report to be intended against portugal. this is unlikely, as bonaparte could have subdued that country from the land side by the assistance of spain; moreover, the object of the concentration is stated in his letters. a squadron of five ships-of-the-line was accordingly formed, and placed under the command of saumarez, who on the st of january, , had been made a rear admiral. his orders were to go off cadiz, where he would find two more vessels, and to prevent the enemies within the port from sailing, or from being joined by any from outside. whatever bonaparte's object, it would be thwarted by a force thus interposed, in a position to meet either one or the other of the converging detachments before they could unite. saumarez sailed on his mission june , , and on the th arrived off cadiz. on the th of july he was informed that three french ships had anchored off algeciras, the spanish port on the west side of gibraltar bay, confronting the british fortress on the east side. this was the division from toulon, which upon reaching the straits first learned of the british squadron that effectually prevented its entrance to cadiz. saumarez at once started for algeciras with six of his ships-of-the-line, the seventh being out of recall to the northward. the following day, july th, he entered the bay, and found the french moored in a strong position, under cover of spanish land batteries, and supported by a number of gunboats. still, though difficult and doubtful, the enterprise was not hopeless; and, as the breeze allowed his vessels to head for the enemy, he steered to engage at once. unfortunately, the wind fell as the squadron drew nigh, and only four ships were able to take their intended places; the other two had to anchor outside their consorts, and fire as they could through the intervals. this mishap lessened by one-third the fighting power of the british, and, coupled with the acknowledged superiority of guns on solid ground over those afloat, reduced them to inferiority. their disadvantage was increased by the arrangements of the french admiral, carefully elaborated during the two preceding days. had the preparations of brueys at the nile equalled those of linois at algeciras, nelson's task must have been harder and his victory less complete. nevertheless, after an engagement of an hour and a half, the british fire so far prevailed that the enemy resorted to a measure for which precautions had been taken beforehand. lines had been run from each french ship to the shoal water lying close inside them; and by means of these they were warped away from their opponents until they took the ground. this increase of distance was in every way a gain to the party standing on the defensive, and a corresponding loss to the assailants. saumarez ordered the cables cut and sail made to close once more; but the light and fickle airs both baffled this effort and further embarrassed the british, through the difficulty of keeping their broadsides in position. here happened the great disaster of the day. one of the outer ships, the _hannibal_, tried to pass inside the headmost of the french, not realizing that the latter had moved. in so doing she ran aground close under a battery, to whose fire she could make no reply. after a brave and prolonged resistance, in which she lost seventy-five killed and seventy wounded out of a crew of six hundred, and had many of her guns dismounted, she hauled down her flag. by this time another ship, the _pompée_, was dismasted, and success was plainly hopeless. the british admiral, therefore, ordered the action discontinued, and withdrew to the gibraltar side; the _pompée_ having to be towed away by the boats of the squadron. saumarez had failed, and failure, however explained, can hardly be carried to a man's credit; but his after course, by wresting success out of seemingly irretrievable disaster, has merited the highest eulogium. maintaining both courage and energy unimpaired, every effort was instantly made to get the ships once more into fighting condition, that the attack might be renewed. "tell the admiralty," said he to the bearer of his despatches, "that i feel confident i shall soon have an opportunity of attacking the enemy again, and that they may depend upon my availing myself of it." the opportunity did come. on the morning of july th, the _superb_, the seventh ship, which had not been in the action, was seen rounding the west point of the bay under all sail, with a signal flying that the enemy was in pursuit. a few moments later appeared five spanish vessels, two of which, the _real carlos_ and the _hermenegildo_, carrying each one hundred and twelve guns, were among the largest then afloat. on board them had embarked a number of the _jeunesse dorée_ of cadiz, eager to join the triumphal procession which it was thought would soon enter the port, flushed with a victory considered by them to be rather spanish than french, and escorting the rare trophy of a british ship-of-the-line that had struck to spanish batteries. besides the two giants, there were a ninety-gun ship and two seventy-fours; and the next day a french vessel of the latter class joined, making a total reinforcement of six heavy ships. to these saumarez could oppose but five. the _hannibal_ he had lost. the _pompée_ could not be repaired in time; her people were therefore distributed among the other vessels of the squadron. even his own flag-ship, the _cæsar_, was so injured that he thought it impossible to refit her; but when her crew heard his decision, one cry arose,--to work all day and night till she was ready for battle. this was zeal not according to knowledge; but, upon the pleading of her captain in their name, it was agreed that they should work all day, and by watches at night. so it happened, by systematic distribution of effort and enthusiastic labor, that the _cæsar_, whose mainmast on the th was out and her rigging cut to pieces, was on the th able to sail in pursuit of the foe. during the forenoon of the latter day the combined squadron was seen getting under way. the wind, being easterly, was fair for the british, and, besides, compelled the enemy to make some tacks to clear the land. this delay was invaluable to saumarez, whose preparations, rapid as they had been, were still far from complete. not till one in the afternoon did the headmost spaniards reach the straits, and there they had to await their companions. the _hannibal_ was unable to join them, and reanchored at algeciras. at half-past two the _cæsar_ hauled out from gibraltar mole, her band playing, "cheer up, my lads, 't is to glory we steer!" which was answered from the mole-head with "britons, strike home!" at the same moment saumarez's flag, provisionally shifted to another vessel, was rehoisted at her masthead. the rugged flanks of the rock and the shores of algeciras were crowded with eager and cheering sight-seers, whose shouts echoed back the hurrahs of the seamen. rarely, indeed, is so much of the pride and circumstance, if not of the pomp, of war rehearsed before an audience which, breathless with expectation, has in it no part save to admire and applaud. off europa point, on the gibraltar side, there clustered round the _cæsar_ her four consorts, all but one bearing, like herself, the still fresh wounds of the recent conflict. four miles away, off cabrita point, assembled the three french of linois's division, having like honorable marks, together with the six new unscarred arrivals. at p.m. of the summer evening the allies kept away for cadiz; linois's division leading, the other six interposing between them and the five ships of saumarez, which followed at once. it was a singular sight, this pursuit of nine ships by five, suggestive of much of the fatal difference, in ideals and efficiency, between the navies concerned. towards nine o'clock saumarez ordered the _superb_, whose condition alone was unimpaired by battle, to press ahead and bring the rear of the enemy to action. the wind was blowing strong from the east, with a heavy sea. at half-past eleven the _superb_ overtook the _real carlos_, and opened fire. abreast the spanish vessel, on her other side, was the _hermenegildo_. the latter, probably through receiving some of the _superb's_ shot, fancied the ship nearest her to be an enemy, and replied. in the confusion, one of them caught fire, the other ran on board her, and in a few moments there was presented to the oncoming british the tremendous sight of these two huge ships, with their twenty hundred men, locked in a fast embrace and blazing together. at half-past two in the morning, having by that time drifted apart, they blew up in quick succession. leaving them to their fate, the hostile squadron passed on. the _superb_ next encountered the _st. antoine_, and forced her to strike. soon afterwards the wind died away, and both fleets were much scattered. a british ship brought to action one of the french which had been in the first battle; indeed, the french accounts say that the latter had fought three enemies. however that may be, she was again severely mauled; but the english vessel opposed to her ran on a shoal, and lost all her masts. with this ended the events of that awful night. the net results of this stirring week completely relieved the fears of the british ministers. whatever the objects of the concentration at cadiz, they were necessarily frustrated. though the first attack was repulsed, the three french ships had been very roughly handled; and, of the relieving force, three out of six were now lost to the enemy. "sir james saumarez's action has put us upon velvet," wrote st. vincent, then head of the admiralty; and in the house of peers he highly eulogized the admiral's conduct, as also did nelson. the former declared that "this gallant achievement surpassed everything he had ever met with in his reading or service," a statement sufficiently sweeping; while the praise of the hero of the nile was the more to be prized because there never was cordial sympathy between him and saumarez. closely as they had been associated, nelson's letters to his brother officer began always "my dear sir james," not "my dear saumarez." in this blaze of triumph the story of saumarez fitly terminates. he was never again engaged in serious encounter with the enemy. the first war with the french republic ended three months after the battle of algeciras. after the second began, in , he was, until , commander-in-chief at the channel islands, watching the preparations for the invasion of england, and counteracting the efforts of cruisers against british commerce. in , in consequence of the agreements of tilsit between the czar and napoleon, affairs in the baltic became such as to demand the presence of a large british fleet,--first to support sweden, then at war with russia, and later to protect the immense british trade, which, under neutral flags and by contraband methods, maintained by way of the northern sea the intercourse of great britain with the continent. of this trade sweden was an important intermediary, and her practical neutrality was essential to its continuance. this was insured by the firm yet moderate attitude of sir james saumarez, even when she had been forced by france to declare war against great britain. it may be said without exaggeration that from this time, and until the breach between napoleon and russia in , the maritime interest of the war between great britain and france centred in the baltic. elsewhere the effective but monotonous blockade of the continental ports controlled by the french emperor absorbed the attention of the british fleets. of great battles there were none after trafalgar. to saumarez, therefore, fell the most distinctive, and probably also the most decisive, field of work open to the british navy. the importance of the baltic was twofold. it was then the greatest source of materials essential to ship-building--commonly called naval stores; and further, the russian part of its coast line, being independent of napoleon's direct regulation, was the chief means of approach by which great britain maintained commercial intercourse with the continent, to exclude her from which had become the leading object with the emperor. the contravention of his policy in this way, in disregard, as he claimed, of the agreements existing between him and the czar, led eventually to the russian war, and so finally to his own overthrow and the deliverance of the continent from his domination. the historical significance of the position now occupied by saumarez, and its importance to the great issues of the future, are thus manifest. it was a post that he was eminently qualified to fill. firm, yet calm, sagacious, and moderate, he met with rare efficiency the varied and varying demands of those changeful times. the unremitting and well directed efforts of his cruisers broke up reciprocal commerce between the countries surrounding the narrow inland sea, so essential to their welfare while submitting to napoleon; while the main fleet sustained the foreign trade with russia and sweden, carried on through neutral ships for the advantage of great britain. two instances will illustrate his activities better than many words. in the year four hundred and thirty local vessels were captured, averaging the small size of sixty tons each, three hundred and forty of which belonged to denmark, then under napoleon's absolute sway. at the close of the open season of , the merchant ships for england, which ordinarily were despatched under convoy in bodies of five hundred, numbered, according to saumarez's flag-lieutenant and biographer, no less than one thousand vessels, gathered in one mass. as long as sweden remained friendly, the admiral's duties, though weighty, did not differ materially from those usual to his profession; but when she was unwillingly forced into a declaration of war by napoleon, his task became more complicated and more delicate. the british minister having to leave, saumarez succeeded to a diplomatic situation, in which the problem was to support the interests and dignity of his own nation, without transforming the formal war into actual hostilities, and substituting imbitterment for the secret good will of the swedish government and people, who, in common with the russian nobles and subjects, were alienated by the imperious and merciless exactions of the french demands. the secret aim of great britain was so to nourish this ill-will towards france, and so to avoid causes of offence by herself, as to convert covert hostility into open antagonism, and thus to reverse the political and military combinations of europe. in the absence of regular accredited diplomatic representatives, saumarez became at once the exponent and the minister of this vital policy. he had to avoid quarrels, and yet at the same time to restrain sweden from acts of injury to which she was constantly impelled by the emperor, whose purpose naturally was exactly the opposite of his; and who sought further to estrange all people from great britain. in the performance of this task saumarez's success was not only complete, but peculiarly his own. his temper was at times severely tried, but it never got beyond his control. he repressed injury, and demanded satisfaction for it, when committed; but, relying with good reason on the motives of the swedish government, he contrived to secure redress without resorting to force, which, however understood by statesmen, would enrage the peoples he had to conciliate. after the ordeal was over, and russia was at war with france, a leading swedish statesman wrote to him: "you have been the guardian angel of my country; by your wise, temperate, and loyal conduct, you have been the first cause of the plans which have been formed against the demon of the continent.... once more i must tell you, that _you_ were the first cause that russia had dared to make war against france; had you fired one shot when we declared war against england, all had been ended and europe would have been enslaved." saumarez, an extremely religious man, may have reflected that "he who ruleth his spirit is greater than he that taketh a city." though in the strictest sense professional, the baltic service of saumarez involved little of purely military interest. shortly after his assuming the command, in , a russian fleet which had been keeping the sea took refuge, on the approach of the allied british and swedes, in a harbor on the gulf of finland. saumarez followed close upon their heels, and after a consultation and reconnoissance of the position, which consumed two days, secured the co-operation of the swedish admiral for an attack on the day following; an essential condition, for the russian force was superior to his own in the proportion of eight to six. unhappily, the wind shifted, and blew an adverse gale for eight days; at the end of which time the enemy had so far fortified the surroundings that saumarez thought it inexpedient to attack. in this decision he was supported by the opinion of captains of such established reputation as, joined to his own brilliant record, must be taken to justify his action, which seems to have caused some dissatisfaction in england. on the face, it could not but be a disappointment to people accustomed to the brilliant victories of nelson, and his apparent invincibility by obstacles; but in the end it was all for the best, for doubtless the mortifying destruction of a russian fleet would not have furthered the reconciliation, which soon became a leading object with the british government and the great bulk of the russian nation. it is, however, probable that to this frustration of public expectation, which had been vividly aroused by preceding accounts of the conditions, is to be attributed the delay in granting the peerage, eagerly desired by saumarez in his later days,--not for itself merely, but as a recognition which he not unnaturally thought earned by his long and distinguished service. saumarez held the baltic command through five eventful years,--from to . after napoleon's disastrous russian expedition, affairs in that sea no longer required a force adequate to his rank, and he then finally retired from service afloat, still in the full maturity of a healthy prime, at the age of fifty-five. the remainder of his life, with brief exception, was passed in his native island of guernsey, amid those charms of family affection and general esteem which he had deserved by his fidelity to all the duties of the man and the citizen. though so far removed from the active centres of life, he kept touch with it by the variety of his interests in all useful and benevolent undertakings, to which an ample fortune allowed him freely to contribute. "the hopes entertained of his assistance and sympathy," observes his biographer, "were never disappointed." among naval biographies, there is none that presents a more pleasing picture of genial and dignified enjoyment of well-earned repose. in , upon the accession of william iv., the sailor king, the long-coveted peerage was at last bestowed. lord de saumarez died on the th of october, , in his eightieth year. pellew - like the english tongue itself, the names of british seamen show the composite origin of their nation. as the danes after the day of copenhagen, to them both glorious and disastrous, claimed that in nelson they had been vanquished by a man of their own blood, descended from their viking forefathers; as collingwood and troubridge indicate the english descent of the two closest associates of the victor of trafalgar; so saumarez and the hero of this sketch, whose family name was pellew, represent that conquering norman race which from the shores of the northern ocean carried terror along the coasts of europe and the mediterranean, and as far inland as their light keels could enter. after the great wars of the french revolution and the battle of algiers, when lord exmouth had won his renown and his position had been attained, kinship with him was claimed by a family still residing in normandy, where the name was spelled "pelleu." proof of common origin was offered, not only in the name, but also in the coat of arms. in england, the pellew family was settled in the extreme southwest, in cornwall and devonshire, counties whose nearness to the great atlantic made them the source of so much of the maritime enterprise that marked the reign of elizabeth. lord exmouth's grandfather was a man of wealth; but, as he left many children, the juniors had to shift for themselves, and the youngest son, samuel pellew, the father of the admiral, at the time of the latter's birth commanded a post-office packet on the dover station. he accordingly made the town of that name the home of his wife and children; and there edward, the second of his four sons, was born, april , . their mother was the daughter of a jacobite gentleman, who had been out for the pretender in ,--a fact which probably emphasized the strong hanoverian sympathies of samuel pellew, whose habit was to make his children, every sunday, drink king george's health upon their knees. in , when the future admiral was only eight years old, his father died, and the mother making an imprudent marriage three years later, the children were thrown upon the world with small provision and scanty care. the resolute, active, and courageous character of the lads, however, brought them well forward among their equals in age. at school edward was especially distinguished for fearlessness. of this he gave a marked instance, when not yet twelve, by entering a burning house where gunpowder was stored, which no other of the bystanders would approach. alone and with his own hands the lad brought out the powder. a less commendable but very natural result of the same energetic spirit was shown in the numerous fighting matches in which he was engaged. being threatened with a flogging for one of these, the circumstance became the immediate occasion of his going to sea. if flogged, he declared, he would run away; and as a decided taste for seafaring life had already manifested itself, his guardian thought better to embrace at once the more favorable alternative and enter him regularly in the navy. he thus went afloat towards the end of , the date at which nelson, also, though one year younger, began his career. his first cruise was in the mediterranean. it came to a premature end through a quarrel between the commander of the ship and one of the midshipmen. in this the captain was clearly and grossly in the wrong; yet nevertheless carried his resentment, and the power of oppression in his hands, then little restrained by law, so far as to expel the youngster from the ship and set him on shore in marseilles. pellew insisted upon accompanying his messmate, and the two lads of fourteen, aided by some of the lieutenants, secured a passage home. it shows a pleasing trait in our hero's character that, some years afterwards, he advanced materially the professional fortunes of the son of the officer who had thus abused his authority. he next passed under the command of a captain pownoll, between whom and himself were established such warm relations, of affectionate interest on the one side and reverential regard on the other, that pownoll became a family name among the descendants of the admiral. he himself gave it to his first-born, and it still appears in the present generation. under him, also, pellew was brought into direct contact with the american revolution; for on board the frigate _blonde_, pownoll's ship, general burgoyne embarked in for canada, there beginning the undertaking which ended so disastrously for him. it is told that when the distinguished passenger came on board, the yards being manned to receive him with the honors due to his rank, he was startled to see on one yardarm a midshipman standing on his head. upon expressing alarm, he was laughingly reassured by the captain, who said that pellew--for he it was who put this extra touch upon the general's reception--was quite capable of dropping from the yard, passing under the ship's bottom, and coming up on the other side. a few days later the young officer actually did leap from the yardarm, the ship going fast through the water--not, however, as bravado, but to aid a seaman who had fallen overboard, and whom he succeeded in saving. throughout his youth the exuberant vitality of the man delighted in these feats of wanton power. to overturn a boat by press of canvas, as a frolic, is not unexampled among lads of daring; but it is at least unusual, when a hat goes overboard, to follow it into the water, if alone in a boat under sail. this pellew did, on one occasion, when he was old enough to know better; being at the moment in the open channel, in a small punt, going from falmouth to plymouth. the freak nearly cost him his life; for, though he had lashed the helm down and hove-to the boat, she fell off and gathered way whenever he approached. when at last he laid hold of her rail, after an hour of this fooling, barely strength remained to drag himself on board, where he fell helpless, and waited long before his powers were restored. it is trite to note in such exhibitions of recklessness many of the qualities of the ideal seaman, though not so certainly those of the foreordained commander-in-chief. pellew was a born frigate captain. at the end of the americans were still engaged in the enterprise against quebec, the disastrous termination of which is familiarly known. after the fall of general montgomery in the unsuccessful night assault of december , , the american operations were reduced to a land blockade of the town, which was cut off from the sea by ice in the river. a close investment was thus maintained for five months, until the early part of may, , when the place was relieved by the arrival of a small naval force, commanded by captain charles douglas. immediately upon its appearance the commanding british general carleton, attacked the besiegers, who, already prostrated by disease and privation, abandoned their positions and fell back upon sorel, at the mouth of the river richelieu, the outlet from lake champlain to the st. lawrence. here they remained until june, when the enemy, who had received heavy reinforcements, advanced in overpowering numbers. the americans again retired above the rapids of the richelieu to st. johns. thence there is a clear channel southward; and embarking there, the retreating force without further molestation reached crown point, a fortified post a hundred miles distant, at the head of the lake, commanding the narrow stream to which it is reduced in its upper part. twelve miles above crown point is ticonderoga, the well-known border fortress of the colonial and revolutionary wars; and for fifteen or twenty miles farther the stream is navigable for boats of some size, thus affording an easy means of communication in those early days of impassable forests and scanty transport. though greatly superior on land, the british had now for a time to stay their pursuit; for the water highway essential to its continuance was controlled by the flotilla under the command of benedict arnold, forbidding further advance until it was subdued. the presence of these vessels, which, though few, were as yet unopposed, gained for the americans, in this hour of extremity, the important respite from june to october, ; and then the lateness of the season compelled the postponement of the invasion to the following year. the toil with which this little force had been created, a few months before, was thus amply justified; for delay is ever to the advantage of the defence. in this case it also gave time for a change of commanders on the part of the enemy, from carleton to burgoyne, which not improbably had a decisive effect upon the fortunes of the next campaign. as soon as established at st. johns, the british took steps to place a naval force upon the lake, an undertaking involving trouble and delay, notwithstanding their greatly superior resources in men and material. some thirty fighting vessels, suitable to the waters upon which they were to act, were required, and also four hundred bateaux for the transport of the troops. these had either to be built upon the spot, despite the lack of all dockyard facilities, or else to be brought bodily from the st. lawrence, by road, or through the rapids of the richelieu, until the deep water at st. johns was reached. in this hardy, strenuous work, pellew naturally was conspicuously active; and in its course he gained a particular professional accomplishment which afterwards stood him in good stead. several vessels were built upon the shores of the stream; among others, one of one hundred and eighty tons, the _inflexible_, whose heavier timbers were brought overland to st. johns. the construction of these craft was superintended by a lieutenant--afterwards admiral schank--of scientific knowledge as a ship architect; and through close association with him pellew's instinctive appreciation of all things nautical received an intelligent guidance, which gave him a quick insight into the probable behavior of a ship from an examination of her build, and enabled him often to suggest a suitable remedy for dangerous faults. during this period of equipment occurred a characteristic incident which has only recently become public through a descendant.[ ] "on the day the _inflexible_ was launched, pellew on the top of the sheers was trying to get in the mainmast. the machinery not being of the best gave way, and down came mainmast, pellew, and all, into the lake. 'poor pellew,' exclaimed schank, 'he is gone at last!' however, he speedily emerged and was the first man to mount the sheers again. 'sir,' admiral schank used to conclude, 'he was like a squirrel.'" thirty days after the keel of the _inflexible_ was laid at st. johns, the vessel herself not only was launched, but had set sail for the southward. she carried eighteen twelve-pounders, nine on a side, and was thus superior in power, not only to any one vessel of the americans, but to their whole assembled flotilla on lake champlain. except the principal pieces of her hull, the timber of which she was built was hewed in the neighboring forest; and indeed, the whole story of the rapid equipment of this squadron recalls vividly the vigorous preparation of commander perry, of the united states navy, in , for his successful attempt to control lake erie. the entire british force, land and naval, now moved toward crown point. on the th of october the american flotilla was discovered, a short distance above plattsburg and about twenty miles from the foot of the lake, drawn up between valcour island and the western shore, which are from one-half to three-fourths of a mile apart. it lay there so snugly that the british, wafted by a northwest wind, had actually passed to the southward without seeing it, and the discovery was purely accidental,--a fact which suggests that arnold, who must have felt the impossibility of a force so inferior as his own contesting, or even long delaying, the enemy's advance by direct opposition, may have entertained some purpose of operating in their rear, and thus causing a diversion which at this late season might effectually arrest their progress. it is true that such a stroke would frightfully imperil his little squadron; but, in circumstances of absolute inferiority, audacity, usually the best policy in war, offers the only chance of success. mere retreat, however methodical, must end in final destruction. to act towards st. johns, trusting to dexterity and to local knowledge of the network of islands at the foot of the lake to escape disaster, or at least to protract the issue, offered the best chance; and that the situation thus accepted would not be hopeless was proved by the subsequent temporary evasion of pursuit by the americans, even in the open and narrow water of the middle lake. the british moved to attack as soon as the hostile shipping was discovered. pellew was second officer of the schooner _carleton_, of twelve guns, the third vessel of the flotilla in point of force. the wind being contrary, and apparently light, the _carleton_ alone of the sailing vessels got into action; and although she was supported by a number of rowing gunboats, whose artillery was heavy, the match was unequal. according to arnold's own account, he had disposed his gunboats and gondolas "on the west side of valcour island, as near together as possible, and in such a form that few vessels can attack us at the same time, and those will be exposed to the fire of the whole fleet." to this captain douglas, in his report of the occurrences, adds the suggestive particular that the _carleton_, by a lucky slant of wind, fetched "nearly into the middle of the rebel half-moon, where she anchored with a spring on her cable." the position was one of honorable distinction, but likewise of great exposure. her first officer lost an arm; her captain, lieutenant dacres, was so severely wounded that he was about to be thrown overboard as dead; and pellew, thus left without a superior, fought the vessel through the engagement. when signal was at last made to withdraw, the _carleton_ was able to do so only by help of the gunboats, which towed her out of fire. on the other hand, arnold's flag-ship, the schooner _royal savage_, which had fought in advance of her consorts and under canvas, fell to leeward, and came there under the distant fire of the _inflexible_, by which she was badly crippled. she then was run ashore on the southern point of the island, where she fell momentarily into the hands of the british, who turned her guns on her former friends. later in the day, it seeming probable that she might be retaken, she was set on fire and burned to the water's edge. thus abandoned, she sank to the bottom, where her hull rests to this day. during the recent summer of some gun-carriages have been recovered from her, after lying for a century and a quarter beneath the surface of the lake. pellew's personal activity and strength enabled his gallantry to show to particular advantage in this sanguinary contest. when the _carleton_, in her attempt to withdraw, hung in stays under the island, her decks swept by the bullets of the riflemen on shore, it was he who sprang out on the bowsprit to bear the jib over to windward. when the tow-rope was cut by a shot, it was pellew again who exposed his person for the safety of the vessel. his two seniors being forced by their wounds to leave the schooner, he succeeded to the command, in which he was afterwards confirmed. in this sharp affair the _carleton_ lost eight killed and six wounded,--about half her crew,--and had two feet of water in her hold when she anchored out of range. towards evening the _inflexible_ succeeded in getting within point-blank range of the american flotilla, "when five broadsides," wrote douglas, "silenced their whole line;" a sufficient testimony to the superiority of her concentrated battery over the dispersed force of all her numerous petty antagonists. the british then anchored to the southward of arnold's little force; but that active and enterprising officer succeeded in stealing during the night between the enemy and the western shore, and retired towards crown point. the chase to windward continued during the next day, but a favorable shift of wind, to the north, reached the british first, and enabled them to close. arnold again behaved with the extraordinary bravery and admirable conduct which distinguished him in battle. sending on the bulk of the squadron, he took the rear with two galleys, covering the retreat. fighting like a lion, he opposed the enemy's advance long enough to secure the escape of six of his vessels; and then, seeing his one consort forced to strike, he ran his own galley ashore and set her on fire. "arnold," says the naval historian cooper, "covered himself with glory, and his example seems to have been nobly followed by most of his officers and men. the manner in which the congress was fought until she had covered the retreat of the galleys, and the stubborn resolution with which she was defended until destroyed, converted the disasters of this part of the day into a species of triumph." "the americans," says a contemporary british writer, "chiefly gloried in the dangerous attention paid by arnold to a nice point of honor, in keeping his flag flying, and not quitting his galley till she was in flames, lest the enemy should have boarded and struck it." pellew received like recognition, not, perhaps, from the popular voice, but from his official superiors. douglas, the senior naval officer at quebec, who was made a baronet in reward of these operations, lord howe at new york, and the first lord of the admiralty in england, all sent him personal letters of commendation; and the two latter promised him promotion as soon as he came within their respective jurisdictions. his continuance at the front of operations during this and the following year therefore postponed his deserved advancement to a lieutenancy, by retaining him from the "jurisdiction" of those able to bestow it. the two gallant enemies were soon again brought together in an incident which came near to change the career of one of them, and, in so doing, to modify seriously the fortunes of many others. arnold having one day pulled out on the open lake, in his venturesome manner, pellew gave chase in another boat. the americans being hard pressed and capture probable, arnold unbuckled his stock and himself took an oar. so nearly caught was he, that he had to escape into the bushes, leaving behind him stock and buckle; and these, as late as sixty years after, remained in the possession of pellew's brother. had he thus been deprived of the opportunity that saratoga gave him the next year, arnold's name might now be known to us only as that of the brave officer who kept his country's flag flying till his vessel was in flames. on the th of october carleton landed at crown point, which the americans had abandoned; but the lateness of the season deterred him from advancing against ticonderoga, and he soon afterwards returned to canada. the full import of this halt is too easily overlooked, with consequent failure to appreciate the momentous influence exerted upon the course of the revolutionary war by this naval campaign, in which pellew bore so conspicuous a part. it has never been understood in america, where the smallness of the immediate scale has withdrawn attention from the greatness of the ultimate issue, in gaining time for the preparations which resulted in the admittedly decisive victories about saratoga. "if we could have begun our expedition four weeks earlier," wrote a german general there present, "i am satisfied everything would have been ended this year [ ]; were our whole army here, it would be an easy matter to drive the enemy from their entrenchments at ticonderoga." the delay, not of four weeks only, but of the whole summer, was obtained by the naval force organized upon champlain by arnold and his superior, general schuyler. the following year the invasion was resumed, under general burgoyne. pellew accompanied him with a body of seamen, taking part in all the operations down to the final surrender. burgoyne, indeed, afterwards chaffed him with being the cause of the disaster, by rebuilding the bridge which enabled the army to cross from the east bank of the hudson to the west. returning to england in the early part of , pellew was made lieutenant, and in we find him again serving under captain pownoll, as first lieutenant of the _apollo_ frigate. on the th of june, in the same year, the _apollo_ met the french frigate _stanislas_. a severe action followed, and at the end of an hour pownoll was shot through the body. as his young friend raised him from the deck, he had barely time to say, "pellew, i know you won't give his majesty's ship away," and immediately expired. the engagement lasted an hour longer, when the enemy, which had all the time been standing in for the belgian coast, took the ground, the most of her spars, already wounded, going overboard with the shock. the _apollo_ had hauled off a few moments before, finding that she had less than five feet of water under her keel. though unable again to attack the _stanislas_, which claimed the protection of the neutral flag, the result was substantially a victory; but to pellew's grief for the death of a tried friend was added the material loss of a powerful patron. happily, however, his reputation was known to the head of the admiralty, who not only promoted him for this action, but also gave him a ship, though a poor one. after a succession of small commands, he was fortunate enough again to distinguish himself,--driving ashore and destroying several french privateers, under circumstances of such danger and difficulty as to win him his next grade, post-captain. this step, which, so far as selection went, fixed his position in the navy, he received on the th of may, . the ten years of peace that shortly followed were passed by many officers in retirement, which we have seen was contentedly accepted by his distinguished contemporary, saumarez; but pellew was a seaman to the marrow, and constantly sought employment afloat. when out of occupation, he for a while tried farming, the utopian employment that most often beguiles the imagination of the inbred seaman in occasional weariness of salt water; but, as his biographer justly remarks, his mind, which allowed him to be happy only when active, could ill accommodate itself to pursuits that almost forbade exertion. "to have an object in view, yet to be unable to advance it by any exertions of his own, was to him a source of constant irritation. he was wearied with the imperceptible growth of his crops, and complained that he made his eyes ache by watching their daily progress." his assiduous applications, however, were not wholly unavailing to obtain him the professional employments usually so hard to get in times of peace. for five of the ten years, - , he commanded frigates, chiefly on the newfoundland station; and in them, though now turning thirty, he displayed the superabundant vitality and restless activity that had characterized his early youth. "whenever there was exertion required aloft," wrote a midshipman who served with him at this period, "to preserve a sail or a mast, the captain was foremost in the work, apparently as a mere matter of amusement, and there was not a man in the ship that could equal him in personal activity. he appeared to play among the elements in the hardest storms. i remember once, in close-reefing the main topsail, the captain had given his orders from the quarter-deck and sent us aloft. on gaining the topsail yard, the most active and daring of our party hesitated to go upon it, as the sail was flapping violently, making it a service of great danger; but a voice was heard from the extreme end of the yard, calling upon us to exert ourselves to save the sail, which would otherwise beat to pieces. a man said, 'why, that's the captain! how the ---- did he get there?' he had followed us up, and, clambering over the backs of the sailors, had reached the topmast head, above the yard, and thence descended by the lift,"--a feat unfortunately not easy to be explained to landsmen, but which will be allowed by seamen to demand great hardihood and address. all this was the simple overflow of an animal energy not to be repressed, the exulting prowess of a giant delighting to run his course. it found expression also in joyous practical jests, like those of a big boy, which at times had ludicrous consequences. on one occasion of state ceremony, the king's birthday, pellew had dressed in full uniform to attend a dinner on shore. the weather was hot, and the crew had been permitted an hour's swimming around the ship. while his boat was being manned, the captain stood by the frigate's rail watching the bathers, and near by him was one of the ship's boys. "i too shall have a good swim soon," called the latter to a comrade in the water. "the sooner, the better," said pellew, coming behind him and tipping him overboard. no sooner had the lad risen to the surface from his plunge than it was plain that he could not swim; so in after him went the practical joker, with all his toggery. "if ever the captain was frightened," writes the officer just quoted, "it was then." but along with all this physical exuberance and needless assumption of many of the duties of a foremast hand, pellew possessed to a very remarkable extent that delicate art of seamanship which consists in so handling a ship as to make her do just what you want, and to put her just where she should be; making her, to use a common sea expression, do everything but talk. this is a faculty probably inborn, like most others that reach any great degree of perfection, and, while a very desirable gift, it is by no means indispensable to the highest order of naval excellence. nelson did not at all equal pellew in this respect, as is indicated by an amusing story transmitted by a colonel stewart, who served on board the great admiral's flag-ship during the expedition against copenhagen: "his lordship was rather too apt to interfere in the working of the ship, and not always with the best judgment or success. the wind, when off dungeness, was scanty, and the ship was to be put about. lord nelson would give the orders, and caused her to miss stays. upon this he said, rather peevishly, to the officer of the watch, 'well, now see what we have done. well, sir, what mean you to do now?' the officer saying, with hesitation, 'i don't exactly know, my lord. i fear she won't do,' lord nelson turned sharply to the cabin, and replied, 'well, i am sure if you do not know what to do with her, no more do i, either.' he went in, leaving the officer to work the ship as he liked." yet nelson understood perfectly what ships could do, and what they could not; no one could better handle or take care of a fleet, or estimate the possibility of performing a given manoeuvre; and long before he was called to high command he was distinguished for a knowledge of naval tactics to which few, if any other, of his time attained. he was a great general officer; and whether he had the knack of himself making a ship go through all her paces without a fault mattered as little as whether he was a crack shot with a gun. a ship is certainly the most beautiful and most graceful of machines; a machine, too, so varied in its movements and so instinct with life that the seaman affectionately transfers to her credit his own virtues in handling her. pellew's capacity in this part of his profession was so remarkable that it is somewhat singular to find him, in his first frigate action, compelled to discard manoeuvring, and to rely for victory upon sheer pluck and luck. when war with the french republic began in , his high reputation immediately insured him command of a frigate, the _nymphe_. the strength of england as a naval power lay largely in the great reserve of able seamen manning her merchant ships; but as these were scattered in all quarters of the world, great embarrassment was commonly felt at the outbreak of a war, and especially when it came with the unexpected rapidity of the revolutionary fury. as the object of first importance was to get the fleets of ships-of-the-line to sea, pellew had to depend chiefly upon his own indefatigable exertions to procure a crew for his vessel. seamen being hard to find, he had on board a disproportionate number of landsmen when the _nymphe_, on the th of june, , encountered the french vessel _cléopâtre_, of force slightly inferior, except in men, but not sufficiently so to deny the victor the claim of an even fight. a peculiar incident preceding the action has interest, as showing the strong preoccupation of men's minds at the opening of war, before meetings with the enemy have lost novelty. pellew's younger brother, israel, a commander in the navy, being otherwise unemployed, had come out with him for the cruise. the _cléopâtre_ having been first seen in the early morning, edward would not have him called till just as the _nymphe_ was closing. as he came on deck, the brother said affectionately, "israel, you have no business here. we are too many eggs from one nest. i am sorry i brought you from your wife." but the other was unheeding, his eyes fixed upon the stranger. "that's the very frigate," he cried, "that i've been dreaming of all night! i dreamt that we shot away her wheel." and, hastening to the after-gun, he made the french ship's wheel the object of an unremitting fire. by the way the enemy was handled it was evident that she was well manned and ably commanded. she had, in fact, been in commission for over a year. great as was his own skill, pellew could not venture upon manoeuvres with a green crew, untrained save at the guns, and only filled the night before by pressing from a merchant vessel. he therefore determined upon a simple artillery duel. the frenchman waited under short canvas, while the _nymphe_, with greater way, drew slowly up on his starboard, or right-hand side; both ships running nearly before the wind, but having it a little on the left side. each captain stood uncovered, and as the bows of the _nymphe_ doubled upon the stern of the _cléopâtre_, within three hundred feet, a french sailor was seen to run aloft and fasten a red cap of liberty to the mainmast head. the eyes of the british seamen were fastened upon their commander, awaiting the gesture which he had set, instead of word of mouth, for opening fire. at quarter-past six he gave it, raising his cap to his head. a furious cannonade at once began, and, the _nymphe_ shortening sail as soon as fairly abreast her antagonist, the two frigates continued on parallel lines, maintaining their relative positions as though at anchor, and rolling easily in the soft summer sea under the recoil of their guns. so nearly matched were the gunners that the conflict, unusually deadly though it was, might have lasted long, but at a little before seven israel pellew's dream was fulfilled. the frenchman's wheel was shot away, and, the mizzenmast going overboard at the same time, the _cléopâtre_ yielded to the impulse of her forward sails, turned sharp round to the right, and ran perpendicularly into the _nymphe_. the british boarded her, fixed in this disadvantageous position, fought their way aft, and, although the french crew was numerically superior, in ten minutes hauled down the colors. in this brief hour they had lost twenty-three killed and twenty-seven wounded, the enemy sixty-three killed and wounded, out of ships' companies numbering respectively two hundred and forty and three hundred and twenty. this was the first decisive frigate action of the war of the french revolution, and in consequence great was the enthusiasm aroused. lord howe wrote to pellew, "the manner in which you have taken the enemy's ship will set an example for the war." in truth, however, while admitting the soundness of pellew's judgment in adopting the course he did, the actual demand upon his personal skill was less, and in so far the credit due therefore less, than in the second successful frigate action, in the following october, in which sir james saumarez commanded. not only was the french vessel's superiority in force more marked in the latter instance, but saumarez's ship there met with an accident similar in character to that which befell the _cléopâtre_, from the consequences of which she was extricated by his masterly seamanship. still, it may with fairness be argued that, as the one action from its attendant circumstances evidenced the individual skill of the commander, so the other testified to the antecedent preparation and efficiency of the crew, which are always to be attributed to the care of the captain, especially under the conditions of pellew's enlistments. both captains fully deserved the reward of knighthood bestowed upon their success. israel pellew was promoted to post-captain. during the first three years of this war british commerce in the neighborhood of the channel suffered most severely from french cruisers. the latter resumed the methods of jean bart and other celebrated privateers of the days of louis xiv.; the essence of which was to prey upon the enemy's commerce, not by single vessels, but by small squadrons of from five to seven. cruisers so combined, acting in mutual support, were far more efficient than the same number acting separately. spreading like a fan, they commanded a wider expanse than a ship alone; if danger arose, they concentrated for mutual support; did opportunity offer, the work was cut out and distributed, thus insuring by co-operation more thorough results. at the suggestion of sir edward pellew, the british admiralty determined to oppose to these organized depredators a similar system. groups of crack frigates were constituted, and sent to cruise within the limits of the channel fleet, but independent of its admiral. in these pellew served for the next five years, much of the time as squadron commander; to him a period of incessant, untiring activity, and illustrated by many brilliant and exciting incidents, for which the limits of this sketch afford no space. there are, however, two episodes in which he was so distinctly the central figure that they demand at least a brief narration. in january, , while his ship was repairing, a large east indiaman, the _dutton_, carrying some six hundred troops and passengers, was by a series of mishaps driven ashore on the beach of plymouth, then an unprotected sound. as she struck, all her masts went overboard, and she lay broadside to the waves, pounding heavily as they broke over her. pellew was at this moment driving to a dinner with his wife. seeing crowds running from various directions towards the same quarter, he asked the reason. upon learning it, he left his carriage and hurried to the scene. when he arrived, he recognized, by the confusion on board, by the way the ship was laboring, by the poverty of the means that had been contrived for landing the imperilled souls,--only a single hawser having been run to the shore,--that the loss of nearly all on board was imminent. night, too, was falling, as well as the destruction of the vessel impending. after vainly offering rewards to the hardy boatmen standing by, if they would board the wreck with a message from him, he said, "then i must go myself." though then close to forty years of age, his immense personal strength and activity enabled him, though sorely bruised thereby, to be hauled on board through the breakers by the hawser, which alternately slacked and then tightened with a jerk as the doomed ship rolled to and fro in the seas. once on board, he assumed command, the want of which, through the absence of the proper captain, had until then hampered and well-nigh paralyzed all effectual effort. when his well-known name was spoken, three hearty cheers arose from the troops on board, echoed by the thousands of spectators on shore; and the hope that revived with the presence of a born leader of men showed itself at once in the renewed activity and intelligent direction of effort, on the decks and on the beach. the degree of the danger can be estimated from the fact that boats from the ships of war in port, his own included, tried in vain to approach and had to run for safety to the inner harbor. with sword drawn,--for many of the soldiers were drunk and riotous,--pellew maintained order, guided with a seaman's readiness the preparations for landing, and saw the women, the children,--one child but three weeks old,--the sick, landed first, then the soldiers, lastly the seamen. when he himself was transferred to the beach by the same means that his skill had contrived for others, but three persons remained on board, officers of the ship, who eased him on shore. the injuries he had received in his perilous passage out, and which confined him to his bed for a week, forbade his being last. to the end of his life, this saving of the crew of the _dutton_ was the action in which he took most pride. the year that opened with this magnificent act of self-devotion saw pellew, at its close, bearing a seaman's part in the most serious crisis that befell his country during the wars of the french revolution. the end of and the earlier months of marked the nadir of great britain's military fortunes. the successes of bonaparte's italian campaign were then culminating; austria was on the point of making peace with france; england was about to find herself alone, and the discontent of the seamen of the navy, long smouldering, was soon to break out into the famous and threatening mutinies of the channel fleet and of the nore. at the same time france, relieved on her eastern frontiers, felt able to devote seventeen ships-of-the-line and eighteen thousand troops to the invasion of ireland. pellew, with two frigates besides his own, was stationed off the mouth of brest harbor to watch the enemy's movements; the main british fleet being some fifty miles to seaward. to this emergency he brought not only the intrepidity of a great seaman and the ardor of an anxious patriot, but likewise the intense though narrow protestant feeling transmitted from a past, then not so remote, when romanism and enmity to england were almost synonymous. "how would you like," said he to an officer who shared pitt's liberal tendencies, "to see roman catholic chaplains on board our ships?" and to the end of his life he opposed the political enfranchisement of persons of that creed. the french expedition against ireland sailed from brest on the th of december, . having sent off successively each of his consorts with information for the fleet, pellew remained with his own ship alone, the _indefatigable_, at the moment of the final start. there are two principal channels by which brest can be left, one leading to the south, the other due west. the french admiral had at first intended to use the former; but, the wind showing signs of an unfavorable shift, he endeavored to change the orders just as night was falling. the weather being hazy, his signals were understood by but few of the forty-odd vessels composing the force. eight or ten joined him; the remainder followed the original instructions and went out by the south. pellew attached himself to the admiral's division, kept along with it just out of gun-shot, and by making false signals, burning blue lights and sending up rockets, introduced into the attempts to convey the wishes of the commander-in-chief such confusion as rendered them utterly futile. having satisfied himself as to the general direction taken by the enemy, he left them, and made all sail for falmouth, where he arrived on the th. the general fortunes of the expedition do not belong to the present story. suffice it to say that the greater part reached ireland safely, but through stress of weather was unable to land the troops, and went back to france by detachments, in january, . it is during this process of return that sir edward pellew again appears, in perhaps the most dramatic incident of his stirring career. on the afternoon of january th, being then in company with the frigate _amazon_, and about one hundred and twenty miles west of brest, a french ship-of-the-line was discovered. the stranger, named the _droits de l'homme_, was returning from ireland, and heading east. the frigates steered courses converging towards hers, seeking to cut her off from the land. the weather was thick and gloomy, with a strong west wind fast rising to a gale. at half-past four, as night was falling, the french ship carried away her fore and main topmasts in a heavy squall; and an hour later the _indefatigable_, now under close reefs, passed across her stern, pouring in a broadside from so near that the french flag floated across her poop, where it was seized and torn away by some of the british seamen. the enemy, having on board nearly a thousand soldiers besides her crew, replied with rapid volleys of musketry, and, as the frigate passed ahead, sheered impetuously towards her, attempting to board, and in her turn grazing the stern of the _indefatigable_. in another hour the _amazon_ drew up, and then the british vessels took their positions, one on either bow of the _droits de l'homme_, whence, by movements of the helm, they alternately raked her. the labor of the gunners, however, was arduous, due to the deep rolling of the ships, on board which, also, the seas poured in volumes through the gun-ports. on the main decks the men fought up to their middles in water, the heavy cannon broke away from the breechings, or ropes used to control them, and even iron bolts tore out from the ships' sides under the severe recoil of the guns. thus through the long winter night the three ships rushed headlong before the gale towards the french coast, intent on mutual destruction; the constant storm of shot, though flying wild under the violent motions of the vessels, tearing through spars and rigging, and crippling them in much that was essential to their safety. at four o'clock in the morning of the th, long before daybreak, land was sighted right ahead. the _indefatigable_ hauled at once to the southward, the _amazon_ to the northward; the enemy alone, seemingly unconscious of the danger, kept on, and as she passed pellew's ship fired a broadside which severely wounded all the masts. the situation of the combatants was well-nigh desperate. they had reached the coast of france at a point where it forms a deep recess, called audierne bay, from either side of which project capes that must be cleared in order to gain once more the open sea. one only of the three escaped. the _droits de l'homme_, unmanageable for want of sail power, tried to anchor, but drove, and struck on a shoal some distance from the beach. of sixteen hundred souls on board when the battle began, over one hundred had been killed; and of those who survived the fight three hundred perished in the wreck. the _amazon_, likewise crippled, though not so badly, had gone ashore to the northward only ten minutes after she ceased firing. of her people, but six were drowned. the _indefatigable_, beating back and forth against the gale before the scene of the french disaster, upon which her crew gazed with the solemn feeling that such might soon be their own fate, succeeded at last in clearing the southern cape. at eleven o'clock, nearly twenty-four hours after first meeting the foe, and with six feet of water in her hold, she passed only three-quarters of a mile outside of the penmarcks, a rocky promontory thirty miles south of brest. this remarkable encounter is said to have suggested to marryat the vivid sea picture with which "the king's own" ends. pellew's unusual personal endurance was signally illustrated on the same day, very shortly after the safety of the ship from wreck was assured. her principal sails had been so torn by shot as to require immediate renewing, and this had scarcely been done when two vessels were sighted, one of which was for the moment supposed to be the _amazon_, whose fate was yet unknown. pellew gave orders to chase, but his officers represented to him that, whatever he himself was capable of, the ship's company was too exhausted for present further exertion; and that, besides, the ammunition was very short, almost the last filled cartridge having been expended. under these circumstances he was compelled to desist. the interest of pellew's career centres mainly in his command of frigates. this independent but yet restricted sphere afforded the fullest scope for a conspicuous display of those splendid qualities--fearlessness, enterprise, sound judgment, instant decision, and superb seamanship--which he so eminently possessed. he was, above all, the frigate captain. "nothing like hesitation was ever seen in him. his first order was always his last; and he often declared of himself that he never had a second thought worth sixpence." in , by a new admiralty rule, he was transferred to the _impétueux_, a ship-of-the-line, and thenceforth served in that class of vessel until his promotion to admiral. as a general officer, pellew had no opportunity to show whether he possessed ability of the highest order. for five years he held the command in india; and soon after collingwood's death he was, in , appointed commander-in-chief in the mediterranean. on both stations he evinced that faculty for careful organization, systematic preparation, and sagacious distribution of force which carries success up to the point which administrative capacity can reach. his ability in planning, while yet a subordinate in command of squadrons, had been recognized by st. vincent during his management of the brest blockade. "the disposition made by sir edward pellew for the descent on a certain point is the most masterly i have ever seen.... although the naval command in quiberon may appear too important for a captain, i shall not divest him of it, unless i am ordered to do so; feeling a thorough conviction that no man in his majesty's navy, be his rank ever so high, will fill it so well." at the time this was written, june, , he had seven ships-of-the-line under his orders. after the peace of amiens, when war again began in , he commanded a similar division watching the spanish port of ferrol, in which, although formally neutral, a french division lay at anchor; and in discharge of this duty, both as a seaman and an administrator, he again justified the eulogium of the old earl, now at the head of the navy as first lord. in he was promoted rear-admiral, and soon afterwards assigned to the east india station, which he held from to . here no naval actions on the great scale were to be fought, but under his systematic organization of convoys and cruisers for the protection of commerce the insurance premium--the war risk--on the most exposed routes fell markedly,--for the port of bombay fifty per cent less than at any former period of hostilities; while the losses by capture, when the merchants observed his instructions, amounted to but one per cent on the property insured, which was less than those caused by the dangers of the sea, and considerably less, also, than the average war losses in other parts of the world. all this shows great ability, carefully utilized in diligent preparation and efficient precaution; and the same characteristics are to be observed in his administration of the mediterranean command, of wider scope and more purely military importance. nevertheless, it gives no sure proof of the particular genius of a great captain. whether, having forged his weapon, pellew could also wield it; whether, having carefully sowed, he could also reap the harvest by large combinations on the battle-field, must remain uncertain, at least until probable demonstration of his conceptions is drawn from his papers. nothing is as yet adduced to warrant positive inference. pellew's mediterranean command coincided in time with the period of napoleon's falling fortunes. after trafalgar, the emperor decided to increase his navy largely, but to keep it in port instead of at sea, forcing great britain also to maintain huge fleets, the expense of which, concurring with the commercial embarrassments that he sought to bring upon her, might exhaust her power to continue the war. in consequence of this policy, british military achievement on the grand scale was confined to the army in the spanish peninsula; and in the bestowal of rewards, after napoleon's first abdication, but one peerage was given to the navy. the great claims of sir james saumarez, who was the senior of the two, were disregarded on the ground that his flag was not flying at the moment, and pellew was created baron exmouth. during the process of settlement which succeeded the final fall of napoleon at waterloo, lord exmouth remained in the mediterranean. in the early part of he was ordered to visit with his fleet the barbary ports, and to compel the unconditional release of all slaves who were natives of the ionian islands; they having become subjects of great britain by the terms of the peace. for many years, while the powers of europe were engrossed in the tremendous strife of the french revolution, these piratical states, under pretence of regular hostilities, had preyed upon the coasts as well as upon the commerce of the weak mediterranean countries, and captives taken by them were kept in bitter slavery. nelson in his correspondence, in , mentions a curious incident which sufficiently characterizes the general motives and policy of these barbarian courts. he asked an algerine official visiting his ship, why the dey would not make peace with genoa and naples, for they would pay well for immunity, as the united states also at that time did. the reply was, "if we make peace with every one, what is the dey to do with his ships?" in his later experience with the mediterranean the great admiral realized yet more forcibly the crying shame of great britain's acquiescence. "my blood boils that i cannot chastise these pirates. they could not show themselves in this sea did not our country permit. never let us talk of the cruelty of the african slave trade, while we permit such a horrid war." the united states alone, although then among the least of naval powers, had taken arms before to repress outrages that were the common reproach of all civilized nations,--a measure the success of which went far to establish the character of her navy and prepare it for . lord exmouth was also directed to demand peace for sardinia, as well as for any other state that should authorize him to act for it. only naples availed itself of this opportunity. as far as his instructions went, his mission was successful, and, by a happy accident, he was able at tunis and tripoli to extort further from the rulers a promise that thereafter captives should be treated as in civilized countries; in other words, that they should no longer be reduced to slavery. algiers refused this concession; and the admiral could not take steps to enforce it, because beyond his commission. the dey, however, undertook to consult the porte; and the fleet, with a few exceptions, returned to england, where it arrived towards the end of june. meanwhile british public feeling had become aroused; for men were saying that the outrages of the past had been rather welcome to the commercial selfishness of the country. the well-protected traders of great britain, shielded by her omnipotent navy, had profited by crimes which drove their weaker rivals from the sea. just then news came that at the port of bona, on the algiers coast, where there was under the british flag an establishment for carrying on the coral fishery, a large number of the fishermen, mostly italians, had been wantonly slaughtered by a band of turkish troops. to insist, arms in hand, upon reparation for such an outrage, and upon guarantees for the future, would doubtless be condemned by some of our recent lights; but such was not then the temper of great britain. the government determined at once to send a fleet to the spot, and lord exmouth was chosen for the command, with such a force as he himself should designate. the gist of his instructions was to demand the release, without ransom, of _all_ christian slaves, and a solemn declaration from the dey that, in future wars, prisoners should receive the usage accorded them by european states. great britain thus made herself, as befitted the obligation imposed by her supreme maritime power, the avenger of all those oppressed by these scourges of the sea. the times of the barbarians were fulfilled. during a long career of successful piracy, the port of algiers had accumulated an extensive and powerful system of defences. these had doubtless suffered in condition from the nonchalant fatalism of turkish rule, encouraged by a long period of impunity; but they constituted still, and under all the shortcomings of the defenders, a most imposing menace to an attacking fleet. to convey a precise impression of them by detailed verbal description would be difficult, and the attempt probably confusing. it may be said, in brief, that the town faces easterly, rising abruptly up a steep hill; that from its front there then projected a pier, nearly a thousand feet long, at whose end was a circular fort, carrying seventy guns in three tiers; from that point a mole extended at right angles to the southward,--parallel, that is, in a general sense, to the town front, but curving inward through the southern half of its length, so as better to embrace and shelter the vessels inside. this mole was somewhat over a thousand feet in length, and had throughout two tiers of guns, linked at their northern extremity to the circular fort at the pier end. these principal works were flanked and covered, at either end and on the hillside, by others which it is unnecessary to particularize. the total number of guns bearing seaward numbered near three hundred, of very respectable size for that day. the basin formed by the pier and the mole constituted the port proper, and in it, at the time of the attack, was collected the entire algerine navy, nine frigates and corvettes and thirty-seven gunboats, the paltry force that had so long terrorized the mediterranean. in prevision of his present enterprise, lord exmouth before leaving the mediterranean had despatched a light cruiser to algiers, on a casual visit similar to those continually made by ships of war to foreign ports. her commander, captain charles warde, received from him very precise and most secret instructions to examine closely into the defences and soundings; to do which it was necessary not only to observe every precaution of seeming indifference,--even to the extent of appearing engrossed with social duties,--but also to conduct under this cover measurements and observations of at least approximate correctness. this duty was performed with singular diligence and success, with the double result of revealing the hopeless inaccuracy of existing charts and of placing in exmouth's hands a working plan of the ground, perfectly trustworthy for his tactical dispositions. as before remarked, in the sketch of lord st. vincent, the defence and attack of seaports, involving as they do both occupation of permanent positions and the action of mobile bodies, are tactical questions. they differ much, though not radically, from operations in the open sea, or in the field, where positions may be taken incidentally, but where the movements of mobile bodies are the principal factor. in this way, though without using the word tactical, exmouth treated the problem before him. furnished, thanks to his own foresight and warde's efficiency, with reliable information concerning the preparations of the enemy, he calculated the dispositions necessary to meet them and to crush their fire. having assigned to the hostile works, severally and collectively, the force needed to overbear them, and having arranged the anchoring positions for the vessels of his command with reference to the especial task of each, as well as for mutual support, he had substantially his plan of battle, afterwards communicated to the fleet before going into action; and the same data afforded the foundation for his statement to the government of the number and character of ships needed for success. to the surprise of the admiralty, lord exmouth asked for but five ships-of-the-line, five frigates, and five smaller vessels, to which were added four mortar boats to play upon the town and arsenal. when met with expressions of doubt, he replied, "i am satisfied, and take the responsibility entirely upon myself." to satisfy the hesitancy of the government, he left with the secretary to the admiralty a written statement that his every requirement had been fulfilled, and that to him alone, therefore, would failure from deficient power be attributable. on the eve of departure he said to his brother israel, "if they open fire when the ships are coming up, and cripple them in their masts, the difficulty and loss will be greater; but if they allow us to take our stations, i am sure of them, for i know that nothing can resist a line-of-battle ship's fire." he trusted to the extreme care of his preparations, which neglected no particular of equipment or organization, elaborating every detail of training and discipline, and providing, by the most diligent foresight and minute instruction, that each officer concerned should know exactly what was expected of him. in short, it was to perfection of quality, and not to an unwieldy bulk of superfluous quantity, that exmouth confided his fortunes in this last hazard. the fleet sailed from england on the th of july, , was joined at gibraltar by a dutch squadron of five frigates, whose commander asked to share the coming contest, and on the th of august was off the north point of algiers bay, some twenty miles from the town. at daybreak the next morning, the weather being almost calm, a flag of truce was sent in, bearing the british demands. during its absence a breeze from the sea sprang up, and the fleet stood in to a mile from the works, where it stopped to await the reply. at two p.m. the boat was seen returning, with the signal that no answer had been given. the flag-ship queried, "are you ready?" each ship at once replied, "yes;" and all filling away together stood down to the attack, the admiral leading. the algerine batteries were fully manned; the mole, moreover, was crowded with troops. with singular temerity, they fired no gun as the ships came on, thus relieving the most anxious of exmouth's preoccupations concerning the difficulties before him; fearing, seemingly, that, if otherwise received, the prey might turn and escape. the british, on their side, observed the utmost silence; not a gun, not a cheer, marred the solemn impression of the approach. the flag-ship, _queen charlotte_,[ ] piloted by an officer who had served continuously with exmouth since , anchored by the stern across the mole head, at a distance of fifty yards, her starboard batteries pointing to sweep it from end to end. still no sound of battle, as she proceeded to lash her bows to those of an algerine brig lying just within the mole. this done, her crew gave three cheers, as well they might. then the stolid, unaccountable apathy of the barbarians ceased, and three guns in quick succession were fired from the eastern battery. stirred by a movement of compassion, lord exmouth, from the flag-ship's poop, seeing the moorish soldiery clustered thick upon the parapets to watch the ships, waved to them with his hand to get down. at the first hostile gun he gave the order "stand by!" at the second, "fire!" and simultaneously with the third the _queen charlotte's_ broadside rang out, and the battle began. the other vessels of the squadron were not all as successful as the flag-ship in taking the exact position assigned, and the admiral's plan thereby suffered some of that derangement to which every undertaking, especially military and naval, is liable. this, however, produced no effect upon the general result, except by increasing somewhat the lists of killed and wounded, through loss of advantageous offensive position, with consequent defect in mutual support. but the first broadside is proverbially half the battle. it was a saying of collingwood to his crew, in a three-decker like the _queen charlotte_, that if they could deliver three effective fires in the first five minutes no vessel could resist them; and this was yet more certain when opposed to the semi-discipline of adversaries such as the algerine pirates. exmouth's general design was to concentrate his heavy ships at the southern end of the mole, whence the curve in the line of batteries would enable them to enfilade or take in reverse the works at the northern extremity. here were to be the two three-deckers, with a seventy-four between them, all three in close order, stem to stern. the two-decker, however, anchored some seven hundred feet astern of the _queen charlotte_, the intervening space being left empty until filled by a thirty-six-gun frigate, upon whose captain st. vincent passed the eulogium, "he seems to have felt lord nelson's eye upon him." the two remaining seventy-fours placed themselves successively close astern of the first, which was in accord with the original purpose, while the other three-decker took the right flank of the line, and somewhat too far out; in which exposed and unintended position, beyond the extreme north point contemplated for the british order, she underwent a very heavy loss. in general summary, therefore, it may be said that the broadsides of the ships-of-the-line were opposed from end to end to the heavy central batteries on the mole, while the lighter vessels engaged the flanking works on the shore to the southward, thus diverting the fire which would have harassed the chief assailants,--a service in which the dutch squadron, composed entirely of frigates, rendered important assistance. the bomb vessels from the rear threw their shells over the fighting ships into the town and arsenal, and in the admiral's report are credited with firing all the shipping in the harbor, except one frigate, creating a conflagration which spread over the arsenal and storehouses. soon after the contest opened, the thirty-seven algerine gunboats, crowded with troops, were seen advancing under cover of the smoke to board the flag-ship. the attempt, rash to insanity, met the fate it should have expected; thirty-three were sent to the bottom by the guns of the _leander_, stationed ahead of the _queen charlotte_, and commanding the entrance to the port. an hour later, lord exmouth determined to set fire to the remaining frigate. the service was performed by an officer and boat's crew, with a steadiness which elicited from him such admiration that, on the return of the party, he stopped the working of the ship's upper battery to give them three cheers. as the hostile vessel burned, she drifted so near the _queen charlotte_ as nearly to involve her in the same fate. from three to ten p.m. the battle lasted, steady disciplined valor contending with a courage in no way inferior, absolutely insensible to danger, but devoid of that coherent, skilful direction which is to courage what the brain and eye are to the heart. "i never," wrote exmouth to his brother, "saw any set of men more obstinate at their guns, and it was superior fire only that could keep them back. to be sure, nothing could stand before the _queen charlotte's_ broadside. everything fell before it, and the swedish consul assures me we killed above five hundred at the very first fire, from the crowded way in which the troops were drawn up, four deep above the gunboats, which were also full of men. it was a glorious sight," he continues, "to see the _charlotte_ take her anchorage, and to see her flag towering on high, when she appeared to be in the flames of the mole itself; and never was a ship nearer burnt; it almost scorched me off the poop. we were obliged to haul in the ensign, or it would have caught fire." he was himself struck thrice, though not seriously injured. a cannon-ball carried away the skirts of his coat, and one glass of the spectacles in his pocket was broken, and the frame bulged, by a shot. at ten p.m., the ammunition of the fleet running short, and its work being substantially accomplished, the ships began to haul off. the sea defences and a great part of the town were in ruins. "to be again effective," wrote exmouth, "the defences must be rebuilt from the foundation." the flanking batteries and the hill forts continued to annoy the vessels as they retired, but the spirit of the dey was broken. towards eleven a light air from the land sprang up, which freshened into a violent and prolonged thunderstorm, lasting for three hours; and the flashes of heaven's artillery combined with the glare of the burning town to illuminate the withdrawal of the ships. the following morning the dey signified his submission, and on the th of august lord exmouth made known to the fleet that all the terms of great britain had been yielded; that christian slavery was forever abolished, and that by noon of the following day all slaves then in algiers would be delivered to his flag. this was accordingly done, the whole number amounting to ; which, with those previously released at tunis and tripoli, raised to the human beings whom exmouth had been the instrument of freeing from a fate worse than death. of this total, but eighteen were english; the remainder were almost wholly from the mediterranean countries. on the d of september, just one week after the attack, the fleet sailed for england. profuse acknowledgment necessarily awaited the hero of a deed in which national exultation so happily blended with the sentiment of pity for the oppressed. the admiral was raised to the next rank in the peerage, and honors poured in upon him from every side,--from abroad as well as from his own countrymen. his personal sense of the privilege permitted him, thus to crown a life of strenuous exertion by a martial deed of far-reaching beneficence, was a reward passing all others. in the opening words of his official report he voices his thankfulness: "in all the vicissitudes of a long life of public service, no circumstance has ever produced on my mind such impressions of gratitude and joy as the event of yesterday. to have been one of the humble instruments in the hands of divine providence for bringing to reason a ferocious government, and destroying for ever the horrid system of christian slavery, can never cease to be a source of delight and heartfelt comfort to every individual happy enough to be employed in it." here lord exmouth's career closes. just forty years had elapsed since as a youth he had fought the _carleton_ on lake champlain, and he was yet to live sixteen in honored retreat; bearing, however, the burden of those whose occupation is withdrawn at an age too advanced to form new interests. though in vigorous health and with ample fortune, "he would sometimes confess," says his biographer, "that he was happier amid his early difficulties." the idea of retirement, indeed, does not readily associate itself with the impression of prodigious vitality, which from first to last is produced by the record of his varied activities. in this respect, as in others, the contrast is marked between him and saumarez, the two who more particularly illustrate the complementary sides of the brilliant group of naval leaders, in the second rank of distinction, which clustered around the great names of nelson, howe, and jervis. in the old age of saumarez, the even, ordered tenor of his active military life is reflected in the peaceful, satisfied enjoyment of repose and home happiness, of the fruits of labors past, which collingwood, probably without good reason, fancied to be characteristic of his own temperament. lord exmouth, compelled to be a passive spectator, saw with consequent increased apprehension the internal political troubles of great britain in his later days. though not a party man, he was strongly conservative, so that the agitations of the reform era concealed from him the advantages towards which it was tending, and filled him with forebodings for the future of his country. like his distinguished contemporary, admiral saumarez, and like many others of those lion-hearted, masculine men who had passed their lives amid the storms of the elements and of battle,--and like our own farragut,--lord exmouth was a deeply religious man. strong as was his self-reliance in war and tempest, he rested upon the almighty with the dependence of a child upon its father. his noble brother, sir israel pellew, who had followed nelson into the fire at trafalgar, departed with the words, "i know in whom i have believed;" and of the admiral himself, an officer who was often with him during the closing scene said, "i have seen him great in battle, but never so great as on his deathbed." lord exmouth died on january , . he was at the time vice-admiral of england, that distinguished honorary rank having been conferred upon him but a few months before his death. * * * * * of the last four admirals whose careers have been here sketched, howe alone inherited fortune and high social rank; but he also fought his way far beyond the modest position bequeathed to him by his brother. eminent all, though in varying manner and degree, each illustrated a distinct type in the same noble profession. all were admirable officers, but they differed greatly in original endowments and consequent development. it was intuitive with st. vincent to take wide and far-sighted views, and to embody them in sustained, relentless action. endued by nature with invincible energy and determination, he moved spontaneously and easily along his difficult path. he approached, although he did not attain genius. in howe is seen rather the result of conscientious painstaking acting upon excellent abilities, but struggling always against a native heaviness and a temper constitutionally both indolent and indulgent; a temper to which indeed he does not yield, over which he triumphs, but which nevertheless imposes itself upon his general course with all the force inseparable from hereditary disposition. a man of talent, he educates himself to acquirements which in his rival have the character of perception; and only under the spur of emergency does he rise to the height of greatness. both were great general officers, a claim which can scarcely be advanced for saumarez and exmouth, able, brilliant, and devoted as they were. saumarez was the steadfast, skilful, accomplished master of his profession, but one whose aptitudes and tastes placed him in the great organization of the fleet, as a principal subordinate rather than as head. exmouth was the typical, innate seaman, intensely active, whose instincts are those of the partisan warrior, and who shines most in the freedom of detached service. all bore a conspicuous part in the greatest war of modern times, with honor such that their names will be remembered as long as naval history endures. footnotes: [ ] fleetwood hugo pellew, in "our naval heroes." [ ] this _queen charlotte_ was the successor of the ship which carried howe's flag on the first of june, and which had been destroyed by fire off leghorn in . index aboukir bay, . age, standard of, a factor in efficiency, . _albany_, sloop, , . alexandria, ; ; battle off, - ; . algeciras, allied fleet anchored at, ; french ships anchor off, ; saumarez starts for, ; saumarez finds french ships moored at, ; _hannibal_ re-anchors at, ; crowded with eager sight-seers, ; renewed battle off, . algiers, battle of, ; policy of, , ; nelson denounces, ; refuses demand of lord exmouth in regard to treatment of captives, ; italian coral fishermen slaughtered on coast of, ; lord exmouth demands release of christian slaves in, ; its system of defences, ; navy of, in port, ; capt. warde examines defences in port of, ; lord exmouth sails against, ; battle at bay of, - . algiers, dey of, ; consults the porte, ; makes submission to exmouth, ; delivers up christian slaves, , . _alligator_, ship, . altavela, . _amazon_, ship, ; fight of, with _droits de l'homme_, , ; wreck of, , . amiens, peace of, . anglo-dutch war, marks period of transition in naval warfare, . anglo-saxon predominance, beginning of the struggle for, ; approaching its crisis, . anson, lord, takes command of channel fleet, ; presents rodney at court, ; succeeded by earl of sandwich, ; . antigua, ; ; . _apollo_, frigate, ; engages stanislas, ; . arbuthnot, admiral, ordered to send ships to west indies, ; his force added to rodney's, ; regards himself injured, . _ardent_, ship, . arnold, benedict, ; ; ; bravery of, in battle, ; retires toward crown point, ; cooper's praise of, ; ; . articles of war, modified, . audierne bay, . austria, peace signed with, ; . baltic league, fostered by napoleon, ; shattered by nelson, ; saumarez disturbs, , . baltic sea, affairs in, . barbados, injuries at, by hurricane, ; british fleet arrives at, ; rodney returns to, ; rodney unwilling to fight french, off, ; rodney reaches, ; ; saumarez reaches, . _barfleur_, ship, ; ; . barrington, declines command of channel fleet, ; refuses command of a fleet, ; denounces ministry, ; ; second to howe, ; . bart, jean, french privateer, . basque roads, its character as a harbor, ; . _bedford_, ship, . _berwick_, ship, , . biron, maréchal, makes money advance to rodney, . black rocks, reef, . _blenheim_, ship, ; . _blonde_, ship, burgoyne embarks on, . bombay, . bompart, commodore, leaves america, ; his arrival, . bonaparte, _see napoleon_. boscawen, admiral, fleet under, collecting at portsmouth, ; sails to intercept french squadron, , ; loses two ships, ; before toulon, ; attacks french frigates near toulon, ; his failure, ; returns to gibraltar, ; criticism of, ; surprised while repairing, ; his rapid movements, ; goes in pursuit of de la clue, ; destroys five french ships, ; succeeds hawke temporarily, . boston, loss of, . brest, hawke's efficient blockade of, ; movements of french navy at, ; de la clue sails for, ; conflans's ships escape to, ; rodney operates against, ; jervis closes port of, , ; blockade of, ; bay of, ; pellew stationed off, ; french expedition against ireland sails from, . brimstone hill, ; . _bristol_, ship, ; ; ; . british empire, non-existent in , . british ministry, apprehensive over schooner _hawke_ incident, ; cautions rodney, ; learns that spain is concentrating vessels at cadiz, . brueys, at battle of nile, . _brunswick_, ship, ; . _burford_, ship, . burgoyne, ; ; ; ; leads renewed invasion, . burrish, capt. george, off toulon, ; his address to his lieutenants, ; decision of court in case of, ; cashiered, . byng, admiral, his incompetency at minorca, , ; finding of courtmartial of, ; one of the judges of mathews, ; his punishment, ; his situation at minorca reviewed, - ; author's criticism of, ; discussion of trial of, ; article under which he was convicted and executed, , ; his sailing for minorca, ; arrival off port mahon, ; engages french fleet, ; retires to gibraltar, ; news of retreat of, reaches england, ; superseded by hawke, ; sent home, ; inquiry concerning in house of commons, ; defended by pitt, ; his execution a political exigency, . byron, given north american command, ; ; relieves howe and goes to west indies, ; ; his failure and return to england, . cabrita point, . cadiz, french ships escape to, ; ; ; spaniards running for, ; spanish gunboats leave, ; blockade at, ; saumarez blockades, ; french and spanish navies concentrated at, ; saumarez ordered to blockade, ; saumarez arrives off, ; saumarez prevents entrance of french ship to, ; object of concentration at, frustrated by saumarez, . cadiz, bay of, . _cæsar_, ship, saumarez appointed to command, ; injured at algeciras, ; refitted, ; hauls out from gibraltar mole, ; sails for algeciras, ; appears off europa point, . campbell, captain, aids in suppressing mutiny on board ship _marlborough_, . cape horn, . cape passaro, battle of, . cape st. vincent, _see st. vincent, cape_. cap françois, ; ; ; . _captain_, ship, . cardinals, the, rocks, , . carkett, captain, ; his disobedience of rodney's orders, , . carleton, general, ; . _carleton_, schooner, ; pellew left in command of, ; obliged to withdraw, ; ; . cartagena, harbor of, schooner _hawke_ taken to, ; governor of, rodney demands schooner _hawke_ from, . _césar_, ship, . champlain, lake, ; ; battle on, , ; ; . chandos, duke of, . channel fleet, keppel appointed to command of, ; ; ; ; ; ; howe takes command of, ; howe remains in nominal command of, ; howe formally retires from command of, ; jervis attached to, ; rumor concerning command of, ; lack of discipline in, ; ; ; st. vincent again called to command of, ; _tisiphone_ attached to, ; ; st. vincent takes command of, ; ; . channel islands, saumarez commander-in-chief at, . charente, river, french vessels flee up, . charleston, british fleet arrives off, . cherbourg, saumarez present at beginning of work on breakwater at, ; frigate _réunion_ quits, . chevalier, captain, tribute of, to admiral howe, . _cléopâtre_, ship, fight of, with _nymphe_, , . clinton, sir henry, his evacuation of new york, ; at cape may, ; reaches navesink, ; . codrington, lieutenant, ; . collingwood, ; criticises movement of admiral mann, ; at battle off cape st. vincent, ; ; off brest, ; pellew succeeds, . conflans, opposed by hawke, ; sails, ; his fleet breaks apart and flees, ; his flag-ship destroyed, ; . cook, james, master of fleet at quebec, , . cooper, naval historian, his opinion of arnold, . copenhagen, ; . cornwall, . _cornwall_, ship, . cornwallis, lord, his fate in america, settled, ; his surrender, ; surrender of, change of ministry consequent upon, ; offers commission to saumarez, ; meeting of, with saumarez, subsequently, . corsica, ; ; in revolt against britain, ; evacuated by british, . _courageux_, ship, wrecked on barbary coast, ; . _crescent_, frigate, saumarez appointed to command, ; action of, with french frigate _réunion_, , . crown point, ; ; pellew lands at, . _culloden_, ship, , . cumberland, richard, his remark concerning rodney, . cumby, lieutenant, parody by, upon admiral jervis, ; pretended revenge of admiral upon, . curaçao, . curtis, fleet captain, . curtis, sir roger, . czar of russia, . dacres, lieutenant, wounded, , . declaration of independence, . de court, admiral, his comments on engagement off toulon, ; . _defence_, ship, ; . de grasse, count, fleet under, sails for martinique, , ; sights hood's division, ; gives hood battle, ; moves to support his detachment at tobago, ; sails for hayti, ; protects convoy from martinique to cap françois, ; is followed by rodney, ; separates ships of war from convoy, ; fails to use his opportunity, ; condition of ships of, ; flag-ship of, collides with _zélé_, ; battle with rodney, - ; disaster to squadron of, ; transports sail to carry stores to, ; off st. christopher, ; saumarez engages flag-ship of, . de guichen, sails from martinique, ; his battle with rodney, - ; asks to be relieved, ; his fleet returns to europe, ; . de la clue, admiral, sails for brest, ; near gibraltar, ; is seen by british frigate, ; pursued by boscawen, ; fire-ships destroyed by boscawen, . de ruyter, pronounced greatest naval seaman in era of charles ii., , . d'estaing, count, howe's campaign against, , ; leaves toulon for america, ; his arrival delayed, ; strength of squadron of, ; arrives, ; sails southward, ; enters harbor of newport, ; again puts to sea, ; fleet of, scattered, ; appears again off rhode island, ; retires to boston, ; runs batteries at seakonnet channel, ; is lured out of bay, ; abandons coast, . devonshire, . _devonshire_, ship, , . dey, of algiers, _see algiers, dey of_. dominica, . _dorsetshire_, frigate, , , . douglas, sir charles, his criticism of rodney's encounter with de grasse, ; ; ; on battle of lake champlain, ; commands pellew, . douglas, sir james, . drake, rear admiral, sent by rodney against de grasse, ; forced to retire before superior force, . _droits de l'homme_, ship, fight of, with _indefatigable_ and _amazon_, , ; wreck of, . dungeness, anecdote of nelson off, , . dupleix, recalled from india by french government, . _dutton_, ship, driven ashore at plymouth, ; her troops, passengers, and crew saved through action of admiral pellew, - . _eagle_, ship, , . east indies, . east india, station, pellew assigned to, . egypt, ; ; . ellis, lieutenant, . ellison, captain, earl st. vincent's rebuke to, , . elphinstone, captain, . erie, lake, . _essex_, ship, . europa point, . exmouth, lord, _see pellew_. falkland islands, incident at, brings great britain and spain on verge of rupture, . falmouth, . faulkner, captain, , . fearney, william, bargeman, receives surrendered spanish swords from nelson, . ferrol, spanish port of, pellew watches, . fighting instructions, of and , compared with those of ; rooke's tactics adopted in, . finisterre, cape, . finland, gulf of, russian fleet takes refuge in, . first consul, napoleon as, . _flamborough_, frigate, . flight, colonel, admiral jervis plays joke upon, . _formidable_, flag-ship of rodney, . fort moultrie, _see moultrie fort_. fort royal, . _foudroyant_, ship, ; . four days battle, british meet severe check in, ; attributed to strategic errors, ; penn's criticism of, . fox, captain, criticised for conduct in battle off la rochelle, ; court-martialled, ; retired as a rear-admiral, . fox, charles j., supported in parliament by admiral jervis, . france, abandons egypt, ; sends fleet and force against minorca, ; declares war against great britain, ; captures british supply vessel off gibraltar, ; sends squadron to convoy troops to cape breton, , ; ships of, flee up river charente, ; vessels of, make their escape, ; determines to invade england, ; preparations of, for invasion of england, , ; war between great britain and, imminent, ; declares war against great britain, ; expedition of, against ireland, sails from brest, ; failure of expedition of, against ireland, . françois, cap, ; ; ; . franklin, benjamin, on french occupation of canada, ; receives note from admiral howe, ; bitter reply of, ; howe's comment on, . _franklin_, ship, . frederick the great, . free ports, great britain institutes, in west indies, ; effect of, ; rodney's report concerning, ; . french navy, _see navy, french_. french, the, their part in development of tactical science, ; seamen mobbed in boston, ; land in egypt, . galley fighting, its superiority in effectiveness to that in sailing vessels, ; its decline, ; its traditions linger, . gardner, lord, . geary, francis, hawke's advice to, . george i., king of england, stands sponsor for infant rodney, . george ii., king of england, takes knowledge of hawke, . george iii., king of england, conversation of, with earl st. vincent, . gibraltar, rooke's capture of, ; byng retires to, ; hawke reaches, ; boscawen returns to, ; de la clue near, ; ; joy at, over rodney's victory off cape st. vincent, , ; ; howe's relief of, - ; jervis at relief of, ; ; ; three ships wrecked at, ; saumarez convoys prizes to, ; ; saumarez withdraws from algeciras to, ; exmouth joins dutch fleet at, . _gibraltar_, ship, injured on a reef, . _glorieux_, ship, . great britain, declares war against france, ; institutes free ports in jamaica, ; effect of this movement, ; foreign policy of, enfeebled, ; on verge of rupture with spain over falkland islands incident, ; war between france and, imminent, ; pensions daughters of maréchal biron, ; declares war against holland, ; napoleon seeks to exclude commerce of, . great britain, navy of, _see navy of great britain_. greenwich hospital, palliser appointed to governorship of, . grenada, captured by british, . gros ilet bay, . guadaloupe, ; ; ; . guernsey, island, james saumarez born on, ; later years of saumarez at, . hallowell, captain, ; eccentric response of, to jervis, . _hannibal_, ship, loss of, at algeciras, ; ; re-anchors at algeciras, . havana, rodney at fall of, ; loss of, embitters spain, . havre, rodney operates against, . hawke, admiral, development of naval warfare identified with name of, ; uplifted the navy, ; off toulon, , , ; his capture of the spanish vessel, _poder_, ; his birth and parentage, ; his promotion to post-captain, ; appointed to the _berwick_, ; sails for the mediterranean, ; loses his political influence, ; war against spain declared, ; sails for west indies in _portland_, ; war of austrian succession, ; before toulon, ; his exceptional conduct in battle, ; is complimented by rear-admiral rowley, ; effect of the battle on his fortunes, ; the king takes knowledge of him, ; becomes a rear-admiral, ; hoists his flag, ; cruises in the bay of biscay, under sir peter warren, ; joined to warren in command, ; goes to sea in command, ; subordinates pecuniary to military considerations, ; descries the enemy off la rochelle, ; overhauls fleet of french merchantmen convoyed by commodore l'etenduère, ; orders general chase, ; overtakes the french rear, ; his brilliant victory, ; his report of the engagement, ; calls a council of war, ; displeased with capt. fox, ; actually commander in battle with l'etenduère, ; given order of the bath, ; now known as sir edward hawke, ; promoted to rank of vice-admiral, ; in dock yard command, ; most illustrious naval officer, ; revolutionizes naval ideas, ; his part in arbitrament with france, ; again in command of a fleet, ; sails against french, ; seizes trading vessels, ; supersedes byng, ; reaches gibraltar, ; sends byng home, ; institutes inquiry into conduct of byng's captains, ; denies allegations of pitt in house of commons, ; disliked by pitt, ; returns to england, ; recaptures british supply vessel in spanish port, ; his characteristic independence illustrated, ; his service henceforth confined to channel fleet, ; maintains blockade of french ports, ; his expedition against rochefort, ; controversy concerning it, ; his maxim concerning pilots, ; his surprise at basque roads, ; characterization of that harbor, ; his coolness, ; his self-assertion, ; his bold disregard of pilotage difficulties at quiberon, ; declines to attend a council of war, ; reaches spithead, ; resents language of pitt, ; his service against french squadron, , ; his failure to destroy french squadron through defective equipment, ; practically supplanted by howe, ; abandons his command in an indignant note, , ; his anger in some respects justified, ; is summoned to the admiralty, ; defends his action, ; his position strengthened, ; accompanies anson as second in command, ; culminating epoch in career of, ; his triumph at quiberon bay, ; his capacity as a seaman proved, ; his efficient blockade of brest, ; is burned in effigy, ; operations at brest, ; his double duty there, ; his difficulties, ; opposes conflans, ; his method at quiberon analyzed, - ; assures the admiralty, ; his great tact in correspondence, ; discharges a mutinous surgical officer, ; defends his act, ; his liberality toward subordinates, ; watches french ships at cadiz, ; sends ships to reinforce light squadron, ; recalls ships-of-the-line, ; anchors in torbay, ; receives news of french fleet, ; crowds all sail for quiberon, ; sights the french fleet, ; gives pursuit, , ; opens fire, ; his orders to his sailing master, ; is overtaken by night, ; follows french fleet round the cardinals, ; sinks two french ships, ; cows the french navy, ; his losses at quiberon, ; his feat at quiberon analyzed, ; returns to england, ; is succeeded by boscawen temporarily, ; received with honors, ; denied a peerage, ; his indifference to self-advancement, ; his independence in professional conduct, toward superiors, , ; hauls down his flag, ; becomes first lord of the admiralty, ; made vice-admiral of great britain, ; the peerage conferred, ; his advice to geary, ; his death, ; his distinctive glory, ; his opinion of howe, ; . _hawke_, schooner, , overhauled by spanish coast guard vessels, ; taken to cartagena, . hayti, ; . _hector_, ship, . _hermenegildo_, ship, ; ; remarkable loss of, . hohenlinden, . holland, great britain declares war against, ; . hood, sir samuel, strength of his powers, ; made second in command to rodney, ; arrives at west india station, ; his disagreement with rodney, ; gives battle to de grasse, ; urges rodney to effect a coalition of forces, ; joins rodney at st. kitts, ; criticises rodney's movement against de grasse at tobago, ; defends st. kitts, ; urges rodney to more energetic action, ; criticises rodney, - ; his comment on rodney, ; in command of mediterranean fleet, ; anchors off st. christopher, ; appoints saumarez to command _russell_, . horn, cape, . hoste, paul, historian of achievements of tourville, . howe, lord, his important mission, ; his return from america, ; his character and temperament, , ; anecdote of, recorded by sir byam martin, ; ; his especial claim on esteem of americans, ; respect in american colonies for his elder brother, - ; succeeds to the peerage held by his brother, ; character compared with that of his brother, ; his early service, ; enters the navy, ; embarks for pacific in anson's squadron, ; serves in west indies, ; his part in seven years war, ; his friendship with wolfe, ; characterization of, by a french pilot, ; hawke's opinion of, , ; his taciturnity, ; receives the duke of york, ; his coolness and self-possession, ; anecdotes of, , ; his composure under suspense, , , ; his campaign against d'estaing, ; contrasted with jervis, , ; at quiberon, ; in house of commons, ; becomes rear-admiral, ; in confidence of hawke, ; appointed to command squadron, ; vice-admiral, ; commander-in-chief of north american station, ; given treaty powers, ; addresses note to franklin, ; his comment on franklin's reply, ; concerning his letter to washington, ; his operations about new york, ; author's characterization of, , ; learns of coming of d'estaing, ; concentrates at new york, ; disposition of squadron of, against d'estaing, , ; manoeuvres to avoid battle with d'estaing, ; fleet of, scattered, ; highest title of, to fame, ; follows french fleet to newport, and boston, ; resigns command, ; succeeded by vice-admiral byron, ; sails for england, ; words of, in house of commons, ; again brought into service, ; encounters allied fleet off scilly, ; tactical manoeuvre of, off land's end, ; relief of gibraltar by, , ; tribute of chevalier to, ; headed for atlantic, ; is pursued by allies, ; regains spithead, ; on shore duty, ; as first lord of admiralty, ; appoints nelson to a ship, ; at head of navy at outbreak of french revolution, ; takes command of channel fleet, ; encounters french fleet and convoy, , ; gives chase, ; tactical skill of, , ; analysis of tactics in fight with villaret-joyeuse, , ; attacks latter, in force, ; conduct of, in action, ; victory of, over french fleet, , ; career of, ended, ; in nominal command of channel fleet, ; suppresses mutinies, ; active service of, closed, ; retires formally from command of channel fleet, ; estimate of, of battle of the nile, ; appearance of, off rhode island, , ; commends pellew, ; again commends pellew, , , . howe, general, departs for england, . hudson, river, . hyères islands, . _indefatigable_, ship, ; fight of, with _droits de l'homme_, , ; narrow escape of, from wreck, . india, . _inflexible_, ship, ; launch and description of, , ; in battle of lake champlain, , . _intrépide_, ship, , , , , , . ionian isles, slaves, natives of, released by pellew, . ireland, french expedition against, sails from brest, ; expedition reaches, . _jacobin_, ship, . jamaica, threatened by brest fleet, ; ; succored by rodney, ; ; station, rodney appointed to command, ; station, required high degree of executive ability to command, ; its situation in relation to spanish colonies, ; free ports instituted in, ; rodney moves toward, ; . james ii., duke of york, his fighting instructions, , . jervis, admiral, contrasted with howe, - , ; contrasted with nelson, ; his opinion of nelson, ; birth of, , ; early life of, ; runs away to sea, ; sails for west indies, ; early privations, ; contrasted with rodney, ; cruises in the caribbean, ; returns to england, ; is made lieutenant, ; with boscawen in the st. lawrence, ; goes to mediterranean with hawke, ; relieves byng, ; associated with sir charles saunders, ; intimacy with wolfe, ; in command of _porcupine_, ; conversation of, with wolfe before battle of plains of abraham, ; leads fleet against quebec, ; goes to england after fall of quebec, ; appointed to command a ship, ; ordered to return to north america, ; puts in at plymouth, leaking, ; given command of sloop _albany_, ; conquers mutinous sailors, and sets sail, ; arrives at new york, ; promoted to post-captain, ; an admiral at fifty-two, ; commands frigate in mediterranean, ; resents insult to british flag, by genoese officers, ; forces an apology, ; opposed to abolition of slave trade, ; commissions the _foudroyant_, ; attached to the channel fleet, ; in keppel's battle off ushant, ; at gibraltar with howe, ; captures french ship _pégase_, ; receives a baronetcy, ; receives order of the bath, ; takes seat in parliament, ; supports fox, ; attains rank of rear-admiral and of vice-admiral, ; is again afloat, ; on service in caribbean sea, ; his brusque treatment of a lieutenant, , ; his attitude toward matrimony, ; returns to england, ; appointed to command mediterranean station, ; joins fleet in san fiorenzo bay, ; reaches grade of admiral of the blue, ; reaches crowning period of his career, ; disposition of fleet of, ; as strict disciplinarian, ; anecdotes concerning this characteristic of, - ; his care of health of officers and men, , ; embarrassment of, ; disappointment of, at admiral mann's failure to obey orders, ; cheerfulness of, under discouragements, ; reinforcements reach, ; encounters large spanish fleet, ; courageous remark of, ; victory of, at cape st. vincent, - ; gratitude of england toward, ; created earl of st. vincent, ; analysis of movements of, in battle of cape st. vincent, , ; blockades spanish at cadiz, ; suppresses mutinous action of seamen, , ; action of, in case of seamen, of ship _st. george_, , ; repels attack of spanish gunboats from cadiz, , ; stern repression of mutiny by, on board ship _marlborough_, - ; stern rebuke of, to capt. ellison, , ; brusque reply of, to sir edward pellew, ; sternness of, ; forbids captains to dine each other, ; quaint humor of, ; anecdotes of, , ; reverence of, for the flag, ; satire upon, by lieutenant cumby, ; pretended revenge of, for, . ; decline of health of, ; return of, to england, ; placed in command of channel fleet, ; establishes rigid discipline in same, ; closes port of brest, ; analysis of last named movement, ; three great services of, to england, ; discipline of, of mediterranean fleet, ; winning by, of battle of st. vincent, ; suppression of mutinies by, ; contrasted with nelson, , ; nelson's esteem for, ; nelson's differences with, ; arranges expedition which led to battle of the nile, ; credit due, for same, , ; later years of, ; succeeds pitt as first lord of the admiralty, ; retires from active service, ; hauls down his flag, ; country seat of, ; closing years of, , ; liberality, of, ; active habits of in old age, ; death of, . judith, point, . keith, lord, . kempenfelt, admiral, ; second to howe, ; death of, ; sent in pursuit of de grasse, ; makes valuable capture, . keppel, admiral, appointed to channel fleet, ; resigns command of channel fleet, ; chagrin of, ; ; jervis with, at ushant, ; assists saumarez in advancement, , ; companion of uncle of saumarez, land's end, howe's tactical movement off, . langara, his fleet destroyed by rodney, . _leander_, ship, . l'etenduÈre, commodore, attacked by hawke, ; hawke commander in battle with, ; . leghorn, in power of france, . lestock, vice-admiral, off toulon, , ; his part in trial of mathews, - ; his own trial and defence, . levant, the, . linois, at battle at algeciras, ; his division in second attack, . lisbon, . _louisa_, ship, , , . louis xvi., treats saumarez with attention, , . lowther, miss, betrothed of gen. wolfe, . madras, french conquest of, ; yielded in exchange for louisburg, . _magnanime_, ship, ; ; . malaga, movements of rooke off, ; battle, , ; . malta, nelson receives news of surrender of, to the french, . manila, loss of, embitters spain, . mann, admiral, discouragement of, ; calls council of officers, ; returns to england, ; deprived of command, ; jervis's criticism of, ; nelson's criticism of, ; effect on fleet of defection of, . mantua, blockaded, . marengo, . _marlborough_, frigate, ; ; ; mutinies on, - . marseilles, . martin, sir byam, records anecdote of lord howe, . martinique, rodney operates against, ; captured by british, ; ; ; ; . marryatt, capt, _peter simple_ quoted, , ; source of sea picture in his _the king's own_, . mathews, admiral, off toulon in , ; description of engagement, , , , , ; courtmartial of, , ; author's criticism of, , . mediterranean, fighting begins in, , ; nelson returns from cruise in, , ; ; ; british expedition enters, ; pellew cruises in, ; pellew is appointed commander-in-chief in, ; . millbank, admiral, . minorca, byng's incompetency at, , ; affair at, reviewed, - ; french send a fleet against, ; french fleet lands at, ; ; . mona passage, . moncton, general, his reluctance to move, ; sends troops to jamaica, . monk, commands in four days battle, . _montague_, ship, ; . montgomery, fall of, . moreau, french general, . moultrie, fort, attack of british fleet on, . mutiny, in british navy, , , ; on ship _marlborough_, . naples, kingdom of, napoleon designs to occupy, ; . napoleon bonaparte, contemporary of jervis, ; before mantua, ; ; ; ; practically absolute ruler of europe, ; designs to occupy portugal and kingdom of naples, ; threatens saumarez's flank, ; concentrates spanish and french navies at cadiz, ; agreement of, with czar, at tilsit, ; breach of, with russia, ; forces sweden to declaration of war, ; ; decline of, coincides with pellew's advance, . narragansett bay, ; d'estaing's fleet at, ; . naval warfare, in th century, , _et seq._; hawke and rodney identified with, ; advance in, shown by two great failures, ; waged with vessels moved by oars, ; such method more reliable than by sail, ; its scene long in the mediterranean, ; introduction of cannon in, ; a period of systematization sets in, ; period of transition in, ; tourville's influence on, ; peace of utrecht closed transitional period in, ; napoleon's influence on, , ; conditions of, in th century, , ; advance of, in th century. navy, french, its movements at quiberon bay, ; attempts to concentrate at brest, ; vanquished by hawke, ; concentrated at cadiz, . navy of great britain, in , ; permitted to decline, . navy of u.s., in , . nelson, admiral, his remarkable order at trafalgar, alluded to, ; on true way of fighting, ; on the comparative value of prize money, ; ; appointed to command a ship by howe, ; letter of, to his brother, ; opinion of, of jervis's mediterranean fleet, ; remark of, concerning hood, ; criticises movements of british fleet, , ; his criticism of admiral mann, ; return from mission up mediterranean, , ; at battle off cape st. vincent, ; receives spanish surrender, , ; approves sentence of seamen of ship _st. george_, ; ; contrasted with jervis, earl st vincent, , ; esteem of, for jervis, ; credit due to, for victory of the nile, ; contrasted with saumarez, ; ; ; his lack of personal sympathy with saumarez, ; saumarez's unfortunate remark to, ; at battle of the nile, - ; ; baltic league shattered by, ; eulogizes saumarez in house of lords, ; seamanship of, contrasted with that of pellew, ; anecdote of, ; mentions incident of algerine policy, , ; denounces algerine piracy, ; israel pellew with, at trafalgar, . nevis, island, . newport, d'estaing enters harbor of, . nile, battle of, ; admiral howe's estimate of, ; credit due to admiral lord st. vincent for, , ; saumarez cruises in, ; ; description of battle of, - ; saumarez wounded at, . nore, threatening mutinies of, . norris, captain, absconds to avoid trial, . _nymphe_, frigate, pellew in command of, ; ; fight of, with _cléopâtre_, , . _orient_, ship, nelson's coffin made from mainmast of, ; blows up, . _orion_, ship, saumarez appointed to command, ; ; ; ; . palliser, vice-admiral, accused of betrayal of his chief, ; twelve admirals memorialize the king against, . paris, rodney settles in, . parker, admiral, rodney writes to, . parker, commodore sir peter, . passaro, cape, battle of, . _pégase_, ship, . pellew, admiral, asks for courtmartial upon a mutiny, ; ; ; ; of norman extraction, ; early orthography of name, ; settlement of family in england, ; father of, ; fearlessness of, at school, ; goes afloat, ; sides with a companion in a quarrel and leaves the ship, ; intimacy of, with captain pownoll, ; brought in contact with american revolution, ; at reception of burgoyne on ship _blonde_, ; saves a sailor from drowning, ; exuberant vitality of, ; anecdote of recklessness of, ; anecdote of accident to, ; second officer of _carleton_, ; in battle of lake champlain, , ; by loss of superiors left in command, ; gallantry of, in contest, ; is commended by douglas, lord howe and the admiralty, ; is promised promotion, ; gives chase to arnold, ; lands at crown point, ; accompanies burgoyne, ; returns to england, ; promoted to a lieutenancy, ; serves under capt. pownoll, ; lieutenant of frigate _apollo_, ; meets french frigate _stanislas_, ; action with, ; succeeds to command at death of pownoll, ; grief of, for death of pownoll, ; gains promotion, ; destroys french privateers, ; wins grade of post-captain, ; in time of peace tries farming, ; commands frigate on newfoundland station, ; personal activity of, ; anecdotes of, , ; his knowledge of seamanship, ; ; in command of _nymphe_, ; at fight between _nymphe_ and _cléopâtre_, , ; lord howe commends, ; opposes french privateers, , ; directs rescue of troops, passengers, and crew of ship _dutton_, - ; stationed off brest, ; discouraged appointment of roman catholic chaplains, ; opposes enfranchisement of roman catholics, ; follows french expedition against ireland, , ; sails for falmouth, ; fights _indefatigable_ and _amazon_ against _droits de l'homme_, - ; narrow escape of, from shipwreck, ; great personal endurance of, illustrated, ; eminent qualities of, ; holds command in india, , ; appointed commander-in-chief in mediterranean, ; made a rear-admiral, ; assigned to east india station, ; mediterranean command of, coincides with bonaparte's falling fortunes, ; created baron exmouth, ; visits barbary ports, ; compels release of slaves, ; demands peace for sardinia, ; arranges with tunis and tripoli for treatment of captives, ; algiers refuses concession to, regarding treatment of captives, ; demands release of all christian slaves in algiers, ; despatches cruiser to algiers, ; instructions of, to capt. charles warde, ; asks for small force against algiers, ; preparations of, against algiers, ; sails for algiers, ; joins dutch fleet at gibraltar, ; arrives at algiers bay, ; serves demands on dey of algiers, ; receives no answer, ; opens battle, , ; is slightly wounded, ; receives submission of dey, ; frees algerian, tunisian, and tripolitan slaves, ; returns to england, ; close of career of, ; later days of, , ; religious nature of, ; death of, ; rank of, at death . pellew, israel, bravery of, in fight between _nymphe_ and _cléopâtre_, , ; promoted to post-captain, ; . penmarcks, rocks, . penn, sir william, his criticism of four days battle, . perry, commander, . _peuple souverain_, ship, . philadelphia, evacuation of, . pitt, william, defends admiral byng, ; his dislike of hawke, ; his military purpose, ; proposed series of descents on french coast, ; his impetuosity a spur to laggards, ; his energy felt in civil administration, ; blames military and naval leaders, ; his injustice meets rebuke, ; profits by hawke's suggestions, ; leaves hawke a commodore, ; succeeded by lord st. vincent in admiralty, . plattsburg, . plymouth, ship _dutton_ driven ashore at, . pocock, admiral, ; . _poder_, ship, , , , . point judith, . _pompée_, ship, dismasted at algeciras, ; withdraws under tow, ; . _porcupine_, sloop-of-war, . _portland_, ship, . port mahon, surrendered, ; ; . porto rico, . portugal, napoleon designs to occupy, ; . pownoll, captain, intimacy of, with pellew, ; commands frigate _apollo_, ; death of, . _prince_, ship, . _prince william_, ship, . quebec, . _queen charlotte_, ship, , ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; . quiberon bay, hawke's disregard of pilotage difficulties at, ; hawke's triumph at, ; france determines to invade england, ; location of, ; hawke crowds all sail for, ; islands of, cultivated as kitchen gardens, ; howe at, ; . _ramillies_, ship, , . _real_, ship, , . _real carlos_, ship, ; ; remarkable loss of, . red sea, . _réunion_, frigate, quits cherbourg, ; meets british frigate _crescent_, ; action of, with _crescent_, , . _revenge_, ship, ; ; . rhode island, saumarez sent to, ; british retreat to, . richelieu, river, ; . robespierre, orders of, to admiral villaret-joyeuse, . rochefort, hawke's expedition against, ; conflans's vessels escape to, . rochetts, country seat of lord st. vincent, . rodney, admiral, development of naval warfare identified with name of, ; uplifted the navy, ; before havre, ; succeeds hawke, ; his descent, ; his father in command of the royal yacht, ; george i. his sponsor, ; given the name of the king, ; his advancement, ; contrasted in temperament with hawke, ; presented at court, ; complimented to the king, ; appointed commodore, and commander of newfoundland station, ; letter to, from earl of sandwich, , ; the earl's confidence in, ; returns to england, ; elected to parliament, ; no connection with minorca incident, ; breaks with tradition, ; accompanies rochefort expedition under hawke, ; commands ship-of-the-line under boscawen, at louisburg, ; again returns to england, ; promoted to rear-admiral, ; operates against havre and brest, ; again elected to parliament, ; appointed to leeward islands station, ; sails for his new post, ; begins operations against martinique, ; begins hostilities against spain, ; receives intelligence of approach of brest fleet, ; gives pursuit, ; hastens to succor of jamaica, ; takes the responsibility, , ; his bitter disappointment, ; ordered to join expedition under pocock, ; his letter to earl of sandwich, ; goes to martinique, ; at fall of havana, ; active service in seven years war terminated, ; returns to england, , ; made a vice-admiral of the blue, and vice-admiral of the red, ; appointed commander-in-chief at jamaica, ; governor of greenwich hospital, ; his report concerning free-ports, , ; was a pronounced tory, ; demands of governor of cartagena delivery of captured war schooner _hawke_, ; disturbs british ministry by _hawke_ incident, ; sandwich's cautionary letter to, , ; his act justified by government, ; sandwich reassures him, ; his hopes for a colonial appointment, ; jamaica his first choice, ; sandwich's renewed assurances, ; is superseded, ; has permission to remain at jamaica, ; lands in england, ; lacked influence to obtain preferment, ; settles in paris, ; becomes pecuniarily involved, ; applies to admiralty for employment, ; his application disregarded, ; admiral of white squadron, ; declaration of sandwich concerning, in house of lords, ; richard cumberland's remark concerning, ; detained in france by creditors, ; lady rodney's efforts to release, ; maréchal biron makes advance to, ; demands of creditors of, satisfied, , ; repays biron, ; returns to england, ; appointed to command leeward islands station, ; analysis of his powers in , ; sandwich urges him to sea with all despatch, ; sails from plymouth, ; captures a spanish convoy, ; sights spanish fleet, off cape st. vincent, ; is congratulated by sandwich, ; letter of latter to, ; letter to, from lady rodney, ; his reply, ; his report of battle, ; sandwich's letter to, ; england's joy over achievement of, ; reaches st. lucia, ; place of, among naval chiefs, ; follows de guichen's sailing from martinique, ; overtakes french fleet, ; attacks the enemy, ; criticises misconduct of his officers, ; his stern discipline, , ; makes suggestions to the admiralty, ; sails for north american coast, ; anchors off sandy hook, ; his coming a grievous blow to washington, ; disclaims intention of offending arbuthnot, ; lands at new york, ; returns to west indies, ; destruction of langara's fleet by, ; reaches barbados, ; vessels lost in hurricane, ; ordered to proceed against dutch shipping, ; captures st. eustatius island, ; captures dutch fleet of merchant ships, ; author criticises hampering of hood, ; writes to admiral parker, ; is advised of approach of french fleet, , ; devotes himself to supervision of st. eustatius island, ; his error, ; sends small force against de grasse, ; forced to retire, ; his return to england, ; again afloat, ; sails for his station, ; reaches barbados, ; learns of capitulation of st. kitts, ; takes united fleet to santa lucia, ; is assailed in parliament, ; follows french fleet from martinique, ; pushes reinforcements to hood, ; battle with de grasse, - ; his victory, ; moves toward jamaica, ; is criticised for lethargic action, by hood, ; his defence, , ; analysis of character as shown in battle with de grasse, , , ; his professional career ends, ; is superseded, ; succeeded by pigot, ; leaves jamaica and lands at bristol, ; hood's comment on, ; receives thanks of parliament, ; advanced to the peerage, ; is voted a pension, ; his other honors, ; made vice-admiral of great britain, ; his troublous later years, ; death of, ; in accord with lord sandwich, . rodney, lady, goes to england to obtain pecuniary relief for husband, ; her letter to husband concerning victory off cape st. vincent, , . rooke, admiral, his movements off malaga, . rowley, rear-admiral, off toulon, , ; compliments hawke, . royal, fort, . _royal george_, ship, ; loss of, ; . _royal savage_, schooner, . _russell_, ship, saumarez appointed to command, ; . russia, sweden at war with, ; breach of, with napoleon, ; fleet of, takes refuge in gulf of finland, . russia, czar of, . _st. antoine_, ship, . st. christopher, island, . st. eustatius, island, captured by rodney, , ; recaptured by french, ; rodney assailed in parliament for acts at, . _st. george_, ship, ; two seamen of, condemned for infamous crime, ; outburst of crew of, ; execution of seamen of, . st. johns (canada); , ; . st. kitts, ; ; ; is besieged by french, ; capitulates, . st. lawrence, river, ; . st. vincent, cape, captured by british, ; spanish fleet sighted by rodney, off, ; battle off, ; victory of jervis at, ; ; ; jervis's battle off, - ; saumarez at battle off, . st. vincent, earl, declines a command, ; denounces ministry to george iii., ; admiral jervis created, ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; assumes command channel fleet, ; complimentary note of, to saumarez, , ; his praise of saumarez, , ; recognizes ability of pellew, , _see also jervis_. sainte-andrÉ, jean bon, . sandwich, earl of, letter from, to rodney, , ; his confidence in rodney, ; his cautionary letter to rodney, , ; disregards rodney's application for employment, ; his remark concerning rodney in house of lords, ; urges rodney to sea with all despatch, ; congratulates rodney, ; private letter from, to rodney, ; character of, , . sandy hook, rodney anchors off, . san fiorenzo bay, ; . _san josef_, ship, . _san nicolas_, ship, . santa lucia, island, captured by british, ; ; french proceed against, ; failure of attack on, ; rodney takes united fleet to, ; ; . santo domingo, . saratoga, ; ; . sardinia, lord exmouth demands peace for, . saumarez, admiral, ; birth of, ; his mastery of french language, ; lineage of, ; contrasted with nelson, ; early taste of, for navy, ; begins career at early age, , ; goes afloat at thirteen, ; cruises in mediterranean, ; follows nelson in pursuit of bonaparte's fleet, ; return of, to england, ; examined for promotion to lieutenancy, ; appointed master's mate, ; owes advancement to admiral keppel, , ; sails in squadron commanded by commodore sir peter parker, ; offered commission by lord cornwallis, ; meeting of, with cornwallis subsequently, ; arrives off charleston, ; aids in attack on fort moultrie, ; courage of, in action, ; promotion of, to lieutenancy, ; in command of a galley, ; is sent to rhode island, ; stationed at seakomet, ; returns to england, ; his lot thrown with line-of-battle force, , ; in action with dutch off dogger bank, , ; again promoted, ; made commander of _tisiphone_, ; on the tide which leads to fortune, ; reaches barbados, ; joins fleet, ; encounters french fleet under de grasse, ; effects brilliant manoeuvre, ; ordered to england, ; hood substitutes another officer, ; appointed to command _russell_, ; an acting post-captain, ; bravery of, in rodney's renowned battle, , ; engages de grasse's flag-ship, ; brilliant manoeuvre of, ; promoted and returns to england, ; in retirement, ; marries, ; makes trip to france, ; at beginning of work on cherbourg breakwater, ; receives attention from louis xvi., ; appointed to command _crescent_, ; intercepts french frigate _réunion_, ; analysis of action between _crescent_ and _réunion_, ; is knighted for victory, ; appointed to ship-of-the-line _orion_, ; captures three french ships, ; at battle off cape st. vincent, ; blockades cadiz, ; operates off toulon, ; inferior to troubridge in eyes of st. vincent and nelson, ; given equal command with troubridge, ; his attack upon french fleet before toulon, ; as a letter writer, ; his record of pursuit of french fleet, ; favors seeking enemy off coast of egypt, ; reaches alexandria, ; returns westward, ; again sights alexandria, ; despondency of, ; learns of proximity of enemy in aboukir bay, ; share of, in battle of the nile, ; wounded, , ; unfortunate remark of, to nelson, , ; losses of, at battle of nile, ; convoys prizes to gibraltar, ; ordered to home station, ; impatient at delays, ; reaches england, ; appointed to command the _cæsar_, ; at blockade of brest, ; st. vincent's flattering note to, , ; importance of situation of, off brest, ; st. vincent's praise of, , ; napoleon threatens flank of, ; given command of a squadron, ; now a rear-admiral, ; ordered to blockade cadiz, ; sails on his mission, ; arrives off cadiz, ; learns of french vessels at algeciras, ; starts for algeciras, ; finds french fleet moored at, ; steers to engage french, ; failure of wind interferes with plans of, ; disaster to two ships of, ; withdraws to gibraltar, ; failure of, ; confident despatch of, to admiralty, ; fresh opportunity of, ; learns of approach of spanish fleet, , ; sails in pursuit of spaniards, ; gives battle off algeciras, ; st. vincent's praise of, ; st. vincent eulogizes, in house of lords, ; eulogized by nelson, in house of lords, ; never again engaged in serious encounter with enemy, ; commander-in-chief at channel islands, ; insures swedish neutrality, ; maintains importance of baltic, ; disturbs commerce between nations on the baltic, controlled by napoleon, ; succeeds to diplomatic situation, ; success of, ; praise of, by swedish statesman, ; follows russian fleet in gulf of finland, ; retires from service, ; later life at guernsey, ; receives peerage from william iv., ; death of, ; ; . saumarez, lord de, . saumarez, philip, . saunders, captain, his conduct in battle off la rochelle, . saunders, sir charles, associated with jervis, ; . schank, admiral, . schuyler, general, . scilly, howe encounters allied fleet off, . _sérieuse_, frigate, . seven years war, contrasted with american revolution, ; result of, in north america and india, ; finds rodney a captain, ; rodney's career in, terminated, ; howe's part in, . siberia (on french coast), . sicily, ; . smuggling, in west indies, , . sorel, town of, . south african war, contrasted with american revolution, . spain, refuses to surrender british supply vessel captured by the french, ; great britain begins hostilities against, ; increases custom-house force in west indies, ; seeks a quarrel with great britain, ; embittered by loss of havana and manila, ; near verge of rupture with great britain, over falkland islands incident, ; declares war, ; fleet of, enters english channel, ; navy of, concentrated at cadiz, . spanish colonies, in west indies, their geographical relation to jamaica, ; smuggling in, . stamp act, discontent over, in american colonies, . _stanislas_, frigate, ; goes aground off belgian coast, , . stewart, colonel, . _superb_, ship, ; ; . sweden, british fleet supports, ; ; forced by napoleon to declaration of war, . tagus, river, . ternay, admiral, ; . _terrible_, ship, . _thésée_, ship, . ticonderoga, ; ; . tilsit, agreements at, . tippoo saib, . _tisiphone_, ship, ; ; . tobago, attack on, ; drake meets de grasse, off, ; surrenders to de grasse, . _tormant_, ship, , . torbay, british fleet leaves, . toulon, admiral mathews off, , ; engagement off, , ; description of action off, , ; movements of fleet criticised, , ; ; ; saumarez operates off, ; ; ; . tourville, characterization of, ; his death, . trafalgar, ; ; . transvaal, war in, some lessons from, . _trident_, ship, , , , . tripoli, agrees to treat captives as civilized countries, ; releases christian slaves, . troubridge, captain, ; gallantry of, at battle off cape st. vincent, ; ; ; . tunis, agrees to treat captives as civilized countries, ; delivers up christian slaves, . turkey, troops of, slaughter coral fishermen on algerine coast, . united states, navy of, _see navy of united states_. ushant, island, howe encounters french fleet off, ; jervis in battle off, . valcour island, ; . _vengeur_, ship, ; ; loss of, . _victory_, ship, ; . vilaine, river, , . villaret-joyeuse admiral, orders of robespierre to, ; encounters fleet under howe, ; ; attacked by howe in force, ; record of, . _ville de paris_, flag-ship of de grasse, collides with _zélé_, ; strikes her flag, ; ; ; . walpole, on the colonies, . warde, captain charles, instructions of lord exmouth to, ; examines defences and soundings in port of algiers, . washington, george, rodney's coming to american coast a grievous blow to, ; ; concerning letter of howe to, ; ; comment of, on arrival of d'estaing, ; letter, of, concerning movement against rhode island, . west indies, smuggling in, ; arbuthnot ordered to send ships to, ; conditions in, , rodney returns to, ; ; . white, sailing-master, commended by jervis, , . whitshed, admiral sir james, ; his anecdote of lord gardner, . william iii., king of england, grantor of peerage to grandfather of lord howe, . william iv., king of england, a midshipman at taking of spanish convoy, ; confers a peerage on admiral saumarez, . wolfe, general, howe's friendship with, ; intimacy of, with admiral jervis, , ; anecdote concerning, ; message of, by jervis, to miss lowther, . york, duke of, received on shipboard by howe, ; holds reception, , . yorktown, . _zealous_, ship, . _zélé_, ship, ; collides with flag-ship _ville de paris_, . * * * * * _works by captain a. t. mahan_. the influence of sea power upon history. - . the influence of sea power upon the french revolution and empire. two vols. the life of nelson, the embodiment of the sea power of great britain. two vols. the life of nelson. _popular edition_. one vol. the interest of america in sea power, present and future. lessons of the war with spain, and other articles. the problem of asia and its effect upon international policies. types of naval officers, with some remarks on the development of naval warfare during the eighteenth century. the life of _the right honourable_ _horatio_ lord viscount nelson: baron nelson of the nile, and of burnham-thorpe and hilborough in the county of norfolk; knight of the most honourable military order of the bath; doctor of laws in the university of oxford; vice-admiral of the white squadron of his majesty's fleet; duke of bronte, in farther sicily; grand cross of the order of st. ferdinand and of merit; knight of the imperial order of the ottoman crescent; knight grand commander of the equestrian, secular, and capitular, order of st. joachim of westerburg; and honorary grandee of spain. by mr. harrison. in two volumes. vol. ii. lord viscount nelson's transcendent and heroic services will, i am persuaded, exist for ever in the recollection of my people; and, while they tend to stimulate those who come after him, they will prove a lasting source of strength, security, and glory, to my dominions. _the king's answer to the city of london's address on the battle of trafalgar._ london: printed at the ranelagh press, by stanhope and tilling; for c. chapple, pall mall, and southampton row, russell square. . the life of _lord nelson_, duke of bronte, &c. in tracing the history of a hero so active as lord nelson, the mind can scarcely be allowed a moment's pause. his multifarious transactions, indeed, frequently arise in such rapid successions, that they become far too much involved with each other to admit of any precise chronological arrangement. operations are commenced, which cannot always be soon brought to a conclusion: and, while these are transacting, an attention to other occurrences, of more or less magnitude, becomes perpetually requisite; which are, in their turn, subjected to similar procrastinating delays and necessarily diverted attentions. the cares of lord nelson can hardly be said to have one minute ceased, even when he landed, in safety, at palermo, the royal and illustrious characters, and their immense treasure, which he had successfully conveyed thither, amidst such alarming difficulties and dangers. his anxious bosom, it is true, was now relieved from the apprehensions which it had suffered during the storm; and felt, no doubt, as it ought, a sympathetic sense of the grateful felicitations of beloved friends, on the event of their happy arrival at a place of secure refuge. he could not, indeed, fail to rejoice in their joy: but it was, with all of them, a joy mingled with melancholy; and, with him, it was particularly so. an intellectual tempest, at this apparently enviable period of our hero's glory, was violently agitating the secret recesses of his too susceptible heart. justly jealous of honour, his soul ever kindled with alarm at the most remote idea of aught that could, by any possibility of implication, be considered as having the smallest tendency to sully or impair a single particle of that celestial inheritance which he felt conscious of having a legitimate right to possess in undiminished lustre, if it should be thought, by the more calmly philosophical mind, that he might sometimes too soon take the alarm; let it, at least, not fail to be remembered, that the true votary of honour must never be, even once, a single moment too late. the reader who has attentively perused the preceding part of lord nelson's history, will long since have discovered, that one grand trait of character, in this exalted man, was a determined resolution of accomplishing, to it's fullest possible extent, the business, whatever it might be, which was once committed to his charge; and that, in every expedition, it formed his chief pride, to effect even more than could have been expected, by those who had, from the greatest possible confidence in his skill and ability, selected him for the enterprise. it was this invariable principle that, by prompting him to serve on shore, at the batteries before calvi, cost him the vision of an eye; and it was to this same cause, that he owed the loss of his arm at teneriffe. conformably to this grand characteristic, having so honourably received the earl of st. vincent's orders to seek and to destroy the french armament, which he had at length gloriously encountered at the mouth of the nile; he still internally regretted, that the wound on that occasion received in his forehead, by rendering him almost wholly blind, had proved the sole cause of a single french ship's escape. not that this undoubted conviction in his own bosom, that he should certainly have captured or destroyed the whole fleet, conveys the smallest reflection on any other officer for not having effected the same purpose: for, most assuredly, though many captains in this noble squadron might boast of equal bravery with himself, and of much skill too, lord nelson greatly surpassed them all, and perhaps every other naval commander, in that promptitude of vigorously winged imagination which instantaneously rises to the exigency. the moment captain berry had, on first beholding the position of the french fleet at anchor, fully comprehended the entire scope of his adored admiral's design for the attack, he exclaimed, in an extacy--"if we succeed, what will the world say?"--"there is no if in the case," coolly replied the admiral: "that we shall succeed, is certain; who may live to tell the story, is a very different question!" so positive was this great man of success, even before the battle commenced. though lord nelson had hitherto failed in taking the fugitive ships from egypt, and the transports were not yet destroyed at alexandria; he never relinquished the idea, that some of his "band of brothers," the heroic captains of the nile, might finally fall in with, and either take or destroy, the two line of battle ships, and two frigates, which had alone escaped, and thus complete the destruction of all the ships of war. nor had the comprehensive mind of our hero limited it's hope to these alone: he trusted that some of his brave band would at least assist in effecting the destruction of the transports; as well as in preventing every remaining frenchman, who had been landed in egypt, from ever returning to france. for this purpose, he had not only left captain hood on the coast; but solicited, both at home, and of our allies, the requisite bomb-vessels, &c. by repeated most urgent epistles. at length, the necessary preparations had been made, and dispatched from england, under the command of sir william sidney smith, brother of the english minister, mr. spencer smith, at the ottoman court. the high character of sir sidney smith--as he is usually called--for intrepid gallantry, as well as for incomparable dexterity and address in that species of naval exploit which may be denominated incendiary warfare, seemed to justify sufficiently the judgment of the admiralty in selecting a character so respectably enterprising for this service, and the measure was certainly extremely popular at home. every thing, indeed, was expected from sir sidney smith's ability: and truth requires the acknowledgment, that neither government, nor the people, were finally disappointed; as the history of the siege of acre, where he commanded on shore, and fairly defeated bonaparte, will for ever afford a most satisfactory and substantial proof. a very obvious consequence, however, attended this appointment; which, strange as it may seem, undoubtedly escaped the attention of the admiralty, as well as of the country at large: the former of whom, it is certain, would not have adopted, nor the latter have applauded, any act which they had foreseen could be liable to hurt the feelings of their chief favourite, the gallant hero of the nile. not only did this measure introduce a new british hero to assist in the full accomplishment of the business originally committed, by the earl of st. vincent, to admiral nelson; appearing, to his lordship's exquisite feelings, an implied defectiveness in his noble band of brothers for the completion of the enterprise: but, by the circumstance of sir sidney smith's authorization to take under his command captain hood, and the ships left with him in egypt, lord nelson felt himself deprived of a part of his squadron, in favour of a junior officer, who would consequently be placed above his brave friends. the day after leaving naples, his lordship had received dispatches from sir sidney smith, then off malta, in his way to egypt, apprizing him of these intentions; and, on the th, at palermo, others from the earl of st. vincent, who does not appear to have been previously consulted, respecting the appointment of sir sidney smith. it is probable, therefore, that the noble earl might participate with his gallant friend in the unpleasant feelings thus excited. unfortunately, too, sir sidney had written, about this period, to our hero's friend, sir william hamilton; in terms, as it should seem, of insufficient caution; originating, perhaps, merely in the ebullitions of an honest overflowing heart, alive to it's own importance. be this as it may, that of lord nelson was fired with an indignation, which he thus vehemently expresses to his commander in chief. "palermo, st dec. . "my dear lord "i do _feel, for i am man_, that it is impossible for me to serve in those seas, with a squadron under a junior officer. could i have thought it; and, from earl spencer? never, never was i so astonished, as your letter made me. as soon as i can get hold of troubridge, i shall send him to egypt, to endeavour to destroy the ships in alexandria. if it can be done, troubridge will do it. the swedish knight writes sir william hamilton, that he shall go to egypt, and take captain hood, and his squadron, under his command. the knight forgets the respect due to his superior officer. he has no orders from you, to take my ships away from my command: but, it is all of a piece. is it to be borne? pray, grant me your permission to retire; and, i hope, the vanguard will be allowed to convey me, and my friends sir william and lady hamilton, to england. god bless you, my dear lord! and believe me, your affectionate friend, "nelson." "earl of st. vincent." his lordship now, certainly, had it in contemplation to retire, as expressed in the above letter. he even went so far, as to request the earl of st. vincent's permission, that he might leave the command to his gallant and most excellent second, captain troubridge, or some other of his brave friends who so gloriously fought at the battle of the nile--if his health and uneasiness of mind should not be mended. in the mean time, he resolved to send captain troubridge to egypt, as he had before intended, that he might endeavour to destroy the transports in alexandria; after which, he was now to deliver up the levant seas to the care of sir sidney smith. piqued as lord nelson evidently was, on this occasion, by what he felt as the obtrusion of sir sidney smith, to the exclusion of his favourite band of brothers, he nevertheless wished him all possible success, and readily yielded him every requisite assistance in his power. at the same time, with abundant address, his lordship selected, from the dispatches which had been transmitted to him, an extract from lord grenville's instructions, which he transcribed into the following letter to sir sidney smith, as a gentle hint that this officer's authority was not wholly without restriction. "palermo, dec. , . "sir, "i have been honoured with your letter from off malta, with it's several inclosures: viz. an extract of a letter from lord grenville to john spencer smith, esq. &c.--"and his majesty has been graciously pleased to direct, that your brother, sir sidney smith, shall proceed to constantinople with the eighty-gun ship le tigre. his instructions will enable him to take the command of such of his majesty's ships as he may find in those seas--unless, by any unforeseen accident, it should happen that there should be, among them, any of his majesty's officers of superior rank; and he will be directed to act with such force, in conjunction with the russian and ottoman squadrons, for the defence of the ottoman empire, and for the annoyance of the enemy in that quarter:"--also, an extract of another letter, from lord grenville to yourself and brother--and the earl of st. vincent having sent me an extract of a letter from earl spencer to him; saying that, for certain circumstances, you should be the officer selected for the command of a small squadron in the levant seas: and, his lordship having also informed me, that captain miller was the officer of your choice; and directing me to give you a frigate, or a sloop of war, till captain miller's arrival--you may rest assured, that i shall most strictly comply with the instructions sent by lord grenville to your brother; also, those of earl spencer, and the earl of st. vincent. for this purpose, i must desire that you will lose no time in proceeding to alexandria, to take upon you the command of the blockade, &c. which i shall direct to be delivered up to you; and, from my heart, i wish you every success. the united squadrons of the turks and russians, and of two sail of the line under your command, must be sufficient for the two ships _armée en flute_, and three frigates; which, thank god! are all the enemy have left in those seas. "i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient servant, "nelson." it is by no means improbable, that lord nelson, while coolly transcribing the above passage from lord grenville's judiciously guarded instructions, to convince sir sidney smith, that he was not restrained, had in some measure convinced himself that those instructions could not possibly be intended to give him, or his gallant friends, the smallest just cause of offence. on this same day, the last of the glorious year , his lordship also wrote the following answer to a letter from john julius angerstein, esq. chairman of the committee at lloyd's, which he had just received. "vanguard, palermo, st dec. . "sir, "i have had the honour of receiving your's of the th october, inclosing a circular letter addressed to the commanders in the squadron under my command, requesting them to favour the committee with the lists of the killed and wounded on board their respective ships at the battle of the nile: and i beg leave to acquaint you, that i have given the necessary directions to the captains of the ships at present under my command to furnish the committee with lists, agreeable to their wishes; and will write to the captains of those ships which are gone down the mediterranean with the prizes, to do the same as soon as possible, in order to forward their charitable intentions. "i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, your most obedient and humble servant, "nelson." however, neither this nor any other pleasing employ, amidst his lordship's numerous indispensible avocations, could hastily reconcile him to the unpleasant circumstance of not being left to finish the business which he had so nobly commenced, and so nearly closed. even the soothings of his amiable and illustrious friends were ineffectual; and, on the next day, the first of the year , he wrote to earl spencer for permission to return to england. this fact will appear in the following letter; though, happily, by the timely and judicious interference of the earl of st. vincent, added to the earnest and united requests of the king and queen of naples, and sir william and lady hamilton, he was induced finally to continue a command which the royal sufferers felt so necessary for their protection. "palermo, st jan. . "my dear lord, "i have transmitted to mr. nepean, by way of vienna, a duplicate of my letter to the commander in chief: which, of course, will likewise be sent you from him; and it will inform you of all which has passed, from the determination of leaving naples to our arrival at palermo. "the day after i left naples, i received a letter from sir sidney smith, with several inclosures. i send you my answer. every thing which the extracts sent me by sir sidney smith point out to him, has been fully talked over, and fully explained, by kelim effendi; a person holding the office similar to our under-secretary of state, who had been sent with my order of merit: for, by the form of the investiture, that seems to me the properest name to call it. "and now, my lord, having left the command of the two sail of the line in the levant seas to sir sidney smith--than whom, i dare say, no one could be so proper--commodore duckworth will ably, i am sure, watch toulon; for i shall very soon, i hope, be able to send him one or two sail of the line: and, captain troubridge, or some other of my brave and excellent commanders, being left to guard the one sicily, and the coast of italy; i trust, i shall not be thought hasty, in asking permission to return to england for a few months, to gather a little of that ease and quiet i have so long been a stranger to. "captain troubridge goes directly to egypt, to deliver up to sir sidney smith the blockade of alexandria, and the defence of the ottoman empire by sea; for, i should hope, that sir sidney smith will not take any ship from under my command, without my orders; although sir sidney, rather hastily, in my opinion, writes sir william hamilton, that captain hood naturally falls under his orders. i am, probably, considered as having a great force; but i always desire it to be understood, that i count the portuguese as nothing but trouble. ever believe, my dear lord, your most obliged "nelson." "january d. general acton has just wrote me, that the french are within thirty miles of naples, on the th. marquis de niza is prepared to burn the ships when the french get a little nearer. mack is at capua, with a strong force, numbers not mentioned. dreadful weather! the great queen very ill: i fear for her. "n." two causes, in a short time, particularly contributed, as it should seem, to tranquillize the mind of our hero, with regard to what he could not but consider as sir sidney smith's too great assumption of authority: one of these was, the hope that his friend captain troubridge might effect the destruction of the transports at alexandria before sir sidney's arrival; and the other, immediate information from the earl of st. vincent, that he was as little satisfied as lord nelson himself, with the business which had so deeply affected his feelings, and had therefore exerted his own power to prevent any such future occurrence. "sir sidney smith," says his lordship, writing this month to captain ball, "from a letter he wrote the earl of st. vincent off malta, has given great offence; having said, that he presumed, all the ships in the levant being junior to him, he had a right to take them under his command. his lordship has, in consequence, given him a broad hint, and taken him handsomely down; and, to prevent any thing of the kind happening in future, he has ordered sir sidney to put himself _immediately_ under my command." these great men, however, though they felt jealous of their own command, had minds superior to the retention of any continued animosity; and, when they fully understood each other, became very sincere friends. they were all equally anxious for the good of the country; for the honour of the profession; and, for their own individual reputation. their differences consisted more in the manner than in the form and substance of the thing; and, perhaps, on the whole, lord nelson's excess of feeling may be regarded as having, for a time, punished both himself and sir sidney with far more severity than the necessity of the case, when coolly considered, could by any means render requisite. one of the first public measures taken by his sicilian majesty, after arriving at palermo, was that of sending away, from the whole island of sicily, every frenchman it contained, of whatever description. a resolution which, if it did not originate with our hero, was too consonant with his lordship's known inveterate antigallicanism, not to have received his hearty approbation. the following notice, dated on board the vanguard, th january , was accordingly issued by lord nelson. "his sicilian majesty having directed, that all french, of whatever description, should leave the island of sicily--a ship of six hundred tons, an english transport, will be ready, by to-morrow morning, to receive french emigrants; say, two hundred. she will have put on board her biscuit, salt provisions, peas, oatmeal, and the common wine of the country. as this will be an additional gratuity, on the part of the king of great britain, the _emigrées_ will, if they chuse it, lay in such stock of fresh provisions, and other comforts, as they please. "all those pensioned by great britain, will be received by a note from the british agent; and all those pensioned by his sicilian majesty, by a note from the neapolitan agent. "a neapolitan corvette to be attached to this ship, to convey her to trieste, and back again, and to receive on board such _emigrées_ as the court shall direct. the transports and corvette out to sail as soon as possible. their time of departure will depend on the king's order." on occasions of this sort, no doubt, there will always be some cases of peculiar hardship; but the difficulty of discriminating between the treacherous and the sincere, among a people so excessively insidious, and the danger to be dreaded from deceit, by those who were so severely suffering it's effects, maybe considered as sufficiently justifying the measure. captain troubridge, having arrived on the th, sailed on the th, with the culloden, theseus, bulldog, and victuallers, for syracuse; with orders to collect the bombs, and proceed with them and the theseus to alexandria, for the purpose of making a vigorous attack on the shipping in that harbour. in writing, on this subject, to the earl of st. vincent, lord nelson says--"if the thing can be done, troubridge will do it." captain louis, of the minotaur, the present celebrated admiral louis, ever one of his lordship's most deservedly favourite friends, had been now ordered to command on the coast of italy towards leghorn: and commodore mitchell, of the portuguese squadron, was directed by lord nelson, if he could not, by the rules of the portuguese service--a subject which, his lordship remarked, this was not the time to enter on--put himself under that very old and respectable officer, captain louis; at least, to co-operate with him in the service on which he was ordered, and to remain on that service till farther orders from his lordship, or captain louis's consent for leaving it. in a letter of this day, to the earl of st. vincent, his lordship says--"minotaur is gone to leghorn, to endeavour to do good; and louis will act, i am sure, for the best, as circumstances arise." this very letter, sent by captain hope, he thus concludes--"i must refer you, my dear lord, to hope, who is very zealous and active." so warmly affectionate was the heart of this great and good man to all his worthy officers; and, indeed, to every deserving person under his authority. on this day, lord nelson wrote no less than five public letters: that already noticed, to the earl of st. vincent; another, to earl spencer; two to constantinople, one of them for spencer smith, esq. and the other for francis wherry, esq. a fourth to commodore duckworth; and the fifth, to the honourable lieutenant-general stuart. besides what has been extracted from the letter to the earl of st. vincent, it contains the following intelligence relative to the then state of naples--"on the th, the french were not at naples; but were only sixteen miles distant, negociating with the _nobles_ of naples, for the exclusion of the king. the french long to give them the fraternal squeeze. another party is for making the duke of parma's son, married to the king of spain's daughter, now at madrid, king under french protection. the lower class are the only loyal people; and they, we know, may any moment take a wrong turn. mack is at capua; but, it was determined, should retreat towards salerno. on the d, at night, the french attempted to force the lines of capua. they did not succeed. what occasioned their retreat, is difficult to guess; although the neapolitan army is twenty-five thousand, and the french not eight thousand. _is not this a dream! can it be real_?" the letter to earl spencer is as follows. "palermo, jan. , . "my dear lord "our news from naples has been daily from bad to worse. on the th, the enemy was not at naples. there are parties, in the capital, for a republic; and another for making the duke of parma, who is at madrid, king: but, i believe, the fighting party is very small. the events which have taken place in the kingdom of naples have been so rapid and extraordinary, that it appears a dream. the king, god bless him, is a philosopher; but the great queen feels sensibly all that has happened. she begs me not to quit palermo; for that sir william and lady hamilton, and myself, are her only comforts. i shall, as is my duty, do every thing in the best manner i am able, for the honour of our country. general stuart, from minorca, calls for me; mr. windham, from florence, does the same; and the affairs of egypt and malta are endeavouring to be brought to an issue. captain ball has done wonders; and, i trust, will soon succeed. the bombs, from malta, go to egypt, and are to make a vigorous attack on the shipping at alexandria. these two points successful, will set us quite at our ease on the sea. with every sentiment of respect, believe me, your lordship's most faithful servant, "nelson." the letters to spencer smith, and francis wherry, esqrs. contain little more than a reference to sir sidney smith, as the new defender, by sea, of the ottoman empire, and a polite termination of his lordship's public correspondence with these gentlemen. what his lordship wrote to commodore now admiral duckworth, contains so many interesting particulars, that it must necessarily be presented entire. "palermo, th jan. . "my dear sir, "you will have heard, by captain richardson, who left naples on the d of december, of what had happened, to the astonishment of all europe. it is incredible; but, such things are! i have received the notification of the force expected from brest; and, if they do get into the mediterranean, i am confident, they will first go to toulon: which, when you are apprized of, i submit to your consideration, in concert with his excellency general stuart, the propriety of uniting our forces, at what point will be best; but, i shall be truly happy in coinciding with the general and yourself. i am well aware of the small force of the general and yourself, should an invasion of minorca take place: but, i have a most detestable opinion of the spanish officers and troops, and the very highest, from experience, of general stuart; who, by his abilities, would make a bad army a good one. from the situation of affairs here, and having now got bomb-ships, i have determined to bring our matters to issue, both at alexandria and malta, as expeditiously as possible; for which purpose, troubridge goes this day for egypt, with my orders to make a vigorous attack on the ships in alexandria. captain ball has, at this moment, i hope, finished with malta. he was using the bombs, by the last account; and intended, about this time, storming the bormola, the left side of the harbour: by which all the shipping must fall, and the french be close kept up in the town of la vilette. i wish to send you two sail of the line, and to request your look-out upon toulon: i am sure, it cannot be in better hands. but, our situation respecting italy every day alters from bad to worse, so that i cannot answer for my present intentions. i have, under my command, four portuguese ships of the line; you are most heartily welcome to them all, if you think they will be useful. i own, i consider them as nothing; except trouble in writing orders, which are intolerably executed. however, you may be assured of my ardent desire to do every thing which can render your command pleasant; and, for the security of the valuable acquisition of minorca. "ever believe me, dear sir, your faithful and obliged. "nelson." in the letter to general stuart is a recapitulation of the affairs of naples; with the observation that such things are, if he is not dreaming! "the conduct of the emperor," he writes, "is to me extraordinary; the loss, at least, of his new italian dominions, will be the natural consequence. tuscany must drop from his family; and, whether a month sooner or later, is of little importance. you have seen the movements of austrian armies, so have i; and found, unhappily, all their generals traders, making the most of their command, by oppressing the poor soldiers. i feel, very much, my dear general, for your situation, in the invaluable possession which your excellent judgment placed under the dominion of his majesty; and, believe me, i shall have the greatest pleasure in doing every thing you can wish me." after observing that his force is merely nominal, and repeating his intentions, as expressed to commodore duckworth, his lordship concludes--"the vanguard is at palermo, their sicilian majesties desiring me not to leave them; but, the moment you want me, i fly to your assistance." the fact is, that lord nelson did not entertain apprehensions of any serious attack on minorca; and, therefore, without weakening more essential service, prudently kept merely an eye to the remote possibility of such an event; nor did his lordship's judgment, on this occasion, prove to be less judicious than usual. on the th, our hero received a most flattering encomium, indeed, from england; which, certainly, could not fail fully to compensate for every temporary mortification which he might have experienced. this was nothing less than an elegant complimentary and congratulatory epistle, written to his lordship by earl howe, expressive of that noble and illustrious veteran's high admiration of the glorious victory off the nile. what his lordship may be supposed to have felt at the perusal of this most acceptable testimonial to his transcendent merits, cannot be more effectually impressed than by reading the following admirable answer, which he appears to have instantly written, while his heart was overflowing with gratitude. "palermo, th jan. . "my lord, "it was only this moment, that i had the invaluable approbation of the great, the immortal, earl howe; an honour the most flattering a sea-officer could receive, as it comes from the first and greatest sea-officer the world has ever produced. i had the happiness to command a band of brothers; therefore, night was to my advantage. each knew his duty; and, i was sure, each would feel for a french ship. by attacking the enemy's van and centre, the wind blowing directly along their line, i was enabled to throw what force i pleased on a few ships. this plan my friends readily conceived, by the signals--for which we are principally, if not entirely, indebted to your lordship--and we always keep a superior force to the enemy. at twenty-eight minutes past six, the sun in the horizon, the firing commenced. at five minutes past ten, when l'orient blew up, having burnt seventy minutes, the six van ships had surrendered. i then pressed forward, towards the rear; and, had it pleased god, that i had not been wounded, and stone-blind, there cannot be a doubt but that every ship would how have been in our possession. but, here, let it not be supposed, that any officer is to blame. no; on my honour, i am satisfied each did his very best! i have never, before, my lord, detailed the action to any one; but i should have thought it wrong, to have kept it from one who is our great master in naval tactics and bravery. may i presume to present my very best respects to lady howe, and to lady mary; and to beg that your lordship will believe me, ever, your most obliged "nelson." this was a rich repayment to the venerable and illustrious earl, of the exalted praise which he had so liberally transmitted our hero: praise which, however excessive, could scarcely be, on either side, too much. on the following day, the th, an opportunity occurs to exhibit our incomparable hero in a new and most amiable light; the irresistible christian advocate of humanity, pleading for the emancipation of mahometan captives from slavery. the ambassador, and his suite, from the grand signior, who had arrived at naples, and were now at palermo, were about to take their departure; having long since fulfilled, as was formerly described, the object of their mission, by investing our hero with the ottoman dignities. their return appears to have been delayed by the affairs of naples, which would not sooner admit of a ship's being spared for their conveyance to constantinople. the bonne citoyenne, however, commanded by captain nisbet, his lordship's son-in-law, had now the honour of that service. accordingly, as kelim effendi, the turkish ambassador, was passing, in a boat, to go on board the bonne citoyenne, near the portuguese man of war, the principe real, then laying in the mole, several moors and turks called to him, from that ship, where they were confined as slaves. the ambassador immediately sent to lord nelson, requesting his interference in procuring their liberty; and his lordship, with all that amiable humanity which so highly distinguished his character, immediately wrote as follows to the marquis de niza. "palermo, jan. th, . "my dear marquis, "you have some turkish slaves on board. i beg, as a friend--as an english admiral--as a favour to me, as a favour to my country--that you will give me the slaves. in doing this, you will oblige your faithful friend, "nelson." the marquis very handsomely gave up, instantly, all the moors and turks he had oh board, twenty-five in number; and they were sent, by his lordship, to the turkish ambassador, secretary kelim, who took them with him to constantinople, blessing their noble benefactor. on the th, intelligence was received at palermo, that commodore campbell had prematurely burned all the neapolitan ships of war; though the french were not then at naples, or near it: "for," says his lordship, "while an army was covering naples, the enemy could not be considered as near taking it." of this conduct, lord nelson expressed his entire disapprobation; and his sicilian majesty was, as he had just reason to be, greatly displeased on the occasion. the commodore, however, who had evidently acted too precipitately, yet with the best intentions, being under a portuguese commander, happily escaped the enquiry of a court-martial; to which he would undoubtedly have been subjected, had he served in the british fleet. the king and queen of naples, indeed, satisfied of commodore campbell's upright, though unadvised conduct, graciously condescended to intercede in his behalf; and lord nelson, shortly afterwards, though he had at first been exceedingly angry, convinced the worthy commodore that he retained not the smallest animosity, by employing him on a confidential expedition to the bey of tripoli. the fate of naples was, in truth, at this time fast approaching. the prince general pignatelli had signed an armistice with the french, in which the name of the king of naples was omitted to be mentioned, who could not but entirely disapprove of such a proceeding; and the french, who were in possession of capua, now visited naples as a friendly place. in this situation of affairs, his lordship, though very unwell, offered to go to the bay of naples; but both the king and queen so earnestly pressed him not to move, that he was unable to withstand their intreaties: they were, they freely acknowledged, full of apprehensions, and had confidence in him only for their safety. what the abilities of a nelson might have effected, had it been possible for him to have headed, at land, the loyal lazzaroni of naples, is incapable of being ascertained; but no skill or valour could alone have long preserved a nation so corrupt and pusillanimous from the destruction which, by their meanness, the generality of the upper and middling classes were inviting. there wanted, only, what their subtle invaders well knew was never far distant, some plausible artifice suddenly to prevail over the simplicity of the honest but credulous vulgar, which could not fail to divert that powerful torrent, into whatever channel should most rapidly lead them to the gulph of perdition. without entering into the history of this war, which is neither practicable, nor requisite, on the present occasion, it may be briefly remarked--that championet, the french general, is well known to have informed the directory at paris that, by means of a correspondence with the disaffected party, he should be master of naples by the time they received the news of the capitulation of capua--that this treachery soon becoming suspected by the lazzaroni, who were in the royal interest, they seized all the arms; parading the streets, and vociferating the names of the king and their tutelary st. januarius--that general mack was regarded as a traitor; and the remains of the army which he had commanded were considered as jacobins whom french gold had corrupted--that mack, not very unfavourably to the suspicions of the lazzaroni, fled from them to championet, who gave him a passport and escort to milan; where, however, with true french protection, he was seized as a prisoner of war, by order of the directory--that the neapolitan army, equally terrified with their general at the menaces of the numerous lazzaroni, deserted, to that of the french, and was in two days quite disorganized and annihilated--that the lazzaroni, urged to fury by the escape of their prey, attacked and drove in the advanced posts of the french, and penetrated even to the line--that prince molliterno, who had been chosen their general, did not escape their menaces, when they found that he was entering into a negociation with championet--that they now every where plundered and massacred the objects of their suspicions, however well or ill founded--that prince molliterno, and his friends, seizing on the forts, called the french to their assistance--and that, after numerous severe struggles, in which vast numbers of the french, as well as of the lazzaroni, were slain, the latter were only finally subdued by stratagem. in the momentary cessations from mutual slaughter, championet offered his protection to several of the terrified inhabitants. he professed a most profound veneration for st. januarius; and gravely invoked the all-powerful saint, for the preservation of human lives, and the restoration of peace, in the suffering city of naples. a french guard of honour was stationed at the church of the tutelary apostle: and "respect for januarius," adopted as the consign of their army. the report of such sincere devotion to their favourite saint, flew with the celerity of lightning along the ranks of the lazzaroni. "_vivent les français!_--_vive la republique!"_--"long live the french!--long live the republic!"--soon followed, in thundering applauses, through the lines. in short, without pursuing the various scenes of the wretched farce by which these miserable devotees of superstition were betrayed into an opinion that championet possessed nearly as much sanctity as st. januarius himself, and was scarcely less entitled to the adoration which many of the simple souls were now weak enough to pay him; the shouts of admiration, and of joy, universally succeeded to the shrieks of anguish, and the fearful cries of desperation; the contest was immediately brought to a close, and peace everywhere loudly proclaimed. wonders were not wanting on the occasion--the blood of st. januarius miraculously flowed this very evening, at the intercession of the venerable archbishop, and his pious clergy; whose devotion to the saint, appears to have far surpassed their loyalty to their sovereign: and, though a fiery eruption of mount vesuvius, which had been tranquil for the preceding five years, was actually seen to burst forth on the very day, the th of january , even that ancient proof of the anger of the saint was, in the madness of the moment, considered as an additional token of his holiness's approbation! such is the inconsistency of untutored folly, and the fate of misinstructed superstition; the power of superior cunning, and the effect of unprincipled deceit. the concern of the good king and queen of naples, at the calamitous effects of these successful stratagems on the deluded people, could not fail to be excessive; and that of our indignant hero, and his estimable friends, were little inferior. the despicable frauds, by which the miserable vulgar had been ensnared, were to them abundantly manifest; but they well knew that, had they even been present, and assured the credulous creatures, that the liquification of st. januarius's blood, and even the blaze of mount vesuvius--which was unaccompanied by any natural overflow of the lava--were both easily effected by a simple chemical process, and a few kindled faggots and barrels of gunpowder thrown into the crater, they would most probably have been instantly massacred for what the priests must have necessarily pronounced, for their own safety, the most blasphemous of all possible impieties. in writing, on the th of january, to the honourable mr. windham, at leghorn, lord nelson thus foretells the fate of tuscany, and of all the emperor of germany's italian dominions. "alas!" says his lordship, "the fancied neutrality of tuscany will be it's downfall. you see it, and it cannot fail soon to happen. tuscany does not, or cannot, support it's neutrality for us or naples; only to protect the french, is this name prostituted. seratti, who is a man of sound sense, must see it. when the emperor loses tuscany and naples--which, i am bold to say, the conduct of his ministry conduces to do more than the arms of the french--his newly-acquired dominions will not keep to him. active, not passive; actions, are the only weapons to meet these scoundrels with. we can, as your excellency knows, have no desire to distress the grand duke by our conduct; on the contrary, it is our duty to support his royal highness against the tyranny of the french. your excellency will be so good as to say, for me, to his royal highness, that an english ship of war shall, as long as he pleases, remain at leghorn, ready to receive his person and family; for, unless the emperor acts speedily, the british flag will be his only security. tuscany has the choice, to act like men, and take the chance of war; or, in a few weeks, to become another conquest of the french, and to form a new republic." speaking of naples, he, says--"we have heard nothing since the th; and, from those accounts, it is difficult to say, what turn the mob will take; at that time, they were certainly loyal. the nobility, to a man, jacobins. mack has disappeared, and no one knows the route he has taken." such, it appears, was the uncertainty of the royal family of naples, with regard to it's fate, on the th, at palermo; though, in reality, it had then been already determined. in fact, on the th, the following curious advertisement, for a grand te deum, in consequence of this desirable event, was actually published at naples; and the archbishop, with the rest of the clergy, solemnly assured the people, that great faith, and extraordinary prayers, had induced their saint to testify his entire approbation of the measure. "all the faithful citizens of naples are invited to be present this day, (friday, the th of january ,) at two in the afternoon, at the celebration of te deum; which the archbishop, accompanied by the chapter, the clergy, the general in chief and staff of the army of naples, will sing in the cathedral church, to thank the most high for the glorious entry of the french troops into this city; and who, protected in a peculiar manner by providence, have regenerated this people, and are come to establish and consolidate our happiness. st. januarius, our protector, rejoices in their arrival. his blood miraculously liquified on the very evening of the entry of the republican troops." lord nelson, in the letter last mentioned, thus speaks of the state of sicily--"as to this island, i cannot take upon me to say much: that they all hate the french, is certain; but, still, they feel themselves an oppressed people. on the th, at augusta, a french vessel, with a hundred and forty officers and soldiers, arrived from egypt. the boat people, and those of the town, attacked them. eighty-seven were killed; the remainder escaped on board a neapolitan frigate, who protected them. sir william and lady hamilton, and i may add myself, are all unwell. the great queen is far from well. the king is the best of the party. as the queen is very anxious to hear of the fate of tuscany, i shall direct captain louis--who, i was sure, your excellency would like--to send either terpsichore, or this brig, back to palermo." in a letter of the same date to captain now admiral louis, his lordship says, observing that all in the house had been ill, and were still far from well--"the air of palermo is very bad, in my opinion." his confidence in captain louis, as well as in mr. windham, is thus strongly expressed--"you will, i am sure, my dear sir, act in that way, which will always meet my wishes and do credit to our country. whenever mr. windham tells you, that his royal highness the grand duke his no occasion for his majesty's ships, i shall be very glad to see you here; but consult with mr. windham, and you cannot err." on the last day of january, lord nelson received, from england, official communications of the votes which had been passed by the house of peers, the house of commons, and the irish house of commons, conveying their thanks, by their respective speakers, to his lordship, his officers, and men, who fought in the battle off the nile; which he instantly acknowledged, by most respectful answers to lord loughborough, the right honourable henry addington, and the honourable john foster. on the same day, he also received letters from the lord mayor of london, the clerk of the drapers company, and the mayor of liverpool; to which he immediately wrote, respectively, the following answers. "vanguard, palermo, st jan. . "sir, "i have only this day received the honour of your letter (when lord mayor) of the th october; and i beg that you will convey to the court of common council my sincere gratitude for all their goodness to me; and assure them, it shall be the business of my life, to act in the manner most conducive to the prosperity of the city of london, on which depends that of our country. "i am truly sensible of your politeness, in desiring me to say what particular devices i should wish on the sword which is to be presented to me by the city of london; but, i beg to leave that to the better judgment of my fellow-citizens. believe me, when i assure you, that i feel myself your most faithful and obliged servant," nelson. "sir william anderson, bart late lord-mayor of london. "vanguard, palermo, st jan. . "sir, "i have this day received your letter, conveying to me the great honour conferred upon me by the worshipful company of drapers of london, by presenting me with the freedom of their company. i beg you will, sir, have the goodness to convey to the worshipful company, how much i feel honoured by their kind notice of my services; and assure them, that it shall be the study of my life, to preserve their good opinion. allow me, also, to thank you, for the very flattering manner in which you have executed the orders of the company. believe me, sir, with great respect, your much obliged and most obedient servant," "nelson." henry smith, esq. clerk of the drapers company. "vanguard, palermo, st jan. . "sir, "i am this day favoured with your letter, conveying to me the unanimous resolution of the common council of liverpool, to honour me with their thanks, and also the freedom of their town. i beg you will assure those whom, from this moment, i am to call my brother freemen, that my future exertions shall never be wanting, to approve myself worthy of the high honour conferred upon me by the representative body of the second sea-port in the kingdom; and believe me, with the highest respect, your much obliged and obedient servant, "nelson." "thomas leyland, esq. mayor of liverpool." the transactions of this busy day were of a nature which could not fail highly to gratify the feelings of our hero. he also received, either on this day or the following, a most kind, friendly, and highly satisfactory epistle, from the earl of st. vincent; the purport of which is sufficiently obvious from this answer, dated on board the bellerophon, to which he had now shifted his flag. "bellerophon, palermo, st feb. . "my lord, "i have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the th of january, inclosing a copy of one from sir sidney smith, off malta, with your answer; as, also, your lordship's order to take him under my command. i consider myself highly honoured by your lordship's letter, and flattered by your attention; and will order sir sidney smith to put himself under my command the very first opportunity. i am, with the highest respect, my lord, your most obedient and faithful servant, "nelson." the vanguard, and la minerve, had just been sent to malta; and the bellerophon wanting a little repair, his lordship had now shifted his flag on board that ship till the vanguard's return. he was not without hope, that malta would soon fall; and chose rather to let captain ball have the credit of driving the french out, after having, as he observed, gone through "all the hard fag," than permit the portuguese squadron, now at messina, to participate the glory, who had been unwilling to encounter the fatigue, which his lordship had originally wished them to partake. in mentioning the portuguese officers to the earl of st. vincent, he says--"as for the great commodores, their rank is as much a plague to them as it is to me. niza is a good-tempered man. we are, apparently, the very best friends; nor have i, nor will i do an unkind thing by him." but, he had torn himself away from malta, at the commencement, and his lordship was determined not to send him at the close. three letters were this day written by lord nelson to the earl of st. vincent; one of them has a conclusion so forcibly interesting, on several accounts, that it must on no account be omitted. what a picture it affords, of a contrariety of contending passions, struggling, at the same moment, in the bosom of this wonderful man; ever, as it should seem, feeling with too much energy, for the stability of it's own prolonged peace! "all in this house have been ill, and are still. our great queen, who truly admires you; our dear, invaluable lady hamilton; our good sir william; and give me leave to add myself, to this excellent groupe; have but one opinion about you: viz. that you are every thing which is great and good. let me say so, about sir sidney smith! i thank you, most truly. my health is indeed, very indifferent; but, whilst i live, if the queen desire it, i remain for her security. no consideration of my own health shall make me abandon my honourable post, in which you have placed me. a parliament is called here: the queen has her doubts about their temper; and i have promised, under my hand, not to leave her; unless by her desire. let me thank you, for your goodness to captain nisbet. i _wish_ he may deserve it; the thought half kills me! my dear lord, there is no true happiness in this life; and, in my present state, i could quit it with a smile. may god almighty bless you with health, happiness, and long life! is the fervent prayer of your affectionate friend, "nelson." to the intelligent reader, here is ample scope for reflection, in a very short compass. felt gratitude, warmly expressed, to the earl of st. vincent, for his kind and generous attentions; lofty eulogiums of his lordship's royal and illustrious friends on the conduct of the noble earl; severe mention of his friend sir sidney; complaint of ill health; firm attachment to the royal family at palermo; fearful apprehensions for a beloved son-in-law, whom he had brought tenderly up with all the anticipatory hopes of the fondest paternal affection, and for whose future conduct he seems, by some untoward circumstances, to have been now filled with all a feeling father's anxieties and alarms; and, lastly, as the consequence of defeated expectations, a desponding willingness to relinquish even life, from an experienced conviction that it affords no permanent or perfect felicity. on the d, his lordship received, through the earl of st vincent, the thanks of the house of peers of ireland, to himself, and the captains, officers, seamen, and marines, of the detached squadron under his command at the battle off the nile, and immediately returned a respectful answer by the same channel. he also wrote the following true sailor's letter to the earl, respecting malta. "palermo, feb. , . "my dear lord, "the incendiary is just come from ball, off malta; and has brought me information, that the attempt to storm the city of valette had failed, from--(i am afraid, i must call it)--cowardice. they were over the first ditch, and retired, _damn them_! but, i trust, the zeal, judgment, and bravery, of my friend ball, and his gallant party, will overcome all difficulty. the cutter just going off prevents my being more particular. ever your most faithful, "nelson." "naples is declared a republic, and the french flag flying. we are low in spirits, but all in this house love you." his lordship should have considered, before he pronounced the above naval anathema against the maltese, for pusillanimity, the wretched starving state of the poor fellows carcases; of this he could not be ignorant, since he had, this very day, written to sir john acton in their behalf. "if," says he, "six thousand salms of corn are not sent directly to malta, the inhabitants are in that state of want, that the worst consequences for the interest of his sicilian majesty may be apprehended. all these poor people want is, that the king should give them six months credit; when they could make their payments, in money or cotton. the case is important, and demands instant compliance. "the inhabitants have not seven days bread." he wrote, the day following, to his friend captain ball, and inclosed him a satisfactory answer just received from general acton on the subject: adding--"this evening i saw the king; and he is exceedingly angry, to think that his faithful maltese subjects should want for any comforts or necessaries which it is in his power to bestow." he addressed, at the same time, a seasonable letter to the deputies of the maltese people; containing, also, a copy of general acton's letter, with assurances of captain ball's protection, and his own determination to afford them every assistance in his power. in short, though his lordship execrated all appearances of cowardice, he compassionated every species of distress. lord nelson, in a letter, dated the beginning of this month, addressed to admiral then commodore duckworth, thus regrets the difficulty which he experiences, in consequence of having lost his right arm, with regard to writing--"i thank you, most truly, for your several very interesting letters, and beg that i may be favoured with your correspondence whenever opportunity offers. you will, i am sure, make allowance for a left-handed man; but, my inclination to write longer letters is great. i can get but slowly over the paper." this, added to the numerous avocations necessarily arising from so widely extended a command as that in which he was now engaged, will sufficiently account for any seeming neglect of continued correspondence with old friends; whom, however, he was not the man ever to forget. the truth of this observation more particularly manifests itself in the following letter written to that esteemed veteran, captain locker; who had sensibly felt the effect of this difficulty, though not the last to congratulate his honoured pupil on the success of his most splendid victory. this excellent letter has been repeatedly published, but it well merits to be again printed. "palermo, th feb. . "my dear friend, "i well know, your own goodness of heart will make all due allowances for my present situation; in which, truly, i have not the time, or power, to answer all the letters i receive, at the moment. but you, my old friend, after twenty-seven years acquaintance, know that nothing can alter my attachment and gratitude to you. i have been your scholar. it was you who taught me to board a frenchman, by your conduct when in the experiment. it is you who always hold--"lay a frenchman close, and you will beat him!" and my only merit in my profession is, being a good scholar. our friendship will never end, but with my life: but, you have always been too partial to me. "pray tell kingsmill, that it was impossible i could attend to his recommendation. indeed, i had, not being a commander in chief, no power to name an agent. remember me kindly to him. "the vesuvian republic being fixed, i have now to look out for sicily: but revolutionary principles are so prevalent in the world, that no monarchical government is safe, or sure of lasting ten years. "i beg you will make my kindest remembrances to miss locker, and all your good sons; and believe me, ever, your faithful and affectionate friend, "nelson." "lieutenant-governor locker, royal hospital, greenwich." as the vesuvian republic had been now formed on the ruins of the neapolitan monarchy, under the protection of the french, and was consequently at war with great britain, lord nelson gave directions for the property of all persons who had not left this new state to be seized as lawful prize. application was again made to the emperor; a survey taken of the island, for the purpose of ascertaining it's strength and security; and every endeavour used to obtain, during the war, a truce with tunis and tripoli. the opinion of lord nelson, with regard to the safety of sicily, is conveyed in the following letter to sir john acton, bart, expressly on that subject. "palermo, feb. , . "my dear sir, "i have to thank your excellency for the honour of your letter; and for sending, for my perusal, the report of various officers on the situation of this island, and of it's means of defence. respecting an invasion of the french, _in propriâ personâ_, i own, i have no alarms; for, if this island is true to itself, no harm can happen: but, i own my fears, that revolutionary principles may be sown here; and, the seasons being propitious to the growth, will produce fruit. if the emperor will not move, and save--(himself, for his throne must fall if the late measures of his councils are persisted in)--the good king, queen, and family of naples, in the possession of their kingdoms; we may lament, but what must follow is certain. having thus openly declared my general opinion, it is perfectly proper, no doubt, to be prepared for defence; and, if calabria is occupied by the french, the first object is the preservation of messina and the torre del faro. as to the other ports of the island, if the inhabitants are loyal, the french may be defied; they will not venture their carcases. but, indeed, my dear sir, it is on the fidelity of the islanders we must depend for it's defence. when captain troubridge returns from egypt, i shall have the power of having more ships on the east coast: as to palermo, it shall never be without a proper defence in shipping from all attacks by sea; that is, from what the french have at present in the mediterranean. in all other things, i beg that your excellency will have the goodness to assure his sicilian majesty, that nothing shall be wanting, on my part, for the defence of his kingdoms, and whatever can administer to his comforts; and i beg your excellency will believe with what great respect i am your most faithful and obedient servant, "nelson." the safety of messina appearing to be the first object for the preservation of sicily from the french, five hundred troops were immediately ordered thither by the portuguese ships; and his lordship also urged his excellency, the vice-admiral theodore uschakoff, who commanded the russian fleet then before corfu, to send as many ships and troops as possible to messina, for the promotion of the common cause, and the good of his sicilian majesty in particular. on the same day, february , his lordship wrote also to his excellency abdul cadir bek, vice-admiral of the turkish fleet, likewise at corfu, with a similar request for ships and troops. "your excellency, without doubt," writes his lordship, "has heard of the melancholy news from naples. the french, not content with having, by perfidy, declared naples a republic, have forced a great part of calabria to erect a tree of _terror_, which these unbelievers call of _liberty_; and their emissaries are sowing the seeds of anarchy into this island, particularly at messina." his lordship adds, that as he has several ships in egypt, for the grand signior, he earnestly requests such turkish ships and troops as can be spared, to prevent messina's falling into the hands of the french. on the th of february, lord nelson had the satisfaction to distribute the following sums of money, given by his sicilian majesty, among the several persons who assisted in conveying the royal family from naples: one thousand ounces of silver to the officers, seamen, and marines, of his britannic majesty's ship the vanguard, as a mark of the king's approbation of their conduct during the time he was on board; one hundred ounces to each of the two barges crews who brought off the royal family from the palace; one hundred ounces to the admiral's servants; and one hundred ounces to the barge's crew of the alcmene. the thousand ounces for the several persons on board the vanguard were thus apportioned, by his lordship's directions--the wardroom, one hundred ounces; twenty-seven gentlemen of the quarter-deck, and warrant-officers, four ounces each; five hundred and seventy-nine seamen and marines, one and one-third of an ounce each; twenty-six boys, half an ounce each; and a surplus of seven ounces, to be expended for general use. while lord nelson was busily exerting himself for the security of messina, as the key to the island of sicily, the masters of english merchant vessels at palermo were impatient for convoy, that they might convey their cargoes to leghorn. on the hazard of visiting a place so critically situated, he felt it his duty strongly to remonstrate; and, aware how often danger is disregarded, where the loss is to fall on underwriters, he even suggested the impropriety of thus incurring risks which could not possibly be in the contemplation of the parties at the time of effecting the insurances, before he gave his reluctant consent for their departure. this great man was indifferent to nothing by which either national or individual honour might be affected. a just sense of lord nelson's services, in this respect, has probably contributed, in no slight degree, to the extreme popularity of that most laudable institution for the relief of suffering seamen and marines, and their distressed families, so happily commenced and continued by the committee at lloyd's. nor is, perhaps, the idea very chimerical, when we reflect on the magnitude of the contributions, which looks forward to a possible permanent establishment, at no distant day, on this very basis; in which the voluntary subscriptions of benevolent and opulent individuals shall almost vie, in the extent of it's charity to this meritorious class of society, whose services can alone preserve the united kingdom and it's extended commerce in full security, with the grand and munificent public endowment which so nobly adorns our country at greenwich: to which, also, some national augmentation might, with much propriety, be at the same time made; not only to keep pace with the increase of our navy, but to afford an equally needful asylum for those deserving and greatly exposed auxiliaries, the unfortunate and superannuated royal marines. a sight of such noble institutions, with suitable pictures and statues of naval heroes and their glorious atchievements, in which lord nelson and his transcendent actions must for ever stand pre-eminently conspicuous, would far surpass, in genuine grandeur, perhaps, and certainly in rational and philosophical contemplation, the loftiest and most stupendous pillar or pyramid ever raised by human art and industry, for little other purpose than to attract the gaze of profitless admiration, with the vain attempt of mocking the powers of tempests and of time, by which the proudest of these trophied monuments must necessarily be bowed to subjection, and finally crumbled into dust. the solitary hermitage, which shelters a single hoary head, is more interesting to the feeling heart than the proudest display of barren pomp that neither rises over the tomb of departed worth nor affords any living mortal a comfortable habitation. the grand naval pillar, to commemorate the battle off the nile, for which a large sum was some years since subscribed, without any previously decided plan, and which is said to be still undisposed of, if employed in erecting a respectable edifice for the residence of those brave veterans by whom that battle was fought, and such of their successors, for ever, as should live to find such a residence desirable, might be so constructed and endowed, with the money contributed, as to afford a higher satisfaction to the subscribers; a superior, and perpetually renewable, memorial of the event; and a far more gratifying object of contemplation, even for such of the brave heroes who may never need such a sanctuary; than the loftiest and most embellished obelisk that human ingenuity can ever devise, or human industry execute. this is a subject on which the author could with pleasure dilate; and the promotion of which he would gladly assist, in every way, with all his slender abilities: but, at present, it is an agreeable reverie, in which he feels that he must no longer indulge. he will, however, transcribe one of lord nelson's letters written on the subject which led to this digression, as a satisfactory proof of his lordship's attention to the mercantile interests of his country in that respect, and at this particular period. "palermo, th feb. . "gentlemen, "i have received your letter of the d. i can assure you, i have always the greatest pleasure in paying attention to the representations of the masters of merchant ships; who, at this distance, act for their owners in great britain. i can have no difficulty in granting you a convoy to leghorn; but it is my duty to again point out to you the expressions of mr. windham's several letters, and the request of the english factory at leghorn to captain louis: and, at the same time, you must be sensible that an english man of war cannot always lay in the neutral port; and i expect, that the minotaur is now on her passage to join me. if, under all these circumstances, you still persist in going to leghorn, i will grant a convoy to that port as soon as possible. you cannot, of course, expect that, when all the knowledge you have, here, of the situation of tuscany, is known in london, that the underwriters, or myself, can in the smallest degree be answerable for what may happen to your ships or cargoes. i can only again assure you of my readiness to afford you all the protection possible, compatible with the other important duties entrusted to me; and that i am, with great respect, your most obedient servant, "nelson." "to the masters of the english ships in the port of palermo." to this it may be sufficient to add that, on their persisting in a desire to sail, he granted them the convoy; repeating, in another letter, "but still with the reservation for the underwriters and myself, as i think the case requires." he also wrote to mr. windham, informing that gentleman of the necessity which he had felt himself under to comply with their desire; and requesting him to acquaint captain derby, whom he sent on that service, in the bellerophon, whether he might with safety leave them at leghorn. if not, his lordship observed, the signal should be made for convoy; and those who chose to quit a place of danger might be brought back, with the comfort of having lost the present convoy for england. however, he adds, it is his duty, and it is his inclination too, to do every thing for the protection of our commerce consistently with the other important duties required of him. captain derby was directed, should circumstances require, to wait a reasonable time for such of the merchant ships as might have perishable cargoes on board, to enable them to dispose of them. in the letter to mr. windham above quoted, his lordship says, alluding to the cruelties of the french, who were then over-running italy--"your excellency's account of the treatment of his royal highness the grand duke, of the king of sardinia, and of the poor old pope, makes my heart bleed; and i curse, in the bitterness of my grief, all those who might have prevented such cruelties!" it will be recollected, that the venerable pope pius vi, who had been seized and carried off by the french, and whose fate lord nelson thus feelingly commiserates, as if anticipatory of the event, was at the period of being thus forced from rome in his eighty-second year; and that his holiness expired, at valence, on the th of august following, after a captivity of six months: his body being consumed, by unslacked lime thrown into the grave, to prevent it's receiving, at any future period, the honours which might be esteemed due to a modern martyr; who, perhaps, possessed equal piety and resignation, with many holy sufferers of ancient times, for a like rigid adherence to the christian religion, who have been canonized by the roman catholic church. on the last day of february, the th, lord nelson sent instructions to his friend captain ball, at malta, to preside over the meetings of the maltese people: their deputies having represented to sir william hamilton and his lordship, that he had, by his address, frequently united the jarring interests of the different chiefs, at their distracted councils, and that they were therefore desirous of his future assistance; which was, also, the wish of his sicilian majesty. captain ball, therefore, was vested with full power to leave his ship in charge of the first-lieutenant, directing him how to proceed, and to be on shore whenever he should deem it necessary, either to attend such meetings, or assist the maltese army; his lordship observing that, though neither sir william hamilton nor himself had power to grant any salary for the extraordinary expences he must thus necessarily incur, it would be proper to keep an account of them, that it might be represented to his majesty's ministers in england, and the amount allowed him. at the beginning of march, lord nelson was made a citizen of palermo; which the court thought might have a good effect, by shewing the attachment of the english hero to the royal family. this, with other information, is more particularly mentioned in the following letter to earl spencer, which appears to have been written immediately on captain nisbet's return from constantinople with la bonne citoyenne, bringing several important dispatches. "vanguard, palermo, th march . "my dear lord, "i send you a copy of the turkish admiral's letter to me, from corfu; also, one from the emperor of russia: and one from sir sidney smith, those parts of which, that are ministerial, are--i doubt not--very proper; but, indeed, my dear lord, those parts of sir sidney's letter which, as a captain of a man of war to an admiral commanding the squadron in the levant, are not so respectful as the rules of our service demands from the different ranks in it. no man admires sir sidney's gallantry and zeal more than myself; but he should recollect, how i must feel, on seeing him placed in the situation which i thought naturally would fall to me. you may be assured, that i shall take care and arrange proper plans with the porte for the service of egypt, and shall support sir sidney to the utmost of my power. it is matter of regret, that no squadron of turks and russians are yet gone to egypt; for, i want all our ships for malta, sicily, naples, and leghorn: and my only wish is, that the turks and russians would take care of all the french to the east of malta. our situation here is quiet; but who can say, if the french get into our neighbourhood, that we shall remain so? in calabria, the people have cut down the tree of liberty; but i shall never consider any part of the kingdom of naples safe, or even sicily, till i hear of the emperor's entering italy: when all my ships shall go into the bay of naples, and i think we can make a revolution against the french; at least, my endeavours shall not be wanting. i hope to go on the service myself, but i have my doubts if the king and queen will consent to my leaving them for a moment. a few days past, i was presented, in due form, with the freedom of the city of palermo in a gold box, and brought upon a silver salver. i have endeavoured so to conduct myself, as to meet the approbation of all classes in this country, and i hope to be equally fortunate in meeting your lordship's. a ship is in sight, from malta. i shall keep this letter open till her arrival; but i do not expect any thing particularly good. the blockade must continue, to the end of the chapter; for neither maltese, nor italians, will fight by themselves. ever your lordship's faithful, and obedient, "nelson. "p.s. i send your lordship copies of captain ball's letters from malta. it is not for me to judge the propriety of captain ball's plans; but, i can assure you, he is a man of great judgment and abilities, and ought to have a recompence for all his expence and trouble." the letters of captain ball principally related to taking men into british pay; those of the turkish and russian admirals, from corfu, were highly satisfactory, giving assurances of all possible assistance; and that from the emperor paul of russia, congratulatory of the glorious victory of the nile, was in the highest degree flattering, and accompanied by the emperor's picture, in a box magnificently set with diamonds. his lordship, however, learned that corfu, though daily expected to fall, had not yet surrendered; and that le genereux unfortunately escaped the vigilance of the blockading squadrons, on the th of february. from constantinople, he received the agreeable information that the grand signior had ordered ten thousand albanese troops to sicily; but sir sidney smith's letters, luckily blending his naval and ministerial characters, so outraged lord nelson's nice sense of propriety, that it renewed all those keen sensations of inquietude which had been so recently tranquilized in our hero's breast. this circumstance produced the following letter to sir sidney smith; which serves to shew that his lordship, though displeased on the occasion, was not altogether unjust in requiring better future discrimination. "vanguard, palermo, th march . "sir, "i have received your letters of january the d, february th, th, and d. your situation as joint-minister at the porte, makes it absolutely necessary that i should know who writes to me: therefore, i must direct you, whenever you have ministerial affairs to communicate, that it is done jointly with your respectable brother, and not mix naval business with the other; for, what may be very proper language for a representative of majesty, may be very subversive of that dicipline of respect from the different ranks in our service. a representative may dictate to an admiral, a captain of a man of war would be censured for the same thing: therefore, you will see the propriety of my steering close between the two situations. i have sent you my orders, which your abilities as a sea-officer will lead you to punctually execute. not a ship more than the service requires shall be kept on any particular station; and that number must be left to my judgment, as an admiral commanding the squadron detached by the commander in chief to the extent of the black sea. i shall, of course, keep up a proper communication with the turkish and russian admirals, which net captain of a man of war under my orders must, interfere in. i am, sir, your very humble servant, "nelson." "sir william sidney smith." the above epistle, which was accompanied by a regular order, dated the preceding day, for sir william sidney smith, captain of his majesty's ship le tigre, to put himself under lord nelson's command may certainly be considered as sufficiently severe; and, it is probable, his lordship was of that opinion: but he judged it necessary, for his own comfort thus plainly to deliver his sentiments, however painful the task, that he might escape any repetitions of what must continue to excite unpleasant feelings. on this day, too, lord nelson wrote to captain ball, from whom he had received letters which gave hopes of a speedy termination to his long and arduous labours. the deputies lately arrived from malta had solicited supplies of arms, ammunition, and money, from his sicilian majesty; and their application, it will appear, had not proved in vain. money, cloathing, &c. lord nelson informs captain ball, are difficult to be got; however, some will be sent. "you will," he adds, "receive seven thousand ounces, which the king confides in you to dispose of to the best advantage. whenever the french are driven out, you are certainly fitted for the station of chief, and i should suppose his sicilian majesty could have no objection to give you the proper appointments. you are sure, i shall do every thing that is in my power, for your honour and benefit. having said this, i will finish, for i am tired to death with writing." his lordship, however, does not conclude without observing that he trusts to nothing but his blockade for the reduction of malta; that there is yet no news of the emperor's movements, but move he must; that all the lower order of the kingdom of naples are ready to take arms against the french; that ten thousand albanese are near messina; and that ten thousand russians are on that side constantinople, for the same destination, besides the russian army passing the tyrol. "apropos," he at length concludes, "the emperor of russia has sent me his picture, in a magnificent box; but, this shall not prevent my keeping a sharp look out on his movements against the good turk." part of the money mentioned in this letter, as well as of the arms, ammunition, &c. requested by the deputies, and three of the deputies themselves, were conveyed, in la bonne citoyenne, by captain nisbet, to malta, in his return to constantinople; who was charged with dispatches for sir sidney smith, spencer smith, esq. his brother, and his excellency constantine upsilanti, at the ottoman court. the remainder of the arms, ammunition, stores, and money, with the other three deputies, were sent to malta by captain gage in the terpsichore: who was afterwards to deliver a letter from lord nelson to his sardinian majesty, at cagliari in sardinia; to call at minorca, for any dispatches which commodore duckworth might have for the earl of st. vincent; and, finally, to join the commander in chief at gibraltar, or wherever else the earl might happen to be. on the th of march, general sir charles stuart arrived at palermo, with the thirtieth and eighty-ninth regiments; who immediately departed for messina. this, his lordship observes, in a letter to mr. windham, a few days afterwards, would not only save that important place from all danger, but had already acted like an electrical shock over the whole island, and must extend it's influence to naples. with abundant address, at this period, lord nelson offered himself as a mediator between the bey of tunis and bashaw of tripoli, and his sicilian majesty and the queen of portugal: for which purpose, he wrote to perkin magra, esq. the british consul at tunis, as well as to the bey himself; and to the bashaw of tripoli, as well as to simon lucas, esq. consul-general at that court mrs. magra, and her family, it appears, were then residing in the hospitable mansion of sir william hamilton, as well as his lordship; for he says, writing to the consul, and mentioning his lady and family, "they will give you all the chit-chat of the place. lady hamilton is so good to them, that they in truth require nothing from me; but, whenever they think it right to go to tunis, a ship of war shall carry them." on the th, captain troubridge and captain hood arrived with the squadron from egypt, where every endeavour to destroy the transports at alexandria proved quite ineffectual. the french had, after the departure of lord nelson, very strongly fortified all the points of the harbour; and the transports could not be destroyed by shells, as all the mortars burst, and six fireships were lost in a gale of wind. this was a mortifying circumstance to our hero, and it did not come unaccompanied. captain troubridge was the bearer of sir sidney smith's dispatches; which, with their usual fatality, again offended his lordship in one of the nicest points. the cause, and the effect, will at once be seen in the following most peremptory epistle. "vanguard, palermo, th march . "sir, captain troubridge arrived here last evening: and, as he has delivered to me all the papers he received from you, amongst which i see a form of a passport; and captain troubridge tells me, that it was your intention to send into alexandria, that all french ships might pass to france--now, as this is _in direct opposition to my opinion_; which is, _never to suffer any one individual frenchman to quit egypt_; i must, therefore, _strictly charge and command you_, never to give any french ship, or man, leave to quit egypt. and i must also desire, that you will oppose, by every means in your power, any permission which may be attempted to be given by any foreigner, admiral, general, or other person; and you will acquaint those persons, that i shall not pay the smallest attention to any such passport after your notification: and you are to put my orders in force, not on any pretence to permit a single frenchman to leave egypt. of course, you will give these orders to all the ships under your command. as i am very, anxious for the return of the emma polacre, i have to request that you will not detain her more than two hours. as i shall hope to have a constant communication with you, through the means of the turkish or russian admirals, all letters for your squadron, i shall direct to be left in the vanguard. "i am, sir, your very humble servant, "nelson." "sir william sidney smith, captain of his majesty's ship le tigre." not even the judicious plan which his lordship was now busily engaged in arranging for the recovery of naples, with all the other objects of his incessant care, could divert his attention from that grand object, the entire destruction of the french armament sent to egypt. he had just received information of the, surrender of corfu; and, about this time, a very elegant and flattering letter had been written to his lordship by the king of sardinia, full of gratitude for the protection of the british flag in conveying him from leghorn. in writing to the earl of st. vincent, after mentioning these subjects, with the return of captain troubridge's squadron from egypt, he observes that it is his intention to send a small squadron, under that commander, into the bay of naples, "i wish, first," says his lordship, "to take the island of procida, which will secure a tolerable anchorage, and effectually blockade naples. it must, also, have the effect of preventing the french from detaching any troops from naples to to the provinces, who are all loyal. the court tells me, that twelve thousand russians, and fifteen thousand turks, are ready to cross the adriatic, to land in the kingdom of naples. if so, our squadron will create a powerful diversion." having stated the reasons which have been seen for captain troubridge's failure at alexandria, he adverts to sir sidney, who has now the blockade of that place. "i send you," says his lordship, "copies of my letters to him; for the victory of the nile would, in my opinion, be useless, if any ship, or frenchman, is suffered to return to europe. i hope you will approve of my conduct; for, as a captain to an admiral, either sir sidney smith, or myself, must give way. bonaparte is at cairo, not more than sixteen thousand strong. he must and will fall, sooner or later, if sir sidney smith does not allow him to retreat by sea. as to myself, i am, at times, ill at my ease: but, it is my duty to submit; and, you may be sure, i shall not quit my post, without absolute necessity. if the emperor moves, i hope yet to return the royal family to naples. at present, i cannot move; would the court but let me, i should be better: for, here, i am writing from morn to eve; therefore, you must excuse this jumble of a letter." neither of these letters, however, mention the very important circumstance of captain troubridge's having intercepted bonaparte's dispatches, on his way to constantinople; which is contained in the following communication to his excellency the honourable william windham, for the purpose of having that satisfactory intelligence transmitted to england. this letter, as well as other dispatches of the st, to mr. windham, was written on board the culloden; into which ship lord nelson had shifted his flag, having that day sent captain hardy to tripoli with the vanguard. "culloden, palermo, d march . "my dear sir, the ambassador of bonaparte being intercepted by my friend troubridge, on his way to constantinople, among other articles of his instructions, is a very important one; viz. an offer to enter on terms for his quitting egypt, with his army. this offer is what i have long expected the glorious battle of the nile would produce; but it was my determination, from that moment, never, if i could help it, to permit a single frenchman to quit egypt. captain sir william sidney smith, who has the present command of the squadron off alexandria, i have reason to believe, thinks differently from me, and will grant passports for that part of the french army which god almighty permits to remain. i have, therefore, thought it highly proper to send captain sir sidney smith the order of which i transmit a copy; for, i consider it nothing short of madness, to permit that band of thieves to return to europe. _no!_ to egypt they went, with their own consent: and there they shall remain, whilst nelson commands this detached squadron; for never, never, will he consent to the return of one ship or frenchman. "i beg your excellency will take the earliest opportunity of sending this important information, and a copy of my letter to captain sir sidney smith, to england; and ever believe me, with the greatest respect, your obliged and faithful servant, "nelson." on the th of march, lord nelson says, in a letter to captain ball, dated at palermo--"now, my dear friend, captain nisbet is appointed to the thalia, a very fine frigate, and i wish he may do credit to himself, and in her. will you do me the favour of keeping her, and sending me la minerve; for i want cockburne, for service of _head_. as soon as captain barker's surveys, &c. are over, make one of the small craft bring him here. i have sent vanguard to tripoli, to scold the bashaw. tunis behaves well. as corfu has surrendered, i hope malta will follow the example very soon. i am not well; but keep rubbing on, from day to day. god bless you; finish the business as soon as you can." captain dunn, in the thalia, for captain nisbet, was the bearer of the above letter with other dispatches to captain ball; and captain maling took his passage in the thalia, to supercede captain nisbet in la bonne citoyenne. captain dunn went to supercede captain barker in the incendiary; on his appointment to the barfleur; and he was required to join lord nelson by the very first opportunity, being wanted to go down the mediterranean. this day, too, his lordship wrote congratulatory letters to the russian and turkish admirals, on the surrender of corfu; and invited them, respectively, to co-operate with him in placing the good king and queen of naples again on their throne in the capital of that kingdom. to speridion foresti, esq. the consul at corfu, lord nelson wrote, also, the following very flattering encomiums, in a letter which contains some additional reasons for his lordship's complaint with regard to sir sidney smith. "palermo, th march . "sir, "i feel myself very much obliged by your interesting and important letters, which i have sent to the earl of st. vincent. give me leave to say that, throughout my command in the levant seas, you have done yourself the highest honour; and rendered, as far as was possible, the greatest services to your country. this public testimony, from a stranger to every thing except your good conduct, will, i trust, be not unacceptable. i observe what you tell me of lord grenville's orders to obey sir william sidney smith. you will, of course, follow lord grenville's orders, as sir william sidney smith is considered as a minister at constantinople. i, also, know him in that capacity, jointly with his worthy brother; but, captain of the tigre, and in all matters relative to naval operations, he is under my orders: and this i would have you perfectly understand; and explain, when it may be necessary. for an idea seems gone abroad, very injurious to my credit in the world; that, although i was entrusted with the command of the detached squadron, even into the black sea, should the french have got there--that, although i had the happiness of commanding the squadron who obtained the glorious victory off the nile--captain sir william sidney smith was sent out to command somewhere, in prejudice to me, and four or five captains now serving with me, in the levant. having stated this fully to you, you will be equal to every explanation. whenever you favour me with your very interesting correspondence, i shall receive it with pleasure. as sir william hamilton writes you, i shall not repeat, &c. &c. "nelson." speridion foresti, esq. every exertion was at this time making, by lord nelson, and captain troubridge, in concert with their sicilian majesties, for the recovery of naples from the domination of the french. cardinal ruffo, who united, in himself, the three important characters of statesman, prelate, and general, had raised a large army of loyalists in the provinces, by the powerful operation of the catholic cause, and headed in person what was denominated the christian army. the french, with their usual insatiable thirst of plunder, officers as well as men, had attended to little else than their own individual gratifications, since they entered naples; and this did not fail to produce it's customary concomitant, a speedy spirit of insubordination. the fiery population of naples, in the mean time, like the volcano in it's vicinity, though at present apparently tranquil, might be expected suddenly to burst forth, and overwhelm every obstacle to the progress of it's destructive torrent. in this state of things, it was judiciously resolved that captain troubridge should proceed to the bay of naples; for which purpose, lord nelson--who had, by the general promotion of admirals, on the th of february, been made rear-admiral of the red---furnished that brave officer with the following instructions. by horatio lord nelson, k.b. rear-admiral of the red, &c. "whereas it is of the utmost importance, that the city and towns in the bay of naples should be immediately blockaded, to prevent the french forces in those places from getting any supplies of corn or other articles by sea; and it being expedient that an officer of your distinguished merit and abilities should command the blockade, in order to render it the more effectual-- "you are hereby required and directed to take under your command, the ships named in the margin--[minotaur, zealous, swiftsure, seahorse, perseus bomb, and el corso sloop]--embarking on board them the governor of procida, and two hundred troops, as also such officers as are ordered by his sicilian majesty to embark with them, and proceed to the bay of naples. and it being necessary that the squadron employed on this service should have some safe anchorage, the more effectually to carry on the said blockade, and the island of procida affording the anchorage desired, you will do your endeavours to seize and get possession of the said island of procida, if possible, and reinstate the governor in the command thereof, and using every means in your power to conciliate the affections of the loyal part of the inhabitants; and, also, of those of the islands of ischia and capri; and, if possible, bring them to their former allegiance: and, also, to communicate with the loyal inhabitants of naples, as much as in your power, and by every opportunity; but, by no means, to fire upon the city, without farther orders from me, or circumstances render it necessary to fire on some parts of it, in case of the loyal taking arms against the french. and you will use every effort to prevent all supplies of corn, or other articles, from entering the city and ports in the bay of naples; and also of gaietta and it's vicinity, and along the roman coast to civita vecchia: and, as it is said, the ponzo islands continue in their allegiance to his sicilian majesty, you will direct that all protection and assistance may be given to them, should they stand in need. and you will consider that every means is to be used, not only by yourself, but by all those under your command, to communicate with the inhabitants on all the northern coast of the kingdom of naples, and the islands before mentioned; and, as much as in your power, to cultivate a good understanding with them, and conciliate their affections, in order to induce them to return to their allegiance to his sicilian majesty, and to take arms to liberate their country from french tyranny and oppressive contributions. palermo, th march . to captain troubridge, his majesty's ship culloden. captain troubridge, who was also armed with additional powers by his sicilian majesty, sailed on the st of march to the bay of naples, for the purpose of carrying into effect these important orders. it is a singular fact that, even at this very period, when lord nelson was thus engaged in securing sicily from the french, as well as labouring to obtain the restoration of naples, attempts were making, by the governor of messina, then actually protected by british troops, to prevent the condemnation of a french prize which had been taken near the entrance of that port, as if it were still in a state of neutrality. it is difficult to decide, whether this strange conduct originated in a pusillanimous dread of french resentment, or a traitorous disaffection to his sicilian majesty. lord nelson, however, soon satisfied the prize agents, messrs. birch and broadbent, at messina, that such shameful conduct would not be submitted to by a british admiral. he wrote, accordingly, the following spirited letter to those gentlemen, which immediately produced it's desired effect. "palermo, d april . "gentlemen, i have received your letter of the th of march, and am exceedingly surprised that the governor of messina should presume to interfere in the captures made by a british ship of war. captain foley is justifiable in taking the french tartan, although she was going into the port, or even in the port. you will, therefore, claim from him the materials of which the vessel has been plundered; and, at the same time, demand from him what he has done with the french prisoners of war taken in the vessel, as it is highly presumptuous in him to interfere with british prisoners of war. as to demands made against the vessel, it is my desire that they are not paid, nor has he any right to make them; on the contrary, the captors have a right to demand, from him, satisfaction, for the employment of the vessel on the coast of calabria. i am, gentlemen, your very humble servant, nelson. the vanguard this day arrived from tripoli; and captain hardy brought, with other pacific promises, from the bashaw, the most positive assurances that no provisions should be sent to malta by any of his subjects: but, his lordship observed, interest is, we know, their main spring, and they are not to be greatly depended on. the bashaw of tripoli had, in fact, made a treaty with bonaparte on the th of february, when he received a present of a diamond; the pernicious effects of which, to great britain and her allies, his lordship was thus determined totally to counteract. on the th of april, in a letter to his excellency sir charles whitworth, the british minister at petersburgh, lord nelson thus writes respecting malta--we certainly have, at an expence of fifteen thousand pounds a month, so closely blockaded the port of la valette, that the appearance of the russian troops on the island must insure it's fall in a week, if famine does not force it's surrender before their arrival. the garrison are mutinous, and in dreadful want of provisions. the scurvy cannot be checked. his lordship then observes, that his anxiety to get possession of le guillaume tell, and two frigates, which escaped after the battle of the nile, will not be doubted; and that these ships, but for our close blockade, would probably have long ago been in france: all which, he begs, may be submitted to his imperial majesty, the emperor of russia. he has, he adds, given directions to captain ball to co-operate in the most cordial manner with the russian troops; who so ably conducted himself, not only as a sea-officer, but as conciliating the affections of the maltese, that he was, unanimously, by the islanders, and with the approbation of his sicilian majesty, elected their general and chief. his lordship trusts that, should the order be restored, captain ball would be a knight of it; "for a more gallant, able officer, does not grace this world. i feel," continues he, "i have said a great deal; but, with my honour, i pledge myself for the truth of it." then, with the most consummate address, lord nelson proceeds to remark--"his imperial majesty will know, that the poor islanders have often, in their distress, and as a mark of their gratitude, offered--as far as they could--themselves for subjects of our king, and made their request to his sicilian majesty; but both sir william hamilton and myself, knowing that no views of individual aggrandizement actuate the breast of our gracious sovereign, have invariably refused every offer of that nature: but, in the present situation of his sicilian majesty, and by his desire, his colours and the british flag fly together, to mark that great britain protects the flag of his sicilian majesty. it is proper in this place to mention, as the heart of the emperor overflows with justice, that in many instances the islanders have been grievously oppressed by the order; probably, more by their consummate pride, than by a wish to oppress. i know, it is only necessary to mention this matter, for the consideration of the present illustrious grand master, to have it remedied; by which, a brave and industrious people will be rendered happy." his lordship concludes this exquisite proof of diplomatic dexterity, with observing, that he impatiently waits the arrival of the russian troops; by nine or ten thousand of whom naples would be recovered in a week, and his imperial majesty have the glory of replacing a good monarch and an amiable queen, again on their throne. captain troubridge, in the mean time, was executing, with all possible activity and success, the very important duties which he had been sent to perform. the islands of procida, ischia, and capri, immediately surrendered; and the inhabitants in general, who had been greatly oppressed by the usurpers, manifested such a spirit of loyalty, that they gladly delivered up all the municipal officers for the disposal of their lawful sovereign, and the principals were received, as prisoners, on board the british squadron. the information of these auspicious commencements diffused universal joy at palermo; and greatly revived the drooping spirits of their sicilian majesties, who readily sent the distressed islanders all the relief which it was in their power to bestow, both in provisions and money. the consideration of those distresses, however, while they excited the compassion of their majesties for the oppressed, necessarily called forth their indignation against the oppressors: and, with the relief sent under convoy of la minerve, for the most distressed of the former; a judge was sent out by his sicilian majesty, on board that vessel, charged with a special commission for the trial and execution of the most criminal among the latter. in writing, on the th of april, to the earl of st. vincent, respecting these events, his lordship says--"captain troubridge is in complete possession of procida, ischia, and capri; the inhabitants of which islands have joyfully hoisted his sicilian majesty's colours, cut down the tree of liberty, and delivered up all the municipality and the detested jacobins; all of whom are confined on board ship, and in the chateau of ischia. the french in naples are not more than two thousand, the civic guards about twenty thousand; but, as these last will not remain fighting for the french if there is any risk, i am warranted in saying that ten thousand troops would place the king again on his throne." the health of his lordship appears to have been, at this period, very indifferent. indeed, the air of sicily seems by no means to have ever agreed with him. he says, in this letter, speaking of sir william and lady hamilton--"we, of this house, are all anxious to get home; yet, in the present moment, cannot move. indeed, we have been the main-spring, joined with you, that have kept, and are keeping, this so much out of repair machine from breaking to pieces." the difficulties, indeed, of supporting a government every way so feeble in what constitutes the true strength of a state, perplexed our hero in no small degree. he saw, every where, that inactivity and indecision which so little accorded with his own prompt and active mind; and he languished for the busy scenes of action, from which he was detained by the alarms of their sicilian majesties, and the constant claims on the wisdom of his councils, which they could not always find the means, or even the firmness, completely to carry into execution. captain ball had transmitted a painful picture of the wretched state of the inhabitants of malta, but their sicilian majesties were incapable of affording them relief; captain troubridge had been obliged to part with all his flour, to preserve the recovered islands from starving. "i have," says his lordship, in another letter to the earl of st. vincent, dated the th of april, "eternally been pressing for supplies; and represented that a hundred thousand pounds, given away in provisions, just now, might purchase a kingdom. in short, my dear lord, my desire to serve, as is my duty, faithfully their sicilian majesties, has been such, that i am almost blind, and worn out; and cannot, in my present state, hold out much longer. i would, indeed, lay down my life for such good and gracious monarchs; but i am useless, when i am unable to do what, god knows, my heart leads me to." happily, this sombre state was a little relieved a few days after, by the arrival of a cutter from england; which brought considerable supplies, both of consolation and money, for his sicilian majesty. on the st of april, his lordship now writes to captain ball, that his efforts to obtain a small sum of money for the unhappy maltese had been useless, till the arrival of this vessel from england; "which," says he, "brought the court such accounts of goodness, that sir william and myself again touched the point about malta, when the queen gave up seven thousand ounces; for, although the island has granted two millions of money, yet not one sixpence is collected; therefore, they are in distress enough. if any person can keep the maltese in good humour, it is, my dear friend, you and you only; therefore, for all our sakes, try hard till the arrival of the russians, who cannot now be long before they make their appearance." then, adverting to naples, his lordship adds--"all goes on as it should, on the other side. the lower order only want a little support from the regular troops, and the business is over." captain troubridge, indeed, was proceeding with great vigour; but the sicilian judge, it appears, did not accord with our naval heroes in his notions of criminal justice. cardinal ruffo, too, seems to have entertained what they considered as erroneous ideas of lenity. if the judge and the cardinal really meant to be merciful; whatever might be the effect of such good intentions, the motive is not possible to be condemned: they might be weak, but they would not be criminal. on the other hand, the possessors of that wisdom which perceives when it is necessary to make examples of the incorrigibly guilty, for the preservation of the menaced innocent, as well as of those who are yet unconfirmed in crimes; and of that firmness and fortitude which then induce them to risk all the obloquy of contrary appearance, for the sake of producing true lenity in it's fullest extent; are not to be considered as by any means less inclined to mercy than those who, without loving it more, do not conduce so much to it's genuine interests. often, however, the really merciful, for the openly avowed and honest discharge of a severe duty, are condemned, by the inconsiderate zeal of weak and vulgar minds; while those who are induced artfully to draw dispositions of a malignant, treacherous, or sanguinary nature, in the semblance of merciful habits, for the mere purpose of acquiring the popularity of that applause to which this divine attribute must ever entitle it's amiable possessors, are idolized by the unreflecting crowd, as the sincerest friends of the very virtue to which they are, in truth, the severest enemies. the following letter to captain troubridge, who had communicated his sentiments on this subject to lord nelson, fully demonstrates his lordship's disdain of any improper interference with the criminal jurisdiction of his sicilian majesty's government, however it might fail to meet with his approbation. it speaks, his free sentiments both of the judge and cardinal; but hastens to other topics, of better aspect, and comprehends several points of interesting elucidation. "palermo, april , . "my dear troubridge, "i thank you, again and again, for your letters, and for the ability and exertion you shew on all occasions. as to mr. judge, he must hang, or let it alone, as he pleases. it has been that miserable system, which has caused much of the present misery in naples. in respect to the cardinal, he is a swelled up priest. if his letter had been directed to you, his answer would, i am sure, been proper. such impertinence, in treating of the assistance of england, deserves reprobation. he makes his army great or small, as it suits his convenience. he is now frightened at a thousand men going against him: which, at one time, is thirty thousand; at another, not three thousand. in short, my dear friend, without foreign troops, the stream will sometimes run different ways. some russian ships are said to be at otranto; but, we know less than you. if the austrian armies are beaten, naples will be lost; if victorious, our exertions, with the constant loyalty of the lower order, will hasten the king's return. what are your ideas of the king's going into the bay of naples, without foreign troops? if it should cause an insurrection in naples, which did not succeed, would it not be worse? the king, if a rising of loyal people took place, ought to be amongst them; and, that he will never consent to. alphonso is going to tripoli; the bashaw has taken another twist. lord spencer disavows the conduct of sir william sidney smith, as being in any manner independent of me. what will his lordship say, when he reads the passports? your wants and wishes shall, as far as i am able, be complied with. your bill for extra expences, if the court will not pay, i will answer for. with kind remembrances, &c. "nelson." the mode adopted by lord nelson, with regard to the bashaw of tripoli, on this occasion, was a master-stroke of policy. in order not to commit the country, with too much precipitation, though resolved to act with all requisite energy at the moment, his lordship employed a portuguese ship in the business, and selected that of commodore campbell for this confidential service. his knowledge of mankind taught him, that this officer would not fail to feel gratified by the honour of such a mission; consequently, be induced to execute it with his best ability. simon lucas, esq. his britannic majesty's consul at tripoli, had found it expedient to quit that court for palermo: but he consented to return with commodore campbell, in order to assist the negociation; and, should it appear advisable, to resume there his ministerial functions. the letter which lord nelson sent by commodore campbell is much too curious to be omitted. it is, indeed, highly characteristic of it's able author. "palermo, th april . "sir, "when i received your highness's letter, by captain hardy of the vanguard, i was rejoiced to find that you had renounced the treaty you had so imprudently entered into with some emissaries of general bonaparte; that man of blood, that despoiler of the weak, that enemy of all good mussulmen: for, like satan, he only flatters that he may the more easily destroy; and it is true that, since the year , all frenchmen are exactly of the same disposition. i had sent your letter to the great king, my master; i had done the same to the grand signior: for i never believed, that your highness would say a word that was not strictly true. a lye is impossible for a true mussulman to tell; at least, i had always believed so. what, then, must have been my astonishment, to have heard, from his britannic majesty's consul, mr. lucas, that the moment the vanguard sailed, the french consul, and all the french, were liberated; and, also, the french vessels in the port allowed to fit for sea: and one, to my knowledge, had sailed for malta! why will your highness be thus led astray by evil counsellors; who can have no other object in view, but your ruin? your highness knows that, although a powerful squadron of portuguese ships has been since last august under my command, by every means in my power they have been prevented from cruizing against the ships of your highness, or from approaching your coast. it is now my duty to speak out, and not to be misunderstood. that nelson, who has hitherto kept your powerful enemies from destroying you, can and will let them loose upon you, unless the following terms are in two hours complied with; viz. that the french consul at tripoli, vice-consul, and every frenchman, are delivered on board her most faithful majesty's ship alphonso, to commodore campbell, in two hours from mr. lucas's setting his foot on shore; that hostages are also sent on board, to remain till every frenchman in the state of tripoli shall be sent off, which shall not exceed four days. n.b. there shall be no reservation, or trick, about the french consul, &c. at tripoli; he shall be on board in two hours after the demand's being made. all french vessels, or vessels pretended to be taken from the french, shall be destroyed in two hours. these terms complied with, commodore campbell will, as he has done upon the passage, refrain from taking your vessels, till his arrival at palermo. if, then, proper terms are not complied with, i can no longer prevent the ships of her most faithful majesty from acting with vigour against your highness. "your highness will, without difficulty, write me a letter, the substance of which will be dictated by mr. lucas: you will also, as a convincing proof of your detestation of the evil councils which have been given to you by hamet reis, your captain of the port, either cause him to be delivered to commodore campbell, that i may send him to constantinople, or dispose of him in such a manner that he may for ever be incapable of giving your highness any advice; for his heart is so black, that i am informed he can give you no good. "your highness will, i am confident, approve of the open and unreserved manner of this letter; and consider it as a proof of the honest and upright intentions of the great monarch who i have the honour of serving, and that it comes from your highness's most obedient and faithful servant, "nelson." "his highness the bashaw of tripoli." mr. lucas was furnished with a copy of this letter; and instructed, if possible, to bring the bashaw to a proper way of thinking, by forcibly representing the numerous evils which bad counsellors would be sure to bring on him, should he persist in his present disloyal conduct. the dismissal of the captain of the port, though a very desirable thing, was not to be persisted in, so as to occasion the hostilities of commodore campbell against his highness; for, lord nelson observed, "every master has a right to chuse his own servants." the other articles were not in any manner to be given up. it was, however, directed to be carefully pressed on the bashaw, that his britannic majesty was not at war with him; and that his lordship would be happy still to interest himself in preventing depredations on his highness's coast, provided he should immediately return to a proper way of thinking and acting. on the th, lord nelson writes to the earl of st. vincent, that his friends are doing wonders on the continent: hood had taken salerno, twenty-eight miles from naples, and garrisoned the small castle with his marines and loyalists; and had caused sorento, &c. to castello a mare to rise and massacre the jacobins. the swiftsure was anchored at the latter place, which is opposite naples, though twelve miles distant by the round of the bay. these events, so near the capital, with the successes of the austrian army both on the rhine and in italy, had induced the french to call in all their out-posts, leave five hundred men in the castle of st. elmo, and retire from naples to capua; taking with them all their sick, as well as every description of plunder. the jacobins, too, with the traitor carraccioli among them, were retired to the castle of st. elmo. lord nelson was preparing to send eight hundred troops, with three hundred cavalry, but, his lordship observes, the court being poor, and having no revenue, made things slower than they would otherwise be: "however," he adds, "we make the best of the slender means we possess. i own, my dear lord, myself much fitter for the actor than the counsellor, of proper measures to be pursued in this very critical situation of public affairs; but, at least, their sicilian majesties are satisfied that my poor opinion is an honest one. their majesties are ready to cross the water, whenever naples is entirely cleansed; when that happy event arrives, and not till then, a desire will be expressed for the british troops to be removed from messina into naples, to guard the persons of their majesties. whenever your name is mentioned, i can assure you, their expressions are the very handsomest that tongue can utter; and, as is my duty, both as my commander in chief, and my friend, i do not fail ever to speak of you in the only way, if truth is spoken, that you can be represented, as the very ablest sea-officer his majesty has, and as the best and truest friend that can be in this world. my dear lady hamilton is always my faithful interpreter, on all occasions; and, never with so much pleasure. my dear lord, you will forgive my short sketches of what is going on here; for neither my head, nor my hand, is equal to what is absolutely necessary for me to write: therefore, all private correspondence is given up; for, i cannot answer a letter. three of sir william sidney smith's ships, with sick frenchmen, are stopped by troubridge; the poor devils are sent to corsica. i am very much displeased with this levant commodore with a broad pendant. i send one of his passports. we are not forced to understand french! malta is as usual, the moment a land force arrives it will fall. god bless you, my dear lord." in a letter written the preceding day to earl spencer, lord nelson says, speaking of the affairs of naples--"i think it very probable that, in ten days, their sicilian majesties will be again in naples. these happy prospects have been brought about, first, by the war of the emperor; secondly, by the wonderful loyalty of the lower order of the people; and, lastly, i flatter myself, i may say, by the conduct of the english. captain troubridge has given a portion of that spirit he possesses to all who communicate with him. on the th, macdonald left the town, for capua; with all the troops, except five hundred in the castle of st. elmo. orders have been given, by the jacobin government, for the batteries not to fire on the english ships. in short, the communication with naples is so open, that a general took a boat from the city, and came on board troubridge, to consult about surprising st. elmo. the civic guards have individually declared, that they assembled to keep peace in the city, and not to fight. many of the principal jacobins have fled, and carraccioli has resigned his situation as head of the marine. this man was fool enough to quit his master, when he thought his case desperate; yet, in his heart, i believe, he is no jacobin. the fishermen, a few days ago, told him, publicly--"we believe you are loyal, and sent by the king; but, much as we love you, if we find you disloyal, you shall be among the first to fall. i am not, in person, in these busy scenes; more calculated for me, than remaining here, giving advice. but their majesties think the advice of my incompetent judgment valuable, at this moment; therefore, i submit: and can only say, that i give it as an honest man, one without hopes or fears; therefore, they get at the truth, which their majesties have seldom heard." the french, in evacuating naples, in their retreat to caserta and capua, robbed all the shops as they passed along: the neapolitan republic, however, continued organizing their troops, as yet disinclined to give in; and the royalists remained inactive, probably waiting for the departure of the french out of the kingdom before they ventured to commence their operations. the band of brothers, in the mean time, who had so nobly fought off the nile, were fast gathering fresh laurels on the neapolitan coast; and inspiring, by their example, other naval heroes of merited celebrity. to these brave men, lord nelson paid the just and honoured tribute of applause which their conduct merited, in the following very flattering epistle to captain troubridge. vanguard, palermo, th may . "my dear troubridge, i desire you will express, to captain hood, the true sense i have of his conduct, not only at salerno, but on all other occasions; and, that i never expect any but the most useful services, where he commands: and i beg you will say the same for me, to captains louis, hallowell, foote, and oswald; not forgetting captain harward, and commodore mitchell, as far as they have been concerned. as to yourself, your conduct is so all of a piece, that i can only say, what is true, that the last services seem to eclipse the former ones. you have an arduous task in your present command; and no officer in his majesty's service could, i am convinced, perform it with more judgment and advantage for his majesty's service, than yourself: and i beg that you will ever believe me, your faithful, affectionate, and obliged friend, "nelson." this day, the neapolitan ship lion, captain dixon, arrived from egypt; and brought information that three or four french frigates, and as many corvettes, had escaped from alexandria. sir sidney smith left that place on the th of march, and these ships got away between the th and th of april. captain dixon finding these ships gone, came away; without hearing more of sir sidney, than that he had arrived at st. jean d'acre. at this momentous period, when the king's restoration to his neapolitan dominions was daily to be expected; when the fall of malta was judged scarcely possible to be long delayed; and lord nelson was anxiously looking forward to a temporary cessation of his toils, and a speedy return to his native country; intelligence suddenly arrived, that the french fleet from brest, having escaped lord keith's vigilance, had been seen off oporto, and was expected to effect a junction with that of spain at cadiz. on the th of may, at six o'clock in the evening, this information was brought to palermo, by l'espoir brig; which, at midnight, such was his lordship's dispatch, sailed for procida, minorca, and gibraltar, with letters for captain troubridge, captain ball, admiral duckworth, and the earl of st. vincent. to captain troubridge his lordship writes, that he must immediately send the minotaur, swiftsure, and st. sebastian, with either the culloden or zealous; and either himself, or captain hood, remain with the seahorse, la minerve, &c. at procida, and get the lion from leghorn, in exchange for one of the small craft--to admiral duckworth, that he is sending him eight, nine, or ten, sail of the line, with all expedition, that they may be ready to form a junction with their great and excellent commander in chief; for which purpose his lordship ventures to offer an opinion, that it will be better for the ships to remain under sail off port mahon, than in the harbour: and adds best wishes for success, as he is not permitted to come--and, to the earl of st. vincent, that these several ships will be ready to obey the earl's orders off mahon; and that, hoping the russians are off malta, he has requested some of that admiral's ships may be sent to minorca. "in short," his lordship concludes this last letter, "you may depend on my exertions, and i am only sorry that i cannot move to your help; but, this island appears to hang on my stay. nothing could console the queen, this night, but my promise not to leave them, unless the battle was to be fought off sardinia. may god almighty bless and prosper you, is the fervent prayer of your obliged and affectionate "nelson." his lordship also wrote to captain ball, desiring him, if the russian squadron were before malta, to proceed with all the line of battle ships, and the thalia frigate, off port mahon, under the orders of admiral duckworth; laying his lordship's letter before vice-admiral uschakoff, as well as the ottoman admiral, should he be there, and procuring such ships as they could both spare for minorca: but, if they were not with him, to send the audacious and goliath to mahon. at nine o'clock in the evening of the th, the lieutenant of the petterel arrived, by land, at palermo. the sloop not being able to get up, owing to strong east winds, captain austin very properly sent the lieutenant on shore. he brought intelligence, that the french fleet had actually passed the straits mouth: and this news induced his lordship to alter his intended plan of sending such ships as he could collect off mahon; instead of which, he now resolved to rendezvous with the whole of them off the island of maritimo. of this change he instantly sent to apprize the commander in chief, as well as admiral duckworth; trusting that the latter would send his squadron there, which might enable him to look the enemy in the face. he hoped, indeed, that if the russians and turks were off malta, he should get a force, of different nations, equal to the enemy; when it was his determination, that not a moment should be lost in bringing them to battle. though the french fleet consisted of nineteen sail of the line, and that of the spaniards with which it was about to form a junction no less than twenty-five, his lordship determined to sail, with all possible expedition, for maritimo. on the th, the culloden, minotaur, swiftsure, and st. sebastian, arrived off palermo; but it blew so hard, from the east south-east, that the ships were obliged to strike yards and top-masts. this gale continued till the th, when his lordship put to sea; and, on the th, in the morning, arrived off maritimo. in a letter of this day's date, to the earl of st. vincent, his lordship observes that, not having been yet joined by captain ball or admiral duckworth, he has only to remain on the north side of maritimo, to keep covering palermo, which shall be protected to the last, and to wait the earl's orders for regulating his future proceedings. "your lordship," he adds, "may depend, that the squadron under my command shall never fall into the hands of the enemy; and, before one is destroyed, i have little doubt but the enemy will have their wings so completely clipped, that they may be easily overtaken." yet, at this period, it is to be observed, his lordship had only five british ships of the line, with three portuguese, la minerve neapolitan frigate, l'entreprennante cutter, and the incendiary fireship. in a postscript, his lordship concludes--"no doubt, by this time, the austrians are at leghorn; and, if this event had not happened, we should have been in naples." lord nelson remained at sea till the latter end of may; when, having on the th been informed, off trappano, by the earl of st. vincent, that he might, from the then state of the french and spanish fleets, act as he thought best, in the situation of affairs; his lordship determined on returning to palermo, for the purpose of completing the provisions of his squadron to six months, with as much wine as they could stow, that they might be in momentary readiness to act as circumstances should require. in the mean time, by continuing on the coast of sicily, to cover the blockade of naples, he was certain of preserving the former from any attack; to which it would not only be more exposed, were the ships withdrawn, but the spirits of the people receive such a damp that they would make little or no resistance. on the th, lord nelson arrived at palermo; and, having learned that the bey of tunis had stopped several vessels with his lordship's passports, he immediately wrote a very spirited letter to mr. magra, the consul, and another to the bey, which he dispatched in the earl of st. vincent cutter on the th of june. in these letters, however, he again offers his services, as the mediator of a truce, or peace, with his sicilian majesty, as well as with the portuguese; and observes, that the marquis de niza is ready to send a ship for this latter purpose. his lordship assures the bey of tunis, that he has granted no passports to any vessel which his highness, and every good man, will not highly approve of; and, that those who would, or dare, counsel his highness to prevent food from being given to those who are fighting in the cause of god against those vile infidels the french, are no better than frenchmen. "i will," says his lordship to the consul, "have my passports respected, given only to serve the cause in which his highness ought to be as much interested as i am. this you will state clearly and forcibly to the bey--that, as i will do no wrong; so, i will suffer none: this is the firm determination of a british admiral." in a letter written to the earl of st. vincent on the following day, june , his lordship says, after noticing the conduct of the bey of tunis, "i hope to bring this gentleman to reason." he adds--"my time has been so taken up, that i have not been able to pay that attention to the barbary states i could have wished, but i know these people must be talked to with honesty and firmness." his lordship had, indeed, just received, from tripoli, a tolerable good proof of the efficacy of his mode of dealing with the barbary states, in the success of commodore campbell, of which his lordship thus writes to the earl--"we are better friends with the bashaw of tripoli than ever. commodore campbell, whom i selected for that purpose, in the first place, because he was fit for the business; and, secondly, to mark that, although i could _censure_ when wrong, yet that i have no resentment for the past; having done, on that occasion, what i thought right. the commodore has, on this occasion, conducted himself with proper spirit and judgment; and he has, by it, made a very advantageous peace for portugal." so completely did commodore campbell act up to the spirit of lord nelson's orders, that the bashaw actually delivered to him all the french who were at tripoli, nearly forty in number. these, his lordship sent in the susannah cartel, carrying french prisoners to genoa, which sailed on the th of june; honourably stating, that they were not to be considered as prisoners of war, having been sent from tripoli, in barbary, for political reasons. on the th of june, in consequence of his lordship's recent information of being promoted to be rear-admiral of the red, he quitted the vanguard; and, on the th, hoisted it on board the foudroyant. while lord nelson was engaged in provisioning his squadron, without losing sight of the blockade of naples; and anxiously expecting to hear that the earl of st. vincent had fallen in with the french fleet, and obtained another brilliant victory; he had the mortification to be again suddenly impeded in the prosecution of his plan for replacing their sicilian majesties on the throne of their neapolitan dominions, by a letter from lord keith, dated the th of june, who appears to have been alarmed for the supposed fate of minorca. at the receipt of this letter, the th of june, lord nelson was actually on his way to naples, with troops, &c. in order to finish matters in that kingdom: but, considering the force of the french fleet on the coast of italy, then said to be twenty-two sail of the line, four of them first-rates; and that, probably, the ships at toulon would have joined them by the time he was reading the letter; the force with his lordship being only sixteen sail of the line, not one of which was of three decks; three being portuguese, and one of the english a sixty-four very short of men; his lordship considered himself as having had no choice left, but to return to palermo, and land the troops, ammunition, &c. which he accordingly did. he then proceeded off maritimo, hoping to be joined by such reinforcements from captain ball, &c, as might enable him to seek the enemy's fleet; when, his lordship said, there should not be a moment lost in bringing them to battle: "for," concludes he, in his answer to lord keith, dated the th of june, on board the foudroyant, at sea, "i consider the best defence for his sicilian majesty's dominions is, to place myself alongside the french. that i may be very soon enabled to have that honour, is the fervent prayer of your lordship's most obedient servant, nelson." though lord nelson felt that he had no force fit to face the enemy, and was resolved never to get out of their way--"i cannot think myself justified," said his lordship, writing to the earl of st. vincent, this same day, "in exposing the world--i may almost say--to be plundered by these miscreants. i trust, your lordship will not think me wrong, in the painful determination i conceived myself forced to make; for agonized, indeed, was the mind of your lordship's faithful and affectionate servant." the fact seems to be, that lord nelson had not the smallest apprehensions of any serious designs on minorca; and greatly feared that, if he should entirely quit the protection of sicily and naples, they would both soon be irrecoverably lost. it was, therefore, with extreme reluctance, that he proceeded on the present business; and having, next day, the th, been joined off malta by the alexander and goliath, his force was now fifteen sail of two-decked english ships, and three portuguese, with a fireship and cutter. on the th, the swallow portuguese corvette brought dispatches of the th, from the earl of st. vincent; acquainting lord nelson of the near approach of the squadron under sir alan gardiner, and that lord keith was going in search of the french fleet. having now, therefore, no hope of any sufficient reinforcement to enable him to do the same, his lordship determined once more to offer himself for the service of naples, which he seems to have imagined the french intended to visit; and, indeed, information to that effect had repeatedly arrived, by different ships, as well british as foreign. accordingly, having parted for palermo, he arrived off that port on the st; but, the ship being becalmed, he was under the necessity of proceeding some leagues in his barge. having reached palermo early in the morning of this day, he waited on sir william hamilton; and requested that, the instant they had breakfasted, the carriage might be ready to take himself, with sir william and lady hamilton, to the king and queen. nothing could possibly have been more opportune than this unpremeditated visit; for his lordship now learned, that general acton had actually written to him, by the desire of their majesties, though he had not yet received the letter most earnestly intreating his return, for the purpose of going into the bay of naples, and there completing the business which had been so auspiciously commenced under his judicious arrangements. such, indeed, was the then critical state of affairs at naples, that it required both the ablest heads, and the best hearts, to seize the favourable moment, already beginning to flit away, for effectually restoring loyalty and order in that devoted country. during the absence of lord nelson and captain troubridge, from sicily and naples, cardinal ruffo, with his army of twenty thousand calabrese and other loyalists, aided by some hundred russian troops, had defeated the neapolitan republicans, after the evacuation of naples by the french under general macdonald, who succeeded to championet; and, in consequence, was actually in possession of all the capital, except the castles of st. elmo, ovo, and nuovo, the two latter of which were momentarily expected to fall. in this state of things, with many doubts respecting the firmness rather than the fidelity of the cardinal, and much apprehension with regard to the pernicious effects of the imposing plausibility of several chiefs of the numerous parties into which the distracted country was unhappily divided, every precaution was considered necessary to be adopted that human sagacity could contrive, and all the fortitude judged requisite to be preserved that the most magnanimous bosom could exercise. their sicilian majesties well knew, that they had now before them a man, devoted to their just interests, who possessed, in the supremest degree, these rare and most estimable qualities. they intreated him, therefore, to undertake the arduous task, which could not be securely committed to any other hands than his own. his lordship was sensible of the importance of the charge, and overwhelmed with generous sentiments for the noble confidence expressed by the royal sufferers in his abilities to render them those essential services which their peculiar situation demanded. difficulty could never deter the mind of lord nelson from any attempt; for, where there is no difficulty, heroism is without an object. his lordship had, therefore, not a moment to pause, with respect to his ready acquiescence in the will of their majesties; but, from his very imperfect knowledge of the italian language, he expressed his apprehensions that he might be subject to fatal deceptions, if he should trust to the fidelity of any interpreter among a people so generally corruptible. he did not, however, state the objection, without proposing a remedy. if, his lordship said, sir william and lady hamilton would accompany him into the bay of naples, that he might have the assistance of their able heads, and excellent hearts, to consult, correspond, and interpret, on all occasions, he should not have the smallest doubt of complete success in the business. sir william, and his lady, were accordingly requested, by the king and queen, to afford their requisite aid on the occasion: to which they agreed, without a moment's hesitation; and, in less than three hours from the time of his first landing, such was the dispatch thought necessary, that her ladyship, having packed up a few articles of the first necessity, proceeded in the barge, with sir william and his lordship, on board the foudroyant, which instantly sailed for the bay of naples. lord nelson, it may be supposed, had received very full powers from their sicilian majesties; with the advice of their equally brave, wise, and skilful privy-counsellor, general sir john acton: but, such was the delicacy of his lordship in the exercise of his almost limitless authority, that no single instance can be with truth adduced, where he ever interfered with the criminal jurisprudence of the country; except, indeed, on the side of mercy, to which his excellent heart, it is well known, constantly inclined. on the th, they arrived in the bay of naples; where lord nelson saw a flag of truce flying on board the seahorse, captain foote, and also on the castles of ovo and nuovo. having, on the passage, received information, that an infamous armistice was entered into with the rebels of those castles, to which captain foote had put his name, his lordship instantly made the signal to annul the truce; being determined, as he said, never to give his approbation to any terms, with rebels, but unconditional submission. the fleet was now anchored in close line of battle, north-west by north, and south-east by south, from the mole head, one mile and a half distant; flanked by twenty-two gun and mortar boats, which he had recalled from procida. his lordship sent, instantly, captains troubridge and ball to the cardinal vicar-general ruffo; to represent to his eminence, the opinion which he entertained of the infamous truce entered into with the rebels. they were also charged with two papers to his eminence, expressive of these sentiments; one of which was intended for their perusal, previously to the agreed surrender. the cardinal, however, declared that he would send no papers; and that, if his lordship pleased, he might break the armistice, for he was himself tired of his situation. captain troubridge then asked this plain question--"if lord nelson breaks the armistice, will your eminence assist him in the attack of the castles?" his answer was decisive--"i will neither assist him with men nor guns." after much talking, to very little purpose, his eminence expressed a wish to see his lordship on board, that he might converse with him respecting this situation of affairs; and they, accordingly, accompanied him thither. sir william hamilton interpreted between lord nelson and cardinal ruffo, till he was almost exhausted with fatigue. the dispute lasted about two hours, and frequently ran very high; the cardinal, however, proved more than a match for sir william and his lordship together in volubility, though far from equal to either in true eloquence. the venerable sir william, at length, vexed and wearied, calmly seated himself; and requested his lady, though less loquacious than the generality of her sex, to assist their honourable friend, who continued pacing the cabin with the most determined perseverance, in conducting this war of words. the pleasingly persuasive voice of her ladyship, delivering the manly sentiments of his lordship, made no impression on the cardinal. he would not submit to reason, nor his lordship to any thing else: so that the lady was in a fair way of becoming soon as desirous to desist as sir william had been before her, and for the same reason too, if lord nelson had not suddenly put an end to the argument, by observing that, since he found an admiral was no match for a cardinal in talking, he would try the effect of writing. he wrote, therefore, the following opinion, which he immediately delivered to cardinal ruffo-- "rear-admiral lord nelson, who arrived in the bay of naples on the th of june, with the british fleet, found a treaty entered into with the rebels; which, he is of opinion, ought not to be carried into execution, without the approbation of his sicilian majesty--the earl of st. vincent--lord keith." thus terminated the interview: the cardinal retired in disgust; and the rebels, after having notice of his lordship's resolve, persisted in coming out of the castles, which were immediately occupied by the marines of the squadron. much has been said, by weak persons, respecting the justice of thus annulling a truce which had been actually signed before his lordship's arrival. they know little of this great and honourable man, the glory of human nature, as well as of his country, who can for a moment conceive that any part of lord nelson's character, public or private, need shrink from the severest scrutiny to which the actions of terrestrial beings may with justice be subjected. he was, it is maintained, among the best, as well as the bravest, among the most just, as well as the most judicious, of mankind. with regard to the right which his lordship possessed of putting an end to the armistice, notwithstanding the capitulation had been signed, while the castles remained unsurrendered, a few plain words will be allowed sufficient, by the sober part of mankind, for whom they can, indeed, scarcely be necessary, to set the question at rest for ever. had the french fleet arrived, instead of the british, would the capitulation have been at all regarded by those who had agreed to surrender these castles? would they have delivered them up to the then overpowered besiegers? on the contrary, would they not have instantly directed the guns of these very fortresses against the persons to whom they had just signed their submission? these questions are so obvious, that they scarcely need any reply, since there cannot possibly be two opinions on the subject. if there exists, in such derogations, any departure from strictly moral justice, which admits of much doubt, it must be ascribed to the rigorous necessities inseparable from a state of war, and not to any want of rectitude in the breasts of those honourable men on whom devolves the severe task of dictating the operations of that dreadful but unavoidable chastiser of the human race. the besieged, by the laws of war, would have had a right to avail themselves, as is suggested, in the case of such an arrival of the french fleet; and, unquestionably, that of the british, which actually occurred, was alike entitled to alter the effect of the unexecuted capitulation. it appears, however, that lord nelson, though he would not sanction an armistice which he considered as dishonouring the sovereign for whom he was acting, had not the smallest desire to interfere with the disposal of the rebels whom he was so anxious to secure. it was not for their punishment, but for the security of those whom he feared they might contaminate by their principles, that he resolved to keep them in safe custody till the farther pleasure of his sicilian majesty should be known; and, in this, even cardinal ruffo, it seems, at length, reluctantly acquiesced. on the morning of the th, having embarked all the principal rebels in the several ships of the british squadron, and the rest in polacres anchored under their care, his lordship ordered captain troubridge to land with a detachment of troops, for the purpose of cutting down "the infamous tree of anarchy," which was immediately burnt before the king's palace. his sicilian majesty's flag was now every where flying in naples, except on the castle of st. elmo. this fortress still remaining in the hands of the french, captains troubridge and ball, who had now, in some degree, conciliated the cardinal, taking with them thirteen hundred men from the ships, five hundred russian troops, and a considerable body of royalists, proceeded to invest it. as there could be little doubt that this place, though exceedingly strong, must in a few days yield to the vigorous operations of the brave and skilful officers by whom it was besieged, which would complete the repossession of the neapolitan capital, lord nelson wrote to general acton; requesting that his sicilian majesty would come into the bay of naples, as well as the general, to sanction and direct, by his royal presence, and their united councils, the requisite measures for completing the important business now in so fair a train for being happily concluded. at the surrender of the castles, carraccioli had effected his escape; but he was soon apprehended by the royalists, who were clamorous for his execution; and, on the th, after a fair trial, by a board of naval officers of his sicilian majesty, for rebellion against his lawful sovereign, and firing at his sicilian majesty's frigate la minerve, he was hanged at the fore-yard-arm of that ship. lord nelson greatly lamented the fate of this unhappy man, though he could not deny the justice of his sentence; and he would, undoubtedly, have recommended him as an object of mercy to his sicilian majesty, had he not well known that such an interference, in the then temper of the people, must have rendered himself an object of their suspicion; and thus have operated against the king's interest, without finally preserving the culprit from the worst effects of their fury. when it is considered that, a very few months before, carraccioli had received, at palermo, the supreme command of the small remains of his sicilian majesty's fleet; that, on his departure for messina, he had been earnestely and most pathetically conjured by the queen, while taking leave of her majesty, to do every thing in his power for the promotion of the welfare of her little family; that he had, soon after, under pretence of assisting the royalists in calabria, abandoned his sovereign, and actually joined the republicans with the force committed to his charge; he cannot be well regarded as an object entitled to any very extraordinary degree of commiseration. on the d of july, lord nelson had the high gratification of receiving official notice of the liberal grant of ten thousand pounds, which had been unanimously voted to his lordship by the honourable east india company, for his services at the battle off the nile; and his considerate regard to their interests, demonstrated by his judicious conduct immediately after that glorious event. to the letter from sir stephen lushington, bart. chairman of the court of directors, which conveyed this agreeable information, his lordship instantly wrote the following answer. "foudroyant, naples bay, d july . "sir, "i was this day honoured with your letter of may st, conveying to me the resolutions of the honourable east india company. it is true, sir, that i am incapable of finding words to convey my feelings, for the unprecedented honour done me by the company. having, in my younger days, served in the east indies, i am no stranger to the munificence of the honourable company; but this generous act of their's to me so much surpasses all calculation of gratitude, that i have only the power of saying that i receive it with all respect. give me leave, sir, to thank you for your very elegant and flattering letter, and to add, that i am, with the greatest respect, your most obliged and obedient servant, "nelson." nor did this generous man, for whose just praise language must ever be at a loss, rise from the table at which he had penned the above letter of thanks, till his liberal soul, invited every dear relative in the first degree to a kind participation of the bounty which he had just received; by making out drafts, of five hundred pounds each, for his venerable father--his elder brother, maurice nelson, esq. of the navy office--the reverend dr. nelson, the present earl--and his two most amiable sisters, mrs. bolton and mrs. matcham: thus nobly disposing of a fourth part of what he had so honourably acquired, in a way which must ever reflect unfading glory on his memory, and no inconsiderable lustre on the characters of those who were thought thus uniformly entitled to the tender regards of such an exalted as well as kindred mind. it will scarcely be supposed possible, that any human being could convert this generous token of his lordship's affection and esteem for his family, into a cause of violent complaint. there was one person, however, who did complain on the occasion; and that with such piteous lamentations, as absolutely induced his lordship's father, in whose house she was at the same time residing, to decline accepting his portion of his son's most honourable gift. the mention of this undoubted fact, has no other object, than to demonstrate how very distant from a unity of sentiment, in some important respects, lady nelson and her illustrious husband, must necessarily have been; the unfortunate want of which, is ever likely to occasion a proportionable degree of connubial infelicity, and to account for all it's disagreeable consequences, without resorting to grosser motives. on the th of july, captain ball, who had been commanding at st. elmo with captain troubridge, was ordered by lord nelson to resume his situation at malta; for which place he accordingly sailed in the alexander, with the portuguese ship alfonso de albequerque, and captain peard in the success. during the siege of st. elmo, many of the neapolitans came out, every day, in boats, to the british squadron; and the leaders of different parties, with various views, but all affecting the strictest zeal and most loyal attachment to their sovereign, paid congratulatory visits to lord nelson and sir william and lady hamilton: it was not, perhaps, always possible to discover the insincere; but this illustrious triumvirate, as they merit to be denominated, by their extreme circumspection and address, made all of them conduce, whatever might have been their original design, to the promotion of the royal cause. her ladyship, on these occasions, was eminently successful in conciliating those who had entertained unjust prejudices against the queen; and, by the well timed distribution of necklaces, ear-rings, and other trinkets, among the most active of the female partisans, said to be the gracious gifts of her majesty, who had not any present means of more profusely showering her bounty on her beloved people, in which assertion there was but little departure from truth, such an astonishing progress was made in the attachments of them and their numerous admirers, as would appear scarcely credible to those who are unacquainted with the wonderful influence of the neapolitan women. on the th of july, his sicilian majesty, with his principal ministers, arrived in the bay of naples; and went on board the foudroyant, when his royal standard was instantly hoisted. at the first notice of this event, the neapolitan royalists came out in prodigious numbers; and, rowing round the ship, called, in the most affectionate manner, for a sight of their beloved sovereign, under the denomination of their dear father. "the effusions of loyalty," says lord nelson, in writing to lord keith of this event, "from the lower order of the people to their _father_, for by no other name do they address the king, is truly moving!" it was, indeed, very affecting to hear them; and their transports of joy, on beholding him, are not to be described. every day, which their king remained on board, did these loyal people continue to flock out; crying--"father! father! let us only see your face, and we will be satisfied." it was truly pathetic to hear the generous creatures; and to behold the amiable condescension of their worthy sovereign, who never refused to indulge them with a sight of his person. from half past twelve, however, the constant time of dining, till four in the afternoon, when the king usually slept, the most profound silence was preserved by the many anxious and impatient people with whom the surrounding boats were crouded. if the smallest noise occurred, silence was immediately insisted on--"do you not know," they would softly, but fiercely, say, "that our father is asleep? would you dare to disturb him?" then, as the time of his awaking drew near, they generally asked for their good mistress, the name by which they addressed lady hamilton; requesting that she would kindly let them know when their father was ready to see them. this, her ladyship never failed to do; and they immediately resumed the eager and affecting cry of--"father! father!" &c. when the king instantly presented himself to their view, and often spoke to them with the most consoling affability. the effect of lady hamilton's continual presents and kind remembrances from her majesty, soon occasioned them to make similar enquiries after their good mother, the queen; and their dear children, the royal offspring--"when shall we again behold our good mother? when shall we once more see our dear children?" in such simple expressions of affectionate regard, did all the humble classes of neapolitans pour forth their effusions of loyal attachment to their beloved sovereign; while the generality of those who possessed titles of honour, seemed wholly destitute of it's principles. "the conduct of the nobles," lord nelson remarked, in the letter above noticed, "has been infamous; and it delights me, to see that his majesty marks the difference in the most proper manner. it has been, and is, my study, to treat his majesty with all the respect due to so great a personage; and i have the pleasure to believe, that my humble endeavours have met with the royal approbation." the painful anxiety of the king, as he viewed the hostile flag on the distant castle of st. elmo, feeling both for the besiegers and the besieged, was excessive; but, when on the third day after his arrival, it was visibly lowered, as he stood on the deck, with lord nelson and sir william and lady hamilton, he threw his arms round them in an extacy of gratitude, and hailed those generous friends by the appellation of his preservers and restorers. in fact, the castle surrendered, on the th, by capitulation, after a close siege of eight days, with open batteries; in which, the bravery of captain troubridge, and the other british officers serving under him, with a most heterogeneous army of british marines, and russian, portuguese, albanese, calabrese, and swiss troops, was eminently conspicuous. the particulars of this siege, as well as it's success, will appear in the following letter sent by captain troubridge to lord nelson. "antignano, near st. elmo, july , . "my lord, agreeable to your lordship's orders, i landed with the english and portuguese marines of the fleet, on the th of june: and, after embarking the garrisons of the castles of ovo and nuovo, composed of french and rebels, i put a garrison in each; and, on the th, took post against fort st. elmo, which i summoned to surrender. but, the commandant being determined to stand a siege, we opened a battery of three thirty-six pounders and four mortars, on the d inst. within seven hundred yards of the fort; and, on the th, another, of two thirty-six pounders. the russians, under captain buillie, opened another battery of four thirty-six pounders and four mortars, against the opposite angle; intending to storm it, in different places, as soon as we could make two practicable breaches in the work. on the th, i added four more mortars: and, on the th, by incessant labour, we opened another battery of six thirty-six pounders, within a hundred and eighty yards of the wall of the garrison; and had another, of one eighteen pounder, and two howitzers, at the same distance, nearly completed. after a few hours cannonading from the last battery, the enemy displayed a flag of truce, when our firing ceased; and, their guns being mostly dismounted, and their works nearly destroyed, the inclosed terms of capitulation were agreed to and signed. "in performing this service, i feel much satisfaction in informing your lordship, that i received every possible assistance from captain ball, for the first seven days: when your lordship ordered him on other service, and did me the honour to place captain hallowell under my orders in his room; whose exertions and abilities your lordship is acquainted with, and merit every attention. "lieutenant-colonel strickland, major cresswell, and all the officers of marines, and men, merit every praise i can bestow: as does antonio saldineo de gama, and the officers and men belonging to her most faithful majesty the queen of portugal; their readiness, on all occasions, does them great honour. the very commanding situation of st. elmo, rendered our approaches difficult; or, i trust, it would have been reduced much sooner. the ready acquiescence to all our demands, and the assistance received from the duc di salandra, i beg, may be made known, by your lordship, to his sicilian majesty. "i feel myself also much indebted to colonel tschudy, for his great zeal and exertions on all occasions. i have the honour to be, &c. t. troubridge, the right honourable lord nelson, k.b." _articles of capitulation agreed upon between the garrison of fort st. elmo and the troops of his sicilian majesty and his allies._ i. the french garrison of fort st. elmo shall surrender themselves prisoners of war to his neapolitan majesty and his allies; and shall not serve against any of the powers actually at war with the french republic, until regularly exchanged. ii. the english grenadiers shall take possession of the gate of the fort in the course of the day. iii. the french garrison shall march out of the fort to-morrow, with their arms, and drums beating. the troops shall lay down their arms on the outside of the gate of the fort; and a detachment of english, russian, portuguese, and neapolitan, troops, shall take possession of the castle. iv. the officers shall keep their arms. v. the garrison shall be embarked on board the english squadron, until the necessary shipping are provided to convey them to france. vi. when the english grenadiers take possession of the gate, all the subjects of his sicilian majesty shall be delivered up to the allies. vii. a guard of french soldiers shall be placed round the french colours, to prevent their being destroyed: that guard shall remain until all the garrison be marched out, and it is relieved by an english officer and guard; to whom orders shall be given to strike the french flag and hoist that of his sicilian majesty. viii. all private property shall be reserved for those to whom the same appertains; and all public property shall be given up with the fort, as well as the effects pillaged. ix. the sick, not in a state to be removed, shall remain at naples, with french surgeons, and shall be taken care of at the expence of the republic. they shall be sent back to france as soon as possible after their recovery. done at fort st. elmo, the d messidor, in the seventh year of the french republic, or th july . signed, il duca di salandra, captain-general of the forces of his majesty the king of the two sicilies. thomas troubridge, of his britannic majesty's ship culloden, and commander of the british and portuguese troops at the attack of st. elmo. chevalier belle, captain-lieutenant, commanding the troops of his imperial russian majesty at the attack of st. elmo. jh. mejau, commanding fort st. elmo. _return of killed and wounded at the siege of the castle of st. elmo._ marine forces landed from the squadron--john hickman, private, of the vanguard, killed; daniel elliott, christopher calonie, privates of ditto, wounded. serjeant morgan, of the foudroyant, thomas jones, and benjamin cole, privates of ditto, wounded. royal artillery--lieutenant millbank killed. t. strickland, lieutenant-colonel of the marine forces. swiss regiment--two officers, seven privates, killed; nine privates wounded. albanese volunteers--four privates wounded. russians--one officer, three rank and file, killed; one officer, three rank and file, wounded. calabrese regiment--one officer, twenty-one rank and file, killed; four officers, sixty-four rank and file, wounded. total--five officers, thirty-two rank and file, killed; five officers, seventy-nine rank and file, wounded. foudroyant, naples bay, th july . the castle of st. elmo, at the time of it's surrender, had no want of ammunition or provisions: of the former, besides abundance of shot, shells, grenades, cartridges, &c. they had twenty-five thousand pounds of powder; and, of the latter, with eighteen oxen, upwards of three hundred barrels of salt beef and pork, nearly three thousand quintals of wheat, a hundred and fifty-eight of biscuit, two thousand one hundred and sixty-seven of flour, and numerous other articles of food in proportion, they had fifty thousand pints of wine, and six thousand of brandy. lord nelson, immediately on receiving these dispatches from captain troubridge, wrote the following official letter to lord keith. "foudroyant, naples bay, th july . "my lord, "i have the pleasure to inform you of the surrender of fort st. elmo, on the terms of the inclosed capitulation, after open batteries of eight days; during which time, one heavy battery was advanced within a hundred and eighty yards of the ditch. the very great strength of st. elmo, and it's more formidable position, will mark with what fortitude, perseverance, and ability, the combined forces must have acted. captain troubridge was the officer selected for the command of all the forces landed from the squadron. captain ball assisted him for seven days, till his services were wanted at malta, when his place was ably supplied by captain hallowell, an officer of the most distinguished merit, and to whom captain troubridge expresses the highest obligation. captain hood, with a garrison for the castle of nuovo, and to keep good order in the capital--an arduous task, at that time--was also landed from the squadron; and i have the pleasure to tell you, that no capital is more quiet than naples. i transmit you captain troubridge's letter to me, with a return of killed and wounded. "i have now to state to your lordship, that although the ability and resources of my brave friend troubridge are well known to all the world; yet he had difficulties to struggle with, in every way, which the state of the capital will easily bring to your idea, that has raised his great character even higher than it was before: and it is my earnest request, that your lordship will mention him, in that way, to the board of admiralty, that his majesty may be graciously pleased to bestow some mark of his royal favour on captain troubridge; which will give real happiness to your lordship's most obedient and faithful servant, "nelson." "right honourable lord keith." besides the above letter, lord nelson this day wrote three other letters to lord keith, and one to earl spencer; so indefatigable was his lordship in the performance of every branch of his duty. yet, at this very moment, he was hazarding the imputation of too little regarding it, by those who have not his ability to discern in what it truly consists, or the magnanimity to hazard the consequences of a nominal and apparent breach, for the sake of securely seizing the spirit and substance of it's unquestionably intended effect. a truly great man, must sometimes even venture to expose his character, as well as his person, in perilous situations; though he will seldom be so presumptuous or rash as wantonly to commit either, on trivial occasions. the fact is, that his lordship had, at this very critical juncture, been ordered, by lord keith, to detach a considerable part of his squadron for the reinforcement of his lordship, then at minorca; with this order, however, having already parted with two ships for malta, it was not possible to comply, without again putting the safety of naples to a most imminent hazard. he ventured, therefore to remonstrate against the measure, in the following apology to lord keith; describing his precise situation, of which the commander in chief could not have any possible knowledge at the time of sending such orders. "foudroyant, naples bay, th july, . "my lord, "i have to acknowledge the receipt of your lordship's orders of th june; and, as soon as the safety of his sicilian majesty's kingdoms is secured, i shall not lose one moment in making the detachment you are pleased to order. at present, under god's providence, the safety of his sicilian majesty, and his speedy restoration to his kingdoms, depends on this fleet; and the confidence inspired, even by the appearance of our ships before the city, is beyond all belief: and i have no scruple in declaring my opinion that, should any event draw us from the kingdom, if the french remain in any part of it, disturbances will again arise: for, all order having been completely overturned, it must take a thorough cleansing, and some little time, to restore tranquillity. i have the honour to be, with great respect, your lordship's obedient servant, "nelson." "right honourable lord keith." with these accounts of the operations at naples, copies of which were transmitted by lord nelson, to england, for public information, his lordship wrote the following private letter to earl spencer; in which, among other interesting particulars, descriptive of his then state, he alludes to the impropriety of hastily detaching any ships for minorca. "foudroyant, naples bay, th july . "my dear lord, "i have much to say; but am unable to write, or speak, half so much as my duty would make it right: therefore, i must be brief. on my fortunate arrival here, i found a most infamous treaty entered into with the rebels, in direct disobedience of his sicilian majesty's orders. i had the happiness of saving his majesty's honour; rejecting, with disdain, any terms but unconditional submission to rebels. your lordship will observe my note and opinion to the cardinal. the rebels came out of the castle with this knowledge, without any honours; and the principal rebels were seized, and conducted on board the ships of the squadron. the others, embarked in fourteen polacres, were anchored under the care of our ships. his majesty has entirely approved of my conduct in this matter. i presume to recommend captain troubridge for some mark of his majesty's favour: it would be supposing you, my dear lord, were ignorant of his merits, was i to say more than that he is a first-rate general. the king holds his levees on the quarter-deck of the foudroyant, at the same hour as he did when in his palace. his majesty's health is perfect, and he is in the highest spirits and good humour. may i offer my kindest respects to lady spencer; and, believe me, i am sensible of her goodness. lieutenant parkinson will, i am sure, meet with your kind protection; he is an officer of great merit. lord keith writes me, if certain events take place, it may be necessary to draw down this squadron for the protection of minorca. should such an order come, at this moment, it would be a cause for some consideration, whether minorca is to be risked, or the two kingdoms of naples and sicily. i rather think, my decision would be, to risk the former. i am told, the alteration of the government is began in this capital, by the abolition of the feudal system, and that it is meant to be continued through the country. sir john acton is with his majesty: i need not say more, than that he has the wisest and most honest head in this kingdom. sir william and lady hamilton are, to my great comfort, with me; for, without them, it would have been impossible i could have rendered half the service to his majesty which i have now done: their heads, and their hearts, are equally great and good. with every sentiment of respect and attachment, believe me, my dear lord, your obliged and faithful "nelson." "earl spencer." in the public letter to evan nepean, esq. which inclosed the several dispatches, lord nelson also recommends lieutenant parkinson, who is the bearer, to the notice of the lords of the admiralty; observing, that this officer is sent, by desire of his sicilian majesty, to mark that monarch's approbation of his lordship's conduct. then, apologising for the brevity of his letter, when he has so much to communicate, his lordship adds, that he is writing in a fever, and finds it barely possible to keep out of bed; but, to the last, begs he will assure the board, that every exertion shall be made for the honour of his king and country. by the surrender of st elmo, the king of naples had once more the satisfaction to behold his own flag waving over the capital, and all the forts by which it was defended. the only places now remaining in the hands of the french and his neapolitan majesty's rebellious subjects, were capua and gaieta. against the former of these, on the th, captains troubridge and hallowell began to make preparations, by landing a thousand men from the squadron; which, uniting with four thousand other troops, of various denominations, marched in a few days to effect it's reduction. on the th, lord nelson, by the desire of his sicilian majesty, sent a letter to captain troubridge, directing him, when he sent in a summons to the commander of the french troops in capua, to state that, on condition of immediately giving up capua and gaieta, both being under his command, the french garrisons, after laying down their arms, should be permitted to go to france without any restrictions; but, if this were not complied with, they should be considered as prisoners of war, with as degrading terms as it was in his power to give them: in short, the allies must dictate the terms. to this letter, there was a remarkable postscript; which serves to shew, with what marked contempt his lordship regarded those whom he had reason to consider as traitors--"there is a person," says his lordship, "who has been a _notorious rebel;_ but, now, _pretends_ to serve his king faithfully. if he should attempt to come even into your presence, i earnestly request, that you will never voluntarily admit him to your sight, much less speak to him; for honour and loyalty, which you possess, never ought to be contaminated with infamy and rebellion. his name is said to be _roccaromara_." there can be no doubt, that lord nelson had good reasons for this positive caution: the want of which might, perhaps, have been prejudicial to the expedition; if not fatal to this his lordship's favourite commander, for whose honour and welfare he was to the full as solicitous as for his own. just as every thing was arranged, ready to march against capua, the event which his lordship had anticipated in his letter to earl spencer actually occurred. a peremptory order arrived, on the th, from lord keith, directing him to detach, immediately, from the island of sicily, the whole of his squadron--or such part, at least, as might not be necessary in that island--for the protection of minorca. lord nelson, however, well knowing, that lord keith, at the time of sending this order, could not be informed of the change of affairs in the kingdom of naples, where all the marines, and a considerable body of seamen, were now landed, in order to drive the french scoundrels out of the kingdom--which was likely, he said, with god's blessing, to be very soon effected, when a part of the squadron should be instantly sent--he thought it right, till the french were all driven from capua, not to obey his lordship's order for sending down any part of the squadron under his command. after stating these reasons, as his apology for thus acting, his lordship thus concludes--"i am perfectly aware of the consequences of disobeying the orders of the commander in chief; but, as i believe the safety of the kingdom of naples depends, at the present moment, on my detaining the squadron, i have no scruple in deciding, that it is better to save the kingdom of naples, and risk minorca, than to risk the kingdom of naples, and save minorca. your lordship will, i hope, approve of my decision." though lord nelson's heroic bosom could by no means fail to be violently agitated on this very alarming occasion, his resolution was not to be shaken by any consideration of personal suffering: had the refusal been attended with the certain loss of life, he would not have consented to part with a single ship; such was the inflexible firmness of this invincible man, when his determination was once fixed. he did not, however, set danger at defiance; though he so little regarded it's weight, when placed in the scale which opposed his own conscious sense of duty. desirous to be duly understood, and to obtain the indemnity of which he could not but consider himself as worthy of receiving, he had ventured to hope for lord keith's approbation of his conduct. he judged it right, however, to be prepared against the worst that could happen, by immediately addressing earl spencer, also, in a private letter on the subject; as well as the admiralty in general, through their secretary, mr. nepean. these valuable documents, at once self-criminating and exculpatory, are finely characteristic of his lordship's firmness, sensibility, and honour. "foudroyant, naples bay, th july . "my dear lord, "you will easily conceive my feelings, at the order this day received here from lord keith; but my mind, your lordship will know, by my letter sent by mr. lieutenant parkinson and mr. silvester, was perfectly prepared for this order: and, more than ever, is my mind made up. at this moment, i will not part with a single ship; as i cannot do that, without drawing a hundred and twenty men from each ship now at the siege of capua, where an army is gone this day. i am fully aware of the act i have committed; but, sensible of my loyal intentions, i am prepared for any fate which may await my disobedience. capua and gaieta will soon fall; and, the moment the scoundrels of french are out of this kingdom, i shall send eight or nine ships of the line to minorca. i have done what i thought right: others may think differently; but it will be my consolation, that i have gained a kingdom, seated a faithful ally of his majesty firmly on his throne, and restored happiness to millions. do not think, my dear lord, that my opinion is formed from the arrangements of any one. _no_; be it good, or be it bad, it is all my own. it is natural i should wish the decision of the admiralty, and my commander in chief, as speedily as possible. to obtain the former, i beg your lordship's interest with the board; and, in all events, i shall consider myself your lordship's, &c. &c. "nelson." "earl spencer." the letter for the lords of the admiralty, addressed to evan nepean, esq. their secretary, was as follows. "foudroyant, naples bay, th july . "sir, "i send you a copy of lord keith's orders to me, my answer, and a copy of a letter written since my letter to lord keith. my decision was taken, and i feel the importance of it in every way; and know, i must be subject to trial for my conduct: but i am so confident of the uprightness of my intentions for his majesty's service; and for that of his sicilian majesty, which i consider as the same; that i, with all submission, give myself to the judgement of my superiors. i have the honour to be, with great respect, your, &c. "nelson." by this open and dignified manner of appealing to the honourable board of admiralty, as well as to his commander in chief, lord nelson not only escaped any public censure, but even obtained great private applause, very much to the honour of all parties. it was, they well knew, no light departure from duty, originating in presumption or ignorance; but a necessary deviation, dictated by the most profound wisdom, and justified by the truest discernment. lord nelson appears to have been of opinion, about this time, that the french fleet, which had effected a junction with the spanish, making together forty-three sail of the line, and were reported to have sailed from carthagena on the th of june, had hostile designs against the kingdom of portugal. this he mentions to sir sidney smith, in a congratulatory epistle on the first successes of that able officer in egypt. "yesterday," his lordship says, writing on the th of july, "brought me letters from your worthy brother; and we had the great pleasure of hearing that your truly meritorious and wonderful exertions were in a fair train for the extirpation of that horde of thieves, who went to egypt with that arch-thief bonaparte. i beg you will express, to captain miller, and to all the brave officers and men who have fought so nobly under your orders, the sense i entertain of your and their great merit." to sir sidney's brother, his lordship writes with still stronger praise of that spirited and enterprising officer--"i thank you, truly," says his lordship, "for your letter of june th, containing an extract of one from your brother, who has done so much at acre. it is like his former conduct; and, i can assure you, no one admires his gallantry and judgment more than myself. but, if i know myself, as i never have encroached on the command of others, so i will not suffer even my friend sir sidney to encroach upon mine. i dare say, he thought he was to have a separate command in the levant; i find, upon enquiry, it never was intended to have any one in the levant separate from me." this candid explanation may be considered as a manly acknowledgment of his lordship's, that he had pushed his severity against his friend sir sidney sufficiently far. lord nelson also received, from constantinople, among other dispatches, the approbation of the grand signior for his conduct at tripoli and tunis: to whom he had constantly sent copies of his correspondence with the bashaw and the bey; and now, in a letter to his excellency the grand vizir, observed that he had no other object in view, than to fulfil the orders of the great king, his master, by proving him a most faithful ally. on the th, the garrison of capua surrendered to captain troubridge, and the commanders of the other allied troops; of which event he informed lord nelson, next day, in the following public letter. "culloden, naples bay, th july . "my lord, "agreeable to your lordship's orders, i marched on the th inst. with the english and portuguese troops from naples, and arrived at caserta the following morning. after resting the people, we marched and encamped near capua. the swiss, under colonel tschudy, the cavalry under general acton, and the different corps of infantry under general boucard and colonel gams, took up their appointed situations: the former, to the left of the camp; and the latter, to the right of the river. "on the d, a bridge of pontoons was thrown over the river, to establish a communication. batteries of guns and mortars were instantly began, within five hundred yards of the enemy's works: and, on the th, the gun-battery of four twenty-four pounders, another with two howitzers, and two mortar-batteries, were opened, and kept up a constant and heavy fire; which was returned, by the enemy, from eleven pieces of cannon. on the th, trenches were opened, and new batteries began, within a few yards of the glacis. "the enemy, on finding our approach so rapid, sent out terms, which i rejected _in toto_; and offered, in return, the inclosed terms of capitulation, which the french general agreed to, and signed the following morning at six o'clock. the french garrison marched out this morning, at three; and, grounding their arms, proceeded to naples, under the escort of four hundred english marines, and two squadrons of general acton's cavalry. "in performing this service, i feel much indebted to captains hallowell and oswald; to whose abilities and exertions, i attribute the reduction of the place in so short a time; as they staid night and day in the field, to forward the erecting of the batteries. i also beg leave to recommend lieutenant-colonel strickland and major cresswell, the officers and marines, for their constant and unremitted attention; as well as the officers and men of her most faithful majesty, the queen of portugal. the russian forces, under captain builie, rendered every assistance. generals acton and de boucard, and colonel gams, merit much for their zeal in chearfully performing all the different services that arose. colonel tschudy's zeal merits great attention, for his constant readiness to send working parties to the batteries, as well as pushing his men forward on all occasions. "to m. monfrere, a volunteer gentleman from the seahorse, whom i had the honour to recommend to your lordship's notice at st. elmo, i feel indebted for his great ability and assistance as an engineer, which forwarded our operations much. "lieutenants lowcay and davis, who served as aides-du-camp to me, have also great merit; as well as mr. greig, an officer in the russian service, serving in his majesty's ship under my command, whom i beg your lordship to recommend to the court of petersburgh as a promising officer. count di lucci, chief of the etat-major, was unremitting in his attention. i have the honour to inclose your lordship a return of the ordnance, stores, and provisions, found in capua, as well as a return of the garrison, not including jacobins, which were serving with the french. "i have the honour to be, &c. "t. troubridge." "the right honourable lord nelson, k.b." the capitulation contained nine articles, like that of st. elmo, which it in all other respects resembled. the ordnance was one hundred and eighteen pieces of cannon; and there were twelve thousand muskets, four hundred and fourteen thousand musket-cartridges filled, and sixty-seven thousand eight hundred and forty-eight pounds of powder. the french garrison consisted of a hundred and ninety-nine officers, and two thousand six hundred and eighteen non-commissioned officers and privates. the town and garrison of gaieta, being under the same commander in chief as capua, monsieur girardon, general of brigade, was immediately after agreed to be surrendered without a siege, and an order to that effect was sent, on the th, to the governor: on which account, the place having only been blockaded, all the french troops, consisting of eighty-three officers, and fourteen hundred and fifteen privates, were allowed to march out with their firelocks, bayonets, swords, and cartouch-boxes, without being deemed prisoners of war on their arrival in france. in other respects, the articles of the capitulation, which was signed by general acton, lord nelson, and monsieur girardon, on board the foudroyant, were very similar to those of capua. there were sixty pieces of brass cannon, twelve iron, and thirteen mortars, with an immense quantity of powder and other garrison stores. on the st day of august , the first anniversary of lord nelson's glorious victory off the nile, his lordship had the inexpressible happiness of announcing to his king and country, the entire liberation of the kingdom of naples from french anarchy; the restoration of it's worthy sovereign to his hereditary throne; and of his numerous oppressed subjects, to the felicity of that benign and paternal protection which they had ever experienced under his sicilian majesty's mild and gentle sway. this agreeable intelligence was communicated in the two following letters: one, to the commander in chief, lord keith; the other, to evan nepean, esq. secretary to the admiralty. "foudroyant, bay of naples, st august . "my lord, "i have the honour to transmit you a copy of captain troubridge's letter to me, and the capitulation of capua and gaieta, &c. too much praise cannot be given to captain troubridge, for his wonderful exertion in bringing about these happy events, and in so short a space of time. captain hallowell has also the greatest merit. captain oswald, whom i send to england with a copy of my letter, is an officer most highly deserving promotion. i have put lieutenant henry compton, who has served as a lieutenant with me from january , in the perseus bomb, in his room, and whom i recommend to your lordship. "i sincerely congratulate your lordship, on the entire liberation of the kingdom of naples from a band of robbers; and am, with the greatest respect, my lord, your, &c. "nelson." "right honourable lord keith, k. b." "foudroyant, naples bay, st august . "sir, "i have the honour to transmit you copies of my letter to the commander in chief, with it's several enclosures: and most sincerely congratulate their lordships on the entire liberation of the kingdom of naples from the french robbers; for by no other name can they be called, for their conduct in this kingdom. this happy event will not, i am sure, be the less acceptable, from being principally brought about by part of the crews of his majesty's ships under my orders, under the command of captain troubridge. his merits speak for themselves. his own modesty, makes it my duty to state that, to him alone, is the chief merit due. the recommendation bestowed on the brave and excellent captain hallowell, will not escape their lordship's notice, any more than the exceeding good conduct of captain oswald, colonel strickland, and captain cresswell, to whom i ordered the temporary rank of major; and all the officers and men of the marine corps: also, the party of artillery, and the officers and men landed from the portuguese squadron. "i must not omit to state, that captain hood, with a garrison of seamen, in castle nuovo, has for these five weeks very much contributed to the peace of the capital; and naples, i am told, was never more quiet than under his directions. "i send captain oswald, of the perseus bomb, with this letter; and i have put lieutenant henry compton, who has served with me ever since january , as a lieutenant, into the perseus: and i beg leave to recommend these two officers, as highly meriting promotion. "i have the honour to be, &c. "nelson." "evan nepean, esq." in his lordship's private letter to earl spencer, of the same date, which accompanied the dispatches to england, he thus expresses himself--"i certainly, from having only a left hand, cannot enter into details which may explain the motives that actuate my conduct, and which may be necessary for a commanding officer who may wish to have every subject of duty detailed by those under his command. my principle, my dear lord, is--to assist in driving the french to the devil, and in restoring peace and happiness to mankind. i feel, that i am fitter to do the action, than to describe it; therefore, briefly, all the french being forced to quit this kingdom, and some order restored, two more ships of the line are to sail this evening for minorca, which i will take care of." having thus demonstrated that he was embracing the earliest opportunity to comply with lord keith's former orders, his lordship proceeds to state that he is going to send five hundred marines, with six hundred excellent swiss, for the attack of civita vecchia, and to assist the insurrection in the roman state: the sea part of this business to be under the direction of captain louis of the minotaur, and the land part under captain hallowell of the swiftsure; assisted by an excellent officer, captain cresswell of the marines, whom it has been necessary to give the temporary rank of major, which he wishes the board to confirm. his lordship also trusts to the earl's goodness, for the promotion of lieutenant compton. at the time of writing this letter, lord nelson had not heard that the french and spanish fleets were returning to brest; for he congratulates the earl on the happy arrival of the combined fleets at cadiz; having, he says, been fearful that, as they had escaped the vigilance of lord keith, they would get to brest. on the state of affairs at naples, his lordship remarks that, his sicilian majesty, having settled a certain degree of order, will return to palermo on the th. "i send you," adds his lordship, "a letter of sir john acton to me, which gives reasons for continuing the cardinal at the head of affairs in this country. my opinion of him has never altered. he is now only lieutenant-general of the kingdom; with a council of eight, without whose consent no act is valid: but, we know, the head of every board must have great weight. this man must soon be removed; for all about him have been, and are, so corrupt, that there is nothing which may not be bought. acton, and belmonte, seem to me the only uncorrupted men in the kingdom." lord nelson's opinion of cardinal ruffo has been already seen, in his letter to captain troubridge: his lordship used facetiously to denominate him, the great devil who commanded the christian army; and, though he did not seriously think him a traitor, he probably considered him as not altogether incorruptible. to an ambitious cardinal, the tiara might have proved a dangerous temptation. captain louis, who had been sent to the french governor of the fortress of gaieta, with the terms of capitulation entered into between lord nelson and the commandant of capua for the surrender of gaieta, was to have immediate possession of the gates; and, within twenty-four hours, to embark the garrison. some objections, however, being raised by the governor, which he expressed in writing, captain louis was induced to send them to his lordship; who instantly returned, for answer, that he was hurt, and surprised, the capitulation had not been complied with. "it shall be," said his lordship, "and the commander has agreed to it. i have not read your paper inclosed. you will execute my orders, or attack it. the fellow ought to be kicked, for his impudence." this french governor, it seems, with true gallic insolence, had the audacity to require, among other unreasonable conditions, that they should embark horses for france, as well as carry away all the pillaged property; but lord nelson was not thus to be trifled with. "the greatest care," said his lordship, in a letter of the d of august, to captain darby, "is to be taken that no property, which they did not bring with them into the country can be theirs, or is suffered to be carried away. we are to send them to france: and will, properly; but, not as they dictate. as to horses, it is nonsense; as well might they say--_we will carry a house_! if the fellow is a scoundrel, he must be threshed." a letter of this date, however, from captain louis, informed his lordship that the matter was settled; in answer to which, he thus expresses himslef--"i was sorry that you had entered into any altercation with the scoundrel. the capitulation once signed, there could be no room for dispute. there is no way of dealing with a frenchman, but to knock him down. to be civil to them, is only to be laughed at, when they are enemies." we tremble, in this age of refinement, for the fate of so rough a sentiment; but, perhaps, we ought rather to tremble for that of the age which is become so refined. it will, at least, not be disputed, by posterity, that no man ever knew better than lord nelson, how to deal properly with frenchmen. besides assisting the councils of his sicilian majesty, with regard to the necessary arrangements for naples, lord nelson was actively engaged in making a proper distribution of the squadron under his command, and directing the various operations already commenced, or in immediate contemplation. he had already ordered the bellerophon, captain darby, and the zealous, captain hood, to minorca: and captain martin, in the northumberland, was now detached, with the san leon, captain harward, with orders to proceed off civita vecchia; looking out for captain nisbet of the thalia, who had been seen cruizing off that place, and was to join them. from thence, captain martin had instructions to proceed into leghorn roads, and send a boat on shore for intelligence respecting the affairs of the north of italy, and the situation of the allied armies: and, should he fall in with captain foote, of the seahorse, to take that officer under his orders; and, proceeding to the gulph of genoa, co-operate with field-marshal suwarrow, for the annoyance of the enemy, and the good of the common cause. the following kind letter, which was written by lord nelson to captain nisbet, at this period, will evince the truly paternal anxiety which his lordship felt for the welfare of his son-in-law, "foudroyant, naples bay, d august . "my dear sir, "i herewith inclose you a letter received some days ago: and, on the receipt of this, you will keep a good look out for the northumberland, who is coming your way; and join her as soon as you can, captain martin having letters for you. i am sorry to find, you have been cruizing off civita vecchia; i was in hopes of your being on the north coast of italy: but, i am persuaded, it was done for the best. i here inclose you the copy of a letter, sent open to me, from mr. smith, at constantinople; respecting some supplies furnished la bonne citoyenne, at the dardanelles: and request, that you will give the necessary directions to have it settled; or explain it to me, that it may be settled. mr. tyson has written to the purser, mr. isaacson, to desire he will draw out bills for the amount; and fresh vouchers for your signature, and the settlement of his account. "i am, wishing you every success, your's very affectionately, "nelson." "captain nisbet." this letter cannot require any comment; it must produce decisive convictions in the mind of every intelligent reader, respecting the true characteristics of both parties. it forms, indeed, a genuine picture of paternal solicitude. on the th of august, lord nelson wrote to inform lord keith, as well as earl spencer and the board of admiralty, that being then about to proceed, in the foudroyant, with his sicilian majesty on board, for palermo; and, finding it necessary the command of the squadron in naples bay, and along the coast, should be left with an officer above the rank of post-captain--especially, as the russian and turkish squadrons were soon expected in the bay--he had thought it right to give captain troubridge an order to wear a broad red pendant at the main top-gallant mast-head of the culloden, which he hoped their lordships would, respectively, approve and confirm. having thus generously promoted his friend troubridge, he left under the command of the new commodore, besides the culloden, the audacious, goliath, and swiftsure, british line of battle ships, with two portuguese, and smaller vessels of war: directing him to co-operate with cardinal ruffo, the lieutenant-general of the kingdom of naples, in all things necessary for it's safety, and the peace and quiet of the capital; with liberty, should he find it necessary, to detach a part of the squadron along the roman coast, to the northward, as far as leghorn, in order to prevent the french from carrying off the plunder of rome. this and every other requisite arrangement being completed, for the peace and security of his sicilian majesty's neapolitan dominions, and the due distribution of the british squadron under lord nelson's command, his lordship immediately sailed for palermo, with the king and his principal ministers, and his friends sir william and lady hamilton; all impatient personally to acquaint the queen with the particulars of those joyful events which had filled every bosom with sensations of the purest delight. her majesty, indeed, had been regularly apprised of the various transactions, immediately as they occurred: but, in an affair of such variety and importance as the recovery of a wrested kingdom from foreign and domestic enemies, ten thousand little occurrences, often most powerfully interesting to souls of genuine grandeur, and forming the chief charm for minds of a delicate and tender susceptibility, may be supposed to have attracted those who were present amidst these impressive scenes, absolutely incommunicable by the most practised and facile pen, and only to be successfully detailed with the many adventitious aids of personal elocution. the feelings of the king, as he benignantly eyed his noble benefactors; of the illustrious hero, and his two estimable friends, who were the honoured objects of his majesty's just regards; must be left to the conception of the reader: it would be difficult to decide, which enjoyed, on this occasion, the greatest portion of substantial felicity; the grateful monarch thus happily restored to his rightful throne, or the generous friends who had so disinterestedly and successfully accomplished the arduous task of replacing him. fraught with these dignified sentiments, they no sooner arrived off palermo, on the th inst. than the queen, and royal offspring, sympathetically replete with equally exalted sensations, and who had impatiently awaited the happy return of his majesty, came out, in the royal barge; attended by innumerable pleasure-boats filled with loyal sicilians of all ranks, who hailed their beloved sovereign with acclamations of the sincerest joy. her majesty, overwhelmed with delight, no sooner got on board the foudroyant, than she embraced lady hamilton, who had respectfully hastened to receive the queen; and, at the same instant, hung round her ladyship's neck a rich chain of gold, to which was suspended a beautiful portrait of herself, superbly set in diamonds, with the motto--"_eterna gratitudine!_"--"eternal gratitude!"--inscribed at the back of the picture. to lord nelson, her majesty also united with the king in the highest degree of grateful regard which it is possible for language to convey. he was addressed as their preserver, their deliverer, their restorer; and it was easy to perceive that, even when they were silent, their great minds meditated some noble reward. nor were the substantial services of sir william hamilton, though of a less brilliant nature than those of his heroic friend, passed over without the most grateful acknowledgments of their sicilian majesties; whose interests that wise and worthy minister had uniformly promoted, for a long series of years, with a zeal little less ardent than that which he is well known to have constantly exerted for the honour and advantage of his own sovereigns, whom himself and lady so splendidly and munificently represented at the neapolitan court. a few days after their arrival at palermo, lord nelson received the royal remuneration of his transcendent services, in a stile far surpassing any expectation which his lordship could possibly have formed on the subject; and of which, so rare is any excess of human gratitude, history scarcely affords a single similar instance. indeed, when lady hamilton, by desire of the queen of naples, first announced to his lordship, on the second day after their arrival, that it was the determination of his sicilian majesty to create him duke of bronte, and to confer on him all the valuable estate and princely privileges attached to that most distinguished and appropriate title; such were his lordship's nice notions of honour, that he positively protested against receiving any reward from that sovereign, for what he considered as a mere faithful discharge of the duty which he owed to his own. it was not the formal "_nolo episcopari!_"--"i am unwilling to become a bishop, or to take on myself the episcopal character!"--of every new bishop; who is injudiciously constrained, by a singular perversion of propriety, to prepare for the exercise of the most sacred of all functions, by making a declaration which, though it ought, in a spiritual sense, to be strictly correct, is extremely subject, at best, to be considered as not altogether sincere: but, in truth, the spontaneous and felt sense of that dignified delicacy of honourable conduct, by which his lordship was ever directed; and of which persons of vulgar intellect, who are by no means fitted to form any just estimate of the actions of so exalted a character, will probably be weak enough still to doubt the actual existence. it is certain, nevertheless, that lord nelson resolutely held out against the acceptance of these elevated dignities, and their annexed emoluments, for two or three days, at least, notwithstanding all the intreaties of sir william and lady hamilton: nor did this incomparable man finally agree to receive them--maintaining, to the last, that he could not do so without subjecting the purity of his motives, in what he had happily effected, to the opprobrium of unjust suspicion--till lady hamilton, at the express instance of the queen, solicited the inflexible hero, even on her knees, to consent to the wishes of these truly amiable and most munificent sovereigns; as requisite to demonstrate that, amidst the too rigid sense which he evidently entertained of what might seem to him proper for the maintenance of his own honour, he was not altogether unregardful of what the world, as well as themselves, must ever consider as absolutely necessary for the preservation of their's. the exquisite address of this argument, as suggested by her sicilian majesty, and pressed by the unaffected eloquence of her ladyship, was too powerful to be opposed. his lordship could offer nothing sufficiently substantial against such persuasive wisdom; and, being unable longer to reason, he could no longer continue to resist. should the scornful insolence, that is ever awakened, in low and vicious minds, by even the slightest mention of virtuous deeds, endeavour to interpose the mean malignity of it's cold suspicions on hearing this recital; let the humbler bosom, that cherishes more generous sentiments, reflect but for a moment, that his lordship had recently risked even a disobedience of orders from his temporary commander in chief, while promoting the interests of their neapolitan majesties, and it will feel sufficient reasons for our hero's delicate repugnance to the ready acceptance of any undesired aggrandizement, however highly merited, on this particular occasion. on the th, therefore, in consequence of this acquiescence, the king of naples sent his lordship a superb diamond-hilted sword, with a most affectionate letter; thanking him for having reconquered his majesty's kingdom, and again placed him on the throne of his ancestors. the value of this present, estimated at four thousand guineas, was incalculably enhanced by the very appropriate circumstance of it's being the identical sword which had been given to the king of naples, by charles the third, on that monarch's memorable departure to spain, accompanied by the following most remarkable declaration--"with this sword, i conquered the kingdom which i now resign to thee. it ought, in future, to be possessed by the first defender of the same; or, by him who shall restore it to thee, in case it should ever be lost." at the same time, lord nelson received an official letter from his excellency the prince di luzzi, informing him that his sicilian majesty had that day been graciously pleased to create his lordship duke of bronte, in sicily, and to confer on him all the valuable estate and privileges attached to that most honourable title. when it is considered, that the word _bronte_ signifies, in the greek language, _thunder_; that the fabulous forger of the thunder of jupiter was said to be one of the cyclops, named _bronte_, who resided at etna in the island of sicily, where the dukedom of bronte is situated; and that the military guard of honour, appertaining to the dukes of bronte, still actually wear, in allusion to the fabled cyclops, sons of neptune and amphitrite, who had one large eye in the middle of their foreheads, the representation of an eye on the front of their caps; there could not, every person must admit, have been a more appropriate dignity bestowed on our incomparable hero, by his sicilian majesty, than that which he had thus liberally and judiciously been induced to confer. lord nelson, penetrated with unutterable gratitude, by his majesty's most generous munificence, instantly wrote the following letter to the minister who had made this interesting communication. "palermo, th august . "sir, "i have this moment received the honour of your excellency's letter, conveying to me his sicilian majesty's most gracious approbation of my conduct; and, also, that his majesty had been pleased to confer upon me the title of duke of bronte, together with the estate attached to it. i request that your excellency will lay me, with all humility, and full of gratitude, at his majesty's feet: express, to him, my attachment to his sacred person, the queen, and royal family; and that it shall be the study of my life, by following the same conduct which has gained me his royal favours, to merit the continuance of them. "i sincerely thank your excellency for the very handsome manner in which you have executed the royal commands; and believe me, with the highest respect, your excellency's most obliged and obedient servant, "bronte nelson". "his excellency prince di luzzi." immediately after, his lordship penned also the following admirable letter for the sovereign by whom he had been thus bountifully honoured, which was instantly transmitted to that generous monarch. "palermo, th august . "sire, the bounty of your majesty has so overwhelmed me, that i am unable to find words adequate to express my gratitude: but it shall be my study to continue in the same line of conduct which your majesty has been pleased to approve, and to mark with such very extraordinary proofs of your royal favour; and which has also gained me the approbation of my own most gracious sovereign, your majesty's most faithful ally. that the almighty may pour down his choicest blessings on your sacred person, and on those of the queen and the whole royal family, and preserve your kingdoms in peace and happiness, shall ever be the fervent prayer of your majesty's faithful servant, bronte nelson. on the morning of this day, while lady hamilton was at the palace with the queen, who had purposely invited that lady early, two coach loads of the most magnificent and costly dresses, were secretly sent to her house, with a richly jewelled picture of the king, worth a thousand guineas, for her ladyship; and another picture of his majesty, of the same value, for sir william hamilton. the whole of the presents on this occasion received by sir william and his lady, from their sicilian majesties, were estimated at full six thousand guineas. lord nelson had, in these few days, so completely detached the squadron under his command to the several destinations, that his own flag was now flying on board the samuel and jane transport; yet, even thus situated, so confident were their majesties, and their sicilian subjects, that there could be nothing to fear while they possessed even the person of our invincible hero, not the smallest alarm was either felt or expressed on the occasion. the foudroyant, indeed, which had accompanied two portuguese ships of the line to captain ball at malta, was only intended to remain there a few days, with some hope of quickening the surrender of that island by the appearance of such a force; and, on the th, his sardinian majesty having requested a ship to carry him and his family to the continent, in a letter received from his minister by our grand protector of kings, his lordship was constrained to order the foudroyant on that important service. this letter also solicited the kind and powerful interference of our hero, to obtain, from the bey of tunis, some modification of the very severe terms to which his sardinian majesty had been under the necessity of agreeing, but found it impossible immediately to raise the sum stipulated from his distressed people for the ransom of their fellow-subjects. though his lordship could not but feel almost hopeless of success in any requisition of pecuniary forbearance from a barbary state, he did not hesitate a single moment in making the attempt, by writing both to mr. magra and the bey of tunis, with his customary diplomatic dexterity and address. having done this, his lordship thus answered the letter of his sardinian majesty's minister, count chilembert. "palermo, th august . "sir "i was yesterday honoured with your excellency's letter of august th. the situation of the poor people taken by the bey of tunis is shocking to humanity, and must sensibly touch the royal heart: but i will not attempt to cherish a hope, that the bey will abate one zequin of the sum fixed in the convention of june the st; and i very much doubt, if a longer time than that fixed by the convention, and witnessed by six friendly consuls, will be granted. however, i have, i can assure your excellency, no difficulty in sending a letter to mr. magra, his britannic majesty's consul, covering one to the bey; to say, that i am confident such a mark of his goodness will be highly acceptable to the great king, my master. the chevalier marechal is gone towards malta, after the foudroyant; and, i hope, she will be at cagliari in three days after this letter: i have, therefore, only to intreat, that every thing for the service of his majesty may be ready to put on board the moment she anchors. i send the foudroyant, as she is my own flag-ship, and the first two-decked ship in the world. i would send more ships, but the service of the civilized world requires every exertion; therefore, i have not the power to send another ship of war. a very fine brig i have directed from naples, to assist in carrying his majesty's attendants; and, as a much less ship has carried a much more numerous royal family, i trust, their majesties will not be pressed for room. i beg that your excellency will lay me at their majesties feet, and assure them of my sincere desire to be useful for their service; and believe me, with the greatest respect, your excellency's most obedient servant, "bronte nelson. "there is a russian squadron in the bay; but they are not, in the smallest degree, under my orders." "his excellency compte chilembert." the russian squadron mentioned in the above postscript had arrived at palermo the preceding day, as appears from the following letter to the celebrated russian general, field-marshal suwarrow. "palermo, th aug. . "my dear field-marshal, "yesterday, brought me your excellency's letter of july th; and four galliots are ordered, by his sicilian majesty, to protect provisions, &c. for the use of your army, under the orders of my friend captain martin. i have ordered another frigate and brig to join the squadron on the riviere of genoa. i wish, i could come to you myself; i shall truly have a pleasure in embracing a person of your exalted character; but, as that cannot be at present, i only regret i cannot send you more ships. rear-admiral katzow is here, with three sail of the line and a frigate; but, they are not under my orders or _influence_. may god bless you, my honoured friend! and believe me, for ever, your attached friend, "bronte nelson." in a long letter, of this day's date, to admiral duckworth, lord nelson says--"in naples, every thing is quiet; but the cardinal appears to be working mischief against the king, and in support of the nobles: sooner, or later, he must be removed, for his bad conduct. we are dying with heat, and the feast of santa roselia begins this day; how shall we get through it!" then, mentioning the honours and gifts from the king of naples, his lordships says, respecting the dukedom of bronte, "the title, of course, i cannot assume, without the approbation of our king; which, i now hear, has been some time desired." his lordship, it appears, had just received medals for his captains; for he says-- "darby and hood, i hope, have long joined you. pray, be so good as to deliver to them the medals, with my best regards. our dear lady," he adds, "has been very unwell: and, if this fête, to-night, does not kill her, i dare say she will write to you to-morrow; for, there is none she respects more than yourself. good sir william is much better for his trip. make my best regards to sir james st. clair. i really have not the power of writing, and i am really blind; but, whilst i have life," concludes this excellent, indefatigable, and friendly hero, "believe me, my dear admiral, your obliged and affectionate "nelson." his lordship might well be weary, on this sultry day; the festivity of which he so little regarded, that he was actually employed, from morning till night, in writing and dictating letters and orders. in the evening of this day, lord nelson received information that the russian and turkish squadrons, from corfu, had arrived at messina; and, on the th, sent the copy of a letter just received from lord keith, who had quitted the mediterranean in pursuit of the combined fleets, to admiral uschakoff, commander in chief of the russian squadron, who had retaken the leander at corfu, mentioning an order from the british admiralty for the restoration of that ship. his lordship, however, not having received this order, apologized for being unable to send it: and stated, very properly, that it was to be presumed the courts of petersburgh and london had decided on the restoration of the leander; as the admiralty would not, otherwise, have sent such orders to the commander in chief, and appointed officers to that ship. captain drummond, his lordship observed, who would wait on his excellency with these letters, was appointed to the temporary command of the leander; and requested that he might be favoured with directions to the officer commanding at corfu, for assistance in fitting out and manning the said ship, so as to enable him to proceed with it to minorca. on the th, his lordship wrote to commodore troubridge, acquainting him that lord keith was in pursuit of the combined fleets, which had been seen off cape st. vincent's the th of july; that the british fleet passed the straits on the th; and that the earl of st. vincent sailed for england, in the argo, on the st. his lordship also mentions, that he has just received great news from egypt. the siege of acre was raised on the st of may; and bonaparte, leaving all his cannon and sick behind, had got again to cairo. the la forte french frigate had been taken by the english la sybille, but that poor captain coote had been killed; "and here," says his lordship, "we must shed a tear for dear miller! by an explosion of shells, which he was preparing on board the theseus, him and twenty-five others were killed; nine drowned, by jumping overboard; and forty-three wounded." after observing that, if commodore troubridge cannot immediately proceed against civita vecchia, he is to collect all his ships; and, the moment the russians appear, to join his lordship, for the purpose of proceeding to gibraltar, by the way of palermo, where the necessary provisions may be obtained--"your letter of the th," he concludes, "is just arrived. the neapolitans must manage their own jacobins; we have, thank god, done with them." sir sidney smith having transmitted to lord nelson, as his superior in command, the account of his splendid atchievements in the defence of acre, and the total defeat and discomfiture of bonaparte on that memorable occasion, his lordship immediately wrote the following congratulatory epistle to sir sidney; whose important dispatches he afterwards forwarded to england, accompanied by a public letter to mr. nepean, as they were afterwards published in the london gazette. "palermo, th aug. . "my dear sir, "i have received, with the truest satisfaction, all your very interesting letters to july th. the immense fatigue you have had, in defending acre against such a chosen army of french villains, headed by that arch-villain bonaparte, has never been exceeded; and the bravery shewn by you, and your brave companions, is such as to merit every encomium which all the civilized world can bestow. as an individual, and as an admiral, will you accept of my feeble tribute of praise and admiration, and make them acceptable to all those under your command? i have returned the cameleon, that your lieutenant might have a good sloop; which, i hope, lord keith will approve: and, in every thing in my junior situation in the fleet, you may be assured of my readiness to do what you can wish me. i hope, alexandria is long before this in your possession, and the final blow given to bonaparte; but, i hope, no terms will ever be granted for his individual return to europe. captain stiles will tell you all our news here; and good sir william hamilton tells me, he thinks that he has told you the heads of all. in short, all is well, if lord keith falls in with the combined fleet. i think, you had better order the theseus to mahon; and i will endeavour to send you either a good sloop, or a small frigate. the factory at smyrna, in my opinion, have written a very improper letter to you. i do not like the general stile of mr. wherry's letters, they too much talk of government affairs. it is our duty to take care of the smyrna trade, as well as all other, and it never has yet been neglected; but great britain, extensive as her navy is, cannot afford to have one ship lay idle. be assured, my dear sir sidney, of my perfect esteem and regard, and do not let any one persuade you to the contrary: but my character is, that i will not suffer the smallest tittle of my command to be taken from me. but, with pleasure, i give way to my friends; among whom, i beg, you will allow me to consider you: and, that i am, with the truest esteem and affection, your, &c. "nelson. "sir sidney smith." this excellent letter not only makes amends for all former asperities, but forms a most noble eulogium on the merits of sir sidney smith; who, it must be confessed, had entitled himself, by his skill and valour, even to this proudest of all possible panegyrics from the first of heroes. the russian admiral not complying with lord nelson's request, as to the restoration of the leander, his lordship immediately addressed the chevalier italinskoy, the russian minister at the court of their sicilian majesties, on the subject: informing him that, whenever the admiral chose to send the leander to minorca, the ship would be received. "but," says his lordship, "after even my word not being taken, by his excellency, i cannot again subject myself to a refusal of giving up the leander, agreeable to the intention of the emperor; though the form of order, on this occasion, was not arrived." his lordship also sent captain drummond, with the particulars of this refusal, to lord keith; observing, that he should now wait till the russian admiral sent the leander to mahon. captain drummond was desired, on failure of meeting with lord keith, to proceed immediately to england, and deliver his lordship's letter to the secretary of the admiralty, acquainting him with the cause of his arrival. on the th, lord nelson transmitted to captain hope, at the request of his sicilian majesty, a diamond ring of considerable value: for having, as it was expressly stated, embarked his majesty and the prince royal in his barge, on the night of december , ; and which his majesty desired might be accepted, by captain hope, as a mark of his royal gratitude. this, and other similar presents of rings and gold boxes, were sent by sir john acton, to sir william hamilton, from his sicilian majesty; with a request that his excellency would have the goodness to present them to the duke of bronte, that he might distribute them according to the note enclosed, and in the name of his sicilian majesty, as a small mark of his royal gratitude to the several english commanders. the pleasure which this agreeable task afforded lord nelson's excellent heart, may be judged of by the following effusion of it's feelings, addressed to captain hood on the occasion. "my dear hood, i never had greater pleasure, than in executing his sicilian majesty's orders, for sending you a box from his majesty; and, as the dispatch expresses it--to captain hood, for services in the gulph of naples, and at salerno; for his operations on shore, and his care of the castles of naples." in afterwards describing these presents from his sicilian majesty, on writing to england, his lordship informs mr. nepean, that each of the captains had a very valuable gold box, set round with diamonds. in the centre of that given to commodore troubridge, was his majesty's portrait; and, to him, he also gave an elegant ring. in the centre of the others, were his majesty's cypher of f.r. neatly set in diamonds. his majesty, he adds, has also presented captain thomas masterman hardy, his lordship's captain in the foudroyant, with an elegant box, set round with a double row of diamonds, and his portrait in the centre, and an elegant diamond ring; and, to mr. tyson, his lordship's secretary, a diamond ring of great value. transient, however, seem to have been all the felicities of his lordship's most eventful life. the happiness which he enjoyed, in seeing the companions of his cares and successes thus rewarded with truly royal munificence; while he felt himself remunerated, beyond his proudest hope or expectation; the pleasing sensations which he must necessarily have experienced on beholding the vast and magnificent preparations to celebrate their united atchievments on the anniversary of receiving, at naples, the first intelligence of the glorious victory off the nile, which had arrived on the d of the preceding september; were not permitted to remain undisturbed in his ever anxious bosom, even for a few days. on the st, his lordship received letters from malta, which gave birth to most extraordinary suspicions. the agonized feelings of his heroic mind are not to be described; but, nothing could for a moment divert him from the painful discharge of it's duty. in a state of inconceivable agitation, he wrote the following letter to sir john acton. "palermo, st aug. . "my dear sir, "i send your excellency a letter from captain ball, of his majesty's ship alexander, with two papers enclosed. i cannot bear the thought of what the papers convey; but it is my duty, as a british admiral, to ask of your excellency an explanation of this very extraordinary business--which, i trust in god, is entirely false, as far as relates to his sicilian majesty and prince luzzi! if this man is an unauthorized person, his majesty will have no difficulty in approving of my condemning him as a spy; and, as such, ordering him to be hanged. but, what shall i say, if prince luzzi has authorized this man to enter la vilette, and to communicate with the enemy? i must say, that the minister has betrayed his trust; for i never will believe, that their sicilian majesties could treat in such a manner his britannic majesty, my royal master. on your excellency's communication of his sicilian majesty's pleasure, depends the line of conduct which my duty will call upon me to perform. i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, your excellency's obedient servant, "bronte nelson." "his excellency, sir john acton, bart." happily, this alarm turned out to be unfounded; but the circumstance serves, nevertheless, to assist in demonstrating the jealous attention of his lordship to whatever might be supposed capable of affecting either the national honour or his own. in a few days, having fully investigated the affair, he wrote thus to captain ball--"my dear ball, mr. alos is, doubtless, a scoundrel. he had persuaded some here, that he had an interview with vaubois; which, i believe, is a lie: and, as to his conduct with the maltese, it was, probably, to shew his consequence. i am sure, the good queen never had a thought of any under-hand work against us; therefore, i would recommend sending him here with a kick in the breech, and let all the matter drop." in a letter of this date, august , lord nelson thus laments, to commodore troubridge, the situation in which he finds himself. "our joint exertions," he says, "have been used, to get the king to go to naples; but, of no avail; the austrians will be there before him. i do not expect any of the russian troops this some time to come. i am, indeed, sick and tired of this want of energy; and, when i find the impossibility of being longer useful, i will retire from this inactive service." he complains, also, to lord spencer, in a letter written about this time, of the uncomfortableness of his situation: for, he says, plain common sense points out that the king should return to naples; but, nothing can move him. "believe me," his lordship adds, "i shall do my best, in all circumstances. but, i am almost blind; and, truly, very unwell; and, which does not mend matters, i see no king in europe really assisting these good monarchs, but our gracious sovereign." in this unenviable state of mental anxiety, and corporeal lassitude, was our justly renowned hero, at the period of those preparations being completed, which were calculated to display him, in the view of an enraptured people, as the greatest and most felicitous of mortals; nor did his admirable heart, amidst all it's oppressions, reject a temporary participation in the bliss which was so amply provided for his enjoyment, on the d of september, their sicilian majesties gave their splendid fête champêtre in the royal gardens at palermo, to celebrate the recovery of the kingdom of naples under the auspices of lord nelson. a grand temple of fame was erected, on this occasion; in which were three figures, the size and exact resemblance of life, beautifully modelled in wax. the centre figure represented admiral lord nelson, duke of bronte, dressed in a full british uniform; as conducted, by a figure of sir william hamilton, to receive from the hand of a third, resembling lady hamilton in the character of victory, the laurel wreath of triumph which adorned the hero's brow. before the steps of this temple, their sicilian majesties, with all the royal family, stood ready to receive the three illustrious characters thus represented; and, on their approach, after publicly embracing them, the king, with his own hand, took the laurel wreath from the wax figure, and placed it on the head of the real hero, who wore it during the whole of the entertainment. sir william, and his lady, were also presented with similar investments; the queen thus honouring her ladyship, and his majesty sir william. on the robe of the figure of victory were embroidered the names of all those heroes, in particular, who had fought at the battle of the nile; and, on various egyptian pyramids, placed around the several temples of the garden, were inscribed the names of the most distinguished english, neapolitan, russian, and turkish, heroes of the war, with appropriate verses to each. their majesties received the company; which consisted of some of the principal nobility of naples as well as of palermo, with all the british, russian, and turkish, officers of the respective squadrons. prince leopold, their majesties youngest surviving son, then nine years of age, who was educating for the navy, did the honours of the evening, in his midshipman's uniform: and all the three princesses, as well as the consort of the hereditary prince, and most other ladies, wore some ornament allusive to lord nelson and his victories round their necks. the entertainment commenced with a most brilliant and magnificent fire-work: representing the english and french fleets at aboukir, the ever-memorable battle off the nile, and the total defeat of the french; terminating with the explosion of l'orient, and the blowing up of the tri-coloured flag. the queen, at this representation, said to cadir bey, the turkish admiral--"on this day, last year, we received from lady hamilton intelligence of this great man's victory; which not only saved your country, and our's, but all europe!" after the fire-works, a cantata was performed, entitled the happy concord. this piece, which was written purposely on the occasion, expressed the general joy for the deliverance of the two sicilies; loyal wishes for the prosperity of their sovereigns, and the royal family, as well as for those of their worthy allies; and particular acknowledgments to the british hero. the music was most excellent; and all the opera band, with senesino at their head, sung--"rule britannia!" and "god save the king!" in which they were joined by the whole assembly, who had been previously drilled to the english pronunciation. about the time of this grand festival, an unfortunate affray between the turkish seamen and some of the sicilians, occurred at a tavern, in palermo; and was carried to such an excess, that many men of both countries lost their lives on the occasion. the quarrel originated in the superstition of the sicilians; who, like all the vulgar italians, when they address the turks, rudely tell them, that they are not christians, but beasts. the turks, after getting on board their ships, continued to wrangle among themselves; and were, at length, in such a state of mutiny, that cadir bey, their commander in chief, became greatly terrified. lord nelson, however, being made acquainted with the affair, and having a great friendship for this turkish admiral, immediately offered him his services; and, the next day, very calmly going on board, accompanied by sir william and lady hamilton, speedily quelled the mutiny. it appears, however, to have soon again broken out: having been excited, it is said, by patrona bey, who was desirous of supplanting cadir bey; but who, not very long afterwards, had rendered himself so obnoxious to the men whom he thus endeavoured to delude, that they suddenly rose on him, and literally cut him to pieces. it was well, therefore, that the generous friendship of lord nelson had impelled him to pen a letter to the grand signior, previously to cadir bey's departure, that he might protect this worthy man from any misrepresentation respecting the fatal affray with the sicilians; as, without such a powerful advocate, it is highly probable that cadir bey would have lost his situation, if not his life: instead of which, he obtained the merited approbation of the grand signior, by this epistle; which was inclosed in a letter to the captain pacha--and a copy of it also sent to spencer smith, esq. the minister at constantinople--of the same date. the letter to the grand signior was expressed in the following terms. "palermo, th sept. . "sire, "i trust, that your imperial majesty will permit the servant of your most faithful ally to bear his testimony to the good conduct of your admiral cadir bey. "i can assure your majesty, that ships in higher order cannot be, than those under his command; and the little disturbance which has arose in this place has not been owing to any want of attention from your majesty's admiral. "cadir bey is with me every day; and a better man does not live in the world, or a better officer. he is my brother; and i am, in the truest sense of the words, your majesty's attached and faithful servant, "bronte nelson." "to his imperial majesty, the grand signior." his lordship, in writing to earl spencer, a few days before, thus states the difference between the russian and turkish commanders in chief. "the russian admiral," says he, "has a polished outside, but the bear is close to the skin: he is jealous of our influence; and thinks, whatever is proposed, that we are at the bottom. the turk, who is by no means a fool, on the contrary, has more natural sense than the other; is our brother; and, i am sure, there is not a thing that we could desire him to do, which he would not instantly comply with. i make use of the word _we_," adds his lordship; "because sir william and lady hamilton have more merit in gaining the affection and implicit confidence of cadir bey, and his officers, than i have." on the th, lord nelson writes to rear-admiral duckworth--"the russian admiral has told me, his ships _cannot_ keep the sea in winter; and i see no _desire_ to go to sea in summer." then, mentioning the state of some of the ships at minorca, reported to be unfit for active service, his lordship says--"to keep them lying at mahon, appears to me to be a waste of public money. my mind," proceeds this great and most considerate commander, "is fixed, that i will not keep one ship in the mediterranean, that is not fit for _any_ service during the winter; those half fit, drain us of all the stores, and render us all useless: you have acted on this principle, in sending the aurora and dolphin; and it is my _particular_ desire, that you continue it. i beg you will write to the admiralty, of my intentions to keep no ships but what are fit for service in the mediterranean; and, i am sure, the king will save by the measure being adopted on stations so near england. i am aware of the argument, which may be used against my plan; viz. our seamen get no good by going to england: to which, i perfectly agree. but, the ships left here with me are beyond all common refit; nor can they be furnished with stores, not having any foundation to be kept up: and what would be an ample supply to keep up a squadron, is really nothing in our situation." to sir james st. clair erskine, also at minorca, in a letter of the th, his lordship writes--"i see, with pleasure, that you do not envy me my good fortune. the field of glory is a large one, and was never more open to any one, than at this moment to you. rome would throw open her gates, and receive you as her deliverer; and the pope would owe his restoration to the papal chair to a _heretic_. this is the first great object; as it would not only be the compleat deliverance of italy, but restore peace and tranquillity to the torn to pieces kingdom of naples: for such an occasion, a part of the garrison of messina might be taken. the next great object, is the reduction of malta; and, in any other moment than the present, it would be a most important one. vaubois only wants a pretence, to give up: his sole hope is that, in the next month, he may escape with the ships." general fox, however, being hourly expected at minorca, sir james did not judge it proper to lessen the garrison; and, says his lordship, in a letter to sir thomas troubridge, "enters upon the difficulty of the undertaking in a true soldier way." these difficulties, however, were in a very few days completely surmounted by sir thomas troubridge: for, on the th of september, a capitulation was entered into by that commander, who was then blockading civita vecchia, on the part of great britain and her allies, with the general of division gamier, commander in chief of the french troops, and those of italy and other allies then in the roman republic in a state of siege; which terminated in the surrender of the fort and town of civita vecchia on the th in the afternoon, and of rome and st. angelo two hours after midnight. civita vecchia, corneto, and tolfa, containing five thousand troops, were taken into possession by two hundred marines and seamen of the culloden and minotaur; and general bouchard, with the troops of his sicilian majesty, took possession of rome: but the french general refused to treat with any other than a british commander. it was the wish of lord nelson, that commodore troubridge should himself have every advantage of transmitting to england the dispatches on this occasion: being generously desirous of giving all the glory to this favourite officer; who, accordingly, wrote the following letter to mr. nepean. "civita vecchia, th oct. . "sir, "in obedience to orders from lord nelson, i have the honour to send you, for their lordships information, a copy of the articles of capitulation i have made with the french general garnier, to clear the roman state. as i knew the french had all the valuables of the roman state packed up ready for embarking, and the coast of civita vecchia forming a deep bay, with hard west south-west gales and a heavy sea, which prevented the blockade from being so close as was necessary to prevent the enemy from carrying off those truly valuable articles; i, therefore, thought it best to grant the liberal terms i have, to get them out of this country, where they have committed every excess possible. i trust, what i have done, may meet their lordships approbation. i beg you to represent to their lordships, that i received every assistance from captain louis; who went to rome, and arranged the evacuation and taking possession of that place, with general bouchard, with great ability and exertion, and much to my satisfaction. i have the honour to be, &c. t. troubridge. evan nepean, esq." lord nelson informed earl spencer, in a private letter, as well as the admiralty board in a public one to mr. nepean, that he had desired commodore troubridge to send extracts of all his letters to him, as temporary commander in chief of the mediterranean fleet, with the terms on which the french evacuated the roman state. "i sincerely congratulate your lordship," concludes lord nelson to earl spencer, "on this event, so honourable to our country; for the french would treat with no country but britain." it was, certainly, a most singular circumstance, that rome should thus be reduced by a naval force: and it appeared to be the more remarkable, as it fulfilled what was now called a prophecy, which had been pronounced on our hero's first arrival at naples after his glorious victory off the nile; in which it had been said, _that his lordship should take rome by his_ ships. this prophecy, however, it seems proper to remark--the author having no desire to encourage the growth of superstition, or to degrade the dignity of historical research by dazzling weak powers of perception with the fascinative influence of the marvellous--was considered, at the time of it's being pronounced, as nothing more than a mere harmless hibernicism; originating in the zeal of father m'cormick, a very honest and worthy irish priest, who had come from rome to naples, disgusted at the enormities of the french. this good and loyal man, in the ardent warmth of congratulating lord nelson on his stupendous victory, triumphantly exclaimed--"and your lordship shall, before long, take rome, too, with your _ships!_" a declaration which, it may be supposed, was heard with far less gravity than it was uttered, though now converted into a prophetic anticipation of the event. this honest irish pastor, though not regarded as a prophet by lord nelson, was so well known to be a pious and faithful priest, that his lordship, who was for ever studying how he could best serve all persons of merit who came in his way, afterwards recommended him to the present pope, in a letter which was written, expressly for that purpose, by lady hamilton. so active was lord nelson in all his operations, that he no sooner received information of the successes of commodore troubridge, than he instantly drew his attention to other objects. in a letter of the st of october, his lordship says--"if it is necessary to leave a few of your and louis's marines, do it, and one or two of the small craft for the protection of the trade; but i want, certainly, all the line of battle ships, and such of the small craft as are not absolutely wanted there. my intention is, to go almost directly to minorca, and arrange a proper naval defence for that island; and to try and get troops to finish the business of malta, which the french intend to relieve. five polacres, and two venetian ships, are loading provisions and stores; therefore, i wish to fix our ships on the spot most likely to intercept them: at lampedosa and cape bon, and in the track from toulon to ajaccio. these are my ideas; for, as to blockading toulon for so few ships, they would escape, the first north-west wind, if the whole fleet was there. i need only say, to you, these are my objects, for you to support me; which it is my pleasure always to acknowledge." his lordship afterwards repeats the full confidence which he feels, that the commodore, knowing what is necessary, will come as soon as he can; "for," says his lordship, "our business is never done." lord nelson had already sent information to the marquis de niza respecting these supplies for malta, which were preparing at toulon, with directions for intercepting them; but, by letters from lisbon, just received, the portuguese squadron was now ordered to return home. anxious, therefore, to prevent the intended relief from reaching malta--over the people of which island he had, a few days before, obtained the honour, for his friend captain ball, of being regularly appointed chief, by his sicilian majesty--he inclosed the particulars of this information to general acton, and urged the necessity of having part of the english garrison at messina, as well as of the russian squadron and troops, ordered immediately to malta; observing that, if malta was relieved, all our forces got together could not take it, and the commencement of a new blockade would become useless. "nor," says his lordship, "would this be the worst consequence; for all the barbary cruizers would here have their rendezvous, and not a vessel of his sicilian majesty's could put to sea: and, great britain and russia not being at war with those powers, the case would be dreadful, and ruinous, to the subjects of his sicilian majesty. i have," concludes his lordship, "stated the situation, under mature reflection; and have only to request, that it maybe taken into immediate consideration." in the mean time, lord nelson wrote to the marquis de niza, inculcating the necessity of not obeying his orders to return home. "i have," says his lordship, "received a letter from don roderigo de souza, saying that, as the squadron under your orders were not now necessary in the mediterranean, his royal highness had directed their return. on this belief, your orders are founded; but, as the contrary is the fact--for your services were never more wanted than at this moment, when every exertion is wanting to get more troops of english and russians to malta--i must, therefore, most positively desire, that your excellency will not, on any consideration, withdraw one man from the shore, or detach any ship down the mediterranean. i send you an order, to justify your excellency's not complying with his royal highness's orders; and, i am confident, he will approve of my conduct." while his lordship was indefatigably engaged in obtaining every aid for the reduction of malta, information arrived, that thirteen french and spanish sail of the line, one of them a three-decker, had been seen on the coast of portugal. he immediately, therefore, wrote to hasten commodore troubridge, and sent also to sir sidney smith: informing them, that he should sail next day, the th of october, for mahon; and, probably, to gibraltar. "if," says his lordship, to commodore troubridge, "i can but get a force to fight these fellows, it shall be done quickly. i am in dread for our outward bound convoys; seven hundred sail, under a few frigates, in england, thinking all the force was at brest. i need only say, get to mahon as quick as possible, that we may join." accordingly, having sailed from palermo, he wrote the following letter to captain ball. "fondroyant, at sea, th oct. . my dear ball, "i fervently hope, that niza has got hold of the french ships from toulon. as that business is over, i have only to hope the best: this day, by his sicilian majesty's orders, a letter is wrote to messina, to request general graham to get to malta with five hundred men. the russian admiral is wrote to, to go with at least seven hundred. a corps of russian grenadiers are also expected at leghorn, for malta. if niza has been successful, all will end well. ever your's, most faithfully, "nelson." "i am not well; and left our dear friends, sir william and lady hamilton, very unwell." "captain ball, chief of the maltese." his lordship had, this day, fallen in with the salamine brig; which brought him a letter from captain darby at minorca, stating that a fleet of twenty vessels, among which were two sail of the line and several frigates, had been seen steering to the south-east on the th of september. these, his lordship was of opinion, could only be the two venetian ships from toulon, with a convoy for malta; and, as the marquis de niza had seven sail of the line, one frigate, and three sloops, he had hopes that the greatest part of them would be taken. on the th, having arrived off port mahon; and left orders with captain darby, who had come on board the foudroyant, for commodore troubridge, with some other ships to follow, his lordship proceeded on his voyage to gibraltar. between port mahon and majorca, however, lord nelson fell in with the bull-dog, ten days from rear-admiral duckworth, at gibraltar; who, giving little or no credit to the report of the ships seen off cape ortegal, and sir edward berry, from lisbon, assuring his lordship that the information was entirely disbelieved there, the squadron returned to minorca. on the th, his lordship wrote a long letter to rear-admiral duckworth; in which are some interesting passages, relative to captain nisbet. "i send you down," says his lordship, "the bellerophon; who, darby says, and i believe truly, is in good order, and fit to stand fair winter's service. the thalia also goes with him: i wish i could say any thing in her praise, inside or out. you will receive an order for holding a court-martial on the lieutenant of marines. perhaps, you may be able to make something of captain nisbet; he has, by his conduct, almost broke my heart. the ship, i believe, wants some little matter doing to her. if so, i wish inglefield would bring her out of the mole as soon as possible; and if, after all our pains, no good can be got out of either ship or captain, send the thalia to england with some of the convoys; or send her any where out to try. i wished to have placed him with my friend cockburne; but, alas! he will not let me do for him what my heart wishes." this letter mentions the propriety of getting a list of all vessels taken since the st of august, lord keith having arrived in torbay on the th. custom, his lordship observes, will point out, whether they are to be considered as the only two flag-officers in the mediterranean; and freights of money, by the earl of st. vincent's acting, belong to the commander in chief. "whether that is so, or no," says his lordship, "we shall never differ about; my only wish is, to do as i would be done by." after detailing the particulars of his proceedings since leaving palermo, and stating his future intentions, particularly with regard to malta, his lordship concludes with observing--"captain buchanan has just told me, that you wish to put two young men into the port mahon; and, that lord st. vincent had intended you should name all the officers for her. believe me, i would not, on any consideration, do less than was intended by the earl; therefore, i beg you will send up all officers you like, and i will leave acting orders for them with captain buchanan." in a letter to mr. nepean, dated port mahon, october , , lord nelson also details his late proceedings and intentions with regard to malta; which, if not speedily forced to surrender, will call for the attention of more ships than he may have the power of placing there, and necessarily cramp other requisite services. the chichester storeship, captain stevens, his lordship observes, is going with the officers of the leander to corfu, having now the russian admiral's order for that ship's delivery; and he has no doubt that captain stevens, who appears an excellent seaman, will very soon get her to minorca. "this island," says his lordship, "is in such a state of security as to bid defiance to any force spain can send against it; and, if general fox was not hourly expected, sir james would go with me to the attack of malta, with fifteen hundred good troops." in another letter, of the same date, addressed to earl spencer, his lordship says, "i have considered the security of his sicilian majesty's dominions as very near the heart of the king: this makes the reduction of malta of the very utmost importance, and to accomplish which is now, in italy, the dearest object i have in view." lord nelson mentions that, sir edward berry having joined the foudroyant, by the bull-dog, he has put captain hardy into the princess charlotte; and, mustering a few men, intends taking her with him to sea. "my friend hardy," says his lordship, "will make a man of war of her very soon; and i make it my earnest request that, if captain stephenson is not sent out to her, captain hardy may be allowed to remain in her, and receive an admiralty commission." this letter, too, is remarkable for containing, a request in favour of his worthy elder brother, maurice nelson, esq. "i have given," says his lordship, "my brother, belonging to the navy office, a strong letter of recommendation to your lordship, that he may be appointed a commissioner of the navy. i mention the circumstance, that you may be aware such a letter is coming; and prepared, i most earnestly hope, to meet my wishes." on the d of october, lord nelson returned to palermo, where he found letters from sir sidney smith; to which he, next day, returned the following interesting answer. "palermo, th oct. . "my dear sir, "when i arrived here, yesterday, from mahon--having been down the mediterranean to look out for a french and spanish squadron, which had been on the coast of portugal, but returned to ferrol---i received all your letters by the turkish corvette, which is arrived at messina. the details you have given me, although unsuccessful at aboukir, will by all military men ever reflect upon you, and your brave companions, the highest honour; and i beg you will tell all those whose conduct you have so highly approved, that their merits--even of the lowest--will be duly appreciated by me: for which reason, i have given all the promotion, and shall continue to do it, if they deserve it, amongst them. all the arrangements for your young men are filled up as you desired; and, my dear sir, you shall ever find that, although i am jealous of having a particle of my honour abridged, yet that no commanding officer will be so ready to do every thing you wish. we have but little, here, of stores; but i have stripped the foudroyant of every thing. at mahon, there is nothing. but, your demands, with a bare proportion for the theseus, goes to-morrow for gibraltar; and, although i am pretty sure you will not receive half what your ships want, i shall urge inglefield to send you every thing he can. you will have heard, probably, that lord st. vincent still retains the mediterranean command; and that i am, by order, acting till his return: therefore, i have not the power of giving commissions, or any thing more than acting orders. as to getting neapolitan gunboats to you, there are many reasons against it. in the first place, they have none fit for such a voyage. this is enough; but, was this not sufficient, it would be a thing impossible. i believe, we are as bad a set to deal with, for real service, as your turks. mr. harding has sent me word, he does not chuse to return to egypt; for which, he is a fool. your brother will, of course, tell you all our good news from holland and germany; and, i hope, the king of prussia has joined the coalition. may peace, with a monarchy in france, be soon given to us! i have just got a report, which appears to have some foundation, that bonaparte has passed corsica in a bombard, steering for france. no crusado ever returned with more humility. contrast his going out in l'orient, &c. again, be assured that i place the greatest confidence in all you do; and no commanding officer shall ever have more attention to all your wants and wishes, than will your, &c. "nelson." "sir william sidney smith, knt." lord nelson had, also, on his return to palermo, received a letter from his friend, lord minto; which, he observed in his answer, gave equal pleasure to sir william, lady hamilton, and himself. "yesterday," says his lordship, writing on the th, "your whole letter was read to the queen. i am charged to say every thing which is grateful, and thankful, on her majesty's behalf. but, i know, i need not say much; as she intends, i believe, to write you herself. we all have the most affectionate regard for your public and private character; and i should do injustice to my friends, was i to attempt to say my regard exceeded their's. my conduct, as your's, is to go straight and upright. such is, thank god, the present plan of great britain; at least, as far as i know: for, if i thought otherwise, i should not be so faithful a servant to my country, as i know i am at present. as i shall send you my letters to mr. nepean and lord spencer, they will speak for themselves: therefore, i will only say, believe i am the same nelson as you knew captain of the agamemnon; and, more than ever, your attached and faithful friend." the pleasurable sensations excited by lord minto's most kind and friendly communications, were succeeded by the most racking anxieties respecting malta. fresh orders had arrived for the recall of the portuguese squadron; and captain ball could with difficulty keep the distressed islanders from joining the french. lord nelson, in a state of distraction, wrote letters to the marquis de niza, deprecating his departure; and consoled captain ball with hopes of assistance, which he strained every nerve to obtain from all possible sources. the following most urgent epistle to sir james st. clair erskine, on this occasion, will not only convey the state of his lordship's feelings to every intelligent reader, but elucidate the genuine principles on which his lordship ventures to advise a departure from the strictness of etiquette in the discharge of military duties. "palermo, th oct. . "my dear sir james, "i am in desperation about malta. we shall lose it, i am afraid, past redemption, i send you copies of niza's and ball's letters; also, general acton's: so that, you will see, i have not been idle. if ball can hardly keep the inhabitants, in hopes of relief by the five hundred men landed from our ships; what must be expected, when four hundred of them, and four sail of the line, will be withdrawn? and, if the islanders are forced again to join the french, we may not find even landing a very easy task; much less, to get again our present advantageous position. i therefore intreat, for the honour of our king, and for the advantage of the common cause, that whether general fox is arrived, or not, at least, the garrison of messina may be ordered to hold post in malta, till a sufficient force can be collected to attack it; which, i flatter myself, will in time, be got together. but, while that is effecting, i fear our being obliged to quit the island; therefore, i am forced to make this representation. i know, well enough, of what officers in your situation can do. the delicacy of your feelings, on the near approach of general fox, i can readily conceive; but, the time you know nothing about. this is a great and important moment; and the only thing to be considered--_is his majesty's service to stand still for an instant?_ i have no scruple in declaring what i should do: that, knowing the importance of possessing malta, to england and her allies; that, if even two regiments were ordered from minorca, yet it must be considered--for which the officer must certainly be responsible--was the call for these troops known at home, would not they order them to proceed where the service near at hand so loudly calls for them? _this is the only thing, in my opinion, for consideration._ if we lose this opportunity, it will be impossible to recal it. if possible, i wish to take all the responsibility. i know, my dear sir james, your zeal and ability; and, that delicacy to general fox, has been your sole motive for not altering the disposition of the troops: but, i hope, general fox is with you; and, i am sure, from his character, he will approve of my feelings on this subject. if he is not, i must again earnestly entreat that, at least, you will give directions for colonel graham to hold malta till we can get troops to attack la valette. may god direct your councils, for the honour of our king and his allies, and to the destruction of the french, is the fervent prayer of, &c. "nelson." at the same time, addressing a letter to commodore troubridge, who he had reason to suppose was at minorca, his lordship says--"my letter to sir james st. clair, if this finds you at mahon, will shew you what i feel about malta." after again describing apprehended consequences, and expressing his hope that general fox is arrived, and that sir james will lay all circumstances before him, his lordship continues--"i know sir james to be a most fair, honourable, and zealous officer; and i earnestly hope, that you will have the carrying him and fifteen hundred troops to malta. if, alas! all my arguments are in vain, against _orders--not knowing our situation here_--or the delicacy of the approach of general fox; then, it is only for me to grieve, and intreat of you to come here, and bring the northumberland--that, at least, i may prevent supplies getting in: and, for this purpose, i shall be under the distressing necessity of taking as many ships as possible from minorca; which, i assure you, would hurt me very much." on the th, his lordship detached the minotaur, and even the foudroyant, to join the marquis de niza off malta; intreating him, not to withdraw a man from the island, even on the arrival of the russians. "again, and again," writes his lordship, "i desire--for which, you may be certain, i hold myself responsible--that you will not, on any consideration, withdraw a single man belonging to your squadron from the island." scarcely a day now passed, that lord nelson did not send some information to captain ball, for the purpose of inspiriting his depressed hopes in the conduct of this arduous undertaking; and, certainly, the indefatigability of his lordship, in labouring to obtain every requisite aid for the accomplishment of this important object, was impossible to be surpassed, and has probably never been equalled. every risk, the purity of his heroic mind was prepared to encounter; every honour, it's dignified humility was desirous of yielding to all who should assist in the enterprize. in one of these letters, he says--"i have begged, almost on my knees, for money, for the present subsistence of the maltese who bear arms." in another, a day or two after--"the court have all the inclination; but, to my knowledge, they have not cash enough for the common purposes of the government!" in a third, the day following--"the king of naples has sent four thousand ounces, to assist the poor islanders who bear arms." his lordship adds, that this will do for the present; and, that the large sum required must come from the three allied courts. in a future letter, lord nelson observes, that this sum of four thousand ounces, was taken, for it was no where else to be had, from their sicilian majesties children, with the hope of being replaced with the money which lord grenville had so handsomely promised to the marquis circello. "the enormous expences," writes his lordship to earl spencer, "incurred within the last eight months, have drawn the king's chest very low; but, his majesty has never failed giving every thing i could ask." on the st of october, lord nelson, fully resolved that nothing should, on his part, be neglected, for the attainment of malta, or the advantage of it's temporary chief, wrote a long epistle to the emperor of russia, as grand master. in which, he details the principal operations of this protracted siege; the various difficulties which had occurred, and those which still existed: with the admirable address, fortitude, and perseverance, of captain ball, in conciliating the inhabitants, relieving their necessities, and animating their nearly extinguished hopes; whose merits his lordship most earnestly recommended to the notice of his imperial majesty. his lordship had before applied for the order of malta, for his friend ball, in a letter to sir charles whitworth; but, not having received any answer, he says, in a letter to captain ball, "i have now gone to the fountain head." while lord nelson was thus earnestly solicitous to obtain honours for his meritorious friend, he little imagined that he should, in two or three days, be gratified by the acquisition of a new and most distinguished one conferred on himself. this, however, actually and very unexpectedly happened: for a turkish corvette, which had probably reached messina about the time when his lordship was writing the above letter in favour of his brave friend, brought from constantinople abdur amand, a special messenger, sent by the grand signior, who arrived at palermo on the d of november, and was charged with an additional manifestation of the sublime porte's friendly esteem for our incomparable hero. this gentleman, on that day, presented to lord nelson, as an honourable gift from his imperial master, the grand signior, a magnificent diamond star, or medallion; in the centre of which, on blue enamel, were represented the turkish crescent and a star. this valuable present was accompanied by an elegant letter from the grand vizier, dated the th of september: in which it was announced, that the grand signior had been pleased to order lord nelson a medallion, which his imperial majesty was desirous should be worn on his lordship's breast, as a mark of esteem for his kindness to osman hadgi--a noble turk, who had accompanied lord nelson from alexandria, and to whom his lordship was much attached by the strongest ties of friendship--as well as for the interest which his lordship on all occasions took in the prosperity of the sublime porte. from the nature of this rich gift, and the respectful manner in which it was delivered by abdur amand, his lordship was induced to consider it as constituting him, in conjunction with the former insignia, first knight of the order of the imperial turkish or ottoman crescent. in a most respectful answer to the grand vizier, lord nelson says--"i intreat that your excellency will present, with the most profound gratitude, my thanks to the emperor, for this new and distinguished honour conferred upon me. i have placed it on my coat, on my left side, over my heart. i cannot say, however flattering this mark of favour is to me, that i can in any manner serve the sublime porte more than i have done; for, it has ever been with all my soul. but this mark of favour shews, in the strongest light, that the smallest services are watched, and most magnificently rewarded, by his imperial majesty; whose life, may god prolong, with health and every other earthly happiness: and may he give me opportunities of shewing my gratitude, by risking my life for the preservation of the smallest grain of sand belonging to the ottoman empire; and may the enemies of his imperial majesty fall into dust, by the wise councils of your excellency!" his lordship also wrote a similar letter to the captain pacha; in which he did not forget the kindest recommendation of his friend cadir bey, and general remembrances to all the admirals and captains serving under that worthy commander. earl elgin, and mr. spencer smith, both now at constantinople, were likewise most respectfully addressed by his lordship. to the former, he modestly writes--"having yesterday received such a mark of the grand signior's favour, i have been puzzled how to express myself properly. i must, therefore, trust to your excellency's goodness for supplying my deficiency of language." to the latter, he returns thanks for all his goodness to his lordship, both public and private; sends him some sherry and sugar, but can neither get a drop of madeira nor claret in the island, or even in all italy: and concludes with desiring affectionate remembrances to his brother, sir sidney, whenever he writes; for whom, his lordship observes, he has just sent "a large cargo of good things." the pleasure, however, of this unexpected honour from the grand signior, was insufficient to preserve the susceptible heart which it covered, from corroding cares, and painful anxieties, for his country and his friends. he wanted not, indeed, for personal and private causes of vexation and regret: but these, though they were perpetually preying on his constitution, seldom called forth his complaint; and scarcely ever were even mentioned, except to a very few of his most select friends. one of the first disappointments, after this recent honour, was the arrival of captain stephenson, to take the command of the princess charlotte; by which, his lordship feelingly observes, in a letter of the th, to captain ball, "poor hardy was consequently turned adrift." he had, at this time, too, received a mortifying letter from general sir james st. clair erskine: mentioning, that the twenty-eighth regiment was ordered to england; and that he was sure general fox, who was every moment expected, would not, on any consideration, break his orders, for any object. with this disagreeable information, his lordship could not bring his mind yet to acquaint captain ball. on the contrary, he affects to anticipate, in the letter above mentioned, that he expects the answer from minorca will be unfavourable to both their wishes; and expresses his intention of going to naples, for assistance from the russians and his sicilian majesty. he then, with exquisite kindness and address, introduces the extract of a letter from earl spencer; which liberally states, that captain ball, by his unparalleled vigilance and exertion, had indeed shewn himself worthy of the friendship with which lord nelson had honoured him. "i only send this, my dear ball," says his lordship, "to shew that i do not forget my friends: as to honouring you, that is not in my power; but to render you justice, is my duty." in the mean time, his lordship had, on the preceding day, thus expressed himself to earl spencer, on the subject of attention to orders, in consequence of this refusal of troops from minorca--"much, my dear lord, as i approve of strict obedience to orders--even to a court-martial, to enquire whether the object justified the measure--yet, to say that an officer is never, for any object, to alter his orders, is what i cannot comprehend. the circumstances of this war so often vary, that an officer has almost every moment to consider--what would my superiors direct, did they know what is passing under my nose? the great object of the war is--_down, down, with the french!_ to accomplish this, every nerve, and by both services, ought to be strained. my heart is," says this excellent man and true hero, "i assure you, almost broke, with that and other things." then, speaking of the state of the blockade, he says--"if the enemy get supplies in, we may bid adieu to malta. this would compleat my misery; for, i am afraid, i take all services too much to heart. the accomplishing of them is my study, night and day." it is a singular circumstance, and merits high consideration, that while lord nelson thus strongly urges the necessity for both services to be equally strained; sir sidney smith was most feelingly complaining, in letters dated off rhodes, th september , of the want of a cordial co-operation in general koehler: who seems to have regarded sir sidney's gallant exploits on land as an improper interference with the military department; and to have made the subject of a long and formal complaint, what all the world has agreed to consider as fairly entitling him to immortal honour. on the receipt of these letters, which are written with a noble confidence in the kind and generous sanction of his lordship, lord nelson immediately wrote the following excellent letter to the duke of clarence. it certainly has, being addressed to a brother sailor, some strong professionalism; but it delicately claims, nevertheless, for sir sidney's conduct, the most decided approbation and applause, from a very competent judge of the duties of the profession. "palermo, th nov. . "sir, "i beg leave to present to your royal highness, captain hardy, late of the foudroyant: an officer of the most distinguished merit; and, therefore, highly worthy of your notice. he will tell you of all my arduous work in this country; and, that all my anxiety is, at present, taken up with the desire of possessing malta. but, i fear, notwithstanding all my exertions, that i shall not get any british troops from minorca: without which, the business will be prolonged, perhaps, till it is relieved; when all the force which we could collect would be of little use, against the strongest place in europe. i am anxiously waiting the arrival of general fox; and hope he will not consider the order for the removal of one or two regiments, of such great consequence as the reduction of malta, by keeping them for two months longer in the mediterranean. on the one hand, they must, in england, or on the continent, be like a drop of water in the ocean. by staying here, and employed, they would liberate us from our enemy close to our door; gratify the emperor of russia; protect our levant trade; and relieve a squadron of our ships from the service: besides giving us one eighty-gun ship, two forty-gun frigates, a maltese new ship of the line ready for sea, and two frigates. with these in the scale, i cannot comprehend that a moment can be lost in deciding. but, sir, i find, few think, as i do--that, to obey orders, all perfection. to serve my king, and to destroy the french, i consider as the great order of all, from which little ones spring; and, if one of these little ones militates against it--(for, who can tell exactly, at a distance?)--i go back to obey the great order, and object; to _down_, _down_, with the damned french villains! excuse my warmth; but my blood boils at the name of a frenchman. i hate them _all_; royalists and republicans. "my late letters from egypt are, that sir sidney smith is hurt at the notorious cowardice and want of discipline in the turkish army; and i find, that general koehler does _not approve_ of such irregular proceedings, as naval officers attacking and defending fortifications. we have but one idea; to get close along-side. none but a sailor, would have placed a battery only a hundred and eighty yards from the castle of st. elmo: a soldier must have gone according to art, and the zig-zag way; my brave sir thomas troubridge went straight, for we had no time to spare. your royal highness will not believe, that i mean to lessen the conduct of the army. i have the highest respect for them all. but general koehler should not have wrote such a paragraph in his letter. it conveyed a jealousy which, i dare say, is not in his disposition. "may health and every blessing, attend your royal highness, is the constant prayer of your attached and obliged servant, "bronte nelson." lord nelson had, as it may be seen, signed his letters to foreigners as duke of bronte, from the time of obtaining that honour; but this epistle to the duke of clarence was one of the first in which he ever prefixed the word bronte to his name when addressing any british subject. it is probable, therefore, that he had, about this time, received his sovereign's recognition of that sicilian title. though his lordship had hitherto been unsuccessful in his repeated applications for troops at minorca, he continued still to offer new reasons why they ought to be sent. with the most unwearied exertions, did this great man constantly labour for the promotion of whatever related to the honour or advantage of his king, his country, and his friends; and his assiduities never relaxed, till he had secured the accomplishment of his object. he tried, in particular, on this occasion, for the possession of malta, all the arts of that powerful eloquence which flowed so naturally from his pen; and he might well say, as he did, in a letter of the th of november, to mr. nepean, "it has been no fault of the navy, that malta has not been attacked by land; but we have neither the means ourselves, nor influence with those who have the power." in short, the history of this protracted siege, including all the military and political perplexities with which our hero's naval operations were entangled, would alone form a volume of no inconsiderable magnitude. it appears that, about this time, suspicions were entertained, by sir john acton, respecting our intentions with regard to malta; which first manifested themselves in a remark addressed to lord nelson, that the flag of the order was to be hoisted, instead of the three flags, when that island should be taken. this observation, he remarks, in a letter immediately written to sir john, dated at palermo, th november , seems to convey, that his sentiments of respect for his sicilian majesty's flag were lessened. "i send you," says his lordship, with that noble frankness, and prompt decision, for which he was ever remarkable, "two papers, on which my order to good captain ball was founded. if i have erred, it is not too late to call back my order; and, if you think so, i shall be happy to meet your excellency, and the minister of england and russia, on this subject. there is not, i can assure you, that man on earth, who would so strongly unite the two monarchs whom we serve as myself; and may perdition seize the wretch who would do the least thing towards lessening that harmony! and could it ever happen, that any english minister wanted to make me an instrument of hurting the feelings of his sicilian majesty, i would give up my commission sooner than do it. i am open to your excellency; and, i think, you are so to me. the interests of our sovereigns require it; and, i am sure, that we both only think of uniting the courts of london and naples still closer together. i am placed in such a situation--a subject of one king, by birth; and, as far as is consistent with my allegiance to that king, a voluntary subject of his sicilian majesty--that, if any man attempted to separate my two kings, by all that is sacred, i should consider even putting that man to death as a meritorious act! therefore, my dear sir john, never, never, for a moment, think that i am capable of doing any thing but endeavouring to exalt the glory of their sicilian majesties." nor was this the only prejudice which malevolence seems now to have been secretly exciting against our hero. though it has been sufficiently seen, that his lordship's indefatigable endeavours for the possession of malta, which were never surpassed, either in activity or address, had constantly in view the merited aggrandizement of his persevering, brave, and conciliating friend, captain ball--for whom he had implored both emoluments and honours, which no consideration on earth could ever have induced him to solicit for himself--some apprehensions of our hero's diminished regard had been malignantly insinuated into the bosom of that worthy commander: as appears from the following expressions, which occur in a letter written to him by lord nelson on the th of november . "my dear ball, i love, honour, and respect you; and no persons ever have, nor could they, were they so disposed, lessen you in my esteem, both as a public officer and a private man: therefore, never let such a thought come into your head; which was never more wanted to be clear from embroils, than at this moment." then, fortifying his perseverance with assurances that commodore troubridge is immediately coming with ships, and colonel graham with troops, he thus affectionately proceeds-- "but, my dear friend, your holding your post so long as you have, is matter of the greatest credit to you;" and, with unexampled kindness, concludes with thus arming his friend against the worst--"if you are forced to quit the island, it cannot lessen your exertion or abilities; and do not let such an event, should it unfortunately happen, depress your spirits for a moment: and believe me, as ever, your obliged and affectionate friend, "bronte nelson." these unpleasant events did not fail momentarily to affect his lordship's sensibility, and with more permanency his health. in every excess of anxiety, or even of joy, his heart continued to suffer a renewal of that agony which it had first experienced during his search after the french fleet destined for egypt; and such were the ever-shifting scenes of his active life, that he was seldom, for many days together, exempted from the effects of it's influence, by the occurrence of one or other of these causes. as if it were not enough, that his mind was perpetually harrassed with professional cares, he had private and domestic sources of inquietude the former, he could freely impart to his numerous friends and in some degree fellow-sufferers; but the latter was scarcely communicable to any, and no one could be implicated in the same identical cause of distress. even the very quality in which he surpassed, perhaps, every commander, even by sea or land, that of keeping up a punctual and widely-extended correspondence, did not, at this oppressive period, entirely preserve him from censure. he received, what he calls, in a familiar letter to his friend rear-admiral duckworth, of the th november , "a severe set-down from the admiralty, for not having written, by the charon, attached to a convoy; although," adds his lordship, "i wrote, both by a courier and cutter, the same day. but i see, clearly, that they wish to shew i am unfit for the command. i will readily acknowledge it; and, therefore, they need have no scruples about sending out a commander in chief." in this letter, his lordship tells rear-admiral duckworth, that he approves very much of his calling at algiers. "i am aware," says he, "that the first moment any insult is offered to the british flag, is to get as large a force as possible off algiers, and seize all his cruizers; but if, in such a contest, any english vessel is taken, i know what will be said against me, and how little support i shall experience. but, my dear admiral, where the object of the actor is only to serve faithfully, i feel superior to the smiles or frowns of any board." his lordship afterwards concludes--"sir william and lady hamilton desire their kindest regards. i am nearly blind; but things go so contrary to my mind, _out_ of our profession, that truly i care not how soon i am off the stage." in a postscript, his lordship does not forget to add--"pray, do not let the admiralty want for letters of every occurrence." his lordship wrote, on the same day, a serious and respectable justification of his conduct, to mr. nepean; in which he observes, how perfectly conscious he is, that want of communicating where and when it is necessary, cannot be laid to his charge. after stating, that he actually wrote to mr. nepean, as well as to earl spencer, by a neapolitan courier, who left palermo on the very day the charon sailed, he spiritedly says--"i own, i do not feel that, if cutters and couriers go off the same day, that it is necessary to write by a convoy. i know the absolute necessity of the board's being exactly acquainted with every thing which passes; and they, i beg, will give me credit for attention to my duty. as a junior flag-officer," he observes, "of course, without those about me--secretaries, interpreters, &c.--i have been thrown into a more extensive correspondence than ever, perhaps, fell to the lot of any admiral; and into a political situation, i own, out of my sphere. it is a fact, which it would not become me to boast of, but on the present occasion--i have never, but three times, put my feet on the ground, since december ; and, except to the court, that till after eight o'clock at night i never relax from business. i have had, hitherto," concludes his lordship, "the board knows, no one emolument, no one advantage, of a commander in chief." in a letter written to earl spencer next day, the th, this exalted man, after observing that general fox orders colonel graham not to incur any expence for stores, or any other articles but provisions, asks--"what can this mean? but i have told troubridge, that the cause cannot stand still for want of a little money. this would be, what we call--penny wise, and pound foolish. if nobody will pay it," nobly adds our hero, "i shall sell bronte, and the emperor of russia's box; for i feel myself above every consideration, but that of serving faithfully. do not, my dear lord," he most pathetically concludes, "let the admiralty write harshly to me; my generous soul cannot bear it, being conscious it is entirely unmerited!" the reader of sensibility will not fail to feel this very affecting deprecation; and to lament, that it should ever have been necessary. on the day following, however, lord nelson had the satisfaction of receiving eight thousand ounces from his sicilian majesty, for the relief of the poor maltese; which his lordship immediately sent to captain ball, by the perseus bomb; and, determined that nothing in his power should be wanted, he not only took on himself, from the discouraging circumstance of general fox's orders to colonel graham, to augment his numerous other occupations, by becoming a commissary for these troops, but actually pledged bronte for twelve thousand ounces--six thousand six hundred pounds--should any difficulty arise in the payments. on the th, lord nelson having been informed, by his friend sir william hamilton, that the principal inhabitants of rome, and other professors and admirers of the fine arts, were about to erect, in that city, a grand monumental testimony of their gratitude to his lordship, for having delivered the country, as well as those valuable treasures of art and antiquity which had for ages formed it's proudest boast, from the tyranny and rapacity of french cruelty and barbarism, he immediately addressed the following letter to mr. fagan, an ingenious artist at rome, who had so handsomely made the communication of this pleasing intelligence, through sir william, and with whom the design of that honourable intention appears to have chiefly originated. palermo, th dec. . "dear sir, "sir william hamilton has been so kind as to communicate to me the distinguished honour intended me by the inhabitants, by you, and other professors and admirers of the fine arts at rome, to erect a monument. i have not words sufficient to express my feelings, on hearing that my actions have contributed to preserve the works which form the school of fine arts in italy, which the modern goths wanted to carry off and destroy. that they may always remain in the only place worthy of them, rome, are and will be my fervent wishes; together with the esteem of, dear sir, your most obliged servant, "bronte nelson." had the several powers of the continent taken the constant advice of his lordship, cordially to unite, in resolutely opposing the french pillagers of principle as well as property, these rare productions of the greek and roman schools of art would not since have found their way to paris, nor the projected grand rostral column have finally failed equally to honour rome and our immortal hero. on the th of december, the phaeton, captain morris, arrived from constantinople; having, by desire of the ottoman ministry, brought two turkish ministers, one for tunis, and the other for algiers, to be landed by captain morris, in his way down the mediterranean. these turkish gentlemen brought lord nelson a very elegant letter from the grand signior; accompanied by a drawing of the battle of the nile, and another of the hero himself: "a curious present," pointedly says his lordship, in writing next day to earl spencer; "but highly flattering to me, as it marks that i am not in the least forgotten." at this time, too, lord nelson received, from the inhabitants of zante, through the hands of mr. speridion forresti, the very elegant and flattering presents of a sword and cane; accompanied by a most kind and respectful letter, in which they express their grateful acknowledgments to his lordship, for having been the first cause of their liberation from french tyranny. this, though true, his lordship observed, in a very affectionate answer, was such an example of gratitude as must for ever do them the highest honour; and begs that mr. speridion forresti, by whom he transmits it to them, will have the goodness to express, in fuller terms than any words which his lordship can find, his sense of their kindness, and of the wish to prove himself farther useful to them. the cane was mounted in gold, with a single circle of diamonds; the value of which was rendered incalculable, by the circumstance of the inhabitants having declared that it was their wish to have added another circle, but that they had no more diamonds in the island. his lordship's letter to the grand vizier, in return for the presents and epistle from the grand signior, was as follows. "palermo, d dec . "sir were i to attempt, by words, to express what i felt on receiving the imperial present of the drawing of the battle of aboukir, and the highly flattering letter wrote by your excellency in obedience to the imperial command, i should feel myself unequal to the task. therefore, i can only beg your excellency to express, in words most adapted to convey my gratitude to his imperial majesty, my sense of the extraordinary high honour conferred upon me, by a present more valuable than gold or jewels; as they may come only from the hand of a great monarch, while this can only flow from the benevolent heart of a good man. that the almighty may pour down his choicest blessings on the imperial head, and ever give his arms victory over all his enemies, is the fervent prayer, and shall ever be, as far as my abilities will allow me, the constant exertion, of your excellency's obliged servant, "bronte nelson." in a letter to earl elgin, then ambassador at constantinople, his lordship thus expresses his grateful attachment to the turks. "they," says he, "do me but justice, in believing that i am always alert to do them every kindness; for, as no man ever received greater favours from the sublime porte, so no one shall be more grateful." his lordship sincerely regrets the escape of bonaparte; and remarks, that those ships which he had destined for the two places where bonaparte would certainly have been intercepted, were--from the admiralty's thinking, doubtless, that the russians would do something at sea--obliged to be at malta and on other services, in which he also thought the russian admiral would have assisted: "therefore," he adds, "no blame lays at my door." the vincejo sloop, however, his lordship says, had a few days before taken a vessel from egypt, with general voix, and seventy-five officers; and that captain long was happy enough to save the dispatches, which had been thrown overboard with a weight insufficient to instantly sink them. these dispatches represented the extreme distress of the french army in egypt; and he expresses his hope, that the sublime porte will never permit a single frenchman to quit egypt. "i own myself," says his lordship, in that severe spirit of antigallicanism for which he was ever so remarkable, "wicked enough, to wish them all to die in that country they chose to invade. we have scoundrels of french enough in europe, without them." it is contrary to his opinion, he repeats, to allow a single frenchman, from egypt, to return to france, during the war; nor would he subscribe any paper giving such permission. "but," concludes his lordship, "i submit to the better judgment of men." to spencer smith, esq. now secretary of the embassy, his lordship writes in a similar strain--"i have read, with pleasure, all that has passed in egypt, between bonaparte, kleber, and the grand vizier; and i send lord elgin some very important papers, which will shew their very deplorable situation: but i cannot bring myself to believe they would entirely quit egypt; and, if they would, i never would consent to one of them returning to the continent of europe during the war. i wish them to perish in egypt; and give a great lesson to the world, of the justice of the almighty." on the d of december, his lordship received information from sir thomas troubridge, that the culloden, in going into the bay of marsa scirocco, in the island of malta, to land cannon, ammunition, &c. from messina, for the siege, had struck on a rock, and was greatly damaged. the rudder, and great part of the false keel, were carried away; and the rudder would have been lost, but for sir thomas's timely exertion in getting a hawser reeved through it. the pintles were all broken; and the ship was steered to the anchorage, with the sails, in a safe but leaky state. in answer to his friend troubridge, respecting this unfortunate accident, lord nelson says--"your resources never fail; and you would contrive something, i dare say, if the ship's bottom was knocked out." in another letter of the d of january , his lordship, who is incessantly labouring, at all points, to obtain every requisite for the reduction of malta, and for the relief of the distressed natives, writes thus--"i cannot get the frigate out of the mole; therefore, i must learn to be a hard-hearted wretch, and fancy the cries of hunger in my ears. i send you orders for the different governors: you will see, they are for the supply of the army and navy; therefore, whatever graham and you send for will, if possible, be granted. i hope the russians will sail, this north-east wind; and it is my intention to give you all a meeting, the moment the foudroyant arrives." on this day, too, his lordship wrote letters to portugal: containing the kindest praises of the marquis de niza, and the several officers and men of the portuguese squadron under his command; which were, at length, returning home, in obedience to orders, on being relieved by sir thomas troubridge's arrival at malta. one of these letters contained particular recommendations of promotion for captains thompson, welch, and de pinto. "when," says his lordship, "i mention my brother, and friend, niza, i must say, that i never knew so indefatigable an officer. during the whole time i have had the happiness of having him under my command, i have never expressed a wish that niza did not fly to execute." on the th of january, his lordship learned that his prediction to rear-admiral duckworth, of what had been intended respecting the command of the mediterranean fleet, was completely verified, by the approach of lord keith; who now signified, in a letter to lord nelson, that he was coming to sicily. the effect which this event, though not unsuspected, must have produced on his lordship's mind, is less difficult to be conceived, than expressed. he had already met with sufficient impediments to the execution of his designs, most of which were just happily surmounted; but a paramount difficulty seemed now arising, against which he might be disarmed of all power to perform any thing efficient. the general aspect of his public situation, at this period, is concentrated by his own skilful hand, in the following professional letter, which he immediately wrote to lord keith; but his exalted and superior mind disdained to discover, in such a communication, the state of his own private feelings. "palermo, th jan. . "my dear lord, last night, i received your letters, and orders, to december th, from november th; all of which, i shall endeavour to obey: and, with the greatest pleasure, to give you the state of the squadron, and of affairs on this side of minorca. i shall begin in the east. my last accounts from thence were by the phaeton, captain morris; and, as your lordship will probably see him, i shall only say, that i have not heard immediately from sir sidney smith since september the th. at constantinople, they heard he was communicating with the grand vizier, at gaza, respecting the french army. the ships with him are, theseus and cameleon; but the bulldog is directed to go to him, till the smyrna convoy is ready to return. i have lately sent provisions, and some few stores, all we had, for those ships; and i have written to duckworth, and inglefield, to send particularly for those ships. what turkish ships of war sir sidney smith has under him, i know not; but, i am told, there are several. the turkish admiral, captain morris tells me, who served under him, had his head taken off, for leaving the port of alexandria open, and permitting the escape of bonaparte. i would have kept up a more constant communication with egypt; but, i have never had the benefit of small vessels. at corfu, general villete is arrived, and raising two regiments of albanians. our consul there, mr. speridion forresti, is a very able man; and, from thence, the passage of an express, by land, to constantinople, is twelve days. to get to malta--which has kept, for sixteen months, every ship i could lay my hands on fully employed; and has, in truth, broke my spirits for ever--i have been begging, of his sicilian majesty, small supplies of money and corn, to keep the maltese in arms, and barely to keep from starving the poor inhabitants. sicily has, this year, a very bad crop, and the exportation of corn is prohibited. both graham and troubridge are in desperation, at the prospect of a famine. vessels are here, loading with corn for malta; but i can neither get the neapolitan men of war, nor merchant vessels, to move. you will see, by the report of the disposition of the ships, what a wretched state we are in. in truth, only the foudroyant and northumberland are fit to keep the sea. the russians are, on the th, arrived at messina; six sail of the line, frigates, &c. with two thousand five hundred troops. it is not to be expected, that any one russian man of war can, or will, keep the sea; therefore, the blockade by sea can only be kept up by our ships: and it is my intention, if the foudroyant, or even a frigate, comes soon, to go for two days to malta, to give the russian admiral and general, graham, troubridge, and governor ball, a meeting; not only, on the most probable means of getting the french out, but also, of arranging various matters, if it should fall to our exertions. the maltese have, graham says, two thousand excellent troops; we have, soldiers and sailors, fifteen hundred; the russians will land full three thousand. i hope, the ricasoli may be carried; and, if it is, i think the french general will no longer hold out. what a relief this would be to us! if i cannot get to malta very soon, i shall, from your letter, remain here, to give you a meeting and receive your orders. it is impossible to send, from mahon, too many supplies of stores to malta; sails, rope, plank, nails, &c. you can form no idea of our deplorable state, for the last year. in sicily, we are all quiet. i have been trying, with sir william hamilton, in which the queen joins, to induce the king to return to naples; but, hitherto, without effect. i must suppose, his majesty has reasons which i am unacquainted with. it has long been my wish, to send a small squadron on the coast of genoa; for the russian ships are of no use, to co-operate with the germans: but, i have not them to send. la mutine, i have directed to protect our trade about leghorn; and to assist, as far as she is able, in giving convoy to vessels carrying provisions to the austrian army. the report of the combined fleets being ready for sea, induced me to direct the phaeton and penelope to cruize between cape spartel and cape st. vincent; that i may have timely notice of their approach, if bound this way--_which i believe_. i have run over our present state; perhaps, too hastily: but, i am anxious not to keep the brig one moment longer than my writing this letter. with every sentiment of respect, believe me, my dear lord, your most obedient servant, "bronte nelson." to his excellency, the honourable lieutenant-general fox, at minorca, his lordship on the same day wrote, that he would not suffer general graham to want, if he could "beg, borrow, or steal, to supply him. lord keith," he adds, "is, i dare say, with you, at this moment; and, i am sure, all matters will be much better arranged with him than i have ability of doing. i have only the disposition to do what is right, and the desire of meriting your esteem." to colonel graham, at malta, he also wrote, this day, as follows--"i hope to soon pay you a visit, and i only wish that i could always do all you ask me. it is certain, that you cannot go on at malta, without money; therefore, i declare, sooner than you should want, i would sell bronte. but, i trust, from general fox's letter to me, that you will have his consent for ordering what money may be necessary. i send you all the egyptian papers, for you, ball, and troubridge; and, if you like, in confidence, italinskoy. suwarrow is at prague, with his whole army: ready to act with the austrians, if they come to their senses; or, perhaps, against them. _moreau_ is at vienna, treating for peace. what a state the allies bring us into! but, it is in vain to cry out; john bull was always ill-treated. may a speedy success attend you!" on the th, a new mortification occurred to his lordship. the russian admiral, who had so long lingered at naples, and recently arrived at messina, with the intent, as was supposed, of at length going to malta, sent notice that he was proceeding with his ships and troops to corfu, and could not go to malta. lord keith was, at this time, gone to station a squadron for the blockade of the port and coast of genoa; and lord nelson, after arranging, with general acton, a plan for sending two thousand six hundred troops, and encouraging his respective friends at malta to persevere in their labours, under these and other comforting assurances, sailed in the foudroyant, on the th, to concert measures for future operations with the commander in chief. on the d, his lordship writes to earl spencer, from leghorn, that he came thither to meet lord keith; and that they are going, together, to palermo and malta. "if," says his lordship, "sir james st. clair, or general fox, had felt themselves authorized to have given us two thousand troops, i think that malta, by this time, would have fallen; and our poor ships been released from the hardest service i have ever seen. the going away of the russians, has almost done me up; but the king of naples has ordered two thousand six hundred troops from sicily, to assist graham, and they are to be under our command. it is true, they are not good soldiers; but, they will ease our's in the fatigues of duty. the feeding the inhabitants of malta, and paying two thousand of the people who bear arms, has been a continual source of uneasiness to my mind. his sicilian majesty has done more than it was possible to expect he had the ability of performing; for the resources of his kingdom are hardly yet come round, and his demands are excessive from all quarters of his dominions. lord keith will now be able to judge, with his own eyes and ears, and your lordship will see his report. the loyalty and attachment of their sicilian majesties to our king and country is such, that i would venture to lay down my head to be cut off, if they would not rather lose their kingdom of naples, than hold it on terms from austria and the french, by a separation from their alliance with england. there is not a thing which his majesty can desire, that their majesties of the two sicilies will not have the greatest pleasure in complying with. i have, before, ventured on the character of their sicilian majesties. the king is a real good man, but inclined to be positive in his opinion; the queen is certainly a great monarch, and a true daughter of maria theresa. i am just favoured with your letter of december th; which, although so entirely contrary to my expectations, cannot alter my respect for all your kindness. i am in debt, from my situation; but, time and care will get me out of it. since may , i have had all the expence of a commander in chief, without even the smallest advantage. lord keith," concludes his lordship, "shall find, in me, an officer ever ready to anticipate his wishes, so long as my health permits." though lord nelson does not absolutely complain of his then ill health, he was certainly much indisposed; and, but a few weeks before, had undergone a painful course of electricity, at palermo, from which he entertained hopes of recovering the sight of his left eye. on the th, his lordship sailed from leghorn, and arrived safely at palermo; from whence, in a few days, he proceeded to malta, for the purpose of arranging the business of that important siege. on the th of february, at sea, his lordship received the report of a survey held on the warrant-officers stores found onboard the leander at the time, of it's being delivered up, with an account of those said to be supplied by the russians while this ship was in their possession, which he inclosed to lord keith, as commander in chief; and, only six days after, being in company with the northumberland, audacious, and el corso brig, fortunately captured le genereux, by which the leander had been originally taken. the particulars of this pleasing event will be best described in his lordship's own words. "foudroyant, at sea, th feb. . off cape di corso, eight leagues west of cape passaro; off shore, four miles. "my lord, this morning, at day-light, being in company with the ships named in the margin, i saw the alexander in chase of a line of battle ship, three frigates, and a corvette: and, about eight o'clock, she fired several shot at one of the enemy's frigates, which struck her colours; and, leaving her to be secured by the ships astern, continued the chase. i directed captain gould of the audacious, and the el corso brig, to take charge of this prize. at half past one p.m. the frigates and corvette tacked to the westward; but the line of battle ship, not being able to tack without coming to action with the alexander, bore up. the success being to leeward, captain peard, with great judgment and gallantry, lay across his hawser, and raked him with several broadsides. in passing the french ship's broadside, several shot struck the success; by which, one man was killed, and the master and seven men wounded. at half past four, the foudroyant and northumberland coming up, the former fired two shot; when the french ship fired her broadside, and struck her colours. she proved to be le genereux, of seventy-four guns, bearing the flag of rear-admiral perrée, commander in chief of the french naval force in the mediterranean; having a number of troops on board, from toulon, bound for the relief of malta. i attribute our success, this day, to be principally owing to the extreme good management of lieutenant william harrington, who commands the alexander in the absence of captain ball: and i am much pleased with the gallant behaviour of captain peard, of the success; as, also, with the alacrity and good conduct of captain martin, and sir edward berry. i have sent lieutenant andrew thomson, first lieutenant of the foudroyant, to take charge of le genereux; whom i beg leave to recommend to your lordship, for promotion: and send her, under care of the northumberland, and alexander, to syracuse, to wait your lordship's orders. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, bronte nelson the right honourable lord keith, k.b. &c." his lordship, the next day, directed captain gould, of the audacious, to proceed with the french prisoners for the harbour of st. paul, in the island of malta; and, putting them on board any ship of war, or empty transport, he might find there, to return to the westward of goza, where he was to cruize till farther orders. though lord nelson was much gratified by this capture, which reduced the number of french ships that had escaped at the battle off the nile to the single one of le guillaume tell, then blocked up at malta, his health appeared daily on the decline. still, however, his spirits seem to have remained lively; for, in writing on the occasion, to palermo, he desires prince leopold will tell his august father, that he is, he believes, the first duke of bronte who ever took a french seventy-four. besides the french prisoners sent to malta for the sake of compelling their countrymen to maintain them, and consequently to assist in the consumption of the provisions of the garrison, and thus accelerate it's surrender; there were a number of moorish prisoners on board le genereux, subjects of the bashaw of tripoli. these lord nelson sent back to their own country; with letters to the bashaw, as well as to the british consul: the former of whom he assures, that he is happy in the opportunity of saving so many of his subjects from a french prison; and the latter, he requests, will not fail to impress on the bashaw's mind, that nelson is never unmindful of his friends. "the bashaw," he adds, "was very good in supplying the el corso with some rope, which was duly reported to me; and, for which, i beg, you will thank his excellency in my name." on the th of february, off malta, where his lordship found his health much affected, he wrote to lord keith, that it was impossible he could remain much longer there. "without some rest," says his lordship, "i am gone. i must, therefore, whenever i find the service will admit of it, request your permission to go to my friends at palermo, for a few weeks, and leave the command here to commodore troubridge. nothing but necessity obliges me to write this letter." finding, however, on the th, from the report of his friend captain ball, that the french ships were perfectly ready for sea, and would probably attempt to escape the first fair wind, he writes thus to lord keith--"my state of health is very precarious. two days ago, i dropped with a pain in my heart, and i am always in a fever; but the hopes of these gentry coming out, shall support me a few days longer. i really desire to see this malta business finished." the following passage, which occurs in another part of this letter, is highly characteristic--"the intended movements of their ships, is a convincing proof, to me, that the garrison has lost all hopes of a successful resistance, and i wish general graham would make false attacks. i am no soldier; therefore, ought not to hazard an opinion: but, if i commanded, i would torment the scoundrels night and day." having waited till the th of march, with the vain expectation that the french ships would venture out, his lordship wrote to lord keith, that his health continued so bad, he was obliged, in justice to himself, to retire to palermo for a few weeks, directing commodore troubridge to carry on the service during his necessary absence: and, in a day or two after, sailed for palermo; where he did not arrive, having had a tedious passage, till the th. on the th, his lordship writes to lord keith--"it is too soon to form any judgment of what effect it may have on my health; but, on the th, i had near died, with the swelling of some of the vessels of the heart. i know, the anxiety of my mind, on coming back to syracuse in , was the first cause; and more people, perhaps, die of broken hearts, than we are aware of." to commodore troubridge he writes, also, on this day, much in the same strain--"it is too soon to form an opinion whether i can ever be cured of my complaint. at present, i see but glimmering hopes; and, probably, my career of service is at an end: unless the french fleet should come into the mediterranean, when nothing shall prevent my dying at my post. i hope, my dear friend, that your complaints are better. pray, do not fret at any thing; i wish i never had: but my return to syracuse, in , broke my heart; which, on any extraordinary anxiety, now shews itself, be that feeling _pain_ or _pleasure_." his lordship remarks, however, that he is an infidel about the brest fleet again trusting themselves in the mediterranean. the russians, he observes, are certainly going to malta; under commanders, both at sea and land, with whom all will be harmony. "you will have heard," continues his lordship, "that mr. arthur paget is daily expected, to replace, for the present, sir william; comte pouskin is also superseded by italinskoy. in short, great changes are going on; and none, that i can see, for the better. i have not yet seen general acton; but i am led to believe, that the king's not returning to naples, _has_ been entirely owing to the general. at present, perhaps, he has so much frightened him, that the act appears his own. _we, of the nile_, are not equal to lord keith, in his estimation; and ought to think it an honour to serve under such a _clever man_." in concluding this letter, his lordship says--"acton has, i am almost convinced, played us _false_." in another letter to sir thomas troubridge, dated on the th, his lordship says, that if the ships get away, he is certain the garrison will not hold out; and expresses his intention again to visit malta, before he retires from the station. a courier, from constantinople, he says, is just arrived: bringing intelligence, that the french treaty for quitting egypt is ratified by the porte; and, that the ministers of england and russia have acquainted the porte of the determination of the allies not to suffer the french army to return to europe. his lordship then directs him to repeat the orders already given, for making the french from egypt, under whatever protection they may be, come into some of the ports of the allies; for, on no consideration, must they be allowed to return to france. "i now," adds his lordship, "come to the most painful part of my letter, the loss of the queen charlotte, by fire. lord keith is safe; and, i hope, most of the officers and crew. she sailed from leghorn at daylight of the th, with a strong land wind. she was, when five miles distant, discovered to be on fire; and, at noon, she blew up, about twelve miles from the light-house. this is the whole we know. vessels were fearful, till after some time, to approach her; therefore, many poor fellows must be gone!" in a very few days after this melancholy accident, lord nelson experienced one of the highest gratifications of his life, by the capture of le guillaume tell. the first information of that important event was conveyed in the following note from sir edward berry. "foudroyant, th march . "my dear lord, "i had but one wish, this morning; it was for you. after a most gallant defence, le guillaume tell surrendered, and she is compleatly dismasted. the foudroyant's lower masts, and main topmast, are standing; but, every roll, i expect them to go over the side, they are so much shattered. i was slightly hurt in the foot; and, i fear, about forty men are badly wounded, besides the killed, which you shall know hereafter. all hands behaved as you would have wished. how we prayed for you, god knows, and your sincere and faithful friend, "e. berry." on the th of april, his lordship having received farther particulars from sir thomas troubridge, wrote thus to mr. nepean. "palermo, th april . "sir, "i have received no official reports, but i have letters from commodore troubridge, captain dixon, and sir edward berry, telling me of the capture of the william tell, on the morning of the th of march, after a gallant defence of three hours. the lion and foudroyant lost each about forty killed and wounded. the french ship is dismasted; the french admiral, decres, wounded; and the foudroyant much shattered. i send sir edward berry's hasty note. thus, owing to my brave friends, is the entire destruction of the french mediterranean fleet to be attributed, and my orders from the great earl of st. vincent are fulfilled. captain blackwood, of the penelope, and captain long, of the vincejo, have the greatest merit. my task is done; my health is finished; and, probably, my retreat for ever fixed--unless another french fleet should be placed for me to look after. ever your most obedient humble servant, "bronte nelson of the nile." "evan nepean, esq." the letter of commodore troubridge, above mentioned, contains the following particulars. "culloden, marsa scirocco, st april . "my lord, "i most sincerely congratulate your lordship on the capture of le guillaume tell, the thirteenth and last of the line of battle ships of the famous egyptian squadron. i would have given one thousand guineas your health had permitted your being in the foudroyant. i hear le guillaume tell is dismasted, and foudroyant little better. i have sent three top-masts, spare-sails, lower and top-gallant caps, spars, &c. to refit, and make jury-masts. as i do not feel authorized to send any of these prisoners away until i hear from your lordship, i have sent two transports to take them in. the maltese seamen i shall divide; the miserable wretches that vaubois was sending away as lumber, i mean to _return to him_, in his own way--put them on the glacis, and fire on them if they attempt to come away. i really think, the officers should not be permitted to go to france for some time. their business was, to have returned with men and provisions. suppose we could get them to mahon, with orders to carry them to england in the convoy. as i shall see your lordship here soon, you can settle that then. the french wounded, i have ordered to be landed at syracuse. if the foudroyant is not ready, or in a state to fetch your lordship, what are your wishes? the other three ships are preparing to sail from valette the first wind. northumberland goes out, with my men, to-day. if the foudroyant had not come as she did, le guillaume tell would have beat all we had. the penelope is the only effective ship; if she goes, we shall be badly off. much credit is due to captains blackwood and long; the latter, i beg your lordship to recommend to the commander in chief. every thing shall be done, in my power. if the ships were here, i could soon refit them. my people begin to droop, from hard work; the prize still sticks to us. i long to get diana and justice to compleat the gang. in my former letter, i acquainted your lordship, that i every night placed a lieutenant, and three trusty men, with a night-glass, in a house close to the enemy's works, to watch the ships. the signals from them apprized the ships she was moving; and answered, fully, my expectations. rely on all and every exertion in my power. i am so busy, i have not time to write you more at present. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient humble servant, "t. troubridge." "right hon. lord nelson, k.b. &c." the following is captain dixon's official account of the action, transmitted to sir thomas troubridge; and, as it contains much fuller particulars than his hasty private letter, which had been inclosed to lord nelson, it is here inserted instead of that communication. "lion, at sea, off cape passaro, st march . "sir, "i have the honour to inform you that, yesterday morning, at nine o'clock, cape passaro bearing north half east, distant seven leagues, the french ship of war le guillaume tell, of eighty-six guns, and one thousand men, bearing the flag of contre-admiral decres, surrendered, after a most gallant and obstinate defence of three hours and a half, to his majesty's ships foudroyant, lion, and penelope. to declare the particulars of this very important capture, i have to inform you, that the signal rockets and cannonading from our batteries at malta, the midnight preceding, with the favourable strong southerly gale, together with the darkness which succeeded the setting of the moon, convinced me the enemy's ships of war were attempting to effect an escape: and which was immediately ascertained, by that judicious and truly valuable officer, captain blackwood of the penelope; who had been stationed, a few hours before, between the lion and valette, for the purpose of observing closely the motions of the enemy. nearly at midnight, an enemy's ship was descried by him; when the minorca was sent to inform me of it, giving chase himself, and apprizing me, by signal, that the strange ships seen were hauled to the wind on the starboard tack. i lost not one moment, in making the signal for the squadron to cut, or slip; and directed captain miller of the minorca, to run down to the foudroyant and alexander with the intelligence, and to repeat the signal. under a press of canvass, i chased until five in the morning, solely guided by the cannonading of the penelope; and, as a direction to the squadron, a rocket and blue light were shewn every half hour from the lion. as the day broke, i found myself in gun-shot of the chase; and the penelope, within musket-shot, raking her; the effects of whose well-directed fire, during the night, had shot away the main and mizen top-masts and main-yard. the enemy appeared in great confusion, being reduced to his head-sails, going with the wind on the quarter. the lion was run close along-side, the yard-arms of both ships being just clear, when a destructive broadside, of three round shot in each gun, was poured in, luffing up across the bow, when the enemy's jib-boom passed between the main and mizen shrouds. after a short interval, i had the pleasure to see the boom carried away, and the ships disentangled; maintaining a position across the bow, and firing to great advantage. i was not the least solicitous, either to board or to be boarded: as the enemy appeared of immense bulk, and full of men, keeping up a prodigious fire of musketry; which, with the bow-chasers, she could, for a long time, only use. i found it absolutely necessary, if possible, to keep from the broadside of this ship. after being engaged about forty minutes, the foudroyant was seen under a press of canvass; and soon passed, hailing the enemy to strike: which being declined, a very heavy fire, from both ships, broadside to broadside, was most gallantly maintained, the lion and penelope being frequently in situations to do great execution. in short, sir, after an action, the hottest that probably was ever maintained by an enemy's; ship, opposed to those of his majesty, and being totally dismasted, the french admiral's flag and colours were struck. i have not language to express the high sense of obligation which i feel myself under to captain blackwood, for his prompt and able conduct, in leading the line of battle ships to the enemy, for the gallantry and spirit so highly conspicuous in him, and for his admirable management of the frigate. to your discriminating judgment, it is unnecessary to remark, of what real value and importance such an officer must ever be considered to his majesty's service. the termination of the battle must be attributed to the spirited fire of the foudroyant; whose captain, sir edward berry, has justly added another laurel to the many he has gathered during the war. captain blackwood speaks in very high terms of the active and gallant conduct of captain long of the vincejo, during the night; and i beg to mention the services of captains broughton and miller. the crippled condition of the lion and foudroyant, made it necessary for me to direct captain blackwood to take possession of the enemy, take him in tow, and proceed to syracuse. i received the greatest possible assistance from lieutenant joseph paty, senior officer of the lion; and from mr. spence, the master: who, together with the other officers, and ship's company, shewed the most determined gallantry. captains sir edward berry and blackwood have reported to me the same gallant and animated behaviour in the officers and crews of their respective ships. i am sorry to say, that the three ships have suffered much in killed and wounded; and the loss of the enemy is prodigious, being upwards of two hundred. i refer you to the inclosed reports for farther particulars as to the state of his majesty's ships, and have the honour to remain, sir, your's most truly, manly dixon. p.s. the guillaume tell is of the largest dimensions, and carries thirty-six pounders on the lower gun-deck, twenty-four pounders on the main-deck, twelve pounders on the quarter-deck, and thirty-two carronades on the poop." sir thomas troubridge." copious as the above account of this action may seem, the following affectionate letter of sir edward berry, to lord nelson, relates so many interesting particulars of the contest, not elsewhere mentioned, and is so characteristically amiable, that it would be unpardonable to omit such a valuable document. "foudroyant, at sea, cape passaro north by east eight or nine leagues. th march . "my very dear lord, "had you been a partaker with me of the glory, every wish would have been gratified. how very often i went into your cabin, last night, to ask you if we were doing right; for, i had nothing to act upon! i thought one ship had got out of la valette, but i did not know which. the minorca hailed me, after i had slipped; and said, captain blackwood _believed_ an enemy's ship had passed on the starboard tack. the wind was south. i came aft, and considered for two minutes; which determined me to stand on the starboard tack, one point free. this was at three quarters past twelve. after hearing guns on shore, and seeing rockets thrown up, the night remarkably dark, could just carry single reefed topsails, top-gallant sails, gib, and maintopmast staysails. at one, heard guns to the eastward, saw false fires; then, some rockets. put the helm up; brought those rockets, and false fires, to bear two points on the weather-bow; could then carry royal and top-gallant stay-sails, and reefed fore top-mast studding-sail. got her to go ten and a half and eleven knots occasionally. every now and then, saw the flashes of guns; kept steering a steady course, east north-east; set the lower studding-sail occasionally: frequently obliged to take in the royal and top-gallant stay-sails. we gained rapidly on the firing and rockets. were convinced, at three o'clock, there was a running fight, of some sort. thought it never would be day-light. praying, earnestly, for you to fly on board. at last, day-light came. saw a ship, firing into a ship with the main and mizen-topmast gone; and a ship going athwart her, firing. she wore, and the lion was to leeward. at this time, her running rigging much cut, and appeared very ungovernable; firing, occasionally, at the william tell; which i was surprised to see was not returned by the enemy, as they were within gun-shot. but it was not long, ere i had good reason to know that a most tremendous broadside was reserved for me. began to shorten sail, hauled the main-sail up, and had every gun loaded with three round shot. she was on the larboard, i on the starboard, tack; i, therefore, steered as if meaning to go to windward of her: but, determined to go close to leeward, kept the weather leeches of the main and mizen topsail lifting; and, at six, backed the main topsail, running as close as possible, to avoid touching. i went on the gangway, and desired the french admiral, who i distinctly saw, to strike; which he answered, by brandishing his sword, and firing a musket at me; and fired a most tremendous broadside in, of round, grape, musketry, and langridge. the good effects of being so close, was manifest. it was only our sails and rigging that suffered considerably, as not one running rope was left. but, if what we received was tremendous, our return was furious; and not to be stood against, but by determined veterans. the obvious effects, silenced his musketry; but not the great guns: though we could distinctly hear the shot crash through and through her, and the mainmast began to totter. fortunately, i kept way on the foudroyant: and was, though with infinite difficulty, able to wear, and give him as compleat a dose from the larboard as we had done from the starboard side; and, down came his mainmast. the action then continued, with great obstinacy. a man, in the heat of the fire, nailed the french ensign on the stump of the mainmast. by this time, our fore topmast was over the side, main topsail down, yard shot away, mizen top-gallant mast and main-sail--indeed, every sail--in tatters. the enemy's mizen-mast was gone; which enabled him to wear, and draw ahead of us. his men were on deck, very active in clearing away the wreck, regardless of the fire; and they fixed a small french admiral's flag on the stump of the mizen mast, over another ensign nailed there, which seemed to bid defiance to us. at half past seven we had separated a little, our head to his stern. the lion gave him many broadsides; but he preferred firing at us, when a gun would bear. i threw out the penelope's pendants, who had just raked the enemy, and got her within hail; and begged that blackwood would take me in tow, and get me once more close along-side the william tell: which he was in the act of performing--for, when i watched a favourable moment to call the people from the main-deck guns, and filled the main-sail, and secured the mizen-mast; and, with a few rugs forward (the sprit-sail yard, jib-boom, &c. being all shot away) got her before the wind, and had the happiness to get once more close along-side of her, the action then began again, with more obstinacy than before. our guns were admirably well served, and well directed, crashing through and through her. at eight, i began to think they were _determined_ to sink, rather than surrender; as she began to settle in the water, till her fore-mast went over the side: when, in a few minutes after, the gallant decres struck, having four hundred killed and wounded--so the prisoners report. i felt my heart expand, when i took this brave man by the hand; happy to find, he had survived so much honour. when you consider the superiority of three ships--the lion, foudroyant, penelope, and the two brigs in company with the strombolo; though the latter, of course, did not act, but it carried the appearance of numbers: on the other hand, the lion was nothing to her, only three hundred men; but that, the french admiral did not know. in short, it seems as if he considered us his only _match_; and the happiness i have experienced, in proving it, on this occasion, is a circumstance that you, my friend, can participate in. they are feelings that are familiar to you; i, happily, caught them from your lordship: and let me beg of you, on this occasion, to accept my tribute of gratitude. it is to you, i owe my success; and, by a strict observance of your order, i arrived exactly in time. i sent lieutenant bolton to take possession of the prize; but, as i had great difficulty in floating one boat, captain blackwood's officer got there before him. the admiral, of course, he carried to the lion, being the commodore; but, i hope, our officers will get promoted for it. you will see, the letter i have written you on the subject, is with a view of your inclosing it to lord spencer, if you approve of it. you know how to distribute my best wishes and regards to all your party; and that i am, my very dear lord, your affectionate, and faithful, "e. berry. "no accident by powder, but one bad cartridge, which did not communicate with any other. performed divine service, at two, and returned thanks to almighty god for the victory. i only write about this ship; having nothing to say officially, from our idea it would be wrong." on the th, lord nelson wrote, officially, to lord keith, the following letter, relative to this happy event. "palermo, th april . "my lord, "i have the happiness to send you a copy of captain dixon's letter to commodore sir thomas troubridge, informing him of the capture of the william tell. the circumstances attending this glorious finish to the whole french mediterranean fleet, are such as must ever reflect the highest honour to all concerned in it. the attention of the commodore, in placing officers and men to attend the movements of the french ships, and the exactness with which his orders were executed, are a proof that the same vigour of mind remains, although the body, i am truly sorry to say, is almost worn away. then come the alacrity of the vincejo, captain long, and other sloops of war. the gallantry and excellent management of captain blackwood, of the penelope frigate: who, by carrying away the enemy's main and mizen topmasts, enabled the lion to get up; when captain dixon shewed the greatest courage, and officer-like conduct, in placing his ship on the enemy's bow, as she had only three hundred men on board, and the enemy one thousand two hundred and twenty. the conduct of these excellent officers enabled sir edward berry to place the foudroyant where she ought, and is the fittest ship in the world, to be--close along-side the william tell; one of the largest and finest two-decked ships in the world: where he shewed that matchless intrepidity, and able conduct, as a seaman and officer, which i have often had the happiness to experience, in many trying situations. i thank god, i was not present; for it would finish me, could i have taken a sprig of these brave men's laurels. they are, and i glory in them, my darling children; served in my school; and all of us caught our professional zeal and fire, from the great and good earl of st. vincent! "i am confident, your lordship will bestow the promotion in the properest manner; therefore, i have done nothing in that respect: and, on this occasion, i only beg leave to mention, that governor ball would be much flattered by the command of the william tell; and captain ormsby, a volunteer in the penelope, would be happy in filling her for him, during his very necessary attendance at malta; and, in complying with their request, your lordship will highly oblige your most obedient servant, "bronte nelson of the nile. "right honourable lord keith, k.b. &c." his lordship also wrote, this day, to earl spencer, the following very feeling letter. "palermo, th april . "my dear lord, "i send you sir edward berry's letter, and am sure your lordship will not be sparing of promotion to the deserving. my friends wished me to be present. i have no such wish; for a something might have been given me, which now cannot. not for all the world, would i rob any man of a sprig of laurel; much less, my children of the foudroyant! i love her, as a fond father a darling child, and glory in her deeds. i am vain enough to feel the effects of my school. lord keith sending me nothing, i have not, of course, a free communication. i have wrote to him, for permission to return to england, when you will see a brokenhearted man! my spirit cannot submit, patiently. my complaint, which is principally a swelling of the heart, is at times alarming to my friends; but not to, my dear lord, your obliged and faithful bronte nelson of the nile. "if i may again say it--what would i feel, if my brother was a commissioner of the navy; for ever, grateful!" "earl spencer." the effect of this agreeable event on lord nelson's spirits, had it been followed by other pleasing circumstances, might possibly have recruited his lordship's health; but a long succession of felicity, was what he never on earth enjoyed. in a few days, without any previous notice, his friend sir william hamilton was suddenly superseded by the arrival of mr. arthur paget, as himself had recently been by lord keith. this circumstance effectually determined him immediately to quit the station. resolved not to begin either with new men, or new measures, mr. paget had no sooner delivered his credentials, than his lordship, though still much indisposed, immediately sailed for malta; with hopes of getting that business also brought to a conclusion before his return home. sir william and lady hamilton accompanied his lordship on this occasion; having agreed, that they would afterwards proceed to england together. the queen of naples, it may be presumed, was greatly affected at thus beholding the cherished friends of herself, her family, and country, suddenly torn away from situations which they had filled with so much honour to themselves, and with such advantage to the interests of the two allied sovereigns. nor could the good sense of the king fail to feel some apprehensions, that a change might prove for the worst, which was not possible to be for the better; though his envious ministers are supposed to have inspired him with flattering hopes, which he was never afterwards happy enough to see realized. her majesty, indeed, felt such alarm, even for the safety of the country, under any other protectors than those whose abilities, zeal, and fidelity, had been so long and so beneficially experienced, that she determined to take her three daughters, with her son prince leopold, to their sister, the empress, at vienna; and, accordingly, while her estimable friends were gone to malta, the queen was making preparations for accompanying them, in their way to england, as far as that imperial city. at the time of lord nelson's first conveying the king and queen of naples to palermo, three spanish ships had taken refuge in that port; two of them most immensely rich, being laden with quicksilver for the use of the south american mines, and the third a man of war to protect them. there, however, from the period of his lordship's arrival, they had continued snugly to remain; appearing rather disposed to rot in the mole, than venture out to sea with a certainty of being captured. the spanish commander was no stranger to lord nelson's circumspection; who, it will be readily imagined, was often observed to cast a longing eye on such desirable booty: and his lordship's good-humoured remarks on the excessive politeness of the fearful spaniard, whenever they met, were highly diverting to his friends. about the th of april, however, just before his lordship sailed for palermo, some strong indications had been manifested, of a design in these ships to attempt getting off. he had, therefore, instantly, sent judicious instructions for intercepting them to the squadron at minorca, as well as ordered express-boats on the spot to be sent in all directions with the necessary information for their being pursued, and had consequently little doubt that they must be immediately captured, should they happily venture to depart. lord nelson, and his friends, on arriving at malta, were received with the most rapturous joy. the flag of le guillaume tell was presented to his lordship, by the gallant captors; with a kindly affectionate address, on thus delivering the trophy which marked the completion of his glorious triumph over every french ship which had been encountered at the battle off the nile: and the grand illuminations which took place, on visiting governor ball's villa at st. antonia, where his lordship and friends remained two days, so greatly alarmed the french, who were unable to penetrate the cause, that they attempted to make a sortie, but were instantly driven back. about the th of may, amidst these pleasing attentions of his gallant brethren in arms, and the grateful inhabitants who owed so much to his lordship's protecting influence, he received letters from england which filled him with extreme concern. he learned, by these, that his noble friend, the earl of st. vincent--who had accepted a challenge sent by sir john orde, immediately after his return home, for having appointed his lordship, instead of himself, the senior officer, to the command of the squadron which had so successfully destroyed the french fleet; an intended duel, happily prevented by the interposition of the law, and the still stronger efficacy, it is said, of a positive royal injunction--now made a claim to prize-money, as commander in chief, after having quitted the mediterranean station on account of ill health. his lordship, who always felt warmly, vehemently protested against the admission of this claim, in a powerful protest, addressed to his confidential friend, mr. davison. it is to be lamented that this unfortunate affair, which was afterwards litigated, and finally decided against the earl, should have in any degree abated that ardent friendship which had, so much to their reciprocal honour and advantage, as well as to the benefit and glory of their country, heretofore subsisted between the two first naval heroes in the world! information, it appears, had reached lord keith, so long since as the beginning of april, respecting the intention of these spanish ships at palermo: for lord nelson, in a letter dated on board the foudroyant, at malta, th may , observes that he has received his lordship's intelligence from mahon, of the d of april, on that subject, which is perfectly correct; and had already ordered that, in case of their preparing to leave the port, express-boats should be sent in all directions with the necessary information for their being pursued, as well as written to mahon on the occasion. these ships, however, it may be proper here to remark, though they could not elude the vigilance of lord nelson, who had narrowly watched them for upwards of seventeen months, certainly effected their escape from palermo, very shortly after his departure; and, to his lordship's infinite mortification and regret, arrived safely in spain, long before he reached england. after remaining about a month at malta, and being fully convinced, from the arrangements then made, that it must soon fall, his lordship returned to palermo; as, notwithstanding his earnest wishes for the possession of that important island, he did not chuse to be present at the time of it's actual surrender, lest his friend ball should thus lose the chief honour of the conquest. besides concerting plans for the speedy reduction of this island, his lordship, during his stay there, was busily engaged in politely closing his numerous public correspondences with the allied powers, the barbary states, and the respective british envoys, &c. at the various courts. on arriving at palermo, the latter end of may, every preparation was made, by his lordship, and sir william and lady hamilton, for immediately going to england. one of the chief objects of his lordship's attention, had been to promote, by all possible means, the general and individual prosperity of bronte; by enriching the country with the improvements of agriculture, and preserving the people from oppression. he selected, with this view, a governor, of unimpeachable honour, and of uncommon abilities in directing agricultural operations. the name of this gentleman was graffer; and he had, already, for some time, acted in that capacity, highly to the satisfaction of his lordship. the following letter to sir john acton, occasioned by some interesting communications from mr. graffer, not only affords a satisfactory proof of that gentleman's integrity, but a fine picture of his lordship's ever anxious regard to the comfort of those who had claims on his powerful and benign protection. "palermo, d june . "sir, my object, at bronte, is to make the people happy, by not suffering them to be oppressed; and to enrich the country, by the improvements of agriculture. for these reasons, i selected mr. graffer, as a proper person for governor; as his character for honesty is unimpeachable, and his abilities as an agriculturist undeniable: and yet, it would appear, that there are persons who wish, for certain reasons, to lessen the king's most magnificent gift to me; and, also, to make the inhabitants of that country more miserable than they were before the estate came into my possession. several people who have hired farms, on the contract of not letting them to what we in england call middle-men, have already done so; and i am told, that i either have been, or am to be, induced to consent that a superior, or rather that all bronte causes, should be tried at palermo. now, as this is a measure so repugnant to justice, and which must heap ruin on those it is my wish to render happy, i intreat that, except such causes as the present laws of sicily oblige to resort to some superior court, it may never be imagined that i will consent to do an unjust act. it is possible, from my not reading italian, that i may sign a very improper paper--(which god forbid!)--if men in whom i place confidence lay it before me for my signature. in his majesty's most gracious gift of bronte, has been omitted the word fragilé a farm belonging to me. the reasons of this omission are, i fear, too clear; and, at a future day, i may lose it, and his majesty not retain it. these are, in brief, the letters of mr. graffer. i have, therefore, by his desire, to request his majesty to grant me the following favours--first, that the farm of fragilé may be inserted in the patent; secondly, that a billet-royale may be granted, to annul the present contract of the feuds of st. andrea and porticella. i send your excellency copies and extracts of mr. graffer's letters, which prove him an honest and upright man. in arranging these matters for me, it will be an additional obligation conferred upon your excellency's most obedient and obliged "bronte nelson of the nile." these requests were readily granted by his sicilian majesty; who had, this morning, transmitted his lordship the statutes of the order of st. ferdinando, accompanied by such expressions of kindness as made the most sensible impression on his lordship's mind, and filled his heart--to use his own phrase--with affection, pleasure, and gratitude. under these impressions, our hero was desirous of presenting a gold medal to the king, as a small but sincere testimonial of his esteem and regard; he sent one, therefore, accompanied by the following letter. palermo, d june . "sire, "the almighty, who granted to my legitimate sovereign's arms the battle of the nile, impressed your majesty with a favourable opinion of me; which has led your royal heart to grant me the most distinguished honours, and a fortune which i never had an idea of expecting. i presume, therefore, to request that your majesty will permit to lay on your table a gold medal, highly flattering to your majesty's devoted and faithful "bronte nelson of the nile." "his sacred majesty, the king of the two sicilies." his lordship had intended to quit palermo on the th of june; but, owing to disagreeable news from vienna, respecting the successes of the french, the queen waited a few days longer. on the th, however, her majesty, with the three princesses, and prince leopold; sir william and lady hamilton; prince castelcicala, who was going to england on a special mission; and a numerous train of royal attendants, &c. were embarked on board the foudroyant and alexander, which immediately proceeded to leghorn. after a quick but tempestuous passage, during which his lordship was so extremely ill as to be at one time considered in a very dangerous state, they arrived in leghorn roads on saturday evening, the th of june; with so fresh a gale from the west, that the ships had sometimes gone more than eleven miles an hour. the weather continuing bad, they were unable to land till the th; when lord nelson steered his launch, which conveyed the queen and royal family on shore, where they were received with all possible honours. the governor of leghorn first conducted his illustrious guests to the cadethral; and afterwards to the palace, where the queen and royal family took up their temporary residence, while lord nelson and his friends were accommodated at the british consul's. intelligence of the unfortunate defeat of the austrians having just arrived, the queen was prevented from pursuing her journey by land, as had been originally intended; and lord nelson, and his friends sir william and lady hamilton, were pledged not to quit the royal family till they should be in perfect security. the queen of naples, on landing safely at leghorn, presented our hero with a rich picture of the king; at the back of which were the initials of her own name in diamonds, inclosed with branches of oak and laurel intertwining each other, composed of diamonds and emeralds. sir william hamilton, at the same time, received the gift of a gold snuff-box, with a picture of the king and queen set round with diamonds; and lady hamilton a most superb diamond necklace, with cyphers of all the royal children's names, ornamented by their respective hair: the queen observing, that she considered herself as indebted to her ladyship for the safety of them all, by having been the means of enabling lord nelson to fight the glorious battle off the nile, and thus become their protector. in writing to sir john acton, from leghorn, his lordship says, after mentioning the queen's agitation, on account of the unfavourable news--"your excellency will assure his majesty, in which join sir william and lady hamilton, that nothing shall make us quit the queen and royal family, until _all is safe_. and their future plans are _perfectly_ and securely settled. on every occasion," adds his lordship, "i only wish for opportunities of proving to their majesties my desire to shew my gratitude for the numerous favours, honours, and magnificent presents, they have heaped upon me." lord nelson now first heard of the attempt on our sovereign's life, by hatfield, the lunatic, who fired a pistol at the king from the pit of drury lane theatre, on the th of may . "the queen of naples," says his lordship, writing to lord keith, on the th of june, "waits here, with impatience, news from the armies; for, if the french beat, i have only to return with my sacred charge: but, a very few days must decide the question. what a sad thing," feelingly exclaims our hero, "was the attempt on our good king's life! but, from what i hear, it was not a plan of any jacobin party, but the affair of a madman." after remaining about a month at leghorn, his lordship was called early out of bed, one morning, by a message from the palace, informing him of an insurrection of the people. the french army being then at lucca, only twenty-four miles distant, the populace had assembled in great force, with arms snatched from the arsenal, and expressed their determination to secure the queen and royal family, for the purpose of detaining lord nelson also; as they knew, they said, that he would not depart without her majesty, and they wanted him to lead them against the french, whom they were resolved to attack under the command of the invincible hero. it was with the utmost difficulty, that his lordship, with sir william and lady hamilton, could force their way to the palace, through the assembled multitude; where the queen, and royal offspring, appeared in a balcony, anxious for the approach of their friends and protectors. lady hamilton, however, had the address to gain over one of the ringleaders; by assuring him that lord nelson was their friend, and wished to deliver his sentiments as soon as he could reach the palace, where the queen waited his arrival. having, at length, by this man's assistance, penetrated to the balcony of the palace, lady hamilton, at the request of lord nelson, who was unable to speak the italian language, addressed the populace in his lordship's name. her ladyship began, accordingly, by remonstrating on the impropriety of thus violently surrounding an amiable and illustrious queen, and her royal offspring, whose powerful and sovereign protector was in a distant country, with weapons of war in their hands; and positively declared, that his lordship would not hold the smallest communication with them, unless every man demonstrated the rectitude of his intentions, by immediately returning his arms to the public arsenal. this was attended with all the desired effect: the insurgents signified their acquiescence, by repeated shouts of approbation; and instantly proceeded to deposit their arms in the place from whence they had been so indiscreetly taken. the queen, and royal family, in the mean time, being exceedingly terrified, retreated on board the alexander; from whence they landed in the night, and set off for florence, distant sixty-two miles, in their way to ancona. his lordship, and friends, followed next morning; the whole forming a train of fourteen carriages, and three large baggage-waggons. after remaining two days at florence, where they also received the most respectful attentions, they proceeded to ancona, a journey of about four days. here they continued nearly a fortnight; and then embarked, in two russian frigates, for trieste. after a voyage of four or five days, in very boisterous weather, they arrived there on the st of august ; being the second anniversary of his lordship's glorious victory off the nile. at this, as well as every other place, they were received with universal rejoicings, and experienced every mark of honour; but the queen and sir william hamilton had both caught violent colds on board the russian ship, followed by a dangerous degree of fever, which confined them upwards of a fortnight, and considerably alarmed their friends. from trieste, the queen, immediately on her recovery, departed for vienna: and lord nelson, with sir william and lady hamilton, two days afterwards; accompanied by mr. anderson, the british vice-consul, who offered his services in conducting them thither, being perfectly familiar with that particular route, through the provinces of carniola, carinthia, stiria, and into austria. his lordship, and friends, having travelled to vienna, in about a week from the time of leaving trieste, were privately introduced to their imperial majesties, by the queen of naples, who had arrived two days before them. the empress afterwards held a grand circle, to receive her royal mother publicly: when lord nelson, and sir william hamilton, were also publicly presented by their friend lord minto, the british ambassador; and lady hamilton, by lady minto. on the day after lord nelson's arrival, the party having intended to quit vienna almost immediately, and none of them understanding the german language, mr. oliver, an english linguist residing in that city, was engaged by his lordship, to act as confidential secretary and interpreter, and accompany them to england; this gentleman having been long known to sir william hamilton, who had many years before recommended him to be employed, occasionally, by the king of naples, in procuring carriages, horses, curious animals, and various other articles of pleasure and amusement, from london. the very flattering attentions universally paid to lord nelson and his friends, added to the slow recovery of sir william from the consequences of his recent indisposition, and the unwillingness which they all felt to accelerate their affecting separation from the good queen, detained them in the fascinations of this charming city six weeks. so attractive was our hero, wherever he went, that his presence drew all the best company thither: and the proprietors of the several theatres, alarmed at his lordship's confining himself, for a few nights, to one of them in particular, protested all the rest were deserted; and that they should be entirely ruined, unless he kindly condescended to visit them by turns, which he accordingly promised, and faithfully performed. the journey, which had proved too fatiguing for his friend, sir william hamilton, seems to have nearly restored our hero to perfect health; who, on his first arrival at leghorn, had been so extremely indisposed, as to be four days out of seven confined to his bed. in truth, besides the salutary changes of air, in the different climates thus rapidly passed, from the excessive enervating heats and sultry breezes of italy, to the corroborating cool temperature of the austrian refreshing gales; his lordship's ever active mind felt now not only delivered from the thraldom of a controuled and perplexed command, but was invigorated by the boundless admiration he beheld, at each stage of his progress, and through every varying country which he travelled, affectionately and respectfully tendered to it's indubitable and transcendent worth: even the barriers, like our turnpikes, were all thrown open on his approach, and the whole company, sanctioned by the hero's presence, permitted gratuitously to pass. such public testimonies of universal esteem, could not fail to exhilarate his heart, and fortify it against the depressive influence of any deficient kindness where he felt himself still more entitled to receive it. to enumerate all the instances of affectionate respect which his lordship and friends experienced while at vienna, would be quite an impracticable task. some of them, however, must by no means be omitted. the prince and princess of esterhazy invited them to their delightful palace at eisenstadt, one of the frontier towns of hungary, about forty miles from vienna. here they were entertained, for four days, with the most magnificent and even sovereign state. a hundred grenadiers, none of them under six feet in height, constantly waited at table, where every delicacy was sumptuously served up in profusion: a grand concert, too, was given in the chapel-royal, under the direction of the chief musician, the celebrated haydn; whose famous piece, called the creation, was performed on this occasion, in a stile worthy of that admirable composer, and particularly gratifying to those distinguished amateurs of musical science, sir william hamilton and his most accomplished lady. the prince and princess had, a few years before, during a residence of several months at naples, received such polite attentions from, and been so splendidly entertained by, sir william and his lady, that they repeatedly promised to evince their gratitude, should the opportunity ever offer; which now happily occurred, and was nobly embraced, to the extreme gratification of all parties. the archduke albert, the emperors uncle, formerly governor of the low countries, gave a grand dinner to his lordship and friends, at the au gardens, near vienna: which was likewise honoured with the presence of the elector of cologne, another uncle of his imperial majesty; the prince of wirtemberg; his brother, the governor of vienna; all the foreign ministers; and about fifty other persons of the first nobility. an aquatic fête was also given by the count bathiani, on the danube, within a mile of vienna; where lord nelson was particularly invited to see some experiments made with a very large vessel, which had been projected and constructed by the count, having machinery for working it up against the powerful stream of that rapid torrent. this vessel had been so splendidly prepared for the reception of the illustrious guests, that it would not have disgraced a congress of sovereigns. the party were served with coffee, fruits, cakes, ices, &c. in the utmost profusion, and were much pleased with their entertainment; but his lordship did not appear to consider the count's plan, though prodigiously ingenious, as likely to answer the intended purpose. the pleasure of the day was considerably enhanced, by their having previously formed a fishing-party, and dined on what they caught by angling, which was sir william hamilton's favourite diversion, at bridgid au, near the au gardens; two long-boats having conveyed the company to that charming place, with an excellent band of music. arnstein, too, the banker, at vienna, a most opulent, liberal, munificent, and benevolent jew, whose family may be considered as the goldsmids of germany, gave a grand concert, and splendid supper, to his lordship and friends; at which all the foreign ministers and principal nobility were present. though the queen of naples insisted on defraying all sorts of expences incurred by his lordship and friends during their stay at vienna, whither they had so handsomely escorted her--and who had, accordingly, every thing prepared for them at the palace, and regularly sent--they constantly purchased, without her majesty's knowledge, whatever they might happen to want. mr. oliver, being one day informed that the champagne was nearly exhausted, went immediately in search of a fresh stock. it being a prohibited article at vienna, the merchant whom he applied to, observed that he did not sell it. mr. oliver then asked, where he could procure some, as he feared his lordship would have none at table. "what!" said the merchant, "do you want it for the great lord nelson?" on being answered in the affirmative, he immediately replied--"then you shall take as much as you like; for, no man on earth is more welcome to any thing i have." mr. oliver took only two bottles, as the owner positively refused to receive any money from his lordship; who, with his usual benignity of heart, on being informed of this generous act, immediately invited the merchant to dine with him next day. at the earnest request of the queen of naples, their departure from vienna had been put off for several days; when it could no longer be protracted, this dreaded separation took place at the imperial palace of schoenbrun, situated on the river wien, which gives name to the city of vienna, from whence the palace is only two miles distant. the queen was prodigiously affected, and earnestly intreated lady hamilton to return with her to naples. sir william, too, her majesty remarked, when he had transacted his business in england, whither he was for that purpose accompanying his illustrious friend, would find the soft climate of italy far more congenial to his constitution than the damp atmosphere of his own native country. neither sir william, nor his lady, however, could listen to any arrangement which must subject them to even a temporary separation from each other. their domestic happiness, notwithstanding the very considerable disparity of age, was ever most exemplary; and it seems probable, that the amiable demeanour of lady hamilton, whose tender regard for sir william could not fail to excite the admiration of every virtuous visitor, first gave birth to that ardent friendship by which lord nelson unquestionably felt himself attached to her ladyship. when the queen of naples found, that nothing could induce sir william to leave his lady behind, her majesty immediately wrote an instrument, appointing lady hamilton to receive, for her eminent services, an annuity of one thousand pounds a year. this, however, sir william positively objected to her ladyship's accepting. he maintained, that he could not suffer his lady to take it, without subjecting them both to unmerited suspicions at home; and her ladyship, impressed with similar sentiments, instantly tore the paper in pieces. the queen of naples, however, persisting in her desire to promote, if possible, the interests of her estimable and beloved friends, now penned an elegant epistle to her britannic majesty, in which she is said to have recommended sir william and lady hamilton as worthy of receiving every possible honour. the travelling party, who proceeded from vienna, on the th of september , with lord nelson, and sir william and lady hamilton, including domestics, consisted of seventeen persons. the archduke charles had written to his aunt, the queen of naples, soon after her arrival, intreating that lord nelson might be requested to visit him at prague, in the way to dresden; being himself so extremely ill, that he was unable to pay the british hero his respects at vienna, as had been his most earnest wish. his lordship, accordingly, on arriving at prague, the capital of bohemia, had an immediate interview with that great military hero. he was accompanied, as usual, by his friends sir william and lady hamilton, to the palace; and was so delighted with the archduke, that he said, when he got into the carriage, returning to their hotel--"this is a man after my own heart!" the next day, being the anniversary of our hero's birth, michaelmas-day , the archduke charles gave a grand entertainment; verses written for the occasion were published in the newspapers; and the whole city was illuminated. sir william hamilton politely remarked, at this festival, with one of these two renowned heroes on each side of him, that he had then the honour to be between the greatest naval and the greatest military character in europe. on the following day, lord nelson departed for dresden, the capital of saxony; and, after a few stages, quitting the direct road, turned off towards the upper elbe, for the purpose of embarking at leitmeritz, and proceeding down that celebrated river: a circuitous but agreeable route, to which his lordship had been recommended, that he might escape the rough and dangerous passes, and stoney roads, of the dreadful mountain and limitropic barrier of peterswald, which extends to within two stages of dresden. his lordship was much amused by this freshwater voyage; and viewed with delight the stupendous rocks of basaltes through which the elbe here securely wound it's way, amidst scenes of such impressive grandeur. in two days they reached dresden, and took up their residence at the great hotel: where they were immediately visited by mr. elliot, the british minister; who is a brother of lord minto, our hero's early, great, and invariable, friend. prince xavier, the elector of saxony's brother, came also, the same day, to pay his grateful respects to sir william and lady hamilton, in return for their polite attentions to his highness while at naples, where he had been for two months entertained by their excellencies; as well as to be introduced to our immortal hero, whom he was induced emphatically to denominate, on this occasion, "_the glory of the world_." a message having been sent, from the elector, that the celebrated dresden gallery would be open for the inspection of his lordship and friends, sir william's love of the arts soon led them thither; and the ladies of the electoral court, who had given orders to be informed when they should arrive, contrived to gratify their curiosity, by thus gaining a sight of our hero, previously to his public introduction. the party remained eight days at dresden, while two gondolas were fitted up with chambers, and other conveniences, to convey them to hamburgh; having a small boat attached to one of them, for the purpose of sending occasionally on shore. during the time of making these preparations, there was a grand entertainment given to them at court; they visited all public places; and accepted invitations to dine with the different foreign ministers. the company having embarked with the english coach, baggage, and eleven male and female servants, they quitted dresden, and proceeded to magdeburg. at every place where they touched, assembled crowds lined the shore; all so anxious to see the british hero, that they are said to have remained, in many different stations, two or three days and nights, purposely to behold him pass. at magdeburg, where they landed, and remained one whole day, the king of prussia had ordered a guard of honour to attend his lordship. the curiosity of the crowd was here so great, that the master of the hotel where the party were entertained, gained no inconsiderable sum of money, by permitting the people to mount a ladder, which enabled them to view the hero and his friends through a small window. on leaving magdeburg, in the evening, they were still more numerously attended than they had been at landing, in the morning; and the multitude testified their delight, by every customary expression of joy. lord nelson, who had never, till this journey, experienced the pleasures of travelling by any inland navigation, was anxious to behold, and inquisitive to know, every thing. when night came on, his lordship and sir william hamilton often amused themselves, by playing together their favourite game of cribbage: and, not unfrequently, while passing down this river, was the hero's busy mind actively employed in forming new plans for future naval attacks; the operations of which, he fully demonstrated to his admiring friends, by instantaneously sketching rough and hasty illustrations of his ideas, must necessarily prove so decisively successful, that the affair off the nile, the hero maintained, would hereafter be considered as nothing. mr. oliver, his lordship's confidential secretary and interpreter, who had, during the whole of this voyage, been occasionally dispatched on shore with a servant, in the small boat rowed by two men, was landed within two stages of hamburgh, to take a post-carriage; announce their approach; and prepare the apartments for their reception, which had been hired by the british consul: and, on the twelfth day after quitting dresden, the party arrived safely at hamburgh, where they were greeted with the most rapturous rejoicings. the people of all descriptions, in this motley city, hailed our hero with the most perfect unity of sentiment; and, at the theatres, and other public places, even the hat with the gallic tri-coloured cockade of republicanism was waved with exultation and applause, on beholding the chief champion of royalty and prime protector of kings. such was the acknowledged glory of all his public actions, and such the universal sense of respect for the various known virtues of his private character, that every good and great mind aspired to claim for itself the privilege of regarding him as a brother. the honours which his lordship here received were greater, perhaps, than had ever been before paid to any individual by the joyful inhabitants of this then free commercial city. the grand governing bodies, every illustrious personage, and all the most opulent merchants, vied with each other in testifying the happiness they felt on thus having the first hero of the world among them. at a grand fête given by the english merchants to lord nelson and his friends, his lordship, after dinner, addressed the company, consisting of all the principal people of hamburgh, in a very admirable speech, expressive of the high sense which he entertained of their indulgent regards: and having, a few days before, been to visit the british consul at altona, who was a brother of his friend captain. cockburne, from whence his lordship, with sir william and lady hamilton, had not returned to hamburgh till after the gates had been long closed, and were consequently under the necessity, of waiting a considerable time before permission could be obtained for admitting them into the city; his lordship, ingeniously adverting to the circumstance, remarked that he had happily experienced a specimen of the difficulties which the french were likely to encounter, should they ever approach the gates of hamburgh; and trusted that the worthy inhabitants would always be found ready as obstinately to defend them against their worst enemies, as they had recently done against their most sincere friend. lord nelson, at this fête, lost one of the large diamonds from the grand sword given to him by the king of naples; which, notwithstanding the greatly boasted security of property, from the depredations of theft, in this well-governed city, was never afterwards recovered by his lordship. the merchants, however, much to their honour, would have replaced it by another of equal value, at the expence of eight hundred pounds, but his lordship could not be induced to accept any gift on such an occasion. among the numerous interesting occurrences while lord nelson and his friends remained at hamburgh, there are some which seem to merit particular notice, as highly illustrative of amiable characteristics both in our hero himself and the generality of the different persons to whom they also relate. a venerable clergyman, apparently between seventy and eighty years of age, was perceived one morning by his lordship, with a large book under his arm, anxiously looking towards the door of his apartment, with the most expressive solicitude depicted in his countenance. his lordship, immediately, with his ever prompt kindness and humanity, desired mr. oliver to enquire what was the object of his wish. having learned, that he was the pastor of a place forty miles distant, who had travelled thus far with his parochial bible, in the first leaf of which he wanted the immortal hero to inscribe his name, his lordship instantly admitted him into his presence; readily complied with his request; and then, taking him kindly by the hand, heartily wished the patriarchal and spiritual shepherd a safe return to his rural flock. the aged and pious minister suddenly dropped on his knee: fervently imploring heaven to bless his lordship, for so generously condescending to indulge his wish; and solemnly declaring that he should now be happy till it pleased god to call him, when he would die contented, having thus done homage to, and obtained favour from, "_the saviour of the christian world_." another circumstance, of still greater singularity, occurred at hamburgh, relative to a wine-merchant. this gentleman, who was likewise more than seventy years of age, and of a very respectable appearance, had requested to speak with lady hamilton. her ladyship, accordingly, condescendingly admitted him to a private audience; when he informed her, through the medium of mr. oliver, who interpreted for both parties, that he had some excellent old rhenish wine, of the vintage of , and which had been in his own possession more than fifty years. this, he said, had been preserved for some very extraordinary occasion; and one had now arrived, far beyond any he could ever have expected. in short, he flattered himself that, by the kind recommendation of her ladyship, the great and glorious lord nelson might be prevailed onto accept six dozen bottles of this incomparable wine: part of which, he observed, would then have the honour to flow with the heart's blood of that immortal hero; a reflection which could not fail to render himself the most fortunate man in existence, during the remainder of his days. his lordship being informed of these curious particulars, immediately came into the apartment, and took the old gentleman kindly by the hand, but politely declined his present. he was, however, finally persuaded to accept of six bottles, on condition that the worthy wine-merchant should dine with him next day. this being readily agreed, a dozen bottles were sent; and his lordship, jocosely remarking that he yet hoped to have half a dozen more great victories, protested he would keep six bottles of his hamburgh friend's wine, purposely to drink a bottle after each. this his lordship did not fail to remember, on coming home, after the battle of copenhagen; when he "_devoutly drank the donor_." it is said, that this winemerchant, soon after lord nelson had first taken him by the hand, happening to meet with an old friend, who was about to salute him in a similar way, immediately declined the intended kindness, and said he could not suffer any person to touch the hand which had been so highly honoured by receiving that of lord nelson. certain it is, that this man felt so overcome by his excessive sensibility, that he literally shed tears of joy during the whole time he was in our hero's presence. at a grand public breakfast, given to lord nelson and his friends, by baron berteuil, formerly the french ambassador at the court of naples, the celebrated general dumourier was introduced to his lordship. lord nelson, notwithstanding his general aversion to frenchmen, had a favourable opinion of this able and intelligent officer; and said to him, that he hoped they should both, in future, fight hand in hand for the good cause: adding, as there was then some prospect of general dumourier's being employed in the british service, that there was no person, if we were to have joint operations by sea and land, with whom he would sooner act. the general was so overpowered by this generosity and grandeur of soul in our hero, that he could only articulate--"great nelson! brave nelson! i am unable to speak. i cannot make any reply to your goodness!" his lordship, finding the circumstances of general dumourier very humble, for a man of his merits, kindly sent him a weighty purse, next day, by mr. oliver, to whom the general feelingly expressed the utmost thankfulness. while lord nelson remained at hamburgh, he received, one morning, a very extraordinary visit. an englishman, of gentlemanly address, called on his lordship, and requested to speak with him in private. sir william hamilton, conceiving the stranger's appearance to be suspicious, particularly as he held one hand under his coat, advised his lordship not to withdraw. our hero replied that, though he had never before differed with sir william in opinion, he must decidedly do so now. he felt conscious, be said, that he had done no ill; and, therefore, dreaded none. he then, with firmness, bade the stranger follow him into another apartment; who soon gave his lordship to understand, that he was no less a personage, than the famous major semple, of swindling notoriety. with a considerable degree of feeling, he detailed his miserable situation: an outcast from society; in the deepest distress; avoided, and despised, by every body. lord nelson protested, that he had not expected the honour of such a visit; but, nevertheless, returning to sir william and lady hamilton, and mentioning who it was, kindly asked--"what shall we do for the poor devil?" they accordingly gave him, between them, a purse of twenty guineas: his lordship tenderly remarking, that he seemed a man of talents; who had, probably, from some first error of early life, unchecked by friendly advice or assistance, finally sunk into a state of, perhaps, irrecoverable ignominy. his lordship, on arriving at hamburgh, had written for a frigate, to convey him and his friends to england; but, as it was not sent, he hired a packet at cuxhaven, which was sent up the river, as far as the villa of mr. power, about five miles from hamburgh: where the party embarked; and, after a voyage of five days, in very stormy weather, arrived off yarmouth, on thursday the th of november. a pilot immediately came out, on beholding them in the offing; but, awed by his sense of danger, and the consideration of who and what were on board, he was afraid to undertake getting the vessel in. lord nelson, who thought a seaman ought not to fear any thing, asked him if it were not his trade; and, immediately ordering him a glass of liquor, said it would inspirit him to take the ship over the bar, where the pilot had expressed his opinion there was by no means a sufficient depth of water. his lordship, however, was resolved that the experiment should be tried: and, accordingly, they got safely into the harbour; though not without a considerable degree of that horrible grating of the ship's bottom, while forcing it's way through the sands, which so often thrills those who navigate this perilous road. the weather being bad, his lordship and friends, on landing, went into a carriage; from which the shouting multitude, who had hailed his arrival, instantly detached the horses, and drew them to the wrestlers inn. all the ships in the harbour hoisted their colours, and every honour was paid to his lordship by admiral dickson, the then commander of the fleet. the mayor and corporation of yarmouth immediately waited on his lordship with the freedom of the town; which, in consequence of his eminent services, had been previously voted. with the blundering fatality, however, that seldom fails to mark some member in almost every town-corporate, on any extraordinary occasion, when the usual oath was tendered to his lordship, who placed his left and only hand on the book, the officer who administered it incautiously exclaimed--"your right hand, my lord!" his lordship, with a good-humoured smile, mildly reminded him that he had no right hand. the surrounding company, however, were less merciful; and not only indulged an immediate hearty laugh at his expence, but sarcastically fastened on him, for ever after, the unfortunate phrase--_"your right hand, my lord_!" in the mean time, all the troops quartered in the town paraded before the inn, with their regimental band; paying every military honour to his lordship, and firing _feux de joie_. the corporation, after presenting lord nelson with the freedom, went in procession, with his lordship, to church; whither he was also attended by all the naval officers on shore, as well as the principal inhabitants, who joined his lordship in this public thanksgiving to the almighty, on thus landing in his native country. at night, the whole town was illuminated, bonfires were kindled, and discharges of musketry and ordnance continued till midnight. on quitting the town, next day, the corps of volunteer cavalry, commanded by william palgrave, jun. esq. now collector of the customs at the port of yarmouth, and who had paid his lordship and friends the most polite attentions, unexpectedly drew up, saluted, and followed the carriage; not only to the town's end, but as far as the extreme boundary of the county of norfolk: a mark of respect, which too sensibly impressed his lordship, ever to be forgotten; and, accordingly, he never afterwards went to yarmouth, without making his first visit to mr. palgrave. in suffolk, his lordship was no less honoured than in his native county. the people of ipswich came out to meet him, and dragged the carriage a mile into town; and, on his leaving it, drew it three miles out. when his lordship was captain of the agamemnon, he had felt desirous to be returned member for this town, and some leading men of the then corporation had been consulted by a friend. the terms, however, were such as could not be listened to; and his lordship, shrewdly observing that he would endeavour to find a preferable path into parliament--meaning, no doubt, that which so honourably conducted him into the house of peers, instead of the house of commons--wrote to his sister, mrs. bolton, that there might a time come, when the people of ipswich would think it an honour for him to have ever represented them; a time which, most certainly, had now long since arrived. at colchester, in essex, and every other place through which his lordship passed, he was received with similar demonstrations of joy, and experienced every respectful attention. on sunday, the th, his lordship arrived in london; and immediately proceeded to nerot's hotel, king street, st. james's; where lady nelson, and his lordship's venerable father, who were just arrived from norfolk, had taken up their residence. his lordship, who was dressed in a full uniform, with three stars on his breast, and two gold medals, was welcomed by repeated huzzas from a prodigious crowd, who had followed the carriage from the moment they knew who was arrived. these affectionate testimonies of public regard, were most courteously returned by his lordship, who bowed continually to the enraptured multitude. every eye beamed with pleasure to behold him; every heart exulted in the possession of such a hero; every tongue implored blessings from heaven on the honoured protector of his country. if these were the obvious feelings of those who could boast no nearer affinity than that of being the fellow-subjects of this exalted man, what was not to be expected from such as were closely allied to him by the ties of blood: the father, from whom he derived his existence; the wife, whom he had so disinterestedly selected from society, to participate in all his earthly honours and enjoyments? that his worthy father did, indeed, receive him with a heart which overflowed with paternal love, is not to be doubted: to the christian and the father, however, was he indebted for the ardent and sincere embrace; while the tear of rapture was blended with that of regret, drawn by imputations of apprehended private guilt dreadfully detracting from the honourable list of his son's known public virtues. the duteous hero, unconscious of crime, happily perceived not, in his beloved father, any symptoms of suspicion. at the obvious coldness of her ladyship, however, the warmth of his affectionate heart felt a petrifying chill, which froze for ever the genial current of supreme regard that had hitherto flowed with purity through the inmost recesses of his soul. this is a topic which must, for evident reasons, be touched with a tender hand. woe to the woman who, wedded to a man with superlative merits, whatever they may be, which are acknowledged and admired by all the world, feels alone insensible of her husband's transcendent worth! where there is genius, the warmth of affection is seldom wanting; if it be not returned with ardour, it kindles into a fierce and dangerous flame. lady nelson's ideas were so little congenial with those of his lordship, that she is said never to have asked him a single question relative to that glorious victory which had so astonished the world. on the contrary, all the scandalous insinuations, and licentious remarks, with which the jacobinical foreign journalists had filled their pestiferous pages, relative to our hero and his friends in italy, and which had found their way into the most thoughtless and depraved of our own newspapers, were preserved for his lordship's immediate amusement. without introducing the reader behind the sacred veil of the connubial curtain, let it suffice to say, that lord nelson rose at an early hour, and went to visit sir william and lady hamilton; where, at least, he was always sure to behold the actual existence of conjugal happiness. he related, in a few words, the nature of his situation; and assured sir william that, such was his misery, it would be mercy to dispatch him. these amiable friends did all they could to tranquilize his perturbed spirits; and their soothing consolations succeeded, at length, in calming the tempest by which his feeling bosom was so cruelly agitated. a temporary reconciliation was soon effected; the contrariety of sentiment, however, between the parties, gave but little hope of it's ever proving permanent. in the mean time, as the th of november happened this year to be sunday, the lord-mayor's day, in london, was kept on monday the th; and lord nelson, being particularly invited to the civic festivity, joined the procession in it's return. his lordship was accompanied by his inseparable friend, sir william hamilton; it having been long mutually agreed, between them, that they would never visit any place where both were not equally welcome. the carriage had no sooner reached the top of ludgate hill, than the citizens took out the horses, and drew him to guildhall; the ladies, from the windows, all the way round st. paul's church-yard, along cheapside, and down king street, waving their handkerchiefs as the hero passed, and using every other expression of admiration and applause. after a most sumptuous dinner, to which the company sat down at six o'clock, had been succeeded by the usual toasts, a very elegant sword, richly ornamented--the handle being of solid gold, covered with blue enamel, and studded with diamonds, the guard supported by anchors, with the figure of a crocodile, as emblematical of the battle off the nile--and which had been voted, as formerly mentioned, immediately after receiving information of that glorioas victory, was presented to his lordship by richard clarke, esq. chamberlain of the city of london; who, at the same time, delivered the following address. "lord nelson! "in chearful obedience to a unanimous resolution of the right honourable the lord-mayor, aldermen, and commons, of the city of london, in common-council assembled, i present your lordship with the thanks of the court, for the very important victory obtained by a squadron of his majesty's ships under your command, over a superior french fleet, off the mouth of the nile, on the st of august : a victory, splendid and decisive; unexampled in naval history; and reflecting the highest honour on the courage and abilities of your lordship, and your officers, and the discipline and irresistible bravery of british seamen; and which must be productive of the greatest advantages to this country, and to every part of the civilized world, by tending to frustrate the designs of our implacable enemy, and by rouzing other nations to unite and resist their unprincipled ambition. "as a farther testimony of the high esteem which the court entertains of your lordship's public services, and of the eminent advantages which you have rendered your country, i have the honour to present your lordship this sword. "the consequences of the action i am thus called upon to applaud, are perhaps unequalled in the history of mankind. a numerous army, which had triumphed in europe over brave and veteran troops, commanded by officers of the most established reputation, landed in egypt, under the command of him who now sways the gallic sceptre, with designs of the most ambitious and extensive nature. one of their objects, as acknowledged by themselves, was to annihilate, by degrees, the english east-india trade; and, finally, to get into their possession the whole commerce of africa and asia. such were the gigantic views of our implacable foe; and such confidence had they in the fleet which conveyed them, and in the station which it took on the coast of the devoted country, that it bade defiance to the whole navy of britain: but, at this momentous period, the almighty directed your lordship, as his chosen instrument, to check their pride, and crush their force as a maritime power during the present contest. the circumstances attending this grand display of providential interposition and british prowess, must interest the feelings of every englishman. had a space been chosen, to exhibit to the world a struggle for superiority in nautical skill, and personal valour, between the two greatest naval powers of the globe, none could have been more happily selected. the three grand divisions of the ancient world were witnesses; and the shores which had beheld the destruction of the persian navy by the greeks, and the heroic acts of sesostris, now resounded with the echo of british thunder. to your lordship belongs the praise of having added glory to such a scene: the heroes we applaud, would themselves have applauded us; and he who, ages since, led his three hundred against an almost countless host, might on that proud day have wished himself a briton. "the thanks of your country, my lord, attend you; it's honours await you: but, a higher praise than even these imply, is your's--in the moment of unexampled victory, you saved your country: in the next moment, you did still more--you exemplified that virtue which the heathen world could not emulate; and, in the pious--"_non nobis domine_!" of your modest dispatches, you have enforced a most important truth--that the most independant conqueror felt, in the most intoxicating point of time, the influence and protection of him whom our enemies, to their shame and ruin, had foolishly and impiously defied. may that same power, my lord, ever protect and reward you! may it long, very long, spare to this empire so illustrious a teacher, and so potent a champion!" to this highly respectable address, lord nelson instantly replied-- "sir, "it is with the greatest pride, and satisfaction, that i receive, from the honourable court, this testimony of their approbation of my conduct: and, with this very sword,"[_holding it up, in his only hand_] "i hope soon to aid in reducing our implacable and inveterate enemy to proper and due limits; without which, this country can neither hope for, nor expect, a solid, honourable, and permanent peace." his lordship was highly gratified with his city reception, on this day of annual festivity. he was ever a great friend to the grand display of a london lord-mayor's shew: not on account of the pageantry and parade of such a public spectacle; but, as he expressed himself to his friends, for the sake of it's beneficial effects on youthful minds. it was, he contended, a holiday without loss of time: since the hope of one day riding in the gilt coach of the lord mayor, excited a laudable emulation in the breast of every ingenuous city apprentice, which made them afterwards apply themselves, with redoubled diligence, to the business of their respective masters; and, by thus fixing them in industrious habits, could not fail of proving finally advantageous to themselves. not only the city of london, but the whole nation, through every gradation of rank, from the sovereign on the throne to the occupier of the humblest hut gratefully regarded the hero of the nile as the person to whom they were chiefly indebted for the security and comfort they enjoyed; and there was, perhaps, scarcely a house which his lordship could enter, in the british dominions, or even those of our allies, where he would have been welcomed with a less affectionate aspect than his own. having taken up his residence in dover street, he naturally wished to enjoy the society of his nearest and dearest relatives; from whom he had, in the discharge of his professional duties, been so long divided. few of these, however, had, during his lordship's absence, met with any excess of respectful civilities from her ladyship; and, of course, though now affectionately invited, their visits by no means appeared to augment her felicity. lady nelson's nerves could not bear the constant presence of his lordship's young nephews and nieces; while his lordship, fond of virtue in every shape, never felt happier than when surrounded by the amiable children of his brother and sisters. here was another want of unison in sentiment; and, consequently, a considerable source of discord. it will be sufficient, to hint a few such unhappy incongruities of disposition, to account for that extreme deficiency of harmony between the parties which afterwards led to a separation by mutual consent. the present earl and countess nelson, there can be no doubt, will long remember the mortifying _hauteur_ which they so often experienced from her ladyship, even at their brother's table, as well as on other occasions, where they were then deemed of insufficient consequence to appear in company with so lofty a personage as their elevated sister-in-law, over whom they now triumph in rank: such are the fluctuations of fortune; such, not unfrequently, the salutary checks to the career of a vain ambition. lady nelson unfortunately regarded all his lordship's relations as the natural enemies of her son; whom she seems, unaccountably, to have considered as the rightful heir of her husband's honours. this improvident young man, however, far from conciliating his father-in-law's esteem, had insulted him with more grossness than his lordship ever experienced from any other person; and, consequently, estranged himself, as much as possible, from his heart. had any other human being acted exactly in the same manner, it is not improbable that his life might have paid the forfeiture. what a source was this, too, for domestic inquietude! in short, without any charge of criminality against her ladyship, the unfortunate tempers of herself and son, so little accordant with that of his lordship, conduced to render our hero, amidst all the honours he was every where deservedly receiving, the most miserable mortal in existence. after one of those too frequent domestic broils, by which his life was embittered, this exalted man, of whom the world was scarcely worthy, had wandered all night, through the streets of london, in a state of absolute despair and distraction. he rambled as far as the city; perambulated fleet market, blackfriars bridge, &c. and, exhausted with fatigue, as well as overpowered by mental suffering, reached the house of sir william hamilton, in grosvenor square, about four in the morning; where, having obtained admittance, he threw himself on the bed of his alarmed friends, in an agony of grief much too poignant for expression. the soothing voice of friendship; the sympathetic tenderness of such congenial minds; and the manifest interest which they felt in the affecting recital which his lordship ventured to unbosom; all assisted, by degrees, to calm the tremendous hurricane in his perturbed breast. after his lordship was refreshed, and had taken a little rest, his friend, sir william, persuaded him to seek that happiness in his professional pursuits, which it seemed unlikely be would ever find at home; and, that very day, it is said, his lordship offered his services at the admiralty, where they were gladly accepted. on the st of january , he was elevated to the rank of vice-admiral of the blue: and, on the th, ordered to hoist his flag on board the san josef, of a hundred and twelve guns, one of the spanish prizes taken by himself in the battle off cape st. vincent, and then lying at plymouth dock; which he accordingly did, on the th of the same month. on the th, his lordship received orders to put himself under the command of his old friend, the earl of st. vincent; and, as soon as the san josef should be in all respects ready for sea, to proceed with that ship to torbay. in the mean time, the memorable quixottical insanity of the russian emperor paul, having operated, with the intrigues of france, to produce an intended naval confederacy of the northern nations against the maritime power of great britain, it was wisely determined, by the then british government, instantly to crush a design pregnant with such alarming consequences. for this purpose, a powerful fleet was now fitting out, under admiral sir hyde parker; which, while it conveyed to the triple league of the danes, the swedes, and the russians, the most unequivocal desire of preserving peace, on the part of great britain, should carry with it the fearless front of a decided readiness to commence, if necessary, immediate hostilities. lord nelson having consented to go out second in command, on this grand and most important expedition, came to london, for a few days, previously to his departure: when his lordship learned, with no small degree of surprise, that lady nelson had given up the house, and was retired to brighthelmstone. his astonishment, at thus finding himself without a house or home, is not easy to be described. he hastened to his friend sir william hamilton, and most pathetically represented his situation. sir william embraced him--"my dear friend! while i have a house, you can never want one." then, conducting him to his lady--"emma," exclaimed sir william, "lord nelson says, he has no home. i say, he has, while i have one; what say you?" her ladyship replied, that she was exactly of the same opinion. lord nelson opposed this arrangement, on account of the slanders of the world: but sir william hamilton, with a noble disdain of malevolence, felt sufficiently satisfied of the virtue in which he confided; and lady hamilton, who never opposed sir william in any thing, without affecting to raise squeamish objections, readily signified her acquiescence. lord nelson then dropped on his knee, and piously appealed to heaven, as witness of the purity of his attachment; and, with similar solemnity, they each, reciprocally, vowed an equally disinterested and indissoluble friendship. such was the bond of that sincere amity which, whatever may be said, the individuals who compose the world will generally be inclined to estimate, as they always do on such occasions, according to the larger or lesser degree of vice or virtue which they respectively find in their own hearts. from this moment, it was agreed that, while his lordship should be in england, they would constantly reside together: and, as no power on earth could have now prevailed on lord nelson again to live with his lady, who had carried her resentments much farther, in several respects, than it is thought necessary on this occasion to particularize, deeds of separation were soon after prepared and executed by mutual consent; the negociation of which was kindly undertaken by alexander davison, esq. his lordship's confidential friend. while lord nelson, the second in command, was thus seeking to escape infelicity, by a separation from his lady, which he had fully resolved should be brought to a conclusion previously to his return from this expedition; his old friend, sir hyde parker, the commander in chief, was equally desirous of securing happiness, prior to his departure, by the immediate possession of a young wife. this difference in the state of their respective domesticities by no means operated to disturb their harmony; though, doubtless, his lordship was rather in the greatest hurry to be gone. the few days while lord nelson remained in london were chiefly engaged at the admiralty; where, happily, his mind was so much absorbed by the consideration of public affairs, and the formation of due professional arrangements, that his domestic concerns found fewer intervals for their unwelcome intrusion. even while at the house of his friend alexander davison esq. in st. james's square, transacting his own private business, so intent was his lordship on the public service that, when he mentioned, at the first proposal of the copenhagen expedition, his intended going under sir hyde parker--"if," added his lordship, "i had the chief command, i know well enough what i would do." then, observing that his knowledge of the cattegat was rather imperfect, and that he should therefore wish to see a correct chart, he requested mr. davison would immediately send for one to mr. faden's shop at charing cross. this being done, he said that government could spare only twelve ships for the purpose; and, after examining the chart a very few minutes, he positively marked on it the situations of those twelve ships exactly as they were afterwards placed on that memorable occasion. this extraordinary anecdote of lord nelson, his biographer had the honour to receive from mr. davison's own lips, in the very parlour where the circumstance occurred; and it affords an admirable proof of our hero's wonderful promptness and decision, as well as of his ardent zeal for the service of his country. his lordship's flag had been shifted to the st. george, a second rate of ninety-eight guns; the san josef, which he left at torbay, being unfit for the intended service in the north seas. after joining part of the squadron at spithead, they proceeded to yarmouth, where the whole armament, consisting of fifty-two sail of various descriptions, unfortunately lessened by the loss of the invincible of seventy-four guns, which struck on a shoal off winterton, having been assembled, and fully prepared, took their departure on the th of march . early in the morning of the th, land was discovered; and next day, about noon, the british fleet made the scaw, or scagen, the first general rendezvous. this low point of sandy and apparently barren land, which is the most northernly part of the peninsula of north jutland, is eleven or twelve leagues distant from marstrand island on the swedish shore. at both these points, the danes and swedes have respectively erected light-houses; for the support of which, all vessels passing the sound, or entering the swedish ports, are required to contribute: the entrance between the scaw lights and the cattegat being considered as the entrance to the cattegat. as it was well known, that the danes were making every possible effort to obstruct the passage of the sound, and render copenhagen inaccessible to the approach of gun-vessels, much surprise was expressed, at the fleet's not being ordered to pass the cattegat, with a strong north north-west wind, so highly favourable to such a design. the commander in chief, however, was probably deterred, by the nature of his instructions, from committing the country, by a forcible passage of the sound, till the effect of mr. vansittart's pacific propositions, who had preceded the fleet, on board a frigate with a flag of truce, should be first fairly ascertained. this gentleman having reached elsineur the th of march, proposed to the danish court, in conjunction with mr. drummond, the british minister at copenhagen, the secession of denmark from the northern alliance; the allowance of a free passage to the british fleet through the sound; and an abandonment of the system of sending convoys for the protection of danish merchant vessels. these proposals being instantly rejected, the two british plenipotentiaries received passports for their return. in the mean time, the officers and crew of the fleet, by foul winds, with heavy falls of sleet, snow, and rain, added to a chilling cold, which they particularly experienced from the st to the th, suffered considerable fatigue. this, with the delay, had a tendency to damp the ardour of the enterprise; and lord nelson, aware of all the consequences, would gladly have discarded much of that diplomatic etiquette which finally proved, as he had from the first supposed it would do, quite unimpressive with the danes. still less did he regard the discouraging suggestions of ignorant and designing pilots, whose exaggerated accounts of the difficulties to be surmounted, when the commander in chief had resolved on forcing the passage of the sound, represented the enterprise as more practicable, and less hazardous, by the circuitous passage of the great belt. though lord nelson's mind could not be thus induced to fluctuate, and was decidedly for the immediate passage of the sound, when the great belt appeared to be preferred--"let us, then, go by the great belt!" said the hero. impatient for action, he was desirous of proceeding by any way which might soonest lead to the object. on the th, at day-break, the fleet got under weigh, and stood to the westward; for the purpose, as was generally imagined, of passing the great belt; and captain murray, of the edgar, who had, the preceding summer, surveyed that entrance to the baltic with a degree of precision hitherto unknown, tendered his services for the purpose. the facility with which this passage might be effected, by the aid of so active and intelligent an officer, where the danes had only a single guard-ship, left little room to doubt that it would be adopted. this, however, was not done. several vessels from the baltic, on this and the following day, passed the sound, under prussian colours; and they were permitted to proceed, notwithstanding it was then sufficiently ascertained that prussia had also acceded to this confederacy against great britain. on the th, sir hyde parker, acting under his instructions, dispatched a flag of truce, with the following note, to the governor of cronenberg castle, "from the hostile transactions of the court of denmark, and sending away his britannic majesty's charge d'affaires, the commander in chief of his majesty's fleet is anxious to know what the determination of the danish court is--and whether the commanding officer of cronenberg castle has received orders to fire on the british fleet as they pass into the sound?--as he must deem the firing; of the first gun a declaration of war on the part of denmark. "hyde parker." to these enquiries, this answer was returned by the danish governor. "i have the honour to inform your excellency, that his majesty, the king of denmark, did not send away the charge d'affaires; but that, on his own demand, he obtained a passport. as a soldier, i cannot meddle with politics; but, i am not at liberty to suffer a fleet, whose intention is not yet known, to approach the guns of the castle which i have the honour to command. in case your excellency should think proper to make any proposals to the king of denmark, i wish to be informed thereof before the fleet approaches nearer to the castle. "heer stricker." after receiving the above reply, the british commander in chief immediately sent notice to the danish governor--that, finding the intentions of the court of denmark to be hostile against his britannic majesty, he regarded his excellency's answer as a declaration of war; and, therefore, agreeable to his instructions, could no longer refrain from hostilities, however repugnant it might be to his feelings: but that, at the same time, the admiral would be ready to attend to any proposals of the court of denmark, for restoring the former amity and friendship, which had for so many years subsisted between the two courts. during these negociations, an officer of distinction, high in favour with the crown prince, coming on board the admiral, with a verbal answer to one of our proposals, and finding some difficulty in expressing, with sufficient accuracy, the sentiments of his court, was requested to communicate them in writing; when, a pen being brought for this purpose, which happened to be ill pointed, he held it up, and remarked, with a sarcastic smile--"if your guns are not better pointed than your pens, you will make little impression on copenhagen." certain it is, that the danes, who were conscious of having taken every precaution which science could suggest for the defence of their country, entertained very little doubt that the british fleet would be compelled to retire, should it even venture to make an attack. the sound was protected, on the swedish side, by the fort of helsingberg; and, on that of denmark, by the castle of cronenberg: each of them garrisoned with forces very sufficient to withstand any attack. besides this formidable opposition, numerous strong batteries were erected on the danish shore, through the tremendous fire of which it was thought quite impracticable for any hostile fleet to pass. as for copenhagen, it was, from the excellent state of it's ancient fortresses, the different batteries recently constructed, and the numerous well-disciplined troops by which they were manned, considered as absolutely impregnable. on the th, the order to prepare for battle was received, as usual, by the british tars, with the loudest acclamations of joy; and they were soon convinced, that the passage of the sound had been at length decided on. nothing was now wanting to their felicity, but the appointment of a popular leader: and, happily for their country, and even for those who opposed them, this service was allotted to lord nelson; who, for that purpose, had judged it advisable to shift his flag on board the elephant, commanded by his gallant and judicious friend, the honourable captain thomas foley. the ships were now cleared for action, with an alacrity and expedition almost incredible: and, on the th, the wind having become favourable, the british fleet weighed, and formed the order of battle, lord nelson leading the van-division; and all safely passed the sound, the celebrated key of the baltic, in about four hours, without having received the smallest damage from any of the danish artillery. the only casualty, indeed, of this day, happened on board the isis; where six or seven men were killed or wounded, by the bursting of a lower-deck gun. it is to be observed, however, that the swedish batteries were very prudently silent, which afforded our ships an opportunity of keeping at a sufficient distance from the shore of denmark; where a heavy and well-supported fire had commenced, from the whole line of their positions, at half-past six in the morning, when the monarch, which had the honour of leading the fleet, appeared sufficiently advanced to be nearly within their range: a compliment which was soon returned, and with far better effect, on the town of elsineur, by the leading ships, as well as by some of those which composed the centre and rear divisions. the danes, from a long received opinion in europe, that the possession of cronenberg castle gave them an uncontrouled command of the passage of the sound, have exacted, for more than a century, the undisputed right of levying contributions on all vessels trading to and from the baltic, in proportion to the value of the cargoes: an imposition so sanctioned by time, that they considered any augmentation to the works as superfluous; and, relying on the co-operation of the swedes, had fortunately neglected to render the approach more difficult, by forming a line of floating-batteries. the channel of the sound offers a prospect of very singular interest. on the right, appear the territories of denmark; the islands of saltholm and amak, with part of zealand; and copenhagen, the capital of the kingdom, nearly in the front. the shore of denmark presents a continued succession of fertile plains, umbrageous woods, rich meadows, rural mansions, neat villas, and embellished gardens; while the swedish side chiefly exhibits, with much excellent pasture, a mountainous and picturesque coast. the island of nuen, too, famous for the observatory of the celebrated tycho brahe, fails not to attract the attention of every curious voyager: from whence the eye, looking back, perceives the fortresses of elsineur, cronenberg, and helsingberg, apparently unite, bounding a vast lake to the north; but, on advancing, immediately descries the ocean, and the whole extent of the plain of copenhagen, with it's capacious port crouded by vessels, and it's highly cultivated environs. on the side next the sea, this city, which is visible at the distance of several miles, presents itself in all it's magnificence; and the gothic towers, with which it abounds, greatly engage the attention of every spectator, as well by the loftiness of their spires, as by the variety of their pleasingly grotesque decorations. the fortresss of fredericstadt, supported on one side by the batteries of one of the arsenals, defends the entrance of the harbour: where there is, also, another battery; and where, as at this period, in case of necessity, a number of flat-bottomed boats, and floating-batteries, may likewise be stationed. it appears that sir hyde parker had, with the soundest discretion, now left every thing, but the nominal chief command, to our hero; who, with his usual alertness on all important occasions, lost not a single moment in preparing for the grand attack of the danish capital. "the attempt," observes an ingenious eye-witness, said to be mr. fergusson, surgeon of the elephant, "was arduous in the extreme; no common mind durst have conceived it, but it was suited to the exalted heroism of his. as his was the invigorating spirit of the counsel that planned the attack; so, in the execution, he only could have commanded success." during the interval which preceded the battle, the passage to the scene of action being very little known, and extremely intricate, his lordship had the soundings accurately made under his own eye and observation, and the several buoys laid which were to direct the passage of the fleet; the vast fatigue of this employ was too much for his tender constitution, and had nearly proved fatal, but he was happily re-invigorated by his excessive zeal. with the most indefatigable attention, did he prescribe every measure to be adopted by all ranks and degrees under his command; and there was no possible position that could have been contrived by the enemy, for which he was not effectually prepared, "i could only admire," says mr. fergusson, modestly disclaiming nautical science, "when i saw the first man in all the world spend the hours of the day and the night in boats; and wonder, when the light shewed me a path, marked by buoys, which was trackless the preceding evening." it had been agreed, with sir hyde parker, that his lordship should proceed with twelve ships of the line, and all the frigates, bomb-ketches, fire-ships, and other vessels, to draco point, a short distance from copenhagen, for the purpose of making his final dispositions for the attack; waiting, there, the favourable effect of a wind to the southward: and the commander in chief was to weigh anchor, with his division, whenever his lordship should proceed to the immediate scene of action; thus menacing, by his advance, the crown batteries, together with four ships or hulks which lay near for the protection of the arsenal, as well as covering any vessels which might happen to be disabled in an attack where they must necessarily be so prodigiously exposed. being now fully prepared, his lordship, with that truly christian spirit which, in direct opposition to the puritanic cant of piety, was ever far more manifested by his actions than expressed by his lips, devoutly exclaimed--"thank god, for having enabled me to get through this difficult and fatiguing part of my duty: which has, really, worn me down; and is infinitely more grievous to me, than any resistance i can experience from an enemy!" the subsequent circumstances, as described by mr. fergusson, are so very characteristically detailed, that they cannot fail highly to interest every reader--"on the st of april, in the afternoon," says this ingenious gentleman, "we took our departure from the main body of the fleet, then lying about four miles below copenhagen; and coasted along the outer edge of the shoal called the middle ground, till we doubled it's farthest extremity, when the squadron cast anchor. this shoal, of the same extent as the sea-front of the town, lies exactly before it, at about three quarters of a mile in distance. the interval between it and the shore has deep water, and is called the king's channel. there the danes had arranged their line of defence, as near the town as possible. it consisted of nineteen ships and floating-batteries, flanked at the lower extremity by two artificial islands in the mouth of the harbour, called the crown batteries, and extended for about a mile along the whole extent of the town, leaving intervals for the batteries on shore to play. as our anchor dropped, at eight in the evening, lord nelson emphatically called out, that he would fight them the moment he had a fair wind. it came with the morning; and the signal to prepare for battle, floated from our mast-head. he had spent the whole night in consultation. the gallant and ever to be lamented captain riou never left him. captain hardy, too, was there, of course; and the brave and the good captain foley. to mark the spirit which the presence and example of lord nelson never failed to inspire, captain hardy, as soon as it became dark, had ventured along the enemy's line, in the smallest sized boat; and, as he went so near that the noise of throwing the lead might have discovered him, he used a long pole, or rod, on which he marked the depth of the water. about half past nine in the morning, the signals of the different ships having been made, repeated, and answered, we had the mortification to see the agamemnon get upon the edge of the shoal, on the first attempt to leave her anchorage, where she remained immovable. a similar misfortune followed, in succession, to the russell and polyphemus; and the jamaica frigate, with a convoy of gun-boats and small craft, having fallen in with a counter-current, made the signal of inability to come forward. a mind less invincible than lord nelson's, might have been discouraged. though the battle was not began, yet he had approached the enemy; and he felt that he could not retreat, to wait for reinforcements, without compromising the glory of his country. his soul, too, was ever superior to common discouragements; and, the signal to bear down still kept it's place. his agitation, during these moments, was extreme. i never shall forget the impression that it made upon me! it was not, however, the agitation of indecision; but of ardent, animated patriotism, panting for glory, which had appeared within his reach, and was vanishing from his grasp. the edgar, at last, led in. i shall not attempt to describe the scene that ensued, for language has not the power. we were received with the fire of more than a thousand guns! no sooner had all the ships got into their stations, than the countenance of our chief brightened, and his good-humour flowed. as the fire rolled, his conversation became joyous, animated, elevated, and delightful; for, confident of victory, he knew that his deck was, at that moment, the most glorious theatre of human nature. for an hour, the battle raged. our fire was regular, distinctive, and terrible; that of the enemy was becoming desultory and ill-directed. when the signal-lieutenant called out, that number , (to discontinue the action) was thrown out by the commander in chief, then about four miles off, lord nelson refused to believe it: but, when he was again assured, he exclaimed--"then, damn the signal; take no notice of it, and hoist mine for closer battle: that is the way i answer such signals!" it flew, at the word; and every ship engaged respected it as soon as seen. he again exclaimed--"now, nail mine to the mast!" and, turning to captain foley, with admirable good-humour said--"foley, you know i have lost an eye, and have a right to be blind when i like; and, damn me, if i'll see that signal!"--pointing to sir hyde parker's ship. at a quarter before three in the afternoon, the victory was compleat; the whole danish line, that was drawn up before the town, having struck their colours, after a dreadful defence, and their ships becoming untenable. the elephant, the flag-ship, about an hour before, in veering away cable, to get opposite the crown batteries, had stuck on a small middle shoal, and remained fast: the same misfortune had happened to the defiance; and, i believe, one more besides. to board the prizes was difficult; or, rather, impossible: for, being under the batteries of the town, no boat could approach them. lord nelson, therefore, sent a flag of truce, with the following letter-- "lord nelson has directions to spare denmark, when no longer resisting; but, if the firing is continued on the part of denmark, lord nelson will be obliged to set on fire all the floating-batteries he has taken, without having the power of saving the brave danes who have defended them. "nelson and bronte, "vice-admiral, under the command of "admiral sir hyde parker. "dated on board his majesty's ship elephant, copenhagen roads, "april , . "to the brothers of englishmen, the danes." "it may be farther characteristic of his lordship, to mention that, when a wafer was brought for the above letter, he said--"no; bring me wax, and a match: this is no time to appear hurried and informal." an unfounded idea has prevailed, that the flag of truce was sent to cover his own ships, which would inevitably have been destroyed if the danes had not been cajoled into an armistice; and the victory is, thereby, converted into a defeat: but the victory was too decisive, to be thus ravished from his grasp. the enemy were compleatly horrified and dismayed, at the carnage and ruin which a dreadful contest of five hours had involved them in. the batteries of the town were too far distant, to have much effect even upon the ships aground; sir hyde parker, with the rest of the fleet, could soon have approached; and, as to the crown batteries, which alone were to be dreaded, the following disposition was made for carrying them--as the flag of truce left the admiral's ship, fifteen hundred of the choicest boarders, who had been selected from the whole fleet previously to the action, descended into fifty boats, thirty men in each boat. these boats were to be commanded by the honourable colonel stewart, and captain freemantle. the moment it could be known, that the flag of truce was refused, the boats were to have pushed for the batteries. the fire of every gun in the fleet would have covered their approach; a few minutes would have carried them there; and let any one ask himself, what defence was to be expected from five hundred raw danish soldiers, on an ill-built battery, that gave no cover--fatigued, besides, by the carnage of a terrible battle--against such assailants, flushed with victory, and irresistible in courage." it may, however, be proper to remark, that we could have done little more than spiked the guns; as these batteries, being within the range of the fire of the citadel, were not possible to have been long retained. the following note, in answer to that sent on shore by lord nelson, was brought in a flag of truce from copenhagen, by general-adjutant lindholm. "his royal highness, the crown prince, has sent me, general-adjutant lindholm, on board, to his britannic majesty's vice-admiral, the right honourable lord nelson, to ask the particular object of sending the flag of truce?" though sir frederic thesiger, formerly a commander in the russian service, and who had been recommended, by earl spencer, to accompany lord nelson as what is absurdly denominated, with a very reprehensible spirit of gallicism to introduce into the british navy, the admiral's aide-de-camp, had carried the flag of truce, with lord nelson's note, and was authorized verbally to enlarge on the humanity of it's import, some suspicions appear to have been entertained as to the true nature and extent of his lordship's object; and, therefore, general-adjutant lindholm was thus commissioned to procure a farther explanation in writing. his lordship, accordingly, addressed to the government of denmark the following reply. "lord nelson's object in sending the flag of truce, is humanity. he, therefore, consents that hostilities shall cease, till lord nelson can take his prisoners out of the prizes; and he consents to land all the wounded danes, and to burn or remove his prizes. "lord nelson, with humble duty to his royal highness, begs leave to say, that he will ever esteem it the greatest victory he ever gained, if this flag of truce may be the happy forerunner of a lasting and happy union, between his own most gracious sovereign and his majesty the king of denmark. "nelson and bronte. "elephant, d april ." the danish government, now wisely satisfied of lord nelson's sincerity, immediately invited him on shore, that a conference might be held with the king of denmark, for arranging the preliminaries of an amicable treaty; and his lordship, without hesitation, visited copenhagen in the afternoon of this very day. on landing at the quay, the carriage of a respectable merchant, by whom it had been purposely sent, was respectfully offered to his lordship: the royal carriage, intended for our hero's conveyance, not having arrived sufficiently soon; owing to the suddenness of his arrival, and the vast press of people who had assembled to behold him. much has been said, respecting the temper of this prodigious multitude, on first seeing the british hero among them: some protesting, that the conqueror of their country in the morning, was hailed, in the afternoon, as their guardian angel--which, all things considered, he perhaps well deserved to have been; while others maintain, that the people's fury was so excessive, and their knowledge of his lordship's views so imperfect, that they were with difficulty restrained from absolutely tearing in pieces the pacific hero who had thus, inspired by the most humane and generous sentiments, fearlessly ventured his person among them. it may be very difficult, and cannot on this occasion prove of much importance, to ascertain the exact truth; which seldom resides in extremes, and is not always found precisely in the centre, where dull and formal gravity is ever induced alone to seek it. whatever might seem the momentary bias of the mob, they unquestionably proceeded to no actual outrage; and it is universally agreed, that the danes, of all ranks, were no sooner made acquainted with our hero's humane and generous motives, than they greeted him with every testimony of the truest admiration and regard. lord nelson having walked to the royal palace of the octagon, the crown prince received him in the hall; conducted him up stairs; and presented him to the king, whose very infirm state is said to have greatly affected our hero's sensibility. the preliminary objects of this impressive interview having been arranged, with every appearance of reciprocal sincerity, his lordship readily accepted an invitation to partake of some refreshment with the crown prince. during the repast, lord nelson spoke in raptures of the valour of the danes; and he is asserted to have declared that, though the french fought bravely, they could not have stood one hour the fight which the danes had maintained for four. "i have been," observed his lordship, "in one hundred and five engagements, in the course of my life, but that of to-day was the most terrible of all." it is added, that he particularly requested the crown prince would introduce him to a very young officer, whom he described as having performed wonders during the battle, by attacking the elephant immediately under the lower guns. this proved to be a youth of seventeen, named villemoes: whom the hero, on his being presented, immediately embraced with the affection of a brother; and delicately intimated, that he ought to be made an admiral. the crown prince, with peculiar felicity, instantly replied--"if, my lord, i were to make all my brave officers admirals, i should have no captains or lieutenants in my service." this heroic stripling had volunteered the command of a sort of raft, called a praam, carrying twenty-four guns, and a hundred and twenty men; on which, having pushed off from shore, in the fury of battle, he got under the stern of his lordship's ship, below the reach of the stern-chasers, and fired with considerable effect. the british marines, however, made terrible slaughter among these brave fellows; many of whom were soon killed, but their young commander still remained at his post, surrounded by the slain, till the announcement of the truce. the crown prince has since presented this youth with a medallion commemorative of his gallantry, and appointed him to the command of the royal yacht in which his royal highness makes his annual visit to holstein. on the day following, lord nelson addressed the official account of this great victory to sir hyde parker, his commander in chief. "elephant, off copenhagen, d april . "sir, "in obedience to your directions, to report the proceedings of the squadron named in the margin--[the elephant, defiance, monarch, bellona, edgar, russell, ganges, glatton, isis, agamemnon, polyphemus, and ardent, ships of the line; the amazon, desirée, blanche, and alcmene, frigates; the dart, arrow, cruiser, and harpy, sloops; the zephyr, and otter, fire-ships; the discovery, sulphur, hecla, explosion, zebra, terror, and volcano, bombs; with eight gun-brigs]--which you did me the honour to place under my command, i beg leave to inform you that, having by the assistance of that able officer captain riou, and the unremitting exertions of captain brisbane and the masters of the amazon and cruiser in particular, buoyed the channel of the outer deep and the position of the middle ground, the squadron passed in safety, and anchored off draco the evening of the st: and that, yesterday morning, i made the signal for the squadron to weigh; and to engage the danish line, consisting of seven sail of the line, ten floating-batteries mounting from twenty-six twenty-four pounders, to eighteen eighteen pounders, and one bomb-ship, besides schooner gun-vessels. these were supported by the crown islands, mounting eighty-eight cannon; four sail of the line, moored in the harbour's mouth; and some batteries on the island of amak. "the bomb-ship, and schooner gun-vessels, made their escape; the other seventeen sail are sunk, burnt, or taken, being the whole of the danish line to the southward of the crown islands, after a battle of four hours. "from the very intricate navigation, the bellona and russell unfortunately grounded: but, although not in the situation assigned them, yet so placed as to be of great service. the agamemnon could not weather the shoal of the middle ground, and was obliged to anchor: but not the smallest blame can be attached to captain fancourt; it was an event to which all the ships were liable. these accidents prevented the extension of our line by the three ships before mentioned: who would, i am confident, have silenced the crown islands, the two outer ships in the harbour's mouth, and prevented the heavy loss in the defiance and monarch; and which unhappily threw the gallant and good captain riou (to whom i had given the command of the frigates and sloops named in the margin--[the blanche, alcmene, dart, arrow, zephyr, and otter]--to assist the attack of the ships at the harbour's mouth) under a very heavy fire. the consequence has been, the death of captain riou, and many brave officers and men in the frigates and sloops. the bombs were directed, and took their stations, abreast of the elephant, and threw some shells into the arsenal. captain rose, who volunteered his services to direct the gun-brigs, did every thing that was possible to get them forward, but the current was too strong for them to be of service during the action; but not the less merit was due to captain rose, and--i believe--all the officers and crews of the gun-vessels, for their exertions. "the boats of those ships of the fleet who were not ordered on the attack, afforded us every assistance; and the officers and men who were in them, merit my warmest approbation. "the desirée took her station in raking the southernmost danish ship of the line, and performed the greatest service. "the action began at five minutes past ten. the van led by captain george murray of the edgar, who set a noble example of intrepidity, which was as well followed up by every captain, officer, and man, in the squadron. it is my duty to state to you, the high and distinguished merit and gallantry of rear-admiral graves. "to captain foley, who permitted me the honour of hoisting my flag in the elephant, i feel under the greatest obligations; his advice was necessary, on many important occasions, during the battle. i beg leave to express how much i feel indebted to every captain, officer, and man, for their zeal and distinguished bravery on this occasion. colonel stewart did me the favour to be on board the elephant; and himself, with every officer and soldier under his orders, shared with pleasure the toils and dangers of the day. "the loss, in such a battle, has naturally been very heavy. amongst many other brave officers and men who were killed, i have, with sorrow, to place the name of captain moss, of the monarch, who has left a wife and six children to lament his loss; and, among the wounded, that of captain sir thomas boulden thompson, of the bellona. "i have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant, "nelson and bronte." the above letter being transmitted to england by sir hyde parker, inclosed in his dispatches to government, was afterwards published in the london gazette, preceded by the following public letter from the commander in chief. "copenhagen roads, th april . "sir, "you will be pleased to acquaint the lords commissioners of the admiralty, that since my letter of the d of march, no opportunity of wind offered for going up the sound, until the th; when the wind shifted, in a most violent squall, from the south-west to the north-west and north, and blew with such violence, and so great a sea, as to render it impossible for any ship to have weighed her anchor. the wind and sea were even so violent, as to oblige many ships to let go a second anchor to prevent them from driving, notwithstanding they were riding with two cables an end; and, by the morning, the wind veered again to the southward of the west. on the th of last month, the wind having come to the northward, we passed into the sound with the fleet; but not before i had assured myself of the hostile intention of the danes to oppose our passage. after anchoring about five or six miles from the island of huen, i reconnoitred, with vice-admiral lord nelson and rear-admiral graves, the formidable line of ships, radeaus, pontoons, galleys, fireships, and gun-boats, flanked and supported by extensive batteries on the two islands called the crown; the largest of which was mounted with from fifty to seventy pieces of cannon. these were again commanded by two ships of seventy guns, and a large frigate, in the inner road of copenhagen; and two sixty-four gun ships, without masts, were moored on the flat on the starboard side of the entrance into the arsenal. the day after, the wind being southerly, we again examined their position, and came to the resolution of attacking them from the southward. vice-admiral lord nelson having offered his services for conducting the attack, had some days before we entered the sound shifted his flag to the elephant; and, after having examined and buoyed the outer channel of the middle ground, his lordship proceeded, with the twelve ships of the line named in the margin--[elephant, defiance, monarch, bellona, edgar, russell, ganges, glatton, isis, agamemnon, polyphemus, and ardent]--all the frigates, bombs, fire-ships, and all the small vessels; and, that evening, anchored off draco point, to make his disposition for the attack, and wait for the wind to the southward. it was agreed, between us, that the remaining ships with me, should weigh at the same moment his lordship did, and menace the crown batteries and the four ships of the line that lay at the entrance of the arsenal; as, also, to cover our disabled ships, as they came out of action. "i have, now, the honour to inclose a copy of vice-admiral lord nelson's report to me of the action on the d instant. his lordship has stated so fully the whole of his proceedings on that day, as only to leave me the opportunity to testify my entire acquiescence and testimony of the bravery and intrepidity with which the action was supported throughout the line. was it possible for me to add anything to the well-earned renown of lord nelson, it would be by asserting that his exertions, great as they have heretofore been, never were carried to a higher pitch of zeal for his country's service. i have only to lament, that the sort of attack, confined within an intricate and narrow passage, excluded the ships particularly under my command from the opportunity of exhibiting their valour: but i can with great truth assert, that the same spirit and zeal animated the whole of the fleet; and i trust, that the contest in which we are engaged will, on some future day, afford them an occasion of shewing that the whole were inspired with the same spirit, had the field been sufficiently extensive to have brought it into action. "it is with the deepest concern, i mention the loss of captains moss and riou; two very brave and gallant officers, whose loss, as i am well informed, will be sensibly felt by the families they have left behind them: the former, a wife and children; the latter, an aged mother. from the known gallantry of sir thomas thompson, on former occasions, the naval service will have to regret the loss of the future exertions of that brave officer, whose leg was shot off. for all other particulars, i beg leave to refer their lordships to captain otway; who was with lord nelson in the latter part of the action, and is able to answer any questions that may be thought necessary to put to him. a return of the killed and wounded you will receive herewith." killed. officers seamen, marines, and soldiers -- wounded. officers seamen, marines, and soldiers - --- total killed and wounded --- after a week's negotiation, during which lord nelson daily went on shore, and greatly endeared himself to the virtuous of all ranks, for his amiable frankness, generosity, and honour, the following treaty was signed and sealed, as the basis of returning amity between great britain and denmark. "the danish government on the one hand--and admiral sir hyde parker, knight, commander in chief of his britannic majesty's forces in the road of copenhagen, on the other--being, from motives of humanity, equally anxious to put a stop to the farther effusion of blood, and to save the city of copenhagen from the disastrous consequences which may attend a farther prosecution of hostilities against that city, have mutually agreed upon a military armistice, or suspension of arms. his danish majesty having, for that purpose, appointed major-general ernest frederic walterstorff, chamberlain to his danish majesty, and colonel to a regiment; and adjutant-general hans lindholm, captain in his danish majesty's navy; his commissioners for agreeing about the terms of the said armistice--and admiral sir hyde parker, knight, having, with the same view, duly authorized the right honourable horatio lord nelson of the nile, knight of the most honourable order of the bath, duke of bronte in sicily, knight of the grand cross of the order of st. ferdinand and of merit, and of the imperial order of the ottoman crescent, vice-admiral in the fleet of his britannic majesty; and the right honourable william stewart, lieutenant-colonel in his britannic majesty's service, and commanding a detachment of his britannic majesty's forces embarked--the said commissioners have met this day; and, having exchanged their respective powers, have agreed upon the following terms-- "article i. "from the moment of the signature of this armistice, all hostilities shall immediately cease, between the fleet under the command of admiral sir hyde parker, and the city of copenhagen, and all the armed ships and vessels of his danish majesty in the road or harbour of that city; as, likewise, between the different islands and provinces of denmark, jutland included. "article ii. "the armed ships and vessels belonging to his danish majesty shall remain in their present actual situation, as to armament, equipment, and hostile position; and the treaty, commonly understood as the treaty of armed neutrality, shall, as far as relates to the co-operation of denmark, be suspended while the armistice remains in force. "on the other side, the armed ships and vessels under the command of admiral sir hyde parker, shall in no manner whatsoever molest the city of copenhagen, or his danish majesty's armed ships and vessels on the coasts of the different islands and provinces of denmark, jutland included; and, in order to avoid every thing which might otherwise create uneasiness or jealousy, sir hyde parker shall not suffer any of the ships or vessels under his command to approach within gun-shot of the armed ships or forts of his danish majesty, in the road of copenhagen. this restriction shall not, however, extend to vessels necessarily passing and repassing through the casper or king's channel. "article iii. "this armistice is to protect the city of copenhagen, as also the coast of denmark, of jutland, and islands included, against the attack of any other naval force which his britannic majesty may now, or hereafter, during it's remaining in force, have in those seas. "article iv. "the fleet of admiral sir hyde parker shall be permitted to provide itself at copenhagen, and along the coasts of the different islands and provinces of denmark, jutland included, with every thing which it may require for the health and comfort of it's crews. "article v. "admiral sir hyde parker shall send on shore all such subjects of his danish majesty as are now on board the british fleet under his command; the danish government engaging to give an acknowledgment for them, as also for all such wounded as were permitted to be landed after the action of the d instant, in order that they may be accounted for in favour of great britain, in the unfortunate event of the renewal of hostilities. "article vi. "the coasting trade carried on by denmark along all such parts of her coast as are included in the operation of this armistice, shall be unmolested by any british ships or vessels whatever, and instructions given accordingly by admiral sir hyde parker. "article vii. "this armistice is to continue, uninterrupted by the contracting parties, for the space of fourteen weeks from the signature hereof; at the expiration of which time, it shall be in the power of either of the said parties to declare a cessation of the same, and to recommence hostilities, upon giving fourteen days previous notice. "the conditions of this armistice are, upon all occasions, to be explained in the most liberal and loyal manner, so as to remove all ground for farther dispute, and facilitate the means of bringing about the restoration of harmony and good understanding between the two kingdoms. "in faith whereof, we, the undersigned commissioners, in virtue of our full powers, have signed the present armistice, and have affixed to it the seal of our arms. "done on board his britannic majesty's ship the london, in copenhagen roads, april , . "nelson and bronte. "william stewart. "ernest frederic walterstorff. "hans lindholm. "in pursuance of my abovementioned authority, i ratify this document with my hand-- "frederic. "ratified by me-- "hyde parker, admiral and commander in chief of his britannic majesty's fleet." the danes had great reason to be satisfied with the liberality of this armistice; the conditions of which certainly were, on our part, most strictly performed. it will appear that, on the part of denmark, this was not precisely the case. lord nelson's conduct, however, at once firm and conciliating, procured justice to his country without again resorting to arms. the first blow had been struck by denmark, and she had suffered for her rashness and temerity. even in passing the sound, her guns evinced the disposition, but happily possessed not the power, to injure the british fleet. a very heavy fire was kept up by the danes, but none of our ships received a shot. in the mean time, we had several bomb-ships firing on the town of elsineur, the shells from which killed upwards of a hundred and fifty people on shore. at copenhagen, still more confident in their strength, they had made every arrangement for the destruction of our fleet, but no preparation for the defeat of their own. shielded by nature with dangerous shoals, and fortified by art with powerful batteries, they seemed rather to invite, than to dread, any hostile attack. they reflected not, that the hero coming against them was no less expert as a navigator than as a warrior, and scarcely more a seaman than a soldier. happily his heroic heart was replete with humanity, and his dreadful ability to shed human blood only surpassed by his ardent desire to spare it's unnecessary effusion. the danes, trusting to the strength of their grand line of defence, composed of eighteen ships, block-ships, floating-batteries, &c. which were all, in a few hours, sunk, burnt, or taken, had neglected to engage surgeons for their wounded defenders; who were found bleeding to death, on boarding the different captured vessels, in prodigious numbers, and afforded a shocking spectacle of horror to our brave but humane seamen. to preserve his fellow creatures from wanton destruction, the hero's flag of truce unfurled; a pause was thus obtained; reason had time to operate; and the basis was immediately laid for a renewal of that amity which had happily prevailed, for a long series of years, between the two nations, though anciently the fiercest foes. the news of this victory was received in england with the utmost rejoicing; nor did the temper of the people fail to participate in their favourite hero's generous sentiments towards the brave but vanquished danes. they considered denmark as having been unwillingly dragged into the confederacy; they admired the patriotic courage of her misdirected sons; and generously lamented the cruel necessity of thus compelling them to relinquish a league, which had for it's object, beneath the artful veil of a generous love of liberty, that has sufficiently deluged the earth with blood, the unjust and absurd view of destroying the maritime power of great britain, by which the freedom of the, seas is alone preserved to the honourable commerce of all civilized nations. on the th of april, the earl of st. vincent, then first lord of the admiralty, made a motion in the house of peers--and mr. addington, now lord sidmouth, then chancellor of the exchequer, in the house of commons--of thanks to sir hyde parker, lord nelson, rear admiral graves, and the rest of the officers, seamen, and marines, for their very exemplary bravery displayed in the great and glorious victory atchieved at copenhagen; which were carried, in both houses, with acclamations of unanimous applause. the duke of clarence observed, of his old friend, lord nelson, whom he ever loved and revered, that fortune seemed to back his courage and intrepidity, in every enterprise he engaged; and acknowledged his own obligations, as a prince of the blood, to the gallant commanders, and to the whole fleet, for the accomplishment of a victory which, probably, in it's effects, would restore the possessions on the continent to his family, together with the peace and security of the british empire, and of europe. about a month afterwards, lord nelson was elevated to the rank of viscount of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, by the name, stile, and title, of viscount nelson of the nile, and of burnham-thorpe in the county of norfolk; an additional honour which was generally and justly considered, at the time, and must ever be regarded by posterity, as by no means equal to his high deserts. in the mean time, immediately after signing the convention with denmark, russia and sweden remaining still unattacked, sir hyde parker had proceeded to the eastward, with such ships as were in a condition for service: leaving lord nelson at copenhagen, with orders to repair his damaged ships, and dispose of the prizes; after which, he was to follow the commander in chief, and assist in accomplishing the other designs of this very important expedition. the repairs were not long compleating, and the prizes were soon disposed of; of the latter, all but one--the holstein of sixty-four guns--were found entirely unfit for service, and immediately destroyed. even this solitary remain of the danish formidable line of defence, was only judged worthy of being commissioned as an hospital-ship in the british fleet; yet villainy and weakness united to wrest from our hero the honour of a compleat victory, even on the spot where it had been felt as well as witnessed. lord nelson, after the battle of the d of april, had returned with his flag to the st. george; and, on the th, was ready to proceed after the commander in chief, who had entered the baltic, and greatly alarmed the russians, prussians, and swedes. most of the squadron of his lordship, however, touched the ground, in their passage through the narrow and shallow channel which divides the islands of amak and saltholm, and two or three of them actually sticking fast for a short time, he was detained, even after they did pass, to have the st. george lightened, which drew still more water than the rest, by taking out the guns, and putting them on board an american ship. while this was effecting, the report of the swedish fleet being out, with an intention to join that of russia, then lying at revel, reached his lordship. the instant he received this intelligence, though it was then a very cold evening of that climate, he descended into his gig, or smallest boat; and, after being so exposed on the water several hours, got again on board the elephant, the former bearer of his flag and triumph. lord nelson, in his extreme haste to quit the st. george, had neglected to take his boat-cloak; but he would not lose a moment in returning for it, notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather and the great distance he had necessarily to go. a master of one of the ships, who was ordered to attend, earnestly pressed his lordship's acceptance of a great coat which he had brought for himself. this, however, was as kindly refused, as it had been affectionately tendered--"i thank you," said the hero, "very much; but, to tell you the truth, my anxiety, at present, keeps me sufficiently warm." soon afterwards, his lordship asked--"think you, that the british fleet has quitted bornholm? if it has," continued he, without waiting for a reply, "we must follow it to carlscrona." his lordship had arrived about midnight; and, the next day, saw the swedish armament safely sheltered under the numerous forts and batteries erected on the island at the entrance of carlscrona; where, as he suspected, it had taken timely refuge from the british fleet. sir hyde parker, while on his voyage to revel, having gained intelligence of the intended junction of the swedish fleet with that of the russians against which he was proceeding, had immediately steered his course for the island of bornholm, with the hope of intercepting the swedes; but the commander, warned by the danish disaster, wisely retreated from the danger of a similar encounter, by returning into port with the utmost precipitation. scarcely had lord nelson quitted copenhagen, where he could not but have endeared himself to every virtuous heart, by his amiable liberality of disposition--bountifully rewarding youth of promise in the national military schools of the danes, as if he had been dealing honours among the deserving of his own country, and every way displaying the superior cast of his dignified soul--when he learned that olfert fischer, the danish commander in chief, had officially published the following shamefully partial account of this indisputably great and glorious victory, as transmitted to his royal highness the crown prince. danish official account of the battle of copenhagen. "on the st of april, at half past three in the afternoon, two divisions of the english fleet, under the command of vice-admiral lord nelson, and a rear-admiral, weighed anchor, and stood eastward, and by the south of the middle passage of the road, where they anchored. this force consisted of twelve ships of the line; and several large frigates, gun-boats, and other smaller vessels; in all, thirty-one sail. "on the d of april, at three-quarters past nine in the morning, the wind south-east, both the vessels to the south and the vessels to the north of the middle road, weighed anchor. the ships of the line, and heavy frigates, under lord nelson, steered for the konigstiefe, to take their stations, in order, along the line of defence confided to me. the gunboats, and small vessels, took their stations near the town; and the division of admiral parker, consisting of eight ships of the line, and some small vessels, steered with a press of sail southwards, to the right wing of defence. "at half past ten, the foremost ship of admiral nelson's division passed the southernmost ship of the line of defence. i gave those ships that were within shot the signal for battle. the block-ships, provesteen, and wagner, and immediately after these the jutland, between which and the block-ship dannebrog, the leading english ship of seventy-four guns fixed her station, by throwing out one of her rear-anchors, obeyed the signal, by a well directed and well supported fire. by degrees, the rest of the ships came up; and, as they sailed past, on both sides of the ships already at anchor, they formed a thick line: which, as it stretched northward to the ship of the line the zealand, engaged not more than two-thirds of the line of defence committed to me; while the trekroner--or three crowns battery--and the block-ships elephanten and mars, with the frigate hielperen, did not come at all into the action. "in half an hour, the battle was general. ten ships of the line, among which was one of eighty guns, the rest chiefly seventy-fours, and from six to eight frigates, on the one side: on the other, seven block-ships; of which, only one of seventy-four, the rest of sixty-four and under; two frigates; and six smaller vessels. _this was the respective strength of the two parties_. the enemy had, on the whole, _two ships to one_: and the block-ship provesteen had, besides a ship of the line and the rear-admiral, two frigates against her; by which she was raked the whole time, without being able to return a shot. "if i only recapitulate, _historically_, what your highness, and along with you a great portion of the citizens of denmark and europe, have seen, i may venture to call that an unequal combat, which was maintained, and supported, for four hours and a half, with unexampled courage and effect--in which the fire of the superior force was so much weakened, for an hour before the end of the battle, that several of the english ships, and particularly lord nelson's, were obliged to fire only single shots--that this hero, himself, in the middle and very heat of the battle, sent a flag of truce on shore to propose a cessation of hostilities--if i also add, that _it was announced to me, that two english ships of the line had struck_; but, being supported by fresh ships, again hoisted their flags--i may, in such circumstances, be permitted to say, and i believe _i may appeal to the enemy's own confession_, that in this engagement denmark's ancient naval reputation blazed forth with such incredible splendor, that i thank heaven all europe are the witnesses of it! "yet the scale, if not equal, did not decline far to the disadvantage of denmark. the ships that were first and most obstinately attacked, even surrounded by the enemy, the incomparable provesteen, wagner, and jutland, fought till almost all their guns were dismounted; but these vessels were obliged to give way to superior force, _and the danish fire ceased along the whole line from north to south_. "at half past eleven, the dannebrog ship of the line, which, lay along-side admiral nelson, was set on fire. i repaired, with my flag, on board the holstein, of the line, belonging to the north wing; _but the dannebrog long kept her flag flying, in spite of this disaster_. at the end of the battle, she had two hundred and seventy men killed and wounded. "at half past two, the holstein was so shattered, and had so many killed and wounded, and so many guns dismounted, that i _then carried the pendant to be hoisted instead of my flag, and went on shore, to the battery of the three crowns_, from whence i commanded the north wing; _which was slightly engaged with the division of admiral parker_, till about four o'clock, when i received orders from your royal highness to put an end to the engagement. "thus, the quarter of the line of defence, from the three crowns to the frigate hielperen, was in the power of the enemy; and the hielperen, finding herself alone, slipped her cables, and steered to stirbfeir. the ship elven, after she had received many shots in the hull, and had her masts and rigging shot away, and a great number killed and wounded, retreated within the crowns. the gunboats, nyebrog and aggershuus--which last towed the former away, when near sinking--ran ashore, and the gurnarshe floating-battery, which had suffered much, together with the block-ship dannebrog, shortly after the battle, blew up. "besides the visible loss the enemy have suffered, i am convinced, their loss in killed and wounded is considerable. the advantage the enemy have gained by their victory, too, _consists merely in ships which are not fit for use, in spiked cannon, and gunpowder damaged by sea-water_. "the number killed and wounded cannot yet be exactly ascertained; but i calculate it, from sixteen to eighteen hundred men. among the former, it is with grief that i mention the captains of the block-ship infoedstratten and the frigate kronbrog, captain thura and first-lieutenant hauch, with several other brave officers: among the wounded, the commander of the dannebrog; who, besides other wounds, has lost his right hand. "i want expression, to do justice to the unexampled courage of the officers and crews. the battle itself can only enable you to form an idea of it. "olfert fischer." the honourable mind of lord nelson indignantly revolted at the meanness conspicuous in this account; and he was resolved to chastise the pusillanimous malignity which it was so clumsily adapted to cover, by addressing the following letter, through general-adjutant lindholm, to the crown prince of denmark, that his royal highness might see his lordship's sense of such a wretched attempt to deprive our hero of the honour of a victory, and screen the danish commander in chief, himself, from the dreaded shame of a defeat not in itself by any means disgraceful. "st. george, at sea, d april . "my dear sir, "commodore fischer having, in a public letter, given an account to the world of the battle of the d, called upon his royal highness as a witness to the truth of it. i, therefore, think it right to address myself to you, for the information of his royal highness; as, i assure you, had this officer confined himself to his own veracity, i should have treated his official letter with the contempt it deserved, and allowed the world to appreciate the merits of the two contending officers. i shall make a few, and very few, observations on this letter. he asserts the superiority of numbers on the part of the british; it will turn out, if that is of any consequence, that the danish line of defence, to the southward of the crown islands, was much stronger, and more numerous, than the british. we had only five sail of seventy-fours, two sixty-fours, two fifties, and one frigate, engaged; a bomb vessel, towards the latter end, threw some shells into the arsenal. two seventy-fours, and one sixty-four, by an accident, grounded; or the crown islands, and the elephanten and mars, would have had full employment: and, by the assistance of the frigates--who went to try, alone, what i had directed the three sail of the line who grounded to assist them in--i have reason to hope, they would have been equally successful as that part of the british line engaged. i am ready to admit, that many of the danish officers and men behaved as well as men could do, and deserved not to be abandoned by their commander. i am justified in saying this, from commodore fischer's own declaration. in his own letter, he states that, after he quitted the dannebrog, she long contested the battle. if so, more shame for him to quit so many brave fellows! _here_ was no manoeuvering, it was downright fighting; and it was his duty to have shewn an example of firmness becoming the high trust reposed in him. he went in such a hurry, if he went before she struck--which, but for his own declaration, i can hardly believe--that he forgot to take his broad pendant with him, for both pendant and ensign were struck together; and it is from this circumstance, that i claimed the commodore as a prisoner of war. he then went, as he says, on board the holstein--the brave captain of which did not want him--where he did not hoist his pendant. from this ship, he went on shore, either before or after she struck, or he would have been again a prisoner. as to his nonsense about victory, his royal highness will not much credit him. i sunk, burnt, captured, or drove into the harbour, the whole line of defence to the southward of the crown islands. he says, he is told that two british ships struck. why did he not take possession of them? i took possession of his as fast as they struck. the reason is clear, that he did not believe it. he must have known the falsity of the report, and that no fresh british ships did come near the ships engaged. he states, that the ship in which i had the honour to hoist my flag fired, latterly, only single guns. it is true; for steady and cool were my brave fellows, and did not wish to throw away a single shot. he seems to exult, that i sent on shore a flag of truce. men of his description, if they ever are victorious, know not the feel of humanity. you know, and his royal highness knows, that the guns fired from the shore could only fire through the danish ships which had surrendered; and that, if i fired at the shore, it could only be in the same manner. god forbid, that i should destroy an unresisting dane! _when they became my prisoners, i became their protector_. humanity alone, could have been my object; but mr. fischer's carcase was safe, and he regarded not the sacred call of humanity. his royal highness thought as i did. it has brought about an armistice; which, i pray the almighty, may bring about a happy reconciliation between the two kingdoms. as i have not the names of all the ships correct--only of the thirteen, including the seven sail of the line which struck, remained at anchor, and fell into my possession after the battle--i shall, therefore, be very much obliged to you, for a correct list of their names; and the number of men, if possible to be obtained, on board each, and the numbers sent from the shore during the action. my earnest wish is, to be correct; and believe me, dear sir, with great esteem, your most obedient servant, "nelson and bronte." "general-adjutant lindholm." whatever severity may appear in this retort, it's, justice would be with difficulty refuted. the answer of general-adjutant lindholm apologizes, with very considerable address, for the commander in chief; but that honourable officer's reasoning is also tinctured with as much national partiality as is consistent with a due regard to truth. this is no uncommon effect of patriotic zeal in the best minds, and may be traced even in that of our hero. "copenhagen, d may . "my lord! "your lordship has imposed upon me a very painful task, by desiring me to communicate to his royal highness the crown prince the contents of that letter with which your lordship has favoured me the d of april; and in which you have treated commodore fischer with a severity which, as a brother officer, i cannot but think too great, indeed, i conceive, that your lordship has felt a certain degree of displeasure at that incorrectness which you have thought to find in commodore fischer's official report; but your lordship did not fully consider, at that moment, that he himself might have received incorrect reports: a fatality to which every commander in chief is exposed. i flatter myself, from your lordship's well-known candour and indulgence, that you will not think it presuming in me, or contrary to the respect i feel for your lordship, if i take the liberty of offering you some few observations in vindication of the conduct of commodore fischer. but, first, let me have the honour to assure your lordship, that i have not communicated to that officer your letter of the d of april; and that, what i take the liberty of offering your lordship, is absolutely my private and individual opinion. "your lordship thinks, that commodore fischer has over-rated the forces by which he was attacked, and under-rated his own; or, that he wrongly asserts the superiority of numbers on the part of the british. i must confess, that i am now, as i have always been, of opinion, that the squadron with which your lordship attacked our southern line of defence, say all those ships and vessels lying to the southward of the crown battery, was stronger then than that line. i will say nothing about our not having time sufficient to man our ships in the manner it was intended: they being badly manned, both as to number and as to quality of their crews, the greatest part of which were landmen; people that had been pressed, and who never before had been on board a ship or used to the exercise of guns. i will not mention our ships being old and rotten, and not having one-third of our usual complement of officers; i will confine myself to the number of guns, and from the ships named in your lordship's official report: and there i find, that your squadron carried one thousand and fifty-eight guns, of much greater calibre than our's; exclusive of carronnades, which did our ships so much injury; also, exclusive of your gun-brigs and bomb-vessels. "now, i can assure your lordship, upon my honour, that to my certain knowledge the number of guns on board of those eighteen ships and vessels of our's which were engaged (including the small ship the elbe, which came into the harbour towards the end of the action) amount to six hundred and thirty-four, i have not included our eleven gun-boats, carrying each two guns, as a couple of them only had an opportunity of firing a few shot. nor need i to mention the crown battery, on which sixty-six guns were mounted, as that battery did not fairly get into action, and only fired a few random shot. "when commodore fischer left the dannebrog, that ship was on fire, had many killed, several of it's officers wounded, and otherwise suffered much. it was, i conceive, the duty of the commander, to remove his broad pendant to another ship; and he went on board the holstein, from whence he commanded the line of defence; and where he remained two hours, his broad pendant flying on board the said ship. when this ship was mostly disabled, the commodore went to the crown battery, which also was under his command. he would, in my humble opinion, have been justified, from the wound he received on his head, to quit the command altogether, when he left the dannebrog; and no blame could ever have attached, for it, to his character as a soldier. i have given myself every possible pain, to be informed whether commodore fischer's pendant has been removed before or after the ship struck; and the officers all agree, in declaring, that the broad pendant has been replaced by a captain's pendant, both on board the dannebrog and the holstein, previous to those ships hauling down their ensign. it is even remarkable that, on board the dannebrog, the man who had taken down the broad pendant, and hoisted the captain's pendant, was killed when coming down the shrouds, and fell upon deck with the commodore's pendant in his hand. "i do not conceive that commodore fischer had the least idea of claiming as a victory what to every intent and purpose was a defeat: he has only thought, that this defeat was not an inglorious one; and, that our officers and men displayed much bravery and firmness, against force so superior in every respect. your lordship's report, and your letter to me, proves it. i confess, that your lordship took all the vessels opposed to you; except five, carrying together eighty-six guns. i am of opinion, with your lordship, that three ships of seventy-four guns each would have been a hard match for the three crowns battery; but, they certainly would have been forced to go away. "as to your lordship's motive for sending a flag of truce to our government, it can never be misconstrued; and your subsequent conduct has sufficiently shewn, that humanity is always the companion of true valour. you have done more; you have shewn yourself a friend of the re-establishment of peace, and good harmony, between this country and great britain. it is, therefore, with the sincerest esteem, i shall always feel myself attached to your lordship; and it is with the greatest respect i have the honour to subscribe myself, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, "h. lindholm." on these respective letters, the judicious part of mankind will judge for themselves. we need not have blushed for a lindholm, but we have reason to glory in our nelson. olfert fischer, notwithstanding the arguments of his able apologist, must always be considered as having been superabundantly solicitous for the safety of his own person: in leaving two different ships, by his own confession, while the respective crews continued fighting; and finally retiring, to continue his command, under cover of a powerful battery on shore. his roundly asserting, that we had two ships for one, and that he was told two english ships had struck; his ungenerous and distorted application of lord nelson's noble acknowledgment of the general bravery of the danes; and the low source of solace that he finds in disingenuously limiting the advantage gained by the victory to the possession of a few wretched wrecks, without at all appreciating the grand political consequences which it so fully accomplished; exhibit, in the whole, a disposition meanly selfish, conspicuously sordid, and deplorably deficient in all the most lofty qualities of mind. what a contrast to our immortal nelson! whose single sentence, in his letter of rebuke for this man--"_god forbid that i should destroy an unresisting dane!_ when they became my prisoners, i became their protector!"--deserves to be charactered with letters of diamonds on the shrine destined to cover the hero's hallowed remains. lord nelson did not think it necessary to differ with his friend lindholm, an undoubted man of honour, about punctilious particulars. to his own mind, however, or that of an enemy, he would not abate a particle of what he had asserted. the following statement is copied from a private memorandum of his lordship's, in which he acutely turns the scale of superior force against the danes. "lindholm ought to have omitted the guns of the russell, bellona, agamemnon, amazon, alcmene, blanche, dart, and arrow; as the two first were aground; and, although within random shot, yet unable to do that service expected from seventy-four gun ships. the agamemnon was not within three miles; the others, frigates and sloops, were exposed to a part of the crown battery and the ships in the other channel, but not fired upon by the eighteen sail drawn up to the southward of the crown islands. therefore, sixty-six guns are to be taken from the british, and a hundred and sixty-six guns added to the danes: viz. sixty-six, crown batteries--(i think, there were eighty-eight)--and a hundred for the batteries on amack; besides random shot from the ships in the other channel, citadel, &c. therefore, the account ought to stand thus-- guns, by lindholm's account deduct, as above ---- british force in action ---- danish force, by lindholm's account add, i say, at least danish force british force superiority of the danes " though lord nelson could not have rested without satisfying himself of the precise fact, he saw no necessity for entering into any altercation, on so trivial a topic, with general-adjutant lindholm. he contented himself, therefore, with immediately closing the subject, by the following very liberal reply. st. george, may d, . "my dear lord, "i was yesterday evening favoured with your reply to my letter of the d of april; and i have no scruple in assuring you, that if commodore fischer's letter had been couched in the same manly and honourable manner, i should have been the last man to have noticed any little inaccuracies which might get into a commander in chief's public letter; and if the commodore had not called upon his royal highness for the truth of his assertions, i never should have noticed his letter. you have stated, truly, the force which would have been brought into action, but for the accidents of their getting aground; and, except the desirée frigate, no other frigate or sloop fired a gun to the southward of the crown islands. i have done ample justice to the bravery of nearly all your officers and men; and, as it is not my intention to hurt your feelings, or those of his royal highness--but, on the contrary, to try and merit your esteem--i will only say, that i am confident you would not have wrote such a letter. nothing, i flatter myself, in my conduct, ought to have drawn ridicule on my character from the commodore's pen; and you have borne the handsomest testimony of it, in contradiction to his. i thought then, as i did before the action, and do now, that it is not the interest of our countries to injure each other. i am sorry that i was forced to write you so unpleasant a letter; but, for the future, i trust that none but pleasant ones will pass between us: for, i assure you, that i hope to merit the continuation of your esteem, and of having frequent opportunities of assuring you how i feel interested in being your sincere and faithful friend, "nelson and bronte." "adjutant-general lindholm." after a correspondence between vice-admiral cronstadt, adjutant-general for the swedish fleet and commander in chief at carlscrona, with sir hyde parker, which terminated in assurances of a pacific tendency, russia remained the only object now worthy of any serious regard. the baltic fleet wintering in two divisions, at the two great naval arsenals of revel and cronstadt, and the ships in the former station being locked in by the ice several weeks longer than at the latter, it was then about the time when it might be possible to get into revel. for that port, therefore, the british fleet immediately steered: but was met by a dispatch-boat, on the d of april, from the russian ambassador at copenhagen, announcing the death of the emperor paul; and bearing conciliatory propositions from alexander the first, who had succeeded to the imperial dignities of all the russian empire. sir hyde parker, on receiving this intelligence, immediately returned into anchorage near copenhagen: a measure which by no means met the approbation of lord nelson; who well knew that, in order to negociate with effect, at critical periods, force should always be at hand, and in a situation to act. the british fleets, he conceived, ought to have held a position between the two russian squadrons; so as to have prevented the possibility of their effecting a junction, should their pacific dispositions prove otherwise than sincere. on the th of may, sir hyde parker having been recalled, lord nelson was appointed to be commander in chief; but his health was now so greatly impaired, and his spirits were so much depressed, that he received it with little hope of being able long to enjoy it's advantages. however, not another moment was lost: for, after requiring an explicit declaration that the british trade should not be molested by sweden, in his absence, nine sail of the line immediately weighed anchor; and proceeded, with his lordship, towards revel. he wished for farther satisfaction respecting the friendly disposition of the russians; and thought the best method of putting it to proof, was that of trying how he should be received in one of their ports. on the passage, every possible opportunity was embraced for arranging, with the different commanders, plans of conduct to be adopted in the event of either finding the russians friendly or hostile. there was a sincere desire for peace, but not the smallest dread of war. his lordship, however, no sooner approached the port of revel, which he had determined to enter, than he learned, to his extreme mortification, that the state of the ice had permitted the escape of the russian fleet to cronstadt, on the th of may, being three days prior to his arrival. lord nelson was disappointed, but not disconcerted. an amicable correspondence was commenced; the governor and forts were saluted; he was permitted to anchor in the outer port; and, an invitation from shore being readily accepted by our hero, he was entertained with the greatest respect and attention by the governor, admiral, and all the russian officers, at revel. it appears, however, that the suspicions of some less honourable minds had been excited, on the occasion, to a height of considerable alarm; and, a letter having been received, on the th, from the comte de pahlen, censuring his lordship for thus visiting the gulph of finland, he was resolved immediately to prevent the effect of all malevolent misrepresentations, by returning to join the squadron off bornholm, where he had left captain murray with seven sail of the line. in a letter to his excellency earl carysfort, dated on board the st. george, off gothland, may th, , in which his lordship incloses a copy of his correspondence with the comte de pahlen, he says--"you will have your opinion, as i have mine, that he never would have wrote such a letter, if the fleet had been at revel in april. mine was a desire to mark a particular civility; which, as it was not treated in the way i think handsome, i left revel on sunday the th, and here i am. from all the russian officers at revel, i received the most attentive behaviour; and, i believe, they are as much surprised at the answer as i was. sir hyde parker's letter on the release of the british merchant ships has not been answered. i hope, all is right: but seamen are but bad negociators; for, we put to issue in five minutes, what diplomatic forms would be five months doing." he observes that, though he feels sensible all which he sends in this letter is of no consequence; still he knows, from experience, that to be informed there is nothing particular passing, is comfortable. "our fleet," he adds, "is twenty-two sail of the line, and forty-six frigates, bombs, fire-ships, and gun-vessels; and, in the fleet, not one man in the hospital-ship. a finer fleet," his lordship exultingly concludes, "never graced the ocean!" such, however, was his lordship's ill state of health, that he had, on the day of quitting revel, written home for permission to relinquish the command, that he might try and re-establish it, by immediately returning to england; being unable, at present, as his lordship stated, to execute the high trust reposed in him, with either comfort to himself, or benefit to the state. captain murray, having been relieved from his station, by a squadron under rear-admiral totty, met lord nelson, with four sail of the line, off the north end of gothland; and, on the d, at three in the morning, his lordship joined the rear-admiral off gothland. he left him, however, the same evening; and, having sent the ganges, defence, and veteran, to water in kioge bay, anchored next day off rostock. his lordship had now not only received letters from the russian government of an indisputably amicable tendency, but his imperial majesty, alexander the first, with a wisdom and candour which do him the highest honour, absolutely sent admiral tchitchagoff for the purpose of holding a confidential communication with the british commander in chief. his lordship, accordingly, in a conference with this brave and worthy russian admiral, soon became satisfied that the emperor, like his own most gracious sovereign, was sincerely disposed to enter into an amicable arrangement, and they respectively exchanged written documents to that effect; thus proving, that two honest and wise seamen are by no means such bad pacific negociators as might be imagined. nor was this all; for, on the th, lord nelson received an invitation to visit the emperor alexander, in a letter from the comte de pahlen, which also apprised his lordship that the british merchant ships, unjustly detained by his imperial majesty's late predecessor, were now ordered to be liberated. to this pleasing communication, his lordship instantly returned the following answer, by the russian lugger which brought his letter from the count. "st. george, rostock bay, o'clock at night, th may . "sir, "i am this moment honoured with your excellency's flattering letter of may , o.s. and i assure you, that his imperial majesty's justice has filled the idea i had formed of his excellent heart and head; and, i am sure, the handsome manner in which the embargo has been taken off the british shipping, will give the greatest pleasure to my good and gracious sovereign. i am truly sensible of the great honour done me, by the invitation of his imperial majesty; and, at a future time, i hope to have the pleasure of presenting my humble duty. i have now only to pray that a permanent (which must be honourable) peace, may be re-established between our gracious sovereigns; and, that our august masters reigns may be blessed with every happiness which this world can afford: and i beg that your excellency will believe, that i am, with the highest respect, your most obedient and very humble servant, nelson and bronte. his excellency the comte de pahlen." there could now be no sort of doubt, that a peace with the northern powers must soon be concluded on terms honourable to all parties. the danes, however, though so liberally treated, appear to have been somewhat sore from the wounds which their temerity had invited. sweden, through the whole business, sagaciously kept as much as possible aloof: ready to meet the evils of war, if necessary; but prudently prefering to avoid them, while this might be effected without dishonour. such, happily, was also the disposition of russia, from the moment of the frantic paul's demise; as well as that of the british government, which had been forced into a state of hostility with those whom they were ever desirous of considering only as friends. nations sincerely so disposed, have only thoroughly to understand each other, and the sword need seldom quit it's scabbard. with respect to denmark, however, though a positive peace was every hour expected by his lordship, he found it necessary, at the beginning of june, to remind some of her governors of the conditions of the armistice. in a letter of june th, to rear-admiral totty, his lordship writes--"a week, from this date, all must be settled, one way or the other. reports say, that victuallers are laying at yarmouth, ready to sail; probably, they are waiting the issue of lord st. helen's negociation at st. petersburgh. in denmark, we shall no longer find an enemy; they have too much to lose, by the renewal of hostilities. at this moment, generally speaking, they hate us; but they are determined not to give up their colonies, ships, &c. in this nation, we shall not be forgiven our having the upper hand of them. i only thank god we have, or they would try and humble us to the dust." in this letter, his lordship says, to the worthy rear-admiral--"i feel much flattered at your kind wishes for my remaining with the fleet: but, although my health is perfectly re-established; yet, as the admiralty cannot know it, i trust that they have had consideration to my situation, and directed another admiral to supersede me. sir thomas graves is represented to be getting better; but, as yet, is unable to get out of his cabin." in a preceding letter to admiral totty, speaking of the indisposition of his worthy friend, is the following interesting passage, admirably illustrative of the characteristically affectionate regards of these most brave and excellent men. "sir thomas graves is still very ill: so much so, that he begged _i would not_ go and see him; as the pleasure he had in seeing me, did him harm when he was left." the pain, too, which he knew could not fail to be felt by his sympathetically susceptible friend, doubtless formed an equally strong reason for dreading those visits, in the breast of the rear-admiral, though he had the kind precaution to conceal that cause. can we wonder, that such men should be invincible! on the th of june, lord nelson received permission for his return to england; and immediately thanked the lords of the admiralty, in an answer addressed to mr. nepean, for the very flattering and handsome manner in which their lordships had expressed their acquiescence with his request of the th of may. having received, at the same time, a commission from his majesty, to invest his friend rear-admiral graves with the military order of the bath, his lordship performed that ceremony, on board the st george, next day, in the following manner. "his majesty's ship st. george, kioge bay, june , . "a chair was placed on the gratings of the skylight, on the quarter-deck, with the royal standard suspended over it, shewing the king's arms. the chair was covered with the union flag; a guard was ranged on each side the quarter-deck, consisting of the marines, and a detachment of the rifle corps; and the captains of the fleet attended in their full-dress uniforms. the royal standard was hoisted the moment of the procession's beginning, which took place in the following order--lord nelson came up the ladder in the forepart of the quarter-deck, and made three reverences to the throne; he then placed himself on the right-hand side of it. captain parker, bearing the sword of state, being that which was presented to lord nelson by the captains of his majesty's fleet who fought under his command at the battle of the nile, followed lord nelson, and placed himself on his right side, a little in advance; making three reverences to the throne, and one to lord nelson. his lordship's secretary, mr. wallis, then followed, bearing in his hand, on a sattin cushion, the ensigns of the order, and making similar reverences to the throne and to lord nelson. captain parker then read the duke of portland's order to lord nelson; which being ended, rear-admiral graves was introduced between captains hardy and retalick, making three reverences to the throne, and one to lord nelson. the rear-admiral then kneeled down; and lord nelson, in the name of his majesty, laid the sword on the shoulders of the rear-admiral. the knight-elect then arose; and, bending his body a little forward, lord nelson, with the assistance of captains hardy and retalick, put the ribbon over the new knight's right shoulder, and placed the star on his left breast. his lordship then pronounced the following speech on the occasion-- "sir thomas graves! having fulfilled the commands of his majesty, by investing you with the ensigns of the most honourable and military order of the bath, i cannot but express how much i feel gratified that it should have fallen to my lot to be directed to confer this justly merited honour and special mark of royal favour upon you; for i cannot but reflect, that i was an eye-witness of your high merit, and distinguished gallantry, on the memorable d of april, and for which you are now so honourably rewarded. i hope that these honours conferred upon you, will prove to the officers in the service, that a strict perseverance in the pursuit of glorious actions, and the imitation of your brave and laudable conduct, will ever ensure them the favours and rewards of our most gracious sovereign, and the thanks and gratitude of our country." "at the conclusion of this speech, the procession retired in the same manner as it came; except that the new knight went first, making one reverence to lord nelson, and three to the throne. "the moment the ribbon had been placed over sir thomas graves's shoulder, the signal being made preparative, the whole fleet fired a salute of twenty-one guns; when the ceremony was finished, the standard was hauled down. the troops and marines, on hoisting it, had presented their arms, and the drums beat a march. the troops kept their arms presented during the ceremony; and, on the standard's being hauled down, a march was likewise beat." a few days after, having concluded his epistolary correspondences, and arranged other requisites, both with the fleet and on shore, his lordship resigned the command to admiral sir charles morice pole, who had been sent out to relieve him, and immediately sailed for england. on the day preceding his departure, however, lord nelson took leave of the fleet, by issuing the following public orders-- "st. george, in kioge bay, th june . "lord nelson has been obliged, from the late very bad state of his health, to apply to the lords commissioners of the admiralty for leave to return to england, which their lordships have been pleased to comply with. but lord nelson cannot allow himself to leave the fleet, without expressing to the admirals, captains, officers, and men, how sensibly he has felt, and does feel, all their kindnesses to him: and, also, how nobly and honourably they have supported him in the hour of battle, and the readiness which they have shewn to maintain the honour of their king and country on many occasions which have offered; and, had more opportunities presented themselves, lord nelson is firmly persuaded they would have added more glory to their country. lord nelson cannot but observe, with the highest satisfaction which can fill the breast of a british admiral, that--with the exception of the glaring misconduct of the officers of the tygress and cracker gun-brigs, and the charges alledged against the lieutenant of the terror bomb---out of eighteen thousand men, of which the fleet is composed, not a complaint has been made of any officer or man in it; and he cannot but remark, that the extraordinary health of this fleet, under the blessing of almighty god, is to be attributed to the great regularity, exact discipline, and chearful obedience, of every individual in the fleet. the vice-admiral assures them, that he will not fail to represent to the lords commissioners of the admiralty their highly praise-worthy conduct; and, if it please god that the vice-admiral recovers his health, he will feel proud, on some future day, to go with them in pursuit of farther glory; and to assist in making the name of our king and country beloved and respected by all the world." on the st of july, his lordship landed at yarmouth, where he was received with universal joy. he had no sooner arrived, than his humane heart led him to visit the hospitals which contained such of his brave fellows as had been wounded in the late battle. he enquired, with parental solicitude, into the state of their health, tenderly soothed their sufferings, generously relieved their necessities, and kindly encouraged their hopes. on his leaving the town, the volunteer cavalry assembled; and escorted his lordship to lowestoffe, a distance of eleven miles. lord nelson being much indisposed when he reached sir william hamilton's house in piccadilly, where his friends had assembled to meet him, a party was formed, consisting of sir william and lady hamilton, the present earl and countess nelson, with their son and daughter, now lord merton and lady charlotte, and captain parker, to go with his lordship, for change of air, and variety of scene, as far as box hill, near dorking, in surry, where they remained a few days; and then accompanied him to the bush inn, at staines, in middlesex. here they continued about a week; and afterwards visited mrs. maurice nelson, at laleham, only two miles distant from staines. this unfortunate lady, relict of his lordship's then recently deceased elder brother, has for many years been afflicted with total blindness. lord nelson now kindly condoled with her; and generously made up the small pittance left by his brother, whom he most tenderly loved, a regular annuity of two hundred pounds, besides providing for immediate exigences. it is greatly to be regretted, that his lordship's repeated solicitations for mr. maurice nelson's advancement had been so little regarded, that this worthy gentleman, though almost his whole life in the navy office, was only elevated to the situation of a principal clerk about four months prior to his decease. with his health considerably improved by this rural excursion, lord nelson returned to london; and, on dining with mr. addington, then chancellor of the exchequer, was informed, by the minister, that nothing could satisfy the people, who were in a state of continual alarm at bonaparte's immense preparations for the threatened invasion of our country, but his lordship's immediately taking the home command. though the nature of the french armament, which consisted chiefly of innumerable gun-boats, rendered the attack of their flotilla a species of petty warfare apparently too trivial for the attention of our heroic admiral, it was sufficient for him to be assured that his services were requisite for the safety or welfare of his country, to obtain an immediate acquiescence; however humble, hazardous, or unprofitable, the nature of the proposed employ. his friends, however, were desirous that he should receive, on the occasion, some positive benefit. his lordship alledged, with great truth, that he was one of the worst negociators on earth for himself, and seemed disinclined to tender any conditions; but lady hamilton urging him to obtain, at least, an entailment of his titles on the family, which would take nothing out of the national purse, and yet preserve his merited honours to the most remote posterity, he ventured, at length, to solicit that small favour, which was very readily granted. in consequence of this arrangement, lord nelson was appointed commander in chief of a powerful squadron, employed between orfordness and beachy-head: together with the entire flotilla of gun-brigs, fire-ships, bomb-ketches, and vessels of every other description; and all the sea-fencibles embodied within the same district, with all the boats, vessels, and other floating defences, on board of which they might be required to act. his lordship, accordingly, hastened to sheerness, and hoisted his flag on board l'unité frigate of thirty-two guns. having, with his accustomed activity, directed the respective stations of the several ships there under his command; he sailed, in a very few days, for the downs: and it is remarkable that, on his passage from the nore, instead of pursuing the usual course, and proceeding through the king's channel, he resolved on attempting a passage hitherto deemed impracticable for ships of war--an experiment which he judiciously considered, at this particular period, as well worthy of trial--and, having compleatly succeeded, it has ever since been properly called nelson's channel. on the th of july, at night, lord nelson arrived in the downs, and immediately hoisted his flag on board the leyden of sixty-four guns; but shifted it, two days after, to the medusa frigate of thirty-two. not a moment was now lost in making every preparation for a formidable attack on the french flotilla, by the assistance of which we were menaced with the invasion of the myriads of troops that lined the shore of the enemy from brest to the texel. fearful, however, of our approach, they had been particularly careful to fortify their coast swarming with soldiers, by the erection of innumerable strong batteries, having furnaces for preparing red-hot shot, and adapting every other contrivance to annoy their dreaded assailants and protect themselves. from the moment it was known that lord nelson had undertaken the home command, every apprehension of a french invasion was changed into the wish that such an attempt might instantly be made, and there was, perhaps, scarcely a man, woman, or child, in the united kingdom, who now longer felt the smallest fear of an event which had lately excited so much general alarm. with a promptness inconceivable, his lordship planned every species of precautionary defence, while engaged in executing his offensive operations: and it is anxiously hoped, that his excellent defensive arrangements, made on this occasion, though happily not then needed, will be carefully treasured in the archives of the admiralty, for immediate adoption, should any attempt ever be made, by a rash and powerful enemy, to approach the british shores; who may thus be vanquished, by our immortal hero, in a future and even distant age. the french flotilla prepared at boulogne had of late been considerably increased by reinforcements from calais; and it was found difficult for the british cruizers to prevent, with certainty, or even safety, such small vessels as these gun-boats from stealing along the shore. they were, therefore, become extremely numerous, and it was judged prudent to attempt lessening their number by capture or demolition. every thing being prepared with these intentions, his lordship, on the st of august , being the third anniversary of his glorious victory off the nile, sailed from the downs, and stood over to the coast of france. on the d, having arrived off boulogne, twenty four armed vessels were perceived at anchor outside the port; the boasted gun-boats seemed, to his lordship, incapable of being rowed, in the smoothest water, more than a mile and a half an hour. the enemy, alarmed at the approach of the british armament, were labouring hard to erect new batteries; but the wind being too far to the northward for our bombs to go on the lee-shore, this attack, by way of experiment, did not commence till the th. the following official account of it's success was immediately transmitted to england, by his lordship. "medusa, off boulogne, th august . "sir, the enemy's vessels, brigs, and flats (lugger-rigged) and a schooner, twenty-four in number, were this morning, at day-light, anchored in a line, in front of the town of boulogne. the wind being favourable for the bombs to act, i made the signal for them to weigh; and throw shells at the vessels, but as little as possible to annoy the town. the captains placed their ships in the best possible position; and, in a few hours, three of the flats, and a brig, were sunk: and, in the course of the morning, six were on shore, evidently much damaged. at six this evening, being high water, five of the vessels which had been aground hauled with difficulty into the mole, the others remained under water. i believe, the whole of the vessels would have gone inside the pier, but for want of water. what damage the enemy may have sustained, beyond what we see, is impossible to tell. the whole of this affair is of no farther consequence, than to shew the enemy that they cannot, with impunity, come outside their ports. the officers of the artillery threw the shells with great skill: and i am sorry to say, that captain fyers, of the royal artillery, is slightly wounded in the thigh by the bursting of an enemy's shell; and that three seamen are also wounded. one more of the enemy's flats is this moment sunk. i am, sir, &c. "nelson and bronte." "evan nepean, esq." this attack seems to have been chiefly intended to ascertain what might be hereafter effected with a force particularly adapted to the nature of the service, founded on some degree of actual experience. his lordship was, therefore, far less disappointed by the event, than might generally be imagined. to prevent the commanders of the bomb-vessels from being discouraged, who had really deserved better success, his lordship thus complimented them on the occasion. "medusa, off boulogne, aug. th, . "lord nelson has reason to be very much satisfied with the captains of the bombs, for the placing of their vessels yesterday. it was impossible they could have been better situated; and the artillery officers have shewn great skill in entirely disabling ten of the armed vessels out of twenty-four opposed to them; and many others, lord nelson believes, are much damaged. the commander in chief cannot avoid noticing the great zeal and desire to attack the enemy in a closer combat, which manifested itself in all ranks of persons; and which lord nelson would gladly have given full scope to, had the attempt at this moment been proper; but the officers, and others, may rely that an early opportunity shall be given them for shewing their judgment, zeal, and bravery. the hired and revenue cutters kept under sail, and performed the duty entrusted to them with, a great deal of skill. "nelson and bronte." on the day following, lord nelson quitted the french coast, and repaired to margate roads; leaving, however, a sufficient force off boulogne to watch the motions of the enemy, and the gun-boats and smaller vessels of his fleet in the downs. while every possible effort was making to prepare for a most vigorous attempt on the flotilla at boulogne, his lordship, by visiting harwich for a few days, endeavoured to divert the attention of the enemy, and induce them to suppose that he was now going against flushing, really meant to be the next object of attack. by this stratagem, both services were actually, at the same time, in a state of constant preparation. having arranged matters at harwich, his lordship returned to the downs; from whence, on the th, he again stood over to boulogne, with a force now augmented to seventy sail, including vessels of all descriptions. the french, however, had been equally alert in guarding against an expected second blow; and, to the total discomfiture of the enterprize, as well as the loss of many of our brave men, though to their own eternal ignominy, it was discovered, when too late, that these threatening invaders had literally chained down all the vessels of this boasted flotilla to the shore, in dread of their being carried off by the british assailants. of this unfortunate affair, which failed from a cause that could scarcely have been suspected, by a brave man, in even the most pusillanimous enemy, the following copious dispatches from lord nelson to the admiralty, including the reports of the several commanders of divisions as transmitted through mr. nepean, will afford a very full and particular description. "medusa, off boulogne, th aug. . "sir, "having judged it proper to attempt bringing off all the enemy's flotilla moored in the front of boulogne, i directed the attack to be made in four divisions of boats for boarding, under the command of captains somerville, parker, cotgrave, and jones, and a division of howitzer-boats under the command of captain conor, of his majesty's ship discovery. the boats put off from the medusa, at half past eleven last night, in the best possible order; and, before one o'clock this morning, the firing began: and i had, from the judgment of the officers, and the zeal and gallantry of every man, the most perfect confidence of compleat success--and which i have no doubt would have been according to my expectations--but owing to the darkness of the night, with the tide and half tide, which must always make the attacks in the night, on the coasts of the channel, very uncertain, the divisions separated; and from all not arriving at the same happy moment with captain parker, is to be attributed the failure of success. but i beg to be perfectly understood, that not the smallest blame attaches itself any where; for, although the divisions did not arrive together, yet each (except the fourth, which could not be got up before day) made a successful attack on that part of the enemy they fell in with, and actually took possession of many brigs and flats--particularly, the commodore. _but the vessels being, as i am informed, chained to the, shore, but certainly hauled on shore_, as the commodore's brig had less under her bottom than could support her, the moment the battle ceased on board, such vollies upon vollies of musketry were fired, directed on their decks, the enemy being perfectly regardless of their own men, who must have suffered equally with us, that it was impossible even to remain on board to burn them. but allow me, who have seen much service this war, to say, that more determined, persevering courage, i never witnessed; and, that nothing but the impossibility of being successful, from the causes i have mentioned, could have prevented my having to congratulate their lordships on bringing off the enemy's flotilla: and, although, in value, the loss of such gallant and good men is incalculable; yet, in point of numbers, it has fell short of my expectations. i must also state, that greater zeal, and ardent desire, in the whole of the officers and crews, in the numerous vessels under my command, to distinguish themselves by an attack on the enemy, were never shewn: and the commanders and crews of the hired and revenue cutters vie with their brethren of the navy; the whole of whose boats were employed, and the commanders of the hunter and greyhound cutters volunteered their services. "among the many gallant men wounded, i have, with the deepest regret, to state the heavy loss i have sustained, by the grievous wounds of my gallant good friend, and able assistant, captain edward thomas parker, my aid-de-camp; also of lieutenant frederic langford, my flag-lieutenant, who has served with me many years; and who were both wounded, in attempting to board the french commodore. to captain gore, of the medusa, i feel the highest obligations; and, when their lordships look at the loss of the medusa on this occasion, they will agree with me, that the honour of my flag, and the cause of their king and country, could never have been placed in more gallant hands. captain bedford, of the leyden, with captain gore, very handsomely volunteered their services to serve under masters and commanders: but, it would not have been fair to the latter; and i only mention it, to mark the zeal of those officers. from the nature of the attack, only a few prisoners were made; a lieutenant, eight seamen, and eight soldiers, are all which were brought off. herewith, i send you the report of the several commanders of divisions, and also a return of killed and wounded, &c. i have the honour to be, &c. "nelson and bronte." "p.s. captain somerville was the senior master and commander employed. "evan nepean, esq." the letters received by his lordship from the several commanders of divisions, and transmitted by him to england, with his own public letter, were as follow. first division. "eugenie, off boulogne, th aug. . "my lord, "in obedience to your lordship's directions to state the proceedings of the first division of boats which you did me the honour to place under my command, for the purpose of attacking the enemy's flotilla in the bay of boulogne, i beg leave to acquaint you that, after leaving the medusa last night, i found myself, in getting ashore, carried considerably, by the rapidity of the tide, to the eastward of the abovementioned place; and, finding that i was not likely to reach it in the order prescribed, i gave directions to the boats to cast each other off. by so doing, i was enabled to get to the enemy's flotilla a little before the dawn of day: and, in the best order possible, attacked, close to the pier-head, a brig; which, after a short contest, i carried. previous to so doing, her cables were cut; but i was prevented from towing her out, by her being secured with a chain: and, in consequence of a very heavy fire of musketry and grape-shot, that was directed at us from the shore, three luggers, and another brig, within half pistol shot, and not seeing the least prospect of being able to get her off, i was obliged to abandon her, and push out of the bay, as it was then compleatly day-light. the undaunted and resolute behaviour of the officers, seamen, and marines, was unparalleled; and i have to lament the loss of several of those brave men, a list of whom i inclose herewith. i have the honour to be, &c. p. somerville." second division. "medusa, off boulogne, th aug. . "my lord, "after the compleat arrangement which was made, the perfect good understanding and regularity with which the boats you did me the honour to put under my command left the medusa, i have an anxious feeling to explain to your lordship the failure of our enterprize, that on it's outset promised every success. agreeable to your lordship's instructions, i proceeded, with the second division of the boats under my direction, the half of which was under the direction of lieutenant williams, senior of the medusa, to attack the part of the enemy's flotilla appointed for me: and, at half past twelve, had the good fortune to find myself close to them; when i ordered lieutenant williams, with his subdivision, to push on to attack the vessels to the northward of me; while i, with the others, run alongside a large brig off the mole head, wearing the commodore's pendant. it is at this moment, that i feel myself at a loss for words to do justice to the officers and crew of the medusa, who were in the boat with me; and to lieutenant langford, the officers and crew of the same ship, who nobly seconded us in the barge until all her crew were killed or wounded: and to the honourable william cathcart, who commanded the medusa's cutter, and sustained the attack with the greatest intrepidity, until the desperate situation i was left in obliged me to call him to the assistance of the sufferers in my boat. the boats were no sooner alongside, than we attempted to board: but a very strong netting, traced up to her lower yards, baffled all our endeavours; and an instantaneous discharge of her guns, and small arms from about two hundred soldiers on her gun-wale, knocked myself, mr. kirby the master of the medusa, and mr. gore a midshipman, with two thirds of the crew, upon our backs, into the boat; all, either killed or desperately wounded. the barge, and cutter, being on the outside, sheered off with the tide: but the flat-boat, in which i was, hung alongside; and, as there was not an officer or man left to govern her, must have fallen into the hands of the enemy, had not mr. cathcart taken her in tow, and carried her off. "mr. williams led his subdivision up to the enemy with the most intrepid gallantry, took one lugger, and attacked a brig; while his crew, i am concerned to say, suffered equally with ourselves: nearly the whole of his boat's crew were killed or wounded. lieutenant paley, who commanded the medusa's launch, and the honourable mr. maitland, midshipman, were severely wounded; and mr. william bristow, master's mate in the medusa's cutter under lieutenant steward, was killed. "i now feel it my duty to assure your lordship, that nothing could surpass the zeal, courage, and readiness, of every description of officers and men under my command; and i am sorry that my words fall short of their merit, though we could not accomplish the object we were ordered to. i have the honour to be, &c. "edward t. parker." third division. gannet, th aug. . "my lord, "on the night of the th inst. the third division of boats, which i had the honour to command, assembled on board his majesty's ship york, agreeable to your lordship's directions; and, at eleven, p.m. by signal from the medusa, proceeded, without loss of time, to attack the enemy's flotilla off boulogne, as directed by your lordship. as i thought it most advisable to endeavour to reduce the largest vessel first, i lost no time in making the attack; but, in consequence of my leading the division, and the enemy opening a heavy fire from several of the batteries, thought it advisable to give the enemy as little time as possible, cut the tow-rope, and did not wait for the other boats, so that it was some little time before the heavy boats could get up. i received so many shots through the boat's bottom, that i soon found her in a sinking state; and, as it was not possible to stop so many shot-holes, was obliged, with the men, to take to another boat; and have the pleasure to acquaint your lordship that i received particular support from the boats of his majesty's ship york, which soon came up with the rest of the division i had the honour to command. but, finding no prospect of success, and the number of men killed and wounded in the different boats, with the constant fire from the shore of grape and small-arms, thought it for the good of his majesty's service to withdraw the boats between two and three in the morning; as we could not board her, although every effort was made. i have the honour to be, &c. isaac cotgrave." fourth division. "his majesty's ship isis, th aug. . "my lord, "in consequence of directions received from your lordship, i last night, on the signal being made on board the medusa, left this ship, with the boats of the fourth division, formed with two close lines, and immediately joined the other divisions under the stern of the medusa; and, from thence, proceeded to put your lordship's orders into execution, by attacking the westernmost part of the enemy's flotilla. but, notwithstanding every exertion made, owing to the rapidity of the tide, we could not, until near day-light, get to the westward of any part of the enemy's line; on approaching the eastern part of which, in order to assist the first division then engaged, we met them returning. under these circumstances, and the day breaking apace, i judged it prudent to direct the officers commanding the different boats to return to their respective ships. "i have the honour to be, &c. robert jones. "p.s. none killed or wounded on board any of the fourth division." division of howitzer-boats. discovery, off boulogne, aug. , . "my lord, "i beg leave to make the report to your lordship of the four howitzer-boats that i had the honour to command in the attack of the enemy last night. having led in, to support captain parker's division, keeping between his lines until the enemy opened their fire on him: we keeping on towards the pier, until i was aground in the headmost boat; then opened our fire, and threw about eight shells into it. but, from the strength of the tide coming out of the harbour, was not able to keep off the pier-head; but continued our fire on the camp until the enemy's fire had totally slackened, and captain parker's division had passed without me. i beg leave to mention to your lordship, that i was ably supported by the other boats. captain broome, and lieutenant beem, of the royal artillery, did every thing in their power to annoy the enemy. the other officers of artillery were detached in the other four howitzer-boats. "i have the honour to be, &c. john conn." * * * * * _return of killed and wounded in the boats of his majesty's ships and vessels, on the attack of the french flotilla, moored before boulogne, th of august _. killed officers. seamen. marines. wounded ---- ---- ---- total ---- ---- ---- total, killed and wounded, . the circumstances unfolded in the above letters very sufficiently account for the failure of success, while they demonstrate how well it had been merited. lord nelson was, doubtless, in some degree disappointed, for he had hoped to destroy or bring off all their boasted flotilla. he consoled himself, however, with reflecting that, if little advantage had been gained, there was, on his part, no loss of honour; while the enemy owed their security to the disgraceful resource of being constrained to chain their vaunted vessels for invading our country to the shores of their own. his lordship was scarcely returned to the downs, from this expedition, when he had the honour of receiving, from the first lord of the admiralty, his old friend the earl of st. vincent, a most kind and affectionate letter, dated the th of august , from which the following is an extract-- "it is not given us, to command success; your lordship, and the gallant men under your orders, certainly deserve it: and i cannot sufficiently express my admiration of the zeal and persevering courage with which this gallant enterprize was followed up; lamenting, most sincerely, the loss sustained in it. the manner in which the enemy's flotilla was fastened to the ground, could not have been foreseen. the highest praise is due to your lordship; and all, under your command, who were actors in this gallant attempt." lord nelson immediately issued the following general orders to all who had fought under his command on this occasion. "medusa, downs, th aug. . "vice-admiral lord nelson has the greatest satisfaction in sending to the captains, officers, and men, under his command, that were employed in the late attempt on the enemy's flotilla off boulogne, an extract of a letter which he has received from the first lord of the admiralty; not only approving of their zeal and persevering courage, but bestowing the highest praise on them. the vice-admiral begs to assure them, that the enemy will not have long reason to boast of their security; for he trusts, ere long, to assist them in person, in a way which will compleatly annihilate the whole of them. lord nelson is convinced that, if it had been possible for men to have brought the enemy's flotilla out, the men that were employed to do so would have accomplished it. the moment the enemy have the audacity to cast off the chains which fix their vessels to the ground, that moment, lord nelson is well persuaded, they will be conducted, by his brave followers, to a british port, or sent to the bottom. "nelson and bronte." such were the consolations of these great and congenial minds. they had nothing with which to upbraid themselves; no cause of censure in any of the brave men employed on the occasion; nor the smallest doubt of success, with the same measures, and the same men, wherever success might be possible. the chief source of sorrow which afflicted the breast of our hero, was commiseration for the sufferings of the many gallant men who were now languishing, on the bed of anguish, with dreadful and dangerous wounds received in the action. at the hospital, his lordship was a constant attendant; this, indeed, had ever been his humane practice. he tenderly enquired into the state of their wounds, and poured the balm of sympathetic solace into their agonized minds. on beholding a brave fellow, whom he particularly recollected, and kindly asking what injury he had received, his lordship was informed that he had lost an arm. "never mind that," said the hero; "i have lost an arm, too; and, perhaps, shall shortly lose a leg: but, my good fellow, they can never be lost in a better cause, than in the defence of our country." this had a wonderful effect, not only on the man particularly addressed, but all his fellow-sufferers around; several of whom exclaimed, that they should disregard their being wounded, if they were not thus prevented from accompanying his lordship in another attack on the enemy. while lord nelson was engaged in these services off boulogne, the new concessions of his majesty, with regard to the extensions of his lordship's titles and honours, had been published in the london gazette, on the th and th of august . the first, announcing his creation to the dignity of baron of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, by the name, stile, and title, of baron nelson of the nile, and of hilborough in the county of norfolk, with remainders: and the second, that lord viscount nelson had been permitted, by his majesty's warrant, dated th january , to adopt, for himself and heirs, the title of duke of bronte, with the fief of the dutchy annexed thereto; and, also, to receive the great cross of the order of st. ferdinand and of merit, all conferred on him by ferdinand iv. king of the two sicilies. the original of the creation of lord viscount nelson, before baron of burnham thorpe in the county of norfolk, to the barony of hilborough in the same county, is expressed in terms at once so highly honourable to the sovereign from whom they proceeded, and to his lordship, in whose just praise they are thus publicly addressed by his majesty to the whole world as well as to posterity, that it is judged proper to give a complete and correct copy of this curious and interesting document to the reader, as obtained from the office of the royal signet. creation of viscount nelson, baron hilborough, with remainders. "his majesty is graciously pleased, _in consideration of the great and important services that renowned man, horatio viscount nelson, hath rendered to his king and country, and in order to perpetuate to the latest posterity the remembrance of his glorious actions, and to incite others to imitate his example_, to grant the dignity of a baron of his united kingdom of great britain and ireland to the said horatio viscount nelson, knight of the most honourable order of the bath, and vice-admiral of the blue squadron of his majesty's fleet--duke of bronte in sicily, knight of the grand cross of the order of st. ferdinand and of merit, and of the imperial order of the crescent--by the name, stile, and title, of baron nelson of the nile, and of hilborough in his county of norfolk: to hold, to him, and the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten; and, in default of such issue, to his trusty and well-beloved edmund nelson, clerk, rector of burnham thorpe in his county of norfolk, father of the said horatio viscount nelson, and the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten; and, in default of such issue, to the heirs male of the body of susannah, the wife of thomas bolton, esq. and sister of the said horatio viscount nelson, lawfully begotten and to be begotten, severally and successively, one after another, as they shall be in seniority of age and priority of birth; and, in default of such issue, to the heirs male of the body of catharine, the wife of george matcham, esq. another sister of the said horatio viscount nelson, lawfully begotten and to be begotten, severally and successively, one after another, as they shall be in seniority of age and priority of birth; with all rights, privileges, pre-eminences, immunities, and advantages, thereunto belonging. _and a clause is inserted, declaring it to be his majesty's royal will and pleasure, that the persons who shall hereafter succeed to the said title and dignity of baron nelson of the nile, and of hilborough aforesaid, shall take and use the surname of nelson only_." in a note accompanying the above copy of this creation with remainders, it is observed, that the words therein scored under with red, and which are here printed in italic characters, appear to be new, and are not inserted in common creations. immediately on lord nelson's arrival in the downs, from off boulogne, he had sent to request that sir william and lady hamilton, with the present earl and countess nelson, would hasten to deal, for the purpose of attending on their esteemed friend captain parker, whose dreadful wounds afforded but little hope of his recovery, and tendering their kind offices to the rest of the brave sufferers. in the mean time, his lordship had again sailed from the downs, on sunday the d of august; and was joined off the north foreland, by the squadron from margate, with a view of trying what might be effected against flushing. the whole of this fleet, when united off west capel, consisted of thirty-four sail, from sixty-four guns to fourteen, including three bombs and three fire-vessels; and, after consulting pilots, "who made use," his lordship observed, in his letter to mr. nepean, "of many _ifs_," with regard to being able to approach the enemy, or even get the ships safely back again, he was determined to satisfy his own mind, by going on board the king george hired cutter, mr. yawkins master, the th in the morning; who carried his lordship up the welling channel four or five leagues from his ships, and within about three of the enemy. from this distant observation, by himself and captain gore, joined to the local knowledge of mr. yawkins, he could not think himself justifiable in proceeding farther with the business; though he liberally acknowledged the admiration which he felt of the zeal of captain owen, in the anxious desire of that able officer to get at the enemy. the hazard, it appeared, was far greater, and the object, from the few ships there, considerably less, than had been imagined. on the th, lord nelson returned to the downs, in the medusa; and, next day, hoisted his flag on board the amazon. his worthy old friend, admiral lutwidge, being port-admiral at deal, and residing there with his excellent and truly amiable lady, an indissoluble friendship was formed between them and sir william and lady hamilton. the gallant and good captain parker, having been under the necessity of submitting to an amputation of his thigh, suffered the most excruciating tortures for about a month; and then died, with the most magnanimous and pious resignation, surrounded by these estimable friends, who had contributed to afford him every solace of which his dreadful state was susceptible. as the french, now attacked on their own shores, seemed likely soon to accept propositions of peace, lord nelson thought it advisable to purchase a pleasant rural retreat, where he might enjoy the benefit of good air, and yet be "within hail of the admiralty." sir william hamilton, therefore, was requested to search out a spot adapted to their joint establishment: and, shortly after his return to london, learning that merton place, in surry, about eight miles distant from westminster bridge, was to be disposed of, he immediately bought this estate; which was expeditiously prepared for their mutual reception, under the guidance of that classical and elegant taste for which sir william and lady hamilton were both so peculiarly distinguished. the site of this house and grounds is said to have been part of the ancient abbey lands of merton, situated within about two hundred and fifty yards of the present remaining abbey wall; and, in digging to effect the various improvements, many old coins, and other antiquities, have been occasionally dug up. though this place was familiarly denominated a farm, by our hero and his friends, it had been, for many years before, the respectable seat of sir richard hotham. the ground, however, was certainly very contracted on one side of the house, being there little more than sufficient to bound the moat by which it was unpleasantly surrounded. whatever could be effected, in such limits, was soon arranged; and, as the autumnal season's advancement probably reminded them of the spoliage which must speedily be expected to ensue in the general verdure of the scene, innumerable evergreens were most judiciously planted throughout the grounds; including a modest portion of those laurels, beneath the shade of which the transcendent merits of the heroic possessor so abundantly entitled him to repose. by pursuing this excellent management, the charming gardens of merton, in their enlarged state, preserve a considerable degree of comfort and beauty throughout the rigours of the severest winter. lord nelson heard, daily, the progress which was making at the farm, and it afforded him a pleasure of which he stood greatly in need. his health was, at this time, very indifferent, and he suffered severely from the cold winds of the autumnal equinox. though, however, the preliminaries of peace were now signed, he could not obtain leave of absence from the admiralty, to try the good effects of a little retirement at his new dwelling, till the d of october, and then only for ten days. as if this were not sufficient, he was agitated by the estrangement of his father's affections, in consequence of the recent separation from lady nelson; and pestered with anonymous threatening letters, in a way very similar to those supposed to have been written by mr. barnard to the great duke of marlborough. every means were tried, by the friends of his lordship, to detect the writer of these infamous incendiary epistles, but without the desired effect. they, however, gave the hero himself very little anxiety: he considered them, probably, as nefarious attacks on his purse, through the medium of his character, and treated every menace they contained with the most sovereign contempt. such, however, was our hero's filial reverence of parental authority, that he could by no means regard his father's censure as a matter of light importance, though he felt conscious of his own innocence and integrity. this, indeed, was truly a source of sorrow; and he resolved fully to satisfy his venerable parent's every scruple, and convince him how cruelly he had been wronged by false and scandalous reports. early on the d of october, lord nelson quitted the amazon, in the downs; and, immediately landing at deal, set off post for merton. on arriving at this small village, it is a singular fact that, being asked by the post-boy, which was the house; his lordship could only reply, that he knew no more than himself. it was, however, soon found; and never was man more delighted, than our hero, at beholding his new residence. every glowing feature of his amiable friends spoke the welcome which was felt by each heart, as the various beauties of this little spot were pointed out to his inquisitive eye. he viewed all with admiration and astonishment, so greatly did it surpass every idea which he had formed. "is this, too, mine?" he repeatedly asked, as he was shewn the different parts of his estate; the house, the gardens, the dairy, &c. he was particularly charmed with the admirable contrivance of a commodious subterranean passage, formed beneath the high road, and leading to the beautiful and extensive plantation walks with which the fields and kitchen gardens, on that side, are so agreeably environed; this estate, among others in that neighbourhood, having been formerly severed, in consequence of an act of parliament for intersecting it by a new road to epsom. "oh, sir william!" exclaimed his lordship, embracing his most worthy friend, when he had seen the whole, "the longest liver shall possess it all!" lord nelson was never a man of words; the memory of this engagement, when he afterwards made his will, has conveyed the beautiful villa of merton place to lady hamilton. the peace that at this period ensued, happily prevented any necessity for his lordship's return to the fleet, which was soon after paid off. in the attainment of this peace, it will be the province of every historian who duly considers the entire combination of causes and effects, justly to appreciate the merits of our hero; who, however, was, by no means of opinion that it could prove of any very long duration, till the restless ambition of bonaparte should be still more efficaciously checked. his lordship was ever affectionately attached to his royal highness the prince of wales; as well as to the duke of clarence, and all the other royal brothers: he was fully sensible, too, of the brilliant political abilities of some of the chief members of the opposition, and felt sincerely desirous of seeing them fairly devoted to the service of the country. he regarded, however, what was universally deemed "the honest administration of mr. addington," the present lord sidmouth, as entitled to all the support which he could render men who not unworthily enjoyed a high degree of their sovereign's confidence and favour. no considerations of private friendship could ever induce him to unite in any systematic opposition of his majesty's ministers. he was, he said, the king's servant; and would, in every way, defend him with his best abilities. his lordship joined not in any condemnation of the peace; which he regarded, with many other intelligent persons, as an experiment worthy the trial. of national honour, he conceived, nothing was sacrificed; and, except malta, little was given up, which could be any just subject of regret. even malta itself, of which he so well knew all the value, and which could probably never have been wrested from france without his lordship's wonderful address and perseverance in obtaining aids for effecting it's reduction, he declared was, in his estimation, scarcely worth the trouble and expence of preserving, could we be certain that it might never fall into the hands of our enemies. the speeches of lord nelson, in parliament, on this and other popular topics, demonstrate great senatorial ability, with a profound knowledge of our political and even commercial interests. such a potent coadjutor was well worth cherishing, and mr. addington appears to have been very properly of that opinion. lord nelson, on surveying his new domains, felt vastly desirous of filling up the moat, and extending the grounds on that side of the house where the space was so exceedingly contracted. he had, accordingly, applied by letter, dated the th of october , to william axe, esq. of birchin lane, london, who was proprietor of the small intervening field which alone separated merton place from the narrow lane at the end of the abbey wall, to be favoured with the purchase of it, on equitable terms; and though that worthy gentleman, in the handsomest manner, for which lord nelson ever after highly respected him, paid all possible attention to the wish of his lordship; a churlish farmer, who was mr. axe's tenant, on lease, of the whole adjoining estate, where he had acquired a considerable fortune, opposed so many objections, and evinced so rude and unaccommodating a disposition, notwithstanding his lordship had condescendingly treated him with every courtesy, that the object was not accomplished till his lordship, about a year and half afterwards, purchased the whole farm, consisting of a hundred and fifteen acres; which mr. axe liberally consented to sell for the very moderate sum of eight thousand pounds. in november, the reverend mr. nelson came to merton, on the pressing invitation of his ever duteous son. the meeting was truly affecting; and terminated, as it ought, in a thorough conviction, that his lordship had been most shamefully slandered. indeed, on an entire eclaircissement, it became manifest that the grossest part of the slander which had been cruelly levelled against our hero was so self-evidently false, and really impracticable, that a very small degree of consideration made the worthy and venerable father blush for the credulity which had contributed to criminate our hero; whose private life, all circumstances duly considered, was to the full as unsullied as his public character. he saw the happy family with whom his heroic son was so agreeably domesticated; and witnessed the pure felicity of those amiable friends, with a rapture which conveyed the highest satisfaction to his heart. he perceived the kindest attentions to his son's happiness in every act of all around him: and their success, in the joy now constantly diffused over his countenance; beaming in every glance of his eye, and speaking in every accent of his tongue. he beheld his great and good son happy, and blessed and loved the friends who made him so. "merton," he said, "is the _mansion of peace_, and i must become one of the inhabitants. sir william and myself are both old men, and we will witness the hero's felicity in retirement." such was the intention of this virtuous and pious parent; who had, however, been long so habituated to passing his winters at bath, that he could not, at once, wean himself of the custom: but he never resided with lady nelson, as has been falsely reported, from the moment he was convinced of his illustrious son's having been so egregiously misrepresented. apartments, in the mean time, were actually prepared for him at merton place; and it was agreed that, after wintering at bath, he should, in may, come to reside wholly with his son and sir william and lady hamilton: but, unfortunately, the salubrity of bath proved insufficient to prolong his valuable life even till that period, for he died at his own apartments in that city, on the th of april , in the seventy-ninth year of his age: lamented by every person who had ever known him, with the deepest veneration and regret, for the blameless sanctity of his amiable manners, the agreeable cheerfulness of his admirable disposition, and the warm benevolence of his excellent heart. the loss of such a father, though at an age when it was to be expected, could not but be sensibly felt by the amiable offspring whom he left behind. lord nelson, ever tender as an infant in all that regards the soft affections, lamented his father's death with a grief so poignant, that its effect had nearly proved fatal to himself. about the middle of july, sir william hamilton being desirous that lord nelson should accompany him into wales, for the purpose of viewing milford haven, and the improvements at milford, which the honourable mr. greville had made on his uncle sir william's estate, under the powers of an act of parliament passed in , a party was formed, consisting of his lordship, sir william and lady hamilton, and dr. nelson, the present earl, with his lady and son. in compliment to his heroic friend, sir william had resolved to establish, at milford, a fair, or annual festival, on the st of august; and his nephew, the honourable mr. greville, kindly undertook to make every requisite preparation for receiving them on the joyous occasion. the party reached oxford the first day, being wednesday, the st of july; where, by appointment, they were met by mr. and mrs. matcham, with their eldest son, george matcham, jun. esq. the oxonians received his lordship with great joy; and, on thursday, the freedom of the corporation was presented to lord nelson in a gold box, by richard weston, esq. mayor of that city, who addressed his lordship, on the occasion, in a very respectful speech; and lord nelson expressed, in the warmest and strongest terms, his high sense of the honour, and his earnest wishes for the happiness of the city, and the prosperity of the public service. on friday morning, in full convocation, the university not only complimented lord nelson, and his friend sir william hamilton, with the honorary degree of ll.d. but liberally admitted his lordship's brother, the present earl, who had already taken his degree of d.d. at cambridge, _ad eundem_--that is, to the same honour in oxford. lord nelson, and sir william hamilton, were severally presented by dr. blackstone, vinerian professor of law; and the reverend william nelson, of christ's college, and doctor of divinity in the university of cambridge, by dr. collinson, lady margaret's professor of divinity. nothing, in short, could surpass the respect experienced by his lordship and friends at oxford; from whence, highly gratified, they the same day proceeded to woodstock, with an intention of viewing blenheim. it might have been expected, that his grace the duke of marlborough, himself descended from a british hero of the first class, and inhabiting a magnificent palace, the honourable boon of his country, would have joyfully availed himself of the opportunity thus afforded by the presence of a man certainly not inferior to his own heroic ancestor, so near as even at oxford, and politely requested the honour of entertaining such a guest. this, however, had not been done; and lord nelson, with his friends, put up at an inn in woodstock; from whence they went to blenheim, as strangers, for the purpose of viewing the internal attractions of art, in that grand but ponderous national pile. the family never made their appearance; but sent a servant with refreshments, which lord nelson proudly refused. as the duke was at home, his lordship thought, no doubt, that he ought, at least, to have come forward. sir william hamilton said that, if the shade of the great marlborough could arise, he would have done the honours to the victor of aboukir, a greater victor than himself! lady hamilton finely remarked--with a spirit and energy forcibly depicting the grand character of that superlative mind which renders her, at once, the idol and idoliser of transcendent genius and valour--that "the splendid reward of marlborough's services, was because a woman reigned, and women had great souls: and i," says her ladyship, for these are her own matchless words, "told nelson that, if i had been a queen, after the battle of aboukir, he should have had a principality, so that blenheim park should have been only as a kitchen garden to it! the tears came into his eyes, and he shook sir william and me by the hand; saying, that he was content to have done his duty by the country, and the people, that he loved, and he hoped we should ever approve his conduct; but that, yet, he had not half done, for there were two or three beds of laurels in the mediterranean to be gathered." it was in this way, that these exalted friends of their country, and of each other, consoled themselves on all occasions, where they met with any of that incivility or ingratitude, which few persons of eminent worth fail to experience in the world. that the duke of marlborough should have come forward, and welcomed the hero to blenheim, cannot well be disputed; but his grace, who is said to be of a shy and retiring disposition, could not, it seems probable, prevail on himself to forego the ceremonials of introductory etiquette, and might thus give considerable offence to his lordship and friends, without intending them the smallest personal disrespect. the party, next morning, set off for gloucester, where they were received with the usual demonstrations of joy, by all ranks of the inhabitants. the bells were immediately rung; and multitudes eagerly crouded before the king's head inn, to view the hero who had atchieved so much for his country. during the party's short stay, they visited the cathedral, and the county prison, with both of which his lordship expressed himself highly pleased; particularly, with the extent and convenience of the latter, and the described system of it's internal regulations. on sunday morning, mr. and mrs. matcham, with their son, returned to bath; while his lordship, and the remainder of his party, proceeded to ross. they entered this town amidst bell-ringing, and the acclamations of the people; and, after breakfasting at the swan inn, where horses had been ordered to convey them to monmouth, finding they might be accommodated with boats, and preferring the excursion by water, for the sake of viewing the beautiful scenery on the banks of the wye, they walked through the beautiful gardens belonging to walter hill, esq. to the banks of that river, attended by a vast number of people, who decorated the boat provided for his lordship and friends with laurels, and exhibited every other demonstration of respect and joy. it was no sooner known at monmouth, that the party were making this excursion down the wye, than its shores were lined with spectators, and the river covered with boats; and, when those accompanying his lordship appeared, shouts of joy burst forth, and the guns on the celebrated kymin were fired. at landing, they were received by the corporation, who had come out to meet them, and by whom the hero was complimented in an appropriate address; for which, as well as for the recent honours conferred on him, in making him a burgess of their ancient borough, together with his friend, sir william hamilton, and enrolling his name among the illustrious chiefs in the kymin naval temple, he returned his most heartfelt acknowledgments. they were preceded, on their way into town, by the bands of the monmouth and brecon militia, playing "god save the king!"--"rule, britannia!" and other popular tunes. after dinner, his lordship paid his respects to thomas hollings, esq. the mayor; and then walked out in the town, for the purpose of viewing whatever seemed worthy of notice, constantly surrounded by innumerable spectators, all anxious to behold the hero, and pay him their tributary acknowledgments. his lordship being engaged, for next day, at crickhowell, with his friend admiral gell, was under the necessity of declining the kind invitation of the mayor and corporation, to dine with them on monday; but promised to pass a day at monmouth on his return, of which they should have previous notice. after spending the day with admiral gell, they went on to brecon, where the joy of the people surpassed all description. the deputation of farmers was affecting. they said, addressing the hero---"my lord, you have saved us. while you was losing your limbs, and shedding your blood, for us, we slept soundly with our wives; and our lands, and children, were protected by your brave vigilance. accept our thanks; these tears will tell you that we feel!" and the men wept like children. the town was illuminated; and one man exclaimed--"now, i could die in peace; i have seen our saviour, and brave defender!" nothing particular occurred to the party, after leaving brecon, till they arrived at milford; where the hero of the nile, and his friends, were received with enthusiastic rapture. sir william hamilton had not, for many years, visited his numerous tenants; and they were proud to behold their paternal friend leagued in so strict an amity with the first hero in the world. sir william was delighted to see his dear friend at milford, and to shew him off to every body; and every body was charmed with the pleasing affability of the illustrious hero. lord nelson often mentioned his progress through south wales to milford, as an affecting contrast of the genuine enthusiasm of natural character, to the cold expression of ministerial approbation by which his reception had been marked on his return from the mediterranean, when lord keith was sent to take the chief command of the fleet in those seas. the corporate towns, villages, nobility, and gentry, on the line through which his route was directed, vied with each other to detain him, that their neighbours might participate in the joy they felt on the arrival of the hero. in many places, it was not possible to avoid their generous importunity; and these kind attentions, which so honourably testified national gratitude, were accepted, by his lordship, as the most gratifying recompences of his public service. the st of august being made the great day at milford, the honourable mr. greville had invited all the nobility and gentry of the county of pembroke to welcome the hero and his friends at this intended annual festival. a rowing match, fair day, and shew of cattle, were established for ever at milford, in honour of the victory off the nile. all the most respectable families twenty miles round, with a prodigious concourse of the humbler classes, came to see their beloved hero. mr. bolton, his lordship's brother-in-law, too, determined to be present on the occasion, arrived at milford, that very morning, from norfolk. it proved, all together a most interesting scene. after dinner, lord nelson, with admirable address, gave "captain foley!" as his toast: a friend and brother officer, he said, than whom there was not a braver or a better man in his majesty's service. he had been with him in all his chief battles; deserved to participate in every honour; and was, his lordship had the pleasure to add, in that respectable company, not only a welshman, but a native of the county of pembroke. it need scarcely be added, that this toast, so honourable both to his lordship and captain foley, and so gratifying to the principality and county, was received, and drank, with the most rapturous delight. at this public meeting, they had also the high satisfaction to hear, from his lordship's lips, the result of his judicious observations on the matchless harbour which that county embosoms. lord nelson had fully examined it's entrance, and its qualities; and now declared, that he considered milford haven, and trincomale in the east indies, as the two finest harbours he had ever beheld. the obstacles which had hitherto impeded the employment of so important an appendage as this to the empire, appeared merely artificial, and would speedily be removed when once fully known. the rapid results of individual exertion had already, in fact, proved this, by bringing the mails to the water-side, rendering the custom-house shore accessible to ships of burden, and establishing daily packets to and from ireland; so that nothing more was now wanting, to render milford haven, projecting into and separating the st. george's and the bristol channels, the only safe sea-port on the west coast of great britain for commerce, as well as a port of refuge and of call: but, when viewed in relation to ireland, it became the central port of the empire; particularly, as a bonding port. the american settlers, by their character and ability, had been enabled to send eight ships to the south seas, and thus established the whale fishery. he had, himself, he acknowledged, supposed that the danger and natural defects of this port justified the official prejudice which, since the year , has been attached to milford haven; but, the fortifications being now properly abandoned, as incapable of defending the harbour, the qualities of the port, stated in the petition of british merchants, and in the report of the committee of the house of commons, he had, on his own view, ascertained to be correct. he applauded the wise measure of earl spencer, to improve naval architecture at milford; and was of opinion that, to apply, with oeconomy, the supply of timber on the sides of the severn, for the purpose of building ships on the draughts of mr. barralleer at milford, would do honour to the earl's views, and benefit to the service. he had critically examined the ships on the slips; and declared, that they ought to be models, of their class, for the british navy. mr. barralleer, an ingenious french ship-builder, who quitted toulon, on it's evacuation by our forces, was well known to lord nelson. he had been fourteen months on board admiral goodall's ship; and his observations, during all that time, in british practice, had perfected mr. barralleer's principles of construction. at his lordship's suggestion, this ingenious naval architect has since prepared draughts for the largest classes of ships, the usual defects of which had been pointed out by lord nelson, and are there effectually remedied. the high tides of milford haven, it's vicinity to the forest of dean, and the dock-yard being exempt from those interruptions by repairs to which portsmouth and plymouth must ever be devoted during war, are circumstances which, his lordship remarked, ought to render milford haven of the greatest use. earl spencer, indeed, had established the utility of the situation; and mr. barralleer, aware of prejudices among workmen who are required to deviate from their accustomed methods, had the precaution to initiate young natives of south wales in his own modes of construction, and thus contrived to raise a sufficient number of able artificers. as to the practical use of milford haven, for the king's service, it was only requisite that it should be known; and for the commander of the channel fleet to give notice, that he considered milford haven as a port where he would detach some of his ships to victual and water: for, as his lordship observed, before earl spencer ordered ships to be built at milford, not the smallest assistance could be obtained; and, indeed, what ship would go thither, while the agent-victualler resided in bristol, and had no store for salt provisions at milford?--which was, then, actually the case. such obstacles, once noticed, must immediately vanish; and he would himself recommend the trial, if in command. it had been said, there were not sufficient pilots; but, his lordship observed, there soon would be, if the arrival of ships sufficient to maintain them might be reasonably expected. in short, the port of milford was adapted to become of the greatest importance to great britain, not only in a naval and commercial view, but as an excellent position for packets to the westward. it would be particularly convenient, his lordship remarked, for single ships to go down channel, and rendezvous at milford haven, from whence they might at any time put to sea; either for the purpose of going off brest, or stretching for the west indies, when it was impossible for whole fleets to clear the channel, where they were now not unfrequently detained as long a time as would be requisite to make the whole voyage. adverting to the example of his esteemed friend, captain foley, as a native of pembrokeshire, his lordship remarked that, if government would only continue a fair encouragement to the port, the officers, the seamen, and the artificers, of the county of pembroke, it could not fail to effect important services for the nation. his lordship concluded with observing, that he felt so happy at beholding such public benefits combined with the objects established on his friend sir william hamilton's estate, by prudence of plan, unremitted perseverance, and with small means, under the judicious arrangements of the honourable mr. greville, that he would, if not on service, promise to return, as often as it should be in his power, to join them in celebrating the annual festivity thus established: and hoped that what he now publicly said, or had previously stated in private to his friends while surveying the port, would be remembered, for they were genuine truths; and he had already actually written to the minister, that he was in perfect admiration of this fine neglected port. such is the substance of lord nelson's observations with regard to milford haven; the remembrance of which will, no doubt, long be cherished in the grateful bosoms of all who had the honour to hear him. sir william hamilton left a fine whole-length picture of lord nelson, which had been painted at vienna, to be preserved, for the perpetual gratification of visitors, by the occupier of the new hotel, where his lordship and friends resided while at milford. after visiting lord cawdor, at stackpoole court; lord milford, at picton castle; lord kensington; mr. foley, brother of captain foley; and other noblemen and gentlemen in that part of the country, by all of whom they were sumptuously entertained; the party set out on their return from this highly satisfactory tour. at haverfordwest, on going to visit mr. foley, the horses had been taken from lord nelson's carriage, and he was drawn through the streets by the populace; preceded by the pembrokeshire militia, a troop of the haverfordwest cavalry, and the flags of the different companies and societies, &c. while they were at mr. foley's, the mayor and corporation waited on his lordship, and presented him with the freedom of that ancient town. at swansea, too, where he minutely examined the pier, pottery, and other places, while on a visit to glasmont, the seat of john morris, esq. the carriage had been drawn through the town by a choice body of exulting tars; and, after being regaled with his friends, by the portreeve, his lordship, and sir william hamilton, were both presented with the freedom of swansea. on wednesday evening, the th of august, after passing the day with mr. wells, owner of the celebrated piersfield estate, the returning party arrived at the beaufort arms, monmouth; lord nelson, on his way to milford, having promised the mayor and corporation that he would again visit them. next morning, amidst the ringing of bells, and preceded by a band of music, they set out, in a carriage with four horses, for the famous kymin pavillion; where they were not only received with enthusiasm by the company, but saluted by a discharge of cannon; the militia band playing--"god save the king!"--"rule, britannia!" &c. after taking breakfast in the banqueting-room, they proceeded to the naval temple, which his lordship surveyed with great attention. they then walked through the beaulieu grove: and, when they had sufficiently surveyed this delightful scene, in order to gratify the public curiosity, they walked back to monmouth; receiving, as they passed, the grateful applauses of all ranks of people. at four o'clock, they sat down to an elegant dinner, at the beaufort arms, with the mayor, corporation, and most of the principal inhabitants. on the health of--"the hero of the nile!" being drank, his lordship arose; and, in an admirable speech, expressed his gratitude for their kind attentions. lady hamilton sung two songs, with her usual scientific taste, and superior vocal excellence, which quite enraptured the whole company. "words, indeed," says a writer in one of the provincial journals, on this occasion, would "but ill convey an idea of the life and spirit which this deservedly admired lady gave to the festive board! in short, the polite and engaging behaviour of lord nelson, as well as of sir william and lady hamilton, impressed on the minds of the visitors the most unqualified respect and admiration of their characters." the meeting broke up at eight o'clock; his lordship and friends being engaged to pass the evening at the honourable colonel lindsay's. on friday, after walking in the town, viewing the public buildings, &c. they set out for ross; where a triumphal arch, ornamented with laurel and oak, and bearing an appropriate inscription, had been erected for the hero to pass through. from hence, they paid a visit to rudhall, the seat of thomas westfaling, esq. where, in the evening, there was a splendid ball and supper, to which all the principal families, for some miles round, were invited. a deputation from the mayor and corporation of hereford, having waited on lord nelson, at rudhall, requesting he would honour that city with his presence, his lordship obligingly consented; and, on monday morning, proceeded thither. being met by the populace, near the city, about twelve o'clock, they took the horses from his carriage, and drew the hero and his friends to the hotel; where they were received by his grace the duke of norfolk, recorder of hereford. shortly after, they proceeded to the town-hall; the militia band playing--"see, the conquering hero comes!" being introduced, by the duke of norfolk, to the corporation, who were waiting to receive his lordship, he was immediately addressed, by lacon lambe, esq. town-clerk, in an appropriate speech, complimentary of the hero's splendid achievements during the war; and soliciting his acceptance of the freedom of the city, presented in a box cut from the _apple-tree_--"the pride of the country; and of whose noble juice," concluded mr. lambe, "many libations will not fail to be offered to the long health, prosperity, and happiness, of the great and glorious conqueror of the nile!" lord nelson, respectfully putting the box to his lips, returned his sincere thanks, for an honour which, he said, he should never forget--that of having his name enrolled among the freemen of hereford. it was true, he had stood forward in the defence of his king and country, in many engagements: yet the honour and renown, for the brilliant victories which the fleets under him had obtained, were not attributable to himself, but must be ascribed, first, to the deity; and, next, to the undaunted courage, skill, and discipline, of those officers and seamen whom it had been his good fortune to command--not one of whom, he was proud to say, had ever in the least swerved from his duty. "should this nation," concluded his lordship, "ever experience a state similar to that from which it has been recently extricated, i have not the slightest doubt, from the result of my observations during this tour, that the native, the inbred spirit of britons, whilst it continues as firmly united as at present, is fully adequate successfully to repel any attack, either foreign or domestic, which our enemies may dare to make. you have but to say, to your fleets and armies--go ye forth, and fight our battles; whilst we, true to ourselves, protect and support your wives and little ones at home." the impression made by this speech is inconceivable. the reverend mr. morgan, canon-residentiary, also addressed his lordship, on the part of the bishop and clergy of the diocese; and, being charged, by the venerable bishop, to express his regret at being deprived, by extreme age and infirmity, of the honour of paying his personal respects to lord nelson in the town-hall, his lordship immediately replied that, as the son of a clergyman, and from having been bred up in a sense of the highest veneration for the church and it's able ministers, while he sincerely lamented the cause of absence, he conceived it a duty, which he would perform with the utmost willingness, to wait on his lordship at the episcopal palace. this, on returning from the hall, he accordingly did; and, soon after, the party proceeded to downton castle, near ludlow, the seat of richard payne knight, esq. on approaching near ludlow, the populace took the horses from his lordship's carriage, and drew it into the town; and, at his departure, drew him out of town, in the same manner, on the road to downton castle. after passing a few days with mr. knight, at his beautiful seat, and receiving the honorary freedom of the ancient borough of ludlow, his lordship, on sunday evening, the th of august, while on the road to worcester, was met by a prodigious concourse of people, who hailed his approach with heart-felt acclamations; and, taking the horses from his carriage, drew it to the hop-pole inn. the hero was greeted, as he entered the city, by lively peals from the different church bells, and many discharges of cannon; and joyfully saluted by innumerable spectators, in the streets, at the windows, and on the tops of houses, where they crouded to see him pass. in the course of the evening, his lordship frequently appeared at a window; and courteously bowed to the exulting crowd, with the most grateful condescension. next morning, the illustrious guest, and his friends, preceded by a band of music, visited the famous worcester china manufactory of messrs. chamberlains; and they demonstrated their approbation of it's beauty, by making considerable purchases. his lordship, in particular, left a large order for china, to be decorated in the most splendid stile, with his arms, insignia, &c. on returning to the inn, lord nelson was attended by the city officers, in all their formalities, for conducting his lordship and friends to the council-room in the town-hall; where the mayor and corporation were assembled, and had prepared an elegant collation. at the conclusion of this repast, the right honourable the earl of coventry, as recorder of worcester, on presenting his lordship with the freedom of that city, in an elegant china vase from messrs. chamberlains manufactory, thus addressed him--"my lord! as recorder of the ancient and loyal city of worcester, an office of the most pleasing nature to myself, and honourable to your lordship, is now imposed upon me. i am requested, by that respectable and patriotic body which i have the honour to represent on this occasion, the corporation of this city, to solicit your lordship's acceptance, as a testimony of their high and grateful sense of your distinguished services, in defence of the people, liberty, and constitution, of this kingdom, and our most gracious sovereign, with the freedom of the city of worcester." lord nelson, in a very masterly speech, complimented the corporate body, on the polite manner in which they had received him; and delicately expressed the pleasure which he felt from the sentiments entertained of him by the civil power of so ancient, so loyal, and so respectable a city, as that of worcester. for loyalty, his lordship remarked, they had always stood in the foremost rank; and, to that patriotic spirit, he conceived, was to be ascribed the high estimation in which they held his public and personal services. he considered himself fortunate, that his exertions had been called forth in such perilous and disastrous times; as, he flattered himself, he had contributed to the protection of the best of constitutions, and the best of kings. at the same time, he was bound to acknowledge that, whatever honour might arise to himself, from his conduct in those trying scenes in which he had been engaged, he had certainly been supported by the most able, intrepid, and active officers, and by men of the most undaunted and enterprising courage. the merit ascribed to him, was more particularly due to the brave men who had been put under his orders; it was to them that the country was indebted, he only had the good fortune to command the heroes who had obtained those important successes. with such assistance, aided by that providence who watches over righteous kings and states with paternal care, he did not hesitate to say, that this kingdom rested on a safe and solid basis; that nothing could shake it's foundation, but internal discord and divisions; that, as those whom he had now the honour of addressing, on to him so pleasing and flattering an occasion, had always, with such zeal and promptitude, expressed their attachment to their sovereign, they would, he hoped, persevere in that unanimity and order, which tend, as the best and most solid security, to the preservation of all kings and states. he had now, he said, the honour of being one of that body, as a public acknowledgment of the approbation with which they regarded his former services; and, should the exigence of the times, at any future period, call them again into action, the remembrance of that attention for which he had to thank them on the present occasion, would act as a stimulus to the exercise, if possible, of more ardent zeal and exertion, in the old and favourite cause, the defence of his king, and the protection of the constitution. his future conduct, his lordship concluded, would best evince his gratitude for the distinguished honours which had been conferred on him. the remainder of his life should be devoted to the service of his king and country; and, while he had a limb left, that limb should, if necessary, be cheerfully sacrificed in their defence. after this noble and impressive speech, which was much and most deservedly admired, his lordship and friends quitted the hall, and went to see the cathedral; where they were received, and congratulated, by the reverend dr. arthur onslow, the dean, and clergy. lord nelson viewed the choir, monuments, &c. of this elegant structure, with evident marks of satisfaction; and expressed himself much flattered by the polite attentions which he had experienced at worcester. having received an express invitation from the high and low bailiffs of birmingham, his lordship and friends, soon after one o'clock, departed for that celebrated place, in two post-coaches and four, with the drivers in bluejackets, and wearing ribbons of the same colour in their hats. apprehensive of accidents, from the curiosity of so crouded a population as that of birmingham, his lordship contrived to reach this town two hours sooner than expected. accordingly, he was met with by but few people on the road; and arrived, without any tumult, at styles's hotel. the intelligence, however, soon became general; the bells merrily rung; and a prodigious concourse of people assembled, all desirous of beholding the hero who had, they exclaimed, saved them and their little ones from destruction. his lordship kindly gratified them as much as possible, with a sight of his person, by repeatedly presenting himself at the window; and was as repeatedly greeted by the grateful and applausive shouts of the surrounding multitude, invoking heaven's best blessings on the noble champion of his country. his lordship was immediately waited on, at the hotel, by james woolley, esq. the high bailiff; and timothy smith, esq. the low bailiff: who politely thanked him, for the honour of accepting their invitation to "the toy-shop of europe." his lordship, and friends, in the evening, went to the theatre, drawn by the shouting populace; and the house was so crouded, that many hundred persons were unable to obtain admission. on their entrance, "rule, britannia!" was played in full orchestra; and the whole audience, respectfully standing up, instantly testified, by their unanimously loud and long continued plaudits, the happiness which they experienced at thus seeing among them the renowned hero of the nile. on returning, at midnight, his lordship and friends were drawn back, by the people, through new street, high street, and bull street, to styles's hotel, amidst a blaze of several hundred lighted torches. next morning, his lordship and friends, accompanied by the high and low bailiffs, walked to view the manufactory of mr. clay, japanner in ordinary to his majesty and his royal highness the prince of wales; the sword manufactory of messrs. woolley and deakin; the button manufactory of messrs. w. and r. smith; the buckle and ring manufactory of messrs. simcox and timmins; and the patent-sash manufactory of messrs. timmins and jordan. they then went, drawn in their carriage by the populace, a prodigious multitude constantly attending, to mr. egerton's stained-glass manufactory, at handsworth, where they were received by a party of beautiful young ladies, dressed in white, and who literally strewed the hero's ways with flowers. here his lordship particularly admired a large window intended for lady masterman sykes, and some works for fonthill and arundel. the party then proceeded to mr. boulton's matchless manufactory at soho; and visited that ingenious gentleman, who was slowly recovering from a dangerous illness, in his bed-chamber. they then viewed the extensive coining apparatus; and were presented with several appropriate medals struck in their presence. on returning to the hotel, they found an elegant dinner, consisting of every delicacy the season could afford, provided by the high and low bailiffs: at which they were met by heneage legge, esq. the high-sheriff; dugdale stratford dugdale, esq. one of the members for the county of stafford; his lordship's esteemed friend captain digby, who had the honour of being selected to bring intelligence of his lordship's glorious victory off the nile; with other naval and military officers, clergy, magistrates, &c. lady hamilton very condescendingly gratified the company with some charming songs. the bells rung most of the day: and, in the evening, his lordship and friends again visited the theatre; which was crouded with all the beauty and fashion of the neighbourhood, who gave them the most rapturous welcome. a respectable song, written for the occasion by mr. collins, was sung to the good old tune of "hearts of oak;" and his lordship and party were conveyed to and from the theatre, by the populace, in the same stile as they had been the preceding night. on wednesday morning, again attended by the high and low bailiff, they proceeded, on foot, to inspect mr. radenhurst's whip manufactory, the extensive toy warehouse of messrs. richards, mr. phipson's pin manufactory, and mr. bissett's museum. they concluded, by visiting the famous blue-coat charity school, and were much pleased with the appearance of the children; they then returned to their hotel, and set out for warwick, where they arrived the same evening. the inhabitants of warwick received his lordship and friends with every possible demonstration of joy. they were waited on by the mayor and corporation; and, after remaining till friday morning, chiefly occupied in viewing warwick castle, the county-hall, churches, and other public buildings, went on to coventry. on arriving in the city of coventry, where they were greeted with the usual public rejoicings, they were immediately attended by the mayor and corporation: and, after taking some refreshment, his lordship proceeded to pay his respects to earl spencer, at althorpe park, near northampton; from whence, on sunday, the th of september, the party returned to merton. this journey to milford proved eminently beneficial to lord nelson. it had not only established his health; but exhilarated his feeling mind, and freed it from every depression. the affectionate sentiments of a grateful and virtuous people, spontaneously bursting from their hearts, communicated a glow to his heroic bosom, which inspired him with renovated vigour, and fortified him against all the lurking malignancy of mean envy and disappointed ambition. when lord nelson came to town, from merton, which he did almost daily during the sittings of parliament, sir william hamilton usually accompanied his noble friend for the transaction of his own private business, and they always returned together in the evening. these inseparable friends would visit no where without each other; and they often declared, that nothing but death should ever divide them. his lordship, fond of retirement, visited very few of his opulent neighbours: but there was scarcely a poor inhabitant of merton, whose house he did not occasionally enter; where he would converse familiarly with the humble tenants, take the kindest notices of their little ones, and bountifully relieve their necessities. among his select wealthy neighbours, the celebrated abraham goldsmid, esq. of morden, and his amiable family, ranked high in his lordship's estimation, as well as in that of sir william and lady hamilton, and their reciprocal visits were frequent. a most liberal and unsolicited tender of pecuniary accommodation to lord nelson, by that worthy and disinterested gentleman, in the very origin of their acquaintance, bound his generous heart for ever to mr. goldsmid; whose mutually ardent amity, shining with undiminished lustre, still survives for all who were dear to his lordship. on the st of december, when the famous bill of his noble friend, the earl of st. vincent, then first lord of the admiralty, for a commission of naval enquiry, which brought on such a train of important but unexpected consequences, and was pregnant with so many beneficial effects to the service, underwent a discussion in the house of lords, at it's second reading, lord nelson made the following exquisite speech, in support of it's proposed objects-- "my lords! "in the absence of my noble friend, who is at the head of the admiralty, i think it my duty to say a few words to your lordships, in regard to a bill of which the objects have an express reference to the interests of my profession as a seaman. it undoubtedly originates in the feelings of the admiralty; that they have not the power to remedy certain abuses, which they perceive to be most injurious to the public service. every man knows, that there are such abuses; and, i hope, there is none among us who would not gladly do all that could be constitutionally effected to correct them. yet, if i had heard of any objection, of weight, urged against the measures in the present bill, i should certainly have hesitated to do any thing to promote it's progress through the forms of this house. but, i can recollect only one thing with which i have been struck as possibly exceptionable in it's tenor. it authorizes the commissioners to call for, and inspect, the books of merchants, who may have had transactions of business with any of the boards, or prize agents, into whose conduct they are to enquire. but, the credit of the british merchant is the support of the commerce of the world; his books are not, lightly, nor for any ordinary purpose, to be taken out of his own hands. the secrets of his business are not to be too curiously pryed into. the books of a single merchant may betray the secrets, not only of his own affairs, but of those with whom he is principally connected in business; and the reciprocal confidence of the whole commercial world may, by the authoritative enquiry of these commissioners, be shaken. all this, at least, i should have feared, as liable to happen, if the persons who are named in the bill had not been men whose characters are above all suspicion of indiscretion or malice. i may presume it to be the common conviction of the merchants, that in such hands they will be safe: since they have made no opposition to the bill, in it's progress; and since they have offered no appearance against it, by counsel at your lordships bar. and, truly, my lords, if the bill be, thus, superior to all objection; i can affirm, that the necessities, the wrongs, of those who are employed in the naval service of their country, most loudly call for the redress which it proposes! from the highest admiral in the service, to the poorest cabin-boy that walks the street, there is not a man but may be in distress, with large sums of wages due to him, of which he shall, by no diligence of request be able to obtain payment; not a man, whose intreaties will be readily answered, with aught but insult, at the proper places for his application, if he come not with particular recommendations to a preference. from the highest admiral, to the meanest seaman, whatever may be the sums of prize-money due to him, no man can tell when he may securely call any part of it his own. a man may have forty thousand pounds due to him, in prize-money; and yet may be dismissed, without a shilling, if he ask for it at the proper office without particular recommendation. are these things to be tolerated? is it for the interest, is it for the honour, of the country, that they should not as speedily as possible be redressed? i should be as unwilling as any man, to give an overweening preference to the interests of my own profession; but i cannot help thinking that, under all the circumstances of the business, your lordships will be strongly disposed to advance this bill into a law, as speedily as may be consistent with the order of your proceedings, and with due preference of deliberation!" next day, in a committee of the whole house, on the third reading of this celebrated bill, the duke of clarence having suggested the propriety of instituting a distinct enquiry, under a particular act, into the abuses of prize-money, lord nelson expressed himself to be of the same opinion; but, though severely animadverting on the flagrant enormities of prize-agents, his lordship, nevertheless, candidly acknowledged, that there might be instances where the delays of the payment of prize-money resulted, not from the villainy of the agents, but from accidents by no means easily avoidable in the common course of human affairs. in regarding the naval interests of his country, lord nelson was not unmindful of it's commercial prosperity; in censuring criminal abuses, he was careful not to involve innocence with guilt. lord nelson's love of humanity led him, in february , on the trial of colonel marcus despard, for high-treason, to bear the most honourable testimony to that officer's character: they had, his lordship said, formerly served together on the spanish main; together been in the enemy's trenches, and slept in the same tent; and he had every reason to believe him a loyal man, and a brave officer. his lordship, however, was fully satisfied, in the end, that colonel despard had been guilty of the crime for which he was executed in horsemonger lane, southwark, on the st of the same month. lord ellenborough, the learned judge before whom colonel despard was tried and convicted, on noticing, in his address to the jury, the circumstances of lord nelson's testimony, from the seat of justice which he so worthily fills, delivered this fine panegyric on our illustrious hero--"you have heard," said that manly, wise, and virtuous judge, "the high character given of the prisoner, by a man _on whom to pronounce an eulogy were to waste words!_ but, you are to consider whether a change has not taken place, since the period of which he speaks. happy, indeed, would it have been for him, if he had preserved that character down to this moment of peril!" had there been a gleam of doubt, as to the guilt of the culprit, the jury would certainly have acquitted him in consequence of our hero's testimony as to his character; and such was, after all, it's influence on their minds, that when, in the usual form, they were asked whether he was "guilty, or not guilty?" the foreman, though he replied--"guilty;" immediately added--"but we earnestly recommend him to mercy, on account of his former good character, and the services he has rendered his country." no recommendation, however, the crime being so atrocious, and the guilt so manifest, could reasonably be expected to avail. it is said, though such disabolism can scarcely be credited, that attempts were made, on this occasion, by secret enemies of his lordship in very high rank, to prejudice characters still more elevated against him; and thus, as in some other respects, vilely insinuating that his most honourable and virtuous heart was tainted with the very vice which he ever held in the greatest abhorrence. among the various gross imputations against his lordship, which the future historian may find registered in some of the preserved licentious public journals of blended facts and falshoods, and inconsiderately adopt, is that of the hero of the nile's having been so addicted to gaming, that he lost, at a single sitting, the whole he had gained, both pay and prize-money, during the year of that memorable victory: whereas, in truth, his lordship was so extremely adverse to this vice, that he had scarcely ever, in his life, entered any one of the fashionable gaming-houses; nor ever, as he repeatedly assured his friends, whom these base reports induced particularly to ask the question, won or lost even the trifling sum of twenty guineas! notwithstanding this undoubted verity; there will, probably, always be found weak heads firmly believing, and vicious hearts basely pretending to believe, that this exalted man was actually of a gambling spirit. so difficult is it entirely to eradicate the rank but fertile growth of once disseminated calumny; which, sown in darkness, by the arch-enemy of mankind, springs up, and spreads it's pernicious influence, to check the fairer growth, and defeat the just hopes of the meritorious husbandman. it has been already observed that, owing to the unaccommodating disposition of a neighbouring farmer, lord nelson had been unable to enlarge the grounds of his retirement at merton, till he agreed to purchase the whole of mr. axe's estate. this, however, had been so far effected, at the latter end of the year , that there wanted nothing, but certain legal formalities, for the conclusion of that business. his lordship and friends had already rendered merton place a little paradise, by their tasteful arrangements. they jointly directed the disposition of the most beautiful shrubs; and not unfrequently placed them in the earth, sir william or lady hamilton assisting his lordship to plant them with his single hand. a small mulberry-tree, now only a few feet high, and standing in front of the house, not far distant from the canal, where it was fixed by lord nelson's own hand, may hereafter rival the celebrated mulberry-tree at stratford upon avon, planted by the immortal shakspeare; the first dramatic bard, and naval hero, "take them for all in all," the world is ever likely to know. the prospect of immediately executing the desirable additional improvements in his lordship's estate, the plan of which had already been long contrived, was a source of considerable satisfaction to their anticipatory minds, as the spring season advanced. the purchase, indeed, was compleated the beginning of may ; but, events were now destined to occur, in the few intervening days, which rendered the possession of what had been so eagerly sought, of little value to either of the persons by whom it had been regarded as so sure a source of increased enjoyments. towards the latter end of march, sir william hamilton, then in his seventy-fourth year, suddenly felt himself more than usually indisposed. he was a gentleman of the most exalted understanding; and knew, perfectly well, from the nature of his sensations, that the period had arrived, when his corporeal dissolution must hourly be expected. this circumstance conveyed, to his excellent heart, no uncommon alarm: the serious contemplation of death, had not been deferred to the last moment of his existence; and he therefore beheld, without dismay, every step of it's awful approach. with a calmness which he was unable to communicate to his lady, he announced the solemn certainty; and declared his resolution immediately to leave merton place, lest he should, by dying there, render it an insupportable future abode to the feelings of his tender and illustrious friend. sir william, on arriving at his house in piccadilly, the th of march, instantly annexed the following remarkable codicil to his will-- "march , . "the copy of madame le brun's picture of emma, in enamel, by bone, i give to my dearest friend, lord nelson, duke of bronte: a small token of the great regard i have for his lordship; the most virtuous, loyal, and truly brave character, i have ever met with. god bless him! and shame fall on those who do not say--_amen_." the moment his lordship learned that sir william hamilton's physicians declared him to be in danger, he never once quitted him: but, during six nights, constantly sat up with his friend; who died, in the arms of lady hamilton, and with lord nelson's hand in his, on the th of april . a few moments before sir william's decease, he said to his lordship--"brave and great nelson, our friendship has been long, and i glory in my friend. i hope you will see justice done to emma, by ministers; for you know how great her services have been, and what she has done for her country. protect my dear wife; and may god bless you, and give you victory, and protect you in battle!" then, turning to his lady--"my incomparable emma," said he, "you have never, in thought, word, or deed, offended me; and let me thank you, again and again, for your affectionate kindness to me, all the time of our ten years happy union." lord nelson could scarcely be torn from the body of his friend. he requested mrs. nelson, now the countess nelson, immediately to take apartments for him: and begged her to tell lady hamilton, that it would not be right, now his friend was dead, to be an inmate of her ladyship's house; for it was a bad world, and her grief for the loss of her husband might not let her think of the impropriety of his continuing there. his lordship, accordingly, removed that evening to lodgings in piccadilly. it is remarkable that, the very day of sir william's death, captain macnamara, lord nelson's old fellow-traveller when he visited france the latter end of the year , killed colonel montgomery, and was himself shot through the left side by his antagonist, in a duel near primrose hill, hampstead. they had been riding in hyde park, that morning, with each a newfoundland dog; in whose first quarrelling and fighting, originated the dispute which so fatally terminated in the evening. captain macnamara was tried at the old bailey, on the d of the same month; but lord nelson, as well as his friends lord minto, lord hood, and lord hotham, giving him a most excellent character, though judge heath directed the jury to find a verdict of manslaughter, both from the evidence and the captain's own admission, they resolutely pronounced him--"not guilty!" lord nelson had not, now, been quite eighteen months at home; and, within less than the twelve last, his ardent hopes of a tranquil retirement with the friends he loved, had been twice cruelly chilled by the hand of death. having lost the best of fathers, and the best of friends, with whom he was solicitous to have enjoyed his enlarged domains at merton, before the incivility of a rude rustic, and the procrastinating formalities of legal conveyance, would permit him to possess the requisite additions for it's improvement. indeed, without the aid of sir william's income, the establishment at merton place, was already too great for lord nelson's slender fortune. it suited well enough their joint means, but was not adapted, individually, for either. however, even the possession of the whole had scarcely been obtained, and not at all occupied, when it was rendered useless to the hero; for, a renewal of the war being now inevitable, his transcendent abilities were instantly called for by the united voice of the nation. on the th of may, little more than five weeks after the decease of his revered and regretted friend sir william hamilton, a message from his majesty announced to both houses of parliament the necessity for immediate war with france: and, the very next day, lord nelson, who had accepted the command of the mediterranean fleet, departed for portsmouth; from whence he sailed for gibraltar, the day following, in the amphion frigate, accompanied by the victory of a hundred and ten guns, his lordship's flag-ship. previous to his departure, however, lord nelson, not unmindful of his dying friend's last request, had both written to, and waited on, mr. addington, respecting lady hamilton's pension; and this most honourable minister, as he has ever been generally esteemed, frankly told his lordship, that it certainly ought to be granted. indeed, when it is duly considered, that sir william hamilton was the foster-brother of his present majesty, who always entertained for him the most affectionate regard; that he had, for thirty-six years, filled the character of british minister at the court of naples, with a zeal and ability not to be surpassed, and with a munificent and splendid hospitality very rarely exercised; that his surviving lady, who constituted the chief felicity of his latter years, so contributed to promote all the best interests of her country, and all the dignity of a beloved husband who there held the honour of representing his sovereign, that the queen of naples, in a letter to his british majesty, dictated by the grateful feelings of her heart, expressly stated lady hamilton to have been--"her best friend and preserver! to whom she was indebted, certainly, for her life; and, probably, for the crown!" and that the pension of twelve hundred pounds a year, conferred on sir william for his long diplomatic services, ceased at his death; added to the solicitations of such a man as lord nelson, and the avowal of so upright a minister as mr. addington: it must, certainly, appear evident that, if there had not been some very unaccountable neglect, or some most scandalous impediment, the just expectations of so many great and estimable characters, would long since have been satisfied by the grant of a liberal pension to lady hamilton; not only as the relict of such an honourable envoy, but for her ladyship's own individual public services to the country. what lord nelson thought on this subject, to the last hour of his most invaluable life, will necessarily be hereafter more particularly noticed. soon after his lordship's arrival at gibraltar, while he was going up to malta, in the month of june, for the purpose of collecting his ships, he wrote to lady hamilton that, when he was in sight of vesuvius, his thoughts of his dear friend, sir william, were so severe, that he had nearly fainted. thus delicately tender were all the virtuous affections, in the bosom of this truly heroic man. though lord nelson was, now, established commander in chief, in some sense for the first time, the dread with which his name inspired the enemy rendered the service far too inactive for his lordship's taste. to watch the motions of a timid enemy, and wait the tedious periods of their venturing out, was to him a most irksome task. he disdained, however, any strict blockade of toulon: but encouraged the boastful fleet, ignominiously skulking there, to come fairly forward; by always leaving them sufficient sea room; though he endeavoured to preserve over all their motions a constantly watchful eye. month, after month, seemed sluggishly to pass away, in wearisome succession; though his lordship, whose mind was ever too alert for a state of actual supineness, kept continually cruizing about. he hoped that, at least, they might thus be encouraged secretly to detach a small squadron, which he had little doubt some of his brave fellows would soon contrive to pick up. in these cruizes, too, his lordship, at least, was certain of securing one object, ever the first regard of his heart, that of preserving the health of the men, without which no victory could be expected. his care, in this respect, was most unremittingly employed; and the following letter, written by lord nelson, at that period, to his friend and physician, the celebrated dr. moseley, of chelsea hospital, who has purposely favoured the biographer with a correct copy, will not only evince his lordship's indefatigable attention, and his very great skill and success, but prove otherwise considerably interesting. "victory, th of march . "my dear dr. moseley, yesterday, i received the favour of the th edition of your invaluable work on tropical diseases, &c. and, with it, your most kind letter: and, though i know myself not equal to your praises, yet i feel that my honest intentions for the good of the service have ever been the same; and, as i rise in rank, so do my exertions. the great thing, in all military service, is health; and you will agree with me, that it is easier for an officer to keep men healthy, than for a physician to cure them. situated as this fleet has been, without a friendly port, where we could get all the things so necessary for us; yet i have, by changing the cruizing ground, not allowed the sameness of prospect to satiate the mind. sometimes, by looking at toulon, ville tranche, barcelona, and roses; then running round minorca, majorca, sardinia, and corsica; and, two or three times, anchoring for a few days, and sending a ship to the last place for _onions_--which i find the best thing that can be given to seamen: having, always, good mutton for the sick; cattle, when we can get them; and plenty of fresh water. in the winter, it is the best plan to give half the allowance of grog instead of all wine. "these things are for the commander in chief to look to; but, shut very nearly out from spain, and only getting refreshments by stealth from other places, my command has been an arduous one. "cornwallis has great merit for his persevering cruize; but he has every thing sent him, we have nothing. we seem forgotten, by the great folks at home. our men's minds, however, are always kept up, with the daily hopes of meeting the enemy. i send you, as a curiosity, an account of our deaths, and sent to the hospital, out of men. the fleet put to sea on the th of may , and is still at sea; not a ship has been refitted, or recruited, excepting what has been done at sea, you will readily believe, that all this must have shaken me. my sight is getting very bad; but _i_ must not be sick, until after the french fleet is taken, then, i shall soon hope to take you by the hand, and have farther recourse to your skill for my eye. "i am always glad to hear good accounts of our dear lady hamilton. that she is beloved, wherever she is known, does not surprise me; the contrary would, very much. i am sure, she feels most sincerely all your kindness. "believe me, for ever, my dear doctor, your much obliged friend, nelson and bronte dr. moseley, chelsea hospital." the account of the very few persons who had died, or been on the sick list, transmitted as a curiosity in the above letter, having been unfortunately lost by dr. moseley, their exact number cannot be ascertained. notwithstanding the opportunities given by lord nelson for the french fleet to depart from toulon, either in the aggregate, by detached squadrons, or even single ships, more than a year elapsed without any of them daring to quit the port. a solitary frigate, indeed, had occasionally appeared, but was soon chased back, and no stratagem seemed capable of inducing them to move. among other contrivances to put them in motion, was that of sending two or three ships of the line, with a single frigate, off the harbour, while the main body of the fleet remained at a considerable distance out of sight. on the d of may , admiral campbell in the canopus, accompanied by sir richard strachan in the donegal, and the amazon frigate, were detached by lord nelson thus to reconnoitre the enemy; and, after being some hours as near the mouth of the harbour as their batteries would allow, had the pleasure to behold three line of battle ships, and three frigates, come out. our ships immediately tacked, in order to draw them from the land; but only went under an easy sail, so that they soon came within random-shot. when the enemy began to fire, the people of the canopus were just sat down to dinner; which they quietly took, and then returned their fire: meaning, now, to bring them to close action, though so far superior. at this moment, however, two more ships of the line, with another frigate, were perceived coming up fast to their assistance. this was too great odds, so near their own batteries, and our small squadron were obliged to sheer off, under a press of sail. the french pursued them, for some time, still keeping the advantage of sailing; but, fearful of following too far, by the time they were five leagues from toulon, they were recalled, about three quarters of an hour past three, by their signal-post from the hill, and all stood in again. at six, the rear-admiral saw our fleet to leeward, and joined them at half-past nine. they had heard, indistinctly, the firing: and the leviathan was, in consequence, detached toward toulon; but had not proceeded far, before our ships were perceived on their return. this trivial affair was magnified, by the french admiral, latouche treville, who had so manfully ventured to pursue, a little way, with two eighty-fours, three seventy-fours, three forty-four frigates, and a corvette, our two eighty-fours and a single frigate, into a compleat discomfiture of the whole british fleet! in the mean time, though lord nelson could in no way contrive effectually to decoy out the wary gallic boasters, their commerce was not only distressed, but nearly annihilated; their privateers were taken; and the british flag waved, with proud defiance, throughout the mediterranean, and was unopposed even on the coast of france. the city of london, sensible of what the experienced security of the british commerce owed to his lordship's services, though uninformed as to the precise mode in which the hero's operations were conducted, now transmitted to him, through the lord-mayor, their public thanks, voted on the th of april , for his skill and perseverance in blockading the port of toulon, so as to prevent the enemy's fleet in that quarter from putting to sea. this panegyric, however intended, was not at all relished by his lordship, who had never approved of the blockading system. "praise undeserved," the hero probably thought, as well as the poet, "is censure most severe." under some such impression, therefore, instantly on receiving the lord-mayor's letter, which unfortunately arrived the famous st of august, he wrote the following animated answer; spiritedly declining any acceptance of thanks from his fellow-citizens, in which his own services seemed so imperfectly recognized, and from which his brave coadjutors were unjustly excluded. "victory, august , . "my lord, "this day, i am honoured with your lordship's letter of april th; transmitting me the resolutions of the corporation of london, thanking me as commanding the fleet blockading toulon. i do assure your lordship, that there is not that man breathing, who sets a higher value upon the thanks of his fellow-citizens of london than myself; but i should feel as much ashamed to receive them, for a particular service marked in the resolution, if i felt that i did not come within that line of service, as i should feel hurt at having a great victory passed over without notice. "i beg to inform your lordship, that the port of toulon has never been blockaded by me; quite the reverse. every opportunity has been offered the enemy to put to sea: for, it is there that we hope to realize the hopes and expectations of our country; and, i trust that they will not be disappointed. "your lordship will judge of my feelings, upon seeing that all the junior flag-officers of other fleets, and even some of the captains, have received the thanks of the corporation of london, whilst the junior flag-officers of the mediterranean fleet are entirely omitted. i own, that it has struck me very forcibly; for, where the information of the junior flag-officers and captains of other fleets was obtained, the same information could have been given of the flag-officers of this fleet and the captains; and it was my duty to state, that more able and zealous flag-officers and captains do not grace the british navy, than those i have the honour and happiness to command. it likewise appears, my lord, a most extraordinary circumstance, that rear-admiral sir richard bickerton should have been, as second in command in the mediterranean fleet, twice passed over by the corporation of london: once, after the egyptian expedition, when the first and third in command were thanked; and, now, again. consciousness of high desert, instead of neglect, made the rear-admiral resolve to let the matter rest, until he could have an opportunity personally to call upon the lord-mayor to account for such an extraordinary omission; but, from this second omission, i owe it to that excellent officer, not to pass it by: and i do assure your lordship, that the constant, zealous, and cordial support, i have had, in my command, from both rear-admiral sir richard bickerton and rear-admiral campbell, has been such as calls forth all my thanks and admiration. we have shared together the constant attention of being more than fourteen months at sea, and are ready to share the dangers and glory of a day of battle; therefore, it is impossible that i can ever allow myself to be separated, in thanks, from such supporters. "i have the honour to remain, with the very highest respect, your lordship's most faithful and obedient servant, "nelson and bronte." "to the right honourable the lord mayor." during the remainder of the year, though there was scarcely a day which his lordship did not employ in endeavours to improve the natural supineness of his situation, very little occurred that calls for particular notice. a tedious detail of so many days of languid expectation, would be comparatively as oppressive to the reader, as the time thus passed proved to the hero himself and the many brave men under his command. the destruction, however, of a number of vessels at la vandour, in hieres bay, was performed with such a display of hardihood and address, that it should, at least, receive honourable mention. this can be in no way so well effected, as by transcribing lord nelson's own words on the occasion--"the importance of the service," says his lordship, "may be but little; but, the determined bravery of lieutenants thompson, parker, lumley, and moore, and the petty officers, seamen, and marines, employed under them, could not be exceeded." nor must a small anecdote, highly honourable to our hero himself, fail also to be recorded. a seaman of his lordship's flag-ship, the victory, on the th of september, fell from the forecastle into the sea; when mr. edward flin, a volunteer, hearing the cry of a man overboard, instantly leaped from the quarter-deck, and had the good fortune to save him, notwithstanding the extreme darkness of the night, and the ship's being under sail. next morning, lord nelson sent for mr. flin; and, presenting him with a lieutenant's commission, appointed him to the bittern sloop of war, and afterwards procured the admiralty's confirmation of his appointment. the year , rendered for ever too fatally memorable, commenced with presages of sufficiently active employ. the vast exertions of france for the augmentation of her navy, seemed to inspire a hope of being able, with the assistance of spain, now forced into a war which that unfortunate court had so much reason to dread, at length, in the confidence of superior numbers, to hazard an encounter with the british fleet. this, however, was by no means to be rashly ventured: it would be necessary, they well knew, first to effect a junction of their united force; which was not easily accomplishable, while they were watched with such diligent circumspection by our indefatigable hero. the first operation, by which they sought to elude his vigilance, was that of risking a small squadron from rochfort, under rear-admiral missiessi; which, having got out unobserved by our cruisers, arrived safely in the west indies, with the double view of pillaging our colonies, and assisting to relieve st. domingo. in the mean time, another, but far more powerful squadron, was ready to seize the first convenient opportunity of slipping out from toulon. on the th of january, while lord nelson, who had no desire to restrain the enemy from putting to sea, was busily engaged in observing the whole line of the italian, french, and spanish coasts, from palermo, leghorn, toulon, and barcelona, to the straits of gibraltar, and picking up all the french and spanish vessels which his cruisers could meet with in that wide extent of ocean, admiral villeneuve, with a formidable squadron, consisting of eleven sail of the line and two frigates, suddenly pushed out of toulon harbour. the seahorse, lord nelson's look-out frigate, accordingly, narrowly escaped being taken: and the venus sloop of ten guns, with his lordship's dispatches, was actually captured; having, however, previously thrown the dispatches overboard. the seahorse, instead of watching, at a safe distance, the course of the enemy's fleet, till their destination should have been in some degree ascertained, hastened to acquaint his lordship that they had sailed, without being able to afford the smallest additional information. this, indeed, was sufficient to call forth our hero's energies; but he was, at the same time, checked by the dread of proceeding in a wrong direction. strong circumstances induced his lordship to suppose, that another attack on egypt might possibly be intended by this armament; which, indeed, was the current report. he deemed it likely, however, that they might first, as they formerly did at malta, make an insiduous attempt on sicily, in their way to the grand scene of their perfidious operations. actuated by the force of these reflections, lord nelson sent to apprize the ottoman porte, as well as the commandant of coron, that the toulon fleet had sailed, having a considerable number of troops on board, with the probable intention of making a descent either on the morea or on egypt. he also dispatched, on the th, the seahorse to naples, and le tigre to palermo, with similar intimations. next day, the phoebe joined the fleet; who had, on the l th, seen a french eighty-gun ship get into ajaccio, in corsica, having lost all her topmasts, and being otherwise much crippled. this, it should seem, was the effect of that storm which, as it was afterwards found, had almost immediately occasioned the french armament's return to toulon. his lordship, however, unaware of any such consequence, and deceived by the artful promulgation of false reports, kept running for sicily; and, when in sight of maritimo, sent le tigre, captain hallowell, to communicate with sir john acton at palermo. le tigre joined next day, without any news whatever of the french. in the evening, the fleet passed round strombolo, which burnt very strongly all night; and, having left the sophia to cruize three days off strombolo for information, and sent the bittern to tunis, proceeded for the faro of messina. on the th, off the faro, his lordship was joined by the seahorse from naples; where, also, nothing had been heard of the french. at noon, on the st, having sent the seahorse off toulon, round cape corse, and morgiana, to look into elba, st. fiorenzo, and ajaccio, the fleet got through the faro of messina without any accident. on the d of february, they passed candia; being unable, from the state of the wind and weather, to make that island: and, on the th, sent forward the anson, with letters to the governor of alexandria; to the british resident, major bissett; and to the pro-consul, mr. briggs. next day, his lordship saw the arab's tower; and, on the th, at seven in the morning, came within sight of alexandria, but there were no ships in the port. his lordship immediately sent captain hallowell ashore, with duplicates of his letters, the anson being unable to get up. at three o'clock, captain hallowell returned. the turks, who were very much alarmed at the appearance of the fleet, had heard nothing of the french; and were in no condition to defend this most important place from an attack, by surprise, of even five hundred men. such is the shocking supineness of these people! the turks and mamelukes were, however, at war; the former being in possession of grand cairo, and the latter of upper egypt. immediately on the receipt of this intelligence, by captain hallowell, the fleet bore up, and made sail for malta. on the th, the phoebe having joined off candia, was dispatched to malta with orders. at daylight, on the th, his lordship saw malta; and, at eight in the morning, communicated with vallette. the phoebe made the signal for no information; and, at nine, the fleet bore away for maritimo. the superb picked up a boat, and made the signal for intelligence from malta: but his lordship would not stop; for he wanted, he said, no intelligence, but where to find the french fleet. his anxiety, therefore, may be easily imagined. it was little less, in fact, than what he had formerly suffered, on his first vain pursuit to alexandria. by a vessel met with, in the afternoon, eight days from barcelona, his lordship now learned that the french fleet had returned to toulon; wanting, however, at that time, three sail of the line and a frigate. on the th, while employed in watering the fleet, at palla, in sardinia, a letter arrived from captain munday of the hydra, dated february th, who had reconnoitred the french fleet in toulon on the th, when it consisted of seventeen sail. on thursday, the th of march, a cartel ship came into the fleet, then at anchor under tolaro in the isle of rouse, with captain layman, the officers, and crew, of the raven brig, which was wrecked off cadiz, on the night of january the th. the captain general of andalusia, lord nelson was told, had treated them with the greatest kindness--"which," generously exclaimed his lordship, "i will return, whenever fortune may put it in my power!" having weighed, in the morning of the th, the fleet, at six in the evening, anchored in the gulph of palma; where a court-martial was held on the officers and crew of the late raven brig, which passed a slight censure on the captain for not having approached the shore with greater caution. in the evening, the fleet beat out of palma, and steered between vache and the reef off antioch. on the th, in the gulph of lyons, they were joined by the active, seahorse, and juno; who had, the day before, seen the french fleet perfectly ready for sea. the renown also joined that evening; on board of which, invalids, &c. were next day sent. it was a calm, all day; but, in the evening, light breezes springing up, the fleet stood out for st. sebastian's. on the th, the renown was dispatched for gibraltar and england; on the th, the fleet was beating to the eastward, off tarragona; and, on the th, in the afternoon, passed minorca, standing for sardinia, which they saw on the d in the evening, when his lordship sent the juno with orders for the transports to join him. at sunset, on the th, the fleet anchored in the gulph of palma; where lord nelson found his old friend, admiral louis, in the ambuscade, who had sailed from england the th of february. the whole of this night, and the three following days, were employed in clearing transports. on the th, the seahorse brought intelligence that the french fleet were safe in port on sunday the th. the day following, the signal was made to prepare for sea; and, our fleet having sailed from palma, anchored at palla, on the st in the evening. next morning, april , at day-light, they commenced watering; and, at sun-set, every ship was compleat, and the fleet moved farther off shore. their activity, his lordship remarked, was never exceeded. on the d, at day-light, they sailed from palla; and, next morning, were joined by the phoebe, with the signal that the enemy's fleet was at sea. at nine, captain capel went on board the victory; and reported to his lordship, that he had seen the french fleet on sunday morning at eight o'clock, and kept with them till sun-set, but lost sight of them during the night. lord nelson immediately sent the ambuscade to gaieta, and the active to the coast of africa, for intelligence respecting them. next day, the amazon and transports joined from malta; and a turkish corvette also arrived from constantinople, with letters of gratitude from the grand vizier and the capitan pacha, to which his lordship immediately returned respectful answers. the moucheron brig, too, having this day joined, from malta, was sent to cruize seven days between gaieta and africa, and to call at tunis for information. after clearing transports next day, and sending the bittern to gibraltar with dispatches, his lordship stood to the northward in the evening: and, the following morning, sent the active to cagliari, the amazon to naples, the seahorse to maritimo, and le tigre to palermo, for information. the active brought no news from the coast of africa; but the seahorse, returned from maritimo with intelligence from the officer at the port, that fourteen ships of war had passed the island on the th of march, steering to the southward; and that two frigates had, on the th of april, also passed, steering to the northward: neither of which reports his lordship believed; and, in fact, they appear to have been totally false. in the evening, steering for palermo, they were joined by the ambuscade and astrea, neither of whom had obtained any information of the enemy's fleet, though they had seen many vessels. on the th, having cleared transports, which arrived the preceding evening, they compleated the fleet to four months provisions and sixty days wine and spirits. le tigre joined next day, from palermo: where they knew nothing of the french fleet's having sailed; but sent information that an expedition had left england, and that a russian squadron was expected in the mediterranean. this information led his lordship to suppose that the french fleet might, probably, with a view of intercepting them, be somewhere about minorca; he stood, therefore, to the westward of sardinia, in the hope of falling in with the enemy. the hydra and childers joined, this day, from magdalena, but brought no intelligence. at sunset, seven leagues south of maritimo, the active also joined, from cagliari; and informed his lordship, that the ragusan consul had received a letter from st. pierre's, giving him an account, brought by a ragusan brig, which had arrived there from marseilles, that the french fleet sailed from toulon the th of march, having a great number of troops on board. this intelligence turned out to be the fact. admiral villeneuve having succeeded in leading his dreaded antagonist to a safe distance, and compleated all his preparations for the grand design, which was that of forming a junction with the spanish fleets, and then proceeding to the west indies, had in truth left toulon, on the th, with eleven sail of the line, a frigate, and two corvettes, in which were embarked ten thousand select troops under the command of general lauriston. this armament first sailed to carthagena; where the six ships expected to be ready, under admiral salcedo, not being quite prepared to join, and fearful of losing a moment's time, during the absence of lord nelson, admiral villeneuve pursued his course to cadiz. there he had, for some time, been expected by admiral gravina, who was waiting his arrival with six spanish sail of the line, and two thousand two hundred and eighty troops. on the approach of the french fleet off cadiz, the th of april, sir john orde, who was blockading that port with five ships of the line, incapable of preventing their junction with the spaniards, retired from his station; unpursued by the french fleet, which might easily have forced him into action. l'aigle, a french ship of the line, which had been some time at cadiz, immediately came out of the harbour; and was soon after followed by six spanish sail of the line, and five frigates, under admiral gravina: when, having compleatly effected their junction, a strong easterly wind expeditiously carried them out of sight. at this period, it has been seen, lord nelson had, from circumstances, supposed the toulon fleet likely to be met with in the sicilian seas. having sent frigates, in all directions, to gain intelligence of the enemy, the moment it was ascertained that they had actually sailed, he was beating to windward, off the coast of sardinia, on the th of april, when he was informed, by an austrian vessel from lisbon, that sixteen ships of war had been seen, the th inst. standing to the westward. his lordship, now, justly apprehensive that this must have been the french fleet, felt extremely uneasy, that they had thus eluded all his vigilance. his agony is not to be described; and he was only consoled, at length, by reflections that, in assuring himself of the safety of naples, sicily, the morea, egypt, and sardinia, before he proceeded to the westward, he had certainly done what was perfectly right. "i must ever regret, however," writes his lordship, "my want of frigates which i could have sent to the westward; and i must also regret, that captain mowbray did not cruize until he heard something of the french fleet. i am unlucky, but i cannot exert myself more than i have done for the public service!" in fact, the exertions of lord nelson, during the whole of this arduous and perplexing service, were inconceivably great. he had, besides the usual cares of a commander in chief, the very difficult task of conciliating a variety of discordant states, from whom he was under the necessity of drawing constant supplies of fresh provisions and other requisites, which they were deterred from affording by the dread of a powerful and unprincipled enemy, perpetually menacing them with destruction, whatever degrees of amity they might either possess, or profess, for this country. the address of our hero, in counteracting the enemy's designs, with what may be denominated diplomatic combat, and thus obtaining needful supplies as well as useful intelligence, has scarcely ever been equalled. in corresponding with the various powers with whom it was necessary thus to communicate, the abilities of the reverend mr. alexander scott, now dr. scott, from his acquaintance with most of the modern languages, proved eminently favourable to his lordship's views. this gentleman was not only chaplain of the victory, but private and foreign secretary to lord nelson, who also often employed him in confidential communications on shore. they had known each other ever since the year ; when mr. scott was chaplain to sir john collins in the mediterranean, and lord nelson captain of the agamemnon. on the death of sir john collins, captain nelson asked mr. scott to go with him as his chaplain; which he was under the necessity of declining, having previously engaged to go with sir hyde parker in the st. george. during the expedition to copenhagen, lord nelson, not having his chaplain, mr. comyns, with him, borrowed mr. scott, then sir hyde parker's chaplain and foreign secretary, to read prayers in his ship; and, on his lordship's going ashore, he chose mr. scott to accompany him, as secretary to the commission for arranging the convention: the articles of which were, in fact, penned by this gentleman. lord nelson kindly advised mr. scott to subscribe the convention with his name, as secretary; but he diffidently declined the honour: for which lord nelson greatly blamed him; and he has since often blamed himself, as his lordship predicted would one day be the case. from this period, lord nelson was always greatly attached to mr. scott, and constantly kept up a correspondence with him. he had then first asked this gentleman if he would attend him as his confidential foreign secretary, in case of his ever getting the mediterranean command; which mr. scott readily promised to do, should his old friend, sir hyde parker, "be laid on the shelf." had the then war continued, that arrangement would have taken place. on the peace, mr. scott went to the west indies: from whence he returned, just before the present war broke out, in a very deplorable state of health; having been struck by lightning, and severely wounded. he had, however, no sooner arrived in london, than lord nelson was at his bed-side: where the generously humane hero continually visited him, during his confinement; and, soon after, took him, in the amphion, to the mediterranean, on this expedition. it is somewhat remarkable, that his lordship's regular secretary, though no relation of this gentleman, should also be a scott: the former, the rev. mr. alexander scott; and the latter, john scott, esq. so numerous were his lordship's correspondences, that both secretaries were often fully employed: his lordship, from the time of his having engaged dr. scott, constantly accompanying his original letters to foreign courts, by translations into the respective languages; a point of etiquette always highly gratifying to the power addressed, and frequently attended with other beneficial consequences. there was, in short, no point of probable advantage to his country, however minute it might appear, which lord nelson ever thought unworthy of his strict regard. on the th of april, in the evening, the amazon brought a confirmation of the intelligence respecting the french fleet, from a vessel which had seen, on the th at noon, eleven sail of the line, four frigates, and three brigs, pass gibraltar with their colours flying. to add to the mortification, westerly winds, and a heavy sea, prevented the british fleet's gaining any ground, either this or the following day. a vessel five days from cadiz, still to augment his lordship's distress, now also informed the amazon, that the spanish squadron had joined the french, and were gone with them to the westward. having appointed the general rendezvous at gibraltar, his lordship sent every where to procure additional frigates. he also dispatched the active to ireland, the channel fleet, and england, with an account of his intended pursuit of the enemy. his passage to gibraltar was prodigiously impeded by continual foul winds, and heavy swells. "nothing," writes his lordship, at this anxious period, "can be more unfortunate, than we are in our winds; but, god's will be done! i submit. human exertions are absolutely unavailing. what man could do, i have done. i hope that the wind will come to the eastward. what ill fortune! but, i cannot help myself." thus did the hero complain, and thus did he console himself. on the st of may, near the coast of barbary, he was joined by the martin sloop, which sailed from plymouth the th of april; and brought his lordship a letter from the admiralty, dated the th, which informed him that five thousand troops were coming to the mediterranean. on the th, at ten in the morning, the fleet anchored in tetuan bay; or, rather, in the little bay to the eastward of tetuan, where there is a very fine river of fresh water. the day was chiefly employed in watering the fleet; and clearing a transport with wine, which had been brought out from gibraltar. no information of the combined fleet was, however, obtained from thence, nor in letters dated at lisbon the th; but it seemed generally credited, that they were gone to the west indies. "surely," exclaimed his lordship, "i shall hear something of them from sir john orde's cruizers; which he must, naturally, have sent after them!" sir john, however, very unaccountably, had not taken any measures for ascertaining their course. on sunday, the th, at eight in the morning, light easterly breezes springing up, the fleet weighed at ten; but, in the evening, the wind, having first shifted northerly, unfortunately came again fresh from the westward. at two in the afternoon, next day, the fleet anchored in gibraltar bay. at four o'clock, a levanter came on: at six, the fleet again weighed; and, by midnight, they were abreast of cape spartel, where nothing had been heard of the enemy. in the evening of the th, having steered for cape st. vincent, le tigre was sent to call the transports left by sir john orde, who had sailed for england, out of lagos bay. on the th, le tigre returned with the transports; and the amazon, arriving from lisbon, brought intelligence, communicated by admiral knight, that sir john orde had joined the channel fleet. at nine, in the evening, the fleet anchored between cape st. vincent and lagos bay. the next day, and succeeding night, were busily occupied in clearing the transports, and compleating the fleet to five months. early on the th, his lordship sent the wasp, and the doris transport, to england, with dispatches: at ten o'clock, the fleet weighed; at noon, were off cape st. vincent; and, at one, saw the convoy under admiral knight. they joined at four; and at six, parted company: lord nelson having given admiral knight the royal sovereign; which, he observed, would make him superior in force to any thing ready, either in carthagena or at cadiz. at seven o'clock, the martin sloop was dispatched to barbadoes; and, at the same time, his lordship likewise made all sail to the westward with his comparatively small fleet. the french had twelve ships of the line, a frigate, and two corvettes; the spaniards, six sail of the line and five frigates; to say nothing of the rochfort squadron: while the whole fleet under lord nelson consisted only of ten ships of the line and three frigates. the french had, also, upwards of ten thousand troops, and the spaniards more than two. notwithstanding this inferior strength, which would have deterred many a brave man from risking the responsibility of so hazardous an undertaking, lord nelson had resolved that he would follow them, as he emphatically expressed himself, "even to the antipodes." the ships he had were well equipped, and his confidence in all the officers and men was precisely the same as they themselves felt in their adored commander--he believed them to be absolutely invincible. the ships which accompanied his lordship in this memorable pursuit, were--the victory of a hundred and ten guns, vice-admiral lord viscount nelson, rear-admiral murray, and captain hardy; the canopus of eighty, rear-admiral louis, and captain austin; le tigre of eighty, captain hallowell; the donegal of eighty, captain malcolm; the spencer of seventy-four, the honourable captain stopford; the conqueror of seventy-four, captain pellew; the superb of seventy-four, captain keates; the belleisle of seventy-four, captain hargood; the leviathan of seventy-four, captain bayntun; the swiftsure of seventy-four, captain rutherford; the decade frigate of thirty-six, captain stuart; the amazon of thirty-eight, captain parker; and the amphion of thirty-two, captain sutton. his lordship, now in high spirits, since the destination of the enemy seemed evident, and the wind had shifted in his favour, jocosely remarked to his assembled captains--"there is just a frenchman apiece for each english ship, leaving me out of the question to fight the spaniards: and, when i haul down my colours, i expect every captain of the fleet to do the same; but, not till then." having got fairly into the trade winds, they run, on the st of may, in the last twenty-four hours, a hundred and ninety miles. the next day, they passed the tropic, vulgarly called crossing the line; when neptune performed the usual ceremony, to the no small diversion of the fleet. there were, in the victory alone, his lordship remarks, who highly enjoyed the scene, no less than five hundred persons by whom the tropic had never before been crossed. on the st, at six in the evening, being within two hundred leagues of barbadoes, the amazon was sent forward for information. on the d of june, at day-light, two guinea ships, bound from surinam to america, were seen to the westward; from whom intelligence was obtained, that they were told, the day before, by the beaulieu frigate, that the french and spanish squadrons had arrived at martinico, but the african ships did not know the time of their arrival there. in the evening, a sloop of war was perceived, with the signal of intelligence to communicate; but, missing the victory, his lordship would not shorten sail, as he knew nothing more could be communicated, than when the enemy's fleet had arrived at martinico. next morning, at day-light, barbadoes was seen by the fleet, distant about ten leagues to the west; and, at eleven in the forenoon, his lordship received the salutes of rear-admiral cochrane, and charles fort. the enemy's fleet, lord nelson was now informed, had arrived at martinico on the th of may, with their men sickly: and, on the th, were seen to the windward of st. lucia, standing to the southward; with the view, as was supposed, of attacking tobago and trinidada. general sir william myers, at barbadoes, having very handsomely offered his lordship to embark with two thousand troops for the relief of those islands, the fleet anchored in carlisle bay; and, though very rainy, with squalls of wind, the embarkment immediately commenced, and was continued all night. in the morning, le curieux brig was sent forward, to look into tobago; and sir william myers dispatched another vessel to general prevost, at dominica, to acquaint him with lord nelson's arrival. the happy tidings of his lordship's approach expeditiously spread through all the west india islands. the enemy were not the last who heard this intelligence, which acted with double force against these marauders: it armed with resolution the defenceless inhabitants of even the least tenable situations, by inspiring them with hopes of a speedy and effectual aid to their own manly exertions; and filled with dread and horror those pusillanimous pillagers who had alone confided in their vast superiority of numbers, for the success of their plundering exploits, and now feared the avenging hand of our pursuing hero. villeneuve, the gallic fugitive from the nile, no sooner gained intelligence that the victor on that occasion was likely soon to be once more at his heels, than he again made the most expeditious use of them in returning back from the scene of his paltry depredations; and, with his former good fortune, escaped the chastising hand of our hero, who continued every where seeking him in vain. his lordship, indeed, however aware of the dastardly disposition of the enemy, could scarcely think it possible for such a very superior force as the combined fleet thus timidly to fly before him. lord nelson, in the mean time, having weighed; at eight in the evening, the fleet stood to the southward: and, at eight in the morning of the th of june, they saw tobago. at two in the afternoon, abreast of man of war bay, le curieux joined; with information that an american had arrived at scarborough the preceding day, the master of which said that he had been boarded, three days prior to his arrival, by the french fleet, then standing to the southward, and that they would, he supposed, pass tobago as last night. this account, his lordship considered as a mere fabrication of the american: but, gaining no intelligence on which he could rely, he bore away to trinidada; and, at midnight, bringing to off that island, sent the pheasant to toko for information. at four, next morning, his lordship bore up for the bogasses; and, at sunset, anchored in the gulf of paria, but found that the enemy had not been heard of in the island. at day-light, an advice-boat brought letters from captain morrice at barbadoes, giving an account of the capture of the diamond rock, with the little garrison by which it was defended: and stating, also, that the french and spanish squadrons had not sailed from martinico; but that, as the french commodore told him, the ferrol squadron, of six sail of french, and eight of spanish, arrived in fort royal on the th of june. this intelligence determined his lordship: who, at seven o'clock, sailed from trinidada; and was at noon well out, clear of the bogasses. while his lordship was off trinidad, with his usual gaiety and goodness of heart, he wrote to the governor, that he would rather he sent him a hogshead of _limes_, than a hogshead of _joes_. with him, the health of his people was always the first object; his own individual wealth, ever the last. at six in the morning of the th, he got within sight of grenada; and, at noon, arrived off st. george's bay in that island. a letter from general prevost now informed his lordship, that the combined squadron had passed dominica on the th of june; and, having gone to guadaloupe, for the purpose of landing the troops and stores taken from thence, had been seen standing to the northward. lord nelson, on receiving this intelligence, having dispatched the nelly to antigua, and the jason to montserrat, for farther information, immediately stood to the northward, under a press of sail. the next day, at noon, between st. lucia and martinique, he sent a schooner to general prevost: and, at eight the following morning, tuesday, june , saw guadaloupe; and spoke an american, from boston, who gave no intelligence. at noon, the fleet got within sight of montserrat; and, at two o'clock, saw the jason, at anchor. the news from montserrat was, that they had, on saturday morning, the th, being only three days before, seen sixteen sail under guadaloupe, beating to windward. his lordship, now, also beating up to windward, all night and the following day, anchored in st. john's bay, antigua, at sunset; which island, he learned, had been passed, on the th, by the french fleet standing to the north. having, in the evening, sent le curieux, with dispatches, to england, his lordship, next morning, at day-light, landed the troops for the protection of the islands; got ready for sea; and sailed, at noon, with eleven ships of the line, three frigates, and a sloop of war: when the kitty schooner joined, with the unpleasing information, that the french fleet had, on the th instant, captured it's whole convoy, consisting of fourteen sail. from four in the afternoon, till sunset, his lordship was within sight of barbuda, still standing to the northward. "if," writes his lordship, this day, "i should ask an opinion where the enemy's fleet are gone, i should have as many opinions as there were persons. porto-rico, barbadoes, newfoundland, europe. my opinion, from all the circumstances drawn into one point of view, with the best judgment i can form, is this--i think, that the whole or part of the spaniards will go to the havannah; and the rest of the fleet, to cadiz and toulon: and, upon this opinion, i am going to the straits mouth; unless i should alter it, from information gained." thus determined, every exertion was used, though with little hope, to overtake them, if possible, on their return; and, on the th, at noon, the fleet had run a hundred and thirteen miles from the island of barbuda, and a hundred and thirty from st. john's bay, antigua. on the th, the amazon communicated with a schooner; which had, on the th, at sunset, seen a fleet of twenty-two ships of war steering to the northward. on a computation formed from an examination of the schooner's then latitude and longitude, it appeared that the french fleet were, the night before, about eighty-seven leagues distant. his lordship, next day, forwarded the martin to gibraltar, and the decade to lisbon, with information of the enemy's return to europe. at midnight, on the st, lord nelson saw three planks floating; which, he thought, came from the french ships: and, on the d, at dusk, a piece of a large ship's topmast had also passed by the victory, but was not observed till too late to be picked up. sir john laforey, next morning, informed his lordship that, three days after they left antigua, he had passed close by a bucket; which he supposed, by the make and wooden handle, to be french: also, a large chest, painted red. from this period, till the th of june, the wind proved tolerably favourable; but they now, to use his lordship's expression, barely "crawled" about thirty miles every twenty-four hours. "my only hope is," writes the hero, "that the enemy's fleet are near us, and in the same situation." by a spanish log and chart, taken out of a small bark from la guira to cadiz, his lordship found that the combined fleets went in sight of cape blanco, and passed over to the salvages. on the th, light breezes springing up, the fleet run eighty-eight miles; in the succeeding twenty-four hours, a hundred; and, the day after, a hundred and nineteen. the wind, however, now coming foul, his lordship expressed himself dreadfully apprehensive that the enemy would have too greatly the start of him. the amazon, on the th, was detached to gibraltar; and, the fleet having got into the portuguese trade-winds, they run, next day, a hundred and forty-six miles. on wednesday, the th of july, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, they saw cape st. vincent, distant about nine leagues. by a friendly vessel from rochfort, his lordship learned that the french squadron, of five sail of the line and four frigates, which had sailed from thence the th of january, returned from the west indies on the st of may: having left martinico about the middle of april; after taking several ships, and levying contributions at dominica, st. kitt's, nevis, and montserrat. the last twenty-four hours, the fleet went a hundred and twenty miles; making the whole run, from barbuda, three thousand four hundred and fifty-nine miles. the run from cape st. vincent to barbadoes, was three thousand two hundred and twenty-seven; making the run back only two hundred and thirty-two miles more than the run out: allowance to be made, however, for the difference of latitude and longitude between barbadoes and bermuda. the average of way daily made, on this almost unparalleled pursuit, was thirty-four leagues; wanting nine miles, only, in the whole. at noon, the th, steering for the straits mouth, admiral collingwood passed to the northward, with three sail of the line and two or three frigates. cape spartel was then in sight; but no french fleet, or any information about them. "how sorrowful this makes me!" writes his lordship; "but, i cannot help myself." next morning, at day-light, the fleet bore up for gibraltar bay; where, at eight o'clock, they securely anchored, but could gain no information of the enemy. on saturday, july the th, , while the fleet were employed in compleating provisions and stores--"i went on shore," writes his lordship, "for the first time, since june , ; and, from having my foot out of the victory, two years wanting ten days." having sent dispatches to england, and finished getting ready for sea, next day, lord nelson, on the following morning, ordered the amphion to sir richard bickerton, off carthagena, and proceeded with the fleet to tetuan; or, rather, to mazin bay, about eight miles to the south-east of tetuan customhouse, where the river is very fine, and the situation peculiarly convenient for watering. many of the ships got two hundred tons on board in a single day. several bullocks were here purchased, and a considerable quantity of onions. at noon, on the th, having gained no intelligence, the fleet again weighed, and stood for ceuta; but variable winds, and a thick fog, kept them all night in gibraltar gut. about four o'clock, next morning, the termagant joined, with an account of the combined fleet's having been seen, the th of june, by the curieux brig, standing to the northward. at eight, the spaniards fired a few shot, from tariffa, at the victory; which, however, took no effect. at noon, they saw admiral collingwood's squadron; and lord nelson sent letters to the admiral, with arrangements for preventing the combined fleet from entering cadiz, while his lordship proceeded to seek them nearer home. on the th, the spartiate got on board the victory; but, fortunately, neither ship suffered any material damage. having traversed the bay of biscay, without discovering any thing of the enemy, his lordship, on the th, at day-light, came abreast of cape st. vincent; from whence, with faint hopes of finding them, he pursued his northerly course toward the north-west of ireland, by foul winds, and very unfavourable weather, this proved a most tediously vexatious voyage. unable, after all, to fetch ireland, on account of the northerly winds, his lordship, in the afternoon of august , was informed by the niobe, captain scott, three weeks from the channel fleet, that there had not, at that time, been the smallest intelligence of the enemy's arrival in any of the ports. he also learned, that they had not been heard of on the irish coast. having exhausted every rational conjecture with regard to their situation, he resolved on reinforcing admiral cornwallis with his squadron; lest the combined fleet of france and spain should, by approaching brest, either facilitate the escape of the squadron so long confined by this commander's blockade of that port, or place him aukwardly between two fires. accordingly, on the th, at six in the morning, lord nelson got within eighteen leagues of ushant; and, at half past eleven, saw a fleet. at two in the afternoon, they exchanged private signals with the channel fleet; and, in the evening, his lordship, having detached the rest of his fleet, received orders from admiral cornwallis, as commander in chief, to proceed with the victory and superb to portsmouth. his lordship now first gained information of sir robert calder's having defeated the combined fleet from the west indies, on the d of july, sixty leagues west of cape finisterre; which, at length, relieved him from the anxiety of suspence, though the action had been too indecisive compleatly to satisfy his lordship's mind. he regretted, exceedingly, that it had not been his own good fortune to encounter them; and felt less comforted, than he ought to have done, by the consideration, that this squadron, under sir robert calder, had been sent out to intercept their return, in consequence of his, lordship's suggestions, judiciously transmitted to the admiralty for that purpose, the moment he was satisfied that the combined french and spanish fleet were on their return from the west indies. on the th, at day-light, his lordship was abreast of portland; at noon, saw the isle of wight; and, at eleven at night, anchored off the princesses shoal. having weighed next morning at day-light, they worked up to spithead; and, at nine o'clock, anchored: just two years and three months from his lordship's arrival at portsmouth. a contagious fever having recently made dreadful havoc at gibraltar, where the ships touched, his lordship became subject to the quarantine regulations. however, after communicating, by signal, with the port-admiral, he addressed the following satisfactory declaration to the collector of the customs-- "victory, spithead, august , . "the victory, with the fleet under my command, left gibraltar twenty-seven days ago: at which time, there was not a fever in the garrison; nor, as dr. fellows told me, any apprehension of one. the fleet lately under my command, i left with admiral cornwallis on the th of august; at which time, they were in the most perfect health. neither the victory, nor the superb, have on board even an object for the hospital; to the truth of which, i pledge my word of honour. "nelson and bronte." "to the collector of the customs, or those whom it may concern." in consequence of these positive assurances, lord nelson was, at length, permitted to land; and, during the approach of his barge, a vast concourse of people, who had been assembling on the rampart from the moment his flag was first discovered, hailed the hero's approach with their loudest acclamations. intelligence of lord nelson's arrival in england had no sooner been received by lady hamilton and his nearest relatives, who were then passing a few weeks together at south end, than they hastened to merton place, where his lordship appointed to meet them. the delay in landing, made it late that afternoon before he could proceed thither: but, by travelling all night, he got to merton at six o'clock in the morning of the th; where his friends had already assembled, in anxious expectation of beholding the beloved hero whose presence gladdened every virtuous heart. his lordship, on undertaking this command, had quitted england so very expeditiously, that he could not be present at the grand installation of the knights of the bath, which took place in westminster abbey, on the th of may , the day after his arrival at portsmouth; and, consequently, was obliged to be installed by proxy. on this occasion, lord nelson had been represented by captain sir william bolton, son of the reverend william bolton, brother of thomas bolton, esq. the husband of his lordship's eldest sister; to whose amiable daughter, now lady bolton, sir william had the preceding evening been married, by special licence, at lady hamilton's house in piccadilly. the happy party now assembled at merton place, where the hero ever delighted to see his family around him, consisted of the present earl and countess nelson, with lord merton and lady charlotte nelson, their son and daughter; mr. and mrs. bolton, with thomas bolton, junior, esq. and miss ann and miss eliza bolton, their son and daughters; and mr. and mrs. matcham, with their son george matcham, junior, esq. on the th, in the morning, lord nelson came to london; where he had the happiness to obtain that general approbation of his conduct, from persons of all ranks, which those who have not been eminently successful can rarely hope to experience. indeed, the country seemed generally to participate in his lordship's disappointments, with a sympathy as honourable to the national character as to the hero so worthily applauded. it was felt, that he had exerted himself to the utmost; and that, notwithstanding he had been unable to meet with the enemy, his pursuit had relieved every anxiety from the consequences of their depredations, by forcing to fly before him a combined fleet of force nearly doubling his own. all apprehensions for our colonial settlements were quieted; and, though the small advantage gained by sir robert calder had not much diminished their naval strength, or greatly augmented our own, this was no fault of his lordship, whose superior worth ever became more abundantly manifest on the intrusion of such comparisons. what his lordship would have done, with the same force, similarly situated, according to the general opinion, every where freely expresed, made the nation at large, as well as our hero himself, sincerely regret that he had not been fortunate enough to encounter them. in justice to sir robert calder, however, it must be admitted, there are few naval actions so brilliant, that they might not have been rendered still more so by the presence of such a commander as lord nelson. immediately after his lordship's arrival in town, a meeting of the west india merchants was convened at the london tavern; who, having met on the d, sir richard neave, bart, in the chair, unanimously and expressly agreed--"that the prompt determination of lord nelson to quit the mediterranean, in search of the french fleet; his sagacity in judging of, and ascertaining, their course; and his bold and unwearied pursuit of the combined french and spanish squadrons to the west indies, and back again to europe; have been very instrumental to the safety of the west india islands in general, and well deserve the grateful acknowledgments of every individual connected with those colonies: and, that a deputation from the committee of merchants of london trading to the west indies, be appointed to wait upon vice-admiral lord viscount nelson, to express these their sentiments, and to offer him their unfeigned thanks." the deputation, accordingly, having waited on lord nelson, at gordon's hotel, albemarle street, where his lordship had taken up his temporary town-residence, with a copy of the above resolutions, he immediately returned the following answer. "london, august , . "sir "i beg leave to express, to you and the committee of west india merchants, the great satisfaction which i feel in their approbation of my conduct. it was, i conceived, perfectly clear, that the combined squadrons were gone to the west indies, and therefore it became my duty to follow them. but, i assure you, from the state of defence in which our large islands are placed, with the number of regular troops, and numerous well-disciplined and zealous militia, i was confident, not any troops which their combined squadron could carry, would make an impression upon any of our large islands, before a very superior force would arrive, for their relief. "i have the honour to remain, sir, and gentlemen, your most obliged and obedient servant, "nelson and bronte. "sir richard neave, bart. and the committee of west india merchants." lord nelson had, at this period, no intention of again going speedily to sea. all his stores had been brought up from the victory; and he was, he said, resolved to enjoy a little leisure, with his family and friends, in the delightful shades of merton. the honourable captain blackwood, a few days afterward, brought intelligence that the combined fleets, reinforced by two more spanish squadrons, and now amounting to thirty-four sail of the line, had left ferrol, and got safely into cadiz. all this, however, was nothing to him; "let the man trudge it, who has lost his budget!" gaily repeated his lordship. but, amid all this _allegro_ of the tongue, to his friends at merton place, lady hamilton observed that his countenance, from that moment, wore occasional marks of the _penseroso_ in his bosom. in this state of mind, he was pacing one of the walks of merton garden, which he always called the quarter-deck, when lady hamilton told him, that she perceived he was low and uneasy. he smiled, and said--"no! i am as happy as possible." adding, that he saw himself surrounded by his family; that he found his health better since he had been at merton; and, that he would not give a sixpence to call the king his uncle. her ladyship replied, that she did not believe what he said; and, that she would tell him what was the matter with him. that he was longing to get at these french and spanish fleets; that he considered them as his own property, and would be miserable if any other man but himself did the business; that he must have them, as the price and reward of his long watching, and two years uncomfortable situation in the mediterranean: and finished, by saying--"nelson, however we may lament your absence, and your so speedily leaving us, offer your services, immediately, to go off cadiz; they will be accepted, and you will gain a quiet heart by it. you will have a glorious victory; and, then, you may come here, have your _otium cum dignitate_, and be happy." he looked at her ladyship for some moments; and, with tears in his eyes, exclaimed--"brave emma! good emma! if there were more emmas, there would be more nelsons. you have penetrated my thoughts. i wish all you say, but was afraid to trust even myself with reflecting on the subject. however, i will go to town." he went, accordingly, next morning, accompanied by her ladyship and his sisters. they left him at the admiralty, on the way to lady hamilton's house in clarges street; and, soon after, received a note, informing them that the victory was telegraphed not to go into port, and begging they would prepare every thing for his departure. this is the true history of that affecting affair. her ladyship feels, most severely, that she was the cause of his going; but, as she loved his glory, she could not resist giving him such advice. it is, however, the general opinion of those who best knew his lordship, that he would, in all probability, have fretted himself to death had he not undertaken this expedition. his lordship's services were "not only accepted at the admiralty, but he was vested with powers less limited than had, perhaps, ever before been confided to any naval commander. he was to send home sir robert calder, who had joined admiral collingwood in blocking up the enemy off cadiz harbour with twenty-six sail of the line, and to take on himself the chief command of all his majesty's ships and vessels throughout the whole extent of the mediterranean sea; having full liberty to use his own discretion in following the enemy wherever he should think proper, without the slightest degree of censure or controul. during the few days which he continued in england after being appointed to this important command, he so devoted the little leisure which his professional preparations allowed, to his beloved family and friends, that he refused all public visits, and dined only twice from merton place: once, with his grace the duke of queensberry, who is a near relation of the late sir william hamilton; and once with his esteemed friend abraham goldsmid, esq. and family, at morden. on both these occasions, too, he was accompanied by lady hamilton and some of his own relations. the duke of clarence, previously to lord nelson's departure, took a dinner with him at merton; when his lordship, pointing to his nephews, nieces, &c. who were seated at a separate table, observed: to his royal highness, that the sight of these young persons associated under his roof constituted the chief bliss of his life. among this amiable and interesting group, was miss horatia nelson thompson, lord nelson's adopted daughter, then an infant about five years of age. what real affinity, if any, that charming child may bear to his lordship, is a secret at present known by few; and, as it should seem, by none who feel at liberty to divulge it. she was, certainly, an object of his constant and most tender regard; and, though the family in general appear disinclined to believe her his daughter, it seems highly probable that she is so. should this prove to be the fact, it cannot greatly affect his lordship's reputation; who, it is not to be dissembled, though by no means ever an unprincipled seducer of the wives and daughters of his friends, was always well known to entertain rather more partiality for the fair-sex than is quite consistent with the highest degree of christian purity. such improper indulgences, with some slight addiction to that other vicious habit of british seamen, the occasional use of a few thoughtlessly profane expletives in speech, form the only dark specks ever yet discovered in the bright blaze of his moral character. truth must not be denied, nor vice advocated; but, surely, the candid admission of these disagreeable verities, can never induce a single virtuous mind unjustly to criminate the hero in any higher degree. could the biographer believe, that lord nelson had ever indulged even an idea of dishonouring the wife of his bosom friend, which no one worthy and intelligent person intimately acquainted with all the parties ever yet did believe, he would that moment indignantly throw up his brief. with respect to the mysterious child, whose unfortunate mother may, most probably, now be no more, it is only certain that lady hamilton was induced to receive her, at a very tender age, as his lordship's adopted daughter. they had been godfather, and godmother, in the baptismal ceremony; and her ladyship, at lord nelsons request, kindly undertook the care of miss horatia's education: as she had already done, for some years, that of the present highly accomplished lady charlotte nelson; and, since, of the amiable miss ann bolton. those who have had the pleasure of beholding with what incomparable skill, indefatigable zeal, and ardent affection, lady hamilton discharges the difficult and important duty of cultivating such comprehensive minds to the full extent of their faculties, will agree that lord nelson could not possibly have confided the guardianship of his adopted daughter to any person so well qualified, in all respects, for the due performance of such a task. when his lordship, on the th of may , immediately after compleating his purchase of mr. axe's estate at merton, executed his last will and testament, it does not appear that he made any sort of provision for this infant; nor is she mentioned in the first codicil thereto annexed, the th of the same month: yet, on this last day, it seems somewhat remarkable, the child was baptized in the parish of st. marylebone, though then more than two years of age; and, a very few days after, his lordship first sailed to take the mediterranean command. on the th day of the september following, however, lord nelson added a second and secret codicil to his will, in which he gives and bequeaths to his adopted daughter, miss horatia, the sum of four thousand pounds; appointing lady hamilton her sole guardian, until she shall have arrived at the age of eighteen years: the interest of the said four thousand pounds to be paid to lady hamilton for her education and maintenance. "this request of guardianship," his lordship expressly says, "i earnestly make of lady hamilton; knowing that she will educate my adopted child in the paths of religion and virtue, and give her those accomplishments which so touch adorn herself: and, i hope, make her a fit wife for my dear nephew, horatio nelson; who i wish to marry her, if he proves worthy, in lady hamilton's estimation, of such a treasure as i am sure she will be." in another codicil, dated on board the victory, at sea, the th of february , his lordship gives and bequeaths to lady hamilton five hundred pounds a year, charged on the bronte estate; and, the th of april following, leaves an annuity of one hundred pounds, payable quarterly, to poor blind mrs. nelson, the relict of his late brother maurice: without noticing, in either of these codicils, his adopted daughter, miss horatia. on the th of december, however, in the same year, by a fifth codicil, executed on board the victory, in the gulph of palma, sardinia, his lordship confirms anew his legacy to lady hamilton, and to his adopted daughter: and farther gives to her ladyship two thousand pounds; to his secretary, john scott, esq. one hundred pounds, to buy a ring, or some token of his remembrance; and two hundred pounds to his friend, the reverend alexander scott, then commonly called dr. scott, by way of distinction from john scott, esq. his lordship's secretary, and who has since taken his doctor's degree in the university of cambridge. this distinguished legacy, and the still more distinguished words in which it is bequeathed--not my foreign secretary, chaplain, &c. but "my friend, the reverend alexander scott,"--must ever bear ample testimony of a regard, even at that period, which does dr. scott so much substantial honour. the foundation of this amity, like all lord nelson's strongest attachments, was not merely private friendship, and personal regard, but esteem and affection arising from the ability and zeal of the party to assist the grand object ever uppermost in his mind, that of accomplishing, in every possible way, by artifice opposed to artifice, as well as arms to arms, the happiness and glory of his king and country. dr. scott's secret services, though very properly concealed from the public, are well known to, and liberally acknowledged by, several of the ablest and bravest commanders in the navy; and it was thus, still more than by his unaffected and agreeable manners in private life, that he endeared himself to our incomparable hero, who constantly possessed the most exalted degree of genuine patriotism combined with the truest and most unbounded loyalty. this sentiment must not be overlooked in the contemplation of lord nelson's character. there cannot, perhaps, be a single proof adduced of the hero's violently strong attachment to any individual whatever, though he was a friend to the whole human race, and to every description of worth, if he did not, at the period of expressing his admiration and esteem, sincerely believe the person a valuable coadjutor in some way assisting the prosperity of his king and country. to this noble and virtuous source may be traced the origin of all the friendships which he greatly cherished out of his family; and even his family would have possessed less of his love, had any of them ever been found deficient in loyalty. this was the great bond of affectionate union which bound together so many brave hearts, and rendered the whole fleet one uniformly compact and invincible body. there was scarcely, perhaps, any single individual, among either officers or men, of a truly valorous and loyal spirit, who would not freely have yielded his own life, if necessary, to save that of the adored commander. few were the hours which this exalted man was permitted to enjoy the society of his beloved family and friends in his retreat at merton. the improvement of his house and grounds, though the latter had been rendered delightful since the enlargement, were by no means even yet compleated; and his lordship, who was ever generous to the full extent of his ability, found it necessary, before he quitted england, to dispose of many jewels, and other valuable presents, which were purchased by messrs. rundell, bridge, and rundell, on ludgate hill, for the purpose of paying debts, and providing the various requisites of his present equipment. even this was a state to which such a man should not have been subjected. his income had been rendered considerable, it is true: but the grandeur of his character had rendered him too great for his income; it ought, therefore, to have been sufficiently enlarged. the nation will never be ruined by rewarding such men! numerous public services, it is well known, were in a great degree assisted by the influence of his own private purse; which was never closed against any claims of conceived duty, either professional or moral. ever bountiful to indigent merit, his private benevolences were by no means small; and he was liberal and hospitable, both at sea and on shore, to a very unusual excess. after all, he had not been able conveniently to repay mr. matcham, his worthy and esteemed brother-in-law, four thousand pounds borrowed towards the purchase of merton place. who, then, shall say, on a just consideration of these indisputable facts, that this great man was amply rewarded by his country? the truth is, that he could scarcely effect any thing which he wished, for the due support of that dignity and rank which he had himself acquired; or obtain, for his meritorious family and friends, the proportionate advancements which he was solicitous to see them possess. mr. matcham, it is true, was a man of fortune; but he had a very large family, with abilities which would not have discredited rank. mr. bolton, his other sister's husband, though a gentleman of great abilities also, and with a considerable family, had a very inadequate fortune; and his lordship was particularly desirous to have beheld him, at least, a commissioner of the excise or customs. this, in fact, was what had been repeatedly promised; but his lordship experienced not the happiness of seeing it performed. the present earl nelson, indeed, his lordship's only surviving brother, had been presented to a prebendal stall at canterbury; but, with this not over splendid exception, nothing had been given by government to his lordship's relatives, and very little to any of his chief friends. the claim of lady hamilton's pension, too, which he had so earnestly solicited, though it had been candidly acknowledged, remained still unnoticed: and, during the few days he continued in england, it does not appear to have been revived; probably, on account of the changes in administration which had taken place while his lordship was abroad, as well as the necessity of now confining himself to the requisite arrangements for undertaking his newly extended command. as the day approached when lord nelson must take his departure from merton place, lady hamilton began severely to suffer for having advised the tender of his services. her mind, no doubt, anticipated all the terrible consequences to be dreaded from his excess of valour, and his heroic disdain of death; nor is it at all improbable, that she now most sincerely regretted her enthusiastic zeal for the hero's glory. the consideration of that other impelling principle, the fearful apprehension of seeing him fall a prey to disappointment, should the desired victory be atchieved by any other hand, brought no solace to her bosom, for it scarcely entered her mind. even the spirit and magnanimity of his lordship, were unable entirely to preserve his feeling breast from painful intrusions. though commonly gay, he was sometimes thoughtful. he could not be insensible, that his post was that of danger; and, though he scorned all personal apprehension, he well knew what must ever be expected by a commander resolved never to yield. before lord nelson quitted london, he called at mr. peddieson's, his upholsterer, in brewer street, where the coffin presented him by captain hallowell had been sent; and, with his usual gaiety and good-humour, desired him to get the attestation of it's identity engraved on the lid--"for," added his lordship, "i think it highly probable, that i may want it on my return." that he wished to live, however, is as certain, as that he feared not to die. of a social, tender, and affectionate heart, amid all the corporeal agonies he had suffered, and was doomed during life to suffer, in consequence of his various wounds, added to the still severer and more numerous inflictions on his mental tranquillity, he preserved a chearfulness of disposition which commonly diffused joy and gladness to all around him. if he saw, or suspected, any difficulty or distress, his mind was that moment occupied in endeavouring to afford some adequate remedy. "what will be of service! how shall i obtain it!" he would frequently exclaim to his friends, when he beheld any one unprovided for, of whom he had a good opinion, however slight the acquaintance: and these exclamations were generally followed up by naming some situation suitable for the party, and immediately using all his interest to obtain it. innumerable are the persons whom he thus comfortably fixed, with their families, for life. where he could not succeed, he felt more than the party disappointed; and, on such occasions only, lamented his limited powers. never did man live less for himself. to his king and his country, his family and his friends, his life was entirely devoted; the promotion of their felicity and glory, was the chief source of his own. for himself, he had wealth more than sufficient; but he was too poor, satisfactorily to assist those who were most dear to him. had his remunerations, and his honours, been as largely proportioned to those of the great duke of marlborough, as his merits, and his services, he would not only have aggrandized his own family and friends, but proved a most munificent patron of genius, and a bountiful dispenser of relief to every species of human misery. posterity will say, and it cannot be denied, that our first naval hero was rewarded with too parsimonious a hand. should we ever see his equal, in all respects--which seems no more likely than that we shall behold another shakspeare--it will probably be thought, that he is not unworthy of a dukedom. the king of naples, as the ally of his british majesty, restored to his throne by lord nelson, deemed our hero entitled to the honour of a ducal coronet, with the princely revenue of a dutchy; and it can never be enough lamented, that any official etiquette, in his own country, should have prevented the gracious sovereign who so sincerely loved him, and who was so sincerely beloved by the hero, from bestowing on him, at least, an equal degree of dignity, with the correspondent domains and emoluments for it's due support. how many naval commanders have enriched themselves, by fortunate captures of unopposing treasure-ships, or on long preserved snug stations, without the smallest personal hazard, to a degree far beyond what his lordship ever acquired, who was continually engaged in scenes of the utmost fatigue and peril! all the prize-money he got, was by hard fighting; and it was, in general, only derived from the capture of those ships which his tremendous valour had frequently rendered wrecks of little value. even then, but a small portion fell to his share; as he had, both at the nile and copenhagen, two of the greatest victories ever gained, a commander in chief who was regularly entitled to prodigiously more than himself. it is by no means pretended, that the captors of rich prizes, the possessors of advantageous stations, and commanders in chief, are not all of them justly and most honourably entitled to the vast wealth they have often the good fortune to acquire; it is only lamented, that our hero was, in these respects, constantly so peculiarly unfortunate. after the earl of st. vincent left the mediterranean command, lord nelson was soon superceded by the arrival of lord keith; and, when sir hyde parker returned home, after the battle of copenhagen, his lordship almost immediately followed. on neither of these occasions, nor in the subsequent affair of boulogne, so soon succeeded by peace, could he derive much advantage as a commander in chief: and, though he had now held the mediterranean command more than two years, the terror of his name, by confining the enemy to their ports, prevented it's being very profitable; while the peculiar nature of his situation, with regard to the difficulties of obtaining intelligence, as well as requisite supplies and refreshments, occasioned private expences which considerably abridged his emoluments. it is true that, as far as related to himself, he might have contrived to live in retirement on his pension and half-pay; but he could by no means make any suitable provision for those whom he conceived to have claims on his protection. this expedition, he trusted, would enable him, at length, to accomplish the wish of his heart, by placing all who were most dear to him in situations of easy independence. if he should survive, the brilliance of the glorious victory which he anticipated, might probably qualify himself sufficiently to exalt them; if he should fall, he would not permit himself to doubt, that the generous nation which he loved, and in whose just cause his last blood would be so freely shed, could ever hesitate a moment amply to provide for every beloved object of his anxious regard, with this confident hope bequeathed to the benign protection of his king and country. on friday, the th of september, the victory having been compleatly prepared, dropped down to st. helen's, ready for the hero's reception. to his lordship and friends, this was a terrible day. some of his relatives had previously left merton, that they might escape the dreaded agonies of so painful a separation. mr. and mrs. matcham continued to the last; and sustained, with their best fortitude, the severe shock of such a parting. his lordship, kindly affectionate to all, had repeatedly declared that, from the first prize-money which he should be fortunate enough to obtain, amounting to thirty thousand pounds, he would make a present of five thousand to his brother, and the same sum to each of his two sisters: and, on mr. matcham's expressing a wish that his lordship might retain mrs. matcham's share, he replied--"no; she has an equal claim with her other sister and my brother." so equally did they all participate in his fraternal regards. lord nelson had not, yet, been quite a month in england, and much of even that short period was occupied in preparations for his departure; yet he had, now, lived longer in the society of lady hamilton and his friends, than at any time since the death of sir william. the affection lord nelson and lady hamilton entertained for each other, is not to be doubted; but it was a pure and virtuous attachment, founded entirely on mental esteem. their loves were mutually the result of a most enthusiastic admiration of each other's heroic and magnanimous qualities. those know little of the human heart, who require to be told what this sentiment is capable of effecting; and how little it has to do with the more gross and less durable tie of mere sexual or personal regard. that they would have been united, if his lordship had survived lady nelson, is a fact sufficiently known. in the mean time, never did the most chivalrous knight of antiquity cherish in his heart a more extravagant degree of adoration for the peerless princess of his affections, than that which our hero manifested for this accomplished lady. it was with her image continually before him, that he combated the enemies of his country. her portrait was always placed in his cabin, which he familiarly denominated his guardian genius; and he constantly wore a fine miniature representation of her ladyship's charming features, suspended in his bosom. in short, he always thought, and freely said, that there was not her equal in the universe. the agonies of this parting are not to be described. his lordship, about ten at night, after visiting the chamber of his adopted daughter, and praying over the sleeping innocent, tore himself from her agonized ladyship, surrounded by his remaining relatives, and entered the chaise which conveyed him, by six o'clock next morning, to portsmouth. as a proof of lord nelson's ceaselessly ardent desire for the advancement of his beloved relatives, when his esteemed brother-in-law, george matcham, esq. attended him to the chaise door, his lordship feelingly lamented that it was not yet in his power substantially to serve mr. matcham; who immediately said--"my dear lord, i have no other wish than to see you return home in safety; as for myself, i am not in want of any thing."--"with your large family, my dear mr. matcham," affectionately replied his lordship, "you certainly require a very considerable addition to your fortune!" can any thing compensate, to his family, the loss of such a brother? "friday night," writes his lordship, "at half past ten, i drove from dear, dear merton; where i left all which i hold dear in this world, to go to serve my king and country. may the great god whom i adore, enable me to fulfil the expectations of my country; and, if it is his good pleasure that i should return, my thanks will never cease being offered up to the throne of his mercy! if it is his good providence, to cut short my days upon earth, i bow with the greatest submission; relying, that he will protect those so dear to me, that i may leave behind! his will be done. "amen! amen! amen!" in this, which is extracted from his lordship's own private journal, written at the moment, warm from the heart, as well as in almost every other action of his life, is manifested that exalted desire to promote the glory of his king and country, and that earnest wish to secure every comfort for his family and friends, which animated his heroic soul to perform any exploit, where there was a possibility of attaining either of those desirable objects. lord nelson, on arriving at portsmouth, immediately arranged all his business: and, having embarked at the bathing-machines, got on board the victory, about two o'clock; accompanied by his esteemed friends, the right honourable, george rose, and the right honourable george canning, who dined with the hero while he was preparing for sea. the next morning, sunday, september , at daylight, the victory weighed, with light airs, and immediately sailed. though five ships of the line, and a frigate, were then at portsmouth, almost ready for sea, and under orders to join his lordship, he was resolved not to lose a moment in waiting for them. he had sailed, therefore, from st. helen's, accompanied only by the honourable captain blackwood in the euryalus frigate: but, on the th, being off plymouth, they were joined by the ajax of seventy-four guns, captain brown; and the thunderer of the same force, captain lechmere. lord nelson, on the th of september, got round cape st. vincent; but it was late in the evening of the th, before he arrived off cadiz, and joined admiral collingwood. his lordship was received, by the whole fleet, with every demonstration of the most enthusiastic joy. being fully prepared to impart the particulars of the incomparable mode of attack which he had projected for the occasion, in all that force and vigour of genius which flashes irresistible conviction on the heart, and fills it, at once, with admiration, esteem, and astonishment, his lordship communicated, next morning, with the different commanders; whom he ordered on board the victory, to be made acquainted with the particulars of his intended plan. "i believe," writes his lordship, "my arrival was most welcome; not only to the commanders of the fleet, but also to every individual in it; and, when i came to explain to them the _nelson touch_, it was like an electric shock. some shed tears, all approved. it was new, it was singular, it was simple; and, from admirals downwards, it was repeated--"it must succeed, if ever they will allow us to get at them! you are, my lord, surrounded by friends whom you inspire with confidence."--"some," adds his lordship, "may be judas's, but the majority are certainly much pleased with my commanding them." the letter from which this is extracted, was dated the st of october; on which morning, about four o'clock, our hero had been suddenly seized with a violent fit of those dreadful spasms which often so alarmingly afflicted him, "it is," says his lordship, "very odd! i was hardly ever better, than yesterday. freemantle staid with me till eight o'clock; and i slept uncommonly well, but was awoke by this disorder. my opinion of it's effect, some one day, has never altered! however, it is entirely gone off, and i am only quite weak. the good people of england will not believe, that rest of body and mind is necessary for me! but, perhaps, this spasm may not come again these six months. i had been writing seven hours yesterday; perhaps, that had some hand in bringing it upon me." thus lightly does he speak of his own sufferings, thus good-humouredly notice the little consideration of the country for his individual ease. the euryalus had been immediately stationed close off the harbour of cadiz, for the purpose of watching every motion of the enemy, and instantly communicating whatever intelligence might be obtained; a service for which, lord nelson was persuaded, there could not possibly be a better officer than his friend the honourable captain blackwood. at a more remote distance, but still within sight of the port, a detachment of a few ships of the line was placed in constant readiness to act against any single ships, or small squadrons, which might attempt to push out for sea; between which, and the main body of the fleet, remaining off cape st. mary's, was posted a line of frigates, sufficiently close for the whole to communicate by signal: so that his lordship could always, in a few minutes, be informed of every movement of the enemy. there were now thirty-six sail of the line visible in cadiz, and they bore every appearance of being nearly ready for sea. the following excellent letter, developing the intended arrangements of his lordship; his full confidence of success; and the characteristic chearfulness of his friendly attachment to the honourable captain black wood, originally founded on admiration of that active able officer's professional abilities in assisting the capture of le guillaume tell at malta; cannot fail to gratify every intelligent reader. victory, oct. , . "my dear sir, i have received, from rear-admiral louis, your information respecting the intended movements of the enemy. i am momentarily expecting the phoebe, sirius, naiad, and niger, from gibraltar; two of them shall be with you, directly as i can get hold of them: and, if you meet them, and there is any way of sending information, and their dispatches from gibraltar, keep naiad and phoebe. juno is a fixture between capes trafalgar and spartel. mars, colossus, and defence, will be stationed four leagues east from the fleet; and one of them advanced to the east, towards cadiz, and as near as possible in the latitude. the fleet will be from sixteen to eighteen leagues west of cadiz; therefore, if you throw a frigate west from you, most probably, in fine weather, we shall daily communicate. in fresh breezes easterly, i shall work up for cadiz, never getting to the northward of it; and, in the event of hearing they are standing out of cadiz, carry a press of sail to the southward, towards cape spartel and arache. i am writing out regular instructions for the guidance of the frigates: but, i am confident, these gentry will not slip through our fingers; and, that we shall give a good account of them, although they may be superior in numbers. the royal sovereign and defiance were to sail after the th. belleisle is ordered here. i send you two papers, _i have stole them for you_. ever, my dear blackwood, most faithfully your's, "nelson and bronte." "the honourable captain blackwood." on the th, his lordship sent the naiad to the honourable captain blackwood; with a promise of the phoebe and weazle, as soon as he could lay hands on them: informing him, also, that the defiance had joined, and the royal sovereign was then in sight. the next morning, at eight o'clock, his lordship, after thanking the honourable captain for intelligence respecting a livelihood of the enemy's sailing, and observing that he should wish never to be more than forty-eight hours without hearing from him, observes that-- "agamemnon, belleisle, and superb, and very probably the london, are at this moment on their passage: therefore," he jocosely says, "if mr. decreés means to come forth, (if he would take my advice, which i dare say he will not) he had better come out directly. those," he adds, "who know more of cadiz than you or i do, say that, after these levanters, come several days of fine weather; westerly winds for sea-breezes, and a land wind at night: and that, if the enemy are bound into the mediterranean, they would come out in the night, which they have always done; placing lights on the porpoises and the diamond, and the shoal off cadiz; run to the southward, and catch the sea breeze off the mouth of the gut, and push through, whilst we might have little winds in the offing. in short, watch all points, and all winds and weathers. remember me to capel, parker, mundy, and captain prowse; and, be assured, i ever am your's most faithfully, nelson and bronte. the following short letter, written the following day, is too peculiarly characteristic, and impressive, to admit of any curtailment. oct. , . victory. "my dear blackwood, keep your five frigates, weazle and pickle, and let me know every movement. i rely, we cannot miss getting hold of them, and i will give them such a shaking as they never yet experienced; at least, _i will lay down my life in the attempt!_ we are a very powerful fleet, and not to be held cheap. i have told parker, and do you direct, that ships bringing information of their coming out, are to fire guns every three minutes by the watch; and, in the night, to fire rockets, if they have them, from the mast-head. i have nothing more to say; they will, i hope, sail to-night. ever your's, faithfully, nelson and bronte. cadiz east thirteen leagues, a.m. "the honourable captain blackwood." it was on this day, that lord nelson issued his celebrated instructions for attacking the combined fleet, of which the following is a correct copy. victory, off cadiz, oct. , . thinking it almost impossible to bring a fleet of forty sail of the line into battle, in variable winds, thick weather, and other circumstances which must occur, without such a loss of time that the opportunity would probably be lost of bringing the enemy to battle in such a manner as to make the business decisive; i have, therefore, made up my mind, to keep the fleet in that position of sailing, with the exception of the first and second in command, that the order of sailing is to be the order of the battle: placing the fleet in two lines, of sixteen ships each, with an advanced squadron of eight of the fastest sailing two-decked ships; which will always make, if wanted, a line of twenty-four sail on which ever line the commander in chief may direct. the second in command will, after my intentions are made known to him, have the entire direction of his line, to make the attack upon the enemy, and to follow up the blow, until they are captured or destroyed. if the enemy's fleet are seen to windward in line of battle, and that the two lines and advanced squadron could fetch them, they will probably be so extended that their van could not succour their rear. i should therefore, probably, make the second in command's signal to lead through about the twelfth ship from their rear; or wherever he could fetch, if not able to get so far advanced: my line would lead through about their centre, and the advanced squadron two, three, or four, ships a-head of their centre, so as to ensure getting at their commander in chief, whom every effort must be made to capture. the whole impression of the british fleet must be, to overpower from two or three ships a-head of their commander in chief, supposed to be their centre, to the rear of their fleet. i will suppose twenty sail of the line to be untouched; it must be some time before, they could perform a manoeuvre to bring their force compact to attack any part of the british fleet, or succour their own ships: which, indeed, would be impossible, without mixing with the ships engaged. the enemy's fleet is supposed to consist of forty-six sail of the line, british forty: if either is less, only a proportion of the enemy to be cut off. british to to be one-fourth superior to the enemy cut off. something must be left to chance. nothing is sure in a sea-fight, beyond all others; shots will carry away masts and yards of friends as well as foes. but i look with confidence to a victory, before the van of the enemy could succour the rear: and, then, that the british fleet would be ready to receive the twenty sail of the line; or to pursue them, should they endeavour to make off. if the van of the enemy tacks, the captured ships must run to leeward of the british fleet. if the enemy wear, the british fleet must place themselves between the enemy and the captured, and the disabled british ships; and, should the enemy close, i have no fear as to the result. the second in command will, in all possible things, direct the movements of his line, by keeping them as compact as the nature of the circumstances will admit. captains are to look to their particular line as their rallying point; but, in case signals cannot be seen, or clearly understood, _no captain can do wrong, if he places his ship alongside that of an enemy_. /advanced squadron \ british divisions { weather line ... } . \lee line ... / enemy ... . the divisions of the british fleet will be brought nearly within gunshot of the enemy's centre. the signal will, most probably, then be made for the lee line to bear up together; to set all their sails, even the steering sails, in order to get as quickly as possible to the enemy's line; and to cut through, begining at the twelfth ship from the enemy's rear. some ships may not get through their expected place, but they will always be at hand to assist their friends. if any are thrown in the rear of the enemy, they will compleat the business of twelve sail of the enemy. should the enemy wear together, or bear up and sail large, still the twelve ships composing in the first position the enemy's rear, are to be the object of attack of the lee line, unless otherwise directed by the commander in chief; which is scarcely to be expected, as the entire management of the lee line, after the intentions of the commander in chief are signified, is intended to be left to the admiral commanding that line. the remainder of the enemy's fleet, thirty-five, sail of the line, are to be left to the management of the commander in chief, who will endeavour to take care that the movements of the second in command are as little interrupted as possible. "nelson and bronte." about this period, the following admired extract of a letter to alexander davison, esq. his lordship's most confidential friend, appears also to have been written; which, though published in most of the newspapers, and other periodical journals, cannot be too often reprinted. "day by day, my dear friend, i am expecting the fleet to put to sea; every day, hour, and moment: and you may rely that, if it is in the power of man to get at them, it shall be done; and, i am sure, that all my brethren look to that day, as the finish of our laborious cruise. the event, no man can say exactly; but i must think,--or render great injustice to those under me, that let the battle be when it may, it will never have been surpassed! my shattered frame, if i survive that day, will require rest, and that is all i shall ask for. if i fall on such a glorious occasion, it shall be my pride to take care that my friends shall not blush for me. these things are in the hands of a good and wise providence; and, his will be done! i have got some trifle, thank god, to leave to those i hold most dear, and i have taken care not to neglect it. do not think i am low-spirited on this account, or fancy any thing is to happen to me; quite the contrary: my mind is calm, and i have only to think of destroying our inveterate foe. i have two frigates gone for more information, and we all hope for a meeting with the enemy. nothing can be finer than the fleet under my command. whatever be the event, believe me ever, my dear davison, your much obliged and sincere friend, "nelson and bronte." as, however, the combined fleet did not immediately come out, his lordship soon grew apprehensive that they were very little disposed speedily to venture from port; and, therefore, began to consider how he might annoy them even there. "if they do not come forth soon," writes his lordship, on the th, to the honourable captain blackwood, "i shall then rather incline to think they will detach squadrons: but, i hope, either in the whole, or in part, we shall get at them. i am confident in your look out upon them. i expect three stout fire-ships from england; then, with a good breeze, so that the gun-boats cannot move, and yet not so much but that a gig can with ease row out, i should hope that, at least, the gentry might be disturbed: and i should not be surprised if mr. francis and his catamarans were sent, and colonel congreve and his rockets. but, all this keep to yourself; for officers will talk, and there is no occasion to put the enemy upon their guard. when those things arrive, we will consult how to manage them, and i shall have the two bombs ready by that time." on lord nelson's arrival in the mediterranean, he had felt it his most difficult task to send home sir robert calder. "i had never," said his lordship, speaking on this subject to his confidential friends, "but two enemies in the profession, that i know of, sir robert calder, and sir john orde; nor do i feel conscious of having ever given either of them any just cause of offence. however," added this excellent and exalted man, "i will, at least, endeavour to make sir robert love me." accordingly, on communicating his orders to this unfortunate commander, he earnestly advised him not to return home immediately; but to serve with himself on the expected glorious occasion, after which, there could be nothing to apprehend from any trivial enquiry respecting what might previously have happened. sir robert, however, though he could not but feel sensible of his lordship's kindness, was resolved by no means to protract his justification; and lord nelson, finding him determined to go home, as a last proof of tenderness and respectful consideration for a brother officer thus disagreeably situated, insisted that, instead of sir robert's departing in a frigate, as directed, he should at least have the honour of returning in his own ninety-gun ship, ill as it could at this eventful crisis be spared from that station. thus did the hero willingly hazard a degree of censure from his country, through excess of feeling for sir robert calder; nor is it altogether an extravagant impossibility that, to this generous action, he owed even his own death, which the addition of a ship of such force might perhaps have prevented. in writing to the honourable captain blackwood a second letter, dated the, th, soon after sir robert calder's departure, his lordship feelingly says--"sir robert is gone. poor fellow! i hope he will get well over the enquiry." what a lesson is here of christian virtue, left by our incomparable hero for the contemplation and admiration of mankind. it is asserted, on no light authority, that sir. robert calder had formerly, rather rashly, advised a court-martial on our hero, for his departure from his commander in chief's orders on the memorable th of february; when the great earl of st. vincent, with a generous, noble, and dignified disdain, instantly replied--"you would, then, try a man for knowing better how to act than yourself." lord nelson, in the foregoing letter to the honourable captain blackwood, thanks him for some observations on the salvages, which he will get inserted in the charts; and tells him, that the defence and agamemnon will be this day placed seven to ten leagues distant from cadiz, and two or three ships between the fleet and them: "therefore," says his lordship, "you will be speedily supported, in case of an attempt to drive you off." characteristically adding--"_i should like, most amazingly, to see them try it_!" it has been said, that lord nelson, who was in hourly expectation of being reinforced by seven ships of the line from england, and impatient to encounter the enemy, purposely detached rear-admiral louis, with that number of ships, in the most public manner, by way of encouraging them to risk an action with his apparently so diminished force; and, that this stratagem actually induced admiral villeneuve immediately to sail from cadiz. that the expected reinforcement had arrived, and admiral louis had been thus detached to tetuan, for fresh provisions and water, is most certain; and it is equally certain that the combined fleet, greatly to our hero's wish, however it might be to his expectation, he had the pleasure to learn, next morning; sunday, october the th, on communicating with the phoebe, defence, and colossus, were the evening before seen by them outside of cadiz; but, the wind being southerly, the enemy, consisting of nearly forty sail, could not get to the mouth of the straits. "we were," writes his lordship, for this is transcribed from his own private memorandum of that day, "between trafalgar and cape spartel. the frigates made the signal, that they saw nine sail outside the harbour. i gave the frigates instructions for their guidance; and placed defenced colossus, and mars, between me and the frigates. at noon, fresh gales, and heavy rain. cadiz north-east nine leagues. in the afternoon, captain blackwood telegraphed, that the enemy seemed determined to go to the westward--_and that they shall not do, if in the power of nelson and bronte to prevent them_! at five, telegraphed captain blackwood, that i relied on his keeping sight of the enemy. at five o'clock, naiad made the signal for thirty-one sail of the enemy north north-east. the frigates and look-out ships kept sight of the enemy most admirably, all night; and told me, by signals, which tack they were upon. at eight, we wore, and stood to the south-west; and, at four a.m. wore, and stood to the north-east." to what an eventful period is the reader now conducted, by the hand of our immortal hero himself, in the forcible and unaffected language of his own manly and matchless heart; of that heart, which was, at this aweful moment, glowing with all the heroism of patriotic ardour for his king and country, and anxiously waiting the first dawn of light by which he might be enabled to discover the enemy! it came; and, with it, brought the welcome sight of those whom his whole soul burned to behold. few, and simple, are the words which immediately follow in his lordship's memorandum. "monday, october , . at day-light, saw the enemy's combined fleet, from east to east south-east. bore away; made the signal for order of sailing, and to prepare for battle: the enemy with their heads to the southward." but now, at the very crisis when he is hastening into a battle for his king and country, which he feels confident must end in a glorious victory, though he might not himself survive it, with that potent patriotism and never-ceasing loyalty to his king and country, and that constantly tender regard for those who were nearest to his heart in the bonds of private affection, he thus piously invokes heaven's protection for his king and country; and the protection of his king and country, should he fall in their service, for those most dear to his heart who would thus be deprived of his own. to add to the solemnity, though thus introduced in his lordship's private journal, it has the form, and in some respects the substance, of a codicil of his last will and testament; and is, accordingly, thereto annexed, having been duly proved in doctors commons. "at seven," continues, and unfortunately concludes, his lordship--for these seem to have been the last words written by his own hand, which no man who deserves the name of a briton will ever cease to remember and to regard--"the enemy wearing in succession-- "_may the great god whom i worship, grant to my country, and for the benefit of europe in general, a great and glorious victory! and may no misconduct in any one tarnish it! and may humanity, after victory, be the predominant feature in the british fleet! for myself, individually, i commend my life to him who made me; and may his blessing light upon my endeavours for serving my country faithfully! to him i resign myself, and the just cause which is entrusted to me to defend._ amen! amen! amen! "october the st, , then in sight of the combined fleets of france and spain, distant about ten miles. "whereas the eminent services of emma hamilton, widow of the right honourable sir william hamilton, have been of the very greatest service to our king and country, to my knowledge, without her receiving any reward from either our king or country-- "first, that she obtained the king of spain's letter, in , to his brother the king of naples, acquainting him of his intention to declare war against england; from which letter the ministry sent out orders to the then sir john jervis, to strike a stroke, if opportunity offered, against either the arsenals of spain or her fleets: that neither of these was done, is not the fault of lady hamilton; the opportunity might have been offered. "secondly, the british fleet under my command could never have returned the second time to egypt, had not lady hamilton's influence with the queen of naples caused letters to be wrote to the governor of syracuse, that he was to encourage the fleet being supplied with every thing, should they put into any port in sicily. we put into syracuse, and received every supply; went to egypt, and destroyed the french fleet. "could i have rewarded these services, i would not now call upon my country! but, as that has not been in my power, i leave emma hamilton, therefore, a legacy to my king and country; that they will give her an ample provision, to maintain her rank in life. "i also leave to the beneficence of my country, my adopted daughter, horatia nelson thompson; and i desire she will use, in future, the name of nelson only. "these are the only favours i ask of my king and country, at this moment, when i am going to fight their battle. "may god bless my king and country, and all those i hold dear! my relations it is needless to mention; they will, of course, be amply provided for. "nelson and bronte." "witness, henry blackwood, t.m. hardy." this solemn call on his country can require no comment. woe to the nation, which could dare to neglect such strong claims on it's justice and beneficence! the proverbial generosity of britons will, no doubt, in due time, bountifully display it's accustomed munificence in favour of the parties. the honourable captain blackwood, who is a subscribing witness to the above codicil, after watching the enemy all night, had got on board the victory about seven in the morning: and, with captain, capel, of the phoebe; and captain prowse, of the sirius; remained several hours in consultation with lord nelson. when his lordship became convinced, that the enemy could not possibly avoid an engagement, he displayed the highest degree of animation. confident of victory, he said to captain hardy, and the other officers by whom he was surrounded--"they cannot now escape us! i think, we shall, at least, make sure of twenty of them. i may, probably, lose a leg; but that will be cheaply purchasing a victory." however, it is an undoubted fact, that when the honourable captain blackwood, in taking leave of his lordship, previous to the action, observed that, he hoped they should, in a few hours, meet again; the hero replied, in a firm tone--"my dear blackwood, i shall never again speak to you!" this was no sentiment of despondency, but a strong sense of the danger to be apprehended from so unequal a contest. the enemy's line consisting of thirty-three ships, eighteen of which were french, and fifteen spanish; and the british fleet only twenty-seven: and, by the advantage of size, as well as numbers, they had a superiority of about three hundred and fifty guns. ten thousand of their choicest troops were also distributed throughout the fleet, to ensure success by boarding; and their ships were furnished with fire-balls and combustibles of every description, in the hope of setting our's on fire. the french were commanded, in chief, by admiral villeneuve; and not by admiral decrées, as lord nelson had lately supposed would be the case; with rear-admirals dumanoir and magon: the spaniards, by admiral gravina, commander in chief; with admirals don ignacio morea d'alva, don domingo guadalharas, and commodore don baltazar. the structure of the enemy's line was somewhat new, as well as the intended mode of attacking them. it formed a crescent, convexing to leeward: every alternate ship being about a cable's length to windward of it's second a-head and a-stern, so as to seem a kind of double-line; leaving between them, when on their beam, a very small interval, and this without crouding their ships. admiral villeneuve, in the bucentaure, occupied the centre; and admiral gravina's flag was borne by the prince of asturias, in the rear: but the french and spanish ships appear to have been mixed, without any regard to national arrangement. the mode of attack having been long determined on by lord nelson, and recently communicated, as has been seen, on the th instant, to the flag officers and captains, few signals were necessary. on first discovering the combined fleet, his lordship had immediately made the signal to bear up in two columns, as formed in the order of sailing, to avoid the inconvenience and delay of forming a line of battle in the usual manner. lord nelson, as commander in chief, led the weather column, in the victory; and vice-admiral collingwood, as second in command, that of the lee, in the royal sovereign. the following are the respective ships of which the two british lines were composed-- british van, or weather column. ships. guns. commanders. . victory admiral lord nelson, and capt hardy. . temeraire capt. harvey. . neptune capt. freemantle. . conqueror capt. pellew. . leviathan capt. bayntun. . ajax lieut. pilfold. . orion capt. codrington. . agamemnon capt. sir edward berry. . minotaur capt. mansfield. . spartiate capt. sir francis laforey. . britannia rear-admiral northesk, and capt. bullen. . africa capt. digby. rear, or lee column. . royal sovereign admiral collingwood, and capt. rotheran. . mars capt. duff. . belleisle capt. hargood. . tonnant capt. tyler. . bellerophon capt. cooke. . colossus capt. morris. . achille capt. king. . polyphemus capt. redmill. . revenge capt. moorson. . swiftsure capt. rutherford. . defence capt. hope. . thunderer lieut. stockham. . defiance capt. durham. . prince capt. grindall. . dreadnought capt. conn. senior lieutenants pilfold and stockham commanded for captains brown and lechmere, who were called home to give evidence on the enquiry into the conduct of sir robert calder. frigates, &c. ships. guns. commanders. . euryalus the honourable capt. blackwood. . sirius capt. prowse. . phoebe capt. capel. . naiad capt. parker. . pickle schooner lieut. lapenotiere. . entreprenante cutter lieut. puyer. while they were approaching the enemy's line, lord nelson repeatedly declared, that it was the happiest day of his life; and that, from the plan of his intended attack, he entertained not the smallest doubt that, before night, he should gain possession of at least twenty of their ships. the last signal which preceded the battle, was an emanation from his great mind which will long be remembered; this was a private signal to the fleet, communicating by telegraph the following most emphatic sentiment-- "england expects every man to do his duty." this took place exactly at twelve o'clock, and the battle instantly commenced by the leading ships of the columns attempting to break through the enemy's line: lord nelson, in the victory, about the tenth ship from the van; vice-admiral collingwood, in the royal sovereign, about the twelfth from the rear. when vice-admiral collingwood, at the head of the division under his orders, began the attack, and broke through the enemy's line, lord nelson, turning round to his officers, with the highest exultation, said--"look at that noble fellow! observe the stile in which he carries his ship into action!" the victory, at four minutes past twelve, opened it's fire on the enemy's van, while passing down their line; in about a quarter of an hour after which, finding it impossible to penetrate through, the victory fell on board the eleventh and twelfth ships. the temeraire, captain harvey, by which the victory was seconded, in consequence of the closeness of this part of the enemy's line, fell also on board one of them. these four ships were thus, for a considerable time, engaged together as in a single mass; so that the flash of almost every gun fired from the victory set fire to the redoutable, it's more immediate opponent. in this state, amidst the hottest fire of the enemy, was beheld a very singular spectacle; that of numerous british seamen employed, at intervals, in very coolly throwing buckets of water to extinguish the flames on board their enemy's ship, that both might not be involved in one common destruction. his lordship had been particularly desirous to have began the action, by passing a-head of the bucentaure, admiral villeneuve's ship, that the victory might be a-head of the french commander in chief, and a-stern of the spanish santissima trinidada of a hundred and thirty-six guns, the largest ship in the world. the bucentaure, however, shooting a-head, his lordship, who was thus obliged to go under that ship's stern, immediately raked it, and luffed up on the starboard side. the bucentaure fired four broadsides at the victory, before our hero ordered his ports to be opened; when the whole broadside, which was double shotted, being poured in, the discharge made such a tremendous crash, that the ship was instantly seen to heel. lord nelson now shot a-head to the santissima trinidada. in contending with this ship, on the celebrated th of february , our hero had already acquired considerable renown. having got alongside his tremendous opponent, which he familiarly called his old acquaintance, he ordered the ships to be lashed together. the battle was now raging with a fury not to be described; and the enemy's ships being full of men, and many of them engaged muzzle to muzzle of the guns with our's, the carnage was most horrible. the crash, too, of the falling masts, yards, &c. incessantly mowed down, by the respective shots on both sides, with the almost general blaze, and incessantly tremendous roar, had an aweful grandeur which no verbal or graphic description or delineation can ever faithfully convey to the eye and ear. our hero, amidst this most terrific scene, appeared to be literally in his glory. he was quite enraptured with the bravery and skill of all under his command: he was not displeased to find, that the enemy, in general, fought like men worthy of being conquered; of being themselves conquerors, in a better cause. in a dress richly covered with the honours which he had acquired by his prowess in former battles, he stood a conspicuous object of emulative worth to all the heroic men who surrounded him in this. never had his aspiring and enraptured heart beheld a victory more brilliantly glorious awaiting their noble exertions. ineffable delight, blended with a divine benignity, beamed over the hero's countenance. he felt conscious of being engaged in contending for all that is dear to man; and, consequently, struggling in a cause which could by no means be displeasing to heaven. he doubted little the success of his country, for he knew in what he confided; but he was not presumptuous, for he had early been instructed, that "the battle is not always to the strong." his own personal fate was ever humbly resigned to the will of the great disposer; live, or die, he was alone solicitous that he should live or die in glory. while victory, however, from all observation, appeared within his grasp, he could not but be conscious that individual danger every where hovered around. the santissima trinidada carried full sixteen hundred men; including a corps of troops, among whom were several sharp-shooters. many other ships had, also, tyrolese riflemen on board. amidst the conflict of cannon, fired muzzle to muzzle, showers of bullets were directed on the quarter-deck; where the distinguished hero stood, fearlessly giving his orders, and chearfully abiding every peril. his heart was animated, and his spirits were gay. the stump of his right arm, which he always pleasantly denominated his fin, moved the shoulder of his sleeve up and down with the utmost rapidity, as was customary when he felt greatly pleased. captain hardy, apprehensive that lord nelson's peculiar attire pointed him out as too obvious a mark, advised the hero to change his dress, or cover himself with a great-coat; but he no otherwise regarded the precautionary advice, than by observing that he had not yet time to do so. it probably struck his great mind, that such an act might evince too much personal attention for a commander in chief to possess. in the mean while, the murderous desire of the enemy to single out the officers, continued growing more and more manifest. of a hundred and ten marines stationed on the poop and quarter-deck, upwards of eighty were either killed or wounded. mr. pascoe, first-lieutenant of the victory, received a very severe wound, while conversing with his lordship; and john scott, esq. his lordship's secretary, was shot through the head, by a musket-ball, at his side, captain adair of the marines, almost at the same instant, experienced a similar fate. this was about a quarter of an hour past one o'clock; and, a few minutes afterward, captain hardy, who was standing near his lordship, observed a marksman in the mizen-top of the bucentaure, which then lay on the victory's quarter, in the very act of taking a deliberate aim at his beloved commander. scarcely had he time to exclaim--"change your position, my lord! i see a rascal taking aim at you!" when the fatal bullet unhappily smote the hero; and, having entered near the top of his left shoulder, penetrated through his lungs, carrying with it part of the adhering epaulette, and lodged in the spinal marrow of his back. a shout of horrid joy, from the enemy, seemed to announce their sense of the cruel success. his lordship was prevented from falling, by captain hardy; to whom he said, with a smile--"they have done for me, at last!" as the officers were conducting him below, his lordship deliberately remarked that the tiller-rope was too slack, and requested that captain hardy might be told to get it tightened. in the mean time, mr. pollard, a young midshipman of the victory, not more than sixteen years of age, having levelled a musket at the man who shot his lordship, the fellow was seen instantly to fall. all the surgeons being busily engaged with the wounded, our hero, as usual, insisted on waiting till his turn. the surgeon who examined the wound soon clearly discovered what must be it's fatal effect. lord nelson had attentively regarded his countenance; and, on beholding him turn pale, calmly said--"it is, i perceive, mortal!" the reverend dr. scott, who was looking for his wounded friend, lieutenant pascoe, in the cockpit, to his utter astonishment and horror, discovered that his lordship had that moment been brought down. he immediately seated himself on the floor, and supported his pillow during the whole time of the surgeon's operations; indeed, except for a few moments, when he was sent to call captain hardy, he never left him. after enquiring about the state of the battle, which the dying hero far more regarded than that of his wound, his lordship, who was much agitated, and evidently suffering the most extreme agony, suddenly exclaimed, in a hurried manner--"doctor, remember me to lady hamilton, remember me to horatia! remember me to lady hamilton, remember me to horatia! tell her, i have made a will, and left her a legacy to my country." this was afterward repeated, in a calmer tone, to dr. scott; with whom he conversed, at intervals, in a low voice, but perfectly collected. at times, the pain seizing him more violently, he suddenly and loudly expressed a wish to die. then, again, he would grow calm and collected, and address himself to dr. scott; speaking in low, though broken and unconnected, sentences. at first, he expressed an eager desire for drink; saying--"drink! drink! drink, doctor!" and continually had lemonade given him. after each time of drinking, he was a short time calm and collected, and spoke a few sentences to dr. scott; then, the pain again seizing him, he would hastily call out--"drink! drink!" his lower extremities soon grew cold and insensible, and the copious effusion of blood from his lungs frequently threatened suffocation. his eyes, however, appeared to brighten, and his spirits to revive, on hearing the cheers given by the crew of the victory as the different ships of the enemy surrendered. he frequently expressed much desire to have his face wiped; repeating, to dr. scott--"wipe my face, doctor! doctor, wipe my face!" this being done, for a considerable time, he seemed to receive some comfort; but soon grew prodigiously anxious to see captain hardy. his lordship had several times sent for him; and, not finding him come, began to imagine that he was no more. it was found difficult to efface this idea; and dr. scott felt it necessary himself to call captain hardy, who had been unwilling to quit his post at such an interesting period. about half past four, however, captain hardy attended on his lordship; who eagerly enquired, how many ships were captured. on being informed, by the captain, that twelve, which he could see, had certainly struck; and that, probably, more might have surrendered, as the victory seemed nearly compleat: the dying hero hastily exclaimed--"what, only twelve! there should have been, at least, fifteen or sixteen, by my calculation! however," added he, after, a short pause, "twelve are pretty well!" he requested that captain hardy would bear his kindest remembrances to lady hamilton, and to horatia; and inform them that he had left them as a legacy to his king and country, in whose service he willingly yielded up his life. "will you, my dear hardy?" anxiously demanded his lordship. "kiss me, then!" captain hardy immediately kneeling, respectfully kissed the wan cheek of his adored commander. the dying hero now desired that his affectionate regards might be presented to his brave officers and men: and said, that he could have wished once more to have beheld his beloved relatives and friends, or even to have survived till he had seen the fleet in safety; but, as neither was possible, he felt resigned, and thanked god for having enabled him to do his duty to his king and country. his lordship had, latterly, most vehemently directed dr. scott to rub his breast and pit of the stomach; where, it seems probable, he now felt the blood beginning more painfully to flow, in a state of commencing congelation--"rub me, rub me, doctor!" he often and loudly repeated. this melancholy office was continued to be almost incessantly performed by dr. scott, till his lordship expired; and, indeed, for some time, afterward. the last words the immortal hero uttered, were-- "thank god, i have done my duty!" he had, before, pronounced them in a lower tone of voice: saying--"doctor, i have not been a great sinner; and, thank god, i have done my duty!" then, as if asking the question, he repeated--"doctor, i have not been a great sinner?" doctor scott was too much affected immediately to answer. "have i?" he again eagerly interrogated. a paroxysm of pain now suddenly seizing him, he exclaimed, in a loud and most solemnly impressive tone--"_thank god, i have done my duty! thank god,_ _i have done my duty!_" after pronouncing these words, he had, apparently, suffered no pain; but gradually went off, as if asleep. indeed, every person who surrounded him, except dr. scott, who had long felt the current of life sensibly chilling beneath his hand, actually thought, for some time, that he was only in a state of somnolency. it was, however, the sleep of death, the blood having entirely choaked up his incomparable heart. thus died the greatest naval hero, "take him for all in all," that ever lived. this will probably be said, as long as the world endures. it is not likely that he can ever be equalled, it is impossible that he should be surpassed. the victory of this day, off trafalgar, was one of the most compleatly glorious ever atchieved by britons. about three o'clock, many of the enemy's ships having struck their colours, their line had every where given way, and as many as possible endeavoured to effect their escape. eighteen men of war were taken; and three flag-officers, with a general, made prisoners of war. among the ships captured, were the santissima trinidada of a hundred and thirty-six guns, the santa anna of a hundred and twenty, and the bucentaure of seventy-four: the last having admiral villeneuve, the french commander in chief, on board; as well as general contamin, who had four thousand select troops embarked under his command; and the two former, the spanish vice-admiral don ignatio morea d'alva, who died of his wounds, with rear-admiral don baltazar hidalgo de cisneros. the santissima trinidada, soon after the action, sunk; and l'achille, a french seventy-four, by some mismanagement of the crew, almost immediately on striking, took fire, and blew up. the number of killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, was most prodigious. the french admiral dumanoir, with three french ships, which had no share in the action, iniquitously fired, for some time, while making their ignominious retreat, on the santissima trinidada and other spanish prizes which had struck their colours to our fleet; thus wantonly massacreing their defenceless friends and allies. many of the ships taken or destroyed had upwards of four hundred men killed and wounded on board; and more than three thousand spanish prisoners were liberally sent back to their own country, by the generous conquerors. the bucentaure, it is said, had three hundred and sixty-five killed, and two hundred and nineteen wounded. our loss, too, in killed and wounded, was far from inconsiderable; and many of our ships were materially damaged. the royal sovereign, in particular, was so cut up, that vice-admiral collingwood, after the action, shifted his flag to the euryalus, the honourable captain blackwood, and towed his own ship out seaward. besides lord nelson, two other brave and estimable commanders lost their lives on this most memorably fatal day: captain duff, of the mars; and captain cooke, of the bellerophon. captain duff had two sons on board his own ship; one only twelve years of age, the other about fifteen: early in the engagement, a shot carried away both legs of the youngest; the elder soon afterwards fell; and, finally, their unfortunate father. not even these distressing circumstances were capable of exciting any great degree of generous commiseration for those worthy and gallant victims, so entirely was each heart occupied by agonizing reflections on the loss of him who had, in himself, ever been considered as alone a host. it was a victory the most compleatly brilliant, but never had a victory been gained which conveyed so little gladness to the hearts of the conquerors. every bosom felt oppressed with sorrow, on a day of such triumph to their country; and not an eye closed, in the whole fleet, on the sad night by which it was succeeded, without pouring an affectionate tribute of manly tears to the memory of the godlike hero by whose merits it had been so certainly obtained, and by whose death it had been so dearly purchased. "he will never again lead us to conquest!" sobbed many a bursting heart. "our commander, our master, our father, our friend, our companion, is no more, and when shall we behold his equal? never, never, never!" such was their love of the adored hero, that every virtuous individual in the fleet would gladly have lost his own life to have saved him. it is, indeed, stated as a positive fact, that a seaman of the victory, who was, a little before the fatal catastrophe, suffering the amputation of an arm, actually said to the surgeon--"well, this might, by some men, be considered as a sad misfortune; but i shall be proud of the accident, as it will make me the more resemble our brave commander in chief." before the operation was finished, the sad tidings arrived below, that lord nelson was wounded. the seaman, who had never once shrunk, amidst all the pain he endured, now suddenly started from his seat; and vehemently exclaimed--"good god! i would rather the shot had taken off my head, and spared his precious life!" vice-admiral collingwood, in his letter to the admiralty, describing this great victory, says--"i have not only to lament, in common with the british navy, and the british nation, in the fall of the commander in chief, the loss of a hero, whose name will be immortal, and his memory ever dear to his country; but my heart is rent with the most poignant grief for the death of a friend, to whom, by many years intimacy, and a perfect knowledge of the virtues of his mind, which inspired ideas superior to the common race of men, i was bound by the strongest ties of affection: a grief, to which even the glorious occasion on which he fell, does not bring the consolation which, perhaps, it ought!" when the dispatches, containing an account of the glorious victory off cape trafalgar, with the death of our chief hero, arrived in england, and were perused by his majesty, the king was greatly affected. tears flowed from the royal eyes; and his majesty pathetically exclaimed--"we have lost more than we have gained!" they were read, at windsor, by the queen, to the assembled princesses, and the whole royal group most affectionately wept the fall of the hero. his royal highness the prince of wales, with a dignified excess of grief, most acutely felt the loss of the heroic supporter of his father's house; and a private letter of condolence, which his royal highness wrote to alexander davison, esq. on the death of their inestimable friend, is replete with sentiments which augur highly for the probably future sovereign's adding new lustre to the brilliant throne of his most renowned ancestors. the duke of clarence, too, long united in friendship to the hero, whom he venerated with an almost paternal regard, lamented him with little less than the truest filial sorrow. in short, from the entire royal family, through every subordinate degree of rank and virtue, to the humblest class of existence, wherever the tidings came, tears overflowed every eye, and grief took entire possession of every heart. the glorious victory, though one of the greatest ever obtained by mortal, and though the last, as well as the most splendid, of the hero so beloved; was scarcely considered, by the nation, as an object worthy of those public rejoicings with which very inferior triumphs are constantly attended. cannon, indeed, as usual, announced the intelligence, but their sound conveyed a deep melancholy to the heart; the bells were rung, but their peals inspired no hilarity, and seemed little less than the mournful knells of death; nocturnal illuminations were displayed, but the transparencies which they discovered, amidst the gloom, presented only so many sad memorials of the universal loss, expressed by ingenious devices to the hero's memory, which the spectators beheld with sensations of augmented grief, and one general aspect of expressive but unutterable woe. if such was the state of the public feeling, what must have been that of the hero's dearest relatives and friends; of those who had to sustain all the superadded pangs of a loss so difficult to be supplied for the service of the country, so impossible for the felicities of themselves! several months elapsed, before lady hamilton quitted her bed; and mrs. bolton and mrs. matcham, for a long time, suffered similar anguish and affliction. indeed, even all the younger branches of this amiable and interesting family, as well as their respective parents, evinced the highest possible degree of sensibility and sorrow for their irretrievable calamity; a calamity which, to them, all the honours and emoluments a grateful nation may bestow, extending to his remotest kindred, at present as well as in future, can scarcely be considered as affording any adequate recompence. the great council of the country failed not to express solemnly their strong sense of the irreparable loss, by unanimously voting all the grand ceremonials of a public interment beneath the centre of the dome in st. paul's cathedral, and a monumental erection of commensurate grandeur to rise immediately above the hero's honoured remains. his majesty, on the th of november, was also graciously pleased to elevate his lordship's brother and heir, the reverend dr. william nelson, to the dignity of a viscount and earl of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, by the names, stiles, and titles, of viscount merton and earl nelson, of trafalgar, and of merton in the county of surrey; the same to descend to his heirs male; and, in their default, to the heirs male, successively, of susannah, wife of thomas bolton, esq., and catharine, wife of george matcham, esq. sisters of the late lord viscount nelson. the city of london, the committee of merchants at lloyd's coffee-house, and the respective corporations of several cities and chief towns in different parts of the united kingdom, publicly expressed their sense of the national loss, by the death of it's principal hero; and proposed various plans for perpetuating the remembrance of his transcendent services, by monumental erections, &c. the body of the hero, which had been preserved in spirits, was brought to england in the victory; the crew having positively refused to part with the corpse of their adored commander, till it should be safely landed in their native country. they were resolved, they said, one and all, to accompany him, as it should please heaven, either to the bottom of the ocean, or see his sacred remains deposited in the honoured tomb which would, doubtless, be proudly prepared for them by a grateful nation; and could not suffer the corpse to be sent home in any ship subject to capture by the enemy. after laying in state, a few days, at greenwich hospital, the body was conveyed, with all possible aquatic grandeur and solemnity, to the admiralty; from whence, the next day, thursday, january , , borne on a grand funeral car, and with a pomp of procession scarcely ever equalled the illustrious hero's hallowed remains were finally deposited beneath the dome of st. paul's cathedral. never, perhaps, were the mournful obsequies of any hero so numerously and so respectably attended; never was any human being deposited in the earth more universally and sincerely wept by every eye which beheld any part of the solemn ceremony. the tears of millions, on that melancholy day, bore testimony to his matchless worth; to the truth of that sentiment which he had piously pronounced, in his last moments--"thank god, i have been enabled to do my duty to my king and country!" may the same almighty power inspire the hearts of his king and country, to fulfil, in their utmost extent, every wish and expectation of the dying hero! and may each virtuous individual, in whom the blood of the nelsons shall flow, to the last drop which can be traced, for ever find friendly patronage among the rulers of a nation, which has certainly, at an eventful crisis, been powerfully exalted, and perhaps preserved, by the example and influence of the immortal hero, who so freely and fatally shed his own last drop in the faithful service of his king and country! the end. * * * * * printed by stanhope and tilling, ranelagh